THE TURKISH HISTORY.  
WITH Sir PAUL RYCAUT's CONTINUATION.   


Mahomethes Quartus Magnus Turcarum Imperator Qui nunc Regnat. Anno 1687.   portrait  
Sold by T Basset at the George near St Dunstan's Church in Fleet street.   

THE TURKISH HISTORY, FROM THE ORIGINAL of that NATION, To the GROWTH of the Ottoman Empire: WITH THE LIVES and CONQUESTS OF THEIR Princes and Emperors.  
By RICHARD KNOLLES, sometime Fellow of Lincoln-College in Oxford▪  
WITH A CONTINUATION To this Present Year. MDCLXXXVII.  
Whereunto is added The Present State of the OTTOMAN EMPIRE.  
By Sir PAUL RYCAUT, late Consul of Smyrna.  
The Sixth EDITION, with the Effigies of all the Kings and Emperors. Newly Engraven at large upon Copper.  
The First Volume.  
LONDON, Printed for Tho. Basset, at the George near St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. MDCLXXXVII.   

The AUTHOR to the READER.  
THE long and still declining state of the Christian Commonweal, with the utter ruin and subversion of the Empire of the East, and many other most glorious Kingdoms and Provinces of the Christians, never to be sufficiently lamented, might, with the due consideration thereof, worthily move even a right stony heart to ruth: but therewith also to call to remembrance the dishonour done unto the blessed Name of our Saviour Christ jesus, the desolation of his Church here militant upon Earth, the dreadful danger daily threatened unto the poor remainder thereof, the millions of Souls cast headlong into eternal Destruction, the infininit number of woeful Christians (whose grievous groan under the heavy yoke of Infidelity no tongue is able to express) with the carelessness of the Great for the redress thereof, might give just cause unto any good Christian to fit down, and with the heavy Prophet to say, as he did of Jerusalem, 
Lamen. Jeremy Cap. 13.  O how hath the Lord darkened the Daughter of Zion in his wrath! and cast down from heaven unto the earth the beauty of Israel, and remembered not his footstool in the day of his wrath! All which miseries (with many others so great as greater there can none be) the Prince of darkness and Author of all mischief hath by the persecuting Princes of all Ages, and ancient Heretics his Ministers, laboured from time to time to bring upon the Church of God, to the obscuring of his blessed Name, and utter subversion of his most sacred Word; but yet by none, no not by them all together so much prevailed, as by the false Prophet Mahomet, born in an unhappy hour, to the great destruction of Mankind: whose most gross and blasphemous Doctrine first fantasied by himself in Arabia; and so by him obtruded upon the World, and afterwards by the Saracen Caliphes' (his seduced Successors) with greater Forces maintained, was by them, together with their Empire, dispersed over a great part of the face of the Earth, to the unspeakable ruin and destruction of the Christian Religion and State: especially in Asia and afric, with some good part of Europe also. But the unity of this great Mahometan Monarchy being once dissolved, and it divided into many Kingdoms, and so after the manner of worldly things drawing unto the fatal period of itself, 
Granado in Spain was recovered from the Saracens, by Ferdinand in 1491.  in process of time became of far less force than before, and so less dreadful unto the Christian Princes of the West, by whom these Saracens were again expulsed out of all the parts of Europe, excepting one corner of Spain, which they yet held within the remembrance of our Fathers, until that by their Victorious Forces, they were thence at length happily removed also, after that they had possessed the same above the space of 700 Years. In this declination of the Saracens, the first Champions of the Mahometan Superstition (who though they had lost much, yet held they many Kingdoms both in Asia and afric, taken for the most part from the Christians) arise the Turks, an obscure and base People, before scarce known unto the World, yet fierce and courageous, who by their Valour first aspired unto the Kingdom of Persia, with divers other large Provinces: from whence they were about 170 Years after again expulsed by the Tartars, and enforced to retire themselves into the lesser Asia: where taking the benefit of the discord of the Christian Princes of the East, and the carelessness of the Christians in general, they in some good measure repaired their former losses again, and maintained the state of a Kingdom at Iconium in Cilicia (now of them called Caramania) holding in their subjection the greatest part of that fruitful Country, still seeking to gain from the Christians what they had before lost unto the Tartars. But this Kingdom of the Turks declining also, by the dismembering of the same, there slept up among the Turks in Bythinia, one Osman or Ottoman, of the Oguzian Tribe or Family, a Man of great spirit and valour, who by little and little growing up amongst the rest of his Countrymen, and other the effeminate Christians on that side of Asia, at last, like another Romulus, took upon him the Name of a Sultan or King, and is right worthily accounted the first Founder of the mighty Empire of the Turks; which continued, by many descents, directly in the Line of himself, even unto Achmat, who now reigneth, is from a small beginning become the greatest terror of the World, and holding in subjection many great and mighty Kingdoms in Asia, Europe, and afric, is grown to that height of pride, as that it threateneth destruction unto the rest of the Kingdoms of the Earth; labouring with nothing more than with the weight of itself. In the greatness whereof is swallowed up both the Name and Empire of the Saracens, the glorious Empire of the Greeks, the renowned Kingdoms of Macedonia, Peloponesus, Epirus, Bulgaria, Servia, Bosna, Armenia, Cyprus, Syria, Egypt, Judea, Tunes, Algiers, Media, Mesopotamia, with a great part of Hungary, as also of the Persian Kingdom, and all those Churches and Places so much spoken of in holy Scripture (the Romans only excepted) and in brief, so much of Christendom as far exceedeth that which is thereof at this day left. So that at this present if you consider the beginning, progress, and perpetual felicity of this the Ottoman Empire, there is in this World nothing more admirable and strange; if the greatness and lustre thereof, nothing more magnificent and glorious; if the Power and Strength thereof, nothing more Dreadful or Dangerous: Which wondering at nothing but at the Beauty of itself, and drunk with the pleasant Wine of perpetual felicity, holdeth all the rest of the World in Scorn, thundering out nothing still but Blood and War, with a full persuasion in time● to Rule over all, prefixing unto itself no other limits than the uttermost bounds of the Earth, from the rising of the Sun unto the going down of the same. The causes whereof are many and right lamentable, 
The Causes of the Greatness of the Turkish Empire.  but for the most part are shut up in the Counsels of the Great, as that for me to seek after them, were great Folly: Yet amongst the rest, some others there be, so pregnant and manifest, as that the blind World taketh thereof, as it were a general Knowledge, and may therefore without Offence of the Wiser sort (as I hope) even in these our nice Days be lightly touched. Whereof the first and greatest, is the Just and Secret judgement of the Almighty, who in justice delivereth into the Hands of these merciless Miscreants, Nation after Nation, and Kingdom upon Kingdom, as unto the most terrible Executioners of his dreadful Wrath, to be punished for their Sins: Others in the mean while, no less Sinful than they; in his Mercy enjoying the benefit of a longer time, calling them unto Repentance. Then, the uncertainty of Worldly things, which is subject to perpetual Change, cannot long stay in one State; but as the Sea is with the Wind, so are they in like sort tossed up and down with the continual Surges and Waves of alteration and change; so that being once grown to their height, they there stay not long, but fall again as fast as ever they rise, and so in time come to nothing: As we see the greatest Monarchies that ever yet were upon Earth have done, their course being run; over whom Time now Triumpheth, as no doubt at length it shall over this so great a Monarchy also, when it shall but then live by Fame, as the others now do. Next to these Causes from above, (without Offence be it said) is the small care the Christian Princes, especially those that dwelled further off, have had of the common State of the Christian Common-weal, whereof even the very Greatest are to account themselves but as the principal Members of one and the same Body; and have, or aught to have, as sharp a feeling one of another's Harms, as hath the head of the Wrongs done unto the feet, or rather as if it were done unto themselves: Instead of which Christian Compassion and Unity, they have ever, and even yet at this time are so divided amongst themselves, with endless Quarrels, partly for Questions of Religion, (never by the Sword to be determined) partly for Matters touching their own proper State and Sovereignty, and that with such distrust and implacable Hatred, that they never could as yet (although it hath been long wished) join their common Forces against the common Enemy: But turning their Weapons one upon another, (the more to be lamented) have from time to time Weakened themselves, and Opened a way for him to Devour them one after another: Whereas with their combined Forces (the greedy Enemies greatest Terror) they might long since not only have repressed his Fury, and abated his Pride; but with small Danger and much Glory, (God favouring their so Honourable Attempts) have again Recovered from him most of those famous Christian Kingdoms, which he by Force, against all Right holdeth at this Day, in most miserable Subjection and Thraldom: Many Millions of the poor Oppressed Christians, in the mean time out of the Furnace of Tribulation, in the Anguish of their Souls crying in vain unto their Christian Brethren for relief. By Civil discord the Noble Country of Graecia Perished, when as the Father rising against the Son, and the Son against the Father, and Brother against Brother, they to the mutual Destruction of themselves called the Turk, who like a greedy Lion lurking in his Den, lay in wait for them all. So Perished the Kingdoms of Bulgaria, Servia, Bosna and Epirus, with the famous Island of the Rhodes and Cyprus, betrayed as it were by the Christian Princes, their Neighbours, by whom they might have easily been relieved. So the most Flourishing and Strong Kingdom of Hungary, (in the Relics whereof, the Fortune of the Turkish Empire hath longer stuck, than in the Conquest of any other Kingdom▪ by it attempted whatsoever) divided in itself by the Ambition of Princes, and Civil discord, the Weaker still calling unto his Aid, the mighty Power of the Turk, is long since for the most part become to him a Prey; the poor remainders thereof, being at this Day hardly Defended by the Forces of the Christian Emperor, and of the Princes his Confederates; seldom times meeting together with such Cheerfulness or Expedition, as the Necessity of so great a Matter requireth. Unto which so great a Cause of the common decay, may be added the evil Choice of our Soldiers employed in those Wars, who taken up hand over head, out of the promiscuous common People, are for the most part Untrained men, serving rather for show, and the filling up of Number, than for Use; and in no respect to be compared with the Turks janissaries, and other his most expert Soldiers, continually even from their Youth Exercised in feats of Arms. Not to speak in the mean time of the want of the Ancient Martial Discipline, the wholesome preservative of most Puissant Armies, which breedeth in the Proud Enemy a Contempt of the Christian Forces, with a full persuasion of himself, that he is not by such Disordered and Weak means to be withstood. But to come near unto the Causes of the Turks greatness, and more proper unto themselves, as not depending of the improvident Carelessness, Weakness, Discord, and Imperfections of others: First, in them is to be Noted an ardent and infinite Desire of Sovereignty, wherewith they have long since promised unto themselves the Monarchy of the whole World, a quick motive to their so haughty Designs: Then, such a rare Unity and Agreement amongst them, as well in the manner of their Religion, (if it be so to be called) as in matters concerning their State; (especially in all their Enterprises, to be taken in hand for the augmenting their Empire) as that thereof they call themselves Islami, that is to say, Men of one Mind, or at Peace amongst themselves; so as it is not to be Marvelled, if thereby they grow Strong themselves, and Dreadful to others: join unto this their Courage, conceived by the wonderful Success of their perpetual Fortune, their notable Vigilancy in taking the advantage of every Occasion, for the enlarging of their Monarchy; their Frugality and Temperateness in their Diet, and other manner of Living, their careful observing of their Ancient Military Discipline, their Cheerful and almost Incredible Obedience unto their Princes and Sultan's; such, as in that point no Nation in the World was to be worthily compared unto them: All great Causes why their Empire hath so mightily increased, and so long continued. Whereunto may be added the two strongest Sinews of every well Governed Commonweal; Reward propounded to the Good, and Punishment threatened unto the Offender; where the prize is for Virtue and Valour set up, and the way laid open for every common Person, be he never so meanly Born, to aspire unto the greatest Honours and Preferments both of the Court and of the Field, yea even unto the nearest Affinity of the Great Sultan himself; if his Valour or other Worth shall so Deserve: When as on the contrary part, the Disloyal or Cowardly, is to expect from the same Sovereign Power, nothing but Disgrace, Death, and Torture. And yet these great ones, not contented by such Commendable and Lawful means, still to extend or establish their far spreading Empire, if that point once come in question, they stick not in their Devilish Policy to break and infringe the Laws both of Nations and Nature. Their Leagues, grounded upon the Law of Nations, be they with never so Strong Capitulations concluded, or Solemnity of Oath confirmed, have with them no longer Force than standeth with their own Profit, serving indeed but as Snares to entangle other Princes in, until they have singled out him whom they purpose to Devour; the rest fast bound by their Leagues, still looking on, as if their own turn should never come; yet with no more assurance of their Safety by their Leagues, than had the other whom they see Perish before their faces. As for the kind Law of Nature, what can be thereunto more contrary, than for the Father most unnaturally to imbrue his Hands in the Blood of his own Children? And the Brother to become the Bloody Executioner of his own Brother? A common matter among the Ottoman Emperors. All which most Execrable and Inhuman Murders, they cover with the pretended safety of their State, as thereby freed from the fear of all aspiring Competitors, (the greatest torment of the Mighty) and by the Preservation of the Integrity of their Empire, which they thereby keep whole and entire unto themselves, and so deliver it as it were by Hand from one to another, in no part dismembered or impaired. By these and such like means in this Barbarous Empire (of almost nothing) grown to that height of Majesty and Power, as that it hath in Contempt all the rest; being itself not Inferior in Greatness and Strength, unto the greatest Monarchies that ever yet were upon the face of the Earth, the Roman Empire only excepted. Which how far it shall yet further spread, none knoweth, but he that holdeth in his Hand all the Kingdoms of the Earth, and with his Word boundeth the raging of the Sea, so that it cannot further pass. Moved with the Greatness and Glory, of this so Mighty and Dreadful an Empire, grown for the most part out of the Ruin of the Christian Commonweal, with the utter Subversion of many great and Flourishing Kingdoms, and Woeful fall of many more, Right Puissant and Mighty Princes, not without Grief to be remembered; I long since (as many others have) entered into the heavy Consideration thereof, purposing so to have contented myself with a light View of that which might well be for ever of all good Christians Lamented, but hardly or never Remedied; until that afterwards led with a more earnest Desire to know the Strange and Fatal Mutations by this Barbarous Nation in former time brought upon a great part of the World, as also so much as I might, to see so great a Terror of the present time, and on what Terms it standeth with the rest, I had with long Search and much Labour, mixed with some Pleasure and mine own reasonable Contentment, passed through the whole Melancholy Course of their Tragical History: Yet without purpose ever to have commended the same or any part thereof, unto the Remembrance of Posterity, as deeming it an Argument of too high a reach, and fitter for some more happy Wit, better furnished with such helps both of Nature and Art, as are of necessity requisite for the Undertaking of so great a Charge, than was myself, of many Thousands the Meanest. Being not unmindful also of that which the Poet (keeping decorum) saith in like case, though far less matter, of himself: 
Cum canerem Reges & praelia, Cinthius aurem  
Vellit, & admonuit: Pastorem Titere pingues  
Pascere oportet oves, deductum ducere carmen.  
When I did Sing of Mighty Kings, or else of Bloody War,  
Apollo plucked me by the Ear, and said I went too far:  
Beseems a Shepherd Titterus, his fa●lings for to feed,  
And for to fit his Rural Song unto his slender Reed.   
Besides that, so many Difficulties even at the first presented themselves unto my View, as to overcome the same, if I should take the Labour in hand, seemed to me almost impossible: For beside the Sea and World of matter I was to pass through, (requiring both great Labour and Time) full of the most rare Example, both of the better and worse Fortune, in Men of all sorts and conditions, yielding more Pleasure unto the Reader, than Facility to the Writer; I saw not any (among so many as had taken this Argument in hand) whom I might as a sure Guide or Load-star, long follow in the Course of this so great a History: Many Right Worthy, and Learned Men (whose Memory my Soul honoureth) contenting themselves, to have with their Learned Pens enroled in the Records of never dying Fame; some, one great Expedition or Action, some another, as in their times they fell out; yea, the Turkish Histories and Chronicles themselves (from whom the greatest light, for the continuation of the History, was in reason to have been expected) being in the Declaration of their own Affairs, (according to their Barbarous manner) so sparing and short, as that they may of right be accounted rather short rude Notes, than just Histories, rather pointing Things out, than declaring the same, and that with such Obscurity, by changing the ancient and usual Names, as well of whole Kingdoms, Countries, and Provinces, as of Cities, Towns, Rivers, Mountains and other Places; yea and oftentimes Men themselves into other Strange and Barbarous Names of their own devising; in such sort as might well stay an intentive Reader, and deprive him of the Pleasure, together with the Profit he might otherwise expect by the Reading thereof; whereunto to give Order, Perspicuity and Light, would require no small Travail and Pain: Not to speak in the mean time of the diversity of Reports in the Course of the whole History, such as is oftentimes most hard, if not altogether impossible to Reconcile. Notwithstanding all which Difficulties, with many others more proper unto myself, having with long Labour and diligent Search, passed through the Course of the whole History, and so in some reasonable sort satisfied myself therein, I thought it not amiss, as well for the Worthiness of the matter, as for the Zeal I bear to the Christian Common-weal, and for the satisfying also of some others my good Friends very desirous of the same, to make proof if out of the dispersed Works of many Right Worthy Men, I could set down one orderly and continuate History of this so Mighty an Empire, with the Great and Fatal mutation, or rather Subversion of many Right Strong and Flourishing Kingdoms and States, (the proper Work of mighty Empires, still increasing by the fall of others) wherewith this proud Monarchy hath already daunted a great part of the World, being so many and so strange, as that more or more wonderful were not ever to be seen in any of the greatest Monarchies of ancient Time or Memory; and so together, and as it were under one View, and at one Show; to lay open unto the Christian Reader, what I was glad to seek for out of the confused Labours of many: A Work so Long and Laborious, as might well have deterred a Right Resolute and Constant Mind from the undertaking thereof, being as yet to my Knowledge not undergone or performed by any: Wherein, among such Variety, or more truly to say, contrariety of Writers, I did content myself, as a blind man led by his Guide, happily of no better sight than himself, 
The Order of the Author's Proceeding, in the Writing of this History.  to tread the steps of this or that one man, going for a while before me, and by and by leaving me again stumbling in the Dark: But out of the Learned and Faithful Works of many, according to my simple judgement, to make Choice of that was most probable, still supplying with the perfections of the better, what I found wanting or defective in the Weaker, propounding unto myself no other Mark to aim at, than the very Truth of the History; as that which is itself of Power to give Life unto the Dead Letter, and to cover the Faults escaped in the homely Penning, or compiling thereof. Which the better to perform, I Collected so much of the History as possibly I could, out of the Writings of such as were themselves present, and as it were Eye-witnesses of the greatest part of that they Writ, and so as of all others best able, most like also to have left unto us the very Truth. Such is the greatest part of so much of the History of the Greek Empire, as I have (for the better Understanding, of the rising of the Turks in this History set down) gathered out of the Doings of Nicetas Choniates, Nicephorus, Gregoras, and Laonicus Chalcocondiles, all Writing such Things as they themselves saw, or were for most part in their time, and near unto them done. Such are the Wonderful and almost Incredible Wars betwixt old Amurath the Second, and his Foster-Child the Fortunate Prince of Epirus, of the Turks commonly called Scanderbag, and by that wayward Tyrant at his Death, together with his Kingdom, delivered, as it were, by Inheritance, unto his Son, the Great and Cruel Sultan Mahomet, all Written by Marinus Barletius, himself an Epirot, and in all those troublesome Times then living in Scodra, a City of the Venetians joying upon Epirus. Such is the Woeful Captivity of the Imperial City of Constantinople, with the miserable Death of the Greek Emperor Constantinus Palaeologus, and the Fatal Ruin of the Greek Empire, Written by Leonardus Chiensis, Archbishop of Mytilene, being himself then present, and there taken Prisoner. Such is the Lamentable History of the Rhodes, taken for most out of Ja. Fontanus his Three Books de bello Rhodio, a Learned Man then present, and in great Credit with Villerius the great Master, at such time as that famous Island, after it had by him and the other Worthy Knights of the Order, been most wonderfully of long Defended, was to the great ruth of Christendom taken by the Great Sultan Solyman. Such is the most Tragical History of Bajazet, Soliman's youngest Son, Collected out of the notable Epistles of Augerius Busbequius, Legationis Turcicae, he himself then lying Ambassador for the Empiror Ferdinand at Constantinople, and present in Soliman's Camp, at such time as he himself in Person, went over with his Army into Asia, to Countenance his eldest Son Selimus, who Succeeded him in the Empire, against his Valiant younger Brother Bajazet, and beside well acquainted with the Great Bassas, Achmet, Rustan, Haly, and others, oftentimes mentioned in the History following. Such is also the History of the taking of the ancient City of Tripoli in Barbary, from the Knights of Malta, by Sinan the proud Bassa, Written by Nicholas Nicholy, Lord of Ar●euile, present at the same time with the Lord of Aramont, than Ambassador for the French King unto Solyman. So might I say also of the miserable spoil of the Fruitful and Pleasant Islands of the Mediterranean, made by Lutzis Bassa, Solyman his Brother in Law, and Great Admiral, with the submitting of the Island of Naxos, to the Turks Obeisence, Written by John crisp, at that time Duke of the same Island. And so likewise of divers other parts of the History, too long to rehearse. But forasmuch as every Great and Famous Action, had not the Fortune to have in it a Caesar, such as both could and would commend unto Posterity, by Writing that, whereof they might truly say, They were themselves a great part, many Right Excellent Generals contenting themselves with the Honour of the Field, and their Glory there Won, leaving the Honourable Fame thereof to be by others reported, for lack of such most certain Authors, or rather (as I before said) Eye-witnesses, I gathered so much as I could of what remained, out of the Works of such as being themselves Men of Great Place, and well acquainted with the Great and Worthy Personages of their Time, might from their Mouths, as from certain Oracles, Report the undoubted Truth of many most Famous Exploits done both by themselves and others: As might Pau. Jovius from the mouth of Muleasses King of Tunes, from Vastius the Great General, from Auria the Prince of Melphis, Charles the Emperor his Admiral, and such others: Or, else out of the Writings of such as were themselves great Travellers into the Turks Dominions, and withal, diligent observers of their Affairs and State, as were the Physicians Pantaleon, Minadoie, and Leunclavius, (of all others a most curious Searcher of their Antiquities and Histories) unto which great Clerks, and some others of that Learned Profession, we may Worthily attribute the greatest Light and Certainty of that is Reported, of a great part of the Turkish Affairs. But these in the Course, of so long a History failing also (as by conferring that which is hereafter Written, together with their Histories, is easily to be perceived) to perfect that I had taken in Hand, I took my refuge unto the Writings of such other Learned and Credible Authors, as of whose Integrity and Faithfulness, the World hath not to my Knowledge at any time yet doubted: Yea, for these few late Years, I was glad out of the Germane and Italian Writers in their own Language, in part to borrow the Knowledge of these late Affairs: As also from the credible and certain Report, of some such Honourable minded Gentlemen of our own Country, as have either for their Honour's sake served in these late Wars in Hungary, or upon some other Occasions, spent some good times in Travelling into the Turks Dominions; but especially unto the Imperial City of Constantinople, the chief Seat of the Turkish Empire, and Place of the Great Turk's abode: Amongst whom, I cannot but deservedly remember my kind Friend and Cousin M. Rog. How, unto whose discreet and curious Observations, during the time of his late abode at Constantinople, I justly account myself for many things beholden. In which Course of my Proceeding, if the Reader find not himself so fully satisfied, as he could desire, I would be glad, by him myself, to be better informed; as being no less desirous to learn the Truth, of that I know not, than willing to impart to others, that little which I know.  
So Wishing thee all Happiness, I bid thee farewell. R. KNOLLES. Sandwich, Marti● ult. 1610.   

The General HISTORY OF THE TURKS, Before the Rising of the Ottoman Family, With all the Noble EXPEDITIONS of the Christian Princes against them.  
THE glorious Empire of the Turks, the present Terror of the World, hath amongst other things nothing in it more wonderful or strange, than the poor beginning of itself, so small and obscure, as that it is not well known unto themselves, or agreed upon even among the best Writers of their Histories, from whence this barbarous Nation, that now so triumpheth over the best part of the World, first crept out or took their beginning. 
Divers Opinions concerning the beginning of the Turks.  Some (after the manner of most Na●ions) derive them from the Trojans, led thereunto by the affinity of the words Turci and Teucri, supposing (but with what probabily I know not) the word Turci or Turks to have been made of the corruption of the word Teucri, the common name of the Trojans: as also for that the Turks have of long most inhabited the lesser ASIA, wherein the ancient and most famous City of TROY sometime stood. No great reason in my deeming; yet give the Authors thereof leave therewith to please themselves, as well as some others, which dwelling much further off, borrow, or rather force their beginning from thence, without any probability at all; and that with such earnestness, as if they could not elsewhere have found any so honourable Ancestors. Othersome report them to have first come out of PERSIA, and of I wot not what City there to have taken their name: neither want there some which affirm them to have taken their beginning out of ARABIA, yea and some out of SYRIA, with many other far fet devices concerning the beginning and name of this people: all serving to no better purpose, than to show the uncertainty thereof. Among others, Philip of MORNAY the noble and learned Frenchman, in his worthy Work concerning the trueness of the Christian Religion, seemeth (and that not without good reason) to derive the Turks, together with the Tartars, from the Jews, namely from the Ten Tribes, which were by Salmanaser King of ASSIRIA, in the time of Oseas' King of ISRAEL, carried away into Captivity, 
2 King. 17 4 Esdr. 13▪  and by him confined into MEDIA, and the other unpeopled Countries of the North: whose going thither is not unaptly described by Esdras, where among the great hordes of the Tartars, in the farthest part of the World Northward, even at this day are found some, that still retain the names of Dan, Zabulon and Naphthali, a certain argument of their descent: whereunto also the word Tartar or Tatar, signifying in the Syrian-Tongue, remnants or leave; and the word Turk, a word of disgrace, signifying in Hebrew, banished men, seemeth right well to agree. Besides that, in the Northern Countries of RUSSIA, SARMATIA, and LYTHUANIA, are found greater store of the Jewish Nation, than elsewhere, and so nearer unto the Tartarians still the more: whereunto Io. Leunclavius the most curious Searcher out of the Turks Antiquities and Monuments, 
Jo. Leunclavius Pandect. cap. 22.  addeth as a farther Con●ecture of the descent of those barbarous Northern people from the Jews, That in his travel through LIVONIA into LYTHUANIA in the Country near unto the Metropolitan City of RIGA, he found there the barbarous people of the Lettoes, quite differing in Language from the other Countrypeople of the Curons and Estons, no less barbarous than themselves; who had always in their mouths as a perpetual lamentation, which they with doleful moans daily repeated abroad in the fields, jeru, jeru, Masco Lon: whereby they were thought to lament over JERUSALEM and DAMASCUS, as forgetful of all other things in their ancient Country, after so many worlds of years, and in a desolate place so far distant thence. 
Sebast. Munster Universalis Cosmograph. lib. 2.  And Munster in his Description of LIVONIA, repeating the like words, reporteth, That this rude people being demanded what they meant by these words so often and so lamentably by them without cause uttered: answered, That they knew no more, than that they had been so of long taught by their Ancestors But to leave these Opinions concerning their beginning, so divers and uncertain, and to follow greater probabilities: as concerning the place from whence they came, it is upon better ground thought by divers others, and those of the best Historians, That this barbarous Nation which hath of late brought such fatal mutations upon so great a part, not of Christendom only, but even of the whole World, took their first beginning out of the bare and cold Country of SCYTHIA: 
Scythia the native Country of the Turks. Pomp. Mela, lib. 1. cap. ult.  induced thereunto both by the Authority of the greatest Cosmographers, as by most apparent reasons. Pomponius Mela the Describer of the World, reckoning up the people near unto the great River TANAIS (the bounder of EUROPE from ASIA Eastward) amongst others maketh mention of the Turks, in these words, Geloni urbem ligneam habitant. juxta Thyrsagetae Turcaeque vastas sylvas occupant, alunturque venando. Tum continuis rupibus late aspera & deserta regio ad Arympheo● usque permittitur. The Geloni inhabit a City of Wood, and fast by the Thyrsagets and Turks possess the vast Forests, and live by hunting. Then, a rough and desert Country, with continual Rocks, is spaciously extended even as far as unto the Arympheians. Pliny also in like manner reckoning up the Nations about the Fens of MAEOTIS, 
Plin. secundus, lib. 6. ca 7.  agreeing with that Mela reporteth, saith, Deinde, Euazae, Cottae, Cicimeni, Messeniani, Costobocci, Choatrae, Zigae, Dandari, Tussagetae, Turcae, usque ad solitudines saltuosis convallibus asperas, ultra quos Arymphei qui ad Riphaeos' pertinent montes: Next unto them, are the Euazae, Cottae, Cicimeni, Messeniani, Costobocci, Choatrae, Zigae, Dandari, the Thussagets and Turks, unto the deserts rough with woody Valleys: beyond whom are the Arympheians, which border upon the Riphean mountains. And Ptolemy in the Description of SARMATIA ASIATICA, maketh mention of the Tusci, whom many learned men suppose to have been the same Nation with the Turks. Unto which ancient Testimonies of reverend Antiquity, 
The great agreement betwixt the Turks and Scythians.  add the manners and conditions of the Turks, their ancient attire, their gesture, their gate, their weapons, and manner of riding and fight, their language and dialect, so well agreeing with the Scythians; and a man shall find matter enough sufficient to persuade him in reason, that the Turks have undoubtedly taken their beginning from the Scytheses; whom they in so many things resemble, and with whom of all other Nations they best agree.  

When and for what causes the the Turks left their ancient and natural Seats in Scythia, to seek others in the Countries more Southerly.  Now it hath been no less doubted also, among the Writers of the Turks Histories, at what time, and for what causes the Turks (to the trouble of the World) left their natural Seats in the cold Country of SCYTHIA, to seek themselves others in more pleasant and temperate Countries more Southerly, than it had been of their Original beginning. Blondus and Platina report them, enforced with a general want, to have forsaken their native Country, and followed their better fortune, in the year of our Lord, 755. with whom also Segonius agreeth in the cause of their departure, 
755.  but not in the time or place when or whereby they departed: for they (as he saith) issued out of their dwelling places in the year of Grace, 844. by the Straits of the Mountain CAUCASUS: 
844.  whereas the other with greater probability suppose them to have come forth by the Caspian Straits: which the Turks also (as saith Sabellicus) affirm of themselves, 
S●bellicus, Ennead. 9 lib. 2.  their Ancestors (as they say) being by their Neighbours driven out of the Caspian Mountains. Some others there be tha● report them to have forsaken their native Country▪ neither enforced thereunto by necessity, or the power of others; but for their valour sent for by the Sultan of PERSIA, to aid him in his Wars: unadvisedly supposing that to have been the cause of their first coming out, which indeed happened long time after, as in the process of this History shall appear. But whatsoever the aforesaid causes of want, or of the enemy's power, might enforce them unto, a greater power no doubt it was that stirred them up, even the hand of the Almighty, who being the Author of all Kingdoms upon Earth, as well those which he hath appointed as Scourges wherewith to punish the World, as others more blessed, will have his work and purpose full of Divine Majesty, to appear in the stirring of them up from right small beginnings, in the increasing and establishing of thei● greatness and power, to the astonishment of the World; and in the ruin and destruction of them again, the course of their appointed time once run. As for the difference of the time of their coming forth, before remembered, it may reasonably be referred to the divers emotions of that people, who being not under the command of any one, but of their divers Governors, as the manner of that people was, are not to be thought to have come forth all at once, either for one cause; but at divers times, some sooner, some later, and that for divers causes. This people thus stirred up, and by the Caspian Ports passing thorough the Georgian Country, then called IBERIA, near unto the Caspian Sea, first seized upon a part of the greater ARMENIA, 
Armenia, now called Turcomania, the first Seat of the Turks, after their first coming out of Scythia.  and that with so strong hand, that it is by their Posterity yet holden at this day, and of them called TURCOMANIA; of all other the most true Progeny of the ancient Turks. In which great Country they of long under their divers Leaders, in the manner of their living most resembling their Ancestors, roamed up and down with their Families and herds of cattle, after the manner of the Scythian Nomads, their Country men, without any certain places of abode, yet at great Unity among themselves, as not having much to lose, or wherefore to strive.  

The first Kingdom of the Turks erected in Persia by Tangrolipix, Chieftain of the Selzuccian Family: with the success thereof.  
THis wand'ring and unregarded people, but now the terror of the world, thus first seated in ARMENIA, long time there lived in that wide Country, after their rude and wont manner, (from which the Turcoman Nation their Posterity in that place, even at this day, as we said, much differeth not) and not only notably defended the Country, thus by them at the first possessed, but still encroaching farther and farther, and gaining by other men's harms, became at length dreadful unto their Neighbours, and of some fame also farther off: whereunto the effeminate cowardice of those delicate people of ASIA, with whom they had to do, gave no less furtherance than their own valour; being nevertheless an hardy rough people, though not much skilful or trained up in the feats of War.  
The ●ame of the●e Turks, together with their fortune, thus daily increasing, and the mighty Empire of the Saracens as fast declining, which under their Chaliphs', the Successors of the false Prophet Mahomet, having in less than th● space of two hundred years overspread not only the greatest part of ASIA and afric, even unto GADES and the Pillars of Hercules; but also passing over that straight, had overwhelmed almost all SPAIN; and not there staying, but passing the Pirenei, had pierced even into the heart of France, and divers other parts of Christendom, as namely ITALY, SICILY, the famous Island of the RHODES, with many others of the MEDITERRANEAN: now divided in itself, and rend into many Kingdoms, turned their victorious arms from the Christians, upon one another, to the mutual destruction of themselves and their Empire. Amongst other the Saracen Sultan's, which forgetting their Obedience to their great Caliph, took upon them the Sovereignty of Government (which admitteth no partner) was one Mahomet Sultan of PERSIA, a right great Prince, who hardly beset on the one side with the Indians, and on the other with the Caliph of BABYLON his mortal Enemy, prayed Aid of the Turks his Neighbours, who were now come even to the side of ARAXIS, the bounds of his Empire: unto which his request the Turks easily granted, in hope thereby to find a way for them afterwards to enter into PERSIA, and so sent him 3000 hardy men under the leading of one Togra Mucalet, the Son of Mikeil a valiant Captain, and chief of the Selzuccian Tribe or Family; whom the Greeks commonly call Tangrolipix, and some others, Selduck, 
Togra, otherwise called Tangrolipix, sent to aid the Persian Sultan.  or Sadock, names (as I suppose) corrupted of the great Family whereof he was descended. By the aid of this Tangrolipix (for now we will so call him, as by the name most used) Mahomet the Persian Sultan overcame Pisasiris the Caliph of BABYLON, his Arabians being not able to endure the force of his Turkish Archers. This war thus happily ended, the Turks desiring to return home, requested of the Sultan leave to depart, and with a safe convoy to be conducted unto the river ARAXIS, and there to have the passage of that swift river opened unto them, which was by the Persians strongly kept by two Castles built upon each end of the bridge, whereby the River was to be passed. But Mahomet loath to forgo such necessary men, by whom he had obtained so great a Victory, and purposing to employ them further in his Service against the Indians, would by no means hearken unto their request; but seeming therewith to be discontented, commanded them to speak no more thereof, threatening them violence if they should more presume to talk of their departure. The Turks therefore doubtful of their estate, and fearing further danger, secretly withdrew themselves into the desert of CARAVONITIS: and for that they were in number but few, and not able to come into the open field against so many millions of the Saracens, lived as they might, by continual Incursions and Roads which they made out of the desert Forest into the Country's adjoining: wherewith Mahomet greatly incensed, sent out an Army of twenty thousand men under the Conduct of ten of his best Captains, against them: who for want of water and other necessaries, doubting to enter the desert, encamped themselves on the side of the Forest, there to consult what course to take. But Tangrolipix, who with his Turks lay a great way off in the covert of the Woods and Mountains, understanding of the coming of his Enemies, and of the manner of their lying, thought it best upon the sudden by night to set upon the Saracens and Persians, if so happily he might overthrow them by policy, whom he was not able to encounter in plain battle. Upon which resolution having traveled two days long march in the desert, the third day at night he suddenly set upon his Enemies, lying negligently in their Trenches, and by his unexpected coming brought such a fear upon them, that they without longer stay betook themselves to flight, every man shifting for himself, without regard of others. This Victory so happily gained, and Tangrolipix now (beyond his hope) throughly furnished with Armour, Horses, and abundance of all things needful for the Wars, kept the Woods and Forests no longer as a Thief or Outlaw, but showed himself in the open field, where daily repaired unto him numbers of Rogues and Vagabonds seeking after spoil; with many other desperate Villains, who for fear of punishment were glad of such a Refuge: so that in a short space his Army was grown to be fifty thousand strong; and so much the stronger, for that they had nothing to trust unto more than the valour of themselves. Whilst Tangrolipix thus increaseth, Mahomet enraged with the overthrow of his Army, in his fury caused all those ten Captains which had the leading thereof, to have their eyes plucked out; threatening also to attire all the Soldiers that fled out of the battle, in Woman's apparel, and so disgraced to carry them about as Cowards; and withal raised a great Army for the suppressing of the Turks. 
Mahomet the Persian Sultan goeth himself with an Army against Tangrolipix.  All things being now in readiness, he set forward; when by the way the Soldiers whom he had so threatened to disgrace, suddenly fled to the Enemy: with whose coming Tangrolipix greatly encouraged and strengthened, resolved to give the Sultan battle. And so boldly coming on, met with him at ISPAHAN a City of PERSIA, where was fought betwixt them a most terrible battle, with wonderful slaughter on both sides. In the heat of which battle, Mahomet unadvisedly riding to and fro to encourage his Soldiers, falling with his horse, broke his Neck: upon which mischance both the Armies coming to agreement, by common consent proclaimed Tangrolipix Sultan in his stead, 
Tangrolipix by consent of the Soldiers made Sultan of Persia.  and so made him King of PERSIA, and of all the other large Dominions unto that Kingdom belonging.  
This was the first Kingdom of the Turks, begun by the good Fortune of Tangrolipix, about 214 years after their coming out of SCYTHIA, in the year also of our Lord, 1030. Constantinus Monomachus then reigning, or a little before (according to the Turks account) in the Reign of Romanus Argirus, Constantine his Predecessor. Tangrolipix by rare Fortune, 
Tangrolipix first Sultan of the Turks.  thus of a mean Captain become King of PERSIA; forthwith commanded the Garrison which kept the bridge over the River ARAXIS, to be removed, and so free passage to be given unto the Turks his Countrymen, at their pleasure to come over: who in great multitudes repaired into PERSIA, where they were by the new Sultan well provided for, and by little and little promoted unto the greatest Dignities of that Kingdom; the Persians and Saracens, the ancient Inhabitants thereof, being by these new come Guests now kept under, and as it were trodden under foot. Together with this Kingdom, the Turks received the Mahometan Superstition, 
When the Turks first received the Mahometan Superstition.  the which they before not much abhorred, as men using Circumcision: So that hard it is to say whether Nation lost more; the Persians and Saracens by the loss of so great a Kingdom; or the Turks, by embracing so great a Vanity.  
Tangrolipix with his Turks thus possessed of the Kingdom of PERSIA, held not himself therewith long content, but made War upon his Neighbour Princes, especially against Pisasiris the Caliph of BABYLON, whom he in divers battles overthrew; and having at length slain him, joined his Kingdom unto his own. After that, 
Cutlu-Muses sent by Tangrolip●x against the Turks.  he sent Cutlu-Muses his Cousin, with an Army against the Arabians, by whom he was overthrown and put to flight. But returning by MEDIA, he requested of Stephan the Greek Emperors Lieutenant, leave to pass with his Army by the confines of his Country: which his request Stephan not only rejected, but also by strong hand sought to stop his passage; but joining battle with him, was by the Turks easily overthrown, and himself taken. So Cutlu-Muses returning to Tangrolipix, and recounting unto him the success of his Wars, persuaded him to turn his Forces into MEDIA, as a most fruitful Country, and easy to be subdued. But he highly offended with the overthrow given by the Arabians, would not hearken unto him, but raising a new Army in hope of better Fortune, went against the Arabians in person himself. 
Cutlu-Muses rebelleth against Tangrolipix.  Cutlu-Muses in the mean time fearing the Sultan's displeasure, fled with his Followers and Favourites; and taking for his refuge PASAR a strong City of the Chorasmians, revolted from him; which the Sultan seeming not to regard, held on his intended Journey against the Arabians, by whom he was also put to the worst, and enforced with dishonour to return. After that, he with part of his Army besieged Cutlu-Muses, who by the strength of the place, and valour of the people, for a great while notably defended himself. In the mean time Tangrolipix, not unmindful what Cutlu-Muses had before said unto him, concerning the easiness of the Conquest of MEDIA (a Country, as he said, defended but by Women) sent Asan his Brother's Son, surnamed the Deaf, with a convenient Army to invade the same: who entering into the Frontiers of that Province, was there by the Emperor's Lieutenant overthrown, and himself with the greatest part of his Army slain. With which loss the Sultan rather enraged than discouraged, sent Habramy Alim his Brother again, with an Army of an hundred thousand fight men: with which so great a Power the Emperor's Lieutenant thought it not good to encounter, until he had procured further aid from the Emperor, especially out of IBERIA; and therefore kept himself with such power as he had, within his strong and fenced places. Which Alim perceiving, and out of hope to draw him unto battle, roaming up and down the Country, at last besieged ARZEN, an open Town, but full of rich Merchants, by whom it was (contrary to his expectation) notably defended for the space of six days; until that at length the Turks seeing no other way to win it, set fire upon it in divers places; by force whereof the Inhabitants were enforced for safeguard of their lives to fly, and to leave the Town with an infinite wealth to the spoil of the Enemy. By this time was Liparites Governor of IBERIA, come with a great Power to the aid of the Emperor's Lieutenant in MEDIA: whereof Alim having intelligence, without delay hasted with his Army towards his Enemies: and meeting with them a little before night, had with them a cruel fight; wherein the Victory fell unto the Christians, who had the Turks in chase a great part of the night. Nevertheless Liparites valiantly fight in another wing of the battle, was there taken, and so carried away Prisoner: for whose ransom the Emperor sent a great sum of money, with certain Presents to the Sultan; all which he sent back again, and frankly set Liparites at liberty, wishing him never to bear Arms more against the Turks. And with him sent the Seriph, a man of great Place among the mahometans, his Ambassador unto the Emperor. Who coming to CONSTANTINOPLE, 

The Turks Ambassador contemned of the Emperor.  
Tangrolipix invadeth the Emperor's Dominions.   amongst other things, proudly demanded of the Emperor, to become Tributary unto the Sultan, and so to be at Peace with him for ever: Which his unreasonable demand was by the Emperor with no less disdain scornfully rejected, and the Seriph so dismissed. Which contempe of his Ambassador the Sultan taking in evil part; as also not a little moved with the death of his Nephew, and loss of his Army, with all his Power invaded the Roman Provinces; but being come as far as COIME without any notable harm doing, for that the Country people hearing before of his coming, had in time conveyed themselves with their substance into their strong holds, whereof there was great store in those Countries; and hearing also that the Greek Emperor was raising a great Power to come against him at CAESAREA; not daring to proceed any further, leaving so many Enemies behind him, he fretting in himself, returned into MEDIA, where finding the people all fled into their strong Towns, he laid siege unto MANTZICHIERT, a City standing in a plain Champain Country, but strongly fortified with a triple Wall and deep Ditches. This City he furiously assaulted by the space of thirty days without intermission; but all in vain, the same being still notably defended by Basilius Governor thereof, and the other Christians therein. The Sultan weary of this siege, and about to have risen, was by Alcan one of his chief Captains, persuaded yet to stay one day, for him to make proof in, what he were able to do for the gaining thereof whereunto the Sultan yielded, committing the whole charge of the assault unto him. Alcan the next day dividing the Army into two parts, and placing the one part upon the higher ground, of purpose with the multitude of thei● shot to have overwhelmed the defendants; with the other part of the Army, furnished with all things needful for the assault, approached to the Walls: the Sultan in the mean time, with certain of the chief Turks, from an high place beholding all that was done. But this so forward a Captain in the midst of his endeavour lost himself, being slain with a great number of his Followers in approaching the Wall. His dead body known by the beauty of his Armour, was by two valiant young men that sallied out of the Gate, drawn by the hair of his head into the City, and his head being forthwith cut off▪ was cast over the Wall among the Turks: wherewith the Sultan discouraged, and out of hope of gaining the City, rose with his Army, pretending himself with other his urgent affairs to be called home, and threatening withal, the next Spring to return with greater Power, and to do great matters. But not long after, 
Dissension betwixt Tangrolipix and his brother Habramie Alim.  great discord arose betwixt the Sultan and his Brother Habramie Alim, insomuch that the Sultan sought by divers means to have taken him out of the way: which Habramie perceiving, fled to his Nephew Cutlu-Muses, and joining his Forces with hi●, denounced War unto the Sultan his Brother; who meeting with them not far off from PASAR, overcame them in plain battle, wherein Habramie was taken, and presently by the commandment of his Brother put to death. But Cutlu-Muses, with his Cousin Melech and 6000 Turks, fled into ARMENIA; and by Messengers sent of purpose, requested of the Emperor Constantinus M●homachus, to be received into his Protection. But the Sultan with his Army following them at the heels, 
Cutlu-Muses flieth into Arabia.  they for their more safety were glad to fly into ARABIA. The Sultan afterwards turning into IBERIA, did there great harm, spoiling the Country before him: against whom the Emperor sent Michael Acoluthus, a valiant Captain. Of whose approach the Sultan hearing, and that he would undoubtedly ere long give him battle, (deeming it no great honour unto him to overcome the Emperor's Servant, but an eternal dishonour to be of him overthrown) retired with his Army back again to TAURIS, leaving behind him one Samach with 3000 Turks, to infest the Frontiers of the Emperor's Territories: which both he and other the Turks Captains afterward more easily did, 
Covetousness and lack of reward the decay of the Constantinopolitan Empire.  for that Monomachus the Emperor having prodigally spent the Treasures of the Empire, to increase his Revenue, had imposed a Tribute upon the Frontier Countries of his Empire, wont before to be free from all Exactions; in lieu whereof they were bound to defend the passages from all incursions of the Enemy: but now pressed with new Impositions, had dissolved their wont Garrisons, and left an easy entrance for the barbarous Enemies into the Provinces confining upon them. Besides that, the Emperor's immediately following, and especially Constantinus Ducas, abhorring from Wars, and given altogether to the hoarding up of Treasure, gave little countenance, and less maintenance, unto men of Service, which in short time turned to the great weakening, and in fine to the utter ruin of the Constantinopolitan Empire. At the same time also the Government of the Constantinopolitan Empire, by the death of Constantinus Ducas the late Emperor, 
Eudocia the Empress contrary to her Oath desirous to marry.  came to his wife Eudocia with her three Sons, Michael, Andronicus, and Constantinus, all very young: whose sex and tender years the barbarous Nations having in contempt, at their pleasure grievously spoiled the Provinces of the Empire, namely MESOPOTAMIA, CILICIA, CAPADOCIA, yea and sometimes as far as COELOSIRIA. The report whereof much troubled the Empress, and gave occasion for many that loved her not, to say, That so troubled an Estate required the Government of some worthy man. Wherefore she fearing le●t that the Senate making choice of some other, she and her Children should be removed from the Government, thought it best for the preservation of her State and her children's, to make choice of some notable and valiant man for her Husband, that for her and hers, should take upon him the managing of so weighty Affairs. But to check this her purpose (the only remedy of her troubled thoughts) she had at the death of the late Emperor Constantine her Husband, at such time as the Sovereignty was by the Senate confirmed unto her and her Sons, solemnly sworn never more to marry; which her Oath was for the more assurance conceived into writing, and so delivered unto the Patriarch to keep. This troubled her more, than to find out the Man whom she could think worthy of herself, with so great honour. She held then in prison one Diogenes Romanus, a man of great Renown, and honourably descended, whose Father having married the Niece of the Emperor Romanus Argirus, and aspiring to the Empire, being convicted▪ thereof, slew himself for fear to be enforced by Torments, to bewray his Confederates. This Diogenes was by the late Emperor Constantine, for his good Service against the Scytheses (who then much troubled the Empire) highly promoted, with most honourable testimony in the Charters of his Promotions, That such Honours were bestowed upon him, not of the Emperor's mere Bounty, but as the due Rewards of his worthy Deserts. Notwithstanding after the death of the Emperor, he sick of his Father's disease, and swelling with the pride of Ambition, sought by secret means to have aspired unto the Empire: whereof the Empress having intelligence, caused him to be apprehended and brought in bonds to CONSTANTINOPLE, where being found guilty of the foul Treason, and so committed to safe keeping, was shortly after brought forth to the Judgement Seat again, to receive the heavy Sentence of death. In which woeful plight, standing as a man out of hope, and now utterly forlorn, he moved all the beholders with a sorrowful compassion: for beside that he was a man of exceeding strength, so was he of incomparable feature and beauty, adorned with many other rare qualities and virtues answerable thereunto: wherewith the Empress moved with the rest, or pierced with a secret good liking, is hard to say, revoked the Sentence of Condemnation ready to have been pronounced upon him, and gave him Pardon. And shortly after having set him at liberty, 
Diogenes Romanus of a Prisoner by the Empress made General of her Army.  sent for him as he was going into CAPADOCIA his native Country, and made him General of all her Forces, with a full resolution in herself to marry him, and to make him Emperor, if she might by any means get the writing out of the Patriarches hand, wherein her Oath for never marrying again was comprised. For the compass whereof, she entered into a deep device full of feminine policy with one of her Eunuches, whom she purposed to use as her pander for the circumventing of the Patriarch. This crafty Eunuch instructed by his Mistress, coming to the Patriarch joannes Xiliphilines', a man both for his place and integrity of life much honoured, told him in great secret, that the Empress had so far set her good liking upon a young Gentleman, a Nephew of his called Barda (than a Gallant of the Court) as that she could be content to take him to her Husband, and to make him Emperor, if she might by his Holiness be persuaded, that she might with safe conscience do it, and by him be discharged of the rash Oath she had unadvisedly taken, never to marry again, whereof he had the keeping. The Patriarch, otherwise a Contemner of worldly honours, yet moved with so great a Preferment of his Nephew, promised the Eunuch to do therein whatsoever the Empress had desired, which he accordingly performed. And so sending for the Senators one by one, in whose good liking the matter chiefly rested, he with much gravity propounded unto them the dangerous estate of the Common-weal, with the Troubles daily increasing, and the continual fear of foreign Enemies, not to be repressed by the weak hand of a Woman, or the authority of young Children, but requiring (as he said) the valiant courage of some worthy Man. After that, he began to find great fault with the rash Oath which the Empress had taken a little before the death of her Husband, never to marry; and utterly condemning the same, as contrary to the Word of God, and unjustly exacted of her, rather to satisfy the jealous humour of the Emperor her late Husband, than for any good of the Common-weal: he in fine persuaded them, that the unlawful Oath might be revoked, and the Empress set at liberty at her pleasure, by their good liking to make choice of such a man for her Husband, as might better undertake so weighty affairs of the Empire, more fit for a Man, than for so tender a Lady and three young Children. The greater part of the Senate thus persuaded by the Patriarch, and the rest with Gifts and Promises overcome by the Empress, the Patriarch delivered unto her the Writing she so much desired, and discharged her of her Oath: whereupon she forthwith calling unto her certain of her secret Friends, 
Eudoc●● marrieth Diogenes Romanus, and proclaims him Emperor.  married Diogenes, whom she caused to be proclaimed Emperor. Now thought Eudocia after the manner of a Woman, to have had her Husband (whom she even from the bottom of despair had exalted to the highest Type of Honour) in all things Loyal and Pliant: whereunto he for a while at the first forced himself, but afterwards (being a man of a proud nature, and haughty spirit) became weary of such Observance, and began by little and little to take every day more and more upon him. And for that the Imperial Provinces in the East, were in some part lost, and the rest in no small danger; he as well for the redress thereof, as for his own Honour, and to show himself an Emperor indeed, and not the Servant of the Empress, left the Court, and passed over into ASIA, although it were with a small Army and evil appointed: for why, it was no easy matter for him to furnish out the Army with all things necessary, which by the sloth and sparing of the late Emperors, had, to the great danger and dishonour of the Empire, been utterly neglected. Nevertheless the Turkish Sultan, who at the same time with a great Power invaded the Provinces of the Empire, hearing of his coming, and that he was a man of great valour, and doubting what Power he might bring with him, retired himself; and dividing his Army, sent the one part thereof into the South part of ASIA, 
The Provinces of the Empire spoiled by the Turks.  and the other into the North, which spoilt all the Country before them as they went, and suddenly surprising the City of NEOCESARIA, sacked it, and so laded with the spoil thereof departed. But the Emperor understanding thereof, and not a little grieved therewith, drawing out certain bands and companies of the best and most readiest Soldiers in his Army, and with them coasting the Country to get betwixt the Turks and home, used therein such expedition, that he was upon them before they were aware, and so suddenly charging them, 
The Turks discomfited by Diogenes the Emperor.  brought such a fear upon them, that they betook themselves to their heels, leaving behind them for haste, their Baggage and Carriages, with all the Prisoners and Booty they had before taken at NEOCESARIA, and in their late Expedition: yet was there no great number of them slain, for that the Christians sore wearied with long travel, were not able far to follow the chase. From thence taking his way unto SYRIA, he sent part of his Army to MELITENA, and carried himself from ALEPPO, a great booty both of men and cattle. At which time also the City of HIERAPOLIS was yielded unto him, where he shortly after built a strong Castle. But whilst he there stayed, news was brought unto him, that the other part of his Army which he had sent away, was overthrown by the Turks; for the relief of whom, he rose with all haste and marched towards them: but being in number far inferior unto his Enemies, he was by them as he lay encamped, enclosed round in such sort, as that it was thought almost impossible for him to have escaped. At which time also the Governor of ALEPPO traitorously revolted from him, and joined his Forces with the Enemy, making now no other reckoning, but assuredly to have taken him. But whilst the Turks thus dream of nothing but of a most glorious Victory, and were in mind dividing the spoil, the Emperor without so much as the sounding of a Trumpet, suddenly issuing out of his Trenches, when they least thought he durst so have done, and resolutely charging them home, put them to flight, and had of them a notable Victory, had he throughly prosecuted the same. After that, having taken divers Towns he came to ALEXANDRIA, in CILICIA, and there all about in the Country bilited his Army, because of the approach of Winter, and so returned himself to CONSTANTINOPLE. The next Spring the Turks, according to their usual manner invading the Frontiers of the Empire, did much harm about NEOCESARIA: whereof the Emperor advertised, went thither with his Army, and quickly repressing their fury, took his Journey to the River EUPHRATES, where leaving part of his Army with Philaretus for the keeping of those Frontiers, he himself retired Northward into CAPADOCIA. But after his departure, the Turks setting upon Philaretus, put him to flight with his Garrisons: and taking the spoil of the Frontiers, entered into CAPADOCIA, wasting all as they went: and afterwards turning into CILICIA, sacked ICONIUM a rich and populous City. Whereof the Emperor understanding at SEBASTIA, made towards them: but hearing by the way that they had ransacked the City, and were for fear of his coming already retired, he sent Chatagurio Governor of ANTIOCH, with part of his Army to MOPSIPHESTIA, to stop the Turks of their passage. But they in the plains of THARSUS were before distressed by the Armenians, and stripped of all their rich Prey: and hearing farther of the approach of the Emperor's Power, fled by night and so escaped: which the Emperor understanding, and having now well quieted those Provinces, and the year far spent, returned again to CONSTANTINOPLE. But after his departure, the Turks again invading the frontier Provinces, he sent Manuel Comnenus, a valiant young man, General against them; who so prevailed, that the Emperor envying at his Honour, took from him a great part of his Army, and sent him with a small Power into SYRIA. But as he was upon the way, he was by the Turks entrapped near unto SEBASTIA, and there taken, most part of his Army being at the same time overthrown and slain: with which loss, the Emperor troubled, made great preparation to go himself in Person against his Enemies; who encouraged with the former Victory, ceased not to infest his Territories. In the mean time by great fortune came Manuel Comnenus home, together with the Turk that took him; who being fallen into the displeasure of the Sultan, fled unto the Emperor with his Prisoner, of whom he was honourably entertained. All things now in a readiness, for so great an Expedition as the Emperor had in Person purposed, he set forward: and after long travel having passed CAESAREA, he encamped at a place called CRYAPEGA: 
Diogenes goeth wit● a great Army against th● Turk's.  where for severe execution done upon certain mutinous Soldiers, one of the Legions of his Army rose in mutiny against him: whom (for all that) he quickly pacified with the terror of the rest of his Army, which he threatened to turn upon them if they proceeded to forget their duty. After that, removing to THEODOSOPOLIS, he divided his Army, and sent Ruselius' one of his best Captains, with one part thereof against Chliat, and another part he sent to besiege MANTZICIERTS, retaining with himself the rest, being of no strength. The Turks in MANTZICIERTS finding themselves not able long to hold out, fell to composition, and yielded the City. But shortly after, the Soldiers left there in Garrison for the keeping thereof, going out to seek for forage, were by the Turks suddenly oppressed: which the Emperor understanding, sent thither one Nicephorus Bryennius, with certain Companies to relieve the City; who encountering with the Turks, and finding himself too weak, sent unto the Emperor for aid: who not knowing the strength of the Enemies, blamed him of cowardice, yet sent unto him Nicephorus Basilacius with part of his Army; who joining his Forces with Bryennius, and giving the Turks battle, put them to flight. But following too fast upon them unto their Trenches, and Bryennius making no great haste after, he had his horse slain under him, and so on foot heavily laden with armour, and not able to shift for himself, was there taken and brought to the Sultan; who honourably entreated him, and oftentimes questioning with him concerning the Emperor, and showing him his own Power, examined him also of the Emperors.  
Tangrolipix was now dead, and the Sultan now in the field against the Emperor, was Axan his Son, a man of great wisdom and discretion; who considering the doubtful event of battle, sent Ambassadors unto the Emperor to entreat with him of peace. 
Axan the Sultan ●indeth Ambassadors unto Diogenes for peace.  But he (persuaded by some of his Captains, that this motion made by the Sultan for peace, proceeded but of a mere fear and distrust he had in his own Power, or else to gain time until some greater strength came) had small regard of the Embassors or their Message, but proudly willed them to tell their Master, That if he were desirous of Peace, he should get him farther off, and leave the place wherein he lay encamped, for him to lodge in: and so without other answer, commanded them away. Now had the Emperor (as is before said) sent away part of his Army by Ruselius against Chliat, whom he sent now for in haste again: but he hearing of the approach of the Sultan, by the persuasion of Tarchomiates, one of his Captains, was retired for his more safety back into the Roman Frontiers, leaving the Emperor destitute of his help. At which time also a Company of the Scythians which served in the Emperor's Camp, revolted unto the Turks; not without some suspicion, that the rest of their Fellows which remained, would ere long do the like: nevertheless the Emperor presuming of such strength as he had, or carried headlong with his own Fortune, resolved to give the Turks battle, and therefore putting his men in Order, set upon them. Who somewhat troubled with the Emperors so sudden a resolution, as being yet in some hope of Peace, yet having put themselves in order of battle, received the Enemies Charge; still giving a little ground, as men not greatly desirous either to fight or to fly. This fight continuing long, and the day now declining, the Emperor doubting lest the Sultan should send part of his Army to assault his Camp (from which he was now drawn somewhat far, and had left the same but weakly manned) caused a retreat to be sounded, and so began orderly to retire himself with them that were about him: which others afar off in the battle beholding, and supposing him to have fled, began themselves to fly amain. Of which so shameful flight and sudden fear Andronicus (the Son of john Ducas, 
John Ducas a notable Traitor cause of the flight of the Emperor's Army.  the late Emperor Constantine his Brother, and by him created Caesar, who with his Sons secretly envied at the Honour of Di●genes) was the cause: for he commanding a great part of the Army, gave it first out unto such as were about him, that the Emperor fled: and to increase the fear, turning his horse about, fled towards the Camp as fast as he could; after whom all the rest most disorderly followed: which the Emperor beholding, and therewith not a little troubled, made a stand, labouring in vain to have stayed the rest: for now the Turks encouraged with the sudden flight of the Christians, began hardly to pursue them, as men already overthrown by the hand of God; whom for all that, the Emperor with such as yet stood with him, for a space notably resisted. 
Diogenes the Emperor taken by the Turks.  But being forsaken by the greater part of his Army, and oppressed with the multitude of his Enemies, being wounded himself, and his horse slain under him, he was taken all imbrued in his own blood, and the blood of his Enemies, of whom he had wounded and slain many. The Sultan advertised of his taking, at the first believed it not, supposing it rather to have been some other great man: until that he was both by them, whom he had but a little before sent Ambassador unto him, and by Basilacius one of his Captains then Prisoner with him, assured that it was undoubtedly he, which Basilacius brought before him to see if he knew him, fell down prostrate at his feet, as before his dread Lord and Sovereign. The Emperor brought before the Sultan, and humbling himself in such sort as best beseemed his heavy Fortune, the Sultan presently took him up, and thus cheerfully spoke unto him, Grieve not noble Emperor (said he) at thy mishap, for such is the chance of War, overwhelming sometimes one, sometimes another: neither fear thou any harm, for I will use thee not as my Prisoner, but as an Emperor: which accordingly he did, presently appointing him a Princely Pavilion, with all things answerable to his state, setting him oftentimes at his own board, and for his sake enlarging such Prisoners as he required. And after he had thus for certain days honourably used him, and discoursed with him of many things, he concluded a perpetual Peace with him, upon promise of a marriage to be made betwixt their Children, and so with a safe Convoy sent him away with greater Honour than was at an Enemy's hand to have been expected. The Emperor in Turkish attire, which the Sultan had bestowed upon him, coming to THEODOSOPOLIS, there stayed the curing of his Wounds, and afterwards accompanied with the Sultan's Ambassadors, set forward toward CONSTANTINOPLE. But all was now there changed: for upon the report of his Captivity, john the Caesar, with Psellus one of the chief Senators, and others of the same Faction, which always envied at the Honour of Diogenes, presently took the Imperial Government from Eudocia the Empress, 
Eudocia the Empress deposed by the Traitor John Ducas, Psellus, and others.  and thrusting her into a Monastery which she had built near to PROPONTIS, set up Michael Ducas her eldest Son, Emperor, in stead of Diogenes: whose simplicity, Caesar his Uncle abusing with the rest, did now what they list. And hearing that Diogenes was now (contrary to their expectation) set at liberty by the Sultan, and coming towards the the Imperial City, sent out Letters every way in the new Emperor's Name, unto all the Governors of the Provinces whereby he was to pass, not to receive him an Emperor, or to do him any Honour: which Diogenes understanding, stayed at the Castle of DOCIA, whither some of his Friends with such Power as they were able to make, resorted unto him. Against whom, Caesar with the contrary Faction first sent his Son Constantine, and after that Andronicus his eldest Son, both Diogenes his Mortal Enemies, with a great Army: by whom Diogenes, with his Friends and Followers, 
Diogenes the Emperor taken Prisoner by Andronicus.  were overthrown and discomfited. Diogenes himself flying to the City of ADANA, was there hardly besieged by Andronicus, and in the end glad to yield himself, upon condition, that he should resign the Empire, and so for ever after to lead a private life. For whose safety, certain of the chief of the Clergy sent of purpose from Michael the Emperor, gave their Faith: so Diogenes all attired in black, yielded himself to Andronicus; by whom he was brought to COTAI, than the Metropolitical City of PHRIGIA, there to expect what further Order should be taken for him from the Court: during which time he fell sick, being (as many supposed) secretly poisoned. But whilst he there lay languishing, an heavier doom came from the young Emperor, 
The miserable death of Diogenes the Emperor.  That he should have his Eyes put out: which was forthwith in most cruel manner done; the Clergymen that had before for his safety gauged their Faith, crying out in vain against so horrible a cruelty. Thus deprived of his sight, he was conveyed into the Island of PROTA, where his Eyes for lack of looking to, putrifying, and Worms breeding in them, with such an odious smell as that no man could abide to come nigh him, he in short time after died, when he had reigned three years, eight months. All which misery was thought to have happened unto him through the malice of Caesar, without the knowledge of the young Emperor his Nephew.  

Axan the Sultan seeketh to revenge the death of Diogenes:  Axan hearing of the miserable end of the late Emperor Diogenes, was therewith much grieved, and the more, for that the League which he had to his good content so lately made with him, was thereby come to nought: wherefore in revenge thereof, he with great Power invaded the Imperial Provinces; not for spoil and booty only, as in former time, but now to conquer and to hold the same. Against whom, Michael the Emperor sent Isaac Comnenus his Lieutenant, with a great Army: who meeting with the Turks, and joining battle, was by them overthrown with all his Army, and taken Prisoner; and glad afterwards for a great sum of money to redeem himself. After which overthrow, the Emperor sent his Uncle Caesar with another Army against them, who was by Ruselius, that had before revolted from the Emperor, overthrown at the River SANGARIUS, and taken Prisoner; whom he for all that, shortly after set at liberty again, and joining with him against the Turks, were both together by them discomfited and taken Prisoners, but afterwards redeemed; Caesar by the Emperor, and Ruselius by his Wife. This Ruselius was a notable Traitor, who joining with the Turks, did what he list in the Provinces of the Empire in the lesser ASIA: for the repressing of whom, the Emperor sent Alexius Comnenus, a young man, but very politic and courageous; who secretly practising with the Turks that were great with Ruselius, had him at last by them for a sum of money betrayed into his Power: who forthwith sent him to CONSTANTINOPLE to the Emperor, by whom he was imprisoned, but afterward set at liberty and employed against Bryen●ius and his Brother, than up in Rebellion against the Emperor.  

Cu●lu-●uses with his Sons and Kinsmen take up arms against Axan the Sultan.  But to come nearer to the Turkish Affairs. Cutlu-Muses, who with his Cousin Melech and others, were for fear of Tangrolipix their Cousin fled into ARABIA, as is before declared, now in the beginning of the Reign of Axan, returned: and as the envious Competitors of his Kingdom, having raised a great Power of their Friends and Partakers, were now ready to have tried the matter with him by plain battle. Against whom also, the Sultan on the other side had brought into the field his whole Forces, and was now likewise ready to have encountered them near unto the City of ERES. But whilst the Turks thus divided, stood ready to destroy themselves, the Caliph of BABYLON (from whom though the Turks had taken all Temporal Sovereignty, yet in matters of Religion still held him in great reverence and esteem, as their chief Bishop, and the Successor of their great Prophet) considering that nothing could be more dangerous to his Sect and Religion, than that civil dissension, the late confusion and utter ruin of the Saracen Empire, and Authority of the Caliphs'; and fearing the like effect in these new Saracens, now the chief stay of the Mahometan Superstition: setting aside all Pontifical Formality, whereby he was bound not to go out of his own house, came with all speed, even as the Armies were now ready to join battle, and thrusting himself into the midst betwixt them, what with the reverence of his Person, what with his effectual persuasion, wrought so much, and prevailed so far with both Parties, that they were content to lay down their Weapons, and to stand to his Order and Judgement: which was, That Axan the Sultan should still enjoy his Kingdom and Territories, 
A most hurtful Order for the Christian Common-weal.  whole and entire unto himself as he did: and that Cutlu-Muses and his Sons, aided by him, and so invading the Provinces of the Constantinopolitan Empire, should thereof subdue so much as they could unto themselves, and to be thereof accounted the only Lords and Governors: which Order as it was unto the Turks, and for the maintenance of the Mahometan Superstition, very wholesome and commodious, so was it unto the Christian Common-weal and Religion most dangerous and hurtful, as in process of time by proof it appeared. For by this mean, in short time after, Cutlu-Muses with his Cousins and Sons subdued all MEDIA, with a great part of ARMENIA, CAPADOCIA, PONTUS, and BYTHINIA, and so a great part of the lesser ASIA. By the aid of this Cutlu-Muses, and the favour of the Soldiers, Nicephorus Botoniates aspiring unto the Empire of CONSTANTINOPLE, displaced his Master, the Emperor, Michael Ducas, after he had reigned six years and six months, and in the habit of a Monk thrust him into an Abbey: which Usurper by the just Judgement of God, was at length requited even with the same measure, and in like manner served by Comnenus; who thrusting him out, succeeded himself in the Empire. 
The ground of the error of divers writers about the Successors of Tangrol●pix, otherwise of them called Sadoch.  Much it was that this Cutlu-Muses, with his Sons and Kinsmen did for the enlarging of the Turkish Empire, by the help of the great Persian Sultan whose Forces, together with their own, in divers Countries conducted by these worthy Leaders his nigh Kinsmen, and doing great matters, gave occasion for themselves to be accounted Sultan's, though indeed they were none, neither their names such as are by some ancient Writers, and others of later time also reported; but unto the Turks themselves by those names, either for Sultan's, unknown. Out of these great Commanders, all born of the Selzuccian Family, hath Aithonus, and others following his report, derived their Dogris●a, Aspasalemus, Meleclas, and Belchiaroc, whom they suppose to have orderly succeeded Zadoc, otherwise called Tangrolipix, in the Turkish Empire, and to have done great matters: whereas both by the report of the Turks themselves, and the relation of the Greeks, it appears plainly, Axan, (more truly called Ax-han, that is to say, the White King) to have been the Son of Tangrolipix, and to have succeeded him in the Empire: and that by him the Emperor Diogenes was taken, and not by Aspasalemus as they vainly imagine. As for Aspasalemus, whom the Turks by that name know not any thing of his doings, it seemeth to have been a name corrupted of Aspam Sallarius, the Brother of Tangrolipix and Habrami, and not his Son's Son as they would have it. In like manner Meleclas also seemeth to have been forged of Melech the Son of Habrami, Tangrolipix his Brother, and not of Aspasalemus, as some without any good ground report. Whom they finding to have been all great Men in the Selzuccian Family, with some others also, have both corrupted their names, and given them an imaginary Sovereignty and succession in the Turks first Empire, such as beside that the Turks themselves acknowledge not, is easily to be refelled out of the Histories of the Greeks, who had with them still much to do. Wherefore leaving those supposed Princes of the Turks, with their imaginary succession, and doings, unto the Authors thereof, following more certainties, to return again to the course of our History. Axan the Sultan at the same time that he had by the mediation of the Chaliph (or not long after) fallen to agreement with his Cousin Cutlu-Muses; to increase the Honour of his Nation and the Bounds of his Empire, gave unto Ducas and Melech, two of his nigh Kinsmen, the Government of DAMASCUS and ALEPPO, with that part of SYRIA which joineth unto them, of purpose that way to encroach upon the Egyptian Chaliph, who then had under his Jurisdiction, all, as far as LAODICEA in SYRIA; yet not with so large Privilege as had Cutlu-Muses, unto whom and his Posterity he had yielded the absolute Honour of a Sultan or King, over such Countries and Provinces as they should win from the Christians: but unto these others his Kinsmen, he gave the Government of the aforesaid Cities of DAMASCUS and ALEPPO, in the Frontiers of his Dominion in SYRIA, conditionally that they should still remain his Vassals, and hold of him as of their Sovereign, whatsoever they had, who nevertheless in short time mightily prevailed upon the Egyptian, still inceasing the Turkish Territory with the loss of the Saracens, whose name together with their Empire, was now by the Turks almost quite driven out of ASIA.  
But these proud Branches of the Turkish Empire, thus overspreading the lesser ASIA, with the greatest part of SYRIA, were in short time after by the Mercy of God, and the valour of the most Christian and most Religious Princes of the West, cut shorter, and brought again into some better Order. The full discourse whereof, worthy eternal Memory, by others enrolled in the ancient Records of Fame, I purpose not at large to follow, but in brief to touch, for the orderly continuation of the present History, hasting to the doings of this Victorious Nation of latter times, wherein we are to make a longer stay, as more pertinent unto the dangerous estate of the present time.  

Peter a French Hermit goeth on pilgrimage to Jerusalem.  It fortuned that whilst Cutlu-Muses and his Sons, supported by the Sultan Axan their Kinsman, thus mightily prevailed against the Christians in the lesser ASIA on the one side, and Melech with his Cousin against the Egyptian Chaliph in SYRIA on the other side: that one Peter a French Hermit moved with a devout zeal, according to the manner of that time, went to visit the Sepulchre of our Saviour, with the other holy Places at JERUSALEM; who coming into SYRIA, then for the most part possessed by the Turks and Saracens, diligently noted by the way as he traveled, the Manners and Fashions of these barbarous Nations, their Government, their Cities, their Power and Strength, but above all, the grievous Miseries of the poor oppressed Christians, that there lived in most miserable thraldom among them, without hope of release: all which, he in the habit of a poor Pilgrim, at liberty safely viewed, in the midst of these Miscreants, being withal a little low hard-favoured Fellow, and therefore in show more to be contemned than feared: 
The description of Peter the Hermit.  yet under such simple and homely Feature lay unregarded a most subtle sharp and piercing wit, fraught with discretion and sound judgement, still applying to some use what he had in his long and painful travel most curiously observed. He cometh to JERUSALEM, and performing his devotions there, saw the grievous misery of the poor devout Christians, so great and heavy, as that greater or more intolerable could none be: wherewith not a little grieved, he entered into a deep discourse thereof with Simon the Patriarch and Abbot of the Monastery of the Christians (there before built by certain Italian Merchants) and with the Master of the Hospitalers, by whom he was fully informed thereof, as of whatsoever else he required. After much grave Conference, it was at length agreed upon amongst them, that the Patriarch and the grand Master, should in their own, and the names of the other oppressed Christians, write their Letters unto the Pope and the other Christian Princes, concerning their Miseries; and to crave their Aid for the Recovery of those holy places out of the hands of those cruel Infidels; of which Letters the devout Hermit promised himself to be the trusty Carrier, and of their Petitions the most careful Solicitor. Whereupon the Patriarch and grand Master, in the name of the poor oppressed Christians wrote their Letters unto this effect:  
We the Citizens of the holy City, 
The Letters of Simon Patriarch of Jerusalem, and of the grand Master of the Hospitalers, unto the Pope and other Christian Princes, in the behalf of the oppressed Christians in Jerusalem.  and Countrymen of Christ jesus, daily suffer those things which Christ our King suffered but once, in the last days of his mortality. We are daily buffetted, scourged, and pierced: every day some of us are brained, beheaded, or crucified. We would fly from City to City, unto the remotest parts of the Earth, and remove out of the middle of that Land where our Saviour wrought our Redemption, to lead a poor exiled and vagrant life; were it not impiety to leave the Land (sacred with the Birth, Doctrine, Death, Resurrection, and Ascension of our Saviour) without Inhabitants and Priests; and that there should first lack such as would endure Death and Martyrdom, than such as would inflict the same; and that there should not be such which would as willingly die for Christ, as in battle, so long as there were any that would fight against them. These things truly we most miserably suffer: yet was there a time when as our Ancestors feared no such thing, either to themselves or their Posterity. And now perhaps the Christian Kingdoms of the West live likewise without the least suspicion of fear: but let them be moved by our example and Testimony. The strength of the Turks is daily increased, and ours diminished: The continual gaining of new Kingdoms giveth them courage: They have already devoured the whole World, in hope. The Forces of the Turks are fiercer and stronger than the Forces of the Saracens, their Policies deeper, their Attempts more desperate, their Endeavours greater, and their Success fortunater. Yet have the Saracens attempted both Rome's; 
Rome and Constantinople, which was also called Nova Roma, or new Rome.  they have besieged Constantinople, and have wasted not only the sea coasts of Italy, but even the heart of the Land also. Then why should the kingdoms of the West presume themselves to stand in safety and out of all peril, when as the chief fortresses of the world have been so endangered? What may the rest of Christendom promise unto itself, seeing that Jerusalem (the seat and spectacle of the Christian Religion) hath been besieged, taken, sacked, razed and triumphed upon? Seeing that of the Christian profession remain but the poor and weak relics, in comparison of the ancient whole entire body? This land, which is daily besprinkled with our blood, yea the blood itself crieth out for revenge: And we your most humble suppliants, prostrate at your feet, call upon the help, aid, mercy, faith, and religion, of you most blessed Father, of the Kings, Princes, and Potentates; Christians▪ not in name and profession only, but in heart, soul, and spirit. Before the tempest thunder, before the lightning fall upon you, avert from you and your children the storm hanging over your heads: defend us your poor suppliants, deliver your religion from most wicked and accursed slavery. You shall in so doing deserve immortal fame, and God shall requite your so great valour in this world with terrestrial kingdoms, and in the world to come with eternal bliss, whose sacred inheritance you shall have defended from the rage of hell.  
With these Letters, and plenty of other secret instructions, the devout Hermit returning into Italy, and coming to Rome, delivered his Letters unto Urban the second of that name, than Pope, with a full discourse of the miseries of the Christians under the Turkish Thraldom, which he had seen at jerusalem and other places as he traveled; requesting his holy care for the redress thereof: with whom he so prevailed, that shortly after, he calling a Council at Claremont in France, 
The Council of Claremont in France.  among other things, propounded the misery of the poor oppressed Christians at jerusalem, as an especial matter to be considered of. And having caused the aforesaid Letters, directed unto him and the other Christian Princes, to be openly read in the Council, whereunto three hundred and ten Bishops were then out of divers parts of Christendom assembled, with the Ambassadors of all Countries, much moved the whole Assembly to compassion: at which time also the Hermit (whose flowing Eloquence fully countervailed what wanted in his feature,) standing up in the midst of the Council, delivered his message in the name of the afflicted Christians, with their heavy groan and tears: which as they could not be in Letters expressed, so were they not hardly by the religious Hermit (as by him who having but lately seen both the misery of the men, and desolation of the places, and at the heart touched with the grief thereof) so lively represented, as that it moved the whole Assembly with the like sympathy of heaviness and grief. Which the Pope perceiving, took thereupon occasion to enter into a large discourse concerning that matter, with many effectual reasons persuading the Fathers and Princes there present, of the necessity of so religious a War to be taken in hand, for the deliverance of their oppressed Brethren out of the Thraldom of the Infidels; and now as well with their present Decree, as afterwards at their return home into their Countries, by all means to further the same. Which notable persuasion, with the heavy complaint of the Hermit, and the equity of the cause, so much moved the whole Council, and the rest there present, that they all as men inspired with one Spirit, declared their consent by their often crying out, Deus vult, Deus vult, 
An expedition agreed upon by the Council, for the relief of the Christians oppressed in the Holy Land.  God willeth it, God willeth it: which words so then uttered by way of applause, were in the great and most sacred expedition following, much used of the devout Christians, as the fortunate signal of their cheerful forwardness, even in their most dangerous enterprises. Strange it were to tell, and hardly to be believed (but that the ancient Histories bear witness of the like) how far in one days space the report of this religious decreed war was by flying Fame dispersed.  
The Council dissolved, and the reverend Fathers returning every man home into his own Country, it pleased God by their effectual persuasions so to work with the rest of the Christian Princes, and people in general, that in all Countries and Provinces in Christendom, were shortly to be seen men of all sorts in great number, with red Crosses on their breasts (the cognisance of that sacred expedition) ready of themselves to spend both life and goods for the defence of the Christian Religion, and recovery of the Holy Land. The number of whom is of divers diversely reported; but of most supposed to have been three hundred thousand fight men: Of whom the chief Commanders were, Godfrey Duke of Lorraine, 
The chief Commanders of the Christians in their expedition into the Holy Land.  with his two Brethren, Eustace and Baldwin, all of the honourable House of Buillon; Hugh surnamed the Great, brother to Philip then the French King; Raymund and Robert Earls of Flanders; Robert Duke of Normandy, William the Conqueror's Son; Stephen de Valois Earl of Chartiers; Ademar Bishop of Podie, the Pope's Legate; and Peter the Hermit, not to be numbered amongst the least, as chief Author of this most famous expedition: unto whom many other honourable Princes joined themselves, as partakers of their travels, though not with like charge.  
The first that set forward in this expedition, was one Gualther Sensavier a noble Gentleman, with a great band of men: not long after whom followed Peter the Hermit, with forty thousand more; who both travelling through Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria, were glad oftentimes, especially in the further part of Hungary and Bulgaria, to open themselves a way with the sword; and so with much labour, and no less loss, came at length to Constantinople: where they were not greatly welcome unto the Emperor Alexius Comnentis; who guilty unto himself of the unlawful means whereby he had extorted the Empire from Nicephorus his predecessor, had that expedition of the Christians into the East, in distrust, as purposed against himself; until that fully resolved to the contrary, by the Hermit and others; and that a far greater power was coming after, for the invasion of the Turks, and recovery of the Holy Land, he was content to relieve them now weary of their long travel; and afterward to make room for them that were to come, shipped them over the straight of Bosphorus into Asia; who marching forward into Bythinia, encamped their Army in the Country not far from the City of Nice. In the mean time Godfrey with his Brethren, an divers other Princes that had joined themselves unto him, with the Germans and Loranois, and the gratest part of the Army, followed the same way that the Hermit had taken before him. At which time also Hugh the French Kings Brother, with the Legate, the two Roberts (the one Duke of Normandy, and the other Earl of Flanders) and the rest of the French Commanders, passing over the Mountains into Italy, came to Rome, with a wonderful great Army: where taking their leave of the Pope, because they would be less troublesome unto the Cities and Countries whereby they were to pass, they divided their great Army into three parts; whereof the one part went to Brundisium, and the other to Bary, and the third to Hydruntum, unto whom also Bohemund one of the great Princes of Apulia, joined himself with twelve thousand good soldiers that followed him. From these three Ports the Christian Army departing, and crossing the Adriatic, arrived in safety at Dirrachium, and nigh thereabout upon the coast of Dalmatia: from whence they traveled by land through Macedonia, to Constantinople; where they met with Duke Godfrey and the rest of the Army: 
Godfrey Duke of Buillon, and the other Christian Princes, meet together at Constantinople.  whom also at the first, Alexius the Emperor is reported to have but coldly entertained, as jealous of his own estate; until that better persuaded of their designments and good meaning towards him, confirmed by many rich Presents sent unto him by these strange Princes, he joined with them in league: wherein it was agreed, That the Emperor during the time of this expedition should furnish them with new supplies of men, armour, victuals, and whatsoever else they should want: in regard whereof, the Princes on the other side promised to restore again unto the Empire, what Provinces, Countries, or Cities they should happily gain out of the hands of the Turks and Saracens, the City of jerusalem only excepted: which agreement was afterward on the suspicious Emperor's part but slenderly performed. Nevertheless this league so made, he granted them passage, and so transported them over the straight into Asia: only Bohemund, for an old grudge betwixt the Emperor Alexius and his Father, would not come to Constantinople, but marching with his Army through the upper Mysia and Thra●ia, came sooner than any man thought, unto the strait of Hellespontus, and so passed.  
Now had Gualther, and the Hermit Peter, with their Army, lain two months in the Country about Nice, expecting the coming of the rest of the Christian Princes: for why, they thought it not good before their coming to attempt any thing against the Enemy, whom they knew to lie not far off very strong. But the common Soldiers weary of so long lying, and nought doing, and pinched with some wants; and withal disliking of Gu●lter their chief Commander, and the Hermit Peter, of whose integrity and holiness they had a greater opinion, than of his prowess and direction) rose up in mutiny, and displacing Gualther, made choice of one Raymund a valiant Germane Captain, for their General: by whose conduct they took Exorgum, a Town of purpose forsaken of the Turks. For they long before understanding what a tempest of war was growing upon them out of Europe, sought by all means to cut off these that were already come over, as the forerunners of a greater Army following; and therefore had left them this Town, as a bait to train them out of their Trenches. And after that the Christians were thus possessed of the Town, having laid certain strong ambushes, they drove out certain herds of Cattle the more to allure them: all which certain companies of the Christians brought in without any loss, the Turks still winking thereat. With which booty the Christians encouraged, went out three thousand of▪ them to take in a little Town not far off; who were by the Turks cut off and slain every Mother's Son as they were about to have divided the Spoil. Which overthrow reported into the Town, discouraged even the chief Commanders of the Army, so that they resolved no more to try the fortune of the field, before the coming of their friends. Nevertheless the common Soldiers condemning them of cowardice, chose them a new General, one Godfrey Buxel, whom they now requested not, but enforced to go out to revenge the death of their fellows. Which their rashness not long after turned to their own destruction: for ten thousand of them going out of Exorgum, to forage the Country, were by the Turks entrapped, and almost all slain, except some few, which by speedy flight escaped. The Turks prosecuting their victory, laid hard siege to them in the Town also, until they had partly with famine, and partly with the sword consumed the most part of them. The Hermit with the poor remainder of his Army took his refuge to Cinite, a Town not far off, before abandoned by the Turks; where with much ado he defended himself until the coming of Duke Godfrey and the rest of the Princes.  
Cutlu-Muses the Turk was now dead, having left unto his Son Sultan Solyman many large Countries and Provinces, altogether gained from the Christians in Asia, whom he held in great subjection and thraldom. This warlike Prince having discomfited and almost brought to nought the Hermit's forces, was no less careful for the withstanding of the great Army following: which now being come into Bithy●i●, and lying before Nicomedia, removing thence, laid siege to the City of Nice, called in ancient time Antigonia, of Antigonus, 
Nice besieged by the C●risti●ans.  the Son of Philip that built it; and afterwards Nicaea, of Nicaea the Wife of King Lysimachus. In this City dwelled many devout Greeks, Christians; but in such thraldom unto the Turks, that they could not do any thing for the delivery of themselves. This siege endured longer than the Christian Princes had at the sirst supposed: who although they to the uttermost of their power forced the City on three sides, yet was it still notably defended, new supplies still coming from the Turks by the Lake of Ascanius joining upon the other side of the City. But after that the Christians, possessed of the Lake, began on that side also to lay hardly unto the City, the Turks discouraged, and seeing themselves beset round with their enemies, yielded up the City the fifth of july, in the year 1097, year 1097. after it had been fifty days besieged. But whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege, the Turks assailed that quarter of the Camp where the Legate lay; by whom they were notably repulsed, and with great loss enforced to retire unto the Mountains. In this City, amongst the rest of the Turks, was taken Soliman's wife, with two of her Children, whom the Princes sent prisoners to Constantinople. This City so won, was according to the agreement before made, restored unto Alexius the Emperor, whose Fleet had in that siege done good service, by taking the Lake from the Turks.  
The City of Nice thus won, the Christian Princes removing thence with their Army, and marching through the Country, came the fourth day ●fter unto a River which watered many rich pastures: where as they were about to have encamped, for the commodiousness of the place, and refreshing of the Army, suddenly news was brought into the quarter where Bohemund lay, now busy in casting up his trenches, That the Turks with a great Army were ready even at hand to charge him. For Solyman having raised a great power of his own, and aided by the Sultan of Persia his kinsman, was now come with an Army of 60000 strong to give the Christians battle: of whose approach Bohemund advertised, left the fortifying of his Trenches, and putting his Soldiers in array, set forward to meet him; sending word to the rest of the Princes that lay a far off, to be ready as occasion should require, to relieve him. 
A cruel battle ●●ught betwixt the Turks and the Christians.  These two Armies conducted by their most resolute Chieftains, meeting together, joined a most fierce and terrible battle, where in a short space the Turks lay slain upon heaps; in such sort that they served the Christians instead of Bulwarks. But whilst Bohemund thus prevaileth in the battle, certain of the Turks horsemen wheeling about, broke into Bohemunds' Camp (not as then altogether fortified, and but slenderly manned) where among the Women, and other weak persons there left, they raised a great tumult and outcry, to the great appaling of them that were fight in the battle: which Bohemund perceiving, withdrew himself with certain companies unto the Camp, from whence he with great slaughter repulsed the Enemy. But returning again into the battle, he found there a great alteration: for his Soldiers whom before he had left as it were in possession of a most glorious victory, were now so hardly laid on by the Turks, as that they were ready to have turned their backs and fled. Nevertheless by his coming in, the battle was notably restored, and again made doubtful; when the enemy perceiving how much the assaulting of the Camp had troubled the Christians in battle, sent out certain Troops of Horsemen again to assault the same; and had not failed undoubtedly to have taken it, being as aforesaid not yet fortified, had not Hugh the French Kings Brother come in good time to the rescue: who coming in with 30000 Horsemen, after he had relieved the Camp, entering directly into the battle, was notably encountered by a Squadron of fresh Soldiers of the Turks, by them of purpose reserved for such event. There began a battle more terrible than the first, with most doubtful victory: But at the length the Turks weary of the long and cruel fight, and seeing most of their fellows slain, began by little and little to give ground, and so retired into the Mountains, which were not far off. In this battle, which continued a great part of the day, were slain of the Turks 40000, and of the Christians about 2000 The next morning Bohemund, with the French Kings Brother, came again into the field, in such order as if they should presently have given or received battle; where after they had stayed a great while, and saw no Enemy to appear, they fell to the honest burial of their dead; which were easily known from the Turks, by the red crosses upon their garments, the cognisance of their sacred warfare. Solyman flying with the remainder of his Army, 
Solyman flieth.  notably dissembled his loss, giving it out that he had got the victory: yet by the way as he went he burnt up the Country Villages, and destroyed or carried away whatsoever else he thought might stand the Christians in any stead, if they should further follow after him, leaving nothing for them but the bare ground.  
After this victory, Bohemund and the Christian Princes, without resistance marching through the hot and dry Countries of the lesser Asia, came to Antiochia a City of Pisidia, 
Antioch in Pisidia taken by the Christians.  which they took with small labour: and so marching unto Iconium the principal City of Cilicia, near unto the Mountain Taurus, were there also of the Citzens courteously received, where they stayed certain days for the refreshing of the Army. 
Heraclea yielded.  From thence they set forward toward Heraclea, where a great power of the Turks were reported to be assembled. But they together with the garrison Soldiers, upon the approach of the victorious Army of the Christians, forsook the City and fled: the Citizens being Christians (as they were yet generally in all the Provinces of the lesser Asia, but in great subjection to the Turks) and now rid of their cruel masters the Turkish garrisons, came forth, and meeting the Princes, gladly yielded themselves with their City unto them, as unto their deliverers. Here the Christian Princes fully instructed of the great fear and desperation of the Turks, who now in no place durst abide their coming; for the more speedy taking in of those Countries but lately oppressed by the Turks, divided their Army into two parts, leaving the one part thereof with Baldwin and Tancred in Cilicia, for the full subduing thereof, (who in short time took the Cities of Tarsus, Edessa, and Manussa, with all the rest of the Country, the Turks not daring any where to abide their coming:) the other part of the Army in the mean time entering into the lesser Armenia, took the same from the Turks, which the Princes gave to one Palmurus an Armenian, who had in that expedition done them great service. From thence they took their way into Capadocia, which they also subdued, driving out the Turks in every place, and took the Cities of Caesarea and Socor, where they stayed a few days for the refreshing of the Army: with like success they passed through the rest of the Provinces of the lesser Asia, of late possessed by the Turks, still chase them out before them, and setting at liberty the poor oppressed Christians of those Countries. Whereof Solyman (craving aid of Axan the Persian Sultan his cousin) grievously complained by his Letters to him directed in this sort: 
Sultan Solyman his letters unto the Persian Sultan Axan.  The famous City of Nice with the Country of Romania, which we by your aid and power have gotten from the kingdom of the Greeks, and of your bounty possessed, the Christians of the kingdom of France have again taken from us. Thus was the late erected Kingdom of the Turks in the lesser Asia, by these valiant Christian Champions again brought low, and they glad to retire themselves further off into the Mountains and more Eastern Countries, until this heat was overpast; and that they, taking the benefit of the troubled state of the Greek Empire (afterwards rend in sunder by ambition and civil discord, the ruin of the greatest Monarchies) recovered not only their former state, but became also dreadful unto the Greek Emperors themselves; upon whom they daily gained in one corner or other, still maintaining the honour of their estate until the rising of the Ottoman Family, as in the process of this History shall, God willing, be declared.  
These victorious Princes (then, and to the world's end famous) not contented, to their immortal praise, to have thus driven the Turks out of the lesser Asia, 
The Christians bind themselves by Oath, never to return until they had won the Holy City.  and recovered so many Countries; bound themselves, as well the Princes as the common Soldiers, by solemn oath, never to return again into their Countries, until they had accomplished that sacred War with the conquest of the Holy City. So mounting together the high mountain Taurus, and descending thence as into another world, they came to the City Maresia, which they took without resistance, the Turks there in garrison being by night before for fear fled: where the Christians for the refreshing of themselves certain days stayed. In the mean time Robert Earl of Flanders with a thousand men at arms, was sent out to give summons unto a City called Artasia, about fifteen miles distant from Antioch: when as the Citizens beholding the Ensigns of ●he Christians, suddenly took up Arms against the Turks there in Garrison, which had of long holden them in Subjection, and prevailing upon them, slew them every Mother's Son: whose heads they presented unto the Earl, and received him into their City. The Turks to revenge the death of their Friends, and to recover again the City before the coming of the rest of the Army, sent out about 10000 men out of Antioch; for thither was assembled a great Power of them to have hindered the further proceedings of the Christians: and being come near to Artasia, they sent before certain straggling Companies, of purpose to draw the new come Christians out of the City, lying in the mean time in ambush with the rest, of purpose to entrap them. With these straggling Companies the Flemings sallying out, lustily encountered, and easily put them to flight, the Turks indeed flying of purpose to bring them within the danger of the other, lying in ambush. After whom the Flemings eagerly following, were before they were aware enclosed round with their Enemies, and there had undoubtedly perished, had not the Citizens (being Christians) presently sallied out and right worthily relieved them.  
Shortly after, the Christian Princes marching forward with their Army, were encountered by the Turk at the River Orontes, who had there thought to have stayed their further passage: with whom Robert Duke of Normandy, who had the Leading of the Vanguard, had a hard conflict, until that the Turks, discouraged with the sight of the Army still coming on, forsook the bridge, and betook themselves to flight. So the Christians passing the River, came and encamped with their Army before the famous City of Antioch, 
Antioch in Syria besieged by the Christians.  the one and twentieth day of October, in the year 1097. the Governor whereof under the Persian Sultan was one Cassianus, (of some also honoured with the name of a King) who at the coming of the Christians, had with him in the City seven thousand Horsemen, and twenty thousand Foot of the Turks, with great store of Victuals, and all manner of other Provisions necessary for the defence thereof. 
The description of the famous City of Antioch  This City, called in ancient time Epidaphane, or Epiphane, and of the Hebrews, R●blatha, sometime the Seat of the Syrian Kings, and afterwards the Metropolitical City of Syria, having under it an hundred and fifty Bishops, (famous for many things, and amongst others, for that it was the Seat of the blessed Apostle St. Peter, and first place wherein the Professors of the Christian Religion took the name of Christians) is situate upon the River Orontes, about twelve miles from the Sea, and was then strongly fortified both by Nature and Art, being compassed about with a double Wall; the uttermost whereof was of hard stone, and the other of brick, with 460 Towers in the same, and an impregnable Castle at the East end thereof, whereunto was joining a deep Lake, coming out of the great River, which watered the South side of the City. Round about this strong City (one of the most assured Refuges of the Turks) although it were in circuit great, lay the Christian Princes encamped, except on that side which being defended with the high broken Mountains, is not there to be besieged. Upon whom the Turks out of the City, during the time of the siege made many a fierce and desperate sally, being still by the Christian's most valiantly repulsed: especially at the bridge which the Christians had made of Boats for their commodious passage too and fro over the River. In this sort was the siege continued until the beginning of February, with many a bloody Skirmish. At which time such abundance of Rain fell, as that hardly could a man find any place to lie dry in; and the scarcity of Victual grew so great in the Camp, that many (horrible it is to say) to assuage their hunger, were glad to eat the dead bodies of their slain Enemies. In these extremities many died of hunger and cold; yea their horses also perished for want of meat, so that in the whole Camp were scarcely left two thousand horses fit for Service, the rest being either all dead, or brought so low, as that they were altogether unserviceable. These miseries daily increasing, divers men of great account, whom no terror of the Enemy could have dismayed; began secretly to withdraw themselves out of the Camp, with purpose to have stolen home; among whom were Peter the Hermit Author of this War, and Tancred the Nephew of Bohemund, who taken by the way, and brought back with the rest as Fugitives, were sharply reprehended by Hugh the French Kings Brother, as Cowards, and Traitors to their Brethren and fellow Soldiers, and so enforced to take a new Oath for their Fidelity and Perseverance. Bohemund in the mean time going to Arthusia a Town not far off, by good Fortune cut off a great part of the Turks there in Garrison; who after their usual manner sallying out to have cut off the Foragers of the Christians, were now themselves caught tardy: whereby the Country for a time was more open for the distressed Christian Soldiers to seek abroad for relief. But this liberty so lately gained lasted not long, when news was brought unto the Camp, That the Turks in great number, out of the Provinces about Aleppo and Damascus, were coming unto the relief of their besieged Friends in Antioch. Nevertheless the Christians trusting to their own strength, and the strength of the place wherein they were encamped, lay still, and at their coming so encountered them, that they slew 2000 of them, and put the rest to flight. In which conflict the Christians got great store of Provision and Victuals which the Turks had thought to have put into the City. The heads of the slain Turks the Christians set upon stakes before the City, to the more terror of the Defendants. This overthrow of the Turks, wherein Cassianus had lost his eldest son, with others of his best Captains, so daunted the besieged, that they requested a Truce for a time of the Christian Princes: which granted, they of the City came oftentimes into the Camp, and they of the Camp likewise into the City: Cassianus still expecting relief from the Persian Sultan. Whilst the Christians Princes were thus busy in Asia, the Venetians with a great Fleet of two hundred Galleys scouring the Seas, under the conduct of Henry Contarenus the Bishop, and of Vitalis the Duke's son, meeting with the Galleys of Pisa at the Rhodes, and falling out with them, had with them a great fight, wherein the Venetians having the upper hand, took eighteen of their Galleys, and in them five thousand Soldiers: whom they seeing to be marked with the red cross, the cognisance of the sacred War, they presently set at liberty, together with the Galleys, detaining only thirty of the better sort as Hostages. After that, the Venetians sailing into jonia, took the City of Smyrna, and spoiled all along the coasts of Lycia, Pamphilia, and Cilicia, before for fear abandoned by the Turks.  
The Truce before taken between the Turks and the Christians at the siege of Antioch, being in short time after broken by the death of one Vollo a Frenchman, slain by the Turks; the War was again begun, and the City more hardly laid unto than before. At which time the Governor, who in the time of this long siege, which had now continued nine months, had lost most part of his best Soldiers, was glad for the defence of so great a City, to use the Service of divers Christians, then dwelling in the City. Among whom was one Pyrrhus, a Citizen of great Reputation, unto whom he had committed the guarding of a Tower, called the two Sisters▪ but afterward St. Georges Tower. 
Ant●och betrayed to the Christians.  This Pyrrhus had secret Intelligence with Bohemund Prince of Tarentum, with whom he agreed to give him there entrance into the City, upon condition, that he should of the other Christian Princes procure the Government of the City to himself; and t●at he, with the rest of the Christian Citizens in the City, might be at his hands well used: which thing being easily obtained, all things agreed upon, Bohemund with his Soldiers were by night by Pyrrhus let into the City, who made way for the rest of the Army to enter. The City thus taken, many of the Turks fled into the Castle, the rest were put to the Sword, Man, Woman, and Child; and among them also many of the Christians, the furious Soldiers taking of them no knowledge. Great wealth was there found, but small store of Victuals. 
Cassianus Governor of Antioch in flying slain.  Cassianus the late Governor flying out of the City to save himself, in wand'ring through the Mountains, fell into the hands of the Christian Armenians, who lately thrust out of jerusalem, were fled thither for Refuge, by whom he was there slain. In the City were slain about ten thousand persons. Thus was the famous City of Antioch, which the Turks had long before by Famine taken from the Christians, again recovered the third day of june, in the year of our Lord God, 1098. The poor oppressed Christians in jerusalem hearing of this so notable a Victory, year 1098. gave secret Thanks unto God therefore, and began to lift up their heads in hope that their Delivery was now at hand. Of this Victory, the Princes of the Army by speedy Messengers and Letters certified their Friends in all Countries, so that in short time, the fame thereof had filled a great part of the World. Among others, Bohemund Prince of Tarentum, unto whom the City was delivered, sent the joyful News thereof unto Roger his Brother Prince of Apulia; whose Letters as the most certain Witnesses of the History before reported, I thought it not amiss here to set down.  

The L●tters of Bohemund Prince of Tarentum, to his Brother Roger Prince of Apulia, concerning the winning of Ant●och.  I suppose you to have understood by the Letters of your Son Tancred, both of the great fear of some of us, and the battles which we have of late with our great Glory fought. But concerning the Truce, and the proceeding of the whole Action, I had rather you should be certified by my Letters, than the Letters of others. King Cassianus had required a time of Truce: during which, our Soldiers had free Recourse into the City without danger, until that by the death of Vollo a Frenchman, slain by the Enemy, the Truce was broken. But whilst it yet se●med ●n hard matter to win the City, one Pyrrhus a Citizen of Antioch, of great Authority and much devoted unto me, had Conference with me concerning the yielding up of the City; yet upon condition, That the Government thereof should be committed to me, in whom he had reposed an especial Trust. I conferred of the whole matter with the Princes and great Commanders of the Army, and easily obtained that the Government of the City was by their general consent allotted unto me. So our Army entering by a Gate opened by Pyrrhus, took the City. Within a few days after, the Town Aretum was by us assaulted, but not without some loss and danger to our Person, by reason of a Wound I there received. I assure you much of the valour of your Son Tancred, of whom I and the whole Army make such account and reckoning, as is to be made of a most valiant and resolute General. Farewell.  
From Antioch.  
Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of Antioch, 
Edessa in vain besieged by the Turks.  Corbanas (the Persian Sultan his Lieutenant) with a great Army besieged Edessa, with purpose after the taking thereof, to have relieved the City of Antioch. But this being notably defended by Baldwin left there of purpose with a strong Garrison for the defence thereof; the Turk fearing in the mean time to lose Antioch, the safest Refuge of the Turks in all those parts, rose with his Army, and set forward against the Christians: where by the way, it was his fortune to meet with Sansadolus, Cassianus his Son, but lately fled from Antioch, by whom he understood of the loss of the City, and by what means the same was most like again to be recovered: upon which hope, Corbanas with his mighty Army kept on his way, with a full resolution to set all upon the fortune of a battle. Whose coming much troubled the Christians: for that although they were possessed of the City, yet was the Castle still holden by the Turks. Nevertheless leaving the Earl of toulouse in the City, with a competent Power for the keeping in of them in the Castle, they took the field with the whole strength of the Army, and so in order of battle expected the coming of their Enemies; who courageously coming on, as men before resolved to fight, joined with them a most terrible and bloody battle. 
Corbanas the Sultan's Lieutenant, with a great Army cometh to recover again the City of Antioch.  Neither were they in the City in the mean time idle, for that the Turks in the Castle having received in unto them certain Supplies from Corbanas, sallied out upon them that were left for the safeguard of the City, and had with them a cruel conflict. Thus both within the City and without, was to be seen a most dreadful fight of resolute men, with great slaughter on both sides: yet after long fight and much effusion of blood, the fortune of the Christians prevailing, the Turks began to give ground, and afterwards betook themselves to plain flight, whom the Christians hardly pursuing, made of them a wonderful slaughter. In this battle were slain of the Turks above an hundred thousand, and of the Christians about four thousand two hundred. There was also taken a great Prey; for besides Horses and other Beasts for burden, were taken also five thousand Camels with their lading. The next day, being the 28 th' of june, the Castle was by the Turks (now despairing of relief) yielded up unto the Christians.  
Antioch thus taken, Hugh the French Kings Brother, surnamed the Great, was sent from the rest of the Princes to C●nstantinople, to have delivered the City unto Alexius the Emperor according to the agreement before made. But he, guilty in conscience of his own foul dealing with them, unto whom he had sent no relief at all during the long and hard siege of Antioch; neither performed any thing of that he had further promised, and therefore knowing himself hated of them; had in distrust so great an offer of the Princes, so evil deserved, and therefore refused to accept thereof. Whereupon Bohemund by the general consent of the whole Army was chosen Prince, or (as some call him) King of Antioch. 

Bohemund chosen Prince of Antioch.  
The Plagu● in the Christian Army.    
After this long siege and want of Victuals, ensued a great Plague in the Army of the Christians, the Autumn following, whereof it is reported fifty thousand men to have died, and amongst them many of great Account. But the mortality ceasing, the Christians in November following, by force took Rugia and Albaria, two Cities about two days journey from Antioch; where dissension arising betwixt Bohemund and Raimund, who of all others only envied at his Preferment unto the Principality of Antioch: Bohemund for the common causes sake, 
Discord arising upon emulation betwixt Bohemund and Raimund.  gave way unto his Adversary, and retired with his Soldiers back again to Antioch; after whom followed the Duke Godfrey, and the Earl of Flanders with their Regiments. The rest of the Princes wintered some at Rugia, some at Albaria, from whence Raimund made s●ndry light Expeditions further into the Enemy's Country: but the Spring approaching, the Christian Princes with all their Power took the field again. Bohemund with them remained with him, departing from Anti●ch, besieged Tortosa. Raimund in the mean time with the rest, besieging the City of Tripoli; who become much more insolent than before, by reason of some fortunate Roads he had made upon the Enemies the last Winter, ceased not still to malign Bohemund and his proceedings: matter enough to have divided the whole Power of the Christians, and to have turned their weapons upon themselves; which Bohemund well considering, rose with his Army; and because he would not with his presence trouble the proceeding of the religious War, retired himself to Antioch. After whose departure, Godfrey and the Earl of Flanders took Gabella, a City about twelve miles from Laodicea, and from thence returned again to the siege of Tortosa, whether Raimund came also with his Army, having before driven the Governor of Tripoli to such composition as pleased himself, and to furnish him with things as he wanted. Thus was Tortosa hardly on three sides besieged by the Christians, but so notably defended by the Turks, that after three months hard siege, the Christians were glad to depart thence; and marching along the Seaside, spoiled the Country about Sidon. But forasmuch as that City was not easily to be won, they left it, and encamped before Ptolemais, which they also passed by; the Governor thereof sending them out Victuals, with such other things as they wanted; and upon Summons given, promising to yield the City after they had once won the City of jerusalem. From thence they came to Caesarea in Palestine, where they solemnly kept the Feast of Whitsuntide; and so to Rama, which they found for fear forsaken of the Infidels. 
The exceeding joy of the Christians upon the first descrying of the holy City.  Marching from Rama, and drawing near to jerusalem, they in the Vanguard of the Army, upon the first descrying of the Holy City, gave for joy divers great Shouts and Outcries, which with the like applause of the whole Army was so doubled and redoubled, as if therewith they would have rend the very Mountains, and pierced the highest Heavens. There might a man have seen the devout passions of these most worthy and zealous Christians, uttered in right divers manners: some, with the●r Eyes and Hands cast up towards Heaven, called aloud upon the name and help of Christ Jesus; some, prostrate upon their faces, kissed the ground, as that whereon the Redeemer of the World sometime walked; others joyfully saluted those holy places which they had heard so much of, and then first beheld: in brief, every man in some sort expressed the joy he had conceived of the sight of the Holy City, as the end of their long travel.  
This most ancient and famous City, so much renowned in holy Writ, is situate in an hilly Country; not watered with any River or fresh Springs, as other famous Cities for most part be; neither yet was it well seated for Wood or Pasture ground: but what wanted in these, and such other benefits of Nature, was by the extraordinary blessings of the most High so supplied, as that the Jews there dwelling, so long as they kept the Ordinances of the Lord, were of all other people in the World justly accounted the most happy and fortunate. Yet in those so blessed times, was this City for the sin of the people oftentimes delivered into the Enemy's hand, and the glory thereof defaced; as well appeareth by the whole course of the History of holy Scripture, as also by the ancient and approved Histories, as well of the Jews themselves, as others. Nevertheless it still rose again (though not in like glory as before in the time of King David, Solomon, and the other next succeeding Kings) and so was still repeopled by the Jews, until that at last according to the foretelling of our Saviour Christ, it was with a great, and of all others most lamentable destruction, utterly razed and destroyed by the Romans, under the leading of Vespasian the Emperor, and his noble Son Titus, forty years after our Saviour his precious Death and Passion. Since which time, it was never until this day again repaired, or yet well inhabited by the Jews; but lying buried in the ruins of itself, all the Reign of Domitian, Nerva, and Trajan, until the time of the great Emperor Aelius Adrianus, 
Jerusalem re-edified by the great emperor Aelius Adrianus. A brief discourse of the state and fortune o● the Holy City of Jerusalem, from the destruction thereof, under Vespasianus the Emperor, and Ti●us his son, until it was now again recovered out of the hands of t●e Infidels by Godfr●y of Buillon an● the other Christian Princes of the West.  it was again by him re-edified about the year 136, and after the name of him called Aelia; who together with the name changed also in some part the ancient situation of the City. For whereas before it was seated upon the steep rising of an hill, in such sort that towards the East▪ and the South it overlooked the whole ground, having only the Temple and the Castle called Antonia, in the highest part of the City; Adrian translated the whole City unto the very top of the hill, so that the place where our blessed Saviour suffered his most bitter Passion, with the Sepulchre wherein he was also laid, and from whence he in Glory rose again, before without the City, were then enclosed within the Walls thereof, as they are at this day to be seen. Yet for all that, the Emperor being dead, in process of time this new built City recovered again the ancient name of jerusalem, whereby it hath ever since, and is at this day yet known. This City so re-edified, the Emperor first gave unto the Jews, whom he afterwards thrust out again for their Rebellion, and gave it to the Christians to inhabit; over whom, one Mark, first Bishop of the Gentiles there, had the charge. But forasmuch as the Roman Emperors were at that time altogether Idolaters and Persecutors of the poor Christians, the Church also at jerusalem, with others, endured sundry and many grievous Persecutions under the Emperors Antonius, Commodus, Severus, Maximinus, Valerianus, Aurelianus, Dioclesianus, and Maxentius, until that at length Constantine the Great, converted unto the Faith of Christ about the year of Grace 320, suppressing the Pagan Idolatry, gave general Peace to the afflicted Church: whereby the Christian Church at jerusalem, for the space of three hundred years after, happily flourished under the Greek Emperors, until the time of the Emperor Phocas; who having most cruelly slain the good Emperor Maurice with his Children, and so possessed himself of the Empire, gave occasion thereby unto Chosroe the Persian King, in revenge of the death of Maurice his Father in law, with all his Power to invade Syria: who as a tempest bearing down all before him, took also by force the City of jerusalem, having that year, which was about the year Six hundred and ten, slain almost an hundred thousand Christians. But Phocas the Usurper being by them of his Guard most cruelly slain, and Heraclius succeeding in his stead, Chosroe was by him again driven out of Syria, and the Holy City again recovered, about the year 624. In these great Wars against the Persians, Heraclius had used the help of the Arabians, called Scenite, a warlike people of Arabia Deserta, altogether given to the Spoil: who, the Wars now ended, expecting to have received their pay, were contrary to their expectation, and without all reason rejected by them that should have paid them, with very foul and contumelious words; as, that there was not money enough to pay the Christian Soldiers of the Latins and the Greeks, much less those vile dogs (whom they so called, for that they had but a little before received the damnable Doctrine of the false Prophet Mahomet, the great Seducer of the World, who even in that time flourished.) Upon which discontentment they at their return revolted from the Empire, and joined themselves unto their great Prophet, and so afterwards unto the Caliphs' his Successors, extending his Doctrine, together with his Sovereignty, to the utmost of their power: and that with so good success, that in short time they had overrun all Aegyp●, Syria, the Land of Promise, and taken the Holy City. With these (the Disciples of Mahomet and his Successors, the Saracens, for so now they would be called) the Greek Emperors ensuing had for certain years divers conflicts, with divers fortune, for the possession of Syria. But at length wearied out, and by them overcome, they left the aforesaid Countries wholly to their Devotion. Hereby it came to pass, that the Saracens for the space of 370 years following held these Countries, with many others in great subjection, oppressing still the poor Christians in jerusalem with most grievous Tributes and exactions: unto whom they yet left a third part of the City for them to dwell in, with the Temple of the Sepulchre of our Saviour, and Mount Zion; not for any devotion, either unto them, or those places, but for that it yielded them a great profit by the recourse of devout Christians travelling thither: reserving in the mean time unto themselves, the other two parts of the City, with the Temple of Solomon, before re-edified by the Christians. Now whilst the Saracens thus triumph it in the East, and not in the East only, but over a great part of the West also; contenting themselves with such Tributes as they had imposed upon the subdued Nations and Countries; up start the Turks, a vagrant, fierce, and cruel people; who first breaking into Asia (as is before declared) and by rare fortune aspiring unto the Kingdom of Persia, subdued the Countries of Mesopotamia, Syria, with the greatest part of the lesser Asia, and judaea, together with the Holy City: who both there and in all other places, held the poor oppressed Christians in such Subjection and Thraldom, as that the former government of the Saracens seemed in comparison of this to have been but light and easy. Neither was there any end or release of these so great miseries to have been expected, had not God in mercy by the weak means of a poor Hermit, stirred up these most worthy Princes of the West to take up Arms in their defence, who having with their victorious Armies recovered the lesser Asia, with a great part of Syria, were now come unto this Holy City.  
The Governor of jerusalem understanding by his Spials, 
Jerusalem besieged by the Christians.  of the proceedings of the Christians, had before their approach, got into the City a great garrison of right valiant Soldiers, with good store of all things necessary for the holding out of a long Siege. The christians with their Army approaching the City, encamped before it on the North; for that toward the East▪ and the South, it was not well to be besieged, by reason of the broken Rocks and Mountains. Next unto the City lay Godfrey the Duke, with the Germans and Lorains: near unto him lay the Earl of Flanders, and Robert the Norman: before the West gate lay Tancred and the Earl of Tholouse: Bohemund and Baldwin were both absent; the one at Antioch, the other at Ediss●. The Christians thus strongly encamped, the fifth day after gave unto the City a fierce assault, with such cheerfulness, as that it was verily supposed, it might have been even then won, had they been sufficiently furnished with scaling ladders; for want whereof, they were glad to give over the assault and retire. But within a few days after, having supplied that defect, and provided all things necessary, they came on again afresh, and with all their power gave unto the City a most terrible assault, wherein was on both sides seen great valour, policy, and cunning, with much slaughter, until that at length the Christians weary of the long Fight, and in that hot Country, and most fervent time of the year, fainting for lack of Water, were glad again to forsake the assault, and to retire into their Trenches: only the Well of Siloe yielded them water, and that not sufficient for the whole Camp; the rest of the Wells which were but few, being before by the Enemy either filled up, or else poisoned.  
Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege of jerusalem, 
The Genoese come to the Siege.  a Fleet o● the Genoese arrived at joppa; at which time also a great Fleet of the Egyptian Sultan's lay at Ascalon, to have brought relief to the besieged. Turk's in jerusalem, whereof the Genoese understanding, and knowing themselves too weak to encounter them at Sea, took all such things out of their Ships as they thought good, and so sinking them, marched by Land unto the Camp. There was amongst these Genoese divers Engineers, men (after the manner of that time) cunning in making of all manner of Engines fit for the besieging of Cities; by whose device, a great moving Tower was framed of timber and thick planks, covered over with raw Hides, to save the same from fire; out of which the Christians might in safety greatly annoy the Defendants. This Tower being by night brought close to the Wall, served the Christians instead of a most sure fortress in the assault the next day; where whilst they strive with warlike Valour and doubtful Victory on both sides, from morning until midday, by chance the wind favouring the Christians, carried the flame of the fire into the face of the Turks, wherewith they had thought to have burnt the Tower, with such violence, that the Christians taking the benefit thereof, and holpen by the Tower, gained the top of the Wall; which was first footed by the Duke Godfrey, and his Brother Eustace, w●●h their followers, and the Ensigns of the Duke there first set up, to the great encouraging of the Christians, who now pressing in on every side, like a violent River that had broken over the Banks, bore down all before them. All were slain that came to hand, Men, Women, and Children, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition: the Slaughter was great, and the sight lamentable, 
A most cruel and bloody fight, betwixt the Christians and the Turks in the Temple of Jerusalem.  all the Streets were filled with blood and the bodies of the dead, Death triumphing in every place. Yet in this confusion, a wonderful number of the better sort of the Turks, retiring to Solomon's Temple, there to do their last Devoir, made there a great and terrible Fight, armed with despair to endure any thing; and the victorious Christians no less disdaining, after the winning of the City, to find there so great resistance. In this desperate conflict, fought with wonderful obstinacy of mind, many fell on both sides: but the Christians ●ame on so fiercely, with desire of blood, that breaking into the Temple, the foremost of them were by the press of them that followed after, violently thrust upon the weapons of their Enemies, and so miserably slain. Neither did the Turks thus oppressed, give it over, but as men resolved to die, desperately fought it out with invincible courage, not at the gates of the Temple only, but even in the midst thereof also, where was to be seen great heaps, both of the Victors and the vanquished; slain indifferently together. All the Pavement of the Temple swum with blood, in such sort, that a man could not set his foot, but either upon some dead man, or over the shoes in blood: Yet for all that, the obstinate Enemy still held the Vaults and top of the Temple, when as the darkness of the night came so fast on, that the Christians were glad to make an end of the Slaughter, and to sound a Retreat. The next day (for Proclamation was made, for mercy to be showed unto all such as should lay down their weapons) the Turks that yet held the upper part of the Temple, came down and yielded themselves. Thus was the famous City of jerusalem with great bloodshed, but far greater honour, recovered by these worthy Christians, year 1099. in the year 1099, after it had been in the hands of the Infidels above four hundred years.  
The next day after, having buried the dead, and cleansed the City, they gave thanks to God with public Prayers and great rejoicing. The poor Christians before oppressed, now overcome with unexpected joy, welcomed their victorious Brethren with great joy and praise; and the Soldiers embracing one another, sparing to speak of themselves, freely commended each others valour. Eight days after, the Princes of the Army meeting together, began to consult about the choice of their King; among whom was no such difference, as might well show which was to be preferred before the others. And although every one of them for prowess and desert, seemed worthy of so great an honour, yet by the general consent of all, it was given to Robert Duke of Normandy; who about the same time hearing of the death of the Conqueror his Father, and more in love with his Father's new gotten Kingdom in England, in hope thereof, refused the Kingdom of jerusalem, then offered unto him; which at his return he found possessed by William Rufus his younger Brother, and so in hope of a better, refusing the worse, upon the matter lost both.  
After whose departure, Godfrey of Buillon Duke of Lorain (whose Ensign was first displayed upon the Walls) was by the general consent both of the Princes and the Army, 
Godfrey Duke of Buillon by the general consent of the Christian Army chosen first King of Jerusalem.  saluted King: He was a great Soldier, and endued with many Heroical Virtues, brought up in the Court of the Emperor Henry the Fourth, and by him much employed. At the time of his inauguration, he refused to be crowned with a Crown of Gold: saying, That it became not a Christian man there to wear a Crown of Gold, where Christ the Son of God had for the salvation of mankind, sometime w●rn a Crown of Thorn. Of the greatest part of these proceedings of the Christians, from the time of their departure from Antioch, until the winning of the Holy City, Godfrey by Letters briefly certified Bohemund, as followeth:  
Godfrey of Buillon, to Bohemund King of Antioch, Greeting.  
AFter long travel, having first taken certain Towns, we came to Jerusalem; which City is environed with high Hills, without Rivers or Fountains, excepting only that of solomon's, and that a very little one. In it are many Cisterns, wherein water is kept, both in the City and the Country thereabout. On the East, are the Arabians, the Moabites and Ammonites. On the South, the Idumaeans, Egyptians and Philistians: Westward along the Sea-coast, lie the Cities of Ptolemais, Tyrus, and Tripoli: and Northward, Tiberias, Caesarea, Philippi, with the Country Decapolis and Damascus. In the assault of the City, I first gained that part of the Wall that fell to my lot to assail, and commanded Baldwin to enter the City; who having slain certain Companies of the Enemies, broke open one of the Gates for the Christians to enter. Raymond had the City of David, with much rich Spoil yielded unto him. But when we come unto the Temple of Solomon, there we had a great conflict, with so great Slaughter of the Enemy, that our men stood in blood above the ankles: The night approaching, we could not take the upper part of the Temple, which the next day was yielded, the Turks pitifully crying out for mercy: and so the City of Jerusalem was by us taken, the fifteenth of July, in the year of our Redemption 1099, thirty nine days after the beginning of the Siege, four hundred and nine years after it fell into the bands of the Saracens in the time of Heraclius the Emperor. Besides this, the Princes with one consent saluted me (against my Will) King of Jerusalem; who although I fear to take upon me so great a Kingdom, yet I will do my devoir, that they shall easily know me for a Christian King, and well deserving of the Universal Faith; but love you me as you do, and so farewell. From Jerusalem.  
Whilst these things were in doing at jerusalem, such a multitude of the Turks and Saracens their Confederates (now in their common calamity all as one) were assembled at Ascalon (a City about five and twenty miles from jerusalem) to revenge the injuries they had before received, as had not before met together in all the time of this sacred War. Against whom, Godfrey (the late Duke, and now King) assembled the whole Forces of the Christians in those Countries, and leaving a strong Garrison in the new won City, set forward, and meeting with them, joined a most dreadful and cruel battle; wherein (as most report) were slain of the Infidels, 
An hundred thousand Turks and Saracens slain.  an hundred thousand men, and the rest put to flight. The Spoil there taken, far exceeded all that the Christians had before taken in this long Expedition. Godfrey after so great a Victory, returning to jerusalem, gave unto God most humble thanks. The rest of the Princes returned either to their Charge, as did Bohemund to Antioch, Baldwin to Edessa, Tancred into Galilee, whereof he was created Prince; or else having now performed the uttermost of their Vows, returned with honour into their own Countries. This was of all others the most honourable Expedition that ever the Christians took in hand against the Infidels, and with the greatest resolution performed; for the most part, by such voluntary men, as moved with a devout Zeal to their immortal praise, 
Godfrey of Buillon first Christian King of Jerusalem▪ dieth of the Plague.  spared neither life nor living in defence of the Christian Faith and Religion; all Men worthy eternal Fame and Memory. Not long after ensued a great Pestilence (the ready attendant of long war and want) whereof infinite numbers of People died, and among the rest Godfrey, the first Christian King of jerusalem, never to be sufficiently commended: who with the general lamentation of all good Christians, was honourably buried in the Church of the Sepulchre of our Saviour, on the Mount Calvary, where our Saviour suffered his Passion; in which the Christian Kings succeeding him were also afterwards buried. He departed this life the eighteenth of july, in the year of our Lord, 1100. when he had yet scarce reigned a full year. year 1100. Whose Tomb is yet at this day there to be seen, with an honourable Inscription thereupon.  

Baldwin Count of Edessa, and Brother to Godfrey, Second King of Jerusalem.  After the death of Godfrey, the Christians made choice of Baldwin his Brother, Count of Edessa, who leaving his former Government to Baldwin surnamed Burgensis, his near Kinsman, came to jerusalem honourably accompanied, and was there by the Patriarch on Christmas-day with all Solemnity crowned King, in the year 1101. year 1101. He aided by the Venetians and Genoese at Sea, and by Bohemund King of Antioch by Land, took from the Infidels the City of Caesarea Stratonis, standing upon the Seaside, and overthrew certain Companies of the Egyptian Sultan's at Rama. But understanding that the Christian Princes of the West were coming to his aid with a new Power, he glad thereof, went to meet them, and safely conducted them to jerusalem alongst the Sea-coast, by the Cities of Berythus, Sidon, Tyre, and Ptolemais, all yet holden by the Enemy. At which time the Turks at Ascalon having received great aid from the Arabians and Egyptians, invaded the Country about Rama, where betwixt them and the Christians was fought a most cruel battle, wherein the Christians received a most notable overthrow, many of their great Commanders being there slain; and among the rest, Stephen Earl of Charters, (but lately returned home from the former Expedition, and now come back again) and Stephen Earl of Burgundy and Tholous: yea, the King himself hardly escaped the Enemy's hands, and after many dangers came at length to joppa, after it had been constantly before reported him to have been in that battle also slain. Who having there in haste repaired his Army, came again speedily upon his Enemies, fearing as then nothing less; and overthrew them with such a slaughter, as that they had small cause to rejoice of their former Victory. Neither were the rest of the Christian Princes in the other parts of Syria and Palestine, in the mean time idle, but sought by all means to enlarge their Territories. Tancred Prince of Galilee having raised a great Power, took Apamea the Metropolitical City of Coelosyria, and after much toil won also the City of Laodicea. Baldwin also the Governor of Edessa, besieging the City of Carras, had brought the besieged Turks to such extremity, that they were about to have yielded the City; when suddenly he was set upon by a great Army of the Turks sent from the Persian Sultan for the relief of the besieged; and being there overthrown, was himself there taken, with Benedict the Bishop, and one joscelin his Kinsman: who after five years' Captivity, found means with the Turk that had taken them, to redeem themselves, to the great offence of the Persian Sultan, and of the Sultan Solyman.  
King Baldwin after the late Victory, lived for a season at some good rest in jerusalem, unmolested of his Enemies: but knowing his greatest safety among such Warlike people, to consist in Arms, he upon the sudden raised the whole strength of his Kingdom, and laid siege to Ptolemais, otherwise called Acon, a City of Phoenicia, standing upon the rivage of the Sea; where he found such resistance, that he was glad to raise his siege and depart, having done nothing more than spoilt the pleasant places about the City. By the way in his return back again it fortuned him to meet with certain Companies of the Enemy's Adventurers, 
King Baldwin mortally wounded.  by whom he was in a Skirmish mortally wounded, although he died not thereof in long time after: for albeit that the Wound was by his Surgeons healed up, yet was the grief thereof so great, that at length it brought him to his end. Yet he notwithstanding the former repulse, the next year encouraged by the coming of the Genoa Fleet, laid hard siege again to Ptolemais both by Sea and Land, 
Ptolema●s won by King Baldwin.  which after twenty days siege was by Composition yielded unto him.  
Shortly after, the Governor of Aleppo, with certain other of the Turks great Captains in those Quarters, having joined their Forces together, and so invaded the Country about Antioch, were by Tancred (whom Bohemund at his departure into Italy had left Governor of that City) notably encountered and put to flight. At which time also the Chaliph of Egypt sending great Forces both by Sea and Land against the King of jerusalem, was in both places discomfited, at Land by the Christians, and at Sea by Tempest.  
Bohemund in the mean time, with a great Army of voluntary men and others (wherein he is reported to have had five thousand Horse, and forty thousand Foot) returning towards the Holy Land, in revenge of many Injuries done by Alexius the Emperor, unto the Soldiers of this sacred War, contrary to his Faith and Promise to them before given; by the way landed his men in Epirus, and grievously spoiled the Country about Dirrachium, part of the Emperor's Dominion. Neither made he an end of spoiling, until he had enforced the Emperor for redress of so great harms, to make peace with him, and again by solemn Oath to promise all security and kindness unto all such Christian Soldiers as should have occasion to travel too or fro through his Countries, during the time of this Religious War. After which agreement he put to Sea again, and so returned for jerusalem; but whilst he stayed at Antioch, 
Bohemund dieth at Antioch.  he shortly after there died in the year 1108. leaving the Principality thereof unto his young Son Bohemund a Child, under the tuition of his Nephew Tancred.  
Yet were the Cities of Berytus, Sidon, and Tyre, alongst the Sea-coast, in the Enemy's possession; for the gaining whereof Baldwin the King raised a great Army, and so came and laid siege to Berytus, which after many sharp Assaults he at length won, the 23. day of April, in the year 1111. and put to Sword most part of them that he found therein. The same year also he, 
1111. Sidon won  assisted by a Fleet sent unto him out of Norway, besieged the City of Sydon; which the Citizens (seeing themselves now beset both by Sea and Land) at length yielded unto him by composition the 19 th' day of December. After which Victory he dismissed the Fleet, and returned himself in Triumph to jerusalem. Now of all the famous Cities alongst the Sea-coast of Phoenicia and Palestine, from Laodicea to Ascalon, was only the City of Tyre that remained in the Enemy's hands; which City Baldwin also hardly besieged; nevertheless it was so well defended by the Turks, that after he had all in vain lain before it by the space of four months, he was glad to rise with his Army and depart.  
It fortuned that within two years after, the Turks with a mighty Army sent from the Persian Sultan, invaded the Country of Coelosyria, where spoiling all before them as they went, they came and encamped upon the Sea-coast near unto Tyberias. Against whom Baldwin gathered the whole strength of his Kingdom; with whom also Tancred (who now reigned in Antioch, the young Bohemund being dead) with the Count of Tripoli, and the rest of the Christian Princes, joined their Forces: who all together marching forward, came and encamped not far from the Enemy, being in number far more than they. Mendus, General of the Turks Army (for so I find him called) understanding of their approach, sent out certain Companies of his Men to skirmish with them; against whom the Christians also sent out others, who encountering them, easily put them to flight, being before commanded so to do, of purpose to draw the Christians into the danger of a great strength, lying in ambush to entrap them; which according to the Turks desire fell out; for the Christians fiercely pursuing the flying Enemy, fell into the ambush, and so before they were well aware, were beset on every side with their Enemies; unto the rescue of whom other Companies of Christians coming in, and others likewise from the Turks, both the great Armies were at length drawn into the field, where betwixt them was joined a most fierce and terrible battle, with great slaughter on both sides; but at length the multitude of the Turks prevailing, the Christians were put to the worse, and so glad to fly; after whom the fierce Enemy hardly followed, not without great slaughter. In which flight the King himself hardly escaped, with Arnolphus the Patriarch. Whilst Baldwin was thus busied abroad, the Turks and Saracens from Ascalon came and besieged jerusalem, being then but weakly manned; but hearing of the Kings coming, and that the Army of the Christians daily increased with new Supplies out of the West by Sea, they retired home again, having burnt certain storehouses full of Corn, and spoiled such things as were subject to their fury.  
Long it were to recount all the hard Conflicts and Combats this King had with the Saracens and Turks, which for brevity I pass over, contented to have briefly touched the greatest. In the last year of his Reign, having for certain years before lived in some reasonable Peace, he made an Expedition into Egypt, where he with much difficulty won Pharamia, a strong City upon the Sea-coast, which he joined unto his own Kingdom. After that, he went to the Mouth of the River Nilus, and with great admiration learned the nature of that strange River; and having therein taken abundance of Fish, returned into the City, and there with the same feasted himself with his Friends. But after dinner he began to feel the grief of his old Wound, and growing thereof sicker and sicker, returned with his Army toward jerusalem, where by the way near unto a City called Laris, he died (to the great grief of all the Christians) in the year 1118. year 1118. His dead body being brought back unto jerusalem, was there Royally buried, near unto his Brother Godfrey, after he had reigned eighteen years, whose Sepulchre is yet there also to be seen, fast by the Sepulchre of his Brother.  

Baldwin Brugensis chosen King of Jerusalem.  The late King thus dead and buried, the Christians with one consent made choice of his Cousin Baldwin, surnamed Brugensis, Governor of Edessa; who by the name of Baldwin the Second, was the second of April, year 1118. in the year 1118, solemnly Crowned King of jerusalem. He was of stature tall and well proportioned, of countenance comely and gracious, having his Hair thin and yellow, his Beard mingled with some grey hairs hanging down to his breast; his colour fresh and lively for one of his years. He was a man of great courage, and therefore no less redoubted of his Enemies, than beloved of his Subjects, who had in him reposed great hope both for the defence and enlarging of that new gained Kingdom. Against him the same Summer the Chaliph of Egypt, aided by the King of Damascus and the Turks, in revenge of the loss he had in the Expedition the year before received, raised a great Power to invade him both by Sea and Land. Against whom Baldwin also opposed himself with his whole strength, and so came and encamped within the sight of his Enemies. In which sort, when both Armies had lain the one facing the other by the space of three months, they both rose; the Christians fearing the multitude of the Turks, and the Turks the valour of the Christians, and so retired without any notable thing doing.  
This year died Alexius the Greek Emperor, who even from the beginning of this Sacred War secretly repined at the good success of the Christians in Syria, although his Empire were thereby greatly enlarged; after whom succeeded Calo joannes his Son, who all the time of his Reign right worthily defended his Territories in the lesser Asia, against the invasion of the Turks.  
Not long after, Gazi one of the greatest Princes of the Turks in the lesser Asia, with the King of Damascus, and Debeis King of Arabia, joining their Forces together, with a great Army invading the Country about Antioch, came and encamped not far from Aleppo; against whom Roger Prince of Antioch, not expecting the coming of Baldwin and the other Christian Princes his Confederates, but presuming of his own strength, went forth with greater courage than discretion, whereunto his Success was answerable; for encountering with them at too much odds, he was by them in a great battle overthrown, wherein himself was slain, with most part of his Army. Of which so great a slaughter, the place wherein this battle was fought was afterward called The field of blood. But whilst the Turks after so great a Victory, caresly and at pleasure roam up and down the Country, Baldwin setting upon them, overthrew them with a great slaughter, and so put them to flight. After this Victory gained by the Christians the fourteenth of August, in the year 1120. King Baldwin in great Triumph entered into Antioch, and so joined that Principality unto his own Kingdom.  
The year following, the Turks with another Army invaded the same Country again; for repressing of whom, whilst Baldwin and the other Christian Princes were making their Preparations, it fortuned that Gazi their great Commander suddenly died of an Apoplexy, upon whose death they retired without any further harm doing. Nevertheless the next Spring, the King of Damascus, aided by the Arabians, entered again with a great Power into the Country about Antioch, and there did some harm; for the Antiochians now destitute of their own Prince, and Baldwin (who had taken upon him their Protection) being far off, and otherwise busied at jerusalem, were much more subject unto the inroads of their Enemies (still at hand) than before when they had a Prince of their own still present amongst them. But Baldwin advertised thereof, was making toward them with a most puissant Army, sooner than they had thought it could have been possible. Of whose approach the Turks understanding, retired again out of the Country: after whom the King thinking it not good to make further pursuit, turned a little out of the way, and took Garaze, one of the strongest Castles of the Kings of Damascus, built but a year before, which because it was not without great charge and danger to be holden, he razed down to the ground.  
Baldwin notwithstanding that he had many times thus honourably repulsed his Enemies, wisely considering how he was on the one side beset with the Turks, and on the other side with the Saracens (which yet reigned in Egypt, the Kingdom of jerusalem lying as it were in the mouth of them both) thought it good betime to crave aid of the Christian Princes of Europe; and to that purpose had sent his Ambassadors unto divers of them, but especially unto the Venetians, whom of all others he thought fittest at his need to yield him relief by Sea. It fortuned in the mean time, that Balac the Persian Sultan with a great Army of the Turks invaded the Country about Antioch; whereof Baldwin understanding (although he certainly knew he should ere long receive Aid from the other Christian Princes his Friends, but especially from the Venetians, and might therefore with great reason have protracted the War until their coming, yet being therewith much moved, or else his destiny so requiring) raised such Forces as he had of his own, and without longer staying for his Friends, with greater courage than good speed set forward; and so joining battle with the Enemy, was therein overthrown, with the greatest part of his Army, and himself taken Prisoner in the fight, with certain other of his best Commanders; who all together were carried away Captives unto Carras.  

Joppa besieged by the Saracens.  Upon the report of this overthrow, and taking of the King, the Chaliph of Egypt on the other side took occasion with all his Power to invade the Kingdom of jerusalem; and having in himself purposed the utter ruin thereof, beside the great Army which he sent thither by Land (which lay encamped not far from Ascalon) he put to Sea an huge Fleet also of 700 Sail, for the distressing of the Sea-Towns, which he well knew were not otherwise to be won. This Fleet of the Saracen Kings (for Egypt with the Kingdoms of Tunis and Morocco were yet in possession of the Saracens) arriving at joppa, there put ashore their Land Forces, and hardly besieged the Town both by Sea and Land. But whilst they thus lay in great hope to have won the Town, Dominicus Michael Duke of Venice, stirred up by Calixtus then Bishop of Rome, was come to Cyprus with a Fleet of two hundred Sail, for the Relief of the Christians in Syria and the Holy Land; and hearing of the distress of joppa, nothing dismayed with the number of the Enemy's Fleet, hasted thither, and came so suddenly upon them, that he had (as some report) overthrown them before they could put themselves in order, or be in readiness to fight▪ or as some others say, after a great and doubtful fight, having sunk or taken a great number of them, and put the rest to flight, he obtained of them a most glorious Victory. With like good Fortune also were the Saracens overthrown in a notable battle at Land, near unto Ascalon, by the Lord Eustace, unto whom the defence of the Kingdom was committed after the taking of the King, who not long after so great a Victory died.  

Tyre besieged by the Christians.  joppa relieved (as is aforesaid) the Duke of Venice traveled by Land to jerusalem, where he was honourably received by Guarimund the Patriarch, and the Confederation before made betwixt King Baldwin and the Venetians, upon the same conditions solemnly again renewed.  
The Saracens thus notably discomfited both by Sea and Land, and the Christians thereby not a little encouraged, and joining their forces together with the Venetians, came, and the first of March laid Siege unto the ancient and strong City of Tyre: which they having beset both by Sea and Land, gave thereunto many a sharp assault; which the Turks as Men fight for their Lives and Wives, right valiantly repulsed. In which sort the Siege was continued longer than the Christians had at the first thought should have needed; yet at length after four months' siege, the Turk sore weakened with often assaults, and hardly pinched with want of Food, all their store being spent, yielded the City by composition. Thus was the City of Tyre (the most famous Port of Phoenicia) yielded unto the Christians the nine and twentieth of june, in the year 1124. year 1124. The third part of this City was given to the Venetians, according to the Composition made betwixt them and the Kings of jerusalem, That of all such Cities as were by their help won from the Infidels in Syria, they should have a third part, with one street, and free Traffic in all the rest of the Cities of the Kingdom on jerusalem. Shortly after was King Baldwin set at liberty for the Ransom of an hundred thousand Ducats, after he had been eighteen months' Prisoner among the Turks.  
The Duke of Venice having now spent almost three years in this Sacred Expedition, and well confirmed the state of the Christians in Syria, returning home, by the way took the Islands of Chios, Rhodus, Samos, Mitylen, and Andrus, with the City of Modon in Peloponesus; all, places belonging unto the Greek Empire. Which he did in revenge of the Injuries done by the Emperor in the time of his absence, who envying at the success of the Christians in Syria, as had his Father Alexius before him, had in the absence of the Duke infested the Territories of the Venetians, for the which he was now justly requited, with the loss of a good part of his own.  
Baldwin also not unmindful of the Injuries unto him before done by the Turks, in requital thereof, invaded the Country about Damascus, and there in three notable battles overthrew the King, and spoiled the Country; wherein he took so great a Prey, that therewith he redeemed his Daughter, whom he had at the time of his deliverance left in Hostage with the Turks for the payment of his Ransom. He also overthrew the Saracens at Ascalon, who aided by the Chaliph of Egypt, had sundry times invaded the Country about jerusalem. And so having well repressed his Enemies, for a space lived in peace.  
Not long after, 
Damascus in vain besieged by the Christians.  Hugh Paganus first Master of the Templars (an Order of Knights first begun in the Reign of this Baldwin) before sent to crave Aid of the Christian Princes of the West, against the Turks and Saracens, returned with a great number of zealous Christians, ready to lay down their Lives for defence of the Christian Faith and Religion: with whom Baldwin and the other Christian Princes of Syria joining their Forces, set forward and besieged Damascus, the Regal Seat of the Turks in those quarters. But such was the strength of this City, with the valour of the Defendants, and contagiousness of the Air, that the Christians (the Heavens as it were then fight against them) were glad to raise their Siege, in vain begun, and so to retire.  
Whilst things thus passed in Syria, Fulke Count of Turin, Main, and Anjou, a man almost of threescore years, having as he thought best disposed of his things at home, had for devotion sake taken upon him an expedition into the Holy Land. In the time of which his preparations, Ambassadors came unto him from King Baldwin, offering him in Marriage Melisenda (or as some call her, Margaret) his eldest Daughter, with the Succession of the Kingdom of jerusalem in dowry, if he should survive the King; and in the mean time to content himself with the Cities of Tyre and Ptolemais; of which offer he accepted, and so held on his journey before intended. It fortuned about three years after, that the King fell dangerously sick, and feeling his death drawing on, having laid aside all Regal Dignity, caused himself to be removed out of his own Palace, into the Patriarches house, which was nearer unto the Temple of the Sepulchre: and there calling unto him Fulk the Count, his Son-in-Law, with his Daughter and his Son Baldwin, then but two years old, in the presence of the Patriarch, and divers other Princes and great Commanders, commended unto them the Government and Defence of the Kingdom, appointing Fulk to succeed him. And taking unto himself the habit and Profession of a Monk (if he should have longer lived) presently after gave up the ghost the two and twentieth day of August, 
The death of Baldwin the second, the third King of Jerusalem.  in the year 1131. whereof he reigned with much trouble thirteen years, and was solemnly buried in the Temple upon Mount Calvary, with the other two Kings Godfrey and Baldwin his Predecessors. year 1131.  
The King's Funeral ended, the Princes of the Kingdom with one accord made choice of Fulk the old Count, Earl of Anjou, for their King; who the 16 day of September, was with all solemnity by William the Patriarch crowned in jerusalem. This man in the beginning of his Reign, besides his troubles abroad, was also vexed with domestical and intestine discord: Pontius Count of Tripoli, seeking by force of Arms to have rend the Dukedom of Antioch from the Kingdom: and Hugh Count of joppa, for fear of due punishment for his Treason, joining himself with the Saracens of Ascalon, and so with them infesting the Territories of jerusalem, to the great hurt of the Christian State, and advantage of the Infidels. Which troublesome broils were yet afterwards by the King, partly by force, partly by the mediation of the Patriarch and other Princes (who seeing the danger thereof like to ensue, had interposed themselves) well again appeased. Vengeance yet nevertheless still following both the aforesaid Traitors: Pontius being shortly after slain by the Turks, and Hugh dying in exile.  
Besides these domestical troubles, the Turks also invaded the Country about Antioch, where they were by the sudden coming of the King overthrown, with the loss of their Tents and exceeding great Riches. And that nothing might be wanting unto the disquieting of the State of that new erected Kingdom, not long after, john the Constantinopolitan Emperor, (together with the Empire, Inheritor also of his Father's malice, against the proceeding of the Christians in Syria) with a puissant Army passing through the lesser Asia, and by the way taking by force Tarsus the Metropolitical City of Cilicia, with the whole Province thereunto belonging, came and besieged Antioch; which Fulk but a little before had, together with Constance the Daughter and Heir of the late Duke of Antioch, given in marriage to Raymund Count of Poitou, for that purpose sent out of France. But in this so dangerous a state of that Christian Kingdom, the other zealous Christian Princes interposed themselves as Mediators betwixt the Emperor (pretending the same to belong unto his Empire) and Raymund that was in possession thereof. And in fine brought it to this end, that Raymund for the present submitting himself unto the Emperor, should from thenceforth hold his Dukedom of him as of his Lord and Sovereign; upon which agreement the Emperor returned unto Tarsus, where he wintered, and so afterwards unto Constantinople.  
Much about the same time, Sanguine one of the Turks great Princes, invading the Country about Tripoli, besieged the Castle of Mont-Ferrand, unto the relief whereof Fulk coming with his Army, was by the Turks overthrown, and for the safeguard of his life, glad to take the refuge of the Castle, the Count himself being in that battle taken Prisoner. After which Victory, the Turks laid harder Siege unto the Castle than before; the besieged in the mean time being no less pinched within with Famine, than pinched without by the Enemy. In this the Kings hard distress, the other Princes having raised the whole power of the Kingdom, were coming to his relief; whereof the Turk understanding, offered of himself to give them all leave freely to depart, and to set the Count at liberty, so that they would deliver unto him the Castle; of which his offer they gladly accepting, yielded up the strong Hold, and so departed. The King by the way meeting with the Army, thanked his Friends for their forwardness, and so returned to jerusalem.  
About four years after, 
Calo Joannes the Greek Emperor seeketh in vain to have surprised the City of Antioch.  john the Constantinopolitan Emperor with a great Army came again into Syria, with purpose to have united the famous City of Antioch unto his Empire, and so to have made a way into the Kingdom of jerusalem, whereafter he had now a good while longed. But coming thither in hope to have found the Cilicians and Syrians ready to have received him, he was deceived of his expectation, being shut out by the Latins, and not suffered to enter but upon his Oath, and that with some few of his followers; and so after due reverence done unto him, quietly to depart without any stir or innovation in the City. In revenge of which disgrace, at his departure he gave the Suburbs of the City as a prey to his greedy Soldiers, pretending the same to be done for want of Victuals; who made havoc of whatsoever came to hand, not sparing the very Fruit Trees, but cutting them down to dress their meat withal. Having thus under colour of necessity revenged the disgrace received, he returned into Cilicia, and there wintered: where one day for his disport hunting of the wild Boar, and having wounded him with his Boar-Spear, the wild beast therewith enraged, and with all his force bearing forward upon the weapon, forced the Emperor's hand backward upon the point of a poisoned Arrow that was hanging in a quiver at his back, and so was therewith lightly wounded. Nevertheless as light as the wound was, such was the strength of the Poison, that the grief thereof still increasing, and his hand and Arm more and more swelling, there was no remedy to be ●ound, but that his Arm must be cut off; which desperate and uncertain cure he abhorring, in the extremity of his pain oftentimes pleasantly saying, That the Greek Empire was not to be governed with one hand; 
The deat● of Calo Johannes the Greek Emperor.  overcome with the strength of the Poison, died. In whose place succeeded his youngest Son Emanuel, Alexius and Andronicus his two Elder Sons being both dead at his setting forth unto this so unhappy an expedition.  
It fortuned about this time also, that the Kingdom of jerusalem being now at peace, that Fulk the King, with the Queen his Wife, lying at the City of Ptolemais in the time of Autumn, it pleased the Queen for her disport to walk out of the City, unto certain pleasant Fountains there by in the Country; for whose company the King would needs go also, with certain of his Courtiers; where by the way it chanced that certain Boys running along the field, put up an Hare that was sitting in a furrow; after which all the Courtiers on horseback galloped amain, with notable outcry and hollowing. Amongst the rest, the King to be partaker of the Sport, forcing his horse to the uttermost of his power, 
The miserable death of Fulk, fourth King of Jerusalem.  in the midst of his course fell, together with his horse foundering under him, and in falling, chanced to fall his head under the horse, with whose weight, and the hardness of his saddle, he was so crushed, that his Brains came out both at his nose and ears. In this pitiful case being taken up for dead, and with great heaviness being carried back, he yet breathing lay speechless three days, and so died the thirteenth of November, in the year of Grace 1142. His dead body afterwards brought to jerusalem, was there with great magnificence, and the general lamentation of all his Subjects, buried with the other Kings his Predecessors.  
Now had the late King left behind him two Sons, 
Baldwin the third of that name fifth King of Jerusalem.  Baldwin about the age of thirteen years, and Almerick about the age of seven. Of the Elder of these two, the Christian Princes made choice, who by the name of Baldwin the Third, was together with Melesinda his Mother, Partner with him in the Kingdom, upon Christmas day with great Solemnity crowned King of jerusalem, in the year 1142. About which time, Sanguine the Turk, taking hold of the discord betwixt Raymund Prince of Antioch, and joscelin Count of Edessa, came and with a great power besieged Edessa, the Count being at the same time absent; and did so much, that at length he took the City by undermining of it, where the bloody Turk exercised all manner of cruelty upon the poor Christians in the City. By the loss of this famous City, so large a Territory fell again into the hands of the Turks, as that three Archbishoprics were thereby drawn from the Church of Antioch. The Turk encouraged with this Victory, straightways after besieged Cologenbar, another strong Town of the Christians: One night drinking liberally with his Friends, he was by one of them in his drunkenness stabbed, and so slain, and the Siege raised. In whose stead Noradin his Son succeeded.  
Baldwin, in the first year of his Reign, recovered from the Turks the Castle of Sobal, a strong hold beyond jordan, which he notably fortified, for the defence of that side of his Kingdom against the incursions of the Turks. But the next year undertaking an expedition against the King of Damascus, he was by Noradin the Turk, the King's Son-in-Law, so hardly beset in his return, as that it was accounted a thing miraculous, how he with his Army escaped his hands.  
The Report of the loss of Edessa with the miseries there endured by the Christians, being bruited through all parts of Christendom, greatly moved the Christian Princes of the West. Whom Eugenius the Third, then Bishop of Rome, 
Conrade third Emperor of Germany taketh upon him an expedition into the Holy Land.  ceased not both by himself and by his Legates to stir up to take that sacred War in hand. And therein wrought so effectually, that almost in every Province of Christendom preparation was made for the relief of the distressed Christians in Syria. Of all others, Conrade the Third then Emperor of Germany, was most forward, who aided by the Germane Princes and others, with an incredible number of Voluntary Men out of all parts of Christendom, had raised a most puissant Army, and therewith set forward on this sacred Expedition. Of this his devout purpose he had before certified Emanuel the Greek Emperor, through whose Countries he was to pass, craving that he might by his good Favour so do, and for his Money to be relieved with Victuals, and other such things as he should have need of for himself or his people; promising in most quiet and peaceable manner to pass, without any harm doing unto his Territories or Subjects. All which the Greek Emperor, commending his zeal, seemed in most large terms willingly to condescend unto. Nevertheless he inwardly repined thereat, wishing indeed no better success to the Christians in this so honourable an Expedition, than did the Infidels themselves, as by the sequel of his doings well appeared. For Conrade with his populous Army, indeed a terror unto the Greeks, entering into the Frontiers of the Constantinopolitan Empire, found all things in show friendly (for why, Emanuel had before given out straight command, that good store of Victuals and all other necessaries should be ready at all places to be sold as the Army was to pass:) but they were not far come into the Country, but that in the tail of the Army still followed certain strong Companies of the Greeks, to keep the Soldiers from straggling from their Ensigns, roaming about in the Country, now and then cutting them short, as they took them at advantage. And still the further that they traveled, the more it was to be seen in the countenances of the discontented Greeks, how unwelcome Guests they were. Yet still on they went through the Countries of their dissembling Friends, little differing from open Enemies, until they came to Philipolis; in departing from whence, such discord rose between them that were in the Rearward of the Army, and the Greeks that followed them, that it was like to have come to plain battle, had not those broils, by the discretion of some of the wiser sort, been in good time appeased. So marching on they came to Adrianople, and in few days after to the Plain called Cherobachi, through which the River Melas hath his course; which in Summer being almost dry, in Winter or any other great downfall of Water, right suddenly overfloweth his banks, and so drowneth the whole Country; that then it seemeth no more a River, but a Sea; and swelling with the Wind, is not to be passed over but by great Boats. This River then suddenly rising by night, by reason of the great rain that then fell, in such abundance, as if the Floodgates of Heaven had been opened, so overflowed the place wherein the Army lay encamped on the side thereof, that with the violence of the Water were carried away not only many Weapons, Saddles, Garments, and such other the Soldier's necessaries, but even the Horses and Mules, with their burdens; yea, and great numbers of armed Men themselves also; a most miserable and lamentable thing to behold. Many valiant Men there fell without Fight, and died, no men killing them: to be tall, helped not; neither did valour stand them in any stead; they perished like hay, and were carried away like chaff, with such outcries and lamentation, that they which saw it, verily said, That the wrath of God was broke into the Camp: such a sudden inundation had overwhelmed all, that happy was he who could make shift for himself, without regarding one another. This misfortune sore troubled the Emperor with his whole Army. Nevertheless, the Water being again fallen, and all put in so good order, as in such a confusion was possible, he marched on to the Imperial City; which the suspicious and malicious Greek had before notably fortified and so strongly manned with armed Men glistering upon the Walls, in such sort as if it should have presently been assaulted.  
Conrade approaching the City, 
Conrade the Emperor not suffered to enter into Constantinople.  was not suffered to enter, but persuaded by the Greek Emperor forthwith to transport his Army over the Straight, with promise to supply his wants with whatsoever he should require. Which was done with such haste, as if nothing had been farther to have been regarded, but only to have them shipped over; in which service the Greeks spared no labour, or kind of Vessel, that might serve to transport them. The Greek Emperor in the mean time, by men secretly appointed for that purpose, keeping account of the number that passed, until that they wearied with the multitude, ceased further to number them. But when they were once shipped over, than began the covert malice of the Greek Emperor forthwith to appear. For, besides, that they trusting unto his promises, had brought little or no Provisions over with them, the Country People by his appointment brought nothing unto them to fell, as before; and they of the Towns and Cities shut their gates against them as they marched, not affording them any thing, but at an extreme rate, for which they would first receive their Money by Ropes cast down from the Walls, and then deliver them what they pleased therefore, yea, and oftentimes nought at all. Among many other vile practices, not beseeming Christians, the mischievous Greeks, to poison the Soldiers, mingled Lime with the Meal which they sold unto the Army, whereof many of the hungry Soldiers greedily feeding, died. Whether the Greek Emperor were privy thereunto, or no, is not certainly known; but certain it is, that he caused counterfeit Money to by coined, of purpose to deceive them; and in brief, there was no kind of mischief to be practised against them, which either he himself devised not, or set not others to devise; to the intent that their Posterity terrified by this so unfortunate an expedition, might for ever be afraid to take the like in hand again. And that nothing might be wanting that malice could devise, he had secret intelligence with the Turks themselves, concerning the strength of the Army, plotting unto them the means how the same might best be defeated; whereby it came to pass, that some part thereof was by Pamplano, a Captain of the Turks, overthrown near Bathis, and many slain. But attempting to have done the like unto that part of the Army that passed through Phrygia, 
The Turks with a great Army seek to stay Conrade his farther passage at the River Maeander.  they were themselves overtaken in their own device, and overthrown with a great Slaughter. After which, the Turks in great number, to stay the Christians further passage, kept the River Maeander, encamping upon the farther Bank of that winding River, with a most huge Army. There these worthy Christians right well declared, that it was but their Patience, that the Grecian Legions that had before so long followed them, with their Countries and Cities they had passed by, were not to them become a Prey. For the Emperor coming unto the River side, where was neither Bridge nor Boat to pass over, and finding the great Army of the Turks on the other side, ready to give him battle if he should adventure the River, with their Archers standing upon the very Bank Side; he retired a little out of the danger of the Shot, and there encamping, commanded his Soldiers to refresh themselves and their Horses that night, and to be ready against the next morning to join battle with their Enemies they were so far come to seek for. Little rest served him that night; early in the morning before day he arose, and arming himself, put his whole Army in order of battle; as did also the Enemy on the other side of the River, with their Battalions orderly placed, and their Archers upon the Bank side, ready to give the first Charge on the Christians, if they should adventure to come over. Both Armies thus standing in readiness the one in sight of the other, and nothing but the winding River betwixt them, the Emperor before resolved to fight, with cheerful Countenance and Speech encouraged his Men as followeth.  That this expedition was of us taken in hand, 
A notable speech of Conrade the Emperor, to encourage his Soldiers to adventure the River Maeander.  for Christ his sake, and for the glory of God, and not of man, you know right well, fellow Soldiers. For, for this cause having contemned a pleasant life at home, voluntarily separated from our nearest and dearest Friends, we endure miseries in foreign Countries; we are exposed unto dangers, we pine with hunger, we quake with cold, we languish with heat; we have the earth our bed, the heaven our covering; and although we be noble, famous, renowned, rich, ruling over Nations; yet wear we always our gorgets as necessary bonds, and are with them and our armour loaded, as was the greatest Servant of Christ, Peter, surcharged with two chains, and kept with four quaternions of Soldiers. But these Barbarians (divided from us by this River) to be the Enemies of the cross of Christ, whom we of long have desired to encounter withal, in whose blood (as David saith) we have vowed to wash ourselves: Who is there that knoweth not, except he be altogether blockish and will not with open eyes see, nor open ears hear? If we wish to ascend strait way into Heaven, (for neither is God unjust, that he knoweth not the cause of this our journey, or will not in recompense give unto us the immortal Fields; and shady dwellings of Paradise, which having forsaken our own dwellings, have chose rather for his sake to die than to live) if we call to remembrance what things these men of uncircumcised hearts do commit against our Friends and Countrymen, if we remember what grievous tortures they inflict upon them, or if we be any thing touched with the compassion of their innocent blood, unworthily spilt; stand now courageously, and fight valiantly, and let not any fear or terror daunt us. Let these Barbarians know, that by how much Christ our Master and Instructor doth excel their false Prophet and Seducer, author of their vain impiety; so much are we superiors unto them in all things. Seeing therefore we are an holy Camp, and an Army gathered by the power of God, let us not cowardly lose ourselves, or fear for Christ his sake honourably to adventure our lives. For if Christ died for us, how much more right is it that we for him should die also? Unto this so honourable Expedition let us also give an honourable end; Let us fight in Christ's name, with a most assured hope of an easy Victory. For none of them (I trust) shall be able to abide our force, but shall all give way, even to our first Charge▪ But if we shall die (which God forbid) there shall be an honourable place of our burial, wheresoever we shall for Christ fall. Let the Persian Archer for Christ his sake, strike me, I will die in assured hope, and with that Arrow, as with a Chariot, I will come unto that rest, which shall be to me dearer than if I should with a base ordinary kind of death in my sins end my days in a bed. Now at length let us take revenge of them, with whose impure feet our Kinsmen and Christian Brethren trodden down, are gone into that common Sanctuary, in which Christ our Saviour, Equal and Associate to his Father, is become a Companion of the Dead. We are those mighty men, we all have drawn our Swords, which stand about the lively and divine Sepulchre, as about Solomon's bed. Wherefore we that be free born, let us take out of the way these Hagarens, the Children of the Bondwoman; and let us remove them as stones of offence out of the way of Christ; whom (I know not why) the Grecians feed up as greedy Wolves to their own destruction, and with shame fat them with their blood; when as with courageous minds and thoughts beseeming wise men, they ought so to have been driven from their Provinces and Cities, as ravening wild Beasts from their Flocks. Now for as much as this River, as it seemeth, is not, but by some adventure to be passed over, I myself will show you the way, and be the first that shall take it. Let us, serred together, forcibly break into the River, and we shall well enough ride through it. I know that the water beaten back by our force, will be at a stand, and break the Course, returning as it were backward. By not unlike means the Israelites in ancient time on foot passed over Jordan, the course of the River being stayed. This Attempt shall be spoken of in all Posterity, it shall by no tract of time be worn out or forgotten, but still remain in fresh Remembrance, to the great dishonour of the Turks, whose dead bodies overthrown at this River, shall lie like a Mountain, and be seen as a Trophy of our Victory, unto the World's end, and our immortal Praise and Glory. 
Having thus said, and the signal of battle given, every man having before by devout prayer commended himself unto Almighty God, he was the first that put Spurs to his Horse, and took the River; after whom followed the rest, so close and so forcibly, with such a terrible Outcry, that the course of the water, being by the force of their Horses stayed, and as it were beaten back towards the Fountain, the whole Army passed over with less trouble than was feared. 
The Turks overthrown by the Christians with a wonderful slaughter.  And then charging the Turks, already discouraged to have seen them so desperately, and contrary to their expectation, to have passed the River; after some small resistance put them to flight, wherein such infinite numbers of them fell, the Christians like fierce Lions pursuing the Chase, that all the Valleys ran with blood, and the fields were covered with the bodies of the dead. Many of the Italians were wounded with the Turks Arrows, and but few or none slain. 
Nicetas Chonlates Annali primo reium a Manuele Comneno Imperatore gestar. fol. 139.  But what a multitude of the Enemies there fell, the sundry and huge heaps of bones, to be compared unto great hills, did long time after well declare; whereat every man that traveled that way did worthily wonder, as did I myself (saith Nicetas Choniates) in reporting this History. Not much unlike that, is reported of the Cimbers, slain by Marius in such number, that of their bones the Country people about Marseilles where the battle was fought, long time after made Walls for the defence of their Vineyards.  

Ico●lum in vain besieged by the Christians.  After this so great a Victory, the Christians without resistance came to Iconium, the chief Seat of the Turkish Kings in the lesser Asia, which they hardly besieged. Nevertheless, such was the strength of the City, being strongly fortified both by Nature and Art, together with the valour of the Defendants, that lying there long, they little prevailed, pressed in the mean time with greater extremities and wants in the Camp, than were the besieged in the City; whereupon ensued such a Mortality, people daily without number dying in the Army, that the Emperor was glad to raise his siege and to return into his Country. The chief cause as well of this so great a Mortality, as of the overthrow of so notable an Action, most men ascribe unto the malice of the Greeks; who not without the privity of their Emperor (as it was commonly bruited) mingled Lime with the Meal which they brought to sell into the Army, whereof the hungry Soldiers desirously feeding, were therewith poisoned, and so miserably died. Of the certain time of this Journey of the Emperors into Asia, Authors agree not; howbeit I must refer it unto the year 1146. year 1146.  
This Expedition, though not so fortunate as it was at the first well hoped of, yet profited the Christian Common-weal in this, That the Turks therewith throughly busied, and doubtful of the event thereof, Baldwin in the mean time fortified Gaza (sometimes a famous City of the Philistines, but as then ruinous) which served as a most sure Bulwark for the defence of that part of his Kingdom towards Egypt; and also for the distressing of Ascalon, the only Refuge of the Egyptians, then left in that Country; which strong City standing upon the Seaside, he with all the Power of his Kingdom afterward besieged both by Sea and Land; unto the Relief whereof, the Chaliph of Egypt, after it had been five months by the Christians besieged, sent a strong Fleet of threescore and ten Galleys. At which time also on the other side Noradin the Turk, who had now got into his hand all the Kingdom of Damascus, to withdraw the Christians from the siege of Ascalon, besieged Paneada, from whence he was by the valour of the Citizens repulsed, as was also the Chaliphs' Fleet at Sea, and the siege at Ascalon continued. Where at length the Christians after long battery had made a breach in the Wall, but giving thereunto an assault, they were with great loss of their men repulsed, and the breach again by the Enemy repaired; who to the greater despite of the Christians, hanged over the Walls in Ropes the dead bodies of their slain; with which Spectacle the chief Commanders of the Army were so moved, that they with all their Power returned again to the Assault, with a full Resolution to engaged thereon their whole Forces; which they so courageously performed, that the besieged discouraged with the great slaughter of their men, and now with true valour overcome, craved Parley; and so covenanting that they might with their Lives in safety depart, agreed to yield up the City, which they accordingly performed. The spoil of the City was given to the Soldiers, and the Government thereof unto Almerick the King's Brother, Earl of joppa. By this Victory, great security was gained unto that side of the Kingdom, the Enemy having now no place left in those Parts whereon to set his foot.  
About the same time also (or as some write, 
The honourable Expedition of Lewis the French King, by the malice of the Greeks, and envy of other Christian Princes of Syria frustrated and brought to nought.  even at the same time together with the Emperor) Lewis the French King▪ the Eighth of that name, took upon him the like Expedition for the relief of the Christians in the Holy Land; who setting forward with all the Chivalry of France, and accompanied with divers other great Princes, with a right puissant Army came to Constantinople, where he was by Emanuel the Emperor honourably received, with all the outward shows of feigned courtesy that could be devised. But having passed the Straight, and landed in Asia, he found nothing answerable to that the dissembling Greek had before most largely promised. And to distress him the more, was by false Guides before corrupted by the Emperor, conducted through the most desolate and barren Countries, where by the way a wonderful number of his Soldiers perished of hunger and thirst; many of them also being cut off in the straight and difficult passages, or as they strayed from the Army by the Greeks themselves, appointed by the malicious Emperor for that purpose. Yet after many dangers passed, and his Army sore wasted; he came at length into Syria, and laid siege unto Damascus, the Royal Seat of Noradin the Turkish King; 
Damascus in vain besieged by Lewis the French King.  which he so notably impugned, that the Defendants were almost out of hope to be able for any long time to hold out. Neither had it otherwise happened, had not Envy, the inseparable Attendant of all honourable Actions, frustrated so great an hope; for the besieged Turks being brought to great extremity, and now even at the point to have yielded the City, certain of the Christian Princes of that Country, understanding that the King had promised the Government of that so famous a City, unto Philip Earl of Flanders, if it should be won; and secretly grudging to have a stranger preferred before themselves, corrupted also (as some say) with the Turks gold, fraudulently persuaded the King to remove from that part of the City where he lay, and might in fine have taken the same, unto another far stronger; where, after he had lain a great while, striving with no small extremities, he was enforced for want of Victuals to raise his siege and to depart. And so without any thing done worth the Remembrance, returned again into France, detesting the very name of Emanuel the Greek Emperor; by whose sinister dealing, so notable an Expedition was brought to be of none effect, to the great discouraging of all other Christian Princes for taking the like again in hand. year 1147.  
Now had the state of the Christians in Syria, for certain years after the aforesaid Expeditions, rested in good peace; when Noradin the Turk (moved with some injuries done by the Christians unto the Turks and Arabians, who by the leave of King Baldwin dwelled in the Forest of Lybanus) came and straight besieged Paneada, 
Paneada taken and sacked by the Turks.  a City of the Christians there by; upon whom the Christians in the City, now brought unto great extremity, made a most desperate Sally, and had with the Turks a sharp and cruel fight; but oppressed with the multitude, and enforced to retire, they were so hardly pursued, that the Turks together with them entered the City, and put to Sword all that came in their way. Nevertheless, the greater part of the Citizens (by good fortune) had in good time before retired themselves into the Castle, which was of great strength, and there stood upon their guard. Of whose distress, with the taking of the City, Baldwin hearing, raised a great Army, and so set forward to relieve them. But Noradin hearing of his coming, and doubtful of his own strength, after he had taken the spoil of what he could, set fire on the City, and so departed. 
Paneada again repaired by the Christians.  The Citizens thus delivered, repaired again the Walls of the City, the King's Power still defending them. Noradin with his Power all the while lying close in the Woods not far off, still awating the offer of some good opportunity to take the Christians at advantage, which shortly after fell out according to his own desire; for the King doubting no such matter; but supposing him to have been quite gone, having at his return sent away all his Footmen, followed after himself, accompanied only with his Horsemen, and they also not very strong; but as he was passing the River jordan, he was suddenly set upon by Noradin and the Turks, and after a sharp Conflict overthrown; the King himself with some few hardly escaped to Saphet, a Town there by; most part of his Nobility being there either slain or taken Prisoners; amongst the rest, Bertrund of Blanquefort, Master of the Templars, with divers others of great Name, fell at that time into the Enemy's hands, and so were carried away Prisoners.  
After this Victory, Noradin strengthened with new Supplies from Da●asco, came again and besieged Paneade, in good hope, that the Citizens discouraged with so great an Overthrow of the King, and out of hope to be by them relieved, would now either yield the City, or else not be able long to hold it out. But the King, contrary to his expectation, had in shorter time than was thought possible, raised a great Power; and aided by the Prince of Antioch, and the Count of Tripoli, was marching to the relief of his City; of which approach Noradin understanding, although he had made divers breaches in the Walls, and brought the Citizens almost unto utter despair, rose with his Army and departed. And so Baldwin having now twice relieved the besieged City, returned also to jerusalem.  
Many an hard Conflict with the Turks had this young King afterwards, during the fortunate time of his Reign; wherein that troublesome Kingdom happily flourished amidst the Miscreants; all which to recount; were long and tedious. Yet among other things, it is worth the remembrance, how that Noradin the Turks, than King of Damascus, besieging Sueta, a Castle belonging to the Kingdom of jerusalem, was in a set battle by Baldwin overthrown and put to flight, with the loss of the greatest part of his Army. King Baldwin had before married Emanuel the Greek Emperors Niece; and now the same Emperor by Guido Stephanus, and Trisillus his Ambassadors, requested to have given him again in marriage one of the Kings nigh Kinswomen. Unto whom the King, after mature deliberation had concerning the matter, offered him Matilde, an honourable Lady, the Sister of the Count of Tripoli, whom the Emperor refused; and afterward by the consent of the King, made choice of Mary the Daughter of Raimund Prince of Antioch lately dead. Which the Count of Tripoli taking in evil part, in revenge thereof, by certain Men of War whom he put to Sea, grievously infested the Frontiers of the Emperor's Dominions. Now during the time that the Marriage was solemnising, the King made his abode at Antioch, at which time he fortified the Castle of Pontisfer upon the River Orantes, against the Incursions of the Enemies. But lying there, he according to his wont manner, to prevent sickness, upon the approach of Winter took Physic of Barac a Jew, the Count of Tripoli his Physician. After the taking whereof, he fell presently into the Bloodyflux, and afterward into a Consumption; whereby it was verily supposed, that he was poisoned by the Jew; and the rather, for that some little part of the same Medicine that was left, being given to a Dog, he thereof in short time died. The King thus languishing in pain, to change the Air, removed first to Tripoli, and afterward to Berytus, where he departed this troublesome life, to live with his Saviour Christ in bliss for ever. His dead Body was afterward with general Mourning of his Subjects conveyed to jerusalem, and there solemnly interred by the body of his Father. 
The death of King Baldwin lamented by his Enemies.  He departed the 13 th' of February, in the year of Grace, 1163. when he had reigned 21 years. He was a man so gracious, that not only his Friends, but even the Infidels themselves (as it is reported) lamented his death. Insomuch that Noradin King of Damascus, year 1163. his ancient Enemy, being invited by some of his Captains to invade his Kingdom at such time as his Funerals were in solemnising, refused so to do, answering, That compassion and regard was to be had of the just sorrow of the Christians his Subjects; for that they had lost such a King, the like was hardly again to be found in the World.  
But leaving the Kingdom of jerusalem, with the greater part of Servia, thus victoriously gained from the Infidels; let us for the orderly continuation of our History, again return to see the proceedings of the Turks at the same time in the lesser Asia also; wherein they yet held the state of a Kingdom, though not so great as before the coming of the Princes of the West into those Countries. After the death of Sultan Solyman (with whom Duke Godfrey and the other Christian Princes had much to do as they passed into Syria) as is aforesaid, 
Discord among the Turks in the lesser Asia.  one Muhamet succeeded him; betwixt whom and Masut, Sultan of Iconium, great discord arose, which at length broke out into open War, to the further weakening of that late shaken Kingdom. For the maintenance of which Quarrel, as profitable for his State, john Comnenus the Greek Emperor, gave Aid to Masut, against his Enemy Muhamet. Nevertheless in short time the two Infidels (professing both one Superstition) became Friends, and joining their Forces, overthrew the Emperor with his whole Army, as he lay at the siege of Iconium, at which time he himself with much ado escaped by flight. 
Masut the Sultan divideth his Kingdom amongst his three Sons.  Masut afterwards having got into his hands the whole Kingdom of the Turks, at the time of his death divided the same among his three Sons; unto Clizasthlan his eldest Son he gave Iconium his chief City, with the Towns and Provinces subject thereunto: unto jagupasan his other Son (or rather as some will have it, his Son in law) he allotted Am●●●a and Ancyra, with the fruitful Country of Cappadocia, and the places adjoining; but unto Dadune his other Son (or Son in law) he gave the great Cities of Caesarea and Sebastia, with the large Countries thereabouts, all sometime a part of the Greek Empire, but then the portions of the Turks. Long it was not after this division of the Kingdom, but that these Brethren after the manner of ambitious men, forgetful of the bonds both of Love and Nature, fell at discord among themselves; the Sultan seeking the destruction of jagupasan, and he likewise of him, and that not by secret means, but even by open force of Arms. Emanuel the Greek Emperor in the mean time wishing the destruction of them both, heartily rejoicing thereat, and by his Ambassadors secretly animating the one against the other, yet in open show more favouring of the part of jagupasan than of the Sultan, by whose Aid he obtained against him many notable and bloody Victories; insomuch that the Sultan weary of the Quarrel, was glad not only by his Ambassadors to seek the Emperor's favour, but even in person Himself to go and meet him, as he came with his Army out of Syria, and so to accompany him unto Constantinople, where he was together with the Emperor most honourably received, with all the signs of Joy and Triumph that could possibly be devised. The Emperor no less rejoicing to be sued unto by so great a Prince, than did the Sultan at his so honourable entertainment.  


Another foolish Icarus.  
Nicetas Choniates, rerum ●b imper. Manuele Comneno, gestar. li. 3. sol. 143.   Among other quaint devices of many, for the solemnising of so great a Triumph, there was an active Turk who had openly given it out, That against an appointed time he would from the top of an high Tower in the Tiltyard fly by the space of a furlong; the report whereof had filled the City with a wonderful expectation of so strange a novelty. The time prefixed being come, and the people without number assembled, the Turk according to his promise, upon the top of an high Tower showed himself, girt in a long and large white Garment, gathered into many pleits and foldings, made of purpose for the gathering of the Wind; wherewith the foolish man had vainly persuaded himself to have hovered in the Air, as do Birds upon their Wings, or to have guided himself as are Ships with their Sails. Standing thus hover a great while, as ready to take his flight; the beholders still laughing, and crying out, Fly Turk, fly, how long shall we expect thy flight? The Emperor in the mean time still dissuading him from so desperate an Attempt; and the Sultan betwixt fear and hope hanging in doubtful suspense what might happen to his Countryman. The Turk, after he had a great while hovered with his Arms abroad, (the better to have gathered the wind, as Birds do with their Wings) and long deluded the expectation of the Beholders, at length finding the Wind fit, as he thought, for his purpose, committed himself with his vain hope unto the Air; but in stead of mounting aloft, this foolish Icarus came tumbling down with such violence, that he broke his Neck, his Arms, his Legs, with almost all the bones of his Body. This foolish flight of the Turk gave such occasion of sport and laughter unto the vulgar people (always ready to scoff and jest at such ridiculous matters) that the Turks attending upon the Sultan could not walk in the streets underided; the Artificers in their shops shaking their Arms, with their Tools in their Hands, as did the Turk, and still crying out, Fly Turk, fly; whereof the Emperor hearing, although he could not choose but thereat smile Himself, as not ignorant of the scoffs and taunts of the vulgar people; yet in Favour of the Sultan, who was not a little grieved therewith, he commanded such their Insolency to be restrained.  
The Solemnity of the Triumph overpassed (which by an ominous Earhtquake at the same time happening, was somewhat obscured) the Emperor to show his Wealth, and to gratify the Sultan, gave unto him many rich and Royal Presents, with such a Mass of Treasure, as that he much wondered thereat. In requital whereof, and in token of his Thankfulness, he again honoured the Emperor with the name of his Father, and terming himself by the name of his Son, promised to restore unto him the City of Sebastia, with the Territory thereunto belonging, than part of Dadune his Inheritance. Nevertheless all this was nothing else but mere dissimulation, as afterward by proof appeared; for returning home, he thrust Dadune indeed out of Sebastia, which he spoilt, with the Country thereabout; but forgetful of his promise, kept it wholly to himself; and by force took also from him the City of Caesarea, with the Country of Amasia, by him before but lately possessed. In like manner he bent his Forces also upon jagupasan his other Brother, who in the very preparation of those Wars died; by whose untimely death the City of Ancyra, with all his Dominions in Cappadocia, fell into the Sultan's hands. Who now possessed of all his Father's Kingdom, and swelling with Pride, forgetting all former courtesies, invaded the Emperor's Territories, and took from him the City of Laodicea in Phrygia, where he did great harm, as also in the Country thereabouts, killing the people as he went, or else carrying them away with him Captives. For the repressing of which Outrages, the Emperor with a strong Army passed over into Asia, and there in the Frontiers of his Territories fortified Dorileum against the Incursions of the Turks. In performing whereof, he, to the example and stirring up of others, carried the first Basket of stones himself upon his shoulders; and used such further diligence, that in short time the City was compassed about with strong Walls, and deep Ditches, maugre the Turks, who ceased not with continual Alarms and Skirmishes to have hindered the Work. With like care, and for like purpose he also fortified Subleum, another strong Hold; and leaving in either place a strong Garrison, returned again to Constantinople. Nevertheless the Turks ceased not with continual Inroads to do what harms they might upon the Frontiers of the Empire, although not altogether with so good Success as before, being many times cut off by the Garrisons of the late fortified Towns; 
Unkindness betwixt the Emperor and the Sultan.  which grievances still increasing, caused the Emperor to expostulate with the Sultan, as with an unthankful man, and forgetful of so great kindness before done unto him, as the establishment of him in his Kingdom came unto; who with no less vehemency upbraided him again with Inconstancy and breach of Promise, as well for fortifying the aforesaid Places, contrary to the League betwixt them, as for that having promised much more, he had thereof performed nothing. Thus unkindness daily growing upon every trifle (as it commonly falleth out among men of great Spirit, and jealous of their own Honours) it was daily expected, when the matter should fall out into open and bloody War; both of them being men of great valour, and apt to revenge the least Injury to them offered. Yet was it the Sultan's manner, warily to manage his Wars by his politic and expert Captains; whereas the Emperor being of an hotter nature, and courageous above measure, commonly in all his great Expeditions adventured his own Person, without respect what danger might thereof ensue unto himself or his State. Long it was not but that the Emperor, fully resolved to be revenged of so many wrongs done unto him and his Subjects by the Turks, raised the whole Power of his Empire, both in Europe and Asia, in such sort as if he had therewith purposed, not only to have razed to the ground Iconium the Regal Seat of the Turkish Sultan, but even utterly to have destroyed the whole Nation of the Turks. Thus with a most puissant and populous Army, well appointed of all things necessary, he passed over into Asia, and so in good Order marching through Phrygia, Laodicea, Chomas, (called in ancient time Passas) St. Archangel, Lampis, Caelaenas, (where the head of the great and famous River Maeander riseth, whereinto the River Marsyas falleth) and from thence to Ch●nia, he with evil Luck, and worse Speed, passed by Myriocephalon, an old ruinous Castle, ominous by the name thereof, as by the event in short time after it proved. And albeit that he marched very circumspectly, still entrenching his Army in every place where he lodged; yet could he make but small speed, by reason of the multitude of his Carriages, and of the base people that attended the same. The Turks in the mean while oftentimes showing themselves in Troops, and in places of advantage skirmishing sometime with one of the Army, and sometime with another, but never daring to adventure the fortune of a just battle; yet by such means were the Victuallers of the Army oftentimes cut off, and the passages for the Emperor made very dangerous. And the more to distress the Christians in their long travel, they found the Country before them of purpose destroyed by the Turks, and the water in many places poisoned, whereof the Christians unadvisedly drinking, fell into many grievous Diseases, especially the Flux, and thereof died in great number. The Sultan in the mean time, although he had in readiness a right puissant Army of his own, and had procured great Aid from the Persian Sultan his Kinsman and chief Supporter; yet fearing the doubtful event of War, and loath to adventure his whole Estate upon the fortune of a battle, sought by his Ambassadors sent for that purpose, to come to some peace with the Emperor, and that upon such honourable Conditions, as by the wiser sort were thought not to be at any hand refused; which large offers, the Sultan as desirous of Peace, made unto him not once, but again and again; which the Emperor nevertheless (reposing great confidence in his own Power, and pricked forward by the Gallants of the Court, better acquainted with the brave Triumphs of Peace, than the hard Wars of the Turks) proudly rejected, and so dismissing the Ambassadors, scornfully willed them to tell their Master, That he would give him answer unto his Requests under the Walls of Iconium. Which caused the Sultan, now out of all hope of any Reconciliation to be made betwixt the Emperor and him, with all his Power to take the Straits of Zibrica, whereby the Army of the Christians, departing from Myriocephalon, must of necessity pass. The entrance into these Straits was by a long Valley, on either side enclosed with high Mountains, which towards the North rising and falling according as the Hills gave leave, opened into divers large Valleys, which by little and little growing again straighter and straiter, with high and craggy Rocks hanging over on either side, and almost touching one another, gave unto the painful Traveller a most hard and difficult passage.  
Into this so dangerous a Valley the Emperor, 
A great oversight of the Emperor.  not fearing the Enemy's force, desperately entered with his Army, having neither provided for the clearing of the Passages, or safety of his Carriages, in no other order than as if he had marched through the Plain and Champain Country, although it were before told him (that which he shortly after, but too late saw) that the Enemy had strongly possessed both the Straits and Mountains, to hinder his farther passage. The Vauward of his Army was conducted by john and Andronicus the Sons of Angelus Constantine, accompanied with Macroducas Constantine and Lapardas' Andronicus; in the right Wing was Baldwin the Emperor's Brother in law; and in the left Maurozomes Theodorus: after them followed the Drudges and Scullions, with an infinite number of Carters and other base people, attending upon the Carriages, with the Baggage of the whole Army; next unto these came the Emperor with the main Battle, consisting for the most part of right valiant and worthy Soldiers; the Rearward was shut up by Andronicus Contostephanus, with a number of most resolute men. They were not far entered into these Straits, but that the Turks from the Mountains and broken Cliffs showed themselves on every side, delivering their deadly shot from the upper ground, upon the Christians below, as thick as hail; nevertheless the Sons of Angelus, with Macroducas and Lapardas', and the Vanguard, casting themselves into a threesquare battle in form of a wedge, with their Targets in manner of a Penthouse cast close together over their heads, and their Archers on every side lustily bestowing their shot among the thickest of their Enemies, by plain force drove them out of the Straits they had before possessed, and caused them to retire farther off into the Mountains, and so having made themselves way, with little or no loss passed those dangerous Straits; until that at length having recovered the top of a Hill very commodious for their purpose, as the case stood, they there stayed, and presently encamped themselves. And haply with like good fortune might the rest of the Army have passed also, had they in like order, and with like courage presently followed after; but failing so to do, and troubled with the multitude of their Carriages, which could not possibly make any way through those straight and rough passages, (but troubled themselves one with another, as also the whole Army) they were from the upper ground miserably overwhelmed with the multitude of the Turkish Archers, whose Arrows fell as thick upon them from the Mountains, as if it had been a perpetual Tempest or shower of Hail, to the great disordering and dismaying of the whole Army; which the Turks quickly perceiving, and therewith encouraged, in great numbers came down from the Mountains, where they had before hovered over the heads of the Christians, and forcibly entering the plain ground, and coming to handy blows, first overthrew the right Wing; 
Baldwin slain.  where Baldwin himself seeking to restore his disordered Companies, and to stay the fury of the Enemy (now raging in the blood of the Christians) with a Troop of valiant Horsemen breaking into the thickest of them, as became a worthy Captain, was there compassed in with the multitude of his Enemies, and slain, together with all his Followers, and the greatest part of the whole Wing by him commanded. With this Victory the Turks were so encouraged, that coming down with all their Power, they stopped all the ways whereby the Christians were to pass, who as men couped up in those dangerous straits, were not able either to defend themselves, or to he●● one another: but enclosed as Deer in a toil, and one troubling another, were the cause both of the destruction of themselves and others. For by reason of the straitness of the place, neither could they that were before, retire, neither they that were behind in the rearward, come forward to relieve the one the other, as need required; the Carriages also which were many, and in the midst of the Army, serving them to no other purpose, than to the hurt of themselves. There were the Beasts that served for burden, 
The misery of the Christians by the Turks inclused in the straits.  together with the Soldiers, overwhelmed with the Turks shot, the Valleys lay full of dead Bodies, the Rivers ran mingled with the blood of Men and Beasts, in such terrible manner as is not by Pen to be expressed. For the Christians not able either to go forward or retire, were there in those straits slain like sheep; if any courage or spark of valour were by any showed against the Enemy, fight at so great advantage, it was but lost, serving to little or no purpose. And to increase their miseries, the Turks in scorn showed upon the point of a Lance the head of Andronicus Bataza, the Emperor's Nephew, who coming with an Army out of Paphlagonia, and Heraclea Pontica, against the Turks of Amasia, was now by the way by them overthrown and slain. The report whereof, confirmed by the sight of his head, and the consideration of the desperate danger wherein the whole Army presently stood, 
The Emperor in great perplexity.  so troubled the Emperor, that he was at his wit's end; and with dry tears (if it may be so said) dissembling his inward grief, as one out of comfort, stood doubtful which way to turn himself. For the Turks having suffered the Vanguard to pass, with all their Power charged the Emperor's main battle, as his chief strength, nothing doubting, but that having once overthrown it, they should easily and at pleasure overthrow the rest. Oftentimes had the Emperor attempted to have driven the Enemy out of those straits, and so to have opened a way for his Army to have passed, but all in vain, the Power of the Turks still increasing, 
The desperate resolution of the Emperor.  and they at great advantage notably maintaining the passages before by them taken. Nevertheless seeing no less danger in staying still, than in going forward, he with a few of his best Soldiers, armed with despair, and resolved to die, (unto which kind of men nothing is terrible) set forward directly upon his Enemies, willing the rest with like resolution every man to make for himself the best shift he could. And so with many wounds and sturdy blows both given an● received, he by plain force and might of Hand broke through the thickest of his Enemies, and so escaped out of those straits as out of a trap; but yet not without many wounds received in his Person, and himself so wearied as that he was not able to lift up his Helmet, being beaten close to his head, and in his Target were found sticking thirty of the Turks Arrows, or thereabouts, the manifest tokens of his danger. The other Legions seeking to follow the Emperor, (for other way they had none) were on every side hardly assailed by the Turks, and infinite numbers of them slain, beside many others that perished in those straits, overborne and trodden to death by their own Fellows. Yea such as had the fortune to escape out of one of these perilous straits, were forthwith slain in the next; for this so dangerous a passage through the Mountains, was divided (as is aforesaid) into seven Valleys, which giving fair and broad entrances, the farther a man went, grew still straiter and straiter, all which straits the Turks had before strongly possessed. At which time also, the more to increase the terror of the day, the light sand raised with the feet of the Men and Horses, was with the violence of a most tempestuous Wind which then blew, carried so forcibly and thick, that both the Armies grappling together, as if it had been in the darkness of the night, killed whomsoever they met withal, without respect of Friend or Foe; 
A most miserable Spectacle.  by which error many were even of their own Friends slain. In every place lay great heaps of Turks slain together with the Christians, and with them great number of Horses and other Beasts for carriage; so that those Valleys where this bloody Conflict was, seemed to be nothing else but a large buryingplace of the Turks and Christians with their Horses; but the greater number was of the Christians that perished, and they not altogether of the common sort, but even of the bravest Captains, and the Emperor's nearest Kinsmen. The violence of the Wind ceasing, and the day clearing up, there was of all others to be seen (a most woeful Spectacle) men yet alive, some wounded, some whole, covered some to the middle, some to the neck, with dead Carcases, in such sort as that they were not able with any struggling to get out; who with their hands cast up towards Heaven, with ruthful Voices cried out for help to such as passed by; but all in vain, for every man possessed with the common fear, and by their danger measuring their own, passed by them without compassion, as more careful of their own safety, leaving them yet living, as men to be numbered among the dead.  
The Emperor himself, as a man now almost spent, 
The Emperor in danger to have been taken, valiantly defendeth himself.  being got out of the danger, stood a while to breath himself under the shadow of a wild Pear-Tree, without any Page or Man to attend him; whom a poor Common Soldier espying, and moved with compassion, came unto him, and offering him the best Service he could, helped him up with his Helmet, and buckled up his Armour, which before hung dangling here and there about him: when in the mean while a Turk coming in upon him, had taken his Horse by the bridle, in hope to have led him away Prisoner; whom for all that, the Emperor as weary as he was, with the truncheon of his broken Lance, which he had yet in his hand, struck down to the ground, and so cleared himself of him. Presently after came also another sort of the straggling Turks, ready also to have seized upon him, and to have taken him Prisoner; of whom he slew one with the aforesaid horsemans' Staff, and with his Sword struck off the head of another of them, and so kept them off, until that by the coming in of ten of his own Soldiers he was relieved. Departing thence with purpose to have joined himself unto the Legions that were gone before in the Vauward, he had not gone far, but that he was troubled by other Turks that he met, and the heaps of the dead bodies that lay in his way; yet at last, having with much labour and more danger passed the straits, and a River running thereby, being glad in many places to ride over the dead bodies of his own people, and some other of his own Soldiers now resorting unto him, he there saw john C●tacuzene, a noble and right valiant Gentleman that had married his Niece, fight alone against a great number of the Turks, to be compassed in and slain; whom he was no way able to relieve. Which Turks also seeing him pass by, followed after him, as after a most rich Prey, in hope to have either presently taken or slain him; whom nevertheless he (encouraging the small Company he had about him) notably repulsed, and so sometime marching forward, and again as occasion required making a stand, came at length long looked for, but most welcome, unto the Legions that were gone before, not so sorry for their own hard estate, as careful of his danger.  
But before he could come to those his Legions, he ready to faint for thirst, commanded water to be brought unto him out of the River that ran fast by; which after he had tasted, and by the unpleasant taste thereof percived the same to be infected, he fetching a deep sigh, said, O how unfortunately have I tasted Christian Blood! whereunto an audacious and malapert Soldier there present, and more bitter than the cruel time itself, replied, Emperor, thou didst not now, thou didst not now, 
The malapert speech of an insolent Soldier, to the Emperor. The great patience of the Emperor.  I say, first, but long since, and oftentime drink the blood of the Christians, even until thou wast drunk again, at such time as thou didst with most grievous exaction uox and devour thy poor Subjects. Which reproachful Speech the Emperor put up in silence, making as if he had not heard it. With like patience he also forbear the same railing Companion, at such a time as he seeing his Treasures hardly beset, and in danger to be taken by the Turks, to animate his Soldiers, willed them to do what they could to rescue the same, and to take it for their labour: This Treasure (said this impudent Fellow) should before have been given to thy Soldiers, rather than now, when as it cannot he recovered but with great danger and bloodshed; and therefore if thou be a man of valour, as thou wouldst be accounted, and as the present case requireth, valiantly charge the Turks (●ow ready to carry it away) thyself, and so recover thine evil gotten goods. Whereunto the Emperor answered no more but, Good words Soldier, and so put it up, as did David the rail of Shimei. Shortly after the coming of the Emperor unto those Legions of his Vanguard (the only remainder of his Army that was left whole and unbroken) came also Andronicus Contostephanus, who had the leading of the Rearward, with divers other of great place, who had by good fortune escaped the fury of the Turks. The miseries of that day (not well to be expressed) being ended by the coming on of the night, the Christians sat in the Camp, oppressed with a general heaviness, leaning their heads o● their Elbows, and considering the present danger wherein they were, scarcely accounted themselves among the living: the Turks in the mean time to increase their fear, all the night running about the Camp, and crying aloud unto such of their Countrymen in the Camp, as had abjured their Religion, or for other respects had taken part with the Imperials, that they should that night get them out of the Camp, whereas otherwise if they stayed unto the morning, they should be all but lost men. In this so great an extremity the Emperor not knowing what to do, call together his chief Commanders, declared unto them the desperate danger they were in, together with his resolution; which was, secretly himself to fly, and to leave the rest, every man to make what shift he could for himself. Which his base determination, 
The fearful resolution of the Emperor.  so foul as fouler could not be, they all wondering at, as proceeding from a distraughted mind; and by chance overheard by one of the Common Soldiers that stood without the Tent, the same Soldier fetching a deep Sigh, in detestation thereof cried out wi●h a loud voice, 
A sharp reprehension of a common Soldier, unto the Emperor.  What means the Emperor? And so turning himself unto him, said, Art not thou he that hast thrust us into this desolate and strait way, and cast us into destruction? and hast as it were in a mortar enclosed us in these Rocks and Mountains, ready as it were to overwhelm us? What had we to do with this vail of mourning, and mouth of hell? Wherefore came we into these mischievous and rough straits? What can we particularly complain of the Barbarians, which in these inextricable windings and straits have thus entangled and beset us? Was it not thou that brought'st us hither? And wilt thou now, as Sheep appointed to the slaughter, thyself betray us? With which so sharp a reprehension the Emperor throughly pierced, changed his former determination for flight, resolving now to stand by it, whatsoever happened. But what should he now do, beset with his Enemies still ready to devour him? Help he saw none, either in himself, or to be expected from others, nought remained but death and despair. In this extremity, all man's help now failing, it pleased the most Mighty (which chastiseth and healeth again, which striketh, and yet giveth life, and suffereth not the staff of the Sinners always to rage into the portion of the Just) with merciful eye to look down upon these distressed men, and with an unwonted kind of clemency to touch the Sultan's heart, in such sort, as that he which but the other day stood in dread of the Emperor, and now having him as it were in his power, was overcome with his misery: or as in times past he by Husai overthrew the council of Achitophel, and changed the mind of Absalon to follow such advice as should bring him to destruction; so then also he turned the mind of the Turkish Sultan, that (persuaded by certain of the chief men about him, who in time of peace had used to receive great Gifts and Presents from the Emperor) he of his own accord by his Ambassadors offered Peace unto the Emperor, before that he in so great distress sued unto him for any; and that upon the self same conditions they had made their Leagues before. The Turks in the mean time ignorant of the Sultan's resolution, early in the morning were ready to assault the Emperor's Camp, in hope at once to have overthrown his whole power; and with a barbarous outcry still riding about it, came so nigh, that with their Arrows they slew divers of the Christians within their own Trenches; against whom the Emperor sent out john the Son of Constantinus Angelus, and after him, Macroducas Constantinus, but to little or no purpose. In the mean time came one Gabras, a man of greatest reputation among the Turks, Ambassador from the Sultan; by whose commandment the Turks ceased further to assault the Camp. This Gabras coming unto the Emperor, and after the manner of the Barbarians, honouring him with reverence done even down to the ground; first presented him with a goodly Horse, whose furniture was all of Silver, as if it had been for triumph, and a rare two edged Sword. Afterwards falling into a large discourse concerning a Peace to be made, and with many kind words as with an Enchantment appeasing the Emperor's heaviness conceived of his late loss; he among other pleasant conceits then uttered, seeing the Emperor in a rich Robe of yellow over his Armour, told him, that the colour was not fit for War, as ominous, and portending evil luck; whereat the Emperor a little smiling, gave it him, with the fortune thereof; and receiving the Horse and Sword sent him from the Sultan, signed the Peace. Amongst other conditions of the Peace (which the dangerousness of the time suffered not the Emperor curiously to examine) one was, That Dorileum and Subleum, before by him fortified, and the ground of this unfortunate War, should be again razed. Peace thus beyond all hope being concluded, and the Emperor delivered of a great fear, purposed another way to return home, to avoid the sight of the Slain: 
The Emperor returns.  yet was he by his Guides, even of purpose as it was thought, led back the same way, to behold with his eyes those miserable spectacles of the Slain, which could not with any tears be sufficiently lamented; for the straits were made plain, the Valleys were raised into Hills, and the Forests lay covered with the Carcases of the Slain; no man passed by, but with heaviness and grief, calling by name upon their Friends and Familiars there lost. Having again passed those doleful straits, the Turks were again in the tail of the Army; for it was reported, That the Sultan repenting himself to have suffered his Enemies so to escape out of his hand, had given leave to such as would, to pursue them, but followed not himself with his whole Power, as before; for most of the better sort of his Soldiers loaded with the Spoil, were now returned home. Yet these that followed after the Army, slew many, especially such as were weak or wounded, and so unable to follow the rest; although the Emperor to help the matter, had for the repressing of them placed the best of his Captains and Soldiers in the Rearward. Being come to Chonas, and now out of fear of his Enemies, he gave unto every one of his hurt Soldier's money to pay for the curing of their wounds, and to bring them into their Countries; and coming to Philadelphia, there stayed for the refreshing of himself after so great miseries. In his return he razed Subleum, 
The Emperor altogether performs not what he had promised to the Sultan.  according to his promise, but not Dorileum; whereof the Sultan by his Ambassadors complaining; he answered, That what he had promised, enforced thereunto by necessity, he greatly forced not to perform. In revenge whereof, the Sultan sent out one of his most valiant Captains, called Atapack, with 24000 good Soldiers chosen out of his whole Army, with strait charge to waste and destroy all the Emperor's Provinces and Towns even unto the Seaside, without sparing Man, Woman, or Child; and in token thereof, to bring with him some of the Sea-Water, an Oar, and some of the Sea-Sand: who according to his Charge spoiled Phrygia, with the Cities along the River Moeander, even unto the Sea side; and so returning with a rich Prey, by the way spoilt what before he had left untouched. But in passing the River Moeand●r, when he feared least, he fell into the hands of john Bataza the Emperor's Nephew, and of Ducas Constantine a most valiant Captain; of purpose sent against him by the Emperor with a great Power: where he was by them slain, 
Atapack with all his Army slain.  together with all his Army, and the rich booty he had taken, all again recovered. Many other hard conflicts passed after this, betwixt the Imperials and the Turks, the one continually seeking to annoy the other; all which, for that therein nothing fell out much worth the remembrance, I for brevity willingly pass over. In these endless troubles died Emanuel the Greek Emperor, when he had by the space of eight and thirty years worthily governed that great Empire, having in the time of his sickness but a little before his death taken upon him the habit of a Monk, in token he had forsaken the World. All the time of his Reign he was no less jealous of the Christian Princes of the West, than of the Turks in the East; and therefore ever deal● with them unkindly. In time of War he was so laborious, as if he had never taken felicity but in pain; and again in Peace so given over to his pleasure, as if he had never thought of any thing else. After whose death the Turkish Sultan, without resistance invading the Frontiers of the Empire, took Sozopolis, with divers Towns thereabout in Phrygia, and long besieged the famous City of At●alia, and so daily encroached more and more upon the Provinces of the Empire, joining the same unto his own; which was no great matter for him to do, the Greek Empire being then no better governed than was the Chariot of the Sun (as the Poets feign) by Phaeton, far unfit for so great a charge: for Alexius Comnenus, otherwise called Porphyrogenitus, being then but a Child of about twelve years old, succeeding his grave Father in theempire, after the manner of Children altogether following his pleasure; his Mother with his Father's Kinsmen and Friends, who above all things ought to have had an especial care of his Education, neglecting the old Emperors trust in them reposed, followed also their own Delights, without the regard of the Ruin of the Commonweal. Some enamoured with the Beauty of the young Empress, gave themselves all to bravery, and the courting of her; othersome in great authority, with no less desire in the mean time, with the common Treasures filled their empty Coffers; and a third sort there was (of all the rest most dangerous) who neither respecting their sensual pleasure, nor the heaping up of wealth, looked not so low, aiming at the very Empire itself. As for the common good, that was of all other things of them all least regarded. Among these third sort of the ambitious, was old Andronicus, the Cousin of the late Emperor Emanuel, a man of an haughty and troublesome Spirit, whom he the said Emperor Emanuel had for his aspiring, most part of the time of his Reign kept in prison, or else in Exile, as he now was, being by him not long before, for fear of raising new troubles, confined to live far off from the Court at Oenum; who now hearing of the death of the Emperor Emanuel, 
Andronicus aspireth.  of the Factions in Court, of the Childishness of the young Emperor Alexius, given wholly to his Sports; and the great men put in trust to have seen to his bringing up, and to the Government of the Empire, some like Bees to fly abroad into the Country, seeking after Money as the Bees do for Honey; some others in the mean time like Hogs, lying still and fatting themselves with great and gainful Offices, wallowing in all Excess and Pleasure, to have no regard of the Honour or Profit of the Common-weal; thought it now a fit time (in such disorder of the State) for him to aspire unto the Empire after which he had all his life-time longed. That he was generally beloved of the Constantinopolitans, yea, and of some of the Nobility also, he doubted not▪ for them he had long before by his popular behaviour gained, together with the distrust of the late Emperor, jealous of his Estate; which as it cost him his Liberty, so miss it not much but that it had cost him his Life also; but now that he was dead, wanted nothing more than some fair colour for the shadowing of his foul purpose. Among many and right divers things by him thought upon, was a clause in the Oath of Obedience which he had given to the Emperor Emanuel and Alexius his Son, 
Ambition covered with the zeal of the Common-weal.  (which Oath he had delivered unto him in Writing) That if he should see, hear or understand of any thing dangerous or hurtful to their Honour, Empire, or Persons, he should forthwith bewray it, and to the utmost of his power withstand it; which words (not so to have been wrested) as best serving for his purpose, he took first occasion to work upon. And as he was a stout and imperious man, thereupon writ divers Letters unto the young Emperor his Cousin, unto Theodosius the Patriarch, and other such as he knew well affected unto the late Emperor Emanuel; wherein among other things which he wished to be amended in the present Government, he seemed most to complain of the immoderate power and authority of Alexius, than Precedent of the Council; who in great favour with the young Emperor, and more inward with the Empress his Mother than was supposed to stand with her honour, ruled all things at his pleasure, insomuch, as that nothing done by any the great Officers of the Empire, or by the Emperor himself was accounted of any force, except his approbation w●re thereunto annexed: whereby he was grown unto such an excessive pride, having all things in his power, as that no man could without danger, as upon the venomous Basilisk, look upon him. Of which his so excessive and insolent power Andronicus by his Letters now greatly complained, moved thereunto (as he would have it believed) with the care he had of the young Emperor's safety, which could not (as he said) long stand with the others so great power, which he therefore (as in duty bound) wished to be abridged; aggravating withal the infamous report of Alexius his too much familiarity with the Empress; which first muttered in Court, afterwards flew (as he said) throughout the whole World. The reformation of which things, as tending to the danger of the Person of the Emperor, and Dishonour of the State, he forsooth as one in conscience bound, with great Gravity and Eloquence (being a very learned man) both in open Speech and Writing most earnestly desired: and thereby so wrought, as that he was generally accounted for a man of great experience (as indeed he was) and a faithful Counsellor to the State, a thing much to have been wished. Wherefore leaving Oenum, the place whereunto he was by the Emperor Emanuel in a sort banished, 
Andronicus departeth from Oenum toward Constantinople.  travelling towards Constantinople, he gave it out in every place where he came, what he had sworn, and what he would for his Oaths sake do; unto whom men desirous of the change of the State, and such as gave credit unto the report long before given out, That he at length should become Emperor, flocked in great numbers, as Birds about an Owl, to see him, and with vain praises to chatter about him. In this sort he came as far as Paphlagonia; in every place honourably received, as if he had been a deliverer of his Country sent from God. And in the Imperial City he was not longed for of the Vulgar People only, as their Light and Load-Star, but divers of the Nobility also by secret Messengers and Letters, persuaded him to hasten his coming, and to take upon him the Government; assuring him, that there would be none to resist him, or to oppose themselves against his shadow, but all ready to receive him; especially Marry the young Emperor's Sister by the Father's side, with her Husband Caesar (who being a Woman of great spirit, and grieving much to see her Father's Empire made a prey unto Alexius the Precedent, and the Empress her Stepmother, whom she naturally hated) had raised a great and dangerous tumult in the City against them both, which was not without much bloodshed appeased; and now ceased not by often and most earnest Letters (to her own destruction and her Husbands, as it afterwards fell out) to prick forward Andronicus and to hasten his coming; who by Letters and Messengers daily coming unto him from the Court still more and more encouraged, leaving behind him the Country of Paphlagonia, came to Heraclea in Pontus, and still on towards the Imperial City, with great cunning and dissimulation winning the hearts of the People as he went. For who was so stony hearted, whom his sweet words and abundant tears flowing from his gracious eyes, as from two plentiful Fountains down by his hoary Cheeks, might not have moved? All that he did or desired, was (as he said) for the common good and liberty of the Emperor. By which means he had drawn unto him a wonderful number of the rude Country People by the way as he came. But coming into Bythinia, he was by. john Ducas Governor of the great City of Nice, shut ou● as an Enemy to the State, and so at Nicomedia also. Nevertheless, passing by those Cities, he held still on his way, until at length he was near unto a castle called Charace, encountered by Andronicus Angelus, sent with a great power against him, by the great Precedent Alexius; who otherwise as an effeminate man, given over to his pleasure, spending the greatest part of the night in rioting by candle light, and most part of the day in his bed, with curtains close drawn as if it had been night; yet doubtful now of the coming of his Enemy, left nothing undone which he thought might help for the assuring of his State. Many of the Nobility of whom he stood in doubt, he gained unto him by means of the Emperor's Mother; who by her rare Beauty, sweet Words, and gracious Behaviour, as with a Line drew all men to her. Other some he overcame with Gifts and great sums of Money, whereof he now made no spare; And so wrought the matter, that no man of any account or mark went over to Andronicus. Who nevertheless with such followers as he had, joining battle with Angelus (sent against him, as is before said) overthrew him and put him to flight. Wherewith Alexius much troubled, in great displeasure and without reason, called Angelus (now fled to Constantinople) to an account for the Money delivered unto him for the defraying of the Charges of that unfortunate War; who seeing his misfortune to be so taken as if he had framed it himself, and of purpose betrayed the Army committed to his charge; by the Counsel of his six S●●s, being all men of great Valour and Wisdom, first took the refuge of his own house; but finding himself there in no safety, with his Wife and his said Sons (two of which came afterwards to be Emperors) presently fled over the Strait to Andronicus; who seeing of him coming towards him, is reported to have used this Text of Scripture, Behold I will send mine Angel before thy face, to prepare thy ways, alluding to his name of Angelus, as the Presage of his good Success, Wherefore encouraged with the coming of these Noblemen his Kinsmen, he without longer stay marched directly unto the Seaside, and there a little above Chalcedon encamped almost right over against Constantinople; 
Andronicus encampeth in sight over against Constantinople.  causing many great fires (more than needed) to be made in his Army, to make it seem unto them of the City greater than indeed it was; and with the sight thereof to keep the Citizens in suspense, with the doubtful expectation of some great matter to ensue. Wherein he was no whit deceived; for they having him now as it were in fight, leaving their work, ran some to the Seaside, some up to the Hills and high Towers to behold his Army a far off, willing with their friendly looks, if it had been possible, to have drawn him over the Strait into the City. Alexius knowing himself not able by Land to encounter with so strong an Enemy, (for now some which on foot could not go over to Andronicus, were secretly in heart already with him; othersome thought themselves sufficiently to show their fidelity to the Emperor, if sitting still at home, they should take part with neither; for so have subtle heads and aspiring minds, for the furtherance of their desires, taught the common people both to say and think) thought it best by Sea to avert the present danger; and therefore commanded all the Emperor's Galleys (being before rigged up and ready) to be strongly manned and put to Sea, for the keeping of Propontis and the Strait of Bosphorus, that Andronicus should not that way pass. Now had he determined to have made especial choice of some assured Friend of his own to be General o● this Fleet, as he had done of the Captains and Masters, being all of his own Kinsmen and Domestical Servants; but as he was about to have so done, Contostephanus (surnamed the great Captain) opposed himself against it, challenging that place as due to himself, before all others; so that overcome by his Authority (which it was no time for Alexius now to dispute) he was glad to commit the charge and trust of the whole Fleet unto him, as General. Thus having (as he thought) made the Sea sure, he sent over unto Andronicus, as from the Emperor, (for all was done in his name) one George Xiphilinus, 
Xiphilinus sent over to Andronicus, dealeth unfaithfully in doing his message.  with Letters and other Instructions, whereof the effect was, To command him forthwith in peace to return to the place from whence he came, and not farther to trouble the State; promising him in so doing, the Emperor's Favour, with many great Honours and Preferments to be afterwards bestowed upon him; which otherwise might turn to his utter destruction. Which Letters Xiphilinus having delivered, and done his Message, is reported to have secretly advised Andronicus to proceed in his purpose, and not in any case to yield to that which was of him required: wherewith Andronicus encouraged, proudly rejected the graces offered, 
The proud answer of Andronicus.  and willed the Messenger to tell them that sent him, that if they would have him to return unto the place from whence he came, they should first displace the proud Precedent Alexius; and call him to an account for the Villainies he had done; then the Emperor's Mother they should deprive of her honours, and shut her up as a Nun into some Cloister, there to learn to amend her life; and last of all, that the Emperor according to his Father's Will, should take upon himself the Government, and not be overtopped by others, by whose too much Authority, his Majesty and Honour was (as he said) too much impaired. 
Contoslephanus revolteth to Andronicus.  But within a few days after, Contostephanus, the great Captain and General, carried over all the Galleys to Andronicus, leaving nothing but their names for the Precedent in his Rolls to look upon, whose revolt above all other things encouraged Andronicus, 
Alexius in despair.  and cast Alexius even into the bottom of despair. For now Andronicus his Friends flocked together in the City, not secretly as before, but openly in all places; and such as wished a change in the State, impudently scoffing at Alexius, passed over the Strait to Chalcedon in great numbers to Andronicus, where having filled their Eyes with beholding of his goodly Person, his cheerful Countenance, and reverend Age; and their Ears with his sweet words and great Promises, returned home merry and joyful, as if they had been in some terrestrial Paradise, filling the City with his praises. After that, Andronicus his two Sons, john and Manuel, with divers others, whom the Precedent had cast in prison, were set a liberty, and other of his chief Favourites laid fast in their rooms. 
Alexius and his Friends apprehended.  As for Alexius the Precedent himself, with all his Friends and Faction in the Court, they were taken and committed to the keeping of the Guard; a right strange alteration. But about midnight, Alexius himself was secretly conveyed out of the Court to the Patriarches House, 
A strange alteration.  and there kept with a stronger guard than before. A wonderful change and worth marking, a man so honourably born, but yesterday in greatest honour, attended upon with many thousands, all at his command, having the power to spill or save; to day in bonds, in disgrace, in misery and despair, and not so much as a Page to wait upon him. Which he taking very grievously, yet complained of nothing more, than that they which had the keeping of him, would not suffer him to sleep or take any rest. Of whose misery, the Patriarch taking pity (although he had of him very evil deserved) yet cheered him up with comfortable words, persuading him with patience to endure his hard fortune, and not with such speeches as fitted not his present state, to provoke his Keepers to use him evilly. Within a few days after early in the Morning, he was brought out of the Patriarches House, and set upon a very little bad Jade, and so with a ragged clout put upon the top of a Reed in manner of an Ensign, carried before him in derision, was brought to the Seaside, and there cast into a little Boat, was so brought to Andronicus, by whose commandment, with the general consent of the Nobility, he for his evil Government shortly after had his Eyes put out. 
Alexius brought to Andronicus, hath his eyes put out.  This was the miserable end of the immoderate power, or rather of the insolent Sovereignty of Alexius; who, had he with more moderation and vigilancy governed, might both have kept Andronicus out of the City, and himself from so great misery; having at his command all the Emperor's Treasure, his Galleys, with most part of the strength of the Empire. Now came the Noblemen over a pace to Andronicus; the last that came, was the reverend Patriarch Theodosius, 
The meeting of the Patriarch and Andronicus.  with the chief of the Clergy; of whose approach, Andronicus hearing, went out of his Tent to meet him, and falling down (as great as he was) flat at his Horse's feet, and in a while after arising again, kissed the Patriaches foot, calling him the Emperor's Saviour, the Lover of Virtue, the Defender of the Truth; and comparing him with the famous Father john chrysostom, omitted not any honourable Title he could possibly devise to give him. But the devout Patriach, that had never seen Andronicus before, having now well viewed him, and marked his stern Countenance, his subtle Nature, his crafty and dissembling Manners, his exceeding Stature, being almost ten foot high, his stately Gate, his proud Look, his continual Severity, and melancholy Silence; as it were pitying them that to their own destruction had called such a man in, said, Hitherto I have heard, but now I have also seen, and plainly known; and fetching a deep sigh, adjoined thereunto that saying of the Prophet David; As we have heard so have we also seen. In which words, he covertly quipped the dissembled meeting and submission of Andronicus; and withal called to remembrance the words of the Emperor Emanuel, wherewith he had many times so painted forth Andronicus unto the Patriarch, as if he would most lively have represented him unto his view.  

Andronicus passeth over the Straight.  All things in the City and in the Palace set in order according to Andronicus his mind, by his two Sons, and leave given unto the Emperor's Friends to come over unto him, and to be acquainted with him; at length Andronicus himself departing from Damalum, in a Galley crossed the Straight, oftentimes by the way merrily singing that saying of the heavenly Psalmist; Return my Soul into thy rest, because the Lord hath done well unto thee, having delivered my life from death, mine eyes from tears, and my feet from falling. The Emperor with his Mother Xene, then lay not in the Palace at Constantinople, but at another Princely House of his in the Country near unto Philopatiun, as Andronicus had appointed; whither Andronicus first went, and coming unto his presence, most humbly prostrate before him, with sobbing and tears, as his deceitful manner was, kissed his feet. As for the Empress his Mother, he lightly saluted her, and as it were but for fashion sake, not dissembling in his countenance the old grudge he bore against her. And so without longer stay went unto his Tent provided for him not far off; round about which, all the great Noblemen had pitched their Tents also, flocking unto him as Chickens seeking for Refuge under the Hen's wings. Having there stayed with the Emperor a good while, he was desirous to go unto the Imperial City, and to see the late Emperor Emanuel his Cousin's grave. Where entering into the Monastery of our Lady, where he was buried, and coming to his Tomb, he wept bitterly, and roared as it were mainly out. So that divers of the standers by, ignorant of his dissembling nature, by way of admiration said; O what a wonderful thing is this! O how he loved the Emperor, his Cousin, although his fierce and cruel Persecutor! And when one of his Kinsmen would have pulled him from the Tomb, saying, That he had sorrowed for him enough; he would not be removed, but requested them to suffer him yet a little to tarry by the Tomb, for that he had something in secret to say unto the dead; and so with his hands cast up and close together, as if he had prayed, and his eyes fast fixed upon the Tomb, he moved his lips, and secretly said something, but what, no man could tell. Some said it was some charm or incantion. But others more pleasantly conceited, said, and (as it afterward appeared) more truly, that Andronicus did triumph over the dead Emperor Emanuel, and revel with his ghost, with these or the like words; I have thee now fast, my cruel Persecutor, by whom I have been driven to many great Extremities; and having wandered almost all the World over, have thereunto been made by thee a common byword. But now this Tomb rising up with seven tops, and prison, out of which thou canst not start, holdeth thee oppressed with a dead sleep, out of which thou shalt not be awaked, but by the sounding of the last Trump. And now will I be revenged of thy Posterity, and satisfy myself as a Lion with a fat Prey; and take sharp Revenge of all the Wrongs thou hast done me, when I have once possessed myself of this Royal City. 
Andronicus taketh upon him the Government.   
After that, visiting all the Emperors stately Houses, but staying in no place long, he disposed of all Matters of State, according to his own pleasure. Unto the young Emperor he allowed Hunting, and other his vain delights, with Keepers joined unto him, to watch not only his going in and out, but also that no man should talk with him of any matter of Importance; for all the Government of the State he took unto himself: not for that he wished so well thereunto, above others, but so to drive from the Court all them of the contrary Faction to himself, that were able to do any thing, and had before born some Sway. The Soldiers, whose help he had used in aspiring to the Government, he rewarded with great bounty; all their Offices and Preferments he bestowed either upon his own Children, or other his great Favourites; divers of the Nobility of whom he liked not, 
Andronicus tyrannizeth.  were by him in short time driven into exile; some were by him deprived of their sight, and some others cast into prison, not knowing any cause why, more than that they were by him secretly condemned, for that they were of the Nobility, or had done some good Service for the State, or exiled for their Personage, or some other thing that grieved Andronicus, or else for the spark of some old displeasure which yet lay hid as fire raked up in the ashes. So that the State of that time began to grow most miserable; 
A miserable State of a Commonweal.  and the treachery even of men nearest in blood, seeking the destruction one of another, for to serve their own turns, or to gratify Andronicus, most horrible; not only one Brother betrayed another, but even the Father his Son, and the Son his Father, if Andronicus would have it so. Some accused their nearest Kinsmen, that they derided Andronicus his proceedings; or that without regard of him, they more favoured Alexius the young Emperor, then, a great offence. Yea, such was the mischief of the time, that many in accusing others, were themselves accused; and charging others of Treason against Andronicus, were themselves charged by them whom they accused, and so clapped up both together in one prison. Neither were they of the Nobility only, which were Enemies to Andronicus, thus hardly dealt withal, but even some of his great Favourites and Followers also; for some whom but yesterday he had used most kindly, and enroled among his best Friends, upon them to day he frowned and tyrannised most cruelly; so that you might have seen the same man the same to day (as it is reported of Xerxes his Admiral) to be crowned and beheaded, to be graced and disgraced; insomuch that the wiser sort deemed Andronicus his praisings, the beginning of a man's disgrace; his bounty, his undoing; and his kindness, his death. The first that tasted of his Tyranny, 
Marry the Daughter of Emanuel, with her Husband Caesar poisoned by Andronicus.  was Mary the Daughter of Emanuel the Emperor, who for the hate she bore to Alexius the late Precedent, and the Empress her Mother in law had (as is aforesaid) above all other, wished for his coming; but was now by one Pterigionites (sometime an Eunuch of her Fathers, corrupted by Andronicus, having in his aspiring mind purposed the utter destruction of all Emanuels' Posterity) cunningly poisoned; as was her Husband Caesar, who lived not long after her, poisoned also (as was supposed) with the same Cup that his Wife was. Now among others of the late Emperor's House, none had ever stood more in his light, than had the fair Empress Xene, the young Emperor's Mother, whom now he ceased not most bitterly (though wrongfully) to accuse, as an utter Enemy both to the Emperor and the State, making as if he would leave all, and again depart, if she were not removed from the Emperor her Son; and by his cunning so incensed the giddy headed vulgar people against her, that they came flocking to Theod●sius the good Patriarch, ready to tear him out of his clothes, if he consented not to the removing of the Empress, as Andronicus had desired. So a Council being called of such his Favourites and others, as were not like indifferently to hear her Cause, but assuredly to condemn her, the Guiltless Empress after many things falsely laid to her Charge, was accused of Treason; 
Xene the Empress accused of Treason, and condemned.  as that she should by her Letters have solicited Bela King of Hungary, her Brother in law, to invade Brantizoba and Belligrade, two strong places belonging to the Empire. Whereupon she was condemned, and shamefully cast into a most filthy Prison near unto the Monastery of St. Diomedes. Amongst other Noblemen called unto this wicked Council, 
Dangerous to speak the truth to a Tyrant.  were Leo Monasteriotes, Demetrius, Tornicius, and Constantius Petrenus; who not yet altogether devoted to Andronicus, being asked their Opinions concerning the Empress, said, They would be glad first to know, Whether that Council against his Mother, were called by the Emperor's consent or not? With which Speech, Andronicus pierced to the heart as with a Sword, in great rage started up and said, These are they which encouraged the wicked Precedent to all his Villainies, lay hands upon them. Whereupon they of his Guard in threatening manner shook their Weapons and Swords at them, as if they would even presently have slain them; and the tumultuous common people, catching them by their Cloaks as they came out, pulling them some one way, some another, were so fierce upon them, as that they had much ado to escape out of their hands with life. Now lay the fair Empress (but the other day one of the greatest Princes of the East, and honoured of all her Subjects) in great misery and despair, scorned even of her base Keepers, every hour expecting the deadly blow of the Hangman. Yet was not the cruelty of Andronicus against her, any thing assuaged, but grieving that she yet breathed, shortly after assembled the former Council, the Ministers of his Wrath, demanding of them, What punishment was by Law appointed for such as betrayed any Town or Province of the Empire? 
A wicked Council.  whereunto answer being given in Writing, That it was by the Law, death; he could no longer hold, but that he must in great choler break out against the poor Empress, as if it had been she that had done it; and thereupon the wicked Counsellors crying out with one voice, That she was to be taken out of the way, as they had before agreed; by and by without longer stay, a damned Writing was subscribed by the young Emperor her Son, as if it had been with the blood of his own Mother, whereby she was (I abhor to write it) most unworthily condemned to die. The men appointed to see this most horrible and cruel Execution done, were Manuel, Andronicus his eldest Son, and Georgius Augustus, his near Kinsman; who both dismayed at the very mentioning of the matter, not regarding the Emperor's Command, said plainly, that they never before consented to the death of the Empress, but had clean hands of so heinous an offence, and therefore would now much less see her innocent Body dismembered in their sight. At which unexpected answer Andronicus much troubled, with his Fingers oftentimes plucked himself by the hoary Beard, and with burning eyes casting sometime up his head, and sometime down, sighed at his own most miserable tyrannical estate, freting inwardly, that they which were nearest unto him, whom he thought he might even with a beck have commanded to have done any mischief, abhorring his cruelty, should refuse to do the thing he so much desired to have done; yet repressing his anger for a while, within a few days after, he again commanded her to be strangled; which was accordingly done by Constantinus Tripsicus, and Pterigionites the ungracious Eunuch, by whose help he had before poisoned Mary the Emperor's Daughter, with Caesar her Husband, as is before declared. 
The miserable death of the Empress.  Thus perished this great Empress, cruelly strangled in prison, by these two wicked men, the merciless Executioners of Andronicus his wrath. Her dead Body lately adorned with all the Graces of Nature, even to the admiration of the Beholders, was without more ado secretly raked up in the Sand fast by the Seaside; a poor Sepulchre for so great a Person.  
What might not Andronicus now do to others, that durst thus cruelly deal with the young Emperors own Mother, and nearest Friends? yet was all covered under the pretence of the common good, and safety of the State and Empire. And the more to shadow Andronicus his secret purposes, as not proceeding of any private or hidden malice, or aspiring humour, from which he of all men would seem most free; and the more to manifest his Devotion and Loyalty to the young Emperor his Cousin, he was the only Persuader unto the rest of the Nobility, to have him solemnly Crowned (which as yet by reason of his tender Age he was not;) and at the time of his Coronation, with his own shoulders supported him up, as he was (after the manner of that Solemnity) carried unto the great Church, and so back again; the Crocodiles tears still plenteously running down his aged face, as if it had been for exceeding joy; which many of the meaner sort beholding, and deeming thereof the best, highly commended his kindness, accounting the young Emperor thrice happy, in so grave a Governor, and faithful Counsellor; who in love and kind affection towards him, seemed not inferior to his natural Father; so cunningly had he under the Veil of Piety, shadowed his most execrable Treachery; as that in the very plotting thereof, he was accounted most loving and kind. But hidden Treason, be it never so well dissembled, must at length show itself. So Andronicus having got into his Power both the Emperor and the Empire, and the chief Friends of the late Emperor Emanuel being taken out of the way, or else driven into exile, thought it now high time for himself to aspire unto that high Sovereignty, after which he had so many years longed. Wherefore calling together a Council of his Flatterers and Favourites, 
The sly practice of Andronicus in aspiring to the Empire.  whom he had for such purpose promoted unto the highest Places of State (all or the most part of the grave Counsellors and friends of the late Emperor Emanuel being now displaced, or otherwise taken out of the way) he as a man only careful of the common good, declared unto them the dangerous State of the Empire, by reason of a Rebellion raised in Bythinia at Nice, by Isaac Angelus, and Theodorus Catacuzenus; and another at Prusa, by Theodorus Angelus; requiring their grave advice for the suppressing thereof; who not ignorant of their Lord's purpose (as thereof before sufficiently instructed) answered with one consent, That of such great Mischiefs there would be no end, except he were joined in Fellowship of the Empire together with Alexius, by his Gravity and deep Wisdom to supply what wanted for the good Government of the State in the young Emperor is Cousin. At which Speech the standers-by (being in number many, and for the most part the Followers of Andronicus his Flatterers) gave a great shout, and as if it had been already granted, with one Applause cried out, Long live Alexius and Andronicus the Greek Emperors; and that with such a vehemency, as if they would therewith have rend the very Heavens. The bruit thereof flying abroad into the City, forthwith you might have seen every street and corner of the City full of the vulgar people, with some also of better sort, swarming together like Bees, and sounding the Praises of Andronicus (who now was come out of his House into the Court, with a world of people following him) and crying out, Long live the Emperors Alexius and Andronicus. With which loud acclamation, mixed with the heavy sigh of many good men, (for all were not mad of that Frenzy) the young Emperor awaked, and seeing the Court full of people, and Andronicus by them saluted his Fellow in the Empire; knowing now no other remedy, thought it best to yield unto the time, and so with the rest flattering the old Tyrant, welcomed him full sore against his will, by the name of his Friend and Companion in the Empire; which he now in dissembling manner seeming unwilling to take upon him, and refusing the place offered, was by the rout of his flattering Favourites enforced to his own great contentment, to yield to their request; some of them with both their hands carrying him up, until they had as it were against his will placed him in the Imperial Seat, prepared for him fast by the young Emperor; others in the mean time no less busied in pulling off his private Attire, and putting upon him the Imperial Robes.  
The next day, when this Participation of the Empire should be published, and they both proclaimed Emperors, the name of Andronicus was set before the name of Alexius; whereof his Favourites (though some others interpreted it otherwise) gave this reason, That it fitted not with the Majesty of the Empire, that the name of a Boy should be set before the name of so reverend, grave, wise, and excellent a man as was Andronicus his Companion in the Empire. Shortly after, Andronicus being brought into the great Temple to be Crowned, than first began to show to the people a cheerful Countenance, and setting aside his stern Look, after his long devotion done, filled the vain people's heads with many large Promises of a more happy form of Government than before. All which proved nothing but mere dissimulation and deep deceit, that cheerfulness of Countenance and Speech serving but for a while to cover his inward, secret, and most inhuman Cruelty. And the more to deceive the World, the Ceremonies of his Coronation past, at such time as he should for Consummation and Confirmation of all, receive the sacred and dreadful Mystery, the pledge of our Redemption, not without due reverence to be named, much less with impure hands touched; after he had received the Bread, and taken the Cup in his hand, he with a most devout Countenance framed of purpose to deceive, and his eyes cast up to Heaven, as if his Soul had there already been (the fairest Mask of Hypocrisy) swore by those dreadful Mysteries, and most deeply protested in the hearing of the people standing by, that he had taken upon him the Fellowship of the Empire for no other end or purpose but to assist Alexius his Cousin in the Government, and to strengthen his Power; whereas his secret meaning was nothing less, as shortly after appeared. For after a few days spent in feigned Devotions for the prosperous beginning of his Empire, he forthwith turned his mind unto other his more secret, but most wicked and execrable Designs. And having above all things purposed the death of the young Emperor, he called together them of the Council, his own Creatures and corrupt Ministers of his Wickedness, who had now oftentimes in their mouths that saying of the Poet, 
Est mala res multos dominarier; unicus esto  
— Rex Dominusque.  
An evil thing it is to be ruled by many;  
One King and one Lord, if there be any.  And that the old age of an Eagle was better than the youth of a Lark. 
Alexius deprived of of the Empire.  So by the general consent of that wicked Assembly (unworthy the name of a grave Council) a Decree was made, That Alexius should (as a man unfit to Govern the State) be deprived of all Imperial Dignity, and commanded to live a private life. Which disloyal Decree of the Conspirators was yet scarcely published, but that another more cruel came out of the same Forge, 
Alexius condemned.  That he should forthwith be put to death, as one unworthy longer to live. For the execution of which so horrible a Sentence Siephanus Hagiochristophorites (one of the chief Ministers of Andronicus his Villainies, and by him promoted even unto the highest Degrees of the Honours of the Court) with Constantinus Trypsicus, and one Theodorus Badibrenus, Captain of the Tormentors) were sent out; 
Alexius the Emperor cruelly strangled.  who entering his Chamber by night, without compassion of his tender age, or regard of his Honour or Innocency, cruelly strangled him with a Bow string; which detestable murder so performed, Andronicus shortly after coming in, spurned the dead body with his foot, railing at his Father, the late Emperor Emanuel, as a forsworn and injurious man; and at his Mother, as a common Whore. The head was forthwith struck off from this miserable Carcase (the mirror of Honour's unstability) and left for the monstrous Tyrant to feed his eyes upon; the body wrapped up in Lead, was in a Boat carried to Sea by Io. Camaterius, and Theodosius Chumenus, two of Andronicus his noble Favourites; who with great joy and glee returned with the same Boat to the Court, as if they had done some notable Exploit. But long continueth not the joy of the Mischievous, Vengeance still following them at the heels; as it did these two, who not long after, with the rest that conspired the innocent Emperor's death, all or most part of them came to shameful or miserable ends. Thus perished Alexius the Emperor, not yet full fifteen years old, in the third year of his Reign; which time he lived more like a Servant than an Emperor, first under the command of his Mother, and afterwards of the Tyrant which brought him to his end.  
Who joyeth now but old Andronicus, made young again, as should seem, 
An unequal Marriage.  by his new gained Honours? for shortly after the murder committed, he married Anne the French Kings Daughter (as some report) before betrothed to young Alexius; a tender and most beautiful Lady, not yet full eleven years old, an unfit Match for three score and ten. And in some sort as it were to purge himself and his Partakers of the shameful murder by them committed, and to stop the mouths of the people, he by much flattery and large promises procured of the Bishops a general Absolution for them all, from the Oath of Obedience which they had before given unto the Emperor Emanuel, and Alexius his Son: Which obtained, he for a while had the same Bishops in great Honour, and shortly after in greater Contempt, as men forgetful of their Duties and Calling. After that he gave himself wholly unto the establishing of his Estate, never reckoning himself thereof assured, 
Andronicus seeketh by tyranny to establish his Estate.  so long as he saw any of the Nobility or famous Captains alive, that favoured Emanuel the late Emperor, or Alexius his Son; of whom some he secretly poisoned, as Mary the Emperor Emanuels Daughter, with her Husband Caesar; some for light occasions he deprived of their sight, as he did Emanuel and Alexius the Sons of that noble Captain john Com●enus; Andronicus Lapardus, whose good Service he had oftentimes used; Theodorus Angelus, Alexius Comnenus the Emperor Emanuels base Son; some he hanged, as Leo Synesius, Manuel Lachanas, with divers others; some he burned, as Mamalus one of the Emperor Alexius his chief Secretaries; all men of great Honour and place. For colour whereof he pretended himself to be sorry for them, deeply protesting, that they died by the severity of the Law, not by his will, and by the just doom of the Judges, whereunto he was himself (as he said) to give place; and that with tears plentifully running down his aged Cheeks, as if he had been the most sorrowful man alive. O deep dissimulation, and Crocodiles tears, by nature ordained to express the heaviness of the heart, flowing from the eyes as showers of rain out of the Clouds; in good men the most certain signs of greatest grief, and surest testimonies of inward torment; but in Andronicus you are not so, you are far of another nature, you proceed of joy, you promise not unto the distressed pity or compassion, but death and destruction! how many men's eyes have you put out? how many have you drowned? how many have you devoured? Most of the Nobility that favoured the late Emperor Emanuel and Alexius his Son, thus taken out of the way by Andronicus, struck such a fear into the rest, that for safeguard of their lives they betook themselves to flight, some one way, some another, never thinking themselves in safety so long as they were within the greedy Tyrant's reach; whereof shortly after ensued no small Troubles, to the shaking of the State of the whole Empire. Isaac Comnenus the Emperor Emanuels nigh Kinsman, took his Refuge into Cyprus, and kept that Island to himself. Alexius Comnenus, Emanuels Brother's Son, fled into Silicia, and there stirred up William King of that Island, against Andronicus, who with a great Army landed at Dyrrachium, took the City, and so from thence without resistance passing through the heart of Macedonia, spoiling the Country before him as he went, met his Fleet at Thessalonica, which famous City he also took by force, and most miserably spoiled it, with all the Country thereabout, so that he brought a great fear upon the Imperial City itself. Unto which so great evil Andronicus (entangled with domestic Troubles, and not knowing whom to trust) was not able to give remedy, although for show he had (to no purpose) sent out certain of his most trusty Ministers with such Forces as he could well spare. For the Majesty of his Authority growing still less and less, and the number of his Enemies both at home and abroad daily increasing, and the favour of the unconstant people (who now began to speak hardly of him) declining; he uncertain which way to turn himself, rested wholly upon Tyranny, 
Exceeding Cruelty.  proscribing in his fear, not only the Friends of such as were fled, and whom he disinherited, but sometimes whole Families together, yea and that for light occasions, sometime those who were his best Favourites, whose Service he had many times used in the execution of his Cruelty; so that now no day passed wherein he did not put to death, imprison, or torture one great Man or other. Whereby it happened that the Imperial City was filled with sorrow and heaviness, every man hanging the head, and with silence covering his inward grief, not without danger to have been then uttered. Among many others appointed to this slaughter, was one Isaac Angelus a man of great Nobility, whom Hagiochristophorites (the chief Minister of Andronicus his Tyranny, and for the same by him higly promoted) suspecting, as one that bore no good will to the Emperor (cause enough of death) came to his house to apprehend him; and finding him at home, after a few hot words commanded him to follow him; whereat the Nobleman making some stay, and abhorring the very sight of the Wretch, as unto him ominous and fatal, Hagiochristophorites himself began to lay hands on him, reviling his Followers, that they had not forthwith drawn him out of his house by the hair of his head, unto the Prison by him appointed. For they, touched with the honour of the Man, and moved with pity, forced him not, but stood still as beholders. Isaac seeing himself thus beset, and no way now left for him to escape, resolving rather there presently to die, than shortly after to be murdered in Prison, drew his Sword as the rest were laying hands upon him, and at the first blow cleft the wicked head of Hagiochristophorites down to his shoulders; and so leaving him wallowing in his own blood, and like a desperate man laying about him amongst the rest, made himself way through the midst of them. And so imbrued with blood, with his bloody Sword yet in his hand, running through the midst of the City, told the people what he had done, and crying unto them for help in defence of his Innocency, fled into the great Temple, 
Isaac Angelus taketh Sanctuary.  there to take the Refuge of the Sanctuary; where he had not long sat (in the place where the guilty flying thither for Refuge used to sit, and confessing their Offence, crave Pardon of such as go in and out) but that the Temple was filled with the multitude of people flocking thither out of all parts of the City, some to see the Nobleman, some to behold what should become of him; for all men thought that he would before Sunset (notwithstanding the reverence of the place) be drawn thence by Andronicus, and put to some shameful death. Thither came also john Ducas, Isaac's Uncle, and his Son Isaac, to increase the tumult; not for that they were any thing guilty of the death of Hagiochristophorites, but for that they had before become Sureties unto the suspicious Tyrant, for their Kinsman Isaac, and he likewise for them; by whose trespass they well knew themselves now brought into no less danger than if they had been Abettors thereunto. And beside them also, many other there were, which doubting of their own estate, and fearing the like might happen to themselves, pricked forward with hard Speeches, the common people flocking thither, instantly requesting them to stay there, and to stand by them now at their need, being so injuriously wronged; whose pitiful complaints moved many to take part with them. At which time also, 
The people in a tumult resort unto Angelus.  no man yet coming from the Emperor (being as then out of the City) to repress the Sedition, nor any of the Nobility opposing themselves, no Friend of Andronicus appearing, none of his bloody Ministers or Officers showing themselves, nor any that did so much as speak a good word in his behalf, or in dislike of the tumult, the boldness of the seditious people increased, every man in so great liberty saying what he list, and after their rude manner one encouraging another. So spent Isaac that long night, not thinking (God wot) of an Empire, but still expecting the deadly stroke of Andronicus: Yet had he with great entreating so prevailed, that divers of the Assembly shutting the Church doors, and bringing Lights into the Church, stayed there with him all night, and by their example caused some others to stay also. The next morning by break of day were all the Citizens flocked again unto the Temple, cursing the Tyrant to the Devil, as the common Enemy of mankind, wishing unto him a shameful death, and the honour of the Empire unto Isaac. At that time by fortune, or rather God so appointing it, Andronicus was out of the City at his Palace of Meludinum, on the East side of Propontis, where he was by nine a clock at night certified of the death of Hagiochristophorites, and of the tumult of the people: yet that night stirred he not, neither did any thing more, but by short Letters advised the people to pacify themselves, and not by foolish Rebellion to cast themselves into further danger. In the Morning Andronicus his Favourites began to show themselves, 
Andronicus in vain seeketh to appease the tumultuous People.  and to do what they might to have appeased the tumultuous Multitude; yea and presently after came Andronicus himself, and landed with his Imperial Galley at the great Palace in the City. But with the enraged People nought prevailed either the persuasions of the one, or report of the presence of the other; for they all, as upon a signal given, and as men inspired with one spirit, or stirred up with the same fury, flocked together into the Temple of S. Sophia, one encouraging another, and scoffing at such as stood by as idle lookers on, without Weapons in their hands, reviling them and calling them rotten Limbs that had no feeling of the common harm. After that, they broke open the Prisons and set at liberty the Prisoners, as fittest instruments to increase the Tumult, who were not all notable Offenders of the Dregs of the People, but many of them born of good Houses, and for some light Fault, or inconsiderate Word (whereof every man was in those times bound to give an account) or for some Friend's Offence against Andronicus, there laid fast. These of all others most animated the people, in such sort, as they which before for fear of the danger did but softly murmur to themselves against Andronicus, did now openly join with the rest of the base seditious. Then might you have seen some with their Swords and Targets, some also in their Armour, but the greatest part armed but with Clubs and Staves, and other such like rude Weapons, Arms of Fury, hastily taken up in their Shops as by chance they came first to hand, running forth in every place. By this Assembly of the most furious and promiscuous People was Isaac hoist up, 
Isaac Angelus by the people in a tumult saluted Emperor.  and with a general applause saluted Emperor. At which time one of the Sextons of the Church, with a ladder took down Constantine the Great his Crown of Gold, (which for a Monument hung over the holy Altar) and set it on Isaac's Head; which he at the first seemed unwilling to wear, not for that he was not desirous enough of the Empire, but for that he feared the extreme danger of the matter, and thought those things that were then done to be but as it were a sick man's dream, like enough straightway to vanish; beside that, he feared in so doing, the more to exasperate Andronicus. Which his Uncle john Ducas (as is said before, standing by him) perceiving, plucking off his own Cap, and showing his old bald Head, requested the People, That if his Nephew did refuse it, they would set it upon his; whereunto they with a great outcry answered, That they would no more yield their obedience to an old bald Man, as having received many harms from the hoary hairs of old Andronicus; and therefore for his sake hated every old Man, more fit for Charon's Boat, and his Coffin, than for an Empire, and especially if he had a forken Beard, and bald Head, as had Andronicus and this Ducas. Thus was Isaac by the tumultuous Multitude invested in the Empire; and so royally mounted upon one of the Emperor's Horses, richly furnished with a Saddle and Trappings of Gold, which they had by chance gotten, was by them brought from the Temple unto the Court; Basilius Camaterus the Patriarch waiting upon him, whom the headstrong People had enforced against his Will to confirm with his Authority what was by them done for the establishing of Isaac in the Empire. Andronicus at his coming to the Palace perceiving first by the confused cry of the tumultuous Multitude, and afterward by that which he saw with his Eyes, how the world went; calling upon his old Friends and flattering Favourites, 
Andronicus forsaken of his flattering Favourites  thought first by their help to have repressed the Fury of the Rebellious; who as Friends of his better Fortune, and not of himself, were now for the most part shrunk from him; and those that were left, so feintly coming on, as if in his quarrel they had had no mind to spend their lives; with which heartless Company Andronicus fearing to oppose himself against the Fury of the Multitude, with his Bow and Arrows in his hand got him up into the highest Tower of the Palace, called Centenaria, and from thence bestowed certain shot among the People. But seeing that to be to no purpose, and better persuaded to do more with them by fair words, than such vain force, he from the top of the Tower cried aloud unto them, That if they would be quiet and depart, he would by their consent resign the Empire unto his Son Manuel; whereat the People more enraged, spared not to pour forth most reproachful words in contempt both of himself and his Son; and so furiously broke into the Court by one of the Gates called Carea. Which Andronicus beholding, and now out of all hope, casting from him all his Habiliments of Honour, and disguising himself fled again to his Galley, accompanied only with Anna his Wife, and Maraptica his Minion, and so returned to Meludinum, his place from whence he came. Isaac but yesterday in the bottom of despair, and shadowed as it were with the hand of Death, 
A strange change.  by the strange change of Fortune to day mounted unto the highest Type of worldly Honour, entering the Palace, was there again with the greatest applause of the People that might be, saluted Emperor. From whence he forthwith sent out certain Companies of his most assured Friends and Followers, to apprehend Andronicus; who now as a man at once forsaken both of his Friends and of his better Fortune, secretly fled with his Wife and his Paragon, before remembered, to Chele▪ attended upon only with a few of his trusty Servants, which had of long time served him before he was Emperor. There taking Ship, with purpose to have fled unto the Tauroscythes, (as not thinking himself safe in any Province of the Empire) he was twice or thrice by foul Wether put back again, the rough Sea abhorring (as it seemed) to carry him that had so polluted it with the dead bodies of the Innocent by him slain, and still threatening (as it were) to devour him. Thus strangely stayed by foul Wether, or more truly to say, by the revenging hand of the Highest, he was found by such as were sent out to seek after him, and being by them apprehended, was with two great Iron Chains fast locked about his proud Neck, and heavy Gyves upon his legs, cast into the Castle of Amena; 
Andronicus the Emperor taken, and brought in bonds to Angelus.  and in that miserable Habit shortly after presented to the Emperor Isaac, yet busied in appeasing and reforming of the disordered City, where by the way as he went, he was by the People most shamefully reviled, and injuriously used; some plucking him by the Beard, some by the Hair of the Head, some other in the mean time playing with his nose, and bobbing him in the face, with a thousand other despites done unto him; especially by such Women, as whose Husbands he had before murdered or deprived of their sight. Afterward being committed to the hateful Fury of the People, he had his right Hand cut off, and was again committed to the same Castle, without Meat, Drink, or any other comfort; where after he had lain a few days, having one of his Eyes put out, he was set upon a foul lean Camel, with his Face towards the tail thereof, and so (as it were in Triumph) led through the Market place, his bald Head all bare, as if it had been a dead man's Skull taken out of a Charnel House, in a short old Coat; so miserable a Spectacle, as might have expressed a fountain of tears out of the Eyes of a right hard hearted man. But the Bedlam and most insolent Citizens, especially they of the base sort, as Cooks, Cobblers, Curriers, and such like, flocking about him like Bees (without regard that he had but the other day worn upon his Head the Imperial Crown, then honoured by them as a God, and extolled unto the Heavens; that they had not long before solemnly sworn him Obedience and Loyalty) ran now as men out of their Wits, omitting no kind of Villainy they could devise to do unto him; some thrust nails into his Head, some cast dirt in his Face, some the dung both of Men and Beasts, some pricked him in the Sides with spits, some cast Stones at him as at a mad Dog, and other some opprobrious and despiteful words, no less grievous unto him than the rest; amongst others, an impudent Drab coming out of the Kitchen, cast a pot of scalding water in his Face; and in brief, their outrage so exceeded, as if they had striven among themselves, who should do him the greatest Villainy. Having thus shamefully, as in a ridiculous triumph brought him into the Theatre, they there betwixt two Pillars hanged him up by the Heels; where having suffered all these despightful Indignities, 
Andronicus the Emperor hanged up by the, Heels.  with many more, not without offence to be named, he with an invincible Courage yet still held his patience, not giving one evil word, but sometimes saying, Lord have mercy upon me; and otherwhiles, Why do you break a bruised Reed? Yet the furious People nothing moved with the Calamity of so great a man, (of all others now the most miserable) stripped him of his bad clothes as he hung, and cut off his Privities. One among the rest, to make an end of him, thrust his Sword in at his Throat up to the twist as he hung; other two with their long Swords proved their Strength, who could strike furthest into his Buttocks. Thus miserably perished this famous Emperor, after he had reigned two years. That which was left of his Body (for many had carried away some pieces thereof) being taken down from the place where he hung, was cast into a base Vault in the Theatre, where it for a space lay, as the loathsome Carcase of some wild Beast, and the miserable Spectacle of Man's Fragility; 
Nice●as Choniates Annal. lib. 1. fol. 161. col. 4.  for Isaac the Emperor would not suffer it to be buried. Howbeit aftewards (the Fury of the People overpassed) it was by some more charitable men removed thence, and laid in a low Vault near unto the Monastery of the Ephori; which as Nicetas Choniates (Author of this History speaking of the time wherein he lived) saith, is yet there undissolved to be seen. He was a man most honourably descended, of Stature tall, and well proportioned; in his Countenance sat a certain reverend Majesty, adorned with such notable Virtues, as might have made him worthily to have been compared unto the greatest Emperors of his Stock and Family, had he not obscured the same with too much Ambition and Cruelty; whereof the one caused him to lead the greatest part of his Life in Prison or Exile; the other brought unto him a most shameful End.  
Isaac Angelus his Successor, by the Favour of the People thus exalted unto the Empire, at the first governed the same with great Lenity and Moderation, as if he had altogether abhorred from the Effusion of his Subjects Blood; but aftewards not a little troubled both with Foreign Enemies, and Domestical Rebellion, besieged in the Imperial City by such of the Nobility as thought themselves no less worthy of the Empire than himself; for repressing of which Insolences, and the assuring of his State, he became so severe in chastising the Offenders, 
Isaac Angelus the Emperor tyranniseth  and such others as he had in distrust, that he was counted of most men not inferior in Cruelty to Andronicus his Predecessor; few days passing without the condemnation of execution of one great Man or other, besides them of the meaner sort, of whom he seemed to make no great reckoning; whereby he in few years lost the Love and Favour of his Subjects, who before had him in great honour; and became unto them no less odious than was before Andronicus. Upon which general dislike of the People, 
Isaac the Emperor thrust from the Empire and deprived of his sight by his Brother Alexius.  his ingrateful younger Brother Alexius (by him before for a great sum of Money redeemed from the Turks) took occasion to rise up against him, and by the Favour of the Soldiers deprived him together both of the Empire and his Sight; and having put out his Eyes, thrust him into a Monastery, there to live as it were out of the World, as a man condemned to perpetual darkness, after he had reigned nine years and eight months, being not yet full forty years old. Whither it were the revenging hand of God, for the hard measure used to Andronicus, or not, I leave it to the wiser to consider, who in his deep Providence, wherewith he best governeth all things, would have a moderation used in punishment of our most Capital Enemies, as having always before our Eyes the slippery State of Power and Authority; and that as all worldly things are subject to change, so by the just Judgement of God it oftentimes falleth out, that what hurt we do unto others, the same we may receive again from others. In these so great and strange mutations of the Constantinopolitan Empire (which I have somewhat more at large prosecuted, not so much for the novelty of the matter, although it were right strange, as for that out of the Losses, and Ruin thereof, the greatness of the Turks for the most part grew) Clizasthlan Sultan of Iconium, 
Clizasthlan the Turks Sultan incroacheth upon the Greek Empire in the lesser Asia.  after the death of the Emperor Emanuel, found means to take from the Empire divers strong Towns and Castles in the lesser Asia, together with a great part of the Country of Phrygia; Alexius, Andronicus and Isaac the succeeding Emperors, troubled with dangers nearer home, having nothing to oppose against him, but fair Entreaty and rich Presents, so redeeming for a while an unsure Peace, with no less charge in short time to be renewed again. This victorious Sultan (for so he may of right be called) holding in his Subjection a great part of the lesser Asia, now a Man of great years, dying, left behind him four Sons, Masut, Coppatine, Reucratine, and Caichosores, all men grown. Amongst whom he divided his Kingdom. Unto Masut he bequeathed Amasia, Ancrya, 
Clizasthlan divideth hi● Kingdom amongst his four Sons.  Doryleum, with divers other pleasant Cities of Pontus; unto Coppatine, he assigned Melytene, Caesarea, and the Colony now called Taxara: unto Reucratine he allotted Aminsum, Docea, with some other Cities upon the Sea-Coast; but unto Caichosroes, he left Iconium his Regal Seat, and with it Lycaonia, Pamphilia, and all the Countries thereabouts as far as Cottianyum. Of these four, Coppatine long lived not after his Father; for whose Inheritance Reucratine Prince of Docea, 
The Sons of Clizasthlan at variance among themselves.  and Masut Prince of An●yra (his two Brethren) fell at variance, and so at last into an open War. But Masut finding himself too weak for his warlike Brother Reucratine, yielded unto him the Territories which he saw he must needs forego; and glad now to keep his own, so made peace with him. Reucratine being a man of an ambitious and haughty Spirit, with his Forces thus doubled, denounced War unto his Brother Caichosroes; who doubting his own Strength, fled unto the Emperor Alexius Angelus for aid, as had his Father done before him unto the Emperor Manuel, although not with like good Fortune. For the Emperor but of late having obtained the Empire by the deposing of his Brother; and altogether given to pleasure, reputing also those Domestical Wars of the Turks, some part of his own safety; sent him home without Comfort, as one strong enough of himself to defend his own quarrel against his Brother.  
Howbeit, he was scarcely come to Iconium, but he was by Reucratine expulsed thence, and driven to fly into Armenia, where he was by Zebune King of that Country, a Turk also, honourably received and courteously used, but yet denied of the aid he requested; the King pretending that he was already in League with Reucratine, and therefore could not; or as some thought, fearing the dangerousness of the matter, would not intermeddle therein. Wherewith the poor Sultan utterly discouraged, returned again to Constantinople, and there in poor Estate, as a man forlorn, passed out the rest of his days.  
Now having thus passed through the Turkish affairs in the lesser Asia, together with the troubled Estate of the Constantinopolitan Empire, no small cause of the Turkish greatness; the course of time calleth us back again before we pass any farther, to remember their proceedings also at the same time, and shortly after, in Syria, judaea, Egypt, and those more Southerly Countries, where these restless People ceased not by all means to enlarge their Empire, until they had brought all those great Kingdoms under their Obeisance.  
After the death of Baldwin King of jerusalem, of whom we have before spoken, 
Almericus sixth King of Jerusalem  Almericus his younger Brother, Earl of joppa and Ascalon, being then about seven and twenty years old, was by the better good liking of the Clergy and People, then of the Nobility, elected King: not for that there wanted in him any good parts worthy of a Kingdom, but for that some of them envied unto him so great an honour. Nevertheless he was (as we said) by the general consent of the People, Elected, Proclaimed, and by Almericus the Patriarch with all Solemnity crowned, the seventeenth day of February, in the year of Grace, 1163. To begin whose troubled Reign, the Egyptians first of all denied to pay unto him their wont Tribute. In revenge whereof, he in person himself with a puissant Army entered into Egypt; and meeting with Dargan the Sultan, overthrew him in plain Battle, and put him to flight; who to stay the further pursuit and passage of the Christians, cut the Banks of the River Nilus, and so drowned the Country, that the King was glad to content himself with the Victory he had already gotten, and so to return to Jerusalem.  
The next year Almericus was again drawn down with his power into Egypt, by Dargan the Sultan, to aid him against Saracon; whom Noradin the Turk, King of Damascus, had sent as General with an Army, to restore Sanar the Sultan before expulsed, and to depose Dargan. In which Expedition Dargan being slain, and Soracon having won certain Towns, kept them to himself; Sanar doubtful of his good meaning, joined his Forces with Almericus, and by his help expulsed Saracon out of Egypt. But whilst Almericus was thus busied in Egypt, Noradin the Turk making an inroad into the Frontiers of the Christians near unto Tripoli, was by Gilbert Lacie, 
Noradin the Turk discomfited by the Christians.  Master of the Templars in those quarters, and the other Christians, when he least feared, so suddenly set upon, that he had much ado by flight to save himself, half naked for haste, most of his followers being at the same time slain. In revenge of which disgrace, he not long after with a great power came and besieged Arethusa; for relief whereof, Bohemund Prince of Antioch, Raymond the younger, Earl of Tripoli, Calamon Governor of Cilicia, and Toros Prince of Armenia, came with their power. Of whose coming the Turk hearing, raised his Siege and departed. After whom these Christian Princes eagerly following, were by the Turks shut up in certain deep and rotten Fens (whereinto they had unadvisedly too far entered) and there with a great Slaughter overthrown. In which conflict, all the chief Commanders of the Army were taken, except the Prince of Armenia, who forecasting the danger, had retired, after he had in vain dissuaded the rest from the further pursuit of the flying Enemy. The Prince of Antioch there taken, was about a year after for a great sum of Money redeemed; but the Count of Tripoli was after eight years strait Captivity hardly delivered. Noradin after this Victory returning again to the Siege of Arethusa, in few days won the Town; and encouraged with such good success, and the absence of the King, laid Siege to the City of Paneade, which was also delivered unto him, upon condition that the Citizens might at their pleasure in safety depart.  
At the same time Saracon General of Noradin his Forces, took from the Christians two Castles, the one in the Country of Sidon, the other beyond jordan upon the Borders of Arabia, both in the Custody of the Templars; twelve of whom the King at his return hanged up for Treason.  
Shortly after Saracon, King Noradin his great Man of War, with all the power of the Turks, came down again into Egypt, with purpose to have fully subdued all that notable Kingdom unto his Lord and Master. Of whose power, Sanar the Sultan standing in dread, prayed aid of Almericus, promising unto him beside his yearly Tribute, the sum of forty thousand Ducats for his pains. The matter fully agreed upon, and all things now in readiness, Almericus set forward with his Army, and encountering with Saracon and his Turks at the River Nilus, overthrew him in a great Battle, yet not without some loss, for the Turks in their Flight lighting upon the King's Carriages with the whole Baggage of the Army, and overrunning them that had the charge thereof, carried away with them a most rich Prey, whereby it came to pass that as the Christians had the Victory, so the Turks enjoyed the Spoil.  
Saracon after this overthrow having again gathered together his dispersed Soldiers, took his way to Alexandria, where he was by the Citizens received; after whom the King following, gave no attempt unto the City, for that he knew to be but vain, but encamped close by the side of the River Nilus, from whence the City was chiefly to be victualled. Whose purpose Saracon perceiving, and betime foreseeing the distress of his whole Army for want of Victuals, if he should there long stay; leaving there his Son Saladin (or as some call him his Nephew) with a thousand Horsemen for the keeping of the City, secretly by night departed thence himself with the rest of his Army; and passing through the Deserts, did great harm in the upper parts of Egypt. Of whose departure Almericus understanding, 
Saladin lest in Alexandria by Saracon, craveth aid.  was about to have followed him, but that he was otherwise persuaded by the Egyptian Captains to continue his former purpose for the gaining of the City; wherefore now after the departure of Saracon he began to approach the Walls, and with divers Engines of War to disturb the Defendants; wherewith the Citizens (better acquainted with the Trade of Merchandise, than the Feats of War) discouraged, began now to consult among themselves for the turning out of those troublesome Guests whom they had so lately received; which Saladin perceiving, certified Saracon his Uncle thereof, requesting his speedy relief in that his so dangerous Estate, and with much entreaty persuaded the Citizens for a while to hold it out, until he might from him receive an answer; of all which the Christians and Egyptians without having intelligence, laid so much the harder unto the City. Gladly would Saracon have done what he was by his Nephew requested; but perceiving it to be a matter of no less danger than difficulty, he by the means of Hugh, 
Alexandria y●eded to Almericus.  Count of Caesarea, and one Arnolphus another noble Christian, both then Prisoners with him, concluded a peace with the King; whereupon the City was forthwith yielded up, and Saladin with his Turks suffered in safety to depart. At which time also all Prisoners were on both sides freely and without ransom set at liberty. Thus Saracon for this time disappointed of this his purpose for the Conquest of Egypt, returned back again to Damascus; and Almericus with great glory to Ascalon, where he arrived with his Army the one and twentieth day of September in the year 1167. year 1167.  
In this late expedition, King Almericus on the one side inflamed with the Wealth of Egypt, and on the other encouraged with the Weakness of that effeminate People, resting for the most part upon foreign Strength; had purposed himself to invade the Kingdom, and so if possible he might, to join it to his own. For colour whereof, it was pretended that the Sultan contrary to his faith before given, had secretly sought to join in League and Amity with Noradin the Turk, King of Damascus. The chief stirrer up of the King unto this War, was one Gerbert Master of the Templars; who in respect of the aid by them of his order to be given, had obtained of the King, after the Victory gained, to have the City of Pelusium with all the rich Country about the same, given unto him and his Brethren the Knights of the Order for ever; upon which hope, he contrary to the mind of many of the Knights, for the furtherance of that War, gauged his whole Wealth and Credit, with all the Treasure of his House. So all things now in readiness for so great an Enterprise, Almeric●s with his Army set forward in October, and having in ten days passed the sandy Desert, came to Pelusium; which City he (after three days Siege) took by force, and put to the Sword all them that were therein, 
Pelusium ●aken by Almeri●us.  without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition; which City, he according to his promise before made, gave unto the Templars. After that, he began also to besiege Cairo, at which time his Fleet sacked the City of Tapium. In the mean time, Sanar the Egyptian Sultan, considering the danger he was in, to satisfy Almericus his greedy desire, offered to pay him twenty hundred thousand Ducats to withdraw his Forces; and forthwith sent him one hundred thousand, for the ransom of his Son and his Nephew taken Prisoners at Pelusium; and for the rest to be paid within five days after, he gave two of his Nephew's Hostages. Nevertheless the payment he deferred from day to day, of purpose in the mean time to raise the whole power of Egypt, also to receive aid from the Turks by Saracon, which he daily expected; of whose speedy coming, Almericus understanding, left part of his Army at Pelusium, and with the rest went to have met him; but missing him by the way, Saracon with his Turks came in safety to Cairo unto the Sultan, as he had desired. Wherefore Almericus dismayed with the multitude of two so great Armies now joined together, retired back again to Pelusium, and there taking with him the Garrison before left, returned home to Jerusalem; having in that expedition (begun with the breach of Faith) laid the foundation of the ruin of his Kingdom, as in few years after, it by proof appeared, by the evil Neighbourhood of the Turks, by that means brought down into Egypt.  
Saracon the Turk after the departure of Almericus, 
The Sultan of Egypt under the colour of Friendship slain by Saracon.  easily perceiving a most fit time and opportunity to be offered for him now to obtain that, which he had in vain before both sought and sought for, encamped with his Army near unto Cairo, and notably counterfeited himself of all others the most devoted Friend of the Sultan's; so that betwixt them two passed all the kind tokens of Love and Friendship, that could possibly be devised; the Sultan oftentimes feasting the Turk, and in kindness likewise being feasted of him; but at length going as his manner was, unto the Camp to visit him, he was by the Turks slain. So Saracon having brought to pass what he desired, and entering the City with his Army, was by the great Caliph (from whom the Egyptian Sultan's, as from their Superiors, the true Successors of their great Prophet Mahomet, took their Authority) appointed Sultan, the first of the Turks that ever enjoyed the same; which Royal Dignity he had not possessed fully a year, but that he was taken away by death. In whose stead Saladin his Brother's Son, by and by stepped up; who altogether a Martial Man, not regarding the reverend Majesty of the Caliph (as had his Uncle Saracon, and all the Egyptian Sultan's before him) with his Horsemans' Mace struck out his Brains; and not so contented, utterly rooted out all his Posterity, the better to assure himself and his Successors the Turks in the possession of his new begotten Kingdom; and after that divided the great Treasures of the Egyptians among his Turks, to encourage them the more to follow him in his Wars against the Christians.  
This glorious Kingdom so much spoken of in Holy Scripture, 
How the Kingdom of Egypt first fell into the hands of the Saracens, with the notable alterations thereof.  and renowned of the Learned Historiographers of all Ages, after the Ruin of the Roman Empire, was sometime part of the Constantinopolitan Empire, and a notable Member of the Christian Common Weal; until that about the year of our Lord 704, the Egyptians weary of the Pride and Covetousness of the Grecians, revolted from them unto the Saracens, whose Superstition they also received; and so under the Government of the Saracen Caliphs', the Successors of the false Prophet Mahomet lived about 464 years, until that now being invaded by Almericus, they prayed aid of Noradin the Turk, Sultan of Damascus; who to their relief sending Saracon with an Army, repulsed indeed the Christians, but oppressing their liberty, took to himself the Kingdom, which he left unto his Nephew Saladin, in whose Posterity it remained until it was from them again taken by the Circassian Slaves the Mamalukes; under whose servile Government it was holden of long time, till that by the great Emperor of the Turks Selimus the first, it was again conquered and the Mamalukes utterly destroyed: In the Government of whose Prosperity, the mighty Emperors of the Turks, it hath ever since remained as part of their Empire, until this day, as in the process of this History God willing shall appear.  
year 1170. Saladin thus possessed of the great Kingdom of Egypt, and all things set in such order as he thought best for the Newness of his Estate, with a great Army entered into the Land of Palestine, in the year, 1170. and there besieged Daron; which Town he won, and overthrew such as were sent by King Almericus to have relieved the same; with which small Victory contenting himself, as with the good beginning of his rising Fortune, he returned back again into his Kingdom; yet was his Army so great and populous, as that the like Army of the Turks had never before been seen in the Holy Land. Wherefore Almericus considering in what great danger he stood, his Kingdom now being on both sides beset by the Turks, sent out his Ambassadors unto the Christian Princes of the West, to crave their Aid for the defence of that Kingdom which their Fathers had won; and for the same purpose went himself in Person unto the Emperor of Constantinople, of whom he was Royally entertained, and afterward sent back loaded with the promises of great matters, as were also his Ambassadors from the Princes of the West. All which for all that sorted unto nothing, but vanished into smoke.  
The year following, viz. 1171. Saladin besieged Petrea, year 1171. the Metropolitical City of Arabia; but hearing that Almericus with a great Power was coming to the Relief thereof, he raised his Siege, and retired; as he did also next year after, having in vain attempted the strong Castle of Montroyal, on the further side of jordan. In like manner also the third year he came again into the Holy Land, and spoiled the Country beyond jordan; but hearing of the Kings coming against him, he forthwith returned again into Egypt. All these light Expeditions, this politic Prince made not so much for hope of Victory, or to prove his Enemy's strength, as to train his Soldiers, especially the effeminate Egyptians, and to make them fitter to serve him in his greater designs.  
year 1173. Shortly after died Noradin Sultan of Damascus, and in his time a most notable Champion of the Turks, after he had reigned nine and twenty years. Upon whose death, Almericus forthwith besieged the City of Paneale, in hope to have again recovered the same; but he was by the Widow of the late dead Sultan, for a great sum of money and the delivery of certain noble Prisoners, entreated to raise his Siege and depart. So having sent away his Army, and travelling with his ordinary Retinue to Tyberias, where he had the Summer before been sick of the Flux, feeling himself not well, he returned on Horseback by Nazareth and Neapolis to jerusalem, where his old Disease increasing upon him, he was also taken with a Fever; wherewith after he had been some few days grievously tormented, he requested his Physicians, with some gentle potion to lose his Belly, which was now somewhat stayed; which they refusing to do, he commanded the potion to be given him upon his own peril, hap thereon what hap should; which being given him, and his Belly again loosed, he seemed therewith to have been at the first well eased; but his wont Fever with great vehemency returning, before his weak and spent Body could be with convenient meats refreshed, he suddenly died the tenth of july, in the year, 1173. when he had reigned about ten years. His dead Body was with the great lamentation of all his Subjects, solemnly buried by his Brothers. He was a most wise Prince, and withal right valiant, amongst many most fit for the Government and Defence of that troublesome Kingdom, so hardly beset with the Infidels, if it had pleased God to have given him longer life.  
Four days after the death of Almericus, 
Baldwin the Fourth of that Name, seventh King of Jerusalem.  was Baldwin his Son, than a Youth about thirteen years old, by the general consent of the Nobility chosen King, and by Almericus the Patriarch in the Temple with great Solemnity Crowned in the year, 1173. unto whom as not yet by reason of his tender age, fit himself to manage the weighty Affairs of the Kingdom, Raymond Count of Tripoli was by the whole consent of the Nobility appointed Tutor to supply what was wanting in the young King.  
Noradin Sultan of Damascus (dead as is aforesaid) left behind him Melechsala his Son, yet but a Youth, to succeed him in his Kingdom. Whose Government the Nobility disdaining, sent secretly for Saladin Sultan of Egypt, unto whom at his coming they betrayed the City of Damascus, the Regal Seat of the Turks in Syria. Whereof Saladin possessed, and entering into Coelosiria without Resistance, took Heliopolis, Emissa, with the great City of Caesarea; and in fine, all the whole Kingdom of Damascus, the City of Arethusa only excepted. But thus to suffer Melechsala the young Prince to be wronged, and the Kingdom of Damascus to be joined to the Kingdom of Egypt, was of the wiser sort thought not to stand with the safety of the Kingdom of jerusalem, lying in the middle betwixt them both. Wherefore the Count of Tripoli, Governor of that Kingdom, made out certain Forces to have hindered his proceedings. At which time also, Cotobed Prince of Parthia, and Melechsala Uncle, sent certain Troops of Parthian Horsemen to have aided his distressed Nephew, who were by Saladin overthrown and almost all slain, near unto Aleppo where Melechsala lay. As for the Count of Tripoli and the other Christian Princes, with whom Saladin in the newness of his Kingdom had no desire to fall out; he appeased them with fair Entreaty and Rewards; unto the Count he sent freely the Hostages, which yet lay for his Ransom at Emissa; unto the other Princes he sent rich Presents; and therewith so contented them all, that they returned without any thing doing against him. After which time, three or four years passed in great quietness, to the great strengthening of him in those new gotten Kingdoms. At length upon the coming over of Philip Earl of Flanders, the Christian Princes of Syria encouraged, consulted of an Expedition to be made into Egypt, whereof Saladin having Intelligence, drew down into that Country the greatest part of his strength. But Philip disliking of that Expedition, and the rather for that he saw no great cheerfulness in the Count of Tripoli and the rest thereunto; they with one consent changed their Purpose for Egypt, and turning their Forces a quite contrary way, miserably and without resistance wasted the Country about Emissa and Caesarea.  
Whilst the Christians w●re thus busied in Coelosiria, 
Saladin overthrown by King Baldwin.  Saladin on the other side took occasion out of Egypt to invade the Kingdom of jerusalem; of whose coming, King Baldwin having intelligence, with such small Forces as he had left, hastened himself to Ascalon. In the mean time Saladin with a great Army was entered into the Holy Land, where burning the Country before him, and raging in the blood of the poor Christians, he came and encamped not far from Ascalon; and struck such a fear upon the whole Country, that they which dwelled in jerusalem, were about to have forsaken the City; as for the King himself, he lay close within the City of Ascalon, not daring to adventure upon so strong an Enemy. Wherewith Saladin encouraged, and out of fear of his Enemies, dispersed his Army, some one way, some another, to forage the Country. Which the King perceiving, secretly with all his Power issued out of the City, if happily so he might overtake the Sultan unawares; neither was he deceived in his expectation; for coming suddenly upon him, and secretly charging him, he had with him for a good space an hard and doubtful battle, until that the Victory by the Power of God, at length inclining to the Christians, Saladin with his Turks fled, overthrown with a great slaughter, most part of his great Army being either there slain, or lost afterward with hunger and cold. This Victory fell unto the Christians the 25 th' day of November, in the year, 1177. not without the Almighty Hand of God, year 1177. the Turk having in his Army above six and twenty thousand Horsemen, and the King not past four hundred Horse, with some few Footmen. After which Victory, Baldwin in great Triumph returned to jerusalem, and there shortly after with great care and diligence repaired the decayed Walls of the City. Saladin in revenge of this Overthrow, made divers Incursions into the Frontiers of the Christians, and did great harm, specially in the Country about Sidon. For the repressing whereof, the King put himself in Arms, and going against him, overthrew part of his Army, as they were carrying away a great Booty. Of which overthrow Saladin understanding, 
The Christians dividing the Spoil overthrown by the Turks.  came in such haste with the rest of his Army, as if it had been a sudden Tempest, upon the Christians, then in great security dividing the Spoil; of whom they slew a great number, and put the rest to flight: In which so sudden a Confusion, Otto, grand Master of the Templars, and Hugh the Earl of Tripoli his Son in law, were both taken Prisoners. The Earl himself with a few fled to Tyre; the King also at the same time was glad to shift for Himself, and by flight to save himself as he might; after which Victory, Saladin besieged a strong Castle which the King but the year before had built upon the bank of the River jordan, and given it to the Templars, with the Country round about; which Castle Saladin took by force, and put to Sword all that were therein, except some few whom he carried away Prisoners. By this Victory Saladin became dreadful unto the Christians in Syria, which caused them, especially such as had any charge, with more vigilancy to look about them. Yet shortly after, a Peace was for a time concluded betwixt the Sultan and the King; whereby their troubled Estates breathed themselves almost the space of two years.  
But this so welcome a Calm was by domestical troubles again by the King's Friends suddenly troubled; for the Count of Tripoli, to whom the Government of the Kingdom was committed, coming towards jerusalem, being by the suggestion of his Enemies brought into suspicion with the King, as if he had affected the Kingdom, was to his great disgrace by the way commanded to stay. The chief Authors of which discontentment, were the King's Mother, a Woman of a turbulent nature, and her Brother the King's Steward; who in the absence of the Earl, had wrought the King's sick mind according to their own appetit●s. But the rest of the Nobility wisely foreseeing unto what great danger that discord might tend; in despite of them, with much labour, caused him to be sent for again, and so reconciled unto the King; by which means, that dangerous fire of dissension was for that time appeased, which afterwards broke out again, to the utter ruin of that Kingdom.  
Saladin now weary of the League he had before made with King Baldwin, 
Saladin▪ goet● out of Egypt to Damascus.  as no longer standing with his haughty Designs, renounced the same, and raising a great Power in Egypt, set forward toward Damascus. Of whose coming, King Baldwin having knowledge, with the whole Power of his Kingdom went to have met him, not far from the dead Sea, and there encamped at an old Town called Petra. But Saladin turning out of the way, into the King's Territory, came and encamped before Mount-Royal, a Castle which Baldwin had given unto the Templars, about three days march from the place where the King lay.  
There Saladin with the Spoil of the Country refreshing his Army, now weary of long travel, 
Galilee spoiled, and the Castle of Bury taken by the Turks.  set forward again, and so without resistance arrived with his Army at Damascus. At the same time, the Turks Captains about Damascus, Bostrum, and Emissa, perceiving the Frontiers of the Christians thereabout to be kept with small strength, passed over jordan, and spoiling a great part of Galilee, besieged the Castle of Bury, at the foot of Mount Tabor, not far from the City of Naim; which Castle they in few days took, and having there made a great slaughter, carried away with them about five hundred Prisoners. Saladin being come to Damascus, called together all the Garrisons of that Kingdom, and joining them unto the Forces he brought out of Egypt, entered into the Holy Land; at which time the Count of Tripoli, Governor of the Kingdom, lay sick of a burning Fever. Nevertheless the King encouraged by the Knights of the Order, went out with his Army against him; and encountering with him near unto a Village called Frobolet, overthrew him in a great battle; wherein, afterward in the flight, most part of the Sultan's Army perished; Saladin himself being glad by speedy flight to escape the danger, and so by long marches to get him again to Damascus.  
In revenge of this overthrow, 
Ber●●us in vain besieged by the Turks.  Saladin having repaired his Army, and sent for his Fleet out of Egypt, came and besieged Beritus both by Sea and Land; at which time also his Brother, whom he had left Governor in Egypt, besieged Darum, a strong Town in the uttermost bounds of the Kingdom of jerusalem towards Egypt; both whose Forces Baldwin being not able at once to repress, by the Council of his Nobility, thought it best first to relieve Beritus, as the place of greatest Importance. And for that purpose set forward with his Army by Land, having also rigged up three and thirty Galleys at Tyre, for the Relief thereof by Sea. Of which preparation Saladin understanding, as also of the Kings coming (by Letters intercepted by his Scouts, directed to the besieged, for the holding out of the siege, with promise of speedy Relief) he presently rose with his Army, and departed; whereof the King being advertised, retired to Sephor. 
Saladin invading Mesopotamia, is himself invaded by the King of Jerusalem.   
Not long after, Saladin according to his ambitious nature, desirous above measure to extend the bounds of his Kingdom, and seeing the success of his Attempts against the King of jerusalem not answerable to his desire, converted his Forces unto the Countries more Eastward; and passing the River Euphrates, and entering into Mesopotamia, partly by force, partly by corruption, got into his hands the Cities of Edessa, Carras, and divers others. In which time the King of jerusalem took occasion first to spoil the Country about Damascus, and after that divers other places of the Sultan's Kingdom, making havoc of whatsoever came in his way, and so laded with the spoil of the Turks, retired to jerusalem.  

Aleppo betrayed unto the Turks.  Saladin with Victory returning out of Mesopotamia, in revenge of the injuries done unto him in his absence, marched directly to Aleppo, the strongest City of the Christians in that part of Syria, which above all other he longed after; where he had not long lain, but that it was by the treason of the Governor delivered into his hands, with all the Country thereabouts; wherewith the Christian Princes were so discouraged; that they even then began to fear greater matters to ensue. The Prince of Antioch sold Tarsus the Metropolitical City of Cilicia, to Rupinus Prince of Armenia; for that he saw it was not without great charge and danger to be by him defended, being so far from him, and Saladin as it were now stepped in betwixt him and it.  
At the same time, King Baldwin at Nazareth fell sick of a Fever, the Leprosy also his old Disease growing daily more and more upon him; insomuch as despairing of his life, he called unto him Guy Lusignan Count of joppa and Ascalon, unto whom he had before espoused Sibyl his eldest Sister, and in the presence of his Mother, the Patriarch, and all the chief Commanders of the Soldiers of the Sacred War, appointed him Governor of the Kingdom, reserving unto himself only the Title of a King, with the City of jerusalem, and a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats; all which was done, to the great disgrace and discontentment of the Count of Tripoli the old Governor.  
It was not long, but that Saladin having breathed himself a little, after so great Labours came again into the Holy Land, where he took many Castles, and did infinite harm; insomuch that the Country people were glad for fear to forsake their Houses, and to fly into Cities. The Christian Army in the mean time lying fast by at Sephor, not once moving, although many a fair occasion were offered; for the chief Commanders affectionated unto the Count of Tripoli, and envying the Preferment of Guy the new Governor, were unwilling to fight, but finding one excuse or other, suffered the Enemy at his pleasure to spoil the Country, and so in safety to depart, which he had never before done in those Quarters.  

Petra in vain besieged by the Turks.  Within less than a month after, Saladin with a great Army well appointed with all the Habiliments of War needful for the besieging of a City or strong Castle, came again into the Land of Palestine, and passing through the Country beyond jordan, sat down at last before Petra, in hope by the taking thereof to have made his passage between Egypt and Damascus more safe. Of which his purpose King Baldwin having knowledge, and taught by the evil success of late, to what small purpose it was to commit the managing of his Wars unto a General so evil beloved, and less regarded, as way Guy his Brother in law; sent against him with his Army, Raymund the Count of Tripoli, the old Governor, whom he had again restored unto the Government, and displaced Guy. Of whose coming Saladin hearing, raised his Siege after he had lain there a month, and so departed.  
A little before this Expedition, the King still growing sicker and sicker, his foul Disease still increasing, by the common consent of the Nobility, appointed Baldwin his Nephew by his Sister Sibylla, a Child but of five years old, to succeed him in the Kingdom; and the Count of Tripoli to have the Government of the State during the time of his Minority. This Sibylla the King's Sister was first married to William the younger, Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, who dying within three months after, left her with child with this his Posthumus Son Baldwin, now by his Uncle deputed unto the hope of the Kingdom. After whose death she was married to Guy Lusignan Count of joppa and Ascalon, the late Governor; who taking in evil part this the King's designment, especially for the Government of the Kingdom by the Count of Tripoli, departed from the Court as a man discontented, unto his City of Ascalon; whereof the Patriarch and the Princes of the Sacred War, fearing (and that not without cause) great danger to ensue, came to the King, 
〈◊〉 in the Court of Jerusalem.  then holding a Parliament in the City of Acon, most humbly requesting him for avoiding of further danger, and the safety of his Kingdom, to receive again into his Favour the Count Guy his Brother in law, and to make an atonement betwixt him and the Count of Tripoli. But this their request sorted to no purpose, so that the Parliament was dissolved without any thing for the good of the Common-weal in that point concluded.  
After that time the Kingdom of jerusalem began still more and more to decline. In the old King Baldwin (sick both in body and mind) was almost no hope; in the young King (yet unfit for so great a burden) much less; and the dissension betwixt the two Counts Guy and Raymund with their Favourites, was like enough to bring great harm unto the State. Besides that, the Count of Tripoli fearing the Power of Guy his Enemy, was thought to have secret Intelligence with Saladin the Turk, insomuch as the King was almost in purpose to have proclaimed him Traitor. Wherefore the King now rested only upon the Counsel of William Archbishop of Tyre, and the Masters of the Knights of the Sacred War; by whose advice he sent H●raclius Patriarch of jerusalem, Roger Molins' Master of the Knights of St. john's, 
King Baldwin sendeth Ambassadors unto the Christian Princes of the West for Aid.  and Arnold Master of the Templars, Ambassadors unto Lucius the Third, than Pope, unto Frederick the Emperor, Philip the French King, and Henry the Second, King of England, to declare unto them the dangerous State of that Christian Kingdom, and to crave their Aid against the Infidels. These Ambassadors coming to the Council then holden at V●rona, with great gravity and diligence, in the presence of the Pope and of the Emperor, declared the hard estate of the Christians of the East, with their humble Request unto them for Aid; in such sort that they moved them, with all the Princes there present, to Compassion. From thence they were by the Pope directed unto Philip the French King, with whom having dispatched their Affairs, they from him passed over into England, and afterward into Germany; and had at length brought their Negotiation to so good pass, that in every place great preparation was made for a great Expedition to be made against the Turks, for the Relief of the Christians in the East; with which good News the Ambassadors returning to jerusalem, filled the sick King with the hope of great matters. But greater Quarrels shortly after arising betwixt the Pope and the Emperor, and sharp War likewise betwixt the French King and the King of England, and the other Christian Princes also being at no better quiet, the notable Expedition that had with the expectation thereof so filled the World, was again laid aside and quite dashed. Whereof King Baldwin understanding, both by Messengers and Letters from his Friends, oppressed with grief and heaviness more than with the force of his Disease, (a man for his prowess and painfulness not inferior to any his Predecessors) died without Issue the 16 th' day of May, Anno 1185. being but five and twenty years old, year 1185. whereof he had reigned twelve. His Body was afterward with the general mourning of his Subjects, solemnly buried in the Temple near unto the Mount Calvary, together with his Predecessors the Kings of jerusalem.  
King Baldwin thus buried, Baldwin the Fifth of that name, yet but a Boy, was Crowned King. But than began the Sparks, which had of long lain raked up and hidden in the ashes, to break out into a great fire; for Raymund Count of Tripoli contended the whole Government of the Kingdom, and tuition of the King to be due unto him, by the appointment of the late King, and consent of the Nobility; and did so much, that he had almost obtained it to have been confirmed unto him in open Parliament. But Sibylla a woman of a most haughty spirit (Sister unto the late King, and Mother unto the young King yet living) pricked forward her Husband Guy, in no case to give place unto his Competitor Raymund; and so animated him, that by the help of his own Favourites, and the countenance of Boniface Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, (who even then was come with a great Power into Syria) he extorted from the Nobility whatsoever he desired. But seven months were scarce well passed, but that this young King Baldwin was dead and buried; poisoned (as was reported) by his Mother, for the desire she had of the Kingdom herself; whose death she with all secrecy concealed, until she had obtained of the Patriarch and other Princes of the Kingdom, that Guy her Husband might be proclaimed King. 
Guy the Ninth, and last King of Jerusalem.  So by her means it was so wrought, that upon one and the self same day the young King Baldwin was buried by his Uncle, and Guy the Count Crowned. This young King Baldwin, by reason of his tender years and short Reign, is of some not reckoned amongst the Kings of jerusalem; howbeit, seeing he was by his Uncle and the Princes of that time thought worthy of the Kingdom, let him also have his place amongst the rest as the Eighth King of jerusalem.  
When Guy was thus possessed of the Kingdom, the Count of Tripoli seeing himself out of all hope of the Government, and highly therewith discontended, did what he might by all means to cross the doings of the King; whose sick and aspiring mind Saladin pricked daily more and more forward, promising him his helping hand whensoever he should need; which courtesy the Count desirously embraced. For now the fatal period of the Kingdom of jerusalem grew fast on, and all things tended to destruction, discord reigning in every place; which Saladin well perceiving (after that he had compacted with the Count) by Messengers sent of purpose, invited the Turks, Saracens, and Egyptians, as men agreeing in one and the same Religion, generally to take up Arms in so fit an opportunity of the discord of the Christians, 
Saladin upon the discord of the Christians taketh occasion to invade the Holy Land.  assuring them of great prey and spoil, besides the Honour of the Conquest. The City of Ptolemais was the place by him appointed, where all this Power should meet; whether such a multitude of the barbarous Mahometans (partly for the hatred of the Christian Religion, partly for the hope of the rich spoil which Saladin had promised them) came flocking out of all places, that in short time there was met together about fifty thousand Horsemen, besides an infinite number of Foot; and unto such as could not safely pass by the borders of jerusalem, to them the false Count gave safe conduct, by the Countries of Tiberias, Nazareth, and Galilee.  
All the Power of the Infidels thus assembled, 
Pto●omais besieged by Saladin.  Saladin laid siege unto the City of Ptolemais; which the Templars and the Knights Hospitallers had notably fortified, and strongly manned (as before unto them given by the Kings of jerusalem, to defend against the Infidel) and therein now were both the Masters of both those honourable Orders, with the whole flower of the Knights of their Profession. Unto this City Saladin gave a most terrible Assault upon May-day in the morning, in the year, 1187. which was by the Christians notably defended, year 1187. and the Enemy with great slaughter still beaten down. In the heat of this Assault, the two great Masters sallied with certain Troops of their most ready Horsemen, assailed the Enemy's Camp, and bearing down all before them, raised there a great tumult; and by and by turning upon the backs of them that were assaulting the City, made there an exceeding great slaughter. Insomuch that Saladin dismayed, first with the confusion in his Camp, and now with the sudden danger behind him, was glad to give over the Assault, and to turn his whole Forces upon them, where was fought a most bloody and terrible battle. Amongst others that there fought, the Count of Tripoli, now an Enemy unto God and his Country, disguised in the habit of a Turk notably helped the Infidels, and meeting with the great Master of the Knight's Hospitalers, unhorsed him; who surcharged with the weight of his Armour, and oppressed with the multitude of his Enemies, there died. Nevertheless, such was the valour of these worthy men, and new Succour still coming out of the City, that Saladin having in that battle, and at the Assault lost fifteen thousand of his Turks, was glad with the rest to betake himself to flight. Neither was this so notable a Victory gained by the Christians without blood, most part of the worthy Knights Hospitalers being together with their grand Master there slain.  
Saladin by this Overthrow perceiving, that by open Force he should not be able to do much against the Christians, thought it good unto his Forces to join also Policy. Wherein the false Count of Tripoli was the man he thought best to make choice of, as his fittest Instrument to work by. Him he compacted withal, to seek for grace at the King of jerusalem's hands, as of his dread Sovereign, and after so long discord, to sue to be reconciled unto him, as now weary of the Turks Amity, with whom he should make show to be utterly fallen out. At which time also, to give the matter the better grace, Saladin of purPose with a great Army came and besieged Tiberias, a City of the Count's Jurisdiction; for the relief whereof, the traitorous Count craved Aid of the King and the other Princes of the Sacred War. Who with an Army, though not great, yet very well appointed, came according to his desire, and encamped near unto the Fountain of Sophor; where they had not long stayed, but that they met with the huge Army of the Turks, being in number one hundred and twenty thousand horse, and one hundred and sixty thousand Foot; with whom they joined a most sharp and terrible battle, which by reason of the extremity of the heat of the weather (it then being the twelfth of july) and the approach of the night, was again given over, both Armies (as if it had been by consent) retiring. The next day the battle was again begun, wherein the Turks, by the treason and shameful flight of the false Count of Tripoli, gained the Victory. In this Battle Guy the King himself, with Gerard Master of the Templars, Boniface Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, and divers others, Men of great mark, were taken Prisoners. And to say the truth, in this Battle was broken the whole Strength of the Christians in the East.  
The Christian Commonweal by the Treason of the false Count thus betrayed unto the Infidels, 
Guy King of Jerusalem taken prisoner.  Saladin without any great resistance had the Cities of Ptolemais, Biblis, and Berithus delivered unto him; in all which places he used his Victory with great moderation; not enforcing any Christian (more than the Latins) to depart thence, but suffering them there still to remain as before, yielding unto him their obedience, with such Tribute as he had imposed upon them. With like good fortune he within the space of one Month took all the Port-towns betwixt Sidon and Ascalon alongst the Sea-coast, excepting only the ancient City of Tyre; unto the City of Ascalon also he laid Siege by the space of nine days; but loath to stay the course of his Victory, by the Valour of the Defendants resolved there to spend their lives, he departed thence, and marched directly unto jerusalem the chief City of that Kingdom; 
Jerusalem besieged.  and approaching the same, gave summons thereunto, persuading the Citizens yet whiles they had time, to yield themselves, together with the City, unto his mercy. Which they refusing to do, he enclosed the same with his Army, and by the space of fourteen days laid hard Siege unto it, leaving nothing undone or attempted, that might help for the gaining thereof. At which time the Citzens considering the danger they were in, and that the Strength of the Kingdom, with the Flower of their Chivalry, were in the late Battle lost, and that they were not now to expect any foreign aid, agreed upon certain conditions to yield up the City; which were, That such Christians as would, might remain still with their Liberty and Goods; and that such as would not, might in safety depart with so much of their Goods as they could carry upon their Backs. These Conditions being by Saladin granted, the Holy City was unto him delivered the second of October, 
Jerusalem taken by Saladin.  in the year 1187. after that it had been by the Christians holden from the time that it was by Godfrey of Bulloin and other Christians won, about 89 years. Saladin entering into the City, profaned first the Temple of the Lord, converting it unto the use of his Mahometan Superstition; the other Churches he used as Stables for his Horses, only the Temple of the Sepulchre was by the Christians for a great sum of Money redeemed, and so kept undefiled. The Latin Christians he thrust out of the City, yet with leave to carry with them such things as they were able themselves to bear; who travelling with heavy Burdens, but much more heavy Hearts, some to Tripoli, some to Tyre, some to Antioch, (for only these three Cities were now left unto the Christians in Syria) were by the false Count of Tripoli by the way lightened of their Burdens, to the increasing of the heavyness of their Hearts, most of them being by him and his Followers spoilt of that little they had by the mercy of their Enemies saved in the ruin of their State.  
Unto the other Christians that were natural Syrians, Greeks, Armenians, Georgians, and such like, Saladin appointed certain places of the City for them to dwell in, where some of their Posterity were long time after to be found. All the Monuments of the Christians were by the barbarous Mahometans and Turks defaced, only the Sepulchre of our blessed Saviour Christ, with the Monument of Godfrey of Bulloin, and his Brother Baldwin, for the reverence of the m●n, were by them spared. In these so great troubles above twenty Thousand of the Christians perished; amongst the rest, 
The death of Raymund the traitorous Count o● Tripoli.  the Count of Tripoli was shortly after found dead in his bed, and (as some say.) circumcised; a manifest token of his Revolt, not from the King only, but from the Christian Faith also.  
jerusalem thus won, Saladin returned again to the Siege of Ascalon, which after he had by the space of ten days most straightly besieged, was unto him by composition delivered; wherein amongst other things agreed upon for the safe departure of the Citizens, was comprised also, that he should freely set at liberty Guy the King, and Gerard Master of the Templars, both before taken Prisoners, as is before declared; which he afterward performed.  
Thus the victorious Turk still urging his good fortune, departing thence attempted to have taken Tripoli; but having made some proof of his own Forces, and the Valour of the Defendants, he was glad to give over the Siege, and to depart as he came. Marching thence with his Army, because he would leave no place unattempted, he laid Siege unto the City of Tyre, where Conrade Marquis of Mont-Ferrat was a little before arrived with Isaac Angelus the Greek Emperors Fleet, and a supply of certain Companies of good Soldiers. Unto which place were come great numbers of the poor distressed Christians, fled from jerusalem and other places, so that the City was full of Men.  
This City Saladin most furiously assaulted, but was by the Christians notably repulsed, not without the great loss of his best Soldiers. At which time also the Admiral of Sicilia discomfited his Fleet at Sea, and landing his Forces, came unlooked for upon the back of him; so that having his Hands full before by them of the Town, and charged behind by these new come Enemies, he was glad to retire in such haste, as that he le●t his Tents, with all that therein was, unto the Spoil of the Christians.  
Within a few days after, Saladin having again repaired his Army, invaded the Country about Antioch; with Fire and Sword destroying whatsoever was subject to his Fury, even to the gates of the City; but knowing that so strong a City was not without great charge and long Siege to be won, he thought it good to make proof if it might by policy or corruption be gained. 
The famous City of Antioch betrayed unto ●he Turks.  Wherein he so cunningly dealt with the Patriarch that he had by his means the Castle (otherwise almost impregnable) for gold betrayed unto him. By means whereof he in short time became Lord and Master of that famous City (about nineteen years before hardly gained by the whole power of the Christians, after eleven months' Siege) and with it five and twenty Cities more, that depended on the fortune thereof, with all the Provinces belonging thereunto, always deemed to have been the third part of the Kingdom of jerusalem.  
The loss of so great a City, together with the Ruin of the whole Kingdom, had in a short space filled every corner of Christendom with the heavy Report thereof. Wherewith the Christian Princes of the West (namely Frederick the Germane Emperor, with Frederick his Son Duke of Su●via, Philip the French King, H●nry the Second, King of England, Otto Duke of Burgund●, L●●po●● Duke of Austria, with many other great Princes and Prelates of Germany, Italy, and other places) not a little moved, as also with the pitiful complaints of the Ambassadors at the same time sent from the distressed Christians, and the effectual persuasions of Clement the Third, than Pope; promised, and all, or most part indeed, made great preparations; which they afterwards, though not all at once (as letted by other occasions) but at divers times employed, for the most part with the danger of their own Persons, against the Turks, for the relief of the poor oppressed Christians, and recovery of the Holy Land; but with what success shall hereafter (God willing) be declared.  
Of which so great preparations made against him, Saladin not ignorant, set at liberty Guy the King of jerusalem, who contrary to his promise made at Ascalon, he had now detained a year in Prison; yet before his enlargement exacting of him an Oath, Never by force of Arms afterwards to seek to recover his Kingdom, or to revenge the wrongs he had sustained; hoping thereby to stay the coming of the other Princes in his quarrel. Which Oath for all that, the Pope dispensed withal, as extorted by the constraint from him, at such time as Saladin had longer detained him in Prison, than of right he should.  
Guy now at liberty, and yet in mind a King, came to Tyre, but could not be there received, the Citizens having before sworn their Obedience unto Conrade Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, by whom they had been notably defended against the Fury of Saladin. Wherefore departing thence with such power as he had, and the dispersed Christians daily repairing unto him out of all parts of Syria, he came and besieged Pt●lemais; where he had not long lain, but first came unto him the Venetian Fleet, with them also of Pisa, and after them the Flemings with a Fleet of fifty Sail, who all joined their Forces together for the winning of the City. But whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege of Ptolemais, came Saladin with a great Army to the relief of the besieged; where betwixt him and the Christians was fought a great Battle, wherein the Christians at the first had the better; but afterward fainting, and ready to fly, had there undoubtedly received a notable overthrow, had not Geffrey Lysignan the King's Brother (left for the guarding of the Camp) in good time come in with new Supplies; and not only stayed their Flight, but also repressed the further pursuit of the fierce Enemy, now almost in possession of the desired Victory. Nevertheless there were 2000 Christians there slain, and among them Gerard Master of the Templars. Saladin by that which was now done, perceiving how hard a matter it would be for him by Land to relieve his City, sent for the Fleet which he had strongly rigged up at Alexandria, and so by force put new supplies both of Men and Victuals into the besieged City. Wherewith the Turks encouraged, made often sallies upon the Christians; and in despite of the Christian Religion, whipped the Image of Christ crucified, which they had for that purpose in the sight of the Christians set up on the top of the Wall. With the same Fleet also he so scoured the Seas, that no Victuals or new Supplies of Men could that way without great danger be brought unto the Camp; whereby such Scarcity and Want of all things began shortly after to arise among the Christians, that some of them not able longer to endure the Famine, fled unto the Turks Camp, then lying not far off, crying out for Bread. Of which distress in the Camp of the Christians, Saladin knowing right well, both by such Fugitives as daily came over unto him, and by his own Spials, yet made show as if he understood nothing thereof; but suddenly rising with his Army (as doubtful of his own Strength) departed, leaving his Camp full of all manner of Victuals. Whereof the Christians understanding, and supposing him to have for fear been gone indeed, in great numbers hasted unto the forsaken Camp, as unto a most desired Prey: where whilst they were gorging themselves, Saladin suddenly returning, and getting betwixt them and home, made of them a great Slaughter. Nevertheless the Christians having now lain before the City six months, continued the Siege all the Winter, overcoming with patience the hardest difficulties, in hope of aid from the other Christian Princes, whose coming they expected with the first of the next Spring: during which time many an hot skirmish passed betwixt them and the Turks both by Sea and Land.  
Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege of Ptolemais, Frederick the Emperor, year 1160. 
Frederick the Emperor seateth forward towards the Holy Land.  with divers of the great Germane Princes and others, before resolved upon an expedition for the recovery of the Holy Land, and the relief of the distressed Christians in Syria; having now raised a great Army, furnished with all things necessary for so long a journey, set forward from Ratisbon, and so coming to Vienna, and passing through Hungaria, Bulgaria, and Thra●ia, arrived at length at Constantinople; where he was by Isaac Angelus the Emperor that then reigned, honourably entertained; but indeed more for Fear and Fashion sake, than for any Love or good Will; for that he after the suspicious manner of the Greeks, having in distrust so great a power of the Latin Emperors, wished rather for his absence than his presence. And therefore ceased not in what he might, to hasten his passage over into Asia, pretending for colour thereof, the necessity the Christians had of his present aid. So the Emperor with his Army passing over the Strait, and without resistance marching through the greatest part of the lesser Asia, entered into Lycaonia, where meeting with a great power of the Turks, that were come from the Sultan of Iconium to stay his further passage, he overthrew them in a great Battle, and so marching directly on to Iconium, took it by force, and gave the Spoil thereof unto his Soldiers, in revenge of the injuries before done unto his Uncle the Emperor Comrade, by the Sultan of that City. Departing thence, and marching through Cilicia, he in another Battle overthrew the Turks, that having taken the straits of the Mountains, had thought to have stayed his further passage into Syria. After that he took the City Philomela, which the Sultan had strongly fortified, which he razed to the ground, and put to the Sword all the People therein, for that they contrary to the Law of Nations, had slain such Messengers as he had sent unto them for the summoning of the City. In like manner he entered into the lesser Armenia, where he took the City Melitene, and subdued all the Country thereabouts; unto the relief whereof the Turks coming with a most huge Army, were by him with an exceeding great Slaughter overthrown and put to Flight. After that, entering into Comagena, and meeting with Saphadin, Saladin his Son, with a great Army of the Turks, he overthrew him in the plain Field, and discomfited his whole Army; but whilst he too eagerly pursueth the Enemy he had then in chase, his Horse foundering under him as he passed the River Saleph, he was so overthrown, and his Foot hanging fast in his Stirrup, drawn through the deep River, and almost drowned; and at the farther side of he River was so plunged by his Horse, at his landing, that he was taken up for dead; yet breathing a little, and casting his Eyes up to Heaven, with much ado he uttered these few words, Lord receive my Soul; and so in the Hands of them that took him up gave up the ghost, unto the great grief and hindrance of the Christian Common-weal; for Saladin hearing of his approach, was so afraid of him, as that he began to doubt, not how to keep that he had before won in Syria, but how to defend himself in Egypt. Thus miserably perished this worthy Emperor, the tenth of june, in the year of Grace, 1190. being then of the age of seventy years, whereof he had with much trouble reigned eight and thirty. His dead Body was carried along with the Army, and afterward with all funeral Pomp buried in the▪ Cathedral Church at Tyre.  

Frederick the Emperor's Son chosen General of the Christian Army.  Frederick the Emperor thus dead, Frederick his Son Duke of Suevia, was by the general consent of the Princes in the Army chosen General in his stead; upon whom, with the rest of the Army, yet mourning for the death of the Emperor, the Turks gave a sudden and fierce Charge, in hope so to have overthrown them; but finding greater resistance than they had before supposed, and having lost some of their men, they with like speed that they came, retired again. Now began Famine (one of the ordinary Attendants of great Armies) to increase in the Camp; for why, the Turks for that purpose had before destroyed or carried away all that was in the Country, leaving nothing for the Christians more than the bare ground. Wherefore Frederick turning a little out of the way, came to Antioch, which was easily delivered unto him, and his hungry Soldiers well refreshed by the Citizens, being as yet for the most part Christians. But he had not there stayed past fifteen days for the refreshing of his Army, but that the Plague (the Handmaid of Famine, and another Scourge of the greatest multitudes) began to rage among his Soldiers, in such sort, that he was glad with his Army to forsake the City, and to get him abroad again into the open field; where forthwith News was brought unto him, that Dodequin General of such Forces as Saladin had sent for out of Egypt (which were not small) was by great Journeys coming towards him; against whom he in good order set forward, with his Father's Corpse still carried in the midst of his Army. These two Armies meeting together, and both willing to fight, joined a great and doubtful battle, fortune now inclining to the one side, and by and by to the other; 
A great battle betwixt the Turks and the Christians.  the Christians exceeding their Enemies in valour, and they them again in number. At length the Christians in the Vanguard began to retire, and they that seconded them were also hardly charged; when Frederick mindful of his Father's valour, with a Troop of valiant Horsemen broke into the Enemy's battle with such force, that the Turks were glad to give ground; after whom Leopold Duke of Austria coming presently on with his Footmen, brought such a fear upon the whole Army of the Turks, that they betook themselves to speedy flight. In this battle were four thousand of the Enemies slain, with small loss of the Christians; and about one thousand more taken Prisoners, with fifteen of their Ensigns. After which Victory, Frederick marching further in Coelo-Syria, pacified Laodicea then in mutiny, and like to have been delivered unto the Turks. He also with a little labour took Berythus, with divers other Cities of Syria, which before belonging unto the Kings of jerusalem, were now revolted unto the Turks. So afterward coming to Tyre, he there solemnly buried his Father, (dead, as is before said;) and from thence certified Guy the King (still lying with the other Christian Princes at the Siege of Ptolemais) of his coming; who forthwith sent the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, with part of the Fleet, to transport him with his people that were left, by Sea; for that by Land he could not so safely have come, being now but weak, for meeting with Saladin; who with a great Army lay still hover about his besieged City, intentive to all opportunity. So was Duke Frederick, with his Soldiers yet left, safely by Sea conducted from Tyre to the Camp at Ptolemais, and there joyfully received by the King and the other Princes, with the general Applause of the whole Camp.  
In the mean time the Turks sallying out of the City of Ptolemais, had done great harm among the Christians, by whom they were not without some loss again repulsed. But after the coming of Duke of Frederick and his Germans, it was thought good by the general consent of all the great Commanders in the Army, that the City should be assaulted round; and to that purpose was every man's Regiment appointed what place to assail. The King himself with the Templars and the Italians from Pisa, undertook that part of the City which was toward the Sea; unto Duke Frederick and his Germans, 
Ptolemais assaulted by the Christians.  was allotted all betwixt the Bridge over the River Bele, and the Bishop's Palace; the Venetians, Genoese, and Knights Hospitalers, were appointed unto the rest of the Wall as far as the Court of Raymund; the Frieslanders, Flemings, and Hollanders, took up all the rest of the Wall unto the Seaside. Thus was the City at once on every side assailed by the Christians, with such fury, as if they had thereon purposed to engage their whose Forces; seeking by a thousand Wounds, and a thousand kinds of death to have by their scaling-Ladders gained the top of the Walls; the Turks with no less courage still beating them down again. But in the heat of this so dreadful and desperate an Assault, Saladin still hover aloof, came now upon the sudden and assailed the Camp of the Christians, filling the same with fear and tumult; whole charge they that were left for the defence of the same, at the first notably received, but finding themselves too weak, began to give ground; by which means the Turks took certain Tents with some Ensigns, and fired some other of the Pavilions of the Christians, having slain somewhat more than an hundred of the Defendants.  
The Christians in the mean time little prevailing in the Assault, and troubled with the danger of their Camp, retired to the Relief thereof. But the Turk perceiving himself too weak for the whole Power of the Christians, retired also; yet not with such haste, but that he had there almost lost himself. This notable Assault was given the fourteenth of October; after which, many light skirmishes passed betwixt the Christians and the Turks, but more for booty, than for any other great purpose.  
In the mean time, divers great Princes of the West that had vowed themselves unto this Sacred War, came thither, whose number rather increased the want of Victuals, than furthered the Service. At which time also the discord betwixt Guy the King (whose Wife and Children were now dead) and Conrade Marquis of Mont-Ferrat (who had married ●●●bel the late Queen's Sister, by whom he prete●●●d a Claim unto the Title of the imaginary ●●●●dom) did much harm unto the proceedings 〈…〉 Christians; so pleasing a thing these haughty styles be unto the losty minds of the ambitious. Shortly after the Christians yet lying at the Siege, the Contagion and Famine still increasing, it fortuned that Duke Frederick fell sick of the Plague, whereof he died; and with the great mourning of the whole Army, was afterward solemnly buried fast by his Father in the Cathedral Church at Tyre; after whose death the Christians attempted no great matter against the City, although they were oftentimes by the Turks provoked, but lay still strongly entrenched, expecting some greater Aid from the Princes of the West.  
Now all the hope of the Christian Affairs in Syria, and in the Land of Palestine, rested upon the coming of the two mighty Princes, Philip the Second of that name, King of France, and Richard the First, King of England; who having agreed betwixt themselves, with their combined Forces to relieve the distressed Christians of the East; and again (if it were possible) to repair the broken State of the Kingdom of jerusalem, were now met together at Marseilles in Provence. From whence the French King first departing with his Fleet for Cicilia, and with a prosperous gale for certain days holding on his course, and now come nigh unto the Island, was by force of a furious tempest suddenly arising, so tossed and tumbled in the deep, that many of his Ships there perished, eaten up of the Sea; others by force of Wether driven upon the Sands and Rocks, were there broken all to pieces; and the rest, some with their Masts broken, some with their Tackle and Sails rend, and all in general sore Weatherbeaten, with much ado arrived at Messana, the desired Port. At which place King Richard afterwards (but with better fortune) arrived with his Fleet also. Both the Kings now met together, resolved there to winter; the French King enforced by necessity so to do, for the repairing of the late Losses he had received, as well in his People and Provision, as in his Shipping; all which was to be relieved by new Supplies out of France; and the King of England staying to take Order for the Dowry of his Sister joan (Widow of William the late King of Cicilia) with Tancred the base Son of Roger, that had now aspired unto the Kingdom of that Island. About which matter great Stirs arose betwixt King Richard the Queen's Brother, and Tancred the new King, insomuch that it was like to have broken out into open War, had it not to the good contentment of King Richard been otherwise taken up, and so the Controversy ended. But whilst these two great Kings thus wintered in this fruitful Island, and oftentimes as good Friends met together, sometime for their disport, and sometime to confer of their so weighty Affairs; the way (as was thought) to have appeased all former displeasure, and to have increased love; it fell out clean contrary, jealousy and distrust, not only reviving the old, but also still raising new Quarrels betwixt them, to the great hindrance of the common good by them intended; which may serve for a warning to all great Princes, willing to continue in Amity, and to hold a good Opinion one of another, never to see one the other; or coming so to an interview, not to converse or stay long together; which as it is not often done without the danger of their persons, so can it not possibly be long continued, but that it will engender in themselves as well as in their Followers, Jealousy, envy, hatred, and mistrust, a● we have before said and hereafter in the coarse of this History may appear.  

An old grudge betwixt Philip the French King, and Richard King of England.  There was an old 〈◊〉 betwixt these two great Kings, Richard ●nd Philip, about Adela the French Kings Sister; whom Richard having before (his Father yet living) affianced, had now rejected, as her whom his aged Father Henry the Second had too familiarly used; and in stead of her, to the great disgrace of the French, espoused the Lady Berengaria, Daughter to the King of Navarre; which Indignity with divers others, then arising betwixt the French and the English, as then with great heartburning smouldred up in respect of the common Cause then in Hand, afterwards broke out again, to the shameful overthrow of this most honourable Expedition, and lamentable disturbance of both Realms.  
Winter past, and the Spring now come, the French King not altogether the best pleased, first loosed from Messana, and with his Fleet in safety arrived at Ptolemais, where he was by the Christians, now the third year lying at the Siege, so joyfully received, as if he had been to them sent with Succours from Heaven. After whom, shortly after followed also King Richard; of whose Fleet (by force of Wether sore beaten and dispersed) two Ships by the rage of the Tempest driven aground upon the coast of Cyprus, were by the Island people spoiled, and the Men that in them had hardly escaped the danger of the Sea, with most barbarous Inhumanity, some slain and some taken Prisoners; the rest of the Fleet arriving there also, were with like Incivility forbidden to land; the Cipriots ready at hand in all places to keep them off. 
King Richard revengeth the injury done to his people by the Cipriots.  With which so great an Indignity the King justly moved, and by force landing his people, with incredible Celerity and Success overran the whole Island, never ceasing, until he had made a full Conquest thereof, and taken Isaac Comnenus, commonly called The King of that Island, and of some (for what reason I know not) Emperor of the Griffons, Prisoner; yet was he indeed neither King nor Emperor, but being a man of great Nobility and Power, and of the honourable Stock of the Comneni, had in the troublesome Reign of Andronicus Comnenus the Emperor, his Cousin, laid hold upon that fruitful Island, and there tyrannised as a reputed King; until that now he was by King Richard taken Prisoner, and for his unfaithful dealing sent fast bound in Chains of Silver into Syria. The King thus possessed of the whole Island, there at Limozin married the Lady Berengaria the King of Navars Daughter, brought thither by joan late Queen of Cicilia, the King's Sister. And so disposing as he thought best of all things for the safe keeping of the Island, set forward again with his Fleet towards Syria. Where by the way he light upon a great Ship of the Sultan's, laded with Victuals and other Warlike Provisions for the relief of the besieged; all which became a Prey unto him. So holding on his course, he at length arrived at Ptolemais, where he was by the French King, 
King Richard arriveth at Ptolemais.  and the rest of the Christians there lying, most honourably rereived.  
Now had the City of Ptolemais been three years besieged by the Christians, and notably defended by the Turks; during which time many an hot Assault and bloody Skirmish had passed betwixt them. And now the eyes of all men were fixed upon the two Kings of England and France, unto whom all the rest offered their Obedience and Service. The Christian Camp was great, composed especially of Englishmen, Frenchmen, Italians, and Almains; not them that were left of the Emperor Frederick his Army (for they were for the most part dead, or else returned home again into their Countries) but of such as (moved with the Zeal they bore unto this Religious War) came daily in great numbers thither; as did also many others of divers Nations, desirous in some measure to be partakers of so honourable a War.  
These Religious and Venerous Christians thus lying at the Siege, had with much painful labour undermined one of the greatest Towers of the City, called the accursed Tower, with some part of the Wall also, by means whereof they were in hope to find a way into the City. Wherefore all things being now in a readiness for the firing of the Mine, it was thought good by general consent, that an assault should also at the same time be given unto the City: and thereupon every Regiment was by lot appointed which part of the Wall to assail, which they all with great courage undertook. In the heat of which Assault, the aforesaid undermined Tower, with some part of the Wall (the Timber whereon it stayed, now burnt) fell down with a great fall, laying open a fair Breach for the Christians to enter: wherewith the Turks dismayed, forthwith craved to come to parl; which granted, they for safeguard of their lives yielded forthwith to give up the City, and to restore to the Christians the Holy Cross, with two thousand Captives, and two hundred Horsemen, such as they should require of all them that were in the power of Saladin; besides 200000 Constantinopolitan Ducats, to be by him given to the two Kings, for the cost by them bestowed in the Siege. For payment whereof the Turks in the City were to remain as hostages under the safe keeping of the Christians, so that if all the Covenants aforesaid were not within forty days performed by Saladin, they should all for their lives be at the King's mercy. So was this strong City, after it had been almost three years besieged, delivered up unto the Christians the 12 of july, in the year 1191. The first that entered were the Germans of Austria, year 1191. who as if they had been the only men by whose Valour the City had been won, at their first entry presumptuously advanced their Ensigns upon the top of the Walls, to the great Offence of all the rest of the Christian Princes, but especially of King Richard, who (not unworthily for his Princely Courage was commonly called Richard Cueur de Lion) not brooking so proud an indignity, caused the Ensigns of Leopold their Duke to be pulled down, and foiled under foot; which shortly after gave him occasion of Repentance, as shall hereafter be seen.  
The two Kings possessed of the City, divided the same, with all the People and Spoil thereof betwixt them, without regard of the rest of the other noble Christians, that had sustained the whole travel of that long Siege; for which cause most part of them, seeing themselves so deluded, withdrew themselves from them, and with one consent sent them word, That they would forsake them, except they were made partakers of the gains, as they had been of the pains. Which the two Kings to content them, promised they should; howbeit, they delayed so long their promises, that many worthy men, constrained by Poverty, departed discontented from them into their Countries.  
But long it was not▪ that this one City, so lately gained, could contain these two great Kings; whom two large Kingdoms could not retain in peace. For albeit that they were in body together present, and in one, and that a most honourable action, combined, yet were they in hearts far asunder, and their secret designs much different; envy and distrust still reviving unkindness past, and ministering new matter of greater discontentments. King Richard, according to his noble nature, was of nothing more desirous, than to have the War continued until they had made a full Conquest of Syria and the Land of Palestine; and for that cause requested the French King to bind himself together with him by solemn Oath, there to stay yet three years, for the regaining of those Countries. But he in mind long before estranged from King Richard, and in his deep conceit plotting matters nearer home better fitting his purpose, would by no means be persuaded so to do, but still found one occasion or other for to colour his departure. And shortly after (as the French Chronicles report) falling extremely sick, he requested King Richard and the other Christian Princes to come unto him; unto whom being come, he in few words declared his purpose of return, as followeth: I cannot, my Lords, longer endure the inclemency and intemperature of the Air in this extreme hot season. If my death might profit the Christian Religion, or any one of you, or the Christian Commonweal; there should be no distemperature whatsoever, that could separate me from you, or withdraw me from hence. But more may the life of one absent, serve and profit you, than the death of him present. I must of necessity depart, yet at my departure I will leave you five hundred men at Arms, and ten thousand Footmen, the Flower and Choice of all the Forces of France, under the conduct of my Cousin Odo, Duke of Burgundy, unto whom I will give Pay and Entertainment, with a continual supply of all things for them necessary.  
This excuse of the French Kings, King Richard could not take in good part; but said, 
The French King sweareth to King Richard in his absence not to invade his Territories in France.  That it was apparent to all men, that he abandoned the Wars in Syria, to return into France, for no other end or purpose, but the more easily to invade the Provinces of Given and Normandy, now disfurnished of their Garrisons, and so subject to his malice. Which point he so urged, that the French King could have no leave with his Honour to depart, until such time as he had by solemn Oath bound himself unto King Richard, not to attempt any thing either by force or fraud against him, or any thing of his, until ●ifty days were expired after King Richard his return home; which how well it was by the French King observed, I leave it to the report of the Histories of that time. And so the French King, not to be entreated longer to stay, leaving behind him the aforesaid number of men he had promised, embarking the rest of his Army, and accompanied with three tall Ships of the Genoese his Friends, and Ruffin Volta their Admiral, departed from Ptolemais to Tyre, the first of August, and two days after, losing thence, sailed alongst the Sea-coast of Asia, and cutting through the Mediterranean, arrived at length in the mouth of the River of Tiber, and from thence went to Rome: where after he had visited Pope Celestine, and the famous places of that most Renowned City, he returned again to his Fleet, and so by Sea arrived in safety in France; having in that great expedition, so honourably by him entertained, performed nothing answerable to that the World looked for.  
After the French King, followed Leopold Duke of Austria, with his Germans; and not long after him the Venetians also, with them of Pisa and Genoa. Of whose departure Saladin understanding, and that the Christian Forces were thereby much impaired, refused either to pay the Money, or to restore the Prisoners, as was promised at the giving up of Ptolemais; threatening moreover to chop off the Heads of all such Christian Captives as he had in his power, if the King should show any extremity unto the pledges in the City. Nevertheless, shortly after he sent his Ambassadors with great Presents unto the King, requesting a longer time for the sparing of his pledges; which his request, together with his Gifts, the King refused to grant or accept. Whereupon Saladin forthwith caused such Christian Captives as were in his power, to be beheaded; which albeit King Richard understood, yet would he not prevent the time before agreed upon for the execution of his Prisoners, being the twentieth day of August; upon which day he caused the Turks Prisoners, to the number of 2500. (or as the French and Germans write, to the number of 7000) in the sight of Saladins Army to be executed.  
The loss of the strong Town of Ptolemais, much impaired the reputation of Saladin, even among his own People; as it commonly falleth out, that the evil success of a great Commander in his affairs, altereth the good Will, Affection, and Opinion, especially of the Vulgar Sort, which judge of all things by the Event. And albeit that his losses were great, and such as much daunted him; yet he thought it best as the case then stood, to make them greater, and with his own hands (as it were) to ruinate and overthrow such Towns and Cities as he saw he could not keep, rather than to suffer them whole and undefaced to fall into the Enemy's Hand. So carried headlong with despair, he caused all the Towns he had along the Sea coast in Syria and Palestine, to be sacked and ruinated, and their Walls overthrown; especially such as were of most importance, and like to stand the Christians in stead, namely, Porphiria, Caesarea, joppa, Ascalon, Gaza, and Elam, with divers other Castles and Citadels in the Countries thereabouts; most part whereof were again by King Richard and the Templars fortified and repeopled, although Saladin in the mean time did what he might to have letted the same.  
Nothing more hindered the good proceeding of the Christian Princes, in this and other their most honourable expeditions against the Infidels, than the discord among themselves; one still envying at another's Honour, and every one jealous of his own. Great strife and heartburning there had been between the two Kings of France and England, during the time they were together in this sacred Expedition, to the great hindrance of the same. No less contention had there been betwixt Guy the late King of jerusalem, and Conrade Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, about the Title of that lost Kingdom; whereby the whole power of the Christians in Syria was divided into two Factions. Richard King of England, Baldwin Earl of Flanders, Henry Earl of Champain, the Knight's Hospitalers of St. john, the Venetians and Pisans, taking part with Guy; And Philip the French King, Odo Duke of Burgundy, Rudolph Earl of Claremont, the Templars, the Genoese, the Landgrave of Thurin, Leopold Duke of Austria, and Robert Count of Nassau, taking part with Conrade the Marquis. But Conrade shortly after the taking of Ptolemais being slain, by two of the desperate Assassins', or (as some others say) by two desperate Ruffians, (suborned thereunto by the Prince of Torone, in revenge of the despite done unto him by the said Marquis, by taking from him Isabel his Espoused Wife) as he was walking in his City of Tyre, and doubting no such Treason; King Richard seeing now a fit occasion offered for the utter extinguishing of that claim, and how to entitle himself unto that Kingdom; persuaded the aforesaid Isabel (the Widow of the late Marquis, and in whose right he had laid claim unto the Kingdom) to relinquish that so troublesome a Title, and to take to her Husbnamd Henry Earl of Champain, his Nephew, unto whom he gave the City Tyre. Guy the King exclaiming to the contrary, as of a wrong done unto himself. Shortly after he began also to tamper with Guy, persuading him to resign unto him that little right and interest he had in the Kingdom of jerusalem, and in lieu thereof to receive at his Hands the Kingdom of Cyprus; which his offer the poor King was glad to accept. By which exchange, Guy became King of Cyprus, and Richard King of jerusalem; which honourable Title he afterwards (as some report) used in his Style, as did some others his Successors the Kings of England after him. So Guy with all his Wealth passing over into Cyprus, took possession of the Kingdom, where he long lived not. Nevertheless that pleasant Kingdom continued in his Family of the Lusignans, by the space of about 283 years afterwards; until that at length that Family failing in the Posthumus Son of james the Bastard, last King of that Island, it fell into the Hands of the Venetians; by whom it was holden as a part of their signory almost an hundred years, until that it was in our fresh remembrance again from them taken by Selimus the Second, great Emperor of the Turks, in the year 1571. as in the process of this History shall in due place (God willing) be declared.  
Now was King Richard, for the increase of his honour, 
King Richard marcheth with his Army towards Jerusalem.  more desirous than before of the City of jerusalem, as the most precious and honourable prize of all that religious War. And thereupon with all the power of the Christians then at his command, set forward from Ptolemais, and was come on his way as far as Arsu●, a Town situated betwixt Caesarea and joppa. In the Vauward was King Richard himself, with the Englishmen; after whom followed Odo, Duke of Burgundy, with his French, and in the Rearward jaques de Avenes, with the Flemings, Brabanders, and Walloons, who after the death of their Count Philip at the Siege of Ptolemais, had put themselves all under his Regiment. Saladin with a great Army still at hand, and as it were tending upon them, first with certain Embuscadoes charged the Rearward, and so afterwards came on with his whole power; upon whom jaques turning himself with his Flemings, received the charge with great assurance, and so long themselves endured the same, until the French came in to their succours, and after them the English also. There was fought a notable Battle, and great Valour showed both on the one side and on the other, 
A notable Battle fought betwixt King Richard and Saladin.  but especially by them of the Turks part, who knew well the purpose of the Christians for the besieging of jerusalem, and that thereupon depended their only hope, and that he that could hold the same, might almost assure himself to carry away the glory of that War. The French and the English in that ●attel honourably strove who might show the greatest Valour; neither would the low Countrymen under jaques their General, seem to be any thing behind them. This sharp conflict began about Noon, and continued until the going down of the Sun. King Richard (as some write) was there wounded with an Arrow; and jaques valiantly there fight was slain, having sold his life dear, to the great admiration of the Infidels, and dying left the Victory unto the Christians. It is reported, that in this Battle was slain more Turks and Saracens, than in any one Battle within the memory of man before; of the Christians were not lost any great number, either any man of name, more than the aforesaid jaques, the valiant General of the Flemings.  
The next day the Christians removed to Bethlem, a Town about the mid way betwixt joppa and jerusalem. But winter now coming fast on, and want of Victuals like enough to increase, the King changing his mind for the Siege, returned with the greatest part of the Army to Ascalon, which he that Winter new fortified, the Walls thereof being before by Saladin in his despair demolished; the Duke of Burgundy, with his Frenchmen, all that while quietly wintring at Tyre. In the mean time the power of the Christians was thus greatly diminished, some one way departing from the Camp, and some another. The Italians for the most part, with them of Pisa (who in these three years' Wars had striven with the Venetians for the Honour of their Service) were now returned home, as were the Venetians themselves also. Nevertheless, Winter now past, and the Spring time come, King Richard took the Field again, and came to Bethlem; where by the way he met with an exceeding great number of Camels, charged with great store of Victuals and Munition, sent by Saladin out of Egypt to jerusalem, all which he took; but purposing to have gone on to the Siege of jerusalem, 
King Richard purposing to have besieged Jerusalem, is by the backwardness of the French enforced to retire.  he was by the backwardness of the French glad to change his purpose, and to return to Ptolemais; for the Frenchmen, persuaded by the Duke their General (who well knew the French Kings mind) that if any thing worth remembrance were done, it was to be done by them, and that the glory thereof should wholly redound unto the King of England, as there in person present, and to his Englishmen; showed themselves so unwilling to the Siege, as that therein was nothing done, to the great grief of that worthy Prince. At which time also news was brought unto King Richard, how that Philip the French King (forgetful of his solemn promise made before his departure out of Syria) had now invaded the Country of Normandy, and excited Earl john (the King's Brother, a man of an haughty and aspiring nature) to take upon him the Kingdom of England in his absence; as had before in like case William the younger Brother, served Duke Robert his eldest Brother, then absent at his Father the Conqueror's death, in the first sacred expedition under Godfrey of Bulloin. Wherefore King Richard beside the present difficulties, fearing lest while he was so far off in Wars for defence of the Christian Common-weal, he might lose his Kingdom at home; thought it best to grow to some good end with Saladin, and so to make his return; but the politic and wary Sultan, not ignorant of the discord of the Christians, and that their Forces daily decayed in Syria; either of the troubled Estate of the King's affairs at home in his Kingdom, or of his desire to return; would not hearken to any other conditions of Peace, but such as might both for the present, weaken the Forces of the Christians in Syria, and discourage others that had a mind to come thither afterward, when they should see that for nought they should travel to conquer that, which they must of necessity restore again. The conditions he offered, were, That the Christians should forthwith restore whatsoever they had won in those three years' Wars, 
King Richard glad upon hard comnditions to conclude a peace with Saladin.  Ptolemais only excepted; and from thenceforth for the space of five years, the Turks should not in any thing molest the Christians, but to suffer them in peace to live by them; which hard conditions (for that no better could be had) the King was glad to accept, and so concluded a Peace. Whereby the labour and travel of the two great Kings and so many Nations with them, were all become frustrate and vain; having now to no purpose lost their Men, their Money, their Time, their Hope, their Blood, their long Travel, to gain that they must now in one hour forego; nothing more left unto the poor Christians in Syria, than the Cities of Antioch, Tyre and Ptolemais.  
This done, King Richard leaving the affairs of Asia unto the charge of Henry Count of Champagne his Nephew, 
King Richard returning out of the Holy Land taken P●isoner by Leopold Duke of Austria.  shipping the greatest part of his People, with his Wife Berengaria, first for Cicilia, and from thence for England, (where they in safety at length arrived) followed shortly after with some few himself; where by the way, by extremity of Wether he was in the Adriatic driven to land upon the Coast of Histria; where travelling with a small retinue homewards in the Habit of a Templar, he was discovered and taken Prisoner by Leopold Duke of Austria, whom he had before disgraced at the winning of Ptolemais, as is before declared: who now glad to have him in his power, made prize of him, and sold him to Henry the Emperor, for forty thousand pounds; by whom he was kept Prisoner by the space of a year and three months, and then ransomed for the Sum of an hundred and fifty thousand pounds.  
About this time died the great Sultan Saladin, the greatest terror of the Christians; who mindful of man's fragility, and the vanity of worldly honours, commanded at the time of his death no Solemnity to be used at his burial, but only his Shirt in manner of an Ensign, made fast unto the point of a Lance, to be carried before his dead body as an Ensign, a plain Priest going before, and crying aloud to the People in this sort; Saladin Conqueror of the East, of all the greatness and riches he had in his life, carrieth not with him after his death any thing more than his shirt. A sight worthy so great a King, which wanted nothing to his eternal commendation, more than the true knowledge of his Salvation in Christ Jesus. He reigned about sixteen years with great honour, and dying left nine Sons, which were all murdered by Sephradin their Uncle, excepting one called also Sephradin Sultan of Al●ppo, who by the Favour and Support of his Father's good Friends, saved himself from the treacherous practices of his Uncle. Of this Sephradin the Uncle, descended Meludin Sultan of Egypt, and Coradin Sultan of Damascus and jerusalem, Saladin his great Kingdom being by them now again rend in pieces.  
The death of Saladin in short time bruited abroad, with the discord among the Turks and Sarafins about his Dominions, put Celestinus (than Pope) in good hope, that the City of jerusalem might in that change and hurly be easily again recovered, and that Kingdom established. But when he had in vain dealt to that purpose with the Kings of France and England, (than altogether busied in their Wars the one against the other) he persuaded Henry the Sixth, than Emperor, to take the matter in hand; who (for that he well could not, or else would not himself in person undertake that long expedition) sent Henry Duke of Saxony his Lieutenant, with a great Army into Asia, unto whom were joined two Legates, Conradus Archbishop of Mogunsia another of the Electors, and Conradus the Bishop of Herbipolis. At which time also may other great Princes took upon them that holy War; namely Herman Landgrave of Thurin, Henry Palatine of Rhine, Henry Duke of Brabant, Conrade Marquis of Moravia, Frederick Duke of Austria, and Albertus Haspurgensis, with some others; unto whom also joined themselves the Bishops of Rhine, Halberstat, and Ratisbone, with divers other great Prelates. Who having passed through Hungary and Thracia, and by the Greek Emperor Alexius Angelus relieved with all things necessary, were by the Grecian Ships transported unto Antioch, and so by Land came to Tyre, and from thence to Ptolemais, with purpose to have gone to relieve the Germans besieged in joppa; who before their coming were all by treason slain, and the City ●ased; wherefore being come to the ruins thereof, they departed thence to Sidon, which they found also abandoned by the Turks. After that, they took Berithus, which City they fortified, and so went to besiege Torone; which City when they had brought to the extremity, as that it must needs (as it was thought) either yield or be taken, the Turks came on so fast to the relief thereof, that the Christians were glad to raise their Siege and to be gone; which they in garrison at Berithus perceiving, and seeing the Enemy to approach them, then abandoned the City, and joining themselves unto the rest of the Army, marched all together to joppa, a little before ruinated, which they now again fortified. But the Enemy coming to Berithus, and finding it forsaken, razed it down to the ground, and so in few month's space was Berithus both repaired and razed, in the year 1197.  
year 1197. But whilst the Christians were repairing the City of joppa, the Turks proud of that they had done at Berithus, came now to disturb also the fortifying of that place. Of whose coming the Christians understanding, 
The Turks overthrown b● the Christians  removed by night about five miles from the City, of purpose to draw the Turks unto a convenient place for Battle. The Turks thinking them to have been fled for fear, sent part of their Army to assail the City; and with the other followed after them disorderly, as if it had been after men they had had in chase. Upon whom the Christians turning, had with them at the first a sharp encounter, but afterwards put them to flight; in which conflict certain thousands of the Turks fell; of whom the Christians taking the Spoil, and having put the rest to flight, returned again to the fortifying of the City. 
Joppa repaired by the Christians.  But the joy of this Victory was by the sudden death of two of the greatest Princes in the Army greatly diminished: for the Duke of Saxony having in the Battle taken great pains in performing the parts both of a worhty General and valiant Soldier, had overheated himself, and thereupon without regard of his health taking cold, died of a Fever the fourth day after. The Duke of Austria mortally wounded in the Battle, died also the night following.  
About this time, or not long after, died Celestinus the Pope, Author of his Expedition, and Henry also the Germane Emperor; after whose death great troubles began to arise in Germany about the choosing of a new Emperor. Whereof the Bishop of Mogunsia (then chief Commander of the Army of the Christians in Syria) one of the Electors, and the other Germane Princes with him, having intelligence, could not by any entreaty of the poor Christians (in whose quarrel they were come) be persuaded longer to stay, but that needs home they would; 
The Germane Princes return home.  and indeed home they went the same way that they came. After whose departure the Turks took joppa, having one of the Ports betrayed unto them by one of the City, at such time as the Germans there in Garrison, after the manner of their Country, upon St. Martyns' day were carelessly making merry together in their Pots; upon whom so surcharged with Wine, the Turks entering by the Port given unto them, put them all with the rest of the Christians to the Sword, and so afterward razed the City down to the ground. Of which Victory they became so proud, that they had thought without stop to have driven the Christians quite out of Syria; but by the coming of Simon Count of Mont-Fort (a most valiant and expert Captain, sent thither by Philip the French King, with a Regiment of tall Soldiers, at the Instance of Innocentius the Third, that succeeded Celestinus in the Papacy) and by civil discord then reigning amongst the Turks themselves for Sovereignty, their fury was repressed, and a peace betwixt them and the Christians concluded for the space of ten years; during which time the Turks promised not to molest the Christians in Tyre or Ptolemais; which happened in the year 1199, or as some others say, year 1199. 1198. After which peace so concluded, the worthy Count returned again with his Soldiers into France; with whom we also will repair into the lesser Asia (whither the course both of the time and of the History now calleth us) to see the other great affairs of the Turks in those Eastern Countries; leaving for a season these poor remainders of so many Christians in Tyre and Ptolemais now for a while in peace, but to be ere long devoured of the Infidels their Enemies, as in the process of this History shall in due time and place appear.  

The Ruin of the TURKS first Empire in PERSIA; with the Success of their Second Kingdom in the lesser Asia, under the Aladin Kings.  

Kingdoms after the manner of other things, have but their time to flourish in, and so again decay.  AS no Kingdom or Empire upon Earth (were it never so flourishing or great) was ever yet so assured, but that in the Revolution of time, after the manner of other worldly things, it hath as a sick Body been subject unto many strange Innovations and Changes, and at length come to nothing; so fared it now with the Turkish Empire, which first planted by Tangrolipix in Persia, and the other far Eastern Countries, increased by Axan his Son, and so by the Turkish Sultan's their Successors (although their names and doings, as too far off, be not unto us all known) for the space of one hundred and seventy years continued, must now (I say) give place unto a greater Power, and settle itself elsewhere, the inevitable destiny thereof so requiring. It fortuned, that about this time (when in the space of a few years such Mutations as had not before of long been seen, chanced in divers great Monarchies and States) that the Tartars, or rather Tattars, inhabiting the large, cold, and bare Countries in the North-side of Asia, (of all others a most barbarous, fierce, and needy Nation) stirred up by their own wants, and the persuasion of one Zingis (or as some call him, Cangis) holden amongst them for a great Prophet, and now by them made their Leader, and honoured by the name of Ulu-Chan; that is to say, The mighty King, (commonly called The Great Cham) flocking together in number like the Sand of the Sea, and conquering first their poor Neighbours, of condition and quality like themselves, the easy enough to be entreated with them to seek their better Fortune, like swarms of Grasshoppers sent out to devour the World, passed the high Mountain Caucasus, part of the Mountain Taurus, of all the Mountains in the World the greatest; which beginning near unto the Archipelago, and ending upon the Oriental Ocean, and running through many great and famous Kingdoms, divideth Asia into two parts; over which great Mountain, one of the most assured bounders of nature, that had so many Worlds of years shut up this rough and savage people, they now passing without number, and coming down as it were into another World, full of Nature's pleasant delights, such as never were to them before seen, bore down all before them as they went, nothing being now able to stand in their way. Old Zingis their fortunate Leader dead in this so great an Expedition, Hoccata his Son, eldest of his twelve Brethren, a man of great Wisdom and Courage, took upon him his Father's place; who sending part of his great Army for the subduing of the Countries Westward, turned himself with a world of people towards the East; where having subdued the Bactrians and Sogdians, with divers others, he entered into India, and subduing that rich Country on both sides the River Indus, even to the East Ocean, there in the Country of Cathai built the famous City of Cambalu, in circuit eight and twenty miles about; for pleasure and plenty of all things necessary for the life of man, of all the Cities of Asia the chief; where the great Cham of Tartary still Resiant, as in his Imperial City, commandeth over one of the greatest and strongest Empires of the World. In whose Kingdom also, in the Province Mangy more towards the East, he hath another most famous City called Quinsay, of all the Cities in the World the greatest, in circuit an hundred miles about, as M. Paulus Venetus writeth, who himself dwelled therein about the year, 1260. It is situate in a Lake of freshwater, and hath in it twelve thousand Bridges; of which some are of such an height, that tall Ships with their Sails up may easily pass under them. In this populous City the great Cham hath for the keeping thereof always thirty thousand men in Garrison. The Tartar Kingdom thus planted in Cambalu, Hoccata contenting himself with the rich pleasures of India, afterward managed his Wars by his Lieutenants, being for the most part his Brethren, or other his nigh Kinsmen; of whom he sent out with his Armies some Northward, some Westward, and some toward the South; by whom he subdued the Arachosians, Margians, and divers other great Nations; and entering into Persia, subdued the Country, with all Parthia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, 
The Turks driven out of Persia by the Tartars.  and Media. At this time in the City Balch or Belch in the Country of Chorasan in the farthest part of Persia, reigned over the Turks one Cursumes, of the Greeks called Corsantes; who finding himself far too weak to stand before the Tartarians, fled with all his people, leaving unto them both the City and the Country which he and the Turks his Predecessors had ever since the time of Tangrolipix possessed; which City the Tartars razed, and took the Country unto themselves. In this general flight of the Turks, when as every man was glad to make what shift he might for himself, Cursumes their Sultan died, the last of the Kings of the Selzuccian Family that reigned over the Turks in Persia; whose Son Ugnan-Chan taking upon him the leading of such multitudes of Turks as followed his Father, seized upon the great City of Babylon, now called Bagadat, near unto the ruins of the old Babylon; where having put to the Sword all the Inhabitants thereof, he there and in the Country thereabout seated himself with the Turks his Followers; but long he had not there rested, but that the Tartars hearing thereof, pursued him, took him Prisoner, and expulsed thence all his people. There was at the same time also another Kingdom of the Turks at Nachan a City in Persia, giving name unto the Country wherein it stood, not far from Chorasan; wherein than reigned one Solyman, of the Oguzian Family, as had divers other of his Progenitors before him; who terrified with this dreadful Storm so suddenly risen out of the North, and warned by the sudden fall of the Selzuccian Sultan and his Kingdom, of far greater Fame and Power than himself or his, fled also with such his Subjects as would follow him, into the lesser Asia. But of him and his proceedings more shall be said hereafter in the rising of the Victorious Ottoman Family, as descended from him. After this, the Tartars together with their good fortune still extending the bounds of their Empire, conquered Armenia the greater, with the Countries of Colchis and Iberia; so that now their Empire was become of all others the greatest and most flourishing. This great Conqueror the Tartar, had in his proud conceit purposed to have subdued all Asia, and to have made the Sea the only bounder of his Empire; but overcome with the delicacies of India, having divided amongst his people those great Provinces and fruitful Countries, with the rich Cities and pleasant Fields, he so rested, embracing the Manners and Superstition of the people he had overcome. Long it were, and far from our purpose, to recount all the famous Victories and Conquests of this bare Northern people; sufficeth it to the History we have in hand, that the Turks were by them then driven out of Persia, with the Countries thereabout; and their Togran Kingdom (as they call it) first founded by Tangrolipix, there extinguished, about the year of our Lord, year 1202. 1202. The Turks thus driven out of Persia, and their Kingdom overthrown, retired themselves into the lesser Asia, 
The beginning of the Aladinian Kingdom in the lesser Asia, at Sebastia and Iconium.  possessed by the Turks their Countrymen, long before brought thither by Cutlu-Muses and his Sons, (as is before declared) and by them ever since in some part, though with divers Fortune holden. Where these Turks now arrived out of Persia under the leading of Aladin the Son of Kei Husr●n, descended also of the Selzuccian Family in Persia, and taking the opportunity offered them by the mortal discord of the Latins with the Greeks, and the Greeks among themselves, seized upon Cilicia with the Countries thereabouts, and there first at Sebastia, and afterward at Iconium, erected their new Kingdom; which of this Aladin is by the Turks called the Kingdom of the Aladin Kings, although their names were not all so.  
Now about this time, and within the course of some few years after, such great and strange mutations happened in the Constantinopolitan Empire, as had not therein at any time before been seen; whereby the whole Estate of that great Empire, which sometime commanded over a great part of the World, was almost utterly subverted, and a fit opportunity given unto the Turks and Infidels for the sure settling of themselves, and establishing of their Kingdoms both in Syria and the lesser Asia; which briefly to run through shall not be from our purpose; their Affairs prospering by these Troubles, and their proud and stately Empire that now braveth all the rest of the World, being raised out of the ruins of that Christian Empire; and at this present triumphing even in some Imperial City wherein these so great Innovations happened through the working of ambitious heads, to the lamentable ruin and destruction of a great part of the Christian Common-weal.  

Al●x●us the young Prince craveth aid of Philip the Emperor and the Latin Princes, against his Uncle the Usurper.  Alexius the Usurper, but now Emperor, not contented (as is before declared) traitorously to have deprived Isaac his elder Brother of his Empire and sight together, sought also after the life of the young Prince Alexius his Brother's Son, and Heir apparent of the Empire; who seeing the Villainy committed in the Person of his Father, saved himself by flight from the fury of his Uncle, and so accompanied with certain great Lords of the Greeks, his Father's Friends, fled to crave Aid of the Christian Princes of the West, whom the Grecians commonly call the Latins. And first he took his way to Philip the Germane Emperor, who had married Irene his Sister, the Emperor Isaac's Daughter, by whom he was most honourably received and entertained. This great Lady not a little moved with the Miseries of her Father, and the flight of her Brother, ceased not most instantly to solicit the Emperor her Husband, not to leave unrevenged so great a Villainy, by the example thereof dangerous unto himself and others of like Majesty and State. She declared unto him, what an execrable Indignity it was, to see her Father the Emperor unworthily imprisoned, deprived of his Empire and sight, and of the society of men, by his Brother that had by him received and recovered his Life, his Light, and his Liberty; and to see the Heir apparent of the Empire banished by the wickedness of his Uncle, to wander up and down here and there like a Beggar; a great part of which disgrace, as she said, redounded unto herself the Daughter of Isaac, and Sister to the young wand'ring Prince, and to himself also, the Son in law unto the unfortunate Emperor her Father. Moreover she said, that the Murderer Alexius durst never have been so hardy as to commit so great and detestable a Villainy, if he had not lightly regarded and contemned the Majesty of the said Philip; whom if he had had in any Reverence or Honour, or at all feared, he durst not have attempted so Villainous an act. This Greek Lady, moved with just grief, with these and such like Complaints so prevailed with her Husband, that he promised her to be in some part thereof revenged; which he could not for the present perform, letted by the Wars he then had with Otho his Competitor of the Empire. At the same time it fortuned, that great Preparations were making in France and Italy, and divers other places of Christendom, for an Expedition to be made against the Turks into the Holy Land. The chief men wherein were Theobald Count of Champagne, (a man of great fame, 
Great preparations made by the Christians, for an Expedition into the Holy Land.  and General of the Christian Army) Boniface Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, Baldwin Earl of Flanders and Hainault, and Henry his Brother Earl of St. Paul, Henry Duke of Louvain, Gualther Earl of bream, with divers other noble Gentlemen, which to name were tedious; unto whom resorted also many valiant and devout Christians out of divers parts of Christendom, ready to have spent their lives in that so Religious a War; so that now the number of them was great, and the Army right populous. But being thus assembled together, they thought it not best to take their way to Constantinople, through Hungary and Thrace, and so to pass over into Bythinia, for that the Greeks had still in all former times showed great discourtesy unto the Latins, in passing with their Armies that way; and therefore they thought it much better now by the way of Italy to take their Journey by Sea into the Holy Land; and for their Transportation, especially to use the help of the Venetians, whom they found much the easier to be entreated, for that by the means of so great an Army, they were in hope to scour the Adriatic (then much infested by the Dalmatians) as also to recover jadera, with some other Cities upon the Coast of Sclavonia, before revolted from their State to the Hungarians, as indeed they afterward did. But by the way as this Army was marching out of France, and come into Piedmont, the noble Count of Champagne General thereof, there fell sick and died, to the exceeding grief and sorrow of the whole Army; in whose stead, the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, a man of great Nobility, and well acquainted with the Wars of the East, was chosen General. This great Army, transported by the Venetians into Sclavonia, took jadera, with divers other Port Towns along the Sea coast, and having there done what the Venetians most desired, was about again to have been embarked for Syria, and so into the Holy Land. But the young Prince Alexius in the mean time had by himself and the noble Grecians (fled with him for fear of the Tyrant) so wrought the matter with the Latin Princes of the West, especially with Innocentius tertius the Pope, with Philip the Emperor his Brother in law, and Philip the French King, that they pitying his Estate, and induced also with some other Considerations more proper to themselves, took him as it were into their Protection, commending by Letters and Messengers for that purpose sent unto the Army, (which they might command) the defence both of himself and his Cause; who with the Commendation of three so great Princes, coming to the Army yet lying at jadera (expecting but a fair Wind to have passed into Syria) was there of them all most honourably received, 
Alexius cometh unto the Army.  as the Son of an Emperor, and as became one to them so highly commended. And he himself also, as one knowing his good, was not wanting unto himself, but recommended his person to their Protection, as a poor exiled Prince in Distress; yet was he of a lively Spirit, gracious in Speech, beautiful to behold, and very young, and withal fully instructed by the noble Grecians that were with him, in all things that might serve to further his purpose. And forasmuch as this great Army consisted of divers Nations, especially of the French, Italians, and Venetians, not all to be by one mean moved; he fitted every one with such motives as he thought might best prevail with them: Unto the French he promised to pay the great sums of money they had borrowed of the Venetians for the furnishing of themselves in this War: Unto the Venetians he promised Recompense for all the Injuries they had sustained by the late Constantinopolitan Emperors, especially by the Emperor Emanuel (who for that they refused to Aid him in his Wars against William King of Sicily, did in one day confiscate all the Goods of the Venetian Merchants within his Empire, of a great value; and afterwards contrary to the Law of Nations, shamefully entreated their Ambassadors sent unto him, amongst whom was Henry Dandulus, now by fortune General for the Venetians in the Army; who moved as well with the wrong in particular done unto Himself, as with the Common, desired to be revenged both of the one and the other; which although he could not have of Emanuel himself, being long before dead, yet was he still desirous to have it of some one of the Greek Emperors, whosoever he were;) Unto the Pope and the Italians, both he and the Noblemen with him, had before promised, that the Greek Church should ever acknowledge the Supremacy of the Church of Rome, and from thenceforth submit itself thereunto, as unto the Sovereign Judge of all the Christian Churches; which caused the Pope Innocentius, by Letters, by Legates, by Ambassadors, and by all other means possible, to further the Cause of the young Prince Alexius, so combined with his own; alleging the diversity of Opinions in matters of Religion, betwixt the Greeks and the Latins, to have been the chief cause that the Mahometans had not been long ago by their United Forces subdued, or utterly rooted out. In brief, the young Prince spared not to promise most bountiful Rewards in general, to all that should take his part against his Uncle the usurping Emperor.  
By this means, the devout War taken in hand for the Relief of the poor Christians in Syria, was laid aside, and the same Forces that should have been therein employed, now converted against the Greek Empire, to the great weakening of that side of the Christian Common-weal, and advantage of the Common Enemy; who might then easily have been oppressed, had he with the United Forces of the Christians been on this side charged home, as he was on the farther by the Tartars. The Grecian War thus resolved upon, it seemed best unto the great Commanders of the Army, to march directly to Constantinople, as to the head of the Grecian State, and place where the Tyrant whom they sought after was resiant. In the mean time it was by them given out through all the Greek Cities which the Emperor had strongly manned and fortified for the staying of their passage, that their purpose was not to make War against the Grecians their Friends, but only to restore their lawful Emperor unto his former State and Honour: And that forasmuch as every City and Town in ancient Greece had appointed Rewards, and almost divine Honours unto such as had delivered them from Tyrants, they should now more favourably receive and entreat them that came to restore unto every City, and to every man in general, their former Liberty and Honour. And so upon the Resolution for Constantinople embarking their Army, and passing through the jonian-sea into the Aegeum, and so without let through the Straits of Helespontus into Propontis, and entering the Straits of Bosphorus Thracius, which divide Europe from Asia, they came to an Anchor even in the face of the City. 
A great Fleet of the Latins before Constantinople.  In this Fleet were two hundred and forty Sail of tall Ships, sixty Galleys, seventy Ships for burden, and one hundred and twenty Sail of Victuallers; which all together made a most brave show, covering that Straight in such sort, as that it seemed rather a Wood than a part of the Sea. Thus for a space they lay facing the City, attending if happily upon the coming and sight of so great a Fleet, and the report of so puissant an Army as the young Prince Alexius had brought with him, any Tumult or Sedition might arise in the City. But the wary Tyrant had so well provided therefore before hand, that the Citizens, although they in heart favoured the young Prince, and wished him well, yet durst they not once move or stir in his Quarrel. Whilst the Fleet thus lay, Ambassadors came from the Isle of Crect, in two great Galleys, with three banks of Oars, yielding unto the young Prince that goodly Island, with all the Towns and Cities therein; which he forthwith gave unto the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, General of the Army, thereby to encourage the other great Commanders of the Army to do the uttermost of their devoir, in hope of Recompense and Rewards answerable to their deserts and valour.  
Before the arrival of this Fleet, 
The Latins by force enter the Haven of Constan●●●nople.  Alexius the Emperor had with a great Chain made fast the entrance of the Haven betwixt Constantinople and Pera, and appointed twenty great Galleys well manned for the keeping thereof; but a great gale of Wind arising, the General sent out the greatest and strongest Ship in the Fleet (for her greatness and swiftness called the Eagle) which with all her Sails up, carried with a full gale of Wind, by main force broke the Chain, and made a way for the rest of the Fleet to enter; which the Greeks in the Galleys seeing, for fear fled, leaving the Galleys for a spoil unto the Venetians, by whom they were all taken, but not a man found in them. The Haven thus gained, Theodorus Lascaris the Emperor's Son in law, was presently ready upon the shore with a select Company of the bravest Gallants of the City and of the Court, 
A hot skirmish betwixt the Greeks and the Latins at their landing.  to have hindered the Latins from landing; who running their Ships aground, landed with such cheerfulness and courage, and with such haste, that in one moment you might have seen them leap out of their Ships, take land, enter into the battle, and lay about them like mad men. This hot skirmish endured a great while, for that they were only Footmen that sustained this brunt, for the Horses could not so soon be landed, and the Greeks were bravely mounted. All this great fight the Constantinopolitans beheld, with doubtful hearts, expecting what should be the event thereof. There were in the City six thousand of the Flower of Greece, which bravely sallying out, made the battle much more doubtful; yet such was the valour and resolution of the Latins, that in fine the Greeks discomfited, were glad to retire themselves again into the City, but with what loss, was not certainly known; easy it were to guests, that it was right great, for that the old Tyrant Alexius discouraged therewith, and doubtful of his own estate, with Theodorus Lascaris his Son in law, and some few others of his trusty Friends (hard to be found in so dangerous a case) the next night following secretly fled out of the City, carrying away with him a wonderful mass of Treasure (which he against all such events had caused to be secretly hidden by his Daughter Irene, in a Monastery of Nuns within the City, whereof she was the Abbess) and so saved himself.  

Isaac the old Emperor taken out of prison, and again saluted Emperor, together with young Alexius his son.  The flight of the Tyrant once bruited, the next morning the Constantinopolitans taking the old Emperor Isaac out of Prison, saluted him again for their Emperor, rejoicing greatly for his deliverance and the safeguard of his life; and after that opened the Gates of the City to the Latins, calling and saluting them by the names of the Revengers and Saviour's of the Liberty of the Greeks, as also of the Life and Majesty of their Emperor; they requested them that they might see and salute Alexius their young Prince, whom they had so long desired; and so was the City of Constantinople, by the submission of the Citizens, for that time saved from saccage and spoil. The old Emperor thus delivered, and together with his Son Alexius again placed in the Imperial Seat, gave the most hearty thanks that possibly he could unto the Latin Princes, for that by their Bounty, Charity, and Valour, the Greek Empire had been delivered out of a long and miserable Servitude; and for his own particular, that he had received of them so great good, that albeit his sight could not be restored to him again, nevertheless he acknowledged his Life, his Liberty, his Empire, his Country, his Son, to have been unto him by them restored, and he likewise to them; for which their so great Deserts he could not (as he said) render them condign Thanks, or devise Rewards or Honours answerable to their Demerits and Valour; and that therefore he did ratify and confirm whatsoever his Son had before promised unto them for his deliverance; and not only that, but further promised, That if they were not therewith contented, he would of his own bounty give them better contentment, not meaning they should go discontented, that had saved his life, and otherwise so highly pleasured him. Hereupon this good old Emperor began to consult with his Friends about the means whereby he might satisfy and content the Latins in such things as the young Prince his Son had unto them promised. And to the intent that the Citizens of Constantinople might the more willingly do that he was to command them, and the more cheerfully pay such Impositions as he was to lay upon them, he entreated all the Latins to retire themselves out of the City into their Camp, or about their Ships, which they accordingly did. But the Imposition being set down, and what every man was to pay, seemed unto the Greeks (as men of long accustomed to receive Tribute of others, and not to pay Tribute to others) a matter most heavy and intolerable. In this very instant that this Exaction was required, died the old Emperor Isaac, who having of long been kept in a dark and stinking Prison in continual fear of death, and now delivered and restored to his Empire, could not endure so sudden and unexpected a change, both of the Air and of his manner of living, but so suddenly died.  
At this Exaction imposed for the contentment of the Latins, the light Constantinopolitans grievously murmured, and exclaimed, saying, That it was a villainous thing to see the Greek Empire engaged and bound (by a young Boy) unto a covetous and proud Nation, and so to be spoiled and made bare of Coin: That the great and rich Island of Crete lying in the midst of ●he Sea, was by him given as a Gift unto the Latins: That the City of Constantinople and the Greek Church, had by him been enforced and constrained to yield unto the See of Rome, to receive the Opinions of the Latin Church, to submit itself unto the Obeisance of old Rome, from whence it had once happily departed ever since the time that the Empire was by Constantine the Great translated thence to them. Thus every one said for himself in particular; thus all men said in general. And thereof the Noblemen in their Assemblies, and the vulgar people in their meetings, grievously complained; whereupon a Sedition and Tumult was raised in the City. Some presently took up Arms, and the common people all enraged ran furiously disordered unto the Palace, with a purpose to have committed some great Outrage upon the Person of the young Emperor Alexius; who in that so sudden an Insurrection, as might well have troubled a right constant man, without longer delay resolved upon a most wholesome and necessary point for the appeasing of the people's fury; unto whom (assembled in a wonderful multitude) he showed himself from above in his Palace, promising them to remain in their Power, and not from thenceforth to do any thing without their advice and liking, but wholly to depend upon them; with which good words the people held themselves well content, and so was the tumult for that time appeased. But forthwith the young Emperor considering the injury done unto him, began to burn with the desire of Revenge, and to change his purpose. He could not together satisfy the Citizens and the Latins; for if he would keep his promise with the Latins, he must of necessity offend his own people; neither was there any means to be found to satisfy both the one and the other. But thinking himself more bound to keep his promise with the Latins, whose Forces he knew not how to withstand, 
Alexius seeks to bring the Latins again into the City.  he sent secretly to request the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, General of the Army, to send him about midnight certain Companies of Soldiers unto the City, assuring him to receive them in by a Gate near unto the Palace, which should be opened unto them by certain of his trusty Servants there left for that purpose. Of this Plot Alexius Ducas (of his bittle brows surnamed Murzufle, whom of a base Fellow the Emperor Isaac had promoted unto the greatest Honours of the Court) was not ignorant, who being a man of an aspiring mind, and in those troublesome times having long thirsted after the Empire, took now this occasion to work upon.  
The night following, he by his Agents, 
The Constantinopolitans again in an uproar.  men instructed for the purpose, raised a tumult in the City, not inferior unto that which had happened the day before; and at the same instant, as if he had had nothing to do in the matter, came suddenly to the young Emperor in the dead time of the night (which he might at all time do, by reason of the great confidence the Emperor had in him) and with a sad countenance told him, That the People were up again in an uproar, and especially they of his Guard, and that they were coming toward him to do him some violence for the love he bore unto the Latins. With which unexpected news the young Emperor terrified, demanded of him as of his most faithful Counsellor, What were best in that case for him to do? Who presently embracing him in his Nightgown, led him out by a secret door into a Tent he had of his own in the Court, as if he would there have kept him safe; but far was that from his traitorous thoughts; who departing from him, as if he had gone to appease the Tumult, had before taken order, that he should presently after his departure, be cast into Bonds, and so be clapped up into a close stinking Prison: which done, the false Traitor openly showing himself, made an Oration to the People, wherein he showed himself to have great compassion of the Greek Empire, and of the Greeks his Country men themselves, especially in that they were governed by a youth unfit for the government, who suffered himself to be misled according to the pleasure of the Latins. And that it was high time for the City of Constantinople, the seat of the Greek Empire, to look about it, and to have an Eye unto itself, sith it was betrayed and sold by them which ought to preserve and keep the same; that they had now need of a man that loved his Country and Countrymen, before that which yet remained of the Grecian name were utterly extinguished by the Latins.  
This his Speech, fitted of purpose unto the humour of the Seditious, was received with the great outcry and applause of the windy headed People. Some cried out, that he, and none but he, was to be made chief of the Common-weal that was by them to be established; othersome cried as loud to have him made General of the Armies and Forces of the State; but the greatest cry was to have him chosen and created Emperor; whereunto the rest giving place, he was by the general consent of the tumultuous People, without longer stay, chosen and proclaimed Emperor.  
Alexius the Traitor, by no lawful Election or rightful Succession, but only by the fury of the tumultuous People, thus created Emperor; was of nothing more careful than how to break the Forces of the Latins, of whom only he now stood in dread. And therefore to begin withal, he first attempted by certain Galleys filled with Pitch, 
Murzufle attempteth to burn the Venetian Fleet.  Flax, Brimstone, and such like matter apt to take fire, to have burnt the Venetian Fleet; which Galleys so set on fire and carried with a fare gale of Wind among the Fleet, had been like enough to have done great harm, had it not by the wariness of the Venetians been prevented; who being good Sea men, and not unacquainted with such devises, easily and without danger avoided the same, by keeping themselves aloof one from another in the Sea. This fineness sorting to no purpose, he to colour the matter sent certain Messengers to the General, and other Commanders of the Army, to give them to understand that that which was done for the firing of the Fleet, had been done without his privity, by the malice of the tumultuous People, and that for his part he would be glad of their Favour and Friendship, assuring them likewise of his, and promising them to aid them both with men and money, and whatsoever else they should have need of in their Wars against the Infidels. Whereunto an answer was given by Dandulus the Venetian General, that he would believe it, when Alexis the Son of the Emperor Isaac, whom the Latins had placed in the Empire, should assure them thereof, and entreat for the People, upon whom the fault of that outrage was laid; which answer the more moved the traitorous Tyrant to rid himself clean of the fear of the young Prince, by taking him out of the way; to the intent to hinder the People of the hope and great desire they had to grow to some peace with the Latins, by taking him out of Prison, and receiving him again for their Emperor; For the People (by nature mutable, and not desirous of the good of themselves, but according to the occurrents present, without any great regard of that they had already done, or aught to have done) begun now to repent themselves of that they had done against the young Emperor Alexis in Favour of the Tyrant, and commonly said, That they must find some means, whatsoever it were, to remedy their fault together with their troubles. Wherefore Murzufle fearing the sudden mutation of the People, with his own Hands most villainously strangled the young Prince Alexis in Prison, having as yet not reigned much above six months, and immediately after caused it to be bruited abroad, That the said young Prince despairing or his Estate, had as a man desperate, hanged himself.  
The Tyrant in vain having thus attempted the burning of the Fleet, 
Murzufle encourageth his Soldiers.  and still fearing the revenging Sword of the Latins, resolved now by plain force to meet them in the field, and there to dare them to battle. So having made ready and armed the whole Strength of the Imperial City, he with cheerful speech encouraged his Soldiers, requesting them valiantly to maintain and defend their Country of Greece, the Monuments of their Fathers, the Glory of their Ancestors, their present Honour, and the future Hope of their Posterity; that having before their Eyes the Walls of their City, within which they were born, nourished, and brought up in hope of great matters, they would have pity and compassion of their Temples, their Wives, their Children, and in no case to suffer them to fall again into so miserable and wretched a Servitude, but rather to die a thousand deaths. And the more to grace this his enterprise taken in hand for the defence of his Country (as he would have the world to believe it) with the colour of a superstitious Devotion also, he caused the Priests in their Ecclesiastical Attire and Ornaments, to march forth in the Army, with an Ensign, having in it displayed the Picture of the Virgin Mary. So courageously marching forward, he first charged that quarter of the Camp where Baldwin the Count of Flanders lay, where at the first was fought a right fierce and doubtful Battle. But afterward the Alarm running throughout all the Camp of the Latins, and new supplies coming in on every side, the Greeks were put to the worse, and enforced again to retire into the City, having lost a great number of men, together with their superstitious Ensign. It was a wonderful thing to see, with what rare agreement the Latins, being of divers Nations, continued this expedition undertaken against the Greeks. Seventy two days was this City of Constantinople straightly besieged by the Latins both by Sea and Land, 
Constantinople hardly besieged.  without giving any time of rest or repose day or night to the besieged, fresh men coming still on to the Assault, as the other fell off, and in such sort troubled the Greeks in the City, that they knew not well what to do, or which way to turn themselves. The Venetians unto whom was committed the charge to assault that side of the City which was toward the Haven, upon two great Galleys made fast together, built a strong Tower of Wood, higher than the Walls and Rampires of the Town, out of which they both with Shot and Fireworks much troubled the Defendants, wherewith they in the time of the assault approaching the Wall, by their fine devices fired that side of the City; by the rage whereof, a great number of Houses were burnt, 
Constantinople set on fire.  with many other stately Buildings and ancient Monuments of that famous City; and had at that present gained a great Tower near unto the Port, destitute of defenders, had not the Tyrant himself in good time come with new Supplies to the rescue thereof. In like manner, the French, with the rest, assailed the other side of the City by Land, where they were to fight not against the Defendants only, but against deep Ditches, high and strong Walls, and Bulwarks also; nevertheless, such was the Valour and Fury of the Latins, with the desire of Victory; as that they were not with any difficulties to be dismayed; but pressing still on, by a thousand dangers, at length after a most sharp Assault, they gained one of the greatest Bastilions on that side of the City, called the Angel's Tower, and so by plain force opened a way both for themselves and the rest into the City: Whereof Alexius understanding, and struck with present despair both of his State and Life, the night now coming on, fled with Euphrosina the Emperor Alexius his Wife, and Eudocia her Daughter, whom he had married when he had reigned about a month and sixteen days.  
The Tyrant, Author of all this mischief, and of the calamities ensuing, thus fled, and the Latins furiously entering; the Priests and Religious Men in their Surplices, and other Ecclesiastic Ornaments with their Crosses and Banners (as in solemn procession) met the Latins, and falling down at the Soldier's Feet, with Floods of tears abundantly running down their heavy countenances, besought them, but especially the Captains and Commanders to remember the condition of worldly things, and contenting themselves with the Victory, the Glory, the Honour, the Empire, the Immortality of their Name, to abstain from Slaughter, from burning, from spo●ling and ransacking of so beautiful a City; and that seeing they were themselves men, they would also have pity of men; and being themselves Captains and Soldiers, they should also have compassion upon Captains and Soldiers; who although they were not so valiant and fortunate as they were, yet nevertheless were both Captains and Soldiers; and that they would keep and preserve their City, whereof (if they ruinated it not) they might have much more pleasure and commodity, than if they should destroy the same, which as it had been the principal seat of the Greek Empire, so might it now be of the Latins; That seeing they had thereof a careful regard, as then belonging to another man, they ought now upon better reason to have more care thereof, being their own: That the Authors of all these troubles and mischiefs, Alexius the Elder, and Murzufle, had already received a reward answerable to their follies, in that they were driven into Exile; That they would have pity and compassion of an innocent and unfortunate Multitude of poor People, oppressed and grievously tormented with the often tyrannies of their murderous Lords and Governors; That in so doing, God the Lord of Hosts, the giver and guider of Battles, the God of mercy, would therefore reward them. To conclude, they humbly besought them to pardon their Citizens, to put on the hearts of gracious and merciful Lords and Fathers, not of Enemies and rough Masters; of Forgivers, not of Revengers; and to understand by their Tears, their miserable Estate and Woes passed. With this so humble a Submission and Complaint of the Religious, some of the better sort were happily moved; but with the common Soldiers, breathing nothing but Victory, with their Weapons in their Hands▪ and the Spoil of an Empire in their Power, what availed Prayers or Tears? Every man fell to the Spoil, and in so great choice and liberty of all things, ●itted his own disordered appetite, without respect of the wrong or injury done to others; only from the effusion of innocent blood they abstained▪ they whose lives they sought after, being already fled, together with the Tyrant. Other injuries and outrages (so great as that greater none could be) were in every place so ri●e, that every Street, every Lane, every Corner of the City was filled with Mourning and Heaviness. There might a man have seen Noble Men erst of great Honour, and reverend for their hoary Hairs, with other Citizens of great Wealth, thrust out of all they had, walking up and down the City weeping and wring their hands, as men forlorn, knowing not where to shroud their Heads. Neither stayed the greedy rage of the insolent Soldiers within the Walls of men's private Houses, but broke out into the stately Palaces, Temples and Churches of the Greeks also, where all was good prize, and nothing dedicated to the Service of God, left unpolluted and defaced, no place unsought, nor corner unrifled; right lamentable and almost incredible it were to report all the miseries of that time. Some of the Greek Historiographers, men of great mark and place, 
Nicetas Cho●la●es, annalium, ●ol. 180.  and themselves Eye-witnesses and Partakers of those evils, have by their Writings complained to all Posterity, of the insolency of the Latins at the winning of the City, to their eternal dishonour; but that disordered Soldiers in all Ages in the liberty of their insolent Victory, have done such outrages, as honest minds abhor to think upon. Thus Constantinople the most famous City of the East, the seat and glory of the Greek Empire, by the miserable ambition and dissension of the Greeks for Sovereignty, fell into the Hands of the Latins, the twelfth of April, in the year 1204, year 1204. or after the account of others, 1200.  
Constantinople thus taken, and the Tyrants put to flight, the Princes and great Commanders of the Army held a Council, to consider what were best to be done concerning the City and the new gained Empire; for after so great a Victory, they thought it not good to ra●e so ancient and important a City, seated as it were a Watch-Tower upon the Theatre of the World, overlooking both Asia and Europe from the one to the other, as an eye of the Universal, and so commodiously planted, as was no other City of the World, for the keeping under of the Enemies of the Christian Religion; but that it were much better to place there a Latin Governor, to establish there the Latin Laws and Customs, and to unite the Greek Church as a Member unto the Church of Rome. In which consultation, some were of opinion, not to have any more Emperors in Christendom but one, and therefore to make choice of Philip the Germane Emperor, Author of this War, whose Wife Irene was the only Daughter and Heir of the late Emperor Isaac Angelus, unto whom by all right the Inheritance of her Father's Empire belonged. But the greater part, considering that the troubled affairs of Greece, in so great a change and newness of the Empire, had need of the personal presence of a Prince, thought it better to make choice of one among themselves, who there still resiant in that place, might at all times give aid unto the Latins in their sacred Wars, taken in hand against the Infidels▪ which opinion as the better, was approved of them all. The chief men in this Election of the new Emperor, were Baldwin Count of Flanders and Hainault, Henry his Brother, Lewis Count of Bloys, Simon de Montfort, john de Dammartin, Gualther de Brienne, Hugh Count of St. Paul, john Count of burn, Boniface Marques. of Mont-Ferrat, Stephen Count of Perch, and five Gentlemen of Venice; unto whom also were joined two Bishops of Syria, the one of Bethlem, the other of Ptolemais, who had oftentimes come to the Camp of the Latins, to stir them up for the taking in hand the sacred War in Syria; with two Bishops of France also, namely of Soisson and Troy in Champagne, and the Abbot of Lemely. These great Lords and Prelates assembled into the Church of the holy Apostles, after they had there with great devotion craved of God to inspire them with his Spirit for the choice of a good and just Prince fit for so great a charge; with one consent made choice of Baldwin Count of Flanders and Haynault, for Emperor of Greece; a brave and valiant Prince, about two and thirty years old, who was afterward the sixteenth day of May, in the year 1204. (or after the computation of others, in the year 1205.) in the great Temple of S. Sophia solemnly crowned by Thomas Maurocenus a Venetian, first Patriarch of the Latins in Constantinople. From which time the Greek Church in Constantinople began to receive the Rites and Ceremonies of the Latins, and to acknowledge the Supremacy of the Church of Rome.  
It was not long after that Constantinople was thus taken by the Latins, 
The Greek Empire divided amongst the Latins.  but that they dividing their Forces without any resistance, took in the most part of the great Countries and Provinces on Europe side, belonging to the Greek Empire in the time of Isaac Angelus the late Emperor; the fortune of the whole Empire, as it were following the fortune of the Imperial City. Which large Countries so gained from the Greeks, the Latins divided amongst themselves, as good prize taken from their Enemies. Unto Baldwin the Emperor and his Successors in the Empire, was assigned the Imperial City of Constantinople, and the Country of Thracia, with a limited Sovereignty over all the rest of the Provinces by the Latins already or afterwards to be gained. Unto the Venetians in this division of the Empire, was allotted for their share all the rich Islands of the Aegeum, and Ionian, with the famous Island of Candy also; which although it were before by the young Emperor Alexius in the beginning of these Wars, given unto the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, yet in this division of the Empire, it was taken from him (not without his good liking) and given to the Venetians, as for them more fit; instead and lieu whereof, the Marquis had the City of Thessalonica with all the Kingdom of Thessaly, and a great part of Peloponesus assigned unto him, with the Royal Title of a King. Of the aforesaid Islands (in number many and exceeding rich) the Venetians in the name of the State, fortified some few of the greatest with convenient Garrisons, the rest they left to be possessed and defended by the better sort of the Citizens at their private cost and charges; who according to their ability, took into their possession, some one Island, some another, and some two or three, as they were able to set out their Galleys, one, two, or more, for the keeping of the same; over all which, the signory nevertheless had a general care, still keeping a Fleet with one of their Admirals at Sea; by whom they not only repressed the Genoa Pirates then busy in those Seas, but also took in certain strong Towns in the Main upon the coast of Peloponesus, namely Modon and Corone; all which they of long time after held as a part of their signory. Some other particular places, yet parts of the Empire, were given unto particular men; as the Dukedom of Athens unto one Geffrey of Troy in Champagne, a Frenchman, a valiant Captain, whom they also made Prince of Achaia; another Dukedom was also given to the Count of Bloys; as were divers other Countries and Towns also unto other more private men; who nevertheless were bound to hold the same of the Emperor, as of their Lord, and to pay him yearly a fourth part of the Revenue arising thereof, towards the maintenance of his State. Yea the Greeks themselves in this shipwreck of their State and Empire, although they disdained nothing more than the strange Government of the Latins, yet could they not be persuaded to join together in so common a calamity, but after their wont manner sought every man how to share out something for himself, without regard of the common good; one seized upon one strong Town or City, and so likewise another; which for all that they held not long, driven thence for the most part by a greater power, either of the Latins, or of their own Countrymen.  
The man whom the discontented Greeks most looked after, was Theodorus Lascaris, the Emperor Alexius Angelus his Son-in-Law; who at the taking of the City, fled to Adrianople, and afterward into Bythinia, where he was of the People, not of that Country only, but of others also farther off, joyfully received and honoured as their Emperor. So taking into his hands the Countries of Bythinia, Phrygia, Missia, jonia, and Lydia, even from the windings of the famous River Maeander Southward, unto the Euxine Sea Northward; he with the general good liking of the People, took upon him the Estate of an Emperor, and so in the renowned City of Nice made the seat of his Empire. At the same time also David, and Alexius Comneni, 
The beginning of the Empire of Trapezond by the Comneni.  the Nephews of the Tyrant Andronicus (sometime Emperor of Constantinople) by his Son Manuel, possessing the more Eastern Countries of Pontus, Galatia, and Capadocia, erected unto themselves another Empire in Trapezond, where their Posterity of the honourable house of the Comneni reigned in great glory many years after, until their Empire, together with the Empire of Constantinople, was by the great Emperor of the Turks, Mahomet the Second, subverted and brought to nought, as shall afterward in due time and place be declared. Thus the Greek Empire exposed (as it were) to the general Spoil, was no longer one, but many Empires; Baldwin reigning in Constantinople, the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat in Thessaly, Theodorus Lascaris at Nice, Alexius Comnenus in Trapezond, and the Venetians in the Islands▪ all in Royal Dignity. Besides whom were many other lesser Princes, which had here and there according to their ability seized upon some one or other part of the Empire, and there erected their Toparchies, reigning therein as petty Kings; as did Aldebrandinus in Attalia, Michael Angelus in Epirus, with divers others too long to rehearse.  
Baldwin (as is aforesaid) created Emperor of Constantinople, 
Hadrianople besieged by the Emperor Baldwin.  by the help of the Venetian Admiral Dandulus, and other great Commanders of the Army in short time brought under his obeisance all the Cities of Thracia, excepting the City of Adrianople, whereunto the better sort of the discontented Greeks, together with Theodorus Lascaris (disdaining the Government of the Latins) were fled, as unto a most safe Sanctuary; which Baldwin knowing, and withal desiring whilst yet he had his Friends about him, to set his new Empire in some good stay, without farther delay came and laid hard Siege to the same. Now the Greeks generally evil entreated by the Latins, and grieved to be governed by them, were some of them fled into other their Neighbour Princes Countries, but especially into Bulgaria, otherwise called Misia, a large Kingdom lying betwixt the great Mountain Aemus and Danubiu●▪ by whose persuasion, john King of that Country, aided by the Scythians, (a fierce Northern People, but lately come into those quarters) and by the fugitive Greeks themselves, took upon him to relieve the besieged City; and so with a great Army approaching the same, sent before certain Troops of the Scythian Archers on horseback, to fetch in such booty of Horses or cattle as they should find near unto the Emperor's Camp; and withal commanded them, that being charged by the Imperials, they should forthwith retire, so to draw them out of their Trenches, into the place where the King with the greatest part of his Army lay covertly to entrap them. Which the Scythians (well acquainted with such service) so well performed under the leading of one Cozus their General, that having once or twice drawn their Enemies unto some light skirmishes, and so retiring, and ere long again with a greater number returning, they at length cunningly drew the Emperor with all his Army, in hope to do some great matter upon them, even as they wished, into the place where the King with his Army lay in wait among the Woods and Mountains for them; where they, wearied and out of breath with the former pursuit, and now on every side beset with fresh Enemies, were overthrown with a great slaughter. In which conflict to increase the loss, Baldwin the Emperor himself was taken and sent Prisoner in bonds to Ternova; where afterwards by the commandment of the barbarous King he was most cruelly put to death, having his Hands and Feet cut off, and so dismembered was cast out into a deep Valley, where he yet lay miserably breathing three days after, and so died; leaving his body as fortunes scorn, for a Prey unto the wild Beasts and Birds of the Air, no Man vouchsafing to bury it. Thus perished this worthy Prince, for his Virtues commended even of the Greeks themselves, being about the age of three and thirty years, and not having reigned yet a full year, in the year of our Lord 1206.  
year 1206. The Victory thus gained, and the City relieved, the barbarous King with his savage Soldiers having tasted the wealth of the Latines overthrown in the late Battle, and the pleasures of Thracia now subject to their Lust; greedily pursued their good fortune, without respect of all humanity; the open Country they overran, spoiling whatsoever came to hand, the rich and famous Cities they rifled, and afterward razed them down to the ground; namely Serrae, Philipolis, Apri, Rhedestum, Perinthus, Daonium, Arcadiopolis, Mesena, Zurulus, and Athyra; the Citizens and Country People fled into the Cities for refuge, they put all to the Sword, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition, except some few, whom they carried away with them Prisoners; so that of all the Provinces of that rent and ruinated Empire, the Country of Thrace was most miserable, as first spoilt by the Latins, and now laid desolate by the Bulgarians and Scythians. Only some few of the strongest Cities, as Didymotichum and Adrianople (valiantly defended by the Greeks and Latins) escaped this fury of the Barbarians, all the rest that fell into their hands being laid waist and desolate.  
In this so troubled a State of the new erected Empire of the Latins in Constantinople, 
Henry second Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople.  the Latins made choice of Henry the late Emperor Baldwins Brother, as of all others the fittest to succeed him in the Empire; who aided by the Marquis, now King of Thessaly, and the other Latin Princes, notably repulsed the Barbarians, and le●t them not until that at length he had recovered from them all such Towns and Cities as they had before taken, and driven them quite out of the Country, and so well established himself in his new Empire.  
But to leave this dismembered Empire, now in the hands of many, and to come nearer to our purpose; Alexius Angelus the Usurper, driven out of the Imperial City by the Latins, to save himself fled into Thessaly, and from thence unto Leo Scuru● (than a man of great Fame among the Greeks) who tyrannising at Nauplus, as had his Father before him, was in these troublesome times grown greater, by surprising of the two famous Cities of Argos and Corinth; by whose means he cunningly entrapped Alexius Ducas, surnamed Murzufle, the Traitor, and for a secret grudge not commonly known, put out his Eyes; himself an exiled man, being a most heavy Enemy unto the other also exiled; and himself thrust out of the Empire, a deadly Foe unto the other, oppressed with the like calamity. Shortly after which loss of his Sight he was by chance taken by the Latins, and so brought back to Constantinople, where he was for murdering the young Emperor Alexius, worthily condemned unto a strange and horrible kind of death; for, cast off from an high Tower, and tumbling Heels over Head downward, he was with the weight of himself, and violence of the Fall, crushed all to pieces, and so miserably died; a death too good for such a Traitor. Not long after it fortuned also, that Alexius himself wandering up and down in Thracia, was by the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, going against Scurus, taken and stripped of his great Treasure, and whatsoever else he had; and so sent away naked, long time after in beggar's Estate wandered about in Achaia and Peloponesus, now far unlike that Alexius which sometime proudly reigned in Constantinople; but such is the assurance of evil gotten Honour. He hearing that Theodorus Lascaris his Son-in-Law reigned in Asia, and there held the State of an Emperor, rejoiced not thereat as a kind Father-in-Law, but inwardly grieved thereat as an Enemy, sorry that any other but himself should be honoured with the Title of the Greek Emperor; in which malicious humour he sailing out of Greece into Asia over the Aegeum, came secretly unto the Turks Sultan jathatines his old acquaintance, then lying at Attalia, (which famous City he had not long before taken from the Christians) unto whom he declared his heavy Estate, and how his Empire had been rend from him, as well by the Greeks as the Latins; requesting, that by his means he might be restored again into some part thereof, especially that in the lesser Asia, which was by Theodorus Lascaris, together with the honour of the Greek Emperor, unjustly (as he said) detained from him. This jathatines, now Sultan of jeonium; was the younger Son of Sultan Aladin; who not long surviving his Brother Cai-Chosroe, left his Kingdom unto his two Sons Azadin and jassadin, of the Greeks called Azatines and jathatines; where long it was not, but that these two Brethren falling out for the Sovereignty, (which admitteth no Equality) jathatines was by Azatin●s his Elder Brother driven into Exile, and for the safeguard of his life glad to fly unto this Alexius, then reigning at Constantinople, by whom he was honourably entertained, and as some write, converted and baptised. But Azatines the Sultan shortly after dying, this jathatines returnning home again, and renouncing the Christian Religion, was by the Turks received for their Sultan; of whom the Emperor Alexius in like extremity now craveth Aid. The Sultan not forgetful of his own Troubles before passed, or of the kindness he had received, and moved with the pitiful Complaint of his old Friend, together with his large Offers, besides that he was in hope to share out some good part of whatsoever he got, for himself; took him into his Protection, and forthwith sent Ambassadors to Lascaris, threatening unto him all extremities, except he did forthwith give place unto Alexius his Father in law, unto whom, as unto the Greek Emperor, those Countries which were by him possessed, of right (as he said) appertained. With which unexpected Message Theodorus was not a little troubled, as fearing both the Sultan's Power, and the inclination of the people to their old Emperor. Nevertheless, having propounded the matter in Council, and finding the minds of his Subjects well affected towards him, and a readiness in them in his quarrel to adventure their lives; he encouraged therewith, accompanied only with two thousand choice Horsemen, together with the Sultan's Ambassador, without farther stay set forward to Philadelphia; the Sultan at the same time with Alexius, (whom he carried with him as a bait to deceive the people withal) and twenty thousand Turks, besieging the City of Antioch, 
Antioch besieged by Jathatines'  situate upon the winding banks of the River Meander. Which the Emperor Theodorus well understanding, and that the Sultan by gaining that strong City (standing upon the passage of the great River, the bounder of his Empire) should open a fair way for himself into the heart of Romania Asiatica, to the great hazard of his whole Empire, resolved with those few he had, to do what he might to relieve his City. And so setting forward upon the Spur, carrying nothing with him more than a little Victual; and now come near unto the City, sent before the Sultan's Embassor, following him at the heels. Who coming to the Sultan, and telling him of the Emperors approach with so small a Power, could hardly persuade him that it was so, although he bound it with many Oaths; yet at length persuaded of the truth of the matter, and that indeed it was so, he in all hast put his Army in the best Order he could upon such a sudden, but not to his best advantage, being hindered so to do by the straitness of the place wherein he lay. Of the two thousand select Horsemen in the Emperor's Army, were eight hundred Italians, all most resolute men, who giving the first charge, broke through the midst of the Sultan's Army, disordering his whole battle as they went; after whom followed also the Greeks, though not with like courage; but those Italian Horsemen now divided from the rest, and in number but few, in coming back again, were by the disordered Turks, some on Horseback, some on Foo●, so beset on every side, as that there was no way left for them to pass, 
Jathatines' the Sultan slain by Theodorus Lascar●s the Greek Emperor.  but there valiantly fight, were altogether slain, having both before and at the time of their death made such a slaughter of the Turks, as is hardly to be believed to have been possible for so few men to have made. The Greeks also hardly laid to by the Turks, and discouraged by the slaughter of the Latins, were even upon the point to have fled; when as the Sultan, now almost in possession of a certain Victory, descrying the Greek Emperor, and trusting to his own great strength, singled him out, being as ready as himself to meet him; when as at the first encounter, the Sultan with his Horsemans' Mace gave him such a blow upon his head, as might have killed a Bull▪ so that the Emperor therewith astonished, fell down from his Horse; who yet even in the fall coming something again unto himself, and although dismounted, yet quickly recovering his feet, with his Falchion hoxed the hinder legs of the Mare whereon the Sultan rid, being a most beautiful Beast, and of a wonderful height; which now suddenly faltering under him, and so the Sultan tumbling down as from an high Tower, before he could recover himself, had his head cut off by the Emperor; which by and by put upon a Lance, and so holden up, with the sight thereof so dismayed the Turks, that strucken with a sudden fear, they presently fled, leaving the Victory unto the Emperor, before more than half overcome; who for all that, considering his small number, durst no further pursue them, but entering the City, gave thanks to God for so great a Victory. Unto whom the Turks shortly after sent their Ambassadors, and so upon such reasonable conditions as it pleased him to set down, concluded with him a Peace. Alexius himself Author of these Troubles, taken in this battle and carried to Nice, was by the Emperor his Son in law, notwithstanding his evil deserts, well entreated and used.  
Whilst the Latins thus spend those Forces in subverting of the Greek Empire, which should have been employed for the Relief of the Christians in Syria, and that the Greek Emperor L●scaris was thus troubled with the Turks, the Affairs of the Christians in Syria and the Holy Land grew still worse and worse. Whereof the Knights Hospitalers and Templars (the chief Champions of the Christian Religion in those Countries) greatly blamed Almericus the King of Cyprus, for that he being so near at hand, and having married Isabel the Heir of that Kingdom, and so in her Right taken upon him the Title of the King of jerusalem, gave himself wholly to pleasure, doing nothing for the Defence or Relief of the poor distressed Christians, or repressing of the Turks; who although they were yet in League with the Christians there, and at some discord also among themselves, yet spared not as occasion served, still more and more to encroach upon them, and by building of new Castles and Fortresses to cut them short. Of all which things, the aforesaid Knights by their Ambassadors certified Pope Innocentius, requesting his fatherly care for the remedy thereof; certifying him withal, that there was yet living one Mary, the Daughter of the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat, a Lady of rare beauty, whom they as her Tutors had brought up in hope of the Kingdom, and now were ready to bestow her upon some such man as he should think worthy of her, together with the right she had unto the Kingdom. Hereupon Innocentius discharging Almericus of the Title of the Kingdom of Ierusal●m, 
John burn by Innocentius the Pope appointed King of Jerusalem.  gave it to john Count de Brenn● of Dauphin in France, a man of great fame and valour, then in Arms with the other Latin Princes against the Greeks. Who now returning home, commended his Earldom to his Brother, and with such Power as he was able to make, setting forward, came first to Venice, where he was royally entertained; and from thence sailing to Constantinople, was with like Honour received by the Emperor Henry, and so at length the fifth of September arrived at Ptolemais in Syria, where he was with the great rejoicing and applause of the people received as their King: And the last of the same month marrying the aforesaid Lady Mary at Tyre, was there together with her with a great Solemnity Crowned King, in the year, year 1209. 1209. Which Almericus the old King of Cyprus hearing, shortly after died for grief. Neither wanted this noble Gentleman, thus honoured with the Title of a Kingdom, some that envied at his Promotion, and therefore commonly called him in derision, a King, but still with this addition, Sans Ville, that is to say, Without a Town.  
Now was the ten years' Peace, before taken betwixt the Turks and the Christians in Syria, at the coming over of Simon Marquis of Mont-Ferrat (as is before declared) almost expired; which had not so much given to those poor remnants of the Christians some time of rest and breathing, as had the discord of the Turks among themselves; which having for the space of nine years continued betwixt Noradin and Saphadin for the Sovereignty, was now by the death of Saphadin ended. Noradin contenting himself with the Government of Aleppo, 
Corradi● and Meledin divide their Father's Kingdom betwixt them.  and Corradin and Meledin the two Sons of Saphadin, dividing their Father's Kingdom betwixt them, the one taking unto himself Damascus and Syria, and the other the great Kingdom of Egypt, but all Enemies unto the Christians.  
About this time also, or not long after, Innocentius tertius yet Pope, summoned a general Council at Lateran, whereunto, besides a multitude of great Bishops, and other reverend Prelates, repaired also the honourable Ambassadors of most of the Princes of Christendom; unto whom so assembled, among other things was propounded the dangerous estate of the Christians in Syria, and how the same was by the help of the Christian Princes of the West to be relieved. Whereunto all the Fathers and Princes there assembled easily gave their consent; and thereupon were some appointed in every Country and Province, to publish this Decree of the Council, for the Relief of the oppressed Christians, and to stir up the devout people for the undertaking of so religious a War. The chief Furtherers of this sacred Expedition, to be thus taken in hand against the Infidels, were the Bishops of Germany, especially the three great Bishops of Mets, Cullen, and Triers, whose example moved also many others, all which to rehearse were tedious. Out of France also were sent Henry the Count of Nivers, and one Gualther the King's great Chamberlain, with a great number of the gallant Youths of France, and so out of divers other places; so that at length such a number of men were met together at divers Ports of the Adriatic, as made up a Fleet of two hundred Sail; which with a prosperous Wind carried over into Syria, arrived in safety at Ptolemais the chief City of the Christians, now that jerusalem was lost. After whom followed also Andrew King of Hungary, long before bound both by his Father's commandment and his own promise, for the undertaking of that sacred Expedition; with whom came also Lewis Duke of Bavaria, and Leopold Duke of Austria, with their Forces all well appointed; unto whom also john King of jerusalem joined himself with his Power. Great hope and expectation there was for some great matter to have been done, now that so great Forces of the Christians were thus met together. Who setting forward from Ptolemais, and the first day marching into Galilee, by the way met with certain Companies of the Turks, whom they easily overthrew and put to flight. The next day they came to the River of jordan, where they also distressed certain of the Turks Garrisons. There the King of Hungary bathing himself in the River, forthwith (as one discharged of his Vow and Promise) returned with all his Power unto Ptolemais, and so from thence back again into his Country, all the rest of the Army of the Christians crying out to him to the contrary; who after the King's departure still marching on, came to the Mount Thabor. But shortly after, Winter now coming on, and many of their cattle dying for cold and want of meat, they returned some to Ptolemais, some to Tyre, and there wintered. King john and the Duke of Austria in the mean time took a Castle betwixt Coesarea and Caipha, called The Castle of Pilgrims, from whence they much troubled the Barbarians thereabouts all that Winter. Upon the appearance of the Spring, and the Army again met together, it was thought best by all the great Commanders, that for so much as the Kingdom of Egypt was the chief Maintenance of the Mahometan Superstition, against the Christians in those parts, and that so long as it stood upright, they should not be able to do any great matter in Syria, to attempt the Conquest thereof, as an exploit best beseeming their Valour, and so great preparation; for that Kingdom being once subdued, the City of jerusalem, with all the Land of Palestine, would of themselves without more ado straightway yield unto them. And for as much as the famous City of Damiata, called in ancient time Pelusium, not much inferior unto Alexandria, was the first and most commodious Port for that purpose, as nearest unto Syria; and that by the taking thereof they should have a fair entrance into the great River Nilus, with the command of a most rich and pleasant Country about it. They resolved there to begin the War; and thereupon embarking themselves with all things necessary for so great an Enterprise at Ptolemais, and carried with a fair Wind, they in short time arrived at the desired Port. 
The situation of Damiata in Egypt.  Now that rich and ancient City, the Key of that side of the Kingdom, stood about a mile from the Sea, and somewhat distant also from the great River, environed with a Navigable Ditch or Cut, drawn out of Nile, in manner of an Island, as a man cometh from Syria by Land; and compassed about with three strong stone Walls, the work of the good Emperor Aelius Pertinax, and of him (as some affirm) called also Aeliopolis. At the mouth of this Cut, as you should enter into the City, stood a strong Watch-Tower for the defence thereof, and round about it a number of fair Houses, in manner of a pretty Town entrenched. Besides that, for the more safety thereof, the same Cut was barred with a great strong iron Chain, in such sort, as that it was not possible for any Ship, without breaking of the same to enter. The Christians with their Fleet entering the mouth of the River, and coming to this Cut, by great strength broke the Chain; but thinking so to have made their passage unto the City, they found a greater stay at the Watch-Tower, which strongly built of square Stone, and well stored with Warlike Engines of all sorts, and a good Garrison of valiant Soldiers, stayed their further passage, overwhelming them as they approached, with shot, fire, stones, timber, and such like, before provided for that purpose.  
The Christians (after the manner of the fight of that time) had upon certain flat Vessels built certain high Towers of Wood for the assailing of the Watch-Tower; in the approaching whereof, they were not only troubled with the Enemy, but with the tumult and stir of their own people also; some crying that they should yet draw nearer unto the Tower; othersome crying out as fast, to have the Bridges cast out, thereby to enter; and the Enemy likewise with much clamour encouraging one another for the repulsing of the Christians. So the Soldiers hindered the Mariners to do their business, and the Mariners the Soldiers. In the midst of this hurly-burly and tumult, one of the wooden Towers surmounting the rest in height, overcharged with the press of men, fell, and in falling made such a noise, as if Heaven itself had fallen, where in a moment (as it were) was presently to be seen a most heavy Spectacle; many overwhelmed with the falling of the Tower, lay there crushed to death; some grievously hurt, and yet not dead, lay oppressed with the timber, crying out for help; others bruised or hurt, but not overwhelmed, for fear of further harm, leapt some into the Nile, some aboard the other Ships near by, some crying out of his Arm, some of his Leg, some of his Head or other part of his body, to the great discomfiture of the rest, in so much that the Assault was for that time given over.  
King john (as well for his Valour, as for the Title of the King of jerusalem, chosen General of the Army) after he had appeased this tumult, and given the charge of them that were maimed or hurt, unto skilful Surgeons, and buried the bodies of such as were found drowned or overwhelmed; with cheerful Speech encouraged the rest of his Soldiers, persuading them not to be discouraged with the accident of the fall of a Tower, which was neither to be imputed to their Cowardice, or the Valour of the Enemy, but only to the chance of War.  
In the mean time Meledin the Egyptian Sultan, had with a great Army encamped himself within the sight of Damiata, thereby to encourage the besieged, and to fill them with hope of relief; sending them oftentimes by the River, News, Messages, Victuals, Soldiers, Armour, and whatsoever else they wanted. The chief cause of his staying there, was to take occasion for the surprising of the Christians, if any should be offered, either by chance, or their own negligence. Every day some skirmish or other passed betwixt our men and the Barbarians, ours still carrying away the Victory; yet could these Barbarians neither be drawn forth to battle, neither could our men keep them from Victuals, for as much as they had the River of Nile at command, whereby Victuals were out of the upper part of Egypt in great abundance conveyed into the Sultan's Camp; whereas on the contrary part, the same River dividing itself into many Arms, in some places here and there overflowing, in another cut into many Ditches and Channels, and in some other penned up by Walls and Causies, gave unto our men a thousand displeasures. And therefore seeing that the Sultan would neither give nor accept of battle, they resolved again to lay siege to the Tower. Wherefore having with great cunning, upon two Ships made fast together, framed a Tower of most strong Timber, equal in height unto the Watch-Tower, they brought the same near unto the Turks Tower, and the Suburbs adjoining thereunto, after which followed also the rest of the Fleet well appointed for the Assault. At which time all the rest of the Army at Land stood in battle ready ranged, as well to discourage them of the Town, as that the Sultan should not be able to help them without the hazarding of battle. There began a fierce and cruel Assault; they of the Suburbs right valiantly defending themselves against their Enemies. Within these Suburbs, the Tower, and the Trenches, dwelled not only Egyptians, (the natural Inhabitants of the Country) but also Arabians, Persians, Syrians, Indians, Moors, and Aethiopians, who were there resiant; for that, that City was a public Mart whereunto all kind of Merchandises were brought from far out of the remotest parts of the World, and so from thence in like manner transported also; which encouraged them the more to fight for the defence of their Lives and Goods, the two things which men hold most dear; and in like sort animated our men unto the Assault, as well in the quarrel of the Christian Religion, as to enrich themselves with the spoil of those rich Nations. The Christians with their Ships drew as near as possibly they could unto the Land, to the intent that upon the bank of the River they might come to fight hand to hand, and man to man, and so come close unto their Enemies. But the Barbarians on the other▪ side sought by shot and all other means they could, to keep them further off, and so from landing.  
That which most feared the Egyptians, was, 
A desperate act of a Christian.  that as one of our Ships by chance ran aground upon that side of the River where the Enemy lay, and being boarded by the Enemy, thronging in as fast as he could, and there making a cruel slaughter, one of the Christian Soldiers going down under the Hatches, made there a great hole, whereby the water abundantly coming in, sunk the Ship before the Enemy was aware, and so drowned a great number of the Egyptians together with the Christians. At which time also the high Tower built upon the two Ships, joining now close unto the Watch-Tower, and mating the same, dismayed the Defendants with the strangeness thereof, as with a Miracle, in such sort, that they strucken with a great fear, as now being to fight with a strange, hardy, and cruel kind of men, without any great resistance forsook the Tower and fled. The Watch-Tower thus taken, and they that should have defended the same, some slain, and some fled; they in the Suburbs discouraged, and flying away, were many of them wounded from above, out of the Watch-Tower but now gained by the Christians. At which time also the other Ships landed the Soldiers, who entering the Suburbs, put all they found there to the Sword, even unto the last man. There was found great abundance of Victuals, but far greater store of Riches, in so much that it seemed to have been the spoil of Arabia, Persia, and the rich Indies.  
Now yet remained the strong Town of Damiata, 
Damiata in vain assaulted.  which was forthwith assaulted by the Christians, more to prove if in that heat and sudden fear it would be yielded, than for any hope they had by force to win it. But having done what they could both by scaling, and by other Engines, they gained nothing but hard blows and wounds, and so retired. Nevertheless they lodged themselves in the Suburbs, and laid a great part of the Army betwixt the Sultan and the besieged City, to the intent that no supply of Victuals should be brought unto it; yet both the Enemy oftentimes attempted to have entered the City, and the besieged to have sallied out, but both the one and the other were letted to do what they would have done, and that not without the great loss of their men; for why, the Town was now on every side so enclosed by the Christians, as that no man could enter in or out thereof. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege, it fortuned that the River of Nile swelling with a great Eastern Wind, rise above the banks, and so overflowed the places wherein the Christians lay, that they could keep nothing dry, and that most part of their Victuals were therewith spoiled. With which unseasonable rising of the River, the Christians not a little troubled, by commandment of Pelagius the Pope's Legate, gave themselves to fasting and prayer by the space of three days. But the Wind falling the fourth day, and the River again decreasing, they gave themselves more earnestly to prayer than before, thanking the Almighty, that as he had put them in a great fear, so he had in mercy again comforted them.  
Now with long lying begun Victuals to grow scant in the Sultan's Camp, so that he was glad to send away half of his Army up again into the Country of Cairo. At which time also it chanced (as if it had been in an extreme and common danger of the Mahometan Superstition) that Ambassadors sent from Corradin Sultan of Damascus and jerusalem, unto the Princes of the Christian Army, came to sue for Peace, both for Himself and his Brother the Egyptian Sultan; promising in regard thereof again to restore unto them the Holy Cross, and whatsoever else himself, his Father, or Sultan Saladin had before taken from them; of which their Offer, most part of the Army liked well, saying, That they had therefore taken up Arms for the recovery of that which had been before gotten, and gained by the Valour of the worthy Christian Captains, and had of late been taken from them; and to blot out the Ignominy of the loss thereof, to the end it should not be said, that they could not leave whole and entire unto their Children, what their Fathers had got, when they had the keeping thereof; neither having lost it, be able again to recover it; that all these things being restored, there rested not any further occasion of War, or let to stay them as most victorious Conquerors to return home. Nevertheless Pelagius, 
A fair Offer evilly refused.  Pope Honorius his Legate (for Innocentius in the preparation of the Wars was before dead at Pelusium) with King john, the Masters of the Knight's Hospitalers and Templars, the Duke of Austria, and the Germans, were of opinion to the contrary; alleging, That this Sacred War was undertaken generally against the Infidels, and for Religion's sake against the Mahometan Superstition, whereof the Kingdom of Egypt was the chief Seat and stay; and that therefore they ought especially to impugn that. Which persuasion, together with the Authority of the Persuaders, so prevailed, that the Sultan's large Offers were rejected, and so the Ambassadors dispatched without any thing obtained of that they came for. Whereupon Corradin fearing that the Christians would at length come to jerusalem, as the place they most desired; and doubting how he should be able to defend the same, forthwith razed the Walls thereof, and the more to deface it, overthrew and plucked down most of the goodly Houses, and other stately Buildings therein, sparing yet the Tower of David, and the holy Sepulchre; which he is said to have done at the humble Request and Intercession of the Christians of divers Countries, which yet dwelled there mixed with the Turks and Saracens.  
Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege of Damiata, the Plague began to rage in the Camp, whereof so many died, that it began to repent the great Commanders of the Army that they had so much harkened to the persuasion of the Legate (a man making no profession of Arms) rather than to the sound Advice of others, who by long experience taught the sudden alteration of matters of War, would willingly have accepted of the Sultan's large Offers; so began Pelagius the Legate to be generally evil spoken of. 
Succours sent unto the besieged.  There were now already six months passed since the beginning of the Siege, and the Sultan lying in sight had not with him so great an Army as before, but only the flower and choice of his people, having (as we have before said) for want of Victuals sent away the rest up again into the Country; now it fortuned that the Christians, as men weary of the long Siege, stood not so carefully upon their Guard, with Watch and Ward, as before, but gave themselves more to ease; which the Sultan perceiving, drew nearer to the Town, in hope under the covert of the silent night, to send new Supplies unto the besieged; which Companies by him appointed for that Service, courageously set forward, in hope to have deceived the Christian Sentinels, and so indeed came near unto the Town unseen or discovered; and now the foremost of those Companies were already entered the Town; when the Christians perceiving them, and raising an Alarm, put themselves in Arms, and so furiously assailed the hindermost of them, and in such sort, that they which were before within, and those that were but now entered, fearing lest the Enemy in that hurly burly should pell mell enter in with the rest, shut them out of the Gates, exposed to the butchery, where all were presently cut in pieces.  
The Christians encouraged with this Victory, the next day leaving a great part of the Army before the Town to continue the Siege, presented themselves before the Sultan's Camp to give him battle; who for all that well considering that the loss of a battle might endanger the whole State of his Kingdom, would by no means be drawn out of his Trenches, but lay still; wherewith the Christians, especially the Frenchmen (in the first charge naturally furious) greatly encouraged, attempted to have forcibly entered their Rampires, but not with success answerable to their courage. For the Egyptians perceiving the small number of their Enemies, notably repulsed them, and in fine enforced them to retire, having lost Gualther, one of their chief Commanders, with divers others; yea King john in assailing the Camp, lost many of his men, and grievously burnt in his face, hardly escaping himself with life. After which discomfiture, they resolved, not to think of any thing else but of the Siege, and above all things to provide that no Succours should be brought into the Town. They in the City more straight beset and besieged than before, and now brought unto extreme necessity and famine; and out of all hope of Relief, assembled themselves to consult of their Affairs, and what were best for them to do in so dangerous a state; some one or other of them by night or otherwise secretly flying into the Camp. And that more was, the City had undoubtedly been yielded by the greater part, had not the chief Commanders within mured up the Gates, and commanded that none of the Inhabitants upon pain of death should come upon the Walls or Rampires, to the intent they should not get out, or cast themselves from above the Walls into the Ditches. The chief Commanders and Captains went here and there up and down the City, to search and view all things, especially the shops and storehouses, where finding small store of Wheat, they divided it in small portions among themselves; the common people enforced with want, eat whatsoever came to hand, were it lawful or unlawful, or forbidden by their Superstition, wholesome or unwholesome, good or bad, salt or fresh, roasted or raw; and so prolonged their lives with such things as they could find. Now the besieged, not able to endure these extremities of the Famine (being the passion that most grievously and often troubleth Mankind) they were also attached with the Wrath of God; for the Plague (the fury whereof had before attainted the Camp of the Christians, and afterward quite ceased) was now got into the City, where it made a great Slaughter; which mortality day by day in such sort increased, that men were not only now no more to be found, to visit, comfort, succour, serve and help the Sick; but were wanting also to bury them, to draw them out of their Beds and Houses, and to separate the Living from the Dead; the Streets and Houses full of dead Bodies, gave forth a most horrible stink, with a most grievous and infectious Air; there was not any place clear from the Plague, or any man that could boast he had not been attainted therewith, or the fear thereof▪ and remedy there was none. The rage and fury of these two Devourers, the Famine, and Plague, devoured them without number, choosing rather so to die, than to submit themselves to their Enemies; or to humble themselves so low, as to crave their Favour. That they within were thus pinched with Famine, the Christians knew; but that the Plague so raged amongst them, they knew not. Now the Christians had of purpose cast up certain Trenches and Baricadoes, for the keeping in of such as the Famine should enforce to come out of the Town; thinking that the besieged, to ease their wants, would thrust the base sort of the people and unprofitable mouths out of the City; unto whom the Christians meant not to give any passage; for they having long before so straightly environed the City, as that no relief could be brought unto it, lay now still expecting when the besieged, enforced by necessity, should yield themselves; and so without loss of any man, to become Masters of so strong and rich a Town. It was now more than a year that the Christians had thus lain at the Siege of Damiata, when as certain of the Soldiers upon a bravery adventured with a few scaling Ladders to mount the Wall; in which doing, finding no resistance, and withal hearing so great silence, as if there had been no body within the City, they stood still a great while harkening, but seeing that dumb silence still to continue, they returned unto the Camp, giving the Captains to understand how the matter stood; who at the first thought it to be some policy and fineness of the deceitful Enemy; yet afterward they thought it good to adventure certain men, to prove their fortune, and to cause certain companies well appointed to scale one of the Bulwarks of the City, in such sort, as if they should have gone against a puissant Enemy, that had had the power to resist them. And hereupon were scaling Ladders brought forth, and all things made ready, as for a great Assault. So the Christians courageously mounting the Ladders, without resistance took the Bulwak. 
Damiata without resistance taken by the Christians.  But as they were entering farther into the Town, a small Company of the Turks and Barbarians (all the Soldiers that the Fury of the Plague had left, and they also with the Famine and Infection of the Air very weak and feeble) met them, and began to make some small resistance, but to no purpose, being forthwith all cut in pieces. Which done, the matter wherewith the Gates of the City were mured, was presently removed, the Gates set open, and the Christians with Ensigns displayed let in. But even at the very entering in at the Gates, they were attainted with a most grievous and horrible stink, they saw a fair City dispeopled, and that which was most fearful to behold, 
Damiata unpeopled by the Plague.  the Streets covered with bodies of the dead, and such a dreadful desolation, as might move even the Enemy himself to compassion. The Christians were entered, as men appointed to have done a great execution, and to have made the Channels run with blood, as men justly provoked with the long Siege, and the pains they had endured; they had their Swords and Weapons in their Hands, but found none against whom to use them; for a man could not enter into any House, or go into any Street, but he must pass over the dead, or others, which being not yet altogether dead, were miserably drawing toward their end. Of seventy thousand persons in the City, were not found above three thousand alive, and those for the most part yet young Children; for all the rest were dead, taken away either with the Sword, Famine or the Plague; the greatest part whereof lay yet stinking above the ground unburied. These three thousand that were left, were so maugre and poor, that pity it was to behold them; unto whom their lives were granted upon condition that they would make clean the City, and bury the dead, which they were three months in doing.  
Thus was Damiata taken by the Christians the fifth day of November, in the year 1221, year 1221. after it had been more than a year by them besieged. The Spoil there taken was great, for besides the rich Merchandise brought thither from far, was found great store of Gold, Silver, and precious Stones. The Christians thus enriched, and the City made clean, stayed there more than a year after, as in a Colony wherein they had been willing to dwell, forgetful of their own Country. In the beginning of these Wars, the Princes of the Army had with one consent agreed, That whatsoever City or Territory should by them be taken from the Turks or Infidels, should be given unto the King of jerusalem, whom after the departure of the King of Hungary, they had made General of the whole Army. But now that the City was taken, Pelagius the Legate, pretending, That by the virtue of his Legation, it belonged unto him to dispose of all things taken in that sacred War, (as a man not unmindful of his Master) adjudged the City from thenceforth to belong unto the See of Rome. With which indignity and wrong, the King inwardly discontented, (and yet for the Authority of the Legate, dissembling the matter) withdrew himself, and so retired to Ptolemais.  
The year following, Pelagius weary to see the Arms of the Christians to corrupt with rust, year 1222. and nothing doing, considering the desire and hope he had utterly to have ruinated the Infidels, together with their Superstition, commanded, That every man should again take up Arms for the prosecuting of this War against the Sultan, and the besieging of Cairo. But for all that, when he had commanded what he would, or could, the Soldiers little regarding his command with one voice cried out, that they would not be commanded by any, but by the King of jerusalem only. So that the Legate, enforced by the Soldiers, was glad to send unto the King, to request him again to return to Damiata, and to take upon him the charge for the managing of that War, taken in hand for the defence of the Christian Religion; who for all that excused himself from so doing, one while by his own particular Affairs, another while by his own indisposition; yet in fine, pressed and overcome with the prayers and requests of the other Latin Princes, he returned to Damiata, at the self same time, that the Duke of Bavaria arrived there with a goodly company of brave men, brought thither out of his own Country, after he had been now from thence ten months absent.  
The Legate desirous of the prosecution of this War, requested and urged the King, 
Pelagius the Legate perswadet the Princes of the Christian Army to proceed for the conquest of Egypt.  with the rest of the Princes and great Commanders, without delay to take the Field, telling them, that the Enterprise of the holy War was grown old, and cold, by those long delays and protracting of the time; and that they which kept Wars so far from home, aught to make haste to force the Enemy, to take all occasions, to lose no time, but ever to be doing; and to prove all things for the annoying of the Enemy; and that that was the way, whereby the Worthies of ancient times, both Kings and Emperors, had gained unto themselves Empires, Glory, Greatness, and Wealth; That it was for them that were invaded and assailed, upon whose lives depended the safety of their Country, their Wives, their Children, and Goods, to delay and prolong the time as they might to delude the Enemy, to frustrate his designs, to defeat his Attempts, and with delays to dally him off, until that having thereby weakened his Forces, he should together with his courage lose also his hope; Cairo (he said) to be indeed a great City, but yet that the greatest Cities that ever were, had by the Wars become great Deserts, forced by the power of their puissant and speedy Enemies; and that great Empires, as were those of the Sultan's, ought not to be invaded or assailed by any foreign force, if they were not at the first onset, overthrown, or at least so weakened, as that they could not afterwards lift up their Heads or recover themselves; for otherwise, that they which had prepared a destruction for others, should fall into the same themselves; That it behoved either not to have attempted or assailed Egypt at all; or else now, after it had been once assailed, not so to give it over before it were conquered. The King of jerusalem, whether it were that he were pricked with the gri●f, that being called the King of the Holy Land, he could not have the City of Damiata (under the leading and conduct won by the Christians come to the sacred War) given unto him by the Legate; or that he had before proved that the higher Country of Egypt was not without great and manifest danger to be attempted; said, that he would not in any case go; alleging that honourable and sacred War to have been taken in hand, only for the recovery of the Holy Land, and not for the winning of Memphis, Babylon, or Thebes in Egypt; which after they were taken, would not for any long time continue in their Fidelity or Allegiance, and could not possibly be kept by force; whereas Syria, by Godfrey Duke of Bulloin and the other great Princes his Associates, entered into, conquered and possessed; and since his time, by divers other Christian Kings and Princes holden, was in right their own; and that therefore he greatly commended the forwardness, the diligence, the courage, the desire, and whatsoever thing else Pelagius commended; but that he ought to employ the same in Syria, and not there where no need was, or from whence no profit was to be drawn or expected. Nevertheless the Legate wedded to his own opinion, by the power of his Authority, commanded the King of jerusalem, the Duke of Bavaria, with the rest of the great Commanders and Captains, to take up their Arms, to get them into the Field upon the Expedition by him appointed against the Sultan; threatening the pain of the high sentence of Excommunication against him or them, that would show themselves backward or unwilling to do what he had commanded. So as it were enforced by the Legate, they began with evil Will and worse Speed, to set forward in August, in the very hottest time of the year. At which time the Sultan beholding the great Army of the Christians, in number about seventy thousand, retired as a man afraid, into such places as he thought best, farther off; which the Legate seeing (as one not acquainted with the feats of War) rejoiced greatly, as if the Victory had been already more than half gained; commending to the Heavens them that he saw courageously marching forward, saying, That fortune always favoured the Valiant, and that unto Cowards all things fell still out to the worst. By the way the Christians seized upon a Bridge, which the Enemy had made over the Nile, and cut in pieces such Companies as were left for the keeping thereof; so marching on they drew near unto Cairo, and there in the sight of that great and rich City encamped; where running up and down, the more to terrify them of the City, provoked them to Battle, upbraiding unto them their Laziness, their Cowardice and Sloth, braving them, (if they were men) to come out; Yet for all that they would not so do, but keeping themselves close and covert within the City, let them alone to brag and boast at their own pleasure. This Siege continued long, of purpose protracted still from day to day by them of the City; and the great opinion the Christians had of their own valour, with the small regard they had of their Enemies, made them so proud and careless, that they remembered no more to take good care of the War, of their Duty, their Watch, or their Sentinels; their confidence was in their own Valour and good Fortune, not considering or remembering that they were come into Egypt, and that they had put themselves within the Trenches, Sallies, Channels and Cuts of a deceitful River, which not only brought Victuals unto their Enemies, but also fortified them; who by how much they were the less valiant, and less understood of the Art of War, the more they used of Craft and Subtlety for the preserving of themselves; so the crafty Enemies drew the Christians out at length, abusing them with many delays and deceits; making semblance of great Fear, to make themselves the less to be feared; and more contemptible in their doings, to the end that they knowing the Passages and straits of the Country, and reserving themselves unto the occasions and advantages both of the time, and of their Enemies, might circumvent them and entrap them at such time as they lest feared any such matter. The Christians, at all adventure had encamped themselves in a low ground, within the Banks and Causies of that Fenny Country, under the covert thereof, thinking themselves safe as in their Trenches, against all sudden Sallies or Attempts of their Enemies; but these places wherein they lay were soft and dirty, for so much as the Country People used at their pleasure to water them by Channels and Sluices out of the River of Nile; which now plucked up and opened, the River began to rise and overflow all. Then too late they perceived themselves 〈◊〉 as in a Grin, 
The Christians entrapped within the Sluices of the River Nile.  without power to defend themselves, or to make any resistance, or by any other means to show their Valour. So the River still arising and overflowing gave unto the Turks and Egyptians good hope of their Wars, and of a Victory more desired than hoped for over a warlike and victorious People. All the ground where the Christians lay encamped, was covered with Water, so high that the Victuals were corrupted, and no place left for a man to stand or lie dry in.  
Now at the same time the Egyptians had taken the high places, with the passages upon the Walls and Banks in that drowned Country, to the intent that the Christians should not be able to retire or to save themselves out of the Bogs and Marshes covered over with Water. So was their rash Valour and presumptuous Confidence in themselves, exposed unto the Enemy's Shot and Fury; and when they would by force have defended themselves, their hardiness was overcome by the crafty Subtlety of the weak Enemy. Then began every man to cry out against Pelagius the Legate, accusing, condemning, and railing at him; the King himself they blamed not, for that he had done his duty, in dissuading of this expedition, and was contrary to his good liking himself drawn into this War, the charge whereof he had not without great entreaty taken upon him; neither might he with his credit well complain of this misfortune, lest in so doing, he might seem to have had no comfort in himself. But as for the Legate, what Counsel could he then give, what Counsel could he then take for himself? They of Venice, Pisa, and Genoa, left at Damiata, were indeed strong at Sea, but how could they come to relieve him at Cairo? And how, or by what Forces could the Christians break out of the Banks and Sluices of the Cuts and Channels; which winding in and out with a thousand inextricable turnings enclosed them, beset also on every side with the victorious Enemy? After they had been thus cooped up, and environed with the Waters three days, you might have seen the poor Soldiers in every place fall down dead for want of Food and Sleep, 
The misery of the Christians in the drowned Land.  and so perish in the Water; the like miserable kind of death, the rest were also in short time after to expect; other help there was none, but to yield unto necessity, and to accept of such conditions as it should please the proud Enemy to propound. Now the Sultan desired not so much their lives, as the Liberty of his Country; and therefore required to have the City Damiata again restored unto him, and all things else in such sort as were before the besieging thereof; and so the Christians without more ado to depart his Country. Hard Conditions if a man respect the hope whereupon the Christians had undertaken this War, and were so come into Egypt, with the toil there by them endured; but unto him that will but enter into consideration of men's affairs, and especially in Martial matters, it will seem but an accident to be yielded unto, the like whereof hath oftentimes happened unto the greatest men in the World. These Conditions (such as they were) were by the distressed Christians accepted of. But when they were brought to Damiata, and there propounded to the Christians there left, a great contention began to arise among them; some said they would not accept of them, or surrender the Town, which being kept would be a stay for all the affairs of the Christians in the East, and a most commodious place for them to have recourse unto; but being restored and lost, carried away with it all the hope of the Christians, and that therefore it were better to endure all extremities, than to receive such dishonourable and hurtful a peace. Others of the contrary opinion said, That they ought not to forsake them that were in danger before Cairo, nor to expose them to the butchery, but to have a Christian compassion of so many thousands of Souls as there lay distressed, seeing they might be saved by the surrender of that one Town; Towns (they said) consisted of the number of men, and not Men of the Enclosures of Walls and Ditches. They that were of this opinion, for the delivering up of the Town, seeing the other obstinately set down to the contrary, withdrawing themselves from the Council, presently took up Arms, and by force entered the Houses of them that were of the contrary opinion, and took from them their Weapons, by that means and perforce to constrain them to yield to their desire. As soon as they that lay before Cairo (almost drowned in the Waters) understood of this dissension at Damiata about the delivery of the Town, they sent them word, that if they would not yield the Town to the Sultan, they would forthwith send to Ptolemais, which would not fail to do what should be commanded, to have it instead of Damiata surrendered to the Egyptians. So was Damiata again yielded to the Infidels, and so great labours of the Christians taken at the Siege and winning thereof, all lost. That which made this indignity more tolerable, was that Sultan Meladin, having without bloodshed gained so great a Victory, did neither by word or deed any thing in despite or reproach of the Christians, but used them with all courtesy, relieving them also with Victual and such other things as they wanted, and by faithful Guides conducting them in safety out of the Country.  
In like manner also, Coradin his Brother, Sultan of Damascus, made truce with the Latins for eight years. Whereupon the King of jerusalem went over into Italy, and there by the persuasion of Honorius the Pope, his Wife being now dead, gave his Daughter Yoland (now crowned Queen of jerusalem in the right of her Mother) in marriage to Frederick King of Sicilia, and Emperor of the Latins, the rather thereby to stir him up for the taking in hand of the sacred War. Ever since which time, he and the Kings of Sicilia his Successors have been called Kings of jerusalem, albeit that they have evil prosecuted that their pretended Right and Title, as still busied in more profane Wars against other Christian Princes. King john afterwards departing from Rome for France, was by the way honourably entertained at Pisa; but arriving at the French Court, he found Philip the French King desperately sick, who by his last Will and Testament gave unto the Knight's Hospitalers and Templars, sixty thousand Crowns for the maintenance of their Wars against the Infidels; which Money was to their use afterward paid unto King john. Who shortly to discharge himself of a Vow he had made, to visit the Pilgrimage at Compostella, going into Spain, by the way married Berengaria, the King of Castille his Daughter; and there staying a great while, returned again into France, where he lay long expecting the setting forward of the Emperor frederick's Son-in-Law for the recovery of his Wives Right to the Kingdom of jerusalem; which although he solemnly vowed at such time as he with all Princely Magnificence married the said Lady at Rome, yet otherwise letted with troubles nearer home, performed not the same, until almost seven years after; all which time the Christians in Syria enjoying the fruit of the late concluded Peace for eight years, lived in great rest and quietness; where so leaving them, until the arising of new troubles, let us in the mean time return again unto the troubled affairs of the Turks, Greeks, and Latins, at Constantinople, and in the lesser Asia.  
Henry the Second Emperor of the Latins at Constantinople, 
The death of Henry Emperor of Constantinople. Peter Emperor.  after he had (as is aforesaid) with much ado repressed the Fury of the Bulgarians and Scytheses, his barbarous Enemies, and so given peace to the miserable Country of Thracia, died, having reigned a most troublesome Reign, about the space of eleven years. After whom succeeded Peter, Count of Ausserre, his Son-in-Law, third Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople; who in the beginning of his Empire, willing to gratify the Venetians, and to revenge himself of Theodorus Angelus, a great Prince of Epirus, Competitor of his Empire, besieged him in Dirrachium; which strong City, the said Theodorus had but a little before surprised, belonging unto the Venetian signory. At which Siege, Peter the Emperor lying, was so cunningly by the wily Greek used, that a Peace was upon most honourable conditions betwixt them concluded, and a familiar kind of Friendship joined. Insomuch that the Emperor at his request, not well advised, came unto him as his Guest; who now of his Enemy became his Host, entertaining him with all the formalities that feigned Friendship could devise. But having him now in his power, and fearing no harm, regarding neither the Laws of Fidelity or Hospitality, he most traitorously slew him, as he was yet in the midst of his Banquet. Of whose end, some others yet otherwise report, as that he should by the same Theodorus have been intercepted about the pleasant Woods of Tempe in Thessalia, as he was travelling from Rome to Constantinople, and so afterwards to have been by him cruelly put to death. Of whose misfortune, Tepulus Governor of Constantinople understanding, for the more safety of the State in that vacancy of the Greek Empire, made peace with Theodorus for five years, and the Turks for two. Shortly after came Robert (the Son of the aforesaid unfortunate Emperor Peter) with his Mother to Constantinople, 
Robert Emperor of Constantinople.  and there in his Father's stead was solemnly saluted Emperor; but not with much better luck than was his Father before him; for shortly after his coming he took to Wife a fair young Lady, the Daughter of a great rich and noble Matron of the City, but before betrothed unto a gallant Gentleman, a Burgundian born; with whom the old Lady broke her promise, and more careful of her Daughter's preferment, than fidelity, gave her in marriage unto the new Emperor. The joy of which so great an Honour was in short time converted not into a deadly heaviness, but even into death itself; for the young Burgundian, more enraged with the wrong done him than discouraged with the greatness and power of the Emperor, consorted himself with a company of lusty tall Soldiers, acquainted with his purpose, and awating his time when the Emperor was absent, by night entered the Court with his desperate Followers, and first meeting with the beautiful young Empress, 
An horrible outrage committed upon the person of an Empress.  cut off her Nose and her Ears, and afterward threw her old Mother into the Sea, and so fled out of the City into the Woods and Mountains, with those desperate cutthroats the ministers of his barbarous cruelty. The Emperor pierced to the heart with this so great a disgrace, shortly after went to Rome, to what purpose was not certainly known; but in returning back again through Achaia, he there died, leaving behind him his young Son Baldwin, yet but a Child, begotten by his first Wife, to succeed him in the Empire; who by the name of Baldwin the Second, was crowned the fifth and last Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople. 
Baldwin the last Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople.  And for because he was as yet but young and unfit for the Government, he was by the consent of the Nobility affianced, and afterward married unto Martha the younger Daughter of john burn King of jerusalem, a worthy old Captain, (but as then Governor of Ravenna, which City, he being certain years before sent for out of France for that purpose, by Honorius the Pope, he notably defended against the Emperor Frederick his Son-in-Law, but that affinity was before broken off by the death of the said Emperor's Wife) who now sent for out of Italy unto Constantinople, had committed to his charge and protection, both the Person and Empire of the young Emperor Baldwin, now his Son-in-Law. Which great and heavy charge he for certain years after worthily and faithfully discharged, until such time as that Baldwin was himself grown able to take upon him the government. Now although the Imperial City of Constantinople, with the Countries of Thracia, Thessalia, Macedonia, Achaia, Peloponesus, and the rest of the Provinces of Greece, were all or for the most part under the Government of Baldwin the Emperor, the Venetians, or other the inferior Latin Princes; yet were the oppressed Greeks, the natural Inhabitants thereof, in heart not theirs, as abhorring nothing more than that their foreign government; but wholly devoted to their own natural Princes, Theodorus Lascaris and Alexius Comnenus, the one reigning at Nice in Bythinia, the other at Trapezond in Pontus, both called by the Greeks, Emperors, and so of them generally reputed. Lascaris of the two the better beloved, and by far of greatest power, had during the time of his Government fought many an hard Battle, (as is in part before declared) and strongly fortified his chief Cities against the invasion of his Enemies, as well the Turks as the Latins; and so having as it were erected a new Empire in Asia, and there reigned eighteen years, died, leaving behind him one john Ducas Batazes, that had married the fair Lady Irene his Daughter and Heir, 
John Batazes made Emperor of the Greeks in Asia.  to succeed him in the Greek Empire in Asia. This john was a man of a great Wit and Spirit, and of more gravity for his years, than was Theodorus his Father-in-Law, never undertaking any thing before he had thereof well considered; and once resolved, not omitting or neglecting any thing for the performance thereof. So that it was not unfitly said of the Greeks, The planting of this new Empire to have required the celerity of Lascaris, but the stay thereof to have been the gravity of Ducas. He in the beginning of his Reign in very short time having set all things in good order, greatly augmented his Legions, and shooting at a fairer mark than the Empire he held, even the Imperial City itself, and the recovery of all Thracia and Grecia out of the hands of the Latins, which could not be done without a Fleet at Sea, built a great number of Galleys in the Ports of the lesser Asia. And so having rigged up and manned a strong Fleet, and scouring the Seas, in one Summer took in most of the Islands of the Aegeum, namely Lesbos, Chios, Samos, Icaria, Coos, with the famous Island of the Rhodes, and many others also. And not so contented, to have increased his Empire, the next Spring crossing the Hellespont, and landing his Forces, first invaded Chersonesus; and afterward to terrify the Latins, forrageing the Country far and near, even to the Gates of Constantinople, no man daring to oppose himself against him. At which time also he took many Cities and strong Towns alongst the Sea-coast, as Calliopolis, Sestus, and Cardia, with divers others thereabout, some by force, some by composition, the Greeks almost in every place yielding themselves, where they were not so oppressed by the Latins, as that they could not help him. Now by these proceedings of the Greek Emperor in Europe, was plainly to be seen again the ruin of the Latin Empire in the East, all things prospering in his hand according to his hearts desire. Assan the Bulgarian King (no small terror both unto the Latins and the Greeks) moved with the fame hereof, by his Ambassadors sent of purpose unto john the Greek Emperor, offered his Daughter Helena in marriage with young Theodore his Son; of which offer the Emperor gladly accepted. For being busied in his great Affairs, he was loath to have so great a King as was Assan, his Enemy, able at his pleasure to call in the Scytheses; who with their multitude, as a great flood breaking over the Banks, had oftentimes carried away whole Countries before them. Wherefore the match agreed upon, the two great Princes by appointment met together about Chersonesus, where Hel●na King Assans' Daughter, being then about ten years old, was with great Joy and Triumph solemnly married unto young Theodor the Emperor's Son, much of the same age. Not long after, Ambassadors were also sent unto the Emperor from the Sultan of Iconium, to confirm and prolong the League betwixt them; for the Tartars not contented to have driven the Turks out of Persia and the far Eastern-Countries, began now also to cut them short in their Provinces in the lesser Asia. Wherefore the Sultan of Iconium, fearing lest whiles he had his hands full of those his most dreadful Enemies, of themselves too strong for him, he should behind be set upon by the Greek Emperor, and so thrust out of all; sent these his Ambassadors unto him for Peace; which he for many causes easily granted. First, for that he foresaw what an hard matter it would be for him to maintain War at once both in Asia against the Turks, and in Europe against the Latins; then by this Warlike Nation, as by a most sure Bulwark, to keep his own Countries safe from the Invasion of the barbarous Tartars, unto whose fury he should himself lie open, if the Turks were once taken out of their way. Both sufficient Reasons for the Emperor to yield unto the Sultan, which he did; so was the Peace concluded, and the Ambassadors dispatched. This Peace exceedingly comforted, 
Plenty ensuing of peace.  and afterwards enriched the Emperor's Countries; for now the people generally delivered of the fear and misery of continual War, began on all hands to fall to their fruitful Labours of Peace. Yea the Emperor himself, to the stirring up of others to the like good Husbandry, caused so much Land to be ploughed up for Corn, and so many Vineyards to be planted, as might plentifully suffice his own house, and such poor as he daily relieved; with a great overplus, which he caused to be carefully laid up in store; he kept also great Herds of cattle, Flocks of Sheep, and Fowls of all sorts without number. The like he caused his Kinsmen and other of the Nobility to do, to the intent that every great Man having sufficient for his own spending at home, should not take any thing from the poor Country men, that so every man contenting himself with his own, might live in peace without the grievance of others. By which means in a few years every Barn and Granary was full of Corn, every Cellar full of Wines, every Stable full of cattle, every Storehouse full of Victuals; the Fields were covered with Corn and cattle, and in every man's Yard were to be seen all kinds of tame Fowls, without number. About which time also there fortuned a great Famine among the Turks, insomuch as that they were enforced to fetch their greatest Relief from out of the Christian Countries. Then might you have seen every way full of Turks, Men, Women, and Children, travelling to and fro into the Emperor's Countries for Victuals; their Gold, their Silver, their other rich Commodities, they gave unto the Christians for Food; a little Corn was worth a good Commodity, every Bird, Sheep, and Kid, was sold at a great rate; by which means the countrymen's houses were full of the Turks wealth, and the Emperor's Coffers stored with their Treasure. The greatness of the profit arising of this plenty of the Christians, and penury of the Turks, may hereby easily be gathered, for that of Eggs daily sold, so much Money was in short time gathered, as made the Empress an Imperial Crown of Gold, richly set with most orient Pearl and precious Stones of great price; 
An Imperial Crown bought with Egg-money.  which the Emperor called Ovata, for that it was bought with Egg-money. Thus flourished the Greek Empire in the lesser Asia, under the good Emperor john Ducas; the Turks at the same time declining as fast, daily peeled in one corner or another by the Tartars, and consumed with Famine at home.  
Frederick the Germane Emperor had of long time vowed to take upon him an Expedition into the Holy Land; for performance whereof he was hardly called upon, first by Honorius quartus the Pope, and afterward for his long delay excommunicated by Gregory the Ninth; not so much for the Zeal they had unto the Sacred War, as to busy the Emperor afar off in Wars abroad, whilst they in the mean time, to increase their own power, drew from him some one part or other of his Empire; which he not without cause fearing, from day to day, and year to year, delayed the performance of his Vow, so much urged by the Pope; by his Presence and Power still disappointing all the fly designs of the Popes, conceived or put in practice against him. But now at length moved, or more truly to say, enforced with the Thundering and Lightning of Pope Gregory, he resolved to set forward, in the year, 1227. About which time, jolenta, 
1227▪  or Yoland his Wife, the King of jerusalem his Daughter, died in Childbed, being before delivered of a fair Son. Now were met together at Brundisium an exceeding great number of courageous and devout Soldiers out of all parts of Christendom, especially out of Germany, under the Leading of Lodowick Landgrave of Thuring, and Sigefride Bishop of Augusta; all stirred up with the fame of so notable an Expedition. But whilst they there stayed somewhat long, the Plague arose among the Germans, whereof in short time after, both the Landgrave and the Bishop died, with many of the other best Soldiers. The Emperor himself was upon his way as far Mal●a, upon the further side of Peleponnesus, where falling desperately sick of a Burning-Fever, and put back with contrary Winds, he returned again to Brundisium, and there stayed a great while after. Then began the Pope again to fret and fume, and to cast out his Excommunications against the Emperor, as if it had been Thunder and Lightning, accusing him of Perjury, Infidelity, and many other grievous Crimes; of all which the Emperor was ready to have cleared himself in an open Assembly of the Princes of Germany to have been holden at Ravenna, had it not been by the Pope and the Troubles of Lombardy disturbed. Nevertheless, he by open Protestations and Writings, fully answered all the Pope's unjust Accusations, wherewith he had been so. hardly charged; and yet desirous to perform the Expedition by him taken in hand, having set all things in good Order, and put himself again in a readiness, he set forward from Brundisium in August, in the year, 1228. 
1228▪  leaving the Charge of his Territories in Italy under the care of Reynold Duke of Spaleto. The Pope displeased, for that the Emperor at his departure had neither reconciled himself, nor taken his leave of him, and deeming therein his Excommunications and Fulminations to be contemned and set at naught, fell into such a rage and choler, that he forbade all the Christian Forces that were in Syria, to follow him, or to yield to him their Obedience; and writ Letters also unto the Sultan, not to come to any agreement with the Emperor, or to yield unto him any part of the Holy Land, which Letters the Sultan afterwards sent unto the Emperor. Neither yet so contented, immediately after his departure, ran upon his Kingdom of Naples, and so filled all Italy with Troubles. Nevertheless the Emperor happily arriving at Ptolemais, was there honourably received of the Christian Forces, notwithstanding the Pope's Threats and Cursings. Of whose arrival Sultan Meledin having Intelligence, and loath to draw so mighty an Enemy as was the Emperor, upon him, by his Ambassadors offered him most honourable Conditions of Peace; which before he would accept of, he by convenient Messengers sent unto the Pope, to have his consent and approbation. But such was his rage, as that he would not suffer the Messengers to come into his presence, or vouchsafe to read the Emperor's Letters, being brought unto him, but like a mad man presently rend them in pieces. All which Indignities the Emperor nevertheless took in good part, and concluded a Peace with the Turks for ten years, upon these conditions: First, That he should be anointed and accounted King of jerusalem; then, That the holy City, with all the Land of Palestine should be delivered unto him; thirdly, That he might at his pleasure fortify the Cities of Nazareth and joppa; fourthly, That all such places as were sometime in the Power of Baldwin the fourth King of jerusalem, and taken from him by Sultan Saladin, should be restored; and last of all, That all Prisoners on both sides should be set at liberty without Ransom. So the Peace concluded, the Emperor with his Army came to the desolate City of jerusalem, and there upon Easter-day with great Solemnity was Crowned King thereof, year 1229. in the year, 1229. And so having repaired the Walls of the City, with certain Churches, 
Frederick the Emperor Crowned King of Jerusalem.  fortified Nazareth and joppa, and furnished them with strong Garrisons, and appointed Raynold Duke of Bavaria, his Lieutenant in Syria, he with two Galleys only returned into Italy. Ever since which time the Kings of Sicilia have been also called Kings of jerusalem, and have oftentimes born the Arms of both Kingdoms.  
The next year Pope Gregory, in despite of the Emperor Frederick, year 1230. more than for any Zeal to the Christian Religion, 
The unfortunate Expedition of the King of Navarre into the Holy Land.  did by the Dominicans and Franciscans (two Orders of Friars but then lately erected) as by his Trumpeters, stir up a wonderful number of zealous and devout Christians, almost in every part of Christendom, to take upon them the Cross (as they termed it) the cognisance of such as had by Vow bound themselves to take up Arms against the Turks and Saracens, for the Recovery or Defence of the Holy Land. These devout men met together in great number, under the leading of Theobald King of Navarre, Almericus, Count of Montfort, Henry Count of Champagne, and others too long to rehearse, (of purpose stirred up to trouble the ten years' Peace before concluded betwixt the Emperor and the Turks in Syria) set forward, and after long travel passing the Straight of Bosphorus, not far from Constantinople into Bythinia, came to the River Sangarius, and there stayed a while to refresh themselves. Afterwards passing through Galatia, and so from Country to Country through the lesser Asia, they came at length unto the Straits of the Mountain Amanus (a part of the Mountain Taurus) which they found before taken by the Turks, and the Sultan of Iconium Himself not far off encamped with a strong Army. Nevertheless the valiant Count of Montfort, which had the leading of the Vanguard, courageously marching forward, by plain force opened the passage of the Mountain, having slain or put to flight the Turks appointed for the keeping thereof; the King of Navarre in the mean time (though in vain) assailing the Sultan in his Camp; who fearing the great Power of the Christians, kept himself within his own strength, and would not stir. Wherefore the King seeing it to no purpose there longer to stay, dividing his his Army into three parts, left the Sultan, and followed after the Count, placing his Baggage in the midst, and th● best of his Soldiers in the rearward. But whilst they thus march up the great Mountain, the Turks better acquainted with those passages, were still at hand, assailing them sometime behind, sometime on the one side, sometime on the other, as they saw occasion; and at length taking them at an advantage in a great Plain, set upon them, now before almost spent with hunger and travel, and there slew of them an exceeding great number. But by the coming on of the night the battle was broken off, and the Christians repairing unto their Ensigns, passed the Straits, and so at length arrived at Antioch, having lost by the way the greatest part of the Army, with all their Wealth, their Victuals, and most part of their Horses; the remnant yet left, having a little refreshed themselves, were by Sea transported to Ptolemais; from whence they were afterward by the Templars conducted to Gaza, where they lay, and of the spoil of the Country greatly enriched themselves. As for any other great matters they were not able of themselves to take in hand; and help of such ●●rces as the Emperor had before left at jerusalem, and other places, they could have none; having express charge from the Emperor himself, not to do any thing against the Enemy, tending to the breach of the ten years' League; which the Turks well perceiving, and that they had to do but with these new come Guests, and some few others their partakers; having gathered together their Forces, lay in ambush for them in every corner, to cut them off. Neither was it long, but that these of Gaza going far into the Country, and returning laded with spoil, were set upon by the Turks; whom they (casting away the spoil they had before taken) notably repulsed and put to flight, the day now drawing to an end. But early the next morning appeared a far greater number of Turks than before; which now putting on, charged the Christians, who all that night had stood watching in their Armour, and so joined with them a most cruel battle; wherein the Christians showed so much valour as was possible for men to do; but wearied with the long fight, and oppressed with the multitudes of their Enemies, they were overcome and slain almost every Mothers Son. Amongst the rest, the two Counts, Almericus and Henry fell; the King of Navarre Himself hardly escaped by the exceeding swiftness of his Horse, and by uncertain ways wand'ring up and down the Country, not knowing well which way to take, after two days came by good fortune to joppa; some few others escaped by flight to Ptolemais, the heavy Messengers of the misfortune of their Fellows. The King afterwards visiting the holy places at jerusalem, returned home into his Country, with some few of his Followers, having performed nothing of that the World expected.  
About four years after, Raynold Duke of Bavaria, 
The Christians by persuasion of the Templars, break their league with the Turks.  whom Frederick the Emperor had left his Lieutenant in jerusalem, died; having by the space of five years peaceably governed that bruised Kingdom. After whose death, the Templars (who, he yet living, would oftentimes have broken the League, but that they were by his wisdom restrained) now took occasion to stir up the people to take Arms against the Turks, without respect unto the League yet in force, or of the dangers like thereof to ensue. Whereof the Egyptian Sultan hearing, raised a great Army, sending also for the Chorasines, a Warlike Nation then lying near unto Babylon, to come unto his Aid. Thus become very strong, he first laid siege to Gaza, but a little before repaired and fortified by the King of Navarre and the Templars, which he at length took by force, and put to Sword all that were therein, as well the Citizens, as the Garrison Soldiers; in like manner he dealt also with them of Ascalon and other places as he went. To repress this his fury, the Templars and Hospitallers had assembled the whole strength of that weak Kingdom, and near unto Tyberias came to have given him battle. Who upon their approach hastily retired, as if he had for fear shunned battle. But whiles the Christians as Victors the night following lay negligently encamped along the River side, he returning back again with his Army, came upon them before they were well aware, half-sleeping, half-waking, but altogether unarmed, with a most horrible Outcry. The Christians now altogether awaked, and not a little troubled with the suddenness of the matter, hastily and disorderly (as must needs in so great a confusion) took up their Weapons, such as came first to hand, and so courageously opposed themselves against their Enemies. There was fought a most terrible and doubtful battle, and that also for a long space, the Christians still encouraging one another to do their last devoir; but the Turks still keeping their Order against the disordered Christians, and far more also than they in number, prevailed, and there overthrew them with a great slaughter, but not without the loss of many thousands also of their own men, which there lay dead upon the ground. Most part of the best Commanders, both of the Templars and Hospitalers were there slain, such as escaped fled to Tyre.  
year 1234. The Sultan encouraged with so great a Victory, marched forthwith to jerusalem, which he took without resistance, 
Jerusalem taken and razed by the Turks.  and there put to Sword all that he found therein, Men, Women, and Children, without respect of Sex or Age; and afterwards having rifled the same, razed it down to the ground, burning the Buildings, and overthrowing the Walls, not long before repaired by the Emperor Frederick, and much beautified by his Lieutenant Raynold. And carried with an infernal fury, defaced and most shamefully polluted the Sepulchre of our blessed Saviour, never before then violated or defiled, but of all Nations untouched and reverenced; which for all that may seem to have been done not so much for the hatred unto the Christian Religion, as for that it was the place of all others most desired of the Christians; and for the gaining whereof they had undertaken so many hard Adventures, and so much troubled the Saracens and Turks.  
Thus by the unfaithful breaking of the League, the most ancient and famous City of jerusalem, sometime the terrestrial Seat of the most High, and glory of the World, fell again into the Power of the Turks and Infidels, in the year, 1234. in whose hands it hath ever since remained even until this day; now a poor ruinous City, governed by one of the Turks Sanzacks, and for nothing now more famous, than for the Sepulchre of our blessed Saviour, again repaired and much visited by the devout Christians, and not unreverenced by the Turks themselves.  
The loss of this so famous a City, together with the dangerous State of the Christians in Syria, much grieved the other Christian Princes of the West, especially Frederick the Emperor, by whom it had been but a few years before gained. Howbeit he could not now remedy the matter according to his desire, being himself grievously entangled with the endless Troubles which Pope Gregory had as it were by tradition left unto the other Popes his Successors, for the troubling of his State, until at length they had deprived him of his Empire, and not long after of his life also. Among other the great Princes, careful for the poor Christians in Syria, was Lewis the Ninth, the French King, a Prince of great Power, but of all others of that time most famous for his Zeal unto the Christian Religion, and for his devout manner of life; who abounding in wealth, and all things else of a great Prince to be desired, and withal oftentimes considering the notable Expeditions many Christian Princes had (to their Immortal Glory) made, some into Syria, some into Egypt, against the Enemies of Christ, and for the Relief of the oppressed Christians, was many times about to have taken upon himself the like. But in these his devout motions, before he could resolve upon so great an Enterprise, he fell dangerously sick, insomuch that for certain days he lay speechless, devoid of sense and motion, without any sign of life, but that he did a little faintly breath; when coming a little unto himself, (whither moved by devotion, or troubled with his former conceits then running in his weak brain, is uncertain) the first thing he asked for was the Cross (the Cognizance of such as vowed themselves unto the Sacred War) which he solemnly received at the hands of the Bishop of Paris. At which time also his three Brethren, Alphonsus' Count of Poitiers, Charles Count of Anjou, and Robert Count of Arthois, with Hugh Duke of Burgundy, William Earl of Flanders, Hugh Count of Saint Paul, and afterwards most of the Nobility of France, to accompany the King, took upon them the same charge. Nevertheless it was not by and by taken in hand, but some few years let pass in the consultation and preparation for so great an Enterprise; many in the mean time discharging their Vow, by dying before at home in peace their own Countries. At length the devout King still resolute in his former determination, having taken order with Blanch his Mother for his affairs at home, and put all things in readiness for his Journey, 
King Lewis setteth forward toward the Holy Land.  came to Lions to take his leave of Pope Innocentius the Fourth, (who for fear of the Emperor Frederick, then lay there for his more safety) and from thence to Marseilles; where embarking himself with his Army the five and twentieth day of August, in the year, year 1248. 1248. he the twentieth day of September following arrived in safety in the Island of Cyprus, and was there royally entertained by Guy Lusignan then King of that Country.  
Now was the French King desirous to have gone directly for Egyyt, without longer stay in Cyprus, had he not been otherwise persuaded, both for that his whole Fleet was not yet come, and the time of the year began to grow unseasonable, and the Wether tempestuous. But whilst he there stayed, passing the Winter, the Plague (one of the ready Attendants of great Armies) began to arise in the Camp, which daily increasing, had in short time taken away a great number of men, and those not of the meanest sort. Amongst whom were Robert Bishop of Beauvais, john Count of Montfort, the Counts of Vendosme and Dreux, Archambaut Lord of Bourbon, with divers other Knights and Gentlemen, to the number of 240. so that by force of the infectious Contagion, the King was constrained to divide his Army into divers places of the Island, attending until the Infection should cease. In the mean time the Templars having in suspect both the French and the Turks, (the Turks, for fear they should overrun all; the French, lest having gotten the Victory, they should take all into their own hands, and so diminish their Power and Authority wherewith they tyrannised over the other poor Christians) sent Ambassadors secretly unto Meledin Sultan of Egypt, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 persuade him betimes to come to some good agreement for peace, so to avert the Power of the French King from doing him further harm, or proceeding further in that War. Of which motion the Sultan well liking, sent one of his Noblemen to entreat with the Master of the Templars concerning a Peace, so that it might be by consent of the French. The Templars glad of so honourable a Message, writ unto the French King out of Syria, how the matter stood; persuading him to accept of the Peace offered, setting out in great words, the Sultan's great Preparations and Power. And so indeed had abused the King, had not the King of Cyprus acquainted with his doings, persuaded him that it was but a fineness of the great Master, and that he had first sent unto the Sultan, and procured that Nobleman to be sent; which the King upon consideration perceiving to be true, fed the Turks Ambassador with hope of peace, but writ unto the Master of the Templars, upon the price of his Head, from thenceforth not to receive any Embassy from the Enemy, or have any further Intelligence with him.  
Winter now past, and the Plague well ceased, divers noble Gentlemen and great Commanders which following the King, and setting forth somewhat late, or for fear of the Plague had stayed by the way, and wintered some in one place some in another, began to repair unto Cyprus; as Robert Duke of Burgundy, who having wintered in Achaia, came now in the beginning of the Spring unto the King, with a number of good Horsemen; and with him, William Prince of Achaia, with a great Fleet out of Peloponnesus, which Country, with most part of Grecia, was then under the Command of the Latins; amongst others came also William surnamed Longespy, Earl of Salisbury, with a Band of lusty tall Soldiers. So the Army being met together, and all things again in readiness, King Lewis departing from Cyprus, and tossed at Sea with contrary Winds, about five days after fell on the coast of Egypt, and there with all his Fleet came before the strong Town of Damiata, being (as we have said) the Key of that Kingdom. The Sultan long before understanding of the French Kings purpose for the Invasion of his Country, had strongly fortified his frontier Towns, and put into them strong Garrisons, beside the great Power he kept with himself in readiness at all assays, as occasion should require. Upon the approach of the Christians, the Governor of Damiata was ready upon the shore, with a number of brave Soldiers to keep them from landing; who nevertheless resolutely before set down for the performing of that they came for, manning forth their long Boats with their Archers and Crossbows to beat the Enemy from the shore, ran aground with their other small Boats, made of purpose for the landing of men; and so without longer stay came to handy-blows; where for a while was fought a most sharp and cruel battle, the Christians striving to land, and the Turks to keep them off, many falling on both sides. But what should an handful do against so many? The Turks oppressed with the multitude still landing more and more, and having done what was possible for them to do, fled into the Town, leaving behind them their Governor, with five hundred of their best Soldiers dead on the shore.  
year 1249. This City of Damiata was exceeding rich and populous, and had in the former Wars not been taken but by more than a years Siege, (as is before declared) and that not so much by the valour of the Christians, as by the extremity of the Plague and Famine; since which time it had been strongly fortified by the Turks, with deep Ditches, High Walls, and strong Bulwarks, and was at that time well stored with Victuals also, and all things else for the enduring of a long Siege. Nevertheless, the Soldiers that were left, and the Citizens (discouraged with the loss of their Governor, and remembrance of the miseries before endured in the former Siege, and seeing the Christians now ready again to besiege the same) the night following, a little before the break of day, 
The Citizens of Damiata set fire upon the City, and ran away by the light.  set fire every man upon his own house, and so by a Bridge which they had made of Boats fled over the great River, breaking the Bridge when they were over, for fear their Enemies should thereby have followed after them. The Christians perceiving their flight, without resistance entered the City, and being strangers, did what they could to quench the fire, and to save that which the Inhabitants themselves would fain have with fire destroyed; and so afterwards found great abundance of Riches, with plentiful store of all manner of Victuals, wherewith the Soldiers both enriched and refreshed themselves. This so happy and unexpected a Victory happened unto the Christians about the beginning of October, in the year, 1249. Sultan Meledin himself, discouraged with the loss of so strong a City, offered unto the French King for the redeeming thereof, and to have peace at his hands, more Territory in Syria and the Land of Palestine, than the Christians had of long time before; which large Offer was by the French, especially by the Earl of Arthois the King's Brother, proudly rejected, and Alexandria the most famous Port and Metropolitical City of Egypt, further demanded, to the great discontentment of the Turks and Saracens. In these troubles died Meledin the old Sultan, a man not much beloved of his people; in whose stead Melechsala (or Melexala, as some call him) a valiant and courageous Prince, well beloved of his Subjects, and but even then returned out of Syria and Arabia, where he had been to crave Aid of the other Mahometan Princes, was chosen Sultan. Which Princes, especially the Sultan of Damascus, although they had not of long been at any good accord amongst themselves, or with the Egyptians; yet in this common danger of their Superstition, which by the loss of Egypt was like to be greatly weakened, they joined hands together, and so sent him great Aid.  
The new Sultan thus strengthened, drew nearer unto the Christians, which then lay encamped not far from Damiata, and had with them a hot skirmish, wherein he was put to the worse, and so with some loss glad to retire. But the Christians the next day, in hope of like success, sallying out again were overthrown, with ten times more loss than was he the day before, and so fain to fly unto the Camp. By which Victory the Sultan encouraged, began now to conceive better hope of the success of his Wars; and by stopping the passages both by Water and Land, to provide, that no Victuals could without great peril be brought either unto the City or the Camp, insomuch that at length Victuals began to grow scarce in both; whereof the Sultan was not ignorant, as being thereof throughly informed by such Fugitives; as for want or other causes, oftentimes fled out of the French Camp into his.  
Winter thus passing, and want still increasing, it fortuned that the Governor of the great City of Cairo (upon the fortune whereof depended the State of the whole Kingdom) a man not evil affected unto the Christian Religion, and in his heart highly offended with the Sultan, for the death of his Brother by him wrongfully executed; by secret Messengers persuaded the French King to come on with his Army to the City, the Regal seat of the Sultan, promising him to deliver it into his power, with full instructions what he had in all points to do for the gaining thereof. Whereupon the King, who had before of himself purposed the same exploit, but now filled with a greater hope, assembled together the greatest Forces he was able to make. At which time also he sent for the Earl of Salisbury, with the rest of the Englishmen, who for many proud indignities offered them by the French (especially by the Earl of Artois the King's Brother) whereof they could have no redress, were gone to Ptolemais, without purpose to have any more served in those Wars, but now being sent for by the King, with promise of better usage and honourable recompense for the wrongs past, returned again into Egypt, there to do their last endeavour. With whose coming the King strengthened, but more by the new supplies brought unto him by his Brother Alphonsus out of France, leaving the Duke of Burgundy with a convenient Garrison, with the Queen his Wife, Od● the Pope's Legate, and divers other great Ladies in Damiata, he himself set forward with his Army towards Cairo. Of whose coming the Sultan hearing, and loath upon the Fortune of one Battle to adventure his whole Estate, offered by his Ambassadors to restore unto him all the Land of Palestine, 
A fair Offer ●ondly refused.  with a great sum of Money for the defraying of the charges of those Wars, and all the Prisoners he had taken, so that he would redeliver unto him the City of Damiata, and join with him in League and Amity. Which fair offer for all that, the French King, by the persuasion of the Legate and others, refused. So the King marching still on, was to pass an Arm of the great River Nilus (the Sultan on the other side still ready with his Army to stay his passage) which he had thought to have made by a Bridge of Boats, prepared for the same purpose; but better conducted by a Fugitive Saracen unto a Ford, before to him unknown, sent his Brother Robert Earl of Artois, with the third part of the Army before him, accompanied with the Master of the Templars and the Earl of Salisbury, with their Followers. Who passing the River at the aforesaid Ford, suddenly assailed the Turks in their Tents (the Sultan being then absent in solemnising one of their profane Feasts) and put them to flight. With which Victory the French Earl above measure encouraged, would needs on forwards, as if he would himself alone have carried away the glory of the whole Conquest. Whom for all that certain of the ancient Templars, better acquainted with the manners of that deceitful Nation than he, and better considering also of their own Ability and Strength, persuaded him to content himself with the Honour he had already got, and not to proceed any further in prosecuting of the Enemy, until the coming of the rest of the Army, especially in that desperate estate of the Enemy, wherein he was to win or lose all. Unto whom the proud Earl in great despite replied, that he would prosecute his Victory, and follow his good fortune; calling them Dastards and Cowards, opprobriously objecting unto them the common Fame, whereby it was commonly reported, That the Holy Land might long since have been again united unto the body of the Christian Commonwealth, but for the foul collusion of the false Templars and Hospitalers with the Turks and Infidels. With which reproachful Speech the Master of the Templars not without cause moved, answered for himself and his Fellows, That he should, when he would and where he durst, display his Ensigns, and he should find them as ready to follow as he was to go before them. The Earl of Salisbury also willing to stint this strife, persuaded Earl Robert not to be so wedded to his own opinion, but to listen to the grave and wholesome Counsel of the Templars, being men of great experience; and so turning unto the Master of the Templars began likewise with gentle words to pacify him also. But whilst he was yet speaking, the Earl interrupting him with many opprobrious words, called him Dastard and Coward, and wished that the Army were rid of him, and the fearful Cowards his Countrymen; Whereunto the Earl of Salisbury answered, Well General, on in God's name, and wheresoever you dare set your Foot, mine shall be as far as yours; and I believe we go this day, where you shall not dare to come nigh my Horse's Tail; as afterwards indeed it proved. Howbeit the Earl so said, for that Earl Robert and the Frenchmen had many times in reproach and disdain, after their manner, called him and his Followers English Tails.  
The proud Earl constant in his former purpose, and not to be otherwise persuaded, set forward; and first assaulted a little Town or Castle, not far off, called Mansor, whereunto he inconsiderately approaching, was notably repulsed; and having lost a number of his men, was as a man discouraged, about to have retired. When suddenly the Sultan, nearer at hand than the Earl had thought, stirred up with the noise of the Alarm, came on with his whole power; and finding the Army of the Christians now divided (as he had long wished) with the multitude of his People enclosed them round, and had with them a great and mortal Fight; wherein though the Christians right worthily behaved themselves, for the small number they were, yet oppressed with the multitude, and on every side beset, they were slain down right. Then, but all too late, it repented the Earl of his foolish rashness, and that he had not harkened unto better Counsel, and seeing the Earl of Salisbury valiantly fight, cried out unto him to fly, seeing God as he said fought against them. Whereunto the Noble Earl answered no more, but God forbid that my Father's Son should run away from the face of a Saracen. The French Earl thinking by the swiftness of his Horse to have saved his life, flying out of the Battle, and taking the River of Thafnes, 
Earl Robert in flying drowned.  overladed with his Armour, was there drowned. The Earl of Salisbury courageously enduring the Enemy's charge, with his own Hand manfully slew many a Turk and Saracen that day, 
The Earl of Salisbury valiantly fight slain.  until that at length having his Horse slain under him, and himself so wounded in the Legs, as that he was not able longer to stand, yet upon his Knees laying about him like a desperate man, and selling his life as dear as he could, was there slain, but not vanquished. With him perished the whole Army, so enclosed by the Sultan, that scarce any one escaped alive, more than two Templars, one Hospitaler, and one Common Soldier, the Messengers of this heavy news.  
About the same time also sickness daily increasing in the French Camp, the King purposing to march forward to Cairo, sent a great number of Sick and Weak People down the River of Nilus to Damiata; of whose going the Sultan understanding, caused a great number of small Boats to be carried in Carts by Land unto the River side, which well manned, and meeting them by the way, set upon them, and burnt or drowned them every Mother's Son, saving only one Englishman, called Alexander Giffard, who wounded in five places of his body, escaped yet into the French Camp, reporting there what had happened unto the rest.  

The Governor of Cairo apprehended.  Now had the Sultan also got intelligence of the compact betwixt the Governor of Cairo and the King, for the betraying of the City; and thereupon had caused him to be suddenly apprehended and put in safe keeping, until he were at better leisure to understand farther of the matter: which no less troubled the French King, than did the former misfortune; all his hope for the yielding up of the City, being thereby cut off. Thus his hopes together with his strength daily decreasing, he would have gladly accepted of the Conditions which he before refused, which the Sultan, now grown very strong, would by no means hear of, but in stead thereof, by way of derision, sent to know of him, what was become of all his Mattocks, Forks, Rakes, Sythes, Plows, and Harrows, which he had brought over with him? and why he set them not to work, but suffered them like an evil husband to rot and rust beside him? All which, with much more, the good King was glad to put up; for now his Forces greatly diminished, as well by sickness, as by the former losses, finding himself far too weak, he would fain have retired back again to Damiata; which the Sultan foreseeing, got so betwixt him and home, that now there was no remedy, but either to fight it out, or yield. The King himself had been often before entreated by his Nobility, whilst the River was yet unpossessed by the Enemy, to have conveyed himself by Water to Damiata, for that in the safety of his Person consisted (as they said) the safety of his Kingdom, whatsoever became of them; whereunto he could never be persuaded, saying, hat he would never forsake his People, because he would not be forsaken of them, but was resolved to endure with them whatsoever it should please God to lay upon him; so passing the River by the same Ford whereby his Brother had not long before unfortunately passed, and coming to the place where the Battle was fought, he might see the dead bodies of the Christians pitifully mangled, with their Heads and Hands cut off; for the Sultan, the more to encourage his Soldiers, had before the Battle proclaimed, that whosoever should bring him the Head or Hand of a Christian, should have a great reward for his labour; in hope whereof, they had so dismembered them. But long he had not there stayed, but that the Sultan began suddenly to appear, with a most huge great Army, as if he would even with the sight thereof have discouraged the Christians; against whom for all that, the Frenchmen in good order opposed themselves, and for the space of three hours made great resistance; but what could one do against ten, and he also fainting for sickness and food? the hard plight wherein the greatest part of the French army than was. In conclusion, oppressed with the multitude of their Enemies, and no way left to fly, they were all overthrown and slain, except some few, saved in hope of great ransom. The King himself, with his two Brethren, Alphonsus and Charles, and some few others, were taken prisoners, and brought unto the Sultan; who demanding of him, what had moved him so to make War against him? was answered by the King, that it was for Religion, and the defence of the name of his God. In this unfortunate Battle, fought the fifth of April, in the year 1250, besides the Common Soldiers, were slain most of the Nobility of France, and all their Tents taken.  
The Sultan presently upon this overthrow, sent of his own Soldiers the like number that the French were of, with French Ensigns, and disguised in the Attire of the slain Frenchmen, to Damiata, where the Duke of Burgundy, the French Queen, and the Pope's Legate lay; in hope to have been so let in for Frenchmen; but they were not so well masked, but that they were by them of the City discovered for Enemies, and so kept out and deceived of their purpose.  
The Christians thus overthrown, and the French King taken Prisoner, Melechsala the Sultan taking compassion upon him, and yet minding of his life to make his own gain; cheering him up with comfortable speeches, began to talk with him of his deliverance, and of a good atonement to be made betwixt them. The Conditions whereof propounded by the Sultan were, That the King should forthwith deliver again unto him the City of Damiata, and moreover pay unto him for the ransom of himself and his, and for the charges of the War, eight thousand pound of Gold; That all Prisoners should on both sides be frankly set at liberty, and so a Peace to be taken for ten years. For the more assurance whereof, the Sultan offered to swear, That if he failed in the performance thereof, to renounce his Mahomet; requiring also of the King to swear, If he failed in any thing that he had promised, to deny his Christ to be God; which profane Oath the King detested, wishing rather to die than to give the same; the Sultan wondering at his constancy, took his word without any Oath at all, and so published the League. But whilst they were coming together to Damiata Melechsala now in the pride of this Victory, fearing nothing less than the sudden change of Fortune, or the mischief hanging over his head, was in the presence of a number of his Noblemen suddenly slain by two desperate Mamalukes; and one Turquiminus a sturdy Slave of their own order and vocation (by whose procurement it was supposed to have been done) by the consent of the whole Army created Sultan in his stead; who revoking the League before concluded by Melechsala, made another in his one name with the King, much upon the same Conditions that the other was; which after he had received Damiata, he caused openly to be proclaimed. Nevertheless after that King Lewis had paid his ransom, and was with the remnant of his Army by the Genoese transported from Damiata to Ptolemais, the false miscreant performed not the half of that he had promised, of twelve thousand Christian Captives that should have been set free, scarce enlarging four thousand; and killing all the sick Soldiers whom by his promise he ought to have relieved, neither suffering any Christian to carry any of his goods with him out of Egypt, which by the League he ought to have done also.  
The French King coming to Ptolemais, and purposing to have returned home, was entreated by the Master of the Templars and Hospitalers, and other the Nobility of the Christians, to stay, which he did almost by the space of four years; in which time he repaired the Cities of Caesarea and joppa, and fortified many strong places for the Defence of the Christians against the Infidels; and so commending the protection thereof unto the Knights of the sacred War, and sending his Brethren away before him, followed after himself, greatly lamented for by all the Christians in Syria, and so arrived in France the sixth year from the time of his departing thence. This was the end of this long and unfortunate expedition of Lewis the French King, wherein as some write, were eighty thousand Christians lost: Howbeit the French Chronicles extenuating their loss, report, of two and thirty thousand French, six thousand to have returned again into France. The City of Damiata in the space of a few years twice won, and twice lost by the Christians, was shortly after the delivering up thereof, by the Sultan razed down to the ground, because it should no more serve the Christians for an entrance into his Kingdom.  
The late Egyptian Sultan's thus oftentimes invaded by the Christian Princes, 
The beginning of the Mamalukes and their Kingdom.  and reposing no great assurance in the Prowess of the effeminate Egyptians, a People fitter for Merchandise and other base occupations than for Chivalry and War, had for the strengthening of their Kingdom, bought an infinite number of Slaves, especially of the poor and hardy Circassians, called in ancient time Getae and Zinchi, near unto Colchis and the Euxine Sea, brought unto Alexandria and other Ports of Egypt out of those bare cold Countries, by Merchants, and from thence transported to Cairo and other Cities of Egypt; of which poor Slaves, the late Egyptian Sultan's taking their choice, and culling out from the rest such as were like to be of the greatest Spirit and Ability of Body, delivered them unto most skiful and expert Teachers; by whom they were carefully taught to run, to leap, to vault, to shoot, to ride, with all other feats of activity, and withal cunningly to handle all manner of Weapons, as well on horseback as on foot, and so instructed, and become cunning, were taken out of their Schools into pay, and enrolled together as the Sultan's choice Horsemen, were commonly by the name of Mamalukes. In whose good service the late Sultan's finding great use, spared for no cost, both for their maintenance and increasing of their number; daily erecting new Nurseries stored with the young Fry, which growing up and ready, was still joined to the other. It is wonderful to tell, unto what a Strength and Glory this order of the Mamalukes was in short time grown, by the care of the Egyptian Kings; by them they managed their greatest affairs, especially in time of Wars; and by their Valour, not only defended their Country, but gained many a fair Victory against their Enemies, as they did now against the French; but as too much power in such men's hands, seldom or never wanteth danger, so fell it out now betwixt the late Sultan Melechsala, and those Masterful Mamaluke Slaves; who proud of their Preferment, 
The ruin of the Turks Kingdom in Egypt.  and forgetful of their Duty, and seeing the greatest Strength of the Kingdom in their Hands, traitorously slew Melechsala their chief Founder, setting up in his place (as aforesaid) one Tu●quiminus, a base Slave, one of their own order and servile vocation, but indeed otherwise a man of a great Spirit and Valour. This Melechsala murdered by the Mamalukes, was the last of the freeborn Kings of Egypt; in whom the Turks Kingdom in Egypt, erected by Saracon and the great Sultan Saladin (as is before said) and in his Stock and Family ever since continued, took end, as did also all the power of the Turks in that great and rich Kingdom. For the proud Mamalukes having now got the Sovereignty into their Hands, and exalted a Sultan out of themselves, imperiously commanded as great Lords over the rest of the People, not suffering them to have the use either of Horse or Armour, or to bear any sway in the Common-Weal; but keeping them under with most heavy impositions, and still preferring their own Slaves (wherewith the Country of Eg●pt now swarmed) made the natural Country People, of all others most miserable, not daring to meddle with any thing more than Merchandise, their Husbandry, or other their base Mechanical Occupations▪ whereof the greatest profit still came unto the Mamalukes, who as Lords of all, with great insolency, at their pleasure took it from them as their own. As for the great Sultan, they still chose him from among themselves, not suffering any the Sultan's Children to succeed their Fathers in the Kingdom; for fear lest they in process of time, proud of their Ancestors and Parentage▪ should reckon of them as of their Slaves (as indeed they were) and so at length bring in another more free kind of Government.  
Against which they provided also, not only by this restraint of their Sultan's Children, but of their own also; taking order and establishing it as an immutable Law, That though the Sons of the Mamalukes might enjoy their Father's Lands and Wealth after their death, yet that it should not be lawful for them in any case to take upon them the name or honour of a Mamaluke; so debarring them from all government in the Commonwealth, to the intent it might still rest with the Mamalukes. Neither was it lawful for any born of Mahometan Parents (which could not be Slaves) or of the race of the Jews, to be admitted into that order; but only such as being born Christians and become Slaves, had from the time of their Captivity been instructed in the Mahometan Superstition; or else being men grown, and coming thither, had abjured the Christian Religion (as many Reprobates did in hope of preferment.) Right strange it is to consider, unto what Honour and Glory this slavish Empire in short time grew; many of these poor Slaves by rare Fortune or secret divine Power, exalted out of the dust unto the highest degree of Honour, proving most excellent and renowned Princes, of such strength and power, as was dreadful even unto the greatest Princes of the World. In which great glory, this servile Empire (to the World's wonder) flourished from this time amongst the greatest by the space of 267 years; until that having run the appointed race, it was with a great destruction by Selimus the victorious Emperor of the Turks, overthrown in the year 1517, and the Kingdom of Egypt, with all Syria and the Land of Palestine, brought into the form of Provinces, united unto the Turks Empire, as they are at this day, and as in the course of this History shall in due time and place (God willing) at large appear.  
But leaving the Kingdom of the Turks thus overthrown in Egypt, and the Mamalukes there triumphing, the French King returned into France, and the Christians in peace into Syria; let us again return into the lesser Asia, and to the Imperial City of Constantinople, whither the affairs both of the Turks and of the Christians now call us. All this while the Greek Empire (for so the Greeks will have it called) flourished both in peace and plenty in the lesser Asia, under their Emperor john Batazes; the power of the Latins in the mean time declining as fast at Constantinople, under the Government of the Latin Emperor Baldwin the Second. As for the Turks whom we left grievously troubled both with Famine and the often incursions of the Tartars, they had all this while, and yet also, enough and more than enough to do to withstand the same Enemy. At length it fortuned that john Ducas the Greek Emperor died, being at the time of his death about thr●escore years old, whereof he had happily reigned three and thirty; by whose good and discreet Government, the Greek Empire before brought low and almost to nought by the Latins, began again to gather strength and to flourish both in Asia and some little part of Europe also. Of him are reportedmany notable matters, which as impertinent to our purpose I could willingly pass over, were I not by the worthy remembrance of one of them stayed a while by the way.  
This noble and famous Emperor having long lamented the death of the fair Empress Irene his first Wife, at last married another young Lady, the Sister of Manfred King of Sicily, called Anne, with whom amongst other honourable and beautiful Dames, sent by the King her Brother for the accompanying of her to Constantinople, was one Marcesina, a rare Paragon, of such a Feature as if Nature had in her meant to bestow her greatest skill: 
The Emperor in love with Marcesina.  From whose Mouth always flowed a fountain of most sugared Words, and out of her Eyes issued (as it were) Nets to entangle the Amorous in. Upon this so fair an object, the Emperor not fearing farther harm, took pleasure oftentimes to feed his Eyes, until that at length caught with her Looks, he had lost his liberty, and was of a great Emperor become her thrall, in such sort, as that in comparison of her he seemed little or nothing to regard the young Empress his Wife; but so far doted upon her, that he suffered her to be attired and honoured with the same Attire and Honour that the Empress was herself; whom she now so far exceeded both in Grace and Favour with the Emperor, and Honour of the People, as that she almost alone enjoyed the same without regard of her unto whom it was of more right due. Whilst she thus alone triumpheth, at length it fortuned that she in all her glory, attended upon with most of the Gallants of the Court, and some of the Emperor's Guard, would needs go (whether for her Devotion or for her Recreation, I know not) to visit the Monastery and fair Church, which Blemmydes (a Noble Man of great Renown, both for his Integrity of Life, and Learning) had of his own costs and charges but lately built in the Country, where he together with his Monks, as men weary of the World, lived a devout and solitary contemplative life, after the manner of that time, with the great good opinion of the People in general. This Blemmydes was afterward for his upright life and profound Learning, chosen Patriarch of Constantinople; which great honour, next unto the Emperor himself, he refused, contenting himself with his Cell. Marcesina coming thither in great Pomp, 
Marcesina the Emperor's Concubine shut out of the Church.  and thinking to have entered the Church, had the doors shut against her by the Monks, before commanded so to do by Blemmydes their Founder; and so was to her great disgrace kept out. For that devout man deemed it a great Impiety, to suffer that so wicked and shameless a Woman, against whom he had most sharply both spoken and written, with her profane and wicked feet should tread upon the sacred pavement of his Church. She enraged with this indignity, hardly by so proud a Woman to be with patience digested, and pricked forward by her flattering Followers also, returning to the Court, grievously complained thereof unto the Emperor, stirring him up by all means she could to revenge the same, persuading him to have been therein himself disgraced. Whereunto were joined also the hard speeches of her pickthank Favourites, who to curry Favour, spared not as it were to put oil unto the fire, for the stirring up of the Emperor to Revenge. Who with so great a complaint nothing moved unto Wrath, but struck as it were to the heart with a remorse of Conscience, and oppressed with heaviness, with tears running down his Cheeks, and fetching a deep sigh, said, Why provoke you me to punish so just a man? Whereas if I would myself have lived without reproach and infamy, I should have kept my Imperial Majesty unpolluted or stained. But now sith I myself have been the cause both of mine own disgrace and of the Empires; I may thank mine own deserts; if of such evil seed as I have sown, I now reap also an evil harvest.  
After the death of this good Emperor, Theodorus his Son, 
Theodorus Lascaris chosen Emperor.  born the first year of his Father's Reign, being then about three and thirty years old, was by the general consent of the People saluted Emperor in his stead; who in the beginning of his Empire renewed the League which his Father had made with jathatines' the Turkish Sultan. And so having provided for the security of his affairs in Asia, he with a puissant Army passed over the Strait of Hellespontus into Europe, to appease the troubles there raised in Macedonia and Thracia, by the King of Bulgaria his Brother-in-Law, and Michael Angelus the Despot of Thessalia; who upon the death of the old Emperor began to spoil those Countries, not without hope a● length to have joined them unto their own; by whose coming they were for all that disappointed of their purpose, and glad to sue to him for peace. But whilst he was there busied, he was advertised by Letters from Nice, that Michael Paleologus, whom he had left there Governor in his absence, was secretly fled unto the Turks; with which news he was not a little troubled. The cause of whose flight, as Paleologus himself gave it out, was, for that he perceived himself divers ways by many of his Enemies brought into disgrace, and the Emperor's Ears so filled with their odious complaints, so cunningly framed against him, as that they were not easily or in short time to be refelled; and therefore fearing in the Emperor's heavy displeasure to be suddenly taken away, to have willingly gone into exile, if so happily he might save his life from the malice of them that sought after it.  
At his coming to Iconium, he found jathatines' the Sultan making great preparation against the Tartars; who having driven the Turks out of Persia and other the far Eastern Countries, (as is before declared) and running still on, did with their continual incursions spoil a great part of their Territories in the lesser Asia also; and now lay at Axara, a Town not far off from Iconium; against whom the Sultan now making the greatest preparation he could, gladly welcomed Paleologus, whom he knew to be a right valiant and worthy Captain, commending to his charge the leading of certain Bands of Greeks, whom he had retained to serve him in those Wars, as he had others of the Latins, under the conduct of Boniface Moline a Nobleman of Venice; and so having put all things in readiness, and strengthened with these foreign Supplies of the Greeks and Latins, set forward against his Enemies the Tartars; who at the first fight of the strange Ensigns and Soldiers were much dismayed, fearing some greater force had been come to the aid of the Turks; nevertheless, joining with them in Battle, had with them, at the first a most terrible and bloody conflict, wherein that part of the Army that stood against Paleologus and his Greeks, was put to the worse, to the great discomfiture of the Tartars, being even upon the point to have fled, had not one of the greatest Commanders in the Turks Army, and a nigh Kinsman of the Sultan's, for an old grudge that he bore unto the Sultan, with all his Regiment, in the heat of the Battle revolted unto the Tartars; whereby the fortune of the Battle was in a moment as it were quite altered, they which but now were about to have fled, fight like Lions; and they that were Victors now glad to turn their Backs and fly; in which Flight a great number of Turks fell, the fierce Tartars most eagerly pursuing them. Paleologus, with the General of the Turks, hardly chased by the Tartars, and glad every hour to make a stand, and to fight for their lives, with much ado, after many days flight recovered a Castle of the Generals, near unto Castamona, and so saved themselves. The Tartars after this so great a Victory (wherein they had broken the whole Strength of the Turks, and brought in hazard the whole State of their Kingdom) without resistance foraged all the Countries and Provinces subject unto the Turkish Sultan, making Spoil of whatsoever they light upon; insomuch that the Sultan discouraged, and having now no Strength left to oppose against them, fled unto the Greek Emperor Theodorus for aid; who most honourably entertained him, with all his Train, and comforted him with such small aid as he thought good then to spare him; which for his more safety he sent home with him, under the leading of Isaacius Du●as, surnamed Murtzufle, a man in great credit with him. In recompense of which kindness, the Sultan gave unto the Emperor the City of Laodicea, whereinto he presently put a strong Garrison; Nevertheless, it was not long before it fell again into the Hands of the Turks, being a place not to be holden by the Greeks. Yet for all this, the Sultan finding himself still to weak to withstand the continual invasions of the Tartars, and weary of the harms he daily stustained, by the advice of his chief Councillors made a League with them, yielding to pay them a certain yearly Tribute, thereby to redeem his peace. From which time the Tartars accounted of the Turks as of their Tributaries and Vassals.  
Not long after this, Michael Paleologus was by the Emperor's kind and gracious Letters called home, with his faithful promise also before given for his security; who before his return bound himself also by solemn Oath, to be unto the Emperor and his Son always loyal, and from thenceforth never to seek after the Empire, or give cause of new suspect for such matters as he had been before charged with; but for ever to yield unto the Emperor, his Son, or other his Successors in the Empire, his dutiful Obedience and Fidelity. Upon which conditions he was again made great Constable, and so received into the Emperor's Favour, and lived the rest of his Reign in great honour and credit with him.  

The death of Theodorus the Greek Emperor.  Now Theodorus the Emperor having reigned three years, fell sick and died, leaving behind him his Son john, then but a Child of six years old, to succeed him in the Empire; whom he upon his death bed, together with the Empire, commended to Arsenius the Patriarch, and one George Muzalo his faithful Councillor, as to his trusty Tutors, to see him safely brought up, and the Empire well and peaceably governed. This Muzalo was a man of mean Parentage, but for his familiar Acquaintance and civil Behaviour, of a Child brought up in the Court with the Emperor as his play fellow; with whom he growing up, so framed himself to his manners and disposition, that he alone was unto him instead of all, still at hand, ready to say or do whatsoever might be unto the Emperor gracious or pleasing. And the elder they grew, so increased this their mutual affection and love also; in such sort, that with him now Emperor, he was of all others in greatest Favour and Authority; a wary observer of his delights, a ready minister of his Affairs, and faithful partaker of his Secrets; for which he was in short time promoted unto the greatest honours of the Court, and honourably married unto one of the Emperors nigh Kinswomen; and now at his death, by his last Will, with the reverend Patriarch appointed Tutor to the young Emperor and his two young Sisters. And for the more assurance thereof, a solemn Oath of Obedience to the young Prince, as Emperor, and unto them as his Tutors, was exacted of all sorts of men, both high and low, of what vocation soever; and that not once, but first a little before the Emperor's death, and again after he was now dead; for many of the Nobility honourably descended, seeing the sudden change of Muzalo's fortune, among themselves murmured thereat, as grieving at his preferment, seeing there were many among them, unto whom both the tuition of the young Emperor, and administration of the Empire, of better right appertained; insomuch as they were both nearer of kin unto the Emperor, and fitter (as they thought) for so great a charge than was Muzalo; whom (as they said) they had many causes both to contemn and hate: For, 
En●y in Court.  beside that he was not honourably born, and had served the late Emperor Theodore, as the minister of his wrath against some of the Nobility, causes sufficient of the People's hatred; if he should now also in so great Authority affect the Empire, it was by his malicious Enemies vainly doubted, that he would not spare to commit any manner of Villainy for the effecting of his inordinate desire. Of all which Muzalo was not ignorant, a man at all other times of a most quick apprehension for such matters, but as then especially, his Wits being awaked with these so great motives and dangers. Wherefore speedily calling together all the Nobility into the Court, he welcomed them one by one, and courteously discoursing with them, offered to discharge himself both of the administration of the Empire, and tuition of the young Emperor, and willingly to yield the same to any one of them, whom the rest should think fittest for so great a charge; which though they all with one consent as it were refused, saying, That he was of all others to be preferred, unto whom the Emperor, Lord both of the Empire and the Child, had committed the same; yet Muzalo earnestly requested them to the contrary, and stiffly withstood their desire, wishing indeed rather to have led a quiet private life in security, than to have been so overcharged; not so much for doubt of the Envy then arising, as for fear of some great danger thereof to ensue. But would he, would he not, remedy there was none, but that as the late Emperor had appointed, so must he take the charge upon him. And now was every one, as well of the Nobility, as of the inferior sort, again with greater solemnity than before, the third time sworn, to the utmost of their power to defend the young Emperor in his Empire, and Muzalo in the tuition of him, and administration of the affairs of the State, and faithfully to yield unto them both all due honour and obedience; which if they should fail religiously to perform, they wished to themselves every man, and to all theirs, a shameful end and destruction. Yet notwithstanding all this solemn swearing, mixed most times with much forswearing, there was not fully nine days past, but that certain of the chief Nobility, forgetful, or else careless of their Oath, and full of Envy, seldom satisfied but with blood, conspired and unworthy death of Muzalo the Protector both of the Emperor and the Empire. The ninth day appointed for the funeral of the Emperor, was now come; at which time were met together at Sosandra (an Abbey by himself built in the honour of the Virgin Mary at Magnesia) many great Ladies and grave Matrons, to mourn as the manner was; all the great Princes of the Nobility, and among them the Conspirators also; thither repaired also a number of Soldiers prepared for the slaughter, with an infinite number of the Common People, as at such Solemnities is usual. But what needs many words? while the Hymns were yet in singing, and the Obsequies performing, the Soldiers as they were before instructed, suddenly breaking into the Church with their drawn Swords in their Hands, 
Muzalo traitorously murdered in the Church.  slew Muzalo (then fled to the Altar for refuge) with his two Brethren Andronicus and Theodorus, both men of great account, and divers others appointed to the Massacre. So the Matrons and the rest of the multitude breaking off their Mourning, and for fear thronging on one another's Neck, fled as fast as they could, some one way, some another, as they thought for their best safety; but the Priests and Monks thinking to have done the like, were by the imperious Soldiers, whether they would or not, again enforced into the Church; where tumbling one over another, as thronging in with great force and violence, and scarce able to stand by reason of the slipperyness of the blood there shed upon the pavement, they in great fear made an end of those bloody Obsequies. This outrage appeased, Ars●nius the Patriarch, and only Tutor of the young Emperor now left, was therewith yet much troubled, as with a thing dangerous both to the person of the young Prince, and quietness of the State; but what good course to take therein he could not tell; for as he was a man for his Learning and Integrity of Life not inferior to the best, so in matters of State he was as far to seek; as it commonly happeneth, the contemplative man buried in his meditations, to be unfit for temporal Government; whereas he that should perform both, must to his rare virtues and great learning join a civil conversation, with great experience in worldly affairs, not to be learned but by great and long practise. This reverend Father (of no great reach, yet wishing all well) calling together the Nobility, consulted with them what were best to be done for the Government both of the young Emperor and the Empire, now that Muzalo was dead; not considering in the mean time, who they were with whom he consulted, or, that Counsel grounded upon no wise foresight, or approved experience, was more dangerous unto him whom he would have provided for, than all the Enemies murdering Swords, as shortly after appeared.  
Among others of the Nobility called to Counsel, 
Michael Paleologus aspireth.  was Michael Paleologus (of whom we have before spoken) much superior to the rest, as descended of the Imperial House of the Comneni, a man of a cheerful countenance, gracious and courteous, and withal exceeding bountiful and liberal, whereby he easily won the Hearts of all men in general, but especially of the Colonels, Captains, and other Martial Men, Commanders in the Army; of whose aspiring to the Empire, many presages and common rumours (not always vain) had in former time passed also, to the moving of many; yea the Patriarch himself not considering his haughty and aspiring nature, made no less account of him than did the rest, but upon an especial favour, committed to his only trust the keys of the common Treasure, at such time as Money was to be delivered out for the payment of the Armies, or other like great occasions of the State; the most effectual means for the furtherance of his secret practices, and the readiest way for the effecting of that he had so long before plotted; for having in his fingering such a mass of Treasure, as he might well have wished, but never reasonably hoped for, he poured it out as it were by bushels, amongst the Nobility and Martial Men, and such others as he thought were able to do most with the People; amongst whom were many of the Clergy also; of which his Favourites were made many meetings, and by them was the Patriarch continually solicited, but yet in general terms, without delay (according to the necessity of the time) to take order for the good Government of the State, which now as a great Ship in the midst of the Sea without a Master, was (as they said) in danger to perish, and being once lost, was not to be again recovered. At which time also the name of Paleologus was in every man's mouth, as the only man for his Wisdom and experience fit to take upon him the charge and government of the Empire, until the young Emperor were come to age. Unto which common good liking, the Patriarch also (seeing no more, or peradventure not so much as the rest) gave his consent; and so without longer stay, to the great contentment both of the Nobility and People in general, made him Governor of the Empire, and Tutor to the young Emperor, wanting now nothing of an Emperor himself, more than the Title and Imperial Ornaments. This was the first step whereby the aspiring man (twice before in disgrace with the two late Emperors, john Ducas, and his Son Theodorus) mounted at last unto the Empire.  
It was not many days after, but that his Favourites held another Counsel, wherein it was alleged, That it was not seemly for him that was Tutor unto the Emperor, Governor of the State and Empire, and to give audience unto the Ambassadors of foreign Nations, to want the honour next unto the Emperor, as well for the magnificence of the State, as for the credit of his place; whereupon he was both by the Patriarch and the young Emperor honoured with the title of the Despot, another step unto the Empire. But what contentment find the ambitious even in the greatest honours, so long as there is one above them? Little sure, or none at all more than that it serveth them to step at next up to the highest; as did this new made Despot, who shortly after, was by certain of the Nobility his great Favourites, near unto Magnesia, with the great applause of the People, hoist up and saluted Emperor. Whereof Arsenius the Patriarch hearing, was therewith much troubled, as fearing what would become of the young Child, the right Heir of the Empire. And first he was about to have excommunicated as well him that was made Emperor, as them that had so made him; but afterward changing his purpose, for fear of greater troubles, he thought it better by solemn Oath to bind both him and the rest, that they should not seek after the life of the Child, or by any force or colour go about to deprive him of the Empire; which was so done. Yet it was not full a month after, but that even he that had so great a care of the young Child, and so provided for his safety, (persuaded by them of the Nobility and Clergy) with his own Hands, 
Michael Paleologus crowned Emperor by Arsenius the Patriarch.  and all the accustomed Ceremonies, set the Imperial Crown upon this Usurpers Head; yet not as upon him that should still enjoy the Empire, but as upon a man according to the present necessity of the time and State, thought fittest for so great a charge, until the young Child came to age; unto whom then he was to give place, and to resign to him the Empire. All which being by more solemn Oath than before, confirmed, good news (as the certain signs of his fortunate Government) were brought unto him of a great Victory obtained by his Captains, against Michael Angelus Despot of Aetolia and Epirus; who having married the late Emperor's Daughter, and hearing of his death, with the troubles in Asia, aided by the King of Sicilia, and the Princes of Peloponesus and Achaia, his Sons in Law, had thought in that hurl and perturbation of the State to have taken to himself the greatest part of the Emperor's Territories in Macedonia and Thracia; and for the same purpose was with a great Army entered into them, burning and spoiling the Country before him; whereof Michael Paleologus (than but newly made Despot) having intelligence, sent his Brother john, and some other his best Captains, with a great Army against him, by whom he with his complices were put to the worse, and not without great loss enforced to retire; the joyful news whereof he received even as he was crowned. Which was shortly after confirmed by the coming of the great Commanders themselves, bringing with them the Prince of Peloponesus and Achaia, by them taken Prisoner; who for his Ransom was afterward glad to give unto the Emperor Paleologus, Monembasia, Maine and Sparta, three of the best Cities of Peloponesus; whereinto he put strong Garrisons under the command of Constantinus his Brother by the Mother's side, a right valiant Captain. By whose good service and the commodious situation of the places, he gained divers other Towns and Cities, and at length the greatest part of Peloponesus, out of the hands of the Latins; for the utter rooting out of whom, he shortly after with a great Army passed over into Thracia, with purpose (as was thought) to have besieged Constantinople; but finding it to be a matter of more difficulty than was before supposed, he left that, and laid siege to the Castle of Pera over against it on the other side of the Haven, in hope by winning of that Castle, to have become Master also of the Town; where he was notably repulsed, and enforced with loss to retire. So rising with his Army, he fortified divers Castles and strong Holds in the Country about Constantinople, and putting into them strong Garrisons, charging them with continual incursions to trouble the Constantinopolitans, and to cut them so short, if it were possible, as that they should not dare to look out at the Gates of their City. Which they so well performed, that in short time the Latins in the City were driven to such extremity, that for want of Wood they were fain to burn many of the fairest Houses in the City, in stead of Fuel. Which done, he returned again to Nice, the chief seat of the Greek Emperors, ever since that Constantinople was taken by the Latins.  
Now reigned in Constantinople the Latin Emperor Baldwin the Second (as is before declared) a man of small courage, and less power, and therefore not much regarded either of the Greeks or Latins; who for the maintenance of his State, was glad to sell away the public Ornaments of the City, and to pawn his Son unto the Bruges Merchants for money; by whom he was left at Venice to be brought up; which gave occasion for some Writers to report, That he was pawned unto the Venetians.  
About this time Mango, the great Cham of Tartary, stirred by Aitonius the Armenian King, by whose persuasion he had also received the Christian Religion, year 1260. sent his Brother Haalon with an exceeding great Army against the Turks and Saracens in Syria and the Land of Palestine. 
Haalon the Tartar sent with a great Army against the Turks.  This Haalon (converted also unto the Christian Faith by his Wife) setting forward with a world of People following him, in the space of six months overran all Persia, with the Countries adjoining, excepting one strong place in the Mountains, (which some say was Samarchand, afterward the Royal Seat of the great terror of the world, the mighty Tamerlane) which besieged by ten thousand Horsemen, by him appointed for that purpose, and so continued by the space of seven and twenty years after, was then at length (as Aiton himself writeth) yielded by the Defendants, only for want of clothes to cover their nakedness. Haalon (in whose Army those ten thousand left behind were not miss) marching on, and as a violent Tempest bearing all down before him, entered at length into Assyria, and there laid Siege unto the great City of Babylon, than the Seat of the great Caliph; whom all the Mahometan Princes honoured above all others, as the true Successor of their great Prophet Mahomet, and received from his mouth the interpretation of their Law as most divine Oracles. Which great City Haalon won, and putting to the sword all he found therein, Men, Women, and Children, with the Spoil thereof, and the rich Treasures of the Caliph, enriched his Soldiers. The Caliph himself (reserved for that purpose) he commanded to be set in the midst of the infinite Treasure which he and his Predecessors had most covetously heaped up together, and that he should of that Gold, Silver, and precious Stones take what it pleased him to eat, saying (by way of derision) That so gainful a Guest should by good reason be fed with nothing but things of greatest price, whereof he willed him to make no spare; in which order the covetous Wretch kept for certain days, miserably died with hunger, in the midst of those things whereof he thought he should never have had enough; which though they were in value great, and with great care laid together, yet served they him to now to suffice Nature, best contented with a little. Babylon thus sacked, and almost razed, the Tartar marching on through Mesopotamia, by the way took the City Rhoais, where Aiton the Armenian King, and Author of this the Tartars expedition, came to him with twelve thousand Horsemen, and forty thousand Foot, as reporteth Aiton the Armenian Kings Nephew, than there present. So entering into Syria, in a few days took Aleppo, 
Aleppo razed by the Tartars▪  which he sacked and razed in the year of our Lord 1260. with divers other strong Towns sometime belonging unto the Kingdom of Antioch. Then was one Malacnesar Sultan of Damascus, commanding over all Syria and the Land of Palestine; who terrified with the loss of his Cities, and the fear of farther danger, with his Wife and Children came and humbled himself before the Tartar Prince, in hope so to have saved unto himself some good part of his Kingdom. Wherein he was much deceived, being (as some say) carried away afar off into exile, because he should not hinder the Tartars proceedings; or as others report, (and haply with more probability) being by him detained as his Prisoner, and afterwards to the terror of his Son, cut in pieces in his sight under the Walls of Damascus, after-that it had in vain been twice assaulted by the Tartars; 
Damascus won.  which strong City for all that he afterwards took by strong hand, and sacked it, and by the persuasion of his Wife overthrew all the Mahometan Temples, as he had before in every place where he came. But purposing to have gone on forward to jerusalem, and to have conquered the whole Land of Palestine, news was brought him of the death of his Brother Mango, the great Cham; whereupon he stayed his journey, and returned back again, in hope of that great Empire; having in this expedition spent almost six years.  
Thus by the Tartars was the Kingdom of the Turks at Damascus overthrown. At which time, the broken affairs of the Christians in Syria and the Land of Palestine, might easily have been repaired and those two goodly Kingdoms again restored to the Christian Common-Weal, had the Christian Princes of the West then in time put to their helping hand on the one side, as did the Tartars on the other; but they then at fatal discord among themselves, and busied with their Wars at home, let slip that so fair an opportunity, the like whereof they seldom or never had since. Haalon the Tartar Prince, in token of his good Will toward the Christians and their Affairs, at his departure from Damascus left his Son Abaga, there with twenty thousand Horsemen to aid them in their Wars, if they should come (as was expected) for the recovery of the Holy Land; who having there stayed some while, and hearing of his Father's troubles at home, followed himself after him; but yet left behind him Guirboca a valiant Captain, with ten thousand of his Horsemen, to like purpose that his Father had him; who by the insolency of certain Christian Soldiers in Garrison about Sidon, was of a Friend, together with his Tartars made a Foe. These Garrison Soldiers having by chance fet in some booty out of the Tartars Territory, not only refused to restore the same again, but also foully entreated such as the Tartar had sent for the demanding thereof. Whereupon further quarrels arising, it fortuned a Nephew of Guirboca's, a valiant young Gentleman, to be slain; in revenge whereof he besieged Sidon, and having taken it, sacked it, and burned it down to the ground. After which time, he and his Tartars became utter Enemies unto the Christians, doing them all the harm they could devise.  
This discord betwixt the Tartars and the Christians, 
The Egyptian Sultan invaded Syria.  gave occasion unto Melech the Egyptian Sultan, now jealous of the Tartars nearness, with a great Army of his Mamalukes and others to enter into Syria, and to spoil the Country of Damascus; against whom Guirboca with his Tartars, although both in Strength and Number far inferior, went out. But joining Battle with him at too much odds, and the Victory inclining unto that side where most Strength was, he there valiantly fight was slain, with most part of his Tartars; such as escaped fled into Armenia unto the friendly King. By this Victory, all Syria, with the Land of Palestine, excepting some few places holden by the Christians, fell again into the hands of the Egyptian Sultan's; as did some of them shortly after also; for Bandocader succeeding Melech in the Mamaluke Kingdom, coming into Syria with a great Army, took Antioch from the Christians, and with it most of the places before by them defended. The City he burned, and razed the Castle down to the ground, and afterward entering into Armenia, did there great harm also.  
Whilst the Turks Kingdom thus goeth to wrack in Syria, 
Ant●och taken from the Christians.  ruinated by the Tartars, but possessed by the Mamalukes; their affairs in the lesser Asia, now the whole hope of that Nation, went not at that time much better; for jathatines' the Turks Sultan, there also invaded by the Tartars, and having lost Iconium his Regal City, fled with his Brother Melech to the Greek Emperor Michael Paleologus, in hope to be of him relieved, for the kindness he had not long before showed him in like case, when as he fled from the late Emperor Theodore; whereof now putting him in remembrance, he requested him either with some convenient force to aid him, or else to assign him some corner in his large Empire, where he might in safety rest with his Wife and Children, and other Followers, whom with much Wealth he had brought with him in great number. The Emperor on every side himself encumbered with Wars, thought it not good in so great newness of his Empire, to diminish his own Forces; and to assign unto him any place to inhabit, seemed no less dangerous; for that he having been a great Prince, and commanding over many great Countries, and brought up in all Princely Royalty, was not like to content himself with a little; beside that, his Nobility, then dispersed by the Tartars, were like enough in great numbers to resort unto him, as unto their Head, so soon as they should once hear that he were seated in any place; and unkindly to cast him off, that had so nobly used him in like extremity, the Emperor was loath. And therefore feeding him up with fair Words, and foording him on from time to time with delays, he held him a great while as a man in suspense, betwixt hope and despair. At length in the absence of the Emperor (though happily not without his Privity) he was commanded with all his Train, in number about twelve hundred, to get him to Aenus a City of Thracia, standing upon the Sea-coast; where he much discontented, lived like an honourable Prisoner at large; but with the watchful Eyes of so many upon him, as that he could by no means (as he desired) escape. In which case we will for a while leave him, to feed upon his own melancholy thoughts.  
Now had Michael Paleologus the Emperor reigned at Nice two years, year 1261. when new troubles began again to arise in the West part of his Empire in Europe side, by the treachery of Michael Angelus Despot of Epirus. For the speedy repressing whereof, he sent one Alexius Strategopulus, a worthy Captain, and a man of great Nobility (whom for his good service against the said Despot, he had in the beginning of his Reign made Caesar) with little above eight hundred Bythinian Soldiers; and Commission for the taking up of so many more as he should for that service need, in Macedonia and Thracia; commanding him when he had passed the Straight, with those Soldiers to take his ways through the Suburbs of Constantinople, to terrify the Latins, whom he was loath to suffer too long live in rest and quiet, or to stir too far out of the Gates, but to keep them as Prisoners cooped up within the Walls of the City. This warlike Captain with his handful of men, passing over Propontis, encamped at Regium, not far from Constantinople; where by chance lighting upon certain poor labouring men, Greeks born in the City, and there dwelling, he diligently inquired of them the state thereof, and of what Strength the Latins were, with many other things such as he was desirous to know; who not only told him that the Strength of the Latins was but small, but also that the greatest part thereof was gone to the Siege of Daphmusia, a Town not far off, upon the side of the Euxine Sea; and withal (as Greeks evil affected to the Government of the Latins, and desirous of the liberty of their Country) offered of themselves to show him a means how to give him entrance into the City. These poor men dwelled within the City, close by one of the Gates, near whereunto by an old ruinous Mine almost swarved up, was a secret unsuspected way into the City, not known to any but to themselves; by this blind hole they promised him by night to receive in fifty of his best Soldiers; which suddenly setting upon the Watch fast by, and dispatching them out of the way, might presently break open the Gate, and so let in the rest of the Army; whereunto they promised themselves with their Friends to put to their helping hands, assuring him of the good success thereof. This Plot for the betraying of the City thus laid and agreed upon, Alexius and Caesar well rewarding the men, and filling them with greater promises sent them away; who as if they had been about their Country work, were after their wont manner received into the City, without suspicion at all. And within a few days after according to their promise, at an appointed hour received in by night the aforesaid fifty Soldiers; who aided by them, presently slew the Watch, and broke open the Gate, whereby Alexius entering a little before day, in convenient place put his men in order of Battle, and afterward to the greater terror of the Latins, caused the City to be set on fire in four places, which increasing with the Wind, burnt in most terrible manner, and was in short time come almost unto the Emperor's Palace. Who scarce well awaked, and seeing the City all on a fire about his Ears, and the Enemy coming on, was about at the first with those few Latins that he had (for Greeks he had none) to have made head against them. But better advised, and perceiving it to be now to no purpose, he (the last of the Latin Emperors that ever reigned in Constantinople) with justinian the Latin Patriarch, and some other of his Friends, fled by Sea into Euboea, and so from thence afterwards to Venice, and afterwards to Lewis the French King, in hope to have been by him and the Venetians relieved. After whom fled also all the rest of the Latins. Thus the Imperial City of Constantinople by great fortune fell again into the hands of the Greeks, in the year 1261. after that it had been in possession of the Latins about 58 years.  
The joyful news of the recovery of the Imperial City, was in short time carried unto Michael Paleologus the Greek Emperor at Nice; who at the first believed it not, as thinking it scarce possible, so strong a City to have been by so weak a power surprised, whereas he himself not long before was not able with a right puissant Army, and much other like provision, to win the Castle of Galata over against it. But afterwards assured of the truth thereof, with his Hands and Eyes cast up towards Heaven, gave most hearty thanks to God therefore, causing Hymns and Psalms of Thanksgiving to be solemnly sung in every Church, with all the other signs of Joy and Triumph that could be devised. So setting all other things apart, 
Paleologus the Greek Emperor taketh possession of the City of Constantinople.  he wholly busied himself in making preparation for his going unto Constantinople, now once again the seat of the Greek Empire; wherein, and in travelling having spent many days, he at length with the Empress his Wife and Andronicus his Son, then but two years old, as if it had been in solemn Procession, on foot entered into the City, by the Gate called the Golden Gate; and so after Prayers and Thanks given, went to the Palace prepared for him near unto the Tiltyard; for the other Imperial Palaces of greater beauty (sometime the stately dwellings of the greatest Emperors of the Greeks) had now of long, during the Reign of the Latins, lain ruinous, or altogether defaced. And shortly after, because virtue and true desert should not want their due honour, he caused Alexius Caesar (by whose means the City was recovered) in solemn Triumph in his Robes of Honour, with a Crown upon his Head, not much inferior unto the Imperial Crown, with great Pomp to be carried through all the City; and farther commanded, that his name for one year next following, in all solemn Prayers and Hymns of Thanksgiving, should be joined with the name of the Emperor himself. And yet not thinking to have done him honour enough, caused his lively Image afterward to be most curiously made, and as a Trophy to be set upon a fair marble Pillar, before the great Church of the Holy Apostles, in perpetual remembrance of him, and what he had done for the delivery of his Country; which shortly after overthrown by an Earthquake, was by his Son again restored. Now was this great and famous City, sometime the Beauty of the World, by these strange and fatal mutations, wonderfully defaced, and brought to great desolation; in every place was to be seen great Heaps, or rather (to say the truth) great Hills of Rubbish, the eternal Witnesses of the ruin thereof; the Houses stood some quite fallen down, some ready to follow after, and some other great and stately buildings, now the small relics of great Fires; for the great beauty thereof was before, at such time as the Latins took it, most defaced by Fire; who all the time that they had it, ceased not night and day to destroy some part or other of it, as if they had known they should not long keep it; neither did this last Fire raised by the Greeks themselves to terrify the Latins, a little deform it; for which cause the Emperor's chief care now was to cleanse the City, and in the best sort he could to reform so great a confusion of things not to be all at once amended; first beginning with the Churches, which ruinous or ready to fall, he repaired; and next to that filled the empty houses with new Inhabitants. And albeit that the chief of the Latins were together with the Emperor fled and gone, yet was most part of the Artificers and Tradesmen of the City, Venetians, and of them of Pisa, mingled together; unto whom also to join the Genoese, and so to fill the City with Latins, he thought it not altogether safe, although that by them he reaped great profit; wherefore he assigned unto them the City of Galatia now called Pera, on the other side of the Haven, for them to inhabit; granting them great Privileges, and every of those Companies to be governed by a Consul or Potestate of their own. As for the Imperial City itself, he stored it, (as near as he could) with Natural Greeks born.  
Now although all things went as Paleologus the Emperor could himself have wished; 
Paleologus jealous of his State.  yet could he not rest so contented, for fear lest those which now did eat their own Hearts, and with great grief smouldred their anger, should at length as the rightful Heirs of the Empire by him usurped, break out into open force, and so breed him great troubles, yea and perhaps work his confusion. For such is the tormenting state if usurping Tyrants, never to think themselves safe so long as any one liveth, whom they may suspect. Wherefore at once to rid himself of this fear, he thought it best so to dispose of the Children of the late Emperor Theodorus Lascaris, as that he should not need of them to stand in doubt; to take them out of the way, besides that it was a thing odious, he saw it like to be unto him dangerous; Mary and Theodora (two of the Eldest Daughters) being before by their Father married unto two great Princes, (one the Despot of Epirus, and the other Prince of Bulgaria) with whom he had much before to do, and of them yet stood in some doubt; but these were safe enough out of his reach. Other two young Sisters there were in his custody, Theodora and Irene, with their Brother john, the only Heir of the Empire; Theodora he married unto one Belicur● a Gentleman of Peloponesus; and Irene to one Vigintimilio of Genoa; both Latins, men of no great Birth or Power, such as he needed not to stand in doubt of. These two Ladies, the Daughters of so great an Emperor as was Theodorus, thus basely bestowed; remained only their Brother john, the only Heir of the Empire, then but ten years old, whom Peleologus long before even in the beginning of his Reign, had sent unto Magnesia, there to be safely kept far off from the Court, for fear lest in his right and quarrel some discontented persons desirous of innovation, should now begin some new stirs dangerous unto his Estate. Which indignity done unto the young Prince, Arsenius the Patriarch (put in trust by his Father for the bringing of him up) took in so evil part, that he forsook the Court with all his Ecclesiastical dignity, and as a man weary of the World, retired himself unto a little Monastery of Pascasins in the Country, there to spend the rest of his days. From whence for all that he was after the taking of Constantinople from the Latins, almost against his Will drawn thither by Paleologus the Emperor, and made Patriarch thereof, there together with so great an honour to find his greater discontent. For Paleologus the Usurper, altogether unmindful of his Faith so solemnly before given, for the safety of the young Prince, and the restoring unto him of his Empire; and now fully resolved to establish unto him and his Posterity the Sovereignty of so great an Empire, howsoever it was got, caused the young Prince's Eyes to be most cruelly put out; 
Paleologus causeth the young Emperor's Eyes to be put out.  the usual practice of the Tyrants of the East, upon such as they are loath or fear to kill, and yet would make them unfit for Government. Of which barbarous cruelty, his Sister Theodora (married to Constantinus Prince of Bulgaria) hearing, ceased not with tears and prayers and all other womanly persuasions, to stir up her Husband in revenge thereof; whereunto also jathatines the Turks Sultan, gave no small furtherance; who weary of Exile, and to be so in a corner confined as into a Prison from whence he might not start, by secret Messengers entreated the Bulgarian Prince to make War upon the usurping Emperor; promising him a great sum of Money, if by his help he might recover his former Liberty. Wherewith he the rather moved, with a great power of his own, and above twenty thousand Tartars which then lay by the River Isther, suddenly broke into the Emperor's Territories, and in shorter time than was to have been thought, overran all the Country of Thracia, even unto the Sea side, leaving neither man nor beast in all that Country as he went; in good hope also to have by the way surprised the Emperor himself, even then returning from his Wars against the Despot in Thessaly; who hearing of his speedy coming, being got unto the Sea side, and (having no way left to have escaped by Land) shipped himself into a Galley of the Latins, which with another, her consort bound for Constantinople, by good hap put in there for to water, and so in two days arrived safe at the Imperial City. Thus disappointed of the Emperor, all his care was for the delivery of the Turks Sultan. Wherefore marching in haste to Aenum, he so terrified the Citizens with his coming, that they without farther delay delivered him into his hands, so to redeem their own Peace. In his return you might have seen the Soldiers, especially the Tartars, driving before them infinite numbers both of Men and cattle, in such sort, as that in the open Country of Thracia for a space, was hardly to be seen either Countryman or Beast, it was so clean swept both of Inhabitants, and likewise of cattle.  
jathatines' the Sultan by the Tartars carried over Ister, 
Jathatines' died in Exile.  and so by them set at liberty, shortly after died. In whose Kingdom succeeded not his Son Melicke (as some write) but two others (as the Turks themselves report) the one called Mesoot, the Son of Kei-Cubades, and the other Kei-Cubades, the Son of Ferameine, born also of the Selzuc●ian Family, as were all the other Turks Sultan's, but how near of blood unto the late Sultan jathatines, they say not. Betwixt which two, as his Vassals, Gaza the great Tartar Cham (by whom they were so preferred) for the payment of a yearly Tribute, divided the Turks Kingdom; apportioning unto Mesoot the Cities of Amida (in ancient time called Amisus,) and Aminsus in Galatia, Melatia otherwise called Melesine in the lesser Armenia, Sivaste, in ancient time Sebastia; and Harbarie, before Satabrea, both in Cappadocia, with all the Country about them. And unto Kei-Cubades, Iconium, the ancient seat of the Turkish Sultan's, with all Rumilia, Asiatica, or the Countries of the lesser Asia alongst the Sea-coast; which these two Princes held as the Tartar's Tributaries, as had the late Sultan jathatines before them, until such time as he was by the same Tartars again expulsed. So that the Turks Kingdom, which had of long time flourished in the Selzuccian Family in Persia, in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, there quite overthrown by the Mamalukes and Tartars (as is before declared) and now brought underfoot in the lesser Asia also, where only rested all the hope of that Nation, was now at a low Ebb, divided betwixt two weak Princes, reigning but at the devotion of the Tartar. In which confusion of the Turkish Empire, so rend, not only divers men of greater Power and Authority amongst them, shared unto themselves, some one corner of the declining Kingdom, and some another; but many of the obscure and basest People also, bearing with them nothing but their Bows and Arrows, took the strait passages of the Mountains, and from thence with their daily Incursions, did much harm in the Countries of the Christians joining upon them: which was no great matter for them to do, the Garrisons which were wont to defend the same, being for want of pay quite disbanded, and the Castles upon the Frontiers by them abandoned; which at the first, as a thing of small importance neglected, was at length unto the Greeks a great cause of the ruin and decay of the greatest part of their estate in Asia. These mischiefs unregarded, grew daily more and more, the Turks still gaining upon the Greeks what they lost unto the Tartars. Whose invasions (the Glory of their Kingdom only excepted) was not so hurtful unto them, as the cause of their much greater felicity afterwards. At length it fortuned, that a great power of these adventurous Turks meeting together in Paphlagonia, were about to have invaded the Territories of the Christians; against whom Michael Paleologus the Emperor sent out a strong and puissant Army to stay their further coming on, lest breaking in that way, they should without resistance at their pleasure forage the Country before them. Which Army conducted by unskilful Captains, encountering with the Turks, was by them in a great Battle overthrown and utterly defeated, few or none of all that great multitude escaping; for whilst the Greeks unadvisedly pursued the Turks, retiring of purpose before them, they were by them drawn into the danger of a greater Power lying in ambush for them, and so entraped, were slain with an exceeding great Slaughter. After which so great a Victory (the beginning of the misery of the Christians in the lesser Asia) the Turks without let or stay overran all the Country, unto the River Sangarius; upon the Banks whereof the Greek Emperor was glad to fortify divers Towns and Forts to keep them out of Bythinia. Nevertheless they in short time after subdued all the Countries, from Po●ntus and Galatia, unto the Lycian and Carian Sea, and the River Eurymedon, which they divided amongst them into divers Toparchies; little or nothing acknowledging the Sovereignty either of Mesoot, or Kei-Cubades.  
Whilst the Turks in the lesser Asia thus win from the Christians on the one side, and lose to the Tartars on the other, many an hard conflict in the mean time passed betwixt the Egyptian Sultan's with their Mamalukes, and the Tartars, for the Sovereignty of Syria. The poor remainder of the Christians all that while there, in doubt both of the one and of the other; from whom and from the Armenians (than also much infested with the Mamalukes) divers Ambassadors were sent unto the Pope and the Christian Princes of the West, to crave their aid and help in that their hard Estate; whose prayers little prevailing with the rest, yet so moved Lewis the French King, and Henry the Third, then reigning in England, that they both promised them aid. Whereupon Lewis a man of a great devotion, and always forward in that service against the Infidels, took upon him the Cross, the cognisance of the sacred War; causing his three Sons, Philip that succeeded him in the Kingdom, surnamed the Fair, Peter Count of Alangon, and john Count of Nevers (surnamed Tristan, for that his Mother was in her greatest heaviness for the taking of her Husband, delivered of him in Egypt) and most of the Nobility of France to do the like; unto whom also Theobald King of Navarre his Son-in-Law, Alphonsus his Brother, and Guydo Earl of Flanders, joined themselves. And so having put all things in readiness, took his way to Marselleis, and from thence embarking himself with his Army in the Genua Ships, hired for that purpose, set forward the first of March, in the year 1270. But being at Sea, he was by force of Wether constrained to land in Sardinia, year 1270. 
Carthage besieged by King Lewis.  and there to stay a while; departing thence, he at length arrived at Carthage, the place by him desired; where in the entrance of the Haven he surprised certain of the Enemy's Ships; but landing his men, and assaulting the Town, he was there notably repulsed. This is not that ancient, great, and famous City, which sometime mightily strove with the proud Mistress of the World for Sovereignty, but another built long after in the ruins, or at least not far from the ruins of the same. In the besieging whereof, the Frenchmen found such resistance, as well put them in remembrance of the ancient glory of the Carthaginians. One day it fortuned as the King thus lay at the Siege, that the Defendants made a great and fierce Sally out upon the Frenchmen, who before commanded so to do, by little and little retired, to draw their Enemies further on; betwixt whom and the City, the Constable with a great power coming in and charging them behind, and they which before retired, now standing close unto them, they were on both sides hardly beset; who for all that, as became valiant men, worthily defended themselves, and made there a great fight, though not without extreme peril; which they in the City beholding, gave out a most hideous and piteous cry, a certain sign of their hard estate within; astonying with the suddenness thereof, both their Friends and Enemies. But whilst they of the Town betwixt hope and despair stood thus beholding the fight at Land, the Frenchmen by Sea approaching a Bulwark on that side of the Town, took it without resistance; which so dismayed them without, that they began forthwith to fly, of whom the greatest part casting away their Weapons, were by the King's commandment taken to mercy; and they likewise of the Town upon promise of their lives yielded the same unto the King. 
Carthage won.  Carthage thus won, the King laid Siege to Tunes, the chief City of that Kingdom, being not far off; where by the way he was encountered by the King of the Country, who having there lost ten thousand of his Moors, betook himself to flight with the rest. Who thus overthrown, resolved no more to tempt Fortune, but to keep himself safe within the Walls of the City, if happily so he might (as it oftentimes falleth out) more weaken his Enemies by lying still and protracting the time, than by open Force and Valour. Which their purpose King Lewis perceiving, resolved not to stir from thence until that he were become Master of the City; which as it seemed, could not hold out for want of Victuals, considering the multitude of People that were got into it. Nevertheless thus besieged both by Sea and Land, and so straightly hemmed in on every side, as that no relief could possibly be brought unto it; yet held it out by the space of six Months. After which time Wants daily more and more increasing amongst the besieged, Ambassadors were sent out to the King, to entreat with him of peace. But whilst these Ambassadors go to and fro, and reason upon the capitulations of the desired peace, behold a great and furious Plague arose in the French Camp, which began to cut them down by heaps; there died john Tristan Count of Nevers, the King's youngest Son, born in the first expedition that the said King his Father made into the Holy Land, even at such time as he was taken Prisoner; which Tristan died the five and twentieth day of August in the year of our Lord 1270. The good King having yet scarcely performed the Obsequies of his Son, fell sick of the bloody Flix, whereof he there shortly after died also. About which time arrived there Charles King of Sicily, the French Kings Brother, with a great number of fresh Soldiers; whose coming lightened somewhat the Frenchmens hearts (heavy for the death of their King) and daunted the Moors, before brag of the same. Shortly after whom arrived there also Prince Edward, King Henry the Third his Eldest Son, who travelling through France, and taking shipping at Aquesmort, not far from Marseilles, was now in ten days with a brave Company of Englishmen come to Tunes; and thereof the other Christian Princes, namely of Philip the French King (his Father Lewis being now dead) of Charles King of Sicily, and of the two Kings of Navarre and Arragon, joyfully received. But these Princes had a little before his arrival concluded a Peace with the Moors King, and the Infidels, upon condition that he should pay a yearly Tribute of forty thousand Crowns unto the King of Sicilia; and to suffer the Christian Religion to be freely preached in his Dominions, by such devout persons as should be there left for that purpose; and that unto such as should by their preaching be converted unto the Faith in Christ Jesus, it should be lawful for them to be baptised, and to profess the Christian Religion. Of which Peace, Prince Edward understanding, did what he might to have dissuaded them from the same; saying, that the War was by them all taken in hand against the Infidels, as Enemies to the Cross of Christ, with whom they were not to have Peace; and for the recovery of the Holy City. But say what he would, and do what he could, the Peace (to his great discontentment) was now concluded, which they might not (as they said) again break; and thereupon with the first fair Wind hoist sail, and returned towards Sicilia, with purpose the next Spring to have gone into Syria; which their determination was shortly after by the hand of God disappointed. For being come upon the Coast of the Island not far from Drepanum, most of the great Princes and other Nobility, in their long Boats went on Land, the rest of the Fleet lying at Anchor about a League off; for that being for the most part Ships of great burden they were not able to put into the Harbour: But as they so lay, by force of a sudden and violent Tempest then arising, some were eaten up with the rough Sea; some falling foul one on another, there perished together: 
The Christian Princes returing from Tunes suffer shipwreck upon the coast of Sicilia.  others driven upon the Main, were there beaten in pieces: so that of that great Fleet before the Storm ceased, perished about an hundred and twenty Sail, with all the People, as well Mariners as Soldiers left in them, and great store both of Armour and Munition: In such sort that most of the common Soldiers and Mariners which had escaped the Plague at Tunes, there upon the Coast of Sicilia perished by Shipwreck. Only Prince Edward's Fleet, being in number but thirteen Ships, escaped free without loss either of Ship or Man. Neither were they that were got to Land at Drepanum in much better case, the Plague still following them; whereof died Theobald King of Navarre, and Isabel his Wife, King Lewis his Daughter, Elizabeth the French Queen, with a wonderful number of noble Gentlemen, and other common Soldiers; in such sort that Philip the French King discouraged with the greatness of the mortality, and the miserable loss at Sea, resolved there to make an end of the intended War, and so returned into France, as did the rest that were left, every Man into his own Country. Only Prince Edward having passed that Winter in Sicilia, year 1271. 
Prince Edward arrived at Ptolemais.  with the first of the next Spring set forward again on his Voyage, and in 15 days after arrived with his Fleet at Ptolemais: where after he had by the space of a Month rested Himself and his Soldiers after their long travel, and fully inquired of the State of the Country, he with six or seven thousand Soldiers marching from Ptolemais about twenty Miles into the Land, took Nazareth, and put to Sword all them he found therein, and so again returned. After whom the Enemies following, in hope to have taken him at some advantage, he understanding thereof, turned back upon them, and killing a great number of them, put the rest to flight. And after that about Midsummer, understanding that the Saracens were again making Head at a place called Cakhow, about forty Miles off, he set forwards towards them; and coming upon them early in the Morning before they were aware, slew about a Thousand of them, and dispersed the rest. Aided also by the Nobility of Cyprus, he with like success as before, made a third Expedition against the Turks and Infidels: insomuch that his Fame began to grow great amongst them, and they to stand of him in no little dread. But whilst he thus prevailed, he was by foul Treachery almost taken out of the▪ way. The Admiral of joppa feigning himself desirous to become a Christian, and willing to further the Princes▪ proceedings, had by a secret Messenger and Letters sundry times Intelligence with him, as well concerning his own good Entertainment, as the effecting of that which he had promised. This Messenger by the Admiral thus employed, was (though to the Prince unknown) one of the Assasines, a company of most desperate and dangerous Men among the Mahometans, who strongly deluded with the blind zeal of their Superstition, and accounting it meritorious, by any means to kill any great Enemy of their Religion; for the performance thereof, as Men prodigal of their Lives, desperately adventure themselves unto all kind of dangers. So now this Messenger, being resolved to die, coming the fifth time unto the Prince, and being searched for having any Weapon about him, as the manner was, had access unto him, then lying in his Chamber upon his Bed, in his Jerkin, bore Headed, because of the heat of the Wether, where after due reverence done, he pulled out certain Letters from his Lord unto the Prince, which he read with great delight, as penned of purpose for to please. But as he was further questioning with him of many matters, and all the company voided, the desperate Messenger making as though he would have pulled out some other secret Letters, suddenly plucked out an envenomed Knife, which he had secretly hidden about him, thinking to have struck him into the belly as he lay; for the avoiding of which stroke, the Prince lifting up his Arm, was therein grievously wounded. 
Prince Edward wounded.  But as the Villain was about to have doubled the stroke the Prince with his Foot gave him such a blow, that he felled him to the ground, and with that starting up, caught him by the hand, where in struggling with him for the knife, and wresting it out of his hand, he hurt himself therewith in the Forehead; but getting it from him, presently thrust it into the Murderers Belly and so slew him. The Prince's Servants being not far off, and hearing the bustling, came running in; where finding the Messenger dead on the floor, one of them with a stool beat out his brains; whereat the Prince took some displeasure, for so striking a dead man. This danger of the Princes much troubled and grieved all the Christians in Syria; and the more, for that the wound in his Arm, after it had been certain days well dressed by the skilful Surgeons and Physicians, began to mortify and grow black, insomuch, that they and others about him began to mutter among themselves, and to look heavily upon the matter, as not without danger. Which he perceiving, said unto them, Why whisper you thus amongst yourselves? What see you in me? Can I not be healed? Tell me the truth and fear not. Whereunto one of them answered; And like your Highness, we doubt not of your healing, but that it will be painful for you to suffer. If suffering (said he) may again restore my health, I commit myself unto you, work on me your skill, and spare not. So the next day they cut out all the dead and poisoned flesh out of his Arm, and in fifteen days after perfectly cured his wound, to the great rejoicing of all his People. The great Sultan to clear himself of this so dishonourable a treachery, sent three of his Noble men unto the Prince, calling to witness his false Prophet, That the same was done neither by him nor his consent. Which Ambassadors the Prince honourably used, but suffered them not to come nigh him. So having tarried eighteen Months at Ptolemais, and no aid coming from the other Christian Princes, as was expected, he took shipping, and returning homeward, landed first in Sicilia, and from thence crossing over into Apulia, and so travelling to Rome, was there honourably entertained by Gregory the Tenth, than Pope; and from thence by the way of France arrived in England, where he was shortly after crowned King, in the year 1272. his Father the old King, Henry the Third, being a little before his return dead.  
The year following, Gregory the Tenth, not ignorant of the hard estate of the Christians in Syria, year 1273. 
Rodulph the Emperor taketh upon him the Cross.  (as having there been of late himself with Prince Edward, at which time he was in his absence elected Pope) and now desirous to procure them some relief, ratified the election of Rodulphus of Hapspurge unto the Empire, upon condition, That he should promise to take upon himself the Cross, and to give them relief; for the performance whereof he offered unto the Emperor two hundred thousand Crowns, with the Tenths both of the Clergy and Temporalty for six years; and many goodly blessings were in his name also, by the Preachers of that time, promised unto all such as should with him take upon them that sacred War. Whereupon the Emperor, with all his Family took upon them the Cross, the sign of the sacred expedition intended; as did also the Duke of Lorain shortly after, with some others. Nevertheless the Emperor, otherwise busied in Wars against the Bohemians and Bavarians, and delaying still the time, as not greatly willing to take upon him so long and dangerous a journey, and the Pope still threatening his high sentence of Excommunication, the time passed, the Pope died, and nothing was as yet done. Until that at length the Emperor having happily finished his Wars in Bohemia, and finding himself at some good leisure in some part to discharge his Vow, and to satisfy the expectation the World had long conceived of him, sent Henry Prince of Megapolis, or as the Germans call it, Meckelbourg, with a strong Power into Syria, to perform what himself had promised. Who coming to Ptolemais, made many notable incursions into the Country about Damascus, with Fire and Sword destroying all before him as he went, and carrying thence many great and rich booties; until that at length he was by the Mamalukes circumvented and taken Prisoner, and so carried unto the Sultan at Cairo, where he remained in straight prison six and twenty years after; 
Henry the Prince taken prisoner, and sent to Cairo.  until that by chance one of the Mamalukes (a renegade Germane) being chosen Sultan, caused him to be brought before him, and at his coming demanded of him, If it would not do him good to celebrate the remembrance of the Nativity of his Christ with his Friends in Germany? (for now that time of the year was at hand) And I know (said the Sultan) that thou art so addicted unto thy Superstition, that thou respectest the same more than thy Liberty. Truth (said Henry) mighty Prince; for Liberty would avail me nothing, if Christ by his most mild Incarnation had not taken away our Captivity; and therefore how much all men owe unto the reverend remembrance thereof, I would to God thou, O King, didst also understand; which as I most heartily wish, so I would I could thereof persuade thee. God forbid (said the Sultan) for I remember that when as I was chief Engineer unto thy Father at Knese-Fenicke in Livonia, and there did him good service, I was altogether of the Christian persuasion; but now having left that common Error, have therewith also changed my private Fortune. But as for thy Religion I have nothing to say, my talk is only concerning thy Liberty; wouldst thou therefore gladly be free, and so return home to thy Friends? That, Nature craveth (said Henry) although my fortune gainsayeth, which yet dependeth on your pleasure; I desire indeed to return home, which if you should deny me, I must as I have done take it in good part; assuring myself, that my Wife Anastasia, with my beloved Sons, Henry, Leo and john, having long since celebrated my Funerals, and ended their mourning. Thou art deceived, (said the Sultan) for I am sure that they know thou yet livest, and pray mo●● heartily for thy return. Truly I owe much unto the remembrance of thy Father, and therefore this day give thee thy Liberty. And having so said, furnished him with all things necessary, and gave him leave to depart with one Martin his Servant, who taken with him, had born him company all the long time of his Captivity. So taking his leave of the Sultan, he came to Ptolemais; but shipping himself for Cyprus, he was by the way by certain Pirates taken at Sea, and as a Fugitive Captive brought back again unto the Sultan; who pitying his hard fortune, set him again at liberty, and by a ship set out for that purpose, transported him into Cyprus; where he was by the Queen of that Island his Aunt (as some say) honourably entertained, and so furnished of all things fit for his Estate. Departing thence he came to Marseilles, where after he had some few days refreshed himself, he from thence traveled by Land home into his own Country; where at the first he was not known of his own Children and Friends, as being grown old in prison, and by them long before accounted among the dead; but now at last found again, and by them known, he was of his Children joyfully received as their Father, and of his Subjects as their Prince. Howbeit he shortly after died, and was honourably buried in the Monastery of Dobran.  
Thus in the whole course of this History it appears, by that which is already written, what notable expeditions even the greatest Christian Princes of the West, to their immortal glory, from time to time undertook against the Enemies of Christ, and his most sacred Word, and for the relief of the poor distressed Christians in Syria and in the Land of Palestine; whereof as divers of them had right glorious success, unto the great profit of the Christian Common-weal; so some of them answered not with like Event, as undertaken with too small strength, or otherwise overthrown by the discord or malice of the Christians themselves, rather than by the Enemy's Force. Which nevertheless how unfortunately soever they fell out in the hands of such worthy men as undertook them, yet have they this glory, commendation, and comfort, That they were taken in hand for the honour of the Son of God, Christ Jesus, and the defence of his Verity, against the false Prophet Mahomet, and his most blasphemous Doctrine; so honourable and just a quarrel as might well beseem the greatness of the greatest Prince, yea of all the Princes of Christendom. Yet could not the worthiness thereof, even in those more zealous times, or the dangerous Estate of that part of the Christian Common-Weal, even then like to perish, (as some others be now) or the lamentable complaints of the poor oppressed Christians, crying out unto their Christian Brethren for aid, any whit move the Christian Princes of that time, with their combined Forces to reach unto them their helping hands, or to yield unto them any succour or relief; for they little feeling those harms so far off, and more regarding their own hereditary quarrels, employed those Forces one against another, unto the effusion of so much Christian blood, as might have sufficed not for relief of the distressed Christians in Syria only, but also to have regained whatsoever had been before from them taken by the Turks or Saracens. The Germane Princes were still at a jar about the choice of their Emperors; the French agreed not with the English, or them of the Low-Countries; neither the English with the Scots; the Arragonians were at odds with the French; and in Italy were almost as many deadly Factions as Provinces. Of which discord of the Christians (the greatest occasion of their ruin and decay) Melechsares the Egyptian Sultan understanding by his Spials, raised a great Army of the Mamalukes and others, with a full purpose to have utterly rooted out all the remainders of the Christians in Syria and the Land of Palestine, and so to have entirely joined those two great Countries unto his own Kingdom. But what he had so mischievously devised, he lived not to bring to pass, being in the midst of those his great designs taken away by sudden death. After whom Alphix (or as some call him, Elpis) succeeding him in the Kingdom, 
Tripoli won and razed by Elpis the Egyptian Sultan.  and with a puissant Army entering into Syria, laid Siege to Tripoli, which he at length took by undermining of it, and put to the Sword all the Christians therein (except such as by speedy flight had in time got themselves out of the danger) and razed the City down to the ground; which calamity betided unto the Christians the ninth of April, in the year 1289. Presently after, he had the strong Castle of Nelesine yielded unto him, year 1289. whereinto he put a strong Garrison, to hinder the Christians from building again the late destroyed City. In like manner also he took the Cities of Sidon and Berythus, 
Sidon and Berythus razed.  which he sacked, and laid them flat with the ground. And after that, he removed to Tyre, 
Tyre yielded.  which a●ter three months strait Siege, was by the Citizens (now out of all hope of relief) yielded unto him, upon condition, That they might with bag and baggage in safety depart. With like good Fortune he in good time, and as it were without resistance, took all the rest of the strong Towns and Castles which the Christians yet held in Syria and the Land of Palestine, excepting only the City of Ptolemais; whereunto all the poor Christians fled as unto a Sanctuary, to be there defended by the honourable Knights Templars and Hospitalers. Nothing now le●t unto them more than that strong City, the Sultan of his own accord made a Peace with them for the space of five years, fearing (as was supposed) to have drawn upon him all the Christian Princes of the West, if he should at once have then utterly rooted out all the Christians in those Countries together.  
The Christians affairs thus brought to the last cast in Syria, and yet faintly as it were breathing, by the benefit of the late obtained Peace; Peter Beluise Master of the Templars, with the grand Master of the Knight's Hospitalers, suddenly passed over (as Ambassadors from the rest) into Europe, unto Nicholaus quartus then Pope, craving his fatherly aid Who moved with so great miseries of the poor afflicted Christians, solicited the other Christian Princes to have sent them relief; especially Rodolph the Germane Emperor, who then busied 〈◊〉 the affairs of the Empire, and his Troubles nearer home, (as were the other Christian Prince's also) gave good words, but no help at all. Yet some of them under the colour thereof, got from their Subjects great sums of Money, which they employed to other worse uses; only the Pope sent fi●teen hundred men at Arms; whom with devout persuasion, and much earnest Preaching, he had induced to take upon them that sacred Expedition, and entertained them of his own charge; unto whom also many others out of divers Countries, upon a Religious Zeal, joined themselves as voluntary men; who meeting together at Brundisium, and there embarked with the two gr●nd Masters of the Templars and Hospitalers, in safety at length arrived at Ptolemais. There was then in the City a great number of People of all sorts; 
The miserable ●state of a City abou● to perish.  of able men there was about fifty thousand, and about forty thousand of the weaker sort; amongst whom, divers Murders, Felonies, Rapes, and such other shameful Outrages, (all hastening the dreadful judgements of God) were daily committed, and let pass unregarded, more than of them that were injured. For all the chief Commanders were then at variance among themselves, every one of them laying claim (not worth a rush) unto the vain Title of the Kingdom of jerusalem. Henry King of Cyprus coming thither with a great Fleet, charged the Templars to deliver him the Crown of that Kingdom, which they had (as he said) wrongfully taken from Almericus and Guy his Ancestors. And Charles King of Sicilia by his Ambassadors laid claim unto the Title of that Kingdom, as due unto the Kings of that Island; and understanding it to be given unto Henry King of Cyprus, caused all the Revenues of the Templars within his Dominion, to be brought into his Treasuries, and their Lands and Houses to be spoilt. Hugh also, Prince of Antioch, laboured with tooth and nail, to defend the overworn Right that his Father and Grandfather had unto that lost Kingdom. And the Count of Tripoli laid in for himself, That he was descended from Raymund of toulouse; and that beside himself, remained no Prince of the ancient Nobility, which had won that Kingdom out of the hands of the Saracens, and that therefore that regal Dignity did not of better right appertain unto any other than unto himself. Neither did these four Princes more strive for the Title of the lost Kingdom, than for the present Government of the City, straightway about to perish. The Pope's Legate pretending thereunto a right also; for that King john burn had before subjected it unto the See of Rome. As for the claim unto the City of Ptolem●is, the Patriarch of jerusalem challenged unto himself the Pre-eminence, for that the Metropolitical City of Tyr● (under which the City of Ptolemais was the third Episcopal Seat) was under his jurisdiction, even by the Decree of the West Church. The Templars also, and the Knight's Hospitalers, whose power in the City was at that time far the greatest, pretended the Government thereof of best right to belong unto them, as the just reward of their blood, already and afterward to be spent in the defence thereof; promising great matters if it might be wholly referred unto them. Neither spared the French King, or the King of England, by their Messengers to claim the Sovereignty of the City, by their Predecessors sometimes won. And they of Pisa having still a Consul therein, and by often Marriages with the natural Inhabitants, grown into great affinity with them, did what they might to get the Government into their Hands. The Venetians also by their Authority and great Wealth, laboured to gain the good Will of the People, sparing therein no Cost. And they of Genoa, no less cunning than the rest, supplanted the strongest Factions, by giving aid both apertly and covertly unto the weaker; that so having weakened the Faction they most doubted and hated, they might by the joint favour of the weaker, aspire unto the Government of the stronger, and so consequently of the City itself. The Florentines also by their continual Traffic thither, were not out of hope, by one fineness or other, amongst so many Competitors, to find a mean to step up above the rest. But the greatest part of the People for all that were most inclined unto the Armenians and Tartars, as both for their nearness and power most like of all other to stand them in stead. All these aimed at one mark, which was the Government and Command of the City; and most of them had in the same their own proper Laws and Courts, to decide their Causes and Controversies in. Whereby it came to pass, that every man might without check or controlment almost do what he list, the offenders from one Court to another, removing their suits as best served their turns. Thus were murders (as is before said) daily committed in the Streets, men abused, houses robbed, shops broken up, and many other outrages done, to the hastening of the wrath of God, and grief of all good men.  
Division and dissension (the ruin of all commonweals) thus reigning in the City, year 1291. the Soldiers of late sent thither, or in zeal come of themselves, for the defence thereof, gave occasion for the more speedy destruction of the same; Such is the power of the Almighty, in his wrath and judgements for sin, even by those things wherein we most trust and joy, to work our utter ruin and destruction. These Soldiers, for want of such pay as was promised them, were enforced to seek abroad; and therefore contrary to the League before made with the Egyptian Sultan, oftentimes went out in great parties into the Frontiers of his Territories, taking the spoil of such things as they light upon. Whereof the Sultan understanding, demanded by his Ambassadors, That restitution might be made, and the offenders delivered unto him to be punished, according unto the League. But in that so sick a state of a dying Common-Weal, neither was restitution made as reason would, or yet the Ambassadors courteously heard. 
Ptolemais besieged.  With which Insolency the Sultan provoked, sent Emilech Araphus a notable Captain, (and as some say, his Son) with an hundred and fifty thousand men, to besiege the City; who coming thither, and having made his approaches, had by a Mine in short time overthrown a piece of the Wall; but in seeking to have entered by the breach, he found such strong resistance, that he was glad with loss to retire. Whilst Araphus thus lay at the Siege of Ptolemais, Alphir the Sultan died at Damascus; in whose stead the Mamalukes made choice of this Araphus for their Sultan; who more desirous of nothing, than of the glory of the utter rooting up of the Christians in Syria, was so far from raising of his Siege, (either for the death of the Sultan, or the news of his Kingdom) that he more straightly beset the City than he had in the three months' space that he had there lain before. Now had they in the City chosen Peter the Master of the Templars, their Governor; a man of great experience and valour; unto whom, and the rest of the Nobility, the Sultan offered great rewards, and unto the Soldiers their pay, with free liberty to depart, so that they would without more ado yield unto him the City, which they could not long hold. Which his offer the Master rejected, and flatly told him, That he had not learned of his Ancestors, to sell for Money unto the Infidels a City bought with so much Christian blood; either did so much regard his vain threats, as therefore to forget his service due unto his Saviour Christ and the Christian Common-Weal. With which answer the Tyrant enraged, the next day with all his Forces assaulted the City, and that in such desperate and furious manner, as if he would even then have carried it; having before filled the ditches, and promised the Spoil unto his Soldiers, 
Ptolemais in vain assaulted by the Sultan.  the more to encourage them. Yet having done what he could, and lost a number of his men, slain both in the assault, and in a Sally which the Christians made out at the same time, he was enforced to retire back again into his Trenches. In this so terrible an assault, not repulsed without some loss also of the Christians, the grand Master and Governor of the City was wounded with a poisoned Dar●, whereof he in three days after died: with whom the courage of the Defendants fainted also, no man being left like unto him to undertake so great a charge, although many there were, that overweening themselves desired the same. In the beginning of this Siege the Christians had sent away all their aged and weak People, unfit for service, into Cyprus, where they in safety arrived. But now many of the better sort, both Captains and others, discouraged, one after another conveyed themselves away out of the City; of whom a great number in passing thence to Cyprus, were upon the coast of the Island, together with the Patriarch drowned. In the City remained only twelve thousand, which were thought sufficient for the defence thereof; who afterwards (as some report) fled also by Sea after their Fellows; and so left the City empty unto the barbarous Enemy; some others reporting of them more honourably, as that they should right valiantly defend the City against the Assault of their Enemies, until such time as that most of them being slain or wounded, and the rest by force driven from the Walls into the Market place, and there for a while notably defending themselves, in flying thence unto the Ships, were by the way all cut in sunder, or else drowned. But howsoever it was, the Sultan entering the City (by the Christians abandoned, or by force taken) gave the spoil thereof unto his Soldiers; who after they had rifled every Corner thereof, by his Commandment set it on fire and burned it down to the ground; and digging up the very foundations of the Walls, Churches, and other public or private buildings, which the fire had not burnt, left there no sign of any City at all; but purging the place even of the very heaps of the stones and rubbish left of the razed City, made it a fit place of Husbandmen to plow and sow Corn in; which he did both there, at Sidon, Beritus, and other Towns alongst the Sea-coast, because they should never more serve for a refuge unto the Christians, or give them footing again into those Countries. Thus together with Ptolemais was the name of the Christians utterly rooted out of Syria, and the Land of Palestine, in the year 1291, about 192 years after the winning of jerusalem by Godfrey of Bulloin and the other Christian Princes his Confederates.  
This loss, as tending to the great disgrace of the Christians in general, 
Cassan●s the Emperor invadeth Syri●  moved not a little even the greatest of the Christian Princes; wronged all or most part of them in the persons of the Templars or Knights Hospitalers, their Subjects, so shamefully now quite cast out of Syria and the Land of Promise; howbeit, troubled with their own turbulent Affairs at home or with their neighbour Princes not far off, none of them once stirred for the redress or revenge thereof. Only Cassanes the great Tartar Prince, having of late subdued the Persians, and married the Daughter of the Armenian King (a Lady of great perfection, and of a Mahometan become a Christian) at the request of his Wife and his Father-in-Law, took the matter in hand. And for that purpose having raised a most puissant Army of two hundred thousand fight men, and aided by the Armenians and Georgians, passing over the Mountain Amanus into Syria, not far from the City Hama met with Melcenasar, the Egyptian Sultan's Lieutenant, with a mighty Army, whom he overthrew in a great and mortal Battle, wherein forty thousand of the Egyptians are reported to have been slain, and so drove him quite out of Syria; sending Molais, one of his Captains, with part of his Army to pu●●ue him, who never left him until he had chased him over the desert Sands into Egypt. The victorious Tartar after this Battle took the City of Hama, where lighting upon the great Treasures of the Sultan, he bountifully divided it, together with the Spoil, amongst his Soldiers, reserving nothing thereof unto himself, more than a Sword and a Casket full of secret Letters. The Egyptians thus put to flight; he without resistance took in most of the Cities of Syria, 
Jerusalem taken and repaired by Cassanes.  with the City of jerusalem also; which in many places by the Turks and Egyptians defaced, he again repaired; and together with the Temple of our Saviour gave it to the Armenians, Georgians, and other Christians, repairing thither out of Cyprus, Crete, and other places, to inhabit. And having himself honoured the holy places with great gifts, returned with his Army to Damascus, which was forthwith delivered unto him. But lying there, with purpose in Autumn following to have gone into Egypt, and to have utterly destroyed that Kingdom, he was certified of new troubles arising in Persia, and some other parts of his Empire; for repressing whereof, he with the greatest part of his Army returned himself into Persia, leaving one Capcapus Governor of Damascus; who after the overthrow of the Sultan's Army had revolted unto him; and Molais (of whom we have before spoken) Governor of jerusalem; commanding them at his departure to re-edify the City of Tyre, and to send Ambassadors unto the Christian Princes of the West, to join in League with them, for the more sure holding of those new gained Countries. And so Tyre was indeed repaired as he had commanded, and delivered to the Christians, with a convenient Garrison for the keeping thereof; but the Ambassadors coming to the proud Bishop Boniface the Eighth, than Pope, whom of all others it beseemed to have furthered their buisiness, they could of him obtain nothing, but returned as they came. For he at the same time fallen out with Philip the French King, thundering out his Excommunications, discharging his Subjects of their Loyalty, and so much as in him was, depriving him of his Kingdom, had given the same unto Albertus' Duke of Austria, whom he had declared Emperor; whereof arose great troubles. Besides that, he being of the Guelphs Faction was not in any thing more careful, than of the utter extinguishing of the contrary Faction of the Gibellines, especially of the most honourable Family of the Columnijs, of whom some he had slain, some he had deprived of their honours, some he had imprisoned, and driven other some into Exile; so that thus wickedly busied for the maintenance of his own proud Estate, he had no leisure to further the good of the Christian Common-Weal; which his intolerable pride, and forgetfulness of duty long escaped not the revenging hand of God; being when he thought least, suddenly taken prisoner at his Father's house in the City of Anagnia (where he was born) by Sara Columnius his mortal Enemy; whom but lately before redeemed out of a Pirate's Galley, the French King had sent for that purpose, with one Longaret (or as some call him, Nogaret) a French Knight; by whom the proud Prelate brought to Rome, in the Castle of S. Angelo within five and thirty days after most miserably died in his madness (as some report) renting himself with his Teeth, and devouring his own Fingers. This worthy Tartar Prince Cassanes (by whom the Christian Common-Weal might have again risen in Syria and the Land of Palestine, 
The description of Cassanes.  had not the pride of the great Bishop, and the dissension of the Christian Princes hindered the same) was (as Aitonus writeth, who was present in this War, following his Uncle the Armenian King) a man of a very short Stature, and exceeding hard Favour; but with Valour, Bounty, and other Virtues of the Mind, plentifully recompensing what wanted in the Feature of his Body. After whose departure into Persia, Capcapus Governor of Damascus, considering that the power of the Tartars there left was not great, and that no aid was to be expected from the other Christian Princes of the West; to recompense his former Treason of revolting from the Sultan, with a new revolt from the Tartar, rose up into open Rebellion, drawing after him not only the City of Damascus, but the greatest part of Syria also. Whereof Molais Governor of jerusalem understanding, was about to have gone against him with his Tartars; but advertised by his Spials, that Capcapus in this his Conspiracy had compacted with the Egyptian Sultan, also perceiving himself too weak to withstand so great a power, retired with his Tartars into Mesopotamia, there expecting new Supplies both from Cassanes and the King of Armenia. 
The City of Jerusalem with all Syria again recovered by the Egyptian Sultan.  Of whose departure out of Syria the Egyptian Sultan understanding, came directly with his Army to jerusalem, which he took (being forsaken of the Inhabitants) and profaned the Temple, sparing only the Sepulchre of our Saviour, at the humble suit of the Religious, making there a greater show of Devotion, than of Cruelty. After that, he won all the other lesser Towns, which the Tartars had either kept for themselves, or given to the other Christians, and utterly razed all the Forts of the Hospitalers and Templars, which valiant men, without other help, for the space of almost a year, held out against the Tyrant, in which time most of them were honourably slain; the rest that were left alive being taken by the Enemy, had nevertheless leave given with bag and baggage in safety to depart, having before by solemn Oath for ever abjured the Country of Syria; and so these worthy men, the great ornaments of the Christian Common-Weal, the Hospitalers and Templars, which to the utmost of their power had by the space of three hundred years right worthily defended both the Christians and the Christian Religion, against the Infidels in Syria, and the Holy Land, were now for ever driven out thence about the year of our Lord 1300, year 1300. to the great dishonour of all Christendom.  
Wherefore with them now taking our leave of Syria, and the Holy Land, leaving the same in the possession of the Egyptian Sultan and the Mamalukes, although it were shortly after like enough to have been again recovered from them by the Tartars, had not the death of the great Tartar Prince Cassanes, and their domestical troubles letted; we will again return to the troubled Affairs of the Turks in the lesser Asia, whither the course of the time had somewhat before called us, with the occurrents thereof, more proper to our purpose and the argument we have in hand, but that all cannot be at once told; and for the better understanding of the desirous Reader, I thought it not good abruptly to break off the course of the aforesaid History, drawing so near to an end, but to make him partaker of the heaviness thereof.  
Now had the Turks no Kingdom left in the lesser Asia, 
The death of Mesoot and Cei-cubades.  and that also at the pleasure of Gazan the great Tartar I'm divided betwixt Mesoot and Cei-Cubades, as his Vassals, bound unto him by a yearly Tribute, as is aforesaid; who both kept in awe by the greatness of the Tartar, did nothing worth the remembrance; but as they lived, so also died, almost buried in obscurity. Of these two, Mesoot died without issue; but Cei-Cubades departing left behind him his Son Aladin, who by the name of Aladin the Second succeeding in the Kingdom, united again the same before divided, yet paying still Tribute unto the Tartar his Sovereign, as had his Father with the other late Sultan's of the Turks before him. Much it was not that this Aladin did, albeit that the power of the Tartars in his time began to decline, and not to lie so heavy upon the Turks as before. He was a man of a quiet Spirit, and therefore much delighted in Peace; a great Friend to Ottoman the first founder of the glorious and mighty Ottoman Empire, as in his life shall appear. But this Aladin, the last of the Turks Sultan's of the Selzuccian Family, dying without issue; one Sahib his Visier-Azemes or chief Counsellor, and then a man of greatest Authority, aspired unto the Kingdom, which he had for the most part himself swayed all the Reign of the late Sultan his Master; which usurped Sovereignty, no way unto him due, he could neither himself long hold, or deliver unto his Posterity; for that many others of the Nobility, men of great Power, and born of greater Families than he, 
The Turks Kingdom rend in sunder by themselves.  envying at his honour, and disdaining to be governed by him, or any other no greater than themselves, laid hold, some upon one Country or Province, some upon another, where they were able to do most, erecting unto themselves greater or lesser Satrapies, according to the measure of their own Strength and Power, without respect of any Superiority one should have over another, but every one of them absolutely commanding over so much as he was able by strong hand to hold. So that as it had oftentimes before chanced, that the great Monarchies destitute of their lawful Heirs, had in part, or all, become rich Preys unto such as could first lay strong hand upon them; even so fell it now out in the great Kingdom of the Turks, every one of their great Princes, measuring the greatness of his Territory, not by the measure of his right, but by the strength of his own power. Wherein they shared so well for themselves, that Sahib at first in possession of all, was in short time thrust quite 〈◊〉 of all; and so the great Kingdom of the Turks in the lesser Asia, 
The Turks Anarchy.  brought unto a mere Anarchy; no King now left among them, the whole Kingdom being divided into divers Satrapies, or other lesser Toparchies. The greatest of those Princes that thus shared the Turks Kingdom amongst them, was one Caraman Alusirius; who as strongest, took unto him the City of Iconium, the Regal seat of the Turkish Sultan's, with all the great Country of Cilicia, and some part of the Frontiers of the Countries of Lycaonia, Pamphilia, Caria, and the greater Phrygia, as far as Philadelphia, and the City of Antioch upon the River Meander; All which large Territory, was of him afterward called Caramania, and by the same name is commonly at this day known, 
Carama●ia.  and by our late Geographers described. Of this Caraman also descended the Caramanian Kings, who of long time after unfortunately strove with the Ottoman Sultan's for the Sovereignty of their Empires; until that at length they with their Kingdom, and all the rest of these Turkish Satrapies, were in the fatal greatness of the Ottoman Empire, swallowed up and devoured, as in the process of this History shall (if God so will) in due time and place be declared. Next Neighbour unto him was Saruchan, of the Greeks called Sarchan, of whom the Country of jonia-maritima was and yet is called Saru-Chan-Ili, 
Saruchania.  and Saruchania, that is to say, Saruchans' Country. The greatest part of Lydia, with some part also of the greater Misia, Troas, and Phrygia, fell to Calamus and his Son Carasius, of whom it is called Carasia, or Carasi-Ili, (or as we might say) Carasius his Country. 
Carasia.  The greatest part of the ancient Misia, with some part of Lydia, was possessed by Aidin, and was of him called Aidinia, or Aidin-Ili, 
Aidinia.  as his Country. Some part of the great Country of Pontus, with the Cities of Heraclea-Pontica, Custamona, Synope, and others near unto the Euxine, and the Country of Paphlagonia, fell into the hands of the Sons of Omer, or as the Greeks call him, Amur; of whom that Country took not its name, as did the others, of such Princes as possessed them, but is commonly called Bolli, 
Bolli.  of a City in that Country by the Turks so named. 
Mendesia.  As was also Mendesia, or as some call it Mentesia, a Country in the lesser Asia, so by the Turks called of Mendos or Myndus, a City in Caria. There were beside these, divers other places and Toparchies in the lesser Asia, which in the renting of this great Kingdom, from the Turks received names, before unto the world unknown; all which to prosecute were tedious. Let it suffice us, for the manifesting of the Turks Anarchy, and the ruin of their Kingdom in the lesser Asia, as in part also for the more evidence of the heavy History following, to have remembered these as the chiefest; especially such as took their names of such great Princes or Captains as in that so great a confusion of the Turks Kingdom, by strong hand first seized upon them, and so left them to their posterity, of whom much is to be said hereafter. These Princes one and all that thus shared the late Aladinian Kingdom, were descended of the better sort of the Turks, which with the Selzuccian and Aladinian Sultan's driven out of Persia by the Tartars, had under them seated themselves in the lesser Asia, as is before at large declared. Now amongst these great men that thus divided the Turks Kingdom, most of them that write of the Turks Affairs, both Greeks and Latins, reckon up Ottoman (the raiser of his House and Family) for one, who indeed in the later time of the late Sultan Aladin began to flourish, and was of him for his Valour extraordinarily favoured (as in this History shall appear,) but of his Kingdom held no more than one poor Lordship, called Suguta in Bythinia, not far from the Mountain Olympus, (long before given unto his Father Erthogrul, for his good service) with such other small holds thereabout, as he had himself gained from the weak Christians his Neighbours. 
Ottoman none of the Selzuccian Family.  For although he were a Turk born, yet was he not of the Selzuccian Family, as were the rest, but of another House and Tribe, and therefore not of them favoured or thought to have so good right to any of the late Sultan's Provinces or Territories, as they had, who being of his House, and holpen with the prescription of time, envied at the sudden rising of the Oguzian Turk, being to them as it were a mere stranger; whose fortune for all that (I know not by what secret foreknowledge) they seemed to fear, as in time to grow dangerous unto them and their Posterity; wherein they were no whit deceived. But of him and his proceedings much more is to be said hereafter; leave we him now therefore with the rest unto their fortunes in this the Turks Anarchy, and so conclude this part of our General History: Glad when I look back to have waded thus far, yet fearing to be drowned before I get over; such a Sea of Matter and World of Troubles yet remaining, not without much labour and toil, and that in long time to be passed through.     


OTHOMANUS PRIMUS REX FLORVIT ANNO 1300   portrait  

Multiplici lassatae Asiae res clade premuntur▪  
Hinc Sarracenus, Tartarus inde ruit.  
Mutua Christicolae gladios in vulnera stringunt:  
Graecia funesta Seditione perit.  
Impiger interea nova concipit Ottomanus  
Concilia, et valida surgit in arma manu,  
Et vasta tricis regno fundamina turbae  
Ponit, et in multo sanguine Sceptra lavat.   

Whilst weltering in its gore proud Asia lay,  
To Saracens, and Tartars made a Prey.  
While Christian Swords wounded each others breast,  
And Greece with mad Sedition was distressed.  
Bold Ottoman the dire Advantage takes,  
And a new road for Desolation makes.  
A barbarous Empire his Ambition found'st,  
His cruel scept●● stained with blood, and wounds.    

The RISING of the Great and Mighty Empire OF THE TURKS UNDER OTTOMAN, First FOUNDER thereof; WITH HIS LIFE & DOINGS.  
WHAT small assurance there is in men's Affairs, 
All worldly things subject to change  and how subject unto change even those things are wherein we for the most part repose our greatest felicity and bliss, (beside that the whole course of man's frail life, by many notable Examples well declareth) nothing doth more plainly manifest the same, than the heavy Events and woeful Destructions of the greatest Kingdoms and Empires; which founded upon great Fortunes, increased with perpetual Success, exalted by exceeding Power, established with most puissant Armies, wholesome Laws, and deep Counsels; have yet grown old, and in time come to nought: So that even as men, all things else belonging unto man, are subject unto the inevitable course of Destiny, or more truly to say, unto the fatal doom of the most High, prefixing unto every thing that in time begun, a time also wherein to take end, being himself without time the great Commander thereof, and of all things else done therein. The Fame of the first Assyrian Monarchy, 
The greatest Kingdoms have in time taken end, and so come to nought.  is very ancient, and was no doubt both great and long, yet hath it nevertheless found an end; and the more to put us in remembrance of our infirmity, was never with so much glory and valour by Ninus erected, as it was with shame and cowardice by Sardanapulus subverted. With like necessity fell the great Empire of the Medes and Persians, the time thereof being come: And after them the Macedonians also. Neither hath the great Roman Empire, or the proud City of Rome itself (sometime the Mistress of the World) herein found any exemption, but run the same course with the rest; which grown great with continual Triumphs, and so strong as that it was not with foreign Power to be shaken; converted the Forces of itself upon itself, to the overthrow of the ancient liberty thereof, together with the utter subversion of the State. After which time that mighty Monarchy (of all that ever yet were, the greatest) under the Roman Emperors felt many an hard and perilous storm, and by little and little still declining (though sometime like a sick aged body, by the valour or virtue of some one or other her worthy Emperors, a little relieved, and by and by again cast down by the folly or negligence of some others succeeding) it became at length a Prey unto a foolish rude and barbarous Nation, which it had before oftentimes overcome, and over which many the Roman Captains had triumphed, and thereof taken their glorious Surnames; which now again without compassion, burning and sacking it, caused it to stoop, and to yield unto the servile yoke which it had in former time proudly imposed upon the Necks of others; wherein if any thing be to be blamed, it is not the fortune or folly of this or that man, then sitting at the Helm (although that may also much help the matter as a mean) but the instability of worldly things, never permanent, but always changeable, and the sooner for their height; and that so forcibly, as that no man knoweth how to remedy the same; or if he did, were able to perform it; the greatest means that men could possibly devise for the stay thereof, being oftentimes by a greater Power from above, converted unto the more speedy effecting of that, against the which they were by man's wisdom provided. The like might be said of the Athenians, the Lacedæmonians, the Thebans, and of whom not? What marvel then, if the ancient Kingdoms of the Turks likewise in Persia, and the lesser Asia, in Syria, Palestina, and Egypt, having run their appointed times, mightily impugned by the Christians, oppressed on the one side by the Tartars, and on the other by the Mamalukes, and at length by themselves rend in sunder (their Destiny so requiring) lost at last their wont Majesty, and so fell into a mere Anarchy, as in the former part of this History is at large declared? Yet in this far more than any other People fortunate, That after the ruin of their former Kingdoms, strait way out of themselves arise another, namely this Ottoman Monarchy, the chief object of this Hi●●ory; which at the first scarce of the World perceived, or of themselves regarded, in short time so prospered, as that the Power and Glory thereof obscured not their former Kingdoms only (nothing, in comparison of this) but even the greatest Monarchies of the World; over a great part of which, it now so proudly triumpheth, as if it should never have end; at the Beauty whereof the World wondereth, and at the Power thereof quaketh; within the greatness whereof are contained no small portions of Asia, Europe and afric, but even the most famous and fruitful Kingdoms thereof; no part of the World left untouched but America only; not more fortunate with her rich Mines, than in that she is so far from so great and dangerous an Enemy. The foundation of this so great a Kingdom (and now so mighty an Empire, as holdeth the World in awe) was first laid by the valiant Ottoman, or as the Turks call him, Osman; not descended of the Selzuccian Family, as were all the former Turk's Sultan's, but of the Oguzian Tribe and Kindred; in whose line this glorious Empire hath ever since, to the astonishment of the World, wonderfully flourished. But forasmuch as both his greatness, and the greatness of the rest of the Ottoman Kings and Emperors his Progenitors, took their beginning from this worthy and warlike Ottoman, with whose Life and Doings we purpose to begin this part of our History, it shall not be amiss both for the continuation of that we have in hand, with that we have already written, and for the more manifesting of that which hereafter followeth, a little farther to fetch his Race and Descent also; not meaning with a long and feigned Pedigree to fet him out of Noah his Ark, (which continual Succession of Princes, no Nation of the World, be it never so ancient, the Jews only excepted, and they also by Writings and Histories as much as was possible eternised, could truly and justly challenge) but only so far as it shall be pertinent unto our purpose, and by the authority of good Histories to be averred.  
At such time as the Turks Kingdom founded by Tangrolipix in Persia, flourished in the Selzuccian Princes his Successors, there was also another Kingdom of theirs at the City of Machan, as is before declared, but nothing comparable to the other, either in Glory or Power. In this City, and over this small Kingdom, reigned one Solyman, by his Subjects honoured also with the name of a Sultan or King; at the same time that the Tartars under the leading of old Zingis their great Captain, leaving their own Country, and bearing down the World before them, having conquered the farthest parts of the East, and there seated their Kingdom, turned their Forces into Persia, and there overthrew the Turks Kingdom at Balch in Corasan, and drove the Turks with Cursumes their last King, out of the Country; after that they had there from the time of Tangrolipix reigned about an hundred and seventy two years.  
This Solyman of whom we speak, 
Solyman, Sultan of Machan forsaketh his Kingdom for fear of the Tarta●s.  then reigning at Machan, was not of the Selzuccian Family (as were all the other Turks Sultan's, the Successors of Tangrolipix, but of the Oguzian Tribe, a Family famous also amongst the Turks; who seeing the Selzuccian Sultan Cursumes (or as some call him, Cussumes) his Countryman▪ beaten out of his Kingdom by the Tartar, and his Country overrun, and the great Caliph of Babylon also overthrown; thought it not good longer to stay in that Country which he could not hold, but by speedy flight betimes to provide for the safety of himself and of such his Subjects as would follow him; and hearing that Aladin the Son Kei-Husreu, or as the Greeks call him, Cai-Cosroe (a great man of the Selzuccian Family, and near of kin unto the late Sultan Cursumes) who for fear of the Tartars but lately come into Romania-Asiatica, had there by force of Arms most honourably seated himself and the Turks his followers, amongst the Christians; in hope of like good fortune, and for the zeal towards his Superstition (accounting all well gotten that was gained from the Christians) took his way after him, with such of his Kinsmen and Subjects as would accompany him in his new adventures. And coming to Arte●zerum, a City in the borders of Armenia and Cappadocia, thereabout in the Country according to the season of the year seated himself with his followers, being in number many; who with their Wives and Children, after the manner of the Tartar Nomades their Ancestors, in poor Tents and Carts covered with a course kind of Cloth, had followed him; being indeed nothing else but a very rude and rough kind of sturdy Herdsmen, not wedded to any place, but still removing with their Tents and Carts up and down, as best served for their purpose and the feeding of their Cattle, as do the Turcomon Nation, the true descent of the Turks, in many places of Asia at this day; and were thereof not only called Nomads, that is to say, Herdsmen, (by which name the proud janissaries will oftentimes in contempt call even the greatest of the natural Turks) but Hamaxophoreti, and Hamaxobijs, that is to say, people carried or living in Carts. Solyman having stayed a while about Erzerum, removing thence came to Amasia; and there spoiling the Country, then inhabited by the Christians, did them much harm, oftentimes encountering them in the plain field, and sometimes seizing upon their Towns and Cities, until he had subdued unto himself a right large Territory; yea at length having in so many Battles by him fought and Cities by him besieged, lost a great number of his People, and so wearied the rest as that they were not willing farther to follow him; and fearing also with such small power as he had left, to be able to defend and keep the Country by him already gotten, in the midst of so many Enemies, thought it best to depart thence, and to seek his better fortune elsewhere. At the same time it was rifely reported, that the affairs of Persia, after so long trouble (for all this was not a while in doing) began to grow again to some good quiet, the fury of the Tartars being now well abated, and that storm overblown; wherefore Solyman resolved now to return home again, and to visit his Native Country, of him and his people above all others desired. So passing thorough Syria, (for that was now his way) near Aleppo he seized upon a Castle called Ziaber-Cala, and there stayed a space for the refreshing of his People. Afterward setting forward again, he came at length to the great and famous River Euphrates, over which he must needs pass; but finding there neither Bridge nor Ford, or other means to get over, he stood still as a man dismayed, not knowing what to do. Stay there he would not, and go further he could not; his desire bid him go, but the great River said not so. In this perplexity Solyman himself with his Horse oftentimes taking the River, in hope to have found some passage; but finding none, adventuring too far, was with the force of the stream carried away, and so together with his Horse drowned. His body after long seeking being at length found, was with the great lamentation of his People buried near unto the Castle Ziaber, not long before by him taken; whereof they say the place is now in their Tongue called Mesa●i-Zuruc, (viz.) the Turks Grave. Some of these Oguzian Turks, after the death of their Sultan, weary of their long travel, seated themselves in the Country thereabouts, unto whom the Turks that now do hold that Castle do refer their beginning. The rest of that great Tribe and Family diversely divided, went unto divers places as their fortunes led them; some of them into the waste ground and deserts of Arabia and Syria, and are at this day called the Damascene Turcomans; other some returned back again into Romania, 
Romania Asiat●ca.  the same way that they came; of whom are descended the Turcomans of Iconium, and Anatolia; who yet with their Wives and Children, as Herdsmen in great companies wander up and down the Country, after the manner of their Ancestors.  

The Sons of Solyman, and their first adventures.  Solyman thus lost, left four Sons, Sencur-Teken, jundogdis, Ertogrul, of some called Orthobules (the Father of this Ottoman Founder of the Turks Empire that now is) and Dunder. With these four Brethren, most part of these Oguzian Turks that were left, returning into Romania (as is aforesaid) after they had there rested themselves a while, marching up along the River Euphrates, came to a place called Pasin-Ovasi, about ten miles above Arterum, where Ertogrul and his Brother Dunder, with four hundred Families, not willing to go any farther, stayed with their Tents and Carts, their best Dwellings. Sencur and jungdogdis their other two Brethren, in the mean time passing the River, returned with the rest into Persia; whom we there leave unto their unknown fortunes. In this place Ertogrul with his Brother and his three Sons stayed a while, and had divers conflicts with the Country People thereabout, until that at length he thought it best to return again into Romania. So setting forward he came to Ancyra, and from thence unto the black Mountains, and so to a plain called of the Turks Sultan Ungi, about 75 miles Eastward from the City of Nice in Bythinia, where he had many skirmishes with the Christians.  
Now a great while before this, Aladin the Elder (of whom we have before spoken in the former part of this History) fled out of Persia, had subdued divers great Provinces and Countries in Romania Asiatica, or the lesser Asia, for so it is more truly called; so that he was of all the People thereabouts accounted for a great Prince, and of the Turks themselves honoured with the name of their Ulu Padischach, that is to say, their great King or Emperor. Having placed his Regal Seat first at Sebastia, and afterward at Iconium; which two Cities before ruinous, he repaired, and therein reigned, as did some few of his Posterity after him, as is before declared. Neither was Ertogrul ignorant of the Honour, Glory and Power of this great Sultan; but having three Sons, namely, jundus, Serugatin, and Ottoman, sent Serugatin his second Son (a bold well spoken man) unto him, to request him in that his so large a Kingdom, as yet not well peopled by the Turks, to grant unto them his poor exiled Countrymen, of long time oppressed with divers fortunes, some small corner for them, with their Families and Cattle to rest in. Which his request, the Sultan not forgetful of his own distress sometime in like case, graciously heard▪ and with great courtesy used the Messenger. Now for the furtherance of his suit it fortuned, that this Sultan before driven out of Persia by the Tartars, and by them also much troubled in these his new got Countries in the lesser Asia, had with them divers hot skirmishes and sharp conflicts; in one of which it fortuned the Sultan himself, with all the power he then had, to be hardly beset by his Enemies, and in danger to have lost the day; when as Ertogrul, but newly come into the Country, and willing to do the Sultan service, and awaiting all opportunities for the commending of himself and his followers; upon the sudden unlooked for, with four hundred men came upon the backs of the Tartars, than almost in possession of a great Victory, and so forcibly charged them, that unable to endure the charge, and to maintain the fight against the Sultan, (whose men encouraged by this unexpected aid, as by succour sent from Heaven, began now to fight with greater courage) being both before and behind hardly beset, they as men in despair of the Victory they had before assured themselves of, turned their backs and fled. After which good service, the Sultan honourably welcomed this new come Turk, giving him his Hand to kiss, as the manner of the Nation is; and highly commending his Valour, commanded a rich Cloak to be cast upon him (amongst those Eastern Nations a great honour) and all his Soldiers to be bountifully rewarded; and presently after gave unto Ertogrul and his Turks a Country Village called Suguta, betwixt the Castle Bilezuga and the Mountain Tmolus in the greater Phrygia; in which Village they might live in Winter, and upon the aforesaid Mountain, and the Mountain Ormenius, betwixt the Rivers Sangarius and Licus, feed their cattle in Summer. And yet not so contented thus to have honoured him, in whom he saw such approved Valour, committed to his protection that side of the Country wherein he dwelled, being in the very frontiers of his Kingdom; which his charge he so well looked unto, that all the Country thereabout, before much infested with the often incursions of the Enemy, was by his vigilant care and prowess well secured.  
Thus is Ertogrul the Oguzian Turk, with his homely Herdsmen, become a petty Lord of a Country Village, and in good favour with the Sultan; whose followers, as sturdy Herdsmen with their Families, lived in Winter with him in Suguta; but in Summer in Tents, with their Cattle upon the Mountains. Having thus lived certain years, and brought great Peace unto his Neighbours, as well the Christians as the Turks, before much troubled with the invasion of the Tartars, it fortuned that the Christians of Cara-Chisar (a Castle thereby, called by the ancient Greeks, Melanopyrgon, and of later time, Maurocastron, that is to say, the black Tower or Castle) weary of their own ease, and of the Peace they had by his care enjoyed, fell out with him, 
The Christians of Cara-Chisar fall out with the Turks.  and evil entreated both him and his People. Which their ingratitude he taking in evil part, thereof, and of the wrongs by them done unto the Turks, so grievously complained unto the Sultan, that he therewith moved, raised a great Army, and so himself in person came and besieged the Castle. But lying there at the Siege, news was brought him, that the Tartars with a great Army under the leading of one Baintzar, were entered into Caria, and there spoiling the Country, had taken Heraclea. For the repressing of whom, the Sultan was glad to rise with his Army; yet leaving a sufficient strength behind him for the continuing of the Siege, under the charge of Ertogrul Beg, for so the Turks now called him. The Sultan afterwards encountering with the Tartars at Baga, overthrew them in a great Battle. Whilst Ertogrul in the mean space hardly besieged Cara-Chisar, wherein fortune so much favoured him, that at length he took the Castle, the Spoil whereof he gave unto the Soldiers, reserving only the fifth part thereof, as due unto the Sultan; which he sent him for a Present, together with the Captain of the Castle, who he had taken alive; which Captain the Sultan afterward enlarged, and restored again to him his Castle, for the payment of a yearly Tribute, which he truly paid during the life of the Sultan; but he dying about two years after, he refused any more to pay it, and so revolted from the Turks.  
Sultan Aladin, Founder of the Aladinian Kingdom (for so the Turks call it) being dead at Iconium, after him succeeded Azatines his Eldest Son, and after him jathatines his younger Brother; who slain by Theodorus Lascaris the Greek Emperor, (as is before declared) after him succeeded in that Kingdom another jathatines, the Son of Azatines, who was by the Tartars expulsed, and his Kingdom subdued, as in the former part of this History it appeareth. After which time the Selzuccian Family there also by the Tartars in the lesser Asia depressed, retained scarce the name and shadow of their former Majesty and Glory. In which troublesome times, 
Small things in time of trouble yield unto the Wise great content.  and confusion of the State, Ertogrul well beaten and wearied in the World, kept himself close in his house at Suguta, as well contented therewith as with a Kingdom; seeking by all means to keep Peace on every side with his Neighbours, as well Christians as others. In which quiet kind of life he sweetly passed over the troublesome times of Mesoot the Son of Kei-Cubades, and of Kei-Cubades the Son of Feramuzin, both Sultan's, but the great Tartar's Tributaries, and reigning but at their pleasure, until the time of the Second Aladin, the sole and last Heir of the Iconian Kingdom, before by the Tartars divided, which was no few years. All which time Ertogrul lived quiet at Suguta, as one amongst many other of the Iconian Sultan's Subjects, wisely considering the fall of the Selzuccian Sultan's, both in Persia and at Iconium; as also the ruin of his own House and Family, both from Royal State brought almost unto nothing; and therefore with patience taking the World as it came, and making a virtue of necessessity, contenting himself with a little, bore himself kindly towards all men. In which contented kind of life he grew to great years, with his three Sons, greatly beloved and honoured of their Neighbours, as well Christians as Turks; and no less favoured by the second Aladin then Sultan, than he had been of all the Sultan's before him; whom the young men his Sons after the manner of their Nation (forbidding them with empty hands to salute their Princes) oftentimes visited with one Present or other. In all which his Sons were many good parts to be seen, yet so, as that in Ottoman was easily to be seen a greater Courage and Spirit than in the other two his Brethren; which was the cause that he was the more by them of his Tribe regarded, but especially of the youthful and warlike sort, which commonly resorted unto him when he went to hawk or hunt, or to other delights of the Field (the counterfeits of War) and was of them commonly called Osman Gazi, that is to say, Osman the Warlike.  
In this frontier Country near unto Suguta, the dwelling place of old Ertogrul, had Sultan Aladin divers Lieutenants and Captains, Governors of his Castles and strong Holds upon those frontiers, with whom Ottoman was well acquainted, and unto whom he for Friendship sake oftentimes resorted; but especially unto the Captain of Inungi, for that he knew himself to be of him well beloved, and therefore unto him very welcome. So it fortuned upon a time, that as Ottoman, being yet but young, was going to make merry with the Governor of Eskichisar (a Castle about four and twenty miles off, called of the Greeks, Palaeocastron) by the way as he went, at a place called Itburne (a Town in Phrygia) chanced there to see, and afterwards to fall in liking of a fair maiden called Malhatun; 
Ottoman amorous of Malhatu● a Country Maid.  unto whom his affection daily increasing, he without his Father's knowledge sent a secret Friend of his to entreat with her of Marriage. Which after long discourse to her made concerning Othomans' affection and request, gave him answer, that betwixt Ottoman and her was great inequality, a thing especially to be regarded and eschewed of such as wished to live a happy life in wedlock bands; she was (as she said) but meanly born, and therefore was not to expect so great a match; whereas he could not want choice of other Maids of more worth, and in all respects more answerable unto himself. But among other causes why she gave him this answer, one was, for that some that wished her well, and put into her head, that Ottoman meant not indeed to marry her, but under that colour to obtain of her some few days pleasure, had so having dishonoured her, afterward again to cast her off; which was indeed far from his thoughts; for he the more inflamed with her modest denial, the more desired her for his Wife. In the mean time Ottoman going again unto the Governor of Eskichisar, and courteously by him entertained, 
A folly common unto Lovers.  chanced (as it oftentimes doth among familiar Friends in their merriments) to fall in speech of his Love, with greater affection than discretion, commending her Beauty, her Feature, and gracious Perfections, not dissembling also, to her greater praise, the repulse by him received at her hands. Which the Governor hearing, seemed greatly to like of his choice, saying, that she was by the Divine providence (for so the Turks religiously use to speak) appointed only for him to have. But in the mean time secretly inflamed with the immoderate commendation of Ottoman, 
No friendship in love.  without respect of Friendship, he began to grow amorous of her himself, whom he had never seen; so light is that foolish affection; and that so far, as that being otherwise a man of good discretion, he was not able to conceal or cover these new conceived flames, but that Ottoman by certain conjectures and tokens perceived the same. And yet dissembling the matter as if he had suspected nothing, being risen from the Banquet, calling unto him one of his trusty Servants, secretly sent him away unto certain of the Maid's Friends, willing them in his name, as they tendered her honour, presently to send her away unto some safe place further off, for fear she were not ere long taken from them by a great man more amorous of her person, than respective of her honour. And by and by after taking leave of his unfaithful Friend and bidding him farewel, took his away to the Captain of Inungi, whom he knew to be his dear Friend. But whilst he there stayed certain days, passing the time in hawking, hunting, and other youthful disports, with the Captain his Friend; the Governor of Eskichisar, who commanded all the Country thereabout called Sultan-Ungi, sent one of his trusty Servants to Iburne, to see fair Malhatun, and how all things went there. Who coming thither, and understanding of her secret departure, and that by the advertisement from Ottoman she was conveyed to certain of her Friends afar off, at his return from point to point certified his Master thereof; who exceedingly grieved with the report, and fretting above measure to see himself so deluded by Ottoman, presently sent unto the Captain of Inungi, (being within his jurisdiction) to command him without delay to deliver Ottoman unto him. But he loving of him well, as a faithful man unto his Friend, could with no threats or entreaty be persuaded so to do. Wherefore the Governor in a great rage presently raising the greatest Power he was able to make, 
Ottoman besieged, and in danger for his Love.  came to the Castle of Inungi, requiring to have Ottoman fortwith delivered unto him. Where among the Soldiers there in Garrison with the Captain, began to arise divers opinions; some wishing, for the averting of the present danger for which they were now unprovided, to have him delivered; and other some abhorring so treacherous a fact, willing rather to endure all extremities. In the end after much consultation honesty prevailed, and it was generally resolved, that he should be defended, who could not without their great infamy be delivered. But Ottoman terrified with that diversity of opinions, which had even at first showed itself; and thinking it not for his safety, to commit himself unto the trust of such wavering men, entered into a deep conceit of a matter of great adventure, which was, by a sudden sally to make himself way through the midst of his Enemies. Wherewith having made his Brother jundus and those few his followers there present acquainted, and thereupon resolved; he fiercely sallied out, and by plain force broke through the midst of them, and so took his way towards Suguta, still notably repulsing them that were sent to pursue him. But being come into the Frontiers of his Father's Territory, and the report of his dangers known, and that being but weakly accompanied, he was by a great number of his Enemies pursued; presently all the lusty youths and such as loved him well, took horse to come to his rescue; who meeting with the Governors' Soldiers, that had Ottoman in chase, in a sharp conflict slew divers of them, and put the rest to flight. Of whom some were also taken Prisoners, and amongst the rest one Michael Coss a Christian, Captain of a little Castle in that Country, called Hirmen-Caia, or the Rock of Ormeni; Of whom Ottoman taking compassion, freely pardoned him that offence. With which unexpected courtesy he was so moved, that ever after he took part with him, and did him great service in his Wars; whose Posterity hath ever since even until this our age continued, next unto the Ottoman Family, most honourable and famous amongst the Turks, by the name of Michael Oglies, that is to say, the Sons or Posterity of Michael.  
Ertogrul now spent with age, shortly after died, in the year of our Lord 1289. having lived 93 years, and thereof governed the Oguzian Family after the death of his Father Solyman, 52. His death was of all his Tribe and Kindred generally lamented, and his body after the Turkish manner honourably buried at Suguta, where he had of long time lived.  
After whose death, these plain Oguzian Turks, in a general Assembly consulting whom they might choose for their Lord and Governor in stead of old Ertogrul; casting their eyes especially upon two, stood in doubt of which of them to make choice. 
The Oguzian Turks in doubt of whom to make choice for their Governor.  For although most men were of opinion, that Ottoman for the rare gifts and virtues as well of body as of mind, was to be preferred before the rest of his Brethren the Sons of Ertogrul; yet were there some, and they also men of great gravity and experience, who had in suspect the young man's age, as of itself slippery, and for the most part prone to vice, especially in the liberty of great power; and therefore thought it better to make choice of Dunder (Ertogruls Brother and Othomans' Uncle) a man of far greater gravity, judgement, and experience. But Dunder himself being indeed a wise man, and far from all ambition, persuaded them in that choice not to have any regard at all unto his honour or preferment, but to consider what were best for their State and Welfare in general. For he providently foresaw in what danger the Oguzian State stood, exposed on the one side to the mortal hatred and treacheries of the Greeks, grieved to see themselves spoilt by the Turks, and naturally hating them for the Mahometan Religion; and on the other side not surely backed by the Sultan's of Iconium, brought in thraldom to the Tartars, and daily grown weaker and weaker. Unto which inconveniences and dangers (he said) an old, weak and overgrown body (as his was) could give no help or remedy at all, but required the help of a wise, politic, vigilant, stirring and valiant man, such as they all well knew was Ottoman his Brother's Son. Thus before he came unto the election, he in private declared his mind unto the chief of the Oguzian Family; and afterward at their request coming to the general Assembly, all men's minds and eyes now fixed upon Ottoman, he first of all (by his example to encourage the rest) for the good of the Oguzian Tribe, his ancient House and Family, saluted him their great Lord and Governor, promising unto him all Loyalty, with the utmost of his service; whereunto by and by ensued the great applause of the rest of the People, as unto a Governor sent unto them by God; unto whom they joyfully wished all happy success, with long life and a prosperous Government. Thus with all men's good liking was Ottoman made the great Governor of the Oguzian Turks, and so become among them a great Commander, and honoured with the Title of O Esman-Beg, or the Lord Osman. Yet was this his honour included in a small circuit, plain and homely, without any great Pomp or Show, as commanding amongst rough and rude Herdsmen and Shepherds, not acquainted with the courtesy of other more civil Nations; for as yet they were the same homely Scythian Nomads that they were before, and could not as yet be persuaded to forsake their wont rude and uncivil manners, by long tradition received from their Ancestors, and so best agreeing with their Nature and Calling. Amongst which rude Herdsmen, this new Governor himself, not too far exceeding the rest in civility, commanded much like unto another Romulus; of whom also the Turks report many such things as do the Romans of their Founder, which for brevity I thought good to pass over.  
Now it fortuned that Ottoman, even in the beginning of his Government fell first at odds with one Hagionicholaus, or S. Nicholas (Captain of Einegiol, a Castle there by) for that he had oftentimes of purpose troubled and molested these Oguzian Herdsmen, in passing to and fro with their cattle by his Castle. For which cause Ottoman was enforced to request the Captain of Bilezuga (another Castle there by, also his Neighbour and Friend) that his people in passing that way to the Mountains, might with their Goods and Cattle, as occasion should require, take the refuge of his Castle; which the courteous Captain (well acquainted with old Ertogrul, Othomans' Father) easily granted; yet with this proviso, that none should with such Goods or Cattle have access into his Castle, but the Turks Women only; which his courtesy Ottoman refused not. So was the Castle of Bilezuga from that time forward a refuge unto the Turks Women, who passing that way, and there shrouded with their Goods and Cattle, usually presented the Captain with some one homely Country Present or other, which afterwards was the loss of the Castle.  
Yet was not Ottoman unmindful of the wrong done unto his people, by his evil Neighbour the Captain of Einegiol; but purposing to be thereof revenged, made choice of Seventy of his best and most able men, whom he appointed secretly to pass the Mountain Ormenius, and so if it were possible, to surprise or set on fire his Enemy's Castle. Of which his designment the wary Captain having intelligence by one of his Spials, in place convenient upon the Mountain laid a strong ambush for the cutting off of such as were by Ottoman scent to have surprised his Castle; whereof Ottoman (no less wary than he) before warned by his Scouts, and augmenting the number of his men, marched directly to the place where the Enemy lay. Where betwixt them (for so small a number) was fought a right bloody and cruel Battle, and many slain on both sides; amongst whom Hozza, Othomans' Nephew was one. The Victory nevertheless fell unto Ottoman; after which time his People in much more safety fed their Cattle in the Summer time on the Mountains, as the manner was, and so in quiet passed to and fro.  

The Castle of Chance surp●●sed by Ottoman.  Shortly af●er, Ottoman by night surprised the little Castle Chalce, not far from Einegiol; and there without mercy he put to the Sword all the Christians he found therein, and so afterwards burnt the Castle. Which outrage was the beginning, and occasion of great troubles thereof ensuing; 
The Christians complain of the wrong done unto them by the Turks.  for the Christians of the Countries adjoining, much grieved therewith, and assembling themselves together, complained unto the Captain of Cara-Chisar the greatest Commander thereabout, That these Turks, which not many years before were of mere pity received as poor Herdsmen into that Country, began now in warlike manner to lay violent hands upon the ancient Lands and Possessions of the Christians; which insolency (as they said) if it were longer winked at and suffered by him, and other such men of account and authority as were to reform the same; they would no doubt in short time drive both them and all the rest of the Christians out of their native Countries; wherefore it were now high time, and more than necessary for him, and all the rest, to awake (as it were) out of the dead sleep wherein they had long time drowsily slept; and joining their Forces together, to expulse those unthankful, encroaching, and merciless strangers out of their Countries; the mischief (they said) being now spread far, therefore needed speedy remedy; and that repentance would come too late when it was past cure. The Captain moved with the indignity of the late fact, and just complaint of the poor Country People, sent with all speed a strong company of Soldiers, under the leading of Calanus his Brother; with commandment that they should march unto the Castle of Einegiol, and there to join with the rest of the Christian Forces.  
Ottoman understanding of this preparation made against him, gathering his Soldiers together, marched to a place called Opsicium, near unto Mount Tmolus in Phrygia; where between him and the Christians was fought a sharp Battle, wherein he lost his Brother Sarugatin (whom the Turks account for a Saint or Martyr at this day) with many other of his Soldiers. In this Battle was also Calanus slain, whose Belly Ottoman caused to be ripped, and his Entrails to be pulled out, naming the place where he was buried, Mesari-Repec, that is to say, The Dog-Grave, by which name the place is at this day known. The Body of his Brother Sarugatin he carried to Suguta, and there honourably buried it near to the Body of his Father Ertogrul. Aladin Sultan of Iconium understanding of this conflict, was very sorry for the loss happened unto Ottoman, being a Mahometan of his own Religion; wherefore in token of his good Will and Favour, he gave unto him the City of Paleapolis, with all the Territory thereunto belonging, giving unto him also leave to besiege, take or spoil the signory and Castle of Cara-Chisar; for accomplishment whereof he sent unto him both Soldiers and Munition. Ottoman encouraged with this great bounty of the Sultan's, straightly besieged the Castle of Cara-Chisar, which at last he won, and slew all the Christians therein; the Captain he took alive, whom he cruelly executed; the Spoil of the▪ Castle he gave unto his Soldiers, reserving only the fifth part thereof, which he sent for a Present to the Sultan. All this happened in the year of our Lord 1290. This Castle of Cara-Chisar, with the rest of Einegiol, Bilezuga, Chalce, and others before and hereafter in the life of Ottoman to be mentioned, were all situate in the borders of the greater Phrygia, or else near thereunto in the Confines of Bythinia and Mysia; In which pleasant Countries (but lately part of the Constantinopolitan Empire) the Christians the ancient inhabitants thereof, as yet dwelled, intermingled with the Turks at the rising of the Ottoman Empire; with whom they lived at continual jars, until that at length they were by them altogether utterly oppressed and extinguished.  
Ottoman encouraged with this good success, 
Ottoman consulteth with his Brother Jundus what course to take for the oppressing of t●e Christians his Neighbour's.  and supported by the great Sultan of Iconium, began now after his ambitious nature to conceit greater matters, for the further increase of his Honour and Territory; yet not trusting altogether to his own device, he entered into consultation with his Brother jundus, which way was best to take to distress and bring in subjection his Neighbours the Christians. In which case, jundus a man of greater courage than discretion, advised him with all celerity to urge his good fortune, and presently to invade the Christians already discouraged with the loss of Cara-Chisar. But this counsel altogether pleased not Ottoman; for (said he) the Castles and Forts by us gained, must be kept with strong Garrisons, otherwise they will again be recovered by the Enemy; which Garrisons cannot be maintained and kept, if we spoil or dispeople the Country's adjoining upon us; for in so doing we shall (as it were) with our own hands cut our own Throats; wherefore I think it better, that we enter into a League of Amity and Friendship with the Christians round about us; which League we will keep with some and break with others, as shall serve best for our purpose. And according to this resolution, he made Peace indeed with all the Christians, but especially with Michael Cossi, Captain of Hirmen-C●ia Castle, of whom we have before spoken, who afterward served him to great use in the managing of his Wars, and became also a Renegat of the Mahometan Religion▪ All this Ottoman did the rather, because he was then at great variance with one Germean-Ogli (a great man among the Turks, but one of the Selzuccian Family) who envying at the rising of Ottoman, sought by all means possible to hinder his greatness, as did also the others, his quietness; which discord the Christians liked well, as a mean for them to live in more rest by.  
In the mean time, Ottoman devised with all carefulness to beautify and strengthen his new Common-weal; and for the greater concourse of People, built a fair Temple in Cara-Chisar for the exercise of the Mahometan Religion; appointed Markets to be kept in all peaceable manner, in his great Towns, granting great privileges to such as resorted thither, as well Christians as Turks; using therein such Justice, that, all sorts of People without fear, in hope of gain resorting thither, furnished his Country and Towns with all things necessary; yet this care of civil policy and government, could not so withdraw him, but that according to his aspiring mind, he had always a greater desire and care to enlarge his Possessions and Territory. Wherefore intending to make a road into Bythinia, he requested Michael Cossi, the Christian Captain before mentioned, to deliver his opinion what was best to be done; who so politicly directed him in that exploit, that he returned victorious, enriched with great Spoil and more Honour. This road so terrified most of the Christians thereabouts, that they were loath to give Ottoman any cause of offence, for fear lest they should by him be spoiled.  
It fortuned about this time, that the Captains of Bilezuga and Cupri-Chisar falling at odds, 
Ottoman sets in order his little Commonweal.  he of Cupri-Chisar first taking up Arms fiercely invaded the Captain of Bilezuga; who thereupon sent unto Ottoman, to pray his aid, which he easily granted, and so without further delay presently came unto him with certain Companies of lusty tall Soldiers. By whose coming, the Captain of Bilezuga not a little encouraged and strengthened, set upon his Enemy; where betwixt them was made a sharp conflict, and divers on both sides slain; but the Victory by the help of Ottoman the Turk, at length inclining to the Bilezugian, the other vanquished Captain in all hast fled unto his own Castle. After whom Ottoman following, laid siege unto the Castle, which at length he took together with the Captain, whom he caused to be presently slain. It is strange to tell, how proud the Lord of Bilezuga was, to have so revenged himself of his Enemy, and to have gained the Victory; although it were indeed gotten, not so much by his own Valour as by the Prowess of the Turk; for whom and his followers in token of his thankfulness, he caused a great Feast to be provided in the Country there, whereby he honourably entertained them; and in the end of the Feast, caused Garments of great price (according to the manner of the Eastern Nations) to be given to Ottoman, in token of his favour, and his Soldiers to be also bountifully rewarded; but this was done with such a presumptuous state and grace, as if he had been some great Prince, offering unto the common Soldiers of the Turks, in passing by them, his hand to kiss, as a great favour. With which exceeding insolency, Ottoman was so much offended, that he had much ado to hold his hands from him; yet repressing his anger, he in secret imparted his discontentment unto his Cousin Dunder, his Uncle Dunders Son, grievously complaining of the intolerable pride of the Christian Captain▪ and of the disgrace by him done unto the Turks, in offering them his hand to kiss; requiring his opinion how he were for the same to be corrected; who but a little before, being by the said Captain made Lieutenant, frankly told his Kinsman▪ That as then nothing was to be attempted against him; first, for that on the one side they had Germean-Ogli (a great man amongst the Selzuccian Turks) their Enemy, and round about them besides they were environed with the Christians, whom he should have all in his neck at once if he should offer the Bilezugian Captain any wrong. By which answer, Ottoman perceiving his Cousin's great affection towards the Christian Captain, and doubting to have the mischief he had imagined against him, by him revealed, or at leastwise hindered; without more ado suddenly taking up his Bow in his hand, with an Arrow shot him quite through, and so slew him.  
Not long after, 
Mich●e● Cossi ●nvi●eth Ottoman 〈◊〉 the marriage of his Daughter.  Michael Cossi the Captain of H●rmen-Caia, Othomans' great Friend, having concluded a marriage between a Gentleman of that Country and his Daughter, invited all the Christian Captains of the Castles thereabouts, requesting them to come to the marriage; and the rather, that so they might grow into acquaintance with Ottoman, whose power began now to grow dreadful unto them; hoping that such means might be found at that merry meeting, that all being made Friends, every man might in more security possess his own without fear of being spoiled by him. Unto this marriage came all these bidden Guests, bringing with them such Presents as they thought good to bestow upon the new married Folks, according to the manner of the Country; but Othomans' Gifts far exceeded all the rest, who besides many other rich things, gave unto them whole Flocks and Droves of Sheep and cattle; which thing drew all the Christian Captains into no little admiration of his bounty; insomuch that they began to say among themselves, that Othomans' Wealth and good Fortune did portend some greater matter, to their utter ruin and fall; which to prevent, they thought it best by secret means to compass his death. The execution of which device they referred to the Captain of Bilezuga, as unto one with him best acquainted. This Captain was of great Wealth, Credit, and Authority amongst the Christian Rulers thereabouts, but very full of Craft and Dissimulation; which his evil disposition, Ottoman of long time well perceived; yet having occasion to use him, in subtle manner gave him (in outward show) all the honour he could, magnifying him in words, and debasing himself as plain and poor in comparison of him. But to give a beginning to this treacherous device; the Captain meeting with Ottoman, in a friendly manner told him, how that he intended shortly to marry the Daughter of the Captain of jar-chiser, earnestly requesting him to honour that his marriage with his presence, of the time whereof, he said he would give him farther knowledge afterwards; and all was but a colour, to bring Ottoman within his danger, not fearing any such Treason. Ottoman understanding that the time of the marriage drew nigh, sent thither a Present of certain fat Oxen and Sheep, in the name of his Brother jundus, for the Captain's provision against the marriage; certifying him, that Ottoman himself, with his simple Retinue, would be present at the marriage, and then present him, not with such Presents as were agreeable with his Honour, yet such as his poor ability could afford. This message with the Presents, were wonderful welcome to the Captain, hoping assuredly that his devised Treachery would take such effect as he wished; and therefore calling unto him Michael Cossi, in whom he had reposed an especial trust, declared to him his whole device (whereof he was not before altogether ignorant) requesting him to take the pains to go unto Ottoman to bring him to the marriage, the time being now certainly appointed and at hand; which he knew Cossi might easily do, being of his familiar acquaintance; and in token of great Friendship, he sent unto Ottoman by the same Messenger, a Present of gilt Plate. Cossi took upon him this Message, which when he had delivered to Ottoman, he found him very willing to go, as a man not doubting any harm. But Cossi inwardly grieving to see so brave a man, and his kind Friend, by such treacherous manner to be brought to his end, moved with compassion, discovered unto him the whole Conspiracy of the Captain against him, and of the Plot laid for his destruction, willing him to take heed unto himself; for which virtue, Ottoman gave Cossi great thanks as to his Friend, for saving his life; and withal richly rewarded him, promising him greater matters if he would continue that his faithful Friendship. Now concerning the Captain of Bilezuga (saith he) at your return recommend me unto him, and tell him, That I think myself much bound unto him for many courtesies, but especially for that he hath heretofore divers times in most friendly manner protected my Goods and cattle, within the safeguard of his Castle; which his Friendship I most humbly request him to continue for one year more, enforced thereunto by reason of the dangerous Wars betwixt me and the Prince Germean-Ogli, as he well knoweth; wherefore if it might so stand with his good pleasure, I would presently send unto his Castle such things as I make most reckoning of, requesting him once more to be the faithful keeper thereof, as he hath been before; and tell him further, that my Mother-in-Law, with her Daughter my Wife, desire nothing more than to find opportunity to be acquainted with the honourable Lady his Mother; for which cause (if it please him) I will bring them both with me to the marriage. This Othomans' request, when the Captain of Bilezuga understood by Michael Cossi, he sent the same Cossi back again to hasten his coming, willing him to bring with him what guests he pleased; appointing certain time and place when and where the marriage should be solemnised. And because the Castle of Bilezuga was thought to be too little conveniently to receive the multitude of People which were expected at the marriage, there was another open place of greater receipt appointed in the Country for that purpose, about three miles distant from the Castle. The marriage day drew nigh, whereunto Ottoman must repair for his promise sake; and therefore prepared with all diligence to set forward, and to put in execution what he had devised for the safety of himself, and destruction of his Enemy. Ottoman had of long accustomed in dangerous times, to send by carriage the best of his things, made up in packs, to be kept in safety in the Castle of Bilezuga; under the colour whereof he now made great packs in form as he was wont; but instead of his rich Household stuff, and such other things of price, he thrust in armed men, covering those packs with homley cover, sending them by Carriages to the Castle of Bilezuga, giving charge that they should not come thither before twilight. After that, he apparelled certain of his best Soldiers in women's apparel, as if it had been his Wife and Mother-in-Law, with their Women; so casting his journey, that he with these disguised Soldiers, and the other sent in packs, might at one instant meet at the Castle aforesaid. The Captain being now in the Country, and understanding that Ottoman was coming in the Evening with a great train of Gentlewomen; thought the cause of his late coming to be, for that the Turkish Women use to shun the sight of Christian men by all means they can. Ottoman being now come to the place in the Country where the marriage was next day to be solemnised, having done his humble reverence to the Captain, requested him to do him the honour, that his Gentlewomen which were nigh at hand, might by his appointment be sent to his Castle, there to have some convenient lodging where they might alight and bestow themselves apart from others, according to the homely fashion of their Nation; lest peradventure the presence of so honourable a company of Noblemen and Gallants, might put them out of countenance: which the Captain granted, and having saluted them a far off after the Turkish manner, commanded them to be conveyed, to his Castle, making reckoning of them all as of a rich prey. At the same time that these disguised Soldiers arrived at the Castle, 
The Captain of Bilezuga treacherously seeking the death of Ottoman, is by him, himself slain.  came thither also the other Soldiers covered in packs in the carriages: which so soon as they came into the Castle, suddenly leapt out of the packs, and drawing their short Swords, with the help of their disguised Fellows slew the Warders of the Castle, and without more ado possessed the same; the greatest part of the Captain's people being before gone out of the Castle to the place of the marriage. Ottoman having tarried so long with the Captain, as he supposed the Castle at that time by his men surprised; so soon as the Captain had taken his Chamber, suddenly took horse, with all his Followers, accompanied also with Cossi, taking his way directly to the Castle of Bilezuga; of whose sudden departure the Captain understanding, presently took horse and pursued him with all his Train, which were for the most part drunk, and overtaking him before he came to the Castle set upon him; in which conflict, he was by Ottoman slain, and the rest put to flight.  
The same night Ottoman using great celerity, early in the Morning surprised the Castle of jarchisar, also where he took Prisoners the Captain thereof, with his fair Daughter Lulufer, (which should have been married to the Captain of Bilezuga the next day) with all her Friends, as they were ready to have gone unto the marriage, which fair Lady he shortly after married unto his eldest Son Orcanes; who had by her Amurath, third King of the Turks, and Solyman Bassa.  
Ottoman omitting no opportunity, presently sent one of his Captains called Durgut-Alpes, a man of great esteem and valour, to besiege the Castle of Einegiol; wherein he used such celerity, that preventing the fame of that was done at Bilezuga, he suddenly environed the Castle, in such sort that none could pass in or out; until such time, as that Ottoman having brought his Prisoners and Prey to the Castle of Bilezuga, and there having set all things in good order, came with the rest of his men of War to Einegiol; which he presently by force took, promising the Spoil thereof unto his Soldiers. The Captain called Hagio Nicholaus his ancient Enemy, he caused to be cut in small pieces, and all the men to be slain; which cruelty he used, because they a little before had used the like tyranny against his Turks.  
When Ottoman had thus got into his subjection a great part of the strong Castles and Forces of the greater Phrygia, 
Ottoman by administration of justice strengtheneth his government.  with the Territory to them belonging, he began with all carefulness to make good Laws, and to execute justice to all his Subjects, as well Christians as Turks; with great indifferency studying by all means to keep his Country in peace and quietness, and to protect his Subjects from the Spoil of others, as well Christians as Turks; whereby it came to pass, that the old Inhabitants which had for the most part forsaken the Country, by reason of the great troubles therein, repaired now again to their ancient dwellings; and not only they, but many other Strangers also, supplying the places of them whom the late Wars had consumed. So that by his good Government, that wasted Country in short time grew to be again very populous.  
The civil Government of his Country well established, 
The City of Nice besieged by Ottoman.  he besieged the City of Isnica, in ancient time called Nice, a City of Bythinia, famous for the general Council there holden against Arius in the time of Constantine the Great. This City he brought into great distress, by placing his men of War in Forts new built upon every passage and way leading unto the same, so that nothing could be brought out of the Country for the relief of the poor Citizens. They in this extremity, by a secret Messenger certified the Emperor of Constantinople (under whose obedience they were) in what distress the City stood; and that except he sent them present relief, they must of necessity either perish with Famine, or yield themselves into the hands of their Enemies the Turks. The Emperor moved with the pitiful complaint of this Messenger, with all expedition embarked certain companies of Soldiers from Constantinople to relieve his besieged City. But Ottoman understanding by his Spials, where these Soldiers were appointed to land, in secret manner withdrawing most of his Forces from the Siege, lay in ambush near to the same place where the Emperor's Soldiers (casting no peril) landed; who before they could put themselves in order of Battle were by Ottoman and his Turks in such sort charged, that most part of them were there slain, and the rest driven into the Sea, where they miserably perished. Ottoman having thus politicly overthrown the Constantinopolitan Soldiers, returning to the Siege, continued the same in straighter manner than before. The besieged Citizens driven into great penury, and now despairing of all help, yielded themselves with the great and rich City of Nice into the hands of Ottoman, with the Spoil whereof he greatly enriched his men of War.  
Aladin the great Sultan of Iconium, glad to hear of this good success of Ottoman against the Christians, in token of his Favour and Love, sent unto him a fair Ensign, with certain Drums, and Trumpets, a Sword and Princely Robe, with large Charters, That whatsoever he took from the Christians should be all his own; and also that public Prayers should be said in all the Turks Temples, in the name of Ottoman, for his health and prosperous estate; which two things properly belonged to the dignity of the Sultan. These extraordinary favours gave occasion for many to think, that Sultan Aladin (having no Children) intended to make Ottoman his adoptive Son and Successor in his Kingdom.  
The Presents and Charters sent him, Ottoman humbly accepted, sending unto Aladin the fifth part of the Spoil of Nice, taken from the Christians; but the Princely Honours due to the Sultan only, he used not during the life of Aladin, intending not long after to have gone himself in person to visit the Sultan, and so to have grown into his further Favour. But having prepared all things for so honourable a journey, at what time as he was about to set forward, he was certainly informed of the death of Aladin; and that Sahib (one of his great Counsellors) had taken upon him the dignity of the Sultan (as is before declared;) which news much discontented the aspiring mind of this Oguzian Turk, in good hope to have succeeded him in the Kingdom, or at leastwise to have shared the greatest part thereof unto himself, whereof he was now altogether disappointed. Yet immediately after the death of Aladin, he thought it now fit time to take upon him the Princely Honours before granted unto him by the Sultan in his life time, which he for modesty sake had forborn, Aladin yet living; wherefore he made one Drusu surnamed Fakitche (that is to say, a man learned in the Turkish Law) Bishop and Judge of Cara-Chisar, commanding the public Prayers which were wont to be made for the health and prosperous Reign of the great Sultan, to be now made in his own name; which was first openly done by the said Bishop in the Pulpit of Cara-Chisar. At the same time also he began to coin Money in his own name, and to take upon him all other Honours belonging unto a Sultan or King; which was about ten years after the death of his Father Ertogrol, year 1300. and in the year of our Lord 1300. unto which time the beginning of the great Empire of the Turks is under the fortune of this Ottoman, to be of right referred, as then by him thus begun.  
When Ottoman had thus taken upon him the Majesty of a King, 
Neapolis the first Regal City of the Ottoman Kings.  he made his Son Orcanes' Prince and Governor of Cara-Chisar; promoting his principal Followers, to be Governors of other strong Castles and Forts, divers of which places retain the name of those Captains at this day. He himself made choice of the City Neapolis, about twenty miles from Nice, to seat his Regal Palace in, where also divers of his Nobility built them Houses, and changed the name of the City, calling it Despotopolis, as who should say, the City of the Lord or Prince. For all this, Ottoman ceased not to devise by all means he could, to augment his Kingdom; and for that cause being accompanied with his Son Orcanes, made many roads into the Country's adjoining upon him, surprising such places as might best serve his purpose, for the enlargement of his Kingdom, all which in particular to rehearse were tedious.  
The Christian Princes, rulers of the Countries bordering upon this new Kingdom, 
Prusa besieged by Ottoman.  fearing lest the greatness of Ottoman might in short time be their utter confusion, agreed to join all their Forces together, and so to commit to the Fortune of one great Battle their own Estates with his; according to which resolution, the Christian confederate Princes, which were for the most part of Mysia, and Bythinia, levying the greatest Forces they were able to make, with Fire and Sword invaded Othomans' Kingdom. Who having knowledge beforehand of this great preparation made against him, had in readiness all his Captains and Men of War; and hearing that his Enemies had entered his Dominion, in warlike manner marched directly towards them; and meeting with them in the Confines of Phrygia and Bythinia, fought with them a great and mortal Battle, wherein many were slain on both sides, as well Turks as Christians; and after a long Fight, obtained of them a right bloody Victory. In this Battle Casteleanus, one of the greatest Christian Captains was slain; another called Tekensis of the Country which he governed in Phrygia, chased by Ottoman unto the Castle of Ulubad, not far distant from the place where the Battle was fought, was for fear delivered unto him by the Captain of the same Castle, and was afterward by Othomans' commandment most cruelly cut in pieces, within the view of his chief Castle; which Ottoman afterwards subdued, with all the Country thereabouts. The other Christian Princes and Captains saved themselves by flying into strong Holds farther off. The Prince of Bythinia the chief Author of this War, fled into the strong City of Prusa, which the Turks now call Burusa, whither Ottoman not long after led his Army, in hope to have won the same; but finding it not possible to be taken by force, began presently at one time to build two great and strong Castles upon the chief passages leading to the City, which Castles he with great industry finished in one year; and in the one, placed as Captain Actemeur his Nephew; in the other one Balabanzuck, both men of great courage and skilful in feats of War; and in this sort having blocked up the City of Prusa, so that little or nothing could without great danger be brought into it, he subdued the most part of Bythinia; and so returned home, leaving the two Castles well manned with strong Garrisons, under the charge of the Captains before named.  
Ottoman returning home to Neapolis, honourably rewarded his Soldiers, according to their deserts, establishing such a quiet and pleasing Government in his Kingdom, that People in great number resorted from far into his Dominions, there to seat themselves; whereby his Kingdom became in few years exceeding populous, and he for his politic Government most famous. And so living in great quietness certain years, being now become aged and much troubled with the Gout; his old Soldiers accustomed to live by the Wars, abhorring Peace, came to him, requesting him as it were with one voice, to take some honourable War in hand for the enlargement of his Kingdom, with great cheerfulness offering to spend their lives in his service rather than to grow old in idleness; which forwardness of his men of War greatly pleased him, and so giving them thanks, for that time dismissed them, promising that he would not be long unmindful of their request. But yet thinking it good to make all things safe at home before he took any great Wars in hand abroad, thought it expedient to call unto him Michael Cossi, the only Christian Captain whom for his great deserts he had at all times suffered to live in quiet with his Possessions, as it were in the heart of his Kingdom; and by fair means (if it might be) to persuade him to forsake the Christian Religion, and become a follower of Mahomet, and so to take away all occasion of mistrust; which if he should refuse to do, then forgetting all former Friendship, to make War upon him as his utter Enemy. Whereupon Cossi was sent for, being persuaded by the Messenger, that Ottoman had sent for him, because he had occasion to use his wont faithful Counsel and Service in a great exploit which he had intended, as he had oftentimes before. Cossi thinking of nothing less than of that which ensued, came accompanied with such Soldiers as he thought to use in that service; But coming unto Ottoman, and understanding the very cause why he was sent for, 
Michael Cossi turneth Turk.  and seeing danger eminent on every side, kissing Othomans' Hand, after the manner of the Turks, requested him in courteous manner to enter him in the Principles of the Mahometan Religion, which he promised ever after to embrace; And so saying certain words after Ottoman, he turned Turk, to the great displeasure of God, and the contentment of Ottoman and his Nobility. For which his revolting, Ottoman presently gave him an Ensign and a rich Robe, tokens whereby the Mahometan Sultan's assure their Vassals of their Favour and the undoubted possession of such Land and Living as they then hold.  
Oftentimes after this, Ottoman for the contenting of his Soldiers, invaded the Country's bordering upon him, took many strong Castles and Forts, subdued the most part of Phrygia, Misia, and Bythinia, and other great Regions, unto the Euxine Sea; and being now very aged and diseased as is aforesaid with the Gout, and thereby unable to go into the field in person himself, oftentimes sent his Son Orcanes against his Enemies; who to the imitation of his Father achieved many great enterprises, Ottoman his Father yet living.  
Now happily might the considerate Reader (and not without just cause) marvel, what dead sleep had overwhelmed the Greek Emperors of those times; first Michael Paleologus, and afterwards his Son Andronicus, both men of great Valour, and still resiant at Constantinople, thus to suffer the Turks (not Ottoman, for he as yet bore no sway; but others the sharers of Sultan Aladins Kingdom) to take their Cities, spoil their Countries, kill their Subjects, and daily to encroach upon them in the lesser Asia, and especially in Bythinia, so near unto them, and as it were even under their Noses: But let him with me, here as in a most convenient place but breath a little, and consider the troubled State of that declining Empire, now hasting to an end; and he shall plainly see the causes of the decay thereof, and how like an old diseased body quite overthrown and sick to death, it became at length a Prey unto the aspiring Turks. Michael Paleologus having by great treachery obtained the Greek Empire, and by rare fortune recovered also the City of Constantinople from Baldwin the Emperor (as is in the former part of this History declared) fearing the power of the Princes of the West, but especially of Charles King of Sicilia, than a Prince of great Fame and Power, whom he knew Baldwin (the late Emperor) ceased not to solicit for the restitution of him again into his Empire, and to have also joined with him a near bond of Affinity, by marrying his Daughter unto Charles his Son; to avert this danger, and to entangle Charles with troubles near home, by his Ambassadors offered unto Gregory the Tenth, than Bishop of Rome, to unite and conform the Greek Church unto the Latin, and to acknowledge the Bishop's Supremacy in such sort as that it should be lawful for any man to appeal unto the Court of Rome, as unto the higher and most excellent Court; of which his offer the Pope gladly accepted, promising to perform what he had before requested, for the keeping of Charles otherwise busied. But when it came to the point, 
Alteration of Religion in the Greek Church.  that this reformation and alteration of Religion in the Greek Church should be made, joseph the Patriarch, to begin withal, gave up his place, and shortly after forsaking the City, retired himself into a Monastery near unto the Strait of Bosphorus, where he at quiet devoutly spent the rest of his life. The rest of the Clergy also discontented with this innovation, in their Sermons openly inveighed against it, persuading the People not to receive it; crying out, That now was come the time of their trial, the time of their Martyrdom, and the time wherein they were to receive the glorious Crown of their painful sufferings; insomuch, that great tumults were thereupon raised, and all the City and the Country in an uproar; for it was not the Clergy only, and the vulgar People by them moved, which disliked and abhorred these the Emperors proceedings, and made these stirs, but many of the better sort, yea, of the chief Magistrates themselves also. So that Michael Paleologus the Emperor leaving all other foreign business, was enforced to convert all his Power and Study unto the appeasing of these domestic Troubles, as deeming them of greater danger than those abroad. And first to persuade his discontented Subjects, he told them, That this alteration was made not for any good liking he had thereunto, but in respect of the dangerousness of the time; and that it was a point of wisdom, to foresee dangers hanging over our heads, and not to delay, if any thing were to be altered, for the averting thereof; for if the Enemies (as he said) should come, the City yet in many places rend, or but lately repaired, and as it were but newly raised from death to life, the present mischiefs would be far greater than those forepast, and that than their Enemies would become Lords, not of their Religion and Ceremonies only, but of all at once, their Wives, their Children, and whatsoever else they had, where their Liberty changed into Bondage, they should be constrained to conform themselves not with their bodily service only, but even with their minds also, unto the Wills of the Latines their Enemies. And that so it would come to pass, that no man should be able to keep the old Customs and Manners of their Ancestors, but should see even their most sacred Rites and Ceremonies changed and quite overthrown. Which he carefully foreseeing, had not (as he said) refused to yield unto necessity, and as Wisdom would, neglected a little harm in respect of a greater benefit; and in the less to have yielded unto his Enemies, to enjoy the benefit of the greater. With which the Emperor's persuasion some were moved, and so held themselves contented; and some others not; 
Persecution in the Greek Church for matters of Religion.  against whom he was enforced to use other more severe remedies, as against his rebellious Subjects; of whom some he imprisoned, some he banished, some he tormented, some he dismembered, some he bereft of their Sight, or confiscated their Goods, using (in brief) all the means whereby the Minds of the Resolute or the Weak were to be moved. All which things, they whose zeal was grounded upon knowledge (in number fewest) with patience endured; but the greater part void of judgement, and the refuse of the People in simple Attire, ran roving abroad, some into Peloponesus, some into Thracia, some into Achaia, and some as far as Colchos, as men persecuted for their conscience, not regarding greatly whether, so it were out of the Emperor's jurisdiction, and something fitting their own Humours; neither conforming themselves unto the Religion then commonly by the Emperor established, neither yet agreeing among themselves, but taking unto them divers names, some as the Disciples of Arsenius, some of joseph, and some of others; some of them, themselves deceived, and deceiving others also. Thus for the avoiding of foreign danger out of the West, was the Empire at home no little endangered, and the State thereof shaken. Wherewith the Emperor was so encumbered, as that he had no leisure to provide for the tempest arising by the Turks out of the East, but was enforced wholly to employ himself and all his endeavours to the keeping of his People and Subjects in their due obedience at home. All whose deep devices, first in aspiring to the Empire, no way unto him due, and great travels afterwards for the assuring of the same to himself and his Posterity, against all right even with the alteration of the Religion of his Fathers, yielded him in the winding up of all, not so much as credit of an honourable Sepulture; but dying in these troubles not far from Lisymachia, as he was making preparation against the Prince of Thessaly, was there by his Son Andronicus his commandment (for whose advancement he had strained both his Faith and Honour) obscurely buried in the Field, a good way from his Camp, as unworthy of a better Sepulture, for revolting from the ancient Religion of his Ancestors, although his Obsequies were for fashion sake afterward with some solemnity celebrated. This was the end of the great Emperor Michael Paleologus, in whose time the Turks, the Successors of Aladin, greatly encroached upon him in the lesser Asia, as is in part before declared; a man greatly adorned with the good gifts both of body and mind, had he not for the advancement of himself and his Posterity, stained the same with foul Treachery and Apostasy; for which (as some say) he ever after lived in conscience troubled, and dying, was even by his own Son not thought worthy of an honourable funeral. A notable example unto all such as with greediness seek after vain glory, and foolishly expose themselves unto such adventures, as oftentimes overwhelm their deepest devices, having in themselves no certainty, preferring their inordinate desires (either for themselves or their Posterity) before that which is good and virtuous. Twice wretched in so doing; first in their folly, and then in their endeavours; who beside that they find God himself against their designs and purposes, they by and by also evidently meet with other things than what they had forecasted, contrary unto them; and so themselves oftentimes, contrary to their expectation, cast headlong into extreme misery; for lo, even he of whom we now speak, otherwise a man of great Wisdom, and happy in his doings, overcome with his affection towards his Children, in desiring to leave unto them the Empire, when as he ought to have cast all the care, both of himself and of them, especially upon the Providence of God; he like a blind man following his own deep conceits, not grounded upon the fear of God, but upon Man's Wisdom only, cast himself before he was aware into miserable troubles, and became odious even unto his Subjects, and them also for whom he had so forgot himself, For whereas God had even from his Childhood allotted unto him the Empire (as was by many evident signs and tokens to have been gathered) if he could have moderated his untimely desires, kept his tongue from Perjury, and his hands from blood, and not turned out of the way after strange Doctrine; he had by many degrees excelled even the best Emperors his Predecessors; whereas now he lieth obscurely buried, shrouded in the sheet of Defame, the report of his foul and faithless dealings far exceeding all his other worthy virtues.  
Andronicus Paleologus succeeding his Father in the Empire, and thinking by restoring again the government of the Church, together with the Rites and Customs of the Greeks, to have appeased all such troubles as were before by his Father raised, by bringing in those of the Latins; found himself therein much deceived, and his troubles no less than his Fathers; they which had before received the Latin Customs, and well liking of them, with great obstinacy defending the same; and the other of the contrary Faction now countenanced by the Emperor, without modesty or measure insulting upon them; whereof arose exceeding great stirs and troubles, especially in the beginning of hi● Reign; to the great benefit of the encroaching Turks, who in the mean time ceased not by all means to increase their Territories in Asia; and not only there, but in the Islands of the Miditerranean Sea also. For Andronicus by the death of Charles King of Sicily, 
Andronicus sparing to maintain his Navy, weakeneth his Empire.  delivered of the greatest fear for which both he and his Father before him had to their great cost and charge both built and maintained a strong Fleet of Galleys; now persuaded by some, whose actions and speeches were after the manner of the Court, all framed unto the Prince's Appetite, (as the readiest way to thrive, without respect of the common good) to spare that needless charge (as they termed it) which yearly cost him more than any thing else; had discharged all his Mariners and Seamen, and commanded all the Galleys to be laid up, some in one ●reek, some in another; where neglected and not looked unto, they in time for the most part rotten and perished. As for the Mariners, they went some one way, some another, as their Fortunes led them, to seek ●or their Livings in foreign Countries, even with the Emperor's Enemies; and some gave themselves to Husbandry, thinking it better by doing something to live, than by sitting still to perish. Which good Husbandry at the first seemed to be very profitable unto the Emperor, but especially unto such as being near unto him, and courteously given, made small reckoning of all other the most necessary defences of the Empire, in comparison of hoarding up of money, until that it was afterward too late by experience found hereof to have sprung many great mischiefs, unto the great weakening of the Greek Empire. For besides that the Turks without let did great harm on the Sea; the Pirates now out of fear of the Emperor's Galleys, at their pleasure took the Spoil of the rich Islands in the Mediterranean, and robbed the Towns all along the Sea-coast, to the unspeakable grief of the poor Country People; and yet not so contented, came with their Galleys, sometime two, sometime three, sometime more, as it were in contempt, even close unto the imperial City. Yea the Venetians were so bold, as upon a right small displeasure to rifle and afterward to set fire upon the Suburbs thereof, which they would hardly have adventured, had the Emperor's Fleet been preserved and maintained in the wont Strength.  
At the same time also Andronicus the Emperor (to the great hindrance of the Affairs of the Empire, and advantage of the foreign Enemy) was not a little troubled with a jealous Suspicion of his Brother Constantine (commonly called Porphyrogenitus) as if he had sought to have aspired unto the Empire; seeking by all means to win unto himself the love and favour of all men, but especially of the Nobility both at home and abroad, and so by that means to mount unto the height of his desires; All which (as most men thought) were but mere Slanders, maliciously devised by such as envying at his Honour, and taking occasion by the Emperor's Suspicion, ceased not to increase the same, until they had wrought his unworthy destruction. The first ground of this false Suspicion in the Emperor's head, was, for that this Constantine even from his Childhood, was for many causes, better beloved of the old Emperor his Father, than Andronicus, as better furnished with those gifts of Nature which beautify a Prince, and of a more courteous Bahaviour than was his Brother; insomuch that had he not been the younger Brother, his Father could willingly have left him his Successor in the Empire. This was one and the chiefest cause of the Emperor's grudge, and the ground of his Suspicion. Yet was there another also, and that not much less than this; for that his Father in his life time had of long thought, to have separated from the Empire a great part of Thessalia and Macedonia, and to have made him absolute Prince thereof; and had haply so done, had he not been by death prevented; which thing also much grieved Andronicus, and the more incensed him against his Brother. Which his secret hatred he for all that according to his Wisdom, cunningly dissembled, not only during the time that his Father lived, but three years after his death also, making show of the great love and kindness towards him that was possible. Constantine in the mean time, of such greatest revenues as were by his Father assigned unto him, reaping great profit, most bountifully bestowed the same upon his Followers and Favourites, and others that made suit unto him, as well the meaner sort as the greater, and with his sweet Behaviour won unto him the Hearts of all men; for Affability and Courtesy in high degree easily allureth men's minds, as do fair flowers in the Spring the Passengers Eyes. This was that precept of the wise Indians, That the higher a Prince was in Dignity, and the more courteous he showed himself unto his Inferiors, the better he should be of them beloved. He therefore that should for the two first causes blame Constantine, should do him wrong; as both proceeding not of himself, but of his Fathers too much love; but in the third he was not altogether blameless; for if for want of experience he prodigally gave such gifts, 
Immoderate bounty in great men dangerous.  as for the most part might have beseemed the Emperor himself, he ignorantly erred, yet did he not little offend; but if he knew, that for his profuse bounty he could not be unsuspected of his Brother, and yet without regard held on that course, he was greatly to be blamed therein. For if nothing else might have moved him, yet he should have considered, to what end the like doings of others in former times had sorted, and how many it had brought to untimely end. So although perhaps that Constantine meant no harm unto his Brother, or any way to supplant him, yet did these things not a little increase and aggravate the former Suspicions, and open the Ears of the Emperor his Brother unto such calumniation as commonly attendeth upon immoderate bounty. But to return to our purpose, this honourable Constantine then lived in Lydia, but lately married, and in good hope long to live, being not past thirty years old; but pleasantly spending the time with his Wife at Nymphea in Lydia, at such time as he was thus secretly accused unto his Brother, the Emperor thought it good, as upon other occasions of business, to pass over into Asia himself, but indeed with a secret resolution, upon the sudden to oppress his Brother unawars, as by proof it fell out. For at his coming over, Constantine fearing nothing less, was forthwith apprehended, with all his greatest Favourites, of whom one Michael Strategopulus (sometime a man in great Authority with the Emperor his Father, and of all other, for wealth, honour, and noble acts most famous) was chief; who together with Constantine were fast clapped into prison, where we will leave them every hour looking to die, their Lands and Goods being before confiscated. But these worthy men, especially Canstantine and Strategopulus, thus laid fast; who many times in great Battles discomfited the Turks, and notably defended the frontiers of the Empire along the East side of the River Meander; they now finding none to withstand them, foraged not only all the rich Country beyond the River, but with an infinite multitude passing the same, did there great harm also; so that there was no remedy, but that the Emperor must of necessity make choice of some other worthy Captain for the defence of those his Cities and Countries, by the Incursion of the Turks then in danger in that part of Asia.  
There was then in the Emperor's Court one Alexius Philanthropenus, a right valiant and renowned Captain, and then in the flower of his youth; of him the Emperor thought good to make choice for defence of those Frontiers of his Empire in the lesser Asia (against the Turks) which were before, the charge of his Brother Constantine and Strategopulus; joining to him one Libadarius, an old famous Captain, and a man of great experience also; appointing unto him the Government of the Cities of jonia; and unto the other the Frontiers along the winding banks of Meander. Where Alexius having now gotten a Charge worthy his valour, and in many great Conflicts with the Turks still carrying away the Victory, became in short time of great fame; besides that, he was exceeding bountiful and courteous unto all men; a costly, but a ready way unto dangerous Credit and Renown. Thus at the first all things prospered in his hand according to his hearts desire; yea the Turks themselves, bordering upon him, hardly beset on the one side by the Tartars, and on the other by himself; and yet not so much feared with their Enemies behind them, as moved with his courtesy, came over to him with their Wives and Children, and served themselves (many of them) in his Camp: But as they say, That in jupiters' Court no man might drink of the Tun of Bliss, but that he must taste also of the Tun of Woe; so fell it out with this great Captain, who having but tasted of the better Tun, had the worse all poured full upon his head. For Libadarius seeing all to prosper with him, and somewhat envying thereat, began to fear and suspect, lest he proud of his good Fortune, and now grown very strong, casting off his allegiance should aspire unto the Empire, and so first begin with him, as the nearest unto him; which thing many of the Nobility secretly surmised also, but how truly many doubt. But this envious Plot was not yet ripe, but lay as fire raked up in the ashes. Now there was with Alexius Philanthropenus, certain Companies of Cretensians, whom for their good Service and Fidelity he both honoured and trusted above others, using them all for the Guard of his own Person. These men proud of their Credit, hearing of the surmised aspiring of their General, and in hope by his advancement to raise their own Fortunes also, ceased not continually to suggest unto him high conceits of himself, and to persuade, with all speed to take the matter upon him; the very conceit whereof (as they said) would be unto him no less danger, than if he should enter into the Action itself, as he might well see by the woeful Examples of the noble Constantine and Stratigopulus, both in extreme peril but for the jealous conceit surmised against them. Which quick Suggestions wrought in his great mind divers, and those most contrary motions, so that he scarce knew himself what he would or would not. For they which are unto themselves in conscience guilty of any grievous Crime, if any mischief hang over their heads therefore, it happeneth unto them as foreknowing and expecting the same even from the time that they offended; unto whom, if nothing else, yet that same very foreknowledge easeth not a little the grief and misery; whereas chose, they which are with sudden mischiefs, and unlooked for, overwhelmed, not knowing any just cause why, must needs stand as men dismayed, and almost beside themselves. But at length after divers great Conflicts with himself, the evil Persuaders of Rebellion prevailed with him. Yet did he at the first forbid any mention to be made of him in the Army as Emperor; which caused the Cretensians, 
Alexius Philanthropenus aspireth.  the chief Authors of his Rebellion, almost to force him forthwith to take upon him the Imperial Ornaments, thereby to confirm the minds of his Followers and Favourites; for that such Resolutions were (as they said) forthwith to be put into execution; neither that any thing required so joint celerity and dexterity both of the mind and the hand; and for that longer delay would but fill his Soldier's heads with doubts, and discourage them with the fear of the uncertainty of the event; all which for all that moved him not so to do; but whether for fear of the greatness of the danger, or for that he secretly thought how first to circumvent Libadarius, of whom he stood most in doubt, is uncertain. The report of all which his doings and designs were in short time carried first unto Libadarius, as the nearest, and so in Post unto the Emperor; who were therewith not a little both disquieted. And had Alexius (as some persuaded him) at the first set upon Libadarius, then unprovided, no doubt but he had done much; but God, by whom all Prince's Reign, and whose Power confoundeth the devices of the p●oud, turned him from Libadarius, by whom he was to be oppressed, to follow after Theodorus the Emperor's Brother, of whom he was to have feared no harm. This Theodorus, the first man that Alexius shot at, warned by his Brother Constantine's harms, lived a pleasant private life in Lydi●, far from the ambition of the Court, and therefore so much the more beloved of the Emperor; but Alexius fearing lest in that hurl many should resort unto him, as unto the Emperor's Brother, and so hinder his proceedings, thought best first to make him sure, and afterward to oppress Libadarius, not aware that in stead of the body, 
Libadarius opposeth himself against the proceedings of Philanthropenus.  he followed but after the shadow. But Libadarius, as a man of great experience, taking the benefit of this his oversight, and knowing money to be the sinews of War, gathered together all the Coin he possibly could, both of his own and his friends, sending also for the Emperor's Treasures of Philadelphia, and with all speed raised the greatest Power that possibly he could out of jonia, which he furnished with all things necessary, promising unto his Soldiers great matters, and filling them with greater hopes, and that within ten days he would with a great Army meet the Rebel in the heart of Lydia, and there dare him battle. But withal considering that the Cretensians, men but of a mercenary Faith, had always the Guard of Alexius his Person, he thought good to make proof if they might with Gold be won to betray him; and so well wrought the matter by great sums of money presently given, and promises of greater Preferments with the Emperor, that they (somewhat before discontented with Alexius his slackness, and now doubting also his success) yielded unto his desire, promising in the beginning of the battle to deliver him into his hands; which they shortly after in the very joining of the battle accordingly performed, delivering him fast bound unto Libadarius his Enemy. Who not a little proud thereof, used him with great Insolency, and within three days after put out his eyes, for fear the Emperor according to his courteous nature should have given him his Pardon; and so kept him in prison until the Emperor's pleasure were further known. Thus through false suspicion and ambition were the greatest Champions of the Greek Empire brought to confusion.  
Now after this Rebellion of Philanthropenus, Andronicus became so jealous of his own people, 
Andronicus the Greek Emperor reposing more trust in foreign aid, than in his own Subjects, greatly hurteth his State.  as that he wist not whom to trust, reposing greater confidence in strangers, than in his own Subjects, to the great hurt of his Estate. At the same time it fortuned, that the Massagets (commonly called Alani) which then dwelled beyond Ister, being Christians, but oppressed by the European Tartars, weary of their slavery, sent secretly unto the Greek Emperor Andronicus, offering that if he would assign unto them a convenient place for them to dwell in, they would come over unto him with ten thousand of their Families, and faithfully serve him in his Wars against the Turks (who then grievously wasted his Countries in Asia, destitute of good Captains and Commanders;) which their offer he gladly accepted, as standing then in need of Aid, and not greatly trusting his own people. But when these Massagets, in number above 10000, coming over with their Wives and Children, were to be furnished with all things, and especially the Men with Horses, Armour, and Pay, (all which the Emperor could not of himself do) the Subjects were therewith hardly charged, and Commission sent out into every Country and Province, for the taking up of Horses and Armour; every City, every Country-Town and Village, every Gentleman's House and poor man's Cottage, was searched and ransacked, and all things taken from them, that were there found fit for Service, to their great discontentment, every man murmuring and grudging to have his Arms taken from him, and given to strangers; but when they were also to be Contributers unto their pay, they then openly cursed and banned them even unto their faces. Yet at length (though with much ado) these strangers well furnished with all things necessary, were with some other Forces also, shipped over into Asia, under the leading of Michael Paleologus the Emperors eldest Son, and then his Companion in the Empire. Who marching alongst the Country, came and encamped about Magnesia. Where the Turks at the first, after their wont manner retired themselves into the high Mountains and thick Woods, that from thence they might more safely learn what strength their new come Enemies were of, and what discipline of War they kept; for they knew, that upon the coming of great Armies many false Reports did run, and that things were made far greater than indeed they were, as they did of these also, as of a people invincible; and therefore they thought it best so to protract the time, until they might see in what sort best to deal with them. But thus hover over their heads, and perceiving them oftentimes without order to roam abroad into the Country seeking after prey, (for why, they after the manner of mercenary men spoiled their Friends no less than if they had been their Enemies) they came down in good order from the Mountains, from whence at the first they adventured but a little; but afterwards they came on further, and with greater confidence, in such sort, as that it seemed they would ere long assault the young Emperor in his Camp. Wherewith he with the rest discouraged, without any stroke given retired; the Turks still following him at the heels. For neither he, neither the rest, any thing considered the small number of their Enemies; but as drunken men, whose heads filled with gross vapours, are deceived in the greatness of the object that they see, and oftentimes think one thing to be two; so were they also in like manner with their own fear blinded. Beside that, most commonly it falleth out, that the Army which Insolency and Injury forerunneth, is appointed to destruction, and by the fearfulness of itself overthrown before the Enemy set upon it, they themselves becoming Enemies to themselves, and Gods just Vengeance appointing unto them such an end as their deeds have deserved; neither was it like that they should do any great good, that at their first setting forth, in stead of provision, carried out with them the bitter Curses and Execrations of their Friends. Michael the Emperor seeing the Massagets fly, and not daring with those few he had left, to oppose himself against his Enemies, retired himself into the strong Castle of Magnesia, there to expect what would become of these mischiefs. But the Massagets spoiling the Country of the poor Christians as they went, marched directly unto the straight of Hellespontus, and there again passed over into Europe, as if they had been therefore only sent for over the River Ister, to show the Turks the sooner the way unto the Sea in Asia. For it was not many days after, but that Michael the Emperor being returned to Constantinople, the Turks coming down, with a great Power, subdued all the Countries, even unto the Coast of Lesbos, to the great ruin and weakening of the Greek Empire.  
It was not long after these great stirs made by the Massagets, but that one Ronzerius (sometime a notable Pirate, but as then a most famous Captain) hearing of the great entertainment that the Greek Emperor gave unto strangers, 
Ronzerius what he was.  by Messengers sent for that purpose offered unto him his Service in his Wars against the Turks, as had before the Massagets. This Ronzerius of whom we speak, had out of Catalonia a Province of Spain, and out of that part of France which is called Narbonensis, and some other places also, gathered together a great number of base needy naked men, yet lusty able bodies, and fit for Service either by Sea or Land; with whom he manned four tall Galleys, and so as a notable Pirate long time robbed, not only the Merchants trading to and fro in the Mediterranean, but landing his men oftentimes in the rich Islands, carried away thence much rich Spoil also; until at length by the mischief he did being become famous, and great Wars then arising betwixt Charles King of Naples, and Theodorus King of Sicilia, he was by Theodorus sent for and requested for aid; which he (living of the spoil) easily granted, and so came unto him with a thousand Horse and as many Foot, all old expert Soldiers, whose good Service stood the King in those Wars in great stead. But as the end of War is Peace, so at length upon the evil success of Charles, a Peace being concluded betwixt the two Kings, and confirmed by a Marriage betwixt their Children; Ronzerius living altogether by his Fortunes, was to seek for new Entertainment, both for himself and his men, as having neither house nor certain dwelling place to repair to; but being as needy men met together, some out of one place, some out of another, in hope of booty as their Fortune led them. In which case Ronzerius their General thought it best to offer his Service to the Greek Emperor in his Wars against the Turks; whereof he gladly accepted, and so sent for him; unto whom he shortly after came with two thousand good Soldiers, called (after the proud Spanish manner) by the name of Catalonians, for that they were for the most part Spaniards of the Country of Catalonia. Of whose coming the Emperor rejoicing more than he had cause (as afterward by proof it fell out) in token of his great favour, honoured him with the name of the Great Captain, and afterwards gave him his Niece Mary in marriage. But within a while after, when as one Tenza another Catalonian Captain sent for by Ronzerius, was come thither also with more aid, the Emperor to gratify them both, gave unto Ronzerius the name of Caesar, and unto the other the name of the Great Captain. But when these new Captains with their Followers were to be transported into Asia, it is not to be spoken what harm they did by the way unto the Country people, and in the Villages alongst the Sea-coast; abusing the men and women as their Slaves, and spending their substance at their pleasure, for which they had many a bitter curse; and this was their first years entertainment. The next Spring they set forward to relieve the great City of Philadephia, being as then long besieged by the Turks, and hardly bestead without with the Enemy; and within, with extreme Penury and Famine; which good Service they most valiantly performed, and raised the Siege. For the Turks beholding the good order of these Latin● Soldiers, their bright Armour, and courageous coming on, rose presently and departed, not only from the City, but quite out of the Emperor's Territory. Besides that, in this Army were joined unto these Catalonians great numbers of the best Soldiers of the Greeks, and all the Power of the Massagets; so that had not the Emperor expressly before commanded, not to pursue them too far, it was by many thought, all those Cities and Countries might then again have been in short time recovered from the Turks, which they had before taken from him. But in Kingdoms appointed unto ruin, fair occasions help not for the stay thereof; yea the greatest helps provided by the worldly wise, by a secret commanding Power above, being oftentimes converted to the destruction of that they were provided for the safeguard of; as it now fell out with the Emperor and these Spanish Soldiers; for this Service done, the Greeks returned home, as did the Massagets also. But these Catalonians with Ronzerius their General, roaming up and down the Emperor's Territories in Asia, 
Ronzer●us for want of pay spoileth the Emperor's Subjects.  did there great harm, turning their Forces (as Enemies) upon them whom they were sent for to relieve; alleging that they had not their pay according to the Emperor's promise; and that therefore they must live upon them that had sent for them and deceived them. So were the poor people in every place spoiled, their Wives and Daughters ravished, their Priests and aged Fathers tortured to confess such secret store as they had; all was subject unto these dissolute Soldier's rage and lust; yea many of them that had nothing to redeem themselves, upon the greedy Soldier's imagination, having their hands or feet, or some other part of their bodies cut off, lay by the highways side begging an halfpenny or a piece of bread, having nothing left to comfort themselves with, more than their miserable voice and fountains of Tears; with which their Wrongs and Miseries, worse than those they had sustained by the Turks, the Emperor much grieved, and well the more, for that they were done by him whom he had entertained to relieve them; but what remedy, his Coffers were so bare as that he was not able to do any thing for the redress thereof. Ronzerius having thus spoiled the Emperor's Country in Asia, and left nothing that pleased either him or his, with all his Power passed over into Europe; and leaving all the rest of his Army at Calipolis, with two hundred of his men went unto the young Emperor Michael (then lying with a small Power at Orestias in Thracia) to demand of him his pay, or if need were to extort it from him with threats; with whose Insolency at his coming, the Emperor more offended than before, his Soldiers there present perceiving the same, 
Ronzerius slain.  with their drawn Swords compassing him in, fast by the Court, slew him, with certain of his Followers; the rest fled in all haste to Calipolis to certify their Fellows what had happened.  
Thus by the death of Ronzerius, the young Emperor had thought to have discouraged the Catalonians, and abated their pride, as like enough it was to have done; yet in proof it fell not out so, but was the cause of far greater evils. So when God prospers not men's actions, the best falleth out unto the worst, and their wisest devices turn to mere follies; for the Catalonians at Calipolis hearing of the death of Ronzerius their General, first slew all the Citizens in the City, and notably fortified the same, took that as their Refuge. Then dividing their Soldiers into two parts, with one part of them manned out eight Galleys, which under the leading of the great Captain Tenza, robbed and spoiled all the Merchant's Ships, passing the straits of Hellespontus, to or from Constantinople; the other part left in the City, in the mean time foraging the Country all about them. But Tenza shortly after encountering with a Fleet of the Genoese, well provided for him, was by them overthrown, and most of his Galleys sunk, and himself taken; but yet afterwards redeemed by his Fellows, and so again enlarged. Now the Catalonians at Calipolis somewhat discouraged with the loss of their Fleet and so many of their men, for certain days kept themselves quiet within their Walls, not knowing well what course to take, for they feared both the Massagets and Thracians; them, for that they had upon light causes abused them, and slain divers of them in the late Asian War; and these, for that they had but even the other day burnt their Houses and spoiled their Labours in the Country there by; for which and other their Outrages, they utterly despaired of the Emperor's Favour, whom they had so highly offended. But that which most of all terrified them, was, for that they looked for every day, when Michael the young Emperor, who as then lay not far off, should with a great Power come to assault them; for fear of whom they cast a deep Ditch about the City, with a strong Counterscarp; so preparing themselves, as if they should have been even presently besieged. But the time so passing, and the Emperor delaying his coming, they began to think of other matters; for being brought to that straight, that they could not well tell which way to turn them, but that they were on every side beset with danger, they upon a malicious Resolution, and unto the Greeks most fatal, by Messengers sent of purpose, craved Aid of the Turks that dwelled on the other side of the straight over against them, in Asia; who presently sent them five hundred good Soldiers, after whom followed also many other Fugitives and loose Companions, in hope of spoil; with whom the Catalonians for the present strengthened, and being themselves three thousand strong, issued out of the City, and foraged the Country thereabouts, bringing in with them great Herds and Flocks of Sheep and other cattle, together with their Keepers; wherewith both the Emperors and their Subjects incensed, prepared themselves for Revenge. This was the first calling in of the Turks into Europe (that I read of) and the beginning of those endless miseries wherewith the Christian Commonweal hath been ever since most grievously afflicted, 
The Turks first called into Europe by the Catalonians.  and a great part thereof overwhelmed; few or none grieving thereat, but such as themselves feel the heaviness thereof, whom God in his mercy comfort.  
The Catalonians and Turks now lying about Cypsella and Apri in Thrace, Michael the Emperor with his Macedonian and Thracian Soldiers, the Magassets' and the Turcopuli, encamped at Apri. 
The Turcopuli.  These Turcopuli were Turk's also, in number a thousand (who as is in the former part of this History declared) being fled with their Sultan Iatha●ines unto the Greek Emperor, and left behind him at such time as he was by the European Tartars delivered, had forsaken their Mahometan Superstition, and so being become Christians, were enrolled amongst the Greek Soldiers. 
The unfortunate battle of Michael the Emperor against the Catalonians and Turks.  Shortly after the Emperor (advertised by his Scouts of the approach of his Enemies) commanded every man to be in a readiness, and his Captains to put his Army in order of battle; who seeing the Enemy's battle divided into three parts, put theirs also in like order, placing the Turcopuli and Massagets in the left Wing, the Macedonian and Thracian choice Horsemen in the right Wing, and the rest with the Footmen in the main battle. At which time the Emperor himself riding from place to place, with comfortable Speeches encouraged his men to fight valiantly against their Enemies. The Sun rising, the Enemy's battle began to come on, in number much inferior unto the Emperors, yet in like order; the Turks being placed in both Wings, and the Catalonians well armed in the midst. But the signal of battle being given on both sides, the Massagets, whether it were by agreement so before made with the Enemy, or upon a sudden conceived Treason, presently withdrew themselves aloof off, and so stood as idle beholders, giving Aid neither to the one nor to the other, as did also the Turcopuli their Companions; which greatly dismayed the Grecians, and encouraged their Enemies; for the Greeks dismayed with that sudden defection of their Fellows, were even in the joining of the battle discouraged. Which the Emperor perceiving, with great instancy entreated the Captains and Commanders of his Army, calling them oftentimes by name, not to be so suddenly discouraged; but they in so great a danger little regarding his words, and still shrinking from him, when as the greatest part of his Footmen were trodden under foot and slain, turning himself unto them that were left, which were but few, he said, Now worthy men is the time wherein death is better than life, and life more bitter than death. And having so said, valiantly charged the Enemy; in which Charge his Horse was slain under him, and he in danger to have been taken, had not one of his faithful Followers remounted him upon his own Horse, and so saved his life with the loss of his own. The Emperor flying to Dydimotichum, where Andronicus his Father then lay, was of him joyfully received, but sharply reproved for adventuring his person so far. The Enemies pursuing the Chase, slew some, took others, until that by the coming on of the night, and weary with the long fight, they retired; and the next day dividing the spoil, afterwards at their pleasures foraged the Country. The Renegat Turks, called Turcopuli, within a few days after revolting to the Catalonians, were of them joyfully entertained, and enrolled into the Regiment of Chalel, the Turks General.  
Shortly after this Victory, the Catalonians began to mutiny among themselves, the great Captain Tenza, and Pharenza his Companion, disdained to be commanded by Recafort their General; in which tumult, the matter coming to blows, Tenza was slain, and Pharenza for safeguard of his life glad to fly unto the Emperor Andronicus; of whom he was, contrary to his expectation, right honourably entertained. About this time also the Massagets having done the Greeks more harm, than the Turks against whom they were entertained, and enriched themselves with the spoil of their Friends both in Asia and Europe, were about with their Wives and Children, and Wealth, to return again unto their old dwellings beyond Ister. Which the Turcopuli, with the Catalonians understanding, and bearing unto them a secret grudge, for that they (as the weaker) had by them oftentimes been wronged in the division of the spoil of the Greeks, lay now secretly in wait for them, as they should pass the straits of the great Mountain Hemus, which bounded the Greek Empire from the Bulgarians; where setting upon them, fearing no such danger, they slew them almost all; and with the spoil of them recompensed themselves for all the wrongs they had from them before received.  
The Catalonians proud of their Victory at Apri, and well strengthened by the revolt of the Turcopuli with continual Rhodes spoilt not only all alongst the Sea-coast of Thracia, but all the inland Country also, as far as Maronea, Rhodope, and Bizia, laying all waist before them. And having foraged most part of Thracia, broke into Macedonia, 
Cassandria.  and there wintered about Cassandria, sometime a famous City, but as then all desolate and ruinous. But the Spring being come, they removed thence, with purpose to have spoiled the Cities of Macedonia, and especially the rich City of Thessal●nica, where the Empress Irene then lay; wherein they were by the Emperor's good care and foresight prevented; who doubting such a matter, had fortified his Cities in that Country, and furnished them with strong Garrisons, and all other things needful for their defence; which they quickly perceiving, and finding the Country all desolate, and forsaken by the Inhabitants, were about to have again returned into Thracia; but as they were thereupon resolving, 
The Catalonians shut out of Macedonia.  they were informed by one that was with them Captive, how that the Emperor by a mighty strong Wall built at a place called Christopolis, from the Seaside even unto the top of the Mountains, had so shut up the passage, as that it was not possible for them that way to enter. With which unexpected news they were at the first exceedingly troubled, as foreseeing, That if they should there long stay in that spoilt Country, they should in short time be driven to exceeding wants (for they were now in number above 8000 fight men) and afraid also by a general Conspiracy of the people about them, to be oppressed. Thus beset, and not well knowing what to do, or which way to turn themselves, they desperately resolved, no longer there to stay, but forthwith to set forward, and to break into Thessaly, with the plentifulness thereof to relieve their wants, or into some other Country further off, towards Peloponnesus, and there to seat themselves, and to end their long travels; or at leastwise, if they could not so do, to enter into League with some that dwelled upon the Sea-coast, and so return again into their own Country. Wherefore leaving Thessalonica, and delivering the Emperor of a great fear, they in three days came to the Thessalian Mountains, Olympus, Ossa, and Pelius; where they at the foot of them found such plenty of all things necessary for their relief, that they there wintered. But Winter past, and the Spring being come, they passed over those high Mountains and the pleasant Valleys called Tempe, and so at last came down into the fruitful Plains of Thessaly, where they spent that year at their pleasure, without resistance, devouring the Labours of the poor Country people, and making havoc of whatsoever thing came in their way; for as then the state of that Country was but weak, the Prince thereof being but young, and withal very sick and like to die, and the Succession so ending in him, as that it was feared, who after his death should lay hand thereon; and every man therefore more careful of his own private than of the common good. Yet to avert these foreign Enemies, who like a consuming fire devoured the Country before them, the Nobility thought it good, with great Gifts to overcome their Captains and Commanders, and then to offer them Guides to conduct them into Achaia and Boetia, Countries more pleasant and fruitful than was theirs, and more commodious for them to dwell in; promising also to give them Aid for the seating of them there, if they should so need. Of which their Offers the Catalonians accepted, as thinking it better with their hands full of Gold so easily gotten, to seek their better Fortunes, with their Power yet whole and strong, and help also if need were, than to hazard all upon the success of a doubtful Victory, and so foolishly to prefer an uncertain hope before a most certain benefit. So making Peace with the Thessalians, and the Spring being come, receiving of them their promised Rewards, and Guides to conduct them, passing over the Mountains beyond Thesally, and the Straits of Thermopile, they encamped near unto Locris and the River Cephisus; which rising out of the Mountain Parnassus, and running towards the East, hath on the North-side of them Locris and Opus; and on the South the inland Country of Achaia and Boetia; and being a great River until it come to Lebadia and Haliartes, is there divided into two Rivers; the one called Aesopus, and the other Ismenus; whereof the former runneth through the Country of Attica, until it come into the Sea; and the other near unto Aulis (where the noble Grecians, as they say, being about to go unto Troy, met, and there stayed) falleth into the Euboean Sea. But the Duke of Thebes and Athens, and of all that Country, hearing of their coming, and (as he thought well) provided also for them (as having all the Winter and Spring time before put his Forces in readiness) with great pride and contempt denied them passage through his Country, at such time as they asked the same; making no more reckoning of them, than as of a sort of loose wand'ring Rogues that could find no place to rest or thrive in; wherewith they enraged, resolved among themselves, either there to seat themselves in his Country, or to die therefore. And so passing the River into Boetia, not far from the same encamped themselves, being in number about 3500 Horse, 
A notable stratagem of the Catalonians.  and 4000 Foot. But so lying and expecting the coming of their Enemies, they caused all the plain ground about where they lay and meant to fight, to be ploughed up, which they with certain small cuts out of the River so watered, as that it differed but a little from a deep Marish or Bog. Hither about the middle of the Spring, cometh the Prince of the Country, with a gallant Army raised out of Athens, Thebes, Platea, Locris, Phocis, and Megara, in number about 6400 Horse, and 4000 Foot, an Army too strong he thought for so contemptible an Enemy. But the weakest Enemy not feared, doth oftentimes the greatest harm, as here by proof was to be seen; for the Prince coming unto the aforesaid Plain, now grown green with grass, and casting no peril, encouraging his men, came bravely on with all his Horsemen to have charged his Enemies; who stood fast upon the firm ground, a little without their Trenches, as ready to encounter him. But before he was come to the middle of the Plain, his Horses sinking deep into the rotten and new ploughed ground, and there entangled as in a Marish, lay for the most part tumbling in the mire, together with their Riders; or else plunging in the Deep, and having cast them, ran up and down the Plain, as Fortune led them; othersome sticking fast, stood with their Riders upon their backs, as if they had been very Images, not able for to more. Which the Catalonians beholding, and therewith encouraged, overwhelmed them with all manner of shot, and slew them at their pleasure, until they had almost made an end of them; and with their Horsemen so speedily pursued the rest in chase, even unto the Cities of Thebes and Athens, that they without more ado even at that instant surprised them both, with all that was in them. So the Catalonians having as it were at a cast at Dice won a most goodly Country, garnished with fair Towns and Cities, which they never built; and stored with all manner of wealth, which they never sweat for, there ended their long travels, and seated themselves; not ceasing (as saith Nicephorus Gregorias, the reporter of this History, speaking of the time wherein th●se things were done, and wherein he himself lived in Constantinople) unto this present day, by little and little to extend the bounds of their Territory. Where leaving them, with whom we happily have too long strayed from our purpose, let us again return unto the Turks and Turcopuli their Companions.  
In the Army of the Catal●nians, at such time as they were about to have besieged Thessalonica, were three thousand Turks, of whom eleven hundred were of them (as we said) which remained with Melech at Aenum, after the flight of jathatines' their Sultan unto the Tartars, and renouncing their Superstition, became Christians; and so being baptised, and having Wives and Children, were enroled among the Emperor's Soldiers; but at the battle of Apri revolted unto the Catalonians, and were commonly known by the name of Turcopuli; the other being the greater part, were such Turks, as with Chalel their Captain came out of Asia, being sent for by the Catalonians. Now all these Turks, as well the one as the other, at such time as the Catalonians were about to invade Thessalia, and to seek their new Fortunes in the Countries more Westward, and so farther off from Asia; partly distrusting the society of them, as dangerous unto them; and loath also further to follow their uncertain Fortunes into Countries further off, amongst people to them unknown, began to rise in mutiny, and to refuse to go. Whereupon their Captains Melech and Chalel requested of the General of the Catalonians to give them leave with quietness to return; which their request he easily granted, (as now not greatly needing their help, after that he was departing out of the Emperor's Dominion) and so they gladly departed; proportionally dividing all the Captives and Spoils they had taken in that long War, according to the number of both parts.  
These Turks after their departure from the Catalonians, 
The Turks divided into two Factions.  divided themselves into two parts, the Turcopuli or renegade Turk's following Melech, and the rest Chalel their General. But Melech being before become a Christian, as were his Followers also; and after that having received most honourable Entertainment at the Emperor's hands, and yet again most shamefully breaking his Faith before given, and violating his Religion, had revolted to his Enemies; despairing of the Emperor's further friendship, which he had so evilly deserved, made choice rather to go unto Charles Prince of Servia, by whom he was sent for, than to come again into the sight of Andronicus the Greek Emperor. And so going unto him with a thousand Horse, and five hundred Foot, was there of him well entertained himself; but his Soldiers all commanded to deliver unto the Prince both their Horses and Armour, and to fall to other Trades, and not to bear Arms but at such time, and so many of them as should seem good unto the Prince, that had received them into his Country.  
But Chalel with the Turks his Followers, in number about thirteen hundred Horse and eight hundred Foot, staying at Macedonia, offered unto the Greek Emperor quietly to depart his Country, so that he would give him passage by the Straits of Christopolis, by him fortified; and in safety transport him and his Soldiers with all their substance, over the Straight of Hellespontus into Asia; unto which his request, the Emperor considering the great harm done in his Provinces, and desirous also to be discharged of so great a burden, easily granted; and so sent Sennacherib, one of his most valiant Captains, to conduct them out of Macedonia into Thracia, unto the Straits of Hellespontus. Where the Greek Captains and Soldiers seeing the great multitude of Horses, and abundance of Money and other Spoils, which they having taken from the Greeks, were now about to carry away with them into Asia, they thought it a great indignity to suffer them so to do; and alured also with the hope of so rich a Prey, as had been of long in gathering, they entered into a device far different from that which was unto the Turks before promised; neither providing them of shipping, neither careful of their safety, but purposing upon the sudden by night to destroy them. Whereof the Turks having got understanding, suddenly rising, surprised a Castle in the Country there by, which they notably fortified for the defence of themselves, to the great astonishment of them that had purposed their destruction; who now not able to force them, were glad to get them farther off, and to certify the Emperor what had happened; who (after I wot not what received Custom of the Greek Emperors his Predecessors) slowly dispatching things requiring greatest hast, carelessly delayed the time, to the great trouble of his State, and advantage of his Enemies. For they wisely considering the danger and distress they were in, by speedy Messengers sent over the Straight, craved Aid of the Turks their Countrymen in Asia, which they presently sent them; wherewith they not a little both encouraged and strengthened, with their often and sudden Incursions grievously wasted the Country round about them, to the great discontentment of the Greek Captains, not able without greater help to remedy the same. Who thereof certified the young Emperor Michael Paleologus, requesting him with all the Power he could make, to come and besiege the Castle, and to suppress these so dangerous Enemies. For the performance whereof, not only the Captains with their Soldiers, but the Country people in general with their Spades and Mattocks came flocking unto the Emperor; not as if they would have besieged the Castle, but have digged it down and overthrown it together with the Turks their Enemies.  
Now the Emperor with his Captains and Soldiers, 
The unfortunate battle of the Emperor Michael Paleologus with the Turks in Chersone●us.  and a multitude of those Country people, being come thither, who all gladly followed him, most part of them foolish, thinking of nothing, but of the spoil of their Enemies, not considering with what danger the same was to be gained; so that the more the Enemies provided for the necessary defence of themselves, as in number but few, and shut up in their Enemy's Country, the more carelessly and negligently, and without all order, the Greeks proceeded in their Siege, for that they were in number far more, and better provided of all things than their Enemies; reputing with themselves, nothing in this World to be firm and sure; and all worldly things (as saith the divine Philosopher) to be but the mockery of God, and to be hastily turned up-side-down, and with most uncertain course this and that way to wander. But their Enemies, who before feared even the very fame of their coming, accounting themselves rather among the dead than the living, seeing their confused and disordered rashness; therewith much more than before encouraged, bestowed all their Wealth, their Women, and other things unnecessary for battle, in good safety within their trenches; but themselves, with eight hundred chosen Horsemen only, and they very well armed, sallied out, even to the place where the Imperial Ensign stood; being neither of any great safety, neither guarded with any such strength or carefulness as beseemed; with which sudden and desperate eruption of the Enemies, the Grecians terrified, especially that rustical and uplandish Company, began to fly; after whom by little and little others followed, until at length all the rest without further resistance fled also; which the Emperor seeing, did what he might to have stayed their flight; but in so general a confusion and fear, when every man was to shift for one, who regarded him? wherefore wearied and seeing no other remedy, he was glad to take the same course, and to fly with the rest; yet many of the more expert Captains, ashamed of so foul a flight, made divers stands; and so stayed the barbarous Enemy from further pursuit of the Emperor and the other flying Greeks. In which doing, many of them enclosed by the Turks, were of them taken Prisoners; unto whom all the Emperor's Treasure became a Prey also, and whatsoever honourable Ensigns of the Empire else that were found in the Emperor's Tent; yea the Imperial Crown itself, richly set with Pearl and precious stones, was there taken also, which (they say) Chalel putting upon his head, pleasantly scoffed at the Greek Emperor that but late before wore it.  
After this Victory, 
Thracia spoiled by the Turks.  the Turks with great pride spoiled almost all Thracia, in such sort as that the people for two years together durst scarcely go out of their strong walled-Towns to plough and sow their Land; which exceedingly grieved both the Emperors, the Father and the Son; for in their own Power they had no great confidence. God having (as it were) taken from their people, both their hearts and courage, so that all their hope was to entertain foreign Aid (the miserable shift of the great distressed Ones) wherein also they found many difficulties and lets, whilst they considered the greatness of their Charge, their Coffers being then, if ever, empty by reason their Territories were so long and grievously by their Enemies wasted; yet need admitting no Law, Andronicus the old Emperor was glad to send to Crales Prince of Servia, his Son-in-Law, to pray his aid▪ But in the mean time he making no haste (as men in relieving others commonly do) and the misery more and more increasing, it pleased God to stir up the heart of one Philes Paleologus the Emperors near Kinsman, to undertake the protection and deliverance of his Prince and Country; and was afterward for his great valour by the Emperor worthily made Lord great Marshal of the Empire. This Philes of whom we now speak, had all his life time been brought up in the Court, and was for his upright dealing and integrity of life beloved of all men, but specially of the old Emperor his Kinsman, whom he with like affection honoured; but was a man altogether unskilful of the Wars, as being by nature of a weak constitution of body, and so very sickly; and withal more given to devotion and the service of God than the Affairs of the World, oftentimes spending most part of the day at his Prayers in the Church. He now grieved to see the perplexed Emperor, 
Philes Paleologus requesteth of the Emperor that he might go against the Turks.  and the misery of his Country, requested of him that he might with some small power, and some few Captains of his own choice, go out against these proud Turks; hoping (as he said) by God's grace to revenge the wrong by them done, and to return to him again with Victory. Unto which his request, the Emperor easily yielded; saying, that God was just, which delighted not in many legs, neither in the greatness of any man's strength, but in a contrite heart and humble mind; not so giving his help unto Michael the Emperor, his Son, for the offences of his Parents; as happily he might unto this so upright and devout a man, regarding more his integrity of life, than his skill in Arms; for turning me about, I have seen in this World (said he) I have seen, the swift not to gain the prize, neither the valiant the victory; wise men to want bread, and men of understanding, wealth; the simple to gain favour, and the subtle to fall into disgrace; such alteration worldly things in time find. So the Emperor (as is aforesaid) yielding to his request, furnished him with Money, Horses, and Armour, and such a convenient Power, as he himself desired. Which he having received, first of all encouraged his Captains and Soldiers with all manner of courtesy and kindness, giving unto them Money, Horses, Armour, Jewels; yea sometime he gave unto one his Purse, unto another his Cloak, his Rapier, or some other such thing, as he had about him, to encourage them in their forwardness; after that, he persuaded them to an honest and temperate course of life, and valiantly to play the men, promising according to their deserts to reward every one of them, the War once happily ended; and before his setting forth, understanding by his Spials, that Chalel with a thousand Foot and two hundred Horse was foraging the Country about Bizia, he hasted his departure, that so he might by the way encounter them, laded with the Spoil of the Country; and so setting forward, came the third day to a little River, which the Inhabitants call Xerogipsum, and there in a great Plain near unto the same, encamped. Where after he had set all things in order fit for Battle, he with cheerful Speeches as a great Commander, encouraged his Captains and Soldiers; leaving nothing unsaid or undone, that might serve for the animating of them to fight. But he had not so lain two days, but that his Scouts about midnight coming in, brought him tidings, that the Enemy laden with Spoil, was even fast by at hand; who by the rising of the Sun were come within sight, and had themselves a far off also discovered the Christian Army, all glistering in bright Armour. Wherefore staying a while to prepare themselves for Battle; and first of all, compassing themselves round with their Wagons and other carriages, they bestowed in them all their Captives fast bound together, with the Booty they had taken; and afterwards as the manner was, casting dust upon their Heads, and their Hands up towards Heaven, they came on. And now the Christian Army came on forward also, Philes still encouraging both the Horsemen and Footmen, and right well conducting them, 
The Battle betwixt Philes and the Turks.  as the time and place required. So it fortuned, that he that had the leading of the right Wing of the Army, gave the first charge upon a Squadron of the Enemies, and at the first onset unhorsed one of the Enemies, and by and by after him another; But having his Horse sore wounded under him, he hastily retired out of the Battle; which somewhat troubled the Christians, and encouraged the Turks, who now with a barbarous outcry began most fiercely to press upon the retiring Christians. Pails in the mean time with many cheerful words and comfortable persuasions still encouraging them to play the men; and with his Eyes oftentimes cast up to Heaven, with tears running down his face, most heartily besought God, the giver of all Victory, no longer to suffer those his Enemies, and the Ministers of his Wrath, to triumph over his People; as did also the poor Captives that lay bound, doubtfully betwixt fear and hope expecting the event of the Battle. The Christian Footmen at the same time encountering hand to hand with the Barbarians, assailed them, and were assailed, slew of them, and were themselves of them slain; so that there was a cruel Fight made on both sides. But Philes with the multitude of his men having almost encompassed the Barbarian Horsemen, with a Company of his most valiant Soldiers broke in upon the side of the Enemy's Battle, and so made way through the midst of it; and so troubled the Turks, as that they well knew not how to stay, or what to do. So being on every side circumvented and hardly charged, 
The Turks overthrown.  most of them there fell, excepting some few Horsemen, whom the Greek Horsemen pursued unto the entrance of Chersonesus, with purpose there to shut them up. Philes coming thither also, there upon those Straits encamped; at which time the Emperor presently sent out five Galleys to keep the Straits of Hellespont, so that no aid might be brought unto those Turks out of Asia. Whilst these things thus went, two thousand choice Horsemen came to the aid of Phil●● out of Servia, and the Potestate of Pera came by Sea also with eight Galleys more into Hellespontus, to the aid of the Christians; wherefore when the Grecians and the Servians had thus on the one side shut them up by Land, and they that were in the Galleys on the other by Sea, Philes with all his Power came and encamped about the Town and the Trenches wherein the Turks lay, planting his battery against the Castle, wherewith he greatly shook the same, and made great Slaughter of the Turks and of their Horses, and that not only by day but by night also. But the Turks seeing death now present before their Eyes, and no way left for them to escape, for that they were so on every side both by Sea and Land enclosed, thought good thus to adventure their lives, resolving by night to set upon the Grecians rather than upon the Servians, whom they had hitherto accustomed to overcome, and whom they had with often Slaughters terrified; that so the rest by them also happily discouraged, they might so delay the assault; but in attempting the same they perceived themselves much deceived, finding them even at their first sallying out ready in Arms to receive them; wherefore having in vain given the attempt (as against a strong Fortress) they were shamefully enforced to retire. Yet were they not therewith so discouraged, but that the strait Siege still continuing, they gave the like attempt upon the Servians; but being also by them in a like manner with loss repulsed, they began now utterly to despair. Wherefore the next day about midnight casting away their Arms, they with their bosoms and pockets full of Coin ran down unto the Seaside, towards the Galleys, with purpose to yield themselves unto the Genoese that were therein; as fearing of them less harm, as of men whom they had never hurt. But the night being dark and misty, and the Moon giving no light, many of them unawares came unto the Greek Galleys, and there flying the smoke, fell into the fire; for being lightened of their Money, they were by them forthwith without any pity slain also. But the Genoese slew not all their Prisoners, but only such as had brought with them the most Coin; lest afterwards bewraying the same, it ●hould have been sought after by the Greeks; the rest they cast into bonds, of whom some they sent unto the Emperor, othersome they kept to themselves as their own Prisoners. Thus by the valour and good conduct of this worthy devout Captain, the Turks were for that time again chased out of Europe, and the Country of Thracia delivered of a great fear.  
Now by that we have already written, is easily to be seen the chief causes of the decay and ruin of the Greek Empire, 
The caus●s of the decay of the Greek Empire.  to have been, First, the Innovation and change of their ancient Religion and Ceremonies, by Michael Paleologus, whereof ensued a world of Woe: then, by Covetousness, covered with the name of good Husbandry, the utter destruction of the chief Strength of the Empire; next unto that, by Envy, the ruin of the Great; false Suspicion, the loser of Friends; Ambition, Honour's overthrow; Distrust, the great minds torment; and foreign Aid, the Empire's faithless Porter, opening the gate even unto the Enemy himself; whereunto foul Discord joined (as shall be forthwith declared) what wanted that the barbarous Enemy could desire, for the helping of them in the supplanting of so great an Empire? But again to our purpose, Michael Companion with his Father Andronicus in the Empire, had by his Wife Mary two Sons, Andronicus who was afterward Emperor, and Manuel surnamed the Despot; and two Daughters, Ann married unto Thomas Prince of Epirus, and Theodora married to the Prince of Bulgaria; of all these, the old Emperor Andronicus their Grandfather so entirely loved Andronicus his Nephew, as that in comparison of him he seemed little to regard either his own Children, or the rest of his Nephews, wishing them all rather to perish than him; which many supposed him to do, as purposing by him the better to establish the succession of the Empire in his House; as also for his excellency of Wit, and comeliness of Person; the likeness of name also happily furthering his kind affection. For which reasons, he caused him to be honourably brought up in his Court, as not willing to spare him out of his sight either day or night. But when he was out of his Childhood, and grown to be a lusty Youth (at which time men's hot desires are commonly most vehement) he began to contemn all chastisement and government; especially in so high a calling, and in the prime of his youth. Besides that, his Companions became unto him the Ministers and Persuaders of all those vain Delights which unstaid youth most desireth; and at the first began to lead him forth to walk the Streets, to hawk, to hunt, and to haunt Plays, and afterwards to night-walks also, not well beseeming his State; which riotous course of life, when as it required great expense, and his aged Grandfather gave him but a certain spare allowance for his convenient maintenance; he acquainted himself with the rich Merchants of Genua which dwelled at Pera. Hereof arose hard taking up of Money, great Debts, fine devices how to come by Coin, with secret consultations and purposes of Flight. For when he saw his Grandfather old Andronicus long to live, and his Father Mic●ael like to succeed him, he had no hope of aspiring unto the Empire; whereupon his ambitious thoughts and impotent desires long time tormenting his haughty Heart, suggested unto himself such purposes. For when as he would not obey his Grandfather as his Tutor, nor follow other men's Councils, as a Child, he sought after the Imperial Liberty, and abundance of Wealth, that he might have that was sufficient for himself, and wherewith to reward others, as the Followers of an Emperor. Which seeing he could not do, his Grandfather yet living, and his Father reigning; he sought after the Sovereignty of other Principalities and Countries; one while after Armenia, as belonging unto him in the right of his Mother the King of Armenia's Daughter; another while after Peloponesus, and sometime he dreamt of Lesbos and Lemnus, and other the fruitful Islands of the Aegean Sea; which when it was secretly told, sometime to his Father, and sometime to his Grandfather, he was now crossed and reproved of the one, and afterwards of the other. And to pass over many other his youthful pranks, he used in his night-walks secretly to repair unto a certain Gentlewoman's House, more honourably born, than honestly qualified; which Woman, a certain Gallant (and another Adonis) no less affected than himself; wherewith he highly offended, as with his Rival, appointed certain Ruffians and Fencers to watch her House. But upon a certain time about Midnight, Manuel the Despot (his younger Brother) seeking after him, chanced to pass that way where these Watchmen lay; who seeing him hasten by, and not knowing him in the dark, and supposing him to have been the man they looked for, (the Gentlewoman's best Beloved) set upon him, and so wounded him, that he fell down for dead from his Horse; but being by and by after known by others coming in, he was taken up, and half dead carried unto the Court. Which outrage in the Morning being known unto the Emperor, cast him into a great heaviness, as beholding not the time present only, but wisely considering what was like to ensue in the time to come also. But Manuel the Despot being dead of the wounds there received, and the report thereof brought unto Michael the young Emperor his Father, then lying at Thessalonica, struck him to the heart with so great a grief, that falling sick with the conceit thereof, he shortly after died.  
Andronicus the unstaied Youth nevertheless holding on his wont course, with a secret purpose to have fled, became thereby still more and more suspicious to his aged Grandfather, not a little careful unto what end those his violent passions would at length tend. And therefore appointed one Syrgiannes' (a man of great Credit and Authority in the Court, in whom, as in a reconciled Enemy, he had most unadvisedly reposed too much trust) to insinuate himself into the youthful Prince's acquaintance and favour; that so sounding him and his secret Designs, he should not possibly be able without his knowledge to step aside; which of all things the old Emperor feared most, as the beginning of greater troubles. This Syrgiannes' being a man of great Place, and of a subtle Wit, was sometime himself suspected of aspiring, and therefore as upon the Misprision of Treason, was by the old Emperor imprisoned; but afterwards by him again enlarged and received into favour, was now put in trust warily to observe the doings of the young Prince. But he not unmindful of the wrong before done unto him, and in hope by troubling the State, either to aspire unto the Empire himself, or at leastwise to some good part thereof; thought now a fit occasion to be ministered unto him for him to work upon, both for the one and the other, by setting the old Emperor and his ambitious Nephew together by the ears; which opportunity he not minding to let slip, taking the young Prince one day aside, discovered unto him all his Grandfather's device 〈◊〉 brief, as followeth: Your Grandfather, noble Prince (said he) hath set me as a Watch over your actions, 
Syrgiannes' his cra●ty Seditious Speech unto young Andronicus.  or more truly to say, as a Bloodhound, to seek after not your doings only, but if it were possible, even after your most secret thoughts also; and so whilst he maliciously prepareth for you Snares and Fetters, you not aware thereof, foolishly follow your shallow and childish Conceits. For what shall it avail you secretly to fly away? whereas, if the best chance, yet must you (as the common saying is) put your feet under another man Table, and live of his Charge; if it fall not out worse, that you be slain or made away by them you fly unto for relief, or else fall into the Snares by your Grandfather laid for you. But if so be that casting behind you these your fond Devices, you will hearken unto my Counsel, I will show you a ready way, how you shall in short time, and without any danger, aspire unto the Imperial Seat and Dignity; the only way whereunto is this, if you leaving the City of Constantinople, shall fly out into the Cities and Provinces of Thracia. For seeing men are most commonly by nature desirous of change, and the miserable Thracians are with often exactions grievously vexed; if you shall but once proclaim a Redress of their Grievances, with Immunity for ever, they will all with one accord follow you whethersoever you will, your Grandfathers long and heavy Yoke being cast off, as if it were Sisyphus his heavy stone, which they had long rolled, and never the near. If you like of this advice, I will be unto you both the Author and the Leader of this Exploit, and will easily bring to good effect the whole matter; so that you again on the other side promise unto me upon your Faith, to reward this my travel according to my desert therein. But what Rewards shall these be? Honourable Preferments, large Possessions, great Revenues, the first place in your favour, and that no great matter be done or concluded without my consent and knowledge. For you see how willingly I make myself partaker of your Calamity, and Companion of your dangers, no necessity enforcing me thereunto; forgetting even my very Faith, in comparision of the love and zeal I bear towards you; wherein if any mishap shall by the mutability of Fortune betid me, I have set down myself with patience to endure it. All which considered, you need not to grudge to yield unto my Requests, if you tender your own safety. And forasmuch as the shortness of the time will suffer no long Consultations, and that delay bringeth extreme danger, let us without longer stay impart the matter unto such others, as for the hatred of the Emperor are like to keep our Counsel, and may yet much further our Designs.  
The young Prince moved with this Speech as if it had been with a Charm, easily granted to his desire, confirming the same by his Oath conceived in writing; at which time were present such as were especially to be acquainted with the Plot of the Conspiracy, namely john Catacuzenus, and Theodorus Synadenus (both men of great Honour, and the old Emperors ancient supposed Friends, and of him beloved, much of like age unto himself) and Alexius Apocaucus the third (not of like honour with the other, yet a man of great Place, and of a most subtle and deep wit;) who all understanding the matter, showed themselves not as Ministers, but as Ringleaders and Captains of the intended Rebellion. This Conspiracy with most solemn Oaths and Promises on every part confirmed, they began right cunningly to attempt the matter; and to begin withal, Syrgiannes' and Catacuzenus, by corrupting divers of the great and most gracious Courtiers, procured to themselves the Government of such Cities and Provinces in Thracia, as they thought fittest for them to begin their Rebellion in. Syrgiannes' having the Government of the Sea-coast, and the inland Country, even from the Seaside to the top of Mount Rhodope; and Catacuzenus the Government of the Country about Orestias. In all which places they mustered Soldiers, provided Armour, entertaining also strangers, and other vagrant and masterless men, as for some great War; besides that, in the Cities for the Government thereof, they placed their trustiest friends, removing such others as they had in suspicion: All which they coloured by rumours falsely raised, one while of the coming of the European Tartars from Danubius, and another while by the coming of the Turks out of Asia; against whose Invasions these preparations were given out to be made, for avoiding of suspicion; and the Traitors for their provident care highly commended even by the Emperor himself, against whom they were intended. All which things Syrgiannes' notably dissembled, oftentimes withal certifying the young Prince what he had done, and what was likewise of him to be performed.  
But the old Emperor seeing his youthful Nephew not to hearken to his grave advice, but still to proceed in his dissolute kind of life, was about solemnly to have reproved him before the Patriarch and some others of the chief Nobility; if happily such open reproof might have wrought in him some change of Manners; if not, then to have committed him to prison; and like enough he was to have so done, had he not been otherwise persuaded by Theodorus Mitochita, (who of all others was able to do most with him) by reason of the liberty of the time; for than it was almost Shrovetide, when as the people distempered with excess of meat and drink, were of all other times most fit, upon any light occasion to be drawn into a tumult or uproar; for fear whereof, he was contented for that time to let him alone. But Shrovetide past, and a good part of Lent also, the old Emperor seeing no amendment in his Nephew, calling unto him Gerasimus the Patriarch, and the rest of the reverend Bishops then present in the City, sent for his Nephew, openly before them all to chide him, and to school him for his disordered life; but especially for his purposed flight; that ashamed of such open reproof before such reverend Fathers, he might either amend his life, or at leastwise of all men be thought justly punished for the same, if he should still proceed therein. So the young Prince being sent for, 
Young Andronicus cometh secretly armed to his Grandfather.  came, accompanied with many of his Favourites and Followers, most of them being secretly armed, and he himself not altogether unprovided; for it was agreed amongst them, that if the Emperor should use gentle and fatherly admonition towards him, that then they should be quiet, without any show of insolency or discontentment; but if he should in anger reprove him, or threaten to punish him, then upon a sign given, forcibly with their Swords drawn to break in upon him, and to kill him in the Imperial Seat, and without more ado to place young Andronicus his Nephew in his stead. But coming in, and (as his manner was) taking his place next unto his aged Grandfather, his desperate Followers attending without, he was indeed of him grievously blamed and reproved for all his former follies and evil course of life; yet with such moderation and gravity, as that all seemed (as it did) to come of a most fatherly care and regard; so that at that time no such Outrage was committed, as was by divers his Followers wished, but the Assembly quietly dismissed, and a solemn Oath taken on both sides; of the Grandfather, That he should not appoint any but his Nephew to succeed him in the Empire; and of the young Prince, That he should never go about to attempt any thing to the shortening or hurt of his Grandfather's life or Empire. But the Conspirators thronging about him at his coming out, fretted and fumed at him, as if he had broken his Faith and Oath before given them; saying, What greater wrong couldst thou do us, than being by us made strong, and become dreadful unto thine Enemies, to dispose of thine affairs at thy pleasure to thine own safety, and to leave us thy most faithful Friends and Servants in the Devil's mouth to be devoured? For now they both doubted and feared, lest their Conspiracy was discovered. With which Speeches he both discouraged and ashamed, sent for Theodorus Metochita his Grandfather's chief Councillor, requesting him to deal with his Grandfather for the pardoning of all his Followers, as he had done for himself; of which motion he disliking, told him, That he was to give God thanks, that he had himself escaped so great a danger, and to him also, as a mean for the safeguard of his life, although he treated not for such traitorous persons, with whom, if he were well advised, he would have nothing to do, either think that they would e●er be faithful unto him, that respecting neither God nor man, had so foully broken their Faith before given unto the Emperor his Grandfather. With which unexpected Answer of so great and grave a Counsellor, the Prince not a little troubled, and withal discontented, stood a while as in a muse all silent, reasoning as it were with his own passions; but afterwards commanding him without further reply to depart, and the old Companions of his follies resorting unto him, he by their persuasions entertained again his former disloyal thoughts and designments; which his Grandfather vehemently suspecting, and therewith not a little grieved, would (as if it had been by Inspiration) oftentimes in his heaviness say unto them that were about him, In our time is lost the Majesty of our Empire, and the devotion of the Church. Yet to prevent the worst, he thought it good betime to lay hands upon his suspected Nephew, and so to detain him in safe keeping; acquainting none therewith but Gerasimus the Patriarch and his ghostly Father; who presently acquainted the Prince therewith, and was the cause that he hastened his flight, flying himself before. For he now certainly understanding the danger he was in, the night before he should have been apprehended, with all the rest of the Conspirators his Complices, in the dead time of the night fled out of the City, by the Gate called Gyrolimnia; which Gate (all the rest being shut) was still at his Command, for that he used commonly thereby at his pleasure very early to go out on hunting, as he now pretended to do; but the next day after came to Syrgiannes' and Catacuzenus Camp, who then both lay with a great Power at Hadrianople, expecting his coming. The old Emperor, before the rising of the Sun advertised of the flight of his Nephew, the same day commanded him to be proclaimed Traitor and proscribed, with all his Conspirators, and whosoever else should take his part. And for the more surety, every man in the City was sworn to be loyal and faithful unto the old Emperor, and Enemies unto his Nephew and his Adherents. But he on the other side, 
Thracia▪ revolteth unto Andronicus.  proclaiming Liberty and Immunity abroad in all the Cities and Villages in Thracia, so won the hearts of the Country people in general, that they resorted unto him from all places in great numbers, ready armed to do whatsoever he should command them. And to begin withal, they first laid hands upon the Collectors of the Emperor's money (than abroad in the Country) whom they ill entreated, taking from them their money. After that, and yet seven days not expired, almost an incredible number of Horsemen, Footmen, Archers, and others, departed from Hadrianople toward Constantinople, under the leading of Syrgiannes', in good hope at their first coming to take the City, being at discord in itself, and most part of the meaner sort, in hope of gain, favouring their rebellious proceedings, such as the seditious find in such rebellious tumults. So having marched four days, they came and encamped at Selyrbia; but as they were about to have gone on farther, the old Emperor doubting lest the Citizens, seeing so great an Army before the City, should therein raise some tumult or stir, to the endangering thereof; thought good before to send Ambassadors unto his Nephew, to prove if happily these so dangerous troubles, might by their means in some good sort be appeased. The chief of these Ambassadors was one Theoleptus Bishop of Philadelphia, a man no less famous for his Virtue than his Wisdom, and yet for both of all men honoured; and with him also was sent Syrgiannes' his Mother, as of all others most fit to appease her Son, and to persuade him not to approach the City, for that thereof might ensue much bloodshed, and the destruction of the City, or at leastwise the utter undoing of many; whereof if he should be the Author, how could he ever after live in conscience quiet, but that the torment thereof would follow him even into his Grave; and therefore to request him to retire a little, and so to come to talk, and to demand what he pleased. Syrgiannes' moved as well with the presence of the reverend Bishop, as the prayers of his Mother, retired to the young Prince, which lay then about Orestias; whither the Emperor's Ambassadors came also; with whom (after long debating) it was agreed, 
Articles of agreement betwixt the old Emperor and his Nephew.  That the young Prince should in all Royal manner hold all Thracia, from Cristopolis unto Rhegiura, and the Suburbs of Constantinople; and withal, That such Lands as the young Prince had already given unto his Followers, in Macedonia, should still remain unto them (which were such as yearly yielded unto them a right great Revenue;) And that the old Emperor should hold unto himself the Imperial City, with all the Cities and Provinces of Macedonia beyond Cristopolis; and that he alone should have the honour to hear the Ambassadors sent from foreign Princes; and to give them their dispatch; for that the young Prince took no pleasure in those weighty Affairs, as by nature more delighted in Hawking, Hunting, and his other youthful Pleasures. Upon which conditions a Peace was concluded, better liked of the young Prince than of the old Emperor; who although he was desirous otherwise to have redressed so great wrongs, yet wanting Power, was glad to yield to what his Nephew would request. Thus was the Greek Empire in Europe (as then all or the most part enclosed within the bounds of Macedonia and Thracia) now divided betwixt the Grandfather and his Nephew; 
The Greek Empire in Europe divided.  Asia in the mean time (wherein the Greek Emperors their Predecessors sometime held great Kingdoms) being left for a Prey to the greedy Turks. 

whilst the Grecians are at discord amongst themselves, Ottoman layeth the foundation of the Turks Empire, and the other other Turks encroach upon them also.  
The Island of the Rhodes was by the Knight's Hospitalers recovered from the Turks in the year 1308.   Ottoman on the one side even in the heat of these troubles laying the foundation of his Empire in Phrygia and Bythinia; and the other the Turks Princes the Successors of Sultan Aladin, encroaching as fast upon the Emperor's Territories and Countries on this side the River Meander. And not so contented, at the same time also built great store of Galleys, wherewith they rob the Christian Merchants trading to Constantinople, and spoiled the Coasts of Macedonia and Thracia, and the Islands of the Aegeum, and among others took the famous Island of the Rhodes; which they held not long before they were again driven out of the same by the Knight's Hospitalers, under the conduct of William Willaret, aided by the Genoese and the King of Sicilia, which they from that time held (to the great honour and benefit of the Christian Commonweal) by the space of 214 years, known by the name of the Knights of the Rhodes; until that in the memory of our Fathers it was (I say no more, but grieve therefore) shamefully lost unto the Turk, for want of relief; never place being more honourably defended, as in the process of this History shall appear; ever since which time those honourable men (the flower of Chivalry) have seated themselves in the Isle of Malta, which they to their immortal glory and the comfort of all good Christians, have most notably defended against the mighty Sultan Solyman, and all the Fury of the Turks, as shall be also in due place declared.  
But to return again unto the troubled estate of the Greek Empire. Syrgiannes' the Greek Captain, and Author of all the aforesaid stirs betwixt the old Emperor and his Nephew, had even from the beginning thought, as a Companion to the young Prince, to have ruled all with him at his pleasure, and that nothing either great or little should have been done without him; but seeing it now to fall out far otherwise than he had before expected, and the Prince to be wholly ruled by Catacuzenus, and himself of all others lest regarded, and not so much as called to any Council; inwardly tormented with grief and envy, he began secretly with himself to devise how he might be revenged of the ungrateful Prince, which unmindful of his former promises, had so unthankfully cast him off. Wherefore he resolved again to revolt to the old Emperor, not doubting but so in short time to overthrow all the Councils and Devices of the young Prince, together with his State also, by himself before raised. For he, as worldly wise, excluding God from his Councils, had such an opinion of himself, that which way soever he went, thither must all things follow also. Wherefore by one of his trustiest Friends he secretly made the old Emperor acquainted with his purposed revolt, and how all things stood; for the greater Credit thereof alleging, That he could not abide the sight of him that sought to corrupt his Wife, meaning the young Prince. This news from Syrgiannes' was unto the old Emperor most welcome; for it grieved him (as an old man of a great Spirit) to see himself so contemned and deluded by his Nephew, his Empire rend, and his old Servitors of all sorts, by him spoilt of their Lands and Possessions in Macedonia and Thracia. So a solemn Oath in secret passed from the one to the other, Syrgiannes' without longer stay secretly fled to Constantinople; which there bruited abroad, rejoiced many, now well hoping the whole Government would again come unto the old Emperor, and that so they should again recover their Possessions wrongfully taken from them by his Nephew. But God not seeing it so good, all this hope was but in vain, as ere long it appeared; for the young Prince, who of long knew how much he was beloved of the Constantinopolitans, and by them secretly sent for; taking occasion upon the flight of Syrgiannes', with all the power he could make, marched towards the City; and being come within sight thereof, encamped, laying ambushes upon every way and passage thereabout, for to have intercepted Syrgiannes'; who was then at Perinthus, and the third night after, with three hundred select Soldiers, deceiving them that lay in wait for him as if they had been all asleep, before the rising of the Sun came to Constantinople; and if th● old Emperor would have given him leave, he had suddenly charged them that did lie in wait for him, before they were aware of his coming. But as soon as it was day, the Prince hearing of the escape of Syrgiannes', and no such tumult in the City as he had expected, presently without more ado retired with his Army the same way he came, back again into Thracia.  
By and by after, Constantine the Despot was by the old Emperor his Brother sent by Sea to Thessalonica, to take upon him the Government of Macedonia, and by the way to apprehend Xene the Empress, the young Prince's Mother; and after with all the power he could make to invade the young Prince in Thracia; that so setting on him on the one side out of Macedonia, and Syrgiannes' with the Turks (for the Emperor in this civil Discord was glad to use their help also) and the ●ithynian Soldiers on the other, they might so shut him up betwixt them and take him. According to which resolution, the Despot coming to Thessalonica, there took the Empress, whom with all her Family he thrust into a Galley, and so sent her to Constantinople, where she was in the Palace kept close, as too much favouring the proceedings of the Prince. And afterward raising all the power he could in Macedonia, invaded the Prince in Thracia, breaking by force through the Wall of Cristopolis.  
The young Prince seeing himself by this means, now like to be driven to a great strait, sent Synadenus with his Thracian Army, to defend the Frontiers of his Empire towards Constantinople, against Syrgiannes' with his Turks and Bithynians; in hope himself by many subtle devices and slights, to be able to encounter his Uncle and Despot. And first he caused divers edicts and pros●riptions to be written in haste, wherein great rewards and preferments were with great solemnity of words promised to whomsoever could bring unto him the Despot either quick or dead; which were of purpose given to the Country People passing to and fro, to be dispersed abroad in the high Ways, and about in the Country near unto the Despots Camp. And after that, he caused the death of the Emperor his Grandfather to be every where proclaimed, and how that he was by the Constantinopolitans in a tumult slain; which the devisers thereof, in every place reported. Yea some there were, that swore they were themselves present at his woeful death, and saw it with their Eyes; othersome more certainly to persuade the matter, showed long white Goat's hair, or such like gathered out of white Wool, as if they had been by the furious People plucked from the old Emperor's Head or Beard, at such time as he was slain. Which things being commonly reported in every Town and Village, but especially in the Despots Camp, wonderfully filled men's Heads with divers strange and doubtful thoughts; then divers also of the dispersed Edicts being found, and brought to the Despot, struck him (and not without cause) into a great fear; insomuch, that by the persuasions of his best Friends, he without longer stay retired in haste to Thessalonica. Whither shortly after came a Galley from Constantinople, with secret letters from the Emperor to the Despot, for the apprehension of five and twenty of the chief Citizens, vehemently suspected for the stirring up of the People to Rebellion, and so to have delivered the City to the Prince, all whom the Despot should have sent bound in that Galley to Constantinople; but they in good time perceiving the danger they were in, secretly stirring up the People, and by and by after ringing out the Bells (the signal appointed for the beginning of the Rebellion) had in a very short time raised a wonderful tumult in the City; insomuch, that all the Citizens were up in Arms, who running headlong unto the House of the Despot, found not him (for he forewarned of their coming, was fled into the Castle) but slew all they met of his, or else robbing them, cast them in Prison. As for the Despots House, they took what they found therein, and afterwards pulled it down to the ground. Then coming to the Castle, they fired the Gates; which the Despot seeing, and not able to defend the place, took horse and fled to a Monastery not far off, where being taken by them that pursued him, he full sore against his Will, for the safeguard of his life, took upon him the habit of a Monk; nevertheless, he was from thence carried Prisoner to the young Prince his Nephew, who showed himself much more courteous to him, than all the rest of his Nobility and Waiters; for they, as if they would have eaten him up, were even forthwith ready to have torn him in pieces, had not the Prince embracing him in his arms, saved his life. Yet the next day after, by the persuasion of his Council, he sent him to Didimotichum, where he was cast into a most loathsome Prison, being very deep and straight, in manner of a Well, no body to attend upon him but one Boy, where he lay in miserable darkness and stink; they which drew up his Ordure from him and the Boy, whether by chance or of purpose, pouring it oftentimes upon his Head. Where after he had lain a great while in most extreme misery, wishing to die and could not; he was at length by the Prince's commandment (entreated thereunto by certain religious men) removed into a more easy Prison, where we will for ever leave him.  
Things falling out cross with the old Emperor, and although they were never so well devised, still sorting out unto the worst, he became very pensive and doubtful what to do. So it fortuned, that one day in his melancholy mood, having a Psalter in his hand, to resolve his doubtful mind, he opened the same, as if it were of that heavenly Oracle to ask Counsel; 
Andronicus the old Emperor seeketh for Counsel of the Psalter as of an heavenly Oracle, and so seeketh to make peace with his Nephew Psal. 68 vers. 14.  wherein the first verse that he light upon was, Dum coelestis dissociat Reges, nive conspergentur in Salmon; When the Almighty scattered Kings (for their sakes) then were they as white as snow in Salmon. Which he applying to himself, as if all those troubles, and whatsoever else had happened in them, proceeded from the Will of God, although for causes to him unknown, he by and by sought to reconcile himself unto his Nephew; contrary to the mind of Syrgiannes', desiring nothing but trouble. For (as we have before said) the young Prince although he was desirous of the Power and Liberty of an Emperor, yet he left the Ornaments and Care thereof unto his Grandfather; and had not he oftentimes and earnestly been egged forward by his Companions to affect the whole Empire, happily could and would have contented himself with the former pacification; for being now sent for, he came first to Rhegium, and there visited his Mother (now set at liberty, and sent thither for the furtherance of the desired pacification) where he with her and by her Counsel did whatsoever was there done. So within a few days the matter was brought into so good terms, that an Atonement was made, and he himself went and met the Emperor his Grandfather before the Gat●s of the City; the old Emperor sitting then upon his Ho●se, and the Prince lighting from his, a good furlong before he came at him; and although his Grandfather was very unwilling, and forbade him so to do, yet he came to him on foot, and kissed his Hand and Foot as he sat on horseback; and afterward taking horse, embraced him, and there kissed one another, to the great contentment of the Beholders; and so having talked some few words, departed; the old man into the City, and the young man into his Camp, which then lay near unto Pega; where staying certain days, he came divers times into Constantinople, and so went out again; for as then his Mother, partly for her health, partly for the love of her Son, lay at Pega.  
But Syrgiannes' nothing glad of the agreement made betwixt the Emperor and his Nephew, walked up and down sick in mind, with a heavy countenance, especially for that in time of Peace his busy head stood the Common-weal in no stead. Wherefore in all Meetings and Assemblies, he willingly conversed with them which most disliked of the present State, and spoke hardly as well of the Emperor as of his Nephew, wronged as he thought by them both; whereas in the time of their greatest distress he had (as he said) stood them in good stead. But seeing one Asanes Andronicus walking melancholy up and down, as a man with heaviness oppressed; who having done good service for the young Prince, and not of him regarded, had fled to the old Emperor, and there found no such thing as he expected for the ease of his grief, although he were a man honourably born, and otherways endued with many good parts; with him Syrgiannes' acquainted himself, as grieved with the like grief that he himself was; with whom as with his Friend, without any dissimulation he plainly discoursed of all such things as his grief desired. But Asanes handling him with great wisdom, did himself with like words speak hardly both of the Emperor and his Nephew; but yet curiously noted whatsoever Syrgiannes' said, for he had before hated him for his Ambition, and as then, took it in displeasure, that he was Enemy unto Catacuzanus, his Son-in-Law, who was all in all with the young Prince, and did oftentimes comfort him. But the song being throughly set, Asanes came secretly unto the old Emperor, and told him the whole matter; and in fine, that except he betime laid hold on Syrgiannes', affecting the Empire, he should in short time be by him brought to his end. Whereupon Syrgiannes' was forthwith clapped fast in Prison; whose House with all his Wealth, the common People took the Spoil of; and not contented to have razed it down to the ground, converted the Site thereof, together with the pleasant Vineyards adjoining unto the same, into a place to feed Goats and Sheep in; a worthy reward for his manifold Treacheries. The young Prince shortly after going to Constantinople, was there crowned Emperor, as fellow in the Empire with his Grandfather; unto which solemnity in the great Temple of Sophia, both the Emperors riding, it fortuned the old Emperor by the stumbling of his Horse to be overthrown, and foully beraied in the mire, the Streets being then very foul by reason of much rain but a little before fallen; which many took as ominous, and portending the evil fortune which shortly after befell him. During the time of this Peace, it fortuned that as the young Prince was a hunting in Chersonesus, seventy Turks adventurers, were by force of weather driven on shore; who before they would yield themselves Prisoners, made a great Fight with the Emperor's men, and slew divers of them; in which conflict the young Emperor himself was wounded in the Foot, wherewith he was a great while after exceedingly tormented.  
Andronicus the late Prince, and now Fellow in the Empire with his aged Grandfather, held not himself long so contented, but after the manner of ambitious Men (and continually pricked forward by his aspiring Favourites) longed to have the whole Government to himself, which hardly brooketh any Partner; and therefore weary to see his Grandfather live so long, resolved no longer to expect his natural death, (although it could not by course of Nature be far off) but by one device or other to thrust him from the Government; or if that might not be wrought, at once to dispatch him both of life and state together. And the surer to lay the Plot whereon so foul and horrible a Treason was to be built, he by the Council of his Mother and others, by whom he was most directed, sent for Michael the Prince of Bulgaria, his Brother-in-Law (though before to him unknown, as was his Wife his Sister also) to make with him a firm League, to the intent by him to provide, that if the Prince of Servia (who had but lately married the old Emperors nigh Kinswoman, and so to him much devoted) should take part with him, he should by the Bulgarian his Neighbour be entangled, Who so sent for, with his Wife, the old Emperor's Daughter, came to Dydymotichum, where they were many days most honourably entertained both by the young Emperor and his Mother; 
A treacherous meeting.  for why, this meeting plotted upon great Treason, was finely coloured, with the desire the young Emperor had to see his Sister and her Husband, as before unto him unknown; and the Empress her Daughter, whom she had not seen in three and twenty years before. But the secret conclusion betwixt them was, that the Bulgarian Prince should to the uttermost of his power aid the young Emperor against his Grandfather, and he likewise him against the Servian, as he should have need; and further, that if his Grandfather being deposed, he should recover the whole Empire, then to give him a great sum of Money, with certain special Cities and Provinces confining upon him, as in Dowry to his kind Brother-in-law, and Companion in his labours. So Michael the Bulgarian Prince honourably entertained by the young Emperor and the old Empress his Mother-in-Law, loaded with rewards, and promises of greater, returned home into his Country.  
This matter thus dispatched, the young Emperor therewith encouraged, and knowing also the Constantinopolitans, besides the other Cities of Thracia, exceedingly to favour him and his proceedings; by whom also he was secretly invited to hasten his coming thither (as weary of the long life and laziness, as he termed it, of his Grandfather) thought it best cunningly to go about the matter; that so his Grandfather being with as little stir as might be deposed, he himself might alone enjoy the Empire. But needing Money for the effecting of so great matters, he by force took all the Money from the Collectors, whom the old Emperor had sent into Thracia for the taking up of Money there, telling them that he was an Emperor also, and in need of Money, and that the common charge was likewise by the common Purse to be discharged. After that he took his way towards Constantinople, pretending that upon special causes he had occasion to send Ambassadors unto the Sultan of Egypt; for the transporting of whom he was there to take order for the setting forth of a great Ship, and other things necessary for the journey. Neither went he slenderly appointed, but with a great Power; and the Cities of Thracia before well assured unto him, such as he suspected being thrust out of Office, and others more assured unto him placed in their steads. But whilst he thus bestirreth himself, one of those that were most inward with him, detesting so foul a Treason, secretly fled from him unto his Grandfather, from point to point discovering unto him all the intended Treacheries; and withal, how that his Nephew had determined to depose him from his Empire, or otherwise to bereave him of his life if he should stand upon his Guard; but if in the attempt he should find easy success, then to spare his life; and depriving him of the Imperial Dignity, to thrust him as a Monk into a Monastery; and therefore advised him to beware how he suffered him after his wont manner to come into the City, for fear of a general revolt, but rather by force to keep him out. Which the Emperor hearing, and comparing with other things which he had heard of others, yet sounding in his Ears, deeming it to be true, stood up, and in the anguish of his Soul thus complained unto God; Revenge my quarrel O God, upon them that do me wrong, and let them be ashamed that rise up against me; and preserve thou unto me the Imperial Power, which by thee given unto me, he cometh to take from me whom I myself begot and advanced. After, he began to consider what course to take for the assurance of himself and his State in so great a danger. And first he sent unto his Nephew (come half way) to forbid him from entering the City, and to tell him, that it was a great folly for him, being so manifest a Traitor, both unto his Grandfather and the State, to think his traitorous purposes to be unknown unto the World. And beside in way of reproof to rehearse unto him, how many occasions he had given for the breaking of the League with his Grandfather; first in taking away the Money from the Collectors, whereof the State never stood in more need, by reason of the division of the Empire, which required double charge; then in that he had in the City every where displaced such Governors and Magistrates as his Grandfather had sent thither, and placed others at his pleasure, with many other like facts, declaring his treacherous aspiring mind, for which he was not without cause by his Grandfather forbidden to enter the City. After that, the old Emperor by secret Letters craved aid of Crales Prince of Servia, and Demetrius the Despot his Son, who was then Governor of Thessalonica and the Countries adjoining; commanding him with Andronicus and Michael his Nephews (Governors of Macedonia) with all the Forces they were able to raise, and such aid as should be sent unto them out of Syria, with all speed to join together and to go against the young Emperor. But these Letters thus written unto the Prince of Servia, the Despot, and others, (as is before said) were for the most part intercepted, by such as the young Emperor had for that purpose placed upon the Straits of Cristopolis, and the other passages; especially such as were written in Paper, yet some others in fine white linen Cloth, and secretly sowed in the Garments of such as carried them, escaped for all their straight search, and so were delivered. And in truth nothing was done, or about to be done in Constantinople, but that the young Emperor was by one or other advertised thereof; whereas the old Emperor on the other side, understood nothing what his Nephew did abroad, or intended. For all men of their own accord inclined to him; some openly both Body and Soul (as they say) and such as could not be with him in person, yet in Mind and good Will were even present with him; and that not only the common sort of the Citizens of Constantinople, but the chief Senators, the great Courtiers, yea and many other of the Emperor's nearest Kinsmen also; who curiously observing whatsoever was done in the City, forthwith certified him thereof. Amongst whom was also Theodorus the Marquis, one of the old Emperors own Sons; who many years before by the Empress his Mother sent into Italy, and there honourably married, was by his prodigal course of life there, grown far in debt; so that leaving his Wife and Children behind him, he was glad after the decease of his Mother, to fly unto his Father at Constantinople, and there now lived; who beside that he most honourably maintained him in the Court, and bestowed many great things upon him, paid also all his Debts, which were very great. All which Fatherly kindness he forgetting went about most judas like to have betrayed his aged Father. For he also dreaming after the Empire, and for many causes (but especially for that he was in Mind, Religion, Manners, and Habit, become a Latin) by him rejected, thought he could not do him a greater despite than by revolting unto the young Emperor; so that the nearer he was in blood, the more he was his Father's unnatural Enemy. Shortly after, Demetrius the Despot, having received the Emperor's Letters at Thessalonica, called unto him Andronicus and Michael his Nephews, the Governors of Macedonia; with whom joining all his Force, and daily expecting more aid out of Servia, he first spoilt the young Emperor's Friends and Favourites in Macedonia, giving the Spoil of them in all the Cities and Towns of Macedonia, unto their Soldiers, who made havoc of whatsoever they light upon; and whosoever seemed any way to withstand them or dislike of their Proceedings, their Goods and Lands they confiscated, and drove the men themselves into exile. Neither was the young Emperor Andronicus in the mean time idle, but secretly sent out his Edicts, into all parts of the Empire, yea into the very Cities of Constantinople and Thessalonica, and over all Macedonia; whereby he proclaimed unto the People in general, a releasement of them from all Tributes, Impositions, and Payments; and frankly promised unto the Soldiers and Men of War, the augmenting of their Pensions and Pay; which were no sooner bruited, but that most men were therewith moved both in Word and Deed to favour his proceedings, doing what they could to further the same, and by secret Letters inviting him to hasten his coming into the City; who thereupon coming to Rhegium, 
The young Emperor sendeth Ambassadors unto his Grandfather.  by his Ambassadors sent from thence, requested the old Emperor, either to give him leave according to the League betwixt them, to come into the City, or else to send him certain of the chief of the Nobility and Clergy, with some of the better and more understanding sort of the Burghers and Citizens also, unto whom he might frankly speak his mind, for them faithfully to deliver the same again unto the Emperor his Grandfather, and the People. Which request the old Emperor perceiving to be full of Deceit and Treachery, for a good space answered thereunto nothing at all, but stood all silent, as doubting which to grant; for, to suffer his Nephew to come into the City, he saw was dangerous, the Citizens (as he well knew) being for the most part inclined to revolt to him so soon as they should once see him within the Gates; and to send any forth unto him, as he desired, might be (as he feared) an occasion of some tumult to be after raised in the City; for he knew that his Nephew's drift therein was, openly by fair words, and secretly with great gifts and large promises, first to gain them, and by them the rest of the Citizens. Both which things being dangerous, he made choice of the easier, and sent forth unto him two of the most noble Senators, two of the most reverend Bishops, two other grave Prelates, and four of the chief Burgesses of the City; unto whom at their coming unto him, he in the open hearing of all men delivered this premeditated and crafty Speech.  It is not unknown unto the World, you my Subjects, 
The Speech of the young Emperor to his Grandfather's Ambassadors.  to have always been unto me more dear than I have been unto myself; and how that I have not upon any ambitious conceit, or desire of the sole Government, against my Grandfathers good Will, gone out. For you see how that I neither spare mine own life, or attend my pleasure, for the care I have of you; I come not unto you compassed about with a Guard of armed men, as is the manner not of Kings only, for the envy of their high place, but of others also of far meaner calling, whom disaster fortune, banished from their Parents and Kindred, hath enforced to wander here and there, with death also before their Eyes. Let any man tell me how I came by these wounds which I yet bear in my body, but in fight with the Enemies of my Country which pass over out of Asia into Thracia; or else dwelling▪ near unto Isther, do with their incursions from thence miserably waste that side of Thracia which is next unto them? For I (to tell you the very truth) seeing the old Emperor by reason of his great years to become slothful and blockish, and not possible to be awaked out of his drowsy sleep, neither any whit to grieve, when as the poor Christians his Subjects were both by day and night, some as Sacrifices slain by the barbarous Enemies, some carried away into most miserable Captivity, and the rest poor and naked to be driven out of their Houses and Cities; not to speak in the mean time of the greater mischiefs in Asia, and how many Cities have been there lost through the old Emperor's sloth and neglience; when I saw these things (I say) strucken with a piercing grief, which my heart could not endure, I went out for two causes, either by some kind of honourable death to end my grief together with my life, or else to the uttermost of my power to stand my Country in some stead. For by no means it can come to pass, but that a man, and he that hath of long time reigned, must at length become loathsome unto his Subjects, and encur their deadly hatred. For why, God hath made nothing in this life immutable and firm; whereby it cometh to pass, as we see, that all worldly things joy and delight in change. But if a man will as it were force Fortune to his desire, and strive to bind things unto a certain firm and constant course, he shall but lose his labour, and in vain strive against nature. But whatsoever is contrary unto nature, or exceedeth the just bounds thereof, hath in it neither comfort nor delight. This was it that caused the wise men to say, and to leave to us as Rules, Not to dwell too long upon any thing; and a measure to be the fairest virtue. For you see how that my Grandfather being grown to great years, and having reigned so long (I may almost say) as never did any but he, is become hateful unto all his people; and yet regardeth not either how to discharge himself of so great a burden, or how to relieve the declining State of the Empire, or so much as grieveth to see the Successors of the Empire to die before him: For my Father is dead without any fruit of the Empire, except the bare Title only; and others also nearest to him of blood, and far younger than h●, are dead likewise; and happily I myself may die also before I shall receive any profit thereof; for what can more easily happen, especially unto a man that shuneth no danger, and regardeth not his life? But some perhaps will suspect me of Ambition, for departing from the Emperor my Grandfather, and for refusing to be ruled by him. Which thing I neither flatly deny, or altogether confess: For might I see the Empire increase, and the bounds thereof enlarged, I could willingly content myself, and at my ease take my rest; cheering myself up with such hope as do they that bear with their Cooks, making them to stay long for their dinner, in hope thereby to far the better. But seeing the State of the Empire daily to decline from evil to worse, and the miserable people carried away Captives, or slain by their Enemies even at the Gates and under the Walls of the Imperial City; what deem you me then to think? For most men ease their present grief, with the hope of future good, although the same be but vain: But unto me is not left even such vain hope unto my false comfort. And can you marvel at the impotent affection of the Great Alexander of Macedon, grieved and displeased to see his Father to heap Victory upon Victory, and to cut off all the hope of his Son's glory, by leaving him so few occasions of War; and not think me (to whom you see the quite contrary is chanced, and from whom not only the hope of the Empire is cut off, for the wasting thereof, but even the course of a quiet life) to fret and grieve thereat? Moved herewith, and not able longer to endure it, at length I rise up, and requested of the Emperor my Grandfather, but a thousand men at Arms, promising him by the Power of God with them to preserve the Cities in Bythinia, and to drive his Enemies further off, (before that having them) they should pass over the straight, and besiege the Imperial City of Constantinople; which so small a request he not only denied me, but hath ever since taken me for his mortal Enemy. But this and many other things else let pass: I have now another request unto him by you, which is, That he would give me eight thousand ducats to content my Soldiers withal, who of long have from place to place roamed up and down with me, following mine uncertain Fortune: Which granted, I will no more be unto my Grandfather troublesome, but dismissing my Forces, hold myself right well contented. 
Having thus said, he rose out of his Seat, and taking them apart one after another, courteously discoursed with them, and so filling them with great hopes, sent them away; who departing from him and coming into the City, became as it were the open Proclaimers of his Praises, enflaming the people with a greater desire of him than before. Which the old Emperor hearing, and perceiving almost all his Friends in the City to be in heart revolted from him; and withal fearing to be of them in some sudden concourse slain, was therewith exceedingly vexed. Yet he thought it best before any such thing should happen, to prove their minds, and to hear the Counsel of the Patriarch, and Asanes, and the other Bishops also; unto whom, being by one of the Senators called together, he declared his mind, as followeth: Were I assured, 
The Speech of the old Emperor unto the Patriarch and the rest of the Bishops and Nobility, concerning the young Emperor his Nephew.  that having deposed myself of the Imperial Dignity, I should myself live in safety, and see my people well governed, I would I should never be of the Company of the Faithful, if I did not by much prefer a pleasant quiet contented life before an Empire. For if a man would seek for the pleasure of the mind, what can be more pleasant, than to be disburdened of all Cares, and free from such dangers as attend high Estates? But if for my sin and the sins of my people, as also for the sin of mine Ancestors, the Vengeance of God in manner of a violent Tempest raging against us, subverteth our Empire; and I yet but a Youth, by the help of God reform and quieted the State of the Empire, grievously troubled with Discord in the Church, and the often invasion of the Enemy; and taught by long experience know not how in so great hurl and tempest which way to turn myself: How can I with safety commit unto my Nephew so great a Charge, who as yet is both an unstayed Youth, and so careless of his own good, as that he knoweth not how well to govern his own private affairs? For giving over his Power to young unskilful men, and having flung away his Imperial Possessions amongst them, he himself liveth in penury and want; neither regardeth any thing more than his Dogs and Kites, of whom he keepeth few less than a thousand Curs, and as many Hawks, and not much fewer men to look unto them. Wherefore unto such a man, how may I safely commit either my life, or the administration of mine Empire, by God committed unto me? But I will never witting and willingly cast away either my Subjects or myself. For my Nephew I have loved, not only more than my Wife and Children, but (to say the truth) more than myself also; as you well know how tenderly I have brought him up, how carefully I have instructed and advised him, as purposing to have left him the Heir and Successor both of my Wisdom and mine Empire, that so he might the better please both God and man. But he, contemning my good counsel, hath spent whole nights in Banqueting, and Riot, and Brothelhouses; where he hath also slain his own Brother; and to be brief, he hath risen and lifted up his hand against me his Grandfather, and a Grandfather that had of him so well deserved, attempting such a Villainy as the Sun never saw. Wherefore you ought also to hate and detest his wickedness, and to rise up to restrain his impudent Disloyalty, and by your Ecclesiastical Censure to denounce him unworthy of the Empire and the Communion of the Faithful, as one separated from God; that so ashamed and corrected, he may lovingly thither return from whence he is shamefully departed, and again be made Heir both of mine Empire and staidness; for there is no man alive whom I had rather have promoted unto the Empire, so that he would hear my Precepts, and obey my Counsel. As for the conclusion he used in his former Speech, it was altogether feigned, crafty, and malicious; for you have heard how many Reproaches he hath given me in all that Speech, wherewith his conclusion agreeth not; but the more to stir up the hearers thereof against me, did of purpose so conclude his Speech.  
Upon this, most of the foresaid grave and learned Bishops agreed, that the young Emperor should no more be named in the Prayers of the Church, until he had better conformed himself. Howbeit the Patriarch and some others secretly favouring both him and his proceedings, liked not thereof, and therefore saying nothing thereunto, returned home unto their own houses. But meeting once or twice afterwards in the Patriarches house, 
The Patriarch with divers of the Bishops conspire against the Emperor.  they there conspired together against the old Emperor; with whom also divers of the Nobility consented; and thereupon an Oath was conceived in writing, whereby they bound themselves to continue constant in that their wicked Resolution. Whereupon, about three days after, the Patriarch causing the Bells to be rung, and a great number of the common people flocking together, pronounced the Sentence of Excommunication against all such as should in their public Prayers omit the name of the young Emperor, or refuse to do him all Honour due unto an Emperor. Which thing not a little grieved the old Emperor, as appeared by his Speech, in saying, If the Doctor of Peace be so mad against us, in hope of Reward promised by my Nephew, that casting off all shame and gravity, he doubts not to be the Author of Sedition; who shall repress the rash attempts of the vulgar people against us, if we respect but man's help? for the Patriarch so much as in him lieth is, I see, the murderer of us. So the Bishops of the contrary Faction, moved with the notable impudence of the Patriarch, excommunicated him likewise, as he had done them, with his mad Followers, as the Authors of Sedition and Faction, and incited with Bribes to the troubling of the State; for which cause also he was by the Emperor's Commandment committed unto safe keeping in the Monastery called Manganium. But about two days after, the young Emperor came to the Walls of Constantinople, to know how his Grandfather had accepted the Messengers sent unto him; earnestly requesting, that it might be lawful for him alone to enter into the City, to do his duty to his Grandfather. But neither he, neither his words were any whit at all regarded, but was by such as stood upon the Walls himself with stones driven away; who could not abide to hear him speak, but shamefully railed at him, saying, All his talk to be nothing else but deceit and fraud; and so for that time he retired a little from the Walls. But night being come, certain busy heads among the common people (and they not a few) secretly meeting together gave him knowledge, that about midnight, when as all the Citizens were asleep, and the Watchmen in security, he should come unto the Walls, where they would be ready with Ropes to draw him up unto the top of the Bulwarks; which done, the matter (as they said) was as good as dispatched; for that they were persuaded, that the Citizens so soon as they should once see him in the midst of the City amongst them, would forthwith all revolt unto him. So he according to this appointment, about midnight approaching the Walls, found there no such matter as he had well hoped, for the receiving of him into the City; But chose the Watchmen carefully watching all alongst the Wall, and calling one unto another. Wherefore finding there no hope, he with Catacuzenus and Synadenus, his chief Counsellors, leaving the South side of the City, in a little Boat rowed softly all along the Wall that is toward the Sea, if happily they might there find their Friends, and so be received in; but there the Watchmen also descrying them from the Walls, and calling unto them, but receiving no answer, began to cast stones at them, and to make a noise, so that deceived of their purpose, and out of hope, they were glad to get them further off, and to depart as they came.  
But the evil success of this Exploit was shortly after with his better Fortune recompensed; 
Thessalonica yielded unto the young Emperor.  for by and by after, secret Letters were sent unto him from Thessalonica, requesting him with all speed to come thither, assuring him in the name of the Bishop, with divers of the Nobility, and the good liking of the people in general at his coming to open the Gates of the City unto him: Whereupon he leaving a great part of his Army with Synadenus, to keep short the Constantinopolitans, he himself with the rest of his Power set forward towards Thessalonica, where he in the habit of a plain Country man entered the City unsuspected; but being got within the Gate, and there casting off that simple attire wherewith he had covered his Rich and Royal Garments, and presently known to be the young Emperor, the people came flocking about him, and with many joyful Acclamations received him as their Lord and Sovereign; yet some few, more favouring the old Emperor, fled into the Castle, and there stood upon their Guard; which after they had for a space notably defended, was at length taken from them.  
Thessalonica thus yielded, Demetrius, Andronicus, and Asan Michael, the old Emperors chief Captains, then lying with their Army not far off, and not well trusting one another, fled; most of whose Soldiers presently went over unto the young Emperor; who departing from Thessalonica, came to Serre, which by composition was delivered unto him also, but not the Castle; for that was by Basilicus Nicephorus (the Captain thereof) still holden for the old Emperor. This Basilicus was a man honourably descended, but of no great Capacity or Wit, as the finer sort supposed, and therefore not of them much regarded, or thought fit for the taking in hand of any great matter; whom yet the old Emperor for his plain sincerity, more than for any thing else, had made Captain of that Castle, and Governor of the Country thereabouts; which he yet still held, and in these most troublesome times showed himself wiser than all that had so thought of him; of whom some died in despair, some fled, some were taken Prisoners, and so suffered a thousand evils; the rest with the loss of their Honour, traitorously revolting from the old Emperor to the young; whereas he alone, looking but even forward upon his Allegiance, with his trust in God, so long as the old Emperor lived, opposed himself against these troubles, and stood fast for him, and was not to be moved with any fair Promises or cruel Threats of the young aspiring Emperor, whereof he lacked none. But having strongly fortified the Castle committed to his Charge, there kept himself, until that hearing of the death of the old Emperor, he then reconciling himself to the young, as unto his right Sovereign, delivered up unto him the Castle; who in reward of his Fidelity, gave it him again to hold for him, in as ample manner as he had before held it for his Grandfather. For wise men honour Virtue even in their Enemies, as did King Philip in Demosthenes, when as he said, If any Athenian living in Athens, doth say that he preferreth me before his Country, him verily would I buy with much money, but not think him worthy my friendship; but if any for his Countries-sake shall hate me, him will I impugn as a Castle, a strong Wall, or a Bulwark; and yet admire his virtue, and reckon the City happy in having such a man. And so in few words to conclude a long discourse, the young Emperor in short time having roamed through all Macedonia, and without resistance taken all the strong Towns and Cities therein, he there took also Demetrius the Despots Wife and Children, with all his Treasure, as also the Wives of Andronicus and Asanes, and of all the Senators that followed them; after whom the great Commanders their Husbands were also for the most part taken and cast into prison, some at Thessalonica, some at Did●motichum, some of the rest afterward most miserably perishing in exile. Wherewith the old Emperor discouraged, was about to have sent his Ambassadors unto his Nephew for Peace, whilst he was yet thus busied in Macedonia; and had indeed so done, had not another hope arising in the mean time, quite altered that his better purpose. It fortuned at the same time, whilst the old Emperor was thus thinking of Peace, that Michael the Bulgarian Prince, in hope of great profit thereof to arise, secretly offered his Aid unto him against the young Emperor his Nephew; of which his Offer the old Emperor gladly accepted, and Ambassadors were sent to and fro, about the full conclusion of the matter, no man being acquainted therewith, more than two or three of the Emperor his most secret friends and trusty Counsellors. Yet in the mean time disdaining to be so cooped up as he was, by Synadenus one of his Nephew's Captains, even in the Imperial City; sent out one Constantinus Assan, with the greatest part of his strength against him; who encountering him at the River Maurus, was there by him in plain battle overthrown and taken Prisoner, the rest of his discomfited Army flying headlong back again to Constantinople. All things thus prosperously proceeding with the young Emperor, and the Countries of Macedonia and Thracia now almost all at his Command, he returned in haste with all his Power unto Constantinople, to prevent the coming of the Bulgarians thither; as fearing lest that they finding the City weakly manned, should treacherously kill the old Emperor, with such as were about him, and so seize upon the City themselves; or at leastwise give him such Aid as might keep him out, and so cut off all his hope for obtaining of the same. At which also there was great want of Victual in the City, he with his Army having shut it up on the one side by Land, and the Venetians with their Galleys on the other side by Sea; who then at odds with the Genoese dwelling at Pera, kept all that straight Sea betwixt Europe and Asia, in such sort, as that neither Victuals nor Merchandise could be brought that way, either to Constantinople or Pera. The young Emperor coming to Constantinople, attempted at his first coming to have entered the City, in hope without any great resistance to have been received; but repulsed by the Defendants, was glad to get him further off. About this time came also unto the City three thousand Horsemen, the appointed Aid of the Bulgarian Prince, unto the old Emperor; who although he wanted men, and was right glad of their coming, yet remembering the harms he had before received by foreign Aid, and not now daring to trust them too far, suffered not them to come into the City, more than their General and some few others of their Commanders with him. Now the young Emperor upon the coming of this Aid, lest some great harm might betid either the old Emperor or himself, to the utter subversion of their State; secretly sent unto his Grandfather, requesting him to be well advised how he trusted ●hose foreign people too far; offering himself to do whatsoever he should Command, rather than so great a harm should happen unto either of them, as was from them to be feared. But the trust the old Emperor had conceived of this Bulgarian Aid, had so confirmed his mind, as that he little listened unto his Nephew's request; besides that, how could he well trust him that had so oftentimes deceived him? Wherewith the young Emperor much grieved, and now again almost despairing of his further Success, dislodged, and drew near unto the place where these Bulgarian Horsemen lay encamped; from whence he sent certain Ambassadors with great Gifts and Presents unto the General, and the rest of the chief Commanders; promising them ●ar greater, if they would without further troubling themselves return home again; whereunto they willingly granted, and so were of him honourably feasted, and the next day after conducted upon their way homewards.  
It fortuned, 
Constantinople b●●r●yed unto the young Emperor.  that the young Emperor returning back again from the Bulgarians, and encamped in the place where he before lay; two of the Watchmen of the City, the one called Camaris, and the other Castellanus, both Smiths, fled secretly unto him; who admitted to his Presence, and all others commanded to depart, excepting Catacuzenus, offered to betray the City unto him, so that he would under his hand writing assure them of such a sum of Money, and such Possessions as they required; which he easily granting, and the hour and manner of performing of the same, being by them declared and agreed upon, they by and by without longer stay, for fear of suspicion, returned again into the City. But the Emperor staying four days in the same place, caused certain Ladders to be made of great Ropes, such as they use in great Ships; But the appointed night being come, the two Traitors having before provided great store of good Wine, liberally gave the same by way of courtesy unto the Watchmen their Companions near unto them; who drank so plentifully thereof, that not able any longer to hold up their heads, they fell into so sound a sleep, as that but for breathing they differed not much from dead men. About midnight came certain Soldiers of the young Emperors, with the foresaid Ladders; which the Traitors by and by drawing unto them by a Rope cast down, and making them fast unto the top of the Wall, received by the same eighteen armed men; who being got into the City, without more ado broke open the Roman Gate, whereby the young Emperor with his Army presently entered, no man letting him. But it is worth marking, how things appointed to befall us, are by no means to be avoided, although we be thereof before never so plainly forewarned: For the same night the City was surprised, immediately after the setting of the Sun, the Gates being shut, a certain Country man came running in all haste from out of a Village there by, and knocking hard at the Gate called Girolimna, required to speak with some of the Soldiers; who being come, he told them, how that a little before he had seen a a great number of the young Emperor's men marching towards the City, by the way that leadeth unto the Roman Gate; which being told unto the old Emperor, did not a little trouble him. And therefore thought it good to send out certain Scouts, to see if all were clear along the Walls toward the Land, from Sea to Sea; which his purpose Metochita his chief Counsellor letted, saying, It did! not▪ beseem a courageous mind to be upon so light an occasion so much moved; for that either the rumour was false, or the endeavour of so few vain, the Walls and Gates of the City being so filled with armed men; which happily he said not so much upon ignorance of Martial Affairs, as blinded by a certain commanding Power, that the supernal Decree given by God himself against the old Emperor, might at length take place. And again, the third part of that night yet scant passed, divers other Countrymen came running unto the said Gate Girolimna, and told the Watchmen upon the Walls, that a great number of men were met together at the Roman Gate; whereof the Emperor hearing, was therewith much more troubled than before, insomuch that sharply rebuking Metochita, he said unto him, Thou seemest to be strangely metamorphosed into a man of Iron, which art become so secure, as not to have any feeling of the danger wherewith we are enclosed: Seest thou not that the matter requireth, not that we should thus sit still and take our rest? For the noise of my Nephew soundeth in mine Ears as the sound of a great Drum, and disquieteth my mind. I feel a Sea of Calamity broken out against me, which overwhelmeth and drowneth my heart and courage. Nevertheless he, firm in his former Opinion, made no reckoning of those Reports; and therefore rose to go to bed, to show indeed that he accounted nothing of them, but as false alarms. But the Emperor left alone, and no body with him unto whom he might break his grief, laid him down upon a Pallet, not putting off his Clothes; but as if he had together with them put on extreme desperation, lay tumbling too and fro as a man in mind troubled with divers many and heavy thoughts. In the mean time he heard a great noise at the Ourt-gate, and the report of the entering of the young Emperor his Nephew, with a great clattering of Armour; for there were above eight hundred Soldiers entered with him, and withal they of the City on every side saluted him with most joyful Acclamations. But the old Emperor hearing the great Tumult and Outcry, rose from his Pallet, exceedingly troubled; and destitute of all the help of his Captains and Soldiers, (for why, his Palace was altogether desolate, except of such as were his ordinary Waiters) betook himself unto his Prayers, beseeching God not to forsake him in so great a danger, but in his mercy to defend him from the fury of those wicked men. Who presently heard him, and sent him present relief; for whilst he was thus praying in the Palace, the young Emperor without, call together all his Captains and Lieutenants, straight charged them upon pain of death, neither by word nor deed to violate the Majesty of the old Emperor his Grandfather, nor any other about him; for this Victory (said he) God hath given us, and not we ourselves; his Will ordereth all things, whereunto all things obey; the Stars, the Air, the Sea, the Earth, Men, Floods, Tempests, Plagues, Earthquakes, Showers, Dearth, and such like; sometime to our Bliss, and sometime to our Correction and Destruction; wherefore using us as the Instruments of his Chastisement, he hath given unto us this present Victory, which peradventure to morrow he will give to others to use against us, and then as we have been unto them we have overcome, such will they also show themselves unto us again; wherefore if neither nighness of blood, neither that we be all of one Country, may move us, yet in respect of ourselves let us use mercy, that we feel not the Hand of God upon us in like case. In the mean time a Courtier opened a Wicket unto the young Emperor, with this Message from his Grandfather.  Forasmuch as God this day (my Son) hath given unto thee the Imperial Sceptre, taken from me, 
The pitiful Supplication of the old Emperor to his Nephew.  I request of thee this one good turn, for many which I have even from my birth bestowed upon thee, (for in this my hard estate I let pass, that I next unto God have been the Author of thy Nativity and Increase) give me my life, spare thy Father's head, and with violent Weapon spill not that blood from which thou thyself hast taken the Fountain of life. Man truly beholdeth Heaven and Earth, and Heaven and Earth behold men's Actions; wherefore make not the Heavens and the Earth beholders of so wicked an Outrage as never man ever committed. If Brother's blood long ago cried out unto the Lord against Cain, how much louder shall the Father's Blood cry unto the Lord, and declare so great a wickedness unto the Earth, the Sun, and Stars, and make it abhorred of all the Princes of the World? Regard my miserable old age, which of itself promiseth unto me shortly death, but unto thee a Rest after long Cares. Reverence the ●ands which have oftentimes most lovingly embraced thee, yet crying in thy swathing-Clo●ts. Reverence those Lips which have oftentimes most lovingly kissed thee, and called thee my other Soul: Have pity upon a bruised Reed, cast down by Fortune, and do not thou again tread upon it. And seeing thou art thyself a man, be not too proud of thy present Fortune, but consider the uncertainty and variety of worldly things, taking by me Example; see in me the end of long life, and marvel, how one night having received me an Emperor of many years, leaveth me now subject unto another man's power for ever. 
The young Emperor Andronicus moved with this Speech, and taking great care of his Grandfather's safety, scarce abstaining from tears, entered the place, and coming to his Grandfather, humbly saluted him, embraced him, and with cheerful words comforted him. Straightway after he went unto the Monastery Manganium, where (as is aforesaid) the Patriarch Esaeius was by the old Emperor's Commandment kept in safe keeping; whom the young Emperor now took from thence, and carrying him away in one of the Emperor's richest Chariots, restored him again unto his Patriarchal Dignity; wherein he afterwards spared not to revenge himself to the full, and most cruelly to persecute the old Emperor's Friends. That day from morning unto night, a man might have seen all the riches and wealth of such Noblemen as had taken part with the old Emperor, carried away, and their goodly Houses overthrown and made the scorn of the base common people; but especially the House and Wealth of Theodorus Metochita, a man but the day before in greatest favour with his Prince, and of all others next unto the Emperor himself, of greatest Authority and Credit, whose whole Wealth (not that only which was found in his house, but that also which he had laid up in trust with his Friends, discovered by Notes found in his Study) became most part a prey unto the common people, and the rest confiscated unto the Prince. Thus he which erst of all others next unto the Emperor was accounted most fortunate, was now upon the sudden, with his Wife and Children brought unto extreme beggary; and after many years' Felicity, in one day cast into the bottom of despair and misery; where a man might have heard many complaining, say, All that Wealth and Treasure to have been the blood and tears of the poor oppressed Subjects, brought unto him by them whom he had made Rulers and Governors of the Provinces and Cities of the Empire▪ to the intent that when they had dealt cruelly with the people, as with their Slaves, he might stop them for coming to complain of their griefs unto the Emperor; and that the eye of the Revenger had not always slept, but was now at length awaked, and had of him yet scarcely taken sufficient punishment; which every where to hear, increased not a little his grief. As for himself, he was confined unto Didymotichum, as the place of his exile and banishment; where after he had a certain time poorly lived, he was sent for back again to Constantinople; where having nothing left to relieve himself (for his house at the coming of the young Emperor, was in the fury of the people plucked down to the ground, and the very pavement thereof digged up) he went unto the Monastery of Chora there by, which long before built by the Emperor justinian, and become ruinous, he in the time of his Prosperity had with great charge repaired, and therein now (having made shipwreck of all that he had) quietly shrouded himself, to the great comfort both of his Body and afflicted Mind, where he not long after died.  

Niphon incenseth the young Emperor against his Grandfather.  But to return again unto the old Emperor, as yet in doubt what should become of himself; it fortuned that the same day that the City was taken, the young Emperor at night returning to the Palace, by the way met with Niphon sometime Patriarch, who asked him how they meant to deal with his Grandfather. Whereunto the young Emperor answering, That he would deal with him honourably and Emperor like; he was by him therefore blamed and reproved. For this Niphon being of a crafty subtle Wit and malicious Nature, besides that he secretly hated all them upon whom Fortune greatly either fawned or frowned, bore an especial grudge against the old Emperor; First, for that at such time as he was right worthily for his shameful covetousness and extortion, by the rest of the Bishops and Clergy thrust out of the Patriarchship, he was not by him (as he looked for) defended; and secondly, for that dreaming again after the Patriarchal Dignity, he thought it one good step thereunto, to have him (as his greatest Enemy) taken out of the way. Wherefore he said now unto the young Emperor, If thou desire to Reign without fear, give not thine Honour unto another; but taking all the Ornaments of the Empire from the old man, cast Hair-cloath upon him, and so clap him fast in prison, or thrust him out into exile. This mischievous counsel this wicked man gave against the poor old distressed Emperor, not remembering how unworthily he had by him been before preferred unto the highest degrees both of Honour and Wealth, if h● could there have kept himself; unto which ungracious counsel, divers others of the Nobility also consenting, so wrought the matter amongst them, that although they could not quite draw the young Emperor's mind from his Grandfather, yet they much changed the same, so that he could no longer endure to take him for his Companion in the Empire. Whereupon after many Meetings and Consultations had, it was decreed, That the old man should still retain the Name and Ornaments of an Emperor, as before, but not to meddle in any matters, nor to come abroad, but to sit still quietly in his Chamber, with the yearly maintenance of 10000 Ducats, for the maintenance of himself and such as tended upon him; to be raised of the fishing before the City of Constantinople; a poor Pension for the maintenance of so great an Emperor. Of which so shameful a Decree, Esaeius the Patriarch was also a furtherer, who seeing an Emperor that had reigned so long, cast down, and shut up as it were in prison, was so far from grieving thereat, that foolishly rejoicing, he in token thereof absurdly wrested this Text of Scripture, saying in his merriment, Laetabitur justus, cum viderit ultionem; The Just shall rejoice when he seeth the Revenge; calling himself, Just, and the Emperor, Revenge. 
The old Emperor becometh blind.  But the old Emperor thus shut up in his Chamber (differing in nothing but in Name, from a Prison) not long after the state of his body overthrown with grief and corrupt humours distilling out of his head, first lost one of his Eyes, and shortly after the other also; and so oppressed with eternal darkness, mingled (as saith the Scripture) his drink with tears, and a●e the bread of sorrow, being oftentimes (to his great grief) most bitterly mocked and derided, not of them only which were by his Enemies set to guard him, but of his own Servants also. Not long after, the young Emperor falling sick, in such sort as that it was thought he would not recover, Catacuzenus, and the rest of his greatest Favourites and Followers careful of their own estate, and yet doubtful of the old blind Emperor, devised many things against him, but all tending to one purpose, for the shortening of his days. But in the end all other devices set apart, they put him to his choice, either to put on the habit of a Religious, and so for ever to bid the World Farewell, or else to take what should otherwise ensue; the best whereof was either Death, Exile, or perpetual Imprisonment in the loathsome Castle of Forgetfulness: For the putting whereof in execution, Synadenus (of all others to him most hateful) was appointed. At which hard choice, the old Emperor as with a world of woes suddenly oppressed, lay a great while upon his bed as a man speechless; for what could he do else, except he had an heart of Steel or Adamant? being then compassed about with many barbarous and merciless Soldiers, and his domestical Servants kept from him, and no man left that would vouchsafe to direct him (being blind) whither to go, or where to stand. But to make the matter short, would he, would he not, they made choice for him themselves, polling and shaving him, and casting a Monk's habit upon him, changed his name, 
Andronicus the old Emperor against his will made a Monk, and called Anthony.  after the name of the religious, and called him by the name of Anthony the Monk. Glad was Esaeius the false Patriach, of this the hard estate of the old Emperor; for that now that he was professed a Religious, there was left no hope for him to recover again the Empire, either cause for himself to fear. Yet he thought it good to be advised, in what sort remembrance should be made of him in the Church-prayers, if any were at all from thenceforth to be made. Whereof to be by the old Emperor himself resolved, he (seeming to be very sorry for that which was done, but purposing indeed therein to deride him) sent unto him two Bishops, to know what his pleasure was to have done therein. Unto which their demand, he oppressed with heaviness, and fetching a deep sigh even from the bottom of his heart, answered: As in poor Lazarus appeared a double miracle, that being dead, he rose; and being bound, walked; even so was it to be done in me, though in quite contrary manner; 
The notable answer of the old Emperor, to the catching question of the proud Patriarch.  for l●e, being alive, I am dead, as overwhelmed with the Waves of Calamity and Woe; and being loose, I am bound, not my Hands and Feet only, but my Tongue also; wherewith unable to do any thing else, I might yet at least bewail my Woes and Wrongs unto the Air, and such as by chance should hear me, and unto this most woeful darkness wherein I must for ever sit. But shame hath closed my mouth, my Brethren abhor me, and my Mother's Sons account me for a stranger unto them; and the very light of mine Eyes is not with him, my Friends and Neighbours stood up against me, and all that saw me, laughed me to scorn; my Feet had almost slipped, and my Footsteps were almost overthrown; for I fretted against the wicked, when I saw the peace of the Ungodly. The Emperors long ago gave great Privileges unto the Church, even those which it at this day enjoyeth; and the Church gave to them again Power, to choose whom they would to be Patriarches. Now concerning him that sent you, I not only nominated him unto the Patriarchship, but I myself made choice of him, and preferred him before many other right worthy and most famous men, being himself a man grown old in a more private life, never before preferred, or for any other thing famous; I will not say how often I have holpen him and done him good. But now when he should again have relieved me in my Calamity, he joineth hands with mine Enemies against me, more cruel upon me than any other bloody-handed Executioner; not ashamed to ask me how I would be remembered in the Church; feigning himself to be ignorant and sorry for mine estate, much like unto the Egyptian Crocodile of Nile, which having killed some living Beast, lieth upon the dead body and washeth the head thereof with her warm tears, which she afterwards devoureth together with the body. But what to answer him unto this his catching question, I know not; for if I shall say, As an Emperor, I shall forthwith be slain by them which for that purpose have me in hold; but if I say, As Anthony the Monk, it shall be taken as the frank confession of mine estate, by them which have craftily contrived mine Overthrow; as if I had not by compulsion, but even of mine own free will put on this monastical habit, which God knoweth was never in my thoughts.  
Having thus said, he sent them away without any other answer unto their demand; but sitting down upon his bedside, said, My soul return again into thy rest, for the Lord hath dealt well with thee; neither spoke any one word more in declaration of his grief, his Tongue there stayed by his singular Wisdom, or else with the greatness of his grief; and so against his will in silence passing over his sorrow, his mind with the greatness of his Woes overcome; and as it were astonished, before the humours gathered into the brain could be dissolved into tears; for as the Sun sending forth his moderate beams, draweth unto it many exhalations and vapours, but casting the same forth more plentifully, doth with his immoderate heat consume the same before they can be drawn up, so the moderate affections of the mind may have their griefs by words and tears expressed; but such as exceed all measure, and with their vehemency as it were overthrow the mind, commonly make men to stand still, mute and silent, or if they speak at all, to speak idly, and nothing to the purpose, as men beside themselves, or in an ecstasy; but for the resolution of the question by the Bishops demanded, the devout Patriarch decreed, That in the Church-Prayers he should be remembered before the Emperor his Nephew, by the name of the most religious and zealous Monk Anthony; which was done (God wot) for no good zeal to the poor blind man, but the better to colour the matter with the common people, as if he weary of the World, had voluntarily taken upon him that silly profession. Nevertheless, within four days after, Synadenus, understanding them in every place to whisper among themselves, and secretly to mutter against the hard dealing with the old Emperor, who had long reigned over them, and so by right was again to do, if his Nephew should chance to die, and that the Ecclesiastical Laws enforced no man against his will to enter into religious Orders; he therewith enraged, sent to him certain of his own Confederacy, to exact of him an Oath in writing, That he should never more after that time, seek after the Empire, or yet accept of the same if it were offered him, neither to substitute any other; which if he refused to do, to put him in fear of his life; and the more to terrify him, set a guard of insolent barbarous Soldiers over him; for fear of whom, he yielded to do whatsoever they required; and so his Oath being solemnly conceived into writing (another man leading his hand, because he was blind) he signed the same with a red Cross above, and a black Cross beneath, after the manner of the religious. Having thus lived in darkness disgraced, shut up in his Chamber as a man forsaken of the World, with an unsure guard ever to attend him, by the space of two years, it fortuned that the 12 th' of February towards night (a day in the Greek-Church dedicated to the Vigil of St. Anthony, 
The death of the old Emperor.  whose name they had given him) certain of his Friends that were suffered to have access unto him, going as their manner was, once in three or four days to visit him (among whom was his Daughter, sometime the Prince of Servia▪ his Wife, but as then a Widow, and Nicephorus Gregoras, Author of this History) he entered with them, as with his Friends, into a familiar discourse of many matters, wherein he so deceived the time, that it was past midnight before they perceived how the time passed. But the Cocks crowing, he broke off the talk, and bidding them farewel, gave them leave to depart, pleasantly saying, That to morrow they would make an end of their discourse: who all thereupon took their leave and departed, no sign of any sickness as then appea●ing upon him; and after they were gone, called for meat and did eat; the meat he eat, was certain shellfish, for it was with them a fasting-day, and he had not eat any thing; after which, when as he should have drunk a cup of Wine, for the comforting of his old stomach, and digesting of that so hard meat, he drank cold water, as his manner was, when he felt any inward heat, to drink the same immoderaly; which hurtful manner of diet he then using also, began by and by to feel a great pain in his stomach, and so presently after became very sick, falling withal into a great looseness of body, so that in the space of one quarter of an hour he was glad oftentimes to arise, and to go unto an homely House of Office in an inner-Chamber thereby to discharge nature's burden; where after many Evacuations, sitting down upon an homely bed fast by, and not able to recover his own Bed, having as then none to help him, there before it was day, died, after he had reigned 43 years. His death was by many strange signs and accidents as it were foretold; first a great Eclipse of the Sun appeared, just so many days before his death as he had lived years; and after that, another Eclipse of the Moon; and with it an Earthquake, the day before he died at night, being St. Anthony his even, whose name his Enemies had thrust upon him; at which time also, the Sea with a great Tempest rising above the wont Bounds, made divers breaches in the Walls of the City towards the Sea, as if it had been some violent Enemy, and overflowed also divers Houses in the City. Many Crosses and Pinnacles were then also from the tops of Churches and other high Buildings overthrown; and with them a great Pillar, sometime one of the Ornaments of the City, standing before the Church, commonly called the Church of the forty Martyrs; which being very high, and below burnt and worn away with time, had put many in fear as they passed by it, lest it should have fallen upon them; insomuch that the Emperor upon a time passing that way, was requested by some of the Nobility there present, to ride farther off from it, for fear of falling upon him; who smiling at their vain fear, by chance answered, O would to God I might live so long as this Pillar will stand; which now falling out according to his Speech gave many of them that had heard him so say, occasion to marvel. His dead body was honourably buried in the Monastery of Libe, which his Mother Theodora the Empress had not long before new built, and his Obsequies there (after the manner of that time) yearly solemnly kept by the space of nine days.  

The Turks Kingdom founded by Ottoman in Asia, at such time as the Greek Emperors were at variance betwixt themselves in Europe  Thus at length having passed through the troubled State of the Greek Empire, during the long Reign of the old Emperor Andronicus, the considerate Reader may easily see the causes of the declining and ruin also of this famous Empire; and how that the Greek Emperors, troubled with their tempestuous Affairs nearer home in Europe, yea in the very Imperial City itself, and in their own Palaces, were not at leisure to look over the Straight into Asia, but glad to leave their Territories there unto the weak defence of themselves. At which time, and even in the midst of the aforesaid trouble, Ottoman on the one side, with great industry laid the Foundation of his Empire in Phrygia and Bythinia, now the greatest terror of the World; and then did those things which we now have of him written. The other Princes of the Turks also, the Successors of Sultan Aladin, at the same time on the other side, alongst the River Meander encroaching on as fast; until that at last amongst them they had thrust the Greek Emperors quite out of Asia, and in fine became themselves, together with the Greek Empire, a Prey unto the Ottoman Kings, as in the process of this History shall more at large appear.  

Prusa yielded unto the Turks.  But again to return unto Ottoman himself, who all this while (that old Andronicus the Greek Emperor was thus troubled) had with his Son Orcanes sought by all means on every side to enlarge his Kingdom; the Garrisons by him left in the two late built Castles near unto the great City of Prusa, under the Charge of the two valiant Captains Actemur and Balabanzuck (as is before declared) having now continued there certain years, had by shutting up the passages, and spoiling of the Country, brought the City into such distress and penury, that many of the Citizens and other the poor Christians fled into the City, there died of Famine. The rest now out of all hope to be relieved by the Greek Emperor, not then able to relieve himself, came to Composition with Orcanes (for Ottoman was then sick of his old Disease the Gout) covenanting with him, that they might in safety with life and liberty depart, and so much of their Goods as they themselves could carry; and so yielded to him the City. Which conditions (as most write) were on the Turks behalf well and faithfully performed; yet some there be that report them to have been in most part by Orcanes broken. Thus was Prusa, one of the greatest Cities of that part of Asia, yielded unto the Turks, in the year of our Lord, 1327. and was afterwards by Orcanes made the Royal Seat of the Ottoman Kings.  
About this time, or very shortly after, 

The death of Ottoman.  
Ottoman bu●ied at Pr●sa.   Ottoman in the eight and twentieth year of his Reign died, at the age of 69, in the year of our Lord, 1328. and lieth buried at Prusa, where his Tomb is yet at this day to be seen, in a certain Chapel of an old Monastery in the Castle, standing in the midst of the City, covered with a Mantle of green Chamlet, and a little Tulipant or Turkish Hat (such as he used to wear) lying over his head, differing from those which the Turks now wear, especially the better sort of them, so great that they can therewith scarcely come in at a door. There is also another Monument of him to be seen at Suguta, fast by the Sepulchre of his Father Ertogrul, there made by his Sons in remembrance of him; whereof some have reported him to have been there buried. Howbeit the Turks themselves generally suppose the true Monument wherein he is interred▪ to be at Prusa, as is aforesaid. He was wise, politic, valiant, and fortunate, but full of dissimulation, and ambitious above measure; not rash in his Attempts, and yet very resolute; what he took in hand, he commonly brought to good effect; to all men he was bountiful and liberal, but especially to his Men of War, and the poor, whom he would many times feed and cloth with his own hands. Of a poor Lordship he left a great Kingdom, having subdued a great part of the lesser Asia; and is worthily accounted the first Founder of the Turks great Kingdom and Empire. Of him, the Turkish Kings and Emperors ever since have been called the Ottoman Kings and Emperors, as lineally of him descended; and the Turks themselves Osmanidae, as the People or Subjects of Ottoman, or Osman, for so he is of the Turks commonly called.  
NOte, That in the reckoning up of certain of the great Christian Princes and Prelates of the same time, at the end of every of the Turkish Kings and Emperors Lives, the first and greatest number following their Names, showeth the Year of our Lord, wherein such an Emperor, King, or Bishop began to Reign, or Sat; and the number following, how long he reigned or sat; As for example, Andronicus the elder began to Reign in the East, in the Year of Grace, 1282. and reigned 43 years; and so of the rest. Wherein we seek not the exact Computation unto a month or day (as not much material to our History, or any part of our purpose) but only the reasonable view of the great Princes of the forepast Times, as they lived in Ages together.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Ottoman. 

Emperors 

Of the East 

Andronicus Paleologus the elder. 1282. 43.  
Andronicus Paleologus the younger. 1325. 29.    
Of the West 

Albertus of Austria. 1298. 10.  
Henry of Lucelbourg. 1308. 6.  
Lewis the Fourth, of Bavaria. 1314. 32.      
Kings, 

Of England 

Edward the First. 1272. 34.  
Edward the Second. 1307. 20.  
Edward the Third. 1327. 50.    
Of France 

Philip the Fair. 1286. 28.  
Lewis. 1314. 2.  
Philip the Long. 1316. 5.  
Charle the Fair. 1321. 7.    
Of Scotland 

John Baliol. 1292.  
Robert Bruce. 1306, 24.      
Bishops of Rome, 

Boniface the VIII. 1295. 8.  
Benedict the XI. 1304. 2.  
Clement the V. 1306. 11.  
John the XXII. 1317. 18.       


❀ ORCANES' OTOMANI TWO: SECUNDUS TURCARUM REX. ANNO 1328.   portrait  

Suscipit Orchanes desuncti Scep●ra Parentis:  
Major ut ingenio, sic magis Arte valens.  
Bithynos, Phrygiamque domat, Prusamque Superbam:  
Et populos late (Mart farente) premit.  
Sic laetus tantis Asiam turbasse ruinis,  
Transit in Europam, Callipolimque capit.  
Rident interea Groeci sua damna: sed ecce  
Dum sua contemnun●, in sua fata ruunt:   

His Father's glorious Race now being run,  
The politic Orcanes mounts the Throne:  
Bythinia, Phrygia, Prusa, far and near,  
All by his prosperous Arms subjected were:  
Proud of his Asian spoils, his Banners spread\  
To Europe, ●re the beauteous Nicomede;  
Meanwhile the Greeks th' impending Tempest scorn,  
And are by th'mighty Torrent overborne.    

The LIFE of ORCANES or URCHAN, Second King of the Turks.  
AFTER the death of Ottoman, his two Sons, Orcanes (whom the Turks call Urchan) and Aladin his Brother, having with great Solemnity interred their Father at Prusa, immediately summoned a Parliament, whereunto both the Brethren came accompanied with the chief of their Nobility. This Parliament was called especially, for the establishing of the Succession in this new Kingdom, and for the division of Othomans' Treasure and Goods, betwixt them two, his Sons. But upon view taken, there was no Money, Plate, or Jewels found in the King's Coffers, for that he had in his life time most bountifully bestowed it upon his men of War; so that all the Wealth he left unto them his Sons, 
The wealth that Ottoman le●t unto his two Sons Orcanes and Aladin.  was, the honourable remembrance of his Life for them to imitate, large Dominions for their Possessions, store of ready Horses and Armour fit for service; with great Herds of Beasts and cattle for Household Provision. Whereupon Orcanes demanded of his Brother Aladin, what order he thought was best to be taken with those things by their Father so left? To whom Aladin answered, That it was most requisite, first to establish a King in their Father's Kingdom; which like a good Shepherd might govern and defend his Subjects, rule and maintain his men of War, providing all things meet for defence of his Kingdom; And that unto him of right belonged all these other things by their Father left, as the Patrimony of his Successor, for the common good and maintenance of his Estate. As for mine own part (said Aladin) I claim no interest therein, you being my elder Brother, and so unto me instead of a Father; by whom also you have been these two years, as it were already put in possession of the Kingdom, all things being committed to your Government, during the time of his late sickness. This modesty of Aladin was greatly commended of all the ancient Counsellors; by means whereof, the Kingdom in all peaceable manner descended to Orcanes. In regard of which courtesy, Orcanes would gladly have made Aladin his Brother Precedent of his Council, which Honour he would in no wise accept, but requested rather that he would give him the Lordship of Fodore in Tekences Country; which Orcanes frankly granted. In which Lordship of Fodore, Aladin most part lived a private and quiet life, and afterwards built two Mahometan Churches, and an Abbey at Prusa, there yet at this day to be seen.  
Some Latin Historiographers otherwise report this beginning of Orcanes his Reign; 
when that barbarous manner of murdering their Brethren first began among the Turkish Sultan's.  as that Ottoman should have three Sons, and that Orcanes the youngest obtained the Kingdom by murdering of his other Brethren. A practice of late much used amongst the Turkish Princes, but not before the time of Bajazet the first of that name, who first of the Turkish Monarches embrued his hands with his Brother's Blood; where before, they used all brotherly love one to another, as the mo●t probable Histories collected out of the Turks own Chronicles affirm.  
The Christian Princes and Captains, presently upon the death of Ottoman recovered the City of Nice, with divers other Castles and Forts, 
The City of Nice with divers other Castl●s recovered from the Turks after the death of Ottoman.  out of the hands of the Turks; as it commonly chanceth, that Dominions lately won with great peril, are soon again lost, the Conqueror dying before there be a firm Government established. Amongst other sorts by the Christians repossessed, the Castle of Tzuprichiser, situate upon the passages of the River Sangarius, most grieved the Turks, for thereby their passage into that part of Bythinia was much impeached. Wherefore Orcanes desirous to recover this Castle, disguised himself with a few other of his best Soldiers, in the apparel of Christian Merchants, and came to the Castle, craving leave to pass as Merchants; the Warders of the Castle verily supposing them by their Attire to be Merchants, opened the Gates, and let them into the Castle; who presently drew their Swords, slew the Warders, and so by force possessed the Castle, to the great benefit of the Turks, and the hurt of the poor Christians yet left in the Country of Bythinia. For they now having opened a way over the River Sangarius, and as it were broken down the strongest defence of that side of the Greek Empire, at their pleasure foraged the Country in such sort, as that the great City of Nice (for want of Victuals to relieve so great a multitude as for fear of the Turks was fled out of the Country into it) was brought to great extremity and want. For the relief whereof, and for the repulsing again of the Turks, Andronicus the young Emperor, who then commanded, with such an Army as he was then able to raise, passed himself in person over the Straight of Constantinople, into Asia; the greatest Strength of his Army consisting in two thousand choice Horsemen; the rest as well Horse as Foot, being for the most part Artificers taken up in the City, men altogether unacquainted with Arms (who in token of their cowardice, and that they were more mindful of Flight than of Fight, carried over with them almost as many long Boats and such other small Vessels, as they were men, to be ready to receive them at such time as they should fly) or else abject Rascals, taken up here and there, men of whom no great thing was to be expected, and of all others most unfit for so great a Prince (as was the Emperor) to commit the defence of his Person and Honour unto. But Orcanes hearing of his coming, sent certain of his most expert Captains, to forelay the straight passages of the Country whereby the Emperor was to pass; following also himself after with his Army, of purpose to encounter the Emperor. Who in three days march after his landing in Asia, being come to Philochrenes, a little Town in Bythinia, and understanding that Orcanes having before taken the Straits, lay not far off encamped with his Army; he there at Philochrenes pitched his Tents, and stayed that night also. But the next morning, the Sun as yet scarcely risen, he seeing divers Companies of the Turks coming downg from the Mountains fast by, put his Army into order of Battle, and so set forward to meet them; where to begin the Fight, the Turks Archers freely bestowed their piercing shot amongst the Christians, still keeping themselves aloof off, so to do the more harm. Which the Emperor mistaking, and supposing that their keeping off to have proceeded of fear, encouraged therewith, commanded certain loose Companies disorderly to march forward, and to skirmish with them, which his more expert Captains not liking, would have otherwise persuaded him, as to have kept his Strength together against the danger of the Battle. Nevertheless, such was his youthful heat, as that he could by no means be otherwise entreated, but that forward needs they must. But all the forenoon spent in this light and tumultuary kind of skirmishing, and the Sun at the highest now shining very hot, Orcanes from the top of the Mountains perceiving the Christians well wearied with the heat of the day and long skirmishing, came down from the Hills with a world of men following him; who with a most hideous cry, charged the Christians on every side, some a far off with their Arrows, and some hand to hand with their Swords and other Weapons; whose assault the Christians at the first most valiantly received and a great while right worthily defended themselves, having wounded and slain a number of their Enemies. Which hard Fight was on both sides courageously maintained, until the approaching of the night, with great slaughter on both sides; at which time, the Christians weary of the long Fight, and oppressed with the multitude of their Enemies, disorderly retiring toward their Trenches, and hardly pursued by the Turks, received there a great loss, as well of their Horsemen, as of their Foot; but by the coming on of the night, the Battle was at length ended with uncertain Victory. Among others there hurt, 
The Emperor wounded.  the Emperor himself was wounded in the Foot with an Arrow. That night happened a woeful mishap, and a manifest token of God his Wrath; for Orcanes having to his cost made proof of the Strength and Valour of the Christians, and doubting they would the next day come on further into the Country, left three hundred Horsemen as Scouts, to attend the Enemies removing; and himself with his Army retired before hand to take advantage of such places as the Christians were to pass by. But the Emperor in the Evening leaving his Camp, and going to Philochrenes▪ a little Town fast by, the better to have his Wound dressed; the rest of the Army understanding of his departure, and supposing him to have fled for fear (as if Orcanes with a great Army would that night have slain them all) fled themselves also out of the Camp, every Mother's Son, some to their long Boats and other little Vessels they had for that purpose brought over the Straight; some hasting toward the Town Gates, were by the multitude of others running headlong after them, overborne and trodden to death; othersome hanging at one another's Tail, like a Chain, got some part of them up to the top of the Rampires of the Town; othersome drawn back by them that hung upon them, falling down together by heaps, and trod upon by other, there perished; some (as is reported) died there for very fear, no man either chase or hurting them, so weak is man's Courage, when God withdraweth from him his Strength. But in the morning the Sun arising, the three hundred Turks left for Scouts, perceiving the Flight of the Christians, entered the forsaken Camp, where they found Horses, Armour, and empty Tents, yea the Emperors own Furniture, and his Horses ready saddled; of all which, two hundred of these Turks took the Spoil at their pleasure, and the other hundred pursuing the dispersed Christians, like heartless men wand'ring here and there, slew a great number of them. The Emperor himself seeing his Army thus (as it were by the hand of God) overthrown and dispersed, took shipping also, and so returned to Constantinople. After whose departure, the Turks seizing upon many Sea Towns alongst the Coast of Bythinia, and there seating themselves, laid heavy Tributes upon the other Country Towns and Villages; for the benefit whereof they spared to destroy them, together with the Inhabitants, which they might at their pleasure full easily have done.  
Now lay the great City of Nice in the Suds, the Enemy commanding all the Country about it, living as sick men do by hope, and holding out only upon hope of a thousand Horsemen which the Emperor (notwithstanding his late discomfiture) had promised forthwith to send, there to lie in Garrison for the suppressing of the Turks. Of which aid so promised Orcanes' understanding, furnished eight hundred of his Horsemen after the m●nner of the Christians; and fetching a great compass about, came at length into the high way that leadeth from Constantinople to Nice, and so trooped directly towards the City, as if they had come from Constantinople. At the same time he sent three hundred of his other Horsemen in the habit of Turks, to forage and spoil the Country as much as they could within the view of the City, now for wantof Victuals brought into great extremity; which whilst they were a doing, the other eight hundred Horsemen in the Attire of Christians, following upon them, as if it had been by chance, charged them, and in the sight of the Citizens put them to Flight; which done, these Counterfeit Horsemen returned directly again towards Nice. The Citizens, which with great pleasure had in the mean time from the Walls seen the most part of the skirmish, and how they had put the Turks to Flight, supposing them to be the Constantinopolitan Horsemen, whom they daily expected, with great joy opened the Gates of the City to receive them as their Friends. But they being entered the Gates, presently set upon the Christians, 
The City of Nice surprised by the Turks.  fearing no such matter; and being seconded with the other three hundred, which in dissembling manner had fled before, and were now speedily returned, bringing also with them other Companies of Turks, before laid in secret ambush not far off, they won the great and famous City of Nice, which they have ever since until this day possessed; the Spoil whereof was given unto the Soldiers for a Prey, and the Citizens all lead away into miserable Captivity and Thraldom. Whilst Orcanes was thus busied, his other Captains did with great Courage and Success enlarge his Dominions on all sides, daily encroaching upon their weak Neighbours the Christians. Cunger-Alpes one of his valiant Captains, subdued the Country of Mudrun, or Modrin, in Phrygia; and Bolli in Paphlagonia; appointing one Abdurachman a man of great Valour, to govern the Country. And at the same time another of his old Captains called Accecozza, brought Candara in Paphlagonia, and Ermeni, a Country near unto the Mountain Horminius, into the Turkish Subjection; placing Garrisons in all the Castles and Forts which he had won, of whom some part of those Countries was after called Cozza Ilini, that is to say, The old man's Country. So that Orcanes his Kingdom grew daily greater and greater, as well by the industry of his Chieftains, as o● himself.  
About this time it fortuned, the Captain's Son of Scamandria (a Town not far from the ruins of the ancient City of Troy, and about a days journey from the renowned Castle of Abydus to depart out of this World; unto whose Funerals, being kept in the Country, whilst his woeful Father the Captain with his Friends out of Scamandria resorted, the old crafty Turk Accecozza lying always in wait, as a Fox for his Prey, suddenly set upon those heavy Christians, whereof he slew the most part, and took the rest Prisoners. Amongst whom he also took the Captain of Scamandria, with his Castle and Country; whom he afterwards led Prisoner unto the Castle of Abydus, which is one of the most famous Castles situate upon the Sea Coast of Asia, over against Sestus in Europe; where the Sea of Hellespontus by the narrow Strait falleth into the Sea of Aegeum; two Castles much renowned by reason of their nigh Situation, and yet placed in divers parts of the World; eternised also by the ever living Wits of Poets, for the adventurous passage of Leander over the fret of the Sea, to his Love Hero; which Castles are now called Dardanelly. Accecozza having brought the Captive Captain of Scamandria (lately a man of great account in that Country) so near as he could unto the Castle of Abydus, offered to set him at liberty if they would surrender their Castle, otherwise they should see him cruelly slain before their Faces. These Turkish threats nothing moved them of Abydus, more than to say, That they might if they would cut off his Head, seeth him and eat him, but the Castle they intended not to deliver. The same Captain was afterward by the commandment of Orcanes proffered to the Emperor of Constantinople to be redeemed, which he refused; yet at the last he was ransomed by the Governor of Nicomedia, and again set at liberty. Accecozza of long time held the Castle of Scamandria; yet so continually molested with the Garrison of Abydus, and men of War sent from Constantinople, that he with his Followers were glad for the most part to live on horseback, to be always in more readiness against the attempt of their Enemies. The Captain of the Castle of Abydus had at that time a fair young Gentlewoman to his Daughter, who (as she said) chanced to dream (what she had happily waking for the most part wished) That being fallen into a deep miry Ditch, out of which she could by no means help herself, a lusty young Gallant coming by, did not help her out, but also in friendly made her clean, and afterwards apparelled her in rich and costly Attire. The danger of this dream much troubled the tender Gentlewoman, but the image of the young Gentleman was so well phantasied in her brain, that waking, she thought she still saw him, and sleeping longed sore for what she saw not. Thus whilst this young Gentlewoman with great devotion entertained this imaginary man, the old gray-headed Turk Accecozza came, and with a strong Company besieged her Father's Castle of Abydus. During which Siege, 
Abydus besieged by the Turks.  this Gentlewoman oftentimes went up into the high Turret of the Castle, from whence she might at pleasure see the Martial Deeds on both sides, and take full view of all the Enemies Camp. But see the chance, as Abdurachman with great Courage and no less Bravery, approached near to the Siege of the Castle, she thought (upon the first sight of him) that he was the very man whom she had before dreamt of, and whose Idea was in her Heart so deeply imprinted; wherefore she fully resolved to perform what she had without witness with herself determined. And waiting another time when Abdurachman approached the Castle, she cast down to his Feet a Letter written in Greek, and made fast unto a Stone; which Letter he taking up, delivered the same to the General Accecozza. Wherein after she had discovered her passionate affection, she promised to deliver the Castle into Abdurachmans' Power, if the Turks would raise their Siege, and Abdurachman himself with some few would secretly return to the Castle in the dead time of the night, and then follow her direction. Accecozza like an old Fox, which is seldom taken in the trap, gave small credit to those loving lines, for fear of Treason; yet for so much as you are the man (said he to Abduracham) whom she upon special liking hath made choice of for the purpose, will you adventure your Person? And he armed with a manly Courage, a surer defence than any Armour of proof, incited also with hope of Honour, Riches, and Beauty, all worthy prizes for Martial minds; said he would undertake the Achievement of that Exploit, if it were his pleasure so. Whereupon Accecozza, because nothing should be suspected by his sudden departure, gave a sharp Assault to the Castle, as if he would have taken it by fine force, yet in the end retired, and presently broke up his Siege, as despairing of the winning thereof. The Defendants of the Castle thinking themselves delivered of a great danger, greatly rejoiced; and as in the like case it oftentimes falleth out, in their great jollity surcharged themselves that night with excess both of Meat and Drink. But Abdurachman at the time in the Letter appointed, put himself upon the way with certain select Soldiers, and about Midnight came to the appointed place of the Castle, where the young Gentlewoman was attending his coming; and he by her means was conveyed into the Castle, and so by her directed to the Porter's Lodge; where he slew the Porter being fast asleep, and opening the Gates, let in his Followers; which went directly to the Captain's Lodging, and there took him Prisoner, being before their coming overtaken with Wine, and fast asleep. Thus was the Castle of Abydus surprised by the Turks, from whence they had a fair prospect out of Asia into Europe. The Captain with his fair Daughter, and the greatest part of the rich Spoil of the Castle, was delivered to Abdurachman, to be presented to Orcanes at his Court, then lying at Neapolis. Who wonderful glad of so good news, gave the fair Gentlewoman, with the greatest part of the Prey to Abdurachman. The Posterity of this man (as they say) yet remains among the Turks. Amongst others of the Warlike Captains there was also one Cararachman, whose name was so dreadful to them of Constantinople, that when their Children cried, they would terrify them to make them hold their peace, by saying, Cararachman comes. Not long after, the two valiant aforenamed worthy Captains, Cunger-Alpes and Accecozza died. After whose death, Orcanes made his Sons, Solyman and Amurath, Lords and Governors of those Countries and Provinces. And intending (by the persuasion of Abdurachman) to besiege Nicomedia, he levied a great Army, wherewith he took divers small Castles and Forts as he marched towards the City. Nicomedia was at that time governed by an honourable Lady, Kinswoman unto Andronicus the Emperor of Constantinople; but she seeing her City besieged by the Turks, and doubting her own Forces not to be able to hold out the Siege, by a trusty Messenger offered to yield the City unto Orcanes, upon condition, 
Nicomedia yielded unto Orcanes.  That she with so many Citizens as would, might in safety depart with their Lives, Liberty, and Goods; which being granted, she with so many as would follow her, departed out of the City by night, taking shipping for Constantinople.  
Orcanes' having taken Nicomedia, made his Son Solyman Governor of the same. The Churches of the Christians he converted unto Turkish Meschitas or Temples. The greatest Church (being of wonderful Beauty) he converted into a College or School, for the learned Professors and Students of Mahomet's Law, which is yet called in Nicomedia, Orcanes his School or College. And because the Country near unto Nicomedia, lying upon the Sea, was ever in danger to be spoiled by the Galleys of Constantinople, he placed in those Country's divers of his most experienced Soldiers to defend the same, appointing to every of them Possessions and Pensions, according to their degrees and merit. After this Orcanes by the counsel of his Brother Aladin, commanded all his men of War to wear white Caps, thereby to be known from others, which commonly wore red. Such manner of Caps the janissaries use at this day. The Turks also in Orcanes' Reign, and long time after, used not to cut or shave their Beards, but did wear them long; so that if the King would disgrace any man, he would in his displeasure command his Beard to be cut or shaved. The manner of cutting and shaving their Beards which they now use, they learned of the Italians; of whom they have also borrowed many other fashions, not only differing, but quite contrary to their ancient Manners and Customs. Orcanes' about this time removed his Court to Nice, 
Orcanes removeth his Court to Nice.  where he lay a long time after. There he built a sumptuous Church, appointing a Preacher to preach to the People every Friday; he erected in Nice also two fair Abbeys, in the one of which, he with his own hands served the Strangers and Poor the first dinner. He was the first that builded Abbeys or Monasteries among the Turks; whose example most of his Successors have imitated, and is amongst them used unto this day.  
The Government of Nicomedia Orcanes committed to his eldest Son Solyman (as is before said) a Prince of great towardliness; giving him in great charge to have a vigilant Eye to the Towns of Taraxa, Govinuca and Mudurne, which were nigh unto Nicomedia, yet in possession of the Christians; all which Towns, with the Countries adjoining, Solyman in short time got without force, by composition. This Solyman was of a Princely Disposition, so tempering Justice with Clemency in his Government, that many Christians alured with his Virtues, became of his Religion, and gladly put themselves under his Subjection; the politic Laws of the Country he neither abrogated nor changed, but maintained as they had been of ancient time accustomed, whereby he greatly won the Hearts of the People. Amurath his younger Son, Orcanes made Lord and Governor of Prusa, after he had removed his Court to Nice. And the Castle of Chara-chisar, with the signory thereto belonging, he gave to his Cousin Artemure, the Son of his Uncle jundus.  
There was at this time in Orcanes' Court a Noble young Gentleman called Turson-Beg, 
Orcanes invadeth the Country of Carasina.  the Son of Dharasis King of Charasia; by whose persuasion Orcanes in Person himself with a strong Army, made an Expedition into that Country; for that his Father's Subjects after the death of the King his Father, denied their Obedience to his elder Brother, wishing rather to have Turson for their Sovereign. In whose behalf Orcanes taking that journey, surprised by the way many Castles and Towns to his own use. Orcanes' was no sooner entered the Country of Charasia, but Tursons elder Brother fled to Pergamum, whither the Turks shortly pursued him; where Turson desirous to speak with his Brother, unwarily approaching the City, was wounded with an Arrow shot from the Walls, and there slain. With whose death Orcanes was so greatly offended, that he threatened to destroy the whole Country with Fire and Sword, if they did not by a day prefixed, generally submit themselves to his mercy. 
The Country of Carasina yielded unto Orcanes.  The People terrified with this proclamation of so great a Prince already in Arms, yielded themselves unto his Subjection. The King's Son also that was fled into Pergamum, upon reasonable conditions yielded himself unto Orcanes, who sent him to Prusa, where after he had there lived two years, he died of the Plague; after whose death Orcanes made his Son Solyman Prince of Carasina. Neither is this taking in of the Country of Carasina to be accounted a small Conquest; one of the greatest Houses of the Turks the Successors of the Iconian Sultan Aladin, now thereby taking end, and their Dominions (which were not small, as containing almost Lydia, with some good parts of Misia, Troas, and the lesser Phrygia) now united unto the Ottoman Kingdom. Orcanes' upon his return, for the good success of this journey▪ built a Church and Monastery at Prusa, placing therein religious men, with all diligence sought for out of all his Kingdom; of which Religious the Turks write many Fables, better worth the smiling at, than the serious reporting. Hitherto the Kingdom of Ottoman and Orcanes his Son, was contained within the bounds of the lesser Asia, which the Turks call Anatolia.  
Now it resteth to be showed, upon what occasion Orcanes or rather his Son Solyman Bassa, as it were fatally, with a small power first passed over Hellespontus into Europe; where they and their Successors have by little and little so enlarged their Dominions, that they have now long ago quite overthrown the Grecian Empire, with many other great Kingdoms, and are at this present a terror to all Christian Princes bordering upon them; to the perpetual Infamy of the Greeks, who for want of courage, and busied with civil discord, never sought in time to impeach their greatness.  
Orcanes' having now so augmented his Kingdom, that he might from many parts thereof out of Asia take view of the pleasant borders of Europe, from whence he was excluded only by the narrow Sea of Hellespontus; and continually incited with the insatiable and restless desire of Sovereignty, began to devise how he might possibly pass that straight Sea, and set foot in Europe another part of the World. Which his conceit one day he imparted to his Son Solyman; who presently answered his Father, That if it would please him to give him leave, he would not doubt to pass the Straight of Hellespontus; and in time to plant the Mahometan Religion in those Countries of Europe possessed by the Christians. Which answer of Solyman much pleased his Father, who gave him leave to depart into his Country, and in that matter to proceed further, as he thought best, and as occasion should best serve. Solyman taking leave of his Father, took his journey into Carasina, where riding up and down the Country, as it had been for his pleasure only, he made his way to the place where it is thought the famous City of Troy sometime stood; where yet (as the Turks and some others say) are to be seen the wonderful ruins of that unfortunate City by the Sea side. In this place Solyman stood still a great while, as it were in a study, forecasting (as it seemed) some great matter, without speaking one word to any of his Followers. When one of his Chieftains called Ezes-Beg, to put him out of his deep thoughts, boldly said unto him, My Lord and great Sovereign, what strange thing is this, that you are so deeply drowned in these your melancholy thoughts? undoubtedly it is some great matter that you are studying upon. Truth it is, (said Solyman) for I was thinking how it were possible to pass over this Sea of Hellespontus into the borders of Europe, and to take view of that Country, and so to return undiscovered. If this be the matter, (said Ezes-Beg joining unto him one Fazil-Beg, a man of no less valour than himself) we two will by the power of God perform unto you this Enterprise. Then was Solyman desirous to know of them, about what place they would pass over; which they well knowing the Sea coast, showed him not far off. Wherefore Solyman giving them leave, they departed; and shortly after making a little Boat, or rather as some suppose a Raffe, passed over Hellespontus by night, and arrived in Europe side, near unto a Castle of the Turks, called Zemenic or Zembenic, but of the Greeks Coiridocastron, that is to say, The Hog's Castle, not far from Sestus; where going ashore, they took Prisoner a Greek in a Vineyard near unto the Castle, whom they finding to be a good sensible Fellow, without delay put him into their Boat or Raffe, and returning back again, presented him to Solyman. This Christian Captive Solyman entertained courteously, giving him great Gifts, and rich Apparel, to discover unto him the Estate of his Country; and in fine, learned of him a means to take the Castle Zembenic, before the Christians should thereof be awar. For achievement whereof, certain Boats were speedily made ready by Soliman's Commandment, and he with eighty chosen Soldiers easily passed over in them by night, with their Christian Guide the Greek; for in that place, the Straight betwixt Asia and Europe is not past an Italian mile over. This Guide brought Solyman directly to the aforesaid Castle, where was a great Dunghill, so high, that from the top thereof Solyman with his Soldiers easily got into the Castle, which they won without any great resistance; for it was then Harvest time, and most part of the People were in the Vineyards, or treading out of their Corn all night, as the use of those Countries is. Solyman thus possessed of the Castle of Zembenic, used no extremity against the Inhabitants thereof, seeking rather by courtesy to gain their good Wills, than by extremity to force them to his; yet such Gentlemen as he took, with some others also of the better sort, he sent by shipping into Asia, and by the same Ships returned Soldiers as fast as he could into Europe; so that he had in one day two hundred Soldiers more brought over unto him; and manning such small Vessels as he had left about the Castle, sent Ezes-Beg alongst the coast on Europe side, to burn such shipping or Vessels as he could find, lest the Christians should by them hinder his passage upon the Straight of Hellespontus. So in a few days Solyman had transported into Europe two thousand good Soldiers of the Turks, whom he so governed, that they did not in any violent sort injury to the vulgar Christians, by reason whereof the common People began to like reasonable well of the Turks, and to converse with them without fear. This was the first coming over of the Turks into Europe, with purpose there to conquer and inhabit, under the fortune of the Ottoman Kings. For albeit that some of that Nation had at sundry times before come over, as men seeking after Spoil, or otherwise sent for, yea sometimes by the Greek Emperors themselves; yet never stayed they long, but having done what they came for, or else lost themselves, returned back again into Asia; until that now conducted by Solyman, and possessed of the little Castle of Zembenic (as is aforesaid) they there took so fast footing, as that they and their Posterity after them, were never thence to be since that time removed; but still more and more encroaching upon the Christians, have unto their Asian Kingdom joined a great part of Europe also, to the terror of the rest that yet remaineth, as in the process of this History shall (if God will) at large appear.  
About two miles from Zembenic in Chersonesus was another Castle called Maito, 
The Castle of Maditus t●●en by the Turks.  or more truly Maditus, which Solyman also took; so that now he had gotten two Castles in Eur●pe, both which he strongly manned. After which time, the Turks in great numbers came out of Asia into Europe over that narrow Strait of Hellespontus, to dwell in Chersonesus; and Solyman instead of them, to make room for his Turks, sent Christians out of Europe to be placed amongst the Turks in Asia. The report of this coming over of the Turks into Chersonesus, and of the taking of the Castle of Zembenic, carried in post to Constantinople, was sufficient to have stirred up any provident or careful men, presently to have taken up Arms for the recovery of the lost Castle, and the driving out again of the barbarous Enemies out of Europe, before they had gathered any greater Strength, or settled themselves in those places; but such was the careless negligence and great security of the proud Greeks, that instead thereof, they to extenuate the greatness of the loss, commonly said, That there was but a Hogsty lost; alluding unto the name of the Castle; and vainly (as said a grave Father of their own) jesting at that was not to be jested at, and laughing at that was not to be laughed at, but lamented for, as in few years it proved; their foolish laughter being not without good cause converted into most bitter t●a●s  
Soliman's Strength so still increasing by the daily coming over of the Turks, 
 he proceeded further to spoil the Country of Chersenesus, almost as fa●●s Callipolis, distant from the Castle Zembenic about two and twenty miles; after which pleasant City the proud Turk began now to long. Which the Governor thereof perceiving by the Turks continual encroaching upon him, raised what power he was able to make, and so went out against them; all the rest of the Greeks in the mean time lying still, as if they had been asleep, or that the matter had not concerned them; but meeting the Turks, he was by them (after a great conflict) overthrown, and for safeguard of his life glad to ●lie into his City; after whom the Turks following, spoilt the Country round about, and in their return, by plain force took the City, together with the Castle also; which happened in the year of our Lord 1358. Where the madness of the Greeks was again more than before to be wondered at; fo● the news of the loss of Callipolis being brought to Cons●●●●●●ople, the People there made small account thereof, although it was indeed a right great loss, and much concerned the State; but to extenuate the matter, when they had any talk thereof, in je●ting wise commonly said, That the Turks had but taken from them a Pottle of Wine. But by taking of such Hogsties and Pottles of Wine (as they termed it) the Turks in a few years after had gone so far in Thracia, that Amurath (the same Soliman's Nephew which now took from the Greeks the City of Callip●lis) even in the heart as it were of the Greek Empire, placed his Royal Seat at H●d●ianople; and immediately after him, Bajazet his Son (having subdued all the Country even to the Walls of Constantinople) for certain years laid hard Siege unto the Imperial City itself; and had no doubt than carried it, had not the great expedition of the mighty Tartar Prince Tamerlane (unto Bajazet fatal) in the mean time happened; whereby (God so appointing it) the prosperous succeedings of the Turks were for a space well stayed, that they should not before the time by him prefixed, devour the Relics of the Greek Empire. And it were to be wished, that the Christians of our time also (by their example warned) would at length awake out of their dead sleep; who of late hath lost unto the same Enemy, not the Castle of Zembenic, or the City of Callipolis, but whole Kingdoms, as Hungary and Cyprus, and are still fair in the way; I say no more for grief, and foreboding of evil fortune. But again to our purpose; Solyman having made this prosperous entrance into Europe, and there got strong footing, by speedy Messengers certified his Father what he had done, and that it was expedient for him with all speed to send unto him a great supply of men of War, as well for the sure defence and keeping of those Castles and Forts by him already gotten, as for the further invasion of the Country. This message was wonderful welcome unto Orcanes, and whereas many Families of the Saracens at that present were come into the Country of Carasina, to possess the Dwellings and Places of them, which in hope to better their Estate were before gone over into Europe; all these Saracens he commanded to pass over into Europe likewise; which they did accordingly, seating themselves for a time in the Country near to Callipolis. In the mean time Solyman omitted no opportunity to enter further into the Country, winning small Forts and Holds, and still peopling the same with his Turks. And on the other side, they of Carasina passed over into Europe, placing themselves as it were in a new World. For which cause, and for the great desire they had to extend the Turkish Dominion and Religion, they refused no pains of War; so that all things at that time prospered with the Turks, and went backward with the Christians.  
In the time of these Wars, not far from Callipolis was a little Castle called Congere, the Captain whereof was by a Greek name called Calo johannes, a valiant and painful man; this Captain continually molested and troubled the Turks which lay on that side of Callipolis, under the leading of Ezes-Beg, many of whom he slew and took Prisoners, as he could find them at any advantage. Solyman much angered herewith, by crafty and secret Spials learned a certain time when he was gone out of his Castle to do some exploit upon the Turks. Whereupon he presently so beset the Castle with Soldiers, that he could by no means return thither, but he must first fall into their hands; and for more assurance placed others also in byways, lest he should by any ways escape. The Captain ignorant of all this, prosecuted his enterprise, and having taken a Turk Prisoner, thinking to return to his Castle, was hastily pursued by Fazil-Beg; for which cause making the more haste, he suddenly fell into the danger of the Turks laid in ambush; where his men were all slain, and himself taken and brought before his own Castle, and had there his head presently struck off; whereupon the Castle was forthwith by them that were therein (having now lost their Captain) surrendered, and Chazi Ili-Beg, a valiant Captain of the Turks, placed therein; who from thence never ceased to trouble the Country, even to the Walls of Dydimotichum, as did Solyman also out of Callipolis.  
Thus in the space of one year the Turks got strong footing in Europe, possessing divers Castles and Towns, with the Country about them, which Solyman gave in reward unto his Captains and Soldiers, as appeareth by the Graves and Tombs of Ezes-Beg and Fazil-Beg, the two which first came over into Europe, which are there yet well known.  
About this time it fortuned, 

The death of Solyman Bassa Orcanes his eldest Son.  
The death of Orcanes.   that as this Martial Prince Solyman was for his disport hawking in the Fields of Bolayre on Europe side, galloping in to his Falcon, was with his Horse overthrown in a ditch, of which Fall he being sore bruised, shortly after died. The news of his death being brought to Orcanes his Father, gave unto him (then being sick) just occasion of great sorrow; so that within two months after he died also, being fourscore years old, when he had reigned thereof 31 years; and died about the year of our Lord 1359. Some Histories report otherwise, both of his death, and of the time wherein he lived; as that he should be slain in a Battle against the Tartars; or as others write, with an Arrow at the Siege of Prusa, in the year of our Lord 1349. But joannes Leunclavius in his History collected out of the Turks own Chronicles (whom we follow as most probable) reporteth it as before.  
This Orcanes was wise, courteous, and bountiful, more ingenious than his Father in devising warlike Engines. He built divers Princely Churches, Abbeys, Colleges, and Cells, and was in his superstitious Religion very zealous; in so much that he appointed Pensions to all such as could in the Church say the Book of Mahomet's Law by heart; and appointed competent maintenance for all Judges of his Courts, because they should not take any thing in reward of his Subjects, for the perverting of Justice. He greatly enlarged his Kingdom in Asia, and not content to be enclosed with the Seas of Euxinum and Hellespontus, set fast footing in Europe, which some attribute to his Son Amurath. He was to the Christians always a most mortal Enemy, and so died.  
FINIS.   

Christian Princes of the same time with Orcanes. 

Emperors 

Of the East 

Andronicus Paleologus the younger. 1325. 29.  
John Paleologus. 1354. 30.    
Of the West 

Lewis the Fourth, of Bavaria. 1314. 32.  
Charles the Fourth, Son to John King of Bohemia. 1346. 10      
Kings, 

Of England 

Edward the Third. 1327. 50.    
Of France 

Philip Valois. 1328. 22.  
John Valois. 1350. 14.    
Of Scotland 

Robert Bruce. 1306, 24.  
David Bruce. 1341.      
Bishops of Rome, 

John the XXII. 1317. 18.  
Benedict the XII. 1335. 7.  
Clement the VI 1342. 12.  
Innocent the VI 1354. 10.       


❀ AMURATHES PRIMUS TERTIUS TURCARUM REX. 1350.   portrait  

Saevus Amurathes, animo dum maxima versat:  
Discords Groecos sternere marte parat.  
Totus et intentus sines extendere Regni:  
Europam penitrans, obvia quoeque rapit▪  
Attoniti trepidant, nimia formidine Thrace's:  
In medio quorum, Sceptra superba locat.  
Hinc Moesos premit ille feros, miserumque Dynasten  
Cossovi in Campis, obruit atque necat.  
Sed non longa fuit sceleris tam dira voluptas:  
A servo coesus, condidit ense ferox.   

Stern Amurath new thoughts resolves upon,  
With arms divided Greece to overrun:  
And wholly bend to enlarge his narrow bounds,  
Europe invades, and all he meets confounds:  
The too too timorous Thracians stand amazed,  
To find his Sceptre in their bowels placed.  
The fierce Bulgarians, did his fury quell,  
And at his feet their noble Despot fell:  
At last the poniard of a little Slave  
Taught him, what short lived pleasures Tyrants have.    

The LIFE of AMURATH, The First of that NAME, Third King of the Turks, And the great AUGMENTOR of their Kingdom.  
AMurath the younger Son of Orcanes succeeded his Father in the Turkish Kingdom, 
Amurath succeedeth his Father Orcanes in the Turkish Kingdom.  his elder Brother Solyman being dead a little before his Father. This Amurath with greater zeal than any one of the Turkish Kings, advanced the Mahometan Religion, and had therein wonderful Success. In the beginning of his Reign, he gathered a great Army out of all parts of his Kingdom, to Prusa; purposing to pass over Hellespontus, to invade the Christians in Thracia. But understanding, that the other Mahometan Princes in Asia had combined themselves against him, he was thereby enforced to leave his former determination for Europe, and to turn his Forces upon them. In which Wars he mightily prevailed against them, and returned with Victory to Prusa. But having so subdued those Confederate Princes, he the next year after prosecuted his Wars before intended against the Christians in Europe. For which purpose having levied a strong Army in Asia, he passed over to Callipolis, accompanied with his Tutor, whom the Turks call Lala Schahin; whose grave advice and counsel he most followed in all his weighty Affairs, being at that time one of his chief Counsellors. From Callipolis he marched to the Castle of Benutum, which was by composition yielded unto him. From thence he went to Tzurulus, where the Christians gave him a sharp encounter; but in the end he won the Town, and carried away the Victory. And so proceeding farther, took divers other small Castles and Towns in that part of Thracia, which of the ancient Roman Colonies was then called Romania, and now of the Turks Rumilia, namely Mesine, Burgos, and others; whereof some he utterly razed, and into the rest put strong Garrisons. At this time also, Chasi-Ilbeg and Eurenoses, two of his most valiant Captains, took certain Forts standing upon the River Meritza, in ancient time called Hebrus; whereby they much troubled the Inhabitants of the Country thereabouts. Wherewith the Captain of Didymotichum offended, gathered his Soldiers together, intending to have intercepted the great Captain Chasi-Ilbeg; in which Attempt he lost most of his Followers, and was himself there taken Prisoner. 
Didymotichum yielded unto the Turks.  For whose Ransom and certain other Conditions, the Citizens of Didymotichum yielded the City unto the Turks.  
Shortly after, Amurath sent his Tutor Lala Schahin to besiege Hadrianople, now called Adrianople, but in ancient time O●estias; of whose coming the Christians hearing, encountered him upon the way, and fought with him a great battle, wherein many were on both sides lost; but in the end the Christians being put to the worst, retired again to the City. Of this Victory Schahin sent News unto Amurath, with certain of the heads of the slain Christians; who thereupon sending Chasis and Eurenoses before, he himself with a great Army followed after to the Siege of Hadrianople; of whose coming, the Governor of Hadrianople understanding, fled secretly out of the City by night to Aenus. The Citizens seeing themselves so forsaken of their Governor, yielded their City unto Amurath, 
Hadrianople yielded unto the Turks.  in the year of our Lord, 1362.  
The taking of these strong Cities in Thracia, especially of Didymotichum and Hadrianople, is (by some of the Turks own Histories) otherwise reported; which, because it is neither improbable nor disagreeing from the subtle dealings of the Turks, and of themselves also received, I have thought good to set down as their own Historiographers report the same.  
The Turkish King Amurath had (as they say, and as truth was) in the beginning of his Reign concluded a Peace with the Christians of Thracia; during which Peace, the Governor of Didymotichum intending to fortify his City with new and stronger Fortifications against the Assaults of the Turks, entertained all the Masons, Carpenters, and other Workmen he could by any means get; which Amurath understanding, secretly caused two hundred good and lusty Workmen and Labourers to come out of Asia, to offer their Service unto the Governor; who gladly entertained them, using their help in that his great and hasty Work. Which thing some of the wiser sort of the Citizen's disliking, wished the Governor to beware of those Asian Workmen, as by them suspected. But he presuming upon the Peace made with Amurath, and considering they were but base Workmen and no Soldiers, had the less care of them; nevertheless (using their work all day) he commanded them to lodge without the Walls of the City every night. Amurath understanding that these Workmen were thus by the Governor entertained, sent for the valiant Captain Chasis-Ilbeg, and requested him with thirty other good Soldiers disguised as poor Labourers, to go to Didymotichum to seek for Work, and in doing thereof to espy if any opportunity might be found for the surprising of the City. Chasis with these thirty according to Amurath his direction, coming as poor men lacking Work, found entertainment at Didymotichum, where they carried stones, mortar, and such like things, ever showing themselves very diligent in their work; Chasis with vigilant eye still awaiting what might best serve his turn for the surprising of the City. When night was come, the Turkish Workmen and Labourers after their accustomed manner, and as they were by the Governor appointed, went out of the City into the Suburbs to their Lodgings; from whence Chasis secretly departing in the night, came to Amurath and showed him how one of the gates of the City might upon the sudden be taken, if it would please him to place a sufficient number of Turks in ambush near unto the City, to join with him and the other Turkish Labourers when occasion should serve. Which being resolved upon, Amurath sent him back again to put this his device in execution: So Chasis returning to Didymotichum, broke the matter to so many of the Asian Workmen as he thought convenient, fully instructing them what was to be done. The next day (according to his appointment) the Christians being then at dinner, these Turkish Workmen and Labourers fell at words among themselves, and from words to feigned blows; in which counterfeit Brawl and Tumult, they suddenly ran to one of the Gates of the City fast by (as was before appointed) and there laying hands upon the Warders Weapons, as if it had been to defend themselves against their Fellows, suddenly set upon those Warders, being in number but few, and then at dinner also, and so presently slew them; which done, they opened the Gate of the City, and let in the other Turks which lay in wait not far off; who with great celerity entering the City, presently took the same, and there put the chiefest of their Citizens to the Sword, sparing the rest of the meaner sort.  
The City of Rhodestum (of the old Writers called Rh●destum) was by Amurath his commandment, 
Rhodestum surprised by the Turks.  in this time of peace, by sudden assault given in the night by the Lord Eurenoses, taken also.  
With this foul dealing and breach of League, yet in force, the Christians hardly charged Amurath; who turned it over to the unruliness of his Captains and Men of War, whom he threatened with great severity to punish; and to give the better colour that it was done without his privity, he had feigned himself sick all the while these things were in doing; but being requested to restore those Cities so wrongfully taken from the Christians, he utterly refused so to do, saying, That it was against the Law of his great Prophet Mahomet, to deliver again to the Christians, any Town or City wherein the Mahometan Religion had been once openly taught. Whereupon Wars began again to arise on fresh betwixt the Christians and him, wherein sometime the one prevailed, and sometime the other; in such sort, as those Wars at length became unto them both very tedious. Wherefore Amurath made peace again with the Christians of Hadrianople, Selybria, and Constantinople; yet desiring nothing more in heart, than to take the City of Hadrianople; which the better to bring to pass, he caused Chasis-Ilbeg as a discontented Captain to fly to Hadrianople, pretending himself to have been hardly used by the Tyrant his Master; where having in his Company other such dissembling Fugitives as was himself, he oftentimes issued out of the City and valiantly skirmished with the Turks; which so greatly pleased the Governor of Hadrianople, that he thereby grew into his great favour.  
Many other Turks also under pretence of like discontentment, resorted unto Chasis; wherewith finding himself well strengthened, he writ Letters secretly unto Amurath, That he would deliver one of the Gates of Hadrianople unto him at a certain appointed time, if he would against the same time be ready to send him present Succours. All things being agreed upon, Chasis at the appointed time came in the dawning of the day to one of the Gates of the City, accompanied but with ten of his Followers, as if he would have gone forth to hunt, as he had before accustomed. But so soon as the Gates were opened, he with the other ten well appointed for the purpose, furiously set upon the Warders, whom they slew; and being aided by the rest of the Fugitive Turks (which with all speed by appointment before made, resorted unto them) they possessed the Gate; until a great power of the Turks, whom Amurath the night before had placed in ambush near unto the City, having knowledge what was done, and hearing the alarm, speedily came on, and by that Gate entered the City; where was fought a cruel fight all that day, even from morning until night. But in the end the Turks prevailing, took the City, which they have ever since possessed unto this day.  
These great Cities of Thracia thus taken, 
Hadrianople th● Royal Seat of the Turkish Kings in Europe  or otherwise as aforesaid (for that I leave for the Reader to think of as he pleaseth) Amurath appointed the Seat of his Royal Court at Hadrianople, as a place of all others most fit for the further invasion of the Christians, and enlarging of his Kingdom in Europe; from whence such a world of Mischiefs and Woe hath since that time overflowed a great part of Christendom, and drowned so many goodly Kingdoms in Europe, as that both they, and most part of the rest that yet remain (daily in dread of like destruction) might justly accurse and de●est the woeful carelessness and degenerate cowardice of the Greeks, were not they themselves together with the glory of their Church and Empire, swallowed up in the same gulf of Calamity and Woe, and so become of all others most miserable; but what avail vain Complaints, but to increase old griefs? wherefore again to that we have in hand.  
The proud Sultan Amurath (having to his great content thus seated himself at Hadrianople, in the midst of Thracia) presently sent out his Tutor Lala Schahin with a great Power to invade the Country about Philippopolis with the Country of Zagora, which lieth towards the great Mountain Hoemus, where the best Turkish Scimitars were made, giving like charge unto Eurenoses, for the subduing of the Territory of Ipsala; who both notably performed what he had commanded, and in short time brought all those Countries under his Subjection, wherein he shortly after placed divers Sanzacks or Governors, for the better assurance thereof, being so lately gained.  
About this time (by the suggestion of Cara Rustemes a Doctor of the Mahometan Law) Zinderlu Chelil, than Cadelesher or chief Justice among the Turks, but afterwards better known by the name of Catradin Bassa, by the Commandment of Amurath, took order, that every fifth Captive of the Christians, being above fifteen years old, should be taken up for the King, as by Law due unto him; and if the number were under five, then to pay to the King for every Head 25 Asper's, by way of Tribute; appointing Officers for collecting both of such Captives and Tribute money, of whom the aforesaid Cara Rustemes himself was chief, as first deviser of the matter. By which means great numbers of Christian Youths were brought to the Court as the King's Captives, which by the counsel of the same Zinderlu Chelil, were distributed among the Turkish Husbandmen in Asia, there to learn the Turkish Language, Religion, and Manners; where after they had been brought up in all painful labour and travel by the space of two or three years, they were called unto the Court, and choice made of the better sort of them to attend upon the Person of the Prince, or to serve him in his Wars; where they daily practising all feats of activity, are called by the name of janisars (that is to say, new Soldiers▪) This was the first beginning of the janisars under this Sultan Amurath the First, but had great increase under Amurath the Second, insomuch that jovius with some other Historiographers, attribute the beginning of this Order to him; which nevertheless (as appeareth by the Turks own Histories) had the beginning as is aforesaid; and hath ever since been continued by the Turkish Kings and Emperors, by the same and some other greater means, so that in process or time they be grown to that greatness as that they are oftentimes right dreadful to the great Turk himself; after whose death they have sometimes preferred to the Empire such of the Emperor's Sons as they best liked, without respect of prerogative or age, contrary to the will of the great Sultan himself; and are at this day the greatest strength of the Turkish Empire, and not unlike in time to be the greatest cause of the ruin thereof; the finger of the Highest oftentimes (as we have before said) turning even those helps which were by man's wisdom provided for the establishing of Kingdoms, unto their more speedy destruction; and especially these continual Garrisons of martial men, no less to be feared than trusted, as in the course of this History may appear.  
When Amurath had thus a great while continued at Hadrianople, determining now to return unto Asia, he made Schahin his Tutor Beg-Lerbeg or Viceroy of Romania; and Eurenoses Lord Governor of the Marches; Zinderlu Chelil he made Vezir Azemes or Lord Precedent of his Counsel, and changing his name, called him Cairadin Bassa, that is to say, The Bassa that had well deserved, his name witnessing his good desert. After this he returned into Asia, where he spent that Winter at Prusa. These two great men Cairadin Bassa and Cara Rustemes before named, sometimes two Doctors of the Mahometan Law, were (as the Turkish Histories report) the first that corrupted the Turkish Court with Covetousness and Bribery, and are therefore of them even yet much blamed.  
Whilst Amurath thus wintered in Asia, News was brought unto him, That the Christians of Servia and Bulgaria had gathered a great Army for the besieging of Hadrianople; which caused him to prepare great Forces in Asia, to aid his Captains in Europe. But in returning out of Asia, he by the way took the Town of Boga; 
Boga taken by Amurath and recovered again and razed by the Christians.  where he put to the Sword all the Christians that were therein able to bear Arms, leading the rest into Captivity, and with the spoil rewarded his Soldiers. This strong Town was not long after again recovered by the Christians, who requited the Turks with like measure, and doubting the keeping thereof, razed it down to the ground; yet was it afterwards re-edified by the Turks, as it is at this present to be seen; 
Boga new built by the Turks.  which was done in the year of our Lord, 1365.  
In the mean time, the Christian Army of Servia and Bulgaria, in number betwixt forty and fifty thousand, marching towards Hadrianople, and now come very near the same, fell in mutiny among themselves. Whereof the Turks by their Spials having intelligence, suddenly in the night set upon them; who blinded with inward hatred, and no less fearing one another, than their Enemies, neglected to join their Forces against them, but were ready to turn their Weapons one upon another; and so by their own discord, more than by the Enemy's force, were made a prey to the Turks, by whom they were put to flight, and slain with so great a slaughter, that the place wherein they fell, not far from Germia, is thereof at this day called Zirf-Zindugi; that is to say, the place wherein the Servians were overthrown. The news of this so notable a Victory, with the fith part of the Spoil, and a great number of the heads of the slain Christians, were (after the barbarous manner of the Turks) sent to Amurath into Asia, being now ready with a great Power to have come over to Callipolis; who joyful thereof, and glad to see such a Present, the assured witness of the Victory, returned again to Prusa. This was done in the year, 1366. In which year also Amurath with wonderful Triumph circumcised his two Sons, Bajazet and jacup. At which time he also built a Temple, with a Monastery and a College, at Bil●z●ga; and another fair Church at Ne●opolis: At Prusa he also built a stately Palace in the Castle, with a great Church at the Gates thereof; in which City he also founded an Abbey and a College. Germean Ogli, a great Mahometan Prince in Asia (whose Territory for the most part lay in the greater Phrygia, and the Countries thereabout, bordering upon the Ottoman Kingdom) having always envied at the rising of the Ottoman Kings (as did all the rest of the Mahometan Princes of the Selzuccian Family) and fearing that their Greatness might after his death grow dangerous to his son jacup, being now himself very aged, thought good for the more safety of his State to join in Alliance with Amurath. And for that purpose sent Isaac (a learned Doctor of the Mahometan Law) Ambassador to him, with many rich Presents, and to offer his Daughter, the Lady Hatun, in marriage unto his Son Bajazet; promising with her in Dowry divers great Cities and Towns, with their Territories in Phrygia and B●thynia, adjoining upon the Ottoman Kingdom; namely Cutaie, S●ma●, Egr●gi●s, Ta●sanle, and others. Neither was this a small Dowry, but well beseeming so great a Prince; the City of Cutai● being at this day the p●ace whereat the Turkish Emperors great Lieutenant or Viceroy in Asia is always resiant, as in the heart of his Kingdom in the lesser Asia. Of which M●tch so offered, Amurath liking well, contracted his Son Bajazet unto the said Lady; and for Solemnisation of the Marriage, prepared all things with great Magnificence, sending his Ambassadors to most of the Mahometan Kings and Princes both far and near, to invite thereunto; commanding also most of the Nobility of his Kingdom, to honour the same with their presence. The time of this Marriage drawing near, Ambassadors came to Amurath's Court, from all the Princes before invited; amongst whom, the Ambassador from the Egyptian Sultan had the highest place. These Ambassadors brought with them many great and rich Gifts, such as well beseemed the great Princes their Masters, which they with all Reverence presented unto Amurath. At length amongst the rest of his own Nobility came the Lord Eurenoses, whom he had before left Governor of the Frontiers of his Kingdom in Europe; who besides many other rich Gifts not easily to be valued, presented unto Amurath an hundred goodly Boys, with as many beautiful young Maidens, all Christian Captives, suitably attired in Garments richly embroidered with Gold and Silver, every one of them carrying a Cup of Gold in the one hand, and a Cup of Silver in the other; the Cups of Gold having in them divers precious Stones of great value, and the Cups of Silver being filled with Gold. The richness of this Present was so great, that all the Ambassadors of the foreign Princes much wondered thereat. All which rich Gift Amurath most bountifully bestowed upon the strange Ambassadors; and the Presents which were sent unto him from other Princes, he liberally gave to Eurenoses. The Learned and Religious which came to that Marriage he so bountifully rewarded also, that none came to the same poor, but he went away rich. He had before sent divers of his Nobility, with an hundred Ladies and Gentlemen, and a Guard of three thousand Horsemen, to attend the coming of the Bride. On the other side, the old Prince Germean-Ogli meeting this honourable Company upon the way, saluted every man of Account according to his Degree; and bringing them to one of his Cities, in most Royal manner feasted them, bestowing upon them many rich and princely Gifts; all which things with great Solemnity performed, he delivered his Daughter the Bride to two of the most ancient Ladies, whereof the one had been Bajazet's Nurse; and so taking leave of his Daughter, sent her away, accompanied with his Wife jenses, and other of his Courtiers, who conveying her to Prusa, she was there in most Royal manner married to Bajazet. The Cities and Towns promised in Dowry, were accordingly delivered into the Possession of Amurath, who shortly after took Possession of the same, and furnished them with his own Garrisons.  
At this Marriage Chusen-Beg Prince of Amisum in Galatia, by his Ambassador sold his Territory of Amisum unto Amurath, with many fair Cities and Towns; doubting, as it was thought, how to be able to keep them, now that Amurath was come so near him, whom he saw not to let slip any occasion offered unto him for the enlarging of his Kingdom. When Amurath had in this sort spent great time in Asia, he gathered a strong Army to return into Europe; but before his departure, he committed the Government of his Kingdom in Asia (which the Turks call Anatolia) unto his Son Bajazet, joining with him Temurtases a valiant man of great experience; and having set all things in order in Asia, passed over Hellespontus, to Calipolis, from whence he marched towards Hadrianople; and because he would take something in his way, he besieged Magalgara, which he in short time won; where Lala Schahin and Eurenoses with all their Forces came to him; which two Captains he sent to besiege the City Pheroe, which was by them after a few days siege taken. But he himself to be revenged upon Lazarus the Despot, led his Army into Servia; 
Amurath invadeth Servia.  where after he had without resistance foraged the Country fourteen days, understanding by his Captains, That the strong City of Nissa, being the Metropolitical City of Servia, was as it were the Key of that Kingdom, he presently marched thither, and laid siege to the same; and by the advice of jaxis-beg the Son of Temurtases, in short time won it. Which thing so daunted Lazarus Despot or Lord of Servia, that he despairing in his own Forces, 
Nissa taken by the Turks.  having so soon lost one of his strongest Cities, forthwith sent Ambassadors to Amurath to entreat a Peace; offering to pay him a yearly Tribute of fifty thousand pounds, and to aid him with a thousand men in his Wars, whensoever he should require; upon which conditions Amurath granted him Peace, and so departed out of Servia. In this Expedition he also with much ado won the great City of Appolonia, 
Appolonia won 〈◊〉 the Turks.  near unto the Mount Athos, and gave leave unto most of the Christians, with their Wives and Children to depart, and such part of their goods as was not in the taking thereof spoiled by the Soldiers. This done, he returned back to Hadrianople, leaving Eurenoses upon the Marches, who shortly after took Berrhea, with divers other Towns. At which time also Lala Schahin won Zichne and Seres, in the Confines of Macedonia, with many other strong Towns upon the Frontiers of Thessalia and Thrace. In the City Seres Eurenoses made his abode▪ as in a chief Frontier Town; and because the Christians for fear of the Turks were all fled out of the Country about Seres, great numbers of people were sent for out of Asia, to inhabit that Country by the Christians forsaken in the Confines of Macedonia. Amurath had not long continued at Hadrianople; but that he was advertised out of Asia, That Aladin his Son in law King of Caramania, did with Fire and Sword invade his Dominions in Asia; with which News he was exceedingly troubled. And for that cause sending for his Counsellors and Nobility to the Court, told them, how that Aladin forgetting all the bonds of Religion, Faith, Peace, and Alliance, with all Hostility invaded his Provinces in Asia, whilst he with great danger of his Person, and greater terror of his Enemies, sought with honour to increase the Mahometan sincere Religion (as he termed it) in Europe; from which godly War (said he) I am against my will enforced to turn my Sword, in just defence of myself, against men joined with us both in Religion and Alliance. And having thus declared his mind, he appointed Chairadin Bassa his Lieutenant-General in Europe, and also made his Son Alis Bassa one of his Council, although he were by some thought too young for so great a place. And so having set all things in order according to his mind in Europe, took passage from Callipolis into Asia, and so to his Court at Prusa, where he spent that Winter. In which time Ambassadors came unto him from the Sultan of Egypt, for the renewing of their former Amity and Friendship; which Amurath took very thankfully, and sent them back again loaden with kind Letters and princely Rewards.  
When the Spring was come, in the year, 
Amurath and Aladi● prepare themselves for War.  1387. he levied a mighty Army to make War upon the Caramanian King his Son in Law. Whereof Aladin certainly informed, prepared no less Power to meet him, associating unto him all the less Mahometan Princes of Asia, which were not under Amurath's Obeisance, to whom the Ottoman Kings were now grown terrible; which Princes brought with them great Supplies to join with Aladin.  
Aladin thus aided by his Friends, thinking himself now strong enough for Amurath his Father in law, sent an Ambassador unto him, certifying him, That he was nothing in Power inferior to him, and therefore nothing feared him; yet if it pleased him to have Peace, that he could for his part be content to hearken unto the same upon reasonable conditions; but if he had rather have War, he should find him ready to dare him battle in the Field, whensoever he should come. For answer of which Embassage, Amurath willed the Ambassador to tell the perjured King his Master, That he had of late, contrary to his Faith before given, in most cruel manner invaded his Dominions, whilst he was busied in most godly Wars (as he termed it) against the misbelieving Christians; from prosecuting whereof, he was by his violence (as he said) withdrawn, contrary to the Law of their great Prophet; for which Outrages and Wrongs he would shortly come and take of him sharp Revenge; and that therefore he was to expect nothing at his hands but War, for which he willed him so to provide, as that at his coming he might not find him wanting to himself. Aladin by his Embassor having received this answer from Amurath, assembled all the Confederate Princes his Allies, with great Persuasions and greater Promises encouraging them to this War; and they again kissing the ground at his Feet, as the manner of that Nation is before great Princes, promised with solemn Oaths never to forsake him, but to do all things which Princes desirous of Honour or Fame, aught by their Oath to do for their Sovereign, to whom they ought Homage and Duty.  

The death of Chairadin Bassa.  In this great preparation for Wars in Asia, Chairadin Bassa general Governor in Europe died; which Amurath understanding, appointed Alis Bassa his Son to go into Europe, there to be Governor in his Father's stead. But he was stayed in his Journey by urgent occasions; which Amurath understanding, sent for him back again in post.  
Aladin forecasting the great dangers like to ensue of this War, sent another Ambassador to Amurath, with reasonable conditions of Peace; to whom Amurath answered, That if Aladin had made that Offer one month before, he would perhaps have accepted thereof; but for so much as he had done him great wrong, and that he had now to his infinite Charge drawn him into the field so far from home, he would not make any other end than such as the chance of War should appoint. And whereas he in disgrace had called me a Herdsman or Shepherd (said he) if he be not such an one himself, as he saith me to be, let him meet me in the field and there try his valour. Hereunto the Ambassador replied, saying, That the King his Master made this Offer of Peace not for any fear, but to save the effusion of innocent blood; which consideration set apart, he should find him not inferior to himself, either in number of most expert Soldiers, or other Warlike Provision; and that therefore if he rejected this Offer of Peace, he needed not to doubt but to meet with men of courage, which would bear themselves so valiantly in the field against his Turks, as that he should have no great cause to rejoice of his coming thither. Which words of the Ambassador so nettled Amurath, that in great rage he commanded him to depart, and to will his Master, if he were a man of such courage and valour as he said, to show himself in the field with all his Forces, there to make an end of all quarrels; where he doubted not but in short time to chastise him according to his due deserts. So after the Ambassador was departed, marching forward three days, Alis Beg came unto him; of whose coming he not a little rejoiced; for why, he loved him dearly, and although he was yet of years but young, relied much upon his Council.  
The Ambassador returning, recounted unto Aladin all that Amurath had said, not omitting his hard Speeches and proud Threats, and how that he hoped shortly to take from him Iconium and Larenda (the principal Cities of Caramania) with many things more, leaving nothing untold. Which Aladin hearing, said unto the Confederate Princes that were with him, Verily Amurath threateneth to take from us the Cities of Iconium and Larenda; but let him take heed that we take not from him his fair City of Prusa. Then demanding of the Ambassador, of what strength Amurath might be; it was answered by him, that he deemed him to be about seventy thousand strong. Whereat Aladin not a little rejoicing, said, Assuredly when he shall see our Army, he will not dare to give us battle; or if he do, he shall fight upon great disadvantage, his men being both fewer in number than we, and sore wearied with long and painful travel.  
In the mean time Amurath held on his way towards Caramania, daily encouraging his Soldiers with Persuasions and Gifts bountifully bestowed upon them, filling their heads with promises of greater, the War once happily ended. At length he came to the great Plains in Caramania, called the French Plains, because in former time the Christians (whom the Turks for most part call Franks) in those places encamped their great Armies, as they went to the winning of jerusalem (as in the former part of this History is declared.) Into these Plains also came Aladin with his Army, and was now encamped within one days march of Amurath, and so rested that night.  
The next morning Amurath put his Army in order of battle, appointing the leading of the right Wing to his youngest Son jacup, with whom he joined Cu●luzes Beg, Ein Beg Subbassa, Egridum Su●bassa, Seraze, and Custendil, two Christian Princes, all Captains of great experience. The left Wing was led by Bajazet his eldest Son, with Ferize and Hozze, both valiant Captains; in which Wings were also placed the Christian Soldiers sent by Lazarus out of Servia, according to the late convention of peace; in the main battle he stood himself; the Vanguard was conducted by Temurtases; and the rearward by the Subbassa of Oxyllithus (called also Temurtases) and Achmetes. Aladin on the other side, with no less care and diligence set his men likewise in order of battle, placing himself in the main battle, as did Amurath; and the Princes his Allies, with his other expert Captains, some in the right Wing, and some in the left, as he thought most convenient; in such sort, as that in all men's judgement he was in Force nothing inferior to his Father in Law.  
These great Enemies thus ranged, 
The great battle in the plains of Caramania, betwixt Amurath and Aladin.  with Ensigns displayed came on courageously, one directly upon the other; where approaching together, the confused noise of Trumpets, Drums, Fifes, with other Instruments of War, the neighing of Horses, and clattering of Armour, was so great, that whilst Warlike minds thereat rejoiced, Cowards thought Heaven fell. But the sign of battle on both sides given, Samagazes one of the Confederate Princes, with exceeding▪ courage first charged Temurtases in the Vanguard, and broke his Ranks; at which time Teberruses a Tartar Prince, and Varsacides another of the Confederates, delivered their Arrows also upon the Vanguard, as if it had been a shower of Hail. Which Bajazet seeing, and how hardly Temurtases was charged, having before obtained leave of his Father, broke in upon the Enemy with such violence, as if it had been the lightning; whereof he was ever after surnamed Gilderu●, which is to say, The lightning. Ferizes and Hozze, with the other valiant Captains in that Wing, following Bajazet, with invincible courage entered the battle; where for a great space was made a most dreadful and doubtful fight. A man would have thought two rough Seas had met together, swaying one against the other, doubtful which way the current would at length fall. In this conflict many thousands were on both sides slain, so that the field lay covered with the dead bodies of worthy Men and valiant Soldiers; yet at length these Confederate Princes, 
Aladin flieth to Iconium. Iconium besieged by Amurath.  finding themselves overmatched by Bajazet and his Soldiers, reserving themselves to their better Fortunes, turned their backs and fled; when Aladin seeing a great part of his Army thus overthrown, and himself now ready to be charged with Amurath his whole Power, despairing of Victory, sped himself in all haste to Iconium, his strong City. The spoil which Amurath got in this battle was great, most part whereof he gave in reward to Temurtases and his Soldiers, which had endured the greatest fury of the battle. Amurath after this Victory with all speed marched to Iconium, and there besieged Aladin the Caramanian King, in his strongest City, giving out Proclamation in the mean time, That none of his Soldiers upon pain of death should use any violence to any of the Countrypeople, or take any thing from them; to the intent it might appear unto the World, that he made that War against that Mahometan King, rather to propulse Injury and Wrong, than for desire of Sovereignty or Spoil. Which his so straight a Proclamation, the Christians sent by Lazarus, amongst others, transgressed; and therefore by his commandment suffered (many of them) exemplary punishment; which was the cause of the Servian War which not long after ensued, fatal both unto Amurath and Lazarus the Despot, as hereafter shall appear.  
Aladin now on every side besieged in Iconium, and without all hope of escape, sent to the Queen his Wife, Amurath's Daughter, bewailing unto her his desperate estate, and requesting her by all the love that so honourable a minded Lady might bear unto her miserable Husband, to adventure herself to go to her angry Father, and to crave pardon for his great Trespass and Offence. The Queen forthwith attiring herself, as was fittest for her Husband's present estate, came to her Father; where falling down at his Feet upon her knees, with words wisely placed, and tears distilling down her fair Cheeks from her fairer Eyes, as if it had been from two Fountains, in most sorrowful manner, craved her Husband's Pardon, imputing to the heat of Youth whatsoever he had done; and would not be comforted or taken up, until she had obtained Grace. Amurath most entirely loved this his Daughter, and therefore for her sake not only granted unto her, her Husband's life (which in short time was like to have been in his power to have spilt) but also his Kingdom, which he as a Victorious Conqueror might by Law of Arms have of right detained. She now assured of her Father's promise, sent unto her Husband Aladin, wishing him the next day without fear to come out of the City, and in humble sort to acknowledge his fault before her Father. Who the next morning accordingly came out, and prostrating himself before Amurath, acknowledged his undutifulness; of whom (for his Wife's sake) he obtained Pardon, and Restitution to his Kingdom, with many other great Gifts, contrary to his evil desert. The Latin Histories mistaking the man, report this Caramanian War, to have been fought against the King of Caramania, Amurath his own Grandfather by the Mother side; and that he was by Amurath then spoiled of a great part of his Kingdom; but it agreeth not with the Turkish Histories, which make Amurath to be the Son of Orcanes and Lulufer, the Daughter of the Governor of the Castle of jarchiser, as is before declared in the life of Ottoman; which Lulufer lieth buried by her Husband Orcanes in Prusa.  
This great Victory gotten by Amurath against the Caramanian King, and the other Confederate Princes, was the true beginning of the greatness of the Ottoman Kingdom in Asia; wherewith the other Mahometan Princes of the Selzuccian Family were so discouraged, that they were glad to submit themselves thus first unto Amurath, and after that unto his Son Bajazet; until that Tamerlane the great Tartarian Prince, some few years after, taking Bajazet Prisoner in a great battle at Mount Stella, abated the Ottoman Pride, and restored the other oppressed Mahometan Princes to their old Possessions and Kingdoms.  
Amurath returning homewards, by the way took the City of Despotopolus, and coming to Cutai●, broke up his Army, and so in triumph returned to his Court at Prusa.  
Lazarus, Despot of Servia (in old time called Mys●a) had sent a thousand armed men to Amurath in this the late Caramanian War, according to the convention of the Peace not long before made betwixt them; some of which Soldiers, were with great severity (to the terror of others) executed in Caramania, for transgressing Amurath his commandment. This great War being ended, and the Army broken up at Cutaie, they with others were licenced to depart into their own Country. Whose General (whom they call the Vayvod) returning home, reported unto Lazarus the Despot, the success of that War, and withal in what cruel and tyrannical manner the men he had sent were in that Service used by the commandment of Amurath. With whom (said this General) you without cause have made a most dishonourable Peace; first, by giving your Faith to such a Miscreant, and then in sending your loyal Subjects, in recompense of their good Service, to be so butchered at his pleasure; beside the shameful Tribute which you yearly pay unto him. Whereas if it would please you in the depth of your wisdom but to know your own strength, you should find yourself in Warlike force and power nothing inferior to the Tyrant; for we your Servants being in number but a handful, were in these his late Wars a terror unto his Enemies, and by our valour, and not his own, he got the Victory over them. What cause is there then, that you should subject yourself unto your Inferior? I know he cannot of himself bring into the field above fifty thousand fight men; but admit he were able to bring a hundred thousand, are not you (if you so please) able to levy a far greater Power? and for all other Warlike provision you are tenfold better provided than he. Besides that, the mighty Christian Princes will send you such Aid against this hateful and common Enemy, that being united with yours, his Barbarian Forces will be nothing in comparison of those which you shall then be able to bring into the field against him; which no doubt the Christian Princes will the rather do, as men desirous to quench this devouring fire in another man's house, rather than in their own.  
These words of the Vayvod so much moved Lazarus, 
Lazarus the Despot by his Ambassador craveth aid of the King of Bosna.  that he determined in himself to break that servile League which he before had made with Amurath. And for that cause sent his Ambassador with secret Instructions to the King of Bosna (in time passed called Illyria) his Neighbour; whereof the chief point was, to crave his Aid against the Turk their common Enemy. By whom the King of Bosna returned this answer, That it had been much better such consideration had been thought upon before the foul contract (full of disgrace both to himself and all other Christian Princes) was upon a vain fear by him rashly made with the Turkish Tyrant; yet for so much as things done could not be undone, letting that pass which was remediless; he promised to join with him his whole Forces against so dangerous an Enemy. And thereupon appointing a place for an Interview, met accordingly, and there fully concluded all the Articles of their Confederation.  
There was in the Confines of Bosna a Castle called Alexandria, the Captain whereof being a Christian, was yet Tributary unto the Turk; wishing unto him such good, as men oppressed use to do to them by whom they are so wronged. This Captain under the colour of Friendship went to Amurath, and in great secrecy opened to him the whole State of the Kingdom of Bosna; and withal, that the King thereof intended some great matter against him; for the preventing whereof he offered his own Service, and showed some probable means how that Kingdom might be brought into his Subjection, if he would but send some worthy General with a convenient Power for the undertaking thereof. This wonderfully pleased the ambitious old Tyrant, who therefore commanded a rich Garment to be cast upon the Captain (which amongst the Turks is taken for a sure token of the King's great Favour) and forthwith appointed his Tutor Lala Schahin, according to this Captain's direction, to invade the Kingdom of Bosna. Who joining himself with this deceitful Captain of Alexandria, with an Army of twenty thousand men entered into Bosna; where overrunning a side of the Country, he without resistance took great Booties; and seeing no apparent cause of fear, to do the more harm, by the advice of the same Captain divided his Army, which he sent into divers parts of the Country, the more to burn and spoil the same. Of all whose proceedings the King of Bosna by secret Messengers from the Captain advertised, had in convenient places laid strong Ambushes for the intercepting of his Enemies. So that as Schahin was returning homeward with a rich booty, having then with him but a thousand men, suddenly appeared in his way thirty thousand Christians well armed; which Schahin seeing, thinking it folly to oppose so few against so many, would have presently fled; but the rest of the Gallants that were with him, presuming of their good Fortune, and loath to lose their rich Prey, would needs first Skirmish with the Christians; in which desperate Conflict they were almost all slain, and the spoil they had taken, all recovered by the Christians. As for Schahin, he was glad by shameful flight to save himself. The like mishap befell the other Turks in the other parts of Bosna, who for the most part were likewise intercepted and slain; so that of twenty thousand, scarce five thousand returned home.  

Amurath marrieth the Emperor of Constantinoples' daughter.  Whilst these things were doing in Europe, Amurath in great Triumph at Neapolis married the Emperor of Constantinople his Daughter; whose two Sisters were also given in marriage to his two Sons; at which time he with great Solemnity circumcised three of Bajazet's Sons. At this time also returned jazigi Ogli, whom he had before sent Ambassador to the Sultan of Egypt in requital of the honourable Embassage before to him sent from the said Sultan. Now Amurath understanding of the loss of his men in Bosna, with the revolt of Lazarus Despot of Servia, was therewith much disquieted. Wherefore he commanded Alis Bassa his chief Counsellor, with all speed to send forth Commissions into all parts of his Kingdom, for the levying of a Royal Army; which was done in such post hast, that it was thought he would have taken the Field before the beginning of the Spring. At which time also the other Mahometan Kings and Princes of Asia, Caraman Ogli, Teke Ogli and the rest, bound unto him by Homage, with divers others of smaller Power, were sent for, to Aid him in his War; who partly for fear, and partly moved with the zeal of their Mahometan Superstition, brought their Forces with great devotion. Unto this War against the Christians, came also great numbers of the Mahometans from far Countries, as voluntary Soldiers. Bajazet his Son also, then Governor of Cutaie, with a great part of Galatia, gathering all his Forces, came to aid his Father in this religious War (as it was by them termed.) The Christian Tributary Princes were not then forgotten; of whom two came, namely Custendil and Seratzil; other two forsaking Amurath, came not, which was Sasmenos Prince of Bulgaria, and the Prince of Varna and Dobritza; with whom Amurath was highly offended. In the time of this so great Preparation, old Lala Schahin, Amurath's Tutor and faithful Servitor, died, being a man of great years; and Temurtases was appointed Governor in his place.  
The revolting of the two Christian Princes, Sasmenos and the Prince of Varna, much grieved Amurath; Wherefore he commanded Alis Bassa, with an Army of thirty thousand to invade and spoil Sasmenos his Country, now called Bulgaria, and in ancient time the lower Mysia. Alis Bassa according to that was given him in charge, calling unto him jaxis Beg the Son of Termutases, Ulu Beg, Sura●ze Bassa, with other Captains and Commanders of the Turks Provinces in Europe, assembled an Army of thirty thousand for the Invasion of Bulgaria. With this Army the Bassa took many strong Towns and Castles in Bulgaria, as Piravade, Venuzina, Madra, Suni, and others.  
In the mean time, whilst Alis Bassa had thus begun the War against the Christians in Bulgaria, Amurath having gathered a great Army in Asia, determined in the beginning of the Spring to pass over with the same into Europe; commending the Government of his Countries in Asia, to Temurtases Bassa, Ferices Beg, Temurtases Subbassa, Cutlu Beg, and Haza Beg; and so all things set in order in Asia, he drew down his Asian Forces toward Hell●spontus, where he was a while stayed with contrary Winds, but was afterwards transported to Callipolis, by jenitze Beg Sanzack there. This was the third time that Amurath brought his Army out of Asia into Europe. But whilst he stayed at Callipolis, Bajazet his Son with a great Power came unto him thither: Alis Bassa also understanding of Amurath's arrival in Europe, retired out of Bulgaria, and came to him at Alcide, recounting unto him the whole Success of his Expedition into Bulgaria.  
Sasmenos Prince of Bulgaria, seeing his Country spoiled, his strong Cities and Castles taken by the Turks, and withal hearing of their great Preparations for War; by the advice of his Nobility thought it best betimes again to submit himself unto Amurath; wherefore tying a Winding-sheet about his Neck, in token that he had deserved death (after the manner of the Barbarians) he came to Amurath at Calcide, where falling flat upon the ground, at the Horse's feet whereon Amurath sat, he in most humble wise craved pardon; offering by a certain day to deliver Silistria the chief City of his Dominion, into Amurath's Possession, as a pledge of his Fidelity; who thereupon granted him pardon, and to assure him of his Favour, commanded a rich Garment to be cast upon him, after the manner of the Turks, sending Alis Bassa at the time appointed, to take possession of Silistria. But Sasmenos repenting himself of that he had so largely promised, would not deliver his City, but in strongest manner he could presently fortified the same. Wherewith Amurath more offended than before, commanded the Bassa with Fire and Sword again to spoil and waste his Country; who according to his commandment entered again into Bulgaria, and struck such a terror of his coming into the hearts of the people, that many strong places were voluntarily yielded into his Power, namely Diritze, Cossova, with the City of Ternova, the Seat of the Prince's Court; Tzernevi, Novakestri, Zistova, with divers others; and proceeding farther, he laid siege to Nicopolis, the strongest City of Bulgaria, upon the side of the great River Danubius, whether Sasmenos was for fear himself fled. Who finding himself unable to hold out the Siege, once again (with shame enough) tying a Winding-sheet about his Neck, as he had done before, and taking his Son with him, went out of the City, and in most abject manner falling down at the Bassa his Feet, craved pardon; which the Bassa, moved with compassion to see the misery of so great a man, and having already taken from him the greatest part of his Dominion, and now out of fear of further resistance, easily granted. And having thus ended the Bulgarian War, returned to Amurath, of whom he was right joyfully received.  
Amurath had now made great Preparation for the invading of Servia, for which purpose he had drawn over into Europe the greatest Forces he possibly could out of Asia; sending also for his youngest Son jacup, Governor of Carasia, who understanding his Father's pleasure, repaired unto him with all the Power he could make▪ This Army by Amurath thus assembled, was the greatest that ever was before that, brought by the Turks into Europe. Lazarus not ignorant of this great Preparation made by Amurath, had drawn into the society of this War, the King of Bosna (as is aforesaid) with Vulcus Prince of Macedonia, his Son in law, who both brought unto him great Aid; he had also by his Ambassadors procured great Supplies from other Christian Kings and Princes, out of Valachia, Hungaria, Croatia, S●lavonia, Albania, Bulgaria, and Italy, besides great numbers of other voluntary devout Christians, which all assembled and met together, did in number far exceed the great Army of the Turks.  

The Castle of Sarkive with the City joining unto it, taken by th● Christians and razed.  With this Army Lazarus the Despot encamped upon the side of the River Morova the greater, not far from whence stood the strong Castle of Sarkive, which Alis Bassa had of late taken from Sasmenos the Bulgarian Prince, standing as it were betwixt Bulgaria and Servia; this Castle being now possessed of the Turks, was thought by Lazarus dangerous to his Country, who therefore sent one Demetrius, a right valiant Captain, with certain Companies of select Men to take in the same. The name of this Captain Demetrius, was a general terror unto the Turks, for the harm he had done them; so that they in the Castle hearing that he was come, without further resistance yielded the same unto him. Whereof Amurath understanding, sent Eine, and Sarutze Bassa to recover the same; but Lazarus doubting that the Castle would hardly be kept in that dangerous War, sent Vulcus his Son in law with twenty thousand Men, to bring away all that was therein, and in the City near unto it, lest it should become a prey unto the greedy Turks; which he accordingly did, and at the same time razed both the Castle and the City, before the coming of jaxis Beg, sent from Amurath to have done the same exploit; which he coming thither, found already done to his hand by Vulcus.  
As Amurath was marching towards Servia, Seratze and Custendil, two Christian Princes his Tributaries, met him with their Forces, whom he caused to march before him, as his Guides; and passing through Custendil his Country, was there refreshed with plenty of all things necessary; until at length passing the River of Morova the less, he drew so near to the Plains of Cossova (where the Christian Army lay) that he with his Son Bajazet from a little Hill took full view of the Christian Camp, which was so great, that it covered all those large Plains from side to side, and so daunted Amurath, as that returning to his Army, he presently entered into a great consultation with his greatest Captains and Commanders, what course to take against such a puissant Enemy.  
These great Armies being now come so nigh together, as that they might the one well descry the other, Amurath had purposed the same day to have given the Christians battle; but being dissuaded by Eurenoses, both for that it was extreme hot, and his Soldiers wearied with travel, he rested that night. The next morning as soon as it was day, he put his Army in order of battle, placing his Son Bajazet with Eurenoses and Eine Beg Subbassa, in the right Wing; his youngest Son jacup, with Sarutz● Bassa in the left Wing; the main battle he led himself. Lazarus in the mean time had also set his Army in good order; giving the charge of the right Wing to Vulcus his Son in law; the left Wing was led by the King of Bosna, and his Sons; in the main battle stood Lazarus himself; the Italians, Null, Hungarians, Bohemians, and Bulgarians, he placed in both Wings. It is thought, greater Armies than those two had seldem before met in Europe. Lazarus as the Turkish Histories report (but how truly I know not) having in his Army five hundred thousand men; and Amurath scarce half so many.  
To begin the battle, Amurath had drawn a thousand of his best Archers, under the leading of Malcozzeus, out of the right Wing of his Army; and the like number of Archers out of the left, under the conduct of one Mustapha; which so placed on both sides of the Army, as he thought best, Eurenoses a man of great experience, told Amurath, That the Christians were for the most part well and strongly armed, and shouldering close together in their charge, would be like a Rock of Iron, unable to be pierced; but if in joining the battle, he would a little retire, the Christians following upon good hope, would so lose their close standing (the chief part of their strength) and leave an entrance for his Men. Upon which resolution, Amurath commanded the Archers to give the first charge; which they courageously performed. At which time, the Turks Army gave ground a little; which the Christians perceiving, with great force assailed the left Wing of their Army, and after a hard and cruel fight put the same to flight; which Bajazet seeing, with such fury renewed the battle, that the Turks which before as men discouraged fled in the left Wing, began now to turn again upon their Enemies; and the Christians, having as they thought already got the Victory, were to begin a great battle. In which bloody fight many thousands fell on both sides; the brightness of the Armour and Weapons, was as it had been the Lightning; the multitude of Lances and other Horseman's Staves, shadowed the light of the Sun; Arrows and Darts fell so fast, that a man would have thought they had poured down from Heaven; the noise of the Instruments of War, with the neighing of Horses, and out-cries of Men was so terrible and great, that the wild Beasts of the Mountains stood astonished therewith; and the Turkish Histories, to express the terror of the day (vainly say) that the Angels in Heaven amazed with that hideous noise, for that time forgot the heavenly Hymns wherewith they always glorify God. About noon time of the day, the fortune of the Turks prevailing, the Christians began to give ground, and at length betook themselves to plain flight; whom the Turks with all their force pursued and slew them down right, without number or mercy. In which battle Lazarus the Despot himself was also slain. 
Lazarus slain.  Howbeit some Histories report otherwise, as that he with his Son were taken Prisoners, and by and by afterwards (in revenge of Amurath his death) cruelly slain; othersome also reporting that he died in Prison. Amurath after this great Victory, with some few of his chief Captains taking view of the dead bodies, which without number lay on heaps in the field like Mountains; a Christian Soldier, sore wounded and all bloody, seeing him, in staggering manner arose (as if it had been from death) out of a heap of slain men, and making towards him, for want of strength fell down divers times by the way as he came, as if he had been a drunken man; at length drawing nigh unto him, when they which guarded the King's Person would have stayed him, he was by Amurath himself commanded to come nearer, supposing that he would have craved his life of him. Thus the half dead Christian pressing near unto him, as if he would for honour sake have kissed his Feet, suddenly stabbed him in the bottom of his belly with a short Dagger, which he had under his Soldier's Coat; 
Amurath slain.  of which Wound that great King and Conqueror presently died. The name of this man, (for his courage worthy of eternal memory) was Miles Cobelitz; who before sore wounded, was shortly after in the presence of Bajazet cut into small pieces. The Turks in their Annals somewhat otherwise report of the death of Amurath▪ as that this Cobelitz, one of the Despot his Servants, in time of the Battle, coming to Amurath as a Fugitive, offering him his Service, and admitted to his presence, in humbling himself to have kissed his Feet (as the barbarous manner of the Turks is) stabbed him into the belly and so slew him; being himself therefore shortly after (as is aforesaid) in the presence of Bajazet most cruelly hewn into small pieces. Whereupon ever since that time, the manner of the Turks hath been, and yet is, that when any Ambassador or Stranger is come to kiss the Sultan his hand, or otherwise to approach his Person, he is as it were for honour's sake, led by the Arms unto his presence, betwixt two of the great Courtiers; but indeed by so entangling him, to be sure that he shall not offer him the like violence, that did this Cobelitz unto Amurath.  
The dead body of Amurath was presently with all secrecy conveyed into his Tent by the Bassas and Captains present at his death; whether Bajazet was also brought with an Ensign before him, as the Successor in his Father's Kingdom. His younger Brother jacup, surnamed Zelebi (or the Noble) yet ignorant of that had happened, was by the great Bassas sent for, as from his Father; who casting no peril, but coming into his Father's Tent, was there presently by them strangled, by the commandment of Bajazet, as most Histories report; howbeit the Turks Annals charge him not therewith. This was the beginning of the most unnatural and inhuman custom, ever since holden for a most wholesome and good policy among the Turkish Kings and Emperors, in the beginning of their Reign most cruelly to Massacre their Brethren and nearest Kinsmen, so at once to rid themselves of all fear of their Competitors.  
This Amurath was in his Superstition more zealous than any other of the Turkish Kings; a man of great courage, and in all his Attempts fortunate; he made greater slaughter of his Enemies, than both his Father and Grandfather; his Kingdom in Asia he greatly enlarged by the Sword, Marriage, and Purchase; and using the Discord and Cowardice of the Grecian Princes, to his profit, subdued a great part of Thracia, called Romania, with the Territories thereto adjoining, leaving unto the Emperor of Constantinople, little or nothing more in Thracia, than the Imperial City itself, with the bare name of an Emperor, almost without an Empire; he won a great part of Bulgaria, and entered into Servia, Bosna, and Macedonia; he was liberal, and withal severe; of his Subjects both beloved and feared; a man of very few words, and one that could dissemble deeply. He was slain when he was threescore and eight years old, and had thereof reigned thirty one, in the year of our Lord, 1390. His dead body was by Bajazet conveyed into Asia, and there Royally buried at Prusa, in a fair Chapel at the West end of the City, 
Amurath buried at Prusa.  near unto the Baths there; where, upon his Tomb lieth his Soldier's Cloak, with a little Turkish Tulipant, much differing from those great Turbans which the Turks now wear. Near unto the same Tomb are placed three Lances, with three Horse-tails fastened at the upper end of them, which he used as Guidons in his Wars; a thing in ancient time not strange. There standeth a Castle with a Tomb, made in remembrance of him, in the Plains of Cossova, where he was slain and his Entrails buried; which giveth occasion for some to report that he was there also himself interred.  
FINIS.   

Christian Princes of the same time with Amurath the First.  

Emperors 

Of the East 

John Paleologus. 1354. 30.  
Andronicus Paleologus. 1384. 3.  
Emanuel Paleologus. 1387. 30.    
Of the West 

Charles the Fourth. 1346. 32.  
Wenceslaus, Son to Charles, King of Bohemia. 1378. 22.      
Kings, 

Of England 

Edward the Third. 1327. 50.  
Richard the Second. 1377. 23.    
Of France 

John Valois. 1350. 14.  
Charles the Fifth. 1364. 16.  
Charles the Sixth, surnamed, The well-beloved. 1381. 42.    
Of Scotland 

David Bruce. 1341. 29.  
Robert Stewart. 1370.      
Bishops of Rome, 

Innocent the VI 1354. 10.  
Urban the V. 1364. 8.  
Gregory the II. 1372. 7.  
Urban the VI 1378. 11.      

The LIFE of BAJAZET, The First of that NAME, The FOURTH and most UNFORTUNATE King of the Turks.  
BAjazet, or as the Turks call him, Baiasit, of his violent and fierce Nature surnamed Gilderun, or Lightning, succeeded his Father Amurath in the Turkish Kingdom, his younger Brother jacup being strangled immediately after his Father's death, as is before declared. He in the first year of his Reign invaded Servia, 
Bajazet invadeth Servia.  and there besieged Cratova, a City of the Despots; whereunto the Silver Mines of Servia (not the least cause of that War) belonged. Which City was yielded unto him, upon condition, That the Christian Inhabitants might with Life and Liberty depart. Who were no sooner gone out of the City, but that by his commandment they were all most cruelly slain by his men of War, for that purpose sent out after them. At this time he also won Uscupia, with divers other Castles in the Country near unto Cratova.  
Sigismond at the same time King of Hungary (a young Prince of great hope, and Brother to Wenceslaus, than Emperor of the West) advertised from the Servians his Allies and Confederates, of these proud proceedings of Bajazet; by his Ambassadors sent of purpose, requested him, That as he was a just Prince, and wished to live in quiet with his own, to desist from doing of such open wrong, and from invading of such Countries of his Friends and Confederates, as he had no right in. Which Ambassadors so sent, Bajazet detained without answer, until such time as he had overrun a great part of the Despot his Country, and therein done what he thought good. Then calling the said Ambassadors unto him into one of the strong Towns which he had in every corner filled with his own Soldiers, told them that they might there see, that his Right both unto that Town and the rest by him taken, was good enough, for as much as the very Walls acknowledged the same; And so giving them leave to depart, willed them so to tell their Master. Which his proud answer, by the same Ambassadors reported unto the young King, no less troubled him, than if open War had by them been denounced unto him, seeing the Tyrant (as it should seem) pretended Right unto whatsoever he could by force get; nevertheless, being himself not yet well settled in his Kingdom, and in doubt of the contrary Faction (that altogether liked not of his Election into Hungary for their King) he was glad at that time to put it up, and so to hold himself content.  
The next year, Bajazet by Ferises-Beg, took the City of Vidina, 
Servia the second time invaded by Bajazet.  with many other strong Towns and Castles in Servia, and afterwards returned to Hadrianople. But whilst that he thus raged in Europe, the Caramanian King invaded and spoiled the Frontiers of his Countries in Asia; which although he was not then at leisure, he forgot not afterwards to revenge to the full. At the same time Eurenoses, Lord Governor of the Marches of his Kingdom in Europe towards Grecia, departing from Seres (where he then lay) took the City of Sitros in Thessalia. And Ferises-Beg, not content to have taken Vidina (as is aforesaid) passed over the great River of Danubius, and grievously spoiled Valachia; from whence he returned laden with a great Prey. This was the first time (that I read of) that the Turks ever passed over the River Danubius. At this time also jegides Bassa entered the Kingdom of Bosna, from whence he carried a great number of Captives to Hadrianople, where Bajazet spent that Winter.  
❀ BAIAZETHES' PRIMUS QURTUS TURCARUM REX.   portrait 
In the time of this Siege Aidin Ogli Prince of Caria, a Mahometan, came to Bajazet, and yielded himself into his power as his Vassal; unto whom Bajazet restored certain places which he had in this expedition a little before taken from him; yet upon such condition, as that he should not from that time coin any Money in his own name, either be remembered in public Prayers as a Prince in their Mahometan Temples, as he had before been; but that all such things should be done in the name of Bajazet, as his dread Lord and Sovereign. With which disgrace the poor Prince was glad to content himself, and to live as his Vassal. From Philadelphia he led his Army into the Country of Saruchania, in ancient time called jonia Maritima, which he subdued unto himself upon like conditions. After that, he passed farther to Mentesia, or Mentz, sometime called Myndos in Caria; the Prince whereof for fear fled to Cutrun Bajazet, Prince of Castamona and part of Pontus, leaving his Country to the pleasure of the Tyrant. And forasmuch as the young King of Caramania had invaded his Countries whilst he was busied in Europe, Bajazet in revenge thereof entered with his Army into Caramania, and took Cesaria, with divers other places there; so that the young King discouraged with the loss of his Towns, and fearing Bajazet his greatness, was glad to hold himself contented with his loss, and to make Peace with him as it pleased him to grant it. As Bajazet was making this expedition into Caramania, another young Mahometan Prince, the Son of Prince Germian, came unto him with one of his chief Counsellors, and were both by him sent Prisoners over the Straight to the Castle of Ipsala, where they lay in durance many years after. Thus Bajazet having oppressed and wronged most of the Mahometan Princes, the Successors of Sultan Aladin in the lesser Asia, at last returned again himself in triumph to Prusa.  
The Prince of Mentesia, who for fear of Bajazet was fled out of his Country, as is aforesaid, had now incited Cutrun Bajazet, Prince of Castamona, with a great power to invade that side of Bajazet his Kingdom which bordered upon him. Which Bajazet understanding, gathered a great Army to go against this Mahometan Prince. At which very time the Vayvod of Valachia, hearing of Bajazet his troubles in Asia, with a strong Army passed over Danubius into those parts of Servia and Bulgaria that were by the Turks as then possessed; where he spoilt the Country, and slew great numbers of the Turks, making Mahometan Saints and Martyrs by heaps; for so the Turks account all them whom the Christians kill in their War; which done, he retired back again into Valachia, carrying with him also many of the Turks Prisoners. Bajazet thus at once invaded both in Asia and Europe; deferred his Wars purposed against the Prince of Pontus, until a more convenient time, converting his Forces against the Null. Wherefore passing over the Straight to Hadrianople, he sent his Army from thence to Nicopolis, and there passing the River of Danubius, entered into Valachia, burning and spoiling the Country before him as he went. Where the Vayvod to repress his Fury, met him in the Field and gave him Battle, but was therein overthrown, and many of his People slain; so that at last he was glad to sue for Peace, which he obtained, by submitting himself to Bajazet, and yielding to pay him a yearly Tribute.  
Whilst Bajazet was thus busied in Valachia, 
Thessalia invaded by Bajazet.  news was brought unto him, That the Christians of the West with a Fleet of Galleys did great harm alongst the Coasts of his Dominions in Asia. In revenge whereof, he entered with his Army into Thessaly, destroying all the Country unto Thessalonica; in which expedition he took the City of Neapolis in Greece, and joannina in Aetolia, and after that returned into Asia, where he spent that Winter.  
In the beginning of the next Spring, he with a great Power passed the Straight of Callipolis to Hadrianople, intending to have invaded Hungary. But as he was upon the way, it chanced that a Constantinopolitan Spy was by the Turks intercepted, with Letters from the Greek Emperor to the King of Hungary, giving him warning both of the Turks preparation and coming. By which Spy Bajazet also understood of another Messenger before sent into Hungary for like purpose. Whereupon Temurtases (than his great Lieutenant in Europe) persuaded him to desist from his intended Wars in Hungary, and to besiege the Imperial City of Constantinople, as a thing of more honour, and less danger; the City being already (as he said, and as in truth it was) surrounded with the Turkish Provinces; bringing in Philadelphia (but a few years before won) for example of the like exploit. Of whose Counsel Bajazet liking well, returned with his Army, and shortly after came and sat down therewith before Constantinople, laying hard Siege thereunto, first by Land, and after by Sea, with his Galleys sent from Callipolis. Which hard Siege continued (as most Histories report) the space of eight years; 
Constantinople eight years besieged by Bajazet.  in which long time he drove the Emperor Emanuel Paleologus to that Straight, that he was glad to leave his City, and himself in person to crave Aid of Wenceslaus the Germane Emperor, and Charles the Sixth the French King, and other Christian Princes also. At which time the Citizens were at length brought to such extremity, that they were even at the point to have yielded up the City; and happily had so done, had not Sigismond King of Hungary (assisted with a great Army of the French, and other voluntary Christians almost out of every part of Christendom, to the number of an hundred and thirty thousand, under the leading of john Count of Nivers, and after Duke of Burgundy) for the relief of the besieged Emperor, passed over Danubius into the Turkish Dominions; and there having recovered Vidina, with certain other strong Holds in Bulgaria, laid Siege to Nicopolis; out of which City the Turks oftentimes sallied, and gave him many an hot skirmish. It is reported, That the young King Sigismond beholding the greatness of his Army, in his great jollity hearing of the coming of the Turks Army, should proudly say, What need we to fear the Turk, who need not at all to fear the falling of the Heavens? which if they should fall, yet were we able with our Spears and Haldberts to hold them up from falling upon us. But Bajazet understanding what Spoil the Hungarian King had made in his late gained Countries, and of the Siege of Nicopolis; commanded the Ladders and other great provision now in readiness for the scaling and assaulting of the City of Constantinople, to be burnt, because they should not come into the hands of the Christians; and so raising his Siege, marched with a right puissant Army to Nicopolis, sending Eurenoses before, of purpose to intercept some of the Christians, thereby to learn the State of their Camp and Army. But they hearing of his coming, so well looked to themselves, that he with shame returned to his Master as he came, without any one Prisoner taken. Which thing much troubled Bajazet, as fearing he should have to do with a wary Enemy. Sigismond understanding of the approach of Bajazet, leaving a sufficient Power for the continuing of the Siege, rose himself, and with the rest of his Army went to meet his proud Enemy. Of whose coming and approach Bajazet understanding, divided his Army into two parts; and being now come within the sight of the Christian Army, made show but of the one half, keeping himself close in secret ambush not far off with the other. The Christians deeming themselves (as they were) far more in number than the Turks which they saw, divided their Army also into two parts, purposing betwixt them to have enclosed the Turks. Of all the Christians that were there present, the French desired to have the honour of the first charge to be given upon the Turks, and in their heat upon good hope set forward (the Hungarians, with a great part of the Army, not yet set in order) and so began the Battle; where betwixt them and the Turks was fought a right cruel Fight, and in a little time many thousands slain. But this Fight had not long endured, when Bajazet with the other half of his Army suddenly arising, came on with such violence, as well became his surname of Gilderun or Lightning; and so hardly charged the French, that they amazed at the suddainess of the danger, and oppressed with the fury and multitude of the unexpected Enemy, stood at the first as men dismayed; but seeing no remedy, encouraging one another, valiantly fought it out until they were almost all either slain or taken Prisoners; still in hope to have been relieved by the Hungarians and the rest. In this hard conflict divers of the French Horsemen having forsaken their Horses, fought on Foot, as their manner was; which Horses running back without their Riders, upon the Hungarians, caused them to doubt that the French were quite overthrown; wherewith dismayed, they without further coming on, all turned their backs and fled, in so great haste, as that it booted not the King or any other great Commander to go about to stay their Flight. The French thus by their too much hast overthrown, the Turks pursuing the Hungarians and the rest of the Christians, made of them a great slaughter; of whom also many were drowned in the great River Danubius. At which time also the Turks took so many Prisoners, that it was thought every several Turk had his Prisoner. King Sigismond himself, who but a little before had despised even the falling of the Heavens, had then also undoubtedly fallen into his Enemy's hands, had he not in a little Boat by good hap got over Danubius; not unlike another Xerxes, who having covered the Seas with his Ships, and with a world of men passed over into Grecia, was afterwards by the strange change of Fortune, himself alone in a small Fisherboat glad to get back again into Asia. Sigismond being thus got over Danubius, and fearing the violence of the Hungarians for the loss of the Battle, fled by Sea into Thracia unto Constantinople, from whence he failed unto the Island of the Rhodes; and from thence sailing through the Aegean and Ionian Sea, landed at length at Dalmatia; and so having wandered from place to place, tossed with many Fortunes, after eighteen Months long and painful travel returned again into Hungary. Where he found the State of his Kingdom in his absence much troubled, the contrary Faction in the mean time having made choice of Ladislaus King of Naples for their King; who was even then with a great Army going to have taken possession of the Kingdom, had not Sigismond in good time by the help of certain of the chief of the Hungarian Nobility prevented him. In this Battle, called the Battle of Nicopolis, were of the Christians twenty thousand slain, and of the Turks threescore thousand. The Count of Nivers the French Kings near Kinsman, was there taken Prisoner, with three hundred great Commanders more; where after he had endured great contumely and reproach in the presence of Bajazet, he was commanded to make choice of five other of the Captains, such as he liked best, all the rest being cut in pieces before his Face, and he with the other five left alive, sent Prisoners to Prusa, from whence they were afterwards ransomed for two hundred thousand Ducats. This bloody Battle of Nicopolis was fought in the year of our Lord 1396.  
Bajazet after this great Victory, having worthily relieved his besieged City, 
Constantinople the second time besieged by Bajazet.  returned again to the Siege of Constantinople, laying more hardly unto it than before, building Forts and Bulwarks against it on the one side towards the Land; and passing over the Straight of Bosphorus, built a strong Castle upon that Straight over against Constantinople, to impeach so much as was possible, all passage thereunto by Sea. This straight Siege (as most write) continued also two years, which I suppose by the circumstance of the History, to have been part of the aforesaid eight years. Emanuel the besieged Emperor wearied with these long Wars, sent an Ambassador to Bajazet to entreat with him a Peace; which Bajazet was the more willing to hearken unto, for that he heard news, that Tamerlane the great Tartarian Prince intended shortly to war upon him. Yet could this Peace not be obtained, but upon condition, that the Emperor should grant free Liberty for the Turks to dwell together in one Street of Constantinople, with free exercise of their own Religion and Laws, under a Judge of their own Nation; and further, to pay unto the Turkish King a yearly Tribute of ten thousand Ducats. Which dishonourable Conditions the distressed Emperor was glad to accept of. So was this long Siege broken up, and presently a great sort of Turks with their Families were sent out of Bythinia, to dwell in Constantinople, and a Church there built for them; which not long after was by the Emperor pulled down to the ground, and the Turks again driven out of the City, at such time as Bajazet was by the mighty Tamerlane overthrown and taken Prisoner.  
Bajazet in the beginning of his Reign, presently after the death of Lazarus the Despot, slain in the Battle of Cossova, won part of Servia, (as is aforesaid) the other part being still holden by Lazarus his Son, called Stephen the Despot; who about this time sent an honourable Ambassador to Bajazet with loving Letters, and Royal Presents; by which Ambassador also the old Princess Lazarus his Widow, offered her fair Daughter Despina, Stephen's Sister, a Lady of incomparable Beauty, in marriag to him, if it should please him to vouchsafe his Handmaid (as she termed her) so high a place. This Lady was long before promised him, whilst his Father Amurath yet lived. Of this Ambassador Bajazet was very glad, but especially for the fair Lady's sake; which being known to the Princess her Mother, and the Despot her Brother, 
Bajazet marrieth Despina the fair Daughter of Lazarus the Despot.  she was forthwith honourably sent to Bajazet, and so to him with great Solemnity and Triumph shortly after married. Of all his Wives he held her dearest, and for her sake restored to her Brother Stephen the City and Castle of Semendre (otherwise called S. Andrew) and Columbarium in Servia; she alured him to drink Wine, forbidden the Turks by their Law; and caused him to delight in sumptuous Banquets, which his Predecessors, Ottoman, Orcanes, and Amurath, never used.  
As the Turkish Kingdom grew in greatness, so Corruption, the Canker of great States and Commonweals, increased likewise; but especially in the Men of Law, and Judges of his Courts. Wherewith Bajazet grievously offended, commanded divers of the same Judges to be apprehended, determining (to the terror of others) to have executed them; whose dangerous Estate was much pitied, and also favoured of Alis Bassa, and other the Kings great Counsellors; yet for so much as Bajazet was of a furious Nature, and in his anger dangerous to be spoken unto, none of them durst adventure to entreat him in their behalf; no not Alis Bassa, Charadyn Bassa his Son, sometime Judge of Prusa, although he were a man in such special Favour with him, that he was therefore of the Common People not only reverenced, but as the King himself honoured.  
There was at that time in the Court an Aethiopian Jester, who under some covert pleasant Jest, would many times bolt out that to the King in his greatest heat, which his gravest Counsellors durst not once speak to him of in secret; this Jester, Alis Bassa, requested to devise some means to entreat with the angry King in the behalf of these Judges; promising to give him what he would reasonably desire, if he could appease the King's Displeasure. The Aethiopian without fear undertook the matter, and presently putting upon his Head a rich Hat all wrought over with Gold, after the manner of the Turks Ambassadors, and fitting himself with other Apparel better beseeming an Ambassador than a Jester; thus attired presented himself before the King, with a great counterfeit gravity. Whereat Bajazet marveling, asked him the cause why he was so gay. I have a request unto your Majesty (said he) and wish to find Favour in your sight. Bajazet more desirous than before to know the matter, asked what his request was. If it stand with your pleasure (said the Jester) I would feign go as your Ambassador to the Emperor of Constantinople, In hope whereof I have put myself in this readiness. To what purpose wouldst thou go? (said Bajazet) To crave of the Emperor (said he) some forty or fifty of his old grave Monks and Friars to bring with me hither to the Court. And what shall they do here? (said Bajazet) I would have them placed (said the Jester) in the rooms of the old doting Judges, whom you intent (as I hear to put to death. Why (said Bajazet) I can place others of my own People in their rooms. True (said the Aethiopian) for gravity of look and countenance, and so would the old Monks and Friars serve as well; but not so learned in your Laws and Customs of your Kingdom, as are those in your Displeasure. If they be learned (said Bajazet) why do they then contrary to their Learning, pervert Justice, and take Bribes? There is a good reason for that too (said the Jester.) What reason? (said the King.) That can he that there standeth by better tell than I, (said the Jester, pointing to Alis Bassa) who forthwith commanded by Bajazet to give the reason; with great reverence before done, showed, That those Judges so in displeasure, were not conveniently provided for, and were therefore enforced many times for their necessary maintenance to take rewards, to the staying of the due course of Justice. Which Bajazet understanding to be true, commanded Alis Bassa to appoint them convenient Stipends for their maintenance, and forthwith granted their pardon. Whereupon the Bassa set down order, That of every matter in suit exceeding one thousand Asper's, the Judge should have twenty Asper's Fee for Judgement; and for every Writing and Instrument out of the Court, twelve Asper's; which Fee they yet take in those Courts at this day.  
Not long after, Bajazet in his fury sent for certain of his Captains and Commanders of his Men of War, with whom he was for some small occasion grievously offended, intending in his rage to have put them all to death, which was with him no great matter. These Captains being brought before him, the Counsellors seeing him all in Choler, sat looking on the ground, hanging down their Heads, as the manner of the Turks is, not daring to look him in the Face, nor to speak a good word for them. When suddenly the aforesaid Aethiopian Jester stepped forth, earnestly requesting the King, not to show them any favour, but to execute them presently, as Villains and Traitors; railing upon them, as if he had known some great Fault by them. Bajazet thinking he could have accused them of some great Crime, because of his earnestness, asked what reason he had so to exclaim against them. Reason (quoth the Jester) because the Knaves be good for nothing; and they say that Tamerlane is with a great Army coming against us; if you will but take up an Ensign in your Hand, and I go before you with a Drum, I will strike up such a terrible march, and you make such a dreadful show, that we shall need none of these bad Fellows or their Soldiers in the Field to get the Victory over our Enemies. This conceit of the Jester struck such a melancholy imagination into Bajazet his Head, that he stood mu●ing a great while as it were in a deep study; at last having well considered the drift of the Jester's Speech, and his fury now somewhat assuaged, granted them pardon, which they looked not for.  
This Aethiopian Jester, Bajazet upon a time sent unto the old Queen his Mother, to bring her news of the good success of his Wars against the Christians, for that she had so desired; who coming unto her, was by her commanded to sit down, she began to demand of him, how the King her Son did, and of the success of his Wars. Whereunto he answered, That he did very well, and had won from the Christians a great Country, and greatly enriched his Soldiers. But after a little more talk, the Queen Mother desirous to hear again the good news, (or else after the manner of some, which think nothing sufficiently told, except it be told an hundred times) asked him again, how the King her Son did, and how he sped in his Wars. Whereunto he answered every word as before; but ask him the third time the very same question, how her Son did? Dost thou ask me so often (said the Aethiopian) how he doth? Bre Cachpe (O Whore, said he) thou hast brought forth a Son like a Devil, who roaming up and down, doth nothing but burn and destroy the World where he cometh. Whereat the Queen crying out, up started the Aethiopian, and betaking himself to his Heels, was never more afterwards seen.  
In the Wars which Bajazet had against Sigismond, 
Temurtases, B●jazet his great Lieutenant in Asia, taken Prisoner by Aladin the youn● King of Caramania.  the Vayvod of Valachia had given aid to the Hungarian King; wherewith Bajazet being offended, determined now at length to be revenged; and therefore intending to make War upon the Valachian Prince, left Temurtases his great Lieutenant at Ancyra in Asia, and so passed over Hellespontus himself against the Null. Upon whose departure, Aladin his Sister's Son the young King of Caramania, with a great Power came suddenly in the night to Ancyra, and took Temurtases Prisoner; who then feared nothing less, than in time of Peace to be so surprised, and carried away in bonds into Caramania. But when he understood that Bajazet had ended his Wars in Valachia, and was with Victory returned to Prusa, he fearing his heavy indignation for so great an outrage, presently released Temurtases out of Prison, apparelled him richly after the manner of that Nation, craved pardon for the wrong he had done him, and set him at liberty to go whither he would, and withal sent one of his Noblemen with great Gifts and Presents to Bajazet, to make his excuse in the best manner he could; unto which Ambassador Bajazet (yet in choler) would not give audience, or suffer him to come in his sight; but at the same time levied a great Army to invade Caramania. Which Aladin understanding, and now out of all hope to appease this mighty Enemy, levied all the Forces he could in his own Kingdom, and withal entertained all the Mercenary Soldiers he could get, intending to try his Fortune in the Field, as a man of Valour, rather than to be thrust out of his Kingdom like a Coward; and so in readiness, hearing of the coming of Bajazet, met him upon the way, and at a place called Aczac gave him Battle; but being too weak, he was overcome and put to Flight; in which Flight his Horse stumbling, and he falling to the ground, was there before he could recover himself, taken by his Enemies which had him in chase, and so brought bound to Bajazet; his two Sons Muhamet Beg and Alis Beg, being taken in that Battle also, were sent Prisoners to Prusa. Aladin himself was by Bajazet's command delivered to his Enemy Temurtases; who in revenge of the wrong he had before done him, presently caused him to be hanged; which when Bajazet understood, he seemed very sorry that he had so put him to death; for that he was his own Sisters Son. Bajazet following the course of his Victory, won Iconium, Larenda, Nigde, with all the rest of Aladin his Kingdom. About this time also, Amasia the great Metropolitical City of Capadocia, 
Amasia yielded unto Bajazet.  was by the Prince thereof delivered unto Bajazet, being too weak himself to defend the same against the force of Casi-Burchanidin, Prince of the great and strong City of Sebastia, his Enemy; now grown to be a man of great Power in that part of Asia, and had solicited the Sultan of Egypt to aid him against Bajazet. Whereupon Bajazet returning from the Conquest of Caramania, led his Army towards Sebastia, where the Citizens had a little before deprived Casi-Burchanidin of his Government, for his Cruelty, and placed his Son in his stead; but in short time no less weary of the Son, than before of the Father, they with like inconstancy sent word to Bajazet, That if he would come that way, they would yield unto him the City; upon whose approach, Casis (his Son) for fear fled out of the City, to Prince Nasradin his Brother-in-Law. After whose departure, 
Sebastia delivered to Bajazet.  the Citizens according to their promise, delivered the City unto Bajazet at his coming, wherein he left Solyman his eldest Son Governor. And so having in this notable expedition conquered the Kingdom of Caramania, and taken the great Cities of Amasia and Sebastia, with most part of Capadocia, and all that part of Asia which the Turks call Rumilia Asiatica, he returned to Prusa and there wintered.  
The next Spring, Bajazet hearing that his old Enemy Cutran Bajazet Prince of Castamona and Pontus, was dead, came to Castamona with a great Army; 
Bajazet invadeth Isfendiar Prince of Castamona.  which Isfendiar (Cutrun Bajazets Son, and then Prince of that Country) hearing, fled out of the City of Synope, a little City upon the coast of the Euxine; from whence he sent an Ambassador to Bajazet, humbly requesting him, to suffer him to have that little City, as his Servant to live in, (which he was sure he would otherwise bestow upon some other of his Servants) and not to seek the innocent blood of the Son for the Father's offence. Which his request Bajazet, moved with pity, easily granted; yet nevertheless took from him Castamona, with the greatest part of his Dominion in Pontus, which he gave to his Son Solyman. At the same time he violently oppressed the Prince Germean, and took from him the Cities of Despot●polis and Hierapolis, with all the rest of his Dominion.  
The Prince of Mentesia, long before driven out of his Country by Bajazet, (as is before declared) and having all this while made his abode at Castamona, doubting now of his own safety, after the death of his good Friend Cutrun Bajazet, in the Habit of an Hermit fled to the great Tartarian Prince Tamerlane.  
Bajazet returning to Prusa, there built a magnificent Mahometan Temple; during which work he with great Superstition forbore drinking of Wine, reposing himself with the Company of grave and learned men, and the administration of Justice; whereby he greatly won the Hearts of his Subjects, and had now so enlarged his Kingdom, that all Kings and Princes bordering upon him stood in great fear of him.  
It fortuned about this time, that Achmetes King of Bagdat (or New Babylon) and Eiracum, with josephus Niger King of Colchis, enforced with the violent incursions of Tamerlane and his Tartars, for safeguard of their Lives were glad to fly into Syria: where they being discovered, were both cast in Prison by the commandment of the Egyptian Sultan, who then commanded over Syria: from whence they afterwards hardly escaping, fled to Bajazet's Court. Where after Achmetes had stayed two months, he by the aid of Bajazet recovered the possession of Eiracum part of his own Inheritance. josephus' the other Mahometan King having tarried in Bajazet's Court eight Months, at length procured him to invade the Dominions of the Egyptian Sultan; in which expedition he mightily prevailed, and having slain the Egyptian Sultan's General, and discomfited his Forces, took the City of Malaty or Meletine in Armenia, with D●orige, Derende, and Bexene, taken from the Turcomans, and spoiled all the Country thereabouts. From thence marching with his Army toward Erznitzane, the Prince thereof called Tachretin met him upon the way, yielding his City and Country into his Power; which Bajazet presently gave to josephus Niger; who after he had six days enjoyed this new Government, finding the People unwilling to be governed by him a Stranger, surrendered the same again into the Hands of him that gave it. Whereupon the Citizens of Erznitzane humbly requested of Bajazet, That they might be again governed by their old Prince Tachretin, now his Vassal. Which thing he at their earnest request granted; but taking his Wife and Children as a Pledge of Loyalty, sent them away to Prusa, where they were all not long after made away.  
When Bajazet had now many years thus mightily prevailed against the Christian Princes in Romania, 
The Mahometan Princes of Asia oppressed by Bajazet, disguised fly unto Tamerlane for aid.  Bulgaria, Bosna, Thessalia, Valachia, and other places of Europe, as is before declared, and inflamed with insatiable Ambition, had in worse manner oppressed the Mahometan Kings and Princes of Asia (of whom some were by him slain, some driven into exile, some imprisoned, and othersome brought into such subjection, that they lived as it were but at his Devotion) and was now grown to that greatness, that in the Pride of his Heart he stood in fear of no man, but was (as he thought) a terror unto the World, having under his obeisance great and large Dominions in Europe, but far greater in Asia; it fortuned that divers of these miserable and discontented Mahotan Princes, by great fortune, as if it had been by appointment, to meet together at the Court of the great Tartarian Prince Tamerlane, whether they were fled for Relief and Succour. The Prince Germian Ogli, after long imprisonment in the Castle of Ipsala in Europe, broke Prison, and with Hissar-Beg his great Counsellor and Prison-Fellow, consorted themselves with a Company of loitering Companions, roaming from place to place, delighting the Country People with their Apish Toys; in which Company he passed Hellespontus, as a Bearward, and at length with much ado came to Tamerlane his Court; whither the Prince of Mentesia was come before in the habit of an Hermit (as is aforesaid) with his Head and Beard shaved; Aidin Ogli passing through the Country as a Pedlar, with a Pack at his Back, came thither also; the Prince Tachretin as a Servingman, came attending upon the Prince Isfendiar; who came also, but in some better fashion than the rest, as an Ambassador from some other Prince. All these poor Princes, with divers others in like misery, in short time arrived at Samar●and (Great Tamerlane his Court) every one particularly complaining of his own Private grief, and altogether earnestly requesting that mighty Prince to take upon him their defence, and to revenge the wrong done unto them by the Turkish Tyrant Bajazet. Whose pitiful complaints much moved the Noble Tartarian; but especially the long and wrongful imprisonment of Germian Ogli; and the pitiful complaint and moan of Tachretin, who had of late lost his Wife and Children by the Cruelty of Bajazet. Yet in this matter of so great and important consequence, Tamerlane made no great show of his forwardness, (although he was by Nature in nothing more delighted, than in relieving of the distressed, and chastising of the proud) but coldly answered these Princes, That he could not tell whether all were so as they had reported of Bajazet, or not, but that he well knew him to be a very zealous King in setting forth of the Mahometan Religion, and that he had therefore made great Wars upon the Christians, in which godly cause (he said) perhaps they had refused to assist him, or else had given him some other greater occasion of offence, to him unknown; For I can hardly believe (said he) that so great and religious a Prince as he, would without just and sufficient cause, offer such violence as you complain of, especially unto you his Neighbour Princes, and of the same Religion with himself; nevertheless, whatsoever I intent concerning your request (said Tamerlane) I will send first an Ambassador unto him, to understand more of him and his proceedings, before I resolve upon any thing; with which answer he willed them until then to hold themselves contented. But as Tamerlane was about to have dispatched his Ambassador to Bajazet, he was advertised, that Achmetes late King of New Babylon, and I●s●phus King of Colchis, both by him driven out of their Kingdoms, having broken out of Prison ●rom the Sultan of Egypt, were now come to Bajazet his Court, to crave his aid and assistance; wherefore he deferred to send his Ambassador, suspecting that Bajazet incited by these two exiled Kings, would first in their quarrel begin to make War upon him. But not long after, understanding that they were both again departed from his Court, as is before declared; he then dispatched his Ambassador to Bajazet, with many rich Gifts and Presents; courteously requesting him, the rather for his sake to d●al kindly with these poor Mahometan Princes, his Friends; as also with the Greek Emperor Emanuel his Ally, for whom he was now become an Intercessor unto him. Some report also, that he besides this, requested to have the two aforesaid Mahometan Kings of Bagdat and Colchis delivered unto him; and withal seemed not a little to dislike of Bajazet his proceedings against the Turcomans his Friends. But Bajazet being a Prince of a great and haughty Spirit, and unaccustomed to hear of any thing that fitted not his humour, highly offended with this Embassage, in great scorn rejected the Presents by Tamerlane sent unto him, and specially certain Garments which Tamerlane after the manner of those Eastern Nations, had in kindness amongst other things sent him; willing the Ambassador to bid his Master meddle with his own matters, and to prescribe Laws unto his own Subjects, and not unto him, with whom he had nought to do; and to send his Rags for Presents unto his Inferiors, and not to Princes of greater Power and State than himself. Adding thereunto many other words full of despite and disdain, affording him no better Style than the plain name of Tamerlane; calling him the Husband of a Whore, if he met him not in the Field; and wishing unto himself again, to take unto him his thrice divorced Wife, after she had been polluted by another man (as the greatest dishonour that might be) if he failed to meet him wheresoever he durst to dare him Battle. Which proud answer of the Turk, by the Ambassador reported unto Tamerlane, and aggravated by Axalla (a Christian of the Race of the Genoese, born at Capha, and then one of the greatest Counsellors about him, and the Greek Emperors great Friend) was so evil taken by him, that all other things set apart, he resolved to go against the Turk, and to take in hand that War, as of all other the fittest for the increase of his Honour and Glory. Besides that, he thought it not in reason fit for the Greatness of the Tartarian Empire, to suffer such an unquiet Neighbour to grow great; as still encroaching upon other the weak Princes confining to him, and adding Conquests unto Conquests; and yet never the more contented, might in the end prove dangerous unto his own Estate and Sovereignty; a common care to such as be themselves great, and mounted up unto the highest degrees of Worldly Honour, to have in Jealousy and Distrust the sudden rising of others near or farther off, as perilous or disgraceful to themselves, or their Estate; whose growing Greatness they therefore seek by all means to hinder; as did now the mighty Tamerlane the proceedings and increasing of the great Ottoman King, Bajazet; and the rather being continually pricked forward so to do, by the solicitation of the Greek Emperor Emanuel, the other oppressed Mahometan Princes, and by the great Captain Axalla (as is aforesaid) a Christian; of whom for all that Tamerlane himself, a Mahometan, for the great Fidelity, Valour and Virtue he found in him, made no small reckoning, but was contented even in his greatest and most weighty Affairs to be by him advised; disliking of no man for his Religion whatsoever, so as he did worship but one only God, Creator of Heaven and Earth, and of all that therein is; being himself of opinion, That God in Essence one, 
Tamerlane his opinion concerning the diversity of Religions.  and in himself immutable, without change or diversity; yet for the manifesting of his Omnipotency and Power, as he had created in the World sundry kinds of People, much differing both in Nature, Manners and Condidition, and yet all framed to the Image of himself; so was he also contented to be of them diversely served, according to the diversity of their Natures and Manners; so that they worshipped none other strange Gods, but him alone, the Maker and Creator of all things; which was the cause that he suffered the use of all Religions within the Country's subject to his Obedience, were they not mere Atheists, Idolaters, or Worshippers of strange and vain gods.  
Neither was proud Bajazet as one ignorant of the Power or Purpose of Tamerlane, in the mean time idle, but still prosecuted his good Fortune for the enlarging of his Empire, and increasing of his Strength; wisely deeming (as the truth was) whatsoever Messages were sent to him from Tamerlane, to be no other than mere threatenings and Forewarnings of his more dangerous Purposes and Designs against him and his State; which he was so far from fearing as that to provoke him the more, he spared no intemperate Speech, which might move him to Wrath; wishing (as it should seem) for nothing more, than to meet him in the Field, there to try the fortune of a Battle with him. So weak is our foresight of our Fortunes to come, and the reach of our Understanding for the apprehension or declining of the fatal doom even presently hanging over our Heads; as that we oftentimes through ignorance most desirously wish for those things which are unto us the chief occasions of our utter ruin and overthrow.  
But here before we enter into farther Discourse of the mortal War betwixt these two so puissant Princes, it shall not be much from our purpose to step a little out of the way, to see what this mighty Tamerlane (of whom so many Princes craved Aid) was, who living, held the East in such awe, as that he was commonly called, The Wrath of God, and Terror of the World; which he then filled with the glory of his Name. Most Historiographers report him to have been poorly born, 
The base opinion some have, concerning the Birth and Rising of Tamerlane.  of base and obscure Parents; and so himself also in his Youth to have lived as a poor Shepherd or Herdsman in the Mountains; where consorting himself with other sturdy Companions of like quality and disposition, such as there lived by robbing of Merchants and other Passengers, he became a masterful Thief amongst them; unto whom other such lewd Mates daily still more and more resorting, he in short time grew (as they say) to that greatness, that he is reported to have been of such power, as never man but he ever yet came unto. A matter almost incredible; for albeit that the Roman Empire, yea and this great Empire of the Turks also, with some others, had their beginnings not much better or greater, the one under Romulus, and the other under Ottoman; yet grew they not as on the sudden, in their times to any great lustre (neither was it possible for them of so small beginnings so to do) but by many degrees, and that in long time; every of the succeeding Princes, according to their Fortunes, adding something to their State, before it could be made great; whereas he (by their report) contrary to the course of things both natural and civil (which from their small beginnings grow to no notable perfection or greatness, but by degrees, and that in the long revolution of time) taking his beginning of nothing, grew upon the sudden to be a burden and terror unto the World. Wherein our late Historiographers seem too much to have followed the report of the Turks, who by him brought low, and their Kingdom almost in one Battle subverted, report nothing simply of him; but in what they may, detracting from his worthy praises, wrongfully charge him with many untruths, not concerning his Parentage only, but even in the course of his whole life also, making him (as they would have the World to believe) first to have been a very abject among men; and then for his inhuman Cruelty a very Monster in Nature, or (as it was long before, but more truly said of another great one much like himself) a Lump of Earth tempered with Blood. Which incredible Reports concerning so great a Monarch, I list not to follow, as too full of dishonour, especially whereas others of no less credit than they, with far more modesty and greater probability report of him the greatest honour that may be. He was (as they and the others also say) born at Samarchand, 
Tamerlane honourably descended.  the chief City of the Zagataian Tartars, pleasantly situated upon the River jaxartes; his Father was called Zain Cham, or as some others will, Og, Prince of the Zagataian Tartars, and of the Country of Sachetay (sometime part of the famous Kingdom of Parthia) third in descent from Zingis, the great and fortunate Leader of the Tartars, before in the former part of this History remembered. Which Og, as a Prince of a peaceable Nature (accounting it no less honour quietly to keep the Countries left him by his Father, than with much trouble and no less danger to seek how to enlarge the same) long lived in most happy rest with his Subjects no less happy than himself; not so much seeking after the hoarding up of Gold and Silver (things of that Nation not regarded) as contenting himself with the increase and profit of his Flocks of Sheep, and Herds of Cattle; then, and yet also, the principal revenues of the Tartar Kings and Princes; which happily gave occasion to some, ignorant of the manner and custom of those Northern Nations and Countries, to account them all for Shepherds and Herdsmen; 
The cause why some have reported him to have been a Shepherd or Herdsman.  and so also to have reported of this mighty Prince, as of a Shepherd's Son, or Herdsman himself; vainly measuring his Nobility by the homely manner of his People and Subjects, and not by the Honour of his House, and Heroical Virtues, such as were hardly to be found greater in any Prince of that or other former Ages. His peaceable Father now well stricken in years and weary of the World, delivered up unto him (not yet past fifteen years old) the Government of his Kingdom, joining unto him two of his most faithful Counsellors, Odmar and Ali, to assist him in the Government of his State (retiring himself unto a solitary life, the more at quiet to serve God, and so to end his days in Peace;) which two his trusty Servants and grave Counsellors he dearly loved whilst they lived, and much honoured the remembrance of them being dead. The first proof of his Fortune and Valour, was against the Muscovite, for spoiling of a City which had put itself under his protection; and for entering of his Country; and for proclaiming of War against him; whom he in a great Battle overthrew, having slain five and twenty thousand of the Muscovites Footmen, and between fifteen and sixteen thousand Horsemen, with the loss of scarce eight thousand Horsemen, and four thousand Footmen of his own. After which Battle he beholding so many thousands of men there dead upon the ground, was so far from rejoicing thereat, that turning himself to one of his Familiars, he lamented the condition of such as commanded over great Armies, commending his Father's quiet course of life; accounting him happy in seeking for rest, and the other most unhappy, which by the destruction of their own kind, sought to procure their own glory; protesting himself even from his Heart to be grieved to see such sad tokens of his Victory. With this overthrow the Muscovite discouraged, sent Ambassadors to him for peace, which upon such honourable Conditions as pleased him to set down, was by him granted, and so the Peace concluded. Now the great Cham of Tartary (his Father's Brother) being grown old, and out of hope of any more Children, moved with the Fame of his Nephew, after this Victory sent him divers Presents, and withal offering him his only Daughter in marriage, and with her to proclaim him Heir apparent unto his Empire; as in right he was; being his Brother's Son, and the Daughters not at all succeeding in those Empires. Which so great an offer Tamerlane gladly accepted, 
Tamerlane marrieth the Daughter and Heir of the great Cham of Tartary.  and so the marriage was afterwards with great Triumph at the old Emperor's Court solemnised; and he proclaimed Heir apparent unto that great Empire. Thus was Tamerlane indeed made great, being ever after his marriage by the old Emperor his Uncle, and now his Father-in-Law, so long as he lived, notably supported, and after his death succeeding him also in that so mighty an Empire. Yet in the mean time wanted not this worthy Prince the envious Competitors of these his so great Honours; insomuch, that whilst by the advice and persuasion of the old Emperor, he was taking in hand to make War against the great King of China (who had as then gone far beyond his bounds) and so was now well onwards on his way, he was by the Conspiracy of Calix (a man of greatest Power and Authority in the great Cham his Court) almost thrust out of his new Empire; Calix with a right puissant Army having already seized upon the great City of Cambalu, and the Citizens also generally favouring those his traitorous proceedings, as disdaining to be governed by the Zagatian Tartar. For redress whereof, Tamerlane was enforced with the greatest part of his Army to return, and meeting with the Rebel (who then had in his Army fourscore thousand Horse, and an hundred thousand Foot) in a great and mortal Battle (wherein of the one side and of the other were more than fifty thousand men slain) overthrew him (though not without the great danger of his own Person, as being there himself beaten down to the ground) took him Prisoner, and afterwards beheaded him. Which so dangerous a Rebellion, with the death of the Traitor, and the chief of the Conspirators repressed, and his State in the newness thereof by this Victory well confirmed, he proceeded in his intended War against the great King of China; broke down the strong Wall, which the Chinoys had made four hundred Leagues long betwixt the Mountains, for the repressing of the incursions of the Tartars, entered their Country, and meeting with the King, leading after him three hundred and fifty thousand Men (whereof there were an hundred and fifty thousand Horsemen, and the rest on Foot) in a great and dreadful Battle, with the slaughter of sixty thousand of his Men, overcame him, and took him Prisoner; whom for all that he (in the course of so great a Victory wisely moderating his fortune) shortly after set again at liberty; yet so, as that having before taken from him the one half of his Kingdom, and therein left Odmar his trusty Lieutenant, with a sufficient Power for the restraining of the proud King, if he should again begin to raise any new stirs; and withal imposed such other conditions as pleased himself, with the yearly Tribute of three hundred thousand Crowns, he well provided for the assuring of those his new Conquests; and so in Triumph returned with Victory unto the old Emperor his Father-in-Law at Cambalu, not a little glad to see both him and his Daughter, who had in all those Wars still accompanied him. But leaving him, now thus by Birth great, by his Fortune greater, but by his Virtue greatest of all, (as able now to draw after him almost the whole Power of the East) let us again return thither from whence we have for the better knowledge of him, thus with him digressed.  
The War against the Turkish Sultan Bajazet (as is aforesaid) by Tamerlane resolved upon, he sent Axalla the great Captain to his Country of Sachetay (called of some Zagatay) to give beginning to the assembling of his Forces from all parts; to the end, that with the first of the Spring he might set forward for the relief of so many distressed Princes, and the abating of the Pride of so great and mighty a Tyrant as was Bajazet. Now had Tamerlane procured from the great Tartarian Emperor, his Uncle and Father-in-Law, an hundred thousand Footmen, and fourscore thousand Horsemen, hoping to have as many more from Sachetay his own Country, besides the Lords that for his honour's sake would accompany him in that his so honourable an expedition, from whom he made account also of fifty thousand men more which they would bring unto him, and divers other great supplies which he expected from other places also; wherewith he doubted not well to perform what he had so honourably determined to take in hand, for the abating of the Ottoman Pride; for which and other such like, he was (as he would oftentimes say) by God himself appointed; so taking his leave of the old Emperor his Father-in-Law, and of the Princess his Wife (then left behind him for the comfort of her aged Father) he departed from Cambalu towards Samarcand, the place of his Birth and Seat of his Empire; leaving behind him the Forces brought from the great Emperor his Uncle, to come after him to Ozara, where he had appointed the general meeting of his Army. At which time amongst other Princes that thither brought or sent their Supplies, the great Muscovite being requested so to do, promised to send him fifteen thousand Horse, with a certain sum of Money, and leave for his Army to pass through so much of his Territories as should be necessary; all which he afterwards performed unto Tamerlane, being glad that he did set upon others, rather than on himself; and that so great a preparation should fall upon them, whose greatness was as dreadful and dangerous unto him as unto any other. All the Earth almost at that time being astonished at the sudden greatness of this Ottoman King, and the happy success he had in all his Wars; not the least cause that moved Tamerlane to oppose himself against him, deeming it much better to go and set upon him in his new Conquests, than to stay until he therein settled, were come nearer to him, and so should debate the quarrel within his own Empire, to his damage. A good and sound resolution; first in that it tended to the destruction of the Enemy's Country; and then, that if any thing should fall out otherwise with him than well, his Country should not thereby receive any such astonishment as if the danger were nearer or within the Bowels of the same. Now in the mean time that Tamerlane lay at Samarcand, Axalla the great Captain and Tamerlane his Lieutenant General, had assembled all the Army at Ozara. Whereof Tamerlane understanding, 
Prince Axalla in great credit with Tamerlane.  sent for him to Samarcand, to confer with him about the setting forward of his Army. For although he were still accompanied with great renowned Princes, yet were they no body in comparison of Axalla, whose sound Counsel had won him such credit with his Lord and Master, as by his advice he did all things, and without him nothing; which his so great Authority and Favour with his Prince, wanted not the envy of the Court, but that his great Virtues, and rare found Courtesy (in so great Fortune) together with so many worthy services as he had done, supported him against the malice of the same. He by the commandment of Tamerlane, leaving the charge of the Army at Ozara, with the Prince of Thanais, another of Tamerlanes great Captains, came himself to Samarcand, and there at large discoursed with him, about the estate and order of his Army. And shortly after, departing with Axalla and the rest from Samarcand, for to go to Ozara the place where all his Army met; being come thither, entered into a great consultation with his most expert Captains, about the taking of his journey and conducting of his Army; as whether it were better to lead the same by the Coasts of the Muscovite directly towards Capha, or else on the other side of the Caspian Sea by the skirts of Persia; where after long discourse and sundry opinions with their reasons delivered, it was at last resolved (although the way were the longer) to pass by the Muscovite, so to come to the Georgians, and to Trebizonda, and from thence to enter into the Ottoman King his Country. And so setting forward from Ozara, he came at length to Maranis, where he stayed three days looking for the Forces which Prince Odmar should send him from China, not long before by him conquered; whereof he there received news, and there caused his Army to be paid, and a general Muster thereof to be taken. He had also there news of the aid the Muscovite did send him; and caused an infinite quantity of Victuals, and most part of his Furniture to be conveyed by the Caspian Sea, being a great commodity and ease to his Army, which marching by Land, was of necessity to pass some twenty Leagues through places destitute both of Victuals and Water. Tamerlane all the way coasting along the Sea shore, passed the time in hunting, his Army not coming near him by ten Leagues, which was so great, that it extended itself full twenty Leagues. Coming to the River of Edel, he stayed at Zarazich whilst his Army passed the River at Mechet, and two other Bridges which he had caused to be made for that purpose. Now the Circassians, and Georgians, hearing of the approach of Tamerlane with his huge Army, by their Ambassadors offered him all the help and assistance they could in his journey as he passed that way. These Georgians were and yet are Christians, a great and warlike People, of long time Tributaries unto the Greek Emperors; and afterwards sometimes Tributaries, and sometimes Confederates unto the Persians; but always Enemies unto the Turks, by whom of late (and in our remembrance) but especially by Amurath the Third, they together with some part of the Persian Kingdom, have been grievously oppressed, as in the process of this History may appear. Of these warlike People, glad of Tamerlane his coming for the repressing of the Turks, Axalla drew great numbers unto the service of his Prince, who not a little esteemed of them, being all tall men, very beautiful, of great Strength and Courage, and withal most expert Soldiers; as having oftentimes resisted the Power of the Ottoman Kings, by reason of the advantage their Country affordeth them, being very rough and hard to come into. By these kind People, Tamerlane was in every place honourably entertained, and his great Army with all necessaries plentifully relieved. In passing through which Country and the rest as he marched, he took such order with his Soldiers, that none of the People whereby he passed, were any thing by them injured; insomuch that if a Soldier had taken but an Apple, or other thing of like value from any man, he died therefore, so severe were his Commands. It is reported that one of his Soldiers, having taken a little Milk from a Country Woman, and she thereof complaining, he caused the said Soldier to be presently killed, and his Stomach to be ripped; where the Milk that he had of late drunk being found, he contented the Woman, and so sent her away; who had otherwise undoubtedly died for her false accusation, had it not so appeared. Which his so great severity, and in other like cases, was of many accounted for extreme Cruelty; yet was it indeed the wholesome preservation of his Army, being so great, as that it was thought almost impossible to have found sufficient Victuals for the relief thereof; whereof for all that, there was no want, either of any thing else necessary for the use of man, his Camp being still as a most populous and well governed City, stored with all manner of things; whereunto both Artificers and Merchants, from far Countries resorted with their Commodities and Merchandise, as to some famous Mart; and the Country People, without fear from every place brought in their Country Commodities, for which they received present Money, and so in safety again departed. So marching on, he at length came to Bachichich where he stayed to refresh his Army eight days, 
The number of Tamerlanes great Army.  and there again took a general muster thereof, wherein were found (as most write) four hundred thousand Horse, and six hundred thousand Foot; or as some others that were there present affirm, three hundred thousand Horsemen, and five hundred thousand Foot of all Nations. Unto whom he gave there a general Pay, and as his manner was, made unto them an Oration, informing them of such orders as he would have kept, to the end they might the better observe the same; with much other Military Discipline, whereof he was very curious with his Captains. At which time also, it was lawful for every common Soldier to behold him with more boldness than on other days, forasmuch as he did for that time, and such like, lay aside his Imperial Majesty, and show himself more familiar unto them.  
Now could he hardly be persuaded, that Bajazet having subdued the most part of Grecia, distressed the Greek Emperor, and so a great means to recover whatsoever he should lose in Asia, would be so adventurous as to come over the Straits out of Europe, to try the Fortune of a Battle with him; but rather warily protract the time, to weary him at length with Wants, that in a strange Country drew such a world of People after him. Wherein he found himself much deceived; for having passed the Georgian Country, and being come to Buysabuich, Axalla (whom he had not seen in eight days before, because he led the Head of the Army) came unto him with such News as he knew would be right welcome unto him; which was, that Bajazet had raised his Siege of Constantinople (as indeed he had) for to come and defend his new Conquests in Asia; and that he was certainly resolved, to come to a day of Battle, not so much trusting unto the multitude of his Army, as to the Valour and Experience of his Soldiers, being all men of long time well trained up in the Wars. At which unexpected news, Tamerlane greatly rejoiced; yet without insolence or vaunting, but rather with the countenance of such an one as judged the events of Battles to be (as they are) always doubtful; saying sometimes, that a small number well conducted, did oftentime carry away the Victory from the confused multitude. Three days he stayed at Bu●sabuich, and caused his Soldiers continually to march forward, which at Garga and Chiuserig passed over the River Euphrates; which he did the rather to maintain his Army upon the Spoil of the Enemy, in attending his coming, than upon himself, or his Allies. All the Cities that yielded unto him by the way as he marched, he favourably received; the other that refused to submit themselves unto his Obedience, he used with all extremity; especially the great and strong City of Sebastia, where certain of the Forerunners of his Army were by the Turks there in Garrison cut off and slain, and the Gates of the City as it were in contempt of him, set wide open; wherewith Tamerlane offended, sent out certain of his Tartarian▪ Horsemen, commanding them on pain of his Displeasure, so to bear themselves against their Enemies, as that he might at his coming either find the City taken, or the Gates thereof shut against him; for he had his men at so great command, that no danger was unto them more dreadful than his Displeasure, neither did he punish any thing so severely as Cowardice; insomuch, that if in his disport of hunting the wild Beast, any did for fear give way to the Lion or Bear, and slew him not, was sure to die therefore himself; and to turn his Back upon the Enemy, was no less danger than to run upon his own death. Now the Turks in Garrison at Sebastia, seeing these Tartarian Horsemen marching towards the City, making little account of them, for that they were not in number many, issued out for to meet them; where they were so furiously charged by these few Horsemen, that they were glad to retire, and for haste to shut part of their own men out of the City, lest the Enemy following them at their Heels, should have entered the Gates together with them. Which Turks so shut out, 
Sebastia besieged by Tamerlane.  were by the Tartarians slain at the Gates of the City. Shortly after came Tamerlane with all his Army, and sat down before the City, where he lay still seven days, not making show of any violence at all; the Defendants because the City was of great Strength, all that while thinking that he had intended by long Siege to distress the same, and the more because of his long lying still. But about the eighth day, the Walls and Towers of the City in many places undermined, were suddenly overthrown, leaving large breaches for the Enemy to enter. Wherewith the Turks in the City dismayed, 
Sebastia yielded to Tamerlane.  forthwith yielded the City to Tamerlane, in hope so to have saved their lives; but he (as the Turks report) being entered the City, commanded a great number of deep Pits to be digged, and all the People of the City, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition, to be thrown into the same, and there buried quick. Which done, the City was by his commandment utterly razed also. After that, calling unto him Malcozzius, the Governor of the City, whom he had for that purpose only spared, he commanded him to go and tell his Master what was happened to his strong City of Sebastia, and what he had there himself seen. Of which tragical action, Malcozzius having made true relation unto Bajazet, was by him demanded, whether of the two Armies he thought bigger or stronger; for now Bajazet had assembled a mighty Army of three hundred thousand men, or as some report of three hundred thousand Horsemen, and two hundred thousand Foot. Whereunto Malcozzius having before craved pardon, answered, that it could not be, but that Tamerlane might in reason have the greater number, for that he was a Commander of far greater Countries. Wherewith proud Bajazet offended, in great choler replied, Out of doubt, the sight of the Tartarian hath made this Coward so afraid, that he thinketh every Enemy to be two.  
Most of the Latin Histories report, that when Tamerlane had taken Sebastia, he put all the men to the Sword, and bringing the Women and Children into the Fields, without the City, there overran them with his Horsemen, excepting some few which were reserved for Prisoners. As also that Bajazet there lost his eldest Son Erthogrul (of some called Orthobules) whose death with the loss of the City, so much grieved him (as it is reported) that marching with his great Army against Tamerlane, and by the way hearing a Country Shepherd merrily reposing himself with his homely Pipe, as he sat upon the side of a Mountain feeding his poor Flock; standing still a great while listening unto him, 
A Shepherd more happy than Bajazet.  to the great admiration of many, at last fetching a deep sigh, broke forth into these words; O happy Shepherd, which hadst neither Orthobules nor Sebastia to lose; bewraying therein his own discontentment; and yet withal showing, That worldly Bliss consisteth not so much in possessing of much, subject unto danger, as joining in a little, contentment devoid of fear. Howbeit the Turks themselves reporting the taking of Sebastia, speak not of Orthobules at all, but give him lost six years before, in the Wars against Casi Burchaniden, and lieth buried by his Father at Prusa. In this City of Sebastia was lost twelve thousand Turks, Men, Women and Children, as their Histories report. The rest of the Cities all the way as Tamerlane marched, warned by the destruction of Sebastia, yielded themselves for fear of like danger; the Citizens whereof he courteously used, especially the Christians, whom he set at liberty, in respect of Emanuel the Greek Emperor, whom he seemed wholly therein to gratify. But he had not gone far into the Turks Dominion, but that he was certainly advertised, how that Bajazet, with a great Army was coming against him, and now within thirty Leagues of him; which caused him after that time, to march with his Army more closely. Axalla leading the Vanguard, sent forth Chianson Prince of Ciarcan, with four thousand Parthian Horsemen, to get knowledge of the Turks Army, and where Bajazet lay, as also what Country that was beyond Sennas', and if he could learn any thing thereof, to make relation of it unto him. This Prince of Ciarcan was Tamerlanes near Kinsman, a man of great reputation, and next unto Axalla, in whose absence he had the commanding of the Avantguard, his charge; who also sent before him another Parthian Captain with five hundred Horsemen. So he had not ridden ●en Leagues but that he heard news of Bajazet's coming, and having surprised Sennas', understood there the certain estate of the Turks Army, which was then at Tataia, and so marching forward. Whereof Tamerlane certified, commanded him not to retire from that place, until he did see the arrival of the Enemy, and thereof to give him advertisement every hour; being himself resolved to pass on no further, as come to a fair large Plain, and a Country of advantage for the order of his Battle; for he knew that his Army was far greater than Bajazet's, and therefore he made choice of those great Plains. Yet for that his Army consisted of divers Nations, and withal considering that he was not to fight against the Chinois, a soft effeminate People, (as of late) but against the Turks, a most warlike Nation, and well acquainted with all manner of Fights and Martial Stratagems, he thought it good to be well advised how he proceeded against them. Wherefore he presently sent for Axalla, with him to view the said place, and to have his opinion, Whether it would be for his advantage or not, there to stay? who not misliking of the choice of the place, yet advised him also to keep Sennas' so long as he possibly could; and so sent word unto them that were therein, upon the approach of the Enemy to set fire upon the same, and so to withdraw themselves from thence, to the end that the Enemy should not have any desire to incamp there, but come still forward near to those Plains where Tamerlane desired to fight, especially for that he was stronger in Horse than Bajazet. Thus the Turks still marching on, thought to have surprised some of their Enemies in Sennas'; who as soon as they drew near, retired all, excepting some hundred left of purpose to fire the Town; 
The Prince of Ciarcan dealeth politicly with the Forerunners of the Turks Army.  who having performed the same, retired of purpose in great disorder. Now the Prince of Ciarcan had divided his Forces into two parts, and given commandment to the first, that as soon as they perceived the Enemies to pursue the hundred Horse that so disorderly of purpose fled, they should receive them, and so retire all together. He in the mean time with the rest of his Power stood close in a Valley, near to a Wood side, unseen at all. Where having▪ suffered two thousand of the Enemy's Horse (the Vantcurriers of the Turks Army) to pass by him, he following them in the tail, charged them home, the other which before retired, now turning upon them also; so that the Turks seeing themselves thus beset, and hardly laid unto both before and behind, as men discouraged fled; in which Flight most of them were slain, and the rest taken Prisoners. This was the first encounter betwixt the Turks and the Parthians; all the Prisoners there taken, were by the Prince as a Present sent to Tamerlane, and among the rest the Bassa of Anatolia who led these Troops; of whom Tamerlane earnestly demanded, what caused Bajazet so little to esteem of him, as to show so great contempt of his Army, which he should find strong enough to abate his Pride. Whereunto the Bassa answered, That his Lord was the Sun upon Earth, which could not endure any equal; and that he rather was astonished to see, how he from so far had enterprised so dangerous a journey, to hinder the fortune of his Lord, in whose favour the Heavens (as he said) did bend themselves to further his greatness, and unto whom all the world subjected itself; and that he committed great folly in going about to resist the same. Unto which so proud a Speech Tamerlane replied, That he was sent from Heaven to punish his rashness, and to teach him, That the Proud are hated of God, whose promise is to pluck down the mighty, and raise up the lowly. As for thyself (said he) thou hast already felt (although I pity thy mishap) what the Valour of my Parthian Horse is against thy Turkish▪ and thy Master I have already caused to raise his Siege of Constantinople, and to look to his own things here in Asia. Furthermore, Tamerlane changing his Speech demanded, If his Master did come resolved to bid him Battle? Assure yourself (said he) there is nothing he more desireth; and would to God I might acknowledge your greatness, in giving me leave to assist my Lord at that Battle. Good leave have thou, (said Tamerlane) go thy ways and tell thy Lord that thou hast seen me, and that he shall in the Battle find me on horseback, where he shall see a green Ensign displayed. The Bassa thanking him, swore, that next unto his Lord he vowed unto him his Service. And so returning, declared unto Bajazet, how that he had seen Tamerlane and truly reported unto him all that he had willed him to say; not forgetting over all, to publish his Courtesy and Bounty; who besides that he had frankly set him at liberty, had also given him a very fair Horse well furnished, although he well knew he was to serve against himself. Whereunto Bajazet answered no more, but that he would shortly make trial of him, and that he well hoped before the march were ended, to make him acknowledge his own folly. The next day the two Armies drew near together, and encamped within a League the one of the other; where all the night long you might have heard such noise of Horses, as that it seemed the Heavens were full of Voices, the Air did so resound, and every man thought the Night long, to come to the trial of his Valour, and the gaining of his desires. The Scythians (a People no less greedy than needy) talked of nothing but the Spoil; the proud Parthians, of their Honour; and the poor Christians, of their deliverance, all to be gained by the next Days Victory; every man during the Night time speaking according to his own humour. All which Tamerlane walking this Night up and down in his Camp heard, and much rejoiced to see the hope that his Soldiers had already in general conceived of the Victory. Who after the second watch returning unto his Pavilion▪ and there casting himself upon a Carpet, had thought to have slept a while; but his Cares not suffering him so to do, he then as his manner was, called for a Book, wherein was contained the lives of his Fathers and Ancestors, and of other valiant Worthies, the which he used ordinarily to read, as he then did; not as therewith vainly to deceive the time, but to make use thereof, by the imitation of that which was by them worthily done, and declining of such dangers as they by their Rashness or Oversight fell into. And afterwards having a little slumbered, he commanded Axalla to be sent for, who forthwith came unto him, with divers other great Lords and Captains the chief Commanders of his Army; with whom after he had a while consulted of the order of the Battle, he mounted on Horseback himself, and sent every one of them to their own Charges, to put the same in readiness. At which very instant he received News, that the Enemy marched forward, and came to take his ground for the Battle; whose order of march Tamerlane was desirous to see, that so accordingly he might marshal his own. And having caused three thousand Horsemen to advance forward, with charge to begin the skirmish, himself followed after to lodge every part of his Forces in such places as he had foreseen to be fittest for his advantage. Now seeing the janissaries march in a square Battle in the midst, and upon the two Fronts two great Squadrons of Horsemen, which seemed to be thirty thousand Horse; and another which advanced and covered the Battalion of the janissaries; he thought this their order to be very good, and hard to be broken; and thereupon turning himself to Axalla, who was near unto him, said, I had thought this Day to have fought on Foot, but I see that it behoveth me now to fight on Horseback, to give Courage unto my Soldiers, to open the great Battalion of our Enemies. And my Will is, That my men come forward unto me as soon as they may, for I will advance forward with an hundred thousand Footmen, fifty thousand upon each of my two Wings, and in the midst of them forty thousand of my best Horsemen. My Pleasure is, that after they have tried the force of these men, that they come unto my Avauntguard, of whom I will dispose, and fifty thousand Horse more in three Bodies, whom thou shalt command; which I will assist with eighty thousand Horse, wherein shall be mine own Person; having an hundred thousand Footmen behind me, who shall march in two Squadrons; and for my Rearward I appoint forty thousand Horse, and fifty thousand Footmen, who shall not march but to my aid. And I will make choice of ten thousand of my best Horse, whom I will send into every place where I shall think needful within my Army, for to impart my Commands. Over the first forty thousand Horse the Prince Ciarcan commanded; over the foremost Footmen was the Lord Synopes a Genoese, Kinsman to Axalla, and his Lieutenant over the Footmen, a Captain of great estimation; the Prince Axalla his own charge consisted of five Squadrons of Horsemen. 
The great and mortal Battle betwixt Bajazet and Tamerlane.  Bajazet his Army being also both fair and great, came bravely still on forward towards their Enemies, who stirred not one whit from the place they had taken for the Battle; except certain light Horsemen, Scythians, Parthians and Muscovites, who sent out as loose men, hotly skirmished betwixt the two Armies. Now was Tamerlane by an Espy advertised, that Bajazet having before given order for the disposing of his Army, was on foot in the midst of thirty thousand janissaries, his principal men of War, and greatest Strength; wherein he meant that day to fight, and in whom he had reposed his greatest hope. His Battle of Horse was very fair, amounting to the number of an hundred and forty thousand Horse, all old Soldiers. The Sultan of Egypt having also sent unto his A●d thirty thousand Mamalukes, all very good Horsemen, with thirty thousand Foot. So that his Army marching all in one Front, in form of an Half-Moon (but not so well knit together as was Tamerlanes, whose Squadrons directly followed one another) seemed almost as great as his; and so with infinite numbers of most horrible Outcries still advanced forward; Tamerlane his Soldiers all the while standing fast, with great silence.  
There was not possible to be seen a more furious charge, than was by the Turks given upon the Prince of Ciarcan, who had commandment not to fight before the Enemy came unto him; neither could have been chosen a fairer Plain, and where the skilful choice of the place was of less advantage for the one or the other; but that Tamerlane had the River on the left hand of his Army, serving him to some small advantage. Now this young Prince of Ciarcan with his forty thousand Horse, was in this first encounter almost wholly overthrown; yet having fought right valiantly, and entered even into the midst of the janissaries, (where the Person of Bajazet was) putting them in disorder, was himself there slain. 
The Prince of Ciarca● slain.  About which time Axalla set upon them with the Avantguard, but not with like danger; for having overthrown one of the Enemy's Wings, and cut it all to pieces, and his Footmen coming to join with him, as they had been commanded, he faced the Battalion of the janissaries, who right valiantly behaved themselves ●or the safety of their Prince. This hard fight continued one hour, and yet you could not have seen any scattered, but the one still resolutely fight against the other. You might there have seen the Horsemen like Mountains rush together, and infinite numbers of Men die, cry, lament and threaten all at one instant. Tamerlane had patience all this while, to see the event of this so mortal a Fight; but perceiving his men at length to give ground, he sent ten thousand of his Horse to join again with the ten thousand appointed for the Rearward, and commanded them to assist him at such time as he should have need of them; and at the very same time charged himself, and made them to give him room; causing the Footmen to charge also, over whom the Prince of Thanais commanded, who gave a furious onset upon the Battalion of the janissaries, wherein was yet the Person of Bajazet, who had sustained a great burden. Now Bajazet had in his Army a great number of Mercenary Tartars, called Destenses, with many thousands of other Soldiers taken up in the Countries of the poor exiled Mahometan Princes; in whose just quarrel, and the Greek Emperors, Tamerlane had chiefly undertaken that War; these Tartarians and other Soldiers, seeing some their Friends, and othersome their natural and loving Princes in the Army of Tamerlane; stricken with the terror of Disloialty, and abhorring the Cruelty of the proud Tyrant, in the heat of the Battle revolted from Bajazet to their own Princes; which their revolt much weakened Bajazet's Forces. Who nevertheless with his own men of War, especially the janissaries, and the help of the Christian Soldiers brought to his aid from Servia and other places of Europe, with great Courage maintained the Fight; but the Multitude, and not true Valour, prevailed; for, as much as might be done by valiant and courageous men, was by the janissaries and the rest performed, both for the preservation of the Person of their Prince, and the gaining of the Victory. But in the end, the Horsemen with whom Tamerlane himself was, giving a fresh Charge, and his Avantgard wholly knit again unto him, reinforcing the Charge, he with much ado obtained the Victory. Bajazet himself wounded, and now mounted on Horseback, 
The Turks overthrown.  thinking to have escaped by Flight, fell into the hands of 〈◊〉; unto whom he yielded himself, thinking it had been Tamerlane; who for a space knew him not, but took him for some other great Commander of the Turks. 
Bajazet and his Son Musa taken Prisoners.  Musa (surnamed Zelebi, or, the Noble) one of Bajazet his Sons, with divers others of Bajazet his great Captains, were there taken also; and amongst the rest, George the Despot of Servia, who notwithstanding this misfortune, had that day gained unto himself the reputation of a great and worthy Captain; insomuch that Tamerlane even in the very heat of the Battle marveling to see him and the Servians, with the other Christians which he had brought to the aid of Bajazet, so valiantly to ●ight, said unto some of the Captains that were near unto him, See how courageously yonder Religious sight; supposing them by their strange Attire to have been some of the Turks superstitious Votaries. But being now taken, and afterwards brought to Tamerlane, he was by him courteously welcomed; but yet withal reproved, for that he had fought for Bajazet against him, who was come in favour of the Christian Emperor, and the other poor oppressed Princes, such as the Despot himself was. Who thereunto boldly answered, That indeed it was not according to his duty, but according to the prosperity of Bajazet, unto whom it seemed that all the World did bend; and that his own safety had caused him, though against his Will, to take part with him. Whereupon Tamerlane held him excused; and so without more ado gave him leave at his own pleasure to depart.  
Bajazet also himself being afterwards brought unto Tamerlane as a Prisoner, 
Bajazet 〈◊〉 b●s●e Tamerlane, with his Pride.  and by him courteously entertained, never showed any token of Submission at all, but according to his proud Nature, without respect of his present state, presumptuously answered him unto whatsoever he demanded. Wherewith Tamerlane moved, told him, That it was now in his power to make him to lose his life. Whereunto he answered no more, but, Do it; for that, that loss should be his greatest happiness. Tamerlane afterwards demanding of him, What made him so proud, as to enterprise to bring into his Subjection so Noble a Prince as was the Greek Emperor? he answered, Even the same thing that hath moved thee to invade me, namely the desire of Glory and Sovereignty. But wherefore then (said Tamerlane) dost thou use so great cruelty towards them thou hast overcome, without respect of Age or Sex? That did I (said he) to give the greater terror unto my Enemies. And what wouldst thou have done with me (said Tamerlane) had it been my fortune to have fallen into thy Hands, as thou art now in m●ne? I would (said Bajazet) have enclosed thee in a Cage of Iron, and so in triumph have ca●●●ed thee up and down my Kingdom. Even so (said Tamerlane) shalt thou be served. And so causing him to be taken out of his presence, turning unto his Followers, said, Behold a proud and cruel Man, he deserveth to be chastised accordingly, and to be made an Example unto all the proud and cruel of the World, of the just Wrath of God against them. I acknowledge, that God hath this day delivered into my Hands a great Enemy; to whom we must therefore give thanks. Which he performed the same day; for the Battle was won at four of the Clock, and there was yet five hours of daylight. The next day Tamerlane commanded the dead to be buried; where among the rest they found the body of the Prince of Ciarcan, dead in the midst of the janissaries, where he lay enclosed with their dead bodies, in token he died not unrevenged; whose untimely death Tamerlane for all that greatly lamented, for he was his Kinsman, and like enough one day to have done great service. Whose dead Body Tamerlane caused to be embalmed, and with two thousand Horse (and divers of the Turks Prisoners chained and tied together) to be conveyed to Sam●rcand, until his coming thither. All the other dead Bodies were with all honour that might be, buried at Sennas'.  
This great and bloody Battle fought in the year of our Lord 1397. not far from the Mount Stella, (where sometime the great King Mithrydates was by Pompey the Great in a great Battle overthrown) was fought from seven a Clock in the Morning, until four in the Afternoon; Victory all that while, as it were with doubtful Wings, hover over both Armies, as uncertain where to light; until at length the fortune of Tamerlane prevailed. Whose Wisdom, next unto God, gave that days Victory unto his Soldiers; for that the politic tiring of the strong Forces of Bajazet, was the safeguard of his own; whereas if he had gone unto the Battle in one Front, assuredly the multitude finding such strong resistance, had put itself into confusion, whereas this successive manner of aiding of his men, made them all unto him profitable. The number of them that were in this Battle slain, is of divers diversely reported; the Turks themselves reporting, That Bajazet there lost the Noble Mustapha his Son, with two hundred thousand of his men, and Tamerlane not many fewer; and some other speaking of a far less number, as that there should be slain of the Turks about threescore thousand, and of Tamerlane his Army not past twenty thousand. But leaving the certainty of the number unto the credit of the Reporters, like enough it is, that the Slaughter was exceeding great in so long a Fight, betwixt two such Armies as never before (as I suppose) met in Field together.  
By this one days event is plainly to be seen the uncertainty of worldly things, and what small assurance even the greatest have in them. Behold, Bajazet the terror of the World, and as he thought, superior to Fortune, in an instant with his state in one Battle overthrown into the bottom of misery and despair; and that at such time as he thought least, even in the midst of his greatest Strength. It was three days (as they report) before he could be pacified, but as a desperate man still seeking after death, and calling for it; neither did Tamerlane after he had once spoken with him, at all afterwards courteously use him, but as of a proud man caused small account to be made of him; And to manifest that he knew how to punish the haughty, 
Bajazet like a Beast shut up in an Iron Ca●e.  made him to be shackled in Fetters and Chains of Gold, and so to be shut up in an Iron Cage made like a Grate, in such sort as that he might on every side be seen; and so carried him up and down as he passed through Asia; to be of his own People scorned and derided. And to his further disgrace, upon Festival days used him for a Footstool to tread upon, when he mounted to Horse; and at other times scornfully fed him like a Dog, with crumbs fallen from his Table. A rare Example of the uncertainty of worldly Honour, that he unto whose ambitious mind Asia and Europe, two great parts of the World, were too little, should be now carried up and down cooped up in a little Iron Cage, like some perilous wild Beast. All which Tamerlane did not so much for hatred to the man, as to manifest the just judgement of God against the arrogant Folly of the Proud. It is reported, That Tamerlane being requested by one of his Noblemen that might be bold to speak unto him, to remit some part of his Severity against the person of so great a Prince; answered, That he did not use that Rigour against him as a King, but rather did punish him as a proud ambitious Tyrant, polluted with the blood of his own Brother.  
Now this so great an overthrow brought such a fear upon all the Countries possessed by Bajazet in Asia, that Axal●a sent before by Tamerlane with forty thousand Horse, and an hundred thousand Foot, without Carriages, to prosecute the Victory came without resistance to Prusa, whither all the remainder of Bajazet his Army retired, with the Bassa Mustapha; the Country as he went still yielding unto him. Yea, the great Bassa with the rest hearing of his coming, and thinking themselves not now in any safety in Asia, fled over the Straight of Hellespont●s to Callipoli●, and so to Hadrianople; carrying with them out of the Battle, Solyman Bajazet his eldest Son, whom they set up in his Father's place; 
Solyman set up in his Father's stea●.  Mahomet his younger Brother presently upon the overthrow being fled to Amasia; of whom, and the rest of Bajazet his Children, more shall be said hereafter. Axalla coming to Pr●sa, had the City without resistance yielded unto him, 
Prusa taken by ●●●lle.  which he rifled; and there with other of Bajazet his Wi●es and Concubines, took Prisoner the fair Despina, Bajazet his best beloved Wife, to the doubling of his grief.  
Ema●●●l the Greek Emperor now hearing of Tamerlane his coming to Prusa, sent his Ambassadors (the most honourable of his Court) thither before ●o Axalla; by whom they wo●e there steid until the coming of Tamerlane; who received them with all the Honour that might be, showing unto them all his magnificence, and the order of his Camp, to their great admiration; For it resembled a most populous and well governed City, for the order that was therein, which brought unto it plenty of all kind of Victuals and other Merchandise, as well for pleasure as for use. By these Ambassadors the Greek Emperor submitted all his Empire, together with his Person, unto Tamerlane the great Conqueror, as his most faithful Subject and Vassal; which he was bound (as he said) to do, for that he was by him delivered from the most cruel Tyrant of the World; as also for that the long journey he had passed, and the discommodities he had endured, with the loss of his People, and the danger of his Person, could not be recompensed but by the offer of his own Life and his Subjects; which he did for ever dedicated unto his Service, with all the Fidelity and Loyalty that so great a benefit might deserves besides that, his so many Virtues and rare Accomplishments, which made him famous through the World, did bind him so to do. And that therefore he would attend him in his chief City to deliver it into his Hands as his own, with all the Empire of Greece. Now the Greek Ambassadors looked for no less than to fall into bondage to Tamerlane; thinking that which they offered to be so great and delicate a Morsel, as that it would not be refused, especially of such a conquering Prince as was Tamerlane; and that the acceptance thereof in kindness and friendship, was the best bargain they could make therein. But they received answer from this worthy Prince, far beyond their expectation; for he with a mild countenance beholding them, answered them, That he was not come from so far a Country, or undertaken so much pains, for the enlargement of his Dominions, already large enough, (too base a thing for him to put himself into so great danger and travel for) but rather to win Honour, and thereby to make his name famous unto all Posterity for ever; And that therefore it should well appear unto the World, that he was come to aid him, being requested as his Friend and Ally; and that his upright meaning therein was the greatest cause, that God from above had beheld his power, and thereby bruised the Head of the greatest and fiercest Enemy of mankind that was under Heaven; and now to get him an immortal name, would make free so great and flourishing a City as was Constantinople, governed by so noble and ancient an House as the Emperors; That unto his Courage he had always Faith joined, such as should never suffer him to make so great a breach in his reputation, as that it should be reported of him, That in the colour of a Friend he came to invade the Dominions of his Allies; That he desired no more, but that the service he had done for the Greek Emperor, might for ever be engraven in the Memory of his Posterity, to the end they might for ever wish well unto him and his Successors, by remembering the good he had done them; That long might the noble Emperor live, happily to govern his Estate; and that before his return he would so well consider for the establishing of the same, as that he should not lightly fall again into the like jeopardy, always assuring himself of his good Will and Favour towards him. Easie it is to judge what Joy these Greek Ambassadors received, to hear this so kind an answer from the mouth of Tamerlane himself; who rather than he would seem to break his Faith, refused an Empire offered unto him, with one of the most ●●ately and magnificent Cities of the World. Few Princes (I suppose) would perform such a part; but so there be likewise but few Tamerlanes in the World. These Ambassadors by the commandment of Tamerlane, were by Axalla Royally feasted, and all the Honour done them that might be. One of them being sent back to carry these unexpected news unto the Greek Emperor, filled both him and all the City of Constantinople with exceeding joy and gladness, which both he and his subjects in general spared not with Bonfires and all other signs of Joy and Pleasure to manifest. And the more to show his thankfulness, shortly after by the advice of his grave Counsellors, passed over the Straight into Asia, to see Tamerlane at Prusa, and in Person himself to give him thanks; who hearing of his coming, and very glad thereof, presently upon the first days journey sent the Prince Axalla to meet him, and to certify him of the Joy that he conceived, to have the good hap for to see him, as also to conduct him to Prusa; where those two great Princes, with the greatest magnificence that might be, me●, and so spent one whole day together. The Greek Emperor the next day taking his leave, was by Tamerlane with much Honour conducted out of the City. Now had Tamerlane himself conceived a secret desire to see this so famous a City as was Constantinople, from which he was not now far, 
Tamerlane goeth to Constantinople.  yet would he not go thither as a Conqueror, but as a private person; which by the means of Axalla was accomplished, and he thereinto by the Greek Emperor privately received, and with all Familiarity possible entertained; the Emperor showing unto him all the rare and excellent things that were therein to be seen; and the other Greek Princes devising all the means they could to do him pleasure, and them which did accompany him; who were in a manner all apparelled after the Greek Fashion. At which time the Greek Emperor himself was curious to show unto him all the fair Gardens alongst the Sea Coast, a League or two from Constantinople, and so privately conducting him, spent five or six days with all the Mirth that might be possible; Tamerlane by the way oftentimes saying, 
Tamerlane much delighted with the pleasures of Constantinople.  That he had never seen a fairer City, and that it was indeed the City (considering the fair and rich Situation thereof) of right, worthy to command all the World. He wondered at the costly Buildings of the Temples, the fair engraven Pillars, the high Pyramids, and the making of the fair Gardens; and oftentimes afterwards said, That he nothing repent him of his so long and dangerous a voyage, if it had been only but to have preserved from Fire and Sword so noble a City as that was. In the Greek Emperor he commended greatly his mild Nature and Courtesy; who knowing him above all things to take pleasure in fair serviceable Horses, gave unto him thirty of the fairest, strongest, and readiest, that were possible to be gotten, all most richly furnished; and sent likewise fair Presents unto all the Princes and great Commanders of the Army, and bountifully caused to be delivered unto them all things which he thought to be necessary for the Army. So after many great kindnesses in short time passed, and a straight bond of Friendship made, and by solemn Oath confirmed betwixt the two great Princes, Tamerlane with great contentment took his leave of the Emperor, and returned again to his Army at Prusa. Wherewith he now at his pleasure without resistance wasted and spoilt all Bajazet his Dominion in Asia, no man daring to make head against him.  
The year being now well spent, and Winter drawing on, Tamerlane dispersed his Army into divers of the Provinces of the lesser Asia, expecting still when some of Bajazet his Sons or other Friends should make suit or means unto him for his deliverance, but none came; some fearing Tamerlane his heavy indignation, and others no less dreading the fierce Nature of Bajazet himself, who if he had been delivered, was like enough (as was thought) to have taken sharp revenge upon all them which forsook him in the late Battle; and therefore never made intercession for him. Whereupon Tamerlane one day passing by him, said unto him, I marvel that none of thy Sons or Friends either come to see thee, or to entreat for thee, it must needs be that thou hast evilly deserved of them, as thou hast of others; yet how thinkest thou, if I should set thee at liberty, would they again receive thee as their Lord and Sovereign, or not? To whom Bajazet boldly answered; Were I at liberty, thou shouldst well see, how that I want neither Courage nor means to revenge all my Wrongs and to make those disobedient and forgetful to know their Duties better. Which his proud answer, made Tamerlane to keep a straighter hand over him.  
In this great and bloody War, wherein the Ottoman Empire had almost taken end, the Sultan of Egypt had (as is aforesaid) given aid unto Bajazet; which Tamerlane took in so evil part, as that he resolved to be thereof revenged; for as he was unto his Friends of all others most kind and courteous, so was he to his Enemies no less terrible and dreadful. Yet thinking it good before his departure out of the lesser Asia, to take some good order with these his new Conquests; and finding nothing more honourable to resolve upon, he restored unto the poor Mahometan Princes (Tachretin, Isfendiar, Germian, and the rest before fled unto him for refuge) all their ancient Inheritance, with something more; as he did also divers Cities and Countries of Anatolia unto the Greek Emperor, for the yearly Tribute of four hundred thousand Ducats of Gold, and eight hundred thousand Franks of Silver, which the Emperor promised to pay unto him yearly. And so having enriched his Army with the Spoils of the Ottoman Empire in Asia, he turned his Forces against the Egyptian Sultan, and so passing through Caramania, entered into Syria, than part of the Sultan's Kingdom; where near unto Aleppo (being before yielded unto him) was fought betwixt them a great and mortal Battle, 
A great Battle fought betwixt the Sultan of Egypt and Tamerlane.  the Sultan having in his Army an hundred thousand Foot, and seventy four thousand Horse; whereof there were thirty thousand Mamalukes, accounted the best Horsemen in the World. In which Battle Axalla the great Captain, with the Vanguard of Tamerlane his Army, was hardly distressed, and Axalla himself taken; but forthwith again rescued by Tamerlane; who had he not by his coming on with new Forces, speedily restored the Battle, cunningly protracted by Axalla, that day was like enough to have made an end of his good Fortune. But the Victory after a long and cruel Fight (wherein were fourscore thousand men on both sides slain) inclining to Tamerlane, the Sultan fled, Tamerlane pursuing him by the space of three Leagues. After which Victory, Tamerlane dividing his Army, sent Axalla with forty thousand Horse and fifty thousand Foot to pursue the Sultan alongst the Coast of Arabia; who oftentimes showed himself with some four thousand Horse to have hindered Axalla, who having the smallest Forces, followed him the nearest. Tamerlane himself in the mean time, with threescore thousand Horse, and an hundred thousand Foot, marching alongst the Sea Coast, had all the Cities as he went yielded unto him; as Magata, Aman, otherwise called Apamea, Tortosa, Barruto, and Nephthalin; only the strong City of Damascus refused to receive him, whereinto the Sultan had put the Prince Zamadzen, 
Damascus won by Tamerlane.  with a strong Garrison, who did what he might to have defended the same; But all in vain, for Tamerlane having by Battery overthrown a great part of the Wall, by Assault won the City, only the Castle yet remaining, as being of a wondeful Strength, and almost impregnable; whereinto such a multitude had at the taking of the City retired themselves, as was not possible therein long to live; who in short time pinched with Hunger, and many of them dead, the rest upon safeguard of their Lives offered to yield; whom for all t●at Tamerlane would not receive to mercy, to make them feel what it was to hold out against him; so that most of them dying of Famine, the rest yielded without Condition, and were for their Obstinacy almost all slain. Which his Severity towards them of Damascus, caused, that thirty Leagues off they brought the Keys of their Cities unto him, in token of their Submission; whom he no way molested, more than in contributing unto the charge of his Army. From Damascus, he turned directly towards jerusalem, at which time they of the City had driven out the Sultan's Garrison, as had almost all they of judea, submitting themselves unto Tamerlane. At Chorazin the Sultan had left six thousand men in Garrison for the defence of the place, who at the first seemed to stand upon their Guard; but afterwards dismayed to see so great an Army before it, and that Tamerlane having approached the Walls, was set down to have it, they submitted themselves and found mercy. In which City Tamerlane left certain of his men in Garrison, for the better repressing of the Mamalukes, who with often incursions troubled his Army. So marching on, he himself with certain Horsemen for his Guard, 
Tamerlane cometh to Jerusalem  rode to jerusalem to visit the Sepulchre so much reverenced of all Nations, and there to make his Oblations; where he was of the Inhabitants joyfully received, and having sought out all the Antiquities of the ancient City, would be conducted unto all the places thereabouts, where Jesus Christ had preached, even as the Pilgrims do; and coming to the Sepulchre, gave thereunto, and the devout there, many rich and precious Gifts, to the great contentment of all men (to see him honour those holy places) but of the Jews only, who greatly blamed him for so doing; of whom of all others, Tamerlane made no reckoning, but called them the accursed of God. There had he news that the Sultan had gathered all his Forces, and being come into Egypt, was there fortifying of his Cities, especially the great Cities of Alexandria and Caier. Tamerlane his Army in the mean time by his commandment came towards Egypt to Damiata; which strong City he thought not good to leave behind him, although he was by some persuaded so to do, for that it was thought impregnable, as well in respect of the Castle, as of the strong Garrison that the Sultan had put thereinto; but he, whose Fortune nothing could hinder, would needs go thither; and so having commanded Axalla to set upon it, followed himself after with the rest of his Army. Now Axalla having summoned the City, and declared unto the Inhabitants (who were most of them Christians) the mildness and courtesy of Tamerlane, 
Damiata taken by Axalla.  as also who himself was, and what Religion he held; causing many of the Greek Captains to speak unto them, and to tell them of the misery they endured under the Moors and Mamalukes; so far prevailed with them, that they all determined to adventure their Lives, to put the Mamalukes out of the City, with all them that favoured the Sultan. And so in the night taking up Arms, made themselves Masters of one quarter of the City, and delivered one of the Gates to Axalla; whereby he entering put all the Mamalukes to the Sword, or took them Prisoners, and so gained the City. Whereof Tamerlane hearing, being as yet upon his march, was in good hope of so prosperous a beginning, to find an happy end also of his Designs in Egypt. For besides the good Fortune thereof, he knew that this Haven of Damiata might serve him with Victuals out of all the parts of Greece, as the Emperor Emanuel had promised him, and wherein he nothing failed him. Into which Port Tamerlane having made his entry, left there in Garrison two thousand of the Emperor Emanuel his Soldiers, with a Governor, of whom he took an Oath for their Obedience. So having stayed a space at Damiata, he caused his Vanguard to march towards Alexandria; and having passed over the River, 
Tamerlane marcheth towards Ca●er.  even in an instant turned directly unto Caier, to the great astonishment of the Sultan, who made provision for the defence of Alexandria, as the nearest unto danger. But understanding of these news, used such diligence, that he entered into the City with forty thousand Horse, and threescore thousand Foot, even as Tamerlane his Army approached, purposing in Person himself to defend it. By whose coming the great City ready before to have revolted, was again in his obedience confirmed, to the great hindrance of Tamerlane his Affairs; for to remain long before it, was impossible, for want of Victuals for so great an Army in the Enemy's Country. Yet notwithstanding all this, 
Caier besieged by Tamerlane.  did not Tamerlane forbear to draw near unto it, and with all his Army to encamp near unto the same, having caused a great Trench to be made for to cover his Horsemen, and thereby to lodge his Army more safely; during which time he caused divers onsets to be given, as well to try what confidence the Enemy had in himself, as to see how the People of the City, especially the Slaves (which in that populous City are infinite) were affected towards him; who certainly informed him of the state of the City, and the Army; as glad to see the same by him shut up, and the proud Mamalukes still put to the worst. But thus lying still at the Siege, one day he thought it good to show his Army before the City, to try whether the Enemy had a desire to come to a day of Battle or not; as also to view what Forces he had, and so indeed to seek occasion to fight; in hope also, that if the Sultan did come forth with all his Army into the Field, some revolt might happen within the City, as well by the Slaves (unto whom Liberty was by him promised) as by the Citizens themselves (discontented with the insolency of the Mamalukes entered of late into the City with the Sultan) unto whom he had made it known by certain Slaves (for that purpose fled as Fugitives out of his Army into the City) how that he was not come to hurt them, but only for the destruction of the Mamalukes, both his and their Enemies. But betimes standing so in Battle array, no man came forth, neither was there any tumult or stir raised in the City, as he had expected. For the Sultan in so great a City well provided of all things, was resolved to weary him out with lying still, and not to put all to the hazard of a Battle. Which Tamerlane perceiving, and set down not to depart from thence, but victorious, resolved likewise to force him even in his greatest Strength, in the Heart of his greatest City; although it were not to be done, but with great adventure; such confidence he had in the Strength and Multitude of his Army. Now his purpose was, first to take one of the Cities (for Cairo is divided into three) and therein encamping himself by little and little to advance forward as he might, still fight with the Enemy. 
Caier assaulted by Tamerlane.  Upon which resolution, he commanded an Assault to be given, and having brought his Footmen to the place where he would▪ have them to give the onset (for the City was not walled, but only fortified with Ditches and Trenches) he commanded the Prince of Thanais with fifty thousand Footmen to begin the Assault, even in the Face of the Enemy; which he most valiantly performed, and there began a most terrible and cruel Fight. Axalla in the mean time, deeming (as the truth was) that the Sultan had drawn his greatest Forces to the place where the Prince of Thanais sought to enter, as unto a place of greatest danger; fet a compass about, and upon another quarter of the City, with small resistance passed the Trenches; where he presently left thirty thousand men to fill up the Ditches, and to make way for the Horsemen to enter; advancing forward himself, against twenty thousand sent by the Sultan to have stopped his further passage; the Prince of Thanais being at that same time almost beaten back by the Mamalukes. But the way being made plain, by them that were for that purpose left by Axalla, and ten thousand Horse entered, which charged upon the Backs of the Mamalukes, where the Sultan himself was; and they seconded by ten thousand more sent in by Tamerlane, following himself after, with all his Power; the Sultan retired unto a second Strength, which he had made in the next City. The Fight endured full the space of seven hours; wherein were slain of the Sultan his men above sixteen thousand; and of Tamerlanes betwixt seven and eight thousand. Who contented to have dislodged the Enemy, and gained a third part of the City, caused a Retreat to be sounded, in hope the next day to win all the rest, as indeed he did. For the Prince of Thanais the next day forcing the Enemy's Trenches in one place, and Axalla in another, the Sultan after a great Fight finding himself hardly pressed by the obstinate Enemy, and too weak long to hold out, retired, and so forthwith abandoned the City, and encamped himself along the side of the River Nilus, with purpose to pass the same, and to fly to Alexandria his second Strength and Refuge. Which Tamerlane suspecting, followed after him with his Horsemen (who only were in order) and some few Foot, hardly drawn from the City, which their Fellows were in spoiling; so as he was glad to promise them especially, to regard and reward their good service. Against whom the Sultan upon a narrow Causey, had opposed twelve or fifteen thousand men, whom he called his Slaves (to favour his passage) but were indeed his best Soldiers, and stood fast, the place serving greatly for their advantage; who for all that at length forced by their Enemies, still increasing upon them, (though not without great loss) cast themselves into the great River, and made a most honourable Retreat; every man having his Weapon in the one Hand, and swimming with the other to the further Bank. The Sultan ●lying with some eighteen thousand Horse (for the rest were sundry ways fled or else drowned) is reported in his Flight to have comforted his men, by telling of them, that they were not men that had vanquished them, but gods, there appeared in them so great Wisdom, Force, and Valour; divers of the Mamalukes taken in the late Fight, being brought before Tamerlane, and by him courteously used, were of him demanded, if they could be content to serve him, now that their Master was fled and gone? which they all utterly refused; whom notwithstanding for their Fidelity, Tamerlane set at liberty to go again to the Sultan; as no less desirous to be admired of his Enemies for his Bounty and Courtesy, than feared for his Force and Valour. The wonderful Wealth of this so great and famous a City became a Prey unto his Soldiers; who for the space of four and twenty hours had the Spoil thereof, every man being then by open Proclamation commanded to repair to his Quarter. The Citizens he set at liberty, not suffering any of them to be taken Prisoners; and so leaving ten thousand good Soldiers, with a great number of others (whereof he carried a great multitude in his Army, planting every where as he passed as it were new Colonies) and carrying away with him such of the Inhabitants as he thought might hurt him, and taking order for all things necessary for the keeping of such a City, he caused his Army to pass over the River for to follow the Sultan to Alexandria, to the end not to leave his Victory unperfect; Axalla hasting before with the Avantgard, for to hinder the Sultan for joining his Forces again together; and the rest of his Army conducted by the Prince of Thanais; he himself with an infinite number of Boats and Soldiers to attend upon him, going by Water, taking great pleasure to behold the fair River, and his swift course sometimes, and in an instant to become so calm as if it scarce moved. The Citizens of Alexandria hearing of his coming, and fearing what might betid them, besought the Sultan to have compassion of their Estate, and to withdraw himself into Lybia, whither Tamerlane for the Barrenness of the Country could not with any great Power follow him; resolved for their parts to give place unto Fortune, and to do as the time required, and no more to resist so great a force, whereof they had already made sufficient trial; promising yet to remain in Heart still his, and upon the first occasion offered, to make the same to him appear. Whereupon the Sultan seeing all things desperate, 
The Sultan flieth from Alexandria.  determined for a time to retire, in hope, that time would bring some change; as also that Tamerlane his populous Army would not long remain there. And so departing out of Alexandria with tears standing in his Eyes, oftentimes said, That God was angry with him and his People, and that he must of necessity suffer the fatal overthrow of his Estate, himself having done as much as in him lay, according to his Charge and the Expectation the World had of him; and yet that he hoped at length to return again, and deliver his People from the Bondage, whereunto they must now needs submit themselves. Tamerlane coming to Alexandria (before yielded to Axalla) there stayed a great while, sending Axalla to pursue the Sultan, exceedingly grieved that he could not get him into his Hands; and therefore still fearing some innovation to be by him raised, which caused him to deal the more hardly with them whom he suspected to favour him. Now the bruit of these Victories having with Axalla passed beyond Alexandria into Lybia, had brought such a fear, not only upon the People adjoining unto these Conquests, but also upon all Africa (they supposing that Tamerlane did follow) that two and twenty of the Moor Kings sent their Ambassadors unto him, to offer unto him their Obedience; the Sultan as a man forsaken of Fortune, still flying before him. Of the nearest of which Kings Tamerlane took Hostages; as for the other farther off, he contented himself with their Faith given, and with the other outward signs of their good Wills.  
Now after this long travel and pains taken, 
Tamerlane desirous to return into his Country.  was Tamerlane more desirous than he had before used, to see the pleasures of his own Native Country; the rather thereunto moved by the request of his Wife, then longing for his return; and the News he heard of the Sickness of the old Tartarian Emperor his Father-in-Law; besides that, Age itself began to bring unto him a desire of rest; with whom also, the desires of his Soldiers well agreed, as men now weary to have run so many and divers Fortunes. The only stay was, that he expected the coming of Calibes, an old and faithful Servant of his, whom he for his good desert had of his own accord appointed Governor of all his new Conquests in Egypt and Syria, a great Honour no doubt, but not too great for him that had so well deserved. So mindful was he of the good deserts of his faithful Servants, as that he needed not by others to be of them put in remembrance, were they never so far off, as was now Calibes, who at this time was with the third part of his Army making way for him along the great River Euphrates, for the Conquest of Mesopotamia, and Persia; whose coming was now with great devotion looked for of the whole Army, desirous to return. Which their expectation he long delayed not, but being sent for, came to Alexandria, whither the whole Army was now by the commandment of Tamerlane again assembled. Upon whose coming, Tamerlane departed from Alexandria, having there left the Prince Zamalzan (a man of great reputation) with six thousand Horsemen and ten thousand Foot, as Governor of that place, and Lieutenant General under Calibes; whom Tamerlane (as I have said) had now appointed to command over all Egypt and Syria, together with the Countries newly conquered in Lybia and Barbary; and now conducting him unto the great City of Cairo, and there taking the best order he could for the preservation of his new Conquest, left him with forty thousand Horse and fifty thousand Foot. And so having sufficiently instructed him how he would have those Kingdoms governed, dismissed him, not like a Master, but as a Companion, seeming very sorry to leave him destitute of his presence. So setting forward with his Army, conducted by the Prince of Thanais, Tamerlane himself, with a few to guard him, by the way turned aside unto jerusalem; Where he remained eleven days, daily visiting the Sepulchre of Christ Jesus (whom he called the God of the Christians) and the ruins of Solomon his Temple; much wondering thereat, and at jerusalem, the Seat of David's Kingdom, and of that great Solomon; but grieved that he could not see them fully in their former Beauty. He only despised the Jews, which had committed so cruel a Murder against him that came to save them. And to show his devotion towards the Holy City, commanded it to be free from all Subsidies and Garrisons of men of War; and gave great Gifts unto the Monasteries, and honoured them so long as he remained there. Departing from jerusalem, he came to Damascus; which great City, as well for that it was infected with the opinion of jezides (accounted an arch Heretic among the Mahometans) as also evil affected to his proceedings, he caused to be razed, and the Bones of jezides the false Prophet to be digged up and burnt, and his Grave before much honoured, in despite to be filled with Dung. So marching on, and blasting the World before him as he went (for long it were and from our purpose, to recount all his Victories) he passed over the River Euphrates, and having conquered Mesopotamia, with the great City of Babylon, and all the Kingdom of Persia, laded with the Spoil of the World, and eternised for ever, he returned at length to Samarcand, the famous place of his Birth, and glorious Seat of his Empire.  
Now had Bajazet (but a little before one of the greatest Princes on Earth, 
The miserable death of Bajazet.  and now the scorn of Fortune, and a Byword to the World) with great impatience lain two years in most miserable Thraldom, for most part shut up in an Iron Cage, as some dangerous Wild Beast; and having no better means to end his loathed Life, did violently beat out his Brains against the Bars of the Iron Grate wherein he was enclosed, and so died about the year of our Lord 1399. Yet of ●is Death are divers other Reports; some saying, that he died of an Ague, proceeding of Sorrow and Grief; others, that he poisoned himself; and the Turks affirming, that he was set at Liberty by Tamerlane, being by him beforehand poisoned, whereof he died three days after he was enlarged (a Report not like to be true;) but howsoever it was, his end appeareth to have been right miserable. His dead Body at the request of his Son Mahomet, was by Tamerlane sent to Asprapolis, from whence it was afterwards conveyed to Prusa, and there lieth buried in a Chapel near unto the great Mahometan Temple without the City Eastward; wher● also lieth his beloved Wife Despina, with his eldest Son Erthrogul. And fast by in a little Chapel lieth buried his Brother jacup, whom he in the beginning of his Reign murdered.  
These two great and mighty Princes, Tamerlane and Bajazet, 
A comparison betwixt Bajazet and Tamerlane.  (both of them whilst they lived, a burden to the World) as they took their beginning from the Scytheses or Tartars, so were they of like honourable Progenitors descended; Bajazet being the fourth in descent from the Warlike Ottoman, the raiser of his Family; and Tamerlane in like degree from the great Zingis, the first and most fortunate Leader of the Tartars (his Countrymen) unto the pleasures of the East; both Princes of great Power and like Spirit; wise, hardy, painful, resolute, and most skilful in Martial Affairs; but ambitious above measure, the ground of all the former troubles by them raised, to the astonishment of the World. Howbeit, the great Virtues and other the honourable qualities of Bajazet, were in him by his choleric and wayward Nature much obscured; which made him to exceed both in Cruelty and Pride; being also much more handfast than were his honourable Predecessors. For which causes he was much feared and less beloved of his Soldiers and Men of War in general, and of them at his most need forsaken; He used commonly to say, That his Treasures were his children's Meat, and not his Soldiers Pay; which by way of reproach was by a Common Soldier cast in his Teeth, when he raged to see himself by them forsaken in the great Battle against Tamerlane; telling him as he fled, that he ran not away, but went to seek his Pay, wherewith to provide his Children Bread. Whereas all the aforesaid Virtues in Tamerlane were graced with divers other of like Nature, no man being to his Friends more courteous or kind, either unto his Enemies more dreadful or terrible. The good service of his Servants he never forgot, either left the same long unrewarded; being thereof so mindful, as that he needed not by them or others in their behalf, to be put in remembrance thereof, having always by him a Catalogue both of their Names and good Deserts, which he daily perused Oftentimes saying that day to be lost, wherein he had not given them something; and yet never bestowing his Preferments on such as ambitiously sought the same (as deeming them in so doing unworthy thereof) but upon such as whose Modesty or Desert he thought worthy those his great Favours; so tempering the Severity of his Commands with the Greatness of his Bounty, as that it is hard to say, whither he was of his Nobility and Men of War, for the one more feared, or for the other beloved; both, the great Stays of Prince's States; Fear keeping the Obstinate in Obedience; and Love, the Dutiful in Devotion. But with Bajazet it was not so, who deeming all done for him but Duty, and by Nature choleric and proud (after the manner of Tyrants) desired above all to be of his Subjects feared, not much regarding how little he was of them beloved; not the least cause of his great fall and misery, and that therein he was of his own so smally regarded; 
Bajazet in his Posterity more fortunate than Tammerlane.  wherein for all that he is to be accounted more fortunate than the other great Conqueror his Enemy, having ever since in the lineal descent of himself, had one of the greatest Monarches of the World to succeed still in his Kingdom and Empire; as he hath even at this day. Whereas the glory of Tamerlane his Empire, even in his own time grown to the height thereof, and labouring with the greatness of itself, and by him divided amongst his Sons, shortly after his death decayed, rend in sunder by Ambition and Civil Discord; and not long after, together with his Posterity, rooted out by Usun-Cassanes the Persian King, to the World's wonder, took end; nothing of the huge greatness thereof now or since then remaining, more than the fame thereof; as doth also the misery of the other so brought low. But leaving this mirror of mishap (Bajazet) unto his rest, and Tamerlane for a while to triumph in Samarcand; let us now proceed in the course of our History, yet not forgetting by the way to remember such Christian Princes as then lived together with these two great Monarches.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Bajazet the First.  

Emperors 

Of the East 

Emanuel Paleologus. 1387. 30.    
Of the West 

Wenceslaus, Son to Charles King of Bohemia. 1378. 22.  
Rupertus Duke of Bavaria. 1400. 10.      
Kings 

Of England 

Richard the Second. 1377. 23.  
Henry the Fourth. 1399. 12.    
Of France 

Charles the Sixth, surnamed, The well-beloved. 1381. 42.    
Of Scotland 

John Stuart, otherwise called Robert the Third. 1390. 16.      
Bishops of Rome 

Urban the VI 1380. 11.  
Boniface the IX. 1390. 14.      



❀ MAHOMETHES PRIMUS QVINTUS TURCARUM REX 1405.   
Vindicibus Mahomet patrium sibi vindicat armis  
Imperium, etsractas fervidus auget opes.  
Quod patri abstulerat violentia Tamberlani,  
Imperio reddit Marte favente suo.  
Ille sagittiferosque Dacas, validosque Triballos  
Contudit, et populos Ister amoene tuos.  
Turcica sic rursus sublata potentia stragem  
Attulit imperio Romule magne tuo.   

His Father's Throne by chance, of War impaired,  
Bold Mahomet, with gallantry repaired,  
What from the Father Tamberlane had won  
Was wrested from him by the valiant Son.  
The Dacians, and the Servians strength he broke,  
And thou (fair Ister) feltst the dreadful Stroke:  
Prosperity to the Turkish State is come,  
And now great Romulus attend thy doom.    

The LIFE of MAHOMET, The First of that NAME, Fifth King of the Turks, And RESTORER of their sore shaken Kingdom.  

Divers opinions concerning the Successors of Bajazet.  HOw wonderfully the Turkish Kingdom was by the Violence of Tamerlane shaken, and the Majesty thereof defaced, it well appeareth, in that the Histories of that time, as well those of the Greeks, as of the Turks, in nothing more differ, than in the Successors of Bajazet, their late unfortunate King. Some writing, that he had two Sons, Orcanes (otherwise called Calepinus) and Mahomet; and that Calepinus in the second year of his Reign was slain, and his Kingdom possessed by Mahomet his Brother. Others reporting, that Bajazet had two Sons, namely, Calepinus and Mustapha; and that Calepinus succeeding his Father in the Turkish Kingdom, when he had reigned six years, died, leaving behind him two Sons Orcanes and Mahomet; and that Orcanes being young, was slain by his Uncle; whom Mahomet in revenge of his Brother's death, afterwards slew, and possessed the Kingdom himself. Others reckon up seven Sons of Bajazet; josua, Musulmanes', Moses, Calepinus, josua the younger, Mustapha and Halis; with an uncertain Succession amongst them also. This diversity of Opinions, full of no less uncertainty; as I mean not to follow in report of this History, so will I not spend any time in refuting the same, (although much might be said in the matter) but leave these Reports, together with the History following, to such credit as they shall hap to find with the considerate Readers.  
The Greek Historiographers (best like to know the Turkish Succession, as well by reason of their nearness, as in that they were by them as their bad Neighbours, so much troubled) make no mention at all either of Calepinus or of Orcanes: In like manner, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, diligently gathered out of the Turks own Histories by Io. Leunclavius (a learned Physician, and himself a great Traveller amongst them, and therefore deserving the more credit) do not so much as name the Succession of Calepinus or Orcanes, after the Captivity of Bajazet, but rejecteth them both as Counterfeits. But in my opinion (without prejudice to any, that upon better reason may deem otherwise) the great confusion of the Turkish Kingdom, in short time wrought by the mighty Tamerlane and his Tartars, with the civil Discord and War afterwards arising among the Sons of Bajazet, striving all as it were at once, for the restless room of Sovereignty, which suffereth no Partners; and every one of them, according to his hap or power, laying hand upon some one part or other thereof, and bearing himself therein for a time as King, in Countries so far distant; never leaving, until they had like the Earthborn Brethren, wrought one another's destruction; might give just occasion of such diversity of Reports as is before spoken of, concerning the Succession of that time, in that troubled and rend Kingdom; some reckoning one, some another; and some, such as never were, to have succeeded in the Government, and so untruly augmenting the number of the Turkish Kings. Wherefore leaving Calepinus and Orcanes unto them that first found them, with that little, which without any good ground and less probability is written of their supposed Reign; I (following the authority of the Turkish History) reckon this Mahomet one of the youngest Sons of Bajazet (of whom we are now to entreat) Fifth King of the Turks; who after great and dangerous Wars as well against his own Brethren, as his foreign Enemies; was at length solely invested in the Turkish Kingdom, about ten years after the Captivity of his Father Bajazet, as shall hereafter be declared.  
Bajazet after the manner of the Turkish Kings, 
The true Posterity of Bajazet.  having laid up the hope of his Posterity in the common Treasure-house of Nature, rather than in the body of one lawful Wife, had by divers Wives and Concubines seven Sons, Erthogrul, otherwise called Orthobules, Emer-Solyman, Mustapha-Zelebi, (that is to say, the Noble) Isa-Zelebi, Musa-Zelebi, Sultan Mahomet, and Casan-Zelebi. Of whom Erthogrul the eldest was lost in the Wars against Casi Burchaniden, as is before said in the life of Bajazet. Mustapha was slain in the great battle against Tamerlane, and there buried in the Bed of Fame. Cusan the youngest was a Child in Bajazet his Court, when his Father was taken, and afterwards with his Sister Fatime delivered as Hostages, by their Brother Solyman, unto Emanuel the Emperor of Constantinople, where they both happily became Christians, and so shortly after died.  
Solyman was by Alis Bassa Precedent of Bajazet his Council, and other great Captains, conveyed out of the battle against Tamerlane, into Europe, and so by them at Hadrianople saluted Sultan. Mahomet fled out of the same battle to Amasia in Capadocia, where he was in his Father's time Governor. Isa hearing of his Father's Captivity, after the departing of Tamerlane with his Tartars, seized upon Prusa a City of Bythinia, the ancient Seat of the Turkish Kings, with the Country adjoining, and there reigned as King. Musa-Zelebi was taken Prisoner with Bajazet his Father, and afterwards set at liberty by Tamerlane. But of their Fortunes more shall be said in this History following.  
Mahom●t was but fifteen years old when his Father Bajazet in the unfortunate battle of Mount Stella was taken Prisoner, 
Mahomet Governor of Amasia.  and was at the same time by his appointment Governor of Amasia, with a great part of Capadocia adjoining; which places became so troublesome after the great Victory of Tamerlane; that the Turks in that Country were glad day and night for the safeguard of themselves, their Wives, and Children, to keep continual Watch and Ward; insomuch that many of them wearied with those Troubles, and despairing of better Times, went into voluntary Exile, because they would not see so great Miseries; which thing much grieved young Mahomet. Wherefore calling unto him his most faithful Counsellors, to consult what course to take i●: the midst of so many dangers, it was by general consent thought best (for so much as they could not without apparent danger continue near unto Tamerlanes Forces) to get themselves further off into places of more strength, and from thence to expect the departure of their Enemies, and in the mean time to content themselves with such advantages as occasion and chance of War might minister; cutting them short by policy, whom they were not able to meet in the plain Field, and so by little and little to weaken or weary their mighty straggling Enemies. For albeit that Tamerlane himself was not near him, as then lying in Caria; yet did the Captains of his great and victorious Army, at their pleasure spoil and forage the Countries far and near all over the lesser Asia. Upon this Resolution he with all his Forces departed from Amasia, to Derby in Pap●lagonia; where by the way he encountered with Cara jahia a nigh Kinsman to the Prince Isfendiar of Castamona, his Enemy; whom he put to flight with great slaughter of his Men. This was the beginning of Mahomet's good Fortune. From thence he went to Kereden, 
Mahomet ●●nd●●h Spies into Tamerlane his Camp.  and there staying certain days, sent a Spy into Tamerlanes Camp, to see how all things went there; and afterwards entered again into Council with his Captains, concerning his further proceedings. In which Consultation some were of opinion, That it was best for him to withdraw himself into the Mountains of the lesser Asia, as a place of good safety, until the departure of Tamerlane, which was shortly hoped for; for that it was not to be thought, that Tamerlane would with his huge Army pursue him in that Mountain-Country, flying from Hill to Hill, and as it were from strength to strength. Others better advised, thought these Mountains to be no places to trust unto, and therefore that it were more honourable, and as free from danger, for him to return again to Amasia, there to live amongst his Subjects, protecting them in such sort as he might, and not to leave them for a Prey to every straggling Company of the rude Tartarians; which counsel he followed, as most reasonable; and being ready to set forward, the Spy before by him sent into Tamerlanes Camp, returned, certifying him that he had seen his Father Bajazet in good health in the Tartars Camp, but could not by any means speak with him, by reason of the strait Guard set over him; and that all that part of Asia was by Tamerlane possessed, who then with his Army wintered in Caria and L●sia; whereupon Mahomet returned back again into Amasia; where he had not long stayed, but that News was brought unto him, That one of the Tartarian Princes called Cara Duletschach (that is to say, the fortunate black King) was with an Army of twenty thousand coming to spoil his Country, being given him by Tamerlane. With which News he was exceedingly troubled; wherefore with all speed calling together his Forces for the safeguard of his Country, sent before a Spy to discover the Enemies doings. This diligent Spy returning in all haste, told Mahomet, That Cara Dulet lay at the Town of Aegiolus in Galatia, in great security, having about him but a small Power; for that he fearing no danger, had at that time dispersed his Army, to seek after Pillage abroad in the Country. Mahomet taking hold of this opportunity, marched thither with great celerity, and suddenly setting upon Cara Dulet, overcame him. In which Conflict Cara Dulet himself was shot through the Head with an Arrow and slain, and his Army utterly discomfited. 
Cara Dulet slain.  Mahomet returning back to Amasia with Victory, refreshed and rewarded his Soldiers, yet no less careful for the safety of his Kingdom than before.  
Shortly after, he was advertised that Cubad Ogli with a great Army laid hard Siege to the City of Caesaria in Capadocia, and was like in short time to take it, if it were not speedily relieved. By taking of which City, that Tartar Prince was like to make a great Entrance, to the hazarding of the whole Country. Wherefore Mahomet having his Army always in readiness, marched day and night with such speed to Caesaria, as that he was upon Cubad Ogli before he was aware of his coming, and there slew most of his Soldiers, and put him with the rest to flight. After that, he returned into Cubad Ogli his Country in Pontus, and grievously spoiled and destroyed the same; at which time he also by force won the strong Castle Peltae in the Confines of Phrygia.  
Immediately after that, Inael Ogli another of Tamerlanes Captains (which at their pleasure without let foraged all the Countries of the lesser Asia, during the time that Tamerlane made his abode within the Turks Dominions) upon the sudden entered into Capadoci● with an Army of twenty thousand fight men, killing the Inhabitants, and spoiling the Country before him; so that the people for fear left their dwellings, and fled into the Woods and Mountains to hide themselves from his fury. Whereof Mahomet hearing, was therewith exceedingly grieved, and wrote unto him as followeth:  
Sultan Mahomet, unto the Prince Inall Ogli.  
WHereas without any just or Lawful Cause, 
Mahomet his 〈◊〉 to Ina●l Ogli the Tartar Prince.  or any War proclaimed, you have invaded Our Kingdom, and cease not cruelly to kill Our Subjects, by God committed to Our Protection; and to spoil their Wealth and Labours, to the great disturbance of the Mahometan Commonweal; and make no end of your malice and cruelty; you do therein quite digress from the Manners and Laws of the true Mahometans, or right Believers. For if thou wouldst not only be accounted, but indeed be a true Musul-man, thou shouldst forthwith depart out of my Kingdom with thine Army; thou shouldst not thus shed the innocent blood, or without cause thus wrong my people; but forasmuch as thou knowest not what beseemeth thee, neither wilt listen unto good Counsel, but wilfully proceed in thy wicked purpose, falsely persuading thyself, this my Kingdom to be destitute of a lawful Inheritor, and therefore dost so great Wrong and Injury unto the Defenders of the true Mahometan Religion; I would thou shouldst know, that I with my so often Victorious Army will shortly by the Power of God come against thee, and in plain Field, according to thy deserts, chastise thee. Therefore whilst thou yet mayst, reclaim thyself, and proceed not too far in thine obstinacy; too late Repentance did never man yet good. Thus much We thought good to advise thee, that thou shouldst not be ignorant of Our purpose, but mightest so better consider and dispose both of thyself and thine affairs. In the year after the departure of the great Prophet Mahomet 806.  
Unto which Letters Inall Ogli returned this Answer in writing:  
Prince Inall Ogli, to Mahomet.  

Inall Ogli his answer to Mahomet.  WHy dost thou Mahomet with such Letters provoke me? why dost thou so uncivilly taunt me, being thyself but a Boy, and in truth a very Child? It beseemeth thee not to have entered into these Countries, or to lay hands thereon, wrongfully gracing thyself with the Title of a Sultan. Neither is there any cause why thou shouldst complain, that I should lie in wait or seek after thy Life, thy Kingdom, or any thing that thine is. I challenge unto myself this Kingdom, but none of thine; out of which it is reason for thee, as a wrongful intruder of thyself, to depart; whom otherwise I will forthwith thrust out, and join the same unto the rest of my Territories. Wherefore except thou without delay get thee packing, and cease to oppose thyself against my designs, I denounce unto thee all the Calamities of War, and wish thee with speed to prepare thyself to battle, for that I mean shortly to meet with thee. This year of our great Prophet, 806.  

Inall Ogli overthrown by Mahomet.  Shortly after, Mahomet according to his promise meeting with this Tartar Prince▪ by plain force overthrew him, and had of him a notable Victory.  
The like good hap he had also not long after, against Coster Ogli and Kiupeck Ogli, two other Tartarian Captains, at the Castle of Chara-chizar and the Plain of Artuck-Ova. And hearing that one Mesites a Turk, had fortified himself in the Ruins of Sebastia, and from thence spoiled the Country round about, he sent Bajazet one of his Bassas against him; who in short time took him, and brought him bound unto him; by whom he was adjudged to die. But seeing in the man an invincible courage, and contempt of death at such time as he should have been executed, moved therewith, he gave him his pardon; for which he ever after continued unto him faithful, and did him great Service.  
Mahomet having many times thus vanquished the straggling Tartarian Princes, which had sought the spoil of his Country, became thereby famous amongst the great Commanders of Tamerlane his Army; insomuch that the bruit of his name came at length to Tamerlanes Ear, yet lying in the lesser Asia; who as he thought it not worth his Greatness and Labour, himself in Person to go against so great an Enemy; so he thought it not good or convenient quite to neglect him, but by some other means (if he could) to overtake him. For which purpose he began to speak many times very honourably of him, highly commending his great valour and forwardness in so tender years. And calling for Bajazet; told him what great commendation he had heard of his Son Mahomet, and that he was therefore very desirous to see him; where if he found that true which was reported of his great Virtues, he would bestow one of his Daughters upon him in Marriage, with many other great Preferments; and therefore willed Bajazet to write unto him, Not to doubt to come unto him, to the great good both of himself and his Father. Which thing Bajazet at the first doubting the worst, requested Tamerlane not to believe that of his Son, being yet very young, and not worthy of so great a Favour. Nevertheless partly persuaded by Tamerlane his Protestations, and importuned by him that might now command him; he with an evil will wrote to his Son Mahomet to such effect as Tamerlane required. With which Letters, and others of like purport from himself, with many rich Presents, Tamerlane sent Hozza Mahomet (one of his secret Counsellors) Ambassador to Mahomet, of whom he was right honourably received, and likewise entertained. But having read the aforesaid Letters, and thereby understood the cause of his coming, he entered into Council with the great Bassas about him, whether he were best to go to Tamerlane or not. Where his Counsellors were all clear of one Opinion, that it was not good for him to adventure his Person to the danger of such a Journey, or the mercy of so mighty an Enemy, of whose Faith he had no assurance. And if so be (said they) he therewith offended, will by force seek to have you, we at his coming will take the refuge of the Woods and Mountains, and there shroud ourselves until he be departed again; for that he with his huge Army cannot here long stay in this bare Country, for want of Necessaries. Nevertheless Mahomet hoping that his Journey might be both for the good of his Father, and his own Advancement; contrary to the mind of all his Counsellors, resolved to go; and so having prepared all things needful for the honour and safety of his Journey, set forward. But as he was upon the way in the Marches of Pontus, Cara jahia whom he had before overthrown, understanding of his coming that way, thinking now to be revenged, and having got unto some of the Prince Isfendiars Forces, set upon him by the way; but with as evil Success as before, most of his Men being there by Mahomet slain, and himself glad shamefully to fly. So travelling on further, he understood that Alis Beg, a great Lord in those Countries, went about to intercept him also; which caused him in such haste to go on, that he was upon Alis before he was aware of his coming, or well provided for him; so that for fear he was glad to betake himself to flight. Mahomet considering the danger he had escaped in that Journey, and that the nearer he came to Tamerlane, the more like he was to fall into greater, although happily without Tamerlane his knowledge; by the advice of his grave and faithful Counsellors, resolved to go no further. Wherefore calling unto him Tamerlanes Ambassador, he thus spoke unto him:  
You see the Dangers and Injuries I endure in this my journey, and my mind forbodeth greater to ensue; 
Mahomet his Speech to Tamerlanes Ambassador.  for which causes I may not go any further, but here return: Commend me therefore I pray you unto the most mighty Tamerlane, with my Father; and tell them what dangers have happened unto me upon the way; which considered, I hope they will have me excused. For which purpose I will also send in your company an Ambassador of mine own.  
Mahomet at that time had with him a grave, wise, and learned Man, called Sophis Bajazet, sometime his Schoolmaster; whom he sent Ambassador to Tamerlane and his Father, to have him unto them both excused; and so departed he homewards, leaving the way he came (for fear of further danger) and they towards Tamerlane, who honourably received Mahomet's Ambassador and Letters. But taking pleasure in the man sent unto him, gave him honourable Entertainment, but would never after suffer him to return again unto his Master.  
It was not long after, but that old Bajazet died of impatiency (as is aforesaid:) whose dead body Tamerlane left at Apropolis with the Prince Germean, to be delivered unto his Son Mahomet; with Musa his elder Brother (who all this while had been kept Prisoner with Tamerlane) if Mahomet should require them. And so the mighty Prince Tamerlane, after he had long time wasted Phrygia, Caria, Lydia, with the most part of the lesser Asia; and conquered all Syria, judea, Egypt, and Persia, with many other great Countries and Provinces; returned at last into his own Kingdom, unto the great City of Samercand, which he wonderfully enlarged, and beautified with the Spoils of a great part of the World, before by him wasted; where he afterwards in great Peace and Glory reigned, no less honoured than feared of all the Princes of the East. To the terror of whom, and for the assuring of his Estate, 
The great power Tamerlane continually kept.  he kept always a standing Army of forty thousand Horse, and threescore thousand Foot ready at all assays; beside other his great Garrisons which he kept in Syria, Egypt, China, and Cambalu; as also against the Muscovite, and Turks; being commonly in every place threescore thousand strong, though not still in field, but as occasion required. Until that at length hearing of the rising again of the Turkish Kingdom, under the Ottoman Princes, the Sons of Bajazet, with whom the oppressed Mamelukes of Egypt, and the Greek Emperor (as doubtful of his estate) had now also for fear of him combined themselves; he by the persuasion of Axalla (than General of his Imperial Army) made great preparation for a second Expedition to be made for the utter rooting out of the Ottoman Family, and the Conquest of the Greek Empire. But having now all things in readiness, and also given a good beginning unto these his intended Conquests, (one of the great Turk's Bassas being by Axalla his Lieutenant in a great battle overthrown, and thirty thousand of the Turks slain) he in the midst of these his great hopes, as also of his greatest Power, died of an Ague the 27 th' day of january, in the year of our Lord, 1402. A little before whose death, 
The death of Tamerlane.  appeared a great and terrible Blazing-Star, portending as it were to the World the death of so great a Prince. He was a man of a middle stature, somewhat narrow in the shoulders, otherwise well limmed, and of a great strength. 
The description of Tamerlane.  In his eyes sat such a rare Majesty, as a man could hardly endure to behold them without closing of his own; and many in talking with him, and often beholding of him became dumb; which caused him oftentimes with a comely modesty to abstain from looking too earnestly upon such as spoke unto him, or discoursed with him. All the rest of his Visage was amiable and well proportioned; he had but little hair on his Chin; and beware the hair of his Head long and curled, contrary to the manner of the Tartars, who shave their Heads, having the same always covered; whereas he chose was for the most part bore headed, commanding his Son also to be so by his Tutors brought up; his hair was of a dark colour; somewhat drawing toward a Violet, right beautiful to behold; which his Mother coming of the Race of Samson (as he gave it out) willed him to nourish, in token of his descent; the cause that made him to be the more respected of his Men of War; most part of them believing that in those hairs was some rare virtue, or rather some fatal destiny; an old practice of many great Commanders of former Ages, to fill the heads of their Soldiers with some strange Opinion conceived of them, to be the more of them honoured; as if in them had been some one thing or other more than in other men.  
His great Empire by himself divided betwixt his Sons, was by their discord, 
Mahomet goeth against his Brother.  and the ambition of some of their disloyal Subjects, in short time after brought to great confusion, and his Posterity utterly rooted out by Usun-C●ssanes, the Armenian Prince, as in the process of this History may appear. But to return again to our purpose; Mahomet delivered of his greatest fear, by the departure of Tamerlane out of those Countries, determined to go to Prusa in Bythinia, where his Brother Isa as then reigned; but understanding that Isa had before taken the Straits whereby he should pass the Mount Horminius, he took another way about, and came to Palaeocastron, where the valiant Captain Eine-beg Subbassa than remained; who with all honour and gladness received him, and there for certain days refreshed both him and his Army. Afterwards greater Forces still repairing unto him, he marched thence to Ulabad, called in ancient time Lopadium. Of whose coming Isa before understanding, and having assembled his Army, marched thither also, and encamped on the other side of the Town towards Prusa, ready to give him battle. But Mahomet seeing his Brother so forward, consulted with his Captains what were best to be done; where Eine Subbassa a man of great experience, and of late one of Bajazet his great Counsellors and Captains, told him, That it was not for their Honours, being Brethren, to pollute their hands one in the others blood; but to assay if the quarrel might by some other good means be composed, and they made Friends. For which purpose, Mahomet presently sent Letters unto his Brother Isa, concerning the partition of their Father's Kingdom in Asia betwixt them: offering unto him the Provinces of Aidinia, Saruchania, Germeania, Charasia, Charamania, with other Countries to them belonging; so that he might have Prusa with all other Provinces about the same. Which Letters, when Isa had read, and saw that Mahomet offered him but Titles for Kingdoms, and such Countries as were rather sometimes Tributaries unto their Father Bajazet, than any part of his Kingdom, and now of late by Tamerlane again restored unto their ancient Liberty and Governors, sharing out the best and strongest part thereof unto himself, he broke forth into choler and said:  
What, doth not my Father's Kingdom of right belong unto me being the elder Brother? 
The answer of Isa to Mahomet his Offers.  Mahomet is yet but a Youth, and scarce crept out of the shell; by what right then can he claim my Father's Kingdom as his Inheritance? If he can by the Sword win it, let him take it, and so hold it.  
Mahomet having received his Answer, prepared himself to the field, where his Brother as ready as himself, stood expecting his coming; and having set Army in order of battle, gave the first Charge; which was the beginning of a most cruel and bloody fight, wherein, as it commonly falleth out in doubtful Battles, many were on both sides slain. At last the fortune of Mahomet prevailing, Isa his Army began to retire; which he seeing, left nothing undone for the encouraging of his fainting Soldiers, which belonged to a politic General, or valiant Soldier to do; but pressing into the thickest of his Enemies, there with his own hand slew the ancient and valiant Captain Eine Subbassa, who had many times been General of the Footmen in old Bajazet his Wars. But what prevaileth courage against evil fortune? Isa must ●ither fly or die. And therefore having done what he could in so desperate a case, being himself on every side forsaken, in the end was glad himself to fly to the Seaside; where finding a Ship ready bound for Constantinople, he passed over thither in safety, and there yielded himself unto the Protection of the Greek Emperor Emanuel. In this chase Mahomet his Soldiers took the valiant Captain Temurtases Prisoner, another of Bajazet his great Commanders, and brought him to Mahomet; who in revenge of the death of Eine, commanded his Head presently to be smitten off, and his Body to be hanged upon a Tree by the Highway side. Of this Victory, Mahomet certified his Brother Solyman at Hadrianople, and in token thereof sent him Temurtases his Head. This battle was much spoken of, both for that it was fought betwixt two Brethren; and also for the death of the two famous and old Captains Eine and Temurtases, who both together as loving Friends, had fortunately fought many great battles under Bajazet his Ensigns; and now as it were by destiny, and against their wills, without any private grudge, were both drawn into contrary Factions and slain; both whilst they lived wishing a good Peace betwixt the ambitious Brethren. But as the Turks use to say, What is by God written in a man's forehead before his Birth, cannot in his life be avoided.  
After this Victory, Mahomet thinking himself now in sure possession of all his Father's Dominions in Asia, led his Army to Prusa, where he was of the Citizens joyfully received as their Sultan; and for his great bounty, of all men highly commended and honoured. From thence he went to Nice, and so to Neapolis, and there in both places was likewise received. Thither resorted unto him all the Garrisons of Carasina, S●ruchania, and Aidinia, with other the Inhabitants of those Countries, with all Loyalty submitting themselves unto him, with such Honour and Reverence as belonged to their King.  
All things thus sorting according to his desire in Asia, he sent to the Prince Germean for the Body of his Father Bajazet, and for his Brother Musa, 
The body of Bajazet honourably buried at Prusa.  which were there left by Tamerlane, as is before declared. This Body was by the same Prince at the request of Mahomet, with great Solemnity sent to Prusa, and there sumptuously buried, with all the Turkish Obsequies and Ceremonies; the Turkish Alcoran or Book of their Law, being read seven days upon his Tomb. All which time great cheer was kept for all Comers, and much given to the Poor (upon the Turkish devotion) for Bajazet his Soul; but above all others, exceeding bounty was extended to the Posterity of their Prophet Mahomet, which are known from others amongst the Mahometans, by the colour of their Apparel, which is all green, and not lawful to be worn of any but of them; so that they were by the bounty of Mahomet, at that time greatly enriched. He also endowed the Abbey which his Father had there lately built, with great Lands and Possessions for the maintenance thereof. All which things done, and the Solemnity past, he went in Progress to all parts of his Kingdom, and was in every place joyfully received; and so afterward returned to Amasia; and there in great pleasure spent that Summer. Where we will for a while leave him, to see what Solyman his eldest Brother in the mean time doth at Hadrianople.  
Solyman the eldest Son of Bajazet (who kept his Court at Hadrianople, there peaceably Reigning all this while over the Countries which his Father Bajazet sometime possessed in Europe) hearing what his Brother Mahomet had done, and how violently against all Right he had driven Isa out of Prusa, and made him glad to fly to Constantinople; was with this his outrageous dealing much offended, and thereupon calling unto him his Bassas and faithful Counsellors, declared unto them the unnatural proceedings of Mahomet against his Brother Isa. Wherein (said he) he doth me also great wrong in taking upon him the Sovereignty over those great Dominions and Countries in Asia, which of right belong to me his elder Brother, and not to him the youngest of six. In revenge of which Injury and Wrong, I intent in mine own Right, to pass over into Asia with a strong Army, and by force of Arms to recover mine Inheritance there, if I may not otherwise come by it. Unto which Speech one of his grave Counsellors replied, 
Good counsel.  That in his opinion it was not the best course for himself to go in Person into those Wars. For although (said he) your Brother Mahomet be but young, and therefore by your greatness less accounted of, yet is his Fortune great, and his experience above his years. None have yet had to do with him, but they have had enough of him; yea it is worth the noting, how politicly he hath born himself for his own safety, and the safeguard of the Countries which he governed all the while that the great and mighty Tamerlane with his innumerable Forces covered the face of the Countries fast by him; most part whereof, Mahomet hath now since his departure, again recovered. Wherefore it were best for you to send for your angry Brother Isa, to Constantinople, and to make him General of the Army you intent to send into Asia against Mahomet. In which Wars, it is not unlike, but that one of your Brethren will be lost, whereby you shall have one Competitor of your Kingdom the less. So shall you afterwards with less trouble subdue him that is left, or at leastwise please him with some part of that which they have so mightily striven for. 
Isa with a great army sent by his Brother Solyman into Asia against Mahomet.  This Counsel was of Solyman and all the rest well liked of, and approved. So was Isa presently sent for unto Constantinople, and a great Army levied. Who being come to Hadrianople, was by Solyman courteously welcomed, and made General of his Army; and therewith shipped over the Straight of Hellespontus into Asia. Where at his first coming, he possessed the whole Country of Carasia or Lydia; and passing further, in all places where he came, was received of the people with great Reverence, they all promising him their Obedience, if it were his fortune to prevail against his younger Brother Mahomet; wherewith he held himself well contented. So coming to the City of Beg-Bazer, otherwise called Despotopolis, he there wintered with his Army. In which time, he with many kind and loving Letters still directed to Mahomet as his younger Brother, seemed to be glad that he was so well obeyed and liked of by his Subjects; and that presuming of his Love and Favour, he was as his loving Brother, and not as an Enemy come into Asia, to entreat with him of such matters as much concerned the good of them both. Whereunto Mahomet with like dissimulation answered, That he was right glad of his coming; for which he needed not (as he said) to make any excuse, for that he was entered into a Kingdom, in part his own, and the rest open before him; in token whereof he commanded a rich Garment to be cast upon the Messenger as a favour, sending also divers rich Presents unto his Brother, with great Provision of Victuals, and other necessaries for his Soldiers.  
But Winter past, and the Spring come, Isa marched with his Army to Prusa, and there showed unto the Citizens the loving Letters he had at sundry times before received from Mahomet; and telling them that he was in good hope that they should in short time right well agree; requested to have the Castle delivered unto him, sometime their Sovereign; whereinto the better sort of the Citizens had retired themselves, and made fast the Gates against him; but when he saw that he could by no fair words or policy gain the possession of the Castle, enraged with that repulse, 
Prusa burnt by Isa.  he set fire upon that goodly City, and burned it down to the ground. Mahomet not ignorant how his Brother Isa roamed up and down his Kingdom, using all kindness to such as yielded unto him; and exercising no less cruelty upon such as refused his Obedience; and how that he had razed the Royal City of Prusa; having gathered a strong Army, marched in ten days from Amasia to Prusa, and by the way meeting with his Brother Isa, in a great battle overthrew him with all his Forces. Isa himself accompanied with no more but ten persons, fled unto Castamona, Prince Isfendiar his City; who hearing of his arrival there, entertained him with all the Honour he could, in recompense of the great Friendship he had before found at his hands, at what time he was an humble Suitor in his Father Bajazet his Court.  
Mahomet coming to Prusa, grieved exceedingly to see that fair City so destroyed; yet to comfort the poor Citizens, he gave exceeding Sums of Money to be bestowed amongst them, and took order for the new building of the City, and there continued certain days himself to see the Work begun.  
Isa in the mean time having incited the Prince Isfendiar in his quarrel to invade his Brother Mahomet, and going thither himself in Person, was by him now the third time overthrown and put to flight. Nevertheless he with some small Forces twice afterwards entered into Mahomet's Dominion, but finding few or none willing to follow his evil Fortune, was glad at last to fly to the Prince of Smyrna, by whom he was both honourably entertained, and comforted.  
This Prince of Smyrna moved with Isa his pitiful Complaints in so manifest a wrong, did not only promise him what help he could of himself, but also by his Ambassadors solicited the Princes of Aidinia, Saruchania, and Mentesia, to give him Aid in so just a quarrel, for the relief of Isa, against his usurping Brother. These Princes pitying the case of the distressed Prince, and moved with the Request of the Prince of Smyrna, and fearing also the ambitious spirit of Mahomet; amongst them sent such Aid, that being all assembled together, Isa had now twenty thousand men in Arms. Mahomet understanding of this great Preparation made against him, and having raised a strong Army, thought it not best to expect his Brothers coming into his Country (where perhaps many might join themselves unto him, being so strong in the field) but entered the Prince of Smyrna his Country, with such speed, that he was upon him and the rest of his Enemies before he was looked for; where after a great and bloody Fight he obtained of them a notable Victory. Isa having lost the battle, and therewith his hope also, fled into Caramania, and there in such obscurity ended his days, that no man can tell where nor how he died. 
Isa flieth into Caraman●a, and there dieth in obscurity.  This was the end of this noble Prince, always of greater courage than fortune. The Prince of Smyrna the chief Author of this War, humbling himself to Mahomet, obtained his Favour. The other Confederate Princes which gave Aid to Isa, were shortly after by Mahomet for most part spoiled of their Dominions. Which done, he returned with Victory to the building of Prusa, hoping now to live more at quiet.  
But whilst Mahomet after this Victory dreading no danger, was in the midst of his Pleasures at Prusa, he was certainly advertised, That his Brother Solyman had raised a great Army in Europe, to invade him in Asia. Upon which advertisement he furnished the Castle of Prusa with a strong Garrison, and all things needful for the enduring of a long Siege, and placed jacup-beg the Son of Firoses, Captain therein; and afterwards departed himself, because that City (lately before burnt by Isa) was not as yet to be defended, much less to be accounted of as a place to retire unto if need should so require. From Prusa he came to Ancyra, and from thence directed Commissions for the taking up of Soldiers in all parts of his Kingdom. At which time he wrote Letters also to Doioran a Tartar Prince (whom he had many times greatly pleasured) for Aid; who presently came unto him with certain Troops of brave Horse, promising him his faithful Service.  
Not long after, hearing that his Brother Solyman was with a puissant Army now come over Hellespontus, he consulted with his best Leaders, what course first to take; being himself of opinion, without delay to meet his Brother in the Field, deeming it great shame, not to offer him present battle. But he was by his more expert Captains advised, to consider that he was to fight against his eldest Brother, of whose good or bad Fortune he had as yet no experience; and that many secretly favoured his Quarrel and Claim, as the eldest Son and right Heir of his Father Bajazet; and therefore it were better for him to retire further off into the strength of his Kingdom; and so temporising, to await all good opportunities that might chance, as it doth in nothing more than in Martial Affairs; rather than to commit all to the hazard of one battle, wherein if Fortune failed him, all were then utterly lost. Upon which Resolution he retired from Ancyra towards Amasia. At which time Doioran the false Tartarian, marching out at the other side of the City, fell to robbing and spoiling of Mahomet's Subjects as an Enemy, burning the Country-Villages as they went; which thing when Mahomet understood, he with his Horsemen pursued him, and overtaking him before he was looked for, slew most part of his men, and recovered all the spoil which he had before taken; all which Maho●●t gave to his Soldiers: Doioran himself hardly escaping by flight. And so Mahomet having revenged himself upon his dissembling Friend, held on his way towards Amasia.  
Solyman being come into Asia, 
The Castle of Prusa besieged by Solyman.  led his Army towards Prusa; where the Citizen's understanding of his coming, went out of the City to meet him, and having done unto him such Honour and Reverence as belonged to their Sultan, brought him peaceably into the City. But jacup-beg stood upon his guard, and would by no means deliver unto him the Castle, which was before by Mahomet committed to his charge; for which cause Solyman laid hard siege unto it, and gave thereunto divers sharp Assaults, whereby the Defendants were greatly weakened, many of them being slain, and the rest for the most part wounded. Whereupon jacup by Letters sent by one Eine Hozze, certified Mahomet how things stood, and that the Castle could not long be holden against the furious Assaults of Solyman, except it were with speed relieved; upon which News he in all hast made towards Prusa, returning the same Messenger before him, with Letters to the Captain of the Castle, if happily he could find means to deliver the same; wherein he highly commended him for faithful Service▪ and promised him speedy relief. This Messenger with his Letters chanced by Solyman his Soldiers to be intercepted, and brought to Alis Bassa, Solyman his chief Counsellor, a man of a sharp conceit, who of nothing could make something, but having any thing to work upon could do wonders; he having straight examined the Messenger, and perused the Letters, suppressed the same, and presently writ others in the name of Mahomet, commending the Captain for that he had already done in his Service; but yet forasmuch as he could not possibly in time relieve him, he willed him therefore to deliver up the Castle, and to provide for the safeguard of himself and his Garrison, by such conditions as he could best obtain. These counterfeit Letters Alis Bassa found means to be as cunningly delivered unto the Captain, as they were craftily indicted; who having read the same, and now out of all hope of relief, expecting also every hour to be assaulted by the furious Enemy; upon reasonable conditions yielded the Castle to Solyman. The news whereof being brought unto Mahomet, now come within one days march of Prusa, exceedingly grieved him; but seeing no remedy, he returned back again to Amasia; whither Solyman (now possessed of the City and Castle of Prusa, and having thereby got a great Name in Asia) shortly after came with his Army, and hardly besieged his Brother in Amasia; but seeing no hope to win the City, he retired back again to Prusa, and there after his wont manner spent his time in riot and excess, whereunto he was exceedingly given. jacup-beg for yielding of the Castle, was afterward by Mahomet straight imprisoned, and in danger to have been put to death, had not the great Bassas become earnest Intercessors for him.  
Mahomet lying at Amasia, was by his secret Spials advertised, That his Brother Solyman having dispersed his Army, lay in great security at Prusa, guarded but with a small Power, passing his time in all voluptuous pleasure, his common Exercise. Whereupon he in all hast marched with his Army thitherwards, to have surprised him before he should be able to call together his dispersed Forces. But when he was come to the River Sangarius, he was discovered by Solyman Subbassa a great Captain, whom Sultan Solyman had sent for the taking up of men in that side of the Country. Who returning in all haste, gave Solyman knowledge of his Brothers coming; with which sudden news he was so dismayed, being now of small strength, that for the avoiding of the imminent danger, he would presently have fled into Europe, had not Alis Bassa otherwise persuaded him; telling him, That if he should so cowardly fly away, it would not only blemish and defame his Honour, but discourage his Friends also in Asia, and encourage his Enemies to pursue him perhaps unto the Gates of Hadrianople; and that therefore it were better with such Forces as he had to take the Straits of Neapolis, and so to stay his Brothers further passage into that Country, until such time as he might assemble the rest of his Army. According to which good Counsel he first took the beforenamed Straits and Passages, whereby Mahomet was of necessity to pass, and there strongly fortified himself. Mahomet coming thither, with great force entered those Straits, but was still valiantly by Solyman repulsed. The like attempt he many times valiantly gave, for that he knew himself to be at that time too strong for his Brother; but Solyman having the advantage of the place, with little danger or loss frustrated those his Brothers brave Attempts, although he were then a great deal the weaker. Alis Bassa, whose wily head, fraught with long experience, could (with nothing) effect great matters, in the mean time was not idle, but (making Solyman before acquainted with his doings) sent a secret Messenger (one of his own trusty Servants) to Mahomet with Letters; certifying him, That most of his Nobility and great Captains had secretly conspired to betray him into the hands of his elder Brother Solyman, as the undoubted Heir of his Father Bajazet; and so with the price of his Head, to make their own Peace and Atonement with him; and that for the performance thereof they had bound themselves first unto Solyman, and afterwards one to another, by solemn Oath. Which Treason he discovered unto him, with great protestation of his love and good will, as he that had a long time eaten Bread and Salt (as the Turks use to say) in his Father's Court, and therefore could not but wish well unto him, being one of his Lord and Masters Sons. These Letters something troubled Mahomet, breeding in his head many a jealous conceit; for all that, he ceased not for six or seven days space, to give many a hot Skirmish for the gaining of those straight passages, but all in vain. In which time it chanced, one of his Servants near about his Person, to fly unto the Enemy; which caused him the more to suspect all that to be true, whereof Alis Bassa had forewarned him. Which considered, and that by lying there he prevailed nothing, but lost and wearied his Men, (for it was all that while exceeding foul Wether) and withal doubting to be betrayed, returned as he came, to Amasia. And Solyman glad also of his departure, retired to Prusa, giving order into all parts of his Kingdom, for the assembling of a great Army; but understanding that the King of Caramania had made a League with his Brother Mahomet, and that they were agreed to join their Forces against him, for the driving of him out of Asia, he forthwith drew all his Forces to Ancyra, as a place of more safety.  
Whilst Solyman thus lay at Ancyra, it fortuned that Musa (which had all this while remained with his Brother Mahomet, since he was set at Liberty by Tamerlane, though not altogether well pleased with his own estate) one day by way of talk, thus spoke unto his Brother; You see (said he) how our elder Brother Solyman ceaseth not to vex and molest us daily, and is not unlike in the end to prevail against us, to our utter destruction: Now if it might please you to give me leave, I would go to Isfendiar Prince of Castamona and Pontus, our Brother's Enemy, and of him procure shipping to pass over the Euxine Sea into Europe; where I doubt not to find opportunity to make some great Innovation in that Kingdom, now in my Brother's absence; by reason whereof Solyman shall of necessity be driven to leave Asia, to be again by you solely possessed; or else be brought in danger there to lose his Kingdom in Europe. Which if it shall be my good hap to gain out of his hands by your supportation, I promise you faithfully to hold the same of you as of my Lord and Sovereign. This greatly pleased Mahomet, and thereupon not long after they concluded betwixt themselves, one to stand fast unto another, and the one to help the other in what they could, during life; confirming the same with great Solemnity of their Turkish Faith given and taken. Whereupon Mahomet furnished his Brother Musa with great Sums of Money and other needful things for the taking in hand of so great an Enterprise.  
Musa thus furnished, taking his leave of his Brother, set forwards towards the Prince Isfendiar; who hearing of his coming, met him on the way, and entertained him as a great Prince. But after that Musa had made him acquainted with his purpose for passing into Europe, and had obtained grant of his help therein, he took his leave of him for a time, and went to visit the King of Caramania; who also most honourably entertained him, and the rather in despite of Solyman. But whilst Musa was thus passing the time in Caramania, it fortuned that Mark (of some called Merxes) Prince of Valachia, having his Country much spoiled by Solyman his Garrisons; and hearing that Musa one of Bajazet his Sons was with the Prince Isfendiar, he writ unto him, promising to bestow his Daughter and Heir in marriage upon Musa, if he would come over into Europe, and revenge the wrong done unto him by Solyman. Whereof Musa advertised by the Prince Isfendiar, gladly returned out of Caramania, and was by him transported over the Euxine or Black Sea, into Europe; where the Prince of Valachia glad of his coming, received him with great Honour, 
Musa marrieth the Prince of Valachia his daughter.  and according to his promise gave him his Daughter in marriage.  
The fame of Musa his coming into Europe and of his Marriage, was in short time bruited through all Solyman his Kingdom in Europe, and wrought such effect in the minds of the mutable vulgar people (always desirous of Novelty) that they all as it were with one consent submitted themselves unto him, as unto their Lord and Sovereign; in so much that coming to the Royal City of Hadrianople, 
Musa in the absence of Solyman received at Hadrianople as King.  in the absence of his Brother Solyman he was there received as their King.  
Solyman now lying at Ancyra in Asia, understanding of these proceedings of Musa in Europe, and that he was possessed of a great part of his Kingdom there, was therewith exceedingly troubled. Wherefore leaving his Deputy in Ancyra, he with all his Army came to the Straight of Bosphorus, and there of Emanuel the Greek Emperor obtained passage, promising for the same to restore unto him certain places before taken from him in Asia; for Musa had so provided, that he could have no help of the Turkish shipping, which was by his Commandment all before brought over unto Europe side. Musa hearing of Solyman his arrival in Europe, made towards him with a great Power; but after that both their Armies were come the one within view of the other, and now ready to join battle, many of Musa his Captains forsook him, and fled to Solyman the elder Brother, and their undoubted King; which Musa beholding, was glad to fly, and to take the safeguard of the Woods and Mountains for his Refuge. After which Victory, Solyman returning to Hadrianople, took again possession of his Kingdom, and there without measure gave himself to riot and excess, according to his wont manner.  
After the departure of Solyman out of Asia jacup-beg (but lately before again received into Mahomet his Favour, and now left as Solyman his Deputy) delivered Ancyra, with the Castle of Prusa, and all the rest that Solyman had gained in Asia, to Mahomet; who shortly after led his Army through the Countries of Carasia, Aydinia, Sarucania, Tekensis, and Germeania, reducing them once again unto his Obeisance; and afterwards returned to Prusa, where he now the second time took possession of his Father's Kingdom in Asia.  

Musa goeth against Solyman.  Musa still aided by the Valachian Prince his Father in law, gave many great Attempts against his Brother Solyman, but was still put to the worse. At length having gathered some good strength, and diligently attending the least smile of be●ter Fortune, drew near unto the place where Solyman lay; who at that time was (as his manner was) banqueting with great pleasure in his Camp, and full of Wine. Insomuch that when News was brought unto him, that his Brother Musa was at hand with a great Power, he in his Drunkenness caused the Messenger that brought the News, to be beaten; and when he had with greater earnestness than was to his liking, affirmed that his Report to be true, he commanded him to be slain for troubling his Mirth. But shortly after, Musa was come so near, that the Vantcourriers of his Army did Skirmish with some of Solyman his Soldiers; when as Chasis Eurenoses one of his Father's old Captains, pressing in, told him that Musa was at hand, and had skirmished with part of his Army. Whereof Solyman (now far in Wine) had no regard, but said, Good Tutor do not trouble me no more; my Brother Musa dares not come so nigh me; if I do but hold up my Cap, he is gone. With which answer the old Captain going out discontended, sent in Chasan, Aga of the janissaries; who boldly coming unto him, told him plainly of the imminent danger, and sharply reproved him for his Intemperance and Security. With whose free Speech Solyman moved, in great rage commanded his Beard to be cut off, than no small disgrace amongst the Turks. Chasan presently coming forth thus disgraced, said to them that stood waiting without, This is the Honour wherewith Sultan Solyman in his Excess rewards his most faithful Servants. Wherefore be it known to you all, I will from henceforth (and not without cause) serve Musa, a Prince of greater Temperance and Discretion; who so will follow me, come and welcome. So mounting to Horse, and accompanied with a number of his Janissaries (of whom he was greatly beloved) went over to Musa; as did many other great Captains also with their Companies, moved by his Example so to do. But when Solyman understood that Chasan with most part of the Janissaries, and many other worthy Captains, with the greatest strength of his Army, were revolted to Musa, then fast by, and ready to set upon him; it than repented him too late of his dissolute folly; and finding no other remedy now to escape, hid himself until it was dark night; then taking Horse, accompanied only with Caratze-Beg and Cara Muchil, two of his Noblemen, 
Solyman flieth.  and one Country Turk whom they had retained for their Guide, thought to have fled to Constantinople. This malicious Clown having of purpose led them by unknown ways all that night to and fro, as it were in a maze, (oftentimes misnaming unto them the places they passed by, as if they had been in the right way) brought them in the morning to a Village not far from the place from whence they departed the evening before; and there riding a little before them of purpose, gave warning to a sturdy Peasant or two of his Acquaintance, that Solyman was coming after; willing them to make stay of him. These rude Country Churls, with some others of like breed, running out with Bats and Staves, and such other homely Tools as first came to hand, slew Caratze and Cara Muchil, which would not yield unto them, but stood upon their Guard, and took Solyman alive; where, as it commonly falleth out in the vulgar people's fury, some cried out to kill him, and so to end t●● Wars; some likewise to burn him; and some to hang him; and some few to save him; every one as his rude affection led him. In the heat of this Country uproar came Musa; who glad to find his Brother Solyman so hardly beset, 
Solyman strangled by his Brother Musa.  caused him presently to be there strangled, when he had reigned in Hadrianople six years and ten months.  
This was the miserable end of Solyman, the eldest Son that Bajazet left alive. 
This Solyman is that same whom some call Celebinus, and other some, Calepinus, and reckon him for the fifth King of the Turks.  A man much given to Excess, otherwise endued with many great Virtues, being both of great valour, and exceeding bountiful. In his time lived the learned Doctor Achmetes, which wrote the History of Alexander the Great in Turkish Verse, and published it in the name of Solyman himself; for which he was by him bounteously rewarded. The dead body of Solyman himself, was by the commandment of Musa conveyed to Prusa, and there lieth buried fast by the body of his Grandfather Amurath. So now of these C●dmeian Brethren remained none but Mahomet and Musa, the one reigning in Asia, and the other in Europe, divers parts of the World, and well bounded with the surest bounds of Nature; yet not sufficient to content or contain their ambitious minds, until that the younger had most unnaturally devoured the elder.  
Musa presently after the death of his Brother Solyman, took upon him the Turkish Kingdom in Europe; who in the beginning of his Reign displaced most of them which had born great Offices before in the time of his Brother Solyman, and had now of late revolted to him; fearing to be by them betrayed or forsaken, as his Brother was; and in their rooms placed other his own Creatures▪ And not so content, proceeded further, upon small causes most unkindly to imprison and put to death many of them who had of him well deserved. Which cruel dealing so alienated the minds of his Nobility, that many of them kept themselves out of the way, doubtfully expecting the event of such his Tyrannical Government: Chasis Euren●ses that old and renowned Captain, to escape his hands, was glad to feign himself blind, so to absent himself from Court. At this time he also by his Ambassadors demanded of divers Christian Princes his Neighbours, such Tribute as they had in times past either paid or promised to pay unto his Father Bajazet; and in that Quarrel invaded many of them, namely the Princes of Servia and Bulgaria. Amongst other he sent Ibrahim Bassa (a learned man of great experience, and sometimes one of his Father's grave Counsellors) unto Emanuel Palaeologus the Emperor of Constantinople, to demand the like Tribute of him. Who so soon as he was come to Constantinople, from thence by Letters advertised Mahomet of the undiscreet Government of his Brother Musa in his new got Kingdom; and what untimely stirs he began to make before he was therein well settled, losing the love both of his Subjects and Neighbour Princes; with much other matter concerning his misgovernment. Which things when Mahomet understood, he sent a Messenger with Letters back again to Constantinople, requesting the Bassa to come over unto him into Asia, and in token of his great Favour sent him divers rich Garments, with many great and princely Promises; wherewith the Bassa moved, and detesting the cruel Government of Musa, went over unto him to Prusa, and there was of him honourably entertained, and sworn one of his Privy-Council; in which Place of Honour he long time afterwards served him faithfully; and after him, his Son Amurath also.  
Mahomet thinking, upon the advantage of his Brothers evil Government, to find means to thrust him out of his Kingdom, and so to draw the whole Government of the Turkish Empire unto himself, as well in Europe as in Asia; assembled an Army of fifteen thousand choice Soldiers to invade his Brother in Europe, before he were there well established in his Kingdom. And so shocking down towards the Straits of Bosphorus, by his Ambassador concluded a League with Emanuel the Greek Emperor, That one of them should never wrong or damnify the other; and that if Mahomet should hap to obtain the Turkish Kingdom in Europe, he should always Honour and Reverence the Emperor as his special good Friend; but if it should chance him to be distressed or overthrown by his Brother Musa, that then the Emperor should presently transport him and his Army back again into Asia. This League was with great Solemnity of words on both parts confirmed. And shortly after, Mahomet with all his Army was by the Emperors shipping at the Straight of Bosphorus near unto Consta●tinople, transported over into Europe; for Musa possessed of Callipolis, had stopped all the other passages.  
Musa having before knowledge of his Brothers coming, 
The battle betwixt the two Brethren, Mahomet and Musa.  was forthwith in readiness to meet him with a strong Army. So that Mahomet had not marched far from the Seaside, but that the Vantcourriers of his Army met with his Brothers, at a place called Imzuge, and there began a light Skirmish; wherein Musa his Forerunners were by Mahomet's put to flight, and chased unto Musa his Camp. Whereof such a sudden fear arose in the Army, that they were almost ready to fly, thinking Mahomet had been upon them with all his Power; but understanding the truth of the matter, both Armies rested that night, which as then drew fast on. The next day these two Brethren, armed with equal hope, brought their Armies into the Field, and gave the signal of the battle, whereupon began a mortal and bloody Fight; in the Fury whereof Michael Ogli Bassa of Romania, and certain other of Musa's great Captains, upon secret discontentment revolted to Mahomet; wherewith many of Musa his Soldiers discouraged, fled. Which Mahomet his Soldiers seeing, pursued the chase with such earnestness and fury, that few were left with himself; yet with such as were left, in hope of good hap, he set upon his Brother; who although he was half discomfited with the ●●ight of the greater part of his Army, whom the Enemies had yet in chase, yet stood he fast himself with 7000 Janissaries, his best Soldiers; so taking the unexpected good hap, presented unto him by his Brother's forwardness, valiantly received his Charge. But Mahomet finding there a greater strength than he had before supposed, and himself too weak to withstand the fury of the Janissaries, because most of his men also were following the Chase, was now for safeguard of his life glad to fly himself to Constantinople; whither he came accompanied scarcely with two hundred men; and was from thence, according to the agreement before made betwixt him and the Emperor, speedily shipped over into ●sia. Musa having thus put his Brother to flight, with great slaughter of his men, presently took his Tents with all that was therein, and there encamped himself. They of Mahomet's Army, which followed the Chase of such as had fled in the beginning of the battle, not knowing what had happened to Mahomet, returning to the Camp, doubting no peril, and finding it at their return possessed by their Enemies, stood as men amazed, and utterly discouraged; at which time Musa would not suffer his Soldiers to put them to the Sword, as they would fain have done, but commanded them to be despoiled of their Arms and such other things as they had, and so with life suffered them to depart.  
After this Overthrow, whilst Mahomet lay still at Prusa, the Prince of Smyrna forcibly entered into Aidinia, purposing to pass through into Sarucania; which thing Mahomet hearing, gathered a great Army, and entering into the Prince's Country, made such spoil as he went, and so distressed the Prince himself, that he was glad to submit himself unto him; and from thenceforth to hold his Dominion of him, as of his Lord and Sovereign, and so returned unto Amasia.  
Mahomet could not well digest the loss he had so lately received in Europe, and therefore levied an Army of choice Soldiers out of all parts of his Kingdom, once again to try his fortune against his elder Brother Musa. For the better Success wherein, he by his Letters craved Aid of the Prince Dulgader Ogli, written to this effect:  
Sultan Mahomet unto the Prince Dulgader Ogli, his Father in Law.  

M●homet his Letters unto the Prince Dulgader Ogli, his Father in law.  MY purpose is to lead mine Army into Romania in Europe, and there again to try my quarrel with my Brother Musa. My hope is, that you will not with your Aid be wanting unto me your Son in law, in my so great Affairs, neither for want of good will to hinder this my purpose. Fare you well. In the year of our great Prophet Mahomet, 814. From Amasia.  
Whereunto the Prince returned this kind Answer:  
Prince Dulgader Ogli unto the great Sultan Mahomet.  

The answer of Prince Dulgader Ogli to Mahomet.  I Doubt not most mighty Monarch, but that whithersoever your desires shall draw you for the undertaking of any great Exploit, he that ruleth above in Heaven, will be always your Aid, prosper your Attempts, minister unto you fit Occasions, and bring all your Actions unto a most happy end, with most assured Victory. Wherefore seeing (God so diposing our Affairs) I cannot myself in Person come unto you with my Power, and give you my trusty help in this your intended War; yet will I in no case fail with all speed to send my Son your Servant, to Aid you with our Forces, in this War. Fare you well. This same Year of our Prophet, 814.  
And so shortly after, the Prince sent unto him his Son, according to his Promise, with a Company of brave Soldiers, excellently furnished; for the welcoming of whom, Mahomet his Brother in law made a great and royal Feast; and there in his mirth gave unto the young Prince the rich Apparel he wore himself, with the Horse he road upon, and all the rich Plate of Gold and Silver wherein they were served at that Feast, a matter of great value. And to every one of his Noblemen he gave a rich Garment, made for that purpose, with some other Gift, as a Favour; and afterwards gave them all to understand, That he intended forthwith to pass over into Europe, and there to recover all his Father's Kingdom, or else there to end his days; as for the spoil and prey (said he) it shall be theirs that can win it; one Horse, one Sword, one Horsemans' Mace shall content myself. So having furnished his Army with all things needful for so great an Enterprise, he set forward and came to the Straight of Bosphorus; and from thence gave knowledge of his coming to the Emperor of Constantinople; who glad thereof (for the displeasure he bore to Musa) transported him and all his Army over that Straight into Europe, and there in one of his Country-Palaces royally feasted him. At which time Mahomet requested the Emperor to join with him in that War against their common Enemy; but he excused himself by reason of his great age; yet nevertheless, assisted him with certain Companies of valiant Christians, whose Service afterward stood the Turk in great stead.  
So Mahomet taking his leave of the Emperor, marched with his Army to the River Wyzen in Thracia, where by the way he received Letters from the ancient Captain Chasis Eurenoses, advising him to be very circumspect in his marching, and not to make too much hast to join battle with his Brother; counselling him also (if he could by any means) to allure jegides Bassa, Barac Beg, and Sinan Beg, to forsake his Brother, and to follow his Ensigns; for that in those men consisted Musa his greatest strength; and promised in good time to come unto him himself also, if he were not too hasty. This Messenger that brought this News, Mahomet bountifully rewarded, and so sent him away. Shortly after, as he was marching towards Hadrianople, part of the Enemy's Army began to show itself under the leading of Cara Calile, and was presently charged by Michael Ogli, 
Hadrianople besieged by Mahomet.  and put to flight. So holding on his way to Hadrianople, he laid siege to the City; where the Citizens sent out to him certain of their gravest and most substantial Burgesses, to certify him, That by reason of the Garrison there left by Musa, they could not as then deliver the City unto him; but if it should please him to go and try his Fortune in the Field against his Brother, who should be the Commander thereof, he should find them ready to follow his good Fortune, and to yield themselves, the City, and all therein, to his pleasure, if it were his good hap to carry away the Victory. With which answer Mahomet contenting himself, raised his Siege, and took the way towards Zagora. In that place Musa is reported to have come secretly disguised into Mahomet his Camp, and to have taken full view thereof; but perceiving himself too weak to encounter his Brother, withdrew his Army into the safeguard of the great Woods and strong Places; and so from thence retired with his Army towards Philippolis, and so marched along the River Meritze, called in ancient time Hebrus; where jegides Bassa, with Hamza Beg, and Ismir Ogli (three of Musa his great Captains) set upon the rearward of Mahomet's Army, and were by Michael Ogli repulsed. Mahomet holding on his way, came to Sophia; where as he went, Musa divers times from the Mountains made show of his Army, but durst not come down into the Plain to give him battle. Mahomet having refreshed his Army at Sophia, marched to Sarkive, where he received Letters from jegides Bassa, Barac Beg, and Sinan Beg, all secretly persuaded by old Eurenoses to revolt unto him; the tenor whereof in brief was this:  

jegides Bassa, Barac Beg, and Sinan Beg, unto the great Sultan Mahomet.  
WE are three young men (most mighty Monarch) and have with us three thousand choice Soldiers, men of incomparable valour, such as the World hath scarce the like; draw your Forces near unto us with as much speed as you can, and you shall find us ready to come over unto you. Fare you well.   
Whereupon he marched all the next night after, 
Musa his chief Captains revolt to Mahomet.  until he came to the River Morava, and there encamped; where the three aforenamed Captains, according to their promise joined themselves unto him with all their Soldiers. Thither came also old Eurenoses, of all others the most famous Captain amongst the Turks, and now no longer blind, bringing with him a great company of most expert Soldiers. Mark the Despot of Servia (for the displeasure he bore unto Musa) sent him Aid thither also. By which Supplies, Mahomet's Army was greatly increased; who after he had courteously welcomed all these new come Captains, he began again to march farther until he came to C●ssova, the unfortunate Plain; where Hamza Beg the Prince of Smyrna his Son, having forsaken Musa, came unto him with five hundred Horse, certifying him, that all the Nobility had forsaken his Father; so, as he marched from place to place, his Forces still increased, by the revolt of his Brothers. Musa seeing his Soldiers thus daily fall from him, insomuch that he had almost none now left, but the Soldiers of the Court (which were indeed his best men of War, and always unto him faithful, because he had been ever unto them exceeding bountiful) thought it best to attempt something, before he were left himself alone. Wherefore having yet with him seven thousand of those expert Soldiers, he drew nearer unto his Brother, seeking to have taken him at some advantage. But Mahomet having knowledge of his purpose, and contented to be advised by his old expert Captains, had ever a vigilant eye unto him. Yet at last, whether it were upon good hope, or else pricked forward with despair, Musa upon the sudden, valiantly set upon his Brother's Army; but his Soldiers oppressed with multitude, rather than overcome with true valour, after a hard and bloody Fight were put to the worst; which he seeing, desperately broke into the midst of his Enemies, seeking there for death amongst the thickest of them. But being known by Bajazet Bassa, Mahomet his Lieutenant General, desirous to take him alive, he was beset on every side; where seeing himself in more danger to be taken than slain, he with great courage broke from amongst the midst of them, and fled. In which flight his Horse falling into a deep muddy Ditch (or as some others say) hoxed by Sarutzes his own Servant, and himself wounded) overthrew him, and there before he could again recover himself, was taken by Bajazet Bassa (the great Lieutenant) Michael Ogli and Barac Beg, which had hardly pursued him out of the battle; and so with his hands bound, 
Musa taken.  by them brought through the midst of the Army. Which pitiful sight, grieved not a little the hearts of many; to see him but even now so great a King, and one of the Sons of great Bajazet, by the strange change of Fortune, bound like a Captive Slave led forth to Execution; yet were most part glad thereof, hoping these long Civil Wars would now in him take end. Shortly after came unto him a Nobleman called Balta Ogli, sent (as they thought) from Mahomet himself; who after he had in few words bitterly reproved him, for the cruelty by him before showed unto his Brother Solyman, in like case, 
Musa strangled.  caused him presently to be strangled with a Bowstring. His dead body was by and by after presented to his Brother Mahomet; who seeing it, shed a few Crocodiles tears over it. He reigned three years' end seven months, and was afterwards conveyed to Prusa, and there lieth buried by the body of his Brother Solyman, in the same Chapel with his Grandfather Amurath.  
Mahomet after the death of Musa, now free from all Competitors, took upon him the sole Government of the Turkish Kingdom, as well in Europe as in Asia. And here the Turkish Histories begin the Reign of this Mahomet fifth King of the Turks; accounting the troublesome time from the Captivity of Bajazet, unto the death of Musa, as a time of vacancy or Anarchy, wherein the Turkish Kingdom was not at any time wholly possessed by any one of Bajazet his Sons; Isa possessing one part, whereof he was by Mahomet dispossessed; who afterwards usurped all that part of the Turkish Kingdom in Asia, being the right of his elder Brother Solyman; who at that time reigning in Eur●pe, was deposed and strangled by his Brother Musa; who was in like manner served by his youngest Brother Mahomet, the only Son of Bajaz●t then left, as is before declared. Which divers Mutations, and interrupted Successions, was the cause that the Historiographers do so greatly descent upon the Successor of Bajaz●t; some reckoning one, some another; and some more, some fewer; and some, such as never were. But forasmuch as Mahomet held all or most part of the Turkish Kingdom in Asia, during his troublesome time, and in the end possessed the other part thereof in Europe also, I reckon him for the fifth King of the Turks, and Successor to his Father Bajazet; including also in this History of his life, all that Intestine and Serpentine-like Tragedy, wherein he himself was the principal Actor.  
Whilst Mahomet was (as is aforesaid) thus busied in his Wars in Europe, against his Brother Musa, year 1415. the King of Caramania taking the advantage of his Troubles there, with a great Army invaded his Kingdom joining upon him in Asia, burning and spoling all before him as he went; Eivases Bassa, Mahomet his Lieutenant, then lying at Prusa, not able to withstand him; 
Prusa burnt by the Caramanian King.  and fearing his coming thither, because it was the Seat of the Ottoman Kings in Asia, caused the Citizens to bring the greatest part of their Wealth into the Castle; whereinto he also received so many of the Citizens as he conveniently could, willing the rest to shift for themselves as they might, in such case of extremity. Shortly after, the King of Caramania (according to his expectation) came to Prusa, and without resistance took the City, not as yet fully fortified; which he▪ without delay caused the second time to be burnt down to the ground; and afterwards laid siege to the Castle, giving many great Assaults thereto by the space of thirty days, but was always valiantly repulsed by Eivases the Bassa, who ceased not continually to encourage his Soldiers, still putting them in comfort, that Mahomet having now overcome his Enemies in Europe, would in few days undoubtedly come to their Relief. It chanced at the same time that the dead body of Musa, sent to Prusa to be buried, was honourably conveyed upon the way, with much people following it. The Caramanian King hearing of the coming of such a multitude, and fearing it to have been Mahomet with his Power, raised his Siege, and with speed departed; whereat the Turks long time after jested, saying, If the Caramanian King run away for fear of the dead body of the Ottoman King, what would he do if he had come against him alive? But the truth was, he feared Mahomet and his Power.  
Orcanes' the Son of Solyman (yet a Boy) having lived at Constantinople ever since the death of his Father, about this time departed thence, because of the League lately made between the Emperor and his Uncle Mahomet, purposing to have gone into Valachia; but by the way as he was travelling, the Turkish voluntary Soldier's understanding that he was the Son of their late King Solyman, resorted unto him in great numbers, offering in his Quarrel to spend their lives. Of which Insurrection Mahomet hearing, marched thither in all haste, with a great Power to suppress the same; of whose coming the Soldiers with Orcanes' understanding, dispersed themselves and fled. As for Orcanes himself, he was by his unlawful Tutor Zaganos' betrayed unto his Uncle Mahomet; who presently caused his Eyes to be put out, and so sent him to Prusa; allowing him great Revenues to live upon, and ever after used him with great Honour. The Sister of this Orcanes he gave in marriage to one of his Noblemen, with a great Dowry. This is that Orcanes, whom some Historiographers reckon up among the Turkish Kings, as one of the Successors of Bajazet; and that he was betrayed to his Uncle Moses; erring as I suppose, both in Succession and the Name, mistaking Moses for Mahomet.  
year 1416. Now Mahomet calling to remembrance the Injury which the Caramanian King had done to him in his absence, 
M●homet invade●h the Caramanian King.  returning to Prusa, assembled a great Army to revenge himself of that wrong. At which time, he sent to the Prince Isfendiar for Aid, who sent him his Son Cassumes. He commanded also the Prince Germean Ogli, to make provision for the Victualling of his Camp, as he should pass by his Country; which was accordingly done. And so provided of all things necessary, he with his Army entered into the Caramanian Country; where he took the City's Aspropolis, Despotopolis, Hierapolis, and besieged Iconium; but by reason of the immoderate rain which at that time fell, he was glad to make Peace with the Caramanian King, called also Mahomet. And so raising his Siege, departed towards Pontus, where he had not long stayed, but that News was brought unto him, That the Caramanian King renouncing his League, was again up in Arms. Wherefore returning into Caramania, and so to Iconium, he there overthrew the King in battle, and took both him and his Son Mustapha Prisoners; who redeemed themselves by delivering many of their strong Cities and Castles into his hands; and afterward concluded a Peace, they receiving from him an Ensign (as the Turkish manner is) in token they were now become his Vassals.  
year 1417. The Caramanian War thus happily ended, he went over into Europe, 
Valachia Tributary to the Turk.  and passing over Danubius, foraged the Country of Valachia Transalpina, making there great spoil; for redress whereof, the Valachian Prince by his Ambassadors sent him such Tribute as he demanded, and his Son also to serve him in his Court. About which time happened a great Earthquake in Prusa, and other places of Asia; whereby many Houses and Towns were overthrown; after which, ensued great troubles in most parts of Asia; howbeit Mahomet going thither, by his presence kept all his Dominions in peace and quietness.  
Isfendiar Prince of Castamona and part of Pontus, reserving unto himself Castamona, with a little part more of his Dominion, gave the rest unto Mah●m●t, upon condition, that he should restore no part thereof again unto his Son Cassumes; who having long time served in Mahomet his Court and Wars, could not be persuaded to return again unto his Father; and therefore was by him thus disinherited. Which great Gift, Mahomet thankfully accepted, and in lieu thereof assigned unto Cassimes other great and large Possessions within his own Kingdom.  
Mahomet, after the death of his Brother Musa, had sent Scheiches Bedredin (his Brothers Cadelescher) to Nice in Asia, as unto a place of exile, allowing him nevertheless a great Pension whereon to live. This Bedredin had in his house one Burgluzes, Mustapha his Steward; these two consulted together, how to raise some Tumult or Rebellion to trouble the peaceable Government of Mahomet. For which purpose, Burgluzes (according to the Plot by them laid) took this way into Aidinia (sometime called Caria) and there pretending great Zeal of Reformed Religion, with a wonderful Gravity began to broach divers new and strange Opinions, far differing from the Turkish ancient Superstition, yet very plausible and well fitting the humour of the vulgar people. By which means he was in short time reputed for a famous learned devout Man, and had many Followers, drawing after him much people, fit to begin some great Innovation. Bedredin glad of his man's success, fled from Nice into the Prince Isfendiar his Country, from whence he took shipping over the Euxine into Valachia, and there withdrawing himself into a great Forest, as if he had been some devout and religious Man, alured unto him a great number of Outlaws and Thiefs which there lived. Whom when he had sufficiently instructed and framed to his purpose, he sent them in the habit of Religious Men into the Country of Zagora, and other places in the Frontiers of Mahomet his Dominions, near unto him, as his Disciples; who with great boldness and confidence, published Bedredin his Doctrine and Authority; and how that he was by God appointed to be the King of Justice, and Commander of all the World; whose Doctrine and manner of Government was (as they said) already received (as they gave it out) in Asia, being set forth but by one of his Scholars, Burgluzes; whose Fame was now dispersed throughout all the Turks Dominion; and that therefore if any were desirous of Preferment, they should repair to Bedredin, who would in short time show himself to the World, and promote his Followers according to their Deserts. Many of the Country people deluded with this fantasy and practice of these seditious Seed-Men, resorted to Bedredin in hope of Preferment, and with them some of good Calling also. At last, out of the Forest cometh this great Prophet with Banner displayed, attended upon with a great multitude of the seditious vulgar people, which daily resorted unto him more and more. Mahomet for the repressing of these dangerous Tumults, sent his Son Amurath, and Bajazet the great Bassa, with two thousand Men to apprehend Burgluzes in Aidinia; but when they came thither, they found him guarded with three thousand Men well appointed, ready to adventure their Lives in defence of their foolish Prophet. Nevertheless, Amurath and Bajazet not dismayed with the multitude of those uplandish people, set upon them; where was fought a right bloody Battle, for the number, 
Burgluzes slain.  and many slain on both sides; yet at last the Rebels fled; in which flight Burgluses himself was slain, and hewn all to pieces. After which Victory Bajazet from thence hasted to Magnesia, and there executed Torlac Kemal, another seditious Turkish Monk, which with two thousand, by him seduced, did much harm in the Country thereabout. At the same time also, Mahomet sent another Power against Bedredin; but most of his Followers seeing in him no such matter, as was by his Disciples and himself promised, and as they hoped for, were already fallen from him, so that of that great multitude which before followed him, few or none were left with him, whereby he was easily apprehended by them that Mahomet had sent against him; and so being brought to Mahomet to Serras, was there in the Marketplace before a Tavern-door, fairly hanged, without any further harm. 
Bedredin hanged.   
Mahomet in the short time of his Reign finished the great Mahometan Temple at Hadrianople, before begun by his Brethren Solyman and Musa. Where he also built a Princely Palace, the Seat of the Turkish Kings in Europe, until the taking of Constantinople. He also built another Temple, with a most sumptuous Abbey, and a public School thereto adjoining; endowing the same with great Revenues, such as had by him and those his Brethren of late been taken from the Christians. He gave also great Sums of Money, yearly to be paid at Medina and Mecha, for the relief of poor Pilgrims travelling from far to the Sepulchre of their great Prophet Mahomet, at Medina, or his Temple at Mecha.  

Mahomet dieth at Hadrianople.  Shortly after Mahomet fell sick at Hadrianople, and perceiving himself in danger of death, by his last Will appointed his eldest Son Amurath to Succeed him in his Kingdom, and sent Elvan-Beg (a man in great Favour with him) in post to Amasia, to will him with all speed to repair to the Court at Hadrianople. But feeling death to approach, and that he could not possibly live until the coming of his Son, he straightly charged his Bassas with all secrecy to conceal his death, until his coming, for fear lest any Trouble should rise upon the bruit thereof, before his coming thither; and so having set all things in Oder, he departed out of this World unto his Prophet Mahomet, about the year of our Saviour Christ, 1422. when he had reigned Seventeen years; accounting in his Reign that troublesome ten years' next after the Captivity of Bajazet, in which time the Turks Kingdom was by his ambitious Sons rend in sunder, (as is aforesaid) until it was at length again by this Mahomet restored to the former Integrity, about seven years before his death, which the Turks account for the whole time of his Reign; and the other troublesome ten years as a vacancy or Anarchy of their Kingdom, as is aforesaid.  

The death of Mahomet cunningly concealed from the janissaries, by the three great Bassaes.  Mahomet being dead, the three great Bassas, Eivases, Bajazet, and Ibrahim (to rid themselves of the fear they had of the Janissaries, and other Soldiers of the Court) called a Divano or Council for the Wars, as if the King had been alive; wherein it was pretended, That Mahomet had determined to make War upon the Prince of Smyrna; and that for that Service, it was his pleasure, That the Janissaries should forthwith pass over into Asia, to the Castle of Baga. Whereupon Press-money was presently given them, and they sent over with Letters directed to the Viceroy of Anatolia, for the assembling of an Army for Baga. In the mean time, the great Bassas of the Court sat daily in Council, placing and displacing, promoting and disgracing whom they thought good, as if the King had so commanded; the King's Physicians also, to countenance the matter, were commanded continually to go to and fro with their Potions and Receipts, after their wont manner, as if they had had the King still in Cure; and Letters were sent in post to Elvan Beg, for speedy dispatch of the business for which he was sent into Asia. Yet for all this cunning dissimulation, the Pensioners and other Soldiers of the Court, wont to be near unto the King's Person, and some of them always of the Privy-Chamber, began to suspect the matter; and coming to the Bassas, said they marvelled that the King in so long time did never show himself, as he had always before done. Whereunto the Bassas answered, That he had been dangerously sick, and was as yet but a little recovered, and that therefore the Physicians would not suffer him to look abroad, or take the Air, for fear of casting him down again. Then will we ourselves, said the Pensioners, go and see his Majesty; and with that were ready to force in upon the Bassaes. Eivases seeing their importunity, desired them to hold themselves contented, and not as then to trouble the King, for that he had that day, as he said, taken Physic; but to morrow (said he) we will request his Majesty, if he so please to show himself, that you may see him; wherewith they for that time held themselves content. Now among the King's Physicians there was one Geordiron, a Persian, a man of a quick spirit and subtle device, which found means to deceive the Pensioners; he devised, that the dead body of the King being apparelled in Royal large Robes, should be brought betwixt two, as if he had been led into an high open Gallery, and being there set, to have a Boy so neatly placed behind him under his large Robes, as that he unperceived, might move the King's hand up to his head, as if he should struck his Face or Beard, as his manner was. The next day the dead King being accordingly brought forth by the Bassas in his rich Robes, and wrapped with Clothes about his Head, as if it had been for fear of the Air, or of taking cold, and so placed in an high open Gallery, as was before devised, suddenly the Physician came running in, fuming and raging as if he had been half mad, ready to tear his Clothes for anger; and in great choler casting his Cap against the ground, asked the Bassas if they meant to kill the King, by bringing him into the open Air? We (said he) have with great pains, in long time, a little recovered him, and will you thus foolishly cast him down again? Pardon us good Doctor (said Eivases) for these Gentlemen (pointing to the Pensioners) were so importunate to see his Majesty, that to satisfy their desires, he was content to be led forth of his Chamber; whereof we hope shall ensue no harm. The Pensioners seeing the King many times moving his hand to his face, and as it were stroking his Beard, held themselves well contented, supposing him to have been alive, although but weak, and therefore not willing to speak unto them. The Physicians taking him up amongst them, carried him into his Lodging again, which was but fast by, making as if they had carried an extreme sick man. Thus was his death cunningly concealed one and forty days, until the coming of Amurath his Son.  
This Mahomet was both wise and valiant, and withal exceeding bountiful, but Ambitious above measure; and may of right be accounted the Restorer of the Turks Kingdom; for he recovered again all those Countries in Asia, which Tamerlane had taken away and given unto other Mahometan Princes, after the Overthrow of Bajazet. And when as the Kingdom of the Turks was rend in pieces, and almost brought to nought by Civil Wars, and the Ambition of himself and his Brethren; he at length got possession of the whole, and so left it to his Son Amurath an entire Kingdom, in the former greatness, although not so much by him augmented. His body lieth buried in a fair Tomb made of artificial stone, very beautiful to behold, in a Chapel at the East side of Prusa, where we leave him at his rest.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Mahomet the First. 

Emperors 

Of the East 

Emanuel Paleologus. 1387. 30▪    
Of the West 

Rupertus Duke of Bavaria. 1400. 10.  
Sigismond King of Hungary. 1411. 28.      
Kings 

Of England 

Henry the Fourth. 1399. 13  
Henry the Fifth. 1413. 9    
Of France 

Charles the Sixth, surnamed, The well-beloved. 1381. 42.    
Of Scotland 

John Stuart, otherwise called Robert. 1390. 16.  
James the First. 1424. 13▪      
Bishops of Rome, 

Boniface the IX. 1391. 14.  
Innocent the VIII. 1405. 2.  
Gregory the XII. 1407. 2.  
Alexander the V. 1410. 1.  
John the XXIII. 1411. 5.  
Martin the V. 1417. 13.       

 

Europam luc●u et funes●is cladibus implens,  
Soevus Amurathes totus in arma ruit.  
Major at Huniades virtute et fortibus ausis,  
Cogit eum trepida vertere terga fuga.  
Consilia Eugenij bellum ●urialia suadent,  
Sacrorum antistes Martia ad arma ruit:  
(Arma viri tractent, curet sua templa Sacerdos)  
Europoe exitium res tulit ista grave.   

Fierce Amurath, versed in war, does next arise,  
And fills poor Europe with laments and cries,  
Till by the brave Huniades outdone,  
The dastard Sultan was compelled to run.  
The Priest Eugenius dismal Wars persuades,  
The privilege of Buff the Gown invades:  
Had the Priest prayed, and let alone the Drum,  
Europe had not to such confusion come.    

The LIFE of AMURATH, The Second of that NAME, Sixth King of the Turks, And the great ESTABLISHER of their Kingdom.  

Murat is the same that we call Desiderius.  AFter that the death of Mahomet had been politicly concealed one and forty days, by the three great Bassanes Bajazet, Eivases, and Ibrahim, Amurath, or Murat (as the Turks call him) his eldest Son, at that time coming to Prusa, was by them placed in his Father's Seat, and the death of Mahomet at the same time published; whereupon great Troubles began on every side to arise.  
The Princes of Smyrna and Mentesia rose up in Arms; 
Mustapha the supposed Son of Bajazet raiseth Rebellion against Amurath.  and at Thessalonica, an obscure Fellow crept as it were out of a Chimney-corner, took upon him the Name and Person of Mustapha the Son of Bajazet, which was slain many years before, in the great battle against Tamerlane at Mount Stella, as is before declared in the life of the unfortunate Sultan Bajazet. This counterfeit Mustapha animated by the Grecian Princes, and going from Thessalonica to Vardarium, set so good a Countenance upon the matter, with such a Grace and Majesty, that not only the Country people (apt to believe any thing) but men of greater Place and Calling also, as Tzunites Beg the Prince of Smyrna his Son, with the Sons of old Eurenoses Bassa, persuaded that he was the very Son of the great Bajazet, repaired unto him, as unto their natural Prince ad Sovereign. From Vardarium he went to Serrae, and from thence to Hadrianopole, (Amurath being as then at Prusa) where he was received as if it had been that noble Prince Mustapha, whom he feigned himself to be; so that in short time he was honoured as a King in all parts of the Turkish Kingdom in Europe.  
Amurath to repress this so great and dangerous a Rebellion, sent Bajazet Bassa a man of great Authority in his Court, with a strong Army into Europe. This great Bassa passing over Hellespontus, found all the Country revolted unto their new found King Mustapha; but marching towards Hadrianople, with purpose to have given him battle, he was first forsaken of the European Soldiers which he brought out of Asia, and afterwards of all the rest also; and being left alone, with his Brother Hamze Beg, was for safeguard of his life glad to yield himself to Mustapha; of whom he was graciously entertained, and upon promise of his Loyalty, sworn one of his Privy-Council.  
Mustapha thus now possessed of the Turkish Kingdom in Europe, and entertaining great thoughts, the better to maintain his credit, levied a great Army to make War upon Amurath in Asia. And as he was upon his way, at a place which the Turks call Saslidere, or the place of Willows, his other Counsellors repining at the great Honour he gave to Bajazet Bassa, advised him to beware that he trusted him not too far, of whose small Faith he had sufficient trial already, and was like enough when occasion should serve, to revolt from him to Amurath, and to draw after him some great part of his Army, to the great peril both of himself and all them his faithful Servants and Followers. Upon which jealous conceit, this great Bassa Bajazet was there forthwith as a Traitor apprehended, and without further trial executed; at which time his Brother Hamze was with much ado spared. This done, Mustapha proceeded on his Journey, and passed over with his Army at Callipolis into Asia. Amurath understanding of the proceedings of Mustapha in Europe, and of his preparation made for his Invasion of Asia, created three new Bassas, Omer, Uruge, and Alis, all three the Sons of Temurtases; these he joined with his old Bassanes Ibrahim and Eivases. All these five he used as Counsellors for the Wars; by whose advice he sent for Mahomet Beg, surnamed Michael Ogli, who in the time that Musa reigned was Viceroy in Europe, and therefore a man well known to most principal men in Mustapha his Army, but had been kept Prisoner in the Castle of Amasia, from the time that Musa was deposed and put to death by his Brother Mahomet, until now that he was after eight years' imprisonment, for this special purpose enlarged and received into Favour.  
About the same time that Mustapha set footing in Asia, Amurath having gathered his Army, set forward from Prusa to meet him; yet with such distrust in his Forces, which were thought to be much inferior to the European Soldiers that followed Mustapha, that he was glad upon a superstitious opinion or zeal, to prostrate himself at the feet of an Emir (one of the false Prophet Mahomet's Posterity) to receive at his hypocritical Hands a graceless Blessing for his better speed; by whom he was made to believe, that after two Repulses, he had with much ado at the third time obtained grant of the great Prophet Mahomet, that he should prevail in that War; and thereupon had his Sword girt unto him with the Emir his holy hands, with many other vain and superstitious Ceremonies. Yet for all these Charms, he marched on with his Army in fear enough, until he came to the River of Ulibad (otherwise called Rindacus;) where having Intelligence of the approach of Mustapha, he for fear caused the Bridge over the River there to be broken down, and encamped himself on that side the River. Not long after came Mustapha, and finding the Bridge broken, encamped at the foot thereof on the other side; so that nothing parted the two Armies, but the breadth of the River only. Whilst they lay thus near encamped together, that the Soldiers might on both sides take the full view one of another, and also talk together; Mahomet Beg, surnamed Michael Ogli, but lately delivered out of his long Imprisonment (as is aforesaid) came to the River side, and with a loud Voice called by name upon the great Captains and old Soldiers that were in Mustapha his Army; ask by name for many of his old Friends and Acquaintance; many of them being there present, rejoicing to see that honourable Man (whom they supposed to have been dead in prison many years before) came gladly to the side of the River, to hear what he could say.  
Then with a loud Voice he began to persuade them, that the man whom they followed was not the honourable Mustapha, but some base highminded fellow set up by the Grecians, abusing the obscurity of his Birth, as the Veil under the covert whereof he went craftily about to intrude himself into the honourable descent of Bajazet; and so masking in the counterfeit Titles of stolen Honour, had misled them from their Duty to their natural King and Sovereign, to follow him a mere Deceiver. And further assured them, that Mustapha, Bajazet his Son, was dead and buried in the Bed of Fame 22 years before; honourably ending his days in defence of his Country, in the great battle of Mount Stella against Tamerlane; wherefore they should do well to forsake that supposed Mustapha, and again to yield their dutiful Obedience unto their undoubted Sovereign Amurath. These words delivered unto them by Mahomet, whom they generally both reverenced and trusted, wrought such effect in their minds, that some presently adventured to swim over the River, and joined themselves unto him; and many others that stayed still, began now to doubt lest they had worshipped a wrong Saint. At the same time also, Eivases Bassa, to terrify Mustapha, sent unto him Letters as in great secret, advertising him, that Amurath had the next night purposed with his Army to pass over the River above the broken Bridge; at which time the chief Captains of his Army being (as he said) corrupted, had promised to deliver Mustapha into his hands, and with his Head to pay the Ransom of them all. This he coloured with such fair glosses, that Mustapha partly believed the same. So when the dead time of the night was come, Eivases with certain Troops of Horsemen passed over the River, at the very same place he had in his Letters named; and that with such a noise and tumult, as if Amurath with his whole Army had been coming. Mustapha seeing things begin thus to work according as Eivases Bassa had before written; and with this, doubting also to be presently betrayed, and carrying about him a guilty Conscience (the Mother of Fear and Distrust) took Horse, 
Mustapha flieth.  (slenderly accompanied but with ten persons of his whole Army) and fled in haste, no man pursuing them, until he came to the River of Boga, and there with a great Sum of Money obtained passage, by corrupting the Captain that dwelled in the Castle upon the passage of the River; and the third day after passing over the Straight of Hellespontus, landed at Callipolis. The flight of Mustapha once known in his Army, they all yielded themselves unto Eivases Bassa; who taking possession of Mustapha his Tent, caused the broken Bridge to be repaired; whereby Amurath passing with his Army, joined himself with Eivases. The other Bassa Ibrahim, counselled Amurath to put to the Sword all those Rebels that had followed Mustapha; but by the mediation of Eivases (to whom they had yielded themselves) they were generally pardoned.  
Amurath departing from Ulibad or Lopadium, came to Boga, and there hanged up the Captain that had given Mustapha passage. From thence he held on his way to Lampsacum, intending to pursue Mustapha into Europe; but being come to the Sea side he could find no passage, for that Mustapha had caused all the shipping on that side, to be brought over into Europe. Yet at last Amurath by good fortune chanced upon a great Genua Ship, which he hired for four thousand Ducats to transport his Army, and so with much ado at length landed in Europe. Mustapha seeing that Amurath was now come over, fled to Hadrianople, where he found such cold Entertainment, that fearing to be betrayed, he was glad to speed himself thence, thinking all the World too little to hide himself in; and so came to an obscure place in the Country of the Turks, called Kisul-Agatze-Genitze; where the Soldiers sent to pursue him, overtook him, and brought him bound to Amurath, then being at Hadrianople; by whose Commandment he was shamefully hanged from the Battlements of one of the highest Towers of the City, 
Mustapha hanged.  and there left to the World's Wonder.  
This Mustapha is of some Writers reported to have been in deed the Son of the great Sultan Bajazet, and that he was kept in prison all that long time, and thus at length set up by the Greeks to trouble the State of the Turkish Kingdom; but the Turkish Histories report as before, call him Dusme or counterfeit Mustapha. And it is very likely, that if he had been one of the Sons of Bajazet, he would have found some means to have made some great stir long before that, as all the rest of the unquiet Brood of Bajazet did, which never rested until they had, like the Earthborn Brethren, one destroyed the other; besides that, their bloody Natures considered, it is very like, that Mahomet his younger Brother, who reigned in Hadrianople almost eight years, and was in League all that time with the Emperor of Constantinople, would for his more safety have got him into his own Power, if he had been in prison with the Emperor; or else have dispatched him, if he had been in prison with himself. All which I am the rather persuaded to think, for that Orcanes a Child, the Son of Solyman, could find no safe place of abode at Constantinople in the Reign of Mahomet, but flying, was apprehended, and his eyes put out, as is before declared in the life of Mahomet; much less is it like, that Mustapha, being a Warlike Prince, and his elder Brother, could have been so long preserved and kept in prison from his fury.  
It fortuned in these late Broils (as oftentimes it doth with others in like case) divers of the Rebels Asapi, 
Two Asapi sold by a janisary for a sheep's head.  or Common Soldiers (whom he for his greater Countenance had apparelled and armed like Janissaries) to fall into the hands of the true Janissaries. Amurath his faithful Guard; whose lives indeed they spared, but using them with all the Despite and Indignities possible: Amongst the rest, one of the Janissaries being an hungered, brought two of these Asapi his prisoners unto a Cook's Shop, offering to sell them unto him for a little Victual; which the Cook refused to give him, as having no use for such unnecessary Servants. Wherewith the proud janisary enraged, swore many a great Oath, presently to cut off their Heads, and to give them him for nought, if he would not for a thing of nought redeem them. And like enough he was to have so done, had not the Cook, moved with pity, offered▪ him for them both a sheep's head; which the janisary took for them, swearing that the Cook had given for them more than indeed they were worth. Which disgrace so long since done unto these Asapi, is yet oftentimes by way of reproach in great contempt, by the masterful and insolent Janissaries, objected unto the whole body of the Asapi, the greatest part of the Turks huge Armies; of whom for all that the proud Janissaries make small reckoning, accounting them scarcely for Men, and in their rage oftentimes telling them, That two of them are not worth a sodden sheep's head.  

Constantinople in vain besieged by Amurath.  Amurath having at length with much ado thus pacified the dangerous Rebellion raised by the counterfeit Mustapha both in Europe and Asia, was yet not a little grieved, to think how the same had, to the great hazard of his Estate, been first plotted by the Greeks, and afterwards countenanced by the Greek Emperor, of whom he thought now to be revenged. And therefore sending before him Michael Ogli, his Lieutenant General in Europe, with his Europeian Soldiers to invade the Country about Constantinople, followed himself after with the Janissaries and his Asian Forces; and encamping before the City, filled all that neck of land which lieth before it, from Sea to Sea. And so encamped, began right furiously to batter the Walls, in hope so to have made a breach, and by the same to have entered the City; but finding the Walls of greater strength than he had before supposed, and the Defendants still repairing whatsoever the fury of his Artillery had beaten down or shaken, he ceased his Battery, and coming on with all his Forces, desperately attempted by Assault to have gained the City; wherein his Fortune was not answerable to his Desire; for approaching the City, with Arrows as showers falling upon the Defendants, and scaling-Ladders in the mean time clapped up to the Walls, and the Janissaries with other of his best Soldiers valiantly mounting the same, they were by the Defendants notably repulsed and beaten down, losing some their hands, some their Arms, some their Heads, but most their Lives, no Shot falling in vain from the Walls. Which Amurath beholding, and grieved to see (though unwilling) commanded a Retreat to be sounded, and the Assault given over; and shortly after seeing no hope to prevail, in great rage raised his Siege and departed. Unto whom for all that the Greek Emperor not long after sent his Ambassadors to entreat with him for Peace; whereof he would by no means hear, but proudly threatened to be ere long of all his Wrongs revenged; which caused the Greek Emperor to devise what he might for the troubling of his Estate, so to keep him otherwise busied; as he did shortly after with the Caramanian King, by countenancing another Mustapha (surnamed Cutzug or the Little) Amurath's younger Brother, against him, to the raising of new Stirs, and Amurath his no small trouble.  
Mahomet the late King had five Sons and seven Daughters, whereof Amurath was the eldest, and succeeded in his Father's Kingdom; Mustapha the second, surnamed the Little; Achmetes the third, who died before his Father; the other two; josephus and Machmutes, both died of the Plague, being but Children, after the death of their Father. Three of their Sisters were married to the three Sons of the King of Caramania, Ibrahim, Aladin, and Isa; other two were bestowed upon the Sons of the Prince Isfendiar, Ibrahim, and Casimes; the sixth was given in marriage to Cozza-●eg Viceroy of Anatolia; and the seventh, to the Son of Ibrahim Bassa, who died at Mecha, whither she went upon Superstitious Devotion on Pilgrimage.  
At such time as Amurath was busied in his Wars in Europe, against Mustapha the supposed Son of Bajazet; the younger Son of Mahomet (called also Mustapha) being but thirteen years old, and Amurath his Brother indeed, was set up to raise new Troubles, by the King of Caramania and other Princes, as well Mahometans, as the Christian Princes of Grecia; who thought it good policy, by that means to impeach the greatness of Amurath. This young Prince Mustapha strengthened with the Forces of his Friends, entered into his Brother's Dominions in Asia, and besieged Nice, which was at length yielded unto him. Amurath advertised of this new Rebellion, by great Gifts and large Promises corrupted Ilias Beg, the young Prince's Tutor, to betray the Prince into his hands. Whereupon Amurath with great celerity set forward with his Army from Hadrianople, and in nine days came to Nice, where he entered the City with small resistance, as was to him before promised, where Mustapha was by his false Tutor to him presented; who because he would not spill one drop of the sacred Ottoman blood, (as the Turks call it) commanded the Executioner presently to strangle him with a Bowstring; which was done accordingly, 
Mustapha betrayed and strangled.  and his body afterwards buried by his Father at Prusa.  
Amurath having suppressed these two Rebellions, and now out of all fear of any Competitor, thought his five Counsellors too many by three, and therefore removed the three Bassas, Omure, Urutzi, and Alis (the Sons of Temurtases) into honourable Places, retaining of his Council, only the two old Bassas, Ibrahim and Eivases. But shortly after, Eivases was secretly accused to Amurath, that he sought by his Favourites, the Soldiers of the Court, to aspire unto the Kingdom himself, and to depose the King; and that intending some such matter, he did usually wear a Privy-Coat. This suspicious Report troubled the jealous Tyrant; wherefore on a time as he rid accompanied with Eivases, he cast his Arm about him, as if it had been in kindness; but finding him secretly armed, would needs know the cause thereof; whereunto Eivases answered, That it was for fear of some Enemies he had in the Court; but this Excuse could by no means serve his turn; 
Eivases Bassa his Eyes put out.  wherefore he was forthwith apprehended by the Commandment of Amurath, and both his Eyes burnt out with a hot Steel glass.  
Whilst Amurath was thus busied in subduing Rebellions at home, Muhamethes, the Caramanian King besieged Attalia, a great City in Pamphilia, by the space of six months, which was valiantly defended by Hamza-beg, Amurath his Lieutenant there; at which Siege the unfortunate King himself, as he was taking view of the City, was slain with a great shot out of the City; 
The King of Caramania slain.  whereupon Ibrahim, which succeeded him in the Kingdom, broke up the Siege, and returned home to bury his Father. At this time also, Dracula Prince of Valachia, passing over Danubius, did the Turks much harm about Silistra, but was afterwards enforced to submit himself to Amurath, and become his Tributary.  
About this time also Tzunites, the Prince of Smyrna, which had before aided the Rebel, Mustapha, did by all means he could vex and molest jaxis-beg, (Amurath his Lieutenant in Aidinia) and having by chance taken his Brother Prisoner, put him to death. This Prince of Smyrna was descended of the ancient Princes of Aidinia, and therefore pretended an interest in that signory; which his Claim the people of the Country secretly favoured, so far as they durst for fear of the Turks. Amurath hearing of the harms that this Prince of Smyrna did, commanded Hamze-beg, Viceroy of Anatolia, with all his Power to make War upon him. The Viceroy without delay assembled a great Army, and invaded the Prince's Country; and the Prince being well provided for his coming, meeting him upon the way, gave him battle; wherein Hasan the Prince's Son, leading a great part of his Father's Army, had put one part of the Turks Army to flight; and pursuing them with too much fury, left his Father at the same time so hardly beset by the Viceroy, that he was glad to fly to his Castle of Hipsily fast by. Hasan returning from the chase of the Enemy, not knowing what had happened to his Father, was by the Turks in his return overcome and taken Prisoner. After which Victory the Viceroy presently laid Siege to the Castle wherein the Prince was. This Siege continued a great while; at length the Prince brought to extremity, was content to yield himself unto the Viceroy, upon condition he should use no violence against the Person of himself or his Son, but to send them Prisoners unto Amurath; which thing the Viceroy by solemn Oath promised, whereupon the Prince came out of the Castle, and yielded himself Prisoner to the Viceroy. jaxis-beg, whose Brother the Prince had before put to death, attended the going of Hamze the Viceroy to his Tent, where finding Hasan the Prince's Son sitting upon the ground, as the manner of the Turks is, took him by the choler with great fury, and drawing him along to the Feet of the Prince his Father, there most cruelly struck off his head; and in the same rage laying his bloody hands upon the aged Prince, struck off his head also; to the great dishonour of the Viceroy, who had before given his Faith for their safety. The heads of the Prince and his Son were set upon two Lances, within the sight of the Castle; which the Defendants seeing, and now despairing of all rescue, yielded themselves with the Castle This infortunate Tzunites was the last Prince of Smyrna, after whose death all his Territory was united to the Ottoman Kingdom. After all these Troubles, Amurath with great Triumph married the Daughter of the Prince Isfendiar.  
Amurath having laid up in the depth of his thoughts the remembrance of that the Grecian Princes had done, in giving Aid to the Rebels aforesaid, thought it now high time to take revenge of that wrong; and for that purpose gathered a great Army, wherewith he ranged at his pleasure through Macedonia, until he came to Thessalonica, surprising by the way divers Cities and Castles, at that time belonging to the Constantinopolitan Empire. 
Thessalonica besieged.  This famous City of Thessalonica, now called Sal●nichi, for beauty and wealth sometime not inferior to any of the greatest and most renowned Cities of Graecia, is situate upon the Borders of Macedonia, close unto a Bay of the Archipelago or the Sea Aegeum; which Bay was in ancient time called Thermaicus-Sinus, and now the Bay of Salonichi. To the Christian Congregation there dwelling, St. Paul wrote two Epistles, in the latter whereof, he forewarneth them of a great Defection to come before the latter day. Before this Christian City, then in the Protection of the Venetians, Amurath encamped his great Army of misbelieving Turks; and laid hard Siege to it with most terrible Battery; at which time he by secret means corrupted certain of the wicked Citizens, to have betrayed the City by a secret Mine, and to have let him in, which Treason was by the Venetian Governors perceived, and the Plotters thereof for safeguard of their lives glad to leap over the Walls, and to fly into the Turks Camp.  
Amurath having greatly battered the Walls of the City, the more to encourage his Soldiers, promised to give them all the Spoil thereof, if they could by force win it. The greedy desire of this rich Prey, wherein every common Soldier promised unto himself whatsoever his foolish fancy or unbrideled affection could desire, so inflamed the minds of these barbarous Soldiers, and especially of the Janissaries, that giving a most terrible Assault to the City, they by force entered the same, and won it. The Venetian Soldiers fled to their Galleys, lying at Anchor in the Haven, and so got to Sea; but the infinite miseries which the poor Christian Citizens endured in the fury of that barbarous Nation, no Tongue is able to express, or Pen describe; death was less pain than the ignominious Outrages and unspeakable Villainies which many good Christians there suffered, heartily wishing to die, and could not; and yet the furious Enemy's Sword devoured all the people, without respect of Age or Sex, except such as for strength of body, or comeliness of person, were reserved for painful labour or beastly lust; which poor Souls were afterwards dispersed into most miserable servitude and slavery, through all parts of the Turkish Kingdom. The infinite Riches of that famous City, became a spoil unto the barbarous Soldiers; the goodly Houses were left desolate, void of Inhabitants. Thus the beautiful City of Thessalonica, sometime one of the most glorious Ornaments of Graecia, the late pleasant dwelling-place of many rich Christians, was by the Tyrant given for an habitation to such base Turks, as at their pleasure repaired thither to seat themselves, and so is by them at this day possessed. This Calamity happened to Thessalonica, in the year of our Lord, 1432.  
Thessalonica being thus taken, 
Thessalonica taken by Amurath.  Amurath returned to Hadrianople himself, and at the same time sent Caratze with the greatest part of his Army into Aetolia. Charles Prince of that Country dying a little before the coming of Amurath to Thessalonica, and having no lawful Issue, had divided the Country of Acharnania amongst his three base Sons, Memnon, Turnus, and Hercules, leaving all the rest of his Dominion to his Brother's Son, called also Charles. But shortly after, such discord ●ell among these Brethren, that Amurath sending his Turks to Aid one of them against the other, as he was by them requested, in fine brought all that Country of Aetolia into Subjection to Himself, leaving nothing for the foolish Brethren to strive for, more than the bare titles of imaginative Honour. The other Grecian Princes of Athens, Phocis, Boetia, and all the rest of Graecia, unto the straight of Corinth, terrified by their Neighbour's harms, were glad to submit themselves to the barbarian Yoke, and to become Tributaries unto the Turkish Tyrant; under which slavery they of long time most miserably lived, if intolerable slavery joined with Infidelity may be accounted a life. Thus the Grecians lost their Liberty, which their Ancestors had many times before, to their immortal Praise, worthily defended against the greatest Monarches of the World, and are now so degenerate, by the means of the Turkish Oppression, that in all Graecia is hardly to be found any small remembrance of the ancient Glory thereof; insomuch that whereas they were wont to account all other Nations barbarous in comparison of themselves, they are now become no less barbarous, than those rude Nations whom they before scorned. Which misery with a thousand more, they may justly impute to their own Ambition and Discord.  
At this time, amongst the distressed Princes of Macedonia and Graecia, one john Castriot reigned in Epirus; who seeing how mightily the Turk prevailed against the Princes his Neighbours, and considering that he was not able by any means to withstand so puissant an Enemy; to obtain Peace, he was glad to deliver into Amurath his Possession, his four Sons, Stanisius, Reposius, Constantine, and George, for Hostages; whom Amurath faithfully promised, well and honourably to entreat. But assoon as he had got them within his reach, he falsified his Faith, and caused them to be circumcised after the Turkish manner, and to be instructed in the Turkish Superstition, to the great grief of their Christian Parents; and afterwards, when he understood of the death of john Castriot their Father, he poisoned all the three elder Brethren; and by Sebaly (one of his great Captains) seized upon Croia, his chief City, and all the rest of his Territories, as if they had by good right devolved unto him. But George the youngest, whom the Turks named Scander-beg, or Lord Alexander, for this excellent Feature, and pregnant Wit, he always entirely loved, as some thought, more passionately than he should have loved a Boy. Him he caused to be diligently instructed in all kind of activity and feats of War, wherein he excelled all other his Equals in Amurath his Court; and rising by many degrees of Honour, came at last (being yet but very young) to be a great Sanzack or Governor of a Province, and was many times appointed by Amurath to be General of his Armies; in which Service he so behaved himself, that he got the love of all that knew him, and increased his credit with Amurath; until at last he found opportunity by great policy and courage, to deliver both himself and his native Country from the horrible slavery of the Turkish Tyranny, as shall be afterwards declared.  
Shortly after that Amurath had thus daunted the Princes of Graecia, he turned his Forces into Servia; but the Prince of Servia unable to withstand so mighty an Enemy, to procure his Favour, sent Ambassadors, offering to pay him a yearly Tribute, and to do further what he should reasonably demand. Amurath beside the yearly Tribute, required to have Mary (this Prince's fair Daughter) in marriage; and that he should not suffer the Hungarians to pass through his Country to invade him; and further, not at any time to deny passage unto the Turkish Army, when he should send forth the same for the Invasion of the Kingdom of Bosna. All which unreasonable conditions the Prince was glad to agree unto, and fent his fair Daughter by Saratze, who was afterwards married to Amurath.  

A Plague among the Turks.  About this time, josephus and Machmutes, Amurath his Brethren, and Orcanes the Son of Solyman, who had his Eyes put out by his Uncle Mahomet, with many other Men of great account among the Turks, died of the Plague at Prusa.  
Whilst Amurath was thus busied in his Wars in Europe, the King of Caramania his Brother in law, invaded his Dominions in Asia; for so it was agreed between the Christian Princes of Europe, and the Mahometan Princes of Asia, to whom the greatness of the Ottoman Kingdom was now become dreadful, That whensoever he invaded the Christians in Europe, the Mahometan Princes should invade his Countries in Asia; and that whensoever he should turn his Forces into Asia, the Christian Princes should spoil his Countries in Europe.. Against this Caramanian King, Amurath transported his Army into Asia; and as he went, seized upon the Countries of Sarucania, Mentesia, and other Provinces, which were before but Tributaries unto him, driving out the poor Princes before him; and so entered into Caramania, and enforced the King so far, that he was glad to agree to such conditions of Peace as it pleased him to propound unto him, and to send his Son to wait at his Court. And at the same time picking a Quarrel with Isfendiar Prince of Castamona, caused him to become his Tributary, and to send his Son to his Court also. By which means the name of Amurath became terrible to all the Mahometan Princes.  
When Amurath had thus quieted all his Troubles in Asia, he returned to Hadrianople; and understanding that the Hungarians passing over Danubius, had in his absence made divers Incursions into his Dominions, he was therewith greatly offended; and in Revenge thereof first sent Alis Bassa the Son of Eurenoses, with an Army to invade Hungaria, which he performed accordingly by the space of a month, and returned from thence with rich Booty. Not long after, 
Hungary spoiled by Amurath.  he himself in Person made another Road into Hungary, commanding the Prince of Servia his Father in law, to give his Army free passage through his Country; and charging Dracula Prince of Valachia to aid him with his Forces in that Expedition; which his Commandment both the Christian Princes (more for fear, than of good will) diligently performed. So Amurath having enriched his Soldiers with the spoil taken in Hungary, returned home and wintered at his Court at Hadrianople.  
The secret Confederation between the Hungarians and the Mahometan King of Caramania, was not unsuspected of Amurath, which he was the rather induced to believe, for that whensoever he invaded the one, he was presently set upon by the other, either in Europe or in Asia; of which Plot he doubted not but that George Prince of Servia (his Father in law) was chief Author, although in show he was therein the least Actor. Wherefore Amurath intending to spoil the Play, sent for the Prince his Father in law to come to the Court of Hadrianople; but he doubting some Turkish Tragedy, pretended great occasions that he could not come; and fearing that which afterwards fell out, fortified and manned all his strong Cities and Castles by all means he could possibly, especially his chief City Semendre (otherwise called Spenderovia) and left therein his Son Gregory (or as some call him, George) as Governor; for his other Son Stephen was long before in Amurath his Court, with the Queen his Sister. The Prince of Servia himself went into Hungary to procure from thence some Aid, having there also himself certain Territories, which he had in exchange of Sigismundus (late Emperor and King of Hungary) for the City of Belgrade. It was not long after, 
Amurath contrary to his Faith invadeth Servia and subdueth it.  but Amurath forgetting both the Affinity and League he had with the Prince his Father in law, entered with a great Army into Servia, destroying all before him, and hardly besieged Semendre; where, after long Siege the young Governor (the Prince's Son) doubting to fall into his Enemy's hands by sudden Assault, yielded himself, with the City; which thing so discouraged the rest of the Servians, that in short time, Sophia, Novomont; with all the rest of the Cities of Servia, were yielded into the Power of Amurath. After which Conquest he returned to Hadrianople, and hearing that the Prince of Servia with the Hungarians, were making head against him, and that the two young Servian Princes, Gregory and Stephen, his Wife's Brethren, had Intelligence with their Father, he commanded them both to be cast in prison at Dydimoticum, and their Eyes cruelly to be burnt out with a brazen Basin made red hot; a common unmerciful practice among the Turks.  
About this time, Albertus' Duke of Austria, having before married Elizabeth the only Daughter of Sigismond the Emperor, and succeeding his Father in law both in the Empire and Kingdom of Hungary (unto which Type of highest Honour nothing more furthered him than the remembrance of Sigismond) in the second year of his Reign, before he was well settled in those new achieved Honours, died of the Flux, as he was making great preparation against Amurath the Turkish King; who having lately driven G●●rge Prince of Servia and Roscia out of his Dominions, had now extended the Turkish Kingdom even unto the borders of Hungary. This Albertus dying, left his Wife great with child. The Hungarians, in whose minds the remembrance of Sigismond was yet fresh, could have been contented to have lived under the Government of the Queen his Daughter, the Widow of Albertus (then great with child;) but that Turkish King was now grown so great, and come so nigh, that it was thought more than needful by john Huniades, and other of the Hungarian Nobility, for the defence of that Kingdom, not wholly to rest upon the devotion of the people toward the Queen, and the expectation of her Issue, whereby they should be nothing strengthened; but to make choice of some great Prince, by whose Power they might the better defend themselves and the Kingdom against their dangerous Enemies. Whereupon with consent of the Queen, it was resolved upon, to make choice of Uladislaus, the young King of Polonia, than a Prince of great Power, but of far greater Fame and Expectation; and by Ambassadors to offer unto him the marriage of the Queen, and with her, the Kingdom also. This Embassage being sent unto Uladislaus, the matter was to and fro debated in the Polonian Court, Whether it were to be accepted of or not? Some began to speak of the inequality of the Match, considering that the King was but in the prime of his Youth, and the Queen well stepped into years, urging farther, that nothing was offered in that Match but Wars; and that the Hungarians therein sought for nothing more, than by the Polonian Forces to defend themselves against the Turks. Others of the contrary opinion, said, That the uniting of those two mighty Kingdoms would be to the great good of them both, and to the great Honour of the King, whose very name would thereby become terrible unto the Turks; and that it were greater policy, by the Forces of both the Kingdoms, to keep the Turkish King from entering into Hungary, than to leave that Kingdom to him for a prey, and afterward be enforced to fight with the same Enemy in the heart of Polonia. And as for inequality of years betwixt the King and the Queen, it was not so great a matter, that in regard thereof so honourable and commodious Alliance should be rejected; for as much as Princes do more regard the Virtues of their Choice, with the increase of their Honour and Wealth of their Kingdoms, than the Summer-Fruit of Youth and Beauty, which of itself in short time doth rot and perish, although it be never so carefully kept and preserved; and that for as much as there can be but one King in a Kingdom, such choice was to be preferred of Kings as had not therein the greatest hope of many Children. After long deliberation, 
Uladislaus accepteth of the the Kingdom offered.  Uladislaus gave answer to the Ambassadors, That he would accept of the Offers by them made, whereupon some of them returned to make Relation to the Queen, and some of them stayed behind to hasten the King forward. But whilst these things were a doing, the Queen in the mean time was delivered of a fair Son, whom she caused to be baptised and named Ladislaus. After the birth of this Child, the Queen moved with a Motherly affection, began to repent herself, that she had given her consent for the calling in of the Polonian King, to the prejudice of her. And being animated by some of the Hungarian Nobility (who presuming of the good Grace they were in with the Queen, hoped to grow great themselves, if they might first draw the Government of that Kingdom to the Queen and her young Son) determined now by all means to exclude the Polonian King; but the greater part of the Nobility better considering what was most expedient for the present Estate, and that they could neither with Honour or Safety fly from that which was before (for the common good) by the Ambassadors concluded; continued firm in their former Resolution for the bringing in of Uladislaus; so that by this means, some taking part with the Queen and her young Son, and others standing fast for Uladislaus, the Kingdom of Hungary was divided into two Factions, and as it were rend in pieces, and so grew to Civil Wars. The Queen with such as favoured her Claim, the more to gain the minds of the common people (which are many times no less carried away with shows than matter) caused her Son Ladislaus (being then but three months old) solemnly to be Crowned King at Alba-Regalis, the usual place for the Coronation of the Hungarian Kings. But after that the Polonian King had entered into Hungary with a goodly Army, and joined his Forces with his Friends, most part of them which before followed the Queen and her Son, revolted unto Uladislaus. So that when she had done what she could, she was glad at last to commit the tuition of her Son, together with the Crown of Hungary, unto Frederick the Third, than Emperor; never ceasing for all that, to the uttermost of her Power, to trouble the Government of Uladislaus, continually stirring up great Wars against him both at home and abroad, until that at the last by her death her quarrel took end, together with her life.  
In the midst of these Civil Wars, Amurath thought a fair opportunity presented unto him, to make an Entrance unto the Conquest of Hungary, which Kingdom he had in his ambitious mind already devoured. And therefore gathering a great Army, he marched along the River Danubius, until he came to the strong City of Belgrade, called in ancient time Taurunum, 
Belgrade besieged of the Turks.  and of some Alba Graeca, but now commonly Grecis Weisenburg. This City is environed on the East side with the famous River Danubius, and on the South with the great River of Savus or Save, which there falleth into Danubius; and on the other two sides is defended with strong Walls, with deep and large Ditches; and was then accounted the Gate or Entrance into Hungary. 
Belgrade in vain assaulted.  Unto this City Amurath at his first coming gave two terrible Assaults, and was in good hope so to have won the same, but yet was both times valiantly repulsed, with great slaughter of his men. Wherefore finding it to be a matter of more difficulty than was by him at the first supposed, he began to raise Mounts against the City, and high Towers of Wood to annoy the Defendants, and furiously battered the Walls. At this time also he caused great numbers of Galleys and small Pinnaces to be brought into both the Rivers of Danubius and Save, to assault the City on those parts where was least feared, and by that means also to keep them of the City from all Succours to be sent that way out of Hungary. Yet for all he could do or devise, the City was still valiantly defended by the Christian Soldiers, which under the leading and conduct of johannes Uranus a Florentine, Governor thereof, with often Sallies and continual Shot slew great numbers of the Turks. At the time of this Siege, Uladislaus King of Polonia, and lately Elect King of Hungary, was sore troubled by the Queen and her Faction in Hungary; which thing the Turkish King knew right well, and thereupon continued his Siege, although Famine began greatly to increase in his Camp; hoping in nothing more, than that the Defendants despairing of help from the King, would in short time yield up the City. Uladislaus being so entangled with Civil Wars, as is aforesaid, that he could not possibly prepare such Force as might relieve the besieged City; yet forasmuch as the Turkish King had not long before by his Ambassador required to join with him in League and Amity, he thought good now to assay if he could raise the Siege, by sending unto him the like Embassage. Whereupon he sent Dobrogosius, Ostrorogenus, and Lucas Gorsensis, three of the Polonian Nobility, Ambassadors unto Amurath; declaring unto him, That for so much as he had offered by his Ambassadors, to join with him in League before he came out of Polonia, the remembrance thereof had taken such deep impression in his mind, that he would not take up Arms against him, although it were in his own just defence, before he had offered him reasonable Conditions of Peace; wherefore if he would desist from invading of Hungary (whereof Uladislaus was now by God his permission, and consent of the people, chosen King) and so raise his Siege, that then they should afterwards easily agree upon the desired Peace; in concluding whereof, he should not find Uladislaus inferior to himself in any manner of Princely courtesy; but if he had rather proceed in Arms, and to make proof of his strength, he would then do the best that he could, to make him know that he was of sufficient Power, in so just a quarrel to withstand his greatest Forces, and to revenge the Wrongs to him done. When Amurath had received this Embassage, he appointed the Ambassadors to withdraw themselves for a while to Synderovia (a City of Servia, not far off) until he might better consider of their Demands; pretending, that he did it for their safety; but as appeared afterward, secretly resolving with himself, presently to do his uttermost devoir, for the gaining of the City, and upon the Success thereof to shape them answer accordingly. Wherefore so soon as the Ambassadors were departed to Synderovia, he first by his Messengers assayed the minds of the Citizens and Soldiers with magnifical Promises of large Liberties, and infinite Rewards and Preferments, if they would yield up the City; and many Arrows with Letters made fast unto them, full of like Promises, were at the same time shot into the City. But when he saw no hope to prevail by that means, he called together the Captains and Commanders of his Army, and there in the presence of them all, spoke unto them as followeth: Although I know it is in mine own Power, 
The notable Speech of Amurath to encourage his Soldiers to the assault of Belgrade.  to grant, or not to grant, the Peace whereof our Enemies have made a motion; yet it is my pleasure (worthy Soldiers) to know your minds also. For so much as we have that War in hand, wherein with worldly Felicity, (whereof amongst you I hold the chief Place) is also endangered our Religion, and purity of Life; the defence and care whereof equally belongeth unto us all; for although we differ much one from another in the manner of our Vocation, and living here, yet after death we all hope for one and the self same Felicity. And therefore I would have you to understand all that I shall say, as proceeding not of any regard of mine own Private, but upon the consideration of the Common Good of you all. For as concerning mine own Estate, I possess so large Countries in Asia, such great Dominions in Europe, that either part thereof (in good time be it said) might seem a sufficient Kingdom; so that perhaps it might better stand with my Estate, to take more care, for keeping of that I have, than to travel for the gaining of more; but you are to consider with yourselves, whether you have every man sufficient to suffice himself or not, and how long you think yourselves assured of the same; and moreover, that together with these worldly things, we shall be driven at length to forsake our Profession and Religion, if we shall now lay down Arms. For our Enemies require, that we should first cease from War, and then afterwards they think it meet to talk of Peace. I will not speak of the Indignity, that men besieged, and in evil plight, should propound conditions of Peace to them that besiege them, and are well furnished of all things; that feeble and cowardly men should promise peace unto courageous and expert Soldiers; I omit what labour and pains we have taken in laying our Siege, in raising of Mounts, in making of Shipping; all which our Enemies command us to forsake, as if they had us already bound or couped up in hold, as we have them. All Bulgaria, and the greater part of Rascia is now by us conquered, and most part of Servia is at our Command; all which places are by us either to be kept, or else all the rest of that we possess in Europe, is with them to be quite lost and forsaken. Whosoever shall have in their Power this City which we besiege (and that our Enemies know right well) shall have not only as it were a Fortress and Bulwark of defence for his own, but also a Castle and Entrance for the subduing of others. The Kingdom of Hungary is now divided in itself, and full of domistical Sedition; neither is it so much strengthened by the uniting of the Kingdom of Polonia, as it is by civil dissension weakened. And in this motion of Peace nothing is sought for, but to gain time for the pacifying of their private Quarrels, that they may afterward with their double Forces set upon us. For if we shall break up our Siege before we have won the City, they will easily find delays so long to protract the conclusion of Peace, until that either Uladislaus his good Fortune, or else the Hungarians being of themselves better advised, shall make an end of their Civil Wars. What manner and conditions of Peace will they then require of us, when they are at Unity amongst themselves, and in Arms against us; seeing that now being in danger with mutual Discord, and almost by us vanquished, they think it reasonable (as if they had won the Field) that we should first raise our Siege, and then entreat of Peace? Their proud Demands for the Restitution of Bulgaria and Rascia, with other Countries and Cities won by our travel and danger; already sound in mine ears; which if we shall refuse to grant, not only the Hungarians being then at Unity among themselves, but also the Polonians, joined unto them, will bring those Wars home to our doors, which we now at great advantage make upon them, troubled with discord and civil broils. And if for desire of Peace we could be content to yield unto such shameful and miserable Conditions, and restore unto them all they should or in reason could desire; do you think the Prince of Servia would rest contented with his own, whose haughty mind (I am sure) being inflate with the combining of two such mighty Kingdoms, thinketh not only of the recovery of that he hath lost, but even now gapeth at all that is Ours in Europe. He will not think himself satisfied, before he (having brought the Hungarian and Polonian Forces against us) shall see the same havoc and spoil made in our Kingdom with Fire and Sword, which he hath before seen made by us in his own. Where if his Fortune should answer his Designs (which God forbid, but yet it may chance) desire all the miserable and intolerable Outrages, which are to be feared of an angry Conqueror, it is accounted with them for a godly and religious Work, to use all cruel and unspeakable Villainies against our Nation, except we will forsake the Faith and Religion delivered unto us by our Ancestors, and follow their new and incredible Ceremonies. Neither do they think they can more easily and effectually procure the Favour of God with any kind of Sacrifice or Service, than by overthrowing and profaning our Temples, by scoffing at our most sacred and secret Rites and Ceremonies, by scorning our Religion and Priests; and that you may know all the Fury wherewith they rage against us and our Religion, they account all them for holy Saints which die in fight against us. There is no cause (valiant Soldiers) that upon the vain hope of Peace, we should expect whilst the Enemy doth gather and unite his Forces and Arms against us, especially such an Enemy as propoundeth not spoil and worldly Honours, but Immortality itself, as a reward of his Victory. We have already taken much more labour than we have to take, we have filled the Ditches with restless labour, we have cast up Bulwarks equal with the Walls, and part of the Walls we have beaten even with the ground, so that you see the Town half opened; and that Town, by gaining whereof, all that Ours is, may be made safe and quiet; and that which our Enemy possesseth, subject to our spoil and prey. If you will but a little enforce yourselves, as men mindful of our good Fortune and forwardness, you shall find our Temples, our Sacrifices, our Religion, all worldly and heavenly felicity to be then assured unto us, when as you shall to morrow overthrow the very Foundation of the Enemies Wall. Then (courageous Soldiers) we may cry, Victory, not for the present, but for ever. If this War should bring unto us nothing else but an assured security of our Estate, it were sufficient reward; for which we ought cheerfully to adventure ourselves to all dangers, and to challenge in Combat even death itself. But as this Victory doth defend all our things as with a deep Trench, or sure Wall, so doth it lay open and expose all our Enemy's Dominions unto danger and spoil. Hitherto we have striven with Nature herself in the rough and abrupt Mountains of Bulgaria and Rascia, where we were to strive with Hunger, Thirst, Labour, and Desperation; all them we have overcome, alured with no other reward, but that at length we might attain unto the Wealth of fruitful Hungary, from whence we must fetch the guerdon of our Victory, and the ground of our Glory. We are come to the Gates, which being laid open, we are not to pass over inaccessible Rocks, or uncoth Deserts, but we shall go through most pleasant places, decked both by Nature herself, and the industry of man; where the temperateness of the Air, and lively Springs, with the fruitfulness of the Soil, doth every where yield plenty of all manner of food both for Man and Beast, not only to serve for Nature's necessity, but even to glut our wanton desires. What thing soever curious endeavour hardly bringeth forth in other places, that the fertility of the Soil yieldeth plentifully of itself; so that it is to be thought, that Nature adorned Hungary with a certain extraordinary Care, when as she would set forth a pattern of good Husbandry for other Countries to imitate. Neither hath she in any place been more bountiful in bestowing her rich Gifts; for Gold, which other men most painfully dig up, and that in few places, the Hungarians gather at their ease, as if it were a growing Plant. It is in your power (worthy Soldiers) whether you will to morrow open a way to all these good things for yourselves for ever, or else leave the way open for your Enemies unto all that you hold. I would that you would remember when you go unto the Breach, that all the store of happy Fortune is laid open unto you for a Prey, without any other defence, without any other Garrison, without any other Keeper; and that behind you are your Wives, Children, your Houses, your Temples, and Religion, together with the rewards of all your former Victories; over whom, except you win this City, the fury and insolency of the victorious Enemy will most cruelly and shamefully insult. ay, according as I shall see you fight at the Breach to morrow, shall easily perceive how you are set down to Command as Conquerors, or else as Slaves to be commanded; and also what to answer to the most insolent Demands of the proud Ambassadors. In the mean time make much of yourselves, and together with your Armour have all things in readiness, that to morrow with the dawning of the day we may assault the Breach.  
The Turkish Captains for that time joyfully departed, as if they had been already assured of the Victory, and of all those good things which Amurath had so lively set before their eyes: The next morning very early, Amurath commanded the Assault to be given to a great Breach which he had made in the Wall with continual Battery; the Soldiers with great courage assailed the Breach, especially the Janissaries, who under the leading of Haly Bassa valiantly won the same, and were entering the City with assured hope of Victory. 
Belgrade notably defended by the Christians.  The Christians seeing all in danger to be lost, running to the Breach from all parts of the City, so forcibly charged the proud Janissaries on every side, that they were glad to retire with more haste than they before entered; in which Retreat many of them were slain, and the rest flying out at the Breach, were either slain, or burnt to death in the Town-Ditch with Wildfire; whereof the Defendants had cast great store upon the Turks at the Breach, which having taken hold upon the Faggots, Hurdles, and other light matter, wherewith the Turks had upon the sudden made their way over the Town-Ditch, did so terribly burn, that the Janissaries which had entered the Breach, being again repulsed, were in that fiery Lake consumed, or else with smoke strangled. In this Assault Amurath is reported to have lost 8000 of his best Men, beside 7000 others overwhelmed or strangled in the Mines, by the Countermines of the Christians. The other part of the Turks, which at the same time assaulted the City by Water, out of their Galleys and small Ships, had as evil or rather worse Success; many of them were sunk with great Shot, and some burnt by the fire cast from the Walls, and so fired one another; and divers of them in that sudden fear, for avoiding of that present danger, ran aground upon the shelves in the River, and so split. Amurath wonderfully discouraged with the slaughter of his men, and shamefully beaten from the Assault, returned to his Camp with his Turks, much like men which had lately escaped from some great shipwreck. And thus partly by Famine, and partly by the Defendants force, having lost the greatest part of his Army, he determined now after seven months' Siege to return home. Yet because he would not encourage his Enemies by showing his fear, he sent for the Ambassadors into the Camp, and with stern Countenance answered them in this sort: 
Amurath his answer to the Ambassadors.  We will (said he) then talk of Peace, when Uladislaus shall deliver unto us all that part of Rascia which he yet holdeth, and also this City of Belgrade as a pledge of the League. And for this time I will raise my Siege, to give Uladislaus time to advise himself; yet I would wish him rather to accept of my friendship upon these Conditions, than by denying that little which is demanded, to hazard the State of both his Kingdoms. I ask but that which is mine own by Law of Arms, before Uladislaus was called into Hungary; and the Hungarians cannot transfer unto him that Right which they had not themselves. Wherefore if he will proceed rather to strive for that which is other m●ns, than quietly to possess his own, I will in good time repair hither again, with my God the Beholder and Revenger of Wrong.  
With this Answer he dismissed the Ambassadors, and forthwith rose with his Army, sore repenting his coming thither; yet because he would take something in his way, he left his Nephew Isa-Beg with certain Troops of Horsemen at Scopia in Servia, who so troubled the King of Bosna, that he was glad to require Peace of Amurath, and to promise unto him a yearly Tribute of five and twenty thousand Ducats.  
Uladislaus newly elected King of Hungary, seeing that part of his Kingdom which is called Transylvania or Pannodacia, to be much subject to the Incursion of the Turks, (who having got into their possession all the Country of Moldavia, and grown insolent by continual Victories, ceased not to invade and spoil the Country of Transylvania) for remedy of that daily mischief, created john Huniades Vayvod, or his Vicegerent in Transylvania. This Huniades (as some write) was Earl of Bistrice, born in Valachia; others say, that he was born but of mean Parents, and called Huniades of the Village wherein he was born, and grew to be great by his Virtue and Prowess. Whatsoever his Parents were, he himself was a politic, valiant, fortunate, and famous Captain, his Victories so great, as the like was never before by any Christian Prince obtained against the Turks; so that his Name became unto them so dreadful, that they used the same to fear their crying Children withal. This worthy Captain, according to the trust reposed in him, began to keep the Turks short, by cutting them off, whensoever they presumed to enter into his Country; and also by shutting up the Passages whereby they were wont to forage the Country of Transylvania; and when he had put his own Charge into good safety, he entered into Moldavia, and never rested until he had won it quite out of the Turks hands. And not contented with this, passed many times over Danubius into the Turks Dominions, making havoc of the Turks, and carrying away with him great Booty, with many Captives.  
Now were two great and worthy Captains met together, in places nigh one to another; Huniades in Transylvania and the next part of Hungary, and Isa in Rascia and the upper part of Servia; the one lying at Temeswar, and the other at Sinderovia; both Men of great spirit, and desirous of Honour. Of these two, Isa in great favour with Amurath, and by him highly preferred, to increase his credit with the Sultan his Uncle, and to enlarge the Bounds of the Turkish Kingdom committed to his Charge, continually foraged the Country about Belgrade, to the intent that having wearied the Inhabitants with the harms he daily did them, and brought the City into great wants, he might so at length gain the same, for the most part abandoned then of Citizens, which Amurath could not by force obtain, and so to open a way into Hungary. Thus was the Country by him spoiled, the Villages rifled and burnt, and great numbers both of Men and cattle daily carried away; yea sometimes not contented to have spoiled the open Country, he assailed the very Suburbs of the City, and was thence hardly repulsed; and finding Huniades the only man that hindered his further proceedings, to requite him, and provoke him the more, broke sometimes into his Country, laying in every corner as he went, strong Ambushes, so to have circumvented that wary Captain, if it had been possible. But he grieved to see the Country thus spoiled, and purposing thereof to be revenged, secretly raised a strong Power both of Horse and Foot, and with his Companion Nicholas Vilach a right valiant Captain, passing over Danubius, came and encamped betwixt Belgrade and Sinderovia, being about twenty miles distant. Of whose coming Isa-Beg understanding, forthwith set forward with a great Army against him, lest he should by longer delay seem to stand in doubt of his Enemy, whom he had by many Injuries so often provoked. So marching on with his Army ranged in order of battle, he found Huniades as ready for battle as himself; who in both wings had placed his light Horsemen, and behind them his men at Arms, with certain Companies of Crossbows on Horseback; in the midst stood his armed Men, with his Archers, and other Soldiers more lightly armed, ready at all assays, all strongly guarded with Men at Arms; after whom in the rearward followed also a strong Squadron of valiant Footmen. The signal of battle being given, there began a great and cruel Fight, as amongst men desirous either to overcome, or there honourably to end their days. At the first encounter, the Wings of Huniades his battle were by the Turks enforced to retire; but coming to the Men at Arms, their fury was there stayed, and a cruel battle fought, wherein many fell on both sides, but of the Turks more, who trusting to their agility and nimbleness of body, were not able long to endure the shock and strength of the Men at Arms, but were there by heaps overthrown, and most miserably slain. Which Isa-Beg beholding, and perceiving the Hungarians courageously to fight, as men almost in possession of an assured Victory, to save himself, turned his back and fled to Sinderovia. The rest beholding the flight of their General, betook themselves to flight also; after whom the Hungarians fiercely followed, especially Huniades himself, who by his example to animate the rest, left not the chase until he was come almost to the Suburbs of Sinderovia; few of the Turks escaped, the rest being either taken or slain. Huniades after so great a Victory, with a rich Prey and a multitude of Prisoners returned to Belgrade; having now sufficiently revenged himself of the wrongs he had before received. After which time Isa the Turk was more quiet, as having sufficient proof of his valour. The fame of this Victory increased not a little the fame of Huniades, the report whereof coming to Buda, filled the City with joy and gladness; but most of all King Uladislaus, who thereupon caused public Prayers, with Thanksgiving to be made in every Church; and by his Letters Gratulatory, with many rich Presents encouraged Huniades to the prosecution of the Religious War; wherein was propounded unto him not only the increase of his Wealth (a base regard in the honourable) but the immortality of his name, year 1440. and hope of eternal bliss.  

Transylvania invaded and spoiled by Mesites Bassa.  Not long after this Victory, Huniades obtained a far greater in Transylvania. For Amurath much grieved with the loss he had first by himself, and after by his Lieutenant Isa, received at Belgrade, and in the Country thereabout; lest he should seem to yield unto the Hungarians, repaired his broken Forces with new Supplies, with purpose again to renew his Wars in Valachia. And so having put all things in a readiness, sent one of his Bassas called Mesites (his Viceroy in Asia, a man of great Wisdom, Experience, and Valour) with a puissant Army upon the sudden by the way of Valachia Transalpina, to invade Transylvania. This worthy Captain according to his charge departing out of Servia, and passing from Danubius, suddenly entered into Huniades his Country, burning and spoiling whatsoever came in his way, and killing all that he light upon, Man, Woman, and Child, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition, filling all the Country as he went with tumult and terror. Whereof Huniades (but lately come into the Country) understanding, and having as than no sufficient Forces to oppose against the Fury of so puissant an Enemy, either means to raise any in so great a confusion and fear, was wonderfully grieved thereat, and perplexed in mind, as not well knowing which way to turn himself. At length he took his flight into Alba jula, 
Hun●ades flieth.  unto his old Friend George Lepe Bishop of that City, a man of great Virtue and Gravity; but whilst he there stayeth with his Friend, about the raising of a tumultuary Army, the Enemy was now come near unto him; who having overrun the greatest part of the Country, had scraped together such a Booty, and taken such a multitude of Prisoners, that surcharged as it were with the spoil, he was glad to march softlier; yet still burning the Country before him. Which Huniades and the good Bishop beholding out of the City, so much grieved thereat, that albeit that they both well knew themselves, with an handful of men taken up in haste hand over head, too weak to encounter with their Enemies; yet thought it better, with such Power as they had to go out, and so in defence of their Country honourably to die, than longer to behold the most miserable destruction of the same. But whilst they upon this Resolution (carried forth with too hot a desire of Revenge) march unadvisedly forward, without any Scouts or espials sent out before them, they fell before they were aware into such ambushes both of Horse and Foot, as the crafty Enemy had in the secret Woods and Valleys whereby they were to pass, laid of purpose to intercept them; which now with great force and horrible Out-cries breaking out upon them on every side, dismayed them with a great fear. Huniades and the Bishop seeing themselves so entrapped and beset with the multitude of their Enemies, 
Hun●ades and the Bishop of Alba Jula entrapped by the ●●rks.  as that they must needs perish if they should longer stay, fled incontinently back again; after whom followed all the rest of their Army, and at their heels the eager Turks, who spared none of the flying Christians they could overtake, but put them all to the Sword; nevertheless most part of them escaped back again to Alba jula. The Bishop thinking to have saved himself by the swiftness of his Horse, coming to a River, in taking the same was overthrown, and there by the Enemy slain. With whose death the Bassa encouraged, as also with the present Victory, began now more at liberty to range abroad, and at his pleasure with Fire and Sword to waste that part of the Country which yet remained unspoiled; leaving in the mean time (as a man out of fear) the rich Prey he had taken, together with his Baggage and Carriages, to be carried all together, as a notable Testimony of his Victory, unto his great Lord and Master. Huniades in the mean time with wonderful celerity running about the borders of his Country, and out of every Town and Village taking such Soldiers as he could, persuaded also the Sicilians (or people commonly called Siculi) in defence of their Wives and Children to take up Arms; who all in respect of the present necessity, cheerfully did whatsoever he commanded. With this tumultuary Army he followed the Bassa (who then in great pride was returning, laded with the spoil of the whole Country) with purpose to set upon him as time or place should give him occasion. In the mean time Mesites being told, that Huniades with a great Power was coming after him, and now even at hand; is reported to have made no reckoning thereof, but to have proudly answered unto him that brought the News, Let him come, and with the spoil of himself enrich our Victory. There was present when he thus said, one john, one of Huniades his Spials; who discovered unto him many of the Turks designs concerning the joining of battle with him; but especially, that the Bassa had commanded through his Army, That above all things, they should in the beginning of the battle assail the Person of Huniades himself, for that he being once slain, the rest would easily be put to flight, as all depending on his direction; and that for the performance thereof, he had appointed certain Companies of his best Soldiers, giving them certain Tokens whereby they might know both him and his Horse. There was then in the Army one Simon Kemene, a right valiant and courageous Gentleman, not much unlike to Huniades, with whom he changed both his Horse and Armour, appointing unto him a strong Troop of his choice Horsemen to attend upon him; neither was this counterfeit Huniades unwilling to expose himself unto the danger, accounting it honour enough, if by his death he might save the life of his Friend, and preserve so worthy a Defender of the Commonweal. Huniades following fast after, the Bassa marching before him, sought by light Skirmishes, sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, and sometimes in the rearward, to stay him, and at some advantage, if any such were given, to fight with him before he should get out of the Country. At length finding such an opportunity as he thought good to lay hold upon, he with all his Forces, as if it had been a violent Tempest, came upon the Turks so suddenly, as that they had not time to put themselves in order of battle, but were glad confusedly to fight as they might, and without order; in which disordered fight many fell on both sides, but far more of the Turks. But whilst both Armies with like obstinacy encounter together, certain Troops of the most valiant Turks descrying Simon the counterfeit Huniades, and by the signs before delivered unto them, both of his Horse and Armour, supposing him to have been Huniades indeed; with all their Power made towards him, to have slain him, according as they had in charge, where meeting with right valiant Men, 
A great battle betwixt Mesites and Huniades.  of no less courage than themselves, there was fought a most terrible and bloody battle, in such sort, as if in that very place should have been tried the whole fortune of the day. But the Turks still bending their Forces more and more thither; for the kill of him of whom they stood in more dread than of all the rest; at length by plain force made a way unto him, and having slain them that were about him, though not without their own great loss, furiously assailing him, slew him, vainly supposing it to have been the very General himself; who had he there perished (as like enough it was he should, had he not been before warned of the Bassa's purpose) no doubt but that the whole Country had been with him, or shortly after quite lost. But Huniades in the mean time riding to and fro in the Army, encouraged his Soldiers not to forsake the Victory they were now as it were in possession of, nor leave unrevenged so many slaughters and harms so lately committed by their Enemies, but to remember as they were fight, that they carried in their hands their Wives and Children, and were in that one battle to revenge the wrong by them done both to God and Man. Sometime he with new Supplies encouraged such as were overcharged, and even now ready to fly; othersome he with cheerful words stayed, that had already turned their backs; performing in every place all the parts both of a worthy Commander and valiant Soldier, as the necessity of the time and place required. In the heat of this battle (Fortune yet favouring neither part, but both fight with all their Power) the Transylvanian Prisoners that in great number were kept in the Camp, wishing rather to die, than to be carried away into Captivity, and thinking it now or never, time for them to attempt their deliverance; with one consent broke asunder their Bonds, and with such Weapons as first came to hand, set upon their Keepers, of whom they slew a great number, and so desperately issuing out into the battle, encouraged their Countrymen, and discouraged their Enemies. Yet was the battle hardly fought, though not altogether with like courage, or for like cause; for why, the Transylvanians fought for their Country, their Wives, their Children, their Lives, their Liberty, their Religion, and Altars; but the Turks, for the rich Prey they had before taken, and that they were by Victory in hope of. But at length the Turks by the breaking out of the Prisoners (who laid about them like desperate men) out of hope of the Victory, began by little and little to retire; and the other on the contrary part by this unexpected Aid encouraged, and quickly finding the Enemies fainting, fought more fiercely than before. Mesites seeing his Army thus in every part wavering, was therewith exceedingly troubled; but presently after, beholding some of his men retiring as if they had fled, and other some flying outright, and no means to stay them, for safeguard of his life turned his Horse and fled also; after whom the Hungarians followed with most terrible execution, as men desirous of the blood of them that had done them so great harm. In this chase Mesites himself with his Son were both slain; the report of whose death in the pursuit, added swiftness unto the Hungarians, to the increasing of the slaughter of the Turks, whom for the desire of Revenge they ceased not for certain days to pursue, unto the top of the Alps. In this battle were slain of the Turks 20000, and of the Hungarians about 3000. Huniades with this Victory recovered all the Prey the Turks had taken of the spoil of the Country, together with their Tents and Baggage; unto whom at his return into the Camp, a wonderful number of the poor Captives came, and falling at his feet, 
Great rejoicing for the victory  and kissing them, gave God thanks for their deliverance by him; some called him the Father, some the Defender of his Country; the Soldiers, their invincible General; the Captives, their Deliverer, the Women, their Protector; the young Men and Children, their most loving Father. In all which joyful Acclamations, no honourable Additions were heard, which in the judgement of all men, worthily agreed not with his deserts. He again with tears standing in his eyes, courteously embraced them, rejoicing at the public good▪ and himself giving most hearty thanks unto God, commanded the like to be done in all Churches of that Province. Sometime he commended the Soldier's Valour, and in general, the people's Loyalty. The Nobility and worthy Captains he extolled by name, according as their deserts had been in that notable Battle, not detracting any thing from any man's worthy praises; part of the spoil of the Turks he appointed unto devout Uses, and the other part he divided amongst the Soldiers; and willing as it were with the first Fruits thereof to gratify King Uladislaus, and the Despot of Servia, then present with him, he sent a great Wagon, with ten Horses which they could scarce draw, laded with the Turks Ensigns and the chief of their Heads, where the Heads of the Bassa and his Son stood foremost, and above them was placed an old Turk, sometime well known unto the Despot; who in this order presented unto them, is said to have thus delivered his Message, as followeth: Huniades your Majesty's most humble Servant, 
The Speech of an old Turk, in delivering the Present unto the King.  and the most honourable Despots Son, sendeth unto you this part of the spoil gained by this late Victory, lest he should seem to defraud you of the honour of the battle, happily fought under your good Fortune. These heads of the Asian Nobility he sendeth you for a Present, that you should not want the assured Testimony of so notable a Victory; these are two Princes heads, the one of Mesites Bassa the General, and the other of his Son; the rest are the heads of the other great Commanders and Sanzacks. All these witness the greatness of the late slaughter, and exhort you to greater Achievements. What your Royal Majesty for the natural instinct of Piety and Religion engrafted into you, may hope for, and what an occasion of Immortality and Glory is offered unto you, Huniades wisheth you hereby to consider; and humbly requesteth, that general Supplications may be commanded, and a great Army provided, forasmuch as all men suppose, that the Turk will gauge his whole Forces, and leave nothing unattempted, in revenge of so great a slaughter of his people.  
Having ended his Speech, he showed unto them the grisly mortified heads; which the Nobility and others there present, earnestly beheld, and wondered at, especially the King and the Despot; who by Letters further understanding the whole proceeding of the War, and fortune of the Battle, highly commended the discreet valour of Huniades, together with the glorious Victory, worthy (as they said) of a Roman Triumph; for which, Uladislaus commanded public Supplications to be made in all Churches through Hungary, and by honourable Messengers sent of purpose to Huniades, gave him great thanks, according to his Deserts, with many rich Presents also, commending his faithful and worthy Service; and requesting him, with like courage and care, to prosecute the War, so happily begun; promising him, That he should neither want Men nor Money, or any thing else needful thereunto. Upon this Victory, the Countries of Moldavia and Valachia, before Tributaries unto the Turks, now revolted again unto the Hungarians, to the great grief of Amurath; and the fame of Huniades was in short time dispersed through all Europe, and a general hope conceived of him, as of one most like to be one of the greatest Champions of the Christian Commonweal, as in his time undoubtedly he was.  
The r●port of this late Overthrow, with the death of the Bassa Mesites, and the loss of his Army, being brought to Hadrianople, much troubled the Turish Tyrant; but most of all, the Revolt of the two Countries, Moldavia and Valachia. So that full of wrathful Indignation, and desire of Revenge, he commanded a great Army to be raised against the next Spring, with intent to have gone therewith himself; but afterward upon better advice changing his purpose, he committed the leading thereof unto one Shech Abedin Bassa (corruptly called Sciabedin Bassa) an Eunuch, and yet nevertheless a right valiant and expert Captain, and his Viceroy in Europe; with Charge first to enter into Valachia, and there having done what harm he could with Fire and Sword, to do the like in Moldavia; and after that, with all his Power to break into Transylvania, there to Revenge unto the full, the Losses before received, and with the slaughter of the Hungarians to Sacrifice unto the Ghosts of their dead Friends and Companions. The Bassa according to his Charge, departing out of Macedonia, and marching through Mysia, and so passing over Danubius, with an Army of fourscore thousand fight Men, whereof four thousand were of the best Janissaries, 
Valachia grievously spoilt by ●he Turks.  entered into Valachia, filling the Country with fear and tumult; the Null now altogether in despair to be able to defend themselves against the fury of the Turks, and sore repenting them of their revolt from them, unto the Hungarians. Whom for all that, Huniades comforted with cheerful words, willing them betime to retire themselves unto the safest places of the Country, and not to expose themselves with their too weak Forces against the fury of the Barbarians; promising in good time to come himself to their Relief, not doubting by the Power of Jesus Christ, to dare them battle in the plain Field, and to have of them a glorious Victory, although they were in number far more than they were reported to be. The Bassa dividing his Army into two parts, foraged the Country far and near, burning the Country Towns and Villages before them, spoiling whatsoever came in their way, and killing whosoever they light upon, Men, Women, or Children, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition. But the Null for the most part had retired themselves, some into the Mountains, some into the strong Towns, and some into places further off, so that few fell into the Enemy's hands, but such as were not able to fly, or not regarding the danger, had negligently stayed the Enemies coming, and so perished. Valachia thus spoiled, the Turks passing over the Mountains, descended into Tran●●lvania, as Amurath had commanded, with purpose there to have done the like or greater harm if possible it had been to have so done; but there was Huniades with 15000 chosen Soldiers ready to encounter them. A small Power indeed, in comparison of the multitude the Bassa led; but all men of great Experience and Resolution, in valour countervailing the great number of their Enemies; Men resolved rather to die than to fly. Of whose approach the Bassa (unto whom the name and fortune of the Man was dreadful) by his Spials understanding, stayed his intended fury, and as one well aware with whom he had to do, without farther proceeding, encamped himself with his Army, to see what power and courage the Enemy had. But certainly informed by his Scouts, for that purpose sent out, That he was not in number a quarter so many as the Turks, but lay strongly encamped with his Wagons and Carriages, as in a sure Fort, in such order, as that he could not without great danger be assailed, and yet might at his pleasure come forth, and so if need were retire again, as into a strong Hold; he wondered at his courage and skilful manner of encamping; yet presuming of his own multitude and strength, he doubted not to march forward, and to offer him battle. Being come within half a mile the one of the other, although they were on neither side unwilling to fight, yet hoping both for a great Victory, they thought it not best to attempt any thing rashly, but betook themselves both unto the highest of their wits, as willing in so great a Conflict, as well to show the utmost of their policy and skill, as of their courage and valour. The Turk thought it best not to join battle with his Enemies in one front, for fear of confounding so great a multitude, but to divide his Army into certain Battalions, and so to fight by degrees and in good order, whereby to make all his men profitable; or if he could not do so, then with his multitude to enclose the Christians round, and so to overwhelm them. On the other side, Huniades charged his Soldiers, above all things to keep their order, and in no case to suffer themselves to be divided by their Enemies. The next day, being come unto a place which they call Vascape, both the Armies by the break of day began to dislodge; at which time the Bassa spent a good space in the martialling of his great Army, as did also Huniades, seeking by provident foresight and policy to match the multitude of his Enemies. And so having set all things in order, calling unto him the chief Captains and Commanders of his Army, with cheerful countenance encouraged them as followeth: No courage (believe me) worthy Companions, 
The most Christian Speech of Huniades to encourage his Soldiers against the Turks.  and Fellows in Arms, could have induced me to encounter so great a multitude, did not necessity itself enforce me, your approved Valour persuade, and the assured hope I have in Christ jesus above all things confirm me; having made choice of us to fight this his sacred battle, and by our right hands to revenge the dishonour of his holy Name. In which his especial choice we are to consider how much he hath loved us; and for the same to praise his infinite Goodness and Mercy. Three such Commodities hath God thereby even this day propounded unto us, if we will be the same men we have been in times past, as that the least thereof were sufficient to encourage men of worth, for the same to lay down their Lives, held they them never so dear. First, you are to fight for the health and welfare of your Children, Wives, and Country, joined with your whole Estate; then, for eternal Glory and Renown in this World; and last of all, for Immortality and a Crown that shall never be taken from you, in the World to come. How many Miseries and Calamities we have in former times, and of late received from the Turks, would to God you had rather heard thereof by report, than seen the same with your eyes, and endured them in yourselves. You had long since been bereft of your beloved Wives and Children, whom most miserable Servitude had overwhelmed; you had had neither House nor Church, wherein to dwell or to serve God, had not the Divine Power of God, and your rare Prowess been at hand for present rescue; your Country, your Goods, your Honour, your Liberty, you could not have kept, had not your Valour, confirmed by assured confidence in the Highest, preserved all these things unto yourselves; The horrible fury of the Turk had now brought all these things into the power of itself, had they not been by your Arms defended, and he by so many bloody overthrows repressed. He could not before be stayed; the Grecians, the Macedonians (both sometimes the greatest Commanders) the old Thracians, the strong Bulgarians, the valiant Epirots, and Dalmatians, could not abide their Force; The Athenians, the Thebans, the Lacedæmonians, Authors and Masters of the ancient Discipline of War, willingly gave place unto these. Unto us, is the Praise and great Glory of this Victory by God assigned, who oftentimes with a small Power, yea and that sometime against all hope, have with a notable Slaughter overthrown them, vanquished them, and put them to Flight. Neither is there any men in the World whom they more fear and stand in dread of, than you, whom though in number but few, they have by their daily Slaughter and Losses, learned no less to fear, than if you were many. And no● to try the uttermost of their power, they are come with their innumerable Legions; but are not for that of you any thing the more to be feared than before; seeing that we all bear Arms under the conduct of the most mighty God; and are by daily Victory, long Expe●ience, and approved Valour taught, what we are to dare; besides that the greatest part of their Army is of common Soldiers, Slaves, or rude Country Peasants, or men by force by them compelled; more than the Janissaries, are no good Soldiers among them, the rest as men enforced, serve them for fear, and against their Wills, and they by their Cowardice brought into that Bondage and Slavery. What Greeks, Macedonians, or Sclavonians soever are sent to their Aid, for as much as they are not yet revolted from the Christian Faith, deem them not to stand for them, but for us; they long for us the Revengers of their Wrongs, and for you as victorious Conquerors; in this War they have given unto the Turks their Names, but unto us their Hearts and Power; and pray heartily for our Victory; wherefore you ought so much the more valiantly and courageously to fight, by how much greater you see the Victory, the Honour, the Prey before your Eyes. We are not to fight for other men's Houses and Altars, but for our own; so our present necessity requireth, in such sort, that if we ourselves deliver not ourselves, and bear ourselves upon our wont hope and valour, we shall this day be enforced to endure the greatest misery that men may possibly. First, the loss of our Goods and Substance, the Captivity of ●ur Children, the deflowering of our Daughters,, the ravishing of our Wives, the slaughter of our Parents, the burning of our Houses and Churches; and that which worse is than all this, the scorn of our Saviour Christ jesus, and his Saints; whose images you shall see in despite broken, or dragged in the dirt, or molten and converted into other profane uses, all Religion trodden down, and God himself (if it were possible) with violence and despair driven out of our Hearts, if we stand not manfully unto it as becometh worthy Champions. God is able with his little Finger, if he so will forthwith, to destroy all the Turks in the World; but seeing he hath committed unto our right Hands the defence of his name, he first maketh proof of our Courage and Valour, that finding the same faithful and ready, he may strengthen and defend it with his own right Hand. He never yet forsook any faithful or devout man, neither will our Saviour Christ be wanting unto you, if you be not wanting to yourselves; in the power of his Name which is above all Names, he shall ●read down his rebellious Enemies, and exalt the Righteous that put their trust in him. Moreover, the causes that they and we combat for, are divers, and our hopes much stronger; They fight for their Prophet, a most profane man, Author of all Impiety, for Spoil and Prey, for the destruction of Nations and Countries, for other men's Kingdoms, for the enlarging of their Dominions and Territories, for worldly Praise and Glory; But we chose bear Arms for the Saviour of the World, for our Faith and Religion, for the Christian Commonwealth, for our Native Country, for our Wives and Children, for our Fortune and State; than which nothing can be more excellent, more commendable, or honourable. What reward is laid up for them in Heaven which have worthily protected or delivered their Country, or laid down their Lives in defence of their Faith and Religion? Neither, having often proved, are we ignorant, that God will never forsake them that honour, fear, and serve him. Whereby (f●llow Soldiers) you may plainly perceive, how far your hopes are beyond theirs. Believe our Saviour, promising unto you an eternal reward; and show your Fidelity and Valour unto God and your Country together. Wherefore, seeing without the power of God we can do nothing, before the signal of Battle be given, I beseech you Colonels, Captains, and Lieutenants, by your effectual and Christian Exhortations in your Regiments and Companies, to encourage your Soldiers, valiantly to fight the Lords Battle; and for the present, every man by taking a little Earth in his Mouth, to prepare himself according to the necessity of the time, as it were to the receiving of the Lords Supper; so having cleansed your Souls, embrace you one another, plight your mutual Faith with your right Hand and a Kiss; and make a perpetual Covenant among yourselves, none of you to forsake one another in this holy Battle, but for your Religion and Country valiantly to fight it out, even to the last man. And a little refreshing yourselves with a short repast as you stand, upon the signal given, thrice calling aloud upon the mighty name of Christ jesus, fight with the like Valour and Courage so near as you can, that he in the Agony of Death fought for your Redemption and Liberty which that you will willingly do, I request and charge you this for our Saviour's sake, for the Love of our Country, and for the Faith you owe both to God and Man. I also pray and beseech you, so to fight, as men resolved either to gain a most glorious Victory, (whereof I doubt not) or else if it should otherwise chance, this day to purchase unto yourselves a blessed life in the Kingdom of Heaven; not to sup in Hell with the Turks, but with the blessed Wights in Heaven; for Christ jesus our Saviour will be always present with us, who (believe me, and so hope) will this day not only deliver us out of the Hands of the Turks, but to our immortal Glory load us with the rich Spoils of our Enemies, and so in safety bring all home again with much joy and Triumph.  
The Bassa on the other side likewise encouraged his Soldiers, putting them in remembrance of their former Victories, exhorting them not to degenerate from their worthy Ancestors and themselves, by whose great Valour the Glory and Empire of the Turks had been so mightily increased; and unto whom their great Prophet Mahomet, the Interpreter of the gods, had foretold the Empire of the whole World to be by all the gods allotted; and had by divine inspiration prophesied, that ancient and stately Nation in time to become the terror of the World, the scourge of the Wicked, and Commander of all Nations. He farther declared unto them, what an increase of Kingdoms they had got in that short time, since which they first passed over into Europe, and filled them with the hope of a great Spoil; promising unto them that should in the Battle valiantly behave themselves, not only the Spoil and Prey, but whole Villages, Towns, and Cities, and other great Preferments, according as they should deserve. As for the Victory, considering the weak Power of their Enemies, and the great number of themselves, he assured them thereof, if they would but a while valiantly fight it out like men. In conclusion, he told them, that having overcome Huniades (whom only, as he confessed, he had found to be the most valiant and skilful Captain of the Christians) nothing should afterward be able to stand in their way, or to hinder their further Conquests; and that if this day they should utterly overthrow him, they should gain the most honourable Victory that was ever yet got in Europe. Wherefore he willed them above all things, in the Battle to seek after him; promising unto him that should kill him, a great Reward, with most honourable Preferments. Having thus sufficiently, as he thought encouraged his Turks, he set forward with his Army in order of Battle. His Horsemen and Footmen he divided into two great Wings, betwixt which marched the janissaries in a square Battle, all men of approved Valour; after whom followed the Rearward; unto the Wings he had also joined certain loose Companies of light Horsemen to begin the Battle, and to fly about the Enemies, and so as occasion should serve, either to charge or retire. Huniades likewise had placed in both Wings two square Battalions of men at Arms, and with them certain Horsemen with Crossbows; before these Wings he had also placed certain Troops of light Horsemen, to encounter the Enemies; in the midst stood two square Battles of men at Arms; and betwixt them a strong Squadron of armed men, guarded behind with a convenient number of Pikemen and Archers; both the Wings he had compassed about with a multitude of Carts and Wagons, and they also well manned. So marching forward, and both Armies being come within a quarter of a mile together, the signal of Battle was on both sides given, and the Battle begun. Huniades seeing the multitude of his Enemies, cast his first Battle into the form of a Wedge, 
A cruel Battle betwixt Huniades and Abedin Bassa.  the more ●asily to divide them; and they on the other side in the form of a pair of Shears, were ready to receive him; where on both sides they encountered together with such Fury and Outcry, as never was thing more terrible to be heard or seen. The Turks trusting unto the multitude of their nimble light Horsemen, first with their light Staves, and afterwards with their crooked Scimeters fiercely assaulted the Christians light Horsemen, in which first encounter many fell on both sides: But the Wedge Battle of the Christians could not of the Turks be broken, as consisting all of valiant expert Soldiers, and they also strongly armed; who, do the Turks what they could, with a great Slaughter cut their Army in sunder, but not without a great Fight, and some loss also unto themselves. In the Wings also the light Horsemen for a while fought courageously and with like hope; but the Turks with that kind of Fight better acquainted than the Christians, and better appointed for that purpose, and exceeding in number also, put the Christian light Horsemen to the worst, and enforced them to retire to the men at Arms. Here began the Fortune of the Turks to stay, where both parts desperately assailing the one the other, was made a most terrible Fight, wherein most part of the Turks light Horsemen were slain; for why, they were not able to abide the force of the men at Arms, although in comparison of them, but few; but with their Lances and arming Swords overthrown and slain, no otherwise than if they had been naked men; so that in both Wings the Turks began now to faint. But the Battle in both the Wings yet wavering, and the Victory doubtful, in the main Battle was fought a most cruel Fight; the janissaries with a strong power of men at Arms, and certain Troops of light Horsemen, compassed about the men at Arms that stood (as we said) in the main Battle of the Christians, were the old janissaries with their crooked Scimeters, with great Courage cut in sunder the Legs of the Horses of the Men at Arms; of whom many fell down, and lying along upon the ground, were made shorter by the Head; as likewise on the other side, the janissaries whilst they seek the destruction of the Men at Arms, were themselves overborne and trodden under Foot. Whereupon such a Slaughter was made, that the blood ran like Rivers, whilst they desperately fight with furious rage both on the one side and the other. In this cruel Fight most part of the janissaries were slain, and many of the Christian Men at Arms also. The Bassa now perceiving the Hungarians to have the better, both in the Wings, and in the main Battle, and yet in hope that with long Fight they would faint (although he saw great Slaughter of his Men in every place) come on with the Rearward, and a number of other fresh Soldiers which he had left for guarding of the Baggage, all yet sound Men, in good hope so to overwhelm the wearied Hungarians. It was now four hours that this cruel Fight had endured, when as the Bassa began it afresh; neither was this by him done without reason; for why, he was afraid lest if his Men should turn their Backs and fly, the whole Army should follow after; and therefore to make use of all the Men he had, he brought on his Rearward, in hope that his Enemies, now spent with long Fight, would not longer endure a fresh Charge. And the more to encourage his Men, he commanded them to compass in the Hungarians round, and to dispatch their wearied Enemies, vainly boasting, That it would be the last Battle that ever the Hungarians would fight. On the other side, Huniades perceiving the Enemy's purpose, suffered his Men to be in part environed, and by and by caused the Waggoners with the armed Carts and Wagons to thrust in behind them, and so to compass them in, divided in part from the rest, and afterward with fresh supplies renewed the Battle with the Enemy. The Fight was great, and in every place right terrible; and albeit that the Slaughter of the Turks was in many places great, yet by reason of their multitude they felt it not much, but fought yet still most desperately; until that they in the right Wing seeing themselves compassed in behind with the Wagons, and so from them charged with Shot, Darts, and other such missive Weapons; standing in doubt which way to turn themselves, and beset with danger on every side, began to faint, and fearing the danger behind them, shrunk from the Fight. On the other side, the Hungarians, now in good hope of Victory, with great and cheerful Outcries, as Men inspired with fresh Spirits, more furiously af●ailed their fainting Enemies affront, than before; encouraging them also that assailed them behind in the Wagons, to approach them nearer; with which double danger the Turks hardly beset fought disorderly, and doubting to be all enclosed round, first retired, 
The Turks fly.  and presently after betook themselves to plain Fight. But they which were already shut in betwixt the Wagons and them that fought before them, perished every Mothers Son. They which fought in the left Wing also, discouraged with the Flight of their Fellows, fled likewise; after whom the Hungarians fiercely followed. The Bassa himself seeing both the Wings of his Battle put to Flight, and his own Battle sore broken also, strucken with despair fled, with certain Companies of the janissaries, which he had still kept about him against all Events, for the safeguard of his Person; after whom followed also so many other of the Turks as could; the rest dispersedly flying through the Woods, Forests and Mountains, either there perished with Hunger, or falling into the Hands of the Null, were by them slain. Of so great an Army as the Bassa brought into Transilvania, scarce the one half returned again over Danubius. It is reported by some that were in that Battle, that if Huniades having them in chase, had pursued them to Danubius, scarcely one of them had escaped over the River. But he contented with so great a Victory, and to have driven his Enemies out of the Field, pursued them not far; but entering into their Camp, with the Spoil thereof greatly enriched both himself and his Soldiers. Beside the great multitude of the Turks here slain, five thousand more were taken Prisoners, and an hundred of their Ensigns. Long it were to rehearse and reckon up the rich Spoil there taken, the gilt Armour, and goodly Furniture, both of Men and Horses, besides the rich Pavilions and Tents there standing. In brief, the Wealth there found, was so great, as that there was no man in Huniades Army, which was not thereby for ever enriched. Huniades for this so great a Victory, and for his Country, delivered from so great a fear, caused general Prayers with Thanksgiving, for the space of three days, to be made in all Churches of those three Provinces, unto whom that danger was threatened; and at Vascape, where the Battle was fought, hanged up certain of the Turks Ensigns, as Trophies of the Victory there gotten. This was the famous Battle of Vascape, wherein Huniades got the greatest Victory that ever any Christian Prince before that time obtained against the Turkish Kings. The Fields thereabouts lay covered with the dead bodies of the slain Turks, whose Carrion Carcases so infected the Air, that many of the better sort of the Inhabitants of the Country were glad for a season to leave their Dwellings, and to get them further off, for fear of infection. Afterwards he in great Triumph came to Buda, and there presented to King Uladislaus the Enemy's Ensigns, with such a part of the Spoil, as might both well declare the greatness of the Victory, and beseem the greatness of so great a Prince; which the King thankfully received, highly commending his great Valour, the fame whereof had in short time filled every corner of Europe.  
Amurath, a little before this great overthrow of his Army in Transilvania, assuring himself of the Victory, had sent a proud Embassage to King Uladislaus into Hungary, offering him Peace upon condition, That he should deliver unto him the strong City of Belgrade, or else yield to pay him a yearly Tribute; to which, upon the first report of the Victory, answer was given by the King, answerable to the proud demand, That according to the issue of matters in Transilvania, he would shortly in person himself come and give him farther answer. With which short answer, the proud Ambassadors were dismissed and gone, a little before the coming of Huniades to Buda.  
How much this late overthrow grieved the great King Amurath, Uladislaus was not ignorant; either of his power and desire of revenge, as sufficiently warned thereof by the worthy Huniades; for the withstanding whereof, he thought it good not to be unprovided. Wherefore calling together the States of his Kingdom, and with them julian the Cardinal of S. Angel, the Pope's Legate; at such time as they were all assembled, he propounded unto them the greatness of the danger threatened by the angry Turk, leaving unto their grave consideration, to determine how the same were by strong hand and plain force, or otherwise to be averted. In which most honourable Assembly, julian the Cardinal, on purpose sent thither by Pope Urban to stir up the Hungarians against the Turks, being requested by the King to deliver his opinion first, spoke unto them as followeth: Since the time that the Turkish Pestilence began to rage in Europe, 
The effectual Speech of Julian the P●p●s Legate in the Parliament to persuade the War.  no news was ever more welcome unto the great Bishop, unto the Apostolical Senate, and other Princes of Italy (most mighty King, and you other most worthy Princes) than when it was told them, That Uladislaus, King of Polonia, was by you also chosen King of Hungary. For a fitter Governor of the Hungarian State, and Leader of their Power, could not the Hungarians any where have found; As he in whom justice, Religion, Wisdom, Valour, and Martial Skill doth so abound, that he seemeth rather for the good of this Kingdom by God sent from Heaven, than here in Earth chosen by Men. By this happy and fortunate choice, the minds also of all the Italians, which before lay heavy and discouraged, were lightened and revived; and therefore that this choice might be unto the Christian Common-weal both glorious and fortunate, they made their solemn Vows and Prayers. At such time as the most holy Senate understood if the civil Discord of this Kingdom, and the danger of the Turks fast by, it sent me hither to deal with you for the appeasing of those troubles, and repressing of that mischief (as you have oftentimes heard me say.) The Kingdom is by your Force and Valour, by my Mediation, and the Death of the Queen, well pacified; but yet the other remaineth full of Honour, full of Profit, full of Safety, Glory, and Immortality, best fitting Uladislaus Conduct and Fortune, and the Valour of the Hungarians. The Turkish Tyranny and their proud Command (worthy Princes) is to be repressed; yea their servile yoke, hanging even now ov●r our Necks, is to be shaken off, and to be driven away. What you are to dare to do, the Valour and Fortune of Huniades, foretelleth you; the Fortune said I of Huniades, nay the Fortune of the Christian Common-weal, and present Mercy of our Blessed Saviour, which suffereth his People to be up and down tossed, but not quite drowned. If so great an Army of the Enemies was vanquished and put to Flight by the power of one of thy Captains, and that but small; what is to be hoped of thee (most mighty King) if thou shalt lead forth thine Armies thyself in Person, under thine own Conduct, and the Protection of Christ jesus? The Eyes of all Christian Princes are cast upon thee, upon the Hungarian and Polonian Forces; upon thee have they reposed all their hopes, they all expect that thou shouldst be the revenger of the Barbarian Cruelty, the Defender of the Faith, and Protector of Europe; and that is it, for which the Pope doth with his Letters daily solicit and importune you. And albeit that the common cause and quarrel of the Christian Religion require it, yet doth the necessity of Hungary and Polonia no less enforce it; of which, the one is most miserably and daily vexed with the Turks Forces and Fury out of Servia and Dalmatia; and the other out of Moldavia and Valachia. Now if any there be, whom neither the zeal of Religion, the necessity of the cause, the hope of immortal Fame and Glory, can move, let their own Safety, the present Servitude of their Wives and Children, the Safeguard of their Wealth and Substance, the lawful Revenge of the Wrongs done them, stir them up to take in hand this sacred Expedition. So fit an opportunity is now given unto you, that at one and the selfsame time you may set your bodies in perpetual Safety and Happiness; your Souls in Quietness and Rest, and unto both give Eternal Glory and Happiness. You lack not (worthy Captains) Money, the Sinews of the War, which shall be brought unto you from all parts of the Christian Commonwealth, not lusty and courageous Soldiers, not Policy, not Fortune, not the propitious Heavenly Powers, which have made choice of you for the defence of the true Faith and Religion; you want nothing (worthy Princes) but Will. It is an Expedition necessary, religious, profitable and honourable; wherein are propounded most ample Rewards both in this Life, and in the Life to come. Wherefore (most mighty Prince, and you right worthy Princes all) I pray and beseech you by the Faith of Christ jesus, by the Love of your Children, by the Health of your Kingdom, and deliverance from your present destruction, with valiant Courage, and one Consent to take this sacred War in hand, and so thereby to enrol your Names in the Eternal Book of Fame. And sith that you are to go, not so much to a Worldly as a Spiritual War against the Enemies of Christ and his Truth, take up your Arms with such Zeal, Courage, and Cheerfulness, as the Expectation and Hope of Men, as your Valour, the present Danger, and the Mercies of God towards you, seem of right to require.  
This Legate having made an end, forthwith ensued the miserable Supplication and Tears of the Despot; 
The pitiful complaint of the Despot, of the cruelty of the Turks, persuading the Hungarians to take the War against them in ●and.  persuading them of the necessity of that Expedition to be taken in hand, declaring unto them the Cruelty of the Turks, their Torments and strange Tortures, his Sons deprived of their Sight, and spoiled of their Genitories, many half mangled, and more cut in sunder with Saws; some slain quick, and others buried alive, with many other strange kinds of death, such as would abhor any Christian Ears to hear. And warning the Hungarians, by his example to beware how much they had need to look to themselves, told them, That they were but by the River Savus divided from the Turks; which in Summer was oftentimes to be waded over, and in Winter hard frozen, and so to be passed; that the Country beyond Danubius lay all open upon them; and that he, sometime the rich King of Servia, was now driven into exile by the power of the Turk, deprived of his Kingdom, of his Children, shamefully disgraced, spoiled of his Wealth and Fortune, glad to fly from place to place, and yet not able to find any safe place to rest in. First he fled (as he said) to Ragusium, where by and by he was sought after, and endangered by the Turks; then into Hungary, which was also forthwith by them on every side infested; and whereof the Barbarian King now asked Tribute, to have some colour for the invasion thereof; which dreadful Enemy was not far off from it, but still hovered even over it; as well witnesseth Valachia and Transylvania, two of the greatest and richest Provinces of the Hungarian Kingdom; which had not the Valour of Huniades, the Fortune of the Common-Weal, and above all, the Mercy of God, delivered out of the Hands of this filthy Nation, the State of Hungary had now been utterly forlorn. The Events of War (he said) were divers, Fortune uncertain, and that God would not every day be tempted. Wherefore with many Tears abundantly running down his aged Face, he besought King Uladislaus and the rest, not to let slip this fair occasion, neither by Cowardice or Negligence to break off the course of their good Fortune and Victory; but to make choice rather to become Revengers of other men's harms, than of their own, and to satisfy the good opinion the World had conceived of them. He was (as he said) a sufficient Example to all Men. Besides that, he offered a great sum of Money himself towards the defraying of the Charges of the War, assuring them also of great supplies both of Men and Money from divers other Christian Princes. Which opinion of the Legate and Despots being generally liked and approved, a Decree was made by a whole Court of Parliament there assembled, That the King should himself in person, with all speed possible entertain that honourable War. So that though it were now upon the approach of Winter, yet were Men taken up in every place, and Ambassadors sent unto the Emperor and the other Neighbour Princes, to pray of them Aid against the common Enemy. Who for the most part excused themselves by their own particular Affairs, but sent no Aid at all. Nevertheless many devout Christians both out of France and Germany, for the Zeal they bore unto Christ and the Christian Religion, forsaking Wife and Children, and whatsoever they had else, came and worthily served upon their own Charge. The Spring being come, and Supplications made in all places, for the prosperous success of this Religious War, King Uladislaus the first of May set forward from Buda; where passing the River Danubius, and marching fair and softly, and coming to the River Tibiscus, he there stayed three days for the coming of his Army. Departing thence, and marching on alongst the side of Danubius, until he came within the sight of Bulgaria, he there at a place called Cobis, over against Sinderovia, passed over Danubius with his Army, which was now grown very great; and so marched directly to Sophia, situate about six days march from Danubius, in the Frontiers of Bulgaria, so called of a most sumptuous and magnificent Temple there built by justinian the great Emperor. Which City being then old and ruinous, and but badly fortified, was easily taken; 
Sophia taken▪  and afterward for that it was not well to be holden, was by the King's commandment burnt, as were all the other Country Towns and Villages thereabouts, to the terror of the rest. Marching thence, he came unto the River Morava, and there encamped; where the plain Country easily riseth and falleth in manner of the Sea, when it is moved with a little Wind. Here five hundred Horsemen being sent over the River, not so much to seek after Prey, as to view the Country, which way the Army might most safely and easily pass, happened upon the Turks Scouts, of whom they took four; and understanding by them, that two thousand of the Turks were coming at hand, knowing themselves too weak to encounter them, they retired back again with all speed they could, unto the River; where many of them for fear leapt headlong from the high and broken Banks, and so perished in the deep; the rest terrified with the misfortune of their Fellows, stood still, doubtfully expecting what should become of themselves. Beyond the River was another Hill, upon the top whereof the King with a great number of Horsemen were hunting; whom the Turks a far off descrying, and doubtful to fall into some ambush, of purpose laid for them betwixt them and the River, without coming on further, retired. Which they that before fearfully stayed on the further side of the River, perceiving, and now encouraged by the coming of the King down to the River, followed a while after, so to increase their fear; and so having well feared one another, retired on both sides worse afraid than hurt. The next day the King passed over the River, sending out his Scouts to see if all were clear before him; by whom he was advertised, that the Turks were at hand, having placed certain Ambushes fast by, expecting but a fit time to set upon him. Whereupon entering into Council with his best and most expert Captains, what were best to be done, it was resolved upon, That Huniades the next night with ten thousand choice Horsemen, should upon the sudden set upon the Enemy, then fearing nothing less. 
Huniades with ten thousand Horsemen assaileth the Turks by night.  Who conducted by the Spials, was in the first Watch of the Night brought very near unto them. The Moon by chance, as favouring his great attempt, did then shine out, so that he might well discern how the Enemy lay encamped, and which way for to charge them for his best advantage; which was by the same way they were most like to fly, if they should be put to the worst; unto which place he led his men, and there with a most hideous outcry entered the Camp, as then for most part buried in Sleep and Security; when as the Turks awaked with the sudden noise, as it were out of a dead sleep, and dismayed with the horror of the cry, began to betake them, some to their Weapons, some to their Heels. Of whom such as fled, lighting upon the Enemy's Troops standing in their way, ran as fast back again; the other scarce yet well awake, and overcome with fear, and now scarcely themselves, had much ado to make themselves ready to fight. Huniades in the mean time riding up and down amongst his men, cheered them up, still crying out and calling upon them, courageously to assail their sleepy, naked, and fearful Enemies, and not to let slip so fair an occasion, and so notable a Victory now already in their hands. At the first encounter the Turks rather made a stir, than fought; but after that they heard that Huniades was there, as men dismayed with his Name, they turned their Backs and fled, finding, which way soever they took, their Fellows half dead or wounded; yea, such a confusion was raised amongst them with the greatness of the sudden fear, that thrusting together, with an inconsiderate desire of Flight, they trod one another under foot, and thrust themselves one upon another's Weapons; the greatest part of them driven headlong, into the Thickets and other Straits, and not able in time to get out thence, were there by the victorious Enemy, fiercely pursuing of them, slain. All that night the fearful Turks were with great slaughter held in chase; but as soon as it was day, the rest that remained of them, ran also the same fortune with their Fellows. A far greater Slaughter was there made, than a man would think that so few men could have made, when as but with ten thousand Horse, thirty thousand Turks were in one night slain, and four thousand taken, with a number of their Ensigns. Of Huniades his men were not many lost, for the greatness of the Slaughter; most report not above five hundred, for few of them found any Enemy to resist them. There was taken all the Spoil of a most rich Camp, the Enemy having carried with them nothing out of it. Huniades having in so short time gained so notable a Victory, and enriched his Army, returned to the King in great Triumph; neither was that day more joyful unto these victorious Soldiers, than unto the rest of the Army, who most joyfully expected their return. The King and the Despot hearing of the approach of Huniades from the Slaughter of the Turks, with the great applause and joyful acclamation of the other Legions, went to meet him three miles; and at such time as at their first meeting Huniades was about to have lighted to have done him honour, he would in no case suffer him so to do, 
The meeting of Uladislaus and Huniades after the Victory.  but taking him by the right Hand, joyed with him for the Victory, thanking God in the hearing of the whole Army, that he of his mercy had given him such a Captain, as, without Envy, in all men's judgements was worthy to rule the Roman Empire. In brief, he showed how much his Country, his Kingdom, yea the Christian Common-Weal, was bound and indebted unto him, gave him his due Praises, exhorting all others to imitate his glory; the like honour did also all the rest of the Nobility unto him. As for the Common Soldiers, they could not be satisfied with beholding of him, but embracing one another, as if they would have died one in another's Arms, welcomed their victorious Friends. So with Joy joining their Forces together, and sending the rich Spoil of the Enemy, with the Prisoners chained together in long ranks before them; the King and Huniades in great Triumph returned into the Camp, where they caused general Prayers, with thanksgiving unto Almighty God for so great a Victory, to be made throughout the Army.  
The Legate julian, General of the voluntary Christians, which for Devotion sake served of their own Charge, after so great a Victory most earnestly persuaded the King and the rest of the great Commanders of the Army, to prosecute their good Fortune, and in God his so great Favour not to loiter, but daily to march forward, and to take in the rest of Bulgaria. Now had Huniades by his Spials learned, that from Sophia it was but three days journey to Philippolis, a great City of Thracia; and the like distance from thence to Hadrianople, the chief seat of the Turkish Tyrant, and as much more to Constantinople. The only difficulty was how to pass the great and rough Mountain Hemus, which running a marvellous way in length, even unto the Euxine Sea, and mating almost the Sky, divideth the Countries of Bulgaria and Servia, from Macedonia and Thrace; and for the great height and roughness thereof, is not to be passed over but in two places; the one made by the great Emperor Trajan and the Romans, where as yet is to be seen a mighty strong Gate built of great square Stone, whereby the passage that way was opened or shut at the pleasure of them that had the keeping thereof; the other near unto a little River, which the Bulgarians now call Saltiza. By either of these ways, if he should find them open, Huniades, unto whom the King had committed both the leading and conduct of the Army, purposed to enter. Wherefore marching forward, they took all such Towns of Bulgaria as stood in their way; some by force, some by composition; wherein was no small help, the conformity of the Christian Religion, the horrible Cruelty of the Turks, the great Affinity of Language, the most effectual means to win the Love of Strangers; for the Polonians and the Bulgarians both descended of the Sclavonians, and using the same Language, the Polonian Horsemen came to no Town, but it presently yielded. But being come unto the Mountain Hemus, to have entered into Thracia, the Winter weather being now very cold, they learned by their Spials, that the aforesaid passages were both fast shut up with great Stones, Timber and such other like matter, so strongly, as that they were very hardly to be forced. Wherefore Huniades leaving the straighter way made by the hand of man (which beside the former fortification at the great Gate, the Turks had in many places, with abundance of water poured down the steep Hill in the night, and hard frozen with the coldness of the Wether, made so slippery, as that it was not possible either for Man or Beast there to stand, or to get up that way) upon Christmas Even came to the other, by which the River Saltiza runs, the which he found likewise shut. Here they met with many inconveniences; first, the difficulty of the passage, which old Amurath had (not without great reason) shut up, and there placed strong Garrisons, so at ease, and without danger of Battle (so often by his Bassa's unfortunately proved) to defend his Kingdom in Macedonia and Thracia, from the invasion of the Hungarians, who now of all Nations he most dreaded. Beside that, in the Army was such want of all things, as that the Soldiers were ready to forsake their Ensigns, and to rise up in a general mutiny; for the Country near unto the Mountain Hemus, rising high, with broken Rocks, and inaccessible places, was altogether barren; and Victuals failing in the Camp, they were glad to live with a little Wheat and Flesh boiled together, and that so sparingly, as that the Soldiers began now generally to grow weak and faint. Besides that, the Winter was exceeding cold, and the Frost so great, that many times they could not go out of their Tents to seek for Forage or Water. So that the Army enforced with Hunger and Cold, 
The Hungarians enforced with the difficulty of the passage of the Mountain Hemus, retire.  and the difficulty of the passage, began to retire, and had undoubtedly been dissolved, had it not been for the often and earnest persuasions of Huniades; for he daily told them, that the greatest difficulties were passed, that that which remained, was with their wont Valour and Courage to be endured, whereunto nothing was high or difficult; that they should forthwith come into the borders of Thracia, where they should find plenty of all things; that they were now come so far, that if they would go back again, they should in those waste Countries through which they were to pass, find greater difficulties and dangers, than in going forward; that these Straits once opened, remained no more travel, but cheerfully to fall to the Spoil of a most rich and pleasant Country. They were not (as he said) to stay in the midst of their Fortunes, for that it was not always permanent, and for that the contempt of God's favours caused them to be oftentimes taken from us; all that was yet done (he said) was nothing, if they proceeded not further; for that whatsoever they had already won, was easily by the Enemy to be recovered, except that those which yet remained (for that most part of them, as he said, were slain, with their Houses burnt over their Heads) were driven out of Thracia and Macedonia, and so quite out of Europe. So whilst the Soldiers heard Huniades speak, every man was well encouraged; but when they remembered the miseries wherewith they were environed, they cursed all the rash Attempts of ambitious Princes. In the mean time News was brought by the Scouts, that the Turks were coming after them; but then began they to rejoice, as deeming it much more honour, manfully to die in Battle, than to starve with Hunger and Cold. Against these Turks was Huniades sent with certain Troops of Horsemen; who encountering with them, easily enforced them with loss to retire. Eight times he encountered them (as the Soldiers there present reported) and as often put them to Flight. In retiring back from the impregnable Mountain, the King with the greatest part of the Army went before; after whom followed Huniades and the Despot, a good days march; when the Turks that kept the passage upon the Mountain, understanding of their return, followed them down the Hill, in good hope to be of them well revenged, before they should get out of Bulgaria. Carambey the Bassa of Romania, and Brother to Caly-Bassa (a man of all others in greatest Favour with Amurath, and his Brother-in-Law, as having married his Sister) was General of this Army, and by him appointed for the keeping of these Straits, with express charge upon no occasion whatsoever, although it made show of never so assured a Victory, to fight with the Enemy; for he thought it Victory enough, without any loss to have kept his Enemies out of Thracia. Which the old Kings Command, Carambey for all the neglected, in good hope by a notable Victory easily to answer the contempt of that he was commanded. The Christian Army descending down the broken Mountains, was come to a great Mountain, which the Bulgarians call Cunobiza, and part of the Mountain Hemus; at whose Heels followed Carambey, with his Turks, still hover over their Heads, to take them at some advantage; whom the Christians beholding, could not by their Captains be stayed, but that they would many times by Companies fly forth upon them, and desperately fight with them in places of great advantage, saying, That they had rather die in fight like men, than to starve with Hunger and Cold. Here Carambey, being himself a man of great Courage, and desirous of Honour, and by the rashness of his Enemies alured to fight; and withal, beside the advantage of the ground, perceiving himself to exceed his Enemies both in Strength and Number of men, could not be stayed, but would needs give Battle, with such a desire, as if he had been already assured of the Victory. Huniades and the Despot had before perceived, that the Turks, provoked with the braving of their men, would assuredly fall upon them, and were therefore much troubled with the absence of the King, who (as is before said) was gone a days march before they saw they could neither shun Battle, neither if they could have so done, would their desperate Soldiers be stayed, for the desire they had to fight. Yet seeing Carambey coming down upon them, they put themselves (though unwillingly) in best order they could to receive him; persuading their Soldiers not rashly in fury to run upon their Enemies, as desperate men prodigal of their Lives, but to keep their ranks, and orderly to fight, and so like valiant men to carry away the Victory, or to leave unto their Enemies a bloody remembrance thereof. Now had Carambey sent his Horsemen down the Hill, 
A great Battle betwixt Huni●des and the Bassa Carambey  and the Battle was begun, where both the Armies met together with great fury, and a cruel Fight was made both at the foot of the Hill, and amongst the Hills and Valleys also; in which hard encounter many were slain, as well on the one side as the other. The Polonian men at Arms (whom the King but a little before had left with Huniades against all Events) with the Hungarian light Horsemen (of whom the Despot had the leading) fought so that day, as if they had fought for nothing more, but how honourably to die; and the Turks for a space stood hard to it, so that many were there slain; yet at length finding themselves hardly laid to, as by desperate men, resolved to sell their Lives dear, they began to faint and to give ground; when as Carambey coming in behind them with new supplies, rated the cowardly, stayed them that were flying, and sometime with rough Speeches, sometime with fair persuasion, encouraged the wavering, and restored the Battle, before almost quite lost. Neither did Huniades and the Despot less bestir them, but as soon as they perceived the Enemy a little to faint, by and by cried out, Victory; with cheerful Speech encouraging their men, still calling upon them, to keep their Ranks strong, and to urge their present good Fortune, assuring themselves, that they fought against those Infidels under the favour and protection of the Almighty; and forthwith sent certain Companies of Footmen, who climbing up the Hill among the Bushes, with their half Pikes and Boar-Spears panched the Turks Horses as they passed by them. These loose Companies did the Turks Horsemen much harm, and here began their Battle to decline; they which were coming down, for fear of the danger retiring back again unto them that were left above for the keeping of the Straits; and the bolder sort of them, which were come down into the Valleys, compassed about with the Men at Arms, hardly recovered the rising of the Hill. Carambey in the mean time crying out behind them, one while call back them that fled, another while relieved them that fainted, and to the uttermost of his power restoring the Battle, performed all the parts both of a valiant Soldier and worthy Captain, courageously fight himself in the thickest of his Enemies, and by his own Valour stayed for a time the lost Battle. 
The Turks overthrown, and Carambey taken Prisoner.  At length performing his last endeavour, deceived by the Snow, he fell into a Bog, where sticking fast with his Horse, and not able to help himself, he was taken Prisoner by a common Soldier. The rest that escaped out of this bloody Battle, retired themselves unto them that were left above upon the Mountain, for the defence of the passage. After whom the Christians followed, through the untract and rough places, until that hindered of their further pursuit by the approach of the night, and the abruptness of the way, they were glad to sound a Retreat, and so retired unto the Camp. Many other great men were taken beside Carambey, but many more slain in the Battle, and most of all in the Flight; few escaped, but such as fled back again up into the Mountains. In the Retreat, Huniades seeing so gallant a man as was Carambey (though to him altogether unknown) unworthily bound, and led Prisoner by a common Soldier, asked the Soldier, if he would sell his Prisoner? who said, he would; and asked for him ten Ducats, (a poor price for so great a man;) unto whom Huniades commanded to be given four hundred, and so sent him to his Tent, comforting of him up with cheerful words, and willing that he should be well used. The Despot the same Night coming to Huniades his Tent, to confer with him about the remainder of the War, and seeing so brave a man standing among the rest by the fire side, began to talk with him in the Turkish Language, whereof he had some knowledge, by reason of the nearness of the Nation, and such matters as he had sometime to do with them; and having some guess by his talk, what he was, and pitying his Estate, asked Huniades, how he would ransom him? who said, that he cost him four hundred Ducats but that he valued him at forty thousand; which the Despot offered to pay him. Thus by the strange change of Fortune, was Carambey, of late so great a Commander, and so near allied unto the great Turk, valued and prized twice in one day by his Enemies, as a mirror of the uncertainty of Worldly Bliss and Felicity. The Polonians report somewhat otherwise of this Battle; as that Uladislaus should himself therein be present, and the chief that therein commanded; howbeit the Hungarian Writers, whose credit herein we follow, report it as before, not to have been fought under the good Fortune of the King then absent, but under the leading of Huniades and the Despot.  
Out of this Battle (or as some others report, a little before, 
Scanderbag revolteth from the Turks.  out of the Battle of Morava) fled the great Captain George Castriot, otherwise of the Turks called Scanderbag, now seeking to deliver both himself, and his Native Country of Epirus, out of the Thraldom of the Turks, as presently after he did; whose unwonted Flight not a little terrified the rest of the Turks Army, and much furthered the Christians Victory, whose proceedings he always secretly favoured; having (as it was thought) secret intelligence with the great Captain Huniades, who not without instructions from him (as some say) gave that great overthrow unto the Turks at Morava. But of him and his worthy Acts done for the deliverance and defence of his Country, more shall be said hereafter.  
Shortly after this great overthrow and discomfiture of the Turks, the two great Captains, Huniades and the Despot, together with the King, consulted for the removing of the Turks Garrisons, left above for the keeping of the straight passages of the Mountain, and the prosecution of the War. Which Uladislaus (considering the difficulty of the matter, and his Soldier's necessity) thought it not good further to prosecute, but forthwith to return. But Huniades and the Despot, the one thirsting after Honour, and the other in no less hope, by the good success of this War, to recover again his lost Kingdom, said, That the Turks were in any case to be removed, the passage opened, and the sparks that yet remained, for fear of raising a greater Fire, extinguished; opposing against the difficulty by the King alleged, the invincible Courage of his Soldiers, whereunto (they said) nothing was impossible or difficult. To which opinion the King also (lest he should seem to distrust the Valour of his Captains or Soldiers) easily yielded, and so commanded on God's name to set forward. The first that mounted the Hill was the King's Battalion, which by the roughness and abruptness of the Mountain hindered, oftentimes stayed. But Huniades still carried with an earnest desire to prosecute the Victory, and leaving nothing unattempted, 
Uladislaus seeketh in vain to open the passage of the Mountain Hemus.  in searching about found a crooked turning way, whereby he with his men, more easily and readily got up to the top of the Mountain, even with their Enemies, undescried or molested, by reason of the broken covert of the place; from whence they were in good hope easily to have come unto their Enemies. But being come up to the place they desired, they found such a deep and wide gaping of the Rock betwixt them and the Enemy, as was neither to be passed, or filled up; yet being come very near, they attempted by Cross-Bow shot, and great Stones cast out of Slings, and other such Engines, to have removed the Turks from their places; who were therewith, and with their unexpected approach, at the first so greatly both annoyed and discomfited, that they were almost at the point to have forsaken the passage, had not Alis Beg (but the night before chosen for their General instead of Carambey) encouraged them and taught them how by shrouding themselves under the broken Rocks and Parapets with tumultuary labour cast up, to save themselves from the shot of their Enemies. In the mean time also Huniades, by another more high and steep way, whereby the Enemy was also to be approached, had sent up other Companies of Soldiers, who fight at too much disadvantage, were by the Turks easily rejected. So at length, seeing the vain attempt given by himself upon top of the Hill▪ and the desperate danger of the others in climbing the inaccessible Mountain, where one might keep down an hundred, despairing to enforce the Enemy, he by the Kings Command caused a Retreat to be sounded, and so again retired down the Mountain, to the great rejoicing of the Turks. The next day the Winter cold raging, and wants in the Army still more and more increasing, the King with the rest of the great Commanders entered into consultation for the hastening of their return out of that rough and barren Country, into places of greater plenty, before the Army were brought into any greater extremity. Whereunto Huniades (giving place unto necessity, which always suffereth not to be regarded that is seemly) now easily yielded; only the Despot spoke against it, blaming them, that having taken the General, and put their Enemies to Flight, and Victory now as it were in their hands, they would not prosecute the small remainder of the War, but cowardly turn their Backs unto their vanquished Enemies; promising that he himself would find Money enough for the providing of all things needful for the relief of the Army. So said the Pope's Legate also. But forasmuch as the Wants in the Army were great, and the Soldiers presently pinched with Hunger and Cold, they could with no hope of any profit, were it never so great, be persuaded to stay; openly crying out, that it was not their Captains and Lieutenants, which wanted nothing, but them the poor Soldiers that starved for hunger; as for the Despot, that he in hope of recovering his Kingdom, persuaded things impossible, and no way to be performed; neither to be any thing moved with the death of their Men or cattle. Need (they said) could not be vanquished; but that when Winter was past, they would willingly return again unto the sacred War. In the mean time, Winter raging, and Hunger commanding, let us give over (said they) and depart into more fruitful places, there to refresh our Bodies, spent with Labour, Cold and Hunger. For which reasons, the King sending before his Baggage, retired again by the same way he came. Which the Turks from above beholding, and strengthened with new Supplies, followed after them, as after men that had fled; oftentimes assailing them in the Rearward, and setting upon them sometimes on the one side, sometimes on the other, with often skirmishes both did and received much harm. Whose manner of Fight was, to retire when they were themselves charged, and presently by great Troops to charge again their Enemies, their Backs once turned to them, and so troubled the Army, that it was constrained oftentimes to stay; besides that, loaded with the rich Spoil of the Enemy, and much Baggage, it could not of itself make any great ha●t. Now was he by the way come into a great thick Wood, 
The Hungarians mu●h troubled in pa●i●g a ●●ick wood.  full of deep Bogs and Watercourses, hard to be passed through; where the rest of the Army going before, in the Rearward, at the entrance of the Wood were left certain strong Companies of Men at Arms, as a Wall against the pursuing Enemy; whom the Turks with their ready light Horsemen fiercely charged; where betwixt them, in the Wood was fought a great Fight, and a great Tumult raised; unto the noise whereof, they which marched before hastily returning, in skirmishing, many of them fell into those deep Bogs and queachy Places, out of which they could hardly rid themselves again. Besides that, there were many crooked and troublesome turnings and windings, with sudden descents, so steep, as that in going down the same, their Horses came tumbling heels over head, and there lay overthrown together with the●r Riders in such sort, as that to avoid these difficulties, they were oftentimes enforced to fight on foot. In which troublesome skirmish about fourscore Men at Arms were lost; but of the Turks, beside them which were slain, were taken an hundred and seventy, all whom Huniades caused presently to be slain. In this Wood the Christians were more troubled with the difficulties of the place, than the Enemy's Assaults. Wherefore Wants daily more and more increasing in the Army, which by reason of the multitude of their Carriages, abundance of their Baggage, and often Assaults of the Turks, was able to make no way; the King for fear his Army should in so long and slow march through those troublesome and barren Countries, be consumed with Hunger and other Wants, caused all the Carriages and Baggage to be brought into the midst of the Army, and of it, all such things as served rather for burden than use, to be there burnt; and the Arms as well of such Soldiers as he had there lost, as of the Enemy, to be buried in the ground; and all the weak Beasts that served for burden, to be killed. So the Army well discharged of such unprofitable burdens, marched much more speedily, neither was so much subject unto the Assaults of the Turks, as before. And so at length by long Journeys, Uladislaus with his Army arrived at Belgrade, where he was of his Subjects honourably received. And having there stayed certain days, and well refreshed his Army, departing thence, and passing the River Savus, came to the Royal City Buda, 
Uladislaus honourably received at Buda.  where he was of all his Subjects joyfully received also; the Legate and Huniades going on his right Hand, and the Despot on the left; after whom followed other Colonels, Captains, and Lieutenants with their Companies; who at their first meeting with the Citizens, more than a mile out of the City, in token of their mutual Joy, gave together such joyful acclamations and outcries, as that the Heavens seemed to resound, and the Earth to shake with the noise thereof. Before the King, at his coming unto the City, went a long Company of the notable Turk's Captives; and next before him, Carambey, bound in Chains; upon whom all men's Eyes were fixed. With them were also carried the Enemy's Ensigns, and such Spoils as had been saved. Behind the King came Huniades in a triumphant Robe, in the midst betwixt the Legate on the right Hand, and the Despot on the left, as he that next unto the King had best deserved the Honour of the Triumph. Next unto them followed the devout Christians, that for the Zeal of Religion had most honourably of their own Charges voluntarily served in those Wars; and on both sides of them the Civil Magistrates and best of the Citizens; behind them came the rest of the Legions, and about them both upon the right Hand and the left, the promiscuous common People, doubling and redoubling the Praises of the King, and Huniades. Before all these went the Prelates and Priests in solemn Procession, singing Hymns and Psalms of Thanksgiving unto Almighty God. Uladislaus coming to the Gate of the City, acknowledging God to have been the Author of so great a Victory, alighting from his Horse, on foot went first unto the Cathedral Church of our Lady; and there giving most hearty Thanks unto Almighty God, hanged up the Enemy's Ensigns, and part of the Spoil, in perpetual remembrance of so notable a Victory; which he afterward caused to be most lively depainted in a fair Table of most curious work, and there in the same Church to be hanged up; as were also the Arms of all the notable Christians that served in that most famous Expedition, which there long time after remained. Which Solemnities ended, he went to his Palace in his Castle, and there having given to every man, but especially to Huniades, his due Commendation, gave them leave to depart. Thus the Hungarians, with whom also the Polonians in most part agree, report of this notable Expedition of their King Uladislaus; howbeit the Turks (notable dissemblers of their own Losses) confessing the great Overthrow, call the Bassa so overthrown, not by the name of Carambey, but of Cassanes; and the noble Prisoner that was taken, by the name of Mechmet Beg, Sanzack of Ancyra, Amurath his Son in law, and Brother to Cali-Bassa, Amurath his great Counsellor, of some called Carambey after the name of his Father.  
Out of this late slaughter of the Turks, where Carambey was taken, scaped that valiant Prince and famous Warrior George Castriot (of the Turks called Scanderbag) as is before declared; whose noble mind had long time desired to break out of the golden Fetters of the Turkish Thraldom, and to be revenged of the intolerable Injury by Amurath done to his Country, his Parents, his Brethren, and himself. Although he had always most warily dissembled the same, 
Scanderbag wisely dissembleth his desire for the delivery of himself and his Country.  for fear of the old Tyrant; being oftentimes solicited and animated thereunto by secret Letters and Messengers from his Friends in Epirus, knowing right well that the least fortune thereof had been unto him present death. But finding no fit means for the accomplishment thereof, wisely dissembled the same, with all the shows of Love and Loyalty to Amurath that might be; until that now in this great Overthrow of the Turks Army, under the leading of Carambey, and in so great a confusion, he took occasion to put in practice what he had long before in his deep conceit plotted, for the delivery both of himself and his Country from the Turkish Bondage and Slavery. At which time Scanderbag (for so from henceforth we call him) having a little before imparted the matter unto some of his trusty Friends and Countrymen, no less desirous of liberty than himself, but especially unto his Nephew Amesa, the Son of his Brother Reposius, a young man of great courage (in great confusion of the Turkish Army, when every man was glad to shift for himself) had ever in his flight a vigilant eye upon the Bassas Principal Secretary; whom accompanied with a few Turks, he with his Nephew Amesa, and other of his faithful Friends closely followed, as he fled from the slaughter; but when he had got the Secretary with his few Followers in place most convenient for his purpose, he set upon the Turks and slew them every one; and carrying the Secretary away with him fast bound, when he had brought him whither he thought good, with great Threats compelled him (sore against his will) to write counterfeit Letters, as from the Bassa his Master, unto the Governor of Croia, commanding him in Amurath's name, Forthwith to deliver unto Scanderbag, the new chosen Governor, the Charge of the City with the Garrison there; cunningly interlacing many other things in the same Letters, whereby the matter might seem more probable. Which Letters so extorted, he presently slew the Secretary, and as many more of the Turks as came in his way, of purpose that his doings might be the longer kept from the knowledge of Amurath, who not hearing what was become of him, might reasonably conjecture that he was slain by the Hungarians among the rest of the Turks.  
Whilst the fame of this great Overthrow is going to Hadrianople, and there filleth the Turks Court with sorrow and heaviness, in the mean time Scanderbag having with him three thousand Epirot Soldiers which followed him out of the battle, as men desirous rather to fight for the liberty of themselves and of their Country, than in the quarrel of the Turk, was with incredible celerity come into the upper Country of Dibra, in the Borders of Epirus, about seventy miles from Croia; into which Country he was most joyfully received, where he stayed but one day, and chose a few of those three hundred which he brought with him, to wait upon him when he went to Croia, as if they had been his domestical Servants; the rest, with other three hundred lusty Soldiers, which were then come unto him out of Dibra, he appointed to be led by secret byways through the Woods and Mountains by perfect Guides, until they came so nigh Croia as was possible for them to come, unperceived; and there to stay until he might find opportunity to convey them into the City to oppress the Turkish Garrison. So he with a small Company of his Followers, as if they had been his private Retinue, took the way towards Croia. But when he began to draw near to the City, he sent Amesa before with two Servitors attending upon him, as if he had been his Secretary, to certify the Governor of his coming. This young Gentleman, as he was of a most sharp wit, and well spoken, so had he framed his Countenance and Attire, that he seemed to be a natural Turk; who assoon as he was come into the City, he went unto the Governor, whom after he had saluted according to the Turkish manner, he delivered his Message as from Scanderbag, his Master, with so good Grace, and words so well placed, that all he said was verily believed for truth. But when Scanderbag himself came, and had delivered the great Commanders Letters, the Governor made no further question of the matter, but presently delivered unto him the Government of the City, and the next day departed out of Croia with all his Household towards Hadrianople. Scanderbag having by this policy got the Government of the chief City of Epirus, the night following found means in the dead time of the night, to receive into the City the Soldiers of Dibra, who were by this time come, according as he had before appointed; most part of them he placed in most convenient places of the City, and for the speedy suppression of the Turkish Garrison, he with the rest, first set upon the Turks which kept the Watch upon the Wall, and slew them; and afterwards breaking into their private houses, slew many of them in their Beds; the Christian Citizens also taking up Arms at the same time, helped to increase the slaughter of the Turks, so that in the space of a few hours, there was none of the Turkish Garrison left alive, except some few, which were content to forsake their Mahometan Superstition, and to become Christians. Many of the Turks might so have saved their lives, and would not, choosing rather to die, and (as it is reported) also to kill themselves, than to forsake their damnable Superstition; so small is the regard of life unto resolute Minds, in what quarrel soever.  
The City of Croia being thus happily by Sca●derbeg recovered, wherein appeared both the greatest difficulty, and hope of his good or bad Success in so great an Attempt, he presently sent Amesa back again into Dibra, and other speedy Messengers likewise into all the parts of Epirus, to disperse the News, and to stir up the people to take up Arms for the recovery of their lost Liberty; but flying Fame, the speedy Post, had prevented the Messengers by him sent, and already filled every corner of Epirus with report of Scanderbag his coming, and of all that was done at Croia. And the oppressed Epirots which had long wished to see that happy day, were now up in Arms in every place, wanting nothing but Leaders, whose coming although they greatly desired, yet they stayed not thereupon, but running together by heaps (as the manner of the common people is in all great Tumults) they set upon the Turks Garrisons which lay abroad in the Country, and slew most part of them; whereby it came to pass, that no Turk could stir in the Country, but that he was snatched up and slain, so that in few days there was not a Turk to be found in Epirus, but such as lay in Garrisons in strong Towns. In this fury of the people, the Governor of Croia, with all his Retinue, was by the Country people by the way as he went, set upon and slain, and all his Goods taken as a Prey.  
When Scanderbag had thus recovered Croia, and scoured the Country, yet to remove the Garrisons, which Amurath had put in every strong City, was thought to be a matter of great importance, and more difficulty. For which purpose he commanded those whom he had appointed for Captains, speedily to repair unto Croia with all the Power they could make. At which time also, divers Noblemen his nigh Kinsmen, resorted to him with their Followers; so that within a few days, he had together at Croia twelve thousand Soldiers well appointed. With this Army he marched from Croia to Petrella, a strong City 25 miles distant from Croia, 
Scanderbag cometh with his Army to Petrella.  and encamped before it. This City is strongly situate upon the top of a steep rocky Mountain, as all the rest of the Cities of Epirus be, and was by the Turks well furnished with Men, Munition, and other things needful; yet Scanderbag was in good hope that the Turkish Garrison there, terrified with the fortune of the Garrison of Croia, and the slaughter of the Turks in the Country round about, would be glad to hearken unto reasonable Conditions. Which to make proof of, assoon as he was encamped, he sent one of those Soldiers which had followed him out of Hungary (a faithful and wise Fellow) unto Petrella, to offer unto the Soldiers, That if they would yield up the City, it should be at their choice, either to continue in Service with Scanderbag, with whom they should find most bountiful Entertainment, or else to depart in safety with Bag and Baggage at their pleasure, with an honourable Reward to be divided among them. The subtle Messenger coming thither, and framing his Tale according to the present occasion, and necessity of the time, first declared unto them, how that Amurath of late vanquished by the Hungarians in a great Battle, and looking every day to be set upon by divers other Christian Princes, was so busied that he had no leisure to look into Epirus, or to send them any Relief; after that, he in the name of Scanderbag offered them the Conditions before rehearsed, setting the same forth with many great words; willing them oftentimes by the way, to consider the dreadful misery that but the other day befell to the Garrison at Croia, and other their Fellows abroad in the Country, whose dead bodies as then lay in every Corner of Epirus for a prey to the hungry Dogs and greedy Wolves; which thing was easily believed of them of the Garrison, for that divers of the Turks lately fled out of the Country into the City, had themselves seen the same to be true. The Governor having a little considered of the matter, was content to give up the City, upon condition that he with the Soldiers might in safety depart with such things as they had; not covenanting upon any further Reward, because it should not be said that he had sold the City. Which when Scanderbag had faithfully promised to perform, The Turkish Governor coming forth with all his Garrison, 
Petrella yielded unto Scanderbag.  yielded up the City; and Scanderbag mindful of his promise, gave unto them both Meat and Money, and sent them with a sufficient Convoy of Horsemen in safety out of Epirus.  
When Scanderbag had thus gained Petrella, he placed therein a convenient Garrison, and set all things in order as he thought good; but suffered none to enter into the City, more than the appointed Garrison, although it was then very cold and frosty Wether. This done, he presently raised his Camp, and following his good fortune, marched towards Petra-Alba in such haste, as if the City had been running away from him; well knowing, that though Time be evermore precious, yet never more than in martial affairs, wherein the least moment is oftentimes of such power as to effect or frustrate men's greatest designs. Petra-Alba is a City in the Country of Aemathia, distant from Petrella three miles, strongly situate upon the top of a Mountain, near unto the River Aemathus. Scanderbag had scarcely well encamped himself before this City, but that the Governor thereof, terrified with the fortune of Croia, and Petrella, 
Petra-Alba yielded.  offered to deliver up the City, on the same Conditions that were granted at Petrella; which being agreed upon, the City was forthwith delivered, and the Conditions by Scanderbag faithfully performed.  
Petra-Alba being thus taken, and all things set in order, Scanderbag carried with the course of his Victory, without delay came to Stellusa, which is also a strong City of Aemathia, fifty miles distant from Croia, pleasantly (as it were of purpose) built upon the top of an high Hill, standing in the midst of a pleasant and fruitful▪ Valley, with great Plains round about it. There Scanderbag encamped a little before the going down of the Sun, and rested that night. In the morning he sent a Messenger to the City, with like conditions as were accepted at Petrella and Petra-Alba; which most part of the Garrison-Souldiers of the Turks would gladly have accepted, but that Desdrot the Governor of the City, with some few others earnestly withstood the rest; whereupon a great Contention arose amongst the Garrison Soldiers. 
Stellusa yielded by the Garrison.  But the greater part desirous to yield up the City, when they could by no means persuade the Governor and those few which took his part, to yield to their desires, they violently set upon him, and delivered him with the rest to Scanderbag, fast bound, and so yielded up the City. For which Fact, fearing to return to Amurath, some of them remained with Scanderbag, and afterwards became Christians; the rest were either honestly provided for, or else well rewarded and suffered to depart whether they would. All the other weaker places of Epirus wherein any of the Turkish Garrisons lay, hearing that the strongest Cities were already delivered unto Scanderbag, in short time yielded themselves upon like conditions; only Sfetigrade (otherwise called the holy City) remained in the possession of the Turks; which City is placed in the upper Country of Dibra, in the Frontiers of Epirus, upon the top of an high and steep Hill, as if it were an Eagles nest. Unto this City came Scanderbag with all his Army; and having placed his Tents, he began first to assay if he could gain it by Composition, as he had done the rest; and the rather to move them by the examples of others, he caused his Ambassadors to declare unto them all that had happened at Croia, Petrella, Petra-Alba, and Stellusa, specially how he had used the Garrison of Stellusa, which yielded unto him, with all bounty and courtesy; and how that on the contrary part he had the Governor in bands, with all his wilful Partakers, whom they should presently see executed before their faces, if they forthwith delivered not the City. This Message troubled the minds of all the Garrison, but especially of the Governor; seeing before his eyes in the woeful example of another man; what might by and by happen unto himself. Wherefore fearing to deliver his own opinion, and to give answer unto the Ambassador, for offending the inconstant multitude and unknown minds of the people, he first entertained the Ambassadors honourably, and afterwards turning himself unto the Citizens and Soldiers, said unto them, Worthy men and most faithful Soldiers, what is your pleasure, or what shall we answer to these our Enemy's demands? Then one of the Soldiers that stood by (a rough bold spirited Fellow) unwilling for his own part to give up the City, and deeming the Governor to be of the same mind, in that he had termed them worthy and faithful, and Scanderbag by the name of the Enemy, drawing out his Sword, and with his right hand shaking it on high, answered: 
A notable Speech of a Common Soldier to the rest of his fellows for the holding out of the City against Scanderbag.  Most valiant Governor, this same and the like, shall make answer for us. Nothing was to less purpose, than with premeditated words to seek to terrify valiant minds, first with the divers Fortune of Croia, and then of Stellusa; for as the faces and countenances of men are divers, so also are their minds and dispositions. Every man wisely directeth his own actions, according to his own proper humour, and by the same plays the Fool or Bedlam. We prescribe no Laws to them of Petrella, nor to them of Stellusa, neither let them prescribe any unto us. Let never so base examples of cowardly Slaves ever enter into the thoughts of courageous men; brave minds disdain to imitate other men in their honest Actions, much less in their Cowardice; And why? for every man liveth after his own fashion. Wherefore let Scanderbag proceed, let him kill the Governor of Stellusa before our faces, let him sacrifice our fellow Soldiers, do you therefore think that we shall die in their Bodies? shall our living spirits be there extinguished? shall our blood there be spilt? But O happy Bodies, O ghosts of men ever to be revenced, which in worthy defence of your Liberty and Faith have indifferently contemned Gold, Silver, Death, and Torture, and whatsoever else miserable Worldlings hold dear or dismal! Wherefore carry thou back again unto thy Master this Answer from a Common Soldier, If he seek to impose these conditions upon us, let him once more bare that arm of his, which men of courage fear not so much as he thinketh. He may peradventure enforce us to these conditions of his, if God forsake us; but assuredly persuade us unto them, shall he never. And yet for all that, your Master Scanderbag is not the man we have long since heard him reported to be, of an honourable mind, easy to forgive, and such a one as will indifferently judge betwixt the Enemy and himself; for why then doth he hold in bonds the Governor of Stellusa, for that he freely, justly, and honourably stood in defence of his King, his Faith and Liberty? Why doth he threaten him with death, whereas he hath not deserved the same, although he hath resolutely offered himself thereunto for defence of his liberty?  
All they which were present, listened with great attention to the Soldier's Speech, neither was he interrupted by any, until he had said what he would. Then the Soldiers thronging about him, and beating their Swords and Targets together, withal gave a great shout, in token that they all approved his Speech for answer. So the Governor encouraged with the cheerfulness of his Soldiers, returned the Ambassador without other Answer than that of the Common Soldiers, and presently appointed every man to his Charge, and with great carefulness ordered all things for the better defence of the City. But when Scanderbag had heard the Answer that was sent him from the City, delivered by the mouth of a Common Soldier, he smiled thereat, and said, He is undoubtedly a valiant Soldier, 
Scanderbag his short answer to the Soldier's Speech.  if his Deeds be answerable to his Speeches; but if my force fail me not, I will make him happy amongst the happy ghosts of them of Stellusa; and by and by commanded the Governor of Stellusa, with the other Captives, to be brought before him, and there caused some of them which were content voluntarily to forsake their Mahometan Superstition, to be presently baptised, to the great grief of the other Turks. Desdrot the Governor with the rest, to the terror of the Defendants, 
Desdrot Governor of Stellusa executed.  were in their sight put to death; whereupon the Garrison-Souldiers with great Indignation gave a shout from the Wall, and bitterly railed upon the Christians.  
Scanderbag considering the strength of the City, with the time of the year, unfit for Soldiers to keep the Field, for Winter was now grown on, left Moses Golemus, a most valiant Captain with a Garrison of three thousand Soldiers, to keep in the Turks Garrison at Sfetigrade, and to defend the Borders of Epirus, until he might at more convenient time himself return again to the Siege; and so with the rest of his Army repaired to Croia, when he had in the space of little more than one month, to his immortal Praise, recovered his Kingdom, and driven the Turks out of every corner of Epirus, excepting only Sfetigrade; which City also not long after was by composition delivered unto him. During all this time, from his first coming into Epirus, he never slept above two hours in a night, but with restless labour prosecuted his affairs. He ever fought against the Turks with his Arm bare, and that with such fierceness, that the blood did oftentimes burst out of his lips. It is written, that he with his own hand slew three thousand Turks in the time of his Wars against them. But of his great and worthy Victories obtained against the two mighty Turkish Kings, Amurath, and Mahomet his Son, more shall be said hereafter in due time and place.  
After that Scanderbag had thus by great force and policy wrung his Inheritance out of Amurath's hands, 
Macedonia spoiled by Scanderbag.  and scoured the Turks out of every corner of Epirus; he proceeded further, and overran part of Macedonia, making sundry Incursions into the heart of that Country, being then in the Turks possession; whereby he so enriched his Soldiers, that they desired of him no better pay. Which was so usual a thing with this restless Prince, as that it began to grow into a Proverb in most Prince's Courts, That the spoil of Amurath his Dominions, was Scanderbegs Revenues. Complaint hereof came daily to Amurath's Court, which the crafty aged Sire (being then troubled with the Hungarian Wars) seemed at the first to make no great account of, but as of that he could easily at his pleasure remedy; although he was therewith inwardly grieved at the heart. But when the certain report of one mischief as it were in the neck of another, continually sounded in his ears, 
Alis Bassa with an Army of ●orty thousand sent against Scanderb●g.  and that he saw no end to be expected of these miseries, he sent Alis Bassa, one of his greatest men of War, with an Army of forty thousand select Soldiers, at once to subdue the Country of Epirus, and to bring it again under his Obeisance. The setting forth of this great Army, under the Conduct of so famous a Captain, replenished the minds of the Turks with such an assured hope of Victory, that a man would have thought Scanderbag had been already taken, and now brought to execution; yea the Common Soldiers before their setting forth, were oftentimes at vain contention for the division of the spoil they were never like to have: So ready are men to promise Wonders to themselves, whilst they confer but with their own desires. And on the other side, Fame, the forerunner of great attempts, had filled all the small Country of Epirus, with great terror and fear of Alis Bassanes coming. The Countrymen with their Families fled into the strong Cities, and the Citizens within their Walls fell to fortifying the same, and kept continual Watch and Ward, as if the Enemy had even then lain fast by them; the aged Men and Women commended themselves and all theirs first to God by prayers, and then to the courage of the lusty Soldiers with tears, as in case of extreme peril and danger. Only Scanderbag was nothing moved either with the terrible report of the Bassas coming, or the vain fear of his Subjects; but always kept the same cheerfulness both of countenance and speech, as he was wont, being well acquainted with the tumult of the Turkish Wars, and having (as was supposed) certain Intelligence before from his secret Friends in the Turks Court, of all Amurath's designs. So that having set all things in order for the safety of his Country, he began to levy an Army at Croia; at which time most part of his Subjects of Epirus, which were able to bear Arms, repaired unto him; the Confederate Christian Princes also, his Neighbours, and for most part his Kinsmen, sent to him great Supplies; beside other devout and Warlike minded Christians, which voluntarily resorted unto him from far, in great numbers. Out of which multitude of people he chose only 8000 Horsemen and seven thousand Foot, when as he might have raised a far greater Army; and placing some few in Garrisons in the frontier Cities where he thought most convenient, all the rest he sent home again to their dwellings. At which his confidence, his Friends, yea and his Enemies also much marvelled, that when he might have had so many, he would take the field with so few; with which small Army of fifteen thousand, he marched from Croia, fourscore miles to Dibra; where hearing by his Spials, of the approach of his Enemies, after he had with cheerful Speech encouraged his Soldiers, he encamped with his Army in the lower Country of Dibra, near unto a Wood side, right in the way where the Bassa must needs pass. In which Wood, he placed Gnee Musachee, and Amesa in ambush with three thousand men; commanding them to stand close, until they saw he had throughly joined battle with the Bassa, and then with all their Force to break forth upon his rearward. The Bassa marching forward, came and encamped near unto Scanderbag, a little before the going down of the Sun, and there rested that night, making great show of mirth and joy, with great fires in every corner of the Camp, as the Turkish manner of encamping is. Whereas in Scanderbegs Camp, all things were silent, and no show of any fire at all; for so Scanderbag had commanded; which made the Turks the more careless, deeming thereby the Christians as good as already discouraged. The next morning Scanderbag ranged his Army in order of battle, placing Tanusius in the left Wing, with fifteen hundred Horsemen, and as many Foot; and Moses in the right with like number; and leading the main battle himself, the rearward was committed to Uranacontes a man renowned in those days, both for his gravity in Counsel, and for his valour in Arms, fit to command or be commanded; but afterwards, amongst the rest most famous, for the worthy defending of Croia against Amurath, being then there himself in Person. Alis Bassa contemning the small number of Scanderbergs Army, seeing nothing therein to be feared more than the good order thereof, gave the first charge with a small Troop of Horsemen; who at the first encounter retired, as if they had fled, of purpose that the Christians hastily pursuing their untimely hope, might disorder their battle, and so give occasion to their own overthrow. 
The battle betwixt Alis Bassa and Scanderbag.  But by the commandment of Scanderbag (who easily perceived the Bassa's meaning) their dangerous forwardness was warily weighed, and all with his safety kept in good order. So both Armies coming on, the Wings began the battle afresh, and Scanderbag with great courage bringing on his main Battle in the face of the Bassa, valiantly charged him. But by that time that the Battles were throughly joined, Musachee and Amesa suddenly issued out of the Wood, and fiercely set upon the rearward of the Turks Army, where they made great slaughter, and forced many of the Turks for fear to fly. Thus was the Bassas great Army driven to fight both before and behind, being hardly beset and laid unto with a small number. The Bassa had placed his best Soldiers nearest unto himself in the main Battle, as his most assured strength and last refuge; these valiant men stood fast, and renewed the battle, before almost lost. And here Scanderbegs fortune was even at a stand; until that the well advised and valiant Captain Uranacontes having received the wearied Soldiers into the rearward, and setting all things there in safety, accompanied with certain Troops of fresh Soldiers which he brought out of the rearward, broke through the Bassa's Army with such slaughter of the Turks, that he made way for Scanderbag and all the rest of his Army. 
A great slaughter of the Turks.  The Turks discomfited with the invincible courage of these old▪ Soldiers, and the slaughter of their Fellows, which lay by heaps wallowing in their own blood, betook themselves to flight; whom the Christians fiercely pursued, and slew of them two and twenty thousand; at which time were also two thousand others taken Prisoners, with four and twenty of the Turks Ensigns; whereas of the Christians were slain not past an hundred and twenty. The Enemy's Tents with all their Carriages, were at the same time taken also. After this great Victory, when Scanderbag had made all his seven thousand Footmen, Horsemen, by giving unto them the Horses of the slain Turks, he broke into the Enemy's Country, and entered far into Macedonia, where he filled the desires of his Soldiers with the wealth and spoil thereof, sparing nothing that Fire and Sword could devour; and so with Victory returned to Croia, where he was of his Subjects joyfully received. Alis Bassa with the remainder of his discomfited Army, returned to Hadrianople, and there by Amurath was hardly charged of cowardice and want of discretion, for that he had lost so puissant an Army ●o so weak an Enemy. Whereof when he had cleared himself by the modest rehearsal of his former Victories, and the testimony of all the other Captains present with him in that battle, he was pardoned, and so again received into favour, and that great Overthrow imputed to the chance of War.  
Amurath having received two so great Overthrows, 
Amurath in despair.  first from Huniades and the Hungarians, and now from Scanderbag, and seeing himself elsewhere beset with so many Mischiefs, as that he could not tell which way to turn himself; tormented with Despair, and desire of Revenge, whereof he saw small possibility, fell into such a Melancholy Passion, that overcome with the dark conceits thereof, he was about to have become the bloody Executioner of himself, 
Amurath by the persuasion of Caly Bassa, seeketh for Peace, of King Uladislaus.  had not Caly Bassa by his grave advice comforted up his dying spirits; by whose persuasion (contrary to his haughty nature) he yielded by his Ambassadors sent for the same purpose, to desire Peace of Uladislaus King of Hungary; using the exiled Despot of Servia (his Father in law) then present with the King, as a mean therein. Who at the first gave small credit unto the Ambassadors, or unto such things as they told him, until that at length better persuaded of the true meaning of the Turk, he so wrought the matter both with the King and the rest of the Nobility, and especially with Huniades, that there was an honourable Peace concluded. The Capitulations whereof were, 
The Capitulations of the ten years' peace concluded betwixt Uladislaus and Amurath.  first, That Amurath withdrawing all his Forces and Garrisons, should clearly depart out of Servia, and restore the fame unto the possession of George the Despot, the right Lord and Owner thereof; delivering also freely unto him his two Sons, Stephen and George, who bereft of their sight, he had long time kept in straight prison. Also, That from thenceforth he should make no Claim unto the Kingdom of Moldavia, nor to that part of Bulgaria which he had in the last Wars lost. And finally, That he should not invade or molest the Hungarians, or any part of their Kingdom, during the whole time of that Peace; and to pay 40000 Ducats for the ransom of Carambey. Unto which hard conditions, when the Turkish Tyrant had full sore against his will condescended, a Peace for ten years was forthwith on both parts concluded, and the same by solemn Oath confirmed; King Uladislaus taking his Oath upon the holy Evangelists, and Amurath (by his Ambassadors) upon their Turkish Alcoran. This was the most honourable Peace that ever Christian Prince had before that time made with any of the Turkish Kings, and most profitable also, had it been with like sincerity kept, as it was with Solemnity confirmed.  

Amurath envadeth Caramania.  Amurath with this Peace delivered of his greatest fear, converted all his Forces against the Caramanian King, in revenge of the Injuries by him done whilst he was occupied in the Hungarian Wars. This King of Caramania knowing himself unable to withstand so great an Enemy, durst neither meet him in the field, nor trust himself to the strength of any his Cities or strong Castles, but fled into the Mountains, there fortifying himself more sure than in any other his strong Holds. Amurath entering into Caramania, made great spoil in the Country as he went, and took great Booties. At last coming to Iconium, he laid hard siege to the same. The poor King seeing his Kingdom thus spoiled, and his chief City in danger to be lost, sent Ambassadors, and with them his Wife also, which was Amurath's Sister, to entreat for Peace; offering to pay unto him yearly the double Tribute which he before paid, and for the Performance thereof to give his Son in Hostage. Upon which conditions Amurath granted him Peace, and so returned. In this War, Aladin, Amurath's eldest Son, died, to the great grief of his aged Father, being slain with a fall from his Horse as he was hunting.  
Old Amurath throughly wearied with continual Wars and other Troubles incident unto restless rooms, resolved now to retire himself to a more private and quiet kind of life; and therefore sent for his Son, Mahomet, being then but fifteen years old, to whom he voluntarily resigned his Kingdom, appointing Caly Bassa his Tutor, with one Chosroe a learned Doctor of their Law, to be his trusty Counsellors and chief Directors. And so taking with him Hamze-Beg one of his Noblemen in whom he took greatest pleasure, departed to Magnesia, and there as a man weary of the World, gave himself to a solitary and monastical kind of life, in the company of certain religious Turkish Monks, as they accounted of them.  
Many great Kings and Princes, as well Mahometans as Christians, glad before of the Hungarian Victory, were now no less sorry to hear of the late concluded Peace betwixt King Uladislaus and the old Sultan Amurath; as being of opinion, that the prosecution of this War so happily begun, would have been the utter ruin and destruction of the Turkish Kingdom. Wherefore they sought by all possible means to induce the young King Uladislaus to break the League he had so lately and so solemnly made with the Turk; especially john Palaeologus the Emperor of Constantinople, did by Letters importune the King to remember the Confederation he had made with the other Christian Princes, for the maintenance of the Wars against the common Enemy of Christianity; which Princes were now pressed, and ready (as he said) to assist him with their promised Aid; adding moreover, That whereas Amurath had divers times sought to join with him in Amity and Friendship, he had utterly rejected that Offer of Peace, preferring the Universal profit (like to ensue to all Christendom by that Religious War) before his own proper Security and Profit, being for his part in readiness to join his Forces with the Kings, if he would presently enter into Arms; which he could never do in better time than now, whilst Amurath, terrified with his late Overthrow, and still beset with doubtful War, had drawn his greatest Forces out of Europe into Asia, in such disordered haste, as that it should seem he rather fled for fear of his Enemies in Europe, than marched to encounter his Enemies in Asia, and now being weary of all, had betaken himself to a private kind of life. To conclude, he requested the King, not to leave him and the other Christian Princes of small Power, as a Prey to the Turk, who would assuredly with all Hostility invade them, so soon as he thought himself safe from the danger of the Hungarians. At the same time also, and upon the departure of the Turks Ambassadors, for the performance of such things as they had promised, Letters came from Francis the Cardinal of Florence, General of the Christian Fleet, declaring how that Amurath having left almost none in Europe, was with all the Power he could make, gone over into Asia against the Caramanian King, leaving a most fair occasion for the Christians, easily to recover whatsoever they had before lost in Europe; and that he was in good time come with his Fleet unto the Straits of Hellespontus, according to promise, and there lay ready to embar the Turks passage back again out of Asia. Both these Letters being read in the Council, so much moved the King, with all the rest of the Nobility of Hungary there present, as that they were never more sorry or ashamed for any thing they had done in their lives, than for the League so lately with Amurath concluded; for why, they saw that all the Plot they had laid for their Immortal Glory, was now by this hasty Peace that they had made with the Turk, without the good liking and knowledge of their Confederates, brought 〈◊〉 ●ought, and that they had thereby most shamefully deceived the general expectation that the Christian Commonweal had conceived of them; and that they, of long time called the Protectors of the Christian Faith, the Defenders of true Religion, the Revengers of Christ's name, and Deliverers of the faithful Nations; should now be accounted the Breakers of the Christian League, men forgetful of their Confederation both with the Latins and the Greeks, Contemners of Immortality, and Lovers of their own profit only. In this doubtfulness of mind whilst they stood yet thus wavering, julian the Cardinal and Legate, always an Enemy to the Peace, and by reason of his place, a man in greatest Authority next to the King, took occasion to dissuade the same as followeth: 
The cunning Speech wherewith Julian the Cardinal persuadeth King Uladislaus to break the League he h●d b●fore ●ade with Amurath.  If any of you, right Worthy (said he) shall haply marvel that I should speak of breaking the League, and violating our Faith, let him first understand, That I at this present am to persuade you to nothing else but the faithful observing both of the one and the other; led with like repentance with you; repentance, I say, not sorrow, when as I, as from a Watch-Tower foreseeing all these things which were decreed against my will, to sort also contrary to your expectation, am now for the duty of my Legation, and the zeal unto the Christian Religion, enforced with you to doubt; and so much the rather, for that at this present the question is of the loss and hazard of all our Honours and Credit in common; which except we by common consent, and wont valour, endeavour to amend, O how much is it to be feared, lest for shame neither may you go out of Hungary, or I return to Rome, where all things are with most deep judgement censured. Consider, I pray you, into what miseries this hasty Resolution hath cast us. We have entered into League with the Turk, an Infidel, to violate our Faith with the Christians, and to break the holy League before made with the great Bishop and the other Christian Princes our Confederates. And that for what, for what profit I say? Forsooth, that so we might again recover Servia, long before destroyed. Verily a small and woeful profit, which may again in short time be cut off, and depriveth us of others far greater, and of much longer continuance. For, what can be more fond and inconsiderate, than in our Consultations to have regard to our private profit only, and not to the Public, without respect of Religion, Honesty, or Conscience? It is not demanded of you at this present, (Right Honourable) what you owe unto the perjured Turk; but you are by me Julian, the great Bishops and the Confederate Christian Princes Legate, and Agent, before the Tribunal Seat of your own Consciences, accused of breach of Faith, breach of League, and breach of Promise; and thereof even by your own judgement, rather than by the judgement of God, or other men, I will condemn you. Answer me, you noble Worthies: After you had happily six months made Wars against the Turks in Bulgaria and the Borders of Thracia; and after that, triumphantly returning into Hungary, received you not honourable Embassages from almost all Italy, and from the great Emperor, with common rejoicing for your so glorious a Victory, and Exhortations to continue the War? We received them. Did not you in my presence, and I the Author thereof, willingly make a most holy League with the Italians and Greeks; That the one should with their Aid and Power meet you out of Thracia; and the other with a great Fleet should come into the Hellespontus? We made it. If you made it, why breaking this, made you another with the Turks? or by what right can you keep the same, being made? Wherefore if the last year you made a League with the great Bishop, (God his Vicar here on Earth) if you be men, if you be in your wits, if you be Christians, this second League is to be broken, lest you should violate the first, and that a most Christian League; which except you do, I fear lest that as Judas betrayed Christ, so you may seem to betray his Vicar; or that God, whom hitherto you have always found present, propitious, and favourable, you shall hereafter find him angry, and an Enemy to your proceedings. And now I pray you tell me, What will you answer unto the Costantinopolitan Emperor; who according to your appointment, hath now with the first taken the field, and in so great an opportunity expecteth but your coming? What will you answer the great Bishop? What the Venetians and Genoese, who have their great Fleet ready, as was appointed? What the Burgundians, who for their zeal unto the Christian Faith and Religion, have long since passed the Ocean, and so by many dangers of the Sea now float into the Hellespont? Devise (I pray you) if you can, some excuse and colour, that we may not seem altogether unlike ourselves; if out of your hidden skill you can coin any thing, show it. You promised with the first of the Spring, that you would be in the Field; and now your Soldiers both the Spring and Summer, play; so great and so wholesome occasion passing away, through your woeful sloth and negligence. O the great blindness of men's minds! O gross cowardice! O detestable League, made to the destruction of the Commonweal! Some man happily will blame me, and ask, why I suffered it with the rest? I was present, I must confess; but as much as in me was I entreated it might not be, I disliked it; and (as many of you here present can testify) I utterly condemned it. I was overcome by the Wisdom and Authority of Huniades, and the compassion of the Despot, lest (unhappy man) he should by my Intercession seem longer to want his Kingdom; and lest any man should call me a Contemner or impugner of your good; I full of sorrow, and unwillingly, gave way; not ignorant, the health of the Christian Commonweal to be therein weakened, the hope of your Immortal Glory extinguished, and us all (by your leave may I say it) accounted Breakers both of Divine and Humane Leagues, forsworn Men, and Traitors unto all good Christians. Wherefore except before the report of our perfidiousness be further bruited, we deliver ourselves from this Infamy, nothing can be greater, or more miserable, than our shame or villainy. If we will so do, we may not so easily, as justly and religiously do it: Having made restitution of Servia and the Captives, what remaineth else for you to do, (Noble Worthies) but to repair your Army, to prepare what so as is needful for War, and to keep your first League with the Christian Princes? And to say, That King Uladislaus, after his League made with the Greek and Latin Princes, could not without the consent of these his Confederates and Allies (under whose good fortune that common War was undertaken) conclude any thing, especially with the Enemies of the Christian Religion? And that therefore, if any thing were agreed upon betwixt him and the Turk, it was frustrate, and the first League to be stood upon. Who is so partial an esteemer of men's actions, that would not easily judge, That in case Faith were given to both, it were rather to be kept with a Christian, than with a Turk; with a Believer, than with an Infidel? Against a perfidious Enemy it is lawful (as they say) for a man to use all cunning, force, and deceit, deluding craft with craft, and fraud with fraud. By craft the Turk first passed over into Europe, by little and little he crept into that Kingdom, he never kept Faith with any, he grew to this height rather by cunning than by strength; and are you become so blind, as to think it better to keep your Promise with the Turk, devoid of all Faith and Humanity, rather than with the faithful Christians, and especially the most holy Bishop? All great things are done by device and policy; the Romans our Ancestors uprightly and religiously always kept their Leagues with their Confedetates, but deluded the deceitful with their cunning. Caesar was of opinion, that for Sovereignty the Law was sometimes to be broken. And Philip (the Father and Master of him that conquered Asia) oftentimes used cunning and deceit for the desire of Rule; yet were not these men called Traitors. It is sometime lawful for the Commonweal-sake, neither to stand to our Leagues, neither to keep our Faith with them that be themselves faithless. Lawful it is to break unlawful Oaths, and especially such as are thought to be against Right, Reason, and Equity. Was it lawful for Diomedes, vowing for to sacrifice unto the gods whomsoever he first met at his return into his Country, to kill his Son by that his Vow and Oath? Verily it was a great Impiety. Wherefore a just and lawful Oath is in the judgement of all men to be religiously kept; but such an Oath as tendeth not only unto private, but public destruction, that aught to be vain and frustrate. Wherefore before our faithless dealing be further spread abroad, I beseech you, worthy men, and thee especially, most glorious King, not in any point to violate your Faith, for the good of the Christian Commonweal, given unto the most holy Father and the other Christian Princes. The League you have made with the Greeks and the Latins, faithfully and religiously keep; the Expedition by common consent taken in hand, by the example of your Confederates, prosecute; the foundation of Immortal Glory by you laid, build up. Deliver the Christian Provinces, oppressed with the Turkish Servitude; satisfy the Hope conceived of you, and deceive not the expectation the World hath now conceived of you, than which, nothing can be more dishonourable; make no Conscience of the League you have made with the Infidel, but think it a great Impiety and Wickedness, to violate the holy League made with the great Bishop and the other Christian Princes; thinking, that if you should do otherwise, God (which he of his mercy forbid) would become of that your falsified Faith a most severe and sharp Revenger; and that you can do nothing more acceptable unto our Saviour Christ, or more glorious to yourselves, than to deliver the oppressed Christian Countries, from the cruel Slavery and Bondage of the Turk. Suffer not this so fit an occasion to slip away, than which, a fitter can never be given. Europe is unfurnished of the Turks, busied in the Caramanian War; their return is imbarred by the Christians Fleet, now in the Sea of Hellespontus; you need but to go see, and as it were to take a view of Thracia, Macedonia, Grecia, and Epirus, there is no Enemy there left to oppose himself against you. Wherefore for God his Cause, I request you above all things to continue the Christian League, and with your happy and victorious Forces, to march forward into Macedonia and Thracia, as is before by you with the other Christian Princes your Confederates agreed.  
In conclusion, having much spoken of the Authority and Power of the great Bishop, 
Jul●an the Cardinal absolveth King Uladislaus and the rest, from their Oath before given to Amurath.  he in his Name disannulled the League whatsoever, by the King made with the Turk; and absolved him, with the rest whom it might concern, from the Oath they had given, and the Promise they had made. Which so well contented both the King and the rest, that there was now no more question of the Oath, or of the lawfulness of the War, but a Decree made for the continuation of the League with the other Christian Princes their Confederates, and for the prosecution of the Wars against the Turks, as was with them before agreed; whom, they could now say, they were not to forsake, and to leave them as a Prey unto the Turk their greedy Enemy; now for nothing more in danger, than for that, at their request they had taken up Arms in their quarrel. Unto which unfortunate Decree, both the Despot and Huniades (the chief Authors of the late Peace betwixt the King and Amurath) easily consented; the Despot, induced with the great hope he had conceived of the good success of the War; and Huniades, with the desire of the Kingdom of Bulgaria, promised unto him by Uladislaus, and by fair Charter also (as some said) assured unto him.  
Of this the King's Resolution for the breach of the Peace with the Turks, notice was with all speed given unto the Constantinopolitan Emperor, and Francis the Florentine Cardinal, then lying with a Fleet of seventy Galleys at the Straits of Hellespontus; for fear lest they hearing of the former concluded Peace, should alter also, or else quite desist from their former purposes. In the mean time, whilst these things were yet in plotting, the Turk ignorant hereof, according to his promise had withdrawn all his Garrisons out of Servia, and other places before agreed upon in the late concluded Peace, restoring the same unto the Despot and others the lawful Owners, although it was not done at the very prefixed day at which it should have been done. In which time also he set at liberty great numbers of Captives, and amongst the rest, the two blind Sons of the Prince of Servia; faithfully performing whatsoever he had before upon his Religion promised in the League with the Christians before concluded, so desirous he was of Peace with the Hungarians. Howbeit Uladislaus, by the Counsel of Huniades, detained to his own use certain of the strong Holds in Servia; for which cause, George the Despot ever afterwards bore a secret grudge against Huniades.  
Now as King Uladislaus (having by the persuasion of julian the Cardinal, renounced the League betwixt him and Amurath) was preparing his Forces, the fame of the Epirot Prince Scanderbag was also (by the recovery of his Father's Kingdom of Epirus out of the Turks hands, and by the late Overthrow of Alis Bassa) grown great, every one speaking of him honour and praise. Wherewith Uladislaus moved, and reasonably persuaded what a furtherance it would be unto his haughty designs (aiming at no less than the utter overthrow of the Turks Kingdom in Europe) if he might unto his own great preparations join also the strength of that so fortunate a Prince, by the consent of his Nobility, with all speed dispatched away his Ambassadors with Letters unto him, certifying him of his honourable purpose for the rooting out of ●he Turks; and in that common cause praying his Aid against such a dangerous and dreadful enemy. The purport whereof here followeth:  
Vladislaus King of Hungary and Polonia, unto the noble Scanderbag Prince of Epirus, greeting.  
IT may be that some good hap hath deferred this our late Congratulation until this present, 
The L●tters of King Uladislaus to Scand●rbeg.  to the intent we might at this time, together with you, rejoice in the double success of your Prosperity; first, for the happy recovery of your Estate; and then, for that the same hath by your wisdom and valour, of late been so notably defended. Wherefore in this we rejoice, not only in your behalf, but in the behalf of all good Christians, that it hath pleased God of his goodness, by your valour to have given so great an increase and comfort unto the Christian Commonwealth; for as much as amongst others our great Evils, the loss of the Albanian people hath not been to be accounted the least, at such time as John Castriot, a worthy Prince, your Father, oppressed by Amurath, and by the ungrateful Destinies taken out of this world, had neither the means to leave unto you his Kingdom and Sceptre, (as unto his Son, then living in his Enemy's Power) either was able yet otherwise to provide for his Affairs. And would to God this your Father, most happy in such a Son, might have till now lived; whose felicity had in that surmounted all others, if he might have seen you before his death. For as you seem unto me above all other Princes in the World (without offence be it said) most accomplished with all the good Graces and Perfections both of body and mind; so are you endowed also with a certain divine and wonderful Fortune; under the good Conduct whereof, not only the whole Kingdom of Epirus may think itself in security, but all the rest of the other Nations also, lately by the detestable fraud and violence of the Ottoman Kings dismembered from the Realm of Macedon, may also recover the former bea●ty of their ancient Laws and Liberties. For (to say nothing of those things which even from your Childhood having continually made you envied, have heretofore purchased unto you an immortal Fame and Glory even amongst the Barbarians themselves) what can be more glorious than this Victory which (as we have heard, and believe) you, to your singular admiration, have obtained, by the overthrow and u●ter discomfiture of Alis Bassa, with his so great and mighty a Power? But now O Scanderbag (God so appointing it, who in his deep and secret Wisdom hath reserved you unto these so dangerous times, for the Public Good, and Comfort of the Christian Commonweal) there offers itself unto you an object of far greater Glory, with a fair and fit occasion for you to revenge yourself of all the Wr●ngs and Injuries both new and old, by Amurath the Turkish Sultan done, not in private to the person of yourself only, but unto the whole State and Kingdom of Epirus also; and not the domestical and civil Miseries of your own Country only, but the Public Calamities also, and those approbrious Disgraces done against the Christian Faith and Religion in general, now oppressed (I will not say extinguished;) and that is, if you with your victorious Forces will secure us in this extremity of our Affairs, not yet altogether desperate. Hereunto do all the Princes of Hungary and Polonia, and all other men of courage invite you, Julian the Cardinal of S. Angel intreateth you; with all those devout and courageous Christians, which long since here with us, and ready in Arms, with for nothing more than the presence of your Victorious Ensigns. Which so fair an occasion (by God himself now offered) if you refuse not, will in all men's judgement be a sure mean to vanquish and overthrow our Common Enemy the Turk, and to drive him quite out of Europe, wrongfully by him of so long time possessed. I need not therefore (as I suppose) to use any kind of persuasion unto you in this Cause and Quarrel, the defence whereof doth purchase unto us health, light, and liberty; but being neglected, I fear and abhor to forbade what may ●nsue thereof. We Christians have been too too flack and backward in helping one another; the flame hath now well near consumed us all, whilst no man thought it would have come near himself. What do we see ●f the Greek Empire? What of the Bulgarians and Servians? yea, mine own Losses, and many Calamities already, and yet also to be endured, who is able to recount? The brave and most valiant Princes, the ●urest Bulwarks and Defences of the Kingdom of Hungary, from time to time lost; and the puissant Armies with one and the same fatal chance of War consumed and brought to nothing, who is able to reckon up? Insomuch that there is no House, Wife, nor Matron, in all Hungary, which is not in some measure partaker of this heaviness. All this do the Christian Princes hear of, and yet the miserable estate and condition of their Allies can nothing move any one of them, but suffer us thus as a Sacrifice for the rest, to be on all parts exposed to the rage and fury of the common and merciless Enemy. Only Eugenius the most holy Bishop of Rome, and Philip Duke of Burgundy, have not refused to bear a part of the burden of this our afflicted Fortune; the one hath sent hither his Legate Julian the Cardinal, with notable and puissant Succours; and the other with his Fleet at Sea, and come as far as Hellespontus, so much as in him lieth, doth notably hinder the Turks passage into Europe. And one other hope there is, not now far from us, and that is your help, whereof we are so desirous; which we require of you, moved thereunto partly by your valour so well known, and partly in regard of the imminent peril and common danger of us all. And albeit we are not ignorant, how evil you may be at leisure to take such an Expedition in hand, for the late troubled estate of your Affairs, and your new recovered Kingdom, as yet scarcely well established; yet notwithstanding, let it not withhold you, or keep you back; assuring you, that as this Expedition cannot be but unto you most honourable, even so this your present desert shall not be bestowed upon ungrateful and thankless men; but that which you shall now first begin and undertake for our Preservation and Dignity, we will from henceforth and ever continue for your glory, and for the increase of your greatness. Fare you well. From our Regal City of Buda the fourth of july, 1444.  
Of this the King's motion Scanderbag liking well, and thinking it far better now in so fit a time, with his own Forces joined unto the Hungarians his Friends, throughly to busy Amurath, than in short time after, himself alone to sustain his whole Power; by the general consent of the Albanian Princes his Confederates and Allies; yielded unto his request; in liberal terms promising him by his Letters, in good time to be present with him with thirty thousand good Soldiers. The Copy of which Letters I thought it not amiss here to set down also.  
Scanderbag Prince of the Epirots, unto Vladislaus King of Hungary and Polonia, greeting.  
YOur Letters, most invincible King, 
Scanderbag his Answer by Letters unto King Uladislaus.  I have with like joy and contentment received; which I in the General Assembly of my Chieftanes having caused publicly to be read, there was not any one of them which was not of opinion, but that so just an occasion of War by you offered, was forthwith to be joyfully on our behalf also embraced. And so every man doth both publicly and privately affirm, That nothing could have happened unto them more acceptable from God, than that they might by some notable Service testify their grateful Minds, and bind unto them so excellent a Prince; as also to give so fit Succours unto the Christian Commonweal. In which forwardness of my people I myself took great contentment and pleasure, both in regard of yourself, and in the behalf of the Public and Common Cause; seeing my men of War, and all other my Subjects, of what state or degree soever (without any persuasion used on my part) to be so cheerfully and courageously minded in defence of the Faith, and of the Christian Religion; and so well affectioned towards your most Royal Majesty. And to say the truth, Who is he (if he be not hateful unto God and man) albeit there were no question of Religion, or of the common danger, that would refuse so just and lawful a War? for such a King, as unto whom alone we may and aught to attribute, That we Christians do not only reign, but even live, breath, and enjoy the liberty of our Speech. Who would not willingly take up Arms, and adventure himself into most manifest and certain danger for the People of Hungary; by whom in all Ages the Christian Common-weal hath with their so many Travels, and so much of their Blood, been so mightily supported and defended? who even from the very cradle have been continual Enemies unto our Enemies, and have as it were even vowed themselves for the Honour of the Christian Religion and Name. Would God (most mighty and redoubted Uladislaus) it had been in my power to have brought unto you such Forces to this honourable War, as were answerable to my Courage and Desire; then happily Europe should not longer lie in this ignominious Estate, oppressed by Amurath; neither should the Fields of Varna or Basilia so often smoke with the Blood of the Hungarians; nor every Corner of Macedonia with the Blood of the Epirots; both Nations being as it were become the Expiatory Sacrifices of others Sins and Offences; we all now by turns perish, whilst every man thinketh himself born but for himself alone. But why do I unto myself pour forth these vain Complaints? Truly, it neither repenteth me of my Forces, neither (as I suppose, if it shall please God that our Forces may once meet and join together in so happy a War) shall the Christian Common-weal have any cause to sorrow or be aggrieved with the issue and event of our Fortune. For unto those fifteen thousand good Soldiers which lately discomfited Alis Bassa on the Borders of Macedonia, my purpose is to join as many more unto them; with all which Strength as soon as conveniently they may, I will begin to set forward, ready to follow your Ensigns to all Events whatsoever. And so fare you well, From Croia the third of August, 1444.  
These Letters being dispatched away unto the King, Scanderbag forthwith began to levy his Forces. And first of all he caused with new Supplies to be made strong, all those Companies wherewith he had overthrown Alis Bassa; not suffering any one of them to absent himself from this Expedition. Unto whom being in number fifteen thousand, all men of approved Valour, he joined other fifteen thousand more, no less valiant than they; such a Power as he never either before or after raised for the Recovery or Defence of his Kingdom. And so furnished with all things necessary for so honourable a War, cheerfully set forward, accompanied with the Vows and Hope of all his most faithful and loving Subjects. But being come to the Borders of Servia, he found the straight and difficult passages of that rough Country shut up by George the Despot, (Lord thereof, a man adorned with all the Graces of Nature, but otherwise a wicked damned Atheist, and a Christian but in name only) who but lately before restored unto his Kingdom by the help of King Uladislaus, having changed his mind, did now mightily cleave unto the Turk his Son-in-Law (by whom he had been before himself exiled) and in favour of his quarrel, and despite of the Hungarians, but especially of Huniades, had stopped up the ways and passages whereby Scanderbag was with his Army to pass; who by his Ambassador sent of purpose unto the Despot, complained to him of that wrong, putting him in mind of the perjurious dealing of Amurath with him, notwithstanding he had married his Daughter; and of the great Pleasures the Hungarians had done him; of both which he had good proof; requesting him if it were but in regard of the common cause of Christianity to give unto him (as unto his Friend by whom he was never in any thing wronged) passage; and not to slain himself with the perpetual note of Infamy, That he being a Christian Prince, and of late so mightily oppressed by the Turk, should now to the great hindrance of the Christian Common-Weal take part with him, against his Friends and Deliverers. But what availeth Prayers or Requests, be they never so reasonable, with a man set down to mischief? Scanderbag out of hope by any other means to open his way, but by plain force, resolved so to do; although it much grieved him to spend those Forces upon a Christian Prince, which he had prepared against the capital Enemy both of himself and all good Christians, old Amurath the Turkish Sultan.  
But whilst he thus discontented, spendeth his time with his Army upon the Borders of Servia, beset with many difficulties; Uladislaus pricked forward by the continual solicitation of julian the Cardinal, or else drawn on by his own inevitable Destiny, having assembled a great Army of valiant and courageous Soldiers out of Hungary and Polonia (yet in number far inferior to that he had the year before, 
King Uladislaus sets forward against the Turks.  for that most of the voluntary Soldiers were returned home) set forward from Segedinum; and in the beginning of November (a time unfit for Wars) passed over Danubius, and entering into Bulgaria, came to Nicopolis, the Metropolitical City of that Kingdom (but then in possession of the Turks) where he burned the Suburbs thereof, and in that fruitful Country thereabouts refreshed his People three or four days, where he also mustered his Army, and took a view thereof; At which time Dracula Vayvod of Valachia, a man of great experience in Martial Affairs, being then present, and considering the small number of the King's Army, began to persuade him to retire; saying, He had sufficiently learned by his own harms, to deem aright of the Power of the Turkish Sultan; who (as he said) was wont many times to carry more men with him into the Fields into his Disport of Hawking and Hunting, than was there in the King's Camp; wherefore he should do well, not to expose those his small Forces unto so manifest peril, in such unseasonable time of the year, but to reserve them to a more fit opportunity, when he might with greater Power encounter his puissant Enemy. This his Counsel most men of greatest Experience, and not carried away with other private respects, thought wholesome; but the Cardinal, Author of this fatal War, extolling with great words the last years Victory obtained against the Turk, with glorious promises of great Aid, as well by Sea from the Pope, and the Venetians, as by Land from the Emperor of Constantinople and other Christian Princes; augmenting also the great Troubles in Asia, and promising an easy and happy success unto these Wars in Europe; persuaded the King that Dracula his speech proceeded either of ignorance, upon a superficial Judgement which he made of the King's Power there present, without regard of further Strength from his Friends; or else of the private respect of his own security, in regard of a commodious League made a little before betwixt him and the Turk. So that the poor Prince seeing his Counsel mightily impugned by the Cardinal, and not so well taken, as it was meant by him, stood in doubt whether to leave him to his own Fortune, and himself to his quiet Peace, or casting off the Turkish League, to join with the King in this chance of War; but at length resolved as a Martial minded Man, preferring the uncertain Glory of the Field before his own assured rest, said unto the King; Seeing that either your Princely Fortune, which hath ever hitherto favoured your high Attempts; or else the hope of Friends help, which I pray God fail you not at your need; or the secret designment of your Destiny, unable to be avoided, draws your Majesty into a different opinion from me; that your resolution, which I cannot by reasonable persuasion alter, I will as the suddenness of time, and my small ability will permit, most gladly further.  
And therewith presented unto the King, his Son, with four thousand Horsemen well appointed, 
Dracula aideth Uladislaus with his Son and four thousand Horse.  to serve him in those Wars; wishing unto him such good success as he himself desired. Afterward when he was about to take his leave of the King, he preferred unto him two lusty young men, perfect Guides for that Country, with two Horses of incredible switness, and with tears standing in his Eyes said unto him:  
Take this small Gift in good part, as a poor refuge to fly unto, 
His last farewell unto the King.  if your Fortune hap to fail you, which I tremble to think upon; I pray God they be given in vain, and so they shall, if my Prayers may prevail. Yet if necessity shall enforce you to use them, you shall find them serviceable at your need.  
And so taking his last Farewell of the King, returned into Valachia. Uladislaus marching on from Nicopolis toward Thracia, took many Towns and Forts by the way, which the Turks for fear yielded unto him; at last he came to Sumium and Pezechium, where the Turkish Garrisons trusting as much to the Strength of the places, as to their own Valour, stood upon their Guard; but the King laid Siege to both the said places, and took them by assault; where he put to the Sword five thousand of the Turks.  
The Turks Bassa's terrified with those unexpected troubles, advertised Amurath thereof, requesting him to leave his obscure Life, and to levy the greatest Power he could in Asia, for the defence of the Turkish Kingdom in Europe, which otherwise was in short time like to be lost; blaming also his discretion, for committing the Government of so great a Kingdom to so young a Prince as was Mahomet his Son, unto whom many of the great Captains did half scorn to yield their due obedience. Amurath herewith awaked, as it had been out of a dead sleep, left his Cloister, and with great speed gathered a strong Army in Asia, and came to the Straits of Hellespontus, where he found the passage stopped by the Venetian and Pope's Galleys, and was therefore at his Wit's end. But marching alongst the Sea side unto the Straits of Bosphorus, he there found means to convey over his whole Army; using therein (as some write) the help of the Genua Merchants Ships, paying unto the Genoese for the passage of every Turk a Ducat, which amounted to the sum of an hundred thousand Ducats; or as some others affirm, corrupting with great Bribes them that were left for the defence of this passage. And being now got over, joined his Asian Army with such other Forces as his Bassas had in readiness in Europe; and so marching on seven days, encamped within four miles of Varna, a City pleasantly standing upon the Euxine Sea side in Bulgaria, where the Christian Army lay; for Uladislaus hearing of Amurath his coming with so great an Army, had retired thither, having but a little before taken the same City of Varna from the Turks, with Calachrium, Galata, Macropolis, and others upon the Sea Coast.  
Upon the first report that Amurath was with such a mighty Army come over the Straight of Bosphorus, Uladislaus who before was in good hope that he could not possibly have found any passage, entered into Counsel with the Commanders of his Army, what course he was now best to take; where many which before had been most forward in that action (presuming that Amurath could by no means have transported his Army) were now so discouraged with the fame of his coming, that they advised the King in time to retire home, and not to oppose so small an Army against such a world of People as was reported to follow the Turk. But other Captains of greater Courage, and especially Huniades, said, It was not for the King's honour first to invade his Enemy's Dominions, and presently to turn his Back upon the first report of their coming; wishing him rather to remember the good Fortune of his former Wars, and that he was to fight against the same Enemy whom he had victoriously overthrown the year before; as for the multitude of his Enemies, he had learned by experience (as he said) not to be moved therewith, for that it was the manner of the Turkish Kings, more to terrify their Enemies with the show of a huge Army, than with the Valour of their Soldiers, which were nothing to be accounted of, but as effeminate, in comparison of the Hungarians. Whereupon the King resolved to try the fortune of the Field.  
Uladislaus understanding by his Spials, that Amurath the night before encamped within four miles, was now putting his Army in order of Battle; committed the ordering of all his Forces unto the valiant Captain Huniades; who with great care and industry disposed the same, guarding the one side of the Battle with a Fen or Marish, and the other side with Carriages, and the Rearward of his Army with a steep Hill. Therein politicly providing, that the Christian Army being far less than the Turks in number, could not be compassed about with the multitude of their Enemies, neither any way charged but affront. The Turks Army approaching, began to skirmish with the Christians, 
The great Battle of Varna, fought between Uladislaus and Amurath.  which manner of Fight was long time with great courage maintained and that with divers Fortune, sometime one party prevailing, and sometime the other; but with such Slaughter on both sides, that the ground was covered and stained with the dead Bodies and Blood of the slain. At length the Battle being more closely joined, the Victory began to incline to the Christians, for Huniades had most valiantly with his Transylvanian and Valachian Horsemen, put to Flight both the Wings of the Turkish Army, and made great Slaughter wheresoever he came. Insomuch that Amurath dismayed with the Flight of his Soldiers, was about to have fled himself out of the main Battle, had he not been stayed by a common Soldier, who laying Hands upon the Rains of his Bridle, stayed him by force, and sharply reproved him of Cowardice. The Captains and Prelates about the King (whom it had better beseemed to have been at devout Prayers in their Oratories, than in Arms at that bloody Battle) encouraged by the prosperous success of Huniades, and desirous to be Partakers of that Victory, foolishly left their safe Stations, where they were appointed by him to stand fast, and disorderly pursued the chase, leaving that side of the Battle where they stood, open unto the Turks; but they were not gone far, before they were hardly encountered by a great part of the Turks Army, for such purpose placed in a Valley fast by. In which Fight Lesco one of the most valiant Captains of the Hungarians was slain; and the Bishop of Veradium, a better Churchman than Soldier, and the first man that disordered the Battle, seeking to save himself by Flight through the Fen, was there strangled in the deep Mud, after he had with his Horse therein struggled a great while. The Bishop of Agria, a man of greatest Authority with the King, was at the same time also lost, with many other Churchmen more. The Cardinal with some other of the expert Captains retiring toward their former stand, were hardly assailed by the Turks, who by the coming in of the King and Huniades, were with great slaughter forced to retire, and even ready to fly. Amurath seeing the great slaughter of his men, and all brought into extreme danger, beholding the picture of the Crucifix in the displayed Ensigns of the voluntary Christians, plucked the Writing out of his Bosom, wherein the late League was comprised, and holding it up in his Hand with his Eyes cast up to Heaven, said:  
Behold thou crucified Christ, this is the League thy Christians in thy name made with me; 
Amurath prayeth unto Christ.  which they have without cause violated. Now if thou be a God, as they say thou art, and as we dream, revenge the wrong n●w done unto thy Name, and me, and show thy Power upon thy perjured People, who in their deeds deny thee their God.  
The King with Huniades furiously pursued the chased Turks, with bloody execution a great space; when as the King in his heat hardly persuaded by Huniades to return again unto his Camp, at his coming thither found the Cardinal julian, with Frank, one of his chief Captains, and others overcharged with the Turks, which had again made head against that part of the Christian Army; and there yet fought courageously, by reason of their multitude, being also backed by the janissaries, which all this while had stood fast with their old King, as his last and most assured refuge, but were now come in. There began a most cruel and fierce Fight; in the success whereof, 
A cruel Fight.  the Turks well saw the whole state of their Kingdom in Europe to consist, many were there slain on both sides; the Turks feeling their loss less than indeed it was, by reason of their Multitude; and the Christians, by reason of their Courage. A great while the Victory stood doubtful, insomuch, that at length the Turks began to shrink back, in that part of the Battle where the King and Huniades fought. But in the left side they prevailed so upon the Christians, that they were even ready to have fled. Which when Huniades (having a vigilant Eye unto every part of the Army) perceived, he with speed made thither, and there again with his presence restored the Battle almost before lost. Which done, he returned again towards the King, who in the mean time had most valiantly repulsed a great number of the Turks, and now was come unto the janissaries, Amurath his last hope. There was to be seen a thousand manners of death, whilst both the Armies fought more like wild Beasts in their rage and fury, than wary and politic Soldiers. In this confused medley the young King Uladislaus with greater Courage than Care of himself, broke into the Battle of the janissaries; at which time, Amurath himself was by a valiant Frenchman a Knight of the Rhodes, 
Amurath in danger.  first wounded with a Pike, and after assailed with his Sword, and had there ended his days, but that he was speedily rescued by his Guard, by whom this worthy Knight after great proof of his Valour was there slain in the midst of his Enemies. Uladislaus being got also in among them valiantly performed all the parts of a worthy Soldier, till such time as his Horse being slain under him, 
King Uladislaus slain.  he was forthwith oppressed by the multitude of his Enemies and slain; his Head being struck off by Ferizes, one of the old janissaries, was by him presented unto Amurath, who commanded it presently to be put upon the point of a Lance, and Proclamation to be made, that it was the Head of the Christian King; which was afterwards so carried through the principal City's ●f Macedonia and Grecia, as a Trophy of the Turks Victory. Huniades after he had in vain given divers brave attempts, to have rescued the King's Body, retired with a few Valachian Horsemen, and seeing no hope of better hap (for all the Christians being discouraged with the death of the King, had now taken themselves to flight) gave place to necessity, 
Huniade● flieth.  and reserving himself to his future Fortune, fled over the Mountains, into the thick Woods, from whence with much difficulty he got over Danubius into Valachia, and was there (as some write) by Dracula Prince of that Country taken Prisoner; In revenge whereof, after he was enlarged by the Hungarians, he so aided Danus against Dracula, that in fine, Dracula and his Son were both slain, and Danus placed in his room. julian the Cardinal flying out of the Battle, was found by that worthy man Gregory Sanose, lying in the desert Forest by the way side, mortally wounded, and half stripped, by whom he was in few words sharply reproved, as the wicked Author of that perfidious War, and there left giving up the Ghost. Many of the Christians which fled out of that Battle, fell into the Enemy's hands, and so were slain; but greater was the number of them which were drowned in the Fens, or that by Hunger and Cold perished in the Woods, or else after long and miserable travel, finding no passage over Danubius, fell at length into the Turkish Slavery. This great and mortal Battle, as it was with divers fortune fought, so was also the present report thereof most uncertain; for the Turks that were at the first put to flight, reported in the Towns there by as they fled, that the Battle was lost; and they which had all the day endured the Fight, not altogether assured of the Victory, and not knowing whether the Hungarians had retired themselves, whilst they suspected some deceit in the King's Camp, by reason of the great silence therein, stayed two days before they durst adventure to take the Spoil thereof. The number of them that were slain in this Battle, as well on the one side as th'other, was great; as the Mounts and little Hills, raised of the Bones and Bodies of those that were there buried, do yet at this day declare. Howbeit, the certain number was not known, some reporting more, some fewer. Yet in this most agree, that of the Christian Army, being not great, scarce the third part escaped; and that the Turks bought this Victory with a far greater loss, although it was of them less felt, by reason of their multitude; made less by that slaughter, as they that report least thereof affirm, by thirty thousand. Which may well seem rather to be so, for that Amurath after this Victory, neither farther prosecuted the same, nor showed any tokens of Joy at all, but became very melancholy and sad, and being of them about him demanded, Why after so great a Victory, he was no merrier; answered, That he wished not at so great price, to gain many such Victories. Yet in memorial thereof he erected a great Pillar, in the same place where the King was slain, with an inscription of all that was then done; which, as they say, is yet there to be seen at this day. This bloody Battle was fought near unto Varna (in ancient time called Dionisiopolis (a place fatal unto many great Warriors, and therefore of them even yet abhorred) the tenth day of November, in the year of our Lord Christ, 1444.  
Some maliciously impute the loss of the Battle of Varna, and the death of the King, to Huniades, who (as they said) fled out of this Battle with ten thousand Horsemen; but this report agreeth not with the noble disposition of that courageous and valiant Captain, but seemeth rather to have been devised, to excuse the foul dealing of the Clergy; who as most Histories bear witness, were the chief Authors both of the War, and of the lamentable calamity ensuing thereof.  
From the Battle of Varna Amurath returned to Hadrianople, 
Amurath to perform his vow, resigneth his Kingdom to his Son Mahomet, which he in short time after taketh again upon him.  having lost the greatest part of his best Soldiers, and there with great Solemnity buried the body of Carazia, Viceroy of Europe, slain in that Battle; and then calling together all his Nobility, again resigned up his Kingdom unto his Son Mahomet, retiring himself unto Magnesia, where he lived a solitary and private life, having before vowed so to do, in the great fear he was in, in the Battle against Uladislaus; but after he had a short time performed these his Vows in that obscure and melancholy Life, he weary thereof, as some suppose, as not a little revived with the late Victory, or else solicited by Cali Bassa and other great Counsellors, returned again to Hadrianople, resuming unto himself the Government of the Kingdom, to the great discontentment of his ambitious Son Mahomet.  
Scanderbag yet sticking in the borders of Servia, and hearing what had happened unto King Uladislaus with the Hungarians, was therewith exceedingly grieved; and having now lost the hope whereupon he had undertaken that so great an expedition, resolved to return home again into Epirus. Nevertheless, to be in some part revenged of the wicked Despot, he with his Army forcibly broke into his Country, and there did exceeding great harm. In his returning homewards, great numbers of Hungarians and Polonians, lately escaped from the slaughter at Varna, repaired unto him, whom he (according to the extremity of their Fortune) courteously relieved; and furnishing them with such things as they wanted, provided them shipping to Ragusa, from whence they might in safety return into their own Countries. Thus by the Disloyalty and Treachery of the faithless Despot of Servia, was Scanderbag stayed from being present at the bloody Battle of Varna, to the unspeakable loss of the Christian Common-weal; for it could not be, but that so many thousands of most resolute and expert Soldiers, under the leading of so worthy a Chieftain, must needs have done much for the gaining of the Victory. And what more glorious sight could a man have wished for, than to have seen so puissant an Army in the Field against the sworn Enemy of Christendom, directed by two such valiant and renowned Chieftains, as never, either before or since their time, was seen the like in one Battle against the Enemy of Christ and the Christian Religion? They were both men of invincible Courage, of exceeding Strength and Agility of Body, 
The comparison betwixt Huniades and Scanderbag.  wise, prudent and subtle; both of long time exercised in the Turks Wars, the greatest terror of that Nation, and most worthy Champions of the Christian Religion, being therein both very zealous. Of the two, Huniades was at that time accounted the better Commander, and the more politic, as a man in greater experience in Martial Affairs, by reason of his greater years; which was well countervailed by Scanderbag his perpetual good Fortune, still as it were attending upon him, and by his experience afterwards gotten, as in the course of his History well appeareth.  
Amurath advertised of these proceedings of Scanderbag, as also of the great harms by him done in Macedonia, and that the Frontiers of his Dominions bordering upon Epirus, were by his Fury utterly wasted and spoiled, and his People there for most part slain, and that the rest had for fear forsaken their Dwellings, and left the Country desolate and unpeopled; was therewith exceedingly moved. Yet for so much as he still stood in dread of the Hungarians, and was now himself clogged with years, and therefore more desirous of rest; considering also the young years of his Eldest Son Mahomet, as yet unfit for the Government of so great and troublesome a Kingdom; with the perpetual good Fortune of Scanderbag, and Malice of Huniades; he thought it not best to convert all his Forces upon him, but to prove if he could cunningly draw him into some dishonourable Peace for a time, that so he might afterwards at leisure be the better revenged of him. For which cause he writ unto him Letters, mixed with grievous Threats, and some feigned Courtesies, as followeth:  
Amurath Ottoman King of the Turks, and Emperor of the East, to the most ingrateful Scanderbag, wisheth neither Health nor Welfare.  
I Never wanted honourable Preferments to b●stow upon thee all the while thou didst live in my Court, of all others most unkind Scanderbag, 
The sullen and crafty Letters of Amurath to Scanderbag.  but now I want Words wherewith to speak unto thee; thou hast so highly offended my Mind, and touched mine Honour, that I know not in discretion what Words to use unto thee, but of late one of my Domestical Servants. For neither will hard speech mollify the natural fierceness of thy proud disposition, neither art thou worthy of better, which hast far exceeded all Hostility. And because thou wouldst omit no occasion to provoke me, hast of late proceeded to that point of Folly, that thou hast had thine own Affairs, and the Welfare of thine own Subjects, in small regard, by confederating thyself in Arms with the Hungarians against me. It grieveth me to rehearse other thy unkindness, and as it were to touch those sores, if my mind would ever suffer me to forget the same, or that thine so manifold and horrible Treasons, and strange examples of a most unthankful mind, were to be covered with silence. Yet I thought good to advertise thee (although perhaps too late) lest that thy unstaid heat do untimely overthrow thee, with thy unlucky Kingdom; and then thou wouldst make humble confession of thy long transgression, when thou hast lost thyself, and left no hope of refuge in thy desperate Estate. We have hitherto sufficiently suffered thy manifold injuries; thou hast sufficiently provoked the Majesty of the Ottoman Empire, with wrong and contumelious despite; and I with patience have born all these thy contempts. Thinkest thou that my Army by thee betrayed unto the Hungarians shall be unrevenged? Thinkest thou that so many Cities and Towns in Epirus, by thee rend from the body of my Empire, with my Garrisons there slain, shall be forgotten? Or thinkest thou with thy late committed Outrages to escape my revenging Hand? Remember the destruction of mine Army under Alis Bassa; the wasting and burning of my Dominions; and lately, the Hungarian Wars, by thee so far as in thee was, countenanced; with the Territories of George, the Despot of Servia, my Father-in-Law by thee spoiled. At length amend, thou graceless man, and expect not further, whether my indignation will break out. Let not these trifling allurements of thy good Fortune, so puff up thy foolish desires, and sharpen thy conceits, that thy miserable Fortunes afterwards may move even thy greatest Enemies, or myself to compassion. I would thou shouldst at length remember my Courtesies (if any spark of humanity remain in thy savage Nature) and make me not longer sorry, that I have so evil bestowed the same. And although it is not the part of an honourable mind, to rehearse those things which we have in bounty bestowed upon any man; yet is it the token of a most unthankful Nature, so easily to forget all kindness past, as to need to be put in remembrance thereof. Wherefore Scanderbag, I cannot bewail thy hap, and lament thine estate; For to let pass the health of thy Soul (which thou a very Reprobate, esteemest as nothing) not to speak of the Laws of Mahomet by thee despised, and the holy Prophet by thee contemned, for the zeal thou hast unto the Christian Superstition; what hast thou (which now hold'st thy poor and base Kingdom in such price) ever wanted at my hands of all those things which most delight the desires of men? Didst thou ever want Armour, Horses, a great Train of Followers and Servants, Money, or other Superfluities, the allurements of all Ages? Or didst thou want matter to exercise thy Valour, for increase of thine Honour? Wast thou ever denied Preferments, Dignities, and Honours of all sorts fit for thine Age, both at home and abroad? Was any man in my Court dearer unto me, than thyself? what growing Wit, not of Strangers only, but of them that were nearest unto myself, was better welcome unto me than thine? With what careful instruction did I cause th●e to be brought up? When thou wast delivered unto me almost a Child, I daily cherished and increased thy hoped towardlyness, with Learning and Nurture; I have at all times honoured thee with rich Rewards, magnifical Praises, and Honours of the Field (which of all worthy things is most glorious) so that in all Feats of Arms no Soldier was to me better known, or Captain of me more honoured. For all these great benefits, Scanderbag, thou now showest thyself such an one, that I may be thought not to have brought up such a man as I hoped for, but a very Serpent in mine one Bosom. But the love of thy Country did move thee; which if thou hadst asked of me, would I have denied the same unto thee? which (if thou dost well remember) I so oftentimes voluntarily proffered unto thee? But thou hadst rather to gain the same by Treachery, than to receive it at my Hands of Courtesy. So thine be it therefore on God his name, and that with my very good Will. And verily, according to my accustomed Clemency towards all them whom I have once well known, and been familiarly acquainted with, I now pardon thee all thou hast offended me; not for any thy present deserts, which are none, but because in this public enmity it pleaseth me to remember my former kindness in private towards thee, and thy faithfulness sometimes in my Affairs; especially for that the time was much longer wherein thou servest me, than the time wherein thou hast offended me. Croia and thy Father's Kingdom (although thou hast gained the same by foul Treachery) I give unto thee, upon condition thou willingly restore unto me the other Towns of Epirus, which by no right belong unto thee, but are mine by Law of Arms, by myself honourably won. Whatsoever thou hast taken from my Father-in-Law the Prince of Servia, thou shalt forthwith restore, and make him an honourable recompense for the other harms thou hast done unto him; and for ever hereafter, thou shalt as well forbear to offer violence to any our Friends, as to aid any our Enemies. So shalt thou for ever avoid the displeasure of the Turks, and stand in my good grace and favour, as thou hast done before; except thou hadst rather (being taught by thine own harms) than in vain cry for mercy, when thy furious outrage shall have me in Person an implacable Revenger. Thou knowest thy Forces, thou knowest the Strength of mine Arms; thou hast before thine Eeys the fr●sh example of the Hungarian Fortune, so that thou needest no further admonitions. Yet I would thou shouldest write at large, what thou intendest to do. Thou mayst also confer with Ayradin our Servant, our trusty and faithful Messenger, of whom thou shalt understand more than are in these Letters comprised. Farewell if thou be wise. From Hadrianople.  
To these Letters Scanderbag gave small credit, and less to the Messenger, but least of all to the old Fox himself, whom he well knew to have written nothing simply of good meaning, but only to gain a cessation from Wars, until he might at better leisure set upon him with all his Forces. Wherefore calling Ayradin the Messenger unto him, whom he rather held for a crafty Spy, than an honourable Ambassador, after he had many times both publicly and privately discoursed with him, so far forth as was possible to sound the depth of his coming, and had also further entertained him with all honourable Courtesies, he showed him all his Camp, with the strength thereof; which he did, because he would not have the crafty Messenger to think, that he was any thing afraid of his Master's greatness. And at last, greatly complaining of Amurath his cruel and perfidious dealing against his Father, his Brethren, and himself, he sent him away with such answer in writing, as followeth.  
The Soldier of Christ Jesus, George Castriot, surnamed Scanderbag, Prince of Epirus, to Amurath Ottoman King of the Turks, sendeth greeting.  
THou hast in times past, as thou writest, exceeded me in many kinds of Courtesies; 
The resolute answer of Scanderbag to Amurath his Letter●  and at this present I will exceed thee in modest and temperate Speech; for I think there is no greater token of a base mind, than not to be able to forbear to give railing and opprobrious words, even unto our most mortal Enemies. Wherefore we have with patience received and seen both thy Letters and Messenger; and to confess a truth, they have ministered unto me greater occasion of Smile than Choler; whilst at the first thou shamest not to accuse me of much Ingratitude and Treason; and presently following a milder passion, seemest careful of my Souls health, being ignorant of thine own Estate, as a studious Defender of a most damnable error. And at last, keeping neither Law of Arms, nor orderly course answering to our Affairs, dost most insolently and unadvisedly, as a valiant Conqueror to his vanquished Enemy, propound many Conditions of Peace, of such quality and condition, that mine Ears scorn to hear the same. Truly Amurath, although thy immoderate railing might move a man of greatest patience to intemperate Speech; yet I impue the same partly to thy great Age, and partly to the waiwardness of thy Nature; and the rest, to thy conceived grief, which I know thou canst hardly moderate; and the rather, for that I have not set down myself to contend with thee in foul and unseemly Language, but with Arms, and the just Fury of War. Yet I pray thee, wherefore dost thou so exclaim against me before God and Man? as though thou hadst first suffered wrong and injury from me and that thou hadst not in truth first done the same. Dost thou call my necessary departing, a perfidious Treachery? my native Country by my Policy and Valour recovered, dost thou object to me as a Villainy? object the same still and spare not; charge me with such crimes for ever, I care not. The long Catalogue of thy kindness towards me, which thou rehearsest, I could willingly remember, if it drew not with it the woeful remembrance of my greater miseries; which if they were to be compared together, the greatness of thy good deserts would be overwhelmed with the multitude of thy greater Tyrannies; which I had rather thou shouldst count with thyself, than blush whilst I repeat them. Every man that knoweth them, may marvel how I had power to endure them, or that thou wast not weary at last of thy Cruelty and secret Hatred. Thou tookest away my Father's Kingdom by force; thou didst murder my Brothers, and myself thou didst most wickedly vow to death, when I little feared any such Cruelty; and doth it now seem strange to thee, O Amurath, that an invincible mind, desirous of Liberty, should seek to break out of the bonds of so great and insolent Slavery? How long at length didst thou think I would endure thy proud Bondage? which for all that, I many years endured, and refused not thy command. I exposed myself to public and private dangers, both voluntarily, and by thy designment; speeches were given ●ut daily by thyself, and the admonition of my Friends concerning thy deep Treachery, was rife in mine Ears; Yet for all that, of long time I simply believed both thy words and deeds to have been devoid of all Fraud until thy cankered malice began too too apparently to show itself; then began I also to gloze with thee, wholly metamorphosed into thine own conceits, until I found occasion to recover my Liberty. Wherefore there is no cause thou shouldst now grieve, if thou be well beaten with thine own rod. But these are but Trifles, Amurath, in comparison of those things which I have laid up in hope and resolution of mind. Therefore hereafter surcease thine angry threats, and tell not us of the Hungarian Fortune; every man hath his own resolution, and every man a particular Governor of his actions; and so will we with patience endure such Fortune as it shall please God to appoint us. In the mean time, for direction of our Affairs we will not request Counsel of our Enemies, nor Peace of thee, but Victory by the help of God. Farewell. From our Camp.  
When Amurath had read these Letters, and further conferred with Ayradin, he was filled with wrath and indignation, wondering at the great resolution of so small a Prince, presently casting in his mind (as was thought) the difficulty of that War. Yet because he would give no token of Fear, oftentimes stroking his white Beard, as his manner was when he was throughly angry, with a dissembled cheerfulness of countenance said, Thou desirest (wicked man) thou desirest the title of some honourable death; 
Amurath his passionate speech in his rage against Scanderb●g.  We will give it thee (believe us) we will give it thee; we ourselves will be present at the burial of our foster Child, and in person (though unbidden) honour the funeral Pomp of the great King of Epirus, that thou shalt never complain among the damned Ghosts, that thou didst die a base or obscure kind of death.  
And because at that time, by reason of many great occurrents, he could not convert his whole Power into Epirus, he sent Ferises one of his best Captains, with nine thousand choice Horsemen, to keep Scanderbag in doing, and to spoil his Country so much as he could. Which was with such speed done, as it was thought Ferises would have been in the heart of Epirus, before Scanderbag could have had knowledge of his coming. But for all his haste, he could not so prevent the flying fame, but that Scanderbag hearing thereof, and having his men always in readiness, placed fifteen hundred good Footmen in ambush upon the rough Mountains leading into the Valley of Movea, whereby the Turks must needs pass into Epirus; placing also two thousand Horsemen, as he thought most fit and convenient for his purpose. Ferises descending from the high Mountains full of Woods and Bushes, by the broken and stony ways leading into the Valley, was in that troublesome and intricate passage fiercely set upon by Scanderbegs ready Footmen, suddenly arising out of ambush where the Turks having no use of their Horses, but rather by them encumbered, were slain as Deer enclosed in a toil. In this conflict seven hundred and sixty Turks were taken Prisoners, and a great number slain, and Ferises himself, with the rest, enforced to fly, crying still out as he fled, Better some saved, than all lost. Scanderbag having thus overthrown Ferises, pursued him into Macedonia, and with the Spoil there taken, rewarded his Soldiers, as he had also many times before done.  
Amurath grieved with the overthrow of Ferises, presently sent Mustapha a politic and hardy Captain with a new supply of six thousand Soldiers, to take the charge from Ferises; commanding him in no case, nor upon any occasion to enter far into Epirus; but only to burn and spoil the frontiers thereof, saying, That he would account it for good service, if he might but understand, that the Trees and Fruits of that Country had felt the force of his Anger. Mustapha having received his Charge, when he began to draw near the Borders of Epirus, continually sent out Scouts before his Army, to see if the passages were clear, and so warily entered the Valley of Movea, where Ferizes not long before was overthrown. In this fruitful Valley, being the Frontiers of Scanderbegs Dominion, Mustapha entrenched his Army, upon the rising of a Hill, and placed Spials upon the top of the high Mountains round about, by them to discover the coming of the Enemy, and to have notice thereof by signs into the Camp; then reserving four thousand Horsemen with himself, to keep his Camp, he sent forth the rest of his Army, about nine thousand Horsemen, to forage and spoil the Country; giving charge before, That every man upon pain of Death should presently retire to the Camp, upon sign given from thence, as to a place of Safety and Refuge. The Turkish Army ranging over that rich and pleasant Valley, burned the Villages, cut down Trees, spoiled the Vineyards, and made havoc of all things that Fire and Sword could destroy; in that point executing Amurath's command to the full. At length Scanderbag drawing near to this Valley with four thousand Horsemen and one thousand Foot, was advertised of all the Enemies doings, by an Epirot Soldier, who grievously wounded, had hardly escaped from the Turks; of him he understood, what number of Turks were burning and destroying the Country, of the Camp also kept by Mustapha, and how Spials were placed upon the Mountains. Scanderbag having well considered Mustapha his wary proceedings, and seeing no Policy to be used against so careful an Enemy, resolved to vanquish him by plain force, 
Scanderbag his valiant resolution for the assaulting of Mustapha in his Camp.  by assaulting him suddenly in his Trenches, before his dispersed Soldiers could repair to the Camp; and having to this purpose with effectual persuasions encouraged the minds of his valiant Soldiers, ready of themselves to follow him through all dangers; when he had set all things in order for the assaulting of the Enemy's Camp, speedily entered the Valley, and was presently discovered by the Enemy's Spials, from the tops of the high Hills, and a sign given to the Camp, from whence also the appointed sign was given for the dispersed Soldiers to retire; but most of them being strayed from the Camp, and busied in taking the Spoil of the Country, heard not or saw not the sign given. Those which were within the hearing thereof, retired to the Camp, and at their Heels followed Scanderbegs Soldiers, terrifying them with calling upon the Name of Scanderbag. Many of the Turks were by the Christians slain in the entrance of the Camp, with their Booties in their Hands, and presently the Turk's Trenches were now by Scanderbegs Soldiers courageously assaulted, and the Turks beaten from the top of them. They having won the Trenches, prevailed still upon the Turks, filling all their Camp with fear and slaughter. There was no use of Shot in that medley, by reason of the straitness of the place, for they were now come to pell mell. Mustapha seeing his Soldiers put to the worst, and that the Camp was not long to be defended, took horse and fled by the Port which was furthest from the Enemy. The rest of the Soldiers fled also, making such poor shift for themselves as they could. In this Battle five thousand Turks were slain, and but three hundred taken; for the Christians enraged with the Spoil of the Country, revenged themselves with the slaughter of the Turks. Scanderbag lost in this conflict but twenty Horsemen and fifty Footmen. The rest of the Turks Army dispersed in the Country, hearing the tumult in the Camp, misdoubting the fortune of their Fellows, fled also; yet many of them were in that Flight pursued and slain.  
After this overthrow, Mustapha returning to Amurath, the better to excuse the misfortune of himself and the other Captains before sent, greatly commended the invincible Courage of Scanderbag, and his wonderful skill in feats of Arms; persuading Amurath, either to send a greater Power against him, or else none at all; saying, That to send such small Armies, was but to minister matter to the increase of his Glory, and the Infamy of the Turks; and to use Policy against him, the Master of Policy, was but mere Folly. It grieved Amurath to hear the Praises of his Enemy, although he knew the same to be true, by the continual Fortune he had always against his great Captains, Alis Bassa, Ferizes and Mustapha; wherefore he determined for a time not to provoke him further, but to suffer him to live in Peace; yet commanded Mustapha to renew his Army for defence of the borders of his Kingdom towards Epirus, against the innovation of Scanderbag; but straight commanding him, in no case to invade any part of Epirus, neither upon any occasion offered, or conceived hope of Victory, to join Battle with Scanderbag; for fear of such evil success as before.  
At this time also the Grecians of Pelopon●sus, (now called Morea) having before fortified the Straight of Corinth from Sea to Sea, with a perpetual Wall which they called Hexamylum, and deep Trenches about six miles in length, had also built five strong Castles in the same Wall, of purpose to take away all passage by Land into that rich Country, and began now not only to deny the yearly Tribute they were wont to pay unto the Turkish King, but also to invade such Princes of Achaia their Neighbours, as were content to remain still the Turk's Tributaries; among whom Neceus Prince of Athens, and Turacan Governor of Thessalia for Amurath, ceased not by continual Complaints to incense him against them of Peloponesus. Who having his Army in readiness, although it was now Winter, and he himself very aged, set forward from Hadrianople, and marching through Thessalia, came into Achaia, where most of the Grecians were before fled for fear into Peloponesus. So passing on with his Army, he came to the Straight commonly called Isthmus, where the famous City of Co●inth sometime stood; and there encamped his Army near unto the strong Wall and Castles, lately before built, hoping that the Grecians of Peloponesus, terrified with the multitude of his Army, would without resistance submit themselves; but when he perceived them to stand upon their guard, and to trust to their Strength, he laid battery to the Wall four days, and having made it assaultable, broke through the same with his Army. The Grecians having lost the Wall (their chief Strength) fled, some to one strong Hold, and some to another, as their Fortune led them; the Turks at their pleasure spoiling and destroying that rich and pleasant Country, sometime the Nurse of worthy Wits, and famous Captains; where they found wonderful riches, and took Prisoners without number; in so much that they were sold among the Turks at a most vile Price. There Amurath for his pleasure cruelly sacrificed six hundred Christian Captives, to the hellish Ghost of his dead Father Mahomet; and afterwards imposing a yearly Tribute upon the Peloponesians, and other Grecian Princes now yielding again unto him, 
Peloponesus made tributary unto the Turks.  as an induction to their further Slavery under the Turkish Tyranny, he returned, taking in his way the two famous Cities of Patras and Sicyone. Thus the rich Country of Peloponesus, and all the rest of Grecia, sometime the Fountain of all Learning and Civility, became tributary to the barbarous and cruel Turks, in the year of our Lord 1445.  
Old Amurath now clogged with years, and wearied with long Wars, was content to take his rest at Hadrianople; during which time, 
Bajazet born.  Bajazet the Son of Mahomet was born in the year 1446. year 1446. who afterwards of long time with great Glory governed the Turkish Empire at Constantinople, as in his place shall appear.  
The Hungarians after the Calamity of Varna (wherein they had together with Uladislaus their King, lost most part of their Nobility also) in a general Assembly of their States, made choice of Ladislaus the Posthumous Son of Albertus (and then in keeping of Frederick the Emperor) for their King. But forasmuch as he being then but a Child of five years old, and chosen King more for the remembrance of the Emperor Sigismond his Grandfather, and Albertus his Father, and the good hope conceived of him, than for any other thing presently to be expected; from him; it was thought more than necessary, to make choice of some notable and worthy man, unto whom they might, during the time of the King's Minority, commit the Government and Protection of that so great and turbulent a Kingdom. Many there were in that honourable Assembly well thought of, both of themselves and others; but such was the Glory and Valour of Huniades, and so great the remembrance of his worthy deserts, both of the Kingdom of Hungary, and of the Christian Common-weal in general, as without his seeking, procured unto him the general Favour and Suffrages of all; yea so far, that even they which most envied at his Honour (as overshadowing their own) were glad to hold their Peace, for that without him, it was commonly thought the state of that shaken Kingdom could not long stand; So by the general consent of all the States there assembled, he was with the great applause of the People chosen and proclaimed Governor, 
Huniades i● t●e minority of the King chosen Governor of all the Kingdom of Hungary.  as of all others most fit for so great and heavy a charge; wherein he quietly spent some few years in deciding of civil Controversies, in composing the quarrels of the Nobility; not forgetting in the mean time the indifferent administration of Justice to all men, ending many controversies far from the place of Judgement, and that without all suspicion of corruption; using therein such expedition and never wearied patience in hearing every man's cause, that sitting, going, standing, riding, he dispatched many great and weighty matters; always showing himself affable and courteous, as well unto them of poorer sort, as others of greater calling, that had any suits to him. So that it was of him truly said, That no man was than he unto his Friends more friendly, or unto his Enemies more cross and contrary. In time of Peace he was always providing for War, heaping up great Treasure, and such other things, as without which the Wars could not be maintained. But above all things, he was careful of the good agreement of the Nobility, taking great pains in reconciling their displeasures conceived one against another, and that with such dexterity, as that he was both of them and others generally both beloved and feared.  
year 1448. In the mean time, whilst he was thus busied in disposing of the Civil Affairs of the Common-Weal, 
Huniades g●●th against the ●arks.  and the Administration of Justice, he was advertised by his Spials, how that the old Sultan Amurath was raising great Forces both in Asia and Europe, and that as the common same went, for the invasion of Hungary. For the withstanding whereof, Huniades not unprovided, as never unmindful of so dangerous an Enemy, or of any thing more desirous, than in some sort to be revenged of the great loss received at Varna; in the fourth year of his Government, and in the year of our Lord 1448. accompanied with most part of the Nobility of Hungary, and the Vayvod of Valachia his Friend and Confederate, set forward against the Turk with an Army of two and twenty thousand choice Soldiers. So having passed the River Tibiscus, or T●se, and travelling through Valachia, a little beneath where the River Morava running through Servia, falleth into Danubius, ●he with most part of his Army passed that great River; the rest in the mean time taking passage over at a Town called Severin. Huniades with his Army being thus gotten over into Servia, by his Ambassadors requested the Despot, as he had oftentimes before, to put himself into that most Christian War, and remembering the great benefits he had received from the Hungarians, not to show himself therefore ungrateful, than which nothing could be more dishonourable; and to encourage him the more, certified him both of his own Strength, and of the Aid brought unto him by the Vayvod; and that for the good success of the War there wanted nothing but his presence and direction, with such Troops of light Horsemen as he knew he had always in readiness; wherewith he requested him with all speed to follow him. But he being a man of no Religion, and better affected unto the Turk than Huniades, the more cleanly to withdraw himself from this War, pretended many excuses; first, The League he had with Amurath his Son-in-Law, which he said he might not break, for fear that if things chanced not well he might so fall again headlong into his old misery; then, The unseasonableness of the time, Autumn being now past; which difficulties in those cold Countries they had to their cost too much felt in the late War: These with many other such like he alleged in excuse that he came not; but the truth was, the malice of the man, grieved to see Huniades preferred before him in the Government of the Kingdom, and disdaining to serve under his Ensigns, being himself Despot and King of Servia, descended of the Royal Race, was the cause of his backwardness; so that blinded with Envy, he could not there rightly judge of himself, or what was fit for him in this case to have done. But Huniades angry with his unkind answer, threatened him with his own hands to be revenged upon him, and to give away his Kingdom to one more worthy thereof than he, if he should with Victory return. So passing through Servia, as through the Enemy's Country, he came into Bulgaria. After whose departure, 
The false Despot giveth Amurath knowledge both of Huniades his coming and of his Strength.  the false Despot by speedy Messengers advertised Amurath both of the coming of the Hungarians, and of their Strength; yea he certified him of every days march, and how that Huniades was but with a small Company of his own, and some weak supplies of the Vayvods, come over Danubius; whom if he should not presently meet, but suffer him to come on further, and so with his Army to get betwixt him and home, he might so shut him in, as that he should be hardly able to escape his Hands. All which he did, partly for Envy, partly to gratify the Turk, and the better to keep Friendship with him. So Amurath not contemning the Despots Counsel, suffered Huniades without resistance to enter a great way into his Country, and coming two or three days march behind him, so stopped the passage, as that he could not possibly retire, but that he must needs fight. And now they were both come unto a great Plain in Bulgaria, which the Hungarians call Rigomezu; and the Rascians, the Plain of Cossova; through the midst whereof the River Schichniza rising out of the Mountains of Illyria, running, at length falleth into Morava, and so into Danubius. This Plain is about twenty miles in length, and in breadth five, environed on each side with pleasant Mountains in manner of a Theatre, the River and low Valleys at the foot of the Mountains being garnished with many Country Villages and Towns. Into this fatal Plain, when as the Hungarians first, and after them the Turks, were as into a place of Combat descended; an old Woman dwelling in one of the Villages upon the River side fast by, where both Armies of late passed, with a loud voice cried out, O, 
The ominous speech of an old Woman.  how much I now fear the hard Fortune of the Hungarians. When as their passage over by the Ford troubled the River but one day, and the Turks three; by the small number of their Army, divining their ensuing overthrow. In the midst almost of this Plain ariseth a small Hill, by the foot whereof the River Schichniza runneth; not far beyond which, toward the Head of the Plain, was a certain Tower built like a Pyramid, in memorial of Amurath, the first of that name, and third King of the Turks, there slain; which Tower Amurath fearing lest Huniades marching before him, should take, and so become unto him ominous, (for in such matters the Turks are very superstitious) he made haste, of purpose to join Battle with him before he should come to the foresaid Tower. Huniades being come unto the Hill, easily arising in the midst of the Plain, there encamped, expecting the coming of Scanderbg; who was said (according to appointment made betwixt him and Huniades) to be every hour coming. Wherefore Amurath fearing lest the Tower fast by should be taken, and the Enemy's Power strengthened by the coming of the Albanois, provoked Huniades to battle; who still refused the same in hope of his Friends coming; which made the Turk more fierce upon him, seeking by all means he could to draw him to battle, but especially by cutting him off from Water and For●age; for why, he much presumed upon his multitude, having in his Army about fourscore thousand fight men. At length Huniades, for want of Water and other necessaries enforced to fight, upon S. Lukes-day, being then Thursday, commanded his Soldiers to make themselves ready; and dividing his Army into two and thirty Battalions, in such order as he meant to give battle, the more to encourage them, spoke unto them as followeth: 
The notable Speech of Hun●ades to encourage his Soldiers against the Turks.  At length (valiant Soldiers, and fellows in Arms) the day is come, wherein you may revenge that Dishonour or Disgrace, you received in the battle of Varna; and recover your former Credit of Constancy and Praise, if you will play the Men. The Enemy opposeth against you but these Relics of his Armies, by you so often broken and discomfited; who although they be in number mor● than you, yet are they in hope, Quarrel and Strength, far inferior. For what can they hope for, which fight not for their own, but for another man's Kingdom? and in conquering, procure unto themselves nothing but bondage in this life, and torment in the life to come, and in both, perpetual and endless Misery? Whereas you on the other side, howsoever the matter fall out, fight for your own Kingdom, your Children, your Country, your Houses, your Altars, may assuredly hope for in both, eternal and undoubted Bliss. You have also far greater cause to fight, as they which if they do not valiantly overcome their Enemies, are in danger, with themselves, to lose also all that theirs is. The strength of both is sufficiently tried. Once we unfortunately joined battle at Varna, where if we might make exchange of ●ur Fortunes there found, haply the Turk would make choice of our flight, rather than of the great slaughter of his own men; who being not able to overtake us, was there notably beaten, with the loss of a great part of his Army; whose great loss there received, might countervail our Dishonour; although the loss, he suffered perforce, but we our flight by choice. But of that our Overthrow, the angry Powers from above (willing to revenge our breach of Faith) were, as I verily believe, the cause, rather than our Cowardice; for even there, all the Authors of that perfidious dealing, even there I say, every one received the just guerdon of their Treachery. Whereas we, against our wills drawn into that woeful War, by the mercy of God yet live with you, preserved for the defence of the Christian Commonweal, and especially of Hungary, that it should not be overrun with the Turkish Power and Rage. The number of your Enemies is not of you to be feared, when as you with few, have oftentimes learned to fight with their multitudes, and carried away from them the Victory. Hitherto we have rather fought by the Power of God than man, and in the Name of Christ jesus our Saviour, have easily overthrown their profane Battles. Which way soever we have turned ourselves in his most mighty Name, we have with our victorious Arms opened our way, for that we fought under the Leading and Conduct of the Highest, whose help we have always felt at hand; neither shall we thereof this day fail, if we be mindful of his forepast love towards us, and of our wont valour. God is always present with them that in his just Quarrel fight courageously. Hereunto is joined the safe manner of our fight, by reason of our Men at Arms, and barbed Horses, who like a strong Castle cannot easily be overthrown. Our Battalions are such as may easily be commanded, and yet strong enough against our Enemies; whereas their great multitude breedeth but confusion. We have many notable and forcible Engines of War, which they have not. Besides that, every hour we look for the worthy Scanderbag his coming. The danger is not so great, as that we should fear it; or so little, as that we should contemn it. Back again without Victory we may not go, for that our Army is hardly by the straits of these Mountains to be led; and if the way were never so easy, yet without doing that we came for, and glory with Victory, we may not retire. Unto the Valiant, all difficulties are propounded. Wherefore sith this your last Labour is at hand, wherein the whole strength of the Turks may be for ever cut off, I pray and beseech you (fellow Soldiers) by that God under whose Power and Protection we serve, and by the love you bear unto your Country, your Wives, your Children, and Wealth, upon the signal of battle given, so to show your valour, as men resolved to be fully revenged of the Injuries by that filthy and wicked Nation done both to God and man; and especially of the loss received at Varna. We lost there a devout King, who for our safety, and for the breach of his Faith, sacrificed himself; by which Royal Sacrifice, that Divine Anger is appeased; unto whose ghost I beseech you, in this battle to make an honourable Sacrifice. Not forgetting withal, to revenge the death of other worthy Men in that battle slain. This fear of the Turks, is at once and even this day to be cut off; and so, as that it should never grow again; and the Kingdom of Hungary, so to be delivered from the danger of most cruel slavery, as that it may by this days work gain perpetual Rest and Glory, unto the enjoying of the pleasures both of this life, and of the life to come. Wherefore (worthy Soldiers) we must fight with all our force, for that our Honour so requireth, our profit so persuadeth, and necessity enforceth. As for ourselves, howsoever the matter fall out, all shall be with us well: If Victory, perpetual Bliss and Happiness shall thereby be procured unto our Country, and Immortal Fame unto ourselves; but if we shall be overcome, here we shall be most honourably buried in the bed of Fame, to live in Heaven with God and his Saints for ever. Wherefore I beseech you so fight, as men resolutely set down to overcome, or if it should otherwise fall out, as Men resolved honourably to die.  
With this the General's Speech, all the minds of the Hearers were greatly inflamed, and they all by his words, and their own hot desires, sufficiently encouraged; neither did old Amurath on the other side with less care or diligence marshal his Army, and encourage his Turks, sparing neither cheerful Speech, glorious Promises, or severe Command; whose Army being brought into the Plain, and ranged in order of battle, filled the same from the one side to the other, even unto the very Mountains, to the great astonishment of the Christians; and so about nine a clock in the morning set forward. Huniades had from the Hill where he lay, sent down both the wings of his Army, and had affront on both sides before them, stretched out certain long Troops of light Horsemen to begin the Skirmish. In the midst betwixt both he had placed Zechel, his Sister's Son, with a strong square battle of Men at Arms; and such as he had kept aloft upon the Hill for Rescues, he had compassed about with his Wagons, as with Trenches. 
The great battle of Cos●ova fought betwixt Amurath and Huniades three days together.  The signal of the battle being given, the fierce and courageous Soldiers on both sides, with cheerful minds, began at first to Skirmish a far off; but afterwards Fortune as it were fawning upon both sides, and their courage thereupon increasing, they began with greater force to fight foot to foot, and hand to hand. Which hot fight continued about three hours; at length the Turks battle was put to the worst, by Benedict Losonicus, who had the leading of the right Wing; and so likewise in the left also by Stephen Bamffi, who with great slaughter had notably foiled the great Bassa of Europe, still pressing hard and desperately upon him. Which discomfiture of his Men in both Wings Amurath beholding, presently sent in strong Supplies, and in both places renewed the battle; whereby the Hungarian and Valachian light Horsemen, before wearied, were enforced to retire unto the Men at Arms; who serred together, and standing as a strong Wall, easily repulsed the greatest Assaults of the Turks. In which manner of fight many were on both sides slain, but far more of the Turks, by reason they were neither so well horsed nor armed as were the Christians. Huniades in the mean time with the Artillery from the Hill, did the Turks great harm; which Amurath perceiving, drew as close unto the Hill as he could, by that mean saving his people (so much as was possible) out of the danger of the Artillery, mounted on high above them in such sort, as that it could little or nothing now hurt them; which Huniades from the Hill beholding, came down to the relief of his Men, sending new Supplies to both Wings; sometime encouraging them with cheerful Speech, and sometime with his own most valiant hand; unto the weary he sent Relief, the fearful he encouraged, them that were flying he stayed, and where he saw the Enemies fastest coming on, there was he himself present to meet them, omitting nothing that was of a good General or worthy Soldier to be done. The valiant he commended, the coward he reproved, and as a careful General, was himself in every place present. Whereby the battle became so fierce and terrible, that in every place a man might have seen all foully foiled with blood and the quarry of the dead. Amurath in like manner still sent in new Supplies, nothing discouraged with the great loss of his Men, presuming upon his multitude, as fully resolved orderly to fight, and to make use of all his Forces, in hope at length by continual sending in of fresh Supplies, to weary his Enemies, whom he saw he could not by force overcome. Wherein he was not deceived, for one Battalion of the Hungarians was oftentimes enforced to weary four or five of the Turks before they could be relieved, they came on so fast. That day they dined and supped in the battle, refreshing themselves with such short repast as they could eat standing, going, or riding. The Turks Army was that day in every place put to the worst, and oftentimes with great slaughter enforced by the Hungarians to retire almost unto their Trenches; yet was the battle still again renewed, and so fought on both sides, as well appeared they were resolved either to overcome, or there to die. This cruel fight maintained all the day, was by the coming on of the night ended, both the Armies retiring into their own Trenches, but with purpose the next day to renew the battle, and not to give over or turn their backs, till the Victory were by dint of Sword determined. So with little rest, was that night spent, both Armies keeping most diligent watch, all carefully expecting the next day, as by battle therein to try whether they should live or die. It was yet scarce fair day, when both the Armies in good order ready ranged began again the battle; 
The battle began again the second day.  which at the first, was not by the Hungarians fought with such ●orce and courage as before, for there was none of them which had not the day before spent their whole strength; whereas there was yet 40000 of the Turks which either had not fought at all, 
Huniades encourageth his Soldiers.  or but lightly skirmished. Yet Huniades exhorted his Soldiers, not by faint-hearted cowardice to break off the course of the Victory by them the day before so well begun, but courageously to prosecute the same; beseeching them not to be now wanting unto themselves and their Country, but to remember how they had fought the day before, how many thousands of their Enemies they had slain, and not now at last to give over, and so shamefully to frustrate all the pains and dangers by them before endured; for that they (as he said) were to be thought worthy of Honour, not which began, but which ended honourable actions. He wished them to set before their eyes the Calamities like to ensue, if they should as Cowards be overcome; first, the divers kinds of death and torture; then, the slavery of their Wives and Children; the Ravishment of their Virgins and Matrons; and last of all, the utter destruction of their Kingdom, with the horrible confusion of all things, as well Sacred as Profane; all which were by that one days labour (said he) to be avoided. And therefore he besought them for the love both of God and man, with their wont Valour, that day to set at liberty for ever, themselves, their Country, their Wives and Children, and whatsoever else they held dear. In like manner also did Amurath encourage his Soldiers, with great Promises and Threats, persuading them rather to endure any thing, than by that days overthrow to be driven out of Europe. He carefully viewed his Army, ordered this Battles, and with many great Reasons persuaded them to play the men. But after that some light Skirmishes being past, both the Armies were fully joined, the battle was fought with no less force and fury than the day before. Of the Christians many then wounded, came now again into the battle, there either by speedy death or speedy victory to cure their Wounds before received, and there did right good Service. Great was the slaughter in every place, neither could the force of the Hungarians be withstood; whose furious impression, when the Turks could not by plain force endure, they began with their fresh Horsemen, cunningly to delude their desperate fierceness; at such time at the Hungarians began most hardly to charge them, they by and by turned their backs, suffering them a while to follow after them, far scattered and dispersed; who alured as it were with the hope of present Victory, eagerly pursued them, and in the pursuit slew divers of them, and they again upon a signal given, closing together, and turning back upon the dispersed Troops, well revenged the death of their Fellows; and with their often charges and retreats, wonderfully wearied the Hungarians, notably deluding their furious Attempts with that uncertain kind of fight, all the day long. Many of the Hungarians were slain, and the Turks had that day the better, and so both Armies being wearied, night and weariness ended the fight; both retiring into their Trenches, there keeping most careful Watch. The next morning by the dawning of the day, the battle was again begun. Huniades his Brother, General of the Null, with his sight Horsemen setting first forward, after whom in seemly order followed the rest of the Nobility, with their Companies. Where for certain hours, 
The battle again began the third day.  the battle was hardly fought with like hope on both sides, and a great slaughter made, but especially of the Hungarians; who wearied with the long fight, and most part of them wounded, were now all to endure this third days labour. Zechel (Huniades his Sister's Son) valiantly fight in the front of the Battle, was the first of the Leaders there slain in the thickest of the Turks. Emericus Marzalus and Stephen Bamffi, both great Commanders, enclosed by the Turks, there died also. Amurath seeing the foremost Ensigns of the Christians, which stood in Zechels' Regiment, taken, and his Soldiers (discomfited with the death of their Colonel) turning their backs, presently commanded all the Companies, which were many (yet left in the Trenches, for fresh Supplies) to issue forth, and at once to overwhelm the Christians, being (as he said) but few and overwearied with three days continual fight. Upon which the King's Command, they fiercely breaking out, presently overthrew both the Wings of the Christians, before wavering; and in a great battle (wherein most of the chief Commanders were slain, and their Ensigns taken) discomfited the rest, and with a great slaughter put them to flight. Huniades seeing his Brother now slain, 
Huniades flieth.  the Ensigns taken, and the Battle quite lost, betook himself to flight also; leaving behind him his Tents and Baggage, all which shortly after became a Prey to the Turks; who from noon until night furiously followed the chase, with most cruel execution; but at length stayed by the coming on of the darkness, they returned again unto their Trenches. The rest of the Turks Army that followed not the chase, compassing in the Hungarian Camp, were there by the wounded Soldiers, the Waggoners, and other Drudges of the Army, kept out so long as they had any shot left; but yet were in the end every Mother's Son slain, though not altogether unrevenged, two or three of the Turks in many places lying dead by the body of one Hungarian. Amurath to cover the greatness of the loss he there received, commanded the bodies of his Captains there slain, to be forthwith buried; and the bodies of his common Soldiers, to be for the most part cast into the River Schichniza; for which cause the Inhabitants of the Country there by, of long time after abstained from eating of any Fish taken in that River. The Plain by this great battle made once again famous, lay nevertheless many years after covered with dead men's bones, as if it had been with stones; neither could be ploughed by the Countrypeople, but that long time after Armour and Weapons were there still in many places turned up and found. Thus albeit that this bloody Victory fell unto the Turks, yet was their loss far greater than the Hungarians; having lost (as was reported by them that say least) four and thirty thousand of themselves, for eight thousand of their Enemies. 
The number of the Turks and Christians slain in the battle of Cossova.  Howbeit they themselves report the loss to have been on both sides far greater; as that of the Christians were slain seventeen thousand, and of themselves forty thousand; which in so long and mortal a fight, is not unlike to have been true. In this unfortunate battle, fell most part of the Hungarian Nobility; all men worthy eternal Fame and Memory, whose Names we for brevity will pass over. Many in the chase taken, and the next day brought to Amurath, were by the commandment of the angry Tyrant slain. Such as escaped out of the slaughter by the way of Illyria, returned in safety; but such as thought to save themselves by returning back again through Servia, the Despots Country, found the same so troublesome as that few of them escaped, but that they were by the way either slain, or quite stripped of all they had.  
Neither was the Fortune of the Noble Huniades much better than the fortune of the rest, who having on Horseback all alone by uncouth and untract ways traveled three days without Meat or Drink, and the fourth day tired his Horse and cast him off, being on foot and disarmed, fell into the hands of two notable Thiefs, who in dispoiling him of his Apparel, finding a fair Crucifix of Gold about his Neck, fell at strife betwixt themselves for the same; whereby he took occasion to lay hand upon one of their Swords, and with the same presently thrust him through; and then suddenly assailing the other, put him to flight also. So delivered of this danger, travelling on, and almost spent with thirst and hunger, the next day he light upon a Shepherd, a sturdy rough Knave, who hearing of the Overthrow of the Hungarians, was (in hope of prey) roaming abroad in that desolate Country; who at the first meeting, strucken with the majesty of the man, stood at gaze upon him; as also did Huniades, fearing in his so great weakness to have to do with him. Thus a while having the one well regarded the other, they began to enter talk, the Shepherd bluntly ask him of his Fortune; and he for God sake craving of him something to eat. When as the Shepherd hearing of his hard hap, moved with his estate, and hope of promised reward, brought him unto a poor Cottage not far off, causing to be set before him Bread and Water, with a few Onions. Who in the pleasant remembrance of that passed misery, would oftentimes after in his greatest Banquets say, That he never in his life fared better, or more daintily, than when he supped with this Shepherd. So well can hunger season homely Cates. Thus refreshed, he was by the Shepherd conducted to Sinderovia; whereof the Despot having Intelligence (whose Country was all laid for the staying of him) caused him by the Captain of the Castle to be apprehended, and imprisoned. But after certain days spent in talk about his deliverance, it was at length agreed, that all such strong Towns in Rascia and Servia, as had by the Hungarians been detained from the Despot, 
Huniades taken Prisoner by the Despot.  at such time as his Kingdom was by King Uladislaus restored unto him, should now be again to him delivered; and that Mathias, Huniades his youngest Son, should for the confirmation of further friendship, marry the Despots Daughter; with some other such conditions as it pleased the ungrateful Prince for his own behoof to set down. For performance whereof, he required to have Ladislaus, Huniades his eldest Son, in Hostage. All which Huniades was glad forthwith to yield unto, for fear the false Despot should have delivered him into the hands of Amurath his mortal Enemy. So the Hostage being given, Huniades was again fet at liberty: Who upon Christmas-day coming to Segedinum, was there by all the Nobility of Hungary, and great concourse of the people, honourably received. This ingratitude of the Despots no less grieved this worthy man, than the dishonour received from the Turk. Wherefore upon the sudden raising a great Army, he invaded the Territory, long before given to the Despot by the Emperor Sigismond in Hungary, in exchange of the strong Town of Belgrade, destroying the Country before him, and burning the Villages, never resting, until he had got into his Power whatsoever the Despot had in Hungary; and not so contented, presently entered into Rascia, where the Despots Ambassadors met him, bringing with them Ladislaus the Hostage, honourably rewarded, and humbly craving Peace at his hands; which he, at the request of the Nobility easily granted, with forgiveness of all former Wrongs or Injuries; and so having with him concluded a Peace, returned back again into Hungary. But fortune never suffereth long the valiant man to rest, but still keepeth him busied, lest he should at too much ease attain unto Honour's glory.  
year 1449. The year following, Amurath certainly informed, 
The Despot invaded by Amurath, craveth aid of Huniades.  That George the Despot having of late Huniades in his Power, had again set him at liberty; was therewith exceeding wroth, blaming him of great Ingratitude, That for a Kingdom which he had at his hands received, he had not delivered to him his Enemy, in full recompense thereof; whom of all others he most feared, and therefore likewise wished to have had him perish. In revenge of which Injury (as he took it) the melancholy Tyrant, sent Fritze-beg and jose-beg, two of his most expert Captains, with a strong Power to invade Rascia, the Despots Country; who accordingly entering thereinto, strongly fortified Chrysonicum, a Town before ruinated, upon the side of the River Morava, and from thence with Fire and Sword destroyed the Country both far and near. The Despot dismayed with this sudden and unexpected Invasion, wist not well which way to turn himself; the angry Turk he well knew, was not to be appeased without yielding unto some great inconvenience; and to pray Aid of Huniades, without which he was not able to withstand the Turks, he thought but vain, for the wrong he had before done him. So that what to do he wist not; yet had he rather to endure any thing, than again to suffer the heavy Bondage of the Turk. In this extremity he thought best to make proof of Huniades, of whom he humbly, and not without great shame, craved Aid. Which the courteous Governor, according to his honourable Nature, forgetting all former Injuries, easily granted; and the rather, for that he desired nothing more, than to be of the Turks in some part revenged of the Overthrow from them of late received in the Plains of Cossova; as also for that he wisely foresaw, That the Despots Country being lost, he should have the Turks still braving him even as it were in the Gates of Hungary. Wherefore having with great speed raised a convenient Power, he forthwith in Person himself set forward, and at Synderovia passing over the River Danubius into Rascia, there joined his Power with the Despots, which he found there ready. And so marching forward with such Expedition, that he prevented the fame of his coming; and the Wether also at the same time as it were favouring his purpose, and covering the Country with a thick mist, he was the fourth day upon the Turks before they were aware of him. Who wonderfully dismayed with the sudden coming of the Christians, and upon the breaking up of the mist, discovering also Huniades his Ensigns (always unto them dreadful) thought now no more of resistance, or of the ordering of their Battle, but as men discouraged, betook themselves to speedy flight. After whom followed the Hungarian and Servian light Horsemen, with most bloody Execution, having them in chase all that day; Huniades with his Men at Arms following still after in good order, for fear the Turks should again make head upon the light Horsemen that had them in chase. And had not the coming on of the night ended the slaughter, few of the Turks had there escaped; but by the approach thereof many of them got into the Woods, and so saved themselves. Fritze-beg the General, with most part of the Turks best Commanders, were in that flight taken. Huniades after this Victory entering into Bulgaria, came to Budina, the Metropolitical City of that Country, which (as the cause oftentimes of great Wars) he burned down to the ground. And so having well revenged himself, and cleared the Country of the Turks, he returned back again into Servia, and there gave to the Despot for a Present all the Prisoners he had taken, and contenting himself with the honour of the Victory, returned with Triumph to Buda, there to find no less trouble with the Bohemians, and some of the discontented Nobility of Hungary, than he had with the Turks, to the great hurt of the Christian Commonweal.  
All this while that Amurath was thus troubled with Huniades and the Hungarians, Mustapha lying still upon the borders of Macedonia, as Amurath had commanded; it chanced that a great quarrel grew betwixt the Venetians and Scanderbag, about the Inheritance of Lech Zachary (a Noble man of Epirus) then shamefully murdered by his unnatural Kinsman Lech Duchagne; part of whose Inheritance lying in the Frontiers of Epirus, the Venetians claimed, as belonging to their signory; and having got possession of the City of Dayna, part thereof, by force held the same against Scanderbag; upon which quarrel great Wars arose betwixt the Venetians and him, who had before been very great Friends; insomuch that in the end they joined in battle at the River of Drine, where the Venetians were by him in a great battle overthrown. Of which troubles Mustapha daily understood, and how that Scanderbag so busied, had left but a small Garrison upon the Borders of Epirus. Wherefore being desirous to redeem his former disgrace with some better hap; he would fain have taken the opportunity now presented, but that his great Masters command lay so heavy upon him, as that he durst not without his leave attempt the same; knowing that the danger of his evil fortune, if it should so fall out, would far exceed the uncertain glory of his better success. Yet ceased he not from time to time to give Amurath Intelligence of these Troubles and Wars in Epirus, earnestly requesting him not to let slip so fair an opportunity, but to give him leave to enter into the Country, in manner, assuring him before hand of the Victory. Yet the suspicious old King was long in resolving what to do, still fearing the Fortune of his Enemy. At length discharged of the fear of the Hungarians, and commending Mustapha his forwardness, he sent unto him a Messenger with Letters of this purport, answerable to his desire.  
The Wars thou so greatly desirest, 
Amurath his grave Letters of advertisement to Mustapha, concerning his going again into Epirus.  behold Mustapha we grant unto thee; the glory thereof (if those things be true which we hear of the Venetian War) thine own valour, and worthy right hand shall give thee; yet thou must warily deal with that Enemy, and not rashly take up Arms, which thou mayst be enforced shamefully to cast away, when thou thinkest least. Peradventure the counterfeit show of War and feigned falling out among the Christians, do too much allure thee; for the common saying is, There is no quarrel sooner ended, than betwixt the Father and the Son; we in Person absent, can neither advise thee as present, nor commend a foolish forwardness in Arms. Thou must before thou put on Arms, dispose of all things, and consider of every particular, which is to be put in execution when thou art in the field. Thou hast a great Army of fresh and lusty Soldiers, thine Enemies are with continual Wars wearied and spent; in that remaineth, do as thou thinkest good; for I forbid thee the doing of nothing, which thou thinkest may be for the advancement of our Honour.  
Mustapha having thus obtained leave, and well appointed, with all his Forces entered into Epirus, hoping in one battle to end that War; which he (presuming upon the strength of his Army) many times offered in the plain field. News hereof was brought to Scanderbag (then lying at the Siege of Dayna against the Venetians) from his Garrisons lying upon the Frontiers of Epirus, to whom he addressed a speedy Messenger; commanding them in no wise to encounter with the Enemy, but to keep themselves within the safeguard of their strong Holds, and to protract the time until his coming. Afterwards selecting out of his Army 500 Horsemen, and 1500 chosen Footmen, all old beaten Soldiers, he with that small number marched to the place where he knew lay his Garrisons entrenched, in the upper Country of Dibra; leaving Amesa his Nephew at the Siege of Dayna. Mustapha having many times in vain sought to draw the Garrison Soldiers out of their Trenches by offering them many fair opportunities of advantage, and now out of hope that way to circumvent them, began to spoil and burn the Country round about. But when he understood by his Scouts of Scanderbag his coming, he speedily called together his Army, and encamped within two miles of Scanderbegs Camp, at a place called Oronoche, in the upper Country of Dibra. Scanderbag had there in his Camp, of his Garrison Soldiers and those he brought with him, four thousand Horsemen, and two thousand Foot, all old expert Soldiers, where, after he had made his Trenches strong, he left therein three hundred of them, and brought the rest into the field in order of battle. Mustapha on the other side likewise brought on in good order his Army also. But whilst both Armies thus stood ranged one within the view of the other, expecting nothing but the signal of battle, suddenly a man at Arms, in gallant and rich Furniture, issued out of the Turks Army into the midst of the Plain betwixt both Armies, and from thence with a loud Voice challenged to fight hand to hand with any one of the Christian Army. This Turk was called Caragusa. At the first Scanderbag Soldiers upon this Challenge stood still, one looking upon another; for as they were all ashamed to refuse so brave an Offer, so the danger so suddenly offered, stayed every man's forwardness for a while; until that one Paul Manessi, accounted the best Man at Arms in Scanderbag his Army (upon whom every man's eye was now cast, as if he had been the Man by name called out by the proud Challenger) not able longer to endure the Turks pride, with great courage and cheerful countenance came to Scanderbag, requesting him that he might be the Man to accept that Challenge. Who greatly commended him, and willed him on God his Name to set forward, first to win Honour to himself, and then to give example of his Valour for all the rest of the Army to follow. Paul staying a while, until he had for that purpose most bravely armed himself, mounted presently to Horse, and riding forth into the Plain, called aloud unto the Turk, that he should make himself ready to fight. Whom Caragusa required to stay a while, that he might speak unto him a few words, indifferently concerning them both.  

The Speech of Caragusa the Turk▪ to Manessi.  The Victory (said he) our force and fortune shall determine; but the conditions of the Victory, we are now to appoint ourselves. If the Destinies have assigned unto thee the Honour of this day, I refuse not, but that thou mayst by Law of Arms, when I am overcome, carry away with thee my rich Spoils, and at thy pleasure dispose of my dead body. But if thou shalt fall under my hand, I require that I may have the same right and power over thy captive Body; and that the Generals will grant that no man shall move out of either Army, to better the fortune of either of us in the time of the Combat, or after.  
Whereunto Manessi answered, 
Manessi his s●out Answer to Caragusa.  That he agreed to those conditions of the Combat, which he upon a needless fear had so required to be kept, saying, That where the fierce Soul had yielded, there of good right all the rest ought to be the Conquerors; and that therefore he should fight without fear of any more Enemies than himself; whom so soon as he had deprived of life, he should have free power to do with his dead body what he would. Which if thou wouldst give (said he) unto the tears of my fellow Soldiers, yet would not worthy Scanderbag suffer the Carcase of a vanquished Coward to be brought back again into his Camp.  
Caragusa marvelled to hear his so brave Resolution, and as it was thought, repented him of his Challenge. But after that both the Generals had upon their Honours confirmed the Laws of the Combat before rehearsed, both the Champions were left alone in the midst of the Plain between both Armies, with all men's eyes fixed upon them. Now both the Armies betwixt fear and hope, stood in great expectation of the event of the Combat, presaging their own Fortunes in the fortune of their Champions. In which time they both having withdrawn themselves one from the other a convenient distance, for the making of their course, and after with great violence running together, Caragusa was by Manessi, at the first encounter struck through the Head and slain. Manessi alighting, disarmed the dead Body, and struck off his Head; and so loaded with the Armour and Head of the proud Challenger, rereturned with Victory to the Army, where he was joyfully received and borough to Scanderbag, of whom he was there presently honourably both commended and rewarded. Scanderbag seeing his Men by this good fortune of Man●ssi, greatly encouraged, and the Turks as men dismayed with the death of their Champion, hanging their heads, like an invincible Captain, himself set first forward toward the Enemy, as it were in contempt of their multitude; and had charged them as they stood, before they had set one foot forward, had not Mustapha to encourage his Soldiers, 
The battle betwixt Scanderbag and Mustapha.  with certain disordered Troops opposed himself against him, which the whole Army seeing, faintly followed; but as they set forward with small courage, so were they at the first Encounter easily driven to retire. Which when Mustapha saw, he called earnestly upon them to follow him, and the more to encourage them by his own example, put Spurs to his Horse, and fiercely charged the Front of Scanderbegs Army, as one resolved either to gain the Victory, or there to die; after whom followed most of the principal Captains of his Army, which would not for shame forsake their General; thus by his Valour the battle was for a while renewed. But Moses prevailing with great slaughter in one part of the Army, the Turks began to fly; in which flight Mustapha the General, with twelve others of the chief Men in that Army, were taken Prisoners, but of the common Soldiers few were saved. There was slain of the Turks Army ten thousand, and fifteen Ensigns taken; whereas of the Christians were slain but three hundred. The Turks Tents and Camp, with all the Wealth thereof, became a Prey to Scanderbegs Soldiers; wherewith although he had satisfied the desires of them all, yet to keep his old custom, he entered into the Confines of Macedonia, and there burnt and spoiled all that he could. And afterwards leaving a Garrison of two thousand Horsemen and a thousand Foot for defence of his Frontiers, returned again with the rest of his Army to the Siege of Dayna.  

Mustapha ransomed.  Not long after, the Venetians made Peace with Scanderbag; and Amurath desirous to redeem his Captains, about the same time sent great Presents unto Scanderbag, with five and twenty thousand Ducats for the Ransom of Mustapha and the other Chieftains; whom Scanderbag so honourably used, as if there had never been any Hostility betwixt him and them; and so with a safe Convoy sent them out of his Country. The Ransom of Mustapha and the other Turks he divided amongst his Soldiers. When Scanderbag had thus made Peace with the Venetians, he forthwith led his Army again into Macedonia, with the spoil of that Country to make his Soldiers better pay, as his usual manner was. And to do the greater harm, he divided his Army into three parts, wherewith he overrunning the Country, wasted and destroyed all before him, putting to the Sword all the Turks that came in his way. As for the Christians that there lived amongst them, he spared, but left them nothing more than their lives; the Buildings of the Country he utterly consumed with fire, so that in all that part of Macedonia which bordereth upon Epirus, nothing was to be seen more than the bare ground, and the shows of the spoil by him there made. Which unmerciful havoc of all things he made, to the end that the Turks should find no Relief in those Quarters, whensoever they should come thither to lie in Garrison in that Country, or to invade Epirus. The spoil he made was so great, that it was thought he left not in all that Country, so much as might relieve the Turks Army for one day.  
Of all these great harms by Scanderbag done in Macedonia, Amurath was with all speed advertised, and therewith exceedingly vexed; howbeit he resolved with his great Counsellors, no more to send any of his Bassas or Captains, but to go himself in Person, with such a Royal Army as should be sufficient, not to Conquer Epirus, but if need were, to fill every corner thereof. Wherefore he commanded Commissions to be speedily directed into all parts of his Kingdoms and Provinces, for the levying of a great Army for Hadrianople; yet whither he intended to employ the same, was not known to any in the Turks Court, more than to the Bassas of the Council. Which caused all the bordering Christian Princes to make the best preparation they could for their own assurance, every one fearing left that growing Tempest should break out against himself. But Scanderbag of long acquainted with the Turkish policy, easily perceived all that great preparation to be made against him; which he was the rather induced to think, by reason of the unaccustomed quietness of Amurath, who all that while had neither sent any Army to Revenge Mustapha's Overthrow, nor so much as a Garrison for the defence of the Borders of his Kingdom, but had let all things negligently pass, as if he had been in a dead sleep. Besides that, it was also thought that he had secret Intelligence from some of his old Friends and Acquaintance in Amurath's Court, who probably suspected the matter. Wherefore Scanderbag setting all other things apart, gave himself wholly to the preparing of things necessary for the defence of his small Kingdom against so mighty an Enemy. First, he by Letters and Messengers advertised all the Christian Princes his Neighbours and Friends, of the greatness of the danger of that War; wherein Amurath (as he said) sought not only his destruction, but the utter ruin of them all; exhorting them therefore to consider, how far the danger of so great an Army might extend, and therefore to stand fast upon their Guard. Then he sent Moses and other his expert Captains into all parts of Epirus, to take up Soldiers, and all the Provision of Corn and Victuals that was possible to be had. Wherein he himself also busily traveled day and night, not resting until he had left nothing in the Country, whereupon the Enemy might show his cruelty. Most part of the common people, with their Substance, were received into the strong Cities; the rest took the refuge of the Venetian and other Christian Princes Towns and Countries farther off, until this fury were overpast; all such as were able to bear Arms, were commanded to repair to Croia; where when they were all assembled, they were enough to have made a right puissant Army. But out of all this multitude, Scanderbag made choice only of 10000 old expert Soldiers, whom he purposed to lead himself, to encounter with the Turks great Army, as he should see occasion, and placed 1300 in Garrison in Croia. The Citizens also themselves were throughly furnished with all manner of Weapons and other Provision meet for the defence of their City. Then Proclamation was made, That all the aged men unfit for Wars, with the Women and Children, should depart the City, and none to be therein lest, but the Garrison-Souldiers, and such Citizens as were willing to tarry, and able to bear Arms. This City of Croia was the chief City of Epirus, and of the fortune thereof seemed to depend the state of all the other strong Towns and Cities, and so consequently of the whole Kingdom; for which cause, Scanderbag had the greater care for the defence thereof. It was a miserable sight, 
The lamentable departing of the weak Citizens out of Croia.  to see the lamentable departure of this weak Company out of Croia; all was full of weeping and willing; no House, no Street, no part of the City was without mourning; but especially in the Churches was to be seen the very face of common sorrow and heaviness; where all sorts of people in great numbers flocking together, poured forth their devout Prayers, with fountains of Tears, ringing their hands; yea, and some in the impatiency of their grief forgetting themselves, seemed to expostulate their grief with God. But when their sorrow was with tears assuaged, and their Hearts somewhat eased, the aged Mothers kissing their Sons, gave them many a fearful commandment; sometime rehearsing, how lovingly and tenderly they had brought them up, and othersome times showing unto them their feeble Limbs and hoary Hairs, willing them to be mindful of them. The Wives presented their Children unto their Husbands, bewailing to leave them as childless Widowers, and their Houses desolate. The old Men mute with sorrow, and careful of their Children, durst neither encourage them, for fear of making them too forward; neither dissuade them from adventuring themselves, lest they should seem to love them more than their native Country. In the midst of these Passions Commandment came from Scanderbag, that they must now depart, that the Soldiers might take their places and charge. Then began their sorrows afresh, with piteous scriching and Tears; a man would have thought the City had even then been presently taken by the Turks. They could hardly be drawn from the embracing of their Friends, all now desiring to remain still with them in the City, partakers of their common dangers. But when they saw the Officers begin to be earnest upon them, and to hasten their departure, then with heavy Hearts they took as it were their last farewell, and departed out of the City, setting their feet many times they wist not where, for desire they had to look back again upon the City. This great multitude was conveyed also into the Venetian Cities, and other places free from danger; whither all the Countrypeople which were not before received into the strong Cities, resorted also, with all their Subjects and cattle; leaving nothing in all the Country of Epirus, but the bare ground for the Turks to prey upon. After this multitude was departed, and all well quieted, and none left in the City but Men fit for Service, Scanderbag throughly stored it with all things needful for the defence thereof, and for the enduring of a long Siege; besides that, he gave to every Soldier convenient Armour, with some small reward. Then he placed Uranacontes (a valiant and famous Captain, honourably descended) Governor of the City. And so having set all things in order for the safeguard thereof, after he had in few words exhorted them courageously to endure the Siege, and not to listen to Amurath's flattering and deceitful Charms, he departed out of the City unto his Army, then lying within view, and began presently to march towards Dybra. But he was not far gone, before he met Moses with a gallant Troop of Horsemen coming from Sfetigrade, a strong City of Dybra, situate in the Confines of Epirus, bordering upon Macedonia; which City was Scanderbag his second care, for that it was like to be the first that should endure the angry Tyrant's fury, standing first in his way, as it were the Fortress of that Country. Moses had there set all things in like order, as had Scanderbag in Croia, and had there placed one Peter Perlat (a grave and politic Man) Governor, with a strong Garrison of Soldiers chosen out of all the Country of Dybra, which were always accounted the best Men of War in all Epirus, and was for so doing greatly commended of Scanderbag. Who delivering unto him all the Forces he had prepared for the defence of the other Castles and Cities of Epirus, sent him with divers other of his Nobility and Captains, to take order for the safety of those places, appointing unto every man his charge. As for himself, he with a small Troop of Horsemen went to Sfetigrade, 
Scanderbag cometh to Sfetigrade.  careful of that City above measure, as it were before divining the ensuing danger. Being come thither, and all the Soldiers assembled by his commandment into the Market place, he there in open Audience spoke unto them as followeth: 
The effectual Speech of Scanderbag unto the Soldiers and Citizens of Sfetigrade, to encourage them against the coming of Amurath.  Almighty God could not this day offer unto you (worthy Soldiers of Sfetigrade) better matter, neither could a fairer occasion be presented unto brave Minds and Soldiers desirous of Honour, than that which now hath caused you to take up most just Arms. Wherein you may for ever, by worthy example, make known your constant Faith and worthy Valour, both towards me in private, and the people of Epirus in general. Hitherto we have born Arms for the Honour of our Kingdom, but now we must fight for our Lives, our Liberty, and the Walls of our Country. You must now force yourselves, that you do not by Reproach and Cowardice slain the worthy Praises you have already deserved, by the great Victories by you obtained under my Conduct. The greatest part of the fortune of this War dependeth upon you: For, the first passage of Amurath into Epirus (that I myself may be unto you the first Messenger of that danger) will be this way; the first fury of the Turks will assail you, that having here as it were broken down the strongest Fortress of Epirus, he may afterwards break into the Country, more subject to danger. The first fruits of this War is yours, you (if you bear the hearts of courageous Men, mindful of your Liberty) may beat down the proud strength of the haughty Enemy, and discover his high Conceits. The Ottoman King shall have the beginning both of his hope and fear, of you; if he shall find you so minded, as I now see you gallantly moved, and with joy hear your violent Indignation; he will in every place fear a great force of danger, and thereby learn to abstain from the other Cities of Epirus. Neither will he lie here long at a vain Siege, except the wayward old man will foolishly hereupon gauge all h●s whole Forces; for such is the situation and strength of this City, that it may easily set at nought an angry Enemy. Wherefore resolve with yourselves (worthy Soldiers and Citizens) only by constancy and faithfulness, without bloodshed, to gain unto yourselves an honourable Victory. Of your Valour (which I willingly speak of) dependeth for the most part the faithfulness of all the rest; they will look upon you, whom they may praise or accuse, and whose Example they may follow in the fortune of these Wars. But to what purpose should men of worth in their actions pretend the necessity of Faith, or chance of Fortune? whereas by reason things are both best begun and accomplished. It seldom chanceth, that Fortune faileth the second advice, or is not obedient to Virtue; and you have all things which most politic Care could provide for your safety. You want not Armour, you want not plentiful Provision of Victuals, you want not valiant meant; the superfluous multitude of unnecessary people, the pitiful lamentation of Women, and troublesome crying of Children shall not withdraw you from your public Charge, from your service and defence of your Country; I have left you alone to yourselves, for defence of your City, your Religion, and Dwellings, that you might be encouraged only with the provocations of Honour and Liberty, with the emulation of adventure and danger, and the very sight one of another; and I myself will not be far off with my courageous Soldiers, a silent Beholder and Encourager of your Virtue; where although I may not avert from you all the force of the cruel Enemy by rash adventure, nor try the whole Fortune of this War in plain Field; yet will I turn a great part of your dangers upon myself, and trouble the Enemy's designs with many a hot Skirmish. For as much as there is no better manner of fight, nor safer kind of War for us, amongst such a multitude of men, and so many thousands of Soldiers, than never to offer battle unto the Enemy in plain Field, neither to adventure all upon the Fortune of one Conflict, although a man did see apparent signs of Victory. He will of purpose at the first give us the opportunity of good hap; he will feed our hardiness with the blood of his base Soldiers, the easilier to entrap and oppress our rashness, alured with the sweet baits of good Fortune; but the crafty Devices of the Ottoman King are by great policy and consideration to be frustrated; this mighty Enemy is by little and little to be cut off as time and place shall give occasion. For truly that Victory should be unto me lamentable, which I should buy with the blood of my Soldiers; and believe me, it would be unto me a more sorrowful than pleasant sight, to see eight or ten thousand of my Enemies slain, with the loss of a few of you. I praise and honour my Subjects of Epirus for valiant Conquerors, if they shall n●t suffer themselves to be conquered of the Turkish King. The rest I had rather you courageous Soldiers of Dybra should consider with yourselves, than that I should seem to distrust of your assured Faith, by giving you a car●ful and tedious Admonition.  
When Scanderbag had with cheerful persuasion thus encouraged the Minds of them of Sfetigrade, he departed thence, and visited divers other Cities of Epirus; where finding all things politicly ordered by Moses and the other Captains, whom he had put in trust, he returned to his Army, then lying near unto Croia.  
Whilst Scanderbag was with great carefulness yet thus providing for the safeguard of his Kingdom, in the mean time Amurath his Army was assembled at Hadrianople, to the number of a hundred and fifty thousand men, whereof many were Pioners, and men appointed for other base Services necessary at the Siege of Towns. Of this great Army Amurath sent forty thousand light Horsemen before him to Sfetigrade; who according to his command came and encamped before the City. The news of their coming, with a great deal more than truth, was forthwith brought to Scanderbag, then lying with his small Army near Croia; whereupon he with four thousand Horse, and a thousand Foot, took the way toward Sfetigrade, and strongly encamped his Army within seven miles of the City. Where having set all things in good order, he, accompanied with Moses and Tanusius, went by certain blind ways through the Mountains and Woods, until he came so near unto the City, that from the place where he stood, he might easily discover in what sort the Enemy lay encamped; and so returning back again to his Camp, rose with his Army in the night following, and drawing as near unto the Turks Army as he could, undiscovered, placed all his Army in the covert of the Woods and secret Valleys, unperceived of his Enemies. After that, he sent ●orth Moses and Musachi his Nephew, 
A notable stratagem of Scanderbag f●r the intrapping of his 〈◊〉.  with thirty of his best Horesemen, apparelled as if they had been but Common Soldiers, but passing well mounted, driving before them certain Horses laden with Corn, by a by-way, as if they had secretly purposed to have got into the City. The day then breaking, they were discovered by the Turks Scouts, and set upon; where at the first Moses and the rest began of purpose to fly; but when he saw that they were pursued but with like number to themselves, he turned back upon the Turks, and slew five of them, and chased the rest unto the Camp. The General seeing what had happened, sent forth four thousand Horsemen to pursue these supposed Victuallers; whom they quickly recovered the sight of, for that Moses of purpose had made small haste to fly; but when the Turks began to draw nigh, Moses le●t the Horses laden with Corn, and fled; yet so, that he still drew on the Turks with hope to overtake him, until he had brought them where Scanderbag with his Army lay in wait; by whom they were suddenly assailed on every side, and with great slaughter put to flight. In this Conflict two thousand of the Turks were slain, and a thousand of their Horses taken; of the Christians were lost but two and twenty. This was the fi●st welcome of the Turks Army to Sf●tigrade.  
About eight days after came Amurath with all his Army, in the beginning of May, Anno Dom. 1449. year 1449. and having made the greatest show he could with his huge Army to terrify the Defendants; 
Amurath c●●eth to S●e●igrade with his A●my.  he encamped the base sort of his Footmen at the foot of the Hill whereon the City stood, and lay himself with his Janissaries, and other his most valiant Soldiers, about three quarters of a mile further off; where after he had li●n still one day, and well considered the strength of the place, toward evening he sent a Messenger to the City, who requested to speak with the Governor Perlat. Whereof he hearing came to the Wall; of whom the Messenger requested, That he would command the Soldiers standing by, to go further-off, forasmuch as he had something in secret to say unto him from his Master. Unto whom Perlat merrily answered; It is like indeed to be some great secret, that you would have kept not only from the hearing of my Soldiers, but from the very light of the day, and therefore have chosen the night; but I have not learned of mine Elders, to hear any Message from mine Enemies by night, neither at any time else out of the hearing of the Garrison Soldiers, to whom Scanderbag hath committed the defence of this City, and I the safeguard of my Person; you must therefore at this time pardon me, and to morrow if your Master so please, I will hear you at large. And therefore commanded him to depart from the Walls. So he returned for that time without Audience as he came. It grieved Amurath not a little, to see his Messenger so lightly regarded; yet for as much as he had more hope to gain the City by large Offers, or some reasonable Composition, than by all his great force, he dissembled his wrath, and the next day sent the Messenger again, with one of his Bassas, a grave and well spoken man, himself born in Epirus. This Bassa, with three Soldiers and two Servitors, was by the Governor's commandment, by one of the Ports received into the City, and brought into Saint Mary's Church. Where after he had with great Eloquence sought to insinuate himself into the minds of the Governor and the hearers, and afterwards augmented the terror of Amurath's Power beyond all measure, laying before them the great Victories by him obtained against the Hungarians and the other Christian Princes; in fine, he exhorted them to yield the City unto him; in whose name he promised first, That the Citizens should in all respects under his Government live as they had before done under Scanderbag; then, That the Governor should receive at Amurath his hands most honourable Preferments, with many rich and Princely Gifts; and, That it should be lawful for the Garrison Soldiers to depart in safety whither they would, and to have three hundred thousand Asper's divided amongst them in reward. But when the Bassa had ended his Speech, the Governor in this sort replied: If you had not delivered this Speech unto resolute men, devoted unto the defence of their Liberty, 
The resolute Answer of Perlat the Governor, unto the Bassa.  it might perhaps have wrought some effect; and we (said he) might peradventure listen unto your Offers, if we were either afraid of the Ottoman King, and the vain Threats of our Enemies, or else were weary of the Government of the noble Scanderbag. But forasmuch as no evil desert of his, nor good desert of your Master, hath yet passed, for which we should prefer a stranger before our natural Sovereign, an Enemy before a Friend, a Turk before a Christian; let your Master proceed first in his action begun, let him prove his Fortune, let him by force terrify us, beat down our Walls, make havoc of our Men, and by strong hand drive us to humble ourselves at his Feet, and to sue for Peace. But it were a great Dishonour, yea a thing almost to be laughed at, if we should cowardly accept of these Conditions by him offered, before any Assault given, before one drop of Blood spilt, before any Soldier did so much as once groan for any Wound received, before one Stone were shaken in the Wall, or any small Breach made. But your Master shall do better to raise his Siege, and get him back again to Hadrianople, there to spend the small remainder of his old years in quiet, and not to provoke us his fatal Enemies, whose courage in defence of our Liberties, and fidelity towards our Prince, he hath so oftentimes proved to his great Dishonour, and loss of his Armies. The Faith I have once given to my Sovereign, for the defence of this City, I will never forget, until the effusion of the last drop of my blood. It shall be unto me Reward and Honour enough, if I either living defend this City, or with loss of my life shall leave my guiltless Soul at liberty, and my Carcase amongst the dead Bodies of worthy Soldiers, when I shall find a way into a far better place.  
The General having given this resolute Answer unto the Bassa, bountifully feasted him that day at dinner, and afterwards led him through the midst of the City; where he saw great store of Victuals, by the Governor commanded of purpose to be set in show, to put Amurath out of hope of winning the City by long Siege. And so sent the Bassa out by the same Port whereby he came in, much discontented with the Answer he was to return to his Master.  
When Amurath understood by the Bassa, of the Governor's Resolution, he was therewith exceeding wrath, and thereupon with his great Ordnance battered the City three days without intermission. 
Sfetigrade assaulted.  And having by the fury of his Artillery made a small Breach, he forthwith gave thereunto a most terrible Assault, labouring first to win the same by the force and multitude of his common Soldiers, which the Turks call Asapi, whom he forced by great numbers to that Service. Of these Soldiers the Turk in his Wars maketh no great reckoning, but to blunt the Swords of his Enemies, or to abate their first fury, thereby to give the easier Victory to his Janissaries and other his better Soldiers; which the Ottoman Kings hold for good policy. Whilst these forlorn Soldiers, without respect of danger pressing forward, are slain by heaps at the Breach, the Janissaries at the same time in another place attempted to have scaled the Walls of the City; but whilst they with much labour and difficulty first crawl up the steep Rock whereon the City was built, and afterward desperately mount up their Scaling-Ladders, they were by the Defendants, with huge Stones and weighty pieces of Timber cast upon them, beaten down, wherewith they were driven headlong to the bottom of the Rock, and so miserably slain. Many of them together with their Scaling-Ladders, were by the Christians thrust from the Wall, and tumbling from the Rock, violently carried with them others coming up behind them. Some few got to the top of the Ladders, and taking hold of the Battlements of the Walls, lost some their Fingers, some their Hands, but most their Lives, being beaten down as the other were. Many of them which stood farther off, were then wounded also, and with Shot from the Walls slain. With this miserable slaughter, and no hope to prevail, the Turks discouraged, began to withdraw themselves from the Assault; but the Bassas and Captains standing behind them, forced them again forward, exhorting some, threatening others, and beating the rest forward with their Truncheons. By which means the Assault was again renewed, but not with such courage as before, though with no less slaughter; which the Defendants seeing, gave from the Walls great tokens of Joy and Triumph. Amurath perceiving his discouraged Soldiers ready of themselves to forsake the Assault, presently sent Feri-Bassa (one of his most valiant Captains) with a new Supply of 3000 chosen Soldiers to renew the fight. The Christians well aware of their coming, ceased not with continual Shot to beat them from the Walls; but such was the forwardness of that fierce Captain, that without regard of danger, he brought his Men to the Walls, where the Defendants from above overwhelmed them with Stones, Timber, Wildfire, and such other things as are usually prepared for the defence of Towns besieged. For all that, Feri-Bassa gave so great an Assault, that he slew divers of the Defendants upon the Walls, and had there forcibly entered, had not the Govenor, perceiving the danger, with a Company of fresh Soldiers come with speed to the defence of that place; whereby the Enemy was presently repulsed, and driven again from the Walls. Amurath seeing the great slaughter of his Men, and no hope of success, caused a Retreat to be sounded, 
The Turks repuls●●, re●●●e.  and so leaving the Assault, retired again into his Camp. The great loss and dishonour at this Assault received, much troubled his wayward mind; who for all that yet ceased not to give the like vain Attempts. At length, the Captain of the Janissaries perceiving that part of the City which was farthest from the Camp, to be commonly but slenderly manned, by reason that it seemed a place impregnable, both for the height and steepness of the Rock; told Amurath, That he would assay (if it so pleased him) secretly in the night to attempt by that place to enter the City; 
The janissaries desperately attempt to su●p●ise the City.  whereas they thought nothing was more to be feared, than the height thereof, which they, supported with the wings of desire, doubted not to mount unto. This his device exceedingly pleased the King, and was the next night with great silence put in execution. But such was the carefulness of the Governor over every part of his charge, that nothing could be done against the same, but that it was forthwith by him discovered. The Governor advertised by the Watch, of the Turks Attempt, with great silence presently repaired to the place with a great Company of the Garrison Soldiers, and standing close, from the top of the Wall beheld the Turks, as it had been a swarm of Emmets, climbing up the high Rocks, and one helping up another, by such desperate way, as was in reason to have been thought no man would have attempted. But when they were come to the top of the Rock, and now even ready to enter, they were from above suddenly overwhelmed, as it had been with a shower of Shot, and so violently forced down that high Rock, that most part of them which had got up to any height, were miserably crushed to death, either with the weight of themselves, or with others falling upon them, and many of the rest slain with Shot from the top of the Rock; 
The janissaries repulsed.  whereof Amurath presently understanding, was therewith exceedingly grieved.  
During the time of this Siege Scanderbag never lay long still in one place, but removed continually from place to place, as best served his purpose, breaking sometimes into one quarter of the Turks Camp, and sometime into another, and straightway so suddenly gone again, and as it were vanished out of sight, that Amurath many times wondered what was become of him. At this time, being the later end of june, he was come with his Army within eight miles of Amurath's Camp; and from thence sent Moses his greatest Captain, in the attire of a common Soldier, with two other, to take view how the Enemy lay encamped. By which trusty Spials he was informed, That the Turks lay in great security, as men without fear, keeping but negligent Watch. Of which opportunity, Scanderbag rejoicing, the night following suddenly assaulted one quarter of the Turks Camp. Whose coming, although it was a little before by the Turks Scouts discovered, yet his furious Assault was so sudden and so forcible, that he slew two thousand of the Turks, and filled every corner of that great Camp with fear and tumult, b●fore they could well arm themselves or make resistance. After which slaughter he safely retired, carrying away with him two hundred and thirty Horse, with seven of the Turks Ensigns, having in this Skirmish lost of his Men but two and forty; whose dead bodies the Turks the next morning in revenge of their slain Friends hewed into small pieces.  
Upon these great Disgraces one following in the neck of another, Amurath having no other Object but the City to show his fury upon, gave three fierce Assaults unto the same, one after another, and was always with loss both of his Men and Honour repulsed. But the more he lost, the more he burned with desire of Revenge, persuading his Soldiers, That as the strongest Cities and Fortresses were built by men's hands, so were they to be overthrown and laid even with the ground by resolute and valiant men; encouraging them to a fresh Assault, with greater promises of Reward than ever he had done before in all his Wars, from the first beginning of his Reign. And because he would with more safety give this his last and greatest Assault, he appointed Feri-Bassa, with twelve thousand Horsemen and six thousand Foot to attend upon Scanderbag, if he should hap to come (as he thought he would) to trouble the Assault, by assailing of his Camp. Feri-Bassa glad of this charge, well hoping now to redeem his former Overthrow with some great Victory, and leading forth his Army a little from the Camp, as he was commanded, so lay; wishing for nothing more than the coming of Scanderbag; vainly boasting, That he would seek him in the Field, and there try his Force and Fortune with him hand to hand; which he did shortly after to his cost. When Amurath had thus set in order all things requisite, as well for the Siege, as for the safeguard of his Camp, the next morning he compassed the City round about with his Army, and covered the ground with his Men of War, purposing at that time to gauge his whole Forces upon the taking thereof. The Walls he had before in some places battered, so much as was possible; and yet but so, as that they were not without Scaling-Ladders to be assaulted; partly for the natural strength of the place, and partly for that the Defendants had with great diligence continually repaired and filled up with earth what the fury of the Canon had thrown down. This Assault Amurath began first with his Archers and small Shot, which delivered their Arrows and Bullets upon the top of the Wall, and into the City, as if it had been a shower of Hail, thereby to trouble the stationary Soldiers. In this heat, Ladders were clapped to the Walls in every place where any could be possibly reared, and the Turks began desperately to scale the Walls; but the Christians nothing dismayed thereat, with great courage resisted them, and with Shot from their safe stand wounded and slew many of them; yet others still pressed up in the places of them that were slain, so that the Assault began most terribly in many places at once, but especially near to the great Gate of the City; where the Turks had upon the sudden with Ladders, Timber, and Planks clapped together, raised close unto that Tower, as it had been a wooden Tower, equal in height to the Wall; from whence the Turks greatly distressed the Christians in that place, fight with them as if it had been upon even ground, still sending up fresh Soldiers in stead of them that were slain; and thereby prevailed so far, that they had set up certain of Amurath's Ensigns upon the Wall, to the great comfort of the Turks, and astonishment of the besieged Christians. The Governor seeing the eminent danger, hasted to the place with a Company of fresh and valiant Soldiers, by whose force the Turks were quickly repulsed from the Wall, their Ensigns taken and sent into the Market place; the Tower of wood with many Ladders and much Timber by the Turks brought to that place, was quickly consumed with Wildfire cast upon the same from the Walls. Perlat having delivered the City of this fear, presently placed fresh Soldiers in stead of them which were slain or hurt, and so worthily defended the City.  
Whilst Amurath was giving this great Assault to Sfetigrade, 
Scanderbag cometh to trouble the Assault, and is met with by Fer●-Bassa  Scanderbag to withdraw him from the same, came with nine thousand Soldiers to assail the Turks Camp, as Amurath had before suspected, and was now come very near the same. Feri-Bassa glad of his coming, opposed his Army against him; which Scanderbag seeing, retired a little of purpose to draw the Bassa farther from the Camp, and then forthwith began to join battle with him. The Bassa considering the small number of his Enemies, and his own greater Power, withdrew four thousand Horsemen out of his Army to fetch a compass about, and to set upon the rearward of Scanderbegs Army; hoping so to enclose him, that he should never escape thence, but there either to be slain or taken alive, and his Army utterly defeated. But the expert Captain perceiving his purpose, to meet therewith, left Moses to lead the main Battle, and he himself with two thousand Horsemen, so valiantly charged those four thousand of his Enemies before they were well departed from the rest of the Bassa's Army, that they had now more cause to look to their own safety, than how to circumvent others. In this Conflict Feri-Bassa hand to hand, as he had oft times before desired, encountering with Scanderbag, was by him there slain. All this while that Scanderbag was in fight with Feri-Bassa in the right Wing of the Army, and Musachy in the left, Moses stood fast, receiving the Assault of the Enemy without moving any thing forward, expecting the success of the Wings. But Scanderbag having discomfited the right Wing, and slain the General, coming now in, he set forward with such force and courage, that the Turks not able longer to abide his force, turned their backs and fled; of whom many were slain in this chase, though Scanderbag doubting the great Power of his Enemy so nigh at hand, durst not follow them far; but sounding a Retreat, put his Army again in good order, for fear of some sudden Attempt from the Camp, and after appointed some of the meanest of his Soldiers to take the spoil of the slain Turks. When Amurath had understood what had happened to Feri-Bassa, he was so overcome with anger and melancholy, that for a while he could not speak one word; but after the heat was a little past, he commanded certain small pieces of Ordnance, which he had before used against the City, to be removed into the Camp, and there placed upon that side which was most in danger to the Enemy. He also presently sent thither four thousand Soldiers to join with the remainder of Feri-Bassaes Army, for defence of the Camp, with straight charge that they should not issue out of the Trenches. Nevertheless he himself continued the Assault of the City all that day; but when night drew on, and no hope appeared for him to prevail, he caused a Retreat to be sounded; and leaving the Assault, he returned again into his Camp. At this Assault Amurath lost seven thousand Men, beside many that died afterwards of their wounds; but of the Garrison Soldiers were slain but seventy, and ninety more hurt.  
The terror of the Turkish Army began now to grow in contempt throughout Epirus; and Scanderbag was in good hope, that Amurath after so many Overthrows and shameful Repulses, would at length raise his Siege and be gone; yet he sent Spies continually to discover what was done in the Turks Camp, and he himself with two thousand Soldiers would oftentimes show himself upon the sides of the Mountains near unto Amurath his Camp, of purpose to draw the Turks out, that he might take them at some advantage. But the old King had given Commandment upon pain of death, That no man should go out of the Trenches without leave, or once to speak of giving Battle or Assault; so that he lay certain days in his Camp, not like a King besieging of a City, but more like a man besieged himself; the which his still lying, Scanderbag had the more in distrust, fearing greatly that he was hatching some mischief, which so soon as it was ripe would violently break out.  

Amurath by great Promises seeketh to corrupt the Garrison of Sfetigrade  Amurath considering with what evil Success he had many times assaulted the City, and holding it for a great dishonour to raise his Siege and depart, having done nothing worth the remembrance; thought good once again to prove, if it were possible to overcome the minds of the Garrison Soldiers with Gifts, whom he was not able to subdue by force. For which purpose he sent an Ambassador unto the City, offering unto the besieged and Garrison Soldiers easy Conditions of Peace, with such large Gifts and Rewards as had not been heard offered to any Garrison in former time. All which his magnifical Promises were lightly rejected by the common consent of all the whole Garrison, preferring their faithful Loyalty before all his golden Mountains. For all that, Amurath was in good hope, that amongst so many, some would be found, into whose minds his large Offers might make some Impression; wherein he was not deceived. 
A Traitor corrupted with Amurath his large promises, conspires to betray the City.  For one base-minded Fellow amongst the rest, corrupted with the Turks great Promises, preferring his own private wealth, before the welfare of his Country, waiting his time had secret conference with the Turks Spials, promising upon assurance of such Reward as was before by Amurath proffered, to find means that in few days the City should be yielded into his Power. This corrupted Traitor, had laid many mischievous Plots for the effecting of this horrible Treason, but the first device he put in practice, which of all others a man would have thought to have been of least moment, served his wicked purpose in stead of all the rest. All the Garrison Soldiers of Sfetigrade were of the upper Country of Dibra, put into that City, by Moses, for their approved Valour above all the other Soldiers of Epirus. But as they were men of great courage, so were they exceeding superstitious both in their Religion and manner of living, putting nice difference betwixt one kind of lawful Meat and other; accounting some clean, some unclean; abhorring from that, which they fond deemed unclean, with more than a Jewish Superstition, choosing rather to die than to eat or drink thereof; such is the strong delusion of blind Error, where it hath throughly possessed the minds of men. The City of Sfetigrade (as is aforesaid) is situate upon the top of a great high Rock, as most of the Cities of Epirus now be, and was then watered but with one great Well in the midst of the City, which sunk deep into the Rock, plentifully served both the public and private use of the Inhabitants. Into this common Well the malicious Traitor in the night time cast the foul stinking carrion Carcase of a dead Dog, knowing, 
 that the conceited Garrison Soldiers of Dibra, would rather endure the pains of death, and starve, or else yield up the City, upon any condition, than to drink of that polluted water. In the morning when that s●●nking Carrion was espied, and drawn out o● the Well, the report thereof was quickly bruited in every corner of the City, and that the Well was poisoned; so that all the people were in manner in an uproar about the finding out of the Traitor. The Citizens were exceeding sorry for that had happened, but the Garrison Soldiers detested that loathsome and unclean water (as they accounted it) more than the Turkish Servitude, protesting, that they would rather perish with thirst, than drink thereof. Whereupon some of them desired to set fire upon the City, and whilst they had yet strength, to break through the Enemy's Camp or there manfully to die. And they which thought best of the matter, requested, that the City might be yielded up; for now, they discouraged with a Superstitious Vanity, could be content to hearken to the former conditions of Peace, yea they were ready enough of themselves to sue to Amurath for Peace, though it had been upon harder terms. 
Th● Governor in ●ain s●●k●th ●o per●●●de the Gar●ison So●ldiers to drink of the water of the w●ll.  The Governor troubled with that had happened, and astonished to see so great an alteration in the minds of his Soldiers upon so small occasion; could not tell whether he might think it to proceed of a superstitious conceit, or of some secret compact made with Amurath. But the better to pacify the matter, he came into the Market place, and there in the hearing of all the Garrison, with many effectual Reasons, exhorted them to continue faithful unto their Prince and Country in that honourable Service; and in a matter of so great consequence to make small reckoning to use that water, which would easily in short time be brought again to the wont purity and cleanness; and to persuade them the rather, he went presently to the Well himself, and in the sight of them all drunk a great Draught of the Water, whose example the Citizens following, drank likewise. But when it was offered to the Captains and Soldiers of the Garrison, they all refused to taste thereof, as if it had been a most loathsome thing, or rather some deadly poison, and with great instance cried unto the Governor, to give up the City; for which cause many thought they were corrupted by Amurath's great Promises. Howbeit none of the Garrison (except that one Traitor) did ever afterwards revolt to the Turkish King, or yet appeared any thing the richer for any Gift received, whereby such suspicion might be confirmed. When the Governor saw that the obstinate minds of the Garrison were not to be moved with any Persuasion or Reward (whereof he spared not to make large Promise) nor by any other means which he could devise; he called unto him his chief Captains, with the best sort of the Citizens, and resolved with them full sore against his will to yield up the City to Amurath, on such conditions as they themselves there agreed upon; which were, That it should be lawful for all the Captains and Soldiers to depart in safety with their Armour and all other things; and that so many of the Citizens as would stay, might there still dwell in the City, in such sort, as they had done before, under the Government of Scanderbag; the rest that listed not to reamain there still, might at their pleasure with Bag and Baggage depart whether they would. Glad was Amurath when this Offer was made unto him, and granted them all that was desired, saving that he would not consent that the Citizens should continue in the City, yet was he content that they should live under him as they had done before, quietly enjoying all their Possessions, but to build their houses without the Wall of the City; which condition some accepted, and some forsaking all, went to Scanderbag. When all was throughly agreed upon, the Keys of the Gates were delivered to Amurath, and the Governor with the Captains, and all the Garrison Soldiers suffered quietly to pass through the Turkish Camp, as the King had promised. Howbeit, Mahomet the Son of Amurath, a Prince of a cruel disposition, earnestly persuaded his Father, to have broken his Faith, and to have put them all to the Sword; saying, It was one of their Prophet Mahomet's chief Commandments, to use all cruelty for the destruction of the Christians. But the old King would not therein hearken unto his Son, saying, That he which was desirous to be great among men, must either be indeed faithful of his Word and Promise, or at leastwise seem so to be, thereby to gain the minds of the people, who naturally abhor the Government of a faithless and cruel Prince. The Traitor which corrupted the Water, remained still in the City, and was by Amurath rewarded with three rich Suits of Apparel, and fifty thousand Asper's, and had given unto him besides a yearly Pension of two thousand Ducats. But short was the joy the Traitor had of this evil gotten Goods; 
A Traitor worthily rewarded according to his Treason.  for after he had a few days vainly triumphed in the midst of Amurath his Favours, he was suddenly gone, and never afterwards seen or heard of; being secretly made away (as was supposed) by the commandment of Amurath, whose noble heart could not but detest the Traitor, although the Treason served well his purpose. Amurath entering into Sf●etigrade, caused the Walls to be forthwith repaired, and placed one thousand two hundred Janissaries in Garrison there. And raising his Camp the first of September, departed out of Epirus, having lost thirty thousand of his Turks at the Siege of Sfetigrade; much grieved in mind for all that, that he could not vanquish the Enemy, whom he came of purpose to subdue. In his return, the Viceroy of Asia marched before him with the Asian Soldiers; in the rearward followed the Viceroy of Europe with his European Soldiers; in the midst was Amurath himself, compassed about with his Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court. Scanderbag understanding of Amurath his departure, followed speedily with eight thousand Horsemen, and three thousand Foot, and taking the advantage of the thick Woods and Mountain straits (to him well known) whereby that great Army was to pass, oftentimes skirmished with the Turks, charging them sometime in the Vanguard, and sometime in the Rearward, sometime on the one side, and sometime on the other, and slew many of them; whereby he so troubled Amurath his passage, that he was glad to leave the Viceroy of Romania, with 30000 to attend upon Scanderbag, that he himself might in the mean time with more safety march away with the rest of his Army. Scanderbag perceiving the stay of the Viceroy, ceased to follow Amurath further, fearing to be enclosed between those two great Armies. The Viceroy seeing that Scanderbag was retired, after he had stayed a few days, followed his Master to Hadrianople, and so Scanderbag returned to Croia.  
Shortly after the departure of Amurath out of Epirus, Scanderbag left two thousand Soldiers upon the Borders for defence of the Country against the Turks. These Soldiers so straightly kept in the Janissaries left in Garrison at Sfetigrade that they could not look out of the City, but that they were intercepted and slain. And within a few days after came himself with an Army of eighteen thousand, and laid siege to Sfetigrade the space of a month, which was from the middle of September until the middle of October. In which time he gave two great Assaults to have recovered the City, but was both times repulsed, with the loss of five hundred men. Amurath understanding that Scanderbag lay at the siege of Sfetigrade, sent with all speed to recall his Army, but lately before dispersed. Whereof Scanderbag having Intelligence, considering also the difficulty of the Enterprise, with the approach of Winter, raised his Siege, and returned to Croia; where he set all things in the same order he had done before the coming of Amurath to the Siege of Sfetigrade, and put two thousand of his best Soldiers there in Garrison, under the charge of the famous Captain Uranacontes, and stored his City with sufficient Victual for a years Siege, wherein he had great help from the Venetians and other Christian Princes, for that there was then great scarcity of all things in Epirus, by reason of the late Wars. The like care he had also of all the rest of his Cities, being continually advertised from his secret Friends in the Turks Court, of the great preparation intended against him by the Turkish King, against the beginning of the next Spring.  
Amurath understanding that Scanderbag was departed from Sfetigrade, year 1450. 
Amurath assembleth again his Army at Hadrianople.  changed his former determination for the calling back again of his Army, and appointed it to meet again at Hadrianople, in the beginning of March following; whether the Bassas, and other great Commanders, at the time appointed, assembled with their Companies, according as Amurath had before commanded. So that by the latter end of March, he had there in readiness an Army of an hundred and threescore thousand men strong. Of which great multitude, he after the manner of the Turkish Wars, sent forty thousand Horsemen, under the leading of Sebalyas a politic Captain, as his Vauntcourriers into Epirus, in the beginning of April, in the year, 1450. The valiant Captain with great speed and no resistance entered into Epirus, as was given him in charge, and without let came to Croia; where, after he had advisedly considered of the situation thereof, and of the places thereabouts, he strongly encamped himself near thereunto in the pleasant Plain called Tyranna; and there within his Trenches kept his Soldiers close, attending nothing more, but that no new supply of Men, Munition, or Victuals, should be conveyed into the City, more than was therein before his coming. For he was not able with his Horsemen to do any thing against the City; and Scanderbag had left nothing abroad in the Country Subject to his fury. Besides that, he was expressly by Amurath forbidden to attempt any thing against Scanderbag himself.  
After Sebalyas had twenty days thus lain encamped before Croia, neither doing nor taking harm; Amurath by reason of his great age, having marched oftentimes but five miles a day, came thither also with his whole Army, wherewith he filled all the Country round about; the very sight whereof, had been enough to have discouraged the same Garrison in Croia, had they not been men both of great Experience and Resolution. Where after he had spent four days in settling of his Camp, he sent two Messengers unto the Governor (as the manner of the Turks is) offering him if he would yield up the City, that it should be lawful for him with all his Soldiers in safety with Bag and Baggage to depart; and the Governor himself to receive in Reward two hundred thousand Asper's, with an honourable Place amongst the great Bassas of his▪ Court, if it would please him to accept thereof; and further, that the Citizens should enjoy all their ancient Liberties as in former time, without any alteration; with promise also of greater. These Messengers coming to the Gates of the City, could not be suffered to enter, but standing without, were commanded there to deliver their Message; which when the Governor had heard, he scornfully rejected their Offers, and returned the Messengers shamefully derided by the Soldiers which stood upon the Wall. Amurath more offended with this Contempt, than the refusal of his Offers; and seeing no other means to gain the City, converted all his devices unto the Siege thereof. Wherefore he first commanded ten great pieces of Artillery to be forthwith cast, for he had brought with him none ready made, because of the difficult passage over the high Mountains into Epirus; whereby it seemed to be a matter of infinite trouble to have brought his great Ordnance; and therefore carried with him great store of Metal in mass, whereof at his pleasure to make his great Artillery as he saw cause. In fifteen days this work was brought to perfection, and ten pieces of huge greatness were ready mounted upon Carriages. Six of them he placed against the East side of the City, towards the Plain of Tyranna, and the other four against the Gate; in which two places only, Croia, was subject to battery, being on all other parts naturally defended with impregnable Rocks, upon the tops whereof were built fair Battlements, more for beauty than needful defence. 
Croia battered.  These two places Amurath battered four days continually, and with the fury of his Artillery had in both places beaten down half the Wall, and sore shaken the rest. Wherewith the Turks were exceedingly encouraged, and with great cheerfulness made all things ready to assault these Breaches, whensoever Amurath should command, striving among themselves who should show himself most forward in that dangerous Enterprise. And Mahomet the young Prince, the more to encourage the Soldiers, besides the great Rewards by his Father proposed; promised of himself to give an hundred thousand Asper's unto him that should first set up an Ensign upon the Walls of the City. The Garrison Soldiers on the other side, considering that the whole State and Welfare of Epirus was reposed in their valour; and that the Eyes of most part of Christendom were as it were fixed upon them, were nothing dismayed with the Breaches made, but manfully comforted and encouraged one another to endure all manner of peril and danger that might possibly chance; but especially the worthy Governor Uranacontes, who going through the midst of his Soldiers, and shaking some of them by the hands, withal said: 
The cheerful Speech of Uranacontes the Governor to encourage his Soldiers.  Th●se, these are the Fortresses of our City, these are the invincible Bulwarks, these are the irremovable Stones and surest Cement. What Honour? what Praise? what Triumph should we hope for? if these Walls standing whole and strong, we should lie shrouded under the defence of them, and not they defended by us? So can Cowards defend Cities, and Sheep fear n●t the Wolves rage, when they are safely shut up within the Walls of their Sheepcoats: But that is the praise of the Walls, and not of the Men. Worthy Castriot our Prince hath commended this his City to be defended by us, and not us by it. Honour is attended upon with danger, and fostered up amongst perils; every base Mariner may be a Master in fair Wether; and firm things stand of themselves, and need not our upholding. Wherefore, men of worth shun such things, which being kept or lost, yield like praise. Things ready to fall, need shoaring, and thither hasteth Honour, and there (worthy Soldiers) appeareth Courage and Valour. Wherefore let our valiant right hands defend these broken Breaches, and in stead of these dead Walls, courageously oppose our lusty and lively armed Bodies against the Force of our Enemies. If these Walls stood still firm, and unbattered, you should then fight from the top of them like Women; but now that they are something shaken, you shall as men stand upon somewhat more even ground, and encounter your Enemy's hand to hand, the better to satisfy your furious desire. Where I also in the thickest, shall easily view and judge of every man's private courage in particular, and of all your Valour in common. And yet if we well consider of the matter, the place itself doth yet notably make for us; and our former good hopes are little or nothing by these small Breaches diminished; for, this rising of the Hill (not p●ssible to be taken from us) although it be not so high as it is in other places, yet, doth it not serve us sufficiently at great advantage to charge our Enemies, and hinder their Assault? The steepness whereof, as it will be troublesome unto them, so will it keep us most fresh in strength, and make our Shot more forcible. Wherefore this had been a thing of us to have been wished for, if we desire the slaughter of our Enemies at this Siege; or if we wish for perpetual Honour and Glory by this War. For this Breach of the Walls will encourage these Barbarians, and allure their armed men to climb up in greater multitude than if the Walls were whole; whereof so many shall on every side be easily slain, as we shall but aim at; except you had rather sit still, holding your hands together in your Bosoms as Cowards. Their dead bodies shall fill up the Breaches again, if you be men mindful of your Liberty. What is there (worthy Captains and Soldiers) that letteth our Victory? or memorable slaughter of our Enemies? by whom only these two places of the City can be assaulted; all the rest is out of danger, and fears no Enemies force. Here only is the pains to be taken, this only is left for you to defend, and here shall you all be; the courage, force, and strength of you all shall in this place appear. How will you so many worthy Captains, and valiant Soldiers, in so little room bestow yourselves? We are too many Defendants for so small Breaches. Yet let us play the Men, and do our endeavour; let us in one Conflict weaken the Tyrant's strength; and burst his proud heart; he will forsake this City, and raise his Siege unfortunately begun, so soon as he shall see his first Assault to cost him the lives of so many thousands of his Men.  
When Uranacontes had with this comfortable Speech thus encouraged his Soldiers, 
Croma assaulted.  against the Assault which he expected the next day; and had with great care and diligence set all things in order for the same, and repaired the Breaches as well as was possible in that case, he gave them leave for that night to take their rest. In the morning Amurath commanded the Assault to be given to both the Breaches, which was forthwith by the Turks cheerfully begun, and every man busy to perform the Service he was appointed unto. But by that time that the Assault was well begun, a sudden Alarm was raised throughout all the Turks Camp; for Scanderbag with five thousand valiant Soldiers, had suddenly broken in upon one side of the Turks great Camp, and at the first Encounter had slain six hundred of the Turks, and was now spoiling their Tents. The rumour whereof, troubled the whole Camp, and made the Turks with less courage to assault the Breaches, for fear of the danger behind them. Amurath although he had great confidence in them whom he had before left for safeguard of his Tents, yet for more surety sent Seremet one of his greatest Captains, with four thousand Soldiers back into the Camp, for more surety; saying, That nothing could be too sure, against that wild Beast: meaning the fury of Scanderbag. Mahomet also the young Prince, hasted thither in great choler with his Guard, much against his Fathers will. But Moses, Scanderbegs Lieutenant, knowing himself too weak to withstand the multitude that was swarming thither (contenting himself with that which was already done) had before Mahomet's coming, speedily retired with all his Army into the safeguard of the Mountains, from whence he came; having done great harm in the Turks Camp, with the loss but of ten men. 
 Scanderbag in the heat of this Skirmish, forgetting himself, had so far engaged himself among the Turks, that he was by them on every side enclosed, and in great danger to have been slain or taken; yet valiantly breaking through them, he escaped the danger, and recovered the Mountains, and with much ado came at length to his Camp, to the great joy and comfort of them all, being before in great fear he had been lost. This was accounted the greatest oversight of Scanderbag in all his Wars; for so much as the Office of a good General consisteth not in adventuring of his Person to manifest danger, but in the politic Government of his charge. During the time that Scanderbag thus assailed the Turks Camp, Amurath but ●aintly assaulted the Breaches, expecting the success in the Camp; but when he understood that Scanderbag was retired, and all quieted, he brought all his Forces to the Walls, and first with the multitude of his Archers and small Shot laboured to drive the Defendants from the Walls, overwhelming them with Arrows falling as thick as Ha●l. And likewise at the same time other common Soldiers of base account, brought Scaling-ladders and other things needful for the s●aling of the Walls. After whom also followed the Janissaries and other chosen Soldiers, ready to mount the Ladders so soon as they should be set to the Walls. But whilst they climb up the high Hills in this order, the Garrison Soldiers made such slaughter of them with Shot from the Walls and out of the City, that they would have presently retired, had they not been forced forward by their Captains, who spared neither stripes nor wounds, when words would not serve. By this tyrannical means, the Scaling-ladders were with great slaughter of the common Soldiers set up against the Walls, and the Turks climbing up, came to handy-blows with the Defendants at the Breaches; nothing was to be heard but the crying of People, the clattering of Armour, and the Instruments of War, which was terribly redoubled with the Echoes from the Mountains round about. The Turks doing what they might to win the Breaches, were by the Christians worthily repulsed, and with their Ladders tumbled headlong down the Mountain, with such horrible slaughter and discomfitute, especially of the common Soldiers, that none of them would set one foot forward again toward the Walls, although they had small hope to save themselves by retiring back; for the fierce young Prince Mah●●●t even then making show of his cruel disposition, caused them that returned, to be slain, by the terror thereof to drive others forward. These common Soldiers, whom the Turks make small reckoning of, are for the most part miserable Christians, which live in such Countries as had sometimes received the Faith of Christ, but are now under the Turkish slavery; of which sort of wretched people the Turkish Tyrants draw with them great multitudes in their Wars, most commonly unarmed, because they dare not well trust them in Wars against the Christians; these carry all the Baggage of the Camp; these serve to fetch Wood and Water for other Soldiers of better account; these serve in stead of Pioners, to cast Trenches and raise Bulwarks; and when battle is to be given, if it be in plain field, these have then Weapons put into their hands, and thrust into the forefront of the battle, to blunt the Enemy's Swords; but if a City be to be besieged, these serve as fit matter to fill up the Breaches with their dead Bodies, or to make Bridges for other Soldiers to pass over upon; and if they shrink to attempt any thing they are commanded, then are they more cruelly used by their Commanders than by their Enemies. When Amurath saw his Soldiers so discouraged, he stood in doubt whether it were better for that time to sound a Retreat, or to send a new Supply; but being enraged with the loss of his Men, and desirous to be in some part revenged, he sent divers Companies of his better Soldiers, for the encouragement of them which were before discouraged, and so gave a fresh Assault; but with as evil or worse success than before; for Uranacontes had withdrawn from the Breaches all those Soldiers which had endured the former Assault, and placed other fresh and lusty Men in their stead; who encouraged with the former Victory, and loath to be accounted inferior to their Fellows, repulsed the Turks with double slaughter; until that the aged King, not able longer to behold the endless loss of his Men, caused a Retreat to be sounded; which all his Soldiers were glad to hear, and so returned into his Camp, having lost in those two Assaults eight thousand Men, without any notable harm done unto the Defendants worth the remembrance.  
This shameful Repulse much grieved all the Captains and Commanders of Amurath's Army, 
Mahomet thinking to deceive Scanderbag, is himself by him deceived.  but especially Mahomet the young Prince, whose violent nature unacquainted with mishap, burnt impatiently with Revenge. Wherefore understanding that Scanderbag lay entrenched upon the Mountain of Tumenist, not far from his Father's Army, he drew most of the best and readiest Soldiers of all the whole Camp, into that quarter which was nearest unto Scanderbag; of purpose that if he should again assail the Camp in that place (as it was most like he would) he should be encountered with so many brave and valiant Men there in readiness, as that it should be hard for him either to do any great harm, or for himself to escape. Of all which, Scanderbag by certain Fugitives had Intelligence, as also in what order the Camp lay; whereupon he left Moses with five hundred Soldiers in the place where he lay; taking order with him before his departure, that he at a certain appointed hour in the night following, should assail the Turks Camp in the quarter next unto him where Mahomet lay; and having there raised some tumult, speedily to retire again to his assured strength in the Mountain. Scanderbag himself with the whole strength of his Army, in number about 8000, in the mean time took a compass, and by certain secret byways through the Woods and Mountains, came unto the farther side of the Turks Camp, to a place called Mountecle. The night following, Moses at the appointed hour with his 500 Soldiers assailed that part of the Turks Camp next unto him, with such noise and tumult as if it had been some great Army. By occasion whereof, all the Turks Camp was in alarm, and drew in haste to that place where they heard that great tumult, as was before by Mahomet commanded. When at the same instant, Scanderbag with all his Army broke into the other side of the Turks Camp, where he was least feared or looked for, and from whence the best Soldiers were before drawn by Mahomet; and there made such slaughter and havoc of the rest (not knowing which way to turn themselves) that the loss a little before received under the Walls of Croia, was now forgot, as a small thing in comparison of this. Moses having raised a great fear, and done little harm, returned in safety to his well known strength; and Scanderbag having made great spoil in the Camp, fearing to be oppressed with the multitude of his Enemies, if he should there longer stay, returned in good time, having scarce lost one Man.  
Amurath after this great loss and trouble of his Camp, withdrew most of his small Ordnance which he had before bend against the City, into his Trenches, placing it as commodiously as he might, for the defence thereof against the sudden Attempts of Scanderbag. Yet for as much as he could not in that hot season of the year so closely incamp his great Army, but that some part thereof would still be in like danger as before; he therefore appointed Sebalias with 16000 Soldiers to attend upon Scanderbag, that he should no more trouble the Camp. After which order taken, he battered the Walls of Croia afresh, and with his great Ordnance overthrew whatsoever the Citizens had repaired, making the Breaches greater, and more assaultable than before, intending once again by a new Assault to prove his Fortune, and the force of his Soldiers; which he appointed to be the next day. But when he perceived no sign of courage or good hope in the heavy Countenances of them discouraged, and that they yielded to him their consents, rather for fear and shame, than for hope of Victory; he called them Cowards, discouraged with the least frown of Fortune; and said, 
Amurath his comfortable Speech unto his wearied Soldiers.  Every weak Castle is able to hold out one Assault; but if you will draw these wild Beasts out of their Dens, you must arm yourselves like resolute Men of invincible Courage, to endure what thing soever shall happen. Great Captains with their puissant Armies have grown old under the Walls of their Enemies, upon light and small displeasures; and will you having received so many disgraces of these perjured Epirots, leave them all unrevenged? What great Victory was ever yet by any man gained without bloodshed? Remember the most glorious Victory of Varna. It is ●●rd without bloody hands to put the yoke upon the fierce Enemy's Neck. All honourable things are brought to pass with adventure and labour; and the end of this War dependeth of the taking of Croia; if it were once won, all this War were at an end; which if Scanderbag lose (being the strength of his Kingdom,) he will not tarry one day longer in Epirus. Wherefore be of good cheer, and courageously set upon it; there is not more uncertainty in any thing, than in matters of War: Fortune is to be proved, and oftentimes provoked of him that will Wed her. And yet I will not deny, but that we must go more warily to work against this Enemy, and hazard ourselves with better advisement, and not without reason like wild Beasts to run headlong upon our own death. At length we shall wear them out, if we kill but ten of them at an Assault; yet are they daily to be assailed, that they may have no leisure to refresh themselves, and to make up their Breaches; and peradventure if Force may not prevail, Fortune may find some mean that we look not for, as it fell out at the Siege of Sfetigrade, beyond all our expectation. Treason is ingenious, and men's desires great, where great Rewards are propounded.  
With these and like Speeches old Amurath encouraged his Captains and Soldiers and the next day early in the morning began the Assault, which the Turks valiantly attempted; and without regard of danger came to the Gates of the City, assaying, but with vain and desperate labour to have broken them open. In this Assault Wildfire was cast into many places of the City, and the great Artillery oftentimes discharged into the Breaches; whereby many of the Turks themselves were slain with their own great shot, together with the Christians; for Amurath desperately set, was content to buy the life of one Christian with the loss of twenty of his Turks. But the Christians still valiantly repulsed their Enemies, so that of them that came to the Gates, none escaped alive; and of them that assaulted the great Breach, they which were most forward, were first slain, and they which stood farther off, were sore wounded with Shot. Yet for all that, Amurath still maintained the Assault, by sending in of new Supplies, delighting to see them go forward, but grieved at the heart to see them so slain; 
The Turks retire.  until at last weary with beholding the slaughter of his Men, he caused a Retreat to be sounded, and so ended the Assault; persuaded by his Bassas, not wilfully to cast away his valiant Soldiers where there was no hope to prevail, but to reserve them for his better Service.  
Amurath now out of hope to win the City by Assault, 
Amurath seeketh to undermine, Croia.  thought good to prove what might be done by undermining of the same; during which work he caused small Alarms daily to be given unto the City, to the intent that the Defendants busied therewith, should not perceive the secret work of the Mine. About which time his Provision of Corn began to fail in his Camp; for which cause he sent his Purveyors for Corn to Lisia, a City of the Venetians, with whom he was at that time in League, and bought of them great store of Corn. But as his Officers were conveying it to his Camp, Scanderbag having Intelligence thereof, slew the Convoy, and carried away with him all that Provision, dividing it among his own Soldiers. Howbeit, not long after, Amurath received great abundance of Corn and other Provision out of Macedonia; beside that, the Venetian Merchants afterward furnished him with plenty of Corn, Oil, Honey, and other necessaries; which Scanderbag might well have hindered, but that he would not in so doing offend the Venetians, which were also his secret Friends, considering that Amurath might have had all the same Provision out of the further part of Macedonia, Thracia, Mysia, and such other places, if he had not otherwise had it from the Venetians.  
Whilst Amurath thus lay expecting the success of his Mine, four hundred of the Garrison Soldiers of Croia sallying out of the City, chased divers of the Turks that were come forth back again unto the Camp; whereof Amurath was glad, hoping, that they encouraged with that good hap, would to their further loss give the like attempt afterwards. But the stayed discretion of the Governor deceived that his expectation; who considering the danger, would not suffer his Soldiers any more to sally out of the City. Scanderbag also at this time having increased his Army with a new Supply of two thousand Soldiers, divided the same into three parts; delivering one part to Moses, another to T●nusie; and reserving the third unto himself. With this Army of nine thousand thus divided, 〈◊〉 determined by night at one instant to assail the Turks great Camp in three divers places, appointing in which quarter every one should charge. But as Scanderbag in the night appointed, was coming towards the Turks Camp, he was discovered by their Scouts; whereupon a sudden Alarm was raised in the Camp, and all men's minds turned that way, and Soldiers appointed with all diligence to guard that side of the Camp. But whilst the Turks were all at gaze this way for fear of Scanderbag, Moses and Tanusie, in the dead of the night, at one time assailed the Turks Camp in two divers quarters, as they were appointed, where they slew a number of the Turks, and made great spoil. At which time Scanderbag did also what he might; but by reason he was be●ore discovered, did not much harm. Upon the approach of the day Scanderbag retired again to the Hills, and by that time it was fair day light, sat down upon the side of a great Mountain, about twenty Furlongs off; in the open sight of all the Turks Camp; which he did of purpose, that Moses and Tanusie, which were by night retired into the Mountains, might see which way to hold, to meet with him again. But the Turks thinking that he stood there to brave their whole Camp, and as it were to deface them to the great encouragement of the Defendants; divers of them earnestly craved leave of Amurath, that they might go up to him, and at leastwise beat him out of sight; which he granting, 12000 of his best Soldiers, whereof 7000 were Horsemen, and the rest Foot, presently set forward to encounter him. Scanderbag seeing them all the way they came, upon their approach softly retired a little farther up into the Mountains, still expecting the coming of Moses and Tanusie. The Turks unacquainted with such difficult ways, marched up the steep Hills after Scanderbag with much labour and pain, well wearied of themselves; but when they were come a great way into the Mountains, they perceived by the rising of the dust, that some greater Force was coming cross those Mountains; and not long after they might plainly see the foremost of their Enemies. Wherefore fearing to be enclosed, they began to retire, in which Retreat Scanderbag hardly pursued them, and having the advantage of the ground, slew many of them, but especially with his Archers. Moses also coming afresh on another side, caused them to fly down the Hill amain, and beside the slaughter that he made, took divers Prisoners. After which Victory by Scanderbag obtained in the sight of Amurath and his whole Army, he retired again into the Mountains.  
The late spoil of the Turks Camp, with this Overthrow of the Soldiers but now sent against Scanderbag, much grieved the old Tyrant; but the work of the Mine, wherein he had of long laid up his greatest hope, sorting now to no good purpose, being deemed as well an endless piece of work, for the natural hardness of the Rock, as also of small importance, for that it was by the Defendants discovered, drove him to his wit's end. His Forces he had to his great loss sufficiently proved, and still found them too weak; and policy prevailed not. Nothing now remained, but to prove if by great Gifts and glorious Promises he could first corrupt the Faith of the Governor, and afterwards the Garrison; wherein he determined to spare no cost. Upon which Resolution he sent one of his Bassas (a man of great authority and dexterity of wit) unto Uranacontes, with such rich Gifts and Presents as might have moved a right constant mind; commanding the Bassa (if it were possible) first to fasten the same upon the Governor, as Presents sent from Amurath of mere bounty, in the honour of his valiant mind; and afterwards to deliver his Message, not sparing to promise any thing for the giving up of the City, yea more than should be desired. The Bassa attended on but with two Servants, came with this rich Present near to the Gates of the City, and there stayed until the Governor's pleasure were known; by whose command he was received into the City, and brought to his Presence. Then the Bassa with much Reverence, and many magnifical words, presented unto Uranacontes the rich Gifts sent from Amurath, and would forthwith have delivered them unto him, as the Rewards of his Valour. But Uranacontes willed him first to declare his Message from Amurath, upon the hearing whereof he would (as he said) as he saw cause, either receive or refuse them; before which time he would not be beholden to his Enemy, by receiving from him the least courtesy. With which Answer the subtle Bassa nothing dismayed, with great constancy thus began to deliver his Message: Howsoever we agree (said he) upon other matters we come for, 
The crafty Speech of the Bassa sent from Amurath to corrupt the Governor, and to persuade the Soldiers to yield up the City  we brought not these Gifts of purpose to deceive any; for so men use to deal with their Children and Servants, and not with Men of Courage and Valour. And albeit that Enemy's Gifts are ever to be suspected, (as you have right wisely said, and we ourselves know) yet we dared not for shame come unto so worthy a Governor (as the common saying is) empty handed; neither ought you, if you be the man you seem to be, and whom men report your are, to refuse our Courtesy. Take these Presents in good part, which shall no way enforce or hinder you to determine or dispose of your Affairs otherwise than shall seem unto you good; neither shall we once object unto you these Gifts, which we so frank and freely offer in the great Sultan's Name, whether you reject or admit our Demands and Message; wherein there is (perhaps) no less regard had of your good, than of ours. For there is no greater token of a base mind; than to give, in hope to receive again. We come unto you frankly, (worthy Governor) I speak it from my heart; we go not about with filled Speech and rich Rewards to circumvent thee, whose invincible Mind we have so often in vain proved with our Forces and Power. That is it for which Amurath loveth thee; he doth wonderfully admire the Virtues of his Enemies, and if it were possible, desireth to have them with himself. There verily with so mighty a Monarch might thy invincible Mind and pregnant find a better way unto the highest Type of Fortune's bliss. Not that I condemn Scanderbag, whom we his Enemy's do highly commend, for his Country so well recovered, and so oftentimes worthily defended, yet chiefly by your help; but you are worthy of another manner of Sovereign, and of another manner of Calling, and not to spend all the days of your Life, and such heroical Virtues, in obscurity, and (without offence be it said) in contemptible baseness. Besides that, Scanderbag his Estate is but momentary, the Destinies have assigned unto him too too mighty an Enemy; his destruction may well be deferred, but not by any means avoided. Amurath hath conceived against him an implacable displeasure, and prepared his Forces accordingly; he hath sworn to spare no Cost, no Labour, no Danger; and that he will never whilst he liveth depart out of Epirus, before he have imposed a deadly yoke on his Neck. And behold, the first of this misery beginneth at this City, and upon yourselves. We daily hear his Pavilions sound with these and such like speeches, That he will never depart out of this place before he have taken this City, and satisfied his angry mind with the torture of your bodies; no, not if he should therefore lose Hadrianople; yea, and that more is, his whole Kingdom. And verily he will do it, which I fear to divine or think upon; For although I with others bear against you the mind of an Enemy; yet I am a man, and moved with humane compassion; believe me (ye men of Croia) believe me, my Eyes would scarcely endure to behold the horrible spectacle of your miserable Fortune. I tell you again, he will do it, except you change your purpose, and now receive Health, Life, Liberty and Peace, whilst it is so freely offered. For albeit that this notable strong place, these impregnable Walls, and especially your own Valour, do yet defend you; how long will it hold out? Verily no longer than you have victual, no longer than you have meat to sustain your bodies. Do you think that Amurath will raise his Siege in the middle of the heat of this War, and be gone? No, no, if force will not prevail, if all his attempts fail, yet shall you see and feel these Enemies continually to your hurt; you shall always have these Tents in your Eyes, and at your Gates, until long Famine, which mastereth all things, tame your Courage also. I pray you, what hope have you left? from whence ariseth in your resolute minds such desperate contempt of danger? Can Scanderbag victual you, being so straight besieged? which hideth himself (poor man) in the Woods all the day, and flieth over the tops of the Mountains, loaden with travel and care, scarce able to relieve his own misery. Or will the Venetians relieve you, which daily bring unto us and store us with too too great plenty of all things necessary for this War against you. Wherefore repent your too much hardiness, and gather your Wits together; behold I your Enemy advise you; you long enough continued in your obstinacy; your Country and Liberty is not so far to be defended, as that you should therefore fight against God. But wherefore do I call this, Liberty? you must give place unto your Fortune, and learn to obey them that be too strong for you. You shall find assured Liberty, rich Rewards, perpetual Rest with Amurath. Provide for yourselves, if you be wise, whilst all things are yet whole for you to determine of; whilst we your Enemies exhort and request you, and had rather have you our voluntary Companions and Friends than our enforced Servants and Slaves.  
This the Bassa spoke with great gravity, and no less vehemency, expecting some great motions to have risen in the minds of the Soldiers. But when he perceived that his Speech had rather filled them with indignation, than with fear; and that it was but a vain thing to go about to terrify them with Words, whom all the Power of Amurath could not make afraid with Weapons, he requested to talk alone with the Governor in secret; which was also granted. For all men had no less good opinion of the worthy Governor's Fidelity, than of his great Wisdom and Valour. The crafty Bassa having him by himself, began with great cunning to deliver his more secret message; when Uranacontes perceiving by a little, what the whole tale meant, interrupted him in the middle of his Speech, and without more ado commanded him to depart; 
Uranacontes rejecteth Amurath 's Presents, and threateneth the Bassa.  straight charging him, That neither he nor any other should after that time presume to come from his Master to the City, to speak with him about any such dishonourable matter; for if he did, he would in detestation thereof cause their Hands, their Nose, their Ears to be cut off, and so return them dismembered, instead of answer. And so the Bassa was with his Presents again returned out of the City, and no man suffered to receive any thing of him in reward, although the Soldiers could have been well content to have eased him and his Servants of that carriage, if the Governor would but have winked thereat.  
Great was the expectation in the Turks Camp, of the Bassa's return; but when they saw the Presents were not received, they easily guessed that all went not as they wished. But when Amurath himself understood the Governors resolute answer, he in great rage commanded all things to be made ready for a fresh Assault; which he did rather to satisfy his anger, than upon any hope he had to prevail therein. The next day he caused a furious Assault to be given to the City, but with greater loss to himself than before; 
Croi● again in vai● assaulted▪  the Christians still valiantly defending the City against the Turkish Fury. In this Assault many of the Turks were slain, at the breach with their own great Shot; for whilst Amurath sought therewith to drive the Christians from the defence of the Breach, he slew a great number more of the forwardest of his own men, than he did of the Defendants. But wearied at length to behold the endless slaughter of his men, he gave over the Assault, and returned into his Camp, as if he had been a man hal●●rantick or distract of his Wits; and there sat down in his Tent, all that day full of melancholy Passions, sometimes violently pulling his hoary Beard and white Lo●ks, complaining of his hard and diaster Fortune, that he had lived so long to see those days of disgrace, wherein all his former Glory and triumphant Victories were obscured, by one base Town of Epirus. His Bassas and grave Counselors labouring in the mean time with long discourses to comfort him up; sometimes recounting unto him his many and glorious Victories, and other while producing ancient examples of like event. But dark and heavy conceits had so overwhelmed the melancholy old Tyrant, that nothing could content his wayward Mind, or revive his dying, Spirits; so that the little remainder of natural heat which was left in his aged Body now oppressed and almost extinguished with melancholy conceits, and his aged body dried up with sorrow, he became sick for grief. Whereupon by the Counsel of some of his Bassas, he sent an Ambassador to Scanderbag, offering him Peace, if he would yield to pay him a yearly Tribute of ten thousand Ducats; thinking by that means his Honour to be well saved, if before his departure out of Epirus, he could but make Scanderbag his Tributary. This Ambassador was by Scanderbag honourably entertained in his Camp, but the offered Peace at the same time utterly refused. The Ambassador returning to Amurath, declared unto him the evil success of his Embassage, which greatly increased his melancholy Sickness. And Scanderbag to grieve him the more, understanding that he was dangerously sick, and that the great Bassas were more careful of the King's health, than of the success of his Wars, divers cimes assailed the Turks Camp. Which thing though the Bassas kept from his knowledge with all carefulness; yet he oftentimes suspected the matter, by the often Alarms and Tumults in the Camp, and with the grief thereof languished. So feeling his sickness daily to increase, and that he could not longer live, lying upon a Pallet in his Pa●ilion, grievosly complained to his Bassas, That the Destinies had so blemished all the former course of his Life, with such an obscure Death, that he which had so often repressed the fury of the Hungarians, and almost brought to nought the pride of the Grecians together with their name, should now be enforced to give up the Ghost, under the Walls of an obscure Castle (as he termed it) and that in the sight of his contemptible Enemy. After that, turning himself to his Son Mahomet, he earnestly commended him to the faithfulness of his Bassas, and gave him many grave advertisements, sometimes in secret betwixt themselves, and sometimes in the hearing of others; want of strength, and abundance of tears running down his aged Face (upon the sight of his Son) oftentimes interrupting his Speech. Yet sick unto death as he was, and drawing fast unto his end, he forced himself, to warn his Son of such things as now at his death grieved him most.  L●t mine example (quoth he) be a warning unto thee my Son, 
The last Speech and admonition of Amurath to his Son Mahomet upon his death bed.  never to contemn thine Enemy, be he never so weak; of which one thing above all others, I have repent myself of long, and shall do after my death, if any feeling of humane things remain in the dead. And that I was so foolish, and inconsiderate, as to faster as it were in my bosom this my domestical and neglected Enemy, whereby I have purchased unto myself this calamity, and for ever blemished the Honour of the Ottoman Kings; whilst I so basely ending my days under the Walls of Croia, shall become a byword unto the World, and all Posterity for ever. This Traitor should even then have been oppressed, when he by great Treachery, first recovered his wicked Kingdom; in that newness of his Estate, and before the minds of the People were assured unto him, than it had been an easy matter, without bloodshed to have utterly extinguished the wretch, together with his name. Alis Bassa, whose evil Fortune was the first beginning of his good; Nor the other Generals, who by him slain or taken Prisoners, increased his strength and credit unto his Subjects, should not have been sent against him; a thing which I have oftentimes thought upon, but could scarce have believed, that ever I should have thereby received such disgrace, together with the ignominious renting of my Kingdom, if I had not been taught the same by mine own experience, to my great loss and hearts grief. We entered into Epirus, and here encamped an hundred and threescore thousand men strong; now if leisure serve you, take view of them, examine the matter, you shall find a great want of that number. The Fields could not contain our Regiments and the multitude of our m●n; but now, how many Tents stand empty? how many Horses want Riders? You shall go to Hadrianople with our Forces much impaired. As for me, the Destinies have vowed my Spirits to this Country of Epirus, as unto me fatal. But wherefore do I impute unto myself these impediments and chances of Fortune? For than first began this seed of mischief in Epirus, when the Hungarians with other the Christian Princes, rose up in Arms against us; at which time we fought not with them for Sovereignty, but for the whole State of our Kingdom; as the bloody Battles of Varna and Cossova still witness unto the World. So whilst I had neither leisure nor sufficient pour to take order for all my important Affairs at 〈◊〉; in the mean time this Enemy grew as you see. But how, or in what order you are hereafter to wage War against him, you may not look for any directions from me, which have in all these matters so evil directed myself; Fortune never deceived my endeavour more than in this. But happily thou Mahomet my S●a, mayst prove a more fortunate Warrior against him; and for so many Honours already given unto me, the Destinies have reserved the triumph of Epirus for thee. Wherefore my Son, thou shalt receive from me this Sceptre, and these Royal Ensigns; but above all things, I leave unto thee this Enemy; charging thee not to leave my death unrevenged. It is all I charge thee with, for so great and stately a Patrimony as thou art to receive from me; it is the only Sacrifice that my old departing Ghost desireth of thee. 
Shortly after he became speechless, and striving with the Pangs of Death half a day, 
Amurath his death.  he then breathed out his ghastly Ghost, to the great joy and contentment of the poor oppressed Christians. He died about the middle of Autumn, in the year of our Lord 1450, when he had lived eighty five years, as most write; and thereof reigned eight and twenty years (or as some others report thirty;) about five months after the Siege laid before Croia.  
Thus lieth great Amurath, erst not inferior unto the greatest Monarches of that Age, 
Amurath an example of the vanity of worldly honour.  dead almost in despair; a worthy mirror of Honour's frailty; yielding unto the worldly man in the end, neither comfort nor relief. Who had fought greater Battles? who had gained greater Victories, or obtained more glorious Triumphs than had Amurath? who by the Spoils of so many mighty Kings and Princes, and by the conquest of so many proud and warlike Nations, again restored and established the Turks Kingdom, before by Tamerlane and the Tartars in a manner clean defaced. He it was that burst the heart of the proud Grecians, establishing his Empire at Hadrianople, even in the Centre of their Bowels; from whence have proceeded so many miseries and calamities into the greatest part of Christendom, as no Tongue is able to express. He it was that first broke down the Hexamile or Wall of separation on the Straight of Corinth, and conquered the greatest part of Peloponesus. He it was that subdued unto the Turks so many great Countries and Provinces in Asia; that in plain Field and set Battle overthrew many puissant Kings and Princes, and brought them under his Subjection; who having slain Uladislaus the King of Polonia and Hungary, and more than once chased out of the Field Huniades that famous and redoubted Warrior; had in his proud and ambitious Heart, promised unto himself the Conquest of a great part of Christendom. But O how far was he now changed from the man he then was! how far did these his last Speeches differ from the course of his fore passed life? full of such base passionate complaints and lamentations, as beseemed not a man of his place and spirit, but some vile wretch overtaken with despair; and yet afraid to die. Where were now those haughty Thoughts, those lofty Looks, those thundering and commanding Speeches; whereat so many great Commanders, so many Troops and Legions, so many thousands of armed Soldiers were wont to tremble and quake? Where is that Head, before adorned with so many Trophies and Triumphs? Where is that victorious Hand that swayed so many Sceptres? Where is the Majesty of his Power and Strength, that commanded over so many Nations and Kingdoms? O how is the case now altered; he lieth now dead, a ghastly filthy stinking Carcase, a Clod of Clay unregarded, his Hands closed, his Eyes shut, and his Feet stretched out, which erst proudly traced the Countries by him subdued and conquered. And now of such infinite Riches, such unmeasurable Wealth, such huge Treasures, such stately Honours and vain glorious Praises, as he in his life time enjoyed; his frail Body enjoyeth nothing but left all behind it. O the weak condition of Man's Nature! O the vain glory of mortal Creatures! O the blind and perverse thoughts of foolish men! Why do we so magnify ourselves? why are we so puffed up with Pride? why do we so much set our minds upon Riches, Authority, and other vanities of this Life? whereof never man had yet one days assurance, and at our most need, and when we least think, quite forsake us; leaving even them that most sought after them, and most abounded in them, shrouded oftentimes in the Sheet of Dishonour and Shame.  
That his death is otherwise by some reported, I am not ignorant; The Turks saying, that he died miraculously forewarned of his death at Hadrianople; and some others, That he died in Asia, strucken with an Apoplexy proceeding of a Surfeit taken of the immoderate drinking of Wine. But Marinus Barlesius, who lived in his time in Scodra fast by Epirus, whose Authority, in report of the Wars betwixt him and Scanderbag we follow, setteth it down in such manner as is aforesaid.  
Presently after his death, Mahomet his Son, for fear of some innovation to be made at home, raised the Siege and returned to Hadrianople; and afterward with great Solemnity buried his dead body at the West side of Prusa, 
Amurath buried at Prusa.  in the Suburbs of the City, where he now lieth in a Chapel without any roof, his Grave nothing differing from the manner of the common Turks; which (they say) he commanded to be done in his last Will; that the Mercy and Blessing of God (as he termed it) might come unto him by the shining of the Sun and Moon, and falling of the Rain and Dew of Heaven upon his Grave.  
He whilst he lived, mightily enlarged the Turkish Kingdom, and with greater Wisdom and Policy than his Predecessors, established the same; insomuch that some attribute unto him the first institution of the janissaries, and other Soldiers of the Court (the greatest Strength of the Turkish Empire) before indeed begun in the time of Amurath the first, his great Grandfather (as is before declared) but by him greatly augmented, and the policy of that State, whereby it hath ever since in his Posterity flourished, even by himself plotted. For the better establishing whereof in his own House, and to cut off all occasion of fear, as also to leave all such as might have the heart to arise against him, naked and bare of Forces to resist; but especially the other ancient and noble Families of the Turks; still secretly repining at the great honour of the Ottoman Kings; he as a man of great Wisdom and Judgement, to keep them under in the beginning of his Reign, by manifold favours began to bind unto himself men of strange and foreign Countries, his Servants, and by ordering of his most weighty Affairs by their Authority, so by little and little to cast off the service of his natural Turks; they in the mean time little or nothing at all looking into this his practice. And whereas the Ottoman Kings his Predecessors, had for the most part, or rather altogether raised their janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court, of such Children of the Christians as were taken in the Wars; he, seeing by experience how serviceable those new kind of Soldiers were, began forthwith to plot in his head, how to make himself an Army altogether of such able persons, his own Creatures, and so to bring in a new kind of Warfare, wholly depending of himself. And to that end, by his Officers appointed for that purpose, took from the Christians throughout his Dominions, every fifth Child; the fairest and aptest of whom, he placed in his own Seraglio at Hadrianople, and the rest in other like places by him built for such purpose; where they were by sufficient Teachers, first instructed in the Principles of the Mahometan Religion, and then in all manner of Activity and Feats of Arms. Of these, when they were grown to man's state, he made Horsemen, gave them great Pensions, and sorting them into divers orders, appointed them also to guard his Person; honouring the better sort of them with the name of Spahi-Oglani, that is to say, his Sons the Knights; and of these he began to make his Bassas, his Generals of his Armies, and the Governors of his Provinces and Cities, with all the great Offices of the State. The rest, and far the greatest part of these Tribute Children, taken from their Christian Parents, and not brought up in the Seraglios, he caused to be dispersed into every City and Country of his Dominion in Asia, there for certain years to be brought up in all hardness and painful labour, never tasting of ease or pleasure; out of which hard brood so enured to pains, he made choice of so many of the most lusty and able bodies fittest for service, as he thought good; who kept in continual exercise, and by skilful men taught to handle all manner of Weapons, but especially the Bow, the Piece, and the Scimitar, were by him as occasion served added to the other janissaries, and appointed for the guarding of his Person; calling them commonly by the names of his Sons. The remainder of these Tribute Children, as unfit for the Wars, he put unto other base Occupations and Ministeries. But unto those Martial Men of all sorts, so by him ordained, he appointed a continual pay according, to their degrees and places; and by great benefits and liberties bestowed upon them, bound them so fast unto him, as that h● might now account himself to have of them so many Sons, as he had Soldiers; For they together with the Christian Religion, having forgot their Parents and Country, and knowing no other Lord and Master but him, and acknowledging all that they had to come and proceed of his free grace only, remained ever bound and faithful unto him; and so kept others also, as well the natural Turks themselves, as the other oppressed Christians within the bounds of Obedience and Loyalty. A great Policy proceeding from a deep Judgement, 
A great Policy.  first to weaken the Christians by taking from them their best Children, and of greatest hope; and then by them depending wholly of himself, to keep in awe and dutiful Obedience his natural Subjects also; having them always as a scourge ready to chastise the Rebellious or Disloyal. Now the other Ottoman Kings and Emperors, the Successors of Amurath, keeping this custom, and also increasing it one after another, have thereby not only kept the Empire still in their House and Family, where it was first gotten; but also so maintained the Majesty of their State, as they are of their Subjects feared, obeyed, honoured, not as Kings, but as Gods. For the natural Turks their Subjects losing courage continually, and daily growing more base and dastardly, by reason they are not suffered to practise the knowledge of Arms; and the Soldiers in whose power all things are, knowing nothing of their own, but holding and acknowledging all that they have to come of their Lord, account them as Lords and Kings of all; ruling much after the manner of the Pharaohs the ancient Kings of Egypt; who were absolute Lords and Masters, both of the public and private Wealth of their Subjects, whom they kept under as Slaves and Villains. And hereof cometh it to pass, that the better part of them whom we call Turks, (but are indeed the Children of Christians, and seduced by their false instructors) desire to be called Musulmans (that is to say, Right Believers) holding it a reproachful and dishonourable thing to be called Turks, as it were peculiarly and above other People; For that they knowing right well, that there is not one natural Turk among all those that bear Authority and Rule, and are had in greater Honour and Reputation than the rest (such as are the Men of War and Courtiers) but he is born a Christian, either of Father, or at the least of his Grandfather, avouch those only to be Turks which live in Anatolia, all of them either Merchants, or of base and mechanical Crafts, or poor Labourers with the Spade and Pickaxe, and such like People unfit for the Wars, the rest (as I say) holding it for a Title of Honour to be descended of Christian Parents. Yea the Grand Signior himself, although by the Father's side he be come of Progenitors such as were natural Turks born, yet many of them had Christian Mothers, which they accounted in the greatest part of their Nobility and Honour. Thus by the Wisdom of Amurath was the order of the janissaries, and other Soldiers of the Court greatly advanced, though not by him begun, and the politic state of the Turks Kingdom (to say the truth) quite altered; the natural Turks (more than the Sultan himself) now bearing therein no sway; but only these new Soldiers, all of them descended from Christian Parents and by adoption as it were become the Sons of the Turkish Sultan's, and under them commanding all; by whom they have ever since managed their estate, and by their good service wonderfully, even to the astonishment of the World, increased and extended their Empire. But of them more shall be said hereafter.  
This great King was whilst he lived, of his Subjects wonderfully beloved, and no less of them after his death lamented. 
Amurath his disposition.  He was more faithful of his word than any of the Turkish Kings either before or after him; by Nature melancholy and sad, and accounted rather politic than valiant, yet was indeed both; a great dissembler, and painful in travel, but wayward and testy above measure, which many imputed unto his great Age. 
The Sons of Amurath.  He had issue six Sons, Achmetes, Aladin, Mahomet, Hasan, (otherwise called Chasan) Urchan, and Achmetes the younger, of some called Calepinus; three of whom died before; but the two youngest were by their unnatural Brother Mahomet, who succeeded him in the Turkish Kingdom, even in their infancy, in the beginning of his Reign most cruelly murdered.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Amurath the Second.  

Emperors 

Of the East 

John Palaeologus. 1421. 24.  
Constantinus Palaeologus. 1444. 8.    
Of the West 

Sigismond King of Hungary. 1411. 28.  
Albert the Second, King of Hungary and Bohemia. 1438. 2.  
Frederick the Third, Archduke of Austria. 1440. 54.      
Kings 

Of England 

Henry the Fifth. 1413. 9  
Henry the six. 1422. 39    
Of France 

Charles the Sixth. 1381. 42.  
Charles the Seventh. 1423. 38.    
Of Scotland 

James the First. 1424. 13.  
James the Second. 1436. 29.      
Bishops of Rome 

Martin the V. 1417. 13.  
Eugenius the IV. 1431. 16.  
Nicholas the V. 1447. 8.      

 

Qui ri●i inuumeros populos, tot regno, lot urbes,  
Solus e● immensi qui timor orbis ●ram:  
Me 〈◊〉 quaecunque rapit mors improba, sed sum  
〈◊〉 ●xcelsa, duclus ad astra tamen.  
〈◊〉 Ale●●●nder non me suit, Anibal et non,  
E●deri●▪ Au●oni●s tot licet ille Deuces.  
〈…〉 Danaos, domuique feroces  
〈…〉 popul●s, Sauromatas que truces.  
Pannonius sensi●●● antum surgebit in armis  
Vis mea●qu●e latio cognita nuper erat.  
Arsacidaes sensere manus has, sensit Arabsque:  
El mea su●t Persae cognita tela duci.  
men's fueral bell●re Rhodum, superare superbam  
Italiam, sed non fata dedere modum.  
Hei mehi, nam rapuit mors aspera, quaeque sub alto  
Pectore ●on●ideram, rertit et hora brevis.  
Sic hominum fa●lus per●unt, sic Stemata, Sicque  
Imperium, atque qurum, quicquid et Orbis habet.   

I who to kingdoms, Cities, brought their fate,  
The terror of the trembling world, of late,  
Yield to the greater Monarch Death, but am  
Yet proud to think of my immortal fame.  
Greater than Alexander, once was I,  
Or him that Camps of Romans did destroy:  
I vanquished the victorious Greeks, and I  
Destroyed Epyrus, and fierce Tartary.  
From mighty Me th'Hungarians had their doom,  
And the report reached the proud walls o● Rome.  
Th'assyrian, and Arabian felt my hand,  
Nor could the Persian my dread power withstand.  
o'er Rhodes, and Italy I designed to ride,  
But fate the progress of my aims denied;  
Ai me! grim Death, and one unlucky hour,  
Has baffled all my thoughts, and boundless power.  
So haughty man, and all his hopes decay,  
And so all sublunary glories pass away.    

The LIFE of MAHOMET, The Second of that NAME, The Seventh KING and First EMPEROR of the TURKS, For his many VICTORIES surnamed The Great.  
THE report of the death of old Amurath the late King, was in short time blown through most part of Christendom, to the great joy of many; but especially of the Greeks and other poor Christians which bordered upon the Tyrant's Kingdom; who were now in hope, together with the change of the Turkish King, to make exchange also of their bad Estate and Fortune; and the rather, for that it was thought, that his eldest Son Mahomet, after the death of his Father, would have embraced the Christian Religion, being in his Childhood instructed therein (as was supposed) by his Mother the Daughter of the Prince of Servia, a Christian. But vain was this hope, and the joy thereof but short, as afterward by proof appeared; For Mahomet being about the Age of one and twenty years, succeeding his Father in the Kingdom in the year of our Lord 1450. year 1450. embraced in show the Mahometan Religion, 
Mahomet of no Religion.  abhorring the Christian; but indeed making no great reckoning either of the one or of the other, but as a mere Atheist, devoid of all Religion, and worshipping no other God but good Fortune, derided the simplicity of all such as thought that God had any care or regard of worldly men, or of their actions; which graceless resolution so wrought in him, that he thought all things lawful that agreed with his lust, and making conscience of nothing, kept no League, Promise, or Oath, longer than stood with his Profit or Pleasure.  
Now in the Court men stood diversely affected towards the present State; the mighty Bassas, and others of great Authority, unto whom the old King's Government was never grievous, inwardly lamented his death; doubting lest the fierce Nature of the young King should turn to the hurt of some of them in particular, and the shortening of their Authority in general, as indeed it shortly after fell out. But the lusty Gallants of the Court weary of the old King, who in hope of preferment had long wished for the Government of the young Prince, were glad to see him set upon his Fathers Seat. And the vulgar People (never constant but in unconstancy, and always fawning upon the present) exceedingly rejoiced in their young King. The janissaries also at the same time (according to their accustomed manner) took the Spoil of the Christians and Jews that dwelled amongst them, and easily obtained pardon for the same; whereupon he was by the same janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court, with great Triumph saluted King. Which approbation of these men of War, is unto the Turkish Kings a greater assurance for the possession of their Kingdom, than to be born the eldest Son of the King, as in the process of this History shall appear; so great is the power of these masterful Slaves, in promoting to the Kingdom whichsoever of the King's Sons they most favour, without much regard whether they be the eldest or not.  
This young Tyrant was no sooner possessed of his Father's Kingdom, 
Mahomet murdereth his Brethren.  but that he forgetting the Laws of Nature, was presently in person himself about to have murdered with his own hands, his youngest Brother, then but eighteen Months old, begotten on the Daughter of Sponderbius. Which unnatural part, Moses one of his Bassas, and a man greatly in his favour, perceiving, requested him, not to imbrue his own hands in the blood of his Brother, but rather to commit the execution thereof to some other; which thing Mahomet commanded him the Author of that counsel forthwith to do. So Moses taking the Child from the Nurse, strangled it, with pouring water down the throat thereof. The young Lady understanding of the death of her Child (as a Woman whom Fury had made past fear) came and in her rage reviled the Tyrant to his Face, shamefully upbraiding him for his inhuman cruelty. When Mahomet to appease her Fury, requested her to be content, for that it stood with the Policy of his State; and willed her for her better contentment, to ask whatsoever she pleased, and she should forthwith have it. But she desiring nothing more than in some sort to be revenged, 
A cruel revenge of an angry Woman.  desired to have Moses (the Executioner of her Son) delivered unto her, bound; which when she had obtained, she presently struck him into the Breast with a knife (crying in vain upon his unthankful Master for help;) and proceeding in her cruel Execution, cut an hole in his right side, and by piecemeal cut out his Liver, and cast it to the Dogs to eat. At the same time also he caused another of his Brethren, committed by his Father to the keeping of Caly Bassa, and now by him betrayed into his hands, to be likewise murdered.  
Thus beginning his tyrannous Reign with the bloody execution of them that were in Blood nearest unto him, 
Mahomet reformeth the Turkish Common-Weal.  and whom of all others he ought to have defended, he presently after began to frame a new form of a Common-Weal, by abrogating and altering the old Laws and Customs, and publishing of new, better fitting his own humour, and more commodious for himself; imposing also new Taxes and Subsidies upon his Subjects, never before heard of; thereby to increase his Treasures, and satisfy his avaricious desire; which amongst many other his Vices, so much reigned in him, as that he was thought over-sparing unto himself, as well in his Apparel as in his Diet. And proceeding further, he called unto straight account all the great Officers of his Kingdom; of whom some he put to death, and confiscated their Goods; others he put to great Fines, or quite removed them from their Offices. In like manner he dealt also with his great Bassas, admitting many false and surmised accusations against them; whereby to bring them within his danger, where little mercy was to be looked for. By which means he became no less terrible unto his Subjects, than he was afterwards to his Enemies; and so was of them exceedingly feared, but more hated. Among other things, he much misliked in his Court the excessive number of Falconers and Huntsmen; which was grown so great by the immoderate delight which his Predecessors took in the pleasures of the Field, that there were continually maintained of the King's Charge, seven thousand Falconers, and not many fewer Huntsmen; saying, That he would not be so much a Fool, as to maintain such a multitude of men to attend upon so mere a vanity. And therefore took order, that from thenceforth there should be allowance made for five hundred Falconers, and one hundred Huntsmen; the rest he appointed to serve as Soldiers in his Wars. At the same time also he entered into League with Constantinus Palaeologus the Emperor of Constantinople, and the other Princes of Grecia; as also with the Despot of Servia, his Grandfather by the Mother's side, as some will have it; howbeit some others write, that the Despot his Daughter, Amurath his Wife, was but his Mother-in-Law, whom he under the colour of Friendship sent back again unto her Father, after the death of Amurath, still allowing her a Princely Dowry. But if she were not his Mother (as like enough it is that she was not) much more happy was she that she never groaned for so graceless a Son.  
Whilst Mahomet was thus occupied about his civil Affairs, year 1451. Ibrahim King of Caramania, who long before had married Amurath's Sister, 
Mahomet goeth against the King of Caramania.  and yet for all that, had (as his Ancestors had before him) always envied the prosperous success of the Ottoman Kings, took occasion in the first year of Mahomet his Reign, with Fire and Sword to invade his Dominions in Asia. Which thing when Mahomet understood, he displaced Isa his Lieutenant in Asia, as a man not sufficient to manage so great Wars, and appointed Isaac Bassa in his room, a most valiant man of War, upon whom not long before he had upon special favour bestowed in marriage the fair Daughter of Sponderbeius, one of his Father's Wives, of whom we have spoken before. This great Bassa passing over into Asia, raised a great Army. After whom followed Mahomet in person himself with a greater out of Europe; and having all his Forces together, entered with great Hostility into Caramania. But the Caramanian King perceiving himself unable to withstand so puissant an Enemy, fled into the strength of the great Mountains, and by his Ambassadors offered unto Mahomet such reasonable Conditions of Peace, as that he was content to accept thereof. Which after they had by solemn Oath on both parts confirmed, Mahomet returned with his Army to Prusa; but when he was come thither, the janissaries presuming that they might be bold with the young King; putting themselves in order of Battle, came and with great insolency demanded of him a donative or largesse, as a reward of their good service done. With which so great presumption, Mahomet was inwardly chafed; but for so much as they were his best Soldiers, and already in Arms, he wisely dissembled his anger for the present, having a little before had warning thereof by Abedin Bassa, and Teurechan Beg, two of his great Captains, who had got some suspicion of the matter; wherefore to content them, he caused ten great Bags of Asper's to be scattered among them, and so pacified the matter. But within fews days after, he caused Doganes (the Aga or chief Captain of the janissaries) to be brought before him, and to be shamefully whipped; and so presently discharging him of his office, placed one Mustapha in the same. The like severity he used against the rest of the under-Captains, causing them to be cruelly scourged and beaten like Slaves; which in that tyrannical Government is an usual punishment, upon the least displeasure of the King to be inflicted upon any man, without respect of degree or calling, if he be not a Natural Turk born. Presently after he sent Isaac his Lieutenant against Elias Prince of Mentesia or Garia. 
Mentesia subdued by the Turks.  by whom the poor Prince was driven out of his Country; ever since which time it hath remained in subjection to the Turkish Kings, as part of their Kingdom and Empire.  
When Mahomet had thus ended the Caramanian War, year 1452. and was determined with his Army to return to Hadrianople, he was advertised, That the Straits of Hellespontus were so strongly possessed by the Christian Fleet, that he could not there possibly pass over but with most manifest danger; wherefore he took his way through that part of Bythinia which lieth above Constantinople, and came to the Castle which the Turks call Acce-Chisar, and the Grecians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or White Castle, standing upon the narrow Straight of Bosphorus on Asia side, and there passed over into Europe at the same place where his Father Amurath had not many years before in like manner found passage. Where when he was safely got over with his Army, he by the advice of his Bassas encamped fast by the Seaside, and there presently began to build a great strong Castle close unto the Straits of Bosphorus, near unto Propontis, on Europe side, directly over against the other Castle in Asia. For the speedy accomplishment of which work, he assembled thither all the workmen he could possibly get out of Europe and Asia, apportioning unto his Captains and Soldiers of his Army part of the work also; by whose industry and labour, that great building was in shorter time brought to perfection, than was by any man at the first expected. This Castle which for the greatness thereof is of most Writers reputed for a City, was by the Turks named Genichisar, and of the Grecians Neocastron or New Castle, and also Laemocastron, or Castle upon the Straits; and was there by the Turks built, as well for the safety of their own passage too and fro, as for to hinder the passage of the Christians through those narrow Straits, they now possessing the strong Forts on both sides; and thereby also to distress the City of Constantinople, from whence this Castle was not above five miles distant. When Mahomet in the second year of his Reign had finished this great Castle, with some other small Forts about the same, and also repaired the other Castle in Asia over against it, he placed therein strong Garrisons, and furnished the same with Artillery; in such sort that no Ship could pass through the Straight of Bosphorus, into the great Euxine, or Black Sea, but she was in danger to be sunk; whereby the rich trade which the Merchants of Venice, Genoa, and Constantinople, had to Caffa, and other places lying upon the Euxine, were almost quite cut off, to the great hindrance of those Estates. Now Mahomet by Nature ambitious, and withal desirous to do some such thing as the glory whereof might far pass the Fame of his Predecessors, thought nothing more answerable to his high conceits, than to attempt the winning of Constantinople, and the utter subversion of the Greek Empire, whereupon his Father Amurath, 
Mahomet maketh preparation for the besieging of Constantinople.  and his great Grandfather Bajazet, had before in vain spent their Forces. Besides that, it grieved him to see that goodly City, the ancient Seat of the Christian Empire, to be so commodiously situated, as it were in the midst of his Kingdom, and not to be at his Command. Hereunto the small power of the Greek Emperor himself, and the other Christian Princes at the same time at mortal discord among themselves, ministered unto his greedy desire no small hope of success, and served as Spurs to prick him forward unto so great an enterprise. Wherefore all the Winter he caused great preparation to be made of shipping and other warlike provision both for Sea and Land; and gave out Commissions for the levying of a mighty Army, to be in readiness against the next Spring. But whither he would employ the same, no man could certainly tell; some guessing one thing and some another, as the manner of men is, when such extraordinary preparation is at hand. 
Constantius the Emperor in vain craveth aid of the Christian Princes.  Constatinus the eighth of that name, than Emperor of Constantinople, a Prince of a mild and soft Spirit, fitter for the Church than for the Field, hearing of the great preparation made by the Turkish King, and fearing lest that tempest then growing, should upon the sudden break forth upon himself, first made such preparation as his own small ability would extend unto. And then sent his Ambassadors unto other Christian Princes, earnestly craving their Aid and Assistance in that his dangerous Estate. But that labour was lost, and all his suit vain; for they being at variance one with another, and having more care of private revenge, than how to repulse the common Enemy of Christianity, could not, or would not afford him any help at all. Nicholas the fifth of that Name, than Bishop of Rome, with Alphonsus' King of Naples, and the State of Venice, promised to have sent him thirty Galleys, but none for all that came.  
There were by chance at Constantinople certain Ships and Galleys of Venice, Genoa, Crete and Chios, of whom the Emperor made stay; at which time also it chanced, that johannes justinianus, an Adventurer of Genoa, who had been scouring those Seas, came to Constantinople with two tall Ships, and four hundred Soldiers; where he was entertained by the Emperor. And forasmuch as he was a man honourably descended, and supposed to be both of great Courage and Direction, was by the Emperor appointed General of all his Forces next unto himself. He also entertained six thousand Greeks; which, with three thousand Venetians, Genoese and others, whom he had made stay of, joined unto the Citizens, was all the weak Strength he had to rely upon, for the defence of his State and Empire.  

1453. Vide Leonardi Chiensis Archiepiscopi  Against the beginning of the Spring, the Turkish King had in readiness a great and puissant Army of three hundred thousand men, of whom, the greatest part were taken out of Bulgaria, Servia, Rascia, Thessalia, Macedonia, and Grecia, 
Mitylen. hist. de captivitate Const●ntinopoli●●n●.  which as yet were called the Christian Countries, and were themselves either indeed Christians, or else such Renegates as had not long before forsaken the Christian Faith; unto these also were joined divers other Christians which came out of Germany, Bohemia, and Hungary, to serve the Turk in his Wars. This hath been none of the least means, whereby the Turkish Kings have grown so great, and their Kingdom so mightily enlarged, by enforcing and alluring Christians to fight against Christians, to the utter confusion of themselves. Among the great multitude of the Europeian Christians, were mingled his effeminate Soldiers of Asia, and his natural Turks and janissaries, which were in number fewest, and yet commanded all the rest.  
With this great Army, 
Mahomet encampeth be●ore Constantinople.  well appointed with all warlike provision, came Mahomet the Turkish King from Hadrianople; and the ninth day of April, in the year 1453, encamped before Constantinople, and with the multitude of his Army filled all the main Land before the City, from the Sea side of Bosphorus, unto the place where the same Sea compassing in the City on two parts, and running far into the Land betwixt Constantinople and Pera, maketh there a goodly Haven betwixt them.  
This City of Constantinople (called in ancient time Byzantium) is in form of a Triangle, 
The situation of Con●●antinople,  situated in Europe in the pleasant Country of Thracia, upon a point of the main Land shooting out towards Asia, called of Pliny and Solinus, the Promontory Chrysoceras; where the Sea of Propontis joineth unto that Straight of Sea, which divideth Asia from Europe, called in ancient time Bosphorus Thracius; sometime the Straight of Pontus; and the mouth of Pontus; and of the modern Writers, the Straight of Constantinople; and about two hundred years past, or more, S. George his Arm. This point of the main, whereon the City standeth, lieth about two Italian miles more Northward than doth the ancient City of Chalcedon, on the other side of the Straight in Asia; more than thirty miles distant from the Euxine or Black Sea, lying from it Northward; and two hundred miles from the Straight of Hellespontus or Calipolis, from thence South. Which noble City (of all others most fitly seated for the Empire of the World, and with great Majesty overlooking both Europe and Asia) is by the Cosmographers accounted to stand in the height of 43 Degrees, upon seven little Hills, of no great, but easy ascent; 
Constantinople built by Pausanias, destroyed by Severus, re-edified by Constantine the Great, and now taken by Mahomet the Turk.  and was there first built by Pausanias the Lacedaemonian King, and called Byzantium, and so many years flourished as a populous and rich City, until the civil Wars betwixt Severus the Emperor, and Niger; what time it endured the Siege of the Romans under Severus, three years, with such obstinacy, that it yielded not until it was brought to such extremity, that the Citizens did eat one another; and then yielding, had the Walls overthrown by Severus, and the City itself destroyed, and brought to the low estate of a poor Country Village, and so by him given to the Perinthians. In which base estate it continued until the time of Constantine the Great, the Son of Helena (whom some will needs have to have been an English Woman) by whom it was new built, and beautified with Buildings so stately and sumptuous, that unto the strange beholders it seemed a dwelling place for Heavenly Wights, rather than for Earthly Men. And to grace it the more, translated his Imperial Seat thither, and called it Nova Roma, or New Rome; and all that pleasant part of Thracia alongst the Sea Coast of Hellespontus, Propontis, and Basphor●s, by the name of Romania, of the fair Roman Colonies there by him planted; which name it at this day retaineth, and is of the Turks, called Rumilia and Rum-Ili, that is to say, the Roman Country. But as for the City itself, the glorious name of the Founder so prevailed, that the City was and yet is of him called Constantinople, or Constantine his City; and now of the barbarous Turks commonly, but corruptly, Stamboli. It is (as we said) built in the form of a Triangle, whereof the longest side, which runneth from North-East to South-West, is on the Southside washed with the Propontis; and towards the ending of the point, which is about the seven Towers, is somewhat indented; being commonly reputed to be eight miles long. The other side lieth East and West five miles in length, being washed with the Havon, which is somewhat more than eight miles long before it meet with the fresh water, and about a quarter of a mile broad; on the suther side whereof standeth the City of Pera, commonly called Galata, sometime a Colony of the Genoese. This Haven is very deep, and by that reason as commodious as deep, bearing Ships full fraught close to the Shoar, so that they may discharge their Burdens with the least trouble that may be; and is of Strabo called Cornu Bizantij, or the Horn of Byzantium. The third side of this City towards the Continent, lieth almost North and South five miles also in length; those two sides that lie upon the Sea, and the Haven, are environed and girt with a single Wall, built after the antique manner, with many high Towers, which strongly defend and flank the same. Without which Walls (especially towards the Haven) there lieth a Street between them and the Shoar. But the other side, which is the third, and regardeth the main Land (beside the Ditch, which is also fenced) is defended with three Walls; the first Wall standing upon the Ditch being but low; and the second not far distant from the first, raised somewhat higher; but the third overlooketh and commandeth both the other; from whence as from an high sortress both the other Walls and all the Ditch without may easily be defended. But the two utter Walls, with the whole space betwixt them, are now by the Turks but slenderly maintained, lying full of Earth and other Rubbish, even as they were in the time of the Grecians; some cause why they with less heart and courage defended the same against the barbarous Enemies. In the East part of the City, on that point which in the Reign of the Grecians was called the Cape of S. Demetria, distant from Asia not much more than half a mile, stands the Seraglio or Palace of the great Turk, containing in itself a great part of an Hill, enclosed round with a Wall, as if it were itself a City, in circuit more than two miles; wherein amongst other stately Buildings, near unto the Sea standeth a very fair and sumptuous Gallery, built for pleasure, with a private Gate well fortified and planted with great Ordnance and other Munition, whereby the great Turk at certain times passeth, when he is disposed in his Galley to take his pleasure upon the Sea, or to pass over the Straight unto his Houses or Gardens of Delight, on the other side in Asia. In this great City are also many other most stately and sumptuous Buildings, as well of late erected by the Turkish Sultan's, since they became Lords thereof, as before by the Greek Emperors; amongst all which the Temple of S. S●p●ia standing on the East side of the City, nor far from the Scraglio (now reduced unto the form of a Mahometan Moschie, and whither the great Turk goeth oftentimes to hear Service, being indeed but the Sanctuary or Chancel only of the great, stately, 
The magnificient Temple of S. Sophia.  and wonderful Church built by justinian the Emperor) is most beautiful and admirable. That which standeth of it now, is both round and very high, built after the fashion of the Pantheon in Rome, but much greater, fairer, and not open in the top, as is that; the Walls thereof being of the finest Marble, and the Floor all paved with fair Marble also. In the midst there is a very great and large Circle, compassed in with high and huge Pillars of most excellent Marble of divers sorts; and these support a mighty Vault that beareth up as many more Pillars above, standing after the very same order, and in a down right line, almost of the like greatness and goodness of the Marble with the other below; upon which, above the second Vault in manner of a Loovar, resteth the great round Roof which coverth all that space of the Church which is compassed with the aforesaid Pillars; being all enamelled and fillited with the Pictures of Saints, after the ancient manner of some great Churches in Christendom; but that the Turks, who like not to have any Pictures in their Churches, have put out their Eyes only, as loath to spoil such a rare piece of work, and utterly to deface it. In like manner the Walls of the upper Vault are wrought, painted, or portrayed after the same order, though in some part decayed, by reason of their long continuance and standing. About this Church are eighteen or twenty Doors of Brass, right fair and costly, well declaring the magnifence and greatness thereof in more ancient times; when as it had (as is reported) more than two hundred Doors of like making and greatness; and besides the hugeness of the Frame and Building itself, had also divers fair Monasteries and Houses of Religion joined unto it; whereunto belonged six thousand Priests, whose Houses and Lodgings extended almost all over the place where now the Turks Palace standeth, and the other places adjoining to this great Church, which is now their chief Moschie, and called by them by the proper name of S. Sophia, because they hold even as we do, the Wisdom of God to be incomprehensible and infinite. The next in magnificence unto this, is the Moschie of Solyman, wherein he lieth buried, and his well beloved Wife the fair Roxolana; a work well beseeming the Majesty of so mighty a Monarch. There are beside these also many other fair Moschies, Seraglioes for the Turk his Wives and Concubines, Bezastanes or Burses for Merchants, Obelisks, Baths, and other public Edifices and Buildings of great Majesty and State, all well worth the beholding; wherein consisteth all the Beauty of this so ancient and renowned a City; far unlike to that it was in the time of the first Greek Emperor's, and before it was spoiled by the Latins. For the Turks private Houses in this so great and imperial a City, 
The Frugality of the Turks in their private Buildings.  so much renowned through the World, are for the most part low and base, after the Turkish fashion, built some of Wood, some of Stone, and some of unburnt Brick, laid with Clay and Dirt, which quickly decayeth again; they after their homely manner (by long custom received) never building any thing sumptuously for their own private use, but contenting themselves with their simple Cottages, how mean soever, commonly saying them to be good enough for the short time of their Pilgrimage; and yet not sparing for any cost upon the public Buildings and Ornaments of the Common-Weal, which they built with great Majesty and Pomp; but especially their Moschies, wherein they excel. Nevertheless, there yet are in Constantinople some other Houses also built high and comely enough; but these be few, and very old, all inhabited by the Christians and Jews, and not by the Turks; but of this enough. And so again to our purpose.  

The Turks Fleet.  Mahomet with his puissant Army thus encamped before the City, placing his Asian Soldiers on the right hand towards the Bosphorus; his European Soldiers on the left hand, toward the Haven; lay himself with 15000 Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court, in the middle betwixt both, against the heart of the City. On the farther side of the Haven also by Pera, he placed Zoganus, one of his chief Counsellors, with another part of his Army. At which time also Pantologes his Admiral came to the Siege, with a Fleet of 30 Galleys, and 200 other small Ships, and a number of other lesser Vessels, which were rowed with three, or five Oars a piece, full of Turkish Archers, fitter for show than Service. But for defence of the Haven, and so of the City on that side, the Emperor had caused the Haven to be strongly chained overthwart from the City to Pera; and within the Chain had orderly placed his strong Fleet, the greatest strength whereof was seven great Ships of Genoa, with three Galleys, and two Galliots of Venice, three of Crect, and a few others of the Island of Chios; all which were there, rather by chance upon Merchant's affairs, than that they were provided for any such Service; yet by this means the Turks Fleet was shut out of the Haven, and so the City put in good safety on that side.  
When Mahomet had thus conveniently encamped his Army, and surrounded the City both by Sea and Land; he first cast up great Trenches as near as he possibly could unto the Walls of the City, and raised Mounts in divers places as high as the Walls themselves, from whence the Turks with their Shot greatly annoyed the Defendants. After that, he placed his Battery against one of the Gates of the City called Calegaria, and terribly battered the same, specially with one piece of Ordnance of a wonderful greatness, which with much difficulty was brought from Hadrianople with an hundred and fifty Yoke of Oxen, and carried a Bullet of an hundred pound weight, made (as his other shot was) of a kind of hard black Stone brought from the Euxin Sea; for as yet (as it seemeth) so soon after the invention of that fatal Engine, the use of Bullets of metal was unknown. There with continual Battery, he terribly shook the Walls, which although they were very strong, yet were they not able to withstand the fury of so great a Battery. The Christians also out of the City discharged their great Artillery upon the Turks, but so sparingly, as if they had been afraid to shake their own Walls, or loath for good Husbandry, to spend Shot and Powder, which was to the Cannoneers very sparingly allowed; yet that which was spent, was so well bestowed, that the Turks were therewith grievously annoyed. The Breach also which they had made at the aforesaid Gate, was by the Defendants with great and dangerous labour again repaired with Faggots and Earth, and such like matter best serving for that purpose, and so made stronger than before. In which most dangerous work, they were altogether directed and greatly encouraged by justinianus the Genua, the Emperor's Lieutenant-General for defence of the City.  
Yet for all this diligence of the Christians, Mahomet continued his Battery with no less fury than before; 
Constantinople undermined by the Turks.  but reposing greater hope to find a way into the City, by the Spade and Mattock, than by Battery; he employed his Pioners, whereof he had great store, to dig a Mine; being altogether directed by Christians skilful in that kind of work, whom he had for that purpose entertained. By whose cunning direction, with the industrious labour of the poor Pioners, the Mine was brought to such perfection, that part of the Wall, with one of strong Towers in the same, was quite undermined, and stood supported, but with such untrusty stays as the Pioners had left for the bearing up thereof till such time as it should be by the Tyrant's appointment blown up. This dangerous work was neither perceived, neither yet feared by the Constantinopolitans, as a thing not possible to have been done; forasmuch as Bajazet and Amurath had both with great labour before in vain attempted the same, at such time as they hardly besieged the City. But that which those great Kings had with much vain labour by unskilful men made proof of, Mahomet had now by men of greater device, brought to pass; although it took not such effect as he wished; for one Io. Grandis, a Germane Captain, and a man of great experience, suspecting the matter, had caused a Countermine to be made, whereby the labour of the Turks was in good time discovered, and they with Fire and Sword driven out of the Mine, and the same strongly filled up again, and so the City for that time delivered of a great fear and danger. Mahomet perceiving that it availed him not to continue his Battery against that place, which was again so strongly repaired, removed the same, and planted it against a Tower called Bactatina, near unto the Gate called Porta-Romana, or, the Roman-Gate. Which Tower shaken with continual Battery, at length fell down, and filled the Ditch before the utter Wall, even with the ground. But this Breach was also speedily and with great courage made up again by the Defendants, although the Turks did what they could, with continual shot, to have driven them from the same. At which time they also erected certain high Towers of Timber, covered with raw Hides to defend the same from fire, out of which they with their Shot slew many of the Christians upon the Walls, and in making good the aforesaid Breach; but Mahomet seeing this valiantness of the Defendants, openly said, That it was neither the Grecians skill nor courage, but the Frenchmen that defended the City; for the Turks commonly call all the Christians of the West by the Name of Franks or Frenchmen.  
The cheerfulness and industry of the Christians in defending and repairing the aforesaid Breach, was so great, 
Seventy of the Turks Galliots brought eight miles over land (by the de●ice of a Christian) into the Haven of Constantinople.  that the Turkish King began almost to despair of winning the City; which he could no way Assault but on one side. When as a bad Christian in his Camp, put him again in good hope, by showing unto him a device how to bring a great part of his Fleet over Land into the Haven, and thereby to assault that part of the City by water, which the Citizens lest feared; by which ingenious device, and by the great strength of men, Zoganus' Bassa (to whom that charge was committed) brought seventy of the lesser Ships and Galliots, with all their Sails abroad (to the great admiration of all that saw them) up a great Hill, and so by dry land, out of the Bosphorus behind Pera, the space of eight miles, into the Haven of Constantinople, which running in between the City and Pera, runneth into the main Land, (as we have said) about eight miles. The Christian that discovered this device unto the King, is supposed to have learned it of the Venetians, who not long before had done the like at the Lake of Bennacus. Glad was Mahomet to see so many of his Ships and Galleys in the Haven, and the Christians with the sight thereof no less discouraged. Nevertheless, they attempted to have burnt those Vessels as they were in launching, but the Turks had so commodiously placed certain pieces of great Ordnance for their defence, that the foremost of the Galleys of the Christians, approaching the Turks Fleet, was presently sunk; wherewith the rest dismayed, returned back from whence they came. Certain of the Christians of the lost Galley, whom the Turks took up swimming in the Haven, were the next day cruelly slain in the sight of the Christians; in revenge whereof, certain Turks before taken Prisoners into Constantinople, were forthwith brought to the top of the Walls, and there in the sight of the Camp with like cruelty put to death.  

A wonderful Bridge made by the Turks over the Haven of Constantinople.  Mahomet thus possessed of the Haven, shortly after caused a wonderful Bridge to be made quite over the Haven, from Zoganus his Camp which lay by Pera, unto the Walls of Constantinople; which Bridge was built with Timber and Planks, born up with small Boats and empty Cask, after a most strange manner, and was in length more than half a mile; by which Bridge his Army came over the Haven, to assault the City on that side also.  

A notable fight between four of the Christians Ships, and the Turks Fleet.  In the mean time, three tall Genua Ships laded with Men and Munition from the Island of Chios, with one of the Emperors laded with Corn from Sicilia, came with a fair Wind for Constantinople. The Turks great Fleet then lying not far off, within the sight of the Camp, set upon them, and after a great fight, wherein an exceeding number of the Turks were slain with Shot, the Galleys boarded the Ships; but being much lower, were so far from doing any good, as that the Turks could not well look out, but they were from above slain or wounded. Mahomet from the shore beholding the unequal fight, and slaughter of his Men, cried out aloud, swearing and blaspheming God, and in great rage rid into the Sea as far as he durst; and coming back again rend his Clothes, faring with himself like a mad man. The whole Army of the Turks beholding the same fight at Sea, was filled with like Indignation also, but could nothing remedy the matter. The great Fleet ashamed in the sight of their King to be overcome of so few Ships, did what they might desperately to enter; but all in vain, being continually overwhelmed with Shot and Stones from above, and valiantly beaten down by the Christian Soldiers. At length weary of their loss, they were glad with dishonour to fall off again, and to get them farther off. The report of the loss the Turks sustained in this fight, is almost incredible; some of the Turk's Fugitives reported, almost ten thousand Turks to have there perished; but certain it is, that such was the loss, as filled the whole Army with Indignation and Sorrow, many having lost their Kinsmen or Friends. Three of these Ships that had made this fight, arrived in safety at Constantinople, the other was lost. Mahomet upon this Overthrow conceived such displeasure against Pantogl●s his Admiral, who in that fight had lost one of his Eyes, that he nevertheless thrust him out of his Office, confiscated his Goods, and was hardly by the great Bassas entreated to spare his life.  
Whilst Mahomet thus lay at the Siege of Constantinople, and had thereunto given many great Attempts, with more loss unto himself than to the Defendants, a rumour was raised in his Camp, of great Aid that was coming out of Italy by Sea, and out of Hungary by Land, for the relief of the besieged. This report (although indeed it was not true) with the due consideration of the danger of the Siege, filled the Turks Camp with fear; so that the Soldiers commonly murmured amongst themselves, saying, That to satisfy the ambitious humour of their young King, they were led to fight against impregnable Walls and Fortresses, yea against the Bars of Nature itself, without all reason: Whereupon Mahomet entered into Consultation with the three great Bassas his Counsellors, Whether it were best for him to continue the Siege or not. When Caly-Bassa, sometime his Tutor, a man of greatest Authority among the Turks, both for his long experience and high place, and withal secretly favouring the distressed Emperor; after he had with long and grave Discourse declared the difficulty or rather impossibility of the wished Success in that present War; and confirmed the same, by producing the examples of Bajazet his great Grandfather, and of Amurath his Father, who had both in vain made proof of their strength against that City; at length concluded, that in his mind it were best for him to raise his Siege, and to depart before he had sustained any further loss or disgrace; but Zoganus the second Bassa, in great Favour also with Mahomet, and secretly envying the Greatness of Caly-Bassa, persuaded the King to proceed in his honourable Enterprise; assuring him of the good Success thereof, and with all the reasons he could devise, impugned that which Caly-Bassa had said. And of the same opinion with Zoganus was also the third Bassa, rather of purpose to cross Caly-Bassa, and withal to sit the King's humour, than for any great hope he had in the good Success of that he so much desired. Howbeit the Speech he and Zoganus delivered, so well agreed with the King's affection, that he resolved to continue the Siege; and thereupon gave full Authority to Zoganus to appoint a day for a great and general Assault to he given, resolving at once to engage all his Forces upon the winning of the City. Which charge Zoganus gladly took upon him, and with his good liking, appointed the 29 th' day of May for the general Assault, being then the Tuesday next following. In the mean time he sent one Ishmael, the Son of Alexander Prince of Sinope, Ambassador unto the Emperor, to offer him Peace; but upon such hard Conditions, as were no less to be refused than death itself. Which thing he did, partly to satisfy the minds of his Turks (who are for most part of opinion, That God will not prosper them in their Assaults, except they first make unto their Enemies some offer of Peace, how unreasonable soever it forceth not) and partly to make proof what confidence the Enemy yet had in himself, for the holding out of the Siege. But that dishonourable Peace so offered, together with the intolerable Conditions, was by the Emperor honourably refused; who no less feared the Turks Faith (if he should have accepted thereof) than he did the hardness of the Conditions. Three days before this fatal Assault was to be given, the Turks (according to their manner) kept their Solemn Fast, eating nothing all the day until night; and then making the greatest cheer and joy they could devise, and in the winding up of the same, took their leave one of another, with such kissing and embracing as if they should never have met again. At the same time Mahomet to encourage his Soldiers, caused Proclamation to be made through his Camp, That he would freely give all the spoil of the City for three days unto his Soldiers, if they could win it; and for confirmation thereof, solemnly swore the Turks great Oath, By the Immortal God, and by the four hundred Prophets, by Mahomet, by his Father's Soul, by his own Children, and by the Sword wherewith he was girt, faithfully to perform whatsoever he had to them in his Proclamation promised.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Caly-Bassa disdaining that his counsel was rejected, and the Opinion of his Adversaries followed; by secret Letters advertised the Emperor of the day appointed for the general Assault, together with all the preparation made against him; peswading him not to be afraid of them, who were themselves no less afraid of him; but carefully to provide to have all things in readiness for the defence of his City, and valiantly to withstand the rash and last Attempt of his Enemies.  
This woeful Emperor had already done what he could to the uttermost of his Power for defence of the City, 
The Citizens of Constantinople without cause murmur against the Emperor.  all the time of the Siege; but such was the disloyalty of the Citizens his Subjects, that many times they could hardly be drawn from their private Trades and Occupations, unto the Walls to withstand the Enemy; foolishly affirming, That it was to no purpose for them to sight against the Turks at the Breaches, and to starve for Food at home in their houses. For which cause, the Emperor commanded a View to be taken of all the Corn in the City (which then began to grow very scarce;) but upon diligent search made, such store was found in many men's hands, (which was by them either altogether kept in to sell afterwards at unreasonable prizes; or else so sparingly uttered, as if they had none to spare) as that it appeared, the death and scarcity which then began to increase, to proceed rather of the covetousness of men, than of any true want of Grain; this store the Emperor caused to be proportionably divided unto every Family at reasonable prizes, according to their spending; and so eased the great murmuring and grudging of the common people for Bread. The Grecian mercenary Soldiers also, regarding more their own private Profit than the Public Service, refused any longer to go to the Walls, than they were sure of their daily pay; which the poor Emperor, otherwise unable to give them, was glad to convert the Church-Plate and Jewels into Money, 
A bare shift for money.  to content them. For he had many times before with tears, in vain requested to have borrowed money of his covetous Subjects, to have been employed in the defence of the City; but they would still swear, that they had it not, as men grown poor for want of Trade; which in few days after, their Enemies found in such abundance, that they wondered at their Wealth, and derided their folly, that possessing so much, they would bestow so little in defence of themselves and their Country. But this had been their usual manner of dealing with their Emperors, in that declining State of the Empire; as well appeared in the time of the Emperor Baldwin, who for lack of money was glad first to sell away many of the goodly Ornaments of the City, and afterwards to Pawn his own Son unto the Venerean Merchants, for Money to maintain his State, as in the former part of this History is declared.  
But to return again to the course of our History. The Emperor certainly advertised of the Enemy's purpose, for the general Assault shortly to be given, first commended the defence of himself and the City to the Protection of the Almighty, by general fasting and prayer; and afterwards appointed every Captain and Commander, to some certain place of the Wall for defence thereof; which was done by the direction of Io. justinianus his General, in whose valour the Constantinopolitans had reposed their greatest hope.  
But the City being on every side now beset with the Turks great Army, and the Defendants in number but few, for so great a City (in compass eight miles) the Walls could but slenderly in many places be manned, and especially on both sides toward the Sea, where indeed least danger was. The greatest strength and best Soldiers, were placed for defence of the utter Wall, where the Breach was, and the Assault expected by Land. justinianus the General himself, with three hundred Genoese well armed, and certain chosen Greeks undertaken the defence of that part of the battered Wall, near unto the Roman Gate, where the fall the Tower Bactatina had filled the Ditch as is aforesaid; against which place Mahomet himself lay encamped, with his Janissaries and best Men of War. Near unto justinianus lay the Emperor himself, for defence of another part of the Wall; and so other Captains orderly with their Companies, all alongst the utter Wall; and because the Defendants should have no hope to save their Lives, more than their own Valour, the Emperor caused all the Gates of the inner Wall to be fast shut up; and in this sort they lay all the night, expecting continually when the Assault should be given; all which time they might hear great hurly burly and noise in the Turks Camp, as they were putting things in readiness for the Assault.  
A little before day, 
Constantinople assaulted by the Turks.  the Turks approached the Walls, and begun the Assault, where Shot and Stones were delivered upon them from the Walls, as thick as Hail; whereof little fell in vain, by reason of the multitude of the Turks, who pressing fast unto the Walls, could not see in the dark how to defend themselves, but were without number wounded or slain; but these were of the common and worst Soldiers, of whom the Turkish King made no more reckoning than to abate the first force of the Defendants. Upon the first appearance of the day, Mahomet gave the sign appointed for the general Assault, whereupon the City was in a moment and at one instant on every side most furiously assaulted by the Turks; for Mahomet, the more to distress the Defendants, and the better to see the forwardness of the Soldiers, had before appointed which part of the City every Colonel with his Regiment should assail. Which they valiantly performed, delivering their Arrows and Shot upon the Defendants, so thick, that the light of the day was therewith darkened; other in the mean time courageously mounting the Scaling-Ladders, and coming even to handy-strokes with the Defendants upon the Wall; where the foremost were for most part violently born forward by them which followed after. On the other side, the Christians with no less courage withstood the Turkish fury, beating them down again with great Stones and weighty pieces of Timber, and so overwhelmed them with Shot, Darts, and Arrows, and other hurtful devices from above; that the Turks dismayed with the terror thereof, were ready to retire.  
Mahomet seeing the great slaughter and discomfiture of his Men, sent in fresh Supplies of his Janissaries and best Men of War, whom he had for that purpose reserved as his last Hope and Refuge; by whose coming on his fainting Soldiers were again encouraged, and the terrible Assault begun afresh. At which time the barbarous King ceased not to use all possible means to maintain the Assault; by Name calling upon this and that Captain, promising unto some whom he saw forward, golden Mountains; and unto others in whom he saw any sign of Cowardice, threatening most terrible death; by which means the Assault became most dreadful, death there raging in the midst of many thousands. And albeit that the Turks lay dead by heaps upon the ground, yet other fresh men pressed on still in their places, over their dead bodies, and with divers event either slew, or were slain by their Enemies.  
In this so terrible a Conflict, it chanced justinianus the General to be wounded in the Arm, who losing much blood, cowardly withdrew himself from the place of his Charge, not leaving any to supply his room, and so got into the City by the Gate called Romana, which he had caused to be opened in the inner Wall; pretending the cause of his departure to be for the binding up of his Wound, but being indeed a man now altogether discouraged.  

The Christians forsake the ●alls.  The Soldiers there present, dismayed with the departure of their General, and sore charged by the Janissaries, forsook their stations, and in haste fled to the same Gate whereby justinianus was entered; with the sight whereof, the other Soldiers dismayed, ran thither by heaps also. But whilst they violently strive, all together to get in at once, they so wedged one another in the entrance of the Gate, that few of so great a multitude got in; in which so great a press and confusion of minds, 800 persons were there by them that followed, trodden under foot, or thrust to death. The Emperor himself, for sefeguard of his life flying ●ith the rest, in that press as a man not regarded, miserably ended his days, together with the Greek Empire. His dead body was shortly after found by the Turks among the slain, and known by his rich Apparel, whose Head being cut off, was forthwith presented to the Turkish Tyrant; by whose Commandment it was afterward thrust upon the point of a Lance, and in great derision carried about as a Trophy of his Victory, first in the Camp, and afterwards up and down the City.  

Con●●antinople won by the Tu●ks.  The Turks encouraged with the flight of the Christians, presently advanced their Ensigns upon the top of the uttermost Wall, crying Victory; and by the Breach entered as if it had been a great Flood, which having once found a Breach in the Bank, overfloweth, and beareth down all before it; so the Turks when they had won the utter Wall, entered the City by the same Gate that was opened for justinianus, and by a Breach which they had before made with their great Artillery, and without mercy cutting in pieces all that came in their way, without further resistance became Lords of that most famous and Imperial City. Some few there were of the Christians, who preferring death before the Turkish slavery, with their Swords in their hands sold their lives dear unto their Enemies; amongst whom, the two Brethren Paulus and Troilus Bochiardi Italians, with Theophilus Palaeologus a Greek, and joannes Stiavus a Dalmatian, for their great valour and courage, deserve to be had in eternal Remembrance; who after they had like Lions made slaughter of their Enemies, died in the midst of them, embrued with their blood, rather oppressed by multitude, than by true valour overcome. In this fury of the Barbarians, perished many thousands of Men, Women, and Children, without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition. Many for safeguard of their lives fled into the Temple of Sophia; where they were all without pity slain, except some few reserved by the barbarous Victors, to purposes more grievous than death itself. The rich and beautiful Ornaments and Jewels of that most sumptuous and magnificent Church (the stately Building of justinianus the Emperor) were in the turning of a hand, plucked down and carried away by the Turks; and the Church itself built for God to be honoured in, for the present converted into a Stable for their Horses, or a place for the execution of their abominable and unspeakable filthiness; the Image of the Crucifix was also by them taken down, and a Turks Cap put upon the head thereof, and so set up and shot at with their Arrows, and afterwards in great derision carried about in their Camp, as it had been in Procession, with Drums playing before it, railing and spitting at it, and calling it the God of the Christians. Which I note not so much done in contempt of the Image, as in the despite of Christ and the Christian Religion.  
But whilst some were thus spoiling of the Churches, others were as busy in ransacking of private houses, where the miserable Christians were enforced to endure in their persons whatsoever pleased the insolent Victors; unto whom all things were now lawful that stood with their lust, every common Soldier having power of Life and Death, at his pleasure to spare or spill. At which time Riches were no better than Poverty; and Beauty worse than Deformity. What Tongue were able to express the misery of that time? or the proud Insolency of those barbarous Conquerors? where of so many thousands, every man with greediness fitted his own unreasonable desire; all which the poor Christians were enforced to endure. But to speak of the hidden Treasure, Money, Plate, Jewels, and other Riches there found, passeth credit; the Turks themselves wondered thereat, and were therewith enriched, that it is a Proverb amongst them at this day, if any of them grow suddenly rich, to say, He hath been at the sacking of Constantinople; whereof if some reasonable part had in time been bestowed upon the defence of the City, the Turkish King had not so easily taken both it and the City. But every man was careful how to increase his own private Wealth, few or none regarding the Public State; until in fine, every man with his private abundance was wrapped up together with his needy Neighbour in the selfsame common misery. Yea the security of the Constantinopolitans was such, that being always environed with their mortal Enemies, yet had they no care of fortifying of so much as the inner Wall of the City (which for beauty and strength was comparable with the Walls of any City in the World, if it had been kept well repaired) but suffered the Officers which had the charge to see to the fortifying of the City, to convert the greatest part of the money into their own Purses; as appeared by Manuel Giagerus, a little before a very poor man; and likewise by Neophitus, who then having that Office to see unto the Fortification of the City, had in short time gathered together seventy thousand Florins, which became all a worthy Prey unto the greedy Turks.  
After that the barbarous common Soldier had thus by the space of three days without controlment taken his pleasure in the City (as Mahomet had before promised) and throughly ransacked every corner thereof, they then returned into the Camp, with their rich spoils, driving the poor Christian Captives before them, as if they had been droves of cattle, or flocks of Sheep; a Spectacle no less lamentable, than was the sacking of the City. It would have grieved any stony heart to have seen the noble Gentlewomen and great Ladies, with their beautiful Children, and many other fair Personages, who lately flowed in all worldly Wealth and Pleasure, to be now become the poor and miserable Bondslaves of most base and contemptible Rascals; who were so far from showing them any pity, as that they delighted in nothing more than to heap more and more misery upon them, making no more reckoning of them than of Dogs. There might the Parents see the woeful misery of their beloved Children, and the Children of the Parents; the Husband might see the shameful abuse of his Wife, and the Wife of her Husband, and generally one Friend of another; and yet not able to mourn together (the least part of heavy comfort) being in the Thraldom of divers cruel Masters, by whom they were kept asunder, like in few days to be dispersed into divers far Countries, without hope that they should ever find Release, or one see another again.  
The Soldiers being all retired into the Camp, Mahomet as a proud Conqueror, 
Mahomet solemniseth his Feasts in Constantinople with the blood of the Grecian Nobility.  with great Triumph entered into the City of Constantinople, then desolate and void of all Christian Inhabitants; and there after the manner of the Turkish Kings, made a sumptuous and Royal Feast unto his Bassas and other great Captains; where after he had surcharged himself with excess of Meat and Drink, he caused divers of the chief Christian Captives, both Men and Women (of whom many were of the late Emperor's Line and Race) to be in his presence put to death, as he with his Turks sat Banqueting; deeming his Feast much more stately by such effusion of Christian blood. Which manner of exceeding cruelty he daily used, until such time as he had destroyed all the Grecian Nobility that was in his Power, with the chief of the late Constantinopolitan Citizens. At which time also divers of the Venetian Senators, with Bajulus their Governor, and many rich Merchants of Genoa, and other places of Italy, were in like manner murdered; so that of seven and forty Senators of Venice which were there taken (whereof most part came thither by chance, bound for other places, but there unluckily shut up) some few found the favour, with exceeding great Ransoms to redeem themselves.  
Amongst these Noblemen thus lamentably executed, was one Lucas Leontares, or Notaras, commonly called Kyr-Lucas, or Lord Lucas, but of late great Chancellor of Constantinople, a man of greatest account next unto the Emperor himself; whom the Turkish Tyrant seemed greatly to blame, that he being a man in so great credit with the late Emperor, persuaded him not in time to have sought for Peace upon any condition, or else to have yielded up the City, rather than to have run that extreme course of wilful misery. He to excuse the matter, said, That the late Emperor his Master was encouraged to hold out the Siege, by the Venetians and Citizens of Pera, from whom he received Aid; as also by some of the greatest Men about his own Person; for proof whereof, he drew out of his bosom the Letters which Caly-Bassa had to that purpose written unto the Emperor, and delivered them to Mahomet, hoping thereby to have found some favour. But when he had said what he could, the eldest of his Sons then living (for he had lost two elder in the time of the Siege) was cruelly executed before his face, and the youngest reserved for the Tyrant's lust; and after all this misery, had his own head struck off with the rest appointed for that days Sacrifice. Out of this general Calamity escaped Io. justinianus the General, who with all speed fled at first to Pera, and from thence to Chios, where in few days after he died, of grief of mind (as was thought) rather than of his Wound, being happy if he had honourably before ended his days upon the Walls of C●nstantinople. Isidorus also the Cardinal and Legate from the Pope, disguised in simple Apparel, and being of the Turks unknown, redeemed himself for a small Ransom, as if he had been a man of none account, and so escaped; whom if Mahomet had known, he had undoubtedly been made shorter by the head.  
The glory of this famous City of Constantinople continued many hundred years, commanding a great part of the World, until that by civil discord and private gain, it was by little and little so weakened, that the Emperors of later times, for the maintenance of their Estate, were glad to rely sometime upon one, and sometime upon another, yet still holding the Title and State of an Empire, by the space of 1121 years, when as (God his judgement set apart, wonderful and shameful it is to consider how) it was by this Turkish King Mahomet so quickly taken, and the Christian Empire of the East there utterly overthrown; which happened on the nine and twentieth day of May, in the year of our Lord, 1453. Constantinus Palaeologus, the Son of ●elena, and last Christian Emperor, being then slain, when he had reigned about eight years. Since which time it hath continued the Imperial Seat of the Turkish Emperors, and so remaineth at this day.  
The Potestates and Citizens of Pera, 
P●ra yi●●ied ●o the Turk▪  otherwise called Galata, a City standing opposite against Constantinople, on the other side of the ●aven, and then under the Government of the Genoese, doubting to run the same course of misery with their Neighbours, sent their Orators unto Mahomet (the same day that Constantinople was taken) offering to him the Keys of their Gates, and so to become his Subjects. Of which their Offer▪ Mahomet accepted, and sent Zoganus with his Regiment to take possession of the City. Who coming thither, according to Mahomet his Commandment, there established the Turkish Government, confiscated the Goods of all such as were fled, and used the rest of the Citizens which stayed, with such Insolency and Oppression, as that their misery was not much less than theirs of Constantinople; and because it was doubted, that the Genoese might by Sea give Aid unto the Citizens, if they should at any time seek to revolt, he caused all the Walls and Fortresses of the City which were toward the Land, to be cast down and laid even with the ground. Thus is the fatal period of the Greek Empire run, and Mahomet in one day become Lord of the two famous Cities of Constantin●ple and Pera; the one taken by Force, the other by Composition. At which time the misery of Pera was great, but that of Constantinople justly to be accounted amongst the greatest Calamities that ever happened to any Christian City in the World.  
Mahomet had of long time born a secret grudge against Caly-Bassa, sometimes his Tutor, 
Mahome● notably dissembleth his ha●red against Caly-Bassa.  for that by his means Amurath his Father, in the dangerous time of the Hungarian Wars, had again resumed unto himself the Government of the Turkish Kingdom, which he had before resigned unto him, then but young. But forasmuch as he was the chief Bassa, and had for many years ruled all things at his pleasure, to the general good liking of the people, during the Reign of old Amurath, and was thereby grown to be of such Wealth, Credit, and Authority, as no man had at any time obtained greater under any of the Ottoman Kings; Mah●met in the beginning of his Reign, before he was established in his Kingdom, durst not take Revenge of that Injury (as he deemed it) but yet still kept it in remembrance, warily dissembling his deep conceived hatred, as if he had quite forgot it. Nevertheless sometime (for all his wariness) words fell from him, whereby the wary Courtiers (which as curiously weigh their Prince's words, as the cunning Goldsmith doth his finest Gold) easily perceived the secret grudge that stuck in his stomach against the Bassa; and thereby divined his fall to be at hand. So it happened one day that as Mahomet was walking in the Court, he saw a Fox of the Bassas tied in a chain, which after he had a while earnestly looked upon, he suddenly broke into this Speech; Alas poor Beast, hast thou no money to give thy Master to set thee at liberty? Out of which words, curious heads gathered much matter concerning the King's disposition towards the Bassa. This ominous surmising of the Courtiers (which ofttimes proveth too true) was not unknown unto the Bassa himself, but troubled him much; wherefore to get himself out of the way for a season, more than for any devotion, he took upon him to go in Pilgrimage to visit the Temple of the great Prophet (as they term him) at Mecha, which amongst the Turks is holden for a right Religious and Meritorious Work; hoping, that the young King's displeasure might in time be mitigated, and his malice assuaged. But Mahomet perceiving the distrust of the Bassa, and whereof it proceeded, seemed to take knowledge thereof, and with good words comforted him up, willing him to be of good cheer, and not to misdoubt any thing; neither to regard the vain Speech of foolish people, assuring him of his undoubted Favour; and the more to put him out of all suspicion, continually sent him rich Gifts, and heaped upon him new Honours, as if of all others he had esteemed him most. Until that now at the taking of Constantinople, it was discovered by Lucas Leontares, that he had Intelligence with the late Emperor of Constantinople, and his Letters produced. For which cause, or as the common report went, for the old grudge that the Tyrant bore against him, as also for his great Wealth, he was by Mahomet's commandment apprehended and carried in bonds to Hadrianople; where after he had with exquisite torments been enforced to confess where all his Treasures lay, he was most cruelly in his extreme old age executed. After whose death, his Friends and Servants (which were many, for he was a man greatly beloved in Court) in token of their grief, put on Mourning Apparel; so that in the Court appeared a great show of common sorrow; wherewith Mahomet being offended, caused Proclamation to be made, That all such as did wear such Mourning Apparel, should the next day appear before him; at which time there was not one to be seen about the Court in that heavy Attire, for fear of the Tyrant's displeasure.  

Mahomet placeth his Imperial Seat at Constantinople, and is worthily accounted first Emperor of the Tu●ks.  After that Mahomet was thus become Lord of the Imperial City of Constantinople, as is aforesaid, and had fully resolved there to place his Imperial Seat, he first repaired the Walls and other Buildings spoiled in the late Siege, and by Proclamations sent forth into all parts of his Dominions, gave great Privileges and Immunities to all such as should come to dwell at Constantinople, with free liberty to exercise what Religion or Trade they pleased. Whereby in short time that great and desolate City was again well peopled, with such as out of divers Countries resorted thither; but specially with the Jewish Nation, which driven out of other places, came thither in great numbers, and were of the Turks glady received. So when he had there established all things according to his hearts desire, he took upon him the Name and Title of an Emperor; and is from that time not unworthily reputed for the first Emperor of the Turks.  
Now among many fair Virgins taken Prisoners by the Turks at the winning of Constantinople, was one Irene a Greek born of such incomparable Beauty and rare Perfection, both of Body of Mind, as if Nature had in her, to the admiration of the World, laboured to have shown her greatest skill; so prodigally she had bestowed upon her, all the Graces that might beautify or commend that her so curious a Work. This Paragon was by him that by chance had taken her, presented unto the great Sultan Mahomet himself, as a Jewel so fit for no man's wearing as his own; by the Beauty and secret Virtues whereof, he found himself even upon the first View not a little moved. Nevertheless, having as then his head full of Troubles, and above all things careful for the assuring of the Imperial City of Constantinople, by him but even then won, he for the present committed her to the charge of his Eunuch, and sent her away, so to be in safety kept until his better leisure. But those his Troubles overblown, and his new Conquests well assured, he then began forthwith to think of the fair Irene; and for his pleasure sending for her, took in her Perfections such delight and contentment, as that in short time he had changed state with her, she being become the Mistress and Commander of him so great a Conqueror; and he in nothing more delighted, than in doing her the greatest Honour and Service he could. All the day he spent with her in discourse, and the night in dalliance; all time spent in her company, seemed to him short; and without her nothing pleased; his fierce Nature was now by her well tamed, and his wont care of Arms quite neglected: Mars slept in Venus' lap, and now the Soldiers might go play. Yea the very Government of his Estate and Empire seemed to be of him, in comparison of her, little or not at all regarded; the care whereof being by him carelessly committed to others, that so he might wholly himself attend upon her, in whom more than in himself the people said he delighted. Such is the power of disordered affections, where reason ruleth not therein. But whilst he thus forgetful of himself, spends in pleasure not some few days or months, but even one whole year or two, to the lighting of his Credit, and the great discontentment of his Subjects in general; the Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court (men desirous of Employment, and grieved to see him so given to his Affections, and to make no end thereof) began at first in secret to murmur thereat, and to speak hardly of him; and at length (after their insolent manner) spared not openly to say, That it were well done to deprive him of his Government and State, as unworthy thereof, and to set up one of his Sons in his stead. Which Speeches were now grown so rise, and the discontentment of the Men of War so great, that it was not without cause by some of the great Bassas feared, whereunto this their so great Insolency would grow. But who should tell the Tyrant thereof; whose frown was in itself death? or who durst take in hand to cure that his sick Mind? which distraught with the sweet, but poisoned potions of love, was not like to listen to any good counsel, were it never so wisely given; but as a man metamorphosed, to turn his fury upon him which should presume so wholsomely (but contrary to his good liking) to advise him. Unhappy man, whose great Estate and fierce Nature was not without danger to be meddled or tempered with, no, not by them who of all others ought in so great a peril to have been thereof most careful; but were now for fear of all become silent and dumb. Now amongst other great Men in the Court, was one Mustapha-Bassa, a man for his good Service (for that he was of a Child brought up with him) of Mahomet greatly favoured, and by him also highly promoted; and he again by him as his Sovereign no less honoured than feared; who no less than the rest, grieved to see so great a change in the great Sultan, of whom they had conceived no small hope of greater matters than were by him as yet performed; and moved also with the danger threatened unto him, by the discontented Janissaries and Men of War; espying him at convenient leisure to be spoken unto, and presuming of the former credit he had with him, adventured thus to break with him, and to give him warning thereof.  How dangerous a thing it is for a Subject or Vassal, without leave, presumptuously to enter into the secrets of his dread Lord and Sovereign, the woeful Examples of others (most mighty Mahomet) have so sufficiently warned me, as that were it not for the dutiful Loyalty I owe unto your Greatness, far dearer unto me than mine own life, I would not at this time adventure myself unto the hazard of your doubtful acceptance of my faithful Speech and meaning, but with others keep silence, and in secret mourn together with my heavy thoughts; which if I should in so great a danger both of your Life and Empire now do, without warning you thereof, I were not to be accounted unworthy only those your great Favours and Honours, most bountifully on me bestowed; but as a most vile Traitor both unto your State and Person, to be of all men detested and abhorred. The life you have of late led, ever since the taking of Constantinople, as a man careless of his Estate, and wholly wedded unto his own Pleasure, hath given occasion not unto the vulgar people only (always ready to say the worst) and Soldiers of the Court, the Guarders of your Person, but even unto the greatest Commanders of your Armies and Empire, to murmur and grudge, I dare not say, to Conspire against you. Yet pardon me dread Sovereign, if I should so say, for that there is no man which with great discontentment marvelleth not much to see so great an alteration in your Heroical Disposition and Nature; whereby you are become far unlike that noble Mahomet, which having overthrown the Greek Empire, and taken the great City of Constantinople, promised both unto himself and others, the Conquest of Italy, and the sacking of Rome, the stately Seat of the ancient Roman Conquerors. You have given yourself over (as they say) for a spoil and prey unto a poor simple Woman, your Slave and Vassal, who with her Beauty and Allurements hath so bewitched your Understanding and Reason, as that you can attend nothing but her Service, and the satisfying of your most passionate and inordinate desires; which how much the more you cherish them, so much the more they t●rment and vex you. Enter but a little into yourself (I pray you) and compare the life you now lead with the like time heretofore by you spent in treading Honours steps, and you shall find a notable difference betwixt the one and the other. Had the noble Ottoman, the first raiser of your House and Family so given himself over unto Pleasure, you had not now inhabited the Countries of Bythinia and Galatia, with o●hers more alongst the Euxine, by him conquered. Neither had his Son Orcanes (the lively Image of his Father, and Follower of his Virtues) by leading this kind of life, triumphed over Licaonia, Phrygia, and C●ria, or extended the bounds of his Empire so far as unto the Straits of Hellespontus. What should I speak of Amurath his Son, and Successor in the Empire? who in Person himself, first of the Ottoman Kings, passed over into Europe, placed his Imperial Seat at Hadrianople, conquered Thracia, Bulgaria, and Rascia. Yea Bajazet your great Grandfather is in his misfortune to be more than you commended, as vanquished in field by the mighty Tamerlane with four hundred thousand Horsemen and six hundred thousand Foot, and not by a silly Woman; comforting his mishap with the Honour and Greatness of him by whom he was so overcome. Neither may I with silence pass over your worthy Grandfather the Noble Mahomet, who not contented to have restored the shaking Empire, conquered also a great part of Macedonia, even to the Iconian Sea, and carrying the terror of his Arms over into Asia, did great matters against the Caramanians and others. At for your Father Amurath (of worthy Memory) I cannot but to my great grief and sorrow speak of him, who by the space of thirty years made both the Sea and Earth to quake under his Feet, and with strong hand more than once vanquished the Hungarians, and brought under his subjection the Countries of Phocis, Beotia, Aetolia, with a great part of Morea; and to speak of him truly, broke even the very heart and strength of the Grecians, and other his fierce Enemies. Let all these famous Conquests of your noble Progenitors, whose worthy Praises (as eternal Trophies of their Honour) are dispersed into every corner of the World, awake you out of this heavy Lethargy wherein you have too long slept, yea, let the remembrance of the Conquest of this Imperial City by you to your Immortal Glory wo●, stir you up to greater things, and let it never be said of you, That you were able with your Sword to overcome your greatest Enemies, and not with reas●n to subdue your inordinate affections: Think that your greatest Conquest, and suffer not yourself, so great a Conqueror, to be led in Triumph by your Slave. What availeth it you to have won Constantinople, and to have lost yourself? Shake off these golden Fetters wherein the wily Greek hath so fast bound you; which at the first though it seem unto you hard and painful, yet shall time digest it, and make you to think it both good and necessary for your State. Wean yourself from your desires, and give rest unto your troubled thoughts; which if you cannot do at once, strive by little and little to do it; pleasure groweth greater by the seldom use thereof, and satiety bringeth loathsomeness. Moderate yourself therefore, and again take up Arms. Your Soldiers if they be not employed abroad, will to your farther trouble set themselves to work at home: Idleness maketh them Insolent, and want of Martial Discipline corrupteth their Manners. Hereof proceedeth their intemperate and disloyal Speeches, That if you will not lead them forth for the Honour and Enlargement of the Ottoman Empire, as did all your most noble Progenitors, they will set up another that shall, even one of your own Children. And what the common Soldiers foolishly say, their great Commanders maliciously purpose; which, what a confusion it would bring unto the whole State of your Empire, together with the danger of your Royal Person, I abhor to think. Wherefore it is time, it is now high time for you to show yourself, and with the Majesty of your Presence to repress their tumultuous Insolency, before it break farther out. Rebellions are by far, more easily prevented, than in their heat appeased. The discontented multitude is a wild Beast with many heads, which once enraged, is not a little to be feared, or without danger to be tamed; yet do you but show yourself Master of your own Affections, and you shall easily Master them also. But what is fit for you to do, beseemeth me not for to say; yea, pardon me I beseech you, that I have thus much (contrary perhaps to your good liking) already said, provoked (by what divine Inspiration I know not) even half against my will, to discover unto you the secret of my heart, and to lay open unto you those things, which others knowing as well as I, do yet for fear keep the same from you. And if I have gone too far, or in any thing that I have said forgot myself, impute the same (my dread Sovereign) unto the zeal of my Love and Loyalty towards you, or unto my fidelity so often by you tried, or to our ancient Education (the ground of your affection towards me) or to what else shall please you, rather than to my presumption; from which, how far I have always been, I appeal even to your Majesties own knowledge. 
Having thus said, he fell down at his Feet, as there to receive his heavy doom of his so free Speech, if it should be otherwise than well taken of the angry Sultan; who all this while with great attention and many a stern look had harkened unto all that the Bassa had said; for well he knew it to be all true; and that in so saying, he had but discharged the part of a trusty and faithful Servant, careful of his Master's Honour. But yet the beauty of the Greek was still so fixed in his heart, and the pleasure he took in her, so great, as that to think of the leaving of her, bred him many a troubled thought. He was at war with himself, as in his often changed countenance well appeared; Reason calling unto him, for his Honour; and his amorous affections, still suggesting unto him new delights. Thus ●ossed to and fro (as a Ship with contrary winds) and withal considering the danger threatened to his Estate, if he should longer follow those his pleasures, so much displeasing to his Men of War, he resolved upon a strange point whereby at once to cut off all those his troubled passions, and withal to strike a terror even into the stoutest of them that had before condemned him, as unable to govern his own so passionate affections. Whereupon with countenance well declaring his inward discontentment, he said unto the Bassa, yet prostrate at his Feet.  Although thou hast unreverently spoken, as a Slave presuming to enter into the greatest Secrets of thy Sovereign (not without offence to be of thee once thought upon) and therefore deservest well to die; yet for that thou wast a Child brought up together with me, and hast ever been unto me faithful, I for this time pardon thee; and before to morrow the Sun go down, will make it known both to thee, and others of the same opinion with thee, whether I be able to bridle mine affections or not. Take order in the mean time that all the Bassas, and the chief Commanders of my Men of War be assembled together to morrow, there to know my farther pleasure; whereof fail you not. 
So the Bassa being departed, he after his wont manner went in unto the Greek, and solacing himself all that day and the night following with her, made more of her than ever before; and the more to please her, dined with her; commanding, that after dinner she should be attired with more sumptuous Apparel than ever she had before worn; and for the further gracing of her, to be decked with many most precious Jewels of inestimable value. Whereunto the poor Soul gladly obeyed, little thinking that it was her Funeral Apparel. Now in the mean while, Mustapha (altogether ignorant of the Sultan's mind) had as he was commanded, caused all the Nobility, and Commanders of the Men of War, to be assembled into the great Hall; every man much marveling, what should be the Emperor's meaning therein, who had not of long so publicly showed himself. But being thus together assembled, and every man according as their minds gave them, talking diversely of the matter; behold the Sultan entered into the Palace leading the fair Greek by the hand; who beside her incomparable Beauty and other the greatest graces of Nature, adorned also with all that curiosity could devise, seemed not now to the beholders a mortal Wight, but some of the stately Goddesses, whom Poets in their Ecstasies describe. Thus coming together into the midst of the Hall, and due Reverence to them done by all them there present; he stood still with the fair Lady in his left hand, and so furiously looking round about him, said unto them; I understand of your great discontentment, and that you all murmur and grudge, for that I, overcome with mine affection toward this so fair a Paragon, cannot withdraw myself from her presence; but I would fain know which of you is so temperate, that if he had in his possession a thing so rare and precious, so lovely and so fair, would not be thrice advised before be would forego the same? Say what you think; in the word of a Prince I give you free liberty so to do. But they all rapt with an incredible admiration to see so fair a thing, the like whereof they had never before beheld, said all with one consent, That he had with greater reason so passed the time with her, than any man had to find fault therewith; whereunto the barbarous Prince answered, Well, but now I will make you to understand how far you have been deceived in me, and that there is no earthly thing that can so much blind my senses, or bereave me of reason, as not to see and understand what beseemeth my high Place and Calling; yea, I would you should all know, that the Honour and Conquests of the Ottoman Kings my noble Progenitors, is so fixed in my Breast, with such a desire in myself to exceed the same, as that nothing but death is able to put it out of my remembrance. And having so said, presently with one of his hands catching the fair Greek by the hair of her head, and drawing his Falchion with the other, at one blow struck off her head, to the great terror of them all; and having so done, said unto them; Now by this judge whether your Emperor is able to bridle his affections or not. And within a while after, meaning to discharge the rest of his choler, caused great preparation to be made for the Conquest of Peloponnesus, and the besieging of Belgrade.  
At the same time that the barbarous Turks took the Imperial City of Constantinople, Thomas and Demetrius Palaeologi, Brethren to the late unfortunate Emperor Constantinus, governed a great part of Peloponnesus, one of the most famous Provinces of Grecia, which in form of a leaf of a Planetree, is almost in manner of an Island, environed with the Seas jonium and Aegeum, which running far into the Land on either side thereof, separateth the same from the rest of Grecia, by two great Bays, leaving but a straight neck of Land, called of the Greeks Istmos, in breadth about five miles, which was sometimes by the Grecians, and afterward by the Venetians, fortified by a strong Wall, and five great Castles; near unto which place stood the great and famous City of Corinth. This Province is in length 175 miles, and almost as much in breadth; wherein are contained the Countries of Achaia, Messenia, Lacedemonia, Argolica, and Arcadia; with many famous Cities and goodly Havens, wherein it far exceedeth all the other Provinces of Grecia. These two Princes Thomas and Demetrius, dismayed with their Brother's disaster Fortune, began now so far to despair of their own Estate, that upon the first bruit thereof, they were about presently to have fled by Sea into Italy. And as it commonly falleth out, That one evil happeneth not alone; so at the same time it fortuned, that the Albanians rise in Arms against the said two Princes their Sovereigns; and under the leading of their Rebellious Captain Emanuel Catecuzenus, grievously troubled both the poor Princes. These Albanians were a rough and hardy kind of people, which living after the manner of the rude Scythian Herdsmen, by feeding of cattle, had of long time planted themselves in Peloponnesus; differing from the natural Greeks, both in their manner of living and Language; which diversity was no small cause that they oftentimes spurned, as now, against the Government of the Grecian Princes. In this extremity, the two distressed Princes (not well knowing which way to turn themselves) sought for Peace at Mahomet's hands, year 1454. offering to become his Tributaries. Of which their Offer he willingly accepted, as an induction to the full Conquest of that Country; and sent Turachan Governor of Thessalia, one of his greatest Men of War, with an Army into Peloponn●sus, to Aid those Princes against the Albanians; by whose help the masterful Rebels were in short time discomfited, and the Country of Peloponnesus quieted; yet so, that it was now become Tributary to the Turkish King.  
These two Princes Demetrius and Thomas, the last of all the Christian Princes that reigned in Peleponnesus, having thus lost their Liberty, lived for a few years as the Turks Vassals; paying such yearly Tribute as they had before promised. During which time many Displeasures arose betwixt the two Brothers, being both jealous of their Estate, and desirous by all plausible means to win the hearts of their Subjects one from another; whereby it came so to pass, that whiles they both desired to become popular, they weakened their own Credit, and had not their Subjects at such command as best stood with the safety of their Estate. Nevertheless, as soon as they understood that the Christian Princes of the West were making great preparation against the Turk; 
Thomas and Demetrius rebel against Mahomet, and ar● by him spoiled of part of their Dominion.  and that Calixtus the Third of that Name (than the Bishop of Rome) had already put a Fleet of Galleys to Sea, which did great spoil upon the Borders of the Turks Dominions, they vainly persuading themselves that the Turks would in short time be again driven out of Grecia, refused to pay any more Tribute to the Turkish King, or to keep League any longer with him. Upon which occasion, Mahomet with a puissant Army came down and first besieged Corinth, and afterwards entering into Peloponnesus, took divers strong Towns, and destroyed the Country before him; and forced the two Princes for safeguard of their lives to fly, the one to Mantinia, and the other into the strong City of Epidaurus, now called Ragusium. The poor Princes destitute of such Aid as they expected, and altogether unable to withstand the Power of the mighty Tyrant, began again to sue for Peace; which he, having now spoiled their Country, granted upon condition, That all such places as he had already taken, should be still his own; and also that the City of Patras with the Country adjoining, should be delivered unto him; and that for the rest, the said Princes should pay unto him a yearly Tribute; which hard conditions the poor Princes, now in danger to lose all, were glad to accept of; whereupon a Peace was for that time again concluded.  
In his return he took the City of Athens in his way, which he not long before had taken from Francus Acciavol by Composition (by means of Omares the Son of Turacha●, one of his great Captains) promising to give him the Country of Boetia with the City of Thebes, in lieu thereof. This Francus was Nephew to Nerius, sometime Prince of Athens, and had of long time been brought up in the Turks Court, as one of Mahomet his Minions; and was of him (as was supposed) entirely beloved. But when he had received the Dukedom of Thebes, in exchange for his Princely State of Athens, he was shortly after, as if it had been in great Friendship sent by Mahomet to Zoganus, his Lieutenant in P●loponn●sus; by whom he was at first courteously entertained, but afterward being about to depart, he was (according as Mahomet had before commanded) suddenly stayed, and when he least feared, cruelly murdered.  
About three years after the Peace before concluded betwixt Mahomet and the two Brethren, Mahomet understanding that the Christian Kings and Princes had combined themselves against him, with a purpose to drive him again out of Grecia; thought it now high time, and much for the assurance of his Estate, to root out the small Relics of the Grecian Empire, 
M●homet comes again into Pelopo●nesus.  which yet remained in Peloponnesus in the two Princes of the Imperial Blood, Thomas and Demetrius; whereunto he saw a fair occasion presented. Forasmuch as those two Brethren were at that time at great Variance betwixt themselves, neither paid him such Tribute as they had before promised; hereupon he with a strong Army came to Corinth, where Arsanes a Nobleman of great Authority and Power in that Country, whose Sister Demetrius had married, came to him from the Prince his Brother in law, attended upon with many gallant Gentlemen his Followers, of purpose to Aid him against the other Prince Thomas, nothing fearing any harm to have been by the Turk intended against himself or his Brother in law Demetrius, whom they both reckoned of as of a Friend. But when Mahomet was entered into Peloponnesus, and come to Tegea, he caused the same Arsanes, with all his chief Followers, to be laid hold upon, and cast into bonds; knowing (as it should seem) no man for Friend, which might any way hinder his ambitious Designs.  
Demetrius hearing what was happened unto Arsanes, 
Demetr●us submitteth himself to Mahomet.  fled to Sparta, now called Mizithra; whither Mahomet in few days after came and laid Siege to the City. But the poor Prince considering, that he must needs at length fall into his hands, went out of the City, and humbly submitted himself with all that he had into his Power. Which so well pleased the Turkish Tyrant, that he courteously received him, comforted him, and promised him in stead of Sparta to give him other Lands and Possessions of like value elsewhere; nevertheless he committed him to saf● custody, and carried him about with him as his Prisoner, until he had finished those Wars. After he had taken Sparta, he besieged Castria, where he lost divers of his Janissaries; for which cause, when he had taken the City, he put all the Soldiers therein to the Sword, and cut the Cap●ain● overthwart in two pieces. From thence he marched to Leontarium, called in ancient time Megalopolis, which he took; with another City called Cardicea, whither they of Leontarium had before conveyed their Wives and Children, as to a place of more safety: There he cruelly put to death all the Inhabitants of those Cities, M●n, womans, and Children, in number about six thousand, of whom he left not one alive; and yet not so satisfied, commanded the very Beasts and cattle of those places to be killed. Many Cities of Peloponnesus terrified with the dreadful Example of their Neighbours, forthwith yielded themselves; and amongst others, Saluarium, a great and strong City of Arcadia; where he caused all the Inhabitants, Men, Women, and Children, to the number of ten thousand to be cast into bonds, looking for nothing but present death; all which afterwards he commanded to be sent Captives to Constantinople, and with them peopled the Suburbs of that City. After that, he by the counsel of Demetrius, sent one of his Captains called josua, with certain Companies of Greek Soldiers, unto the strong City of Epidaurus, to command them in the Name of the Prince, to deliver unto him the City, with the Prince his Wife and Daughter, which lay there. But the Governor trusting unto the strength of the City, refused to deliver the same; yet suffered the Princess with her Daughter to depart out of the City, being willing to go to her Husband; whom the Captain having received, returned, and presented them to Mahomet. By whose Commandment they were presently sent into Beotia, there to attend his return to Constantinople, and an Eunuch appointed to take charge of the young Lady, who had so warmed Mahomet's affection, that he took her afterwards to his Wife. At the same time he also subdued the most part of Achaia and Elis, by Zoganus' Bassa his Lieutenant; whither he came not long after himself, and laid Siege to the City of Salmenica, which for lack of Water was at length yielded unto him; but the Castle was by the space of a whole year after valiantly defended against the Turks left to besiege it, by Thomas the Prince; of whom Mahomet afterwards gave this commendation, That in the Country of Peloponnesus he had found many Slaves, but never a Man but him. This valiant Prince seeing the miserable ruin of his Country, and the State thereof utterly forlorn, after he had most notably endured a years Siege in the Castle of Salmenica, got to Sea, and so arrived in Italy; where travelling to Rome, he was honourably received by Pius Secundus, than Bishop there; who during his life, allowed him a large Pension for the maintenance of his State. 
Peloponnesus subdued by the Turks.  Thus Mahomet having thrust both the Grecian Princes out of their Dominions, and subdued all Peloponnesus (excepting such strong Towns and Castles, as bordering upon the Sea coast were yet holden by the Venetians) left Zoganus' Bassa his Lieutenant to Govern that new conquered Province, and with great Triumph returned himself towards Constantinople, carrying away with him Demetrius the Prince, with his Wife and Daughter, and many other Noble Prisoners. But after he was come to Hadrianople, and placed in his Royal Seat, he removed the Eunuch from the fair young Lady, and took charge of her himself. As for Demetrius her Father, he gave to him the City Aenum, with the Custom arising of the Salt there made, as a Pension for him to live upon. Thus this most famous and populous Country of Peloponnesus fell into the Turkish Thraldom, about the year of our Lord, 1460. seven years after the taking of Constantinople. Which I have here together set down, as it is reported by them who lived in that time, and in the same Countries; omitting of purpose other great Occurrents of the same time (which shall in convenient place be hereafter declared) to the intent that the fall of that great Empire, with the common misery of the delicate Grecians, might appear under one View; which otherwise being delivered by piece-meal, as it did concur with other great accidents according to the course of the time, would but breed confusion, and require the Readers great attention.  
The Christian Princes, especially such as bordered upon the Dominions of the Turkish Tyrant, were no less terrified than troubled with the subversion of the Constantinopolitan Empire; for they saw by the continual preparation of the Turk, that his ambitious Desires were rather increased than in any part satisfied with so great and late Victories. Wherefore they with all carefulness fortified their frontier Towns, and provided all things necessary for the defence of themselves, and for the repulsing of so mighty an Enemy. Among the rest, George the old Despot, or Prince of Servia (whose Dominions of all other lay most in danger of that Tempest) speedily mustered his Men of War, fortified his strong Cities, placed his Garrisons, and left nothing undone that he thought needful for the defence of the Country; for he had many times before to his great loss, endured the fury of the Turkish Kings, although he were joined to them in the bonds of nearest Alliance. And having thus politicly set all things in order at home, in Person himself took his Journey into Hungary, from thence to procure Aid against such time as he should have need. But the Hungarians, and especially Huniades (who at that time bore greatest sway in that Kingdom) having before had sufficient trial of the uncertainty and light Faith of that aged Prince, who had so often fashioned himself according to the occurrents of the time, that he was counted neither right Turk nor good Christian; refused to promise him any Aid, but left him to his own Fortunes; wherewith he returned discontented, and full of Indignation. But shortly after he was come home, 
The death of George Despot of Servia.  he died of a hurt received in a Skirmish with Michael Zilugo, Governor of Belgrade; whose Brother Ladislaus he had but a little before treacherously murdered, as he was travelling by Wagon to Belgrade with his said Brother Michael, who at the same time hardly escaped. This was the end of the Despot of Servia, when he had lived 90 years; in which time of his long life, he had plentifully tasted of both Fortunes. A man assuredly of great courage, but of a marvellous unquiet nature; by Profession a Christian, yet a great Friend unto the Turks, whom he many times stood in great stead; a deep dissembler, and double in all his dealings; whereby he purchased unto himself that Credit, that he was not of any his Neighbour Princes whilst he lived, either beloved or trusted; and after his death, of his Subjects so detested, that the people of that Country even at this day in their Country-Songs, still term him the Faithless and Graceless Despot. Lazarus his youngest Son, after his death succeeded in his place (having deprived both his elder Brethren Stephen and George) of the Government; for Amurath the Turkish King had long time before put out their Eyes, of purpose to make them unfit for the Government of so great a Country; yet these blind Princes found means to fly away from him to Mahomet, carrying with them a great mass of Money; and so incited him against Lazarus their younger Brother, that to keep Friendship with the Tyrant, he was glad to promise unto him a great yearly Tribute, and so to become his Tributary. But within few months after, Lazarus died, the last Christian Prince that reigned in Servia; after whose death, great Troubles arose in Servia for the Sovereignty; the blind Brethren still craving Aid of Mahomet, with whom they then lived; and the desolate Widow of Lazarus, putting herself with her three Sons, john, Peter, and Martin, into the Protection of the Hungarians; by which means she with much trouble, held her State for a season. Until such time as the Servians, seeing small assurance in that manner of Government, and weary of the harms they daily received of the Turks; yielded themselves with their Country, 
Servia yielded to the Turk.  unto the Obedience of the Turkish Emperor Mahomet, who for ever united the same unto his Empire as a Province thereof, and so it remaineth at this day.  
Now was Mahomet by the continual course of his Victories, grown to that height of mind, that he thought no Prince able to abide his Force; neither any Enterprise so great, which he was not of Power to bring to pass; wherefore he ceased not on every side continually to vex and trouble the Princes, whose Countries bordered upon his. But above others, his heart was greatest against the Hungarians; for that by them the Turkish Kings his Ancestors, had been more troubled, and their State more endangered, than by any or all other the Christian Princes. Wherefore he resolved now to take them in hand; which thing he had from the beginning of his Reign greatly desired. And because the City of Belgrade standing upon the great River of Danubius, was accounted the Key of that Country, he determined there to begin his Wars, and by taking thereof to make an entrance into the heart of Hungary. Hereupon he levied a great Army of an hundred and fifty thousand 〈◊〉 his best Soldiers, in whom he reposed such an assured trust and confidence, that he accounted the City already as good as taken, and a fair way made into Hungary; so ready are we to promise unto ourselves, the things we earnestly desire. For the better accomplishment of these his Designs, he had provided in readiness a Fleet of 200 Ships and Galleys, which he sent up the River of Danubius from Vidina to Belgrade, to the intent that no Relief or Aid should be brought unto the City out of Hungary, by the great Rivers of Danubius and Savus, whereupon the City of Belgrade standeth. With this Fleet he kept both those Rivers so straight, that nothing could be possibly conveyed into the City by water; and not so contented, sent part of his said Fleet farther up the River of Danubius, and so landing his Soldiers in many places, spoiled the Countries all alongst the River side. Shortly after he came with all his Forces by Land, 
Belgrade besieged.  and encamped before the City; whereunto at his first coming he gave a most fierce Assault, thinking to have taken them unprovided; but finding greater resistance than he had before imagined, and that the Hungarians were ready to Skirmish with them without the Walls, he began to proceed more warily, and entrenched his Army; and to provide for the safety thereof, by casting up of deep Trenches and strong Rampires against the sudden Sallies of his Enemies; and after, planting his Battery, began most furiously to shake the Walls with his great Artillery. By the fury whereof, he overthrew a part thereof, and laid it flat with the ground; which the Defendants with great industry and labour speedily repaired, by casting up of new Fortifications and Rampires, in such sort, that it was rather stronger than before.  
In the mean time Huniades (not to be named without the addition of a most worthy Captain) being then General for the Hungarians, sent a Fleet of Ships and Galleys, well appointed with all Warlike Provision, down the River of Danubius from Buda; which encountering with the Turks Fleet, took twenty Sail of them, and so discomfited the rest, 
The Turks Fleet overthrown by the Christians.  that they were glad to run themselves on ground near unto the Kings Camp. All which were by Mahomet's Commandment presently set on Fire, because they should not come into the Power of the Hungarians. By this means the Christians became Masters both of the Rivers of Danubius and Savus; and so at their pleasure, by water conveyed into the City all things needful for the defence thereof. Huniades also himself, with five thousand valiant Soldiers, and Io. Capistranus, a Minorite Friar (by whose persuasion forty thousand voluntary Christians out of Germany, Bohemia, and Hungary, were come to that War) entered into the City that way with their Soldiers and Followers.  
Mahomet resolutely set down for the winning of the City, had with continual Battery made the same at length assaultable; and so determined the next day to give a general Assault, appointing which part of the Wall every Colonel with his Regiment should assail. But as they were with great diligence and greater stir, preparing all things needful for the next days Service, it fortuned, that Carazias Bassa, 
Carazias Bassa slain  Mahomet's Lieutenant-General in Europe, and his best Man of War, was by chance slain with a great shot out of the Town. With whose death Mahomet was exceedingly troubled, as with an ominous token of the evil which afterwards ensued unto him and his whole Army. For all that, prosecuting his former determination, the next day early in the morning he commanded the Assault to be given; 
Belgrade assaulted by the Turks.  and with the dreadful sound of Trumpets, Drums, Cornets, and other Instruments of War, brought on his Janissaries to the Breach; who as courageous Soldiers fiercely assailed the same, and without any great resistance, entered both there and in divers others places of the City; reckoning the same to be now their own. For Huniades having before stored every corner of the City with his most valiant and expert Soldiers, had taken order that the Defendants, upon the first charge of the Janissaries, should forsake their stations, and as men discouraged, retire towards the City, of purpose to draw the fierce Enemies faster on, to their farther destruction; and upon a sign given to set upon them on fresh, and to repair to their former places of defence; which was accordingly done; so that as soon as the Janissaries, with other of the Turks most forward Soldiers, were in great numbers entered, upon the retiring of the Defendants, and the sign before appointed in the City given, the Defendants, as men quickly changed, turning again, fiercely charged the Turks which were entered, contrary to their expectation; and the valiant Huniades, 
The Turks notable repulse.  at the same time issuing out on every side with his most resolute Soldiers, so oppressed the Turks, that few of them that were entered escaped with life, but were there in the City either slain or taken Prisoners; and the rest with exceeding slaughter beaten from the Walls. Presently after, Huniades in this confusion of the Turks, strengthened with the Soldiers which came with Capistranus the Friar, made a Sally out of the Town, and set upon the Turks appointed for the defence of the great Ordnance; which was with such resolution performed, that the Turks were glad with great slaughter to forsake their charge, and to leave the Ordnance to their Enemies.  
The Turkish Tyrant sore troubled and throughly chafed with the loss of his great Ordnance, courageously charged the Hungarians afresh, to have recovered the same again; but was so valiantly repulsed by Huniades, and so beaten with the murdering shot out of the City, that he was glad when he had got him out the danger thereof into the Trenches. Huniades also retiring turned the Ordnance he had lately won, upon the Turks Camp, and with the same did them no small harm.  
In this hurl, a great part of the Christian Army (which then lay on the other side of Danubius) was speedily transported over the River; and making no stay in the City, joined themselves with Huniades, then lying without the Walls of the City. Who notably strengthened with this new Supply, assailed the Turks Trenches, as if he would even presently have entered their Camp; at which his presumption, the proud Tyrant (never before so braved) disdaining, went out of his Trenches, and valiantly encountering him, beat him back again to the great Ordnance; from whence he was again by the Christians driven to his Trenches. Which manner of doubtful and dreadful fight, was on both sides notably maintained, until the day was almost spent: Victory with indifferent Wings, hover now over the one side, now over the other.  

Mahomet wounded, and carried away for dead.  In these hot Skirmishes and Conflicts, Chasan●s Captain of the Janissaries, with many other valiant men were slain. And Mahomet himself performing the part as well of a courageous Soldier, as of a worthy Chieftain, was sore wounded under his left Pap; so that he was taken up for dead, and so carried into his Pavilion, to the great discomfiture of his whole Army. But coming again unto himself, and considering that he had in that Siege lost his whole Fleet, his great Ordnance, with most part of his best Soldiers, and yet in no possibility of the Town; secretly in the night arose with his Army, and with great silence shamefully departed; still looking behind him when the Hungarians should have pursued him into Servia, or have troubled him upon his way towards Constantinople. At this Siege (beside many of his best Captains and chief Commanders) were slain forty thousand of his best Soldiers. The loss that he there sustained was so great, and so stuck in his mind, that ever after during his life, when he had occasion to speak of that Siege, he would shake his head and sigh deeply, and many times wish, That he had never seen that City, whereat both he and his Father had received so great dishonour. Many were of opinion, that if Huniades had there had his Horsemen on that side of Danubius to have presently pursued the fearful Enemy, that the whole Army of the Turks might have there been overthrown. This notable Victory was obtained against the Turk the sixth of August, in the year of our Lord, 1456.  
Shortly after, this most valiant and renowned Captain Huniades, 
The death of the most famous Captain Huniades.  worthy of Immortal Praise, died of a hurt taken in these Wars; or as some others write, of the Plague, which was then rise in Hungary; who when he felt himself in danger of death, desired to receive the Sacrament before his departure, and would in any case (sick as he was) be carried to the Church to receive the same; saying, That it is not fit, that the Lord should come to the house of his Servant, but the Servant rather to go to the House of his Lord and Master. He was the first Christian Captain that showed the Turks were to be overcome; and obtained more great Victories against them than any one of the Christian Princes before him. He was unto that barbarous people a great terror, and with the spoil of them beautified his Country; and now dying, was by the Hungarians honourably buried at Alba julia, in St. Stephen's Church; his death being greatly lamented of all good men of that Age.  
Mahomet the Turkish Emperor, no less desirous to extend his Empire with the glory of his Name, by Sea than by Land; shortly after the taking of Constantinople, put a great Fleet to Sea, wherein he surprised divers Islands in the Aegeum, and hardly besieged the City of the Rhodes. At which time, Calixtus the Third, then Bishop of Rome, aided by the Genoese (for the grudge they bore against the Turks for the taking of Pera) put to Sea a Fleet of sixteen tall Ships and Galleys well appointed, under the Conduct of Ludovicus, Patriarch of Aquilla; who with that Fleet scoured the Seas, and recovered again from the Turks the Island of Lemnos, with divers other small Islands thereabout; and encountering with the Turks Fleet near unto the Island of the Rhodes, at a place called The Burrow of St. Paul, discomfited them, sunk and took divers of their Galleys, and forced them to forsake the Rhodes. After which Victory at Sea, he for the space of three years, with his Galleys, at his pleasure spoiled the Frontiers of the Turks Dominions all alongst the Sea coast of the lesser Asia, and wonderfully terrified the effeminate people of those Countries; and so at length returned home, carrying away with him many Prisoners and much rich spoil.  
After that Mahomet was thus shamefully driven from the Siege of Belgrade, 
1461. Usun-Cassan the Persian King sendeth Ambassadors with Presents to Mahomet.  and his Fleet at Sea discomfited (as is before declared) he began with great diligence to make new preparation against the next Spring to subdue the Isles of the Aegeum, specially those which lay near unto ●●loponnesus. But whilst he was busy in those Cogitations, in the mean time Ambassadors from Usun-Cassanes the great Persian King, arrived at Constantinople, with divers rich Presents sent to him from the said King. Where among other things, they presented unto him a pair of Playing-Tables, wherein the men and dice were of great and rich precious Stones of inestimable worth, and the Workmanship nothing inferior to the matter; which the Ambassadors for Ostentation said, That Usun-Cassanes found in the Treasures of the Persian King, whom he had but a little before slain and bereft of his Kingdom, and had there been left long before by the mighty Conqueror Tamerlane. Together with these Presents, they delivered their Embassage; the effect whereof was, That those two mighty Princes might join and live together in Amity; and that whereas David the Emperor of Trapezond, had promised to pay unto Mahomet a yearly Tribute, enforced thereunto by George his Lieutenant in Asia, he should not now look for any such thing; forasmuch as that Empire after the death of the Emperor then living, should of right belong unto Usun-Cassanes, in right of his Wife, who was the Daughter of Calo-Ioannes, the elder Brother of David the Emperor, then living; and further required him, from that time not to trouble or molest the said Emperor his Friend and near Alliance, so should he find him his faithful and kind Confederate; otherwise it was (as they said) in his choice to draw upon himself the heavy displeasure of a most mighty Enemy. Mahomet before envying at the rising of the Persian King, and now disdaining such peremptory Requests, little differing from proud Commands, in great choler dismissed the Ambassadors, with this short answer, That he would ere long be in Asia himself in Person, to teach Usun-Cassanes what to request of a greater than himself. This unkindness was the beginning and ground of the mortal Wars which afterwards ensued betwixt these two, than the greatest Princes of the East, as shall be hereafter more at large declared. The Ambassadors being departed, and Mahomet's Fleet of an hundred and fifty Sail ready to put to Sea, he altered his former determination for the Islands of the Aegeum (which after the loss of Constantinople had for the most part put themselves under the Protection of the Venetians) and commanded his Admiral with that Fleet to take his course through the Straits of Bosphorus into the great Euxin Sea, (now called the Black Sea) and so sailing along the coast to come to Anchor before Sinope, the chief City of Paphlagonia, and there to expect his coming thither with his Army by land 
Mahomet invadeth Ishmael, Prince of Sinope.  This great City of Sinope stands pleasantly on a point of the Main which runs a great way into the Euxin, sometime the Metrapolitical City of that Province; but as then, with Castamona and all the Country thereabout, was under the Government of Ishmael, a Mahometan Prince; upon whom Mahomet had now bend his Forces, for no other cause than that he was in League with Usun-Cassan, the Persian King. Now with great Expedition had Mahomet levied a strong Army; and passing therewith over into Asia, was come before he was looked for, to Sinope. Ishmael seeing himself so suddenly beset both by Sea and Land in his strongest City, although he wanted nothing needful for his defence, having in the City four hundred pieces of great Artillery, and ten thousand Soldiers; yet doubting to be able with that strength to endure the Siege, offered to yield up the City to Mahomet, with all the rest of his Dominion, upon condition, That he should freely give him in lieu thereof the city of Philippopolis in Thracia, with the Country thereto adjoining. Of which Offer Mahomet accepted; and so taking possession of Sinope, with the strong City of Castamona, and all the rest of the Prince's Territory, sent him away with all his things to Philippopolis, as he had promised. This Ishmael was the last of the Honourable House of the Isfendiars, who had long time reigned at Heraclea and Castamona in Pontus. From Sinope he marched on forward with his Army to Trapezond. This famous City standeth also upon the side of the Euxin or Black Sea in the Country of Pontus, where the Emperors of Constantinople had always their Deputies, whilst that Empire flourished and commanded the East part of the World, as far as Parthia; but after it began again to decline (as all worldly things have but their time) one Isaac (whose Father, Emperor of Constantinople, the Constantinopolitans had for his evil Government slain) flying to Trapezond, took upon him the Government of that City, with the Countries of Pontus and Capadocia, and many other great Provinces, and was at first called the King of Trapezond; but after he was well established in that Government, both he and his Successors took upon them the Name and Title of Emperors; which they maintained equally, if not better, than the late Constantinopolitan Emperors, and therefore are of most accounted for Emperors. He that then reigned, was ca●●ed David Comnenus; which most Honourable Family of the Comneni had long time before reigned in Constantinople; and out of the same were many other great Princes descended, which ruled in divers places of Macedonia, Epirus, and Graecia. Mahomet coming to Trapezond, 
Trapezond besieged by Mahomet.  laid hard Siege unto the same by the space of thirty days both by Sea and Land, and burned the Suburbs thereof, as he had before at Sinope. The fearful Emperor dismayed with the presence of so mighty an Enemy, and the sight of so puissant an Army, offered to yield unto him the City with his whole Empire, upon condition, That he should take his Daughter to Wife, and deliver unto him some other Province, which might yield him such yearly profit as might suffice for the honourable Maintenance of his State. Mahomet perceiving the weakness of his Enemy by his large Offers, refused to accept thereof, and attempted by force to have taken the City; which not sorting to his desire, the matter was again brought to parley; where after long debating to and fro, it was at last agreed upon, That the Emperor upon the Faith of the Turkish King for his safe return, should in Person meet him without the City, if happily so some good Atonement might be made betwixt them. Whereupon the Emperor following the Turks Faith before solemnly given for his safe return, as was before agreed, went out of the City to meet him, in hope to have made some good agreement with him; but as soon as he was come out, Mahomet according to the damnable and Hellish Doctrine of his false Prophet (That Faith is not to be kept with Christians) presently caused the Emperor to be cast into bonds, and so to be detained as Prisoner. Which when it was bruited in the City, 
Trapezond yielded ●●to the T●●ks.  the Citizens utterly discouraged, without farther resistance yielded themselves with the City into his Power.  
Mahomet now Lord of Trapezond, entering the City, took Prisoners the Emperor's Daughter, with all the rest of his Children and Kindred, and all such of the Nobility as he found in the City; whom he caused forthwith, together with the Emperor, to be sent by Sea as it were in Triumph to Constantinople. Of the rest of the Citizens he chose out so many as he pleased for his own Service, and appointed eight hundred of the Christian Children, in whom appeared most towardliness, to be brought up for Janissaries, many also of the other Citizens were sent into Captivity to Constantinople; the beautiful Women and Virgins he divided amongst his Friends and Men of War, certain chosen Paragons of whom, he sent as Presents to his Sons. After he had thus taken his pleasure in the City, and left none there but the basest of the people, he put a strong Garrison of his Janissaries into the Castle, and a great Garrison of common Soldiers into the City, appointing his Admiral to Govern the same. The rest of the Emperor's strong Towns, discouraged with the taking of Trapezond, and the miseries thereof, in short time submitted themselves unto the Turkish Thraldom, wherein they have ever since most miserably lived. So Mahomet in the space of few months having reduced that Empire into the form of a Province, returned in great Triumph to Constantinople; when he had in this Expedition subdued Paphlagonia, Pontus, and a great part of Capadocia, with some other Provinces near unto the Euxin Sea. When he was come to Constantinople, he sent the Emperor with his Children Prisoners to Hadrianople. But afterwards, understanding that the Persian Queen, the Wife of Usun-Cassan, sought means to get some one of her Uncle's Children, whom by the Power of her Husband she might, if it were possible, advance unto her Father's Empire; he sent for David the woeful Emperor to Constantinople, and there cruelly caused him, with all his Sons and Kinsmen, to be put to death; and to the uttermost of his Power rooted out all that most honourable Family of the Comneni, excepting George the Emperor's youngest Son, who at his first coming to Hadrianople turned Turk; whose Sister (the Emperor's Daughter) Mahomet afterwards took to be one of his Concubines. 
The ruane of the Empir● o● Tr●pezond.  This Christian Empire was by the Turkish Tyrant Mahomet thus miserably subverted and brought to nought in the year of our Lord, 1461.  
The year following, which was the year, 1462. year 1462. Mahomet having Intelligence, 
Mahomet s●●keth to entrap Wladus Prin●● of Valachia.  that Wladus Dracula Prince of Valachia, his Tributary, was resolved to cast from him his Obedience, and to join himself unto the Hungarians, his mortal Enemies; thought it best to prove if he could by policy circumvent him, before he were altogether fallen from him. For which purpose he sent Catabolinus his Principal Secretary unto him to bring him unto the Court, promising him greater Favours and Promotions from the Emperor, than he had as yet at any time enjoyed. And by the same trusty Messenger, he commanded Chamuzes' Bassa, Governor of Bidina and the Country lying over against Valachia, on the other side of Danubius, to do their uttermost devoir for the entrapping of Wladus; promising him great Rewards if he could bring the matter to effect. Whereupon Chamuzes devised with the Secretary, that when he had done his Message to the Prince, and with all his cunning persuaded him to take that Journey upon him, he should secretly before hand give notice unto him of the certain day of his return back again from the Prince; at which time it was like, that Wladus would in courtesy of himself bring the Secretary well on his way, being a man of so great Account in the Court, or at leastwise not refuse so to do, being thereto requested by the Secretary; at which time the Bassa secretly passing over Danubius with certain Troops of Horsemen, and lying close in ambush upon the way, should suddenly set upon the Prince, and so either take him, or else kill him. The Plot thus laid, and every circumstance agreed upon, the Secretary held on his way; and coming to the Prince, forced his wit to persuade him to go to the Court; sometime cunningly extolling the great opinion that Mahomet had of his Fidelity and Valour; and otherwhiles feeding him with the hope of greater Honours and Princely Preferments he was to receive at the Emperor's hands. But when he had said what he could, he obtained no more of the wary Prince, but good words again, and that he would in courtesy conduct him on his way to the side of Danubius; whereof the Secretary by speedy Messengers gave Chamuzes' Intelligence; who secretly passing over Danubius with certain Troops of Horsemen, and riding a good way into the Country, lay in ambush upon the way whereby the Prince and the Secretary must needs pass; according as was before appointed, the Secretary accompanied with the Prince, put himself upon the way, and at the very prefixed time came to the place where Chamuzes lay in ambush with his Horsemen; who suddenly arising, and on every side assailing the Prince, slew divers of his men before they were well aware of his coming. But Wladus being a man of great courage, and better appointed than the Bassa had supposed (for he went always attended upon with a strong Guard of valiant and stout men) so received Chamuzes and his Turks, that he slew many of them, and at length after a hard Conflict took him with the rest Prisoners; whose Hands and Feet he caused to be cut off, and their Bodies afterwards to be thrust upon sharp Stakes set fast in the ground, to the terror of all that saw them; and did the Bassa so much honour, as to hang him and the Secretary upon a Gibbet a great deal higher than the other Turks. 
Chamuzes Bassa and the Turks Secretary hanged.  And not satisfied with this Revenge, presently gathered his Forces, and passing over Danubius into the Turks Dominions, burned all the Country before him along the Sea side, killing Man, Woman, and Child, without mercy; after which great spoil and slaughter made, he returned again to Valachia. The report of this News being brought to Mahomet, set him in such a choler and rage, that he commanded the great Bassa Mahomates, which first told him thereof, to be cruelly whipped; which servile punishment in that Tyrannical Government hath usually been inflicted even upon the greatest Princes of the Court, upon the least displeasure of the Tyrants, especially if they be not natural Turks born; accounting the rest in their anger but as their base and contemptible Slaves, as well appeareth by the woeful end of many, even of the greatest of them. But when he understood by most sure advertisements that all was as th● Bassa had before reported, or rather worse, it is not to be in words expressed into what a rage he fell; the spoil of his Country grieved him much, but the shameful death of the Secretary his Ambassador, and of Chamuzes the Bassa, tormented his heart, and filled him with Indignation and desire of Revenge. Wherefore with all speed possible he assembled his Soldiers and Men of War, out of all parts of his Dominions to Philippopolis; and had in short time raised such an Army, as the like he had not at any time employed since the winning of Constantinople. At the same time also, he sent his Admiral with 25 Galleys, and 150 Sail of other small Vessels by the Euxin, to enter the River Danubius, and there landing his Men, to join his Forces with the Prince of Podolia; who for a grudge he bore against Wladus, had promised to Aid the Turk against him. 
Mahomet himself in Person invadeth Valachia.  When all things were now in readiness, he marched with his Army from Philippopolis, and passing over Danubius, entered into Valachia; before which time, the Admiral had landed his Men, and with the help of the Podolian, had burnt the City of Prailaba, the greatest Town of Trade in all Valachia; and was besieging Cebium, called in ancient time Lycostomos; where after they had lain a while and received some loss, they left the Siege and departed, the Podolian back again into his Country, and the Admiral to his Fleet.  
Mahomet being got over Danubius, burned the Villages, drove away the cattle, and made havoc of all that came in his way: As for Prisoners, he took but few; for the Valachies before his coming, had retired their Wives and Children, and all that were unfit for Wars, either into their strong Cities, or into the Refuge of great and thick Woods (whereof there is in that Country plenty) or else into the high and rough Mountains where they were in more safety than in any their strongest Holds; and all such as were able to bear Arms, followed the Prince, who ever kept the Woods and Mountains, still following the Turks Army so near as he possibly could with safety; and many times cut off such as straggled any thing far abroad from the Army, into the Country; yet never durst show himself in plain Field, being indeed but a handful, in comparison of the Turks multitude. Mahomet to small purpose roaming up and down the Country at his pleasure, stayed never long in one place; and making no reckoning of such a weak Enemy as durst never show himself, pitched his Tents still in the open Plains, and so lay with his Army in great security not entrenched at all. Wladus by his Spials understanding of this the manner of Mahomet's encamping, came in the dead time of the night, and with all his Power furiously assailed that quarter of the Turks Camp where the Asian Soldiers lay, and slew many of them in their Tents; the rest terrified with the suddenness of the Alarm, fled out of their Tents for Refuge unto the European Soldiers; the Prince following them at the heels, and entering into that quarter of the Camp also, did there great harm, and struck such a general terror and fear into all the Turks Army, that they were even upon the point to have wholly forsaken their Tents, and betaken themselves to flight. Yea, Mahomet himself, dismayed with the terror of the night and tumult of his Camp, and fearing lest the Hungarians had joined their Forces with the Prince, not knowing which way to turn himself, had undoubtedly fled, had not Mahomet Bassa, a man of great experience in Martial Affairs, persuaded him otherwise, and by general Proclamation made through the Camp, That no man should upon pain of death, forsake the place wherein he was encamped, stayed the flight; and with much ado enforced them to make head against the Prince. Wladus perceiving the Turks now to begin to stand upon their guard, and to make resistance; after great slaughter made, returning, took the spoil of the Tents forsaken by the Asian Soldiers, and upon the approach of the day, again retired with Victory into the Woods. As soon as it was day, Mahomet appointed Haly-Beg with certain Companies of select Soldiers, to pursue the Valachies; who overtaking part of the Prince's Army, took a thousand of them Prisoners, and put the rest to flight; all which Prisoners were by the Tyrant's Command, presently put to the Sword. From that time Mahomet every night entrenched his Army, and caused better Watch and Ward to be kept in every quarter of his Camp, than before.  

A most horrible Spectacle.  As he marched along the Country, he came to the place where the Bassa and the Secretary were hanging upon two high Gibbets, and the dismembered Turks impailed upon Stakes about them; with which sight he was grievously offended. And passing on farther, came to a Plain containing in breadth almost a mile, and in length two miles, set full of Gallows, Gibbets, Wheels, Stakes, and other Instruments of Terror, Death, and Torture; all hanging full of the dead Carcases of Men, Women, and Children, thereupon executed, in number (as was deemed) about twenty thousand. There was to be seen the Father, with his Wife, Children, and whole Family, hanging together upon one Gallows; and the Bodies of sucking Babes, sticking upon sharp Stakes; others withal their Limbs broken upon Wheels, with many other strange and horrible kinds of death; so that a man would have thought, that all the Torments the Poets feign to be in Hell had been there put in execution. All these were such as the notable, but cruel Prince, jealous of his Estate, had either for just desert, or some probable suspicion, put to death; and with their Goods rewarded his Soldiers; whose cruel manner was, together with the Offender to execute the whole Family, yea sometimes the whole Kindred. Mahomet, although he was by Nature of a fierce and cruel Disposition, wondered to see so strange a Spectacle of extreme cruelty; yet said no more but that Wladus knew how to have his Subjects at Command. 
Two thousand of the Valachies slain.  After that, Mahomet sent josephus, one of his great Captains, to skirmish with the Valachies; who was by them put to the worse; but by the coming in of Omares the Son of Turachan, they were again in a great Skirmish overthrown, and two thousand of their heads brought by the Turks upon their Lances into the King's Camp; for which good Service Omares was by the King preferred to be Governor of Thessalia.  
When Mahomet had thus traced Valachia, and having done what harm he could, saw it to be to no purpose, with such a multitude of men to hunt after his flying Enemy, which still kept the thick Woods or rough Mountains; he returned again to Constantinople, leaving behind him Haly-beg with part of his Army, to prosecute that War; and with him Dracula the younger Brother of Wladus, who was also called Wladus, as a Stale to draw the Valachies into Rebellion against the Prince. This Dracula the younger, was of a little Youth brought up in Mahomet's Court, and for his comely Feature of him most passionately affected; which inordinate perturbation, so prevailed in the intemperate Nature of the lascivious Prince, that he sought first by fair words and great Gifts to corrupt the Youth, and not so prevailing, attempted at last to have forced him; wherewith the Noble Youth being enraged, drew his Rapier, and striking at him to have slain him, grievously wounded him in the Thigh, and thereupon fled. Nevertheless being drawn back again to the Court, and pardoned, he was afterwards reconciled to the King, and so became his Ganymede; and was of him long time wonderfully both beloved and honoured, and now set up for a Stale (as is before said) for the Valachies his Countrymen to gaze upon.  
It fortuned, that after the departure of the King, divers Valachies came to Haly-beg the Turkish General, to Ransom such Friends of theirs as had been taken Prisoners in those Wars, and were yet by him detained; to whom the younger Dracula by way of discourse declaring the great Power of the Turkish Emperor, and as it were lamenting the manifold and endless Miseries of his Native Country; cunningly imputed the same unto the disordered Government of his cruel Brother, as the ground of all their Woes; assuring them of most happy and speedy Redress, if the Valachies, forsaking his fierce Brother, would cleave unto him as their Sovereign, in special Favour with the great Emperor. Which Speech he delivered unto them with such lively Reasons, and in such effectual Terms, that they there present, persuaded by him, and others by them, in short time all, as if it had been by a secret consent, forsook Wladus the elder Brother, and chose Dracula the younger Brother to be their Prince and Sovereign. Who joining unto him the Turks Forces, by the consent of Mahomet took upon him the Government of that Warlike Country and People; yet holding the same as the Turkish Tyrant's Vassal, the readiest way to Infidelity. Wladus seeing himself thus forsaken of all his Subjects, and his younger Brother possessed of his Dominion, fled into Transylvania, where he was by the appointment of the Hungarian King, apprehended and laid fast in straight prison at Belgrade, for that he had without just cause (as it was laid to his charge) most cruelly executed divers Hungarians in Valachia; yet such was his fortune, after ten years hard imprisonment, to be again enlarged, 
The death of Wlad●s  and honourably to die in battle against his ancient Enemies the Turks.  
Mahomet returning out of Valachia to Constantinople, sent the same Fleet which he had used in his late Wars, into the Aegeum, to take in such Islands as being before under the Constantinopolitan Empire, had upon the loss of the City put themselves under the Protection of the Venetians; but especially the Isle of Mitylene, called in ancient time Lesbos; pretending that Nicholaus Catelusius Prince thereof, did harbour the Pirates of Italy, and other places; and also bought of them such Prisoners, and other Booty, as they continually took from the Turks at Sea, or alongst the Sea coast, out of many places of his Dominions; pretending also the chastising of the said Prince, for that he had by treachery slain his eldest Brother, and so unjustly taken upon him the Government. His Fleet thus set forward, he himself with a small Army passed over into Asia, and came by land to Possidium a City of jonia over against Mitylene. From whence he embarked himself over the narrow Straight into the Island, where after he had once landed his Army, he in short time overran the whole Island, and miserably spoiled the same, leading away all the Inhabitants thereof into Captivity; who shortly after were sold at Constantinople like Flocks of Sheep, and from thence dispersed into all parts of his Dominions. After he had thus harried the Country, and left nothing therein unspoiled, 
Mitylene besieged.  he besieged the Prince in the City of Mitylene, whereof the Island now taketh Name; and with his great Ordnance continually battered the same by the space of 27 days (in which time many sharp Assaults were also given by the Turks, whereby the Defendants were greatly diminished and wasted. The Prince perceiving himself not able long to hold out, 
Mitylene yielded to the Turks.  offered to yield up the City, with all the strong Holds in the Isle, upon condition that Mahomet should therefore give unto him some other Province, or like value to the Island; which his Offer Mahomet accepted, and by solemn Oath bound himself for performance of that he had promised. Whereupon the Prince came out of the City, and humbled himself before him, excusing himself for the receiving of the Men of War (wherewith he was charged) as done for no other purpose, but that they should forbear to spoil his own Country, much subject to their fury; utterly denying that he had at any time bought, or shared any part of such Prizes as had by those Pirates by Sea or Land been taken from the Turks. With which his excuse, Mahomet seemed to be reasonably well contented, and with good words cheered him up; nevertheless as soon as the City, with all the other strong Holds in the Isle, were by the Princes means delivered into his hands, he no longer made reckoning of his Turkish Faith, but cruelly caused many of the chief Citizens of Mitylene to be put to death; and three hundred Pirates, whom he found in the City, to be cut in two pieces in the middle, so to die with more pain. And when he had placed convenient Garrisons in every strong Hold in the Isle, he returned to Constantinople, carrying away with him the Prince, and all the better sort of the Inhabitants of Mitylene, that were left alive, together with all the Wealth of that most rich and pleasant Island, leaving it almost desolate, none remaining therein more than his own Garrisons, with a few of the poorest and basest people. Mahomet after he was arrived at Constantinople, cast the Prince Nicholaus, with Lucius his Cousin (whose help he had before used in killing of his elder Brother) into close Prison; where they seeing themselves every hour in danger of their lives, to win Favour in the Tyrant's sight, wickedly offered to renounce the Christian Religion, and to turn Turk. Which Mahomet understanding, caused them both to be richly apparelled, and with great Triumph to be circumcised, and presently set at liberty; yet still bearing in mind his old grudge, he shortly after, when they least feared any such matter, clapped them both fast again in Prison, and there caused them to be most cruelly put to death. A just Reward for bloody Murderers, and Apostasy, who to gain a little longer life, were content to forsake God.  
Shortly after it fortuned, that Stephen King of Bosna (in ancient time called Maesia Superior) who supported by the Turkish Emperor, year 1464. had wrongfully obtained that Kingdom against his own Brethren, refused now to pay such yearly Tribute as he had before promised; for which cause Mahomet with a strong Army entered into Bosna, and laid Siege unto the City of Dorobiza; which when he had with much ado taken, he divided the people thereof into three parts; one part whereof he gave as Slaves unto his Men of War, another part he sent unto Constantinople, and the third he left to inhabit the City. From Dorcbiza he marched to jaziga, now called jaica, the chief City of that Kingdom, which after four months' Siege was delivered unto him by Composition; in this City he took the King's Brother and Sister Prisoners, with most of the Nobility of that Kingdom, whom he sent as it were in Triumph unto Constantinople. The other lesser Cities of Bosna following the Example of the greater, yielded themselves also. But Mahomet understanding that the King of Bosna had retired himself into the farthest part of his Kingdom, sent Mahomates his chief Bassa with his European Soldiers to pursue him; wherein the Bassa used such diligence, that he had on every side so enclosed him before he was aware, that he could by no means escape, which was before thought a thing impossible. So the King for safeguard of his life was fain to take the City of Clyssa for his Refuge; where he was so hardly laid to by the Bassa, that seeing no other remedy, he offered to yield himself upon the Bassas faithful promise by Oath confirmed, that he should be honourably used, and not to receive in his Person any harm from the Turkish Emperor. Whereupon the Bassas Oath to the same purpose was with great Solemnity taken; and for the more assurance, conceived in writing, firmed by the Bassa, and so delivered to the King; which done, the King came out of the City and yielded himself. The Bassa having thus taken the King Prisoner, carried him about with him from place to place, and from City to City, until he had taken possession of all the Kingdom of Bosna; and so returning unto his Master, presented unto him the Captive King; who was not a little offended with him, for that he had unto him so far engaged his Turkish Faith. But when the poor King thought to have departed, not greatly fearing further harm, he was suddenly sent for by Mahomet; at which time, he doubting the worst, carried with him in his hand the writing wherein the Bassas Oath for his safety was comprised; nevertheless, the faithless Tyrant without any regard thereof, or of his Faith therein given, caused him presently to be most cruelly put to death, or as some write, to be ●lain quick. Thus was the Christian Kingdom of Bosna subverted by Mahomet, in the year, 1464. who after he had at his pleasure disposed thereof, and reduced it to the form of a Province, to be (as it is at this day) governed by one of his Bassas; in great Triumph returned to Constantinople, carrying away with him many a woeful Christian Captive, and the whole Wealth of that Kingdom. 
The great Wars betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag, are at large written by Marinus Barlecius, in 13 Books, De vita, & gestis Scanderbeg●, from whence this History is taken; and were done betwixt the years 1450. and 1467.   
Mahomet following the Example of his Father Amurath, had from the beginning of his Reign by one or other of his great Bassas or expert Captains still maintained Wars against Scanderbag the most valiant and fortunate King of Epirus; the greatest part whereof, although it did in the course of time concur with the things before declared, and might by piece-meal have been amongst the same in their due time and place inserted; yet I have of purpose for divers reasons wholly reserved them for this place; first, for that I would not interrupt the course of the History before rehearsed, with the particular accidents of this War: And then, for that the greatest heat of this Hereditary War, delivered as it were from hand to hand, from the Father to the Son, happened not long after this time; when as Mahomet having conquered the Kingdom of Bosna, had surrounded a great part of Scanderbegs Dominion; wherein I had respect also unto the Readers ease, who may with greater pleasure and content, and less pains also, view the same together, than if it had been dispersedly scattered and intermeddled with the other greater occurrents of the same time. In which discourse I will but briefly touch many thing well worthy of a larger Treatise. 
Vide Marinum Barletium lib. de vita & gestis Scanderb●gi.  And if forgetting myself, I shall in some places happen to stay something longer than the Readers haste would require, yet I hope, that the zeal and love he bears unto the worthy memory of most famous Christian Princes, together with the shortness of the History, in comparison of that which is thereof written in just Volumes by others, shall easily excuse a lager discourse than this: But again to our purpose.  
Mahomet in the beginning of his Reign sent Ambassadors to Scanderbag, offering him Peace, to that he would grant to pay unto him such yearly Tribute as his Father Amurath had in his life time demanded. Which embassage the crafty Tyrant sent rather to prove what confidence Scanderbag had in himself, than for any hope he had to have his demand granted. This dishonourable offered peace Scanderbag scornfully rejected, and so returned the Ambassadors as they came; and presently upon their departure entered with his Horsemen into that part of the Turks Dominion which bordereth upon Epirus; and when he had wasted the Country, returned home laded with the Spoil thereof. In revenge of which despite, Mahomet shortly after sent Amesa one of his best men of War, with twelve thousand Horsemen into Epirus, to requite Scanderbag with the like Spoil of his People and Country. But Scanderbag understanding by his Spials of the Turks coming, lay close in ambush with six thousand Soldiers upon the great Mountain Modrissa, over which the Turks must of necessity take their way; and as they were about by night to have passed over that rough and steep Mountain, and were with much difficulty almost got up to the top thereof, they were suddenly charged by Scanderbag his Footmen, who having the advantage of the place, made great slaughter of the Turks, and drove them down the Mountain amain; at which time their Horses stood them in no stead at all, but were rather unto them an hindrance in that uneven and troublesome ground. Now when the Turks were come to the foot of the Mountain, they were in that great fear and disorder, again fiercely assailed on the one side by Scanderbag, and on the other side by his Nepew, called also Amesa, who before the Turks coming had placed themselves with their Horsemen in places of most advantage; so that the Turks hardly beset and forced on every side, were in short time overthrown and put to flight. In this conflict seven thousand of the Turks were slain, and Amesa General of the Turks Army with divers other Captains taken, whom Scanderbag sent Prisoners to Croia. For joy of this Victory at Scanderbegs return, great Triumph and Feasting was made at Croia; during which time, Scanderbag caused Amesa the Turk, with the rest of the Turkish Captains, to be enlarged, to be partakers of that joy, whereof they against their wills had given the occasion; and afterwards used them with all kind of courtesy during the time of their abode. This Amesa requested of Scanderbag, that he might send a Messenger to Constantinople, to certify Mahomet how the case stood with him and the rest, whom happily he might think to have been slain in the Battle; and to procure from him their ransom. Which his request Scanderbag easily granted, and set down their ransom at thirteen thousand Ducats. The news of this overthrow sore grieved the Turkish Tyrant, but afterwards when he saw the remainder of his Army without their General and Leaders, having for most part lost their Ensigns and Armour, and also the Messenger that was sent from Amesa, he fell into such a rage that he denied to give any thing at all for his ransom; imputing all the loss to his Treachery, Folly, or Cowardice. Howbeit he was afterwards persuaded by his Bassas and other great Courtiers, Amesa his Friends, to think better of the General, of whose Faithfulness and Valour he had of long time had great experience, and also to send his Ransom; by denying whereof, he should (as they said) discourage his other Generals and Captains, who by chance of War might hap to fall into the like danger. By whose persuasion Mahomet sent an Ambassador to Scanderbag, with the ransom demanded, and other great Presents also. Upon receipt whereof, Amesa with the other Captains were set at liberty, and sent with safe convoy out of Epirus. All the money sent for the Turks ransom, Scanderbag divided amongst his Captains and Soldiers.  
This late received overthrow filled the proud Tyrant with desire of revenge, so that he determined forthwith to send another Army into Epirus; the leading whereof, divers of his great and most expert Captains ambitiously sought for. For Mahomet had promised great Rewards and most honourable Preferments to him whose hap it should be to vanquish Scanderbag. 
Debreas sent with fourteen thousand Horsemen to invade Epirus.  Among the rest, one Debreas (a man for his Forwardness and Courage, in great favour with his Sovereign) by great suit obtained to have that charge; promising with exceeding confidence unto Mahomet, to make a beginning of better success in his Wars of Epirus, than others thither by him before sent; for the accomplishment whereof, he required to have no greater power than was sent the year before. But after that Amesa was returned to the Court, and had with long discourse set forth the Virtues and Valour of Scanderbag, with the invincible courage of his Soldiers, Debreas became more temperate in his Speech, and was contented to receive a new Supply; so that he had under his Charge fourteen thousand Soldiers; with which Army he marched towards Epirus, and was come to a place called Pologus, where he lay with his Army encamped in a Plain in great security, fearing no danger, for that he was not as yet in the Enemy's Country, neither as he supposed, near the Enemy. Of all this preparation, and of the coming of Debreas, Scanderbag had intelligence; and being resolved not to expect the coming of the Turks into Epirus, made choice of Six thousand of his best Horsemen; with whom he marched with as much speed as was possible into the Enemy's Country, and came by night unto the Plain where the Turks lay, hoping to have been upon them before they were aware, and so to have overthrown them; wherein he was much deceived; for by the light of the Moon (which then shined all night) he was by the Turks in time descried, yet the suddainess of his approach with the strangeness of the attempt, exceedingly dismayed the whole Army of the Turks. But Debreas mindful of the promise he had made unto his Lord and Master, with cheerful words encouraged his Soldiers, and presently sent out certain Troops of light Horsemen's to receive the first Charge of the Enemy, 
A skirmish betwixt the Christians and the Turks.  until he might set his whole Army in order of Battle. Betwixt these Troops, and others sent out by Scanderbag, began a sharp skirmish; both the Armies standing fast, as beholders, carefully expecting the event thereof. But Scanderbag doubting, that if his Soldiers should in his first encounter be put to the worst, it might tend to the great discouraging of the rest of his Army; seconded his men with other fresh Troops under the leading of Moses and Amesa; by whose coming in, the Turks were forthwith beaten back, and chased even to their main Battle. In the heat of which chase, Moses forgetting himself, had with great danger in following on too fast, been enclosed by the Turks, had not his Fury been in good time stayed by Amesa; for which oversight, he was afterward blamed by Scanderbag, that he could not with greater moderation use his good Fortune, commending such forwardness in a private Soldier, but not in so great a Commander. 
A Battle betwixt Scanderbag and Debreas.  When Moses and Amesa had thus put the Turks to flight, Scanderbag brought on his whole Army, and fiercely assailed the Turks, yet troubled with the discomfiture of their Fellows. Debreas on the other side, with cheerful Speech, and his own Valour, so encouraged his Soldiers, that Scanderbag was there notably resisted, and his Fortune as it were at a stand; until that Musachius, with certain Troops of resolute men, drawn out of the left Wing of Scanderbegs Army, gave such a fierce Charge upon the side of the Turks Army, that he broke their Ranks, and sore disordered that part of the Army; which when Debreas perceived, he withdrew himself out of the front of the Battle wherein he had valiantly stood against Scanderbag, and came to the place where Musachius had disodered the Battle, and with such Courage cheered up his troubled Soldiers, that his only Presence and Valour seemed to be the very Life and Heart of his whole Army. Whilst Debreas was thus busied against Musachius, Scanderbag in the mean time with might and main still charged the front of the Enemy's Army; who now in the absence of the General began to lose their order and to give ground, making no such resistance as before. At which time, Moses forcibly breaking into the thickest of them, took one of their Ensigns, which he threw back among his Followers; wherewith they encouraged, so pressed upon their Enemies, without regard of danger, that the Turks being therewith discouraged, and their Battle disordered, were almost ready to turn their Backs and to fly. Debreas seeing all in danger to be lost, hasted with all speed unto the place where he saw most peril, and did what was possible to have restored the Battle, and encouraged his Soldiers; where pressing in among the foremost, 
Debreas slain by Scanderbag, and his Army overthrown▪  he was by Scanderbag himself encountered hand to hand, and so by him slain; with whose fall the whole Army discouraged, without further resistance fled. Moses pursuing them on the one side, and Musachius on the other, with furious hand slew more in that chase than were slain in the Battle. Of the Turks were slain in this Battle four thousand one hundred and twenty, and some Prisoners taken, but of the Christians few or none; so that for the good fortune thereof, Scanderbag accounted it a Victory given. All the Spoil taken from the Enemy, together with the Prisoners, was by Scanderbag equally divided among the Soldiers. Unto Moses he gave Debreas his Horse and Armour; and unto Musachius a Prisoner, which by his port and behaviour seemed to be a man of some account. 
A pleasant contention betwixt Musachius and a Turk for his ransom.  This Turk agreed with Musachius upon a ransom of two hu●dred Ducats, and presently upon agreement made, drew forth the Money out of a little Bag which he had kept secretly about him, and offered it to Musachius for his ransom; who receiving the Money, told the Turk; that he must provide another ransom, forasmuch as that Money was his own before by Law of Arms, as taken with his person. The Turk on the other side alleged for himself the agreement already made, with the payment of the full sum agreed upon. This controversy was brought before Scanderbag; who with great pleasure heard them both what they could say; Musachius laying in hard for another ransom, and the Turk for his liberty urging the agreement. Who when they had both said what they could for themselves, Scanderbag smiling, told them, that they both contended for that which was in right his, and neither of theirs; for the Prisoner with the Money were both mine (said he) at the first taking of him, since which time I have given to you Musachius the Prisoner, which I knew, but not the Money which I knew not of; neither doth the concealing thereof make it yours (said he to the Turk) who had by Law of Arms lost yourself, together with all that you had about you. After he had thus pleasantly discoursed of the matter, and brought them both in doubt, he awarded to Musachius the Money he agreed for, and to the Turk his desired liberty; who glad thereof, and having also received his Horse and Armour of the gift of Scanderbag, departed, speaking all the honour he could of so noble a Conqueror. After this Victory Scanderbag with great triumph returned again to Croia.  
When Mahomet understood that Debreas was slain, and his Army overthrown, he became exceeding melancholy; but after he saw so many of his Soldiers returned as had been sufficient to have restored a lost battle, he was so highly displeased with that Cowardice, as that he could not endure the sight of them. The death of Debreas grieved none more than the King himself; for the Captains generally either envied at his hardiness, or else hated his insolency. Amesa among the rest took no small pleasure, that his proud Successor had taken part of his evil Fortune, and so in part eased his former infamy. The great Bassas and Men of War seeing their Sovereign so desirous of revenge, offered to spend their lives in that service, whose forwardness he seemed not to refuse; howbeit he had in his mind already plotted another manner of revenge. He was not ignorant, what great matters his Father Amurath had brought to pass, by sowing discord among the Princes of Grecia; which foul practice he purposed now to put in practice himself. There were at that time many famous Chieftains in Epirus, of Scanderbag both beloved and trusted; among whom, he was in hope to find some one who for desire of Wealth or Promotion, might be alured to give some desperate attempt against the Life or State of Scanderbag. Of all others, Moses Golemus of Dibra (a man honourably descended) was most inward with Scanderbag, and for his prowess and experience in Martial Affairs, of all men accounted the best Captain in all Epirus, next unto Scanderbag himself; him, the crafty Tyrant most desired to alienate from Scanderbag, as one fittest to serve his purpose, and easiest without suspicion to be dealt withal, because he commonly lay with a strong Garrison in Dibra, upon the very frontiers of Epirus. Wherefore he directed his Letters unto the Governor of Sfetigrade, commanding him by all means he could possibly devise to withdraw Moses from Scanderbag; and not to spare for any Gold or golden Promises whereby to allure him; promising also unto the Governor himself great preferments, if he could win him. Upon receipt of which Letters, the Governor began forthwith carefully to devise, how he might best attempt the matter he had in charge; where after many devices, he at last thought upon a shrewd-headed Fellow, one of the Christians which dwelled in Sfetigrade; whom for that he was a Christian, he might without suspect use as an instrument in so dangerous and important an action. This Christian the Governor called unto him, and after he had with great Gifts and large Promises won him to undertake the matter, he sent him away, fully before armed with plenteous instructions full of Treason and Deceit. When this subtle Messenger was come unto Moses, and under pretence of great and secret matters of importance, 
The crafty proceeding of the Turks Messenger.  had obtained to speak with him in private; he after some discourse had of matters well worth the hearing, began at length under the covert of fair glozing words, to utter his poison; showing unto him (as a Messsenger from the Governor) the great and good opinion the Turkish Emperor had of long time conceived of his Valour and Prowess, for which cause his heroical Nature could not but honour him, although he were his Enemy; and therewith also marvel, that he being a man of that worth, could be contented to be commanded by Scanderbag, whose state was by him chiefly upholden, whereas if he would do wisely, and changing his affection, follow Mahomet, an Emperor of greatest magnificence and power, he should quickly in his Court find such honourable entertainment, as were to be preferred before the state of Scanderbag; or if the Sovereignty of Epirus his native Country did better please him, he might easily be thereunto advanced, by joining his own endeavour to Mahomet's great power. It pleased Moses well to hear his own Praises (a thing incident to haughty minds) and he liked well that he was so favoured of the Turkish Emperor; but the hope of the Kingdom of Epirus, began to work in him new conceits, and moved him more than all the rest. Such is the force of ambitious thoughts, that they make a man forget all things, save themselves; so glorious a thing it is, to stand in the highest place: For all that, Moses neither in word or countenance made any semblance of liking, or disliking the Message. Which the wily Messenger taking for a secret consent, and heartily glad that he had been so well heard; not desiring as then any further answer, craved leave to depart, promising in short time to return to him again. After the departure of this Messenger, many troubled thoughts began to arise in the mind of Moses; his mirth was changed into melancholy, and the cheerfulness of his countenance was abated; his haughty thoughts were his solitary Companions, and the imagined Kingdom the Idol he in secret worshipped; so that in short time, he seemed to the wiser sort as a man altogether metamorphosed. Some were so bold, as for to ask the cause of the Messengers coming; unto whom he answered, That he was one, from whom he received intelligence of matters concerning the good of the State; which his answer was holden for true; for who durst once mistrust Moses? Whilst he thus was tossed up and down with his own thoughts, as a Ship with the Billows of a rough Sea, the same sly Messenger, according to his promise came again; and for his more credit, in secret brought with him such Presents as well might seem to have been sent from the Great Turk, 
Moses corrupted.  with his Message better framed than before. Of all which that was sent, Moses is reported to have received nothing but the worst, which was, the very Treason itself. And so returned the Messenger, with answer, that he could not but in good part accept of the Turkish Emperors great favours; and for the rest of his requests, whatsoever he should chance to do therein, he should not from thenceforth find him any great Enemy; commanding the Messenger at his departure, no more to repair unto him about that matter, for fear of suspicion.  
After that, it chanced that Scanderbag came into Dibra, to see how all things stood there, and to consult with Moses for the besieging of Sfetigrade; which City it grieved him to see in the possession of the Turks. Moses to avert Scanderbag from that enterprise, wherein he must of force be driven to show himself, told him, That he understood of late by a certain Messenger which came to him out of Sfetigrade, that the City was so well stored by the Turks, of all things necessary for the defence thereof, that it were but lost labour to attempt any thing against the same; wherefore he advised him rather to besiege Belgrade (not that Belgrade which is situated upon the River of Danubius, but another of the same name) in the Confines of Epirus, then holden by the Turks, but distant from Sfetigrade about an hundred and forty miles; of the taking whereof, there seemed to be more hope. By this persuasion, Scanderbag resolved with himself to make provision for the besieging of Belgrade. And forasmuch as his Soldiers of Epirus always used to the Field, 
Scanderbag craveth aid of Alphonsus King of Nap●es.  were not so fit for the besieging of Towns, he thought it good to pray aid out of Italy, from his old Friend Alphonsus King of Naples, with whom he had been of long time acquainted, and unto him much beholden. Wherefore he sent two of his Noblemen Ambassadors unto him, with certain rich Presents, and familiar Letters of this purport.  
Our Soldiers of Epirus, know only how to fight with men, and them to vanquish; with Walls they know not how to deal. You Italians (as I understand) have skill in that kind of service, and take pleasure therein; wherefore now at this present, I have need of your help and cunning. There be certain Towns of our Enemies in Epirus, yea almost in the heart of our Kingdom, which eyesore I have of long desired (if it pleased God) to take out of my sight; but being occupied with continual Wars, had no leisure until now, happily to attempt any thing against them. This time I have chosen as most fit, to satisfy my desire, both for the seasonableness of the time of the year, and for that Mahomet spareth me leisure; whose fury I have twice calmed. You understand in few words, what I have need of; all other things are almost in readiness, and we only look for your help. Lend me such Soldiers as know how to fight a far off, I mean Harquebusiers and Canoniers, for of others we have store plenty. But happy is Apulia, my Alphonsus, under thy Government, from whence men fit for all services may be drawn as out of a most plentiful treasury. Whensoever we have requested men fit for service, either in Peace or War, you have beautified both our Court and Camp. By you the Kingdom of Epirus hath been supported with civil Policy, and warlike Strength; all sort of People, of what condition soever; yea every corner of Epirus soundeth forth thy praise, both at home and abroad. But for mine own part, I do so lovingly embrace your kindness, and so firmly retain the remembrance of your deserts towards me, that sometime I wish you that fortune (although in so doing I may seem unkind) which (as the common saying is) proveth, but getteth not Friends; to the intent, that you might by some more certain proof know, how much I am to you devoted.  
When Scanderbag had sent away his Ambassadors, he with all diligence began to provide things necessary for the Siege of Belgrade; wherein he had purposed also to have used the service of Moses. But he now in heart a Traitor both to his Prince and Country, and a Friend to Mahomet, found many excuses to stay at home in Dibra; alleging first, that it was to be thought that so soon as the Turkish King should hear of the Siege of Belgrade, he would invade some part of Epirus, thereby to withdraw his Enemies from the Siege; and than that no part of all Epirus lay nearer unto the Turks, or more in danger than Dibra; and that therefore he could not do any better service, than to see unto the safety of that Country, long before committed to his charge, and in which also most part of his Living lay. These his excuses, proceeding indeed from deep Treason, were yet nevertheless thought reasonable, and he for his provident care highly commended; and Authority given him with new supplies to augment the Garrison under his command, as time and occasion should require.  
By that time that Scanderbag had fully made his preparation for the intended Siege, the Ambassadors before sent to Alphonsus, were returned into Epirus, 
Alphonsus sends aid unto Scanderbag.  and with them such aid as Scanderbag had before requested, and a great deal more; For Alphonsus fearing the greatness of the Turkish Emperor, in what he could furthered Scanderbag his actions, reckoning Epirus not above sixty miles distant from his Dominions, to be the strongest Walls of his Kingdom in Apulia (as not many years after, it by proof appeared, when as the Turks having taken O●ranto, put all Italy in no small fear.) With this aid he also wrote loving Letters unto Scanderbag, thanking him for his Presents, and for the good opinion he had of him, willing him to make as bold of all his things, as of his own. But when he came to make mention of the Soldiers he had sent, Alphonsus, after the manner of his pleasant nature, merrily wrote unto Scanderbag, That he had sent him Italian Soldiers which could according to his desire, ●ight well both with Men and Walls, but better with Women; and that therefore the Epirots were best to take heed, that they whose help they required for fight afar off, proved not also good Warriors at hand at home in their Houses. The great commendation Scanderbag had given of the King, was by him referred unto the excess of his love, and by the King requited with the like.  
Scanderbag now furnished with all things needful, 
Scanderbag b●s●●ngeth and dis●res●e●h Belgrade.  set forward, and according to his former determination, came and encamped before Belgrade, with an Army of fourteen thousand good Soldiers; and in short time had so distressed the City, that the Turks were glad to take truce with him for sixteen days, which time expired, they promised to deliver up the Town, if they were not before relieved. Upon conclusion of this truce Scanderbag encamped himself upon an high Hill near unto the City, with three thousand Horse, and a thousand Foot, and appointed Musachius and Tanusius, with the rest of his Army, to remove farther off into a large Plain, where they might encamp themselves in a more wholesome and fresh Air, in that hot season of the year, during the time of the truce. At which time he appointed also five and twenty Scouts to keep continual Watch upon the top of the high Mountain, to discover afar off the coming of the Enemy, and to give warning thereof unto the Camp by making a fire upon the Mountain; by the negligence of which Watch, Scanderbag received a great overthrow, as hereafter followeth.  
The news of the Siege of Belgrade was brought unto Mahomet, at such time as he was ready to have passed into Asia against the Emperor of Trapezond; which great enterprise he was loath to give over, for the relief of Belgrade, and yet to lose that City unto Scanderbag, grieved him, much; wherefore he resolved with himself so to do the one, as that he would not altogether neglect the other. And so holding on his intended journey into Asia himself, with such fortune as is aforesaid, he sent Sebalias' one of his great Bassas, with forty thousand Horsemen to relieve Belgrade, promising him great rewards if he could bring him Scanderbag either alive or dead. This Bassa was of the Turks accounted for a wary Captain, but not so courageous, always more politic than forward: He having received his charge, set forward with all speed possible, no less careful of that he was commanded, than was Mahomet himself, and by great journeys came on so fast, that he still prevented the fame of his coming; and by his Forerunners intercepted, or rather (as some write) corrupted the Watch which Scanderbag had before placed upon the Mountains; so that no sign was given unto the Camp, of the Enemies, as was expected. By means whereof, Sebalias with all his power were upon that part of Scanderbegs Army, which lay in the Plains, before they were well aware of his coming; so that most part of them had not so much leisure as to bridle their Horses, or to put on their Armour. In which so sudden a fear, Musachius armed himself, and put his Soldiers in such order, as the shortness of the time and the Enemies approach would permit; doubting much, whether it were better to fight or to fly; but seeing no less danger in Flight than in Fight, he resolutely received the Enemy's charge, as a man desirous beforehand to revenge his own death. And at length (seeing his men slain about him by heaps, and that courage must needs give place unto fortune) fiercely attempted to have broken through the midst of his Enemies, and so to have fled unto the Mountain where Scanderbag lay; but he was so beset, that no way was possible to be made; wherefore resolving there to die, he desperately fought, to the great admiration of his Enemies, until that he, with all there with him, were every man slain. Tanusius, on the other side, after he had given divers brave attempts to have rescued his cousin Musachius, finding by proof, 
Muscachius slain and the Epirots put to Flight.  that he could do him no more good therein, but to become the woeful companion of his death, exhorted all the rest yet left, for safeguard of there lives to fly: in which doing, most of them were slain, for the Bassas great Army so filled all places thereabout, and so eagerly pursued the Victory, that it was almost impossible any way to escape. Scanderbag lying upon the Mountain, 
Scanderbag seeth his men slain, and is not able to relieve them.  and seeing the overthrow of most part of his Army, was about many times to have descended from the Hill to have holpen them in what he might, or else to have there died with them: but yet stayed, being thereto earnestly requested by his other most expert Captains; and persuaded, not desperately to thrust both himself and them all into the manifest peril of assured death.  
Sebalias' having slain Musachius and put Tanusius to flight, followed the chase with the greatest part of his Army, so that few were left in the great Plain, except such as stayed to rifle the dead. Scanderbag taking that opportunity, came down from the Hill whereon he stood, with his four thousand Soldiers, and in a moment slew all such Turks as he found in his way; and after following in the tail of the Turks Army, cut off a great number of them, and brought a general fear upon the whole Army; insomuch, that Sebalias' perceiving that he gained not so much in chase of Tanusius but that he lost more in the rearward of his Army, by the pursuit of Scanderbag, left the chase, and turned upon his fierce Enemy; where after a sharp skirmish begun, the wary Bassa fearing in the maintaining of that disordered Fight to have the Victory wrung out of his hands by Scanderbag, caused a Retreat to be sounded, so to call together his dispersed Soldiers, and in better order to encounter his dangerous Enemy. Scanderb●g in the mean time having assembled the remainder of his Army, valiantly again encountered the Turks, who thought in this battle to have made an end of the Wars in Epirus; and with his own Hand slew Achmat and Barach, two valiant Soldiers of the Turks; which like stout Champions had before sworn unto Mahomet the death of Scanderbag, if they should chance to meet with him. In this last skirmish a great number of the Turks were slain; but Night drawing on, Sebalias retired with his Army to a Mountain near unto the City, and Scanderbag likewise to another almost two miles off; and in the dead time of the night rising with his Army, returned in safety into Epirus, 
Scanderbag flieth by night into Epirus.  leaving strong Garrisons upon all the straight passages as he went, for fear lest the Bassa proud of this Victory, should forthwith break into Epirus. This was the only and greatest overthrow that Scanderbag had hitherto received of the Turks; wherein he lost two thousand Horsemen and three thousand Foot (most part whereof were of the Italians sent from King Alphonsus) together with his Tents and great Artillery, and about eighty of his Men taken Prisoners. And of the Turks were also slain three thousand.  
The next day Sebalias perceiving that Scanderbag was retired, commanded the bodies of the slain Turks to be sought out and buried; but of such Christians as they yet found breathing, the Turks cut off their Hands and Feet, and so left them among the dead. The Head of Musachius and of many other the slain Christians, which by their Armour or Apparel were thought to be of the better sort, were by the Commandment of Sebalias' cut off; which because he could not for the distance of the place, and heat of the weather, without great annoyance carry with him to Constantinople, as the barbarous manner of the Turks is, he caused them to be slain, and stuffed with Chaff, and so to be carried as the vain Trophies of his Victory. Afterwards, when he had repaired the battered Walls of Belgrade, and put a new supply of seven hundred fresh Soldiers into the City, beside the old Garrison therein before, and set all things in good order, he returned with great Triumph to Constantinople. And the more to set out the glory of his Victory, at such time as he entered the City, he first caused the captive Christians to be led in Chains before him; after whom were born the Ensigns taken from the Christians, with the aforesaid Heads thrust upon Lances, and after them all the Spoil; last of all came Sebalias himself with his Soldiers, as great Conquerors, and was of the People received with such Applause and Joy, as if he had conquered some great Kingdom. No man was now spoken of but Sebalias, his praises were in every man's Mouth, he was the only man (as they said) that did show that Scanderbag was to be overcome; no preferment was now thought too great for him, or Reward sufficient to countervail his desert. The poor Christian Captives were afterwards for the most part sold; of the rest, some were alive thrust upon sharp Stakes, some hanged upon iron Hooks, some otherwise cruelly at the Victor's pleasure tortured to death.  
Moses lately before corrupted by the practice of the Governor of Sfetigrade, hearing of the great loss Scanderbag had received at Belgrade, thought it now a most fit time for his revolt. But forasmuch as the Fact, in the nature of itself foul, seemed even to himself the doer thereof, a great deal fouler and more dishonourable, for that he had therein no complices; he thought it good, if it were possible, to allure some others into the Fellowship of his Treason, so to diminish the infamy of himself, in communicating the same with many, and to appear with greater credit before the Turkish Tyrant, than if he should as a contemptible Fugitive come all alone. Wherefore upon the bad news from Belgrade, he seemed at the first very pensive, and much to lament the misfortune of Scanderbag, and the common misery of the Country of Epirus, with many words amplifying the same; and then on the contrary part, setting forth to the uttermost the Force and Power of the Turkish Emperor Mahomet, thereby to strike a greater terror and distrust into the minds of them with whom he was conversant; but unto such as were more secret and inward with him, he discovered the great affection and favour the great Emperor Mahomet had of long born him, with the large offer of his Gifts and Preferments, assuring them of the like also, if they would conform themselves unto his appetite; seeking hereby so much as he could, to allure them into the participation of his most execrable Treason; yet when he had said what he could, he found none but a ●ew of the base sort of the common Soldiers, which were willing to hearken unto him or to follow him. When Moses saw how much he had laboured, and how little prevailed, fearing to be discovered, he fled by night to Sfetigrade, accompanied with a few base Fellows, and easily obtained the Governors pass, with safe conduct to Constantinople; where he arrived a little before the return of Sebalias from Belgrade, and was of Mahomet both joyfully received and honourably entertained.  
When Scanderbag understood that Moses was thus revolted, at the first report thereof he was so troubled with the strangeness of the Fact, that he stood speechless as a man astonished; but after he had paused a while, and upon further inquiry had found it out to be true, he according to his heroical disposition, said no more, but that he could easily have Moses excused, for that he was carried away with the violence of such Fortune as might have alienated the mind of a right constant man. And when divers of his Friends (according to the manner of the World) with hard speeches seemed to aggravate his offence; he could not abide to hear the same, but commanded them to hold their peace, and no more to use such speeches; wishing that all Treason and evil Fortune were together with Moses gone out of Epirus. Upon this news Scanderbag accompanied with Amesa his Nephew, and a Troop of Horsemen, presently entered into the Country of Dibra, and there with all care caused most diligent inquiry to be made, if any could be found partakers of the Conspiracy with Moses▪ But finding none, he much rejoiced in the fidelity of his Subjects; and having set all things in good order in that Province, returned himself to Croia.  
Moses remaining in the Turks Court, ceased not to solicit Mahomet to proceed in his Wars against Scanderbag, promising to do therein great matters, even to the spending of his life in that service. But the crafty Tyrant thinking it not good to trust him too far before he had further trial of him, delayed him off to the next Spring, pretending that the year was too far spent to begin Wars. In the mean time he caused all Moses Talk, his Behaviour and Actions, to be diligently observed and noted; and oftentimes himself discoursed with him concerning the managing of that War; all which he did especially to sound the depth of Moses his Thoughts. And finding nothing in him but the most assured and undoubted signs of a mind devoted to his service, 
Mahomet sendeth Moses with fifteen thousand select men to invade Epirus . and altogether stranged from Scanderbag; in the beginning of the Spring he committed to his charge the leading of fifteen thousand Horsemen for the invading of Epirus, such men as Moses himself should make choice of; for a greater number he required not for the vanquishing of Scanderbag. These Soldiers although they detested (so few in number) to enter that fatal Country of Epirus, as men fair warned by other men's harms, yet heartened on by the opinion they had conceived of their new General, and the hope they had by his means to find Friends in that Country to join with them, were the willinger to go. So Moses furnished with a notable Army, and all warlike provision he could desire for the destruction of his Country; and blinded with the imagination of a Kingdom, set forward, and marching through Thracia and Macedonia, forgetting the Loyalty due unto his Sovereign, and the love he ought to have born unto his native Country, came and entered into Dibra.  
Scanderbag by his espials understanding of the coming of Moses, as also what strength he was of, stood not now upon any policy against him who had of long been privy to all his Stratagems, but was ready even at his first entrance with true Valour to encounter him. As both the Armies stood ranged in order of Battle, a Messenger came from the Turks Camp, to know of Scanderbag, if any one of his Army durst to prove his Fortune hand to hand against one of the Turks, before the beginning of the general Battle. By which Messenger answer was returned, That the Challenge should be accepted. The name of the Turk which made this brave Challenge was Ahemaze, 
A Combat betwixt a Turk and a Christian.  a man for his Valour and Courage of great name amongst the Turks. Upon this proud Challenge, Zacharias Groppa, a Gentleman of no less reputation among the Christians, hastily stepped forth before Scanderbag (as if he had been afraid to have been prevented by some other) and requested, that he might be the man to abate the Turks Pride. Scanderbag embracing him, commended his noble mind, and wishing him good Fortune, gave him leave to carry with him into the Field the first honour of the Christian Army. As he was arming himself, his Companions and Fellows in Arms standing about him, wished unto him not more Courage or Strength than he had, but only the Fortune of Manessi. Upon his Armour he put on many rich Jewels and Ornaments, the Allurements or rather the Rewards of the Enemy, if he could vanquish him. The Turkish Champion was no sooner come into the Plain betwixt both Armies, and made show of himself in great bravery, as if his match had yet been scarcely found, but he saw Zacharias come forth bravely mounted, and ready to charge him; to whom Ahemaze calling aloud, said there would be time enough for him to hasten to his death, and therefore requested to talk with him before. So when he had learned of him both his name and place, he propounded such like Conditions of the Combat, as had been long before derided by Manessi; whereof Zacharias in no better sort accepted. In few words it was agreed upon betwixt them, That each of them should abide his own Fortune, without any help or aid of others; and that the Victor should have full power over the Body and Spoil of the vanquished. Thus agreed, they withdrew themselves one a good distance from another, and with their Lances charged, ran together with such force, that with the violence of the encounter they broke their Lances one upon the other, and were both Horse and Man overthrown. But unhorsed, they nimbly recovered themselves, and with their Scimitars fiercely assailed the one the other on foot. Fortune it should seem had determined to beautify that Combat with variety, standing a great while indifferent to both. After many sturdy strokes given, without any hurt done, by reason they were so strongly armed, it fortuned that both their Swords were beaten out of their Hands; then grappling together with their bare Hands, as if they had been two unarmed Wrestlers, after long struggling till they were both almost out of breath, Zacharias overthrew the Turk, and lying upon him, with his dagger, above the Gorget thrust him into the Throat, and slew him; and so rising up, with the Sword that first came to his Hands, cut off the Turks Head; at the sight whereof the Christian Army gave a great shout for joy, to the great discomfiture of the Turks. To be short, Zacharias despoiling the Turk of his Armour, and what else he thought good, returned loaded with the Spoil of his Enemy, and presented unto Scanderbag the proud Turk's Head; for which he was of him afterwards most honourably rewarded.  
Into this place yet reeking with the Blood of the late slain Turk, came Moses, and with a loud voice challenged Scanderbag hand to hand; thinking indeed that he would not have adventured his Person; but when he saw him ready to come forth, he shamefully forsook the place, and returned with shame enough into his Army.  
Presently after both Armies upon signal given set forward, and so began to join Battle; 
The Battle betwixt Scanderbag and Moses.  where at the first onset Scand●rbeg so valiantly charged the Vauward of the Turks Army, that they were glad to give ground; which Moses perceiving, relieved them with new supplies, and riding now here, now there, with his Presence and Courage restored the Battle, in many places almost lost. Howbeit, the Epirots encouraged with the beginning of their good Fortune, still prevailed upon their Enemies, and after great slaughter made, came to the Strength of their Battle; where Moses had placed most of his best Soldiers, as his most assured and last refuge; in this place the Turks fought with exceeding Courage, and Moses warily observing in what part of the Battle Scanderbag himself was, directed his most Forces against him on purpose, if possibly he might, to have slain him; whereof he miss but a little; for a courageous Soldier of the Turks by chance encountering with Scanderbag, with his Horsemans' Staff bore him quite backward upon his Horse, in such forcible manner, that the Turks for joy gave a great shout, thinking verily he had been slain; but Scanderbag recovering himself again, and chafed with such an unwonted disgrace, furiously assailed the same Turk with his Sword, and after a great Fight slew him. A great part of the Turks Army being already overthrown by them that had the leading of the Wings of Scanderbegs Army, divers of the common Soldiers thrust the Heads of the slain Turks upon the points of their Spears, in token of Victory, to the great astonishment of the Turks; and now joining themselves with Scanderbag, more fiercely charged the main Battle of the Turks than before. Nevertheless, Moses encouraging his Soldiers, did what was possible for a man to do, and even with his own Valour a great while stayed the course of the Victory; until he seeing the ground about him covered with the dead bodies of his best Soldiers; and that there was no remedy but that he must either fly or there die, turned his Back and fled. In which Flight, many of the hindermost of the Turks were slain; as for Moses himself, he escaped by ways to him well known, only with four thousand men, the poor remainder of so great an Army; the rest, to the number of about eleven thousand, all choice men, were slain; whereas of the Christians were not passed an hundred lost, and about eighty wounded. Of all the Turks that were taken, only one was saved; who being a man of good account, had yielded himself to Zacharias, and was afterward ransomed; the rest were all by the common Soldiers, without Pity tortured to death, in revenge of the Cruelty by them showed at Belgrade; Scanderbag himself either not knowing thereof, or winking thereat.  
Moses with the rest of his discomfited Army, lay still a while upon the Borders of Epirus, and would fain have persuaded them, after the departure of Scanderbag, to have followed him again into Epirus, to have surprised the Garrison left in Dibra, in number not above two thousand; promising to bring them upon the same Garrison, before they should be aware of their coming. But the Turks having him now in contempt, were about by general consent to forsake him, 
Moses contemned of the Turks.  and to return home. And so Moses seeing no remedy, returned with them to Constantinople, with countenance as heavy as if he had been a condemned man now carried to the place of Execution; and the Turks which had not long before had him in great admiration, expecting that he should have ended the Wars in Epirus, began now to disgrace him as fast, and to speak all the evil of him they could devise. Yea the Tyrant himself (although he could blame nothing in the Man, but his Fortune) was so highly offended with him for the loss of his Army, that he had undoubtedly put him to most cruel death, had not the great Bassas, and others near about him, persuaded him otherwise, saying, That in so doing, he should alienate the minds of all others from revolting unto him, or attempting any great thing for his service. So was he by their mediation pardoned his life; but withal so disgraced, that he had little or nothing allowed him afterwards for his necessary maintenance; all which despightful contumelies he outwardly seemed patiently to bear; but was inwardly so tormented with melancholy and grief, that he could neither eat nor drink; the remembrance of the foul Treason committed against his Prince and Country, was day and night before his Eyes; and the disgraces of the Turks Court inwardly tormented him with intolerable grief; the sight of the Tyrant (who measured all things by the event) filled his Heart with secret indignation; and to return again to his natural Prince, of whom he had so evil deserved, he was ashamed; sometime the clemency and princely nature of Scanderbag, whom he knew of old, slow to revenge, and easy to be entreated to forgive, heartened him on to think of return; and by and by, the consideration of his foul Treason overwhelmed him with despair. Thus with contrary thoughts plunged too and fro, tormented with the unspeakable griefs of a troubled conscience, not knowing what to do, purposing now one thing, and by and by another; at last he resolved to forsake the insolent Tyrant, and to submit himself to the mercy of Scanderbag; wishing rather to die in his Country for his due desert, than to live with infamy, derided in the Turks Court. Resting himself upon this resolution, 
Moses 〈◊〉 from Constantinople.  one Evening he got secretly out of the Gates of Constantinople, and travelling all that night and the day following before he rested, by long and weary journeys, came at last unto his native Country of Dibra. The Garrison Soldiers beholding their old Governor all alone, full of heaviness, as a man eaten up with cares; moved with compassion, forgetting the evils he had been the occasion of, received him with many tears and friendly embrace, and brought him to Scanderbag, who by chance than lay not far off. Moses coming unto him with his girdle about his Neck, in token that he had deserved death (as the manner of that Country was) found him walking before his Tent, and there with heavy cheer falling down upon his Knees at his Feet, submitted himself unto his mercy, and with great humility and signs of repentance, craved his most gracious pardon. Which his request Scanderbag presently granted, and taking him up by the Hand embraced and kissed him; in token he had from his Heart forgiven him; and within a few days after, caused all such things of his as were before confiscate, to be again restored unto him; with all such Offices and Promotions as he had before enjoyed; and by open Proclamation commanded, That from thenceforth no man should either publicly or privately speak of that Moses had trespassed. Mahomet understanding that Moses was returned again into Epirus, and honoured of Scanderbag as in former time, was much grieved thereat, and fumed exceedingly; first, for that he had at all trusted him; and then, that he had so let him slip out of his Hands; being verily persuaded, that all that Moses had done, was but a fineness of Scanderbag to deceive him.  
Shortly after that Moses was returned into Epirus, Mahomet by like practice alured unto him Amesa, Scanderbag his Nephew; promising to make him King of Epirus in his Uncle's stead. For by that means, the crafty Tyrant thought it a more easy way to draw the minds of the people of Epirus from Scanderbag unto him descended of the Prince's Blood, than to Moses, or to any other Stranger he should fet up. Amesa upon this hope of a Kingdom, fled to Constantinople; and because he would clear the mind of the Tyrant of all Suspicion and distrust, he carried with him his Wife and Children, as the most sure Pledges of his Fidelity. This Amesa was of Stature low, and the Feature of his Body not so perfect as might sufficiently express the hidden Virtues of his Mind; he was of Courage haughty above measure, subtle and of a pregnant Wit; wonderful painful, and thereto courteous and bountiful (the chief means whereby aspiring minds steal away the Hearts of Men) whatsoever he got of himself, or had by the gift of his Uncle, he divided it among his Soldiers or Friends; he was very affable, and could notably both cover and dissemble his affections; for which things, he was above all others both beloved and honoured of all the People of Epirus, next to Scanderbag himself. At his first coming to Mahomet, he filled not his Ears with great Promises and vain Praises of himself as had Moses; but only excusing his own revolt, laboured to persuade him, That he had for just causes left his Uncle, with a desire now faithfully to serve him. And to that purpose spoke unto him as followeth.  If it should please thee (most noble Mahomet) to call to remembrance the old injuries, 
Amesa his first speech u●●o Mahomet.  and ancient displeasures by us committed against thine imperial Majesty, we might seem now rather to have come hither to receive the just guerdon of our evil deserts, than upon any hope of honour or preferment. For what could have been done more in disgrace of the Ottoman Empire, than that you have seen long since done by us, in the most dangerous time of the Hungarian War; rather of a malicious and set purpose, than for that we were just Enemies? Whenas in the same perfidious course, I myself being a helper and partaker therein (for now no excuse is to be pretended for our doings, more than repentance) your Father's Army was betrayed at Morava, and the Kingdom of Epirus by great Treachery wrested out of your Father's Hands; the only cause of so many Calamities, and of so much bloodshed. But vain is this fear, and our suspicion needless, with so wise and merciful a Prince; especially for that my years then green, and youth prone unto the harm of itself, and a mind not resting upon his own resolutions, deceived me. I believed mine Uncle (for the ignorant believe many things) and alured with the desire of Sovereignty (the proper disease of that age) and too much credulous, I forsook you and followed his promises, but discretion growing with years, I have by little and little perceived both the sly perfidious dealing of mine Uncle, as also that my revolt from you was more hurtful unto myself than to any other. Scanderbag recovered, and also enlarged the Kingdom of Epirus; but not without my great labour and help. I expected long time, that he should have given me, if not my Father's whole Inheritance, yet at least some part thereof, as a small reward of my so great travel and danger. Not long after he married a Wife, and hath begot a young Heir, a new Successor in his Kingdom; unto me for shame of the World, because I should not altogether lead a private life, he hath assigned a base corner of Epirus; where he enjoying the rest, I might lead a poor and contemptible life. In this case I had much ado to bridle my affections, and could never digest that injury; yet the iniquity of the time, with the insolent disposition of the man, compelled me to smother up my thoughts, and to make fair weather, lest finding some suspicion, he should craftily have entrapped me, as he did of late George Stresie his Sister's Son; whom wrongfully charged with feigned surmises, he hath almost deprived of all his Possessions. I would willingly have fled unto the Feet of your Highness, I would gladly have forsaken my ingrateful Uncle with the stains of his infamous Kingdom; but that the remembrance of the old Rebellion, and many Injuries siththence done, did make me afraid, until that now (God I think so appointing it) I came most gladly, following your most Royal Faith and Promise. You had scarcely beckoned unto me, you had scarcely invited me, having of long intentively waited every occasion, but strait way I came with such speed, as if I would have flown; I lingered not, I expected not either Scanderbag or his evil hap, or your more prosperous success, as of late did Moses; lest I might thereby justly seem either for fear or regard of some eminent danger, rather to have provided for mine own safety than to have embraced your magnificence. Neither have I left any thing for you in me to suspect, nor any cause wherefore I should desire to return again into Epirus; here are present most sure bonds of my love, and faithful Pledges of my Loialty. Behold (worthy Mahomet) you have whasoever is dear unto me, yea whatsoever Nature could give, pleasing unto men in the course of man's life. These have I brought unto thee, which should with violence have been taken from an Enemy; such Pawns as might assure thee of the Faith of a most doubtful man. More than this, I have brought nothing; for in so great speed and secret departure, I could not have regard of my Substance. And if I might have had time to have trussed up my trash at leisure; yet I know not how, I should have thought it a kind of baseness, to have brought with me any part of the poor relics of mine old Fortune; especially unto thee, of all other the richest. Only my Fidelity I lay down before thee, for any thing greater I have not; and if thou desire of me any other Bond for more assurance, I refuse not whatsoever your Highness shall appoint; for I came not hither to set down Covenants and Agreements of myself, but to receive them from you. I dare not promise to vanquish mine Uncle, and to subdue Epirus with an Army of fifteen thousand men; the misfortune of Haly-Bassa and other your Generals; yea and the late and rare Victory of Sebalias, with great bloodshed gained, may serve for examples. In me you shall neither want diligence nor faithful service; as for other things concerning the event of this War, and for the revenge of the injuries by you received; you being a Prince of power invincible, and of a most deep judgement, are not to be advised by me your unskilful Vassal. 
This Speech of Amesa, 
Amesa hohonourably entertained by Mahomet.  seemed unto Mahomet free from all dissimulation, forasmuch as he knew most part thereof to be true; and his Wife and Children brought unto his presence, confirmed the rest. Wherefore commending his good affection, he appointed him honourable entertainment, referring other matters unto a further time.  
Upon the approach of the Spring, Mahomet desiring nothing more than to be revenged upon Scanderbag, entered into consultation with his great Bassas, concerning the invasion of Epirus; unto which Counsel Amesa was by Mahomet admitted, and his wicked device for the destruction of his Country, of all others best liked. After the matter had been long too and fro debated, it was concluded, That Isaac the great Bassa of Constantinople, should with an Army of fifteen thousand be sent against Scanderbag, and Amesa with him, having the charge of five thousand Horsemen; and the Bassa to proclaim Amesa King of Epirus; thereby to persuade the Epirots, that Mahomet invaded Epirus rather for the displeasure he bore against Scanderbag, and for the advancement of Amesa, than for any ambitious desire he had to take unto himself that Kingdom.  
Great was the preparation for this War, and the expectation thereof greater. Flying Fame had in short time filled every corner of Epirus with the report of these News; adding thereunto (as the manner is) a great deal more than was true. Whereupon Scanderbag without delay, sent for his great Captains and Men of War into Dibra, where that Tempest was first to be expected; and when they were all assembled, he declared unto them the greatness of the danger, and what he thought thereof himself, as followeth. 
A notable speech of Scanderbag unto his Captains how the Turks were to be withstood at their coming to Epirus.   Amongst all other things which God hath left to vex and grieve the minds of men in so great variety of Worldly Affairs, we see (right worthy Soldiers) these two the greatest, Hope, and Fear. The first a more comfortable thing, and proper to courageous minds (I may not say) of light belief; the other a thing of more discretion and safety, which although it use to defer the desires of men, yet hath it power at length excellently to cure and season the same. Hereupon is it easily to be gathered, That the great Chieftains of former times have gained more Honour and greater Victories, by fearing all that was to be feared, than others in show more hardy, which feared nothing. Hereupon the great Charthaginentian Captain used to call Q. Fabius (whom the Romans ever thought to slow and too fearful) his great Enemy: But Terentius Varro he called a greater Enemy unto his own Country and the people of Rome, than to himself. But wherefore do I wrongfully call that Fear, which might more truly be called Discretion, or wholesome Policy? Call it as you will, it is not much material; but this one thing no man can deny, That thereof hath risen the ancient Discipline of War, and the old and severe Government of Martial Affairs. This advised carefulness cherisheth and nourisheth Hope itself, it doth nothing rashly; it hath Eyes before, behind, and on both sides; it weigheth in indifferent balance things past, present, and to come. You may now perceive to what end my Speech tendeth. I would first confer with you, and know your Opinions, before I determine any thing of the order of this War; that either I might yield unto your Opinion, or else (as you have always hitherto done) to mine. You hear now with your ears, what Preparation, what Warlike Provision is daily made against us. Lo the great Bassa of Constantinople, all the Flower of Europe, and whole strength of the Ottoman Kingdom knocketh at our Gates. I want not courage (neither ever did) to prove my Fortune against him, not without your Honour: But I think it better to use policy and wary heed against so great an Enemy, than our wont force and courage. That notable Overthrow of Haly-Bassa, so many great Victories by us achieved, our minds by so many good haps confirmed, persuade me to think that we have both courage and strength to Encounter him in plain battle; but the uncertain events of War, and Fortune never sufficiently known, maketh wise men to forget what is past, and to fear that is to come. It was never proper to any man, it was never given by Inheritance, always to overcome; new Occurrents require new Correspondents; neither may you, for that you conquered yesterday, presume to assure yourself to divide the spoil of your Enemies to day. Victory is like a Traveller, and goeth hither and thither, not resting long in a place; and although it be for most part both gotten and kept by courage and discretion, yet oftentimes, when you have most carefully and politicly disposed of all things, the fortune and chance of War have therein a great sway. I was wont to require (I remember it well) only valour and courage in my Soldiers, contemning all external accidents and fortunes haps; if you did promise unto me courageous Minds, I assured you of all good hap and prosperous Success; but that loss we received at Belgrade (the remembrance whereof my mind feareth, and always abhorreth to think upon) hath much changed my former Cogitations, and made me to deem far otherwise of worldly matters, and the uncertainty of Fortune. What if that day had been longer? or Sebalias of more courage? might not the State of Epirus have that day been utterly overthrown? We were then rather by God preserved, than by any thing that was in ourselves: What remained more, but that we should like Cowards have yielded ourselves to have been bound of the Conquerors? The night defended us, yea even God himself defended us; who took from them both policy and force, and gave us time to breath and escape away. We were then but as a prey, expecting but the coming of the Victor: Howbeit he took nothing from us, he carried little or nothing away with him, being too much careful to keep the Honour he had already gained, and peradventure in fear of them of whom he was not without cause most feared. I speak not this of purpose to terrify any of you, but rather to admonish you, and to consult with you, how so great Preparations may be frustrated and overthrown, and some notable Victory by us achieved, without the price of our blood, or the loss of such things as we have. The number of our Enemies is great, and so great, as until this day we never saw in Epirus greater, except at such times, as they came to besiege our Cities, and to devour us all. Now if we shall meet them in the plain Fields in a set battle, the event thereof will be doubtful, many of us must needs fall, many of us must die (I would I might be a false Prophet) before so great an Army will either fly or be overcome, your Victory shall be mingled with tears, and the heaviness of the Conqueror not much unlike the sorrow of the conquered. Was it but a few that we lost at Belgrade? is that loss so to be recovered? What Flower of Chivalry, hardly to be in many years restored? How many worthy men were there slain? Epirus must needs in short time be unpeopled, if we shall so desperately only seek for such glorious Victories. Wherefore if we will do well, we must so fight to day, as that we may fight to morrow also. Neither are our Enemies and we in like case. The loss of forty or fifty thousand is less unto the Turkish Tyrant, than the loss of an hundred of you is to me. We are in all but a few, and therefore carefully to be kept; which if we regard not for our own sakes, yet let us do it for our Wives and children's, whose welfare and liberty dependeth on our lives: I know the number of you, I know your Faces and Countenances, and almost every one of your Names, which maketh me also more careful of your health. And yet I would not refuse to try the whole fortune of this battle in plain Field, if we might thereby end all the Wars against the Turks for ever; if I were in hope so to find an end of our labours and travels hereafter, I would gladly adventure my life with yours, for the perpetual quiet and peace of our Posterity; but a new Enemy always ariseth, and we must still look for new Wars. When this Isaac is gone, another Isaac will ere long come in his place; we shall be always exercised with new Wars, and enclosed with new dangers: It is the destiny of Epirus (as far as I can see) and we ourselves are born thereto. Wherefore we must gather our wits together, we must well husband our Forces, and so divide our Patrimony, as that we may always have something to content our Creditors, when they shall chance to come upon us. Yet shall God (no doubt) give an end also unto these Troubles; for extremities cannot be of long continuance, and you yourselves shall at length take rest; yea the strong and puissant Enemy, wearied with so many vain Attempts, will at last have enough thereof, and leave off his perpetual hatred against us; then shall it be to you no small pleasure to remember so many labours and dangers past. Thus have I declared unto you the commodities and incommodities ensuing the Victory in plain battle. But what if we be vanquished? Where have we any hope of relief left? From whence may we expect help? Will the bloody Enemy, instate with Victory, expect whilst we again recover our strength and encounter him again with new Forces? No, he will pursue us and chase us so long as any of us are left; and having overcome us, will pour out the rest of his fury upon our Towns and Country, then subject to his injury. But some of you peradventure will say, that they are by policy to be overtaken, and not to be met in open Field; of which opinion I also am myself; yet happily differ from you in the time of doing the same. Then I think it best to deceive them, when they think they cannot be deceived; when as they being as it were in possession of a supposed Victory, like men overjoyed, shall cast no peril. Now they come even from the Gates of Constantinople, full of distrust, prying into every corner, as men before warned by others harms, and so many dreadful examples of their fellows: Besides that, they have with them my graceless Nephew and domestical Foe Amesa, who will teach them to foresee and shun such Snares as in times past he with us was wont to lay for them. Wherefore we must now tower up unto the height of some notable and strange policy, whereby both our Country may be from danger preserved, and also some great Victory, without our own bloodshed (which seldom chanceth) obtained; which to the maintenance of our ancient Glory and Renown, we have to this day by many most notable Victories gained: But time and space, and the sight of the Enemy, shall furnish us with this device. Now (that my Discourse may come to the purposed end) first of all, all things subject either to the fury or victory of the Enemy, are to be removed out of the way; all people, of what Age, Sex, or Condition soever, are to be brought out of the Country into places of safety; and then, our Towns are to be furnished with strong Garrisons and all other necessary Provision, against all the chances of Fortune. Besides, who knoweth the secret designs of the Tyrant? or whether he himself (of long time desirous of Revenge, and thirsting after our Blood) will follow the Bassa at the heels, or no? Perhaps I may believe and fear more than is needful; but it is good to fear all that may be feared, that we may indeed fear nothing▪ If all things shall thus be set in order, if there shall nothing be left in the Fields or in the Villages, that may enrich, feed, or fear our Enemies, and which may withdraw our care and thoughts from our Enemies, undoubtedly we shall be Victors. And if you will be ruled by me, and follow my direction in these Wars, I will assuredly deliver your Enemies into your hands to be slain at your pleasure; and (by the leave of God) will make the Name and Valour of the Epirots more terrible unto the Turk, than ever it hath been in the time of our Ancestors. I flatter not myself, I deceive you not; if any thing may be promised in worldly Actions, this I assure you of, and this will I take upon me. But these things are better done than said. In the mean while, to spend no more time in longer talk and discourse (than which, no greater loss can be to Soldiers) let every one of us take a part in this Charge, for the good disposing of all things, and how to withstand the Enemy. I will not command any thing to others which I will not myself do; I will refuse nothing, or reckon any thing base, which may tend to the common Honour or Profit of us all. 
This Speech of Scanderbag was well liked and joyfully received of all the Hearers, so that many besought him to manifest to them how he purposed to proceed in those Wars; whereunto he with cheerful countenance answered, That it was enough for him, if they did but believe him, promising himself in Person to be in the most dangerous actions as far as any of them, wherewith they rested contented. And presently dispatching his Lieutenants into divers parts of his Kingdom, as he thought most convenient, provided, that all things were in short time conveyed out of the Country into the strong Towns and other places of Refuge. 
The Epirots remove all their things out of the Country into the strong Towns before the coming of the Turks.  No Corn, no cattle, or other things of any worth was left in the Country; but all left desolate, in like manner as was before at the coming of the great King Amurath to the Siege of Croia.  
By this time Isaac the great Bassa was come into Epirus, accompanied with Amesa; and as he marched, still sent before him his Scouts and Spials, carefully to view every corner of the Country, for fear to be entrapped as others before him had been; directed in his Journey for most part by Amesa. Scanderbag had in readiness such an Army as he had purposed to use against his mighty Enemy, but lay with six thousand Horsemen only in show, as if he had determined with them to have given them battle, but meaning indeed nothing less. For as soon as the Bassa was come in sight, he with those Horsemen, according as he had before appointed, as if he had been discouraged with the very sight of the Turks, turned his back and fled. And because he would not give them any occasion to suspect it to be done for some policy or fineness, and so to make them more careful, he fled not into the Mountains or Woods, as his wont manner was, but directly toward Lyssa, a Town of the Venetians standing upon the Sea coast, as if he had quite despaired of the keeping of Epirus, and fled thither for Refuge. The Bassa seeing him fly, was glad thereof, and sent certain Troops of Horsemen to pursue him, and diligently to mark which way he took; but encamped himself with his Army in the Plains of Dibra, near unto Oronychium, where Scanderbag lay before; and there rested his Army, weary of long travel, expecting the return of his Horsemen, sent after Scanderbag. But upon their return, when it was for a certainty reported by them, That Scanderbag with an handful of men was fled out of Epirus, and not an Enemy to be seen, the Turks began to rejoice, and proudly to triumph, that they had without any loss driven the Enemy out of the Country; yet much grieved, that they could no where find any thing to satisfy their greedy desires; for why, all things were so clean gone, as if the Country had been swept against their coming, which might have been a sufficient cause for them to have disinherited some great matter; but they flattering themselves, supposed all this to be done for fear of them, upon extreme desperation; such is the frail condition of men, to lose strength of body, common sense, yea, their reason and understanding, when some great mischief is appointed for their Overthrow or Destruction. The Bassa seeing the Enemy fled, and now no cause of fear, consulted with his chief Captains, what were now best to be done? Amesa still persuading him not to remove, but there to stay a time, and to expect the farther event of matters. But the greater number, whose opinion prevailed, said it was better to go farther into the Country; and to take the spoil thereof before the Country people should convey away all their Substance into places of safety, as they had done there in Dibra, and leave them nothing but the bare ground and empty Cottages. By this persuasion, the Bassa early next morning in good order set forward; commanding by general Proclamation, That no man upon pain of death should break his Array or straggle from the Army. Yet before he set forward, he called Amesa unto him; whom after he had highly commended, and with great vehemency inveighed against Scanderbag, he with the great applause of the whole Army in the name of Mahomet created him King of Epirus. 
Amesa is by the Bassa created King of Epirus.  That day he marched not far, by reason of the great heat; for it was then about the midst of july. Yet when he had well wearied himself with that days travel, finding neither Enemy nor any thing else worthy to be accounted in any part of a Victory, he encamped at night, keeping diligent Watch, and sending forth his Scouts every way, but especially towards Lyssa. The next day, which was the third day after the Bassas coming into Epirus, he set forward again, and came at length into Aemathia, and there encamped that night.  
When Scanderbag (flying for fear, as the Turks supposed) was gone a great way out of their sight towards Lyssa, and come even to the Borders of his Kingdom, he there stayed all the rest of that day. And a little before the going down of the Sun, he with a few select Horsemen departed from the Army, and with painful travel got up to the top of the High Mountains, from whence a man might by day well discover all the Plains of Aemathia. There he appointed one Peieus Emanuel, a politic and valiant Gentleman, with certain Horsemen to mark diligently which way the Enemy held, and by certain secret and appointed wafting and signs, to give knowledge thereof to the Army. After such Order taken, he returned himself, and came again to the Camp after midnight. And presently rising with his Army, and fetching a compass about, came undiscovered, and secretly encamped himself as near as he could unto the Mountains where his Scouts lay, with Eagles eyes waiting for the least moving of the Enemy. The Bassa desirous to get as far as he could into the Country, before the heat of the day, began early in the morning to set forward, and came to the Plains of Pharsalia, through the World spoken of for the great battle in them long time before fought, between the two most famous Chieftains Caesar and Pompeius; and now once more to be made famous, by the slaughter of the Turks. Here the Enemy finding some straggling cattle, and other small things which the Country people had in their hasty flight left behind them, fell to seeking after Booty, and, as men without fear, spent that day in roaming up and down the Country, in hope to find something; and at night encamped without any great Watch, but towards Lyssum, from whence they (in great security) looked for the coming of Scanderbag; and as it were in disgrace of him, carried Amesa in Triumph up and down the Camp, as if he had been already possessed of the Kingdom of Epirus. Scanderbag lying on the other side of the Mountains, perceived by his Spials, which way the Enemy lay; and with great silence under the covert of the Mountains and Woods, secretly bend his course the same way, until he came to a Mountain called Tumenist, at the foot whereof he encamped that night. The next morning the Bassa holding on his way, came and encamped not far from the same Mountain, and there stayed himself with half his Army, and sent Amesa with the other half to burn and spoil the Country; who about noon returned to the Camp with such prey as he had got, with his Soldiers well wearied with travel, and the heat of the day. Scanderbag like a careful householder, who being about to entertain and feast some honourable Personages, trusteth not to his Wife and Servants, but looketh to the bestowing of his Provision himself, carefully ordering and disposing and setting forth all things, especially if his Provision (for want of ability) be short, to welcome so great Guests; and setting all things forth to the greatest show, seeketh at least to fill the eyes of his Guests, although he doubt to satisfy their Appetites; so he carfully viewing all the Mountains and thick Woods thereabouts without resting, set Moses in one place, Tanusius in another, and all the rest in places most convenient. He appointeth every man what to do, and instructeth them, and considerth of every particular circumstance himself; and so divideth his Forces, as might best serve his purpose, and make the most terrible show to the Enemy; for which purpose he in every Company placed more Trumpets, Drums, and other Instruments of War, than he had before at any time used. When he had so to his most advantage bestowed so many of his Captains and Soldiers as he thought good, and as the nature of the places would give leave, he with 4000 Horsemen and the like number of Foot, speedily marching up the rough Mountain of Tumenist, from thence plainly beheld in what Order the Turks Camp lay in the Plains below. The Turks, especially they which were lately returned with Amesa from the spoil of the Country, lay scattered abroad in the fields, 
The T●●●● Camp buried in security.  with their Horses unbridled and unsaddled, resting their weary bodies; some got under the shadows of Trees were victualling themselves; some having filled their Bellies, lay fast asleep on the green Grass; the rest were passing the time, some with one kind of sport, some with another, as Soldiers do in field when they have little or nothing to do; for it was then the hottest time both of the year, and of the day, being about the midst of july, and the noontime of the day. The like negligence was also in that part of the Camp where the Bassa himself lay; every man taking his ease and pleasure, with small regard of Horse or Armour; for being out of fear of Scanderbag, whom they thought to have been a great way off at Lyssum, they lay as men without care wrapped up in security, the common destruction of great Armies and Commonwealths. Amesa with the great Captains, were at the same time all together in the Bassa's Pavilion, consulting what course they were best to take, to do something to the contentment of Mahomet, and their own commendation; some said it were best with Fire and Sword to destroy all they could in Epirus; and so having laid the Country waist, to return. Others thought it better to march directly to Croia, to prove if the Citizens could be persuaded to yield themselves and receive Amesa for their King; othersome to threaten them with a continual Siege, and utter ruin of the Country, if upon the vain expectation of help from Scanderbag they should refuse to submit themselves. As for Scanderbag himself, who then lay hover over their heads, he was in all that Consultation lest feared; who from the top of the Mountain, beholding the security and disorder of the Turks Camp, and delighted with the sight thereof; encouraged his Soldiers, and martialled them in such order as they were to follow him, for the charging and terrifying of the Enemy. But first of all he determined to oppress the Turks Scouts, which lay at the foot of the Mountain; for which purpose he himself with a few Horsemen first secretly descended the Mountain, the rest of his Army following shortly after, and so suddenly came on the Scouts, that he slew them all except one, who escaping by the swiftness of his Horse, came running to the Camp as one half affrighted, crying out that Scanderbag was coming. The Turks suspecting nothing less than the coming of him that way, at the present instant hardly believed that he was so nigh; when as he following him at the heels as fast as he could, with his Horsemen and his Footmen after them, was in a moment as if it had been a sudden Tempest, broken in amongst the unarmed Turks, and there making great slaughter of them, 
Scanderbag suddenly assaileth the Turks.  filled all the Camp with sudden tumult and fear. Amesa who at the first noise had speedily got him to his Charge, with his Soldiers some half-armed, some on Foot, having no leisure to bridle their Horses, was the first that made head against Scanderbag. The Bassa also did what he might in that sudden fear and shortness of time, to arm his Men, and to put them in order; but whilst those things were in doing, the Soldiers which lay in ambush in the Woods, came down the Mountain with such horrible shouts and noise of Instruments of War, as if Heaven and Earth should have presently gone together; the Hills and Valleys with their hollow Echoes, increasing the terror of the Alarm. Insomuch, that the Turks dismayed, and fearing that all the Force of Epirus, with the Countries adjoining, had come upon them, began to fly on every side, before that Moses and the rest that lay in ambush were come into the Plains. Amesa acquainted with his Uncle's Stratagems, as much as he could encouraged the Turks; crying aloud and telling them, That such vain Tumults and Terrors were not to be feared, being but the bare shifts and devices of their Enemies to cover their own weakness; and by his own valour stayed many which before were about to have fled. In this while, the Bassa having put his Men in best order he could, was coming to the Aid of Amesa, hardly charged by Scanderbag; but in his setting forward, he was so valiantly encountered on the one side by Moses with his Horsemen, and on the other by Tanusius and Emanuel with their Footmen, that he was enforced, not without great loss, again to retire unto his Trenches.  
All the hope of the battle depended upon Amesa, who still with great courage withstood his Uncle; exhorting his Soldiers valiantly as men to endure that first Assault, which should afterwards bring them most assured Victory; heartening them on with hope of speedy help from their Fellows if they would but a while endure the fury of their Enemies, whose hearts (as he said) would presently be discouraged, if they prevailed not in that their first and desperate Attempt, having nothing else to trust unto. By which persuasion the Turks were again encouraged, accounting it a great dishonour to fly and leave their Chieftain in the field. But when they saw Scanderbag still to prevail upon them, and that no help came as they hoped (for many were by Scanderbegs Horsemen slain as they were arming themselves; many were by the way cut off as they were coming, and the rest put to flight) they which before fought valiantly with Amesa, turned their backs and fled also. Scanderbegs Horsemen pursued the chase, and made great slaughter of the Turks, and in the same chase took Amesa Prisoner. Scanderbag, having overthrown that part of the Turks battle, was coming with a thousand Footmen and some Horsemen, to have aided Moses against the Bassa; but before his coming, Moses to blot out his former Infamy, had with invincible courage put the great Bassa with all his Army to flight; and Scanderbag following the chase, gave him not leave to look behind him, until he was got out of Epirus. Many were in this chase taken Prisoners, and amongst the rest one Mesites a Sanzack, a man of great account amongst the Turks. In this battle, beside the Prisoners, were taken twenty of the Turks fairest Ensigns. As for Horses, Armour, and other spoils taken in the Field, and in the Camp, all which fell to the Soldier's share, it is almost incredible to be told. The number of the slain Turks is of divers diversely reported; they which write of the most, reckon up thirty thousand; and they which speak of the least, account twenty thousand. 
A notable Victory of the Christians.  Of the Christians were lost but sixty. Now if any account it strange, that so great a Victory should be gained with so little loss; not to speak of that is written in Holy Writ, let him but read the ancient Histories of the Romans, or the Chronicles of our own Country, and he shall in them find Victories no less strange. There was to be seen the sudden and strange alteration of these worldly things, no more indeed (whatsoever we account of them) to be reckoned of, than of things we have not. Scanderbag possesseth the rich Pavilion, erst belonging to the great Bassa; and other of his Captains enjoy Tents, with much other rich Furniture never prepared for their use. Amesa, which the same day as a Victorious Conqueror overran a great part of Aemathia with his Horsemen, and was carried in Triumph with the general Acclamation of many thousands of valiant Soldiers, and honoured as a King, and of them so called; is now led through the Christian Army to his Uncle, with his hands bound behind him as a Slave, speechless and confounded, unable to hold up his head for shame; whose misery moved most of the beholders to compassion, and forced tears out of the eyes of many.  
The next day after this great Victory, Scanderbag caused the bodies of the slain Turks to be buried, together with their Horses; which he did not for any regard of them, but that their loathsome Carcases should not infect the Country; and after that, returned in great Triumph to Croia. By the way as he went, the Country people, which were before for fear of the Turks fled into the Woods and Mountains in great multitudes met him, as he did others also out of the Cities, whose mouths were all full of his worthy Praises. Before him went the Captive Turks with their hands bound behind them, excepting such as were enforced to carry the Turks Ensigns. Next unto them followed the great Bassas rich Pavilion, in such manner supported by the Soldiers, as if it had been in the field. Then came Scanderbag himself with the Turkish Sanzack, ●nd Amesa following him; for Amesa had with great and humble Suit obtained of his Uncle, that he might not, as he well deserved, be carried bound among the other Captives. Last of all came Scanderbag his Victorious Soldiers in goodly order, every man leading a spare Horse taken from the Enemy, and loaded with spoil. So when he was come to Croia, and there of his Subjects joyfully received, he broke up his Army; and gave every man leave at his pleasure to depart. The Sanzack and Amesa, were committed to safe keeping, until farther Order was taken for them. Amesa afterwards was for his Treason worthily condemned to perpetual Prison, and by an Ambassador from Scanderbag sent unto King Alphonsus to Naples, there to be kept in durance; and with him was also sent an honourable Present of part of the spoil taken from the Turks, in token of the Victory. What became afterward of this Amesa, concerneth not much the course of our History; yet to satisfy the desirous, I think it not amiss with him to stray a little out of the way.  
When Amesa had remained a year in Prison at Naples, Scanderbag understanding of the death of Alphonsus, by his Ambassador requested of Ferdinand his Son, to have Amesa restored to him again. But which means he was brought back again into Epirus, and cast in Prison at Croia; but not in such strait manner as before; for Scanderbag according to his accustomed Clemency, began now to forget the injury to him before done; and at last overcome with the continual Supplication and Tears of his Nephew, pardoned him his life; and restoring him to his former liberty, received him also into his former favour. But Amesa remembering what Pledges of his Loyalty he had left with Mahomet at Constantinople, and fearing what would become of his Wife and Children, if he should hastily use that his liberty, giving his Uncle most humble thanks, broke unto him his mind concerning that matter, as followeth, 
The Speech of Amesa to Scanderbag  Whereas you of your own gracious goodness only, without any desert of mine, have regarded my Life and Welfare, it behoveth me also to be careful for the life of others; lest whilst I receive your exceeding bounty with too much desire of min● own Health and Honour, I do at this present, by this same benefit of yours, cast away them, whom I have long sithence by mine own Treachery undone. Mine unfortunate and guiltless Wife is with Mahomet, my little and innocent Children are with him also; these yet live, and shall live, so long as the Tyrant shall think, that I live in heart his; but when be shall once perceive by this your gracious dealing that I am fallen from him, the cruel Creditor will forthwith cut and rend in pieces the Pledges of my Faith, and their innocent blood shall pay the guilt of their Father's offence. Wherefore the Ottoman Tyrant is of me by some device to be deceived, that I may in the mean time preserve those Pledges, until I may by some fit occasion afterwards redeem the same. I will by your leave this night take my flight out of Croia, as if I had broken Prison, and escaped against your will, and so fly unto Mahomet, making the greatest show I can of my wont Love and Loyalty towards him; not omitting to hear, or speak unto that credulous King such things concerning your Estate, as I was wont in my better Fortune; that having so cleared myself of all suspicion, which he perhaps hath conceived by reason of my Captivity and long stay with you, I may at length, with my Wife and Children, so escape from him: Wherein you may help me much, if you shall openly make show as if you were grieved with my escape, and seem to be highly offended with the Keepers of the Prison for the same. In the mean time, whilst I shall stay in the Tyrant's Court expecting some fit time for my escape; I will stand you in stead of an Intelligencer, so that your Enemy shall not to my knowledge either attempt or go about any thing against you, which shall be kept from your hearing or knowledge.  
Scanderbag refused not to grant whatsoever he had requested, but said unto him: Amesa, sithence we have granted you life, with all the good things thereunto belonging, 
The answer of Scanderbag to Amesa.  we will not prohibit you to use that our Gift to your most good, and to the preservation of them who for ever may most justly call upon you, as debtor unto them, for their welfare and liberty. Go thy ways, proceed, take thy time and occasion as it seemeth unto th●e best; and at length reform thyself, whilst thou yet hast sufficient time and space. We now believe you in all things, and well like of this your device: Amesa you shall herein deceive no man but yourself, if you shall longer follow the Faith and Court of the barbarous King, whereas like danger is both of Body and Soul both to thee and thine. Whensoever thou shalt return unto us thou canst not do us a greater pleasure; and in what regard thou hast heretofore been with us, in the same thou shalt be with us again.  
The same night Amesa by secret Order from Scanderbag, escaped both out of Prison and out of Croia; and in the morning it was all over the City, that he was gone, and the Keepers sharply rebuked for their negligence. He coming to Constantinople, easily persuaded Mahomet, that he was by chance escaped, with all things else that he told him; yet was he not for all that, so well graced of him as before; not for any distrust he had in the man, but for the evil success he had in the former Wars. Now whether Amesa neglected his promised return, or could find no opportunity to perform the same, is uncertain; but certain it is, 
The death of Amesa.  that shortly after he died at Constantinople, poisoned as was thought by the commandment of Mahomet, who could no longer endure the sight of him, whom he reckoned the Author of the notable Overthrow received in Aemathia. This was the woeful end of this noble and valiant Man, well worthy of remembrance, had not his haughty thoughts soared too high with the desire of Sovereignty.  
When Mahomet understood in what manner Isaac Bassa was overthrown, and his Army discomfited, he was therewith much grieved, and justly blamed the Bassa's security; yet such was his credit with his Sovereign, that the matter was in better sort passed over than was supposed it would have been. Nevertheless, Mahomet in revenge thereof would willingly have employed all his Forces upon Scanderbag, if his more urgent Affairs would have so permitted. For at the same time, besides that great Wars began to rise betwixt him and the Venetians (which continued for many years after) he was certainly informed, That the Christian Princes were making a strong Confederation against him. At which time Mahomet disdaining openly to sue for a Peace at Scanderbegs hands, cunningly practised by such as were sent to redeem the Prisoners, and also by the Sanzack himself, to persuade Scanderbag to require Peace of him; assuring him, that if he did but ask it, it would for a long time be easily obtained. Which thing Scanderbag, well acquainted with the Turkish Policy, utterly refused to do. Wherefore Mahomet for the defence of his Countries bordering upon Epirus, sent two of his most expert Captains, Sinam and Hamur, with each of them 14000 Soldiers into Macedonia, expressly charging them not to enter at any time or upon any occasion, into Epirus, or by any means to provoke Scanderbag; which his Commandment they so well observed, that the Epirots by the space of almost two years enjoyed the fruits of Peace, although there was no Peace at all concluded. So that the remembrance of old Injuries wearing out with time, at length by the mediation of the same Captains, 
A Peace for a year concluded betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag.  a Peace for a ye●r was agreed on betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag. In which time he passed over into Apulia, and there notably aided King Ferdinand against the French, the proceeding wherein, as not pertinent to our History, I of purpose pass over.  
After that the time of the Peace before concluded was expired, all things now going well with Mahomet as he desired, he resolved according to his wont manner to trouble the quiet Estate of Scanderbag; and so sending a new supply of Soldiers to Sinam-beg, who then lay with a strong Garrison upon the Frontiers of Epirus, commanded him with all his Power to make Wars upon Scanderbag. Sinam accordingly, with an Army of 20000 Men, entered into Epirus, where he was forthwith encountered by Scanderbag, and his Army utterly overthrown, so that but few escaped by flight with Sinam himself. Presently after he sent Asam-beg, another of his Captains, into the same Service, with an Army or thirty thousand, whom Scanderbag also in plain battle vanquished at Ocrida; in which battle Asam himself was sore wounded, and finding no way to escape, was glad to yield himself Prisoner to Scanderbag, by whom he was courteously used, and afterwards set at liberty. jussum-beg following Asam with eighteen thousand into Epirus, was set upon by Scanderbag also, and having 〈◊〉 part of his Army, was glad by speedy flight to save himself with the rest. After all this, Caraza-beg, an old Captain and a man of great experience (who had been a great Commander, and a Companion with Scanderbag in the time of old Amurath) requested of Mahomet, that he might prove his Fortune against his old acquaintance Scanderbag, assuring him of better Success than before. The long and approved experience of this old Leader put Mahomet in such hope of good speed, that he gave present Order for the levying of such an Army as Caraza had requested, and for ten thousand more than he had at the first required. With this strong Army, in number almost forty thousand, Caraza set forward, having before filled the minds of men with the expectation of some greater matter to have been by him done. Scanderbag understanding certainly that Caraza was coming, stood more in doubt of the Man than of his Power; and therefore assembled greater Forces than he had usually done before; and to welcome him, sent two thousand of his best and most expert Soldiers secretly into the Enemy's Country; who lying in ambush amongst the Woods and Mountains, whereby Caraza must needs pass, suddenly set upon four thousand Horsemen (the forerunners of Caraza his Army) who marching disorderly, and fearing no such matter, were in a trice overthrown, and most part of them slain; those few that escaped fled back again to the Army, as if they had come in post to bring tidings of some hasty News to the General. With which so unfortunate a beginning, Caraza was so discomfited, that if he might for shame, he could have been content to have returned again and gone no farther; yet for his Honour's sake holding on his way, he came into Epirus; where whilst he was (after the manner of old men) long in resolving what course to take, he was upon the sudden assailed by Scanderbag, before he could well put his Men in order of battle. At which time there fell such a vehement shower of Rain, that both the Armies were glad to retire before any great hurt was done. Three days together it reigned continually (for it was about the later end of Autumn) all which time Scanderbag ceased not in one place or other to trouble the Turks Camp; so that the old General, partly distempered with the extremity of the Wether, which for the violence thereof he took to be ominous; and more discouraged with the restless Attempts of Scanderbag, rose with his Army, and retiring back by the same way he came, returned to Constantinople. Where he was well derided of Mahomet, that having promised so much, had performed so little; yet afterwards was again by him in some sort commended, for that he had with less loss looked upon Scanderbag than other his Generals before sent against him.  
Mahomet perceiving that Scanderbag was not to be subdued but with such Forces as he was not then at leisure to employ on him, thought it not amiss to prove if he could by fair Speeches and glorious shows of Friendship get within him, and so bring him to confusion; for which purpose he sent unto him an Ambassador with rich Presents, and Letters of this Purport.  
Sultan Mahomet, Lord and Emperor of the East and of the West, and of all parts of the World, unto Scanderbag, Prince of Albania and Epirus, sendeth greeting.  

The Letters of Mahomet to Scanderbag.  I Think Friend Scanderbag, that no Acquaintance can be greater, or Friendship more firm, than that which hath grown of long and mutual conversing and living together, and especially if the same have taken beginning from Childhood and tender Years, as you know it hath done betwixt us Two; who have of long time, even from our Childhood, lived together in great Love and Friendship, when as you first lay as Hostage in my Fathers Court. Wherefore beloved Scanderbag, when as I call to remembrance all those things, with others, wherewith our Youthful years were then delighted; and being mindful also of all those things which you have oftentimes done for the advancement of our Empire and Kingdom, and for the glory of the Ottoman Family, I cannot choose but embrace thee with singular Zeal and Affection. For I take God to witness, that nothing could chance more welcome or pleasing unto me in my life, than to have thee with me, and for a while to enjoy thy Company. Neither needst thou to fear any thing to come unto me, for that my Soldiers without my Knowledge or Commandment have of late broken in and spoiled thy Kingdom; which thing as reason required, was unto me exceedingly displeasing; neither did it any whit offend me, that they were by thy Forces vanquished and overcome, and so received the just Reward of their evil deserts, and that all things fell out with thee according to the equity of thy Cause, and as thy Heart could have desired. But to let these things pass, the remembrance of our old Love and Friendship persuadeth me to come to agreement, and to join together with thee in a perpetual League of Amity; to the intent that our ancient Acquaintance and Familiarity, which by reason of long absence is almost worn out, may again take life, increase, and be confirmed. Of which Peace, let these be the Capitulations, if they shall seem unto you reasonable; for I know it belongeth unto him that requireth not the Peace, to appoint the Conditions of the same. First, we require of you freely and peaceably to suffer our Armies to pass through your Kingdom, for the besieging of the Cities and invading of the Country's subject to the Venetians our Enemies: Then, to deliver unto us your Son John in Hostage, whom we will always use as one of our own natural Children: And afterwards, that our Merchants and Men of Trade, may peaceably come and travel into all parts of your Kingdom with their Merchandise, and there freely and safely use their Negotiation: Last of all, that yourself in Person may at your pleasure safely and without all fear repair unto us, and in like manner return again. In which things if you will yield unto us, I promise in the Faith of a King, to grant unto you and your Kingdom sincere Peace, with perpetual Tranquillity; and that there shall not be any more dearer unto me than yourself; and will never to the uttermost of our Power permit your Kingdom to be infested or molested by any of our Subjects, or others. Whatsoever you shall further receive from us by the mouth of our Ambassador Mustapha, you may thereto give full Credence. Fare you well. From our Imperial Palace at Constantinople the 10th of May, 1461.  
Scanderbag having received these Letters, and well considered of the same, returned him Answer by the same Messenger as followeth.  
The Soldier of Christ Jesus, George Castriot, otherwise called Scanderbag, Prince of the Albanenses and Epirots, unto Mahomet Prince of the Turks, greeting.  
YOur Letters (most Magnificent) are delivered unto us, 
The answer of Scanderbag to the former Letters of Mahomet.  wherein you write of your exceeding Love and singular Affection towards us, confirmed as you say by old Acquaintance; which being grown up betwixt us, and by tract of time firmly rooted, and as it were into nature converted, shall always retain his force and strength. But forasmuch as it seemeth unto you good to awake the same, having of long time and many years lain as it were asleep; and to make a motion that we should enter into a certain new League and Confederation, whereof amongst other Conditions of the League by you propounded, this is one, That your Forces may freely pass through my Kingdom, to invade the Venetians; Unto this your Request, worthy Mahomet, it standeth neither with Equity nor with mine Honour to consent, for so much as the Venetians are my especial good Friends and Confederates. As for that you desire to have my Son John with you in Hostage for the better assurance of the Peace betwixt us, I should peradventure do it (most noble Mahomet) if fatherly affection would give me leave; but sithence I have no more but him, and he as yet a tender Child, it is not for the good either of him or us, to have him now taken from us, when as he ought of us to be most tenderly cherished, and carefully instructed. As for that you requested concerning your Merchants, That they may freely and safely Traffic into my Kingdom at their pleasure, I can be content thereunto, and wish heartily that there might be a free Intercourse for our Merchants indifferently with their Commodities into both our Kingdoms. Further, whereas you earnestly persuade me boldly and without fear to come unto you, that by such Interview and Personal Presence, our great desire, grown of long absence, might be the better satisfied; in this thing most excellent Prince, I cannot but praise your most Honourable Disposition, and commend your good Nature; and would therefore boldly follow your persuasion, if my other urgent Affairs, with the Government of my Kingdom, would so permit. But what shall I do? My son John (as I said before) but little, and as yet unfit to Govern; and my people (as you know) love always to have something to do, being by Nature a fierce and restless Nation, whom I myself have much ado to Rule and Govern: For all that I will come unto you according to your desire, expecting only a more commodious time. So fare your well, and love me still. From our Camp the 30th of May, 1461.  
When Mahomet had received these Letters, and well perused the same, he writ to him again in manner following.  
Sultan Mahomet, Emperor of all the parts of the World, unto Scanderbag Prince of the Albanenses and Epirots, greeting.  

The Letters of Mahomet to Scanderbag for the concluding of a perpetual Peace betwixt them.  YOur Letters we have received by our Ambassador Mustapha, wherein you give us to understand, that you like none of the Conditions of Peace by us propounded, but only that concerning our Merchants and men of Trade, that they might freely and at their pleasure use their Traffic and Trades with their Merchandise to and fro, and upon this condition only you grant us Peace. This your Offer we accept of, and all the rest of your excuses we willingly admit; wherefore I promise unto thee (my love Scanderbag) and will perform all that thou dost require, and upon that Resolution rest; and will so long as I live observe and keep a sincere and inviolable Peace with thee for ever, except thou first give cause of violating the same. And for that purpose have we with our usual and Imperial Seal signed these our Letters, which we by our Ambassador Mustapha have sent unto thee, as thereby confirming unto thee this perpetual Peace. Wherefore you also (if you be so content) may subscribe, and with your Seal confirm this of Ours, that I in like manner may have also your like Consent and Agreement. And would farther, That you would Command knowledge thereof to be made by open Proclamation through all your Kingdom, as I will in like manner cause to be done through mine. And for the more manifestation of this my love towards you, I would also that you should understand, That of mine own mere motion and bounty, I do freely give unto you all those things, which you by force of Arms have taken from my Father in Albania and Epirus, so that you may possess and enjoy the same, as if they had always been yours and your Ancestors: Wherefore I give, grant, and confirm unto thee and thy Heirs, all the Right, Title, or Interest, which I heretofore had therein, and from henceforth will always account and repute thee as Prince of Albania and Epirus, and so call thee. And as I have promised thee in the Faith of a King, will never hereafter with Wars molest thee or thine, except thou thyself give cause thereof. Wherefore after you have with your Seal confirmed these things, you may commend them to our faithful Ambassador Mustapha, to be by him brought unto us; unto whom I would you should in all things give full Credit. So fare you well, and render us love for love. From our Imperial Palace at Constantinople, the 22. of June, 1461.  
Upon receipt of these Letters, 
A Peace concluded betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag.  a Peace was concluded betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag, and the same by public Proclamations solemnly published through both their Kingdoms; to the great rejoicing of many. Which Peace was for a season faithfully kept on both sides, until that the Turks lying in Garrison upon the Frontiers of Epirus, began after their wont manner again to fetch Preys and Booties out of the Country. Of which Injuries, Scanderbag by Letters complained to Mahomet; who answered that he was altogether ignorant thereof, and seemed in show to be much offended with the Insolency of the Doers thereof; and forthwith caused many things to be again restored. By which means the Peace before concluded, was still as before continued.  
A little before the conclusion of the aforesaid Peace, great Wars began to arise betwixt the Turks and the Venetians, who all this while being in League with the Turk, peaceably followed their Traffic and Trades of Merchandise, little or nothing at all regarding their Neighbour's Harms and Miseries, until that now the flame and fire began to take hold upon their own houses, and as it were to awake● them out of a dead sleep. For Mahomet after he had subverted the Empire of Constantinople, and driven Thomas and Demetrius the Emperor's Brethren out of Peloponnesus (now called Morea) rested not so contented, but by his Lieutenants and other great Captains began to disturb the quiet of the Venetians, who then held in their possession Methone, Corone, Neapolis, Argos, with divers other strong Towns in Peloponnesus, standing upon the Sea coast. And now it chanced that about this time, joshua, Mahomet his Lieutenant in Peloponnesus, had by the Treason of a Greek Priest, upon the sudden surprised the City of Argos; and Omares another of his great Captains, having first spoiled the Country about Naupactum (now Lepanto) entered farther into the Territory of the Venetians about Methone and Corone, making havoc of whatsoever came in his way. With which Injuries plainly tending to open War, the Venetian Senators being much troubled, sat oftentimes in Counsel, deliberating with much care what course to take in a matter of so great importance. Some being of opinion, that it were best to send Ambassadors to Mahomet, so to make proof if the matter might by fair means be redressed; others on the contrary part deeming it to be to no purpose so to do; forasmuch as such great and manifest Outrages, nothing differing from plain Hostility, could not possibly be done without the Tyrant's knowledge and express Command. After the Senators had oftentimes met together, and with many great Reasons debated the matter too and fro, and yet for all that concluded nothing (as in consultations of great matters with a multitude, it most commonly falleth out to be a harder matter, and to require longer time, to bring the multitude to some certain resolution, than it is afterwards to perform the same in action.) In this so great a diversity of opinions concerning so weighty a cause, at length one Victor Capella, a noble Gentleman and grave Senator, stepped up in the midst of the Senate, and there frankly delivered this notable Speech unto the rest, concerning the matter propounded, as followeth: 
The notable Speech of Victor Capella to persuade t●e Venetians to take up A●ms against Mahomet.  I have before this at other times by long experience often n●ted (most noble Senators) that in all our greatest Consultations of matters most concerning our Common State, some are always so addicted or rather wedded unto their own conceits, that they can hardly with patience endure to hear the reasonable opinion of others contrary to their own, the chief cause of our slow Resolutions. Wherefore I have thought it good, briefly at this time to call upon you for resolution; forasmuch as I see we must of necessity take up arms, be we never so loath or unwilling: For to my understanding, you do but betray the State, in delaying the time to make present War upon the barbarous Enemy. Yet many principal Men amongst us, adv●se us to beware, that we do not rashly or unadvisedly determine of matters of so great consequence; and think it requisite that we should send Ambassadors unto the Tyrant, to expostulate with him his unjust dealing in breaking his Faith and League; and withal to request him to observe the Conditions of the Peace before agreed upon, if happily he may rather by persuasion than by Arms be moved to change his purpose; and if by this means nothing may be obtained, then at length they think it necessary to resolve to make War upon him. They allege further, That if we shall attempt War, our Cities in the Continent, bordering upon the Ionian in Peloponnesus, with divers others of ours in the firm land, will not be able to held out very long, but for want of necessaries must needs perish wit● the first of the trouble; besides that, if those places shall be wasted and spoiled, great loss (as they say) shall ensue thereby unto most of us in private: The greatest motive (perhaps) wherefore they think it most convenient to defer the Wars, and f●r that purpose to send our Ambassadors unto him. Of which Embassage, first by your leave a few words. At such time as these our Ambassadors, Men of great wisdom and reach, not long since came unto him, he had them in no regard; but dallying off the time with fraudulent, deceitful, and glozing Speeches, did indeed such things to the contrary as we least hoped; wherefore I cannot well devise (if we should send them, or such others again) what especial thing of all that we then gave them in charge, they should now propound unto him, having already said what is to be said; except they should say, That whereas we are not of sufficient strength and power to wage War against him, we would be glad to decide the matter by talk, and by that simple means to redress ●ur Injuries; and upon the matter, to show ourselves pressed and ready to fall to agreement with him, according as shall stand with his good pleasure and liking. Truly this were good plain dealing, but it will not serve our turn. Argos is already taken from us, and he maketh open War upon us; wherein he doth but prove our courage, and try how long we will put up these Injuries. If we will quietly digest these, he will then confidently and without fear proceed further; but if we shall, as best beseemeth us, valiantly resist him, he shall be glad of such rest as we shall give him; and when he knoweth not well which way to turn himself, shall be as glad as we to lay down Arms, and to seek for Peace; whereas if we shall do otherwise, I fear we shall repent ourselves when it will be too late. It is reported, that as soon as he was come into Peloponnesus, he went himself in Person unto Euboea, to view the City of Chalcis: And going a second time out of Peloponnesus, sounded the depth of the passage, and came within the sight of the City, of purpose to have assaulted it, if he had found opportunity; at which time he himself rid over that straight of the Sea betwixt Booetia and Euboea with his Horse, and curiously viewed in what place he might most conveniently pass over with his Army to besiege the City. Verily these are the most manifest signs of War, whereby any man may sufficiently prove, that he hath long since resolved (so soon as he is ready) to make War upon us. Whilst we are yet dreaming in the midst of our long Consultations, he will proceed in the Wars he hath begun; and cutting us short, augment his own Dominions. Then will he blame his Lieutenants and Captains, as Authors thereof; but still be doing that best serveth his purpose. And whilst no man opposeth himself against him, his Power daily increasing, he will do the best he can, suddenly to swallow us up, being unprovided. For he may easily raise great Forces, that by sufferance of others, maketh himself of great strength there where he had before no footing. Shall we then say that we have no Wars with this encroaching Tyrant? Some I know feed themselves and others also, with vain hopes, saying, That he will never turn his Forces upon us, nor ruinate our Estate, although he might at ease do it: Wherefore (say they) let us refrain from Wars, and use our peace and quietness; yet omitting nothing in the mean time that shall be needful for our safety. But forasmuch as it plainly appeareth unto all m●n, by that which is before said, That he hath already indeed proclaimed War against us, invading our Countries, surprising our Cities, and killing our people; Whether think you it more expedient or profitable for us, to sit still and suffer our Dominions to be taken from us, or rather by open War to make the barbarous King know the greatness of our Power and Strength? For if we shall enter into open War, we being in Arms sufficiently provided for all Events, and with careful eye attending all his Attempts, shall easily avoid both himself and all his devices; who if he be suffered to run still on forward with his prosperous success, people will daily more and more fall unto him, in hope to live the better, as his Friends. For which cause, I think it better to prefer an Honourable War, before a doubtful Peace. As for delay, it hath hurt many great States, and ourselves most of all; whereby we have in some sort betrayed the Empire of Grecia, with the woeful Emperor himself, when as this Tyrant battered the Walls of Constantinople; for our Traffic was much holpen by the Grecians, whom we then left to themselves. After that, we despised and rejected the pitiful Complaints of the Princes of Peloponnesus, who with tears craved our Aid; and now we see that famous Country lost, and fallen into his hands, through our sloth and negligence. Of late, when as the King of Bosna humbly requested our Aid, and promised fully to requite our courtesy, and whatsoever else we should do in his behalf; we suffered his Kingdom to be lost, and himself to be cruelly murdered of the Turks. For all these things by us thus neglected, we cannot escape the infamous report of all the rest of the Nations in Europe, but that they will say, That we for the greedy desire of Trade and filthy Gain, have forsaken, and for our parts betrayed whole Kingdoms and Nations, agreeing with us both in Manners and Religion; and to have stood still looking on, until they were subdued and brought into Thraldom by the Turks. Wherefore in few words to shut up the matter, If we should join in League with the Hungarians, and enter into Arms, we should so be able to keep our own; whereas if we shall use delays, and hunt after Peace, we shall in short time see, that he will suddenly devour us being unprovided, and wrest from us, all our Provinces and Territories which border upon him. And therefore it is (in my opinion) best to send our Ambassadors into Hungary, with a great mass of Money, to stir up that warlike Nation into the fellowship of this War. And beside the Navy we now have in readiness, to put to Sea as many more Ships and Galleys as we are able. The great Bishop also is not to be forgotten, but by all means to be drawn as a chief man into this War. Besides all this, we must do what we can to raise up Rebellion against the Turk in Peloponnesus; which will be no hard matter to bring to pass. For if the Peloponnesians rise in Arms with one of their poor Princes which revolted from the Turkish King, and forsaking all that they had, adventured themselves into all manner of peril and danger; what think you they will do, if they shall see so great Forces coming both by Sea and Land against the Turkish King? It were good also, that we should send two thousand Italian Horsemen into Peloponnesus, to animate the People; who when they shall see us thus to proceed, will undoubtedly presently revolt from the Turks, and yield themselves with their Country unto us, from whence we may most commodiously vex and molest this Tyrant; for there is no where better entrance into his Kingdom, than by the way of Peloponnesus. So that joining in League with the Hungarians, we shall beset him on every side; they all along the River Danubius, and we out of Peloponnesus. Let us not therefore sit still with our hands in our bosoms, suffering our Countries to be taken from us, and our Subjects made Bondslaves to the Turks; but encouraging them by our example, animate them to take up Arms, and valiantly to resist the cruel and barbarous Tyrant.  
The greater part of the Senate moved with this grave Senators Speech, 
The Venetians take up Arms against the Turks.  decreed without delay to make Wars, and to send their Ambassadors to the Pope, the King of Hungary, and other the Christian Princes their Neighbours, to pray aid of them in these Wars against the Turks. According to this Decree, the Venetians for defence of their Territory sent one Bertholdus Este, a valiant Captain, with an Army into Peloponnesus; where at his first coming, he in short time recovered the City of Argos, before lost. And departing thence, marched through the Country with his Army of fifteen thousand men, unto the Straight of Corinth, called Isthmus. At which place Alovisus Lauretanus, Adm●●al for the Venetians (by appointment before made) met him; and there joining their Forces together, with great labour in the space of fifteen days fortified all that Straight from the Ionian to the Sea Aegeum, with a continual Rampire and double ditch in length about five miles. In which work they used the help of thirty thousand men; and in doing thereof were much furthered by the ruins of the old Wall before destroyed by Amurath. The Venetian Commanders having fortified this Straight, encamped before Corinth, and laid straight Siege unto it; where at the second assault, Bartholdus the General desirous by his own forwardness to encourage his Soldiers, was in that assault grievously wounded with a Stone cast down upon him from the Wall, of which hurt he shortly after died. Nevertheless the Siege was still continued by Betinus Calcinatius, who succeeded in Bartholdus his place. But whilst the Venetians lay thus at the Siege of Corinth, suddenly news was brought unto the Camp, That Mahomet was coming with a great Army himself in Person, to raise the Siege, and to destroy the new fortifications at Isthmus. Whereupon the Venetians left the Siege, with purpose to have defended the late fortified Straight; but after that it was certainly known, that Mahomet was even now at hand with an Army of fourscore thousand Turks, Betinus distrusting with his small number to be able to defend the Straight against so puissant an Army, left the place so lately before fortified, and with all his Army retired to Neapolis to keep the Sea coast.  
Shortly after, Mahomet without any resistance at all entered with a world of men by the Straight into Peloponnesus; and when he had with the great slaughter of the Country People roamed up and down about Argos, he came to Neapolis, and in most terrible manner assaulted the City twice; both which times he was notably repulsed by the Venetians, and many of his men slain. Departing thence, he destroyed and wasted the Country about Methone (now Modon) and Corone, and assaulted the City of juncum, but with no better success than he had before Neapolis. Wherefore Winter now drawing on, he returned with his Army to Constantinople.  
After his departure the Venetians spoiled all that part of Arcadia which was subject to the Turks, requiting him with like injuries as he had done them before. Not long after, Lauretanus the Venetian Admiral had the Island of Lemnos delivered unto him by one Cominius a famous Pirate, who had surprised the same, and taken it from the Turks; but distrusting how he should be able to keep the same, delivered it over unto the Venetians. Shortly after, Ursatus justinianus, a great Magnifico amongst the Venetians, was sent to succeed Lauretanus their Admiral; but whilst he was scouring the Aegeum with a Fleet of two and thirty great Galleys, Andreas Dandalus General of their Forces at Land, inconsiderately encountering with the Turks Horsemen between Mantynia and Pytheme, was by them overthrown and slain, and with him divers other Gentlemen of great account; in which skirmish fifteen hundred of the Venetians were slain also with their General. And as Fortune is never more constant, than in mischief, so at the same time Ursatus General at Sea, landing his men in the Island of Lesbos, besieged the City of Mitylene, and gave thereunto two great assaults, wherein he lost five thousand men; and understanding that the Turks Fleet was coming to relieve the City, raised the Siege, and sailed into Euboea, and from thence passed over into Peloponnesus, where he shortly after died for sorrow and grief of mind. In whose place the Venetians sent another famous Captain called jacobus Lauretanus.  
The Venetians well considering the great power of the Turkish Emperor, 
The Venetians enter into confederation with other Christian Princes against the Turk.  laboured by their Ambassadors, to draw a● many of the Christian Princes as they could into the Fellowship of this War; but especially the great Bishop, by whose means they were in good hope to be greatly strengthened. Pius the second of that name was then the great Bishop; who at first answered the Venetian Ambassadors, That he must take away the little Turk, before he had any thing to do with the great; meaning thereby, Sigismundus Maletasta Prince of Ariminum, whom he deadly hated, for that he took part with the French against the Arragonians. Howbeit, the Wars in Italy being well appeased, Pius still solicited by the Venetians, made great preparation against the Turks; giving it out, That he would in Person himself go unto those Wars; and by his Authority (than much regarded) procured great aid out of Germany, France, Spain, and other Countries also further off. At which time also voluntary men in great number resorted out of all parts of Christendom into Italy, ready to adventure their lives in those religious Wars. At the same time also the Venetians had with much ado by the working of Paulus Angelus Archbishop of Dirrachium, persuaded Scanderbag to renounce the League which he had before made with the Turk, and to enter into Arms again; which he presently did, and spoilt the Borders of the Turks Dominions next unto him. Wherewith Mahomet was no less troubled, than with all the rest of the great preparation of the Christians against him; fearing that (as it was then reported) he should be made General of the Christian Army, which Mahomet feared might tend to the utter ruin of his Kingdom; so dreadful was the name of Scanderbag amongst the Turks. Wherefore thinking it most convenient for his Affairs, to reconcile him if it were possible, by his Ambassador sent for that purpose, wrote unto him as followeth:  
Sultan Mahomet, Emperor of the East and of the West, unto Scanderbag, Prince of the Albanenses and of the Epirots, greeting.  
I Have always had thy fidelity and upright dealing in great admiration, 
The Letters of Ma●omet to Scanderbag.  most noble Prince Scanderbag; for which cause I thought it a thing incredible, that thou being a Prince of such an heroical and Princely perfection, shouldst so inconsiderately and without any occasion break the Faith and League which thou not long since solemnly contractedst with me. For as I am advertised, thou hast entered into the Confines of our Dominion with a great Army, and with Fire and Sword destroying all that thou couldst, hast carried away with thee a great Booty. Of which thing I know right well, that the Venetians are the only cause, by whose Counsel and Persuasion thou hast been set on to do this deed; and seduced by their allurements and subtle persuasions, hast made War upon me, and art become the faithless breaker of thine own League, and of the sacred Law of Nations. Yet do I little or nothing blame thee therefore, regarding more the cause of the ignominy, than the despite itself, and lay the blame upon them who have always been my Foes and capital Enemies, rather than upon thee. But alas, what is this unto me (Scanderbag) that thou hast done, which possess so many and so large Dominions? Didst thou think to do so great hurt unto our Kingdom, by spoiling a little piece of our Country, and by stealing our cattle, more like a Thief and Robber, than an open Enemy? Which thing I yet account not worth the name of an Injury. But if thou think it so good, proceed in these thy doings; for I make more account of thy Friendship and Love, than of whatsoever is to me dearest; because (as thou knowest) I have always born unto thee an especial favour, and loved thee most entirely. And therefore as often as I call to remembrance our tender years and old familiarity whilst we lived together in my Father's Court at Hadrianople, I cannot but think myself bound unto thee in all Courtesy. And therefore my good Scanderbag, I most heartily request and entreat thee, That we renewing the former conclusions of Peace, may of new confirm the same by solemn Oath; wherewith if the former Peace had been established, thou wouldst not have suffered thyself to have been now of the Venetians so circumvented or seduced. It is therefore needful, that we now again for ever confirm a League and Peace betwixt us by solemn and sacred Oath on both sides; which if thou shalt do, (as I hope thou wilt, and in this be advised by me) thou with thy Posterity shalt undoubtedly always reign in peace, and in safety possess whatsoever is yours. Whereas if thou shalt do otherwise, believe me it will repent thee, and that right quickly. Thou knowest already my force, which wh●ther thou be able to withstand or not, thou wert best to be well advised. The poor Princes thy Neighbours, the Venetians thy S●ducers, cannot deliver thee from my Forces and Power. Dost thou not see the Grecians almost all rooted out before thy Face? the Emperors of Constantinople and Trapezond by us deprived of their Empires? the Princes of Servia and Rascia destroyed? the King of Bosna put to death and all the Kingdoms of Asia, with many other Kings and Princes more, vanquished, and overthrown, and made subject unto me? Wherefore Scanderbag, I advise thee in this to follow my Counsel, keep thy Promise, and so believe me thou shalt not be deceived. Concerning these matters, we have given further Commandment to our Ambassador and Servant Mustapha, which cometh unto thee; unto whom doubt thou not to give credence in any thing. Farewell. From our Imperial City of Constantinople, the seventh of May, 1463.  
Scanderbag having by the aforesaid Messenger received these Letters, and well considered of the same, returned answer as followeth:  
The Champion of Christ Jesus, George Castriot, otherwise called Scanderbag, Prince of the Albanenses and Epirots, to the most Excellent Mahomet, King of the Turks, greeting.  
YOU marveel (most noble Mahomet) that my Soldiers (as you say) contrary to the League and the conditions of our Peace, 
Scanderbag his Answer to the Letters of Mahomet.  have entered into your Confines, and from thence carried a great booty. Of which thing (you say) the Venetians are the Authors, whom you call your mortal Enemies; inferring afterward, that you are little therewith offended, for that you are a most mighty Prince, and can easily digest such unkindness, for the great love you bear unto me; and the rather, for that I did it deceived (as it pleaseth you to say) by others. All these things you can easily forgive and forget, so that I will by solemn oath confirm the same conditions of Peace that were in our former League betwixt us agreed upon. And thereunto you do greatly urge me, you admonish and counsel me to follow your advice, as tending to the great profit and security of me and my Posterity, lest happily whilst I seek to please the Venetians, I incur your heavy displeasure. Besides this, the more to terrify me, you reckon up as it were in a Catalogue, the People, Nations, Kings and Princes, by you overcome and subdued. But what is that which is so strange (I pray you) and which you so much marvel at (most Noble Mahomet?) Is it not for that my Soldiers did that in the Confines of your Dominions, whereof they were (of right) sorry; and had thereof to me complained, that your Soldiers had before done the like in their Goods and Possessions. Wherefore if they also upon a military bravery (as is your manner of phrase) have made themselves whole, and done one shrewd turn for another, revenging injury received, and not inferring any of new; there is no cause that you should either think it strange or blame me. I would myself have restrained my Soldiers, although they were grievously injured (I will plainly confess unto you a troth) I would have appeased their angry minds, inflamed with desire of Revenge; if you (a Prince of all others most rich and bountiful) would either have taken order, that full restitution might have been made unto them of all such things as they had lost, or else would with condign punishment have chastised the insolency of your Soldiers; which you would seem to cover with the term of military wantonness or bravery; an excuse scarce currant amongst Children. For although offences are in all places grievous, yet ought they most of all so to be deemed in Martial Affairs. What I pray you, would you have me to take it for lasciviousness in your men of War? especially when I had received so great loss, when as you might with a word first have restrained them from doing of it, and at your pleasure corrected them after the deed was done. Wherefore (most excellent Mahomet) take you also in good part these our terms, which you have accustomed hitherto most gloriously to give and sell unto us, whilst you always cover your reach with some excuse or show of Right. As for that in excusing me, under colour of old acquaintance and friendship, you inveigh against the Venetians, verily you do them wrong; for why, these good, just, and virtuous Princes are not to be slandered by you, as seducers of me or others. Beside, what need that invincible State to enter into Counsel with me, or (as it pleaseth you to say) to allure me to fall at odds with you, or to prosecute you as their Enemy? Who of themselves, yea, (I say) of themselves alone, when occasion shall require, are able to dare you in plain battle, and to abate your pride. Furthermore, whereas you advise me to reject their Friendship, your labour is therein but lost; for what man is so desperate, or hated of his Subjects, that would not choose rather to err with that most honourable Senate, than to be in the right with you? especially I, who have of long time been confederate with them, and am of all others unto them most dear; which you for all that had no regard of, but (according unto your untrusty dealing) breaking in sunder the bonds of Peace, spoiled and wasted their Territory in Peloponnesus. Neither can your great Threats terrify me, which you after the Turkish manner thunder and pour out against me, except I will be overruled by you: For it is the part of an Albanese both to endure when need shall require, and also to do such things as beseem a man of courage. You cannot make me afraid, being but a small Prince, with my honourable Friends the Venetians. And what are you? so great an Emperor of the East and of the West, and of all parts of the World, as you vainly term yourself? Truly you make me smile, and other Christian Princes laugh you to scorn, in usurping falsely to yourself the stately stile of the Emperor of the World. What possess you in Asia the greater? verily nothing. Is all yours in Asia the lesser? not so. What have you in Europe? except Thracia, Mysia, part of Grecia, and Peloponnesus, with the Isle of Mytelene. As for afric, you never set your foot therein. Is this to be Emperor of the World? But suppose, suppose (I say) worthy Mahomet, that all from the farthest part of the Ocean were yours, you ought not therefore so to swell, as to contemn all others. Cease to boast, and learn now (if you can) the special, but true examples of human fragility. Where are now the Assyrians, which sometime swayed the World? Where be the Medes? Where be the Persians? and to be short, where are the Romans, the great Commanders of all? Verily Tamerlane the Scythian King (called the Terror of the World) was far greater than you; who in triumph, drew before his Chariot thy great Grandfather Bajazet in Chains; who had before won so many Victories, whom nevertheless he overthrew in the Plains of Armenia, with three hundred thousand Turks, having in his Army (as is reported) twelve hundred thousand men, greater than Xerxes or Darius, whose Armies covered the Seas, and dried up the Rivers before them as they went, yet for all this (Noble Mahomet) they are all cast out by him that casteth out all Nations, the Finger of the Highest hath brought them all to nought. Wherefore learn to know yourself to be a man also. Trust not too much to the multitude of your Soldiers, and strength of your Armies; for oftentimes great and puissant Armies have been overthrown with far less, as all Histories bear witness; whereof it is commonly said, Thou shalt not praise the Valour of the General, before he be brought to the Triumph. And do you not think, Mahomet, that God will favour the better cause? You know, you well know, that all your Kingdom is violently gotten, that it is wrongfully and unjustly possessed; for which cause I am not afraid, not only to withstand you when you shall come, being so great a Prince; but also valiantly and courageously to dare you into the Field, and by the Power of God, both to hope for, and have a notable Victory over you. We have Soldiers also, which know how to use their Weapons, to march before their Enemies, and how to bear themselves in the heat of the Battle. Wherefore, to that you say unto me for the new confirming of the former League, you labour now but in vain to circumvent me with such fair glosses, I have your Faith in such distrust, and your Friendship in detestation; forasmuch as you cunningly and subtly, after the manner of your Ancestors, whatsoever you do, or whatsoever you promise unto me, it tendeth all to no other end than to thrust me out of my Kingdom. Yet thus long I have by Gods help well escaped all your Policies, all your Crafts and Deceits. But I hope there will in short time be an end of all these matters, when all your Slights and Devices shall not ease you, neither your working Head or Turkish Pride any thing profit you. It is not I alone that so much stomach you, there cometh after me a great number of Christian Princes; behold, the whole Chivalry and Glory of the Christian Common-weal is in Arms, and coming against thee with all their force: all the Kings and Princes of Christendom have combined themselves together, with the great Bishop, against thy State, and will in short time be present to destroy thee and thy Kingdom. Wherefore (worthy Mahomet) I have thought it good in regard of our old Friendship (although the same hath by you been greatly impaired and violated) to forewarn you of all these things, that you might gather your Wits together and in time provide for the safety of yourself and your Kingdom. You see the force and power of so many great Princes, from which whether you can escape or no, I know not; yet you may, if you will follow my advice, you may, I say, make both your Name and Empire, of great, greater; of famous, most renowned; of fortunate, most happy and blessed; if casting off from you the gross Errors of the Mahometan Superstition, you will embrace the Faith and Truth of Christ jesus, and at length have regard of your Souls health. And you which excel all your Predecessors in highness of Spirit, and pregnancy of Wit, suffer not yourself and your Subjects as it were by Inheritace to be longer blinded in your wilful errors; but do that (as a wise Prince) of your own accord, which otherwise you will shortly of necessity be constrained to do. To say, Had I wist, hath ever been accounted a great disgrace from the Mouth of an Emperor. At length amend and measure yourself. Behold, Almighty God doth offer you means, whereby you may quiet the whole state of your Kingdom, and all our Kings and Prince's love, honour and reverence you. Neither let the ambitious desire of Sovereignty or immoderate care of those things you possess, trouble you from so doing; For whatsoever you have unjustly and unlawfully usurped, the Christian Princes will grant, confirm, and establish unto thee, as if they had been your own by ancient Inheritance. So shall you be a true Monarch indeed, and rule and reign lawfully, if you shall embrace this Faith, and worship God aright; which so soon as you shall feel the sweetness of, you will be sorry that you knew it no sooner; you will grieve at the time you have lost, and utterly detest and abhor all that filthy Superstition which the most filthy false Prophet Mahomet hath left amongst you. From our Camp the 26 of May, 1463.  
With these Letters Scanderbag dismissed the Turks Ambassador. About which time he received Letters from the great Bishop, that he accompanied with the Christian Princes, would without delay come over into Epirus with a strong Army of valiant Christians to join their Forces with his, against the common Enemy of the Christian Religion; exhorting him in all their names to denounce War against the Turkish King. Which thing Scanderbag most joyfully undertaken; and without delay with all his Power broke into the Turks Dominion, burning and destroying the Country before him as he went; from whence he returned laden with the Spoil there gotten.  
When Mahomet had perused Scanderbegs Letters, and certainly understood of the great preparation made against him in Italy, as also of the great Spoil of late made by Scanderbag, he became exceeding melancholy, as a man much troubled in mind, which daily more and more increased; for that he saw not the wont cheerfulness in his men of War, but all full of heaviness and despair, as if they had been men already vanquished. Nevertheless, he speedily took order for the levying of a great Army; fortifying his Cities and strong Holds, leaving nothing undone that was possible, for the assurance of his State. And to repress the fury of Scanderbag, sent Seremet Bassa with fourteen thousand Soldiers to lie upon the Borders of Epirus, with charge only to attend upon him. Who mindful of his charge, came into Macedonia, unto the City Ocrida, now called Alchria, in the very Confines of Macedonia towards Epirus, and there lay with his Army; some part thereof lodged in the City, and the rest in places more convenient near about the same.  
The coming of the Bassa, as also the manner of his lying, was not unknown to Scanderbag, who desired nothing more than to be doing with him. Wherefore he secretly in the night marched towards Ocrida with twelve thousand Soldiers, and being come within three miles of the Town, lay close in ambush, and upon the breaking of the day sent out five hundred Horsemen towards the Enemy, under the conduct of Peicus Emanuel, and Petrus Angelus, two valiant and expert Captains, to draw him if they could into the Field. But Scanderbag had before commanded them, that if the Enemy did come forth to fight, they should make but small resistance, but retire back as if they had fled, and so to train him on to the place where the Army lay. Which was so well performed by the two skilful Captains, that the Bassa with all his Power was according as they could have wished, drawn into the Field, and brought to the very place where Scanderbag lay; who suddenly rising up with all his Army, assailed the Turks on every side, and slew them as Deer enclosed in a toil. In this Battle ten thousand of the Turks were slain, 
Ten thousand Turks slain.  the Treasurer of the Army with twelve other of great mark were taken Prisoners, and brought bound to Scanderbag, who were presently ransomed for forty thousand Ducats.  
Scanderbag having obtained the Victory, returned with triumph into Epirus, daily expecting the coming of the great Army out of Italy; But fatal Destiny, the mighty controller of men's highest designs, had not so appointed. For when Pius the great Bishop had out of all parts of Christendom assembled a great Army (whereof the greatest part were voluntary Soldiers) and all things were now in such readiness, that he had put himself upon the way, and was come to Ancona, a City upon the Seaside (where Christophorus Maurus Duke of Venice came unto him, with ten Galleys well appointed, to have accompanied him in those Wars; and all men were now in expectation of some great matter to have been done) suddenly he fell sick of a Fever, and died in the year 1464. Whereupon the Army was forthwith dispersed, and all that great preparation frustrated, to the exceeding grief of many Christian Princes; and no less joy of the Turks, who now rejoiced to see themselves delivered of so great a fear.  
About this same time, Victor Capella chief persuader of this War betwixt the Venetians and the Turks, was by the Senate sent General of their Forces at Sea, in stead of Lauretanus, whose year was then expired. He having received the charge from Lauretanus, and sailing out of Euboea, in short time took from the Enemy the City of Aulis in Peloponnesus over-against Chalcis, and also the City of Larsum in the Gulf of Thessalonica, with the Isle of Himber. Afterwards landing his Men by night at Pyraeus, he suddenly surprised the City of Athens (now called Sethina) sometime the Mother of learning, and most noble City of Grecia; and from thence carried away with him into Euboea all the People he there found, as his Prisoners, together with the rich Spoil of that City. Whilst he lay in Euboea, he was persuaded that the City of Patras in Peloponnesus would be delivered unto him by the Christians that dwelled therein, if he did but show himself before it. Whereupon he departed from Euboea, and coming into the Gulf of Patras, landed four thousand Footmen under the leading of Barbaricus, and two hundred Horsemen, of whom one Nicholaus Ragius was Captain. Barbaricus marching towards Patras, was come within a mile of the City; when many of the Horsemen and of the unruly Mariners, disorderly scattering abroad, neglected the intended service, and sought after pillage all about the Country. The Turks Garrisons taking this opportunity, set upon them with their Horsemen, and so, easily overthrew them, being scattered and out of order. At the first encounter, 
The Venetians attempting to win Patras, receive great loss.  Barbaricus himself was slain; Ragius Captain of the Horsemen was taken, and alive empailed upon a sharp stake. Of all them that were landed, scarce a thousand were left, who saved their lives by flying unto the Galleys. With this overthrow Victor the Venetian Admiral was greatly discomforted, yet having conceived some hope of better success, in few days after attempted again to have taken Patras, but with like hap as before; for having lost a thousand of his Men about the City, and the rest glad to take their refuge to the Fleet, he was constrained with great dishonour to depart thence. And so full of Sorrow and Heaviness returning into Euboea, oppressed with Melancholy, there suddenly died.  
The Venetians deceived of the great hope they had conceived of the general preparation made against the Turks, and much troubled with the hard proceeding of their Wars against so mighty an Enemy; by their Ambassadors solicited Mathias, not long before chosen King of Hungary, to join in League with them, and to take up Arms against the common Enemy, offering presently to furnish him with a great sum of Money, beside a large yearly pension for the maintenance of those Wars; for which he should to his power by Land defend all their Territory betwixt the Rhetian Alps, and the Adriatic, against the invasion of the Turk.  
This Mathias surnamed Corvinus, was the younger Son of the most famous Captain Io. Huniades, whose elder Brother Uladislaus, a Gentleman of such Courage as might well show whose Son he was, being not able to digest the injuries and disgraces done unto him and his Brother, by Ulricus Count of Cilie, and Uncle to Ladislaus the young King of Bohemia and Hungary; for the despite he always bare unto their Father Huniades, slew the same Ulricus at Alba Regalis, even in the Kings Court. Which outrage the young King was glad for the present to wink at, and also to grant him pardon; as having taken away the man, whose immoderate power well stood not with the King's safety; but indeed fearing the Citizens of Alba, and the Men of War, who exceedingly favoured the Sons of Huniades for their Father's sake. For all that, Ladislaus returning into Bohemia, caused both the Sons of Huniades upon the sudden to be apprehended, and most cruelly executed, Uladislaus being then about six and twenty years old. Mathias the younger Brother was kept in Prison, expecting nothing else but to be partaker of his Brothers hard Fortune, as undoubtedly he had, had not Ladislaus the young King, upon the sudden, as he was upon the top of his marriage with Magdalain the French Kings Daughter, by untimely death been taken away. After whose death the Hungarians for the love they bore unto the remembrance of Huniades, 
Mathias of a Prisoner chosen King of Hungary.  by a military Election, chose this Mathias his youngest Son, then in prison at Prague, to be their King. Whereof Pogebrach (who after the death of Ladislaus, of an old Governor had made himself the young King of Bohemia) having speedy intelligence as he was sitting at Supper, sent for Mathias his Prisoner, and when he was come, commanded him to sit down at the upper end of the Table; whereat the young Gentleman, being then but about eighteen years of age, and sore abashed, began to crave pardon. But when the King would needs have it so, and that he was set, the King to quiet his troubled thoughts, willed him to be of good cheer, for that he had good news to tell him. Good news, said he, if it would please your Majesty to grant me liberty. Yea that, said the King, and more too; and then saluting him by the name of the King of Hungary, broke unto him the whole matter, how that he was by the general consent of the Hungarians, chosen their King. And so in few days after, married to him his Daughter; which done, he furnished him with all things fit for his Estate, and Royally accompanied him into Hungary, where he was with great joy and triumph received of the Hungarians; over whom he afterwards gloriously reigned for the space of eight and thirty years. In which time he notably enlarged the Kingdom of Hungary, and became a far greater terror unto the Turks, than ever was his Father Huniades. And therewithal (which is not to be accounted in the least part of his praises) was always a great favourer and furtherer of good Letters and ingenious Devices.  
But to return again unto our purpose, Mathias having well considered of that the Venetians had requested, answered them, that they had many times before in like case refused to give aid unto the Hungarian Kings his Predecessors; yea, and that more was, thought it a thing not reasonable, that any such thing should be requested at their hands, forasmuch as they then received no harm from the Turk, but were in League and Amity with him; so that the Hungarian Kings wanting their help, had many times received greater loss from the Turks, than otherwise they should have done, if they had been by them aided. Yet for all that, he was content to forget all such unkindness, and to grant them what they had requested; promising the next Spring to invade the Turks Dominion, and according to their request, to take into his protection all their Territory betwixt the Rhetian Alps, and the Adriatic; which thing he most honourably performed. For with the first of the Spring he passed over Danubius at Belgrade with a puissant Army, and razed the Forts which the Turks had built thereabouts; and so entering into Servia, laid all the Country waste before him; and afterwards laden with Spoil, returned home, carrying away with him twenty thousand Captives. Neither so rested, but with great good Fortune maintained great Wars against Mahomet during all the time of his reign; and afterwards against Bajazet his Son also, wherein he most commonly returned with Victory; so that it is of him as truly as briefly written, That no Christian King or Chieftain, did more often or with greater fortune fight against the Turkish Nation, or had of them greater Victories.  
Mahomet delivered of the great fear he had before conceived of the general preparation of the Christian Princes against him, determined now to work his Will upon such as were nearest unto him, and afterward not to forget them that were farther off. The proceeding of Scanderbag, with the late overthrow of Seremet with his Army in Epirus, stuck in his Stomach; in revenge whereof, he now sent unto Balabanus Badera, a most valiant Captain, with fifteen thousand Horsemen, and three thousand Foot, to invade Epirus. 
Mahome● sendeth Balabanus to invade Epirus.  This Balabanus was an Epirot born, a Churl's Son of that Country; and being of a Boy taken Captive of the Turks, as he was keeping of his Father's cattle, and of long time brought up in servitude amongst them, framing himself both to their Religion and Manners; after long service got the credit of a good common Soldier. But when as at the taking of Constantinople, it was his fortune to be the first man of the Turks Army, that gained the Top of the Walls, and entered the City, he was for that piece of Service ever afterwards of Mahomet greatly esteemed; and beside his other great Preferment, now sent General of his Army into Epirus. Who as soon as he was come to Alchria (a City upon the Frontiers of that Country) sent many rich Presents to Scanderbag, making show as if he had been desirous peaceably to lie upon the Borders committed to his Charge, without farther purpose to trouble his Country; yet indeed waiting nothing more than some notable opportunity, suddenly to do him the greatest mischief he could. But Scanderbag well seeing into the malice of the man, rejected his feigned Friendship and Gifts, and in derision sent him a Spade, a Mattock, a Flail, with other such Instruments belonging to Husbandry; willing him to take in hand those Tools, and to follow his Father's trade of life, and to leave the conducting of Armies unto men of greater skill and better place. Which disgrace Balabanus took in exceeding evil part; purposing in himself, if ever it lay in his power, to be thereof revenged. Wherefore knowing that Scanderbag with a small power lay not far off upon the frontiers of his Kingdom, he determined suddenly in the night to set upon him before he were a ware of his coming, and so if it were possible to overthrow him, but Scanderbag having knowledge thereof by his Scouts, set forward in good order to have met him. When Balabanus perceiving that he was discovered, 
Balabanu● goeth against Scanderbag.  stayed upon the way, and encamped within two miles of Scanderbag; who had then in his Army but four thousand Horsemen, and one thousand and five hundred Foot, but all choice men, and most expert Soldiers, and then lay in a large pleasant Valley called Valchal; At the farther end whereof Balabanus lay also encamped, near unto a rough and woody Hill which enclosed that part of the Valley. Whilst both Armies thus lay within view one of another, Scanderbag well considering the ground the Enemy had taken, and that it was like he would offer him Battle, with cheerful speeches encouraged his Soldiers; straight charging them upon pain of his displeasure, That if the Enemy upon the fortune of the Battle, should chance to fly or to retire, they should not in any case pursue them farther than the Straits of the Hill whereby the Enemy lay; guessing too truly, that he would in so convenient a place leave part of his Army in ambush, as a sure refuge to trust unto whatsoever should befall. When he had thus encouraged and instructed his Soldiers, he rose with his Army, and in good order retired unto the rising of an Hill, which was a good way behind the place where he before lay; of purpose to have the advantage of the ground, if the Enemy should follow to give him Battle. Balabanus seeing him retire, and the small number of his Army, thought verily that he had fled for fear; and therefore to stay him who meant nothing less than to fly, set forward in great haste. The Turks thinking upon so great advantage to have found no great resistance followed after Scanderbag as if they had had him in chase; and by that time they were come to the place where he stayed, were by their haste greatly disordered and out of array. Scanderbag his old trusty Soldiers nothing dismayed with the hasty coming and hideous clamour of the Turks, received them with great Courage; so that there began a fierce Battle, with much slaughter on both sides, 
The Battle betwixt Balabanus and Scanderbag.  which for a great while stood doubtful. Yet such was the invincible Courage of Scanderbegs resolute Soldiers, that the Turks (who as then fought in great disorder) were at last put to flight, and with much slaughter chased unto the Straits of the Mountain, where Scanderbag had before commanded his men to stay. But certain of his best and principal Captains forgetting what he had said unto them; and led on (whether with the heat and fury of the Battle, or rather with inevitable destiny, is hard to say) unadvisedly pursued the Enemy into those Straits, whereof they were by Scanderbag before warned, and charged that they should not enter; where they were on every side beset with their Enemies, arising out of ambush; and after they had a long time desperately fought as Wild Beasts enclosed with Hunters, at last oppressed with multitude, were together taken and brought to Balabanus, by whom they were forthwith sent to Mahomet to Constantinople. Who as soon as ●e heard of their taking, is reported with great rejoicing to have said, Now am I sure that the Strength of Scanderbag is broken. The names of the principal men which were there taken, was Moses Golemus of Dibra, the greatest Captain of Epirus next unto Scanderbag himself; Giuriza Uladerius, Scanderbag his Kinsman; Musachius, Scanderbag his Nephew by his Sister Angelina; Ginius Musachius; johannes Perlatus, who valiantly defended Sfetigrade against Amurath; Nicholaus Berisius, Georgius Chucca, and Ginius Manesius: whereof every one of them was able to have conducted a great Army, and might worthily have been accounted amongst the greatest Captains of that Age. The taking of these worthy men brought such a general sorrow and heaviness upon Epirus, that the Victory was nothing accounted of, every man lamenting the loss of such notable Leaders. Scanderbag careful of their deliverance, presently sent an Ambassador to Mahomet, requesting that he might redeem his Prisoners, either by exchanging of others for them, or else for such ransom as it should please him to set down. But he knowing them to be Scanderbag his best Captains, would neither exchange them for others, nor grant that they should be ransomed for any Gold; But after he had used them with all the despite he could devise, caused them all by little and little, to be slain quick; 
Moses and other worthy Captains cruelly executed by Mahomet.  in which miserable torment they lived fifteen days, and so died. Scanderbag hearing thereof, was therewith rather encouraged than discouraged; and in revenge thereof, with Fire and Sword entered into the Turks Dominion, sparing nothing that he could either burn, or possibly by any other means destroy.  
Mahomet glad of the taking of these notable men (although they were bought with the lives of many of his People) commended Balabanus highly, as the only man that knew how to fight against Scanderbag; and in reward of his good service, sent him divers rich Gifts, with commandment to repair again his Army, and to proceed in his Wars so happily begun. Which thing Balabanus with all diligence performed. Yet trusting more unto his Policy, than his Strength, lying at Alchria, sent again divers rich Presents to Scanderbag, as desirous to live in peace by him; but seeking indeed to bring him into security, and so suddenly (if it were possible) to entrap him. Which things Scanderbag well perceiving, rejected his feigned Friendship together with his Presents, as sent from a base Peasant. Whereupon Balabanus entered into a new device, and by secret means, with great rewards corrupted Scanderbag his Scouts, whereof some were Balabanus his Kinsmen, though it were to Scanderbag unknown. By which practice, he had upon the sudden in the night oppressed Scanderbag, lying encamped in Oronycheum, if Scanderbag himself (who commonly spent most part of the night in careful watch) going about the Camp, had not in the silence of the night a far off perceived the coming of the Enemy by the noise of his Horses; and thereupon with wonderful celerity putting his Army in such order as he best could, was ready to receive him; and at last after a great Fight, put him to flight; and having him in chase, slew most part of his Army, Balabanus himself with a small remnant hardly escaping.  
Now when Mahomet understood that Balabanus was overthrown, and his Army lost, he was in doubt, whether to send another General, or else again to prove the fortune of the old. But after he had well considered, that Balabanus was a right valiant Captain, and one that well knew the Country of Epirus, and withal a mortal Enemy to Scanderbag; he resolved to stay upon him, and not to send any other. So committing to his charge fourteen thousand Horsemen and three thousand Foot, sent him again to invade Epirus; and the more to encourage him, promised to make him King of that Country, if he could subdue Scanderbag. Balabanus with his Army coming to Alchria, and still in vain plotting how he might circumvent his wary Enemy; after his wont manner sent divers Presents to Scanderbag; which he still scornfully refused. Three months he lay still at Alchria, with nothing more troubled than with his own thoughts; but finding nothing that pleased himself, he determined to adventure by plain force to subdue him. 
The Battle at Sfetigrade betwixt Balabanus and Scanderbag.  And upon that resolution marched with all his Army into the great Plains near unto Sfetigrade, whither Scanderbag came with his Army also, which then consisted of eight thousand Horsemen and fifteen hundred Foot; with which small power he refused not to join Battle with Balabanus, being in number two to one. But after they were come to handy blows, to have seen Scanderbag his Men fight, a man would have thought them rather to have been raging Lions than Men, they so furiously assailed their Enemies, without regard of peril or danger, as men nothing afraid to die. Scanderbag with great skill governed that Battle, carefully providing for every danger; himself valiantly fight in the head of this Battle, but not without care of the rest, still sending speedy relief where most need was, and bringing in fresh supplies instead of them that were wounded or slain, performed all the parts of a most worthy Chieftain and valiant Soldier; where most peril was, there was he straight, and at his presence danger fled, as if Victory had attended upon him. But whilst he thus fought in the midst of his Enemies, his Horse fortuned to be slain under him, and falling down with him, sore bruised one of his Arms, whereof he complained long time after. The Turks seeing him down, pressed on fiercely to have slain him; but he was quickly rescued by his own Soldiers and remounted. And forthwith encountering with one Suliman, a great Commander in the Turks Army, slew him in fight hand to hand; whereupon such a terror fell upon the Turks, that they began to retire, and after a while to betake themselves to plain Flight. Scanderbag pursuing them with such execution, that of that great Army few escaped with Balabanus to carry news home.  
Balabanus now thrice vanquished by Scanderbag, and in the last Battle having lost what he could lose, except he should have lost himself, returned to Mahomet at Constantinople, of whom he was sharply rebuked for the great overthrows he had so often received. At which time Balabanus at first gave place to the King's Fury; but afterwards when the heat was over, he with a large discourse cunningly excused himself, imputing all these mishaps unto the appointment of God, and the fortune of War; and in the end told Mahomet plainly, That it was but in vain to send such small Armies into Epirus. But if it would please him at once to send two valiant Captains with a puissant and strong Army, who dividing the same betwixt them, and entering at one time into divers parts of Epirus, might spoil the Country before them, and enclose Scanderbag betwixt them, if he should adventure to give either of them Battle; being before resolved neither of them to offer him Battle, or yet to accept of the ●ame being by him offered, except the other were also at hand; and so by mutual consent to undertake him, but never single. By which course he promised unto him an easy and assured Victory; for as much as it were impossible for any man so beset, and as it were on every side cooped up with his Enemies, either to escape, or yet to make any great resistance. This persuasion of Balabanus so well fitted the Tyrant's humour, that he appointed Balabanus himself to be the man to put his own device in execution; giving him Commission to levy such an Army as he should think sufficient for the performance of that service; and withal to associate unto himself for his Companion whichsoever of his Captains he pleased. Balabanus according to his Commission, took musters of the men of War, and made choice of forty thousand good Soldiers, and chose one jacup Arnauth (otherwise called james the Epirot, because he was also born in Epirus, a valiant Captain) to be his Companion; whom he sent with sixteen thousand Soldiers by the way of Thessalia and Grecia into Epirus, commanding him in no case to join Battle with Scanderbag, until he himself were also come into the Country with the other part of the Army. And so setting both forward, Balabanus taking the nearer way through Thracia and Macedonia, came first into Epirus with twenty thousand Horsemen and four thousand Foot, and encamped in the Valley of Valchal. Scanderbag both by his Spials and Letters from his secret Friends in the Turks Court, having certain intelligence of all Balabanus his intent and purpose, had in readiness against his coming a strong Army of eight thousand Horsemen and four thousand Foot, all choice Soldiers. And now hearing that he was come into Epirus, and encamped in Valchal, 
Scanderbag his Scouts traitorously fly to Balaban●s.  sent out three Spials to discover in what order he lay; one of which Spies was Balabanus his Kinsman (but not so known to Scanderbag) by whose persuasion the other two when they had taken full view of Balabanus his Army, and should have returned to Scanderbag to have given intelligence of that they had seen, like false Traitors went over to Balabanus, and discovered unto him all that they knew concerning Scanderbag; hoping therefore to receive some great reward, as their Fellow had before born them in hand. Scanderbag marveling that his Spials returned not again as they were appointed, and doubting that they had been by the Enemy intercepted, and using many times in matters of such importance to trust himself best, presently went out with five lusty Soldiers, and rid forth to discover the manner of the Enemies lying. Balabanus like a crafty Fox, mistrusting that Scanderbag deceived of his first Spies would for like purpose send forth others, laid certain Horsemen in secret ambush in divers places, to intercept them if it were possible. These Horsemen lay not so covert, but that they were in good time descried by Scanderbag and his Followers (who with Argus Eyes, pried into every Bush and Thicket as they went) before he was altogether fallen into their danger; and yet but so that he came to handy strokes, where Scanderbag and his Followers oppressed with multitude, were glad to fly as fast as they could into the next Wood, the Turks Horsemen following them at the Heels. It fortuned that as they were flying, a great old Tree was fallen cross the way, which Scanderbag putting Spurs to his Horse, leapt over with one of his men after him; the other four not able to get over, turned back upon the Turks, and there fight were slain. One of the Turks which so hardly pursued Scanderbag being well mounted, forced his Horse, to leap the Tree, and still followed after Scanderbag; who looking back and seeing but one, turned upon him and slew him; the other Turks having slain four of Scanderbegs men which could not get over the Tree, returned. And Scanderbag accompanied but with one of his Followers, came back again to his Camp; and there with all speed put his Army in readiness to go against Balabanus before the coming of his Companion, with the other part of his Army. Upon which resolution, after he had with cheerful persuasions encouraged his Soldiers, and filled their minds with hope of Victory, he set forward, and came with great speed into the Valley of Valchal where Balabanus lay. Scanderbag had divided his Army into four Squadrons; whereof Tanusius had the leading of one, Zacharias Groppa of another, the third was committed to Peius Emanuel, and Scanderbag himself conducted the fourth. So setting forward, he sent before certain Companies of Harquebusiers and Archers, to provoke the Enemy and to draw him forth unto Battle. Balabanus also showed himself with his Army in seemly order before his Tents, but there stood fast and would not stir, expecting continually the coming of his Fellow. Which Scanderbag perceiving, and that he sought but to dally out the time, and as one unwilling to fight had again retired his Army into the safety of his Trenches; drew nearer and nearer unto him▪ continually skirmishing with such as he sent out, daring him to the Field, and braving him unto his Trenches, in such sort, as if he would have forced the same, and by strong hand have ●et him out thence; whereat the Turks fretted and chafed exceedingly, insomuch that they were ready to rise against their General, because he would not lead them forth to Battle, but suffer them to be so disgraced. Balabanus mindful of that he had promised to Mahomet his great Lord and Master, did what he might to have deferred time; but when he saw that his Fellow came not, and that he could no longer delay the matter; being so continually assailed and braved by Scanderbegs Soldiers, that his Turks therewith provoked, were ready oftentimes to have issued out without his direction, and no remedy but that he must needs fight, placed his men in good order, and so went out of his Trenches to give Battle, himself leading the left Wing thereof; where betwixt him and Scanderbag was made a fierce Fight, many falling on both sides. But Scanderbag strengthened with the old Garrison of Croia, and the most expert Soldiers of Dibra, prevailed upon the Turks and forced them to give ground, yet still keeping their order. The Fight was so great in this part of the Battle, that in other places they stood almost still as lookers on, expecting the doubtful fortune of their Generals▪ which thing Scanderbag perceiving, drew certain Troops out of the right Wing, whereas he saw was least danger, which speedily fetching a compass about, charged the side of the Enemy's Army; and again withdrawing themselves, and with wonderful celerity wheeling about, set upon the back of them that fought in the left Wing; so that the Turks there fiercely charged both before and behind, by the Wing of Scanderbag his Army, fell in other places with a great Slaughter. Balabanus with exceeding Courage gainstood his Enemies, so long as there was any hope le●t; but when he saw the fortune of Scanderbag to prevail, and all about him to become desperate, he made shift for himself, and fled out of the Battle as fast as he could. The rest of the Army being in other places before troubled and disordered fled also, some one way, some another, every man as his Fortune led him. Some few that followed Balabanus escaped; the rest were for most part either slain or taken Prisoners.  
Scanderbag had scarcely well breathed himself after this Victory, and divided the Spoil amongst his Soldiers, but that news was brought to him in Post from the Lady Mamiza his Sister, then lying at Petrella, That jacuppe Arnauth was by the way of Belgrade come into Epirus with an Army of sixteen thousand Horsemen, burning and destroying the Country before him, and then lay encamped in the Plains of Tyranna the less. When Scanderbag to prove the minds of his Soldiers, had cheerfully imparted unto them such news, as was like to be the beginning of new labour and peril; they were therewith nothing dismayed, but ready to follow him with such cheerfulness of countenance and mind, as if they should have gone to some great Feast or Banquet; reckoning of them, but as of the remnant of a discomfited Army. This cheerfulness of his Soldiers, Scanderbag took as an assured token of his good success; and having all things in readiness, presently set forward, and in short time came to the place where the Enemy lay. jacuppe hearing of his coming, removed his Camp into a corner of the Plain of Tyranna, near unto a little Hill, as a place of more safety for his Army to lie in. Scanderbag having taken the Plain, encamped his Army in the same place from whence jacuppe was but a little before departed, where he rested one whole day. The next morning, to terrify his Enemies (who as yet had not heard of the overthrow of Balabanus) he caused divers of the Turks Heads which were slain in the late Battle (which he had brought for that purpose) to be cast before the Trenches of the Enemy; and withal, divers of them which were taken Prisoners, to be shown; which jacuppe beholding, in great despair said, I see the evil hap of Mahomet. Immediately after Scanderbag sent forth five hundred Horsemen to skirmish with the Turks, commanding them, so soon as they were charged by the Enemy, to retire, if happily they might be so drawn into Battle. Which fell out accordingly; for jacuppe now seeing his Fellow was not to be looked for, and willing also without further delay to try his Fortune, came readily into the Field, and began a fierce Battle; which endured not long; for Scanderbag perceiving in what part of the Army jacuppe was, bend his greatest Force that way, and singling him out, with his own hand slew him. Wherewith the Turks being discouraged, 
Jacuppe slain by Scanderbag, and his Army discomfited.  forthwith betook themselves to flight, and in flying were for most part slain or taken. Those which escaped the present fury of the Sword, straggling through the Country by thick woods and blind ways, were by the Country People either slain or taken Prisoners. In these two Battles were slain of the Turks four and twenty thousand, and six thousand taken. And of Scanderbag his men were lost about a thousand. Scanderbag and his Soldiers were so weary of the slaughter of the Turks, that when it was told him the next day, That Balabanus was fled but with one Cornet of Horsemen, and might easily be surprised if he were well pursued; he said, O let some of our Enemies live to report their own Slaughter, and our Victory. After that Scanderbag had in this sort vanquished these great Captains, he presently entered into the Frontiers of the Turks Dominions, and roaming up and down at his pleasure without resistance, made havoc of all that came in his way; and after returning to Croia with Victory, broke up his Army, and gave his Soldiers leave to depart, every man to his own dwelling.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Mahomet had with great rewards procured two Turks to undertake to kill Scanderbag. year 1465. These Traitors came unto Scanderbag as Fugitives, making such show of the detestation both of Mahomet his Tyrannical Government, and vain Superstition, that they were both of Scanderbag and others, reputed to be indeed the men, they desired to be accounted; and so after they had learned the principles of the Christian Religion, were by their own desire baptised. But Treason against Princes whom God hath in his most mighty protection, cannot be long covered; much less, without his great sufferance performed. So fortuned it, that these two false dissembling Traitors, expecting nothing but opportunity to perform their devilish device, upon some occasion fell at variance betwixt themselves, and in their heat let some such words fall, as being taken up by some there present, drew them both into suspicion; and thereupon being straight examined, it was at last by them confessed, That they were sent by Mahomet, of purpose to have slain Scanderbag; for which their Treason they were both presently executed, as they had right well deserved. When Mahomet understood that Balabanus was overcome, jacuppe slain, and both their Armies almost quite destroyed, he after his impatient manner fell into a great rage, and became as a Man almost frantic; and afterwards calling together his great Bassa's, resolved by their advice, not to send any more Generals against Scanderbag, but to go himself in person, with such an Army as should at once make an end of his Wars in Epirus for ever. Hereupon Commissions were directed through all his Kingdom, and an Army raised of two hundred thousand men. Whereof Scanderbag having certain▪ advertisement, fortified all his Cities and strong holds, especially the City of Croia, upon the fortune whereof depended the whole State of his Kingdom. Into this City he put a strong Garrison of his most valiant and faithful Soldiers, and throughly furnished the same with all things necessary for the enduring a long Siege; and left one Balthasar Perduci (a grave and worthy Captain) Governor thereof. With like care he provided for the safety of his other Cities, and took order that the Country People were either received into the strong Towns, or else conveyed into other places of refuge, and left nothing abroad in the Country for the Turks to prey upon; as he had in like case done long before, at the coming of old Amurath to the siege of Croia, as is before in his life declared.  
By that time that Scanderbag had set all things in order, his old Friend Balabanus with fourscore thousand Horsemen (the forerunners of Mahomet his Army) was entered into Epirus, and ranging over the Country two days, came and sat down before Croia; upon whom the Governor at his first coming made many brave Sallies. In few days after came Mahomet with his huge Army, 
Mahomet cometh to the siege of Croia.  and there encamped also; who at his first coming summoned the City, requiring to have it delivered unto him, upon such unreasonable Conditions as it pleased himself, (as the manner of the Turk is;) whereunto the worthy Governor returned him no other answer, than by continual thundering Shot into his Camp. Whereupon Mahomet caused such Ordnance as he had to be planted for battery; and commanded other new to be cast, of such metal as he had for that purpose brought in mass; all which, he did rather to strike a terror into the minds of the Defendants, than for any great hope he had of taking the City by force; knowing by his own experience, that it was a place almost impregnable. Whilst Mahomet was thus busied, and little or nothing prevailed, Scanderbag lying abroad in the Woods and Mountains, with a small Army of most valiant and courageous Soldiers, continually cut off the foragers of Mahomet's Army, and such as brought in victual or necessaries for his Camp; and many times in the night suddenly broke into one quarter or other of the Turks great Camp with great slaughter, and with continual Alarms never suffered them to rest in quiet. Mahomet seeing his Army to decrease daily, and no hope of winning the City but by Famine, which would require a long Siege; and fearing also to make that same place again famous by some notable mischance which might happen unto himself under the Walls of Croia, as had before unto his Father Amurath; determined to return himself to Constantinople, and to leave Balabanus, with a great part of his Army to continue the Siege. Upon which determination, he committed the charge and ordering of the whole matter for the continuing of the Siege, to Balabanus, joining unto him eight of his most expert Captains; yet so, as that they should be all at Balabanus his Command. And so leaving with him three and twenty thousand of his be●t Soldiers, and with every one of the other eight Captains seven thousand more, departed himself with the rest of his Army from Croia, towards Constantinople. But by the way as he went he took from Scanderbag certain small Forts, and with fair promises corrupting the Governor of a place called Chidna, wherein eight thousand of Scanderbag his Soldiers lay, had the same delivered into his power, upon his Faith before given, That all the Soldiers with the rest of the People should in safety depart thence. But after the Tyrant had them in his power, without regard of Faith or Promise, he caused them all most cruelly to be c●t in pieces, sparing neither Man, Woman, nor Child, to the great grief and weakening of Scanderbag, who had not at any time before received so great a loss. And after he had so raged, he in great melancholy returned unto Constantinople.  
Scanderbag disdaining to have his chief City besieged by Balabanus, (sometime one of the basest of his Father's Subjects) and yet finding himself unable to relieve the same, for as much as the Soldiers were with continual Wars sore wasted, and his wary Enemies lay so encamped, as that they were not but by a strong Army to be removed, sent unto the Venetians and other the confederate Princes of Albania, Illyria, and Dalmatia, praying of them aid now at his need against that Enemy, which prevailing against him, would forthwith set upon them. All which Princes promised forthwith to send their Succours. At the same time also he passed over into Italy secretly, and disguised in simple Attire, came to Rome, to crave aid of Paulus the Second of that name, then great Bishop; by whom he was honourably entertained, but obtained nothing of that he came for; so cold was his Devotion; only at his departure he gave unto junetrio, Scanderbag his Treasurer, a poor Alms of three thousand Ducats.  
Scanderbag returning into Epirus, found all such aid ready as was promised by the confederate Princes, but especially from the Venetians, which was for most part drawn out of their Garrisons of Scutari, Drivasto, Alyssa, and Dirrhachium; so that he had in few days in his Army thirteen thousand four hundred choice Soldiers. With this Strength he marched towards Croia; but understanding by the way, that jonimas was within a days journey, coming with a new supply to his Brother Balabanus, he drew out certain Troops of his best Horsemen; and coasting over the Country in the night, suddenly came upon the Turks, and put them to flight; 
Scanderbag surpriseth jonima the Br●ther of Bal●ban●s and Hither his S●n.  where amongst others, jonimas himself, with his Son Hither, were taken Prisoners; whom he showed the next day in bonds to Balabanus. This exploit so happily performed, he with all speed returned to his Army; and so marching to Croia, by plain force drove the Turks from the Mountain Cruina, their greatest Strength, and nearest to the City of Croia. Which thing when Balabanus saw, he with certain Troops of Horsemen rid even to the Gates of the City, persuading the Defendants to yield the City, making them in the name of his Master such Offers and Promises as he thought might most move them. But they nothing regarding his words, but rather incensed with his presumption, sallied out upon him, and enforced him to retire; but he therewith enraged, and half mad for anger, came upon them with a fresh charge, thinking by plain force to have driven them back into the City. In which skirmish he was by one Georgius Alexius, with a Bullet, shot quite through the Throat; and feeling himself mortally wounded, setting spurs to his Horse, ran as fast as he could to his Camp, where he presently fell down from his Horse and died. The Turks discouraged with the death of their General, and the coming of Scanderbag, rose the same night, and with great silence retired themselves unto the Plain of Tiranna, about eight miles from Croia. Scanderbag the next morning entering the forsaken Tents of the Turks, found therein greatstore of Corn and other Victuals; which he caused to be forthwith conveyed into the City, and in triumph followed after himself, to the great joy and comfort of his late besieged Subjects; whom he highly commended for their Fidelity, and bountifully rewarded according to their deserts. The same day he sent certain companies of Soldiers to take the straight passages whereby the Turks must needs pass in their return out of Epirus; which when the Turks understood, they sent two Messengers to Scanderbag (who seemed to be men of good account in the Army) offering in the name of the rest of the Captains and Commanders, to deliver unto him their Horses and Arms, so that they might in safety depart with their lives. Which their request Scanderbag propounding to his Counsellors and Captains, was by them diversely digested. In conclusion, they received this answer from Scanderbag himself; That as they came into his Country without his Commandment, so should they not by his leave depart thence. The Turks receiving this short answer by their Messengers, and considering that they must needs in that bare Country in short time perish, either with Famine or with the Sword; the same night departed from Tiranna, and in the dead time of the night entering the aforesaid Straits, by plain force desperately broke through and escaped, but not without their great loss; for whose escape the common Soldiers murmured grievously against Scanderbag, and were not without much ado appeased. In short time after, Scanderbag recovered all such places as Mahomet had before taken from him, and put to Sword the Soldiers he had left for the keeping of the same; which done, he broke up his Army, retaining only two thousand Horsemen and a thousand Foot for the defence of his Frontiers.  
The Turkish Tyrant hearing of the evil success of his Affairs in Epirus, as that his General was slain, Croia relieved, his Army discomfited, and all that he had done, brought to nought; fretted thereat exceedingly, and was therewith so much grieved, that he could not for a season eat or drink, or take rest, his discontented thoughts so much troubled him. In the end, to remedy the matter, he resolved the next Spring to go again in person himself with a most puissant Army into Epirus, and so if it were possible, to make a full Conquest thereof; of which his purpose Scanderbag understanding, provided for his coming, as he had in former time. The Spring being come, Mahomet according to his former resolution, with a mighty Army entered into Epirus, and there with exceeding labour and charge, first repaired or rather re-edified the old ruins of the City of Valmes, wherein he left a strong Garrison, of purpose to trouble that part of the Country. From thence he marched to Dirrachium (now called Durazzo, but of old time Epidamnum) a City upon the Sea-coast, then in the possession of the Venetians, famous for many things in the time of the Roman Empire, but especially for the Flight of the Roman Senate thither, and their entertainment there in the time of the civil Wars betwixt Caesar and Pompey. This City Mahomet thought to have taken unprovided, and so upon the sudden to have carried it; but was therein much deceived, finding it strongly fortified and manned both by the Venetians and Scanderbag. Where when he had there spent some time, and to his great loss in vain attempted the City, he rose upon the sudden, and retiring into Epirus▪ came and sat down again before Croia, of purpose by his sudden coming to have terrified the Citizens; and vainly persuaded▪ that he had left Scanderbag in Dirrachium, for that in the assailing thereof he had discovered many of Scanderbegs men, and thereby supposed him to have been there also; the greatest cause why he so suddenly rose and came to Croia. At his first coming he offered great rewards and large privileges unto the Citizens, if they would forthwith yield up their City; otherwise he threatened unto them all the calamities of War, vowing never to depart thence before he had it; whereunto he received no other answer out of the City than was sent him by the mouth of the Canon, or brought him by many most brave Sallies. Scanderbag in the mean while continually molesting his Camp, and every night falling into one quarter or another thereof. Mahomet taught by experience, to what small purpose it would be for him to lie there long, rose with his Army, and marched again to the Sea side, to a place now called the head of Redon upon the Gulf of Venice, not far from Dirrachium, where Scanderbag had begun to build a new City called Chiuril, not yet finished; which Mahomet in despite of the man, razed down to the ground. After that, hearing that many of the Epirots were retired into the Mountains, he went to seek them out, and was with great loss by those Mountain People repulsed; Scanderbag still following them at the Heels, and awaiting all opportunities, daily cut off part of his Army. So that at last the Tyrant despairing of any good to be done in that Expedition, was glad to depart out of Epirus, having achieved nothing worth his coming, and so, full of discontentment and melancholy returned to Constantinople.  
After all these great troubles, Scanderbag rid over most part of Epirus, to view the state of his Kingdom, and so at last came to Lyssa (a City of the Venetians, which he had always especially liked) there to confer with the Venetian Legate and other the confederate Princes, of matters concerning their state in general, as his manner was; but more particularly how they might take the City of Valmes, which Mahomet had the last year built in the signory of Ariannites Comynat, and much troubled that part of Epirus. But whist he lay there, he fell sick of a Fever, which daily so increased upon him, 
Scanderbag falleth sick.  that he became sick even unto death; and now perceiving his end to draw nigh, sent for his Wife and Son, with the Princes and Lords his Confederates, and the Ambassadors of the Venetians, into his Bedchamber. Where after he had at large with greater pain notably discoursed of his troublesome life led among them, than he had before passed the same, and carefully forewarned them of the dangers like to ensue, he earnestly exhorted them to continue in Unity and Concord, and valiantly to stand in defence of their Religion, Country, and Liberty. And afterwards turning his Speech to his Wife and his Son, commended them both with his Kingdom to the tuition of the Venetians; who by the Articles of the Confederation betwixt him and them, were in honour bound to protect his Son and Kingdom, during the time of his Minority, and afterwards peaceably to place him in the same. In fine he willed his Wife after his Death to pass over with her Son into Apulia, where they might in safety and quiet live upon such Possessions as he there held by the Gift of King Ferdinand. And so after he had with most fervent prayer commended his Soul into the hands of Almighty God, departed in peace the 17 th' day of january, 
The death of Scanderbag  in the year of our Lord, 1466. when he had lived about 63 years, and thereof reigned about 24. His death was worthily lamented of all Christian Princes, but especially of the Venetians and Princes of Albania, who had now lost their most careful Watchman and invincible Champion; the sorrow of his Subjects is not to be expressed, every man bewailing him, as the only stay of the Common-weal, and as if with him they had lost all their hope. His dead Body was with the general Lamentation of all Men royally buried in the Cathedral-Church of St. Nicholas at Lyssa; 
Scanderbag huried at Lyssa.  where it rested in peace, until that about nine years after, the Turks coming to the Siege of Scodra, 
The body of Scan-derbeg digged up by the Turks, and of them greatly honoured.  by the way took the City of Lyssa, and there with great devotion digged up his Bones, reckoning it some part of their happiness, if they might but see or touch the same; and such as could get any part thereof, were it never so little, caused the same to be set, some in Silver, some in Gold, to hang about their Necks, or wear upon their Bodies; persuading themselves by the wearing thereof to be partakers of such good fortune and hap as had Scanderbag himself whilst he lived; which is not unaptly by Gabriel Fairnus of Cremona, thus in Verse expressed: 

Paulus Joulus Illust. viro●um Elog. lib. 8.  Turcarum clades, Othomanni nominis horror,  
Epiri tutela, illo jacuere Sepulchro:  
Quo quondam invicti cubuerunt ossa Georgi.  
Nunc & membra viri, & dissectum in frustra sepulchrum  
Interijt, sparsi manes, conscisa vaguntur  
Ossa, nec in gelida nunc saltem morte quiescunt.  
Namque ut is assertum toties cum laude paternum  
Imperium, exacta moriens aetate reliquit;  
Illicet immanes tenuerunt omnia Turcae.  
Tum clari Herois venerati nobile bustum,  
Ossaque, marmoraque, invictum condentia corpus,  
Abstuierant, sibi quisque in parts secta minutas,  
Tanquam iis bellica vis, & Martiuss ardour inesset:  
Et genium praestare bonum, sortemque valerent.  
Sic quae aliis tumulum virtus parat, abstulit illi:  
Atque cadem diro venerandum praebuit hosti.   
In English thus: 
The bloody Bane of faithless Turks, and terror of their Name,  
Epirus strong defence and guard, lay buried there with fame:  
Within that Tomb wherein long since, Great Castriotus lay;  
But now those Limbs and Tomb defaced, are carried quite away.  
The remnants of that worthy Wight out of his grave were torn;  
And being dead, could find no rest, but were for Jewels worn.  
For after he, far spent with age, gave place to fatal Doom,  
And left his Father's Kingdom, got and kept with great Renown;  
Forthwith the cruel Turks prevailed, and all things there possessed:  
Who worshipping his stately Tomb, and place of quiet rest,  
Digged up his Bones, and broke the Tomb wherein he did remain:  
And glad was he that could thereof some little part obtain.  
As if in them some Martial force, or virtue great had been:  
Or fortune rare, such as before in him was living seen.  
So Virtue, which to others gives a Sepulture and Grave,  
Bereft it him, yet forced his Foe in Honour it to have.   
Most part of the times of those Wars betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag, 
Mathias King of Hungary, takes the Kingdom of Bosna from the Turks.  the Venetians by Sea and the Hungarians by Land, kept the Turks throughly busied. Mathias Corvinus King of Hungary (according to his promise made unto the Venetians) entered into the Kingdom of Bosna, where by force he overthrew the strong Forts which the Turks had built for the defence of their Frontiers, and manfully drove them out before him until he came to jaziga (of some called jaitze) the chief City of Bosna, which he at length took; and following the course of his Victory, scarcely suffered the Turks to breath, until he had by force wrested all that Kingdom out of their hands. Wherewith Mahomet being exceedingly grieved, in great fury came with a strong Army into Bosna, and laid hard Siege to jaziga, which was by the Christians right valiantly defended, until Mathias with a puissant Army came to the Relief thereof; who so troubled the Turks Camp with continual Skirmishes on the one side, and they of the Town with desperate Sallies on the other; that at length the proud Turk was driven to such extremity, that he was glad secretly to steal away by night with all his Army into Servia; and for haste to leave behind him both his Tents and great Ordnance, which (the Turks Histories report) he caused to be cast into the River, because it should not come into the hands of the Christians. Mathias after he had thus valiantly put to flight his Enemies, and relieved his City, followed the Turks into Servia, and took part of that Country al●o, which together with Bosna he united to the Kingdom of Hungary. In these Wars, Mahomet had such proof of the Force and Power of Mathias and the Hungarian, that for a good while after he had no great stomach to provoke them farther; for why, the name of Mathias was now become unto the Turks no less dreadful, than was sometime the name of his Father the valiant Huniades.  
The Venetians at the same time also with their Galleys scoured the Seas, and landing their Men sometime in one place, sometime in another, did great harm in many places of the Turks Dominion near unto the Sea coast. Amongst other their Generals at divers times sent from that State, one Nicholas Canalis succeeding Lauretanus (whom we have before spoken of) as soon as he had received his Charge, came with his Fleet into the Bay of Salonichi, and landing his Men, burnt divers Towns and Villages alongst the Sea side: And afterwards returning into Peloponnesus, he fortified the Town of Legosticium in the Gulf of Patras; which work the Turks with their often Skirmishes laboured to have hindered, but in despite of all they could do, it was brought to perfection, and a strong Garrison therein left for the defence thereof; which done, he returned again to Euboea. Shortly after, he with the same Fleet put to Sea again; and sailing alongst the coast of Macedonia and Thracia, surprised the City of Aenus which standeth upon the mouth of the River Meritza, called in ancient time Hebrus, upon which River the famous Cities Andrianople and Philippopolis are also situate. Canalis after he had taken the spoil of the City, returned to his Galleys, carrying away with him two thousand Captives into Euboea. At the same time also, the Venetians giving Aid unto Nicholas Duchaine against his Brother Alexius, then at variance for the Principality of Zadrima, near unto the River of Drino in Epirus, gave a great Overthrow to the Turks which came in the quarrel of Alexius.  
Mahomet not a little offended with the harms done unto him by the Venetians, year 1470. and perceiving that the Island of Euboea (now called Nigroponte) was for the commodious situation and strength thereof, the chief place from whence they wrought him all these wrongs, and whither they afterwards retired again, as unto a most sure place of Refuge; determined with himself at once to be even with them for all, and to employ his whole Forces both by Sea and Land for the gaining of that place. This Island of Euboea is about an hundred miles in length, and lieth over against that part of Graecia which was of old called Boeotia, from whence it is separated with a narrow strait of the Sea; it aboundeth with Corn, Wine, Oil, Fruit, and Wood fit for shipping. The chief City thereof, was in ancient time called Chalcide, and of latter time Nigroponte, by which name also the whole Island was known; albeit the Turks now call it Egribos; a populous, rich, and strong City; so fortified with Walls and Bulwarks, that (in most men's judgement) it seemed a place impregnable. Unto this strong City, Mahomet resolved to lay siege; knowing well, that upon the fortune thereof dependeth the state of the whole Island. Wherefore he assembled a mighty Army, and made great preparation both by Sea and Land; and when all things were in readiness, sent Mahomet (the great Bassa of the Court) with a Fleet of th●ee hundred Galleys, and certain other small Vessels well furnished with Soldiers, Mariners, and all things necessary, by Sea into Euboea; and with a great Army marched himself by Land through Achaia, until he came over against the City of Chalcis. The Venetian Admiral hearing of the coming of the Turks Fleet, set forward to have met them near unto the straits of Hellespontus; but after he had by his espials descried the great number of the Enemy's Fleet, finding himself too weak, shaped his course to the Island of Scios. The Bassa coming out of the Straits of Hellespontus, covered the Sea with his Fleet, and holding on his intended course without let came to Euboea; where at his first landing, he took Stora and Basilicon, two small Towns, which he razed to the ground, and from thence went directly to Chalcis. 
Chalcis the chief City of Euboea besieged by the Turks.  As soon as this great Fleet was there arrived, Mahomet caused a great Bridge to be made of his smaller Vessels over the Straight betwixt Achaia and Euboea; whereby he passed all his Army, and so belayed the City round both by Sea and Land. And after he had planted his Battery, began most furiously to shake the Walls; wherein he had in short time made fair Breaches, and the sooner, for that one Thomas of Liburnia (chief Cannoneer of the City) before corrupted by the Turks, 
Treason in the City.  by signs agreed upon, gave them certain knowledge in what places the Walls were weakest; whereby they so aptly planted their Battery, as if they had taken view on the inside of the Walls. Which foul Treason was at length perceived, and the Traitor therefore worthily executed. Yet little prevailed the Tyrant thereby; for such was the industry of the Defendants, that whatsoever he had by the fury of his great Ordnance beat down by day, that they with restless labour repaired again by night. Thus was the Siege continued thirty days, in which space many a sharp Assault was given by the Turks, to their great loss; and the City still valiantly defended by the Christians. At length the Venetian Admiral (to the great comfort of the besieged) came with his Fleet within view of the City, making semblance as if he would have given the Turks battle. Whereupon it is reported, that Mahomet was about to have raised his Siege, and have got himself over into the Main, for fear the Venetians should with their Galleys have broken the Bridge, and so have shut him up into that Island; which thing it was thought the Admiral might have done to his great praise, if he would as a courageous Chieftain have adventured the matter, as he was earnestly requested by the Captains of every private Galley; who generally grieved to see him so great a Commander, to let slip so fair an opportunity. But he fearing to come any nearer, came to an Anchor and moved not, neither gave any sign of comfort or relief to the besieged. Which thing the Turkish King quickly perceiving, and therewith encouraged, having now in divers places beaten down the Walls, and made them assaultable, brought on his Men to the Breaches, promising them the spoil of the City, with many other great Rewards and high Preferments according to their particular Deserts, whereof he said, He would Himself be an Eye-witness. Hereupon the Turks gave a most fierce and furious Assault; which the Defendants with invincible courage received, and made such slaughter of them, that the Ditches were filled, and the Breaches made up with the bodies of the dead Turks. But such was the number of that populous Army (the greatest strength of the Turks) that the living little felt the loss of the dead: Mahomet continually sending in new supplies of fresh Men, in stead of them that were slain or wounded; so that one could no sooner fall, but two or three stepped up in his room, and so successively, as if new Men had sprung out of the Bodies of the dead. Twice they had even won the Breaches, and were both times with wonderful slaughter beaten out again. This deadly and dreadful Assault, was maintained a whole day and a night without intermission. 
Chalcis is taken by the Turks.  At length the Defendants being for the most part slain or wounded, and the rest wearied with long fight, and unable to defend the Town now assaulted almost round, retired from the Breaches into the Marketplace, and there like resolute Men, sold their lives at a dear price unto the Turks. Amongst the slain Christians, were found the dead bodies of many notable Women, who seeing the ruin of the City, chose rather to die with their Friends in defence thereof, than alive to fall into the hands of their barbarous Enemies.  
Mahomet being now become Lord of the City, and having lost forty thousand of his Turks in that Siege, in revenge thereof caused all the men that were found in the City alive, to be put to most cruel death, especially the Italians, upon whom he showed his Tyranny with most exquisite and horrible Torments. Paulus Ericus Governor of the City, with a few others, who with him were fled into the Castle, without resistance delivered the same unto him, upon his faithful Promise, that they might in safety depart; but after he had got them into his Power, the perfidious Tyrant without regard, commanded them all to be cruelly murdered. The Governor's Daughter a Maiden of incomparable beauty, was amongst the rest taken Prisoner, and for her rare Perfection, by them that took her, presented to Mahomet as the Mirror of Beauty: The barbarous Tyrant greedy of so fair a Prey, sought first by flattering words and fair persuasion, to induce her to consent to his desire; but when he could not so prevail, he fell into another vain, and began to show himself in his own nature, threatening her with Death, Torture, and Force, worse than Death itself, if she would not otherwise yield unto his Appetite. Whereunto the constant Virgin (worthy eternal Fame) answered so resolutely, and so contrary to the Tyrant's expectation, that he being therewith enraged, commanded her to be presently slain. The horrible and monstrous Cruelty, 
The fruitful Island of Euboea taken by the Turks.  with the filthy Outrages by that beastly and barbarous people committed, at the taking of that City, passeth all credit. Chalcis thus won, the rest of that fruitful Island without further resistance yielded unto the Turish slavery, under which it yet groaneth. This Calamity happened unto the Venetian State, or rather (to say truly) to the general hurt of the Christian Common-weal, in the year of our Redemption, 1470.  
Canalis the Venetian Admiral, who all the time of the Siege, had in the sight of the City lain at Anchor as a looker on, fearing now the City was lost, to be set upon by the Turks Fleet, hoist Sail, and laded with dishonour returned in haste unto Venice, where he was by the Commandment of the Senate committed to Prison, and afterward with all his Family exiled to Utinum.  
year 1471. Shortly after, when Mahomet was departed with his Army out of Euboea, and his Fleet returned to Constantinople; the Venetians with their Galleys, attempted to have upon the sudden surprised the City, a little before lost. But Mahomet had therein left so strong a Garrison, that when the Venetians had landed their Men, they were again enforced to retire to their Galleys, and to forsake their Island.  
Chalcis thus lost with all the Island of Euboea, the Venetians chose Petrus Mocenicus, a valiant and discreet Gentleman, Admiral of their Fleet, in stead of Canalis; and by their Ambassadors solicited Sixtus the Fourth of that Name, than Bishop of Rome, and Ferdinand King of Naples, with Lewis King of Cyprus, and the grand Master of the Rhodes, to join their Forces together with theirs against the great and common Enemy; which thing all the aforesaid Christian Princes promised them to do. And the more to entangle the Turk, they at the same time sent Caterinus Zenus their Ambassador with rich Presents unto Alymbeius Usun-Cassanes, the great King of Persia, to incite him on that side against the Turk; in which Negotiation Zenus so well behaved himself, that the next year following, that great King took up Arms against Mahomt, and had with him mortal Wars, as shall be in convenient place hereafter declared. Mahomet not ignorant of the proceedings of the Venetians, and that they did what they might to stir up as many Enemies as they could, and to bring him (if it were possible) into hatred with the whole World; and well knowing how much he had offended the minds of the Christian Princes with the cruelty he had of late used against them of Chalcis, thought it not best as then further to provoke them, and so happily to bring all at once about his ears, but for a season to lie still at Constantinople, as if he had been desirous now to live in peace, not meaning further harm; hoping thereby, that although he concluded no Peace with any of them (which indeed he was not desirous of) yet that tract of time might mitigate the heinousness of the fact, and cool the heat of their displeasure; whereby it came to pass as he wished, that nothing worth the speaking of was that year attempted against him; and because the Persian King was the man of whom he stood most in doubt, he sought by his Ambassadors to pacify him, and to withdraw him from the League of the Christians; requesting him, if it were for nothing else but for the Community of the Mahometan Religion, wherein they well agreed, and were thereby the professed Enemies of the Christians, to withdraw his hand, and in their cause to cease to take up Arms; urging now (for that it so stood with his purpose) the zeal of Religion, whereas otherwise he regarded (as was thought) no Religion at all. But Zenus the Venetian Ambassador lying continually in the Persian Court, so wrought the matter with Usun-Cassanes, that he told the Turks Ambassadors plainly, That he could nor would not longer endure the manifest injury and wrong done unto him by the Turkish King; and farther, that he had made a faithful League with the Christian Princes, and therefore would to the uttermost of his Power make it known unto the World, that he would effectually perform what thing soever he had promised; and so dismissed them, now no less discontented than were before the Persian Ambassadors at such time as they returned from the Turks Court, having obtained nothing they then requested concerning the Emperor of Trap●zond.  
The year following, year 1472. Mocenicus the Venetian Admiral with his Fleet arrived in the Isle of Lesbos, where he did great harm. 
The Venetians aided by King Ferdinand, the Bishop of Rome, and the great Master of the Rhodes, do the Turks great harm all alongst the coast of the l●sser of Asia.  From thence he passed the Bay of Adramittium into the lesser Asia, and so spoiled the Country about Pergamus. After that he landed again at Cnidus upon the coast of Caria, where he took a great Booty; and so having done the Turks exceeding much harm in Asia all alongst the Sea coast opposite to Graecia, he returned laden with spoil towards Peloponnesus. In his return about the Promontory of Malea; upon the coast of Peloponnesus, he met with Richaiensis coming unto him with seventeen Galleys from King Ferdinand; by whom he was certified, that the great Bishop's Fleet was ready to come forth also. After mutual Gratulation, as the manner at Sea is, the Admiral's joining their Fleets in one, landed at Methone, now called Modon, than a City of the Venetians in Peloponnesus; where after they had well refreshed their Soldiers, and taken in fresh Victuals, they put to Sea again; and sailing through the Islands, landed in Asia, where they were at their first landing encountered by the Country Turks, whom at last they put to flight, and by the space of four days took what pillage they could in the Country; where the Soldiers found great store of rich Booty, especially of Turkey Carpets, which are there made in great abundance. From thence they sailed to Halicarnassus, which is part of Caria (where sometime stood the stately Tomb which Queen Artemesia built for her Husband Mausolus, accounted amongst the Wonders of the World) where they took a wonderful spoil. There came unto them Nicholas Bishop of Modrussa, with twenty Galleys sent from the great Bishop; whom the other two Generals welcomed with great joy. At the same time also came thither two Galleys from the great Master of the Rhodes. With this Fleet of eighty five Galleys, they sailed to the Isle of Samos over against Ephesus (sometime a place of great Fame, but then altogether desolate and unpeopled) there to consult 〈◊〉 their further proceedings in those Wars. 〈◊〉 from Samos, they took their course alongst the Sea coast of Asia, and landed at Attalia, the chief City of Pamphilia, a place of great Traffic; where they found in the Suburbs of the City great store of many rich Commodities, brought thither out of Egypt and Syria; whereof they took what pleased them, and burned the rest together with the Suburbs. Unto the City itself they began to lay siege, but perceiving that it was not without great loss of their Men to be taken, they departed thence; and running all alongst the coast of Pamphilia, burnt and destroyed what came in their way, and so returned back again to R●odes; where they met an Ambassador from Usun-Cassanes the Persian King, to the Bishop and the Venetians, for great Ordnance; whereof that so mighty a Prince was altogether unfurnished. Of this Ambassador they understood, that Usun-Cassanes was entered into League with the Christian Princes, and now busy in making preparation against the Turk. At which time Mahomet requited the Venetians with no less harm in Epirus and Dalmatia, than they had done to him in Asia; for now that Scanderbag was dead, the Turks mightily prevailed upon the weak Princes of Epirus and Albania, with the Countries adjoining. The Christian Fleet departing from the Rhodes, landed in the Country of the Myndians, a part of Caria, and with great spoil returned to the Island of Naxos, one of the Cyclad●s; from whence King Ferdinand his Galleys returned home, laded with much rich spoil; for now the year was far spent. Yet after the departure of the King's Galleys, Mocenicus with the Legate returned back again into Asia, and there landing their Men, took the famous City of Smyrna in jonia, and when they had taken the spoil thereof, set it on fire. At which time also they did great harm about Clazomene, not far from Smyrna. So Winter drawing now fast on, they returned, laded with the rich spoils of Asia; the Legate into Italy, and Mocenicus into Methone.  
The insatiable desire of Sovereignty, whereunto the Turkish King was naturally inclined, year 1473. 
Mahomet no less troublesome unto the Mahometan Princes than to the Christians.  had continually armed him, not only against the Christian Princes, but against others also even of his own Superstition; making no great difference betwixt the one and the other, if so he might extend his Dominion. He had long before under the pretence of a friendly Parley craftily circumvented the King of Mysia, a Country in Asia, and having got him within his danger, cruelly put him to death, and by force subduing his Kingdom, left not one of the King's blood alive. After that he invaded Cilicia, which the Turks call Caramania, where the two young Brethren, Pyramet and Cassambet reigned, and drove them both out of Cilicia; of whom Pyramet the elder, fled for refuge to Usun-Cassanes; Cassambet the younger assisted by his old Friends, sought by force of Arms to recover again his Inheritance wrongfully by the Turks possessed, and was besieging certain Towns upon the Sea coast, which being taken from the Turks would easily draw all the rest of the Kingdom after them. Mocenicus the Venetian Admiral being now with the first of the Spring come upon the coast of Cilicia, at the request of Cassambet, landed certain Companies of Men under the leading of Victor Superantius, and certain pieces of great Artillery, wherewith he so battered the Walls of Sichinum, that he enforced the Turks therein to yield up the City; which he delivered to Cassambet. In like manner he took the City of Corycus, which he also restored to Cassambet. At last he laid siege to Seleucia, which standeth upon the River Orontes, and was built by King Seleucus, one of the Successors of Alexander the Great, distant from the Sea about five miles; the Governor of this City discouraged with the sight of the great Artillery, delivered the City to the Venetian Captain, who by the appointment of the Admiral restored the same to Cassambet. Who by this means brought again into his Kingdom, gave great thanks unto the Admiral, promising both for himself and for his Brother to be always Friends unto the Venetians. Mocenicus departing from Cilicia, landed his Men in Lycia, and harried that Country alongst the Sea coast. And this Mocenicus sailed into Cyprus, to appease a great Insurrection there raised against the Queen, who was by her Husband at his death left to the Protection of the Venetians; which Rebellion when he had well quieted, hearing that Triadanus Grittus, was by the Decree of the Senate appointed Admiral, and already come into Peloponnesus, he with as much speed as he could hasted thither, to give up his Charge, and so to return home again to Venice.  
About this time the great Persian King Usun-Cassanes began to make War upon the Turkish Emperor Mahomet, for the better understanding whereof, it shall not be from our purpose briefly to show by what means this Usun-Cassanes, of a small Prince aspired to the Kingdom of Persia, and so in short time grew to that greatness, that he was justly accounted amongst the greatest Monarches of the World then living; as appeareth by these Wars betwixt him and the great Turkish Emperor Mahomet. This Usun-Cassanes of whom we now speak, was the Son of that Tachretin, who with other poor Princes was driven into Exile by the violence of Bajazet the first, great Grandfather to this Mahomet the Great, Emperor of the Turks, and was again restored by great Tamerlane, as is before declared in the life of Bajazet. By the death of Tachretin, his Son Usun-Cassanes (of some called also Asymbeius) obtained that small Territory which his Father had in Armenia; nothing answering unto the greatness of his conceits. Wherefore not contented with such Possessions as was from his Father descended unto him, he began to shoulder for more room, with such weak Princes his Neighbours as he thought he might best deal withal; wring one Province from this Prince, another from that, and thrusting some others quite out of all that they had; and in short time so enlarged his Dominion, that he had got into his hands a great part of Armenia, and was reputed both for a mighty and fortunate Prince. Insomuch that Calo joannes, than Emperor of Trapezond (whose Power altogether answered not to the greatness of his Style, being for most part shut up within the bounds of Pontus, and fearing the greatness of the Turkish Emperor Mahomet, whose name began then to grow dreadful unto his Neighbour Princes) gave to him his only Daughter Despina in Marriage, by such Alliance to strengthen himself against the Turkish Tyrant, if need should require. At which Marriage it was agreed, That Usun-Cassanes should in the right of his Wife enjoy all the Kingdom of Pontus, after the death of Calo joannes her Father, and of David his Brother; and that Despina should so long as she lived have the free Exercise of her Christian Religion. By this Woman, Usun-Cassanes had a Daughter called Martha, whom I willingly remember, for that she was the Mother of Hysmael, afterwards the great King of Persia, commonly called Hysmael the Sophy; of whom more shall be said hereafter in the Life of Selimus. Usun-Cassanes honoured with this Marriage, and strengthened with this new Alliance, ceased not, after his wont manner, daily to encroach upon his Neighbour Princes; and proceeded so far, that at length he began to lay hand upon a part of Armenia, which was then part of the Dominion of the Persian King. Zenza (whom some call Tzokies, which was indeed the name of his Father) reigning then in Persia, by his Ambassadors admonished, and in short commanded Usun-Cassanes to hold himself content with his own, or at least, with that he had already wrongfully taken from others, and not to presume to come within the bounds of his Dominion, threatening otherwise to take him as an Enemy to his State, and to turn his Forces upon him. With which Embassage Usun-Cassanes being much offended, gave the Ambassadors no entertainment, but commanded them with speed to get them out of his Kingdom, and to tell their Master, That he would shortly himself in person come and debate the matter with him face to face. With which proud Answer from so mean a Prince the Persian King moved, levied such an Army for the invading of him, as was thought to have been sufficient to have subdued a far greater Prince; and so appointed, set forward toward Armenia. Usun-Cassanes much inferior to this great King in Wealth and Number of Men, but not in Haughtiness of Mind, and Valiantness of Courage, stayed not to expect the coming of so puissant an Enemy, but full of hope set forward to meet him, and by great journeys sought to come upon him before he could have any knowledge of his coming; yet had he then in his Army scarce one man to ten, but all armed with courageous Hearts, and conducted by a most fortunate Chieftain which feared nothing. So holding on his way, at length he met with a great Army of the Persians, with whom he presently joined Battle, and after a long and cruel Fight overthrew them in the plain Field, with such a Slaughter as might well have weakened the Forces of a right great Kingdom. The great King more enraged than discouraged with his overthrow, raised a far greater Army than before, the very Strength of his Kingdom; resolving now, not to send any more his Lieutenants, but to go in person himself against so desperate an Enemy. All things being in readiness, he set forward, and at length met with the Armenian Prince, whom he found as ready to give Battle, as he was at the first. So being both desirous to try their fortune, they joined battle; 
Usun-Cassanes in a great battle overthoweth the King of Persia.  wherein the Persians were again discomfited and put to flight, and more of them slain in that Battle, than were brought into the Field in the first Army. Zenzes the Persian King was there slain with Usun-Cassanes his own hand, and Cariasuphus his Son taken Prisoner; whom the Armenian Prince used with the greatest honour could be devised, giving unto him the Honour and Title due to the Persian King, taking to himself the bare name of the Protector of the Persian State. Which he did only to please the Persians; and to keep them quiet until he had got some more assured possession of that Kingdom. But after he had in the two former Battles broken their greatest Strength, and then under the colour of a peaceable Governor got into his power the regal City of Tauris, with the rest of the Cities and strong places of that great Kingdom, and that all men had him now in great reverence and admiration for his great virtues; he secretly dispatched out of the way the poor titular King his Prisoner, (the last of the Posterity of the mighty Tamerlane) and took upon himself the highest place, which admitteth no Partner. Whilst this restless Prince was thus tumbling in the World, and not yet well settled in his new got Kingdom, Mahomet the Turkish Emperor, no less ambitious than himself, had scornfully rejected the Ambassadors and Presents which Usun-Cassanes had sent; and having shamefully put to death David the Emperor of Trapezond, his Alliance, had converted all the Kingdom of Pontus (which Usun-Cassanes of right claimed as his Wife's Dowry) into the form of a Province, and so united it to the Turkish Empire. Which so manifest a wrong, Usun-Cassanes in the newness of his so late achieved greatness, durst not adventure to address; but after that he was surely seated, and had with the course of time overcome all dangers at home, being daily pricked forward with the remembrance of the former injuries (still suggested by the importunity of his Wife Despina, and the solicitation of the Venetians, to whom he had by solemn promise bound himself) he determined now to take the matter in hand, and to try his Forces upon his proud Enemy the Turkish Emperor. Hereupon he raised a great Army, and being well appointed of all things necessary, passing through Armenia toward Pont●s, near unto the River Euphrates was encountered by Mustapha (Mahomet's Eldest Son, a young Prince of great hope) and Amurath the great Bassa of Romania, whom Mahomet (fearing such a matter) had sent before with a strong Army out of Europe, to join with such Forces as Mustapha had already raised in Asia, so to withstand the invasion of the Persian. These two great Commanders Mustapha and Amurath joining Battle with Usun-Cassanes, were by him in the plain Field overthrown; where Amurath the great Bassa himself, with thirty thousand Turks were slain; Mustapha with the rest of the Army by shameful flight saving themselves.  
Now when Mahomet understood that Amurath was slain, year 1474. and his Army discomfited, 
Two huge Armies of the Turks and Persians in field together.  he was therewith exceedingly troubled; but purposing to be thereof revenged, gave order into all parts of his Dominions for the levying of new Forces; so that at the time by him appointed, was assembled a great and mighty Army of 320000 men. Usun-Cassanes in like manner was in the Field with an Army, nothing in number inferior unto his Enemy. These two Mahometan Kings, drawing after them▪ ●heir huge Armies met together near the Mountain's of Armenia, where at the first encounter one of the Turks great Bassa's was slain, with 40000 Turks. With which hard beginning the proud Tyrant was so daunted, that he could hardly be persuaded to prove his fortune any further, but contenting himself with that loss, was about to have retired; and had undoubtedly so done, if some of his most expert and valiant Captains which might be bold with him, had not sharply reproved him, that having so populous an Army as scarcely felt that small loss, he should once think of returning without Victory. With which their comfortable persuasions he was again encouraged to give Battle. Yet for his more safety he withdrew his Army into a Straight betwixt two Mountains, and with his Carriages fortified the front thereof, as with a Trench; behind which Carriages he placed his great Ordnance, and on either side his Archers. The Persians as men of great Valour, and thereto encouraged with their former Victories, came on as men fearing no peril, to have charged the Turks even in their Strength; presenting their whole Army before they were aware, into the mouth of the Turks Artillery; which suddenly discharged amongst the thickest of them, broke their Ranks, and took away a number of them. Besides that, the Persian Horses terrified with the unacquainted and thundering report of the great Ordnance, were not to be ruled by their Riders, but starting back, ran some one way, some another, as if they had felt neither Bit nor Rider. Which their confusion Mahomet perceiving, presently took hold of the occasion offered, and with his Horsemen fiercely charged them, being now by themselves entangled and out of order. Nevertheless the Persians made great resistance, and slew many of the Turks; but still fight confusedly and out of order, they were at the last enforced to fly; in which Flight a great number of them were slain, and their Tents also taken. Zeinal Usun-Cassanes his eldest Son, labouring to stay the Flight of the Persians, was slain with a small shot. So the Honour of the day remained with the Turks; yet they had no great cause to brag of their win, having lost in that Battle forty thousand Soldiers; whereas of the Persians fell not above ten thousand. Mahomet contenting himself with this dear bought Victory, returned homewards; and Usun-Cassanes leaving another of his Sons with his Army for the defence of Armenia, returned likewise to Tauris. But whilst the Christian Princes were in their greatest expectation, what might be the Event of these Wars betwixt these two mighty Mahometan Kings; they upon the sudden concluded a Peace, and confirmed the same with new Affinity, excluding the Christians quite out of the same. This last Battle betwixt Mahomet and Usun-Cassanes, was fought in the year of our Lord 1474, about four years before the death of Usun-Cassanes, who died the fifth of january in the year 1478.  
In the time of these Wars died the noble Mustapha, 
The death of the noble Mustapha Mahomet his eldest Son.  Mahomet his eldest Son, at Iconium, having spent himself with revelling amongst his Paragons; or as some write, commanded to die, by his ●ather, upon this occasion. This youthful Prince upon a time coming to the Court to see his Father (or as they term it, to kiss his hand) became amorous of the Wife of Achmetes Bassa, a Lady of incomparable Beauty, and Daughter to Isaac Bassa, the chief men in the Turkish Empire, next unto Mahomet himself; but finding no means to compass her in whom his Soul lived, he awaited a time when as she (after the manner of the Turks) went to bathe herself; and there as he found 〈◊〉 all disrobed, shamefully forced her, without regard either of his own Honour, or of hers. Of this so foul an outrage, Achmetes her Husband, with his clothes and hat all rend for madness, came and grievously complained to Mahomet, craving vengeance for the same. Unto whom Mahomet again replied, Art not thou thyself my Slave? and if my Son Mustapha have known thy Wife, is she not my Bondslave he hath had to do withal? Cease therefore thus to complain, and hold thyself therewith content. Nevertheless he in secret sharply reproved his Son for so heinous and dishonourable a Fact by him committed, and commanded him out of his sight; and as he was of a severe nature, caused him within a few days after to be secretly strangled. Nevertheless, the wrong done unto the Bassa, sunk so deep into his haughty mind, as that he would never admit excuse therefore, but put away his Wife, the ground of the implacable hatred betwixt him and the great Bassa Isaac his Father-in-law; and in fine, the very cause of his utter destruction, as is afterward declared in the life of Bajazet.  
Mahomet delivered of his greatest fear, year 1475. by the Peace he had lately concluded with Usun-Cassanes the Persian King, was now at good leisure to employ all his Forces against the Christians. And bearing a deadly hatred against the Princes of Epirus and Albania, with a wonderful desire to extend his Empire unto the Ionian and Adriatic, that he might from thence but look toward Italy, which he began now to long after; he determined with himself, first to subdue those Countries, as standing in his way, both for the invasion of Italy, and of the Territories of the Venetians. And forasmuch as the strong City of Scodra (otherwise called Scutary) then in the possession of the Venetians, for the commodious Situation thereof seemed to give him the best entrance into the Countries of Albania, Epirus, Dalmatia, and to such Cities as the Venetians held alongst the Sea coast, he resolved there to begin his Wars.  
This City was of great Strength, as well for the natuaral Situation thereof, as for the strong Fortifications therein made by the hand of man; which thing Mahomet was not ignorant of, but presuming of his own Strength and Power, vainly persuaded himself, that no place was now able long to hold out against him. Wherefore having prepared all things fit for the besieging thereof, he sent Solyman Bassa an Eunuch (whom he made his Lieutenant General in Europe, in the place of Amurath Bassa, before slain by Usun-Cassanes) with eighty thousand Soldiers to besiege Scodra. This great Bassa according to his charge came, 
Solyman Bassa besiegeth Scodra with an Army of eighty thousand men.  and with great pomp encamped round about the City, the 25 of May. Shortly after having planted his battery, he began most furiously to shake the Walls, and ceased not by all means he could devise, to trouble the Defendants; and when he had by force of the Canon done what he could, gave divers sharp assaults unto the City, but was still with great loss valiantly repulsed by them of the City. Long it were to declare, how often, and in what terrible manner that warlike Bassa Mahomet, his chief Captain, attempted to have won the City; as also to show how they of Scodra, directed by their worthy Governor Antoninus Lauretanus, valiantly defended themselves and their City; nothing was omitted that the Enemy could do or devise for the gaining thereof; but all his devices and attempts were so met withal by the Defendants, that they served him to no other purpose but to the destruction of his people. Whilst the Bassa thus lay at the Siege of Scodra, Mocenicus having received such commandment from the Senate, came and joined himself to Grittus the new Admiral, who then lay with his Fleet in the mouth of Boliana, a great River running out of the Lake whereupon the City of Scodra standeth. These two great Commanders being met together, were both as one man, and with a wonderful consent did what they might for the furtherance of the Common good, a thing not common; first they put strong Garrisons, with all things necessary, into Colchinum, Lyssa, Dirrhachium, and other Cities of their signory upon the Sea coast. After that, they went up the River Boliana with certain Galleys, and came within sight of Scodra, and there by Fires in the night, and other tokens of comfort, encouraged the Defendants, as with an assured promise of relief; which thing it grieved the Turks to behold, who therefore went about to have shut in those same Galleys with a great Chain drawn cross the River, where it was narrowest betwixt them and the Sea; but in doing thereof, the Venetians out of their Galleys slew five hundred of the Turks, and wounded divers others, and so returned again to Sea. It was afterward attempted by the aforesaid Admirals, if a new supply might have been put into the City; but the Enemy had so beset the same that it was not possible to be done. In the mean time, Mathias King of Hungary (receiving a great yearly portion of the Venetians for the defence of their Countries against the Turk) hearing that Scodra was besieged, 
Mathias King of Hungary enforceth the Turks to forsake the Siege of Scodra.  began to make such Spoil in the Turks Dominions bordering upon him, that Mahomet was glad to call home the great Bassa from the Siege of Scodra, to defend his own Frontiers. So the Bassa after he had lain three months with his great Army at the Siege, and lost fourteen thousand of his men, whereof the greatest part died of Sickness taken by long lying in the rotten moorish ground near unto the River; by commandment from his Master, rose with his Army and departed. The Venetians also, which lay all that while thereabout in their Galleys, were touched with the same contagion; Triadanus Grittus died thereof; and Mocenicus the other Admiral fell thereof dangerously sick, but being somewhat recovered, returned home, and was shortly after for his good service chosen Duke of Venice, Marcellus the old Duke being dead. With this dishonour taken at Scodra Mahomet was so discontented, that he appointed a yearly Fee unto one, to put him in mind daily of the Siege of Scodra.  
year 1476. The same year that this great Bassa Solyman had in vain besieged Scodra, he was afterward sent with a great Army into Valachia, where he was so entangled in the Woods and Fens, by Stephanus the Vayvod, that he lost all his Army, and with much ado escaped himself, by the wonderful swiftness of a Mare whereon he rid.  
The year following, which was the year 1476, Mahomet sent out a great Fleet to Sea, under the conduct of Geduces Achmetes, his chief Counsellor and Man of War, (whose very name was dreadful in all places where he came) in hope to have by Treason surprised the Island of Crete, but that Plot was in good time by the Venetians perceived, the Traitors executed, and he of his purpose disappointed. Whereupon he changed his former purpose for Crete, and sent the same Achmetes with his Fleet into the Euxine (or as the Turks call it, the Black Sea) to besiege the rich City of Caffa. This City was in ancient time called Theodosia, situate in the Country of Taurica Chersonesus, fast by the Sea side, and had of long time been in possession of the Genoese, and was a place of exceeding great Trade, until that this great Emperor Mahomet having taken Constantinople, and falling out with the Venetians, had by his strong Castles built upon the Straits of Hellespontus and Bosphorus, taken away both the traffic of Merchants into those Seas, and all possible means for the Genoese to send Succour to that City; yet it is credibly reported, that one valiant Captain undertook to carry his Company (in number not above one hundred and fifty men) by Land from Genoa to Caffa, not much less than two thousand miles, and worthily performed what he had undertaken. Achmetes coming thither with his Fleet, enclosed the City both by Sea and Land; which divided in itself by reason of the divers disposition of the Inhabitants, being of divers Nations, some Genoese, some Greeks, some Armenians, but most Tartars, could not long hold out, but was in short time given up to the Bassa, upon condition, That the Genua Merchants, who were there both in number many, and exceeding rich, might in safety depart thence with their Wealth. Which promise the Bassa performed not; but when he was possessed of the City, sent such as he thought good, to Constantinople, and commanded the rest upon pain of death, not to depart thence, or to convey away from thence any part of their Substance. In short time after, the whole Country of Taurica Chersonesus yielded unto the Turkish Obeisance. At which time also the Tartar Princes, namely the Precopenses and Destenses; terrified with the greatness of the Turk, cowardly yielded themselves as Tributaries unto him; ever since which time they have lived a most servile and troublesome life, subject to every command of the Ottoman Emperor; for whom they have done great service many times in their Wars, against the Persians, the Polonians, the Hungarians, Transylvanians, and Germans, as in the process of this History well appeareth; and as the aforesaid Nations their Neighbours, with others also further off, have even of late to their great loss felt.  
Although the Venetians had in these late Wars lost the great and fertile Island of Euboea, year 1477. with the strong City of Chalcis, the surest harbour for their Galleys; yet held they still divers strong Towns and commodious Havens by the Sea-Coast, both within Peloponnesus and without; as Methone, Corone, Tenarus, Naupactum and others; which standing as it were in the bosom of his Empire, Mahomet sore longed after. And therefore to satisfy his ambitious desire, sent Solyman (the great Bassa of Europe) with a strong Fleet into Peloponnesus. Who entering the Gulf of Corinth, at his first coming laid Siege to Naupactum, now called Lepanto, a City standing in the Gulf of Corinth, in the Country of Ozolae near unto Locris, over against Peloponnesus. Antonius Lauretanus (for his late good service done in defending of Scodra) made Admiral for the Venetians, came with speed to Naupactum, and in despite of the Enemy so furnished the City both with men and whatsoever else was needful, that the Bassa now out of hope to win the City, rose upon the sudden with his Army, and in a great fury departed, after he had lain there four months. In this fret returning towards Constantinople, he put certain Companies of his men to shore in the Island of Lemnos, in hope to have upon the sudden surprised the City of Coccinum; but as they were about to have entered, they were contrary to their expectation, manfully resisted by such Christians as by chance were next the Gate; where the notable Courage of Marulla (a maiden of that City) was much commended; who seeing her Father slain in the Gate, took up the Weapons that lay by him, and like a fierce Amazon notably revenged his death, desperately fight in defence of her Country, with those few which were there at the first; and so kept the Turks out, until the rest of the Citizens (moved with the Alarm) came to the Gate, and forced them, not without some loss, to retire again to their Galleys. Not long after, Lauretanus came thither with his Fleet; but before his coming, the Bassa was departed thence for Constantinople, having in this expedition done nothing that was expected at his hands.  
Mahomet after the death of Scanderbag ceased not from time to time by one of his great Captains or other to invade Epirus, and the other parts of Albania; and so gaining sometime one part, sometime another, had subdued most part thereof. And about this time his Army lay at the Siege of Croia; 
Croia besieged by the Turk.  for relief whereof, the Venetians (in whose protection it was) sent Franciscus Contarenus, a Noble Gentleman, their Lieutenant, with such Forces as were sufficient for the raising of the Siege. He finding the Turks in the Plain of Tyranna, gave them Battle; which a great while stood doubtful; at length Victory inclining to the Venetians, the Turks began to fly; after whom the Venetians made no great pursuit, but contented to have put them to flight, took their Tents, with such Forts as they had raised against the City. Thus whilst the Venetians think themselves in sure possession of the Victory, and out of fear of their Enemies, they were through their own too much security, by and by themselves overthrown: For whilst the common Soldiers having their minds more set upon the Spoil, than upon the pursuit of the Enemy (the Battle as yet scarce ended) scatter themselves, and the Captains were consulting, whether they should lodge that night (which began then to approach) in the Enemy's Tents, or not; in the midst of their consultation, the Turks having perceived their disorder, suddenly returned again upon them, and without great resistance overthrew them, and put them to flight. In which flight a thousand of them fell, amongst whom Contarenus the General, and divers others of good place and calling, 
Contarenus the Venetian General slain.  were slain also. This overthrow the Venetians took a great deal better than that which shortly after followed in the confines of Italy, at the River of Sontium.  
Mahomet having conquered a great part of Albania, and daily encroaching upon the Christians, made divers incursions into the Countries of Dalmatia, Histria, and Carniola; yea, and sometimes went so far, that he and his Turks ●ntred into the Province of Friuli, called in ancient time Forum julij, a part of the Venetian signory, and so carried away with them many Prisoners, with much Spoil. For remedy whereof, the Venetians with exceeding charge and wonderful labour fortified alongst the River of Sontium, from Goritia, to the Fens of Aquilea, the ●pace of twelve miles, and there built two Forts, wherein they continually kept strong Garrisons for the defence of the Country. Whereby the Country People thinking themselves now in safety, began to fall into security (the dangerous sickness of all commonweals) neglecting by their careful watch to foresee a far off the Enemies coming, as they had before used. It fortuned at this time, that Asa-beg (whom some call Marbeck) one of the Turks great Captains, 
The Turks show themselves at the River of Sontium.  upon the sudden when no such thing was feared, came and showed himself in an Evening upon the further side of the River of Sontium, with a thousand Horsemen; upon the sight of whom, an Alarm was raised in both Forts, and every man put himself in readiness, as if they should even presently have joined Battle; but it was so nigh night, as that nothing could as then be done; yet the Venetian Garrisons joining themselves together, watched all that night in Arms. There was at that time in both these Forts, three thousand Horsemen, and some few Companies of Footmen, all under the command of Hieronimus Nowell Count of Verona, a famous Captain of that time; who with the rest of the Captains resolved if they could, to keep the Turks from passing the River; if not, then to give them battle. Marbeck General of the Turks Army, taking good view of the place, in the night time secretly conveyed a thousand of his best Soldiers over the River, four miles off, in such a place as the Venetians feared least, deeming it impossible for any man, there to have passed over. These men he appointed to lie close in ambush behind a great Hill, in sight, not far from the other side of the River, and upon a sign given, presently to discover themselves and charge the Enemy. The next morning very early, he sent certain Troops of his readiest Horsemen over the River, which by offering to skirmish with the Venetians, might draw them into the Field; and then as men in doubt whether to fight or to fly, to toll them on to the place where the ambush lay. The Venetians had divided themselves into three Battalions; whereof the General himself had the leading of the first, who seeing these disordered Troops coming to skirmish with him, encountered them fiercely, and easily put them to flight, (being so determined before) and in that flight earnestly pursued them; especially the Count's Son, a valiant young Gentleman, who with others like himself, thought by that days good service to gain unto themselves great Honour. When the Turks General saw that the Venetians following the chase, were gone a great way from the River, he forthwith passed over with the rest of his Army, and followed the Venetians at the Heels; which the Turks which before fled, now beholding, turned again upon their fierce Enemies, and valianty withstood them. At which very instant the other Turks upon sign given arising out of ambush, came down from the Hill Licinis, with such violence and clamour, that the Venetians therewith discouraged would have fled if they could have told which way; but they were on every side so beset, that there was no way left for them to escape; but were there all slain, except some few which yielded themselves, and so were saved. The other two Battalions of the Venetians, discouraged with the slaughter of the first, fled incontinently, and in flying were many of them slain. In this Battle the Count himself, with his Son, and many other notable Gentlemen, and half the Horsemen were lost. The Turks encouraged with this Victory, 
The Country of Fr●ul● spoiled by the Turks.  the next day spoilt all the Country of Friuli, betwixt the Rivers of Sontium, (otherwise called Lisonzo) and Tiliaventum, and cruelly burnt all the Country before them; so that at once an hundred Country Villages were to be seen on a light fire together, which stood so thick, that it seemed as if one continual Fire had wholly covered all the face of the Country. The barbarous Turks laden with the Spoil of that rich Country, and driving before them great numbers of miserable Captives, as if they had been Flocks of Sheep, returned to Sontium. But when they had passed the River, and had traveled homeward one days journey, and all men thought they had now been quite gone, they suddenly returned back again, and posting through the Country they had before spoiled, came to the River of Tiliaventum, which they desperately passed, and did no less harm on that side the River, than they had before on the other; and so carrying away with them what they pleased, returned by the same way they came, having filled all that part of Italy with terror and fear. This overthrow of Sontium the Venetians account amongst the greatest losses which they received from the Turks in all these their long Wars.  
The next year about Harvest the Turks came again with a far greater power; year 1478. and passing the River of Sontium, came before the Forts of Gradisca, where Carolus Fortebrachius lay with a strong Garrison of the Venetians, offering him skirmish, so to have drawn him into the Field. But the wary Captain considering the great strength of the Enemy, and the loss received the year before, would not be drawn out of his strength, but stood upon his guard, expecting to take the Enemy at some more advantage; which thing the Turks fearing, durst not disperse themselves abroad for the Spoil of the Country, leaving so strong a Garrison of the Enemies behind them. And therefore when they had gone about four miles into the Country, they turned their course up into the Mountains (which are part of the Alps) towards Germany, and there grievously spoilt the Mountain People strangely passing through those abrupt and high Mountains with their Horses, where men could hardly either go or stand on Foot without something to stay upon. And so when they had done what harm they could, taking a great compass about, returned home another way.  
Mahomet remembering the shameful repulse he had about four years before received at Scodra, year 1479. and having the name of that City daily sounding in his ears, determined now once again to gauge his whole Forces upon the winning thereof, and so to give Peace to his ambitious desires. And because he would not again be dishonoured with that he purposed to take in hand, 
Vid. Marinum Barletium de expug. Scodrensi.  he gave out order into all parts of his Dominions, both in Europe and Asia, for the assembling of his best Soldiers and Men of War. Now when all things were in readiness, and such an Army assembled, as he seldom or never had a stronger; first he sent forth Aly-beg (Warden of the Frontiers of his Kingdom alongst the River Danubius) with eighty thousand of the Soldiers called Achanzij, towards Scodra. These Achanzijs are Horsemen, which for their good service, according to their deserts, have certain Lands given them by the King to live upon during their Lives; for which they are of duty bound to serve upon their own charge, as the forrunners of the Turk his Army, whensoever he goeth to besiege any place; these be they which first enter into the Enemy's Country, burning and spoiling what they can, until they come unto the place appointed; and have this privilege, That so soon as all the Army is come unto the place to be besieged, they may then at their pleasure either depart or stay.  
The Governor of Scodra understanding both by common fame and certain intelligence, of the Turks designs, with all care and diligence fortified the Town, labouring continually both night and day at the Rampires, as if the Enemy had been already present; and plentifully provided all things necessary for the enduring of a long Siege. The aged and unnecessary People, he sent out of the City into other places of more safety farther off; in whose stead he took in great numbers of strong and able men which dwelled in the Country round about; amongst whom were many Mariners taken out of the Galleys, and other men of like quality, which got their living upon the River and Lake of Scodra, lusty bodies enured to hardness, who in the long Siege following did great service.  
Whilst this preparation was making in Scodra, behold the Mountains a far off Northward from the City, 
The poor Country People fly for fear of the Turks.  began to shine with many great Fires, and all the Country was covered with thick smoke, which every hour seemed to draw nearer and nearer; when within short time after, the poor Country People (which as yet were not all fled) with such Trash as they could well carry, came running for life all over the Country to the strong Cities upon the Sea side, crying out that the Turks were come.  
The next day, which was the fourteenth of May, Aly-Beg with his eighty thousand Achanzijs, came into the Suburbs of the City, and there encamped; so that none could go in or out of the Gates; which was not the least part of his charge. To him, by the commandment of Mahomet, had Scander-Beg Governor of Bosna, and Malcotius with seven thousand Horsemen, joined themselves upon the way. Of this Malcotius it is reported (as was of Augustus) that the majesty of his countenance, with the resplendent beams issuing out of his Eyes (as if it had been the Rays of the Sun) were of such piercing brightness, that no man was able with immoved and fixed Eye long to behold the same. These Horsemen (the forerunners, as I said, of Mahomet's great Army) the Christians much troubled, with often Sallies and Shot, out of the Town, and slew many of them with little or no loss unto themselves.  
When Aly-Beg had thus lain before the City ten days, came Taut Gaiola the great Bassa of Constantinople with five and twenty thousand Soldiers, and above twelve thousand Camels, for most part laden with Metal in Mass, for to make great Ordnance of, and other necessaries for the Camp. The Bassas great and stately Tent of purple colour, was pitched upon the top of an high Hill called the Bassa's Hill, because in that place Solyman Bassa had lain in the former Siege about four years before: the Bassa's Army lay encamped betwixt the same Hill and the Town. This Taut Gaiola was born in Epirus of base Parentage, and from thence by the Turks carried away young to Constantinople; where for his sharpness of Wit and rare Activity, he grew into such favour, first with Mahomet, and afterward with Bajazet his Son, that he was by them promoted to the greatest places of Honour, next unto themselves; wherein he became so popular, and had so possessed the hearts of the People, that it was suspected of some, he would have aspired to the Turkish Empire himself. Presently after the coming of this great Bassa, workmen were set a work about the casting of the great Ordnance, and making ready of other things for the Siege. The Christians also were no less busy about their Fortifications, the Governor appointing unto every man his charge, and which part of the Wall to defend; yet keeping continually in the Market place certain Companies (with the Ensigns of S. Mark, and S. Steven) to serve as fresh Supplies, as need or occasion should require. Whilst the great Ordnance was in casting, the Bassa caused a great Bridge of Timber to be made over the River, that so he might at his pleasure pass over his men, and command both sides of the River. The Christians in the mean time with vigilant Eye so attending the Turks, that none of them could stir within shot, but he was forthwith set off and slain.  
The thirteenth of june, Mustapha the Beglerbeg or Viceroy of Asia (commonly called the great Bassa of Anatolia) came also in great pomp to the Siege with thirty thousand Soldiers brought out of Asia; personable men, but not accounted so good Soldiers as they of Europe; for it is a common saying among the Turks, That the Men of Europe, and the Horses of Asia do best service. This great Bassa was honourably met and welcomed by the other great Bassa of Constantinople, and was quartered upon another side of the City, where his rich Pavilion (all of Green) was pitched in a Vineyard about a mile from the Town. Mustapha to prove the courage of his Soldiers, propounded a reward to which so ever of them, as durst adventure but to go and touch the Walls of the City; upon which occasion, two of his Soldiers passing well mounted, attempted to have performed that enterprise. 
Two of the Turks attempting to touch the Walls of Scodra, are both slain, and one of their Heads sit upon the Wall.  But making what hast they could possibly, they were both slain from the Wall, and one of their bodies recovered by certain valiant Soldiers, which sallied out of the Town, and his head being cut off, was upon a Lance set upon the Walls for the Turks to behold.  
The fifteenth of june, five thousand six hundred janissaries came into the Camp, with four white Ensigns; at whose coming all the Soldiers of both the Bassas Camps gave a wonderful shout, and welcomed them with great joy. These are the great Turk's Guard and best Soldiers, in whom the greatest Strength of his Kingdom consisteth, and are called the Sons of the great Sultan. After whose coming, Mahomt himself was daily expected. Three days after, came two other great men, attended upon with a number of followers, who by their countenance, and the great reverence done unto them by the rest of the Turks, seemed to be men of great place and authority; these men desired, that they might with safety speak with the Governor of the City, and the rest of the Captains, to deliver unto them such a Message, as they had for their good (as they said) brought unto them from Mahomet. Which their request being granted, the elder of them, after he had with many glorious words set forth the power of his Master, and what he had done to other great Cities, with their Princes; and further showed into what danger they were like to fall, if they should long stand upon their defence; he began to persuade them to yield up the City, assuring them of all kind usage, with many rich rewards from the great Emperor; whereas otherwise, they were to expect nothing but extreme misery and most shameful death. Whereunto answer was in the name of them all given by the mouth of Petrus Pagnanus, a grave and worthy Citizen, That they were not afraid of the greatness of Mahomet, or of any thing he had done, or could do; and that he should find it hard to enforce them, but impossible to persuade them to deliver their City; and therefore that he might at his pleasure use his Forces against men fully resolved rather to yield unto nature her last due, than to hearken to any composition; and in conclusion told them, that if they should at any time after make any such motion, they should not expect any other answer than from the mouth of the Canon. With which short answer these great men departed, not a little discontented.  
At this same time the strong City of Croia (which the worthy Scanderbag had living so honourably defended, and dying had left it with his Kingdom, in the protection and possession of the Venetians) having holden out a years Siege, after all the Kingdom of Epirus and most part of Albania was lost, for lack of Victuals was yielded up unto the Turk, upon condition, That the hungerstarved Defendants (who then seemed rather Ghosts than Men) might at their pleasure in safety depart; which agreement the faithless Turk broke and without mercy put them all to the Sword. This heavy news was delivered to them of Scodra by certain Christians in the Turks Camp; wherewith they were much grieved, but nothing at all discouraged.  
Whilst the Turks thus lay at the Siege, the Watermen, of whom a great number lived upon the great Lake of Scodra (being in circuit about one hundred miles) came many times down the River by night, and did much harm in the Turks Camp; for remedy whereof, they were enforced to build certain small Galleys to keep them in, who for all that, many times stole secretly upon them, and much troubled them.  
The two and twentieth of june, the Turks mounted two great Pieces of Ordnance upon the top of the Hill whereon the Bassa lay; whereof the one carried a Bullet, made of an hard kind of round Stone, of three hundred pound weight, and the other a Bullet of four hundred, wherewith they began to batter the Town four days; after that, they placed a third Piece of Artillery at the foot of the same Hill; which delivered a Bullet of four hundred pound weight; and the next day they planted a fourth Piece, greater than the rest, about the middle of the same Hill▪ which carried a Shot of six hundred and fifty pound weight. In this while, eight thousand of the Turks Soldiers, called Asapi (which are known from the janissaries by their red Caps, whereas the janissaries wear white) came into the Camp. And shortly after came Mahomet himself with all his Army to the River of Drimon, whither the two great Bassas of Asia and Constantinople went with great Pomp and Triumph to meet him.  
The second of july, Mahomet with all his Army before the rising of the Sun came to the Camp before Scodra; 
Mahomet in person himself cometh unto the siege of Scodra. The order of Mahomet's Camp.  where after he had well viewed the Situation thereof, he is reported to have said, O what a fair and stately place hath the Eagle chosen out for herself to build her nest, and to hatch her young ones in. Divers rich Pavilions were set up for Mahomet himself, but one far greater than the rest, distant from them about a Flight shoot, which was the place wherein he held his Counsel; the other were for his own private use. Round about these his Tents, lay the janissaries encamped, a good distance off; yet so close one to another, as if it had been a perpetual Rampire or strong Trench, whereinto was but one entrance, continually guarded with a most strong Guard. Round about the janissaries lay all the rest of the Army encamped; so that all the Country as far as a man could see was covered and white with Tents, much like as when the ground in Winter is covered over with a deep Snow; and still more people resorted to the Camp daily; so that it was deemed by men of great experience, that Mahomet had then in his Army of all sorts of People, about 350000 Men, all gaping to devour that poor City; a sight of itself sufficient to have daunted the Courage of right valiant men; but what can be terrible to them that fear not to die? Against this terror of the Enemy, the Defendants were notably encouraged by the comfortable persuasions and exhortations of one Bartholomeus a Preacher, (sometimes one of the worthy Scanderbegs Soldiers) who afterwards giving himself to the study of Divinity, became a zealous Preacher, and in this Siege did notably comfort the Christian Defendants against the terror of so great an Army of Miscreants. All this while the battery was still maintained; and the fifth of july the Turks mounted two other great Pieces, whereof the one was like unto the former before mounted, but the other placed upon the middle of the Bassas Mount, was of an incredible greatness, discharging a Shot of twelve hundred pound weight, and was called the Prince's Piece, in whose name it was with much cunning and industry made; with which huge Piece, the Turks even from the beginning of the Siege had threatened the besieged, willing them to expect the coming of the Prince's Piece. The next day they planted upon the same Mount a seventh Piece, which carried a Shot of five hundred and fifty pound weight; from which time they battered the City with the aforesaid seven great Pieces, and ceased not oftentimes by night out of their great Mortar-Pieces, to cast great Balls of Wild Fire into the City, so to have set it on Fire; whereby divers of the Citizens were enforced to uncover their Houses covered with Shingle, and by men appointed for that purpose, to watch the fall of such Fire works, and so to quench the same; which they so carefully looked to, as that the device of the Enemy took no effect at all. At the same time also the Turks out of their short Mortar Pieces, cast huge great Stones of incredible weight, which falling from high, did most terribly crush in pieces whatsoever thing they light upon, wherewith the Defendants were wonderfully troubled. In few days after, the Enemy mounted three other great Pieces, whereof one was greater than that was called the Princes, and carried a Bullet of thirteen hundred weight; from which time they daily battered the City with ten such Pieces, as the like hath seldom-times been heard of; and the Arrows fell so thick into the City, as if it had been continual Showers of Hail, so that no man could go or well stir in the Streets without hurt. Yet in the midst of all these dangers the Christians valiantly defended the City, and with their deadly shot from the Walls and Mounts exceedingly annoyed the Enemy. The eleventh of july the Turks mounted another great Piece like unto the former, upon the Bassas Mount, and the same day battered the Walls with an hundred seventy eight Shot of this huge Artillery.  
Mahomet having by the fury of his great Ordnance, beaten down a great part of the Wall, and that now nothing stood in his way but such simple repairs as the Defendants had made of Timber and Planks, with Earth cast in betwixt, was in good hope in short time to become Master of the Town; and therefore sent certain Companies of his janissaries and other Soldiers (which he with continual Supplies of fresh men still relieved) to assault the breaches, so if it were possible to enter the Town, or at leastwise to burn such Fortifications of Timber as the Defendants had made. But that which seemed unto him at first so easy, he found in execution full of difficulty and danger; for the Turks approaching the breach, found there resolute men, a surer defence than any Wall; whose valiant courage served instead of a wrong Bulwark. So whilst the Turks desperately strive in the face of the breach either to enter or to set fire upon the new Fortifications made for most part of Timber, and the Defendants with no less resolution do what they may to the utmost to repulse them, many were on both sides slain, but especially of the assailants. Which Mahomet well perceiving, and that by that manner of Assault he gained nothing but notable loss and spoil of his best men, caused a retreat to be sounded, and his battery to be again forthwith renewed; every day shaking the Wall with an hundred and sixty or an hundred and eighty most terrible great Shot, and one day with 194, the greatest battery that he made in one day during that Siege.  
After this great battery, the Tyrant caused a fresh Assault to be given, but with little or rather worse success than before; for though divers of the Defendants, and among them, some of good place, as Franciscus Patavinus, Franciscus Scorbaro, two Italian Captains, and some other of the better sort of the Citizens were there slain with the great Shot, whereof the Enemy that day discharged into the breaches 193, yet were they with greater loss enforced again to retire, and with shame to give over the Assault.  
Notwithstanding this repulse, Mahomet continuing his Battery with no less fury than before, still sought by force of his Artillery to open a way into the City; and the third day after the former Assault, gave a more furious and desperate attempt unto the City than before, insomuch that the Turks were in the breaches come to handy strokes with the Christians, and there made a most cruel and deadly Fight; wherein many fell on both sides, but of the Turks most; yet were there many of the Christians also slain, especially with the Turks great Ordnance. It was a right ruthful sight to have seen the Rampires at the great Gate of the City beaten down flat to the ground, and to lie full of the rend bodies of the Christians; at which place the Enemy so prevailed, that he was even now ready to have entered; for the Turks so furiously assailed the Defendants, and the murdering Shot from the Bassas Mount fell so thick and so terribly into the breach, beside the infinite number of Arrows, that there were scarce any of the Christians which defended that place, but they were either slain or grievously wounded. But when all seemed now almost desperate and forlorn, and the greedy Enemy even ready to devour his Prey, a new supply of lusty Soldiers well armed, came courageously to the breach, and as Lion's encountering the Enemy, drove him down again, and so enforced him with great loss to retire. Mahomet grieved with this repulse, in his fury caused an hundred seventy three great Shot to be discharged into the City, and afterwards sending for his great Bassas and other his principal Men of War, declared unto them his mind, as followeth; I think none of you are ignorant (right worthy Soldiers) that now it is the third month since this City hath by us been most straight besieged, 
Mahomet purposing to give a general Assault, encourageth his Captains and Soldiers thereunto.  and with all manner of Artillery and Engines of War impugned, assaulted and on every side assailed, the Walls thereof utterly subverted, and the Bulwarks laid flat with the ground, and (as you see) as good as razed: besides that, so oft as we have set fire upon their fortresses, so often we have provoked them of Scodra to fight, and have also much vexed them with assaults. Last of all, as you know, we have left nothing unproved, nothing unattempted, which could be devised, the easilier to overcome them, being wearied, worn out, and their strength spent. Wherefore (in mine opinion) the matter is not longer to be put off or delayed, but even to morrow before the Enemy can recover his strength to repair his Breaches, let us enclose the City round, and give them a general and terrible Assault: and therefore every one of you make yourselves ready, and exhort your Soldiers in the Camp, that they every one of them to morrow with the dawning of the day come forth armed and well appointed for the winning of the City. Now will I prove and know them that are worthy of my Pay. Thou the Bassa of Constantinople, with thy Squadrons and certain Companies of the Janissaries our faithful Guard, give charge unto the breach: In the mean time, let the Bassa of Asia with his power assault the other parts of the City: let every Man make ready and bring with him what is needful for this general Assault; my mind giveth me, that to morrow before this time we shall win the City: for who is there can resist us? The Town (as you see) is bared both of wall and of all other defence; the Bulwarks and Ditches are laid even, and an easy way for us to come unto it; the Citizens themselves weary with so many fights and assaults faint and want Strentgh; whereas we are still fresh and lusty; they in number few, we almost innumerable; besides that, we far pass them in the force of our Artillery, wherewith many of them shall perish in the defending of the Breaches. Who then can gainsay, but that they of Scodra are already our Prisoners? Where, upon such as remain alive, I will at my pleasure use the Law of Arms and Captivity. On therefore courageous hearts without further delay. Is not the very name of Scodra hateful unto us? For which of you doth not with great disdain call to remembrance the death of your Parents, or brethren; or Friends, or Companions, cruelly slain under these Walls? Can you digest your hatred against them of Scodra? And so many slaughters of your Friends, by them made? But to forget elder times, and the harms received from them long since, let us but look upon our late slaughters and wounds as it were yet bleeding; it is not yet full four years since that we made War with these men of Scodra, wherein so many thousands of our People f●ll, that their slaughter is yet almost objects to our Eyes, and their blood craving revenge. This very Hill whereon we stand, and the Stones yet seem besprinkled and polluted with their blood. Wherefore hast you as men of Courage; Take up Arms, valiantly mount the Hill, assault the Town, and revenge your old injuries. Glut yourselves to the full in the effusion of the Christian blood, whereunto our Laws do so much exhort us, and do what you may with force and sword, that not one of them of Scodra may be lest alive; which you may easily bring to pass, having all things thereunto needful; for there is nothing to withstand you, nothing wanting for the gaining of the Victory. All things are prepared, all things are ready; an easy matter it is for a strong man to overcome the weak and feeble, that wanteth strength as do they.  
This Speech of the barbarous Tyrant was received with great applause and good liking of the hearers; and now was Scodra to be with all might and main assaulted, and not a man there left alive. Hereupon Proclamation was made throughout the Camp, That every man upon pain of death should be ready against the appointed time; and the great Captains and Commanders of the Army departing from Mahomet, went up to the top of the Hill whereon the Bassa lay, and from thence taking view of the City, and laying their heads together, consulted how they might best give the Assault. The Defendants on the other side always expecting their Enemies hover over their heads, left nothing undone that they could possibly devise, for the defence of themselves and the City. Now upon the top of the Bassas Mount, was a royal Pavilion erected richly covered with Purple, from whence the proud Tyrant might plainly behold all the Assault, who with the dawning of the day (being the 22 of july) entering the same, the Turks who in the covert of the night had conveyed themselves, 
The City of Scodra assaulted by the Turks the fourth time.  as near unto the Walls as they could upon the signal of Battle given by a tire of Ordnance discharged from the Bassas Mount, suddenly ran to the Breaches as thick as Bees, in hope by their sudden approach to have taken the Christians at some advantage, wherein they were much deceived. For they always doubting such a matter, and carefully observing the least motion of the Enemy, were always in readiness to meet with their attempts; so that the Turks desperately striving to gain the Breaches, and the Christians valiantly defending the same, there was in divers places begun a most cruel and mortal Fight; but especially near unto the great Gate, where the fury of the Cannon had made the Walls most assaultable. There the Enemy was come to fight hand to hand, and prevailing upon the Defendants, had set up one of the Turks Ensigns upon the top of the Rampires; which Mahomet beholding, rejoiced exceedingly, thinking the City now as good as taken. But the Christians seeing the danger, speedily repaired thither with new supplies, and by plain force drove the Enemy out again, and beat him from the Rampires. Upon them also that were coming up, they cast down pieces of Timber, great Stones, Wildfire, pots of Lime, and such other things as might most annoy them; as for Shot, none fell in vain by reason of the wonderful multitude of the Turks, who stood so thick, that a man could hardly have cast down a grain of Mustard Seed from the Wall but it must needs have light upon some of them; by which means the Turks were notably repulsed, their Ensign plucked down and they enforced to retire from the Walls. Which sudden alteration Mahomet perceiving, fell into a great rage, and forthwith commanded his great Ordnance, with greater fury than ever, to be discharged into the Breach; and with great words commanded the two chief Bassas which stood by him upon the Mount, to go presently down and enforce the Soldiers which were already retired, to return again unto the Assault. These great Commanders seeing the Tyrant in such a fret, forthwith descended from the Hill, and where persuasion would not serve, with their drawn Swords enforced the Soldiers to return back again to the Assault. The Turks knowing that they were now in the Eye of their King, and in the presence of their greatest Commanders, strive with might and main to win the Rampires; for in that place, the Walls of the City were beaten down to the ground, shaken before this Assault with two thousand five hundred thirty nine-Shot of the Canon or other Pieces of no less force. The Christians likewise in defence of themselves and their City, 
A most terrible Assault.  with invincible Courage opposed themselves against the Turks; so that a more desperate Fight than there, was hardly ever to be seen; desperate men with desperate hand assailing one another; and the more to increase the terror of the day, the thundering Shot, with the clamour of Men, and noise of the instruments of War, was so great, as if Heaven and Earth should have presently fallen together; and Arrows falling into the City as if it had been showers of Rain, oftentimes darkened the light of the day. In this dreadful Fight, many of the Defendants were slain; but of the Turks, twenty to one. Near unto that Gate where this terrible Assault was given, were certain Loops hewn out of the main Rock, which flanked the Ditch all alongst that side of the City, out of which the Christians with their murdering Shot made Lanes amongst their Enemies and slew them without number. For all that, the mighty Bassas and great Captains, one while by persuasion, another while by threatening, forced them still forward, and if any turned back, presently slew him; so that the Turks seeing no less danger in retiring than in fight against the Enemy, like desperate men thrust forward by heaps, and were slain without number. Yet still pressing on so long as life lasted, and others stepping forward instead of them that were slain, they began again to prevail upon the Defendants (who in that place were for most part either slain or hurt) and again recovered the top of the Rampires, and there advanced the Turks Ensigns. Then began the Tyrant to lift up his Head, making sure account that the City was now his own. But as the common saying is, He that reckoneth without his Host, must reckon twice, so chanched it to Mahomet. For the Companies, from the beginning of the Siege left in the Market place ready for all events, and oftentimes wishing for some occasion wherein to show themselves; being now in good time advertised of the imminent danger, came with speed to the place of the Assault before the Turks had taken good footing; and there valiantly encountering them, slew a great number of them, and forced the rest from the Rampires; and plucking down their Ensigns before set up, instead of them placed their own. With which repulse the Turks were so dismayed, that they quite forsook the Assault, and in despite of their imperious Commanders, not expecting any sign of Retreat, in haste retired to their Camp. Mahomet falling from so great an hope, and grieved above measure with this shameful repulse, returned into his Pavilion fretting and fuming as a man half mad, where two days he tormented himself with his own passions, not admitting any man to his presence. The Christians afterwards took the spoil of the dead Turks, and cutting off divers of their Heads, set them up upon Poles round about the City, to the terror of their Fellows. In this Assault were twelve thousand of the Turks slain, 
Twelve thousand Turks slain in the last Assault.  and many more wounded. Of the Christians were lost four hundred; and of them that came to the Breach escaped none, but he was wounded more or less.  
After that Mahomet had two days digested the last repulse, the shame whereof grieved him more than the loss it s●lf; he sent for both the great Bassas of Constantinople and Asia, and other two of his chief Counsellors, with whom he resolved to give another Assault, and thereon to gauge his whole Forces; for they were all of opinion with him, That the Defendants were so weakened and wasted with the former Assault, that they could not possibly hold out another. Whereupon straight Commandment was given through the Camp, that every man without exception should be ready to go to the Assault whensoever they were called upon; and the more to encourage the Soldiers, great rewards and preferments were promised to them which in time of the Assault should perform any especial piece of service. The first appearance of the new Moon (which the Turks worship with great Devotion) was the time that Mahomet had appointed for this general Assault; 
The Turks superstitiously reverence the new Moon.  in the mean time he spared not to pour out his fury against the Walls and Rampires of the Town, by the mouth of the Canon. The Christian Defendants on the other side, first by hearty Prayer commended themselves and their City to the Protection of the Almighty, and afterwards with restless labour and no small peril, speedily repaired and new fortified whatsoever the fury of the Artillery had overthrown or shaken; omitting nothing that could be done or devised for the defence of themselves and their City. Now as soon as the new Moon began to show herself, the Mahometan Priests going about the Army, gave the Soldier's knowledge thereof (as their manner is) by singing of a Song in manner of a Procession; whereunto the whole Army answered with a short Respond, but with such a terrible noise as was wonderful to hear; and at the same time bowing themselves to the ground, saluted the Moon with great Superstition. All their fond Ceremonies performed, they began to draw nigh the City so thick, and in number so many, that all the ground for the space of a mile round about Scodra, was thick covered with men. The Christians expecting every hour to be assailed, were ready upon the Walls and Rampires of the City, to repulse the Enemy; but especially at the great Gate where most danger was feared, for that the Turks with their great Ordnance had made that place of all others most assaultable. Here jacobus Moneta a Noble Captain, with his Brother Moncinus a valiant Gentleman, took upon them to receive the first Assault, which is commonly of all others most terrible; for the Turks use in their Assaults to give three attempts, whereof the first is most furious and dangerous, as performed by their best Soldiers; the other two are of l●ss force; but if they fail in all three, they forsake the enterprise as men discouraged. Whilst both the assailants and the Defendants stood thus in readiness the one as it were facing the other a great part of the night, Mahomet before day went up to the top of the Bassas Mount, from whence he had before beholden the former Assault; at whose coming there were presently eleven Canons discharged, and twelve smaller Pieces (the signal appointed for the Assault.) The Turks upon this sign given, 
Scodra again most furiously assaulted by the Turks.  with exceeding tumult and most hideous outcry (as their manner is) began to assail the City round, and with such wonderful agility of Body and Courage mounted the Rampires at the great Gate, that they had there as it were in a trice set up one of their Ensigns, which was forthwith plucked up by Moneta, and the Turks with great slaughter driven down, where many of them were slain with Stones, Timber, Fi●e and such other things cast down upon them; beside a great number slain or wounded with Shot, Arrows, and Darts, whereof none fell to the ground in vain, by reason that the Turks stood so thick, that they violently pressed one another forward, in such sort that the foremost could by no means shun any danger, were it never so great or terrible. In this sort the Assault was with great slaughter of the Turks continued until it was day; they striving to win the Breach, and the Christian's most valiantly defending the same. Moneta himself in this Fight received divers wounds, and was twice beaten down to the ground; yet still recovering himself, encouraged his Soldiers, and worthily repulsed the Enemy. Mahomet seeing his Soldiers beaten from the Breach, caused a tire of his great Ordnance to be discharged upon the Christians which stood therein thick for the defence thereof, by force whereof many of them were rend in pieces, and the rest sore dismayed; which the Turks quickly perceiving, and therewith encouraged, came on again with a fresh charge, forcing themselves to the uttermost to have entered. But the valiant Captain nothing discouraged either with the loss of them that were slain, or the danger of himself, valiantly withstood the furious Enemy, and maintained the place till new supplies came to relieve him, and departed not thence, nor suffered any man to depart, till the Assault was ended. Many were slain on both sides; yet nothing troubled the Defendants so much as the great Ordnance, which being discharged from the Bassas Mount, into the breach, when as the Turks were driven back, slew many of the Christians, leaving the breach almost clear; so giving occasion for the Turks to have entered, had not other courageous Soldiers stepped up in stead of them that were slain, who manfully repulsed the Enemy. The Tyrant from the Mount seeing the invincible Courage of the Defendants, was therewith exceedingly troubled; but fully resolved now or never to have it, commanded all his Forces to be drawn from all parts of the City, to the great Gate, there to renew the Assault; straightly charging his Captains, never to return thence until they had taken the City. Hereupon the greatest part of that huge Army was forthwith in the sight of himself brought to the appointed place, and there gave a sharp and cruel Assault at the breach, with such desperate fury, that in short time they had slain most of the Defendants there present, and advanced divers of their Ensigns upon the top of the Rampires. Which Mahomet beholding from the Mount, rejoiced exceedingly, making sure account, that the City was now his own; but by that time he had well conceived this hope, new supplies of fresh and courageous men (of purpose reserved for all events) came to the place of danger, and with great resolution encountering the wearied Turks, drove them back, cleared the breach, and overthrew the Ensigns. Which so sudden an alteration in the breach, wrought no less alteration in the proud Tyrant's mind, his hope was turned into despair, and his joy into choler; insomuch that in his fury he commanded all his great Artillery to be at once discharged into the breach, 
The assault renewed again fiercely by the Turks.  whereby many of his forward and courageous Soldiers were slain together with the Defendants. At the same time, the great Commanders and Captains knowing themselves to be in the Eye of their imperious Lord and Master, with their drawn Swords forced the poor Soldiers again forward to the breach; and the more to encourage them, adventured themselves also among them; whereby the Fight became more fierce and terrible than before. Many of the Turks were there slain; yet such was the force and multitude of them which still stepped up in their place, and Bullets and Arrows flew so thick, that the Defendants oppressed with multitude, and overwhelmed with Shot, were hardly able longer to maintain the place, being for most part either slain or wounded. Whereupon a great cry ran upon the sudden through the City, that every man without exception should forthwith repair to the breach. Which was with such cheerfulness done, that in less time than was to have been thought, a wonderful multitude of all sorts of people was there met together, encouraging one another against the present danger; who all as men resolved to lay down their lives in defence of their Country, valiantly encountered the Turks upon the top of the Rampires, and so hardly laid upon them, that notwithstanding their great number, they began now again to waver and shrink back. Which thing the Tyrant perceiving from the Mount, in great rage commanded his Canoniers, as fast as they could to discharge the great Ordnance into the breach, without regard of his own men, so that together with them he might also kill some of the Christians, and withal imperiously commanded his Captains, with all their force and power to maintain the Assault, threatening them with most horrible death, if they returned, without Victory. Hereupon the Assault was again renewed, every man (in show at least) set down there to do his last Devoir. But the great Ordnance still playing upon the breach, slew many of the Turks, as well as of the Christians. Thrice the great Shot fell amongst the Turks themselves, and rend in sunder a great number of them which were foremost, to the great discouragement of the rest; whereof the Tyrant had small regard, so that together with them he might also diminish the number of the Defendants. Nevertheless, such was the desperate fury of the Enemy, that the City was in no small danger to have been presently taken, had not fresh supplies come from other parts of the City which they were appointed unto; who with great Courage resisted the Enemy. Yet the Turks far exceeding in number (and fresh men continually stepping up in stead of them which lay by heaps under their Feet, and served them in stead of Steps to get up to the Rampires) maintained a long and terrible fight; at which time the great Ordnance also sore annoyed the Defendants, so that with one Shot (whereby the greatness of the harms done at other times may be gathered) eighteen of the Christian Defendants were slain. As for Arrows, they flew as thick as Hail into the City; so that they obscured the light of the day, and lay in most places of the Street a Span thick; so that for the space of a month after, the inhabitants used no other fuel to burn, but Turkish Arrows. It was a rueful sight, 
A woeful sight.  to have seen the bodies of the valiant Christians rend in sunder with the great Shot, and pieces of them cleaving upon every Wall thereabout, every Street was stained with their Blood, the great Ordnance continually thundered, Churches and Houses came rattling down, yea the heavy countenance of the Air itself seemed to bewail the misery of the poor Christians; besides, the noise of Trumpets, Drums, and other instruments o● War, with the horrible cry of the hellish Turks, was so great and hideous, that it seemed as if Heaven and Earth should have gone together; nothing was to be heard but the very terror of the Ear; nothing to be seen but death, and the very instruments of death. And now in this extremity a fearful cry ran through the City, That without present help all would be lost at the great Gate; whereupon not only they which were whole, (which were the fewest in number) but they also which lay wounded or sick in their beds, cheering up themselves, with Weapons in their Hand ran with speed to the place where the danger was; choosing rather there to die, than to be slain in their beds. Thus whilst the Christians of all sorts, and from all parts of the City, ran desperately to the Gate, the Turks were on every side hardly pressed, and in great number slain; yet fresh men still coming up, as if they had sprung out of the Earth, the deadly ●●ght was by them still maintained; for the Turks on the one side, for fear of the Tyrant, laboured with might and main to win the City; and the Christians on the other, knowing no hope left for them if they should be overcome, with no less resolution defended the same. 
A doubtful Fight.  In this obstinacy of mind many fell on both sides; sometimes the Turks seemed to have the better, and were straightway by the Christians put to the worse. Which manner of mortal Fight, with doubtful event, was continued most part of that day; until that at length many being on both parts slain, and the rest for the most part sore wounded and hurt, the fury of the Assault began to assuage; for the Turks now weary of that long and deadly Fight, and fainting with their wounds, had no great stomach to mount up the Rampires, where they saw no hope to prevail, but all things threatening present death. Mahomet beholding the wonderful slaughter of his men, and that having done what was possible for men to do, they now fought as men discouraged, and in despair of Victory himself, caused a Retreat to be sounded, which the Turks no sooner heard, but that they left the Assault, and without order ran to their Tents, as men half scared out of their Wits.  
Of this Victory, the Christians (as they had good cause) rejoiced greatly; yet was this joy mingled with much sorrow and heaviness, for the loss of such worthy men as were slain in that Assault, many of whose bodies they were glad to gather up by piecemeal, some here, some there, some cleaving on this Wall and some on that; which they, as the time would give leave, honourably buried with the rest of the slain. At which time also, they with all diligence and expedition repaired their breaches, and put all things in such readiness, as if they should have presently received a fresh Assault.  
Mahomet wonderfully grieved with the shameful dishonour and great loss he had received at the last Assault, repented himself that ever he had taken the matter in hand, wishing that he had never heard of the name of Scodra; and in his choler and frantic rage most horribly blasphemed against God, most wickedly saying, That it were enough for him to have care of Heavenly things, and not to cross him in his Worldly Actions; in which fury he descended from the Mount, and got into his Tent, where he again tormented himself with his melancholy Passions by the space of two days; wherein he would neither be spoke withal, or admit any man to his presence. Upon the third day he called a general Counsel of his Commanders and best Soldiers, and thereupon openly before them all said, That he was determined to give the Enemy a fresh Assault, for that being weakened with so many Assaults, he could not possibly be able to hold out another; and therefore hoped for an easy Victory. But he had no sooner so said, but that all they that heard him, cried out with one voice to the contrary; saying, That it was not by any means to be attempted, for as much as his best Soldiers were already slain, and the greater part of them that were left, either sore wounded or brought to that weakness, that they were not able to do any more service; and that therefore it were better for them to kill one another, or else himself to kill them one by one, than to expose them to be so shamefully butchered by the Christians. In this diversity of opinions, Achmetes Bassa the great Champion of the Turks (a man reverend and of great authority, for his birth, years, and rare experience in Martial Affairs, and one by whom Mahomet had done great matters) standing up, with pleasing speech calmed his furious mind, and with substantial reasons persuaded him to desist from that his intended purpose, and to take another surer course, as followeth:  

A notable Speech of the great Bassa Achmetes.  
YOUR great Valour and worthy Praises, invincible Emperor (said he) who is able to express? the greatness whereof the mind of man cannot conceive, and my dull Spirit but wonder at; my Tongue faltereth to speak of them, neither would this time serve so much as to recount them. It is of all men deemed a thing of great honour (most dread Sovereign) when a Prince hath received a Kingdom from his Ancestors, to be able in safety to keep and defend the same; greater than this is it, honourably to increase and augment it, so left; but of a small thing, by worthy prowess to bring it to the highest type of worldly honour, is of all other things the greatest. Which most rare excellency, all men worthily ascribe unto your perfection and felicity; and I, of all others, can thereof bring the most assured testimony, who have oftentimes heard it of mine Ancestors (which following the Ottoman Princes out of Asia into Europe) that your worthy Predecessors at their first coming into Europe (without offence be it said) possessed but a corner thereof; to whom you afterward by divine appointment succeeding, have adjoined so many Provinces, Kingdoms, and Empires, as were tedious to rehearse them. For who can worthily express, how you have in Europe subdued Constantinople, the Imperial City of the East Empire, with all Thracia, Achaia, Grecia, Peloponnesus, Boeotia, Thebes, and the noble City of Athens the Mother and Nurse of all good Learning. The Empire of Trapezond, with the Emperor thereof is by you overthrown; The Kingdoms of Servia and Bosna, with the Princes of Peloponnesus, are by you gloriously vanquished. You have at your command twelve Kingdoms in Asia the lesser; Pontus, Bythinia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Cilicia, Pamphilia, Lycia, Caria, Lydia, Phrygia, Nicomedia, and Nicaea, with the famous City of Prusa. Besides these, jonia, Doris, Smyrna, Colophon, Ephesus, Miletum, Halicarnassus, Pergamus, with the Country of Taurica, are under your Subjection. The great Country of Armenia hath felt your force; The Islands of Lesbos, Chios and Euboea, are parts of your Empire. What should I speak of infinite People and Nations, by you most victoriously vanquished? This may suffice for all, That you have gained from the Christians twenty Provinces, and two hundred great Cities. For it were too long to rehearse the Mahometan Kings and Princes by you also vanquished: In all your expeditions all things have yet given place to your fortune. The ancient Monuments may now cease to extol the praises of Caesar, Scipio, Pyrrhus, Hannibal, and other Chieftains of Rome and foreign Nations; for why, they are all inferior to you, both for Victories and Countries subdued. The Ottoman Family is undoubtedly fatal for Sovereignty; all the World shall in short time come under your government, and all Nations shall serve you. As for this Town of Scodra, let it not so much grieve you; worldly things (as you know) do ofentimes deceive our expectation; in them Fortune beareth great sway. Yet for this matter quiet yourself; for I dare gauge my Faith unto your Imperial Majesty, that I will in short time find means, that this City shall stand at your devotion. Did not I of late bring into your subjection the impregnable City of Croia, which you so long desired? But whereas you would now again forthwith attempt to win it by Assault, I therein crave your pardon, in that I cannot be of that opinion, but must needs think far otherwise; for to attempt War, and to be overthrown, is an easy matter for every one to do; but to vanquish the Enemy, and to carry away the Triumph, that right few men know. He that consulteth of such great and weighty matters, aught to be free both from fury and desire, both evil Counsellors. The Christians of Scodra are not in my opinion to be again assaulted, for in so doing you shall but lose your labour. For if you could not subdue them, your Army being then fresh and strong, how shall you now overcome them with much fewer, and they wounded, weak, and feeble? I have viewed the whole Camp, and searched every Tent; and found no place, no tent, yea scarcely any cabin, without groaning, sighing, weeping or wailing; in every place was heaviness, sorrow, mourning, and death itself; for in the last Assault you lost thirty thousand and more, of your best Soldiers; many more are grievously wounded and maimed; none, but he carrieth about him some sign that he was there; few or none there be that dare again mount the Hill to give a fresh Assault, they are all so afraid and discouraged. Whom when I demanded, how so great a fear was come upon them, and what was the cause they had so lost their wont Courage? they answered me, That it was the look, even the very look of them of Scodra, whose Eyes did seem unto them, to burn and sparkle with fire; their stern and terrible countenance (said they) have struck this terror into us. Wherefore I think it not good to give a fresh Assault with men so dismayed; but rather to use policy and delay, against such resolute Enemies. This City of Scodra is the Eye and Head of all this Province, which the Venetians have notably fortified, and planted with store of Ordnance, and of all things else necessary for defence thereof; but especially with most valiant Soldiers, of purpose chosen out of many of their Garrisons, for defence of this City. You have not now to do with the weak and effeminate People of Asia, but with the hard and rough People of Epirus. And ●ou know (most mighty Emperor) the strength and courage of this Nation; it is now thirty years that you made War against this People, and have not yet altogether subdued them; and how dangerous and chargeable this War hath been unto you, who knoweth not? It is now six months since we came first before this City; we have entrenched ourselves round about it, we have day and night laid hard Siege unto it, we have battered it of long with eleven Canons; I speak not of other smaller Pieces or Engines of War, with all kinds of Shot and Fireworks, and whatsoever else we could devise. We have many times to our cost assaulted it▪ what could be done by force, strength, or multitude of valiant men, is already done in the former Assaults▪ Nothing hath been left unattempted, no policy, no direction hath wanted in your Leaders, neither courage in your Soldiers. What should I recount the innumerable great Shot, or speak of our Arrows and Darts, delivered into the City as showers of Hail? Did all this, or any thing else we could do, any thing terrify these Defendants? Were they not, nay are they not still ready with great assurance and Courage at all assays to encounter us? You take a wrong course, by force to constrain them; they have taken upon them the defence of this place, and are not thence to be removed, there shall you be sure still to find them either alive or dead; and what account they make of their lives, you see, they will sell them unto us dear for their Country, and prefer an honourable death before a servile life. Wherefore against men so s●t down, policy is to be used; and them whom we cannot by force subdue, let us by delay and time overcome. If you will win Scodra, block it up, build strong Forts in places convenient round about it, and furnish them with good Soldiers; make a bridge over Boliana, with a strong Castle on either side, to stop the passage; which done, besiege the other weaker Cities of the Venetians, which are as it were the Limbs of S●odra; and subdue the Country round about, which will be no hard matter for you to do, being Master of the Field; so must Scodra at length of necessity yield unto you, as of late did Croia, enforced thereunto by Famine. Thus may you in safety without slaughter of your People, come to the full of your desires.   
The wholesome Counsel of the Bassa so well pleased Mahomet himself, and the rest there present, that the Assault was laid aside, and present order taken for the speedy execution of that which was so well by him plotted. Whereupon the Bassa of Constantinople with his Forces was sent to Zabiache, a City in the borders of Dalmatia, standing upon the Lake of Scutary, not far from Ascrivium, which in few days was yielded unto him. The Bassa possessed of the City, thrust out all the Inhabitants, and leaving therein a Garrison of Turks, returned again to the Camp at Scodra. At the same time the great Bassa of Asia was also sent by Mahomet against Drivasto a City also of the Venetians; which when he had besieged and sore battered by the space of sixteen days, the great Tyrant came thither in person himself, and the next day after his coming took the City without any great resistance. Such as he found upon the Walls, he put to the Sword; of the rest he took three hundred away with him to the Camp at Scodra, and there in the face of the City caused them all to be cruelly slain, of purpose so to terrify the Defendants. The next day after, he sent the great Bassa of Constantinople to Lyssa, called also Alessa, a City of the Venetians, situated upon the River Drinus, about thirty miles from Scodra. The Bassa coming thither, found the City desolate, (for the Citizens hearing of his coming, were for fear before fled) for which cause he set the City on fire. Here the Turks digged up the Bones of the worthy Prince Scanderbag, 
Lyssa taken by the Turks, and the Bones of Scanderbag digged up by them, and had in great reverence.  for the superstitious opinion they had of the virtue of them; and happy was he that could get any little part thereof to set in Gold or other Jewel, as a thing of great price, (as is before declared.) All these things thus done, Mahomet committed the direction of all things concerning the Siege of Scodra, unto the discretion of Achmetes; by whose persuasion he leaving a great power for the continuing of the Siege, departed thence himself with forty thousand Soldiers, for Constantinople, cursing and banning by the way all the Country of Epirus, all the Inhabitants therein, and every part thereof, their Corn, their cattle, and whatsoever else was fruitful; but above all other things, the City of Scodra, with all that therein was, for that he had never received greater dishonour or loss, than there.  
After his departure, which was about the seventh of September, the two great Bassas of Constantinople and Asia, according to order before taken, built a great bridge over the River Boliana, and on either side a strong Castle, to the intent that no relief should that way be brought into the City. Which work when they had brought to perfection, and furnished both Castles with Garrisons, Ordnance, and all things necessary, they left Achmetes Bassa with forty thousand Soldiers to continue the Siege, and returned themselves, the one to Constantinople, the other into Asia. The wary and politic Bassa mindful of the charge he had taken upon him, took such order, that no relief could possibly be brought unto the City either by Land or by Water; and so lying still before it a long time, he brought it at length into such a distress and want of all things, that the poor Christians were fain to eat all manner of unclean and loathsome things; Horses were dainty meat, yea, they were glad to eat Dogs, Cats, Rats, and the Skins of Beasts sod; it exceedeth all credit, to tell at what exceeding great price a little Mouse was sold, or Puddings made of Dogs guts. All these bare shifts and extremities the poor Christians were content to endure even unto the last gasp, rather than to yield themselves into the hands of their merciless Enemies.  
Whilst Scodra thus lay in the suds, the Venetians weary of the long and chargeable War they had to their great loss now maintained against so mighty an Enemy by the space of sixteen years, and having no means to relieve their distressed Subjects in Scodra, thought it best to prove if they could procure a Peace from the Tyrant. For which purpose they sent Benedictus Trivisanus, a great Senator, and a man of great experience, to Constantinople; who so well used the matter, that after long debating too and fro, at length a Peace was concluded; whereof the chief Capitulations were, That the Venetians should deliver unto Mahomet the City of Scodra, the Island of Lemnos and the strong Castle of Tenarus in P●loponnesus, and pay him yearly eight thousand Ducats; that they might freely after their wont manner traffic into the Euxine, by the Straits of Hellespontus and Bosphorus Thracius, and other parts of his Dominions. Concerning the Citizens of Scodra, it was comprised in the same Peace, That it should be at their own choice, either to live there still under the government of the Turkish Emperor, or else at their pleasure to depart in safety with their Goods whither they would. Trivisanus having in this manner concluded a Peace, in his return homeward, the fourth of April found the Venetian Admiral riding at Anchor in the mouth of Boliana; from whence they both by Letters certified the Governor and Citizens of Scodra, in what manner the Peace was concluded with the Turk, and what provision was therein made for them. Upon receipt of which Letters the Governor calling together the Citizens, declared unto them how the case stood; and there with them entered into consultation upon this hard question, Whether they would remain there still in their Native Country under the Turkish Tyranny; 
A hard choice.  or forsaking the same, live amongst other Christians in perpetual exile? But after the matter had been throughly debated, and many reasons on both parts alleged; at length it was by general consent concluded, That they should all forsake the City and the House of Bondage, as dangerous both to their Souls and Bodies, and live as it should please God amongst other Christians. So the Turks giving Pledges for the safe departure of the Christians in Scodra, they all at an appointed day with bag and baggage came out of the City, 
Scodra yielded unto the Turks.  and were by the Venetians carefully transported into other parts of their Territory in Italy, where they lived in peace. The Turks (who had now besieged the City a whole year) after the departure of the Christians entered the City with great joy and triumph; which, with many others thereabout, hath ever since, to the great ruth of all Christendom, remained in the possession of the faithless Infidels. Thus was the strong City of Scodra lost, and the long Wars ended betwixt Mahomet and the Venetians, which happened in the year 1478.  
year 1480. Mahomet now at Peace with the Venetians, sent the same Achmetes Bassa (by whom he had but a little before taken in Scodra) with his Fleet of Galleys against one Leonard Prince of Neritus, Zacynt●us, and Cephalania, Islands near unto Peloponnesus; where the Bassa arriving▪ easily took the same Islands, the poor Prince for safeguard of his life being glad to fly into Italy with his Wife and Treasure, to King Ferdinand, whose nigh Kinswoman he had married.  
About the same time Alis-Beg, surnamed Michael Ogli, Isa-Beg the Son of Cassanes, and Balis-Beg, surnamed Malcozogli (men of great account amongst the Turks, and most honourably descended) entered into Transilvania with a great Army of an hundred thousand men, and brought such a general fear upon the Country, that Stephanus Batore, the Vayvod, was glad with all speed to fly unto Mathias King of Hungary, to declare unto him the danger of his Country, and to crave his Aid. Mathias at the same time lay sick of the Gout; nevertheless he took such order by his Captains, Stephanus Cherepetrus, and Paulus Kinisius Count of Temeswar●, that the Turks were encountered not far from Alba julia, and there in a great and bloody Battle overthrown; wherein Isa one of their great Captains was slain, with thirty thousand Turks more. Neither was this Victory gained by the Christians without loss, Bator the Vayvod himself being sore wounded, and eight thousand men slain.  
Mahomet in his ambitious humour, had long time desired to have in his subjection the Island of the Rhodes. 
Mahomet longeth after the Rhodes.  For why, it grieved him that so small an Island should lie so nigh his great Dominions in Asia, holden by a few Christians, to the great trouble of his Merchants trading in the Mediterranean, beside many other harms daily from thence received, and to have no feeling of his greatness. But for as much as the winning of that place was thought to be a matter of great difficulty, and in former times unfortunately attempted by some of the Mahometan Princes; he purposed now with good advice to take this enterprise in hand. Wherefore calling together his grave Counsellors and most expert Men of War, after he had declared unto them the manifold injuries received from them of the Rhodes, he propounded the matter; Whether it were best to attempt the winning of that Island or not? Some forward men persuaded him to revenge the injuries done by those Christians, and to subdue that Island, which for the nearness unto Cari●, might of right be accounted as part of his Dominion; and not to forbear that enterprise for fear of repulse, forasmuch as he was able to bring more Men to assail it than were Stones in the Wall about it. Others better advised, declared the Strength of the Island, with the Valour of the Defendants; Men always brought up in Arms, as it were chosen out of all parts of Christendom; so that it was (as they said) like to prove a matter of more difficulty than was by some supposed; whereof some of the Mahometan Princes had to their no small dishonour, already made sufficient trial; alleging farther, that that small Island which scarcely appeared in the Sea, was not of that worth, as that he should thereon engage his honour, with the lives of so many good men, and most valiant Soldiers as might serve for the conquest of a Kingdom. For all that, Mahomet pricked forward with the Spurs of Ambition, and continual solicitation of Antonius Meligalus, a fugitive Knight of the Rhodes, resolved to follow the counsel of them which persuaded the War. This Meligalus was a Knight of the Order, which when he had prodigally consumed his substance, which was great, with two others, Demetrius and Sophonius, men of his own quality and disposition, fled unto the Turkish Emperor; presenting unto him a perfect plot of the City, with all the strength both of it, and the Isle wherein it stood, and which way he might with most ease win it. In which service they frankly offered to spend their lives; but hoping indeed, by such foul Treachery to repair their broken Estate. All things being now in readiness, Mahomet appointed Mesithes Paleologus, one of his chief Bassas (the near Kinsman of Constantinus Paleologus the last Emperor of Constantinople) General for that expedition; committing to his charge the whole managing of that so great an action. Mesithes embarking his Army, in number eighty thousand, and throughly furnished with all things necessary for the Siege, set forward from Constantinople, and with a pleasant gale of Wind, sailed along the coast of Asia the less, towards the Rhodes; where by the way he called unto him Demetrius (one of the fugitive Knights) to learn of him the best means for the safe landing of his Army. As for the Arch Traitor Meligalus, and chief Author of this War, he was fallen sick upon the way; and in the extremity of his sickness, growing both troublesome and loathsome unto the Turks that were with him in the same Galley, was by the Mariners thrown over board alive, crying out in vain for help, 
A death right worthy such a Traitor.  no man vouchsafing to have any compassion upon him; and so swallowed up of the Sea, received amidst the Waves, the just guerdon of his Treachery.  
At this time Peter Damboise a Frenchman, an Avergnoys, a man of singular Government, was Great Master of the Rhodes; whose vigilancy was such, that commonly once in eight days he had certain intelligence what great matters passed in the Turks Court; and therewith of such deep judgement, that he was seldom or never overtaken or deceived with any false advertisements. This careful Grand Master, was not ignorant of all these great preparations, neither of the coming of the Bassa; and therefore had before strongly fortified the City, and so stored the same with all things needful, as might well have served for many years' siege; especially with such Shot and Powder, that it was deemed (as indeed it was) an especial means whereby the City was afterward preserved. At the same time, many noble and valiant Gentlemen hearing of the Turks designs, repaired thither out of Italy, France, Spain, Germany, and other places of Christendom, cheerfully to adventure their lives, in defence both of the place, and of the Christian Religion, against the common Enemy of Christianity. The Great Master taking a general view of all the Forces he had, to oppose against so puissant an Enemy, found that he had in the City sixteen thousand able men; in which number were reckoned many Jews and other men of servile condition; who in the Siege following, did right good service. The great Bassa conducted by the false Traitor Demetrius, safely landed both his Army and Artillery in the Island the two and twentieth day of june, not far from the City. At which time the Great Master considering that the safety of the City consisted more in the lively valour of the Defendants, than in the Strength of the dead Walls, or other warlike provision; thought it requisite, as a part of his duty, by cheerful persuasions to encourage them valiantly to withstand the force of their Enemies. And therefore calling them all together, spoke unto them, as followeth: 
The oration of the Great Mas●●r to the rest of the Knights a●d Soldiers, to encourage them valiantly to withstand the Turks.  At length valiant Soldiers and Fellows at Arms, we see the Turks our mortal Enemies (as we were before advertised, as well by Letters from our friends, as by common fame) breathing after our destruction; in readiness to destroy our Churches, our Oratories, our Altars, our Religion, and whatsoever else we account sacred or religious; seeking the ruin of this noble City, and the cruel death of us all; gaping at once, to devour our lives, our wealth, our hope, with all our former honour. And truly as I cannot deny but that the chance of War is doubtful, and the event thereof uncertain; So when I consider your valiant Courage and Cheerfulness of Mind, I presently conceive a most assured hope of Victory. They have entered into Arms against us, not so much for any desert of ours, or upon any other quarrel; as for the unsatiable desire of Rule, and the great despite they bear against us and the Christian Religion. But to withstand their Fury, and to frustrate their Designs, we want neither Weapons nor Artillery, nor Provision for many years, we have a most strong Garrison of Frenchmen, Spaniards, Germans, English, and others, the very Chivalry of Christendom; and that which more is, Christ jesus our Captain and General, by whose power, we shall no doubt easily repulse the vain force of our most wicked and graceless Enemies. The care we have for the defence of the Christian Faith, whereunto we are by special profession bound, will animate and encourage us, against them which seek for nothing more than to extend their wicked and gross superstition, to the great dishonour of God, and of his Son Christ jesus. Besides that, we are warlike Frenchmen, Italians, Germans, and other worthy Christians; they are of Caria, Lydia, Capadocia, and the other delicate Countries of Asia, effeminate persons brought up to pleasure. I say it not to draw you into any manifest or inevitable danger, neither to feed you with vain hope, or to fill your ears with windy words; but this I promise and assure you of, that if this Siege shall continue long, hither will come such strong Aid out of France, Italy, and Spain, as will serve not only to raise th● Siege, but to recover again the Empires of Constantinople and Trapezond. Then shall our Enemy see no good end of their Counsels; but all their devices so confounded, as that they shall hardly be able by speedy Flight to save themselves. But suppose the hardest should happen, which I fear not; would not any man account his life most happily and honourably spent, in defence of a good conscience, and the quarrel of Christ jesus? Truly my great years and course of life now almost spent in defence of the Christian Religion (as I ever desired) doth call m● forth, as one so assured of that good laid up for me in Heaven by Christ jesus (whose Battle we are to fight) that I no whit fear any Enemy's force or future chance; which for all that, I have as far as I could, and to the uttermost of my power so provided for, as that we will not (I hope) be therewith overwhelmed. Be you therefore of good cheer and comfort (as I know you are) and show yourselves valiant and courageous, which resteth wholly in yourselves; and as for all the rest, time, and our discretion shall right well provide, I doubt not.  
The valiant Men and worthy Soldiers, resting upon the assurance of their aged Governor, departed every man to his charge, full of hope and courage. Now had the Bassa landed his great Army, and sent Demetrius the traitorous Knight, Meligalus his Companion, with certain Troops of Horsemen and some Foot, to view the ground, where he might best encamp with his Army. Demetrius in great pride riding about the City, was known by Anthony Damboyse, the Great Master's Brother; by whose leave he sallied out with a Troop of gallant Horsemen, and skirmished with them; but the Turks being more in number, cast about to have enclosed them; which Anthony perceiving, turned upon them that were coming behind him, and that with such force, that he slew or wounded most part of them. In this hot skirmish, Demetrius having his Horse slain under him, and himself overthrown, was there trodden to death under the Horse's Feet; an end too good for so false a Traitor. M●ratius a French Knight, unadvisedly dispoiling his dead Body, was by the Turks slain, and his Head presented to the Bassa in stead of Demetrius.  
The Bassa approaching the City, at the first coming took a great Orchard, which the Great Master had strongly entrenched, and therein placed certain Companies of Soldiers, with some small Pieces of Ordnance; which place if it could have been kept, might fitly have served the Defendants to have at their pleasure sallied out upon the Enemy. But they which were appointed to the keeping thereof, either terrified with the sight of so great an Army, or else doubting to be able to hold it against so great a power, abandoned it by night, and retired into the City; leaving the great Ordnance behind them for haste. In this place the Bassa by the counsel of George Frapaine (a Christian Fugitive of the Rhodes, and now Master of his Ordnance) began to plant his Battery, and from thence to batter the Tower called Nicholea, or S. Nicholas his Tower, distant from the City three hundred paces. But against this place, Damboyse had so aptly mounted two great Basilisks, that he made him glad quickly to forsake the same; yet finding no other place more convenient for his purpose, shortly after he near unto the same place planted again his battery, of far greater force than before. Wherein, beside the Ordnance of greatest charge, he had three hundred smaller Pieces for Battery; wherewith at the first he did small harm, for that this George Frapaine repenting himself (as was thought) of his foul Treason, bestowed the Shot to small purpose; for which cause the Bassa began to have him in distrust; which Frapaine perceiving, fled by night again unto the Rhodes, and discovered unto the Great Master all the secrets of the Turks Camp. The Turks continuing the battery, had ●ore shaken the aforesaid Tower called S. Nicholas, and beaten down some part thereof; which the Christians with great industry, speedily repaired in best sort they could; for all that the Turks gave thereunto a fierce Assault, by the space of six hours, forcing themselves to the uttermost to have taken it; but perceiving that it prevailed them nothing, they retired, having lost eight hundred of their men, 
Eight hundred Turks slain.  with many others drowned in the Sea, of whom the number was not known, and a thousand others sore wounded,  
Mesithes disappointed of his former purpose, bend his Artillery against the Walls of the City, and with continual battery had made a fare breach. But Damboyse foreseeing the danger, had with great labour cast up such Rampires with a Countermure before the breach, that the Bassa durst not in any case adventure to enter the breach he had made. For performance of this so necessary a work, the Captains themselves refused not to put too their helping hands; by whose example, all the rest of the People which were able to do any thing, being moved, willingly employed their labour until the work was fully finished.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Caly-Bassa the younger (a great Courtier) was sent from Mahomet to see with what success the Siege went forward. Upon whose arrival, it was given out through all the Turks Camp, That Mahomet was in person himself coming to the Siege, with an hundred thousand Men, and an hundred and fifty Pieces of great Ordnance. These News (of purpose devised to the terror of the Defendants) being blown out of the Camp into the City, struck an exceeding great fear into the minds of some of the Defendants, and so discouraged the Spaniards, with their nigh Neighbours that came from Navarre, that they began openly to reason in their Conventicles, That it was not possible for the City to be defended against such a power; and therefore after an insolent manner, desired leave to be gone, to the great discouragement of the rest. The Great Master understanding of their doings, sent for these mutinous Spaniards; and after he had sharply reproved them of disorder and cowardice, promised to ship them away forthwith out of the Isle, saying, That he doubted not, right well to defend the City against the greatest power of the Turk, without the help of such base minded Cowards. In the mean time he commanded them to surcease from their mutinous talk, threatening otherwise to make them examples to others, what it is so much to forget themselves. But these Spaniards shortly after, better considering of the matter, and what a dishonour it would be both to themselves and their Nation, if they should so dishonourably be sent away, repenting themselves of that they had done, came and craved pardon of the Great Master; and to redeem their former fault, in all sallies and services during that Siege, showed themselves most valiant and forward men; for all that, the Great Master would never afterwards trust them in any service alone. The Bassa attempting much and prevailing little, thought it would much further his designs, if he could by any means take the Great Master out of the way, by whose careful policy he saw all his devices still countermanded; wherefore to bring this his purpose to pass, he practised by the means of one janus a Dalmatian, to poison him. This janus having conceived this Treason from the Bassa, was received into the City of the Rhodes, as a Christian Fugitive fled from the Turks; where he acquainted himself with one Pythius an Epirot, of great familiarity with Marius Philelphus (of late Secretary unto Damboyse, but as then out of favour and in disgrace, for that he was partaker with the Spaniards in the late mutiny.) janus' by the means of Pythius, 
Treason against the Great Master discovered, and the Traitors executed.  whom he had now throughly corrupted, sought after Philelphus, who then as he right well knew, lived discontented, as a fit instrument whereby to work this Treason; for that he was a man well acquainted with the Cooks and Butlers, and other Servitors in the Great Master's House, and himself (yet) there very conversant also. Pythius presuming of his old acquaintance and familiarity with Philelphus, and waiting upon his melancholy humour, began to persuade him to revenge the disgrace he lived in, and withal to show him the means how to do it, by poisoning the Great Master; which might (as he said) fall out to his greater good than he was yet aware of. Philelphus' making semblance as if he had not disliked of the motion, was desirous to know of him what farther benefit might thereby arise to him, more than revenge. To whom Pythius forthwith showed the Bassas Letters to janus, whereby he assured him, that whatsoever he should promise unto any man for the furtherance of the practice, he would to the full perform the same. Philelphus' having got full understanding of the Treason, presently discovered the same to Damboyse. By whose commandment, janus and Pythius were straightway apprehended, and being examined, confessed the Treason; for which janus lost his Head, and Pythius (as he had well deserved) was shamefully hanged. Philelphus' for his Fidelity, was pardoned his former error, and again received into the Great Master's favour.  
The Bassa understanding that the Treason was discovered, and the Traitors executed, was much grieved therewith. Nevertheless, he ceased not with continual battery to shake the City, but especially the Tower of S. Nicholas, for the assailing whereof, he made wonderful preparation. Amongst other things, he had framed a great Bridge, stayed with strong Ropes and Cables, over a short fret of the Sea, betwixt the place of his Battery and the same Tower, whereon six men might march abreast; in which device he reposed great hope. But as the Turks were making fast this Bridge, and had (as they thought) brought the work to a good perfection; Gervaise Rogers an Englishman of great courage, and very skilful in Sea matters, found means by night to cut and break in sunder all the Ropes and Cables wherewith the Bridge was stayed; which now loo●e, was by the violence of the Sea quickly carried away, and the Turks disappointed of their purpose. For which good service he was by the Great Master honourably rewarded, and of him in public audience highly commended.  
Yet was the furious Battery by the Bassa still maintained, and a new Bridge framed upon small Boats and Lighters, fast moored with Cables and Anchors; and divers Pieces of great Ordnance placed in Fusts and Galleys. So that the Tower was at one time battered both by Sea and Land, the Defendants assailed with small Shot and Arrows innumerable, and the Tower at the same instant desperately scaled. But Damboyse had so placed his great Ordnance, that with the force thereof the Bridge was broken in sunder, four of their great Fusts sunk, with great store both of Men and Ordnance; the Defendants also in the Tower, with Shot, Timber, Stones, and other such like things provided for that purpose, grievously overwhelmed the Turks that were scaling the Walls and beat them down with great slaughter. This hot Assault was desperately maintained by the Turks from three a clock in the morning until ten; when the Bassa seeing no hope to prevail, gave over the Assault, having therein lost above two thousand five hundred men; 
Two thousand ●ive hundred Turks slain in the Assault.  whose dead bodies shortly after driven on shore, were spoiled by the Christians. The same night two Mercenary Soldiers of Crete, going about to have fled unto the Enemy, were apprehended and put to death. And George Frapaine, who in the beginning of the Siege fled from the Turks, now again vehemently suspected of Treason, was executed also.  
Thus neither Force nor Treason prevailing, the Bassa because he would leave nothing unproved that might better his cause, sent certain Messengers unto the Great Master, offering to him in the name of the Turkish Emperor, great Rewards, with many honourable Preferments, if he would yield up the City, which he could not (as they would have persuaded him) long hold against so mighty an Enemy; wishing him now in his declining estate not to refuse such honourable and princely Offers, for fear he were afterwards constrained to accept of far worse, or else through his desperate wilfulness plunge himself and his People into such extreme peril, as should be impossible for him or them to find any way out of. Whereunto the Great Master in brief, answered, 
The resolute answer of the Great Master.  That he would not willingly in his sure estate use the counsel of his Enemy; neither in his greatest distress refuse cheerfully to yield his Life unto Almighty God, to whom he did owe it; and that with far better Will than to yield up the City upon any conditions, bear they never so fair a show of honour or profit. The Messengers perceiving his constant resolution, rather to die than to yield his City, began (according to instructions before given them by the Bassa) to temper with him another way, and to persuade him to yield unto the mighty Emperor some small yearly Tribute or other Homage, as an acknowledgement of his greatness, and so to live as his Friend in Peace. But the Great Master knowing by the woeful example of others, that in that small request lay included the beginning of the Turkish Thraldom and Slavery; utterly refused to pay him the least Tribute, or to do him the least homage that could be devised. With which answer the Messengers returned, having obtained nothing of that they were sent for.  
The resolute answer of the Great Master, reported by the aforesaid Messengers unto the Bassa, troubled him exceedingly; for though he had small hope by force to win the City, yet he was always in hope until now, at his pleasure, to forsake the Siege with some such reasonable composition as might stand with his honour. But sith nothing remained now, but by plain force to constrain his Enemies, he resolved for the safeguard of his honour, in that extremity to use that extreme remedy; wherefore besides the great Pieces of Battery he had already planted against the Walls, he mounted diverse smaller Pieces much higher, thereby the more to annoy the Defendants, by beating down of their Churches and high built Houses. His Ordnance thus placed, he battered the City day and night for the space of four days together without intermission; during which time, the Christians out of the City spared not, liberally to bestow their Shot among their Enemies also; so that the Air seemed to grow thick; and the light of the day to be darkened with the smoke of the great Ordnance; and the great Shot came so thick into the City, that the fearful Women and Children were glad to shroud themselves from the danger thereof, in Cellars and Caves under ground. So long continued this great Battery, that at length the strength of the Wall gave place to the fury of the Canon, 
A fair Breach made by force of the Turks battery.  and a fair breach was laid open for the Enemy to enter; which was no sooner made, but that with the first show thereof the Turks gave thereunto a desperate Assault; and prevailing by reason of their multitude, had upon the sudden recovered the top of the Walls, and there set up some of their Ensigns; but the Christians speedily coming in on every side to the defence of the breach, they were again quickly repulsed and beaten down into the Ditches, out of which most of them never rose more. At which time the Turks in another place with their scaling Ladders had gained the top of the Walls, and there advanced their Ensigns also, and were now five hundred of them entered the City and come into the Street called the jew-street, where they were encountered by the Great Master and his Followers, and all slain that were already entered, and their Ensigns that stood upon the Walls thrown down. The rest yet scaling the Walls, and ignorant of the fortune of their Fellows, were likewise beaten from the Walls, and with wonderful slaughter rejected. So that the Bassa not able any longer to endure the slaughter of his men, being in both places repulsed, caused a Retreat to be sounded, and left the Assault; wherein he had lost of his most forward men about five thousand, with small loss of the Christians. In this Assault, the Great Master himself received five wounds, whereof one under his right Pap was thought to have been deadly; which yet afterward was very well cured with the rest.  
After that the Bassa had by the space of three months to small purpose spent all his Forces and Devices upon the City, he began to doubt whether it were better for him to raise his Siege and depart, or to tarry and expect some better fortune, which in all his former actions had seemed almost to have waited upon him; to forsake the Siege, was dishonourable; and to continue it without hope, presented no less danger. Besides that, in the former Assaults he had already lost nine thousand of his best Soldiers, and all the rest of his Army was filled with heaviness and despair, to hear the woeful sighing and groaning of their Fellows; of whom fifteen thousand lay dispersed in the Camp sore wounded, and ready many of them to give up the Ghost; and also but even a little before, two great Ships sent from Ferdinand King of Naples with Men and Munition, were in despite of all the Turks Galleys safely arrived at the Rhodes, to the great joy and encouragement of the besieged, and no less discontentment of the Turks. Whilst the Bassa was thus deliberating what course to take, a rumour was raised in the Camp, That the Christian Princes were coming with great power to relieve the Town; with which news the whole Army was exceedingly troubled; whereupon he raised his Siege. Some others say, that Mahomet hearing of the evil success of his Army in the Island of the Rhodes, with the difficulty of the Siege, and now ready to go in person himself against the Sultan of Egypt, sent for the Bassa, and that so the Siege was raised. Howsoever it was, the Bassa before his departure caused all the Vines and Trees growing in that part of the Island, to be cut down and spoiled; and so after he had poured forth his fury upon the senseless Creatures, which he could not according to his desire exercise upon the people, 
The Bassa raiseth his Siege.  again embarked his Army, and with shame departed, the seventeenth of August.  
At the same time that the Rhodes was thus besieged, Mahomet sent his old and most expert Captain Achmetes Bassa, with a great Fleet and a strong Army to make an entrance into Italy (for no Kingdom was so strong, which the ambitious Tyrant in the pride of his heart thought not he might now command) and having long before conquered Constantinople, otherwise called New Rome, was still dreaming (I wot not what) of the conquest of Old Rome also. The mischievous Bassa according to his great Masters designs, embarked his Army at Vallona (otherwise called Aulona) a Sea Town in the borders of Macedonia; and from thence passing directly over that narrow Sea, which is in breadth about sixty miles, landed his men in that rich and fertile part of Italy, 
Achmetes landeth his Army in Apulia near to Otranto, and spoileth the Country.  called in ancient time Apulia (now Puglia) near unto the old and famous City Hydruntum, at this day called Otranto; where as soon as this warlike Bassa had landed his forces, he foraged all that rich Country alongst the sea coast, and took such infinite spoil as might well have satisfied the greedy desire both of himself and of his hungry Soldiers, all which rich booty he caused to be conveyed into his Galleys. So when he had at his pleasure ranged up and down the Country by the space of fourteen days, and saw that none made head against him, he laid siege to Otranto, the chief City of that Country, and as it were the Key of that part of Italy; and having with such Ordnance as he took out of his Galleys, made a breach, easily entered the same, and so without any great loss took the City. A thing not greatly to be marvelled at, forasmuch as it was but weakly manned, 
Otranto taken by the Turks.  and more weakly defended, by men altogether living in security in the midst of their Wealth and Pleasure. The Archbishop, with Zurlo the Governor, and the chief men of the City, for safeguard of their lives fled into the great Cathedral Church, as into a Sanctuary; where they were all together most miserably slain. The rest of the Citizens, whose hard fortune it was to escape the Sword (as people reserved to more misery) were afterward shipped over into Grecia, and there sold for Slaves. The landing of the Turks in Apulia, with the taking of Otranto, brought a general fear upon all Italy, insomuch that Sixtus Quartus, than the great Bishop of Rome, forgetting all things save himself, was about to have forsaken the City for fear. Now after the Turks had at their pleasure ransacked Otranto, Achmetes caused the same to be strongly fortified (as the sure footing of the Turks in Italy) and victualled for eighteen months, and there leaving eight thousand of his best Soldiers in Garrison, returned himself with the rest to Vallona, and so by Land to Constantinople to know his great Masters further pleasure, but purposing with himself, with the first of the next Spring to have returned with greater forces again to Italy for the prosecuting of his former Victory. Which if he had done, it was grealty to have been feared, that all that goodly Country, sometime Mistress of the World, but then and yet also rend in sunder by the discord and ambition of the Christian Princes, had in short time become a prey unto the barbarous Turk for ever.  
But whilst the great Tyrant (in his life time the great scourge of Christendom) thus proudly plotteth the ruin and destruction of fair Italy, God, in whose hands the hearts of Kings are, 〈◊〉 an hook in the great Tyrant's Nose, and led him quite another way. For at the same time, the Caramanian King, aided by the Persian and the Sultan of Egypt, had in a great Battle overthrown Bajazet (Mahomet's eldest Son than living) and slain most part of his Army; in revenge whereof, Mahomet with great expedition raised a great and puissant Army, and taking Achmetes with him as his chief man of War, rejecting the Wars of Italy unto a more convenient time, passed over into Asia; where upon the way, about a days journey short of Nicomedia a City of Bythinia, 
Mahomet dieth at Geivisen in Bythinia, not without suspicion of poison.  at a place called Geivisin he fell sick, and there for the space of three days grievously tormented with an extreme pain in his Belly (which some supposed to be the Colic) died; but being indeed, as most men thought, poisoned; when he had lived about 52 years, and thereof reigned 31, in the year of our Lord 1481. year 1481. His Body was afterwards magnificently buried in a Chapel near unto the great Mahometan Temple, 
He is buried at Con●●antinople.  which he himself first built at Constantinople.  
The death of this mighty man (who living troubled a great part of the World) was not much more lamented by those that were nearest unto him, (who ever living in fear of his Cruelty, hated him deadly) than of his Enemies, who ever in doubt of his greatness, were glad to hear of his end. He was of stature but low, 
The description of Mahomet.  and nothing answerable to the height of his mind, square set, and strong limmed, not inferior in strength (when he was young) unto any in his Father's Court, but to Scanderbag only; his complexion was Tartarlike, sallow, and melancholy, as were most of his Ancestors the Ottoman Kings; his look and countenance stern, with his Eyes piercing, hollow and a little sunk as it were into his Head, and his Nose so high and crooked, that it almost touched his upper Lip. To be brief, his countenance was altogether such, as if Nature had with most cunning hand therein depainted and most curiously set forth to view the inward disposition and qualities of his mind, which were on both parts notable: He was of a very sharp and apprehensive Wit, learned, as amongst that Nation, especially in Astronomy, and could speak the Greek, Latin, Arabic, Chaldee and Persian Tongues. He delighted much in regarding of Histories, and the Lives of worthy Men, especially the Lives of Alexander the Great, and of julius Caesar, whom he proposed to himself as examples to follow. He was of an exceeding Courage, and thereto very fortunate; a severe punisher of injustice, in them especially to whom he had committed the administration of Justice. Men that excelled in any quality, he greatly favoured and honourably entertained; as he did Gentil Bellin a Painter of Venice, whom he purposely caused to come from thence, to Constantinople, to draw the lively counterfeit of himself, for which he most honourably rewarded him. He so severely punished theft, as that in his time all the ways were safe, and a Thief scarcely to be heard of. But these good parts were in him obscured with most horrible and notorious Vices; for why, he was altogether irreligious, and of all others most perfidious, ambitious above measure, and in nothing more delighted, than in blood; insomuch that it is probably gathered, that he was in his time the death of eight hundred thousand men; Craft, Covetousness, and Dissimulation, were in him accounted for tolerable Faults, in comparison of his greater Vices. In his love was no assurance, 
The Sons of Mahomet, Mustapha, Bajazet, and Zemes.  and his least displeasure was death; so that he lived feared of all men, and died lamented of none. He had issue three Sons, Mustapha (dead before him, as is before declared) Bajazet, and Gemes, or rather Zemes, of some called Zizimus, Competitor of the Empire with his eldest Brother; whom he exceedingly troubled in the beginning of his Reign, so that he could not well attend any other thing but him; which opportunity (by God himself no doubt offered for the safeguard of Italy) Alpho●sus Duke of Calabria (King Ferdinand his eldest Son) taking hold upon, with all the power he could make in Italy, besieged the Turks in Otranto; with whom he had many sharp skirmishes, wherein he lost divers of his great Captains and Commanders, as the Count julio de Aquaiva, Joys de Capua, and the Count julio de Pisa, with others and was still by the strong Garrison of the Turks put to the worse; until such time as being strengthened with Aid out of Spain and Portugal, (but especially with certain Companies of most valiant Soldiers sent from Mathias Corvinus out of Hungary; whose Forces the Turks most feared) he began to cut them short, and straight besieged the City both by Sea and Land; until at length the besieged Turks hearing of the death of their great Emperor, and now hardly pressed with the dangers of a straight Siege, no longer expecting the return of Achmetes their General, (than ready to have come to their rescue with five and twenty thousand Soldiers) yielded up the City unto the Duke, 
Otranto yielded by the Turks upon composition.  upon composition before made, That they might with bag and baggage in safety depart thence; which they did, after they had to the great terror of all Italy holden that strong City by the space of a year. And so was that rich Country rather by the mercy of God (in taking away the great Tyrant) preserved, than by the strength or policy of the Inhabitants, which was then in great danger to have for ever given place unto the power of the great Tyrant, had he longer lived; yea and after his death, to the power of Bajazet his Son, had he not by Domestical troubles been enforced to turn himself another way, and as it were to neglect in time to relieve his distressed Garrison in Otranto, as shall hereafter be declared.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Mahomet the Great.  

Emperors 

Of the East 

Constantinus Palaeologus last Christian Emperor of Constantinople. 1444. 8.    
Of the West 

Frederick the Third, Archduke of Austria. 1440. 54.      
Kings 

Of England 

Henry the Sixth. 1422. 39  
Edward the Fourth. 1460. 22.    
Of France 

Charles the Seventh. 1423. 38.  
Lewis the Eleventh. 1461. 22.    
Of Scotland 

James the Second. 1436. 29.  
James the Third. 1460. 29.      
Bishops of Rome 

Nicholas the V. 1437. 8.  
Calixtus the III. 1455. 3.  
Pius the II. 1458. 6.  
Paulus the II. 1464. 7.  
Xystus the IV. 1471. 13.      

 

Arma manu quatiunt fratres hostilia regnum.  
Hinc Bajazethes, Lizimus inde petit.  
Bajazethes rerum potitur▪ Rhodon, inde Quiritum,  
Lizimus extrema maenia sorte petit.  
Sustinet et bello, varias et pace, procellas  
Bajazethes foelix et miser. inter opes.  
jam senio tremulus, sert bella domestica regno,  
A Gnato ejectus, dira venena bibit.   

Two Brothers now infested the mighty State,  
Lemes on this ' Side, Bajazet on that  
Fortune crowns Bajazet, while Lemes flies  
From Rhodes to Rome, drivin by his destinies:  
Much Bajazet endured in war and peace,  
Happy, and wretched his triumphal days;  
Till worn with age, and with domestic strife,  
A Cup of Poison ends his loathsome life.    

The LIFE of BAJAZET, The Second of that NAME, AND Second Emperor OF THE TURKS.  
UPon the death of Mahomet the late Emperor, great Troubles began to arise about the Succession in the Turkish Empire; 
Dissension among the Turks about the Succession.  some of the Bassas and great Captains seeking to place Bajazet, the eldest Son of Mahomet, in the Empire; and others with no less devotion labouring to prefer Zemes, or Gemes, otherwise called Zizimus, Bajazet his younger Brother. By occasion whereof there arose two great and mighty Factions, which in few days grew to such heat, that many great Tumults and hot Skirmishes were made in the Imperial City, betwixt the Favourites of both Factions, and great slaughter committed. In these Broils the proud Janissaries for an old grudge slew Mahomates one of the four great Bassas, a man by whose grave Counsel most of the weighty Affairs of the Turkish Empire had been managed during the Reign of the late Emperor; and proceeding further in their accustomed Insolency, spoiled all the Christians and Jews which dwelled amongst them, of all their Wealth and Substance; at which time the rich Merchants and Citizens of Constantinople which were natural Turks themselves, escaped not their ravenous Hands, but became unto them a Prey and Spoil also. The other three Bassas of the Court, Isaac, Mesithes, and Achmetes, (lately returned from the winning of Hydruntum in Italy) although they secretly maligned and envied one at the greatness of another, yet to appease these so dangerous Troubles, and to assure their own Estates, joined hands together, and by their great Authority, and multitude of Followers and Favourites, found means that Corcutus (one of the younger Sons of Bajazet, a young Prince of eighteen years old) was as it were by general content of the Nobility and Soldiers, saluted Emperor, and with great Triumph and Solemnity placed in the Imperial Seat. In whose name, the aforesaid Bassas at their pleasure disposed of all things, little or nothing regarding either Bajazet or Zemes, than both absent, the one at Amasia, and the other at Iconium in Lycaonia. For the jealous Turkish Kings never suffer their Sons to live in Court near unto them, after they be grown to years of discretion; but send them to Govern their Provinces far off; where they are also under the Command of the Emperor's Lieutenants-General in Asia or Europe, and may not depart from their Charge without great danger, not so much as to visit their Father without express leave and commandment. So jealous are those Tyrants, yea even of their own Sons.  
Bajazet and Zemes hearing of the death of their Father, and of the Troubles in the Imperial City, hasted thitherward with all speed, where Bajazet being the nearer, first arrived; but finding the Empire already possessed by Corcutus his younger Son, and himself excluded, 
Bajazet come●● Con●●tinople.  he in grief of his heart poured forth most grievous Complaints before God and man, call Heaven and Earth to witness of the great wrong and injury done unto him by the proud Bassaes. And what by Tears and humble Obtestations, what by great Gifts and greater Promises, but most of all by the earnest labour and solicitation of Cherseogles Viceroy of Graecia, and the Aga or Captain of the Janissaries, both his Sons in law, prevailed so much with the great Bassas and Soldiers of the Court, that Corcutus being of a mild and courteous disposition, overcome by their entreaty and the reverence of his Father, resigned unto him the Imperial Government, which he presently took upon him with the general good liking of the people, and made Corcutus Governor of Lycia, Caria, and jonia, with the pleasant and rich Countries thereabouts; allowing him a great yearly Pension for the better maintenance of his Estate, with promise also of the Empire after his decease, and so sent him away to his Charge, where he most pleasantly lived during the Reign of his Father Bajazet, giving himself wholly to the study of Philosophy, which made that he was afterwards less favoured of the Janissaries and other men of War.  
Zemes thus prevented by his elder Brother, and understanding by his Friends how all things stood at Constantinople, 
Zemes riseth against his Brother Bajazet.  and that Bajazet was already possessed of the Empire; returning with great speed, raised a puissant Army in the Countries which were under his Command, and marching through the heart of Asia the less, by the way as he went, took into his possession such Cities and strong Places as he thought best; and so entering into Bythinia, took the great City of Prusa, the ancient Seat of the Ottoman Kings. Purposing in himself, that as Bajazet had shut him out of Europe, so he would also in requital thereof exclude him out of that part of the Turkish Empire which is beyond Hellespontus in Asia, and to make himself Lord thereof. Wherein Fortune at the first seemed unto him most favourable, all the people wheresoever he came yielding unto him Obedience as unto their Prince and Sovereign; so that in short time he seemed both unto himself and to others, in strong possession of that part of the Empire.  
Of these his proceedings Bajazet having Intelligence, 
Bajazet goeth against Zemes.  and perceiving the greater part of his Empire now in danger to be lost, and doubting further, that Zemes his ambitious Mind would hardly rest therewith long contented; for remedy of so great a Mischief levied a strong and puissant Army, wherewith he passed over into Asia, and came to Neapolis a City of Anatolia, near whereunto Zemes lay with his Army strongly encamped. As Bajazet was upon the way against his Brother, Achmetes the great Bassa (in the confession of all men the best man of War and most expert Captain amongst the Turks, and of all others most entirely beloved of the Janissaries) came, and unarmed presented himself upon his knees before Bajazet, his Sword hanging at his Saddlebow; to the admiration of many, who could not but wonder to see so worthy a Chieftain of so great Place in time of Service, without any apparent cause, in such humble manner to appear●before his Sovereign, as if he had had nothing to do with Arms. It chanced many years before, in the mortal Wars betwixt Mahomet the late and great Emperor of the Turks, and Assymbeius Usun-Cassanes the King of Persia, that Bajazet having the leading of the right Wing of his Father's Army, had not martialled it in so good order as was to Mahomet his good liking; for which cause he commanded this Achmetes to go and set that part of the battle in better order. Which his Sovereign's Command whiles he most skilfully performed, Bajazet taking it in evil part, as tending to his own disgrace, in great choler threatened the Bassa, to find a time when he would be revenged upon him. But he being a man of great spirit, and one that durst both do and say much, perceiving his meaning, bid him do what pleased him; and laying his hand upon his Sword, solemnly vowed, That whensoever he came to Command as Emperor, he would never beware Sword in field; the remembrance whereof was the cause that he then came in manner aforesaid, ready to serve if he were thereto commanded, or otherwise to endure what so his Prince's Pleasure was. Bajazet perceiving that the unkindness so long before conceived, was not yet digested, in token of Grace stretched out to him his Sceptre, and taking him up, commanded him to gird his Sword unto his side, and not to remember that which he had long before both forgiven and forgotten. 
Achmetes made General of Bajazet his Army.  And knowing right well that he was a most valiant and expert Captain, made him General of his Army, to the great contentment of the Janissaries and the rest of the Army; who so soon as they saw him, gave out divers great shouts for joy, as if Victory had most assuredly attended upon him. Achmetes taking upon him the Charge, came and encamped so near as he could to Zemes, and so lay by the space of ten days; during which time, many sharp Skirmishes were made with divers Fortune; sometime the one side prevailing, and sometime the other. At length the matter was brought to a general battle; wherein after a long and cruel fight, and great slaughter on both sides, the Fortune of Bajazet, conducted by the policy of Achmetes, prevailed against Zemes. Who seeing his Army overthrown, betook himself to flight, and came to Iconium; in which flight many of Zemes his Followers were taken Prisoners; whom Bajazet would have pardoned and enlarged, but that by the persuasion of Achmetes he changed his mind, and to the terror of others suffered them all to be put to the Sword.  
Zemes' doubting after this Overthrow to fall into his Brother's hands, 
Zemes flieth in into Syria.  and finding no means to make head again; when he had stayed three days at Iconium, caused his Treasure, Plate, Jewels, and other things of great value and light carriage to be trussed up, and taking with him his Mother and his two young Children, a Son and a Daughter, accompanied with a small Retinue, fled into Syria; then part of the Dominion of Caytbeius, commonly called the great Sultan of Egypt and Syria. It was not long after the departure of Zemes from Iconium, but that Bajazet came thither with his Army, to have surprised him; but understanding of his flight, he took order for the peaceable Government of that part of his Empire. And so having suppressed that dangerous Rebellion, and again reduced that troubled part of his Empire to his Obeisance, returned with Victory to Constantinople.  
The distressed Prince Zemes travelling through Syria, came at length to jerusalem; year 1482. where he stayed a good space, devoutly visiting the Monuments of that most ancient and famous City. From thence he traveled into Egypt; where at his first entrance into the Country, he was met by divers of the greatest Nobility of that Kingdom, sent from the great Sultan, by whom he was honourably conducted to Cairo, and there presented to Caytbeius, of whom he was graciously welcomed; unto whom after due Reverence done, he declared the cause of his coming, as followeth: If it were not to me certainly known (most Victorious) that you are not ignorant either who I am, 
Zemes' his Speech to Caytbe●us Sultan of Egypt.  or from whence descended, or with what injury enforced, after long and painful travel I am here arrived; it would much concern me to use another manner of beginning of my Speech, and with greater protestation of words to seek your gracious Favour. But forasmuch as all these things are unto your most Royal Majesty sufficiently known, as I do well perceive in this, that your infinite Clemency hath entertained me with far greater kindness, than I in such my adverse Fortune durst wish for, much less request: Now nothing remaineth for me to say, more than justly to complain unto your invincible Majesty, of the Wrong and Injury done unto me by Bajazet, whom I may more justly term my cruel Enemy, than kind Brother. For he not contented to have taken unto himself my Father's Empire by great tumult and slaughter, hath with all Hostility and Force of Arms persecuted me his Brother, excluded out of the Imperial City, and then living in Bythinia, troublesome neither to him, nor any of his people, and never rested until he had chased me out of the bounds of my Father's Empire. Neither hath the jealous desire of Sovereignty (whereof my Father whilst he lived, had him always in distrust) so much moved him unto this so cruel Fact, as a certain unnatural cruelty towards all his Kindred in general, and mortal hatred against me his Brother in particular; for he which is already possessed of the Empire, and doth with all Hostility persecute a private person, subject and exposed to his Injury, that man thirsteth not after Sovereignty, but after Blood; neither desireth ●e to Conquer, but to Kill. And whereas after my Father's death great Troubles arose in Constantinople, and many bloody Skirmishes were fought betwixt the Favourites of both of us, it cannot with any truth be laid to my charge, at done by mine advice or counsel, I being at the same time so far from thence. Neither am I justly to be blamed, if that after my Father's departure I put myself upon the way towards Constantinople, especially being sent for thither by many my good Friends, men of great Mark and Quality; but his Fortune prevailing, I gave place, and lest my coming to the Imperial City might have been the occasion of new Troubles, I returned aside into Bythinia, and so to Prusa, with purpose there to have rested in quiet, if my Brother would have given me leave. But so far was he from that, to suffer me there to rest, as that I was by him most cruelly assailed as an open Enemy; and had I not by speedy flight withdrawn myself from the imminent danger, and departed quite out of my Father's Kingdom, I must have yielded myself, my blood, and life, as a Sacrifice into his cruel hands. Neither is he to me so mortal an Enemy, or thirsteth after my life so much for fear, as for very hatred and malice; for what is there in me to fear? Verily nothing: Constantinople is his, the favour of the great Chieftains and Men of War is his, the Treasure and Regal Riches are all his; wherefore he hateth his Brother, but feareth him not. He will sway all things alone, he will have all that belongeth to the Ottoman Family alone, and he, yea none but he, must live alone. Xerxes was a mighty King, and yet in that great and large Kingdom he not only preserved his Brethren in safety, but had them also in great Honour and Estimation. What did Alexander the Great? Who not only took pleasure in his Brother, but had him also as a Companion of his most glorious Expedition; and many other famous Kings of foreign Nations, and of our own Family, have ruled both more safely, and better strengthened, with the counsel and aid of their most loving Brethren, rather than with others. But Bajazet is of a far other mind, reputing violence and haughtiness of heart to be his greatest and surest defence; herein his fierce Nature delighteth, more than in the lawful course of Nature, justice, and Equity; he had rather have his Brother his Enemy than his Friend, and to drive him into exile, than to make him partaker of his counsels. But I beseech thee most puissant Monarch, the faithful Keeper and Maintainer of our Law and Religion, by the sacred Relics of our great Prophet Mahomet, which thou hast at Jerusalem and Mecha, suffer me not, a King's Son, to live in banishment and exile, poor and miserable, a scorn of his Brother's cruelty, far from home, far from his Country and Kingdom; but regarding the Law of the great Prophet, lift up the afflicted and oppressed, and by the great Authority which you have, bridle Domestical wrongs; or if that will not take place, revenge it with thy Sword, and suffer not our Empire, with so great travel founded, by the cruelty or folly of one wilful man to be overthrown; which should be no more grievous and lamentable to us, than dangerous to your most high Estate, and all other Kings and Princes of our Religion. For you of yourself understand right well, what deadly Enemies the Christian Princes are unto the Turks; and do you think, that if any great War (which I wish not) should arise of this our Discord, that they would long rest in quiet, and as idle Beholders stand looking on until it were of itself appeased? Or rather having such an opportunity presented, would not with might and main suddenly invade our Kingdom, before shaken with Civil Wars, and seek the utter ruin and destruction of the same? Which their desire, if t●at hateful people could bring to pass (which t●ing Mahomet turn upon themselves) my mind abhorreth to think how far that mischief would run: For the Ottoman Family once rooted out, there is none of ●ur Religion (your Majesty only excepted) which is able to withstand their Power; wherefore you must then stand for your self and all the rest, you alone must withstand the force of the Christians, you must maintain that War with much l●ss, and greater charge, and most uncertain success. Wherefore, invincible Monarch, I most humbly beseech thee, that pitying our Estate, whiles the matter is yet whole, and remedy is yet to be had, to deal with Bajazet by your Ambassadors, That though he will not receive me his Brother as Partner of the Empire, yet at least to admit me into some small part of my Father's Kingdom: Let him Reign and Rule, let all things be at his Command; let it be lawful for me poor man but to live in rest and quiet somewhere, possessing but so much as may suffice me honestly to lead a private life. Which thing if he shall refuse to grant, although he neither fear the Laws of God or man, yet as I have at Jerusalem, so will I also shortly at Mecha (if by your leave I may) complain unto the great Prophet, of the Injuries done unto me by my cruel and unnatural Brother; and afterwards make proof of your compassion towards me, all which I hope shall much avail. But if (which I would not) I shall prove all th●se things in vain, sith desperation enforceth men to all Extremities, I will go with Fire, Sword, and Slaughter, by secret and open force, by right and wrong; and hated, will vex my hateful Brother by all manner of Mischief, by all manner of Revenge. Neither will I make an end of confounding of all, until I be either received into part of the Empire, or else together wi●h my life leave those desperate and lost things for him alone to enjoy. For I deem it much better, quickly to die, than with disgrace and infamy to protract a lingering loathed life.  
The great Sultan in courteous manner comforted the distressed Prince, willing him to be of good cheer, and patiently to bear his present hap; forasmuch as it became a man born in so high Fortune, not to be discouraged with any mischance, or dismayed if things fell out otherwise than he looked for; commending him withal, for that he saw in him no less courage than might well have becomed his better Estate; and willing him to live still in hope, promised to do what in him lay, to reconcile him to his Brother, and to persuade him that he might be received into some part of the Kingdom; 
Cat●●ius the Egyptian Sultan sendeth Ambassadors to Baj●z●t.  and to that purpose shortly after dispatched away an honourable Embassage to Bajazet. Zemes in the mean while, by the same Sultan's leave, upon a superstitious devotion traveled into Arabia, to visit the Temple of Mahomet at Mecha, and his Sepulchre at Medina. Upon his return to Ca●re, the Ambassadors before sent, returned also, but not having obtained any thing they desired; for Bajazet would not give ear to any Agreement, but seemed altogether to contemn and despise his Brother. Wherefore Zemeses more upon stomach and desire of Revenge, than for any hope he had of the Empire, determined with himself to make open War upon him; reposing some good hope in his secret Friends, and in the revolt of some of the great Captains, who discontented with the Government of Bajazet, secretly wished for his return.  
Whilst he was thus plotting these weighty Matters, year 1483. a Messenger with Letters came fitly from the King of Caramania, 
The King of Caramania soliciteth Zemes to take up Arms against Bajazet.  offering with all the Power he could make, to join with him, if he would take up Arms against his Brother. This poor titular King then lived in Armenia, and being able by his Friends to make some good force, was in hope by joining with Zemes, to recover some part of the Caramanian Kingdom, from whence his Father was not many years before driven by the force of the late Turkish Emperor Mahomet the Great, Bajazet his Father. It is hard to say, whither of these distressed and exiled Princes gave the greater encouragement to the other, to take this desperate War in hand, being both together far unable by all the Friends they could make, to encounter with the great Power of Bajazet. But what is so dangerous or desperate, which aspiring Minds will not attempt in hope of a Kingdom? whose brightness so dazzleth their eyes, that they can see nothing but it.  
Hereupon Zemes having received great Gifts of the Egyptian Sultan, with promise of Aid, departed from Cairo (the Sultan earnestly persuading him to the contrary) and as it was before appointed, met with the Caramanian King upon the borders of Asia the lesser; where they concluded to join together such Forces as they had, and to invade Bajazet. Which they accordingly did; for raising all the Power they could, they entered into Cilicia, (now called Caramania) and joining their Armies together, encamped between Iconium and Larenda. Neither did Bajazet in time of so great a danger sit still; not so much fearing his Brother's Power, as the revolting of his Captains and Soldiers, whom he knew either to love, or at least not to hate the young Prince his Brother. Wherefore he raised a great Army, and sent Achmetes (the great Man of War) before with the one part thereof, himself following after with a far greater strength; for at that time he had under his Ensigns two hundred thousand men.  
As he was marching with this great Army, a rumour was raised in the Camp, That some of his chief Captains had conspired to betray him into the hands of his Brother, and that many of the Soldiers secretly favouring Zemes, would upon the joining of the battle forsake him, and take part with his Brother. Which report so troubled Bajazet, that he stood in doubt what to do, or whom to trust; but knowing that nothing winneth the heart of the common Soldier more, than the General's bounty, he forthwith caused a wonderful mass of Money to be divided amongst the Captains and Soldiers, loading their minds with ample promises of far greater Rewards, for their fidelity and valour to be showed in that present Service. Having thus assured himself of the wavering minds of his Soldiers, he began to draw near to Iconium, where his Enemies lay encamped; and by glozing Letters and flattering Messengers made show openly, as if he had been very desirous to come to some good Agreement with them, but secretly went about to stop all the straits and passages, in such manner as that it should not be possible for them again to retire back into Syria; for he doubted nothing more, but lest they being few in number, and in strength far unequal unto him, would not upon so great disadvantage hazard the fortune of a battle, but retire themselves into Syria, and so to his exceeding Trouble and infinite Charge protract the War.  
Zemes' perceiving his Brother's subtle drift, and seeing no such Revolt as he had hoped for, and as had before by Letters to him been promised; and weighing with reason his own weak Forces, retired in good time unto the straits of the Mountain Amanus, which divideth Cilicia from Syria. Here, despairing of all good success in the Enterprise he had taken in hand, he persuaded the Caramanian King his Confederate to give place unto the time, and to reserve himself unto his better Fortune; and so breaking up his Army, with a few of his Followers came down to the Sea coast of Cilicia; where he hired a tall Ship to attend in readiness, that if any sudden danger should arise, he might go aboard, and so save himself by Sea. 
Zemes flieth to Sea.  In the mean time he sent a Messenger unto Damboy Great Master of the Rhodes, certifying him, That for as much as he had no place of safety left amongst his own people, wherein he might shroud himself from the fury of his Brother, still seeking after his life, he would upon his safe Conduct come to him into his Island of the Rhodes. Which his request the Great Master easily granted, deeming the flight of so great a Prince from the Turk, to be a thing much profitable to the Christian Commonweal; and thereupon he presently sent forth certain Galleys to fetch him from the troublesome coast of Cicilia. But before these Galleys were come, Zemes was enforced by the sudden access of his Enemies, for the avoiding of present danger, to go aboard on that Ship which he had providently before prepared to be in readiness for such purpose. And having put a little from the shore, shot back again an Arrow with Letters made fast unto it, directed unto his Brother Bajazet, containing as followeth:  
Thou knowest (most unkind and cruel Brother) that I fly not unto the Christians, 
Zemes' his Letters to his Brother, Bajazet.  the mortal Enemy of the Ottoman Family, for hatred of my Religion or Nation; but enforced thereunto by thy injurious dealing, and dangerous practices which thou incessantly attemptest against me, yea even in my extreme misery. But this assured hope I carry with me, that the time will come when as thou the author of so great wrong, or thy Children, shall receive their just guerdon of this thy present tyranny against thy Brother.  
It is reported, that when Bajazet had read these Letters, he was so troubled in mind, that for certain days he gave himself wholly to mourning and heaviness, and would in no wise be comforted; insomuch, that he was brought into the Camp by the Bassas, as a man half distraught of his wits, shunning for a season all men's speech and company.  
Zemes' sailing to the Rhodes, was there honourably received of the Great Master, 
Zemes flieth to the Rhodes.  and all the rest of the Knights of the Order; to whom in their public Assembly three days after, he openly declared the causes of the discord betwixt his Brother and him; alleging for the colour of his Rebellion, That although Bajazet were his elder Brother, yet that he was born whilst his Father yet lived in private Estate, under subjection and command, long before he possessed the Kingdom, and so no King's Son; whereas he himself was the first born of his Father, being an Emperor, and so not Heir of his Father's private Fortune (as was Bajazet) but of his greatest Honour and Empire; and yet not of such an haughty mind, but that he could have been content to have given place unto his Brother, so that he could have been contented likewise to have granted him some small portion of the Empire, wherein he might safely have lived as a poor Prince, and his Brother; but that such was his pride, as that he would not vouchsafe to suffer him to live so much as a poor private life in any corner of so large an Empire, and was therefore by his unnatural and tyrannous dealing, enforced to crave Aid of the Christian Princes. Of whom (forsomuch as he had always heard much honour) he was in good hope to find succour and relief in that his distressed estate; protesting unto God and the World, that if ever it should be his good Fortune by their means and help to obtain the Empire, he would never be unmindful of so great a benefit; but to make with them a perpetual and inviolable Peace, and so to rest their fast Friend for ever. The Great Master on the other side comforting him with cheerful Speeches, promised to keep him in safety from the fury of his Brother; and farther to commend his Cause to the other great Kings and Princes of Christendom.  

The description of Zemes.  This exiled Prince Zemes, was about the age of eight and twenty years when he came to the Rhodes; of stature tall, somewhat corpulent and well limbed, grey-eyed, but looking something asquint, hook-nosed, and in the middle rising, in such manner as the Persians commend in their Kings; of colour brown, spare of speech, and by nature choleric; a great feeder, so that he seemed rather to devour his meat, than to eat it; much delighted in swimming, and to lie abroad in the night; pensive and melancholy, which men imputed to his great cares; never merry but in the company of the grand Master; a religious observer of the superstition, from which he could never be drawn during the long time he lived in exile; learned as among the Turks, so that he wrote the History of his Father's life. But leaving him in safe keeping with the grand Master of the Rhodes, let us again return to the course of our History.  
Bajazet having now the second time chased away his Brother, after he had well quieted that part of his troubled Kingdom in Asia, returned again to Constantinople, carefully attending when some new motion should be made by his Brother, to his farther disquiet. But after he understood that he was with the Great Master of the Rhodes, he sent certain of his Bassas (amongst whom Achmetes the great Soldier is reported to have been one) unto the Great Master, requesting him to deliver up Zemes, offering for him a wonderful sum of money. Which dishonourable request, when it could by no means be obtained, the same Ambassadors in the name of their Master, concluded a Peace very commodious for the Rhodians; wherein among other things it was agreed, That the Great Master should keep Zemes in safe custody, so that he should no more trouble the Turkish Empire; in consideration whereof, and for his honourable usage, Bajazet should yearly pay unto the Great Master thirty thousand Ducats the first of August, which was afterward accordingly paid.  
year 1484. It fortuned that whilst Achmetes the great Bassa (employed in matters abroad) was absent from the Court, Bajazet discoursing with the other Bassas his grave Counsellors, upon his late Expedition into Asia against his Brother, seemed to be highly offended with the untrustiness and doubtful faith of some of his greatest Captains and Soldiers; yet upon whom he might justly lay the blame, he well knew not, although it seemed by his talk, he should somewhat distrust the great Captain Achmetes. Hereupon Isaac the most ancient Bassa of the Court, and of greatest authority next unto Bajazet himself (whose Daughter, a Lady of exceeding beauty, Achmetes had long before married, but doubting that she had yielded her Honour to the wanton lust of Mustapha, the eldest Son of Mahomet the late Emperor, had put her from him, and would by no means be reconciled; for which cause there was a secret hatred ever after betwixt those two great Bassas) perceiving the Emperors discontented and suspicious humour, and desiring nothing more than the destruction of Achmetes, took hold upon this opportunity, and by all means he could devise, increased the suspicion of the Treason, which had already too much possessed the jealous Emperor; sometimes craftily imagining Intelligence to have passed betwixt Zemes and Achmetes; and forthwith amplifying his Power and Authority, which (as he said) was so great with the Janissaries and Soldiers of the Court, that they by reason of his often employments, were wholly at his devotion; so that he might at his pleasure do more in Zemes his quarrel, than should stand with the safety of Bajazet; a matter well to be considered of, and also carefully prevented. 
A●hmetes his death contriv●d.  For remedy of which dangers, it was thought necessary, that Achmetes at his return to Court, should be taken away and slain.  
Achmetes fearing nothing less than that which was contrived against him, came after his wont manner to the Court; and was with the other great Bassas invited to a solemn Supper which Bajazet had commanded to be prepared, to solace himself after his travels (as it was given out) with his chief Bassaes. To this Royal Supper came Achmetes with the rest of the bidden Guests, mistrusting nothing, and was there sumptuously feasted by Bajazet; who to make his Guests the merrier, drank Wine plentifully himself, causing them also to drink in like manner; so that they were full of Wine; a thing utterly forbidden by their Law; yet daily more and more used, especially by their great Men in their Feasts. Supper now ended, and the night far spent, Bajazet in token that they were welcome, and stood in his good Grace, caused certain rich Robes of pleasing colours to be brought forth, and to be cast upon every of his Guests one, giving beside unto every one of them a fair gi●t Bowl full of Gold. But upon Achmetes was cast a Gown of black Velvet, which among the Turks may well be called the Mantle of death, being so sure a Token of the Emperor's heavy Indignation, as that it is death for any man once to open his mouth, or to entreat for him upon whom it is by the Emperor's commandment so cast. Achmetes seeing himself now under the shadow of death, and knowing it but vain to entreat for mercy, as he was a man of great spirit, broke forth and said, Oh cachpogly (which is as much as to say, Thou Son of a Whore) sith thou intendedst so much cruelty against me, why didst thou not put it in execution before thou hadst enforced me to drink this impure and forbidden Wine? and so casting his Eyes upon the ground sat still. The other Bassas having leave to depart, giving thanks to the Emperor, and craving pardon for their excess, kissed the ground at his Feet and so departed; with whom Achmetes offered to have gone out also, but was forthwith commanded to sit still, for that the Emperor had to talk with him in secret. The Bassas were no sooner departed, but the terrible Executioners of Bajazet his wrath stepped in, and laid hands upon Achmetes to have slain him; when one of the Eunuches in greatest favour with the Tyrant, standing by, advised him not to be too hasty in executing of so great Man, so entirely beloved of his best Soldiers and Men of War, but rather to stay his Execution for a while, to see how the matter would be digested; and in the mean time by torture to wrest it out from him what might be got, to make it in some sort appear, that he died for his due desert. Hereupon Bajazet deferred his Execution to a farther time, and caused him there presently to be stripped, and carried away to be tortured.  

Achmetes his Son stirreth up the janissaries to help his Father.  Amongst other Gallants of the Court which attended the coming out of the great Bassas whom they followed, was one of Achmetes his Sons, a Gentleman of great hope; who missing his Father amongst the rest, began presently to mistrust that all went not well; and speedily running from one of the Bassas to another, with much ado learned the hard estate of his Father; whereof he was also at the same instant advertised by a secret Friend near about Bajazet. Hereupon this young Gentleman began forthwith piteously to lament his Father's mishap, and to exclaim against the cruelty of Bajazet; called on the Janissaries for aid, putting them in remembrance of his Father's great and manifold Deserts towards them, together with his imminent danger; and so running up and down the City in the dead time of the night, had in short space raised up all the Janissaries in Arms; who understanding of the danger of their ancient Commander, whom they generally loved and honoured as their Father, came running by heaps from all parts of the City unto the Ourt-gate, there with terrible Exclamation doubling and redoubling their Bre, Bre, (which barbarous word they commonly use in expressing their greatest discontentment and fury) and did indeed so furiously beat at the Court Gate, that Bajazet fearing lest they should break in by violence, caused the outer Gate to be set open, and showing himself from above out at an Iron Window, demanded of them the cause of that Tumult and Uproar. To whom they insolently answered, That they would by and by teach him as a Drunkard, a Beast, and a Rascal, to use his great Place and Calling with more sobriety and discretion; and among many other opprobrious words wherewith they shamefully loaded him, they called him oftentimes by the name of Bengi, Bengi (that is to say, Bachelor or Scholar) which amongst those Martial Men, Contemners of all Learning, is accounted a word of no small reproach and disgrace. And after they had in most despiteful manner thus reviled him, they proudly commanded him forthwith to deliver Achmetes unto them, or else to take that should ensue thereof. Bajazet terrified with this Insolency of the Janissaries, and fearing some sudden violence to be offered, 
Bajazet for fear delivereth Achmetes to the janissaries.  commanded Achmetes to be without delay delivered unto them; which was done in such haste, that he was brought forth unto them almost naked, bare legged, and bore headed, bearing in his body the manifest marks of his hard usage. The Janissaries receiving him with great rejoicing, supplied his want of Apparel with such habiliments, as they for that purpose upon the sudden took from Bajazet's Minions; and so taking him upon their shoulders, with great joy carried him out of the Court, still crying unto him, How he did, and how he felt himself? And so guarded him home, ready no doubt to have slain Bajazet and rifled the Court, if he would have but said the word. But he yet Loyal, laboured with good words to appease that Tumult, and to pacify their fury; excusing that which Bajazet had done against him, to have been done only to correct him, for that happily he had forgotten some part of Obedience and Duty. Nevertheless, hereupon remained no small heartburning betwixt Bajazet and the Janissaries for a long time after; yet Bajazet for fear of them reconciled himself to Achmetes▪ and in open show had him in greater Honour than before, promoting him even unto the highest degrees of Honour, howbeit he inwardly hated him to death. And the more by the continual instigation of the old Bassa Isaac; by whose persuasion, when it was thought that all had been forgotten, he was by Bajazet's Commandment, as he sat at Supper in the Court, thrust through the body and slain. This was the miserable end of Achmetes, 
Achmetes slain.  the great Champion of the Turks, and one of the greatest Enemies of Christendom that ever lived in the Turkish Court; for by him, Mahomet subverted the Empire of Trapezond, took the great City of Caffa (called in ancient time Theodosia) with all the Country of Taurica Chersonesus, the impregnable City of Croia, with all the Kingdom of Epirus, the strong City of Scodra, and a great part of Dalmatia, and last of all Otranto, to the terror of all Italy; by him also, Bajazet vanquished and put to flight his Brother Zemes, as is before declared. In reward of which good Services, he was by the Tyrant (upon a mere suspicion) thus cruelly and shamefully murdered. About this time also, Caigubus (Zemes' his Son, then but a Child) was by the commandment of Bajazet his Uncle, strangled in the new Tower of Constantinople.  
Bajazet now grievously offended with the pride and late Insolency of the Janissaries, caused secret inquiry to be made, of them which were the Authors of those late Stirs; and finding them to be the Officers of their Companies, and specially those which had before slain Mahomet Bassa the great Politician, immediately after the death of Mahomet the late Emperor, at which time they had also raised great Tumults, and done much harm in the City; he under colour of Preferment, sent away those Authors of Sedition into divers parts of his Empire, appointing unto them (as unto old Soldiers and Men of good desert) certain Lands and Revenues for their Maintenance and Preferment. But as soon as they were departed, he by secret Letters commanded the Governors and Magistrates of those places whereunto they were sent, suddenly to apprehend them, and as Traitors to put them to death; which was accordingly done. The Janissaries of the Court and about Constantinople, hearing what had happened unto their Fellows, became wonderful discontented, and began to mutiny in divers places of the City, uttering Speeches against the Emperor full of Despite and Revenge. year 1487. Which thing when Bajazet understood, 
Bajazet purposeth to destroy the janissaries.  and had well considered the late danger he was in, together with the intolerable Pride and Insolency of those his masterful Slaves; he secretly purposed in himself for the curing of so dangerous a Disease, to use a most desperate remedy; which was, suddenly to kill and destroy all the Janissaries, especially those which were belonging to the Court, or about Constantinople. This his purpose he imparted to divers of his greatest Bassas, charging them upon pain of his heavy displeasure not to disclose it; and for the execution thereof, had sent for great numbers of those Soldiers which are called Acanzij, who are amongst the Turks reputed for the best sort of Common Soldiers. Most of all the Bassas to whom he had imparted this his cruel device, much disliked thereof, as too full of peril and danger; yet seeing him fully resolved for the performance thereof, would not, or durst not say any thing to the contrary. Only Alis and Ishender Bassa (both descended of the Honourable Family of Michael Ogli) dissuaded him from attempting any such thing; alleging first, That the Janissaries were in number many, Soldiers of great courage and experience, resolute men, and such as would sell their lives dear: Then, admitting that he should kill all them about the Court and in Constantinople; yet for as much as all his strong Towns and Castles, especially in the Frontiers and chief places of his Dominions, were possessed and holden by strong Garrisons of other Janissaries, Fellows and Friends of these (who would undoubtedly take up Arms in defence of themselves, and revenge of their dead Friends) it were a thing very like to endanger himself, together with the whole State of his Empire, beside the great dishonour which would grow unto himself thereby for ever.  
This so dangerous an Exploit, wherein the hands of so many were to be used, was not kept so secret, but that the vigilant and wily Janissaries had got an inkling thereof; and thereupon began daily more and more to suspect the matter, both by the often and secret repair of the great Men to the Court, more than they had before seen, and also by the unwonted multitude of those Acanzijs, which were daily brought unto the Imperial City by great Troops. Wherefore fearing to be suddenly surprised, they banded themselves together, and openly stood upon their Guard; and by chance lighting upon Alis Beg as he came from the Court, (who was indeed their best friend) after their barbarous manner, with many opprobrious and contumelious words, demanded of him, if he were not one of them who had conspired their destruction; and without more ado had presently slain him, had he not (as a well spoken man) with great Protestations and Oaths persuaded them, that he never consented to any such thing, or that they needed to fear any such thing from him; and so with much ado rid himself out of their hands.  
Bajazet seeing his purpose discovered, and that he could not without great bloodshed, and danger both to his Estate and Person, work his will upon the Janissaries; by the counsel and advice of them that saw further into the matter, to colour his former intention, commanded by open Proclamation, That the Janissaries and other his Men of War (of whom he had a great Power now assembled at Constantinople) to be in readiness against a certain prefixed day, to go with him into Moldavia; as if he had raised that Power for that purpose only. But when the time was come that he should set forward, the Janissaries put themselves in order of battle by themselves, and would in no wise join themselves with the rest of the Army, or receive the Emperor into the midst of their ranks, as they had always before accustomed; but furiously shaking their Weapons at him, told him plainly, that he had sought their destruction; and bid him therefore if he thought it so good, to set his Executioners to work upon them, whom he should find both ready and able to defend themselves. To pacify their fury, Bajazet was glad to give them good words, and to use all the means he could (by his great Bassas and other Captains which were able to do any thing with them) to persuade them to be quiet; swearing unto them by the holy Soul of his Father (a solemn Oath amongst the Turks) that he would not harm or wrong the meanest of them. So with much ado they were at length appeased, and received Bajazet into the midst of them, as their wont manner was.  
This dangerous Tumult so quieted, Bajazet set forward, and passing over Danubius, entered into Moldavia, 
Bajazet inva●eth Moldavia.  where he first laid siege to a strong Town standing upon the Euxine Sea, called of the Turks Keel, but in ancient time Achilleia, which was at length delivered unto him by composition. From thence he went to Ac-girmen, otherwise called Asprocastron, which after a month's siege was also delivered up by Composition; which two strong places so won, he returned again to Constantinople.  
Many great Princes desirous of Zemes, 
Marry great Princes s●e to the Master o● the Rhodes fo● Z●mes  laboured by their Ambassadors to have obtained him of the Great Master of the Rhodes; first Bajazet his Brother, fearing lest he should at one time or other again break forth upon him, or else set up by the Christian Princes, trouble his Estate, offered great Sums of Money to have had him delivered into his hands; and Charles the French King purposing the Conquest of Naples, (which he in few years after performed) and after that to have invaded Graetia, thought Zemes a most fit Instrument for the furtherance of those his high Designs, and was therefore wonderful desirous to have had him. Mathias also King of Hungary (a Fortunate Warrior against the Turk) persuaded that the having of him might be unto him a great furtherance in the course of his Victories, sought by all the means he could to have obtained him. At which time also Innocentius the eighth of that name, Bishop of Rome, no less desirous than the rest, to have in his keeping so great a pledge of Peace and War (the bridle of the Turks fury, together with the large Pension he was sure to receive yearly from Bajaz●● ●o● the safe custody of him) so wrought the matter by Lyonel Bishop of Concordia, his cunning Legate, that the Great Master, fearing on the one side to be constrained by the great Power of Bajazet, to grant that he had so often refused, and now so earnestly solicited on the other side by the Bishop, caused Zemes to be delivered to him at Rome, in the year 1488. for which do●ng he was by the Bishop honoured with the honour and title of a Cardinal. So Zemes to the great profit of the Bishop (who received from Bajazet a yearly Pension of forty thousand Ducats) remained in safe custody at Rome all the time of Innocentius, and also of Alexander the Sixth his Successor; until that the French King Charles the Eighth, passing through the heart of Italy with a strong Army against Alphonsus' King of Naples, in the year 1495. and making his way through the City of Rome, so terrified the great Bishop (who altogether favoured and furthered the Title of Alphonsus) that he was glad to yield to such Articles and Conditions as pleased the King; and amongst the rest, to give in Hostage unto the King his graceless Son Caesar Borgia Valentinus, and also to deliver unto him Zemes his honourable Prisoner, as shall be afterwards in place convenient at large declared.  
In the beginning of Bajazet his Reign, whilst he was busied against his Brother Zemes in Asia, john Castriot the Son of Scanderbag, aided by the Venetians, after he had fortunately overthrown the Turk in battle near unto Croia, recovered a great part of Epirus out of their possession. At which time also john Chernovich, a Christian Prince of Albania, casting off the Turkish yoke imposed upon him by the late Emperor Mahomet, suddenly took up Arms, and by the help of the Venetians valiantly repulsed the Enemies out of that part of Albania; and so troubled Bajazet, that he was glad to suffer him peaceably to enjoy all that he had by force recovered, and further to content himself with a small Tribute for the rest.  
Bajazet highly offended with Abraham (whom some call Pyramet) the King of Caramania, year 1486. for aiding his Brother Zemes against him; 
Bajazet invadeth Car●mania.  in revenge thereof raised a great Army both in Europe and Asia, and marching alongst Asia the less, through the Countries of Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, Lydia, and Pamphilia, entered at length into Caramania. But the King of Caramania hearing before of his coming, and knowing himself too weak to meet him in the Field, fortified the strong Cities and Places of his Kingdom, and retired with his Army into the Straits of the Mountain Taurus, where it parteth Cilicia from Syria; wherein he was in more safety than in any of his strongest Holds. Bajazet finding no way to come to him, spent most part of the Summer in spoiling of the open Country; but perceiving his Enemies could not so be drawn into the Field, he laid Siege unto the famous City of Tarsus, being the chief City of the Champain part of Cilicia (the native place of Saint Paul the Apostle) and in short time so battered the Walls of his City with his great Ordnance, that he had made them assaultable. The Citizens considering the danger they were in, offered to deliver up their City, their Liberty, Lives, and Goods reserved. Of which their Offer Bajazet accepted, 
Tarsus in Cilicia yieldeth to Bajazet.  and most honourably performed his promise for their safety; not permitting any of his Soldiers to enter the City, more than such as must needs for the guard of his Person, and safe keeping of the City. And for as much as Winter began now to grow fast on, he dispersed his Soldiers into the Country Villages round about, not suffering the Country people to till or sow their Land, or to do any thing else which might turn to their profit or good; whereby they were enforced to yield themselves wholly to his devotion. The Caramanian King seeing his people daily fall from him, and fearing to be at length forsaken of his Soldiers also; in this his distress obtained Aid both of men and money from Caytbeius the great Sultan of Egypt, and so with all the Power he could make, took the field with the first of the next Spring, fully resolved to try the fortune of a battle, although in strength and power he knew himself much inferior to his puissant Enemy.  

A long and terrible battle betwixt Bajazet and the King of Caramania.  Bajazet glad to see his Enemy so forward, speedily assembled his Army, and without delay offered him battle; which the Caramanian King refused not. So betwixt them was begun a fierce and terrible fight; which by the skilful Conduct of the Leaders, and exceeding Courage of the Soldiers, was maintained the whole day with doubtful Victory and great Slaughter on both sides, new Supplies still coming on in stead of them which were slain. The day declining, the Caramanian King (whose fatal destiny had now appointed him unto his last work) seeing his wearied Soldiers rather overlaid with multitude, than vanquished by force, to begin to give ground unto their Enemies; courageously thrust forward with his Guard and other valiant Soldiers about him, with such fury, that he broke into the midst of his Enemy's battle; where being known, he was forthwith environed by the Turks, and so hardly charged on every side, that having his Horse slain under him, he was enforced to fight on foot; where after he had with his own hand slain divers of his Enemies, he fell down dead in the midst of them. His Soldiers discouraged with his death, turned their backs and fled, and in flying were for the most part either slain or taken Prisoners. After this Victory, Bajazet speedily overran all that large Country, and without resistance in short time brought under his Obeisance all the Country of Cilicia.  
There was at that time in that part Cilicia which is called Trachea, and lieth toward the Sea side, an ancient Mahometan Prince, who had under his Command most part of that Country, with the famous and populous City of Scandeloro, the chief place of his Resiance. This Prince had of long time lived betwixt the Christian Kings and the Kings of Caramania, as neuter, still fearing the greater, but indeed loving neither; and had until then chiefly maintained his state by the Alliance he and his Ancestors continually held with the Kings of Cyprús and the grand Masters of the Rhodes. Against this poor Prince, the only one now left in Asia the less, not subject unto the Turkish Kings, began Bajazet now to turn his Forces; purposing before he proceeded any further, to make a full Conquest of the lesser Asia, and so to make all sure behind him. Of which his purpose the Prince having knowledge, and wisely weighing his own small Power to withstand so puissant an Enemy; offered by his Ambassadors to deliver unto Bajazet his chief City of Scandeloro, with all the rest of his Territory in Cilicia, upon condition, that Bajazet should give unto him other Possessions for it, in some other part of Asia the lesser, to the like value. Which his Offer Bajazet accepted, and so became Lord of all the Sea coast, from the Straits of Bosphorus, unto the Confines of Syria.  
After he had thus conquered Cilicia, with a great part of the Mountain Taurus, he descended into Armenia the less, and in short time brought under his Subjection so much of that Country, as also of Cappadocia, as was sometime belonging to the Caramanian Kings. When Bajazet had thus slain the Caramanian King, and subdued that most ancient Kingdom of the Turks, which had long and many times mightily contended with the Glory and Power of the Ottoman Kings, he left Mustapha, one of his great Bassas, at Iconium, with his Asian Army, to keep in Obedience those new won Countries; and as a Triumphant Conqueror returned himself to Constantinople, where he was of his Subjects joyfully received.  
After that Bajazet had thus enlarged his Empire with the Kingdom of Caramania, year 1487. and was now become an unwelcome Neighbour unto the great Sultan of Egypt and Syria, he began to swell in disdain against that mighty Prince, for that he had given Aid against him, first unto his Brother Zemes, and after that to the Caramanian King in these late Wars; of which wrong purposing to be revenged, he shortly after appointed one Caragosa Bassa his Lieutenant in Asia, with Ishender another of his great Captains, with a strong Army to invade Syria, than part of the great Sultan's Kingdom. These two great Commanders well appointed for the purpose, when they were come to the uttermost parts of Cilicia, the new bounds of Bajazet's Empire, were then to pass by the Confines of Aladeules his Kingdom, before they could pass the great Mountain Taurus to come into Syria. This Aladeules commanded as King over the rude and fierce people which dwelled alongst that great and rough Mountain, and was then in League with the Sultan. He hearing of the approach of the Turks Army, with a great number of his Mountain-people, lay in Ambush in the Straits whereby the Turks must needs pass, of purpose to intercept them. Ishender marching in the Vanguard with a great number of the voluntary Soldiers called Acanzij, as the manner of the Turks is, and fearing nothing less, than to be set upon by the Mountain King, before he was aware was come into the midst of his Enemies, and was by them so fiercely charged on every side for their places of advantage, that he there lost most part of his men, and forsaken of the rest, which sought by flight to save themselves, he with his two Sons and others were taken Prisoners; Michael-Beg the eldest of the two being fast bound, was slain by one of Aladeules his Followers, whose Brother he had slain in that skirmish his Head being cut off, was by the commandment of Aladeules carried to his Father Ishender, the more to grieve him; who disdainfully willed the Messenger not to show it unto him, but to bid his Master eat it if he would. With which answer Aladeules was exceedingly moved; nevertheless pitying the old man's misery, he shortly after set jaxis-beg the younger Brother at liberty; but Ishender himself he sent Prisoner unto Caitleius the great Sultan at Cairo, where he remained in prison five years after. Caragoses the Bassa discouraged with the loss of so great a man, retired with his Army back again into Cilicia, and from thence advertised Bajazet what had happened, by whom he was commanded to return to Constantinople, as a man unfit for so great an enterprise.  
The next Spring following, Bajazet constant in his former resolution for the invasion of Syria, year 1488. sent Achmetes another of his Bassas, 
Achmetes being discomfited, is taken Prisoner and sent to Cairo.  with a far greater Army than had Caragoses, against the Sultan; who was no sooner come to the further part of Cilicia, but he was there at a place called of the Turks, Tzucur Ova, encountered by the Egyptians and Arabians, and there in a great Battle overthrown; wherein he himself fight most valiantly, lost two of his Fingers, and being taken Prisoner was sent to Cairo.  
Bajazet with this overthrow rather incensed than discouraged, year 1489. made great preparation the next year against the Sultan both by Sea and Land, such as he had not before at any time made. And when all things were now in readiness, sent Alis-Bassa (of some called Calibeus) and Cherseogles his Son in Law, two notable Captains, with a great and puissant Army by Land, against the Egyptian Sultan; at which time he requested of the Venetians, with whom he was then in league, That he might by their good leave, as occasion required, refresh his Fleet (than ready to put to Sea for the invasion of Syria, as he said) in their Island of Cyprus. Which his request was by the general consent of the Senate denied, as a thing tending to the great danger of their State; yet wisely doubting lest Bajazet taking that denial in evil part, should seek to have that by force, which he could not obtain by request, they presently sent Francisco Privolo their Admiral, to Sea with thirty Galleys for the defence of that Island. He hearing that one Fleet of the Turks Galleys, lately come out of Hellespontus, lay hover at the Island of Sciros, expecting a far greater from the Coast of jonia; and carefully considering how secret and sudden the Turkish designments were, although it was given out, that all this great preparation was made against the Sultan; yet to provide that they should not suddenly surprise the Isle, he speedily sent sundry Companies of Soldiers, especially Archers, out of Crete into Cyprus, for the better defence thereof; but stayed himself with his Fleet at the Island of Naxos, that so at hand he might be the readier to withstand whatsoever the Turks intended. But when he understood that all their Fleet was met, and now set forward, he hoist sail, and held his course directly for Cyprus. In the mean time the Turkish Fleet sailing alongst the Coast of Lycia, Pamphilia, and Cilicia, kept on their course until they came upon the Coast of Syria, by which time Calibeus and Cherseogles were come with a mighty Army into Cilicia, near unto the Mountain Taurus.  
Caitbeius the Egyptian Sultan having before had certain intelligence of the great preparation that Bajazet had made against him, had before ●ent Usbeg a most valiant and politic Captain, with a strong Army of his Mamalukes and other his most expert Soldiers into Syria, to be ready at all times to withstand the Turks. This worthy Chieftain understanding of the coming of the Turks Army, thought it greater policy, to carry the calamities which always wait upon great Armies, into the Enemy's Country, than to receive it into his own Bosom. And therefore although he knew himself to be for number far inferior unto his Enemies, yet supplying that want with the Valour, Courage, and assured confidence he had reposed in the approved and invincible force of his Mamalukes, he expected not the coming of the Enemy into Syria, but passing over the Mountain Amanus, and so descending into Cilicia, met him not far from Tarsus, in the same place (as it was thought) where Alexander the Great had long before in a great Battle vanquished Darius.  
These two puissant Armies come from far out of divers parts of the World, 
A long and terrible Battle betwixt the Turks and the Mamalukes.  the one to find the other, were no sooner come together, but that with like cheerfulness they joined Battle; and that with such violence and fury, that the Earth seemed to tremble under their Feet, and a most present destruction threatened unto them all; which terrible and cruel Fight was maintained all that day with doubtful Victory, and exceeding Slaughter on both sides, the politic Generals with new supplies of fresh Soldiers continually relieving the most distressed parts of their Battles; and they likewise as men prodigal of their lives, resolutely offering themselves to all dangers. When this most dreadful Fight had in this sort endured the whole day, and many thousands of valiant men of late alive, lay now dead upon the ground, the approaching night broke off the Battle, and both the Armies sore wearied and weakened (but especially the Turks) retired to their Camps, where they rested that night.  
But the Egyptians coming to their Camp, found all their Carriages with their provision of Victuals and other necessaries quite taken away and gone. Which thing (as some write) that bordering People of that Country (for most part living upon robbery) had done in time of the Battle, to please the Turks; or as some others report, they which had the charge thereof, terrified with the greatness of the Turks Army, and doubtless of the Battle, fled away; and taking their way along the Sea side, fell into the hands of the Turks which were put on shore out of the Galleys, and so were of them spoiled. Howsoever it was, (for in so great uncertainty I dare not affirm) certain it is, that the Egyptians were sore troubled with the loss of their provision, fearing that if they should now stay longer in the Country, they should forthwith be driven to great extremities for want of necessaries. Wherefore when they had evilly rested that nigh 't, the next day early in the morning they presented themselves in order of battle before their Enemies, braving them into the Field, and daring them to Battle. The Turks disdaining to see any prouder in field than themselves, after they had in goodly order ranged their Battles, set forward with Ensigns displayed against their proud Enemies. There began a most terrible and bloody Battle, sought with such desperate resolution, as if they had solemnly vowed, either to overcome or die in the place where they stood. A man would have said, that the former days fury had been but a play in comparison of this; many valiant Soldiers covered with their dead bodies the same ground whereon they living stood, when they received the first encounter of their Enemies. Of both those great Armies none was seen to give ground, or once look back; the Turks janissaries, and the Egyptians Mamalukes (the undoubted strength of the greatest Mahometan Monarches, Soldiers for their Valour much feared, and through the World renowned) there buckled together, and standing foot to foot spent the uttermost of their Forces one upon another; as if they would in that battle have made it known unto the World, which of them were to be accounted the better Soldiers. Whilst Victory stood thus doubtful, and the day was now far spent, Usbeg the Egyptian General, with fifteen thousand valiant Horsemen (whom he had received for that purpose) gave a fresh Assault upon the Turks Squadrons, with such force that they had much ado to keep their order, and began now to give ground; which was by and by made good again by other fresh men speedily brought on by the Bassaes. Then became the Battle more fierce than before, every man striving to the uttermost of his power, to sell his life unto his Enemies as dear as he could. In which manner of Fight all the rest of the day was spent, until that after the going down of the Sun, the darkness of the night coming fast on, they were glad for lack of light to break off the Battle, and to retire themselves into their Camps, not knowing as yet who had got the better.  
The Turks Bassas taking view of the Army, and finding that of an hundred thousand fight men which they brought into the Field, there was scarce a third part left, and most of them also maimed or hurt; and doubting to be set upon again the next morning by their resolute Enemies, fled away secretly the same night, leaving behind them for haste their Tents well stored with Victuals and all other things needful. The Egyptians also having lost one half of their Army (which was at the first seventy thousand) and wanting their necessary provision, 
The Turks fly away by night.  were reretired also the same night into the Mountain Taurus, not knowing any thing of the Flight of the Turks. And some of the Soldiers passing quite over the Mountain without stay, into Syria, raised a report all over the Country as they went, That the Sultan's Army was overthrown, and that the Turks had got the Victory; so uncertain was the true knowledge of the event of that Battle, even unto them that were present therein. The Egyptian lying that night upon the side of the Mountain, had speedy intelligence from Aladeules, of the flight of the Turks; which being also confirmed by his Spials to be true, he presently came down from the Mountain, and entered into the Turks Camp, where he found plenty of Victuals and of all other things needful for the refreshing of his Army.  
Aladeules the Mountain King, with the People called Varsacide, by whose confines the Turks must needs in their return pass, robbed and slew many of them in their disordered Flight; and had so stopped the passages, that they were in flying overtaken by the Mamalukes, and slain with so great a slaughter, that of all that great Army of the Turks few remained alive to carry news home. Calibeius and Cherseogles the Bassas, were in that flight both taken Prisoners, and afterwards presented to Caytbeius the Sultan, at Cairo, with eighteen Ensigns of the Turks Sanzaches, which are great men amongst them▪ having every one of them the regiment and command of some one Province or other, and are in degree next unto the Bassaes.  
Neither was the fortune of Bajazet his Navy at Sea, better than that of his Army at Land; for as it lay at road upon the Coast of Syria at the mouth of the River Orontes, which runneth by the famous City of Antioch, his Galleys were by tempest and rage of the Sea put from their Anchors, and in the sight of their Enemies▪ swallowed up of the Sea▪ or else driven upon the Main, and there with the Surges of the Sea beaten in pieces. Bajazet not a little troubled with these losses both by Sea and Land, at length with much ado, year 1492. by his Ambassadors concluded a Peace with the Sultan, unto whom he restored all such places as he had before taken from him; 
A Peace concluded betwixt Bajazet and Caytbeius.  for which the Sultan delivered unto him Calibeius, Cherseogles, Achmetes, and Ishender, with all the rest of the Turks Prisoners, which he had in great number in his keeping.  
Shortly after this Peace was concluded betwixt these two great and mighty Princes, Caytbeius the Sultan died; who of a Circassian Slave, by many degrees of Honour, and by the favour of the Mamalukes his Fellows, obtained the rich Kingdom of Egypt, which he right worthily governed to his immortal praise by the space of two and twenty years; commanding at one time the great and rich Country of Egypt, with all Africa as far as Cyrene, Westward; and judea with a great part of Arabia, and all Syria, unto the great and famous River Euphrates, Eastward. In the later end of his Reign he (overcome with the importunity of his Wife Dultibe, an Arabian born, a Woman of an haughty Spirit) joined his Son Mahomethes, a young man of about four and twenty years old, with him in the Fellowship of his Kingdom; that so possessed of it his Father yet living, he might the better enjoy it after his death. Contrary to the custom of the Mamalukes, who of long time had not used to have their King by succession, but by their free election. Who grudging to be thus defrauded of their wont choice, immediately after the death of Caytbeius slew Mahomethes his Son; and in few months after, four more, who one after another without their good liking had aspired unto the Kingdom; neither could they be contented, until such time as that they had according to their wont custom set up a Sultan of their own choice.  
About the same time that the aforesaid Peace was concluded betwixt the two great Mahometan Princes Bajazet and Caytbeius, Charles the French King was making great preparation against Alphonsus' King of Naples; giving it out, That after he had recovered that Kingdom, he would forthwith from thence invade the Turks Dominions in Grecia. Which great attempt the haughty King was enduced to take in hand, by the persuasion of divers of his Nobility, but especially the solicitation of Lodovious Sfortia Duke of Milan; whereby the whole state of Italy was in short time after sore shaken, and Sfortia himself, Author of those troubles, at last carried away by the French, miserably ended his days as a Prisoner in France. Alphonsus the Neapolitan King doubting the greatness of the French King his Enemy, entered into a confederation with certain of the States of Italy, against the French, but especially with Alexander the Sixth than Bishop of Rome; for the better assurance whereof, he gave his base Daughter in Marriage to Godfrey Borgia, the Bishop's Son, and made him Prince of Carinula; his other Son Francis he entertained also in great pay to serve him in his Wars. And by his Ambassador Pandonius Camillus, lately returned out of France, gave Bajazet to understand, what the French King had purposed against them both, requesting him to aid him with six thousand Horsemen and as many Foot against their common Enemy, promising to give them honourable entertainment during those Wars. And too further the matter, 
Alphonsus' King of Naples, and Alexander Bishop of Rome crave aid of Bajazet against Charles the French King.  Alexander the great Bishop sent George Bucciard, a Ligurian, skilful in the Turkish Language, Ambassador to Bajazet, to declare unto him with what great preparation, both by Sea and Land, the young French King (desirous of honour and the enlargement of his Kingdom) was about to invade Naples; and then, with what great power (after he had dispatched his Wars in Italy) he purposed to pass over into Grecia; and that he had to that end earnestly traveled with him to have Zemes his Brother delivered into his hands, whom he desired to use as a most fit instrument for the troubling of his State and Empire, by reason of his many Friends; yet that his Holiness (having the French in distrust as a proud and ambitious People, as also careful for the danger of the City of Rome, and of the State of Italy in general) had entered into a confederation with Alphonsus' King of Naples, with their united Forces to withstand that proud Nation, both by Sea and Land; wanting nothing more for the accomplishment thereof, than Money; by which means only, Bajazet might (as he said) provide for the safety of his Kingdom in Grecia, if he would put to his helping hand, to furnish them with Money for the entertainment of Soldiers; forasmuch as the City of Rome, and the Kingdom of Naples, were the surest Walls of that side of the Ottoman Empire; if he not altogether refusing the charge, would not spare for a little cost to maintain the War rather in that foreign Country, than to receive it, brought home to his own door, concluding, That it were much more commodious and easy with his Treasures to repress his Enemies in a strange Country afar off, than by dint of sword and plain battle in his own. A thing by experience well known, That they which have neglected and set at nought remote dangers, for sparing of charge, have afterwards been enforced with greater danger to receive the same into their own bosoms, when as they were become desperate and past remedy. Bajazet, who both by his Spials and often Letters and Ambassadors from Alphonsus, knew all this to be true, gave great thanks to the Bishop by his Ambassador, for that he sitting in so high place, did so friendly and in so good time admonish him, both a Stanger and of a contrary Religion, of things of so great consequence; yet for answer, he willed him to return again unto his Master with one Dautius his Ambassador, who should carry with him both Money and other his secret resolutions concerning those matters. 
Bajazet sendeth Dautius his Ambassador to Alexander Bishop of Rome.  Among other things given him in charge, was an Epistle written in Greek, wherein the barbarous King with great cunning persuaded the Bishop to poison Zemes his Brother, as a man of a Religion altogether contrary to his; for indeed of him alone for his great Virtues Bajazet stood in fear and doubt, lest he should by some chance escape out of Prison to the troubling of his State. For the performance of this his request, he promised faithfully to pay unto the Bishop, two hundred thousand Ducats, and never after so long as he lived, to take up Arms against the Christians. Otherwise than had his Father Mahomet, and his Grandfather Amurath done, who both as deadly Enemies unto the name of Christians never ceased by continual Wars to work their woe.  
But George the Bishop's Ambassador, and Dautius, 
Jo. Rover●us robbeth the Turks Ambassadors.  travelling towards Italy, and having now happily passed the Adriatic, as they were about to have landed at Ancona, were boarded by Io. Rovereus, Brother to julianus the Cardinal (a man of great account in those quarters) and clean quit of their Treasure and whatsoever else they had aboard. Rovereus' pretending for the defence of the Fact, That the Bishop did owe him a great sum of Money, due unto him for his good service done in the time of Innocentius his Predecessor, for which he now paid himself. Neither could the Bishop, much troubled with that injury, ever after recover one part thereof, although he threatened vengeance with Fire and Sword, and also sought for recompense of the Venetians, whom it concerned to save the Turks harmless in those Seas; for why, Rovereus bearing himself upon the French, which were now upon coming, whose faction he followed, kept the Money, and set at nougt the Bishop's thundering Curses and vain Threats. Dautius' himself Bajazet's Ambassador being set on shore, was glad to go on foot to Ancona; and so from thence passing up the River Padus, came to Franciscus Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, of whom for (the ancient Friendship betwixt him and Bajazet) he was courteously entertained and furnished both with Money and Apparel, and so spoilt returned into Grecia, to carry news unto his Master how he had sped.  
When Bajazet understood by Dautius, the evil success he had in his late journey, he forthwith sent Mustapha one of the Bassas of the Court, unto the great Bishop Alexander, with like instructions as he had before given to Dautius; who with better hap arrived in Italy, and came to Rome in safety; where he forgot no part of that was given him in charge by his great Master. But amongst many other things, the life of Zemes was that he most sought for at the Bishop's hands.  
At the same time, which was in the year 1495, the French King Charles the Eighth of that name, year 1495. passing through the heart of Italy with a strong Army against Alphonsus' King of Naples; and taking his way without leave through the City of Rome, so terrified Alexander the Bishop, who (as we have before said) altogether favoured, and as much as in him lay, furthered the cause of Alphonsus; that he was glad to yield to all such Articles and Conditions as it pleased him then to demand; not purposing in himself at all the performance of any of those things, which for fear he had with great solemnity promised, as the sequel of the matter afterwards declared. Amongst other things, he was enforced to give unto the King his graceless Son Caesar Borgia Valentinus (than one of the Cardinals) in hostage, for the performance of the other of his promises; Which disgrace the crafty old Bishop sought to cover, by gracing his Son with the title of his Legate; and with him he was also enforced to deliver Zemes the Turk, Bajazet's Brother, his honourable Prisoner; who to the great profit of the Bishop and his Predecessor, had remained in safe custody at Rome about the space of seven years. 
Zemes dieth poisoned by Alexander Bishop of Rome.  But Zemes within three days after he was delivered to the French, died at Cajeta, being before his deliverance poisoned (as it was thought) with a powder of wonderful whiteness and pleasant taste; whose power was not presently to kill, but by little and little dispersing the force thereof, did in short time bring most assured death; which pleasant poison, Alexander the Bishop, skilful in that practice (corrupted by Bajazet's Gold, and envying so great a good unto the French) had caused to be cunningly mingled with the Sugar wherewith Zemes used to temper the Water which he commonly drank. His dead Body was not long after sent to Bajazet, by Mustapha his Ambassador, who to the great contentment of his Master, had thus contrived his death with the Bishop. Not long after, this dead Body so far brought, was by the appointment of Bajazet, honourably interred among his Ancestors at Prusa. Caesar Borgia also the Bishop's Son, a little before given in hostage unto the French King, deceiving his Keepers at Velitras, returned again to Rome before the French King was come to Naples. This wicked Imp come of an evil strain, 
The evil life of Caesar Borgia.  not worth the remembrance but by way of detestation (the very monster of Nature, if a man should well consider the course of his whole life) shortly after his escape, envying at the honour of Candianus his Brother, who then was General over the Bishop his Father's Forces, which were at that time great; when he had one time merrily supped with his said Brother, with their Mother Vannotia, traitorously caused him to be unawars murdered in the Streets as he was going home, and his dead Body to be cast into the River of Tiber. Then casting off his Priestly Habit with his Cardinal's Robes, he took upon him the leading of his Father's Army in his Brother's stead, and gave himself wholly to Martial Affairs; a vocation best fitting his fierce and bloody disposition; and with exceeding Prodigality, wherewith he exhausted his Father's Coffers and the Treasures of the Church, bound fast unto him desperate Ruffians and Soldiers (especially Spaniards, his Father's Country men) such as he knew fittest to serve for the execution of his most horrible devices. Which manner of his proceedings, although they were such as all good men detested, yet the old Hypocrite his Father winked thereat, fearing (as it was thought) to be murdered of the Viper, himself, when it should serve for his purpose. Now when he had thus strengthened himself, and that he was become a terror to all the Nobility of Rome and the Signories thereabout, he by the advice and help of his Father (who desired nothing more than to make him great) first drove the most honourable Family of the Columnijs out of the City, and afterwards out of Latium; and by most execrable Treachery, poisoned or killed the honourable Personages of the great Houses of the Ursini and Ca●tani, taking to himself their Lands and Possessions. With like cruelty he strangled at one time four Noblemen of the Camertes; and drove Guido Feltrius out of Urbino. He took the City of Pisarum from Io. Sfortia, who with much difficulty escaped his bloody hands; and drove the Malatestaes' out of Ariminum. The great Lady Katherine Sfortia he thrust out of Forum Livij and Forum Cornelij, and shamefully led her in triumph through Rome. And never satisfied with blood, which he without measure shed, he took the City of Faventia from Astor Manfredus, a young Gentleman of rare perfection; whom after the beastly Tyrant had most horribly abused against Nature, he caused to be cruelly strangled, and his dead body to be cast into Tiber. Having thus filled the measure of his iniquity, and as a fretting Canker, having either devoured or driven into exile most part of the Roman Nobility, and purposing by the supportation of his Father, to make himself Lord and Sovereign both of the City, and of all Latium, in the pride of his thoughts he was by the hand of the most High attached and cast down, and that by such means as he least feared; for being with his Father at a solemn Supper in the Vatican; of purpose prepared for the destruction of certain rich Cardinals and some other honourable Citizens, they were both poisoned by the fatal error of one of the Waiters, who mistaking of a Flagon, gave the poisoned Wine to the accursed Bishop and his Son, which was prepared for the Guests; whereof the old Bishop in few days after died. But his Son who had drunk the same with Water, although he died not of long time after, yet presently fell into such an extreme sickness, that he was not able to help himself, or to command his desperate Followers, whereof he had great store; but lying sick, in short time saw himself of them forsaken, and two of his Enemies, Pius the Third, and julius the Second, one after another sitting in his Father's place. Of which two, Pius enjoyed that Pontifical Dignity but sixteen days; and julius succeeding him, caused this Caesar Borgia (who of right had deserved a thousand deaths) to be shut up in the Castle called Moles Adriani, from whence he set him at liberty upon the delivery of certain strong Holds which were yet holden by his Garrisons. After he had thus rid himself out of julius the Bishop's hands, he fled to Ostia, and so by Sea to Naples; where he was by the commandment of Ferdinand King of Spain, apprehended by Gonsalvus the Great, and transported into Spain, for fear lest he, being of a most troublesome Nature, and much resorted unto by his old Favourites, should raise some new stirs in Italy. He was no sooner arrived in Spain, but he was cast into Prison in the Castle of Medina, where after he had lain three years he deceived his Keepers, and with a Rope which he had gotten, let himself down from an high Tower of the Castle; and so escaping, fled to the King of Navarre, whom he afterwards served in his Wars, and was in an hot skirmish against the King's Enemies (wherein he had obtained the Victory) slain with a small Shot: 
The death of Caesar Borgia.  Unworthy after so many horrible Villainies, to have ended his days so honourably. His dead Body was found stripped, and so brought unto the King upon a bad Beast, as if it had been a dead Calf all naked; which was by his commandment honourably buried at Pamphilona.  
But to return again from whence we have something too long with this troublesome Body gone astray. 
The French King invadeth Naples.  The French King having thus lost both his great Hostages, Zemes the Turk by death, and the Cardinal Borgia by escape, held on his journey towards Naples; and with wonderful success prevailed as he went, all places yielding unto him without any great resistance. Alphonsus' seeing himself destitute of such aid as he had in vain requested both of the Turkish Emperor and of the Venetians, and now almost beset with his mighty Enemy, to whom so many strong places had in shorter time been delivered than any man had before imagined; and withal considering with himself, how that he had lost the hearts of his Subjects (the strongest defence of Princes) for that most of the Nobility, and especially the Neapolitans, hated him for his too much severity in punishing the Offenders in the late Rebellion, wherein the Princes of Sarne and Salerne were chief; and the common People were no less offended with the grievous and heavy exactions, required of them for the maintenance of these Wars, insomuch that their murmuring Speeches came oftentimes to his own hearing; as oftentimes it falleth out, That the hatred of the Subjects against their Princes, which hath for fear of long time been dissembled during their prosperity, more frankly and fiercely breaketh out in their declining estate; for these causes, Alphonsus fearing to be forsaken of his People, as a man in despair, with abundance of tears openly in the sight of all the Neapolitans, resigned his Kingdom of Naples to his son Ferdinand, when as he had as yet scarcely reigned one whole year after the death of Ferdinand his Father; and with four Galleys passed over to Mazerea, a City of Cicilia. His Son Ferdinand a Prince of rare perfection and singularly graced with all the virtues of true Nobility, and thereto dearly beloved of all the People was to the wonderful contentment of the Neapolitans with great joy and acclamations saluted King; and so having performed all the Ceremonies belonging to his Coronation, returned presently to his Army. By this time the French King with all his Forces was entered far into the Kingdom of Naples; and having taken by Assault certain Cities which trusted too much to their own strength, struck such a general terror into the minds of the Neapolitans, that they thought no place now strong enough to abide his batteries, or power sufficient to abide his Forces. Ferdinand the young King with his Army had taken the Straits of the Forest of S. German, thereby to impeach the further passage of the French King. But whilst he was there busied, he was suddenly advertised, that Fabritius Columna with a great power of Frenchmen, had by the Apennineses broken into Campania, and so was marching towards him; wherefore doubting to be shut up betwixt two strong Armies of the Enemies, he retired speedily to Capua, a strong City situate upon the River Vulturnus; purposing there by means of that deep River, to stay the French from passing farther. But whilst he lay there, news was brought unto him, That all the City of Naples was in an uproar, 
Ferdinand departeth from Capua to pacify an uproar at Naples.  and that the Citizens were all up in Arms, as men in doubt which way to turn themselves. Ferdinand not a little troubled with these bad news, commended the charge of his Army and the defence of the City of Capua to his chief Captains, and rid himself in post back again to Naples.  
It is a strange thing to tell, what a sudden alteration ensued upon his arrival there; for suddenly all the tumult was appeased, every man laid down his Arms, and welcomed him with a general gratulation; for he was a man of a great and invincible Courage, and of so comely a Personage, as might easily with the hearts of his Subjects; insomuch, that when he earnestly requested them, that they would not traitorously betray him to his barbarous and cruel Enemies, being their natural King, or rather their Brother born and brought up amongst them; they all with one consent answered, That they would spend their Lives and Goods in his quarrel, so long as he should keep his Army whole, and defend the City of Capua; but if it should so chance that the Arragonians should be overthrown, or else for fear abandon that City, and the French King, as Victor, to approach the City of Naples, he should do both against reason and equity, if by exacting Fidelity and Allegiance of his Subjects, apprehended with so just a fear, he should so expose that noble City with the fruitful Country thereabout, to be spoiled and destroyed by a merciless and cruel Enemy. Whilst Ferdinand was thus busied in appeasing and confirming his wavering Subjects at Naples, the French King had taken divers Cities, and was come before Capua. The Citizens of Capua although they were always well affected to the Aragonian Kings, yet seeing the French King as a most violent Tempest to bear down all before him, began now to consult amongst themselves of yielding up the City; whereunto they were the more pricked forward, by the sudden revolt of the great Captain Trivultius with his Followers; as also by the departure of Verginius and Petilianus, two great and famous Commanders, who seeing themselves forsaken of Trivultius, fled with their Companies unto the City of Nola. In this discomfiture of King Ferdinand's Army, the Frenchmen had entered into the Suburbs of the City; which thing Gothfredus and Gaspar (two valiant Germane Captains) beholding, sallied with their Companies out of the City, of purpose to abate the pride of the French, and to confirm the doubtful Citizens. These worthy Captains, when they had with exceeding Valour repulsed the French, and thought to have again returned into the City, could not be suffered to enter, but were by the Citizens shut out of the Gate, in danger to have had their Throats cut by the Eenmy. In which perplexity they were glad upon their knees to entreat the cowardly Citizens standing upon the Walls, not in such traitorous manner to betray their Friends ready in their defence to bestow their lives; and with much entreating, at length obtained of those heartless men, that they they might by ten and ten in a Company be received in at one Gate of the City, and so put out at another, farthest from the danger of the Enemy; in which sort when they had passed through the City, they took the way towards Naples; and upon the way met with the King at Aversa, unto whom they declared all that had happened in his absence at Capua; who although he saw his Army dispersed, and all things now desperate, yet went he on forward, and came to the very Gates of Capua, and there called upon divers of the chief men of the City, requiring to be let in. But when he saw there was none to give him answer, and an Ensign of the French King displayed upon the Wall, in token that the City was become French, he returned to Naples; where he found the Gates now shut against him, and all the Citizens up again in Arms, and not willing to receive any of the Soldiers which came from Capua, more than the King himself; for flying Fame preventing his return, had filled every corner of the City with report, That all the chief Captains of his Army were either gone over to the Enemy, or else for safeguard of their lives fled; That the whole Army was broken up, and Capua yielded to the French. Wherefore the Neapolitans framing their fancies according to the condition of the time, began now also to fawn upon the good fortune of the French, and to have King Ferdinand in contempt; which he well perceiving, and fetching a compass farther off from the City, came unto the Castle, whereinto he was received with his Followers by his faithful Captains therein before left. But providently foreseeing that he could not there long stay, but that he should be besieged by his Enemies both by Sea and Land, he commended the keeping of that Piece unto Alphonsus D'avalus, a most valiant Captain, and departed himself with 20 Galleys well appointed unto Aenaria, an Island not far from Naples, having in it a commodious Harbour and a strong Castle; where Fortune, never firm but in misery, seemed again to deride the poor remainder of his Honour; for coming thither, the Captain of the Castle, unworthily named justus, forgetting his duty towards his Sovereign, of whom he had before received many extraordinary favours, most traitorously now in his so hard distress shut the Gates of the Castle against him at his landing, and unkindly refused to receive him. With which unexpected ingratitude, the poor King was wonderfully perplexed and almost abashed; yet with earnest entreaty and ample commemoration of the benefits and preferments which both his Father and himself had in times past bestowed upon him, he prevailed so much with this unthankful man, that he was content to receive him into the Castle, so that he would come but himself alone; of which his offer, when no more could be got, the King seemed to accept. So the Captain having opened a Port to receive him in, was in the very entrance thereof suddenly stabbed to the heart with a Dagger by King Ferdinand and slain in the midst of his armed Soldiers; which was done with such a Countenance and Majesty, 
A most resolved act of King Ferdinand.  that the Warders with their Weapons in their hands, dismayed with his look, forthwith at his commandment opened the Gate, and received him in with all his Followers. Whereby it appeareth, That in the Countenances of Princes resteth a certain Divine Majesty, in all Fortunes above the common course of Nature; which is of power to daunt the Hearts of most disloial Traitors in the performance of their unnatural Treasons. The next day after the departure of King Ferdinand from the Castle of Naples, Charles the French King was received into the City, 
Charles the Fr●nch King received into Naples.  with such Pomp, Triumph and Acclamation of the Neapolitans, as if they had even then by the benefit of that foreign King, been restored to perfect Liberty, and delivered out of some long and hard Bondage. Shortly after, the Castle of Naples, with all the strong places thereabout were yielded unto the French, and Ambassadors sent from all the Princes and People of that Kingdom, yielding themselves into the power of the French King. Then Ferdinand seeing all lost and gone, departed from Aenaria, where he lay expecting the event of his hard fortune, and sailed into Cicilia. Thus the House of Arragon in less than five months, lost the Kingdom of Naples, about sixty three years after it was first taken from the French by Alphonsus the elder, this Ferdinand his great Grandfather.  
The report of the great preparation made by the French for this War, had long before filled the Ears of them which dwelled in any part of the Turks Dominions in Europe; but when they saw the French Ensigns displayed upon the Walls of the Castles, and strong Towns alongst the coast of Calabria and Salerne, such a sudden fear fell upon the Turks Garrisons alongst the coast of Epirus and Macedonia on the other side of the Adriatic, over against that part of Italy, that many of them forsook their charge; the Christians in those places, as also in Grecia and Peloponnesus, beginning then to lift up their heads in hope of their deliverance, and to make the best preparation they could to join with the French against the Turks; but especially the rough and wild People inhabiting the high Mountains called Acrocheraunij in the borders of Epirus, who presently took up Arms, refusing to be any longer tributary unto the Turkish Emperor.  
This prosperous and speedy success of the French King in the conquest of Naples, filled the minds of most of the Christian Princes, as also of the Turkish Emperor, with a doubtful expectation, whither his greatness would grow; many being of an opinion, that he covertly affected the Empire of Rome, and to make himself the sole Monarch of Italy. Which conceit no little troubled both the great Bishop Alexander, and Maximilian then Emperor. Bajazet also feared much lest he should upon the sudden turn his Forces into Epirus or Grecia, to his no small disquiet. And Ferdinand, the advised King of Spain, was no less careful for the safety of Silicia. Lodovicus Sfortia also (shortly after created Duke of Milan, the chief occasion of the French Kings coming into Italy, and a great aider of him in those Wars) began now to consider better of the matter, and to stand in doubt of the King, whom he well perceived to make small reckoning of his word or promise, so that he might thereby enlarge his Dominions. And the Venetians, who in all these Wars had stood looking on as neuters (in hope that when the Arragonians and French had with long Wars, which they vainly imagined, well weakened one another, that they might then at their pleasure share out something for themselves) were now in doubt with the rest of the States of Italy to lose some part of their own Territory; for now there was no Prince or State in Italy able to oppose themselves against the French, but stood all as it were at his devotion.  
Wherefore the aforesaid Princes, namely, 
A great League made by divers Christian Princes against the French King.  Maximilian the Emperor, Ferdinand King of Spain, Alexander Bishop of Rome, the State of Venice, and Lodovicus Sfortia, Duke of Milan, for the more assurance of their Estates, by their Ambassadors speedily sent from one to another, concluded a strong League among themselves; whereof the chief Capitulation was, That if any of these Confederates should upon their own accord make War upon any other Prince, they should do it upon their own charges; but if any of them should chance to be invaded by any other, that then every one of these Confederates should of their own charge send four thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot in aid of their Confederates so invaded, until the Wars were ended; which League was to endure for twenty years. The fame of this League was welcome to many other Princes, but especially to Bajazet, who now feared nothing more, than the Forces of the French, and had therefore offered unto the Venetians, to aid them both by Sea and Land against the French, if their Affairs should so require. This League so much pleased not other Princes, but it troubled the French King more, as of purpose made against him; although it was by the Confederates pretended to be made only for their own safety. Wherefore he with all expedition placed his best Captains with strong Garrisons in all the Cities and strong Holds of the Kingdom of Naples, and left Mompenser his Viceroy in the City of Naples, and with the rest of his Army returned into France, purposing by the way as he went to terrify the dissembling Bishop, so if it were possible to draw him from the League; and afterwards to deal with Sfortia and the rest as he might. But when he was come near unto Rome, the Bishop for fear fled out of the City to Perusium, intending from thence to have fled to Venice, if the French King should have farther pursued him. Charles deceived of his purpose, in peaceable manner entered the City, and there stayed three days, and so departed; using violence against none, but against such as were well known to be of the Aragonian faction. From Rome he marched to Pisa; and so with much pain passing the Apennineses, was at the River of Tarrus, not far from Parma, set upon by Franciscus Gonzago Duke of Mantua, General of a great Army which the Venetians and Sfortia had raised upon the sudden to have stopped his passage; in which Battle he was in great danger to have been taken or slain, and there lost his Tents, with all the rich Spoil gotten in the rich Kingdom of Naples; yet having at length with great slaughter valiantly repulsed his Enemies, he afterwards returned in safety home.  
About the same time that this Battle was fought at Tarrus, the young King Ferdinand, lately driven out of his Kingdom by the French King, returned again out of Cicilia to Naples; where he was joyfully received of the Neapolitans, and by the help of his Friends (but especially of the great Gonsalvus, sent in his aid by Ferdinand King of Spain) in less than a years space recovered the Kingdom of Naples again from the French; 
Ferdinand recovereth his Kingdom of Naples from the French, and dieth.  and then dying without issue left the same to his Uncle Fredericus. Wherein the uncertainty of worldly Honour, the chief felicity of ambitious minds, is well to be noted; when as in that one Kingdom the chief Government was six times changed in less than the space of three years: for first Ferdinand the elder dying, left that Kingdom unto his Son Alphonsus, at such time as the French King was making preparation for those Wars: Alphonsus despairing of his own Forces, resigned the Kingdom to his Son Ferdinand, when he had scarcely reigned fully a year: Ferdinand in less than three months was driven quite out of Italy by Charles the French King: Charles possessed of the Kingdom, in short time after was again dispossessed by the same Ferdinand: Ferdinand having with much trouble thrust out the French, died within less than a year: After whom succeeded Fredericus his Uncle, no less unfortunate than the rest: and Charl●s the French King himself lived not long after, 
The death of Charles the French King.  but died suddenly as he came from playing at Tennis, being then but seven and twenty years old, leaving the flourishing Kingdom of France, with the troublesome Title pretended to the Kingdom of Naples, year 1496. unto Lewis his successor, who lived with great trouble to Conquer the same, and with greater grief to lose it again.  
But to return again to the course of our History, year 1497. from whence the great Occurrents of that time (not altogether impertinent to our purpose) have a little too far led us. 
The Turks invade Podolla and Rassia and in their return are for the most part lost.  Bajazet delivered of two great fears, first by the death of his Brother Zemes, and after by the casting out of the French out of Naples; began now to turn his Forces upon the Christians, and by his Lieutenant Bali-beg Sanzack of Silistra, invaded the Countries of Podolia and Rassia, being part of the Kingdom, where the Turks did great harm, and carried away many Prisoners. But coming again the second time, and making such like spoil as before, they stayed so long, that the cold of Winter (which in those Countries is very extreme) was now come on; and in their return as they were about to have passed through Moldavia, they were by Stephanus Prince of that Country, denied both passage and victuals, and forced to take the way alongst the Sea coast; where many of them straggling from their Army, were by the way cut off and slain by the Moldavians; and the rest, what by the extremity of the cold, what for want of food, and foulness of the way, perished; so that of that great Army very few returned home. The Turks Histories report, That in this expedition were lost forty thousand Turks.  
He sent also Cadumes one of his Bassas into Illyria; who spoiling that Country, with a part of Croatia, was encountered by nine thousand Croatians and Hungarians near unto the River Morava, under the leading of Count Bernard Francopaine; where after a cruel and bloody Fight, the Christians were put to the worse, and above seven thousand of them slain; the rest saved themselves by flight through the Mountains and Woods. Of the Christians that were lost, many were drowned in Morava, choosing rather so to end their days, than to fall into the hands of their cruel Enemies. This overthrow was imputed to the General, who would needs give the Turks Battle in plain Field, although he was earnestly entreated by Count Io. Torquatus to have kept the Straits of that Country, whereby he might have had great advantage of the Enemy. Torquated himself having lost all his Horsemen in that Battle, and his Horse killed under him, fought valiantly on foot, until he was by the multitude of his Enemies oppressed and slain. The Bassa to give Bajazet a sure testimony of the victory, caused all the Noses of the slain Christians to be cut off and put upon strings, and so by Wagon sent them as a barbarous Present to Constantinople. After the death of Charles the French King, Lewis the Twelfth of that name having obtained that Kingdom, wrote himself also Duke of Milan, as descended of one of the Daughters of Io. Galeatius first Duke of Milan; in which his supposed right he was fully resolved to make War upon Sfortia then Duke of Milan. And for his better success in those Wars, sought by all means he could, to draw some other of the Princes and States of Italy into the Fellowship of that intended War; but above all others the Venetians, as most commodious for his purpose; with whom he made a firm League, and for the aid they were to give him, covenanted that they should have for their share the City of Cremona, with all the pleasant Country about Abdua, than part of Sfortia his Dominion; which was afterwards accordingly performed.  
Sfortia understanding of this compact mad● against him, and knowing himself far too weak of himself to stand against so puissant Enemies; attempted first to set Maximilian the Emperor, with the States of Germany, upon the French King. But that not sorting to his desire, he sought to agree with the King, by offering to hold his Dukedom of him, by paying him a yearly Tribute. After he had thus in vain proved all the means he could devise, to have appeased the French King, and provided for his own safety; he by his Ambassadors sent of purpose, certified Bajazet of the confederation betwixt the French King and the Venetians, and that their purpose was after they had oppressed him, and some other of the States of Italy, then with their united Forces to invade his Dominions; and that therefore it were good for him in time to look unto it, and to give aid against those which would in short time become his most dangerous Enemies. By this means the Duke was in good hope, so to busy the Venetians by bringing the Turk upon them, as that they should stand the French in small stead. At which time also the Ambassadors of Florence did what they could to prick forward the Turk to make Wars upon the Venetians; for the malic● they bore against them for protecting them of Pisa against the oppression of the Florentines.  
Bajazet persuaded by the Ambassadors, and calling to remembrance the injuries before done him by the Venetians; first by giving aid to john Castriot the Son of Scanderbag, and john Chernovich another Prince of Epirus (whereby he lost a great part of that Country, and was also further enforced to yield to such conditions as altogether stood not with his honour) and again by denying to give his Fleet leave to put into their harbours of Cyprus, in the time of his Wars against the Sultan of Egypt; all which he was glad then to endure, for fear lest that his Brother Zeme● (then living) should by their means be set up against him; promised now to do what the Ambassadors had requested; glad in his mind that the discord of the Christian Princes had presented unto him so fit an opportunity of Revenge.  
Hereupon he made great preparation both by Sea and Land against the Venetians, year 1499. and upon the sudden caused Scander Bassa his Lieutenant in Illyria, 
Friuli part of the Venetian Territory spoiled by the Turks.  with twelve thousand Horse to break into the Country of Friuli, part of the Venetian Territory upon the frontiers of Italy. The Bassa as he had in charge, passing over divers great Rivers, at length entered the Country, burning and destroying all before him as far as Liquentia, carrying away with him all the poor Country People Prisoners. But when he was come to the Banks of Tiliaventum, and understood that he came too late to pleasure the Duke of Milan (for why, the French with the Venetians had before without resistance driven him quite out of Italy and Germany) he there, with more than barbarous cruelty put four thousand poor Prisoners to the Sword; and so having filled the Country with mourning and with blood, returned from whence he came, loaded with spoil of that rich Country.  
At the same time also, Bajazet put to Sea such a Fleet as none of his predecessors had before set forth; and with a great Army in person himself marched alongst the Sea Coast of Morea, in such sort, as that his Army by Land, and his Fleet at Sea, as near as they could, kept even place the one within sight of the other. Neither were the Venetians unmindful of themselves, but set forth a strong Fleet under the charge of Anthony Grimani their Admiral; in number far inferior to the Turks, but for Equipage, Strength, skilful Mariners, and all other manner of warlike provision, much superior. For which cause the Turks, although defied and braved by the Venetians, yet durst not at the first join with them in battle, but still kept alongst the coast of Morea, not daring to put further off into the Sea. In this their course the Venetians troubled them exceedingly, sometimes making show as if they would have constrained them to fight, and otherwhiles giving them chase, never departing far from them, wisely accounting it right good service, if they could but keep that huge Fleet from landing in Italy, or other place of the Venetian Territory. Most men were in good hope, that if those great Fleets should have joined in battle, the Venetians should have had a notable Victory; for that the Enemy as afraid kept so dangerous a course, and so near the main. The longer they thus sailed, the more was the State of Venice offended with their Admiral, that he contrary to all expectation, delayed to fight, and still suffered the dangerous Enemy to approach nearer and nearer their Territories; and there were none which had not rather he should have set all upon the hazard of one battle, than to protract by delay a long and doubtful War. Whilst all men's minds were thus in expectation of some great exploit to be done upon the Enemy, news came to the City, that the Turks Fleet had put into the Haven Sapientia in the Island Sphraga, to water, and was there embaied by the Venetians. This report was of most men joyfully received, as if the Victory had been already assured; and so much the more, for that it was vainly supposed, that it would be gained without any great loss. But others which better known the place, deemed of the matter far otherwise, saying, That the place wherein the Enemy lay was such, as that he might safely at his pleasure depart thence. Yet forsomuch as the Turks Fleet was more subject unto danger in putting out of the Harbour, than in the wide Sea, there was no man but was of opinion, That the Venetian Admiral would set upon them as they should come forth again. Whilst men were thus divining too and fro, and the Venetians attending the coming forth of the Enemy's Fleet, it fortuned that Andreas Lauredanus and Albanus Armerius (two valiant Gentlemen) but a little before come f●om Corcyra, 
A Fight at Sea betwixt the Turks and the Venetians.  of purpose to be present at the battle, were the first that began the fight; and with their two nimble Ships (after they had changed a few Bullets) boarded a tall Ship of the Turks, being of such beauty and burden, that she seemed rather a Castle than a Ship, whereof one Baruch of Smyrna (a notable Pirate) was Captain; who after a long and cruel Fight, perceiving that he must either yield, or by force be taken, desperately set fire on his own Ship, by the rage whereof both she and the Venetian Ships fast grappled unto her, were all three together burnt down to the Water. Many of the Men (to shun the violence of the Fire) leapt over board into the Sea, where some of them were taken up by the other Ships, and some perished. Some few other of the Venetian Fleet courageously assailed the Turks at their coming out, and doing great harm, put the Turks whole Fleet in no small fear. But the most part of the Venetian Galleys lay looking on a far off, unto whom the other before in fight with the Turks, after they had done what they could, retired also. But by that they had done, it appeared plainly, that the Venetian Admiral that day let slip out of his hands a most notable Victory, if he as a resolute Man had with his whole Fleet charged the Enemy.  
After this Fight the Turks held on their course, still keeping Morea on the right hand, whom the Venetians still followed: at length the Turks Fleet was come to the entrance of the Gulf of Patras, where the Venetians again faintly setting upon them, suffered them to recover the Gulf; with no less dishonour than they had before let them escape at the Port Sapientia: for the Venetians having the advantage of the place, and better appointed for Fight at Sea, might easily (as it was supposed) have gained the Victory, if the Commanders (but especially the Admiral) had been so forward in the service as became Men of their place. But many of them afraid to Fight lay aloof, so that Dauthes the Turks Admiral (who perceiving himself too weak, had purposed to run his Galleys on shore, and so to have fled to the Army at Land, if he had felt himself overcharged by the Venetian Fleet) had now contrary to his expectation recovered the Gulf he desired, though not without loss of some of his Galleys. Within this Gulf standeth the ancient City of Naupactum (now called Lepanto) then subject to the Venetians, whether Bajazet was then come by Land with his Army; and now by the coming of his Fleet into the Gulf, laid hard Siege unto the City both by Sea and Land. They of the City seeing themselves on every side beset with their Enemies, without any great resistance fell to composition with Bajazet, 
Lepanto yielded to the Turks.  and so yielded unto him the City, which the Turks hold at this day.  
Grimanus the Venetian Admiral returning to Venice, was for all his evil service (or rather for that he, according to his mild nature, had not used severity against such Captains as refused to Fight) cast into Prison; and although he was a Man mightily befriended, yet was he by a public Decree Banished into one of the Absytides, Islands upon the Coast of Liburnia. From the first foundation of the City of Venice was never Man impugned with more spite, or defended by greater friends; but common hatred prevailing, he was nevertheless exiled. Thus Bajazet having made a Road into the Venetian Territory by Scanderbassa, and taken from them the City of Naupactum, with the Country thereabout, returned with Victory to Constantinople.  
The next ye●r following, year 1500. which was the year 1500. Bajazet put to Sea a greater and stronger Fleet than he had the year before; and himself in person with a puissant Army of an hundred and fifty thousand men entered by the Straight of Corinth into Peloponnesus, and marching through the Country, came and encamped before the strong City of Methone (now called Modon) then under the Government of the Venetians; 
Methone besieged both by Sea and Land by Bajazet.  at which time his great Fleet met him there also by Sea, as he had before appointed. When he thus had beset the City both by Sea and Land, and with long and continual battery made three great and fair breaches in the Walls, he gave unto the same two terrible Assaults, and that with such desperate fury, that many of them which went first unto the breach, overthrown by the press of them which followed, were trodden to death. Yet nevertheless the City was both times valiantly defended by the Citizens and Garrison Soldiers; so that when he had done what he could, he was glad to retire from the Walls, having filled the Town-Ditches with the Bodies of his slain Turks. The Venetian Admiral Trivisanus lying at the Isle of Zacynthus (but far too weak to fight with the Enemy) in the beginning of the Siege sent Valerius Marcellus and Baptista Polanus, with two Galleys full of Men and Munition in relief of the besieged; and now doubting their further wants, sent Io. Maripetrus, Alex. Cothius of Corcyra, and Cachuris of Hydruntum, with three other great Galleys, with Men, Munition, and such other things as he thought needful for the defence of the City. These three resolute Captains coming with a full wind, and packing on all their Sails, broke through the Turks Fleet lying in their way, and ran themselves aground under the Walls of the Town; for they of the Town had so barred the Haven for fear of the Enemy, that they could not that way possibly get in. The Citizens and Soldiers joyful of the coming of this fresh Supply and withal fearing lest the Galleys should be fet off again from them by the Enemy, came running by heaps from all parts of the City, towards the Sea, to receive this new come Aid; which was done with such confused disorder, that divers places of the City towards the Land were left without Defendants, as if there had been no Enemy near. Which the Janissaries quickly perceiving, 
Methone taken by the Turks.  presently entered by those forsaken places with little or no resistance. Then the Citizens all too late began to make head; for the Janissaries already entered made way for the rest of the Army; which swarming into the City, slew without pity all that came in the way, as well Grecians as Venetians, with all the Soldiers but even then newly landed out of the three Gallie. In this slaughter, Antonius Fabrius and Bardella (Governors of the Town) with Andrea's Falco Bishop of Methone, in his Pontificalibus and his mitre on his head, were slain; none escaped their fury, but such as were for their strength reserved for servile labour, or for their beauty, to the Victor's lust; and of these a thousand bound fast together in long Ropes, were brought to Bajazet's Pavilion, and there in his sight by his commandment cruelly murdered. The Cities of Corone and Pilus (now called Navarrinum) sometime the dwelling place of old Nestor, 
Corone, Pilus, and Crisseum yieldeth to the Turks.  terrified with the taking of Methone, yielded themselves by composition to Bajazet. This City of Chrisseum, now known by the name of Caput S. Galli, was taken also by Cherseogles, Bajazet his Son in law. All these were Cities belonging to the Venetians. Nauplium was also besieged by Haly Bassa, but yet still defended by the Venetians. Bajazet having new fortified the City of Methone, and stored it with new Inhabitants, left in it a strong Garrison, and so with Victory returned to Constantinople.  
At this time Trivisanus the Venetian Admiral died of grief of mind, as some supposed; year 1501. in whose place the Senate sent Benedictus Pisaurius, a noble and valiant Gentleman, who with the Vene●ian Fleet followed the Enemy, then departing from the Siege of Nauplium, pursuing them even unto the Straits of Hellespontus, still cutting off such as straggled or tarried behind the rest of the Fl●et; by which means he took above twenty of their Galleys, and in his return took from the Turks the Island of Aegina, and landing in divers places of the Turks Dominions, left unto them the woeful remembrance of his being there. Afterwards meeting with Gonsalvus, surnamed the Great (sent by Ferdinand King of Spain, to aid him against the Turks) at Zacynthus, he invaded Cephalenia (which Trivisanus his Predecessor had in vain attempted the year before) and laid hard Siege to the City; which was for a space valiantly defended by the Turks, yet at length by the good conduct of Gonsalvus it was by force taken, when as Gisdare the Governor thereof, 
Cephalenia taken by ●he Venetians  with his Garrison of Turks had before fought it out even to the last man. The City being taken, all the whole Island yielded forthwith to the Venetians.  
Pisaurius having taken Cephalenia, repaired the City, and leaving a strong Garrison for defence of the Isle, departed to Corcyra; where he was advertised, that the Turks were rigging forth a great Fleet against the next Spring, whereof some part lay in the Bay of Ambracia, not far from Corcyra; some at Eante, and the rest within the Straits of Hellespontus. Wherefore purposing to do some exploit upon those Galleys which lay in the Bay of Ambracia, to avert the mind of the Enemy from perceiving of that he had secretly with himself intended, he sent the greatest part of his Fleet unto the Island of Neritoes, who suddenly landing should put the Inhabitants in fear. The Captains sent about the business, cheerfully put in execution what the Amiral had commanded, and by their sudden landing raised such a tumult, that all the Countries thereabout were filled with the expectation of that which should ensue thereof. The Bay of Ambracia is so straitened on either side with the Mountains of Epirus, that the entrance thereof is but half a mile over; but by and by opening itself into a great wideness, and running up into the Land, maketh a most pleasant and safe Harbour for Ships and Galleys to ride in. Pisaurius with a fair Wind coming thither with eight Galleys well appointed, when the Turks thought him to have been at Neritoes, and entering the Straight, rowing farther into the Bay, burned one of the Turks great Galleys, to the terror of all them that dwelled round about the Bay, and carried with him eleven more, laded with Munition and Victual, through the Straight; the Turks in vain fretting thereat, and doing what they could with their great Ordnance from Shore to have sunk him in going out of the Bay. But having done what he came for, he returned with his Prey again to Corcyra. Not long after he also recovered the Castle of Pylos in Morea; which, 
Pylos taken from the Turks, and again yielded unto them.  as it was suddenly gotten, so was it as suddenly lost; for Camalia, a notable Pirate of the Turks, who had been abroad seeking after purchase, putting into that Harbour by chance, took three Galleys there left by the Admiral for defence of the place, and so terrified the faint-hearted Captain, that he fell to composition with the Pirate, to yield him the Castle, so that he and his Soldiers might in safety depart; which the Pirate granting, had the Castle delivered unto him, which he could not with far greater strength have possibly won. So was Pylos for fear twice in one year yielded up unto the Turks, and was both times the death of the cowardly Captains which gave it up, being both beheaded by the commandment of the Admiral. About the same time, Pisaurius attempted to have burnt other of the Turks Galleys lying in the River Eante, upon the coast of Macedonia; but not with so good success as before; for the Turks, made more careful by the loss they had but a little before received at Ambracia, did now more vigilantly look unto their Galleys; so that when Pisaurius had in certain small Vessels, made of purpose for that service, embarked two hundred resolute Soldiers to have gone up the River to have fired the Galleys, they were by the way after they had entered a good way into the River, encountered by the Turks, and enforced to return. But before they could get out of the River, the wind rose so contrary, with such a stiff gale full in the mouth of the River, that the Mariners overmastred with the violence of the Wether, when they had done what they could, and spent all their strength, were driven ashore, some on one side of the River, and some on the other, and so fell into the hands of their Enemies, of whom it booted not to crave mercy.  
About this time Bajazet took also the ancient and famous City of Dyrrachium, 
Dyrrachium taken by the Turks.  now called Durazo, from the Venetians; before ruinous, and almost quite abandoned by the Inhabitants, as a place of danger, and not to be kept now that the Turk had got all the Country round about it. The Venetians sore pressed with these Wars so long maintained against the Turk, had many times prayed Aid of other Christian Princes, and were well holpen by the Spaniard in the taking of Cephalenia; and now Lewis the French King, upon a good devotion to that War, sent the Lord Ravestin with seven tall Ships and fifteen Galleys well appointed out of Provence and Genoa, to aid the Venetians his Friends. This Fleet departing from Naples, where they had by the way put in, and passing about Italy, and so through the Ionian Sea, came to Melos one of the Cycladeses; at which Island Pisaurius with his Fleet in short time arrived also; from whence they by mutual consent departed together to invade the Island of Lesbos; and being there safely arrived, landed their Forces, and laid siege to the strong City of Mytilene, 
Myt●lene besieged.  where by the fury of their Artillery they in short time had made a fair breach in the Wall. In the time of this battery, whilst the breach was in making, Pisaurius with part of his Fleet sailed to Tenedos; for it was reported, that certain of the Turks Galleys were then coming for that place out of Hellespontus. Which report, as some write, was of purpose given out by the French, thereby to draw the Venetian Admiral from the Siege, that so in the mean time they being in good hope to take the Town in his absence, might themselves carry away the honour thereof, together with the rich spoil. Others favouring the French, blame the Venetian Admiral, as if he had of purpose departed, envying at the honour of the French. Which is hardly to be believed in so honourable a Personage, and in an action so much concerning the good of his Common-Weal. Howsoever it was, the breach being made, in his absence was by the French presently assaulted; although that Palus Valatesius the Venetian Vice-Admiral, earnestly requested the French Admiral to defer the Assault for a while, and to expect the return of Pisaurius. Which his Counsel the French Admiral gave him the hearing of, but yet went forward with the Assault. The Frenchmen after their manner furiously assailing the breach, were valiantly repulsed by the Turks; so that in the breach was made a deadly and most terrible Fight, many falling on both sides. Yet for all that, the City was manfully defended by the Turks, and the Frenchmen were enforced to retire. The French Admiral having taken this repulse, commanded all things to be carried aboard, puposing to have forsaken the Siege, and so to have departed; when in the mean time the Venetian Admiral returned, and with much ado persuaded the French to stay. Whereupon the battery was again begun with greater fury than before, and now the Leaders were consulting of a fresh Assault to be given, when suddenly news was brought, That the Turks Fleet was coming to relieve the City; and thereupon the Assault was for a time deferred and the battery continued. But those Turks which came, being in number but few, were for the most part by them in the Galleys taken and cast over board; some few that got to Land, saved themselves in the Woods and desert places of the Isle. By this time the City was again made assaultable, and the Venetians with great Courage assailed the breach, and had twice gained the top of the Rampires, from whence they were again both times beaten down by the Turks, the French all the while looking on. Many valiant men were there slain and hurt, and in the end the Venetians were glad with loss to retire, as had the French done before. Whilst this was in doing, a Pinnace came to the Fleet with news, That the Great Master of the Rhodes was coming with his Galleys, to the Siege; whereupon the Admiral's determined to maintain the Siege until his coming. But the next day after, the French Admiral changing his purpose, shipped his men, 
The Siege of Mytilene broken up.  and hoisting sail departed to Chios; and sailing thence towards Italy, was overtaken with a most terrible Tempest, wherein the Admiral Galley with two others were lost, with eight hundred good Soldiers, the Admiral himself with above forty others were by chance contrary to all hope saved, and with much danger with his Weatherbeaten Fleet recovered the Haven of Tarentum. The Venetian Admiral thus forsaken of the French, and seeing the time past wherein he expected the coming of the Great Master of the Rhodes, broke up the Siege and departed from Lesbos to Chios, and from thence to Paros, where he found the Master of the Rhodes with his Galleys; unto whom he complained greatly of the inconstancy of the French, imputing it unto them, that the City of Mytilene was not won. Neither were they behind with him, but in every place where they came, laid the fault as much or more upon him. From Paros the Venetian Admiral took his course to the Island of Melos, year 1502. where he found one Richius an Arch Pirate of the Turks, who by force of Tempest was driven on Shore, and by the sudden coming down of the Island people, taken; him (for that he had exercised exceeding Cruelty upon certain Christians that he had taken) Pisaurius caused to be fast bound to a Spit, and with a small fire to be roasted to death. From Melos he returned to Corcyra, and there wintered.  
The next Spring, Pisaurius with certain Galleys which Alexander Bishop of Rome had sent unto him, under the command of jacobus Pisaurius Bishop of Paphia, sailed to Neritoes, now called S. Maura, which is an Island parted from the firm Land with a little fret of the Sea, long time before that way let in by the Corinthians. Here Pisaurius suddenly landing his men, surprised the Island, and with wonderful celerity and industry cast up two great Trenches, in such sort, and to so good purpose, that three thousand of the Turks Horsemen coming at a low water over that narrow Strait which parteth the Island from the Main, were with loss repulsed and forced to retire. Whereupon S. Maura the chief City was forthwith delivered unto Pisaurius, 
Neritos' taken by the Venetians.  with the rest of the Island.  
The Venetians weary of this long and chargeable War against so mighty an Enemy, sent Lodovicus Manetius their Ambassador to Bajazet, to treat with him for Peace; but Bajazet stood upon such hard points, that nothing could at that time be concluded. Yet Manetius so discreetly used the matter, that Bajazet sent with him at his return to Venice, his Ambassador, to propound unto the Senate such Conditions as it pleased him to grant them Peace upon. This Ambassador had audience in the Senate twice, where he in the name of his Master propounded such proud and unreasonable Conditions, that they were by the Senate rejected, and so he himself dismissed and sent back again.  
The year following, the Venetians sent an Ambassador to Bajazet, year 1503. who moved with the pitiful complaints of his own Subjects, for the daily harms they received from the Venetians alongst the Sea Coast, as also for want of Trade; and fearing also some troubles like to arise in his Kingdom in Asia (as indeed there did, not long after) yielded himself more willingly to hear of Peace, than before. This Ambassador called Zacharias Phriscus, was well heard of Bajazet, and after long suit had brought the matter he came for unto some good terms: and being honourably rewarded by the Turkish Emperor, returned home, carrying with him unto the Senate far more reasonable Conditions of Peace than had at any time before been by Bajazet propounded. Hereupon the Venetians shortly after sent Andreas Gritti (an honourable Senator) a man well known to Bajazet both for his famous traffic in former time at Constantinople, and also for that in these late Wars he was taken Prisoner at the winning of M●thone, and his life spared at the intercession of Cherseogles (Bajazet his Son-in-Law) and afterward ransomed; he in the name of the State from whence he came, 
A Peace concluded betwixt Bajazet and the Venetians  concluded a Peace with Bajazet. The Capitulations whereof were, first, That the Venetians should deliver up the Islands of Neritoes and Leucadia, reserving unto themselves the Island of Cephalenia only; Then, That Bajazet should restore all such Goods as had been taken from the Venetian Merchants, in these late Wars; And that it should be lawful for them (as they were wont) safely to traffic into the Euxine Sea, and to Constantinople; and there to have their Consul or Governor as they had had in former time; And last of all, That the Venetian Territory should be certainly known, and separated from the Turks by certain Bounds and Limits. These Conditions were solemnly agreed upon, and confirmed both by Bajazet and the State of Venice; and so a firm Peace concluded in the year 1503, after the Wars had continued betwixt them about the space of five years.  
The same year Bajazet assembled a great and puissant Army of his best and most approved Soldiers, as well in Asia as Europe, which met together at Sophia, purposing (as it was thought) to have invaded Hungary; but worthily doubting the success of that War against so warlike a Nation, he changed his purpose, and leaving Achmetes Bassa with his Asian Soldiers at Sophia, turned himself with the rest of his Army into Albania (to reduce those rebellious People again to his obeisance) and had before sent a Fleet of Galleys to stop the passages of that Country alongst the Sea Coast. But the Country People understanding of his coming, fled into the high and rough Rocks and Mountains, from whence they did the Turks great harm; who nevertheless with incredible labour and adventure, mounted those difficult places; and killing an exceeding number of those mountain and savage People, carried all the Women and Children they could light upon, away with them Prisoners; and with Fire and Sword made all the Country desolate. After which Spoil done, Bajazet returned with his Army to Manastirum; and departing thence, upon the way met with a Dervislar (which is a fantastical and beggarly kind of Turkish Monks, 
Bajazet in danger to have been slain by a Dervislar or Turkish Monk.  using no other Apparel but two Sheepskins, the one hanging before and the other behind) a lusty strong fat Fellow, attired after the manner of his order, with a great Ring in each Ear; who drawing near unto Bajazet, as if he would of him have received an Alms, desperately assailed him with a short Scimitar which he had closely conveied under his hypocrital habit. But Bajazet by the starting of the Horse whereon he rid (being afraid at the sudden approach of the Hobgoblin) partly avoided the deadly blow by the Traitor intended, yet not altogether unwounded; neither had he so escaped the danger, had not Ishender Bassa with his Horsemans' Mace presently struck down the desperate Villain as he was about to have doubled his stroke; but being now struck down, he was forthwith rend in pieces by the Soldiers. This treacherous and desperate fact so much moved Bajazet, that he proscribed all them of that superstitious Order, and banished them out of his Empire.  
After so many troubles, 
Bajazet by nature peaceable.  Bajazet gave himself unto a quiet course of life, spending most part of his time in study of Philosophy, and conference with learned men; unto which peaceable kind of life, he was of his own natural disposition more inclined than to Wars; albeit that the regard of his State, and the earnest desire of his Men of War, drew him oftentimes even against his Will into the Field. As for the Civil Government of his Kingdom, he referred it wholly unto his three principal Bassa's, Alis, Achmetes and jachia, who at their pleasure disposed of all things. After he had in this quiet and pleasing kind of life to his great contentment passed over five years, of a little neglected Spark suddenly arose such a Fire in Asia, as was hardly after with much blood of his People and danger of that part of his Empire quenched; the relics whereof yet trouble those superstitious People at this day. Which thing was brought to pass by the crafty device of Chasan Chelife, and Schach Culi his Boy (whom some call Teckel Scachoculis, and others Techellis) two Hypocritical Persians; who flying into those Countries, and with the counterfeit show of feigned Holiness having procured to themselves a great name amongst those rude People, with a number of windy headed Followers (filled with the novelty of their new Doctrine) raised first such a diversity of opinions about the true successors of their untrue Prophet, and afterwards such a Rebellion amongst the People, as that the one yet remaineth, and the other was not in a good while after without great bloodshed appeased.  
But for the better understanding of the ground of these troubles, which happened at this time in the Reign of Bajazet by occasion of these two fugitive Persians; as also for the mortal Wars which afterwards ensued betwixt Hysmael (commonly called the great Sophi of Persia) and Selimus, Bajazet his Successor, it shall not be much from our purpose briefly to declare the great mutation which at this time happened to the Persian Kingdom, as well in the State itself, as in Matters of their Superstition. At such time as Asymbeius Usun-Cassanes reigned in Persia, there was one Haider Erdebil (whom jovius calleth by the name of Harduelles) a man honourably descended amongst the Persians, who contemning worldly Honour, Riches, Pleasure, and whatsoever else belonged unto delicacy of life (commonly accounted the greatest part of Human Felicity) as mere Vanities and Trifles, led such a strait and austere kind of life, with such continency and contempt of the World, as that the Vulgar People, for most part given to pleasure, wondering at that in him which they could not or would not imitate, began to have the man in singular admiration for the opinion they had conceived of his upright Life and Virtues. The fame of this new Prophet (for so he was accounted) was grown so great in the Persian Kingdom, that People without number resorted out of all parts of Persia and Armenia unto the great City of Tauris to see the man. And he the more to seduce the Multitude (delighted with Novelties) began to inveigh against the common received opinion of the Mahometans, concerning the true Successors of their great Prophet; and to revive the opinion of Giuni, 
The Turks and Persians di●●er not about the interpretation of their Law, but about the true Successor of their great Prophet Mahomet.  surnamed Sosi; persuading the People (as if he had been inspired with some divine Inspiration) That none of the Professors of the Mahometan Religion should inherit the Kingdom of Heaven after they were dead, but such as were the Followers of Haly, the true Successor of the great Prophet Mahomet, and his Fellow in writing: Whom he taught them only to honour as privy to the mind of the great Prophet, and so to receive his Writings as of all others most authentical; rejecting Ebubekir, Omer, and Osman, with their Writings, as most wicked and accursed men; whom the Turks had ever, and yet do with the other Mahometans, honour and worship as the true successors of their great Prophet Mahomet, and his sincere Interpreters, together with the aforesaid Haly, whom the Persians do only acknowledge, and therefore in their Prayers do commonly say, Cursed be Ebubekir, Omer, and Osman, and God be favourable to Haly, and well pleased with him. Which their difference about the true Successor of their Prophet, in whom was no truth, hath been, and yet is, one of the greatest causes of the mortal Wars between the Turks and Persians; and not the divers interpretation of their Law (as many have written) which amongst the Turks and Persians is all ●ne.  
Usun-Cassanes moved with the Fame and Virtues of this new Prophet, 
Haider marrieth Martha the daughter of the great King Usun Cassanes.  or rather (as some thought) desirous to win the Hearts of the Multitude of them that had received this new fantasy; gave him in marriage his Daughter Martha, begotten of the Christian Lady Despina the Daughter of Calo joannes, Emperor of Trapezond. Which marriage the Christian Emperor made with the Mahometan Prince, and he also accepted thereof, thereby to strengthen themselves against the Turkish Emperor Mahomet the Great; whose power was then become a terror unto all his neighbour Princes; but to how small purpose this policy served them both, is before declared in the life of the same Mahomet. At the conclusion of this marriage, the Emperor had especially covenanted with Usun-Cassanes, that his Daughter Despina might have the free exercise of the Christian Religion. Whereby it came to pass, that this Martha her Daughter, instructed by her Mother, became a Christian also; who now married by her Father unto this precise Hypocrite Haider Erdebil, in short time bore him a Son called Hysmael, whom she so much as she could trained up in the Principles of the Christian Religion. Whereby it came to pass, that afterwards when he had by rare fortune obtained the Kingdom of Persia, he always during his life had the Christians in good regard, and never found fault with their Religion.  
Haider thus graced with the marriage of the great King's Daughter Martha, only for his rare Virtues and Purity of Life, as was commonly supposed, grew now into far greater Credit and Estimation of the People than before. So that his doctrine and opinions began to be generally received, and the number of his Followers so greatly augmented, that jacup succeeding his Father Usun-Cassanes but lately dead, began to have the Power and Credit of Haider his Brother in law in suspect; and to distrust lest the Persians (who secretly favoured the remainder of the Posterity of their ancient Kings) should assemble together under the colour of this new Superstition, and raise some dangerous Rebellion before he were well settled in his Seat. For he was not ignorant, that Asembeius (Usun-Cassanes his Father) had but by Force and Policy usurped the Kingdom, having killed Moloonchres the lawful King; whereof there arose two Factions, some favouring the Usurper, and othersome the poor remainder of the descent of their ancient Kings of the race of Tamerlane. For which causes jacup (as he was of a suspicious and troublesome Nature, and above measure jealous of his State) nothing regarding the near Alliance or reputed holiness of his godly Brother in law, caused him (suspecting no such matter) to be secretly murdered; 
Haider Erdebil secretly murdered.  and so having struck off his Head, with Fire and Sword persecuted all the Professors of that new Doctrine; so to deliver himself for ever of that his vain and needless fear; Hysmael the Son of Haider (who was afterwards called the great Sophi of Persia) being then but a Child, as it were by fatal Destiny escaped the Fury of his cruel Uncle jacup, and fled into Hyrcania, unto one Pyrchales his Father's Friend, who then ruled in a small Territory near unto the Caspian Sea.  
Amongst many others of the Disciples and Followers of Haider (which in that cruel Persecution were glad to fly for safeguard of their lives) the two before named, Chasan Shelife, and Schach Culi, afterwards surnamed Cuselbas', in outward show both of Virtue and Learning not inferior unto their Master, flying that dangerous Tempest, and passing over the River Euphrates, came into Armenia the lesser, and there took up their dwelling at the great Mountain Antitaurus; at the foot whereof the broken Rocks have divers dark and obscure Caves; made partly by Art, and partly by Nature; which place is of the Inhabitants called Teke-Ili; whereof divers Historiographers, I know not whether deceived by the name of the place, or else wittingly transferring the name of the place unto the man that lived therein, have called this Schach Culi (who of the two proved of greater fame) by the name of Techellis, by which name we will also from henceforth call him. A thing heretofore much used amongst the religious, and also some of the Children of great Princes, who oftentimes bore the names of the places where they were born, or where they most lived. This place is both wholesome and exceeding pleasant, for the variety of Fruits and lively Springs, wherewith the Plains adjoining are continually watered, and the Mountains at all times of the year garnished.  
Here Shelife with his Companion Techellis, having separated themselves far from the Company of men, and given themselves wholly to a contemplative life, for divers years lived most straight and austerely, contenting themselves with such things as the Earth of itself afforded them, without seeking for better. These Hypocrites were first seen, and afterwards acquainted with the Shepherds and Herdsmen living upon the Mountains; and in process of time with the rude Husbandmen and Country People, who wondering at their strait and devout kind of life, relieved them with all things necessary. Yea Bajazet himself hearing of their austere and devout manner of living, sent them yearly six or seven thousand Asper's, as his Alms given them upon Charity and Devotion. But afterwards when they began to tell Fortunes, and as it were by the way of divination to prognosticate of things to come, the Rural People held them for more than men, and conceived of them a firm opinion, that they were some divine Prophets. And so were by the Country People first drawn into the Country Villages, and afterwards, as if it had been against their Wills, into the Cities; where they had in short time filled all the Country far and near, with the admiration of their fame; But after they began to publish their new phantasied Doctrine concerning the true successor of their great Prophet Mahomet, they wanted not their new fangled followers (as had Haider their Master before amongst the Persians) who had them in singular Reverence; persuaded now by them, that they should be condemned for ever, if they did not (as they were by them taught) give the honour of the true succession of their great Prophet, only to Haly, and him only to reverence and call upon next unto the great Prophet himself.  
When they had thus with their often Sermons and blinded Prophecies seduced the People, 
The beginning of the Cuselbassas.  and in short time won great Credit amongst the Vulgar sort, of themselves too much given to Novelty and Superstition; they commanded their Disciples and Followers to wear upon their Turkish Hats a red Band or Ribbon, whereby to be known from others that were not of their profession. Of which red Bands or Ribbons, they which professed this new Superstition, were, and yet are over all the East part of the World called by the name of Cuselbassas, which is to say, Red Heads.  

Hysmael his behaviour in the time of his exile.  Hysmael also living in exile, most earnestly embraced that new Superstition which Haider his Father had before taught in Persia, but with far better Fortune and Success. For as soon as he was grown to man's Estate, he following his Father's manner of life, and being by nature wonderful eloquent, comely of person, exceeding wise, and of an invincible Courage, was of the rude Vulgar People accounted of more like a god than a man; so that he grew to be of great fame and power amongst those barbarous People with whom he lived. And not the base and vulgar sort only, but divers Noblemen also, and others of good reputation, once alured with the Novelty of his Doctrine, the more to manifest their good Will towards the Author of their sect; after they had forsaken their old Superstition, ceased not (as the manner of men is) to commend him in the highest degree of Virtue and Honour. And he himself as yet but a youth, altogether bending his Wit to the setting forth of himself, making semblance of more than was indeed in him, obtained, as if it had been against his Will, Riches, Honour, Fame, and Authority; of all which things, he as a notable dissembler seemed to make no account or reckoning; neither were there some wanting which would swore, that Haider his Father (as he was an excellent Astronomer) calculating his Nativity, should say, That he should prove a great Prophet, and the Author of true Religion, who subduing the greatest part of the East, should become as glorious both in matters of Religion and Martial Affairs, as was Mahomet the Great Prophet himself. Which report being bruited abroad amongst the Vulgar People, greatly increased his Authority, and gave them occasion to talk of wonders. Not long after, Hysmael was first by the admiration, or rather assentation of his Friends and Followers, and afterwards as if it had been by a general consent, surnamed Sophos, which amongst those People signifieth a wise man, or the Interpreter of the gods. These prosperous beginnings, with the troubled State of the Persian Kingdom, encouraged him to take in hand great matters; for his Uncle jacup the Persian King was long before dead, being together with his Son poisoned by his adulterous Wife; which thing he presently perceiving, enforced her to drink of the same Cup; and because he would be sure that she should not escape, with his own hand struck off her Head, and immediately after died, with his Son. After whose Death great Troubles arose about the Succession; and divers great men one after another aspired to the Kingdom, which they enjoyed not long. And amongst the rest Elvan-Beg (whom jovius calleth Alvantes (at that time stood in no sure possession of the Kingdom, being mightily impugned by his Brother Moratchamus.  
Hysmael taking hold of this opportunity, armed divers of the most able men of his Followers, 
Hysmael returns into Armenia, and recovereth his Inheritance.  and receiving some small Aid from his poor old Friend Pyrchales, entered into Armenia, and there partly by the Fame that ran of him, and partly by the good Will of the People, rather than by any force, recovered his Father's Inheritance, whereunto the remembrance of his dead Father did not a little further him. He encouraged with this good beginning, daily grew stronger and stronger, by the continual repairing unto him of such as having once received the Doctrine of Haider, were glad of long (for fear of Persecution) to dissemble the same; but now having got an Head and Chieftain to cleave unto, began openly to show themselves again, and in great number to resort unto him, in hope of the good success of their Religion, not so happily begun by his Father.  
His power thus daily increasing beyond his expectation, he laid Siege unto Sumachia, 
Sumachia taken by Hysmael.  a City in the Confines of Media, which he took by force and sacked; and with the Spoil thereof both enriched and armed his Soldiers, which before were for most part naked men. The taking of this City wonderfully increased both his Fame and Courage, as oftentimes it falleth out, That haughty minds, courageously attempting high exploits, by the good event of their first attempts make way unto the full of their stately desires. So after this, Hysmaels' thoughts were not so low, as to think of the taking of this or that little City; but how he might now compass the great City of Tauris, the very Seat of the Persian Kings, 
Hysmael cometh to Tauris.  and afterwards the Kingdom itself. Whereupon reposing no less confidence in his own good Fortune, than the Valour of his Soldiers, he marched with his Army directly to the City of Tauris, and that with such expedition, that he was come before it before any such thing was feared, much less provided for. Elvan the Persian King was then at Tauris, and had but a little before fought a great Battle with his Brother Moratchamus for the Kingdom; and having vanquished him, drove him out of Armenia and Persia; and afterwards, as it commonly falleth out in the winding up of Civil Wars, had caused divers of the chief Citizens of Tauris, which had taken part with his Brother against him, to be severely executed, filling the Eyes of their Friends with the horrible spectacle of their dismembered Bodies, and the Hearts of most men with sorrow and heaviness; whereby he had so alienated the minds of the Citizens from him, that now upon the approach of Hysmael, they were all ready to forsake him; of which disposition Hysmael was beforehand informed, and upon the good hope thereof had hasted his coming. Elvan the Persian King thus overtaken on the sudden, had not time to raise such Forces as might suffice either to encounter his Enemy, or defend the City; wherefore despairing of his own Strength, and justly fearing the revolt and fury of the discontented Citizens, as a man dismayed, suddenly fled out of the City. After whose departure the Gates were presently set open to Hysmael. For the Citizens which in those troublesome times (wherein the two Brethren contended for the Kingdom) had suffered great calamity, chose rather in that present danger to receive a Conqueror of so great fame as was than Hysmael, than to their utter destruction to oppose themselves against him in the quarrel of their cruel King; and the rather, for that they saw a general security and open way to Preferment, proposed unto all such as should receive the reformed Religion of this new Conqueror.  
Hysmael entering the City, slew certain of the King's Guard which were not yet departed, 
Hysmael taketh the City of Tauris, and defaced the Tomb of his Uncle Jacup.  and then utterly razed the stately Tomb wherein his Uncle jacup was after the manner of the Persian Kings royally buried. And to mitigate the sorrow he had so long conceived of his Father's death, and with revenge to appease his angry Ghost, he caused the Tyrant's bones to be digged up and scattered abroad, and the memorial of his name to be quite razed out of all places of the City.  
Although Hysmael was thus possessed of the Regal City of Tauris, and had thereby made a way for the obtaining of the whole Kingdom, yet he knew that so long as Elvan lived, his Conquest was not unto him assured; and therefore to the uttermost of his power he augmented his Army with new supplies taken up in that populous City, whom he furnished with Armour and Weapons taken out of the King's Armoury. In the mean time news was brought unto him, that the Persian King before fled into the farthest part of his Kingdom, was now coming from Scyras with a great Army against him; and that Moratchamus his Brother, forgetting in this common danger all former quarrels, had raised a great Army about Babylon in Assyria, in short time to join with his Brother.  
Hysmael nevertheless nothing terrified with the report of the great preparation of the two Brethren against him, to the intent he might seem to undertake this War by the appointment of God, and upon a greater assurance than upon his own Strength, 
Hysmael goeth against the Persian King.  resolved to go against them. And so after he had mustered his Army, and in best manner he could provide all things necessary, he set forward from Tauris; using no other persuasion to encourage his Soldiers, but that they should all as became resolute men, make haste and follow him whom God had given them for a Chieftain and Leader, unto a most assured Victory. The Persian King was at the same time ten day's journey from Tauris, when Hysmael with incredible celerity preventing the fame of his coming, was come to the Mountain Niphates, which parteth Armenia from Assyria; which Mountain, Elvan purposing shortly to pass over with his populous Army, had sent before his Scouts to discover the straight passages, and a multitude of Pioners to make the ways more commodious for his great Army to pass. Which thing Hysmael understanding, and politicly considering that it would be much for his advantage, if he should first himself pass over those great Mountains, and so upon the sudden set upon his Enemies then lying in security, and fearing nothing less than such a desperate attempt; upon that resolution advanced his Ensigns upon the Mountains; and having with small resistance discomfited them which kept the passages, came down the same Mountains like a tempest, and furiously assailed the King, then lying in his Camp on the other side at the foot of the Mountain, upon the approach of whom, such a hurly burly was raised in the King's Camp, that what for the confused tumult of the Soldiers, and fearful outcries of the multitude of base People which followed the Camp, the King could scarcely give order unto his Captains what he would have done, or yet encourage his Soldiers, or put them in order of Battle. So that Hysmael giving a fierce onset with his Armenian Soldiers, there was suddenly begun a most terrible and bloody Battle. Neither did that day the fortune of Hysmael fail him, whose courage and prowess never failed; for assailing the King's Battle of Footmen, with three Squadrons at once, he had overcome them and put them to flight before that the Horsemen could arm themselves and mount their Horses, which were for most part unsaddled and unbridled at his coming. The King, who had nothing either feared or foreseen this so sudden a mischief, but had vainly persuaded himself, That the very fame of his coming with so huge an Army, would so terrify his Enemies, as that he should find none either at Tauris, or in all Armenia, that durst make resistance; was glad now to run to and fro to encourage his Soldiers, to stay his discomfited battles▪ yea and to come to handy-blows himself. But when neither his Captains nor Soldiers could put in execution his sudden directions which he was enforced to give in that imminent danger, being at once overcome with shame and desperation, he resolutely thrust himself into the head of his Battle, 
Elvan the Persian King slain.  and there valiantly fight was slain. Whereupon the Persian Horsemen, the greatest Strength of the King's Army, having now no King for whom they should fight, betook themselves to flight, after whom followed the Archers, and all the rest of the King's Army.  
When as Hysmael had with less loss than a man would have thought so great a Victory could have been achieved, possessed the Enemy's Tents, he made no great pursuit after them, for that he thought it more requisite to refresh his Soldiers throughly wearied and almost spent with long travel and late fight; wherefore for certain days he reposed himself with his Army in those his Enemies forsaken Tents. Afterwards, when he had received Ambassadors from divers places, yielding their Cities and Towns, and that the favour of the People generally inclined to him, together with the Victory; he marched with his Army to Scyras; where he was of the Citizens who had before heard of the Victory, joyfully received, and his Army relieved with all things he could desire. Hysmael there entertained with the greatest honours that the fearful Citizens could possibly attribute to him, did oftentimes preach unto them of the truth and excellency of his Father's Doctrine, and withal gave out straight Proclamations, That he would account all them for his Enemies, which did not within the space of thirty days renounce their old Superstition, and receive this new found verity (as he would have it.) Wherefore, forasmuch as on the one side were proposed most certain rewards, by the happy course of his Victories, and on the other, was threatened Exile and Torture to such as should obstinately persist in their opinion; in short time he drew all the vulgar People to embrace his new Doctrine. And afterwards having paid his Soldiers with the riches of that great City, he gallantly furnished both his old and new Soldiers that wanted Armour, with most excellent Armour and Furniture; for in that City, one of the greatest and most famous of the East, were many Shops full of all kind of Armour, which the Armourers with wonderful cunning used to make of Iron and Steel, and in the juice of certain Herbs, of much more notable temper and beauty than are these which are made with us in Europe; not only Headpieces, Curiasses, and complete Armours, but whole Caparisons for Horses, curiously made of thin plates of Iron and Steel. Departing from Scyras, he took also the great City of Sapha supposed to have been the City in ancient time called Susa, and Su●●ania, which for the wonderful ruins of the huge Buildings, is deemed to have been the ancient and famous City Tigranocreta. These great matters quickly dispatched, 
Hysmael goth against Moratchamus.  and having in every City placed Governors of his own Sect, he passed over the River Tigris in Mesopotamia of purpose to expulse Moratchamus the late King's Brother, out of Babylon, who was yet in Arms, and had intended (as is before said) to have passed into Armenia, to have joined his Forces with the King his Brother; but now terrified with his Brother's Calamity (who together with a most puissant Army, and the Strength of the Persian Kingdom, was in one day fallen from the height of so great a Fortune) thought it not best to try his fortune in the Field against so fortunate an Enemy, but forthwith to withdraw himself into the remotest places of that large Kingdom, and from thence to expect some better Fortune. For he well knew that he was not able to withstand his victorious Enemy, now leading after him a most puissant Army, who not long before had with a small power vanquished and slain his Brother in a great Battle. Hysmael now by the greatness of his Fame and Forces, and as it were by the Favour of God himself, become a terror to all the Princes of the East, entered into Mesopotamia after the flight of Moratchamus, and received all that great Province into his Subjection, every man as it were striving who should first by his Speedy Submission purchase the Favour of the victorious Conqueror. To be brief, Moratchamus already terrified, and reposing no great hope in himself, or his own power, neither deeming it for his safety to shut up himself within the Walls of any strong City, trust up his things of greatest price, and with his Wives and Children fled into Arabia.  
This Moratchamus is he whom some Historiographers called Mara-Beg, and is in the Turks Histories called Imirsa Beg, who (as they report) afterwards marrying the Daughter of Bajazet, and recovering part of the Persian Kingdom, was suddenly murdered by some of his Nobility, whom he purposed secretly to have put to death, if they had not prevented the same by murdering of him first. Hysmael having victoriously subdued a great part of the Persian Kingdom, and filled all the East part of the World with the glory of his name, returned out of Assyria into Media, and took in such Cities and strong Holds as were yet holden by the Garrisons of the late Persian King. And afterwards returning into Armenia, made Wars upon the Albanians, Iberians, and Scythians, which dwell upon the Borders of the Caspian; for that those Nations, in ancient times tributaries unto the Persian 〈…〉 g, taking the benefit of the long Civil Wars wherewith the Kingdom of Persia, and all the East Countries, with the ruin of the King's House, had been of late turmoiled; had neither paid any Tribute by the space of four years, nor sent any honourable Embassage, as they were wont, and as was expected, especially in so great a Victory and alteration of the State.  
Hysmael having thus obtained the Persian Kingdom, in short time became famous through the World, and was justly accounted amongst the greatest Monarches of that Age. But nothing made him more to be spoken of, than the innovation he had made in the Mahometan Superstition; for by his device and commandment a new form of Prayer was brought into their Mahometan Temples, far differing from that which had been of long time before used. By reason whereof, Ebubekir, Homer, and Osman, the successors of their great Prophet Mahomet, before had in great regard and reverence, began now to be contemned, and their writings nothing regarded; and the honour of Hali exalted, as the true and only Successor of their great Prophet. And because he would have his Subjects and the Followers of his Doctrine known from the Turks and other Mahometans, he commanded that they should all wear some red Hatband, Lace, or Ribbon upon their Heads; which they Religiously observe in Persia until this day; whereof they are of the Turks called Cuselba's, or Red-heads. 
Hysmael exceedingly beloved and honoured of his Subjects.  And in short time he had so used the matter, that he was wonderfully both beloved and reverenced of his Subjects; insomuch that his sayings were accounted for divine Oracles, and his commandments for Laws: so that when they would confirm any thing by solemn Oath, they would swear by the Head of Hysmael the King; and when they wished well to any Man, they usually said, Hysmael grant thee thy desire. Upon his Coin which he made both of Silver and Gold, on the one side was written these words, La illahe illalahu Muhame dumb resul allahe: which is to say, There is no Gods but one, and Mahomet is his Messenger. And on the other side, Ismaill halife lullahe; which is to say, Hysmael the Vicar of God.  
Whilst Hysmael was thus wrestling for the Persian Kingdom, year 1508. Chasan Chelife and Techellis (whom we have a little before declared to have been brought out of the Mountains and Deserts, 
Chasen Chelife and Techellis invade the Turks Dominions.  into the Country-Villages, and afterwards into the Cities; and to have filled the Countries of Armenia and a great part of the lesser Asia with the novelty of their new Doctrine and Opinions, first phantasied by one Giunet Siech, and afterward revived by Haider Erdebil, Hysmael his Father) having gathered a great Army of such as had received their Doctrine, invaded the Turks Dominion. For after that Techellis (this cold Prophet) had with wonderful felicity in the presence of many prognosticated of things to come; and Hysmael the Sophi (of late a poor exiled and banished man) was thought to have grown unto the highest type of Worldly Honours, not by man's help, but by uprightness of life, and the fortunate passage of an undoubted Religion; such a desire of receiving that new Superstition possessed the minds of the People in general, that the Cities and Towns thereabouts were now full of them which in token of their new profession had taken upon them the wearing of the Red Hat, the known Cognisance of the Cuselba's. First they met together at the City of Tascia, at the Foot of the Mountain Antitaurus, or as the Turkish History reports, at the City of Attalia, to the number of ten thousand, upon a great Fair-day; where they laid hands upon the chief Magistrate of the City, and executed him, setting his quarters upon four of the highest Towers of the City; and further persuaded by these new Masters of this new Superstition, to take up Arms in defence of themselves and of their sincere Religion (as they termed it) in case that any violence should be offered them by the irreligious Turks; they all swore never to forsake their Captains for any distress, or yet refuse any labour or adventure for the honour of their most holy Religion (as they would have it) in defence whereof they had already vowed their Souls and Bodies. These Ringleaders of Rebellion, seeing the minds of their frantic Followers so well prepared for their purpose, and reposing a great confidence in their valour and resolution; and withal considering that the money which was bountifully brought in unto them by the Country People, partly for Devotion, partly for Fear, was not sufficient to maintain so great a multitude, gave leave by public Proclamation to their unruly Followers, to forage the Country round about them, and to live upon the Spoil of them which would not receive their new found Doctrine. Whereupon they dividing themselves into divers Companies, and ranging up and down the Country, brought into the Camp abundance of cattle, and other such things as the Country yielded; and forthwith (their multitude still increasing) they entered into Lycaonia, a populous and fruitful Country, where they refreshed themselves many days, roaming up and down to the great grievance and terror of the People; and brought such a fear upon the whole Country, that they which dwelled in open Durps and Villages, were glad to fly with their Wives, Children and Goods, into the strong City of Iconium; for Proclamations were in many places set up in the names of Chasan Chelife and Techellis, wherein many both Spiritual and Temporal Blessings were in most ample manner proposed to all such as should forthwith take part with them, and follow that their new Doctrine already established in Persia; but unto such as should obstinately persevere in their old Superstition, after they had once drawn their Sword, was threatened utter destruction without without hope of pardon of Life. So that all the Inhabitants thereabouts, terrified with the terror of this Proclamation, some for fear of Death, some upon Inconstancy, some for safeguard of their Goods and Possessions (dearer unto them than any Religion) some other indebted, infamous, in danger of Law, besides many fugitive Servants, daily resorted to these new Masters. Not long after, whilst the Turks were making preparation for the suppressing of this dangerous Rebellion, certain Troops of Horsemen sent from Hysmael, came in good time to these new Prophets; for Hysmael in favour and furtherance of that New Superstition, had a little before by fit Messengers exhorted them to proceed courageously in their so religious an enterprise, and to join Martial Force unto the Religion they professed; promising further, not to be wanting unto them at their need, but to send them skilful Leaders, and from time to time to furnish them with Coin for the maintenance of that War. All this Hysmael did openly in despite of Bajazet, of small beginnings to sow the Seed of greater War. For he bearing an old grudge against Bajazet for the former Wars betwixt the Turks and the Persians, as also for their disagreement in matters concerning their Superstition, and pricked forward with the heat of youth, desired nothing more in the greatness of his power, and prosperous success of his Affairs, than to have occasion to make War with the Turkish King; for which purpose he sent his Ambassadors unto the State of Venice, 
Hysmael sends Ambassadors unto the Venetians to join in League with them against Bajazet.  to join with them in League and Amity, in such form and so●t as they had long time before, by Catarinus Zemes, Barbarus, and Contarenus their Ambassadors, concluded with Usun-Cassanes the great Persian King his Grandfather. The Chief things that he requested of the Venetians, was, That they would send him out of Italy by the way of Syria, men skilful in the casting of great Ordnance, and with their Fleet to trouble Bajazet by Sea; promising in the mean time himself to fill Asia the less with his Army by Land, and so to give a fair occasion unto them, to recover by Sea all such places as they had before in the late Wars lost unto the Turks upon the Coast of Peloponnesus and Grecia.  
The Venetians having with all courtesy entertained the Ambassadors, gave them answer, That they would never be forgetful of the ancient League and Amity they had made with the Persian King; the remembrance whereof was unto their State a thing most pleasant; and that they were wonderful glad, that the new King was an Enemy unto the Turk, and had them in such regard, as to participate to them the causes of that War; and further to promise unto them those things, which if his Grandfather Usun-Cassanes, or his Uncle jacup would have performed, he should not now have had need to make Wars with the Turkish Emperor. But such was the alteration of things and times, that as the Persian Kings then living at home in peace, thought it not good to stir whilst Bajazet was busy in Europe; so now their State standing in far worse condition and fortune, could not perform that which they heartily wished, and most of all desired; for that they thought it not good to break the League which they had not long before made with Bajazet the Turkish Emperor; especially then, when sundry warlike Nations of Europe conspiring together, and divers mighty Kings provoked with no injury, but only envying at their happy estate, made Wars upon them; yet neverheless were in good hope, that God would stand in their just defence, and still preserve their State, which no Enemy's power had for the space of seven hundred years and more been able to overcome. Wherefore they should show unto their King, that they would as occasion should serve, and as it should stand with the good of their State, do their uttermost devoir to make him understand, that nothing was dearer unto them than the Friendship of so great a King; nor any thing more honourable, than by mutual Counsel and combined Forces to assail the Turk their common Enemy.  
Shortly after, the Ambassadors (having obtained nothing more than the hope of a League to be in time concluded, and being honourably rewarded) returned with their Galleys to Cyprus, and so from thence to Syria, where they had secret conference with Petrus Zenus (the Son of Caterinus Zenus, a man famous for his Embassage unto Usun-Cassanes into Persia) Governor of the Venetian Merchants at Damascus. Which thing Bajazet having intelligence of, and of the passage of the Persian Ambassadors that way, complained grievously both by his Ambassadors and Letters unto Campson Gaurus Sultan of Egypt, That he dealt not as a Friend and Confederate with him, in suffering these Ambassadors so to pass throughout the midst of Syria, unto the Christians their common Enemies, to stir them up to War. Whereupon all the Venetian Merchants which were at Tripoli, Al●ppo, Damascus, Berytus, and Alexandria, and especially Zenus himself, were forthwith apprehended by the commandment of the great Sultan, and carried in Bonds to Cairo, where they were many times enforced in Chains to answer unto such things as were laid to their Charge, and after they had by the space of a year endured the manifold despites of the proud Mamalukes, hardly obtained to escape with Life and Liberty.  
The two seditious Prophets, Chasan and Techellis, well strengthened with the aid of the Persians, were now come unto Iconium, the most famous City of Lycaonia; and wasting all the Country before them, drew a great multitude of People to receive their new Doctrine. For the repressing of which outrages, Orcanes and Mahomates, two of Bajazet his Nephews (who in stead of their Father's Al●m Schach and Tzian Schach, the Sons of Bajazet before dead, governed those Countries) gathered together their Forces, and disdaining to suffer such disgrace by such a Rabble of rascal People, in the sight of so famous a City, came into the Field to give them battle. 
Orcanes and Mahomates two of Bajazet his Nephews overthrown by Techellis.  But they in their youthful heat making too much haste, and joining battle in a place of disadvantage, were by the Rebels overthrown and put to flight. Neither would these Ringleaders in that Victory have forborn to have assailed Iconium, but that they wanted Artillery and Engines of War requisite for the besieging of Cities.  
Corcutus also, one of the Sons of Bajazet, having at the same time levied a convenient Army about Thiatyra, Sypilus, Magnesia and Phocea, durst not further stir or set forward against the Rebels, although they lay dispersed about the Country fast by him. These new Prophets with Ensigns displayed, marching from Country to Country through the heart of the lesser Asia, entered at length into Bythinia, where near unto the River Sangarius they met with Caragoses Bassa the Viceroy of Asia, coming against them with a great Army well appointed, which he had a little before raised upon the Bruit of the coming of these Rebels; and had also commanded Achometes (whom the Turks call Achmetes) the eldest Son of Bajazet then living, Governor of the great Countries of Cappadocia and Pontus, to raise his power, and to follow at the Back of the Rebels; who if they should hap to be put to the worse, would neither be able to retire, neither to keep the Field, being so shut up betwixt two so great Armies. But Techellis by his speedy coming frustrated these designs of the Viceroy; for marching with all speed, he was upon Caragoses before he was well aware of his coming, near unto the Mountain Hormynus, as he was then taking up of more Soldiers, and daily expected the coming of others, as if he had been going against some puissant Enemy. The Viceroy seeing the Rebels approach, although he had before not purposed to have encountered them before he had raised far greater Forces; thought it not now to stand with his honour, to refuse to give them Battle, although his Army for the most part consisted of the rude Country Peasants, taken up upon the sudden▪ out of Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, and Bythinia, raw Soldiers, and for most part unarmed; as commonly they are which in those Countries are pressed against their Wills out of the Towns and Villages, and are of the Turks called Asapi, who of the Janissaries are scarcely accounted for men. But his greatest confidence he reposed in the approved Valour of his ancient Horsemen, by whose means he doubted not, in safety to retire out of the Battle, and to save himself if any thing should fall out otherwise than well; making no great account of the common Soldiers, more than by them if he could, to weaken the Force of the Rebels; who on the other side (their greatest Force consisting of Footmen) had no hope to save themselves by Flight, but only by plain Valour and dint of Sword. Which Techellis well considering, exhorted his Soldiers to remember into what Country they were come, and that there was no Cities of refuge, no new power, no other gods of defence to fly unto, if they should not that day play the men; Wherefore let us courageously (said he) set forward against our Enemies, and by Victory defend our Lives, together with the Truth of our Religion, for which we have vowed both our Souls and Bodies. He had scarcely said thus much, but that his whole Army, 
The battle between Caragoses and Techellis.  in token of cheerfulness, gave a most terrible shout, and without further stay set upon their Enemies. The Viceroy had placed his Footmen in the main Battle in the middle, and his Horsemen in the Wings, thereby to have compassed his Enemies; but Techellis had set all his Footmen in one great square Battle, and his Persian Horsemen for a refuge. But the Viceroy his freshwater Soldiers could scarcely abide the sight of Techellis his Army; for in the front of the Battle stood Soldiers throughly armed, and all the rest of his Army with red Hats upon their Heads, as if they had been imbrued with Blood, which wonderfully terrified the Bassas cowardly and unskilful Soldiers; so that having endured the Fight scarcely half an hour, they all turned their Backs and fled. The Turkish Horsemen which had valiantly assailed the Rebel's Army on both sides, although they had slain many with their Arrows and Lances, and somewhat disordered the Battle, for that the Footmen were enforced to leave their places, and to press still on forward against them; yet when Techellis his Soldiers (having overcome the Footmen, and dividing themselves into divers Squadrons) began with their long Pikes to kill their Horses, and to lay hardly unto them, they likewise betook themselves to Flight also. Then the Persian Horsemen (which all this while had stood still as lookers on) left their stand and following the chase slew many of the Turks in their disordered Flight; and following fast on, enclosed the Viceroy as he was staying of his Horsemen, and could not for the thickness of the dust well discorn his Enemies; so that he had been there taken, if he had not been speedily rescued by his Guard, and so delivered from that danger. The rest of the Turks Horsemen saved themselves by flight. In this Battle seven thousand of the Turks Footmen were slain, and all their Ensigns taken, with great store of Provision.  
After which Victory, 
Techelli● besiegeth Caragoses the Viceroy, in the City of Cutaie▪  Chasan and Techellis resting their Army one day, marched to the City of Cutaie, near unto the mountain Horminius: This City is situated as it were in the midst of Asia the less, and is the Seat of the Turkish Emperors Viceroy in Asia; as Sophia in Moesia is for his other Vceroy in Europe; for it was reported, that the Country People had for fear of the present War conveied thither the greatest part of their Wealth; and the Rebels well knew, that the Viceroy himself with his chief Horsemen were fled thither also; neither doubted they, but that all the Army might be greatly enriched by the Wealth of that City, if they should without delay employ their whole Forces for the gaining thereof, their Enemies now altogether discouraged with their late overthrow. Techellis also deeming that enterprise of so much worth as whereon to gauge his whole Forces, coming before the City, placed such Field Pieces as he had before taken in the Battle, and his Archers in such fit places as might most annoy the Defendants; afterward he caused scaling Ladders to be set up, and Proclamation made through all his Camp, That the whole Spoil of the City should be the Soldiers if they could take it; with promise of greater rewards to them that should first recover the top of the Walls. Filled with this hope, the rebellious multitude approached the Wall, fearing neither Enemies Force, multitude of Shot, or danger of Death; striving who should first mount the Ladders, and some climbing one in the neck of another, so to get up by the ruins of the Wall. The Defendants in the mean time from above casting down upon them great Stones, Timber, Fire, scalding Water, Lime, Sand, and such like without measure; wherewith although many were overthrown and crushed to death or spoiled, yet others presently stepped up in their place; neither was any of them seen, for fear of the present danger to shrink back or be discouraged; for the Viceroy on the one side, and Techellis on the other, were both Eye-witnesses of every man's Valour in that hot service; the one pricked forward with doubtful hope, for fear to be enforced to give over the Assault so begun; and the other with the due regard of his Honour, Life and State, all subject to that danger, and therefore in person himself performed all the parts of a worthy Chieftain and courageous Soldier. But at length the Defendants wearied with the fierce Assault of the Enemy, and for most part wounded, Techellis continually sending in fresh men, and withdrawing such as were hurt, by plain force broke into the City in two places over the heaps of the dead bodies; and having repulsed the Defendants, burst open one of the Gates, and thereby brought in his whole Army. Then began a miserable Slaughter of the Soldiers and poor Citizens in every House and Corner of the City. 
Caragoses the Viceroy with his Wives and Children taken by Techellis in the City of Cu●aie.  At which instant the Palace (whither the Viceroy had retired himself with his Family) was also taken; the Viceroy himself with his Wives and Children were there also taken Prisoners, and the stately Palace built with Marble, in a trice consumed with fire.  
The rich City of Cutaie, the Seat of the great Commander of the Turkish Empire in Asia, thus taken by Techellis, and his whole Army both beautified and enriched with the spoil thereof; he persuaded himself, that it was now no hard matter for him to take the City of Prusa also, the ancient Seat of the Turkish Kings in Bythinia, and so to endanger the whole State of the Turks Empire in Asia, if he should now without delay carry the terror of himself thither, before the Turks could in that Country make head against him, or the Citizens be able in so sudden a fear to make any sufficient provision for the defence of themselves and their City; and so in the course of his good fortune to use the courage and cheerfulness of his Soldiers. Wherefore appointing a day when he would set forward, he commanded all things necessary to be made ready for the taking of that rich City, being neither strongly walled, neither furnished with any good Garrison for the defence thereof.  
But whilst he was making this preparation, a new Army, lately shipped over the Hellespont from Callipolis into Asia, enforced him to change his form▪ determination. For Bajazet awaked at the name of Techellis, and the fame of the new Superstition now generally received in Persia, had long before given commandment to his Sons, Nephews, and the Viceroy of Asia, That they should with all carefulness provide, that that part of his Kingdom took no harm thereby. But after he saw Techellis of a poor Hermit become a great Captain, and backed also with the Persian King, and all his Dominions in Asia in danger of some great alteration; he sent Alis Bassa with his Europeian Army. This Alis an Eunuch, 
Bajazet sendeth Alis Bassa out of Europe against Techellis.  born in Macedonia (yet for his courage comparable with the greatest Captains) had for his many and worthy deserts, in the time of the great Emperor Mahomet, Bajazet his Father, got unto himself both the honour and name of a most famous Chieftain. He having made choice of the principal Horsemen of Epirus, Macedonia, Servia, Illyria, and Thracia, and joining unto them seven thousand Janissaries (the most assured hope of the Turks in all their expeditions) passed over from Callipolis into Phrigia, and upon the way directed his Letters unto Achomates and Corcutus, Bajazet his Sons, and to all the other Sanzacks and Governors of the Turks Provinces in Asia, That they should with as much speed as they could, raise their Forces and meet him in Galatia. But Techellis advertised of his coming, thought it best for him to depart out of Pontus, and to retire to some place of more safety, lest by longer staying he should be enclosed by his Enemies, repairing thitherwards on every ●ide; or else upon some great disadvantage to join Battle; for he saw, that if he stayed never so little, he should find no safe passage or place of refuge to retire unto, having left such large and spacious Countries, so many Enemy's Cities, so many great Rivers, so many discontented People behind him; all which the first favour of the Vulgar Sort, and speedy course of his Victory, had a little before laid open unto him. Wherefore calling together his Captains and most expert Men of War to consult upon the matter, it was generally thought to be a point of mere madness, or else of extreme necessity, with so small a power of unskilful Soldiers, without any sufficient strength of Horsemen, to join Battle with such an Enemy as better knew the Country than he, and far exceeded him both for number and expertness of his Soldiers. Wherefore Techellis trussing up his rich Prey he had before gotten, began now with speed to retire back again with his Followers through Galatia. But the Bassa having intelligence almost every hour by Letters and Spials, both of the retiring of Techellis, and the way he held, passed over the River Sangarius, and coasting the Country, came and encamped betwixt the Cities of Cutaie and Ancyra, which way it was supposed the Enemy would pass. Where when he had there a while rested his wearied Soldiers, and was certainly advertised, that the Rebels had taken another way, he set forward again, and after five days march in the Plains of Galatia, overtook the stragglers of the Enemies, who wearied or wounded, were not able to hold way with the Army; all whom the Bassa commanded to be cruelly put to the Sword. And Techellis to terrify the great Bassa, or at leastwise with a most horrible spectacle to stay his pursuit, caused Caragoses the Viceroy, whom he had carried along with him in Chains, to be cruelly impailed by the highway side, upon a sharp stake set fast in the ground, and so left him sticking for the Turks to wonder at. But Alis Bassa nothing dismayed with the horrible death of so great a personage, held on his way with more haste than good speed, exhorting his Soldiers patiently to endure the painfulness of the long march, and to strain themselves to take revenge of those rebellious Thiefs and Robbers, who destroying the Country before them, spared not so much as the Turks Children, and the Temples of their Religion; and so the day following came into the Plains of Ancyra. The same day also Achomates came unto the Bassa with ten thousand Soldiers. Alis Bassa perceiving that he could not possibly with his whole Army overtake his Enemies, marching with greater speed before him, and grieved at the heart to see them escape out of his hand, resolved to prove if he could with his Horsemen overtake them; whereupon leaving his Footmen with Achomates, he himself with eight thousand Horse following the Enemy upon the spur, overtook the Rearward of their Army at the Mountain Olyga, a little from the City of Ancyra, unto whom he gave an hot skirmish.  
Techellis which a little before had taken a fit place for his Camp, 
The battle betwixt Alis Bassa and Techellis.  upon the rising of the Hill, although he saw his men faint with long travel and the scorching heat of the Sun, yet quickly perceiving that he should have to do only with Horsemen, and that in a place of advantage; turning his Army, and orderly placing his Soldiers, as the ground and the shortness of the time would give leave, valiantly received the impression of the Turks, and with their long Pikes and Arrows at the first repulsed them; so that it seemed they would neither have given ground unto the bragging Horsemen, neither have done any thing not beseeming their former Victories, had not Alis Bassa sent a thousand Carbines, who in Troops orderly following one another, delivered their Shot as thick as Hail upon the Enemy; with which storm many of them being slain, and more wounded, their ranks began to be somewhat disordered; whereupon the other Horsemen breaking in, with great slaughter overthrew the Vanguard of Techellis Battle; in which conflict Chasan Chelife himself was slain. Techellis always at hand where most need was, 
Chasan C●●life slain.  even in the midst of the Slaughter of his men set in order a new Battle of his most ready and best armed Soldiers, the only remedy in so great a distress; and bringing them on into the front of the Battle, opposed them against the Horsemen, now (as they thought) in possession of the Victory; commanding them by little and little to retire unto the Mountain, to the intent that they might seem to do that by commandment of the General, which they were like enough to have done of themselves for fear; hoping that it would so come to pass, That the Turks finding the disadvantage of the place, would leave so hardly to assail them. But the Bassa encouraged with the first success of the battle, exhorted his Soldiers to urge the Victory, now almost as good as gotten, and not to give the Enemy space to recover the strength of the Mountain, but valiantly to charge them, and with a little short pains that day to end all that War, to the honour of Bajazet their Sovereign, and worthy commendation of themselves in general. In this sort encouraging them, he with a Troop of his best Horsemen (to animate the rest, and to show his own Valour) broke through the Enemy's Battle; which thing he in the same heat, with more courage than discretion, attempting to perform the second time, was enclosed by his Enemies and slain; 
Alis Bassa slain.  upon whose fall the fortune of the Battle was in a moment changed; for the Turks, which erst fought courageously, having beaten back and almost overthrown their Enemies, now dismayed with their General's death, began to fight but faintly, and by little and little to give ground, and at last turning their Horses about, fled. On the other side Techellis his Soldiers, who but a little before had reposed greater hope in the strength of the place and the Mountain, than in their Weapons and Valour, now encouraged with new hope, and taking heart in the faint Charge of their Enemies, beg●● to thrust forward, and with a most terrible noise crying Victory, put to flight the Turks Horsemen, before wearied with long travel, when as they had by the General's rashness lost a notable Victory almost already gained. Techellis although he knew that the Enemy could neither refresh his Horses, nor yet with any assurance keep the Field, if he should have pursue● him; yet having lost many of his best Soldiers, and the rest of his Army sore weakened with Travel, Fasting, and Fight, determined to refresh his wearied Followers upon the Mountain Olyga. From whence after a few days he marched over the River Halys unto the City of Tascia, his old dwelling place, and so to the City of Celenis, which the River Marsia (much spoken of by the Poets) runneth through, and is now called by the name of Maras, but as then the Regal Seat of the Mountain King Aladeules. The Turks Horsemen having thus in some small sort rather revenged the injuries done by the Rebels, than obtained any Victory, returned to Achomates, who was then coming on with the Footmen. Not long after, Bajazet understanding of the death of Alis Bassa his General, sent jonuses Bassa, 
Jonuses' Bassa 〈◊〉 by Bajazet▪ General 〈◊〉 his Army against Techellis.  a warlike Captain, and of great experience (born in Epirus) in his stead. Who as soon as he had received the Charge of the Army from Achomates, marching forthwith into Cappadocia, and keeping the way on the right hand towards the Mo●●●●in Antitaurus, came in few days unto the City of Tascia, the place of Techellis his abode; where burning and destroying the Country all about, he came and encamped with his Army at the foot of the Mountain; The Bassa had in his Army about forty thousand Horse and Foot, well appointed, with many Field Pieces, and plenty of Victuals which he brought with him, for fear of want in that bare Country. Techellis terrified with his coming, having of late received no Aid from Hysmael the Persian King, and wanting also great Artillery, and besides that seeing his Soldiers greatly both diminished and discouraged with the late Battle at Olyga; determined not upon so great disadvantage to meet his Enemy in the plain Field, but to keep the rough Mountains and thick Woods, hoping that if he could be able any time to keep those strong places, he should either receive some Aid from Hysmael, or by the heat of the Turks Leaders take them at some notable advantage. In the mean time many notable skirmishes passed betwixt the Soldiers on both sides; for the Turks fetching a compass oftentimes about the Mountains, and seeking for the best passages, by the easy rising of the Hills, came to skirmish with their Enemies; and Techellis his Soldiers on the other side sallying many times out of the Woods and abrupt places of the Mountains, valiantly assailed the Turks. After they had a long time in this sort, as if it had been in disport, rather proved their Forces one upon another, than done any great matter; the Turks prying into every corner, at length perceived two ways whereby their whole Army with Ensigns displayed might without any great difficulty be brought unto the top of the Mountain, and so into their Enemy's strength. The Bassa having well viewed and considered the places, caused the Janissaries at one instant to march up to the Mountain by one of the aforesaid ways, and the rest of his Army by the other; who with soft pace climbing up the steep Mountains, with their Targuets defended themselves as well as they could against their Enemy's Darts and Shot. For Techellis his Soldiers having before taken the high Mountains and places of advantage, cast down upon the Turks great Stones and Shot without number, as if it had been out of some strong Forts. But the Turks bending certain small Field Pieces against the places which most annoyed them, easily drove them from their stand; the Harquebusiers still following their Ensigns, shrouded close under the Targuetiers, and delivered their deadly Shot as showers of Rain upon their Enemies. Whose desperate approach Techellis perceiving, caused a Retreat to be sounded, and with all his Army retired farther off into the higher Mountains and rougher Woods. The night following, perceiving that by the evil success of the former skirmish he had lost a great part of his credit and strength, he with great silence forsook the Woods, and passing quite over the Mountains fled into Armenia, than part of the Persian Kingdom. Neither did the Turks perceive their departure until, it was light day, and that their Scouts entering the thick Woods, and finding the Enemy's baggage, with some wounded Soldiers not able to fly, brought news unto the Bassa of the Enemy's departure and of his speedy flight into Armenia. Which thing, when he by them that were taken, understood to be certainly true, fretting and chafing like a mad man, that he had not presently upon the Enemies Retreat beset the Wood round, he sent his Horsemen forthwith to pursue them; but all in vain, for Techellis was by direct and known ways gone into Armenia. Some few stragglers not able to make so much haste as the rest, were overtaken by the Turks Horsemen, and brought back to the Bassa.  
Techellis thus put to flight, jonuses caused straight inquisition to be made through all the Cities of the lesser Asia, for all such as had professed the Persian Religion; and them whom he found to have born Arms in the late Rebellion, he caused to be put to death with most exquisite Torments, and the rest to be burnt in their Foreheads with an hot Iron, thereby for ever to be known; whom together with the Kinsfolks and Friends of them that were executed, or fled with Techellis, he caused to be transported into Europe, and to be dispersed through Macedonia, Epirus, and Peloponnesus; for fear lest if Techellis now fled into the Persian Kingdom, should from thence return with new Forces, they should also again repair unto him, and raise a new Rebellion. This was the beginning, course, and ending, of one of the most dangerous Rebellions that ever troubled the Turkish Empire; wherein all, or at leastwise the greatest part of their Dominions in Asia, might have been easily surprised by the Persian King, if he would throughly have prosecuted the occasion and opportunity then offered.  
The remainder of Techellis his Followers, flying into Persia, by the way lightning upon a Caravan of Merchants laden with Silks, and other rich Merchandise, took the Spoil thereof; for which outrage coming to Tauris, the Captains were all by the commandment of Hysmael executed, 
Techellis burnt at Tauris.  and Techellis himself to the terror of others burnt alive.  
year 1509. The next year (which was the year 1509. the fourteenth day of September) chanced a great and terrible Earthquake in the City of Constantinople and the Countries thereabouts; 
A great Earthquake at Constantinople.  by the violence whereof, a great part of the Walls of that imperial City, with many stately Buildings both public and private, were quite overthrown, and thirteen thousand People overwhelmed and slain. The terror whereof was so great, that the People generally forsook their Houses and lay abroad in the Fields; yea Bajazet himself, then very aged and sore troubled with the Gout, for fear thereof removed from Constantinople to Hadrianople; but finding himself in no more safety than before, he left the City and lay abroad in the Fields in his Tent. This Earthquake endured by the space of eighteen days, or (as the Turks Histories report) a month, with very little intermission; which was then accounted ominous, as portending the miserable calamities which shortly after happened in the Ottoman Family. After this Earthquake ensued a great Plague, wherewith the City was grievously visited, and for the most part unpeopled. But after that the Earthquake was ceased, and the Mortality assuaged; Bajazet caused the imperial City to be with all speed repaired, and to that purpose gave out commissions into all parts of his Dominions for the taking up of Workmen; so that there were at once in work eighty thousand Workmen, who in most beautiful manner in the space of four months again repaired the ruins of that great City.  
Bajazet had by his many Wives, eight Sons and six Daughters, 
The Children of Bajazet.  which lived to be Men and Women grown; and the Sons all Governors in divers Provinces of his large Empire; whom the Turkish Histories reckon up in this order, Abdullah Zelebi, Alem Scach, Tzihan Scach, Achmet, Machmut, Corcut, Selim, and Muhamet. Yet Antonius Utrius a Genua, who long time lived in Bajazet his Court, and (as he of himself writeth) waited in his Chamber at the time of his death, reckoning up the Sons of Bajazet, maketh mention but of these six, Sciemscia, Alemscia, Achomates, Mahomates, Selimus, and Corcutus; naming the forenamed by names something differing from the other. Sciemscia the eldest, Governor of Caramania, for his towardliness most dearly beloved of his Father, died a natural death before him, and was of him and his Subjects greatly lamented. Alemscia died in like manner, of whose death as soon as he was advertised, by mourning Letters written in black paper with white Characters (as their manner of writing is, in certifying of heavy news) he cast from him his Sceptre with all other tokens of Honour, and caused general mourning to be made for him in the Court, and through all the City of Constantinople, by the space of three days; during which time all Shops were shut up, all trading forbidden, and no sign of mirth to be seen: and for a certain space after the manner of their Superstition, caused solemn Sacrifices to be made for the health of his Soul, and seven thousand Asper's to be given weekly unto the Poor. His dead body was afterward with all Princely Pomp conveyed to Prusa, and there with great solemnity buried. Tzihan Governor of Caria and Muhamet Governor of Capha, upon their Father's heavy displeasure, were by his commandment both strangled.  
Of his other four Sons, Achmet, otherwise called Achomates, Machmut or Mahomates, Corcut or Corcutus, and Selimus; the second (namely Mahomates) was of greatest hope and expectation, not given to sensuality or voluptuous pleasure, as Achomates his eldest Brother, neither altogether bookish as was Corcutus, nor yet of so fierce and cruel a Disposition as Selimus; but of such a lively Spirit, sharp Wit, bountiful Disposition, and Princely Carriage of himself, that in the judgement of most men, he seemed already worthy of a Kingdom. Which immoderate favour of the People, caused his elder Brother Achomates, yea and Bajazet also himself, to have him in no small jealousy, as if he had affected the Empire; and was in short time the cause of his untimely death; which thing he nothing doubting, hastened (as fatal things are) by such means as he lest feared might have procured any such mortal distrust or danger.  
Most of Bajazet his Children were by divers Women, yet Achomates and this Mahomates were by one and the same Mother; for which cause Mahomates took greater pleasure in him than in any his other Brethren, although it were not answered with like love again. Achomates was Lord and Governor of Amasia; and this Mahomates, of Magnesia; who desirous to see the manner of his Brother's Life and Government, disguised himself with two of his familiar and faithful Friends, as if they had been religious men, of that Order which the Turks call Im●lier. [These men are for the most part comely Personages, born of good Houses, who in cleanly Attire made after an homely fashion, do at their pleasure wander up and down from Town to Town, and Country to Country, noting the disposition and manners of the People; whereof as fitteth best their purpose, they make large Discourses afterwards to others; they commonly carry about with them silver Cymbals, whereon they play most cunningly, and thereunto sing pleasant and wanton Ditties; for which idle delight, they receive Money of the People, as an Alms given them of Devotion. These are the common corrupters of youth, and defilers of other men's beds; men altogether given to ease and pleasure, and are of the Turks called, The religious Brethren of Love; but might of right better be termed, Epicurus his Hogs, than any professors of any Religion at all] Mahomates and his two Consorts, as men of this profession, traveled up and down the Countries of Pontus and Cappadocia (where Achomates commanded) and so to the City of Amasia; receiving for their merry glee by the way as they went, the Alms and Devotion of the foolish Country People: And being at the length come to Amasia upon a solemn Holiday, they awaited the coming of Achomates to the Church; who passing by, stayed a while listening attentively unto their pleasant and alluring Harmony; which was for that purpose most curiously and skilfully before devised, and by them both with their instruments and voices performed. When they had ended their Music, and according to the manner of their idle profession expected his devotion; Achomates being a man of a spare hand, commanded five Asper's to be given them in reward [which is about six pence of our Mony.] Mahomates disdaining his Brother's base reward, as a sign of his miserable disposition, would in no wise discover himself, as he had before determined; but taking horse, returned with speed to Magnesia; from whence he wrote taunting Letters unto his Brother Achomates, scoffing at his good Husbandry (no praise to a Prince) and in contempt sent him back again his five Asper's; which thing Achomates took in so evil part, as that he was never afterwards friends with him. The report of this Fact was in short time dispersed throughout all parts of the Turkish Empire, divers men diversely deeming of his purpose therein. 
Mahomates disguised as a seafaring man, cometh to Constantinople, and so to the Court.   
Not long after Mahomates had in this sort played with his Brother Achomates, he attired himself with certain of his trusty Followers as if they had been Seafaring men, and with a small Bark came to Constantinople, and there landing as Adventurers from Sea, took diligent view both of the imperial City, and of the City of Pera standing opposite against it, curiously noting how all things were by his Father's appointment ordered and governed. It happened whilst he was thus staying at Constantinople, that Bajazet had appointed a solemn assembly of all his chief Bassas at the Court; which Mahomates was desirous to have the sight of, as also of the fashion of his Father's Court; but as he with his Companions pressed to have entered in at the Court Gate, they were by their base Apparel taken of the Porters to have been rude Mariners, and so by them kept out. Wherefore consulting what to do in that case, he went and presently bought a most beautiful Christian Captive Boy, and the next day coming again to the Court with two of his Companions (as if they had been Adventurers at Sea) requested to be let in, for that they had brought a Present for the Emperor. So finding means to be admitted to the presence of Bajazet, one of his Consorts (as if he had been a Sea Captain) boldly stepped forth, and with due reverence offered the Present unto the Emperor; which he thankfully took, and in token thereof gave him his hand to kiss, and commanded a rich Garment wrought with Gold to be given unto him, with two others of less value unto Mahomates and his Fellow, supposed to be the said Captains Followers; who all this while stood a far off, as if it had been for reverence of the Emperor, but indeed for fear to be discovered. As these counterfeit Guests were returning from the Court in their Garments of Favour, they happened to meet with three Courtiers which knew Mahomates; who dismounting from their Horses, had done him Honour and due Reverence, as to the Son of the great Emperor, had he not by secret signs forbidden them, as one unwilling to be known. When he had thus seen his Father, the Court, and the Imperial City, he went again aboard, and so with speed returned to Magnesia.  
The report of this his doing, had in short time filled both the City and the Court, and was at last brought to Bajazet's Ears; which raised in his suspicious Head many a troublesome thought, greatly fearing, that in these sly practices lay hidden some secret and desperate Conspiracy, dangerous to himself and his other Children. Wherefore after long discourse had with the three great Bassas then of his secret Counsel, concerning the matter, to rid himself of all fear, he resolved in any case to take him away. And therefore caused them in his name to write unto Asmehemedi, a gallant Courtier, and always near unto Mahomates, to poison him with a secret Poison, for that purpose enclosed in those Letters sent unto him; with promise of great rewards and preferments for that his service, to be afterwards received from the Emperor; charging him withal, that if he could not effect the matter, he should so conceal it, as that Mahomates should have no distrust thereof; the least suspicion whereof, would tend to his utter destruction. This Asmehemedi for some unkindness bore a secret grudge against Mahomates, which Bajazet knowing of, made choice of him the rather; and he on the other side, partly to perform the old Tyrant's command, and partly to revenge his own private wrong, vigilantly awaited all opportunities to bring to effect that he had in charge. At length it fortuned, that Mahomates having disported himself in his Gardens of Pleasure, 
Mahomates poisoned by Asmehemedi.  and being thirsty after his exercise, called for drink; Asmehemedi always at hand, in a gilt Boul fetched him such drink as he desired, whereinto he had secretly conveied the deadly Poison sent from Bajazet. Mahomates having drunk thereof, in short time began to feel himself evil at ease, and presently sent for his Physicians; who thinking that he had but something distempered himself with drinking too much cold drink in his heat, perceived not that he was poisoned, until that within six days after, he died. Of whose death Bajazet advertised, could not abstain from mourning, although he himself had been the only Author thereof; and the more to manifest his heaviness, commanded all the Court to mourn with him, and Prayers to be made in their Temples after their superstitious manner, and Alms to be given to the Poor for the health of his Soul. His dead body was afterwards carried to Prusa, and there honourably buried with his Ancestors. 
Asmehemedi justly rewarded for his Treachery.  Asmehemedi the Traitor in reward of his unfaithfulness towards his Master, was by the commandment of Bajazet cast into Prison, and never afterwards seen, being there (as it was thought) secretly made away.  
Now had Bajazet but three Sons left, Achomates, Selimus, and Corcutus. Achomates Governor of Amasia, was a man both politic and valiant; but much given to pleasure and delight; him Bajazet and most part of the great men of the Court favoured above the rest of his Brethren; except such as were before corrupted by Selimus. Corcutus for his mild and quiet nature, was of most men beloved, but not thought so fit for the Government of so great an Empire; especially by the Janissaries and Soldiers of the Court, for that he was (as they thought) altogether drowned in the study of Philosophy, a thing nothing agreeing with their humour. Yet might Bajazet seem to do him wrong, if he should not according to his promise again restore him unto the possession of the Empire, which he had almost thirty years before received at his hands; as is before in the beginning of his life declared. But Selimus being of a more haughty disposition than to brook the life of a Subject under the command of either of his Brethren, and altogether given to martial Affairs, sought by infinite Bounty, feigned Courtesy, subtle Policy, and by all other means good and bad, to aspire unto the Empire. Him therefore the Janissaries with all the great Soldiers of the Court, yea and some of the chief Bassas also (corrupted with Gifts) wished above the rest, for their Lord and Sovereign; desiring rather to live under him which was like to set all the World on a hurly burly (whereby they might increase their Honour and Wealth, the certain rewards of their Adventures) than to lead an idle and unprofitable Life (as they termed it) under a quiet and peaceable Prince.  
Whilst men stood thus diversely affected towards these Princes of so great hope, Bajazet now far worn with years, and so grievously tormented with the Gout that he was not able to help himself; for the quietness of his Subjects and preventing of such troubles as might arise by the aspiring of his Children after his death, determined whilst he yet lived (for the avoiding of these and other such like mischiefs) to establish the succession in some one of his Sons; who wholly possessed of the Kingdom, might easily repress the pride of the other. And although he had set down with himself, that Achomates should be the man, as well in respect of his Birthright, as of the especial affection he bore unto him; yet to discover the disposition of his Subjects, and how they stood affected, it was given out in general terms, That he meant before his death to make it known to the World, who should succeed in the Empire, without naming any one of his Sons; leaving that for every man to divine of according as they were affected; which was not the least cause that every one of his Sons with like ambition began now to make small account of their former Preferments, as thinking only upon the Empire, itself.  
First of all Selimus; year 1511. whom Bajazet had made Governor of the Kingdom of Trapezond, 
Selimus aided by Mahomates his Father in law, riseth against his Father.  rigging up all the Ships he could in Pontus, sailed from Trapezond over the Euxine (now called the Black Sea) to the City of Capha, called in ancient time Theodosia, and from thence by Land came to Mahomates King of the Tartars called Praecopenses, a mighty Prince, whose Daughter he had without the good liking of his Father before married; and discovering unto him his intended purpose, besought him by the sacred Bonds of the Affinity betwixt them, not to shrink from him his loving Son-in-law in so fit an opportunity for his advancement. And withal showed unto him, what great hope of obtaining the Empire was proposed unto him by his most faithful Friends and the Soldiers of the Court, if we would but come nearer unto his Father (than about to transfer the Empire to some one of his Sons) and either by fair means to procure his favour, or by entering with his Army into Thracia, to terrify him from appointing either of his other Brethren for the Successor. The Tartar King commending his high device, as a kind Father-in-law with wonderful celerity caused great store of shipping to be made ready in the Pontic Sea, and Moeotis, but especially at the Ports of Copa and Tana, upon the great River of Tanais, which boundeth Europe from Asia; and arming fifteen thousand Tartarian Horsemen, delivered them all to Selimus, promising forthwith to send him greater Aid if he should have occasion to use the same. These things being quickly dispatched, Selimus passing over the River Borrysthenes, and so through Valachia, came at length to Danubius, and with his Horsemen passed that famous River at the City of Chelia; his Fleet he commanded to meet him at the Port of the City of Varna, called in ancient time Dionysiopolis, in the Confines of Bulgaria and Thracia; he himself still levying more men by the way as he went, pretending in show quite another thing than he had indeed intended; which the better to cover, he gave it out as if he had purposed to have invaded Hungary.  
But Bajazet a good while before advertised, that Selimus was departed from Trapezond, and come over into Europe, marveling that he had left his charge in Asia (the Rebellion of Techellis and the Persian War yet scarce quieted) and that upon his own head he had entertained foreign Aid to make War against the most warlike Nation of the Hungarians; and farther, that with his Army by Land, he had seized upon the places nearest unto Thracia, and with a strong Navy kept the Euxine Sea; he began to suspect, as the truth was, That all this preparation was made and intended against himself; for the crafty old Sire had good proof of the unquiet and troublesome nature of his Son, especially in that without his knowledge he durst presume to take a Wife from amongst the Tartars, and afterwards with no less presumption of himself raise an Army both by Sea and Land: whereby he easily perceived, that he would never hold himself contented with a small Kingdom, so long as he was in hope by a desperate adventure to gain a greater. Yet thinking it better with like dissimulation to appease his violent and fierce Nature, 
Bajazet sendeth Ambassadors to Selimus.  than by sharp reproof to move him to farther Choler, he sent unto him Ambassadors to declare to him with what danger the Turkish Kings had in former times taken upon them those Hungarian Wars; for example whereof he needed not to go no further than to his Grandfather Mahomet the Great, who many times to his exceeding loss had made proof of the Hungarian Forces; wherefore he should do well to expect some fit opportunity, when as he might with better advice, greater power, and more sure hope of Victory, take those Wars in hand. Whereunto Selimus answered, That he had left Asia, enforced thereunto by the injuries of his Brother Achomates, and was therefore come over into Europe, by dint of Sword and the help of his Friends, to win from the Enemies of the Mahometan Religion a larger and better Province for that little barren and peaceable one which his Father had given him, bordering upon Hiberia and Cholchos, bare and needy People, living as Coneys amongst the Rocks and Mountains. As for the Hungarians, whom they thought to be a People invincible, and therefore not to be dealt withal, he was not of that base mind to be daunted with any danger, were it never so great; and yet that in his opinion the War was neither so difficult or dangerous, as was by them prentended; forasmuch as the ancient prowess of that warlike Nation was now much changed, together with the change of their Kings; and their Discipline of War not only much decayed, but almost quite lost, after that Uladislaus, far unlike in Policy and Prowess, had succeeded the renowned Mathias in that Kingdom. Neither had he (as he said) from his cradle learned to be afraid of death, or of the common chances of War, as knowing that neither God nor Man would be wanting unto him, who with an honourable resolution did adventure upon virtuous and worthy attempts; and that therefore he was fully resolved for his own honour (which his Father had in some sort blemished by the immoderate advancement of his Brethren) either to die honourably in the Field in battle against the Enemies of the Mahometan Religion, or else gloriously to extend the bounds of the Turkish Empire: and that he would not (though one of the youngest in the Ottoman Family) be accounted inferior to any of his Brethren in Virtue and Prowess. Thus was the Hungarian War never by Selimus intended, notably by him pretended; and with no less dissimulation by Bajazet dissuaded. The Ambassadors, although Selimus in all his Speeches showed no token of Peace; 
Presents given to Selimus by his Father's Ambassadors.  yet in his Father's name presented unto him divers Gifts, thereby if it might be to appease his fierce and cruel mind. Unto his old Government they adjoined Scamandria, which the Hungarians call Schenderovia, a strong City of Servia upon the borders of Hungary, with many other strong Towns in the same Country; they gave him also threescore thousand Ducats, beside a thousand Garments of Cloth and Silk; with good Store of Provision wherewith to relieve and content the Soldiers by him entertained; lest that they drawn far from home in hope of Spoil, should take it in evil part if they should be sent away empty handed. Selimus in a happy time having received these Gifts, returned the Ambassadors unto his Father, with more doubtful answer and uncertain hope than before; yet changing nothing in himself of his former resolution, secret Messengers and Letters from his Friends in the Court still whetting him forward (too much already inflamed with desire of Sovereignty) persuading him to make haste and to repose his greatest hope in his quick speed; for that they understood, that about the time of his setting forward, his Brother Achomates was coming with a great power, being sent for out of Cappadocia by his Father.  
In the mean time Bajazet, moved the rather with the fear of Selimus, resolved upon that, 
Bajazet would appoint his Successor whilst he yet lived.  whereof he had long before in his mind deeply considered, and now said openly, That he would appoint his Successor, who instead of himself, spent with years and sickness, should bring with him the flower of Youth and strength of Body, fit to govern so great an Empire. But when those things were propounded unto the Soldiers of the Court by the four great Bassas (who in all things both of Peace and War had next place unto the Emperor himself) it was forthwith gainsaid by those Martial Men, crying aloud with one voice, That they would know no other Emperor but Bajazet, under whose conduct and good fortune they had now served above thirty years; and therefore would not suffer him to live a private life in obscurity, who with so many Victories and strong Cities taken, had brought the Ottoman Empire unto that height of Renown and Glory. They said moreover, that there was in him yet strength enough, if he would but with the reverend honour of his Age retain the Majesty of his place, and the Glory he had gotten with his long and happy Reign, and most famous Victories; and that of his Children, such an one should undoubtedly in his due time succeed in the Empire, as of right aught; only they wished, that the old Emperor might in the mean time live in health with a long and happy Reign; neither needed he (as they said) to fear that after his death any controversy should arise among his Sons about the Succession; for that the Ottoman Progeny used to attain the imperial seat, according to the old custom of their Ancestors the Ottoman Kings, by Right and Order only, and not by Corruption or Faction. But if he would needs upon his own private good liking, or as it were by new adoption, proceed to make choice of such an one as the People and the Men of War (his most loyal and faithful Subjects) could not so well like of, it would be an occasion of much more trouble, and happily the means to bring in that confusion of the State, which he thought thereby to eschew. For then, beside the dislike of the People, the other Brethren would never endure so notable an injury, or ever be at quiet, until they had (as men wrongfully cast off and disinherited) by strong hand and endangering of all, recovered their honour lost by the headstrong Will of their aged Father.  
The Soldiers thus before instructed by the Friends and Favourites of Selimus, (who with Money and large Promises had corrupted their Captains and chief Officers) spoke these things frankly, to have deterred the old Emperor from his purpose. But he thinking that they had (as he himself did) especially affected Achomates his eldest Son, (for that they had generally protested, That they would against all injuries defend his honour, unto whom the Empire should of right appertain) said he would make choice of Achomates, if it should stand with their good liking. 
Bajazet seeks to prefer Achomates unto the Empire.  But the chief of the Soldiers (who corrupted by Selimus, had together sold both their Faith and themselves) cunningly commended Achomates, and seemed wonderfully to like of him; yet to accept of him for their Sovereign, Bajazet yet living, they said was not agreeing with the ancient custom of the Ottoman Kings, neither for the behoof of the men of War, neither yet good for the State of the Empire; forasmuch as neither his Brethren Corcutus and Selimus, neither the Soldiers of the Court, could patiently endure the least touch of the suspicion of Infidelity; which they must needs do, if he as a suspicious Father should doubt either of the Love or Loyalty of his most dutiful Sons, or of the Faith and Constancy of his most faithful Servants, whereof he had made so many trials. Besides that, it seemed unto them all unreasonable, that by the odious prejudice of that Fact, the Soldiers should be left defrauded of the rewards usually granted unto them during the time of the vacancy of the Empire, arising of the Spoil taken from them which are of Religion different from the Turks. For it is a custom, that immediately upon the death of the Turkish Emperor, all the Jews and Christians which dwell at Constantinople, Pera, Hadrianople, Thessalonica, and Prusa, especially Merchants, exposed unto the injuries of the Turks, are by the Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court, spoiled of all their Wares and Goods, and become unto them a Prey; neither will they give their Oath of Allegiance unto the new Emperor, until he have granted unto them all that Prey, as a Bounty, and have solemnly sworn by his own Head (the greatest assurance that can by Oath be given amongst the Turks) freely to pardon all the Offenders, and for ever to forget all the outrages before committed. When Bajazet saw his Men of War thus generally to oppose themselves against the translation of the Empire to Achomates, he of purpose to corrupt the minds of them which were before already corrupted, promised to give them five hundred thousand Ducats if they would stand favourable to Achomates, and accept him for their Sovereign; which Mass of Money his Customers and Receivers undertook to levy of the same Merchant's Strangers and Jews, and to pay it as Bajazet had promised. Yet the overthwart forwardness of these Men of War overcame the good Fortune of Achomates, although the reward promised were great; for why, they had in their Martial Minds conceived far greater Rewards and Preferments, if instead of a peaceable and quiet Prince, a monstrous Tyrant of restless nature (as was Selimus) might by their help and means aspire to the Empire. Thus Bajazet, driven from his hope, thought it best for the present to dissemble the matter; and concealing his grief, with patience to put up that dishonour, until a fitter opportunity were offered for the effecting of that he so much desired.  
Selimus advertised from his Friends, with what affection and fastness the Soldiers of the Court had in the secret favour of him openly withstood the earnest desire of Bajazet for the preferment of Achomates; because he would no longer frustrate the expectation of his Favourites by lingering and delay, or seem to distrust the ready good Wills of the Men of War towards him, left the borders of Hungary, and with his Army marching through Thracia, encamped at length upon the rising of an Hill not far from Hadrianople, 
Selimus marcheth with his Army toward Hadrianople  from whence the neighing of his Horses might easily be heard, and his Tents from the high places of the City discovered. From thence he sent a Messenger to his Father then lying in the City, to certify him, That forasmuch as he had not of many years before seen him, 
Selimus his dissembling Embassage unto his Father.  he was now therefore desirous to come unto his presence to visit him, before he crossed the Seas back again by his appointment to Trapezond; and the rather, because it might chance that he should never see him again, being now become both aged and diseased; besides that, it much concerned (as he would have had him to believe) the quietness of his Kingdom in Asia, and the unity of his Children, if the controversies betwixt him and his Brother Achomates, which could not safely be committed to Messengers, might by themselves be discovered to him their Father, as an indifferent hearer and decider thereof. Wherefore he humbly besought him to appoint him a time and place to give him audience in, and not to deny him leave to come and kiss his Hands; which thing his Ancestors never refused to grant to their poor Friends, much less to their Children. Bajazet who a few days before understanding of the coming of Selimus, and throughly seeing into his devices, had called unto him certain of his Sanzacks or chief Captains, with their select Companies out of the nearest parts of Grecia, and had also set strong Watch and Ward through the City; fearing lest under the colour of parley, his Soldiers attending about his person, corrupted by Selimus and his Friends (who even then loaded with Gifts and Promises, were secretly upon the point of revolt) should be quite drawn away from him, and so he himself at length be either by open force oppressed, or secret Treachery circumvented, thought it best to cut him off at once from all hope of conference or access unto his presence. Wherefore seriously blaming him, that he had upon his own head brought his Army into another man's Province, that he in Arms required audience, and last of all, so insolently abused his Father's lenity and patience; he by the same Messenger sent him farther word, That he should not presume to approach any nearer unto him, or expect any thing appertaining to peace, who guarded with foreign power had without his Fathers leave entered into Arms, and spoiled the Countries of his Friends; and that therefore he should do well, with all speed to retire out of Thracia, yea and out of Europe also, and disbanding his Forces, again to retire himself unto his own charge in Pontus; in which doing he should find greater favour and kindness with him his Father, than ever he had before: but if he would needs proceed in the course by him begun, that then he would no more take him for his Son, but for his Enemy, and before it were long, sharply chastise for his malapert Insolency, little differing from unnatural Treachery. The Messenger with his answer dismissed, it was not long after, but that Bajazet was by his espials advertised, that Selimus the night following was risen with his Army, and marched directly towards Constantinople; whether he was sent for by his Friends, in hope that upon his approach with his Army, some sudden tumult and uproar would to his avail arise in that so great and populous City. Whereupon Bajazet fearing lest in staying at Hadrianople, he might lose the Imperial City of Constantinople, early in the morning by break of the day departed from Hadrianople towards Constantinople. Upon his departure Selimus peaceably entered the City of Hadrianople, the Citizens fearing, that if they should have made any resistance, their unseasonable faithfulness towards Bajazet might have turned to their utter destruction. Selimus after he had a while refreshed his Army with the plenty of that City, 
Selimus overtaketh his Father.  according to his former determination set forward again, of purpose by long and speedy Marches to have prevented his Father's coming to Constantinople. Bajazet was yet scarcely come to Chiurlus, or rather Tzurulum, an ancient ruinous City almost upon the mid way betwixt Hadrianople and Constantinople, when warning was given him of them that followed his Army, that the forerunners of Selimus were at hand, cutting off the stragglers of his Army, and with hot skirmishing stayed and troubled his Rearward. The aged Emperor more moved than terrified with the strangeness of the matter, because his marching should not seem as if it were a Flight or Chase, commanded his Standard to be set up, and all his Army to make a stand, of purpose that if Selimus should come on to give him Battle, he might find him in readiness. The great Captains and Noblemen then present with Bajazet, 
The chief men about Bajazet secretly favour Selimus, and dissuade him from giving him Battle.  whether it were for old acquaintance, or upon some new inclination of their affection, or else upon hope of new Alliance and Preferment, wishing well unto Selimus, and therefore indirectly and cunningly favouring him, seemed not to like of Bajazet his resolution, to be so far moved (as they said) with the youthful heat and lightness of his Son, as to seek revenge by battle, whereas the Victory itself could yield him nothing but sorrow; but the overthrow threatened destruction both to himself and all them that were with him; the imminent event thereof seemed to be so much the more dangerous and fearful, by how much he was at that time inferior unto his Son both in warlike Provision and number of men. Wherefore it were good for him (they said) to moderate his anger, and not now in the winding up of his life to make too much haste by a miserable death in a woeful Battle to slain the whole glory of his former life. There was (as they would have persuaded him) but one only course to be taken, full of wholesome Policy and Safety; and that was, That he should with such speed as he had begun, march on forward to Constantinople, that so Selimus excluded out of the City, (his chiefest hope) and then not knowing which way to turn himself, should either of his own accord, or for fear of his Fathers greater Forces, think of return; and so with his rascal Followers more honestly perish by the hands of them whose Countries he had spoiled, and upon whom he must of necessity live in his return, than by the sword of his Father. The Author of this Counsel was Mustapha, the most ancient Bassa of those, which being in greatest Authority about the Emperor, are only of his Privy Council, and sway all matters of importance concerning either Peace or War; he then upon an unthankful and malicious mind loathing Bajazet, as one that had too long reigned, hated him also for certain private displeasures conceived of the emulation of the other younger Bassa's by him promoted; and secretly bore great affection to Selimus, both in condition and favour resembling his Grandfather the Great Mahomet, by whom he was brought up himself, and him of all the Sons of Bajazet he thought most worthy of the Empire. This Mustapha was born in the Town of Seres (near unto Amphipolis) the Son of a Greek Priest, a man of a sly, crafty, and subtle Wit, always subject to corruption; which diseases of mind were in him well to have been discovered by his froward look and squint Eyes, the certain notes of a nature to be suspected. Next unto this Mustapha was Bostanges' Bassa, born of the honourable House of the Ducagina in Aetholia, and therefore called Ducaginoli; a man for his Covetousness, Ambition, and Treachery, infamous; as the foul and miserable end of his life afterwards declared. Unto this man, Selimus had by secret promise betrothed one of his Daughters, now marriageable, as a reward of his corrupt Faith. By which sleight he had also alured Ajax (Aga or Captain of the Janissaries, and great Master of the Household) to promise his Aid for the obtaining of the Empire; whereunto he said he was by Destiny called; and by his means drew other inferior Captains secretly to favour his quarrel; unto whom he spared not to promise whatsoever might please their humours. Yea the Captains almost generally either corrupted with reward, or for fear following the inclination of the greater Commanders, of themselves leaned that way. Of all the rest, only Cherseogles Bassa (whom the Turks Histories call also Achmet Hertezec-Ogli) a faithful, constant, and upright man, 
Cherseogles Bassa the only great man faithful to Bajazet, persuadeth him to give Battle to Selimus.  free from all double dealing and deceit, a fast and assured Friend unto Bajazet his Father in Law, was of opinion, That the immoderate Pride and Insolency of Selimus, was even there by force of Arms and strong Hand forthwith to be oppressed, before he should approach any nearer unto the Imperial City, for fear of raising some further trouble or tumult there, than were well to be appeased; which was the thing that Selimus his Friends most of all desired. Neither was it to be thought (as Cherseogles said) that the naked Tartarion Horsemen, although they were in number more, would ever be able to abide the first charge of Bajazet his well armed Pensioners. As for the Janissaries, of whose approved Faith and Valour tried in many dangers, he had before had good experience; there was no doubt but that they would now to the uttermost of their power defend the Person and Honour of their aged and victorious Emperor, who had of long time so well of them deserved; and also to revenge his quarrel upon disobedient Selimus, who neither fearing God the just Revenger of such ungracious dealing, neither the infamy of men, had most unnaturally lift up his Sword against his Father, wickedly to deprive him of life, of whom he had received life. Wherefore he persuaded him, in his own just quarrel to go forth unto his Soldiers with cheerful countenance, and putting them in remembrance of the benefits they had from time to time most bountifully received at his hands, as also of their Allegiance and Duty; to make them to understand, that reposing his trust in their Fidelity and Valour, he had resolutely set down with himself, in that place before he went any further, by their faithful hands to chastise the presumptuous insolency of his unnatural Son, together with his rebellious Followers.  
But now that we are fallen into the remembrance of this Cherseogles, it shall not be amiss, both for the honour of the man, and the great love he always bare unto the Christians, to step a little out of the way, to see the cause why he being a Christian born, turned Turk. For he was not (as almost all the rest of the great men about Bajazet were) of a Child taken from his Christian Parents, and so brought up in the Mahometan Religion, but now being a man grown, turned Turk; yet so, as that he never in heart forgot either the Christians Religion or love towards the Christians; a thing not common among such Renegates. He being the Son of one Cherseogles, a small Prince of Illyria near unto the black Mountain; and going to be married unto a Lady whom he most entirely loved, and unto whom he was already betrothed, honourably descended of the House of the Despot of Servia; his intemperate Father with lustful Eye beholding the young Lady of rare Feature and incomparable Beauty, desired to have her for himself; and regarding more the satisfying of his own inordinate desire, than his own honour, or the Fatherly Love of his Son, took her in marriage himself; all his Friends labouring in vain to dissuade him, and with open mouth crying shame of so foul a Fact. Wherefore the young man, moved with the indignity of so great an injury, and driven headlong with despair, fled first to the Turks Garrisons which lay not far off, and from thence to Constantinople; where the fortune of the man was to be wondered at; For being brought before Bajazet, who with cheerful countenance entertained him, for that he was honourably descended; and well liked both of the man, and of the cause of his revolt; smiling upon him, said, Be of good cheer Noble Youth, for thy great courage is worthy of far greater fortune than thy Father's House can afford thee; now in stead of thy Love wrongfully taken from thee by thy Father, (the Kinswoman of a poor exiled Prince) thou shalt have given thee in marriage the Daughter of a great Emperor, of rare and singular perfection. And not long after abjuring his Religion, and changing his Name of Stephen to Achomates and Cherseogles, he married one of Bajazet his Daughters, a Princess of great Beauty; and deserved to have a place amongst the Bassas of greatest honour in the Court. Yet still retaining the remembrance of his former Profession, with a desire to return thereto again; insomuch that he kept in his secret closet the image of the Crucifix, which he showed to Io. Lascaris, as to his trusty Friend, as he himself reported. This man at such time as the City of Modon was taken by the Turks, and a multitude of poor Christian Captives cruelly put to death in the sight of Bajazet, by earnest entreaty saved the Venetian Senators there taken; and afterward by earnest suit delivered Andreas Gritti, being Prisoner at Constantinople, and condemned to die; who not many years after was chosen Duke of Venice. He was the chief means whereby the Venetians to their great good obtained Peace of Bajazet. He also by his great Authority, and of his own charge redeemed innumerable Christians from the servitude of the Turks, and set them at liberty. Neither is his kindness towards the furtherance of good learning to be forgotten; for at such time as the foresaid Io. Lascaris the notable and learned Grecian, by the appointment of Leo the Tenth, sought ancient works of famous Writers, he procured the Turkish Emperors Letters Patents, that he might freely at his pleasure search all the Libraries in Grecia, to the great benefit of good Letters. Now Bajazet encouraged by this man's persuasion (as is aforesaid) and hearing as he lay in his Pavilion, the Alarm of the Enemy, with the tumult and clamour of his own Soldiers as if they had been men afraid; and sundry Messengers also at the same time coming unto him with news, That Selimus with his Tartarian Horsemen had almost enclosed the Rearward of his Army, and already taken some of his Baggage; grinding his Teeth for very madness and grief of mind, with Tears trickling down his hoary Cheeks, got him out of his Pavilion in his Horselitter, (for he was at the same time so troubled with the Gout, that he was not able to sit on Horseback) and turning himself unto the Pensioners and Janissaries standing about him, as their manner is, said unto them, 
Bajazet's Speech to the Soldiers and janissaries of the Court.  Will you, Foster-childrens, valiant Soldiers, and faithful keepers of my Person, who with great fortune have served me in Field above the space of thirty years; and for your faithful and good service have both in time of Peace and War, of me received such rewards, as by your own confession and thanksgiving far exceeded your own expectation, and the measure of our Treasures; Will you, I say, suffer the innocent Father to be butchered by his graceless Son? And your old Emperor, tormented with age and diseases, to be cruelly murdered by a company of wild Tartars, little better than arrant Rogues and Thiefs? Shall I be now forsaken in this my heavy old age and last act of Life? And shall I be delivered unto mine Enemies, by them, by them, I say, who many years ago with great faithfulness and invincible Courage defended mine Honour and Right against my Brother Zemes? And have many times since, not only valiantly defended this Empire against most warlike Nations, but also most victoriously augmented the same? But I will not so lightly believe that which to my no small grief is brought unto mine ears, concerning the revolting of mine Army; neither if I did believe it, am I so fearful as to be therewith discouraged, or to seek to make shift for myself. For to what purpose should I think of Flight; as though I could in any other place find more faithfulness or surer defence than with you? And concerning yourselves, what should be your hope by this so infamous Treachery? If any of you (for I cannot believe that you are all so mad) without regard of faith, of worldly shame, or the fear of God, have polluted your minds with the pernicious conceit of so foul a Treason; do you think to gain greater Rewards and preferments by your Treachery and Villainy, than by your Fidelity and Constancy? There be many, which careful of my Person, persuade me to reserve this my sick and feeble Body unto my better fortune, and to commit myself to flight, so rather to save my life with shame and infamy, than to end my days with honour and glory; Which is so far from my thought for the apprehension of any fear to do, that I will to the contrary forthwith give the fierce Enemy battle; and in this my last danger make proof of all your Fidelity and Valour, and of every one of your good Wills in particular; and so by conduct of the Highest, either defeat the power and break the strength of this graceless man, or else having reigned above thirty years an Emperor, end my days together with them which shall unto the end continue with me in their Faithfulness and Loyalty, although I should be most shamefully and dishonourably betrayed and forsaken of some of mine own Guard; which thing though lying Fame would make me believe, yet will I not fear it until I see the proof thereof.  
The common sort of Janissaries, unto whom the great Commanders and Captains corrupted by Selimus, 
The common sort of the janissaries faithful to Bajazet, desire battle.  had not for their levity and multitude communicated their purpose of transferring the Empire to Selimus, began to cry out as if it had been with general consent, That he should not doubt to join battle with his Enemies, and so to make proof of their constant Fidelity and wont Valour. Which was done with such a cheerfulness and desire expressed by great Shouts, clapping of Hands, and clattering of Armour, that it seemed they would play the parts of resolute Soldiers, and that as guiltess men they took it grievously to be once suspected of Treason or Infidelity. Others also who secretly and in heart were well affected to Selimus, for fashion sake followed them with like cry; but especially the great Commanders both of the Army and of the Emperor's Court, now changed their affection, whether it were for shame of the Fact, or for fear of discovering themselves out of season, is uncertain. Wherefore according to the manner of such men, which through their mutability and mischievous disposition, fearing to be convinced and discovered, add unto the present a second and new Treason or Treachery, to cover the former; so Mustapha and Bostanges (not daring now to show themselves for Selimus) to make a great show of their feigned Loyalty towards Bajazet, departed themselves out of his Pavilion, to encourage the Soldiers, and to martial the Battle.  
Bajazet sick in his Chariot, by the advice of Cherseogles the faithful Bassa, 
The battle betwixt Bajazet and Selimus.  placed his Battle in this order: The Sanzacks (which are the Governors of Provinces) with their Horsemen, in number about six thousand he set in the Front of the Battle; the Spachi-oglans and Siliphtars, which are the chief Horsemen of the Court, and as it were the Emperor's Pensioners, were placed as two Wings on each side the great squadron of the Janissaries; in the midst whereof was old Bajazet himself. Other forty thousand Horsemen (Servants to the great men of the Court) were left in the Rearward, and to guard the Baggage. These Slaves (for so indeed they are) for their Apparel and Furniture, yea and Valour also, are little inferior to their Masters, by whom they are so sumptuously maintained both for strength and ostentation. The Battle thus ordered, Bajazet commanded the Trumpets to sound, and a red Ensign in token of battle to be displayed. On the other side, Selimus placing his Tartarian Horsemen in both Wings, and his Turks in the midst, in manner of a half Moon, for that he in number of Horsemen far exceeded his Father, did almost on every side enclose him, and so charge him. The Tartars when they were come within an hundred paces of their Enemies, casting themselves (after the manner of their fight) into great Rings, empty within in manner of a Crown, and so running round, that they might both backward and forward deliver their Arrows, cast upon their Enemies whole showers of Shot, as if it had been Hail, to the great annoyance of the Turks; when as in the mean time the other Tartarian Archers further off, shooting their Arrows not right forth, but more upright towards Heaven, which falling directly down, sore gauled the Turks Horses also. But the old Soldiers (taught by the example of their Captains) ●erred close together, and casting their Targets over their Heads, as if it had been one whole Roof or Penthouse, received their Arrows with less harm, and hasted with as much speed as they could to come to handy blows. The Pensioners also at the same instant bravely charged the middle of Selimus his Battle, where his Turkish Horsemen stood; and Ajax Captain of the Janissaries, drawing out seven hundred ready Harquebusiers out of the Squadron of the Janissaries, with them assailed the hindmost of one of the Wings of the Tartars; and the four thousand Servants left in the Rearward, as desirous as the rest to show their forwardness, with great Slaughter repulsed the other Wing of the Tartars, which came to have spoiled the Turks Carriages. This fierce battle betwixt the Father and the Son, with doubtful event endured from Noon until the going down of the Sun; Selimus in many places still restoring his declining Battle, and fight himself, as for an Empire. But after that the Tartars, hardly charged by the Harquebusiers, were not able to abide the Shot, especially their Horses, being with the unwonted noise thereof wonderfully terrified, and so carrying back their Riders whether they would or no, began to fly; the rest of the Horsemen could neither by commandment, threatening, or wounds, be enforced to stay, but turned their Backs and fled. The Footmen also whom Selimus had attired and armed after the manner of the Janissaries, 
Selimus his Army discomfited.  being forsaken of their own Horsemen, were now by Bajazet his Horsemen compassed about and almost all slain.  
Selimus his Army thus overthrown, and himself hardly beset, was by certain Troops of his Turkish Horsemen which yet stayed with him, delivered from the present danger; and being wounded, was mounted upon a fresh Horse, and so with all the speed he could fled after the Tartars. But doubting to be pursued and overtaken by his Father's speedy Horsemen, he changed his Horse, and took another of a wonderful swiftness; and so reserving himself to his future fortune, with a few of his Followers fled to Varna, and from thence by Sea to Capha.  
The Horse whereon Selimus fled was all cold black, called Carabulo (that is to say, 
The ●sti●ation Selimus ●●d of his horse whereon he escaped from his Father.  a black Cl●ud) whom Selimus as a good Servitor ever after exempted from all service; and had him in such estimation, that covered with Cloth of Gold, he was as a spare Horse without a Rider led after him in all his great Expeditions, first into Persia, and afterwards into Egypt, where he died at Cairo, and there to the imitation of Bucephalus, Great Alexander's Horse, had a Monument erected for him: wherein Selimus showed himself more kind than to his own Brethren, whom he cruelly Murdered, and hardly afforded to some of them so honourable a Sepulture.  
In this Battle, of forty thousand which Selimus brought into the Field, escaped not above eight thousand, but they were either slain or taken prisoners. Of Bajazet his Army were lost about seven hundred, and three thousand hurt with Tartarian Arrows: which loss he presently revenged with extreme cruelty, causing all such as were taken Prisoners to be without mercy put to the Sword in his sight; whose heads were laid together by heaps, and their dead bodies, as if they had been Towers. Of this notable Battle betwixt the Father and the Son in the year 1511, Chiurlus called in ancient time Tzurulum, before an obscure old ruinous City, (or as jovius calleth it, a Village) became famous; but much more afterwards by the fatal destiny of Selimus; who not many years after, strucken with a most loathsome and incurable disease, ended his days in the same place with an untimely and tormenting death; God (as it is to be thought) with revenging hand in the same place taking just punishment for his former disloyalty towards his Father, as shall hereafter in due time and place be declared.  
Three days Bajazet lay still in the same place where he had obtained the Victory, till such time as all his Soldiers were again returned from the chase of the Enemy; after that, he held on his way to Constantinople, and there bountifully rewarded his Soldiers. In the mean time Achomates hearing of all the trouble which had happened betwixt his Father and his Brother Selimus, with the event thereof, came with an Army of twenty thousand from Amasia, through the Countries of Galatia and Bythinia, unto the City of Scutari, called in ancient time Chrisopolis, (though some suppose it to have been the famous City of Chalcedon) which City is situated upon the Straight of Bosphorus, directly against the City of Constantinople. In this place Achomates encamped his Army, near unto the Sea side, expecting what course his Father would take after so great a Victory. For beside the Prerogative of his Age, and the especial love of his Father towards him, the general affection of the Vulgar People, with the good opinion he had of himself, had already filled his mind with the hope of the Empire. Wherefore he ceased not night and day to send Messengers over that narrow Strait, to Constantinople; and most earnestly to solicit Bajazet his Father, in so fit an occasion to make haste to dispatch what he had so long before determined, concerning the resignation of the Empire. He also importuned his Friends and Familiars in best manner he could to commend him to his Father, and in most ample sort to extol his grave purpose for translation of the Empire; and to do the uttermost of their devoir, that seeing God and good Fortune had justly overthrown the rash attempt and force of his Brother Selimus, he by their good means might the sooner obtain the Empire, whereof he was the undoubted Heir.  
Bajazet, who of himself and according to his old good liking was altogether desirous of the Preferment of Achomates, 
Bajazet willing to prefer Achomates to the Empire.  was by their persuasions easily entreated to hasten the performance of that he had before determined for the transferring of the Empire. And making no great secret of the matter, commanded certain Galleys to be made ready for the transporting of Achomates from Scutari to Constantinople. But the great Bassas with the Soldiers of the Court (the secret Favourites of Selimus) understanding the matter, began again openly to resist and impugn his purposed determination, and to allege the same reasons they had before at Hadrianople alleged; in fine they said plainly, That they would by no means suffer him so far to disable himself as an insufficient man to resign the Empire, who of late had with so valiant and courageous an heart fought for the honour of his Crown and Dignity; and that therefore so long as he lived, they would acknowledge no other Sovereign but Bajazet: yet for all that as they meant not thereby to cut off Achomates his hope, so neither ought he to distrust the good will of the Men of War; but that he being a Man of most approved and known Valour, might in due time with their general good liking enjoy his right, which should then without all question be due unto him as the eldest Son of their Emperor. They said moreover, that they had in the late Battle against Selimus sufficiently declared what minds they were of, both towards their Emperor and Achomates, and what confidence they were to repose in the fidelity of their Soldiers, who to manifest their Faithfulness and Loyalty, had not refused to offer themselves unto the hazard of a most unequal Battle, yea their lives unto death itself. O foul dissimulation, the covert Mask of all Mischief, under which, mere Treachery is here pretended for great Loyalty, the aged Emperor too too much flattered, Achomates shamefully deluded, and (the Man that might not as then without some addition of disgrace be named) Selimus, even Bloody Selimus, secretly sought for above all Men to be preferred.  
Bajazet by this offwardness and insolency of the Soldiers again disappointed of his purpose, or else (as some thought) delighted with the sweetness of Sovereignty; for that after the late Victory he seemed (as one grown young again) neither to feel himself old or unable still to govern so great an Empire; sent word to Achomates, how the matter stood, and that he should forthwith depart from Scutari to his old charge at Amasia, from whence he would again call him at such time as he had with new bounty won the minds of the Soldiers, and procured the good liking of other the great men in Court, whereby so great a matter and not usual, might the better and with more security be effected.  
Achomates thus deceived of his hope and expectation, grievously complaining that he was so mocked of his Father, and contemned of the Soldiers of the Court, began to mix his new request with words of heat and discontentment, and to inveigh against his Father, for making him a byword (as he termed it) and a laughing stock unto the World, after he had taken the pains to come so far, and that by his special appointment. But if he proceeded so to dote, and to make so great reckoning of the Soldiers of the Court, that in respect ●hereof he neither regarded his promise, nor th●● was right and just; he would himself by force o● Arms take upon him the defence of his own ●onour and right, so lightly esteemed by his Father, and revenge the disgrace offered unto him by others.  
Whereunto Bajazet answered by the Cadelescher (which is a man of greatest place and authority amongst the Turks in matters concerning their Superstition, and therefore of them honoured above others, as the sacred interpreter of their Law) that he did neither well nor wisely without just cause to fall into so great rage and choler, as by his speech and force to think to extort that good which was only by love and loialty to be gained; whereas all things should be surely kept for him, and the Empire undoubtedly descend unto him, if by untimely haste he did not mar that hope which he ought by sufferance and patient expectation to cherish; he might (as the Cadelescher told him) learn by that late example and fortune of his Brother Selimus, what might be for his own good and welfare; and that it was a thing of far more danger, desperately to thrust himself headlong into such an action as he could not possibly see the end of, than moderating by reason his hot passions, to expect with patience the opportunity of time, and fitness of occasion, with the alteration of matters, all tending to his good.  
Achomates inflamed with anger and grief of the repulse, all the while the Cadelescher was delivering his Father's Message, gave him many sharp taunts, and had much ado to stay himself from offering of him violence, oftentimes threatening him, that in short time both his Father should dearly buy the changing of his purpose, and the Soldiers of the Court their treacherous dealing; and so sending him away with this short answer, he presently rose with his Army, and passing through Bythinia, cruelly spoiled the Country in his return to Amasia. There daily more and more inflamed with the grief and the indignity of the repulse before received, he determined to invade the lesser Asia; that if it should so fall out, that he must needs by force of Arms try his right against either of his Brethren, he might therein use the Wealth of that rich Province. Whereby if it should chance that he should by the practice of any, fail of the whole Empire, yet he should at the least wise be possessed of the one half thereof, and be the readier for all events, having all these great and rich Provinces in his power. Wherefore calling unto him his two Sons, 
Achomates inciteth his two Sons Amurathes and Aladin to take part with him against their Grandfather Bajazet.  Amurathes and Aladin, young Princes of great hope, after he had grievously complained of the unkindness of his Father Bajazet, and of the injuries done against him by his Enemies in the Court, he declared unto them, that there was now no hope left for him to obtain the Empire, except they would forthwith enter into Arms with him, and so together with him defend both his and their own right and honour, against the malice and injuries of their Enemies; which he said, would be an easy matter to do by surprising the lesser Asia, if they would courageously adventure upon it; forasmuch as all Pisidia, Lycaonia, Pamphilia, with the Sea-coast of jonia, were not as then kept with any Army or Navy. And as for his Brother Corcutus, there was no great doubt to be made of him, who according to his quiet disposition would be content either to sit still, or else in regard of his just quarrel take part with him; or if he would needs intermeddle his quiet estate with the troubled, and so enter into Arms, might easily be thrust out of whatsoever he possessed: As for the Governors of the rest of the Provinces, he doubted not, but that they would also yield either to his command, or fortune. Wherefore he willed them, to pluck up their hearts as men of Courage, and to go into the Countries thereabouts to take up men, and whatsoever else were needful for the Wars. These Gallants, of their own youthful disposition ready enough for such a matter, and now encouraged with their Father's persuasion, did what they were by him commanded, and had in short time raised a notable Army of voluntary Soldiers, of whom the greatest part were of servile condition. But Achomates himself, besides his old Army which he had in former time lead against the Persian Rebels, levied new Forces also, and called forth into the Field all the able men that were to be found in the Cities round about; and so running through the Provinces proclaimed himself King of Asia, and such as would not forthwith yield unto him, those he and his two Sons in divers places prosecuted with all hostility; by which means many Cities, especially such as were but weakly fortified, partly for fear, partly by constraint, were delivered over unto him.  
After that, he entered with his Army into Lycaonia, and the borders of Cilicia, where by Ambassadors and often Letters he requested Mahomates his Brother's Son (who then governed those Countries) to aid him in his just quarrel against them, who by crafty and sinister persuasions had to his dishonour and disgrace withdrawn his Father's good will from him, and so far seduced him, as that he was determined to appoint another Successor in the Empire, than him his eldest and first begotten Son; which their malice he would (as he said) prevent, and by force of Arms recover his right, which his Father knowing to be due unto him, was about to have put him in possession of whilst he yet lived, had he not by the sinister practice of others been hindered; for the recovery whereof, if Mahomates would out of his Province aid him with men and victual, and so further his just cause, he promised that he should find a far better Uncle than he had found a Father; and that his present Friendship should in time be most amply and bountifully requited.  
Whereunto Mahomates answered, that he could not do what his Uncle had required, except he were so commanded by his Grandfather Bajazet, whom alone he acknowledged for his dread Sovereign; and that it was not for him to judge, whether he did right, or otherwise: That he would not in his life time resign the Empire to his Son. But this (he said) he was not ignorant of, that he was not to yield his obedience to any other, so long as he lived possessed of the Empire; to whom both his Father Tziban Scach whilst he lived, and himself also had given their Oath of Obedience and Loyalty. Wherefore it were good for him to pacify himself, lest in seeking untimely revenge of his Enemies, he should to the offence of all men wrong his Father; and by too much heat and hast overthrow both his hope and honour; which of right should be most great, if he could but in the mean time have patience, and stay himself a while. Achomates, who expected nothing less than such an answer, but thought that Mahomates would either for love or fear have presently come unto him, and now finding his requests to be with greater gravity and consideration denied by his Nephew, than they were by reason of him demanded, entered with his Army into the borders of his Province, and with fire and sword began to destroy the Country before him. Which Mahomates with such power as he had thinking to remedy, was by the way encountered by his Uncle not far from Larenda, and there overthrown; and taking that City for refuge, was there certain days besieged by Achomates; and at last together with his Brother (then but a Child) delivered into his hands, at such time as the City was by the fearful Citizens by composition yielded unto him. Achomates having taken the City with his two Nephews, caused Mahomates his Counsellors, with his Foster Brother, by whose persuasion it was supposed that he had so answered his Uncle and endangered himself, to be put to death.  
These proceedings of Achomates filled Bajazet with grief and indignation, year 1512. that he should in so great years be set upon by two of his own Sons, 
Bajazet sendeth Ambassadors ●o Achomates.  one after the other. Yet to prove if those troubles might without more bloodshed be pacified, he sent his Ambassadors unto him to reprove him for his disloyalty; and to command him forthwith to set a liberty his two Nephews, Mahom●tes and his Brother, and so without more stir to get him again to Amasia; which if he should refuse to do, then to denounce unto him open War. But he, which by how much the more he had after his repulse ambitiously affected the Empire, had resolved with himself to deal so much the more cruelly in his proceedings; having received this Message from his Father, caused the chief Ambassador (for that he had in frank speech delivered his Message and denounced unto him Wars) to be in his own presence put to death; 
Achomates kille●h h●s Father's ●mbassador.  and threatened the rest with the like, if before the going down of the Sun they avoided not his Camp.  
This outrage highly offended Bajazet, and alienated the minds of many before well affected to Achomates; for that without any reverence of his Father, and contrary to the Law of Nations, he had violated the Ambassadors sent to him for Peace. Upon the first bruit hereof, the Soldiers which then waited at the Court Gate, in the hearing of Bajazet exclaimed, that the insolency of Achomates was not longer to be suffered, but forthwith by force to be repressed; that by sufferance and delay he would grow from evil to worse; and that if Bajazet should prolong the time, and in fatherly sort seek by fair means to reclaim him, he should afterwards in vain crave the aid of his best Soldiers against his rebellious Son strengthened by his own long sufferance. Mustapha also the chief Bassa, with Bostanges and others of great place (who secretly favoured Selimus, and had cunningly caused these things by fit men to be dispersed amongst the Soldiers) began at the first to mutter, and as it were to wonder at the strangeness and heinousness of the Fact, in such sly sort, as if they had condemned the Deed done, but not the Doer. But afterward, when they saw that Bajazet was throughly heated, both by his own angry disposition and the speech of the Soldiers, and upon the confidence of his former Victory against Selimus, now ready to seek revenge; they began then to heap fresh coals upon the fire, and bitterly to inveigh against Achomates, as a Traitor to his aged Father and the Sat; and withal highly commended the Fidelity and Courage of the Janissaries and Soldiers of the Court, who for the safety and honour of their aged Emperor, were most pressed and ready to expose themselves, their lives, and whatsoever else they had, unto new dangers.  
So was Achomates by the craft and subtlety of these great men, by the anger of his Father, 
Achomates proclaimed Traitor.  and the judgement of the Soldiers, proclaimed Traitor; and order taken, that the Soldiers of the Court with the Europeian Horsemen, should with all possible speed be sent against him into Asia. But when choice was to be made of some valiant and worthy General that might take upon him so great a Charge, which seemed especially to appertain unto some one of the great Bassas; it was strange to see, how they all began to strain courtesy at the preferment, and every one to refuse the place and disable himself, saying, That it were a great indignity, that the Emperor's Army should be led against his Son by any of his Servants; and the Soldiers (having their lesson beforehand) said plainly, That they durst not, nor would not draw their Swords or lift up their hands against the Son of the Emperor, and Heir Apparent of the Empire, except they were conducted and commanded by some of the Ottoman Blood in person present with them; for so had his Brother, long before when he rebelled in Cilicia, and now of late, Selimus his rebellious Son, been both overthrown and vanquished, even by the conduct of Bajazet himself, and not by any of his Servants. These things all tended to this purpose, that Selimus might by indirect means be reconciled to his Father (whom they secretly favoured, although for fear of displeasure they durst not so much as name him but by way of disgrace) and by this very means to make way for his return to Constantinople, and so consequently give him power to seize upon the Empire. For it was probably supposed, that neither Bajazet himself, being very aged and diseased; neither Corcutus, altogether buried in his study, would undertake the managing of those Wars; so that of the Ottoman Family only Selimus was left, to whom that charge might be committed, all the Nephews of Bajazet by reason of their tender years, as yet unfit for the same. At these speeches of the Bassas and the Soldiers, Bajazet as a man perplexed and in a chafe, flung away into his Palace, excusing himself by his great years and diseased Body; but complaining deeply, that Corcutus in following the vain title of Learning, with a quiet contented kind of life, had in the mean time neglected other studies and honourable qualities, better beseeming his Princely Birth and Calling. As he was thus reasoning with himself, and devising what course to take, Mustapha the old Bassa, who all the time of his Reign had used to disburden him of his Cares, having by way of talk drawn him into a full discourse concerning the proceeding to the intended War, set upon him with this crafty and premeditated Speech, framed of purpose for his destruction.  Your Majesty may not (most dread Sovereign) although by years and strength of Body you were never so well able, 
The crafty oration of the great Bassa Mustapha to Bajazet, for the bringing home of Selimus.  you may not I say, either transport your Army, or yourself pass over in person into Asia; lest whilst you are there, from place to place chase Achomates, you leave a far more dangerous Enemy behind you in Europe, who may in your absence seize upon Thracia, Graecia, yea and the imperial City itself, destitute of sufficient defendants. Do we not hear, that Selimus is raising of new Forces above Varna? and expects a new supply of Horsemen from the Tartar King his Father in law? And already as it were hover over our heads? Is not he of greater Spirit and Courage, than to be daunted or dismayed with the misfortune of one battle? Or if you shall send over your old beaten Soldiers into Asia, and call Corcutus into Europe with the Forces he levied the last year, who in time of your sickness may withstand the attempts of Selimus? will he fear these freshwater Soldiers of Asia, or their philosophical General, which feared not the Soldiers of your Court, the picked and chosen men of the World, and yourself a most worthy and victorious Emperor? You are deceived, and (if I may be so bold so to say) you throughly see not into the doubtful Event of things, if you think not, that you must at one time wage War against two dangerous Enemies, even in the remotest parts of your Empire, in Asia and Europe; For whilst you shall go to expulse Achomates out of Cappadocia, Selimus nearer at hand, and awaiting all opportunities, will by and by at your back, raise a most dangerous War in the very heart and chief strength of your Empire. But if you, moved with the greatness and due consideration of the danger, shall go about to defend Thracia, and for that purpose retain with you the most approved and faithful Soldiers of the Court, you shall see all Asia on a fire before your face; neither will Achomates make an end of Waste and War, until such time as he hath drawn the Empire of Asia unto himself. Wherefore if it be not to be imputed to your fault, but to your fate or fortune, that two begotten of yourself, should by yourself and the consent of all men be judged Traitors unto your Crown and dignity; whereof the one through rashness, the other upon pride and vain discontentment, hath risen up in Arms against you; Why do you not in so doubtful and perplexed a matter prefer safe and sound advice before that which masketh under the show of Majesty and Honour? and whom you cannot both at one time correct and be revenged upon, to set upon them as occasion shall serve when they are together by the ears betwixt themselves? This is the only hope of your safety, this is the only way, if you shall resolve (as the common Proverb saith) to drive out one nail with another, and so to overcome your Enemies. Moderate a while your hot desire of revenge, and for the present dissemble your grief; grant unto one of them pardon, and in show take him into your grace and favour, employ him against the other; so shall you without danger, howsoever it shall fall out, persecute the one whom you love not, with the hazard of the other whom you trust not; and at your pleasure oppress him to whom you shall commit your Ensigns and Army, the hands of your faithful and trusty Soldiers being ever at your appointment ready to take revenge. So shall you with security make an end of this war, exposing unto the danger him whom you had rather to overcome (as your Enemy) by him whom you wish also to perish. 
Mustapha had scarce made an end of speaking, but the other Bassas (as they had before agreed amongst themselves) began where he left, and with all their cunning laboured to persuade Bajazet to call home his Son Selimus, and to make him General of his Army against his Brother; saying, That he had already endured sufficient punishment for his former disloyalty, and that therefore it was like that he as a well corrected Child would from thenceforth contain himself within the compass of his most dutiful obedience; whereas Achomates proud of his Birthright, having of late violated his Father's Ambassadors, and filled all Asia with Rebellion, was not like to be brought to any reasonable conformity, until he were by force of Arms plucked down, and so made to know himself, in like manner as was his Brother Selimus of late. Bajazet seeing that in resolving of a matter of so great consequence, Cherseogles Bassa (his Son-in-law, and the only faithful Counsellor then about him) sat silent, hanging the head, as a man not of the same opinion with the rest, stood a great while in doubt what to resolve upon; he could not so easily forget the late injuries done against him by Selimus, it was yet fresh in memory, how that he had out of Asia invaded Europe, surprised Hadrianople, given him Battle, endangered his person with his Tartarian Horsemen, and that only by the goodness of God he had obtained the Victory; on the other side, his Majesty contemned, his Nephews imprisoned, his Ambassadors violated, the Cities of Asia ransacked, and all those goodly Countries presently smoking with the fire of Rebellion, so filled his old heart with anger and indignation, as that he desired nothing more than to be revenged. Whilst he was thus struggling with his own thoughts, and doubtful what to do, the unfaithful Bassas by deep deceit and treachery (Cherseogles most instantly persuading the contrary) overcame him so far, as with his own hand to write▪ Letters to Selimus, promising him, that forgetting all injuries past, he would upon the hope of his Loyalty, receive him into his former grace and favour, and make him General of his Army, if he would without delay repair to Constantinople, and so pass over into Asia against his rebellious Brother Achomates.  
Whilst these things are in doing at Constantinople, Corcutus advertised by Letters from his Friends of the weak estate of his aged Father, and by what persuasions he had been induced (after Achomates was proclaimed Traitor) to call unto him Selimus, and to make him General of his Army; came down out of Magnesia to Phocis, and there embarking himself in his Galleys, sailed to Constantinople; 
Corcutus cometh to Constantinople.  where being arrived, he went presently to the Court, attended upon with a great number of his Friends and Favourites; and entering into the Privy Chamber, humbled himself before his Father, and kissed his hand; and after much talk had betwixt them of divers weighty matters, is reported to have spoken unto him as followeth: 
Corcutus his oration to his Father Bajazet.  It is now above thirty years▪ past (most reverend Father, and dread Sovereign) since that I (being chosen and proclaimed Emperor by the Prerogative of the Soldiers of the Court, by general consent of the Citizens of this imperial City, and by the grave judgement of the wise and grave Bassas of the Court) have cheerfully and willingly, and as I may truly say, with mine own hand delivered from myself unto your Majesty the possession of this most glorious Kingdom and Empire; Which thing what worldly wight would have done? but either a mad man, or else a most kind and loving Son? Unto which so rare an example of a religious and loving heart, I was not by any fear or constraint enforced, but only by regard and contemplation of your own sacred person, and the due consideration of my duty. Neither did it in the course of so many years, ever repent me of that my singular kindness and duty done, when as I contenting myself with such things as you had unto me assigned, and with the general commendation of my well doing, as well as with a Kingdom, thought this your great ●state and highest type of worldly honour, not to be compared with the quiet contentment of my pleasing studies; when as I accounted it a vain thing, and not beseeming the resolution of a settled and quiet mind, to long after these worldly things, which being had and enjoyed to the full, work no full contentment in the insatiable desire of man; and that surmounting virtue, and the sweet, O most sweet meditation of Heavenly things promised unto my contemplative and ravished mind, things of far more worth and Majesty than all the Kingdoms and Monarchies of the World. But whilst I was tracing this path, little regarding worldly honour, or the glory of an Empire, and was for pure Devotion and desire of knowledge travelling into the furthest part of Arabia, unto the Altar of our most sacred Prophet Mahomet, and so to the Indians, as to men of a more exact Knowledge and sincere Profession; you in the midst of my travel drew me out of Egypt by the long hands of the Egyptian Sultan, back again into Phrygia; commanding me, that eschewing the manifold dangers (which in my long travel I must needs have fallen into) I should from thenceforth have more regard of my life and health, and to expect the fruit both of my Loyalty towards you, and of your Fatherly Love towards me; as if you had been then of opinion, that the time would come, when for the evil disposition of some, an innocent man, devoted unto the study of Wisdom and Learning, might be a stay both unto yourself and the whole Ottoman Family. Since which time I have ever both dutifully obeyed your command, and with as much care and integrity as I possibly could, discharged my charge; and in the late Persian War, raised and brought into the Field mine Army, wherewith I defended the Frontiers of my Province from the incursions of the Barbarians. But after that they were vanquished, and by your Forces driven out of the lesser Asia, and that my unnatural and graceless Brethren, the one of them in Europe, as a most desperate Recreant, had in plain Battle assailed the person of your most sacred Majesty (his reverend Father, far spent with age, and then grievously tormented with the Gout) of purpose to have at once deprived you both of your Life and Empire: and the other in Asia seeking by like Disloyalty and most horrible Treason there to possess himself of a Kingdom, had besieged and taken Prisoners his Brother's Sons your Nephews, young Princes of great expectation, your faithful and loving Subjects; and proceeding further, had set all that part of your Empire on a broil; I thought myself in duty bound to repair hither unto your Imperial Majesty, for that I saw it came to pass, not without the providence of the most Mighty, that I might at such time especially request the just reward of my due desert of you my most reverend and loving Father, the most religious observer of Equity and justice; when as you having had too great proof of the Infidelily of my unnatural Brethren, might most fitly and most commodiously perform that which you upon great reason might now grant unto me your dutiful and obedient Son, although my former deserts had merited no such thing. Wherefore most gracious Sir, I humbly pray and beseech you by all your Fatherly Love and Affection towards me, and known Loyalty towards you, to vouchsafe before the coming of Selimus, to have regard of mine Honour, with the state of your Empire; for when he shall once in Arms break in, he will at a trice cut off all hope of pacification; and supported by the Men of War, confound all things at his pleasure; for I hear, that the very Garders of your Person, and chief Commanders of your Armies, altered in disposition towards you, do but expect the good offer of time, when they may willingly salute for their Emperor and Sovereign, him, whom your good fortune of late full sore against their Wills, overthrew in open Field. Wherefore that Empire whereof I was sometime possessed, and for the rare desert of mine ancient Loyalty towards you, is of good right due unto me, restore to me again whilst you may, and whilst it is yet in your power, in this sudden and momentary occasion now presented. For your Majesty shall in vain favour my most just and upright claim, after that you (having at once received into the Imperial City a most desperate and ambitious man) have for ever lost your liberty, together with yourself.  
Corcutus with tears standing in his Eyes having ended his Speech, 
Bajazet comforteth Corcutus, and promiseth to resign to him the Empire, a●ter that Selimus was passed over into Asia.  the aged Emperor moved with a Fatherly Affection, and the reasonable persuasion of him, his only loyal and most kind Son, comforted him up with good words, and willed him to be of good cheer; and withal discovered to him the very ground of his resolution, in calling home of Selimus, telling him farther, That he could be well content to resign to him again the Empire, but that it was not in his power so presently to do, for fear of the Soldiers of the Court; who had (as he said) of late withstood him in the like motion, and would again with tooth and nail gainsay it, if he should but give the least occasion for them to suspect any such matter; but that by the plot now laid, Selimus should under the title of honour be drawn out of Europe, together with the Soldiers of the Court, into Asia against Achomates, both bars unto his present desire for transferring of the Empire, in whose absence it should be in his power freely to dispose thereof at his pleasure; which he promised presently to resign unto him, so soon as they were once passed over into Asia. Which thing once done, although it were not altogether to their liking, yet feared he not, that either the Captains or Soldiers, who had of late so honourably and faithfully defended him against Selimus, should now for his sake dislike of Corcutus, or attempt any thing not beseeming the glory of their late desert; but rather hoped, that if his two unnatural and rebellious Sons, Achomates and Selimus, should once join battle (as it was most like they should) that either the one or both should by the just Judgement of God perish for their so great disobedience, murdered by the hands one of another. Corcutus not much disliking of his Father's purpose, and resting himself wholly upon his Favour, thought it not good further to argue the matter his Father had so well considered of; but taking his leave, returned to his lodging, not without hope of obtaining the Empire, and so remained many days after at Constantinople; during which time he sought neither by Gifts nor golden Promises to procure the love and good liking of the great Bassas or Soldiers of the Court; for that he as a plain upright man, thought it not good by suit and corruption (the great Promoters of the unworthy) to seek for that at their hands which was of right due unto him by his Father's Favour and Promise.  
In the mean time Selimus his fast Friends advertising him of the coming of Corcutus to the Court, advised him to make haste, and with all speed possible to come to Constantinople; for that it was to be feared, lest Bajazet being very aged, and withal easily to be drawn away, might by the persuasion of Corcutus be induced to alter, yea and perhaps quite break off the course before well set for his most ready preferment. Upon which news, Selimus attentively waiting upon nothing more than to have access unto his Friends in Court, and before resolved, at his first coming thither not to spare for any cost in corrupting the Men of War, and so to possess himself of the Empire; made now no stay, but with certain Troops of Horsemen, commanding the rest to follow after, came with wonderful celerity to Constantinople. Corcutus with the great Bassas and Courtiers, and most part of the Soldiers of the Court, going to meet him at the Gates of the City, at his entrance received him with a kiss (as is the manner of the Turks) and brought him through the midst of the City, all the People running out by heaps to have a sight of the man, of late in every man's mouth for his desperate Rebellion, but now welcomed with much thundering Shot in token of triumph, and the joyful Acclamation of Men, Women, and Children, and People of all sorts. So that it easily appeared, that all the hatred before conceived against him for his late outrage against his Father, was now quite forgotten; and that he would in short time before his other Brethren aspire unto the Empire.  
The next day after, Selimus came to the Court, and having access to his Father, fell prostrate before him and kissed his Feet, and with the greatest show of humility possible, craved of him pardon for his Disloyalty. O deep Dissembler, and Traitor of all other most treacherous! of late in Field with Sword drawn to have slain his aged Father, but now prostrate at his Feet; and within an hour mounted perforce into his Imperial Seat.  
The old Emperor smiling upon this Crocodile, in most kind manner, took him up, and courteously said unto him:  
Thy Faults, Son Selimus, are so much the less, for that they have found speedy repentance; wherefore I do the more willingly grant thee pardon; 
Bajazet his crafty Speech unto his Son Selimus.  but from henceforth endeavour thyself, that God who hath given thee a notable Spirit and Courage, may also be thought to have endued thee with a good and well disposed Mind. There is a Martial matter ready, worthy thy hardness, wherein thou mayst sufficiently manifest unto the World thy forwardness and courage; there when time serveth let it appear.  
Shortly after was called a Counsel for the Wars, but especially for the choosing of a General to go against Achomates; the honour of which place when many would have given to Selimus, 
The crafty dissimulation of Selimus.  he began with great dissimulation to refuse, making as though he would not in any case be preferred before his Brother Corcutus, to whom he would (as he said) willingly give place, both in respect of his years and learned discretion, who could no doubt with greater Authority and Wisdom manage that War: As for himself, now he had obtained his Father's gracious Pardon and Favour, he could well content himself with any corner of the Empire, were it never so little.  
But Corcutus and his Friends, who had reposed all their hope and all their devices in the departure of Selimus with the Soldiers of the Court; as if they had with great modesty contended on both sides, again persuaded him, yea and instantly requested him not to refuse that honour by general consent without any disgrace to his Brother, given to him as to a worthy Chieftain of great experience in Martial Affairs. So Selimus with wonderful cunning deluding Corcutus and his Favourites, whilst he seemeth craftily to refuse the thing he most desireth, is by the general consent of all parts chosen General of the Army to go against his Brother Ach●mates▪ which was no sooner made known unto the Soldiers, especially the Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court; but they before instructed, with loud Acclamations saluted him not for their General only, but for their Sovereign Lord and Emperor also; and so without further delay put themselves in Arms to defend and make good that they had done, if any better disposed should seem to withstand them or descent from them.  
Selimus by the Soldiers thus saluted Emperor, at first made show as if he had been half unwilling to take upon him the Empire; and so began faintly to refuse it, as moved so to do by the due reverence and regard of his Father, yet living. But after a while he suffered himself to be entreated; and then commending himself and his cause wholly to the Men of War, to bind them unto him the father, promised beside the particular favours he ought them, to bestow a right great and general Largess amongst them; which he afterward accordingly performed.  
After that, he requested the chief Bassas and Commanders of the Army there present, to go forthwith unto his Father, and to take such order (seeing it was the mind of the whole Army it should be so) that the Empire might by his good Will, without further trouble or tumult be forthwith transferred unto him.  
Mustapha the great Bassa, in whose wily head all this matter was (to his own worthy destruction) first hammered; whether it were upon a new fineness of his own, or that Selimus, (as it was given out) had threatened to kill him, except he would go and show all the whole process of the matter to his Father; coming as a man dismayed to Bajazet, (who awaked with clamour and tumult of the Soldiers, was come out of his Chamber, into the open rooms of his Palace) in few words delivered unto him this most unwelcome Message, as followeth:  
Emperor (said he) the Men of War have in their Counsel saluted Selimus both their General and Emperor, 
The blunt speech of Mustapha to Bajazet persuading him to resign the Empire to Selimus.  which their choice they require thee to ratify, being ready presently to break into the Court to kill us both, if thou shalt refuse forthwith to resign the Empire. They all with one consent request that of thee, which they have already put into the hand of another. Wherefore it is a thing of far more danger, to seek to recover that thou hast already lost, than willingly to yield that which is already taken from thee, seeing it is not by any force or policy to be regained. They in Arms, in fury, and now entered into Rebellion, think upon some greater mischief.  
Bajazet troubled with fear and choler, and then too late perceiving the treachery of the Bassas, and how he had been by them betrayed; pausing a while at the strangeness of the matter, afterwards in fury broke out into these Words:  
False and Forsworn, do you thus betray me? and with such monstrous villainy requite mine infinite Bounty? 
The resolute answer of old Bajazet to Mustapha and the other Bassas.  Why do you not also as Murderers take away my life, which could not endure for a while to expect the dissolution of this my weak and aged body; but deposing your just and lawful Sovereign, must needs in post hast set up a most wicked and graceless man to reign over you? But much good do it you with your desired Emperor, the Contemner of God, and Murderer of his Father; to whom ere it be long, you shall full dearly pay the price of this your perfidious dealing and treachery against me. And he himself beginning his Empire by most unnatural treason, murder, and bloodshed, shall not (I hope) escape the heavy hand of God, the undoubted and severe Revenger of so great Impiety and Treason.  
Mustapha, with Bostanges and Ajax as false as himself, returning back again to the Soldiers, speaking not a word of the sorrow and indignation of Bajazet, told them how that he was well content to resign the Empire, and so had appointed Selimus (to whom both God and the general consent of the Men of War had already delivered the Empire) to succeed him in the Empire. When this their Speech was generally reported, they whom Selimus had before corrupted, began now to hold up their heads and look big on the matter; and others who before stood doubtful what to do, seeing now no other remedy, in haste joined themselves unto the same Faction. Whilst all things were thus disorderly carried by the unruly Soldiers, Selimus was by them mounted upon a courageous Horse, and so with all Pomp conducted up and down most of the fair Streets of the imperial City; and with the general voice and clamour of the People (howsoever their minds were for most part otherwise affected) saluted Emperor. And the same day both the great Bassas and the Soldiers in general, were all solemnly sworn unto Selimus, as their only Lord and Emperor.  
Corcutus, whether it were for grief of his hope now lost, 
Corcutus flieth.  or fear of his life, although Selimus had promised to give him the City of Mytilene, with the Island of Lesbos, secretly embarked himself, and so returned to Magnesia.  
Bajazet of late one of the greatest Monarches of the World, but now thus thrust out of his Empire by his Son, detesting both him and the treachery of his Subjects, and overcome with sorrow and Melancholy, determined of himself, before he were thereto enforced by Selimus to forsake Constantinople, and to retire himself to Dymotica (a small City wholesomely situated in Thracia, not far from Hadrianople, where in former time he had for his pleasure bestowed great cost, and now as he thought best fitted his present estate.) Wherefore causing great store of Treasure, Plate, Jewels, and rich Furniture to be trussed up, he with five hundred of his Household Servants, full of Heaviness and Sorrow, with Tears trickling down his aged cheeks, departed out of the Imperial City, towards Hadrianople, with purpose from thence to have gone to Dymotica. Selimus brought him about two miles upon his way, and so returning again to Constantinople, took possession of the Palace.  
Bajazet being then about seventy six years old, or as some report full fourscore; and beside his old disease of the Gout, sore weakened with heaviness and grief of mind, was not able to travel above five or six miles a day, but was constrained by the extremity of his pain and weakness, to stay sometimes two or three days in a place. Whilst he was thus travelling, Selimus no less careful of the keeping of his Estate, than he had before been for the obtaining of the same, began now to doubt, That if he should depart from Constantinople, and with all his Forces pass over into Asia against his Brother Achomates, Bajazet in the mean time might in his absence return to Constantinople, and so again possess himself both of the City and Empire. Wherefore to rid himself of that fear, he resolved most Viper like, before his going to kill his Father, and so most unnaturally to deprive him of life, of whom he had received life; such is the cruel and accursed Nature of Ambition, that it knoweth neither Father, Mother, Brother, Wife, Kindred, or Friend, no sometimes not her own Children; the fury whereof was never in any one more pregnant, than in this most monstrous and cruel Tyrant Selimus.  
The readiest and most secret way he could devise for the effecting of this his damnable device, 
Selimus practiseth with Haman a jew, Bajazet his Physician to poison him.  (which without great impiety could not be so much as once by him thought upon) was to work it by poison; upon which resolution he secretly compacted with Haman a Jew, his Father's chief Physician, to poison him; promising him for his reward a Pension of ten Ducats a day during his life. And for that men are oftentimes with terror and fear, as well as with reward, enforced to be the ministers of mischief; he to be the more sure of this Jew, (prone enough for gain to do evil) threatened him with most cruel death, if he did not both secretly and speedily work this feat, commanding him so soon as he had done it, to return unto him to Constantinople.  
The deceitful Jew moved both with the fear of death and hope of reward, (two great motives) coming shortly after to Bajazet, and finding him very weak, seeming to be very careful of him, told him, That he would prepare for him a portion, which should both restore to him his health, and also strengthen his weak body, if it would please him to take it the next morning early lying in his bed. Bajazet nothing distrusting his old Physician whom he had so often and so long trusted, said he would gladly take it. Early the next morning cometh the Jew with the deadly poison in a Cup of Gold, Bajazet yet sleeping, which he set down in the Chair of State, and so stood waiting until the aged Prince should of himself awake. But Bajazet sleeping sound (as oftentimes it chanceth when men sleep their last) and withal somewhat longer than stood with the Jew's purpose, he presuming of his wont practice, awaked him and told him, That the time to take the portion was almost past, and asked him if it were his pleasure then to take it. Bajazet doubting no Treafon, willed him to bring it; whereof when the Jew had taken the essay, (having before himself taken a preservative against that poison) he gave it to Bajazet to drink, who cheerfully drank it up; 
Bajazet poisoned by the jew.  the Physician commanding them that waited in his Bedchamber, and attended on his person, to keep him well covered with warm clothes, and not to give him any thing to drink until he had well sweat. This cursed Jew having thus poisoned the aged Prince, to avoid the danger of the Fact, and to carry the first news thereof to Selimus, secretly conveyed himself away, and in haste fled to Constantinople. But Bajazet attainted with the force of the Poyso, began first to feel most grievous gripe in his Stomach, the strong pain whereof appeared by his miserable complaining and heavy groaning; in the midst of which torments he gave up the Ghost in the year 1512, when he had reigned thirty years. The Turks report that he died a natural death, but Antonius Utrius a Genua, 
The 〈◊〉 of Bajazet.  who at that time served in Bajazet his Chamber, and was present at his death, reporteth, That upon his dead Body the evident tokens of Poison were to be seen. His dead Body with all his Treasures were presently brought back again to Constantinople, and delivered to Selimus, who caused the Body of his Father to be with the greatest solemnity that might be, buried in a most sumptuous Tomb, in a Chapel near unto the great Mahometan Temple, which he had before built for himself at Constantinople: which Monument there remaineth this day to be seen. His Servants were all by Selimus restored to their places which they before held in the Court in the time of their old Master, excepting five of the Pages of his Chamber, who lamenting the death of their Master above the rest, had attired themselves all in mourning Apparel; for which cause they were by the commandment of Selimus cast into prison, where two of them were put to death; the other three at the suit of Solyman, 
Selimus causeth two of his Fa●hers Pagis to be put to death for mourning for their Master.  Selimus his Son, and of other two Bassas, were saved; but being stripped of their rich Apparel, and whatsoever else they had gotten under Bajazet, they were enrolled for Common Soldiers under Sullustares Bassa. Of these three, Antonius Utrius (the Genua before spoken of) was one, who after ten years miserable Captivity amongst the Turks, at last escaped at such time as Selimus was by the Persian discomfited; and with much ado returning again into Italy, wrote the History of all such things as he himself had there seen, with the calamities of Bajazet his House, and a great part of the tyrannous Reign of Selimus.  
Haman the false Jew (as the same Author reporteth) coming to Constantinople, 
Haman the jew justly rewarded for his treachery.  and expecting some great reward for his foul Treason, by the commandmet of Selimus had his head presently struck off; with this exprobration of his Treachery, That opportunity serving, he would not stick for reward to do the like against Selimus himself. Of this Bajazet, janus Vitalis writeth this Elogium: 
Dum rerum exquiris causas, 
Paluus Jovius Illust. virorum Elog. lib. 4.  & dum procul Huns  
Carmannos, Cilices, Sauromatasque domas:  
Bajazethe, domi proles tua te petit armis,  
Et te per fraudes amovet imperio.  
Adjicit inde novum sceleri scelus, & tibi miscet  
Pocula lethiferis illita graminibus.  
Intempestivos crudelis vipera foetus,  
Per sua sic tandem funera, rupta, parit.  
Quid tutum est, cui sint ingentia regna Tyranno,  
Si timant natos, progeniemque suam?   
In English thus: 
Whilst that thou Bajazethes seeks of things the hidden cause,  
And fain wouldst bring the Hun and Russ under thy Turkish Laws:  
Thy Son at home steps up in Arms against thy Royal Crown,  
And by false Treason and Deceit finds means to pluck thee down.  
Whereto he addeth mischief more, and strait without delay,  
By Poison strong in glittering Bowl doth take thy life away:  
The cruel Viper so brings forth her foul untimely Brood,  
Who eat and gnaw her Belly out, their first and poisoned Food.  
Which things may Princes hold for safe, that do great Kingdoms sway,  
If of their Children they must stand in dread and fear always?   
Christian Princes of the same time with Bajazet the Second.  

Emperors of Germany 

Frederick the Third, Archduke of Austria. 1440. 54.  
Maximilian the Third. 1494. 25.    
Kings 

Of England 

Edward the Fourth. 1460. 22.  
Edward the Fifth. 148●. 0.  
Richard the Third. 1483. 3.  
Henry the Seventh. 1485. 24.  
Henry the Eighth. 1509. 38.    
Of France 

Lewis the Eleventh. 1461. 22.  
Charles the Eighth. 1483. 14.  
Lewis the Twelfth. 1567. 17.    
Of Scotland 

James the Third. 1460. 29.  
James the Fourth. 1489. 25.      
Bishops of Rome 

Xystus the IV. 1471. 13.  
Innocentius the VIII. 1484. 8.  
Alexander the VI 1492. 11.  
Pius the III. 1503. 26 days.  
Jullus the II. 1503. 9      

 

En Selimus, scelere ante alios imman●or omnes:  
In Patris, et Eratrum, dirigit ar●●a necem.  
In Persas movet inde ferox, Memphilica Regna  
Destrui●●el Syros, Aethiopasque domat.  
Hinc in Christi●ola● irarum effundere fluctus,  
Ipsorumque uno vertere regna parat.  
Cum diro victus prosternitur ulcere, Christus  
Scilicet est populi, portus et aura sui.   

Lo Selimus, the vilest of the Ottoman brood,  
Embrud his hands in Father's, Brother's blood.  
Persian, Egyptian, Syrian, and Moor  
Submit their Sceptres to his insolent power;  
But when the Christians Realms he vainly thought,  
To speedy desolation to have brought,  
A mortal ulcer seized him, to make known  
The great Messiah can protect his own.    

The LIFE of SELIMUS, First of that NAME, The THIRD and most WARLIKE Emperor of the Turks.  
THIS Selimus, by favour of the great Bassas and Men of War whom he had before corrupted, year 1512. having deprived his Father Bajazet first of the Empire, and shortly after of his Life also, and now fully possessed of the Empire himself; first took view of the Treasures which the Turkish Kings and Emperors his Ancestors had before of long time heaped up in great abundance; out of which he gave unto the Soldiers of the Court two millions of Ducats; and for a perpetual remembrance of his thankfulness towards them augmented their daily wages, allowing unto every Horsem●n four Asper's a day, and to every Footman two, above their wont allowance. By which exceeding bounty, he greatly assured unto himself the minds of the Men of War.  
Shortly after he passed over with a great Army into Asia, 
Selimus going into Asia against his Brother Achomates.  leaving the government of the Imperial City of Constantinople unto his only Son Solyman; and marching into Galatia came to the City of Ancyra, in hope there to have oppressed his elder Brother Achomates. But he understanding before of his coming, withal wisely considering how unable he was to withstand his Forces, fled before into the Mountains of Cappadocia upon the Confines of Armenia, taking up men by the way as he went, and praying aid of all sorts of People, yea even of such as were but of small ability themselves, and unto him mere Strangers; that so he might in best manner he could, provide such strength as might serve him to make head against his Brother, and for the recovery of Asia.  
Selimus having spent that Summer without doing any thing worth the speaking of, and considering that he could not well winter in that cold Country near unto the great Mountain Taurus, by reason of the deep Snows and extreme cold there usually falling, and that to go farther was to no purpose, forasmuch as Achomates flying from place to place, and Mountain to Mountain was not to be surprised, he retired back again into Bythinia, and sending his Europeian Horsemen down to the Sea-coast, and the Janissaries to Constantinople; resolved to winter with the rest of his Army at Prusa. At which time being wholly bend against Achomates his Competitor of the Empire, he for certain years continued the League which his Father Bajazet had before concluded with Uladislaus King of Hungary, Sigismundus King of Polonia, and the Venetians. And thinking no care (no not of Children) superfluous which might concern the establishing of his Empire, 
Selimus murthereth five of his Brother's Sons.  he called unto him five of his Brother's Sons, Orcanes the Son of Alem Scach; Mahomates the Son of Tzian Scach; Orcanes, Emirsa, and Musa the Sons of his Brother Mahomates; all young Princes of great hope, of years betwixt sixteen and twenty, excepting Musa who was not passed seven years old; Of all these, Mahomates (whom his Uncle Achomates had a little before taken Prisoner at Larenda, as is before declared, and upon the death of Bajazet had again set him at liberty) being about twenty years old, was for rare Fonture and Princely Courage accounted the Paragon and Beauty of the Ottoman Family; which great perfection, as it won unto him the love and favour of the Men of War, and also of all the People in general; so did it hasten his speedy death, only Selimus his cruel Uncle envying at his life. After he had got these poor innocents' into his hands, he sent for divers of his great Doctors and Lawyers, demanding of them, Whether it were not better that some five, eight, or ten persons should be taken away, than that the State of the whole Empire should with great effusion of Blood be rend in sunder, and so by civil Wars be brought in danger of utter ruin and destruction? Who although they well perceived whereunto that bloody question tended, yet for fear of displeasure they all answered, That it were better such a small number should perish, than that the whole State of the Empire should by Civil War and Discord be brought to confusion; in which general calamity, those few must also of necessity perish with the rest. Upon colour of this answer, and the necessity pretended, he commanded these his Nephews before named, to be led by five of his great Captains into the Castle of Prusa, where they were all the night following most cruelly strangled. It is reported, that Mahomates with a Penknife slew one of the bloody Executioners sent into his Chamber to kill him; and so wounded the other, as that he fell down for dead; and that Selimus being in a Chamber fast by, and almost an Eye-witness of that was done, presently sent in others, who first bound the poor Prince, and afterward strangled him with the rest; whose dead bodies were buried at Prusa amongst their Ancestors. The cruelty of this Fact wonderfully offended the minds of most men, insomuch that many even of his Martial men filled with secret indignation, for certain days absented themselves from his presence, shunning his sight as if he had been some fierce or raging Lion.  
Of all the Nephews of old Bajazet, only Amurat and Aladin (the Sons of Achomates) yet remained, year 1513. 
Selimus seeketh after the lives of Amurat and Aladin, the Sons of Achomates his Brother.  whom he purposed to surprise upon the sudden, and so to rid himself of all fear of his Brother's Children; having then left none of the Ottoman Family, but them and his two Brethren upon whom to exercise his further Cruelty. These two young Princes had a little before recovered the City of Amasia, from whence they were the Summer before expulsed by their Uncle Selimus, at such time as Achomates their Father was glad to fly into the Mountains of Cappadocia. Selimus fully resolved upon their destruction, sent Ufegi one of his Bassas with five thousand Horsemen, who by great journeys travelling to Amasia, might upon the sudden come upon these two young Princes, and take them altogether unprovided, and as then fearing no such danger, which was thought no great matter for the Bassa to do, forasmuch as he might with his light Horsemen easily prevent the fame of his coming; and the City of Amasia where they lay, was neither well walled, nor as then furnished with any sufficient Garrison for defence thereof; besides that, Achomates himself was at that time absent, busied in taking up of Soldiers upon the Frontiers of Caramania. But Musthapha the old Bassa, by whose special means Selimus had obtained the Empire (as is afore declared in the life of Bajazet) being privy unto his wicked purpose, and now in mind altogether alienated from him, detesting his most execreable Tyranny, both for the unworthy death of Bajazet, his Father, and the guiltless blood of so many young Princes his N●phews by him shed without all pity; and having compassion of the imminent danger whereinto these two Brethren were now like also to fall; by secret and speedy Messengers gave them warning of the coming of the Bassa, and all that was intended against them. Who upon such knowledge given, presently advertised Achomates their Father thereof, and laid secret ambush themselves for the intercepting of their Enemies. So that within few days after, the Bassa coming with his Horsemen towards Amasia, fell before he was awar into the midst of his Enemies; at which time also, Achomates following him at the heels, so shut him in with his Army on every side, that most of his men being slain, he himself with divers other Captains were taken Prisoners and brought to Achomates, 
Ufeg● Bassa taken Prisoner.  and by his commandment committed to safe custody.  
Now it fortuned, that some of Achomates Soldiers scoffing at the Prisoners whom they had taken, told them how they had been deceived, and how all the matter had been carried (so hard a thing it is to have even the greatest Counsels in Court kept secret) boasting that they wanted not their Friends, even of such as were most inward with Selimus, who secretly favoured the better cause, and would not long suffer the cruel Beast to rage further; all which things Selimus his Soldiers reported again after they were ransomed and retuned home. But Ufegi the Bassa lying still in Prison, and getting certain knowledge of the whole matter, by secret Letters gave Selimus to understand, that Mustapha the great Bassa whom he most of all trusted, had secret intelligence with Achomates, and had been the only cause of the loss of his Army.  
Selimus of late envying at the great Honour and Authority of Mustapha, and wishing him dead, (whose desert he was not able, or at leastwise unwilling to requite) caused him upon this accusation without further trial to be secretly strangled in his sight, 
Mustapha Bassa shamefully murdered.  and his dead body (as it were in scorn of his former felicity) to be cast out into the Street for every man to gaze upon. This was the shameful end of this traitorous Bassa, who had of long time at his pleasure commanded all things in the Turkish Empire, and was for Riches, Power and Authority, next unto the Emperors themselves; but now lieth as a dead Dog in the Street, no man daring for fear to cast earth upon him. A rare spectacle of the uncertainty of worldly Felicity, and a worthy example of Disloyalty. But Achomates hearing what had happened to Mustapha, 
Ufegi Bassa put to death.  in revenge thereof in like manner executed Ufegi Bassa his Prisoner, and according to his courteous nature set all the rest of the Prisoners at liberty.  
Selimus thirsting after nothing more than the guiltless blood of his Brethren and Nephews, upon whom he had against all right usurped the Kingdom, whereof he never thought himself sufficiently assured so long as any of them breathed; began with the first of the Spring to devise with himself, how he might first take away his Brother Corcutus, who then lived at Magnesia, and having cast off all hope of the Empire, gave himself wholly to the study of Philosophy, which he (seduced with Ambition) had in evil time a little before forsaken; but now retiring himself thereto again, as to his greatest contentment, spent his time in quiet contemplation, not attempting any thing against his cruel Brother usurping the Empire. Selimus resolved upon the destruction of this harmless Prince, suddenly commanded his Captains to make choice of ten thousand Horsemen to be in readiness within three days, giving it out that he would make an inroad upon the sudden into Cappadocia. In the number of these Horsemen, Antonius Moenavinus a Genua, Author of this History (as he himself reporteth) was one.  
All things being in readiness against the appointed time, Selimus in person himself set forward with his Army from Prusa, still keeping the way on the right hand; so that the Soldiers, who thought they should have marched directly into Cappadocia, and so to Amasia, as it was before commonly reported; began now to perceive by the contrary course they held, that they were to go for Lydia and jonia. When a valiant Soldier among the rest, who had sometime served one of the Bassas in Corcutus his Court, by divers circumstances gathering the intention of Selimus, secretly conveied himself out of the Army, and being excellently well mounted, taking the nearest way, came to Magnesia, and gave Corcutus warning of the coming of his Brother. Corcutus considering the great danger he was in, richly rewarded the Messenger, and leaving his House in such order as it was wont to be, fled with two of his Servants to the Sea side, in hope to have found passage either into Crete or else Rhodes.  
The next day after Corcutus was departed, early in the Morning came Selimus to the Castle of Magnesia before the rising of the Sun, in hope to have found Corcutus yet in his bed; but being deceived of his expectation, he fell into a great rage, and with cruel torments examined all his Brother's Servants and Eunuches, What was become of him, and where he had hid himself? and with much ado got it out of them, That he had warning of his coming by a fugitive Soldier, and was thereupon fled, but whither they knew not. Wherefore Selimus stayed there fifteen days, during which time he caused diligent search to be made all over the Country, and along the Sea Coast, for to have apprehended him. But when after much search he could hear no tidings of him, 
Selimus takes the spoil of his Brother Corcutus.  he caused all his Brother's Treasure and rich Furniture to be trussed up, and to be sent by Sea to Constantinople. So leaving one of his Captains with a thousand Horsemen in Garrison at Magnesia, he returned again to Prusa with as much speed as he came from thence; verily supposing, that his Brother was for safeguard of his life, by Sea fled into Italy. All this while Bostanges, Selimus his Son in Law, lying with a Fleet of Galleys upon the Coast of jonia, had taken from Corcutus all hope of escaping by Sea: so that he was fain to hide himself in a Cave near unto the Sea side, not far from Smyrna; living in hope, that after a few days the Fleet would depart, and so he should find some opportunity to escape.  
After he had thus a great while in fear most miserably lived with Country Crabs and other like wild Fruit (a poor Diet for a man of State) and was with extreme necessity enforced to send his man for relief to a poor Shepherd's Cottage thereby, he was by a Country Peasant discovered to Cassumes, 
Corcutus taken.  who with too much diligence sought after his life; and being by him apprehended, was carried towards the Tyrant his Brother at Prusa.  
Right welcome to Selimus was the report of his taking; who as soon as he understood that he was within a days journey of Prusa, sent one Kirengen-Ogli (who of his squint look was called Chior Zeinal) to strangle him upon the way, and to bring his dead Body to Prusa.  
This Captain coming to Corcutus in the dead time of the night, and awaking him out of his sleep, told him his heavy Message; how that he was sent from his Brother Selimus to see him executed, which must as he said presently be done. Corcutus exceedingly troubled with these heavy news, and fetching a deep sigh, desired the Captain so long to spare his life, until he might write a few short lines unto his Brother Selimus. Which poor request being granted, he called for Pen and Paper, and readily in Turkish Verse (for he had spent all his time in study) reproved his Brother of most horrible Cruelty; upbraiding him that he had not only most disloyally thrust his Father out of his Empire, but also most unnaturally deprived him of Life, of whom he had before received the same; and not so content, had most tyrannously slain his Brother's Children; and now like an unmerciful wretch thirsted after the guiltless blood of himself, and Achomates his Brethren. At last concluding his Letters with many a bitter curse, he besought God to take of him just revenge for so much innocent blood by him most unnaturally spilt. And when he had thus much written, he requested the Captain, that it might together with his dead body be delivered unto Selimus. So without any further delay he was according to the Tyrants command presently strangled. 
The lamentable death of Corc●tus.  The next day after, when the dead body was presented unto Selimus, he uncovered the face thereof, to be sure that it was he, and seeing a Paper in his hand, took it from him; but when he had read it (for all his cruel nature and stony heart) he burst out into tears; protesting, that he was never so much grieved or troubled with any man's death as with his; for which cause, he commanded general mourning to be made for him in the Court, and with Princely solemnity buried his body. Three days after, he caused fifteen of those diligent searchers who first found Corcutus, to have their Heads struck off, and their bodies to be flung into the Sea, saying, That if he were by any extremity driven to fly and hide his Head, they would not stick to serve him in like manner as they had done his Brother.  
Now of all the Posterity of Bajazet remained none alive to trouble the cruel Tyrant's thoughts but only Achomates and his two Sons; who upon the approach of the Spring, set forward with his Army from Amasia, excited by the often Letters of his Friends, who assured him, that Selimus might upon the sudden be easily oppressed, if he would with all expedition come to Prusa; forasmuch as the Janissaries and Europeian Horsemen, the undoubted strength of his Army, were at that time absent, and he himself as one hated both of God and Man, could not in so sudden and unexpected danger tell what he were best to do, or which way to turn himself; wherefore they willed him without delay to hasten his coming, and not to expect the milder Wether of the Spring, lest in the mean time Selimus should call together his dispersed Forces; God (they said) did oftentimes offer unto men, both the opportunity and means to do great matters if they had the power to lay hold thereon, and therefore he should do well now by celerity and courage to seek to better his evil Fortune, which but a little before had bereft him of his Father's Kingdom; for if Summer were once come on, he must either gain the Victory by plain Battle, which would be a hard matter, or else get him packing out of Cappadocia and all Asia the less.  
Achomates, who before had promised unto himself better success, as well for the great Strength he had of his own, as for the new supply of Horsemen he had procured from Hysmael the Persian King, but especially for the hope he had, that Selimus generally hated for his late Cruelty, should in the time of the Battle be forsaken of his own Soldiers; yielded to the persuasions of his Friends, who with many pleasing words set before his Eyes glorious things, easy to be spoken, but hard to be effected. Wherefore, when he was come into Galatia with somewhat more than fifteen thousand Horsemen, having for haste left his Footmen by easy marches to come after him; Selimus advertised of his coming, by speedy Messengers sent for his Horsemen to Prusa. In the mean time whiles he is levying other common Soldiers, and expecting the rest of his Forces, Fortune which always favoured his attempts, did then also avert the danger prepared for him by the unfaithfulness of his Followers, and showed to him the open way to Victory. For Achomates secret Friends which were in Selimus his Camp, continuing firm in their good will toward him, did earnestly by Letters persuade him (being already set forward, and now come as far as Paphlagonia) to make haste, and to come before Selimus his Forces were come together; for that he had sent for the Janissaries, and Europeian Horsemen, and did with all speed and diligence make all the preparation he could possibly; which for all that would all come too late, if he should upon the sudden come upon him before he were provided. Which Letters being by chance intercepted, gave Selimus certain knowledge both of his Brother's purpose and coming, together with the Treason intended against him by his own Servants; 
Treason against Selimus discovered.  wherefore executing them who had writ those Letters, he in their names caused others to the same effect to be written to Achomates, persuading him with all speed possible to come still on, and not to stay for his Footmen, for that Selimus might easily be oppressed with a few Troops of Horsemen, if Achomates would with speed but come and show himself unto his Friends and Favourites; who upon the first signal of Battle would raise a tumult in the Army, and upon the sudden kill Selimus, unadvisedly going to and fro in the Battle. Which Letters so written, Selimus caused to be signed with the Seals of them whom he had before executed, and found means to have them cunningly delivered to Achomates, as if they had been sent from his Friends; who giving credit to the same, and presuming much upon his own Strength, doubted not to leave his Footmen, who followed easily after him, under the conduct of Amurat his Son; and came and encamped with his Horsemen near unto the Mountain Horminius, upon the Bank of the River Parthemius. Selimus also departed from Prusa, and having received into his Army ten thousand Janissaries (but a little before come over the Straight) sent before Sinan Bassa, General of his Asian Horsemen, to know and make proof of the Strength of his Enemies. The Bassa not knowing as yet where Achomates lay, neither of what force he was, being deceived by the darkness of the Morning, fell into a place of disadvantage, where he was set upon by Achomates, and having lost seven thousand of his men, 
Sinan Bassa discomfited by Achomates.  was glad with other eight thousand which were left, to fly back to Selimus.  
For all this loss, was not Selimus' discomforted, or doubtful of the Victory, but forthwith marched on forward to the River Elata, which runneth directly out of the Mountain Horminius into Pontus, watering most large Fields upon the right hand, which at this day are called the Plains of the new Land. So did Achomates also, who although he knew his Brother to be every way too strong for him, yet being encouraged with the late Victory, and in hope that his Friends in Selimus his Army (whom he vainly supposed to have been yet living) would in the very Battle do some notable matter for him, and that Victory would follow his just quarrel; resolved neither to retire back, neither to expect the coming of the rest of his Army. The River was betwixt the two Camps, and the number of both Armies certainly discovered, yet could not Achomates (to whom the open Fields offered a safe retreat unto the rest of his Army) possessed with a fatal madness, be persuaded (considering the greatness of the danger) in time to provide for the safety of himself and his Army, carried headlong (as it seemed) by inevitable destiny to his fatal destruction, which presently after ensued.  
Selimus a little before the going down of the Sun, 
Selimus with his Army passeth over the River.  with his Army passed over the River Elata, and gave general commandment through all his Camp, that every man against the next day should be ready for battle; and in a Wood not far off placed a thousand Horsemen in ambush, under the leading of Canoglis, his Wife's Brother, a valiant young Gentleman, whom his Father had a little before sent from Taurica unto his Son in law with a chosen Company of Tartarian Horsemen; unt him Selimus gave in charge, that when the Battle was joined, he should show himself with his Horsemen upon the back of his Enemies, and there to charge them.  
As soon as it was day, Selimus in a great open Field put his Army in order of Battle, placing his Horsemen in two Wings, so that all his Spearmen were in the right Wing, and the Archers and Carbines in the left; in the main Battle stood the Janissaries with the rest of the Footmen. On the other side Achomates having no Footmen, divided his Horsemen into two Wings also.  
Whilst both Armies stood thus ranged, expecting but the signal of Battle, a Messenger came from Achomates to Selimus, offering in his Master's name, to try the equity of their quarrel in plain Combat hand to hand; which if he should refuse, he then took both God and the World to witness, that Selimus was the only cause of all the guiltless blood to be shed in the Battle, and not he; whereunto Selimus answered, that he was not to try his quarrel at the appointment of Achomates; and though he could be content so to do, yet would not his Soldiers suffer him so to adventure his person and their own safety; and so with that answer returned the Messenger back again to his Master, giving him for his reward a thousand Asper's.  
Achomates having received this answer, without further delay charged the right Wing of his Brother's Army, who valiantly received the first charge; but when they were come to the sword, and that the matter was to be tried by handy blows, they were not able longer to endure the force of the Persian Horsemen; who being well armed both Horse and Man, had before requested to be placed in the foremost ranks, by whose Valour the right Wing of Selimus his Army was disordered, and not without great loss enforced to retire back upon their Fellows. Which thing Selimus beholding, did what he might by all means to encourage them again; and presently brought on the left Wing with their Arrows and Pistols, instead of them that were fled; and at the same time came on with the Janissaries also, who with their Shot enforced Achomates his Horsemen to retire. Achomates himself carefully attending every danger, with greater Courage than Fortune came in with fresh Troops of Horsemen, by whose Valour the Battle before declining was again renewed, and the Victory made doubtful; but in the fury of this Battle whilst he was bearing all down before him, and now in great hope of the Victory, Canoglis with his Tartarian Horsemen rising out of ambush, came behind him, and with great outcries caused their Enemies (than in the greatest heat of their Fight) to turn upon them; at which time also the Footmen standing close together assailed them affront, and the Horsemen whom the Persians had at first put to flight, now moved with shame, were again returned into the Battle; so that Achomates his small Army was beset, and hardly assailed on every side. In fine his Ensigns being overthrown, and many of his Men slain, the rest were fain to betake themselves to flight. Where Achomates having lost the Field, and now too late seeking to save himself by flight, fell with his Horse into a Ditch, which the rain falling the day before, had filled with water and mire; and being there known and taken by his Enemies, could not obtain so much favour at their hands as to be presently slain, but was reserved to the farther pleasure of his cruel Brother. Selimus' understanding of his taking, sent Kirengen (the same squint-eyed Captain which had before strangled Corcutus) who with a Bowstring strangled him also. His dead Body was forthwith brought to Selimus, 
Achomates strangled.  and was afterwards by his commandment in royal manner buried with his Ancestors at Prusa.  
Now Amurat, Achomates his Son, understanding upon the way by the Persian Horsemen (who serred together, 
Amurat and Aladin the Sons of Achomates, fly, the one into Persia, and the other to Egypt.  had again made themselves way through the Turks Army) of the loss of the Field and the taking of his Father, returned back again to Amasia; and there after good deliberation, resolved with his Brother to betake themselves both to flight; he with the Persian Horsemen passing over the River Euphrates, fled unto Hysmael the Persian King; but Aladin the younger Brother passing over the Mountain Amanus in Cilicia, fled into Syria, and so to Campson Gaurus the great Sultan of Egypt.  
After this Victory, Selimus having in short time and with little trouble brought all the lesser Asia under his obeisance, and there at his pleasure disposed of all things, determined to have returned to Constantinople; but understanding that the Plague was hot there, he changed his purpose, and passing over at Callipolis and so travelling through Grecia, came to Hadrianople, where he spent all the rest of the Summer, and all the Winter following; and afterward when the Mortality was ceased, returned to Constantinople; where it was found that an hundred and threescore thousand had there died of the late Plague.  
Hysmael the Persian King, whose Fame had then filled the World, hearing of the arrival of Amurat, sent for him, and demanded of him the cause of his coming. The distressed young Prince, who but of late had lost his Father, together with the hope of so great an Empire, and now glad for safeguard of his life to fly into strange Countries, oppressed with sorrow, by his heavy Countenance and abundance of Tears, more than by Words, expressed the cause of his coming; yet in a short strained Speech, declared unto him, how that his Father, his Uncle, with the rest of his Cousins, all Princes of great Honour, had of late been cruelly murdered by the unmerciful Tyrant Selimus, who with like fury sought also after the life of himself and his Brother, the poor remainders of the Ottoman Family, who to save their lives, were both glad to fly, his Brother into Egypt, and himself to the Feet of his Imperial Majesty.  
Hysmael moved with compassion, and deeming it a thing well beseeming the greatness of his Fame, to take the poor exiled Prince into his protection and to give him relief, willed him to be of good comfort, and promised him Aid. And the more to assure him thereof, shortly after gave him one of his own Daughters in marriage. For it was thought, that if Selimus (for his Tyranny become odious to the World) should by any means miscarry (as with Tyrants commonly falleth out) that then in the Ottoman Family, sore shaken with his unnatural Cruelty, none was to be preferred before this poor Prince Amurat; besides that, it was supposed, that if he should invade him with an Army out of Persia, that upon the first stir, all the lesser Asia mourning for the unworthy death of Achomates, would at once revolt from him, who for his Cruelty and shameful Murders had worthily deserved to be hated together both of God and Man.  
Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring Hysmael furnished Amurat his new Son in Law with ten thousand Horsemen, willing him to pass over the River Euphrates at Arsenga, and to enter into Cappadocia, as well to make proof how the People of that Country were affected towards him, as of the strength of the Enemy; after whom he sent Vasta-Ogli, the most famous Chieftain amongst the Persians, with twenty thousand Horsemen more, with charge, That he should still follow Amurat within one days journey; and he himself with a far greater power stayed behind in Armenia, doubting to want Victual, if he should have led so great an Army through those vast, barren and desolate places, whereby he must of necessity pass.  
Amurat marching through the lesser Armenia, year 1514. and entering into the Borders of Cappadocia, 
Amurat spoileth Cappadocia.  had divers Towns yielded unto him by his Friends; some others he took by force, which he either sacked or else quite razed; and brought such a general fear upon the Inhabitants of that Province, that the People submitting themselves unto him all the way as he went, it was thought he would have gone directly to Amasia, had not Chendemus (an old Warlike Captain whom Selimus had left for his Lieutenant in Asia) with a great Army come to meet him at Sebastia, which at this day is called Sivas. This Chendemus had also long before advertised Selimus both of the preparation and coming of the Persians, as soon as he had learned by his Spials, That they were passed the River Euphrates. Upon which news Selimus came presently over into Asia, and commanding all his Forces to meet together at Prusa, had with wonderful celerity levied thereabout forty thousand common Soldiers. Which so soon as Amurat understood, as well by such Prisoners as he had taken, as by advertisement from his Friends; although he was very desirous to have fought with Chendemus, yet doubting that if Selimus should with his wont celerity come against him, he should be entangled in the Straits of the Mountain Antitaurus, he retired back again to Vasta-Ogli. But Selimus, who all that year had in his haughty thoughts been plotting some such notable exploit as were worthy his greatness, standing in doubt whether he should by Sea and Land invade Hungary, the Rhodes, or Italy, at that time sore shaken with Civil Wars; 
Selimus resolveth to invade the Persian.  having now so fit an occasion given him by the Persian, to the great joy of all Christendom, converted himself wholly unto the East, and in thirty days march came to Arsenga. Where joining his Army with Chendemus, when he understood that his Enemies having harried the Country, were again retired, pricked forward with the grief of the injury and desire of revenge, with hope of Victory he resolved to follow after them foot by foot, and forthwith to enter into Armenia the greater, the principal Province of the Persian Kingdom.  
But the difficulties of this notable expedition, which were in Counsel propounded by them which had best knowledge of those Countries, were great and many, all which by his own good hap and invincible courage, he himself afterwards overcame; for the Soldiers which had in short time already marched by Land out of Illyria, Epirus, and Macedonia, into Cappadocia, must of necessity in this long expedition take upon them new labours; they were to endure the sharp and pinching cold of the huge Mountain Taurus, and by and by after the most vehement and and scorching heat in the Plains of Armenia the lesser, with extreme Thirst, Hunger, and most desperate want of all things; and well the more, for that the Persians in their Retreat spoiling the Country as they went, had utterly destroyed all that might serve for the use of man, of purpose to leave nothing to their Enemies but want of all things, if they should pursue them; besides that, his most expert Captains stood in no small doubt of the petty Princes of Armenia the less, and the Mountain King Aladeules, whom they were to leave behind them at their backs, without any great assurance of their Friendship, who they well knew would leave them, if any thing should happen otherwise than well to Selimus, either in the Battle, or for want of Victuals, or in the straight passages. For they were to be relieved with Victuals from the Armenians: and Aladeules Forces then in readiness, were neither for number nor power to be contemned; who also with Castles commodiously placed, and strong Garrisons, at his pleasure commanded all the straits, passages, and entrances which led out of Cappadocia into Armenia and the Persian Kingdom: for all the Mountain Countries were under his command, and his Kingdom stretched from the Mountains called Scodrisci near unto Pon●us, all alongst the great Mountain Taurus unto Amanus, which divideth Cilicia from Syria.  
Amongst the rest, old Chendemus Viceroy of Anatolia, a Man of great experience, and of all others in greatest credit, favour, and authority with Selimus, persuaded him to stay a while in Cappadocia, and there to refresh his Europeian Soldiers already weary of their long Travel, and so to expect the coming of his Enemies. And to persuade him from the dangerous expedition into Persia, spoke unto him as followeth: It is not to be thought (most mighty and invincible Emperor, 
Chendemus ●assa dissuades Selimus from going any further against the Persians. ) that the Persians are fled for fear, because they retired before they set eye upon us their Enemies: it is a fineness, and they plainly go about to entrap us, whiles they by flight make a false semblance of fear. Know we not what cunning Heads and able Bodies Persia breedeth? Will they fear the naked Turkish light Horsemen or Archers, which with their courageous barbed Horses and themselves strongly Armed, feared not the Scythian shot? or (if they be too little) which by their Valour have vanquished so many Nations, and gained unto their King so great and large an Empire? Think you, that you have either greater or better Forces than had long ago, Cassumes your Uncle, or Great Mahomet your Grandfather; who divers times proving their Forces against this Enemy, were more than once put to the worst, I my s●lf then serving in their Camps near unto Trapezond and the Mountains of Nicopolis. I will not deny, but that the great Ordinance which you carry with y●u may stand you in great stead, so that fit place may be found to bestow so many field Pieces in: but this scorched Ground, the frozen and abrupt Mountains, with the vast and solitary Plains beyond them, terrify me, whom all the armed Forces of our Enemies in places of great advantage could not dismay. You must fight not only with your valiant Enemies, but with the difficulties of Nature also. Neither may your Majesty give any credit to the Armenians or Aladeules, Princes of most doubtful Faith: although at your first setting forward they show a fair Face, and seem never so friendly: for they will but expect and await some fit occasion to take you at an advantage, and so to set upon you when you least fear them. But admit you were assured of Victory, O with how much warm Blood of your best Soldiers shall you buy the same? with what other Soldiers, with what other Forces will you defend Grecia, if the Christian Kings hearing that you for enlarging your Empire, or desire of Fame being gone into the furthest part of Armenia, shall in the mean time Invade you? Wheresore if it be better and more wisdom, with safety to defe●d your own, than with danger to seek for that is other M●ns; if Princes of greatest Policy have reposed the glory of their Victory, not in the greatness of the slaughter of their Enemies, but in the safety and preservation of their own Soldiers: spare to object yourself and your Army to most manifest danger, and unadvisedly to commit all at once to the hazard of good Fortune: which b●ing a most fickle and unconstant Mistress, if she shall but once dally with your dangerous attempts, you shall through your rashness in far shorter space tumble down headlong from the top of so great Majesty, than you have thereunto a while ago by your rare Virtues worthily aspired.  
Selimus as he was of a rough and fierce Nature, so would he have all things done according to his own device and direction: and though he were not a little moved with this Speech of so grave a Counsellor and most expert Commander, and saw many of his Captains troubled with the imagination of the future danger; yet in a fume refuting some little of that which Chendemus had said, he dismissed the Counsel, protesting openly, that he would proceed in his intended purpose, hap what hap should, from Friend or Foe: although that old Fellow were (as he said) so careful of his life, that he feared to die a noble Death. Which Selimus had no sooner said, but presently others about him, accustomed to serve his Humour, which envied at the glory and wealth of old Chendemus, took hold upon these words, and beginning with the greatness of his Forces, the valour of his Soldiers, the store of his Artillery, with his own invincible Fortune; made easy matters of all the former difficulties, and with great words laboured to extenuate all that the grave Bassa had before said concerning the prowess and power of the Enemy. After that, they began to discredit Chendemus, saying, That he (being a martial Man, and of known resolution in all his most warlike Actions) had not said as before, for want of courage, of any distrust he had of the Victory, but of purpose to hinder that most honourable Expedition, and to cut off all hope of Victory, which was (as they said) as good as already gotten; being before loaded with Amurat his great Promises, and the Gold of Persia. Wherefore they wished him to beware of the sly old Fox his wiles and treason, and to proceed on in his Expedition so much the more boldly: and not to think that his Soldiers would refuse any danger or labour, so long as they saw courage in himself, but would be ready (as they said) to undertake the most desperate difficulties of War, and desired nothing more, than to be conducted into those far Countries, where by their martial Prowess and valiant Acts they might make their Emperor Selimus equal with the Great Alexander, and themselves comparable to his Macedonians. And to work the utter destruction of this most faithful Counsellor without all recovery, these false Flatterers suborned boldfaced Accusers, who falsely and shamefully affirmed, that he had received great sums of Money from Amurat, and did not therefore in time go against the Persian Robbers, whereby all the former Calamities happened (as they said) to that Province. For which pretended Causes, 
Chendemus Bassa by the commandment of Selimus slain.  Selimus commanded Chendemus without further hearing to be slain: but indeed to terrify others from like liberty of Speech; and withal to teach them, to deem those devices and counsels as most excellent, which their Sovereign should as it were by divine Inspiration find out himself, and so to accept of them without contradiction. The sudden death of this most faithful Counsellor Chendemus, struck an exceeding fear into the minds of all Men, for that so honourable a Personage, of late in so great credit and favour with his Sovereign, was without hearing Executed; who they had known as a Man of great account, both for his prowess and policy, to have stood fast on Selimus his side, first in his Wars against his Father, and of late against his Brother: not doubting but that Selimus by nature cruel and suspicious even of trifles, would with like Tyranny not spare Men of meaner calling, which spared not his dearest and most ancient Friends.  
Selimus marching from Arsenga, came to the Confines of the lesser Armenian Kings, and of Aladeules; where by his Ambassadors he requested the Kings of those Nations (who were then in Arms) that they would join their Forces with his against the Persian, and to go with him into Armenia the great; promising that when the Wars were happily ended, he would give unto them all such Territories as should chance in those Wars to be taken from the Enemy, as a reward of their Aid. But these poor Kings, which hated both Hysmael and Selimus for their manifold injuries they daily received in the Frontiers of their Dominions, lying in the midst between them, (as commonly it falleth out, that the weakest go to the walls) craftily expecting the Event of this War, would not openly show themselves; but answered, that they had taken up Arms for no other purpose, but for the defence of themselves and their Kingdoms. Not meaning in that doubtful War to bear themselves as Enemy's unto either of those great Princes their Friends and Neighbours, of whofe just grievances they were not able or worthy to determine; yet if he would without Hostility in peaceable manner pass through their Dominions, they promised to give free passage unto him and his Army; and after he was entered into Armenia the greater, to relieve him with such Provision of Victual as their bare Countries could afford.  
Selimus thus deceived of this his first Hope, (for why, he thought those poor Kings would at the first, either for love or fear have been ready to have done him all the service they could) dissembled his grief for the present, as wholly bentagainst Hysmael; fearing that if he should by word or deed defend those neuter Princes, he should have them at his back his most assured and undoubted Enemies. Wherefore passing the Mountains called Scodrisci, he came in eight days unto the great Mountain called Moschij, which the famous River Euphrates, with his mighty stream and huge broken banks, separateth from the great Mountain Antitaurus, and with perpetual steep ridges runneth into Iberia and Colchis, and on the East discovereth Armenia the greater; here Selimus with Ensigns displayed marching alongst the bank of the River, departed not from the same, for fear to lack Water in that hot and dry Country; and so held on his way directly Eastward, leaving the Country of Armenia the less upon his left Hand, and the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Aladeules on the right, until he came unto the Mountain Periardo. This great Mountain, famous by the rising of two great and notable Rivers out of it, is for the wonderful fertility of all things, of the barbarous People called Leprus, which is to say, fruitful; for Euphrates and Araxis there running out of two divers and contrary Marshes, with many arms, water and enrich that champion and dry Country. Selimus having made so great a Journey, and yet not able so much as by report, to understand what was become of Hysmael his so great and populous Army, which he knew was but a little before departed out of Cappadocia; as a Man in doubt and half afraid, stayed and encamped his Army at the head of the River Euphrates, and from thence sent out his Scouts every way, if happily they could intercept some which might give him knowledge of his Enemies. But the Armenians, whether it were for fear of the coming of the Turks, or that Hysmael their King had so commanded, were all before fled out of that part of the Country, whereby Selimus was to pass with his Army; and having forsaken their Houses, and carried away with them, or else by Fire destroyed whatsoever might serve for the use of Man.  
The Turkish Scouts after they had by the space of two days scoured up and down the Country, 
Selimus sen●eth o●t his Scou●s, who do return with bad news.  returned back again to Selimus, not having taken so much as any one Man; showing unto him, That all things were destroyed before him, and nothing left but wild Fields and a most desolate Country, without any appearance of Man or Beast; and that they were of opinion, that either the Armenian Guides were deceived in the way, or else had of purpose brought them into such desert places, whereas wanting Pasture for their Horses, and Food for Men, they must needs together perish with Hunger. Which their present fear was greatly increased by the weak Kings whom they had left behind them at their backs; but especially Aladeules, who either for shame or fear had a few days at the first holpen the Turks with Victual, but after they were farther entered into Armenia, performed nothing of that he had before most faithfully promised; seeking therein the favour of Hysmael, who he thought would with the same good fortune vanquish the Turks; that he had not long before the greatest part of the East. Selimus perplexed in mind, began now to suspect Treason, to fear Famine, to dread the Deserts and forsaken places, and with grief of mind to call to remembrance all that old Chendemus his faithful Counsellor had before most truly told him; for all that, he showed himself unto his Soldiers with cheerful Countenance, as a Man nothing dismayed; which his firm constancy seemed to promise unto their discouraged minds good success, with speedy Victory. Wherefore calling unto him his Guides, and such as best knew the Country, and understanding by them, that on the right Hand beyond the Mountain Periardo lay the most fruitful Country of all Armenia, he rose with his Army, and compassing the Hill toward the North, turned down toward the River Araxes, and above the City of Coy passed his Army over the River, his Footmen by little Bridges, 
Selimus passeth over Araxes.  and his Horsemen by Fords; for Araxes, until it have received such Rivers as fall into it out of the Marshes of Periardo, runneth but with a small stream, and is in some places easy to be passed over.  
Selimus had scarcely well got over the River, and encamped his great Army, when Vasta Ogli (who having joined his Forces with Amurat, lying encamped not far off, and fearing lest the City of Coy and the unprovided Citizens should by the sudden, coming of the Enemy be oppressed) quickly rose with his Army, and set forwards to meet the Turks; for that City of all others in that Country, for fresh Fountains and Rivers, most pleasant (wherein the Persian Kings for the great plenty of all manner of Fruit, and wholsomeness of the Air, leaving Tauris, were wont to spend most part of the Summer) had then in it many rich Citizens, and sumptuous Buildings; which Vasta Ogli thought good betimes to rescue, and not with dishonour to lose that rich City, looking as it were upon it; and leaving it unto the Enemy, to suffer him there ●o refresh his hungerstarved Soldiers with plenty of all things. Cassianus an Armenian Born, and present in those Wars, did by many probabilities (as jovius writeth) show unto him, That this City of Coy was in ancient time that most famous City which was called Artaxata, which Domitius Corbulo destroyed. Neither did Hysmael himself (although he had but a little before sent the greatest part of his For●es against the Coraxeni, who were then risen up against him in Rebellion; as he that made no great reckoning of the Turks, or ever thought that they durst have come so far into Armenia) make any delay, but forthwith as soon as he had heard of the coming of Selimus, came also in person himself unto his Army.  
By chance Vasta Ogli (who contrary to all men's expectation had until then shunned to fight, or come in sight of his Enemies, of purpose with less danger and loss of Men to overthrow them afterwards, being sore weakened and almost spent with long Travel and want of Victuals) lay then encamped near the City, when as the Turks Scouts, upon the coming of Hysmael, perceived by the great rising of the dust, and by the neighing of the Persian Horses, that some greater power was at hand. Which so soon as it was noised in the Turkish Camp, they began to rejoice exceedingly, and to conceive the first hope both of their safety and victory; glad, that now meeting with their Enemies, they should either by Victory turn their labour, toil, famine, and extremities wherewith they had of long time striven, into ease and plenty of all things, or else by honourable death end all their miseries at once: for many of the Horsemen, especially of them that came out of Europe, whose Horses were starved for want of Forage, and the common Footmen spent with long Travel, and grievously troubled with the Flux, (who travelling in the extreme heat of the Sun, had for most part lived upon Crabs and other wild Fruits, with a bad supping made of Meal and Vinegar, and almost despairing to get the sight of their Enemies) began now to die in every corner.  
Hysmael as soon as he was come within sight of his Enemies, 
Hysmael sends an Herald to Selimus.  reposing great confidence as well in the valour of his Soldiers, as in his own rare Fortune, the more to terrify them, thought it good forthwith to give them Battle: Whereupon he sent an Herald unto Selimus, accompanied with certain skilful Soldiers, which should in best sort they could take view of the number and force of their Enemies, of their Artillery, and in what sort they lay encamped; and to tell him, That forasmuch as he had no Title unto Armenia, nor that the Turks had at any time claimed any interest therein, he could not but marvel, why he had against all right entered with his Army into his Dominion: but if he haply upon a vain presumption, to the imitation of Alexander of Macedon, should think so much of the World his own, as he could by the Sword and his own good Fortune win, he should then make himself ready against the next day to make proof of his Fortune, and the Forces of others not inferior to his own.  

Selimus his answer unto Hysmael.  Whereunto Selimus answered, That the fresh remembrance of the manifold Injuries done to the Turks by the Persians, was such, as might give him just cause to take up Arms; for as much as long ago both his Grandfather Mahomet the Great, and his Uncle Cassumes, and even of late his Father Bajazet, and he himself also in his Wars against his Brother Achomates, had received great wrong and dishonour from the Persians. All which things, although they were of themselves important, yet he esteemed not of them as sufficient causes of War, but only sought after his Enemy Amurat, his Brother's Son, who had of late spoiled Cappadocia; whom if he would quietly and friendly deliver unto him, as the mutual Laws of amity and friendship amongst Princes for the maintenance and preservation of their Estates and Kingdoms required, than he would withdraw his Forces, and peaceably return into his Kingdom; otherwise, he threatened with Fire and Sword to destroy, not the Frontiers of Armenia, but even the heart of Persia. And so dismissing the Herald, both the Armies for that day lay still in their Trenches, expecting the dreadful event of Battle.  

The order of Selimus his Battle.  The next day Selimus by persuasion of his Captains brought his Army into the open Field, and in order of Battle set forward against his Enemies, which lay about two Miles off, thinking that Hysmael, a Prince of so great name, would without delay accept of Battle; yet what strength the Persian King was of, what number of Men he had, what manner of Horsemen, how Armed, and with what Weapons, he could not certainly learn: for beside that the Persians are by nature ingenious and subtle, the Soldiers generally so reverenced and loved Hysmael their King, that not one was found to have gone from him to the Turk; whereas many revolted from Selimus to him, as it was afterwards learned of the Persian Captains.  
Selimus, who had at that time eighty thousand Horsemen under his Ensigns, placed Chasan Bassa his Lieutenant General of Europe, with his Europeian Horsemen in the right Wing; and Sinan Bassa with his Asian Horsemen in the left; and before them both the Acanzijs, which were voluntary Horsemen, the forerunners of the Turks Army, who in hope of spoil follow the Turks Wars out of all Countries: In the middle Battle he placed the Asapi or Common Soldiers, which base and half naked People, as Men of little worth or estimation, are commonly thrust into the Front of the Turks Battles, to receive the first fury of the Enemy, and to blunt their Swords, more than for any other good service; directly behind them he bestowed his great Artillery, guarded with four thousand Horsemen: Last of all followed himself with his chosen Pensioners and Janissaries, compassed about with small field-Pieces, and his Carriages, as with a double Trench; for he had (as their manner is) so environed himself round with his saddled Camels made fast one to another with long Chains, that they stood him in stead of a strong Trench, from whence he might speedily relieve any part of his distressed Army; and in case of extremity being in the midst of his strength, might as out of a sure Fort repress the furious Assault of his Enemies. He also commanded his Footmen in the vauward of his Battle, that upon the approach of the Enemy's Horse, they should speedily withdraw themselves aside into two parts, leaving space for the great Ordnance which was placed behind them, to play in the middle between them. On the contrary part Hysmael, who by the Turk's Fugitives understood all the devices of his Enemies, calling unto him the chief Commanders of his Army, showed unto them, That there was no doubt of the Victory, so that they could shun the fury of the great Artillery; which he assured them would easily be done, if when they saw the Turkish Footmen divide themselves, they would also in like manner withdraw themselves into two parts, and give place to the fury of the great Ordnance; for which purpose he caused two great Ensigns to be displayed, whereunto they should at the time appointed retire, the one for himself and those whom he conducted, the other for Vasta Ogli and the rest of his Army.  
Hysmael (as jovius reporteth) had in his Army about thirty thousand Horsemen, 
Hysmael with thirty thousand Persians giveth Battle to Selimus with three hundred thousand Turks.  without any Footmen, amongst whom were ten thousand Men at Arms, resolute Gentlemen, of great experience, all gallantly mounted upon courageous barbed Horses, and themselves bravely Armed, both for the show and terror of the Enemy; their Weapons were a good Lance, a sure Scimitar, and a Horsemans' Mace; the rest were Armed with strong Curiasses and Headpieces, and were either Archers on Horseback, or else used light Horseman's Staves made of Ash after the Spanish Fashion, wherewith they served at the half Staff. As for Guns they had none, in which thing only and number of Men, they were inferior to the Turks. But such was the invincible courage and noble minds of the Persians, that contemning the huge multitude of their Enemies (who were in number about three hundred thousand) and making no great reckoning of their great Artillery, they doubted not with so few to give them Battle.  
Hysmael having given the signal of Battle, came on with his Army, exhorting his Shoulders then to remember the Honour they had long before gotten in many Battles, and courageously to follow him their Sovereign, whom they by their worthy service and many victories had made the greatest Monarch of the East; telling them, that they should have now to do but with naked Men, whose Weapons were but weak Staves and light Targets, and their Horses little poor Jades almost dead with hunger, never able to abide the first charge of his valiant Men at Arms.  
On the other side, Selimus perceiving the coming of his Enemies by the rising of the dust, caused knowledge to be given through his Army by his Captains and Officers, that the time of Battle which they had so long wished for, was now come; wherein if they would worthily acquit themselves against those their proud Enemies, they should to their immortal Fame extend the Turkish Empire from the Persian Sea to the Mountain Caucasus: but if they cowardly forgetting their ancient Prowess, should faint in time of Battle, they were not then to think by any means to escape by flight back again through those great Plains and desolate Countries; where they should by the way either shamefully perish, or else to their perpetual infamy be taken Prisoners, and as base Slaves, during their lives be enforced to serve the Persian Women; forasmuch as beside the great distance of the place, both the great River Euphrates, and the huge Mountain Taurus, and the faithless King Aladeules, who had shut up all the passages, did cut off all hope from them, if they should be overcome, by any means possible to escape back again into Cappadocia.  
When Hysmael was come near with his Army, and the Asapi upon sign given dividing themselves, 
The great and mortal Battle between Hysmael and Selimus.  made place for the great Artillery to play, as was before appointed; he also presently dividing his Horsemen, charged the right Wing of the Turks Army, which such force, that after a most terrible fight betwixt the half armed Turks, and the valiant Persian Men at Arms, Chasan Bassa the great Commander of the Europeian Horsemen, with the foremost of that Wing being slain, and many more after them, he enforced all that Wing to retire unto that place where Selimus himself with the Janissaries stood. On the other side, Vasta Ogli having received no little harm by the Turks great Ordnance, because he had not so speedily cleared himself and his followers of that danger, as had Hysmael, charged the Asian Horsemen in the left Wing, and there in bloody Battle made great slaughter of the Enemy, but not with like good hap as did Hysmael; for whiles he most courageously in the foremost Ranks, assailed his Enemies, he was struck with a small shot and slain. With whose fall the Turks were greatly encouraged, insomuch as that they which but now were glad to give ground, 
Vasta Ogli slain.  and had lost the third part of that Wing, began afresh to renew the Battle, and valiantly to withstand the Persians; and with their Harquebusiers (wherewith the Persian Horsemen were wonderfully terrified) drove them headlong upon the Turks common Footmen. The Persians whether it were forced by necessity for that they had lost so great a Commander, and not well able to govern their Horses, terrified with the thundering shot, or else for that the open side of the Footmen presented unto them greater place of advantage, setting themselves together broke through the middle of the Battle of those Turkish Footmen, and bearing them down before them with a mighty slaughter, came to the great Ordnance, and there show the Canoniers, who discharging their Field-Pieces at all adventures, in that great medley made a foul slaughter, as well of their own Men as of their Enemies. And so without stop (as victorious Conquerors) made way through the midst of their Enemies, until they came to the right Wing, where Hysmael was still hardly charging the Europeian Horsemen, who having before lost Chasan their General, and being many of them slain or wounded, were already enforced to retire; but now charged afresh upon the side, had much ado to endure the fury of their Enemies, but as Men in extreme danger, were glad to cry to Selimus for help.  
In this hard distress, Selimus in two places opened his Carriages, wherewith he stood as it were entrenched, and presently sent out part of his Horsemen. And by and by turning himself unto his Janissaries, said, This days Victory is reserved (most worthy Soldiers) unto your valour and labour, wherefore now valiantly set forward, and as fresh and courageous Men, assail your wearied Enemies; their Horses are all on a water with Sweat, and the Men themselves faint under the weight of their Armour. But yet for all that Selimus could say, the Janissaries were not very forward, but stood still, as Men willing in so great a danger to keep themselves within the safeguard for their Munition. Wherefore whilst they at their leisure set forward, the Persians in the midst of the heat of this Victory, compassing in the Europ●ian Horsemen, slew them downright, Selimus looking on and wishing in vain to help them. Fabritius Carrectus great Master of the Rhodes, who of all these things had certain intelligence, writ to Leo the Tenth then Bishop of Rome, that the Janissaries refused to be commanded by Selimus, and were not by any persuasion or entreaty to be induced to reliev● the distressed Europeian Horsemen; but as Men distrusting the event of the Battle, chose rather in their strength to expect the success thereof, than with most manifest danger to expose themselves unto the violence of the Persian Horsemen, which had as a Tempest overborne the vanguard of the Turkish Footmen.  
The Persians were now ready on every side to have assailed Selimus in his greatest strength; when Sinan Bassa, although the Wing he led was sore rend and weakened, yet following the Persians through the midst of the heaps of the slain Footmen, came in, in good time for Selimus, and with certain fresh Troops which had escaped the fury of Vasta Ogli, restored the Battle before almost lost; but especially by the invincible courage of Alis Beg and Mahomet his Brother descended of the honourable Family of the Malcozzij, which for Nobility amongst the Turks is accounted next unto the Othomans; both of them for courage resembling their Warlike Father Malcozzius, famous for that woeful expedition he made into Friuli against the Venetians in the Reign of Bajazet. Selimus also not yet discouraged but still in hope, commanded all the great Ordnance wherewith he was environed, which he had reserved as his last refuge, to be discharged; by the violence whereof, such slaughter was made, as well of his own Men as of his Enemies, mingled together, that what for dust, what for smoke, and thundering of the Artillery, having on both sides almost lost the use of sight and hearing, and their Horses being so terrified with the thundering report of the great Ordnance, 
The terror of the Battle between Selimus and Hysmael.  that they were not now to be ruled, the Battle was broken off, the Victory yet doubtful. The Turkish Histories to express the terror of this day, number it amongst their dismal days, terming it The only day of Doom.  
Hysmael in this furious Battle, having received a Wound under his left Shoulder with a small shot, by persuasion of his friends withdrew himself to have his Wound searched; which thing undoubtedly was the safeguard both of Selimus and his Army: for the Persians by and by following their King, left the Victory, now in all men's opinion almost gotten. But after that Hysmael perceived the Wound was not deep, for that the strength of his Armour had so broken the force of the shot, that it pierced not far into his Body, he was about to have charged the Turks afresh: but understanding of the death of Vasta Ogli, in whom for his singular experience in martial Affairs, he had reposed his greatest confidence; and his Captains also persuading him not to make so light reckoning of his Wound, the grief whereof he yet felt not, being warm, but to have regard to his own Health: He in seemly order softly marched away in such sort, that his departure had no resemblance of flight. And passing by the City of Tauris, willed the chief of the Citizens to open the Gates of the City to Selimus (if he should come thither) and to receive his Garrisons, rather than by vain constancy to fall into utter destruction; and so marched himself into the Confines of Media.  
But the Turks entangled with many difficulties, having no hearts for fear, 
The Persian Tents taken by the Turks.  nor strength for weariness to pursue their Enemies, yet coming to the Persian Tents, took them without resistance: where beside the rich Pavilions wrought with Needlework of Silk and Gold, and much other precious Furniture, many noble Ladies and Gentlewomen were found, which after the manner of the Persians had followed their Husbands in those Wars, whom Selimus caused to be all freely set at liberty untouched, excepting one of the Wives of Hysmael, whom he detained and gave her in Marriage to one of his Bassaes. Some which were present at this Battle, reported that amongst the heaps of them that were slain, were found the dead bodies of divers Persian Women, which being Armed, and following their Husbands, died with them in the Battle; whom Selimus caused to be honestly buried.  
Thus was that notable Battle fought in the Galderan Fields near unto the City of Coy, betwixt these two great Princes, the seventh day of August in the year of our Lord, 1514. In which Battle Selimus lost above thirty thousand Men, amongst whom was Chasan Bassa his great Lieutenant in Europe; seven Sanzaks, in which were the two Malcozzian Brethren, who labouring the one to rescue the other, were both together slain. Bside his common Footmen of whom he made least reckoning, he lost most part of his Illyrian, Macedonian, Servian, Epirot, Thessalian, and Thracian Horsemen, the undoubted flower and strength of his Army, which were in that mortal Battle almost all slain, or grievously wounded.  
Selimus for all this great loss, by the confession of his Enemies having gotten the Victory, and receiving Ambassadors from Coy and the Cities thereabouts, and the great City of Tauris, promising to relieve him with whatsoever he needed, and to do what else he should command; marched directly to Tauris, desiring both to see and possess himself of that City, as one of the chief Palaces of the Persian Kings. This City is two days journey distant from Coy where the Battle was fought, and is verily thought to be the famous City called in ancient time Ecbathana, about an hundred and fifty Miles distant from the Caspian Sea. The Citizens were ready at the coming of the Turks, and brought them great store of Victuals out of the Gates of the City, where Selimus had lodged his Army in the Suburbs, thinking it no safety to lodge within that great and populous City, contenting himself to have the Gates thereof delivered unto him, which he kept with strong Guard. Some report that Selimus durst not trust the Persians, and therefore never went into the City but disguised in the Habit of a common Soldier. Yet some others say, that he did with great magnificence Banquet in the stately Palace of the Persian King, and there had great discourse with them of Taurus concerning his late Victory. But whilst he thus stayed at Tauris, and with himself purposed to spend that Winter in Armenia, he called together his great Captains and Commanders of his Army, to know how they liked thereof; who fearing his displeasure, wholly referred themselves to his own resolution. Only Mustapha his chief Bassa chanced to say, That it were good that the minds of the Janissaries and the other Soldiers of the Court should therein be known. Which his Speech Selimus took in such evil part, that he presently commanded him out of his sight, and deprived him of his greatest Honour; and the more to disgrace him, sent one of his Jesters after him, who in great scorn and derision coming behind him, cut off part of his Tulipant that hung down, as the Fashion was. 
The janissaries in mutiny against Selimus.  But the Janissaries understanding the matter, and much offended with the indignity offered unto the great Bassa whom they dearly loved, rose up all together in Arms, and told Selimus flatly, That they would not in any case Winter so far from home in the Enemy's Country; and therefore that it were best for him betime to consider of the matter, for that they were resolutely set down to forsake him if he would needs stay, and not with speed return. Selimus much troubled with this insolency of the Janissaries, and hearing daily, that Hysmael with new supplies out of Iberia, Albania, and Parthia, was coming upon him with greater power than before, and considering withal with what difficulty and danger he had escaped in the late Battle, preserved rather by his good fortune and force of his great Artillery, than the valour and prowess of his Soldiers, and withal suspecting the multitude and strength of the Taurisians, of whose fidelity he could make no reckoning, he changed his former determination, and resolved again to return into Cappadocia; whereupon having contrary to his promise exacted a great Mass of Money from them of Tauris, he departed thence, carrying away with him three thousand Families, the best Artificers in that City, especially such as were skilful in making of Armour and Weapons, and so with speed retired towards the River Euphrates, a longer way than that whereby he came; fearing to return again by the head of Araxis and the Mountains Periardes, for meeting the Iberian and Albanian Horsemen, who were reported to be then coming against him.  
Hysmael understanding of his departure, followed after with as much speed as he could, leaving behind him for hast his Carriages and such as his Soldiers as were not able to endure so long and speedy a march: yet for all his haste (forasmuch as Selimus was gone a great way before him) he could not overtake any part of his Army, until he was come to the great River Euphrates, where Selimus staying two days, and having made divers little Boats, was passing over his Footmen; which because they were not sufficient for the speedy transportation of so great a multitude, many for haste swum over the River with Bladders, and some adventured to get over upon the broken pieces of their Carriages, which they had for that purpose burst in sunder. Selimus himself got over to the farther Bank in a little Boat, having before caused his Horsemen with their Horses at once to take the River, 
Selimus in passing the River Euphrates, receiveth great loss.  of purpose to break the violence of the stream, whereby his Footmen and Camels with their burdens got over with less danger, and some of his Field-pieces were also with less difficulty transported; yet for all the speed he could make, the Georgian Horsemen, the forerunners of Hysmael his Army, being come within sight before the Turks were all got over, raised such a fear and a stir all alongst that side of the River, that two thousand of the Turks were in their hasty passage there drowned, divers Field-pieces left sticking in the Mud, and much of their Baggage carried away with the force of the River. The G●orgians contenting themselves with such things as were left, pursued them no further: for the wheels of the Turks Carriages entangled together with the violence of the stream, had stayed a great part of the Turkish Trash, floating in the River; and much more was in divers places driven upon the shore, all which the Georgian Horsemen easily drew out. 
Selimus cometh to Amasia.  Hysmael in the mean time rejoicing at nothing more, than that having chased away his Enemies, he had also recovered much of the great Ordnance whereby he had before received so great hurt.  
Selimus by speedy flight thus got out of the hands of the Persians, found his passing much more dangerous at the Mountain Antitaurus, than he had before thought of: for Aladeules, the Mountain King having now his fortune in contempt, and diligently waiting for his prey, had with his savage People before taken all the straight passages of the Mountain Country; who every night in thievish manner assailed the Turks, as they with their weak and weary Companies passed through those rough and broken ways; and robbing their Carriages, presently fled into their haunts and places of refuge in the thick Woods and rocky Mountains. Aladeules himself in the mean time (by whose fraud all this was done) every day excusing himself, as if it had been done against his will, by the rude mountain People, enured to such desperate Robberies, whom nevertheless he said he would in short time severely chasti●e so soon as he could find the Authors thereof. In the mean while, for fashion sake sending a little spare Provision for certain days, did every night rob and spoil the Turks by his Soldiers, as they could take them in places of advantage. Against which mischiefs Selimus could neither by Policy, neither his Soldiers by industry provide any sufficient remedy. Wherefore dissembling the injuries he daily received, purposing to be thereof in time revenged, together with the foul and treacherous dealing of the faithless King; holding on his way, he with much ado came at length to Trapezond, and from thence to Amasia, where he spent that Winter in repairing his soreweakned Army, purposing with the first of the Spring to make War upon Aladeules and the mountain People, who in his return had done him so great harm and injury.  
In this sort jovius, one of the great Historiographers of that time, reporteth the aforesaid Wars betwixt Hysmael and Selimus, whose credit in that matter other Writers have since for most part followed. Howbeit, Io. Ant. Maenavinus, a Genua, who served in those Wars, doth in his Book concerning Turkish Affairs, dedicated to the French King, much otherwise report the same: which to satisfy the desirous Reader, I have thought good here in few words to set down, as it is by himself reported.  
Selimus (saith he) with his Army, 
The former History as it is reported by Jo. Ant. M●●navinus a Genua present at doing thereof.  in number about three hundred thousand Men, being come to the River Euphrates, found the Bridge broken down by his Nephew Amurat, and his Enemies encamped in convenient place on the farther side of the River, with their Forces greatly increased by new supplies lately sent from the Persian King; so that there was then in the Persian Army about ninety thousand Men Horse and Foot, the Horsemen for most part furnished with two Horses apiece for service: And though Selimus did what he might, to know whether the Persian King were in person himself in the Camp, or else (which he most feared) was raising of greater Forces in Persia, yet could he by no means learn the truth of that he desired. Wherefore repairing again the broken Bridge, he first sent over his two great Lieutenants ●of Grecia and Anatolia, who passing over the River, encamped themselves as they thought convenient. The next morning, about two hours before the rising of the Sun, Amurat suddenly assailed the great Commander of Grecia, Chasan Bassa, in his Trenches, and by plain force discomfited the Turks, and by good Fortune took from them their Tents: Whereupon such a terror and fear came upon the other great Commander of Anatolia, that his Soldiers thrusting themselves for fear into the River, swum over with great danger, and again joined themselves with the rest of the Army. Selimus troubled with the great loss thus received, caused all his great Artillery to be placed all alongst the hithermost Bank of the River Euphrates; and because the Enemy should not perceive the ●ame, ranged certain Companies of his Soldiers before the Ordinance, as if they should presently have passed the River: who upon signal given, should forthwith withdraw themselves and give place to the great Ordnance bend upon the Enemy. But when Fire was given to these great Pieces, many of them being overcharged, burst in sunder, and slew divers of the Turks: Many also of their rich Horses and Mules being near unto the River side, and terrified with the thundering Shot, leapt into the River, and were there drowned together with their riders. The Persians also receiving great loss, retired farther off for fear of the great Artillery. So Selimus without resistance passing over the River, marched forthwith toward the Enemy, whom the Persians as Men nothing dismayed, notably encountered. The Battle was of long time doubtful, and much Blood shed on both sides; and if the approach of the night had not broke off that mortal Fight, the Persian Army rather overcharged with the multitude of the Enemy, than vanquished by valour, had undoubtedly received a great overthrow; but through the benefit of the night, they▪ without further loss escaped the pursuit of the Turks. Upon this Victory, Selimus left his Carriages and Baggage with his Footmen; and taking with him only his Horsemen, set forward with intention to have upon the sudden surprised the regal City of Tauris, before the fame of the late fought Battle could be carried thither; the Persians in the mean time being no less careful of their affairs. The day before, ten thousand fresh Horse men well appointed, which had not yet been in the Battle, where coming to Hysmael; these he craftily laid in the Turks way, commanding them upon the approach of the Enemy to fly as if it had been for fear. Selimus in the morning having descried these Horsemen at hand, supposing them to be such of his Enemies as being overtaken with the night, were not able to follow the rest of his Army, exhorted his Soldiers courageously to pursue their discouraged Enemies.  
The Persians seeing the Turks, of purpose betook themselves to flight; and they suspecting no deceit, followed fast after them, until that about midday being weary of the pursuit, and coming to a little River which was in their way, they there stayed to refresh themselves; and after they had taken a short repast, again pursued the Persians, still leaving behind them such as were not able to fast to follow, pricked forward with hope, that before night they should surprise and ransack the rich City of Tauris. The Turkish Horsemen thus drawn far from the Footmen, the Persian Horsemen left in ambush, in the mean time set upon the Turks Footmen, lying (as they supposed) in great security, and with a great slaughter overthrew them; at which time they also took all Selimus his Treasure and great Artillery. Which overthrow was by speedy Posts, about two a Clock in the night made known to Selimus (who now in his mind already conceived the sacking of Tauris) and withal that the fierce Enemy was following him at the heels. Selimus wonderfully abashed with this unexpected news, and the loss of his Footmen, forthwith began to retire; which the ten thousand Persians which had before of purpose fled, perceiving, now turning themselves upon the retiring Turks, charged them hardly; so Selimus enclosed both before and behind by his Enemies, received a great overthrow; and the Turks thus hardly beset, and almost despairing of their lives, and having lost their Ensigns, broke out sideways betwixt their Enemies and fled. Selimus seeing all desperate and forlorn, betook himself to flight also with the rest; and passing the River Euphrates, broke down the Bridge, which he had but a little before repaired, for fear the Persians should further pursue him, and with much trouble and no less danger coming at length to Amasia, assembled thither the relics of his discomfited Army. Such of the Turks as remained behind, and were not able in flight to keep way with the rest, were all slain be the Persians.  
The Genua Author thus concludeth his History, That the Persian King did not more rejoice at this Victory, than did he himself for the overthrow of the Turks, hoping in that their so great a confusion, to free himself of his long and miserable thraldom, and to find a way unto his native Country Parents; as afterwards he did; for flying first to Trapezond, and there taking passage into Europe, he came to Hadrian●ple, from whence he traveled by Land on foot to Salonica, and there chancing upon certain Ships of Christian Merchants which had brought Corn thither, ●he was by them transported into the Island of Chios; from whence he joyfully returned to Genoa his native Country, after he had amongst the Turks endured ten years' Captivity; most part whereof he lived as a Page in old Bajazet's Privy-Chamber, and the rest as a Soldier of the Court in the Reign of Selimus; and therefore well acquainted with the fashion of the Turks Court, and manners of that barbarous Nation.  
Now shall it not (as I hope) be much from our purpose, here with jovius a little to digress in comparing these two great Princes Hysmael and Selimus together, who in that time had filled the World with the glory of their Fame; that wearied with bloody Broils, and the wonderful chances of War, we may a little repose ourselves with matter of a milder Vain, neither unpleasant nor unprofitable.  
These two mighty Princes, 
Selimus and Hysmael compared together.  as they were for royal descent, strength of body, courage of mind, riches, and power, equal, and had thereby obtained like fame and renown; so in conditions and qualities of mind, and martial Discipline, they much differed. First of all (beside the mutual hatred of the one Nation against the other, delivered as it were by Succession from their Grandfathers and Fathers) these two Princes, and so likewise their Subjects also, were at great odds about an idle Question of their vain Superstition, the one preferring and honouring Ebubekir, Homaris, and Ottoman, as the most true and rightful Successors of their great Prophet Mahomet; the other with no less devotion honouring Haly, and detesting the three former; differing otherwise in few or no points of their most fond Superstition; yet did they under the colour and zeal of their Religion (as they would have it) both pretend just causes of War, although their evil dissembled ambitious desires, plainly declared unto the World, that they both shot at one and the same Mark, viz. By confirming their power and strength, 
Hysmael majestical.  to extend the bounds of their great Empires. For Hysmael of purpose affected the fame and glory of Darius and Xerxes the ancient Persian Kings; who having subdued Asia, with great boldness passed over into Europe; and Selimus the greatness of Alexander of Macedon, who subverted the Persian Empire. Which their aspiring thoughts, masking under the vail of zeal towards their Religion, seemed not altogether vain; Fortune with like indifference immoderately favouring their bold ambitions and endless desires. But in Hysmael appeared such a wonderful devotion and gravity, that his haughty thoughts were with the reverend Majesty thereof covered; whereas in Selimus, his inhuman cruelty did blot and obscure all his other princely Virtues; for he with reward and punishment retained the Majesty of his Empire, but with the greater fame of severity than bounty. Because it was expedient in the exact discipline of that servile Government, whereof the greatest strength of the Ottoman Empire consisteth, to use all rigour and severity; otherwise it stood with the State of Hysmael, who levied always his Armies of his Nobility and Men free Born, with whom temperate Justice, civil Courtesy, and popular Clemency, are of greatest force, to win their Fidelity, Faith, and Loyalty; for that there is no Man well Born, which feareth not more the blemish of infamy than the heaviness of punishment; so that it was not to be marvelled, if Hysmael by such honourable Virtues did mightily defend the glory of his Majesty and Renown. Unto these his rare Virtues, was also joined a comeliness of Face (the fairest gift of Nature) well beseeming so great a Monarch; for he was well Coloured, quick Eyed, yellow Bearded, and that which amongst the Persians is accounted the sign of ancient Nobility, hooked Nosed; and was withal exceeding Eloquent; by which good Gifts, he wonderfully won to himself both the Eyes and Hearts of such as beheld him. 
Selimus' tyrannical.  But in Selimus, his stern Countenance, his fierce and piercing Eyes, his Tartarlike pale Colour, his long Mustacho 's on his upperlip, like Bristles, frild back to his Neck, with his Beard cut close to his Chin, did so express his martial disposition and inexorable nature, that he seemed to the beholders to have nothing in him but Mischief and Cruelty. Which diversity of countenances was also accompanied with no less diversity of affections, and so consequently with far unlike manner of Government. For Hysmael was of nature courteous and affable, 
Hysmael courteous.  easy to be seen and spoken withal, doing nothing that beseemed his Regal Function, but in the sight of all men; his manner was to dine openly in the company of his Nobility, delighting much in Hawking and Hunting, accompanied with his Noblemen and the Ambassadors of foreign Princes; He would oftentimes run, leap, and prove Masteries with his chief Courtiers, being himself a most excellent Horseman and cunning Archer; in his exercises he was so popular, that he would not stick openly to bathe himself and swim in his Princely Baths; his Wives, the beautiful Daughters of his Nobility or Neighbour Princes, Ladies of great Chastity, he neither loathed nor divorced; after the ancient manner of the Persian Kings, who always used most tenderly to love and cherish their Wives, doing them all the honour possible in Court, as Partakers of all their Fortune; and carried them, their Children, Nurses, and richest Furniture into their farthest Wars, to their great trouble and charge, by the presence of so dear Pledges, the more to encourage their minds in time of Battle. Whereas Selimus chose did all things in secret, 
Selimus' churlish.  eating his meat alone without any company, attended upon with his Pages and Eunuches only, and satisfying Natures want with some one simple dish of meat: He seldom went abroad but to the Church, upon the Friday the Turks chief Sabbath; and then so beset with his Pensioners and other Soldiers of the Court, that although he used to ride alone mounted upon some courageous Horse, yet was it a hard matter by face to know him among so many armed men, who with great Pride and Insolency kept back the beholders: He was seldom seen abroad in the City, choosing rather for his recreation to pass over in his Galley into Asia, and there alongst the Sea coast to take the air; his Wives he would not suffer to come to Court, neither used their company but for procreation sake, and that (as was thought) without any great good countenance or familiarity; for that he being not greatly given to Women, but more delighted with unnatural pleasure, thought a man's body and mind to be not a little weakened with the allurements of Women; wherefore he seldom resorted to the cloister of choice Paragons in the midst of Constantinople, shut in on every side with high and blind Walls. Those dainty pieces, either taken from their Christian Parents, or by chance surprised by Pirates, are there most curiously kept by ancient Matrons and old Eunuches, by whom they are with all diligence instructed in the Principals of the Mahometan Law, and to read the Arabian Tongue, and withal, cunningly and comely to sing, play, dance, and sow; but Selimus of all others used seldomest to see their allurements, as a man not greatly delighted with Women, or desirous of many (and oftentimes unfortunate) Children; having but one Son (Solyman) by the Daughter of M●h●met a Tartar King, who afterwards by the sufferance of God, proved a great Plague to the Christian Common-Weal. Such spare time as he had from his serious and weighty Affairs, he used to spend in walking in his Gardens with some of his Bassas or other great Courtiers, and in beholding and noting the Nobleman's Children there sporting themselves, would discourse and consult of many things of great importance. Some hours he would spend in the Baths, and reading the Histories of his Ancestors and other foreign Princes; imitating therein his Grandfather Mahomet the Great, who caused almost all the Histories of the famous Princes of the World to be translated into the Turkish Language, and their lively counterfeits to be with cunning hand drawn, that by their worthy examples he might be the more inflamed to extend his fame and glory. He would many times scoff at the great business of his Father Bajazet, who (as he said) was so drowned in the Study of Averrois (determining nothing certainly of the Nature of the Soul) and the Motions of the Heavens, that he desired rather the name of a sharp Disputer, amongst the idle Professors of Philosophy, than of a renowned Chieftain amongst his valiant Soldiers and Men of War.  
One of the Persian Ambassadors finding him pleasantly disposed, demanded of him, why he did not wear his beard long, as his Father Bejazet, and other great Princes of that Age had done, thereby to seem unto their Subjects of greater Majesty; to whom he answered, That he liked not to carry about with him such an unnecessary handful, whereby his Bassas might at their pleasure lead him up and down the Court, as they had done his Father; noting thereby, that Bajazet whilst he yet lived, had been too much overruled by the Bassas; which he could by no means endure, following no man's advice but his own in whatsoever he took in hand.  
But to come unto the Persians themselves, they in their Wars had great disadvantage of the Turks; for as they were strong in Horsemen, so were they destitute of expert trained Footmen, by whose only means the Turks have achieved their greatest Victories, and performed their greatest Wars. Beside this, it was a great want in the Persians, that they had not the use of Guns, against whose fury no sufficient resistance can be made, or force of man opposed; as appeared by the lamentable example of Usun-Cassanes at Artenga, and now of Hysmael in the Calderan Fields; whose victorious Armies of Horsemen were in both places put to the worst by the terror and violence of the Turks Artillery. For the naked Turkish Horseman is not to be compared with the Persian Man at Arms; 
The Persians better Horsemen than the Turks.  who comes into the Field armed with a strong Cuiras, a sure Head-piece, and a good Target; whereas the Turkish Europeian Horsemen, altogether naked, use only a square or crooked Buckler, wherewith they do scarcely cover themselves; and the Asian Horsemen Bucklers made of soft Reeds, wound round, and covered with some kind of Silk. The Persian Horsemen also, wearing their Pouldrons and Gauntlets, and bearing Staves of good Ash, armed at both ends, fight with them as occasion serveth at the hal● Staff, after the manner of the Numidians, and with doubling and redoubling their often thrusts from on high, do easily wound or kill the unarmed Turks, with their Horses; whereas the Turkish Horsemen, after the manner of the Grecians, couching their Staves in their Rests, do at the first course most commonly break the same, being made of light and brittle Fi●, and so presently come to their Scimetars, or Horsemans' Maces, being in all other things far inferior to the Persian Men at Arms. As for the Turkish Archers on horseback, they are in no respect to be compared with the Persians, who well mounted and surely armed, and using both greater and stronger Bows, shoot more deadly Arrows, and so make small account of the Turks. So that all things well considered, the Persian Army devoted to their King, as well for the great and firm opinion conceived of his high Courage and divine Spirit, as for that they were to him by Faith obliged; although it was in number far inferior, yet had it been of the Turks invincible, if it had not been overwhelmed by the cruel, cowardly, and murdering Artillery, and wonderful multitude of Men. 
The cause why Hysma ● came with so small an Army against Selyu●us.  The cause why Hysmael out of so many great and large Provinces then under his Obeisance (able in ancient times with their multitude to cover the face of the Earth, and to drink the Rivers dry) brought now so small an Army against the Turkish Emperor, breaking into the heart of Armenia; was for that Hysmael to win the hearts of the People by Bounty, had remitted a great part of his Customs and Tributes, so as then stood best with his Policy, having but lately aspired to the Kingdom, and thrust down his near Kinsmen, the Posterity of Usun-Cassanes and jacup, the rightful Inheritors thereof; so that his Coffers being empty, and wanting Money, the sinews of War, he was not able to raise so great an Army as otherwise he might out of those populous Kingdoms and Countries, yielding plentifully all things necessary for man's use. Whereas with Selimus it was far otherwise, whose Horsemen, Footmen, Captains, Canoniers, both at Sea and Land, Officers of Peace and Wars, received their daily Wages and monthly Pays in ready Money, of his Treasurers and Paymasters; for the defraying of which charge he never wanted Coin, having an inestimable Mass of Money always in store in the seven Towers at Constantinople; and his yearly Tributes and Revenues still exceeding all his charges by a fourth part. The Strength of the Persian King consisted in three kind of Soldiers; the first were they which were accounted Soldiers of the Court; the second, such as were by Custom and Duty bound to serve him in his Wars; and the third, such as were sent to him from the Princes his Neighbours and Confederates. Those which were accounted Soldiers of his Court, had their certain Stipends, and were altogether maintained of the King's charge; of whom, according to the old custom of the Persian Kings, they at certain times receive Armour, Horses, Apparel, Tents, and Wages, every one as he is in place and degree. And being attended upon with a gallant and strong Garrison of these, he maintaineth the Majesty of his Court, especially when he rideth in Progress. The Nobility and ancient Gentlemen of his Country, who hold Lands and Possessions descended unto them from their Ancestors, or holden by the gift of the King, are sent for in time of Wars, and are of duty bound to perform such like service as the Nobility and Gentlemen of Italy, France, and Spain do unto their Sovereigns; these hardly amount to the number of twenty thousand, whereof it is well if the third part come well armed; the rest content themselves with Headpieces and Jacks; and use for their Weapons either Horseman's Staves or Bows, which they can most cunningly handle, discharging their Arrows very near unto that they aim at, either forward or backward. They which come unto him from foreign Princes, confederate or tributary, are commonly sent from the Kings and Princes of Iberia, Albania and the Countries bordering upon Media, and Armenia; who being half Christians, bear a mortal hatred against the Turks. Hysmael the Persian King had then under his Dominion these great and famous Countries, 
The Country's subject to Hysmael.  Armenia the greater, Sulthania, Persia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Media and Parthia; whereof Armenia is the chiefest, famous for the great City Tauris, called in ancient time Ecbathana; this Country yieldeth unto the Persian King his best Footmen; but his choice Horsemen come from out of Persia, and especially from Scyras, called of old Cyripolis; next unto them are from Assyria; the chief City whereof is Bagdat, called in ancient time Babylon. The Medes and Parthians are of all others accounted the best Archers next unto the Scythians.  
But now to return again from whence we have a little too far strayed. year 1515. Selimus after his great expedition against Hysmael, wintering at Amasia, 
Selimus with a new Army entereth into Armenia.  by his Lieutenants and Captains in Europe and Asia, raised such a power, that with the first of the Spring he entered again into the Confines of the Persian Kingdom, with a greater Army than before, and that somewhat sooner than the extreme cold of that part of Armenia (subject to the snowy Mountain Taurus) would either well suffer, or that the Enemy thought it had been possible for him to have so done. There was upon the further side of Euphrates a strong Town called Clamassum, situate a little above that place where the River Melas (much celebrated by the Grecian Poets) falleth into the River Euphrates; which Town for the commodious situation thereof, standing upon the first entrance of the passage into Armenia the great, the Persians had furnished with a strong Garrison; this Town Selimus thought good in any case to be master of, by taking whereof, and of some other Holds thereabout, he should open a fair way for himself into his Enemy's Country. Hysmael at the same time was gone with all his power against the Hyrcanians, Bactrians, and other savage People dwelling near unto the Caspian Sea, than up in Arms against him; which wished opportunity Selimus taking, and making a bridge over the River Euphrates, passed over with his Army, came before the Town, and laid hard Siege to the same before his Enemies were well awar of his coming. The Turks at their first approach compassing the City round with their huge multitude of Harquebusiers and Archers, drove the Defendants from the Walls; and still without rest or intermission bringing on fresh men, as Selimus had before taken order, and others at the same time breaking open the Gates, and in divers places scaling the Walls, enforced the Defendants to forsake their stand, and to retire themselves into the Market place; where although they were before sore spent with labour and wounds, yet did they there with wonderful courage a great while notably withstand the multitude of their Enemies still swarming in, and in defence of their Country, like resolute men, fought it out unto tha last man.  
Selimus having taken and ransacked Clamassum, with two other small Castles which the Defendants had for fear before abandoned, although he was with a deadly hatred and ambitious desire pricked forward against Hysmael, and thirsted after nothing more than the subversion of the Persian Kingdom; yet he thought it not good further to enter into Armenia, before he had out of those Forests and Mountains chased the Mountain King Aladeules, who but the year before had most treacherously done him and his Army so many injuries in his return from the Persian Expedition. For Aladeules not without cause fearing his own estate, as soon as he understood that Selimus had again taken the Field, and that he was come to the River Euphrates, and so to Clam●ssum, speedily assembling his Forces, had in short time raised a great Army for the de●ence of himself and his Kingdom; purposing that if Selimus should go farther into Armenia, then after his wont manner to look on as a beholder, and by the event of the War, to take occasion of Prey, and by shutting up the passages of his Country, at his pleasure to rob and spoil the Turks in their return. Wherefore Selimus leaving a Garrison at Clamassum, retired back again over the River Euphrates unto the Mountain Antitaurus, where it was reported that his Enemies lay.  

Aladeules his Kingdom.  This Aladeules (as is aforesaid) ruled over the rude and savage Mountain People, inhabiting the great Mountains Taurus and Antitaurus; which Mountains as it were linked together one to another, run from the Mountains called Scodrisci, and the Borders of Cappadocia, with a perpetual rising, through many large Provinces and Countries unto the great Mountain Amanus, and uttermost bounds of Cilicia. The People of this Country were by Nature fierce and warlike, more famous for nothing than for the want of all things; who as men dwelling in a rough and bare Country, could little or nothing profit by Husbandry; yet in such places as would bear any pasture, they had their breed of Horses and Camels, and did with all diligence use grazing; but the greatest part of their living consisted in hunting and stealing. These are supposed to have had their beginning from the Galatians, Cappadocians, Armenians, and the old Inhabitants of Asia the less, which by long and continual Wars in former ages, and especially by the lamentable irruption of the Scythians, were enforced to forsake their Cities and Dwellings, and for safeguard of their lives to fly into those rough and desolate Mountains. These distressed People searching every Hill and every Dale, and following the opportunity of the Rivers and Fountains, but especially the mildest temperature of the Air, and favourable aspect of the Sun, built in many places poor Country Villages, and afterwards divers fair Towns; where in process of time they growing to better estate, there rose up some amongst them, which overruling the rest, ambitiously took upon them the name of Kings, desiring to be had in regard, and to be feared of their Neighbours, although they commanded but over rough Woods and ragged Rocks. Near unto the Confines of Aladeules' Kingdom is the City Orpha, which many suppose to have been the famous City Edessa, because that as yet there remaineth certain Monuments of Baldwin in Latin Letters; who after his Brother Godfrey was possessed of jerusalem, is reported to have taken Edessa, and there reigned. Not far from thence is also the ancient City Amyda, which at this day is called Carimida, joining upon Mesopotamia; which Country lying between the two great Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, is now called Diarbecha. The chief City of Aladeules' Kingdom was Maras, so called as may be thought of the fair River Marsias running through it out of the Mountain Celene, taking the name of Marsias overcome by Apollo, and made famous by the Verses of many learned Poets. But Aladeules, after he saw that Selimus with his Army was entered into the Frontiers of his Kingdom, and drawing near unto him, brought down all his Horsemen, in number about fifteen thousand, from the Mountains into a fair large Valley; commanding his Footmen, whereof he had great store, to keep the Mountains on the right hand and the left; where having the high rocky Mountains and straight passages much for his advantage, he determined in that place which he had long before chosen and fortified, to expect the coming of his Enemies. Selimus considering the disadvantage of the place, although he perceived the Victory could not without great loss of his men be obtained; and before persuaded that his Enemies would never have willingly been drawn to Battle; yet made no doubt to adventure his Fortune, presuming upon the multitude and strength of his Army. Wherefore he commanded Sinan Bassa the Eunuch (whom he had made General of the Europeian Horsemen instead of Chasan Bassa before slain) with a square Battle to charge the Enemy affront, 
 forasmuch as the place would not suffer him to range his Battle in length, nor to use any Wings; and he himself with his Janissaries and Asian Horsemen followed after in the Rearward. Neither were the Soldiers of Aladeules' unmindful of themselves or of their King, who valiantly fought in the head of the Battle, but having spent their Arrows, did courageously receive the furious assault of the Turks; and standing close to them, still keeping the advantage of the ground, did with such force repulse them, that the old beaten Soldiers of the Turks, seemed little or nothing to prevail either with their Multitude or Valour; for the Turks by reason of the straightness of the place, could not enclose them on either side, and were beside grievously wounded by Aladeules' Footmen, who standing upon the sides of the Hills with their Darts and Arrows from above, overwhelmed the Turks in the Valley. When Selimus saw that Aladeulus, contrary to his expectation made strong resistance, and valiantly withstood his Forces; he drew certain Companies of Harquebusiers out of his own Squadrons, and sent them to relieve their Fellows; and at the same instant commanded the Janissaries for all the danger to mount the Hill. Then the Mountain People terrified with the strangeness of the Shot, and not able to abide the force thereof, by and by turned their backs, and by known ways fled into their sure haunts, in the Mountains and Woods fast by; yet the greatest slaughter fell amongst these Footmen, who when they saw the Horsemen put to flight, and the Janissaries coming up the Hills against them, did with much difficulty, by steep and broken ways clamber up the high Mountains; as oftentimes it falleth out, 
Aladeules' flies into the Mountains.  that both the strength of men's legs and other their wont forces fail them most, when surprised and overcome with sudden fear, they desire to run and fly fastest. The Turks having them in chase had the kill of them until the going down of the Sun. The Horsemen with the King, upon their swift Horses, well acquainted with those Rocks and rough Ways, with little loss retired themselves into the further and stronger places of the Mountains.  
Aladeules after this discomfiture, finding himself in all things far inferior to his Enemy, thought it best by protracting the War, to weary him out; wherefore as the Turks pursued him, and burned the poor Country Cottagess standing in their way, he still fled from Mountain to Mountain, never offering Battle or showing himself, but in places of great disadvantage; and therefore Selimus fearing lest in that barren rough and unknown Country, he should either want Victual, or by some other means be entrapped, if he should still with his whole Army follow after his strong Enemies, upon the seventh day left off to pursue them any further. And encamping himself in the most convenient place of that Country, sent Sinan Bassa with his light Horsemen, who carrying with them certain days Victuals, should still at the heels follow the Enemy, and with all speed and policy possible hunt after the King himself. Selimus in the mean time curiously enquiring of the Country Captives after the strength of Aladeules, and what means he had to maintain the War; found, that he had taken with him his best men both Horse and Foot; and had commanded the Country People to forsake the Villages, of purpose to leave all desolate to the Enemy; and having surely entrenched himself upon a certain strong Rock (whither he had before conveyed great store of Provision) was resolved not to give Battle unto his Enemies, until he had drawn them into the impregnable Straits of the Mountains, where their huge multitude should little avail them, but to increase their own loss. Another cause there was also (as they said) for that he feared to be betrayed by Alis Beg his Kinsman, General of his Horsemen; who first fled in the late Battle; whose unfaithfulness and hatred might seem to proceed of a just ground, for that Aladeules had in former time treacherously murdered his Father, upon a jealous suspicion of his aspiring to the Kingdom.  
Selimus understanding all this, caused the Captives to have their Irons struck off, and instead of their Gyves lading them with Gifts and Promises, sent them to Alis Beg with secret Letters and Rewards, to persuade him in so fit a time to revenge his Father's death; which thing if he would perform by some notable exploit upon Aladeules, he should both purchase unto himself great credit with Selimus, and also the Kingdom. These homely Messengers according as was given them in charge, having imparted the matter to Sinan Bassa, within few days had so wrought, that Alis Beg (whom the desire of a Kingdom together with Selimus his Rewards pricked forward to seek revenge) was easily drawn to join hands with Selimus. And when he could no other way hurt Aladeules, who mistrusting all things, warily looked unto himself, he found the means to go over to Sinan Bassa, carrying after him a great part of Aladeules his best Horsemen; by whose means the rest also which remained being with Rewards corrupted, one Company after another came at last all over unto the Bassa. Aladeules' circumvented with this unexpected Treachery, which never before thought it possible that his Men should all so suddenly have forsaken him and revolted to the Turks, was now glad to repose all his hope in secret flight. But Sinan Bassa and Alis Beg, hardly pursuing him as he fled through the Mountains, hiding himself in Rocks and the thick Woods, at last drew him out of a Cave, being betrayed by the Country Peasants. Aladeules being brought to Selimus, was within a few days after put to death, 
Aladeules' taken and brought to Selimus, is put to death.  and his head in great derision afterwards carried about through all Asia the less; and afterwards by way of barbarous ostentation, sent by Selimus to the Senate of Venice, as a loathsome testimony of his Victory. Aladeules thus dead, Selimus reduced all his Kingdom to the form of a Province, which he divided into three parts, and after the manner of the Turkish Government, appointed to every pa●t a Sanzack; yet so, that Alis Beg should be chief over the rest, with such Sovereignty, as that he wanted nothing of a King but the name only. And for the better Government of all things in that new gained Kingdom, he left Sinan Bassa there all the rest of that Summer; with commandment, that after he had set all things in good order, he should winter at Iconium; and he himself with a small Train returned to Constantinople, for he had heard, that whilst he was busied in his Wars against Hysmael and Aladeules in Arm●nia, that the Hungarians had made divers incursions into Servia, and spoiled that Country. Wherefore for fear of losing Samandria (which standing near to Danubius, for the convenient situation thereof is reputed the Bulwark of Servia and Thracia) he sent jonuses Bassa then Governor of Bosna with eight thousand Horsemen, who passing the River Savus entered into Croatia as far as Catinum; 
Selimus invadeth Hungary.  and at the same time transported another Army over Danubius into Hungary, to the intent that the Hungarians at one instant beset with double danger, should be enforced to fear their own State; and withal to show unto the World, of what Strength and Power the Ottoman Emperors were. Deeming it to concern much, both for the present and the time to come, to the daunting of the Christians; if he should by his happy Attempts make it known, that he could at once easily and readily maintain so many and so puissant Armies, and wage so great Wars in divers parts of the World, and so far distant one from another.  
In the end of the year, when he had thus with double invasion repressed the Hungarians, he spent the Winter following at Hadrianople and Constantinople, in making of greater preparation for War than ever he had before from the beginning of his Reign. For he was advertised, that the great Monarches of the North his Neighbours, namely Maximilian the Emperor, Uladislaus King of Hungary, and Sigismundus King of Polonia, with the Princes of Germany, had combined themselves together to make War upon him. But after he had learned by his sure Intelligencers (whom he had with great charge sent into all parts of Europe, diligently to observe what was done in the Courts of those great Princes) that all the great meetings of the Christian Princes proved nothing but glorious Words and sumptuous Banquets; he being rid of that vain fear (God so appointing) turned himself and all those his wonderful preparations again toward the East, to the great quiet of Christendom in general.  
Yet lest happily in the absence of himself and of his Armies, the Christian Princes might take occasion to invade his Dominions, he strengthened the Frontiers of his Empire with most strong Garrisons; and left his Son Solyman (who afterward proved the scourge of Christendom) at Hadrianople with a strong power, and Pyrrhus Bassa his Tutor (a man of great Wisdom and Government) at Constantinople. This great Bassa was of Cilicia, a native Turk born, which was a thing accounted strange, forasmuch as the great Bassas were always chosen of the Christian blood. After that, he sent Cherseogles (whom of all others he most trusted) with his Army into Bythinia, and made Zafferus an Eunuch, Admiral of his Navy, which he had but a little before built, and with wonderful labour and charge rigged forth. Then staying a few days at Constantinople to see the young Soldiers, but than chosen Janissaries, year 1516. he departed thence and went to his old Army, 
Selimus goes to Iconium.  lying with Sinan Bassa at Iconium, purposing to have again invaded the Persian.  
When he was come thither, he understood that Campson Gaurus Sultan of Egypt (with a great Army levied in Egypt and judea) was come into Syria; giving it out that he would aid the Persian King his Confederate, and with all Hostility enter into Cilicia, if Selimus should farther proceed to invade Hysmael the Sophi his Friend and Ally. Selimus perplexed with these News, and fearing that if he should once pass over the River Euphrates, Campson lying so near in readiness, should forthwith break in at his back into Asia by the Mountain Amanu●, and so endanger that part of his Dominion; stayed at Iconium, and sent his Ambassadors with great Presents to Campson to pacify him, if it might be. The chief Men in this Embassage were the Cadelescher, a Man of great account amongst the Turks, and of them exceedingly Reverenced for the opinion they had of his great knowledge in the Mahometan Superstition, who afterwards wrote the Commentaries of this War; and jachis a great Captain. The scope of whose Embassage was, to entreat Campson, that he would not hinder or disturb Selimus from making War upon the Persian King; who had so oft●● and so forcibly invaded his Dominions in Asia, and by bringing in a new form of Superstition, had corrupted and altered the most certain grounds of the Mahometan Religion. And if they found him resolutely set down and not to be by any conditions removed, then with all possible diligence to learn his strength and farther designs, so far as by any means they could, and with all speed to make their return.  

The causes moving Campson to fall out with Selimus.  But Campson now far spent with age, and living in the height of worldly Bliss, although he knew it fitter for him at those years to give himself to ease and quietness, than to thrust himself into Wars and other Prince's quarrels; yet thought this Expedition to be for many causes both good and necessary. First, he deadly hated the Man for his inhuman Cruelty, and therefore could never be persuaded to renew the League with him which he had in former time made with his Father Baj●zet; besides that, he desired to abate and repress his audacious insolency, grown already by his prosperous Success beyond the bounds of reason; for Selimus having taken Tauris, overthrown the Persians, and slain Aladeules, began now to seem terrible to all the Princes that bordered upon him, and there were many which said he was another Alexander, who whilst other Princes sat still as Men asleep, did in the mean time Plot in his victorious mind, the Monarchy of the whole World. But above all things, the fear of the losing of Syria, and consequently the loss of all his Kingdom (the quickest motive for stirring up of the suspicious minds of the greatest Princes) most enforced Campson to take in hand this War; so as much as the goodly Kingdoms of Egypt, judea, and Syria, oppressed with the intolerable Government of the Proud Mamalukes, and therefore less faithful to the Egyptian Kings, were in danger to revolt to the Turks, if the Persians should by any mischance or fortune of War be of the Turks vanquished. For which cause Campson in the beginning of this War, solicited by the Persian Ambassadors, had made a firm League and confederation with Hysmael; and also moved with the misery of the woeful young Prince Aladin the Son of Achomates, was in mind persuaded, that the cruel Turkish Tyrant might by his and the Persian Kings Forces, easily be thrust out of his Empire in Asia and Europe. For Aladin, who after the death of Achomates his Father, fled to Campson the Sultan of Egypt (as is before declared) had lived three years as a forlorn and distressed Prince in the Egyptian Court, and by all means he could devise incited the Mamalukes to revenge the injuries and cruelty of his Uncle Selimus. The eldest Son also of the late. King Aladeules, a goodly young Prince, having at once lost his Father, his Kingdom, and whatsoever he had else, was in good time fled to the Egyptian King, and had so filled the minds of all Men with the indignation and detestation of Selimus his exceeding cruelty, that the Princes of the Mamalukes of their own accord came to Campson, humbly beseeching him to take upon him so just a War; and if by reason of his great years he should think himself unable to endure the travel thereof, it would then please him yet to give them leave of themselves to take the matter in hand, for the repressing of the insolency of that great and wicked Tyrant.  
These Mamalukes far excelled the Turks, 
The order of the Mamalukes.  not only in strength of Body, skilful riding, and goodly armour, but also in courage and wealth. Beside that, they had not forgotten with what small power they had under the leading of Caitbeius their great Sultan overthrown the Turks great Armies in Cilicia, first at Adena, and afterward at Tarsus, where they took Prisoners, Mesites Palaeologus the great Bassa, and Cherseogles, Bajazet his Son-in-Law; by which Victory they grew into such a proud and vain conceit of themselves, as if they had been the only Soldiers of the World, able of themselves to vanquish and overcome whatsoever they should set upon. These so valiant Soldiers, were for the most part of the poor People, called in ancient time Getae, Zinchi, and Bastarnae, born near unto the Euxine Sea and the Fens of Maeotis, especially on that side where the River Corax falleth into the Euxine Sea; which Country is of later time called Circassia, of the People called Cercitae near unto Colchis. These miserable and wretched People, the Null, Podolians, Polonians, Roxolanes and Tartars, dwelling by Taurica (pulled from their Mother's Breasts, or by other violent means surprised) were sold to Merchants; who culling out the best for strength of Body, or aptness of Wit, conveied them by Sea to Alexandria, from whence they were continually sent to the great Sultan of Egypt; and by his appointment were at Cairo (after the old manner of that People) delivered to Masters of fence and such other Teachers, who carefully instructed them, being shut up in their Schools, in all manner of feats of Activity; where after they were become able to bend a strong Bow, and taught cunningly to Shoot, Leap, Run, Vault, Ride, and skilfully to use all manner of Weapons, they were then taken into pay, and received into the number of the King's Horsemen or Mamalukes; and such of them as proved cowardly or unapt, were made slaves unto the rest. So that they seeing all honour, credit, and preferment, laid up in martial prowess, did with all diligence and courage employ themselves to military Affairs, and therein so well profited, that oftentimes they which at the first were but bare and base slaves, of the meanest of the Mamalukes, by many degrees of service rise at length to the highest degrees of Honour. All these Mamalukes were the Children of Christian Parents, from the time of their Captivity instructed in the Mahometan Superstition; for no Man born of a Mahometan Father, or of a Jew, could be admitted into the number of the Mamaluke Horsemen; which was so straight observed, that the honour of a Mamaluke Horseman never descended unto the Sons of the Mamalukes; yet might they by Law inherit their Father's Lands, Possessions, and Goods; by which reason the Sons of the Sultan's themselves never succeeded their Fathers in the Kingdom. Hereby also it came to pass, that many Christians of loose life, or condemned for their notorious offences, flying thither, and abjuring the Christian Religion, and suffering themselves to be Circumcised, being Men meet for the Wars, grew by degrees to great Honour; as did Tangarihardinus the Son of a Spanish Mariner, who by his forwardness and industry grew into such credit and authority with Campson the great Sultan, that almost all things were done by his advice and counsel; and was divers times by him employed in most honourable service, being sent Ambassador both to Bajazet the Turkish Emperor, and to the State of Venice, about matters of great importance. Yet his impiety escaped not the hand of God; for at length by the envy of the Court he was brought into disgrace, thrust out of his place, and cast into prison, where he, loaded with cold Iron, most miserably died. Neither was it to be marvelled if the Mamalukes were grown to that excess of wealth, forasmuch as the Egyptians and Syrians being miserably by them oppressed, were not suffered to have the use either of Horse or Armour, neither admitted to any matters of counsel; but being impoverished and brought low with heavy impositions and daily injuries of the Mamalukes, gave themselves wholly to the Trade of Merchandise, Husbandry, and other mechanical Occupations; over whom the Mamalukes had power and command, as imperious Masters over their Servants, and would with greater insolency than is to be believed abuse the poor Country People, beating and spoiling them at their pleasure; and not so contented, Ravishing their Wives and Daughters without redress. The Egyptians (a People in ancient time much renowned for their valour and prowess) were by their masterful slaves kept in this miserable thraldom and slavery about the space of three hundred years. For after the declination of the Roman Empire, that rich Country falling into the Government of the Constantinopolitan Emperors, the Egyptians soon weary of the proud and avaricious Sovereignty of the Greeks, called in the Saracens, by whose help they expulsed the Greeks, and after chose the General of the Saracens for their King, after whose name the Egyptian Kings were of long time called Caliphs', as they had of ancient time been called by the names of Pharo and Ptolomey.  

The imperious Government of the Mamalukes in Egypt, Judea and Syria.  The last of these Caliphs' Reigned at such time as the Christians under the leading of Godfrey and Bohemund, passing as Conquerors through Asia and Syria, erected the Kingdom of jerusalem. He being invaded by Almericus sixth King of jerusalem, and finding himself too weak, prayed aid of the Sultan of Syria, who sent him Sarraco, a valiant Captain, with a strong power to aid him; but Sarraco no less unfaithful than courageous, treacherously slew the Caliph, in whose aid he came, and took upon himself the Kingdom. After Sarraco succeeded Saladine his his Brother's Son, who utterly extinguished the name and authority of the Caliphs' in Egypt, whom Sarraco had yet left as high Priests. This Saladine oftentimes vanquished the Christian Armies in Syria and judea, and at length quite overthrew the Kingdom of jerusalem, as it is in the former part of this History to be seen. Saladine dying, left the Kingdom of Egypt to his Brother, whose posterity successively reigned of long time there, until the time of Melechsala. This Melechsala (last of the freeborn Kings, and of the posterity of Saladine) had great and mortal Wars with the Christians, wherein having lost most of his best Soldiers, and reposing no great confidence in the Egyptians, thought good to strengthen himself with a new kind of Soldiers, mere slaves bought for Mony. For at that time the Tartars breaking into Armenia and Cappadocia, and overrunning the People called Comani joining upon Cappadocia, made general spoil of that People, as of Prisoners taken by Law of Arms. Of this base People, Melechsala for a little Money bought a great multitude, which he transported into Egypt, and furnished them with Arms; 
The beginning of the Government of the Mamalukes in Egypt.  by whose prowess he not only defended the Frontiers of his Kingdom, but also besieged Lewis the French King in his Trenches not far from Damiata, called in ancient time Heliopolis, or Pelustum, and shortly after in plain Battle took him Prisoner, as is long before declared. But in the pride of this Victory, Melechsala was by the conspiracy of these his new Soldiers slain; in whose place they set up one Turqueminius, a desperate Fellow of their own Company, honouring him with the Title of the great Sultan of Egypt. Turqueminius of ● base Slave now become a great Monarch (after the manner of Men) forgetting his old Companions which had so highly promoted him, and having them in great disdain, was by one of them (called Clotho) suddenly slain; for which Fact he was by those base Soldiers, his Companions, chosen Sultan in his place; who for the short time of his Reign did much for the confirming of that servile Monarchy; yet was he at length slain also by Bandocader, sometimes one of his fellow Servants, who also succeeded him in the Kingdom. After him in long order succeeded many valiant Men of the same servile state and condition, whom for brevity I wittingly pass over. Amongst the rest, Caitheius (of whom we have before spoken in the life of Bajazet) was for wealth and martital prowess most Famous; who according to the manner of his Predecessors, did with greater bounty and care maintain that servile Government, than any of them who had before him Reigned in Egypt; and was for his notable Government and noble Acts justly accounted amongst the greatest Princes of that Age. After whose death great troubles arose in that servile Monarchy about the Succession. Whereby the Mamalukes drawn into divers Factions, some seeking to prefer one, and some another, had in four years' space with Civil Wars sore weakened their Estate, and slain divers of their greatest Princes which had aspired unto that Kingdom. For appeasing of which Mischiefs, tending to the utter ruin of their Kingdom, the great Courtiers and chief Men amongst the Mamalukes with one consent offered the Kingdom to Campson Gaurus (or as the Turks call him) Carsaves Gauris, of whom we now speak, a Man of great integrity and courage, and altogether free from ambition. He, terrified with the dreadful example of so many Kings whom he had seen in short time miserably slain by the ambitious aspiring of other proud Competitors; when he was sore against his will hoist up upon the shoulders of the Nobility and chief Soldiers, and so carried into the Court, as their manner was, began earnestly to refuse the Kingdom, and to withstand their choice, excusing himself as unfit for so high a Place; and with trears standing in his Eyes, besought the other great Lords his Friends, that they would forbear to thrust him, well contented with his private life, into that glorious place subject to so many dangers; and the rather, for that he neither had Money to give bountifully unto the Soldiers of the Court, as other the Egyptian Sultan's had accustomed; neither held that sufficiency and authority as was requisite for repressing of such violent and seditious tumults as were too rise in that troublesome time and confusion of all things.  
The Nobility on the other side persuaded him, That he would not upon a foolish obstinacy or vain modesty refuse the offer of his present good Fortune, but courageously to take upon him the Government of the State, now sore shaken with civil Discord, together with the regal Dignity, which was with the general good liking of all the Men so frankly offered unto him. At last they all by solemn Oath promised unto him, That they would with all their power, policy, and wealth, maintain and defend the Majesty of his State; and that the Men of War should not demand their wont Largess, before the same might by his Receivers and Treasurers be raised of his Customs and other Revenues of the Crown. 
The moderate and happy Government of Campson.  By which persuasions Campson encouraged, suffered himself to be saluted Sultan, and so took upon him the Government. Afterwards, when he had given unto the Men of War ten millions of Ducats, by the name of a Largess, and by his moderate Government had caused Men generally to have his prowess and wisdom in admiration, he did with such policy and dexterity reform the shaken State of that Kingdom, before rend in sunder with Civil Wars, taking away by Poison and other secret devices, some few, the chief Authors of Sedition, that for the space of sixteen years neither tumult nor noise of War was at any time heard of in all Syria or Egypt; worthy undoubtedly the name of a most excellent and fortunate Prince, if when he had by singular wisdom and policy established the general peace and prosperity of his Kingdom, he could have there contented himself to have lived in quiet, and in the winding up of his life not rashly have thrust himself into the dangerous quarrels of other Princes.  
The Cadelescher and jachis (Selimus his Ambassadors) departing from Iconium, came in few days to Campson the great Sultan, who then lay encamped near unto the River Orantes, at this day called Farfar. These Ambassadors entertained by Campson with greater bounty than courtesy, and shortly after their coming having audience in his Pavilion; did with most temperate and calm Speech deliver their Embassage. To whom Campson answered, 
Campson his answer to the Ambassadors of Selimus.  That it was the ancient Custom of the Egyptian Sultan's (forasmuch as they held the chief place in their Religion) with all care and industry to keep the other Mahometan Kings and People in peace and concord amongst themselves; whereof he for his part had been always most desirous; and was for no other purpose come with his Army into his Province of Syria, than to persuade Selimus to peace. Who if he would needs wilfully proceed in his intended Wars against Hysmael the Persian King, his friend and confederate, he would then do what should stand with his honour and place, and not longer suffer all to go to wrack, for the vain pleasure and fury of one insolent and ambitious Man. He said also, That he had of long time before seen into Selimus his insatiable, fierce and troublesome disposition; who having most unnaturally procured the death of his good Father, the old Emperor Bajazet, and slain his Brethren, Princes of great Valour; seven of his Nephews, Princes of no small Hope; with many other of his best Friends and faithful Counsellors; could make no end of his ambitious Tyranny. Wherefore they should tell Selimus, that one and all the conditions of peace should be, if he would from thenceforth desist from invading of Hysmael, and restore to Aladeules his Son, his Father's Kingdom, which had of long been under the defence and protection of the Egyptian Sultan's, as of right and reason he ought to do, he should in so doing, beside his favour and friendship which might greatly stand him in stead, reap greater fame and glory by an assured and honourable peace, than by doubtful and dangerous War.  
The Ambassadors, although they knew right well that Selimus would not for any threats give over his enterprise or lay down Arms, yet to the intent they might the sooner be dispatched, and so in time advertise Selimus of the Sultan's sudden coming, seemed wonderfully to like of his motion for peace, and to give good hope by their reasonable persuasions to induce Selimus to like thereof; forasmuch as they were of his secret Counsel, and Men able to do much with him; whereby they trusted (as they would have had the Sultan to believe) it would easily be brought to pass, that those sparks might be quenched, which all things standing upright, had not (as yet kindled the Fire of War. So they being by Campson rewarded, and having leave to depart, travelling day and night, returned to Selimus, who was then come to Caesarea.  
Campson also removing from Oranoes', came into Comagena unto the famous City of Aleppo, which City is probably supposed to have been built of the ruins of the ancient City Hieropolis, by Alepius the Emperor julianus his Lieutenant; who in that Province did many notable matters, and called the new built City after his own name. It is situate near unto the River Singa, which rising out of the Mountain Pierius, with many turnings and windings runneth through Comagena, and being but a small River, falleth at length into the River Euphrates. This City Hyalon King of the Tartars took and burnt, at such time as the Christian Princes of the West made War with the Egyptian Kings, for the Kingdoms of Syria and jerusalem. Which calamity notwithstanding, it was again repeopled; and is at this day a famous City, for the commodious situation thereof much frequented with Merchants from the furthest parts of the World. It is scarce five days journey from Tripoli and Berytus, the great Ports of Syria, and is also near unto the Turks and Persians; so that the Riches of the East are thither commodiously conveied out of Turkey, over the Mountain Amanus which parteth Cilicia from Syria; and so likewise out of Persia and Mesopotamia over the River Euphrates, where the City Byrtha of late time bounded the Kingdom of the Egyptian Sultan's, from the Persian.  
Selimus' understanding by his Ambassadors (who had diligently noted all things in the Sultan's Camp) both of the coming, 
Selimus converteth his Forces from the Persians against Campson.  and of the number of his Enemies; and also informed of the Sultan's proud Answer, who had so peremptorily prescribed to him such unreasonable conditions as pleased himself; thought good to alter his purpose, and now to convert his Forces another way than he had before determined. For that to enter farther into Armenia, leaving so puissant an Enemy as Campson at his back, seemed a thing too full of danger; and to give over the enterprise he had with so great care and charge undertaken, at the appointment and pleasure of another Man, stood neither with his honour or state. Wherefore in a matter so doubtful, he resolved upon a notable and necessary point, well fitting the greatness of his mind. He made show as if he would have gone directly against the Persian, as he had before determined; and that the more certain report of this his purpose might be carried to Campson, he sent before part of his Army with his Carriages to the City Suassia, in old time called Sebasta; it standeth in the Frontiers of the Persian Kingdom, where the great River Euphrates penned up with the Rocks of the Mountain Taurus; breaketh again violently forth into Mesopotamia; but turning himself upon the right Hand, purposed to pass the Mountain Taurus, and breaking suddenly into Comagena to come upon the Sultan before he were well aware of his coming. Wherefore calling unto him his trusty Janissaries, 
Selimus encourageth his Soldiers to go against the Mamalukes.  with the other Soldiers of the Court, he openly with cheerful countenance declared unto them what he had resolved to do with the reasons of the alteration of his former determination; persuading them, that the Victory would easily be achieved, if they as courageous Soldiers would with all celerity (before the Mamalukes could perceive they were returned) get to the top of the Mountains, and recover those difficult passages; not fearing the vain Names and Titles of the Mamalukes. For why (said he) the strength of those Horsemen is long since decayed and gone; the old Mamalukes, who in the time of Caitbeius were of some fame and reputation, are all dead. You shall in Battle meet but with a sort of gallant Horsebreakers rather than Soldiers, which can cunningly manage their Horses in sport, to the pleasure of the Beholders, but know not how to encounter the Enemy, or to endure to be wounded▪ who as Carpet-Knights, effeminate with long peace, and corrupted with excess and delicacy of their great Cities, never saw their Foes entrenched, or armed Enemies, neither have heard the sound of a Trumpet, but at Plays or Shows. Wherefore you are to make but small account of them, being furnished with no store of Ordnance or strength of Footmen. But as the reverend Interpreters of our sacred Laws and Religion, having orderly performed all their observances, do divine unto us all happiness; so you as Men full of hope, set forward cheerfully unto most assured Victory over your proud Enemies. For God no doubt favoureth the quarrel of Men justly provoked, and offereth means of Victory to such as take up just and necessary Arms. Yet to overcome the Enemy, and to enjoy Victory indeed, wholly consisteth in the courage and valour of them which deem nothing better or more honourable than to spend their lives for the honour of their Prince and Country. Here the Janissaries shaking their Weapons, forthwith cried out with cheerful voice, That he should lead and conduct them whithersoever he would; saying, That they were ready as courageous Men, to overcome all the difficulties of those hard passages, and patiently to endure all the labours and dangers incident to that War.  
Selimus, by the mountain People having found out the easiest passages, resolved to pass over the Mountain with his Army in three places; and so appointing three great Companies of the common Soldiers, and Country People, for the opening of the straight passages; he commanded the rough and uneven Ways to be made plain and smooth, for the transporting of his Ordnance, and the broken passages to be cast even, that so his Baggage and Carriages might the better pass; and the more to encourage his Soldiers to take pains, he promised present reward to all such as in transporting of his Ordnance, should take any extraordinary pain. Whereby it came to pass, that the same being of the smaller sort bearing Bullet of no great weight, was in short time by the cheerful labour of his Soldiers, drawn over those great Hills and Dales; so that in five days all his Army with his Baggage and Carriages were got over the Mountain Taurus, and come into the Plains of Comagena. For that Mountain where it taketh the name of Amanus, which is almost in the middle where the River Euphrates parteth the Mountain Taurus, and the Bay ●ssicus, is neither exceeding high, or yet impassable; for as it cometh nearer the Sea, it is not so rough as elsewhere, but is in many places inhabited and tilled by the Mountain Cilicians, a fierce kind of People accustomed to labour and toil, who are now called Caramanians, which is to say, the Inhabitants of the black Mountains; for that the burnt Rocks of the Mountain seemed afar off to be black.  
Alis-Beg which betrayed Aladeules, whom Selimus had a little before sent for, as soon as the Army was come down into the Frontiers of the Enemy's Country, with a strong power of his light Horsemen, speedily overran all that Country which is at the foot of Amanus and Taurus; thereby to understand of the Country People and such as they could take Prisoners, where Campson lay with his Army; and also by keeping the passages to do what might possibly be done, that Selimus his coming might not be known to the Enemy.  
But Campson, who with no less vanity than pride had fond flattered himself, only by the authority and greatness of his name to have terrified Selimus, and overruled him at his pleasure; could not be persuaded that he was come over the Mountain Amanus, until certain news was brought him, that he was encamped with a most puissant Army within two days march of him. With which unexpected news being sore troubled, and in the midst of that danger to seek Counsel, as one which began rightly to consider of his own strength, and the strength of his Enemy; began then to doubt what were best for him to do, and in great perplexity sometime hoped well; and by and by was as a Man half discouraged and dismayed. And now become exceeding careful both of his honour and himself, he began to doubt, whether it were better for him to give place to so great a danger, and shunning Battle to retire with his Army into places of more safety; or else courageously to abide the coming of his Enemies, and to hazard the Fortune of a Battle, although it were upon great disadvantage; forasmuch as he reputed it far more honourable, after the example of his Predecessors from whom he had received that great Kingdom (both gotten and kept by martial Prowess) to die with honour in the Field, than by shameful and unwonted Flight, either to blemish their military Glory continued above the space of 300 years, or for love of a small remainder of life, being now 77 years old, to seem willing to reserve unto an obloquy and shame his last days, deprived of all honour and reputation.  
There were amongst his Chieftains many, 
The wholesome Counsel of Gazelles for protracting the War.  which preferred wholesome Counsel before that which was in show more glorious; but above all others, jamburd surnamed Gazelles (sometimes the follower of great Caitbeius) a valiant Man of great Honour, for his long experience in martial Affairs, and at that time Governor of Apamia. He, as he was of opinion, That to fight with the Turks Army, consisting for most part of expert Soldiers, with so small a power, were a thing of desperate danger; so was he also, that it were good speedily to retire, and to choose the City of Damascus, as the fittest place for those Wars; forasmuch as the Turks Army could make no haste after them, by reason of their Footmen and Carriages, so that they might at ease and with safety retire; and there calling together all the Mamalukes which were in Garrison in judea and Egypt, and entertaining the Arabians their Neighbours, to protract the War until Winter, when as they might easily distress the Enemy for want of Victual. And that it was not to be feared that Aleppo, if it were furnished but with a reasonable Garrison, could by and by be taken of the Enemy, who had but small Field-Pieces not fit for battery. Beside that, in short time Aid would come from the Persians out of Mesopotamia; yea and Hysmael himself hearing of the Turks expedition into Syria, was like enough to break into Asia the less; neither would the Christians refuse to furnish them with great Artillery from the Islands of the Rhodes and Cyprus against that common Enemy, if they were thereto in time requested. All which things being laid together, he said, the Sultan might afterward upon even hand go into the Field, if he should think it so much to concern his honour, to give his Enemy's battle. But forasmuch as the greatest Wars, which at the first had most violent and most furious motions, by the politic Enemy's delay, did most commonly in time grow calm, he should not therefore make too much hast to adventure the fortune of Battle; for that the errors of War, which many times chanced through the oversight or rashness of the Chieftains, might well of good men be lamented and detested, but hardly or never recovered or amended.  
Gazelles his grave and considerate Speech had much moved both the Sultan and others; yet the cheerfulness of the Soldiers, and foolish hardiness of the Mamalukes did so fill Campsons' Ears, that he could not hearken to so good and wholesome Counsel; for as soon as they heard certainly of the coming of the Turks, they began to leap and dance, and to rejoice among themselves, that the time was come wherein they might make proof of their Valour, and win to themselves Honour. For now (as they said) was come that time they had long wished for, wherein they would by notable slaughter of their Enemies, advance the Honour and Majesty of Campson their Sultan far above the fame of Caitbeius; and some even of the chief men about Campson, upon flattery and vain ostentation, alleging how honourably and with what small labour they had before overthrown the Turks great Army at Taurus; persuading him that the victory would easily and without any great danger be gotten. But especially Cayerbius Governor of Aleppo and of the Province of Comagena (who after his War ended, was in reward of his foul Treason, by Selimus unworthily preferred to the greatest Honours of Egypt) extolling with glorious words the Faithfulness, Courage, and Valour of the Mamalukes, and extenuating the Power and Strength of the Enemy, forced his Wits to the uttermost to overthrow the wholesome Counsel of Gazelles.  
For this Cayerbius for all his fair face bore a grudge in his heart against Campson, 
A secret grudge between Campson and Cayerbeius Governor of Comagena.  because he had some years before poisoned his Brother, whom he had in jealousy, being a man next to himself of greatest Power, Wealth, and Authority amongst the Mamalukes, and withal of an aspiring mind. Whereupon Cayerbeius afterwards thinking it good to look to himself, and doubting the like practice to be intended against himself; being, as the manner of that Kingdom was, summoned to a Parliament at Cairo, feigned himself sick, and would not come; wherewith Campson was not a little offended, yet for a time he thought it best to dissemble the matter, and to wait some fitter opportunity for the taking away of that proud man, so forgetful of his duty, and bearing himself against his Sovereign, as if he had been an absolute King in his own Province; this he thought might most covertly be brought to pass, if he should upon the occasion of the present War (as then it fell out) or else under the colour of going in person himself to the River Euphrates, come to Aloppo; for it was the manner of the ancient Egyptian Sultan's, not to account themselves worthy of the name of a Sultan or great General, before they had, as Cayerbeius had of late done, encamped their Army upon the side of the River Euphrates at the City Byrtha (which standing upon the Bank of the River, retaineth at this day both the ancient Name and Fame) and there with solemn Pomp had in the sight of the Army forced their Horses into the River to drink; giving to understand by that ceremony, the greatness of their Empire, and that they were ready by force of Arms to prove, that all those Countries were theirs, which lay alongst the River Euphrates, from the Mountain Taurus unto the Deserts of Arabia. But the consideration of this War letted that he did not at his first coming oppress him, because he deomed it to stand best with his present Affairs; and not yet knowing the purpose of Selimus, to expect the motions of the Turks and Persians, and to defer the execution of his Wrath against Cayerbeius, until the end of the War; for fear lest the other Mamalukes, dismayed with the heinousness of the sudden fact, should either revolt from him, or else raise some Mutiny or Rebellion in that populous City. For Cayerbeius had by his Courtesy and Bounty may strong Companies in the Army fast bound unto him; and beside that, was of greatest Credit and Authority with them of Aleppo, having in his keeping a strong Citadel, built upon the rising of an I●ill in the midst of the City, which he kept with a strong and sure Garrison.  
But whiles Campson doth thus slowly and considerately purpose his destruction, many of the Sultan's secret Friends, to him more officious than faithful, secretly advised Cayerbeius to beware of the Sultan, and by some good means in time to provide for his own safety. He understanding of the danger, and thinking all delay deadly, sent secret Messengers unto Selimus, discovering unto him the cause of his grief, and promising as occasion should serve to come over unto him, and to deliver into his power the Castle with the heart of the Citizens, and all the strength of his own Horsemen; thereby to provide for his own safety, to revenge his Brother's death, and to further his Victory against Campson; and for performance of promises on both sides, required secret Hostages to be given. By the same Messengers he also advertised him, what Strength the Sultan was of, persuading him in any case to make haste to give him Battle before he had gathered any greater Power. Selimus nothing doubted to condescend to all that the Traitor had requested, promising of himself far greater things than ever he had required; assuring himself of the Victory, if his Enemy should lose so much of his Strength by the revolt▪ of so great a Commander.  
Campson enforced by the general consent of his Soldiers, and the violence of his inevitable Destiny, then at hand, rejecting the good and faithful Counsel of Gazelles, at such time as Selimus was reported to be at hand; resolved according to the Counsel of the Traitor Cayerbeius, to dare him Battle. He lay conveniently encamped upon the River Singa, almost ten miles from the City, in such sort as that his Soldiers might use the benefit of the River, and removed from the Houses and Pleasures of the City, might yet nevertheless be easily relieved with the store and plenty thereof.  
The Mamalukes were scarce in number twelve thousand, but every one of them, 
The Mamalukes notable Soldiers.  according as he was of greater Place or Calling, so had he attending upon him more Servants, well furnished, with Horse and Armour. A goodly and invincible Army, if the Battle might have been tried by true Valour. The Mamalukes wearing their Beards long and rough, with grave and stern Countenance, having strong and able Bodies, used such cunning in all their Fights and Battles, that after they had given the first charge with their Lances, they would by and by with wonderful activity use their Bows and Arrows, casting their Targets behind them; and forthwith the Horsemans' Mace, or crooked Scimeter, as the manner of the Battle or Place required. Their Horses were strong and courageous, in making and swiftness, much like unto the Spanish Jennets; and that which is of many hardly believed, so docible, that at certain signs or speeches of the Rider, they would with their Teeth reach him up from the ground a Lance, an Arrow, or such like thing; and as if they had known the Enemy, run upon him with open mouth, and lash at him with their heels, and had by Nature and Custom learned, not to be afraid of any thing. These courageous Horses were commonly furnished with silver Bridles, gilt Trappings, rich Saddles, their Necks and Breasts armed with Plates of Iron; The Horseman himself was commonly content with a Coat of Mail or a Breastplate of Iron. The chief and wealthiest of them used Headpieces; the rest a linen covering of the Head, curiously folded into many wreaths, wherewith they thought themselves safe enough against any handy strokes; the Common Soldiers used thrumbed Caps, but so thick that no Sword could pierce them.  

The order of Campson his Battle.  Campson of all his Army made four Battles; The first was committed to Cayerbeius, because it was in his own Province, where the Battle was to be fought. The second was led by Sybeius, who for his wonderful Activity was of them called Balvano, which in their Language signifieth a Tumbler, or one that showeth Feats of Activity; he was Governor of Damascus, a man of singular Faith and Valour. These two great Commanders were appointed at once to charge both the Wings of the Turks Army. After them followed Gazelles with the third Battle, to second either the one or the other of the two foremost, as need should require. Campson himself led the fourth, all glistering in guilt Armour, behind the rest almost a mile and an half. The last was left for the defence of the Camp.  

The order of Selimus his Battle.  But Selimus according to his wont manner so ordered his Battle, that his Asian Horsemen were in the right Wing, his Europeian Horsemen in the left, his Janissaries and Artillery in the main Battle; before whom in the middle between the two Wings he placed his most valiant and gallant Pensioners, amongst whom, contrary to his wont custom, he chose to serve that day.  
Cayerbeius as soon as he was come near the Enemy, in token of his brave Courage, gave a host charge upon the Europeian Horsemen; and by and by, as if he would have compassed in that Wing, wheeled a great way about behind them, where chancing upon a great Company of Scullions, Drudges, and other base People that followed the Camp, with an infinite number of Camels and Carriages, he made there a great stir with little slaughter, that as a valiant and cunning Traitor he might in the self same time satisfy the expectation of his Valour and of his Treason together. In the other Wing, the Governor of Damascus, to enter upon the open side of the Enemy, forbearing to charge him affront, and turning about his Troops on the left hand, entered overthwart their Ranks; where the Mamalukes fought with such fury, that having made great Slaughter of the Asian Horsemen, they broke in amongst them, as if it had been a raging Flood, bearing all down before them, until they came to the Ensigns in the midst of that Wing; neither could Mustapha the Beglerbeg (who was by Birth a Hungarian, and Selimus his Brother in law) neither the Imbrahor-Bassa (or Master of the House) though they did what they might to withstand him, after the first were overthrown, stay the rest, but that they would needs turn their backs and fly. So Sybeius as a valiant Conqueror having cut in two pieces the right Wing of the Enemy's battle, and thrusting in betwixt the battle of the Footmen and the backs of the Pensioners, brought a great terror and fear upon the whole main Battle. The matter was now brought to extreme danger; for Selimus by the breaking in of Sybeius was almost cut off from his Footmen, in whom he had reposed his greatest confidence. And now the Janissaries were hardly charged by Gazelles, who following the Fortune of Sybeius, had set upon the head of the Enemy's Battle. The Asian Horsemen also being put to the worse, and cut in pieces, found no means how to restore again their disordered Battle.  
In this extremity Sinan Bassa in good time came in with his Horsemen; by his coming, for that he had been but lightly charged by Cayerbeius the Traitor, and had brought with him many fresh Troops of Horsemen, the fury of the Mamalukes was repressed, the Turks again encouraged, and the Victory shortly after wrung out of the Mamalukes hands; the great Artillery being by the commandment of Selimus at the same time discharged amongst them, by the terrible thundering whereof, the Mamalukes Horses somewhat troubled, could not so well as before be ruled; neither could the men themselves, although they were of wonderful Courage, much prevail, being on every side oppressed with the multitude of their Enemies. Yet in that distress being nothing dismayed, although they were by Cayerbeius and their good fortune forsaken, they were not to seek either of courage or direction; but setting themselves close together, they broke through the midst of their Enemies, with great slaughter of the Europeian Horsemen, and hurt of the Pensioners; and so with speed fled towards the Camp and City. After whom followed Sinan Bassa with the readiest and freshest Troops of his Horsemen; for Selimus (who that day in the extreme heat, for his wonderful pains, courage, and direction seemed undoubtedly greater than himself) riding up and down, called earnestly upon his Soldiers to urge the Victory, and with all speed to pursue their flying Enemies.  
Campson had now (his Destiny so leading him) set forward, of purpose to come to the relief of his men sent before; or if the Turks should be overcome, to be partaker of the Victory; when upon the way he understood by them that fled, That Cayerbeius was revolted, his Army overthrown, and the terror so great, as that the flight of his Soldiers was not now possibly to be stayed; beside that, to augment the fear, it was reported, That the multitude of his Enemies and Force of their Artillery was so great, that they were not then to be encountered. With which heavy News, the proud old man, who in the perpetual course of his good Fortune had never tasted of evil hap, was ready for sorrow and grief of mind to have sunk down to the ground. And forthwith his own men, and the Enemy pursuing them, coming upon him, who in their headlong course without regard overthrew whomsoever they met, every man making shift for himself, without respect of others harm; he being a corpulent man of great years, and beside the heaviness of his Armour, troubled also with a Rupture, overcome with heat and grief of mind, fainted in that great press, and so falling down, was without regard trodden to death, 
The death of Campson.  after he had with great Majesty governed the Kingdoms of Egypt, judea, and Syria many years. The valiant Tetrarches of Damascus and Tripoli, whilst others fled for life, either to the Camp or to the City of Aleppo, labouring in the hindermost of their flying Troops to repress the force of their pursuing Enemies, were both fight honourably slain. Selimus erecting a few Tents in the same Field wherein the Battle was fought, and keeping most part of his Army in Arms, slept not all that night, but stood fast as a man not yet assured of his Victory or good fortune; fearing lest men of so great Valour as were the Mamalukes, should in the covert of the night return and set upon him in his Camp; for he knew right well, that they were overcome and put to flight, rather by the Treachery of Cayerbeius and fury of his great Ordnance, than by the Valour of his Soldiers. But Gazelles and the other Mamalukes, after they certainly understood of the death of Campson, having given their Horses a short bait, departed in haste from Aleppo to Damascus. The next day Selimus removing with his Army, took the rich Tents of his Enemies full of all princely store, which he gave unto his Soldiers for a Prey; and marching from thence to Aleppo, had the City peaceably delivered unto him by Cayerbeius, 
Aleppo delivered to Selimus by Cayerbeius the Traitor.  where he favourably took the Citizens into his protection; and the more to win their hearts, granted unto them greater Privileges than they had in former time enjoyed.  
In this Battle were slain not above a thousand Mamalukes▪ but of their Servants and followers a great number; more being slain in the Flight than in the Fight, when as their Horses fainting for heat, and dying under them for thirst, many of them were enforced to betake themselves to their feet, and so were easily slain of every base Horseman. For a great number of goodly Horses died there, which being foggy fat, and delicately brought up in cold Stables, could not endure the vehemency of the heat, and that unacquainted travel; for that day all things were burnt with the scorching heat of the Sun.  
This famous Battle was fought the seventeenth of August, in the year of our Lord 1516, the very same day (which is strange to tell) whereon but two years before, he had obtained the Victory against Hysmael the great Sophi in the Chalderan Fields. Selimus lost in this Battle three thousand Horsemen; whereby it may easily be gathered, That he had there received a notable overthrow of his Horsemen, if Sinan Bassa in the left Wing (which by the Treason of Cayerbeius ●scaped with small loss) had also happened upon his Sybeius, as the other General did.  
The dead body of Campson found two days after without any wound appearing thereupon, 
The dead Body of Campson laid out for all men to view.  was by the commandment of Selimus laid forth in open place for all men to behold; that such as believed him yet to live, and to be gone to repair his Army at Cairo, might be out of all hope of his return; and others that were already revolted, might thereby be the more confirmed, as now out of all fear of him. Not long after, when the dead Body began to putrify and grow noisome, and to convince the fame of his escape, had lain open to the view of all men by the space of three days, it was without any funeral Pomp or solemnity, simply buried in the most ancient Temple of Aleppo. Of the rising and fall of this great man, janus Vitalis hath written this Elogium or Epitaph.  
Fortuna caeca, & surda, vere diceris, 
Paulus Jovius Illust. virorum Elog. lib. 4.   
Et ment una praedita.  
Ad alta tollis scamma in imo conditos,  
Ut mox cadant profundius.  
Morosa tu mortalium appetentium  
Votum, omne fulmine ocyus  
Fugas, deinde te nihil petentibus  
Benignitate prodigis.  
Campson ut ille Gaurius, nil ambiens,  
Nil te proterva flagitans,  
Invitus imperator orae Egyptiae  
Tumultuosa militum  
Ex fece plebis factus insolentia,  
Supra volabat nubila,  
Inter receptus altiora syderae  
Mox excidens altissimus,  
Absumptus armis hinc & hinc rebellibus,  
Gravis senectae pondere  
Fit ludus atrox impotentis alea  
Tuaeque pervicaciae,  
Amisit & cum vita, opes quas maximo  
Cum regno habebat maximas.  
In English thus: 
Fortune well called both deaf, and blind,  
And thereto fond withal,  
Thou setst the beggar up aloft,  
To work his greater fall.  
Thou peevish Dame, more sudden than  
The thunder Clap from high,  
Rejects the suits of greedy Wights,  
Which to thee call and cry.  
And lavishly consumes thyself,  
And whatso else thou hast,  
On such as crave nothing of thee,  
Nor wished not to be graced.  
As Campson Gaurus seeking nought,  
Ne craving aught of thee;  
Against his Will by Soldier's rage,  
Was raised from base degree.  
And soaring up above the Clouds,  
Made King of Egypt's Land,  
Received amongst the highest Stars,  
Did there in glory stand.  
But forthwith falling thence, oppressed  
With Rebels, War, and Age;  
Became the scorn of thine ore'thwart  
Most fierce and fickle rage.  
And so with life, together lost  
A World of Wealth also;  
Which with his stately Kingdom great,  
He greatest did forgo.   
Selimus having received the City of Aleppo into his Obeisance, 
Selimus coming to Damascus.  sent jonuses Bassa before him with a great part of his light Horsemen, to pursue his flying Enemies to Damascus, whither he himself in few days after came also with the rest of his Army, when he understood that his Enemies were departed thence and fled to Cairo. They of Damascus, thinking it not to stand with their good to stay the course of his Victory, and with their lives to hazard the great Wealth of that rich City; without delay presently opened unto him the Gates at his coming. By whose example other Cities alongst the Sea-Coast moved, especially Tripoli, Berytus, Sydon, and Ptolemais, sending their Ambassadors, and receiving in the Turks Garrisons, yielded themselves in like manner.  
Not long after, Selimus held a great Counsel in his Camp, which then lay under the Walls of Damascus; for he would not bring his Soldiers into the City for troubling the quiet and populous state thereof, together with the great Trade of Merchandise, which at that time was with wonderful security kept there by Merchants of divers Countries, coming from far, even from the remotest parts of the World. And in the Camp such was the military discipline of that most severe Commander, 
Notable discipline in Selimus his Army.  that the Soldiers (knowing the Victory to give them no whit the more liberty) suffered the fruitful Orchards and Gardens of the Citizens, in the most plentiful time of Autumn, to rest in safety untouched, without any keeper. By which severe and straight government he so politicly provided against all wants, that his Camp was in all parts furnished with plenty of all things necessary, and that at prices reasonable. There taking unto him men skilful in the Laws and Customs of the Country, and calling before him the Ambassadors of all the Cities of the Country, he heard and decided the greatest controversies of the Syrians, appointed Governors over the Provinces and Cities, took view of the Tributes and Customs, and abrogated many Customs and Tributes due unto the old Sultan's, which seemed either unreasonable or grievous to the People; thereby to gain the fame of a just and bountiful Conqueror.  
When he had thus set all things in order in Syria, and sufficiently rested and refreshed his Army; and especially his Horses which with long and continual travel were grown maugre and lean; he of nothing more desirous than of the Conquest of Egypt, and the utter subversion of the Sultan's State and Mamalukes Government; sent before Sinan Bassa into judea with fifteen thousand Horsemen, and a strong Regiment of Harquebusiers selected out of the Janissaries and other Soldiers, to try the passage of that Country, and to open the way for him to Gaza, which was thought would be unto him very troublesome, by reason of the wild Arabians roaming upon and down that Country. The City of Gaza standeth near the Sea towards Egypt, not far from the sandy Deserts, whereby men with much difficulty and dangerous travel pass out of Syria, and so to Cairo.  
In the mean time, the Mamalukes who under the conduct of Gazelles were come to Cairo, with all the rest of their order which were thither assembled from all parts of the Kingdom, entering into Counsel together (as it often falls out in time of danger and distress) without all contention of envy, 
Tomombe●us by the general consent of the Mamalukes chosen Sultan of Egypt.  chose Tomombeius (of the Turks called Tuman-bai) a Circassian born, to be their King. He was then the great Diadare, and by his Office next in honour and power unto the Sultan; whose Prowess and Policy was such, that he only in the opinion of all the Mamalukes was thought able and sufficient to stay and uphold the afflicted and declining State of their Kingdom. He by their general consent and good liking promoted to the State of the great Sultan, thinking (as truth was) his own Majesty, and the remainder of the Mamalukes hopes, to be wholly reposed in Arms, and the fortune of Battle; began with great carefulness and singular industry to provide Armour, Weapons, and Horses from all places; he also caused great store of Ordnance to be cast, and mustered great Companies of such of his Slaves as seemed meet for the Wars; beside that, he entertained for Pay, many of the Moors and Arabians his Neighbours. He also for great reward, hired men skilful of the Countries, to go through the Deserts of the Palmyrens into Mesopotamia, and so to Hysmael the Persian King with Letters, earnestly requesting him to invade the Turks Dominions in Asia the less, or with all speed to break into Comagena, being by the departure of the Enemy left bare and destitute of sufficient Garrisons; and farther to advertise him, That Selimus who then lay in the borders of judea, might easily be enclosed with their two Armies, and so be vanquished, or for want to Victuals distressed; and the rather, for that there was no Fleet of the Turks upon that coast, able from Sea to relieve their Army by Land, or yet to transport them thence in case they should by chance of War be distressed, and so think to return. In which doing, he should both relieve the Egyptian Sultan his Friend and Confederate, for his sake brought into so great danger; and also without any great trouble or peril notably revenge himself of so many shameful injuries as he had before received from that his most capital Enemy. Whilst Tomombeius doth these things, Sinan Bassa the forerunner of Selimus, having easily repulsed divers companies of the wild Arabians, who in manner of Thiefs and Robbers lay upon the passages, had now opened the way, and was come to Gaza; where the Citizens, 
Gaza yielded to Sinan.  although they were in heart faithful unto the Mamalukes, yet for that to shut their Gates against the Bassa, and to stand upon their guard without a sufficient Garrison, seemed a matter both perilous and unreasonable, forthwith yielded their City upon reasonable composition; and with the plenty thereof relieved the Turks Bassa, giving him great (but dissembled) thanks, that by his means and the good fortune of Selimus, they were delivered from the cruel bondage of the Mamalukes; promising for the remembrance of so great a benefit, for ever to remain his faithful Servants. Sinan commending their ready good will, required of them all such things as he wanted, or had occasion to use; which they seemed willingly to deliver; and so lodged his Army near unto the Walls of the City, within the defence of the Gardens, purposing in that place to expect the coming of Selimus.  
In the mean time (as he was a man of great experience, and most skilful in Martial Affairs) he sought by all means to get knowledge of that Desert and unpeopled Country, not inhabited for lack of Water; and especially of the nature of the great Sands whereby Selimus was with his Army to pass; he also won by rewards the Inhabitants of the Country thereabout, by large offers, to procure unto him the favour of the Chieftains and Leaders of the Arabians, near unto those places; and also to espy what the Mamalukes did at Cairo, and wherein they reposed their chief confidence, and forthwith to give him knowledge thereof.  
On the other side, the Citizens of Gaza, in heart Enemies unto the Turks, as daily feeling the grievances of the present Army, advertised Tomombeius of the coming of Sinan Bassa; and that that power of the Turks Army might easily be oppressed before the coming of Selimus, if a strong power of Mamalukes were sent thither under the conduct of skilful Leaders; promising, that if the Mamalukes would at an appointed time upon the sudden in the night set upon the sleepy Turks, they would at the same instant sally out of the City upon the Camp, and there with Fire and Sword do what harm they could for the overthrow of the Enemy.  
Of this device, Tomombeius and the Mamalukes liked well, and so without delay sent Gazelles six thousand chosen Horsemen, and a great number of the Arabians, to perform the exploit upon Sinan; for Gazelles, in that his wholesome Counsel had been by Campson and others rejected, (who being straightway desirous of Battle, had rashly cast themselves and the whole State into so great calamity) and afterwards in the greatest danger of the Battle having performed all the parts of a politic and valiant Chieftain, was grown into such credit, that all Men held a great opinion both of his valour and direction.  
But he was scarcely well set forth, when advertisement was given unto Sinan by his Syrian intelligencers, 
Sinan advertised of the coming of Gazelles, goeth secretly to meet him.  That the Mamalukes with the Arabians were coming through the sandy Deserts, upon the sudden to oppress him; and that they would be with him before two days were expired, forasmuch as they had set forward upon the Spur, without any Carriages or Baggage to let them. Which overture in good time given, as it was the safeguard of Sinans Army, so was it of greatest importance and moment, for the obtaining of the full Conquest of Egypt afterward. But Sinan Bassa, although he knew nothing of the Treachery of them of Gaza; yet as a Man of prudent and subtle Wit, suspecting that such a thing might happen; because he would not at once have to do with a double Enemy, resolved to go and meet the Mamalukes upon the way, and to give them Battle. Wherefore with great silence dislodging his Army betwixt ten and twelve of the Clock in the night, he set forward and marched out of sight of the City about fifteen Miles toward Egypt. There was near unto that place a little low Village, wherein Travellers used commonly to lodge, for the commodiousness of a lively and plenteous Spring which there riseth; there by chance both Sinan Bassa had purposed to stay, and Gazelles in like manner had also determined to rest a few hours to refresh his Army, that he might by night, after he had well refreshed his Horses, come unlooked for upon his Enemies at Gaza; when news was brought to both the Generals almost at one instant, by the forerunners of both the Armies, That the Enemy was at hand.  
Gazelles not a little troubled with that unexpected news, for that he perceived himself disappointed of his purpose; and unable to fight with his Enemies in plain Battle, especially his Horses being sore wearied with Travel, was enforced upon the sudden for the safeguard of himself and his followers, to resolve upon a new resolution; yet nothing discouraged, with cheerful countenance and lively speech exhorted his Soldiers to make themselves ready for Battle, and that which they could not by policy bring to pass, they should now by plain force perform. Sinan on the other side having somewhat sooner set his Men in order of Battle than had Gazelles, forasmuch as he had before at good leisure taken order what he would have done, if it should come to the point of Battle; with constant look and long persuasions full of hope, encouraged his Soldiers to fight: But the conclusion of all his Speech was, That they should play the Men, and not once think of flight, forasmuch as all places about them would be shut up, and become impassable, if they obtained not the Victory; and that above all things they should persuade themselves, that no one of them could that day perish, but such as the immortal God had by the inevitable Law of fatal Destiny, appointed to die; and that with like hazard valiant Men found life in the midst of their Enemy's Weapons, that Cowards by immutable Destiny found death in their safest flight.  

The Battle between Sinan Bassa and Gazelles.  The Bassa had placed his Harquebusiers in the Wings of his Battle, which were ranged of a great length in thin Ranks, thereby to use their Pieces at more liberty, and with more ease to enclose the Enemy; in the middle were placed the Horsemen to receive the first charge of the Mamalukes. Gazelles approaching the Enemy, sent before the Troops of the Arabian light Horsemen to trouble the Wings of his Enemy's Battle, and with a square Battle of his Mamalukes charged the middle Battle of the Turks. The Battle was a great while most terrible, and the Victory doubtful; for although the Turks in number far exceeded, yet were they not able to endure the armed and courageous Mamalukes, but were glad to give ground; and quite disordered by the breaking in of the Mamalukes, as Men discouraged, began to look about them which way they might fly; when by the commandment of Sinan the Harquebusiers, who with the first Volley of their shot had repulsed the Arabians, wheeling about, enclosed all the Enemy's Battle. By which means both Men and Horse were a far off slain, with the multitude of the deadly shot; where true Valour helped not them, so on every side enclosed. For where any Troop of the Mamalukes pressed forward upon the Turks, they quickly retired, and in all places of the Battle as much as they could shunned to encounter their Enemies with their Horsemen, labouring only to gall them with shot. Gazelles seeing his Horse spent with extreme weariness, and that he was not to expect any further help, his Arabians beginning now to fall from him; and also considering, that many of his most valiant Soldiers were either slain or wounded, and having also himself received a great wound in his Neck, he with the rest of his Army made way through the midst of his Enemies, and having lost divers of his Ensigns, fled back again to Cairo through the same sandy Deserts whereby he came. In this Battle was lost the Governor of Alexandria, and Orchamus' Governor of Cairo (both Men of great account among the Mamalukes) and beside them a great number of Arabians, with a thousand or more of the Mamaluke Horsemen. Neither got Sinan a joyful or unbloody Victory, having lost above two thousand of his best Horsemen, and amongst them certain Commmanders, Men of great mark.  
The Turks weary of this Battle, which had endured from noon till night, and many of their Horses fainting under them, were not able to pursue their Enemies, and therefore encamped themselves in the same place where the Battle was fought, near unto the Fountain. The day following they at leisure gathered the spoil, and cutting off the Heads of their Enemies, which were easily known by their long and rough Beards, fastened them up upon the Date Trees growing thereby, as well in witness of their worthy labour, as by that strange and horrible spectacle to feed the eyes of their fierce Emperor, who was shortly after to pass that way, and so to manifest unto him the Victory of that day.  
In the mean time they of Gaza upon the rising of the Sun, perceiving the Turks Camp left empty, as Men not able longer to dissemble their covert Treachery; and vainly supposing that Sinan Bassa upon some knowledge of the coming of the Mamalukes, had for fear retired back into places of more safety, suddenly set upon such as were left in the Camp, which were for most part sick and weak Men (yet in number many) whom they most cruelly slew; and presently after set upon two thousand of the Turks Horsemen, sent from Selimus to Sinan, which by chance were come thither the same day, enquiring with great carefulness what was become of the Bassa and his Army; and spoiling them of his Carriages, put them to flight; who after that discomfiture, supposing the Bassa (whom they had thought to have found at Gaza, tarrying for the coming of Selimus) by some mishap or policy of the Enemy to have been lost, with all his Army, and therefore fearfully retiring, were upon the way miserably slain by the Arabians; neither had any one of them escaped, if they had not met with juleb the Governor of Achaia at the City of Rama; for he was also sent from Selimus to Sinan Bassa with a strong company of Grecian Horsemen, by whose coming the fury of the Arabians was well repressed. Yet these pilfering People still calling forth to the prey more and more of their Leaders which dwelled in the Mountains adjoining, and being grown to a great Army, overtook the Turks at a Village called Carasbara, where they enforced them to fight in a place of great disadvantage. For the Arabians having before taken certain straits, which closed in the passage at the further end of a large Valley, showed themselves at once, before, behind, and on both sides of the Turks; their Weapons were Bows and Arrows, and long Spears armed at both ends, which they nimbly handled, after the manner of the Moors. These Weapons they most skilfully used upon their swift Horses, and both in their charge and retreat wounded their Enemies deadly. So that the Turks in number few, and for their Horseman's staves inferior to their Enemies, durst not offer to charge them; but keeping close together, hardly defended themselves, still making way as they might; and had undoubtedly been brought into extreme danger to have been utterly lost, had not juleb with four Pieces of Artillery which he brought with him for his defence, driven them which kept the straits from their high places, and so opening the way, with all speed brought through his Men; which straits once passed, and coming into the open Fields, he with more safety marched forward, skirmishing afar off with the Enemy with his Archers and Harquebusiers, and discharging his Field-pieces where he saw the greatest and thickest Troops of those wild People.  
On the other part, the Arabians dispersedly hover about them in Troops, were still in the tail of the Army, and such as were wounded or weak and could not follow the rest, they slew; and sought by all means to hinder the Journey, not suffering them (circumvented with so many dangers) either to refresh themselves, or to take any rest. This was unto the Turks a most dismal day, for many of them tormented with thirst, and weakened with wounds and extreme labour, gave up the Ghost; and now no help remained in this desperate estate, being still beset and hardly laid too with the multitude of those fierce and desperate Enemies; when suddenly a great number of other Turks came to them in the midway unlooked for, being now in despair and even at the last cast; for Selimus having left the Imbrahor Bassa with a strong Army upon the borders of Persia, for the defence of Syria and Asia, and having sent for new supplies of Soldiers to Constantinople, which should with a great Fleet be transported into Syria, had now removed from Damascus; and the better to provide for Victuals and Forage, which began now to grow scant in that wasted Country; every day sent before great Troops and Companies of his Army, as it were at certain appointed times.  
So juleb delivered of the present danger by the coming in of these fresh Soldiers, met with Selimus the next day, 
Selimus doubting Sinan Bassa to have been lost becometh Melancholy.  and in order told him all that had happened unto him and his first Troops at Gaza and Rama, and all the way after; and also what they supposed by conjectures to have chanced to Sinan Bassa with his Army, for the manifold wiles of so dangerous Enemies. With which news Selimus became exceeding Melancholy, and thereupon thought it not good to go any further, before he perfectly knew how all stood with Sinan; in which fortune he had reposed all the hope of his good success in that so great an enterprise. 
News of Sinans Victory comforteth Selimus.  But whilst he was in this dump, suddenly came the Syrian Spies, who declaring unto him all that Sinan Bassa had done, converted that melancholy passion into no less joy and gladness; for he saw that by that Victory, Egypt was laid open unto him, and his desires as good as half accomplished in less time than ever he expected.  
The next day after, he removed with his Army to Rama, and by the way as he went (to the terror of others) burned the Dwellings, together with the Wives and Children of those Arabians, who but a little before had done so much harm to his Men in their passage. And from thence sending before his Footmen to Sinan Bassa at Gaza, he himself with his Horsemen turned out of the way upon the left hand to jerusalem, to visit that most ancient and famous City, so much renowned both for the antiquity thereof, and the fame of the Religion of the Jews. That unpeopled and desolate City lay then defaced with the huge Ruins of the old sacred and stately Buildings; not inhabited by the Jews, the ancient Inhabitants thereof (who for their inexpiable guilt, as Men exiled out of the World, have no Country or resting place) but for most part by a few poor Christians, who to the great scorn and shame of the Christian name, paid yearly a great Tribute unto the Sultan of Egypt, for the possession of the sacred Sepulchre; when as the Christian Princes, flourishing at that time with glory, power, and wealth, could not by any motive of immortal glory or fame, be incited to revenge so great an injury; but deeming it (as should seem) better agreeing with their state, to spend their time in idle Vanities, or mortal War one against another, than in the quarrel of the most true and Christian Religion.  
Selimus having reverently worshipped the ancient Monuments of the old Prophets, and done especial sacrifice unto his great Prophet Mahomet; gave unto the Christian Priests keepers of the place (as unto good and devout Men) Money to maintain them for six months; and staying at jerusalem but one night, marched in four days to the rest of his Army at Gaza; where by the way he had continual skirmishes both day and night with the Arabians; for they according to their wont manner were desperately at hand in every place, and where the straitness of the ways enforced the Turks to extenuate their ranks, there would they be ready to skirmish with them, and suddenly unlooked for come to handy blows; and when they came into the Valleys, they tumbled down from the Mountains great stones upon them, which they had for that purpose before provided. At which time the Turks Harquebusiers, in whom they had greatest confidence, served them to little purpose, for the Wether was so tempestuous and extreme moist with continual Rain, that the Ponder in their Flasks became wet and unserviceable, and hardly could they keep Fire in their Matches. Yet by the valiantness of the Janissaries▪ the matter was so used, that near unto the person of the Emperor no great harm was done by those naked Robbers; for climbing up the Hills with Pikes in their Hands they drove them from their stand, and enforced them to abandon the straits and high places.  
year 1517. But Sinan Bassa (who after his Victory returning to Gaza, 
Sinan Bassa goes to meet Selimus, as he was coming to Gaza.  had put to death the authors of the late revolt, confiscated their Goods, and exacted of the People in general a great sum of Money, as the just punishment of their false Treachery) hearing now of the coming of Selimus, went to meet him with his victorious Soldiers, furnished with the spoils of their Enemies. Whom Selimus most honourably received, and gave generally to the Captains, and particularly to the most valiant of the common Soldiers, garments of Silk, with a great sum of Money in reward of their good Service.  
After that, he stayed but four days at Gaza, for that he thought it not good to give any long time of breathing unto his discouraged Enemies, now twice overthrown; or to suffer the new Sultan (not yet well settled in his Kingdom) to grow stronger by new preparations and supplies raised in the most populous and plentiful Country of Egypt. Which to let, although it required great haste in setting forward, and served as spurs unto him, naturally hasting to glory and renown; yet was his Army to be refreshed after so long and painful Travel, and great provision to be made for the carriage of Water upon Camels all the way through the dry, solitary, and sandy Deserts. For between Gaza and Cairo lie vast unpeopled and barren sands, which moved by the Wind, rise up in Billows in manner of a rough Sea, so troublesome, that oftentimes it is not possible to see for dust, and the light sands in many places gauled deep with the wind, wonderfully troubleth the weary passengers. But such a sudden calm ensued the great Rain which fell but three days before, that Selimus unto his great good Fortune wanted nothing that he could wish, for the happy conduct of his Army; for the air was become so calm, that there was no blast of wind to raise the Sand to trouble their sight; and withal such plenty of Water was found almost in every place, by reason of the abundant Rain, which being not yet sunk far into the Sand, afforded them water in such plenty, if they digged but two foot deep, that the Soldiers commonly thought it needless to carry any bottle of water for fear of thirst. Yet for all that, the wild Arabians failed not in all that passage, on every side to hover about the Turk● Army (as Hawks over their prey) and suffer none of them to straggle out of order, or stay behind the Army, but they were straightway snatched up and slain. Against whom Selimus provided an easy remedy, by placing his Field-pieces in divers parts of his Army, which by the direction of the Leaders (as every Man happened to be nearest unto the danger) were forthwith discharged upon the roaming Enemy. And in the rearward of his Army were placed strong companies of Harquebusiers, for the defence of the weak and feeble Soldiers, who could but softly follow the Army, and were therefore most subject to danger.  
By this means Selimus with some small loss received from the Arabians, in eight days march drew near to Cairo, Sinan Bassa going before him, who with his Europeian Soldiers still kept one days journey before. There is a Village about six Miles distant from the City of Cairo called Matharea, famous for the plenty of most excellent Balm, with liquor of all others most fragrant and sovereign, distilled out of low Trees there planted, whose uttermost rind the people cut with Ivory Knives to give the Liquor passage; which Balm for the notable virtues thereof, being not elsewhere to be had, Mens diseases and wanton desires have made of a wonderful price. Into that place near unto a Village called Rhodania, 
Tomombeius 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉▪  had Tomombeius conveied all his new and old provision of Artillery; and had drawn deep Ditches overthwart all the field▪ and cross the highway, which he had closely covered over the weak hurlds and earth, as if it had been firm ground. And he with his Mamalukes (in number about twelve thousand) and a great multitude of Arabian Horsemen lay in places convenient, of purpose that when the Turks Battles should approach, they should first feel the force of his great Ordnance before they came within the shot of their Arrows, and forthwith upon great disadvantage, with all his Forces suddenly to s●t upon them disordered and entrapped. All which things were so cunningly and so politicly contrived and done, that there was none in the Sultan's Army which doubted of the good success of that day; and a great mischief had undoubtedly befallen the Turks, had not Fortune which favoured Selimus, and frowned upon Tomombeius (or more truly to say, the fatal period of that Kingdom so requiring) by the false Treachery of a few, frustrated the great endeavours of the Mamalukes.  
There was in the Sultan's Army among the Soldiers of the Court, four Epirot Mamalukes, who grieved to see Tomombeius (contrary to their desires) preferred to the Kingdom by others of a contrary faction; whether it were upon a malicious disposition, or upon hope of reward and better entertainment, or for that in so great a declination of their Kingdom, they thought it good to seek for new friends of more assurance, fled secretly to Sinan Bassa, as to a most famous Captain, and one of their own Nation. For this great Commander Sinan, Selimus his right hand, was born in a poor Country Village of Epirus, in the Mountain Country of Ambracia; whom a wonderful mischance preferred to that height of credit and wealth; for it is reported, that a Sow kept in the House wherein he was Born, bit off his Genitors, being then but a Child, as he lay by chance sleeping in the shadow; and being made of a greater esteem by that mishap, was by them which took up delicate Minions from the Turkish Emperor, brought to Constantinople, and presented to the great Emperor Mahomet, Selimus his Grandfather; where fortun● by the fatal direction of his good hap, advanced him to his appointed honours, whom she had long before dismembered. By these fugitive Mamalukes, Selimus and Sinan were instructed of all the devices of the Enemy, and especially what stratogems Tomombeius had with great cunning and policy devised; whereinto they must needs fall, if they should go directly on and not forsake the highway. Wherefore guided by the same Fugitives, they fetched a great compass on the left hand, and by an unused way, before it was day, having escaped the front of their Enemy's Camp, with all the dangers prepared for them; they came and showed themselves at their backs in order of Battle, with their great Artillery ready bend, because they were desirous without delay to join Battle.  
Tomombeius now too late perceiving that his Plot▪ was discovered by the Treason of some of his own People; 
The 〈◊〉 of Sely●●s by an 〈◊〉 way mak●s great confusion in Tomombe●us Camp.  although he was therewith above measure grieved, for that all that he had with so great industry and the labour of so many Men brought to pass, was through spiteful fortune made frustrate, and in a moment brought to nought; yet for all that, he was a Man of an invincible courage) presently entered into his wont and deep devices, and calling to him his chief Commanders, quickly told them what he would have done. Now in this short moment of time he was to do many things at once; the signal was to be given for the Soldiers to mount their Horses, and to make themselves ready, the order of his Camp was to be changed, his Battle to be ordered, his Soldiers to be encouraged, and all his great Ordnance, as the case required, quite the contrary way to be turned; all which things, as they could but hardly and troublesomely by one Commander be directed, so were they hastily and disorderly at once done by many. But above all other things, the great concourse of people for turning and removing the great Artillery, most troubled the well ordering of the rest; for many of them were huge Iron pieces of great weight, made fast in Stocks of Wood, with Rings and iron Clasps, after the old and rude manner of ship Ordnance, which for their exceeding and ponderous weight, could not be out of their places removed, but by the strength of many Horses, and the great labour of Men, with levers and rolls put under them; and such as were mounted upon Carriages when they were drawn through all parts of the Camp, with the great clamour of the disordered and hasty People, some drawing, some thrusting forward the same, with their tumultuous stir and doings, wonderfully troubled the other Soldiers as they were mounting to Horse and repairing toward their Ensigns. But two things marvellously helped these difficulties, the Soldier's cheerfulness, and constancy, which was such as passeth credit; for they did not upon any apprehension of fear fail either in hope or courage, as oftentimes it happeneth in sudden accidents, wherein even the old approved Soldiers do many times fail of their wont valour. And although they were twice overcome in Battle, yet still they were of greater spirit and confidence▪ as Men destitute neither of courage or skill, but only of fortune.  
Wherefore Tomombeius having with much ado ordered this Battle, and his Soldiers with great cheerfulness, desiring the signal to be given, commanded all the multitude of his Arabians to compass in the wings of the Enemy's Battle behind, and so to skirmish with them; that so (if it were possible) the Turks Horsemen might with the danger of the doubtful fight with such an uncertain Enemy, be disordered before he set forward to charge them with his Troops; and withal commanded his great Ordnance (which was now turned upon the Enemy) to be presently discharged. So did the Turks likewise, discharging at once from a convenient distance both their greater and smaller Ordnance; and speedily recharging them, brought them within an Arrow shot; so that for a good space they lay beating the one the other on both sides with their great Artillery only; in which manner of fight the Egyptian Canoniers were almost all slain, and many of their Field-pieces broken by force of the Enemy's shot. 
Christian Canoniers serve the Turks against the Egyptians.  For Selimus had in his Camp many excellent and skilful Canoniers, whom he had with great entertainment alured out of Italy and Germany; and especially of those refuse Jews, which by the zeal of King Ferdinand being driven out of Spain, afterwards to the shame of the Christians, dispersed those rare and deadly devices through the East. The chief of these Canoniers was one jacobus e Rogio Lepidi, a cunning Engineer, who but a little before overcome by the Turks rewards, abjuring the Christian Religion, revolted unto the Mahometan Superstition.  
But after that the Mamalukes had brought the matter to Battle on both sides, they gave out a most hideous and dreadful cry, and with exceeding fury assailed the Turks in three places; for Selimus still keeping his wont order, approached his Enemies with his Battle in form of an half Moon. 
The order of Selimus his Army.  Mustapha Bassa had the leading of the Asian Horsemen in the right wing; and jonuses Bassa, of the Europeians in the left; he himself stood in the main Battle with the Squadron of his trusty Janissaries, and great store of Artillery; but Sinan the Eunuch Bassa, General of the Field, led after him a great number of most valiant Horsemen, drawn out of every Troop, to be ready against all the uncertain events that might happen in the Battle, 
Sinan Bassa General of the Field.  unto whom he joined five hundred Harquebusiers, Janissaries, Men of wonderful courage and activity, selected out of Selimus his own Squadron, to relieve such part of the Army as should chance to be most pressed by the Enemy.  
So almost at one time, whilst Tomombeius stood in the main Battle against Selimus, and the Wings of the Mamalukes with equal Battle encountered the Wings of the Turks, and the Arabians also valiantly charging them in the rearward as they had in charge, four sharp Battles were at once made in divers places. It is reported by some that were present in that Battle, that what for the clamour and cry of Soldiers, what for the noise of Drums and Trumpets and such like Instruments of War, what for the thundering of Ordnance, clattering of Armour, and rising of the Dust, all men's minds were so confounded and abashed, that running on headlong as Men furious and desperate, when neither their Speeches could be heard, their Tokens known, their Ensigns seen, or Captains understood, mistaking one another in that hurly burly, they slew many of their Friends in stead of their Enemies; for never Battles met together with greater hatred, neither did ever two great Kings with less care of their persons and safety more resolutely or desperately make show of their strength and courage; for both of them with like danger both of themselves and of their Armies, seeing plainly that they had put both their Lives and Kingdoms to the hazard of a Battle, promised unto themselves no other hope of safety, but what they should obtain by Victory. Gazelles desirous both of honour and of revenge, to requite the Europeian Horsemen with like slaughter as he had before received from them not far from Gaza, with wonderful fury assailed jonuses Bassa, and at the first encounter broke his first Ranks, and overthrew certain of his Guidons; at which time the Arabians pressing courageously in at their backs, enforced those victorious Troops, which in all Battles had hitherto carried away the prize (the very flower of Thracia, Thessalia, Epirus, Macedonia, and Graecia) to fly and show their backs, which never Enemy had before that time seen. At which time Sinan Bassa carefully attending every accident, came speedily in with his most valiant Troops of fresh Men, upon the side of the Enemy, and restored again the Battle, now declining and foully disordered. But whilst Sinan, who in this his last worthy labour had interrupted the manifest Victory of Gazelles, 
Sinan Bassa with most of his Followers slain by Bidon.  was with an invincible courage valiantly fight in the head of the Battle, he was by the coming in of the courageous Captain Bidon with his Mamalukes, overcharged and slain. His most valiant Followers also labouring to rescue and carry away his dead Body, were by Gazelles unfolding his Troops (that standing thin, they might at more liberty use their Swords, in which manner of fight the Mamalukes far excelled the Turks) for most part slain, and the rest put to flight; and that chosen Company of five hundred of the most valiant Janissaries, now destitute of their Horsemen, when they had most courageously done what was possible for Men to do, being compassed round with the Mamalukes Horsemen, were all in a trice cut in pieces and trodden under foot. Thus resteth this Eunuch Bassa in the Bed of Fame, who living, had the leading of this most warlike Emperor Selimus his greatest Armies in his most dangerous Wars.  
Mustapha in the other Wing of the Turks Battle coming on courageously with his Asian Horsemen, did sore press the left Wing of the Egyptians (whereof Helymis the Diadare, and Giapal, two valiant Captains, had the leading) who but a little before had received great harm by the great Ordnance which was discharged out of the midst of Selimus his Battle overthwart the Field; which Mustapha perceiving, and desiring to blot out the old infamy he had before received, did fiercely press upon them, so disordered, and with his whole Troops overthrew their broken Ranks; and glistering in his bright Armour, with a loud voice encouraged his Asian Soldiers, exhorting them that day with valiant prowess or honourable death, to recover their ancient Honour of late lost in the Fields of Aleppo.  

Mustapha with his Asian Soldiers overthroweth the left Wing of the Sultan's Army.  At the same time also Tomombeius breaking through the middle Battle of the Turks Horsemen, was entered into the Squadron of the Footmen, with his crooked Scimeter giving many a deadly Wound, himself being a valiant big made Man, and of great strength. The Arabians had also in a ring enclosed the uttermost parts of the Turks Army, and in many places enforced them to turn their Battle upon them, being sore charged with a doubtful fight both before and behind; when Selimus set forward with his Battle of Footmen, and his Squadron of Janissaries, his last and most assured refuge in that his hard distress, whose invincible force, neither the courageous barbed Horses nor their victorious Riders were able to abide; for part of them with their Harquebusiers, and the rest with their Pikes, had so strongly set the front of their Battle, that nothing was able to stand wheresoever that firm Battle, linked together as if it had been but one whole entire body, swayed. Yet was this cruel Battle continued with divers Fortune on both sides, from four a Clock until the going down of the Sun; neither was there any part of their Armies, which had not with divers success and change of fortune, endured the fury of that Battle; for both the victors and the vanquished being enraged with an implacable hatred one against another, fought desperately as Men prodigal of their lives; the Mamalukes disdaining to have the Victory wrung out of their Hands by them whom they had in so many places discomfited; and the Turks taking it in no less scorn, that they, whom but of late they had overcome and vanquished in two great Battles, should now the third time make so strong resistance. So that on both sides their fainting hands and bodies both wearied and weakened with Wounds, supported only with anger and obstinacy of mind, seemed yet sufficient to have maintained that bloody Battle until the next day, if the darkness of the night now coming on, had not made an end of that days slaughter.  
Tomombeius undoubtedly vanquished, and fearing to be utterly overthrown, first caused a retreat to be sounded, that his Mamalukes which were indeed not able to withstand the Janissaries, might not seem to be put to flight, but rather as Men commanded, to retire. Which he thought to concern much both for the encouraging of his Soldiers, and for the keeping of his own credit and estimation with his Subjects; for now the self same fortune which had deceived his first hopes, seemed unto him (as it fareth with them in distress, still hoping for better) to promise him more prosperous success, if he were not discouraged; but reserving such remainders of his Forces as were left, he should again courageously renew the War.  
The Battle thus broken off by the approach of the night, the Turks as Victors enjoying the Tents and great Artillery of their Enemies, pursued the Mamalukes until midnight, who held on their way to Cairo, in manner as if they had fled. This great Battle was fought upon a Thursday, the 24 day of january, in the year 1517. The Diadare was taken in the flight mortally Wounded, and with him the valiant Captain Bidon, having in the Battle one of his Legs broken in the Knee with a Falchion shot, wherewith his Horse was also slain under him. 
Selimus causeth the Diadare and valiant Captain ●idon to be slain.  Selimus commanded them both the next day to be slain, either for that their Wounds were supposed to be incurable, or else for that it was his pleasure, with the death of those two honourable Personages to appease the angry Ghost of Sinan Bassa, whose death he wonderfully lamented.  
The Turks although they still prevailed, yet was their Army greatly impaired even in their prosperous success and fortunate Battles; the fourth part of their Army was consumed with Sickness and the Sword, and that days labour had tired a great number of their Horses, beside the long Journey they had before endured. For which causes Selimus was enforced to slack somewhat of his accustomed haste; for as yet he had no experience of the disposition of the Egyptians which dwelled at Cairo; neither could he understand by any certain report, where Tomombeius stayed, or upon what resolution he rested. Which things not throughly known, he thought it not good to commit himself and his Army into that most populous and spacious City; but staying four days at the Village of Matharea and Rhodania, carefully provided for his Wounded Soldiers, and caused the Bodies of such as were slain to be buried; but the dead Carcases of his Enemies he left to the Birds of the Air and Beasts of the Field. And afterward removing his Camp thence, that he might more commodiously water, he came to the Plains between the old Cairo and Bulach.  
In the mean while Tomombeius, nothing discouraged with so many mishaps, gathering together the Mamalukes from all places, encamped his Army commodiously between the new City of Cairo and the River Nilus; he also Armed eight thousand Ethiopian Slaves (which kind of Men he had not before used, for the remembrance of their old Rebellion;) beside that, he opening the old Armoury, put Arms into the Hands of the Mamalukes Sons, and Moors, (his Vassals) into the Hands of the Jews and Arabians also, and courageously prepared for a greater and more mortal War than before. But forasmuch as there were many difficulties in the managing thereof, having almost lost all his great Artillery, with many of his most valiant Horsemen slain in the former Battles, he in his troubled mind did so cast the doubtful hopes of his last device, (which cruel necessity wrung from him) that forasmuch as he had by manly force nothing prevailed in open Field, he would now altogether use policy; as he which of late having unfortunately made proof of his strength, his forces yet all whole, thought it not good again to adventure the fortune of a Battle; neither was he in hope if he should so do, to be able with his small power and desperate supplies to protract the War until the heat of Summer, as he desired. Wherefore he resolved by night to assail the Turks Camp, and if possibly he could, to set it on Fire. For which his device he seemed to have two reasons; whereof the one consisted in the speedy execution, that he might desperately attempt to do some notable exploit in the night, before the Enemy should perceive the weakness of his power, which was not great, and scambled upon the sudden; as also before he himself should grow into contempt with the natural Egyptians; who desiring nothing more, than to cast off the servile Yoke of the Mamalukes Government, with wavering minds expected but some fit occasion to Rebel. The other was, That by the benefit of the night he might avoid the danger of the great Ordnance; which in sudden accidents, and especially in the darkness of the night, serveth to little or no purpose; in which kind of strength he had before to his great loss learned, that his Enemies were too good for him. But these his reasonable policies, when all things were in readiness to have put the same in execution, were in like manner as the first overthrown by the Treason of such as secretly revolted from him to the Enemy.  

Tomombeius his purpose discovered to Selimus.  For Selimus understanding the whole Plot by certain Mamalukes (which having the King's evil fortune in contempt, as it commonly falleth out with Men in misery, daily forsaken him) commanded his Army to be always in readiness, and making great Fires in divers parts of his Camp, kept most careful and vigilant Watch. By which his diligence it came fitly to pass, that the night following, Tomombeius approaching his Camp, was repulsed with no small loss of his first Troops which unadvisedly were gone on too far; and had no doubt that night thereby received his last overthrow, but that he wisely misdoubting the unwonted light of the Fires shining in all parts of the Camp, in time called back his hasting Troops, which were themselves with more haste than good speed marching into the very mouth of the Turks great Artillery, bend of purpose upon them.  
Tomombeius disappointed of his purpose, by persuasion of his Chieftains retired to Cairo; for the Mamalukes still put to the worse in plain Field, thought it best to proceed in another manner; persuading him, with the whole strength of his Army to Man all the convenient places of that great City, otherwise exposed to the Enemy's pleasure, and so to keep the Turks from entering. For they as Men brought to this extremity, that they must now fight for their Dwellings, Lives, Wives, and Children; thought it more honourable, and better agreeing with their ancient glory, so to do in their sight, and in the entrance of their Houses, than elsewhere further off. Wherefore the Mamalukes coming home to Cairo, furnished all their Families and flat Roofs of their Houses, with all manner of Weapons; every one of them now humbly requesting the Egyptians their Neighbours, to take up Arms against the Turks their ancient and mortal Enemies, and not to suffer themselves to be cowardly slain, their Goods spoiled, and their Wives and Children carried away into most miserable Captivity; forasmuch as the merciless and greedy Enemy, if he should once get the Victory, would no whit spare them, although they should as neuters stand looking on, and help neither party; for Victory (asthey said) always full of insolent pride, would know no Friend but such as with resolute hand did their uttermost devoir in time of danger for the obtaining thereof.  
There were many of the wealthiest of the Egyptians, 
TheEgyptians diversely affected toward the Mamalakes.  who as they thought the change of the State would be hurtful to their Trades and Wealth, so were they ready in all they could to help the Mamalukes their old Lords; so on the other side there were many of the middle sort of the Citizens, and a far greater multitude of the basest sort of the vulgar People, who having little or nothing to lose, lived in hope now to make a gain of other men's Losses; and withal, remembering what misery and slavery they had endured about the space of three hundred years, under the proud Government of the Mamalukes, kept themselves close in their Houses, expecting the last event of Wars; and secretly rejoicing in their Hearts, that the time was come (God so appointing) wherein their outrageous and cruel Masters should be justly and worthily punished for their oppression and hard dealing; and that which gladded them the more, was, That the revenge should be taken by the hazard of other men's lives, with which wished spectacle they well hoped shortly to fill their desirous Eyes.  
Tomombeius with much labour and greater care, fortified all the Gates and entrances of the City, appointed unto every Street a particular Captain, in every public place encouraged the People, omitting nothing that could possibly be done or devised; and that which in so great a calamity and danger was of all other things the hardest, with cheerful countenance and undaunted courage made show of greatest hope. The Mamalukes also, beside the necessity (which in cases of extremity is of power to encourage and make desperate the faint hearted Coward) provoked with emulation, strove amongst themselves, who should best perform all the duties of worthy Captains and Soldiers; for every one of them according to his conceit and device, caused great Ditches or great Timber-logs to be cast overthwart the Streets; some in covert Trenches set up sharp Stakes, whereupon the Enemy falling unawares, might be gauged; othersome according to their store, furnished the windows and fronts of their Houses in the greatest and most open Streets, with Harquebusiers; all which things with many more, were done with such celerity, that none of the best and most honourable of the Mamalukes refused to handle a Spade or Mattock, or to put his hand to any other base labour; so that nothing could be sooner devised, but it was forthwith performed.  
This great and ancient City of Cairo was not compassed with any Walls, 
The description of the great City of Cairo.  yet were there divers Gates and Entrances which led unto it; whereof one broad straight Street came directly from the East Gate unto the Castle and middle of the City; the rest were so narrow and crooked, that by them no great Artillery could possibly be brought, or Soldiers enter without great danger. Into this place especially had Tomombeius conveied his chiefest strength; for that he knew his Enemies must of necessity come in that way for the largeness of the Streets; the other parts of the City he kept with less Garrisons. But the innermost part where the Castle stood, was kept with a very great and strong Garrison of most valiant Soldiers; that whithersoever the clamour of the Enemy or danger of the Battle should call, they might speedily from thence come with relief. For why, that City of all others the greatest, could not with so small power as Tomombeius then had, be in every place and entrance sufficiently defended; for within the circuit of Memphis (now called Cairo) are contained three great Cities, which joined one to another with straggling Bridges, make one City; whereof the greatest and most populous, is at this day called New Cairo. It lieth in length six miles, alongst the River Nilus, from which it is equally distant a mile; the breadth thereof, exceedeth not a mile and a quarter. In the midst thereof is a Castle standing upon a little rising ground, somewhat higher than the rest of the City; more notable for the beauty and greatness thereof, than for the manner of the fortification; for in it were many princely Gardens, a fair Street with many large Galleries, divers fair Tilt-yards and Courts, with stately Chambers opening every way; the utter part thereof was garnished round about with Towers, Fortresses, and beautiful Battelments, from whence all parts of the City, the River Nilus running by, and the high Pyramids, were most pleasantly to be seen. Not far from this princely Palace, is a Lake made by the hand of man, the Water wherein derived from the River Nilus, is on every side enclosed with most stately Buildings▪ and is a place of wonderful pleasure, when as a man standing at a Window may take both Fish and Foul, whereof there is in the Lake great store. Another Lake there is far greater and fairer than this, in form of a Triangle, in the uttermost part of this new City of Cairo toward Bulach; it is filled at the rising of Nilus by a great Sluice made of Stone with Iron Floodgates, and being joined to the great River by a broad Channel, is able to bear small Boats and Barges; wherein Gentlemen for their disport used to solace themselves both by day and night in courting their Mistresses. The Houses were all gallantly built affront all about the Lake, with Porches garnished with open galleries, and paved with smooth Marble even to the brim of the Lake; there the Citizens in their more prosperous times used to row up and down in Boats, and with pleasant Music to delight the listening Ears of the hearers. On the East side of this Lake stood a most sumptuous and stately Palace, the late work of Queen Dultibe Wife of the great Sultan Cayerbeius, for manner of the Building and inward beauty far exceeding the other proud Buildings of this pleasant place; for the Walls glisteren with red Marble, and pargeting of divers colours; yea all the House was paved with chequer and tesseled work; the Windows and Gates were made of Alabaster, white Marble, and much other spotted Marble; the Posts and Wickets of massy Ivory, chequered with glistering black Ebony; so curiously wrought in winding knots, as might easilier stay than satisfy the Eyes of the wondering Beholder; neither was the Furniture in it inferior to the magnificence of the Building, but such as might fitly answer both a Prince's state, and a Woman's acquaint desire. All which things shortly after Selimus (having obtained the Victory) carried to Constantinople; not sparing the very Walls, but plucking them down, so to take out the curious Stones whole. Beside the goodly Buildings about that Lake, in every place of New Cairo was to be seen the fair Houses of the chief Mamalukes, more commended for their commodiousness, than for the manner of their Building. The rest of the Buildings of the City was but low, replenished with the common sort of base People. There are yet extant in divers places of the City, three Churches of the Christians; whereof one is holden in greater reverence than the rest, for the fame of a low Vault in the ground, where it is reported the Virgin Mary flying the fury of Herod, to have reposed herself with her Child Christ jesus the Saviour of the World; another dedicated to the Virgin Barbara; and the third to St▪ George, which amongst those Nations are of great fame. Unto the City of New Cairo, the City of Bulacha is joined almost with continual Buildings. It is of an high and stately Building, lying close unto the River Nilus, and was in Summer time frequented by the Mamalukes and other Noblemen, that they might at their pleasure from their high places behold the inundation of that famous River. There land all the Ships which come up the River; yet the great meeting of the Merchants is at New Cairo. On the other side of the River over against Bulach, are many Cottages made of Hurdles and Leaves of Date Trees, the Dwellings of poor Fishermen and Watermen. A little above Bulach is Old Cairo, which is also joined unto the new City with continual Buildings; yet distant from it about two miles and an half, and standeth also fast by the River Nilus. Over against it in the midst of the River is an Island, notable for the pleasantness of the Gardens and Banqueting Houses therein; in it is an ancient Temple, famous for the love of King Pharoas Daughter and the danger of Moses (a most ancient History, yet every where there still fresh in memory.) But most part of the Buildings of Old Cairo, are now grown into Gardens and rude Ruins. It is supposed by many probable Conjectures, that there sometime stood the ancient City of Memphis. Upon the Bank of the River, the late Sultan Campson built a sumptuous Tower, overtopping the Castle in New Cairo, to convey Water thither out of Nilus; which being by many Wheels and ingenious devices forced into the top thereof, and there received into great Cisterns, was from thence by Pipes of Stone and Lead, conveied into all places of the King's great Palace at New Cairo. About five miles distant from Old Cairo on Africa side, 
The Pyramids of Egypt.  stand the Pyramids, Monuments of the barbarous Egyptian Kings vanity; whose proud Names and Titles time hath worn out of those huge and wonderful Buildings, of purpose made for the vain eternising of their Fame and endless Wealth; so that of them it may now well be said, 
Miramur perijsse homines? monumenta fatiscunt;  
Interitus saxis nominibusque venit.  
What wonder we that men do die? the stately Tombs do wear;  
The very Stones consume to nought, with Titles they did bear.   
Within them are the Sepulchers of the old Egyptian Kings, divided into Chapels, garnished with Stone of great price curiously wrought. Yet are those places of a loathsome smell, and for dakness thereof, dreadful to behold; for as men go down to come into them by a narrow way, almost swarved up with Rubbish, their lights are oftentimes put out with the damp of the Earth and swarms of Remise flying about their Ears. Some having got to the tops of them, report, that the Watch Tower of Alexandria, and the mouth of the River Nilus where it falleth into the Sea, is from thence well to be seen; and that for the great height of them, a man cannot shoot an Arrow so high as the midst of the lower Tower whereon the Spire standeth. Of these outrageous Buildings, are written many strange and almost incredible things; as that an hundred thousand men should be occupied continually by the space of twenty years, in building of one of them; during which time, the charges for Roots, Garlic, and Onions only, amounted to one thousand six hundred Talents of Silver. These wonderful Pyramids only excepted, nothing is in the three Cities more to be wondered at than the multitude of the People, who in number almost incredible go up and down every Street; but for most part ragged and torn, for that they which held any Wealth, durst not make any show thereof for fear of the Mamalukes. The Common People did then generally live with Mutton, Hens, and Rice, whereof the Country yielded plenty; neither had they as yet the knowledge of the curious, but unwholesome forced Dishes, and provocations of Gluttony, which other Nations had to their great cost and hurt invented. But again to our purpose.  

Selimus encourageth his Soldiers to the winning of Cairo.  When Selimus understood assuredly, that Tomombeius was retired into Cairo, and that the Mamalukes having thither assembled all their strength were resolved there to prove the uttermost of their fortune, he with his Army drew nearer unto the City, exhorting his Soldiers to set down themselves that day for ever to vanquish and subdue their Enemies, whom they had so many times before overthrown; and now a little to force themselves for the gaining of the rewards due to their former Labours and Victories; which (as he said) would be so many and so great, as they had not the full thereof before in their immoderate desires imagined. Telling them moreover, that there was but a few good Soldiers left with the desolate Sultan, who already wounded and terrified, and not able longer to keep the Field, had made choice to end their days in the sight and arms of their Wives and Children. Beside that, he made them believe, that he was voluntarily sent for by the Egyptians, deadly Enemies unto the very name of the Mamalukes, whose utter destruction they earnestly expected; and had therefore promised him for the rooting up of that wicked and cruel kind of men, to assail them as occasion served out of their Houses, and so to further his Victory; yet nevertheless he said, That the accomplishment of the whole matter, and to make a full conquest, consisted in the subduing of those weak remainders of the vanquished and scattered Army; forasmuch as they were not to be accounted as men quite overcome, which did yet live in hope, with Weapons in their hands, possessed of the chief City and Seat of their Empire. Wherefore that they should think, That in the fortune of that day, rested the good or bad estate and condition of all their Lives, Honours, and Fortunes. Assuring them, that it would be a matter but of small labour and travel, to bring it to a wished end, if they would in that new kind of Fight (as they had always valiantly in other Battles under his conduct) but resolve with themselves, that they would overcome.  
This his Speech much inflamed the minds of his Soldiers, but the hope of so great a Prey much more; so that being in good order and ready, they expected but the sign of the Assault. When Selimus entering by the Gate called Basuela, did at one instant thrust in his Horsemen at divers places of the great City; but his Janissaries he brought in by the greatest and largest Street. At the first entrance of the City, Horsemen encountered with Horsemen, and made a bloody Fight in the narrow Streets and Lanes; but the Footmen placing their Culverins and Falcons before and suddenly discharging them where they saw the thickest Troops of their Enemies, cleared the Street directly before them. But when they came to the Barricado's and Trenches, 
A most mortal Battle fought in Cairo.  and were by force to remove the Timber Logs and other like things lying cross the Streets, and so to pass the Trenches, the Mamalukes on the other side valiantly withstanding them; they fought with such force and obstinacy on both parts, that in the memory of man was never a more fierce and cruel Battle seen. For both the Mamalukes and the Turks in that Fight showed the uttermost of their strength and power; not ignorant, that in that, as in the last, they were to fight not for Honour only, but even for their Lives and Empire; when as greatest rewards, or else extreme misery, were by dallying fortune on both sides propounded both to the vanquished and vanquisher. At these Barricado's the Turks received great loss, as also at the Trenches; for they unadvisedly running on, the hindermost still bearing forward the foremost, tumbled by heaps one upon another into the covert Trenches, and were there miserably impailed upon the sharp Stakes, for that purpose before set up by the Mamalukes. The Women also and Children, with manly courage threw down Stones and Tiles, and such other things from the tops of their Houses, and out at their Windows, upon the Turks; and they on the other side as they could espy them, fetched them off from those high places with their Harquebuses, or else violently broke into the Houses from whence they were assailed, and there fought with divers success. But most part of the Egyptians, diligently observing the fortune both of the one and of the other (accounting them both for Enemies) with divers affection assailed sometimes the Turks, and sometime the Mamalukes, seeming still notably to help that part whom they saw for the time to have the better. Many cruel and most terrible encounters were at once made in divers places of the City; for as they crossed from Street to Street, sometime the one, and sometime the other happened upon new Troops of Enemies; and they which as Victors pursued their Enemies affront, were by others following them at the heels, slain down right; so that in the Victory none could assure themselves of safety. The Lanes and Streets (a most horrible thing to behold) did so flow with the blood of them which lay by heaps slain, that the Dust which at the first rose wonderful thick, was quite laid, as with a plentiful Shower of Rain; the Air was darkened with the smoke of Shot, and showers of Arrows; and such was the clamour of the People and Soldiers, the clattering of Armour, and report of the Artillery, that the Earth seemed to tremble, and the Houses to fall down.  
This dreadful and doubtful Fight endured two whole days and nights without intermission; 
A long and terrible Fight.  yet so, that the Mamalukes in number few, and not able to endure so long labour and watchings, giving ground by little and little, and forsaking their first Munitions, retired themselves further into the City. The third day, beset with the greatest dangers that could be, as to lose themfelves with all that they had, (which commonly enforceth men's courages in their last attempts) they renewed the Battle with such resolution, that they constrained the Turks to retire a great way, and for haste to leave behind them certain of their Field-Pieces. With which repulse it is reported, that Selym●● despairing of Victory, commanded to set fire upon the House's; moved thereunto with just displeasure against the Egyptians, for that jonuses' Bassa, now his greatest Man of War, had even before his face received a dangerous wound in his Head, by a Stone cast out at a Window.  
Now were the Houses pitifully burning, and the Egyptians weeping and wailing cried for mercy. The Turks themselves fought but faintly, expecting the sound of the Retreat; when News was suddenly brought by many at once, that the Enemies in the other side of the City, were by Mustapha Bassa enforced to retire, and afterward had betaken themselves to flight, as to their last refuge. For Mustapha by the overture of the Egyptians and fugitive Mamalukes, was directed to a fair broad Street, where the Mamalukes had left their Horses ready saddled and bridled; that if the worst should chance, they might thither retire, and taking Horse, speed themselves to such places of refuge as they had before thought upon. All these Horses reserved by the Mamalukes as their last refuge, Mustapha took away, having before put to flight the Garrison which kept them, which was but weak, consisting for most part of Horse-Boys, and Muleteers; as safe enough in such a place of the City as was least to be suspected and feared.  
This accident (as it oftentimes falleth out in great and unexpected Mischances) did not a little daunt the courage of the Mamalukes; who now seeing themselves hardly beset, and that dreadful Battle by no other hope or help maintained, but only by courage; being in their own judgement overcome, betook themselves to flight. Most part of them hasting to the River of Nilus with Tomombeius (who in that Battle had all in vain proved the uttermost of his prowess and policy) being transported over the River in Boats, fled into the Country of Segesta; others of them hid themselves in the Houses of the Egyptians, and in the loathsome corners of the City. A thousand five hundred of the better sort of the Mamalukes fled unto the greatest Temple of their vain Prophet; whereafter they had a great while valiantly defended themselves as out of a strong Castle, because they would not yield themselves but upon honourable conditions; at last overcome with thirst, weariness, and wounds, together with the fury of the great Artillery, they yielded themselves to the pleasure of the Conqueror; 
Cairo taken by Selimus.  part of whom the furious Soldiers slew in the Porch of the same Temple, and the rest within a few days after were sent down the River to Alexandria, there to be afterwards murdered.  
Selimus having thus gained the Victory, forthwith sent part of his Army to quench the Fire then raging, and caused Proclamation to be made through all the City, That all the Mamalukes which would yield themselves within twelve hours, should be taken to mercy; but unto such as yielded not within the appointed time, should remain no hope of life. Unto the Egyptians also that should reveal the hidden Mamalukes, he proposed rewards; but to such as should conceal them, he threatened to impail them upon Stakes, and having sold their Wives and Children, to burn their Houses: Upon which Proclamation, many of the Mamalukes before crept into corners, came forth and yielded themselves, and were forthwith cast into Iron. All which were shortly after, contrary to his promise, most dishonourably murdered in prison, because (as it was given out) they sought means to have escaped. Many of the Egyptians which would not break the bonds of Faith and Fidelity with the Mamalukes their old Lords, being impeached by their malicious Neighbours, most constantly died for their Friends, for whose sake they had vowed themselves to death.  
With this Victory the Turks growing insolent, ransacked every place of the City, drew out the Mamalukes that had hid themselves, and slew them, rifled the houses of the Egyptians, as well Friends as Foes, and left nothing shut up or in secret. And some there were, which at one time in the same Houses raged with Covetousness, Cruelty, and Lust; every man fitting his own humour, whereunto he was by nature or custom inclined; for that in time and place of so great liberty, most men, but especially the common Soldier, flattereth himself to the full, making conscience of nothing, but measuring all things according to his insolent and disordered Appetite. The same day that Selimus took Cairo, Gazelles (who but a little before by the commandment of Tomombeius, was gone to Thebais, to assemble the Arabians and to entertain new Supplies) came to Cairo; but finding all lost, and seeing no possibility either by force or policy to prevail, and therefore thinking it not good again to prove the fortune of War, which had so often with contrary course frustrated the endeavours both of himself and his Partakers; he came to Selimus, upon his Faith before given for the safety of himself and his Followers (which were three Arabian Captains, and a number of good Horsemen) and being admitted to his presence, in the midst of his greatest Captains boldly spoke unto him as followeth: If fortune, whom by thy great valour thou hast won to be thy Friend, had not envied our Felicity, 
Gazelles his speech to Selimus.  thou shouldst not have (most noble Selimus, at this time, after that all things have given place unto thy Valour) matter whereby thou mightest excel others in worthyness of mind also. Whilst we were in Arms against thee for our Lives and Kingdom, our Wealth and State yet standing whole, we always as men proudly presuming upon their own vain Strength, made little account of thee or the name of the Turks; yea to say the truth, we hated thee as became Enemies: But now that we have to the uttermost of our power made proof of thy Force, and have in all Battles been put to the worst; admiring both thy wonderful and divine prowess, and most prosperous Victories (not given thee without the Providence of the Immortal God) we humbly come unto thee by thy goodness to better our hard and adverse Fortune; that thou by sparing and pardoning thy vanquished and yielding Enemies (by which only virtue men come nearest unto the Gods) mayst extend thy name and fame above the bounds of the rest of thine immortal glory. We have faithfully served Tomombeius, so long as he held the Strength and Majesty, yea but the Name of a King, or lived in any countenance; but seeing he is (his Destiny so requiring) driven out of his Country, and wandreth the Deserts, with uncertain report whether he live or not; we come unto thee, rather as men of him forsaken, than such as have forsaken their Prince; ready to show unto thee our Loyalty and Valour in our better condition and state; if we may by thy goodness, changing our hard fortune, live and serve under thy worthy conduct.  
Selimus, for that he right well knew Gazelles both for his Virtue and Valour, wherewith valiant men win Credit even with their greatest Enemies, and also desiring to join in League and Friendship with the Arabians (or rather Alarbes) whom he knew of all others to be most to be feared, received them all courteously; appointing unto every one of them an honourable Pension, and persuading them to forget their old estate, willed them to look for far greater things of his Bounty. Not long after, when as the Moors and wild Arabians, with certain Mamalukes that were fled to the City of Achasia, made incursions into the Country about Cairo, and oftentimes did cut off the Turks which went any thing far from the City to seek abroad for forage, he sent Gazelles with part of his Army to repress them; who having quickly won and sacked Achasia, and slain most part of those adventurers, to his own great praise, and the wonderful contentation of Selimus, honourably returned in less time than was expected.  
In the mean time, Tomombeius in the Country of Segesta (which is on the other side of Nilus towards Cyrenaica) miserably beset with so many mischiefs, began to make head again. There were come unto him a strong Company of Mamalukes from Alexandria, which he had by Letters sent for out of the Garrison of that City, and many others had followed him in his flight from Cairo. And there were not wanting many great men amongst the Arabians and Moors (the Inhabitants of that Country) which promised him their help and furtherance. Beside that, many of the Egyptians, whose Houses and Families were become a Prey and Booty unto the insolent Turks, promised him, That if he would by night come to Cairo, they would raise such a tumult in the City, as should easily work the confusion of the Turks; forasmuch as they all having endured most horrible Indignities and Villainies, could no longer abide those most insolent men to rage and reign over them. They sent him word also, that the Turks huge Army was now brought to a contemptible number, most part of them being slain in the battle at Cairo; and the rest being for the greatest part brought to extreme weakness with wounds and sickness. For which causes, as Tomombeius his Forces increased daily, so hope also, which never failed the poor vanquished and distressed King, began now also to revive in his invincible heart, above the condition of his miserable estate. So that fawning fortune, which even then most cruelly and despitefully went about utterly to supplant him (of all other distressed Princes most miserable) seemed but than first to change her frowning countenance, and to promise unto him more happy and prosperous success.  

Albuchomar discovereth to Selimus the power of Tomombeius, and the treachery of them of Cairo.  Whilst Tomombeius was making this preparation, one Albuchomar, an Egyptian, for Authority and Wealth the greatest man by far in all the Country of Segesta, whether it were to avert the misery of the present War out of his Country; or else by the pleasure of his revolt to gain the good liking of Selimus, upon whom all things seemed to fawn, came and certified him both of Tomombeius his Strength, and of the new practices of the Citizens of Cairo. Whereupon Selimus caused strong watch and ward to be kept in all places of that great City; and such Citizens as he suspected to favour Tomombeius, he shut up into the Castle; which being before abandoned by Tomombeius, was then together with the City in his possession; and placed all alongst the River, Boats furnished with Men and Artillery, to keep and defend the farther Bank of Nilus, and to impeach Tomombeius his passage over. Yet considering with himself, with how great danger he had so many times fought with those desperate Enemies, and what a difficulty it would be to intercept Tomombeius, (protracting the War in those vast and unknown Countries, and still preparing greater Forces, without whom he could nothing assure himself of all his former Victories) to prove if he might be won by Clemency and Bounty, he resolved to send Ambassadors unto him, to persuade him to lay down Arms, and after so many overthrows, at length to acknowledge the fortune of the Victor; and withal to promise him upon the faith of a Prince, That if he would come in and submit himself, he should of the Courtesy and Bounty of the Conqueror, upon conditions reasonable repossess that his late Kingdom, which he should never be able by force to regain. But if he would needs desperately proceed to make head again, forgetting his offered grace, together with his own disability, he should afterward when the matter was again tried by Battle, by his own just desert never more find at the hands of his angry Enemy, any regard of his Princely State or Dignity.  
For Selimus seeing himself by the course of his Victories drawn into a far Country, 
The causes moving Selimus to send Ambassadors to Tomombeius  and not without cause fearing with so small a power as he had left, to be oppressed in that so great and populous a City, even with the very multitude, men of doubtful Faith; thought it better by some honourable composition to assure himself of some great part of that he had won, than by going on, to thrust himself with his Army into new dangers, with the hazard of all. Besides that, he was certainly advertised, That the Mamalukes before fled into divers Countries, were in every place levying new supplies of Horsemen; and that the Fleet which went into the Arabian Gulf against the Portugals, was daily expected at the Port of Suezzia, wherein were three thousand Mamalukes under the leading of Amyrases and Ray Solomon, two expert Captains, with great store of good Brass Ordnance; by which good helps, Tomombeius stood in fair possibility to recover his former losses, and to return again to Cairo, whither he was by his secret Friends most earnestly invited. But above all things, the care he had of the Persians most induced him to think of Peace; for fear that if the Bassa whom he had left at the Mountain Taurus, should not be able to withstand the Forces of the Persian King, he should so be excluded out of Asia the lesser, and Syria also, before his Fleet could from Constantinople arrive with new supplies of Men and Victuals at Alexandria.  
Wherefore he sent certain of the most reverend of his Turkish Religious, 
Selimus his Ambassadors slain by the Mamalukes.  and with them some of the most honourable Egyptians, Ambassadors to Tomombeius; who passing over Nilus, into the Country Segesta, were without further hearing, with more than babarous cruelty slain by certain Mamalukes which chanced upon them; thinking thereby to gratify Tomombeius, as yet not knowing of any such matter, and to manifest their affection towards him, as also that they were not desirous of any peace with the Turks.  
This proud and insolent fact utterly broke Selimus his patience, and shortly after made an end of that mortal War, together with the honour of the Mamalukes. For he being a man of an hot and cruel nature, even when he was nothing at all moved, could by no means brook that his Enemies, so often vanquished and put to flight, should so lightly reject his offers unto them as the case stood, both honourable and profitable; and that worse was, violate his Ambassadors against the Law of Nations, most religiously kept even amongst the most barbarous and savage People. Wherefore provoked by so great an injury, he carefully provided for all things necessary for his expedition into Segesta against Tomombeius. And because it stood not with his honour (as he took it) nor with the good of the present service, to pass the River by Boats, he gathering together all the small Vessels and Lighters he could possibly, made thereof a large and strong Bridge over Nilus.  
Tomombeius understanding by his Spials, and from his Friends at Cairo, of the preparations of Selimus, and of the Bridge he had made; fearing also the revolt of the Country People, whom he probably suspected to be alienated from him, by the revolt of Albuchomar, a man of so great Power and Authority amongst them; determined once again to prove the fortune of battle, which had so often deceived his expectation. For he justly measuring of his own strength, and finding himself in all things inferior to his mighty Enemy, well saw that he was neither able to protract the Wars, neither in open Field to abide his coming with all his Forces; and to fly further into the Deserts, was, as he deemed it, nothing else but to make shipwreck of that small remainder that was left of his Honour and Credit. Wherefore by the advice of his best Captains (which was the last endeavour both of himself and of the Mamalukes) he departed betime out of the Province of Segesta with four thousand Mamalukes, and twice as many Moors and Arabians, and traveled day and night without intermission to come to the River Nilus. By that desperate attempt to deceive the Turks, suspecting no such thing from their vanquished and weak Enemy; as also by celerity to prevent the fame of his coming; hoping so by his sudden and unexpected approach to overthrow that part of the Turks Army which should first pass the River, before they could possibly be relieved from the other side. Neither was he deceived in the computation of the time, which he having before exactly cast, with the manner of his travel, fell out so fitly, that he came to the place he desired, even at such time as the Asian Horsemen were come over the Bridge, as he had before guessed. The Harbingers and Pages of Selimus his Chamber, which were gone something further than the rest, to make choice of the most commodious place for the erecting of the Emperor's Pavilion; by the rising of the dust, first perceived the coming of the Enemy; and Mustapha the great Bassa advertised thereof, suddenly raised an Alarm; which so unexpected a matter brought a great fear both on them which were already passed over, and also on them that were on the further side of the River.  

Tomombeius distresseth the Turks in passing the bridge made over Nilus.  Tomombeius presently assailing his Enemies, as yet but putting themselves in order, and repairing to their Ensigns, at the first onset slew such as made resistance, and the rest he discomfited and put to Flight. Neither was Mustapha the great Commander (although he did what possibly he could, by his own example to have encouraged them) able either by his own invincible courage or other persuasion, after his first ranks were overthrown, to repair his disordered Battle, or to stay the flight of his men; for in that so hot and sudden a skirmish all was full of tumult, slaughter, doubtfulness and fear; and all alongst the Bank of the River, both above and beneath the Bridge, were to be seen fearful Companies of the Turks, ruthfully looking upon the River, and crying unto their Fellows on the other side for help. Many forced by the furious Enemy, took the River and there perished; others striving at the end of the Bridge, to return that way, and overborne by their Fellows or others continually sent from the further side, or else amazed with fear, fell into the River, and were there drowned; the Bridge was so broad that four Horsemen abrest might easily pass over at once, and so great numbers of them in short space be conveied over. But when the great Ordnance (the Turks chief strength) was also to be transported, fewer Troops of Horsemen were sent over, than the greatness of the present danger, or suddainness of the chance required. Neither did their great Artillery as then stand them in any stead, for that it could neither so speedily be conveied over, nor without great hurt be discharged from the hither Bank to the further, by reason of their own men standing between them and the Enemy.  
In the mean time Selimus, who in the beginning of the skirmish came down to the River's side, filled a great number of Boats and other small Vessels with his Janissaries with their Harquebusies, and withal hasted his Horsemen over the Bridge to relieve their Fellows distressed on the further side; in which Boats the nimble Watermen used such diligence in landing of some, and presently in fetching over of others, that in short time they had transported divers Bands of those most ready and valiant Soldiers; whose coming wonderfully comforted the Asian Soldiers, even now at the last cast, and ready to have given over▪ Canoglis also, the Tartar King's Son and Selimus his Brother in Law, encouraging his Horsemen to take the River, with loss of some few of his men recovered the further side, to the great admiration of the beholders; which in that Nation was not so much to be marvelled at, as they which by Troops with their Horses had oftentimes swum over the great Rivers Taurus and Volga, no less dangerous than was the River Nilus.  
Tomombeius at the same time, for that he saw speedy Victory to consist in one thing especially, serring his Troops together, strained himself with might and main to have gained the head of the Bridge, that by plucking away some few of the first Boats, he might shut in his Enemies already come over; and by cutting the Cables whereby the Boats were fastened to the bank, all the Bridge with the Turks upon it, might be born away with the force and violence of that great River; whereupon rose a most cruel and deadly Fight; for the resolute Mamalukes in the front of their battle fought valiantly; and Mustapha well considering the danger, had drawn to that place both his Ensigns and his best Soldiers; so that there was fought such a fight, as a matter of so great consequence required; the Mamalukes plainly seeing, that if they could obtain the place, they should shortly after with little ado, overthrew all the former Victories of their Enemies. And the Turks no less ignorant, that except they kept the Bridge whole, they were all but lost men that were already come over; and that the rest of the Army together with their Emperor so far from home, and in the midst of his Enemies, must of necessity shortly after run the same fortune. But Mustapha well relieved by the Janissaries and the Europeian Horsemen, which were now come over in great number, not only received his Enemy's charge, but pressing upon them, gained ground, and by little and little enforced them to retire. This is that Mustapha the Hungarian, and Bajazet his Son in Law, which for his own glory and perpetual fame, built that notable, stately, and sumptuous Stone Bridge (of the Spoils of this Victory) over the River Stremon, which at this day men passing over into Thracia, wonder at, as at a work beseeming the greatness of the Roman Empire.  
Tomombeius, to give a time of breathing to his Mamalukes, who, their Horses for weariness now fainting under them, were not able longer to show their wont Courage; and desirous by them again to prove the uttermost fortune of the battle, exhorted the Moors and Arabians, 
The Mamalukes give a fresh charge upon the Turks.  a while to charge the Enemy, which thing they after the manner of their Fight valiantly performed; and shortly after the Mamalukes having a little breathed themselves and their Horses, came in afresh and renewed the battle; with such fury, that Selimus doubting the Victory (although he was by his most faithful Counsellors persuaded to the contrary) yet doubted not to adventure the Bridge, and in person himself to go and relieve his distressed Soldiers; who by his coming in, encouraged, and in the sight of their Emperor desiring every man for his part by some notable service to deserve both credit and preferment, repressed the fury of the Enemy; who in short time after, by the coming on of certain fresh Companies of Janissaries, 
The Mamalukes put to flight.  were notably repulsed, and so at length put to flight; whom the Horsemen which were not in the battle, pursued all the Fields over. At length also the Tartarians (who carried away with the force of the stream, were somewhat long before they could recover the farther Bank and come to their Enemies) were now come in also, and with their swift Horses following the chase, augmented the slaughter. But Selimus above all things desirous of Tomombeius, presently commanded Mustapha the great Bassa, Gazelles and Cayerbeius, with certain fresh Troops of light Horsemen, to pursue him at the heels, and if it were possible not to suffer him to escape; for so long as he lived, he could not assure himself of any thing he had yet gotten. These vigilant Captains not unmindful of their charge, following fast after him, overtook him the next day at the sluice of a great deep Fen, where he had a little rested himself and his Followers, being then about to cut off a wooden Bridge, so to have hindered the Enemy's pursuit. Some of his Followers being there slain, and some taken, he was again enforced to fly. The third day when he had almost lost all his men, and was come with some few into the Territory of the Secussan Prince, these great Captains still eagerly pursuing him, and denouncing unto the poor Country People which dwelled in Villages thereabout, all Extremities and Tortures, if they did not with most diligent watch and ward so keep the passages of those Marshes, as that he should not possibly escape; he was so beset on every side, that for safeguard of his life he was glad to hide himself all alone in a foul deep Marish; where shortly after he the poor Sultan was by the diligent search of the Country Peasants found out, 
Tomombeius taken and brought to Selimus.  hidden among the Flags and Bulrushes, standing in the water up to the shoulders, who delivered him miserably bound unto the Turks. Shortly after he with certain Captains and other of his chief Friends taken in that Flight, was brought to Cairo. Selimus before resolved to put him to death, and the rather for the injury done to his Ambassadors, would not suffer him to come into his presence, 
Tomombeius tortured.  but commanded him to be tortured, so to have caused him to have revealed the great Treasures of Campson his Predecessor, which were thought to have been by him hidden; in which most horrible and exquisite Torments it is reported, that he with great constancy and stern countenance uttered nothing but certain deep sighs and groans, overcoming with patience the Tyranny of the proud Conqueror; who after that, commanded him in base and ragged Apparel, with his hands bound behind him, as a Thief or Murderer condemned to die, to be set upon a foul lean Camel, and so to be carried in derision through all the public and notable places of the City; that the Egyptians might see him, whom they but a little before had adored for their King, by change of Fortune cast into extreme misery, by most shameful death to end both his life and Empire together, when they had thus despitefully led him as it were in triumph, and brought him to the chief Gate of the City called Basuela, they there openly strangled him with a Rope; and that he might be the better seen, and become more contemptible to all that passed that way, 
The miserable and of Tomombeius last Sultan of Egypt.  they hanged him up by the neck upon an Iron Hook in an Arch of the same Gate, and so left him to the world's wonder. Palearius propounding him as a mirror both of the better and worse fortune, for all men to look upon, aptly describeth both his happiness and misery in these few Verses following: 
Non fuit in toto, Rex aeque Oriente beatus; 
Paulus Jovius Illust. virorum Elog. lib. 4.   
Nec magis in toto Rex Oriente miser,  
Quam dolour Egypti, olim Tomombeius, auro  
Ingenti, atque armis, & ditione potens.  
Captus ab hoste fero, miserum simul atque beatum,  
Exemplo potis est, commonuisse suo.  
Quid rides temere? quid fles? vis te cohibere?  
Et natum post hac te meminisse hominem?  
Mi traheum induto, gemmis auroque corona  
Cingebat, fulgens & diadema caput.  
Mi quandam ornabant pretiosa monilia collum,  
Nunc fractam vili respice fune gulam.   
In English thus: 
In all the East a King more blest was no where to be found,  
Nor in the East one more accursed lived not upon the ground,  
Than Tomombeius, Egypt's grief, sometime for store of gold,  
Of power great for Martial Force, and Kingdom he did hold.  
But taken by his cruel Foe, may good example be  
Both to the happy and distressed, of man's uncertainty.  
Why dost thou fond laugh? Why dost thou vainly cry?  
Canst thou from henceforth stay thyself, and think thouart born to die?  
My Garments were the Royal Robes, I wore the Crown of Gold,  
With richest Stones most richly set, most glorious to behold:  
My neck adorned with richest Gems which I did sometimes wear.  
But now trust up in shameful Rope, behold me hanging here.   
This misery befell Tomombeius the thirteenth of April, in the year 1517, 
The Egyptians in doubt of their Estate bewail the death of Tomombeius.  upon the Monday in Easter Week. There were many which shed tears to behold that so cruel and lamentable a spectacle, who by their woeful countenance and pitiful lamentation seemed to detest that foul and unworthy death of their late Sultan; notwithstanding that the Janissaries reproved them therefore, and threatened them with death, who like giddy brained Fools (as they termed them) enured to the slavery of the Mamalukes, joyfully and thankfully accepted not of their deliverance; for the Egyptians were as yet uncertain of their Estate, and therefore as men in suspense (not without cause) stood in doubt what should become of themselves; fearing lest the Turks, a warlike Nation, and a terror to all the Princes of Europe and Asia, nothing more courteous than the Mamalukes, should with no less insolency rage and tyrannize over them, under their warlike and cruel Emperor. Besides that, the woeful sight of Tomombeius hanging in the Gate, as the unworworthy scorn of Fortune, wonderfully wounded their hearts; for why, it was yet fresh in their remembrance, that he with the good liking of all men, and general favour of the Nobility, with good fame rose up all the degrees of Honour both in Field and Court, unto the height of Regal Dignity; and therefore grieved the more to see him by inevitable Destiny cast down headlong, so shamefully to end his Life and Empire together. A notable spectacle undoubtedly amongst the rarest examples of worldly fragility, both to the happy and unfortunate; the one, not to be too proud, or too much to flatter themselves in their greatest bliss; and the other, to learn thereby with patience to endure the heavy and unworthy changes and chances of this wretched and miserable world. And so much the more did Tomombeius so hanging, move men to compassion, for that the Majesty of his tall and strong body, and reverend countenance, with his long and hoary Beard, well agreed with his imperial Dignity and Martial disposition. The same fortune with Tomombeius ran also divers of the Princes of the Mamalukes, with some others of the common sort also.  
Tomombeius thus taken out of the way, and all the Mamalukes almost slain, and no power of the Enemy to be heard of in all Egypt to renew the War; Selimus dividing his Forces, sent them forth with his Captains, to take in the Countries and Provinces of Egypt lying further off. They of Alexandria after the battle of Cairo having thrust out the Garrison, and easily surprised the Castle of Pharus (which the weak defendants chose rather upon hope of present reward to deliver, than with doubtful event to defend) yielded themselves many days before unto the Turks. Damiata also, called in ancient time Pelusium, opened their Gates, and submitted themselves to the Victors. There was no City betwixt the River of Nilus and the Borders of judea and Arabia, which yielded not to the obedience of Selimus. The Kings also of afric bordering upon Cyrenaica, Tributaries or Confederates of the Egyptian Sultan's, sent their Ambassadors with Presents to Selimus.  
There remained now none but the wild Arabians (a People never to be tamed) and especially they of afric, who having lost many of their Friends and Kinsmen in aiding Tomombeius, would not (as it was thought) submit themselves unto the Turkish obedience. This wandering king of People, living for most part by Theft, had filled the Countries from Euphrates, where it runneth by the Palmyrens, with all the inner parts of Egypt and afric unto the Atlantic Sea, with huge multitudes of men; and being divided into many Companies under divers Leaders, have no certain dwelling places, but live an hard and frugal kind of life in Tents and Wagons, after the manner of the Tartars; their greatest Wealth is a good serviceable Horse, with a Lance or a bundle of Darts; they were always at discord and variance amongst themselves, by reason whereof they could never agree for the expulsing of the Mamalukes, who otherwise had not been able to have stood against them, if they should have joined their Forces together. So that the late Egyptian Sultan's seemed to hold their State and Empire among so populous a Nation, rather by their discord than their own strength; wherefore Selimus having now by fit men, upon his Faith before given, alured many of their Chieftains and greatest Commanders to Cairo, 
Selimus cunningly reduceth the Arabians to his obedience.  honourably both entertained and rewarded them. By whose example others moved, came also in daily; and having received their rewards, gave the Oath of their Allegiance to Selimus. Others which could by no fair promises or words be won, being cunningly intercepted by other Captains, and delivered to Selimus, endured the pains of their vain obstinacy and malice. The other remote Nations toward Aethiopia, as they had in former time rather acknowledge the friendship than the command of the Egyptian Sultan's, so now induced with the fame of the Victory, easily joined in like amity with the Turk.  
About the same time, Selimus sent certain Troops of Horsemen to Suezzia, a Port of the Red Sea (of old called Arsinoe) about three days journey from Cairo; in which Port Campson the great Sultan (a little before the coming of the Turks) had with infinite charge and four years travel built a strong Fleet against the Portugals, who by their Conquests in India had taken away all the rich trade of the Indian Merchandise into the Gulf of Arabia, to the great hindrance of the Egyptian Kings Customs; over which Fleet (a little before the beginning of the Turkish Wars) Campson had appointed one Amyrases and Ray Solomon Generals, with a strong power of Mamalukes and great store of Ordnance, against the Portugals. These valiant Captains having yet done nothing in the service they were appointed unto, as they lay at Gidda (the Port of the famous City of Mecha, wherein is the Temple of their great Prophet Mahomet) understanding of the death of Campson, and of the coming of Selimus into Egypt, fell at variance among themselves; one of them being willing to continue his obedience towards the new Sultan, and the other no less desirous to follow the good fortune of the Victor. Whereupon a mutiny arising among the Soldiers, Amyrases, who favoured Tomombeius, was enforced to fly to Mecha. But shortly after, Ray Solomon requiring to have him, and threatening all hostility except he were forthwith delivered, he was apprehended by them of Mecha, fearing to have Gidda their Port spoiled, and so sent back again to the Fleet. Ray Solomon, that he might be Admiral alone, his Associate being taken out of the way, and by some notable fact to insinuate himself into the favour of the Conqueror, caused Amyrases in the night to be cast overboard; and giving to the Soldiers two months pay, and swearing them to the obedience of Selimus, in few days sailing came back again to Arsinoe, where leaving the Fleet, he came directly himself to Selimus at Cairo, of whom he was graciously received. After that, all the Princes which were before Tributaries or Confederates to the late Sultan's of Egypt, even to the Confines of David, the most mighty King of Ethiopia (whom some call Presbyter john) without delay entered into the like subjection or confederation with the Turks.  
Egypt, with all the Provinces thereunto belonging, thus brought into subjection, Selimus about the beginning of july, sailed down the River of Nilus to Alexandria (Cortug-Ogli, a famous Pirate of Halicarnassus, 
Of this Cortug-Ogli see more in the life of Solyman.  sitting at the helm of his Galley) there to take view of his Fleet but late come from Constantinople with new supplies both of Men and Victuals, sent from Pyrrhus Bassa and his Son Solyman; which after he had well surveyed, and dililigently viewed the Walls of the City, and of the Castle of Pharos, he returned again to Cairo. In the mean time, the Mamalukes in durance at Alexandria, were by his commandment murdered every Mother's Son, in the entrance of the Prison. At which time also above five hundred Families of the noblest and richest of the Egyptians were commanded to remove from Cairo to Constantinople, and a great number of Women and Children, of the race of the Mamalukes, were transported thither also in Ships hired for that purpose. Into this Fleet besides the King's Treasure and Riches, he conveied all the public and private Ornaments of that most rich and famous City; with such a covetous and greedy desire of Spoil, that the very Marble Stones, commended either for the excellency of the workmanship, or beauty of the Stone, were violently rend out of the main Walls, to his great reproach and infamy. Lying at Cairo, he with great pleasure beheld the rising of the River Nilus, which had then overflowed the Country next unto it; and that with such a desire, that he most curiously enquired of the old Country men the measure and nature to the River; for by the diversity of the rising thereof (which they by certain marks and measures well find out) they prognosticate sometime abundant plenty, sometime extreme dearth, and sometime reasonable store, when as the violent River moderately or furiously breaking out, somewhile so drowneth the greatest part of the Country, that all the Seed season it lieth under water, and at another time floweth so sparingly, that in many places it scarce layeth the Dust, thereby foreshowing an undoubted dearth; so that the Egyptians then assure themselves of Plenty, when as Nilus keeping a mean, pleasantly riseth neither to the highest or lowast marks of his inundation.  
The Mamaluke Kingdom, together with the name of the Mamalukes, thus overthrown, and the Conquest of Egypt so happily achieved, Selimus resolved to make his return into Syria; and the rather, for that it was reported, That Hysmael the Persian King was coming with his Army into Mesopotamia, and so like enough to break into Comagena. Wherefore having as he thought good, disposed of all things, 
Cayerbeius the Traitor made Governor of Cairo and Egypt.  he left a strong Garrison of his best Soldiers in Cairo, and appointed Cayerbeius that notable Traitor, his Deputy and great Commander over all that great and new gotten Kingdom of Egypt, now converted into the form of a Province, as it remaineth at this day. Which honourable preferment so unworthily bestowed, exceedingly both grieved and troubled jonuses the great Bassa, before inflamed with the hope and just desire thereof; for now that Sinan Bassa was dead, he puffed up with the estimation of his own worth and valour, and proud of the Wound he had of late received in the presence of Selimus at the entering of Cairo, and to the uttermost of his power, suffering no man to grow near him in Credit and Estimation; thought himself the only man now left, to whom of all others, that especial and honourable charge should in the judgement of Selimus and of the whole Army of right be committed. Neither wanted he the general good liking of the Men of War, for immediately after he was recovered of his wound, when he in the most magnificent House of the Diadare at Cairo (which he in the Victory had rather of himself usurped, than by the gift of Selimus obtained) daily kept princely Cheer for all comers (no small means to gain the love of the common Soldiers) and gave frankly to them all; to some Horses, to some beautiful Slaves; to some Money, Plate, Jewels, rich Garments, fair Armour, and such like; he won unto himself such Favour and Credit, that whensoever he should (as the manner was) go to the Castle unto the Emperor, he was brought thither with a great and goodly train of his Favourites and Followers, as the man in all men's Judgement designed to the government of that great and rich Kingdom. All which things highly offended the mind of Selimus, who as he was apt to suspect, and cruel where he feared, so did he also (in secret) envy great Virtues, accompanied with too much honour and power.  
jonuses seeing Cayerbeius the Traitor thus unworthily promoted, 
Jonuses envieth at the preferment of Cayerbeius.  overcome with grief and indignation (who as a man of a proud and haughty mind, took it as done to his own disgrace) yet colouring his inward discontentment by counterfeiting himself sick, for certain days came not abroad; nevertheless still more and more tormented both with the injury (as he took it) done to himself, and the unworthy preferment of the Traitor, he could not so well contain himself, but that in his choler some words fell from him, whereby his discontentment was perceived. It happened that Cayerbeius coming of courtesy to visit him, and in the heat of the day familiarly calling for drink (which was Water and Sugar, after the manner of the Egyptians) immediately after he had drunk, felt such grievous and unwonted gripe and torment in his Stomach and Belly, that many supposed him to have been poisoned by the Bassa; yet was he by the power and virtue of a more sovereign and effectual remedy preserved. Which report, whether it were true or no, was uncertain; but certain it is, that it sank further into the mind of Selimus, than any man would have thought. He had now also a little before heard, that many of those rich Egyptian Families, which he had before commanded to be removed to Constantinople, had for great sums of Money obtained of jonuses, (who had the whole ordering of that matter) that they might quietly and in safety remain still in their own Country. Of which his covert dealing, great probability was alleged by such as repined at his honour, and secretly accused him, That those Princelike and excessive charges and expenses, which he was not able possibly to maintain of his ordinary Pension were royally supported with the embeseled Spoil and Revenues of that new gotten Kingdom. Which malicious suggestions, as they tended to the lightning of his Credit, so also another crime (whether it were of fraudulent dealing or negligence, or other further respect, is uncertain) coming in the neck of the other, wrought his utter disgrace, and final confusion; for Selimus after the manner of great Princes (who more severely to punish the former offences, notably dissembling their present anger, expect but the occasion of some new crime) with vigilant Eye waiting upon his words and deeds, prosecuted him with a mortal and deadly hatred, with a full purpose to destroy him.  
A few days before it was certainly reported that Selimus would again return into Syria, 
Selimus commanded the Wages of his Soldiers to be left in Garrison at Cairo, to be augmented.  the Soldiers appointed to be left in Garrison at Cairo, alleging the great distance of the place, and the greater dangers they were to expect, with the labours by them already endured, requested of the Bounty of their most fortunate Emperor, that they might have their Wages augmented. Which thing Selimus (never spare handed to his Men of War) easily granted, commanding jonuses the stately Bassa, that the sum they required, might be added to their accustomed Wages, and so entered into his accounts for the Wars. But he carried headlong with discontentment, made neither the Treasurers nor Paymasters acquainted with any such matter as Selimus had before commanded; of purpose, that the Garrison Soldiers deceived of their greater Wages promised them by the Emperor, might even at the first begin to hate and contemn Cayerbeius, as Author of so great an injury; that so the state of Cairo, and of that new gotten Kingdom, disquieted by the mutiny of the Garrison Soldiers, Selimus enforced to change his former purpose, should instead of that strange Governor (ha●ed of the Egyptians for his late Treason, and not beloved of the Garrison Soldiers, because he was to them a Stranger) of necessity send some of his own Bassas, a Turk, for the better stay and assurance of that wavering and mighty Province. But all these things (as commonly wicked purposes have their foul events) fell out in fine far otherwise then he had in his troubled mind before conceived. For Selimus being departed out of Egypt, and now on his way almost as far as jerusalem, the Garrison Soldiers at Cairo, the payday being now come, and receiving no more but their old accustomed wages, moved with that evil dealing (as contrary to the Emperor's promise and their general expectation) began with more fury and rage than ever jonuses had before imagined, openly and insolently to insult and threaten the Treasurer and Paymasters, and with open mouth to rail upon Cayerbeius their Governor. With which so insolent and opprobrious Speeches he astonished (as one not yet acquainted with the fashions of the Turkish Garrisons) together with the Paymasters, in best manner they could excused themselves unto the Soldiers, requesting them not to think so hardly of them who were altogether innocent in the matter, and with patience to understand the truth of the cause; wherein if they should on their part find any fraudulent or evil dealing, they craved no favour, either refused any punishment. Thus Cayerbeius and the Paymasters seeking by all means to avoid both the suspicion and the present danger; and the mutinous Soldiers no less hastening to find out by whom they were so abused, and to be thereof revenged, it was at last with much ado agreed, That trusty Messengers should forthwith be sent to Selimus, who was not yet gone out of judea, to understand of him the truth of the matter.  
These speedy Messengers having with wonderful celerity dispatched their journey, overtook Selimus with his Army a little from Larissa in judea; and admitted to his presence, orderly declared unto him both the complaints of the Soldiers, and the carefulness of Cayerbeius and the Paymasters to excuse the matter, together with the danger they were in, with all the other accidents whatsoever which had happened since the time of his departure from Cairo. Which complaint so incensed the mind of Selimus with new passions of anger and choler, being already sore alienated with former displeasures, that he without further delay commanded jonuses Bassa to be brought before him to answer the matter; 
Selimus calleth for Jonuses' Bassa to answer the matter.  who although he were inwardly strucken with the guilt of his own conscience, and surprised with a deadly fear, which appeared in his colour as pale as Ashes, seeing in the angry face and countenance of his Sovereign the most certain tokens of his heavy displeasure; yet as he was a man of great Spirit, answered boldly, That he had forbidden the Soldier's Wages to be augmented, 
The answer of Jonuses' Bassa.  contrary to his Majesty's command, not upon any evil meaning to have inverted that money to his own use, neither thereby to have drawn any man of purpose into disgrace, as was by some his malicious Enemies suggested; but upon great reason, thereby to provide for his Majesty's Coffers wonderfully emptied with those late Wars; beside that, the constant report of new troubles like to arise out of Persia, gave good occasion for him to spare unnecessary charges: Whereas on the other side, as he said, the Garrison Soldiers were already enriched with the plentiful Spoils of Egypt, and in a most goodly City possessed the sumptuous Houses and Lands of the Mamalukes, feeding upon the Goods of the Egyptians, and had already received both greater Pay and more bountiful Rewards from him, than ever any Soldiers had from any his Predecessors the Ottoman Kings; in which case, if they were not passed all modesty, they might well enough take it in good part, if they were something restrained in their unreasonable requests. He alleged moreover, that great Princes which retain their Soldiers in reasonable Pay in time of Peace and War, ought sometime for Warlike Discipline, to require of them a moderation of their desires, lest whilst they all strive with greediness for their private gain, there want Money afterwards in the common Treasury to maintain a greater and more necessary charge, Wars still rising upon Wars; seeing that no Commander, were he never so valiant or fortunate▪ ever did any great matter in Wars, if he wanted Coin, the most proper Instrument and very Sinews of War, aswering unto his other most heroical parts and sufficiency. But as he was yet thus speaking, Selimus full of wrath and indignation interrupted him; for if he should have suffered him in longer discourse to have recounted his former deserts and worthy service done, aswell in the time of his Father Bajazet, as of late even in his own presence, he was like enough to have had of them that were able to do most with him, intercessors for him; and so without further delay, 
The death of Jonu●es the great Bassa.  caused him even there in his own presence to be executed; saying moreover, that others which would arrogantly presume to prescribe unto their Sovereigns what they had to do, should for ever after by the example of that most insolent Servant, be admonished of their duty and condition. It is reported, that the Soldiers in despite of Selimus wonderfully lamented the unworthy death of this so worthy a man; for he beside his notable and rare valour, so many times to his great honour in sundry Battles approved, had by the dexterity of his Grecian Wit, Comeliness of Personage, Military Eloquence, and gallant manner of living, so won the love and favour of all men, that there was few or none in all the Army which did not aknowledg himself some way indebted and beholden unto him; and did therefore condemn the Emperor's Cruelty. They then began to tell how Mustapha surnamed Caloger, a man of wonderful Credit and Authority both with Bajazet and himself, was in the heat of his fury slain without hearing; and that in like manner of rage, old Chendemus a man of greatest honour and integrity of life, and of all the Chieftains which came out of the great Emperor Mahomet's Nusery, the most skilful, had been for his grave and wholesome Counsel only, without cause murdered, neither was then Bo●tanges his Son in Law forgotten; neither Cherseogles (the one most honourable for the great place he held in Court and the Marriage of Bajazet's Daughter, and the other a man of no less mark being his great Admiral, and bearing himself high upon his infinite Wealth, but more upon his Wife one of the Daughters of Selimus) both which two Noble Gentlemen about two years before had their heads struck off, no man well knowing wherefore; and their dead Bodies cast out at the Court Gate, to the terror of the beholders, as a miserable spectacle of their own misery and the Emperor's Cruelty. Yea the remembrance of his old tyranny (renewed as it were with this late outrage) presented afresh unto all men's eyes the reverend old Emperor Bajazet his Father, with his two Brethren, Achomates and Corcutus, by right both called unto the Empire before himself; with many other young Princes of the Blood, of great hope and expectation, who as all men knew, perished through to unnatural and execrable Cruelty of this most merciless man. So that men generally did both fear him and hate him. Forasmuch as he without all fear of God or regard of worldly shame, accounted no practice wicked, or device detestable, that might serve for the better establishing of his Kingdom; and had set down in his mind, (long before corrupted with Ambition and Tyranny) That it was far better for the assurance of his estate, to be feared of all than beloved of many; and therefore spared no man's life, of whom he had but the least suspicion. Howbeit that the severity by him used against this so great a man and so gracious with the People, may in some sort be excused, as justly moved thereunto by the presumptuous and malicious dealing of the proud Bassa underhand, contrary to the charge given him by his Lord, to the peril of those his great but late Conquests both in Egypt and Syria.  
This great Bassa, whilst he yet lived and flourished in the Court, in nothing so much offended the minds of the People (who generally both loved and honoured him) as by the Cruelty by him showed upon the person of the fair Lady Manto his best beloved Wife. Who being a Greek born, and adorned with all the good gifts of Nature, whereunto her lovely conditions were also answerable, was by Zebalia her first Husband (a man of great honour) carried with him into the Wars, as his greatest Treasure and chief delight. But he slain, and she by misfortune falling into the hands of the Turks (her Enemies) remained so prisoner with them for a time; until that this great Bassa jonuses shortly after (seeing her amongst the other Captives there taken, so far to exceed the rest as doth the Sun the lesser Stars) surprised with her incomparable beauty, became of her amorous; and in too curious viewing of the captive Lady, was by her himself taken Prisoner. Where finding her outward perfections graced with no less inward virtues, and her honourable mind answerable unto her rare feature, took her unto his Wife; honouring her far above all the rest of his Wives and Concubines; and she again in all dutiful loyalty seeking to please him, for a space lived in all worldly felicity and bliss, not much inferior unto one of the great Sultanesses. But long lasteth not the Summer Fruit of wanton Love, blasted most time in the blossom and rotten before it be well gathered; for in short time the Bassa more amorous of her Person, 
Jonuses' Bassa jealous of his fair Wife Man●o.  than secured in her Virtues, and after the manner of sensual men, still fearing lest that which so much pleased himself, gave no less contentment to others also; began to have her in distrust, although he saw no great cause, why, more than his own conceit, not grounded upon her evil demeanour, but upon the excess of his own liking. Which mad humour (hardly to be over purged) of itself still more and more in him increasing, he became so froward and imperious, that nothing she could say or do could now so please or content him, but that he still thought some one or other, although he wist not who, to be therein partakers with him. So fearful was the jealous man of his own conceits. Yet could he not choose but love those great perfections; whereat he could not enough wonder; although he found no contentment therein, tormenting still both himself and her whom he so dearly loved with his own passionate distrust; until at length, the fair Lady grieved to see herself thus without cause to be suspected, and wearied with the insolent pride of her peevish Husband, together with his imperious commands, determined secretly to depart from him, and so to return again into her own Country. Which her purpose she discovered unto one of her Eunuches, to whom she had also delivered certain Letters to be by him conveied unto such of her Friends, as whose help she was to use in her intended flight; which Letters the false Eunuch opened, and for the more manifesting of the matter delivered them unto the Bassa his Master. Who therewith enraged, and calling her unto him, 
The fair Lady Manto cruelly slain by her jealous Husband.  forthwith in his fury, with a Dagger stabbed her to the Heart and slew her; so together with the death of his Love, having cured his tormenting jealousy.  
But leaving this great Bassa with fair Manto unto their rest, his course thus run, to return again unto Selimus; who now come into Syria, was by Letters from the Himbracor-Bassa or Master of his Horse (whom he had left upon the Frontiers of his Kingdom to attend the motions of the Persians) advertised, That the Persian preparations which had raised such a hot rumour of Wars in the beginning of Winter, was grown cold in the heat of Summer; and that he had seen in all the time of his abode in those quarters, none but certain straggling Companies, making show as if some greater power had been coming, which had many times made sudden roads into the Country, with whom he had sundry times prosperously encountered; and it was generally reported by such Prisoners as he had taken, and by his own Spials also, that Hysmael, troubled with the Hyrcanians and Tartars, had converted the greatest part of his Forces against those Nations; so the Winter now drawing fast on, and deep Snows already fallen upon the Mountain Taurus, he could not though he would that year look after Asia the less, or Syria. There were that reported, that the Tartars which dwell between the two Rivers, Tanais and Volga, were by Selimus his procurement, and money, set at work to keep Hysmael busied, by invading the Iberians and Albanians, which were under his protection; which thing he wrought by the means of Mahomet his Father in Law, the Bosphoran King who being of the same Language and Nation, by rewards easily induced the needy Captains of the Tartars his Friends and Confederates, to take up Arms against their Neighbours.  
Many men marvelled that Hysmael the Persian King neglected so fair an opportunity, 
The cause why Hysmael invaded not Selimus wholly busied in the Egyptian Wars.  whereby he might (as most men thought) have thrust Selimus quite out of Asia and Syria, whilst he was thus busied in Egypt, yea and easily have destroyed him, shut up with all his power, especially at such time as the Egyptian Sultan's Campson and Tomombeius made so great resistance. But they which could better judge of the matter, saw that Hysmael was not of so great Power and Strength abroad, as at home; for his Army for most part consisted of Gentlemen, or such as were by custom bound to serve him in his defensive Wars, voluntary men, and such as served without Pay. These as they were the most valiant Horsemen of the East, so did they with singular Valour worthily defend the Kingdom of Persia, and also as occasion required, make War with their near Neighbours; but if any longer expedition were to be taken in hand, that they could by no means away withal, accounting it a grievous thing to depart from their Wives, unto whom they are so addicted that oftentimes they carry them with them into the Wars; and being a wanton and fine kind of People, are not able without Wages to draw after them according to their accustomed manner, so many Carriages and Horses as might serve both for their necessary and wanton uses. With which difficulty, the great King Usun-Cassanes, Hysmael his Grandfather by the Mother's side, was much troubled in his Wars against Mahomet the Great; but was now much harder for Hysmael to do, for that he having obtained his Grandfather's Kingdom by the mere good Will of the People, easing them forthwith of their heavy impositions, always thought the love of his Subjects (which is easily gotten with Bounty and Justice) the surest riches of his Kingdom; and that to command only over the Bodies and Goods of his People, thei● Hearts altogether alienated and lost by most heavy and grievous exactions, seemed not the part of a gracious and natural Prince, but of an outrageous and momentary Tyrant. Whereas Selimus on the contrary part, who had by force, mischief, and most detestable practices stepped up into his Father's seat, had after the manner of the Ottoman▪ Kings reposed his greatest and most assured strength in a servile and mercenary kind of men, whom he might for pay as his own Creatures, at his pleasure draw far from home, and as he best liked lead them from place to place, and Country to Country, for the enlarging of his Empire, and eternising of his Name; and therefore according to the quality of his People, deemed true and ready power to consist only in money, and the severity of his own command; whereby he had learned with most happy success, in short time to obscure all the Victories of the former Ottoman Kings, with the greatness of his own.  
All the Winter following, Selimus stayed with his Army in Syria spending the time in visiting the Ports and Cities of that Province, year 1518. and setting of things in order, for the better assurance thereof. But upon the approach of the Spring, when he certainly understood, that by the procurement of Leo the Tenth, than Bishop of Rome, the Christian Princes were entered into consultation to make War upon him, and that supplications with great solemnity were made for that purpose, and honourable Ambassadors sent into all Provinces to stir up the greatest Kings of Christendom against him, he (leaving Gazelles his Lieutenant in Syria) by great journeys returned to Constantinople; from thence as at hand to behold the devices and motions of Christian Princes his Enemies. In the mean time, fearing no alteration of arise in the Provinces of Syria and Egypt, forasmuch as he well saw, that Cayerbeius and Gazelles his Lieutenants, being at deadly hatred betwixt themselves (as well for old grudges, as for the late Treason of Cayerbeius, the great cause of the ruin of the Mamalukes Kingdom) would never agree in one against him, but rather with a certain emulation strive betwixt themselves with diligence, faithfulness, and moderation, who should deserve best in well governing the Provinces by him committed to their charge, as indeed they did during the short time of his Reign.  
Selimus being arrived at Constantinople, and purposing from thenceforth to turn all his Forces upon the Christians, year 1519. 
Selimus purposing to invade the Christians, struck in the Reins of his Back with a Cancer.  caused wonderful preparation to be made for his Wars, but especially at Sea; whereby it was thought, that he would have either attempted the strong Island of the Rhodes (a great moat in his Eye) or else some part of Italy. But as he was hatching this mischief, or some other of no less importance, and in the mean time delighted himself with visiting the Cities of Grecia and Thrace, and solaced himself in the pleasant Country about Hadrianople, he was suddenly attached with the Hand of God, and strucken in the Reins of his Back with a Cancer; which melancholy and devouring malady contemning all cure, did by little and little so eat and corrupt his body, as that he before so much honoured, became now loathsome and odious both to himself and others.  
As he lay thus languishing, his incurable disease still increasing, leaning his head in the lap of Pyrrhus the Bassa, whom of all others he most loved, said, O Pyrrhus, I see I must shortly die without remedy. Whereupon the great Bassa took occasion to discourse with him of many matters; and amongst others, that it would please him to give order for the well bestowing of the great Wealth taken from the Persian Merchants in divers places of his Empire; persuading him to bestow the same upon some notable Hospital for relief of the poor. To whom Selimus replied, Wouldst thou Pyrrhus, that I should bestow other men's goods wrongfully taken from them, upon works of Charity and Devotion, for mine own vain glory and praise? assuredly I will never do it; nay, rather see they be again restored unto the right owners. Which was forthwith done accordingly; to the great shame of many Christians, who minding nothing less than restitution, but making ex rapina holocaustum, do out of a World of evil gotten goods cull out some small fragments, to build some poor Hospital, or mend some blind way; a poor testimony of their hot Charity.  
Selimus lying thus sick to death, year 1520. and rotting above the ground in his Tent, as he was upon the way going to Hadrianople, sent before Pyrrbus and Achmetes, two of his greatest Bassas, to provide for the solemnising of the great Feast, which the Turks call Bairam (and is as it were their Easter) purposing to come after himself at leisure, as his weak Body would give him leave; and kept with him only Ferhates, the third of his greatest Bassas and Privy Counsellors. But such was the fury of his foul disease, continually attainting him with intolerable pains, that shortly after the departure of the other two Bassas, 
The death of Selimus.  he breathed out his cruel Ghost, in the Month of September, in the year 1520, near unto the City Chiurli, in the self same place where he had sometime most unnaturally assailed his aged Father Bajazet, with purpose to have slain him, had not the fortune of the old Emperor in a great battle prevailed both against his Force and the Treason of his own People. 
The 〈◊〉 judgement of God.  Thus intending the mischief he could not perform, cut off by a loathsome and untimely death, he to the great joy of all Christendom ended his days, when he had lived six and forty years, and thereof reigned eight; which time of his Reign was nothing else but a most horrible and dreadful time of Bloodshed. His dead Body was afterwards solemnly by his Son Solyman buried in a new Temple at Constantinople, which he to the imitation of his Father and Grandfather, had for that purpose before built. Upon his Tomb is engraven in the Greek, Turkish, and Sclavonian Tongues, this short Epitaph: 
Hic maximus adsum Selimus, qui orbem domui. 
Phi. Lonicerus Turcicae Historiae, Tomo primo. lib. primo.   
Non bella relinquo, sed pergo inquirere:  
Non ulla me fortuna potuit evertere:  
Licet ossa jacent, animus quaerit.   
In English thus: 
Lo here I lie great Selimus, which held the World in fear;  
The World I leave, but not the Wars, which I seek, though not here.  
No Fortune's force, or Victor's hand, could take from me the Spoils:  
And though my Bones lie buried here, my Ghost seeks bloody broils.   
He used commonly to say, That nothing was sweeter than to reign without fear or suspicion of his Kindred. A little before his death, 
Selimus before his death commendeth the tuition of his Son Solyman to Pyrrhus the Bassa.  he commended his Son Solyman to Pyrrhus Bassa, straight charging him, that after his death he should leave the Persians, and turn his Forces altogether upon the Christians. And the more to incense him to the effusion of Blood, he left him the lively counterfeit of himself hanging at his bed side, with sundry bloody Precepts breathing forth his cruel and unmerciful disposition.  

Tabulae Epigraphe.  
Soldanus Selimus Otomanus, Rex Regum, Dominus omnium Dominorum, Princeps omnium Principum, Filius & Nepos Dei. S. S. S.  

Ad dextram, Versus Graeca lingua adscripti in hunc sensum.  
TUtus ut imperii Princeps sibi sceptra capessat,  
Anxia ne dubio corda pavore premat,  
Ne putet esse nefas cognatum ●aurire cruorem;  
Et nece fraterna, constabilire domum.  
jura, Fides, Pietas, Regni dum nemo supersit,  
Aemulus, haud turbent religione animum.  
Haec ratio est, quae sola queat regale tueri  
Nomen, & expertem te sinit esse metus.   

Ad sinistram lingua Sclavonica.  
Te semel adversus peccantem, mitis haberi,  
Ne studeas, poena vindice tutus eris.  
Protinus ense rescindendum, putrescore si quid  
Incipiet, clemens Rex male sceptra gerit.  
Ad veniam facilis, peccanti porrigit ansam  
Qua s● sustentans, ad nova damna ruat.   

Ad Calcem tabulae lingua Turcica.  
Qui non ipse sua Princeps bastilia dextra,  
Agmen in adversum marte favente jacet.  
Sed refugit saevis caput objectare periclis  
Dum gravia impavido, praelia corde subit:  
Iste sciat vanis belli sese artibus uti;  
Et votis nunquam fata favere suis.  
Nulla sibi speret, suscepti commoda belli,  
Hostiles acies quisquis adite timet.    

The Inscription of the Table.  
Sultan Selimus Ottoman King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Prince of all Princes, the Son and Nephew of God.  

On the right hand of the Table were written Greek Verses to this sense.  
THe Prince that safely seeks to reign, and hold this State in quiet rest,  
Must never suffer troubled care to harbour in his Princely Breast. 
The bloody and tyrannical Precepts left by Selimus to his Son Solyman, which he afterward most assuredly kept as is to be seen in his life following.   
Nor think it sin to spill the blood of his most near and dearest Kin,  
Not of his Brother, so thereby assured safety he may win.  
Law, Faith, Devotion, and such like, to break them all he must not spare,  
Nor conscience make of any thing, to rid him from aspiring care.  
This is the way and only mean that may protect a Prince's State,  
And set him safe without all fear, whilst none may live whom he doth hate.   

On the left hand of the Table was written in the Sclavonian Tongue.  
Of him that seeks to work thy woe, deseve to be counted kind:  
But take him for thy mortal Foe, and plague him with revenging mind.  
The rotten limb is cut away for fear of doing further harm:  
The gentle Prince doth bear small sway, if no abuse can make him warn.  
Forbearance makes men more offend, and to presume of further grace,  
It doth but strength to Rebels lend, to thrust their Sovereign out of place.   

At the lower end of the Same Table was written in Turkish Verse.  
What Prince in person dareth not in open Field to meet his Foe,  
And there with unapplauded heart, his deadly darts himself to throw:  
But hides his head for fear of harm, and shuns the danger of the Field,  
When Martial minds with couraged bold withstand their Foes with spear and shield;  
Let him well know, how that in vain he beareth Arms but for a show.  
And that the honour of the Field will never such a Coward know.  
Ne let him hope to gain the Spoil by any Wars he takes in hand,  
That feareth with courageous mind his Enemy's Forces to withstand.   
Christian Princes of the same time with Selimus the First.  

Emperors of Germany 

Maximilian the First. 1494. 25.  
Charles the Fifth. 1509. 39    
Kings 

Of England 

Henry the Eighth. 1509. 38.    
Of France 

Lewis the Twelfth. 1497. 17.  
Francis the First. 1514. 32.    
Of Scotland 

James the Fourth. 1489. 25.  
James the Fifth. 1513. 32.      
Bishops of Rome 

Jul●us the II. 1503. 9  
Leo the X. 1513. 8.       

 

Imperij Solyman patrij moderatur habenas,  
Regnaque Christianum cladibus usque metit.  
Antiquam capit ille Rhodon, Nexumque, Parumque,  
Turrheni infastat Littora curva Maris.  
Pannonios' multo populatur milite fines,  
Et cingit muros clara Vienna tuos.  
Inclyta Sigethi dum moenia concutit armis,  
Cogitur, hinc Stygiam nudus adire domum.   

Magnificent Solyman mounts his Father's Throne,  
With Christian Slaughters formidable grown.  
Rhodes, Naxos, Paros felt his cruelty,  
And the sweet Shores of the Tyrrhenian Sea:  
Th' Hungrarian Territories he did inrade,  
And fierce attempts on fair Vienna made  
Till from the walls of Sigeth meanly c●me  
Th'aspiring Tyrant crept to his long 〈◊〉.    

The LIFE of SOLYMAN, THE FOURTH and most MAGNIFICENT Emperor of the Turks.  
THe death of Selimus was with all carefulness concealed by Ferhates the only Bassa then present, for fear lest the Janissaries and Soldiers of the Court getting knowledge thereof, should after their wont manner in the time of the vacancy of the Empire, spoil the Merchants and Strangers in places where they lay in Garrison, and especially in the Imperial City; and not so contented, after their accustomed insolency prescribe unto the greatest Bassas at their pleasure. For preventing whereof, Ferhates dispatched a trusty Messenger with Letters in Post to Solyman the only Son of Selimus, then lying at Magnesia; certifying him of the death of his Father; and that he should deserve well of his peaceable Subjects by hastening his coming to Constantinople, whilst all things were yet in good order, in time to repress with his presence the feared disordered proceedings of his Men of War.  

Solyman hardly persuaded that his Father was dead.  Solyman having to his great content perused the Bassas Letters, as one desirous enough of the Empire; yet considering the cruel disposition of his Father (whom upon a mere jealous conceit of his aspiring mind, and for certain words by him let fall in dislike of his Father's extreme dealing, had practised most unnaturally to have taken him away by Poison; which danger he escaped only by the carefulness of his Mother, who misdoubting the worst, caused the Poisoned rich Shirt sent to him from his Father, to be first worn by one of his Chamber, whereof he in short time after died) and also that the Letters were signed only by Ferhates, and the news not seconded from any of the other Bassas; fearing some hidden and secret Plot of his Father tending to his destruction, durst not adventure to remove from his charge, but returned the Messenger as one to whom he gave little or no credit. Ten days thus spent, and the death of Selimus nothing as yet suspected; Ferhates understanding by his Messenger the weariness of Solyman, and that he expected more assured advertisement, sent presently unto the other great Bassanes Pyrrbus and Mustapha at Hadrianople, that they should without delay repair unto the Court; unto whom at their coming he declared the death of the Emperor. Which after they had seen to be true, they by another secret and speedy Messenger advertised Solyman again thereof, confirming those Letters with all their Hands and Seals; whereby Solyman now assured of his Father's death, presently put himself upon the way, and by long and painful journeys in few days came to Scutarium, called in ancient time Chrisopolis, over against Constantinople. Where he was met with the Aga or Captain of the Janissaries, and by him transported in a Galley over that straight passage to Constantinople; where at his landing the Janissaries by the appointment of their Captain were ready to receive him, knowing as yet nothing of the death of Selimus, until that Solyman being now in the midst of them, the Captain with a loud voice said unto them, Behold your Emperor. Whereupon they all with great acclamation cried out, Long live the great Emperor Solyman; which consent of the Men of War, is unto the Turkish Emperors the greatest assurance of their Estate. And so with much Triumph he was by them brought into the Royal Palace, and placed in his Father's Seat in the year 1520. in which year also Charles the Fifth was chosen Emperor of Germany. The Janissaries disappointed by the Bassas of the spoil of the Merchants, especially Christians and Jews, received of the bounty of Solyman a great Largess, and in the beginning of his Reign had their accustomed Wages somewhat augmented also, to their wonderful contentment.  
Solyman was about twenty eight years old when he began to Reign, and was at the first supposed to have been of a mild and peaceable disposition; so that the Princes to whom the Name of Selimus was before dreadful, were now in hope that a quiet Lamb was come in place of a raging Lion. But in short time they found themselves in their expectation far deceived; and especially the Christian Princes bordering upon him, unto whom he became a far more dangerous Enemy than was his Father before him; converting his Forces most part of his long Reign upon them, which Selimus had almost altogether employed against the Kings of Persia, and Egypt, the greatest Princes of the Mahometan Superstition.  
The first that felt his heavy Hand was Gazelles Governor of Syria; who presently upon the death of Selimus, thinking himself now discharged of the Oath of Obedience which he had given to Selimus, but not to his Successors; and earnestly desiring to restore again the Kingdom of the Mamalukes lately overthrown, gathered together the remainder of the dispersed Mamalukes, which speedily resorted unto him out of all parts of Asia and afric; 
Gazelles Governor of Syria rebelleth against Solyman.  and alluring with rewards the Leaders of the wild Arabians, with great numbers of the Country People of Syria, discontented with the Turkish Government, entered into open Rebellion, and by force of Arms drove the Turks Garrison out of Byrtha, Trypolis, and divers other Cities of Syria, taking them into his own possession. And the better to effect that he had taken in hand, he sent Ambassadors to Cairo unto Cayerbeius, who had of Selimus received the Government of Egypt, the unworthy reward of his horrible Treason; persuading him by any means to take revenge of the injury and wrong before done to the Mamalukes, and by killing of the Turks Garrisons to make himself Sultan of Egypt, and restore again the Kingdom of the Mamalukes, offering him therein the uttermost of his devoir and service. But Cayerbeius, either not trusting Gazelles his old Enemy, or ashamed by new Treason to augment his former dishonour, or else (which was most like) misdoubting his own strength in performance of so great an enterprise; after he had attentively heard what the Ambassadors had to say, caused them presently in his own sight to be put to death as Traitors, and with all speed certified Solyman thereof, who without delay sent Ferhates Bassa with a strong Army into Syria. Which thing Gazelles hearing, and having in his power most of the Cities of Syria, retired himself, with all his Army into the strong City of Damascus; whither at length, Ferhates the great Bassa by long march came also. Gazelles resolved to try the fortune of the Field, and so either by speedy Victory or honourable Death to end the matter, rather than to suffer himself to be shut up within the Walls of the City, upon the coming within of the Bassa, valiantly issued forth with all his power, and gave him Battle; which for the space of six hours was most cruelly fought, and many slain on both sides. At length Gazelles being oppressed with the multitude of his Enemies (being eight times more in number) and hardly assailed on either side, was enforced to sight in a Ring, and there performing all the parts of a worthy General and valiant Soldier, honourably died together with his Mamalukes in the midst of his Enemies, leaving unto them a bloody Victory. 
Gazelles slain.  Gazelles thus slain, the City of Damascus with all the Country of Syria without any more ado yielded again unto the Turks obedience, which the Bassa took in so good part, that he would not suffer his Soldiers to enter into the City, then richly stored with Commodities of all sorts, brought thither by Merchants out of divers parts of the World.  
Syria thus pacified, the Bassa went to Cairo in Egypt, and there commending Cayerbeius for his fidelity, confirmed him in his Government; and inveighing against the cruelty of Selimus (so to please the Egyptians) wished them to hope for all happiness under the peaceable Government of the new Sultan Solyman. And so when he had set all things in order in both the Provinces; of Syria and Egypt, returned again to Solyman.  
The year following, Solyman by the Counsel of Pyrrbus Bassa his old Tutor (a mortal Enemy unto the Christians) and by the persuasion of the Janissaries resolved to besiege the strong City of Belgrade, otherwise called Taurunum, situate upon the borders of Hungary, where the Rivers Savus falleth into Danubius. Which City his great Grandfather Mahomet (surnamed the Great; and before him the warlike Amurat) had with all their power, long time before to their great loss and dishonour, vainly attempted. Wherein until that time were reserved the Ensigns, then taken from the Turks, to their no small grief, with other trophies of the glorious Victories of the worthy Captain Huniades, and the great King Mathias Corvinus his Son. Wherefore Solyman sending his Army before, was come as far as Sophia, a City in Servia (the place where the Turks great Lieutenant in Europe is always resiant) before that the Hungarians were aware of his coming; for they living at ease all the time that Uladislaus Reigned, and now sleeping in security under the young King Lodovicus his Son, a Man of no experience; who contenting himself with the Title of a King, suffered himself to be peeled and polled by his Nobility and great Clergymen (inverting all the wealth of the Land to their own private gain) that he was not able to raise any sufficient power to go against his puissant Enemy; especially his Nobility, in whose hands rested the wealth of his Kingdom, promising him much, but performing indeed nothing. Huniades with his hardy Soldiers, the scourge and terror of the Turks, were dead long before; so was also Mathias that fortunate Warrior; after whom succeeded others given to all pleasure and ease; to whose example the People fashioning themselves, forgot their wont Valour, and gave themselves over to sensuality and voluptuous Pleasure; so that Solyman without let, presented his Army before the City of Belgrade, 
Belgrade won by Solyman.  and with battery and undermining in short time became Lord thereof, having lost few of his People in that Siege. How much the loss of that strong City concerned the Christian Commonwealth, the manifold and lamentable miseries which afterwards ensued by the opening of that Gap, not unto the Kingdom of Hungary only, but to all that side of Christendom, did, and yet doth, most manifestly declare. It was won by the Turks the nine and twentieth day of August in the year 1521.  
After the taking of the strong City of Belgrade, Solyman returning to Constantinople, broke up his Army and there lay still almost all the year following. During which time, year 1521. he caused great preparation to be made at Calipolis and other his Ports, for rigging up of a great Fleet; which caused the Italians, Venetians, and them of the Rhodes, to look about them, as Men careful of their Estates, fearing that those Forces would ere long be employed against some or all of them.  
About the same time Philippus Villerius a Man of great wisdom and courage, 
Philippus Villerius chosen great Master of the Rhodes.  then following the French Court, was in his absence by the Knights of the Rhodes chosen great Master of that honourable Company; who embarking himself at Marcelles, after a long and dangerous journey (being not without the knowledge of Solyman hardly laid for at Sea by Cortug-Ogli a famous Pirate of the Turks, whose two Brethren the Knights of the Rhodes had but a little before surprised at Sea and slain, and then held the third in Prison) arrived in safety at the Rhodes, where he was with great joy and triumph received.  
The great Bassa, by whose grave advice Solyman was contented in all his weighty Affairs to be directed, consulting with the other Bassas, of divers great exploits which was first to be taken in hand, for the honour of their Emperor and enlarging of his Empire, were of divers opinions concerning the besieging of the Rhodes. Pyrrhus the Bassa of greatest account, dissuaded the taking in hand of that Action, as too full of difficulty and danger; producing for proof thereof the example of the great Emperor Mahomet, Soliman's great Grandfather; by whom it was unfortunately attempted, and in fine shamefully abandoned. But Mustapha next in place and reputation to Pyrrhus, extolling the power and fortune of Solyman, said, That the greatness of their Emperor was not to be concluded within the attempts of his predecessors as well appeared by the late taking of Belgrade; from whence first Amurath, and after him, Mahomet, two of the most warlike Princes of the Turks, had with great dishonour been repulsed; and should no doubt with like good fortune prevail against the Rhodes also, being able (if need were) to bring more Men before it than were stones in the Walls thereof. Which he so confidently affirmed, with extenuating the power of the Rhodians, that he seemed to make no doubt of the good success of that War; presumptuously affirming, that upon the first landing of Soliman's great Army, they of the Rhodes would without delay yield themselves and their City into his hands.  
Amongst others of great experience, whose opinion Solyman was desirous to have, before he would take so great a matter in hand, was the famous Pirate Cortug-Ogli, a Man of a mischievous and cruel Nature, but of great experience in Sea matters. Who presented to Solyman by Mustapha and Ferhates, two of the greatest Bassas, going before him, after due reverence done, and commanded to deliver his opinion, spoke unto Solyman, as followeth: 
Cortug-Ogly the Pirate persuadeth Solyman to besiege the Rhodes  The greatness of your deserts (most mighty and puissant Emperor) maketh me (being by you so commanded) at this time frankly to speak what I think may be for the glory and honour both of your Majesty and Empire. I daily hear the pitiful lamentation of the miserable People of Mitylene, Euboea, Peloponesus, Achaia, Caria, Lycia, and all alongst the Sea Coast of Syria and Egypt, bewailing the spoil of their Countries, the ransacking of their Cities, the taking away of their cattle and People, with other infinite and incredible Calamities, which they daily suffer of the crossed Rhodian Pirates, no Man withstanding them: Many a time have these wretched People holden up their Hands to me for help, most instantly requesting me to be a mean for them to your Imperial Majesty, whereby they might be protected from the injury, rapine, and slaughter of these cruel Rovers. Wherefore in their behalf I beseech your sacred Majesty, by the most reverend Name of the holy Prophet Mahomet, and by your own most heroical Disposition, to deliver your afflicted Subjects from these their most cruel Enemies, and at length to set them free from the fury, captivity, and fear, of these Pirates, more grievous unto them than death itself; and consider with yourself, that this injury and insolency tendeth not so much to the hurt of your poor Subjects, and oppressed People in private, as to the dishonour and disgrace of your Imperial Name and Dignity; which if any other Christian King or Prince should offer, your Majesty I know would not suffer unrevenged; And will you then suffer these Robbers, Cutthroats, base People gathered out of all the Corners of Christendom, to waste your Countries, spoil your Cities, murder your People, and trouble all your Seas? For who can pass by Sea to Tripoli, Damascus, Alexandria, Cairo, Chalcide, Lesbos, Chios, nay unto this your Imperial City of Constantinople, without most certain and manifest danger of these Rovers? What have we heard every Spring this many years, but that the Rhodians had taken some one or other of your Ports, led away your People into most miserable Captivity, and carried away with them the rich spoils of your Countries? And that which is of all other things most dishonourable, this they do under your nose, and in your sight, in the midst and heart of your Empire. Pardon me I beseech you most Mighty Emperor, if I too plainly speak what I think; For whatsoever I say, I say it to no other end, b●t that you should now at length do that which should many years ago have been done. We your most Loyal Subjects may not, nor ought not for the increase of our Mahometan Religion, and for the enlarging of your Empire and Honour, to refuse to adventure our Goods, our Bodies, our Lives, to all hazard and danger without exception. If you likewise be carried with love of Glory and Renown, or ravished with the desire of never dying Fame; in what Wars can you more easily gain the same, or better employ us your Servants, than in vanquishing and subduing the Rhodes, the reputed Bulwark of Christendom, which only keepeth us from their Countries? But some will perhaps say, your Ancestors have in former times unfortunately attempted that City; so did they also Belgrade in Hungary; yet hath your happy Fortune to your immortal Fame, brought the same under your subjection, being far more strongly fortified than it was in times past; and do you then despair of the Rhodes? Cast off such vain and needless misdoubt. The Turkish Empire-hath always grown by adventures and honourable attempts: Therefore make haste to besiege it both by Sea and Land. If your Subjects mourning under the heavy burden of the Christian Captivity, built it with their own Hands for the Christians; cannot they now at liberty, desirous of revenge, and fitted with opportunity, with like hands destroy the same? If it please you to vouchsafe but to look into the matter (most dread Sovereign) you shall see that there is a divine occasion by the procurement of our great Prophet Mahomet, presented unto your most Sacred Majesty, now that the Christians of the West are at discord and mortal War amongst themselves. Your Majesty is not ignorant, that in managing of Wars, the opportunity of the time is especially to be followed, and that when occasion serveth, all remissness and delay is to be carefully avoided; the changes of times are most fickle, and if you suffer your good hap now to pass over, you shall perhaps in vain afterwards pursue the same when it is fled and gone.  
Solyman by Nature an ambitious young Prince, pricked forward thus also by the persuasions of Cortug-Ogli and others, seeking their further credit and preferment by fitting his ambitious humour; but most of all by th● instigation of the Bassa Mustapha, resolved to go in person himself against the Rhodes. And first to make some proof of what spirit and courage Villerius the new chosen Great Master was of, in whose sufficiency the greatest part of the defence of the City was supposed to consist; to him by way of a little cold Friendship, he sent a Messenger with this short Letter thus directed:  
Solyman by the grace of God, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, greatest Emperor of Constantinople and Trapezond, most Mighty King of Persia, Arabia, Syria, and Egypt; Lord of Asia and Europe; Prince of Mecha and Aleppo; Ruler of jerusalem; and Master of the Universal Sea; To the reverend Father, Philippus Villerius Liladamus', Great Master of the Rhodes, and Legate of Asia Greeting.  

Soliman's Letter to Villerius Great Master of the Rhodes.  I am glad of thy Kingdom and new promotion, which I wish thou mayest long and happily enjoy, for that I hope thou wilt in Honour and Fidelity exceed all them which before thee Ruled in the Rhodes; from whom as my Ancestors have withdrawn their hand, so I after their example join with thee in amity and friendship. joy thou therefore, my Friend, and in my behalf rejoice of my Victory and Triumph also; for this last Summer passing over Danubius with Ensigns displayed, I there expected the Hungarian King, who I thought would have given me Battle; I took from him by strong hand Belgrade, the strongest City of his Kingdom, with other strong holds thereabouts; and having with Fire and Sword destroyed much People, and carried away many more into Captivity as a triumphant Conqueror, breaking up mine Army, am returned to my Imperial City of Constantinople, from whence Farewell.  
The Great Master having read these Letters, and well considered of the same, perceived forthwith Soliman's meaning; and that Peace was offered him in words and show, but War in deed and meaning. Which because he was ready by force to repulse, he rewarded the Turks Messenger, and sent back with him another of his own, a private Person. For the Rhodians did seldom vouchsafe to send any honourable Ambassadors to the Turkish Emperors (with whom they for most part lived in Hostility) either the Turks to them. By this Messenger he answered Soliman's Letters with other of like vain, as followeth:  
Philippus Villerius Liladamus', Great Master of the Rhodes, to the Turk.  

The answer of Villerius to Soliman's Letter.  I right well understand your Letters, which your Messenger brought unto me. The friendship you write of is as pleasing to me as displeasing to Cortug-Ogli your Servant, who went about to have intercepted me upon the sudden, as I came out of France; but failing of his purpose, stealing by night into the Rhodian Sea, he attempted to have robbed certain Merchants Ships bound from Joppa to Venice; but sending my Fleet out of my Haven, I stayed his fury, constrained the Pirate to fly, and for haste to leave behind him the Prizes he had before taken from the Merchants of Crete. Farewell, from the Rhodes.  
By this answer Solyman perceived, that he was well met withal in his own fineness, and that he should not so easily carry the Rhodes, as he had before done Belgrade. Yet being fully in himself resolved to try his Fortune therein, he called unto him certain of the chief Commanders of his Wars, to whom he opened his whole determination in this sort: Although I doubt not, worthy Chieftains, but that you are of the same mind now that yo● have been always of in the invading of other Nations; 
Soliman's Oration to his Men of ●ar▪ declaring his purpose of besieging the Rhodes  yet I have thought it good in matters tending to the common Glory, and good of us all, to use your general advice and counsel. Since the time that my Father left this World, we have made War with divers Nations and People. The Syrians by nature unconstant, and prone to Rebellion, we have by force reduced to their former Obedience. The Sophi, that mighty King, Nephew unto the great King Usan-Cassanes, by his Daughter the Sister of King Jacup, in heart and deed our mortal Enemy, not contented with the Kingdoms of Assyria, Media, Armenia, the greater, Persia and Mesopotamia, we have with our Forces shut up within the compass of his own Dominions. The last year running through Hungary, both on this side and beyond Danubius we took Belgrade the strongest Fortress in that Kingdom. And whatsoever else we attempted, we subdued. Yet for all that (to speak plainly of myself) my mind greater in conceit than my Empire, and the Blood of Ottoman, findeth no contentment in these Victories. For whats●ever you have yet done, although it be great, yet I deem it all but little, in regard of your worth; my desire carrieth me further. This have I always above all things most earnestly desired, to set upon the Rhodes, and utterly to root out all the strength and forces, yea the very name of those Rhodian Soldiers. And have not you also no less than myself desired the same? How often have I heard you crying out, The Rhodes, The Rhodes? I have expected the time that being discharged of other Wars, I might here employ my whole strength and power. That we so long desired, is now come; there was never greater opportunity of good success offered, a great part of the Walls of the City of the Rhodes now lying even with the ground; which cannot in short time be repaired, especially in their want of Coyn. Beside this, the Garrison in the Castle is but small, and their aid from France far off, which will either come too late when the City is lost, or that which I rather believe, never. For neither will the French King (being at mortal Wars with the Germane Emperor, and Lords of Italy) suffer his Storehouses to be disfurnished, or his Ports bared of the necessary defence of his Shipping. Neither do you believe that the Spaniards (distressed at home with Famine, War, and civil Dissension) will easily come hither out of Scilicia and Campania with supplies of Men and Victual. But you may perhaps think that great danger is to be feared from the Venetian Fleet, and the Isle of Crete, which I assure you is not so; for I know (although I will not now▪ manifest the same) how I have prevented that mischief. Wherefore courageous Soldiers (born to the subduing of all Christendom, much more of the Rhodes) with cheerful hearts follow me your Sovereign against these your most perfidious and cruel Enemies. How long I pray you will you suffer that stain and disgrace to stick upon the Ottoman Family, and generally upon all the Name of the Turks, which these Rhodians cast upon us the last time they were besieged? Which was not so much done by their Valour, as by the unfortunate counsel of my great Grandfather Mahomet, calling home Mesithes Palaeologus his General in that War, for one unlucky Assault. But admit that their Valour gained them Victory, will you therefore always suffer these pyratical excursions upon our Main and Islands? The ransacking of Cities and Countries? The carrying away of your cattle and richest Substance? The captivity and slaughter of your Wives and Children? The slavery of your nearest Friends and Kinsmen? So help me great Mahomet it shall not so be; I Vow in despite of Christ and John, in short time to set up mine Ensigns with the Moon in the middle of the Market place of Rhodes. Neither do I seek any thing unto myself, more than the honour of the enterprise; the profit I give unto you my fellow Soldiers, their Coin, Plate, jewels, (which is reported to be great) their Riches and Wealth is all yours, to carry home with you unto your Wives and Children. Wherefore let us now with all our forces and courage set forward to the besieging of the Rhodes.  
Soliman's purpose thus made known, and the same with one accord of all his Captains well liked; Pyrrhus the eldest Bassa and of greatest authority, who at the first dissuaded the War, standing up in the midst of the rest, said: I cannot but much admire the great Wisdom and rare Virtues of our young Emperor, who so wisely and advisedly hath declared all the deep Counsels of a worthy Chieftain in taking of War in hand. Blessed be Mahomet, thrice and four times Blessed is this Empire, Blessed is our Estate, and Blessed are we with such a Prince, which carrieth with him in his Wars, not only Men and Habiliments of War, but most deep wisdom and policy. Which wholesome manner of proceeding, if we had always before our eyes, and would follow, we should in short time bring under our subjection not the Rhodes only, but all the Kingdoms of the Christians. Yet beside that which our Emperor hath most carefully and considerately devised, mine age and experience would exhort you, by Gifts, Promises, Rewards, and all other means whatsoever, to corrupt, if it were possible, the very chief and principal Citizens of the Rhodes, thereby to enter into their most secret devices and counsels; which how it may be wrought, I will in few words give you to understand. I as a Man indifferent, desirous of peace and quietness, will by Messengers, and Letters induce the Great Master to send some honourable Embassage to our dread Sovereign, which if I can once bring him unto, then let me alone with the rest.  

Solyman maketh preparation against the Rhodes  This counsel of the old Fox pleased all the hearers well, but above others the Emperor himself, who gave him in charge with all diligence and speed, to prove what he could do; the other Captains he commanded to prepare the greatest Forces they could, both for Land and Sea service. Which preparation was so great both at Constantinople and others places, that it could not long be kept so secret, but that news thereof was brought to the Rhodes the fourth day of February; which news daily increasing and still confirmed by more certain reports, Villerius the Great Master for more certain intelligence, sent a Christian of Epidarius, who could perfectly speak the Turkish Language, as a Spy to Constantinople; who by secret Letters from thence gave him knowledge that the Turks were preparing a great Fleet, and raising a mighty Army, advertising him also of a wonderful proportion of Artillery prepared for Battery; but against whom was not commonly known, some deeming it to be for the Invasion of Italy, some for the Rhodes, others supposing it to be for Cyprus or Corcira; which diversity of conjectures, made many (whose conceits averted from themselves the fortune of that War) to be more careless and secure. But whilst every Man was of Opinion, that it was made against any Man rather than himself; certain advertisement was given to the Rhodians from divers places by Letters from their friends and confederates, That the Turks did with extraordinary diligence keep straight Watch and Ward in all their Ports thereabouts along the Sea Coast, otherwise than the● were before accustomed; which seemed to Prognosticate some farther matter than the defence of their Frontiers. Villerius careful of his charge, 
Villerius prepareth to make resistance against the Turks.  as the Mark whereat the Enemy aimed, provided with all possible diligence great store of Victual, Armour, Weapons, Shot, Powder, and whatsoever else necessary for the defence of the City.  
The new Walls of the City, and Avergne Fortress, by Basilius' Engineer to the Emperor Charles the Fifth (a work begun in the time of Fabritius Caractus the late Grand Master, but not yet finished) was now with all diligent labour set upon, every Man putting his helping hand unto so necessary a Work. Whilst these things were with so great endeavour and labour a doing, a Messenger came from Constantinople, (sent from the old Bassa Pyrrhus) a sharp Witted and cunning Fellow; who with much filled speech in most ample manner doing his Message, by the way, painted forth the great towardliness and courteous nature of the Turkish Emperor Solyman, with the great commendation of Pyrrhus Bassa his Master; delivering from both of them Letters unto the Great Master to this purport.  
Solyman by the Grace of God King of Kings, Lord of Lords, etc. To the reverend Father Philippus Villerius Liladamus', Great Master of the Rhodes, and Legate of Asia, Greeting.  
I Am certainly informed that my Letters are delivered unto thee; 
Soliman's Letter to Villerius.  which for that thou understoodst them aright, I cannot express how much it pleased me. Trust to it, that I am not contented with the Victory I got at Belgrade; I hope for another, nay I assure myself thereof, which I will not hide from thee whom I am always mindful of. Farewell from Constantinople.  
Pyrrhus, great Counsellor to the mighty Emperor Solyman, to Philippus Villerius Liladamus', Great Master of the Rhodes, and Legate of Asia, Greeting.  
YOUR Letters, greater in meaning than Character, 
Pyrrhus' Bassa his Letter to Viller●us.  I have delivered unto our most mighty Emperor; but the Bearer thereof I would not suffer to come to his Presence, lest he should be too much offended with so base a Messenger. Unto whom from henceforth send Men of worth, commendable for their years and discretion, with whom his Majecty may (if be so please) confer and conclude of matters concerning the common Good; which thing if you shall do, it shall neither repent you of the doing thereof, nor me of my Counsel. The Messenger I send, bringeth Letters unto you also from our great Emperor; to whose divine Excellency how you are to answer, you are already admonished. Farewell from Constantinople.  
These Letters being openly read, drew the minds of the Rhodians diversely. Such as altogether wished for peace, measuring others after their own plain meaning and integrity, commended the Counsel of Pyrrhus, saying, That he being an old Man of great experience, was not so desirous of our quiet, as of the quiet of his Prince and Country; and therefore wished by wisdom to order that which the young Prince sought for by War, fearing the uncertainty of Man's fragility, the common chance of War, the violence of Fortune, which hath oftentimes in a moment with a handful of Men overthrown most mighty Kings with their strong Armies. The persuasion of these men took such effect, that one of the Knights of the Order called Raimund March, a Spaniard, a Noble Gentleman of great Courage, and very eloquent, skilful also in the Turkish Tongue, and then Muster-master, was appointed to have been sent Ambassador unto the Turkish Emperor. Many there were of a contrary opinion, which suspecting fraud and deceit, said it were good to beware of the Enemy's Counsel; ask, to what end this Embassage were? For should we proclaim War (say they) against the most mighty Tyrant, not yet our professed Enemy, who writeth all Peace? Or should we entreat for peace, no War as yet proclaimed; that he which as yet is afraid himself, may now understand that he is of us feared? Besides that, with what security, with what face can our Ambassadors go, unrequested of the Turkish Emperor, without his safe conduct through those Countries which we daily burn and spoil? But they shall show Pyrrhus the great Bassas Letters forsooth, his protection, his Credit and Authority shall defend them from all injury and wrong; as though the servant should prescribe Laws to his Master, and such a servant as is most like unto his Master (that is) cruel, false of Faith, a hater of all Christians, but especially of us Rhodians; whom the merciless Tyrant having in his power, with his Navy and Army in readiness, shall with cruel torture enforce to discover unto him our provision, the secrets of our City and Order. This opinion of the wiser sort, was greatly confirmed by the too much curiosity of the Messenger which was sent, who with all diligence enquired of the State and Situation of the City, of the number and strength of the Order. Wherefore in conclusion he was sent back again accompanied but with one private Soldier to carry the Great Masters Letters unto the Turkish Tyrant; the tenor whereof was thus:  
Philippus Villerius Liladamus', Great Master of the Rhodes, unto the Turk, Greeting  
THat you are mindful of me grieveth me nothing; and I am also mindful of you. 
The answer of Villerius to Soliman's Letter.  You repeat your Victory in Hungary, wherewith not being contented you hope for another; nay you promise and assure yourself thereof, before you have attempted the War. Beware you deceive not yourself; men's expectations never deceive them more than in Wars. Farewell, from the Rhodes.  
The other Letters written to Pyrrhus, were to this effect:  
Philippus Villerius Liladamus', Great Master of the Rhodes, to Pyrrhus the Bassa.  
I Have advisedly considered thy Letters, with the behaviour and disposition of thy Messenger. 
Villerius his answer to Pyrrhus the Bassa his Letters.  As I contemn not thy counsel, so I will not follow the same, whilst my men of War do spoil the Countries and Ports of thy Lord and Master, which I bear withal, by reason of the injuries they have sustained of the Turkish Pirates. But I will call them home, and will send Ambassadors unto thy great Lord; so that thou before send me safe conduct under thy Master's great Seal, for their safe coming and return. Farewell, from the Rhodes.  
But these Letters were never delivered unto the great Turk, or the Bassa; for as soon as the Turkish Messenger was come over into the Main, he presently took Horse, which was there in readiness for him, and posted towards Constantinople with as much speed as he could, leaving the Christian Messenger his Companion behind him; who returning back again to the Rhodes, and telling what he had heard and seen, gave them all great occasion to despair of Peace; whereupon Villerius sent into Crete to hire certain Companies of Cretensian Archers. In the mean time advertisement was given unto the Great Master by Letters from the Island of Naxos, 
Villerius advertised of the coming of the Turks Fleet.  That the Turks were ready to put their Fleet to Sea with the first appearance of the new Moon; which thing they most superstitiously observe in the beginning of all their great actions. The same news was brought also by certain Merchants of the Island of Pathmos, who came to the Rhodes with a great Ship laded with Corn from Euboea; under the colour of the sale whereof, they (by the commandment of the Turks, to whom they were Tributaries) diligently noted all that was done in the City, shortly to be besieged. The great Master with no less diligence, sent divers of his small Galleys amongst the Islands and alongst the Main, to learn what might be of the Enemies doings. joannes Lupus one of the Knights of the Order, and Captain of one of these Galleys, meeting with a great Ship of the Turks laded with Corn, took her and brought her home to Rhodes. But Alphonsus Captain of another of the Galleys, lying in harbour in one of the Islands, and suffering his men to straggle too far into the Land, was set upon by a Turkish Pirate and taken.  
About the same time the Turks by often Fires made upon the Main in the night season, gave sign unto the Rhodians, that they desirous to have some parley with them, as their manner was. Whereupon one Meneton a French man, one of the Knights, by commandment of the rest of the Order, was sent with a Galley well appointed to the Main to see what the matter might be; and with him was joined jacobus Xaycus a Paymaster for the Galleys, that he might of the inhabitants of the place, and his Friends there dwelling, diligently inquire of all things concerning the intended War; for this Xaycus, besides that he was a skilful Seaman and one that knew the Coast well, had also good experience in Civil Affairs, and was wonderfully beloved and made of by the Turkish Merchants whose Language he had perfectly learned. Drawing near the Shore, he found the Turkish Merchants making merry upon the Main, with their Carpets, Cotten-Wool, and such like Merchandise about them as they used to exchange with the Rhodian Merchants for woollen clothes; unto these Merchants he gave due salutations, gauging his Faith for their safety, and they likewise to him. But being requested to come ashore to make merry until one of his familiar and old acquaintance might be sent for, who as they said was not far off; he answered, that he could not so do, except they would first deliver a Pledge for him a Shipboard. The perfidious Turks laughing as it were at his needless fear, willingly sent their, Merchandise and a Pledge aboard the Galleys. Xaycus then going ashore, and embracing the Turkish Merchants which met him; upon a sign given, was forthwith beset on every side and taken Prisoner, and by Post Horses conveied with all speed to Constantinople; where he was with most exquisite torments that could be devised for any man to endure, enforced to confess whatsoever his cruel Enemies could desire. After Xaycus was by treachery thus lost, then began their provident wisdom to be highly comme●sed, which were the occasion, that the Decree made of sending Ambassadors unto the Turk, was again revoked. The hostage given for Xaycus, being brought to the Rhodes and examined, was found to be a simple Country fellow whom the Turks had of purpose well apparelled to deceive the Rhodians, who frankly and plainly according to his simple knowledge, answered to all things that were of him demanded; as that the Turks were making great preparation for Sea, upon the Coasts of Caria and Lycia, and had taken up many Soldiers in the Countries thereabouts to send into the Frontiers of his Dominions towards Syria, for defence of the same against the Persians. All which was true; for Solyman to put the Rhodians out of all suspicion of invasion (whom he knew carefully to observe his doings) sent the Soldiers whom he had levied in the Country's nearest to the Rhodes, far away against the Persian, as if he had meant nothing against the Rhodes, and so upon the sudden to set upon them with his Army brought out of Europe, before they were awar. But this his device served to small purpose; for the Great Master perceiving by many circumstances, 
The carefulness of the Grand Master.  but especially by that late calamity of Xaycus that the Rhodes was the place the Turkish Tyrant longed after; and fearing that delay might bring farther danger, caused a cessation from all other business to be proclaimed, until all things necessary for defence of the City were accomplished; Watch and Ward was kept in every Street, the great Artillery planted upon the Walls and Bulwarks, Companies appointed for the defence of every place, the public Armoury of all warlike provision was open, all the Streets were full of Men carrying Weapons, some to one place, some to another. At which time a general Muster was taken by the chief Men of the Order, where were found about five thousand men able to bear Arms, among whom were six hundred Knights of the Order, and five hundred Soldiers of Crete; the rest were for most part Mariners, able Bodies, who in the time of the Siege did great service, encouraged by their Sea Captains; the Island People which repaired into the City, served to little other purpose but to dig and carry Earth unto the Rampires; and the Citizens (except it were some few of the better sort) were for the most part weak and of small Courage, not able to endure any labour or pains, and yet hardly to be kept in order and governed, great speakers, but small doers, greater in show than in deed. The Great Master having carefully provided and ordered all things needful for the defence of the City, and fearing nothing more than the faint Hearts of the Citizens, caused them all to be called together; for encouragement of whom, he spoke unto them as followeth: Valiant Gentlemen and worthy Citizens, we hear that the Turk our mortal Enemy is coming against us, 
Villerius his Oration unto the Rhodians.  with a huge Army raised of divers Nations; from whose natural cruelty and wont perjury except we defend ourselves by force, one and the self same danger is like to befall me, my Knights, and you all. For we have with common consent and hand grievously spoiled him both by Sea and Land, and you are by booties taken by strong hand out of his Dominions, enriched; and at this day we keep his People in grievous servitude, and he ours; but he injuriously, and we most justly: For his Ancestors (weary of the dark Dens and Caves of the Mountain Caucasus, their natural Dwelling) without Right, Title, or Cause, incited only with Covetousness, Ambition, and the hatred of our most sacred Religion, have driven the Christians out of Syria; and afterwards oppressed the Grecians in Grecia; where not contented to have destroyed the People, with one simple kind of death (as Barbarism is ever cruel and merciless) they have with most exquisite and horrible Torments butchered many thousands of that Nation. All whom, this wicked proud youth (whose mischief exceedeth his years) an evil Neighbour to all men, not contented with the Dominions of Arabia, Syria, Egypt, the greatest part of Asia, and of many other places more, seeketh in Tyranny, Murder, Spoil, Perjury, and Hatred against Christ and Christians, far to excel; and forceth himself to the uttermost of his power, to take from us our Islands, and to subdue the Christian Countries; that so at length being Lord of all, and Commander of the World, he may at his pleasure overthrow the Christian Cities, kill the Christians, and utterly root out the Christian name, which he so much hateth. For the repulsing of which intolerable injury; we have especially chosen this Island of the Rhodes for our dwelling place, because the same seemed more commodious than any other for the annoying of this barbarous Nation. We have done what in us lay, holpen by you; we know by proof your great Valour and Fidelity, which we now have not in any distrust. Wherefore I will not use many words to persuade you to continue in your Fidelity and Loyalty, neither long circumstances to encourage you to play the men; sithence worthy minds are not with words either encouraged or dismayed. But concerning myself and my Knights of the Order, I will speak a few words. I with them, with whom (as I hope) the Christian Princes and other my Knights of the West will in good time join their Forces, are most ready and pressed to defend yourselves, your Children, your Wives, your Goods, the Monuments of your Ancestors and sacred Temples, dedicated to the service of our God. Which opinion, that it may remain firm and fixed in your minds, if nothing else, my Faithfulness in your Wars, my Body not yet altogether spent but able enough to endure pains and travel, the Nobility of these worthy Knights of the Order, their Love towards you, and their Hatred towards your Enemies were sufficient to confirm; but beside this, the strength of this City, which this noble Order hath with infinite charges so notably fortified with Ditches, Walls, Towers and Bulwarks, against all the force and fury of Artillery, is such, as that no City may worthily be compared, much less preferred before the same. It is wonderfully stored with all kind of Weapons and Warlike Provision; we have laid up plenty of Wine, Flesh, and Corn, in vaults, so that neither wet Wether nor Worms can attaint the same; of Wood and wholesome Water not to be taken from us, things necessary for men besieged we have plenty, and able men enough for the defence of the City. All which things promise unto us assured Victory, and such end of the War as we wish for. Besides this, Necessity, which giveth Courage even unto Cowards, will enforce us to fight. Yet standeth on our side true Religion, Faith, Conscience, Devotion, Constancy, the Love of our Country, the Love of our Liberty, the Love of our Parents, Wives, Children, and whatsoever else we hold dear; Whereas they bring with them the proud command of their Captains, Infidelity, Impiety, Unconstancy, a wicked desire of your Bondage, of your Blood, and the Blood of your Parents, Wives, and Children. Out of doubt (beloved Citizens) our good God will not suffer so many good virtues to be overcome by their foul vices. Wherefore be you in mind quiet and secure, and trouble not yourselves with forboding fear of your Enemies; only continue in the Fidelity and Loyalty which you have always kept inviolate and unspotted toward this sacred and honourable Fellowship, in most dangerous Wars, and hardest chances of Fortune; and if need shall so require, with courageous band show your Valour against your Enemies, and make it known unto the Spaniards, French, Italians, Hungarians, and English, That the Rhodians are of power to daunt the Turkish Pride, and to avert their Fleets and Armies from Italy, which they have so many years threatened with Fire and Sword; and will no doubt thither with all speed hasten and come, if (that which my mind abhorreth to speak) they should here prevail. Neither will his ambitious youth, in Courage, Falsehood, and cruelty exceeding Hannibal, imitate him in that, that having overthrown the Romans in the great Battle at Cannae, knew not to use his Victory; but he will presently with more than Caesar's celerity, bring forth the Treasures his Father got in Egypt, and with great Fleets and huge Armies invade Apulia, Calabria, and Scicilia; from whence he will forthwith break into France, and afterwards into Spain, and other Christian Countries, raging through them with all kind of cruelty. But I am carried away further than I purposed, and than need is; For your Fidelity and Valour (most worthy Citizens) to endure the Siege, and repulse the Enemy, is such, as needeth not my persuasion; and of greater resolution, than that it can be shaken with the dangers incident to men besieged; yet the greatest and most forcible miseries of all, which is Hunger and Thirst, I assure you, you shall never feel; which pinching calamities for all that, some People (in Faithfulness, Courage, and Valour nothing comparable to you) have nevertheless most constantly endured. For they of Petelinum, besieged by the Carthaginensians, for want of Victual, thrust their Parents and Children out of the City, the longer to hold out the Siege, and lived themselves with Hides and Leather sod or broiled, and Leaves of Trees, and many other homely things, by the space of eleven months; and could not be overcome until they wanted strength longer to stand upon the Walls, and to hold their Weapons in their hands. They of Cassilinum, besieged by Hannibal, held out until a poor Mouse was sold for much Mony. You must of necessity keep Watch and Ward in your Stations; if your Houses chance to be beaten down with the Enemy's Artillery, you must have patience; for why, they shall be repaired again, and it is not a matter of such importance, that we should therefore yield unto our Enemies, in whose Courtesy and Fidelity no assurance is to be reposed. For besides that he is by Nature cruel and unfaithful, he can by no means be gentle and faithful towards us, which have done him so much harm, who only (as he himself saith) have oftentimes to his grief interrupted the course of the Victories of him the Conqueror both of Sea and Land; whom he hath so many times assailed by open force with all his Strength Wit, Craft, Deceit and Policy; yet always hitherto in vain, Almighty God still protecting us, whom above all things (most dear Citizens) I wish you to serve and call upon, for except he keep and defend the City, the Watchmen do but watch in vain.  
This cheerful Speech wonderfully encouraged the Hearers, especially the Vulgar sort, easily carried away with pleasing Words. But whilst they in their jollity dream of nothing but of Triumph and Victory, the Wiser sort possessed with care, ceased not to do what in them lay, to procure, That the good commonly forewished, might in fine come to effect. Among others Clement Bishop of the Greeks, a man both for his place and devout manner of living had in great reputation amongst them, laboured earnestly by daily exhortations, to persuade the Greeks his Countrymen in that great and common danger with heart and hand to join with the Latins in defence of the City; for although the Government was altogether in the Great Master and his Knights, which were Latins, yet the People both of the Island and City were for most part Greeks, who liked not altogether so well of the Latin Government, but that they did many times repine thereat. Howbeit the matter was at that time so ordered by the good persuasion of the Bishop, and good Government of the Great Master, that they all agreed as one man, to spend their lives in defence of the City; and were so far from fear of the coming of the barbarous Enemy, that many of the Vulgar People, in whom appeareth commonly more Heat than Wit, wished rather for his coming than otherwise. But look what they had fond wished, proved afterward to their costs over true. For within a few nights after, the Turks by fire made in the night time upon the Main, gave sign of parley unto the Rhodians. Whereupon a Galley well appointed, with a long Boat, was presently sent forth to see what the matter was; which drawing near unto the shore, was hailed by a Turk, accompanied with a Troop of Horsemen, desiring the Captain of the Galley to send some on shore, with whom they might more conveniently parley; which thing the Captain refusing; What, said the Turk, art thou afraid of Xaycus Fortune? to whom the Captain in threatening manner answered again, Xaycus whom you have contrary to your Faith and Oath taken, troubleth me not; neither am I afraid of you, whom I trust not; but if you have any thing to say let me hear it, or else get you further off, otherwise I will speak to you by the mouth of the Canon. Then one of the Turks coming to the Water side, laid down Letters upon a Stone, saying, that in them was contained that they had in charge; which said, he presently set Spurs to his Horse, and departed with the rest of his Company. The Captain sending out his long Boat for these Letters, found them directed in this sort; Solyman by the grace of God, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, most Mighty Emperor of Constantinople and Trapezond, etc. unto the reverend Father Philippus Villerius Liladamus', Great Master of the Rhodes, to his Knights, and all his People in general.  
The purport of which Letter was as followeth:  
THE compassion I have of my distressed Subjects, 
Soliman's threatening Letters to the Rhodians.  and the great injury you do me, hath moved me to Wrath. Wherefore I command you without delay to yield unto me the Island and City of the Rhodes, willingly and charitably granting you leave safely to depart with all your Riches, or to tarry if you so please under my Obeisance, your Liberty and Religion in no part infringed with any Tribute or imposition. If you be wise, prefer Friendship and Peace before bloody War; for unto them which are by Force subdued, are reserved all extremities which the miserable vanquished use to suffer of the angry Conqueror; from which neither your own Force, nor foreign Aid, nor huge Walls, which I will utterly overthrow, shall be able to defend you, fare you well. All which shall assuredly be performed, if you shall make choice rather of my Friendship, than of my Force; wherein you shall neither be deceived nor circumvented; I take to witness God the Creator of Heaven and Earth, the four Writers of the Evangelical History, the fourscore thousand Prophets descended from Heaven, and amongst them our highest Prophet Mahomet, the reverend Ghosts of my Father and Grandfather, and this my sacred and imperial Head. From our Palace at Constantinople.  
When these Letters were openly read in the Counsel Chamber at the Rhodes, some were of opinion, That it was good to answer the Turkish Tyrant roundly, thereby to give him to understand that they were not afraid of his Threats; othersome thought it no Wisdom with hard words to provoke so great an Enemy to further displeasure. Thus whilst every man would have framed an answer according to his own disposition, in conclusion it was agreed upon, to give him no answer at all.  
The same day these Letters came to the Rhodes, which was the fourteenth day of june, one of the Turks great Commanders at Sea with thirty Galleys, the Forerunners of the Turkish Fleet, arrived at the Island of Cbos, famous in ancient time for the Birth of Hypocrates the great Physician, and the wonderful Picture of Venus left there unperfect by Apelles, which for the excellency thereof never man durst afterward take in hand to perfect; which fruitful and pleasant Island was then at the arrival of the Turks, part of the Dominion of the Rhodes. The Admiral of this Fleet here landing his Turks, began to burn the Corn which was then almost ripe, with the Country Villages round about. With which injury, Prejanes the Governor of the Island (a man of great Courage and Valour) moved, with a chosen Company of Footmen, and certain Troops of Horsemen, suddenly set upon the Turks, in divers places dispersed abroad far into the Country, with such a terrible cry of the Country People, and Instruments of War, that the Turks being therewith amazed, ran away as if they had been mad, and were many of them slain without resistance; and had not the Galleys lain near the Shore, to receive them that were able to fly thither, there had not one of them which landed escaped the hands of the Island People. The Turks having received this loss, left the Island, and put to Sea again.  
The Rhodians for the most part now assured and out of doubt of the coming of the Turks, 
The Rhodians for fear of the Turks destroy their Suburbs and places of pleasure without the City.  by the persuasion of Gabriel Pomerolus Vicemaster, and other men of great experience, plucked down the Suburbs of the City, and laid them even with the ground, their pleasant Orchards also and Gardens near to the City, they utterly destroyed; the Great Master for example sake beginning first with his own, being a place of great delicacy, lying under the Walls near to the French Bulwark; and taking into the City all such things as they thought needful for the enduring of the Siege, they utterly destroyed all the rest, were it never so pleasant or commodious, within a mile of the Town, leaving all that space as even and as bare as they could possibly make it; to the intent, tha●●●e Enemy at his coming should find nothing nea● the City whereof to make use. But whilst the pleasures and delights of the Suburbs are thus in defacing, another more heavy and woeful sight presented unto the Eyes of the Citizens, filled the City with greater mourning and pensiveness than did the coming of the Enemy. 
The fear of the Country People.  The miserable multitude of the poor Country People, some bringing Wood, some Corn, some cattle, some Fouls, and other such necessaries as they had out of the Country into the City (for so the Great Master had commanded) after whom followed great numbers of Women and Children weeping, with dischiveled hair, scratching their faces and tearing themselves after the manner of the Country, wring their Hands, and casting up their Eyes to Heaven, beseeching God with heavy countenance and floods of Tears to defend the noble City of the Rhodes, and themselves from the fury of their Enemies. Which multitude of Country People with their Provision being packed up into narrow rooms in the Houses of the Citizens, and their cattle starving for want of Fodder, afterwards corrupted the Air, whereof ensued rotten Agues and the Flux, during the time of the Siege. But after the City was given up, such a Plague and Mortality followed, as destroyed great numbers of the Turks and poor Christians, which knowing not whether to go, chose rather there to die, than to forsake their native Country.  
The General of the Turkish Fleet which landed in the Island of Chos, and was of purpose sent by Solyman to provoke the Rhodians to Battle at Sea; before he with his whole power came to besiege the Island, came daily with twenty Galleys half those narrow Seas over, betwixt Lycia and the Rhodes, leaving the rest of his Fleet riding at Anchor at the Promontory called Gnidum (not far from the City of Rhodes) ready to aid him as need should require; this manner of bravery he used many days together, hoping thereby to allure the Rhodians out of their Haven to give him Battle; knowing, that if he should therein obtain the Victory, it were at that time little less than the taking of the City, or if he could by cruel fight but weaken the Forces of the Rhodians, he should therein do his Master good service, and greatly further his Victory by diminishing the number of the Defendants. When he had many days without intermission in this proud manner come half Seas over, and sometimes passing further came and lay at the mouth of the Haven, as it were daring them to fight; the Rhodians not wont to be so braved at their own doors, moved with the intolerable insolency of this proud Turk, by their continual importunity caused the Great Master to call a Counsel, to consider whether they should fight with this Fleet of the Turks or not. The Counsellors by the appointment of the Great Master assembled; the Chancellor, a man of great Authority and Spirit, famous for his noble Acts both at home and abroad, and chief of them which were of opinion this Fleet of the Turks was to be fought withal, said: So great disgrace was not longer to be suffered, but presently revenged; 
The Chancellor his Speech persuading the Rhodians ●o fight with the Turks Galleys.  For (said he) the huge Fleet of the Turks, I do not say at whose force and fight, but at whose very name many men do tremble and quake (which for all that is unto us no great novelty, for every year we hear of the like) is as a head to be joined unto these pyratical Galleys, as Members; and then will it be most expedient (which will be a most easy thing for us to do, having the better both for strength of shipping and number and valour of men) to give that great head such a blow and wound, by cutting off these limbs, that it shall ever after stagger and faint for want of strength; or else there is no other Fleet at all prepared against us to follow this, and then this discomfited we shall be at quiet. Which thing in my judgement (though others which fear their own shadows and the falling of Heaven, say otherwise) is most like to be true; for the great Turk is not so sottish to come hither, the fittest time of the year being so far spent, in the latter end of June, to besiege this City, and such a City as he knoweth to be most str●ng, wanting nothing that is needful, and throughly manned with valiant Soldiers, from whenc● his Ancestors have been with loss and shame repulsed; when as the remainder of the Summer will be spent before he can encamp himself and place his batteries; and Winter time as you know is unfit for every Siege, especially in this Island, wherein they can find no Haven or Harbour to rest in. Wherefore on God his name let us set upon our proud Enemies; and let us not for a few threatening words sent unto us from a fearful youth, upon a fineness and policy lest we should follow the tail of his Fleet bound for some other place, sit still like Cowards within our Walls with our hands in our bosoms, as men which for fear and dread durst not show their heads. Which our Cowardice and want of Courage we forsooth call Fabius his policy; But I would to God we were like Fabius, but I fear we shall prove more like Antiochus, the Etolians, the Vitellians, all whose courage consisted in words, vainly hoping to gain the Victory by sitting still and wishing well. But▪ the help of God is not to be gotten with women's Prayers and Supplications or these faint-hearted Policies, which Cowards call advised counsel, but Victory is gained by adventuring and exposing ourselves to danger and peril.  
With these and such like Speeches he so moved the multitude, which commonly conceiveth most Courage upon the greatest uncertainties, that they desired that they might fight; saying, That they would wash away that foul disgrace with the Blood and Slaughter of their Enemies; For why, they wanted not Weapons, Courage, or Hands (as they said) to do it withal.  
For all this, the graver sort of the Counsel (without whose consent the Master might in such cases do nothing) thought it not good in so dangerous a time to adventure any great part of their Forces, which they should afterwards want for the defence of their City. The Turkish General deceived of his expectation, and perceiving that the Rhodians would not be drawn forth to Battle at Sea, withdrew his Fleet twelve miles off, unto a place called Villanova; where casting Anchor and landing his men, he burned the Corn all thereabouts which was now almost ripe, but forsaken of the People as a thing desperate; as for the People themselves, they were all fled, and had retired themselves either into the City of the Rhodes, or else into strong Castles in other places of the Island.  
At the same time certain Troops of Horsemen sent forth to have skirmished with the Turks that were burning of the Corn, were by a Messenger sent from the Great Master, commanded to retire; for the provident General sought by all means to reserve his Soldiers for greater dangers which he justly feared in the expected Siege; 
The worthy commendation of the Great Master.  during which time he showed himself a most politic Captain and brave Soldier; he would many times by day eat his Meat with his Soldiers, as one of them, and most part of the night keep Watch himself, walking up and down, resting himself when he was weary upon some Stone or piece of Timber, or other homely seat, as it chanced. In time of Assault he was always more forward and adventurous than the grave Counsellors wished, fearing neither Shot nor Enemy; yet did he always more commend discreet Counsel grounded upon Reason, than prosperous Actions commended but by their events. And that which a man would wonder at, amongst so many cares in midst of such divers and dangerous chances, he carried always such a Grace and Majesty in his cheerful countenance, as made him to be of the Beholders both reverenced and loved. All the time he could spare from the necessary Cares of his weighty charge, from Assaults, and the natural refreshing of his Body, he bestowed in Prayer and serving of God; he oftentimes spent the greatest part of the night in the Church alone praying, his Head-piece, Gorget, and Gauntlets lying by him; so that it was often said, That his devout Prayers and Carefulness would make the City invincible.  
The six and twentieth day of june early in the morning, 
The Turks Fleet descried at Sea troubleth the Rhodians.  news was brought into the City from the Watch Tower standing upon St. Stephen's Hill about a mile from the City, That a most huge Fleet was descried at Sea, making thitherwards all alongst the Western Coast of Lycia. This bad news much troubled the City, although it was not of most men unexpected; all places was filled with tumult and hurly burly, every man measured the greatness of the danger by the measure of his own fear, and such a pitiful cry was in every place as in usual in Cities presently to be besieged. Hereupon public Prayers were made through all the City, and every man with great Devotion besought the God of Heaven, That as it was his pleasure that the Rhodians should at that time be the Champions of the Christian Religion, so he would give them Strength and Victory against their Enemies, and to turn the calamities of War upon the Enemies of his Name. Their Devotion ended, the Gates of the City were shut up, and People from all places ran unto the Walls, great Flocks of Women, Children, and aged men not able to stand without a Staff, going forth of their Houses to gaze upon the dreadful Fleet (wherein was above two hundred Sails as is reported) filled the Streets, the tops of the high Towers and Houses. The foremost of the Fleet was the Admiral of Calipolis, to whom Solyman had committed the charge of all his Navy, and to assail the City by Sea; 
The order of the Turks Fleet  the Rear-Admiral was Cara Mahomates an arch Pirate, who was afterwards slain with a great Shot out of the City. The Vice-Admiral in the middle of the Fleet with a great Squadron of Galleys, having a fair Westernly wind, struck sail directly before the mouth of the Haven (which was on both sides defended with two strong Towers well furnished with great Artillery) and began to row toward the City; whereupon an Alarm was raised, the Trumpets sounded, and many hasted unto the Bulwark which defended the left side of the Haven, which the Enemy seemed to direct his course unto; and was indeed more subject to danger than the other. But the Turk seeing himself in danger to be sunk with shot from the Bulwark, was glad to get himself farther off unto the rest of the Fleet; the Rhodians from the Walls with loud outcries scornfully deriding him for his foolish attempt. This great Fleet in exceeding bravery and triumph passing by the City in sight of the Rhodians (standing upon the Walls with Ensigns displayed) did not more terrify them, than they were themselves terrified to behold the strength of the City, and the cheerfulness of the Defendants. But passing on, they came to the Promontory which the Inhabitants call Bo, about three miles distant from the City, Eastward. Which small Har●●● being not able to receive so great a Fleet, many of the Galleys were enforced to ride it out at Sea, where they were by Shot out of the City oftentimes endangered and enforced to get them further off. Whilst the Enemy was there landing his great Ordnance and other Instruments of War prepared for the Siege, choosing a place for his Camp, transporting his Land Soldiers from the Main into the Island, viewing the strength and situation of the City, and in what place he might with most ease assault the same; the Rhodians in the mean time were not idle, but sunk divers deep sounds in many places of the City near unto the Walls, to discover the Enemy's Mines, and fortified their Bulwarks with great Rampires; in which work every man put too his helping hand without respect of Age or Calling. 
The Great Master by his Ambassadors craveth aid of the Christian Princes.  The Grand Master about that time sent Lodovicus Andugus one of the Knights of the Order, into Spain to Charles the Emperor; and Claudius Ducenvillus another of the Order also, to Rome to the Cardinals, and Italian Knights of the Order; and from thence into France unto the French King with Letters; craving the aid of these Christian Princes, for relief of the City, by Sea and Land besieged. But all in vain, for they carried away with the endless grudge one against another, or respecting only their own States, returned the Ambassadors with good words, but no relief.  
At this time Prejanes Governor of Chios (of whom we have before spoken) a man comparable with any of the Captains of that age, an excellent Soldier both by Sea and Land, valiant and thereto fortunate, of an invincible Courage, brought up in the Wars from his Childhood; when he had by the space of two or three days hid himself in the Rocks at Sea, for fear of the Turks great Fleet, came by night in a small Pinnass to the Rhodes, having deceived the Turks Watch; at whose coming the Rhodians wonderfully rejoiced, for the Soldiers reposed greater confidence in no man, than in him; and if any great exploit were to be done, him the Master trusted above any other; he always in Arms during the Siege, encouraged the Soldiers, searched the Watch, surveyed the Bulwarks, repaired the Breaches, and such labours as others accounted extreme miseries, 
The commendation of Prejanes.  he cheerfully endured, as if they had been but his pleasure and recreations. At the same time also, Gabriel Martiningus of Brixia, a most skilful Engineer, came to the Rhodes out of Creta; by whose industry and cunning, fifty five Mines which the Turks did with infinite labour and charge make (by reason of the springing of the Water, and hardness of the Rocks) during the Siege, were all by countermines disappointed and defeated.  
The City of the Rhodes is situate on a plain ground, 
The description of the Rhodes.  on every side to be besieged, only Northward it is defended with a goodly Haven, from whence it lieth open all westward; betwixt it and the Hills round about it, lieth a stony plain ground not very broad, but of a greater length; these Hills are full of Springs, and Orchards planted with Olives, Figtrees, Vines, and such other Fruits as such dry and sandy ground will bear. But what by Nature wanted, was by the Hand and industry of man supplied; for it was compassed about with a most strong double Wall, and deep Trenches, threatening the Enemy with thirteen stately Towers; and sure against all Assaults, with five mighty Bulwarks, with divers goodly fair Gates; and that which was the greatest defence of all, within the City was always kept a most exact and straight form of Warlike Dis●●●pline. The defence of the whole City w●● thus proportioned; from th● French T●●●r (which with the greatness and heigh●●●ereof seemed to mate the sky) stood the Frenchmen with the French Li●●es in their Ensigns, under their Commander joannes Abbinus, a Noble Knight of the Order; from thence to St. George's Gate lay the stout Germans, with the Eagle in their Ensigns; in the third station were placed the French Avergnoys, with the Spaniards, for that the Ditches in that place were neither so deep nor broad as elsewhere; in the fifth place lay the English Garrison; over whom the Grand Master himself commanded; after them succeeded they of Narbona; and last of all the Italians, in Valour not inferior to any of the rest, under the leading of Petrus Balinus and Gregorius Morgutas. In every one of these stations were divers valiant Knights of the Order, whose names (worthy of eternal memory) for brevity we pass over, all men of themselves sufficient to have taken upon them the whole charge.  
The Enemy was not busier without the City in placing his battery, but traitorous minds were as busy within to have betrayed the ●ame. A Turkish Woman, 
A Turkish Woman Sl●ve, conspireth to fire the City.  Slave to one of the rich Citizens, had conspired with certain of her Complices, at such time as the Turks should give Assault unto the Town, at one instant to set on fire the Houses wherein they dwelled in divers places of the City, that the Defendants drawn from the Walls to quench the Fire, the Turks in the mean time might the more easily enter. But this Treason was in good time revealed, and the offenders worthily executed.  
The Turks had not as yet placed their battery, when as they took a certain Hill, whereon stood the Church dedicated to Cosmus and Damianus, directly over against the English station; from thence (as it seemed, rather for exercising of their Soldiers than for any great harm they could do so far off) they began with small battering Pieces to shoot into the City; and afterwards they began to dig Mines, and to cast up Trenches; for the performance of which kind of work, and for the filling up of the Town Ditches, they had brought with them fifty thousand Pioniers, men better acquainted with Country labour and keeping of cattle, than with Wars, which being enforced unto their labour day and night, sometime with Stripes and sometime with death, did with incredible celerity bring that to pass, which was before thought impossible. They cut ways through the most hard stony Rocks, 
The painfulness of the Turks Pioniers.  raising the Plains as high as Mountains, with Earth brought two miles off, and laying the Mountains even with the Plains, and yet they never wrought in safety, but were miserably rend in sunder with the great Ordnance out of the Town; and that which most of all troubled them, the Rhodians sallying out upon those over-laboured People, having neither courage nor skill to defend themselves, but trusting only to their heels, slew great numbers of them, and not of them only, but of others also appointed for their defence, whom the Rhodians (taking courage of their fear) fiercely pursued and slew down right. And when m●●ny others issuing out of the Camp in grea●●ompanies, thought to have relieved th●●● Fellows, the great Ordnance before of ●●●pose placed to most advantage, so thun●●●● from the Walls among the thickest of ●●●m, that the ground lay covered with the bodies and Weapons of the dead Turks. ●ith which manner of Fight, after the Rh●●●ans had twice or thrice troubled the F●●●●y, the Turks for their more safety wrought most upon their Mounts by night, keeping most strong watch for the defence of their Pioniers, which for more assurance they doubled in the day time, and bend their Artillery against the places which the Rhodians used to sally out at; which did not so much keep them in, as the fear of weakening themselves by often sallies, knowing that one man was unto them a greater loss, than unto the Enemy an hundred. 
The Turks deceived by the Christian Mariners.  Amongst others which in the beginning of this great Siege forced the uttermost of their devices to the destruction of the Turks, were certain Mariners, who having the Turkish Language perfectly, by leave of the Grand Master (disguising themselves in the habit of Turks) departed by night out of the Haven in a small Boat, loaded with Apples, Plums, Pears, Melons, Grapes, and other such Fruits as the time of the year afforded; and in the darkness came along the Coast, unto that part of the Island whereunto the passage was out of the Main. There as if they had been Turks come from the Main, they landed their commodities, which the Turkish Soldiers bought greedily. When they had thus sold their Fruits, and in selling thereof diligently noted the speech and talk of the Soldiers concerning the Siege, and were now ready to depart, certain Turks which greatly disliked the hard beginning of this Siege, seeing themselves if they did but stir, in danger to be fet off with shot out of the Town, earnestly requested the Mariners to take them with them into the Main; which to do, at the first the Mariners dissembling, refused, as a thing dangerous; and besides that, their Boat was too little to receive so many as would willingly have gone with them. Yet with much ado, they suffered themselves to be entreated to take in seven or eight, such a number as they could well master; who in hope of passing over into the Main, were (contrary to their expectation) brought Prisoners to the Rhodes, where they were by Prejanes brought up to the top of the highest Tower of St. john's Church, from whence they might see all about the Country, and well descry all the manner of the Turks Camp, which they simply discovered unto the Captain, and whatsoever else they were demanded, and amongst other things confessed, that the Soldiers were greatly discontented with the Siege, having in the beginning thereof lost so many men, and that they were ready to rise in mutiny against their Captains, and would hardly by them be commanded out of their Trenches and Cabins, saying, that all they did was but lost labour, and that they should find it another piece of work to win the Rhodes, than they had at Belgrade; wherefore if they were wise, they should in time depart before they had received further harm both from the Enemy, and for want of necessaries, wherewith the Soldiers began already to be pinched. All which was then supposed to have been spoken by the Captives to please him in whose power they now were; yet it appeared afterwards to be all true. For Pyrrhus' Bassa considering the troubled state of the Camp, and the general discontentment of the Soldiers, whom he was at that time gladder to please than to punish, writ unto Solyman at Constantinople, That if he would the Siege should go forward, he should w●●●out delay come in person himself to the Camp, ●●r that the Soldiers without regard of shame were ●●ady to rise in mutiny and to abandon the Siege, re●●●ing to be commanded by their Captains.  
In the mean time 〈◊〉 Solyman prepareth himself to set forward, the Tu●●●sh Captains understood by certain Fugitives (whereof in all Wars some are to be found) that the hig● Steeple of St. john's Church served them of the Town for a Watch Tower; for which cause, and for despite of the Cross standing upon the top thereof, they laboured nothing more, than with continual shot to beat down that Tower, which whilst they were doing with great diligence, Solyman himself came into the Camp the eight and twentieth day of August in the Afternoon; 
Solyman cometh into the Camp.  where finding in his Army all the signs of cowardice and fear that could be spoken of or devised, and nothing done according to the command of such as he had appointed for that charge, but all things out of order, he took more grief to see that great disorder, than he did pleasure and good hope of two hundred thousand Soldiers which were in his Army. Yet for all that he was inwardly chafed with the heat of youth and indignation, against his own People as well as the Rhodians, but moderated himself betwixt his own rage and the offence of his Soldiers, and calling them together, caused them to be disarmed, not leaving among them so much as a Sword; and compassing them in with fifteen thousand Harquebusiers whom he had brought with him well appointed, he stepped up into his Royal Seat, there set on high for that purpose; where sitting down, he paused a good while without any word speaking, as if he had considered with himself whether he should only punish the Authors of the Mutiny, or else with the punishment of many to revenge so foul a Sedition, little differing from open Rebellion. But following of himself the milder resolution, he thought it sufficient to correct the multitude and common sort of Soldiers with sharp and bitter words; and after general silence made, broke out into this choleric Speech.  Slaves (quoth he) for I cannot find in my heart to call you Soldiers, 
Soliman's choleric Oration to his Soldiers.  What kind of men are you now become? are you Turks? Men wont both to fight and overcome? Verily I see the Bodies, Countenances, Attire, and Habit of my Soldiers; but the Deeds, Speeches, Counsels and Devices of cowardly and vile Traitors. Alas how hath my opinion deceived me? that Turkish Force and Courage is gone, the Valour and Strength both of Bodies and Minds, wherewith the Arabians, Persians, Syrians, Egyptians, Servians, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Epirotes, Macedonians, and Thracians were subdued, is lost; forgetting your Country, your Oath, the Command of your Captains, your Obedience, and all other Warlike Discipline; you have against the Majesty of my Empire refused to fight, like Cowards betaken yourselves to flight, for vain fear of death and danger; not beseeming men of War. If any man should at home but have named the Rhodes in your Feasts, amongst your pots, in your assemblies and great meetings, you could then with your Tongues brag to pull it down, you had much ado to hold your Hands; here, when I would make proof of your force and courage, it is nothing. But you thought perhaps, that the Rhodians so soon as they saw your Ensigns before their Gates, would straight way yield themselves and their City into your Power; Let all men cease so to say or think, and believe me that know the truth, This base and infamous Den (which you see) is full of most cruel Beasts, whose madness you shall never tame, without much labour and bloodshedpunc; Yet shall we tame them; for why, nothing is so wild but at length it may be tamed; which except I bring to pass, I am fully resolved and have vowed unto myself, Either here to die, or spend my days; And if ever I do or say otherwise, let this my Head, my Fleet, mine Army, and Empire, be for ever accursed and unfortunate. 
And so without further Speech, desiring rather to be accounted of his Soldiers gentle than sev●●● he pardoned them all their former offences, and swo●● them all again to his obedience. This mutiny so app●●sed, all th●●gs were afterwards done with better success, and greater care both of the Soldiers and Commanders. First, they planted in divers places twelve great Bombards, wherewith they threw up Stones of huge weight into the Air, which falling down into the City, might break down the Houses, and whatsoever else they lighted upon; with the fall of one of these, the Great Master was like to have been slain. Howbeit this proved a device of more terror than danger, for with two hundred such Shot were but ten men slain; which thing amongst others, Apella a traitorous Fugitive declared unto the Enemy, with whom he had intelligence, 
Apella a Traitor.  as he himself confessed being taken upon suspicion and examined; for which his Treason he was justly executed.  
The force of the Battery was more feared, 
The Turks battery.  wherein the Turks had planted forty great Pieces of Battery, and amongst them twelve Basilisks (so aptly named of the Serpent Basiliscus, who as Pliny writeth, killeth Man or Beast with his sight) with these Pieces the Turks battered the Walls continually; but lying somewhat far off, did no great harm.  
At the same time also Solyman caused battery to be laid against the Tower of St. Nicholas, standing upon a narrow piece of ground pointing far into the Sea, defending the Haven upon the right hand, where sometime stood the great Colossus of the Sun, accounted the greatest amongst the seven Wonders of the World. Which Castle was both strongly and sumptuously built at the charges of the Dukes of Burgundy, as appeared by their Arms there engraven in many places in Marble. This Tower was valiantly defended by Guido a Frenchman, who had the charge thereof, with two hundred Soldiers, amongst whom were thirty Knights of the Order.  
The Turks Artillery planted against the Tower, was by the skilfulness of the Christian Canoniers in short time dismounted with Shot from the Tower, and many of the Gunners ●lain; so that they were glad to surcease any more to batter the Tower by day, but lying still all the day they began to batter the same by night, wherein they prevailed no more than they had before done in the day time; For the Defendants warily observing such places as were likest for the Enemy to place his Battery in, did so aptly place their Ordnance against the ●ame, and to so good purpose that the Turks swore, their doings were by some means discovered unto the Enemies. So when they had in vain bestowed five hundred great Shot, and made a small breach which they durst not once attempt to enter, they shamefully abandoned that place also.  
All this while Pyrrhus was busy in working of Mines to undermine the City, two and thirty of which Mines the Defendants frustrated with Countermines; in which kind of work many were lost on both sides; yet for all the carefulness of the Christians, the English Bulwark, was undermined by the Enemy, 
The English Bulwark blown up.  and upon the fourth of September part thereof blown up, with such violence, that unto them in the City it seemed at the first to be a general Earthquake; and therewith divers English were there overwhelmed. The Turks attempting presently to enter, were by the Grand Master and his Followers with great slaughter repulsed.  
But Mustapha the Bassa coming on with fresh Supplies, and crying out of the cowardice of them which retired, renewed the Assault; where for a while was fought a most sharp and cruel Fight, the Leaders cheerfully encouraging their Soldiers, and they likewise doing what was possible for men to do. All men's ears were filled with the thundering of the Shot, noise of Trumpets and Drums, and crying of Men. And unto the Turks it seemed that over their heads it reigned deadly Shot, Stones, and Fire; for the Townsmen and Women mingled with the Soldiers, cast down upon the Turks, Fire, Stones, Timber, and whatsoever else came to hand; so that they unable longer to endure the courage and force of the Christians, turned their backs and ran away by heaps, not expecting any sign of Retreat, every man seeking to save one; among whom as they fled, the great Ordnance shot off from the Walls made wonderful slaughter. At this Assault of the Turks were slain (as some write) almost two thousand, and among them the Master of the Turks Ordnance, a man whom Solyman greatly loved; which Victory the Christians gained not without some loss; for besides some few others that were slain, fifty Knights of the Order (men worthy of Eternal Memory) there ended their days also.  
The fifth day after (which was the ninth day of September) Solyman by the persuasion of Mustapha the great Bassa, 
The Turks assault the English Bulwark the second time, and are again repulsed.  commanded a fresh Assault to be given to the English Bulwark, which was attempted by the Turks with greater resolution than the first. Seven Ensigns of the Turks were broken in by the ruins of the Bulwark, and had enforced the Defendants, oppressed with number to give ground, when the Grand Master coming in with the Ensign of the Order, guarded with a Company of most valiant Knights, drove them out again by force, and made good the place. Mustapha seeing his men retire, courageously restored the Battle by bringing on of new supply, and other Captains with Threats, Strokes, and terror of Death, enforced the Soldiers (who had before turned their Backs) now again to fight. So that there began a more cruel Fight than had before been from the beginning of the Siege; which was unto the Christians more dangerous, for that they were overwhelmed with the multitude of the Turkish Shot. But in that extremity no man regarded either danger or life, only this they remembered, That those were their barbarous Enemies, whom they must either victoriously overcome, or die therefore; with which fury the Assault was continued by the space of three hours, until at length Mustapha with his Turks discouraged, wi●● the loss of two thousand of their Fellows, and of three great Noblemen, whom Solyman especially favoured, and ●ore beaten by the Spaniards out of their Flankers, were enforced to retire. Few of the Christians in respect of so many Enemies, were slain, yet had the Ensign of the Order been then lost, joachimus Cluys the Ensign Bearer having both his Eyes shot out, had not Emericus Rujaulx an Avergnois, and one of the Knights of the Order, with incredible courage rescued the same.  
After this second Assault, 
Mustapha Bassa falls into disgrace with Solyman.  falling out so unluckily unto the Turks, Mustapha the great Bassa began to grow in contempt with Solyman; and Pyrrhus to keep his credit by doing something, with continual battery of seventeen great Pieces, did batter the Mount near unto the Italian Bulwark. At which time also Cassius Governor of Bythinia, another of the Turks great Commanders, laboured by undermining to have overthrown the French Bulwark; so glad they were to attempt any thing to content their imperious great Lord and Master. But the endeavours of Cassius was by Countermines through the careful diligence of Gabriel Chierus, having charge of those works, frustrated; and Pyrrhus in the other place after he had by hot Assault slain them which were appointed for the defence thereof, and gained the Mount, and brought a great fear upon the City, was again with great loss shamefully repulsed, and by the commandment of Solyman caused to retire. At this Assault the Governor of Eubaea, Solyman his Lieutenant General, a man of great honour (if any of the Turks Slaves are so to be accounted) was slain, for whose death Solyman was exceeding pensive and heavy.  
Mustapha the Bassa finding himself in disgrace with Solyman for the two unfortunate Assaults by him given at the English Station, 
The English Bulwark assaulted the third time by Mustapha.  determined if it were possible by a third to recover his lost credit; and for his better success therein, agreed with Achimetes another great Commander, at the same time to assault the Spanish Bulwark; according to this resolution Achimetes having with a Mine suddenly blown up a great part of the Wall of the Spanish Station, in the thick of the Dust and Smoke, presently entered his men, who by the ruins of the Wall recovered the top of the Rampires. Mustapha also at the same instant hardly charged the English, so that in both places was made a hard and doubtful Fight. Mustapha, desiring nothing more than with better success now to redeem his form dishonour, did what he might to encourage the Soldiers, calling upon them by name, and putting them in remembrance of their former Victories. The Rhodians on the other side mindful of their former honour, with the greatness of the present danger valiantly repulsed the Enemy, and forced him with shame to retire. In this Assault many Englishmen were slain, and Prejanes also sore hurt, having before slain many of the Turks. Mustapha beside the loss of his men, had also two of his Ensigns taken by Christopherus Vaulderick, Commendator of the Germane Knights. 
The Turks Ensigns advanced to the top of the walls, are again cast down.  Achimetes having won the top of the Walls, had there set up the Turkish Ensigns; but by the valiantness of the Defendants, and by means of certain small Pieces of Ordnance, by Martiningus aptly placed in the Houses before the new made breach, and by force of Shot out of the Flankers on both sides of the Breach, whereof none fell in vain, he was again enforced to forsake the Walls and to retire.  
The three and twentieth day of September, the Turkish Captains hoping by means of a Mine which they had made against the Avergne Bulwark, to enter and win the City, approaching the Walls with great Multitudes of Soldiers, ready to have entered upon the blowing up of the Mine, which being met with a countermine out the City, wrought not such effect as was by them expected; so that having received some harm, standing in a place of great disadvantage, and done nothing they returned again into the Camp. Yet all the expert Captains probably conjecturing that the Wall might be inwardly shaken by the Mine, though it were not by them outwardly perceived, caused that part of the Wall to be most violently battered all the rest of day and night following; 
Another breach made in the Walls.  and by the fury of their Artillery, made a fair and large Breach. All that night was heard in the Turks Camp an unwonted clattering of Weapons, and of men running too and fro, as if there had been some great matter a doing; which the Rhodians conjectured (as the truth was) to be a sign of some great Assault to be shortly given.  
Solyman resolving the next day with all his Force to assault the new made Breach, after he had by himself in a melancholy mood walked up and down in his Tent a great part of the night, sent for the chief Commanders of his Army, to whom he declared his mind as followeth; Your Valour and Wisdom (worthy Captains) needeth not any exhortation, yet the desperate madness of our Enemies maketh me to speak unto you these few words. Who whilst they yet do, as from the beginning, as men without reason desperately defend their City rend with our Artillery, shaken with our Mines, their Churches and Houses beaten down about their Eears, wearied and worn out with Slaughter, Labour, and Wounds, which must needs befall men so oftentimes assaulted, they worthily seem unto our Soldier's men of invincible Force and Courage; which opinion to have removed, much concerneth the happy and wished success of our Assault. Wherefore I would have you with effectual persuasion and bountiful promises to hearten on our Men to the winning of this City. Beside this, you shall open unto them my purpose and intent, and that they should not think that they are brought hither to besiege one City; but that in taking this one, they shall upon the matter make a way into all the Dominions of the Christians. Here be the Kinsmen, Allies, and Friends of all the Kings, Princes and Potentates of Christendom; here is all our Enemy's Treasure, the Spoil whereof promised unto our Soldiers may serve to great purpose to encourage them forward; here is the store of Ordnance, Armour, and other Warlike Provision, which shall both furnish us, and in time to come miserably confound the rest of the Christians. We shall beside this, enjoy a most goodly and rich City, with a Haven of all others most commodious, from whence all things necessary for War may at all time as occasion shall require, by Land and Sea be supplied▪ which as they shall be to us things of great importance; so shall we despoil our Enemies of far greater. This is their Castle, Storehouse, Treasury and Armoury; this is the very receptacle and place of refuge; for all such as trouble the Turks by Sea; from hence shall we have free scope and passage into Apulia, Calabria, Sicilia, and many other Chistian Countries. But as for yourselves valiant Captains, when as I consider how that you have within these few months by, your Valour and Wisdom subdued unto my Empire the strong City of Belgrade, which my great Grandfather Mahomet that mighty Emperor could not with all his power get; I rest in great hope that these fierce and obstinate Christians shall not long be able to defend themselves in these their Dens and lurking places.  
Having ended this Speech, the Captains every one unto his Company made known what the great Emperors Will and pleasure was; and open Proclamation made through all the Camp, wherein the spoil of that rich City was all granted unto the Soldiers, as a Prey and Reward for the pains they were to take.  
Solyman heavy with sleep and care, laid himself down upon his palate to take his rest. But the Great Master (to whom the unaccustomed stir of the Enemy portended some great matter) all that night in Arms painfully viewed every part of the City, cheerfully encouraging his Soldiers to remember, That they did watch for the safety of their Country, their Lives and Liberty. It fortuned the same night, that a poor Christian serving a Turk in the Camp, calling secretly unto the Watchmen upon the Walls, gave them warning that the Turks prepared the next day to give a general Assault unto the City. Which thing when the Great Master understood, because he would have nothing done rashly or fearfully (as it commonly happeneth in things done upon the sudden) called together his Knights, and spoke unto them, as followeth: I am glad sacred Companions and Fellows in Arms, 
The Great Master his oration unto his Knights.  that the time is come when in one Battle getting unto yourselves great honour, and defending your Country, you may be justly accounted the worthy defenders and Revengers of the Christian Commonweal and Name. The people against whom we are to fight to morrow, assaileth us only presuming upon their multitude; But if we measure Valour, not by number, but by Courage and Prowess, undoubtedly a few resolute men will easily overcome a multitude of Cowards. You know your Enemy, and the manner of his fight; you are to fight (most worthy Knights) with them whom you have always vanquished at Sea, and in just Battle sometimes overcome by Land, at such time as with their whole power they assaulted your Walls; omitting in the mean time many hot skirmishes, wherein you ever put them to the worst; Wherefore you and they in the Assault to morrow shall have such Courage, as Conquerors and men conquered use to have. Neither will they fight, because they dare fight, but because the great Tyrant and violent command of their Captains enforceth them thereunto. Wherefore remembering what you are by birth, what opinion the Christian Commonwealth hath conceived of you, where you are, and what you have taken upon you; take up your Arms with just fury and indignation, and fight against them, following one frantic youth, as if you saw your Slaves bearing Arms against you; whereunto you are enforced, not only by the indignity of the wrong by them offered, but also by necessity, which of itself is of power to make Cowards valiant and hardy. For here we are in an Island from whence we cannot escape, and in a City, whose rent and battered Walls do not so much protect and defend us, as our Weapons; wherefore to morrow we must here either vanquish them, or die therefore; to morrow shall give unto us either joyful Victory, or a most honourable death.  
As he was yet thus speaking, news of approach of the Enemy caused him to make an end; and every man hasted with speed unto the place of his charge. The Enemy coming fast on; with a most horrible cry (as their manner is) fiercely assailed the City in five places, where the English, Spanish, Italians, Narbonenses, and Avergnoys had their Stations. To the assault of every of which places, 
The Turks assault the City in five places at once.  Solyman had appointed ten thousand Turks. Mustapha the Bassa calling upon the name of his great Prophet Mahomet, and promising unto the Soldiers the rich Spoil of the City, fiercely assailed the English Station, from whence he had been three times before shamefully repulsed. Pyrrhus the other great Bassa, with like fury assaulted the Italian Station. In both places was maintained a cruel and deadly fight; the Turks fight for the Prey▪ and the Rhodian● for their Lives and Liberty. 
The Rhodians valiantly defend the City.  Neither was there any, of what degree or order soever, which did not that day fight for the defence of the City. The Priests and religious were not then exempted, but fought among other Soldiers; Women, Children, and with them the aged Fathers, beyond the strength of their Bodies and courage of their Minds, brought Weapons unto the Defendants, some Stones, which they had digged out of the Streets, some burning Pitch-barrels, some Hoops with Wildfire, some scalding Oil, some boiling Pitch; which being cast down upon the Enemies, troubled them so, as nothing was more feared; for upon whomsoever it fell, it stuck fast, and so scalded their Bodies, that they were glad to cast down their Weapons to tear off their Clothes, wherewith many of them rend off the Skin and Flesh also. All which things fell so thick upon the Turks, as if it had reigned Fire and Stones, besides the deadly Shot, which amongst such a multitude of Enemies never fell in vain. The Great Master having a careful Eye over every part of the City, after he had well relieved the Italian Station, which was at the first hardly distressed by Pyrrhus, left there Antonius Mon●erollu●, one of the Knights of the Order, with such Company as he thought convenient for the safety of that place, and went himself with the rest unto the English Station, which was then hardly laid to by the Bassa Mustapha. But whilst he was there busied in repulsing the Enemy, and had now well relieved the place, as sudden cry ran alongst the Walls, that the Spanish Bulwark was already possessed by the Enemy; with which heavy news he was not a little troubled, but leaving there Emericus Gombaulus, one of the Knights of the Order, with a chosen Company of Soldiers for the defence of that place; he with his Guard hasted unto the Spanish Station, which he found by a wonderful chance already taken by the Enemy. In the beginning of the Assault, certain Turks to shun the danger of the Shot, had for fear hidden themselves at the foot of this Bulwark, among the Stones, which had before been beaten down with the battery; in the mean time, other Turks of the same Regiment, 
The Spanish Bulwark taken by the Turks.  under the leading of the valiant Captain Achimetes, hotly charged the Spaniards on the right hand of the Bulwark, not meddling with the Bulwark itself, as a thing of greatest strength; the valiant Soldiers appointed for the defence of the Bulwark, seeing their Fellows and Countrymen distressed fast by them on the right hand, could not endure to stand still as lookers on, but left the Bulwark, and went to the place so hardly assaulted; where whilst they were valiantly encountering the Enemy, the cowardly Turks who had before hid themselves for fear, hearing all still over their Heads, and thereby guessing (as the truth was) that the Defendants were drawn thence to another place more distressed; to colour their fear▪ and prove their good fortune, like tall fellows, crept out of the holes wherein they had before for fear hidden themselves, and secretly crawling up the battered Walls of the Bulwark, got into it before they were discovered, where finding none but a few Soldiers (who busied in removing of a great Piece unto a place more convenient for the annoying of the Enemy, had laid down their Weapons) they suddenly set upon them, slew them, overthrew the Christian Ensigns, and so became Masters of that strong Fort. The Turks without seeing that, wonderfully commended the Valour of those men, and blaming themselves of Cowardice, made great haste through the midst of the Town-Ditch to get up into the Bulwark to help their fellows. But in going through the Ditch, they were so cut off with Shot on both sides out of the Flankiers, that few of them could get up into the desired Bulwark. And the Great Master with a crew of valiant Soldiers, nothing fearing the armed Enemy, now in possession of the Bulwark over their Heads, with great resolution scaled the same. 
The Spanish Bulwark again recovered.  In the mean time Hugo Caponus, a Spaniard, and Menotius a Frenchman, both Knights of the Order, with a Company of Cretensian Soldiers broke into the Bulwark by a Gate which the Turks had not as yet bolted, and being once got in, they made of the Turks a quick dispatch; for whom they slew not with the Sword, they enforced to mischief themselves for haste back again over the Walls. The Bulwark thus again recovered, which had been two hours in possession of the Enemy, and the City delivered of a wonderful fear, the Great Master (well worthy of that name) leaving a sufficient number of Soldiers for the keeping of that Fort, went with the rest of his Company unto the place where the Spaniards with the rest of the Defendants sore charged by Achimetes, and now wearied and almost spent, had much ado to hold out, who encouraged with the sight of the Great Master, as if Victory had attended upon him, with great cries and signs of joy valiantly and with great slaughter repulsed their Enemies, as if they had been fresh men. Long it were to recount the deadly fight and hard adventures which befell at the Assault of the other two Stations of the Avergnoys and Narbonenses; but the Turks were in every place put to the worst, and lay by heaps slain in the Ditches and Breaches of the Town. 
The Turks give over the assault  Solyman▪ from his standing (for that purpose made of high Masts) beholding the miserable slaughter of his men, and no hope of gaining the City, caused a Retreat to be sounded, a thing welcome both to the Rhodians and the Turks. In this terrible Assault, which endured by the space of six hours, divers of the Knights of the Order were slain, especially of the French and Spanish Nation, with one hundred and fifty common Soldiers, all worthy of eternal fame; and of the Turks (as they which write most modestly report) twenty thousand. The young Tyrant was so much offended with the shameful repulse he had received at this last Assault, that he fell into a rage against all them which had persuaded him to enter into that action, but especially against the great Bassa Mustapha, whom he accused as an unfaithful Counsellor, and chief persuader of that unlucky War; who flattering him in his vain humour, by extolling his Forces above measure, and falsely extenuating the power of the Enemy, assuring him that upon the first approach of his Army they would yield themselves without resistance, had drawn him into that dangerous Expedition, like to sort to the great dishonour of himself and all the Ottoman Family; for which doing he adjudged him worthy of death, 
Solyman in his ●ury commandeth the two great Bassa's, Mustapha and Pyrrhus to be p●t to death.  and in great fury commanded the Executioner without further delay to put him to death in his presence. Which dreadful doom so suddenly and upon so light an occasion, given upon a man of so great mark and quality, struck such a terror into the minds of all there present, that none of them durst speak one word against the rigour of that sentence, or so much as fet a sigh in pitying of his case. The Executioner now ready to give the fatal stroke, Pyrrhus the most ancient of all the Bassas, moved with compassion, and presuming of his great favour▪ with the Tyrant, whom he had from his Childhood had the charge and government of, stepped forth, and appealing unto his mercy, earnestly requested him to spare his life. Wherewith Solyman was so filled with wrath and indignation, that for his presumption, and for sending for him to Constantinople, to come to that dangerous Siege, he commanded him to be executed also. All the rest of the Counsellors seeing the danger of these two great men, fell down at the Feet of the fuming Tyrant, craving pardon; saying, That the Enemy's ground had already drunk too much of the Turkish Blood, and was not to be further moistened with the Blood of two such noble Personages and worthy Counsellors. 
The Bassas spared at the intercession of the other Counsellors.  Solyman moved with this general intercession of his great men, pausing a little upon the matter, the heat of his Fury being something over, suffered himself to be entreated, and granted them their lives; unto Pyrrhus for his great Age and Wisdom, and to Mustapha for his Wife's sake, who was the Tyrant's natural Sister, sometime the Wife of Bostanges.  
All the time of this Siege, the Turks great Fleet, furnished with Men and all manner of Warlike Provision, lay before the entrance of the Haven without doing any thing at all; for the Admiral being no man of War, seeing the mouth of the Haven chained, and the Castles upon the entrance full of Ordnance, and strongly manned, durst not attempt either to enter the Haven, or besiege the Castle; for which his Cowardice, and for that he had negligently suffered Provision both of Victual and Munition to be conveied into the City during the time of the Siege, to the great relief of the besieged, he was by Solyman adjudged to die a most cruel death; but by the mediation of Achimetes, one of his best Men of War, the severity of that sentence was changed into a punishment, 
Solyman displaceth his Admiral and punisheth him as a Slav●.  unto any noble mind more grievous than death itself; for he was by Soliman's commandment, openly set upon the Poup of the Admiral Gally, and there as a Slave received at the hands of the Executioner a hundred Stripes with a Cudgel, and so with shame was thrust out of his Office.  
After that Solyman had in so many places with all his power so long time in vain besieged the Rhodes, his haughty Courage began to quail, so that he was upon point to have raised his Siege and left the Island▪ 
Solyman exceedingly grieved with the repulse and loss received at the Siege of the Rhodes was upon point to have l●ft the same.  yea the grief he had conceived, went so near him, that he many times fainted and lay speechless, as if he had been a dead man. The remembrance of so many unfortunate Assaults, the death of so many worthy Captains, the loss of so many valiant Soldiers (sufficient to have subdued a great Kingdom) so much grieved him, that a great while after he shunned the company of Men, and would not suffer himself to be spoken withal; until at length he was again by Abraham his Minion, a man in whom he took singular pleasure, recomforted, and persuaded to continue the Siege; for that time (as he said) which worketh all things, would at length ●ame the fierceness of his Enemies, whom the Sword could not upon the sudden subdue. In the mean time Solyman for his pleasure, and to show unto the Rhodians, that he purposed not to depart, began to build a sumptuous Castle upon the top of the Mount Philer●nus in the eye of the City. During which time divers Letters were shot into the City with Turkish Arrows out of the Camp, wherein many of Soliman's most secret Counsels were revealed, and the revolt of a great man promised, which the Rhodians by many circumstances gathered to have been Mustapha, who could not easily forget the injury so lately offered unto him by Solyman; needs it must be some of Soliman's secret Counsel, otherwise he could not have revealed so great secrets as it were out of the Bosom of Solyman. But see the chance, at the very same time, tidings came unto Solyman, that Cayerbeius the Governor of Egypt was dead; in whose place Solyman sent Mustapha to Cairo as Governor of Egypt, by that honourable preferment again to please his discontented mind, after which time no more Letters came into the City.  
Now the Turks began to make fair Wars, their terrible battery began to grow calm, and for certain days it seemed by the manner of their proceeding, that they purposed rather by long Siege than by Assault to take the Town. Nevertheless the Enemies watching day and night in their Trenches, used all the policy they could, sometimes offering unto the Soldiers upon the Walls great rewards, if they would yield up the City, and sometimes threatening them as fast; and to breed a dislike amongst the Defendants, they would oftentimes say that Solyman desired only to be revenged upon the Latins, without meaning any harm unto the Greeks.  
It was now the beginning of October, and Winter began to grow fast on, great rain, with terrible thundering and lightning, and mighty Tempests, Heaven's threats, than fell so abundantly, that the Turks before wearied in body with labour and wounds, were now also in mind discouraged. And that more increased their fear, the Sea was grown so rough, that the Admiral was not able in that open and dangerous Sea longer to ride it out with his Galleys; but was enforced to slip his Anchors, and as he might to run his Galleys on ground. In these troubles wherewith both Solyman himself and all his Army were at furthest of their Wits, and almost quite discouraged, 
Achimetes promiseth to make a way for Solyman into the City.  Achimetes one of his most valiant and expert Captains came to comfort him, and promised if he would continue the Siege, in short time to make him an open way into the City; upon confidence whereof, Solyman to encourage his fainting Soldiers, now scarce able for cold and lack of courage to hold their Weapons in their hands, caused them to be assembled before his Pavilion, where from an high place, he comforted them in this sort: 
Solyman comforteth his Soldiers and persuadeth them with patience to endure the Siege.  I am not ignorant (most valiant Soldiers) what great things you endure for mine Honour, and the Glory of mine Empire. This continual threatenings of the Heavens, this immoderate Rain, this terrible Thunder and Lightning, the coldness of the Wether, the want of Necessaries, with the manifold miseries of this long Siege, do much persuade me, to give you leave to lay down your Arms and to take your rest. But first let us consider if unto Men of Courage it be not a dishonour, for the teediousness of Rain and Tempest, to leave unto our Enemies the Victory already in our hands, and shamefully to forsake our Trenches, Forts, Mounts, overtopping not only the Walls of the City, but mating the Heavens, with such other like Works made with my infinite Charge and your great Travel, all for the taking of this City. Truly this War either should not have been taken in hand at all, or being once begun, is to be ended for the honour of the Ottoman Empire. Which for so much as it could not be accomplished in Summer; the reputation of mine Empire in Common, and the regard of the Commodity of every one of you in private, enforceth me to perform it in Winter. For if we shall from hence depart with our Army, who doubts but the Enemy, not only for desire of revenge, but also strained by necessity, having lost all he had of his own, will pray upon your Countries, Houses, and Goods, and will bring you, your Wives, and Children, into a far more miserable Slavery and Bondage, than that wherein he himself now is? Wherefore I advise you to continue the Siege, and never to depart before you have attained unto the end of your desires. And admit there were no necessity in the matter, yet the Honour and Fame of the Action ought to impose upon you a resolution both of Body and Mind to endure the Siege: For the Eyes and Countenances of all Nations, especially the Christians, are fixed upon you; whom when they shall understand not to be able to endure the Field one Winter, they will of right call you Summer Birds, which so soon as any Storm ariseth look after your Houses and places of Repose. It is reported, that the Grecians for a Strumpet besieged Troy ten years; and shall not the Turks, vexed and oppressed with Slaughters, Robberies, Invasions both by Sea and Land, and that more is, with the servitude of two hundred and fourteen years, endure one Winter's Siege? They will say, that the terror of your Name is but vain, and that Fame hath increased the same (as many other things more) which not seen, are more feared in far Countries amongst Men of small experience: And that now every Man may safely enough abide your force, which make your Invasions rather upon a fury and bravery than upon any good resolution, which in all kind of War, (but especially in besieging of Cities) is most necessary; whereof many being by natural situation and fortification impregnable, time hath with her Handmaids, Famine and Thirst, overcome and vanquished, as it shall do this City of the Rhodes: against which beloved in Arms, there is a secret mischief prepared, which may not in this open Audience be published; for it is as necessary that the vulgar sort should be ignorant of some things, as to know the same.  
Many thought, that this was spoken rather of policy than upon any good ground; and although his hot persuasion had little moved the could courage of his despairing Soldiers, yet the regard of duty in that most Loyal Nation, with the greedy expectation of so great a secret, overcame all other difficulties▪ so that they departed (at leastwise in show) contented to endure whatsoever should befall.  
Achimetes author of this great expectation, and the only hope of Soliman's success, came oftentimes and assailed the Vaumures of the Avergne Station, 
Achimetes winneth the Vaumures of the Avergne Bulwark, raiseth a strong Penthouse against the Wall, and so undermi●eth the same.  which although they were not very high, yet were they always valiantly defended by the Rhodians. It fortuned, that this warlike Captain daily attempting the Vaumures, in the end by force obtained the same, and so possessed of the place he so much desired, desperately kept it until greater help came running in, who with wonderful expedition (with matter for that purpose before prepared) clapped up a strong and defensible covering in manner of a Penthouse against the Town-Wall, betwixt the Wall and the Vaumure, under which they shrouded themselves from the Defendants; which was an easy matter for such a multitude to do, the Ditches of the Town in that place being now filled up so high, that the Defendants could not out of the Flankers scour the Ditch, nor yet without manifest danger come to cast any thing down upon them from the top of the Walls; for the Turks Harquebusiers which lying upon their Mounts, higher than the battered Walls of the City, suffered none to appear upon them without danger. So that the Rhodians who erst thought themselves at great quiet, were now overtaken with a sudden and an unexpected Mischief; which at the first filled the City with fear and heavy silence, which straightways after broke out into pitiful Outcries and Lamentations. The Turks lurking under their Penthouse, labouring with Mattocks and Pickaxes to dig up the Foundation of the Wall; and Prejanes forward and courageous to do what might be done, threw down upon the Turks, Fire, Scalding Oil, Burning Pitch, Wild Fire and such things. But when the miserable Men which shrunk from the Work for fear of the Fire, were again beaten forward by their imperious Commanders, and presently slain if they made any delay, and fresh Men still thrust on in stead of such as were hurt or slain; the fatal Work begun the seventh day of October, went apace forward, with the great and continual labour of these wretched Slaves. A great number of the Common Soldiers whom the Turks call Asapi was employed in this work; 
The miserable state of the Common Soldiers of the Turks, and the small account is made of them.  of whom Solyman in this Siege of the Rhodes, and other his Expeditions, made not much more account but as of Pioniers to work in Mines and to cast up Trenches, and oftentimes with their Bodies to fill Town-Ditches to make a way for the Janissaries to pass over upon; they by the constraint of Achimetes undermined the Wall, and as they wrought, shoared up the same again with Timber, whereunto they afterwards set Fire, hoping by that means to overthrow the Wall; which falling not out according to their expectation, for that they had not far enough undermined it, they assailed with great Hooks and strong Ropes to have pulled it down. But the Rhodians with their great Ordnance from the Avergne Bulwark, quickly put them from that mad work with great slaughter, and frustrated all their long labour. Achimetes thus disappointed of his purpose, stood in great doubt whether he should give over the enterprise, for that he saw he laboured in vain, or else in that dangerous place to expect some better hap, the only mean to save him from the Tyrant's heavy displeasure, who as he knew measured all things by the event. Solyman understanding by Achimetes that the Wall (although it was not overthrown as was expected) was yet sore shaken and weakened with undermining, caused his Battery to be planted against that part of the Wall so undermined; which so many ways weakened, and now sore battered, fell down daily more and more. For remedy whereof, the Rhodians laboured night and day to raise a new Wall, in stead of that which was beaten down.  
At the same time, Solyman persuaded by the general opinion of all his great Captains, that the City was that day or never to be taken, determining to give another general Assault, caused Proclamation to be made through his Camp; wherein he gave the spoil of the City unto his Soldiers, and the more to encourage them, spoke unto them in few words, as followeth: 
Solyman encourageth his Soldiers to a fresh Assault.  Fortune at length valiant Soldiers, having notably proved your Courage and Patience, now offereth unto you the worthy Rewards of your Labour and Pains. The Victory and Wealth of your Enemies which you have so much desired, is now in your Hands. Now is the time to make an end of this mongrel People, of whom more are slain than left alive; and they not Men, but the Shadows and Ghosts of Men, feeble and spent with Hunger, Wounds, Wants and Labour; who will I know resist you, not because they so dare, but because of necessity they so must, enforced thereunto with all extremities. Wherefore now revenge yourselves of the Falsehood, Cruelty, and Villainies of these Christians, and make them a woeful example to all posterity, that never Man hereafter presume to offer injury to a Turk, in whatsoever State he be. The way is already open into the City, there is a fair Breach made whereby thirty Horsemen may at once enter, nothing wanteth but Courage in you to assail the same.  
The Soldiers encouraged with this Speech of their Emperor, made great show of cheerfulness, and promised to do their uttermost devoir, threatening unto the Christian's most horrible Death and miserable Captivity.  
In the mean time, the great Shot flying continually through the Breach, did beat down many Houses in the City; but the Countermure new built against the Breach standing upon a lower ground, it seldom touched, to the great good of the Rhodians. The rattling of the falling Houses, the horrible noise of the Enemy, with the thundering of the great Artillery, wonderfully terrified the miserable Citizens; in every place was heard the Lamentation of Women and Children, every thing showed the heaviness of the time, and seemed as altogether lost and forlorn. The day thus troublesomely spent, the night followed much more troublesome; and after the night, the day of Assault of all other most dreadful; for with the dawning thereof, the glistering Ensigns of the Enemy were seen flying in the Wind, and the Turks cheerful with the hope of Spoil and Victory, hasted towards the Breach with great Outcries and Songs, after their Country manner; and there before one of the Gates of the City called St. Ambrose Gate, set down a great number of their Ensigns decked with Garlands, in token of Victory. The Turks great Fleet also at the same time sailing too and fro before the Haven, 
The distressed estate of the Rhodians and their courageous resolution therein.  made show as if it would have assailed the City on that side; who had seen the City so beset, would have said that it would at one instant have been besieged both by Sea and Land; and to most men's judgements, it seemed that the Rhodian State should that day have taken end and been destroyed. Yet for all these extremities, the Rhodians were nothing discouraged, but looking upon their Weapons as the only remainders of their hopes, not regarding any danger, upon the Alarm given came running out of their Houses by heaps unto the Walls, like desperate Men opposing their Bodies in stead of their battered Walls against their Enemies in defence of their Country. There needed neither Exhortation nor command of Captain, every Man was unto himself a persuader to fight valiantly in defence of the City; and one of them propounded unto another the cruel death, the miserable servitude, the mocks and taunts they should endure, if they should chance to come into the proud Enemy's hand; all which was to be avoided either by honourable Victory or Death. The Turks conducted by Achimetes, fiercely assailed the Breach, which was by the Rhodians (standing upon the ruins of their Walls) valiantly defended. In the mean time the dismayed Matrons and Maidens, some in their Houses, with heavy Hearts expected the woeful Destruction of the City and themselves, othersome in the Churches with Floods of Tears and lamentable Cries, poured forth their Prayers to the Almighty, craving his help in that their hard distress, and to protect them against their barbarous Enemies. The deadly Fight at the Breach, was on both sides with great courage and force maintained. The Turks were in good hope forthwith to win the City, if they did but a little more strain themselves; and therefore to terrify the Rhodians the more, oftentimes in their fight gave out most terrible outcries; and the Rhodians accounted the Turks as good as vanquished, for they being so many in number, and in a place of such indifferency, had not yet prevailed; beside that, they were greatly encouraged with the greatness of the common danger, and the sight one of another's Valour, so that by their invincible Courage the Turks were enforced shamefully to retire. The Rhodians seeing their Enemies turn their Backs, gave a great shout in derision of them; the Turks disdaining that they in number many (and now Victors, if they should with a little resolution maintain the Assault they had begun) should be so derided of a handful of Men as good as already vanquished, with great indignation returned again to the Breach, and more furiously assailed the Rhodians than at the first. At which time the City had undoubtedly been taken, had not they which defended the ends of the Wall, yet standing on both sides of the Breach, out of their Barricadoes with their Shot overwhelmed the Turks thronging in at the Breach, and others with murdering Shot out of the Flankers of the new built Wall so cut them in sunder, that a greater slaughter for the time was hardly in any place seen. Achimetes beholding the wonderful slaughter of his Soldiers, and that he fought with great disadvantage and loss, against desperate Men, who resolving to die, feared no danger, gave over the Assault, and again retired; leaving behind him in the Breach and Town-Ditch, the Carcases of five thousand of his dead Turks besides many more which afterwards died upon the hurts they received.  
This Assault was given unto the Town the last day of November, 
The Turks trouble the Rhodians with continual Alarms, and by casting up of Trenches got into the City.  a day dedicated to St. Andrew; after which time the Captains of the Turkish Army, although they despaired not of the Victory, yet terrified with so great slaughter of their Men, resolved with one accord no more to attempt the City with any notable Assault; but by sundry great Trenches to be made through the midst of the ruins of the Walls, to get into the City; and with Mattocks and Pickaxes to overthrow the new made Wall and another Barricado which the Defendants had made within the same; and in the mean time whilst this was in doing, to keep the Rhodians still busied with continual Skirmishes and Alarms. This devise put in execution by the wonderful labour of such a multitude of People, served the Enemy to greater purpose than all that he had before done; who daily overthrowing or destroying the new Fortifications which the Rhodians made in stead of them which were before overthrown, and by little and little creeping on further, drove the Defendants to that extremity, that they were glad to pull down many of their Houses; therewith to make new Fortifications, and to make their City less, by casting up of new Trenches; so that in short time they were brought to that point, that they could not well tell which place to fortify first, the Enemy was now so far crept within them; for the ground which the Enemy had thus gained within the City, was almost 200 Paces in breadth, and 150 Paces in length.  
Solyman, although he did now assure himself of the Victory, 
Parley offered by the Turks to the Rhodians.  and was by nature cruel and desirous of revenge, yet persuaded by Achimetes and Cassius (two of his most valiant Captains) that for the enlarging of his Empire, nothing was better than the fame of clemency; commanded Pyrrhus the old Bassa to prove if the Rhodians might by parley be drawn to yield their City upon reasonable conditions. Whereupon the Bassa sent one Hieronimus Monelia, a Genua, unto the Walls, who craving of the Defendants safe Conduct, said he had something to say tending to the common good of the distressed City. All men's minds were presently filled with expectation of some great matter, and he commanded to speak. Who answered, that he might not deliver his Message openly, but would either by Speech in secret, or by Letters deliver the same unto one Mathias de Via his Countryman, one of the Citizens of the Rhodes. 
Secret parley rejected.  When Francis Fornovius, one of the Knights of the Order, a Frenchman of a choleric disposition, whose great courage was well seen in all that Siege (having as it is reported, with shot out of Saint George's Tower himself slain five hundred Turks during the time of that Siege) being now present, and moved with indignation to here a motion made of private conference with the Enemy; bend his Piece upon the Messenger, and caused him forthwith to depart without doing his Message. Many who in time of the Assault feared not any danger, but were altogether become desperate and careless of themselves, after that they had understood that the Enemy had offered parley, and that they began to conceive some hope of life, resorted unto the Great Master, requesting him, that he would provide for the safety of his loving People, whose warlike Forces were with many Assaults sore weakened, the City beaten down about their Ears, and most of them which were left, either wounded or sick: They had (as they said) now sufficiently proved both their force and fortune; wherefore he should do well, to beware, lest while he were too long in consulting, the Enemy should conceive a further indignation in seeing his offers refused. With these and such Speeches they enforced the Great Master to send Ambassadors to Solyman. 
The Great Master at the instance of his People sendeth Ambassadors to Solyman.  The Men that were sent, were Antonius Groleus a Frenchman, Ensign-bearer for the Order, a Man of great reputation for his wisdom and experience; and with him Robertus Brausius, a Man of great gravity, and skilful in the Greek Tongue; for whom was received as Pledges, a Kinsman of the great Captain Achimetes, and a certain Epirot which fled out of the City unto the Turks, because one of the Grecian Captains had struck him with his open Hand, a Man of a sharp Wit, and one that could perfectly speak the Greek, Turkish, and Italian Tongues, as appeared to his great credit amongst the Enemies, being had of them in great regard, although he was not known whilst he dwelled in the City, that he was any such Man. After that came also Soliman's Enterpreter, for he himself could speak no other Language more than his own, accounting it a great disgrace, and against the Ottoman Empire to use any other Language. The Ambassadors admitted unto Soliman's presence, told him, That they were sent to know, for what cause he had sent to require parley? Who in a flaming heat, as if he had known nothing thereof, said there was no such matter; and commanding them presently to void his Camp, sent them away with Letters to the Great Master and the Citizens, to this effect.  
If I had not compassion of human Infirmity, which oftentimes tumbleth headlong men's ambitious and haughty Minds, 
Soliman's Letter sent to the Great Maste● and the Rhodians, by their Ambassadors.  into most dangerous and unnecessary Mischiefs, truly I would not have directed unto you these Letters at this time; but as you have well deserved, persecute you with death and most miserable servitude; which how easy a thing were it f●r me to do, you yourselves know. But having now sufficiently tried my force, if you be wise make proof of my Clemency. You have already satisfied your own fury, your own mad humour, and now advise yourselves, lay your Hand upon your Heart, and without delay yield yourselves as I command; your Lives I give, I give you your Wealth, and more than that, your choice to tarry there still, or to depart; Refuse not the grace frankly offered, which was of you to have been most heartily desired. It shall not always be lawful for you (as at this present) to make choice of both. From our Camp.  
Upon the return of the Ambassadors, the poor of all sorts flocked together to the Great Master his House, not far from the Breach; where after the multitude of the common People was dismissed, and the chief of the Burghers sent for, the imperious Letter of the Turkish Tyrant was openly read before the Knights of the Order, and the better sort of the Citizens. Whereunto the Great Master accounting it both honour enough, and sufficient term of life honourably to die, answered in this sort.  
You heard (sacred Fellows in Arms, 
The Great Master his opinion concerning that Solyman demanded by his Letters  and valiant Citizens of the Rhodes) these imperious and sorrowful Letters; whereunto how we are to answer, requireth no great deliberation; we must as resolute Men either yield or die; all hope of the Victory is gone, except foreign Aid come. Wherefore if you will follow my Counsel, let us with Weapons in our Hands, until the last Gasp and the spending of the last drop of our Blood, like valiant Men defend our Faith and Nobility received from our Ancestors, and the Honour which we have so long time gotten both at Home and Abroad; and let it never be said, that our Honour died but with ourselves.  
This Speech of the Great Master seemed unto m●ny, heavier than the imperious Commandment of the Turkish Tyrant; and a great while Men stood silent, heavily looking one upon another, many with changing of their countenance and outward gesture, more than by words expressing what they thought in heart. At length a certain Greek Priest, with great compassion of mind (as it seemed) and Tears trickling down his Cheeks, broke forth into these words: And I would also hold my peace, if I were a private Man; 
A notable Speech of a Greek Priest persuading the Great Master to yield.  and not first of all in so great and troubled assembly; broach mine own opinion. But forasmuch as the regard of our common preservation▪ can wring a word out of no Man's mouth; and all Men know, that now is the time to speak and say what every Man thinketh best; which shall neither always nor long be granted unto us, I will not let it now overpass and slip away: Wherefore let us suppose, that no command of a most mighty Prince besieging us, were come unto us, but that I were reasoning as a private Man with his Neighbour, or one Friend with another by the fire side, or in our cups without care, without any great affection to either party; as Men indifferent not liking or hating (as Men oftentimes do of Prince's Affairs which concern them nothing) and then (as I hope) my Speech shall be unto you neither unpleasant nor unprofitable. We Greeks and Latins, with joined Arms, have now these six Months withstood our deadly Enemies, not only abroad before our Walls, but also in the very bowels of our City, without any foreign help; which as we have of long time all vainly looked for, so are we now every one of us out of hope thereof. And yet our Enemy either moved with the secret goodness of God, or else ignorant of our strength and forces, spent with Wounds, Slaughter, Sickness, and perpetual Labour, doth voluntarily offer that unto us, which was of us to be most of all desired and earnestly sued for. Your public and private Treasures, the bodies of yourselves, your Wives and Children he keepeth unviolated; he taketh from us only the City, which he hath for most part already beaten down and taken. Worthy Great Master, and you most valiant Knights, I have known prowess and valour in many Battles at Sea, but especially in this Siege; whereof seeing there is no more use in this our desperate estate, I do appeal unto your wisdom and discretion. Since all is now the Conquerors, in that he leaveth unto us our lives and Goods, that is to be accounted gains, and the yielding up of the City and Island no loss, which the victorious Enemy already commandeth; which although it be a heavy matter and grievous unto the Nobility, yet your Fortune persuadeth you thereunto. Wherefore if you be to be moved with any compassion, I account it better to yield, than to be slain ourselves, or to see your Wives and Children by Law of Arms to be led away before your Faces into miserable Captivity and Servitude. If any Christian compassion remain in your warlike Minds, I beseech you seek not the utter destruction of this innocent People, who (I may with modesty say) hath not evil deserved of you, whom Christ jesus, whom the Enemy himself, would have preserved. That I say this which I speak unto you for Christian Charity, and for no other cause, let this be a sufficient Testimony, That so long as you were able to resist by your own power, or hoped for Aid from foreign Princes, I never spoke word, or once thought of yielding; but now seeing the fatal ruin of all things about us, our common Estate brought unto the uttermost extremity, our deadly Enemy in the heart of our City, no hope, and that the War cannot longer be protracted; I wish you to yield, and for my part had rather make choice of Peace than War, and to prove the Enemy's Favour than his Fury.  
Most of them there present, were of the same mind with the Priest. But as nothing can be so reasonably spoken as to content all Men, so this Speech was not of them all liked; some there were (though not many) which considering the harms they had done unto the Turks, and doubting with what safety they might yield themselves into the power of that faithless People, had rather to have fought it out to the last Man, and so to have left unto them a bloody Victory. Amongst these, one bold spoken Fellow stepped forth, and in presence of them all dissuaded the yielding up of the City, in this sort: I have not been with any thing more unacquainted, than to deliver my opinion before Princes, 
A most resolute Speech of a common Soldier, dissuading the yielding up of the Rhodes.  or in such great and public Assemblies, being always more desirous modestly to hear other men's Opinions, than impudently to thrust forth mine own. But now, seeing extreme necessity will not longer suffer me to keep my wont course of silence, I will frankly speak my Mind, and tell you what in my Opinion is to b● answered unto the heavy Message and imperious Command of the most prefidious Tyrant. This cruel Enemy hath overthrown our Wall, and is entered three hundred Foot and more within our City, and as a most troublesome Guest liveth and converseth with us as it were under the same Roof. Such as list not longer to endure such an unwelcome Guest and troublesome Neighbour, persuade you because he is troublesome, to give him all; but (worthy and sacred Knights) I am of far different Opinion; neither do I think a Possession of two hundred and fourteen Years is so lightly to be delivered up, and the Ground forsaken; but rather that this troublesome Intruder is in like manner to be himself troubled, and with deadly Skirmishes continually vexed; whom after we had by force of Arms and undaunted Courage, maugre his Head, held out five Months, at length he broke into our City, not by any Valour in himself, but holpen by time, which tameth all things; and since his first entrance it is now almost forty days, in which time for all his haste, he hath scarcely got forward a hundred and thirty Paces, hindered by the Blocks, we have laid in his way, and will not cease continually to lay, if we be wise Men, and mindful of our former Valour. Destroy me you heavenly Powers, before I see with these Eyes these sacred Knights to yield up this famous City of the Rhodes, the ancient Bulwark of Christian Religion, unto our merciless Enemies, polluted with the infamous Superstition of Mahomet; who besides the insatiable thirst they have of our Blood, how faithless and mischievous they are by Nature, if we know not, we need not make example of ourselves, but we may take example by the calamity of Constantinople, the late misery of Euboea, and that which later was, of Methone, as also by the Mamalukes at Cairo, miserably slain contrary to the League, contrary to the Faith and Promise by the Turkish Emperor himself before given. What, do you ●ot remember how the Death of the most noble Captains at Belgrade was of late procured by the falsehood, craft, and deceit of the same faithless Miscreants? Let us then, being Men of Wit and Understanding, trust these mad Beasts, let us give ourselves into their power, which h●ve no regard of right or reason, of Religion, or any thing else; whose Covetousness and Cruelty it is hard to say which it greater, which for these many years have plotted and laboured nothing more, than how by policy or force they may utterly root out the Name of the Rhodians, which they so deadly hate. They keep us shut up and besieged now the sixth Month, feeling together with us extreme dangers and endless labour, slain by heaps before our Walls and Fortresses, and cannot be removed hence with Thunder, Lightning, Storms, Tempest's, and all the Calamities of Winter, a time which giveth intermission to all War, both by Sea and Land; so desirous they are of Revenge, and greedy of our Blood; and that not altogether without cause, for we have also shed theirs, and gladly would still so do, if it lay in our power. But seeing it seemeth good unto God otherwise, and that we are surprised with inevitable necessity, yet let us whilst we are at liberty, and have power ourselves, by honourable, death amongst the Christian Ensigns, eschew the Torments and Reproaches which our cruel Enemies hope to inflict upon us; so shall we enjoy eternal Fame and Glory, prepared both in Heaven and Earth for such as honourably die in defence of their Prince and Country; which Honour it becometh not them to envy unto thy most noble Name and Virtue, worthy Grand Master, which having for many years enjoyed the commodity and profit of Peace, and greatly enriched by Bounty of this sacred Military Order, refuse now to bear this last burden of War.  
At these words an ancient Greek, for his Wisdom and Discretion of great Reputation both with the Greeks and Latins, perceiving his Countrymen wrongfully touched, and the desperate holding out of the City vainly persuaded, took hold, and interrupting this young Gallant; in answer of that he had said, spoke as followeth: 
The former Speech notably answered by a Greek, and the yielding of the City urged.  That grief of mind and desperation can make Men rather Eloquent than Wise, as you have many times heard before this, so you might this day perceive also, most valiant Gentlemen; for advised modesty never falleth into obloquy, neither confoundeth falsehood with truth; it desireth not the slaughter of the Citizens, it persuadeth not fury, nor exhorteth Men to madness; but it is by nature so engrafted in many, that when they cannot by their own Wisdom and Policy deliver themselves from their troubles, they yet seek to draw others into the fellowship of the same danger; so greedy have malice and misery always been of company. But if you (worthy Commander) will give me also leave to speak, a Man amongst his Countrymen not of meanest Place and Authority, which thing both the present Calamity and urgent Necessity might of you easily obtain, I would allege such reasons, and lay down such matter, as should not only refel the copious and glorious words of this sharp witted Orator, scraped together of purpose to flourish out the matter, but also such as might stir your mind to that which is honest, profitable, and necessary; expulsing hatred, fear, trouble or despair. This Gentleman, whom we all know, not only to be a vehement Orator, but sometime a Man most terrible, whereas for all his great words he is by nature mild, and so mild, that he never had the heart to kill, nay not so much as lightly to wound any one of them whom he calleth barbarous, mad, cruel, whose perfidious dealing he detesteth, whose cruelty he accurseth, whose manner of living he exclaimeth against, as altogether without Law, without Reason, without Order, without Regard; and now in time of Truce, and whilst the Showers of Arrows, Iron Bullets, Fire and Stones doth cease, creeping out of his Cave, maketh much ado, and keepeth a great stir; and not knowing in what danger he is, doth now with glorious words call upon death, whereof he hath hitherto showed himself too much afraid, and all forsooth (as he said) lest he should be enforced to endure the mocking and scorning of the Enemy. But this is mere Pride, not Christian Fortitude or Humility. But our Enemy neither threateneth nor purposeth any such matter, nothing so perfidious or cruel as he would make him, rubbing up the slaughter at Cairo, Euboea, Methone, and Constantinople, Cities taken either by Force or warlike Policy, and not yielded by composition, upon faith given betwixt the besieger and the besieged; who because he would spare us, will not suffer us to do that whereby we should undoubtedly perish. But whereof proceedeth this new found Clemency? This unwonted favour toward the People of the Rhodes? I am not of the Tyrant's Privy-Counsel, neither ever curiously sought after the reason of another Man's Bounty, but am glad to receive it when I need it. Yet for all that, I will not dissemble w hat I think in a matter so doubtful; he is willing (as I suppose) in this Siege and Conquest of the Rhodes, to show unto other Nations whom he purposed to invade, both his Power and his Patience; lest always satisfying: his cruel Nature, he should make desolation in places he would Reign over, and so for ever alienating the Minds of Men, he enforced to fight with all Men with Fire and Sword; by which Rigour he hath not so much hurt his Enemy as himself. For this cause (as I suppose, he leaveth unto us life and goods, l●st whilst he in going about to take them from us by force, and we seeking to keep them by desperatness, we should both fall into great destruction, no less lamentable unto the Conqueror than to the vanquished. Besides that, if he should kill all here, truly he might then enter the Breaches of the City on the Bodies of the dead, no Men now left alive to resist him. But Lerus is shut up, Arangia is strongly Fortified, Lyndus is by Situation impregnable; here he knoweth are Weapons, Armour, and Men; here he must begin a new War, except he will have the remainder of your War, the fatal Plague of his Empire, to pray still upon his Subjects; all which strong places he shall have without slaughter, without bloodshed (as reason is) if he should let you and us poor wretches depart in safety with a little trash. Except these worldly considerations have moved him to mercy and compassion; then out of doubt it is wrought by divine power and the secret favour of God towards us, and of our Saviour Christ jesus Crucified. Whereunto if you be Men well advised, if Religious, if mindful of the duty of Christians, it becometh not you to oppose any Obstacle, and with the ruin of yourselves to destroy this miserable People, which for this half years Siege, hath scarcely had so much rest as might suffice the necessity of nature, standing for you in Battle, enduring both Wounds and Death for your Honour and Victory; by whose faithful labour and diligence you have been always holpen both at home and abroad; whether you Invaded the Turk by Land in Mytilene, Naupactus, Methone, Patras, or other parts of Peloponnesus; or else by Sea thrust him out of the Possession of the Ionian or Aegeum; whereby it may appear even unto a Blind Man, how injurious it is, and far from truth, to object unto us, That enjoying the Fruits of Peace, we refuse the Charges of Wars; nay we never refused Wars. But now it is come to that point, that if we would never so fain make Wars, we are not able so to do, the flower of our youth being slain; and the small remainder that is left, not only weakened in Body with Wounds, Sickness, Watching, and restless Labour; but also in Mind discouraged, whilst all things fall out prosperously to our Enemies, and to us adverse; the greatest and best part of our great Artillery being broken with continual use, which if it were whole we could have thereof small use or profit, for want of Powder, which not only this City now wanteth, but also your strong Holds, Lerus, Lyndus, Halicarnassus, Arangia. I was never desirous or curious to look into other men's doings, much less into your manner of War; but yet (Great Master) you cannot deny, but it is so; who have caused Soldiers to be brought from thence hither openly, and Gunpowder secretly; by which Policy you have withstood your foreign Enemy these six Months, and deceived the treachery of one or two domestical Traitors. But I gladly admit we have all these things, I stand upon the truth, I say not what most Men say, but I speak to please a few; and suppose we wanted neither Armour nor Courage, I would then ask you this, whether they would advise you to use them to your defence, or to your destruction? For unto both it cannot be, no more than at once to be a Freeman and a Slave. To use them to your destruction, that were madness and senseless pride, hateful to Go● and Man; you should therefore use them to defence; but how shall we defend a City (I do not say, as the truth is) already lost and possessed by the Enemy, wherein he reigneth, rangeth, and turneth all upside down? But having the Walls battered down, a great Breach in the Spanish Station, and another not like, but even now as good as made in the Italian Station, how shall we be able to keep this unfortunate Town, battered and rend at the French, English, and Avergne Stations, and the Tower of St. Nicholas? Which if it were not so battered and bared of all Warlike Provision, but sound and throughly furnished with Munition and Victual, yet necessity enforcing, and reason persuading, you ought to forsake it, forsomuch as all power of further resistance is taken from you. Do you not see how easily and almost without any trouble, the Enemy (by means of the Castle he hath new Built upon the Mount Philermo, not past two Miles distant) can take from you all manner of Provision both by Sea and Land, and restrain you from going out or in? Truly notable Gentlemen, honourable for your Martial Prowess, you see and have long ago foreseen these things better than I, altogether ignorant in Martial Affairs, altogether busied in the Trade of Merchandise, and caring for my Family; yet suffer me to say the truth. All the Powers whereby this Kingdom stood, are departed and gone; against the force of our Enemies no policy of force remaineth; and to expect Armies of Angels, or Soldiers from Heaven, and other such like Miracles, is in my judgement more and more to provoke God to anger, although in his anger he be unto us merciful. Wherefore being destitute of all worldly help, let us as we may, provide for our safety. I beseech thee (worthy Great Master) by these my aged Tears, by the natural piety engrafted in thy noble nature, expose not this miserable City to the spoil of the Enemy, our old and middle aged Men to the Sword, our Wives and Daughters to be Ravished, our Boys and Youth's to the unnatural filthiness of our barbarous Enemies, and to be corrupted with the mad and gross Opinion of the ungodly Mahometan Superstition: I would (noble Knights) you had seen with what Tears, with what Mourning our heavy Families and Children crying about their Mothers, sent us hither, and what Prayers they made for us at our departing; I would you knew with what mind and how great hope they expect their safety from your clemency and advised resolution.  

The Great Master resolved that the City was not to be defended, calleth a Common-Council of his Knights and the Burgess●s of the City.  This Speech of the aged Greek might have moved a Heart of Flint; but the Great Master, who in his countenance showed a greater courage than his present state required, commanding every Man to his charge; after the matter had been thus most part of the night discoursed, gave then no other answer, but, That he would be careful of all their well doing. The next mornning he sent for Prejanes, Martiningus, and a few other of the greatest judgement and experience; by whom he was fully resolved, that the City in so many places by the Enemy laid open and shaken, was not possibly to be long defended; whereupon he caused a Common-Council to be called of all the Knights of the Order together with the Burgesses of the City; where after long debating, whether they should fight it out to the last Man, or yield upon such Conditions as were to be obtained; It was by general consent concluded, that the City should be yielded, and thereupon a Decree made which was by the Great Master pronounced. 
A Truce tak●n with the Turks for four days.  Whilst these things were thus in doing, a Truce was taken with the Enemy for four days, but full of fear and danger. During which time, divers of the Turks presuming upon the Truce, came by great Companies to behold the Walls and Rampires of the City; wherewith Fornovius the Frenchman (of whom mention is before made) being sore moved, in his choler without further command discharged a Tire of great Ordnance among the thickest of them, contrary to the Truce taken. At which time also the Rhodians received into the City secretly by night a Ship loaded with Wines out of Crete, and in her Alphonsus a Spaniard, chief Pilot of the Rhodian Galleys, and with him 100 voluntary Soldiers all Latins, all which went out of Crete without the knowledge of the Venetian Senate; for at that time the Venetians were in League with Solyman. The Turks justly offended with the breach of the Truce, and the taking in of new Supplies, which they supposed to have been far greater than in truth they were; without command of any Captain or Ensign displayed, in great numbers thrust in through the ruins of the Breaches into the City as far as the Rampires and Barricadoes new made, and furiously assailed the Defendants; In which Conflict many were slain and wounded on both sides. But after the Turks had to their cost again made proof of the courage of their Enemies, as without commandment they began that Skirmish, so of themselves they broke it off and retired. 
A barbarous Fact.  After the Truce was thus broken, the Captain of the Turks Fencers, a bloody cruel Fellow, having taken three Christians Prisoners, cut off their Hands, Ears, and Noses, and sent them so dismembered into the City with Letters to the Great Master, charging him with the unjust breach of the Truce, barbarously threatening within three or four days to make like example of him to all posterity. Amongst others none was more troubled with this sudden and unexpected breach of the Truce, than Robertus Perusinus, Raymundus Marchet, and Raymundus Lupus, three Knights of the Order, Men of singular Wisdom and Gravity, Ambassadors at that time in the Turks Camp; whom the barbarous People in their fury had undoubtedly slain or put to torture, if they had not feared the like measure to have been showed to their Hostages in the City. But after that Nicholaus Vergotus, and Georgius Sandriticus, two of the Burgesses of the City, were come into the Camp with Articles containing the conditions whereupon the Rhodians were contented to deliver up the City, all their fury and rage was quickly appeased. Solyman for his greater Majesty and the more terror of these Messengers, beset round about with his great Army, and guarded about with his Janissaries in their richest Attire and glistering Armour, gave them audience; who admitted to his presence, with great humility offered unto him in writing the conditions whereupon the Rhodians would yield up unto him the City. The chief points whereof were, That the Churches should remain unto the Christians inviolated; That no Children should be taken from their Parents; That no Christian should be enforced to forsake his Religion and turn Turk; That such Christians as would tarry still in the City, might so do at liberty, without paying any Tribute for the space of five Years; That all they which would depart might go with Bag and Baggage, furnished with convenient Shipping and Provision as far as Crete, and to carry with them so much great Ordnance as they pleased; and that the Christians should appoint a reasonable day for the time of their departure. All which Articles Solyman condescended unto, and solemnly swore faithfully to perform the same. But how they were indeed performed the Writers of that age do much vary: It should seem they were neither altogether kept, nor broken; but so performed as pleased the Conqueror; certain it is that many great outrages were through military Insolency committed by the proud Turks upon the poor Christians, contrary to the mind of Solyman. Iac●bus Fontanus a Civilian, and at that time one of the Judges of the City (out of whose writings this History is for most part collected) reporteth, That the Turks not expecting the departure of the Christians, broke into the City upon Christenmas Day, by the Gate called Cosquinium, polluted the Temples, shamefully abused the Christians, and made havoc of all things; and that he himself, falling into their hands, after he had with such Money as he had, redeemed himself, having not sufficient to content all their greedy desires, was by them hardly entreated and grievously beaten. The Great Master by the counsel of Achimetes, putting on such simple Attire as best beseemed a vanquished Man that was to humble himself before the Conqueror, went out of the City into the Camp, attended upon with a few Knights of the Order; where after he had waited in the Rain most part of the day, before Soliman's Tent, at last he had a rich Gown cast upon him, and so brought into the proud Tyrant's presence. Where after they had a while at the first, with piercing Eyes one earnestly beholden the other; the Great Master humbling himself before him, was in token of Grace admitted to Kiss his Hand, and welcomed by Solyman in this sort. 
Solyman his Speech unto the Great Master.  Although (said he) I might worthily and justly infringe the Articles I have prescribed concerning the yielding of the City, with thy most wicked crossed Compiers, the People of the Rhodes, and thee especially such a Captial Enemy, from whose deserved punishment, neither Faith nor Oath ought to stay a most just Conqueror; yet I have determined to be not only gracious and merciful unto thee, so great an Offender, deserving exemplary Punishment, but also liberal and bountiful; who if thou wilt by welldoing amend the grievous Transgressions of thy former Life, I promise unto thee most honourable Entertainment, great Preferment, and the highest Places in my Empire, in my Army in time of War, and in Counsel in time of Peace. Not to refuse this mine offer, both thy present estate persuadeth thee, and the Christians (whose quarrel thou tookest upon thee to defend against me, with better beginning than success) deserve at thy hands no better; for what should let thee forsaken of all thy Friends, a Man as it were betrayed and vanquished, to cast thyself into the perpetual faith and protection of a most mighty and merciful Conqueror, of himself offering thee this undeserved Grace and Favour. Whereunto the Great Master presently answered; 
The resolute answer of the Great Master to Solyman.  Most Mighty and Gracious Emperor, your offered Favours before your other worthy Captains I deserve not; neither is my present estate and desert towards you such, as that I dare or aught to refel the same; yet I will speak freely in the midst of your Victorious Army, a Man vanquished in presence of the Conqueror, whose great Mercy I never despaired of, and whose Faith I never doubted; I had rather now I have lost my Sovereignty, forthwith to lose my private and unfortunate Life; or else for ever hereafter to live in Obscurity, than of my People to be accounted a Fugitive rather than a vanquished Man: For, to be vanquished is but chance ●f War, and of so great a Conqueror no shame to him that is Conquered; but afterwards to forsake his own People and to turn to the Enemy, I account it shameful Cowardice and Treachery.  
Solyman marveling at the Courage and Majesty of the Hoary old Prince, in his so great extremity, dismissed him, and sent him again into the City, guarded with his own Guard, until he was come into his Palace; and unto every one of the Knights attending upon the Great Master, was given a rich Garment, in token of Soliman's Favour. Within a few days after Solyman coming into the City, 
Solyman cometh in●o the City unto the Great Master.  went to visit the Great Master also; whom he found busy in packing up his things against his departure. Here when the Great Master falling down upon his Knees would have worshipped him, he would in no case suffer him so to do; but with his hand putting aside the Veil of Majesty (which manner of Reverence the Turkish Emperors give only to God, and their Great Prophet Mahomet) took him up and Saluted him by the Name of Father. To whom the Great Master for his Wisdom and Discretion now to him no less admirable, than he was before in time of War for his Valour and Courage, spoke in this sort: If my Fortune and Success had been answerable to my Heart and Courage, 
The Speech of the Great Master to Solyman.  I should here be in this City, rather as a Victorious Conqueror than a Man Conquered. But sithence the fatal Destinies would needs overthrow the Rhodian Estate, I am glad that you are the Man before all other by Fortune assigned, of whom I shall receive both Force and Grace. And unto you, amongst many other your rare and worthy Praises, this shall not be the least, That you vanquished the Rhodes and showed Mercy. By this means you have joined unto your dreadful Power, the Fame of Clemency and Courtesy; an Honour not of the Highest to be despised, by which alone we come nearest unto God. Wherefore I doubt not but you will keep the conventions of the late Peace inviolated, which your own clemency persuaded you to grant, and necessity enforced us to take. I shall now be an eternal example to the Turkish Emperors Clemency and Virtue, more than if I had by and by at the first yielded myself; Obstinate wilfulness hath made thy Glory and Mercy now Famous through the whole World, and unto the Worlds End. Whereunto Solyman by his Interpreter, answered: It is to me a great pleasure, 
The notable answer of Solyman to the Great Master.  that God at length hath put into thy mind to make choice of Peace before War, which I would thou couldst have liked of from the beginning; then truly thou shouldst at this time have received of my great and mighty Majesty, more good than thou hast endured harm. Which that I have done unto thee, not for any hatred, but only for desire of Sovereignty, thou mayst gather by this, That I suffer thee and thine to depart hence at liberty, with all your Wealth and Substance; for I make not War, thereby to heap up Wealth and Riches; but for Honour, Fame, Immortality, and enlarging of mine Empire. For it is the property of a King royally descended, by strong Hand to take from others, and to invade others; not upon a greedy and covetous Mind, but for the honourable desire of Rule and Sovereignty; which whilst my Neighbour withstandeth, I count it enough by force of Arms to remove him.  
But the Tyrant (as many supposed) spoke all this by way of dissimulation, having as it was commonly bruited, given order for the rigging up of a great Ship, and certain Galleys, for the sudden transporting of the Great Master and the Knights of the Order to Constantinople, which report seemeth to have been but feigned either of malice, or else by such as lest knew Soliman's Mind; for if he had so purposed, who should have let him, having them all in his Power. jovius in his little Treatise Rerum Turcicarum dedicated to Charles the Fifth, reporteth that he himself heard Liladamus' the Great Master say, That when Solyman entered into the Rhodes attended upon with thirty thousand Men, there was not any Man heard to speak a word, but that the Soldiers went as if they had been observant Friars; and that when he came to ask leave of Solyman that he might depart, he was so courteously used of him, that turning himself to Abraim the Bassa, whom he above all Men loved, said, Truly I cannot but grieve to see this unfortunate old Man, driven out of his own dwelling, to depart hence so heavily.  
The Great Master embarking himself with his Knights and such other as were willing to depart, in Vessels and Galleys prepared for that purpose, departed out of the Island on New-year's day at night; and after long and dangerous Travel by Sea in that Winter weather, landed at last at Messina in Sicilia, from whence he afterwards sailed into Italy, and so traveled to Rome, where he was honourably received by Adrian the Sixth of that Name, than Bishop there, a Hollander born, sometime Schoolmaster to Charles the Fifth, and his Vicegerent in Spain; who if he had been as forward in the short time of his Papacy to have relieved the Rhodes, as he was to maintain Charles his Quarrel against the French King, it is not unlike but that famous City had been relieved, and the Island in possession of the Christians at this day. 
Solyman entereth into the Rhodes on Christenmas day, in the year 1522.  Thus Solyman, whilst the Christian Princes were at discord amongst themselves, to his great glory and no less grief of all good Christians, entered the Rhodes the 25 day of December, a day dedicated unto the Nativity of our Saviour Christ, in the year 1522, after it had been by the Knights of the Order valiantly kept and defended against the Infidels by the space of 214 years, since the time they by force took it from the Infidels in the year 1308▪ and now being so long holden as was possible, against all the power of the Turks, was yielded up when it had been six Months besieged. At this Siege Solyman lost a great part of his Army; for besides them that were slain at the Assaults, which were many, thirty thousand died of the Flux.  
Whilst Solyman thus lay at the Siege of the Rhodes, 
Solyman sends Ferhates Bass● against Alis-Beg the Mountain Prince  Ferhates Bassa Governor of the Marches of the Turkish Empire, alongst the River of Euphrates, by the commandment of Solyman went with a great Army against Alis-Beg, whom the Turks called S●hach, Suar-Ogli, that is to say, King Suar his Son; which P. jovius corrupting, calleth him by the name of Saxovar-Oglis. This Alis after he had betrayed his Uncle Aladeules the Mountain King, unto Sinan Bassa, was by Selimus left chief Governor of that large and wild Country alongst the borders of Armenia and Cappadocia, wanting nothing of the honour of a King but the Name only, as is before declared in the life of Selimus. Solyman jealous of his Honour, and fearing lest he should take upon him the absolute Government of that Country (which indeed of right belonged unto him, the Children of Aladeules the late King, being now all dead) and so to make himself King; especially if he should join in friendship with the Persian King; after the manner of ambitious Men, purposed by any means to have him taken out of the way; and had therefore sent Ferhates to ease him of that care. The Bassa without making any show of Hostility marching with his Army along the Confines of his Country, as if it had been but to look to his charge, when he was come as near as he could to Alis, without mistrust, thought good to assay if he could by policy bring that to pass which he was otherwise with great danger to attempt by force. Wherefore feigning himself to be extreme sick, he sent Ambassadors to Alis, requesting him as a friend to vouchsafe to come unto him being at the point of death, unto whom he had many things of importance from the great Emperor to impart, and would if he should die, leave with him all his charge until Solyman should otherwise dispose thereof.  
Alis, 
Alis and his four Sons treacherously slain.  who from his youth had always honoured the Turkish Emperors and faithfully served them, mistrusting no harm, came to the Bassa, accompanied with his four Sons; whom the faithless Bassa without regard of infamy, caused presently to be put to death with their Father; and so reducing all that Country into the manner of a Province, under Soliman's obeisance, came to him with twenty thousand Men, about the time that the City of the Rhodes was yielded up. This is the faithless dealing of the Turks, not with the Christians only, but with them of their own superstition also; using it as no small policy, utterly to extinguish the Nobility of all Country's subject to their servile Tyranny.  
Solyman after he had thus subdued the Rhodes, 
Solyman returneth to Constantinople.  and disposed of the Island as he liked best, returning to Constantinople, broke up his Army, and for the space of three years after followed his pleasure, not doing any thing worthy of remembrance. During which time and many years after, the rich and flourishing Country of Italy, sometime Mistress of the World, was miserably afflicted and rend in pieces by Charles the Fifth (than Emperor) and Francis the French King, the one envying unto the other the glory of the Empire; and he not content therewith, seeking with immoderate ambition to make himself Lord of all Italy; most of the other Christian Princes and States being at the same time either by the one or by the other, drawn into the fellowship of that War, to the great trouble and sore weakening of the Christian Common-weal. Whereupon Solyman waiting all occasions that might serve for the enlarging of his Empire, and annoying of the Christians, 
Solyman upon the discord of the Christian Princes and disordered state of ●ungary, taketh occasion to invade that Kingdom.  thought it not a fit time for him to set his foot into Hungary, whereunto he had already laid open a way by the taking of Belgrade. He knew right well that Lewis then King of Hungary was but young, altogether unacquainted with the Wars, commanding over his headstrong Subjects (especially his rich Prelates and Nobility) no otherwise than pleased themselves, being himself rather by them altogether overruled; besides that, he was in good hope, that the other Christian Princes near unto him, either carried away with regard of their own Estate, would not, or else before unto himself by League fast bound, could not afford unto him any great aid or succour; the Germans he knew would make small haste unto such Wars as should yield them much danger, and but small pay. As for the Princes of the House of Austria, Charles' the Emperor, and Ferdinand his Brother, although they were joined unto the young King with the nearest bonds of Alliance (Lewis having Married Mary their youngest Sister, and Ferdinand, Ann, King Lewis his Sister) yet was there as he thought small help to be expected from them; Charles having his hands full in Italy, and Ferdinand altogether careful of himself; and that Sigismond King of Polonia would for the young King's sake break the ancient League he had with the Turkish Emperors, he could hardly be persuaded: As for other Christian Princes farther off, he stood not in any great doubt. year 1526. Thus having with himself singled out this young Prince the Hungarian King, 
Solyman cometh against Lewis King of Hungary.  whom he had in his greedy mind already devoured, he set forward from Constantinople, and was come on his way as far as Sophi● in Servia with a mighty Army of two hundred thousand men, before that the Hungarians had any knowledge of his coming (so blind and senseless was that State, which now sleeping in security, had long before lost those Eyes which ever watched, and never spared cost or pains to keep the same in safety) in stead of whom were others come in place, sharp of sight, and too too provident for that concerned their own advancement; but blind as Beetles in foreseeing this great and common danger (wherewith they were shortly after all quite overwhelmed) until it was now brought home unto their own Doors. The young King of himself but weak, by reason of his youthful years, and nothing strengthened by them for whom he had most done, and should have been his greatest stay, was wonderfully dismayed with the fame of the approach of so mighty an Enemy; yet the better to withstand him, he sent Ambassadors with all speed unto the Christian Princes his Neighbours, requesting their Aid against the common Enemy, but all in vain. In the mean time, after the ancient manner of his Country he gave out general Summons for the Assembly of his Counsel for the Wars; whether his great stipendiary Prelates (of duty bound to appear) came with their Troops of evil appointed Horsemen, and not half full; who also delivered in less sums of Money by far, than of right they should have done, towards the maintenance of the charge of that common War. And the temporal Nobility, forgetting the warlike Discipline of their famous Ancestors, as freshwater Soldiers which had seen the Turkish Emperor in his strength, and but little acquainted with some light skirmishes or small invasions, in their vain bravery made light account of the Turks; proudly vaunting, That although they were in number but few, yet they would easily overthrow the great numbers of them, if ever they came to handy strokes. 
The vanity of Tomoreus.  But above all the rest▪ one Paulus Tomoreus Archbishop of Colossa, sometimes a Minorite, who had before been in divers light skirmishes against the Turks, with great insolency did so confidently brag and boast of the Victory he vainly dreamt of, that in his Sermons unto the Soldiers, and in open talk with the Nobility (if he could have done so much as he vaunted of) it should seem that he himself had been enough to have overthrown the Turks whole Army.  
But when all the King's Army was assembled, and a general muster taken, there was hardly found five and twenty thousand men in all, horse and foot. So that the foolish hardiness of Tomoreus, and others so forwards to give the Turks battle, was of most wise men disliked. The old Soldiers and men of great experience said plainly, That it was mere folly and madness with such a handful of men to give battle unto the Enemy, who would bring eight times so many more into the Field as they were. Wherefore some wished, that the young King should be withdrawn from the eminent danger; among whom Stephanus Verbetius, a noble Captain, of all the rest best acquainted with the Turkish Wars, gave Counsel, that the person of the young King should for the safety of the Common State, whatsoever should happen, be kept out of danger in the strong Castle of Buda. But the unruly Soldiers with open mouth impugned his wholesome Counsel, 
Wholesome Counsel not followed.  and said plainly, That except the King himself did lead them, they would not at all fight. Of which opinion was also the rash Prelate Tomoreus, persuading them with all speed to give the Enemy Battle, and that the noble young King under the protection of Almighty God should in person himself go and give the signal of battle against his Enemies. The King overruled by this unlucky Counsel, upon a bravery without reason set forward with his Army, and came to a place called Mohatchz or Mugace, which is a little Country Village not far from Danubius, almost in the middle between Buda and Belgrade. And now Balybeus with twenty thousand Horsemen (the forerunners of the Turkish Army) was at hand, at which time the Commanders and Captains of the King's Army, entered into Counsel, Whether it were better to incamp their Army within their Wagons alongst the River of Danubius, and so to expect the coming of joannes Sepusius, Count of Cilia, and Vayvod of Transylvania (who was then said to be coming towards the King with his Transylvanian Horsemen, of all other fittest to have encountered the Turks; or else to ma●ch forward, and presently to give them Battle? But Tomoreus, who now commanded all, knowing that upon the coming of the Vayod, he was to give place, and himself to be commanded (which unto so proud a man was no small grief) for the maintenance of his credit▪ and reputation, and to carry away the glory of the Victory he so vainly hoped for, could not abide to hear of any delay; but hasting headlong to his own destruction, did with such vehemency impugn the wholesome Counsel of others, who would have expected the coming of the Vayvod, that he by his frantic persuasions, drew on the unadvised young King into most apparent and manifest danger. 
The battle of Mohatchz.  For Balybeus divided his Horsemen into four Battles, which by turns skirmished with the King's Army without intermission, and gave the Hungarians no leisure to rest either day or night, but continually wheeling about, kept them in so straight, that no man could without great danger go to water his Horse at the side of Danubius, which was fast by, or once to stir out of the Camp, but were enforced to dig Pits for water in places where they lay; with which necessity Tomor●us was enforced to put the Army in order of Battle, and there was now no remedy, but he must of necessity fight for the honour of his Prince and Country. His Battle was ranged all in length, and his Horsemen not altogether (as it was thought) unfitly placed here and there by Troops among his Footmen; lest the Turks (being in number eight to one) should with their multitude compass them round, and so enforce them to fight as it were in a Ring; for now was Solyman come also with all his huge Army. The Hungarian Tents defended with a small Garrison, were left a little from the Army on the right hand, enclosed round about with Wagons, one chained to another; near unto the which, Tomoreus General of this unlucky Battle, had not altogether undiscreetly placed a Troop of chosen Horsemen for the defence of the King's Person against all uncertain Events of the Battle. But this day (unlucky to the Hungarian name, but unto the King himself most fatal and unfortunate) overthrew that his purpose, devised too late for the safety of the King's Person; for at the first encounter the Hungarians, although they had received no harm by the Turkish Artillery (being mounted too high, of purpose as it was thought, the Gunners being for most part Christians) were easily beaten down, and overthrown, oppressed by the multitude of their Enemies, 
Tomoreus slain.  especially Tomor●us with the rest of the Prelates and Nobility being almost all slain together, and the Hungarian Horsemen also either slain or put to flight. All things going thus to wrack, a Company of Turks assailed the Camp, which was hardly defended by the weak Garrison. Which thing the Troop of the chosen Horsemen appointed for defence of the King's Person, beholding, could not be stayed, but that they would needs help them which defended the Camp. The young King seeing all his Army discomfited, and himself forsaken of the Horsemen which he was in hope should have guarded him, betook himself to flight. But as he was making shift for himself, thinking to have passed over a fenny Ditch, his Horse in plunging out, fell backwards upon him into the Ditch; 
King Lewis drowned in a ditch.  where being heavy loaden with Armour not able to help himself, he was in the midst of the filthy Ditch in the Mud most miserably drowned. Some few Horsemen escaped out of the Battle, the rest were either slain or taken Prisoners. This woeful Battle never sufficiently to be lamented, as the ground of the miseries of that worthy Kingdom, was fought the nine and twentieth day of October in the year 1526.  
Solyman having obtained this Victory, marched on directly to Buda, the Regal Seat of the Hungarian Kings, which was delivered to him with the Castle; upon condition, that he should not violate any man either in Person or Goods, and at his departure to leave the same again unto the Hungarians; all which things he (according unto their request) faithfully performed. Being entered into the Castle, he wonderfully commended the same, but lodged not therein, because it is by their ancient Law forbidden the Turkish Emperor to lodge within any walled place which is not his own. Wherefore he returned and lodged in his Camp alongst the River of Danubius.  
Whilst Solyman lay thus at Buda, seven bloody Heads of the Bishops and greatest of the Nobility (slain in the late battle at Mohatchz) were presented to him, 
The Heads of slain Christian Bishops and Captains presented to Solyman.  all set in order upon a wooden Step; whereat he smiled, to see his Courtiers laying their right Hands upon their Breasts, and bending their Bodies as if they had done them great obeisance, to salute them by name, and in derision to welcome them by the names of valiant Popes. But afterwards, when he had more particularly enquired what every one of them was, it is reported that he most of all detested Ladislaus Salcanius the great Bishop of Strigonium, for his miserable Covetousness, that being a man of infinite Wealth, refused to spare part thereof unto his Sovereign, requesting the same at his great need. Tomoreus he blamed of inconsiderate rashnesh, for that he being a Clergyman, would busy himself so far in matters not belonging to his vocation: On the contrary part, he commended Franciscus Perenus Bishop of Veradium, a man honourably descended, 
The Bishop of Verad●um too true a Prophet.  for his wise Counsel (though it was not followed) for that he had heard it reported, that he as a true Prophet foretelling the common slaughter ensuing, had sharply said in the Counsel at such time as Tomoreus would needs fight with the Turks, and was not by any means to be removed from that his fatal opinion, That he did foresee what that their Friar-like General would the next day do; and that he would with so great an enterprise effect no more, but to make one Holiday the more in the Christians Calendar, in remembrance of thirty thousand Hungarian Martyrs, most miserably slain of the Turk in an unequal battle, for defence of the Christian Faith and Religion (for at that time, they which willingly exposed themselves to death in defence of the Christian Faith, were all accounted for Martyrs;) Georgius Sepusius and the others, he called rash Fools, that would adventure with so small strength to encounter so strong an Enemy. At such time as the Counterfeits of King Lewis and Mary his Wife were showed unto him, he honourably said, That he was sorry for the young King, 
The honourable Speech of Solyman concerning his coming into Hungary.  that it was his evil hap to have so unadvised Counsellors in a matter of so great importance, as to persuade him against all reason to fight at so great disadvantage; and that he came not into Hungary to take his Kingdom from him, but only to revenge the wrongs done unto him by the Hungarians; and that if he had escaped the danger of the Battle, he would assuredly have again restored unto him the Kingdom of Hungary, contenting himself with some small Tribute; and that it should have been unto him honour enough to have saved the Nephew of Sigismond King of Polonia his Confederate, so strongly allied with the honourable House of Austria. All which he commanded to be told to Mary the Queen, who was for fear fled from Buda to Possonium. Which might perhaps all seem to have been either dissemblingly spoken, or falsely reported of the Equity and Courtesy of the barbarous King, if he had not shortly afterwards to the ample declaration of his Bounty and liberality, without any desert, given the same Kingdom of Hungary to joannes Sepusius, not born of any Royal Blood, and then retaining the mind of a very Enemy. After that, he took away three goodly Images of Brass of ancient workmanship, which were placed in the entrance into the King's Palace, by that renowned King Mathias Corvinus the great favourer of rare Qualities and Virtues; these Images represented the forms of Hercules with his Club, of Apollo with his Harp, and Diana with her Bow and Quiver, all which he placed in the Tiltyard at Constantinople, as a Trophy of the Hungarian Victory. Howbeit these Images were since taken down by the persuasion of the Mufti, and molten (as contrary to their Superstition) and great Ordnance made of them. He carried also away with him three Pieces of Artillery of most excellent and curious workmanship; and certain brazen Pillars of chamfred work, which supported the Chapiters' of the Gates. He tarried at Buda about twenty days; in which time to satisfy the cruel nature and greedy desires of his Soldiers, he sent out divers Troops of Horsemen into the Country thereabout, by whom all the Country betwixt Rab and the River of Tibyscus was by that sudden and unexpected incursion so destroyed, that it is reported that above an hundred and fifty thousand People of all sorts were either slain or led away into most miserable Captivity. All which done, he returned again by the same way he came to Constantinople.  
About the same time joannes Sepusius Vayvod of Transylvania, 
Joannes Sepusius Vayvod of Transylvania, aspireth to the Kingdom of Hungary.  with a great power came now too late into Hungary to have aided the King; but glad, as was thought, of his death, as tending to his own advancement; forasmuch as he was now (the King being dead without issue) a man of greatest account among the Nobility of Hungary. Wherefore as one of a deep and reaching Wit, and in great hope to obtain the Kingdom, he began cunningly to labour divers of the Noblemen one by one, and instantly to request them, that at the next Parliament they would not betray the Honour of their Country, in suffering the Royal Dignity of that ancient Kingdom to be transferred unto a stranger, of such a Nation as happily loved them not; for why the Hungarians ought well to remember what great calamities they had received in former times, in choosing foreign Kings and Strangers to rule over them, and in following their unfortunate Ensigns against the Turks; which thing the woeful miseries of times passed might notably prove; which either Sigismundus of Bohemia, or Ladislaus the first, of Polonia, by their unfortunate Battles, once at Nicopolis, again at Columbarium, and last of all at Varna; had brought unto the Hungarians. But to speak, nay once to remember the harms received by the long Cowardice of Ladislaus, or this late rashness of his Son King Lewis, would make any noble mind to blush and be ashamed; under whose Government all Military Discipline, and the Glory of Hungary, might well be thought to be utterly lost. And he said there remained of the Nobility of Hungary, men honourably descended of most ancient Houses, worthy of the Kingdom, which bore noble minds, and were of sufficient Courage, Discretion, and Power, in this time of common heaviness to restore the honour of the Estate, and worthily to defend the Kingdom; amongst whom (said he) I would not be accounted so base minded, or heavy headed (although there be many which for the honour of their Houses and Wealth may seem to go before me) that I will therefore confess, that any of them is for Valour, Prowess, or Fortune, better than myself, either for conducting of an Army, or government of a Kingdom; for I shall be a King of Courage and Valour sufficient, if by your favourable good Will I shall be thought worthy of your consent and suffrages. The Vayvod taking this course, by his earnest suit and labour had won the good Wills of many; and so much the easier, for that Stephanus Bator (a man of greatest Nobility among the Hungarians) was a little before gone into Bohemia unto King Ferdinand, who was then greatly busied (by reason of a Parliament there summoned) in procuring the favour of the Nobility and Commons of that Realm, against the time of the Parliament, wherein he was in good hope to be chosen King; as he was in short time after.  
At the same time the Hungarians were with great solemnity celebrating the Funeral of their late King; whose dead Body after the departure of Solyman from Buda, was found whole, by the demonstration of one Cotriscus, one of the Squires of his body, who was present when he was drowned; 
King Lewis buried.  and so was brought out of the Fens of Mohatchz to Alba Regalis, where it was with great Pomp buried amongst the Sepulchers of the other Kings of Hungary his Predecessors. Which solemn Funeral once ended, the general Military Parliament (by the Authority and Voice whereof the Kings of Hungary were by their ancient Laws and Customs to be chosen) was called; in the shutting up whereof, john the Vayvod having in that common heaviness no Competitor, nor any of the greatest Nobility which durst stand against him, was with the great applause and consent of all there present chosen King. To whom, forthwith Petrus Perennus came and presented the ancient Crown of the Kingdom of Hungary, which was in his keeping, made after an homely fashion of pure Gold; with which the lawful Kings of Hungary used always to be solemnly crowned. It is reported that it was the Crown of Stephanus first King of Hungary, and was by an ancient Custom always kept in the Castle of Vicegrade. 
John Sepusius the Vayvod chosen and crowned King of Hungary.  And so john the Vayvod was orderly crowned, and consecrated by the hands of Paulus Bishop of Strigonium, lately chosen instead of Ladislaus Salcanius, slain in the Battle at Mugace, and by the hands of Stephanus Brodaricus Bishop of Vacia, whom he chose for his Secretary. And unto Americus Cibachus he gave the honour of the Vayvod of Transilvania, being but a little before chosen Bishop of Veradium. In his preferment, he was greatly holpen unto the Kingdom by the Nobility which followed him out of Transylvania, men of great account both in Peace and War; amongst whom descended of the Hungarian Blood, were chief, Stephanus Verbetius, Paulus Antandrus, Gregorius Peschenius, Nicholaus Glessa, and janus Docia. But whilst this new King is in this sort busied in rewarding his Friends, and strengthening himself in his Kingdom, he was advertised that Ferdinand his Competitor of the Hungarian Kingdom was chosen King of Bohemia; who out of the old controversy betwixt Mathias Corvinus and Fredericus the Emperors great Grandfather, alleged great claim unto that Kingdom, derived from the time of Ladislaus, 
Ferdinand King of Bohemia layeth claim to the Kingdom of Hungary.  who was reported to have been poisoned at the time of the solemnisation of his Marriage, through the ambition and malice of Georgius Pogibracius; who affecting the Kingdom of Bohemia, shortly after obtained the same. And now it seemed that the time was come, wherein Ferdinand made greater with the Kingdom of Bohemia, and strengthened with the power of his Brother Charles the Emperor, not forgetting his Right, might upon good ground lay claim unto the Kingdom of Hungary, unto him (as he pretended) of right belonging ever since the time of Albertus the Emperor. Neither did Ferdinand, beside the strength of Austria and Bohemia, want the furtherance of divers of the Princes of Hungary; having in his Court many of unquiet Spirit, half Fugitives, desirous of change, which envied at the Vayvods Royal Preferment (as if it had been taken from themselves, more worthy thereof than he) by the rash and tumultuous favour of the Vulgar People. For besides Bator, who in most men's judgement might most worthily have required and obtained the Kingdom, there were others also almost of like Nobility and Valour, as Valentius Tauraccus, Stephanus Maylatus, janus Scala, Gasper Scredius, Baltasor Pamphilus, and Ferentius Gnarius; to whom also was joined Paulus Bachitius born in Servia, a valiant Gentleman, who being entered into the Mahometan Religion, to avoid the Turkish Slavery, got away unto the Christians, and hardly escaped from the Battle of Mohatchz. By the persuasion of these Noblemen, Ferdinand of his own disposition ready enough to claim his Right, especially a Kingdom, and trusting unto his Strength in Austria, Bohemia, Rhetia, Stiria, and Carynthia, marched directly towards Buda. With whose coming, john the new King being wonderfully troubled, as a man beset with want of all things, having neither sufficient Strength whereupon to rest in his new got Kingdom, neither any great assurance of the Fidelity of his Subjects, like enough either for fear, or of their natural inconstancy, to fall from him, determined not to abide the coming of his Enemy to Buda; but exhorting his Captains to follow him, although he were glad to depart and give place to his evil Fortune for a time, with such Power as he had brought with him out of Transylvania, and such other as he could otherwise levy, he passed over the River to Pestum; and not daring any where thereabouts to rest, by long marches passed over the River Tibiscus, and there encamped at Tocai, which was a strong Castle upon the further side of the River. 
King Ferdinand taketh Buda.  His departure being known, Ferdinand marching on, obtained Buda without resistance; where he stayed a while, and consulted with his Captains, Whether he should pursue his flying Enemy, or not. But it was quickly resolved, That the discouraged Enemy was to be speedily pursued, before he should gather greater strength, or enter into greater Policies. Wherefore Ferdinand committed all his Army unto the Nobility of Hungary▪ his Friends, whom we have before named; who marching with all speed possible, came to the River Tibiscus; where passing over upon a Bridge made of Boats which they brought with them in Wagons for that purpose, they came with Ensigns displayed unto the Castle of Tocai, where the King lay with his Army in order of Battle. But terrified with the sudden coming of his Enemies, and debating with his Captains of the greatness of the danger, took a course unto himself rather safe than honourable, for his Captains desiring nothing more than to join Battle, and in manner contemning their Enemies, persuaded him to withdraw himself a little out of the Battle, and to keep him out of danger; and if things fell out otherwise than well, to reserve himself unto his better fortunes; as for themselves they would most resolutely fight against those traitorous Fugitives, forasmuch as it were great dishonour for them, being Hungarians, a warlike People by nature, to refuse Battle being offered by the Enemy. Amongst the Chieftains of the King's Army, Ferentius Bodo an old Captain of great experience and courage was chief, to whom the King delivered his Ensign with his own hands, and he with great skill ordered his Battle, for the number of his Soldiers; he himself stood in the main Battle with the Hungarians, placing the Transylvanians in the Wings. In Ferdinand's Army, Valentinus Turaccus led the main Battle with the Hungarians, under Ferdinand's Ensign; strengthened on the one side with Troops of Horsemen out of Syria, and on the other, with the Horsemen of Austria. But Paulus Bachitius (according to the manner of the Turkish Wars, wherewith he was well acquainted) with a Company of Light-Horsemen lay close in ambush in a convenient place for that purpose, a good distance off, against the left Wing of the Enemy's Army, ready as occasion should serve, to take his most advantage. It was not greatly needful for the Captains to use any persuasions to encourage their Soldiers, ready enough of themselves to fight. The great Ordnance once discharged, 
The battle of Tocai, between the Armies of King John and King Ferdinand.  the Armies came fast on and joined Battle, where the Wings of both Battles fought with divers fortune. The Styrian Horsemen were not able to endure the force of the Transylvanians, but were put to the worse. And on the other side, the left Wing of Bodo his Army, consisting for most part of raw and unexpert Soldiers, was by the Horsemen of Austria overthrown. At the same time both the main Battles (being almost all Hungarians) fought with equal courage, and that so eagerly, as seldom had been seen a more fierce or cruel Battle. But by a fresh charge given by Ferdinand's Horsemen, who had now put to flight the right Wing of Bodo his Battle, all Bodo his Army fighting most valiantly, was disordered and put to flight; Bodo the General labouring to restore the Battle, and to save the Ensign to him before by the King delivered, was by the coming in of Paulus Bachitius with his Light-Horsemen taken. The other Captains seeing all lost, and past hope of recovery, betook themselves to flight; all the King's Artillery and Ensigns were taken by the Enemy. The King seeing the overthrow of his Army, 
King John 〈◊〉 into Polonia.  for safeguard of his life fled into Polonia. Ferdinand's Captains following the course of the Victory, entered into Transylvania; where the People yielding themselves at the first, all the whole Province submitted itself unto the Authority of Ferdinand. Bodo and the rest of the Noblemen that were taken Prisoners, with the Ensigns taken from the Enemies, were sent to Ferdinand. But when Bodo having his liberty promised, could not be persuaded to renounce his Oath given to King john, and to bear. Arms against him, he was by Ferdinand his commandment cast into a dark Dungeon, where shortly after consumed with sorrow and grief, he miserably ended his life.  
Shortly after, Ferdinand (the Hungarians generally submitting themselves unto him) was by their common consent saluted King, 
Ferdinand crowned King of Hungary at Alba Regalis.  and crowned with the same old Crown wherewith King john had been crowned, which the same Perenus (a man of little constancy) brought unto him; and with him was also crowned Ann his Wife, the only Sister of the late King Lewis. All which solemn ceremonies were celebrated at Alba Regalis, the usual place for the Coronation of the Hungarian Kings. Ferdinand by rare felicity thus possessed of two Kingdoms, whereunto he was not born, returned into Bohemia, and left his Deputies for the Government of the Kingdom of Hungary; these were Stephanus Bator, whom he appointed Viceroy, with whom he joined Paulus Bishop of Strigonium, who had also revolted from King john; and made Berethsaxtus Secretary, and Alexius Tursonus a Moravian, Treasurer.  
King john thus miserably distressed, and thrust out of his Kingdom by Ferdinand, fled to Hieronimus Lascus, a man for his honourable descent and learned virtue, of great fame and reputation amongst the Polonians; who glad of so honourable a Guest, was more careful of nothing, than with all possible kindness and courtesy how to comfort him, wrapped up in so many calamities with the loss of his Kingdom; he frankly promised unto him all his own Wealth (which was not small) for the recovery of his former estate; and that which more was, for the reviving of his former felicity, the uttermost of his Wit and Device, which in the compass of all great matters was accounted wonderful. That bountiful entertainment of this poor King by Lascus, was not altogether unpleasant to Sigismond King of Polonia, although (because he would not offend Ferdinand, with whom he was joined in Friendship and Alliance) he seemed to most men plainly to forget himself, in showing so small kindness unto King john, whose Sister Barbara he had sometime married; which was the cause that Lascus forgot no point of courtesy in entertaining his Guest, and yet the credit of Sigismond with King Ferdinand not touched. But when they had spent almost a month in consultation, 
Lascus counselleth King John to crave aid of Solyman.  and debating of matters too and fro, Lascus accustomed with his deep Wit sharply to reason, and advisedly to determine of most weighty causes, at last rested upon this one point, That ready help in so hard and desperate a case was only to be hoped for of the Turkish Emperor Solyman; being of opinion, that he being a most mighty Prince and of an honourable disposition, answerable to his greatness, would not reject the humble Prayers of an oppressed and exiled King; especially, if that being by his mercy and power restored, he could be content for so great a benefit to hold his Kingdom, as of the bounty of the Ottoman Kings. For Lascus saw that Solyman (so great and proud an Emperor) was not so desirous of Kingdoms (whereof he had so many as could not easily be reckoned, then commanding over a great part of the World) as of glory and renown, wherewith he understood him to be wonderfully delighted above all other Kings of the East, naturally carried away with that windy vanity. This Counsel (as in effect it proved) was unto King john wholesome and reasonable, if a man do but respect the poor Estate of a King, so greatly wronged, living in exile, but respecting the Christian Common-Weal, it was undoubtedly most dangerous and lamentable, for one man's particular profit to bring the whole State into most dreadful and horrible danger; but the sick minds of worldly men, living in small hope of doing well, and at the point of desperation, refuse no worldly remedies, be they never so doubtful or dangerous. And not long after, upon this resolution with the King, 
Lascus goeth Ambassador for King John to Solyman.  Lascus desirous by noble actions to increase the honour of his name, took the matter upon him, and went as Ambassador from the exiled King to Solyman to Constantinople. The report was, that Sigismond did not only not stay him, but secretly gave him his safe conduct with Letters of Credence, wherein he commended him unto the Bassas and other great men in Soliman's Court, descended of the Polonian Blood, as his faithful and loving Subject sent thither upon an extraordinary and special Embassage. Lascus as soon as he was come to Constantinople, with wonderful dexterity had in short time won the Favour, not of the Bassas only, but of the other Courtiers also; presenting them with such Gifts as might for the fineness and rareness thereof, rather than for the value (as he thought) be most acceptable and pleasing to their Wives; for amongst that barbarous and corrupted People nothing is better welcome than Gifts, whether they proceed of simple good Will, or other respect, is no great difference. Amongst the great Bassas at that time of greatest Power and Authority, was Luftebeius, or rather Lutzis, who had married Soliman's Sister; 
Abraham Bassa.  and Abraham born at Praga, a base Village in Acarnania, brought up in the Court from his Childhood with Solyman; he was then Visier or chief of the Bassas, and Keeper of the Emperor's Seal, and was by his office to subscribe all such Grants or Letters as passed from the Emperor; by which his great place and special favour he had with Solyman, he in Magnificence, Power and Authority far exceeded all the rest of the Bassas, doing whatsoever pleased himself; and that with such Sovereignty and the good liking of Solyman, that it was commonly said, he was the commander of his thoughts. Lascus thus insinuated into the Court, and oftentimes talking with the Bassas without an Interpreter, for that he could well speak the Sclavonian Tongue (the familiar speech of the Turkish Courtiers) earnestly solicited the King's cause, wonderfully commending him; for at his first coming, after he had saluted Solyman, and was about to have declared the cause of his coming, he was after the manner of the Turkish Court referred to the Bassas; for Solyman used not to admit any Christian to talk with him in his Court. Lascus requested of Solyman, by the Bassas, That King john wrongfully thrust out of his Kingdom by Ferdinand Duke of Austria, 
Lascus his request of Solyman in the behalf of King John.  and the Treason of certain of the Hungarians, might by the Turkish power be again restored unto the Kingdom of Hungary, which he would hold by homage of the Turkish Emperor, as of right belonging unto him, since the time that Solyman with victorious hand revenging his wrongs, and subduing his Enemies, had by Law of Arms (Fortune so judging) gained the same. Promising that King john, who for his worthiness was by the general good liking of the Hungarians lawfully chosen to be their King, and so after the ancient manner of that Kingdom crowned; if he were now received into Soliman's Protection, and by him restored, should never forget so great a benefit, but always most faithfully and thankfully to honour the Majesty of Solyman, paying him such yearly Tribute as it should please him to impose, and to make it known to all men, that he was his Vassal. Which thing if it would please him to grant, it should be no less honour and glory to Solyman himself, than profitable and comfortable unto the distressed King. For beside, that heroical Kings are compared unto Gods, rather for giving than receiving; it was easy to be seen, how greatly it did concern the profit of the Ottoman Kings to be neighboured with a weak and tributary King rather than with Ferdinand, a Prince of great Power, lately chosen King of Bohemia, supported by the strength of his Brother Charles the Emperor, commanding over the warlike Nation of the Germans; which was as much difference as was betwixt the maintenance of a continual heavy War upon his Borders, and the safe enjoying of a most assured Peace. Beside that, it concerned the Turks to beware, that such things as they had got by the Sword, they should also by the Sword defend; and not to suffer any one to grow greater than the rest in Riches and Power. For it might so fall out, that Charles, grown to be a Prince of mighty Power, might draw the rest of the Christian Princes to join with him in the common cause of the Christian Religion, and in that quarrel, as the Christian Kings of Europe had in former time done, with united Forces to seek to recover again what they had before lost; whose Force it would be hard to withstand. These things being sharply delivered, and by the Bassas again reported unto Solyman, who standing at a secret Window, had before heard them as they were by Lascus to the Bassas declared; it was no great labour to persuade the Turkish Emperor, of himself desirous of Glory and Sovereignty, again to undertake the Hungarian War, 
Solyman granteth Lascus his request.  and to grant King john his request, promising according to the success of the Victory to give him that he desired, that he would faithfully perform what he had promised, and not show himself therefore unthankful.  
In the mean time, Ferdinand upon great reason thinking it necessary by all means possible to confirm himself in possession of the Kingdom of Hungary; and fearing no force but the Turks, determined to prove Soliman's disposition, and to seek for his Friendship; hoping by reasonable means to compass it, 
Ferdinand sendeth an Ambassador to Solyman.  by showing unto the barbarous Prince (not altogether abhorring from the commendation of Justice) his ancient Title and Claim, and that he was by the ancient Laws of the Country right Heir thereof; thinking that Solyman having obtained so many Victories, and ruling over so many Kingdoms, would now at length give himself to Peace, as a man contented with his glory already gotten. His desire was, to be received into his Friendship, and to join with him in League upon the same conditions which Ladislaus and his Son Lewis had for certain years before obtained of the Ottoman Kings, and Sigismond King of Polonia then also with like quietness enjoyed. Wherefore having found out a fit man, whom he might send upon this Embassage to Constantinople (one joannes Oberdanscus, a Hungarian) he furnished him accordingly, and gave him Gifts, such as he thought good to bestow upon the great Bassaes. But when Oberdanscus was come unto Constantinople, he found Solyman harder to be entreated than he had before hoped, and the Bassas altogether unwilling to hear of any League; for although he was courteously received of Solyman, and most patiently heard, whilst he both eloquently and discreetly before the great Bassas, delivered his Embassage; yet in the shutting up of all, he received no more but a proud and insolent answer; for Solyman said, 
Soliman's answer to Ferdin●nds Ambassadors.  it was far from the manner of his Ancestors, to receive them into grace and favour which had done injury to the Ottoman name; wherefore that Ferdinand had done impudently to invade another man's Kingdom, and to think to hold it to himself; forasmuch as his old Title and Claim which he stood so much upon, was altogether extinguished and lost by Law of Arms, by his late Victory against King Lewis; for which causes he adjudged him unworthy of his Friendship and Favour, purposing sharply to revenge the wrong he had received; and proclaiming War, to come again into Hungary with such a power as should be sufficient to invade Ferdinand, either in Austria or Germany. Wherefore instead of Friendship and League he denounced unto him all the calamities of War; and so commanded the Ambassador with speed to depart from Constantinople. But Oberdanscus when he was come back again as far as Vienna, and had there told the King's Lieutenants of the threatening words of Solyman, and that he would shortly come thither with his Army, he was not of any of them believed, but reputed for a vain man. Wherefore to shun the hatred of them which mistook truth for falsehood, he made haste to come to Ferdinand, who was then at Spires, labouring for voices to further his suit, for that at the next Assembly of the States of the Empire, which was then at hand for the Coronation of his Brother Charles, he himself as he well hoped, was to be chosen King of the Romans. The News brought by Oberdanscus, did not a little trouble King Ferdinand, foreseeing as it were what would happen; for that the Turkish Tyrant used not lightly to break such promises, but to perform them to the uttermost; and that more increased his care, he knew he should come in evil time to crave help of the Germans, for the defence of his Kingdom in Hungary against so mighty an Enemy, especially his Brother Charles the Emperor being busied in his Wars in Italy, and he himself wanting Money, the only means to raise an Army to withstand the Turk. year 1529. The Spring now come, and all things fresh and green, Solyman altering nothing of his former determination, 
Solyman cometh into Hungary with a great Army.  having levied an Army of an hundred and fifteen thousand men, set forward from Hadrianople, his Europeian Horsemen going before him conducted by Abraham the great Bassa, and Achomates Michael-Ogli, General of the Acanzijs or voluntary Horsemen; and his Asian Soldiers led by Becrambeius Bassa following after him; he himself with his Janissaries and Soldiers of the Court keeping in the middle. And marching on in this sort, came in fifteen days to Belgrade, 
King John cometh to Solyman at Belgrade.  where King john accompanied with Lascus and such of the Hungarian Nobility as took his part, came unto him, of purpose to make himself known unto him which was to protect him; and doing him all the honour he possibly could, to request him to proceed to revenge his quarrel. Solyman with grave and yet friendly countenance, raising himself a little from the Cushion whereon he sat, gave him his right hand, protesting, That nothing could happen unto him better, or that he more desired of God, than to be able to relieve distressed Princes, especially such as were wrongfully oppressed by his Enemies; wherefore he willed him to be of good comfort, promising of his bounty frankly to bestow upon him whatsoever he should in that War win with the Sword from the Enemy. King john obtained this rare favour of Solyman by the earnest mediation of Abraham the commanding Bassa; whom he had before at Constantinople by his Ambassador Lascus so now with Gifts and Requests, that he throughly took upon him the defence of the King's cause; wherein Lascus was especially holpen by Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Venice his Son, who then followed the Turks Camp, and was for his Father's sake and the great sufficiency he held himself, had in great reputation amongst the Turks; and in such favour with Abraham, who did all in all with Solyman, that he could persuade him to any thing he would. For this Aloysius Grittus, born and brought up in Constantinople, and wonderful eloquent in the Turkish Tongue, had by the honourable carriage of himself, and the great Port he kept in his House, so throughly possessed Abraham (that all commanded) that he would many times bring Solyman himself over the Haven to Pera, to solace himself in Grittus his pleasant Gardens and Banqueting Houses, which he had there most sumptuously made after the Italian manner; whereby to his great profit he obtained to be the chief man in receiving of the Turks Customs.  
The fame of Soliman's coming directly from Belgrade to Buda, so terrified the Citizens of Buda, that they almost all forsaken the City and fled unto other places further off, some to Strigonium, some to Alba Regalis, some to Possonium; so that at his first coming he entered the City (almost desolate) without any resistance; 
Solyman enters Buda without resistance, and besieged the Castle.  the Castle holden by a Garrison of Germans, he commanded to be besieged. The Captain of the Castle was one Thomas Nadastus, a man of great account among the Hungarians, both for the honour of his House, and his qualities answerable to the same, graced with singular Learning; he perceiving his Soldiers dismayed with the sight of so great an Army, and willing to surrender up the Castle; as beseemed a valiant Captain, forbade his Soldiers to have any talk with the Enemy, commanded the great Artillery to be bend and discharged upon the Turks; and seeing his Soldiers slack and timorous, reproved them of Cowardice and Treason, threatening them with shameful death if they did not hold out the Siege to the uttermost, and show themselves valiant men, both for the honour of their Country, and of King Ferdinand whose Pay they received, and of whose bounty they were to expect Rewards and Preferments answerable to their Deserts. But they misdoubting by the running too and fro of the Turks, that the Castle was undermined; and smelling, or at leastwise imagining themselves to smell the sent of the Gunpowder, which they supposed to be in the Mine, and doubting to be presently blown up; were struck with such a sudden fear, that neither the fear of future punishment, neither the shame of so foul a Fact, nor the reverence of so worthy a Captain could stay them, but that they would needs without further delay deliver up the Castle; which when they could by no means persuade the resolute Captain to consent to, but that he still with stern Countenance exclaimed against their Cowardice and Treason, they laid hands on him, and bound him Hand and Foot, and so presently concluded with the Enemy to yield to him the Castle, so that they might in safety depart thence with Bag and Baggage; which their Request Solyman granted. But when the Garrison Soldiers (in number about seven hundred) were about to depart with their baggage towards Possonium, as was before agreed; and the Janissaries coming into the Castle, having loosed the Captain, were about to let him go also; Solyman advertised of the treachery of the Garrison Soldiers▪ and of the Fidelity of the Captain, changing his mind, judged such villainous minded men unworthy of his mercy, and in detestation of their perfidious dealing with their Captain, gave them all to his Janissaries to be slain; 
Solyman contrary to his promise causeth the Garrison Soldiers after they had delivered the Castle, to be slain.  but to the Captain himself he offered honourable entertainment, which when he refused, Solyman courteously sent him away; holpen therein by the commendation of King john, although his Sister was married to Stephanus Maylat his deadly Enemy. Which bloody execution done by the commandment of the bloody Tyrant, the Turks said was not only lawfully done, but also to the immortal glory of his name in the execution of Justice; which might peradventure seem reasonable, if the perpetual hatred of that most barbarous Nation against the Christians gave not just occasion of suspect, that it proceeded rather of their ancient malice, than of any regard of Justice. For why should the Germans, who had offended to his great good, and therefore obtained his safe conduct, be thought worthy of so cruel death? when as Solyman himself in punishing the perjury of another, ran into wilful perjury himself; perverting the commendation of Justice which he so much desired, by his most bloody and unjust sentence.  
Buda the chief City of H●ngary thus taken by Solyman, he resolved forthwith to besiege Vienna the chief City of Austria; in good hope, that by the carriage away of that, the other Cities of less strength both of Hungary and Austria would without any resistance be yielded unto him. Wherefore he sent before him Achometes with the voluntary Horsemen, who according to the manner of the Turkish Wars, running through the heart of Hungary, 
Austria spoiled by the Turks.  and entering with Fire and Sword into Austria, passed by Vienna, miserably burning and destroying the Country before him as far as Lyntz. The poor People not knowing where to hide themselves from the fury of their Enemies, nor of whom to crave help, fled as Men and Women dismayed, carrying with them their beloved Children, the unfortunate pledges of their love, and what else they could, as things saved out of the midst of the Fire. For whatsoever fell into the Enemy's hand, was lost without recure; the old men were slain, the young men led away into Captivity, Women ravished before their Husband's faces, and afterwards slain with their Children, young Infants were ripped out of their Mother's Wombs, and others taken from their Breasts were cut in pieces, or else thr●●t upon sharp Stakes, yielding up again that breath which they had but a little before received; with many other incredible Cruelties, which were then by the merciless Enemy committed. Solyman himself shortly after followed these forerunners, and setting forward with all his Army from Buda towards Vienna, by the way took the Castle of Altenbourg, whether by force or composition, 
Altenbourg taken.  is diversely reported; of the Garrison Soldiers there placed by King Ferdinand, he reserved three hundred Bohemians, whom he commanded to follow his Camp. He also assaulted the little City of Neapolis seven times in one day, and was as often repulsed; but being loath to spend any longer time about a Town of so small importance he forsook that, and held on his way to Vienna, whither he came about the six and twentieth day of September, and encamped in five places round about the City, 
Solyman cometh to Vienna.  with such a World of People, that unto them which viewed his Camp from the highest Tower in Vienna, it seemed that the ground was for the space of eight miles all covered with the multitude of his Tents and People. King Ferdinand, who from the time that he had by his Ambassador Oberdanscus received the hard answer from Solyman, always stood in doubt of his coming; and beside his own Forces (which were not great to oppose against so mighty an Enemy) craved Aid of the Christian Princes his Neighbours, especially of the Princes of the Empire; Who granting him Aid against the common Enemy, appointed Frederick Count Palatine of Rhine and Duke of Bavaria, General of their Forces. But whilst the Germans after their manner, slowly set forward, and made less haste than the greatness of the present danger required; Solyman coming in the mean time, had so belaid the City, that it was not possible for Duke Fredrick by any means to get into it, but was glad to stay with his Army at Chremse about twelve miles from Vienna. A few days before by good hap, upon the report of the loss of Buda, twenty thousand Soldiers Horsemen and Footmen out of divers Countries, were in good time come to Vienna: Amongst these, the chief Commanders was Philip the Palsgrave, Duke frederick's Nephew (a young Gentleman of great Courage and Hope, sent thither but a little before with a few Companies of Horsemen and Footmen by Frederick his Uncle, who was coming after with a great power himself, but was now shut out of the City by Solyman) Nicholaus Count of Salma, the Lord William Rogendorff, Steward of the King's Household, joannes Cazzianer, a noble man of Croatia, and afterwards Governor of Vienna; and next unto them, Nicholaus Turrianus, joannes Hardecus, Leonardus Velsius, Hector Ramsack, Men both for their Birth and Valour of great account amongst the G●●mans. 
Vienna badly fortified.  The City of Vienna as it was of some good strength toward the North, by reason of Danubius, so in other places it was at that time neither by Art nor Nature strong. The Ditches, such as they were, were altogether dry, and easy to be passed over; the Walls of Brick, built round without any Flankers, and neither high nor thick; but after the ancient simple manner of Fortification of Cities, for before that time neither had King Ferdinand, fearing no Enemy, neither they of Vienna, who had not of many years seen an Enemy, had any care to fortify the City; but as men altogether buried in security, and nothing fearing the coming of so mighty an Enemy (although they were thereof before admonished by Oberdanscus) had not so much as cast up any Rampire or Bulwark, more than at the Gate of Carinthia, whereon they might conveniently place their great Ordnance; so that of an hundred great Pieces, and three hundred others of less charge, which might have wonderfully annoyed the Enemy, a great part served to no use for want of convenient place to mount them upon. Yet as the sudden coming of the Enemy, and the shortness of the time gave leave, such Bulwarks as they could upon the sudden, they cast up, and planted their Ordnance thereon. The City was divided into divers quarters, and to every part a strong Garrison appointed for the defence thereof; all the Gates of the City were mured up, except such as were of purpose reserved to sally out at. Now had Abraham the great Bassa encamped himself upon an high Hill, where stood a ruinous Castle, from whence he might overlook all the City; yet so, as that he lay out of danger of Gun shot. Becrambeius, Soliman's great Commander in Asia, lay at the Gate called P●rgatoria, near the Church of Saint Ulderich. In the third Camp towards the rising of the Hills, lay Michael-Ogli, towards the Church of Saint Vitus. At the Scottish Gate toward Danubius, lay the Aspi, with divers Companies of the Janissaries; which with Shot out of their Trenches, suffered no man to appear upon the Walls in that quarter without most manifest danger, and poured such showers of Arrows over the Walls into City, as if they had fallen out of the Clouds; that hardly could any man stir in the City unarmed, but he was forthwith wounded. Solyman himself lay near unto Saint Marks Church, compassed about with the Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court, defended also with the brick Walls of the Gardens thereabouts. Whilst the Turks were thus encamping themselves, the Christian Defendants oftentimes fortunately sallied out upon them, and slew many of them. In one of which sallies Wolfgangus Hagen a valiant Captain, with cetain old Soldiers of the Spaniards, was slain fight most valiantly at the Gates of the Castle; and in another skirmish Christopherus Zetlitz a man of great courage, sallying out of the City with five hundred Horsemen, even unto the Enemy's Trenches, was intercepted and taken with six others of his Company; who were all compelled by the Turks to carry so many Heads of their slain Fellows upon Poles, and so presented unto Solyman; of whom he inquired many things as well concerning Ferdinand himself, and where he was, as concerning the Princes which had the charge of the City, whether they were in hope to defend the same against his mighty power or not. Whereunto Christopherus aptly and wisely answered, although not altogether so truly, That King Ferdinand lay not far off at the City of Lintz, expecting the Assembly of a great Army; and that the Princes of Germany, Bohemia, Moravia, and of divers other places were coming unto him, with great Aid; so that if he would but stay a little until his Forces were come together, he should then see whether of them were of great Strength and Power; forasmuch as it would not be long before the King would come and give him Battle: as for the Princes in the City, he said, he knew no more of their minds, but that both they and all the Soldiers from the highest to the lowest, had solemnly sworn to defend the City, and not to give it over, unto the last man, reposing their hope not in the Walls and Fortresses thereof, but in their Weapons and Valour, being men of great resolution, and not easily to be vanquished or discouraged. With which answer although Solyman was a little moved, yet dissembling his present heat, said, he had hitherto made War against divers Nations, and always had the Victory, whereof he doubted not now also; but as for him and the others taken with him, they knew they were in his power to save or kill at his pleasure; yet to make them know that he could show mercy unto his vanquished Enemies, 
Solyman releaseth the Christian Princes without ransom.  he frankly granted them their lives and liberty; charging them, that after they were again returned into the City, they should in his name wish the Defendants of themselves to yield up the City, which it was impossible for them long to defend against his mighty power, which neither the strong City of Belgrade, nor the famous City of the Rhodes were able to withstand; and to accept of such reasonable conditions as he should grant unto them; promising that amongst other things proceeding of his infinite bounty, he would take order, that they should in safety depart thence with bag and baggage; in which doing, they should well provide for the safety of themselves and of their Goods, by flying unto his mercy in time, before the fury of the War was grown to further extremity; all which it would be too late to expect after the Victory; when nothing was to be hoped for but cruel death, murder, and miserable destruction. Wherefore, it were good for them well to consider of the matter, and not foolishly to refuse that was now frankly offered them of mercy, which they should not afterwards obtain with any Prayers or Tears; for why, he was resolutely set down (as he said) not to depart thence before he had taken the City. When he had thus schooled them, he gave unto every one of them three Hungarian Ducats, and so sent them away. They being received into the City with great joy, made relation unto the Princes and great Captains, of all the threatening and proud speeches of the Turkish Tyrant; which they took in such disdain, that they would not vouchsafe to return him any answer. Solyman not a little displeased, that his great words were so lightly regarded, by way of derision sent word to the City, That if they wanted help, he would send them the three hundred Bohemians, whom he took in the Castle of Altenbourg; to whom answer was returned by them of the City, That they needed no help from him, wherefore he might dispose of his Prisoners as he thought good. By this, Solyman perceived, that Vienna was not to be won with words, nor the Defendants to be discouraged with great looks; wherefore he began to use his Force, and with such Ordnance as he had brought with him to batter the Walls; which because it was not great, but fitter for service in Field than for battery, did not much more harm than to beat down the Battlements and such like stand, made of Timber and Board's in manner of Galleries, hanging here and there over the Wall, for the small Shot to play out of, a simple device instead of Flankers. His great Artillery provided for battery was coming up the River of Danubius, which he daily looked for; but by good hap, Wolfgangus Hoder, a forward Captain, hearing of the Turks coming up the River, went out of Possonium with certain small Vessels well appointed, and meeting with the Turks, set upon them with such courage and resolution that he slew many of them, and sunk divers of their Boats and Pinnaces, amongst whom were they which were bringing up Soliman's great Pieces for battery to Vienna; which was there all sunk in the River, with the Boats that brought it. By this good service, Solyman was disappointed of his great Artillery, and the City delivered of a great danger. So Wolfgangus having made great Spoil among the Turks, and lost some few men, returned with Victory to Possonium. Yet another part of the Turks Fleet coming up to Vienna, at the first coming broke down all the Bridges; for a little above the City, the River of Danubius dividing its Channel, maketh divers Islands, which by sundry Bridges are joined together, over which lieth the way from Austria unto the City. This Fleet so kept the passage, that no man could without danger either by Water or by Land go in or out of the City. Solyman having lost all his Pieces for Battery, and seeing how little he prevailed with his Field-Pieces, fell to undermining of the City, hoping by that means to overthrow the Walls, and to make a way for his men to enter. This work, as the Turks chief hope, was with wonderful labour and diligence attempted in fifteen sundry places; which was not so secretly done, but that it was by Drums laid upon the ground, by Basins filled with Water, and Sounds made into the Earth, perceived by the Defendants; and so with Countermines met withal, that most part of those works were utterly frustrated, and in them eight thousand of his Turks either slain or buried quick.  

Eight thousand Turks lost in the Mines.  Solyman to busy the Defendants that they should not so perfectly discover his Mines, divided his Army into four parts, appointing them orderly to succeed one after another in giving Alarms to the Town, that filling their Ears with continual noise, he might keep them always occupied. In the midst of the hurly burly his Mine-works went forward with all speed possible, 
The Walls of Vienna blown up.  neither was he in that his expectation deceived; for one of the Mines brought to perfection, unperceived by the Defendants, and suddenly blown up, shook and overthrew a great part of the Wall near unto the Gate which leadeth towards Carinthia, whereat the Turks gave a great shout, as if the City had now been taken, and withal courageously stepping forward, pressed in on all sides, by the ruins of the Wall to have entered the breach, charging the Defendants with their small Shot and Turkish Arrows as thick as Hail. Who on the contrary part like resolute Men stood in the face of the breach, with more assurance than the Wall itself, 
The Turks repulsed from the breach.  receiving them with deadly Shot and push of Pike, in such furious manner, that the Turks for all their multitude, unable longer to maintain the Assault, began to retire. Which thing Solyman perceiving, sent in new supplies, and so renewed the Assault before given over, but with no better success than before; for having received a great overthrow, as Men forgetting both Duty and martial Discipline, they retied, not expecting any sign of Retreat. At this Assault so many of the Turks were slain, that the ground near unto the Town lay covered, and the Ditches filled with their dead Bodies. Not long after the Wall was blown up in two places more, over against St. Clares Church; by which breach, being not very great, the Turks seeking to have entered, made a bloody Fight with the Germans which defended that place; which they sought so desperately to have entered, that without regard they thrust one another upon the points of their Enemy's Weapons; who glistering in good Armour, readily received them being for most part naked Men, 
A most terrible Assault.  and slew them without number, and so enforced them again disorderly to retire, having before filled both the breaches with their dead Carcases. Three days after ensued a most cruel Fight, when as another part of the Wall (near unto the Gate of Carinthia, and not far from the first breach) was so suddenly overthrown, that the Turks through the new made breach seeing the Christians as they stood ready to come to the defence thereof, and likewise the Christians them, now approaching; for eagerness and haste on both sides threw away their Pieces and Bows, and came to handy blows in the middle of the breach; the Turks with their Scimiters, and the Germans with their long Swords. At which time, as the Christian Captains encouraged their Soldiers with cheerful persuasions; so the Turkish Commanders enforced forward their Turks both with words and wounds. The Assault began so terrible, that it was thought a more fierce and deadly Fight was never seen from the beginning of the World; which was with great resolution maintained by the Turks, for that many of their most valiant Horsemen forsaking their Horses, thrust in with their Targets and Scimiters, or else with their Lances amongst the Janissaries and other Footmen, 
The Turks the third time repulsed.  and there fought most desperately. At last, after this furious Fight had endured by the space of three hours and many of the Turks best Captains and Soldiers lay dead upon the ground by heaps; the Turks seeing no hope to prevail, gave over the Assault, and retired to their Camp.  
Long and tedious it were to recount every Assault given during the time of that dreadful Siege, with every particular accident not unworthy the remembrance, which for brevity wittingly I pass over. Yet among the rest, the most valiant Leader (though afterward unfortunate) the Lord William Rogendorffe is not to be forgotten, 
The Lord ●ill●●m ●ogendorffe.  who oftentimes perceiving many of the Turks straggling disorderly abroad in the Country, one day upon the sudden sallied out upon them with certain Troops of Horsemen, with such violence, that at the first onset he overthrew them, and having them in chase, did such speedy execution, that of five thousand three hundred scarce one hundred and forty escaped his hands; after which time his Name became terrible unto the Turks. Solyman was exceedingly grieved with the often and bloody Assaults by him in vain given to the City; but purposing now to prove the last and utmost of all his Forces, he called to him the chief Commanders of his Army, whom at the first he sharply reproved as Men of no Courage, which being many times as good as possessed of the Victory, had most cowardly contrary to the manner of that victorious Nation, turned their backs upon their Enemies, in the breaches already half won; wherefore he willed them to pluck up their Hearts, and to make all things ready for a new Assault, wherein he expected that they should with courageous forwardness and resolution, recompense their late Cowardice; for why, he accounted it a grea● dishonour to forsake the Siege begun; where●o●e they should resolve the next day as victorious Conquerors to take the City, or else the●● 〈◊〉 faint hearted Cowards to end their days. 
Vienna 〈…〉.  The next day after this heavy charge given, which was the fifteenth of October, the great Commanders of the Turks Army with all their Force's assailed the City, thrusting their Men into the breaches by heaps, as if they would, if no w●y else, yet with very multitude (if it had been possible) have discouraged or overborne the Christians; they were come to handy Blows, and the Fight was in every place most terrible, the Christian Defendants still repulsing them with greater Courage than they were able to assail them. Besides that, to the great advantage of the Defendants, many Pieces of their great Ordnance skilfully mounted in places most convenient, and continually discharged among the thickest of their Enemies as they pressed on, made of them such slaughter, and so cut them off, that being throughly discouraged, they shrunk back, and could not by any threats or command of their Captains be thrust forward; choosing rather to be slain of their own Captains (as some of them were) than to be rend in sunder with the murdering shot of the Christians. 
The Turks repulsed.  So that the Captains seeing now no other remedy, gave over the Assault and retired, leaving behind them many thousands of their dead Turks in the Town-ditches.  
The next day after this Assault, Solyman despairing to win the City, and fearing the coming of King Ferdinand and the Count Palatine with a strong Army, as it had been to him reported, considering also that Winter was now coming fast on, determined to raise his Siege; and to colour the dishonour thereof, he sent certain of the chief Prisoners which he had taken, richly Apparelled, with their Purses full of Money, into the City, to tell the Captains, that he came not with purpose either to besiege or take the City, but to revenge the wrongs done unto him by his Enemy King Ferdinand, and to have fought a Battle with him for the Kingdom of Hungary; whom forasmuch as he could not draw unto Vienna, he would remove thence to seek for him, as his Capital Enemy; wherefore they should do well to yield themselves; which if they would, he promised not to enter their City, but to receive both the Citizens and Soldiers into his protection, reserving unto them their Lives and Goods, with perpetual freedom. Which his offer the Defendants scornfully refused, as proceeding of mere desperation. The next night following, Solyman with more than barbarous Cruelty, 
Solyman raiseth his Siege.  caused all the Prisoners in his Army to be slain, which pitiful Outcries was of the Soldiers heard into the City, not knowing what the matter should be, until that the next day after the departure of the Enemy, they found the dead Bodies of Men, Women, and Children in all places of the Camp wallowed in their own Blood, a most lamentable Spectacle to behold. Solyman purposing to forsake the Siege, caused Abraham the great Bassa to show himself in order of Battle, as if he would have given a fresh Assault: In the mean time he himself rose upon the sudden with the rest of his Army, and returned towards Buda in such haste, that he neither put any Garrison into such places as he had taken, neither demanded of them any Tribute. After whom the Bassa followed, keeping himself a days journey behind him; and so in five days he arrived with all his Army at Buda, thirty two Germane Miles from Vienna.  
This Siege was given over by Solyman about the sixteenth of October, 
Eighty thousand Turks lost at the Siege of Vienna.  wherein he is reported to have lost eighty thousand Men, amongst whom was his great Lieutenant of Asia, with many other of his forward Captains and best Soldiers. Of the Defendants few or none of name were lost; but of the Country People it is supposed that there was about sixty thousand slain and carried away into Captivity; all the Country about Vienna was miserably spoiled, all their Trees and Vines being by the Turks cut down to the ground. Solyman according to his promise restored Buda unto King john; 
Solyman restoreth the Kingdom of Hungary to King John.  who by solemn writing acknowledged himself his Vassal, and to hold the Kingdom of Hungary of him as his Lord and Sovereign. Unto him Solyman joined Aloysius Grittus as his Legate, to help him to provide such things as should be needful for the defence of that Kingdom.  
It happened one day whilst Solyman lay at Buda, and had given King john with divers of the Nobility of Hungary access into his Pavilion, that he fell earnestly in hand with King john, to pardon Paulus Bishop of Strigonium, and Petrus Parenus (who had taken part with King Ferdinand) and to receive them into his favour again; which Men King john in no case liked of, because that they as Traitors unto their Prince and Country, forgetting their Faith and Oath, had performed the like duty to Ferdinand, as they had but a little before done unto him at the time of his Coronation; wherein he showing himself unwilling to be entreated, said, That their mutable Minds fraught with Infidelity, would never contain themselves within the bounds of Loyalty, but find occasion to commit some fouler Treason than they had before. 
The honourable saying of Solyman to King John  Whereunto Solyman straining his Voice a little as one somewhat moved, most honourably replied, Can any thing (said he) happen unto thee in thy life better or more honourable, than if by this kindness thine Enemies shall be of all Men accounted Ingrateful, that is to say, Men noted with eternal Infamy, when as in thyself the commendation of a good and courteous Prince shall for ever remain? And so not long after, fearing the cold of Winter then approaching, dangerous for his Beasts for Carriage, especially his Camels, bred and brought up in the hot Countries of Asia; he set forward to Belgrade, and so travelling through Thracia▪ returned to Constantinople.  
All this while that Solyman thus raged in Hungary and Austria● Charles the Emperor lately reconciled to Clement the seventh of that Name, than Bishop of Rome, with a strong Army besieged Florence, by his Lieutenant Davalus, (who might have done much against the Turks, if he had been so well employed) labouring by all means to repress the liberty of the Citizens, whereunto they had but a little before aspired, and to bring them again under the subjection of the Family of Medici's, whereof Clement was the chief. Which thing with much ado he brought to pass, investing Alexander the Bishop's Nephew in the Dukedom of Florence, and afterward giving him his base Daughter in Marriage; forgetting his Brother Ferdinand in the mean time, thrust out of the Kingdom of Hungary by Solyman, and the Dukedom of Austria wasted by the Turks, with the City of Vienna in danger to have been lost. Which common calamities might well have moved both the Emperor and the Bishop, to have had more regard of, than by oppressing the liberty of one free City, to seek how to serve their own private respects.  
The year following, which was 1530, year 1530. Solyman with great Solemnity and Triumph, 
Solyman Circumciseth his three Sons.  after the Turkish manner, Circumcised three of his Sons, Mustapha, Muhamet, and Selimus, at Constantinople.  
Solyman hardly digesting the dishonour he had before received at Vienna, and oftentimes solicited by King john, for aid against Ferdinand, who with greater stomach than power ceased, not continually to molest him; but most of all pricked forward with the insatiable desire of enlarging his Empire, after the manner of the Ottoman Kings, accounting his Neighbour Princes always his Enemies, and their Dominions the objects of his Victories, and spoil for his Soldiers; raised such an Army, as for the greatness thereof might worthily have been a terror unto the World; not so much purposing the protection of King john, which he in show most pretended; neither the Siege of Vienna, as was commonly bruited; as the conquering of Austria, Carinthia, Croatia, Styria, and the rest of King Ferdinand's Dominions, and so afterwards of all Germany. For the accomplishment whereof, he had in his immoderate desire prefixed unto himself the space of three years, which the great Monarches of Rome could not perform in more than so many Hundreds. It was commonly reported, that the proud Tyrant would many times say, That whatsoever belonged unto the Empire of Rome, was of right his, forasmuch as he was rightfully possessed both of the Imperial Seat and Sceptre of Constantine the Great, Commander of the World, which his great Grandfather Mahomet had by law of Arms won from Constantine the late Christian Emperor, whom he slew at Constantinople. And therefore both in his common talk and writings, as oft as he had occasion to make any mention of Charles the Emperor, he would proudly, and as it were in disdain term him by the name of the King of Spain, but never by the name of Emperor.  
The discord of the Christian Princes, and the great troubles even then arising in Germany about matters of Religion, did not a little encourage the barbarous Tyrant to take in hand this great expedition. King Ferdinand certainly advertised, 
King Ferdinand sends Ambassadors to Solyman.  that Solyman was in person himself setting forward with his huge Army, sent unto him three Ambassadors; whereof Leonardus Negarola, a noble Gentleman, well learned and skilful in divers Languages, was chief, with rich Presents, and reasonable offers to entreat with him for Peace. Who meeting him upon the borders of Servia, were by him courteously received, and patiently heard; yet obtained of him no other answer, but that they should follow his Camp, and attend his further pleasure. The report whereof brought a general fear upon all Germany, but especially them of Austria, in whose fresh remembrance as yet remained the bleeding Wounds of their Country, their Brethren and Friends slain, their Wives and Children led away into Captivity, their Goods and cattle lost, their Houses and Fields burnt, and thousands of other grievous calamities which they had endured in the late Invasion of the Turks. Charles the Emperor had in very good time a little before, for a while well appeased the dissension then arising in Germany about matters of Religion; putting them in hope of a free and general Council to be holden for the deciding of all such matters; and in a great Assembly of the States of the Empire to be holden at Ratisbon, showing the greatness of the imminent danger, so puissant an Enemy threatening unto them all the calamities of War, with the manifold mischiefs like to ensue, if they should in so unfit time fall at variance amongst themselves; offering with great resolution, to go in person himself with all his old expert Soldiers, in defence of the common Christian cause; so much prevailed with the Princes of the Empire, and the Ambassadors of the free States, that they highly commended his forwardness, and all other matters for that time set apart, agreed all with one consent, at a prefixed day to send unto Vienna such warlike Forces as they had in any time before set forth for the defence of the Christian Religion, and the Majesty of the Empire. 
The preparation of Charles the Emperor against Solyman.  Whereupon he wrote unto Alphonsius Vastius (his Lieutenant General in Italy, and one of the greatest Captains of that age) that he should without delay call together the old Captains, and to levy so many Companies of Harquebusiers as they possibly could; and with them and the Spanish Soldiers to repair forthwith unto him into Austria. He also enjoined Andreas Auria his Admiral, that he should with like diligence rig up a strong Fleet of Galleys and Merchants Ships, and to go against the Turks Navy into Graecia. At the same time he sent for his choice Horsemen out of Burgundy and the Low-Countries, and many noble Gentlemen and old Soldiers out of Spain; for the guard of his own person he entertained twelve thousand Germans, such as had longest served in his Wars in Italy, over whom commanded Maximilian Herberstene and Tamisius, both famous Captains. At the same time Clement the seventh then Bishop of Rome, although his Coffers were greatly emptied by the late Florentine Wars, which had cost him ten hundred thousand Ducats; yet to make some show of his devotion in so dangerous a time, with the great good will he bore unto the Emperor; after he had with grievous exaction extorted from the Clergy a great mass of Money (whereunto his rich Cardinals contributed nothing, as if it had been a thing utterly unlawful for them, in so good a cause to have abated any jot of their pontifical show in the Court of Rome) sent the young Cardinal Hippolytus Medici's his Nephew, being then about twenty years of age, a Man indeed fitter for the Wars than for the Church, as his Legate unto the Emperor, accompanied with more good Captains than Clergymen, and his Coffers well stuffed with Treasure, whose coming to Ratisbone was unto the Emperor and the Germans very welcome; for besides that he was a young Gentlemen of very comely Personage, and exceeding Bountiful, he entertained for those Wars (besides the Company he brought with him) eight thousand Hungarian Horsemen, of all others best acquainted with the Turkish Wars.  
King john understanding, 
Strigonium besieged by King John.  that the foremost of Solyman● great Army were come as far as Samandria in Servia, thought it now a fit time to wring from King Ferdinand such Towns as he yet held in Hungary; wherefore he sent Aloysius Grittus (whom Solyman had left as a helper for his Estate) to besiege Strigonium, which is a City of Hungary situate upon the side of Danubius, about thirty Miles from Buda, the Castle thereof was at that time holden with a strong Garrison of King Ferdinand's; whereunto for all that Grittus laid such hard Siege both by the River and by Land, that the Defendants doubting how they should be able to hold out, especially if Solyman should take that in his way, as it was most like he would; sent for relief to Cazzianer a warlike Captain, than Governor of Vienna, and General of all King Ferdinand's Forces; by whose appointment certain small Frigates were sent down the River of Danubius, from Possonium, well manned; who suddenly setting upon the Turks Fleet (which so kept the River, that nothing could that way possibly be conveied either in or out of the Castle) should by their unexpected coming open that way. But Grittus having intelligence thereof by certain Hungarians, which though they served King Ferdinand, made no great account to fly sometime to the one part, sometime to the other, as best fitted their purpose; presently resolved to send his Fleet up the River, and by his sudden coming to oppress his Enemies, in like sort as they had thought to have done him. And the more to encourage his Soldiers, he promised great rewards to all such as should perform any extraordinary piece of service in that Action; and so having throughly furnished all his Fleet with good Soldiers, but especially with Turkish Archers, sent them up the River to seek their Enemies; who fearing no such matter, as Men surprised with the same mischief they had prepared for others, were at the first exceedingly dismayed; yet considering that they were reasonably well provided for their coming (although they yet wanted such help as Cazzianer had appointed to send them) they thought it a great shame to fly, and therefore putting themselves in order of Battle, came down the River, and with great courage encountered their Enemy. There began a sharp and cruel Fight, many being slain and wounded on both sides; but at last they of Possonium not able longer to endure the deadly shot of their Enemies, and especially of the Turkish Archers, (who with their Arrows sore gauled both the Soldiers and the Mariners) they turned their backs and fled; in which Fight of sixty Frigates which came from Possonium, only thirteen escaped, with Corporanus the General, all the rest being either sunk in the Fight, or else taken by the Enemy, being run ashore and forsaken by the Possonians, trusting more unto their Legs by Land, than their Oars by Water. Besides this loss of the Frigates, there was slain of the Possonians almost five hundred. After this Victory, Grittus hoping that they in the Castle of Strigonium, despairing now of relief, and fearing the coming of Solyman, would not long hold out, left off to batter or undermine the Castle, (wherewith he perceived he little prevailed) purposing by lying still, and keeping them in the Castle from all relief, to enforce them in time to forsake the place. Thus whilst the divided Hungarians with their own hands inconsiderately sought one another's destruction, with the ruin of their Country; Solyman the great Enemy of all Christians was ready at their backs to devour both the one and the other, as in few years after he did.  
Much about this time the old Spanish Soldiers in Italy, drawn together by Vastius, as the Emperor had before commanded, were come to the Alps. In this Camp, of one sort of Men and other, was above twenty thousand, whereof almost the third part was not serviceable; for the old Soldiers enriched with the long Wars in Italy, and the spoil of the rich Country of Lombary, wherein they had of late been Billeted, brought with them all their old got spoils and substance, not forgetting so much as their Women, and whatsoever else served their pleasure; for carriage whereof they drew after them a great multitude of Carriages and unnecessary People, all which served for no other use but for the Soldier's pleasure, and to consume Victuals. Which their licentious wantonness Vastius desiring to reform, 
Mutiny, among the Spanish Soldiers.  gave straight commandment through all the Camp, That they should leave behind them all such unnecessary Baggage, and appointed what Carriages should suffice for every Company. Whereat the Soldiers began at the first to murmur, and presently after to arise up in Mutiny; for many of the Captains being rich, and disliking of that long and dangerous expedition, covertly incited the common Soldiers to cry out upon Vastius the General, for their Pay already due. Which thing once put into their heads, and the matter set on foot, quickly grew to that height, that they all with one voice said flatly, That they would go no foot further before they had received their Pay. Vastius although he well perceived that tumult to be raised by some of his Enemies, which sought thereby to lighten his credit, was glad for all that for the present to dissemble the matter, and yielding to the necessity of the time, to content the mutinous Soldiers with one months' Pay, promising them their full contentment, at such time as they should come unto the Emperor; and so when he had with much ado appeased that Tumult, he set forward into Germany.  
Immediately after the Spaniards followed the Italians, who with such cheerfulness offered themselves to that service, that every Captain brought with him twice so many in his Company as was expected; so that Vastius (who before doubtful for their forwardness in so dangerous a War, especially in the aid of the Germans, of whom they had in the late Wars received great harms, had by great and earnest persuasions induced divers of the Nobility, and others of the better sort, to enter into that honourable Action, in hope that they would draw after them great numbers of their Friends and Tenants, (as indeed they did) was now glad to send back again many of the common Soldiers, by reason of the multitude; and also to his great discredit, and the offence of many, full sore against his will to displace most part of those forward Gentlemen, whom he had but a little before made Captains, who to their no small charge had gallantly furnished themselves according to their degrees and places; for the Emperor had then appointed what number of Italians he should bring; and also given commandment, That rejecting the rest, he should commit the leading of them only to those old expert Captains, of whose valour and discretion he had before had good experience. There were Martius Columna, Petrus Maria Rubeus, Philippus Torniellus, joannes Baptista Castalius, Fab●itius Maramaldus, Pyrrhus Stipcianus, and Camillus Columna, being all Men of great worth, and approved faith towards the Emperor.  
In these Italian Companies were fourteen thousand select Footmen, beside many other brave Men who voluntarily resorted from divers places to Vie●na. After these Footmen followed Ferdinand Gonzaga with two thousand Horsemen, and certain Troops of Grecians and Spaniards, and with them came many noble Gentlemen out of all parts of Italy, who had before been great Commanders, but now served as private Gentlemen voluntarily without charge or pay; accounting it a great shame to tarry at home as Cowards, and not to be present in that religious War.  
The Emperor also about the same time having taken view of his Horsemen come out of the Low-Countries most excellently appointed, and Shipping his great Ordnance, whereof he had bought great store at Nurembergh, departed down the River from Ratisbone to Lyntz. The River of Dan●bius never carried so many Vessels and Soldiers since the time of the great Roman Emperors, as it did at that present; and yet besides them which went down the River by Shipping, the pleasant Banks on both sides were filled with great Companies of Horsemen and Footmen passing all alongst the River under their Colours, with their Drums and Trumpets sounding, which altogether made the most glorious show that a Man could well behold upon earth.  
In the mean while, Solyman in six and fifty days march come to Belgrade, year 1532. thrust over the great River Savus by Bridges made in divers places, 
Solyman cometh into Hungary.  an infinite number of his Horsemen into Hungary, and leaving Danubius on the right hand, turning a little upon the left, marched directly towards the rich Country of Stiria, called in ancient time Valeria, and now Stiermark. By the way as he went he came to the little Town of Gunza, which one Nicholas jurischitz (a Man of an invincible Courage) kept with a small Garrison of his own. This Town standeth in a Plain not far from the City of Sabaria, built square, and but of a small compass, not very strongly walled, a poor obscure thing, never famous till now by the great dishonour that the Turkish Emperor Solyman there received. Abraham the chief Bassa (who so absolutely commanded among the Turks, as if Solyman had received him into the fellowship of the Empire with himself) was very desirous to save this Captain Nicholas, for that he knew him to be a Man of great Courage, and was familiarly acquainted with him at such time as he lay Ambassador a Constantinople; wherefore he attempted first by gentle persuasions and large offers, and afterwards by most terrible threats, to induce him to yield the Town to Solyman. 
Genza besieged by the Turks.  But finding him so resolutely set down, that he was neither by fair nor foul means, but only by force to be removed out of his Town; he enclosed the same round about with the huge Army of the Turks, and by Mines overthrew the Walls in three places. Which sudden brea●h whilst the Garrison Soldiers most valiantly defended against the furious Assault of the Janissaries on the South side of the Town, the Bassa planting his Field-pieces upon the Hills on the North side, did from thence grievously annoy the Defendants; who fiercely assailed by their Enemies before, and beaten with the great Ordnance behind, were grievously distressed. Wherewith the worthy Governor somewhat troubled, though not much discouraged, suddenly of Timber and Boards raised up a Curtain twelve foot high, at the backs of his Soldiers, wherewith they were so covered from the sight of their Enemies, that they could not make any certain shot at them, but only at that Curtain at all adventures, not doing any thing so great harm as before; and with desperate and restless labour, in despite of all the Turks great power, repaired the Breaches, in as strong manner as at the first. In the mean time two hundred of the Turks Horsemen straggling from the Camp, and seeking after Booty into the Country as far as Neostat, were by the Hungarian Horsemen intercepted, and all slain or taken; whose heads the Hungarians brought to Vienna, and the more to encourage the Soldiers which daily repaired thither, in token of good luck set them up upon stakes upon the Walls of the City. Then was it certainly known of the Prisoners, 
The huge Army of Solyman.  that Solyman had in his Camp five hundred thousand Men, and three hundred Field-pieces, which were not of greater bigness but that a Camel might well carry one of them, being taken from the Carriage; for why, Solyman purposing by destroying the Country before him, to draw the Emperor unto Battle; had (as they said) brought no greater pieces of Battery with him. Which report of the Prisoners was also confirmed by the Ambassadors of King Ferdinand, whom Solyman gave leave to depart at Gunza, 
Soliman's proud Letters unto the▪ Emperor Charles and King Ferdinand.  giving to every one of them a Gown of Velvet and a piece of Plate, with Letters unto the Emperor and King Ferdinand his Brother; wherein proudly usurping the Titles of many Kingdoms, he most insolently wrote himself Lord and Sovereign of almost all Countries and Nations. But the effect thereof was, That he was come into Hungary, to revenge the wrongs which they had done unto King john his Friend and Vassal; and would with Fire and Sword enter their Countries, and by the power of God and his great Prophet Mahomet, the favourers of just quarrels, give them Battle, if they durst meet him; wherefore if they would as valiant and courageous Princes meet him in the Field, he would in one Battle end that quarrel with them, and in reward of the Victory either win or lose the Empire of the World. When Solyman had thus a great while lain at the Siege of Gunza, and thereto given divers sharp Assaults, being still with great loss and dishonour repulsed, he in the space of four days cast up near unto the Town-Ditch two great Mounts of Faggots and Earth, as if they had been two great Mountains, of such height, that they overtopped not the Walls only, but even the highest Towers in the Town (by which wonderful work the greatness of the Turks Army might easily be conjectured;) one of these great Mounts he cast up directly against the face of the Town; and the other at a corner of the same, to Flanker along the Wall; from whence he did with his shot not only beat them which appeared upon the Walls for the defence thereof, but them also which upon occasion went too and fro in the Streets. These Mounts being with incredible celerity brought to perfection, the Town-Ditch filled up, and many of the Defendants either slain or wounded upon the Walls, the Turks gave a most furious Assault at the place which was before shaken with the Mine; against whom the valiant Captain as need was in that extreme danger, opposed all the strength he had left. But the Turks still pressing on with there infinite multitude, were got up to the top of the Walls with eight Ensigns, from whence they had repulsed the Defendants; which being all either wounded or wearied, shrouded themselves under the defence of their Penthouses, being neither able nor of courage to make further resistance, so that the Walls were now abandoned, and the Town there left without Defendants; when suddenly such a great clamour was made by the loud outcries and lamentation of the Women and Children and other fearful People, that the Turks which had recovered the top of the Walls, strucken with a sudden fear, thinking the Town to have been full of Soldiers, stood as Men astonished and dismayed, whereupon the Defendants began again to take courage, and to show themselves; at whose sight the Turks possessed with a needless fear, forsook the Wall, and could not by any persuasions or threats of their Captains be brought on again to the Assault. The Town was that day in all men's judgements defended by the mighty power of God, and not by the strength of Man. It grieved the proud Tyrant above measure, that so base a Town should so long hold out against all his power, so that oftentimes in his rage he would threaten to raze it down to the ground, and not to leave any sign thereof remaining; which he would undoubtedly have in time performed, 
Abraham Bassa persuadeth Solyman to leave the Siege of Gunza.  had not Abraham the great Bassa (by whose counsel he was altogether directed) otherwise persuaded him; who waiting a fit time, when his choler was past, told him, that it was not worth his name and greatness, to spend his time and forces upon so small a Town of no importance, by rasing whereof he should neither get honour nor profit; for why, no Man would marvel, if he with so puissant an Army should take so small a thing, especially by long Siege, whereby the strongest places are enforced to yield; and when he had so taken it, it would be accounted a greater honour for so little a Town to have holden out so long, than for him to have with so great forces in long time constrained it; but if it should otherwise fall out, as the chances of War are uncertain, that he should by any occasion be constrained to leave it, he should thereby get no small dishonour; wherefore it were more wisdom to spare his Soldier's labour in so small a matter, whereof he was not to expect either honour or profit, and for to reserve them for his greater designs, and not vainly to spend his forces and time in besieging of so base a Village, from whence he might now depart with less dishonour than he could afterwards, when he had proved the uttermost of his forces, and yet in the end glad peradventure to forsake it; wherefore it were more for his honour to raise his Siege, and calling the Governor of the Town unto him, to give him the Town as it were of bounty, than to spend so many good Men as he must needs cast away in the winning of it by force; with these and like reasons the Bassa prevailed so much with Solyman, that Nicholas the worthy Governor of the Town was by a Herald at Arms sent for to come to the great Bassa, Solyman disdaining (as it should seem) to speak with him himself. The Governor being sent for, though he was grievously wounded, and in small hope of life, yet stoutly refused to come to any parley, except he were first well assured both by safe conduct and good hostages for the safety of his person, and that nothing should be exacted of him, not befitting his Religion and Honour; which stout answer caused Solyman and the Bassa to think, that his strength was not yet so weakened, but that he was still able to hold out the Siege; and thereupon, that he required for his safety was forthwith granted, and two Men of great account sent for hostages for him into the City with Soliman's safe conduct. 
The Governor cometh to the Bassa.  Which being received, the Governor went forth, and was by Abraham the great Bassa honourably received into the Camp, and commanded to sit down by him in his Tent; where he was by him first by the way of courtesy demanded, whether he had recovered his old infirmity wherewith he was troubled at such time as he was sent Ambassador unto Solyman at Constantinople? After that, whether the wounds he had received in the last Assault, were dangerous or not? But last of all, and that which most concerned the matter, upon what hope he alone had so long and so obstinately withstood the mighty Sultan Solyman, when as all his Neighbours round about him had so willingly submitted themselves? saying further, That he marvelled much why he reposed any confidence in the lingering King Ferdinand. Whereunto the Governor modestly answered, 
His answer to the Bassa.  That he was (thanks be to God) well delivered of his old Disease, and tha● his wounds were without danger; but as concerning his holding out, he said, that he for his great Wisdom knew, that it was the duty of a good Soldier valiantly to withstand his Enemies, and not to be troubled with any evil hap, or discouraged with any chanc● of War; as for himself, he said, when Man's help failed, he had reposed his full trust in God, by whose power he had been hitherto preserved, which as he well hoped should never fail him at his need; and that King Ferdinand was not so far off, but that he would before it were long be there present with a great Army; wherefore he did not greatly marvel, that he was not relieved before that time, forasmuch as many lets and occasions might chance which might hinder the King's purpose, considering▪ that fortune always by nature unconstant, was in nothing more like unto herself in her unconstancy, than in martial Affairs. The Bassa wondering at the invincible courage of the Governor, said, That although the great Emperor Solyman might now at his pleasure utterly destroy the Town, with all that therein was, yet being by nature of a most honourable and mild disposition, and a great lover of valiant and courageous Men, had commanded him in his name to give him that Town, and the lives of all them that were in it, as a reward of his Valour showed in the defence thereof; yet so that he should swear Obedience unto him, and receive some few Turks into the Town, in token that he had yielded the same. The politic Governor knowing that of eight hundred valiant Soldiers, he had scarcely a third part left, and them also sore weakened with wounds and want of rest, thought it necessary to make his Peace in the best sort he could; for what could have happened unto him more wishedly, than with his Honour to keep the Town still, and with the loss of a few pleasing words to deliver himself, with so many of his Friends, from extreme fear and peril? And so in all his talk showing no sign of fear, and with great words setting forth the strength of his Garrison (which was indeed brought to an extreme weakness) said he was ready at the first to have yielded up the Town, for the old acquaintance he had with him at Constantinople, but was always letted by the Germans and Spaniards which were there in Garrison, fierce and cruel Soldiers, whose hard hearts were (as he said) hardly entreated to suffer him at that time to come out of the City into the Camp; wherefore he could promise to a be Friend to all such Turks as should pass that way, and to relieve them with such things as his wasted Country could afford; and further in token of his submission, to set up one of Soliman's Ensigns in the chief Tower of the City; but as for receiving any Turks into Garrison, in token that he had yielded up the Town, he was willing so to do, but that he was greatly afraid they should be evil entreated by the Germans and Spaniards, who deadly hated the Turks; whereof it was to be thought, that new Wars would eftsoon arise. In conclusion, he so cunningly used the matter, that the great Bassa was contented with this small token of submission, that he should receive in at one of the Gates of the City, one of Soliman's Captains with ten Janissaries, which being done accordingly, and they courteously for a while entertained and again dismissed, the great Bassa held himself with that simple submission well contented; when as the Governor had neither Germane nor Spaniard as then in Garrison. So when Solyman had with his great Army lain at the Siege of Gunza by the space of twenty eight days, 
Solyman departeth from the Siege of Gunza.  and in that time to his great loss assaulted the same thirteen times, he rose with his Army, glad of a little feigned submission for the safeguard of his honour; and leaving Vienna on the right hand, whither most part of the Christian Army was assembled, took the way on the left into Carinthia, and so came to the River Mura, and from thence to the City Gratia. This turning of Soliman's out of the way from Vienna, where he knew his Enemies lay, put all fear out of the minds of the Christians, which they had before not without cause conceived, insomuch, that he but a little before feared as a Prince of great pride and power, shamefully repulsed at the little Town of Gunza, and now shunning his Enemies at Vienna, began to grow into contempt as if he had been running away for fear. Which disgrace the Turks sought by divers excuses to cover, as that the strong City of Neostat lay betwixt him and Vienna, which could neither without much difficulty be taken, nor danger left Enemy behind him; besides that, Winter began to approach, which caused him (as the Turks gave it out) to content himself with the spoil of the rich Countries betwixt the Rivers of Savus and Dravus, and so in good time to ●eturn again to Belgrade. But they which seemed to see farther into the matter, were of opinion, That Solyman understanding by his espials, and secret advertisement from his Friends, that the Princes of Germany had with one consent joined their Forces with the Emperors, brought out of Italy, Spain, and the Low-Countries, which at his setting forth he least feared, and that the Christian Army in number great, consisted not of raw Soldiers, but for the most part of such as had been trained up in Wars; Men both for courage and skill nothing inferior to his Janissaries and best Men of War; chose rather to take the spoil of the Country, as he might with safety, than to adventure his Person and State to the hazard of a most doubtful and dangerous Battle.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Michael-Ogli by the commandment of Solyman, 
Cason sent with fifteen thousand Horsemen to spoil Austria.  sent Cason with fifteen thousand of his voluntary Horsemen (who in Soliman's expedition against Vienna, had run through the Country of Austria as far as Lyntz) charging him without stay to spoil all the Country far and near which lieth between Danubius and the Alps, thereby to learn what he could of the state and strength of the Emperor's Camp; and by doing all the harms he could possibly, to leave a most lamentable remembrance of the Turks being in Austria. Cason was of himself forward enough, and desirous of the spoil; but so much the more, for that he was by the former Road into that Country become both famous and rich; wherefore dividing his Horsemen into three Companies not far distant one from another, he suddenly oppressed an infinite multitude of all sorts of People in the Fields and Country Villages as he went; all which he either slew without mercy, or carried away as miserable Prisoners. Thousands of Men and Women tied together in Chains and Ropes, were by the cruel Turks enforced to run as fast as their Horses; the Country Villages were all burnt down to the ground, and in them the poor Children of the Christians, whose Parents were either slain or carried away Captives; so that all the Country every way almost for the space of a hundred and fifty Miles, was covered with Smoke and Fire, within three Miles of Lyn●z; where King Ferdinand then lying, was glad to get himself farther off to Strabinga, where his Brother Charles the Emperor lay. This cruel Turk according to his charge, having with Fire and Sword without compassion wrought all the Woe he could possible upon the poor Christians, and now loaded with the spoil of the Country and multitude of Prisoners, began to return the same way he came, thinking to find Solyman either at the Siege of Gunza, where he left him, or nearer hand at Neostat coming towards Vienna. But he as is aforesaid, rising with small honour from Gunza, and fearing the power of the Christians, was quite gone another way as far as Gratia, the Metropolitical City of Stiria, standing upon the River of Mura; which turned to the utter destruction of Cason and all his followers; for as soon as it was perceived by the burning of the Country all about, that the Turks were come near to Lyntz, the Christian Captains with their Companies went out of the Camp, some one way, some another, as was thought most convenient for the meeting with these mischievous Turks, which never rested in one place; wherein they used such diligence in taking the passages, that it was not possible they should escape unfought withal. Four Companies of Spanish and Italian Horsemen under the leading of Lewis Cove a valiant Captain, first lighting upon them in a Valley near unto Neostat, and desperately charging them, were by the Turks for most part slain. But Cason perceiving how he was on every side laid by the Christians in the Valleys betwixt Neostat, Sabaria, and Vesprinium, the night following with more than barbarous Cruelty slew four thousand of the Christians he had before taken Prisoners, 
Four thousand Christian Captives murdered by Cason.  because he should not be hindered by them in his flight; and dividing his Army into two parts, about midnight began to set forward, using the benefit of the night to have escaped from his Enemies out of these Valleys wherein he was enclosed. One part of this Army led by Ferises taking the way Southward, did with incredible labour cut a way through the thick and overgrown Woods (a thing thought altogether impossible) and so with little or no loss came to Solyman into Stiria. Cas●n with the other part of the Army breaking out of the Valley of Storamberg, chanced upon the Palatine (General of the Forces sent from the Germane Princes) who with ten thousand Footmen and two thousand Horsemen, and certain Field-pieces broke the Battle of the Turks, and slew of them a great number; In which conflict Cason his chief Ensign was taken. 
Cason discomfited by the Palatine, and slain.  He fighting most valiantly in the rearward to give others time to escape, was himself there slain; whose gallant Head-piece presented afterwards to the Emperor, confirmed the report of his death. They which escaped from the Palatine, in their flight fell into the hands of Lewis, and the Marquis of Brandenburg, by whom they were slain like Beasts. The Hungarian Horsemen led by Valentinus Turacus, lighting upon them which fled from Lewis and the Marquis, had the kill of them for the space of seven Miles; and of all others did upon them the cruelest execution, following them hard at the heels with their fresh Horses, and fiercely insulting upon them in their own Language. Those few dispersed Turks which escaped the fury of the Hungarians, 
The slaughter of the Turks.  fell into the Hands of the Country People about Vesprinium and the Lake of Bulaton, which came out on every side in hope of spoil, who showed them small favour; so that of eight thousand which were with Cason, it was thought not one returned to Solyman.  
The Emperor understanding that Solyman was gone as far as Gratia in Stiria, called his chief Captains together into the Castle of Lyntz, to know their opinions, whether it were best to follow the Enemy into Stiria or not. The Cities of Lyntz, Gratia, and Vienna, are situate almost in form of a Triangle; but from Lyntz to Gratia is three good days journey of bad rough way by Horse. Some said it was best to Fight with the Turks in that uneven Mountain Country, where the Turks chief strength consisting in the multitude of his Horsemen, should stand him in small stead, but should be enforced to try the Battle with his Footmen, wherein he was inferiror to the Christians. This Counsel although it had in it many difficulties, yet for that it proceeded from the most approved Captains, so mo●ed the Emperor, that he presently sent Apontius a Spaniard (the most famous Captain Antonius Leva his Lieutenant) to take view of that passage; who shortly after returned again to Lyntz, bringing word that all the Country as he went was desolate and for fear forsaken of the Inhabitants; but concerning the place of the Enemies above, he could learn no certainty. Whereupon it was by general consent concluded, that they should all go to Vienna, whither all the strength of the Germans was already assembled, there to take a general view of the Army, and to give the Enemy Battle if he should again return. Some there were of great Courage which openly disliked of that going to Vienna; saying, that the Emperor should rather in that distress of the Provinces of Sti●ia and Carinthia pursue his Enemy, than turn out of the way to Vienna. But others of greater judgement, whose opinion prevailed, said, It was one thing to invade, and another thing to defend; so that the Emperor might with honour enough encamp himself in the Fields of Vienna, and from thence to expect and deride the base expedition and vain brags of his proud Enemy, who a far off challenged him into the Field, and then like a Coward durst not come near him.  
The Emperor coming to Vienna, 
Charles the Emperor his power at Vienna.  and taking a general view of the Army, found therein two hundred and sixty thousand Men, whereof ninety thousand Footmen, and thirty thousand Horsemen were accounted old expert Soldiers, and of them many whole Companies and Bands, of such as had before been Generals, Captains, Lieutenants, Ancients, or other Officers and Men of Mark in other Armies, and now were content to serve as private Men. It was thought that so many worthy Captains and valiant Soldiers, were never before in the memory of Man assembled together into one Camp; for the Princes and free Cities had not sent thither common Soldiers, but their chosen and approved Men; striving as it were amongst themselves, who should send the best. All the flower and strength of Germany from the River of Vistula to the Rhine, and from the Ocean to the Alps, was by the Princes of the Empire and free Cities either sent thither, or of themselves voluntarily came thither. A thing never before heard of, that all Germany should as it were with one consent, be glad to take up Arms for their common safety, in defence of their honour and liberty; especially against People brought out of the furthest parts of Asia, Syria, and Egypt. Beside the great number of Spaniards, Italians, and Burgundians; the Bohemian Camp lay not far off, strengthened with them of Silicia and Moravia. There were also some Troops of Polonian Horsemen, not sent thither by public Authority, but serving as voluntary Men; King Sigismond winking thereat, who as he was careful not rashly to break the League he had made with Solyman; so lest he should seem careless of the Christian common cause, by notable dissimulation left place for such of his Subjects as would (as if it had been without his knowledge) to show their Valour in the most honourable War.  
The Christian Army ready to receive the Enemy, 
The Order of the Christian Army  lay in a great Field near unto Vienna, in this Order; Three great Squadrons of Pikemen, standing one Squadron a great way distant from another, were so placed against the Enemy with like and equal Front, that all the Horsemen divided into two parts, might well be received into the great spaces betwixt the three Squadrons; for it was not thought convenient to oppose so small a number of Horsemen in open Field without the Footmen, against almost three hundred thousand of the Turks Horsemen. The right wing of the Horsemen was led by the Emperor himself, and the left by King Ferdinand. Before and behind, and on every side of the three Squadrons of Pikes, saving in those places which were left open for the Horsemen, about thirty paces off, were placed twenty thousand nimble Harquebusiers ranged in length, and but five in a rank; so that whilst the first discharged, the second, and after them the third, and so the rest readily and orderly coming on, might without let deliver their Bullets upon their Enemies; neither was it thought any disadvantage to place them so thin, for that if they found themselves by the Enemies oppressed, they might easily retire amongst the Pikes, standing fast at hand. Before the Harquebusiers was planted the great Ordnance, whereof, the Emperor had such store. and so well placed, that he could therewith (as with a most sure Trench) have compassed in his whole Army. Only the Hungarians, Men well acquainted with the manner of the Turks fight, chose to lie in the open Field in two great wings, under the leading of their two valiant Captains Valentinus and Paulus. Many noble Gentlemen beholding this goodly Army, wept for joy, conceiving a most assured hope of Victory, if the proud Enemy durst with all his Forces join in Battle. 
Solyman returns.  But Solyman, who by all means sought with his great number of Horsemen to keep the wide and open Fields, certainly advertised both of the Emperor's strength and the manner of his lying, got him over the River of Mura, and at Marpurge by Bridges which he made on the sudden, passed over the great River Dravus. And so he which that Summer held almost all the World in suspense, with the doubtful expectation of the success of that War; having with all that his huge power wherewith he threatened the World, done nothing at all worth the remembrance, but was in every place either overcome, or else shamefully repulsed; left Stiria, and returned the same way he came, directly betwixt the Rivers of Savus and Dravus, to Belgrade, and so to Constantinople; leaving here and there some remembrance of his barbarous cruelty, and still looking behind him if the Emperor were not at his heels; at such time as a few Dalmatian and Croatian Horsemen did still pursue the tail of his Army. It is reported, that he carried away with him thirty thousand Christians into Captivity, besides many thousands of poor Country People slain by the merciless Turks; but especially by Cason and his Followers; and so to his eternal infamy was twice in the space of a few years driven out of Germany. The Emperor understanding of Soliman's departure, determined with all speed to return into Italy; although King Ferdinand his Brother most earnestly entreated him before his departure, in so fit a time to employ those great Forces against King john, who now as it were forsaken of Solyman, might easily with so puissant an Army have been thrust not only out of Buda, but also quite out of the Kingdom of Hungary, wherein he was by Solyman as his Vassal placed. But the Emperor, for that Winter began now to approach, and the Plague was got into the Camp, yea even into his Court, continued in his former purpose of departing into Italy; yet yielding so far unto his Brother's request, as to leave behind him all the Italians, who joined with King Ferdinand's own Forces were thought sufficient for the accomplishment of the Hungarian War.  
Over these Italians, one Fabritius Maramaldus was by the means of Alphonsus Victius appointed General; but no order taken for the payment of their Wages, whereby the Soldiers might be the more encouraged to take in hand that War, and also kept in obedience. Which think at the first much offended the minds of the other Captains, thinking themselves disgraced by the preferment of Maramaldus, a Man of no greater account than themselves▪ but as soon as it was known abroad, the under Captains and Officers of the Bands, led with the credit and favour of their old Captains; said plainly, That they would not go into Hungary, 
The Italians left for the aid of King Ferdinand arise in Mutiny.  except either King Ferdinand would in person go himself, or else one of the great Commanders, Vastius or Leva were appointed for the General; and the Common Soldiers said flatly, that they would ask leave to depart, except they had three months Pay, which they knew well they should never get of that poor King, already brought unto great wants. Vastius to appease this Mutiny, traveled greatly with his Soldiers, persuading them to remember the faith of Soldiers, and by their constant perseverance to maintain their honour they had got by their cheerful coming; telling them, That valiant Soldiers never wanted Pay, furnishing themselves by their Victories with all things necessary from the Enemy. And as for Maramaldus their General, they had no just cause to mislike him, being an old Captain of great experience, for courage and policy not inferior to any of the greatest Commanders, and placed by the Emperors own appointment as a Man most sufficient, whose judgement they ought not in any case to dislike. When Vastius had with these and such like reasons well appeased the tumultuous Soldiers, and was gone out of the Camp into Vienna, to take further order for the remedying of all difficulties; Night the Nurse of sedition came on, whose darkness excluding all modesty and fear, gave further scope and place unto the mutinous Soldier's insolency. By chance there was at that time brought out of the City into the Camp very course, hoary, mouldy Bread; which some of the Soldiers having brought, and thrusting it upon the points of their Spears, showed it unto their Fellows in great choler, railing against King Ferdinand, which in his own Kingdom in the beginning of the War had made no better Provision, but with such corrupt and pestilent Bread to feed them being Strangers, which were only for his defence and quarrel to adventure their lives. And but a little before, a certain Spaniard, being but a common Soldier, coming into the General's Tent, and casting the like Bread down at the feet of Vastius, bitterly cursing the Emperor and King Ferdinand, had raised a wonderful Tumult; wherefore the Italian Soldiers flocking together out of their Tents, gave many hard Speeches concerning their Pay, their Victuals, and the difficulties of the Hungarian War. There one Titus Marconius of Volattera, a Man of a troublesome Spirit, but reasonably well spoken, was by the other Soldiers set up upon a great heap of Saddles, that he might be the better heard, and by divers seditious Captains requested frankly to speak his mind, so far as he thought concerned the safety and welfare of them all. Where it is reported that he spoke unto them in this seditious manner as followeth: 
The seditious Oration of Titus Ma●conius, to 〈◊〉 mutinous Italians.  And shall the Spaniards (said he) beloved Companions and Fellows in Arms, as you have heard, go into Italy? And to our great hurt again return into their old Wintering places? And that which I am ashamed to say, as notable Guests lie with our Wives? And we Italians as banished Men fight this Winter with Ice and Snow in Hungary? And that forsooth for a most beggarly King, and him also to the Hungarians a Foreigner and mere Stranger, against a natural born Prince, of his Subjects well beloved and strongly backed with the power and wealth of the Turkish Emperor? And that which might justly grieve any courageous mind under the conduct of Maramaldus, who oftentimes blinded with anger and hasty cruelty, hath so furiously thrust us through with his Sword, that he seemeth not more to desire the name of a Captain for any thing, than for the kill and murdering of us now his Soldiers. Neither can I believe that you, who have oftentimes been Captains and Ancients ●our selves, will be so mad, as to serve under a common Captain, without hope of any Pay, of any Provision, of Victory, or return. Truly it delighteth me not so much to have come hither for the honour of the Italian Name (no more reckoned of than a Rush) although I have eleven times served; as it doth this day ashame me to see th●s shameful end of the War, ended before it was well begun. But in Regal Dignity is no shame, nor equity in rewarding the Soldier; for Kings now adays make account of Soldiers only according to their necessity; this is it alone that giveth us Pay, this is that getteth us love, this is it maintaineth our reputation; all which Peace once by Victory obtained, lose their Grace. So fareth it with us at this present (Fellow Soldiers) the Emperor and ●is Brother King F●rdinand, delivered from the fear of a most dangerous War, to ease themselves of this multitude of us, seek to thrust us into Hungary as Beasts to the slaughter, by the spending of our Blood, hoping to purchase unto themselves Victory, and by the loss of us to take no harm themselves, though the Turks and Hungarians should with Sword and Famine utterly destroy us, shut up with the Ice of Danubius, and the Snow of the Alps. But peradventure you understand not these devices, no more than you understand what this terrible and bloody 
* At t●is very ti●e a g●●at Blazing Star was s●en in the Firmament at Vienna.  Come●, shooting his Beams towards Italy, pretendeth. Verily it is not fatal either to Solyman or Caesar, but rather threatened unto us death and destruction; for they with like counsel full of safety and discretion, would not open any way unto their own destinies, but warily withdrew themselves one from the other, and shunned all the dangers of the Field. Wherefore if it were lawful for them, without any blemish of their Majesties, so notably to provide to keep themselves out of danger, when as on each side half the World lay as a reward of the Victory, shall not we look to ourselves, that we be not thrust thither from whence appeareth no hope of return, but with utter destruction, when as we may do it without offence, and by good right, especially seeing no Pay is offered us. That you see what a goodly end is made of that notable War, wherein only we the Italians, in stead of commendation and reward, reap injury and disgrace; and are peradventure of purpose exiled into Hungary, that this flour of Chivalry being drawn out of Italy, and sent far out of the way, Colonies of Spaniards and Germans may be placed in our steads. Truly it seemeth hard dealing, to be sent out of the way into a barbarous Country, where we shall find all hostility, and no place of refuge to receive us, being distressed. Besides this, we shall also whether we will or n●, feel how heavy and intolerable it will be both to our bodies and minds, to endure the miseries of this Winter and dangerous War; and in the mean time, with no small heart's grief imagine what things our Children, our Brethren, our Kinsmen, yea our Wives, suffer at home of the Spaniards and Germans. Wherefore worthy Companions, it concerneth us more at this time to have a good foresight, than valiantly to Fight. The occasion presented unto us for our safety and welfare, standeth upon a fickle point, it must be done without delay, and we must high us hence before that the Spaniards truss up their Baggage; and so preventing the Emperor's foremost Companies, come first ourselves into Italy; for if we shall stay but a little to consult upon the matter, Vastius and our other proud Commanders will presently be here, the very betrayers of the Italian Blood, who for their own gain and our mischief, have brought us into these straits; who I know will most earnestly entreat us, and with many subtleties seek to seduce us, by offering us great pay, and whatsoever else we shall require; which will all prove but words. But you, if you be Men, refuse to talk with them, as with ●our Common Enemies, or rather in revenge of their old injuries kill them. Here wanteth not in this Assembly valiant Men, for courage and integrity of life their betters far, which can lead you forth, order your Battle, and fortunately use this your courage and forwardness. Wherefore if you be wise set forward resolutely, and good fortune no doubt will attend you in your haste; for the full accomplishment of your desire consisteth in your haste only.  
Marconius had no sooner made an end of this mutinous Speech, 
Eight thousand of the Italians in mutiny, forsake their Captains, and return into Italy.  but the tumultuous Soldiers in every Band began highly to commend and approve the same, and by and by such a confused noise was heard through all the assembly, as useth to rise amongst the discontented vulgar People, ready to rise in Arms; but the Drums presently striking up a March, they made no longer stay, but without delay plucked up their Ensigns, and forward they go directly towards Neostat. In this tumult, in stead of their old Captains, which either were not then present, or refused to go with them, they chose others to be their Leaders; who once named by the seditious multitude, might in no case without dander refuse to take the charge upon them, were they never so unwilling. These were Montebellius, Nerius, Melcarius, Sanctius, and the two Twins of Milan, called Glussani, who drew after them eight thousand Soldiers; the rest partly for shame, and partly for fear, stayed still with Maramaldus their new appointed General. When they were thus gone, Vastius and divers other great Companies hearing thereof in the City, posted after them six miles, and at length overtaking them, requested them to stay, and not to dishonour themselves with so foul a Fact; telling them that their Pay was ready for them, and omitting nothing wherewith they might have been moved to stay, mingled their prayers with grievous threats; but they resolutely set down, would neither hear nor stay, but as men enraged with fury and their own guilty Conscience, with stern looks discharged some small Shot upon them. Whilst Vastius would there have stayed the Company, and did what he possibly could by threatening and otherwise, to have terrified their Leaders, and to have brought them back, he was oftentimes in danger to have been slain. In the end he was glad to forsake them, and to return as he came. King Ferdinand by this sudden departure of the Italians, for that time disappointed of all his hope of recovering the Kingdom of Hungary from King john; in great choler wrote unto his Subjects of Styria and Carinthia, whereby the Italians were to pass, That they should show them no manner of courtesy in their passage; whereupon ensued great hurt on both sides. Yet for all that, these Italians in despite of what could be done, at length recovered Tiliaventum in the borders of Italy, where they disbanded themselves, and returned every man to his own dwelling, leaving King Ferdinand unto his own Forces. The Emperor also breaking up his Army at Vienna, and purposing now as before, to return into Italy, appointed Ferdinand Gonzaga to go foremost with the light Horsemen, with whom also he went himself; 
Charles the Emperor returneth into Italy.  after him followed Vastius with the Spaniards; two days after came the Cardinal, whose Train was of all the greatest; last of all followed the mercenary Germans; in which order he returned in safety into Italy.  
This was the end of those wonderful Preparations made by two great Monarches Solyman and Charles the Fifth, in the year, 1532. which held the World in great suspense with the fearful expectation of some marvellous alteration; and so much the more, for that at the same time appeared a great Blazing-Star by the space of fifteen days. All which for all that, God so appointing, sorted to far less harm than was of most men feared.  

Auria goeth against the Turks.  Now whilst Charles the Emperor was thus in Arms against Solyman in Austria, Andreas Auria by his appointment, with a Fleet of thirty five tall Ships and forty eight Galleys, wherein he had embarked twenty five thousand good Soldiers well appointed, did in the mean time wonderfully annoy the Turks in Peloponnesus. With this Fleet Auria departing from Messina in Sicilia, and passing alongst the Coast of Italy, into the jonium, near unto the Isle of Zacynthus met with Vincentius Capellius the Venetian Admiral, with a Fleet of sixty Galleys set forth by the Venetians for defence of their Territory; who offered unto Auria all possible kindness, but excused himself, that he could not join with him in that War against the Common Enemy, by reason of an old League betwixt the Turks and the Venetians, which Solyman had but a little before renewed. So that at that time the Venetians stood as men indifferent betwixt Charles the Emperor and Solyman, offering like kindness to both, but taking part with neither, yet in readiness to fall out with either, if they should by Sea or Land offer any injury to their State; wherein they bore themselves so indifferent, that it was thought, that they at one and the self same instant advertised Auria, That Hymerales the Turks Admiral lay with his Fleet of sixty Galleys evil appointed, in the Bay of Ambracia, where he might easily be surprised; and gave likewise warning to him of the coming of Auria with a strong Fleet, wishing him in time to provide for his better safety, by retiring his Fleet into some other place of more assurance, which he presently did; for knowing himself too weak, he departed from Ambracia, to the strong Haven of Calcide. Which thing with other like, well considered, might give just cause to any Christian heart, to bewail the State of that time, wherein the Christian Princes being either in mortal Wars amongst themselves, or entangled by Solyman with Leagues of no assurance, omitted the fairest opportunity that could have been wished for the abating of the Turks greatness; for if the Venetians joining their Forces with Auria, had in time pursued the Turkish Admiral, it was like, that not only all Soliman's Power at Sea had been utterly discomfited; but also most part of Grecia, mindful of their ancient Empire and Liberty, and then ready to have rebelled, and joined hands with the Christians, might have been recovered out of the Turkish Thraldom; yea and the Imperial City of Constantinople greatly endangered, few or none being left for the defence thereof, beside young Janissaries and effeminate Eunuches, the heartless Keepers of the Turks Concubines; Solyman himself being then far off in Hungary, and having drawn with him the greatest strength of his Empire.  
Auria taking his leave of the Venetian Admiral, with much Honour done at Sea on both sides; was shortly after advertised, That the Turks Admiral was fled to Calcide. Wherefore now out of hope to do any good against him, he directed his course to Corone (which is a strong City upon the Coast of Peloponnesus, about twelve miles distant from Modon) with purpose to besiege it; which when he had well viewed, and considered of the strength thereof, he laid Siege thereto both by Sea and Land, battering it most terribly at one time with fourteen great pieces of Artillery by Land, 
Auria besiegeth Corone in Peloponnesus.  and a hundred and fifty by Sea, so that a more terrible Battery had not been lightly heard of; for all that, the Turks valiantly stood upon their defence, and manfully repulsed the Italians, which under the Leading of the Count of Sarne assaulted the City by Land. The Turkish Garrisons lying about in the Country of Peloponnesus, did what they might to have relieved the City; who by the valour of the said Count were discomfited, and Zadares their chief Leader slain; whose Head, with others of the slain Turks, were set upon Stakes, to the terror of the Defendants.  
At length the Turks wearied with Assaults, and terrified with the thundering Shot which never ceased, and driven also from their greatest strength towards Sea, by the desperate assault of certain resolute Christians, whom they had now full sore against their wills received as it were into their bosoms; 
Corone yielded to Auria by the Turks.  fearing also to want Victual and Powder, if they should longer hold out without any hope of Relief; yielded the City and Castle to Auria, upon condition that they might in safety depart thence with bag and baggage. Corone thus taken, and a strong Garrison of Spaniards there placed, and the Christian Greeks which dwelled in the City sworn unto them, Auria put to Sea with his Fleet, and sailing again by Zazinthus, came to Patras another ancient City of Peloponnesus, which he easily took and ransacked; 
Patras taken and ransacked by Auria.  for the Turks distrusting the strength of the City, had strongly entrenched themselves near unto the Castle; which place also, together with the Castle, they in short time yielded to Auria; covenanting, that they, and especially their Wives, might with their Garments only depart in safety into Aetolia; which was by Auria so precisely performed, that when three thousand of them passed along through the Army of the Christians, ranged on both sides, and some of the Soldiers began rudely to handle some of the Women, and to take from them some of their Jewels, he caused them presently, to the terror of others, to be hanged. Auria leaving his Army at Patras, with commandment to follow him by Land, sailed alongst the coast of Peloponnesus, until he came to the Straight of Naupactum, now called Lepanto, which is the entrance into the Gulf of Corinthia, parting Peloponnesus from Aetolia, with a Straight somewhat narrower than the Straight of Hellespont. Upon this Straight stood two Castles, the one called Rhium, upon the coast of Peloponnesus, and the other Molycrum in Aetolia, which Baja●et had wonderfully fortified, and stored with Ordnance for the keeping of that Straight. Auria threatening all extremity unto the Captain of the Castle on Peloponnesus side, if he did enforce him to plant his Battery, so terrified him, that he without delay yielded unto him the Castle; covenanting only, That he and his Soldiers might in safety depart thence; which granted, and the Turks departed, Auria gave the spoil of the Castle unto his Soldiers which came with him by Sea; whereby he so offended the minds of the other Soldiers which came by Land from Patras, that they were about to have forsaken him. The other Castle upon Aetolia side was not so easily taken, being valiantly defended by a Garrison of old Janissaries, appointed for the keeping thereof. Yet in the end by fury of the Ordnance a breach was made, whereby the Christians forcibly entering, slew three hundred of the old Garrison-Souldiers, not taking any one to mercy; the rest fled into a strong Tower in the midst of the Castle, where seeing no remedy but that they must needs fall into the hands of their Enemies, they desperately blew up themselves, and the Tower, with a great part of the Castle, with Gunpowder, in such sort, that it seemed all the Sea coast to have been shaken with an Earthquake; and the Galleys which lay a Bow-shot off, were almost overwhelmed with stones blown out so far off. The great Ordnance taken in this Castle was valued at 70000 Ducats; whereof certain pieces of a wonderful greatness, with Arabian letters written upon them, were afterwards by Auria brought to Genoa; and in remembrance of the Victory, mounted upon the Bulwark at the mouth of the Haven. All these things thus happily achieved, Auria strongly fortified▪ the City of Corone, storing it both with Munition and plenty of Victual, committing the defence thereof to Mendoza a valiant Spaniard, with a strong Garrison of Spaniards; promising of his own charge to relieve him whensoever he should need, if the Emperor should defer to do it. The Straight of Naupactum laid open, Salviatus with the Galleys of Malta scoured all alongst the Gulf of Corinth, doing great harm unto the Turks which dwelled on both sides of the Gulf, spoiling and terrifying them even as far as Corinth. Not long after, Winter now approaching, Auria receiving Letters from the Emperor, of Soliman's departure out of Hungary, returned with his Fleet loaded with the spoil of the Turks, 
Auria returns to Italy.  to Naples, and so from thence home to Genoa.  
In the beginning of the Spring following (which was the year, year 1533. 1533.) it was rifely reported that the Turks were coming with a great Fleet towards Peloponnesus; and not long after, 
The Turks besiege Corone.  M●ndoza Governor of Corone, by Letters advertised Peter of Toledo, Viceroy of Naples, That he was both by Sea and Land hardly besieged by the Turks; and that he would to the uttermost of his Power valiantly defend the City, so long as he had any provision of Victual; Wherefore he most earnestly requested, That if the Emperor would have the Town kept, he should in time send him Relief, whereupon the oppressed Grecians taking heart, were like enough to rebel, and to help to expulse the Turks quite out of Peloponnesus. But above all things he forgot not to crave speedy Aid of Auria, and to put him in mind of the faithful promise he had made to relieve him at his need. Upon this news, Charles the Emperor commanded Auria his Admiral, 
Auria sent by the Emperor to relieve Corone.  to rig up a convenient Fleet for that Service, promising forthwith to send unto him twelve Galleys, which he had new built in Spain. He also requested the Knights of Malta to Aid him with their Galleys against that common Enemy▪ Wherefore Auria having with wonderful celerity rigged up thirty tall Ships, and as many Galleys, came to Naples to take in his Soldiers; there the old Garrisons of the Spaniards which for want of pay were risen in mutiny against the great Commander and General Vastius and the Viceroy, and had rifled the City of Aversa, and done no little harm all about in the Country of Campania, were again pacified by a pay given unto them, and presently embarked for Corone, under the Command of Rodericus Macicaus their General; at which time also Frederick of Toledo the Viceroy's Son, with a Company of brave Gentlemen went aboard, vowing unto the Sacred War that their first Service. The Knights of Malta came thither also with their Galleys. But whilst these things were a doing, Auria to encourage them of Corone, for fear lest they despairing of help, should fall to some hard composition with the Turks, sent Christopher Palavicine a resolute young Gentleman of an invincible courage, with a most swift Galley to Corone; who by daylight passing through the midst of the Turks Fleet, safely recovered the Haven, to the great joy of the besieged Christians; and shortly after when he had well viewed all things he was sent for, with the strength and manner of the Enemies lying, and filling the minds of the Defendants with assured hope of speedy rescue, about noon time of the day he suddenly broke out again through the midst of his Enemies, and as it were miraculously escaped in safety, for all that they could do, although they ceased not to give him chase so long as they were in any hope to have overtaken him. Auria departing from Naples, came to Messina, where he certainly informed of the Enemy's force both by Sea and Land, with the number of their Galleys, and seeing that the chief hope of relieving of the City consiested in celerity, stayed not for the Galleys he expected out of Spain, but held on his course towards Grecia; for it was told him, that the Enemy's Fleet daily increased, by the coming in of the Turkish Pirates; and that Assem-Beg (otherwise called the Moor of Alexandria, an arch Pirate) was still looked for, in whose good directions the Turkish Captains reposed the greatest hope of their Victory. When he was come as far as Zazynthus, he was informed by the Venetians, That Luftibeius Bassa (or rather Lutzis Bassa the Turks great Admiral, and Soliman's Brother in law) with Solyman of Acarnania, and the Moor (men for their skill at Sea, of great Fame and Reputation) lay before Corone, with eighty Galleys manned with divers Companies of the old Janissaries; so that it was thought a matter of exceeding peril for him to adventure to relieve the Town, except he took the advantage of some prosperous gale of Wind. Wherefore Auria to have yet more certain knowledge of the Enemy's Fleet, sent before him Christopher Palavicine with one Galley, again to view the manner of the Enemies lying; who passing the Promontory of Acrites, saw all the Turks great Fleet lying in very good order before the City; and so returned to Auria, confirming that the Venetians had before reported, and that the Turks Fleet was greatly increased, and lay ready as it should seem to give him battle as soon as he should approach the City. For all that, Auria nothing dismayed with the greatness of the Turks Fleet, made no stay, but still kept on his course, and with a fair gale of Wind passing the Promontory of Acrytes, came directly towards Corone. 
The order of Auria his Fleet before Corone.  Two great Galleons, of all the Fleet the most Warlike Ships, came foremost; whereof the one was Aurias' own, which he had built with a wonderful Charge; and the other was of Sicilia, These two great Ships were appointed by Auria to turn a little upon the left hand; and at such time as the Enemy should set forward from the shore, to cast Anchor betwixt both the Fleets; that as occasion should serve, they might as out of two strong Castles, beat the Turks Galleys with their great Ordnance, wherewith they were for that purpose wonderfully stored. Next unto these great Galleons followed the other Warlike Ships with full sails; after whom came the Galleys in three Squadrons, whereof Salviatus had the leading of the right Wing, which consisted of the Bishop of Rome's Galleys and them of Malta; in the left Wing and near unto the Enemy commanded Antonius Auria; and in the middle was Auria himself. At the first sight of the Christian Fleet, the Turks moved not from the shore, but discharged their Ordnance at them afar off, and then begun to set forward and to draw nearer; especially the Moor, who with greater courage than the rest, assailed the side and the rearward of the Fleet; for the Christians keeping on their course right forth to Corone, and turning nothing to the left hand, 
The Christian Fleet disordered.  as was before appointed, seemed as if they had fled; and so much the more, for that the Galleys in the right Wing, for fear of the Turks great Ordnance, did fetch a great compass farther off into the Sea, and many of the middle Squadron and of the left Wing also, had disorderly thrust themselves in amongst the Ships, although they had received little or no harm of the Enemies great shot.  
In this confusion of the Christian Navy, the Moor requested Lutzis the Admiral, not to let slip so fair an occasion, wherein the Christian Fleet might easily have been overthrown; but whilst Lutzis doth slowly and considerately set forward, Auria in the mean time had put his Fleet again in order, and with a fair Wind was come to Corone. 
Auria arriveth at Corone.  Two of the Ships by the way falling foul one on another, stayed behind, being not able to keep way with the rest; about which all the Turks Galleys presently flocked, and took the lesser of them, killing all the Spaniards they found therein. Out of this they boarded the greater, and with a bloody fight had won the Forecastle and Wast of the Ship; when Auria, accounting it no small dishonour to have his Ships so surprised at his heels, caused all his Galleys to turn again upon the Enemy, to rescue those Ships. The Turks seeing that, and with the Westernly Wind by little and little fallen down so far with the Ships, that they were come within the danger of the sho●t of the Town, began with great stir to forsake the Ships, and to betake themselves to their Oars, and so in manner of flight withdrew themselves. 
The Turks Fleet flies to Modon.  Whom Auria pursued a good way to Modon, thundering in their Poops with his great shot, which he liberally bestowed amongst them; whilst in the mean time Antonius Auria came to rescue the two distressed Ships. There the Spaniards which but a little before had hardly maintained their close fights, began now as men revived, to show themselves, and courageously to make resistance; and they which came with Antonius Auria to their rescue, entering with wonderful celerity on every side, slew and took 300 Janissaries, which with great courage had entered those Ships, and were there left by the sudden departure of their Fellows. Amongst whom was taken one josuphus an old Captain of 1000 Janissaries; to whom Auria after he was come to Corone, gave a fair Suit of Apparel and a chain of Gold, and so set him at liberty without any ransom, thereby to provoke the Turks to the like kind of courteous dealing with the Christians. Assam-beg the Pirate, and the other Captains of the Turks Fleet, wonderfully blamed Lutzis the Admiral, for that he would not then fight with the Christians, when as he was thereto most earnestly requested both by the Captains and Soldiers in general, and had a fair opportunity of Victory offered at such time as the Christians Fleet was disordered; but he excused himself, saying, That it was given him in special Charge from Solyman the Emperor, That he should in any case respect the safety of his Navy, and not to come to the hazard of a battle. The Turks which besieged the City by Land, upon the approach of the Christian Fleet, forsook their Trenches and fled; at which time Mendoza the Governor sallying out, 
Corone relieved by Auria.  took great store of Victual and Warlike provision which the Turks had for hast left behind them. So Auria to his great honour having driven the Turks from Corone both by Sea and Land, furnished the City with store of Corn, Wine, Victual, Powder, and Shot; and committed the defence thereof to Macicaus and the Companies of the mutinous Spaniards which he had brought from Naples; comforting the Greeks, and exhorting them, patiently for a while to endure those Calamities of War; telling them that the Emperor would the next Spring make War against the Turks both by Sea and Land in Peloponnesus, and free them from the Turkish Bondage. And so embarking the old Garrison of Spaniards, departed from Corone, and came before Modon, where he lay as it were braving the Turks Admiral, 
Auria returns, and before Modon braveth the Turks Fleet  hoping thereby to draw him out of that strong Harbour to battle. But when he saw that the Enemy could by no means be alured out of his strength, or assailed as he lay, he departed thence to Corcyra, and so back again to Messina in Sicilia.  
Within a few days after, Assam-beg the Moor of Alexandria and most famous Pirate, 
The Moor of Alexandria well beaten, and taken by C●●●lis the Venetian.  lying in wait for the Merchant's Ships of Venice coming out of Syria with Merchandise, by chance met with Hieronimus Canalis upon the Coast of Crete; where in the night time was sought betwixt them a fierce and cruel Battle; wherein of the Moors thirteen Galleys, four were sunk, three taken, and the rest having lost most part of their Rowers, fled to Alexandria. In this Fight were slain three hundred Janissaries which were going to Cairo, and a thousand other Turks; of all them that were taken, there was scarcely one saved, but the Moor himself, who grievously wounded in the Face, for safeguard of his life was glad to discover himself; for the Venetians maintaining their State by Trade and Traffic, do of all other show least favour unto Pirates. When the Moor had made himself known to Canalis, there was great care taken for the curing of his Wounds, and either of them began with notable dissimulation to excuse the matter to other; saying, That they were both deceived by the likeness of the Galleys, and mistaking of their Friends for Enemies; when as for all that, they knew one another right well. For the Moor said, that he took those Venetian Galleys for to have been part of Auria his Fleet; and Can●lis excused himself, by saying, that he mistook him for Barbarussa, who a few years before had surprised three of the Venetian Galleys. Yet the Venetians doubting how Solyman would take the mater, by their Ambassador sought to excuse what was done, as a thing happening by error and mischance; of which excuse Solyman accepted, and said moreover, that Canalis had done well and Soldier like, to repulse by force the wrong that was offered him. Three of the Emperor's Galleys staying behind the rest of the Fleet, were near unto the Promontory Palinurus, upon the Coast of Apulia, intercepted and carried away by Sinam, surnamed the Jew, a notable Pirate of that time also.  
The Winter following, the Spaniards and Greeks in Corone began to want Victuals, especially Wine and Flesh; for the Turks had so blocked up the City, that nothing was to be had out of the Country; wherefore the Soldiers requested Macicaus their Governor and General to lead them forth to some piece of service against the Enemy, 
The Garrison Soldiers of Corone desire of their General to be brought to some service.  forsomuch as they were not to hope for any relief elsewhere before April, wishing rather valiantly to die like men in Fight against the Turks, than to languish within those dead Walls for want of Victual. But Macicaus mindful of his charge, sought by many reasons to dissuade them from such purpose, showing them what an offence it were rashly to depart out of the City committed to their custody, which might be unto them dangerous, although they should speed never so well; and that those wants which they rather feared than felt, would well enough be overcome by sparing and patience; and therefore told them plainly, that he was resolutely set down to keep the City for the Emperor, and to endure all hardness, rather than to incur the infamy, That he had forsaken the City, and betrayed his Garrison. Yet for all this the matter was so urged by Didacus' Tovarres and Hermosilla, both great Captains, and by the general importunity of the Soldiers, that Macicaus was enforced to yield to their desire, and to promise them to go; yet earnestly protesting, that he did it altogether against his Will, rather enforced than persuaded unto that, whereof he had no great hope of success. Among other that were so forward in this action, was one Barbatius, a most valiant Greek, who could perfectly speak the Turks Language, and of all others best known the Byways and secret passages of the Country; he undertook to be their Guide, and by unknown Ways to bring them unto the Enemies undiscovered in the dead time of the night, when as they feared no such matter. 
Macicaus Governor of Corone goeth out to surprise Andrussa.  So Macicaus commending the custody of the City to Liscanius and Mendesius, with charge that they should suffer no man to go out of the City after his departure, for fear of giving any knowledge unto the Enemy, set forward about ten a clock in the night towards Andrussa, Barbatius being his Guide; who shunning the common beaten Ways, brought them by secret and uncouth Paths that night half the way to Andrussa; but upon the rising of the Sun he brought them into a secret woody Valley, where they rested and refreshed themselves all that day, and setting forward at night, came to Andrussa before day. In this Town, which was of no great strength, lay one Caranus, a warlike Captain with three thousand Footmen, whereof the one half were Janissaries; and in the Suburbs lay Acomates with a thousand chosen Horsemen, with which Garrison the Turks kept all that side of Peloponnesus in awe. Macicaus brought by his Guide unto the place where his Enemies lay, went directly to the Town to have surprised it; Hermosilla in the mean time standing still with certain Companies of Spaniards over against the place where the Horsemen lay. But this could not be done with so great silence, but that some of the Horseboys being awake discovered them by the fire in their Matches; who first awaked the negligent Watchmen, and afterwards raised an Alarm in the Suburbs; whereupon Hermosilla courageously set upon the Horsemen, being altogether unready, and slew many of them before they could arm themselves, and set fire also upon the Stables wherein the Turks Horses stood, with the rage whereof many of the Turks perished, with their Horses and Armour. Great and terrible was the noise raised upon the sudden in the Suburbs, but especially of the Horses, which burned as they stood fast tied in the Stables, or by chance breaking loose, ran up and down with their Tails and Mains on a light fire; by occasion whereof, an Alarm was raised in the Town, and the Turks got to the Walls before the Spaniards could enter. 
Macicaus slain.  Macicaus himself labouring to break in at a Postern, was shot in the Head with a small Shot, and slain; divers others near unto him were slain also. The Turks perceiving the small number of their Enemies, sallied out upon them, and enforced them to retire to Hermosilla, who had already made great Spoil amongst the Horsemen, by whose skilful direction, the Spaniards retired in so good order, making many stands, with their Harquebusiers all drawn into the Rearward, that such of the Turks as were most forward to pursue them, did by their death cause the rest to make less haste. Acomates with such of his Horsemen as had escaped the Fire, hasted thither also, bringing with him two hundred Harquebusiers, which he had caused his Horsemen for haste to take up behind them upon their Horses; but whilst he sought eagerly to be revenged upon his Enemies, and with too much heat pressed on with the foremost, he was shot in the Body with a Bullet and slain. So the Horsemen which had before received a great loss as they lay in their lodgings, accounting it in their good haps that they were not there all slain, and having now lost their Captain, ceased any further to pursue their Enemies, but returned. The Spaniards and Greeks, although they were wearied both with their long march and evil success, retired still as resolute men, ready to fight, and so returned to Corone. Presently after, the Turkish Garrison removed from Andrussa to Megalopolis, now called Londarium; after whose departure the Christian Soldiers of Corone came thither and buried the dead bodies of their slain Fellows (which till then lay unburied) and brought back with them the Head of Macicaus their late General, which the Turks had there set up upon a long Pole, which they honourably buried at Corone. Not long after, the Plague began to grow hot in Corone, so much the more grievous, for that it came accompanied with many other hard difficulties. For which causes, 
Corone forsaken by the Spaniards.  the Spaniards as men at once enforced with many extremities, embarked themselves with all the great Ordnance, and such Greeks as would go with them, in certain Ships which came with Corn out Sicilia, and so departed, leaving the Town empty for the Turks to come unto.  
It was commonly reported, that the Spaniards left Corone not without the secret consent of the Emperor, which was the rather thought to be so, because that they which forsook the place, received thereby no disgrace, and the Emperor himself had offered to give the Town to Clement Bishop of Rome, the Venetians and the Knights of Malta, who all refused to receive it, as loath to be at so great a charge in keeping a place serving for no greater purpose; the very cause why the Emperor was so willing to part with it. Now Clement the great Bishop had by means of Aloysius Grittus made a motion of a Peace, to have been concluded for ten years betwixt Solyman and the Christian Princes, and thereupon the Town to have been again delivered unto the Turks; which Peace Solyman was not altogether unwilling to grant, being then wholly bend to invade the Persian King. Ferdinand was also in good hope that his Brother Charles the Emperor, would for the yielding up of that Town have covenanted with the Turk some great matter for his benefit in Hungary, which as was thought would also have been easily obtained. But whilst the Emperor drawn diversely with the consideration of his honour in keeping it, and of his profit in giving it up, stood too long in resolving, the Town in the mean time was by the Spaniards (their necessity daily increasing) abandoned, and so left to the Turks for nothing.  
Solyman now purposing to turn his forces against the Persians, year 1534. of whom he had in the Frontiers of his Dominions received great hurt, especially in Comagene; renewed the League he had with the Venetians, and some other Christian Princes; but of all other his Affairs with the Christians, he was most careful of the interest he had already gotten in Hungary. For it was reported, that King john his Vassal induced by the continual solicitations of his Subjects, was desirous of Peace with King Ferdinand, upon condition that he might quietly enjoy the Kingdom during his life; and after his decease it to remain to King Ferdinand and his Heirs. Wherefore Solyman, that nothing should be there done in his absence without his knowledge, sent Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Venice his Son (of whom we have before spoken) a man both for the honour of his House, 
Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Venice his Son▪ Soliman's Lieutenant in Hungary to oversee King John.  the good carriage of himself, and the special commendation of Abraham the chief Bassa, in great credit with him; with Commission as his Lieutenant to be assistant unto King john, in such magnifical sort, as that without him the King might conclude nothing in matters of State, concerning either Peace or War, with any other the Christian Princes. With this proud Commission from the grand Signior, Grittus entered into Transylvania, than a part of the Kingdom of Hungary (much about the same time that Solyman set forward from Constantinople against the Persian) attended upon with seven thousand persons of one sort and other, among whom were Urbanus Batianus, and janus Docia, two famous Hungarian Captains with their Companies, and many of the Turks Janissaries also. At his first coming, to make his Authority the more known, he sent out his proud command unto the great Men and Governors of the Cities of that warlike Province, charging them forthwith to repair unto him as great Soliman's Deputy, authorised by him to hear and determine all the controversies and matters of State concerning the Kingdom of Hungary. At that time Americus Cihachus Bishop of Veradium, a man of great Nobility and Power, 
Americus Bishop of Veradium and Vayvod of Transylvania, contemneth Grittus.  withal singularly well qualified, was Vayvod or Governor of Transilvania, an honour next unto the King; he understanding that Grittus was come into his Province, and making small haste to welcome him, as one not greatly moved with his coming, or much regarding the commandment of Solyman; wonderfully offended Grittus, who desired nothing more than at his first entrance to have confirmed the opinion of his Authority in the minds of the Vulgar People by the pressed and ready attendance of the Vayvod. But it was commonly bruited, that the stout Bishop upon a Christian Zeal detested the Friendship of the Turks, and could not well brook that they should be too much acquainted in his Province, for fear lest that fruitful Country abounding with Men and Horses, should by one means or other fall into their hands. Grittus was come to Baxovia when he understood by many Messengers, that the Vayvod was coming with a great Train, and lay about ten miles off, encamped with divers gallant Troops of Horsemen, in warlike manner appointed; for the Bishops of Hungary being wonderful rich, were by old custom bound to keep great numbers of Horsemen, which as occasion served they used to bring into the Field against the Turk; accounting it great honour with their religious hands to defend the cause of Religion. But then especially the Nobility of the Country well appointed resorted on every side, on courtesy to honour and contenance their great Bishop and Governor, at whose commandment they were; insomuch as the Bishop's retinue made show of a good Army. Which thing moved Grittus exceedingly, that he should be enforced contrary to his expectation to parley with the Bishop in the open Fields, as with an Enemy in sight of all their Followers. Hereof rose envy, a deadly mischief always repining at another man's honour; when as the one swelling with Turkish Pride could not then abide any equal, and the other jealous of his honour, could by no means endure any superior, in such place as he had the Sovereignty of. When these two great men had met together in the open Fields, and there dined more like Enemies than Friends, without any show of friendship or good will; Grittus inwardly chase at his bare entertainment, covertly threatened to be revenged upon all such as should make so light account of his Authority; and immediately as he departed from the Banquet, taking his Cap from his Head (which was after the Turkish manner made of a high fashion, of rich Sables) and opening it with both his Hands, said, This Cup will not hold two Heads, and therefore it must be fitted to one, and so put it on again. john Docia▪ one of the Hungarian Captains, his Followers, who deadly hated the Vayvod (for that he had long time before, for his malapert Speech in a great Assembly, given him a blow with his Fist) took hold of that Speech of Grittus, as a fit occasion for him to work his revenge: and said, Your honour maketh a fit comparison, neither can this Province contain two equal Governors or Commanders, 
Janus Docia incenseth Grittus against the Vayvod.  nor you ever enjoy your Power and Authority, except you do this day with speedy and manly resolution defend both Soliman's credit, and your own. You know not this proud Beast Americus, whose Pride and Insolency if you but say the word, I will quickly put down; for he hateth Solyman, he regardeth not the King, and of you he maketh no account at all, for why, he aspireth unto the Majesty of a King, and saith that the Vayvodship of Transylvania well beseemeth a King; for that in this Country Decebaldus the Dacian sometime reigned, whom the warlike Emperor Trajan with all the force of the Roman Empire hardly subdued. No man can more proudly or arrogantly set himself forth than he, neither more craftily or cunningly dissemble to serve his turn. Indeed he hath for fashion sake presented your honour with a few simple Presents, and given you his Hand also, better known for his Falsehood than his Faith; to the intent that when you are once past his Country, he may scoff and jest at your Decrees; verily he deadly envieth at your Honour and Felicity, and grudgeth in his heart, that you should set down the Laws of Peace and War in Hungary; and whereas he doth manifestly aspire unto a Kingdom, he feareth you above all others, lest you should trouble his designs, abate his credit, and chastise his insolency. Verily, he that thus maligneth your happiness, and contemneth your Authority, is not to be suffered, but by good reason to be taken away; thereby at this your first entrance to defend the credit of your Commission, and honour of your Name. For nothing is more dangerous than a faithless Companion, and a secret Enemy, especially when you shall leave him at your back behind you; for when he shall, as occasion serves, show forth his hidden malice, he shall so much the more slily and desperately endanger your Person. Grittus enraged with his Speech more than before, thought it best to make haste, and to use his Authority to the full; he commended Docia, and promised him in short time to requite his good will towards him, especially if he would by some notable attempt abate the Bishop's Pride. It is reported, that Grittus gave him no other charge, but to take the Bishop that so he might after the Turkish manner have sent him in Chains to Constantinople, 
The cause why Lascus the Polonian fell from King John.  and bestowed the honour of the Vayvod upon Hieronimus Lascus the Polonian, who in hope of that honourable Preferment unto him promised by King john, had done unto him great and faithful service, as his Ambassador both unto Solyman, and also unto the French King. But when King john perceived that he could not conveniently without manifest danger place him, being a Polonian (who could scarcely speak the Hungarian Language) Governor over such warlike People; he as it were enforced by necessity, preferred this Americus the Bishop of Veradium, a man of them both reverenced and feared: Which so grieved Lascus, a man of great Stomach and Experience, and thereunto excellently learned, that he would never admit of any excuse of the Kings, but always after complained, that he was by the King deluded. Yet for all that, he kept himself within the bounds of Loyalty, and enjoyed certain Lands and Towns which the King had given him in the Borders of Polmia; and estranged nevertheless from him in mind, was now become one of Grittus his Followers, hoping of his better Preferment by his means unto Solyman; and for that cause was not so forward to do the King such service as he had in times past. Now by the commandment of Grittus, a strong Company of Turkish Horsemen, and certain Troops of Hungarians, were delivered to Docia; who secretly departing that night from Baxovia, came suddenly to the Vayvods' Camp, having a little before by his Hungarian Spies learned that he lay in the open Fields in his Tent, by reason of the great heat, without any watch or guard attended on only with his Pages and Household Servants, as a man without fear; and that all the rest of his retinue lay dispersed in the Country Villages round about. All which served so well for Docia his purpose, 
The Vayvod murdered in his Tent by Docia, and his head presented to Grittus.  that the Vayvod ignorant of his death so nigh at hand (who rather contemned than feared his Enemies) was suddenly oppressed by Docia his Soldiers; so that whilst he was yet lying in his Bed, and scarcely well awaked by his Chamberlains and the noise of the Enemy; Docia breaking into his Tent, cut off his Head as he lay. All they which lay near, amazed with the suddainness of the matter, fled away for fear, and left their Horses and other things for a Prey to the Turks and other of Docia his Followers. Docia having done so great an outrage, returned to Grittus, presenting unto him the Vayvods' Head, which he brought in his Hand by the Ear. Lascus was then present, but altogether ignorant of the murder, who as a man moved with a natural compassion in so sudden and horrible a Fact, and forgetting all former grudges (as in like case it oftentimes chanceth) stood as one dismayed, nothing rejoicing at the unworthy death of his Enemy. To whom Grittus turning himself, said, Lascus, Dost thou not know this shaved Pate, truly it is a great Man's Head, but of such an one as was very ambitious, rebellious, and proud. To whom Lascus replied, Truly though I loved him not, yet I thought it not so whilst it stood upon his Shoulders; disallowing therein the Cruelty of the Fact. Which thing Grittus perceiving began to repent him of that was done, and said openly, that although he was worthily slain, yet he could have wished rather to have had him taken Prisoner. The report of this horrible murder once bruited abroad, 
The Transylvanians rise up in Arms against Grittus, to revenge the death of the Vayvod.  the Bishop's Kinsmen and Friends, yea almost all the People of that Province rise up in Arms against Grittus, to revenge the death of the reverend Bishop, whom living they had both loved and feared. Never did any People in revenge of a common wrong; enter into Arms with greater desire, more heat, or quicker speed; so that in few days there were assembled together forty thousand Horse and Foot, under the leading of Stephanus Maylat a Noble Gentleman, who of all other most honoured the Bishop, and in that common grief took upon him as chief, the persecuting of the Authors of such inhuman Cruelty. Grittus perceiving how grievously the matter was taken, with the danger he was in, began to doubt with himself what course were best for him to take. To go forward, and to fall into the hands of the furious People, the same was present death; and to return and leave the honourable deputation he had with so great expectation of all men taken upon him, was unto his aspiring mind no less torment than death itself. Thus perplexed, he with all speed got himself with his Followers to the strong Town of Mege, in hope to shroud himself until such time as the rage of the Country People were either of itself appeased (as it oftentimes falleth out in such sudden Tumults) or else he should be relieved by King john, or the Turks Sanzacks which had the charge of the Frontiers of the Turkish Empire. The Townsmen of Mege seeing Grittus accompanied with so many Turks, shut the Gates against him; yet at length by the persuasion of the two Hungarian Captains Docia and Batianus, they gave him leave to enter into the base Town, having before retired themselves with all their Substance unto the higher Town, which in manner of a strong Castle commanded the lower. Here whilst Grittus with all carefulness fortifieth the place, and dispatcheth the Messengers unto his Friends abroad for Aid; his Enemies with hideous noise and outcries approaching the Town, at their first coming attempted to have scaled the Walls and Rampires thereof, which thing whilst they disorderly did, with greater fury than discretion, they were easily repulsed, and many of them slain by the Turks Janissaries and Harquebusiers. After which loss, by the direction of Maylat their General, 
Grittus besieged by the Transylvanians.  they withdrew themselves out of the danger of the Shot, and encamped on every side of the Town, hoping as the truth was, that their Enemies unprovided of Victual, could not long hold the place, but must of necessity either starve with Famine, or yield it up. In the mean time Grittus resolutely enduring all the calamities of a man besieged, fell sick, and so much the more for that he could hear nothing of any Aid which he expected from his Friends; for King john glad in his mind of the distress of the Overseer, or rather Competitor of his Kingdom; and also knowing that he could not without great discontentment of his Subjects oppose himself against such a multitude risen upon so just a cause; yet for fashion sake sent certain Troops of Horsemen to his relief; who not altogether ignorant of the King's mind, made such haste, as men that purposed not to come in time to do him good. As for the Turks Sanzacks of Belgrade and Samandria, they envying at his honour, flatly refused to depart from their charge, to relieve him without express command from Solyman himself; and Lascus (before one of Grittus his chief Followers, but now a beholder of his distress) when he had a little before departed from him to procure him some relief, as he promised, did now in this extremity forsake him also. The Citizens in the upper Town (who a great while had stood looking on from above as men indifferent) perceiving the full resolution of their Countrymen to be revenged, and the difficulties wherewith the Turks were enclosed, assailed them also from the high Town. Grittus thus beset on every side, offered unto the Transylvanians a great Mass of Money, to suffer him to pass forward into Hungary; but their furious minds more desirous of Revenge than Money, were not to be moved with any Gold. In fine, he sent rich Jewels to the Governor of Moldavia his Friend, to be ready at a certain hour when he would sally out of the Town, to receive him with certain Troops of Horsemen; so if it were possible to save himself and his Children. 
Grittus taken and brought to Maylat.  Grittus (whether it were upon a doubtful hope, or urged by inevitable destiny) sallying out of the Town at the appointed time, with Soliman's Commission in his hand, and missing of the Moldavian, fell upon Francis Scheden the late Bishops nigh Kinsman, and Maylat his familiar Friend; who furiously running in upon him with tumultuous Speech, violently caught from his Head his rich Cap of Sables, and with his Horsemen took him, being weak with sickness, and making no resistance. His Followers, especially the Turks, enclosed on every side, were either slain or taken. But Grittus himself being brought to the General's Tent, beset round with his armed Enemis, and there examined, Why he had commanded the Vayvod to be slain; earnestly protested, That he never commanded any such thing, and that it was done without his knowledge. Which his answer served not his turn, all the People crying out against him with one voice, that he should as a sacrifice be offered unto the Vayvods' Ghost. Whereupon he was by Maylat delivered again to Francis Schenden to be executed, 
Grittus beheaded.  who without delay caused his Head to be struck off. The Nobility and the Vayvods' Kinsmen (after the manner of that People) dipped some part of their Garments in his Blood, the longer to keep in mind the remembrance of the Revenge. This was the shameful end of Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Venice his Son, Soliman's Deputy in Hungary, with whom he was in such credit as never was any Christian, abounding in Wealth and worldly Felicity; but climbing too fast up the evil staved Ladder of Ambition, suddenly fell and never rise more. 
The Riches sound about Grittus.  The Executioner stripping his dead Body, found about him so may precious Stones and Jewels as were valued at forty millions of Ducats. And not long after, Lascus sent for by the King to Buda, was straight examined upon torture concerning Grittus his Commission and purposes, and was in great danger of his life; but at last by the intercession of Sigismond King of Polonia, he was set at liberty, and so fled out of Hungary unto Sigismond his Court in Polonia, after he had long time wearied himself, and adventured his life in the Hungarian State. Docia the Author of this Tragedy, was by the furious People afterwards rend in pieces, and so perished.  
The same time that Grittus went from Constantinople into Hungary, 
Solyman at one time purposeth to invade Persia and afric.  Solyman the Turkish Emperor dreading no danger out of Europe, took in hand two great Expeditions both at one time, the one by Land into Asia against the Persians, and the other by Sea into afric against the Moors; promising unto himself in his inordinate desires, the Monarchy of the whole World in short time, if he might subdue these two great Nations whom he had already in hope devoured. But forasmuch as all cannot be told at once, which was at one time in divers places so far distant done, omitting for a while the Expedition made in person himself against the Persians, we will first declare what he did by his Lieutenants against the Moors. Hariadenus, surnamed of the Christians Barbarussa (who succeeding his elder Brother Horruccius in the Kingdom of Algiers in afric, had by many Victories so enlarged the Kingdom before gotten by his Brother, that his Name and Power was now become terrible both to the Christians and wild Moors, and his fame grown great in the Turkish Court) was the chief Author and persuader of Solyman to invade afric. But it shall not (as I think) be far from our purpose here briefly to rehearse by what means those two Mytilene Brethren, basely born, crept out of a small Galliot unto the Majesty of great Kings; that herein they which come afterwards may also admire the wonderful changes and chances of these worldly things, now up, now down, as if the life of man were not of much more certainty than a stage Play.  
These two Brethren, Horruccius and Hariadenus, 
The poor beginning of Horruccius and Hariadenus, who of base Pirates, aspired to the Kingdom of Algiers.  born at Mytilene in the Island of Lesbos, weary of the poor and base estate they led at home with their Father, a Renegade Grecian; stealing a little Galliot, committed themselves and all the hope of their good fortune to Sea, where by chance they consorted themselves with Camales, a most famous Pirate of that time; under whom Horruccius the elder Brother, for his forwardness became a Captain; and growing rich by many Purchases, and also strong with Galleys and Slaves which he had at sundry times taken; and at last consorting himself with Haidin Sinam the Jew, Salee, and other less Pirates (which afterwards became men of great fame and account) over whom he commanded as an arch Pirate, came seeking after purchase as far as Mauritania. At which time Selymes King of julia-caesarea, which now we call Algiers, was in Arms against his Brother Mechemetes, Competitor of the Kingdom; who aided by the Numidians, now commonly called Arabians, put his Brother in great doubt of his Estate. Selymes glad of the coming of Horruccius and the other Pirates his Followers, with a great Mass of Money paid before hand, induced Horruccius and the rest to take upon them the defence of him and his Kingdom against his Brother; which thing Horruccius so happily performed, (especially by the means of his Harquebusiers, as than no small terror to the wild Moors and Numidians) that in short time he repulsed that savage People, and set Selymes at peace in his Kingdom. Horruccius being a man of a sharp wit, and by nature ambitious, noting in the time of his service the King's mild and simple disposition, void of all distrust; and that the naked Moors were no Soldiers, but a light and unconstant People, always at variance among themselves; and that the wand'ring Numidians living barely divided into many factions, were easily by reward to be won, or by force constrained; suddenly falsified his faith, and villainously slew Selymes the King, as he was bathing himself, mistrusting nothing less than the falsehood of the Pirate; and in the same hurl murdering such as he thought would withstand his desire, and with Bounty and Cruelty overcoming the rest, so wrought the matter, that he was by general consent chosen King of Algiers. Thus of a Pirate become a King, he shortly after by Policy surprised Circello (a famous City about sixty mile distant from Algiers) by his Soldiers sent thither in the habit of Merchants. After that, he by his Brother Hariadenus (no less valiant than himself) troubled all the Mediterranean Sea from Algiers with his Galleys, 
Horruccius his success.  and all his Neighbours; himself by land with daily incursions, leaving nothing untouched, which might by force or policy be had; so that his power daily increased, men of service continually resorting unto him, as the chief man in all those parts. Not thus contented, he to enlarge his Kingdom, drove the Spaniards out of ●ug●a, a City famous both for the great Trade thither, and for the Mahometan School sometime there kept; at the taking whereof he lost his right Hand with a Shot, and instead thereof ever after used a Hand of Iron, wherewith he obtained many worthy Victories against his Enemies; for near to Algiers he overthrew an Army of the Spaniards, with Diego de Vara their General. And shortly after, at such time as Hugo Moncada returning out of Italy with the old Spanish Soldiers landed in his Country, he enforced him again to Sea; where he with all his expert Soldiers either perished by shipwreck, or driven on shore, were slain or taken Prisoners by Horruccius, and thrust into his Galleys. At last having in sundry Battles overcome the King of Tremissa, Charles the Emperor his Confederate, and thrust him out of his Kingdom, he stirred up both the Christians and Numidians against him; so that coming to take Ora and Portus (two strong Holds kept by Garrisons of Spaniards sent thither to aid the King of Tremissa) he was by them and the Moors at the first repulsed, 
Horruccius slain, and his head carried about in Spain.  and afterwards quite overthrown; where most part of his Army being slain or taken Prisoners, he with a few of his Friends sought to save themselves by flight over the desert Sands; and seeing himself hardly pursued by his Enemies, scattered many pieces of Gold upon the Sands as he fled, thereby to have stayed their hasty pursuit; but they more desirous of him than of his Gold, followed so fast, that at last they overtook him, and without further delay struck off his Head, which was afterwards sent into Spain, and carried upon a Lance through all the Towns and Cities alongst the Sea Coast; to the wonderful rejoicing of the People, unto whom he had in former time done great harm.  
After the death of Horruccius, 
Hariadenus surnamed Barbarussa, succeedeth his Brother Horruccius in the Kingdom of Algiers.  Hariadenus inferior to his Brother neither in Courage nor Martial Prowess, by the general consent of the Soldiers took upon him the Kingdom of Algiers. He, made Heir not only of his Brother's Kingdom, but of his Virtues and haughty Thoughts, and of the surname also of Barbarussa, began forthwith to aspire unto the Empire of all that part of afric; accounting what he had already gotten, too little and too base to answer his desires. Wherefore he entered into Arms, and became a terror both to the Moors and Numidians; holding Peace with some, and Wars with others, as best served his purpose; and with his Galleys robbed and spoiled the Coasts of Spain, Sardinia, and the Islands Baleares; Fortune so favouring him in all his enterprises, that he became both famous and fearful to his Enemies. 
His wonderful success  He slew Hamet, a great Commander among the Numidians, and chased Banchades and Amida, two of their greatest Princes, out of the Country; and with like fortune at Sea, overcame Hugo Moncada, a famous Spaniard, who sore wounded, had much ado to save himself by flight, when he had lost divers of his Galleys. He also in Battle at Sea overthrew Rodericus Portundus, Admiral of Spain; in which fight the Admiral with his Son were both slain, and seven of his Galleys taken; in token of which Victory, he sent part of the rich spoil there taken, with the Admiral's Ensign, as a Present unto Solyman; whereby he became famous in the Turks Court; but much more, after he had repulsed Auria from Cercenna, and taken two great Genua Ships which were coming to Auria loaded with Men and Munition; the loss whereof filled the City of Genoa with much sorrow. All things sorting thus according to his desire, and his name become no less terrible in Spain, Italy, Sicily, and the Islands of the Mediterranean, than it was in the greatest part of afric; Solyman grieved with the loss of Corone, Patras, and the Castles upon the Straits of Lepanto, taken from him by Auria, Himerales his Admiral being shamefully put to flight, by the Counsel of his Bassas, but especially of Abraham the chief Bassa, 
Solyman sends for Barbarussa.  sent Ambassadors unto him to Algiers; offering him the greatest honours of his Court, and to make him Admiral of all his Fleet, if he would forthwith repair unto Constantinople; for why, he was the only man in all men's judgements, who for his years and great experience at Sea, as well as for his invincible Courage and Glory of his late archieved Kingdom, was to be compared with Auria, and to be opposed against the Christian Fleet. Sinas a great man in Soliman's Court, was with this Embassage sent, and speedily trasported to Algiers by Mangalis, a famous Pirate, than Governor of the Rhodes; who at his landing, was honourably received by Barbarussa, and audience given him. Barbarussa understanding the cause of his coming, was exceeding glad thereof, presently conceiving no small hope of obtaining the Monarchy of afric, if he might once come to Soliman's presence, and at large show unto him the state of afric, and power of the Christians, with their continual discord amongst themselves. Wherefore without further delay committing the protection of his Son Asanes (then about eighteen years old) and the Government of his new got Kingdom to Ramada and Agis, two of his nigh Kinsmen and assured Friends, of whose Fidelity he doubted not; he with forty of his own Galleys in most warlike manner appointed, set forward with Soliman's Ambassador towards Constantinople; where by the way he met with a Fleet of Genua Ships bound for Sicily for Corn, which after a sharp and cruel fight he took and burnt. After that, landing by night in the Country of Elba, not far from Naples, he suddenly surprised Rhium a rich City; where loading his Galleys with the Wealth thereof, and carrying away with him all the Inhabitants into Captivity, he arrived at Constantinople in the year 1533, where he was by the great Courtiers brought to Solyman, 
Barbarussa cometh to Constantinople.  of whom he was joyfully received, if it were but for the Presents which he gave him; which were fair Boys and young Maidens sumptuously apparelled, Eunuches, and wild Beasts of Lybia, as Lions, Leopards, and such like. But after he had certain days discoursed at large with the great Bassas, of the State of afric, the strength of the Christians, and how the Wars were to be managed, he was afterwards by them seldomer sent for, and offering himself into their Company, was hardly admitted; for Envy (the inseparable Companion of growing honour) had quickly overtaken him in the Court, so that many men letted not openly to say, 
Barbarussa envied in the Turks, Court.  It had not been the fashion of the Ottoman Kings, to prefer Pirates (the worst kind of Thiefs) to the honour of their great Admiral; and that there wanted not, neither ever would want men both virtuous and valiant in the Turks Court, which could with great honour maintain and augment the glory of the Turkish Empire both by Sea and Land; whereas he had against all right and conscience, by shameful Treachery intruded himself into another man's Kingdom in afric, and there persecuted the Mahometan Princes and People, being of no Religion himself, as one that was born of a renegat Greek, and from his youth lived as a merciless Pirate, and common Enemy of Mankind. By which Speeches Barbarussa perceived in how evil time Abraham Bassa his best Friend, and by whose means he was sent for, was absent from Court; who at that time was gone to Comagena, and wintered at Aleppo, with purpose (as Soliman's Forerunner) with the first of the next Spring, to pass over Euphrates against the Persian. After long suit, and much expectation, Solyman answered Barbarussa by Ajax and Cassimes two of the great Bassas, 
Barbarussa rejected to Abraham the great Bassa.  That all the matter concerning him should be referred to the discretion of Abraham the chief Bassa, for that he was by his Counsel especially sent for into afric; wherefore if he did expect any thing, he should repair unto him in Syria, that according to his grave judgement all things might be ordered. Barbarussa thus rejected into Syria, although he well perceived that it tended to his no small disgrace; yet in hope by sufferance to obtain another Kingdom, seemed contented with the answer, and resolved forthwith to take upon him that long and painful journey; 
He traveleth into Syria to the Bassa, and is by him commended to Solyman.  which the old King lustily performed, and so posting by Land through Asia the less, and travelling over the Mountain Amanus, then covered with deep Snow came in dead time of Winter to Aleppo in Syria, where he was honourably received by the great Bassa, and heard at large, to his so good contentation and liking, that he deemed him of all others the fittest to command the Turks Power at Sea; and to that purpose writ commendatory Letters in his behalf to Solyman; wishing him for his sufficiency to place him as the fourth with the other three Bassas of his Counsel. After Barbarussa was again arrived at Constantinople with these Letters, 
His return to Constantinople.  and that it was once known how effectually the chief Bassa had commended him to Solyman, it was a wonder to see how on a sudden the face of the Court was changed upon him, every man either for Friendship or Flattery began now to speak of his praises, and to extol his worthiness; who was now in all men's mouths but Barbarussa? so great was the Power and Authority of the chief Bassa, that being absent, yet was his approbation of all men accounted, sufficient to prefer whom he pleased; and his Letters Laws to the rest of the Court. Barbarussa had brought with him from Algiers, one Roscetes the Elder Brother of Muleasses King of Tons, 
Roscete●.  who wrongfully driven into exile by his younger Brother, had lived certain years at Algiers, but now by the persuasion of Barbarussa was come with him to Constantinople, to crave aid of Solyman, against the oppression of his Brother. Him Barbarussa oftentimes showed unto the great Bassas, and in his discourses with them concerning the Conquest of afric, set him out as a most fit instrument for subduing of the Kingdom of Tunes, as a man whom the People more affected than they did Muleasses the Usurper. After long deliberation and consultation had with the Bassas concerning the invasion of afric, Barbarussa now admitted unto the presence of Solyman, in these or like words persuaded him to that War, for the entrance whereunto we have thus far digressed.  What thing the Priests with loud voice use to pray for, 
Barbarussa his speech to Solyman to persuade him to invade Tunes.  at such time as the Ottoman Emperors enter into the Temple to pray, the same thing do I also wish unto thee most mighty Solyman; which is, That thou shouldst remember thy Progenitors by justice and Religion to have got for thee this Empire, than which, more magnificent and richer the Gods have not given to any; Fortune hath never deceived them that trod that way, and thou hitherto hast so traced their steps, that thou hast easily surmounted their Fame and Glory, administering justice to thy Subjects; and inflamed with the hope of eternal praise, making continual War against the Enemies of our Religion, the true office of a zealous Prince. By this means is Belgrade taken, Rhodes won, the King of Hungary slain in Battle, Germany twice harried and burnt, so that Charles, whom the Christians would make equal to thyself in power and valour, with the great aid almost of all the Christian Nations, terrified with the noise of thy Army, shunned battle. But forasmuch as Empires, be they never so large, or Victories be they never so glorious, can either satisfy the greatness of an heroical mind, or glut the same with glory; thou hast therefore sent before thee thy victorious Ensigns against the Persians and Parthians, that those Nations who have wickedly fallen from our Rites, purified as it were by thy sacred Arms, may be again reclaimed to the ancient Rites of our Religion. But be this unto thy greatness most honourable to attempt, and glorious to perform; let it only be lawful for me now grown an old man in the midst of Arms and dangers, to declare what is expedient, and briefly to open such things as I have by long experience learned to concern the augmenting of thy Fame and Empire elsewhere. Neither would I have you to take this as presumptuously spoken of me; for Fortune hath enough, yea more than enough favoured my designs, whom from a poor cottage and bare hope, she hath promoted to glorious Victories, great Riches, yea unto the Title and Majesty of a King. But unto these things the Gods could give me nothing better, than to be called for of thee, and sent for, in Counsel to discourse of matters of greatest importance; wherefore my advice shall be unto thee faithful, and with experience confirmed; which although it be all that it seemeth old men can do, yet in my sound Body remaineth such strength, that I dare both promise and perform unto thee my good service at all assays both by Sea and Land. For unto this only course have I bend myself day and night from my youth, following the purpose and counsel of my valiant Brother Horruccius (who to extend the bounds of our Religion, persecuted the Christians both by Sea and Land) desiring nothing more, than that thy Fleet and Power might once be joined with my Forces and direction, and so under thy good hap, to be either a Commander, or else commanded; forasmuch as it grieveth me not to be commanded by my betters. Of which my desires if the Gods shall make me partaker, the Spaniards shall shortly be driven quite out of afric, thou shalt hear that the Moors are gone over into Spain, to repossess the Kingdom of Granado; that Tunes and Numidia are at thy command; and not to speak of Sardinia and Corcyca, that Sicilia is ours; which once taken, we shall starve up Italy, and on every side distress it with our Fleet being now weak and brought low by the discord of the Princes, and that part thereof both towards Sicilia and Macedonia ready to submit itself upon any condition, so it might cast off the Spanish yoke. Think not, that either that Strength or Unity is now in Italy, which was when thy great Grandfather Mahomet having taken Hydruntum brought a great fear, not upon Italy only, but upon other the Christian Nations also; for by the good success of that War, which all the Christian Princes could hardly withstand, he had undoubtedly taken the City of Rome, and so according to right and reason, again united the Empire of the East and of the West, as they were before in their ancient glory. But he suddenly left the World, rapt to Heaven, that he might leave to thee (according to the appoinment of the fatal Destinies, and revolutions of the Heavens) this work of absolute perfection. And yet my purpose is not, by putting thee in hope of so great and rare a Triumph, to interrupt or hinder thee for turning thy power into the East, against thy old and irreligious Enemies, deserving all extremities; for thy Navy shall be sufficient for me, whereof thou shalt have no need in thy Wars so far within Land; that whilst thou art conquering Asia, Africa the third part of the World may in the mean time be brought under thy subjection also. Where before all other things, Muleasses is to be driv●n out of Tunes; a man of insatiable Covetousness, unstaied Lust, horrible Cruelty, hated both of God and Man; who having by Treachery slain eighteen of his Brethren, or that which worse is, cruelly burnt out their Eyes, doth so reign alone, that he hath left him neither Kinsman nor Friend. For being as unthankful as perfidious, he hath murdered all his Father's Friends, who with great travel had preferred him to the Kingdom, so to make short payment for so great desert. With this Beast we must have to do, whom whilst no man loveth, all men wish to perish. The Numidians trouble him with daily invasions, whose injuries the infamous Coward endureth with such shame and reproach, that it should seem he had rather to suffer them than revenge them. And yet this effeminate Dastard holdeth in Chains many valiant Turks, and acknowledgeth not your Imperial Name, whereunto all men on every side sue for grace; and which is not to be suffered, exceedingly favoureth the Spaniards of Tripoli, to the intent that Agis and Moses, two valiant Turkish Captains; may be driven out of the City▪ This wild Beast disarmed of his Claws and Teeth▪ we shall easily destroy; if it be but for that we have with us Roscetes his Brother; whom the Numidians wish and long for; him must we use, if it be but for a show, so shall the thing we desire, be without Blood effected, as soon as we shall but present ourselves before the Gates of Tunes. Then shall it be at your pleasure, to appoint whom you will have to govern the Numidian Kingdom; it shall be unto me glory enough, when the greatest part of afric conquered, shall be peaceably delivered into your hands at your return with the Triumphs of Persia. But by the way as I return, I assure you upon mine own repute, so to use the matter, that the Christians shall also have good cause to bewail their calamities; and if I hap to meet with Auria, he shall have small cause to rejoice of the mischief he hath done; for him alone I challenge to persecute, as my proper and peculiar Enemy, both for the remembrance of the harms we have received at his hands, and for the despite I have at his fame; who once taken out of the way, the Seas shall be open only to you and your Fleets. And believe me, he that shall be able to command the Seas, shall easily also subdue the Kingdoms by Land. 
But Solyman, who after the manner of wise Princes, used well to consider, and afterwards with ripe Judgement to resolve of such matters as he had with attentive ear harkened unto; commending Barbarussa for his forwardness in his service, for that time broke up the Counsel. 
Barbarussa is made Soliman's great Admiral.  Not long after, a Decree was made, according to Abraham the great Bassas advice, That Barbarussa should be joined as fourth with the other three chief Bassas of Soliman's Counsel, and be made great Admiral; so that all the Islands, Ports, and People all alongst the Sea Coast through out Soliman's Empire should be at his command, and that it should be lawful for him to take up such Mariners and Soldiers for service at Sea, as pleased him in what place soever. This being solemnly proclaimed, Solyman with his own hand delivered him a Sceptre and a Sword, willing him, by worthy deeds to perform what he had promised. After which, Ajax and Cassimes the two great Bassas, with the Captain of the Janissaries, brought him with exceeding Pomp, from the Court to the Navy; at which time was carried before him all the tokens of his new obtained honour. And towards the maintenance of that War at Sea, he had delivered unto him out of Soliman's Treasures, eight hundred thousand Ducats, and eight hundred Janissaries.  
Barbarussa sped of that he desired, stayed not long after at Constantinople, but departing out of Helespontus with eighty Galleys and certain Galliots, shaped his course towards Italy, leaving Amurathes (a Sea Captain) with twelve Galleys to transport Solyman and his Army, ready to set forward against the Persian, over that narrow Sea into Asia. Who after he had so done, overtook Barbarussa at Methone, who holding on his course to afric, and suddenly passing the Straight betwixt Italy and Sicily, brought a great fear upon both the Countries; 
He spoileth the Coast of Italy.  but passing by the Bay of Hippona alongst the Coast of the lower Calabria, he set upon the Town of Saint Lucidius called in ancient time Tempsa; which although it stood upon a Rock and was reasonably well walled; yet such was the violence of the Turks Assault, that it could not be defended but was taken, with so much more hurt to the Inhabitants, for that the Mayor of the Town, to keep the People from flying away, had locked up the Gates on the other side of the City, from the Enemy. From thence he with rich Spoil and many Prisoners went to Citarium, where he had learned of his Prisoners, a Fleet of Galleys was in building. This Town forsaken of the Inhabitants for fear, he took without resistance, ransacked it, and burned it, where he also fired seven Galleys not yet altogether finished. But after he was come with his Fleet as far as the Island Capri, within the sight of Naples, such a terror was struck into the minds of all that dwelled alongst that Coast, That it was thought, if he had landed and gone directly to Naples, the Neapolitans would for fear have abandoned the City. But holding on his course, he came to Prochita, which he took and rifled; so passing by the Port of Cajeta, (which he might easily have taken) he came to Spelunca, a Town in the hithermost part of the Kingdom of Naples. They of the Town dismayed with the sudden arrival of so great a Fleet, yielded the same without resistance. The Enemy entering the Town, took twelve hundred Prisoners. Pelegrinus a chief man amongst them of Spelunca, was fled into the Castle; him Barbarussa commanded to yield, which if he would presently do, he promised to let him go free; but if he should stand upon his defence, he threatened in short time to make him repent his foolish hardiness, with the utter destruction both of himself and the Town. The fearful Gentleman without delay came out of the Castle, and fell down at his feet; who according to his promise gave him his liberty, and with rare courtesy restored to him his Wife, his Son and Niece, whom he had taken Prisoners; who received them with many tears falling from their Eyes for joy.  
The same night also two thousand Turks came from the Fleet, through the rough and bushy Mountains, to the City Fundi, ten miles distant from Spelunca, in the uttermost Borders of the Kingdom of Naples, conducted as was thought by certain Italians of that Country; who a few years before taken at Sea, and overwearied with the heavy burden of the Turkish Slavery, had revolted to the Mahometan Religion. But such was the suddainness of their coming, and their celerity in entering the City, 
Jul●a Gonzaga a air Lady hardly distressed by B●rbarus●a.  that julia Gonzaga the Paragon of Italy, and the chief prize which they sought after, had scarce time to get to Horse half naked, and so with much difficulty to escape into the Mountains. It is reported, that Barbarussa (which thing he himself afterwards seemed not to deny) moved with the fame of her incomparable Beauty and wonderful perfection, desired exceedingly to have taken her as a Present for Solyman. The Citizens were for most part either slain or taken Prisoners by the Turks, who loaded with the Spoil of the City, returned again to the Fleet. Another part of Barbarussa's Fleet came to Tarracina, which the Turks took forsaken of the Inhabitants, who for fear were all fled into the Mountains, except some which for age or sickness could not shift for themselves, whom the Turks slew, and spoiled the Churches. Barbarussa thus scouring along the Coast of Italy, and news thereof daily brought to the City of Rome, 
The Romans afraid of Barbarussa.  struck such an exceeding terror into the minds of the Citizens, that it was verily thought if he had come a little further to Ostia, they would generally have forsaken the City. But he having well performed his promise made to Solyman for vexing the Christians, and before resolved of a greater matter he had to do; when he had watered at Pontia, passed over into afric with such celerity, that he was arrived there before it was thought that he was departed from the Coast of Italy. For Barbarussa to deceive Muleasses King of Tunes, and to take him unprovided, had given it out, that he would burn and spoil the Coasts of the Christian Countries, especially of Italy, Liguria, and Spain, in revenge of the harm done by Auria at Corone and Patra●. Which thing Muleasses the rather believed understanding his proceedings upon the Coast of Italy. The Venetians having also at the same time at great charges prepared a great Fleet, did in some part lessen Muleasses fear, That Barbarussa would employ his Forces for afric; for then what should the Venetians have needed to have made so great and chargeable a preparation? But that which above all other things brought him into security, was for that he had by secret Spials certainly learned, that his Brother Roscetes was kept at Constantinople, as a Prisoner at large, under safe keeping; which made him to think, that Barbarussa's Forces were not prepared against him; for he knew that he could not be impugned, or his State more endangered by any other means, than by producing the competitor of his Kingdom, to whom his guilty Conscience doubted, that both the Citizens of Tunes and the Numidians were for most part well affected.  
This Muleasses of whom we now speak, and whom hereafter we shall by occasion often remember, 
Muleasses King of Tunes.  was lineally descended of the ancient King of Tunes; who without interruption of descent, or mixture of foreign Blood, had by the space of nine hundred fifty four years mightily ruled the great Kingdom of Tunes, from Tripoli to Bugia, almost eight hundred miles alongst the Mediterranean, and into the Main as far as the Mount Atlas; and for the long continuance of their State, and largeness of their Kingdom, were worthily accounted the most reverend and mighty amongst the Mahometan Kings of afric. His Father Mahomates, when he had with much glory, and more pleasure, reigned two and thirty years, perceiving the end of his life to approach, had purposed to have appointed Maimo his eldest Son (whom for his hasty aspiring he then held endurance) to succeed him in his Kingdom; but overcome with the importunity of Lentigesia his Wife, a Woman of a haughty spirit, who had by reward made a strong faction in the Court for her Son Muleasses, he altered his former purpose, and appointed him his Successor; by whom (as it was thought) the small remainder of his own old years was shortened; Maimo the right Heir of the Kingdom in Prison, presently murdered; seventeen of his other Brethren unmercifully executed: and three other, Barcha, Beleth, and Saeth, with more than barbarous cruelty with a hot Iron of their sight deprived; only Roscetes the second Brother, and Abdemelech, escaping the hands of their unatural Brother, fled to Morhabitus a great Prince amongst the Numidians; whither also their Brother's malice persecuted them, seeking by many practices to have taken them away, and at last for a great sum of Money to have had them delivered into his hands. Which Money the Numidian received, but suffered the distressed Princes, as if they had escaped against his Will, to fly further to another Numidian Prince a Friend of his, called Benticses; where Muleasses by like practices as before, sought to have destroyed them, or to have got them into his own power. Thus chased by their Brother's endless malice, from Prince to Prince, and place to place, they for their more safety fled at last to the City of Biscaris, far into the main Land; where Abdemelech as one weary of the World gave over all, and betook himself to a solitary life, and became a melancholy Mahometan Monk. But Roscetes courteously entertained by Abdoll● Prince of that City, found such favour in his sight, that he gave him his Daughter in marriage, and long time honourably maintained him as his Son in Law, with such carefulness, that for fear of Muleasses practices, he was seldom permitted to eat any other Meat but such as the Prince or his Wife had before tasted of. Muleasses thus reigning and raging, and yet not contented with the death of so many of his Brethren, proceeded further, and murdered divers of their Children also. He caused also the Manifet and Mesuar, 
The ingratitude of Muleasses.  men of greatest Authority in all the Kingdom, his Father's grave Counsellors, and his chief Friends, by whose means especially he had aspired unto the Kingdom, to be cruelly tortured to death, fearing their Greatness; or rather as some thought, grieving to see them live, to whom he was so much beholden, and therefore rewarded them with such sharp payment. And by the instigation of Lentesia his Mother, caused divers of his Fathers other Wives and Concubines to be shamefully murdered, enveighing oftentimes against his Father, that as an effeminate Prince, had for his pleasure maintained two hundred Wives and Concubines in his Houses of delight, by whom he had begot so many Sons Competitors of the Kingdom, that he had left him (as he said) a laborious and endless piece of work, to destroy so great a brood. Roscetes aided by his Father in Law and the other Numidian Princes, 
Roscetes riseth against his brother Muleasses.  to whom the name of Muleasses, both for his cruelty against his own Blood, and injurious dealing against his Neighbours, was become odious; passing over the River Bragada with a great Army, near unto Tunes met with Muleasses his Army, conducted by Dorax a valiant Captain, Brother to Lentigesia, where in a sharp conflict he overthrew his Brother's Army, and enforced Dorax with them that were escaped out of the Battle, for safeguard of their lives to fly into Tunes. Roscetes pursuing the Victory, came and presented his Army before the Gates of the City, in hope that the Citizens (whom he knew for the most part to hate the usurping Tyrant) would upon the sight of him, in right their King, with so great an Army, raise some tumult in the City, and let him in. There he lay by the space of twenty days, still expecting some innovation; in which time the more to alienate the minds of the People from Muleasses, and to show how unable he was to protect them, he burned and destroyed all the Olive and Fruit Trees, which grew most plentifully and pleasantly all alongst the Country, from the ruins of old Carthage, to the Walls of Tunes; which was unto the Citizens, whose greatest Possessions lay there, a most heavy and lamentable spectacle. But Muleasses had so attempered their minds with fair speeches and large promises of recompensing every man to the full, for all such harm as they should sustain for his Brother's fury in the Country; and beside that, had the City in such strong possession by reason of his Soldiers, that the Citizens either would not or could not revolt to Roscetes. The Numidian Princes weary of that long and vain expectation, 
Forsaken of the Numidian Princes, he flieth to Barbarussa.  according to the levity of that Nation, accounting it no shame after Victory once gotten to depart, began one after another to shrink away to their own dwellings, persuading Roscetes also to provide for himself whilst he had time, and to attend his better fortune. Wherefore he fearing to be betrayed by the Numidians, or circumvented by his cruel Brother, fled to Barbarussa, then reigning at Algiers in great glory, where he was honourably entertained; and there remained until s●ch time as by his persuasion he went with him as is aforesaid to Constantinople, to crave help of Solyman, by whom ●e was derained in safe custody; although it was in policy given out by Barbarussa, that he was in the Fleet, and that he should by Soliman's power be restored to his Father's Kingdom at 〈◊〉.  
This was the state of the Kingdom of Tunes, at such time as Barbarussa with Soliman's great Fleet, contrary to all men's expectation, 
Barbarussa la●deth at Biserta.  suddenly departing from the Coast of Italy, landed in afric at Biserta, a famous Port of the Kingdom of Tunes. 
Biserta yielded;  They of Biserta weary of the government of Muleasses, and of themselves desirous of change, as soon as they heard the name of Roscetes, forthwith drove out their Governor, and received the Turks into the Town. For Barbarussa had before sent certain of Roscetes his familiar Friends ashore, which bore the People in hand, that he was in the Fleet, but not able to come yet on shore, for that he was (as they said) Sea-sick, and troubled with an Ague. Biserta thus possessed by Barbarussa, he presently departed thence, and sailing by Utica, thirty miles distant from Biserta, and so keeping alongst the Coast, and passing the Promontory of Carthage, came before Guletta, a strong Castle within the Bay of Tunes, so placed upon a Straight, 
Barbarussa cometh to Guletta.  that it commandeth all the passage by Sea unto the City of Tunes. Before this Castle, Barbarussa in token of Friendship, discharged all his great Ordnance, which they of the Castle answered with like; but being required to deliver it up to Roscetes, they said it should be always at his command that ruled in the City of Tunes. The News of Roscetes his supposed coming, flying swiftly by land from Biserta to Tunes, and the great Fleet once discovered, set all the City on an uproar; for the Citizens were in great expectation of their new King, both for the love of Roscetes, who had always showed himself to be of a mild and bountiful nature; and also for the hatred of Muleasses, whose tyrannous and covetous Government they thought they had too long endured. Neither was he ignorant what report ran of himself, and how he had lost the hearts of his Subjects; which was evidently to be seen in the eyes and countenances of the chief men of the City. And that which more increased their hatred, was for that he had not according to his promise to them in time of distress, made them any recompense for their goodly Houses and Olive Gardens, destroyed in the Country by Roscetes in the former Wars; wherefore at such time as he came now out of the Castle, and in the greatest Assembly of his People, began to persuade them to play the Men, and to continue constant in their obedience, promising unto them such reward as they knew he was never able to perform, they all departed, and left him alone; yea some of them under the colour of Friendship, and amongst them Abdabar, than Mesuar (which was chief Officer next unto the King) persuaded him to give place to his hard fortune, and forthwith to fly, 
Muleasses flieth out of Tunes.  for by chance at the same instant it was in every man's mouth, that the Turks were even at hand; which thing caused Muleasses, forsaken of his Subjects, of himself fearful, and worthily doubting to be betrayed, to fly in such haste out of the City, that he left behind him both his Treasure and Jewels, which afterwards came into the hands of his Enemies. The first that revolted was Abezes', a man of great Authority; and Fetuches, Captain of the Castle; both renegade Spaniards. Fetuches presently after the flight of Muleasses, brought out Roscetes Wife and Children, whom Muleasses had long time kept in prison, and to welcome their Father, placed them in the King's Royal Seat. Abezes also forthwith advertised Barbarussa of Muleasses departure, and with what longing the People expected their desired King; wishing him without delay to repair unto the City; and for a Present sent him a goodly Barbarian Horse, richly furnished, and divers others for his other chief Captains. Hereupon Barbarussa without longer stay set forward with five thousand Turks, 
Barbarussa enters into Tunes.  which he had already landed, and coming to the City, was of the Citizens joyfully received. But after long looking, when they could no where descry Roscetes their supposed King, and heard nothing but the name of Solyman and Barbarussa, doubled and redoubled by the Turks in their Military acclamations, as they marched through the City towards the Castle; they began to distrust, as the truth was, that in stead of their new King whom they so much desired, they had received the Turkish Government, which they utterly detested. Which suspicion once confirmed by certain of Roscetes his Friends (whom Barbarussa had brought with him of purpose to delude the People) who grieved to see the ruin of their native Country, spared not for fear of the present danger to tell their Friends and Acquaintance as they went, 
The Citizens deceived of their expectation, rise against the Turks.  That they did in vain look for Roscetes, whom they had left in bonds at Constantinople; it was a wonder to see, how suddenly the minds of the People were changed, how speedily they ran to their Weapons, and how furiously they assailed the Turks, now fearing no such matter, and were not as yet all got into the Castle. The chief Leader of the Citizens in this tumult, was Abdahar the Mesuar; who but a little before upon the coming of the Turks, by augmenting the danger, and the unfaithfulness of his Subjects, had persuaded Muleasses to fly; but now perceiving himself deceived of his expectation for the coming of Roscets, and repenting of that he had one, sought by all means to drive out the Turks, and to recall Muleasses. And the more to animate the People, as he stood on high, from whence he might best be heard, he cried unto them with a loud voice: We are most villainously betrayed (worthy Citizens) for Roscetes, whom we expected for our lawful King, lamenteth his misery in Chains, in Prison at Constantinople; and we, except we presently play the men, and valiantly fight for our Liberty, shall for ever serve as Slaves to these foreign and merciless Pirates. The present danger of our Estate telleth us, that we must presently and without delay take the occasion offered. Wherefore let all men that mean not to serve as Slaves, and to be bought and sold as Beasts, take up Arms against the faithless Turks. I myself will be your Leader; let us therefore all with one consent, with heart and hand revenge this shameful Treachery, defend our Country and Liberty with the ancient honour and liberty of the Numidians.  
There was now no time to stay, every man had betaken himself to his Weapons; Muleasses was again sent for, who yet stayed in the Suburbs, expecting what should happen; many of the Turks were slain before they were aware, or feared any thing; all the City was filled with outcries and clattering of Weapons; the number of the Citizens was such, as might easily have expulsed the Turks, had they been but reasonably armed, or well conducted, which in a matter so sudden, and with men altogether ignorant of service, was not possible. Yet they, armed with fury, and encouraged with the multitude of themselves, swarmed up as thick as was possible one of the Bulwarks of the Castle, which they knew was easiest to be gained, where the Turks had set up one of their Ensigns; and with the multitude of their Darts and Arrows so overwhelmed the Turks, that they were glad to forsake the place, and to retire farther into the Castle to a place of more strength; from whence and all alongst the curtain of the Wall, they without intermission discharged their great Artillery and small Shot amongst the thickest of the naked Moors, making of them a wonderful Slaughter. Barbarussa although he was a man of an invincible courage and great experience, all his life time well acquainted with desperate dangers (the dreadful steps of aspiring minds) yet surprised with the suddainness of the Assault, shut up in a place whereof he yet knew not the strength, and not provided of Victual for three days, was with the due consideration of these difficulties, not a little troubled; which his care was by the disordered fury of his Enemies, and known valour of his own Soldiers greatly diminished; especially when he saw his own men still fight, as men full of hope and courage, and the Moors as men half dismayed with the wounds and slaughter of their Friends, ready to retire. Howbeit, by the coming in of Muleasses and Dorax, 
Muleasses returned into the City.  the Assault twice before given over, was again at both times renewed, with no less desperate Fury than at the first, and the Turks hardly charged. In this dangerous Assault Halis of Maliga, a Renegade Spaniard, but a most expert Soldier, turning himself to Barbarussa, said, If thou wilt save thine honour, and hold this Fort, we must sally out upon this Enemy, which having never seen a set battle, but only acquainted with light skirmishes, will not be able to endure our charge at hand, but shall in a moment know the price of their foolish hardiness; who as Brainsick men could neither endure the government of their cruel King, ne yet thankfully receive the authors of their deliverance and liberty.  
This motion of the Spaniard, confirmed by the general approbation of the chiefest Captains, Barbarussa commanded Halis the Author of that Counsel▪ with certain other Captains and their Companions, at one instant to sally out at two Ports of the Castle; which they so resolutely performed, that in short time a wonderful number of the naked Moors lay dead upon the ground.  
Abdahar the Mesuar himself, was there shot through with a Bullet and slain; whereupon the Assault was quite given over, the Moors retiring by Companies back into the City, and the Turks still pursuing them; where in the Streets for certain hours, was fought a most cruel and bloody Battle. At last the Citizens overcome, 
The Citizens of Tunes discomfited by the Turks.  forsook the open Streets, and betook them to the refuge of their Houses; not so careful of their King, as of themselves, their Wives and Children. And Halis with the rest, wearied with the slaughter of his Enemies, and overcome with labour, heat, and thirst, returned with Victory unto the Castle. It is reported that there was above 3000 of the Citizens slain that day, and thrice as many hurt. Muleasses thus discouraged, 
Muleasses flieth.  and utterly despairing to recover the City, hardly escaped his Enemy's hands, by the good help of his Uncle Dorax, with whom he fled over the River Bagrada, and came in safety to Constantina (called of old time Cyrtha) the ancient Seat of the Numidian Kings, but then a part of Dorax his Dominion; where he was honourably maintained and protected until the coming of Charles the Emperor into afric. The night ensuing this Battle, and the flight of the King, was restless both to the Citizens and the Turks, each of them for fear of other standing upon their strongest Guard.  
The next day, 
The Citizens of Tunes yield themselves to Barbarussa.  the Citizens discouraged with the loss of so many of their Kinsmen and Friends, and having no King now for whom they should fight, craved pardon of Barbarussa for their rash attempt, excusing it by the name of Loyalty to their ancient Kings; offering to submit themselves unto him with all faithfulness. Which their offer he willingly accepted, knowing that he was not able to keep that place with his Soldiers three days, for lack of Victual; so that all his hope and Victory gotten, might easily be overthrown and brought to nought, if the Citizens moved either with desperation or desire of Revenge, should join with the other Numidian Princes, and besiege him in the Castle. Whereupon a general Peace was granted, and by solemn Oath on both sides confirmed, whereby the Citizens expressly bound themselves to the Obedience of Solyman, and to Barbarussa as his Lieutenant. All things thus set in order in the City of Tunes, and new Magistrates and Officers by him made, he laboured by all means to win unto him the Numidian Princes; which when he had easily brought to pass by Gifts and Rewards with those needy Princes, of themselves prone enough upon light occasions to make or break the Bonds of Friendship, he sent Asan-aga an Eunuch, and Halis the Spaniard, with the Janissaries, and certain pieces of great Ordnance; to take in the other Cities of the Kingdom of Tunes; which they in short time performed, being in all places peaceably received, only the City of Carvenna held out a while, yet afterwards for fear of further harm received the Turks Garrison. But to leave Barbarussa King of Algiers and Soliman's great Admiral, thus possessed of the Kingdom of Tunes; and Muleasses in exile at Constantina, until he be again restored unto his Kingdom by Charles the Emperor, as shall be hereafter declared; let us again return to the Wars at the self same time undertaken by Solyman in Person himself in Persia, persuaded thereunto (as we have before said) by Abraham the great Bassa. Of whom a few words, that they which shall hereafter live, may in him as in others, see in what slippery place they stand, and what small assurance they have, which forsaking God, run headlong after these worldly vanities, and swelling with the Favours of great Princes, are in a moment when they least fear any such fall, suddenly overthrown, and become the miserable Spectacles of man's fragility in the height of their supposed bliss.  

The description of Abraham the Bassa.  This great Bassa called of the Turks Ibrahim, of us Abraham, was born in a poor Country Village near unto Perga, a Town in that part of Epirus which was called Buthrotia; who in his Childhood was taken from his Christian Parents, by such as by Authority did take up the Tribute-childrens of the Christians for the Turkish Emperor. A Tribute of all Tributes most grievous. He was of Countenance amiable, of Feature comely, active of Body, well spoken, pleasantly conceited, and sharp of Wit; so that he in shorter time than was thought possible, to the admiration of many, learned both to speak and write the Arabian-Tongue, and other Languages used in the Turks Court, and could skilfully play upon sundry kinds of Instruments. And being yet a Boy, served Scanderbassa, a man of great Authority and Power, in the time of Selimus the Emperor, in whose Service he was instructed in the Mahometan Religion; but giving himself to all manner of curiosity and neatness, he was wonderfully favoured by the great Lady his Mistress, and by her commended to her Husband Scanderbassa, as a fit Page to temper his melancholy and wayward disposition, with his pleasant conceits and devices; wherein the Tetrical Bassa finding him to excel, gave him as a rare Gift to Solyman the Son of Selimus, his Grandfather Bazajet yet living; who took in him such pleasure, 
His bringing up in the Court.  that the old Emperor caused him to be brought up in the Court, in all Princely Qualities with Solyman (who was of like years unto him) as his Companion and Playfellow. Where he so framed himself unto the young Prince's disposition in all points, that he was of him always exceedingly beloved, and afterwards promoted to all the Honours of the Court, and made one of the Bassas; 
His great credit with Solyman.  giving unto him in Marriage the only Daughter and Heir of Scanderbassa his Master, then dead, with an exceeding great Dowry. And after that made him Governor of Cairo; where he had not long remained, but he was again sent for to the Court, as the man which gave thereunto life, without whose Company Solyman was as one half dead. At length he made him Visier, which is the chief of all the Bassas, and Precedent of his Council, the greatest Honour in the Turkish Empire next unto the Emperor himself. And to honour him yet more, he delivered him his private Signet, wherewith the Turkish Emperors never used to trust any but themselves; he might at his pleasure grace and disgrace whom he would, in Court or elsewhere. What he commanded was done, and whatsoever he did was taken for well done. He might without the Emperor's knowledge give any Office, yea the Government of whole Countries and Provinces unto his Favourites; his credit with the Emperor was so great, that he did what he list, and no man durst presume to ask any reason why. And to say all at once, he wanted nothing of the Majesty of an Emperor, but the name only; in stead whereof, he was commonly called the great Commander of all the Emperor's Forces. His house in Constantinople was of all other most stately, wherein was daily to be seen such a multitude of his gallant Followers, and such a world of Wealth and Royal Furniture, as that it might be worthily compared with the Palace of a great Prince. Neither was he partaker of Soliman's Counsels in his weighty matters of State only, but of his secret Delights and pleasures also; if he were present, all was well; if he were away, nothing pleased; to be short, he so possessed this great Emperor, that men commonly said, The Soul of Solyman lived in Abraham. Whereat many of the great Men of the Court secretly repined; but especially Soliman's Mother, and Roxolana his fair Concubine, whom of all Women he held dearest.  
This great Commander, 
Abraham Bassa persuadeth Solyman to make War upon the Persians.  which might at all times be bold to speak what he thought unto Solyman, sought many times in his private Discourses betwixt them two, to persuade him to forbear to use his Forces any farther against the Christians, over whom he had sufficiently already triumphed, and to turn them upon the Persians, by whom he was daily injured. Alleging to him, that the Germans were a strong and Warlike people; who as they both in Language and Manners differed from the Hungarians, so were they always at variance with them, and therefore much cared not though they were by him subdued; but if he should begin to invade any part of their Country, he should then soon see that invincible Nation with their United Forces up in Arms, ready to make strong Resistance. And to provoke Charles the Emperor (of all the Christian Princes the mightiest) were not good, who of himself was able to bring into the field most puissant Armies of valiant Soldiers out of his own Dominions; besides the wonderful Concourse of most resolute Men out of all parts of Christendom, which would not spare to lay down their lives at his Feet in that War; which was of them accounted most Religious. Yea what strength both of Horse and Foot might be raised and brought to the battle by the two Brethren Charles and Ferdinand, only might (as he said) even than he plainly perceived, when as they valiantly defended Vienna, besieged by us with great Power. Neither did Charleses afterward, as it seemed, and as the Christians commonly vaunt, fear to have adventured the fortune of a main battle with you; who although I doubt not but he should have been overcome by you so great a Monarch with so puissant an Army, a thing peculiar to your own good Fortune; yet I cannot deny, but that the Victory against such expert and resolute Soldiers, so strongly armed as their manner is, must have been bought with a great deal of our blood. These things in my opinion may reasonably persuade you to let the Christians alone, by Civil Wars to weaken one another, that so afterwards they may become a prey unto us without any danger of ours. So that in my judgement the Persian War is to be taken in hand, rather than the Wars in Germany, and especially for that you have sufficiently enlarged the bounds of your Empire Westward, which you have extended even unto Nations very far distant. So that it is now a great matter to defend so much as you have already gotten; and therefore partly for the difficulty for the defending thereof, and partly upon an honourable contempt, according to the infinite bounty of your heroical Inclination, have thought good to bestow whole Kingdoms upon strangers, yea half your Enemies. Wherefore how much more glorious shall it be now upon just occasion to seek for that which joineth unto your own Confines; and may therefore easily be united unto your own Empire: if you according to the example of your Grandfather and Father shall force yourself to drive that accursed and abominable Race of Ishmael out of Asia. For it shall be a great glory unto the name of the Ottoman Kings for ever, if you shall after your wont manner zealously respect the cause of Religion; a Work of incomparable Fame, if the Authors of a most detestable Superstition shall by you be chased quite out of Asia. For what more just or honourable cause can there be to make War, than to profess yourself the Defender of the Divine Precepts of our great Prophet Mahomet, against the wicked and irreligious Impugners thereof? And by the way to revenge and utterly to destroy the Capital Enemies of your Ancestors; which was the last prayer of your Father Selimus. Can you endure them which Rule so insolently, that they account every one that is near them their Enemies and Prey, and dare also with their pilfering Invasions provoke yourself, living contented within the bounds of your own Empire, in peace both in Europe and Asia? and they (forsooth) such as have by most horrible wrong crept into the Royal-Seat of the most lawful and noble Kings descended of the blood of Usun-Cassanes? who after their wont manner still live by Rapine and Robbery? Believe me, Noble Emperor, if you shall upon a zeal to your Religion with your Victorious hand take away this stain and plague of Asia, there shall undoubtedly be erected unto you so glorious and magnificent a Trophy in the midst of Persia, as may be compared, yea preferred before the Triumphs of your Victorious Father Selimus. For it is not so much to have destroyed the Mamalukes (by condition Slaves) and the proud Sultan's of Egypt and Syria, as to have subdued the Persians, famous in ancient time for their Martial Prowess, who so oftentimes vanquished by Alexander of Macedon, gave unto him the name of Great. Solyman, pricked forward with many such Discourses, daily sounded in his ears by the Bassa, began to yield to his persuasion. Whereof Abraham himself greatly rejoiced; for it was thought of many, that he did never in heart renounce the Christian Religion, but was only in outward show a Turk, and in heart a Christian. Which was the rather conjectured, for that he marvellously favoured and protected the Christian Merchants, furthered by all means the Leagues of the Christian Princes with Solyman, and laboured always to turn his Forces from them upon the Persians. And the more to whet him forward, the Bassa had cunningly insinuated into his acquaintance one Mulearbe of Damascus, a man in that time famous in Constantinople, for the opinion the people had generally conceived of his Holiness and Profound Knowledge in the secret causes of things, and the Art of Magic; using him as a Prophet to fill the ambitious mind of Solyman, with assured hope of prosperous Success, which thing the hypocrital Wizard, after the manner of such Deceivers, slily performed, prophesying unto him all happiness in so Religious a War, and so much (as he said) pleasing God. This the Bassa's purpose was much furthered also by Ulemus a noble and valiant Persian, who having married the great Persian King Tamas his Sister, was revolted from him to Solyman, fearing to be called to account for the Extortion wherewith he had grievously oppressed the Countries whereof he had the Government; and being wonderfully countenanced in Soliman's Court by the great Bassa, did after the manner of disloyal Fugitives persuade Solyman by all means he could to take that War in hand, discovering unto him the Power, State, and Strength of the Persian Kingdom (which he could well do) and plotting unto him the easiest way for the conquering thereof, offering also unto him the uttermost of his devoir. 
Solyman resolveth to go against the Persians.  So Solyman filled with the vain hope of the Conquest of Persia, yielded fully unto the persuasions of the great Bassa, and gave out his Commissions into all parts of his Empire, for the raising of a mighty Army for the performance of so great an Enterprise; commanding all his Captains and Men of War to be ready at the City of Nice in Bythinia at a certain day appointed. Which his purpose, 
Abraham's credit maligned by Soliman's mother and Roxolana.  although it was mightily impugned by his Mother, and fair Roxolana his best beloved, as that which altogether proceeded from the Bassa; the one alleging, with what evil success his Grandfather and Father had before him attempted that same War; the other assailing him with her passionate affections; but both of them indeed repining at the credit of the Bassa, and in their hearts disdaining, that so great a Monarch should at the pleasure of his Servant be led up and down the World so far from their Company; for which cause they did what in them lay to have overthrown the purpose of Abraham, and to have altered Soliman's former determination. But so strong was the Bassa's credit with his great Lord and Master, that all these great Ladies Devices and Prayers were as women's affectionate passions rejected, and the Bassa's counsel (to their no small grief) in all things regarded.  
The time appointed being come, 
Abraham Bassa sent before with an Army into Syria.  and all things in readiness, Solyman sent Abraham the Bassa, and Ulemas the Persian, before him into Syria with a strong Army, to be ready with the first of the Spring to invade the Persian King. Which thing the Bassa gladly took upon him, and coming into Syria, wintered with his Army at Aleppo; whither Barbarussa came unto him for his Letters of Credence to Solyman, as is before declared. The Spring now approaching, Abraham sent Ulemas the Fugitive Persian Prince before him with the light Horsemen, the forerunners of his Army, into Mesopotamia as his Guide, because the Country was unto him best known; following not far after himself with all his Army. And marching still forward in that manner, came at length without resistance unto the famous City of Tauris in Armenia the greater, called in ancient time Echathana, as is probably by some conjectured; a great and rich City, but unwalled and of no strength; where the Persian Kings, for the pleasantness of the place, and freshness of the Air, used commonly to be resiant in the heat of the year. From whence Tamas the Persian King was as then absent, busied in Wars with Kezien-bassa, a Prince of the Corasine Hyrcanians; 
The City of Tauris yielded unto the Bassa  so that the Citizens of Tauris destitute of all help, yielded themselves and the City unto the Bassa at his first coming. Tamas the Persian King understanding what had happened at Tauris, drew near with his Power, warily expecting to have taken the Turks at some advantage, and so by policy to have defeated his Enemies, whom he was too weak to meet with in plain battle. Which thing the wary Bassa well perceiving, for more assurance by speedy Courriers advertised Solyman of the taking of Tauris, and of the Enemy's purpose, requesting him with all speed to repair with his Army to Tauris. Solyman was then come far on his way with a great Army, not by the way of Ancyra, Sebastia, Amasia, the borders of Trapezond, and so over Euphrates at Arsenga, into Armenia, as his Father Selimus had done before him, because that way was thought longer and more troublesome; but quite another way, on the right hand from Nice in Bythinia, to Iconium, and by Caesaria to Malathia, where is the notable passage over the River Euphrates, bursting out by the Valleys of the Mountain Antitaurus, from whence the Plains of Mesopotamia (than part of the Persian Kingdom) begin to open themselves; through which Country Solyman marched peaceably with his Army, paying the poor Country people for whatsoever he took; and so in four and fifty days march, came from Nice in Bythinia, to the City of Coim in Armenia the greater, which is supposed to be built in the ruins of the famous and ancient City of Artaxata. But hearing such News as is aforesaid from the Bassa, he doubled his march, and so in short time after came and joined his Forces with the Bassa at Tauris. 
Solyman cometh to Tauris.  Tamas (who yet daily expected the coming of the Georgian light Horsemen) understanding that Solyman was coming against him with a World of men, thought it not good to abide the coming of so puissant an Enemy, but with delay to weary him out, that drew such a multitude of people after him; and by taking of him at all advantages, to cut off his people, spent with long travel, wanting Victual, and falling into divers Diseases; as it commonly chanceth to populous Armies in strange Countries, where the change of the Air, with the inevitable necessity always attending upon a great Army, most times causeth grievous and contagious Diseases. Wherefore Tamas to shun the coming of Solyman, retired further off into Sultania, 
Solyman followeth Tamas the Persian King into Sultania.  about six days journey from Tauris. Whereof Solyman having knowledge, departed from that rich City without doing any harm therein; following after Tamas into Sultania, to join battle with him if he could possible; leaving behind him for haste, a great part of his Carriages and Baggage, with five hundred Janissaries, and three of his Sanzacks with their Companies. The City of Sultania was in ancient time one of the Royal Seats of the Persian Kings, but ruinated by the Scythian Tamerlane, retained no show of the ancient Majesty, but only in the Churches by him spared. Near unto this City Solyman lay encamped many days, expecting that the Persian King (in revenge of the injuries to him done, and for the safeguard of his Honour) should at length come out of the Mountains, and show himself in plain Field, and give him battle. Which was a thing so far from Tamas his resolution, upon the due comparing of his own strength with his Enemies, that he retired in such sort, that Solyman could by no means learn what was become of him, or which way to follow him.  
The Country near unto the City of Sultania, 
Soliman's Army distressed with tempest.  wherein Solyman lay encamped at large, is on every side environed with huge Mountains, whose tops are to be seen afar off, always covered with deep Snow; these Mountains were in ancient time called Nyphates, Caspius, Coathras, and Zagrus, taking their beginning no doubt from Caucasus the Father of Mountains; and joining one to another, some one way, some another, do divide most large and wide Countries. Whilst Solyman in those vast and plain Fields most fit to fight a battle in, expected the coming of Tamas, such a horrible and cruel Tempest (as the like whereof the Persians had never before seen at that time of the year) fell down from those Mountains (which was so much the more strange, for that it fell in the beginning of September) with such abundance of rain, which froze so eagerly as it fell, that it seemed the depth of Winter had even then of a sudden been come in; for such was the rage of the blustering Winds, striving with themselves as if it had been for Victory, that they swept the Snow from off the tops of those high Mountains, and cast it into the Plains in such abundance▪ that the Turks lay as men buried alive in the deep Snow, most part of their Tents being overthrown and beaten down to the ground with the violence of the Tempest, and weight of the Snow; wherein a wonderful number of sick Soldiers and others of the base sort which followed the Camp, perished; and many others were so benumbed, some their Hands, some their Feet, that they lost the use of them for ever; most part of their Beasts which they used for carriage, but especially their Camels, were frozen to death. Yea Solyman himself was in great danger to have been overwhelmed in his Tent, all the Tents round about him being overthrown with the violence of the Tempest. Neither was there any remedy to be found for so great mischiefs, by reason of the hellish darkness of that tempestuous night, most of their fires being put out by the extremity of the Storm; which did not a little terrify the superstitious Turks, as a thing accounted of them ominous. And that which troubled them no less than the miseries of the Tempest, was the fear of the Enemy, whose sudden coming they deadly feared; until that after so tedious a night, the Sun breaking out the next morning, with his cheerful beams revived many, before ready to give up the ghost for cold, and gave comfort unto them all in general, by discovering the open Fields clear of their feared Enemies. It was a dreadful thing to have seen what misery that one night had brought into the Turks Camp; the ground lay almost covered with Bodies of the dead, and many lived but so, as that they accounted the dead more happy than themselves. Many of the Turks vainly thought, that horrible Tempest was brought upon them by the Charms and Enchantments of the Persian Magicians; whereas it was undoubtedly by the Hand of him who bringeth the proud devices of Princes to naught.  
Solyman troubled as well with the strangeness of the accident, as the loss he had received, after he had a little refreshed his discouraged Soldiers, rose with his Army, and took his way on the left hand into Assyria; Ulemas the Persian persuading him thereunto for many causes, but especially by putting him in hope of the taking of Babylon; for that Mahomates, a Friend of his, was Governor thereof. But he when the matter came to proof, was not to be won either by Promise or Reward, to betray the City. Wherefore Solyman resolved to take it by force; neither did his Fortune fail him therein; for as soon as Mahomates understood that Ulemas was at hand with the Forerunners of the Turks Army, and that Solyman with all his Power was coming after, (who as he thought would never have come so far;) he not provided to withstand so mighty an Enemy, and not beloved of the Citizens, fled out of the City. Solyman coming, 
Babylon yielded to Solyman.  in short time after was of the Babylonians received without resistance. The City of Babylon, commonly called Bagdat, rose out of the ruins of the old City of Babylon, so much spoken of in holy Writ; from whence it is not far distant, standing upon the River Tigris, which not far beneath falleth into the River Euphrates. In this famous City is the Seat of the great Calyph, the chief Mahometan Priest, whom all the Mahometan Princes have in great Reverence, and hath an old Prerogative in the choice and confirmation of the Kings of Assyria and the Sultan's of Egypt; of which Calyph, Solyman according to the old superstitious manner, received at his hands the Ensigns and Ornaments of the Assyrian Kings, and with great bounty won the hearts of the people; and thereupon resolved to spend that Winter there, billeting his Army in divers places of that fertile Country. The other Cities of Assyria and Mesopotamia also, namely Caraemida, Meredinum, Orsa, and Asancesa, hearing that Solyman had without resistance taken Babylon, yielded themselves and received his Garrisons. Yet the fame thereof was so great, that Ambassadors came unto him as far as Ormus, (a City in the mouth of Euphrates where it falleth into the Persian Gulf, famous for the great Traffic out of India thither) suing unto him for Peace. Thus the ancient City of Babylon, 
The Countries of Assyria and Mesopotamia possessed by the Turks.  with the great Countries of Assyria and Mesopotamia, sometimes famous Kingdoms of themselves, and lately part of the Persian Kingdom, fell into the hands of the Turks, and became Provinces of the Turkish Empire, in the year, 1534. Where Solyman after he had spent that Winter in great Joy and Triumph, according to the manner of the Turkish Government, placed a great Commander, which they by a proud Name call the Beglerbeg, (which is as much as to say, the Lord of Lords) and under him divers others for the Government of these Countries, by parts, which they call Sanzacks, who are ever at the Command of the Beglerbeg. Whilst he thus wintered at Babylon, he caused Ashender Zelibi (which is to say, Alexander the Noble) his great Treasurer for the Wars, to be hanged, for that he had unfaithfully dealt in his Office, and confiscated all his Goods.  

Tamas comes to Tauris.  Tamas hearing that Solyman was gone to Babylon, returned to Tauris; of whose speedy coming the Janissaries and other Captains there left by Solyman understanding, fled in haste out of the City, leaving all such things as were committed to their custody, fo● a prey unto the Persian Soldiers.  
year 1535. Soliman's Army being mightily increased by the coming into him of the great Bassa of Cairo, with the Sanzacks of Alexandria, judea; Syria, and Comagena; by the persuasion of Abraham and Ulemas, the Spring now well come on, departed from Babylon again towards Tauris, with purpose either to draw Tamas to battle, or else to his eternal infamy, before his face to sack that his regal City. But Tamas advertised of his coming, and knowing himself too weak to give him battle, forsook the City, 
Tamas hearing of the coming of Solyman to Tauris, flieth into Hyrcania,  and fled into the Mountains of Hyrcania; destroying all the Country before him as he went, and carrying away the Inhabitants, leaving nothing to relieve the Turks Soldiers, if they should pursue him. Solyman understanding that Tamas was again fled, sent Ulemas with all the choice Horsemen of his Army to overtake him if it were possible, and to fight with him. But when he had followed him two or three days Journey, and still found the Country desolate as he went, yielding neither Forage for his Horses, nor Relief for his Men, and saw no hope to overtake the King; he began as a provident General, to forecast the extremities like to befall in his return through those desolate Countries with the Enemy at his heels; and thereupon in time retired back again to Solyman, declaring unto him what had happened. Who fretting in his mind, that the Persian King was not to be drawn to battle, marched forthwith to Tauris, entering it without resistance, the Citizens submitting themselves unto him; whose lives spared, he gave that rich City for a prey to his Soldiers, who left neither House nor corner thereof unransacked, abusing the poor Citizens with all manner of Insolency; every common Soldier without controlment fitting himself with whatsoever best pleased his greedy desire or filthy lust. Tamas had in this City a most stately and Royal Palace; 
Solyman ransacks Tauris.  so had also most part of the Nobility their sumptuous and rich Houses, which by the commandment of Solyman were all razed down to the ground, and the greatest part of the best Citizens and beautiful Personages of all sorts and condition, at his departure thence carried away Captives. Solyman contenting himself to have done the Persian King this disgrace, in spoiling this his rich and Royal City, returned again towards Mesopotamia, destroying the Countries all the way as he went, killing the very Beasts and cattle, thereby the more to impoverish the Persians, wishing to leave nothing unto them but penury and misery. He was scarcely past Coim and the Calderan Fields (famous for his Father's Victory against Hismael) but that certain Troops of Persian Horsemen were in the tail of his Army, and had taken away some of his Baggage, and slain divers of the sick and straggling Soldiers, and with their often Skirmishes did not a little trouble his whole Army. Besides that, it was noised through all his Camp, That Tamas himself was coming after him with a greater Power of Horsemen, taken up in Hiberia, Albania, Parthia, Media, and Armenia, and would be at their backs before they could get out of Armenia; for which cause he appointed the two great Bassas of Cairo and Syria (for so they were called) and Ulemas the Persian, with 18000 good Soldiers to follow him in the Rearward of his Army, to receive and repress the sudden Assaults of the Persians, if need should require; and so still kept on his March, until he was come to Amida, now called Caraemida, an ancient City of Mesopotamia. In the mean time Tamas the Persian King was returned to Tauris with a mighty Army, in hope there to have suddenly surprised his Enemy, surcharged with the pleasures of so rich a City; but finding him gone, and beholding the miserable spoil and desolation he had made in the City; moved with Indignation, he resolved to pursue him whither soever he were gone, and was now on his way as far as Coim. Where understanding that Solyman was gone so far before, that he was hardly to be overtaken; and finding the noble Gentlemen in his Army unwilling in their heavy Armour to undertake such a pursuit, as could not be performed without the wonderful toil of themselves, and most assured loss of their goodly Horses; alleging, that they were provided to fight a battle, and not to travel so long a Journey (all which, Tamas now that his choler was over, knew to stand with good reason) he changed his former determination, thinking it best there to stay and not to follow the pursuit of his Enemies any further; until that Delimenthes one of his Noblemen (always more forward than the rest) offered with five thousand chosen Horsemen to overtake some part of the Turks Army, and to do on them some good service. Which his offer Tamas gladly accepted, commending him greatly for the same, promising him most honourable Reward; and so in haste sent him away.  

Delimenthes with 5000 Persians pursues the Turks.  He forthwith taking the well known and nearest way, used such Expedition, that he was in hope to overtake the Rearward of the Turks Army (marching not far now before him) about the foot of the Mountain Taurus, as in deed it fell out at a place called Bethlis. This Bethlis is a famous Town in the Confines of the Persian Kingdom, where it bordereth upon Mesopotamia, standing in a pleasant Valley, by which runneth a little River falling out of the Mountain Antitaurus; and had a Castle kept with a Garrison of Persians. In this Valley the two Bassas of Cairo and Syria (conducted by Ulemas) thinking they had now been past all danger of the Enemy's pursuit, stayed with the Rearward of their Army to refresh their wearied Soldiers, upon certain knowledge, that Solyman with the rest of his Army was already come in safety to Amida in Mesopotamia. And therefore lay as men secure, without any suspicion of the coming of the Persians, whom they had not so much as heard any thing of in long time before. But Delimenthes using most faithful and diligent Spials of that Country people, by that time he was come within one days journey of Bethlis, understood certainly where the Turks lay, weary of their long travel, as men without fear, keeping little or no Watch in their Camp: Whereupon he determined in the dead time of the night following to assail them in their Camp; and by secret Messengers gave knowledge both of his coming, and of this his purpose, to the Captain of the Castle of Bethlis; requesting him at an appointed hour upon sign given, to be ready to sally out with his Garrison upon that side of the Turks Camp which was towards the Castle. Which his venturous designment was so furthered both by the darkness of the night, 
Delimenthes assails the Turks Camp by night, and maketh a great slaughter.  and the abundance of rain which fell at the same time, as if it had been wished for; that he was got with all his resolute Followers within the Turks Camp, before they were aware of his coming; where the Persian Soldiers as Wolves amongst Sheep, did such speedy execution amongst the sleepy Turks, that the two great Bassas and Ulemas had much ado to get to horse and save themselves by flight. And such was the fury of the Persians, and the greatness of the sudden fear increased by the darkness of the night, that the Turks not knowing which way to turn themselves, or what to do, were slain by thousands, some sleeping, some half waking, some making themselves ready to fight, and some to fly, few of all that great Army escaped the Sword of the Persians. Of the five great Sanzacks which were in the Army, three were slain, and one taken. Eight hundred Janissaries seeing themselves forsaken of their Chieftains, laid down their Harquebusies and other Weapons, and yielded themselves upon Delimenthes his word. The fierceMountain people also, who in former time had suffered great injuries of the Turks, after the death of Aladeules their King, had now joined themselves to the Persians, and notably revenged their Wrongs; to whose share all the Baggage of the Turks Camp fell for a prey. It might then well have been said of the Turks▪ which the Poet speaketh of the night wherein Troy was sacked: 
Quis cladem illius noctis, qui funera fando  
Explicet?—   
The slaughter of that night was so great, that it is of the Turks until this day accounted amongst their greatest losses; and the Victory so welcome to the Persians; that in Memorial thereof they kept that day (which was the thirteenth of October) as one of their Solemn Holidays for many years after. Delimenthes returning all bloody with the slaughter of the Turks, and loaded with their Spoils, was of Tamas joyfully received, and honourably rewarded.  
This Overthrow reported to Solyman by the two great Bassas and Ulemas, 
Solyman discouraged.  as men that had hardly escaped Ship-wreck, so daunted his proud conceits, that he resolved in himself to return home, and no further to prosecute that unfortunate War; the evil event whereof, his Mother (as he said) had more truly presaged, than had the cold Prophet Mulearabe; but secretly in mind displeased with Abraham the great Bassa, by whose persuasion he had taken in hand that dangerous Expedition. By the way as he went he was met at Iconium by Barbarussa and Sinan Bassa surnamed the Jew, a man for his skill at Sea in reputation next to Barbarussa. These two great Personages lately come from Algiers to Constantinople with the remainder of his Fleet, met him so far by Land, to show their joyfulness for the Conquest he had made of Mesopotamia and Assyria, and to excuse themselves for the loss of the Kingdom of Tunes; which won by Barbarussa in the beginning of the Persian War, was before the ending thereof again wrung out of his hands by Charles the Emperor, and restored to Muleasses, as shall be hereafter declared. They with great humility declared unto him the whole process of that War, and with what Success they had endured the force of Charles the Emperor himself in Person; showing plainly unto him, that there wanted neither valour in the Soldiers, nor direction in them the Commanders, but only Fortune, which as it mightily reigneth in all men's actions, so especially in matters of War. Solyman graciously accepted of their excuse, and courteously took them up, prostrate at his Feet, commending them for their valour in their evil haps, in a Plot so well by them laid, more than he did the Victory of others, got by good Fortune, not grounded upon any good reason; willing them to be of good cheer, saying, That that he would in short time find occasion for them to recompense that disgrace, and again to show their approved valour. After long travel he came to the Straight of Bosphorus, where Abraham the Bassa going before him, had in token of Triumph caused the Shore all along the place where he should go aboard the Galley provided for his Transportation, to be covered with Persian silk for him to tread upon; from whence he passed with much Triumph over to his Palace to Constantinople.  

Abraham the great Bassa in disgrace with Solyman.  Envy, the fatal and cruel Companion of Princes immoderate favours, had with her prying Eyes quickly discovered in Court Soliman's changed countenance upon the great Bassa, and began now to show her ghastly Face. They which before were most ready to do him all Honour possible, yea to have laid their hands under his Feet, sought now by all secret means to work his Disgrace and Confusion. But of all others, the two great Ladies, Soliman's Mother and the fair Roxolana, ceased not by daily Complaints to incense Solyman against him; the Mother, for that he had by his persuasion, contrary to her mind and her superstitious Observations, drawn her Son into the dangers of the Persian War; and Roxolana, for that he most honoured and sought the Preferment of Mustapha, Soliman's eldest Son by another Woman; whereas she above all things laboured by all subtle means to prefer Bajazet her own Son to the Empire, after the death of Solyman his Father; which her designment she perceived to be much crossed by the Credit which the Bassa had with her Solyman, and therefore did what she might, both to bring him out of Favour, and to work his Destruction. But that which most impaired his credit with Solyman, was the common report raised of him by his Enemies, That he being in heart a Christian, did in all things favour the Christians, (a thing most odious among the Turks) and had for that cause craftily persuaded Solyman to take in hand the unfortunate Persian War. And that which more increased the suspicion, was, That he about that time had caused one Mark Nicholas a Venetian Merchant (who had not without suspicion of some, oftentimes come unto him with Letters and secret Messages whilst he lay at Babylon) to be taken in the night, and murdered at Constantinople, and cast into the Sea, because he should not discover any thing that might be hurtful unto him. Abraham thus brought in disgrace with Solyman, was (after the manner of the Turkish Tyranny) bid to a Solemn Supper in the Court about the fourteenth of March, after which time he was never more seen. It is reported, That after Supper Solyman fell into a great rage with him, charging him bitterly, That he had misgoverned the State, inverted his Treasures to his own private use, and as a Traitor, had secret Intelligence with the Christian Princes his Enemies▪ for proof whereof, Solyman with stern Countenance showed him his own Letters, which had by chance been intercepted; oftentimes ask him in furious manner, If he knew not that Hand, if ●e knew not that Seal. All which, the Bassa lying prostrate at his Feet humbly confessed, and with many Tears craved of him pardon. 
Abraham Bassa murdered in the Court by the Commandment of Solyman.  But his hard heart was not by any prayers to be moved▪ for the same night as he was slumbering upon a Palate in the Court, overcome with heaviness, an Eunuch cut his Throat with a crooked Knife, which Solyman for that purpose had delivered unto him with his own hand. He was murdered sleeping, because Solyman had in former time o● his favour solemnly sworn unto him, That he would never kill him whilst he lived. By which Oath, the great Mahometan Priest said, He was not so bound, but that he might kill him sleeping, for as much as men by sleep deprived of sense, are for that time not to be accounted as living, but as dead, man's life consisting altogether (as he said) in lively actions. It is reported, that after Solyman had looked upon the dead body, and bitterly cursed the same, he caused a great weight to be tied unto it, and so cast it into the Sea. His Treasure and Goods, which were almost infinite, were the next day all seized upon for the Emperor, and a small portion thereof appointed for his poor Wife to live upon. His death was no sooner known, but that the vulgar people devised of him infamous Songs, and slanderous Reports, as of a Traitor most justly condemned; and in further despite, with mire and stones defaced the Trophies of the Hungarian Victory, which he had in a stately manner erected before his sumptuous House in Constantinople. This was the woeful end of Abraham the great Bassa, who whilst he stood in favour with his Prince, was of all others accounted most fortunate, wanting nothing but the name of the great Sultan; but after falling into disgrace, became the scorn of Fortune, and the lamentable Spectacle of man's fragility. He was murdered the fifteenth day of March, in the year 1536.  
How the Kingdom of Tunes was by Barbarussa (the Turks great Admiral) taken from Muleasses, 
The causes that moved Charles the Emperor to invade Tunes.  we have already told; but how the same was again taken from him by Charles the Emperor a little before the return of Solyman out of Persia, remaineth now to be declared. It was commonly reported, and not without just cause feared, that Barbarussa, possessed of the Kingdom of Tunes, and supported by the Power of Solyman, would the next Summer, not content himself with the Spoil of the Coasts of Spain, Sardinia, and Italy, as he had in former time, but with all his Forces invade Sicilia, the Granary and Storehouse of Italy, and from thence attempt to Conquer the Kingdom of Naples, which it was thought he in his immoderate desires had longed much after. To repress this his barbarous Insolency, and to work the safety of the Frontiers of the Christian Kingdoms (much subject to the Rapines of the Turkish Pirates) Charles' the Emperor resolved in Person himself with a puissant Army to pass over into afric, whilst Solyman was yet buried in the Persian Wars, and by force of Arms to dispossess the Tyrant of his new got Kingdom of Tunes. For the accomplishment whereof, 
The Emperor's great Preparations for the invasion of Tunes.  he caused Soldiers to be levied in all parts of Spain, and came down to Barcelona with eight thousand Footmen and seven hundred Horsemen, far sooner than was by any man expected; amongst whom were many of the Nobility of Spain, with their Followers most gallantly appointed; but especially Ferdinand of Toledo, Duke of Alva; whose forwardness in that honourable Action, with the desire he had to revenge the death of his Father Garzias, slain before by the Moors at Girapolis, gave great hope even then unto his Countrymen, That he would in time prove a worthy Chieftain, as indeed he afterward did.  
In the mean time Andrew Auria the great Admiral, 
Andrew Auria the Emperor's Admiral.  unto whom only for his approved fidelity and long experience the Emperor had fully communicated what he had with himself before purposed, had with wonderful diligence and celerity rigged up a great Fleet of Ships and Galleys so furnished with all manner of Warlike Provision, as might well have sufficed a great Army; whereunto he joined also his own Fleet of seventeen Galleys and three Galleasses, wherein he had embarked the Flower of Genoa and Liguria, who with exceeding cheerfulness had voluntarily offered themselves to follow him their old General in that Sacred Expedition. With this great Preparation Auria came to the Emperor at Barcelona. Thither came also Lewis the King of Portugal's Brother (whose Sister Isabel, Charles' the Emperor had married) with 25 Caravels, Ships which the Portugals used in their Indian Voyages, amongst whom was also one huge Galeon; all Ships well appointed and fit for Service, wherein were embarked 2000 Portugals, beside Mariners; there also arrived sixty Sail of tall Ships sent out of Flanders and the Low-Countries; wherein were a great number of condemned persons, whose lives were spared that they might serve in the Galleys. Unto this War Paulus the Third of that Name, than Bishop of Rome, sent ten Galleys under the Conduct of Virginius Ursinus; the great Master of Malta sent thither his Fleet also. At the same time that all this preparation was in making in other places, that worthy Chieftain Alphonsus D' avalus Vastius, whom the Emperor had appointed General of all his Forces at Land, had by the Emperor's Commandment taken up five thousand new Soldiers in Italy, which were led by Hieronimus Tutavilla, Count of Sarne, Frederick, Caracte, and Augustine Spinula, all famous Captains. The old Spanish Garrisons which lay in Lombardy, the Emperor commanded to be straight looked unto, that none of them should leave their places to go into this new Expedition, but to remain there still under their General Antonius Leva; which worthy Captain although he would fain have had him with him, as of all his great Commanders the best; yet he thought it good to spare him, both for that he was much troubled with the Gout, and also for that it was necessary (as he thought) to leave such a valiant Captain with his Garrisons in the Country, so near unto the French and Swissers, whom he durst not so well trust as to disfurnish that Country either of so great a Commander, or of the wont Garrisons. At the same time Maximilian Eberstein, an old Commander, 
Alphonsus D'aualus Vastius General of the land forces.  came to Vastius with eight thousand Germans, over the Tridentine Alps to Milan, and so to Genoa; amongst whom were divers noble Gentlemen, who then as voluntary men served of their own charges. With these Germans and the five thousand Italians, Vastius embarked himself at the Port called Portus Veneris, in Liguria; having before persuaded them, with patience to endure the tediousness of the Sea, and to comfort themselves with the hope of the Victory in afric; where they should fight in the Quarrel of God, and for the Emperor, who did never forget his religious and valiant Soldiers. So sailing alongst the Coast of Italy, he came to Naples, where the Viceroy and divers other of the Nobility had of their own charges, every man according to his devotion or ability, built or furnished some one Galley, some more, for that Service. It was a wonder to see with what cheerfulness the Gallants and lusty Youths of Naples, and all that part of Italy, came and offered themselves unto Vastius; so that it seemed there was none left behind in Naples; for he had with singular courtesy so won the hearts of the old Soldiers and lusty Youths of that Kingdom, that both the one and the other thought it a most honourable thing to adorn, the one their before deserved Pensions, and other their first entrance into Martial Affairs, with the participation of so notable a Victory. But whilst every man was thus busied in setting forward, certain mutinous Soldiers (weary of the Sea, and fearing the dangers of so long a Voyage) began to cast many Perils, to find fault with their small Wages, and to discourage the multitude, persuading them with seditious Speeches to forsake their Colours, and to run away; for redress whereof, Vastius caused the Authors of that Mutiny to be taken and thrust into Sacks, and in the sight of the whole Fleet to be cast into the Sea. So Vastius departing with his Fleet from Naples, came in few days to Palermo in Sicily. The Emperor also losing from Barcelona, came to the Port of Mago in the Island of Minorca, and from thence to Caralis in Sardinia, whether Alphonsus Vastius was a little before come with all his Fleet out of Sicily. Not long after, the Emperor, now that all his Forces were come together, passed over from Sardinia into afric, and with a fair Westerly Wind put into the Port of Utica, which is of the Seafaring men called Farina. 
The Emperor passeth over into afric.  In the entering whereof, the Admiral Galley, wherein the Emperor himself was, by great mischance struck upon a Sand, and there stuck fast; which so much troubled the Emperor, for that his Father Philip had by like mishap been like to have been cast away upon the Coast of England, as he was sailing out of the Low-Countries into Spain; howbeit, by the good direction of Auria she was quickly got off the Sand again, and entered with the rest, to the great rejoicing of the whole Fleet. So presently departing again from Utica, and sailing alongst the Coast, he doubled the Promontory of Carthage, yet famous for the ruins of that proud City, and came to Anchor before a Castle, which of a Well beneath it, is called by the name of Aquaria, or the Wat●r-Castle. The Moors, who from the Hills of Utica, or their Watch-Towers, had taken view of the Christian Fleet, and of the Course it held, advertised Barbarussa, 
Barbarussa hearing of the coming of the Emperor, is much discouraged.  That the Christians were coming against him with an innumerable Fleet; for there was of one sort and other almost 700 Sail, whereof 82 were great Streamers, which gallantly garnished with Flags and Galleys, made a show of more than indeed they were, and wonderfully terrified the Enemy. But that troubled Barbarussa most, that he was by Messenger upon Messenger certainly informed, that the most mighty Christian Emperor Charles was in Person himself in the Fleet, with such a world of people, that it should seem he had left none in Spain and Italy that were able to bear Arms. Which News was brought by certain Mahometan Slaves, who getting loose in the Galleys, had in the night swum ashore, and reported the certainty of the Emperors coming; for the proud Turk, a great Contemner of the Christian Forces, never thought that the Emperor would have adventured his Person unto the dangers of the Sea, and chances of War, especially in an unknown, barren and scorching Country, but would rather have attempted to do something by his Lieutenants; or else by Auria his Admiral seek to surprise some base places alongst the Sea-coast, but not to come directly for the regal City of Tunes; in which opinion he was chiefly confirmed by Aloysius Praesenda, a Gentleman of Genoa, who taken at Sea, was kept as Prisoner at large in Tunes; of whom Barbarussa had learned many things concerning the State of Italy, the manner of the Christians, and strength of the Emperor; craftily feeding him with the hope of liberty, if he would truly declare unto him such things as he desired to know. Wherefore now in his rage he caused him to be brought before him; 
In his rage he ●xecuteth Aloysius Praesenda.  charging him bitterly, that he had craftily and perfidiously told him lies for truth, concerning the Emperor, and therefore commanded him to be forthwith executed. When he had thus with the unworty death of a guiltless Christian, somewhat mitigated the grief of his light belief, he forthwith began to cast with himself how he might best withstand his puissant Enemy. And first of all calling to counsel his Sea-Captains, in whom for their approved valour he reposed most confidence, he showed unto them, that they as valiant men, acquainted with the dangers attending upon honourable Actions, were not to doubt of the Victory, forsomuch as he saw it as good as already gained; for the same reasons for which he had before persuaded himself, that the Emperor (if he had not been half mad) would not have undertaken so desperate and doubtful a War.  
Barbarussa encourageth his Soldiers.  For who is there (said he) that knoweth this Country (not to speak of our own Forces) which would not reasonably think our Enemies should in short time know the price of their ambitious desire and rash attempt? which in a most unseasonable time of the year, the days being now at the longest, and the Sun in his greatest strength, are come to fight in a Country scorched with heat, and altogether without water; where the very sand which riseth with every blast of Wind, flying into their Eyes and Faces, shall no less trouble them than their Enemies? Shall we think that they, which as I hear for most part are freshwater Soldiers, and surcharged with heavy Armour, can easily march forward, or retire, or yet keep their ground, as the divers occasions of battle shall require; when as the deep and hollow burning sand up to the mid leg, will not suffer them to keep any order of Array? How shall they be able by any means to abide the force of our Turkish footmen, or the often charging of the nimble Numidian Horsemen? And if they be so many of them as they say there is, where can they get Victual to feed such a multitude, if we do but protract the War? Assuredly (most valiant and courageous Chieftains) we shall erect a most rare and incomparable Trophy in this Country of afric; when as Charles the rich and great Emperor of the Christians shall either here be slain in battle, or else fall into our hands as a most rich prey. For mine own part, I will notably provide, that you shall want neither Weapons, Victual, or Aid, during the time of this War: I will open the old Armouries, broach my Store, and bring forth my Treasures. The Numidian Princes now our Friends, I will without delay entertain with great pay, and such Presents as shall be to them most welcome. As for the Citizens of Tunes, you know how easily they are to be kept in Obedience, and brought on against the Enemy for a small pay, and hope of reward. But this one thing is it that I most earnestly require of your approved valour, That you most valiantly defend the strong Castle of Guletta, as the most assured defence not of this City only, but of the whole Kingdom; and especially of our Navy which there lieth in safe Harbour; for that piece will our Enemies with all their Forces first assail. Wherefore, as worthy Men never to be vanquished, keep that for Solyman and me; so that it being vainly attempted by our Enemies, and resolutely defended by you, the Christian Emperor there failing of his purpose, and shamefully foiled; shall now begin to despair, not of the taking of the City of Tunes, but of his own return and safety. 
When he had thus said, the Sea-Captains answered with one consent, That they would most willingly and cheerfully perform whatsoever it should please him to command; and in confirmation thereof, promised him not to do any thing which beseemed not most valiant and resolute Men. 
B●rbarussa his chief Captains.  Amongst these Sea-Captains, Sinan of Smirna a Jew, who had lost his right Eye, was both for his age and long experience in Military Affairs, of greatest account; next unto him was Haidinus of Cilicia, for his furiousness in fight surnamed of the Italians Caceiadiabolo, and Salec of jonia, which two had before in a great Battle at Sea, slain Rodericus Portendus great Admiral of Spain, and taken his Son john Prisoner, and seven great Galleys; after these, was Tabacches of Laodicea, and Giaffer, a valiant Captain of the Janissaries; all which were notable Pirates, and then Men of great fame. The strong Castle of Guletta standeth in the bottom of the Bay of Carthage, upon a point of the Land▪ 
The situation of Guletta.  where the Sea by a narrow Strait runneth on the East side of the Castle into the Lake of Tunes, which being in a manner round, is about twelve Italian miles over. But now that Castle is parted from the Main of the West side also, by the Sea that way let in; which chargeable Work was by Barbarussa begun, but given over again by him; persuaded by some, That the Sea coming in that way, would in short time fill up the Lake with sand; but was afterwards for all that, perfected by others. So that now it standeth in the manner of an Island, in the mouth of the Lake, divided from the firm Land by two narrow straight passages; the one on the East, and the other on the West; yet so, that it commandeth both. This Castle Barbarussa had before strongly fortified both with Men and Munition, as the Key of that Kingdom, but now upon the coming of the Emperor, he put into it his most expert and resolute Captains before named; well foreseeing, that in the defence thereof rested the safety of his Navy which then lay within the Lake, as in a most sure Harbour; and also the greatest hope he had for the holding of the City of Tunes, whereon depended the whole State of that Kingdom. The Emperor lying at Anchor with all his Fleet near unto the shore, gave general Commandment, That his Soldiers should with as much speed as was possible be landed with the long Boats; which was so orderly done, that the Moors terrified with the hideous cry of the Soldiers, making toward Land, and not able to abide the showers of small Shot, were easily beaten from the shore, whither they were come down in great multitudes, 
The Christian Army landeth at Guletta.  and so suffered the Christian Soldiers to land quietly. The first that landed were the Spanish Companies, after them the Italians, and last of all the Germans, whom Vastius General of the Army caused presently to encamp themselves; straight commanding, that no man should straggle from the Camp farther into the Land, until the Horsemen and great Artillery were all landed. The Emperor himself bearing Victory in the cheerfulness of his Countenance, landed also. In the mean time certain Companies were sent out by the General, to view the places nigh hand, and to seek out the Cisterns and Fountains of fresh Waters thereabout, which sometime served the famous City of Carthage, with whom the Moors, but especially the Numidian Horsemen, a swift, subtle, and painful kind of Soldiers, oftentimes and in many places suddenly skirmished; and though they were but naked men, yet taking all the advantages they could of the places to them well known, with their Arrows and Darts furiously assailed them unawares, and overloaded with Armour, sparing no man's life that fell into their hands. Among whom was Hieronimus Spinula a Ligurian Captain, who overthrown by a Numidian Horseman, had his Head cut off, and carried away by the same nimble Horseman, before he could be rescued. The like mishap befell Fredericus Carectus a noble Gentleman, who going with Vastius to view the places thereabouts, was fast by his side suddenly slain with a small shot. All which nimbleness and fierceness of the Enemy, could not for all that stay the Emperor, but that he would needs with a small Troop of Horsemen, in Person himself take view of the places thereabouts, even in the sight of the Numidian Horsemen, which were in every place to be seen pricking up and down the Country in Troops; although he was many times requested by his grave Counsellors, to leave that Service for his inferior Captains, and not to expose himself to so great danger both of his Person and of the common safety. Vastius had now brought on the Army near unto the Castle of Guletta, still casting up a rolling Trench as he came nearer thereunto, thereby to keep his men out of the danger of the Enemy's shot; which work was not done only by the Pioners and Galleyslaves, but by Soldiers of all sorts; yea many of the Captains themselves laid their hands to the Spade and Mattock; for why, the Emperor was there a continual Beholder, and cheerful Commender of every man's labour and forwardness, and the busy Enemy was ever ready to take the advantage, if any thing were by negligence omitted, oftentimes sallying out even unto the very Trenches of the Christians, there giving unto them proud words of defiance. When the Army was to be martialled, and every Commander to be appointed to the place of his Charge in this Siege of Guletta; the Count of Sarne (a man famous both for the honour of his house, and for the good Service he had lately done against the Turks at Corone) requested of Vastius the General, to have the charge of the Mount nearest unto the Castle; which as it was a place of most danger, so was it also of greatest honour. Whereat the old Spaniards (after the manner of their proud nature) much repined. Upon the top of this Mount, the Count set up his rich Tent in the eye of the Enemy, and there lay with the Italian Companies over whom he commanded. He had not there lain long, but Salec, one of the Turks famous Pirates, with certain Companies of the Garrison-Souldiers, sallied out of the Castle directly upon the Mount whereon the Count lay; and by making show as if he would desperately have assailed the same, raising a great Alarm against the Italians; 
Salec sallieth out upon the Count and the Italians.  yet so as after certain Volleys of Shot discharged on both sides, he began to retire as if he had been thereto constrained. Which thing the Count perceiving, being a man of greater courage than direction, in great rage with bitter words reproved certain of the Captains, whom he perceived not so forward in pursuit of the Enemy as he would have had them; and in his fury ran down from the Mount, the rest for shame following him, and overtaking the Enemies slew divers of them. The crafty Pirate now seeing the Count drawn out of his strength into the plain ground, and perceiving himself strong enough to encounter him, suddenly turning himself about, said unto his Soldiers; The advantage you wished to have of your Enemies is now offered, they are now in your danger; wherefore now show yourselves valiant men, and suffer not one of these proud freshwater Soldiers to escape alive or unwounded. Which he had no sooner said, but they presently made a stand, and so hardly charged them from whom they but even now seemed to fly, that the Italians not able longer to endure the fight, betook themselves to flight. The Count himself with Belingerus his Kinsman, fight valiantly in the foremost of his Companies, was slain; many others endured the same fortune; others flying back again to the Mount, were slain there by the Turks; who resolutely entered into the Trenches with them so far, that they carried away with them the Plate and Riches of the Counts Tent. Neither was there any of the Spaniards which lay nearest unto them, and might easily have rescued them, that would once stir out of their places to help them; for it is reported, that they were nothing sorry for the overthrow of the Italians, forasmuch as the Count had so arrogantly craved of the General the most honourable place, 
The Count slain, and his Head and right Hand sent to Barbarussa.  which he so evil held. His head and right hand were cut off, and sent by Salec to Barbarussa. This Overthrow much grieved the Italians, whom Vastius comforted with cheerful Speeches; imputing all that loss, neither to the valour of the Enemy, or cowardice of the Italians; but only to the rashness of the Count, whom he said worthily to have paid the price of his inconsiderate forwardness. But the Spaniards he sharply reproved as merciless men, which upon so light an occasion had given cause for the Italians to have them in distrust. The Turks in the mean time by the often shooting off their great Ordnance, showed the joy they conceived of this Victory.  
It oftentimes so falleth out, 
The Spaniards rejoicing at the Overthrow of the Italians, are themselves foiled by Tabacches.  that whilst men laugh at their Neighbour's harms, their own is not far off; and so it fell out with the Spaniards; for Tabacches another of the piratical Captains, shortly after sallying suddenly out of the Castle in the dawning of the day, was got up to the top of the Trenches wherein the Spaniards lay, before they were aware of his coming, and there slew some as they lay asleep, some idly sitting fearing no harm, others, as they were arming themselves; and with their sudden Cry, caused the rest which lay near unto that place, shamefully for fear to fly out of their Trenches; where the Turks taking such trash as they there found, and having slain and wounded many, amongst whom was one Mendosa a Captain, and carrying away with them the Ensign of Sarmentus which stood upon the top of the Trench, returned with Victory. The alarm raised in the Army was such, as that the Emperor himself came running to the place in his Armour, severely reproving them of cowardice, which had forsaken the place; and grievously offended with them which had kept such negligent watch against such an Enemy, as was not for wiliness, agility, and courage, to be slightly regarded of the best and most expert Soldiers. This disgrace of the Spaniards well comforted the Italians, to see the old Soldiers no less overtaken in their neglience, than they had been in their unadvised forwardness.  
This Tumult appeased, Vastius called into his Tent and Colonels and chief Captains of the Spaniards, and spoke unto them in this manner: Friends (said he) elsewhere always valiant, 
Vastius his Speech to the Spanish Captains.  who together with me, have by your invincible prowess gained unto our Emperor many most glorious Victories; you seem unto me at this time to have need to be called upon, and to be put in remembrance of your wont and approved valour; for as far as I can see, the remembrance of your ancient Fame, is in you grown altogether cold, your hands are become faint for fear; and that which I am sorry and ashamed to say, you are grown I know not how, altogether out of order, and heartless, showing no courage for the subduing of these naked Pirates. Yesterday (as many say) you smiled at the unskilful and unfortunate forwardness of your friends, which they bought dear; but to day they worthily laugh at your degenerate careless negligence; so that it concerneth you in Honour, to blot out this so foul and public a disgrace, by some notable and worthy Exploit. Wherefore I exhort you, and I straightly charge and command you, that with all speed you prepare both your minds and weapons for the achievement of some new honour; so that if the proud Enemy shall again presume to come forth and assail your Trenches, you shall forthwith break out upon him, and beat him back again even to the Gates of Guletta. Perhaps good fortune will so attend your valiant and resolute pursuit, that you may together with their disordered men, enter some of their Rampires, wherein we see their whole hope consisteth; which if it shall otherwise fall out than is hoped for, yet shall you by this your notable devoir wonderfully content the Emperor your Sovereign, and me your General, and withal, cover your late dishonour.  
Whereunto they all answered, That they would so bear themselves against the Enemy, as that he should not desire greater courage or contempt of danger in men desirous of honour and commendation.  
It was not long, but that the Turks encouraged with their former success, 
The Turks sally again out of Guletta.  after their wont manner sallied out again, conducted by Giaffer Captain of the Janissaries, a man of exceeding Courage and Strength of Body; who with the Janissaries and certain Companies of Moorish Archers, about the noon time of the day issuing out of the Castle, assailed the uttermost Trenches, hoping in that broiling heat to find the Christians in their Stations negligent and unprepared; wherein he was nothing deceived; for the Spaniards that burning hot time of the day, kept such negligent Watch, that Giaffer with his Janissaries and Archers, was got up to the top of the Rampires, and there discharged their Shot and Arrows upon the Christians in their Trenches, before they were well aware of his coming. But upon the striking up of the Drum, certain Companies of Harquebusiers broke out upon them in two places at one instant, as Vastius had before commanded; whom he seconded with a Company of Halbadiers, keeping in readiness his Squadrons to rescue his Harquebusiers, if they should be enforced by the Enemy to retire; and in that order expected the event of the skirmish, which was most valiantly maintained on both sides. For the Janissaries, although they were enforced to give ground, yet (as men not used to fly, and standing upon the honour of their order) withstood the Christians with no less resolution than they were by them charged; until that Giaffer their Leader, desperately fight among the foremost of the Janissaries, 
Giaffer Captain of the janissaries slain.  was at once shot in with two Bullets, and slain; whose dead Body the Janissaries labouring to carry away, endured a most cruel Fight, many being on both sides slain upon his dead Carcase; yet at length they were enforced to fly, and so fiercely followed by the Spaniards, that they of Guletta, when they had received in the foremost, shut out almost a fourth part of their own men, for fear the Christians should together with them have entered the Castle. Didacus Abila, one of the Spanish Ensign-bearers, advanced his Ensign upon the top of one of the Enemy's Rampires, and was there slain, but his Ensign saved by one of the Soldiers of the same Band. The Christians received more loss in their Retreat, than they had in all the Fight; for the Turks from their Rampires then dischaged their Shot as fast as they could upon them, which they could not before do▪ without the like danger to their own men mingled amongst them. This days work well abated the pride of the Turks, and gave good hope to the Christians, that the Castle would without any great loss be gained; for being near unto it, they perceived it not to be so strong as they had supposed.  
The Emperor having spent a few days in consultation about his farther proceeding, and preparing of things for the Siege, resolved without further delay with all his Forces to assault the Castle, persuaded thereunto by many reasons; first, by the cheerfulness of his own Soldiers, and the Courage of his Enemies sore daunted in the last skirmish, which he was loath they should again recover by the coming of new Supplies; besides that, he was informed, that divers Companies of the Numidians were coming to Tunes, entertained by Barbarussa, whose strength was like daily to increase; but that which moved him most to hasten the matter, was, for that his men began to grow sickly in his Camp, being all the day time scorched as it were with the fervent heat of the Sun, and well near starved in the night with cold and exceeding Dews wherewith they were commonly wet to the skin; neither was there either good Water, or fresh Victual by any means to be had in that sandy and barren Soil, for the relief of the sick, other than that was brought out of the Fleet; for all the Water thereabout was most unpleasant and exceeding brackish, so that both sick and whole were glad when they could get a Crab to quench their extreme Thirst; although the Emperor did what he might to remedy these extremities, and much relief was in good time sent both from Sicilia and Naples; the Biscuit also in the Ships, especially in the Spanish Galleys, was grown hoary and unwholesome. Wherefore he began to place his Battery about the fifteenth of july, which was defended all alongst with Gabions, and Casks filled with Sand, for that the Country Soil in that place yielded neither Earth nor Turf to do it. Auria appointed to batter the Castle by sea, divided his Galleys into three Squadrons which orderly succeeding one another, should by turns beat the same: his great Ships rid at Anchor, and out of their Forcastles thundered with their great Ordnance. And Vastius at Land had divided the Army into three Battles; Spaniards, Italians, and Germans, every station by themselves, in such sort, as that they might indifferently be partakers both of the danger of the Assault, and of the glory of the Victory. There was never strong place in the memory of man (since Guns, 
Guletta furiously battered.  that fatal Engine were first invented for the destruction of mankind) assailed with greater force, greater preparation, or industry. The great Ordnance in manner of a great Earthquake, so terribly roared and thundered, that the Earth seemed not only to tremble and quake under men's Feet, but even by and by to rend in sudder and swallow them up; and the Sea which was even now quiet and calm, began to rise aloft, and to rage and foam as if it had been in a great Storm; at which time the Air became thick, and the Sky darkened with the smoke of the great Artillery; from the break of the day until Noon, 
Guletta assaulted by the Christians.  the roaring Cannon and Culverin never ceased; so that the Vamures were beaten down, the Castle made assaultable, and the Walls so shaken, that in many places the Turks Cannoneers, together with their Cannon lay buried in the ruins thereof. Which thing perceived, they which were before appointed to give the first Assault, upon signal given by the Emperor, presently upon the ceasing of the great Artillery assailed the Breach, and others with their scaling Ladders scaled the Walls; which was done with such Courage and resolution, that the Turks when they had done what they possibly could for the defence of the place, by casting down Darts, Wildfire, and such like things upon the Christians as they were climbing up; at length as men despairing longer to hold the place, and overcome with a greater Fortune, turned their Backs and fled. Sinan and the rest of the Captains by a wooden Bridge, fled out at the further side of the Castle, into the Main, and so alongst the left side of the Lake by Land to Tunes, not looking behind them for haste; which way most part of his men followed him also. The rest were either slain or driven into the Lake, where seeking to save their lives by swimming, they were either slain in coming to Land, by the Spanish Horsemen, or else in their swimming shot at pleasure by the Harquebusiers, so that all the Lake was as it were covered with the dead bodies of the Turks and Moors. The Emperor with small Shot thus gained the Castle of Guletta, 
Guletta won, and Barbarussa his Fleet taken.  with all the warlike Provision therein, and with it all Barbarussa his great Fleet and strength at Sea, which he for the more safety had before put into the Lake; which as it was unto the Emperor a thing most pleasant, so was it unto Barbarussa and his Pirates the greatest grief and loss possible, having at once lost all their power at Sea, which but a little before was no small terror to all the Frontiers of the Christian Countries and Islands in the Mediterranean.  
Barbarussa troubled and terrified with so great a loss, 
Barbarussa rageth.  with a stern and scornful Countenance received the Jew and the rest of the Captains fled from Guletta, reviling them bitterly in his rage, and calling them faint-hearted Cowards, which had in so short a time given over so strong a place. Whereunto Sinan answered for them all, in this sort: Hairadin (said he) so long as we were to fight with armed men, 
The short answer of Sinan the jew unto Barbarussa.  we did as thou well knowest, and our Enemies cannot deny, what well beseemed us and thy magnificent Fortune. But when we are to withstand the Devil and his infernal Furies, which came against us with Flames of Fire, and Earthquakes, things of extreme terror and danger; it ought not to seem strange unto thee, if we sought to escape the uncouth Fury of the immortal Enemies of mankind, to do thee service in thy better Fortune, in defence of this thy City and Kingdom. Neither do we account it any disgrace to have escaped that danger, as men that mind again to fight; out of which thou, a most ancient and expert Commander (if I may frankly speak unto thee the truth) if thou hadst been there present, wouldst have accounted it no dishonour, but very good discretion to have escaped in safety.  
Barbarussa repressing his fury, began in a more temperate manner to request them every one particularly, as valiant and courageous men to stand fast unto him in that War against their Enemies the Christians; telling them, that he well hoped, that after the great supply of the Moorish Footmen and Numidian Horsemen were once come (which were now at hand) the Enemy should not long rejoice of the taking of Guletta. After that, he forthwith converted all his study and endeavour, to prepare such things as were needful for the War, bringing forth his Treasures, and bountifully bestowing the same amongst the Moors and Numidians, thereby to confirm the Friendship of such as well affected him, and with his new bounty to win the hearts of such as yet stood doubtful.  
In the mean time Muleasses the exiled King, with a small retinue of his Friends and Followers came from the farthest part of Numidia, 
Mulea●ses cometh to the Emperor.  into the Emperor's Camp; the Emperor sitting in a Royal Seat in the midst of his Pavilion, whereunto Muleasses, was admitted, with a Mitre upon his head, in a Garment of green and blue changeable Silk; he was of a tall and manly Stature, of Colour tawny, but so Squint-eyed, that he seemed spitefully to look upon them whom he beheld; whom after he had kissed the Emperor's right hand, and had set himself down with his Legs gathered close under him, upon a Carpet spread upon the bare ground, after the manner of his Country, he by an Interpreter spoke unto the Emperor as followeth: Thou art come in Arms into this Country, 
The Oration of Muleasses unto Charles the Emperor.  and art now almost Conqueror of the same (thrice mighty Emperor) provoked thereunto not by any desert of mine, for that our different Religion so required; yet as I verily think, not without the appointment of the most high God, whom both thou and I do with like Devotion worship, to take revenge of the most perfidious and cruel Tyrant and Pirate, the mortal Enemy of mankind; whom I foresee as good as already vanquished, now that Guletta is taken, and his Navy surprised. So that I hope he shall in short time by thy revenging hand, at once receive the just Guerdon of all his former Villainies; which shall be so much the more to my comfort, for that I hope the Fruit of thy rare Felicity and glorious Victory will redound in great part to me, being restored by thee into my Father's Kingdom; which I as a poor exiled Prince most humbly request of thy justice and Bounty. For it shall be unto thee a thing most honourable and profitable, if thou shalt receive into thy protection me, a King Royally descended of a most ancient Progeny, strengthened with the great Alliance of the Numidians and Moors. Neither do I refuse either to pay thee Tribute therefore, or to acknowledge myself Vassal unto thee the Christian Emperor. Of which my Fidelity there can be no greater assurance, than the thankful remembrance of so great a benefit received; which shall never remain unforgotten of me and my Posterity, even for that especially, that I detest and abhor the name of an unthankful man; and do well by experience find, how much my state may be confirmed, and the minds of my People to me assured, by thy Garrisons so near at hand in Sicilia and Sardinia.  
Whereunto the Emperor answered, That he was come over into afric to be revenged of the injuries which Barbarussa had many times done upon the Frontiers of his Dominions, 
The Emperor's answer to Muleasses.  and to root out the Pirates, of all others most mischievous; which his good purpose had by the goodness of Christ his Saviour taken so good effect, that he doubted not in short time by the taking of Tunes to obtain a perfect Victory; which once gained, he would then kindly grant him all things which should stand with the convenience of his Affairs, and the use of his Victory; so that he would not falsify his Faith, which he might justly suspect, if he reposed not a special trust, that the remembrance of such a benefit would for ever remain in his heroical mind; and was further assured, that the same power which should restore him his Kingdom of courtesy, could also take it from him again, if his unthankfulness should so deserve.  
Muleasses in the presence of the Emperor used such a gravity and grace in his speech and gesture, 
The behaviour of Muleasses.  as well declared, that he had nothing forgotten his former estate; but towards the General and the other great Captains he used all manner of Courtesy, so that he rid up and down with them gallantly mounted, managing his Horse, and charging and discharging his Lance with such agility and skill, as showed him to be a very good Horseman, and of great activity. At other vacant times he would subtly reason with learned men, after the manner of Averois, of the nature of things, of the Motion of Heaven, and Power of the Stars. By the Emperor's commandment he had a Tent appointed for him, and honourable allowance for his Diet. Vastius and the rest of the chief Commanders of the Army used him with all honour, and at such time as he was desirous to see the Camp, courteously brought him into all places of it, that he might himself see what Mounts they had in short time cast, what abundance there was of great Artillery, what strong Watch and Ward was kept, what a number there was of brave and warlike Soldiers of divers Nations, differing much one from another in Language, Countenance and manner of Furniture; and further demanded, Whether that puissant Army which the Emperor had brought over to his great good, were in his Judgement sufficient to subdue the Enemy? Where above all things Muleasses wondered at the number and order of the great Ordnance; and next unto that, at the wonderful plenty of things to be bought and sold in the Market place, and at the modest quietness of the Soldiers in buying the same. Not long after, the expert Captains by diligent enquiry learned of him many things well serving for their better proceeding in that War, especially of the disposition and strength of them of Tunes, 
His opinion and counsel concerning the present War.  of the situation of the City, of the nature of the Walls, and fortification of the Castle, of the Wells and Cisterns in the Suburbs, and what Strength the Moors and Numidians were of, which Barbarussa had entertained. In conclusion, he assured them (as afterwards it fell out) that Barbarussa would never trust to the strength of the Walls, which would easily be overthrown with the great Artillery; but would in a great bravery with Ensigns displayed bring all his Forces into the Field, of purpose to terrify the Christians with the sight of the multitude of his rascal Soldiers, and to break their array with his Numidian Horsemen, who with hideous and terrible cries, after the manner of that Nation, would not fail to assail them; and yet for all that would never bring into the Battle his Turkish Footmen (in whom he reposed his greatest confidence, and whom he desired most to spare) but would as a crafty and subtle Turk, by opposing of the Moors, whom he held in small regard, try by their blood what might be done without the danger of his own men. But as he told them, nothing could be more strange unto the Moors his Countrymen, or that they were more afraid of, than in a set battle to fight with that Enemy, whose Squadrons coming orderly on in glistering Armour with long Pikes, might scorn and easily overthrow the naked Archers of the Moors, and the unarmed Numidian Horsemen; and that our men should find nothing more grievous or troublesome, than the scorching heat of the Sun, and the Thirst rising thereof; which might easily be remedied by plenty of Water, which by Slaves and small Boats might easily be brought in Casks and Bottles from the Fleet alongst the Lake, and so distributed amongst the Army; although not far from the Walls of the City were certain old conduit Heads which would yield them great Plenty of Water, if the malicious Enemy did not to his own hurt and others, poison the same. These things orderly reported to the Emperor, confirmed the hope he had before conceived of the desired Victory; so that wholly bend thereupon, and carefully forecasting all things, he resolved forthwith to depart from Guletta, and with all his power to besiege Tunes.  
But whilst he was preparing things necessary, ordering his Soldiers, and discovering the Enemy's purposes, his Soldiers had daily divers skirmishes with the Numidians; so that once the skirmish was like to have come to a just Battle; which began in this sort; The Moors had planted certain Field-Pieces amongst the Olive-Gardens, wherewith they shot continually into the Camp; for removing whereof, the Emperor leaving the Italians, with certain Companies of the old Germane and Spanish Soldiers, for the keeping of his Camp and Trenches, went forth with his Horsemen and the rest of his Army; sending before him Montegius, General of the Spanish Horsemen, who for most part were but raw Soldiers, such as were of the Nobleman's ordinary Servants and Followers, not before acquainted with the Wars. 
The Spanish light Horsemen put to flight.  These light Horsemen with divers Fortune skirmished a while with the Enemy; but when they saw themselves to be hardly charged, and Montegius their General grievously wounded, they turned their Backs, and in the sight of the Emperor shamefully fled to the Men at Arms, which were coming after them. The manner of the Enemy's Fight was, to give at the first a fierce and desperate Charge, and upon the encounter given, of purpose to retire, avoiding thereby the sudden force of their Enemies, and by and by to turn again upon them with a fresh charge. The Emperor seeing the Flight of his light Horsemen, came on courageously with his Men at Arms; by whose coming in and valiant encounter the Turks and Moors were put to flight, and the Field-Pieces wherewith they had before annoyed the Camp, taken. In this Skirmish the Emperor in person, as he stood foremost in his armed Troops, gave the sign of Battle himself, by crying with a loud voice, Saint james, Saint james, whom the Spaniards take for their Patron; and so charging the Enemy, 
The Emperor restoreth the Battle, and with his own hand rescueth Andreas Pontius of Granado.  performed the part not only of a courageous Chieftain, but of a resolute and valiant Soldier also; rescuing with his own hand Andreas Pontius a noble Gentleman of Granado, whom unhorsed and sore wounded, the Enemy was ready presently to have slain, had not the Emperor by his coming in saved him; deserving thereby the Oaken Garland, which the Romans by the name of Civica Corona, gave as an honour to such as had in Battle saved a Citizen.  
About the same time it fortuned, that thirty thousand Moors came upon the sudden to have surprised a little Tower standing upon a Hill near unto the ruins of old Carthage; wherein the Emperor had placed certain Soldiers for the keeping thereof, because it was near unto his Camp. Before these Moors went a Numidian Priest, who bellowing out certain superstitious Charms, cast divers Scrols of Paper on each side the way, wherein he cursed and banned the Christians; and now they had with Fire and Smoke brought the Christians in that Tower to great extremity, when the Emperor himself coming to their rescue with certain Companies of Horsemen and Footmen, slew the conjuring Priest, with others, and put the rest to flight. The discomfiture of the Spanish Horsemen caused many men to think, that if the Emperor should come to a set Battle with the Enemy, he should find his Horsemen too weak, both for that they were but few in number, and not to be compared with the Numidians. For which cause, and divers others, 
The Emperor advised by his Counsellors to return home.  certain of the Emperor's grave Counsellors, but none of the best Soldiers, wished him not to proceed further in that dangerous War, but with speed to return out of afric, for as much as he had won honour enough by the taking of Geuletta, and the surprising of the Enemy's Fleet; whereby he had to his immortal praise, and the common good of Christendom, delivered all the Frontiers of the Christian Countries in the Mediterranean, from the danger and fear of those most cruel Pirates; besides that, the Flix began to rage in his Camp, whereof m any of his Soldiers fell sick and died daily. Whereas on the contrary part, the mighty Numidian Princes, such as were Muleasses old Enemies, were reported to come in daily to the aid of Barbarussa. These unseasonable Speeches the Emperor thought good to repress betime; reasoning against the authors thereof with great gravity, as against men who with more fear doubted of the success of things, and the event of the Victory, than beseemed them, whom for their constant resolution, and good opinion conceived of their discretion, he had chosen to be of his most secret Counsel.  Saying, That he desired not of them that their needless and dishonourable labour, 
The resolute answer of the Emperor.  wherein they should show themselves more careful of his person than of his honour; forasmuch as those things which they now alleged should have been said before the War was taken in hand, now by good hap half ended; before he ever passed over into afric. For he might (as he said) have rested quietly in Spain, and have easily neglected and rejected the injuries done upon the Sea Coasts, and the complaints of his Subjects; but he was (as they well knew) for most urgent causes come thither; whereas he was resolved to satisfy the expectation of the world with a notable Victory; or if God should otherwise appoint, there to end his days with honour. Wherefore he willed them to cease further to flatter him that was no way dismayed, or to possess the minds of his valiant Soldiers with a vain forboding fear, and with resolute minds, together with him their Chieftain, against the next day ●to expect what the fortune of the Field should appoint for the full accomplishment of that War. For he was (as he said) set down to give the Enemy Battle; or if he refused the same, to batter the Walls of Tunes, not doubting but that God would stand on his side in so good and so godly a quarrel. 

The Emperor marcheth toward Tunes.  The Emperor leaving a sufficient Garrison in the Castle of Gule●ta, commanded the Breaches to be repaired, and the great Ordnance there taken to be laid upon Carriages, which before after the old rude Sea fashion lay bound in great unwieldy pieces of Timber, with Iron Rings fastened thereunto, and could not handsomely be handled or removed to or fro. After that, when he had caused the Country to be viewed all about, which betwixt the Olive Groves and the right side of the Lake giveth a direct passage unto the City of Tunes; he set forward with his Army in so good order, that he still marched as ready to fight, for fear of the Policies and sudden Assaults of the Enemy. On the left hand marched the Italians next unto the Lake; on the right hand the Spaniards near unto the Olive-Groves, which in the manner of a great Wood ran alongst the Country, from the ruins of Carthage, almost to the Walls of Tunes; in the midst betwixt both marched the Germans; next unto them followed the great Ordnance; and after it, the Carriages of all the Army. In the Vaungard was Vastius, whom the Emperor had made General of the Army, and especially for that day; in the Rearward was the Duke of Alva with certain Troops of chosen Horsemen; in the middle of the main Battle was the Emperor, and by his side Lewis his Brother in Law the King of Portugal's Brother. The Italians were conducted by the Prince of Salerne, the Spaniards by Alarco an ancient Captain, and the Germans by Maximilian Eberstein. But the Emperor in his Armour ceased not to ●ide from Squadron to Squadron, with cheerful countenance and full of hope, recounting unto them the former Victories which they had gotten for him; and telling them, that he did that day expect of them a most honourable days service, forasmuch as they were to fight against the naked Enemies of the Christian Religion; wherefore they should with resolute minds set down themselves to endure the Weight of their Armour, the painfulness of the March, the heat of the Sun and Sand, and the teediousness of the Thirst arising thereof; until they might join Battle with their Enemies, where they should undoubtedly by the goodness of God (in whose quarrel they fought) obtain the Victory; in the mean time they should with patience overcome all difficulties, comforting themselves with the undoubted hope of a most rich Prey, which they were to expect of the Spoil of a rich City. Whereunto every Squadron answered with a great shout, that he should not trouble himself with those matters which he had before rehearsed, but to assure himself, that they his Soldiers would most patiently endure all extremities, and not deceive the expectation he had conceived of their wont valour, but by valiant Fight to make him Emperor, not of afric but of Asia also.  
Now Vastius had withdrawn two Companies of Harquebusiers out of the Spanish Squadron, to skirmish with the Moors who continually ●ollowed in the tail of the Army; whom, by those Harquebusiers and certain Troops of Horsemen deputed to that purpose, the Duke of Alva notably repulsed in the Rearward.  
The Army was now come unto the Cisterns of fresh Water, 
The Soldiers for 〈…〉 of water 〈…〉 their march.  which Muleasses and othe●s which well knew the Country, had before told them of; which as soon as the Soldiers almost fainting under the weight of their Armour, with the scorching heat of the Sun, and extremity of Thirst, descried afar off; they for desire they had to quench their Thirst, forthwith forsook their Colours, and disorderly ran as fast as they could to those Cisterns; Vastius the General, to the uttermost of his power labouring in vain both by fair means and foul to have stayed them; who saw by that disordredness of the Soldiers, a great advantage offered unto the Enemy, which then was not far off. But when the General could neither with words or blows prevail any thing with them, the Emperor himself was glad to hast thither, with his Presence and Authority to have kept them in order; yet such was the force of their intolerable Thirst, that neither the sight of the Emperor, nor all that he could do, could remedy the disorder; some fainting in the Sand for lack of Drink, and some other for greediness ready to burst their Bellies at the Fountains; so that the Emperor was fain with his Truncheon to beat them away. Amongst the rest, one Sullius Cicero of Arpinas, a famous Captain, died at the Cistern side with drinking too much. This extremity for want of Water seemed justly to have happened unto them, forasmuch as Vastius the day before had by general Proclamation through the Camp, commanded that every Soldier should carry with him a Bottle of Wine or Water at his Girdle; although he caused so much Water as he conveniently could, to be carried in great Casks for the common relief of the Army, whereof the Germans had the greatest part; some almost ready to give over for Thirst, 
A draugh● of water sold for two Ducats.  were glad to get a draught of cold Water of their Fellows which had it, for two Ducats.  
This disorder being with as much speed as was possible reform, and the Army again brought into order, 
Barbarussa in Field against the Emperor.  the Emperor held on his march towards the Enemy; for Barbarussa with a wonderful multitude of Horsemen and Footmen; and a number of Ensigns (the instruments of vain fear and foolish bravery) gallantly displayed after the manner of the Moors, was come about three miles from the City, and with certain Field-Pieces (as Muleasses had foretold) went about to have broken the Battle of the Christians; which Pieces although they were oftentimes discharged, yet did they but little or no harm by reason of the unskilfulness of the Cannoneers. Vastius in like manner, and for like purpose had commanded the great Ordnance to be brought into the Front of the Battle; but perceiving what time and toil it required to have it done (for that it was drawn but by strength of men, and the Wheels of the Carriages sunk deep in the devouring Sand, and the Shot and Powder which the Mariners and Galleyslaves carried altogether upon their Shoulders, came but softly on) he suddenly changed his purpose, and told the Emperor, That he thought it not best to stay for the great Artillery in that cheerfulness of his Army when every man desired Battle, but to commit all to the Valour of his resolute Men, and his own good Fortune, which ever favoured his noble attempts; lest whilst we stay (said he) too long upon our great Ordnance (which do not always serve to great purpose in sudden Battles) our Enemies gather Courage in the time of this our unnecessary delay; and this exceeding chearfuulness of our Soldiers (the most sure token of undoubted Victory) by deferring of time grow cold. Whereunto the Emperor, desirous of Battle, and filled with good hope, joyfully answered; Vastius, if thou so think it good (which I also like well of) in God's name give the signal. That shall I by and by do (said he) but first it is reason that you which sway and command a great part of the World, learn at this time to obey him, whom to his great charge and shame, you, laying aside the Imperial Majesty of yourself, have for this day made General and Commander of so mighty an Army; wherefore (said Vastius) I will now use my Authority, 
Vastius commandeth the Emperor.  and command you, sith I may not so request you, to depart from this place, and to get you into the midst of the Battle near unto the Ensigns; lest by some unlucky Shot, the whole estate of the Army be brought into extreme peril by the danger of one man's life. Whereat the Emperor smiling, willed him to fear no such thing; saying moreover, That never Emperor was yet slain with a Gun. For all that, he departed out of the place as he was commanded, and went into the middle of the Battle. Whereupon the signal of Battle was by the sound of the Trumpet, and striking up of the Drum, presently given, and the Enemy (with more haste than the extreme heat of the day required) furiously charged by the Emperor's Horsemen, who to avoid the danger of the great Artillery, made all the haste they could to come to handy blows. In the foremost of these Horsemen was Ferdinand Gonzaga, a most valiant Nobleman, who then served the Emperor without charge; he being somewhat before the rest, at the first onset slew with his Lance a great Captain of the Moors, and presently with his Sword so troubled them that were next, that he opened a way for them that followed him, to break into the Enemy's Battle. The Harquebusiers also discharged so fast upon the Enemy, that three hundred of them lay dead upon the ground before the joining of the Battle; which the rest of the Footmen seeing, forsook their great Ordnance and fled back to Barbarussa. Who long endured not the force or sight of the Christians; but grinding his Teeth for sorrow and grief of mind, 
Barbarussa flieth to ●unes.  turned his Horse, and with his Turks retired into Tunes. For now that his designs had in the beginning taken so evil success, he thought it not best to adventure all in one Battle; knowing right well, that the Emperor's Army could not long endure the inconveniences of the intolerable heat and want of many things, especially of fresh Water; which fed him with hope, that he should out of these his Enemy's distresses pick some fit occasion of advantage, if he could but a while defend the City of Tunes. The Numidians and Moors, who in great Troops and Companies had always hovered about the Emperor's Army, without doing any thing worth reporting, retired themselves into the Suburbs, Gardens, and other places near unto the City.  
The Emperor glad of the flight of his Enemies, which were thought to have been in number an hundred thousand, encamped with his Army that night in the same place where they before lay; determining the next day to batter the Walls of Tunes. In the mean time Barbarussa, surprised with an exceeding fear, and distracted with many cares, and now become more cruel than himself, had in his mind purposed a fact full of exceeding and inhuman Cruelty; 
Barbarussa in mind to kill all the Christian Captives, is dissuaded by Sinan the jew.  which was at once to have killed all the Christian Captives in the Castle of Tunes; fully resolved to put the same in execution, had not Sinan the Jew dissuaded him from that most execrable fact; protesting such a practice to be unseemly for a man of his Valour, famous for his many Victories, and carrying with him the Majesty of a King; whereas he would shortly after wonderfully repent him for doing so shameful a fact; the doing whereof, What was it else (as the Jew said) but a manifest demonstration of his extreme fear and desperation? which two things were most dangerous to him, that was to maintain so doubtful a War, and would much deface the glory of his former life; wherefore he should do well to beware, that by the fame of such a most horrible fact, he did not provoke Soliman's heavy displeasure against him; who devoid of all human Cruelty, had used both to detest and revenge such outrages. Wherefore he should suffer the Christian Captives to live bound in their fatal Chains, so long as it were their Fortunes; who being well kept, and unarmed, might shortly after serve him to good purpose, and could no way without most certain danger move themselves, if they should unadvisedly lust after their unlucky Liberty; for by them, the expected Victory could neither be given to the Enemy, nor taken from him, or yet so much as hindered. At which speech the Tyrant was ashamed, and so sparing the lives of the poor Wretches, went out of the Castle, into the greatest Church of Tunes, whither he had caused to assemble all the chief men of the City, to tell them what he would have done for the defence of the City, and now by persuasion to encourage them to fight; from whom, as men by him holden in distrust, he had but a little before the coming of the Christians, taken all manner of Armour and Weapons.  
Whilst Barbarussa was thus busied, the most joyful and happy day appeared to those miserable Captives, by fortunes change no less black and dismal to the Turks and Moors. For that heinous purpose of the cruel Tyrant could not long be covered or kept secret; so that a constant report of a danger so imminent, was run through the whole Castle, even into deep Dungeons; by the compassion of certain manumised Slaves, who detesting the savage Cruelty of Barbarussa their Master, and touched with Devotion, had in Heart returned to their old and true Christian Religion; encouraging by secret Speeches the chief of the Captives with whom they were acquainted, to lay hand now upon their liberty. Amongst these well minded Men was one Francis a Spaniard, whom Barbarussa had from his youth brought up as his Minion, having him always in great esteem by the name of Memis; and another called Vincentius Catereus of Dalmatia an Eunuch. 
The Christian Captives break prison, and drive the Turks out of the Castle of Tunes.  These two adventuring a most memorable and godly attempt, set open the Prison doors, and gave Instruments unto the poor Prisoners, ready to take the occasion offered; who boldly starting up, broke off their Chains and Gyves, and so by the great goodness and mercy of God, about six thousand poor naked Christians, armed with that came first in hand, but especially with stones, broke forth suddenly upon the Turks that were in the Castle. Ramadas a renegade Spaniard Captain of the Castle, stirred up with unexpected and terrible noise of so many Prisoners breaking their Irons, with a few Soldiers whom he had suddenly called unto him, ran to the Castle Gate, where one of the Prisoners (a lusty young Man of Sicilia) had with one of the Bars of the Gate struck down one or two of the Warders, and having bolted the Gate, was become Master thereof; him Ramadas slew, and opening the Gate, made way for himself and his few followers, with whom he went to Barbarussa, to carry him the news of that his hard mischance. But the Christians now loosed from their Bands, and having suddenly slain divers of the Turks, possessed themselves of all the Castle, broke open the Armoury, and so seizing upon the King's Treasure, Armour, and Provision, from a high Turret gave signs of Victory to the Christian Army by smoke and false fires made with Gunpowder; and lastly by displaying of Sarmentus his Ensign, which (as we have before declared) was by Tabacches taken from the top of the Trenches at the Siege of Guletta. These signs although the Christians in the Army could not well perceive, as being too far off; yet by the Fugitives which came oftentimes out of Tunes to the Emperor and Muleasses, they were both persuaded, that some great Tumult was risen amongst the Enemies. Wherefore the Emperor sent two of his Captains with their Companies, who going as near as they could to the City and the Castle, should discover what the matter was, In the mean time, Barbarussa almost mad for anger, in his fury blaspheming his vain Gods, and bitterly cursing and banning the Jew, for dissuading him from killing the Captives, came to the Castle Gate, with tears standing in his Eyes pitifully requesting the late Christian Captives (which then stood upon the top of the Walls and the Gate, with Weapons in their hands) that they would forthwith let him in, faithfully promising them their liberty, with a general and free Pardon for all that they had done. But they mindful both of their former and present Fortune, and moved with just hatred, cast stones at him, and with many opprobrious words rejected his request; so that he enraged with sorrow and madness, shot at them with his own hand, and seeing all past remedy, and the City not possible now to be kept, shamefully betook himself to flight. After him followed the Turks, in number seven thousand, with purpose to fly to the City Hippona, now called Bona, famous for the Bishopric of the reverend Father and great Divine Augustine. For there (as in a most sure Harbour) had Barbarussa left fourteen Galleys in the Lake near unto the City▪ to serve his turn whatsoever mischance should happen; but the Tackling, Sails, Oars, and Ordnance, he had laid up in the Castle fast by, which were kept with a Garrison of his own.  
The Emperor understanding that Barbarussa with his Turks was fled, 
Tunes yielded to the Emperor.  came with all his Army unto the Gates of Tunes, where the Magistrates of the City were ready to submit themselves unto him, and to deliver him the Keys of the City; only requesting of him, that he would keep his Soldiers encamped without the City, and not to seek the utter spoil and ruin thereof; promising, that the Soldiers should want nothing that was there to be had. Muleasses also careful of the safety thereof, earnestly entreated the Emperor in the Citizen's behalf. But he, although he was of his own honourable disposition ready enough to have granted what they requested; yet for that he did, not without cause, doubt of the Moors Fidelity, and that the payment of the Money which they of Tunes had by Muleasses promised for the payment of the Soldier's wages, was by them craftily delayed, expecting still the uttermost devoir of Barbarussa, he could not by any means be persuaded to promise them any certainty of their safety▪ moved also so to do by the discontented Speeches of his Soldiers, who spared not to say, That they should be hardly and unkindly dealt withal, if after so long travel and so much pains taken both by Sea and Land, they should be defrauded of the reward of the Victory, sith nothing but only the hope of the present spoil did relieve and feed them, being poor and miserable, having scarce Clothes to cover their nakedness, and their Bodies spent with long labour and thirst; so that the Moors of Tunes, Enemies of the Christian Religion, and the perpetual receivers of most horrible Pirates, might worthily rejoice of the Christian Victory; and the Conquerors themselves for ever bewail their own calamities and miseries. Whilst the Emperor stood thus in doubt what to resolve upon, Vastius with a small Company came to the Castle Gate, and was with wonderful joy received by the Christian Captives. But as he was viewing the Wealth and Provision laid up in the Castle, a Ligurian Captain discovered unto him where certain Treasure lay hid; for Barbarussa had there cast into a Well thirty thousand Ducats sowed up in Bags, which Vastius getting easily out, obtained them of the Emperor of Gift, as he whose good service had well deserved them. 
Tunes spoiled by the Christians.  The Castle thus won by a most rare chance, and the Captives taking the spoil thereof, the Soldiers could no longer be stayed, but that they entered into the City by heaps, running after the spoil into every part thereof; the Citizens fearing no such matter, and calling in vain upon the faith of Muleasses; the old Soldiers at the first entrance slew many. The Spaniards and the Italians sought most after the spoil; but the Germans desiring more to glut themselves with the Mahometan Blood, filled all places with dead Bodies, without regard of Sex or Age, so that the profane Temples of their vain Prophet, swum with the Blood of them that were fled into them. Which furious execution continued until such time as the Emperor moved with the pitiful request of Muleasses, caused proclamation to be made, That no Man should upon pain of Death hurt any Citizen, or take any Prisoners; yet for all that, it could not otherwise be, but that many young Men and Women were by the Mariners (which were come to the spoil of the City) carried away to the Fleet.  
Muleasses for a little Money redeemed divers which he knew, out of the hands of such as had them Prisoners; amongst others, one of his Wives, whom he sometime held dearest, was ransomed for two Ducats. The Emperor entering into the Castle, commended the Captives, who were the occasion of that speedy Victory; and giving to every one of them Money, set them at liberty, promising unto them Shipping and Provision to bring them home every Man into his own Country. Unto the two manumised Servants of Barbarussa, 
Three things especially lamented by Mul●asses in the spoil of the Castle of Tunes.  which were the Authors of breaking the Prison, he gave Money and Apparel, and afterwards learned of them many things concerning Barbarussa his purposes, and secret disposition. In the spoil of the Castle, Muleasses lamented the loss of three things especially; first, the ancient Arabian Books containing the interpretation of the Mahometan Law, and the Acts of the Kings his Predecessors; the loss whereof, Muleasses (in the hearing of P. jovius, out of whom this History is taken) said (as he reporteth) that he would most gladly, if it had been possible, have redeemed with the price of a City: Then the precious Ointments and Perfumes, with the wonderful store of Ambergrize, Musk, and Civet, worth much Gold; all which, Barbarussa as a rude and rough Man had made no reckoning of. And last of all, the rare and rich Colours for Painting, which lying by heaps, were by the ignorant Soldiers, seeking for that might yield them present Money, foolishly neglected and trodden underfoot, serving no Man to good. In the Castle were found divers Headpieces and other Armour of the Christians, namely of the French, who with Lewis their King, had about three Hundred years before besieged that Castle; which Armour had been until that time there kept by the Moors in remembrance of that Victory against the Christians.  
Barbarussa in the mean time was come to the River of Bagrada, which the Moors call Maior-dech, which he easily passed over, though he was pursued by certain Numidian Horsemen, whom Muleasses had raised of his old Friends, and of the Followers of his Uncle Dorax, and sent them to pursue the Turks; but Barbarussa so marched with his Harquebusiers and Archers placed in the rearward, that the Numidian Horsemen durst not come near him, and so in safety came to Hippona, as he had before purposed. Yet in passing the River Bagrada, he lost Haydin of Smirna, that famous Pirate; who being a fat Man, and wearied with the heat of the Sun and painfulness of the Journey, drank so much, that he died presently upon the bank of the River. When Barbarussa was come to Hippona, 
Barbarussa flieth to Hippona, and th●re comforteth his Soldiers.  he rested his Men two days; then calling them together again, he comforted them with good words; persuading them, that whatsoever mischance had happened, they should impute it not to the valour of the Enemy, but to the treachery of the Slaves; exhorting them, as valiant Men patiently to endure that frown of Fortune, and by some notable exploit to win again her Favour; for he was again determined to put to Sea with the Fleet he had, and to go presently from thence to Algiers, where after he had with new Supplies increased his Power, and augmented his Fleet, and better advised himself, he would take an attempt in hand answerable to their desires, and not unbeseeming his own credit an estimation. It is reported, that never vanquished and beaten Captain was with a more cheerful acclamation answered by his Soldiers, than he was at that present; they all with one consent most willingly requesting to command whatsoever pleased him, which they would never refuse to undertake, were it never so heavy or dangerous, so that they might be brought to some notable exploit. Barbarussa using this exceeding cheerfulness and forwardness of his Soldiers, did with wonderful celerity weigh up the fourteen Galleys which he had sunk in the Lake, and forthwith rigged them up, and furnished them for all assays; and upon the very brink of the Lake cast up a Mount of earth, whereon he placed certain pieces of Artillery for defence of the Harbour, not vainly conjecturing, that the Christian Fleet would in short time come thither to impeach his going out; pointing therein as it were at the purpose of the Emperor and Auria his Admiral, 
Auria sendeth certain Galleys to intercept Barbarussa.  who were of opinion, that by sending part of the Fleet thither, those Galleys might be drowned in the Harbour with the great Ordnance, before they could be rigged and made ready. Unto this piece of service Auria appointed one Adam, a Captain of Genoa, a Man of no great skill in matters at Sea, but yet of great wealth and credit, and the Admirals nigh Kinsman; he with certain Galliots and fourteen Galleys, set forward towards Hippona, promising unto himself a most certain and easy Victory, hoping to purchase unto himself great Honour of the unprovided Enemy; for that he thought to have taken Barbarussa busy in setting forth of his Fleet. But after he was past Biserta, and come near to Hippona, he was certainly advertised, that Barbarussa had with incredible celerity rigged up his Galleys, and fortified the Harbour, by planting great Ordnance upon the Mount he had there raised. With which news he wonderfully troubled, changed his purpose, persuaded by the other Captains of the Galleys, in no case to adventure to fight with him, because the Spanish, Sicilian, and Neapolitan Galleys were but weakly manned, many of the Soldiers being for greediness of the Spoil gone ashore without leave at Tunes; so that he should at great disadvantage fight with the Turks, being more in number and desperately bend. Wherefore he upon good advice presently changed his former course, and returned to the Fleet for more Aid. Barbarussa (as it was afterwards known) stood a good while in doubt, whether he should in hope of Victory pursue those Galleys, forasmuch as they were in number no more than his own, or else to persist in his former purpose of going to Algiers. 
Barbarussa escapeth to Algiers.  Unto which opinion all the under Captains inclined, being altogether ignorant of the weakness of the Christians; and so letting slip a fair occasion, leaving a small Garrison of Turks in the Castle, he departed from Hippona and sailed alongst the Coast to Algiers. When Adam was returned again to the Fleet, and had done nothing, many of the Christian Princes were wonderfully offended, that by the negligence of some who were hardly to be commanded, and by the unruliness of others who without leave were gone ashore, so fair an occasion of the desired Victory, was neglected. For this thing only wanted unto the Emperor's rare felicity in that War; for if those few Galleys had been taken from the cruel Enemy, or sunk in the Sea, there had been no means for him to have escaped; being verily thought, that the Numidians in number infinite, an deadly Enemies unto the Turks, would with often Skirmishes out of their known places of advantage, have so cut him off in his long and painful travel by Land, that they would altogether have made an end both of him and his followers before he could have come to Algiers. Auria angry both with himself and those whom he had put in trust, and yet not out of hope to overtake his Enemy; with his own Galleys and some other of the best Ships went to Hippona; but finding Barbarussa gone, he took the City, and overthrew the Walls thereof; but in the Castle which he by force took from the Turks, he placed Alvarus Gometius with a sufficient Garrison, and so returned unto the Emperor. This Gometius, although he was a most valiant Captain, yet became so infamous for his avaricious dealing both with the Enemy and his Friends, that for fear how to answer such things as he knew would be laid to his charge, he became the infamous Executioner of himself. The Castle was afterwards by the commandment of the Emperor, razed down to the ground, for that it was not without a marvellous charge to be kept. After that, 
The Kingdom of Tunes is by the Emperor restored to Muleasses.  a Counsel was holden concerning Muleasses, whom the Emperor placed again in the Kingdom of Tunes, there to Reign as his Ancestors had done before him; paying him yearly by the name of Tribute, two Falcons, and two Numidian Coursers; with condition, that he should for ever honour the Emperor, and be a Friend unto all Christians, and an utter Enemy unto the Turks. Besides that, That he should from time to time defray the charges of a thousand Spaniards and more, to be left in Garrison in the Castle of Guletta; by holding whereof, the Emperor kept as it were the Keys of that Kingdom at his Girdle. 
The Emperor returneth with Victory into Italy.  The Emperor having thus honourably driven Barbarussa and the Turks Pirates out of Tunes, taken from their them Galleys, delivered the Christian Countries (all along the Sea Coast into the Mediterranean) of a great fear, and restored Muleasses again to his Kingdom, sailed into Sicilia, where he was in great Triumph received at Panormus and Messsina, from whence he passed over to Rh●gium in Italy, and from thence by Land to Naples. Thus was the Kingdom of Tunes taken by Barbarussa and the Turks; and by Charles the Emperor recovered again out of their hands the selfsame time that Solyman was in Person himself in Wars against the Persian; whom Barbarussa accompanied with Sinan the Jew, after this overthrow met at Iconium in his return out of Persia, well accepting of their excuse, as is before declared.  
year 1537. Solyman as well of his own ambitious disposition, as following the manner of the Ottoman Kings, desirous by all means to increase the glory of his Name, and to enlarge his Empire, determined with himself to take away from the Portugals all their Traffic into the East Indies. It grieved him to hear, that the Christian Religion should begin to take root amongst those Pagan Kings, which had not long before received the Mahometan Religion; Besides that, he was credibly informed, that the Portugals in these late Wars he had against the Persians, had aided them with certain Harquebusiers, and also had sent them Workmen to show them both the making and use of great Artillery. But that which moved him most of all, was for that the Portugals by their Traffic into the Indies, had cut off all the Trade of Merchandise into the Gulf of Arabia, whereby the Riches of the East were wont to be transported unto Cairo, and so to Alexandria, from whence they were afterwards by the Venetian Merchants and others dispersed into all parts of Europe; but now were carried by the great Ocean into Portugal, and from thence conveied into all parts of Christendom, to the great hindrance of his Tributes and Customs of Egypt. For these causes, and at the instance of Solyman Bassa an Eunuch, born in Epirus, and then Governor of Epgypt; Solyman caused wonderful preparation to be made, for the building of a great Fleet in the Red Sea, to go against the Portugals. All the Timber whereof was cut down in the Mountains of Cilicia, and Shipped in the Bay of Attalia in the bottom of the Mediterranean, from whence it was by Sea transported to Pelusium, and so up the River of Nilus to Cairo; where after it was framed and ready to be set together, it was with infinite labour, and no less charge, carried by Land with Camels through that hot and sandy Country, from Cairo to Suetia, a Port of the Red Sea, called in ancient time Arsinoe. 
The Egyptian Kings about to let in the Red Sea into the Mediterranean.  From which place eighty miles distant from Cairo, the ancient Kings of Egypt, seeking by vain and wonderful works to eternise the memory of themselves, had with incredible charge cut through all that main Land; so that Vessels of good burden might come up the same from Arsinoe to Cairo; which great Cut or Ditch, Sesostris the rich King of Egypt, and long after him Ptolomeus Philadelphus, purposed to have made a great deal wider and deeper, and thereby to have let the Red Sea into the Mediterranean, for the readier transportation of the Indian Merchandise to Cairo and Alexandria. Which mad work, Sesostris prevented by death could not perform; and Ptolomeus otherwise persuaded by skilful Men, in time gave over for fear least by letting in the great South Sea into the Mediterranean, he should thereby as it were with another general Deluge have drowned the greatest part of Graecia, and many other goodly Countries in Asia, and with exceeding charge, in stead of Honour, have purchased himself eternal Infamy. Yet by the singular industry of Solyman the Eunuch, who with severe commandent enforced all the people of the Countries thereabouts to the furtherance of the building of that Fleet; he had with wonderful celerity in short time new built eighty tall Ships and Galleys at Arsinoe, and furnished them with Men, and all things else needful for so long a Voyage. At which time, he upon a quarrel picked without cause, but not without the good liking of Solyman, most injuriously confiscated the Goods of the Venetian Merchants at Alexandria and Cairo, and thrust the Mariners into his Galleys as Slaves. With which Fleet in most Warlike manner appointed, Solyman the Bassa, accompanied 〈◊〉 Assan-Beg, commonly called the Moor of ●●●●andria, a most famous Pirate and an excellent Seaman, set forward against the Portugals▪ and sailing through the Red Sea, and so Eastward by the Gulf of Persia, came at length as far as the great River Indus; where with all his power he Assaulted Dium a Castle of the Portugals, situate upon the mouth of that great River; 
〈…〉 the Turks.  but in conclusion, after he had many days besieged the Castle both by Sea and Land, and tried the uttermost of his strength, he was so repulsed by the Portugals, that he was glad to forsake the Siege, and leaving his great Ordnance behind him for haste, returned back again to Aden, a City of great Trade in Arabia Foelix; where discouraged with the evil success he had against the Portugals, because he would be thought to have done something, he alured the King of that rich City to come unto him, upon his false Faith before given for his safe return; but as soon as he had him aboard, he like a perjured wretch hanged him up at the Yards-arm of his Admiral's Galley, and so surprising the City, enriched himself with the spoil thereof. 
The treacherous dealing of Solyman the Eunuch Bassa with the Kings of Arabia.  The like barbarous cruelty he used at Zibyth, another famous Port of Arabia, where the Pilgrims of the East do commonly Land when they after the manner of their superstition come to visit the Temple of their false Prophet at Mecha; the King of which place together with all his Nobility he cruelly murdered, contrary to his Faith given; and so travelling himself by Land to Mecha, as if he had been some devout Pilgrim, sent back his Fleet by the Moor to Suetia, having performed against the Portugals nothing at all.  
At the same time Solyman by the persuasion of Lutzis and Aiax (the Bassas of greatest authority about him, now that Abraham was dead) turned all his Forces from the Persians, as Men agreeing with him in the chief points of his Mahometan Superstition, with purpose to convert the same upon Italy; 
Solyman incited by the French Ambassador to invade Italy.  whereunto he was earnestly solicited by john Forrest the French Kings Ambassador, then lying at Constantinople of purpose to incite Solyman against Charles the Emperor, assuring him that he was not of such power, as at one time to defend Apulia against him, and the Dukedom of Milan against the French King, who (as he said) was determined that Summer to invade that part of Italy. And to further the matter, about the same time one Troilus Pignat●llus, a noble Gentleman, sometime Commander in Charles the Emperor's Army, but then exiled out of Naples, fled unto Solyman; and forsomuch as he was a Man of name, and like to do him great service in the invasion of Apulia, as one which knew the Country well and promised unto him good success in that War, was by Solyman honourably entertained amongst his Mutfaracas; which is a certain Company of Horsemen for their approved Valour, chosen out of all Nations; having the free exercise of their Religion whatsoever without controlment, and are only bound to attend upon the Person of the great Turk when he goeth to War. The cause of his revolt was, for that the Viceroy of Naples had executed Andrew his Brother, one of the Knights of the Rhodes. But being now grown into great favour with Solyman and the Bassas, and oftentimes called to counsel in the preparation of that War, casting off all natural love of his Country, ceased not by all means to persuade Solyman to invade the same; assuring him, that the People of Apulia and Salerne, oppressed with grievous Tribute and Exactions by the Emperor's Officers, would at the first revolt, especially if they saw any of the French Nation to cleave unto. And that which moved him more than all the rest, the ancient Turks told him into what a fear all Italy was strucken, at such time as Achmetes the Bassa having taken Hydruntum, had undoubtedly conquered not only the Kingdom of Naples, but the City of Rome also, and all the rest of Italy, had not the untimely death of Mahomet his great Grandfather interrupted the course of that Victory. Which persuasions wrought such effect in Solyman, 
S●lyman with an Army of two hundred thousand Men cometh to to Aulona.  that he, once fully resolved for the Invasion of Italy, made such expedition both by Sea and Land, that he himself in Person was come with two hundred thousand Men unto Aulona, the most convenient Port of Macedon for the transporting of his Army, before it was thought in Italy that he was set forward from Constantinople; where he had not long stayed, but Lutzis Bassa his Admiral, accompanied with Barbarussa, sailing alongst the Coast of Peloponnesus and Epirus, and so passing by Corcyra, where Hieronimus Pisaurius, Admiral of the Venetian Fleet lay with his Galleys (after mutual salutation done after the manner at Sea, by shooting off their great Pieces in token of friendship) put into the Haven of Aulona also. Solyman not purposing to lose any time, 
S●lyman sends Lutzis and Barbarussa with his Fleet to invade Italy.  and having Italy now in his sight, commanded Lutzis and Barbarussa to pass over with the Fleet unto Otranto, and to prove the minds of the people; that if the first enterprise fell out well, he might presently follow after with all his Army. With them went also Troilus Pignatellus, as forward to the destruction of his Country, as any of the rest. He knowing that the great Cities of Hydruntum and Brundus●um were kept with strong Garrisons of Charles the Emperor; leaving Hydruntum on the right hand, directed the Turks to a Town upon the Sea Coast, eight miles off, called Castrum, near unto which standeth a Castle upon a Hill then belonging to Mercurinus Catinarius; who being a Man unacquainted with Wars, and terrified with the sudden coming of the Turks, and persuaded by Troilus, yielded up his Castle, upon condition, that the Turks should offer no violence or injury unto him or his, either in body or goods. 
Castrum in Apulia yielded to the Turks, and by them contrary to their faith spoiled.  Upon which condition the Town of Castrum was also delivered unto them. But the Turks, especially the greedy Mariners, being got into the Castle and the Town, moved neither with the entreaty of Troilus, nor the commandment of Lutzis and Barbarussa, rifled the Town and Castle, and carried away with them Mercurinus himself, with all the flour of the people, to their Galleys as Prisoners. But Lutzis ashamed of such faithless dealing, presently set Mercurinus at liberty again. At the same time also, Solyman had by night sent over certain Troops of light Horsemen, in great Palenders; which running all alongst the Sea Coast from Tarentum to Brundisium, carried away with them both the People and cattle, and whatsoever else came in their way by the space of forty miles. So that all the Country of Salentinum, 
The Turks spoil Apulia.  now called Otranto, was filled with fear and danger; and had not there stayed, but was like enough to have overwhelmed all Italy, by the coming over of Solyman with his whole Army, had not the rashness of one Venetian Captain by unexpected chance turned that Tempest from the Italians upon the Venetians themselves.  
Alexander Contarenus, a valiant Captain of the Venetians, meeting with certain of the Turks Galleys, which would neither veil their top Sails, nor in token of reverence and friendship, discharge any of their great Ordnance, as of duty they ought to have done in those Seas where the Venetians commanded; offended with their proud insolency, fiercely assailed them, and in fight sunk two of them; wherein Ustamenes Governor of Calipolis, a Man of no small reputation among the Turks, was reported to have perished. Which outrage done by Contarenus in a most unfit time (to the great hurt of the Venetian Estate, as it appeared afterward) was imputed to his own private grudge which he bore against the Turks, for that they intercepted a Ship of his as she was coming out of the East Countries laden with rich Merchandise; so that it was thought, that he to please himself in revenging of his own private injury, regarded not what in that dangerous time might ensue thereof to the common State.  
A little before the coming over of the Turks into Italy, Andreas Auria the Emperor's Admiral lying at Messina in Sicilia, understanding that Solyman was come with his Army to Aulona, and that his Fleet was arrived there also, put to Sea, directing his course towards the Islands of Cephalenia and Zacynthus, hoping (indeed as it fell out) to meet with the tail of the Turks Fleet; for there according to his expectation he chanced upon divers of the Turks Victuallers, whom he easily took. 
Junusbe●us with two Galleys, driven by the Venetians upon the Acroseraunian Rock.  The Mariners he chained in his own Galleys for Slaves, and furnishing his Fleet with the Victual which was not for him provided, fired the Ships. Whilst Auria was thus beating too and fro in the Ionian Sea, it fortuned that Solyman sent junusbeius his chief Interpreter, a Man whom he made no small account of, with two Galleys on a Message to Lutzis his Admiral. This proud Turk coming near unto Corcyra, where the Venetian Admiral lay with his Fleet, offered scornfully to pass without vailing; which his pride tending to the disgrace of the Venetians, certain of the Venetian Captains not enduring, set upon him with such fury, that the Turks were enforced to run both their Galleys on shore upon the Coast of Epirus, near unto the Mountains called Acroceraunij, where having escaped the danger at Sea, they fell almost all into the hands of the cruel Mountain people, living for the most part by Theft, and waiting for Wrecks, as Hawks for their prey; by these shavers the Turks were stripped of all they had, and junusbeius with much ado redeeming himself out of their hands, returned to Solyman. Auria sailing alongst the Sea Coast, chanced upon these Galleys, and finding them sore bruised, set fire on them.  
For these unkind parts, the Turks were wonderfully offended with the Venetians, and grievously complained of them to Solyman; although the Venetian Admiral laboured by all means he could to appease junusbeius, and to excuse the matter, as a thing done by great oversight on both sides. Upon these small occasions, the Turks sought to break off the League with the Venetians; which fell out so much the sooner, for that about the same time Auria sailing up and down the Ionian Sea, 
Auria taketh 12 of the Turks Galleys full of janissaries and Soliman's other best Soldiers.  and diligently looking into every Harbour to intercept such as straggled from the Turks Fleet, happened by night to light upon twelve of Soliman's great Galleys near unto Corcyra, all filled with his Janissaries and choice Horsemen of the Court, the best Soldiers of the Turks, who had by Land sent their Horses to the Camp by their Lackeys, and were coming themselves with the Janissaries by Sea. Auria falling upon these Galleys, had with them a cruel and deadly Fight; for they as resolute Men, wishing rather to die than to yield to their Enemies, with invincible courage maintained a most bloody Fight against Auria with his thirty Galleys excellently appointed, until such time as most part of them were slain, and the rest sore wounded; who seeing no remedy, but that they must needs come into the hands of their Enemies, threw their Scimiters overboard, because those choice Weapons should not come into the hands of the Christians. In this conflict, Auria lost also many of his best Soldiers; yet having got the Victory, and possessed of the Galleys, he anchored near unto Corcyra, there to take view of his own harms and the Enemies; but whilst he rid there at Anchor, he was advertised, that Barbarussa was coming against him with eighty Galleys. Wherefore knowing himself too weak to encounter so strong an Enemy, he departed thence, and returned again to Messina to repair his Fleet. Solyman thoroughly chafed with the loss of his Galleys and best Soldiers, and with the double injury done unto him by the Venetians, fell into such a rage, that he cursed Barbarussa, as one who in these Wars had done him no good service; and thundered out grievous threats against the Venetians, saying, He was under the colour of an ancient League, by them deceived and greatly abused, and that they were secretly confederated with Charles his Enemy, and had for that cause (as they had always) holpen Auria with intelligence, and all things necessary, receiving him into their Harbours, and by their Spials giving him knowledge of the order of his Fleet, 
Junusbeius, Barbarussa, and Ajax, incense Solyman against the Venetians.  that so he might at his own advantage surprise his Galleys, as he had already done. Unto which fire, junusbeius his Interpreter, Barbarussa, and Aiax, laid new Coals, more and more incensing the Tyrant, who was of himself sufficiently inflamed; persuading him by all means they could, to break the League with the Venetians. Wherein junusbeius sought to revenge his own private injuries; and the other two after their great profit and credit, gaping after the Spoil of the Islands near hand, especially of Corcyra (now called Corfu) Zacynthus, and Cephalenia, all subject to the Venetian signory; finding the Wars in Italy more dangerous and difficult than they had before imagined. For the French King came not then into Italy, as was by them expected; and it was commonly reported, That Petrus Toletanus Viceroy of Naples, having put strong Garrisons into the Towns all alongst the Sea Coast, was coming himself with a great Army; beside that, the Horsemen sent over from Aulona, ranging about in the Country of Salentum for Spoil, were many times cut off by Scipio Sommeius a noble Gentleman, there Governor for the Emperor. 
Solyman converteth his Forces from the Italians against the Venetians▪  Wherefore Solyman changing his purpose for the invasion of Italy, in his mad mood proclaimed War against the Venetians; and rising with his Army from Aulona, and marching alongst the Sea Coast until he came over against Corcyra, he encamped near unto the Mountains called Acroceraunij, where the fierce and wild People inhabiting the high and rough Mountain of Chimaera, a part of the Acroceraunian Mountains; by the instigation of one Damianus a notable Thief, and very perfect in the blind and difficult passages amongst the Rocks, and Woods in those desolate Mountains, conspired to attempt a most strange and desperate Exploit, which was, by night to spoil Solyman in his own Pavilion. 
Solyman in danger to have been slain in his Tent in the midst of his Army.  These beggarly wild Rogues living for most part by Murder and Robbery, altogether without Law or any manner of Religion, in hope of so great a prey, and to become famous in killing one of the greatest Monarches of the World in the midst of his strength, guarded with so many thousands of his Shoulders; were not afraid of any danger, how great soever, hoping in the dead time of the night to steal into the Camp undiscovered, and there so to oppress Solyman sleeping in his Tent. Which (as was by many afterwards supposed) they were like enough to have performed, to the astonishment of the World, had it not been by chance discovered; for when they had put all things in readiness for that purpose, Damianus ringleader of these desperate savage People, by secret ways stealing down the broken Rocks of those huge Mountains, and coming very near unto the Camp to view the standing of Soliman's Pavilion, with the order of the Turks Watch, was by the cracking of a Bough espied by the Janissaries, where he stood in a Tree prying all over the Camp; and being there taken, and afterward put to torture, and confessing what he had intended, was by the commandment of Solyman torn in pieces. Whereupon he forthwith sent a great part of his Army up into the Mountains, which hunting after these wild People, as if they had been wild Beasts, slew many of them, and by Soliman's appointment did what they possibly could to have quite destroyed them, as an infamous People, Enemy to all Men.  
When Solyman had thus fully revenged himself upon this barbarous Nation, 
Solyman invad●th the Island of Corcyra  he purposed to invade the Island of Corcyra, now called Corfu, part of the Venetian signory; sending before Barbarussa with his great Artillery, whom he had but a little before called out of Italy with his Forces. Pisaurius the Venetian Admiral in good time perceiving the Tyrant's purpose, strengthened the Garrisons in both the Castles of Corfu, with new supplies of good Soldiers sent out of the Galleys; and knowing himself unable to encounter with the Turks great Fleet at Sea, withdrew himself farther off from the Island, into the Gulf of the Adriatic, to the intent to join his power with joannes Veturius, who kept that Sea with another Fleet of the Venetian Galleys, and so with joined Forces to defend the Venetian Coasts against the Turks; whom he thought himself strong enough without the help of Veturius and of Auria, whose coming was daily expected. Solyman sending a great part of his Army out of the Main, into the Island, burnt and destroyed the Country Villages, leading away a wonderful number of poor Country People into most miserable Captivity. Aiax the Bassa, and Barbarussa, in two small Pinnaces came as near unto the City of Corfu as they possibly could, to see which way they might most conveniently lay Siege unto it; but perceiving the great strength thereof, being wonderfully Fortified and throughly Manned, they advertised Solyman, that it was a place impregnable. Aloysius Ripa, and Simon Leonius, two Senators of Venice, were then Governors of Corfu; who not without cause standing in doubt of the great strength of the Turks both by Sea and Land, caused the City Suburbs (which were very great and sumptuously Built) to be plucked down, for fear that the Turks shrouding themselves in them, should more easily besiege the Town. This was a woeful and lamentable thing to behold, when as at the same time a Man might have seen the Magnificent houses of the Venetian Merchants, built in time of long Peace, both for profit and for pleasure in every place of the Island, set on fire by the Turks. But the regard of the public State in so great a danger, made all those goodly things which went so to wrack, to be lightly accounted of in comparison of their lives and liberty; for as much as those lost things might with new charge be again in short time recovered.  
The two Venetian Governors aforesaid, fearing a long Siege, and not provided of Victual to suffice such a multitude as were got into the City, for any long time; used a heavy and sharp remedy, by turning a great number of weak People and Children unable for service, out of the City; of whom many, especially Children, died in the Town-ditches in their Mother's arms, under the Walls of the City, not daring to go any further for fear of the Enemy, who had fast by, in places convenient cast up great Mounts, and planted his Ordnance against the City. Only the Castle called St. Angelo, standing in the middle of the Island, about fifteen miles from the City of Corfu, being valiantly defended by the Inhabitants against the Assaults of the Turks, happily saved above three thousand poor People which fled thither from the fury of the Turks, who in all other places of the Island had made all desolate. The Turks the more to terrify them of Corfu, taking a Hill not far from the City, covered the same with their Tents, and from the Rock called Maripetrus, shot with their great Ordnance into the Town; some of them in the mean time standing close in the ruins of the Suburbs, did with their Harquebusies kill or wound them which appeared upon the Walls. The Galleys also did oftentimes out of their Prows discharge their great Pieces against the City, to the greater terror than hurt of the Defendants. Solyman perceiving that he did but lose his labour in besieging the City (as he was told at the first by his great Captains, Lutzis, Aiax, and Barbarussa) determined now to raise his Siege, and to return to Constantinople, greatly ashamed that he had no better sped, neither in Italy, nor at the Siege of Corfu. But when he was about to have departed, it was told him how unfaithfully some of his Soldiers had dealt with them of Castrum in Italy, who yielding themselves upon the Turks faith to them given for the safeguard of their liberty and goods, were nevertheless most injuriously spoiled of all that they had, and carried away into bondage. 
Good justice done by Solyman.  Which fact, as tending to the dishonour of his name, and the deterring of others from yielding, Solyman took in so evil part, that for amending thereof, he caused the Authors of that fact to be put to death, and the Captives of Castrum to be diligently sought out, and sent home again into their Country; well deserving therein the commendation of a most just Prince. The Turks left the Siege of Corfu and departed out of the Island about the twelfth of September, in the year 1537, 
The Turks depart from Corfu, and carry away with them above 16000 Christians into Captivity.  carrying away above sixteen thousand of the Island people into perpetual Captivity. So Solyman rising with his Army, marching through Acarnania and Aetolia, returned through Macedonia to Constantinople; having in this his expedition done great harm both in Italy and Corcyra, but yet nothing increased his Empire or honour.  
Before his departure, calling unto him Lutzis his Admiral, he commanded him also to return with his Fleet to Hellespontus; who passing by Zacynthus, and landing some of his Men in the night, took divers of the Country people Prisoners. But understanding that the City itself was both strong and well manned, he departed thence to Cythera, where unfortunately attempting to have taken the Castle, and disappointed of his purpose, he made what spoil he could upon that Island, and with eight hundred Prisoners returned into Aegium to Aegina, a rich and famous Island, and well peopled both with Mariners and other Inhabitants. Approaching the Island he by his Messengers sent before unto the Governor of the City, attempted first by fair means, and afterwards by threats, to have had the City yielded unto him; and not so prevailing, but perceiving them to stand upon their defence, he landed his Men, and gave the signal of battle. Which they of the Island refused not, but manfully met him, and at the first encounter slew many of his Men. Wherewith the Admiral grievously offended, and still landing fresh Men, even with his multitude oppressed them of the Island, being but in number few and weary of long fight; and so enforced them to retire into the City.  
To be revenged of this injury, 
Aegina with other Islands of the Aegium spoilt.  the Bassa caused certain pieces of great Ordnance to be landed, and a Battery planted against the City; by force whereof he had in short time in divers places opened the Walls, and then with all his power assaulting the Breaches, forthwith took the City, which after he had rifled, he burned it down to the ground, razed the Walls, and put the Men every Mother's Son to the Sword. As for the Women, he gave them without respect unto the lust of his Soldiers and Mariners, whom afterwards together with the Boys and young Children he shipped into the Country near unto Athens, to be from thence conveyed unto Constantinople, into most miserable servitude.  
Aegina thus utterly razed, he with much like force and cruelty raged upon them of Paros and the other Islands thereabouts, killing the old Men and such as made resistance, and thrusting the rest into his Galleys. Shortly after he came to the Isle of Naxos, where all the Island people were for fear of his coming fled out of the Country into the City; where landing his Men, he made havoc of whatsoever came to his hand. And in the mean time sent a Messenger unto the Duke, to will him to yield himself and his City into the obedience of the Turkish Emperor Solyman. Which Messenger admitted into the City, and brought before the Duke, in blunt and plain terms, without further circumstance, delivered his Message thus: 
The blunt Speech of a Turk sent by Lutzis Bassa unto the Duke of Naxos.  If thou wilt without more ado, yield thyself, thy City, and Territory, to the Constantinopolitan Emperor, thou shalt deserve his favour, and so save thyself with that thou hast. But if thou, otherwise advised, shalt now refuse this Grace, thou shalt never hereafter have the like offer, but for ever undo thyself, thy Wife, and Children, thy Citizens, and Subjects in general. Here is present a most mighty Fleet, with most valiant and victorious Soldiers, furnished with all the habiliments of War requisite for Battle or Siege. Be warned by them of Aegina, Paros, and other thy neighbour Princes of the Islands. Thy hap is good, if thou be not misadvised, and (warned by other men's harms) wilfully refuse to remedy thine own; and when thou mightst be safe, wilfully cast away thyself.  
Thus said, he was commanded by the Duke to stand aside, and a while to expect his answer; who with the chief of his Subjects there present, but much troubled, and all full of heaviness and sorrow, consulted what answer to make. But after they had according to the weightiness of the cause, and necessity of time fully debated the matter, it was with general consent agreed, That forasmuch as they were not themselves of power to withstand so furious an Enemy, neither to expect help from others, they should therefore yield unto the present necessity, which otherwise threatened unto them utter destruction, and reserve themselves unto better times. Whereupon answer was given unto the Messenger by the Duke, That he was ready to yield himself unto Solyman as his Vassal, and of him as of his Sovereign to hold his signory for the yearly Tribute of five thousand Ducats. Of which offer the Bassa accepted, 
Naxos becometh tributary unto the Turks.  receiving in hand one years' Tribute. So was that notable Island yielded unto the Turkish obeisance the 11 of November, in the year 1537. from whence Lutzis the proud Bassa, loaded with the rich Spoil of the Countries and Islands he had passed by, returned to Constantinople with his Fleet. Not long after, this great Bassa (then in credit and authority next unto Solyman himself) fell at odds with his Wife, Soliman's Sister; for that he, after the unnatural manner of those barbarous People, kept in his house a most delicate Youth, in whom he took more pleasure than in his Wife. Which she, being a Woman of great Spirit, not able to endure, and knowing her Husband by marrying of her, to have been from base degree advanced unto the highest Honours the Emperor her Brother could heap upon him; in great rage reproved him with most bitter words, saying, That she had married him to be of him beloved, and used as his Wife, and not contemptuously abused by his Minions. Wherewith the Bassa moved, gave her a Blow on the Ear, and caused her as a foolish and unquiet Woman to be shut up in her Chamber. But she not brooking such abuse, came weeping to Solyman her Brother, and complaining of her Husband, requested to be Divorced from him who made no better reckoning of her. 
Lutzis Bassa disgraced by Solyman and exiled  And with her complaint so incensed Solyman, that he took from him his Seal, and thrust him out of all his honourable Promotions; and had undoubtedly put him to death, had not the remembrance of his old love and friendship stayed his fury; yet having utterly disgraced him, he banished him the Court, into Macedoni●, where he spent the remainder of his loathed life like a poor pri●ate Man; of whom Boisardus thus writeth: 
Quae tibi cum molli res est pollute Cynedo:  
Cum cubet in Thalamis regia nympha tuis?  
Ex humili fortuna loco te evexit in altum  
Ex alto major saepe ruina venit.  
On dainty Boys, thou filthy Man, why dost thou fix thine eye;  
Whilst Princely Dame of Royal Blood doth in thy Chamber lie?  
From base estate, to honour's height blind Fortune did thee call,  
And set thee up with Princes great, to work thy greater fall.   
Solyman thus fallen out with the Venetians, 
The Turks spoil the Venetians, and the Venetians them likewise.  as is aforesaid, to entangle them at once with Wars in divers places, commanded his Lieutenants in every place bordering upon any part of the Venetian signory, to vex and molest them with all Hostility, which they did accordingly. In Pel●ponnessus, Cassimes besieged Mauplium and Epidaurus, two strong Cities of the Venetians; Barbarussa landing his Men in Dalmatia, surprised the ancient City of Botrotus belonging to the Venetians, carried away the Citizens, and razed the City; Obroatium another City of the Venetians in Dalmatia, called in ancient time Argirutum, with the Castle of Nadin, were taken by Ustref, Soliman's Lieutenant in Illyria. The Venetians thus invaded on every side, requited them again with the like; Pisaurius and Veturius the Venetian Admirals landing their Men, besieged Scardona a City of the Turks in the borders of Dalmatia, which they took by force, put the Turks to the Sword, and overthrew the Walls of the City, because it should be no more a refuge unto the Turks; they also sent one of their Captains called Gabriel Ribeus to besige Obroatium; who upon the coming of Amurathes one of Ustref his Captains, cowardly fled, and in flight lost most of his Men; for which his Cowardice, Pisaurius caused his head to be struck off aboard the Admiral Galley; And Camillus Ursinus, appointed by the Venetian State Governor of jadera a strong Town upon the Frontiers of their Territory in Dalmatia, took from the Turks the Town of Ostrovizza, which he burned down to the ground; he recovered also Obroatium, which was a little before lost; which by the commandment of the Senate he utterly razed, as a place not well to be kept against the Enemy.  
The same Autumn that Solyman having wasted Corcyra, he returned to Constantinople, and the Venetians held Wars with the Turks for the Towns and Castles in Dalmatia; King Ferdinand received such an overthrow at Exek by the Turks, as a greater or more shameful unto the Name of the Christians was hardly in that Age seen; if the loss of the choice Soldiers and Captains of four great Nations, with the shameful flight of the General be well considered. After the Battle of Mohahz, wherein King Lewis was lost, the Turks having gotten the Victory, kept unto themselves that part of Hungary which is called Possega, because thereby they had a fit passage from Belgrade further into Hungary. The two great Rivers of Savus and Dravus running almost with equal distance from the West, taking with them divers other smaller Rivers, before they fall into the great River of Danubius Eastward, do on both sides enclose this Country of Possega, being a rich and plentiful Country, and wonderful well peopled; it bordereth upon the Provinces of Croatia and Corbania, which in times past were at continual Wars with the Turks Garrisons there by in Illyria and also in Bosna.  

Mahomates Governor of Belgrade.  At that time one Mahomates a most valiant Captain of the Turks was Governor of Belgrade; to whom for his approved valour and wisdom Solyman had committed the keeping of those Frontiers, and the protection of the Kingdom of Hungary in the behalf of King john. He the year before had so used the matter, that what by force, what by policy, he had taken from the Christians above thirty small Castles in the Country, (which was sometime part of the Patrimony of the Despot of Rascia) and had joined them to the Regiment of Bosna. One of these Castles amongst the rest called Exek, for the commodious situation thereof he strongly fortified, as that which might give him passage over the River Dravus into Hungary; from whence he fet infinite preys out of King Ferdinand's Country near unto him. Yet was there at that time a certain League betwixt Solyman and Ferdinand, 
An ●evil assured Peace.  which notwithstanding after the old custom of those Countries for the exercise of the Garrison Soldiers, did bear with the taking of Booty, and light Skirmishes, without any Breach thereof; so that it were done without any great Power or Field-Pieces; which wrong named Peace, Mathias and other Kings of Hungary had of long time used with the Turks, doing them with their nimble light Horsemen no less harm than they received. But the Germans now using no such light Horsemen, but ●●rving upon great Horses, and charged with heavy Armour, received great hurt by those light Skirmishes; the Turks with their light Horses easily shunning their charge, and again at their pleasure charging them afresh, when they saw the heavy Germane Horses almost weary and spent; by which means the Germane Horsemen were oftentimes by the Turks light Horsemen overthrown, 
King Ferdinand breaketh his ●●ague with the Turks.  and so either slain or taken. King Ferdinand not well brooking these continual injuries, and grieved in mind at the League which Solyman had to his profit made with him at his going into Persia; finding the same both unprofitable and hurtful to himself, determined to take up Arms, with purpose that if he could drive the Turks out of the Country of Possega, then forthwith to pass over Dravus, and to go directly to Buda against King john. It still stuck in his mind, how that Kingdom was taken from him by Solyman; and that more was, as it were in disgrace of him and the House of Austria, bestowed upon a stranger, which had neither right thereto, nor was any way royally descended. Yet were there some which wished him, not rashly to enter into Arms against so mighty an Enemy, as was not to be vanquished but by the united Forces of all the Christian Princes of Europe. For they foresaw, that Solyman so provoked, would not put it up, but for the hatred he bore against the Christians, and for his honour, seek more cruel revenge; as he had of late done against the Venetians, with whom upon a light occasion he had broken an ancient League, for sinking one or two of his Galleys; for which he would admit no excuse or satisfaction. All this Ferdinand knew to be true; yet all the People of his Dominions lay so earnestly upon him to take that War in hand, that they said plainly, they would never bear Arms more against the Turks, if he omitted that occasion. For they of Carinthia, Stiria, Croatia, and Noricum, subject to the invasion of the Turks, and daily receiving great harms, thought the Turks might easily be driven out of Possega, for as much as Mahomates had no great power, nor like to have any greater, Autumn now almost spent.  
So King Ferdinand, with the wonderful rejoicing of his Subjects, caused Soldiers to be taken up in all parts of his Kingdom, sending for most of his Nobility and best Captains, as to a religious War, and in a very short space had raised a good Army, yet supposed of greater strength than number, as consisting most of select Men. The Footmen were for most part Germans, to whom were joined as Wings certain Companies of Italians, Harquebusiers, whom Lewis Lodronius, a valiant Captain, and General of the Footmen, had raised in Rhetia and those parts of Italy which lie near unto the Alps. The Horsemen were of Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia, Stiria, Carinthia, and some also out of Hungary, all conducted by their several Captains; all these Horsemen were in number eight thousand, but the Footmen were sixteen thousand strong, with great store of Artillery of all sorts. This Army for the expertness and valour of the Soldiers, 
Cazzianer General of King Ferdinand's Army.  was thought sufficient to have met the greatest Army of the Turks in Field, if it had been conducted by a politic General, and (as he had at other times been) fortunate; which was one john Cazzianer, a Nobleman of Croatia, whom as one of great experience, and famous for the late defence of Vienna, King Ferdinand had made General of his Army. For Ferdinand by the advice of his best Friends never used to adventure his Person unto the danger of any Battle, especially against the Turks, by whom many Christian Kings had in former time been vanquished and slain; but performed all his Wars by his Lieutenants; which he was thought to do, not so much for want of courage, as moved with the fatal mishap of so many Christian Kings. 
Mahomates Governor of Belgrade, aided by the other Turks Captains.  Mahomates Governor of Belgrade understanding of this preparation made against him, sent for divers Companies of the Garrison Soldiers which lay upon the borders near hand; he required aid of the Governors of the Turks Province thereabouts; and was especially holden by Ustref Governor of Bosna, who of all Soliman's Lieutenants in Europe, was able to bring into the Field most good Horsemen; he sent him Amurathes a famous Captain with a great Company of gallant Horsemen, unto whom were joined certain Companies of Footmen of the wild and mountain People of Dalmatia, entertained for pay; which rough and rude kind of People were governed and kept in order by certain Companies of Janissaries drawn out of the Garrison Towns as far as Belgrade and Samandria; after whom followed many out of Servia and Rascia, some for pay, some for prey. The Turks Receiver liberally paying to such as were willing to serve, two months pay before hand. Neither wanted he aid of the Hungarians from Buda; so that the Turkish Governors on every side putting to their helping hands, Mahomates had in short time gathered such an Army, as for number and strength was not much inferior to King Ferdinand's, and resolved to expect the coming of his Enemies at Exek. Cazzianer was now come as far on his way as Caprunza, a Town upon the River Dravus; having before well and conveniently provided for the victualling of his Army, if they whom he put in trust, and had taken the matter upon them, had with like speed and diligence performed their charge; for they were the chief Men of all the Country, who all followed the direction of Simon Bishop of Zagrabia; who inflamed with zeal above measure, or else for want of judgement deceived, had promised to serve the whole Camp with plenty of Victuals, at a very low rate. Which thing the Country people which were to bring in the Victual, some by Wagon, some by Boats alongst the Rivers, many difficulties now arising, were not able to perform; which was not to be remedied by reason of the nearness of the Enemy; and also for that Mahomates with small Galleys in both Rivers, and his Troops of Horsemen pricking up and down the Country, did either stay the Country people from bringing of Victual, or else alured them for a greater price to bring it to his own Camp, where they received ready Mony. Cazzianer setting forward from Caprunza, hardly came in ten days to the Castle of Verucza, which is about forty miles distant from Caprunza; being enforced to make short marches, by reason of the troublesome carriage of some great Pieces of Artillery for battery. The wiser sort began even then to misdoubt the want of Victual, both for the reasons before alleged, and for that such Victual as was looked for, 
A slow march.  came not, although they marched very softly; so that they were then enforced to spend such Victual as they had provided, not for the beginning, but for the difficulties of a long protracted War. Wherefore Cazzianer wrote sharply to the Bishop and the other which had taken upon them the charge of providing Victual for the Army; commanding them to use all possible diligence and speed, and not to let the hope of a notable Victory to be lost through their negligence, for want of Victual, rather than the valour of the Enemy. In the mean time Cazzianer thought good there to stay, and to expect the coming of the Victual, sending before him Paulus Bachitius with a thousand Hungarian light Horsemen and certain Companies of Italian Harquebusiers, as far as the Castle of Zopia, to the intent that he might of such Prisoners as he could take, learn something of the Enemy's purpose. The Turks in the Castle of Zopia descrying the coming of Bachitius, and thinking the whole Army of the Christians had been at hand, set fire on the Castle, which they thought they could not keep, and by Boats fled down the River Dravus. Yet for all their haste, Bachitius took some of them in their flight; of whom Cazzianer learned that which he before knew by his own Spials, how that Mahomates and the Turks lay encamped at Exek, with a full resolution to give him Battle. Cazzianer setting forward again, 
Cazzianer cometh to Walpo.  still keeping alongst the River Dravus, came in eight days to the Castle of Walpo; where by the way he was glad to stay seven days at the River Crassus, which falleth into Dravus, until such time as a Bridge was made for the transporting of his Army, for that the River was not to be waded over; in which time Cazzianer entered oftentimes into counsel with the other Captains, what course to hold for the better proceeding in that War. Where divers Men were of divers opinions; some said, It was better to leave Exek, and to besiege a Castle of the Enemies there by, called Villach; others more wary than the rest, were of opinion, That it were better there to stay until the rest of the Aid and Victual, which they daily expected, were come. But the greater number, which also prevailed, urged the first determination, of going directly to the Enemy at Exek, for that longer delay would but breed further danger; and there was in the Camp (as they said) both strength and Victual sufficient for obtaining of the Victory, if they would make an end of their needless Consultations, and not protract the War until Winter were come on; where they did nothing else, but cause the Soldiers to think that they were afraid to meet the Enemy, and secretly to steal away back again into their Countries; whereas if they would like resolute Men march on forward against the Enemy, who at other times trusting most unto his multitudes, and now having no great power, would never abide the sight of the Christian Army, bringing with it so much Artillery, but would forthwith forsake the place, and never show his face; forasmuch as the Christian Men at Arms would (as they said) easily break through and overthrow the naked Turkish Horsemen, if they durst abide the Field. The young Soldiers, who as yet had never made proof of the Turks manner of fight, did with such cheerfulness like of this resolution, that they thought two days staying, a long delay of so ready and easy a Victory. Wherefore it was resolved upon, presently to set forward, and thereupon the Army was Mustered; where, upon view taken, there was found to be ten thousand Horsemen (for divers Troops of Germans were come to the Camp, after the time of the first setting forward of the Army;) a more gallant Company of Horsemen, both for the strength of their Horses, and goodly furniture of the Men, had seldom been seen in an Army so suddenly raised. But the Footmen, selected out of all the Provinces, were greatly diminished, being now in number scarce eight thousand strong; for many were sick in the Camp, others weary of the long Journey, linger behind, were stolen away; and generally all they which were left, moiled with dirt and mire, by reason of the deepness of the rotten way, wet through with Rain, and almost starved with Cold, and thereto pinched with Hunger, were thought scarce able to endure the hardness of the present War. After that commandment was given, That every Soldier should carry with him three days Victual; and proclamation made, That no Man should upon pain of death take any Turk Prisoner, although he yielded himself, or charge himself with any spoil before the Battle were fully ended; forasmuch as the Captains would afterwards divide the Spoil of the Enemy among the Soldiers. This proclamation thus made through the Camp, they set forward towards Exek; and the third day they came to a certain Valley, about three miles from Exek, where they encamped. The next day a Company of Turks showed themselves, which was by the great Ordnance repulsed. The day following, the Enemy sallied out of the Town and skirmished oftentimes with the Christians; 
The Turks Skirmish with the Christians.  in which Skirmishes many were slain on both sides, but more wounded of the Christians, for that the Turks had politicly mingled certain Janissaries, Harquebusiers, and Archers, with their Horsemen; who, used to that manner of fight, sore gauled the Christian Horsemen. For which cause the General forbade all such light Skirmishes, as purposing to keep his strength whole against the general day of Battle; commanding his Canoniers so to place the great Ordnance as might most annoy the Enemy, if he should show himself by Troops within the danger of the Shot; which was so well performed, that the Turks sallying forth, received thereby great hurt, the deadly shot flying through the midst of their Companies. The same day Simon Bishop of Zagrabia came into the Camp with his Horsemen, and a certain provision of Victual, whereby the fear of the want before conceived, was well eased. Mahomates perceiving that the Christians were not longer to be drawn to those harmful Skirmishes, but that he must bring his Men in danger of the great Shot; to annoy them by another means, sent many small Boats, manned with Harquebusiers and small Pieces of Ordnance, into the Lake near unto the Camp, so to keep the Christians from watering there, and with those small Pieces shot oftentimes into the Camp. Near unto the Valley where the Christians lay, was a Hill, whereupon stood a Village, wherein were placed certain Companies of Turks, to Skirmish as occasion should serve with the Christians; for placing of whom the whole Army was put in order of Battle, and the great Artillery bend upon them, that they should not with their light Skirmishes, after the manner of the Turkish fight, touble the order of the Army. 
The Christians come within sight of Exek.  Which thing the Turks perceiving, and that they were not able to hold the place, set fire on the Town, and so retired to Exek. The Christians keeping on their march, came to the top of the Hill, from whence they might see Exek stand about two miles off in a fair Plain, near unto the Bank of Dravus; all which low ground betwixt the Hill and Exek, was so subject to the Castle, that it was thought a matter too full of danger, to attempt that way to batter the Castle, and expose the Army to the inevitable fury of the Enemy's shot. Wherefore descrying a rising ground on the further side of the City equal with the top of the Walls, they thought it best to remove their Camp thither, and on that side to plant their Battery against the City. But to come to that place was thought a matter of no small trouble; for they must set a compass three miles on the right hand through a Forest by a foul and troublesome way, before they could come to the place they desired; for the Army was not so great, as to besiege the City round; wherein were not (as is reported) above sixteen thousand Men; neither was there such store of Victuals in the Camp, but that the Army was like soon to feel the want thereof, without a continual supply, which would hardly be had, the Enemy still besetting every passage, and with their light Horsemen scouring about all the Country, of purpose to keep them from Victual. For which cause, some were of opinion, That it were best for them there to stay where they were, until such time as both more Aid and better store of Victuals were come unto them; but others of contrary mind, said the Enemy was but barely stored with Victual himself, and therefore could not long hold out; which they said they understood by certain Christian Fugitives; and that Mahomates had put his chief substance into certain Boats, to be conveyed down the River, as purposing to fly, and would not hold out the Siege above three days; as for the Forest, they thought it would well enough be passed through, if they would courageously set forward; beside that, the time of the year suffered no delay, Winter coming so fast on, that except some notable thing were done quickly, they should be enforced by the very time of the year to return with shame, without doing any thing. This opinion was best liked of, as more honourable and better beseeming Men of Valour, 
The Turks Skirmish with the Christians in passing the Forest.  than to lie still in one place; whereupon the next day the Army removed, and in good order marched through the Forest. Which thing Mahomates quickly perceiving, presently sent forth a thousand light Horsemen, and certain Companies of the Janissaries and Harquebusiers, to trouble the Christians in their passage; who by a nearer and well known way overtaking the Army, suddenly charged the Rearward, wherein the Italians and Bohemians marched. The Bohemians quickly fled, and the Italians with much ado endured the charge; but being relieved by the Carinthian Men at Arms, they notably repulsed the Turks, and put them to flight. So the Army with small loss passed the Forest, and came to the place they desired; where, after they had encamped themselves, and in good order placed all things needful for the Siege, they in seemly order offered unto the Enemy Battle; but he keeping himself within the Town, shot at the Christians with his great Ordnance; and they to requite him, with two great Pieces which they had placed upon the rising of a Hill, shot through both the Walls of the Town and the Bulwark also, to the great terror of the Defendants. The Christians in the mean time having stood almost all the day in order of Battle in sight of the Enemy, 
Mahomates wisely refuseth to fight with the Christians, offering him Battle.  vainly expecting when he should come forth to give them Battle, returned at night into their Camp; for Mahomates upon great consideration kept in his Soldiers, although they were most desirous to fight; understanding right well of the want of Victual in the Christian Camp; and beside that (as the Fugitives reported) being straight commanded by Letters from Solyman, that he should not upon pain of a most shameful death forsake the place, but to defend it to the last. Now the Christians desirous of Battle, being thus delayed and deceived of their expectation, had in a few days spent the small store of Victual they had, and began to feel a general want; neither was there any apparent means how they should be relieved, so that every Man began to fear some general mischief to ensue. When Balthazer Pamphilus, a noble Hungarian, and a Captain of great experience, sitting in Counsel with the rest, entered into this Speech.  Captains (said he) we do all that we do, unadvisedly; 
Balthazer Pamphilus his counsel for relief of the Army.  For whilst we consult at large how we may overcome our Enemies, the strength of our Army is in the mean time so weakened for want of Victual, that the Soldiers are neither well able to stand on their Legs, nor to hold their Weapons in their feeble Hands; and generally, even they which are of greatest courage b●gin now to quail, and despairing of Battle, see that they must miserably and shamefully perish for want: Wherefore in my opinion, we ought first and above all things most speedily to provide for this want, which so grievously pincheth us; and presently to remove hence unto the Castle of Hermande, that with the provision thereof, which is not like to be little, we may refresh our whole Army; and so relieved, to proceed further as occasion shall require. 
This Castle was about ten miles distant from Exek; whereinto many of the Turks had conveied their Wives and Children, and chiefest substance, being kept with a small Garrison of twenty Turks. Fast by the Castle was a pretty little walled Town, without Flankers, after the manner of the old fortifying; which Town and Castle Balthazer said would easily be taken. This his Counsel was well liked of all Men, and he himself sent with certain Companies of Soldiers to take the Town. 
Balthazer taketh the Town of Hermande  Wherein fortune so favoured him, that it was at his first coming surrendered unto him; but when he had it, he found not therein any such store of Corn or Victual as he had hoped for; yet he took there certain Vessels of Wine, to the great relief of the weak Soldiers. Upon the news of the taking of this Town, the Camp removed from Exek about ten a Clock in the night, but so disorderly, that the Soldiers scarce knowing their own Ensigns, seemed rather to have fled for fear, than marched for spoil; yet the Turks for all that moved not out of Exek, misdoubting some deceit, and loath to attempt any thing rashly in the night. When the Army was come to the Town, the Captains took order, that the Victual there found, was equally divided amongst the Soldiers, and the next morning Battery laid against the Castle; 
The Castle of Hermande yielded unto the Christians.  which those few Turks valiantly defended half a day, and then by composition yielded it. But when the Castle was taken, there was found in it but two Barrels of Meal, and other two of Millet. Then might a Man have seen the Captains themselves hanging their Heads, as men strucken with a sudden fear, who instead of a great Prey and Victual to have served many days, found nothing but a few Women and Children, and scarce so much Victual both in the Town and Castle, as would serve the Army two days. Yet they dissembled the matter, and fed the Soldiers with hope of better store, after the Bridge were once repaired, that they might pass the River of Bodrog, which ran by the Town; which Bridge the Turks had before (for defence of themselves) broken, by plucking up of certain Piles, and taking away of the Planks; wherefore the Carpenters being set on work, and every man putting too his helping hand, the Bridge was with continual labour in three days repaired. The fourth day, the Wagons and smaller Pieces of Ordnance passed over the Bridge, and after them six of the great Pieces for Battery; but the Bridge overcharged with the seventh, which was of wonderful weight, and much greater than the rest, began to break; so that the Captains were enforced to break that fair Piece of Ordnance, and so by pieces to carry it away, that the Enemy should not get so great a Spoil. All things being thus well passed over, the Piles were again cut down, and the Planks struck off, to the intent the Enemy should not that way pursue them; and other way there was none, but to fetch a compass about the great Lake which was many miles about. Here the Captains began to consult, whether it were best to break the great Pieces of Ordnance, that so they might more speedily march away, or not. Of which opinion was Cazzianer himself, promising of his own charge to new cast them. 
Cazzianer to retire with more haste, would have broken his great Ordnance.  As for the scaling Ladders, and other such like things provided for the Siege, they burned, because they should not come into the Enemy's hand, or trouble themselves in their march. But most of the Captains were of opinion, that it was not best so dishonourably to break those goodly Pieces, the greatest ornament and defence of their Country; but to hold on their march through Possega, until they came to juvancha, where they should find great store both of Corn and Wine; which Town with the Castle of Gara fast by it, stored with all kind of Provision, they said would easily be taken before the Turks could possibly come so far about the Lake from Exek; and that it were a great shame, so to return without doing any thing. Cazzianer thus persuaded, set forward, and with great toil (by reason of the deepness of the way and heaviness of the great Ordnance) came by night to juvancha, which was but three miles off; where the Turks having with incredible celerity passed a long journey, arrived at the same time also. Near unto this Castle was a little Town, out of which all the Turks were fled; the Townsmen being Christians, opened the Gates and received in the Soldiers; who there filled themselves abundantly with Wine, and could hardly be driven out thence by their Captains to the Camp. The same night the Turks burned the same Town, and whatsoever the Christians had therein left; and every man betook him to his Armour in the Camp, for the Enemy was now at hand; and in the dawning of the day began hotly to skirmish in divers places with the Christians, but especially in that quarter of the Camp where the Bohemians lay. Wherewith Petrus Raschinius General of the Bohemians, being grieved, set upon them with a Troop of his best Horsemen, and enforced them to fly; but the Turks after the manner of their Fight, quickly returning again, and relieved by the coming in of their Fellows, beset the Bohemians on every side, and ●l●w many of them. Raschinius the General fight most valiantly, was there slain with his Followers. The Christian Captains purposing to retire home, placed on each side of the Army four Ranks of Wagons for defence on both sides; in the Vauward were placed the weak and sick men, yet so, that in the Front of the Army were certain Companies of lusty tall Soldiers; but in the Rearward was placed the greatest strength both of Horse and Foot. The Army thus marching as it were on both sides entrenched, as it oftentimes met with woody Hills hindering their way, so did the same fitly serve the Christians, that the Turks could not well assail them in their march, both before and behind. Which thing Mahomates perceiving, 
The Turks sore trouble the Christians in their retiring.  sent before certain Companies of Janissaries and nimble Footmen, which knew the Country and the passages well, with certain Falcons and other small Pieces to take the Straits whereby the Army was to pass, and so to gall them in their passage, and when they could keep the place no longer, to fly back to another, and so from place to place; and in the open places he had his Troops of light Horsemen, which were ever busy in one place or another of the Army: By which means the Christians in their March received much harm, which grieved them the more, for that no great power of the Turks was any where to be seen together, but straggling Companies; which as they were commanded, sometime would come on with a fierce charge, and by and by retire again, and with their Arrows and Falcon Shot, from places of advantage assail them. At one of these Straits somewhat bigger than the rest, Paulus Bachitius one of the Hungarian Captains, in whom the Soldiers generally reposed their greatest trust, was slain with a Falcon Shot, with divers other of the valiant Hungarians; who seeing there a greater number of the Turks than they had seen in other places, thought to have done some good service upon them; his death brought a general fear upon the whole Army, forasmuch as both then and at other times, without him they never had any good success against the Turks. Yet in that skirmish, the Hungarians, to revenge the death of their Captain, did with such force repulse the Enemy, that they caused him after he had lost many of his men, to run away and leave his small Field-Pieces behind him. But such was was the weakness or cowardice of the Christian Footmen, and the agility of the Turks, especially the Janissaries, that they with their shot out of the Woods, stayed the Hungarian Horsemen from the pursuit of their Fellows, and recovered their small Field-Pieces before they could be carried away by the Christian Footmen; wherewith they did again forerun the Army, and still trouble it as before. The Christians beset with these dangers, and almost spent for want of Victual, 
A general fe●r in the Christians Camp.  seeing no means to relieve their weak Bodies, nor any hope to comfort their fainting Spirits, did generally fear some extreme calamity to ensue; and so much the more, for that it was reported, that Mahomates still expected fresh supplies from Belgrade, Samandria, and Nicopolis; and many of the Hungarian light Horsemen stole away from them, as careful of their own safety; neither did they see any comfort in the dismayed Captains, who at other times were wont with cheerful and courageous words to relieve the Soldiers, if they saw them any thing discouraged. But when they were come into a fair open Field near unto a Town called Gara, they were advertised, That the Enemy had in the Woods before them, whereby they were to pass, cut down great Trees cross the ways, so that neither their great Ordnance nor Wagons, nor yet their Horsemen could possibly pass that way but that they must needs break their order.  
This once bruited through the Army, filled them with all heaviness and desperation, and so much the more, for that Ladislaus Moreus, and others which knew the Country well, said there was but two ways to escape; the one through the Woods about ten miles' space to Walpo, which by reason of the Trees cut down cross the ways by the Turks was not to be passed, but they must needs leave behind them their great Ordnance and Carriages; the other towards the Castle of Zenthuerzebeth, which was in Ladislaus Moreus his Country, certain miles distant from Gara; by taking of which way, the Enemy by reason of the straightness of the passage, must of necessity be enforced to give over his pursuit. Yet for all that, it was in Counsel resolved upon, to take the way through the Woods of Walpo, for that there was Victual enough, and in the Castle of Walpo was kept Money sent from King Ferdinand, sufficient to pay the Soldiers for all that Winter. And so leaving the great Ordnance behind them, 
The fearful resolution of the Christians to get from the Turks.  and burning the Powder and whatsoever else could not well be carried on Horseback, to set forward with all speed: As for the Trees they said, they would be well enough removed, and the way opened by the Pioniers and Waggoners; wherefore every Captain was commanded to have his Soldiers in readiness to set forward upon the sign given, which was by the sound of a Shalm or Oboe; which when it should be given, was referred to the discretion of the General. There were many which wonderfully disliked of this resolution, and said openly, that the Enemy was fewer in number than their Horsemen, and pinched almost with like want of Victual; besides, that the Turks durst never in just Fight encounter with the Christian men at Arms, but like Thiefs assail them upon a sudden at some advantage, and by and by be gone again; and that the Town of Gara where the Enemy lay encamped, was not so strong but that i● might be won; wherefore all things were to be proved, and some great matter to be attempted of valiant men, pinched with wants; for that to run away, would not only be a dishonour unto the Captains themselves, who ought always to prefer their honour before their Lives, but also dangerous unto them, which respected nothing but Life. And if they should set forward in the night, many would be lost in the Woods; and Valour in the dark could not be known from Cowardice; besides that, the Turks (as they said) lay so nigh, that it was not possible to depart without their knowledge, especially if they should burn the Powder, or break their great Ordnance. For which causes, they thought it better to fight a Battle with them, and not to believe the false reports of new Supplies come unto them, and that God would undoubtedly give them aid, which were ready to lay down their Lives for their Religion and Glory of the Christian Name. After all this, they began to consult what was now to be done with the sick and wounded Soldiers, which were before carried in Wagons or among other Baggage of the Army; for it was like that so great a multitude of sick and wounded men, understanding what was decreed concerning the departure of the Army, would as miserable forsaken men, fill the Camp with lamentation and mourning; which it was thought would be also increased by the weeping and wailing of them which should never afterwards see their Brethren, Kinsmen, Fellows, or Friends, so miserably and shamefully left behind and forsaken; the noise whereof, must needs come to the ears of the Turks, which lay within a small Gun-shot. Wherefore it was determined, that these sick and wounded Soldiers should be carried upon the Wagon and Cart-Horses; and that such as were not able to stay themselves, should be holden up by other of more strength riding behind them upon the Buttocks of the Horse. In fine, to colour the matter, they which were so desirous to go, said that this their manner of departure grounded upon good reason, was not to be accounted a shameful Flight (as some would term it) but a right honest and necessary manner of retiring; forasmuch as they were stronger than their Enemies in Horsemen, and equal also (if not stronger) in Footmen, although they were sore weakened with Sickness. Whilst these things were in Council diversely discoursed, and the resolution set down as is before said, the matter was brought to this pass, that every Captain with troubled judgement conceived in himself secret cogitations, far from the common good; and without regard of Shame and Dishonour, bethought himself how he might betake himself to flight, the uncertain hope of desired life. On the contrary part, 
The vigilancy of Mahomates.  Mahomates using most certain Spies, and advertised every hour of all the distresses of the Christians, and thereby presaging his future Victory; did by most diligent Watch and Troops of Horsemen, besetting the passages far and near, most vigilantly attend every motion in the Christian Camp; of purpose, that when the Army should rise and set forwards he after his wont manner might in the Straits (fit for his purpose) set upon them being divided and dispersed one from another, as they must needs in those troublesome passages; for he had placed his Horsemen and Footmen in the known Tracts of those Woods, that he had shut up the Christians as it were in a Toil. It was now almost midnight, and the Army taking no rest, so carefully expected the sign of setting forward, that every little delay seemed to most men both tedious and dangerous; so that many great Captains upon a cowardly conceit would stay no longer, but hasted to depart, and to go before the rest, without any leave of the General. The beginning of this mischievous departure, is reported to have been begun by the common Hungarian Horsemen, 
The Christian Captains shamefully fly, some one way, some another, in the night.  which knowing the passages and ways through the Woods, made most haste to Walpo. Ladislaus Moreus dishonourably following their example, went the other way to his Castle Zenthuerzebeth. After them followed in great haste the Stirian Horsemen, without regard of shame, led by john Hunganot their General, who was appointed to have guarded the Rearward. Simon Bishop of Zagrabia fled in like manner, known by his great Lantern wand'ring in the Wood; yet with less shame than the rest, because he being a Clergy man, thought it not to belong to his vocation to put on Arms, or to go into Battle. In the mean time it was fearfully told told to Cazzianer, That the Hungarian Horsemen were fled, and that Ladislaus and Hunganot, with the Stirian Troops were gone also; and that all the rest of the Army not expecting the appointed signal, were in like manner upon flying; with which report, the cowardly and dismayed General was so terrified, 
The dishonourable Flight of Cazzianer.  that he presently got to Horse, quite forgetting the signal he should have given (for that he thought all the rest, as he afterwards said, to have been gone before) and as he was unarmed, betook himself to flight, leaving behind him for haste his Tent stored with Plate and other rich Furniture. In this Tumult of them which so disorderly fled, Lodronius that famous Captain was called up, and told by his Servants, that the General was fled and gone; to whom he answered again, Without doubt it cannot be so, that I should be so shamefully and perfidiously betrayed of him; and so as a man meagred with long Watching and painful Labour, laid himself down again to sleep. Not long after, Mahomates hearing the stir that was in the Camp, rose with his Turks to assail his Enemies; yet to be better assured what the Enemy did, he thought it good to stay for day light, causing his men to stand still in order of Battle, and with wonderful silence to expect the sign of setting forward, which was given by the soft sound of a Horsemans' Drum passing through every Company. For the old Captain acquainted with many Battles against the Christians, doubting of their feigned Flight, would not unadvisedly be drawn into Battle, but in a place commodious for his Soldiers; as one before fully set down (after his wont manner) to perform that service, not by the hazard of one set Battle, but by dallying off the time with often skirmishes, when he could take the Enemy at advantage. The day appearing, 
Lodroni▪ encourageth the Footmen.  Lodronius again awaking, heard a certain confused noise of the Turks, and withal saw himself forsaken of the greatest part of the Horsemen; whereupon he complained in vain, that he was betrayed; yet for all that, he was nothing discouraged, but cheered up the Footmen, exhorting them to remember their former Valour, and to resolve with themselves only with Courage to overcome the danger, which hard Fortune had at that time brought them into; for that valiant men were rather to think of an honourable Death, than shameful Flight, whereby whether they should escape with Life or not, was uncertain. As for himself, who had been their happy General in many Battles, he said he was resolutely set down by repulsing the Enemy to bring them into a place of safety, or else valiantly fight together with them to end his days. As Lodronius was yet thus encouraging the Footmen, the Horsemen of Carinthia, Saxony, Austria, and Bohemia, who mindful of their duty, had in vain expected the appointed signal from their General, came unto Lodronius, as unto the most valiant Captain, beseeching him instead of their treacherous General, to take upon him the place; promising to do whatsoever he commanded, and to fight as men against those Infidels for their Religion and King, so long as they were able to hold up their Weapons. Lodronius would in no case accept of that honour so frankly offered, modesty protesting himself unworthy thereof; yet as a man of Courage, and moved with the hard estate of such an Army, he with a solemn protestation promised to execute the place in the best manner he could, and so did as long as his Fortune gave him leave.  
It is reported, that as Lodronius was encouraging the Footmen, and earnestly inveighing against shameful flight, an old Germane Soldier was so bold, as bluntly, yet sharply to say unto him; Worthy Lodronius, thou canst never be thought to fly shamefully, 
An old Germane Soldier jesteth at Lodronius.  with a Horse of such a prize under thee. Lodronius perceiving the old Soldier's meaning, alighted, and with his Sword hoxed his Horse; saying aloud, This day, valiant Soldiers, shall you have me both your General and Fellow Soldier, fight on foot as one of yourselves; see now that you deceive not my expectation, but let us either with glorious Victory or honourable Death end this War together; yet so, as that we die not unrevenged. All his other Horses he gave away unto such sick and wounded Soldiers as he best knew; amongst whom was one Picenard of Cremona, a Captain who was then in an extreme Fit of an Ague, and had hardly escaped the hands of the Enemy. The first Troops of Horsemen and Bands of Footmen▪ were scarcely out of the Camp with their Ensigns▪ but the Turks coming with a hideous cry, assailed them on every side, and many sharp skirmishes were given unto the Horsemen as they marched, with such event that the Christians sometime valiantly receiving the Enemy's charge, and sometime charging them again, repulsed the proud Enemy still busy with them. In these continual skirmishes, Antius Macer Fuchstat, 
The ●●rs●men discomfited b● the Tu●ks▪  General of the Carinthian Horsemen, fight valiantly was slain, being, for his brave Armour supposed by the Turks to have been the General of the Field. And by like mishap four and twenty Horsemen of great fame were also slain, and their Guidon taken; amongst these were three Noblemen, Andrea's Reschius, Christopherus Hernaus, and Georgius Himelbergus. In another place was made a most cruel skirmish with the Saxon Horsemen, and them of Misnia, Thuringia and Franconia, who followed the Saxons Ensign; of these, fighting most valiantly, was slain above six and thirty worthy Captains, Lieutenants, or Ancients; and Chuenricus a principal Captain of the Saxons taken, who afterwards died in Bonds amongst the Turks. Amongst them which were slain, Sebastianaus Methescus, and jacobus Scullemburgh were of greatest Nobility. In like manner the Horsemen of Austria courageously resisting the Enemy for a space, were in the end overthrown; where amongst them was slain two valiant Noblemen, Fet●aius and Hoschirchius, with divers other men of great place and reputation both in their own Country and abroad. But the greatest slaughter was made amongst the Bohemian Horsemen, upon whom (being disordered by the Janissaries Harquebusiers) the Turkish Troops of the old Garrison Soldiers breaking in with their Scimeters and heavy Iron Maces, made a most bloody execution. 
The Christian Footmen overthrown.  The Battle of Footmen being sore gauled and almost disordered in their march by certain Companies of Janissaries and Archers of the Aspi (who from a woody Bank of a Marish discharged their shot and arrows continually upon them, yet never coming to handy Blows) was on the other side so hardly charged by Amurathes with his Troops of Horsemen of Bosna, that being not able longer to keep order, it was at last by him broken and cut in pieces; where the Turks with their Swords and Hatchets slew the poor Christians without mercy. Lodronius himself carried away with the breaking in and force of the Horsemen, was driven into a Marish; where after that he being sore wounded, and almost fast in the deep Mud, had done the uttermost of that his last endeavour; he by the fair entreaty of the Turks, persuading him rather to yield, than there to be slain, so yielded himself, that he with three Companies which were with him, after they had laid down their Weapons, were all saved as valiant Soldiers; for now the merciless Turks, imbrued with the Christian Blood, were weary of slaughter, and began greedily to seek after the Spoil, hunting after them (who flying dispersedly, thought themselves to have escaped the Enemy's hands) with such success, that a great number of them was taken and led away for Slaves; few of the Footmen escaped, and almost all the rest which were not fled before the Battle, were to be seen dead upon the ground.  
This shameful Overthrow at Exek was reported to have exceeded the most grievous Overthrows that the Christians had received in any former time; for the Flower both of Horse and Foot there lost by the rashness and fault of an unlucky General, rather than by the Valour of the Enemy, ruthfully perished; so that many Provinces were filled with heaviness and mourning. For it never chanced before (as was to be seen by the unfortunate Battles of Sigismond the Emperor, and King Ladislaus) that the Turks got such a Victory without some loss; so that they which fell almost unrevenged at Exek, may seem to have augmented that loss by the great infamy thereof. Mahomates having thus almost without the Blood of his Soldiers, obtained so great a Victory, and taking the Spoil of the Christian Camp, pitched his Tents in a little Meadow, being cleansed of the dead Bodies, and after he had merrily feasted with his Captains, commanded the chief Prisoners, the goodly Spoils, and fairest Ensigns to be brought unto him; and openly commending the Captains who had that day done any good service, commanding divers Bags of Money to be brought unto him by the Receivers, he with his own hand rewarded the Soldiers, some with Gold, some with Silver, according to their deserts; And causing all the Prisoners which were not common Soldiers to be brought forth, he diligently viewed them, and presently caused every one of their ●ames, and the office they bore, to be enrolled by his Clerks; and unto such as brought in the Heads, Ears, or Hands of the Christians with Rings upon them, he forthwith caused one Reward or another to be given. Lodronius, when as by reason of his deadly Wounds he was thought unable to endure travel, 
Lodronius slain.  or to be brought alive with the other Prisoners to Constantinople, was slain by his Keepers, and his Head afterwards sent thither. For as many noble Gentlemen (and amongst others, Laurentius Streiperg and Dietmarus Losestaine) have reported, (who ransomed afterwards, returned home again to their Wives and Children) amongst the Prisoners which were together with the fair Ensigns and other gallant warlike Furniture (especially gilt Armour and Head-pieces) presented by Mahomates his Messengers to Solyman, 
Three of the great Captains Heads presented to Solyman at Constantinople.  three of the greatest Captains Heads were in a silver Bason there seen and known; which were the Heads of Paulus Bachitius the valiant Hungarian Captain, Antius Macer General of the Carinthian Horsemen, and Lodronius General of the Footmen; which after the Tyrant had looked asquint upon, as abhorring that loathsome sight, he with stern countenance commanded all the Prisoners to be slain. But upon the intercession of the Janissaries (who entreated for them, as valiant men, to whom they had at the time of their taking past their Faith, and might afterwards do him good service) he changed his countenance, and saved many of them. But Cazzianer flying to his own Castle, was of all men accused as a wicked forsaker of his own Camp and Ensigns, 
Cazzianer generally hated  and commonly railed upon, as the eternal infamy of his Country, and Author of the public calamity; so that it was reported, that he durst neither go abroad, nor show his Face for shame. He was so generally hated, that infamous Libels, made against him and the other Captains which shamefully fled as he did, were commonly sung in the Streets by Boys in all places of Germany. Wherewith he was so much grieved, that he requested of King Ferdinand, that he might safely come to the Court, to answer whatsoever could be laid against him; which his request the King easily granted, and when he came to the Court, received him with doubtful countenance. But when the hearing of his cause was by the King somewhat longer protracted than he would have had it, and he in the mean time kept under safe custody; impatient of such delay, and half doubtful whether he he should be quitted or condemned, thought it better to fly, than to abide the Trial. So feigning himself sick, and scraping up by little and little with his Knife a brick pavement under his Bed, 
Cazzianer imprisoned breaketh Prison.  and so in the night getting out one Brick first, and then another, at length broke through the Vault, and with his Sheets letting himself down, escaped, having Post Horses ready for him without the Castle. Not long after, as he was a man of an hasty and unconstant nature, despairing of his estate, he fled to the Turks; Mahomates gladly receiving him, and besides his great entertainment, promising him the Government of all Croatia in manner of a Tributary King, if he would faithfully serve Solyman, and help him in the subduing of the Cities of Austria. After he had agreed upon all the conditions of his revolt, that he might return to Mahomates with some more credit, he began boldly to deal with Nicholaus Sirenus a Nobleman of Croatia, and his dear Friend, as he supposed, to revolt with him; assuring him, that Solyman would deal as kindly with them both, as he had before with King john in the Kingdom of Hungary. Sirenus promised him he would, or at least made as if he promised to do what he desired, and so agreed as it were upon the matter, promising to go over with him to the Turk with a Troop of his best and most trusty Horsemen. But Sirenus considering with himself the heinousness and impiety of so great an offence, changing his purpose, chose rather to deal treacherously with his old Friend, 
Cazzianer most shamefully murdered, and his Head sent unto King Ferdinand.  fearing no such thing in his House, than to offend both against God and his Prince. Wherefore after he had well feasted Cazzianer in his House, he as a most cruel Host, caused him to be slain, and sent his Head to King Ferdinand; in reward whereof he received of the King's Gift Cazzianer his Castle, with all his Substance.  
In the mean time the Venetians, 
The Emperor, the Venetians, and the Bishop of Rome, enter into a Confederation against the Turks.  provoked by the Turks with divers injuries both by Sea and Land (when as Solyman but a little before hardly besieging Corcyra, and with most barbarous Cruelty wasting the Island, had broken the League, and even then by his Lieutenant Cassimes Bassa besieged Epidaurus and Nauplium, two of their Cities in Peloponnesus) resolved without delay to make Wars likewise upon him, who for a small Trespass would admit of no Excuse or Recompense. Whereunto they were all animated both by Charles the Emperor, and Paulus the Bishop; who warned by the late and dangerous attempts of Solyman and Barbarussa, thought it more for the safety of their Estates, by giving aid to the Venetians, to keep the Turks busied further off, than to suffer them to acquaint themselves too much with the Ports of Italy and Sicilia. Wherefore all the Winter following they laboured by their Ambassadors, to set down what number and what manner of Ships, what Soldiers, what Money was to be provided, and how to be according to their Estates apportioned, for the setting forth of a strong Fleet against the next Summer, to be sent into Graecia against the Turks. At last it was agreed amongst these confederate Princes, by their Ambassadors at Rome, That the Emperor should furnish and set forth eighty two Galleys, the Venetians the like number, and the Bishop thirty six, to make up the number of two hundred Galleys; that the Venetians should lend unto the Bishop, so many Galleys ready rigged, as he should desire, to be furnished by him with Mariners and Soldiers; and that the Emperor and the State of Genoa should find sufficient shipping for the transportation of the Land Forces and Victual. The Generals also of this great Fleet to be set forth, were at the same time appointed; Andrea's Auria for the Emperor, Vincentius Capellus for the Venetians, and Marcus Grimmanus Patriarch of Aquilea for the Bishop; to whom was joined Paulus justinianus one of the chief Senators, a man of great experience in Sea matters. It was also agreed, that Ferdinand Gonzaga Viceroy of Sicily, should have the commanding of the Land Forces; and that whatsoever was got from the Turks in that Expedition in Graecia, the Islands, or Dalmatia, should be all faithfully delivered to the Venetians, who had received so many injuries from the Turks. The Emperor also of his Liberality promised unto the other Confederates, that they should for reasonable price have as much Wheat as they would out of Sicilia, without paying any Custom.  
Solyman understanding of this confederation and preparation made against him by these Christian Princes, year 1538. 
Solyman sendeth Barbar●ssa against the Venetians.  commanded Barbarussa his Admiral to make ready his Fleet to go against these Enemies, and to do all the harm he could upon the Islands subject to the Venetian State. Which thing Barbarussa with great care and diligence in short time performed; and so with an hundred and thirty Galleys in most warlike manner appointed, with the first of the Spring, in the year 1538. departed from Hellespontus directly to Crete; where having passed the Promontory of Gyamus, which at this day is called Sparta, he unadvisedly landed most part of his men, to have surprised the City Canea, 
Barbarussa landing in Crete, is repulsed with loss.  which was in ancient time called Sydonia. But Grittus one of the Venetian Senators then kept the City with a strong Garrison; who from the Walls and Bulwarks thereof so plagued the Turks with great and small Shot, and the sallying out of two Companies of Italians, that Barbarussa having lost many of his men, was fain to retire again to his Fleet in such haste, that he left behind him a thousand of his Turks, which were gone further into the Island after Booty, who were afterwards all slain by them of Crete. After that, he attempted to have taken divers places in the Island, and was every where notably repulsed. With the City of Candia, whereof the Island now taketh name, and was in ancient time called Cytheum, he durst not meddle; but sailing almost round about the Island, took only Cecilia, a little Town before forsaken of the Inhabitants, which he set on fire, and so departed from Crete; for he was advertised, That Vicentius Capellius the Venetian Amiral, who was now come to Corcyra, would in short time come to relieve them of Crete. Auria, Admiral of the Emperor's Fleet, passing the Straight of Messina, came to Corcyra also, and there joined with the Venetians. The Christian Fleet was then so great that it was thought the Turks durst not meet it at Sea, but by all means shun to give Battle. For Barbarussa than lay with the Turks Fleet in the Bay of Ambracia, 
The confederate Prince's Fleets meet at Corcyra.  expecting when the Christians should enter the straight entrance thereof, where he had on both sides placed divers Pieces of great Ordnance, to have sunk them in their coming in; for Grimmanus the Patriarch, a little before departing from Corcyra, had with the great Bishops Galleys begun to besiege Prevesa, a Town upon the Promontory of Auctium fast by that Straight; and landing some of his Soldiers, with three great Pieces of Artillery so battered the Castle of Prevesa, that he was like enough to have taken it, had not the Turks from Aetolia come to relieve it with a strong Power both of Horse and Foot. Wherefore the Patriarch shipping again his Men and Ordnance, returned to the Fleet at Corcyra, not repenting him of his journey, for that he had well viewed the Straits of that Bay, and all the Enemy's Fleet riding at Anchor within it. Upon the return of the Patriarch▪ and relation made, what he had both done and seen, the great Commanders of the Christian Fleet entered into Counsel, what course were best to take for their better proceeding in that great action. Gonzaga the Viceroy, General of the Land Forces, was of opinion, 
Gongaza his opinion▪  That it were best to land the Soldiers and great Ordnance, and with all their Force to assault the Castle of Prevesa; which once taken, and their Ordnance there planted, the Enemy's Fleet might in th● Bay, be utterly defeated, for all that passage to Sea might easily be taken from them, by sinking of one of the great Ships in the mouth of the Straight, and by moaring there of three great Galleons full of Artillery; so that if Barbarussa would desperately adventure to come out, he must needs be sunk in the mouth of the Bay. 
Auria of another opinion.  Whereunto Auria replied, That Gonzaga his Counsel was in words and show glorious, but to put in execution most dangerous; for that first to land the Soldiers and great Artillery, he said was a thing too too full of hazard and peril; for it was to be thought, that the Turks in Aetolia would as they had before done, come with speed with their Horsemen to relieve the besieged in the Castle; whose Force the Christian Footmen could hardly abide. Besides that, if the Fleet should by force of Wether be constrained to leave that Coast, (as it well might, Autumn now coming fast on) after the Soldiers were landed; From whence should they then get Victual in the Enemy's Country? or what relief should they hope for, if they should hap to be distressed; being on every side beset with their Enemies, and their Friends by Tempest driven from them? Wherefore he thought it best, if the Enemy could not be drawn out of the Bay to Battle, to go directly into the Bay of Naupactum, and to take that Town which was not greatly fortified, and to ransack and spoil all the Towns, even to the bottom of the Bay of Corinth. Which the Grecians in the Fleet, said might easily be done; by taking of which course it might so fall out, that Barbarussa moved with the danger of his Friends, would for shame come out and join with them in Battle. This Counsel of Auria was best liked both of Capellius and the Patriarch, being far more desirous to fight with their Enemies at Sea, than at Land.  
Auria having put in order his Fleet, 
Auria braveth Barbarussa lying in the Bay of Ambracia.  came to Prevesa, and so to the Straight of the Bay of Ambracia, where he so placed the whole Fleet, which was in number two hundred and fifty Sail, that it might easily of the Enemy be numbered. Which sight (as it was reported) wonderfully troubled Barbarussa; who although he was of a courageous disposition, and such a man as greatly feared not either the Valour or Martial Discipline of the Christians, yet was he exceedingly moved with the sight of so great a Fleet so well appointed; for a greater had not of long time been seen in the Ionian Sea. So that an Eunuch of Soliman's Court, sent by him as Barbarussa his Companion, 
Barbarussa reproved of cowardice by one of the Turks Eunuches.  seeing him to delay the time as a man half discouraged, did with most uncivil and proud words take him up, because he would not forthwith go out of the Bay and fight with the Christians which lay at the mouth thereof daring of them: wherein he was not (as he said) to regard his own safety (who as a Coward could not Endure sight of the Enemy) but the honour of Solyman his Sovereign, who would not take it well, to have the glory of his name stained with so shameful a delay: For if he were a valiant and mar●ial man, as he professed himself to be, he ought never to despair of Victory; and if it should so fall out, that Fortune should frown upon them, and not answer to their desires, yet should not Solyman therefore want Captains and Soldiers better than they, if they were overcome; and the Woods of Pontus would afford him Timber enough to build twice so great and strong a Fleet. And for a conclusion, the insolent Eunuch willed Barbarussa to beware, that whilst he feared a most honourable death (which was uncertain, though the Battle were lost) he drew not upon himself the certain danger of a most shameful death by the displeasure of Solyman.  
At which Speech Barbarussa turning himself about to Salec, 
Barbarussa his answer to Salec concerning the Eunuches speech.  one of the Arch-Pyrats, a famous Seaman, said unto him, We must for aught that I can see, most valiant and faihtful Captain, adventure this Battle, although it be at too much disadvantage; lest haply we perish by the complaints of this barking demy-man. And so presently commanded all his Fleet to weigh Anchor, at the same time that Auria had hoist sail, and was on his way toward the Bay of Naupactus, thinking that the Enemy durst not for fear have come out of the Bay of Ambracia. Auria keeping on his Course, was come to Leucade, when the Enemy's Fleet was descried out of the top of Bondelmerius Galeon, 
Barbarussa putteth out of the Bay of Ambracia and followeth Aur●●.  to be come out of the Bay, and to make towards them, keeping close by the Shore; which manner of Course the crafty Turk, misdoubting his own strength, held of purpose, that if he should chance to be overmatched by the Christians, he might turn the Prow of his Galleys upon them, and running the Poops aground, so to land his men and great Ordnance, and from Land as he might defend his Fleet; accounting it a less loss (if the worst should chance) to lose the Galleys, than the Men.  
Auria somewhat troubled with this sudden coming out of the Enemy, as with a thing which he then least expected, yet notably stayed himself, and commanded all the Fleet to prepare themselves to Battle, and to follow his Admiral Gally. Now all the Turks Fleet was come into the open Sea in such order, 
The order of the Turks Fleet.  that Barbarussa himself was in the middle Battle; where his Admiral Galley was to be seen with many purple Flags and Streamers flying gallantly in the Wind; on his right hand was Tabaches, and Salec on the left, both men of great fame, every one of them having almost like number of Galleys, which were in all an hundred and fifty. Unto the middle Battle were joined two Wings in such order, that which way soever the Admiral turned, they turning also, still represented the form of a flying Eagle; so that (as Auria himself afterward confessed) a more firm or orderly Fleet could not have been brought out by any expert Captain. Before the Fleet, came about twenty nimble Galleys conducted by Drogut (or Dragut) an Arch Pirate famous afterwards for the great harm he did unto the Christians, Capellius the Venetian Admiral came in his long Boat to Auria, requesting him. That he with his Galleys might give the first charge upon the Enemy; to whom Auria gave great thanks, and praising his forwardness, requested him to follow him, to whom he would in good time give a sign what he would have done. The foremost of the Turks light Galleys was now come to the great Galleon of Bondelmerius, which was the foremost of the Christian Fleet, whereunto were sent also certain Galleys from Salec, to help to assail that tall Ship; which shooting afar off, did no harm, neither Bondelmerius them; who would not suffer one Piece to be discharged; for he being an expert Seaman, and loath to shoot in vain, expected that they should come nearer unto him, and then upon the sudden to discharge all his great Ordnance upon them. Neither was he deceived in that his expectation, for the Turks coming near unto him; were so overwhelmed with the great and small Shot out of the Galleon, that they were glad to stay their Course▪ and retire. In the mean time Auria called back again the Ships which were gone before, and caused his Galleon to be towed out, and by Boats on purpose sent out, charged the Captains of the Galleys to make themselves ready to fight, upon signal given by the sound of the Trumpet, and displaying of the Admiral's Ensign; yet was not Auria of mind to fight with his Galleys without his Ships. Which thing the crafty Enemy well perceived, and therefore sought by all means to join Battle with the Galleys, before the coming in of the tall Ships, which were as Castles in respect of the Galleys; for it was then such a calm, that the Ships were not able to keep way with the Galleys, and the smooth Water seemed to offer a fit opportunity for Battle; which so well pleased the Patriarch, that many heard him crying aloud to Auria to give the signal; and marvelled much why he deferred to give Battle. For he fetching a great compass, and hover about his Ships, with his Galleys kept such a Course, that many thought he would upon a sudden have done some strange and unexpected exploit upon the Enemy; but Auria held that strange Course of purpose to have drawn the Enemy's Galleys within the danger of his great Ships, 
Auria his politic course.  who thundering amongst them with their great Ordnance, might have easily sore beaten and disordered them, and opened a way unto his Galleys to have gotten a most certain Victory. But the crafty old Turk doubting by the strangeness of Auria's Course, to be circumvented with some fineness, changed his Course, and lay still with his own Squadron of Galleys, warily expecting to what purpose that strange Course of the Enemy tended. In the mean time, both the Wings of his Fleet had a little before Sunset, begun in divers places to encounter with the Christians; some were in vain still assailing Bondelmerius his great Galleon; others with their great Ordnance had so sore beaten two tall Ships (wherein Buccanigra and Mongaia, two Spanish Captains were embarked with their Companies) that they were given for lost, many of the Soldiers and Mariners being slain. Two other Ships loaded with Victual, the one of Venice, the other of Dalmatia, were burnt by the Turks, and some few of the men saved by their Ship-boats, and by swimming to the Ships nearest unto them. In the shutting in of the Evening Salec took two Galleys straggling behind the rest of the Fleet, whereof Mozenicus a Venetian, and Bibiena a Florentine, were Captains. After these Galleys, was taken also the Ship of Aloysius Figaroa a Spaniard, although his Soldiers had for a time fought most valiantly. In this Ship, with Figaroa the Father, was taken his Son, a young Gentleman, and beautified with all the good gifts of Nature; who afterwards presented to Solyman, turned Turk; and growing in Credit in Soliman's Chamber, after three years miserable imprisonment, obtained his poor Father's Liberty, and sent him well rewarded home again into Spain. Whilst both the Fleets were thus expecting how they might to their most advantage join Battle, suddenly arose a great Tempest of Thunder, Lightning, and Rain, with a fresh Gale of Easterly Wind; whereupon the Christians seeing the Turks ho●sing up their small Sails, 
The Christian Fleet shamefully ●●ieth.  without delay hoist up both small and great to clear themselves of the Enemy, and with that fair Wind returned again to Corcyra; so disorderly and in such haste, sparing neither Sail nor Oar, that it seemed rather a shameful Flight, than an orderly Retreat. So that Auria, a man of so great fame at Sea, as that he was called a second Neptune, was that day accounted no Captain. It is reported, that Barbarussa with the same Wind pursued the Christians a while, and being not able longer to see what Course they held, by reason of the darkness of the night, to have stayed his Course; for the Admirals had caused their Lights which they used to carry in the Poops of their Galleys, to be put out. Whereat Barbarussa heartily laughing, 
Barbarussa jeasteth at Auria.  said oftentimes in the Spanish Tongue; Auria hath therefore put out his light, the better in the dark to hide his Flight; noting him in such a fear, as that he without regard of honour, sought only how by Flight to escape. When they were come to Corcyra, they were all generally of opinion, That by the benefit of that sudden Storm they had avoided a great danger. The Imperials, especially the Genoese, to excuse Auria, imputed the cause of so shameful a Flight unto the Venetians, who would not from the beginning receive any Spanish Soldiers into their Galleys; the better to have withstood the Enemy; and that Auria therefore doubting of the Venetians, refrained from joining Battle; and the rather, because that upon the coming forth of the Turks Fleet, they had hoist up their Sails tied up to the Yards with small Lines, which they might at their pleasure easily cut, and set Sail to fly which way they would. Shortly after came Barbarussa with all his Fleet to the Island of Paxus, about four Leagues from Corcyra Eastwards, 
Barbarussa braveth the Christians.  braving the Christians as if he would have fought with them, if they durst come out. Whereat Gonzaga the Viceroy fretting, went to every one of the three great Commanders, requesting them for the honour of the Christians, to repress that proud Turk's insolency. At last the matter was brought to that pass, that the Venetians having taken in certain Companies of Spaniards, the Fleet should be divided into four Squadrons, and so to give Battle. But this consultation was so long protracted, that Barbarussa fearing the tempestuous Autumn Wether, hoist sail, and about the seventh of October returned again into the Bay of Ambracia. After the departure of Barbarussa, the Generals of the Christian Fleet directed their Course into the Bay called Sinus Rizonicus, to besiege Castronovum, or Newcastle, a strong Town of the Turks standing in that Bay, and bordering upon the Venetian Senators. The Inhabitants were part Dalmatians, part Epirots, which had renounced the Christian Religion, and some Turks, living most part by Merchandise. 
Castronovum taken by the Christians.  Unto this Town the Christians laid Siege, and in short time won it, where they had a great Prey, and a wonderful number of Captives of all sorts. Three days after the taking of the Town, the Castle was also yielded by the Turks Garrison; covenanting in vain to depart with Life and Liberty.  
This Town taken by common force, aught of right by the Covenants of the League to have been delivered to the Venetians; yet was it for all that by Auria and Gonzaga reserved for the Emperor, and Franciscus Sarmentus with four thousand Spaniards all old Soldiers, left there in Garrison; Capellius the Venetian Admiral urging in vain the right of the Venetians. Which thing so much grieved the Senate, (who ever had the ambitious Spaniard in suspicion, and now assured of him as an evil Neighbour to their Town of Catarum) that repenting themselves of the League with the Emperor, they decreed to sue to Solyman for Peace; which they afterwards easily obtained, for a short space, by Laurentius Grittus their Duke's Son, and by the help of Antonius Rinc●● the French Kings Ambassador; who then lying at Constantinople, in good time told the great Bassa's; that the League the Venetians had made with the Emperor, was made without the consent of the greatest part of the Senate, and that War taken in hand against most of their Wills.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Barbarussa put to Sea again to have relieved Castronovum; but being at Sea, many of his Galleys were by the violence of a sudden Tempest driven upon the Acroceraunian Rocks; and there cast away. It is reported that he lost there twenty thousand men, which with the broken pieces of his Galleys were ●ound almost all alongst the Coast of Dalmatia. This Shipwreck being certainly known, Capellius would have persuaded Auria to have presently pursued Barbarussa so distressed; which motion Gonzaga well liked, as a man desirous by some notable exploit to recompense the disgrace before received at Leucade. 
Auria neglecting to pursue Barbarussa, returns into Italy, to the grief of the Venetian Admiral.  But Auria for divers causes not liking of the matter, was so set down upon his return to Italy, that he presently hoist sail, leaving the Venetian Admiral in such a rage, that he detested himself, for submitting himself to another man's power; and wished the Captains there present never to subject themselves to the command of a Stranger, forasmuch as that Genua, either upon cowardice or malicious mind, as an old Enemy to the Venetian State, would not prosecute so manifest a Victory, but put up so shameful a disgrace as he had before received. But of all this Auria made small reckoning, referring all that he both said and did, so far unto the Emperor's commodity, that Valerius Ursinus a Noble Gentleman then serving in the Venetian Pay, merrily said, That Auria had done nothing but wisely and politicly, in setting the Venetians together by the Ears with the Turks, and opening a Gate for a long War, whether the Venetians would or not; so as the Emperor himself could not have better wished, and that without the loss of one Galley. For it was thought by many, that the long Wars betwixt the Turks and the Venetians, would sort to the great good of the Emperor; when as the Venetians worn out and spent with those long and chargeable Wars against so mighty an Enemy, should be stripped of their Lands and Territories either by force, or some hard composition wrung from them by necessity.  
Castronovum thus taken, and Sarmentus with a Garrison of four thousand Spaniards there placed, as is aforesaid, and the Christian Fleet dissolved, Solyman took the matter so grievously, that he determined to besiege it again both by Sea and Land; and in his fury, caused Nauplium and Epidaurus, 
Barbarussa sent by Solyman to besiege Castronovum.  two of the Venetian Cities in the Country of Peloponnesus, to be straight besieged. Yet took he singular pleasure, that Barbarussa his Admiral, in all respects worse furnished, had driven out of the Sea the great Fleet of the Christians, which he before that time had made too great account of. Wherefore in the beginning of the Spring, which was in the year 1539, year 1589. Barbarussa by his commandment repaired again his Fleet, and notably furnished it with all manner of warlike Provision; manning his Galleys for the most part with Janissaries and other such select Soldiers. With this Fleet Barbarussa (Summer well now come on) departed out of Hellespontus, and came to the Bay Rizonicus; at which time also Ulames the Persian then Governor of Bosna, showed himself with his Forces upon the Mountains, as he had in charge from Solyman. Barbarussa before he entered the Straits of the Bay, sent before him Dragut and Corsetus, two notable Pirates, with thirty Galliots, who landing their Men near unto Castronovum (as they were commanded) were valiantly encountered by Sarmentus with his Spaniards, and forced again to their Galliots, many of the Turks being slain and taken Prisoners. After that came Barbarussa with ninety Galleys, and three tall Ships which carried the Artillery for Battery and other necessary provision for the Camp; where he spent three days in landing his great Ordnance and casting up Trenches, which could not be done but by night by reason of the continual shot out of the Town; wherewith the Spaniards had in that three days space slain above a thousand Turks; amongst whom was Age's Hariadenus▪ who had made himself as it were a King at Taiorea, a City near Tripoli in Africa; whose death much grieved Barbarussa, as one of his most ancient and best Friends. At length Barbarussa having cast up his Trenches, 
Castronovum hardly besieged by Barbarussa.  landed four and fifty great Pieces of Artillery for Battery; whereof he gave a fourth part to Ulames to batter the Town on the North side, whilst he in the mean time, in three divers places battered the East side, and Salec from Sea with ten Galleys, did morning and evening batter another part of the Wall. Whilst Sarmen●us was thus in so many places assailed, and did what was possible to have repaired the Braches; the Turks by force took one of the Towers, where after they had displayed their Ensigns, they from thence with their shot sore troubled the Spaniards. At the same time also, Ulames had made a Breach, and was ready on the other side of the City to enter. In which extremities, 
Castronovum taken  Sarmentus seeing no means longer to defend the City, commanded the hurt Soldiers to get them into the Castle below, and the rest with him to take the Marketplace, there to die together like Men; where the Turks strait way breaking in on every side upon them, made a most cruel and bloody Fight, wherein the Spaniards overwhelmed with shot, and the multitude of their Enemies, were slain almost every Man. Sarmentus wounded in the Face with three Arrows, 
Sarmentus slain.  and wearied with long fight, seeing Sancius Fria a Captain ready to fly, sharply reproved him, and catching him by the hand, made him there to tarry by it, until they were both together slain. Many valiant Captains were there lost, whose names for brevity I omit. Aloysius Arius, and certain other Captains, who together with the wounded Soldiers were got into the Castle, seeing no means to defend the place, yielded themselves; whom Barbarussa according to his promise, took to mercy in sparing their lives, yet carried them away into Captivity to Constantinople. The dead Body of Sarmentus could not be known amongst so many heaps of the dead, although Barbarussa had caused most diligent search to be made for it, and offered great sums of Money and liberty also, to whosoever could recover it; being desirous to have sent his Head for a Present to Solyman. Barbarussa proud of this Victory, began forthwith to gape after Cattarus a City of the Venetians in the bottom of the same Bay; and thereupon writ threatening Letters to joannes Bembus one of the Venetian Senators than Governor of the City, presently to deliver the City; which he would (as he said) otherwise assault by force. Whereunto Bembus answered again by Letters, that in so doing he should violate the League lately made with Solyman, and that he should find him ready by force to repel his Forces. Wherewith Barbarussa displeased sent certain Galleys into the bottom of the Bay; who discharging certain great Pieces at the City, made show as if they had come to besiege it. At whom Bembus a Man of good courage caused as many more like Pieces to be discharged, and showed his Men upon the Walls: Which thing Barbarussa perceiving stayed his course, and calling back his Galleys, returned to Castronovum, from whence (better appeased with Presents afterwards sent from Bembus) he departed out of that Bay.  
The long Wars betwixt Charles the Emperor and Francis the French King, were now well pacified, and such friendship (at leastwise in show) now grown betwixt these two great Princes, that most Men thought that all other quarrels laid aside, they would now at length with united Forces go against the great and dangerous Enemy of Christendom; which opinion not altogether of the wiser sort believed, was yet at this time wonderfully confirmed by many extraordinary and rare courtesies then passing betwixt them, which concern not this History; as also, in that two of their most famous Captains, 
Alphonsus Vastius and Hanebaldus sent Ambassadors from the Emperor and the French King to the State of Venice.  Alphonsus Vastius, and Hanebald, were as it were with one consent by them both sent Ambassadors to Venice, to have drawn the Venetians into the Confederation of that War against the Turk. Which two renowned Captains coming to Venice, most gallantly accompanied, were by Landus the Duke, and the whole State, with great magnificence received, the people after their wont manner flocking together in every place to behold them so noble Captains sent from such mighty Princes; but especially Vastius, whose Fame having many times before filled their Ears, made them now the more desirous to satisfy their Eyes also with the beholding of his tall and comely Person. Which two famous Captains admitted into the Senate, for that purpose fully assembled, and Audience given; Vastius arising from the Duke's side, in these or like words delivered their Embassage.  It is come to pass (as I suppose) by the great providence of Almighty God, 
Vas●●us his Oration to the Venetian Senate.  and of all the Divine Powers (most noble Duke and honourable Senators) that two of the most mighty Kings of Europe, who of late had of long time made mortal Wars one upon another, touched with the Zeal of Religion, are become great Friends; undoubtedly to that purpose only, that having made a firm Peace, they may bring such a general quietness to the long troubled and afflicted State of Christendom, as best beseemeth their greatness; and taking in hand a sacred War, to revenge so many calamities received from the Infidel. That this might be made known unto you (most noble Venetians) these mighty Monarches have sent us hither in good time to kindle in you the like Zeal, wherewith it is well known you have always for the honour of your State been inflamed; for you of all others, which are of such power and valour at Sea, they wish for, as their Fellows and Confederates in this sacred War and hoped Victory, and think you worthy, which should enjoy the especial fruit of all that labour. Forasmuch as the Christian Forces once renewed, and so great and strong a Fleet once assembled, every Man seeth that the Turks must needs be too weak; although they brag, that they carried away the Victory of late at Actium, when as they then escaped the victorious hands of our Men, not by their own Valour, but by the unexpected hap of a sudden Storm. For all the powers of Heaven and Earth, and of the Sea also, will be propitious unto us, uniting so great Forces, in regard of our sacred Religion; and will so take away the Hearts of the Infidels, that they shall learn to be overcome. As for our land Forces, we are to hope nothing but well, forasmuch as unto those which the Emperor of late brought into the Field at Vienna, and caused the Turkish Emperor to fly, shall be joined not only all the Horsemen and Infantry of France (a wonderful strength,) but Sigismond also King of Polonia will without delay bring forth his Armies, wherewith he hath been used in the quarrel of the Christian Religion happily to fight against the Infidels; so that it is not to be doubted of a most certain and assured Victory. Wherefore the victorious Emperor and most Christian King Francis most instantly request you to enter into the like godly Cogitations, conceived for the general good of the Christian Nam●, and religiously to embrace the hope of a most true and glorious Victory; and further exhort you, by a wholesome Decree to avert your religious and courageous Hearts from the friendship of the Infidels; for it may worthily seem unto your most honourable minds, a most foul and shameful thing, to have renewed your League, and to have preferred an infamous and uncertain Peace, before a most religious and just War. Neither doth it beseem this most wealthy State to be terrified from that which is good and right, with any Charges of War, be they never so great; for if we shall once overcome, which is incident to this present and long wished occasion, we shall by the profit of one Victory, either by Sea or Land, to your incomparable praise recompense all the Losses by us in former times received. 

The answer of the Duke to Vastius.  Whereunto the Duke in the name of the whole State answered, That there never happened any thing at any time unto the Venetian Senate more honourable, for the manner of the Embassage, or for the public security of their State, more to be desired than the hope of such a Peace; after that two most mighty Kings by two such famous Captains their Ambassadors, did certify them of their atonement and assured Peace, most glorious to themselves, to their eternal praise, wholesome also to the Venetian State, beset with so many dangers, and wonderfully to be wished for of all the other Princes of Christendom, if they would sincerely and religiously with their Forces by common consent united, resolve upon that sacred War; for than would not the Venetians be wanting to themselves or the Christian Common●weal, but end the League they had with the Turk, not with a dishonourable Peace, but with Arms and Victory. Wherefore it was to be requested of Almighty God by Prayer, That those puissant Kings would with religious and happy event speedily and seriously fulfil all that hope of Peace, which they had by their mutual discourses and embrace in show promised unto the World.  
In few days after, certain of the select Senators sitting in Council, after the manner of that State, called the Ambassadors unto them, and asked them, Whether they knew any thing of the Articles and Capitulations wherein that League and Confederation was to be concluded? And by the way, Whether they thought the Emperor in regard of that Peace would give unto the French Kings Son the Dukedom of Milan, as was reported? Whereunto Hanebald the French Ambassador answering nothing, Vastius said, that he knew nothing more, but that the two great Princes had agreed of betwixt themselves, 
Vastius his answer to the demand of the Venetian Senators.  and that the Emperor had desired the Peace, as one willing to help the afflicted and declining State of the Christian Common-weal; which thing any Man might see could not be effected or brought to pass, but that the Emperor must in many things yield to the requests of the French King, and redeem his good will▪ for his noble mind (said he) worthy Senators, can easily make light of the greatest loss of his own things, when he forseeth a large way opened thereby to eternal Fame and Glory. These words were very glorious and gracious to the Hearers; but they, as Men of great experience, could not let it sink in their minds, that the Emperor whom they had often deeply sounded, would ever part with the Dukedom of Milan, which only thing the French King required, and had for the recovering thereof unfortunately striven almost twenty years, to the trouble and disquiet of a great part of the World. The Nobility and Authority of this Embassage more moved the Senate than did the other former Ambassadors, Didaco Mendoza, a Spaniard, and Guliel●●us Pellicerius, a Frenchman, than both present; yet was it much suspected by the Venetians, because it contained no certain resolution, but only the bare hope of a future Peace; so that it was by many Men supposed to be but a matter devised to deceive others, and to serve the Emperors turn to his great profit. Yet all the cunning seemed to rest in this Point, That the Venetians led on with the hope of this League, should neglect the renewing of the League they had the year before taken with Solyman, which was now almost expired. Upon which uncertainty of other men's resolutions, the grave Senators thought too dangerous a matter to depend.  
Upon this question of this new League and Confederation to be made with these Christian Princes against the Turk, 
The Venetian Senators diversely affected towards th● confederation with the Emperor and the Fr●●ch ●●ng, against Solyman▪  the Senate was wonderfully divided; some favouring the Emperor's request, enveighing against the renewing of that shameful League with the Infidels, which they said was nothing else, but as much as in them lay to betray unto them the other parts of Christendom, and especially Italy, destitute of th●ir help, and yet not to be obtained without great charge; and with many reasons urged the honourable Confederation with these Christian Princes; others of a deeper reach, considering what infinite harms they had from time to time received by falling out with the Turks, and suspecting also the Emperor's drift; and joining thereunto the consideration of the great Dearth then reigning in the City, which was not to be relieved but out of Macedonia and Graecia, the Turks Countries; the Emperor having at that time as it were of purpose imposed so great a Custom upon all Co●n to be transported out of Sicily, that the very Custom came to as much as both the price of the Corn and the Fraight together; all which mischiefs they said were to be prevented by renewing the League with Solyman. This matter was with great heat debated in the Senate too and fro, either part having great Fautors; so that the Senators spent almost whole Winter nights in the Court, discoursing and consulting what were best to be done; but whatsoever was there said or decreed, was forthwith by one of the Factions or other made known▪ not only to the Ambassadors present in the City, but by Letters also discovered into Provinces far off; a thing never before in that State known, which had ever used as it were with a religious silence to keep secret whatsoever was there decreed. Which thing Marcus Foscarus, 
Foscarus a grave Senator.  an old Senator and a Man of great wisdom perceiving, said openly, That the State was betrayed by the multitude and corruption of voices, and must needs shortly perish, if it were not speedily committed to the grave and faithful judgement of some few; for there was almost two hundred of them which gave voices, reducing the Multitude to the number of fifty, who for their experience and love towards their Country, were holden of Men of greatest gravity and secrecy; so was the madness of many stayed by the discretion of a few. 
Foscarus disgraced by the multitude.  But Foscarus shortly after fell into such hatred of the Multitude, grieving ●o be as light headed Men without discretion, so excluded out of the Council; that he was by the voices of the Multitude first thrust out of the Council himself; and by them kept a great while after from all the Preferments and Honours of the City; being indeed one of the gravest Senators, and a Man of deepest judgement. Which disgrace turned afterward to his great honour and credit, as one that had foreseen much, after they were once found out and condemned which had traitorously revealed the Secrets of the State.  
But this long consultation concerning the Confederation, 
The Venetians sent Aloysius Badoerius their Ambassador to Solyman, to conclude a Peace.  came to this end, That the Senators doubting the Union of those two great Princes, and yet willing to expect the event, decreed forthwith to send three Ambassadors; whereof two should be sent to the Emperor and the French King to discover their designs; and the third, which was Aloysius Badoerius, a wise and well spoken Man, was with all speed dispatched away to Solyman, to prevent the fame of the distrust to be conceived of the agreement of these great Christian Princes; and if he could by any means, to spare for no Cost, to save unto the Venetians their Cities of Nauplium and Epidaurus, which Solyman required of them before he would grant them Peace. Which if it could not be obtained of the proud and crafty Tyrant, then to yield unto necessity, and to conclude a Peace with him upon any conditions; which course the Decem-Viri thought to be most expedient for the State; yet concerning the yielding up of the Cities, they gave him secret instructions and warrant, fearing forsooth the force and tumult of the headstrong Multitude, who if they had known any such thing, would undoubtedly thereupon have taken occasion to have crossed and overthrown that most wholesome Decree; for there was no doubt, that if they had delayed the matter, and sought for Peace too late, but that Solyman would upon another Man's weakness and necessity have increased his insatiable desire, and not granted them Peace, being brought low and forsaken, except they would deliver unto him the Islands of Cephalenia Zacinthus, and Corcyra, a matter no less grievous than the destruction of the very City of Venice itself. So that the great Ambassadors Vastius and Hanebald, who came of purpose to have hindered the League with the Turk, by their great diligence wrought nothing more effectually, than that the Venetians the better foreseeing the danger of their State, should as they did, make haste to conclude the same; for it falleth out in men's purposes and Actions, That a good and happy success otherwise well hoped for, is oftentimes marred with too much diligence and care. Neither was it any doubt, but that Hanebald was sent by the French King but for fashion sake, and secretly underhand by Pellicerius the old Ambassador, persuaded the Venetians to hasten the conclusion of Peace with Solyman. Which as Badoerius their Ambassador was carefully soliciting the matter at Constantinople, 
The most sec●●t decree of the Vetian S●nate made 〈◊〉 to S●lyman.  and being loath to yield the strong Cities which Solyman required, offering unto him in stead of them a great sum of Money; Solyman took him up with threatening words as a shameless Dissembler, earnestly protesting, That he would never grant him Peace, without the yielding of those Cities, rehearsing unto him the most secret points of his Embassage, and how that he was authorized from the Decem-Viri to yield them unto him; which thing the Ambassador little thought Solyman had known. year 1540 Wherefore Bado●rius so shamefully reproved, and standing in doubt of his life, 
A Peace concluded betwixt the Venetians and Solyman.  seeing the greatest secrets of his Embassage revealed to Solyman and his Bassas, was glad to accept of Peace, by yielding unto him Nauplium and Epidaurus, two Cities in Peloponnesus, and with them Nadinum and Labrania, two Castles of Dalmatia, to the great grief of the whole Senate; for granting whereof the Common people ignorant of the secret Decree of the Decem-Viri, and supposing that Badoerius had given away that which he had no authority to give, were so enraged against him at his return, that there was much ado to save the guiltless Man from exile, and his Goods from confiscation, although the Traitors were then known which had discovered the Secrets of the State unto the Turks. 
The Traitors which revealed the secrets of the Venetian state to Solyman executed.  These were Mapheus Leonius a Senator, and Constantinus Cobatius, Secretary to the College of the Decem-Viri, and Franciscus Valerius, one of the Senators base Sons, the Traitorous disperser of the Turks Money for the corruption of others; who with other his Complices were for the same Fact hanged in the Marketplace, when as Leonius and Cobatius were a little before fled into France.  
About the same time, which was in the Year of our Lord 1540, died joannes Sepusius King of Hungary, Soliman's Tributary; after whose death ensued great Wars in Hungary, and the lamentable subversion of that flourishing Kingdom; for the better conceiving whereof, it shall not be amiss with as much brevity as the plainness of the History will permit, to open the causes and grounds of the endless calamities which afterwards ensued, and never took end, until that warlike Kingdom was to the great weakening of of Christendom utterly subverted.  
King Ferdinand and this tributary King john, had with like desire of Peace and quietness, made between them a League; profitable to them both as their Estates then stood, rather than honourable; yet most welcome to the Hungarians, who divided into Faction, and having followed some the one King and some the other, enjoyed nevertheless their Lands and Goods by the benefit of this Peace; the Towns and Castles being still kept by them in whose possession they then were at the making of the Peace. In the capitulations of which Peace, it was comprised, That Ferdinand should from thenceforth call john by the Name of a King; whereas before he had both in his common Talk and Letters called him by the Name of the Vayvod only: It was also expressly set down in the same Articles of Peace, and subscribed by the Hands of divers of the Nobility of Hungary, That if King john should die, King Ferdinand should succeed him in the whole Kingdom of Hungary; which condition was suppressed and kept very secret for fear of Solyman, who accounted of that Kingdom as of his own, gotten by Law of Arms, and bestowed upon King john as upon his Vassal; neither was it to have been thought, that if he should have known thereof (being of a haughty mind by nature, and not able to endure an injury) he would have suffered that Kingdom, got and defended with so great danger and cost, to be by the Will of an unthankful Man, transferred unto his Enemy.  
This matter of so great importance, 
The secret confederation betwixt King Ferdinand and King John revealed.  was (as it is reported) by Hieronimus Lascus Ambassador for King Ferdinand to Constantinople, revealed unto Solyman and the Bassas, to bring King john into hatred. So much did this noble Gentleman, for his rare Virtues otherwise greatly to have been commended, yield unto his grief, and desire of revenge; when after the death of Aloysius Grittus, he fell from the friendship of King john, being (as is before declared) by him committed to Prison, and hardly afterwards enlarged, at the request of King Sigismond. Whereupon Solyman being exceedingly angry with King john, called him unthankful Churl, and turning himself about to Lu●zis Bassa his Brother in Law, said, How unworthily do these two Christian Kings wear their Crowns upon their faithless Heads; who as shameful deceivers are not afraid, either for worldly shame or fear of God, 
King John in his old years marrieth Isabel King Sigismunds' Daughter.  for their profit to falsify their Faith? But King john understanding thereof, and wonderfully fearing his own Estate, did by good Friends and rich Presents, pacify Solyman again, laying all the blame upon King Ferdinand, as better able to bear it. Not long after, King john having set his Kingdom in good order, and strongly fortified the City of Buda; being now far stricken in years, at the earnest request of most of the Nobility of Hungary, and other his best Friends, married Isablla the Daughter of Sigismond King of Polonia, a gracious Lady and of great Spirit; which King Sigismond, had long before married Barbara King john's Sister, after whose death he married the Lady Bona Sfortia, the Daughter of joannes Gal●acius Duke of Milan, by whom he had this Lady Isabel whom King john now married. Which Marriage Solyman liked well of, having many times by way of talk before condemned the single life of the King; but King Ferdinand liked thereof nothing at all, plainly foreseeing, that the Hungarians (if the King should chance to have a Son) would forthwith look upon him as their natural King, and reject himself as but a Stranger.  

The Queen with Child  This young Queen in short time (as he had feared) conceived with Child, and was now very big; when King john was enforced to make an expedition in person himself against Maylat (famous for the death of Aloysius Grittus) and Balas, both Governors of Transylvania; whereof Maylat not contented with the Name of Vayvod or Governor, sought to make himself King. But Solyman detesting the impudent Arrogancy of the faithless Man, and hating him for the death of Grittus, and the Turks slain with him, advertised King john of all the matter, wishing him to be more circumspect, whom he trusted with the Government of so great and rich a Country. So Maylat shamefully rejected of Solyman, and out of hope of a Kingdom, fearing also to be thrust quite out of his Government by King john, thought it best for his own safety to raise up all the Province into Rebellion, and to take part with King Ferdinand; which thing Ferdinand by his divers Agents secretly furthered to the uttermost. For these two Kings, although they were at Peace the one with the other, and in words and show made semblance of Friendship, yet in heart they envied and hated each other, as if they should presently have waged War. At that same time King john exacted of his Subjects, and especially of them of Transylvania, a great sum of Money, to pay the Turks his Tribute, than two years behind: Which thing served Maylat and his Complices, as a fit occasion to raise the People into Rebellion, persuading them, that there was no reason to pay unto the Turk such a Tribute, as would serve well to wage ten years honourable War against him; so that by that, and such like persuasion, all the Province was in an Uproar, little differing from manifest Rebellion. To appease these dangerous troubles thus arising, King john sent certain of his chief Nobility and best Captains with a great power into Transylvania, following after himself in his Chariot, not yet well recovered of his late Sickness. These Noblemen entering in two places into Transylvania, and scouting up and down the Country, had in short time so used the matter, that what by force, what by policy, the Tumult was well pacified, and divers of the chief Offenders worthily executed. Maylat the ambitious Author of this sedition, not able to hold the Field against the King, and seeing himself beset on every side with his Enemies, retired himself will all his Wealth into a Town called Fogaras, a place of great strength, which the King's power shortly after hardly besieged; the King himself then lying at Sibynium, the chief City of Transylvania, and about a mile distant from Fogaras, sick of an Ague, whereinto he was again fallen through too much care and pains taken in travelling in that hot time of the Year, the days being then at the longest. Whilst he thus lay sick at Sibynium, and his Army fast by at the Siege of Fogaras, News was brought unto him from the Court, That the Queen his Wife was delivered of a fair young Son; 
Queen Isabella delivered of a Son.  which was no sooner bruited abroad, but the Hungarians as Men overjoyed, came flocking to the Court where the King lay, discharging their Pieces in triumph, with all other signs of joy and mirth they could possibly devise; the Noblemen came from the Camp to rejoice with the King, and all the Army was filled with gladness. And for the greater solemnity of this so common a Joy, a royal Feast was prepared, which th● Noblemen would needs have the King to 〈◊〉 ●ith his presence, though he were thereto 〈◊〉 ●illing, being as ye● but a little recovered; how●●●t yielding to their importunity, he suffered himself to be overruled and brought to the Feast by them, which was unto him the merriest and the last that ever he made; for willing to show his inward joy, and to content his Nobility there present, he forgot himself, and eat and drank more liberally than was for the health of his weak Body; whereby the Fever which had but a little before left him, was again renewed, in such sort, as that he well perceived he could not longer endure. Wherefore feeling his end to draw fast on, he made his Will, appointing his young Son to be his Heir, whom he committed to the Tuition of George, Bishop of Veradium, and Peter Vicche a noble Gentleman and his near Kinsman, until he came to Age; requesting the rest of the Noblemen to prefer his Son in the succession of the Kingdom, before a Stranger; telling them, That Solyman would undoubtedly take upon him the protection both of the Kingdom and of his Son, if they would in time send Ambassadors unto him with Presents, and promise for his Son, 
The death of King John.  that he should reign as his Tributary as he had done before; and so presently after died.  
This King was of a courteous and gentle nature, bountiful, and in all his doings just, of no fierce and rough disposition, as the Hungarians commonly are, but of a most civil behaviour, garnished with good letters, and throughly schooled in the divers chances of both Fortunes, not measuring his actions by the strength of his power, but by the exact rule of discretion; for in time of business no Man was more circumspect, or vigilant than he, nor in time of recreation any Man more courteous or pleasant. 
The honourable saying of King John.  He used oftentimes to say, That the favour and love of valiant Men gotten by bounty and courtesy, was the best Treasure of a Prince; for that courteous and thankful Men, did oftentimes in some one worthy piece of service, plentifully repay whatsoever had been bestowed upon them; as for such as were unthankful, they did to their shame bear the testimony of another Man's virtue▪  
The Kings death was kept secret until such time as the Noblemen had agreed with Maylat that he should take an Oath of his faithful Allegiance to the King, and his Son his lawful Heir, and so still to enjoy his former place and Government; which offer Maylat gladly accepted Then calling together the Council, it was decreed to send the same Embassage to Solyman, which was appointed, the old King yet living. So were presently dispatched away two most honourable Ambassadors, 
Ambassadors sent out of Hungary to Solyman.  joannes Exechius Bishop of Quinque Ecclesiae, and Stephanus Verbetius the Chancellor, a Man of great years, carrying with them ten Bowls of pure Gold couriously wrote, six hundred of Silver, gilt and engraven; forty pieces of purple Silk and Cloth of Gold for Turk's Gowns, and 50 l. of coined Gold to be paid in the name of two years' Tribute. Which Ambassadors passing directly from Sibinium over Danubius into Servia, and so travelling through Thracia, came to Constantinople. In the mean time, the dead Body of the King was with much heaviness carried from Sibinium to Alba Regalis, most part of the Army following it, and there with great solemnity Buried. After this, the young Child was Christened and called Stephen, 
A young Child Crowned King of Hungary.  and there presently Crowned with the ancient Crown of King Stephen, who first erected that Kingdom, and without which the Hungarians never accounted their Kings lawfully Crowned. Yet the Royal Dignity was by the common consent of the Nobility given unto the Queen, with condition, that in all public Writings, the Names of the Son and of the Mother should be joined, and the King's Money coined with the same Inscription; but the chiefest Authority rested in George the Bishop; for he was Treasurer, and had at his command the Castles and strong Holds; yet were the Soldiers with their Ensigns and Furniture, at the devotion of Valentinus Thuracus: In the middle between these two was placed Peter Vicche the King's Kinsman, and by the old King appointed for one of the Tutors of his young Son, suspected of neither part, honoured with the name of High Constable. But because the name of this George the Bishop was most famous in this woeful War which we were about to write, I thought it worth the labour to speak something of his nature and disposition, that it may be known to all posterity, by what policy this War was managed, and how this flourishing Kingdom by the madness of the Hungarians came into the hands of the Turks.  
This George was born in Croatia, and brought up from his youth in the House of King john, 
George Bishop of Veradium one of the King's Tutors, a notable Man.  where virtue and industry never wanted relief; when as he unadvisedly before had entered into the Orders of a Monastical life, and weary too late of the straitness thereof, had forsaken his profession. Wherefore being of a very pleasing nature, and still following King john driven out of his Kingdom, and long living in exile, he won such credit and commendation for his Fidelity, Integrity, and ready Counsel in the Kings most doubtful and dangerous Affairs, that after Sibacchus that worthy Bishop was by the treachery of Aloysius Grittus slain at Baxovia, he obtained the great Bishopric of Veradium. After that, when he had strengthened his credit with great Wealth, he always as a faithful Counsellor swayed and happily ruled both the Court and Kingdom, to the profit of the King. But he was of such a divers and pliant Nature, that performing in all actions all the parts of a most ready and excellent Man, he seemed to be made of contrary qualities, and born to do any thing; for in saying of his Princely Service, and performing the other Ceremonies of the Christian Religion, he showed, or at leastwise counterfeited such a contrition in his devout Countenance and Speech, that a Man would not have thought it could possibly be the same Man, who in the most weighty Affairs both of War and Peace, did most stoutly show the wonderful force of a most pregnant and courageous Wit; for he used to keep whole Companies of most excellent and ready Horsemen, and would ofttimes come forth into the Battle armed; he would with often Banquets and Rewards win the Hearts of the Soldiers, and after the manner of great Chieftains, maintain the honour and credit of his Name, both with punishment and reward, as occasion required. Besides that, no Man looked into the Wealth of the Kingdom more diligently than he, no Man did to more profit let to farm the Customs, old Mines, Feeding, and Salt-Pits; no Man could devise finer means to raise Money, of all others the readiest way to credit; insomuch that King john would confess himself to reign by the especial industry of that one Man; And King Ferdinand would many times say, That he envied at King john for nothing he had, but for one hooded Fellow, which was better for the defence of a Kingdom than a thousand with Helmets on their Heads. Wherefore this Bishop having taken upon him the Tuition of the young King, was still busied in all the weighty causes of the Kingdom, both Civil and Martial; he laboured with great care, that the Hungarians should agree together in Love and Unity; and did what he might, providently to foresee, that no Tumult or Rebellion should any where arise, whereby the beginning of the Kingdom, yet but weak, might any way be troubled. But King Ferdinand hearing of the death of King john, thought it now a fit time for him to recover again the Kingdom of Hungary, which he had so long desired. Whereunto he was also the more pricked forward by the persuasion of Alexius Torso, Ferentius Gnarus, Petrus Bachit, 
The fugitive Hungarians persuade King Ferdinand to invade Hungary.  Balthasar Pamphilus, Francus Capolnates, janus Castellamphus, and Casparus Seredus, all Noblemen or Gentlemen of great account in Hungary, who in the former troubles followed the part of King Ferdinand against King john, and lived now in Exile; these all with one consent told King Ferdinand, That now or never was the time when they might be again restored unto their Country with honour, and that the War might that Autumn be dispatched, if he would make haste, for as much as Winter coming fast on, would stay the coming of the Turks, and such Noblemen of Hungary as took part with the Queen, did not very well agree together, being unwilling to be commanded by George the Apostate Monk, who (as they said) with great cunning and dissimulation seducing the Queen, and possessing the Treasure, enjoyed all alone the power of a King; and that they, which for taking part with the right, had long lived as banished Men, might now safely return into their Country, and be honourably preferred by the Queen; the Bishop (which commanded all) assuring them thereof, if they would return unto the young King's Court, unto their Friends and ancient Houses. But they had (as they said) before given their Faith unto him, as to a virtuous and faithful Prince, whom they had preferred before one that was an Hungarian born; wherefore he should do both unadvisedly and unkindly, if letting slip the occasion presented, he should defer to make War. For, what could be more dishonourable to him so great a King, and also Emperor elect, than by shameful delay to forsake them, being noble and valiant Gentlemen, which had followed his part, and were then ready with strong Troops of Horsemen to do him the best service they could.  
The Germane Captains in like manner persuaded him to take the matter in hand; who as Martial Men, expecting some one preferment, some another, in the Army, were desirous of Honour, Pay, and Prey, the chief comforts of their travel and peril.  
But Laschus the Polonian (who in matters concerning Peace and War saw more than all they; 
Laschus dissuadeth King Ferdinand from seeking for the Kingdom of Hungary by force, persuading him rather to request it of courtesy of Solyman.  as he that knew the dispositions of many Princes, and had seen the Manners and Fashions of divers Nations, having traveled through a great part of the World, and oftentimes been Ambassador in the Courts of the greatest Princes) was of a contrary opinion, and told King Ferdinand plainly, That the Kingdom of Hungary was to be obtained rather by policy than by force, by craving it at Soliman's Hand, to hold it of him by Tribute, as King john had done.  For (said he) that may by petition and fair entreaty be easily obtained of that Heroical Prince (who in his vain humour oftentimes fond seeketh after honour) which will never be got from him by force of Arms. I throughly know (said he) Soliman's haughty mind, and the proud disposition of his Bassa 's; he contemneth Wealth, and is cloyed with so many Kingdoms; but they, upon their insatiable covetousness and exceeding pride, desire nothing, nor persuade him to nothing more than War. Wherefore it is good to beware, that with the noise of this sudden War you stir not up the Turks, which lie ready as it were expecting such an occasion, which cannot be withstood but by the United Forces of the Christian Princes; which might by their general consent be done, but that their Eyes blinded with fatal darkness cannot see it, and the Unity of the Christians now desperate, seemeth by God reserved to some better time; seeing that of late the Christian Kings are fallen off, and cannot agree upon the long expected Peace. Is not (said he) the French King deceived of his hope; and as he would have it thought, greatly dishonoured with his late unkindness? Which renewing his old wound, will revive in him an endless hatred. Away with all dissimulations, Enemy to grave Councils, and let plain truth, although unpleasant unto Prince's ears, prevent flattery. Undoubtedly, he being a Prince of no base Courage (as it oftentimes falleth out with Men throughly grieved) will in his anger, as an Enemy pour forth his Gold, whereof he hath great store, to cross the Emperor's designs, to trouble the Assemblies of the States of Germany, to withdraw the minds of the Princes, and with bounty to gain them to himself; who envying mightily at the Imperial Dignity, wont to be indifferently given to them that best deserved the same, to be as it were invested in the House of Austria, which in this perpetual succession of so many Emperors, hath as it were got a right by long custom. Wherefore they will secretly conspire together, and as notable lingerers by nature, will either give no help at all, or else too late; at such time as the Turks Garrisons shall come flying to the succour of the young King. Neither is there any cause why any Man should think that the Governors of the Turks Countries near at hand, will for the approach of Winter be slack in this cause; for they undoubtedly, making an honest and honourable show, will take upon them to defend the Fatherless Child and Widow; of purpose to make an entrance to the secret desire they have to gain the Kingdom to themselves, for if you shall once join with them in Battle, if the best happen, and fortune favour our first attempts, truly you shall have War without end, with such an Enemy, which will bring with him Wealth that will never be spent, power not to be overcome▪ and courageous Soldiers sworn to our destruction: So will it come to pass, and I pray God I be a false Prophet, that in seeking for the Kingdom of Hungary by War, you shall at length be glad to fight for Austria itself, and your own Kingdom also. 
This Speech so moved King Ferdinand, 
Laschus sent Ambassador from King Ferdinand to Solyman.  that although he purposed to go on with the War, yet he thought it good by an honourable Embassage to prove Soliman's mind and purpose also; which to do, no Man was thought fitter than Laschus himself, Author of that Council, being unto him very well known, and familiarly acquainted with all the great Bassa's of the Court. Which service Laschus refused not, but being furnished with all things needful for such an Embassage, departed from Vienna towards Constantinople.  
Yet for all that, King Ferdinand persisting in his former purpose, 
King Ferdinand sendeth an Ambassador to the Queen, to demand of her the Kingdom of Hungary.  made withal preparation for Wars, trusting upon the aid of the Emperor his Brother, and the coming over of the Hungarians, who ever thought it cause honest enough for them to revolt, if it so stood with their present profit. But before he would enter into open Wars, he sent Nicholas Count of Salma to the Queen, to show her the Instruments of the last League betwixt the King her late Husband and him, and to exhort her to yield up the Kingdom, which by the late League was another Man's right; and not by delaying of the matter, to hurt both herself and her Son; for King Ferdinand offered to give unto the Child the Province of Sepusia, as was before agreed betwixt the two Kings expressly in the League; and to the Queen a greater Revenue, and whatsoever else she had in Dowry. But if she would forget that lawful League, he threatened, that neither the Emperor Charles his Brother, nor he, wanted force wherewith to recover by strong hand the Kingdom, annexed to the House of Austria both by ancient right and the new consent of most of the Hungarian Nobility. The Count of Salma being received at Buda, hardly obtained to be admitted to the presence of the Queen; for George the Bishop, and Vicche, mistrusting her Woman-like Courage, said, she was not to be spoken withal, by reason she was so full of heaviness and sorrow; and that they were of Authority, as the King's Tutors, and ready to give him both audience and answer. Which opinion of her weakness and want of judgement, the Queen, being a Woman of an heroical and royal Spirit, took as tending so much to her disgrace, that she said she would kill herself, if the Ambassadors were not permitted to come into her Chamber (which was a dark Room hung with Black, as the manner is;) and she sitting upon a low Pallet negligently attired, as one that had no care of herself, wan and pale Coloured, but as then shedding no Tears, yet with voice and countenance so heavy, as might show her Tears to be rather dried up with long Mourning, than that her sorrow was any thing abated; for the desire of bearing rule had now so possessed her mind, that she contemned all the dangers of imminent War, and for defence of her Sovereignty resolved with herself to call in the Turks. After the Count admitted to her presence, had with due reverence and great protestation delivered his Message, she demurely answered. 
The Queen's answer to the Ambassador.  That such was the Fortune of her Sex and Years, that being bereft of the King her Husband, and perplexed with the daily griefs both of Body and Mind, she could neither give nor take Council, but purposed in so weighty a Cause to use the advice of Sigismond her Father, whose Integrity and Justice was such, as King Ferdinand need no other Judge or Arbitrator to end that Controversy: Wherefore she requested a convenient time and space wherein she might ask Counsel of her Father; to whose just judgement she said she would stand, as she thought the Nobility of Hungary would also. Which small time of delay if it should be denied, and that they would needs forthwith make War upon her; she said, that the Emperor and King Ferdinand his Brother should surely win no great Honour, if they should come to oppugn her a Widow consumed with Tears, and a young Child yet crying in his Cradle. The Count so sent away, when he was returned to King Ferdinand, told him, That the Queen was altogether in the power of the Bishop, and could neither say nor do any thing, but what she had before received from him; for he only (as he said) commanded all; as for the rest of the Nobility, they shared amongst them the Honours and Preferments of the Realm, and as Men desirous of credit and gain, had rather be the Governors of the young Prince, than the Servants and Waiters of a great and mighty Foreign King; all which, he said he had both heard and seen. Wherefore all the hope was in War, wherein such speed was to be used, as that the Queen with her Son unprovided, and expecting the event of their Embassage from Constantinople, might be driven out of Buda before they could take up Arms, or well advise themselves what to do; and that the Queen sought delay but to make herself the stronger, and in the mean time to call in the Turk, and so to make a more dangerous War. Wherefore if ever he purposed to Reign in Hungary, he should forthwith cast off all other Cogitations, and make ready his Forces with all speed possible.  

King Ferdinand invadeth Hungary.  Hereupon King Ferdinand furnished with Money from Charles the Emperor, without delay raised a great Army, which he sent down the River Danubius to Strigonium, which City had all the Reign of Kign john, continued faithful to King Ferdinand. The General of his Army was Leonardus Velsius, a Nobleman of Rhetia; who for many causes, thought it expedient first to open the way to Buda; 
V●●egrade taken.  for almost in the middle of the way stood Vicegrade, with a goodly Castle upon the top of an Hill by the River; which Town (but not the Castle) Velsius after nine days Siege took with the loss of about two hundred of his Men, all the Garrison Soldiers therein being either slain or taken Prisoners, with Valentinus Litteratus their Captain. 
Pes●h and Vachia taken.  From Vicegrade he passed over the River Danubius to Pesth, which he took, being forsaken of the Enemy. With like success he took the City of Vachia without loss; and removing thence, and crossing again the River with his Fleet, came and encamped before Buda, so to terrify the Citizens, and to discover as far as he could the purpose of the Queen. 
Buda besieged.  Where Perenus, Stephanus Rascaius, and Franciscus Francopanes Bishop of Agria, all Men of great Nobility amongst the Hungarians, revolted from the Queen to King Ferdinand; the Bishop was reputed for a Man of great Integrity, and upon mere conscience to have gone ove to Ferdinand; yet was he by Letters from George the King's Tutor, challenged to have revolted, in hope by means of Charles the Emperor to be made a Cardinal. Velsius lay with his Army at the hot Baths, about a mile and a half from the City, as if he would rather besiege it than assault it. The Germans lying there, did fetch in Booty round about the Country; which wa● taken in evil part by the Hungarians on their side, who seeing their own cattle or their Friends driven away, the Villages burnt, and the poor Husbandmen bound and taken Prisoners, fell together by the Ears oftentimes with the Germans. On the other side they of Buda sending out their Troops of Horsemen, skirmisht with the Germans if they did but stir out of the Camp, and well defended the Villages from the injury of the Enemy; for Valentinus Thurracus General of the Queen's power, had taken into the City a wonderful number of light Horsemen. Whilst the Army lay thus encamped, it fortuned that Balthasar Pamphilus a noble Hungarian, straying out of the Camp even unto the Gates of Buda, desired the Warders at the Gate to give him leave to talk with Valentinus their General, for that he desired to see his old Friend, and to confer with him of certain matters concerning the good of the Common State. Which thing being granted by the General, he was immediately received into the City with his Troop of Horsemen. Shortly after returning again into the Camp, he reported how he had been entertained by his old acquaintance in the City; where viewing the Garrison, the great Artillery, and Fortification of the City, he perceived it was not to be taken without a greater power, and in a more seasonable time of the year. Which thing so moved Velsius, by nature suspicious, and doubtful of the fidelity of a Stranger, that he commanded him in anger to avoid the Camp, because he had without his leave gone into the City, and upon his own private insolency had conference with the Enemy, and by amplifying their strength, to have discouraged the Army, by putting them out of hope of Victory. Wherefore Velsius never attempting to assault the City, 
King Ferdinand's Army departs from Buda.  returned again to Vicegrade to besiege the higher Castle (wherein the ancient Crown of King Stephen, wherewith the Hungarian Kings were ever after him Crowned, was kept) which Castle he also took, with something less loss than he had done the lower Town. Not long after, 
Alba Regalis yielded to King Ferdinand.  he marched with his Army to Alba Regalis, the City where the Hungarian Kings were usually Crowned and Buried; which by the means of Perenus was delivered unto him, and a Garrison put into it for King Ferdinand. These things thus done, Velsius retired again to Strigonium; which he did the rather, because the Germans and Hungarians, two rough Nations, could by no means agree together, in so much as that Velsius the General in parting them was wounded in the Thigh, and Perenus hurt with a Stone; besides that, Winter was now come far on, and the Soldiers cried out for Pay. For which causes, Velsius (being also sick of the Stone) billeted his Soldiers for that Winter about the Country. Yet before that, he new fortified Pesth, and left therein a Garrison; because it was reported, that the Turks upon their Frontiers were making preparation to come to aid them of Buda.  
At such time as King Ferdinand was levying his Forces for the invasion of Hungary, the Queen by the Counsel of the Bishop had in good time craved aid of the Turks Lieutenants in the Country's bordering upon Hungary, especially of Ustref Governor of Bosna (a very aged Man, and of great Honour, who had married one of the Daughters of Bajazet the old Emperor) as also of Mahomates Governor of Belgrade, and Amurathes who had the charge of the Frontiers of Dalmatia; from whom she received one answer, That they might in no case without express commandment from Solyman depart from the places committed to their charge. Besides that Mahomates was by rewards overcome by Laschus, as he passed by Belgrade to Constantinople, not to stir or aid the Queen. Wherefore she, rejected by these great Captains, certified Solyman by her Ambassadors, 
The Queen craveth aid of Solyman against Ferdinand.  what danger herself, her Son, and the Kingdom was in, craving his speedy aid. Laschus was not yet come to Constantinople, being fallen sick by the way, but had sent before, Ptolomeus his Physician to the great Bassas, and especially to Lutzis his old acquaintance, upon whom he had bestowed great Gifts, and was in hope by him to have obtained what he desired; but all in vain; for Solyman who thought it much for his honour to defend his own right, and that he had before given unto King john; thought also that it would redound both to his great profit and glory, if he should as it were upon charity take upon him the protection of the Widow and Fatherless Child, in their so great distress and danger. Wherefore calling unto him the Ambassadors, the three great Bassas standing by, he said, That he had of his mere bounty before given the Kingdom of Hungary unto King john, to descend to his posterity, so long as they should retain the kind remembrance of so great a benefit; wherefore to declare his constancy, inseparable from his bounty, he said he would take such a course in the matter, as that the Germans his Enemies should not long rejoice of the Wars they had begun. 
Solyman promiseth to protect the Queen and her Son, against Ferdinand, and sends Presents to the young King.  And in token of friendship, and that he had taken upon him the protection of the young King, he caused to be delivered unto the Ambassadors a royal Robe of Purple and Gold, a Buckler with the Boss most curiously wrought, a Horsemans' Mace with a handle of Gold, and a Scimitar with the Scabbard richly set with Stones; and afterwards wrote effectually to Ustref and Mahomates his Lieutenants, That they should without delay aid the Queen, and not to make excuse because it was Winter; threatening them, that if she took any harm through their default and negligence, it should cost them their Heads. The Queen's Ambassadors glad of their good dispatch, were scarce departed from the Turks Court, when Laschus came to Constantinople; and understanding by his Physician the success of the Hungarian Ambassadors, proceeded for all that in his business, and delivered his Message, and upon reasonable conditions requested the Kingdom for King Ferdinand. But when he in speaking had oftentimes made mention of Charles the Emperor, as if he would with all the power of Germany aid his Brother; Solyman was so moved therewith, that he was presently taken away and committed to Prison; the great Bassas, but especially Rustan, Soliman's Son in Law, a proud and furious young Man, chiding him and taking him up as worthy of death, 
Laschus King Ferdinand his Ambassador imprisoned by Solyman.  for offending with his liberal Speech the Majesty of so courteous a Prince, and as it were mocking the King of Kings; requiring friendship, when in the mean time his Master most impudently made Wars in Hungary.  
Ustref and Mahomates the Bassas aforesaid, having received such straight commandment from Solyman, assembled their dispersed Soldiers, and by shipping brought them down the Rivers Savus and Dravus, into Danubius; for it is a hard matter to perform any great thing by Wars in Hungary without the help of a great Fleet, for conveying of the great Ordnance, Victual, and other such necessaries of the Army, from one side of the great Rivers to the other, as occasion requireth; but as then being the midst of Winter, and the North Wind blowing hard, Danubius was so Frozen on both sides, that the middle of the River was scarce open; so that the Turks not able to pass for the extremity of the Wether, not daring to return for the straight command of Solyman, were enforced in their Tents there to abide the hardness of Winter, to show their readiness. It is almost incredible to be spoken, with what patience and resolution the Soldiers endured all the extremities of the time, in so bare a place, their Horses, which of all other things they hold most dear, starving for Cold and want of Meat.  
The Spring at length coming on, year 1541. right welcome both to the Turks and the Queen, 
The Queen joineth her Forces with the Turks and burneth Vacia.  Mah●metes with his Turks and wild Illyrians, and Ustref with his Soldiers of Bosna, entered into Hungary, with whom Valentinus General of the Queen's Forces, joined also, with an Army of Hungarians brought from Buda. And the Queen to further the matter, sent Presents to the Turks Generals, victualled the Camp, and furnished them with great Ordnance for the besieging of such Cities as were holden by King Ferdinand her Enemy. They passing over Danubius, took the City of Vacia (being but badly defended for King Ferdinand) and putting many to the Sword, after the manner of their barbarous Cruelty, burned the City. From thence they removed to Pesth, 
Pe●●h in vain besieged by the Turks.  which was so valiantly defended by Barcocius and Fotiscus, the one a Hungarian Captain, the other a German, that the Turks despairing of the winning of the City, and not well relieved with Victual by the Queen then, fearing future want, passed again over Danubius, and faithfully restoring the great Ordnance without any more doing, returned again into their own Countries; but in their retiring, the Hungarians by the leading of Ferentius Gnarus, slew many of them, amongst whom was one Achomates one of their best and valiantest Captains.  
King Ferdinand advertised of the Turks departure, returned again to his old hope of recovering the Kingdom; persuading the Emperor his Brother, not to give over the War so fortunately begun, especially now that the Turks having forsaken the Queen, were departed and gone. Wherefore the new Forces lately before raised in Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, and Moravia, for the new supply of Velsius his Army, were presently sent into Hungary, under the leading of the Lord William Rogendorff Steward of the King's House, 
Kin● F●rdin●n● 〈…〉 with 〈◊〉 Army in●● Hung●ry▪  who was then gone as far as Possonium to have relieved them of Pesth; unto whom, as a more ancient and honourable General Velsius gave place. He, furnished with these new Supplies, three months' Victuals, and great Artillery from Vienna, joining with the old Army, marched directly to Buda, and besieged it. Overagainst the stately Castle of Buda, wherein the Queen lay, was a great Hill called St. Gerrard's Mount, so high, that the middle thereof was equal with the highest place of the Castle, and from the top thereof they might look into the Streets of the City, betwixt which Hill and the Castle was a great Valley and a deep Ditch. Upon this Hill, 
Buda besieged.  Rogendorff to beat the Castle, and to terrify the Queen, planted his Battery, and so shook a new built Tower thereof, that it was thought that it would have suddenly fallen; which if it had, yet was it supposed a dangerous matter to have assaulted it, because it was walled about with a treble Wall. But the sumptuous Turrets and the princely Galleries of the King's Palace in the Castle, which every Man saw Rogendorff might have beaten down with his great Ordnance, he spared; 
Rogendorff threatns the Queen.  but whether of himself, or else commanded by the King (as loath to destroy so goodly Buildings, as could not without great charges be in long time again repaired) was uncertain. Wherefore by divers Heralds sent unto the Queen, he wished her to break in sunder those Gyves and Fetters wherein the Bishop under colour of protection, had fast bound her Son and her, and to accept of King Ferdinand's offer, who was ready to bestow upon her a goodly signory, wherein she might most honourably live in quiet, and bring up her Son in safety. Which thing if she, as a simple Woman, and ignorant of her own danger, should refuse, and obstinately contemn the peril wherein she stood, he would forthwith in most terrible manner beat down the Palace about her Ears. Whereunto the Bishop in the Queen's behalf answered, That she was not such a Fool to exchange the Kingdom of Hungary for the Principality of Sepusia; 
The Bishop his scornful answer to Rogendorff.  and that she thought Rogendorff a very doting and mad old Man, who being once before well beaten in those Ditches, came now again like a Fool to receive his utter destruction in full guerdon of his rash Folly; wherefore he should cease to terrify valiant Men, fight with discretion for their natural King and Country, against his drunken Company, for that they were nothing troubled with the noise of his great Shot; but yet he said, that he would above all the rest, by way of private courtesy, gently request Rogendorff to discharge his Pieces with a little less noise, because he had a Sow at home great with Pigs, which terrified with the thundering of his Guns, would farrow he doubted before her time, to the grief of his Guests. For the Bishop was of a sharp and taunting Spirit, and such a contemner of the Germans, that when two of them were taken in the King's Orchards burning certain Houses, he in derision caused two Hogs to be hanged upon the same Gallows with them. Not long after, Rogendorff removed his Camp from St. Gerrard's Mount, to a more convenient place for the battering of the City, called the jews Graves, near unto the Gate called the jews Gate. Which thing the Bishop seeing, after his quipping manner requested of Rogendorff to pardon him, in that he had of late wrongfully called him a doting old Man; for that in removing his Camp into a more commodious place, he seemed to be a proper wise Man and of good discretion, now that he had pitched his Tents in a most fit place amongst the dead, both for himself being an old Man and almost worn with vain labour; and for his Army there condemned to die with him. Rogendorff thus encamped, begun in two places to batter the Walls; Perenus and the Hungarians with the Bohemians near unto the Gate called Sabatina in one place, and he himself with the Germans betwixt the jews Gate and the Castle in another; which was done with such violence, that a great part of the Wall was beaten down, and another part thereof overcharged with Earth, which the Defendants had cast up on the inner side for the strengthening thereof, was at the same time born quite out and so fell down, to the wonderful dismaying of all that were in the City. Which fair opportunity to have taken the City, 
A great Breach in the Walls of Buda.  Rogendorff let slip, either not well aware thereof by reason of the great smoke of the Artillery on both sides, and the Dust arising with the fall of the Wall which covered all; or else according to his natural disposition, doing all things leisurely and suspiciously; so that a little delay bereft him of the present apprehension of so sudden a resolution; and the Germans used more to standing battles than to assaults, were not to be so easily brought on to assault the Breach upon the sudden, as were the Spaniards, Italians, or French. The Wall was opened in that place almost two hundred Paces in length, yet standing almost the height of a Man, which might easily have been scaled with short Ladders; but night was coming now fast on, wherein the Germans would not willingly attempt any dangerous matter; so that the assault was deferred until the next morning. Whereas they of Buda in the mean time taking the advantage of the Enemy's delay, with incredible diligence and labour in that night raised up a new Rampire in stead of the Wall that was fallen, every Man without exception putting his hand to the Work. In the morning the Germans coming to the Breach, gave such a fierce assault unto the new made Rampire, that Otho Fotiscus desperately entered into a shattered House, which joined unto the Wall; and certain other Companies, one Soldier helping up another, had almost recovered the top of the Rampire, and were there ready to have set up their Ensigns; when they of Buda with wonderful constancy and resolution withstood the assailants, 
The Germans assaulting the Breach, are with loss repulsed.  George the Bishop encouraging them, and fight amongst them; who having laid aside his Hood, was now to be seen with his Helmet on his Head, running too and fro as need required all alongst the Rampire. At length the Germans seeing themselves to strive in vain against resolute Men, were enforced to retire. In this assault Rogendorff lost above eight hundred Men. Perenus was also in like manner, but with less loss, repulsed at the other Breach he had made at the Gate Sabatina. After that, Rogendorff attempted by undermining to have taken the City, but was by Countermines disappointed of his purpose. Yet for all this, they in the City began to feel the want of many things, so that it seemed they were not able to endure any longer Siege; the common People pinched with Hunger, crying openly out in mutinous sort, that it was time to yield and make an end of those common miseries; but such was the Authority of the Bishop, with his provident foresight of all urgent events, that once showing himself in the Marketplace as if he would have Preached, he could turn the peevish minded people which way he pleased.  
After all this, it miss but a little, 
Bornemissa practiseth to betray the City of Buda.  but that this City which could not by Enemy's force be won, had by shameful Treason been lost; there was at that time in Buda one Bornemissa a Lawyer, who had in former time been Mayor of the City; this Bornemissa exceedingly hated the Bishop for taking part with a Bankrupt Jew against him, and being full of malice, and desirous of revenge, promised to Revalius (Martial in the Enemy's Camp) to deliver to him the blind Postern in St. Mary's Churchyard, whereby he might enter the City; which Gate served the Citizens in time of Peace to go through to the River. Rogendorff the General made acquainted with the matter, so liked thereof, that he in himself thought it not good, in a matter of so great importance, to use at all the service of the Hungarians: Quite contrary to that Bornemissa had requested of Revalius, who desirous to have the matter brought to pass without the slaughter of so many guiltless People as was by him to be betrayed, would have had it altogether performed by the Hungarians, who he was in good hope would show mercy unto their Countrymen and Kinsmen, and use their Victory with more moderation than the Germans, who provoked with many despites, and coming in by night, were like enough to make great effusion of Blood. But Rogendorff after the manner of his Nation, to be counted politic, using to keep promise with no Man, and hoping by excluding the Hungarians, to have all the glory of the conceived Victory wholly to himself; made as if he would have used only the Hungarians, and glozed with Revalius, whose Son for the more assurance he took as a Pledge; For against the appointed hour, which was about midnight, having before given strait charge that no Man should stir in the Camp, he sent four select Companies of Germans with great silence unto the Postern; at which time his Son Condi stood with a strong Troop of Horsemen, ready to have entered, at such time as the Germans (received into the City) should break open the great Gat●, as was before agreed. Neither did Bornemissa fail to perform what he had as a Traitor promised; 
Bornemissa receiveth in the Germans by a Postern supposing them to have been Hungarians.  but opening the Postern we spoke of, had with great silence received in most part of those Germane Companies. But when he still asked softly of them as they came in, for Revalius, and heard them answer nothing but in the Germane Language; although he was otherwise a Man of a bold Spirit, yet then surprised with a sudden fear (as it oftentimes chanceth in such actions to Men deceived of their expectation) he stood as a Man amazed that knew not what to do, and forgot to conduct the Germans, who altogether unacquainted with the City, knew not which way first to go; and stealing on softly in the dark, went on with no great courage, for fear of Treason, still ask of them that followed, for him that should direct them. The Germans could not go so closely, but that they were by the clattering of their Armour and the light of their Matches, descried by the Watch; who ask for the Word, and they not giving it, presently raised an Alarm; but now all too late, the City being as good as half taken, had the Germans well conducted, 
The Germane not conducted, are discovered and discomfited.  resolutely gone on with the matter so well begun; but they ignorant of the way, and now descried and chased with their own fear, ran back again to the Postern, in such haste, that one of them miserably wronged another, in striving who should get out first; and their passage out much letted by the Pikes and Weapons which they which fled first had cast cross the way to run the lighter into the Camp. The first that set upon the Germans was Bacianus, who had that night the charge of the Watch; and after him Vicche, who kept the Court of Guard in the Marketplace; and hearing the Alarm, came thither with a strong Company both of Horsemen and Footmen. Many of the most valiant Germans, who coming in first, were in flight become last, were slain or taken, and amongst them many of Bornemissa his Familiars and Friends (as for himself, he was got out among the foremost) from whom the Bishop by exquisite Torture wrung out the whole Plot of the Treason, and afterwards caused them to be severally executed to the terror of others. Revalius in the mean time complaining in the Camp, That he was deceived by the General; and Bornemissa woefully lamenting, That having worthily got the name of an infamous Traitor, he had thereby lost all his Substance and undone his Friends and Kindred. The General Rogendorff (condemned even of the common Soldiers, for his foolish Arrogancy and Pride) was hardly spoken of through all the Camp; as he that by too much insolency had overthrown the fairest occasion of a most goodly Victory; wherefore from that time he attempted no great matter, but set himself down by long siege to tame his Enemies, and so to win the City.  
Solyman understanding of the Queen's distress in Hungary, and with what desire Ferdinand (supported by the Emperor his Brother) thirsted after that Kingdom; consulted with his Bassas, of the purposes and power of his Enemies, both there and elsewhere; and politicly resolved at one time, with his divided Forces, to withstand their attempts in divers places, and those far distant one from another, whereby the greatness of his power is well to be perceived. First, he sent Solyman Bassa an Eunuch to Babylon, to defend the Country of Mesopotamia, 
Solyman at one time maintaineth Wa●s in di●ers places of the World far distant▪  and the Frontiers of his Empire alongst the River Tigris, against Tamas the Persian King. Mahomates another of his great Bassas, he sent into Hungary to relieve the besieged Queen; and after him, Ustref Bassa, which was the fourth of his chief Bassas, with another Army to stay at Belgrade, in readiness to aid the other Bassa sent before him, as occasion should require, if he should find his Enemies too strong. Unto Barbarussa he committed his Navy, for the defence of Grecia and Epirus against Auria, who but a little before, aided by the Galleys of Sicilia and Naples, had driven the Turks and Moors (which took part with the Turks) out of Clupea, Neapolis, Adrumentum, Ruspina, Tapsus, and all alongst that Coast of afric which the Moors call Mahomedia, except the City of Lep●is, and caused those Cities to submit themselves to the Government of Muleasses King of Tunes. These Cities are at this day called Calabia, Susa, Mahometa, Monasterim, Sfaxia, and Africa. And because Solyman understood, that Maylat the Vayvod of Transylvania took part with King Ferdinand, he sent against him Achomates Governor of Nicopolis▪ and commanded Peter of Moldavia, Prince of Valachia, to aid him; who afterwards accordingly came unto him with thirty thousand Horsemen. He himself also doubting the purposes of the Christian Princes, and especially of Charles the Emperor, more than he had need, came to Hadrinople, and in the Countries thereabouts raised a third Army, to aid the two Bassas sent before into Hungary; keeping with him his Son in Law Rustan, whom he had made one of the four great Bassas of his Council, having thrust out Luftibeius, whom the Turks call Lu●zis, his Brother in Law, and exiled him into Macedonia for evil entreating and striking his Wife, which was S●lymans Sister, as is before said, but was at this time done.  
Mahomates the Bassa desirous to do his great Master the best service he could, 
Mahomates Bassa cometh with the Turks Army to relieve Buda.  entered into Hungary with his Army about the middle of june in the year ●541, taking with him in his way the other Mahomates Governor of Belgrade, who gave the shameful overthrow unto the Christians at Exek; joining also with him the power of Bosna, now commanded by Ulamas the Persian, for that Ustref the old Bassa was lately dead. The Captains of the Christian Army hearing of the coming of the Turks, entered into Counsel, Whether they should continue the Siege, or else go and meet them by the way and give them Battle. But the Period of the Hungarian Kingdom drawing fast on, and the inevitable Destiny thereof so requiring; the opinion of Rogendorff prevailed against the rest for the continuing of the Siege, he seeming more willing to die than to cross over the River to Pesth, or to retire to Vicegrade or Strigonium, as divers would have persuaded him; wherefore he removed from the place where he lay before, and encamped his Army on the further side of the City, at the foot of St. Gerrard's Mount, 
The order of King Ferdinand's Army.  where the Hill lying between Buda and the Camp, and departing from the River, leaveth a fair Plain toward the East; of purpose that the Turks (which he knew would not go far from the River and their Fleet) should be enforced dangerously ●o pass by the Mouth of his great Ordnance▪ which he had aptly placed upon the front of his Trenches; for such was the nature of the place, that the Camp lay defended on the right hand with the steep Hill, on the left hand with the River, and behind toward the City with a strong Bulwark. Upon the right hand, upon a little rising ground, he placed the lesser Camp, wherein were the Hungarians which favoured King Ferdinand, and then followed his Ensigns. He made also a Bridge from his Camp into a little Island which lay in the River, and with a Fort well planted with Ordnance commanded both the River and the Plain, so to beat the Enemy's Fleet coming up the River, and themselves also as they should march alongst the Plain. He was about also to have made a Bridge of Lighters and Boats quite over the River, from his Camp to Pesth, and in this order to expect the coming of new supplies from King Ferdinand, and to repel the Enemy who was coming, and with long Siege to weary them in Buda; for there was such store both of Victual and all other warlike Provision in Pesth, as would well have sufficed his Army until Winter had been spent. As soon as the Turks were come nigh the City, 
The Bassa entrencheth his Army within half a mile of the King's Army.  Valentinus as an Ambassador from the Queen, met them with two thousand Horse, and fully instructed both the Mahomet's, what the Christians did; what strength they were of, and how they might most conveniently encamp their Army. Wherefore the Bassa marching on boldly forward, came within half a mile of the Christian Camp, where he quickly entrenched himself round with a strong Trench, filling a great part of the Plain with his Tents. But the other Mahomates, Governor of Belgrade, a most politic Captain, took the higher ground towards the rising of the Hill, nearer unto the Tents of the Hungarians than of the Germans. Unto these two Armies thus encamped, belonged also two Fleets; the Christian Fleet consisted of four and twenty Galliots, about fourscore small Pinnaces, and little less than a hundred Ships of burden and other great Boats; whereas the Turks Fleet was not thought to be past half so great. Nea● unto the little Island, joined as we have be●ore said by a Bridge to the Christian Camp, beneath in the River had the Turks taken another Island called Cepellia, over against their own Camp; where casting up a great Bulwark in the uppermost end thereof, and planting it with great Ordnance, they from thence shot at the Fort which the Christians held in the little Island, and at their Vessels passing to and fro in the River, as the Christians did at them likewise. This Island of Cepellia lieth somewhat more than fo●ty miles in length in the River Danubius, full of Country Villages, so commodiously, that if R●g●ndorff had at the first taken it and fortified it, before the coming of the Turks, as the Hungarians persuaded him to have done, the Turks could by no means have encamped in the Plain, but must needs have forsaken their Fleet, fetching a great compass about more toward the West, further off from the River; which would have turned to the Turks great disadvantage. But no Man is so wise as to foresee all things, when as the very evil success, be the Plot never so well la●●d, shall of itself, beside the loss, leave unto the unfortunate Man the Note of the want of provident foresight and discretion. But Rogendorff was not willing to divide his Forces, until he had some new supply from King Ferdinand. 
Skirmishes betwixt the Christians and the Turks.  Whilst the Armies lay thus near one to the other, there were some light skirmishes made every day, either by the Horsemen or the Footmen, and sometime one brave Man challenging forth another hand to hand, whom he thought by his Armour or some other sign of his worth, to be like to himself; which was so pleasant a sight to behold, that both the Armies upon a military courtesy, as if it had been so agreed, would many times for certain hours forbear to shoot any shot, of purpose to see those Gallants, with true Prowess to prove their Valour and Manhood one upon another with their Spears and Swords only. In which light skirmishes the Germane Horsemen were often times put to the worst; who mounted upon grea● heavy Horses, fitter for a set Battle, could 〈…〉 so readily charge the Enemy, nor pursue him in his flight; as could the Turks with their nimble and ready light Horses, so well acquainted with that manner of flying fight, that they would with wheeling about easily frustrate the first charge of the heavy Horsemen, and by and by come upon them again with a fresh charge, and so oft retire and come on again, until they had either wearied or overthrown them. But the Hungarians acquainted with that manner of fight as well as they, and also better armed, did easily encounter the Turks, and foil them, although they were in number more.  
There was amongst the Germane Captains a Nobleman called Eckius Rayschachius, 
Rayschachius for sorrow of his Son slain by the Turks, suddenly dieth.  whose Son (a valiant young Gentleman) being got out of the Army without his Father's knowledge, bore himself so gallantly in fight against the Enemy in the sight of his Father and of the Army, that he was highly commended of all Men, and especially of his Father, who knew him not at all; yet before he could clear himself, he was compassed in of the Enemy, and valiantly fight, slain▪ Rayschachius exceedingly moved with the death of so brave a Man, ignorant how near it touched himself, turning about to the other Captains said, This worthy Gentleman, whatsoever he be, is worthy of eternal commendation, and to be most honourably buried by the whole Army. As the rest of the Captains were with like compassion approving his Speech, the dead Body of the unfortunate Son rescued, was presented to the most miserable Father; which caused all them that were there present to shed Tears; but such a sudden and inward grief surprised the aged Father, and struck so to his Heart, that after he had stood a while Speechless, with his Eyes set in his Head, he suddenly fell down dead. From that time the General commanded, That no Man should upon pain of death go out of the Army to skirmish with the Enemy without leave; wherein he was so severe, that he hanged up one or two that presumed to transgress his Commandment; which thing much discouraged his own Men, and so encouraged the Enemy, that they would sometime brave the Christians upon the top of their own Trenches.  
Many days had now passed since the coming of the Bassa, the Turks and they of Buda daily increasing both in strength and courage; when on the other side, faint courage, weak strength, troubled council, uncertain resolution, the ominous signs of an undoubted overthrow, were easy to be seen; and hope itself, the stay of all human Actions, especially of Martial Affairs, almost lost; the only things that held their fainting Hearts, was the often Letters of King Ferdinand, and the firm opinion they had conceived, That Charles the Emperor would not in so great a danger fail to aid his Brother, both with Men and Money; and last of all, the firm resolution of a General, which far passed all reason, the sooner to draw him to his end. The Armies lying in this order, the Turks from the higher ground, and out of Cepellia, perceiving the Germans in the little Island as careless men to keep but negligent Watch, agreed amongst themselves at one instant out of both their Camps, 
The Turks suddenly assail the Christians in the Island.  to assail divers of their Forts; and so in the break of the day landed with their Fleet so closely and suddenly to the Island, that they had slain almost six hundred of the Germans, before they were throughly awake or could well arm themselves; wherewith the rest were put in such a fear, that they fled to the Camp in such haste, that many of them fell beside the Bridge and were drowned in the River. All the Camp was wonderfully troubled with the suddainess of the matter, the Turks with their hideous cries raising the Alarm in divers places at once; yet for all that, certain Germane Companies in one of the Forts nearest unto the River, and the Soldiers in the Fleet, well declared their present resolution and valiant courage, in recovering again of the Island. For Herbestulfus the Campmaster, persuading them not to suffer the Christian Ensigns and great Ordnance to be so shamefully carried away of the Turks; and Marius the Admiral at the same time landing divers Companies in the Island with his Pinnaces and great Boats; they so courageously charged the Turks, then busied in the spoiling of the dead bodies and drawing away of the great Ordnance, that they drove them again into their Boats, leaving unto them as Victors, both the Island and the Ordnance, having before their departure, received no less loss themselves than had the Germans before.  
It was reported, that the Turks Fleet might that day have been quite overthrown, if the Christians using the Victory, and holpen with the course of that swift River, had courageously pursued them and landed with them. But many things after a matter is done are easily seen, which in the very heat and hurl of the danger cannot be foreseen; forasmuch as sudden accidents attended with great peril, do oftentimes dazzle the minds of right wise and valiant Captains; yet four of the Turks Pinnaces were sunk, and three taken, and many of the Turks slain or drowned in the River. Shortly after, the Turks more and more encouraged with the multitude of themselves, and the fearfulness they perceived in their Enemies, did at sundry times so insolently trouble and assail the Camp of the Christians on every side, that they left them almost no time of rest, one Company still succeeding another, so that they were almost in despair, to be able long to defend their Camp, the Enemy still growing both in Strength and Courage. For the Bassa that lay at Belgrade, still taking unto him the sick and wounded Soldiers, sent continually fresh men in their stead; and Valentius taking unto him a Company of the Turks Janissaries Harquebusiers, had driven Perenus with the Hungarian Horsemen out of the upper Camp. So that they in the neither Camp were now hardly beset with their Enemies on every side; yet were they well holpen by the great Artillery from Pesth, which much troubled Valentinus and his Horsemen in assailing the Camp on that side.  
Some report that Valentinus, not greatly angry with the Hungarian banished men, 
Valentinus General for the Queen in Buda, certifieth Perenus of the coming of Solyman.  but with the Germans, did by the way of private courtesy and Friendship, by a faithful Soldier with Perenus speedily to provide for the safety of himself and of the Hungarians with him; for that there was a great Beast coming, which would at one morsel devour them all. For Solyman advertised of the doings of the Emperor and King Ferdinand, thinking that they would have come down to Buda with a puissant Army, was resolved to be present himself at so notable a Battle, and was therefore coming thither with his Army in all haste. Wherefore Perenus thus forewarned, said plainly to Rogendorff and the other Captains, That except they would presently rise with the Army and depart; he would now whiles he had yet time, make shift for himself and his Countrymen. Their opinions diversely delivered, at last they all agreed, that it was best the next night to pass over the River to Pesth; only the General upon a fatal obstinacy said, He would not without King Ferdinand's commandment depart from Buda; and therefore sent Count Salma with a swift Pinnace up the River to Vienna to know his pleasure therein. In the mean time urged with fear, Perenus fretting at their long stay, it was resolved upon, that they should the next night after the Moon was down, pass over the River in four Convoys to Pesth. In the first, were to pass over the Hungarians, with their great Ordnance. In the second, the Germane and Bohemian Horsemen; and in the other two, the Footmen, and the Baggage of the Army. For it was not so easy a matter to make a Bridge over Danubius, as they had at first supposed; for after they had begun it, and almost planked it, there rose such a Wind and Tempest, and the violent River became so rough, that the Timber wherewith the Bridge was fastened together was broken, the Joints unlosed, and many of the Boats whereof the Bridge was framed, their Cables being broken, were carried away by the force of the Stream. The first and the second Convoy Fortune so favoured, 
The Christians Army departeth by night from Buda.  that they well passed over; for although they of Buda and the Turks, seeing in the day time from their high places the Fleet drawing together into one place, might have some suspicion of the matter, some guessing one thing and some another; yet could they foresee nothing of the sudden departure of the Enemy: But that multitude of Ships and Boats now passing too and fro, could not long deceive the attentive and vigilant Enemy; and so much the less, for that two Fugitive Hungarians even then discovered to the Bishop the Flight of the Germans; who presently certified the Bassa, and the other, Mahomates thereof, which without further delay came almost with all their power to assault the Christians in their Camp; the great Ordnance was brought forth, and after the Janissaries and other Footmen, followed the Horsemen, dismounted from their Horses to do the better service; who all with a horrible cry assailed the Trenches. Then began the Germans to quail, their Flight being now discovered; yet did they with the Bohemians for a while notably resist the Enemy. 
The Turks assail the Christians in their Camp at their departure.  All the Camp was filled with tumult and confusion, and especially at the River side, every man in that great fear striving to get aboard, without regard of order or shame; for the dead time of the night then covered with dark and thick Clouds, made all things more terrible, even unto them which were of best courage; the Authority of Rogendorff the General (in the darkness of the night, and so great clamour both of his own People and of the Enemy, and the thundering of the Ordnance) was as nothing; he (besides that he was then sick in mind) lay in his bed wounded, by a wonderful and fatal chance; for as he was writing Letters to the King, a Faulcon-Shot out of the Enemy's Camp falling in his Tent, and striking in sunder a Chest which stood there, wounded him grievously in the left Shoulder with a Splinter of the same. The other Captains of the Footmen, envying that the Horsemen were so well escaped, stood as men more careful of themselves than of the common danger, faintly resisting the Enemy. The uppermost Tents, wherein P●renus lay, were first taken by Mahomates of Belgrade, and Valentinus, and the Germane Footmen chased all over Saint Gerrard's Monte They of Buda also sallied out, and entered the Camp on that side which was next unto the City, and with Wildfire burned the Tents a little before forsaken by the Germans. And the Bishop at the same time caused a great Stack of Straw standing by the King's Stables near unto the Riversside, 
A mischievous practice of the Bishop.  to be set on fire; which gave such a light, that a man might have seen all over Danubius unto the Walls of Pesth, as if it had been light day; whereby the great confusion of the Christian Army by Land, as well as the shameful flight by Water, was of the Turks plainly discovered. Then was the great Artillery from every place discharged upon the flying Fleet, as well from Buda as the Turks Camp. And to increase the fear, Cason the Turks Admiral rowing with his light Boats against the Stream, set upon the Ships crossing the River to Pesth, where he took certain Boats loaded with Soldiers, and with his great Ordnance sunk divers others; 
Great slaughter of the Christians.  so that the River was filled with dead Bodies, and the miserable Company of Soldiers and Mariners laboured to save their Lives by swimming; for at such time as the Janissaries having slain the first Companies▪ were broken into the lower Camp; and the rest of the Germans flying over the Bridge into the little Island, were there slain without mercy, by the Turks pursuing them, many of them leaping into the River and there perished. Three hundred Sail of one sort of Ships and other, were so confused and mingled together, that Danubius seemed that night to have been covered over, as if it had been with a great Bridge. But the Christian Fleet seeing all lost, cleared themselves so soon as they could of the Turks; and so beating them back with their great Ordnance out of the Poups of their Ships, got up the River to Comora. The rest of the Land Forces endured the same Fortune in the Camp, of whom the Bohemians died most honourably, slain by the Enemy in Fight. Many falling into the hands of them of Buda, were saved or slain, as was their Fortune to fall into the power of a merciful or merciless man. But the Sun rising, plainly discovered the Slaughter of the Christians, and the Victory of the Turks, not so well before known. There were about three thousand men of one sort and other, who in warlike manner had taken a little Hill by Saint Gerrard's Church, and there stood upon their guard, until such time as more than two thousand of them were slain; the rest casting away their Weapons yielded in hope of life, and were reserved for a spectacle more grievous than death itself.  
At the same time Cason with his victorious Fleet coming to the Shore of Pesth, brought such a fear upon them that were escaped thither, and might easily have defended the Walls, (only with the cry of his Soldiers and the thundering of the Artillery) that the Horsemen for haste to get out, were like to overrun one another. The Germans had at that time so much forgot their wont Valour, and so trembled at the name of the Turks, that as soon as they saw their white Caps, in their Ships, they ran away as men dismayed, unarmed, leaving behind them their Plate, their Carriages, and whatsoever good thing they had else. Yet some of the Hungarian Horsemen more desirous of the Spoil than afraid of death, stayed behind rifling the Merchant Shops; for Pesth was become a very rich Mart Town for all kind of Merchandise, Merchants resorting thither from all other places of the troubled Country, as to a strong and commodious City, and of more safety than the rest. But Cason now entering without resistance, slew some of those greedy Hungarians, and ran through the Town with such barbarous Cruelty and Thirst of the Christian Blood, 
Pesth taken by Cason, Admiral of the Turks Fleet.  that he spared neither Man, Woman, nor Child, except some few, which either for their Beauty or Strength of Body were reserved for the Turks beastly Lust, or slavish Labour; so that in this War it is reported more than twenty thousand Christians were one way and other by divers chances slain. There was taken at Pesth, in the Camp and in the Island thirty six great Pieces for Battery, of wonderful Beauty; and of lesser Field Pieces an hundred and fifty. As for Shot, Powder, Armour, Weapons, and Victual provided for Winter, such store was found, that the Turks accounted it for the greatest part of their Victory. 
Rogendorff against his Will carried away by his Physician and Chamberlain to Comora, there dieth.  Rogendorff the unfortunate General, at such time as the Turks having won the Trenches, were fight in the midst of his Camp, desiring rather to be slain in his Tent, than to live after so great an overthrow, was against his Will by strong hand carried aboard a little Pinnace by his Physician and Chamberlain, which would not leave him as he lay, and was so conveyed up the River to the Island of Comora; where he shortly after, partly for the painfulness of his Wound, but more for grief of mind, died in a little Country Village called Samarium, leaving unto the Germans a woeful remembrance of his accursed obstinacy and pride. Solyman still doubting the coming of Charles the Emperor and King Ferdinand to Buda, was coming with his Army from Hadrianople in such haste, that he caused the Janissaries, his best Footmen, contrary to their manner, to march as fast as his Horsemen; but understanding by the way, of the late Victory obtained by his Captains, he took more leisure, and came with a great power to Buda in August, 
Solyman cometh to Buda.  and there encamped on the other side of the City, to avoid the noisome favour of the dead Bodies, which lay yet unburied. Where calling unto him the other Army, and making one huge Camp of both, he highly commended all his Captains, but especially the two Mahomates. And understanding that the Victory was especially gotten by the means of Mahomates Governor of Belgrade, he made him General of all his Europeian Horsemen, one of the most honourable Preferments of the Turkish Empire; the other Captains he rewarded according as they had deserved, and withal augmented their Pay.  
After that, he caused the Prisoners, 
Turkish Cruelty.  in number about eight hundred, to be brought out; who bound in long Ropes, were in derision led all alongst the Army, ranged in order of Battle, and afterward by his commandment slain by his young Soldiers; saying with severe countenance, that they were worthy of such death, which by Ambassadors dissemblingly entreating of Peace, had in the mean time craftily waged War. Amongst these Prisoners was one Soldier of Bavaria of an exceeding high Stature; him in despite of the Germane Nation he delivered to a little Dwarf (whom his Sons made great account of) to be slain, whose head was scarce so high as the Knees of the tall Captive; with that cruel spite to aggravate the indignity of his death; when as that goodly tall man, mangled about the Legs a long time by that apish Dwarf with his little Scimeter, as if it had been in disport, fell down, and was with many feeble blows hardly at last slain by that Wretch, still heartened on by others, to satisfy the Eyes of the Princes, beholding it as their Sport.  
This barbarous and cruel execution done, Solyman sent his Ambassadors with Presents to the young King, which were three beautiful Horses, with their Bridles of Gold, and their Trappings richly set with precious Stones, and three Royal Robes of Cloth of Gold; and unto the chief of the Nobility he sent rich Gowns and Chains of Gold. The Ambassadors which brought these Presents, in courteous manner requested of the Queen, 
Solyman sends for the young King into the Camp.  to send the young King her Son, attended with his Nobility, into the Camp, and without all fear, to hope that all should go well both with her and her Son; for that Solyman, who exceeded all other Kings, not in Power and Fortune only, but in Virtue and upright dealing also, was of such an heroical Disposition, that he would not only defend the Child, whom in the right of his Father he had once thought worthy his Protection and Favour, Victory confirming the same, but would also augment his Estate, with the largest Bounds of his ancient Kingdom. Wherefore he was desirous to see the young King, and to behold in him the representation of his Father, and with his own hand to deliver him to be embraced of his Sons; that of his Protection renewed, so happily begun, might be grounded a firm and perpetual Friendship with the Ottoman Kings; and that he would always account of her as of his Daughter. But the cause why he came not to see her, which he did in courtesy desire, was for that by ancient custom the Ottoman Kings were forbidden that point of courtesy, to visit other men's Wives in their Houses. Besides that, Solyman (they said) was not so forgetful of his Modesty and Honour, as to receive into his Pavilion the Daughter of a King his Friend and Ally, and she the late Wife of a King his Friend and Tributary, and the fair young Mother of a Son, growing in the hope of like Regal Dignity, for fear he should draw into any suspicion the inviolate name of her Chastity, which in Queens was to be guarded with an especial and wonderful care. Whereunto the Queen (a manifest fear confounding the tender Senses in her Motherly Affection) answered very doubtfully; but the Bishop persuading her, and instantly requesting her, not to give the Turks occasion to suspect, that she had them in distrust, by her little and unprofitable delay; 
The Queen sendeth the young King her Son to Solyman in the Camp attended with the Nobility.  sent her young Son in Princely swathing Clothes, in a rich Chariot, with his Nurse and certain great Ladies unto the Camp, attended upon with almost all the Nobility to whom Solyman had sent Presents. In his coming to the Camp, he was for honour's sake met upon the way by certain gallant Troops of the Turks brave Horsemen; and all the way as he passed in the Camp, orderly stood the Janissaries of Soliman's Guard. As soon as he was brought into the Camp, Solyman courteously looked upon him, 
Solyman courteously receiveth the young King.  and familiarly talked with the Nurse, and commanded his Sons there present to take him in their Arms, and to kiss him, in certain token of the love they would bear him, whom they were in time to have their Friend and Tributary, when he was grown to man's estate; these were Selimus and Bajazet, begotten of his fair Concubine Roxalana; bearing the Names, the one of his Grandfather, the other of his great Grandfather. As for Mustapha his eldest Son by his Circassian Wife, he then lived in Magnesia a great way off; who though he was a Prince of so great hope, as never any of the Turkish Kings had a Son of greater, and was therefore exceedingly beloved of the Men of War; yet was he not so well liked of his Father, brought out of favour with him by Roxalana, as if he had traitorously gone about to take the Empire from him, yet living, as did Selimus his Grandfather from Bajazet; for which cause Solyman secretly purposed to take him away, as afterwards he did, and to appoint Selimus for his Successor, as hereafter shall appear.  
But Solyman at such time as the Noblemen of Hungary were dining merrily with the Bassas, 
Solyman craftily taketh the City of Bud●.  had commanded certain Companies (to whom he had before given instructions what he would have done) under the colour of seeing the City, to take one of the Gates called Sabatina, and the chief Streets; which was done so quietly and cunningly, that a wary Watchman standing there and beholding the manner of the Turks coming and going too and fro, could hardly have perceived how the Gate was taken, until it was too late. For many of the Turks walking fair and softly by great Companies into the City, as if it had been but for pleasure, to have seen it; and other some to colour the matter, walking likewise back again, as if they had sufficiently viewed the City; by that means they without any tumult or stir quickly took the appointed Gate, with the Market place and chief Streets of the City Which so finely done, the Captain of the Janissaries caused Proclamation to be made in all parts of the City, That the Citizens should without fear keep themselves within their Houses, and forthwith, as they would have their Lives, Liberty, and Goods saved, to deliver all their Weapons; which they seeing no remedy, did; and having delivered their Arms, and taken the Turks Faith for their security, they received them into their Houses as their unwelcome Guests. But such was the quietness and modesty of the Turks, by reason of the severity of their Martial Discipline, that no Citizen which took them into their Houses, was by them wronged by Word or Deed. Solyman understanding that the City was thus quietly and without resistance taken, 
Solyman detaineth the Noblemen of Hungary in his Camp.  sent the Child back again unto the Queen, although it was now almost night; but the chief Noblemen he retained still with him; these were George the Bishop and Treasurer, Petrus Vicche the young Kings nigh Kinsman and one of his Tutors, Valentinus Turaccus General of the Queen's Forces, Stephanus Verbetius Chancellor, and Bacianus Urbanus Governor of the City of Buda. This sudden and unexpected change exceedingly troubled all their minds, and so much the more, for that the great Bassas with changed countenance began to pick quarrels with them, and as it were straightly and impudently to examine them, and to call them to account for all that they had done. The Queen seeing the City so craftily surprised, and the Nobility injuriously detained in the Camp, troubled with fear and grief, by humble Letters requested Solyman not to forget the Faith he had long before given unto her, and even of late confirmed by his Ambassadors; but mindful both thereof, and of his wont Clemency, to send back unto her the Noblemen, who for their Fidelity and valiant Service had well deserved both of him and her; this she did by Rustemes Bassa, whom she had loaded with Gifts, and amongst other things of great price, had sent him a fair Coronet of her own, and a goodly Jewel set with rich Stones, to send unto his Wife (Soliman's Daughter) for a Present.  
After that, Solyman consulted with his Bassas four days, what order to take concerning the Kingdom of Hungary; 
The great Bassas of divers opinions for the disposing of the Kingdom of Hungary.  in discourse whereof his great Bassas were of divers opinions. Mahomates advised him to carry away with him to Constantinople, both the young Child and all the Nobility, and to leave such a Governor in Buda, as by his wise and moderate Government, rather than by rigour, might put the People out of fear of Servitude and Bondage, by defending them from wrong, and yet by little and little lay upon them the yoke of the Turkish Government. But Rustemes Bassa (before corrupted, and a man in greater favour than the rest, because he was Soliman's Son in Law, and therefore further from all suspicion of Flattery) stood altogether upon terms of honour; saying, That nothing could be more dishonourable unto so great and mighty a Monarch, who never had at any time with any Spot or Slain blemished the Glory of his Name, than after Victory, against all right and reason to break his Faith at once with a weak Woman and silly Infant, whom he had before taken upon him to protect and defend. On the other side, Mahomates Governor of Belgrade (an old mortal Enemy of the Christians, of all the rest best acquainted with the state of Hungary, and for his great experience and approved Valour, then extraordinarily admitted by Solyman into Council among the great Bassas) disliked of both the former opinions, as too full of Lenity; and being asked his own, delivered it in this mischievous manner as followeth: 
The Oration of Mahomates of Belgrade to Solyman, concerning the disposing of the Kingdom of Hungary.  I know (said he) most mighty Solyman, that he which in consultation of matters of so great consequence is to deliver his opinion last, shall if he descent from the rest, be subject to envy and reprehension. And therefore it cannot be, but that I being of a quite contrary opinion to them that have before spoken, my speech must be unto your Ears both unpleasant and tedious. But I refuse not to be counted by myself, yea and presumptuous, if you will so have it, rather than a smother up of other men's sayings, as one of no judgement; whilst I recount those things, which as the present case standeth, may wonderfully profit your designs and the Imperial State; for of right I may desire you to yield a little to my years, and (if I may by your good favour so say) to that I have already done; when as I, now grown an old man in Wars against these Hungarians, have by experience learned those things of the State and Strength of this Kingdom, and the disposition of the People, which being here laid down, may much avail for your better determination of this so weighty a cause as admitteth no repentance if you shall now be overseen therein. You have now within the space of these twenty years come in Wars yourself in person five times into this Country, when I as no obscure Captain or Soldier, was in all those Wars and Battles ever present, of purpose, as I suppose, to revenge your Injuries, to enlarge your Empire, and in brief to assure you of a good Peace, which could never be but by force of Arms and Victory. And therefore you valiantly won Belgrade, the infamous dwelling place and receptacle of most outrageous Thiefs and Robbers, and in former time famous for the unfortunate attempts of your Ancestors; when as from thence the Hungarians in time of Peace had at their pleasure, whilst your Father was then occupied in the Persian War, spoiled the Borders of Servia and Illyria. The same Hungarians about five years after, for that they had in cruel manner slain your Ambassadors, you overthrew in battle, and slew their King; and possessed of Buda, to manifest and make known by a notable demonstration, the magnificence of your heroical mind, even unto the remotest Enemies of our name, did choose out of the relics of that vanquished Nation, one whom you might grace with the honour of the Regal Crown, although not born of Royal Blood, or unto you known for any other desert, than that he was a little before, both your public and private Enemy; and coming 'gainst you with a strong power out of Transilvania, he had in the mean time lost his Brother, a better man than himself, slain with our Sword. After that, rose up the Austrian King, a new Enemy, to expulse this Hungarian, reigning by your courtesy, and so you took in hand the third War against the Germans, which you so effectually prosecuted, that having forthwith restored the King, you carried the terror of yourself not only to the Walls of Vienna, but into the very heart of Germany. But two years yet scarcely passed, the same King (never long contented with Peace or Wars) supported by the power of his Brother Charles, and in vain besieging Buda defended by your Garrisons, stirred you up again to revenge the Injury, Slaughter, and Spoil by his Soldiers done; for that you thought it to stand with your honour▪ to protect him with your power, whom you had of ●our rare Bounty made a King; and then desired above all things, to fight a noble Battle with the two Brethren for the Empire of the West. But they at such time as you with Fire and Sword ran through their ancient Kingdoms, endured not the noise of your coming. After that, ensued a Peace between the Hungarians and the Germans, your Majesty permitting and approving it, at such time as you made haste to go against the Persians; but the Germane King so broke that Peace, that had not I in good time revenged his Treachery, by the overthrow of a great Army of his at Exek, you must of necessity have been sent for from Babylon yourself, as but now you were glad to come in haste, by long and painful journeys from Constantinople, to aid us in time, and as I verily hope, to make an end for all; that all things set in firm order in Hungary, the inconveniences of so many labours and so great charge, five times undertaken for another man's profit, might now at length take end; except (as I see some wish) you be in mind never to give over the protection of the Child and Widow, a matter full of infinite labour and peril, not to be countervailed with that glorious show of honour, which by these (in my opinion) too too wise men is pretended to your haughty mind, ever desirous of Honour and Fame. But I as a blunt man understand not this high point of Wisdom, abounding with Glory, which in the very course thereof cutteth in sunder the sinews of Victory, and is never by politic Generals admitted into their Camps. In which doing, as I wish you more fortunate than your Ancestors, who have united eighteen Kingdoms to this your Empire, so would I not have you more wise than they; for what can be a more unwise part, than always to play the unwise man? that is to say, always to be careful of other men's Affairs, and in m●an time oftentimes to endanger his own Estate, his Health, his Wealth, his Honour. You have satisfied, and that (in my opinion) plentifully the duty both of Charity, Fidelity, and if it must needs be so, of Honour and Glory also; if it be to be gotten rather by Courtesy, Clemency and Lenity, than by the invincible strength of wise Policy, and the constant resolution of a Martial Mind; for by those instruments, and none other, have worthy Virtues always promoted and supported the Ottoman Kings. Wherefore let those vain shows (as seemeth unto me) of counterfeit honour delight the minds of idle and slothful Kings; assuredly they never pleased your armed Ancestors, but after the Enemy was quite overthrown, the Triumph made, and the Trophies of Victory erected. But let this be as best pleaseth your high Wisdom and judgement, whereunto the greatest Wits gave place. Truly I (if I well foresee the chances of War, and the assured events of things) will not follow that manner of Counsel which the pleasure of my mind persuadeth me unto; when as necessity, which ruleth all things, presently forceth me and showeth me a far better Course. The Hungarians above all other things notably warn us not to trust them, who infamous for their unconstancy after Revolt and Treachery, are still at variance amongst themselves; and their banished men are continually setting on the Germans to invade the Country, and the weak power of the Queen and the Child is not such as may withstand so near and so mighty an Enemy; so that another man's Kingdom must of necessity be defended by our help, which may not be less than a strong Army without our great peril. To be brief, every year to take in hand so long an expedition of so great labour and travel, with an Army furnished with Horsemen, Footmen, Artillery, and a Fleet of Ships for defence of another man, as commonly we do, seemeth to me mere madness; neither do I think it to stand with the Majesty of the Ottoman Emperors, thus to be moved every year at the request of a puling Woman, crying for help; except you think it more profitable and honourable to maintain a defensive than invasive War: Wherefore (in my opinion) it is best to turn this Kingdom (so often conquered and defended by Law of Arms) after the manner of your Ancestors, 
Mischievous Counsel.  into the form of a Province; the Queen I would have sent to her Father, and the Boy her Son brought up in your Court at Constantinople, and there instructed in our Religion; the Nobility of the Country I wish to be slain, and their Castles razed, and the notable Families which bore the bravest minds, to be carried away out of all parts of the Country into Asia; as for the base multitude, I would have kept under with good Garrisons, to till the ground, and inhabit the Cities. By this only means (mighty Solyman) shall both the Hungarians perceive themselves conquered, and the Germans glad to forbear coming into Hungary, unless they will rashly and unfortunately hazard both Styria and Austria.  
But Solyman thinking it good to do sacrifice before he would resolutely determine of so great a matter, 
Solyman entereth Buda the thirtieth of August 1541, and there first sacrificeth after the Mahometan manner.  entered into Buda with his two Sons, Selimus and Bajazet, the thirtieth of August in the year 1541. and there in the Cathedral Church dedicated to the Virgin Mary (being before by his Priests Purified after the manner of their Superstition) sacrificed the first Mahometan Sacrifice in Buda. Shortly after, he as it were moderating the opinions of his great Counsellors, provided out of them all both for his own security and honour, and published a Decree, the fatal Doom of that flourishing Kingdom, whereunder it yet groaneth at this day; That Buda should from that day be kept with a Garrison of Turks, and the Kingdom converted into a Province of the Turkish Empire; 
The Doom of Hungary.  and the Queen with her young Son should presently depart the City, and live in Lippa, 
The Queen departeth out of Buda with her Son.  in a fertile and quiet Country beyond the River of Tibiscus, which something to comfort her, was near unto the Borders of her Father Sigismond his Kingdom, to be safely conducted thither with all her Wealth and Jewels by his Janissaries. Wherefore the Queen and her Son, according to this Decree, with Tears and Mourning, detesting in her heart the Tyrant's perfidious dealing (which necessity enforced her then to dissemble) departed from Buda, constrained by the Turks to leave behind her all the Ordnance in the Castle and City, with all other the Warlike Provision and Store of Victual. The Noblemen went with her also, who although they went sorrowful for this woeful and unexpected change of things, yet were they very glad of their Liberty and Safety, whereof they had for the space of three days despaired. Only Valentinus was kept in safe custody in the Camp, because he was a Martial Man of greatest power amongst the Hungarians; and besides that, much hated of the Turks for the hard pursuit of Cason and his Horsemen, slain at Storamberg in Austria. Thus the Royal City of Buda fell into the hands of the Turks, whereupon not long after ensued the final ruin of that Kingdom, sometime the strong Bulwark of Christendom, but lost to the great weakening of the Christian Commonweal; which may justly be imputed to the Pride, Ambition, and Dissension of the Hungarians amongst themselves, and the calling in of the common Enemy; the due consideration of whose only coming, might well have sufficed to have made them agreed.  
Whilst these things were doing at Buda, King Ferdinand expecting the event of this War at Vienna, and hearing of the shameful loss of his Army, and that the General deadly wounded was fled to Comara, and that Solyman (Fame increasing the evil News) was coming towards Vienna; sent Leonardus Velsius (who never liked of the Siege of Buda) to Comara, to stay the further Flight of the Soldiers, and to gather together so well as he could the dispersed Relics of the scattered Army, and to comfort again the discouraged men with the hope of new Supplies and of Pay. And somewhat to stay Solyman, who as it was thought would suddenly come to Vienna, 
King Ferdinand sendeth Ambassadors and Pre●en●s to Solyman.  he sent Count Salma and Sigismond Lithestain, a noble and grave Counsellor, his Ambassadors, with Presents and new Conditions of Peace to Solyman. The Presents were a high standing Cup of Gold after the Germane fashion, curiously set with Stones; and a wonderful Globe of Silver of most rare and curious device, daily expressing the hourly passing of the Time, the motion of the Planets, the Change and Full of the Moon, the motion of the superior Orbs, ever moving by certain Wheels and Weights curiously conveyed within the same, and exactly keeping due time and motion; lively expressing the wonderful motions and conversions of the Celestial Frame. A most curious and strange piece of Work, devised and perfected by the most cunning Astronomers for Maximilian the Emperor, whose noble mind never spared for any Cost to obtain things of rare and strange device. The Ambassadors passing down the River of Danubius, were at their landing first received by Cason the Admiral of Soliman's Fleet, and by him brought into a rich Tent, the ground under their Feet being all covered which rich Carpets; to whom Rustan Bassa sent such good cheer as the Camp afforded, but especially most excellent Wine, no less forbidden the Turks by their Law, than desired of the Germans. The next day after, the great Bassas feasted the Ambassadors, Solyman himself dining not far off in his Pavilion; at which Feast the Bassas for the more courtesy dined with the Ambassadors, not sitting with their Legs gathered under them flat upon the ground, as their manner was, but sitting in Chairs at a high Table, after the manner of the Christians; only Mahomates Governor of Belgrade, for his Age and Valour, an extraordinary Guest, sat down upon a Cussion beneath the Bassaes. 
The frugal Cheer of the Turks.  Their Cheer was only Rice and Mutton, and that so plainly and sparingly dressed, as if they had thereby noted our gormandise and excess; who measure not our Cheer by that which Nature requireth, but that which greedy Appetite desireth, as if therein consisted the greatest Nobility; and the Drink for the great Bassas themselves, right easy to be had, was fair Water out of the River Danubius. After Dinner the Ambassadors were brought in unto Solyman, each of them led betwixt two Bassas holding them fast by the Arms, as it had been for honour's sake, and so brought to kiss his Hand. For the Turks suffer no Stranger otherwise to come unto the Presence of their suspicious Emperor, but first they search him that he have no Weapon about him, and so clasping him by the Arms under the colour of doing him honour, dissemblingly bereave him of the use of his Hands, lest he should offer him any violence; yet hath he always as he sitteth in his Throne, lying at hand ready by him a Target, a Scimeter, an Iron-Mace, with Bow and Arrows. The great Globe was also brought in by twelve of the Ambassadors Servants, which with the strangeness thereof filled the mind of Solyman, and the Eyes of his Bassas with admiration; for Solyman was of so sharp a Wit, that he was not learned only in such Books as contained the Laws and Rites of the Mahometan Superstition, but had also curiously studied Astronomy, and especially Cosmography, in which profitable and pleasant study he much recreated himself as his leisure served. The Ambassadors desired that he would give the Kingdom of Hungary to King Ferdinand, 
The request of the Ambassadors in the behalf of King Ferdinand.  almost upon the same conditions that Lascus had before required it for him at Constantinople, paying him such yearly Tribute as King john had usually paid, and promising farther to draw Charles the Emperor his Brother into the same League; so that Solyman delivered of all fear that way, might at his pleasure turn his Forces upon the Persian, which it was thought he most desired. Besides that, they said he should deal neither honourably nor indifferently, if he should prefer the young Child before King Ferdinand, who beside his ancient Right unto that Kingdom, (which they were not now to urge, as oppressed by his happy Victories, but might in time be revived) had also a late interest by a League betwixt him and King john, wherein he had expressly covenanted by the solemn consent of the greatest part of his Nobility, that King Ferdinand should succeed him in the Kingdom. Whereby they excused him of the late War, as justly taken in hand against the Queen and her Son usurping upon his Right; which King john knowing to be good, and moved with Conscience, had by his solemn act acknowledged, though to the great offence and prejudice of Solyman his setter up and defender, as also to the touching of himself in honour, to have so unthankfully and fraudulently dealt with his Patron, to whom he was by the Oath of Obedience bound. Wherefore they requested, that sith he being a Prince of all others most mighty and magnificent, standing upon his upright dealing both in Peace and War, had so lightly regarded the sly dealing of so ungrateful a man; he would rather accept of King Ferdinand so many ways injured, as his Friend and Tributary, than to have him his perpetual Enemy. Concluding, That nothing could be unto him, for the good report of his Justice more commendable, or for the assurance of a perpetual Peace more profitable, or to the immortal praise of his Bounty more honourable, than to call a King of a most ancient Descent, famous for his Virtue and Fidelity, chosen for a King by the Bohemians, desired for a King by the Hungarians, Emperor elect of the Roman Empire by the Germans, and the natural Brother of the great Emperor, his Tributary King of Hungary. Solyman with cheerful countenance accepting and commending of the Presents, 
Soliman's proud answer to King Ferdinand his Ambassadors.  answered them two days after by Rustan the Bassa his Son in Law, that this was his resolute condition of Peace and Friendship; If King Ferdinand would forthwith restore all the Cities, Towns, and Castles, which were before belonging to King Lewis, and for ever after abstain from Hungary; and whereas he had been so often provoked by him to War, and had therein bestowed so great charges, and taken so much Travel, he could for that be content with an easy pain (which should be for his great honour) to impose an easy Tribute upon Austria; upon which Conditions he was content to enter into League with them; but if so be that those Conditions seemed unto them too heavy, and that they would rather make choice of War than Peace, he would bring to pass by continual War, that such things as they had taken from the Kingdom of Hungary, should be requited with the destruction of Austria. But the Ambassadors, although they were much moved at the proud Demand of Tribute for Austria, as that wherein the two Brethren of mighty power, Charles' the Emperor and King Ferdinand were disdainfully abused; to keep the best course of their Negotiation, and to win some time in so hard estate of things; required a Truce until such time as King Ferdinand and the Emperor his Brother might be made acquainted with the matter. Which their request the Turk (perceiving their drift and purpose) would in no case grant, for Winter was now fast coming on. It was lawful for the Ambassadors all the time they were in the Turks Camp, to view every part thereof, Rustan Bassa conducting them from place to place; where above all things, they most wondered at the perpetual and dumb silence of so great a multitude, the Soldiers being so ready and attentive, that they were no otherwise commanded but by the becking of the Hand, or a Nod of their Commanders; they marvelled also at the exquisite order and sweetness of the Turks Camp, finding therein nothing disordered or noisome; 
The Turks Camp well ordered.  so that it seemed not the Camp of such a rude and barbarous Nation, but rather of them which were the Authors of Martial Discipline. The Ambassadors being rewarded, and so sent away, Solyman commanded the old Governor of Belgrade to spoil the Borders of Austria all alongst Danubius; Cason also General of the voluntary Horsemen, he sent into Moravia for like purpose; who neither of them did any great harm, by reason of the sudden rising of the great Rivers, with the abundance of Rain then falling in Autumn. After that, Solyman appointed one Solyman an Hungarian (who taken Prisoner in his youth by the Turks, had from that time followed the Mahometan Superstition) Governor of Buda; who by the upright administration of Justice, and courteous using of the People, with Verbetius the old Chancellor, should do what was possible to put the People in hope of long Peace and Tranquillity. 
Solyman returns towards Constantinople.  Which things done, after he had stayed about twenty days at Buda; he determined to return again into Thracia, because the Rain of Autumn and the cold of Winter was now come in; and was also in doubt to be shut in with the rising of the great Rivers, wherewith the Country of Hungary is in every place so watered, and on every side, so compassed, that it is an hard matter to pass. By the way he set Lascus, King Ferdinand's Ambassador, again at liberty, 
Lascus set at liberty by Solyman, shortly after dieth.  whom he had left in Prison at Belgrade; but he long enjoyed not that benefit; for shortly after returning into Polonia, he died of the Flux; which caused many to suppose; that he was poisoned by the Turks. A man for his Virtue and Learning famous worthy of a longer life, whose death the King himself much lamented.  
As Solyman was returning into Thracia, and was come to the River Dravus, it was told him, That Stephen Maylat, Vayvod of Transilvania, who took King Ferdinand his part; a professed Enemy of the Turks, was taken by the cunning of Peter of Moldavia, and Prince of Valachia; and that all the Country of Transylvania was well pacified, and yielded to his Obedience. Of which News Solyman was passing glad; for he exceedingly hated Maylat, a Martial man of a froward Nature, desirous of rule, and ready upon any occasion to revolt; forasmuch as he remembered Grittus his Legate, and the Turks by him slain; and knew also, that the Transylvanians, an invincible People, born to trouble, and more delighting in uncertain War than assured Peace, was by him stirred up; whom he wished rather by gentleness to appease, than by force of Arms and strong hand to subdue. But because we have oftentimes before made mention of this Maylat, of whose taking Solyman so much rejoiced, it shall not be amiss in few words to declare in what fineness he fell into the hands of this treacherous and bloody man, Peter of Moldavia.  
This Moldavian by the commandment of Solyman (as is aforesaid) had joined his Forces with Achomates, Governor of Nicopolis, against Maylat; which being united, were in number fifty thousand Horsemen, beside Footmen; which after the manner of those Countries, were not many, every man almost in the Country, be he never so poor, keeping a Horse to serve upon. Maylat beset with the multitude of his Enemies, 
Maylat the Vayvod not able to keep the Field against Achomates, and the Prince of Moldavia, flieth to Fogaras.  and finding himself too weak to encounter them, despairing also of aid from King Ferdinand, whom he knew to be busied in a greater War, forsook the Field, and fled again into the strong Town of Fogaras, as he had done the year before, when he was overcharged by King john's Power; for there as in a most strong place both by nature and fortification, he had laid up his greatest Substance and Provision for the Wars, but especially the rich Spoil he had long before taken from Grittus. Achomates coming thither with his power, and perceiving the place was not to be battered or taken by force, but with much labour and long time, thought it best, to assay if he could overcome him by c●aft and deceit. Wherefore he sent a Messenger unto Maylat, to persuade him to yield himself unto Solyman, and to make choice rather to be called of him his Friend, than to be judged his Enemy; of whom he might well hope of all goodness, which had given whole Kingdoms unto his Enemies; promising, that he would use the uttermost of his Credit, which was not small, and labour for him as a Friend, that he might feel the fruit of his Clemency and Bounty, and still enjoy the Government of Transylvania, paying him some small yearly Tribute, as he had before requested; forasmuch as he could take no course better, being beset with so many Enemies, than to make his Peace upon reasonable Conditions, and that with as much speed as were possible; in which doing, besides that he should well provide for his own safety, he should also save both his Wealth and Honour; for Solyman was coming (as he said) with his victorious Army, who would with assured death revenge his vain hope of holding out the Siege, if he should upon a stubborn and obstinate mind then refuse to obey his command. Whereunto Maylat, who foresaw that it was better for him to make a certain Peace, than to endure an uncertain War, answered, That he could be content to conclude a Peace, so that it were not upon any bad conditions; and would not greatly refuse Soliman's command, which was wont to be both reasonable and just; wherefore upon sufficient Pledges he would come into the Camp, in presence to agree upon the Conditions of the Peace and demanded to have Achomates his Son, a valiant young Gentleman, delivered in Hostage. Which thing Achomates denied, for that he had (as he said) before given him to Solyman, as the manner was, and therefore had over him no more power; but he promised for him, that was but one, to give four of his best Captains. Which offer Maylat (misdoubting no deceit) accepted, and with a great and gallant retinue attended upon, 
Maylat cometh into the Turks Camp.  came into the Enemy's Camp, where he was courteously and honourably received. But the Parley, as it could not be conveniently begun immediately after the first salutation, so could it by no means be then ended, but was deferred until the next day; to the intent, that the treacherous Moldavian might take his well acquainted and well known Guest, whom he had against that time invited to a solemn Banquet. By that means, the next day about the midst of Dinner, Fortune so favoured the intended Treachery, that Maylat (who was of so proud and choleric a nature, that he could not well brook the least indignity) was by occasion of some insolent Speech, of purpose ministered by the Moldavian Guests, put into such a fret, that laying his hand upon his Sword, 
Maylat treacherously t●ken Prisoner by the Moldavian.  he in a rage flung from the Table; at which time all the other Guests starting up also, laid hands upon him and took him, fuming, and in vain crying out, that he was shamefully betrayed. His Followers were all forthwith stripped of all their bravery by the needy Moldavians, and their Horses and Armour taken from them. Whilst Maylat was yet furiously exclaiming of this Treason, in came Achomates, who to seem guiltless of the matter, with deep dissimulation sharply reproved the false Moldavian, that he had in doing so foul a Fact shamefully violated the Laws of Hospitality, reverenced of all Nations, falsified the Faith which he had given him for his safety, and betrayed the lives of such notable Captains as lay in hostage for him. Whereunto the Moldavian (as if it had been in contempt) scornfully answered, that he had upon good cause taken Maylat Prisoner, and so would in safety keep him for Solyman, unto whom it only belonged to judge, whether he had justly or unjustly kept him.  
Not long after, the strong Town of Fogaras was delivered, with the Hostages, but whether by fear or corruption of Maylats' Lieutenant, is uncertain. So Valentinus Turaccus, and Maylat, two of the greatest Noblemen of Hungary, sufficient of themselves to have restored the Hungarian Kingdom (first rend in sunder with civil Discord, and afterward with the invasion of the Turks) fell into the hands of the Enemy, not vanquished in Battle, but deceived by Treason. 
Transylvania given by Solyman to the young King.  The Town being thus surrendered, almost all the Country of Transylvania, was by Soliman's consent delivered to the young King, unto whom all the People most willingly submitted themselves, and took the Oath of Obedience, remembering that his Father had almost for thirty years' space with great Justice and quietness governed that Province; and with many Presents honoured the young King lying in Lippa, with the Queen his Mother, and his two Tutors, the Bishop, and Vicche.  
At the same time, Charles the Emperor at the importunate suit of his Subjects of Spain, had prepared a great force both by Sea and Land for the conquering of Algiers; from whence the Turkish Pirates did so infest all that Coast of the Country, from Gades to the Mountains Pyrenei, that the Spaniards (all Trade of Merchandise being set apart) were glad to keep a continul Watch and Ward all alongst that Coast for defence of the Country. 
Charles the Emperor returneth out of Germany to invade afric.  Wherefore although he well knew of the coming of the Turks to Buda, and how hardly he was by the Landgrave and others spoken of, for leaving his Brother so hardly bestead, to go against a sort of Pirates in afric, yet persisting in his former determination, he departed out of Germany into Italy, where by the way he met Octavius Farnesius his Son in Law, Alphonsus Vastius his Lieutenant, by the Venetian Ambassadors, near to Verona, and so brought to Milan, where he was with great Solemnity joyfully received of the Citizens, and under a Canopy of Gold brought unto the Palace; he himself going in a plain black Cloak, and a homely Cap in mourning wise; when as the Women and vulgar People, upon a curious simplicity, expected to have seen so great an Emperor in his Royal Robes, glistering with Gold and precious Stones, and the Imperial Crown upon his Head. His heavy Countenance answerable also to his Attire was much noted, as presaging the woeful overthrow which was the day before received at Buda, but not yet known in Italy. From Milan he departed to Genoa, where he was advertised by Letters from his Brother King Ferdinand, of the overthrow of the Germans, of the Victory of the Turks, and the coming of Solyman. Upon which news, Vastius and Auria, his two chief Commanders, the one at Land, the other at Sea, would have persuaded him to have deferred his intended expedition for Africa until the next Spring; and with such power as he had already raised in Italy, and brought with him out of Germany, to stay still in Italy, so to make show unto the Turks as if he would have returned and holpen his Brother; and in the mean time to assure himself of his state in Italy against the French, who (as it was thought) would be ready to take all occasion of advantage, if any mishap should befall him, either by the force of the Enemy, or violence of Tempest. But he constant in his former resolution, answered them as they sat in Counsel, that they had persuaded him for great reasons to stay in Italy; but that he was for far greater to pass into afric; for if he should then stay in Italy, it would be thought that he was for fear of the Turks fled out of Germany; which disgrace could no otherwise be prevented, but by the present prosecuting of his former determination for Algiers, and satisfying the expectation of his Subjects of Spain; and so by Sea valiantly to prove their better Fortune, which had of late not so well favoured them at Land; in hope that Algiers might be won before the Seas should grow rough and dangerous with Winter Tempests; which if it should fall out according to his mind, he would not, as he said, greatly care what the French could do. Yet was it thought, that the dissembling Friendship betwixt the French King and him, would not long endure; and the rather, for that there was a new grudge risen betwixt them about the death of Antonius Rinuo, who for certain years had lain Ambassador for the French King at Constantinople, to Solyman, and was a few months before sent back again by him into France to the King; but returning back again with new instructions from his Master, for the confirmation of a further League betwixt the Turkish Sultan and him, he was by certain Spaniards of the Emperor's old Soldiers, 
The French Kings Ambassadors slain by the Emperor.  who had knowledge of his coming, belayed upon the River Padus as he was going down to Venice, so to have passed into Epirus, and slain, together with Caesar Fregotius; or as the common report went, first taken and tortured, to get from him the secrets of his negotiation, and afterwards slain. Which report so much touched Vastius in Credit, that in purgation of himself, he offered the Combat to any man of like quality to himself, that durst charge him with the truth thereof. But many were of opinion, that he was well and worthily taken away, for undertaking so odious a Charge, as to stir up the Turks against the Christians, and to show unto them such opportunities as might best serve their purpose, by discovering unto them the Emperor's Designs, to the great hurt of the Christian Common-Weal. But were it well, or were it evil, as Paulus the third of that name then Bishop of Rome, meeting the Emperor at Luca as he came from Genoa, could not, or would determine, 
The Emperor and the Bishop of Rome meet at Luca.  sure it served as no small occasion to set those two great Princes again at odds, whereby the wished Unity of the Christian state was sore shaken, and a way opened for the Turk. The Emperor at his coming to Luca, was honourably received by the Cardinals and Bishops, and lodged in the Court; the great Bishop was before placed in the Bishop's Palace, whither the Emperor came thrice to talk with him, and the Bishop to him once. But the Bishop having nothing at all prevailed with the Emperor and the French Ambassador, for the appeasing of the troubles even then like to arise betwixt him and the French King; did what he might to persuade him to employ such Forces as he was about to pass over with into afric, against the Turks in defence of his Brother Ferdinand, and of the Country of Austria, if Solyman should happily pursue his late obtained Victory at Buda. But he still resolute in that fatal determination of invading of afric, rejected that the Bishop's request also. So the great Bishop having moved much, and prevailed little, in the greatest matters which most concerned the common good, taking his leave of the Emperor, returned by easy journeys to Rome.  
The Emperor in the mean time with certain Bands of Italians, under the leading of Camillus Columna and Augustinus Spinola, and six thousand Germans, came from Luca to the Port Lune, and there embarking his Soldiers in certain Merchants Ships provided for the purpose, and five and thirty Galleys, departed thence, commanding the Masters of the Ships to direct their Course to the Islands of Baleares; but after they had put to Sea, they were by force of Tempest suddenly arising, brought within sight of Corsica; where after they had been tossed too and fro two days in the rough Seas, and put out of their Course, the Wind something falling, they put into the Haven of Syracuse, now called Bonifacium. The dispersed Fleet once come together into the Port of Syracuse, and the rage of the Sea well appeased, he put to Sea again for the Islands Baleares, 
The Emperor driven by tempest into Sicilia.  now called Majorca and Minorca; where in his Course he met with a Tempest from the West, more terrible and dreadful than the first; wherein divers of the Galleys having lost their Masts and Sails, were glad with extreme labour and peril in striving against the rough Sea to get into a Harbour of the lesser Island, taking name of Barchinus Mago the famous Carthaginensian, whose name it retaineth until this day. From hence the Emperor with all his Fleet passed over to the greater Island, being wonderful glad that Ferdinand Gonsaga his Viceroy in Sicilia was in good time come with the Sicilian Galleys and Ships of Italy, in number an hundred and fifty Sail, wherein he had brought such store of Biscuit and Victual as might have sufficed for a long War. Mendoza was also expected to have come thither with his Fleet from Spain; but he by reason of contrary Winds being not able to hold that Course, altered his purpose according to the Tempest, and so happily cut over directly to Algiers. So the Emperor nothing misdoubting the careful diligence of Mendoza, and thinking that which was indeed already chanced, and the Wind now serving fair, 
T●e Emperor cometh to Algiers.  by the persuasion of Auria his Admiral hoist sail, and in two days came before Algiers, and there in goodly order came to anchor before the City in the sight of the Enemy. Whilst the Fleet thus lay, two of the Pirates which had been abroad at Sea, seeking for prize, returning to Algiers, not knowing any thing of the Fleet, fell into the Bay amongst them before they were awar; the bigger whereof Viscontes Cicada stemmed with his Galley and sunk him, the other with wonderful celerity got into the Haven. In the mean time Mendoza with his Galleys had passed the Promontory of Apollo now called the Cape of Cassineus, and in token of honour saluting the Emperor after the manner at Sea, with all his great Ordnance, gave him knowledge that the Spanish Fleet was not far behind. In this Fleet was above an hundred tall Ships of Biscay and the Low Countries, 
The Emperor's Fleet out of Spain and the Low Countries.  and of other smaller Vessels a far greater number. In these Ships, besides the Footmen, were embarked a great number of brave Horsemen out of all parts of Spain; for many noble Gentlemen had voluntarily of their own Charge gallantly furnished themselves with brave Armour and courageous Horses, to serve their Prince and Country against the Infidels. Over these choice men commanded Ferdinand of Toledo, Duke of Alva, 
The Duke of Alva.  for his approved Valour then accounted a famous Captain. These Ships going altogether with Sails, were not able to double the Cape as did Mendoza with his Galleys, for now it was a dead Calm; howbeit the Billows of the Sea went yet high, by reason of the rage of the late Tempest, and did so beat against the plain Shore, that it was not possible to land the Soldiers; but that they must needs be washed up to the middle; which thing the Emperor thought it not good to put them unto, and so to oppose them Sea-sick and through wet against the sudden and desperate Assaults of their fierce Enemies. He also stayed for the coming of the Spanish Ships for two causes; first that he might with his united Power more strongly assault the City, and terrify the Enemy; then, to communicate the whole glory of the action with the Spaniards, at whose request and forwardness and greatest Charge he had undertaken that War. Which fatal delay of two days, 
Delay in great actions hurtful  although it was grounded upon good reason, did not only disturb an assured Victory, but to the notable hurt of the whole Army, opened a way to all the calamities which afterward ensued.  

The Emperor sendeth a Messenger to Assan-Aga Governor of Algiers for Barbarussa.  In the mean while the Emperor sent a convenient Messenger to Asanagas, otherwise and more truly called Assan-Aga, or Assan the Eunuch; who with a little Flag of Truce in his hand making sign of a Parley, and answered by the Moors with like, as their manner is, went on shore, and was of them courteously received and brought to Assan. This Assan was an Eunuch, born in Sardinia, brought up from his youth in the Mahometan Superstition by Barbarussa, a man both politic and valiant, and by him left for the keeping of his Kingdom of Algiers in his absence with Solyman. This Messenger brought into his presence, required him forthwith to deliver the City (first surprised by Force and Treachery by Horruccius, and afterwards to the destruction of mankind, fortified by Hariadenus Barbarussa his Brother) to Charles the mighty Emperor, come in person himself to be revenged on those horrible Pirates; which if he would do, it should be lawful for the Turks to depart whether they would, and for the natural Moors to abide still with their Goods and Religion wholly reserved unto them untouched, as in former time; and for himself, he should receive of the Emperor great Rewards both in time of Peace and Wars, so that he would remember himself, that he was born in Sardinia, and was once a Christian; and accept of the fairest occasion which could possibly be offered for him to return again to the worshipping of the true God, and to enjoy the favour and bounty of the most mighty Emperor, and withal to revenge himself of the cruel Tyrant Barbarussa, for the unnatural Villainy done unto his person. But if he would needs daily on the time, and make proof of the strength of so great preparation, he should undoubtedly, with the rest of his Followers, receive the same reward of his obstinacy, which they had to the example of others, received at Tunes. 
The scornful answer of Allan the Eunuch to the Emperor's m●ssenger.  Whereunto the ungracious Eunuch answered, That he thought him altogether mad, that would follow his Enemy's Council; and with a grinning countenance asked him, Upon what hope the Emperor trusted to be able to win the City? the Messenger pointing with his finger directly to the Fleet, told him, That which you see, with his great Artillery, and Valour of his Soldiers, both Horse and Foot; whereat the Eunuch scornfully laughing, replied, And we with like Force and Valour will defend this City, and make this place, already famous for your overthrows here twice, now the third time, of all others most famous by the Emperor's discomfiture. It is reported, That there was in Algiers an old Witch, famous for her Predictions, who had (as it was said) foretold the Shipwrecks and misery of Didaco Verra, and Hugo Moncada, to them of Algiers, and also prefixed a time when as the Christian Emperor adventuring to besiege that City, should there receive great loss both by Sea and Land. The fame of which blind Prophecy serving fitly to confirm the hope of good success in the minds of the vulgar multitude, Assan so fed and augmented (although he himself being a crafty wise Fellow, believed no such vanity) that he did therewith not only encourage his own Soldiers, but also struck a terror into the minds of the weaker sort of his Enemies, seeing themselves cast upon so dangerous a Coast upon the approach of Winter. There was in Garrison in the City but eight hundred Turks, and most of them Horsemen, but such, as whose Valour and resolution far exceeded their number. For Assan had lost many of his best men, some in fight against Mendoza, and othersome at Sea, slain or taken by Auria in Corsica, and in other places by the Rhodian, Neapolitan, and Sicilian Galleys; but many more were by his leave gone to aid the Moors against the Portugals; the other multitude did scarce make up the number of five thousand; which were partly natural Moors born in that Country, and partly such as were born in Granado; to whom were joined many Fugitives out of the Islands of Majorca and Minorca, who in former time having entered into Rebellion, and fearing condign punishment, were fled to Algiers, and there revolted to the Mahometan Superstition. But the Captains of the wild Numidians made up a great number both of Horse and Foot, which lying straggling without the City in the open Fields, should night and day vex and molest the Christians, This brutish People, naturally Enemies unto the Christians, had Assan with rewards and hope of a rich Spoil, alured out of the Countries thereabout to aid him; neither was it lawful for any man to carry his Wife or Children out of the City, into places of more safety farther off, or to show any small token of fear, pain of death being by the imperious Eunuch proposed to whosoever should but look heavily for fear of danger, or speak a word favouring of Cowardice. The Emperor by Auria making choice of a most convenient place for landing his men, 
The Emperor landeth his Army at Algiers.  laid his Galleys so close unto his tall Ships, that his armed Soldiers might with ease come out of the high built Ships into them, and so out of them into the long Boats, to be forthwith set on shore. And such was the speedy diligence of them that had the charge of that matter, and the plenty of Boats still ready to receive the Soldiers as fast as they could come out of the Galleys, that the Footmen were in a very short time all landed. The Emperor having a little rested and refreshed his Soldiers, divided his Army into three equal Battles; which was in number about twenty thousand Footmen, besides Horsemen and others, who of their own voluntary Will than followed the Emperor's Fortune. Unto every Battle he appointed three Field-Pieces, to terrify the Numidian Horseman, which were still pricking up and down about them, ready to charge if they could take them at anyadvantage. And so setting forward a few Furlongs, encamped in a strong and convenient place, near unto the City, between two deep Ditches, which the Water falling from the Mountains had naturally worn so deep, that neither Horseman nor Footman could well pass over, but by Bridge; and fast by upon the left hand was an Hill, from the top whereof it seemed the City might with great Ordnance well be battered.  
The City of Algiers, sometime the Royal Seat of the great King juba, 
The description of Algiers.  called of the Romans julia Caesarea, is in form of a Triangle, situate fast by the Sea towards the North, having a Haven, but neither great, neither safe from the Northwind. The Houses farther off from the Sea, stand in seemly order upon the rising of a steep Hill, as it were upon degrees; in such sort, that the Windows of one row still overlooks the tops of the next beneath it, into the Sea, most beautiful to behold. The Emperor having divided his Camp into three parts, every Nation by themselves, lying on the East side of the Town, was in great hope to win it; and the rather, for that whilst he assaulted it on that side, his Ships and Galleys from the North side, might in time of the Assault with their great Ordnance beat the Enemy all alongst the Wall; which still rising higher and higher according to the rising of the steep Hill, could not conveniently be defended with one Bulwark, as we see it may in plain ground. Nearest unto the rising of the Hills, lay the Spaniards; in the midst, 
The Numidians skirmish with the Spaniards.  the Germans with the Emperor; and in the Plain nearest to the Sea, the Italians. In the mean time whilst the great Ordnance was landing, and the Horses unshipping, the Numidians with a hideous outcry showed themselves upon the tops of the Mountains above the Spaniards, and from thence easily gauled them with their Darts and Shot; for they nimbly running too and fro in the known parts of the rough Mountains, would suddenly and fiercely assail them, but after the manner of their Nation skirmishing afar off, rather than near at hand. In which manner of light skirmishes, all the day was spent until night, with small danger but much trouble to the Spaniards. And when night was come, these wild People, one Company still succeeding another in the place they had before taken, never left shooting; for wheresoever they saw any Fire in the Spanish Camp, thither came Arrows, Darts, and Stones flying as thick as Hail; 
The Spaniards put the Numidians to flight, and gain the Hills.  for remedy whereof, the Spaniards were glad to put out their Fires, and with silence to expect the day, that they might come nearer unto them. Wherefore as soon as the Sun was up, the Spaniards by the persuasion of Alva●es Sands, Master of the Camp, valiantly climbing up the high Mountains, repulsed and put to flight the Numidians, and took the top of the Hills, and there lay as it were encamped in the poor Shepherd's Cottages. But the same day such a multitude of the wild People was flocked about them, that they were compassed in round, and glad to fight on every side in a Ring. Yet this fierceness of this barbarous People, was by the Valour of the Sicilian Companies quickly repressed, whose Pikemen glistering in their bright Armour, made small account of the Numidians Arrows and Darts, but orderly stepping forwards with their Pikes, and the Harquebusiers close by their sides, easily repulsed their naked Enemies. The Numidian Footmen are for most part Youths half naked, 
The description of the Numidian Footmen and Horsemen.  with long hair not unlike the Irish, using no other Weapons but Darts; they fight mingled with their Horsemen, trusting the one to the other, and are of a wonderful swiftness▪ and agility of Body. Their Horsemen use long Spears, armed at both ends, which they with a marvellous dexterity use, to the endangering of their Enemy pursuing them; they use also long and light Targets made of Leather, wherewith they so cunningly defend themselves and their Horses, both in their Charge and Retreat, that for a small trifle, in respect of the danger, they will give a man leave to cast seven Darts at one of them, which they will all most surely avoid either with the Spear, or receive them without harm into their Target. In the mean time, whilst this wild People thus skirmished all the day, at night a sudden mischance overthrew all the Emperors hope; for as he stood beholding the unshipping of his great Ordnance, his Horses, Victual and other necessaries of the Army, a storm of Wind and Rain began about six a clock in the Afternoon, holding on all the night without intermission, with such rage, as if Heaven and Earth should have gone together; 
A marvellous Tempest.  wherewith the whole Army at Land was wonderfully troubled, and a great part of the Fleet at Sea by force of Tempest driven aground, perished. That night three Companies of the Italians, by the appointment of their General, lay without the Trenches against the sudden Assault of so uncertain an Enemy, who when they had all the night endured the vehement Rain and extreme cold, were so overcome with the extremity of the Wether, that neither were their minds able to relieve their weak bodies, neither their feeble bodies their daunted minds; for they could neither conveniently stand nor lie down, all the ground being so miry, that at every step they sunk up to the calf of the Leg. Upon these starved Companies, the Turkish Horsemen and Moors Footmen, who diligently observed the Watch of the Christians, perceiving their distresses, suddenly sallied out in the dawning of the day; and so fiercely charged them, their Match and Powder being now so wet that they could not use their Pieces, that they all fled, except a few Pikemen, who made a stand, and were all quickly slain by the Turks; who so desperately pursued the rest in chase, that they followed them over the Trench into the Camp. This Alarm being heard, Camillus Columna the Italian General came presently thither, being sent by the Emperor, who with certain Companies issued out over the Bridge against the Enemy; who now in show discouraged with the coming out of this new Supply, did indeed, or at leastwise made as if they did disorderly retire for fear. At which time Ferdinand Gonzaga, Viceroy of Sicilia, a man of greatest account in the Army next unto the Emperor, coming in also, and angry with them which had before fled; persuading them as valiant men, to recompense their shameful flight with a fresh Charge, by driving the Enemy home to his own door; which thing Columna said could not be done without great peril, but Gonzaga being a man of a noble Courage, desired to have the disgrace which the Italians had received, salved some way, although it were with never so great danger; thinking also that it might happily fall out, that the Enemy being put to flight, and hastily pursued, they might together with them enter the City, without danger of the Artillery. 
The Moors put to flight by the Italians.  So without farther delay, the rest of the Italian Companies were led forth of their Trenches with great cheerfulness by Augustine Spinola, who so valiantly charged the Enemies, that they put them to flight, and pursued them so hard, that they came with them to the very Gates of the City; where many shut out for fear of letting in the Italians together with them, escaped by known ways, some to another Gate, and some into the Mountains. But then these barbarous People, with Darts and Shot from the Walls, began to overwhelm the Italians which were unadvisedly come within their danger, 
The Italians discomfited by the Moors fly, and endanger the whole Camp.  and with terrible, outcries to terrify them; and they which before were fled without the Walls, returned again to fight. They also which had shut the Gate, sallied out again, and hardly charged the Italians, who already gauled with shot from the Walls, and rend in sunder with the great Ordnance, fled most disorderly; for why, they were but raw Soldiers taken up in haste, little or nothing acquainted with the Wars. At which time Assan also sallying out, who was easily known by his Countenance and rich Attire, pursued the chase with his Troops of Turks and Moors Footmen. Only certain Knights of the Rhodes fought valiantly, and retired orderly; and Spinola with some other Gentlemen making a stand at a little wooden Bridge, somewhat stayed the Enemy and saved the lives of many. So the Italians which first charged most valiantly, being in the flight become hindermost, the Enemy striking them down as they fled, covered the Fields with their dead Bodies by the space of half a mile, especially they which fled towards the Sea; for there they were circumvented and slain by the merciless Numidians, who beholding the Shipwreck, were come down to the Sea side for prey. But the foremost Companies of the Italians which first fled into the Camp, fled in so much haste and so great fear, that none of the Leaders in so great and sudden a perplexity, remembered either the common safety, or performed the duty of an advised Captain; so that all seemed at once lost both by Sea and Land. Only the Emperor, armed with an invincible courage against all the chances of fortune, and notto be dismayed with any mishap, was both unto himself and others that day the greatest Captain; for when all was almost lost, he in good time stayed the matter by coming on with the Squadron of Germans, whereof he sent before three Ensigns to stay the flight, and with them as a sure and fresh supply to guard his Camp beyond the Bridge which was over the Ditch, serving his Army for a Trench as we have before said. But such a fear had possessed the minds of the flying Italians, and such was the fierce pursuit of the Enemy, that those Germans (not before wont to turn their backs) as if they had been afraid of the Turks white Caps, or not able to abide their sight, or to hold up weapon against them; by and by turned their backs, and shamefully fled for Company with the Italians. 
The notable courage of the Emperor in staying the flight of his Army.  Then the Emperor galloping forth with his Horse, and his Sword in his Hand drawn, reproving them of Cowardice that fled, set forward with the Germane Squadron; and with a stout and manly Courage spoke to them these few words in their own Language: When will you (fellow Soldiers) show your Faces to your proud Enemies, if now when you should fight for the honour of the Christian Name, for the glory of the Germane Nation, for the safeguard of your own Lives, in the presence of your Emperor, you fear a few disordered and naked Barbarians? Immediately when he had thus said, the Germans touched with shame, and disdaining that it should be thought they needed any exhortation to perform the parts of valiant Soldiers, issued out against the Enemy; who moved with their coming, and seeing the Italian battle again restored by the valour and travel of certain valiant and expert Captains, stood still a while and began to retire; whether it were becaused they feared the great Artillery and assault of the Germans, or that they thought they had done enough for that sally; when as for the full accomplishment of the Victory they saw the Christian Fleet overcome with a most horrible Tempest, miserably to perish before their Faces; and many of their Men, especially the Moor, hasted to the Sea side in hope of a more certain Prey, whereas no Enemy was to be feared. 
An horrible Tempest.  For the blustering Winds blowing from divers quarters, as if they had conspired to raise a most horrible Tempest, had made such a rough Sea, and the huge Billows went so high, that the Ships by the violence of the Wether, and rage of the Sea, put from their Anchors, fell foul one of another, and were so lost; or else driven upon the Main, were there beaten in pieces in the sight of the Army; so that all the Sea Coast Westward from Algiers to Cercello, lay full of dead Men and Horses, and the Ribs of broken Ships. 
The Christian Fleet perisheth by Shipwreck.  The Numidians beholding this miserable Wreck, came down by great Companies from the Mountains, and without mercy slew all that came alive to Land. In the space of a few hours was lost about a hundred and forty Ships, and all the small Boats and Carvels, which were in number many. Some of the Galleys, when they had from midnight to the next day at noon, by the painful labour of the Mariners, and skilfulness of the Masters, rid it out; being no longer able to endure the rage of the Tempest, and fearing to be eaten up with the Sea, with Sails and Oars ran aground; but the Soldiers and Mariners swimming to Land in hope to save their Lives, and thinking that the greatest danger had been now past, were by the Numidian Horsemen which ran up and down the Sea side, slain. There might a Man have seen Freemen of all sorts, with Tears commending their lives and liberty to their own Galleyslaves, that by the speech and entreaty of them, which by the sudden change of fortune had but even now shaken off their Irons, and with merry Hearts swum out to their liberty, they might be saved from the cruelty of the fierce Numidians. It was a most grievous and woeful sight for divers hard extremities, 
A hard choice.  when as every Man according to the disposition of his mind and skill in Swimming, standing doubtful in most assured death, which to receive or refuse, was by fatal Destiny drawn to his end, and either drowned in the Sea, or thrust through with the Enemy's Lance; yet most made voice to abide the danger of the Sea, and to expect the event of the Tempest, rather, than to hasten their end by the Enemies merciless Hand. By that means it came to pass, that that barbarous Cruelty of the Enemy (as a thing most feared of the Mariners and Soldiers) saved many Galleys, which by the appointment of the fearful Mariners and Passengers should otherwise have been run on ground. 
Many Galleys lost by saving of one Man.  But after that, a notable Galley wherein jannettin Auria went, was seen to come near unto the Shore, and to be driven upon the Sands by force of Wether and the beating of other Galleys. The Emperor not enduring to see so valiant a young Gentleman, Captain of many Galleys, slain without help by the Moors in the sight of Auria his Uncle; sent by and by one of his Captains called Antonius of Arragon, with three Bands of Italians to the Sea side; by whose coming the Moors were put to flight, and he with the rest in the Galley saved; but so, that the saving of him was the loss of divers other Galleys. For many delivered of the fear of the Numidians, and trusting to the rescue of the Soldiers came down to the Sea side, desiring to save themselves from the rage of the Sea, ran their Galleys on ground; and had not some bold Captains (grieved to see so great a loss) ran up and down the Banks with their drawn Swords in their Hands, and by threatening death unto the Galley-slaves and Mariners, stayed their rowing, most part of the Galleys had by the example of the others perished. Auria, not so angry at himself as at the Emperor (who, contrary to the observation of skilful Seamen, could not be dissuaded from taking in hand that great expedition in so suspicious a time of the year) with an invincible courage strove against the violence of the Tempest, and rage of the Sea; insomuch, that being requested by some of his Friends to save himself, whatsoever became of the Galley; he was so angry thereat, that he commanded them to be bestowed under Hatches. Four Galleys also of Virginius Ursinus Earl of Anguillaria, and as many of the Rhodians, after his example rid it out, the reputation of their honour exceeding the fear of death. Certain Galleys also of Sicilia, Naples, and Spain, happily endured all the rage of the Tempest; yet was there fifteen great Galleys cast away; with the loss whereof, besides the loss of so many Ships, the Tempest still enduring, so great sorrow and desperation in the woeful expectation of the Wreck of all, possessed the whole Army, that not only the young Soldiers regarding only their own lives, but even the most valiant Captains careful of the common Estate, were utterly discouraged; for never was Army in any memory overwhelmed with a greater concourse of calamities, when as all their Victuals being lost in three days, nothing was left to relieve them withal, and they wanted Tents wherein to shroud and rest the Soldiers spent with labour, hunger, cold, and wounds, in such perpetual Rain and so dirty a Country. In which so great miseries a wonderful care, 
The misery of the Christian Army.  heavier than the former fear, exceedingly troubled the minds of all Men, to think upon that horrid Wreck; when as having lost so many Ships, and they poor Men landed in afric, were in doubt however to return again into their native Countries. Yet the notable courage of the Emperor still kept the distressed Men in hope, which never altogether forsaketh wretched Men in the midst of their calamities; for he with a courageous heart and cheerful countenance performed all the parts of a provident and courteous General. For when he had again made sure his Camp against the assaults of the Barbarians, 
The cheerfulness of the Emperor comforteth the whole distressed Army.  he commanded the wearied Captains, especially the Duke of Alva (wonderfully wearied in the late skirmish, and dung wet) to spare themselves and take their jest; he comforted the wounded Men, and caused them to be carried and cherished in the Tents which by chance yet stood (for the tempestuous Wind had almost overthrown them all) and so not sparing himself for any pains, being in his Armour and through wet, won the hearts of all his Soldiers the more. In this conflict he lost about three thousand Men, amongst whom was five of his forward Captains, and three Knights of the Rhodes; but many more were hurt. The greatest loss was thought to be in loss of the Ships and of the Mariners, which was also increased by the loss of a wonderful deal of great Ordnance, reckoned so much the greater, for that it would come into the hands of the Moors, to the common harm of the Christians, so soon as the Sea would give them leave to dive for it. Shortly after, Auria (as he was to foresee a Tempest, a wonderful observer of the Sea, of the Heavens, and of the Clouds) mistrusting that place, departed with the remainder of the Fleet to the Cape called Metafusium, because it was a place of safer riding for his Galleys, and better for the taking in of the Soldiers; advising the Emperor to march thither by Land. Which his Counsel the Emperor liking well of, 
Horses good Meat in the Emperor's Army.  to relieve the hunger of his Soldiers, commanded first all the draught-Horses which were first unshipped for the drawing of the great Ordnance, and after them the Horses for service, to be killed, and divided for Meat among the Soldiers. As for Wood to make Fire of, they had plenty of the Planks and Ribs of the broken Ships, Fortune as it were with that one poor benefit recompensing so many calamities. 
The Emperor d●parteth from Algiers.  The next day the Emperor departed from Algiers, with his Army divided into three Battles, the sick and wounded Men being received into the middle; and when he had marched seven miles (the Enemy's Horsemen still hover about him) he came to a heady Brook which the Moors call Alcaraz; which was grown so high with the abundant Rain and the check of the Wind and of the Sea, that being but a shallow thing before, it was not now to be passed over by a good Horseman. Wherefore the Emperor of necessity there encamped, in such sort, that lying with his Army in form of a Triangle, two sides of his Army was defended with the Sea and the Brook, and the other with a strong Guard of armed Men, for he thought it not good to depart from the Sea, a sure defence for his Army on the left hand, to seek a Ford farther off. Many adventuring to swim over, were by the violence of the Stream carried away and drowned. Wherefore the Emperor caused a Bridge to be made over it, of the Masts and Sail-yards of the broken Ships, which were by chance there taken up, and so passed over the Italians and Germans. The Spaniards marching higher up the Brook, found a Ford whereby they passed over. After which time the Turks pursued them no further, being called back again by Assan their Governor; as for the Moors and Numidians which still followed at hand always ready to skirmish, they were easily repulsed by the Harquebusiers and Field-pieces appointed to every Nation; but upon such sick and wounded Men as were not able to keep way with the Army, they exercised all manner of cruelty; for there was none which in that small hope, possessed with fear of their own safety, was greatly moved with the compassion of their Fellows misery. The next day passing over another little River, which the Soldiers waded over up to their Breasts, they came in three days march to the Road where the Fleet lay, and encamped in the Ruins of the old City Tipasa near unto the Sea side, which served them in stead of a Fortress against the Barbarians. The Sea was now calm, the Wind laid, 
He enbarketh his Army.  and the Wether so fai● that all Men thought the Soldiers might now well be embarked and transported into Europe; wherefore the Emperor to the great joy of the whole Army commanded every Man to make himself ready to go aboard, in such sort, that first the Italians, next the Germans, and last of all the Spaniards should be embarked; but so many Ships and Galleys, as is before said, being lost by Shipwreck, it was thought that those which were le●t were not able to receive the whole Army, although it was crowded together as close as were possible. 
Horses of great price drowned by the Emperor's command, to make room for the common Soldiers.  Wherefore the Emperor commanded the Masters and owners of the Ships to cast all the Horses overboard into the Sea, reputing it an unmerciful part, to prefer the safeguard of those Horses (although they were of great worth) before the life of the basest common Soldier or Horseboy in his Camp. Which thing much grieved the minds of the Noblemen and Owners of those goodly Beasts, not only for that they were (not without extreme necessity) for the present deprived of such an inestimable Treasure, but should for ever, as they said▪ lose the most notable race of Horses in Spain; there with grief and vain compassion, was to be seen goodly Horses of service, bearing up their proud Heads, swimming all about the Sea unto the Ships nearest unto them for safeguard, as if it had been to the Shore, and in the end wearied with long swimming to be there drowned. But scarce half the Soldiers were yet embarked, when the East and North-East Wind, and straghtways after divers contrary Winds almost as great as the first, rose; whereupon the Ships which had already taken in the Soldiers, not expecting any command, for fear of being driven upon the Rocks, directed their Course according as the Wind carried them, with full Sails alongst the Coast; They were quickly out of sight, and dispersed with the Tempest, some into one Country, some into another, carrying the Fame of that Shipwreck, and the report that all was lost, into the Islands of the Mediterranean and Ports of Italy. The force of this Tempest was so great, 
Two Spanish Ships full of Soldiers driven by Tempest to Algiers.  and the Billows went so high, that some of the Ships were in the sight of their Fellows swallowed up of the Sea. But amongst the rest two Spanish Ships full of Soldiers were by wonderful mishap by contrary Winds driven again to Algiers, and there set fast upon that fatal Shore, where the Numidian Horsemen with a multitude of Moors following them, came running down to the Sea side to kill them as they should come to Shore; for the barbarous People thirsting after Christian Blood, would not receive them to mercy, although they were ready to yield themselves, and covenanted nothing but the safeguard of their lives. At which their cruelty the Spaniards disdaining, with their Weapons in their hands got to Shore, and standing close together as desperate Men, withstood them who had with their multitude quickly compassed them in round; yet in despite of what that barbarous multitude (without regard of humanity or Law of Arms) could do, they made way through the midst of them, from the place where they were cast on Shore, unto the very Gates of the City. But seeing the Turks sally out, they called unto them, offering to yield themselves Prisoners to Assan without further resistance, if they would assure them their lives, which they were in good hope of, for that he was born of Christian Parents in Sardinia, and was attended upon with many Renegade Spaniards. 
Assan taketh the Spaniards to mercy.  So Assan coming forth of the City, gave them his Faith for their safety, and beating away the Moors and Numidians, courteously saved them all, wisely making great account of so great a gain as would redound unto him by so many Prisoners, joined with no small commendation of his clemency in saving them. Of the Germans the third part never returned home, but were either lost with Shipwreck, or else dead of the Sickness ensuing so great miseries. 
The Emperor cometh to Buzia.  The Emperor persuaded (or rather overruled) by Auria, to avoid the violence of the Tempest, sailed alongst the Coast of afric Eastward to Buzia; the Castle whereof was kept with a small Garrison of Spaniards; where the Emperor landing, found some fresh Victual, though not much, yet such as did both him and the other Noblemen no small pleasure. Whilst the Emperor lay at Buzia expecting fairer Wether, a great Ship of Genoa laded with Victual chanced to come into the Bay, to the great rejoicing of the hungry Soldiers; but such was the violence of the Tempest, that her Anchors came home, and she driven upon the Flats was cast away; yet so, as that part of the Victual driven to Shore, and half spoiled with the Salt-water, well relieved the increasing want. In the mean time the Emperor when he had long looked for the asswaging of the Tempest, and was now out of hope of any new supply of Victual, sent away Gonzaga with the Sicilian and Rhodian Galleys; for the Wind before at North was now come to Northwest, and put them in hope to adventure again to Sea, rather than to stay there longer. So although with a troublesome yet a prosperous Course, they came in short time to the Port of Utica, now called Farinas; where Muleasses King of Tunes bountifully relieved Gonzaga and his Fleet with all kind of Victual and other necessaries. From whence they afterward departed, and landed all in safety at Drepanum in Sicilia. The blustering Winds were now at length weary of blowing, and the raging Sea became calm, so that the skilful Seamen for fear of new dangers, and weary of those that were passed, thought it best to adventure again at Sea. Almost every hour they were reasoning in Council, What Course they were for most safety best to take; when some were of opinion, that it was best to bear for Sardinia or Corsica; and othersome would have had them to have kept alongst the Coast of Africa, and so directly for Sicilia. But the Wind coming fair at East, the Emperor directed his Course to the Islands Baleares, 
The Emperor arriveth in Spain.  and from thence at length arrived at the Port of New Carthage in Spain, greatly commended even of his Enemies, for the wonderful courage and constancy in passing through so many extremities, in such sort as if he had triumphed over the malice of fortune.  
About this time the dissembled friendship betwixt Charles the Emperor and Francis the French King broke out into open hatred. year 1542. 
The French King the more to trouble the Emperor, soliciteth Solyman to invade his Countries.  The King first thinking himself deluded by the Emperor, who had long time fed him with the vain hope of the restitution of the Duchy of Milan, when as he meant nothing less; and of late abused by the death of Rinco his Ambassador, slain by the Spaniards in passing down the River Padus, as is before declared. In revenge whereof he raised a great power in France, and at such time as most Men thought he would have invaded Italy, sent Charles his Son with the one part of his Forces into the Low-Countries, which were then governed by Mary Queen of Hungary the Emperor's Sister; and Henry his other Son with the other part of his Forces to invade Spain; both young Princes, of great hope. And not so contented, but desirous by all means to trouble and molest the Emperor, as he did in the Low-Countries by setting on the Duke of Cleve; so by Antonius Polinus his Ambassador, a Man of great discretion, he earnestly solicited Solyman the Great Turk, with whom he was then in League, to spoil the Borders of Spain with his Galleys, at the same time that Henry his Son was besieging Perpenna in Spain. For which practice he was of most Men discommended, as too much favouring his own grief, and especially by such as affected the Emperor. But how this matter (which drew upon the French King no small envy) was carried in the Turks Court, shall not (as I hope) be unto this History impertinent to declare.  
After the death of Rinco slain by the Spaniards, Francis the French King sent Antonius Polinus a Man of great dexterity, 
Polinus the French Ambassador meeteth Solyman coming from Buda and offereth unto him ●resen▪ from the French King.  his Ambassador to Solyman; who passing by many byways to Venice, and so over the Gulf to Sibinicum, crossing over Illyria, met with Solyman in Misia, as he was coming from Buda; and there first offered unto him the Present sent from the King his Master (for with empty hands no Man might presume to come to those barbarous Kings of the East) which Present was a Cupboard of Plate curiously wrought, in weight six hundred Pounds; and five hundred rich Garments of all sorts of Silk and Scarlet to be bestowed upon the Bassas and other great Courtiers. Solyman after he had read the French Kings Letters, and heard what he had further to say, seemed to be greatly moved with the death of Rinco, and promised Polinus not to be wanting unto the French King, by Sea or Land to give him aid in his just Wars against Charles his Enemy, for breaking of the League, but forasmuch as nothing could be well determined of such matters in his Journey of so great haste, he told him, that as soon as he was come to Constantinople, he should then have answer by his Bassas of all his demands. 
The request of the French Ambassador to Solyman.  The Ambassador above all things desired that he would send Hariadenus Barbarussa with his Fleet against the next Summer into Provence, there to be received into the French Harbours, and to be employed against the Emperor as occasion should require; and further, That he would request the Venetians, with whom he was able to do much, to join in League with the King his Master against Charles the Emperor, whose power began now to be dreadful to their Estate. Polinus was not slack in his business▪ but all the way as he went sought to win the favour of the Bassas, still giving them one Present or other, and filling their minds with the hope of greater. But when they were come to Constantinople, in the later end of December, Solyman promising what he had before said, advised Polinus to return to France with his Letters, and to bring him certain word back again from the King, of the determinate time and full resolution of taking those Wars in hand; and that he would in the mean time send junusbeius his Ambassador to Venice, who had been there divers times before, and would provide to have such a Fleet in readiness as he desired. 
Polinus return into France.  Polinus exceeding glad of that answer, with great speed returned back again to the King, bringing with him as Presents from Solyman two goodly Turkish Horses and a Sword richly set with Stones of great price. The French King having by his Ambassador received Soliman's Letters and Presents, and three days together discoursed with him at large of the manner of his proceeding in the Turks Court, in short time after sent him back again to Solyman with full instructions both of the time and places, 
Polinus sent back again to Solyman cometh to Venice and notably soliciteth the Venetians to take up arms with the French King against the Emperor.  and other circumstances of the intended War. Polinus coming to Venice, found not junusbeius there, as he had well hoped; yet to lose no time in expecting his coming, he with Pell●cerius Ambassador Lieger for the French King▪ and other of the French Faction, laboured the Senators in the behalf of the King. For it was thought like enough, that the Venetians still measuring all their Councils by their profit, would easily consent to that League, especially being requested thereunto by Solyman, and put in hope to have the Port-Town Maranus delivered unto them in reward thereof; which otherwise the French, in whose possession it was, threatened to deliver to the Turks, and to make them their evil Neighbours, rather than to have it taken from them by the Germans. Wherefore Polinus having audience given him in the Senate, notably pleaded the French Kings cause, grievously lamented the death of the Ambassador slain by the Spaniards, and bitterly enveighed against the ambition of the Emperor, who as he said aspired to the whole Monarchy of Italy, not by true virtue and valour, but by mere craft and deceit, encroaching still upon the liberties of the Free-States, and by little and little imposing upon them the Yoke of Bondage; In confirmation whereof he produced many examples, to them well known, requesting them as ancient Friends and Confederates of the French, to join their Forces with the Kings; in which doing, they should assure themselves of such reward of the undoubted Victory, as they could not desire greater. Whereas if they should refuse so to do, and would rather sit still and look on as neuters, they should undoubtedly, Fortune having decided the quarrel, grievously offend both, and might worthily expect of the vanquished, hatred; and of the conqueror, injury. Besides that, in taking up of Arms they should highly gratify Solyman, who provoked with late injuries, had determined with a puissant Army to invade Hungary, and at the same time to send Barbarussa with a great Fleet against the Spaniards their common Enemies; for the imparting of which his designs he would shortly send unto them junusbeius his Ambassador: As for the event of the War they needed not to doubt, when as they of themselves were strong enough quickly to thrust the Emperor out of the Duchy of Milan, being generally hated of the people, feeding his Soldiers with the spoil of the Country, and and on every side beset both by Sea and Land by two of the greatest Monarches of the World. Whereunto the Senate delaying the time for certain days, 
The crafty answer of the Venetians to the French Kings Ambassador.  that junusbeius might in the mean time come thither, gravely answered, That the amity they held with King Francis, aught to be unto them an ornament, but no burden; the like also they held with the Emperor, whom they would in no case seem to cast off, although they had been by him overwraught; Wherefore the Senators and all the Citizens in general were of opinion, to preserve their Peace, as they which in the hard times of War had endured great extremities, which would hardly be recovered with long Peace: But if they did once see the Ensigns displayed, and the Wars begun, they would then take further advice, Whether it were good for them to thrust themselves into those Wars or not, when as they were in League and Friendship with three of the greatest Princes of the World. 
Soliman's Ambassador cometh to Venice.  In the mean time junusbeius arrived at Venice, and was there honourably received. He requested, That the League before made at Constantinople by Badoerius their Ambassador, might by the authority of the Senate be confirmed; and so commended the French Kings cause to the Senate, that he requested no more, but that unto that amity which they already held with the French, they would join further courtesies, the rather for that Solyman had accounted him for his Brother, and had undertaken to aid him against Charles King of Spain; but as to join in League with him, or in his quarrel to take up Arms, he requested nothing. Which was quite beside the expectation of Polinus and Pellicerius, who by urging of the matter, and by telling of all, had thought easily to have persuaded the Senate to have granted what they requested, and therefore thought the Turk (who had so coldly spoken in the cause) to be some way corrupted. But as it afterward appeared, there was such equity and modesty in Soliman's Letters (who was otherwise of a proud and insolent nature) that he would not as then exact any thing of them, which should not stand with the good of their Estate. Wherefore Polinus having in vain stayed certain days at Venice, 
Polinus coming to Constantinople, findeth not the Turk so ready to send his Fleet to aid the French King, as he had hoped.  was in one of their public Galleys transported to Ragufium, and from thence traveled by Land to Constantinople, where he found all things more difficult than ever he dreamt of. For the great Bassas said, There could no Fleet be set out that year, by reason that he was come too late to sue for such a matter, the Spring of the Year being now past, of all other times most fit for to take in hand so long a Voyage. So that Polinus was above measure vexed with care and grief, that he had so evil sped, and was come so out of season both at Venice and Constantinople. Dixius also, one of the Masters of the Rhodian Galleys, was come to Constantinople, to carry news into France of the coming of the Turks Fleet; who told Polinus, That the King's Sons were with strong power far entered into the Low-Countries, and had already invaded Spain, expecting nothing more than the coming of the Turks Galleys. Wherefore Polinus (as it easily chanceth to Men deceived by trust reposed in any other men's promises, and bewailing the evil success of their vain travel) wonderfully tormented himself, cursed the froward and unconstant manners of the Bassas, called upon the Faith of Solyman; and besought the great Bassas one by one, that they would not contrary to their promise forsake the King, who upon the hope of the coming of the Turks Fleet, had now invaded both the Low-Countries and the Kingdom of Spain; forasmuch as by that delay, which was unto them neither honourable nor profitable, was (as he said) betrayed the Majesty of his King, and a most assured Victory now as good as gotten, quite marred. In which his obtestations, he was so importunate and tedious, that he became unto those proud Bassas rather loathsome than gracious; insomuch that to end his suit, they thought it best sharply to take him up, and for that time to shake him off. And therefore sending for him and the other French Gentlemen which followed him, to the Court, the great Bassas then sitting in Council, and Barbarussa with them for the Honour of his place; as soon as they were come into the Council-Chamber, Solyman Bassa the Eunuch turning himself about, spoke unto them in this sort.  
The sharp Oration of Solyman the Eunuch Bassa to Polinus the French Ambassador.  Frenchmen (said he) this place for dispatch of most weighty Affairs, appointed by the grave judgement of our most mighty Emperor to us his faithful Servants, doth (as it best beseemeth) receive us daily coming unto it, void of love and hatred; and withal doth notably put us in remembrance, to speak our minds freely. Neither would I, that this frankness of speech (the Messenger of truth, and therefore the faithful keeper of friendship) should be unto your Ears unpleasing or troublesome; for since your King hath been called the friend and fellow of the Ottoman Name, we may not now either forget the duties of love, or loath your friendship; seeing that our Emperor doth marvellously affect you, and is not a little desirous to strengthen you with his power, and by overcoming your Enemies to increase your power and honour. But in your demands is no equity, no modesty, so that we term you unmodest and importunate; and others which favour you not so well, call you plainly by your right Names, unreasonable and shameless Men; who as too too forgetful of your duties, do most fond trouble the Laws of amity and friendship. For Leagues are confirmed by like profit, making even the charge and mutual dangers; but if neglecting your Friend's kindness and courtesy, you will make no requital, they will quickly grow weary of you. So happeneth it unto you Frenchmen, who ever forgetful and negligent in our dangers, but in your own always mindful and diligent, have showed yourselves friends unto us when need was, not in deeds and certain aid, but only in bare Letters, and Embassages. Tell me I pray you where ever you showed any sign or token of your good will or aid? Whereby the minds of our Enemies might at the leastwise have but been kept in suspense of some doubtful fear, when as Charles with all the power of the West came into Hungary: And Corone and Patras were in the mean time shaken in Grece with the Enemy's Fleet; and last of all Tunes taken with so great a Fleet? But all this we pardon you; yet this it is which is hardly to be endured, that you did not so much as once grieve at our so great injuries, as you ought to have done; but sent your gratulatory Ambassadors unto the bloody common Enemy, who had but even then slain so many of our people. At length our Emperor came to Aulona to your great profit, about to pass over into Italy; but neither then in the arrival of our Fleet appeared the good wills of the Apulians towards you, which were o● you so vainly promised, neither did you so much as once move to invade the upper part of Italy; so ne●●her serving our turn, nor well fitting your own, you have always lost the occasion of the good success of your affairs. But neither then, neither at any time afterwards, needed we your Counsel or united Forces; for the Venetians to their pain felt both our Forces and our Faith; as for the rest, War, the notable revenger of our wrongs, most happily brought to pass, at such time as you of your own voluntary heads made Peace with the common Enemy, to invade us; and did as unkindly as impudently as it were blow Wind in his Sails. But we, without your help, have notably repressed so great assaults of our Enemies; when as this same Hariaden Barbarussa put to flight their Fleet at Ambracia and happily slew the Spanish Pirates of Castrum, and having again recovered our own Cities, took also from them some of theirs; wherefore we are bound unto you for no desert, but we had rather forget these unkindnesses, than to fail you whom we have once received into our friendship. For we perform our fidelity in deeds; but it is his part to regard the time, to way the danger, to wait occasion; which will not rashly commit his actions to the hazard of Fortune. You are come later than you should have done for the setting forth of our Fleet; for Summer now well spent, followeth the pestilent time of Autumn, so that Mariners cannot in convenient time be taken up, or safely thrust into the Galleys; for in long sailing, who would not think, but that such a Company of Sailors usually sick at the change of an unacquainted Air, would be in danger of their lives? Who would not fear Shipwreck in their return, when as this same Hariaden so great a Master at Sea, driven upon the Acroceraunian Rocks in the Month of August, lost so many Galleys? A Fleet would be rigged in Winter, furnished and set forward in the Spring, in Summer is safe sailing and making War. Which that it may be so done, we will for the Commonwealth's sake persuade the Emperor; for the Navy once lost, cannot upon the sudden be again restored for much Gold, whereof the Ottoman Emperor wanteth no store, heaped up by many Ages. If thou be wise take these things in good part as friendly spoken; but whether the Emperor will pardon thy boldness or not, let himself consider; truly we have satisfied both him and ourselves in speaking to thee so plainly. 
These things severely spoken by the Eunuch Bassa, did so much the more trouble Polinus, for that they seemed to have been sent from the mouth of Solyman himself, who was thought to have heard all that was said. For behind the Bassas as they sat in Council, was a Window with a brazen Grate, and a Curtain drawn before it, that the Emperor when he pleased, might unperceived hear the complaints and suits of all Nations, and note the manners of his great Counselors; whose care for the administration of Justice was so much the greater, for fear of his presence. Yet did not Polinus for his repulse, detesting the double dealing of the Bassas, 
Polinus by the means of the ●apiaga▪ is brought to the Speech of Solyman himself.  so give over his suit; but winning by gifts the favour of the Capiaga or chief Porter, a Man ever of great authority in the Turks Court, laboured by him to be brought to the speech of Solyman himself; who faithfully performed what he had undertaken. So the French Ambassador brought by him into the secretest place of the Court, which few Christians had ever been, and so unto the presence of Solyman, recounted unto him how all matters had before passed, and most earnestly besought him not to fail the King's expectation of the Fleet he had before promised, who at that present was invading his Enemies in three places. 
Soliman's answer to Polinus.  Whereunto Solyman courteously and expressly answered, That the opportunity of sending out of his Fleet was passed; not by his will, which was always immutable and firm, but by his late coming, and the time of the year half spent; but promised the next Spring without doubt to send unto the King his Friend and Brother, twice so great a Fleet as he had desired against Charles their Enemy. With which answer, the Ambassador dispatched away Dixius into France, upon whose arrival, King Francis called back again Henry his eldest Son with his Army, from the Siege of Perpenna in Spain.  
The Princes and States of Germany, at the request of King Ferdinand and the Nobility of Hungary, 
The Princes of Germany join their forces with King Ferdinand against the T●rk in Hungary.  about this time decreed with one consent, to take up Arms against the Turks, for the recovering again of Buda, and other the lost parts of Hungary. For besides the dishonour done to their Nation at Exek under the leading of Cazzianer, and again at Buda under the leading of the Lord Rog●nd●rff; they well saw, that if they did not speedily relieve the Hungarians overwhelmed with the calamities of the Turks Forces, they should in short time be enforced to fight for their Religion, Children, Wives, and Lives, against the same mighty Enemy, at their own Doors. For preventing whereof, the Princes and free Cities of Germany, set out thirty thousand Footmen, and seven thousand Horsemen; amongst whom was Mauritius, afterwards Duke of Saxony, than a young Gentleman about twenty years old. But the General of these Germane Forces, was joachimus' Marquis of Brandenburg, a Man more for the honour of his House than the valour of himself preferred to that place; yet so, that unto him was joined eight others, Men of great years and experience, by whose Counsel he was to be directed. When they were come to Vienna, King Ferdinand's power met them; where, beside such as were taken up in Austria, Huganot Governor of Stiria came in with ten thousand Horsemen. Unto these the Noblemen of Hungary, Gasper Seredius, Andrea's Bathor, and Petrus Perenus, a Man of the greatest authority, power, and experience, amongst the Hungarians, joined themselves, with fifteen thousand Horsemen; whither also Paulus the third of that Name then Bishop of Rome, sent three thousand chosen Footmen out of Italy, conducted to Vienna by Alexander Vitellius, a most famous Captain. The Marquis with this great Army marched from Vienna alongst the River Danubius, but so softly, that the Hungarian and Italian Captains said plainly, That the best part of the Summer and fittest time for Wars, was passed over in loitering and dallying out the time to no purpose; especially jacobus Medici's; who had long before persuaded the King, to be ready to set forward his Forces with the first of the Spring, before the Turks could either augment their Garrisons, or put in any new Forces; for that by such resolute and speedy invasion, it was like enough he might recover both Pesth and Buda. Which politic and wholesome Counsel so well given, King Ferdinand too much crediting the great Men of his Court (liking nothing but what proceeded of themselves) rejected, expecting the full assembly of all his Forces, before the setting forth of his Army. At length the Marquis was by soft marches come to Strigonium (King Ferdinand himself staying behind at Vienna) where it was commonly reported, That Solyman fearing to lose Buda, was either in person himself coming into Hungary, or else sending down the General of his European Horsemen, who might never set foot forward to War, without sixty thousand Horsemen. Which news so troubled the Germans, that they made no great haste forward, doubting how they should return again if they chanced not to get the Victory; beside that, it was thought that the Marquis never purposed to fight a Battle, or endanger himself or his Army for the Kingdom of Hungary, but only to defend the bounds of Austria, and by showing the strength of Germany, to terrify, if he could, the Turks, if they not content with Hungary, should also provoke the Germans. But after it was by certain Spials from Samandria, known that all that report of the coming of the Turks great Army was but vain, and that there was scarce a thousand Janissaries and twice so many Horsemen come to Buda, and that the Turks Fleet was both for number and strength far inferior to the Kings, they set forward again with more cheerfulness, much encouraged by the forwardness of the Hungarians, especially of Perenus; assuring them, that if they would without delay march on, and spend no more time in vain, they should not find at Buda any such number of Turks as was worth the name of an Army; for that Solyman using but every second Year to make War, did that year take his rest, and was not like to undertake any great expedition. For these reasons all Men being ready cheerfully to set forward, the Marquess appointed to pass over Danubius; which this Perenus, Huganot, and Medici's, all expert Captains liked not of; wishing him rather to hold on his way directly still on that side the River to Buda, the chief City of the Kingdom. But it was the mind of the General and all his Counsellors, first to besiege P●sth, which might be done with less labour and danger, and there having made proof of the Enemy's strength and purpose, to come to the Siege of Buda; for than would the Soldiers with much more courage and cheerfulness endure the Siege of Buda, if they had by good fortune first beaten them out of Pesth: Which Counsel was both best liked and followed, and the Army by two Bridges with great and painful labour made over Danubius (which was in that place divided into two parts) transported. At the same time Medici's an Italian Captain, Admiral of the King's Fleet, came down the River, and in despite of the Turks took the Island of St. Ma●garet, lying in the River a little above Buda, and by force repulsed the Turks Fleet unto the Suburbs of the City. The Marquis to avoid the danger of the great shot from Buda, after he was passed the River, 
The Marquis of Brandenburg cometh to Pesth with his Army.  fetched a great compass about, and so came to the North side of Pesth; for on the South it was defended with the River Danubius, running betwixt it and Buda; and on the East and West the great Ordnance on the one side from the Castle of Buda, and on the other from Mount St. Gerrard, did so scour all alongst the Walls, that no Man could without most manifest danger there abide. For Buda standing upon the Hill, and divided from Pesth only with the River, so overlooketh and commandeth all the plain Country about Pesth, that without peril no Man can stir on any side of the City, but Northward towards Agria, covered by the City from the shot out of Buda. As the Marquis was coming thither, he was told by certain Fugitives, That Balis Governor of Buda (who in that place succeeded Solyman the Hungarian Renegade, lately before dead of the Plague) had in Garrison in Buda two thousand Horsemen; and that Ulames the Persian Governor of Bosna, was come unto him with three thousand more; whereunto Amurathes had also joined another thousand which he brought out of Dalmatia; and that Segemenes was come thither also with a thousand Janissaries from Constantinople; as for the rest of the Footmen, that they were but wild Country people, fitter for labour than for service in Wars. They told him also, that the Enemy's Fleet consisted of sixty small Pinnaces, ten Galleys, and a few other great Boats; and that Solyman had commanded his Captains in any case to defend Buda and Pesth, to the last Man, without regard of any other place. And had proposed unto the valiant, great rewards; and to the cowardly, extreme punishment; charging them further, that if need were, they should in time send for Achomates the General of his European Horsemen, to Sophia, to aid them. The Turks upon the approach of the Christians, 
The Turks sally out of Pesth, and put the Christians to the worse.  issued out at one of the Gates of the City, and skirmished with the Hungarians; but after they had sufficiently proved one another's strength, and some few were on both sides slain, they retired into the City, and the Hungarians to the Camp. The next day after, Vitellius going out of the Camp near the City with five companies, to choose a place for planting the Battery; the Turks at one instant sallying out at two Gates of the City, gave him a hot skirmish, where at the first, the fight was begun with like courage and force; but the Turks still sending forth new supplies both of Horse and Foot; first the Christian Footmen, and after that the Horsemen, not able longer to endure the force of the Janissaries, were constrained disorderly to retire, having lost in that retreat four of their Captains and two Ensigns; and had not Vitellius with one Company of Horsemen serred together, valiantly repulsed the insolent Janissaries, the loss had been much greater. Vitellius exceedingly grieved with this loss, and perceiving the manner of the Enemy's fight, encouraged his Soldiers, purposing if he could to be fully revenged; and above all others, requested Perenus to be ready to join with him as occasion should require. Vitellius lay encamped in the King's Orchards, walled about as it were a mile, equally distant both from the great Camp and from the City; out of these Orchards he went with twelve Companies under their Ensigns, commanding the rest to stand still within the Walls, in readiness at all assays; and so fetching a great compass about, marched alongst the River side towards the City; neither did the proud Enemy (brag of the former days Victory) make any delay, but bravely sallied out at the East side of the City, and courageously charged them. But Vitellius warned of his former harm, 
The Turks sallying out again are discomfited by Vitellius and Perenus.  and seeing his Enemies come on as he desired, covered his shot with his Pikes, and standing close, received the Enemy's charge; his shot still playing under the Pikes, oftentimes upon their Knees; many of the Turks were there laid on the ground, whilst they desperately fought to have broken the order of the Christians. In the mean time, when many of the Turks Horsemen and Janissaries coming out of the Gates, and divers others beholding the fight were come over the River from Buda, to be partakers of the Victory, had filled the hithermost Bank; Vitellius in good time, of purpose by little and little retired, as if he had been overcharged; then began the Enemy to give a great shout, and more fiercely to assail the Christians; their Horsemen also clapped behind them, to have there charged them. Which thing Perenus diligently nothing, and that the Turks in following of Vitellius were drawn a great way from the Gates, he suddenly with his light Horsemen clapped in betwixt the City and the Turks at their backs; after whom followed also Mauritius (afterwards Duke of Saxony) with a strong Troop of Germane Horsemen, of purpose to have shut them in for retiring back again into the City. But then the Turks perceiving the danger, and finding themselves shut in, stood as Men more than half dismayed, bethinking themselves which way to take, and so began to retire. When Vitellius coming on courageously with his Pikemen and his Harquebusiers divided into two Wings, charged them fiercely; and the Hungarian and Germane Horsemen breaking in amongst them on the other side, made great slaughter of them, and struck such a fear amongst the flying Turks, that many of them in running to the Gate, thrust one another through with their Pikes; divers other were also by the Horsemen driven into the River and there drowned. This day Segemenes lost above an hundred of his Janissaries, and four hundred others. The chiefest commendation for this piece of service was given to Vitellius, who had so well and so quickly revenged himself of the Turks; and next him to Perenus, who as a skilful Captain had so well awaited the time to entrap the Enemy; 
Mauritius in danger to be slain.  Neither is Mauritius the young Saxon Prince unworthy his due praise, who valiantly charging the Turks, and having his Horse slain under him, was in danger to have been there lost himself, had not Nicholas Ribishe one of his Followers, covered him with his own Body, until such time as that he was rescued by others, Ribischi himself presently dying of his Wounds, This little Victory so encouraged the Germans, that the Marquis commanded the great Ordnance to be presently brought forth, and the Battery planted, which was at the first placed so far off, that it did little harm, although the Wall were both old and thin, not above five Foot thick; and the Ordnance laidl either a little too low, or mounted too high, either shot short, or quite over the City into Buda; which fault once perceived, the Battery was removed nearer, 
A Breach made in the walls of Pes●h.  and a fair Breach soon made in the Wall, with the continual beating of forty great Pieces of Artillery. Vitellius was the first that offered to assault the Breach, so that the Germans would presently second him, which thing they all by holding up of their hands promised courageously, but cowardly by and by broke that promise; for oftentimes it chanceth, That they which before the danger are readiest to promise their help, are in the very danger itself of all others most slack. The Hungarians also for their parts promised not to be behind. The silence of the Enemy at the Breach and in the City, was wonderful, so that many thought he had been fled back over the River to Buda; for Segemenes Captain of the Janissaries, an old beaten Soldier, ordered all things with as little stir as was possible; he had received new supplies from Ulamas, and had cast a deep Countermure within the Wall against the Breach, and on the inner side of the same had made a strong Barricado, with Gabions and Wine Vessels filled with Sand and Earth; behind which stood the Janissaries, and next unto them the Turkish Archers; and last of all the Horsemen, who had left their Horses to serve on Foot. The signal for the assault once given, four Italian Captains ran desperately with their Companies by the ruins of the Wall to the Breach; 
The Breach assaulted by the Italians.  but whilst they there set up their Ensigns, and wondering at the Enemy's fortification, were ready betwixt hope and fear to leap down, they were suddenly overwhelmed with a shower of Arrows and Bullets. Yet Vitellius still encouraging them, brought them still on, who did what they might to have entered; but the Germane Footmen with their General stood still under the Walls, looking on, as Men nothing moved either with the hope of Victory or danger of their Friends; and the Hungarians not so much as once looking upon the Enemy, retired; two of the Italian Captains, Rufus and Fiolla were there slain, and Carolus Vitellius his Nephew, shot in the Shoulder. The Turks with Shot and Stones still repulsed and beat down the Italians, 
The Germans stand still as lookers on, whilst the ●alians give the Assault.  whereof the Germans also standing still, felt part, and were more gauled than a Man would have thought Men could have been, that did nothing; for there they still stood for shame, lest if they should have also first retired, they should have encurred a second infamy as bad as the first; which thing Vitellius perceiving, would in no case depart from the Breach, but wished rather to lose his Men by whole Companies, than to leave the least colour of excuse to the Germans, or that they should say they stayed longest, of whom he with greater anger than grief complained, that he was forsaken and cowardly betrayed. In time of this assault one of the Turks was heard to speak aloud in the Italian Tongue, 
The contumelious Speech of a Turk against the Germans.  Why do not you valiant Italians spare yourselves, and give place to those lazy Germans? We all wish to spare you, and to beat the drunkenness out of their most cowardly heads, that they should no more hereafter provoke us. At length the Germans weary of their hot standing and nought doing, 
The Germans and the Italians retire with loss.  got them farther off, after whom the Italians forthwith retired; but so disorderly, to be quickly out of the danger of the Enemy's shot, that if the Turks had at the same time sallied out at all the Gates, it was thought that the whole Camp had been greatly endangered. In this attempt rather than assault, seven hundred Christians were slain outright, and many more hurt, who died afterwards of their wounds.  
All this while the Marquis and Huguenot the great Commanders of the Army, kept themselves so far from Gunshot, that they were no where to be seen, until that Torniellus and Fotiscu, two valiant Captains, finding them out, wished them for shame to show themselves for the comforting of the Army. A little before night they consulted with the other Captains, whither they should forsake the Siege, or continue it still; whereof most of the Germans best liked to be gone, as the safest way; though Vitellius and some others spoke earnestly to the contrary. At which time a Spy coming in, brought news that Achomates, Soliman's Lieutenant of the European Horsemen, had passed over the River Savus at Belgrade, and was coming to Dravus; whose coming either cunningly feigned, or vainly believed, caused the Germans to make a short conclusion, and to resolve flatly to return to Vienna, fearing that if they should longer continue the Siege, they should be stayed against their wills by Achomates. Which thing made many of the old Germane Soldiers to hang their heads for shame, and the Hungarians to curse both the Germans and the hard fortune of their Nation, vainly wishing for a General in courage answerable to the strength of that great Army. Segemenes perceiving how much the Christian Army was discouraged by the last days evil success, early in the Morning courageously sent out all the Horsemen, and after them certain Companies of Footmen, to relieve them in their retire; who in many place skirmished with the Hungarians, being nothing inferior unto them either in courage or skill; and the matter was brought to that pass, as if it had been so agreed upon, that many of the most notable and expert Soldiers on either side encountered together hand to hand in the sight of the Italians and Germans, 
A notable skirmish betwixt the Turks and the Hungarians.  the Hungarians mixed with the Turks, and the Turks with the Hungarians, with such fidelity, that they regarded no other Enemy but him whom every one hand singled out for himself, as if it had been in a triumph for exercise hand to hand. It happened, that a notable Captain of the Turks, desired to see Vitellius, who being showed unto him (for he was easy to be known by his Armour) the Turk ran unto him to embarce him for his honour, and so departed. 
The Christians removing from Pesth are assailed by the Turks.  About five hundred Horsemen so encountered one another hand to hand that day, of whom many were slain or hurt. The night following the Battery was removed, and the Army marched towards the River to the Fleet. The Turks perceiving the Christians to be departed, sallied out of the City on all hands, and with a great cry upbraiding them of Cowardice, hardly pursued the Rearward of the Army. Ulamas was come over himself from Buda, and so eagerly followed the Army, that it could hardly have escaped without great danger, had not Vitellius with his Italians made a stand, and requested the Hungarian and Germane Horsemen to turn back upon the Enemy; which they at his request did, and not only repulsed the Enemy, but also put him to flight, and in the chase slew many. After which time the Army passed on quietly; yet seven hundred Germans which were sick and straggled behind the Army, were by the Turks Horsemen miserably slain in the sight of their Fellows. The Germans thrice foiled by the Turks, first at Exek, then at Buda, and now at Pesth, returned full of heaviness and grief, as they which were now to forget the subduing of Hungary, and to become careful of Germany itself. The Army coming to Vienna, was there broken up, 
The Christian Army broken up at Vienna.  and the Italians sent home into their Country, who for most part died by the way, of infection taken in the Camp in strange Air, and a most queasy time of the Year.  
But to cover the shame of this unfortunate expedition, 
Perenus the notable Hungarian apprehended upon suspicion of Treason.  and to turn men's talk another way by some notable accident; Petrus Perenus the noble Hungarian was the Man picked out for the purpose to fill men's mouths. He, belayed with the envy of the Court, was for suspicion of aspiring to the Kingdom of Hungary, by the commandment of King Ferdinand apprehended by Liscanus, a Spanish Captain in the Castle of Strigonium, as a Traitor, and presently delivered to Medici's the Admiral, to be conveied up the River to Vienna. Liscanus at the time of his apprehension most covetously and uncourteously took from him his Chain, 
The uncourtesy of Liscanus the Spaniard in the apprehension of Perenus.  and a rich Cloak lined with Sables; which indignity done to so noble a Gentleman, so much offended the minds of the rest of the Hungarians, that above twelve thousand of them thereupon presently returned home to their own dwellings, cursing the Germans to the Devil. This Perenus was one of the greatest Peers of Hungary, but of a most haughty and magnificent mind, so that he would sometime have almost a hundred goodly spare Horses fit for service led before him without their Riders; and would sometime speak too liberally against the bareness of King Ferdinand's Court, who polled by his Courtiers, hardly maintained his State; which his surpassing magnificence and princely Port was cause enough for the other great Courtiers to envy at his Estate, and to seek his overthrow; who as Men overcharged with the burden of another Man's virtue, whereof they never bore the least part, and always gaining by the depraving of other men's perfection, conspired together his overthrow and oftentimes pointing at him with their fingers, would say, That he favoured of a Crown. This notable Man, as he had many worthy Virtues, so was he not without cause noted of ambition and unconstancy; for after that King Lewis was lost, he disdaining the preferment of john the Vayvod to the Kingdom of Hungary, took part with King Ferdinand against him, in hope as it was thought to be next in honour unto himself; but after he saw King john again restored, and his State strongly supported by Solyman, and that all things stood doubtful and fickle with Ferdinand, he with like levity sought means by Abraham the great Bassa to be reconciled to King john; which was hardly obtained of him by the intercession of Solyman himself (as is before declared) to whom he gave his Son as a Pledge of his Fidelity. After which time he lived in great Honour and Loyalty all the Reign of King john; 
Matters surmised against Perenus.  but after he was dead, and saw George the Bishop the King's Tutor doing what he list, to reign like a King, he disdained his Government, and solicited by King Ferdinand, revolted again unto him, and furthered him in what he could for the obtaining of the Kingdom. But now falling into the envy of the Court, Malice found out matter enough to work his confusion. First it was given out, That his Son who had many years been detained in Soliman's Court as a Pledge of his Father's Faith, was even then under the colour of a feigned escape come into Transylvania; when as he had secretly agreed with Solyman, that his Father being a Man much favoured of the People, should by promising them all possible Freedom, allure them to the Turkish subjection; in reward of which good service he should be made Governor of the Kingdom of Hungary, and put in hope also to be made the Tributary King thereof, if it should fortune the young King to die. Besides that, it was accounted a thing very suspicious, that he had the Winter before used great kindness and friendship toward the Turkish Captains, by sending them great Presents, and receiving the like again. And last of all, his Letters directed to certain Hungarian Captains were produced, wherein he seemed to promise them as his Friends and Followers, greater entertainment than agreed with his present Estate. All which things King Ferdinand (of his own disposition not easily to be persuaded to conceive evil of the Germans his Countrymen, were it never so apparent or true, but of Strangers any thing) quickly believed, and therefore caused him (as is before said) to be apprehended. But Perenus as he was brought by Medici's the Admiral to Vienna, when he was come near unto the Gate of the City, and heard that Philippus Torniellus with certain other brave Captains of his acquaintance, were come to meet the Admiral; he requested that the close Coach wherein he rid might be opened, and that he might have leave to speak to those noble and valiant Gentlemen. Which thing was easily granted, for that the Nobility and approved valour of the Man seemed unto them which had the charge of him, unworthy of such restraint of liberty or imprisonment, yea or of the least suspicion thereof. So he turning himself towards them, spoke unto them in this sort: Wretched I, 
The lamentable speech of Perenus to Tornie●●us and the other Captains, concerning his apprehension.  noble Gentlemen (said he) whom despightful envy hath circumvented guiltless; but much more miserable King Ferdinand, whom domestical Thiefs bereave of Substance, of Friends, and Honour all at once. For so it cometh to pass, that by this inconsiderate wrong done unto me, he shall utterly lose the love and fidelity of the Hungarian Nation, and may therefore for ever not without cause despair for the obtaining of the Kingdom of Hungary, sithence that it is not lawful for me (inferior to ne'er of my Nation in Birth, and having for my good and faithful service well deserved reward of a just King) so much as to rejoice for the deliverance of my Son from the Captivity of the Turks, but that by my sinister fortune, dreadful death in stead of incomparable joy must be presented to mine Eyes. For will these malicious Pickthanks, guilty of th●ir own Cowardice, the wicked Contrivers and Witnesses of my wrongful Accusation, spare me being laid fast and endurance, which never spared the King's Honour? For every Man of what Nobility soever, be he never so guiltless, when he is once in hold, must be content to endure, not what he hath deserved, but what his hard fortune assigneth. Yet my upright mind and clear conscience, which thing only God the most just judge leaveth as a comfort to Men in misery wrongfully accused, delivered me of this care; and so will the Marquis our General, to whom I before upon a mistrust foretold, that such a danger would shortly befall me, and that I had rather be slain guiltless, than to withdraw myself from Trial; which thing I told him at such a time as I was so guarded with mine own strength, that I feared no Man's force. 
Perenus his request of the Admiral and the r●st of the Captai●s.  I beseech you do me this honourable favour, as to request King Ferdinand in my behalf quickly and honourably to proceed to the Trial of my Cause, and according to his own princely disposition, and the will of others, to discern betwixt his faithful Friends and feigned Flatterers. Truly we are too too unfortunate Captains, if for a little evil success we shall be so adjudged as Men that had overthrown their Fortune. Cazzianer peradventure received the just punishment he had deserved, for the shameful forsaking and losing of the Army at Exek, when as he possessed with an uncouth fear, forgot the duty of a General, more afraid of death than dishonour; for when he had voluntarily committed himself to safe custody, he was so generally condemned of Cowardice, that despairing to defend his Cause, he broke Prison, and as wickedly as unfortunately revolted to the Turks; But neither was I of late the General, neither were we vanquished, although we prevailed not, but honourably retiring, valiantly repressed the insolency of the pursuing Enemy. As for the Kingdom of Hungary, I might then well have affected the same, and easily have deserved it at Soliman's Hands, when as King Ferdinand after the death of King John was making his preparation for that War; at which time my Friends and Followers at my devotion, with the love of the Hungarians towards me, seeming of no small importance for the obtaining of the Victory, might have ministered no unreasonable or unseasonable hope to have drawn a Man into courses not altogether beseeming a Christian. Wherefore I have, and will so long as I live fight against the Turks, if King Ferdinand shall show himself an indifferent judge in this accusation, falsely surmised against me by the malice of mine Enemies.  
When he had made an end of speaking, the Admiral courteously persuaded him to have good hope in the clemency of the most just King; and shortly after performed his request; for he and Torniellus taking the King as he was Hunting, entreated him to deal favourably with Perenus. 
Perenus, Valentine and Maylat, three of the greatest Nobility in Hungary, kept in perpetual Prison.  For all that, Perenus could not obtain that his cause might be openly heard, but was committed to safe keeping, there to remain in perpetual Prison; but whether it was for the misprision of new Treason, or for revenge of his old unconstancy, is uncertain. Thus three the only great Princes left of the Hungarian Blood, equally worthy of the Kingdom, Valentine, Maylat, and Perenus, snarled almost in like Snares of envy, cut off all hope of raising a King to their seditious and therefore miserable Countrymen; when as Perenus lay too late bewailing his unconstancy in perpetual Prison; and the other two fast in Chains near unto the Euxine Sea, expected death the end of their miseries. This end had the Wars taken in hand against the Turks by the general consent of the Germans in the year 1542. which many thought might worthily be compared with the greatest losses of those times; when as King Ferdinand having in vain spent a great mass of Treasure (the fittest stay for the imminent War) and lost the opinion before conceived of the strength of Germany; had now as a weak Prince, and subject to injury, provoked him against the Turks, bold enough otherwise, but as then insolent for their late Victories.  
year 1543. Polinus the French King Ambassador still following the Turks Court, ceased not by all means to solicit Solyman, with his Galleys to aid the King his Master in the invasion of the Dominions of Charles the Emperor, in Italy, Sicily, and Spain. In which suit he was so crossed by Solyman the Eunuch Bassa, than Visier, that he was almost in despair of speed; for the Malicious Eunuch being himself a great Seaman, and envying the Honour of Barbarussa (who was to be employed in that service) sought by keeping him out of all honourable Actions, to diminish his former Glory; and concerning the present, protested openly as he sat in Council, That he saw no other cause why the Turkish Emperor should to his great charge and the common danger, send out such a Fleet, but to serve Barbarussa his own turn. But Solyman having diligently heard, and deeply considered of that the Bassas had said, rejected their opinions, who would not he should have given the French King any aid; and honourably decreed according to his promise, whatsoever should ensue thereof, to send his Fleet unto the King by Barbarussa. 
Solyman granteth to send his Fleet by Barbarussa to aid the French King against the Emperor.  Two days after, the French Ambassador before in despair, but now revived with that Decree, was solemnly Feasted by Rustan Bassa (Soliman's Son in Law) and by Solyman the Eunuch Bassa; for so it was their great Master's pleasure, both of them joying of him for the friendship confirmed betwixt the two Princes by sending this Fleet. After which, divers Gifts were bestowed upon the Ambassador and his chief Followers; and at such time as he was to take his leave, Solyman gave him great charge of his Navy, that it might be safely kept, and so after the service done, again returned; and withal delivered him Letters unto King Francis, wherein after the glorious rehearsal of his proud Titles, he writ unto him as followeth:  
We have upon a brotherly Bounty granted unto Polinus your Ambassador, 
Soliman's Letters to the French King.  such and so great a Fleet as you have desired, throughly furnished for all assays; whose direction we have commanded Hariaden our Admiral to follow, and by your appointment to proceed against the Enemy. But you shall do well and friendly, the Wars once happily ended, to send back again my Fleet to Constantinople. All things shall undoubtedly fall out according to your own desire and mine, if you shall carefully take heed that Charles the Spanish King your perpetual Enemy, do not again deceive you with the motion of a deceitful Peace. For than shall you bring him to a most indifferent Peace, when you have brought upon his Countries all the calamities of War.  
Polinus taking his leave of Solyman then lying at Hadrianople, returned to Constantinople, where he found Barbarussa with an hundred and ten Galleys and forty Galleons, ready to put to Sea, which he had with incredible celerity rigged up and furnished. And so setting forward the eight and twentieth of April in the year 1543, and passing the Straits of Helespontus, he arrived first at Caristius, in Euboea; and from thence to Malea, where he was by contrary Winds cast into the Bay of Lacedaemon, and there stayed nine days before he could double the Cape of Metapanium, called in ancient time Tenarus; After that he came to Methon, and from thence crossing the Ionian, came to the Straight of Messana; where the Turkish Pirates being come with their Galliots within the sight of Rhegium, began to land their Men. They of Rhegium seeing so great a Fleet, and the Turks already landing, fled out of the City for fear; but the Castle was still kept by Didacus Gaietanus a Spaniard, who refused to have any parley with Polinus the French Ambassador, and with shot out of the Castle slew certain of the Turks; wherewith the rest being enraged, broke into the City, and finding it desolate, set it on Fire, sore against the will of Polinus and Barbarussa, who sought to have found out the Authors thereof, and to have punished them accordingly.  
After that, certain Pieces of great Ordnance were landed and planted against the Castle, which with a few Shot so terrified the Captain, already troubled with the crying out of his Wife, that he without any more ado yielded himself and the Castle with all therein, into the hands of the Enemy; unto whom with his Wife and Children, Barbarussa at the request of the French Ambassador granted both life and liberty; the rest he shut up in a Church, and gave the Spoil of the Castle to his Soldiers. There was in the Garrison of the Castle about seventy Spaniards, but many more Citizens, which were all carried away Prisoners. One of the Captain's Daughters, 
Barbarussa amorous of the Captain of Rheglum his Daughter.  a young Gentlewoman of exceeding Beauty, had with her good Grace so warmed the withered affection of the old Pirate Barbarussa, that he (now fitter for the Grave than for Marriage) became amorous of her person; so that taking her from her Father, and entering her into the Mahometan Superstition, he made of her as of his Wife; insomuch that certain Months after he welcomed and bountifully entertained the Captain as his Father in Law, coming to see his Daughter at the Port called Portus Herculis in Tuscany, where the Turks Fleet then lay. Barbarussa sailing alongst the Coast of Italy, came to Ostia, in the Mouth of the River Tibur, and brought such a fear upon the City of Rome, that the Citizens were ready generally to have forsaken the City; had not Polinus by his Letters to Rodolphus the Cardinal, than the great Bishop Paulus his Legate in the City, in part stayed the sudden Tumult. The Bishop himself was then at Buxetum, a Town betwixt Cremona and Placentia, travelling (in show) with the Emperor, to have made a Peace betwixt him and the French King; but labouring in secret to have bought of him the Dukedom of Milan, for Octavius his Kinsman the Emperor's Son in Law. Polinus his Letters written to the Cardinal at Rome, and sent by the Governor to Tarracina, were to this effect.  

The French Ambassadors Letters to comfort Rodolph the Cardinal, the Pope's Legate in Rome.  This Fleet which is by Solyman sent for the defence of France by Barbarussa his Admiral, is by his appointment at my command; so that it is not to hurt any but our Enemies. Wherefore make it known to the Romans and others dwelling alongst the Coast of the Pope's Territory, That they fear of us no Hostility; for the Turks will never violate the Faith of their Emperor solemnly given unto me; and you know most assuredly, that the French King desireth nothing more, than that the Estate of Rome might not only be kept in safety, but also flourish most gloriously, and be therefore preserved from all injury. Farewell.  
In like manner he also comforted up them of Neptunianum and Ostia, so that they brought unto the Turks all manner of Victual, and sometimes for four Sheep or a couple of Oxen redeemed a good Prisoner taken in some place of the Kingdom of Naples. Yet for all this, the Romans did not so much credit the Ambassadors promise in the behalf of the Turks good dealing, but that many of the weaker sort fled out of the City into the Country by night, although the chief Magistrates did what they might to have stayed them. 
Solyman cometh with a great Army into Hungary.  When Barbarussa had thus lain three days in the Mouth of the River Tibur, and there watered, he passed alongst the Coast of Etruria and Liguria, without doing any harm; and so sailed directly to Marseilles. Where leaving him with his Fleet for a while, expecting the French Kings further pleasure, we will again return unto Solyman, who at the same time that Barbarussa was spoiling the Frontiers of the Emperor's Dominions in Italy, came with a great Army into Hungary, for the more assured possession of that Kingdom, whereafter he saw King Ferdinand so much longed. And because he would make all sure before him, he sent Amurathes Governor of Dalmatia, and Ulamas the Persian Governor to Bosna, to besiege Walpo, a strong Town situate upon the River Dravus, not far from Exek, famous for the overthrow of the Christian Army under Cazzianer; after whom followed also Achomates the great Commander of his European Horsemen. This Town (part of Perenus his possessions) was against all these Forces kept and worthily defended by Perenus his Wife (her Husband then lying in Prison at Vienna) and her Friends by the space of three Months; 
The Castle of Walpo treacherously yielded, and the Traitors justly rewarded.  but was at last by the treacherous Soldiers delivered to the Enemy, together with their General; whom when they could by no means persuade to consent to the yielding up thereof, but that he would needs hold it out to the last, they took him perforce, and so delivered him with the Town to the Turks; who received him with all courtesy, and used him honourably; but those traitorous Soldiers, whether it were in detestation of their Treachery, or for the spoil of them, were all put to the Sword; the just reward of their Treason. The rest of the Citizens were taken by the Turks to mercy, and well used. The Bishop and chief Men of Quinque Ecclesiae (a famous City not far off on the other side of Dravus) hearing of the loss of Walpo, and terrified with the greatness of the Turks Army, fled for fear, leaving none but the meaner sort of the People in the City, who willingly yielded the same unto the Turks. The next Town of any strength was Soclosia, belonging also to Perenus; which for a while held out against the Turks, for that divers Gentlemen of the Country which were fled into the City, encouraged the Citizens to stand upon their defence. But after much harm done on both sides, when they were no longer able to hold out, they retired into the Castle, in hope to have so saved their lives and liberty by yielding; but Amurathes was so offended with them, that he would come to no reasonable composition, or promise them any thing more, than that they should at their pleasure come forth; and so as they came out at the Gate, slew them every Mother's Son, thereby to terrify others from making like resistance.  
Solyman understanding of all these things, 
Solyman cometh with his Army to Strigonium.  gave those Towns which were taken, to Amurathes the General; and having put all things in readiness, departed from Buda with all his Army to besiege Strigonium; which was then kept by Liscanus and Salamanca, two proud covetous Spaniards, with a Garrison of one thousand three hundred Soldiers, whereof some few were Spaniards and Italians, and the rest Germans. Paulus Bishop of Strigonium got himself out of the City betimes, despairing of all mercy if he should have fallen into the power of Solyman, by whose intercession he had been once before reconciled to King john, and had again revolted from him to King Ferdinand. The Castle of Strigonium was situate upon a high Hill overlooking Danubius running underneath it; the Walls were built even without any Flankers, after the old manner of building before the invention of Guns; for which cause Vitellius and Torniellus two expert Captains (the year before sent from the King to view the place, and the manner of the Fortification) were of opinion, that the City could hardly be defended, if it were besieged by any strong Enemy; being subject also unto a Hill not far from the Gates of the City. Against which inconveniences the old Garrison Soldiers which Wintered in Strigonium, cast up new Bulwarks and Fortifications, and after the manner of windy headed Men, making great boast before the danger, what they would do, seemed to wish for the coming of Solyman. But after that the Barbarous Enemy had with his Tents covered the Fields and Mountains round about the City, and withal brought a gallant Fleet up the River, all those brags were laid in the Dust, and every Man began to grow doubtful of his own safety; for that they being but few (although Men of good worth) were to withstand the infinite number of such Enemies, as oftentimes used most desperately to expose their lives to all manner of dangers. This their fear was also increased by the coming of certain Messengers from Solyman, who understanding of what Nations the Garrison consisted, sent unto the City three of his own Guard, one a Spaniard, another an Italian, and the third a Germane, all Renegade Christians; that every one of them might without an Interpreter speak unto their Countrymen in their own Language; These Men admitted into the City, offered great rewards and large entertainment in the Name of Solyman, to such as would in time yield; denouncing all torture and extremities unto them which should endure the summons of the Cannon. Whereunto it was answered by the Captains, That those faithful and valiant Soldiers, who had reposed their last hopes in their Arms, were neither to be won by gifts, nor terrified with threats. With which answer the Messenger returned, 
The stout answer of the Captains.  and the same day the Turks great Ordnance were planted upon the Hill before the Gate of the City, and the weakest parts of the Walls round about the City, so well picked out by the Turks to be assaulted, as that they could not more skilfully or commodiously have been chosen out of them which had within most diligently viewed every thing; so that it is to be thought that the Christians wanted not only Fortune against the Turks, but also Faith amongst themselves. Salamanca distrusting the Fortifications of the Suburbs, retired into the City, contrary to that he had before vainly boasted. Achomates General of the European Horsemen, laid siege to that part of the Wall which was next to the Bishop's Gardens; Ulamas the Persian besieged the Tower near unto the Gate towards Buda: The Asapi or common Soldiers were by their Captains brought on to dig Trenches, and cast up Mounts, as was thought most convenient. It is incredible to be spoken, 
The terrible battery of the Turks at Strigonium.  with what fury the great Ordnance were discharged without ceasing; insomuch that the Tower with a great part of the Wall near unto it, shaken with continual Battery, fell down with such violence, as if all had been shaken with a most terrible Earthquake; neither was any Man able to stand upon the Walls, but that the Janissaries with their Harquebusies out of their Trenches, and from their Mounts, would most certainly fetch him off; and many which stood within farther off, were with the Turks Arrows, falling from high as if it had been out of the Air, grievously wounded. But that which most troubled the Defendants, and did them greatest harm, was the Stones, which beaten in sunder with the great Shot, and not to be avoided, did with their Pieces kill or maim the Soldiers near hand: With which dangers they were enforced to forsake the uttermost Wall, and to cast up new Fortifications within, that they might with less danger defend the place. Neither in the Enemy wanted courage to assail the Breach; 
The Turks repulsed thrice at the assault of the Breach.  thrice they desperately attempted to have entered, and were always with loss repulsed. In which assaults, amongst others, Bultaces Sanzack of Selymbria, and a Man of great account among the Turks, was lost. Whilst the Defendants were thus busied, many of the Soldiers and Mariners which came up the River with all things necessary for the Army, from Buda, went on shore, and lay in the Suburbs of the City in such security, as if there had been no Enemy nigh; which thing they in the City perceiving, suddenly sallied out upon them fearing no such matter, and slew many of them before they could arm themselves, and drove the rest of their Fleet; so that betwixt fight and flying there was about two hundred of them slain. Zimar a Persian, Admiral of the Fleet, in rescuing of them which to save their lives fled unto the River, was shot through with a small Shot and slain. Whilst these things were in doing, and the Turks having in many places sore shaken the Wall, did with greater force daily assail the City, and the Defendants with their continual loss, 
A Christian Fugitive discovereth the strength and state of the City unto the Turks.  and out of all hope of relief, were more and more discouraged; an old Portuguese Engineer which had long time served King Ferdinand, fled out of the City to the Turks; who being courteously entertained by Solyman, and examined by the Bassas of many things concerning the strength and state of the City, satisfied them in all that they desired; and further, directed them in planting their Batteries in places most convenient for the speedy taking of the Town. In the mean time whilst the Turks were with restless labour battering the Walls, and working in their Mines, it fortuned that a gilt brazen Cross which stood upon the top of the Steeple of the Cathedral Church, was by the continual shooting of the Turks thereat, at length beaten down; at the sight whereof, it is reported that Solyman after the superstitious manner of that Nation taking the chance as a token of good luck, cried out presently, Strigonium is won.  
Liscanus and Salamanca fearfully consulting of the event of the Siege, and secretly conferring together, resolved to save themselves, and to give up the Town. Liscanus was no great Soldier, and yet by continual spoil grown exceeding rich, and therefore thought it but folly to buy the Name of a resolute Captain at too dear a price, with the loss of his Life and Wealth. The like feeling was also in Salamanca, who preferred the safety of himself and of that which he had got in long service, before all credit and honour, were it never so great. This their purpose was not kept so secret, but that it was noised abroad amongst the common Soldiers, of whom almost the third part was now either slain, or with wounds or sickness grown weak; yet were they all of opinion generally, that they were still strong enough to defend the Town. But the under Captains and Ancients using to flatter their Generals, liked well of the motion, to yield unto Solyman upon reasonable conditions, rather than to expose themselves to most certain death, which should nothing better King Ferdinand's cause. Not long after, an Ancient was by night let down over the Wall; 
Salamanca goeth out of Strigonium, to parley with the Turks about the yielding up of the same.  and having by an Interpreter received the Turks Faith, called forth Salamanca, that he might upon better conditions go through with them for the yielding up of the Town. Who without further delay coming out, went to Achomates; before he went, commanding them which defended the Water Tower next to the River side, a place of great danger, for safeguard of their lives to get them into the City; who terrified with that news, and hastily retiring, were by the vigilant Turks which lay at the siege thereof, perceived; who suddenly breaking in, slew such as were not yet gone, and possessed the Castle. But Salamanca being brought before the great Bassas, when he had stood upon many nice terms, and required many things to have been granted him, obtained no more, but that they should without delay yield up the City, and put themselves wholly to the mercy of Solyman. So the Spaniard being there stayed, himself writ to Liscanus, how he had sped; willing him forthwith, if he loved his own safety, to yield the City, without standing upon further terms. 
Strigonium yielded to the Turks by Liscanus the Spaniard.  Liscanus upon receipt of these Letters coming forth to the Soldiers, declared unto them the necessity of yielding up of the Town, and what hope there was to escape with life and liberty. But whilst the Soldiers filled with indignation, stood as Men in doubt what to do, Halis Commander of the Janissaries came unto the Gate, and with cheerful rather than stern countenance required to have it opened unto him, according to the agreement made by Salamanca in the Camp; which was forthwith opened by Liscanus, and the Keys delivered unto him. The Janissaries entering peaceably into the City, possessed themselves of the Walls and Fortresses round about, commanding the Christian Soldiers to give place, out of whom they chose all the beardless Youths, and commanded the rest to cast down their Harquebusies and other Weapons in a place appointed, which they all for fear did, expecting nothing but some cruel execution to be done upon them by the barbarous Enemy. Which their fear was the more increased by a strange accident then unluckily chancing; for whilst the Soldiers did as they were commanded, with their Harquebusies cast their Flasks full of Powder also, one of them suddenly took fire of a Match which was by chance cast in amongst them with fire in it, which firing the rest, blew about all that heap of Weapons among the Turks, which so filled them with anger and fear of some sudden Treachery, that they fell upon the Christians and slew divers of them; until such time as Halis (persuaded that it was a thing happened rather by chance than malice) commanded his Janissaries to stay their fury. This tumult appeased, Halis caused proclamation to be made, That all such Christian Soldiers as would serve Solyman in his Wars, should have such place in his Army as their quality required, with bountiful entertainment; yet of all the Christian Soldiers were found only seventy, which careful of their lives, accepted the offer, fearing that the Turks would upon such as refused, exercise their wont cruelty. Halis entertaining them courteously, sent them away with the other youths whom he had before culled out, down the River to Buda; the other Soldiers he took into his protection, and used their labour to help the Turks to make clean the Castle. But Liscanus, 
Liscanus the coveous Spaniard merrily stripped of all his wealth by Halis Captain of the janissaries.  who to save his Gold had made Shipwreck of his honour and reputation, was glad to give unto Halis the fair Chain of Gold which he had most covetously and insolently before taken from Perenus; when as Halis (who would otherwise have taken it from him by force) by way of military courtesy now craved it of him, as a strange kind of ornament among the Turks; with which gift he was in hope to have saved the rest of his Coyn. But fortune favoured not so much the covetous Coward; for when he was about to depart away with his Horses of service, which he kept very good, and had cunningly stuffed the Saddles full of Gold, thinking so slily to have conveyed it; the Turk laughing at him, took from him his Horses furnished as they were, saying, That he which was to go by Water needed no Horses. So was the covetous Wretch at once quit of the great Wealth which he had in long time evil got. The Captains with the rest of the Soldiers despoiled of the Arms, were conveyed over the River of Danubius, and so traveled on foot to Possonium, where the Count Salme by the commandment of the King apprehended Liscanus, Salamanca, and some other of the Captains for suspicion of Treason, and committed them to safe custody, there to answer for their cowardly yielding up of the City.  

Solyman entereth into Strigonium, and there setteth up the Mahometan Superstition.  Solyman entered into Strigonium the tenth of August in the year 1543. and there converting Christian Churches into Temples for the Mahometan Superstition, first sacrificed for his Victory (as he had before done in Buda) and after with all speed so strongly fortified the City, as if he would thereby for ever have taken from the Christians all hope of recovering the same again, deriding the slothful negligence of the Germans, who possessed of it fourteen years, had neglected all that time to fortify it. Not long after, Solyman leaving Ossainus a valiant Captain Governor of Strigonium, and sending his Tartarian Horsemen to spoil the Country on the left hand, as far as Alba Regalis; went himself to besiege the Castle of Tatta, called in ancient time Theodota. The Garrison Soldiers terrified with the loss of Strigonium, and the sight of the Turks Army, upon the first summons yielded the Castle without resistance, and were so suffered quietly to depart. That Castle after the manner of the Turkish Discipline, (who with few and those very strong Holds keep their Provinces in subjection) was by Soliman's commandment presently razed down to the Ground. 
A cowardly Captain worthily rewarded.  Torniellus' General of the Italians caused Hannibal, Captain of the Castle, to have his Head struck off for his cowardly yielding up of the place he had taken charge of; thereby to admonish others, which had the charge of strong places, not to refuse an honourable death in defence of their Country, for fear of an ignominious death attending their Cowardice.  
Tatta thus laid in the Dust, 
Solyman goeth to Alba Regalls.  Solyman marched with his Army towards Alba, surnamed Regalis, for that the Kings of Hungary by an ancient custom used there to be Crowned and also buried. Buda, Strigonium, and Alba Regalis, three princial Cities of the Kingdom of Hungary stand in manner of a Triangle, almost equally distant one from another, about a hundred miles in compass. Buda and Strigonium are situate upon the River of Danubius; but Alba standeth more into the Land, strongly seated in the midst of a great Lake, but not so wholsomely, especially in the Summer time, the Winter Waters then decreasing, and gross vapours arising with the heat of the Sun. 
The description of Alba Regalis.  From the City through the Marish or Lake, unto the firm Land, lie three broad and high Causeys (in manner of the streaks of a Cartwheel) well built, with fair Houses and Gardens on either side, and a broad way in the middle, whereby Men pass in and out of the City. At the end of every Causey toward the Land were cast up strong Bulwarks, which the Citizens used not to watch but in dangerous times of War; so that by these Bulwarks, the Houses of the Suburbs standing upon these Causeys, were safe from the danger of the Enemy, the Lake filling up all the spaces betwixt the Causeys; which, what for the Depth, what for Mud; Flags, and Bulrushes, growing in it, was not by Horse or Man to be passed through. And the City itself standing in the midst of the Lake, compassed round about with a strong Wall, and a deep Ditch always full of Water, was hardly to be besieged; for which causes a great number of the Country people upon the coming of Solyman, fled into it with their cattle, as unto a most sure hold. In the City lay in Garrison two Companies of Germans, and two hundred Horsemen, unto whom were joined five hundred Hungarian Horsemen, such as in time of Peace lived by Robbing, and are by an infamous name called Usar●us, unto these the Italian Count Torniellus, who with his Italians was come as far as javarinum, or Rab, sent four Captains with their Companies, such as were most forward in that service; after whom followed Barcotius, Captain of the King's Guard, with a Company of Horsemen, appointed by the King for General. Who was no sooner come into the City, but news was brought of Soliman's approach. Whereupon he in hast called together the other Captains, with Birrous then Mayor of the City, and other the chief Citizens to consult with them, What was best to be done for the defence of the City, but especially, Whether the Suburbs of the City, standing upon those three broad Causeys, were to be destroyed or not? 
The Citizens of Alba will not suffer the City to be destroyed.  That so the City standing in the midst of the great Marish, might both with less labour and danger be defended. This question was seriously debated, and great reasons alleged; at last the Citizens cried out with one voice against the matter, and said, That they would never suffer those goodly Suburbs, wherein were so many Churches and fair Buildings as might compare with the City itself, to be so shamefully destroyed, to the utter undoing of so many rich Citizens; for what could be (said they) more dishonourable or lamentable, than to the encouraging of the barbarous Enemy, to show such a token of extreme fear; and with their own hands to burn and destroy those stately Buildings, which might by strong hand be well enough defended against the Enemy, if they did not play the shameful Cowards. Of which opinion with the Citizens was also Octavianus Serosactus an Italian Captain; alleging that both the City and the Suburbs might both with like danger be defended; forasmuch as they were equally fortified with the benefit of the Marish, and if the worst should happen, the Defendants might yet safely enough retire into the City. At last standing up as one thrust forward, both with the public hard Fortune and his own, said, Valiant Gentlemen, what show will you give of your valour, or what honour shall you have of your service, If you shall defend so famous a City, by deforming of it yourselves, and cutting off the Suburbs, as it were the Arms thereof, before the danger, upon too hasty desperation? Verily you shall do nothing, either in the service of the King, or the honour of yourselves, except this City (if God so please) be of you whole and sound valiantly defended. Upon this Speech they all arise, the wiser sort and of greatest experience giving place to the importunity of the ignorant and simple. Barcotius himself full of care, and overcome with the vain opinion of the greater part, yielded also unto that fatal resolution of saving the Suburbs. For it often falleth out, that they, who wisely weighing dangers in the balance of reason, and do therefore fearfully resolve of the event of things, and do thereupon oftentimes give more hard and resolute judgement of things than Men of greater courage; yield neverthless to be partakers of other men's follies, yea even to most assured death, rather than by maintaining their fearful opinion, to be deemed Cowards. So fell it out with Barcotius the General, who setting a good countenance on the matter which nothing liked him, went out to the Soldiers, declaring unto them the reasons why the Suburbs were to be defended; exhorting them with like valour on their parts to answer that honourable resolution, promising to provide whatsoever should be necessary for the obtaining of the Victory; assuring them of great rewards and preferment, which should by their good service deserve the same. Hereupon the Suburbs were by the common labour of the Soldiers and the Citizens quickly fortified, the great Ordnance in places convenient orderly planted, and Watch and Ward kept by the Captains and their Companies by their turns day and night. But the Turks drawing near to the City, bend their Forces only against the Suburbs of the Gate leading towards Buda; for that they perceived the Marish was in that place drier than the other, and the sandy Ground more unfit for the making of Bulwarks and other Fortifications for the safety of the Defendants, than in other places where the ground yielded better Turf. Barcotius perceiving the Enemy's purpose, drew all the Italians and Germans from the other Gates into the Suburbs of the Gate of Buda, leaving the Countrypeople which were fled into the City, and the Citizens, in their places. At the first coming of the Turks, the Hungarian and Germane Horsemen, with the Italian Footmen; sallied out of the Suburbs, and after certain light skirmishes retired. Which manner of fight was continued by the space of three days without any great harm done on either side; for the Captains, had warily commanded, That the Soldiers should not adventure out too far. But after that Solyman himself was come and had with the multitude of his Tents beset the City far and near, to the terror of the beholders, the Christians shut up all the Gates, and sallied out no more. Which thing caused the wild Hungarian Usarous (used to open skirmishes) to provide for themselves in time, and not to suffer themselves to be cooped up (as they termed) within the Walls of the City; so for fashion sake, ask leave to be gone (who were not against their wills to be stayed) they by night departed, being not to be entreated by the General or Citizens to stay, and by known ways escaped through the Woods from the Enemy. In the mean time the Turks were come with their winding Trenches within shot, and with their Arrows and small Shot so scoured the top of the Bulwark, that no Man could there possibly appear but he was strait wounded; and such was the fury of the great Artillery; that it had in short time battered in sunder the Planks and Timber which kept in the sandy Mould, whereof the Fortress was made, more for show than for strength; in such sort, that the great Shot flying quite through all, slew and wounded many that were a far off; in which distress of the Defendants, the Turks Asapi with small danger filled up the Ditches of the Bulwark, 
The Turks with incredible labour fill up the Ditches and Lake, and by plain force assault the Bulwark of the Suburbs towards Buda.  and divers places of the Marish with Earth and Wood, which they brought continually from a Wood thereby with six hundred Wagons, so that in the space of twelve days they had made a firm way for them to pass over upon, both to the Bulwark and the Suburbs; a work before thought impossible to have b●en performed. The Ditches thus filled up, the Turks valiantly came on, seeking by plain force to enter the Bulwark. First came on the Asapi, whom as Men of least worth the Turks Captains use to thrust to the first danger; after whom followed the Horsemen, now on foot, with Swords and Targets, or else their Horseman's Staves, covering the Janissaries, who upon their Knees with their Harquebusiers sore gauled the Defendants. This hot fight endured above three hours with equal hope and courage; but the Turks still relieved with fresh Soldiers, repulsed the Christians, and gained the uttermost Bulwark; nevertheless the Italian Fort was that day valiantly defended, the very Women and Religious helping to defend it; 
A notable Act of an Hungarian Woman.  in which assault a tall Hungarian Woman, whose courage far exceeded the weakness of her Sex, thrusting in amongst the Soldiers upon the top of the Fort, with a great Sith in her hand at one blow struck off two of the Turks Heads, as they were climbing up the Rampire. This assault was given the nine and twentieth of August, on which day the Turks had before taken B●lgrade, and also slain King Lewis at the Battle of Mohachz; and were therefore after their superstitious manner in observation of their fortunate and unfortuate days, in good hope to have then taken the City; wherein they were much deceived, being not able at that time further to enter, but enforced again to retire. Wherewith Solyman offended, sent for Abraham, Achomates, and Halis (the chief Captains in that assault) into his Tent, and reproved them sharply, for that the Bulwark being so valiantly and fortunately won, they had not with more courage prosecuted the Victory, but cowardly (as he thought) given it over, being in a manner already won; and therefore with stern countenance commanded them to prepare all things ready within three days for a fresh Assault, and never to return unto him, except they did win the City. Whereunto the Captains answered no more (for were they never so guiltless, they might not before him stand to excuse themselves) but that they would in short time accomplish his desire. Wherefore having made all ready, and encouraged the Soldiers to this last Assault, they terribly assailed the Rampires, and brought a great fear upon the Defendants; for taking the benefit of a thick Mist (as it oftentimes chanceth in marish grounds) they were with great silence (contrary to their manner) got up to the top of their Rampires, 
The Suburbs of Alba Regalis won by the Turks.  and come to handy blows, before they were well discovered. The Fight was for the time fierce and terrible; but the Janissaries prevailing, at length put the Germans to flight, and after them the Italians also, so that now well was he that could run fastest towards the City. But that their hafty Flight little availed, when as they were to pass out by a little narrow Gate in manner of a Wicket; and they in the City, without regard of them that fled, had plucked up the Drawbridge over the Ditch. For naturally it cometh oftentimes to pass, that the fear of the present danger, without blushing excuseth our foul dealing. So the barbarous and fierce Enemy pursuing the flying Christians at the Heels all the length of those Suburbs with most cruel execution, many notable men, some fight, some flying, were there slain; amongst whom was Octavianus Serosactus, Author of the evil Counsel whereof ensued that calamity. Barcotius the General flying on Horseback to the little Gate, which was not to be passed through, and crying in vain to them that fled, to have the great Gate opened, was by the coming of the Janissaries slain; whose Head and right Hand full of rich Rings, was by the barbarous Enemy carried about in derision upon a Lance. The rest of the flying multitude finding the little Gate shut up with the Bodies of the dead, 
The miserable slaughter of the flying Christians.  and the Bridge maliciously drawn up, desperately threw themselves into the deep Ditch; where some of them labouring to swim out, were caught by the Legs and Arms by other that could not swim, and both together drowned. Some hardly crawling over, were shot in the Head or Back with the Turks Arrows; othersome sticking fast in the Mud, were as if it had been in sport shot to death by the Turks; some few there were which got over, and were saved.  
There was yet left in the City the General of the Germane Horsemen, and Uscasades of Cremona, an Italian Captain; these two gathering the remainder of the Soldiers which were left, placed them upon the Walls; but the Citizens were struck with such a fear, that they could not tell which way to turn themselves. For now Birrous the Mayor, with the Aldermen and other chief Citizens, seeing the slaughter of the Italians and Germans, were so overcome with despair, that they thought no hope of their well doing was to be reposed in making of any farther resistance, but only in the mercy of Solyman. Wherefore Birrous spoke unto the Turks from the Wall, That he might safely send Ambassadors to Solyman, to entreat with him upon reasonable conditions, for the yielding up of the City; which thing Achamates easily granted. 
Ambassadors sent to Solyman to entreat upon conditions for the yielding of the City.  With these Ambassadors for the Citizens, went also the Generals of the Germane Horsemen, and Carolus Rufus an Italian Captain (who of all others had born himself most valiantly in all the Assaults, to the great admiration of the Turks) to entreat for the safety and liberty of the Soldiers. The Ambassadors being brought before the great Bassas, requested, That yielding the City, the Citizens might enjoy their Lives and Liberty; whereunto they were so answered, as that it seemed they should not all be pardoned; yet was the general fear well diminished, for that the punishment respected but some few. Rufus was courteously entertained; and easily obtained, that the Italians might in safety depart with Bag and Baggage to Vienna; the like grace also had the General of the Germans for his Soldiers. Solyman the Eunuch Bassa, offered utno Rufus honourable entertainment, if he would have served Solyman; which when he refused as bound to King Ferdinand by Oath, in honour of his Valour he gave him a rich Cloak wrought with Flowers of Gold. The Ambassadors returning into the City, and telling how they had sped, delivered the Citizens of a great fear. Shortly after the City being yielded, Achomates by open Proclamation in the Market place, commanded the Italians and Germans to make themselves ready against the next day to depart, and to take good heed that no Hungarian went with them; he also straight charged the Citizens to keep their Houses until the strange Soldiers were departed. At the time appointed, the Italians and Germans set forward, conducted by Homares with a Company of the Turks Horsemen, who faithfully defended them against the Tartars, running up and down the Country after the Spoil; neither was any thing taken from them but their Dags, which the Germane Horsemen after a new fashion carried at their Saddel Bows; these the Turks greatly desired, delighted with the novelty of the invention, to see them shot off with a Firelock without a Match. But after the departure of Homares, they were in their travel set upon by the Hungarians, with whom they had many hot skirmishes, and had hardly escaped unspoiled, had they not been rescued by the King's Soldiers lying in Garrison in the Castles as they passed along the Country. The few which remained, after many troubles came at last to Vienna, more like Ghosts than Men.  
Solyman entering quietly into the City, first visited the Sepulchers of the Hungarian Kings, 
Solyman entereth into Alba Regalis.  and gave out Proclamation, That the Hungarians should fear of him no harm; for that he was not come to conquer them, 
Solyman causeth the chief Citizens of Alba Regalis to be slain.  but to deliver them from the Bondage of the Germans, and so to restore again that entire Kingdom unto Stephen the right Heir of King john. But within three or four days after, he called out the chief Citizens into a Field not far off, wherein the Bodies of condemned men were wont to be buried, as if he would have there taken an Oath of their Fidelity; whither, after they were all assembled in the best manner they could, as to some solemn Feast, the cruel Tyrant (without regard of his Faith or Promise) caused them all to be slain. Howbeit some report, that he caused them only to be put to death which bare office in the City, at such time as they revolted from the Obedience of the Queen and the Infant King, unto Ferdinand, and had then brought in German-Souldiers; and that he sent the rest into exile to Buda and Belgrade. So Solyman leaving Balibeius Governor of Alba Regalis, and Mahomates sometime Governor of Belgrade, his Lieutenant General for the whole Government of that Kingdom, 
Solyman returns to Constantinople.  returned again toward Constantinople (Winter now beginning to approach) after he had that Summer won Strigonium and Alba Regalis, two of the chiefest Cities of Hungary. All this while King Ferdinand had raised no Power worth the speaking of, to withstand so mighty an Enemy; only at Vienna lay seven thousand Germans and four thousand Italians, at such time as Solyman departed from Alba Regalis, which were shortly after discharged.  
Whiles Solyman thus lay at the Siege of Alba Regalis, he sent his Tartarian Horsemen which served him to small purpose in the Siege, to spoil the Country round about; these savage People doing much harm, were in divers places circumvented by the Hungarians, and about three thousand of them slain; one of them being taken Prisoner, had found in his Knapsack half a Child of about two years old, the loathsome remainder of his barbarous feeding.  
Barbarussa all this while lying with his Fleet (as we have before said) at Marseilles, fretted exceedingly, that he had to his dishonour undertaken so long a Voyage by Sea, to pleasure him which was not able (as he said) to direct his own designs to any certain resolution, but shamefully suffered the best time of the year for service, negligently to pass away without any thing doing; the blame whereof would (as he said) be imputed to him at Constantinople; and that Solyman, who desired to aid the King his Friend and Confederate, and by all means to annoy his Enemies, would take in evil part to have it reported, that he ●ad with so great charge set out so great a Fleet, and so far off, to help his Friend hardly beset with his Enemies, and to have done nothing; besides that, he took on like a Turk, that he who in time of service never used negligently to let slip the least opportunity, should now blemish his former credit and estimation, by lying still all that Summer in the Harbour of Marseilles, where his Soldiers grew lazy with doing nothing. Wherefore Polinus going to the King, told him of the proud Turk's great discontentment for lack of em-employment; and returning to Barbarussa, brought order from the King, that he should ●ay Siege to Nice a City of Provence, then holden by the Duke of Savoy. This City standing upon the Sea, was by one of the French Kings for a great sum of Money pawned unto the Duke; which Money, King Francis had many times offered to have repaid, but could never get the City out of the Duke's hands. Unto which service, the French King sent also his Fleet of two and twenty Galleys and eighteen Ships, wherein were embarked eight thousand Footmen, and Victual for many days. This Fleet departing from Marceilles, keeping close by the Shore, came to the Port called M●noc; whither two days after came Barbarussa also with an hundred and fifty Galleys. From thence Polinus by commandment from the King writ to the State of Genoa, That they should not fear of that great Fleet any Hostility, which was not to hurt any but them of Nice, and not them neither if they would yield themselves. For more assurance whereof, he obtained of the Turks divers Genoa Captives, which had long time been chained in their Galleys, and courteously set them at liberty, and sent them home without ransom. After that, he friendly exhorted the Citizens of Nice, to yield themselves again unto their ancient and lawful Princes, renowned for his Bounty and Power; rather than to adventure their State to all extremities for that poor and distressed Duke, who between the Emperor and the French King, despoiled of the greatest part of his Dominions, saw no other end of his miseries, but to leave that little which yet remained, as a Prey to the one or to the other, that should first lay hand thereon. Whereunto the Magistrates of the Town answered, That they knew no other Prince or Sovereign but Charles their Duke; wherefore he should desist farther to solicit them by Letters or Messengers, 
Nice in Provence besieged by the French a●d the Turks.  whom they would make no other account of but as of their Enemies. Wherefore the Frenchmen and Turks landing their Forces, laid Siege to the Town in three places. The Citizens had but a little before newly fortified their Walls, by the direction of Paulus Simeon, Captain of the Castle, and one of the Knights of the Rhodes, a man of great experience; who long before taken at Sea by Pirates, had sometime served Barbarussa, and therefore persuaded the Citizens as resolute men to withstand the Turks. Which, that they should more constantly perform, he took their Wives and Children and weaker sort of the People into the Castle; and from thence furnished the Citizens with all things necessary for their defence. The City was at once in divers places battered by the Turks and French, both by Sea and Land; so that at last the Turks had beaten down one of the new built Bulwarks, and made so fair a Breach, that with their Ensigns displayed, they attempted to have entered; whose forwardness Leo Strozza (then serving the French King with a Band of Italians) imitating, sought to have entered also; but the Citizens standing valiantly upon their defence, manfully repulsed both the Turks and Italians, and caused them with loss to retire. In this Assault were slain about an hundred Turks; and of Strozza his Soldiers two and twenty. Presently after, Barbarussa with all his force began a fresh Battery, in such terrible manner, that the Citizens seeing their Walls in divers places opened, and the few Soldiers they had, 
The Citizens crave parley, and after yield the City.  sore wounded, and no hope to be in convenient time relieved, began to parley with the French General from the Wall, concerning the yielding up of the City; upon condition, that they might in all respects live under the French King as they had done under the Duke; for performance whereof the General gave them his Faith. But Polinus fearing lest the Turks should violate this composition, and for grief of the loss of their Fellows, or for hope of the Spoil break into the City, entreated Barbarussa to recall his Soldiers, and to cause them to go aboard his Galleys. For which cause not long after, the Janissaries, as men deceived of their hoped Prey, were about to have slain both Polinus and Strozza, as they came from talking with Barbarussa.  
The City thus yielded, they began to consult for the taking of the Castle; 
The Castle besieged.  the performance whereof consisted first in the assailing of the Castle itself, and then in defending of the City from the sudden sallies of them in the Castle; and likewise in defending of them which besieged the Castle, so that no Enemy should come to raise the Siege; of which two things, Barbarussa put the French to choice which they would take, showing himself ready either to besiege the Castle, or to keep the Field. The French standing in doubt of which to make choice, the proud old Turk scorning their slow resolution, and them also, as men unfit for the ready accomplishment of any Martial exploit; caused seven Pieces of Battery, whereof two were of wonderful greatness, to be placed in a trice in a place most convenient, and the same quickly entrenched and fortified, to the great admiration of the French; with which Pieces he had quickly beaten down the Battlements of the Walls, and Centinel Houses, so that no man was able to show himself upon the Walls. The Frenchmen likewise on the other side did with their great Ordnance continually batter the Castle; but with long shooting they came to such want of Shot and Powder, that Polinus was glad to request, that he might either borrow or buy some of Barbarussa; whereat the Turk fretted and fumed exceedingly, That they should in their own Country stand in need of his Provision, who at Marceilles had better freighted their Ships with Wine, than with necessaries for the Wars. For the rough and severe old Turk could not forbear to taunt them, and oftentimes complained, that he was deluded with the hope of great matters which Polinus had promised at Constantinople; and that in such a rage, that he would threaten to lay hands upon Polinus, who had brought him from Constantinople thither, 
Barbarussa in his rage threateneth to lay hands on Polinus, and to return forthwith to Constantinople.  whereas he must either lose his honour, or having spent his Shot and Powder, expose himself and his Fleet to all dangers. Wherefore being exceeding angry with the French, he suddenly called a Counsel of his Captains, and other chief Officers; giving it out, That he would presently return to Constantinople, seeing that among these cowardly and unskilful men (as it pleased him to term them) he found nothing ready or according to promise. Yet for all that, when he had chafed his fill, by the fair entreaties and large promises of the French General and Polinus together, the Wayward old man was persuaded to change his mind, and to continue the Siege. But he was yet scarcely well pacified, and his mind set again upon the Siege, but Letters were intercepted from the great Captain Alphonsus Vastius, to Paulus Captain of the Castle, wherein he requested him to hold out a while against the Enemy, till that he, who had already sent before his light Horsemen, might come also himself with his Men at Arms, who were upon the way alongst the Alps by the Sea side, and would in two days with the slaughter of the Turks put him and his Castle out of all fear and danger. Which thing once bruited in the Camp, such a great and sudden fear came upon the Turks and Frenchmen (the night following the more to terrify them proving by chance very rainy and tempestuous) that they all forsook their Trenches and great Ordnance, and laying down their Weapons, by narrow Paths climbing over the top of the high Mountain, came down headlong to the Sea side to the Fleet. But the day appearing, and no Enemy to be seen, they were ashamed of that they had done, and came again to the Siege. Not long after, when as the Castle in all men's Judgement was hardly to be battered, 
The Turks and French give over the Castle of Nice, and set fire on the City.  and standing upon a firm Rock, was not but in long time with hard labour and doubtful success to be undermined, it was generally thought good to raise the Siege. The Turks upon their departure broke into the City, and when they had taken the Spoil thereof, set it on fire.  
Barbarussa retiring with his Fleet to Antipolis, came to anchor at the Island Lerina, called of the Mariners Margarita; at which time Vastius and the Duke of Savoy, with Auria his Fleet arrived at Villa Franca; in the entrance of which Haven, the Galley wherein Vastius went, was like to have been lost. Four other Galleys by force of sudden Tempest were driven upon the Rocks, and so suddenly beaten in pieces with the Surge of the Sea, that the Galley Slaves had not leisure to strike off their Irons, but were there all drowned, and all the Ordnance lost. Polinus understanding this distress of the Enemy, sent one Petrus Angelus to Barbarussa, to show him the occasion offered, and to persuade him with all speed to haste thither with his Fleet, as to a most assured Victory. Barbarussa seemed to like well of the motion, and promised to go, yet he moved not, letted as it was thought with the contrary Wind, which then blew hard at East, and with the roughness of the Sea. But the Wind being fallen, and the Sea become calm, and he contrary to his wont manner making no haste, set slowly forward, and being a little on his way, came again to anchor, and went no further; the Sanzacks and other Captains first marveling, and afterward laughing thereat, scoffingly said, That Barbarussa did but reason to deal kindly with Auria, as his Brother and Friend of his own Profession, 
Barbarussa derided by the Turks Captains.  for that he had some years before received the like Friendship at his hands, in letting him escape at Hippona, which he now honestly paid him again. Whereunto Barbarussa both then and afterwards at Constantinople answered no otherwise, but, 
His answer to their taunts.  that he being an old Commander, and half blind, saw more in the matter than all those green Captains with their sharp sight. Not long after, he returned again to Marceilles, and put into the Haven of Tolon, called in ancient time Taurenta. Vastius and the Duke coming to Nice, commended the Captain of the Castle, and wondering at the cunning manner of the Turks Fortifications, preferred them in that point before the Christians. Barbarussa lying with his Fleet at Tolon, and by the King's Officers entertained with all possible Courtesy, delivered five and twenty Galleys to Salec the famous Pirate, and Assanes his nigh Kinsman; who passing the Bay of Narbona, rifled certain Towns in Spain standing upon the Sea-Coast, and about the Promontory of Venus (called of the Mariners Creum) took great prize; and in the Haven of Palamos took one Merchant Ship and a Galley; with which Prey they passed over to Algiers as they were commanded, there to winter, and with the first of the Spring to return again to Barbarussa in Brovence. That Winter Barbarussa repairing his Fleet, was furnished with many necessaries by the Genoese, and especially by Auria himself, who under the colour of redeeming of Prisoners, willingly furnished the Turk with such things as he wanted; for although he professed himself one of the Emperor's Captains, yet would he not show an Enemy's mind, by the unseasonable denial of a little Sea Furniture, lest in so doing he should have hurt his Native Country of Genoa, which he saw then subject to the injury of so great a Fleet so nigh at Hand. But leave we now Barbarussa to winter in Proveno●, and with the course of time turn a little out of the way, to see in Muleasses King of Tunes, the small assurance the greatest have in highest place of worldly honour.  
This Mahometan King, once before thrust out of his Kingdom by Barbarussa, 
Muleasses fearing the coming of Barbarussa, departeth from Tunes into Italy, to crave aid of Charles the Emperor.  and restored again by Charles the Emperor (as is before declared) hearing of his coming with this great Fleet, and imagining nothing less than that he should come to the aid of the most Christian King, doubted (not without cause) lest it was prepared against himself. Besides that, divers great Cities of his Kingdom, namely Constantina, Mahemedia, and Mahometa (called in ancient time Cyrtha) Leptis and Adrumentum, were then holden by the Turks, Barbarussas' Favourites. Wherefore fearing the worst, about the same time that Barbarussa was sailing alongst the Coast of Italy, he passed over into Sicily to have met the Emperor at Genoa, and to have obtained of him greater Aid against the Turks. At his departure out of afric, he committed the tuition of his Kingdom to such valiant men as he supposed would have been unto him most faithful: First, he appointed Mahomates (than Maniphet) to govern the City, and Corsus (otherwise called Fares) his old Servant to keep the Castle; leaving Mahomates his Brother, and Fares his Son, with Tovarres a Spaniard (Captain of the Castle of Guletta) as Pledges, the one of his Brothers, the other of his Father's Faith; but unto Amida his Son he committed the leading of his men of War for the defence of his Kingdom against the Turks and Numidians. As he was passing out of Sicilia to have met the Emperor at Genoa, he was by contrary Winds driven first to Cajeta, and afterward to Naples, where he was by the Viceroy honourably entertained, and a House appointed for him richly furnished; the Neopolitans wondering at the strange Attire of the People, with the manner of their feeding, and curious plenty of all manner of sweet Perfumes; for into every Dish they put in Odours of exceeding price, 
Costly Dishes.  so that it was well known, that a Peacock and two Pheasants dressed after the manner of the King's Kitchen, cost above an hundred Ducats; so that not only the Dining Chamber, when they were carved up, but all the House was so filled with the strange and fragrant smell, that all they that dwelled near thereabouts were partakers of that unusual and delicate Perfume. From Naples he was about to have traveled by Land unto the Emperor, being then in conference with the Pope at Buzetum, (fearing to adventure the Sea, possessed by the Enemy's Fleet) had not the Emperor by his Letters willed him to stay still where he was. But whilst he made his abode at Naples, and carefully attended what Course Barbarussa would take, 
Amida riseth against Muleasses his Father, and usurps the Kingdom of Tunes.  (who furnished with so great a Fleet, was departed from Nice disappointed of his purpose) he was by certain Messengers advertised out of Africa, That Amida his Son was risen up against him, and possessing himself of the Kingdom, had slain his Captains, polluted his Wives, and taken the Castle of Tunes. With which news he being exceedingly troubled, determined without delay to pass over into afric, and though late, yet as he might to remedy his domestical troubles, in hope to oppress that Rebellion in the beginning, and his Son also, before he could gather any strength to rest upon. Wherefore he with all the haste he could opened his Coffers and entertained Soldiers, the Viceroy giving leave to all such banished Men as would, to come and give their names to pass over as Soldiers into afric; upon report whereof, such a number of Malefactors and condemned persons came flocking to Naples, that it was thought a sufficient Army might have been made of such kind of men; every one of them choosing rather to enter into Pay, and blot out the infamy of banishment, and prove the fortune of Wars, than to live wand'ring up and down the Woods and in danger every hour to be hanged. Of these infamous Men, one joannes Baptista Lofredius (a Man well born, but of a fierce and covetous disposition) undertook the leading; he covenanting with Muleasses to have three months Pay before hand, levied a thousand and eight hundred Men, 
Muleasses turneth into afric to Guletta.  which he presently shipped, and keeping the greatest part of their Pay to himself, passed over with the King into afric, and landed at Guletta. But how Amida rose up against his Father, and what was the end of that bloody Rebellion, shall not be amiss briefly to rehearse. There were certain Noblemen of great Authority about Amida when Muleasses departed, which at their pleasure ruled the young Prince, who easily harkened unto their Counsel, and followed the same; the chief of these was one Mahomates Son of Bohamer, who in the Reign of Mahomates, Muleasses his Father, was Maniphet, whom Muleasses (possessed of the Kingdom) put shamefully to death by cutting off his Privities, because he had by hasty Marriage deceived him of Rhahamana a Maiden of incomparable Beauty, the Daughter of Abderomen Captain of the Castle, whom he most passionately loved; for which cruel fact, Mahomates his Son had long time conceived a deadly hatred against Muleasses, which he had many years dissembled, that he might as occasion served be the more cruelly revenged. Next unto him was another Mahomates surnamed Adulzes, whom Muleasses was wont commonly to call his worst Servant. These two with a few others conspiring together, gave it out, that Muleasses was dead at Naples, and before his death had most irreligeously (as they accounted it) revolted to the Christian Religion. With which report they perceiving Amida moved, came unto him and persuaded him quickly to enter into his Father's Seat, lest Mahomates his younger Brother (then lying in hostage with the Christians at Guletta) should by the favour and help of Tovarres, whose Garrison was ever ready, be preferred before him. For Mahomates was eighteen years old, resembling his Grandfather in Name, Favour, and Disposition, and therefore of the Citizens of Tunes best beloved. Wherefore Amida came in post haste out of the Camp to Tunes, to lay first hand upon his Father's Kingdom. The People which as yet had heard nothing of the King's death, received him with doubtful countenance; and as many stood marveling that he was so rashly come into the City without his Father's commandment, Mahomates (appointed by Muleasses to govern the City) came out and sharply reproved him as guilty of high Treason, persuading him to return again into the Camp; and seeing him stay, by force of multitude thrust him out of the City. Amida deceived of his expectation, 
Amida thrust out of Tunes.  got him out of the way into the pleasant Country of Martia between Utica and the ruins of old Carthage. But Mahomates Governor of the City, after he had repulsed Amida, got him with all speed by Water to Tovarres at Guletta, to know of him more assuredly, if any such evil News were brought from Sicily of the death of the King; and to complain of the rashness and intolerable presumption of Amida. Where staying somewhat long in discoursing with the Captain, and afterwards returning to the City, he was suspected to have practised with the Captain to make Mahomates (the Pledge in Guletta) King in his Father's stead; for so the common voice went. The Moors are by nature a faithless People, hasty, suspicious, desirous of News, which true or false, they for the time interpret as serveth best their Factions, whereunto they are exceedingly given. So at the first there rose in the City a doubtful rumour of the making of a new King; the suspicion whereof more and more increasing, set all the City on an uproar. By occasion whereof, certain of the Citizens, to whom the very name of Muleasses was odious, speedily certified Amida (then in the Gardens of Martia, sighing and grieving at his hard Fortune) how all stood, and that now was the time to do himself good. He revived with that unexpected News, 
Amida returneth, and possesseth the Kingdom.  and encouraged by the persuasion of Bohamer and Adulzes, and other his Followers; resolved to take hold upon that good offer of Fortune, which would not always frown, and to follow his good hap. So in haste returning to Tunes, and entering in at the Gate, which he then found open, ran presently to the Governor's House, and finding him not at home, cruelly slew all his Household, and with his bloody company went presently to the Castle; where Fares the Captain seeking to have kept him out, and boldly laid hands upon his Horses Bridle to have thrust him back, was by a desperate Ethiopian, one of Amida his Followers, thrust through with a Sword and slain; over whose Body yet sprawling, Amida forcing his Horse, broke into the Castle with his Friends, and finding Mahomates Governor of the City, presently slew him also. And so by this means Amida in the space of an hour (a little before, a man in despair) obtained the City, the Castle, and the Kingdom together. After that, he murdered his younger Brethren, and embrued with blood, without shame polluted his Father's Concubines. Muleasses landed (as we have before said) at Guletta, with such Forces as he had brought with him out of Italy; was advised by Tovarres the Spaniard, not to adventure with such an handful of Men to go to Tunes, before he were well assured of the good disposition of the Citizens towards him; and was the more earnest with Lofredius not to go, because the Viceroy had expressly written, That he should in no case go any further than Guletta, except the King according to his promise had a good strength of the Numidians to join with him. But certain of the Noblemen amongst the Moors, which under the colour of Friendship were fled out of the City, and had after the solemn manner of their Nation put their Swords unto their Throats, and sworn to be faithful unto him, wonderfully pricked forward both the King and Lofredius (too hasty of themselves to their own Destiny) bearing them in hand, That Amida upon the first sight of his Father would forsake the City, and betake himself to flight. So without more staying, Muleasses with Ensign displayed set forward towards Tunes, Lofredius cheerfully following him; Tovarres requesting them in vain to beware of the Moors Treachery. 
Muleasses going to Tunes, by the way overthrown.  Muleasses marching still forward, was come so nigh the City; that they might from the Walls descry him; when suddenly a strong Troop of Moors sallied out of the Gate with a terrible Cry, and fiercely assailed him; whom the King's Horsemen valiantly received, many falling on both sides. Muleasses in this hot skirmish fight courageously against his Enemies, was wounded in the Face, and bled exceedingly; which so discouraged them about him, that they doubting of his life, turned their Backs and fled; when presently a wonderful number of Horse and Foot suddenly issuing out of the Olive Gardens, had beset Lofredius and his Soldiers round; upon whom the Italians discharged certain Field-Pieces; but after they had once discharged them, they had no leisure to charge them again; for the barbarous Enemy came on so thick and so fast, that the Italians seeing themselves too weak, and compassed in round, let fall their Waepons as Men discouraged, and cast themselves into the Lake, so by swimming and taking hold of the little Boats, to save themselves from the Enemy's Sword; which Boats stood those distressed Men in great stead; for being furnished with small Pieces, they did beat back the Moors, who eagerly pursued them even unto the Lake with their Horses. Lofredius as a Man amazed with the sudden coming of the Enemy, 
Lofredius slain.  took the Lake with his Horse, and was there unhorsed by the Enemy and slain, as were divers with him. Some few there were that fought courageously, choosing rather honourably to die in the midst of their Enemies, than shamefully to be strangled in the stinking Lake. Muleasses soiled with his own Blood and with the Dust, 
Muleasses taken.  flying amongst the rest, was known and taken; nothing more bewraying than his odoriferous Perfumes. In this conflict a thousand three hundred Italians were lost; the rest which escaped, Tovares relieved, and shortly after shipped them over into Sicily, from whence they traveled home to Naples, but so poor, as well showed the misery of their Fortune. Amida having thus obtained the Victory, 
Amida put out his Fathers and Brthrens' Eyes.  was more careful of nothing than to make his Father unfit for Government, which he did by the cutting the sight of both his Eyes with a hot Penknife; the like Cruelty he used upon Nahazar and Abdallas his Brethren, then taken with his Father. After that, he certified Tovarres Captain of Guletta, That he had taken a few Youths Prisoners, which he would deliver unto him; and that he had bereft his Father of his sight, who had deserved a worse punishment, as he that had long before done the like to his Brethren; but had yet left him his life, as an example to other Tyrants, and to show that he dealt not altogether unmercifully with so perfidious a Father; last of all, he confirmed (upon certain conditions) the same League which his Father had with him; which he well saw was to great purpose, especially in the newness of his Kingdom. Neither did Tovarres refuse the same as standing with his present profit; for upon this agreement, Amida was to give him certain Money to pay his Soldiers, and to deliver him the Prisoners he had taken, with the Ensigns and Body of Lofredius. For more assurance whereof he gave Sehites his Son, than nine years old, in Hostage; yet upon condition, that if an assured Peace could not be agreed upon, but that they must needs enter into War, than Tovarres should forthwith restore him his Son Sehites in safety. These Capitulations, although they seemed not unreasonable, and were of them well liked; yet Tovarres thought it not altogether agreeing with the honour of the Emperor, that he should enjoy the Kingdom, who by most horrible Treason and detestable Villainy had thrust himself thereinto without the Emperor's leave. Wherefore he entered into a new device to call in the rightful Heir, who might at the Emperor's pleasure (offended with the injury done by Amida) reign in Tunes.  
There was an exile amongst the Numidians one Abdamelech, ever since the time that Roscetes fled to Barbarussa. Him, 
Tovarres sends for Abdamelech Amida his elder Brother.  because he was Muleasses natural Brother, Tovarres sent for, putting him in hope of the Kingdom, supported by Anemseha a great Prince amongst the Numidians, who had all that long time courteously entertained him. Neither was Abdamelech slow to accept the occasion presented, especially encouraged thereunto by the Numidian Prince his good Friend, and the predictions of the Astrologers, who had foretold him, That he should die King of Tunes. Which vain kind of Divination having in it no manner of assurance, yet causeth great minds oftentimes to undertake great attempts beyond reason, which falling out with more hap than they were with reason foretold, giveth some credit to that Vanity, and causeth those cold Prophets to be of some accounted as great Wizards. And to work this feat, such a time was offered, as a better could not be wished; for Amida having set all things in order as he pleased in the City, and casting no peril, was gone to Biserta, to take order for his Customs, which was there great upon Fishing. Wherefore Tovarres to keep his promise, sent back Sehites, Amida's Son, in a Boat to Tunes, and received Abdamelech; who travelling most part by night, was secretly come to Guletta, and there resting himself and his Horses a few hours, to prevent the fame of his coming, posted in haste with a Troop of his Numidian Followers to Tunes, and passing through the City, went directly to the Castle, 
Abdamelech by Policy obtaineth the Kingdom of Tunes.  which he entered without resistance of the Warders, supposing him to have been Amida come from Biserta; for Abdamelech had after the manner of the Moors covered his Face with a Scarf, as if it had been to have kept him from the Sun and the Dust, and by that happy slight got into the Castle before it was known who he was. The Warders perceiving their error, began as Men amazed now too late to betake themselves to their Weapons, for in making resistance they were quickly slain by the Numidians which came in with Abdamelech; who thus possessed of the Castle (the chief strength of that Kingdom) let in his Friends, which were many in the City, by whom he was presently saluted King; the rest of the Citizens either well liking of the matter, or at least not daring for fear to stir. But as in these worldly things, 
Abdamelech die●h and Mahomates his Son is chosen King in his place.  for which Men so vainly toil, is no assurance, so this new King shortly after fell sick and died, when he had reigned but six and twenty days, and was afterwards Royally interred. After whose death, his mighty Friends, with the chief of the Citizens (persuaded and encouraged by Tovarres the Spaniard) chose Mahomates his Son (a Child scarce twelve years old) to reign in his Father's place; appointing Abdalages Maniphet (Brother to him who Amida slew) Abdelchirinus Mesuar, Shyriffus (a great Man in the Mahometan Superstition) and Perellus a Christian Knight, to be his Directors and Governors; which four swayed all at their pleasure. But Abdelchirinus tendering the Welfare of his Country, and devising out of season how to set up one of the Royal Blood that were of himself able to govern the Kingdom (saying, That it was not for the common good to be ruled by a Child) was for his labour by his other three Fellows suddenly slain, with all his Kindred and known Friends. After whose death the other three erected a manner of Triumvirate Government, every one of them laying hand upon one part of the State or other, as liked him best. Amida thus shut out of Tunes, and having lost his Kingdom, wandered up and down to Leptis, Cyrapolis, and many other places, craving Aid of every Man to recover his Kingdom, miserably rend in sunder (as he said) by most wicked Men who insolently triumphed over the Boy King. Which they of Tunes knew well to be true, and daily complained of the death of Abdelchirinus, whom they called the faithful Counsellor and Father of his Country. Whilst Amida is thus trudging up and down, craving help of this and that Prince, proving his Friends, and sounding his Subject's Affection towards him; Muleasses grown miserable with his long imprisonment and the calamity of his disaster Fortune, obtained of the young King his Nephew so much favour, as that he might sometime go out of the Castle to the Church; under colour whereof he took Sanctuary, a place in Tunes holden in such reverence amongst the Moors, as that it was a most inviolable Refuge to all such as fled thereunto. Not long after, 
Muleasses at the request of Tovarres is sent to Guletta.  at such time as Bernardinus Mendoza the Admiral of Spain came to Guletta with the Spanish Fleet, Muleasses at the request of Tovarres was conveyed out of the Sanctuary to the Lake, and so by Water to Guletta, there to be present at the Consultation there holden for the utter subversion of Amida and the driving out of the Turks out of such Cities as they yet held alongst the Sea-Coast in Africa. Muleasses had hardly before escaped the hands of certain of his Enemies in Tunes, who sought after his life; preserved by an old Woman, who moved with pity, hid him from their fury under a great heap of Garlic, and had he not now in good time escaped to Guletta, he had again fallen into the hands of his merciless Son Amida, who shortly after recovered again his Kingdom, and would not as he said himself, have spared him for the Reverence of any Sanctuary. For the Citizens of Tunes weary of the evil Government of such as were in Authority about the young King, and not a little offended with the King himself, for espousing Melucca his Cousin one of Muleasses his Daughters, secretly encouraged Amida by Letters to repair to the City, promising to aid him in recovering his Kingdom. Whereupon he came in such haste, that the young King had scarce time to get out of the City; and Amida entering without resistance, and holpen by his Friends, easily obtained again the Kingdom, 
Amida recovereth the Kingdom of Tunes, and takes revenge upon his Enemies.  and exercised most exquisite Cruelty upon his Enemies; of whom he caused some to be torn in pieces and devoured of fierce Mastiffs kept hungry for that purpose. Perellus he caused to be tortured, his Secrets to be cut off, and himself afterwards burnt to ashes in the Market place.  
But Muleasses stayed not long at Guletta, offended with the Covetousness of Tovarres, who (as he said) had not faithfully restored such things as he had before put him in trust withal, but had avaritiously in his misery deceived him of part of his rich Householdstuff, with certain notable precious Stones, and some of his Treasure; whereof the blind King so grievously complained to Charles the Emperor, that for deciding the matter, they were both commanded to repair unto him into Germany; where in conclusion to end the strife, Tovarres was discharged of his Government, and Muleasses sent into Sicily, there to be kept of the common charge of that rich Island. Muleasses by the way coming to Rome, was honourably feasted by Cardinal Farnesius; at which time he showed himself both in his Apparel and Behaviour not forgetful his better Fortune; and being brought unto the presence of Palus the great Bishop, 
Muleasses disdaineth to kiss the Popes Foot.  would do him him no greater Honour but to kiss his Knee, accounting it too great an indignity to have kissed his Foot. He was of Stature tall, and of a Princely Disposition, unworthy of so hard a Fortune, had he not in the like manner before unmercifully dealt with his own Brethren.  
Barbarussa weary of his long lying to so small purpose in Provence, year 1544. requested the French King either throughly to employ him, or else to give him leave to depart; offering if he so pleased, to spoil all alongst the Coast of Spain, from the Mountain Pyrenei to Cadiz. But he not ignorant what hard Speeches ran of him already in all parts of Christendom, for bringing in the Turks, was loath to leave unto the memory of all Posterity the foul remembrance of so woeful a slaughter; besides that, he was advised to disburden his Country of such troublesome Guests, who roving about did much harm in the Province where they lay, and as it was reported, now and then snatched up one Country Peasant or other, and chained them for Slaves in their Galleys. Wherefore in supply of the Turks that were dead, the King gave unto Barbarussa all the Mahometan Slaves in his Galleys, to the number of about four hundred, and furnishing him with all kind of Provision, and bestowing great gifts upon him and his Captains, sent him away; and with him Strozza with certain Galleys, his Ambassador to Solyman. So the Turks departing out of Provence, kept alongst the Coast until they came near unto Savona, whither the Germans sent divers Presents and fresh Victuals to Barbarussa; which he took so thankfully, that he protested not to hurt any of their Territory. From thence he kept a right Course to the Island of Elba belonging to the Duke of Florence, over against Pop●●ona▪ where understanding that one of the Sons of Sinan his old Friend was there kept Prisoner, he writ unto Appianus Governor of the Island; for his deliverance, to this effect:  
I know that a young man a Turk serveth thee, 
Barbarussa his Leters to Appiadus Governor of Elba.  the Son of Sinan surnamed the jew (a famous Captain) taken of late at Tunes; him I would have thee friendly to restore; which gift I will make thee to understand to be unto me most acceptable; for this our great Fleet in passing by you shall faithfully forbear to use any hostility. But if thou shalt in this so small a matter refuse to gratify me, expect upon the Coast of thy Country all the harms that an angry Enemy can do.  
Whereunto Appianus (showing his men upon the Walls, in token that he was not afraid) answered, That the young man was become a Christian, and therefore might not in any case be delivered to the Turks; but that he would in any other thing gratify him in what he could, and for his sake use the young man as his Son. And to mollify the unkindness of his answer, he sent him fresh Victual with other Presents. But Barbarussa offended with the answer, landed his men round about the Island, and commanded them to make what Spoil they could; which they performed accordingly, hunting the Island People up and down the Rocks and Mountains like Hares; until that Appianus not without cause doubting the utter Spoil of the Island, 
Appianus glad to deliver the Captive whom Barbarussa required.  redeemed his Peace by delivering the young man to Salec the Pirate, who brought him to Barbarussa gallantly attired after the Italian manner; of whom he was joyfully received as the Son of a most valiant Captain his old Friend; and thereupon Barbarussa stayed his Soldiers from doing any further harm upon the Island, and gave Appianus great thanks for him. This young Man Barbarussa honoured with the command of seven Galleys, and afterwards sent him to his Father then lying at Suetia a Port of the Red Sea, Admiral against the Portugals, who greatly troubled those Seas. 
Sinan the jew dieth for joy.  But the old Jew overjoyed with the sudden and unexpected return of his Son, whom he had for many years before given as lost, in embracing of him fainted, and so presently for joy died.  

Barbarussa in his return toward Constantinople doth much harm upon the Coast of Italy.  This man for Valour was accounted little inferior to Barbarussa, but for discretion and just dealing far beyond him, nothing of so furious and wayward a disposition as was he. Barbarussa departing from Elba, came into the Bay of Telamonius in Tuscany, and in short time took the City, which he spoiled and burnt, but especially the House of Bartholomeus Telamonius; whose dead Body but a little before buried, he caused to be plucked out of the Grave, and his Bones to be scattered abroad, because he being Admiral of the Bishop of Rome's Galleys, had in the Isle of Lesbos wasted Barbarussa's Fathers poor Possession; and marching by night eight miles farther into the Land, surprised Montenum, and carried almost all the Inhabitants away with him into Captivity. The like mischief he did at the Port called Portus Herculis, but purposing to have taken Orhatello, and there to have fortified, he was by Luna and Vitellius (two valiant Captains before sent thither, the one by the State of Sienna, and the other by the Duke of Florence) repulsed. So though disappointed of his purpose, yet having done great harm, and put the whole Country of Tuscany in exceeding fear, he departed from thence and landed again at Igilium, now called Gigio, an Island about twelve miles distant from Portus Herculis, where he quickly battered the Town, and carried a wonderful number of all sorts into miserable Captivity; keeping on his Course, he passing the Cape of Linar, and coming over againg Centumcelle, had burnt that City for the same reason he did Telamonius, had he not been otherwise persuaded by Strozza the French Ambassador, fearing to draw the French King into further obloquy. From thence he came with a direct Course to the Island of Ischia; where landing in the night, he intercepted most part of the Inhabitants of the Island, as they were flying into the Mountains; and in revenge of the hatred he had conceived against Vastius at the Siege of Nice, he burned Forino, Pansa, and Varranium, three chief Towns of that Island; but Pithacusa the dwelling place of Vastius, standing upon a broken Rock somewhat distant from the Sea, he durst not adventure upon. Then scraping along the Island Prochita with less hurt, because most part of the Inhabitants were before fled to Pithacusa, he put into the Bay of Puteoli, and sent Salec the Pirate with part of his Fleet, to make proof if the City of Puteoli might from Sea be battered. Salec drawing near the City, shot into it with his great Ordnance, and by chance slew one Saiavedra a valiant Spaniard, upon the Walls, and put the Citizens in a great fear lest the whole Fleet should have landed, they themselves as then unprovided; but the Viceroy came presently with a power both of Horse and Foot from Naples, which Barbarussa discovering from Sea, as they came down the Mountains, called back Salec; and leaving the Island of Capri, and passing by the Promontory Atheneum, was about to have seized upon Salernum, when a Tempest suddenly arising dispersed his Fleet, and drove him beyond the Promontory Palinurus upon the Coast of Calabria, where he did exceeding much harm, especially at Carreato. From thence he departed to the Island of Lipari, betwixt Italy and Sicily, which Island he miserably spoiled, and with forty great Pieces so battered the City, that the Citizens were constrained for fear to yield, whom he carried away all Prisoners about the number of seven thousand, of one sort of People and other, and burned the City. So loaded with the rich Spoil of Italy and the Islands upon the Coast, he returned towards Constantinople with such a multitude of poor Christian Captives, shut up so close under Hatches amongst the excrements of Nature, that all the way as he went almost every hour some of them were cast dead overboard; every man detesting the endless hatred betwixt the Emperor and the French King, the very ground of all this and many thousand other most woeful and underserved calamities of the poor Subjects. With this rich Prey and an infinite number of Captives, Barbarussa arrived at Constantinople in the beginning of Autumn, 
Barbarussa arrived at Constantinople.  in the year 1544: where he was honourably received of Solyman, and highly commended for his good service both by Sea and Land.  
Solyman triumphing at Constantinople of the good success he had in Hungary; 
Mahomet Soliman's eldest Son dirth.  in the midst of all his glory, was advertised of the death of Mahomet his eldest Son, whom of all his Children he held dearest; whose dead Body was shortly after brought from Magnesia, and with wonderful solemnity, and no less mourning, buried at Constantinople. How entirely Solyman loved this his Son, well appeared by the great sorrow he conceived of his death: and not contented to have built him a stately Tomb, erected also in memorial of him a Mahometan Church, called the Church of Mahomet the Lesser; for the difference of Mahomet the Great who won Constantinople. Whereunto he also annexed a Monastery and a College, with many things more after the gross manner of their Superstition, for the health of his Soul, as he vainly supposed. After that, Solyman according to his wont manner, which was but every second or third year, to take in hand some notable expedition, ceased from Wars by the space of two years; in which time many of the great Princes and worthy Men of that Age died; amongst whom was Francis the French King. Hariadenus Barbarussa that famous Turk of whom we have so often spoken, 
The death of the famous Pirate Barbarussa.  who being of great years and no less fame, left this life in the year 1547. and was buried at a House of his own called Besictas, near unto Bosphorus Thracius on Europe side, not far from the Mouth of Euxinum, about four miles from Pera, where he had but few years before at one time sold about sixteen thousand Christian Captives, taken out of Corcyra; and to make famous that place appointed for his Burial, he of his own cost built there a Mahometan Temple, there yet with his Sepulchre to be seen; That place was in ancient time called jasonium. About which time also, 
Vastius dieth.  died of conceit that famous Captain Alphonsus Davalus Vastius, taken away by untimely death when he had lived but forty five years. At which time, Charles the Emperor by his Ambassador Gerardus Veltunich, concluded a Peace with Solyman for five years, wherein King Ferdinand was also included; which Peace was afterwards before the expiration thereof, by Solyman (at the request of Henry the French King) broken. year 1548.  
Solyman had now almost three years taken his rest, year 1549. when it fortuned that Ercases Imirza, King of Sirvan, moved with the often injuries of Tamas his Brother the great Persian King, fled to Solyman at Constantinople, to crave aid of him against his Brother. Solyman glad of such an occasion to work upon, entertained him with all courtesy, and promised to take upon him his quarrel, and to protect him against his unnatural Brother. And when he had made all things ready for so great an expedition, passed over into Asia, and after long and painful travel entered at last with a puissant Army into Armenia, and there in the Borders of the Persian Kingdom, 
Van yielded to the Turks.  first besieged the City of Van, which after ten days siege was yielded unto him, upon condition, that the Persian Soldiers there in Garrison, might with life and liberty depart with their Arms as Soldiers; which was at the first by Solyman granted, and so the City surrendered. From thence Solyman sent his chief Commanders with a great part of his Army, to burn and spoil the Enemy's Country, which they for a time cheerfully performed; and running far into the Country, strive as it were amongst themselves who should do most harm; where Imirza amongst the rest, for whose sake Solyman had undertaken this War, was as forward as the best to waste and spoil his Brother's Kingdom, sparing nothing that came to hand; the best and richest things he got, he presented to Solyman, to draw him on still in that War. But that served not his turn to recover again his Kingdom of Sirvan; for Tamas, without showing any power to withstand the Turks, had after his wont manner, caused his people to withdraw themselves far into the Mountain Country, leaving nothing behind them in that waste Country to relieve them but the bare Ground; so that the farther the Turks went, the more they wanted, without hope of better success than such as they had before to their loss made proof of, in their former expeditions into that great Kingdom. The conceit whereof so much pierced not the common Soldiers only, but even the Captains themselves; that to make an end of that long and unprofitable War, taken in hand for another Man's good, they consulted amongst themselves either to kill Imirza, or else to disgrace him with Solyman; Which they so cunningly wrought; some suggesting false suspicions of his treacherous dealing in the proceeding of that War; and others with like craft, under colour of friendship giving him warning in secret of the danger he was in; the one filling Soliman's Head with distrust, and the other Imirzas with fear; briefly to shut the matter up in their own terms, They persuaded the Hare to fly, and the Hounds to follow. Imirza doubting some sudden mischief, fled for succour to an old acquaintance of his, one of the Princes of Chaldea, who most treacherously sent him in Bonds to Tamas his Brother his most cruel Enemy, who glad to have the author of all his troubles with the Turks, delivered into his hands, cast him in Prison; 
Imirza murdered in Prison.  and that Solyman nor any other should in his behalf further prosecute the War, or by his means hope for Victory, caused him to be in Prison murdered. In this expedition against the Persian King, Solyman was occupied a year and nine months; all which time the Turks endured great troubles, and were oftentimes hardly distressed by the Persians; until at last Solyman himself weary of that tedious War, 
Solyman returneth to Constantinople.  wherein he had got neither honour nor profit, thought it best so to make an end; and thereupon returned again to Constantinople in the year 1549.  
In the mean time it fortuned, that one Dragut Raises a notable Pirate of the Turks, year 1550. 
Dragut a famous Pirate of the Turks possesseth certain Cities in afric.  had craftily surprised the City of Africa in the Kingdom of Tunes (called in ancient time Aphrodiseum) and also Leptis Parva (and now of the Moors called Mahamedia) and there settling himself, as in a place both commodious and of good assurance, exceedingly troubled the Christians both by Sea and Land, especially such as traded in the Mediterranean. So that the Emperor, moved as well with the manifold injuries done by that Arch-Pyrat upon the Frontiers of his Dominions, as by the daily complaint of his poor Subjects, commanded the Viceroy of Sicily, and Auria his Admiral, to levy a sufficient power in time to repress that Pirate, before he grew to farther strength. Whereupon, they with a strong Fleet well manned and throughly appointed for that purpose, and aided by the Knights of Malta, passed over into afric, and landing their Forces, by the space of three months besieged the City before possessed by the Pirate, which with continual Battery they had at length made assaultable. And hearing that Dragut was coming with a new supply to relieve it, they with all celerity assailed it both by Sea and Land, and in the space of a few hours took it by force the tenth day of September in the year 1550. in which assault many of the Enemies were slain, and the rest taken. Auria having thus dispossessed the Pirate, and advisedly considering that the City was not without an infinite charge to be holden by the Christians, among so many of the Infidels, razed it down to the ground, carrying away with him seven thousand Captives, and all the spoil of the City. And not so contented, did all the harm he could with Fire and Sword all alongst the Coast of Africa, to the intent that the Turks should there find no relief; and took twelve Prisoners out of Monasterium, a Town not far from the City of Africa; and so having done what he came for, returned again into Sicily. Dragut thus at once thrust out of all he had, with a few of his Friends fled to Solyman to Constantinople, and so incensed him with the grievous complaint of the wrong done unto him by the Christians; that in revenge thereof, he resolved to make War both upon the Emperor and King Ferdinand, notwithstanding that the five years' League he had before taken with him at his going into Persia, was not yet expired. So with cheerful words and courteous entertainment comforting up the desperate Pirate, the Spring following (which was in the year 1551. year 1551.) he furnished him with a great Fleet in most warlike manner appointed, to revenge the injury done to him by Auria in afric. With this Fleet in number a hundred and forty Sail, Sinan one of the Turks great Bassas, accompanied with Dr●gut the Pirate, by the appoinment of Solyman, departed from Constantinople; and cutting through the Seas, arrived at length in Sicily, where they suddenly surprised the Town and Castle of Augusta, which they presently sacked. Departing thence, they came to the Island of Malta, and there landed their Men in the Port of Marza, otherwise called Moxet, near unto the Castle, which they battered with certain Pieces of great Ordnance, but so as was to no great purpose. At which time divers Companies of the Turks running further into the Island, made havoke of whatsoever came in their way. 
Malta attempted by the Turks.  After they had thus few days in vain battered the Castle, and saw themselves both there valiantly repulsed, and in other places by Ambushes and such like means cut off by the Soldiers and Inhabitants of the Island, they removed thence to the Road of St. Paul, where they landed their Ordnance with purpose to have besieged the City; but perceiving by a little, what small hope there was to prevail, and seeing divers of their Men dying through the extremity of the Heat, they forsook the Island and went to Gaul●s now called Goza, a little Island about thirty miles in compass, five miles distant from Malta Westward, subject unto the Knights of the Religion; and there landing their Men, miserably spoiled the Island, and whatsoever they light upon, and carried away with them of one sort of People and other six thousand and three hundred Captives into most woeful bondage. With which booty they put again to Sea, and sailed directly to Tripoli in Barbary, called of old Leptis Magna; which City Charles the Emperor had before given to the Knights of Malta, and was at that time by them kept. This City was the Mark whereat the Bassa and the Pirate shot; 
The Turks Fl●et arriveth at Tripoli in Barbary.  for taking whereof they landed their Forces, and by long and winding Trenches approached as near the same as they could. Which they did not without great loss of their people; for they of the Castle having great store of great Ordnance, and most expert Cannoneers, did with continual shot so annoy the Turks, that they were oftentimes enforced to retire; yet with much troublesome labour and no less peril, they came at last within eight hundred Paces of the Walls; where the Bassa caused his Gabions made of thick Planks, to be placed in the night, and his Battery planted. And the next day (which was the eighth of August) the Cannon began to play, 
Tripoli battered by the Turks.  which was again answered from the Castle with like, and every hour some of the Turks slain, the great shot still flying into their Trenches, so as that day four of the best Cannoneers in the Army were slain, with certain other Men of good account also; and the Clerk General of the Army, a Man of great estimation and well beloved of the Bassa, had his Hand shot off, and many other of the Janissaries and common Soldiers either slain or hurt; moreover they broke one of their best Pieces, and dismounted four others, which for that day made them to leave the Battery. The next night the Turks approached yet nearer unto the Castle, upon whom the Christians in the break of the day sallied out even unto their very Trenches, and afterwards retired. With the rising of the Sun (which the Turks have in great reverence) they renewed their Battery with greater force than before; yet with such evil success, that the Bassa was almost mad for anger; for about the evening the Fire by mischance got into their Powder, wherewith thirty of the Turks were burnt, many hurt, and one Piece broken. At length the Turks were come so near, that they had planted their Battery within a hundred and fifty Paces of the Wall; which they continued with such fury, that they had made a fair Breach even with the Ditch; but what was beaten down in the day time, the Defendants repaired again by night, in such sort, as that it was not to be assaulted. Yet in conclusion, a traitorous Soldier of Provence, before corrupted by the Turks, found means to fly out of the Castle into the Camp, where he declared unto the Bassa the weakest places of the Castle, by which it might be most conveniently battered and soon taken; and especially one place above the rest which was against the Governors' Lodgings; which standing towards the Ditch, and having underneath it Cellars to retire the munition into, could not if it were once battered, well be repaired again or fortified. Which the Bassa understanding, caused the Battery there to be planted, laying the Pieces so low, that they did easily beat the Cellars and Vaults in such sort, that in short time the Walls were so shaken, that the Rampires above through the continual battery, began greatly to sink; which so amazed the Soldiers, seeing no convenient means to repair the same, that setting all honour aside, they requested the Governor, That since the matter began now to grow desperate, and that the place was not longer to be holden, he would in time take some good order with the Enemy for their safety, before the Walls were further endamaged. With which motion, Vallier the Governor (an ancient Knight of Daulphiny, and one of the Order) was exceedingly troubled; which Peisieu another of the Knights, perceiving, he as a Man of great courage, and of all others there present most ancient, in the name of the other Knights declared unto them, That the Breach was neither so great, nor so profitable for the Enemy, but that it was defensible enough, if they would as Men of courage repair the same; saying, That it was more honourable for worthy Knights and lusty Soldiers, to die valiantly with their weapons in their hands, fight against the Infidels for the maintenance of their Law and Christian Religion, than so cowardly to yield themselves to the mercy of those, at whose hands nothing was to be looked for but most miserable servitude, with all kind of cruelty; and therefore persuaded the Governor to hold it out to the last. For all that, he overcome with the importunity of such as would needs yield, who with all vehemency urged the imminent danger wherewith they were all like to be overwhelmed, and finding himself bere●● both of Heart and Fortune, and forsaken of his Soldiers; without farther consideration, consented that a white Ensign should be displayed on the Walls, in token that they desired parley; When a Turk presenting himself, they requested him to understand of the Bassa, if he could be contented that some of them might come to entreat with him of some good order to be taken for the yielding up of the Castle. Whereunto the Bassa willingly consenting, two of the Knights were forthwith sent out, to offer unto him the Castle with the Artillery and Munition, so as he would furnish them with Ships to bring them with Bag and Baggage safely to Malta. 
Hard conditions offered by the Bassa to the besieged.  Whereunto the Bassa briefly answered, That (forasmuch as they had as yet deserved no grace, presuming to keep so small a place against the Army of the greatest Prince on Earth) if they would pay the whole charges of the Army, he would condescend to their request; or if they would not thereunto consent, that for recompense, all they within the Castle should continue his Slaves and Prisoners; notwithstanding if they incontinently and without delay did surrender the place, he would exempt out of them two hundred. Whereupon the Messengers returning in despair, were stayed by Dragut and Salla Raise, with flattering words and fair promises, that they would so much as lay in them, persuade the Bassa to condescend to a more gracious composition; fearing indeed that the besieged through despair would resolve (as their extreme refuge) to defend the place even to the very last Man. Wherefore they went presently to the Bassa, to declare unto him his oversight in refusing them who voluntarily would have put themselves into his hands, whom reason would he should with all courtesy have received; for that after he had the Castle and the Men in his power, he might dispose of them as he should think good. 
More easy conditions offered by the Bassa, which he confirmeth by his Oath.  The Bassa liking well of his counsel, caused the Messengers to be called again, and with feigned and dissembling words told them, That at the instance of Dragut and Salla Raise there present, he did discharge them of all the costs and charges of the Army, swearing unto them (the better to deceive them) by the Head of his Lord and his own, inviolably to observe all that he had promised unto them; which they too easily believed, and forthwith went to declare the same to the Governor, and others within the Castle. The Bassa, the better to come to the effect of his desire, after these Messengers sent a crafty Turk, whom he charged expressly to persuade the Governor to come with him into the Camp, for the full conclusion of the giving up of the Castle, and for the appointing of such Vessels as should be needful for their safe conduct to Malta; and that if he made any doubt to come, he should make show as if he would there remain in Hostage for him; but above all things, to consider of the strength and assurance of the besieged, and of the disposition of all things there. Which the subtle Turk so finely handled, that the Governor by the counsel of those who had persuaded him to yield (notwithstanding the reasons of Wars and Duty of his Office forbade him in such manner to abandon the place of his charge) resolved upon so small an assurance of the Bassa, and gave ear to the miserable end of his Fortune. So taking with him a Knight of his Household (to send back unto those of the Castle, to declare unto them how he sped in the Camp) under the conduct of the Turk that was come to fetch him, he went strait to the Tent of the Bassa; who by the Turk that went first in, was advertised of the small courage of the Defendants, which he assured him to be no better, but that if he thought it good, he might bring them to such order and agreement as he would himself. Upon whose persuasion calling in the Governor Vallier, after he had rigorously reproved his rashness, said unto him, That forasmuch as he had once given his word, if he would pay the charges of the Army, he was content to let them go with Bag and Baggage, otherwise he would discharge but two hundred. Whereat the Governor greatly moved, answered, That that was not according to his last promise unto the Knights before sent. But when he saw it would be no better, he requested him that he might again return to the Castle to know the minds of the rest; which the false Bassa would by no means grant, but only permitted him to send back the Knight that he had brought with him, to make report of these hard News to the besieged; as for the Governor, he was sent to the Galleys with Irons on his Heels. When they of the Castle understood what had passed betwixt the Bassa and the Governor, they began exceedingly to fear the mischief then at hand; yet took no other resolution, but to return the said Knight to the Bassa, to know whether they should expect from him no better answer. Who as soon as he was come before him, the Captain of the Castle was brought in, of whom the Bassa asked, Which of the two he would choose, either to pay the expenses of the Army, or else both he and all the rest to remain his Prisoners? Whereunto the Governor answered, 
The wary answer of the Governor to the Bassa.  That a Slave had no other authority than that which by his Master was given him; and that having lost (besides his liberty) the power to command, if any thing were yet reserved in him, could not counsel him to command others to agree unto any thing, but that which was concluded with them which were before sent. Which thing the Bassa hearing, for fear that such a resolute answer should come to the knowledge of the besieged, and cause them to become desperate; having taken counsel with his other Captains, he took the Governor by the Hand, and with a smiling and dissembling Countenance told him, That he would without any doubt let them depart as he had promised; 
The Castle yielded.  and that therefore without fearing any thing, he should cause them all to come out of the Castle. But the Governor, because he had been before deceived, would not trust to his word, but said unto him, That he might command him that was come from the Castle, for that he knew they would now do never a whit the more for him. So the Bassa turning towards the other Knight, commanded him forthwith to go unto them in the Castle, and to cause them to come forth, swearing again as before, by the Head of his great Lord, and his own, That they should all be delivered and set at liberty, according to the conventions first agreed upon. Which the Knight believing, went to report to them this good news; which they received with such joy, that without further care or consideration of their mishap so near, they ran in haste with their Wives, Children, and best Movables, striving who should first get out. But they were no sooner issued, but they were by the Enemies spoiled of all they had, and taken Prisoners; part of the Knights were sent to the Galleys, and the rest to the Bassa. Who being by the Governor put in remembrance of his Faith twice given, answered, That there was no Faith to be kept with Dogs, and that they had first violated their Oath with his great Lord, unto whom at the giving over of the Rhodes, they had (as he said) sworn never more to bear Arms against the Turks. The Castle was forthwith taken and spoiled, and about two hundred Moors of that Country that had served the Knights, cut in pieces, and thereupon, a great Peal of Ordnance discharged, with great cries and shouts in sign of their Victory. Thus the strong Castle and ancient City of Tripoli in Barbary was delivered unto the Turks the fifteenth day of August, in the year 1551. Whilst the Bassa lay at this Siege, the Lord of Arramont, who had many years lain Ambassador from Francis the French King at Constantinople, and was now sent again by Henry the Second, came to the Turks Camp, being requested so to do by the great Master of the Rhodes, to have dissuaded the Bassa from that Siege; wherein he nothing prevailed. Yet now grieved to see how the faithless Turk, contrary to his Oath, most villainously entreated the Governor and the other Knights, lying at his feet as Men half desperate; was so bold as to put him in mind of his promise, confirmed by his Oath; which if he would not keep, that yet at the least according to his own voluntary offer, he would release two hundred of them; but he excused himself as before, 
The shameless answer of the faithless Bassa to the French Ambassador.  saying, That no Faith was to be kept with Dogs, which had first broken their own Faith. Yet afterwards he condescended, that two hundred of the eldest and such as were most unfit for service (amongst whom was comprehended the Governor and certain other old Knights) should be set at liberty; who were forthwith sent aboard the French Ambassadors Galleys, and by him transported to Malta; where they were but hardly welcome, for that they had so cowardly surrendered a place, which they might much longer have defended. The next day after the Castle was delivered, which was the sixteenth of August, the proud Bassa for joy of this Victory made a solemn Dinner, whereunto he invited the French Ambassador, and Vallier the late Governor; which they refused not to come unto, in hope to recover some more Prisoners. This great Feast for the more Magnificence was kept in the Castle-Ditch against the Breach, where were set up two stately Pavilions, the one for the Bassa, and the other for the Ambassador and his Company, where he was honourably Feasted with wonderful plenty both of Flesh and Fish and good Wines, which they had found in the Castle; which service was done with Music of divers sorts, and Officers in number above a hundred, apparelled for most part in long Gowns of fine Cloth of Gold, Tuffed or Fringed; and the other of Velvet or Damask. The Bassa was no sooner set down, but all the Ordnance of the Fleet were discharged with such a noise and thundering, that it seemed the Heavens and Skies did shake. 
The Turks Triumph for the winning of Tripoli.  The Table being taken up, the Ambassador and the late Governor Vallier, entered into the Pavilion of the Bassa, and beside the two hundred Men which he had promised, obtained twenty more, upon the Ambassadors promise, That he should for them cause to be released thirty Turks taken at Malta, at the landing of the Army there. The Turks having in their hands an ancient Gunner of the Castle, 
A shameful cruelty of the Turks.  called john de Chabas born in Dauphin (to the end that this triumphant Feast should not be unfurnished of some cruel sacrifice of the Christian Blood) for that he had in time of the Siege shot off the Hand of the Clerk General of the Army, brought him into the Town, and when they had cut off his Hands and his Nose, put him quick into the Ground to the Wast, and there for their pleasure shot at him with their Arrows, and afterward to make an end of him cut his Throat. The Bassa shortly after departing out of Barb●ry, left Dragut the Pirate Governor of Tripoli, honouring him with the Title of the Sanzack of that place; from whence he many years grievously molested the Moors near unto him by Land, and the Christians by Sea. The same year 1551. Solyman notwithstanding the five years' Peace before taken with King Ferdinand at his going into Persia, sent Achomates his Lieutenant in Europe with a great power into Hungary, who with Halis the Bassa of Buda invaded the upper part of Hungary, 
Temeswar and Zolnok taken by the Turks.  and first took the City of Temeswar, and contrary to their Faith given, slew the Garrison Soldiers; after that, they took also the Castle of Zolnok, forsaken by the Christians, and certain other small Castles. But laying Siege to Ersa●, they were partly by the valiantness of the Defendants, and partly by the coming on of Winter enforced to forsake the Siege, and to get themselves into their Wintering places.  
Queen Isabel, King john his Widow, seeing the Turks daily encroaching upon that little they had left her, and that she was not able by any means to defend Transylvania against them, by the advice of George Bishop of Veradium her old Counsellor, agreed with King Ferdinand to deliver unto him the Government of the Country, with all the Royal Dignity of Hungary, for which she was to have of him Cassovia, and a yearly Pension of an hundred thousand Ducats. Which agreement made and throughly concluded by Baptista Castalius an Italian (whom Charles the Emperor had but a little before sent to aid King Ferdinand) the Queen returned into Polonia, her native Country; and so King Ferdinand by that means obtained almost all the Province of Transylvania, and what else the Queen had in Hungary. But the Bishop a little before made a Cardinal, being suspected by Baptista the Italian, 
George Bishop of Veradium murdered in his own House.  that he favoured the Turks Faction more than King Ferdinand, and by that means sought to get the Government to himself, was by the Italians device suddenly murdered in his own House at Veradium; an end good enough for so troublesome a Prelate.  
Halis the Bassa of Buda proud of the good success he had the year before, year 1552. understanding that divers of the chief Hungarians had withdrawn themselves into the Castle of Agria, purposed in himself with all his power to besiege it, and there to take them. So aided by Achomates, Chasan, and other of the Turks Sanzacks and Captains by Soliman's appointment ready at his call, he came with an Army of thirty five thousand Turks, and the tenth of September in the year 1552. encamped round about the Castle; where after he had placed his Artillery, he began a most furious Battery. 
Agria besieged by the Turks.  But doubting to prevail that way, he attempted also to undermine the Castle, omitting nothing that could be devised for the taking thereof; but all in vain, for the Hungarians by the good direction of Stephanus Dobus their Captain, courageously endured the Siege and very manfully repulsed the Enemy. At length, the twenty ninth of September the Enemy with twenty eight Ensigns of select Soldiers gave a fresh assault to the Castle, and were by the Defendants enforced shamefully to retire; at which time four and twenty Barrels of Gunpowder by mischance caught Fire, and besides that it blew up divers Captains and Soldiers, did much harm in the Castle, to the great dismaying of the Defendants. After that, the Turks with incredible pertinacy the twelfth of October fiercely assaulted the Castle from morning until night, and for desire of revenge and hope of spoil left nothing unattempted for the gaining of the place; but were by the greater valour of the Hungarians beaten back, and with great loss enforced at last to give over the assault. Thus the Bassa nothing prevailing by force, attempted by great promises and large offers to have brought them out; 
The Turks give over the Siege of Agria.  which he understanding to be nothing regarded, and his Letters scornfully burnt, brought on his Soldiers again, and gave unto them in the Castle a most furious assault, but with no better success than before; for having lost many of his best Soldiers, he was enforced to retire. So after he had in vain six weeks besieged the Castle, he was glad to raise his Siege, and to retire to Pestum. After whose departure there was found twelve thousand great Shot, wherewith he had battered the Wall. In this Siege six thousand Turks were slain, and of the Hungarians but three hundred. King Ferdinand glad of this Victory, made Stephanus the worthy Captain, Vayvod of Transylvania, and bountifully re●arded the other Captains and Soldiers as they had well deserved.  
Henry the French King, who together with his Kingdom had (as it seemed) received the hereditary Quarrels of Francis his Father against Charles the Emperor, had by his Ambassador the Lord of Arramont so wrought the matter with Solyman, that the more to trouble the Emperor, he sent a great Fleet into the Tyrrhenum or Tuscan Sea, which in the year 1553, and the year following, year 1553. did great harm upon the Coasts of Calabria, Sicilia, Sardinia, as also in the Islands of Elba, Corsica, Cerbe, and Maiorca, and such like places on the Frontiers of the Emperor's Dominions; yet were the Turks in most places notably again repulsed by the people of those Countries. The same year Solyman, seduced by Roxolana (sometime his fair Concubine, but then his imperious Wife) and Rustan Bassa his Son in Law, most unnaturally murdered his eldest Son Mustapha, the mirror of the Ottoman Family; Which tragical Fact (the like whereof both for the treacherous contriving and inhuman execution hath seldom times been heard of) I have thought good here in due time to set down, in such sort as it is by most credible Writers of that time reported.  
Solyman after the manner of the Ottoman Kings (who to avoid the participation of their Sovereignty, use not oftentimes to Marry, but otherwise to satisfy their pleasure with such beautiful Concubines as it pleaseth them to make choice of out of the fairest Captives of all Nations, most daintily brought up for that purpose in the Court) had by a Circassian Bondwoman a Son called Mustapha, 
Mu●tapha Soliman's eldest Son in great estimation with the People.  who for his wonderful towardliness and rare perfection, was amongst the Turks had in such expectation and admiration, as that they in nothing accounted themselves more happy, than in the hope laid up in him; whose noble carriage was such, as thereby he so possessed the minds of all Men in general, (but especially of the Men of War) that he was reputed the glory of the Court, the flour of Chivalry, the hope of the Soldiers, and joy of the People. Whilst he thus grew, 
Solyman becometh amorous of Roxolana.  increasing both in years and favour, it fortuned with Solyman as it doth with Men delighted in change, that he became amorous of Roxolana, of some called Rosa▪ (but more truly Hazathya) by condition a Captive, but so graced with beauty and courtly behaviour, that in short time she became Mistress of his thoughts, and Commandress of him that all commanded; and that which more established her in possession of his love, she had in time made him Father of four fair Sons, Mahomet, Selimus, Bajazet, and Tzihanger, and one Daughter called Chameria Married to Rustan or Rustemes the great Bassa. In this height of worldly Bliss nothing troubled her more than the exceeding credit of Mustapha, Soliman's eldest Son by the Circassian Woman; who honoured of the greatest, and beloved of the rest, stood only in her light, imbarring her and hers (as she thought) of the hope of the Empire, which he now above all things sought to bring to one of her own Sons; which the better to compass, she under the colour of great good will and love, procured that Mustapha the young Prince and his Mother should as it were for their greater honour and state, with a Princely allowance be sent into Caramania to govern that great Country, far from the Court. Which was no great matter for her to bring to pass; 
Mustapha sent to Govern Caraman●●.  for that the Turkish Emperors usually send their Sons after they come to any years of discretion; unto such Provinces as are far from the Court, attended upon with one great Bassa and some grave Doctor of their Law, so to acquaint them with the manner of Government; the Bassa instructing them in matters of civil Policy, and the Doctor in matters concerning their superstition; and yet by sending them afar off, to keep them from aspiring to the Empire by the favour of the Court; (a thing of the Turkish Emperors not unworthily feared even in their own and beloved Children. 
The malice of Roxolana against Mustapha. ) Roxolana having at once thus cunningly rid the Court of the great Competitors both of her Love and of the Empire (things of all others enduring no Partners) rested not so, but began straightway to plot in her malicious Head the utter destruction of him, to whom all others wished all happiness This she saw was not to be brought to pass without some Complices; wherefore after she had in her secret conceit discarded many, of whom at first she had reasonable good liking; at last she made choice of Rustan Bassa her Son in Law, upon whom she would set up her rest. This Rustan was a Man basely Born in Epirus, altogether composed of dissimulation and flattery, ever serving his own turn, were it never so much to the hurt or grievance of others; by which means he, although none of the best Soldiers, was yet by many degrees grown up to be the greatest Man in the Court, and Soliman's Son in Law; him she probably thought to wish the succession of the Empire to one of her own Sons, his Wives full Brethren, rather than to Mustapha her half Brother. Beside that, she was not ignorant how that Rustan as one careful of the Emperor's profit (the readiest way to preferment) had abridged the Pensions and Fees of the Officers and Servitors in Court; which he perceiving to please the Emperor, proceeded so far therein, that he attempted to have cut off, if it had been possible, some part of Mustapha his princely allowance; for which doing, she knew how odious he was to all the Courtiers (whereof he made small reckoning) but especially to Mustapha, 
Roxolana conspireth with Rustan Bassa her Son in Law against Mustapha.  insomuch that it was though he would not forget so notorious an injury, if ever he should obtain the Empire. Hereupon she broke with Rustan upon the matter, whom she found ready enough of himself to do what in him lay to further her mischievous desire.  
To begin this intended Tragedy, she upon the sudden became very devout, and being by the favour of Solyman grown exceeding rich, pretended as if it had been upon a devout Zeal for the health of her Soul, after the manner of their Turkish Superstition, to build an Abbey, 
Roxolana feigneth herself Religious.  with an Hospital and a Church; which so godly a purpose she imparted to the Mufti or chief Mahometan Priest, demanding of him, if such works of Charity were not acceptable unto God, and available for her Soul's Health. Whereunto the Mufti answered, That those works were no doubt gracious in the sight of God, but nothing at all meritorious for her Soul's Health, being a Bondwoman; yet very profitable for the Soul of the great Emperor Solyman, unto whom as unto her Lord, both she and all she had appertained. With which answer of the great Priest she seemed to be exceedingly troubled, and thereupon became wonderful pensive and Melancholy, her cheerful countenance was replete with Sadness, and her fair Eyes flowed with Tears, her mirth was mourning, and her joy heaviness. Which thing Solyman perceiving, and sorry to see his love upon conceit so to languish, sent her word to be of good cheer, and to comfort herself; promising in short time to take such a course as should ease her of all her griefs; which he forthwith did, 
Solyman manumiseth Roxolana.  solemnly manumising her from her bond Estate. So great a favour obtained, Roxolana with great cheerfulness began those meritorious works by her before intended, as if she had thought of nothing but Heaven, whereas indeed her thoughts were in the depth of Hell. When she had thus a good while busied herself in paving the way to Heaven, as was supposed; Solyman not able longer to forbear the company of her, in whom his Soul lived, after his wont manner sent for her by one of his Eunuches, who should have brought her to his Bedchamber. To whom she with her Eyes cast up to Heaven, 
Solyman sends for Roxolana.  demurely answered, That her life and whatsoever else she had was at her dread Sovereign's command, 
She excuseth herself, and refuseth to come.  but again to yield her Body unto his Appetite she might not in any case do, without the great offence of the High God, and maniest Breach of his sac●ed Laws, which permitted her not now voluntarily to yield him that, being free, which he before without offence might command of his Bondwoman; and because she would not seem to use this as an excuse, she referred herself all in things to the grave judgement of the learned and reverend Mufti, with whom she had before at full conferred. This she did, presuming of the Sovereignty she had over that great Monarch, whom she right well knew she had so fast bound in the pleasing Fetters of his affection towards her, as that she was sure enough of him without a Keeper. Solyman ravished with her love, and well the more for her denial, sent for the Mufti, requiring his judgement in the matter; who before instructed in all points, agreed with that Roxolana had said, aggravating the heinousness of the Fact, if he should proceed to enforce her as a Slave, who being now free, he might not without great offence touch unmarried. 
Solyman marrieth Roxolana.  Whereupon Solyman more and more burning in his desires, became a fresh Suitor to her for Marriage, whom he had so often before commanded; which his Suit easily obtained, (as the Mark she had all this while aimed at) he with all speed to the great admiration of all Men, and contrary to the manner of the Mahometan Emperors, solemnly Married her, appointing for her yearly Dowry five thousand Sultanyns.  
This Woman of late a Slave, but now become the greatest Empress of the East, 
Roxolana plotteth the confusion of Mustapha.  flowing in all worldly Felicity, attended upon with all the pleasures her Heart could desire, wanted nothing she could wish, but how to find means that the Turkish Empire might after the death of Solyman be brought to some one of her own Sons. This was it that had (as is before said) long troubled her aspiring mind, and in the midst of all her Bliss, suffered her yet to take no rest. Noble Mustapha, Soliman's eldest Son, and Heir apparent of the Empire, although far absent, was yet still before her Eyes present; his credit, his valour, his virtues, his perfections were all bars to her desires; he was the only Cloud that kept the Sun from shining on her; if he by any means might be taken away, then wanted nothing that she desired. Which to bring to pass, the wicked Woman laboured cunningly belittle and little to breed in Soliman's Head no 〈◊〉 suspicion of Mustapha, That he being a young Man of a haughty Spirit, desirous of Sovereignty, generally beloved, and swelling with the immoderate favour of the Men of War, which were all at his devotion, left nothing else to be expected from him, but when he should (as did his Grandsire Selimus) lay hand upon the Empire, and work his aged Father's destruction. This mischievous Plot by her devised, was not a little furthred by Rustan the great Bassa, by whom passed all great matters; who nothing omitted, that could be slily devised for the disgrace or confusion of the young Prince. For he as a great secret, craftily told all them that were sent Governors into Syria, that Mustapha was secretly suspected by his Father, of aspiring to the Empire, and therefore charged them particularly, carefully to observe all his actions, with the manner of his Life and Government, and by their Letters diligently to advertise him of whatsoever they should see or hear; bearing them in hand, that the more suspiciously or odiously they should write of him, the more gracious and acceptable it would be unto the great Sultan. Wherefore he by these Men oftentimes certified of the princely disposition, courage, wisdom, valour and bounty of Mustapha, whereby he had won all men's Hearts, doubted that he would at length be preferred to the Empire; yet durst he not for all that adventure to temper with Solyman about that detestable conspiracy against the innocent Prince, but still delivering the Letters to the malicious Woman, left the rest by her ungracious head to be wrought. And she still as occasion best served her purpose, ceased not with pleasing allurements and flattery (wherein she was most excellent) to infect Soliman's mind, that whensoever he should chance to have any speech of Mustapha, she might take the fitter occasion to bring forth those Letters. Neither was she in her drift deceived, but having found a fit opportunity, with Tears trickling down her Cheeks (which to serve their turns subtle Women seldom want) she told the Emperor in what danger he stood; recounting amongst other things, how Selimus his Father had by such means deprived Bajazet his Grandfather, both of his Life and Empire together; and therefore most instantly besought him, as if it had altogether proceeded of a careful love, by that example warned to look to himself. But these light arguments of suspicion seemed as they were indeed, unto Solyman scarce probable; so that she little prevailed thereby. Which thing she well perceiving, and inwardly grieved thereat, converted her cruel mind to other mischievous devices, and sought by all means how to poison the young Prince; neither wanted there wicked Men, as it were vowed to all kind of mischief and villainy, ready to have performed what she desired, had not God's providence withstood so horrible a practice. 
Mustapha in danger to have been poisoned by Roxolana.  For whereas certain rich Apparel was by her sent unto him in his Father's name, he fearing the worst, would not touch it before he had caused it to be worn by one of his Servants; by which curious wariness (as it was thought) he for that time prevented the Treason of his wicked Stepdame, and made her malicious practice manifest to the World. Yet rested she not so, but was still plotting new devices, tending all to one purpose; for being grown to that height of honour and power as never was Woman in the Ottoman Court, and by the means of Trongilla a Jew (as it was thought) having bewitched the mind of the Turkish Emperor, she still grew more and more in favour, and obtained that her Sons might by turns be still present in Court; of purpose, that by their daily presence and continual flattery, they should more and more procure their Father's love; and if by chance Mustapha should come thither, she might have the better means to dispatch him; if not, to expect some other fit time, when she might by some one or other mean take him away. But Mustapha never coming (for why, the Emperor's Sons use not without their Father's leave to go out of the Provinces assigned unto them, or to come to Constantinople, but after the death of their Father to receive the Empire, attended upon with a number of Soldiers) she easily devised another practice, that her Sons should wait upon their Father, not in the City only, but in the Provinces also; so that Tzihanger, surnamed Crouchback, always followed his Father in the Camp. Certain years thus spent, and she still hammering her mischievous devices; at length Fortune favouring her wicked desire, got from the Bassa which had the Government of Mustapha and the Province of Amasia (for as we have said, every one of the King's Sons hath with him one Bassa, which is as it were his Lieutenant in administration of Justice and Martial Affairs) certain suspicious Letters, wherein was contained, that there was a Speech of a Marriage to be made between Mustapha and the Persian King's Daughter; which thing he thought good to give knowledge of to the Counsel, that if any harm should ensue thereof, he might be out of all suspicion. These Letters being brought to Rustan, he thought he had now as good as half brought to pass the long desired ruin of Mustapha; so making no stay, he opened the matter to Roxolana, and afterwards both together went to the Court, and declared all the matter to the Emperor; in doing whereof, they forced both their ungracious wits to fill his head, yet doubtful, with suspicion, and to possess his mind with the fear of his own most dutiful Son; 
Roxolana and Rustan together put Solyman in fear of his Son Mus●apha.  saying, That he as a proud and ambitious young Man, ravished with the desire of so glorious an Empire, sought against the Laws both of God and Nature, to take his Father out of the way, that so he might with more speed satisfy his aspiring mind. And to give the more credit to this their most false suggestion, they warned him of the alliance by him purposed with the Persian King the ancient Enemy of the Ottoman Emperors; wishing him to beware lest Mustapha supported by the strength of Persia, and the favour of the Sanzacks and Janissaries, whose love he had by bounty purchased, should in short time when he feared least, together deprive him both of his Life and Empire. With these and such like accusations they so prevailed with the aged Man, whom they never suffered to rest in quiet, that he at length resolved to work his safety (as he supposed) by the death of his own Son, in this sort:  
In the year 1552 he caused proclamation to be made almost in all the Provinces of his Empire, That forasmuch as the Persians without resistance with a great Army invaded Syria, burning and destroying the Country before them, he to repress that their outrageous insolency, 
Solyman sends Rus●an Bassa with an Army to take Mustapha.  was enforced to send thither Rustan Bassa with an Army; which according to his appointment was in short time raised. Now when all things were in readiness, as if it had been for such a War as was pretended, he commanded Rustan, with as much secrecy and as little tumult as was possible, to lay hands upon Mustapha, and to bring him bound to Constantinople; which if he could no● conveniently effect, then by any other means to take him out of the way.  
With this wicked and cruel charge Rustan with a strong Army marched towards Syria. Mustapha understanding of his coming, without delay with seven thousand of the best Horsemen in all Turkey made towards Syria also; whereof Rustan hearing, and perceiving that he could not (as he desired) conveniently execute the cruel command of the unnatural Father, forthwith turned his back, and treading the same steps he came, returned with his Army to Constantinople with such speed, that he endured not to behold the very Dust raised by Mustapha's Horsemen, much less his presence; giving it out, That he certainly understood that the Province was in quiet, (as indeed it was) and that he thereupon returned. But unto Solyman he told another Tale in secret, 
The malicious device of Rustan.  which he maliciously had devised, That he by most apparent signs and manifest presumptions had perceived the whole Army so inclined towards Mustapha, that if he should have attempted any thing against him by plain force, he should have been utterly forsaken, and had therefore in so dangerous a case left the matter as it was to his grave further direction. This Tale suspiciously told, raised in the wicked and unnatural Father (nothing degenerating from the natural cruelty of his Ancestors) new and great suspicions, whereof to disburden his disquieted mind, he conceived with himself a most horrible device▪ Wherefore the year following, which was the year 1553, he raised a great Army; giving it out, That the Persians had with greater power than before invaded Syria, and that therefore he for the love of his Country, and defence of his Empire, was determined to go thither with his Army, and in person himself to repress the attempts of his Enemies. 
Solyman goeth himself with an Army to kill his Son.  Wherefore the Army being assembled, and all things necessary orderly provided, he commanded to set forward, and in few days after followed himself; who coming at length into Syria, presently by trusty Messengers commanded Mustapha to come unto him at Aleppo, for there he lay encamped. And yet for all these shadows, 
He sendeth for Mustapha.  the matter was not so closely by Solyman conveied (although he was exceeding careful thereof) but that his mortal and deadly hatred against his Son was perceived by the Bassas and other great Men about him; insomuch that Achmat Bassa by a secret and trusty Messenger gave him warning thereof, that so he might in time the better provide for the safeguard of his life. 
Mustapha perplexed in mind.  Neither could Mustapha himself but marvel, that his aged Father without any apparent reason should come so far with so great an Army; yet trusting to his own innocency, though wonderfully troubled and perplexed in mind, he resolved (although it were with the extreme danger of his life) to obey and yield to his Father's command; for he thought it more commendable and honourable to incur the danger of death, than living to fall into the foul suspicion of disloyalty. In so great a perplexity of mind, after he had with himself much discoursed too and fro, what course he were best to take, at length he boldly and resolutely asked the Doctor, whom (as we have before said) he had always with him in his Court, 
His talk with his Doctor.  Whether the Empire of the World, or a blessed Life were of Man more to be desired? To whom the Doctor frankly answered, That the Empire of the World, to him that would enter into the due consideration thereof, brought with it no felicity, more than a vain show and outer appearance of good, nothing being more frail or uncertain than worldly Honour, bringing with it fear, vexation of mind, tribulation, suspicion, murder, w●o●●, wickedness, spoil, ruin, and captivity, with 〈…〉 mischief's of like nature, not to be desired o● him that would attain to true felicity, by which means the blessed Life was to be lost and not gained: But they unto whom God had given the grace rightly to consider and weigh the fragility and shortness of this our Estate (which the common sort deemeth to be the only life) and to strive against the Vanities of this World● and to embrace and follow an upright kind of life, had undoubtedly a place assigned for them in Heaven, and prepared by the great God, where they should at length enjoy life and bliss eternal. This answer of the great Doctor wonderfully satisfied the troubled mind of the young Prince, foreseeing as it were the approach of his own end, and so staying not any longer discourse, forthwith set forwards towards his Father, and making great haste, came at length to his Father's Camp, and not far off pitched his Tents in the open Field. 
Mustapsta cometh to his Father's Cam●.  But this his so hasty coming the more increased the suspicion in the mind of his wicked Father; niether spared Rustan in the mean time with his crafty and subtle devices to augment the same; for by a sign given he caused the Janissaries and chief Men in the Army to go as if it had been for Honour's sake to meet Mustapha; which they all without delay presently did at his command, and ●o all together set forward. In the mean time he the most crafty Varlet, with troubled countenance (for he could notably dissemble) as a Man half dismayed came in haste into Soliman's Pavilion, and falsely told him, 
The exceeding treachery of Bustan against Mustapha.  That the Janissaries and almost all the best Soldiers of the Army were of themselves without leave gone to meet Mustapha, and that he feared what would ensue thereof. Which news so troubled the old Tyrant, that he became pale for fear, and going out of his Tent, and finding them gone, easily believed all to be true that the false Bassa had told him. 
The melancholy Dream of Mustapha in coming to his Father.  Neither wanted Mustapha strange warning of his end so near at hand; for the third day before his setting forwards toward his Father, falling asleep in the Evening, he thought he saw his Prophet Mahomet in bright Apparel to take him by the hand and lead him into a most pleasant place, beautified with most glorious and stately Palaces, and most delicate and pleasant Gardens; and pointing to every thing with his Finger, to say thus unto him, Here rest they for ever, which in this World have led an upright and godly Life, following Virtue, and detesting Vice; and after that turning his Face to the other side, to have showed him two great and swift Rivers, whereof the one boiled with Water blacker than Pitch, and in them appeared (as he thought) numbers of Men wallowing and tumbling, some up, some down, crying horribly for mercy; And there (said he) are punished all such as in this frail life have been malicious workers of iniquity; the chief of whom (as he said) were Emperors, Kings, Princes, and other great Men of the World. Mustapha awaking, and troubled with this melancholy Dream, called unto him his Doctor; and having told him all the matter, asked him what the same might signify? Who standing a great while in a muse (for the Mahometans are exceeding superstitious, attributing much to dreams) full of sorrow and grief at length answered, That this Vision (for so it pleased him to term it) was undoubtedly to be feared, as presaging unto him the extreme peril of his Life, and therefore requested him to have great care both of his Life and Honour. But Mustapha as he was of a notable spirit and courage, regarding nothing that answer, stoutly replied, What, shall I suffer myself to be terrified and overcome with childish and vain fear? Why rather haste I not courageously and resolutely to my Father? And so much the more boldly, because I know assuredly I have always (as reason was) reverenced his Majesty, that against his Will I never turned mine Eyes or Foot against his most Royal Seat● much less affected his Empire, except the most high God had called him to a better life; neither then without the general good liking and choice of the whole Army, that so I might at length without Murder, without Blood, without Tyranny, well and justly reign and in Love and Peace inviolate live with my Brethren; for I have set down with myself, and chosen, if it be my Father's pleasure so, rather to die in his Obedience, than reigning many years, to be reputed of all Men, especially my Competitors, a Rebel or Traitor. Having thus said, he came unto his Father's Camp, and pitching his Tents (as we have before said) suited himself all in White, in token of his Innocency, and writing certain Letters (which the Turks when they are about to go to any place of danger, use to write, and always to carry with them, for they are wonderful foolish in their Superstition) and putting them in his Bosom, attended upon with a few of his most trusty Followers, came with great reverence towards the Tent of his Father, fully resolving to have kissed his Hand, as their usual manner is. 
Mustapha cometh to his Fathers Tent.  But when he was come to the entrance of the Tent, remembering that he had yet his Dagger girt to him, he entered not until he had put it off; because he would not come into his Father's sight with any Weapon, if happily so he might clear himself of his Father's needless suspicion. So when he was come into the more inward Rooms of the Tent, he was with such honour as belonged to his state cheerfully received by his Father's Eunuches. But seeing nothing else provided but one Seat whereon to sit himself alone, he perplexed in mind, stood still a while musing; at length asked where the Emperor his Father was? Whereunto they answered, That he should by and by see him; and with that casting his Eye aside, he saw seven Mutes (these are strong Men bereft of their Speech, whom the Turkish Tyrants have always in readiness, the more secretly to execute their bloody Butchery) coming from the other side of the Tent towards him; at whose sight strucken with a sudden terror, said no more, but Lo my death; and with that, arising, was about to have fled; but in vain, 
Mustapha most cruelly strangled in his Father's sight.  for he was caught hold on by the Eunuch and Mutes, and by force drawn to the place appointed for his death; where without further stay, the Mutes cast a Bowstring about his Neck, he poor Wretch still striving, and requesting that he might speak but two words to his Father before he died. All which the Murderer (for no addition is sufficient significantly to express his unnatural Villainy) both heard and saw by a Travers from the other side of the Tent; but was so far from being moved with compassion, that thinking it long till he were dispatched, with a most terrible and cruel voice he rated the Villains enured to blood; saying, Will you never dispatch that I bid you? Will you never make an end of this Traitor, for whom I have not rested one Night these ten Years in quiet? Which horrible commanding speeches, yet thundering in their Ears, those butcherly Mutes threw the poor innocent Prince upon the ground, and with the help of the Eunuches forcibly drawing the knotted Bowstring both ways, by the commandment of a most wicked Father, 
Mahomet Mustapha's Son strangled also.  strangled him. With like barbarous Cruelty, he shortly after caused Mahomet his Nephew (Mustapha his Son) to be strangled also.  
This unnatural and strange Murder committed, he presently commanded the Bassa of Amasia, Mustapha's Lieutenant to be apprehended, and his Head in his own presence to be struck off. Which done, he sent for Tzihanger the Crooked, yet ignorant of all that was happened; and in sporting wise, as if he had done a thing worth commendation, bid him go meet his Brother Mustapha; which thing Tzihanger with a merry and cheerful Countenance hasted to do, as one glad of his Brothers coming. But as soon as he came unto the place where he saw his Brother lying dead upon the ground strangled, it is not to be spoken how he was in mind tormented. He was scarcely come to the place where this detestable Murder was committed, when his Father sent unto him certain of his Servants to offer unto him all Mustapha's Treasure, 
Solyman offereth to Tzihanger all Mustapha's treasure and Wealth.  Horses, Servants, Jewels, Tents, and withal, the Government of the Province of Amasia, but Tzihanger filled with extreme heaviness for the unmerciful death of his well beloved Brother, spoke unto them in this sort. A wicked and an ungodly Cain, Traitor (I may not say Father) take thou now the Treasures, the Horses, the Servants, the jewels, and the Province of Mustapha. How came it into thy wicked, cruel, and savage Breast, so ungratiously and contrary to all Humanity, I will not say the Reverence of thine own Blood, to kill thy worthy, warlike, and noble Son, the Mirror of Courtesy, and Prince of greatest hope, the like of whom, the Ottoman Family never yet had, nor never shall? I will therefore myself provide that thou, nor none for thee shall ever hereafter in such sort shamefully triumph over a poor crooked Wretch. And having thus much said, stabbed himself with his own Dagger into the Body, 
Tzihanger for sorrow killeth himself.  whereof he in short time died; Which so soon as it came to the old Tiger's Ears, it is hard to say how much he grieved. His dead Body was by his Father's commandment carried from Aleppo in Syria, to Constantinople, and afterwards honourably buried on the other side of the Haven at Pera. For all this bloody Tragedy, his covetous mind was not so troubled, but that he could forthwith command all Mustapha's Treasures and Riches to be brought to his Tent; which his Soldiers in hope to have the same given among them for a Prey, willingly hasted to perform. In the mean time the Soldiers which were in Mustapha's Camp, not knowing what was become of their Master, seeing such a multitude of Soldiers thrusting into their Camp without all order; to repress their tumultuous insolency, stepped out in their Armour, and notably repulsed them, not without much Bloodshed.  
At length, the noise of this stir was heard by the rest of the King's Soldiers, 
A bloody tumult betwixt the Soldiers of Solyman and Mustapha.  who seeing the Tumult to increase more and more, ran in to help their Fellows; so that in short time there began a hot skirmish and cruel fight on both sides, insomuch that two thousand were slain, and more wounded; neither had the broil so ended, had not Achomat Bassa a grave Captain, and for his long experience of no small Authority amongst the Soldiers, kept back the Janissaries, and stayed their fury; and turning likewise to Mustapha's Soldiers, by gentle and mild words and courteous persuasions, in this manner appeased their rage. What my Brethren (said he) will you now (degenerating from your ancient Loyalty, 
The Tumult appeased by Achomat Bassa.  for which you have been for so many Ages commended) impugn the command of the great Sultan our dread Sovereign? Truly I cannot sufficiently marvel what thing should move you, whom I have hitherto proved to have been most worthy and valiant Soldiers, in this civil conflict to draw those Weapons against your Fellows and Brethren, which you have most fortunately used against the Enemies of the Ottoman Kings; except you mean thereby to make yourselves a joyful spectacle unto your Enemies, who grieving to see themselves overcome by your Victorious Weapons, may yet rejoice among themselves to see you turn the same one upon another. Wherefore my Sons, for your ancient honour's sake, be careful that you do not by this your insolency lose the reputation of your Wisdom, Loyalty, and Valour; for which you have hitherto been above all others commended; reserve these your Weapons which you have now too too much used among your Fellows, against your Enemies, of whom you may get more Praise and Honour. This Speech of the old Bassa so mollified the stout Soldiers, that they freely permitted all that was in Mustapha's Tents to be carried to Solyman●; but so soon as the death of Mustapha was blown into the Ears of the Janissaries and the rest of the Army in Soliman's Camp, another Tumult rose among them worse than the first: 
The janissaries up in Arms against Solyman for the unworthy death of Mustapha.  They were quickly all up in Arms again, and with a great noise confused with Tears and Lamentation, as they were in rage and fury, broke violently into Soliman's Pavilion with their drawn Swords; which struck the Tyrant into such a fear, that destitute of all Counsel in himself, he was about with the extreme peril of his life to have fled; but being holden by his Friends, and making a Virtue of Necessity, upon the sudden adventured to do that which at better leisure he would scarcely have thought upon; for going forth out of his Tent, but with a pale and wan Countenance, he spoke unto the enraged Soldiers thus: What Broil is this? what Stir? what so great Insolency? 
The stout speech of Solyman to the janissaries.  what mean your inflamed, fierce and angry Looks? know you not your Sovereign? and him that hath power to command you? Have you so resolved to slain the ancient and invincible honour of yourselves and your Ancestors, with the Blood of your Lord and Emperor? Whilst he was yet thus speaking, the Soldiers boldly answered, That they denied not, 
The fierce answer of the janzaries to Solyman.  but that he was the Man whom they many years before had chosen for their Emperor; but in that they had by their own Valour got for him a large and mighty Empire, and in like manner preserved it; that was therefore of them done, that he should for the same govern them virtuously and justly, and not to lay his bloody hands without discretion upon every just Man, and most wickedly imbrue himself with innocent Blood; and that they came thither armed, they did it (as they said) moved with just cause to revenge the unworthy death of guiltless Mustapha; and that for that matter, he had no just cause to be angry with them. Wherefore they required, that they might publicly clear themselves of the Treason whereof they were accused by Mustapha's Enemies, and that the Accuser might be brought forth to justify his Accusation; protesting, that they would never lay down their Weapons, until the Accuser made his appearance in Judgement, and commenced his Accusation judicially, upon pain to endure the like punishment if he failed in proof. Whilst these things were in doing, the heinousness of the late committed fact caused every Man to shed Tears, 
Solyman yieldeth unto the janissaries.  so that Solyman himself seemed to be sorry for the Murder so lately by himself committed; wherefore he promised unto the Soldiers whatsoever they required, and did what he could to appease their angry minds. For all that, they in the mean time, lest he should craftily slip away and deceive them of that he had promised, and of the expectation of such things as they had required, with a marvellous care and diligence all kept Watch and Ward.  
Solyman to appease this fury of the Janissaries, deprived Rustan Bassa of all his Honours, 
Rustan disgraced by Solyman, flieth to Constantinople.  and took from him his Seal whereof he had the keeping, and delivered it to Achomates Bassa. But Rustan worthily strucken with fear and horror, seeing himself now in no safety in his own Tents, fled secretly to Achomates, ask his Counsel what were best for him to do, and what Course to take in so doubtful and dangerous a case? To whom the Bassa answered, that it were best for him to use the great Emperor's advice, and to do what he commanded. Which answer well satisfied Rustan; and so he which of late gave other Men access unto the Emperor at his pleasure, was now glad by his old Acquaintance and Friends to prefer this poor suit, To know his pleasure what he would have him to do; from whom he received this answer, That he should incontinently without further delay get him out of his sight, and out of the Camp; which the Bassa said he could not conveniently do, being by his displeasure and the Soldier's rage disfurnished of all things necessary for his departure. Whereunto Solyman sent him answer again, That he could give him neither longer time nor delay, and that it were best for him without more ado to be gone for fear of further harm. Whereupon Rustan guilty in conscience of his most horrible Villainy and Treachery, accompanied but with eight of his most faithful Friends instead of his late world of Followers, posted in haste to Constantinople, and there (not without danger of his Head) with Roxalana and other the complices and contrivers of the Treason against Mustapha, in great fear expected the event of his Fortune.  
This young Prince Mustapha thus shamefully murdered by his own Father, was for his rare Virtues generally beloved of the Turks; but of the Soldiers most for his Martial Disposition, and readiness for the effusion of Christian Blood. The opinion they had conceived of him was such, and their love so great, that they never thought there was any in the Ottoman Family, of whom they expected so much for the enlarging of their Empire; insomuch, that eve● since, when in their private or public Actions they fail of any great hope, they use this Proverb even at this day taken from him, Gietti Sultan Mustapha, Sultan Mustapha is dead; as who should say, our hope is all lost. Achomates Bassa the great Champion of the Turks, a Man of exceeding Courage, not ignorant of the small assurance of the great Honours of that State, at such time as he received the Seal from Solyman, boldly told him, That as he did then frankly bestow it upon him, so he would at one time or other to his no less disgrace take it from him; to whom Solyman solemnly promised with an Oath, not to displace him so long as he lived. For all that, he had not long enjoyed that honour, but that Solyman falling in dislike with him, and willing again to promote Rustan Bassa to that great honour, greater than which there was none in the Turks Court, which by reason of his Oath he could not do so long as Achomates lived; To save his Oath, and to prefer his Son in Law (whom he had indeed displaced only to please the tumultuous Janissaries) resolved to have Achomates put to death. Of which his purpose Achomates altogether ignorant, 
The miserable end of Achomates the great Bassa  and one Morning after his wont manner coming into the Divano in all his Honour, upon the sudden received word from Solyman, that he must presently die, and forthwith was the Hangman ready to have strangled him, as was given him in charge; whom the stout Bassa thrust from him with his hand, with countenance and cheer in show no more troubled than if the matter had nothing concerned him. And looking a good while round about him, espied at last an honest Man whom he had before many times pleasured, whom he most earnestly requested for all the kindness showed unto him, to do him that last favour as to strangle him with his own hand, which should be unto him the greatest good turn that he could possibly devise, detesting nothing more than to die with the hand of the Executioner. Which thing, when he after much entreaty had undertaken to perform, Achomates willed him, that he should not at one twitch strangle him outright, but letting the Bowstring slack again, give him leave once to breath and then to dispatch him; which his request was by his Friend accordingly performed, and he in that sort strangled; wherein it seemeth, that he was desirous, first to taste of Death, and not to die all at once. Immediately after whose death, Rustan Bassa was again restored to his place of chief Visier, and had the great Seal delivered unto him; which honour he enjoyed about six years after, and so at last died of the Dropsy. This was the end of these two great Bassanes Achomates and Rustan, who in that time swayed that great Empire, under Solyman, and of whom we have so much spoken. It is reported, that Solyman having appointed Achomates to die, should say, It is better for his great Heart once to die, than to die a thousand times, in seeing his Honour taken from him and bestowed upon another.  
The Turks Galleys by the solicitation of the French before brought down into the Tuscan Sea, year 1554. did much harm upon the Coasts of Calabria and Sicilia in this year 1554, as they had the year before, and so did divers years after. At which time also Pandulphus Contarenus the Venetian Admiral scouring alongst the Seas, carefully looking to the Frontiers of the Venetian Estate, chanced to meet with the Bassa of Callipolis, who in the year before had rifled certain Venetian Merchants; in revenge of which injury he set upon him, and after a great Spoil made both of the Turks and their Galleys, he ransacked Dirrachium then one of the Turks Port Towns in Dalmatia.  
The next year 1555, year 1555. the same Bassa recovered his strength; but not daring to be too busy with the Venetians, surprised the Islands of Blumbis and Elba, subject to the Duke of Florence, and withal sent Letters to Solyman, to persuade him to take up Arms against the Venetians, as they which had broken the League.  
At the same time, year 1556. Haly the Bassa of Buda by Policy surprised the strong Castle of Baboza in Hungary; 
Zigeth besieged by the Bassa of Buda.  and was in good hope by the like fineness to have taken the Town and Castle of Zigeth, a place of great importance; but failing of his purpose, he came the next year 1556, with a great Army, and the thirteenth day of June encamped before the Town, wherein was Governor Marchus Horwath a valiant Captain, with a Garrison of notable Soldiers. Shortly after he began a most terrible Battery; during which time the Christians sallying out divers times, slew many of his Men; who for all that used such diligence, that the twentieth of june they won the uttermost Wall, and after five hot Assaults were in hope at the sixth to have won the Castle also; but the Christians perceiving the danger, resolutely sallied out, and having slain eight hundred of them, drove the rest again from the Wall. Yet the Turks gave it not so over, but with a great number of Carts laboured to have filled up the Marish and Ditches about the Town, which their Attempt was by the industry of the Defendants also defeated. The Bassa perceiving how hardly the Town would be won by force, 
A terrible Assault.  attempted to have persuaded them to have yielded it up by composition; but failing therein of his purpose, began again the twelfth of july to assault the City, which Assault he maintained five days together without intermission, still sending in fresh Men instead of them that were wearied or slain; 
Zigeth notably de●ended.  yet was the City for all that by the Valour of the Christians notably defended. So when he had in vain proved the uttermost of his Forces, he raised his Siege the one and twentieth day of july and departed; but within six days after, he retuened from the City Quinque Ecclesiae, and assaulted the City afresh; but was at length glad to give over the Siege and be gone, when he had lost of his best Soldiers above two thousand, and of the Defendants slain but an hundred and twenty. After his departure there was ten thousand great Shot found, wherewith he had battered the Town and the Castle, which was for this time thus worthily defended. The Turks in the mean time after their wont manner ceased not to do what harm they could in the Tuscan Sea, and had again miserably spoiled the Island of Corsica; for withstanding of whom the Bishop of Rome exacted of his People a great Subsidy, and finely stripped the Jews of their Money, and seized upon their rich Merchants Goods in his Territory. At whose earnest suit Solyman in their behalf writ unto the Bishop as followeth:  
Sultan Solyman, most Mighty Emperor of Emperors, the Son of Selimus, Emperor of Emperors, to whom God give eternal Victory; to Pope Paulus the Fourth, Greeting.  
MOst excellent and most mighty Lord of the Professors of the Messias jesus, 
Soliman's Letters to the Pope in behalf of the jews Merchants.  and Lord of Rome, the Almighty keep thee. At such time as thou shalt receive our Seal, thou shalt understand by our Letters, that certain Hebrews have come unto us, complaining that they are oppressed of thee with too grievous Exactions, when they come to traffic at Ancona; This burden I request thee to take from them, and to restore again unto them their Goods, that thereby they may be able to pay to us our Tribute; which if thou (as I hope thou wilt) shalt do, thou shalt feel our Favour. Farewell. From Constantinople the last of the blessed Month 
* The ninth of March, Ann. 1556.  Rambeluch, in the year of our great Prophet Mahomet, nine hundred threescore and four.  
Haly Bassa grieved with the late repulse he had received at Zigeth, 
Haly Bassa besiegeth Zigeth again.  came again the next year, and besieged it, at which time King Ferdinand sent Nicholaus Polwiler and the Count Serinus with a Power raised in Suevia and Austria, to recover Baboza, a Castle betwixt Zigeth and Stiria, before surprised by the Turks; of whose coming the Bassa having intelligence, rose with his Army and departed from Zigeth, which he had for certain Months hardly besieged, and not far from Baboza met with Polwiler and Serinus; who joining Battle with him, after a hard and sharp Fight overthrew him and put him to Flight. This Victory with the coming down of young Ferdinand, 
Haly Bassa overthrown.  King Ferdinand's Son, Archduke of Austria with new Supplies, so terrified the Turks in that part of Hungary along the River Dravus, that they for fear forsook Baboza, Sammartin, San-Lawrence, and divers other small Castles which they had before taken, and fled to Quinque Ecclesiae.  
The Governor of Zigeth encouraged herewith, sallying out with his Garrison, slew many of the Turks in their Flight towards Quinque Ecclesiae, and meeting by chance with a Troop of Horsemen, which were bringing the Turks Pay, overthrew them, took the Money, and so with an exceeding rich Prey returned to his Castle. At which time also Adam the Governor of Rab, otherwise called javarinum, having burnt the Suburbs of Alba Regalis, and driven away many thousands of Cattle, at a Town called Sian overthrew five hundred Turks, and as many fugitive Christians, and so with a great Prey and little or no loss at all of his Men returned.  
Henry the French King at the same time in Wars with Philip King of Spain, 
Henry the French King soliciteth Solyman to invade the King of Spain his Territories  and troubled with the loss of his Army overthrown not far from Saint Quintin's (at which time the Duke Montmorency Constable of France and General of the Army, with his Son and divers other of the Nobility of France were taken Prisoners) by his Ambassador Michael Condignac solicited Solyman to have by Sea invaded Naples and Sicilia, so to have withdrawn the Spanish Forces out of France, to defend their own Frontiers. Which thing Solyman, offended with the insolency of the Ambassador, refused to do; yet nevertheless commanded his adventurers all alongst the Coast of afric, to infest those Seas, and to do what harm they could upon the Coast of Italy and Sicilia; which they so diligently performed, that the Viceroy of Sicilia was fain for defence of those Countries to lie in readiness with his Galleys in the Ports of Cajeta and Naples.  
In the mean time the Guise, Lord Grand Prior of the Knights of Saint john's in France (and Brother of Francis the Duke of Guise, 
The Guise, Lord Grand Prior in France, Admiral of Malta, taketh certain of the Turks Galleys.  General of the French Kings Army in Italy, who upon the overthrow received at Saint Quintin's, called out of Italy, shortly after took Cajais) Admiral of the Galleys of Malta, went out toward the East with four Galleys well appointed, to lie in wait for the Turks, and by fortune met with two great Ships laded with the Turks Merchandise, which he took; and by and by after, light upon four of the Turks Galleys, with whom he had a great Fight; yet at length having sunk one of them and burned another, he took the other two. After which Victory returning towards Malta to have repaired his Galleys and cured his wounded men, he was met with four other great Galleys of the Turks; who desirous to revenge the loss of their Fellows, set upon him, and he seeing now no remedy, but that he must needs fight courageously, encountered them. But forasmuch as he had in the two Fights before lost some of his Men, and seventy two of the Knights in the Galleys lay sore wounded, he, by the Counsel of the Captains retired towards Malta; but by the way one of his Galleys was taken by the Turks, with two and fifty Knights of the Order; yet with the rest and the Prizes before taken, he recovered the Island of Malta, where he stayed that Winter; and the next Spring sailed into France to be partaker of those troubles, which beginning shortly after, have but of late taken end.  
The immoderate Fortune of the great Sultan Solyman, 
Solyman in nothing more unfortunate than in the proos of his Children.  was not in any thing more contrary to his desire, than in the proof of those his Children, of whom the World held the greatest expectation. Mustapha his eldest Son, the Mirror of Courtesy, and rare hope of the whole Turkish Nation, the suspicious Tyrant had most unnaturally caused to be murdered in his own presence, to the grief of all his Subjects in general, as is before declared; poor Tzibanger was dead for sorrow; and Mahomates his eldest Son by his best beloved the fair Roxolana, was departed this life also. So that now remained unto him only Selimus, the unworthy Heir of so great an Empire, and Bajazet his younger Brother, the lively image of his Father, both Men grown, and the Sons of the same Roxolana; but so far differing the one from the other both in Feature of Body and Disposition of Mind, as if they had not been of the same Kindred and Line. S●lymus the elder Brother, most like unto his Mother, was in the secret determination of the aged Emperor his Father appointed Heir of that most mighty Empire. Bajazet much resembling his Father, was on the other side strongly supported by the care and entire love of his Mother; which whether it proceeded of a secret commiseration of his inevitable Destiny, 
Bajazet Soliman's younger Son seeketh to aspire unto the Empire.  or that he had by Loyalty or other means so won her Favour, is not known; but every Man saw, that if it had lain in her Power, she would undoubtedly have preferred him before his elder Brother Selimus, and have placed him in the Empire; but she must needs give way to her old Husbands Will, firmly and irremovably set down, that the Destinies so permitting, none should reign after him but his eldest Son Selimus. Of which his purpose and resolution Bajazet being not ignorant, began most circumspectly to look about about him, if he could by any means frustrate that forcible necessity, and exchange his certain destruction with an Empire; in which his deep and dangerous cogitations he was not a little comforted by the favour and love of Roxolana his Mother, and of Rustan the great Bassa his Brother in Law; who together had in any other matter been able to have overruled the aged Emperor. Whereupon he resolutely set down himself, rather to end his days by making proof of good or bad Fortune, than upon the death of his Father (which by Course of Nature could not now be far off) to be as a Sacrifice basely butchered by some vile Hangman of his Brothers. Bajazet so resolved, and now already fallen out with his Brother Selimus, took occasion upon the general discontentment of the People and others, for the unworthy death of Mustapha their late joy, to begin those stirs which he had before with himself plotted, and so to make a Head, whereunto he might afterward join the Body also; for why, that worthy Mustapha had left behind him so great desire of himself, that now it wearied many to live after him, they had so placed all the hope of their good Fortune in him, unto whom nothing was more desired than to revenge the wrong done unto him, or else to run the same hard Fortune with him; othersome guilty of the immoderate Affection they had born unto him yet living, and fearing to be called to give an account thereof, thought any state better and more assured than that wherein they presently stood, 
The crafty dealing of the supposed Mustapha to deceive the People.  and therefore sought all occasions of new stirs, how to set all in an hurly burly; only a Captain was wanting, Mustapha could not again be revived, yet might he be strongly supposed to live. This device pleased Bajazet, as best fitting his purpose, being not ignorant of this disposition of the People. Wherefore by certain of his most faithful and trusty Followers he found out a certain obscure Fellow of a notable audacity, which should take upon him the Name and Person of Mustapha, whose Stature also and Countenance and Proportion of Body differed not much from Mustapha himself; he, as if he had by chance escaped, first began to show himself in that part of Thracia, which is above Constantinople, and lieth toward Danubius, not far from the Countries of Moldavia and Valachia, and was for that cause both fittest for Rebellion, and also best stored with Horsemen, who of all others most honoured Mustapha. Hither he comes as if it had been from a long journey, 
A sergeant Mustapha set up to make an head of Rebellion.  slenderly accompanied, and as if he had been desirous at the first not to have been known; his Followers being demanded (as it chanced) who it was, did rather fearfully give them that asked, occasion to guess, than plainly to tell them, that it was Mustapha; neither did he himself much deny it▪ whereby the People became more and more desirous to know him. Which beginning thus laid, he afterward began to rejoice of his fortunate coming thither, and to give God thanks for his safe arrival there amongst his Friends; he tells them, That at such time as he was sent for by his Father, he durst not come into his sight, or commit himself unto him in his Fury, but by the counsel of his Friends to have with great promises persuaded one that was marvellous like unto himself to go in his stead; by whose danger he might make proof of his Father's mind towards him; who before he was admitted to the speech of his Father, was without hearing miserably strangled, and so cast out before his Pavilion, at which time there were many (as he said) which perceived the deceit, but the greater part remained in error, deceived with the Lineaments and Countenance of the miserable dead Man, who was much altered with the terrible pains of death, and supposing it to have been him indeed that was slain. Which thing as soon as he understood, he thought it not good longer to stay, but presently to fly and to provide for his own safety; and so flying with a few of his own Followers, thereby the more secretly and safely to escape; and having passed above Pontus by the People of Bosphorus, was now come thither, where he was in good hope to find much help and comfort in the Fidelity of his Friends, whom he requested not now to forsake him, or to make less account of him disgraced by the malice of his Stepmother, than they had before in time of his Prosperity. For that he was aminded to revenge the injury done unto him, and by force of Arms to defend himself; for what else had he now left? being by no other means preserved, but by the death of another Man; that he had sufficiently proved how his Father stood affected towards him, and that he now lived by his mistaking, not by his Kindness. The cause of all which his troubles was his Stepdame, who (as he said) with her enchantments led the silly old Man (now almost doting for Age, and mad for love) whither she would at her pleasure, and by her Agent Rustan Bassa forced him forward headlong into all kind of mischief; but that God be thanked he wanted not his Friends, by whose help he would find a way out of these miseries, and take revenge of his Enemies; for why, he had as yet courageous Hearts, and the Janissaries with the greater part of his Father's Family on his side, and that great multitudes of People would flock unto him upon brute of his Name; so that they which did now mourn for him as dead (in number many) would by heaps run to help him being alive; so that they there present would only courteously receive him as a Guest, and protect him now distressed, till such time as his well-willers and Friends might repair unto him. And this at last he gave out not in secret, but openly to all Men wheresoever he came. The same things did they also report, whom he made the People to believe to have been the Companions of his Flight; which was also confirmed by divers of good Account and Authority, whom Bajazet had before dealt withal to that purpose. So that a great number of Men altogether unknown to Bajazet, were by that means seduced; for this matter was so cunningly wrought, that many of them that had known Mustapha alive, and seen him laid dead before his Father's Pavilion, yet listed not greatly to believe that which they knew, but easily suffered themselves to be persuaded that this was the true Mustapha. But the Companions and Followers of Mustapha (in whose minds the lively Countenance and Remembrance of him was throughly engraven) nothing could deceive; yet blinded partly with fear, partly with grief and desire of revenge, and wishing rather to adventure any thing, than longer to live without Mustapha, were the first Men that came to offer their service to this counterfeit Mustapha; and would not suffer other Men to doubt but that this was the very Mustapha, which was falsely reported to have been slain. As for the deceiver himself, he either kept with him, or entertained them that came, some with fair promises, some with courteous Speeches, and many also with Money and Rewards, which he made them believe he had reserved of the Relics of his better Fortune; for Bajazet had before notably provided, that nothing should in this behalf be wanting unto him for the countenancing of his Credit. So within the space of a few days such a multitude of Men was resorted unto him, as might almost have made a whole Army. When Solyman upon the sudden was advertised by the fearful Messengers and Letters of the Sanzacks thereabouts, 
Solyman angry with the Sanzacks, for not suppressing the supposed Mustapha, sendeth Partau Bassa against him.  what a danger was like to ensue by the concourse of so great a Multitude of People to this counterfeit Mustapha; he presently suspecting (as the truth was) that this was not done without the privity of one of his Sons, thought it not a thing to be neglected, and therefore by his Letters reproved the Sanzacks thereby, that they had suffered the matter to run so far, and had not in the beginning as their Duty was, suppressed the same, grievously threatening them, if they did not with all speed send unto him in bonds that counterfeit Companion with the rest of his Complices. Which that it might be the easilier by them performed, he promised to send one of the chief Bassas, namely Partau Bassa (who had married the Widow of Mahomates the eldest Son of Roxolana, of whom we have before remembered) and with him a strong power of the Soldiers of the Court; but if they would have themselves excused, that they should of themselves dispatch the matter before the coming of that Aid. This Partau led after him certain Squadrons of Soldiers, not so many in number, as notable for their Fidelity; for Solyman had caused the most faithful of his Colonels, Captains, and Corporals, to be culled out; wisely doubting left his Soldiers, either led with Affection, or corrupted with Reward, might take part with him against whom they were sent. For the common sort of the Janissaries standing in suspense at the fame of Mustapha, and expectation of some great novelty, favoured that broil, and wished all on an hurly burly; neither was the matter indeed without danger. The Sanzacks after they had received this straight charge from Solyman, considering how much it stood them upon to make a speedy dispatch, began now to encourage one another to bestir themselves, to make all the speed possible, and with all their Power on every side to oppose themselves against the attempts of this new found Mustapha, labouring to stay such as were coming unto him, and to disperse such as were already come, by showing them the greatness of the danger, and threatening them with all extremities. In the mean time Partau Bassa came on with his Army, and was not now far off, when (as in like case it oftentimes falleth out in things not yet sufficiently confirmed, and by celerity prevented) the Soldiers of the counterfeit Mustapha seeing themselves beset on every side, began to fear, and at first some few to slip away; but afterwards all, without regard of shame or of their promise, to forsake their Captain and fly every Man whither he thought best. The Captain seeking likewise to have made shift for himself, was with the chief of his Counsellors and Followers taken by the Sanzacks and delivered unto the Bassa, who with a strong Guard sent them all in bonds to Constantinople; where Solyman by most exquisite Torments drew from them all the secret devices of his young Son Bajazet, and that he had purposed after such a Head made by this supposed Mustapha, as he thought convenient, to have upon the sudden joined himself with a great Power, and so as should best serve for his purpose, to have gone directly to Constantinople, or else against his Brother Selimus. But whilst he goeth somewhat too slowly about his business, his unripe Counsels were by his Father's Celerity oppressed. Of all which matter Solyman now throughly assured, 
Mustapha and his companions drowned by night.  caused the supposed Mustapha and his Companions at Midnight to be drowned in the Sea; thinking it not good to have these things commonly known, and to have his domestical wounds yet bleeding, laid open to the view of his Neighbour Princes. Nevertheless being mightily offended with Bajazet for so great an insolency, he ceased not to cast in his mind how to be revenged upon him; which his Wife Roxolana, a Woman of great Wisdom, was not ignorant of. Who after a few days, 
Roxolana intreateth Solyman for Bajazet her younger Son, and obtaineth his pardon.  at such time as the old Man's Fury was overpast, falling of purpose into talk with him about the matter, she laid together in her Son's behalf, and alleged the indiscreetness of Youth, the necessity of the Fact, and the example of his Ancestors in like case, that it was so pronvided for by nature, that every Man should be careful of himself and his, and that all Men did indifferently shun Death, that young Men were by evil Counsel easily seduced and made to forget their Duty. That it were reason he should forgive him this first Fault; which if he amended, then was it a great gain for the Father to have saved his Son; but if he should again fall into relapse, there would not want time to punish him for both Faults; And that if so be he would not pardon him for his own sake; yet he would vouchsafe to pardon him for hers, entreating now for him for whom she had before groaned, and not to be cruel upon him, one of the Pledges of their Love, in whom rested the Blood of them both; for in what woeful case should she be, if of those two Sons (all that God had left her) the Father's Severity should bereave her of the one? Wherefore she requested him to moderate his Anger, and to prefer his Clemency before his just Indignation; forasmuch as God himself of all Power and Might, did not always deal with Sinners in Severity, but for most part in Mercy; whereas otherwise all mankind would not suffice his Wrath. And would Mercy in any place be more fitting, than in the Father towards his Child? She promised further, that Bajazet should from thenceforth remain in most dutiful Obedience towards his Majesty; and upon his so great Clemency, to convert the fear wherein he now lived, into a World of Duty and Devotion. Honourable minds (she said) were retained with nothing more than with Kindness and Courtesy; that the remembrance of that his Fatherly Forgiveness should be a stay unto him, for ever doing the like again; at last, that she would promise for him, and take upon her, that he should for ever afterwards satisfy his Fatherly expectation in all kind of Duty and Loyalty. Which words mingled with Tears and other Womanly Gestures, so wrought with Solyman, being otherwise too much in her power, that he resolved to forgive the Fault▪ yet so, that he should come and submit himself, and receive from him his charge. This careful Mother foreslows no time, but by Letters secretly advertised Bajazet not to fear to come unto his Father at such time as he should be sent for; assuring him that there was no danger, for that his Father was by her means appeased, and he again brought into his favour. With which good News Bajazet well comforted, resolved to go at such time as he was sent for; yet full of fear, and oftentimes looking back unto his Brother Mustapha, 
Bajazet goeth to his Father in fear.  whose dreadful example sufficiently warned him what a danger he adventured himself unto. Yet he came to the place appointed for the Parley, which was in a common Inn at a place called Carestran a few miles from Constantinople; for such is the suspicious manner of the Turkish Tyrants of these times, not to suffer any of their Sons that be Men grown, to set their Foot within the Gates of Constantinople, as dangerous for soliciting the Soldiers of the Court, and so consequently for the altering of the State. Bajazet was no sooner lighted from his Horse, but his Father's Guard was presently ready to receive him, commanding him to lay aside his Sword and Dagger; which thing though it be an usual matter in others that are admitted to the presence of the Turkish Emperor, yet might it then in the mind of his guilty Son raise a great fear. But his kind Mother (who had before seen in what fear and perplexity he would come) had conveyed herself into a Chamber fast by the entrance of the same House Bajazet was to pass, where out of a little Casement covered with a thin Linen Cloth, she called unto him in passing by, in these few words, Corcoma oglan, Corcoma; which is as much to say, 
Roxolana comforteth her Son Bajazet.  Fear not my Son, fear not; with which short Speech Bajazet was not a little both comforted and encouraged. But as soon as he was come into his Father's Presence, and had done his Duty, Solyman commanded him to sit down by him; then began the grim Sire grievously to reprove him of rashness and want of discretion in taking up Arms, 
Solyman reproveth Bajazet of disloyalty, and afterward pardoneth him.  which he could not otherwise conceive of but as taken up against himself. And admit they were as he would have it, and the best that he could make of it, taken up against his elder Brother, yet was it nevertheless a great presumption and most wicked Fact. Neither was there any want in him, but that the whole state of the Mahometan Religion (which at this day resteth upon the Ottoman Family) had by his Domestical Discord been sore shaken, and brought in peril of utter ruin, to the great Injury, Reproach, and Contempt of his Majesty, a most detestable and horrible Crime, which could not with condign punishment be revenged. Yet for all that, he had determined to pardon him, and to show himself rather a kind Father, than a severe Judge; so that he would from thenceforth leave the care of future things to God; forasmuch as none of these things are done by our appointment, but that Kingdoms and Monarchies are bestowed as best pleaseth him; so that if it were his Destiny to enjoy the Empire after his death, he should be sure thereof as o● a thing that would of itself come unto him, and was not by any Man's power to be kept from him, as that which was by God ordained for him; but if it were otherwise appointed by God, then were it a mad thing for him to labour in vain to strive against the Will of God, and as it were to fight with God. Wherefore he should now as one well warned, cease to rage and storm, and not to molest his quiet Brother, or trouble him his aged Father; for that if he should again fall and raise new stirs, it would assuredly fall upon his own head, neither would any place of mercy be found for his second offence, and that he should then find him not as now, his gentle Father, but a most severe and revenging Judge. Which when he had said, and Bajazet had thereunto briefly answered as the time would permit, rather craving pardon for his Trespass, than excusing that was not to be excused, and promising from thenceforth to live most loyally at his Command; Solyman according to the manner of that Nation called for Drink, which he commanded to be given to Bajazet, who not daring to refuse it, although he had rather have so done, drank thereof what he thought good, doubting lest that should have been his last; of which fear his Father forthwith delivered him by drinking a good draught of the same Cup. So Bajazet, though guilty, 
Bajazet returneth to his charge.  having with better success spoken with his Father than had his Brother Mustapha, returned again to the former place of his charge.  
This happened in the year 1555, from which time Bajazet so long as Roxolana his Mother lived, behaved himself with all dutiful and Brotherly Kindness both towards his Father and his Brother; and that rather for to keep her favour, and not to cut off the hope which he had only in her Affection towards him, than for any confidence he had in his Father's Kindness, or for any Love he bore to his Brother; the regard of her being the only thing that kept his fierce Nature in quiet. But she dead about two years after, he as a Man bereft of all hope of long Life, and discharged of all Bonds of Duty, fell to his former Course, and began more grievously than before, to revive the old grudges betwixt him and his Brother, sometime seeking by secret practices to have him made away, and other sometimes by open force entering into his Province, which was not far off, there evil entreated some of his Brother's Followers as he light upon, for their Master's sake, omitting nothing which he thought might tend to the disgrace of him whom of all other he wished dead. He had also certain of his Favourites at Constantinople, by whom he cunningly wrought by all means to gain the Love of the Soldiers of the Court, and doubted not as occasion served to pass over thither himself, and there to lurk in secret with such as were of his Faction, and privy to his Designments. Of all which things Solyman had knowledge, but especially by Letters from Selimus, wherein he was also advised to have care of his own safety; for that he was far deceived, if he perceived not, that these Preambles of Bajazet's wicked intentions, would at last turn upon his Head, who regarded neither God nor Man, so that he might alone reign; unto whose unruly desires his Father's Welfare was no less a bar, than was his Brothers, and therefore through his Sides was his Life shot at, which Treason had (as he said) been of long time plotted, and now occasion sought to have the same performed; wherefore he should take heed that he were not by such Treachery overwhelmed before he were aware thereof; That for himself he could easily bear with the injuries of his Brother Bajazet, yet could not choose but be moved with the greatness of his Father's dangers. By which means Soliman's hatred against Bajazet was still more and more increased. Wherefore he by Letters put him in remembrance of his Duty, 
Solyman admonisheth Bajazet of hi● Duty.  how courteously he had used him, and again what he had on his part promised; that there would not always be place for forgiveness; that he should therefore cease to wrong his Brother and trouble his Father; that he had but a short time to live, and that after his death God would assign each of them their Fortunes. But all this was to no purpose with Bajazet, fully set down to hazard whatsoever, rather than as a Beast to have his Throat cut by his Brother; which thing he as plainly saw would betid him in the Reign of Selimus, as if it had been then in execution. Yet he answered to his Fathers commands not impertinently, but his deeds agreed not with his sayings, neither did he alter any thing of his intended purpose. Which thing as soon as Solyman perceived, he thought it best to take another Course, and to remove his Sons both farther from himself, and also farther the one from the other. 
Solyman removeth his two Sons farther asunder.  Wherefore he gave them to understand, That it was his pleasure that both of them within a certain prefixed time should depart out of their Governments (Bajazet being then Governor of Cutai, and Selimus of Magnesia) and that now Bajazet should remove to Amasia, and Selimus to Iconium. Selimus was without imputation, and altogether in favour with his Father; yet because no occasion should be given Bajazet to fall into extremities if he should have been removed alone, Solyman to seem indifferent, commanded them both to remove; unto which command it was adjoined, that the further they were off one from another, they should be so much the nearer in mind and Brotherly love: for as much as nearness of dwelling of the Great, did many times hinder their good agreement, whilst by forwardness of Officers many things are on both sides done to the grieving of their Masters; and that they should in any case do as they were commanded, and that he which stayed longest should not be free from the suspicion of Contempt. Selimus made no long stay, as he that knew a great part of all this to be done for his sake; but Bajazet hung back, and being gone a little on his way, 
Bajazet unwilling to go to Amasia, seeketh delays.  stayed, complaining of the unlucky Province of Amasia, stained with the Blood of his late Brother the Noble Mustapha, to be assigned unto him as ominous, and that he could be better contented with any Province whatsoever, than that, where the deadly remembrance of the miserable end of the nearest unto him in Blood, should be ever before his Eyes, to the wounding of his Heart; Wherefore he requested that he might at least winter in those places, or else there from whence his Brother was now departed; but Solyman would in no wise hearken unto him. Now Selimus gone before certain days Journeys with such Troops as his Father had sent him beside his own, for fear of Bajazet, who yet stayed loitering and trifling on the time, suddenly returning and fetching a compass about, showed himself at his Brothers Back, marching towards Prusa in Bythinia, the ancient Seat of the Turkish Kings; which he did not without the privity of his Father, who liked not of the lingering of Bajazet; for what if he, having gained the good Will of the Janissaries, should have gone either to Prusa, or directly to Constantinople? what a danger might have grown thereby to Selimus, yea unto the whole State in general? In this common fear, Solyman thought it best for Selimus there to stay, from whence they might most conveniently help one another, if Bajazet should (as was feared) turn himself upon either of them. Yet was not Selimus so strong as to adventure to join Battle with his Brother, whom he knew ready to put all to the hazard of one day. But when Bajazet (contrary to his expectation) saw Selimus behind him, and that he had got nothing by his long delay, but that his Brother should be the undoutbed Heir of the Empire if his Father should die, which was then by reason of his sickly constitution of Body daily more and more feared; he writ unto his Father, accusing his Brother, That he could not more manifestly in any thing declare how maliciously he was affected towards him, than by taking that indirect Course, to no other purpose but to aspire unto the Empire, and to have a short cut over to Constantinople, if he should have any news of his Father's death, which he still gaped after; which his longing, if his Father's longer Life should delay, then by the secret Ministers of his Treason to dispatch him, and by the murdering of him to possess himself of the Empire; and yet nevertheless, this man as a most dutiful and obedient Son, to be of him much made of, and as it were put in his Bosom. Whereas he on the contrary part meaning well, into whose conceit never any such thought came, but was ever at command, was not had in any regard, but cast off and contemned, whose greatest request was but to shun an unfortunate ominous Province. After that, he converted his style to Prayers, requesting again of his Father, to gratify him with some other Province, if it were but that from which his Brother was departed, or with any other whatsoever, so that it were more lucky than that of Amasia; for answer whereof he said he would stay where he was, to the end that finding favour in his request, he should not have need further to retire; but if he should not obtain his request, that then he was ready to go whithersoever his Father should command. It was not altogether for nought that Bajazet found fault with Amasia; being the mann●r of the Turks, of the smallest things of all to divine upon the greatest. But Solyman understood the matter otherwise; who not ignorant of his Sons Tears, knew right well that he in them sought for nothing else but a more commodious place for him to raise new stirs in, than was Amasia, so far distant from Constantinople. So Bajazet by many delays did what he could to frustrate his Father's appointment, ceasing not in the mean time to augment his strength, with new Soldiers, to provide Armour, Money, and whatsoever else serving for defence of himself, and the impugning of his Brother. Which Solyman took in no other part, than as intended against his own person; yet would he seem as not to have any such understanding of the matter; for why, the wary old Sire would not by taking knowledge thereof, drive headlong his Son, who was already running too fast of himself. Besides that, he was not ignorant that the Eyes of all Nations were bend upon this discord of his two Sons; and therefore he desired by all means, that these Grudges might be with as little stir as was possible, appeased. Wherefore he answered Bajazet courteously, That concerning his Government of Amasia, he could not alter it, as resolutely set down as well for his Brother as himself, and that therefore they should do well to go both to their appointed places, as he had before commanded. As for the rest, they should be of good comfort, for that he would take such order, as that neither of them should have just cause to complain. Partau Bassa the fourth of the great Bassa's of the Court was appointed to go with this Message to Bajazet, 
Solyman to be sure that his two Sons should go to their appointed Provinces, sendeth Partau and Mehemet, two of the Visier Bassa's, to s●e them brought thither.  and Mehemet third of the same great Bassa's with like charge to Selimus, because the matter should seem to be done with all indifferency; and both of these great Men commanded not to depart from them they were sent unto, before they were both come unto the places of their Government whereunto they were assigned. Which Solyman wisely did, to keep them both within the compass of Duty by the presence of such two grave Counsellors. Which thing Selimus took in good part, but Bajazet not so; who having resolved with himself to set all on a hurly burly, thought nothing more unfit for his designs, than to have one of his Father's greatest Counsellors still at his Elbow as Censor of all his Speeches and Doings; wherefore having courteously entertained him, and rewarded him according to his Ability, 
Bajazet sendeth Partau Bassa back again to his Father.  he dismissed him (though unwilling to depart) making this excuse, That he would use him as his Patron and Defender with his Father, forasmuch as he had no other in Court to defend his cause, promising not to be unto him an unworthy or unthankful Client; and to carry word back again unto his Father, That he would above all things have care of his command, if he might so do for his Brother Selimus, whose Injuries and Treacheries he had much ado to brook. Partau the great Bassa so sent away, assured Solyman what the very mind and purpose of his younger Son was. And albeit that Bajazet to make it seem as if something had been done by that Embassage, made show as if he would have presently gone towards Amasia; yet Solyman nevertheless fearing the worst, 
Solyman makes preparation against Baj●zet, and sendeth Aid to Selimus.  made all the preparation he could against him, commanding the Begle●beg of Grece, although then sick of the Gout, to make haste, and with his Horsemen to pass over with all speed to aid Selimus; and Mehemet Bassa but lately returned, he sent forthwith back again for the same purpose to Selimus, with certain of the most trusty Companies of the Janissaries; and the old Man in readiness, 
The janissaries unwilling to go against B●jazet.  made semblance as if he would himself in person have gone over also. But the Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court came with evil Will together, detesting that War between the Brethren, as altogether abominable; for against whom should they draw their Swords? was it not against the Emperor's Son, and happily the Heir of the Empire? Wherefore this War might (as they said) well enough be let alone, as altogether unnecessary, and not they to be enforced to imbrue their Hands one in another's Blood, and to pollute themselves with such Impiety; as for that which Bajazet did, was to be holden excused, as proceeding from necessity. Which Speeches of the Janissaries being brought to Soliman's Ears, he forthwith declared them to the Mufti (who in all matters of doubt they flee unto as unto a most sacred Oracle) demanding of him, how he was to be entreated, who of himself presumed whiles he yet lived, to levy Soldiers, raise an Army, ransack Towns, and trouble the State of the whole Empire? and what also he deemed of them that were his Followers and took part with him? and last of all, of them also that refused to bear Arms against him, and said that he had in so doing nothing offended? Whereunto the Mufti answered, That both the Man and his Partakers were all worthy of death, and that such as refused to take up Arms against him, were as profane and irreligious Men, to be accounted detestable. Which the great Priests answer was published unto the People, and by the chief Chiaus sent to Bajazet, to see if he might be therewith moved. Within a few days after, 
Bajazet his message to his Father, requesting him not to meddle between him and his Brother.  there came to Constantinople one of the Chiaus (whom Bajazet had intercepted, being sent from Solyman to Selimus) by whom Bajazet gave his Father to understand, That he was in all Duty his, and that he had not taken up Arms against him, neither refused to be unto him in all things obedient; but that he had only to do with his Brother, and with him to fight for his life, by whose Sword he must die, or else he by his, for that a mischief was to be by one of them performed; which quarrel he was resolved to try whiles he yet lived, and that therefore he should do best not to meddle in the quarrel, or to give Aid to either. But if so be he would needs (as the report was) pass over the Sea to aid Selimus, he should not think easily to get him into his hands, for that he knew right well, if the worst came, how to escape and save himself; and would before he could get over into Asia, make such spoil with Fire and Sword, as never had Tamerlane or other the cruelest Enemy of the Turks that ●ver was. Which Message did not a little trouble Solyman. And withal it was reported, That the Town of Axuar, where one of Selimus his Sons ruled as Sanzack, was already taken by Bajazet and shamefully sacked. 
Selimus depar●eth towards Iconium.  But Selimus hearing that his Brother was gone toward Amasia, and now on his way as far as Ancyra, being out of all suspicion of danger which he feared upon the way so long as his Brother was yet lingering in those quarters, hasted now towards Iconium, which was with a strong Garrison kept for him; for amongst other cares wherewith Solyman was vexed, it was not the least, That Bajazet intercepting Iconium, should get into Syria, and from thence into Egypt, an open Country, and not yet throughly established under the Turkish Government, neither forgetful of the old Government of the Mamalukes, and therefore desirous of change; from whence it would have been an hard matter to have driven Bajazet, especially the Arabians being always ready and at hand at every light stir, where any hope of Prey was; out of which Province also in case of extremity he might easily transport himself into any of the Christian Kingdoms. Solyman therefore took great care, that this passage, which might seem the last refuge of Bajazet's devices, might be stopped up; and concerning the same, had given commandment unto most of his Commanders in Asia, to be always in readiness to aid Selimus whensoever he should call. With them Selimus lay encamped under the Walls of Iconium, attending every stirring of Bajazet, resolving there to expect further Aid from his Father, and not by untimely fight to commit his safety to the hazard of one doubtful Battle. But Bajazet on the other side not unmindful what a matter he had taken in hand, 
Baj●zet stayeth at Ancyra, and there raiseth his Forces.  slept not thereupon, but first entertained a valiant sort of Horsemen which the Turks call Chiurts, and are supposed to be of that People which were sometimes called Gordij, Men for their known Valour famous. He yet lay in the Plain and open Fields by Ancyra, of the Commodities of which City (which were indeed great) he made great use; In the Castle thereof he bestowed his Concubines and Children; of the rich Merchants he took up Money to be repaid with the use upon the good success of the War; and from thence he took whatsoever was needful for the arming and furnishing of his Men. Besides his own Family, which was very great, and those Chiurts which we spoke of, many repaired unto him which had been in former time beholden to his Mother, his Sister and Rustan the great Bassa; many also of the Relics of the valiant Mustapha and Achomates the great Bassa, valiant Men and expert Soldiers, who desired to revenge the unworthy death of their Lords and Masters, even with their own. Neither was there wanting an exceeding Rabblement of such as weary of their present state, desired some new innovation and change. The commiseration also of the State of the unfortunate Bajazet, easily drew many to take part with him, whose whole trust was in his Valour; they favoured the young Prince, lively resembling his Father; when as in Selym●s appeared no likeness of himself, 
The description of Selimus.  but the express Lineaments of his Mother's Face and Body, a Woman whilst she lived generally hated of all the People; he went heavily as overcharged with his greesie Paunch, blub cheeked, and exceeding red faced; so that the Soldiers in sport would say, he was fed with green Malt; he was altogether given to his ease, and spent his time in Drunkenness and Sleep, neither was he courteous of Speech nor willing to deserve well of any Man; for he would not (as he said) offend his Father by being popular, so was he only of his Father belov●d▪ and of all other Men hated, of all kind of Men he most misliked of them that set all their hope in a bountiful and courageous Prince. 
Bajazet and his quarrel generally favoured of the Soldiers.  The same Soldiers were also wont to call Bajazet, Softy (that is to say) a Man given to quietness and study; but after they saw him take up Arms, and for the safeguard of himself and his Children ready to adventure any thing, they began to admire him as a Man of Valour and Courage; and to ask among themselves, Why his Father should reject him of such worth, the the express image of himself, and prefer before him that gorbellied Sluggard, in whom no Spark of his Father's Valour was to be seen? This his entering into Arms was no Fault, being thereunto by necessity enforced, for, had not Selimus their Grandfather done the like? whereof no better example could be found; whom the force of necessity constrained not only to take up Arms against his Brother, but also to hasten the death of his Father; and by so doing, purchased unto himself and his Posterity the Empire; which so gotten, if Solyman did not unjustly possess, why might not his Son use the same Course? why should he so rigorously revenge that in his Son, that was so lawful in the Grandfather? Although there was (as they said) great difference between that Selimus and this Bajazet; for that this Man intended no harm against his Father, but wished him long to live; neither yet against his Brother, if he might by his leave but live, if he would but once cease to do him wrong; that it was always accounted lawful to repel Force by Force, and to shun present Death, if the Destinies would so permit. By such Affections and Motives, Bajazet his Power increased daily; 
Bajazet his purpose.  which being now grown almost to the greatness of a full Army, he thought it not best to use longer delay, but to march forthwith against his Brother to fight with him one Battle for his Life, State, and Empire; accounting it some commendation (although in vain) to have attempted so great an Enterprise. His purpose was (as Solyman feared) to get into Syria, which if he could bring to pass, he then doubted not of the rest. Selimus strengthened with his Father's Power, lay waiting for his coming before Iconium, well appointed of all Warlike Provision; his Army was exceeding strong, and in it many notable Commanders, Martial Men of great experience, whom his Father had joined unto him; who all lay covered with their great Ordnance planted in places most convenient. But Bajazet nothing terrified therewith, as soon as he came within sight of his Brother's Army, 
Bajazet goeth against his Brother.  exhorted his Soldiers in few words to play the Men, for that now was come the time they wished for, and place for them to show their Valour in; wherefore they should show themselves courageous and valiant, and he would make them all rich and fortunate; he told them, that their Fortune was now in their own hands, to frame it every Man as he would himself; so that if any of them were weary of their present state, there was the Field wherein they might exchange it with a better and therein lay down the miseries of their former lives; that of him they should if they overcame, expect Riches, Promotions, Honours, and whatsoever else, the Rewards of valiant Men; that with the Victory of one Battle, all their desires should be satisfied, were they never so great; which Victory was by the Valour which rested in them to be gotten, and his Brother's Army, the heartless Followers of a heartless Captain, overthrown; for as his Father's Soldiers that were with his Brother, they were in Body present, but in Mind altogether on his side; that it was only Selimus that withstood his Welfare and their Felicity, whom they should therefore valiantly seek for in Field as their common Enemy; and not to be afraid of his Multitude, forasmuch as Victory was to be gained, not by Number, but by Valour; and the most Mighty God of Heaven and Earth was still present, not with the most, but with the best: Besides that, he willed them to remember with what a cruel Enemy they were to fight, who thirsted after nothing more than their Blood: And to conclude, he willed them all, not to look upon his Words, but his Deeds; and said, If as you shall see me fight for your profit, you shall likewise fight for mine Honour, I dare then assure you of the Victory. Which said, 
The battle between Bajazet and Selimus.  he with great Courage charged the Enemy, and fight himself long time amongst the foremost, and there performing all the parts of a valiant Soldier, and worthy Captain, was for his notable Valour no less commended of his Enemies, than of his own Soldiers. The Battle was bloody and terrible, and many fell on both sides. But after that they with wonderful obstinacy had a great while fought with doubtful Victory, 
Forty thousand Turks slain.  so that forty thousand Turks lay there dead upon the ground; at length the Victory began to incline to that side whereon stood the greater Strength, the juster Cause, and better Counsel. Many of the Enemies being slain, and many of his own People also lost, Bajazet was enforced to retire; which he did so leisurely, and without show of any fear, that it seemed to the Beholders, he had well near as well gained as lost the Field; neither durst Selimus pursue him, but stood still fast in the same place, never more glad of any thing, than to see his Brothers back. But Bajazet after he had in contempt of his Father's command thus run his own Course, and satisfied his own desire, though disappointed of his purpose, and not able to perform the journey by him intended into Syria, turned now his Course, 
Bajazet goeth to Amas●a.  and began in good earnest to go to Amasia his appointed Province.  
Solyman speedily advertised of the event of this Battle, forthwith passed over into Asia; for as the great Bassas his Counsellors thought it not convenient for him to go over the Straight before the Victory; so after it was certainly known, they thought it not good longer to stay, lest the overthrow of Bajazet might give occasion to such as secretly favoured his quarrel, to show themselves, and so to raise greater Troubles. Besides that, the same of his passage over, would (as they said) much avail both to the discouragement of Bajazet, and the terrifying of his Friends; and therefore it was by them thought good, hastily to pursue him, now overthrown, and not to suffer him to gather Courage by the example of his Grandfather Selimus, Soliman's Father; who had been more terribly vanquished than when he stood in his whole strength, and might seem by that means to have especially prevailed, for that he was at first unfortunately overthrown. Neither were these things without reason foreseen; for it is almost incredible, what admiration and love this battle (although unfortunate) did get to Bajazet; men wondered that he durst with so small a power, and as it were but an handful of Men, encounter with his Brother far better appointed, and also supported by his Father's Strength; not fearing either the disadvantage of the place, or the Fury of the great Artillery; and to have behaved himself in the battle not like a young Soldier▪ but an old and expert Commander. Selimus' might at his pleasure boast of himself as they said (to his Father) for the Victory; but Bajazet was the man that deserved to have overcome; and that Selimus might to any thing ascribe the Victory, rather than to his own Valour.  
These and such like Speeches, as they made Bajazet gracious amongst the people generally; so doubled they his Father's cares, and increased his hatred, to wish him the rather dead. For why, he was resolutely set down, not to leave any other Heir of his Empire than Selimus his eldest Son, always Loyal and Obedient unto him; whereas the other he abhorred as Stubborn and Rebellious, gaping after the Empire whilst he yet lived; of whom he was therefore so much the more to stand in dread, by how much he was reputed to be of more valour, and for the aid he had now so openly given to Selimus. For these causes he passed over the Straight into Asia, with purpose not to go far from the Sea Coast, but as it were a far off with his favourable aspect to countenance Selimus his proceeding; doubting by coming too near with his Army, to endanger himself by the sudden revolt of the Janissaries, which he above all things feared.  

Augerius Busbequius Epist. 3 legationis Turcicae.  I myself (saith the Author of this History) saw him departing out of Constantinople the first of june in the year 1559, when as within a few days after, I myself was also sent for thither; for the Bassas thought it not amiss to have me in the Camp, and to use me courteously as their Friend, for which cause I was assigned to lodge in an Inn in a Village near to the Camp, where I lay very well, The Turks lay in the Fields round about; but lying there three months I had good leisure and opportunity to see the manner of their Camp, and in part to know the order of their Martial Discipline. So I attiring myself in such apparel as the Christians commonly use in those places, went up and down with one or two Companions at my pleasure unknown. First I saw the Soldiers of all sorts most orderly placed, 
The order of the Turks Camp.  and that, which he would scarce believe that knoweth the manner of our War, there was in every place great silence, and as a Man may say, dumb quietness, no brawling, no insolency, no not so much as a word or laughter passing in sport or drunkenness. Besides that, wonderful cleanliness, no Dunghills, no Excrements that might offend either the Eyes or Nose, for all such things the Turks do either bury or carry them far out of sight. They themselves so oft as they are enforced to discharge the burden of Nature, dig an hole with a Spade and bury it, so is all their Camp without filth. There was not to be seen any Drinking or Feasting, no Dicing (the great shame of our Wars) the loss of Money or time at Cards or Dice, the Turks know not. I met only with a rough Hungarian and his Companions, a Soldier, who heavy himself, to the Lute rather houled than sung a doleful Ditty, containing the last words of a Fellow of his dying of his wounds upon the green Bank of Danubius, wherein he requesteth the River, because it ran to the place where he was born, to carry news to his Friends and Countrymen, that he died an honourable death, and not unrevenged, for the increase of his Religion, and honour of his Country; whereunto his Fellows sighing, bore a Foot, O happy and thrice happy Wight, would Fortune with thee change we might. For the Turks are of opinion, 
The opinion the Turks have of them that die in their Wars.  That no men's Souls go more speedily to Heaven, than of such valiant Men as die in Battle, for whose welfare their Maidens daily make Prayers and Vows. I would also needs go through their Butchery, where their Beasts were killed, to see what Flesh was to be sold; where I saw but four, or at most five Wethers hanging ready dressed, and that was the Butchery for the Janissaries, which I deemed to be in that Camp not fewer than four thousand. I marvelled that so little Flesh should suffice so many Men; but I was answered, That few of them did eat Flesh, for that most part of them had their Victuals transported from Constantinople. Then I demanding what it was, they showed me a Janisary sitting by, who in an earthen Dish had killed a Turnip, an Onion, 
The spare Di●t of the janissaries.  a Head of Garlic, a Parsenep, and a Cucumber, all sauced with Salt and Vinegar, or more truly to say, with Hunger; whereon he fed as savourly as if they had been Feasants or Partridges; his Drink was the common Drink of all living Creatures, even fair Water. By which frugal kind of Diet, they provide both for the health of their Bodies, and the sparing of their Purse; and that I marvelled the more at, it was the time that their great Fast, or to speak after our fashion, their Lent was at hand; at which time with us Christians, even in well ordered Cities, much more in Camps, all Rings with Playing, Dancing, Singing, Crying, Quaffing, Carousing; and in brief, with Madding and Frenzy. So that it is not vainly reported, That a Turk sent about that time Ambassador into Germany, coming home reported, That the Christians on certain days did riot, and became mad, until they besprinkled with a certain kind of Ashes in the Church, came to themselves again, and so recovered; and that it was a wonderful thing to see, how much they were changed by the efficacy of that remedy, that they seemed not to be the same Men; meaning indeed the disordered manners of the Christians at Shrovetide, and the Ceremonies used on Ash-wednesday: Which thing they to whom it was told, so much the more marvelled at, for that the Turks have many medicines which cause madness, but few or none which presently easeth the same. 
The precise manner of the ●Turks in their Fasts.  And they upon those days that go before their great Fasts, change nothing of their wont manner of Life to the worse; but rather chose prepare themselves to abstinence, by taking somewhat from their usual fare, the better to endure the sudden change of their Fast; which they so precisely observe, that upon their fasting days they will not so much as taste a Cup of Water, or wash their Mouths with Water all the day long, before the Stars appear in the Sky; which maketh their Fasts, especially in Summer when the days be long and hot, to be unto them very tedious.  
Whiles I thus lay in the Camp, there came unto me one Albertus a learned Man with certain Presents from the Emperor to Solyman, 
Presents sent from the Emperor Ferdinand to Solyman.  which were, certain gilt Plate, and a most curious Clock, which was carried upon an Elephant like a Castle; and some Crowns to be dispersed among the Bassas; which Solyman would needs have presented unto him in the Camp in the sight of the whole Army, to make it the better known what friendship was between him and the Emperor, and that he needed not to fear any danger from the Christian Princes.  
But to return again to Bajazet, 
Bajazet goeth ●o Amasia, and 〈◊〉 for his Father's ●avour.  from whom we have a while digressed; he after the Battle at Iconium had retired himself to Amasia, the place of his Government, as though he would have now there quietly lived, if his Father would so give him leave. He had now satisfied his youthful desires and grief, and seemed willing from thenceforth to satisfy his Father's better expectation; and therefore ceased not by Letters and fit Men to prove his Father's mind. Neither did Solyman show himself strange from such a reconciliation; at first he easily gave the Messenger's audience, read his Sons Letters, and courteously returned answer; so that it was commonly reported in the Camp, that the Father and the Son would agree, and that the old Man would pardon the youthful Prank already past, so that he would from thenceforth remain dutiful. But all this was by the Counsel of the Bassas, 
Solyman dissembleth with Bajazet.  nothing but deep dissimulation in the crafty old Sire, until he had shut up Bajazet, and so got him alive into his hand; for it was feared, lest he despairing of pardon, should with such a power break into the Borders of Persia (now the only place left for his refuge) as might prevent the watchful diligence of his Lieutenants upon those Frontiers; whom Solyman charged by continual Letters so to stop all the passages into Persia, as that there should not be any cranny for Bajazet to fly out by. In the mean time, if any came within his reach that were suspected to have taken part with Bajazet, or favoured his proceedings, those he caused to be tortured and secretly made away, and among them some whom Bajazet had of purpose sent to excuse themselves. For Solyman fearing lest Tamas the Persian King (more mindful of his old Quarrels than of the late enforced Peace) should hardly with much ado suffer his Son to be got out of his hands if he should fly thither, and so again raise a long and dangerous War, did therefore what he possibly might to oppress him before he should come thither. Which his purpose although it was covered with all secrecy, yet was it not hidden from some of Bajazet his Friends, by whom he was oftentimes warned not to trust his Father, but to beware of Treason, and in any case speedily to provide for his own safety. But Solyman thinking he had now so provided as that he could by no means escape, and happily the more to deceive his Son, appointed to return with his Army to Constantinople the day after their Easter day. 
Bajazet departed into Amasia, with purpose to 〈◊〉 into Persia.  But Bajazet, upon the very Feast day having performed the solemnities thereof, commanded all his things to be trussed up at Amasia, and so set forward upon his unfortunate Journey towards Persia; knowing right well, that he went to the ancient Enemy of the Ottoman Family, but yet fully resolved to make proof of any Man's mercy, rather than to fall into the hands of his angry Father. Now were they all set forward, except such weak Souls as were not thought able to endure the labour of so long a Journey, among whom was left Solyman, Bajazet his youngest Son, but then newly born; which guiltless Babe, with his Mother, Bajazet thought better to leave unto the mercy of his Grandfather, than to take him with him, a poor Companion of his woeful and miserable flight; whom Solyman as yet uncertain of his Father's Fortune, commanded to be Nursed at Prusa. Bajazet so gone from Amasia, used ●uch celerity in his Travel, that almost in every place he prevented the fame of his coming, and light upon many that were appointed to have stayed his passage, before they were ready or aware of his coming. The Bassa of Sebastia he thus deceived; 
Bajazet deceiveth the Bassa of S●bastia.  There was two ways, whereof the one of them being intercepted, would greatly hinder his Journey, and that the Bassa had already taken; wherefore he sent certain, as if they had been Fugitives, to tell the Bassa that he was already gone the other way. Which the Bassa believing, left the place he had before taken, and rising with all his power to pursue him the other way, whereby it was told him he was gone, left that way free and open for him to pass by.  

The ●assa of Erzirum deceived by Bajazet.  The Bassa of Erzirum he deceived also by another not much unlike shift; from whom when he was not far distant, and knowing that in passing through his Country, he was to endure great danger, he set upon him with a wile, sending unto him certain of his Followers with commendations; who afterwards lamentably complaining of the young Prince's calamity, to move the Bassa to pity, at last requested that he would give him leave to shoe his Horses in his Territory; telling him that he came unprovided of all things, and therefore desirous in that fruitful Country to refresh his Horses a day or two, and to new shoe them. Whereunto the Bassa courteously answered, That he would not let him to take whatsoever he needed. But whether it was for the compassion that he had upon the state of Bajazet, or for the secret love he bore him, or that he thought by that means the easier to entrap him, is doubtful; and happily prevented by Bajazet's quick speed, had not as yet sufficient time to draw together his Soldiers. He sent also unto Bajazet certain small Presents, seeming to be glad of his welfare and coming; who nevertheless kept on his way, resting no part of the day, and but a little of the night. The Bassa of Erzirum understanding that Bajazet came still on, made what hast he could also, and joined his power to the rest of the Bassas which followed after; for many Bassas and Sanzacks hearing that Bajazet was fled from Amasia, pursued fast after him, being charged by Solyman upon pain of their Heads to bring him back either alive or dead; but all in vain, by reason of his speedy departure, and for that he made more haste to fly, than they did to follow. Yet it cost no Man dearer than this Bassa of Erzirum, of whom we have now spoken, whom Solyman for this cause displaced; and Selimus afterwards slew, with two of his Sons, young striplings whom he had before in despite shamefully abused against nature. Yea Selimus himself and Mahomet the great Bassa, with the Berglerbeg of Grecia, followed also after Bajazet, though it were a far off. This his departure grieved Solyman above measure, 
Solyman much grieved with the flight of his Son.  assuring himself (as the truth was) that he was fled into Persia; wherewith he was so much moved, that he could scarcely contain himself, but would needs have gone with all his power in all haste against the Persian, to have terrified him at hand from relieving his rebellious Son. But these his raging fits his grave Counsellors moderated, by declaring unto him what danger he should adventure himself unto, by reason of the doubtful faith of his best Soldiers. And what if Bajazet (as he was a desperate and sudden Man) should in the mean time turn about above Pontus and the Fens of Meotis, and so fetching a compass come to Constantinople, and proclaiming a general liberty in his absence, possess himself of the Empire. By which wholesome persuasion Solyman stayed his so hasty a Journey; but Bajazet all the way as he went, writ upon the the Gates and Doors, That he would give double pay to all such as should follow him; which caused Soliman's Captains to have their own Soldiers in distrust, and the more for that they might oftentimes hear amongst them, speeches of great good will and love towards Bajazet.  
After long flying▪ 
The eager pursuit of the Bassas and Sanzacks.  he was at length come to the River Araxis, which separated the Turks Kingdom from the Persian; which having passed over, and yet not so in safety, he left certain of his Followers upon the Bank of the River to keep the Sanzacks (who still eagerly pursued him) from passing over; whom the Sanzacks easily repulsed, and so passing the River, entered a great way into the Persian Kingdom, until such time as that they were met withal by certain of the Nobility of Persia with great Troops of Horsemen; who demanding of them what they meant, and what they sought for in another Man's Kingdom, were answered by the Turks, That they pursued their King's fugitive Son. To whom the Persians replied, That they did not well, contrary to the League with their Lord and Master, to come in Arms beyond the Bounds of their own Kingdom; and that there was a strong League between King Tamas and Solyman which it behoved them to regard; as for Bajazet, their King would consider what was convenient for him to do, and not in that point forget himself; in the mean time they should do well to get them out of that Country wherein they had nothing to do. Whereupon the Turks forthwith left this pursuit and retired.  
But by and by came Messengers from the Persian King to Bajazet to salute him, and to demand the cause of his coming, and also to see what strength he brought with him; which as some account was about twenty thousand. To whom Bajazet declared, That he by his Brother's injuries and Fathers hard dealing, driven out of his Country, was fled unto the sacred Majesty of the Persian King, as his most assured refuge, who, as he well hoped, in compassion of Man's instability, would not reject him so distressed, and otherwise destitute of all help. Whereunto the Persian replied, That he had done very unwisely to come unto him that was in League and Amity with his Father; whereof one condition was, That they should account the Enemies of the one, the Enemies of the other; and the Friends of the one, the Friends of the other. Which Law to break, he accounted a thing utterly unlawful; 
Bajazet well entertained by the Persian King.  nevertheless seeing the matter was so fallen out, he was welcome as unto his Friend, who in his behalf would leave nothing unattempted to reconcile him to his Father, which he despaired not to bring to pass. So Bajazet meeteth with the Persian King, but in an evil hour, although at their first meeting there was great welcome, friendly countenance, cheerful looks, mutual kindness, often conference, and great feasting one of another; things whereby the secret thoughts of hollow hearts are best concealed; there was also a motion made of a straighter bond of alliance, and one of the Persian Kings Daughters promised to Orcanes one of Bajazet's Sons; and he put in hope that the Persian King would never rest in quiet, until Solyman had made him Governor either of Mesopotamia, Babylon, or Erzi●um (which Governments were by the Persians greatly extolled) and that he might there live without fear of his Brother, far from him and his Father also; where if any thing should fall out otherwise than well, he might have his Brother the Persian King a sure refuge to retire unto, and so safe from all danger. Which speeches were happily given out, of purpose to avert Bajazet his thoughts from the feeling of the present danger; who seemed unto himself so assured of the love and friendship of Tamas the Persian King, that at such time as he sent his Ambassadors to Constantinople, for a reconciliation to be made between Solyman and him (as was commonly supposed) he willed the same Ambassador to tell his Father, that he had lost a Father at Constantinople, and found another in Persia. But whether the Persian dealt sincerely in this behalf for Bajazet by his Ambassadors, which where many, may well be doubted. Like it is, that there was more feigned show of double diligence, than of true meaning therein; and the rather to feel the mind of Solyman, than to do any good to the poor distressed Prince; and the rather, for that in the mean time all things were seriously plotted that might tend to his destruction. Which were no sooner grown to their full ripeness, but there was of purpose a motion made, That such a multitude as followed this young Prince lay so close together, 
Tamas the Persian King in fear of Bajazet.  that there was not in one place Victual sufficient for them, and that it was therefore more convenient to have them billeted in the Country thereabouts; which would be more commodious, as well for the better victualling of them, as for divers other purposes also. Truth was, that Tamas the Persian King, far unlike his noble Father Ishmael, stood in doubt left he brought up a Serpent in his Bosom. Yet there were many which thought, that it was not the Persians mind at first to have destroyed Bajazet, but to have been thereunto enforced by the practice of some of his Familiars and Followers; who not regarding the courtesy of the Persian King, nor the Laws of Hospitality, persuaded Bajazet to thrust him out of his Kingdom; whereof there was many evident Tokens. And among other things it was told King Tamas, that one of Bajazet's chief Captains should say, What mean we? Why stay we to kill this heritical King, and to possess his Kingdom? For we shall no doubt by his Treachery all come to destruction. And that upon such occasion the King was constrained to condescend to a device more necessary than honourable. Bajazet had no great power, but most of them were valiant Men, and Soldiers of great experience, ready to adventure upon any thing; of whom the Persian not without cause stood in some fear. He knew his Kingdom to be neither ancient nor yet well assured, as gotten by his Father by the counterfeit show of a reformed Religion; and who could assure him, but that amongst so many Nations over whom he Lorded, that there were many weary of the present State, and so desirous of novelties? Unto whom nothing could chance more fitting than the coming of Bajazet, a noble and valiant young Gentleman; and that more was; desperately set; that as yet he himself might of right rather seemed in the power of his Guest, than he in his; and that therefore he was to alter the matter, and not longer to entertain him as his Guest, but to coop him up as a most dangerous wild Beast. Which to do, the easiest way was to disperse his power, and so to take him unawares; for that he could not without much Bloodshed be openly taken in the midst of his strength, especially by the dainty Persian, of long time not used to War, and as yet not come together; against Bajazet's Soldiers, Men of great activity and experience. So was the matter cunningly imparted unto him for the dispersing of his Forces, and all the Commodites to ensue thereof alleged; which Bajazet might not well gainsay, although many of his wise Followers (Men of great reach) did shrewdly suspect the sequel. But what could he refuse, upon whom necessity lay so heavy? Where no other hope was left? Where he lived as it pleased another Man; and that again too, where once to doubt of the fidelity of his Host, might be imputed to him for the greatest Treachery? So these most valiant Soldiers, the poor Princes faithful Followers, never again to see one another, are dispersed into divers Country Villages, and bestowed where the Persians thought good. 
Bajazet his Followe●● dispersed and slain.  Not many days after, at a time picked out for the purpose, they in number few, and dispersed in a strange Country, were enclosed by many and slain; their Horses, Armour, Apparel, and whatsoever else, became a prey unto the Murderers. 
Bajazet imprisoned  At the same instant was Bajazet and his Sons cast in Bonds also, and that to his greater grief as many report, taken as he was sitting merrily at Dinner at the King's Table. The Persian King seemed to have foreseen much in this his hard dealing with Bajazet; as if that he, being a valiant and courageous young Prince, and much better Soldier than his Brother, should have succeeded his Father in his Empire, much trouble and peril might have grown thereby, both to himself and his Kingdom; and that it stood far better with the safety of his Estate, that Selimus (a Man wholly given to voluptuousness and ease) should reign over the Turks; in whose time he might as it were promise unto himself all peace and security; and therefore it was thought that he would never let Bajazet go alive out of his hand, but rather make him away in Prison, as if he had there died for melancholy and grief. Well he was assured, that after he had slain his Followers, and imprisoned himself and his Sons, he would never be Friends with him that had so notably wronged him. Bajazet thus shamefully imprisoned, Messengers ran continually too and fro betwixt the two old Princes Solyman and Tamas. 
The Persian King sendeth Ambassadors with Presents to Solyman.  Amongst the rest, the Persian King sent a solemn Ambassador unto the Turk with Presents, namely curious Tents, costly Carpets, an Alcoran containing the Mysteries of their Superstition, and certain strange Beasts. The cause of his coming was pretended to be for a reconciliation to be made between Solyman and his Son; which Ambassador was honourably entertained and feasted by the great Bassaes. Now was poor Bajazet in small hope of life, his cruel Father still craving to have him delivered into his hands to be slain; and the Persian yet denying to deliver him, and seeming to defend him, but not (as was thought) altogether faithfully. Solyman left no means unattempted to have wrung him from the Persian, sometimes he spoke him fair, putting him in mind of his League, wherein it was agreed, That they should both have the same Friends and the same Enemies; otherwhile he terrified him with great words, and denouncing of War, except he would deliver him his Son; he furnished with strong Garrisons all the Frontiers of his Dominion towards Persia, he filled all Mesopotamia and the Banks of the River Euphrates with Soldiers, especially with them of his own Guard, and such as he had before used in the Battle against Bajazet; over whom commanded Mehemet Bassa the third of the Visier Bassanes, and Selimus the Beglerbeg of Grece (for Selimus was soon weary of the Field, and so betime returned home;) he also incited the Georgian People to take up Arms against the Persians; who wisely answered, That they had not such confidence in their own strength, as to provoke King Tamas; but let Solyman himself come with his Army, and when they saw him present in the Field, than they knew what they had to do, and that he should then well see that they wanted neither discretion nor valour. And because he would leave nothing unproved, he made show as if he would in person himself have gone to Aleppo in Syria, and so have on that side invaded the Persian; neither was the Persian King altogether out of fear, having to his cost many times proved what Solyman was able to do. But the unwillingness of the Soldiers, and their minds altogether estranged from that War, easily stayed the raging Turk; they detested that War, and forsook their Ensigns, a great number of whom (especially Horsemen) without leave of their Captains returned to Constantinople; and being commanded again to the Camp, went indeed, but with such countenance and cheer as well declared how they were affected, and what they would do if occasion served for them to revolt.  
For which cause, after that Solyman perceived that Bajazet could not alive be got from the Persian (excusing himself by fear of revenge by him whom he had so grievously offended, 
The cause why the Persian King would by no means let Bajazet go out of his hand.  if he should by any means escape) he thought it best to follow that which was next, and to have him there slain; which he was in good hope to compass, and the rather, for that the Persian had but lately written unto him, That he could not but much marvel to see him deal so slenderly in a matter of so great importance; That he on his part had sent him divers Ambassadors; and that he on the other side had sent him nothing but common Messengers with Papers, which caused him to think that he made no great account of the matter; wherefore he should do well to send unto him Men of account and place, with whom he might confer and conclude also according to the weightiness and exigence of the cause; besides that, he was (as he said) not a little in his debt, for that Bajazet and his Followers had been unto him no small charge before he could get him into his power; all which it were good reason he should have consideration of. Whereby Solyman perceived that Money was the thing the Persian King sought after; and therefore rather than he would in an unfit time of his life entangle himself in a dangerous and unnecessary War, he determined by the counsel of his Bassas, rather with Money than with the Sword to fight with the Persian King. Hereupon was Hassan Aga (one of the chief Gentlemen of his Chamber) appointed Ambassador into Persia, with whom was joined the Bassa of Maras, a Man both for his age and place, reverend; who departing with a large Commission almost in the depth of Winter, with great speed and wonderful toil by those long and difficult ways, arrived at last at Casbin the Seat of the Persian King, having by the way lost divers of their Servants and Followers. Being come to the Court, 
The miserable estate of Bajazet.  the first thing they desired was to see Bajazet, whom they found shut up in a close Prison, pale and wan as a Man forlorn, with his Hair and Beard so long and overgrown, as that he was not to be known before he was new Trimmed, which done, than appeared the lively resemblance of his wont countenance and favour, so that Hassan verily knew him to be him▪ for he had been brought up with him of a Child in the Court, and for this cause especially had Solyman sent him thither to be assured that it was he. At length after long discourse and conference between the King and the Ambassadors, 
The agreement between the Persian King and Solyman for the destruction of Bajazet.  it was agreed upon, that the King should receive from Solyman full recompense of all the charges he had been at, and of the harms by him sustained since the coming of Bajazet into Persia, with such further reward as so great a good turn deserved; which things performed, that then it should be in Soliman's power to have Bajaz●t made away. With this news Hassan posteth to his Master at Constantinople, who forthwith caused the promised Reward, together with such charges as the Persian King demanded, to be made ready, and with a safe convoy to be sent unto the Borders of Persia, where they were of the Persians received. Presently after returneth Hassan the appointed Executioner of the unfortunate Bajazet; for so Solyman had straight charged him to strangle him with his own hands. Which thing this new made Hangman accordingly performed, and with a Bowstring strangled the unfortunate Prince; who is reported to have requested of the Executioner, that he might but see his Children before he died, and take of them his last farewell; which poor request could not be granted, but he forthwith commanded to die. This was the woeful end of the unlucky attempt of Bajazet, a Prince of far more worth than was Selimus his Brother, 
Bajazet and his four Sons strangled.  who in seeking to shun the death he feared, hasted the same before his time. Such as was the Father's end, was also the end of his four Sons, Omer, Amurat, Selym, and Muhamet; of whom the three eldest were strangled at Casbin with their Father, whose dead Bodies together with his, were solemnly brought to Sebastia and there buried. The youngest but new born left at Amasia, and sent by his Grandfather to Prusa (as is before said) to be there nursed, was now upon the death of his Father commanded by his said Grandfather to be strangled also. The Eunuch sent by Solyman to have done the deed, and loath to do it himself took with him one of the Porters of the Court, a desperate and otherwise a hard hearted Ruffian, a Man thought fit to have performed any villainy; he coming into the Chamber where the Child lay, and fitting the Bowstring to the Child's Neck to have strangled him, 
The rare force of innocency.  the innocent Babe smiling upon him, and lifting itself up as well as it could, with open Arms offered to have embraced the Villain about the Neck and kissed him. Which guiltless simplicity so wounded the stony hearted Man, that he was not able to perform the intended butchery of the poor simple Child, but fell down in a swoon and there lay for dead. The Eunuch standing without the Door marveling at his long stay, goes in, and finding the Ruffian lying along upon the ground, with cruel hand performed that the other could not find in his heart to do, and so strangled the guiltless Child as had been given him in charge. Whereby it evidently appeared, that it was not the mercy or compassion of Solyman that so long caused the guiltless Infant to be spared, but rather the opinion generally received amongst the Turks, who measuring all things by the good or bad success, refer all things that fall out well, unto God as the Author thereof, be they never so ungraciously begun; and therefore so long as it was yet uncertain what success the attempts of Bajazet would have, Solyman spared the Infant, lest upon his Father's good hap he might seem to have striven against the will of God. But now that his Father was dead, and his quarrel by the evil success thereof condemned as it were by the sentence of the Almighty, he thought it not good longer to suffer him to live, lest of an evil Bird might come an evil Chick. I had sometime (saith the Reporter of this History) great reasoning with my Chiaus about this matter; for falling into talk with him of Bajazet, he began bitterly to inveigh against him for taking up Arms against his Brother. Whereunto (saith this Author) I replied, That in mine opinion he was worthy both to be pitied and pardoned, for as much as he was of necessity enforced either to take up Arms, or else shortly after to yield himself to the slaughter. But he still exclaiming against him▪ I said unto him, You blame poor Bajazet of great wickedness for bearing Arms against his Brother; but Selimus Soliman's Father you blame not, who upon like occasion took up Arms both against his Father and his Brethren; yet he therein did nothing amiss, nor in your judgement blame worthy. And rightly, (saith the Chiaus) for the event of the matter showeth sufficiently, that that which he did was done by the appointment of God, and that he was from Heaven predestinated thereunto; whereas in Bajazet the event showeth the clean contrary. So that which falleth out well, be it by never so wicked means compassed or brought to pass, they take it as done according to the will of God; but if it fall out otherwise, they judge it as a thing condemned by God himself; depending wholly upon the good or bad event of things, and therefore judging them to be well done, or otherwise.  
This year 1558, year 1558. Charles the Fifth that noble Emperor (of whom we have in the course of this History so often spoken) who weary of the World, 
Charles the Emperor resi●neth the Empire to his B●other Ferdinand, and shortly after dieth.  had two years before delivered all his hereditary Kingdoms and Principalities to his Son Philip, did now the twenty fourth of February, on which day he was born, by his Ambassadors solemnly sent for that purpose, resign that Empire with all the Honours and Titles thereof unto his Brother King Ferdinand, requesting the Prince's Electors to confirm the same unto him, which they did the thirteenth of March next following. So living as a private Gentleman in that solitary life whereunto he had to the wonder of the World certain years before retired himself from all worldly Affairs, the one and twentieth day of September following died of a Fever, when he had lived eight and fifty years, and thereof reigned thirty nine; a Man no doubt to be worthily accounted amongst the greatest Christian Emperors that lived before him. About which time also died his two Sisters, Marry the Queen of Hungary, and Elinor the French Queen, both Ladies of great Honour.  
The Knights of Malta, year 1559. who of long had been Suitors to the great Bishop and the King of Spain, 
The Christian Princes set out a Fleet for the recovery of Tripol●s in Barbary.  for the recovery of Tripoli in Barbary, about nine years before taken from them by the Turks; at which time they also surprised the Island of Zerbi upon the Coast of Barbary betwixt Tripoli and Tunes, from whence they much troubled the Christians travelling by those Seas; had now at length so much prevailed, that the King commanded a great Fleet to be now forthwith made ready in September in the year 1559, to meet together in Sicilia, and from thence to go directly against the Enemy by Malta. Unto which Fleet, the great Bishop, the Duke of Florence, and the Knights of Malta, with many other valian Men out of divers parts of Christendom, joined their Forces also; so that at length there was a hundred Galleys and Ships met together under the conduct of Andreas Gonzaga the General. But whilst this Fleet from divers places was long in coming thither, the Duke of Medina Celi came before with part of the Fleet to Malta, and in the Haven of Marza Moxet expected the coming of the rest, who about the end of the year came thither. But whilst they were wintered expecting the Spring, many of the Soldiers fell sick and died. At length the time of the year fit for their setting forward being come, the Captains consulted amomg themselves, Whether they should first set upon Tripoli, or the Island of Zerbi, otherwise called Meaning; The Knights of Malta being of opinion, that it were better first to besiege Tripoli, and that with all speed, before Dragut should come thither to furnish it with Soldiers and Provision. Others thought it better first to invade the Island of Zerbi, where the Army might be relieved with plenty of all things necessary, and from whence they might at all times of danger in safety retire, and from thence afterward as time should serve, to go to Tripoli. year 1560. Which unfortunate counsel was by the greater part agreed upon. 
The Christian Fleet, arriveth at the Island of Zerbi.  Wherefore in Februnary the year following they departed from Malta, and sailed directly to Zerbi. In the mean time Dragut the most famous Pirate of that time amongst the Turks, and Governor of Tripoli, was come thither with eight hundred of the Turks Janissaries, and had notably strengthened the City with Men, Victual, and new Fortifications; and presently sent Messengers to Solym●n at Constantinople, to certify him of the arrival of the Christian Fleet in afric. But the Christians coming to the Island of Zerbi, were at the first landing encountered by the Moors, whom they repulsed, and so at pleasure landed. This Island is not far from the Main, here and there full of Bogs and Marshes, other River hath it none, and in the midst is somewhat Hilly. It was inhabited with about thirty thousand Men, which dwelled in low Cottages, simply apparelled; yet is the Island reasonably fertile, yielding Dates, Olives, Barley, Mill, and such like. When the Christians were there landed, they sent for Caravanus a poor King amongst the Moors (from whom Dragut had before taken that Island) to use his counsel for their better proceeding in that War. In the mean time they agreed with eight thousand Men to besiege the strongest Castle in the Island; in going whereunto, the Spaniards went foremost, the Germans next, and last of all the Italians. By the way as they went they light upon ten thousand Moors which lay in ambush in a Wood, to have upon the sudden set upon them unawares; but being discovered, and seven hundred of them slain in skirmish by the Spaniards, the rest fled. So coming to the Castle they planted their Battery, and laid hard Siege unto it. The Captain of the Castle finding himself too weak long to hold out, 
The Castle of Zerbi taken by the Christians.  fled secretly with his Turks, leaving the Castle for the Moors to defend; who upon condition that they might in safety depart, yielded the Castle to the Spaniards; for keeping whereof, Varona and Cerda two Spanish Captains were there left with their Companies. Whilst these things were in doing, Caravanus the Moor King came to the Camp of the Christians and there talked with the General; in whose hoary Countenance rested a reverend Majesty; his Apparel was after the Moors fashion of white Linen, with him came also the King of Tunes his Son. In talking with the General his manner was to sit flat upon the Ground, and wisely discoursed how the Turks were to be removed out of afric. But in the midst of these discourses, when such a thing was least feared, suddenly a Pinnace brought news from Sea, That Pial Bassa the Turks great Admiral was coming thither with a great Fleet of eighty five Galleys, 
Pial Bassa Soliman's Admiral sent to remove the Christians out of Zerbi.  and that more were daily repairing unto him on every side. Which was indeed true; for Solyman understanding from Dragut the Arch-Pyrat, that Island to be by the Christians now possessed and fortified, thought it not (in his so great power and flourishing Estate) to stand with his honour to suffer, but rather to give aid unto the Moors of that Island, a people agreeing in Religion with himself, and therefore commanded Pial Bassa his Admiral to take in hand that expedition. Who thereupon rigged up a great Fleet well appointed and strongly manned with a number of the Turks best and most approved Soldiers, as well Janissaries as others; yet all both doubtful and fearful of the long Journey, as also of the fame of the Enemies with whom they were to encounter; for why, the Turks had conceived a great opinion of the valour of the Spaniards, as knowing great Wars both of ancient and later times to have been by that Nation (to the immortal praise thereof) most happily performed; they remembered Charles the fifth, and daily heard much of King Philip, the Heir both of his Father's Virtues and Kingdoms; which made them so careful, that many of them before their setting forth (as in times of greatest danger) made their Wills, and so departed from Constantinople, taking their leave of their Friends, as if they should never have thither returned again. So that all the City was in a confused fear; neither was there any Man, whether he went or stayed, that hung not in suspense with the doubtful expectation of the event of that War. Howbeit Pial with his great Fleet, with long sailing and a prosperous Wind was at length come welnear as far as Malta, and knowledge thereof (as aforesaid) given unto the Christian Fleet at Zerbi. With which unexpected news the Christians there were not a little troubled; nevertheless they fortified the Castle with new Fortifications and Bulwarks, and fell to agreement with the principal Man amongst the Moors of the Island, (who commanded the rest, and had before plucked down the Ensigns of Dragut, and set up the King of Spain's) that he should yearly pay unto the King of Spain (as he had before unto Dragut) six thousand Crowns, one Camel, four Ostriches, four Sparrow-Hawks, and four blue Falcons; a Tribute fit for such an Island.  
But shortly after, viz. the ninth of May, the Great Master of Malta by another Pinnance gave the Christians at Zerbi again to understand, That the Turks Fleet was even now at hand, and already departed from the Island of Gozo, well appointed and strongly manned; and that therefore he advised them with speed to hoist Sail, and to get them to some place of more safety, or else to come to him to Malta, for fear of being by so great a power of the Turks suddenly oppressed. Whereupon john Andreas Auria the Admiral sent unto the General, requesting him to come aboard, that so they might before the coming of the Turks Fleet, retire themselves to some place of more assurance. But he for all that stayed still at the Castle, where the Christians had built four strong Bulwarks; whereof they had named one Auria's, another Gonzaga's, the third the Viceroys, and the fourth the Knights, not yet all perfectly finished; as for the Castle itself they called it Philip-Alcaz●r, by the name of the King. But whilst the General is thus busy, 
Part of the Christian Fleet oppressed at Zerb● by the sudden coming of the Turks.  and vainly hopeth to keep both the Castle and his Ships, he the next day descrying from far the coming of the Turks great Fleet, hasted with the Admiral to be gone; and putting twice to Sea, was both times by a contrary Wind driven again into the Haven, so that he and the Admiral had much ado in time to get them into the Castle; for the Wind was so favourable for the Turks, and brought them so fast on, that the Christians dismayed with their sudden coming, knew not now well what to do, or which way to turn themselves. But by good hap, the greater part of the Ships and fourteen Galleys were got out and gone the night before, and the Great Master had in April called home his Galleys, wherewith and ten others of his own he afterwards defended the Frontiers of his Island. As for the rest of the Fleet that stayed for the General and the Admiral, some few Galleys escaped by flight, other some ran themselves a ground▪ ten of which were presently taken by the Turks, as were the rest also that were le●t, although they for a while did what they might to have saved themselves. The night following, the Viceroy and the Admiral secretly stole out of the Castle, and so by good Fortune in two small Frigates fled to Malta. Caravanus also the Moor King, with the Prince of Tunes, got them away into the Main. Gonzaga the Viceroy departing from Malta into Sicilia, provided as he might for the safety of that Country. Auria in the mean time gathered together the remainder of the dispersed Fleet, having lost in this unfortunate expedition seventeen Galleys, with a great part of the Ships.  
Now in the Castle was left as General, Don Alvarus de Sands, a valiant Gentleman of great spirit and long experience, with five thousand Footmen, some Germans, some Italians, but for the most part Spaniards; besides a thousand other that were no Soldiers. So that the Turks beginning to besiege the same the seventeenth of May, 
The Castle of Zerbi besieged by the Turks.  were by them many times notably encountered, and in their assaults repulsed. Unto this Siege at length came Dragu● the Pirate, who with fifteen great Pieces which he brought with him from Tripoli, increased the fury of the Turks Battery. Neither were the Christians in the mean time wanting unto themselves, having in the Castle forty great Pieces of Artillery, wherewith they slew a number of the Turks and Moors; and sometimes sallying out, fought with them hand to hand; and having slain and wounded many, retired again into the Castle. In this manner the Siege continued three Months with many an hot and desperate skirmish; during which time, nothing more troubled the Defendants than Thirst in that hot and dry Climate and intemperate time of the year; for why, in the Castle there was but one great Cistern, which although it yielded some good store of Water, yet was it not enough to suffice so great a multitude, but was by measure still sparingly given out to the Soldiers so far as it would serve, no Man having more allowed him than would suffice to keep him alive; the quantity whereof some augmented by distilling of the Sea Water, and mingling it with their allowance, and so well eased their thirst, until such time as having spent all their Wood, they wanted that poor help also. There might a Man have seen many poor Souls lying upon the ground half dead, gaping and still crying out nothing but Water, Water; in whose dry Mouths, if any Man upon compassion vouchsafed to pour a little Water, they as Men revived therewith would presently sit up, until that for thirst they fell down again, and so at length as Men roasted gave up the Ghost. Thus many died daily, beside them whom the chance of War and other Diseases without help consumed in so great a distress. Don Alvarus the Governor considering the great extremity they were now brought unto, 
Don Alvarus with the rest of the chief Commanders taken Prisoners.  attempted with Don Sanchius de Leyva Admiral of the Neapolitan Galleys, Belingerius de Requesenes Admiral of the Sicilian Galleys, and some others, by night to have escaped away into a Galley which lay under the Castle, but in doing thereof were perceived by the Turks, and so all taken. Whereupon such Soldiers as sickness and the Enemy's Sword had yet left alive, pinched with extreme necessity, forsaken of their best Captains, and out of all hope of relief also, covenanting for their lives only with the Enemy, yielded themselves into most miserable Captivity. In this unfortunate expedition perished about eighteen thousand Christians, 
The Castle of Zerb● yielded unto the Turks.  some with sickness, some drowned, but most slain, beside the loss of a great part of the Fleet also.  
Of this Victory Pial sent news by one of his Galleys to Constantinople, which for the more manifesting thereof, dragged at the Poop thereof a great Ensign of the Christians, with the Picture of Christ Crucified therein▪ Which was no sooner come into the Haven, but that the rumour of the overthrow of the Christians was forthwith blown through the whole City, the Turks exceedingly rejoicing one with another for the news of so great a Victory; yea many of them not so contented, came by heaps to the Gate of the House where the Emperor Ferdinand's Ambassador lay, and there meeting with his Servants, by way of derision asked them, if they had any Brethren, Kinsmen, or Friends, in the Spanish Fleet at Zerbi, for if you have (said they) you shall shortly see them here. Besides that, they with many words most insolently bragged of their own Valour, and scorned the Cowardice of the Christians; ask, who were able to withstand them, now that the Spaniard was also overcome? All which with much more the Ambassadors Men with great grief were enforced to hear, but there was no remedy, seeing God had so appointed it. Shortly after, in September, 
The Turks with Victory return to Constantinople.  the victorious Fleet returned to Constantinople, dragging with it the Prisoners, Spoils, and Galleys of the Christians, a sight no less pleasant unto the Turks, than heavy unto the Christians; and that night it lay at Anchor near unto the Rocks in the face of the City, with the greater Pomp and Glory to come the next day into the Haven. At which time Solyman himself was come down into a Gallery near unto the Havens Mouth, adjoining unto his Garden, the better to see the coming in of the Fleet, and the Christian Captains set there to show upon the Poop of the Admiral Galley, namely, Don Alvarus de Sands, Don Sanchius de Leyva, Don Billingerus de Requesenes, all of late great Commanders; as for the Christian Galleys all disarmed and unrigged, so to seem the more contemptible in comparison of the Turks, they were towed at the Tail of the Turks Galleys. They which then saw Soliman's countenance, perceived not in him any sign at all of any insolent joy. I myself (saith 
* Auger●us Busbequlus Epist. 4 legatio●is Turcicae.  Busbequius, than the Emperor Ferdinand's Ambassador there) saw him two days after going to the Church with the same countenance he had always, with the same severity and gravity, as if this Victory had nothing concerned him, nor any thing chanced strange or unexpected; so capable was the great Heart of that old Sire, of any Fortune, were it never so great; and his mind so settled, as to receive so great applause and rejoicing without moving. Within a few days after, 
The misery of the Christian Captives.  the Christian Captives (before almost starved with Hunger) were brought to the Court; many of whom could scarce stand upon their Legs, some others for weakness fell down and fainted, and othersome died outright; they were all scornfully led in Triumph, with their Arms disordered and scornfully put upon them; the Turks in the mean time insulting round about them, promising unto themselves the Empire of the whole World; and vainly ask, What Enemy they were to fear, now that the Spaniard was overcome? Alvarus Sands, as chief of all the Prisoners, being brought into the Divano before the Visier Bassanes, and demanded by Rustan Bassa, What his Master meant, being not able to defend his own, to invade other men's? answered, That it beseemed not him to judge thereon; and himself to have done but his Duty, with such faithfulness as was meet to put in execution what he was commanded by his Lord, although he had no good Fortune therein. After that, he besought the Bassas upon his Knee, to speak for him unto Solyman, for that he had at home a poor Wife, with certain small Children, for whom he requested him to spare him. Whereunto Rustan Bassa (contrary to his manner) courteously answered, his Sovereign to be of a mild and gentle Nature, and that he was in good hope his Pardon might be of him obtained; so was he commanded away unto Caradines his Castle, towards the Black Sea. But he was not gone far, but that he was called back again; for that the great Chamberlain, a Man in great credit with Solyman, had not as yet seen him; for which cause he was sent for back again; wherewith he was not a little troubled, fearing lest the Bassas having changed their minds, would have put him to death. The rest of the Captives of the better sort were committed to the Castle of Pera, and amongst them, Don Sanchius de Leyva, with his two base Sons, and also Don Billingerus Requesenes; which two great Men, with Don Alvarus de Sands, were nevertheless afterwards with much ado and almost beyond all hope, at the request of the Emperor, and by the dexterity of his Ambassador, by Solyman set at liberty; although he had before denied them unto Salviat the French Kings Ambassador, who had been an earnest intercessor for them. Yet before they were delivered out of Prison, the Mufti or Turk's great Priest was asked his opinion, Whether it were lawful, for a greater number of Turks to exchange a few Christian Captives (for the Ambassador beside the Rewards he had promised unto the Bassas, to further the matter, had also undertaken, that forty common Prisoners of the Turks should be set at liberty for them) whereunto the Mufti answered, That the Doctors of their Law were of divers opinions concerning that question, some saying that it was lawful, and some not; howbeit as then it was by him resolved upon, unto the more favourable part, and the exchange allowed.  
There were amongst the Prisoners taken at Zerbi, besides these Noblemen of whom we have before spoken, two other noble Gentlemen right honourably Born, Don john of Cardona, Don Billinger his Son in Law, and Don Gasto the Duke of Medina his Son, to whom yet but a Youth, his Father nevertheless had given an honourable place in the Army. Of these two Don john had wisely taken order for a great sum of Money to be left in the Island of Chio, by the way as the Turks Fleet went to Constantinople, from whence he afterwards in safety got into Spain. But Gasto was by Pial Bassa (upon hope of a great ransom) purposely hid out of the way, which had like to have wrought his destruction; for Solyman having got an inkling thereof by the instigation of Rustan, laboured for nothing more than to have Gasto found out, so to have a more just occasion for the putting of Pial to death, being taken tardy in so manifest a fault. But all that labour was spent in vain, Gasto being by death taken away, but whether by the Plague (as some reported) or by Pial his means (as it were more like) lest the truth should be found out, is uncertain. But certain it was, that being with great care sought for by the Duke his Father's Servants, he could never be heard of more; 
Pial in disgrace with Solyman, shuneth to come to Constantinople.  So that it was thought Pial for the safeguard of his own life, not to have spared Gasto his Prisoner's life. Who nevertherless for a long time lived in great fear, and not daring to come to Constantinople, took occasion with a few Galleys to wander about amongst the Islands of Aegeum, as if he had there something to do; but indeed so shunning the sight of his angry Lord, for fear he should have been compelled in Bonds to have answered the matter. Until at length he appeased at the request of Suleiman Bassa (the Eunuch and Soliman's great Chamberlain) and of Selimus, Soliman's Son, granted him his Pardon in these words well worth the marking, out of the Mouth of an Infidel Prince: Well have he from me pardon and forgiveness for so great an offence; but let God the most just revenger of all villainies take of him due punishment after this life. So fully he seemed to be persuaded that no evil deed ought to remain without punishment, either in this life or in the life to come.  
There was in this expedition a Colonel of the Turks well acquainted with Busbequius the Emperors Ambassador, then lying at Constantinople; into whose hands (in that discomfiture of the Christians) by chance was come the Imperial Ensign of the Galleys of Naples; 
One of the Imperial Ensigns of Charles the fifth redeemed from the Turk.  wherein within the compass of an Eagle, were contained the Arms of all the Provinces belonging to the Kingdom of Spain. Which fair Ensign the Ambassador understanding him to purpose to give for a Present unto Solyman, thought good to prevent the matter, and to get it from him; which he easily obtained, by sending him two Suits of Silk (such as the Turks make reckoning of) for it; so providing that one of the Imperial Ensigns of Charles the Fifth, should not to the eternal remembrance of that overthrow, remain still with the Enemies of the Christian Religion. This so miserable a calamity received by the Christians at Zerby, made that Island, before little or nothing spoken of, to be ever since famous.  
About this time to end his unfortunate year withal, 
The death of the noble Andreas Auria.  the twenty fifth day of November died Andrea's Auria (that second Neptune) being ninety four year old; a Man in his time of great fame, and of the greatest Princes of that age had in no small reputation, but especially of Charles the Fifth, in whose service he did much for the benefit of the Christian Common-weal, being for most part employed in his greatest Wars against the Turks and Moors. Yet amongst all the notable things done to his immortal Glory, the kindness by him showed unto his native Country was greatest; which oppressed by the French, he set at liberty; and when he might have taken upon him the sole Government thereof (as had divers others before him) moderating his desires, and respecting the only good thereof, appeased the great dissension that had of long reigned therein; and established such a form of Government, confirmed with so good and wholesome Laws and Orders (no Man's liberty infringed) as that it hath ever since to his eternal praise, in great wealth, state, and liberty thereby flourished.  
The Turks the year following, with their Galleys robbed and spoiled divers places upon the Coasts of Italy, Sicily and Malta; year 1561. 
A great Shipwreck  against whom Philip King of Spain sending forth his Galleys, by force of Tempest lost twenty five of them, the eighteenth day of September, together with Mendoza Admiral of that Fleet.  
Ferdinand the Emperor, having with long suit and much entreating obtained Peace of Solyman, and being now well stricken in years, and careful both of the State of the Empire and of the advancement of his posterity, began to deal with the Prince's Electors for a choice to be made of a King of the Romans; who after his death might without the trouble of Germany, succeed him in the Empire; commending unto them his Son Maximilian, a Prince of great hope, than King of Bohemia. Whereupon an assembly of the Prince's Electors was appointed to be holden at Frankford; year 1562. 
Maximilian chosen King of the Romans and after Crowned King of Hungary.  who there meeting at the appointed time, with general consent the twenty fourth day of November in the year 1562, chose Maximilian the Emperor's Son King of the Romans, and with all the accustomed solemnities Crowned him; who also the year after was at Presburg the eighth of September with much solemnity Crowned King of Hungary. Unto this solemn assembly of the Empire at Frankford, Solyman the Turkish Emperor sent Ibrahim Bassa, otherwise called Abraham Strozza (a Polonian born, of whom we have before spoken) his Ambassador with Presents and Letters to Ferdinand the Emperor, to confirm the Peace for eight years betwixt them before concluded; 
Solyman by his Ambassador confirmeth a ●●ace with Ferdinand the Emperor for eight years.  who the seventeenth day of November in presence of the Emperor, the King of this Romans, and all the Prince's Electors, had Audience; where after much glorious Speech in setting forth his Master's greatness, with his love towards the Emperor and his Son the new chosen King, as wishing unto them all happiness, he delivered his Letters of credence unto the Emperor; the Copy whereof I have not thought amiss here to set down, for that therein is notably to be seen the most insolent Pride of that barbarous Prince, and miserable estate of the rend Kingdom of Hungary, divided as it were at his pleasure betwixt him and the Emperor.  
I the Lord of Lords, Ruler of the East and of the West, 
Soliman's proud Letters to the Emperor Ferdinand.  who am of power to do and not to do whatsoever pleaseth me, Lord of all Grecia, Persia and Arabia, Commander of all things which can be subject to King and Command; the great Worthy of these times, and strong Champion of the most wide World, Lord of all the White and Black Sea, and of the holy City of Mecha, shining with the brightness of God, and of the City of Medina, and of the holy and chaste City of Jerusalem, King of the most noble Kingdom of Egypt, Lord of jonia, and of the City of Athens, Senau, of the sacred Temple of God, Zebilon and Bassio, Rethsan and Magodim, the Seat and Throne of the great King Nashin Rattam, and Lord of the Island of Algiers, Prince of the Kingdoms of Tartary, Mesopotamia, Media, of the Georgians, Morea, Anatolia, Asia, Armenia, Walachia, Moldavia, and of all Hungary, and of many other Kingdoms and Territories, whereof I am Emperor; the most mighty Monarch Sultan Solyman, Son of the great Emperor Sultan Selym, who have power from God to rule all People with a Bridle; and strength to break open the Gates and Bars of all Cities and strong Places: In●o whose mighty hand are delivered all the ends of Worlds, none excepted. I the Ruler of the East, from the Island of Tsein unto the farthest bounds of Africa, whom God hath appointed a mighty Warrior in the edge of the Sword; amongst whose most mighty Kingdoms the impregnable Castle of Caesarea is reputed for the least, and in whose hereditary Dominions the Kingdom or Empire of Alexander the Great is accounted of as a trifle; with me is the strength of the whole World and virtue of the Firmament. Forasmuch as thou King Ferdinand, which art the mighty Lord of Christendom, and the chosen Vessel of the mighty Christian Faith, created and elected Emperor of the Roman People, of Bohemia, Vandalia, Crabatia, and many other Country's King and Lord, etc. Not long since sent unto our Court (which is the refuge of all Kings, the protection and sanctuary of all that fly thereunto, and the Throne of Grace for all Princes of these times which repair unto it) one Augerius Busbeck, thy faithful Counsellor and Ambassador, with Letters of consideration, to renew with us a Peace, and to enter into a farther league and b●nd of Amity: Which Letters bear date the year from the Prophet Jesus (upon whom and our Prophet Mahomet rest the brightness and peace of God) 1562, the first day of June, requesting of us, That granting you Peace for eight years, we would not with any Hostility hereafter molest your Cities, Castles, Countries, or Subjects, but to suffer them to liv● in secure Peace and Tranquillity, etc. Unto which your petition we answer you, That from henceforth for the whole space of eight years shall be betwixt us on both parts to be continued a new, true, and firm League; of which agreement, peace, and confederation, these shall be the conditions. First, That you our beloved shall be bound to send yearly to our Court as a Pledge of this League thirty thousand Hungarian Ducats, with that remainder which you owe unto us for the two years' last passed; For which we promise unto you, that we from henceforth during this eight years' League, will take no part either by way of hostility or friendship with King John's Son, forasmuch as belongeth to his hereditary Countries, whether they be in the hither part of Hungary, or on the further side of Teisse: All which for all that, by Law of Arms belong unto us. And the same King John's Son in the time of this eight years' League shall be also bound in such sort to perform unto us his obedience, as that from henceforth it shall not be lawful for him to use any War or Hostility against you, neither to trouble your Subjects with Fire or Sword, nor to surprise your Cities, Castles, or Towns; or by violence to take away or exact of your People or Subjects, their Sheep, their cattle, their Goods, Money or Revenues. We also ourselves shall have no right, nor take occasion to drive away your People, to burn your Countries, or carry away any Captives; but rather in this eight years' space religiously keep Peace and Concord with you. And under these c●nditions of Peace shall also be comprehended Michael Balaschus, Nicholas Batho, with all their Goods and Territories, and divers other such like, which shall be subject unto you and King john's Son. To be brief, if happily any of yours or King John's Sons Subjects shall have now before in time of War thrust one another out of his Goods, Lands, or Possessions, whereof new quarrels or discord may arise; we will and decree, that all such controversies, quarrels and claims shall be deferred until this definite time of the League expired. Beside, if by chance any dissension shall hereafter arise betwixt us about our jurisdiction, which can by no means be composed and ordered; we will that yours shall in the mean remain as yours, and ours as ours; all contention and enmity set apart; also many Towns situate here and there by Danubius and Tatta, shall be suffered to use the same Law which they did in former time; so that the Soldiers which are yet in Garrison in the Castle of Tatta, shall have no right to infest or vex those Towns situate near unto Danubius. Furthermore, if after this Peace concluded, any of your Noblemen or Gentlemen shall fortune to have any of our Noblemen by revolt or other occasion whatsoever, Captives, they shall dismiss them and set them at liberty, to return unto their Friends freely without hurt or ransom; that so the Concord and Peace begun betwixt us, may be the more firmly kept, and our Subjects live in more security. All and every one of these things we grant and promise to be of us from henceforth until the end of the aforesaid eight years, without all fraud or guile religiously observed and kept; and for that purpose have caused these our Letters of this Peace and Confederation to be published from our Royal Palace; And moreover, have not only provided, that the Copy of the same should together with our edict be proclaimed to all and every the Generals, Captains, Lieutenants, of our Armies both by Sea and Land, in all the parts of our Empire, and to all our mercenary Soldiers, but have also straightly commanded, that it shall be firmly and sincerely kept. We will also, that this agreement of Peace and Amity shall comprehend and concern our two chief Governors or Vayvods of Vallachia and Moldavia, so that none of your People of Hungary, Crabatia, Sclavonia, or other your Countries or Islands whatsoever, shall in any sort be molested or grieved by our Subject's.. And if it shall fortune that some shall on your part out of their Castles set upon our Subjects, or by force take away their Goods, the same Men shall in any case be bound to make thereof restitution. Also if any shall fly from us, and carry away with them the Money or Goods of their Masters whom they served, or if the like shall be done by any of yours flying to us, than the same Goods on bo●h parts are to be of right demanded and recovered again, and the Fugitives to the example of others to be corrected and punished; forasmuch as fugitives Goods of right appertain unto their Lords and Masters. Furthermore it shall be lawful for your Captains and Commanders to fortify or build Castles, Cities, or Towns, in the Borders of Hungary, and to put into the same, Victual, Armour, and such like; but so, that they do none of these things out of their own limits. And during the time of this League, it shall not be lawful to take or carry away any of your Subjects Prisoners either into Hungary or in other places of your jurisdiction; which for all that, if it shall by any chance happen, that then such Captives without delay be suffered safely to return home again. Furthermore, whatsoever Christians shall have any business to do in our magnificent Court or any part of our Dominions, as are Ambassadors, Officers, Servants and such others; unto all these we not only grant and permit, that they may come and go about their business, and so again depart from our Court or Provinces; but also have willed and commanded them to be well and courteously entreated by our Subjects, and furthered with the interpretation of our Language. And if it should fortune any contention or discord to arise betwixt our Subjects on either side, about the Bounds and Limits of Lands, or other such like causes; such controversies we will to be decided and determined by discreet and indifferent Men on both parts, and the Authors of such discord and variance, to be punished as suspected persons and breakers of the League. We also prohibit those Skirmishes or Combats, which were wont to be sometimes on both sides made upon the Borders. And desire, that the form of this League and Peace, and every Article thereof, may be publicly read and set up in sundry places of your Dominions; and commandment given, that they may with due obedience and reverence be observed and kept. Which we likewise have now before promised faithfully and assuredly to perform; and your Ambassador whom a few Months agone you sent unto us, in your name requested the same of us, and hath with earnest Prayers moved us, by Imperial Oath and these Letters of Credence to witness, that we did ratify and confirm the same; as if we ourselves should speak to you in presence. Wherefore we have given to him these our Letters of Pacification to you directed, that your Generals, Soldiers, and Subjects, may be bound also to observe and keep all these things; wherefore, so long as nothing contrary to this League shall be done on your part; so long in like manner all these Articles of Peace shall be of me accepted and assured. For witness and confirmation whereof I swear this Oath; By the true and living Creator of Heaven and Earth, by the true signs of our great and reverend Prophet, by my Imperial Power, and by my true Faith; that nothing contrary or repugning unto the aforesaid Articles, Conditions, and Promises of the eight years' League agreed upon betwixt us, shall be attempted or done by any our Governors, Generals, or Vayvods, etc. Commanding moreover, all our sworn Governors of our most mighty Empire in Walachia and Moldavia, and King Stephen himself, and others which have the Government of our Empire confining upon you, That they all and every of them as well as ourselves, shall justly, faithfully, and religiously accept, reverence, and keep these conditions of Peace, towards your Subjects, Cities, Castles, Towns, and other things appertaining to you; and in the least thing not to hurt, injure, or wrong any your Subjects. In brief, we shall as far as our part concerneth us, give unto this most mighty and great new made love and friendship, so great honour, reverence, and authority, that that which may even in the least things be had, shall not on our part be wanting▪ In token whereof, we have suffered certain Christian Captives, whom by your Ambassador you requested to have set at liberty, frankly to return unto you without ransom; ●ut of which Captivity they could never have been redeemed, if in regard of this our amity and friendship we had not granted them liberty; trusting that you will in like sort set at liberty such of ours as you have Captives. Given at our Imperial Palace and Seat in the most mighty City of Constantinople, the first day of September, in the year of our great and reverend Prophet 969.  
The same Ambassador after he had delivered these Letters, 
Presents from Solyman to the Emperor Ferdinand.  presented unto the Emperor the Gifts he had brought from his great Master; which was two great Cups of natural Crystal curiously wrought and set with Stones of great price; a courageous Turkey Horse with a Saddle and Trappings wrought with Gold, and set with precious Stones, and garnished with Chains of pure Gold; and four of the fairest Camels that were to be got in all Constantinople. In delivering of which Presents the Bassa made his excuse, that the Horse and Camels had lost their beauty, being with four months' Travel from Constantinople, grown somewhat lean and weary.  
This Peace thus concluded betwixt the Emperor Ferdinand and Solyman, year 1564. 
The death of the Emperor Ferdinand.  held firm until the death of Ferdinand, who about two years after in the year 1564 upon St. James' day died, being sixty years old; whereof he reigned as Emperor not full seven years. In whose place succeeded Maximilian his Son, before chosen King of the Romans. But immediately after the death of Ferdinand, 
New troubles in Hungary.  the Captains on the Frontiers of that part of Hungary which was holden for the Emperor on the one side, and the Turks Captains with the Vayvod of Transylvania on the other side, weary of their ease, began contrary to the form of the League, to surprise strong Holds and Towns one in another's Confines, whereof ensued much trouble; The Author whereof was Melchior Balas the Emperor's Lieutenant in that part of Hungary which bordereth upon Transylvania, who first surprised certain Towns upon the Frontiers thereabouts; in revenge whereof the Vayvod suddenly set upon Sackmar a Town in the Emperor's Territory, which he took, and therein Balas his Wife and Children. In despite whereof Balas ransacked and burnt Debrezin a great Town of the Vayvods. But not long after, the Vayvod Soliman's Vassal, aided by him with four thousand Turks and three thousand Moldavians, did much harm upon the Frontiers of that part of Hungary which belonged unto the Emperor; and first took Hadad, and afterwards besieged Ungar. In requital whereof, Maximilian the Emperor sent Lazarus Suendi a valiant Captain; who with an Army of eight thousand besieged the strong Castle of Tokay, which he took the fifth of February, in the year 1565, year 1565. and after that took the rich Town of Erden. In the mean time Solyman, who had in himself fully purposed to be revenged of all these injuries (as well appeared by that he did the year following) to stay the Emperor from proceeding father, until such time as he were at better leisure to be revenged, 
The Turks purposing War, craftily sue for Peace.  (for as then he was making great preparation for Malta) sent Marcus Lilinesius a Renegade Transylvanian of Cibinum, his Ambassador to Maximilian, to put him in remembrance of the League made with his Father, and to wish him to have regard how he further proceeded to the Breach thereof. Whereupon the Emperor, because he would not seem unwilling to hearken to peace, commanded his Lieutenants and Captains no more to invade Transylvania or that part of Hungary which the Turks held. Howbeit that whilst this Ambassador was thus entreating of Peace at Vienna, the Bassa of Temeswa● in the Borders of Transylvania, made divers incursions into the Borders of Hungary, and with six thousand Soldiers besieged the strong Castle of Iul●, and the Turks in great number came daily into Transylvania. At which time also Suendi General of Maximilian his Forces upon the Frontiers, by Messengers sent for that purpose, wished him not to give any credit unto the Turks Ambassador, who meaning nothing but War, under the colour of Peace sought nothing else but to take him upon the sudden unprovided. Neither ceased these troubles thus, but daily grew from evil to worse; for in june the Transylvanians besieged Erden, before taken by the Imperials, and after two months' Siege had it yielded unto them. In the mean time Chernovich the Emperor's Ambassador to Solyman, returned from Constantinople; assuring him, that the great Turk for all his fair shows of Peace, meant indeed nothing but Wars, for which he was (as he said) making great preparation both by Sea and Land. Whereupon the Emperor began to raise new Forces; which thing divers Noblemen both of Germany and other places hearing of, came unto him with his Followers; and amongst other Romerus one of the Knights of Malta, and divers others of his Brethren, with five Companies of Soldiers well appointed, sent thither by George Ho●henheim Grand Prior of that Order in Germany, and then confirmed one of the Princes of the Empire. At the same time also, the Turks being busy upon the Borders of Styria, and the places thereabouts, were many times cut off by Charles the Archduke; who taking them at an advantage, slew at one time three thousand of them. Yet for all this, the Turks Ambassador was still at Vienna treating for Peace, and so cunningly handled the matter, that whereas Eccius Salma a valiant Captain, had corrupted the chief Judge with certain others of Alba Regalis, to have betrayed the City unto him; for performance whereof they had delivered their Wives and Children as Hostages, and he was now upon his way from Rab, which is but eight miles off, in an assured hope to have surprised the City; he was suddenly by Letters in post from the Emperor, called back again, for corrupting the hope conceived of Peace; and so was that notable designment unfortunately disappointed; of which practice the Turks having knowledge, afterwards most cruelly executed forty of the Conspirators, impaling some of them upon sharp Stakes, and hanging others upon Iron Hooks by the Jaws until they were dead. Shortly after the Turks took N●osta●, which was not long after again recovered by the Emperor.  
At the same time one of the Turks Spies was taken at Zigeth, who but thirteen days before was sent from Constantinople, of purpose to view the strength and situation of that place; he being brought before Charl●s the Archduke, and examined, said, That Solyman would assuredly the next Spring come in person himself into Hung●ry, to besiege the strong Castles of Zigeth and jula. At which time also Count Seri●u● took certain other of th● Turk's Spies, by whom he was certainly advertised of Soliman's coming the next year; and amongst others, Scap●●● Vayda the Bassa of Bud● his chief Counsellor. Beside this, the Countrymen Contributors both to the Imperials and the Turks, were now straightly commanded by the Turks to pay no more contribution Money unto the Imperials; Whereupon it was easily gathered, that all that ta●● of Peace was as Suendi had oftentimes written, nothing else but to delay the time, and to put them in security. Beside that, the Turks made incursions daily into one place or other of the Emperor's Territories, showing their ancient hate, and sowing by those light Skirmishes, as it were the Seed of a greater War against the next Spring; which the Emperor now out of doubt of (being also warned thereof by many Letters from his Friends) put strong Garrisons into his frontier Towns, especially into Rab and Zigeth. But knowing that to be but a poor help against so puissant an Enemy, he resolved as his Father and Uncle had done before, to rest upon the strength of the Empire, and against the next year to call a general assembly of the Princes of the Empire at Augusta, for the better understanding of the common Enemy. 
Solyman maketh preparation against the Knights of Malta.  The Wars thus beginning again in Hungary, Solyman at the same time in revenge of the manifold harms done unto his Subjects by the Knights of Malta, (whose hand he found ever against him in all his dealings with the other Christian Princes) made great preparation both by Sea and Land; purposing, as seemed by the manner thereof, to have razed the memorial of those worthy Men from off the Earth. Whereunto, beside the natural hatred which he bore against all Christians in general, and them above the rest in particular, he was much incited by Cassanes, Barbarussa his Son, King of Algiers, and Dragut Governor of Tripoli; by whose persuasions he caused a strong Fleet to be rigged up, commanding the Lieutenants and Governors of his Ports and Havens all alongst the Sea Coast, to put to their helping hands, and to be ready against the next Spring. And not long after, understanding partly of his own certain knowledge, and partly by the relation of others, in what good forwardness things were; he calling together a great assembly of his chief Princes and Men of War, delivered unto them his mind as followeth: What thing I have this forty years always wished, 
Soliman's Oration to to his C●ptai●s for the invasion of Malta.  which was to have so much leisure from other Wars, as to pluck out of their Nests, and utterly to root out these crossed Pirates, which vaunt themselves to be the Bulwark of Christendom; That same methinks I have by the favour of God and Muhamed his Prophet, at this time obtained. For we have so repressed the attempts of the Persians, that they cannot let us; and in Hungary, from whence certain dreadful motions were reported, we ourselves will shortly do those things which shall enforce our Enemies to hide their Heads in the heart of Germany, and to sue to us for Peace. You yourselves daily hear the pitiful complaints of our Subjects and Merchants, whom those Maltaeses, I say not Soldiers, but Pirates, if they but look into those Seas, spoil and make prize of; whose injuries or revenge, all Laws both of God and Man require. Neither can any thing happen unto me more pleasing or more honourable, than if I may before I die accomplish those things, that is, to win Malta, and to leave all things in order in Hungary and Polonia; except perhaps some Man think it a harder matter for us to thrust these crossed Companions from the Rocks of Malta, than for our Ancestors to have driven them from Jerusalem, and so quite out of Syria; and for our s●lves to have forced them out of the strong Island of the Rhodes. But this some will say is nearer unto Italy, from whence aid may easily be sent, and the pla●● defended by a Fleet. Believe me, they will never adventure to fight with us at Sea, who remember themselves to have been there by us so often overthrown; Beside that, so little a place cannot contain any grea● Garrison; neither if it could, could it long feed them. Wherefore unto this expedition we have determined with the first of the Spring to send a most strong Fleet; and even now we have already commanded all our Sea Captains and Adventurers which acknowledge our command, to be there present with their Ships. The King of Algiers will be there, the Garrisons of Alexandria are in readiness, so also is Dragut with his appointed Fleet. As for our own it is by mine own appointment rigged up; unto which Fleet I doubt not but that all the strength of the West will give place. Which thing (worthy Captains) we speak, trusting upon the help of Almighty God and Muhamed his great Prophet, with your known and approved Valour; Now remaineth only, that every one of you think with us, how this War may best be managed, and so to refer your devices unto us; which that you may the better do, Lo, I here deliver unto you the situation of the whole Island, and project of all their Fortifications which we have received of most expert and skilful Men.  
Soliman's purpose thus made known, and the matter well considered, after that they which best knew the strong places and manners of the Mal●aeses, had declared their opinions what they thought to be most expedient; it was decreed, That they should with all speed set forward; wherefore Victual and other things necessary for such an expedition being with wonderful celerity prepared, 
Valetta the Grand Master advertised of Solyman his purpose.  they expected but Wind. Of these things john Valetta a Frenchman, Grand Master of Malta and of the Knights of the Order, being both by Letters and Messengers advertised (for he had always fit Men his Intelligencers at Constantinople, who warily noted the purposes and actions of Solyman) was not afraid, but knowing that of God depended the Victory, and that Men were to watch, labour, and foresee; he assembled a Council of his Knights, and in few words spoke unto them in this sort▪ What Solyman prepareth (most noble and valiant Knights) and what a great War he provideth against us, you with me of late right well understand, 
Valetta his Oration unto the Knights.  wherefore it is needless for me to use any long Speech with you concerning that matter. The Enemy is known, his insatiable ambition is known, his strength is known, and his mortal hate against us and the Christian Name is sufficiently known. Wherefore let us all as one first reconcile ourselves to God, and then provide all things as shall be needful for the War. In brief, noble Knights, to reconcile ourselves unto God, and to appease his displeasure, two things are of us to be performed; whereof the one consisteth in amendment of Life, with a holy Conversation; the other in the religious worshipping of him, with a firm and constant trust in his help, with Prayer, which is called Godliness. By these means our Ancestors obtained many Victories against the Infidels in the East. Neither is it to be doubted, but if we shall in these things join together, we shall also frustrate all the force and fury of this proud Tyrant. But forasmuch as God usually helps them which labour and take pains, and not the negligent and slothful, we must of necessity join unto them those helps, which both our profession and the course of War requireth; which partly consisteth in ourselves, and partly in the other Christian Princes. For Victual, Armour, Money, and other such things as in Wars are requisite, we will so provide, that no Man shall justly complain, that we spared either cost or pains. I will pour out all my store, neither will I for desire of life refuse any danger. As for the Christian Princes, I cannot persuade myself that they will lie still in so fit an opportunity, and in so great a danger, not of our estate only, but much more of their own. Verily I will not spare to exhort every one of them both by Letters and by Messengers, which in part we have already done; and I doubt not but we shall have aid enough from the Pope, the Emperor, and the King of Spain (such is their Christian Zeal) and they I hope shall move the rest. As for you, the Princes and very Light of this sacred Order, and the rest of our Brethren, most valiant Knights, I am well assured you will so fight for the most holy Christian Religion, for your Lives and Goods▪ and for the glory of the Latin Name, against a most cruel Tyrant, the rooter out of all true Religion, of all Civility and good Learning, the Plague of the World, hated of God and Man; as that he shall feel the sting of the Cross which he so much contemneth, even in the City of Constantinople, yea in his Houses of Pleasure. For we shall not have now to do with him in the Island of the Rhodes, far from the help of our Friends, (from Asia, from Europe, from Egypt enclosed with our Enemies both by Sea and Land) but in the Eyes of Italy and Spain, in places strongly fortified, from whence the Enemy may easily be circumvented; which that it may so fall out, let us not cease to pray unto Almighty God, and to crave his ready help.  
When the Grand Master had thus said, 
The Knights make preparation for the Turks coming.  all that were present promised with one assent rather to lose their Lives, than in any part to fail the Common Cause, or to come into the power of Solyman. After that public Prayer and Supplication was made in every Church through the Isle, and three Colonels chosen out of all the Knights; one an Italian surnamed Imperator, another Borneas a Frenchman, and Quatrius a Spaniard the third, all advised Men, and most expert Soldiers, who should with all diligence provide all things necessary for the War. By whose appointment the Suburbs and Trees which might any way be hurtful to the fortified places, were overthrown, the Fortifications were throughly viewed, the Garrisons strengthened, and all manner of Provision most plentifully distributed; and Letters from the Great Master sent unto the Great Bishop and other Christian Princes, requesting their aid against the Common Enemy. Messengers were also dismissed into divers places, to certify both the Knights of the Order and others, of the Turks great preparation.  
Soliman's Fleet departing from Constantinople the two and twentieth day of March, 
Soliman's Fleet departeth from Constantinople.  in the year 1565, kept a direct Course towards Peloponesus, and so came to Methone; where Mustapha Bassa one of the Turks greatest Captains, a Man of seventy five years, and General of the Land Forces, mustered the Army, wherein were numbered seven thousand Horsemen of them which are of the Turks called Saphi; out of the lesser Asia, conducted by the Governor of that Country, and two Lieutenants of Cicilia, five hundred; and of the Island of Lesbos, now called Metylene, four hundred; he had of the Janissaries four thousand five hundred, led by two Colonels appointed by Solyman; for that the chief Captain of the Janissaries, which they call the Aga, never departeth from the City but when the Sultan goeth himself. Besides these was a certain kind of Men amongst the Turks, who live of the Revenues of the Church; of them there was in the Army thirteen thousand, who had at Constantinople vowed their Lives for their Superstition. Out of Thracia and Peloponesus were come two Colonels and one Lieutenant, with twelve hundred Horsemen, and three thousand five hundred Volunteers out of divers Countries. There also Pial Bassa Soliman's Admiral took view of the Fleet, wherein were found a hundred and thirty Galleys, two and twenty Ships for burden, some greater, some lesser, besides one that was cast away near unto Methone, where was lost six thousand Barrels of Powder, thirteen thousand great Shot, and four hundred Spahi; besides these, there were ten Galleys from the Rhodes commanded by Halyport a Man of seventy years; two Galleys from Mitylene, and about seventeen Galliots and other small Pirates Ships. With this strong Fleet the Turks departing from Methone the thirteenth of May, arrived at Malta the eighteenth of the same Month, 
The Turks Fleet arriveth at Malta.  and put into a Haven in the North-East part of the Isle, which the Inhabitants call Marzasiroc; but perceiving themselves not to be there in safety, they removed to another Port called Major.  

The description of Malta.  The Island of Malta lying betwixt Africa and Sicilia, might be doubted whether it were to be accounted in afric or Europe, but that the ancient Cosmographers, and the Moors Language, which the Malteses have always used, claim it for afric; it is in length from the North-East to the South-West twenty Miles; and in the broadest place twelve. It regardeth afric Southward, over against Leptis Parva; and Sicilia towards the North, but more towards Pachinum than Lilybeum; and is in circuit about threescore Miles. It seemeth to have taken the name of Melita, of Mel or Hony, whereof it yieldeth plenty. The Trees there bear Fruit twice a year, and they have oftentimes twice Harvest, especially of Barley and Cotten Wool; yet is the Isle in some places stony, gravelly, and bare of Wood; nevertheless it beareth Figs, Apples, Almonds, Grapes, and other Fruit Trees planted by the industry of Man, Date Trees also, but not fruitful; it beareth Thistles of such bigness that the Inhabitants use them for Wood; fresh Water is there wonderful scarce, and such Wells as they have are filled with Rain in Winter, for in Summer they are either clean dry, or else the Water becometh brackish. The Inhabitants are so burnt with the Sun, that they differ little in colour from the Aethiopians; they are of a wholesome constitution of Body, spare of Diet, industrious, rather painful than Warlike, dying more for Age, than of Sickness; their Buildings, except it be in the City, which is in the midst of the Island, and in the Suburbs, are long and low (like unto the Moors) covered with Turf or Reed. It is commonly supposed, that Saint Paul was by Shipwreck cast upon this Island, 
Acts 27 & 28.  but it is with greater reason to be thought that it was the other Melita in the Adriatic betwixt Corcyra and Illyria, and better agreeth with that which Luke writeth of the Apostles Trouble and Shipwreck in the Adriatic, out of which Sea, it is not to be gathered by the Text, that Paul and the rest were driven. But again to our purpose; That side of Malta which respecteth Sicilia, hath in it many good Harbours and commodious Havens fit for shipping; where besides the Port of Marzasiroc towards the East, where the Turks Fleet first landed, and the Port of Saint Thomas, with another called Scala not far off, it hath two other notable Havens, the one called Major, and the other Marzamoxet, divided the one from the other by a narrow piece of ground; which with a ridg runneth in length from the South to the North almost in manner of an Island, having the Haven Major on the East, Marzamoxet on the West. Upon the head of this high ridg standeth the Castle of Saint Elmo, of great strength both by Nature and Art As a Man entereth into the Haven Major, upon the left hand are four Promontories pointing far into the Haven on that side, almost in manner of Islands making so many Bays; upon the first standeth the Gallows, whereof also it taketh name; upon the very point of the second, on a rough and high Rock standeth a most strong Castle, called the Castle of Saint Angelo, whereunto adjoined the Town, separated from the Castle only with a Wall and a Ditch, and is placed in a hollowness cut out of the main Rock, strengthened also with the Sea and the industry of Man; and is of some called the Burg, of others the new City; in this Castle resideth the Grand Master, and the Soldiers in the Burg; upon the third Promontory standeth another strong Castle, which they call also the Burg of Saint Michael; the fourth Promontory is not inhabited, from whence the Sea runneth alongst the winding Banks almost into the midst of the Island, unto a place called Aqua Marfia. Again, after the Port Marzamoxet, Westward is the Harbour of Saint George; and after that another called Bennorrat; then followeth the Port Saint Paul, no less than the Port Marzasiroc; after which cometh the Port called Salinarum Sinus; but on that side of the Island towards afric, is only one Port called Milliaria; near unto the Island of Malta lie certain other little Islands, as Gauloso, now Goza, two other called Cuminia, and another called Piper, all subject to the Malteses.  
Thus much I have thought good to set down concerning the Turks Fleet, and for the description of those places wherein this great action was performed, the brute whereof then filled the World. Now shall it not be amiss, in like manner to declare upon what strength, next unto God, Valetta the Grand Master stood against so mighty and puissant an Enemy. First, there was in the Island athousand and three hundred Mercenaries, some Spaniards, some French, some Florentines, and the rest of Naples; there was also a thousand Seamen of the Knight's Fleet, and five hundred in the Town of Saint Angelo; and of the Country People which were fled into the strong places five thousand, Men not altogether unskilful of the Wars; there were also five hundred Knights of the Order, besides Priests and Squires; for of these three sorts of Men are they which are called Brethren of the Order. This was the number of them which defended the Castles and Towns of Saint Elmo, Saint Angelo, and Saint Michael, whereunto they were proportionably divided; and in the City itself, which is called Melita, being in the middle of the Island, was two hundred Soldiers and as many Citizens, with three hundred of the Country People all Horsemen, commanded by Io. Vagno a valiant Captain. Besides this▪ every place was furnished with plenty of Victual, Armour, Weapons, Artillery, and whatsoever else was needful for the enduring of a long Siege, and a War that should want many things; and that which passed all the rest, Minds armed with invincible Courage against whatsoever should chance, which oftentimes maketh of the vanquished, Victors. All these things being in readiness and orderly disposed, as soon as they understood that seven and twenty of the Turks Galleys had put into the Haven Marzasiroc, and were there landing their Men; Gyon Admiral for the Order, a valiant and courageous Knight, marched thither with five hundred Harquebusiers, to have skirmished with them; but as soon as the Turks saw them coming, they retired again to their Galleys. On the other part where the other Fleet lay, two hundred of the Turks going on shore, 
Riveri●s with other Knights taken of the Turk●.  met by chance with Riverius a Frenchman, and eight Knights more, who having his Horse killed under him, and one of his Companions slain, fell with the rest into the hands of the Enemy. Whilst these things were in doing, a certain Christian Mariner fled out from the Turks to the City Melita; who discovered the Enemy's purpose, telling them▪ That the Turks by the appointment of Mustapha had determined to have landed the greatest part of their Forces, presently to have besieged some strong place; had not Pial Bassa the Admiral exclaimed against it, doubting to be left too weak at Sea; saying plainly, That he would attempt nothing before the coming of Dragut, who was every hour expected. For Solyman had expressly commanded, that they should do nothing without his Counsel; so great an opinion had he of his Policy and Valour. But whether this report was true or otherwise, the Turks for all that returning with their Fleet to the Port Marzasirock, landed twenty thousand Soldiers and five Field Pieces, 
The Turks land.  and so entrenched themselves. This done, Pial Bassa with seven thousand went to view the Castle of Saint Michael; but for fear of the great Shot durst not to come nigh it; nevertheless they of the Town sallying out, courageously skirmished with the Turks; 
They of the Castle of Saint Michael skirmish with the Turks.  in which conflict, Curfelinus, surnamed Parda, accompanied but with one Spaniard, so furiously assailed the Enemy, that he took from him one Ensign, and slew one of the Sanzacks a great Commander, with divers others. When Pi●l was come again into the Camp, the General began to consult with the other Captains, whether it were better to lay Siege to the Castle of Saint Elmo, or to the Town of Saint Michael; in conclusion it was agreed upon, that they should with all their Forces besiege the Castle of Saint Elmo. And going up the Hill to view the Castle, they were encountered by the Garrison Soldiers, in which Fight some few were lost on both sides. Thus by degrees things growing hotter and hotter, the Grand Master thought it good to certify Garzias of Toledo Viceroy of Sicily, how things stood, that he might the sooner rig up his Fleet to come to their rescue. Wherefore he commanded one Galley to put out of the Haven by night, and to pass over into Sicily, with Savages one of the Knights sent thither on Message. In the mean time the Turks cast up a Mount to have battered the Castle of Saint Elmo, and beaten the Galleys in the Haven Major, and so to have opened a way for their Fleet to have entered; but they were not able long to keep that Mount, for they had scarcely well ended the Work, but it was forthwith by the continual thundering Shot out of the Castle beaten down again; which thing greatly abated the Turks Courage. About that time, Ochial came to the Fleet with six Ships, drawn out of them which were left for the defence of Alexandria, 
The Turks besiege the Castle of Saint Elmo.  and in them nine hundred Soldiers. The Turks beaten from their first Mount, cast up another on an higher ground, whereon they placed three great Pieces of Ordnance, wherewith they annoyed not only the Haven wherein the Fleet of Malta rid, but the Castle of Saint Angelo also, the Great Master's S●●t, and with a rolling Trench drew nearer and nearer unto the Castle of Saint Elmo; which although they had at first in vain attempted, hindered by them which were in the Castle; yet at last with much labour and travel they brought it to perfection; for the Turks in that kind of work, still performed by their multitude, are accounted to excel others. Wherefore in short time they planted their great Ordnance in such sort, as that they might batter both the Castles of Saint Elmo, and Saint Michael. There was in the Turks Camp a Gentleman of Spain, but then a Slave unto a Turk, who understanding the Enemy's purpose for the besieging of the Castle of Saint Elmo, by a Christian Fugitive advertised the Great Master thereof; Whereupon he forthwith sent Cerda and Miranda with two Companies of Spaniards into the Castle, who were afterwards a great strength unto the Castle, and hindrance unto the Enemy. At length came Dragut Governor of Leptis, 
Dragut cometh to a●d the Turks.  long looked for of the Turks, with thirteen Galleys, and in them a thousand and six hundred Soldiers; after whom followed ten Galliots from Bona, and in them two Companies. In the mean time Salvagus the worthy Knight (sent before into Sicilia) came to Messana, and having certified the Viceroy of the state of Malta, was by him commanded to return to Malta in a Galliot, conducted by two Galleys of the Great Masters; which having brought him near unto the Island, returned again into Sicilia; but he with his Galliot (not without most manifest danger) in the third Watch of the night broke into the Town through the midst of the Enemy's Fleet, with the loss but of one of his Followers. Where having delivered unto the Great Master what he had in charge from the Viceroy, he was the same night sent back again by the Great Master into Sicilia▪ to certify the Viceroy, That he had need of more Aid, requesting him with all speed to send him some Supply, whereby he might the better hold out against the force of so great an Enemy. Salvagus discouraged neither with the labour nor the danger, presently committed himself again to Sea, and in short time arrived in the Port of Siracusa, where finding the two Galleys we before spoke of, he sent them to Malta, as he had in charge, with four hundred Soldiers, among whom were divers Knights of the Order, and certain skilful Canoniers; willing them to shun the West part of the Island, whereas they must needs come into the Enemy's sight, and to pass by the East end thereof, which was further about, but safer; and turning Southward, to land in the Port Miliare, and from thence by the low places of the Island to convey the Soldiers by night to the City Melita, which was but four miles off; from whence they might easily pass to the Castle of Saint Michael. This order taken, he went to Messana, and there declared to the Viceroy the danger of the War, with the small number of the Defendants, requesting of him a thousand Footmen, which with those already sent, he thought would suffice to hold out the Siege until he with his whole Fleet might come to relieve them. But whilst these things were slowly provided (which with much difficulties and delay could hardly be brought to pass, the Christian Princes as it were sleeping in so great a danger) the Turks upon the sudden the third of june assaulted the Castle of Saint Elmo, 
The Turks assault the Castle of Saint Elmo.  in hope with short scaling Ladders to get over that part of the Rampires which was nearest unto the Bulwark of the Castle. But the Defendants, in the Ditch which before had no Flanker to scour the same, had of Earth and Faggots made a large strong Flanker, from whence the Castle also helping them, they valiantly resisted the Enemy, and filled the Ditches with the dead Bodies of the Turks. Who for all that, trusting to their multitude (wherewith rather than with true Valour, they obtain so many Victories) thrust still on until they had by obstinate force (although long first) gained the Flanker; whereby they commanded all that part of the Ditch towards the Port Marzamoxet. In which place they with wonderful celerity so fortified themselves, that they could not be hurt by the Defendants; wherein they were much holpen by their own great Ordnance planted on the other side the Haven Marza; for with it they drove the Defendants from the place, beat down the corner of the Rampire, and battered the Front of the Bulwark, whose height and greatness troubled the Enemy, but was not so commodious for the Defendants, for that it was made without any Flankers. But night coming on, five thousand of the nine thousand Turks which gave the Assault, tarried there; wherefore the Christians constrained to forsake the place, retired themselves into the Castle. The Turks in the mean time covered with the darkness of the night, 
Saint Elmo again assaulted.  with sacks filled with Tow and Earth, filled up the Ditch which was under the Bulwark, but neither of any great wideness or depth; which done, they gave a fresh Assault, wherein above eight hundred of them were slain, part Janissaries, and part Spahi, and besides them many wounded, of whom the most part remained half dead in the Ditch, where they perished, and could not be relieved. Of the Christians was lost five and forty, amongst whom were five Knights of the Order, Guardampes an Avergnois, Masius a Colonel of Narbona, Contilia a Spaniard, Somaia a Florentine, and Neinec a German. The same night the Great Master thinking, 
New Supply sent into the Castle Saint Elmo.  as reason was, that they in the Castle of Saint Elmo might want help, sent two hundred of his Knights and as many other Soldiers into the Castle; who if they had been more, together with the four hundred which were before in the Castle, might happily have driven the Turks both from the Rampires and the Flanker, and also kept the place longer. But forasmuch as the Great Master wanted Soldiers, and had therefore sent Salvagus into Sicily, for new Supplies (as we have before said) he in the mean time courageously expected their coming, refusing no labour or pain; yet bewailing sometime with himself the unfortunateness of the Christian Princes, by whose negligence so fit an occasion for the overthrow of the barbarous enemy was let slip; But above all things, he marvelled exceedingly that no help yet came; especially those two Galleys, 
The Great Master disappointed of a Supply by the fearfulness of the Shipmaster.  which (as we have said) were in all haste sent by Salvagus; but they by the Master's default kept not the appointed Course; for first whereas they should have shunned the West part of the Isle, and have turned towards the East, they shaped their Course Westward to the Island of Gaulos, the Master vainly affirming, that he saw certain of the Turks Galliots lying before Port Mileria; which was afterwards well known not to have been so; for the truth was, that he for fear (whereby notable designs are many times frustrated) durst not go forward. Whereby it came to pass, that the Great Master was disappointed of so necessary a Supply; which thing much grieved both the Viceroy and others, but especially Salvagus. For he saw it would come to pass, that if the Turks should take the Castle of Saint Elmo (the most assured Bulwark and defence of the Island of Malta) the other places must of necessity be brought into extreme danger, all the way to relieve them being thereby shut up. And that it might be taken, seemed not to him impossible, the Enemy having already taken one Fort, and laying hard Siege almost on every side of that little Pile. The due consideration of these and such like things grieved the minds of skilful Men, especially seeing such slack preparation in a case requiring such present relief. Yet in the mean time Soldiers were taken up at Rome by the commandment of Pius Quartus then Bishop, to be sent to Malta; and by his example to stir up other Princes to send Aid unto this sacred War, he gave an hundred pound of Gold to Cambianus Legate for the Order, and commanded Gunpowder and other necessaries for that War to be taken out of his Castle Saint Angelo, that so he might seem to be wanting in nothing that was in him to perform. Over these Soldiers, in number six hundred, he appointed Pompeius C●lumna General, and commanded Camillus Medici's his Legate to accompany him. With these went many voluntary Men, of purpose to lay down their lives for the eternising of their Names in so religious a War, and that with such an ardent desire, as that every little delay seemed unto them a year. Wherefore coming to Naples, they there found john Andrea's Auria with eleven Ships, the Prince of Populonia with nine, Lanicius with three, and three others set forth by other private Gentlemen. In these Ships were embarked all those Footmen which came from Rome, and so transported to Messana, where the King's Fleet was providing. But whilst the Christians make slow preparation, considering the greatness of the danger, the Turks not ignorant thereof, resolved to prove the uttermost before the strength of the Christians were ready or drawn together. For the Castle of Saint Elmo once taken, they assured themselves with more ease to carry the rest; for that thereby they should first have the Haven Marzamoxet in their power, where their Fleet might in safety ride so long as they pleased; and the rising ridge betwixt the two Havens was commodious for them both to batter the Town of Saint Michael, and to keep the Haven Major, so that none could without their leave pass in or out thereat. Wherefore upon these and other such like considerations they began again to batter the Castle of Saint Elmo, 
Saint Elmo again assaulted.  as it had been with Thunder; which furious Battery they continued by the space of four days together without intermission. The night following they suddenly with great force gave an Assault, and with their scaling Ladders had almost gained the top of the Wall; when the Christians desirous of nothing more than to come to handy Blows, 
The Turks repulsed.  drove them down again with such a violence, that never after they durst set Ladder to the Wall, until the very last conflict. Whilst things were thus hot at the Castle of Saint Elmo, Dragut his Soldiers upon a bravery, as if they had been the only Men, went to a place called Martia Scala, which is between the Gallows and Saint Thomas' Road, as if they would have done more than the rest; which the Christians beholding out of the Town of Saint Angelo, to repress their insolency, sallied forth upon them, and so welcomed them, that they were glad after they had received a great loss, forthwith to retire to the place from whence they came. Of the Christians were slain Bonnemius a Frenchman, one of the Knights, and seven others.  
The same time Monferratus was by the Great Master sent into the Castle of Saint Elmo, to command there as Governor instead of Brolia; for that he with watching and pains taken in defence thereof, was fallen sick. The same Brolia had many times before written to the Great Master, That the Castle was so well fortified and furnished of all things needful, as that he thought it impossible to be won by the Enemy; and had with cheerful Speech and brave Behaviour, so encouraged the Knights, and other the Defendants, that they fought against their Enemies with more than men's Strength, and greater Courage than is to be believed. Neither were the Turks for that discouraged, although they were with great loss still repulsed; but for certain days battered the Castle with greater fury than before, and immediately gave an Assault; for they had made a Bridge over the Ditch, of Masts and Sail Yards, of such a breadth, that ten Men might go thereon in rank; and had placed about the Ditch four thousand Harquebusiers, 
The Turks make a Bridge over the Castle Ditch. A horrible Battery.  and brought all their Fleet unto Saint George's Shore, not far from the Castle. And when they had by the space of eighteen days sore shaken it, and torn the Walls with thirteen thousand great Shot, and were now in hope even presently to win the Castle; see, Beragamus a Biscain, one of the Knights, and Medranus a Spanish Captain, with certain other valiant Men, ran to the Bridge, and to the great admiration of the Beholders, opposed themselves against the multitude of the Miscreants. The Fight hand to hand was on both sides both fierce and terrible; 
Med●a●us a valiant Captain.  and now one of the Turks had advanced a Turkish Ensign upon the Bulwark, which whilst Medranus layeth hand upon, and the Turk one the other side struggleth to clear himself from him, in striving together, they fell down both dead▪ shot thorough with one Bullet by one of the Turks. At which time the four hundred which we said were but a little before sent thither by the Grand Master, stood in good stead; for seeing all brought to so great a danger, some of them (whilst othersome fought with the Enemy) thrust Barrels of Gunpowder under the Bridge, some cast down Wildfire, Stones, and whatsoever else came to hand, upon the Enemy, and others farther off with their Harquebusies sore gauled the Turks; so in short time the Bridge was burnt and blown up, 
Eight hundred Turks slain with the fall of the bridge.  which in the fall thereof, overwhelmed eight hundred Turks; the rest (as they might) retired, few whole, but most part wounded. In this conflict the Christians plucked down two Ensigns; the one Mustapha's, the other Draguts; which the Turks had set up upon the very Battlements of the Walls. On the other part toward the South-west, a Band of the Turks had got to the top of the highest Rampire; which as soon as they in the Castle of Saint Angelo perceived, thinking to have beaten them off with a great shot, slew by mischance seven of the Defendants upon the same Rampire, as they were going too and fro; but to recompense that error, at the next shot they rend in sunder four of the Turks Captains, with twelve other of their most forward Soldiers. Whilst they were here fight, other Turks in the mean time had cast up a Trench on that side of the Castle toward Saint Angelo; out of which they were quickly driven with Fire, Stones, and other such like things thrown down upon them by the Defendants. 
The Turks retire.  The Turks valiantly on every side repulsed, retired into the Camp, when they had in this Assault lost two thousand of their best Soldiers, and of the Christians slain almost an hundred, and wounded as many more. The same day Valetta the Grand Master perceiving the Port Marzamoxet not to be very straight kept by the Turks, commanded a light Brigandine to be carried out of the Haven, over land, to the place Martia Scala, that from thence he might send into Sicilia; for he (as reason was) considering in what danger the Castle Saint Elmo stood, by Letters certified the Viceroy and the Bishop of Rome thereof, and of such things as were there done; requesting them of speedy relief. The copy of the Letters sent to the Viceroy, I have here set down; as for those which were sent to the great Bishop, because they were almost of the same purport, I have purposely omitted.  
To Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Sicilia, and Admiral of the Fleet, Greeting.  
SInce the time that I sent Salvagus, 
The Great Master's Lett●rs to Garzias Viceroy of Sic●lia  I have sent unto you two Letters, which I caused to be sent by Melita into Gaulos; which I pray God be come to your hands. After that, when as neither Messengers nor Letters came unto us from you, I commanded a man with Instructions to haste to Messana, who when he had certain nights attempted to go out, and was at last got out▪ he was scarcely gone two miles, but he saw the Turks with might and main making after him; whom to escape, he was glad to run his Pinnace on ground; And casting his Letters into the Sea, to forsake his Boat, and by flight to save himself. Now the Turks having removed their Fleet out of the Port Vulturnus, I considering how much it concerneth to certify you of those things which are here done, commanded a Brigandine to be carried to Martia Scala; for seeing that the Turks Fleet is gone to another part of the Island, I hope my Letters will without let in short time come unto you. And the things I would have you to know, are these: The fifteenth of this month, all the Enemy's Fleet (a little before night) passed by this Port; the coming on of the night letted, that we could not well perceive the weakness thereof, whilst the Galleys almost unarmed, were with much difficulty towed forth; want of Water, caused them chiefly to depart out of the Port Vulturnus, and peradventure fear of your Fleet. For, as I have heard, they have intelligence, that an hundred and fifty Sail lie at road in the Port of Messana; for which cause also, they have not put themselves into the Port of Saint Paul, but have placed their Fleet above the Port Marzamoxet; yet a good part of their Galleys lie at the Port Saint George, so to be nearer unto their Land Forces; yet is not the nearness such, but that if your Fleet come upon the sudden, they will with the same fear retire to their Fleet, that they would if they were farther off. No man is now to be seen at Vulturnus, for they have left their first Camp at Saint Katherine's and Saint john's, having burnt all the Country Villages, and now lie with their Fleet as I have said; and with their Army at the Castle Saint Elmo, which God hath as yet kept, and as I hope will; which thing is even for this to be hoped for, which was but yesterday done; when as our most valiant Soldiers (by the help of God) for the space of four hours courageously endured a most terrible Assault. The Turks having also made a Bridge Westward toward the Port Marzamoxet, we have four times repulsed them to their great loss; yet not without some loss also on our part, amongst whom Medranus, a worthy Captain was to my great grief slain. With this Victory our Men are so encouraged, that I am in hope the Castle may be defended until your coming, especially the Enemy's battery not so furiously now as before maintained. If I were relieved with certain Companies of fresh Soldiers, or at least with those our two Galleys, I would never think that this Castle could be taken from us; In defence whereof, whilst we every hour lo●● for help, we have spent both our Men, and whatsoever Warlike Provision we had else. We are resolved although it cost us all our lives, to go thither, relying upon you; who, as we hope for your Devotion and noble Courage, will not be unmindful of our Health and Welfare; but knowing the danger whereinto we must needs fall, if you shall defer to aid us, will send us out of hand certain Bands of Men, especially when they may so easily be sent; for now that the Turks are departed from the East part of the Island, our Soldiers may be landed at the Black Rocks. Our lives lie in your hands, on whom (next unto God) resteth all our hope; Wherefore we most instantly request you not to forsake us; committing ourselves, and all that ours is, to your Compassion and Protection. Fare you well from Malta the seventeenth of June.  
These Letters received and the distress of the besieged Castle perceived, the Viceroy was (as of right he ought) greatly moved, and made semblance as if he had been desirous to have brought forth his whole Fleet against the Turks. But forasmuch as the Supply of Ships from Genoa and Spain was not yet come, and that without them he thought it not good to adventure the Fortune of a Battle; he forthwith sent john Cardona with four Galleys, 
Four Galleys sent to the Great Master for the relief of Malta.  whereof two were of Malta; and with Cardona joined one Robles Campmaster, with a select Company of Spaniards; with whom went also about eighty Knights of Malta, who stayed at Messana, awaiting some fit occasion to pass over; amongst whom were these chief Men of the Order, Parisot the Great Master's Nephew, Vincentius Caraffa, Boninscana and Maldonatus, both Spaniards, Centius of Aquitania, and some others; Who although letted by Tempest and other occasions, they came too late to Malta, as shall be hereafter declared, yet served they in great stead; and had they come in time, before the Castle Saint Elmo was lost, happily it might have been still kept.  
The Turks making no more account of so great a slaughter of their Men, than of so many Sheep, desperately renewed the Fight, as Men resolved to endure all extremities. And first they most horribly thundered day and night with their great Ordnance upon the Castle; afterwards they assaulted the Breaches with such a multitude and force, that if true Valour and hope of Immortality had not excluded all fear out of the hearts of the Defendants, 
A most terrible Assault.  the terror of the Assault had enforced them either to have fled or yielded. Dreadful was the Fight, and had they not been obstinately set down on both sides, the one to win the Castle, the other to defend it, that day had ended the quarrel. Five hours endured that most terrible Assault, at length the Turks repulsed by the Valour of the Christians, retired; yet did they not for all that pass the night following in quiet, but with their great Ordnance did so beat the Defendants, that they had much ado to keep the Turks from scaling the Walls; which that they should not then dare to attempt, was with exceeding endeavour provided for by the Christians; of whom in this Assault was lost two hundred, and of the Turks an infinite number. And Dragut himself, whilst he there performed the duty both of a General, and most valiant Soldier, 
Dragut ●lain.  got a blow on the Head with a Stone, whereof in two days he died; his dead Body was afterwards carried to Tripoli, and there honourably buried.  
The Commanders of the Turks Army, still more and more enraged with this Valour of the Christians, and the slaughter of their Men, gathering all their Fleet together, commanded them to compass about the Castle, of purpose to give thereunto their last Assault, with all their Forces both by Sea and Land; and to send new Supplies of fresh Soldiers one after another, until they had taken the Castle. And therefore they with great industry prepared Bridges, Ladders, Engines, Armour, Weapons, Shot, and whatsoever things else was needful for the Assault. Which Valetta perceiving out of his Castle Saint Angelo, and fearing (as meet was) lest they in the Castle should not be able longer to endure so great a fury, called together in Counsel his Knights, two days before the Turks gave their last Assault; and told them, That they all as well as he, saw in what danger they which defended the Castle Saint Elmo were; and that he doubted not, but that every one of them (upon a Godly Zeal and Compassion) was no less moved with the slaughter and danger of their Fellows and other their Christian Soldiers, than with their own; wherefore he requested them, to declare what they thought best to be done for their safety; yet so, as that they should not hastily determine any thing, that agreed not with the ancient Valour and Honour of their sacred Military Profession. Which motion once made, and their opinions in brief delivered, a Decree was made, That forasmuch as the Castle could not longer be holden, regard should be had for the safeguard of them that were therein; for which purpose it was agreed, that twelve Pinnaces should be sent to fetch them away. But before, three Knights were chosen who should in haste the night following go thither, and tell them what was in the Counsel agreed upon, and carefully to consider in what state the Castle was, which if the Defendants thought was to be abandoned, they should poison the Water, and cloy the great Ordnance, that it might not afterwards stand the Turks in stead. The three Knights sent thither, 
Three Knights sent to view the state of the Castle of Saint Elmo.  was Medina a Spaniard, Rocca a Frenchman, and Constantinus Castriot an Italian; who not without danger of their Lives (being oftentimes shot at by the Turks) got into the Castle, and declared unto them that were there in Garrison, how careful the Great Master and the rest were of them. And they on their side, first of all gave thanks to the Grand Master and the rest, for the regard they had of them; and afterward concerning the Castle, said▪ That if they considered the straitness of the place, the small number of the Defendants, and multitude of the Enemy, they should well perceive in what danger they were, if the Turks should often with such obstinacy renew the Assault; yet forasmuch as they had ever hitherto felt the help of God so present, who had still mercifully defended them against the rage of the Enemy, and wanted nothing needful for the defence of the place; the keeping whereof they had requested of the Grand Master as an honour, although they knew right well it could not without most manifest danger of their Lives be holden; yet they would for all that keep it to the last Man; for that perhaps the like honourable occasion for them to show themselves in, should never again be offered; wherefore they had (as they said) resolved in that place to spend their lives for the Glory of God and the Christian Religion. 
The resolute answer of them in the Castle to the Knights.  The Course of this Life (they said) was but short, but that Honour and Fame was for ever; and whereas death is to all Men prefixed, it were to be wished, that the Life which is to Nature due, should rather seem to be by us frankly given to God and our Country, than reserved as Nature's Debt; which if it should so happen, they would so use the matter, as that the barbarous Enemy should have neither pleasure nor joy, which should not cost him much Blood even of his best Soldiers. This they willed the Knights to tell the Great Master, and to request him not to be too careful of them, but to promise to himself those things of them which best beseemed resolute Men, especially of them who had vowed themselves to that sacred War. This answer of greater resoultion than fortune, received; the three Knights, when they had diligently viewed the Castle, returned to the Grand Master; who calling to Counsel his Knights, and having heard the answer of the besieged, would needs hear also what opinion the three Knights themselves were of concerning the keeping of the Castle; 
The three Knights of divers opinions concerning the keeping of the Castle St. Elmo.  of whom Castriot was of opinion, That the place was still to be defended, and that if he were there to command, he would undertake to perform it; and there rather to lose his Life than to forsake it, after he had once taken upon him the charge thereof. But Rocca the French Knight was far of another mind, and said plainly, that the place could not possibly be holden against so strong an Enemy; and that if julius Caesar himself were alive, and saw to what straight the place was brought (especially all the Rampire's being either beat down or sore shaken, and such a power of obstinate Enemies lying round about it) he would never suffer so many valiant Soldiers to be lost, but quit the place, and reserve his Men to a further service; for why, it was the part of valiant Men to perform so much as was of Men to be performed; but to strive to do more, was no Manhood at all; wherefore he thought it best to do that which Men use with Members mortified, whose recovery is desperate; in which case we doubt not to make a separation, so to save the rest of the Body with Life. The Spanish Knight in most part agreeing with Castriot, said, That he thought it not good, that the place should so easily be forsaken; first, for that the Ditches and Bulwarks were yet defensible; and then because he saw so great a consent among the Defendants, and such a cheerfulness to withstand the Enemy, which thing (as he said) presaged Victory.  
These opinions of the Knights thoroughly in Counsel debated, and every particular well weighed, it seemed good to the greater part, that they which were in the Castle should for certain days yet hold it out; especially because it was not the manner of the Knights of the Order easily to abandon their strong Holds, but rather to keep them to the last, that even therein the barbarous Enemy might perceive with whom he had to do, and so see his Pride abated. For if they should have forsaken the place, they might have been thought to have done it for fear; whereby the Enemy's insolency might have been increased, and the honourable Order of those sacred Knights disgraced.  
But the Turks intentive to that they had before determined, the three and twentieth day of june assembling all their Forces both by Sea and Land round about the Castle, in the dead time of the night on every side set up scaling Ladders, made Bridges, wrought Mines, and with two and thirty great Pieces of Artillery battered the rest of the Walls yet standing, 
The Turks furiously assault the City.  and presently gave a most terrible Assault. The Defendants on the other side beat down some, repulsed other, slew many, ever more careful how to wound the Enemy, than to save themselves; and where he pressed fastest on, there to show their greatest Valour. Great were the Outcries made on both sides, mixed with Exhortation, Mirth and Mourning; the face of the whole Fight was divers, uncertain, cruel, and dreadful; and now it was the third hour of the day, when still the Victory stood doubtful; and had not the fury of the great Ordnance been so terrible, that it now had beaten down all the Walls unto the very Rock whereon the Castle stood, the Defendants might for some longer time have endured the Enemy's Force. But the very Rock bared both of Walls and Defendants, and more than four hundred slain, a Man could now scarcely show himself, but he was presently struck in Pieces. Monserratus Governor of the Castle, and Garas of Euboea, Men of equal Valour, Integrity, and Honour, were both slain with one shot; for a short and transitory Life made Partakers of Immortality together. Yet the rest which stood in defence of the Castle, nothing terrified with so great a loss and slaughter of their Fellows, but augmented rather as it were with new Courage from above, fought with greater Force than before, overthrew the Turks Ensigns now set up in the Castle, slew the Ensign-bearers, Captains, and Colonels; now respecting nothing more, but honourably to lay down their Lives for their Religion and the obtaining of immortal Fame. By this time the Sun was mounted to the middle of Heaven, great was the Heat, and Men exceeding weary; the murdering shot never ceased, and such was the multitude of the Enemy, that he sent in fresh Men instead of them that were wearied or wounded. On the other side, the small number of the Christians, and those weakened with Labour, Watching, Thirst and Wounds, did what Men might; yet at length were overcome by a greater Force, 
The Castle of Saint Elmo taken by the Turks.  and so the Castle by the Turks won, but with such slaughter of their Men, that it was a wonder that so many should be slain of so few. The Defendants were all slain, every Man in valiant Fight.  
Here may I not in silence pass over the inhuman and more than barbarous Cruelty of the Turks against the dead Bodies of the slain Knights, 
Barbarous Cruelty exercised by the Turks upon the dead Bodies of the Knights.  that thereby may appear, that Cruelty never wanteth whereon to show itself merciless, yea even after death. The Turks after they had taken the Castle, finding certain of the Knights yet breathing, and but half dead, first cut their Hearts out of their Breasts, and then their Heads from their Bodies; after that, they hanged them up by the Heels in their red Cloaks with white Crosses, (which manner of Attire they after an ancient Custom use in time of War, as they do black in time of Peace) in sight of the Castles, Saint Angelo and Saint Michael. And yet Mastapha the Turks General not so contented, commanded them afterwards to be fast bound together, and so cast into the Sea, whose dead Bodies were in few days after by the Surge of the Sea cast up into the Haven Major, and known by their Friends, were by the commandment of the sorrowful Great Master honourably buried. With which the Enemies most barbarous Cruelty he was so moved, that he commanded that no Turk should from that time be taken prisoner, but to be presently slain. And thereupon all that were before taken, were forthwith put to the Sword, and their Heads cast over the Walls on that side towards the Enemy. From the beginning of the Siege to the taking of the Castle, of the Christians were slain a thousand three hundred▪ amongst whom were an hundred and thirty of the sacred Knights of the Order all worthy to be registered in the Book of everlasting Fame.  
The Castle of Saint Elmo thus lost, 
Valetta encourageth his Soldiers after the loss of the Castle St. Elmo.  Valetta although his mind (as he had good cause) was inwardly attainted with exceeding grief, yet made semblance otherwise, because he would not daunt the minds of his Soldiers; telling them, that nothing was happened unprovided for or unforeseen. This was (as he said) the Will of God, and the chance of War, that sometimes one, sometimes another should be overcome; and that cowardice, not such Valour as was in them that were gone, gave occasion to living▪ Friends to lament; yet that the Enemy was not for that to be feared, who had also received such a loss, as he might thereby rather seem conquered, than a victorious Conqueror; whereas the loss of his Knights was recompensed with Honour and Immortality, things of themselves sufficient to inflame all noble minds to behave themselves valiantly. As for himself (he said) that trusting not in his own strength, but in the help of Almighty God, he had not yet cast off the hope of Victory over the relics of the discomfited Enemy; and that he well hoped, they were all of the same mind, wherein he most earnestly requested them to persist unto the end. When he had thus said, he being a Man armed against all Fortunes, withdrew himself a little aside; where casting many things in his troubled mind, he determined to send Letters to Petrus Mesquita, Governor of the City of Melita, to certify him and the Knights of the Order that were at Messana, and the Viceroy, of the loss of St. Elmo; the Copy whereof, because that in them evidently appeareth the Christian mind of him the Great Master, I have thought good here to set down as followeth:  

Valetta his Letters to the Governor of Melita.  Whilst these Knights are setting forward, in the mean time chanced the miserable misfortune of the Castle Saint Elmo; which although it brought unto us that grief you may easily imagine, we for all that, as if it had happened by some secret appointment of God, have taken it in that part, that he as a most merciful Father purposeth thereby to warn us, but not utterly to destroy us. Neither do I think it lawful to doubt of his mercy and power. Yet for all that, I may nevertheless complain, that we are of them forsaken of whom it least beseemed. So that in the space of seven and thirty days, wherein our most valiant Soldiers endured all the force of the Enemy (which truly was done rather by the power of God than of Man) we were holpen of our own (which owe so much unto us) not so much as with the least help, which they might oftentimes have sent us. But I list to ascribe it, whatsoever it is, to God, of whom alone as we have hitherto received so many good things, so rest we in hope hereafter to receive also. For, for any thing that I can see, we must not now trust to Man's help; forasmuch as we could by no Letters, no Diligence, no Prayers, no Admonitions, and to be brief, by no Commands move them, who of all others ought most to have obeyed it. The shortness of the time suffereth us not to write to the Viceory of these things, it shall be your part to certify both him and other our Friends thereof; who if they had obeyed our command, or aided us with never so little a supply of Soldiers, happily we had not lost the Castle St. Elmo; in defence whereof we have spent the best part of our Soldiers. Wherefore except the Viceroy make haste to deliver us from this Siege, I fear that he cannot in time come; but especially if we be here besieged before the coming of those our small helps which we as in a Dream have promised unto ourselves, and which we now scarce hope will be in time present. For all that, we do not distrust of God his love and providence; by whose divine inspiration the rare courage of the Viceroy being in short time stirred up, will hasten hither to relieve us. For all our welfare consisteth in celerity. Our Enemies having drawn all their Fleet into the Haven Marza Moxet, are busied in cleansing the Castle, and repairing the Breaches, that they may afterward the better use them against us. Wherefore upon the sight of these our Letters, send unto us the Captains Catherine, Belcacar, Belmest, and Zoricius, with their Companies, that we may use their faithful and valiant service, God of his mercy send us aid from some place, and keep you. Fare you well, from our Castle St. Angelo, the twenty fourth of June, 1565.  
Mesquita having received these Letters, commanded a Galliot forthwith to be launched, and therein embarked Masius Cedonellus, one of the Knights; to whom he delivered both the Letters of the Grand Master to him, and others of his own, almost of the same purport, directed to the Knights of the Order which lay at Messana, requesting him with all speed possible to pass over with them into Sicilia.  
In the mean time Mustapha the Turks General sent a Messenger to Valetta, 
Mustapha Bassa senaeth Messengers to the Great Master.  and with him an old Spanish Captive, with promise of liberty if he would go with his Messenger to the Town, to talk with Valetta concerning the yielding up thereof, and to try if he would by any means, come to agreement; who coming to the Town, the Turk still waiting at the Gate, the Christian was let in, and brought to the Great Master, to whom he declared what he had in charge from the Bassa. 
The answer of the Great Master to the Turks Messengers.  But as soon as Valetta heard of the name of composition and yielding, he was so filled with indignation, that had he not been a Christian, he would presently have commanded him to have been hanged. Wherefore he gave him choice either to tarry still in the Town, if he thought so good, or else forthwith to return and tell his Companion, that if he got him not Packing quickly, he would send him farther off with a great shot. With this short answer the Turk suddenly returned into the Camp. Whereupon Mustapha fell into such a rage, that he openly protested, never from that time to forbear any kind of cruelty against the Christians. 
Philip Lascaris flieth from the Turks to the Castle St. Michael.  There was then with Mustapha one Philip, of the most noble Grecian Family of Lascaris, who of a Boy taken Prisoner by the Christians in Patras, a City of Achaia, and by them honestly and courteously used, was therefore ever after well affected toward the Christians; he privy to many of Mustapha's designs, by a certain divine motion thought he should not a little profit the Christians by revolting unto them; wherefore he resolved to fly unto the Castle of Saint Michael. Which thing when he had oftentimes attempted, at length the first of july he cast himself into the Sea (for by Land he could no way escape) and swum to the Castle, not without danger of his life; for discovered by the Turks, he was many times shot at both with their Arrows and small Shot. He, brought to the Great Master, revealed unto him many of the Enemy's Secrets, and also advised him what was best to be done at the point of Saint michael's, to frustrate the Enemy's purpose for the assailing of that place; with many other things, which were unto the Defendants no small hlep; and afterwards as often as need was, during the Siege, fought valiantly against the Turks.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Codonellus sent as we have before said into Sicilia, came in safety to Messana where he found the Christian Fleet not yet ready to relieve the distressed Maltaeses; for the Spanish Ships were not yet come, and john Andreas Auria with eight and twenty Ships was ready to return to take in four thousand Footmen, taken up in Etruria by Capinus Vitellius. 
The Knights of Malta crave aid of the Viceroy.  Which backwardness the Knights of the Order considering, and what danger was in delay, after they had well debated the matter amongst themselves, they resolved by the power of God by all means possible to help their Brethren. And for this expedition chose two most fit Generals of their own Fellows (the Commanders of Messana and Baroli) who forthwith went to Garzias the Viceroy, declaring to him what things the sacred Knights of their Order had done, not for the King of Spain only, but for the Christian Common-weal, and also what great charge they had been at the year before in the Pinionian expedition, wherein they had neither spared Ships, Victual, nor Munition, neither their own Lives, to profit the King and the Christian Common-weal. Besides this, they besought him well to consider, that the loss of Malta concerned not the sacred Knights only, but all Italy, and especially Sicilia, for the nearness of so troublesome and puissant an Enemy. For these and other like reasons, which the shortness of the time suffered them not to rehearse, they requested of him four thousand Footmen, with whom all the Knights of the Order which were there, and many other noble and voluntary Men would make all possible speed to relieve the besieged, which they had before in vain attempted; with which strength they were in good hope, if not to repulse the Enemy, or to recover that was already lost, yet at least to stop and stay his farther proceeding, until such time as he having rigged up and brought forth all his Fleet, might set upon the Turks, and (as was to be hoped) vanquish and disperse them. But whilst the Viceroy having heard their request, considereth what answer to make, a Messenger came unto him from Spain, but with what command from the King (although Me● guessed diversely) could not be known. But upon his coming, the Viceroy gave the Knights this cold answer, That he could not grant what they requested, 
The cold answer of the Viceroy to the Knights.  for that in so doing he should disfurnish his Fleet, and not be able afterwards to relieve them as he desired; but if it pleased them to transport the Knights with part of the Bishop's Soldiers into the Island, they might so do with their own two Galleys they had already, whereunto he would also join another of his own. The Knights when they could obtain no more, accepted of that which was offered.  
Whilst these Galleys were letting forward, those four Galleys whereof we have before spoken, wherein were embarked eighty Knights and six hundred other Soldiers, having at Sea suffered many troubles by the space of twenty days, could not as yet arrive at Malta; and because the Viceroy had commanded that they should not land, except they first knew whether the Castle Saint Elmo were still holden by the Christians, they sent out a Frigate to land, promising that day and the next to tarry in the Sea for her return. In the mean time a great Tempest suddenly arising, it so fell out, that the Frigate could not at the appointed time return; wherefore the Galleys which expected her coming, fearing lest she had been either by Tempest lost, or by the Enemy intercepted, retired unto Pozalo a Port upon the Coast of Sicilia, nearest to Malta, there to expect some good News; where as soon as they had put in, they understood that Saint Elmo was yet defended; whereupon they put to Sea again, with purpose to have arrived at Malta. But when they were within two Leagues of the place where they thought to have landed, they saw a Fire there which caused them to mistrust that the place was possessed of the Enemy, and that he lay thereabout to intercept them; wherefore they returned again to Pozalo; where now understanding of the French Knight come from Malta, that that Fire was by his commandment, as a sign that they might without fear come forward; they with all speed made again for the same place, and at length the nine and twentieth day of june about midnight landed at the Black Rocks on the South side of the Island toward afric, and unseen of any, got in haste to the City Malta, where they were joyfully received, and there stayed to expect what the Great Master should command. In the mean time it fortuned, a great foggy Mist (which seldom times there chanceth) to arise so thick, that a Man could hardly see for it; at which time a Boy of twelve years old looking by chance out of a Window in the Castle of Melita, suddenly as one afraid cried out, that he saw a Turk going from the City to the Castle of Saint Michael. Which thing some of the Knights hearing, ran presently out that way, and found a Greek of the City Melita, who brought back and examined (for that without the Governors pass it was not lawful for any Man to go out of the City) confessed, That his purpose was to have advertised the Turks of the coming of those Soldiers, that so they might have intercepted them as they should have come from Melita to the Grand Master; 
A Traitor taken and executed at Malta.  for which Treason he was as he had well deserved cut in four pieces. Three days after, this new Supply come from Sicilia, 
The Soldiers new come out of Sicilia, come to the Great Master.  in the first Watch of the night came all in safety from Melita to the Grand Master, except two or three Boys, who overcharged with Armour and other Baggage, were not able to keep way with the rest. It is not to be told, how much the besieged rejoiced at the coming of these their Friends; and especially Valetta, who seeing the Flower of his Knights and other Soldiers, as it were by Divine Providence come unto him; with tears trickling down his Cheeks, and his Eyes cast up to Heaven, said: I thank thee, O Heavenly Father, 
The Prayer of Valetta.  which hearest my Prayers, and forsakest not this thy little Flock, beset round with ravening Wolves: these are the Works of thine everlasting Goodness, Mercy and Providence.  
These new come Soldiers requested of the Great Master, as a Reward of their Pains, That they might be put in Garrison into the Town Saint Michael, a place now most laid unto by the Turks; which thing he (commending their forwardness) easily granted; yet for all that removed not the old Garrison. These fresh and courageous Soldiers desirous of nothing more than to fight with the Enemy, the next day sallied out, and having slain two hundred of the Turks, and wounded as many more, without loss of a Man returned, every Man's Sword imbrued in the Blood of his Enemy. Which thing Mustapha the Turks General hearing, knew it was they which lately came into the Town; and thereupon fell in rage with his Captains, as that they had by their negligence entered. But the suspicion grew most upon them which were appointed for the keeping of the uttermost part of the Island; which was the more increased, for that three Galliots of Algiers had withdrawn themselves away; so that he neither trusted them nor the Renegade Christians, who as occasion served fled daily from him. For which cause he gave out Proclamation, That none of them should lie by night out of the Galleys, and that such as did otherwise, should therefore be burnt, or impaled upon sharp Stakes; and changing his Warders, appointed Salec with his Galliots, whom he thought to be more faithful, for the keeping of the Island. And that neither they nor the Christians, should be able to attempt any thing, he chained together divers Galleys in the Entrance of the Haven Marzamoxet, and caused the rest of the Fleet to ride nearer together than before. But because exceeding many were at that time sick in the Turks Camp, of the Flux and other Diseases; three places were assigned for them; one for the wounded Men near unto Aqua Martia, guarded with two thousand Turks; another in the Poops of their Ships and Galleys for the Turks Volunteers; and the third amongst the Bulwarks, where the enforced Christians were cured. At the same time, 
Och●al Bassa made Governor of Tripoli.  Mustapha appointed Ochial Bassa Governor of Tripoli, instead of Dragut before slain; who going thither with five Galleys, and having set all things in order there, returned again unto the Camp. With him the Bassa had sent two Ships loaded with Corn to Tripoli, there to make Bread, whereof they began to feel some want in the Camp. He also sent Zaloch one of his Colonels to Solyman, to certify him of the winning of the Castle St. Elmo, and to deliver unto him the description of the Island of Malta as they found it at their arrival; and further to declare unto him, That he found the Maltaeses stronger and better provided, than was at his setting forth supposed; wherefore if it were his pleasure longer to continue the Siege, he should send a new supply of Men, Victual, and other Warlike Provision; which if he did, he would then be in hope to take the other strong places of the Island also, though not so soon as was at first supposed, and that in the mean time whilst he expected Answer, he would not fail to do what he possibly might. And because he would not seem to have written an untruth, he began his battery in fourteen places with 70 great pieces of Artillery, 
A terrible battery.  amongst which was three most huge Basilisks; for from the Gallows Promontory to Aqua Martia, and from thence to the Castle of St. Elmo, wherein he had placed 300 Janissaries, the Turks had enclosed all that compass with sundry Bulwarks, Trenches, and Mounts, from whence they with their thundering Shot day and night incessantly battered the Towns and Castles of St. Michael and St. Angelo, overthrew the Walls, beat down the Bulwarks, and broke down the houses in such terrible manner, that scarce any could be safe therein; which of all others most troubled the fearful Women and Children. But the Turks in their Trenches rested in far more safety; yet so, as they durst not stray far out of the Camp, but trusting upon their multitude, and that not many times without their loss, being cut off by the Horsemen of the Garrison of Malta, who were ever ready at their heels.  
When the loss of the Castle St. Elmo was known at Rome, the City was filled with mourning and heaviness; some were sorry for the dishonour, othersome feared lest the Calamities of the Maltaeses should redound unto themselves. There was also amongst others, a certain envious and foul-mouthed kind of men, altogether ignorant and unacquainted with Martial Affairs, who shamed not to lay the blame of the loss of St. Elmo upon the Grand Master; whom both his own Valour, with the worthy Testimony of so many famous and valiant men as were there present with him▪ as also this History gathered out of the true light of things then done, shall both for the time present and for all Posterity sufficiently acquit of so false a slander. But he will easily blemish another man's name, that spareth not his own; neither can Ignorance rightly judge of the counsels of the Skilful; or Cowardice, of valiant deeds.  
But to return again to our purpose; we said before, 
Three Galleys depart from Messana with aid towards Malta.  that three Galleys were made ready at Messana; in setting forth whereof, they which had the Charge used such diligence, that the seventh of july they departed out of Harbour. In them (besides the Knights of the Order) were embarked 600 Spaniards, and 300 of the Great Bishops Soldiers, conducted by Pompeius Columba; the Mariners were part hired, part Slaves, to whom liberty was promised, if they would lustily do their endeavour to get into the Haven, and to be accounted of as the rest of the Soldiers were. And because they would relieve the besieged not with Men only, but with Victual also, they put into the same Galleys five hundred bushels of Wheat, beside Gunpowder, Saltpetre, and Led for Shot▪ And although it was thought a most hard matter, by the Haven itself to enter into the Island, the Turks possessing it and all the places thereabouts; nevertheless there was in the Knights such an earnest desire to relieve their Brethren, that they promised both to themselves and others, all things easy and safe. But when they began to approach the Island, they sent a Scout before, to understand by signs from the Castle of St. Angelo, whether they were to proceed forward or not; 
The Galleys upon a sign given return back.  who coming so far that they might discover the sign, perceived thereby that they should retire. Which thing the Turks perceiving also, presently with the smoke of their great Ordnance and other things, they so obscured the Air as with a thick Cloud, in such sort as that those signs were no more to be discerned; but all in vain: for why, our Men had already descried them; so those three Galleys returned again to Sicilia. For, Valetta that good Prince thought it not meet to bring so many of the sacred Knights, so many noble Gentlemen and valiant Soldiers, into a most manifest danger; for he saw certain of the Turks Galleys to lie by night in the mouth of the Haven Marza Moxet, at a place called The Little sands, to impeach the going in or out of the Haven Major. About the same time, they which lay in Garrison in the City Melita, hearing of the notable Sally made by the Soldiers lately come, and taking heart thereupon, at such time as the Turks were fetching in a certain booty of cattle, the Horsemen pursued them, and having slain divers of them, recovered the Prey; and yet not so contented, chased them even to their Camp. But the other Turks seeing their Fellows flying in such haste towards them, raised an Alarm, ran to their General's Tent, and for that time ceased their battery.  
The Great Master probably conjecturing, that the Turks would in short time assault both the Town and Castle of St. Michael, thought good by his presence to encourage and strengthen the Garrison; and therefore was about to have gone thither by a Bridge made of Boats from the one point of the Land to the other, between St. Michael's and S. Angelo; but quickly understanding the certainty thereof, returned again into his Castle. Some there be that think, For him to have so done, had been a venturous part, and full of danger, and therefore to have been discommended; for that great things are performed, not so much by strength of body as of mind, by politic counsel and direction, wherewith a General (although absent) may yet with his Forces be always present; but the General once lost (which may easily happen if he will present his Person to the danger) we see most commonly all fall together with him, no otherwise than do all parts of the Body when the Soul departeth. But othersome are of contrary opinion, That the General's presence, especially in great dangers, is both praiseworthy and most necessary; for that he, as the Soul, cannot provide for, or rule the body, except it be present, yea placed therein; and that Valetta in so doing, followed the Examples of the greatest Kings and most famous Generals; as of Alexd the Great, julius Caesar, Themistocles, Marius, and others; whose words unto their Soldiers were these, I myself will be your Conductor in the Field, in the battle partaker of the danger with you, you shall be in all things as myself. Besides that, who knoweth not, that as in other things, so most of all in Martial Affairs, all things are better, more orderly, and more easily done when the Master is present; neither was the learned Poet his meaning any thing else, when in the Wars betwixt the Latins and the Rutilians, he saith, Urget praesentia Turni? whereupon they concluded, that the Great Master in going had done both valiantly, wisely, and according to his duty. But this we leave for martial men to determine.  

The King of Algiers cometh to aid the Turks.  At the same time the King of Algiers tame to Aid the Turks with seven Galleys and ten Galliots, and in them 2200 Soldiers, who sorry that he was not there at the beginning, and desirous to do some notable Act, and withal to make proof of the Valour of his Soldiers, requested the great Bassa to bestow upon him the first place in the besieging the Castle of St. Michael; which he not only granted, but joined to his Forces 2000 of his own best Soldiers. These things obtained, he commanded ninety small Vessels by devices to be carried over land out of the Port Marzamoxet to Aqua Martia, for that he purposed on that side to besiege the Castle by water. But Valetta perceiving the Enemy's purpose, both by seeing that was done, and also advertised thereof before by a Christian Fugitive; presently called unto him two faithful and skilful Ship-Masters of Malta, and imparting the matter unto them, demanded what they thought best to be done to keep the Turks from landing, as it seemed they purposed at the Walls foot. They quickly perceiving the matter, answered, That in their opinion, if a Chain were made of Masts and Sail-yards as Spars joined together with iron rings, and so drawn all alongst from the corner of the Castle of St. Angelo, to that place where the Enemy thought to land, their purpose might be so defeated. This device so pleased the Great Master, that the night following such a Chain was made, and fast mored in the appointed place. The Turks so soon as it was day perceiving this bar, stood as men doubtful, not knowing how by any means to land their men, as they had before purposed. Whilst they stood so abashed, 
A desperate Fugitive.  a Christian Fugitive a most desperate Villain (in which kind of men foolish hardiness is accounted a virtue, and desperation, constancy) came to the King, and promised him to break the Chain, and so with a Hatchet in his hand cast himself into the Sea; after whom followed two or three more to help him; who swimming to the Chain, got up upon it, and began to hew apace with their Hatchets. Which the Christians beholding, suddenly five or six of the Maltaeses swum thither with their drawn Swords in their hands, and having slain two of them, caused the other to fly; after which time none of the Turks was so hardy as to attempt the same. The barbarous King for all that gave not over his purpose so, but with wonderful diligence prepared for the Siege, which the fifteenth day of july began both by Sea and Land. But the Defendants turning their great Ordnance upon that place from whence the Galliots came, 
The King of Algiers notably repulsed both by Sea and Land.  with the fury thereof (in the space of three hours, which the Assault endured) slew two thousand Turks, and sunk twelve of the Galliots; the rest coming as far as the Chain, when they could get no farther, nor land their men, turned their Prows upon the corner of the Castle, but were glad at last to retire and leave that they came for, undone. The assault by Land also endured five hours, wherein many of the Turks were slain; and of the Defendants 200, amongst whom was Fredericus the Viceroy of Sicilia his Son, struck in sunder with a great Shot, Gordius a Frenchman, Franciscus Sanoghera and his Nephew john, Spaniards, all Knights of the Order: Medina was also wounded, whereof he afterward died. 
A hard shift to carry news  But Valetta considering into what danger the State of Malta was like to fall, if he should be constrained to fight many such fights, where his Soldier's wearied day and night without rest, were still to encounter with fresh men, and heard nothing of any Aid or new Supply; the 17 day of july he sent a Messenger into Sicilia, who swum from the Castle to the farthest part of the Bay to Aqua Martia, and from thence escaped unknown through the midst of the Enemies, unto the City of Melita, and so in a little Frigate came to Messana. By him the Great Master sent Letters to the Viceroy, requesting him to send him his own two Galleys with those Knights which were at Messana, and such other Soldiers as might in them be transported; willing them, that as soon as they came to the Island, they should hover off aloof before the Haven, ready upon a sign given to thrust in. The same time that this Messenger arrived at Messana, came thither also the Fleet from Spain, wherein were many of the Knights of the Order from divers Nations. The Viceroy desirous to send these two Galleys to Valetta, sent Letters before unto him in secret Characters by two Frigates, wherein he certified him that he would send the Galleys, requiring to have from him some sign whereby they might at their coming know whether they should enter or retire; which Frigates taking divers courses, one of them laded with Medicines, as was afterwards known, was intercepted by the Enemy; the other although she came in safety to Melita, yet for as much as all the passages betwixt the Castle of St. Michael and the City Melita, were certain days before by the diligence of the Enemy shut up, and three which had used to pass too and fro, intercepted and most cruelly executed; and besides that, the Haven straightly kept; the Knights of Messana could have no further direction from the Great Master, for the safe sending of the two Galleys; yet nevertheless because he had requested them, and they themselves were of the same opinion (as he had before written) that where all two in question, the adventure of a little part is less to be feared; they thought it good to adventure them, yet with this regard, not to expose all those Knights to so great a danger, but of them all to send only forty, with a convenient number of other Soldiers, and with them Salazar a Spanish Captain was sent by the Viceroy to be landed 〈◊〉 the Island Gaulos, who should afterwards from thence in a Boat (for that purpose towed along by the Galleys) pass over into the Island of Molta as a Spy, to take view both of the City and Enemies Camp.  
In the mean time the Turks mindful of the loss received in the Assault of the Castle St. Michael, and desirous of revenge, did so violently batter the Castle with their great Ordnance, that what the Defendants repaired by night, that they still beat down again by day; and in time of battery made a Bridge, 
A Bridge made over the Castle-Ditch by the Turks.  which the 20 th' day of july before the Sun rising they laid over the Ditch, that they might as if it had been upon even ground, come to fight hand to hand with the Christians. Which seen, and quickly perceived what danger it might bring, by and by Paris●t the Great Master's Nephew, and Agleria, both Knights, with certain mercenary Soldiers sallied out to have burnt the Bridge, but were so received of the Turks, that they were almost all slain together with Parisot and Agleria, and yet the Exploit unperformed. The Turks without ceasing continued their furious battery until the eight and twentieth of july, which day in the Afternoon they in divers places assaulted the Castle; thrice they with fresh and new Supplies relieved their repulsed and wearied Soldiers, and so fiercely maintained the Assault, that they made no doubt but that day to win the Castle. But the Defendants with no less resolution withstood them, repulsing them with their Weapons, with Shot, 
The Turks repulsed.  Fire, and Force, and at length enforced them with no small loss of their men to retire from the Walls. This Victory so encouraged the besieged, that now they made small reckoning of the Enemy; but forasmuch as our men always spared their great Ordnance but in time of fight, and sallied not out as they were wont, the Turks thought that the Garrison was but weak, and that Shot and Power grew scarce in the Castle. Yet deceived in both, for that it was rather of purpose, than for want, so commanded by the Great Master; who hearing nothing of the coming of any Aid, and seeing the Enemy to give daily more fierce Assaults, would not vainly spend his most necessary helps. The Turks perceiving what little good they had done with their often Assaults, determined now to prove what might be done by undermining the Castle; and had almost brought one of their Mines to perfection before it was by the Christians discovered; and to the intent they should the less mark it, they caused two Galleys to come as near as they could to the Walls, and to batter that place; in hope that whilst our men gazed upon that was done openly, they should the less regard what they were working in secret, that so they might in the mean time more easily get into the Castle. But the besieged careful of all that was to be cared for, perceiving their purpose, 
A Mine of the Turks defeated.  with a countermine defeated their Mine, and by the couragiousness of certain of their Soldiers, but especially of one Ancient, drove out the Enemy, who having cast certain pots of Wildfire before him into the Mine, and following presently after with a piece of Firework in his hand, forced him out. For which good Service he was by the Great Master rewarded with a Chain of Gold of five pound weight. And because of virtue springeth virtue, which still resteth upon Difficulties, the next day, which was the first of August, the Bridge which we said the Enemy had made over the Ditch, 
The Bridge made by the Turks burnt.  was by a sally made by the Defendants burnt down with Fire and Gunpowder cast upon it; which was in good time done; for the next day, the Sun now declining, the Turks again assailing that part of the Castle where Carolus Rufus had the charge, were by our men valiantly repulsed. This assault endured three hours, in which time 300 of the Turks were there slain; and of the Knights, Rufus himself and Baresus, with certain mercenary Soldiers. At this time the Christians were by the Enemy so shut in with the multitude of great Ordnance, that they could not so much as look into the Ditch or show themselves, much less sally out, but they were presently fet off. Yet did they not for all that make spare of their lives when occasion was given them to perform any notable Exploit; as appeared by Calderonius a Spaniard, who seeing some viewing that part of the Wall which the Enemy had most battered and shaken at the Castle Bulwark, doubted not to sally out, but was presently taken with a Bullet and slain; which mischance when it might seem of right to have terrified the rest from attempting the like, did indeed the more incense them; so that when they saw the Enemy exceeding busy in filling the Ditch, they, resolutely set down to offer themselves to most assured death, rather than to fall into the hands of the merciless Enemy, agreed to sally out by night, and to meet with his designs. Whereupon an hundred, part Knights, part other Soldiers, sallying forth, caused the Enemy to forsake the Ditch and betake himself to flight, of whom they slew about fourscore, and lost of their own, ten men; amongst whom were joannes and Manicrinus two Knights, whose heads the Turks the next day set up upon two Spears upon their Trenches, that they might be seen by the Christians.  
The same day, they of the City of Melita at night made at one instant a number of fires, and as if it were in triumph discharged great Volleys of small Shot, with many other tokens of joy; which as well the besieged as the Turks thought verily to have been done upon discovery of the Christian Fleet, or else the landing of such Forces as were come to remove the Siege; whereas indeed it was neither, but done only to show their cheerfulness, and to keep the Turks in suspense with the novelty of the matter; who for all that were not slack in their business, but with Earth filled up the Ditch at the Castle Bulwark; whereby it came to pass that they could not be hurt by the Flankers made in that place to scour the Ditch, but might thereby, as upon plain ground, without stay pass unto the Wall, now opened and overthrown with their continual battery, and with two great Pieces (which they had planted upon a high Mount which they had newly cast up on the right hand the Bulwark Savoire) they began to play upon the Castle, and at the first shot, shot into the Loupe where Franciscus Castilia commanded. joannes Bernardus Godinetius a Spanish Knight was there slain with a small shot. 
Aquilates a Spaniard flieth to the Turks.  The same day Franciscus Aquilates a Spaniard, one of the Garrison-Souldiers, persuaded by fear and hope (in dangers two evil Counsellors) fled out of the Town St. Michael to the Enemy; persuading the Turks Colonels to give a fresh Assault, assuring them that they should without doubt win the Town, because there was but 400 Soldiers left alive in it, and they (as he said) almost spent with labour and wounds, all the rest being dead. Which the Turks hearing, and seeing fair breaches both in the Walls of the new City and of the Castle of St. Michael, wide enough for Carts to go through, they determined with all their Forces to assault both places at once, and to prove if there were yet so much strength left in those Holds, as again to repulse them; so the 7 th' day of August at one instant they assaulted the new City at the Castle Bulwark, 
The Turks at one time assault the new City and the Castle St. Michael.  and the Castle St. Michael at the breach, with such a multitude, that all the Earth seemed to be covered with men round about. The thundering of the great Ordnance, the noise of the small shot, with the clattering of Armour, and noise of Trumpets, Drums, and other Warlike Instruments, with the cry of men on both sides was so confused and great, as if Heaven and Earth should have been confounded together. Which when the Knights in the City Melita heard, and saw the Heavens obscured with smoke, fearing that the Turks (as at the Castle St. Elmo) would never give over the Assault until they had won both the Town and the Castle; presently all the Garrison-Horsemen issued out of the City, and to avert the Turks from the Assault, set upon those Turks which lay at Aqua Martia; 
The Garrison Soldiers of Me●●●a sallying out cause the Turks to give over the assault at St. Michael's.  who all surprised with sudden fear, fled, the Christian Horsemen hardly pursuing them with bloody Execution, and they in their flight piteous crying out upon their Fellows for help. Whereby it came to pass, that they which were assailing the City and Castle, to rescue their discomfited Fellows, were glad to give over the Assault; so with great slaughter foiled on both sides by the Christians, they returned to their Trenches, when they had lost about fifteen hundred at the Assault, beside them which were slain in the chase by the Horsemen of Melita. Of the Defendants of both places were slain above an hundred, and almost as many wounded. This fight endured about five hours. Valetta delivered of so great a danger, that day and certain others, caused public Prayers to be made, and went himself with the multitude of the Citizens to the Church, to give Thanks to Almighty God for that Victory.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Garzias the Viceroy was advertised from Calabria, that certain Ships laded with Men, Victual, and other provision necessary for the Wars, were coming from Constantinople to Malta; wherefore he forthwith sent Al●amira and Gildandrada two Noblemen, with five Galleys to meet them; who being come within thirty miles of Malta, met with no such Ships, but only one Frigate and a Galliot; the Frigate they took, but the Galliot escaped to the Enemy's Fleet at Malta.  
Mustapha the Turks General now thinking no man so strong which might not with continual labour and watching be wearied and overcome, resolved not to give unto the besieged any time of rest, but commanded his Soldiers again to assault the breach at the Castle of St. Michael; where they were by the valour of the Defendants, with no small slaughter quickly repulsed; neither did the Bassa give so many assaults, for the hope he had to win those places, but rather to perform the duty of a valiant General, and to satisfy Soliman's pleasure, who had expressly commanded, either to win that Island, or there all to lose their lives. 
Mustapha sendeth a Messenger to Solyman.  He also sent a Galliot in haste with Letters to Solyman; wherein he showed him the state of the Fleet, with what difficulties the Army was distressed, what small hope there was of winning the places besieged, how well the Christians were provided, with many other such things.  
In the mean time those two Galleys of Malta (which we have before spoken of) departing from Messana, came to Syracuse, where they stayed a day. The next day after, in going out of the Haven, they met with one of Malta in a small Boat coming from Pozalo sore wounded; he being demanded how he was so hurt; told them, That landing by night with his Boat and one Companion, he was requested by two Sicilians which dwelled there, to rest there that night; which they doing, about midnight five Turks broke into the house upon them, killed his Companion, carried away the Sicilians, and he wounded as he was, hardly escaped by the benefit of the night; moreover he said, That the Sicilians had told the Turks, that two Galleys were come into that Port, with Soldiers and other Warlike Provision bound for Malta. Whereby the Knights perceived, that their coming would be discovered unto the Enemy, and that it was a most dangerous thing, or rather impossible to get into the Haven of Malta, as they had before purposed; nevertheless, to conduct Salazar with his little Boat, they kept on their course. But as they were sailing, they descried two Galleys and one Galliot going before them, who seeing the Galleys coming after them, made with all speed to Malta; and were no doubt those Galleys, from whence those five Turks came, which had done those things which the wounded Maltaese reported. For all that, these Galleys kept on their course as far as Pozalo, from whence they certified the Viceroy by Letters, all that had happened; and not daring to put to Sea, the Southwind blowing with a stiff gale against them, they returned back again to Syracuse, expecting there farther direction from the Viceroy. For which cause, they forthwith sent one of the Knights to him to Messana; by whom they received answer, That they should go on farther, but to stay for the coming of the whole Fleet, ready in short time to pass over to Malta. But Salazar brought by the Galleys to Pozalo, resolved with his little Boat to go on; and although the day he departed thence, the Air was troubled with great Wind, Thunder and Rain, yet the day following proving more calm, he in short time arrived in the Island of Malta, and came in safety to the City Melita; and there disguised himself in Turkish Apparel, and taking with him one Companion, 
Salazar a Spanish Captain as a Spy entereth the Turks Camp.  who could also speak the Turkish Language, by night got into the Enemy's Camp; where diligently marking all things, they perceived that there was in all the Turks Army of Land-Souldiers scarce 14000, and of them many wounded and sick; and that the rest was but an unserviceable and feeble multitude, for that the course of Wars had (as commonly it doth) consumed their best Soldiers. When they had thus viewed the Camp, they returned again to the City; from whence Salazar with one Petrus Paccius a Spaniard, a venturous and valiant man, went to a certain place near unto the Watch-Tower of Maleca; which when they had curiously viewed, Paccius was there left, that observing the signs from the Island of Gaulos and the City of Melita, he might give knowledge of all things to the Viceroy at his approach, as he was by Salazar instructed. As for Salazar himself, he in his little Boat (which at his coming into the Isle he had there left) happily returned to Messana, and there declared unto the Viceroy all that he had seen; constantly affirming amongst other things, That the Turks Fleet was but weak, lame, and disfurnished both of Men and Munition, far unable to encounter with 10000 Christians. About which time also, one of the two Frigates which were before sent to Malta, returned with another Spaniard, and a Fugitive from the Turks Camp; and four Galleys before gone from Messana, were also come in with fourteen Turks taken about the Island of Malta, who all confirmed the same that was by Salazar reported; Which was, That the Turks Army was with often assaults wonderfully weakened, both in number and strength; so that they could not with stripes be enforced to the assault, for which the Bassa had with his own hands slain divers of them; and that which more increased their fear, they saw none of their men wounded, but that they died thereof: Besides that, they saw the Christians with invincible courage to defend their strong places, and not to spend one shot in vain: Wherefore they were sorry, and repented that they ever took in hand that Expedition; they detested such a War, shrinking as much as they could from the Assault, and as they might, stealing quite away, which many of them did, specially such as before abjured the Christian Faith. For which cause diligent Watch and Ward was kept, and Commandment given by the great Bassa, that they should resolve with themselves either to win the Town, or there all to lay up their bones, for that the great Sultan Solyman had so commanded, whom to gainsay, was in itself death. These and such like persuasions, caused the Viceroy somewhat the sooner to think of the bringing forth of his Fleet; the besieged in the mean time did what men might for defence of the place and themselves. There was in the Castle one Franciscus Gi●ara Captain of the Vanguard, a noble and valiant Gentleman, of a great conceit; he about ten foot from the Town Wall, which the Enemy had with their great Ordnance beaten down, caused a Curtain to be drawn 50 foot long, and five foot thick, with Flankers at both ends, which in two nights was brought to perfection, and was afterwards a great help to the besieged. The Enemy in the mean time began a Mine under the corner of the Town-Ditch, 
The Turks Mines defeated by the Christians.  where Boningsegna a Spaniard and a most valiant Knight had the Charge; which the besieged perceiving, by a countermine defeated the same. It happened in the mean time, that a Fugitive was swimming to the Town, he was taken by the Enemy, which much grieved the besieged, desirous to have understood something of the state of the Enemy's Camp, and of their purposes. Now when the former Mine had taken so evil success, part of the Turks assailed the Castle of St. Michael, and part with Gunpowder thought to have blown up the Castle-Bulwark; but by the carefulness and courage of the Defendants, all their Attempts were disappointed; for many of the Turks were in both places slain, and certain bags of Powder taken from them in the Mine. With these and other such difficulties, Mustapha and Piall the Turks Generals disappointed of their hope, consulted with the other great Captains of the Army, Whether they should there still continue that desperate Siege, or depart? Where most were clear of opinion, That it was best betime to depart. Yet for all that, the old Bassa said, He would there stay, until the Galliot which he had before sent to Constantinople, were returned with answer from Solyman, and in the mean time both by force and policy to seek after Victory; which thing he oftener did, than stood with the broken estate of his Army, or of the besieged; neither resting himself nor suffering others to take rest; for one while he battered the Walls, another while he wrought Mines or else made Bridges; sometime he cast up Mounds, and then again filled the Ditches; and ever and anon gave one assault or another. In all which doing he used such industry, that whatsoever he took in hand, was in short time brought to such perfection as might have carried a stronger place, had not the valour of the Defendants far exceeded all his strong and politic devices.  

Robles Governor of the Castle of St. Michael, slain.  It fortuned, that as Robles the Campmaster, and Governor of the Castle St. Michael, was by night viewing the ruins of the Wall, he was struck in the head with a small shot, and slain; leaving behind him to his Fellows, the great desire of himself; for why, he was a man for many his good parts (wherewith he had many times stood the Defendants in great stead) worthily beloved. In whose stead the Great Master sent one of the Colonels that was with himself, a most expert and resolute Captain, to take charge of St. Michael's Castle; who by his valiant care and providence so well discharged the charge committed unto him, that as often as the Turks attempted the place, so often they were with loss repulsed.  
The two Galleys with the Galliot, described by the Galleys of Malta (as we have before said) told Piall Bassa the Admiral, that the Christian Fleet was ready to come forth; wherefore he fearing the sudden coming thereof, caused seventy Galleys to be in readiness; besides which forty others lay in the Haven Marz● Moxet unserviceable, as wanting both Men and other Equipages; for that was spent in making Bridges, Mines, and other such things necessary for the Siege; as for the Men, they were part with sickness, and part with often assaults consumed. Wherefore Pi●ll for certain days kept himself by day in the Port Major near the shore, and by night put forth to Sea, expecting the coming of the Fleet. But after long looking, when he saw no man appear, he again landed his Soldiers; and because at Land the Bassa began to want Powder, of every thirty Barrels of Powder in every Galley, he took out twenty, and of some twenty five, or according to that proportion. After which time, the Turks began with greater sury than at any time before, to batter the Walls of both Towns, especially with those great Pieces which they call Basilisks, whose shot of two hundred pound weight was seven hands about; whereby the Walls of the Castle of St. Michael were beaten flat. And at the same time, the Bassa at the Castle St. Angelo, had with continual battery so shaken the Castle Bulwark, 
The Turk● at once assail the Towns ●f St. Angelo and St. Michael, and are at both places repulsed.  that it was almost fallen quite down. These breaches thus made, when the Turks faw both Towns barred of Walls and other Defendants, and laid so open, that nothing seemed now to let them to look upon their Enemies, they made no longer stay, but the 18 th' day of August (the Sun being now at the highest) with all their Power fiercely assaulted both the Towns. Thrice they were repulsed, and still came on afresh; yet at length beaten down on every side with greater slaughter, they were glad shamefully to give over the assault, and again to retire to their Trenches. In this most cruel fight (which endured five hours) the invincible courage of the Great Master notably appeared, who armed with a Pike in his hand, and dreadful to behold, was still valiantly fight in the face of the Breach; whose presence encouraged not the Soldiers only, but even Boys and Women to fight; for so it is, that men are more moved with example, than with words. Yet of the great number of the Turks, part stood still in the Town-Ditch, and to save themselves from the shot of the Castle Bulwark, had with wonderful celerity cast up a defence of Earth, Faggots, and other like matter, which they did of purpose to approach and to undermine the Walls, and had therefore enclosed the space of fifteen Elns; which when the besieged perceived, they bent certain Pieces of Artillery upon it, and slew many of them, and with fire consumed what was left. The next day the assault was at the same places by the Enemy renewed, who by reason of his number of Soldiers might easily send fresh men in stead of them which were wounded or weary; and first, after their wont manner they battered both the Towns all that day until night; afterwards the Moon arising, about midnight with a horrible cry they began a most terrible assault, which at the first much troubled the Christians, who yet still mindful of their wont valour, did so much with their Weapons and Fire-Works, that the Enemy evil entreated, was glad after three hours fight to retire to his Trenches. The same day a Mine was by the Defendants perceived, at the Castle Bulwark, wherein a hundred Turks there found, were almost all slain, and the Mine destroyed. Yet for all this did not the Enemy rest at all, but the next day seven times assaulted the same Breaches, 
Another assault.  using now not Weapons only, but Fire-Works also; wherewith Bosninsegna had his face so burnt, that he lost one of his eyes. At the same time also, the Turks at a place called The Spur, laboured mightily to have gotten into the Castle; where Cantius a Knight of an invincible courage, got up upon the Rampire, and with a Pike courageously thrust them down that were climbing up, and thrusting through one, discouraged the rest; but was himself wounded in the Arm with a small shot; yet when he had a little withdrawn himself to have his Wound bound up, he came again to the Rampire, and never departed from the fight, until he had (as a valiant Conqueror) preserved the place. So the Turks with great slaughter on every side repulsed, left the Victory to the Christians, of whom were slain almost an hundred, and most of them (as at other times) with shot; amongst whom were these most valiant Knights; at the Castle St. Angelo, Fragus; at the Castle of St. Michael, Scipio Piatus, joh. Baptista Soderinus, Paulus Bomportus, Marius Fagianus, Ruffinus, and certain others, men worthy of longer life. The Turks had also at the same time wrought a Mine at the Castle St. Michael, which was at once both discovered and destroyed.  
With these so many and so great Assaults, certain of the Knights (and those not of the meanest sort) fearing lest that which was so often attempted by the Enemy, should at length be effected; told the Great Master, That they thought it convenient and necessary, to remove all the Records, all the Pictures and Relics of the Saints, and other their religious things into the Castle St. Angelo, there to be kept as in a place of more strength and assurance. The Great Master, although he well knew that they which thus said, spoke it of a good mind, was for all that with that speech exceedingly moved; wherefore he shortly answered them, That so to do, were nothing else but to appaul and discourage the minds, 
The resolute answer of the Great Master.  not of the Maltaeses only, who had hitherto valiantly behaved themselves, and done more than any man could have hoped for; but also of the mercenary Soldiers, if they should perceive it; wherefore he was resolved, either together to keep all, or lose all; and because none should from thenceforth repose any hope in the strength of the Castle St. Angelo, he said he would bring all the Garrison out of the Castle into the Town, that there they might together with others withstand the Enemy; and that he would leave in the Castle none but Gunners, who should as need required shoot at the Enemy; an answer truly well beseeming a man of his place, and to be to all Posterity commended; for how can the Soldier hope, which seeth his Captain despair? or adventure, where the Chieftain seems to be struck with fear? 
The Turks assault both the Towns the four●h time.  Whilst the Grand Master with this answer doth both ashame them and also encourage their quailing minds; the Turks (that this day as the other three before should not pass without assault) with the dawning of the day assailed the very same places with the greatest fury possible, especially at the ruins of the Castle; where San Romanus an Avergnois, which had the charge of that place, lost this short and transitory life, winning thereby immortal Fame; and at St. Michael's, Adurnius one of the Knights, and Fagio with certain others, were grievously wounded; for the Enemy suddenly retiring from the Assault, presently so thundered into the Breaches with their great and small shot, that all the Island seemed to tremble, the Heavens to burn, and the Air to be darkened with smoke. In the mean time Valetta throughly wearied with the morning's fight, had withdrawn himself a little to breathe himself; when suddenly a Spanish Priest, 
The Turks enter the new City.  with his hands cast up to Heaven, came running to him, roaring and crying out, That all was lost and forlorn, and that three or four Ensigns of the Enemies were by the Castle breach broken into the Town. Which the great Master hearing, suddenly clapped his Helmet upon his head, and with a Pike in his hand, said unto them that were about him, Lo, Fellow-soldiers, 
The comfortable Speech of the Great Master when the Turks were entered.  the hour is come wherein you may show yourselves the most valiant Champions of the Christian Religion, if it be so, that you now also retain the same valour which you have in other battels showed. There is no cause wherefore you should doubt of this last, for the Enemy is the same; and the same God which hath hitherto preserved us; will not now forsake us; wherefore follow me, valiant hearts. This said, he hasted to the place where most danger was, and with him all the Soldiers, all the Citizens Men and Women, old and young, yea the very Children, all against the Common Enemy. There was fought a most dreadful and dangerous battle; some kept the Enemy from entering, some set upon them that were already entered, whom they wounded, chased, and slew, although they notably resisted. Within, without, all was covered with Weapons, Darts, dead Bodies, and Blood. The Great Master was careful of all, and in every place present, commending, exhorting, directing, as occasion required, performing at once all the duties of a most valiant Soldier and worthy General. At length the Turks with the setting of the Sun retired, and so the Assault ceased. Thus was the Great Master the undoubted Victor, 
The Turks with great slaughter again repulsed.  but not without much blood of his people, considering his small number; for in this fight he lost above 200 Men, whereas of the Enemies, beside them which were entered, whereof not one escaped, were slain above 2000 These are those four terrible Assaults, presently given one after another unto the besieged.  
Garzias the Viceroy in the mean time tarried for nothing else to transport his Army to Malta, but for the coming of Io. Cardona, who with twelve Galleys was gone to Panormo, to conduct thence four Ships laded with provision; but when he saw him stay long, he sent to him in post, That if he could not with such speed as was required tow forth those Ships, he should spend no longer time, but take out the provision into his Galleys, and with speed to come away. So the Viceroy with a Fleet of 72 Galleys the twentieth day of August set forward from Messana to Syracuse, wherein he carried ten thousand select Soldiers, amongst whom were above two hundred Knights of the Order of St. john, and above forty of the Order of St. Stephen, which is an Order of Knights instituted by Cosmos Medici's, Duke of Florence, to the imitation of the Knights of Malta, in the year 1561. and have their residence at Cosmopolis, a new built City in the Island of Elba in the Tuscan-Sea, over against Piombino. Besides these Knights, in this Fleet were divers noble and valiant Gentlemen of Italy, Sicily, and other Countries. The Fleet being arrived at Syracuse, the Viceroy sent Auria with one Galley and a Boat to Malta, to land a man, to know of Paccius (left, as we have before said, for a Watch in the Island at Maleca) what News, or what he had seen. By whom it was understood, That no Ship was seen at Sea, but one Galliot, which the one and twentieth day of August in the morning made towards Gaulos, and the same day towards night as he was informed by the Watchmen of Maleca, sixteen Galleys came to water at Saline, but what became of them afterwards, by reason of the coming on of the night could not be descried.  
In this while the besieged had notably repaired the Breach at the Castle Bulwark, and had in sundry places aptly placed certain great Pieces to Flanker the Ditches, and to beat the Mount cast up by the Enemy at the Bulwark of Bo●insegna, that they might from thence annoy all the plain of the Castle with their small shot. But the Turks having determined with all their Forces at once to assault both the Towns as before, brought an Engine made of Spars and Board's, able to cover thirty Men, under the Breach at St. Michael's; whereby it came to pass, that none of the Defendants could without danger show themselves in the Breach; which when they could by no means endure, they suddenly sallied out, and putting them to flight which were there covered, set fire on the Engine and burned it. In like manner, they which besieged the new City, were repulsed at the Castle breach, and another like Engine burnt. The next night, certain of the Watch of the Castle issued o●t, and having destroyed the Turks Engines prepared for the assailing of that place, and slain them that were set for the keeping thereof, returned in safety into the Castle. But when the Enemies both that day and others following rested not, but repairing their Mines, Mounts, and Engines, laboured in both places to have beaten the Christians from the Walls; all their endeavour and labour was by the industry and valour of the Defendants made frustrate. The besieged had at the Castle breach made a Mine, 
A Mine of the Christians found by the Turks.  and laid in it eight Barrels of Powder, that if the Enemy should again assault that place, he might there be blown up; but whilst the Turks were for like purpose working a Mine in the same place, they chanced upon the Mine before made, which they spoilt, and carried away all the Powder. Thus whilst they labour both on the one side and the other, Mustapha the General, a most expert and famous Commander, considering that Summer now so far spent, he was not to use longer delay; and withal, that resolute perseverance oftentimes in War findeth out a way to Victory; determined with all his Power once again to assault the Castle St. Michael. 
The Turks desperately assault the Town of St. Michael.  Wherefore displaying the stately Standard of the Turkish Emperor, upon the point whereof was fastened a Globe of Gold, he commanded his Soldiers to enter the Breach; who now like desperate men attempted to have performed his Command, and were by the Christians valiantly encountered; so that in the Breach was made a most terrible and doubtful fight. But when the Turks had now been twice rejected and beaten down; Mustapha perceiving his Soldiers as men half discouraged, but faintly to maintain the Assault, came himself to the places, praying and exhorting them not to be discouraged, but that day to confirm their former Labours and Victories; and not to suffer their vanquished Enemies to triumph over them; he told them that the Enemy had now no defence left wherewith to cover himself, that all was beaten down flat, and and that there remained only a few weary and maimed Bodies, which were not able long to endure the edge of their Swords; that with such resolution they had before won the Castle St. Elmo; last of all, he by promising to some Money, to some Honour and Preferment, threatening some, and requesting others, encouraged some on● way, some another, every one according to his quality and disposition; who moved either with their General's presence, promises, or threats, gave a fresh and fierce assault. The fight was on both sides terrible, 
The Turks forced to retire.  yet at length the Turks were again enforced to retire; for the Defendants had cast up a Rampire, whereon they had fitly placed two Field Pieces, wherewith they sore troubled the Enemy, and at the first shot struck in sunder one of those wooden Engines, which the Enemy had made stronger than the rest, covered with raw Hides to keep from burning, and rend in pieces forty Soldiers which were under it; and the same night they which were in the other Town and the Castle Bulwark, sallying courageously out, destroyed all the Enemy's defences, and drove them from a Mount which they had made upon the Fortifications of the Christians; whereby they perceived plainly, what small courage the Turks had to fight, for upon that Mount they were almost 300, whereas of our men was but 25, with which small number for all that, they had no mind to deal. The Defendants had for like purpose as before, made another Mine at the Castle Bulwark, but perceiving that it was in danger to be found by the Enemy in repairing his Fortifications without, they suddenly put fire unto it, by force whereof threescore Turks which were within the danger of the place, were blown up and slain.  
Garzias the Viceroy, in the mean while that these things were in doing, departing with his Fleet from Syracuse, with a prosperous Wind kept on his course tward Pachynum, where they descried a tall Ship at Sea, driven thither (as was afterward known) by Tempest; she out of the Island M●ning was carrying a great supply of Shot and Powder unto the Turks Camp at Malta; but now overtaken by the Christian Fleet, easily yielded, and was by the Viceroy sent by other Mariners to Syracuse. And now the Christian Fleet carried with a fair gale towards Malta, suddenly arose such a Tempest from the East, that they were driven to the Island Aegusa, two hundred and twenty miles' West of Malta, from whence the first of September Letters were brought from the Viceroy to the Great Master, certifying him, That he would in short time come with his Fleet and relieve him. 
The Christian Fleet driven by Temp●st to the Island Aegusa.  The same day also a Christian fled out of the Turks Galleys, wherein he was Captive, to the City St. Angelo; who reported, That in the Turks Camp were few men able to fight, most of the Army being with Wounds, Famine, Sickness, and other Miseries brought to extreme weakness; and besides that, that infinite numbers of them died daily; yet for all that he said moreover, that they were determined to besiege the City of Melita, and had already for that purpose mounted five great Pieces of Artillery for battery; and that they had but a few days before taken twelve, and the last day of all fourteen Horsemen of the Garrison-Souldiers of that City. In the mean while the Fleet which was driven (as we said) to Aegusa, the rage of the Sea being now well appeased, came to Drepanum, and from thence toward Gaulos, as was before intended; where by the way the two Galleys of Malta light upon two of the Turks Galliots, and took them.  
The fifth day of September the Christian Fleet came to Gaulos, 
The Christian Fleet cometh to Gaulos.  where the Viceroy perceiving not the appointed signs from Malta, whereby he might safely land, returned forthwith back again to Pozalo, whither Auria immediately following him, told him, That he had seen the signs, and assured him of safe landing in the Island of Malta; wherewith the Viceroy encouraged, the next day towards night returned again to Gaulos.  
The same day a Christian Captive fled from the Turks to St. Angelo, 
A fugitive discovereth the enemy's purposes to the Great Master.  and told the Great Master, That he was come to bring him good News, how that the Turks had determined to prove their last Fortune in assaulting the Castle St. Michael, which they would do the next day, where if the success were answerable to their desire, they would then tarry, but if not, then forthwith to be gone; and that Mustapha the more to encourage his Soldiers, had promised five Talents of Gold to the Ensign-bearers, that should first advance their Ensigns upon the Walls and farther to promote them to greater places of Honour; as for the rest, he would reward every one of them according to their desert, either with Money or Preferment. Valetta thinking all these things to be by God's appointment discovered unto him by such men, as they had from time to time been; first gave thanks unto Almighty God; and after that, with all diligence prepared such things as he thought most necessary for the repulsing of the Enemy. But the Turks all that day with their great Ordnance battered the new City, and the Shipping in the Haven, in such sort that one of the great Ships was there sunk.  

The Viceroy arriveth at Malta, and landeth his Forces.  In the morning Garzias the Viceroy with his Fleet arrived at the Island of Malta, and there quickly and quietly landed his Forces, and whilst his Galleys watered at Gaulos, went forward with the Army about half a mile, instructing the Generals and Colonels, what he thought needful to be done, commanding all Proclamations and Commands to be made in the name of the King of Spain, until they came to the Great Master, and then in all things to obey him as their Sovereign; and charged Ascanius Cornia the General, in all his actions to follow the counsel of the greater part. So in few words exhorting them to play the men, he left them marching towards Melita. About noon he retired to his Galleys, and sailing Eastward, came with all his Fleet within the sight of the City of Melita, about three miles distant from the South shore. They of the City upon sight of the Fleet, in token of joy discharged all the great Artillery, which was answered from the Fleet, by discharging all their great Ordnance twice. After that, he returned as he had before determined into Sicilia, to take into his Galleys the Duke of Urbin's Companies, which were come to Messana, and certain Bands of Spaniards at Syracuse, and so forthwith to return to Malta, to attend the departing of the Turks Fleet, being now evil appointed, and already as good as half overthrown.  
The Turks, who (as is before said) had purposed to prove their last Fortune upon the Town of St. Michael, had now certain days before the coming of the Fleet, begun to truss up their Baggage; but as soon as they heard that the Fleet was come, and the Army landed, there suddenly arose a wonderful tumultuous confusion amongst them, some cried, Arm, arm, and othersome as fast to be gone; and being generally all afraid, every one according to his disposition, betook himself to his Weapons or to his heels; the greatest number thrust together into their Trenches as near as they could unto the great Ordnance; and so burning the Engines and Fortifications, with all the speed they could embarked their great Ordnance and Baggage. Which they in the Town of St. Angelo perceiving, not expecting the Commandment of the Great Master in so sudden an opportunity, courageously sallied out to Burmolo, where certain Turks kept a huge great Piece of Ordnance; who now having no mind to fight, betook themselves to flight, and forsook the Piece; which they of the Town presently drew within their Walls; and if the new-come Forces had that day charged the Enemy as they disorderly ran to their Galleys, happily they had either found an occasion of Victory, or at leastwise taken from them the greatest part of their Artillery. But it may be, that they followed the old Military saying, That unto the flying Enemy a man should make a Bridge of Silver. Besides that, they thinking it not convenient to depart from the provision and things which they had brought for the relief of the besieged; which for the roughness of the way and want of Horses were hardly carried, would not provoke the Enemy with any Skirmish; whereby it came to pass, that the Turks without let embarked their great Ordnance, their Baggage, and most part of their Army. The 11 th' of September, 
The Turks forsake the Siege.  whilst the Turks Fleet was brought out of the Haven Marzamoxet, a Fugitive of Genoa came in haste to the Great Master, and told him, that 10000 Turks were marching toward Melita, to meet with the Christians upon the Way. Which thing the Great Master hearing, presently sent a sufficient number of good Soldiers to the Castle St. Elmo there to set up one of the Ensigns of the sacred Order; who coming thither, found there four and twenty great Pieces, some for battery, some for the field, which they could not in so great hast remove thence.  
The Turks Fleet departing out of the Haven Marzamoxet to the Port of St. Paul, there landed seven thousand men, with Mustapha their General, who was falsely informed, That the Christians were not above three thousand strong; and from thence encouraged with the small number of the Enemies (as they supposed) they marched directly toward Melita. The Christians also marching orderly and ready to give battle, held on their way to meet them; and at the rising of an hill both Armies meeting together, they gave a great shout, and withal the foremost began the battle, where some few were at the first slain on both sides. But the Christians still growing upon them both in number and strength, 
The Turks overthrown by the Christians, fly to their Galleys.  the Turks finding themselves overcharged, fled, the Christians pursuing them and killing them until they came to their Galleys; where in striving who should get in first, about four hundred of them were drowned in the Sea, besides eighteen hundred slain in the battle at land; and had the Christian Soldiers well known the Country, they had slain them every Mothers Son. The Turks thus driven to their Galleys, lay there in the Haven all the next day, and most part of the night following, but little before day, upon the shooting off of a great Piece, the sign of their departure, they all hoist Sail for Gertia, 
The Turks depart from Malta.  leaving the Island of Malta sore impoverished and wasted. In this Siege the Turks lost about four and twenty thousand, whereof most part were of their best Soldiers; and of the Christians were slain about five thousand, besides two hundred and forty Knights of the Order, Men of divers Nations, but all worthy eternal Fame, whose dead Bodies the Great Master caused to be honourably buried. The Turks in their battery during the Siege, spent as is accounted, threescore and eighteen thousand great shot.  
If a man do well consider the difficulties and dangers the besieged passed through in this five months' Siege, the manifold labours and perils they endured in so many and so terrible assaults, the small Relief to them sent in so great distress, with the desperate obstinacy of so puissant an Enemy; he shall hardly find any place these many years more mightily impugned, or with greater valour and resolution defended. The late besieged, and now Victorious Prince, honourably acquitted of so great an Enemy, 
The carefulness of the Great Master.  first commanded Public Prayers with Thanksgiving to be made unto the Giver of all Victory; after that, he rewarded the Valiant, commended the rest, and gave thanks to all, he charitably relieved the sick and wounded, bewailed the spoil of the Island, and carefully provided for the repairing of the Breaches and Places battered; and yet in all this doing, diligently inquired after the Enemy's Course and purpose, and was not in any thing remiss or secure, as in Victory most Men are. But because so great harms could not without great helps in short time be repaired, and the return of the proud Enemy, not without cause the next year feared; he by Letters to divers great Princes, and especially to the Grand Priors of the Order, in divers Countries, requested help; amongst whom George, Grand Prior of Germany, and Founder of the Castle of Saint Elmo, was one of the chiefest. The Copy of which Letters, because they briefly contain what we have before in this History at large written, I have thought good here to set down, that the same may in such order be read, as it was by the Great Master himself reported.  
Brother Valetta, Master of the Hospital of jerusalem, to the Reverend and Religious our well beloved Brother in Christ George of Hohe●heim, called Bombast, Prior of our Priory in Almain, Greeting.  

The Great Masters Letters to the Grand Prior of Almain, concerning the manner of the Turks proceedings in the Siege of Malta.  ALthough we doubt not but that by the Letters and Relation of many, you already understand of the coming of the Turks to invade these Islands, or rather utterly to subvert our Society; and the happily and heavenly Victory by us obtained of it; yet if the same things shall by our Letters also be brought unto you, we have thought the same will be unto you a thing much more pleasing. For seeing that we are certainly persuaded, that you in this no less happy than wholesome success will give most hearty thanks to Almighty God, and that the fruit of this good shall most of all redound unto you, for the honour which you bear in our Order; we have willingly determined to participate this our joy with you, and plainly and openly to protest, that we attribute this so notable and wonderful a Victory to our Lord Christ jesus, the greatest King of all Kings, and Author of all good things. Which that you may the more worthily and willingly do, we will declare the whole matter, not at large (for that were to write an History) but briefly and in few words. Sultan Solyman the most mortal Enemy of the Christian Name, and especially of our Society, not contented to have spoilt us of the most famous Island of the Rhodes, the Castle of Tripoli, and almost whatsoever we had else; commanded a great and strong Fleet to be made ready against us; which departing from Constantinople the one and twentieth day of March, arrived here the eighteenth day of May; Which Fleet consisted of almost two hundred and fifty Galleys, Galliots, and other Ships. The number of the Enemies that bear Arms, according to the truth, was about forty thousand more or less: General of the Land Forces, was Mustapha Bassa; and of the Fleet, Pial Bassa was Admiral; who having spent a few days in landing their Forces, viewing the places, pitching their Tents, and setting things in ord●● (as the manner of War is) they began first to assail the Castle of Saint Elmo (situate in the mouth of the Haven) with great Force and most furious Battery. Which when they had many days done without intermission, and had opened a great part of the Wall, and with all kind of Weapons assaulted the Breach; yet was it by the Valour and Prowess of our Knights, and other worthy Soldiers, kept and defended by the space of thirty five days with the great loss and slaughter of the Enemy; although the Castle itself, in the judgement of many, seemed not possible to be but a few days defended against so great a Force. At length the four and twentieth day of June, when our Men could no longer endure the multitude and fury of the Enemy, environed and shut up both by Sea and Land, and destitute of all help, the Castle was taken by the Turks; those few of our Men which were left, being all slain. Of which Victory they being proud, began to besiege the Castle and Town of Saint Michael, and this new City, especially at the Castle and Portugal Bulwark; and (as their manner is) with great diligence and greater force and number of great Artillery and Warlike Engines, they began in divers places at once to batter and beat down the Walls. Which Siege, the dreadful Army of the Turks by Sea and Land; made to be most fearful and terrible, with such huge great Ordnance, as the like for bigness and force was in no place to be seen; day and night thundering out their Iron and Stone Shot, five and seven hands about; wherewith not the thickest Walls, but even the very Mountains themselves might have been beaten down and overthrown; by fury whereof, the Walls in many places were so battered, that a Man might easily have entered as on plain ground. Where, when the barbarous Enemies had with wonderful Force and hideous Outcries oftentimes attempted to enter, so often were they with great Slaughter and Dishonour repulsed and beaten back; many of their Men slain or wounded. Their Generals, as well at Sea as Land, after that they had in so many places, with all their Forces in almost four months' Siege and Assault, with exceeding fury in vain attempted the Breaches, and lost the greatest part of their old Soldiers, especially Winter now coming on, wherein all Wars by Law of Nations ought to cease; thought of nothing else but of departure, or rather of flight; which the coming of Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Sicilia, and Admiral of the King of Spain his Fleet, with ten thousand select Soldiers (amongst whom were at the least two hundred and fourteen of our Knights, and many other noble and valiant Gentlemen; which only with a Christian Zeal, voluntarily met together from divers parts of the World to help and relieve us) caused them to hasten. So have you summarily and in few words, the proceedings and flight of the Turks Fleet, and the Victory by us (by the power of God) thereof obtained. It shall be your part to consider and conjecture, in what state our Order and this Island now standeth, into what poor estate we are brought, how many things we want; wherein except we be relieved by the help and aid of our Brethren, especially such as you are, as we well hope, and assuredly believe we shall, our State will quickly take end. Fare you well. From Malta the ninth of October, 1565.  
The Great Master thus delivered of so great a Siege, and bountifully relieved by the Christian Princes, and the great Commanders of his Order; speedily repaired the Breaches and places battered, and with new Fortifications strengthened those places as he had by the late passed dangers perceived to be most subject to the Enemy's Force.  
After the return of the Turks Fleet to Constantinople, Solyman being exceeding angry with the Governor of the Island of Chios his Tributary, as well for that he had during the late Siege of Malta, had intelligence with the Great Master, and revealed unto him many of the Turks Designs; as also for detaining of two years' Tribute, which was yearly ten thousand Ducats; and had also neglected to send his wont Presents to the great Bassas, who therefore the more incensed the Tyrant; commanded Pial Bassa his Admiral to make ready his Fleet, and by Force or Policy to take that fruitful and pleasant Island wholly into his own hand. Who without delay, with a Fleet of eighty Galleys the fifteenth day of April in the year 1566, being then Easter day, year 1566. arrived at Chios. The chief Men of the Island upon sight of the Fleet, forthwith sent Ambassadors to the Bassa with Presents, courteously offering unto him the Haven, and whatsoever else he should require. Pial with great kindness accepted their offer, and presently possessed himself of the Haven in three places; and afterward landing, sent for the Governor of the City and twelve of the chief Citizens to come unto him, as if he had some special matter to confer with him about from the great Sultan, before his departure thence for Malta or Italy. Who having a little conferred together, went to him with great fear; and that not without cause; for as soon as they were come before him, he commanded them to be laid hold upon and cast fast into Irons; 
The Island of Chios taken by the Turks.  which done, the Soldiers forthwith took the Town Hall, and without resistance pulling down the Towns Ensign, (wherein was the Picture of Saint George with a red Cross) instead thereof set up one of the Turks; the like whereof was done with great rejoicing of the Turks through the whole Island. After that, they rifled the Churches, and again consecrated them after their Mahometan manner. The Governor of the City, and the Senators, with their Families, the Bassa sent in five Ships to Constantinople; as for the Vulgar People, they were at choice, either there to tarry still, or depart, as best stood with their liking. And so the Bassa, when he had there placed a new Governor, one of the Turks, with a strong Garrison, and set up the Mahometan Superstition in that most fertile Island, departed thence for Italy; where sailing alongst the Coast of Apulia, he did exceeding much harm in burning and destroying the Country Villages, and carrying away of the poor People into Captivity▪ and so returned.  
At this time the Kingdom of Hungary was most miserably rend in pieces by the Lieutenants and Captains of Solyman and Maximilian the Emperor, and john the Vayvod of Transylvania Soliman's Vassal; who grieved with the harms done unto him by the Emperor's Captains, whereof himself was the cause, and vainly hoping to have obtained at Soliman's Hands the greatest part of the Kingdom of Hungary, as had sometime King john; ceased not continually to solicit him to come himself in Person to make a full Conquest of the Relics of Hungary, yet holden by the Emperor and some of the Hungarian Nobility; and flattering himself in that vain hope, called himself the King of Hungary; and increasing his strength by Letters unto the Nobility and Burgesses of the Cities of Hungary; summoned them, as if it had been by the appointment of Solyman his great Patron, that they should all the ninth of March meet together at Thorda, to determine with him of Matters concerning their common good. Which thing as soon as Lazarus Suendi the Emperors Lieutenant understood, he forthwith by other Letters countermanded those of the Vayvods; persuading the Hungarians not to listen to Charms of the Vayvod and the Turk, tending to their destruction, but rather to yield their Obedience to Maximilian the Christian Emperor, whose purpose was by the aid of the Christian Princes, to protect and preserve them in Peace. And hereby it came to pass, that the remainders of this sore shaken Kingdom, divided into Factions, and diversely carried, according to their Affection, some to the one side, some to the other, began afresh to work one another's confusion, which fitly served the Turks to encroach more and more upon them; 
The Turks surprise Towns in Hungary.  Who at the same time surprised the Town of Ainatsch (the Captain whereof, with certain of the Garrison Soldiers being gone about their business to Agria) and put to the Sword all them that they found in the Town. They thought also to have taken the strong Town of Sigeth, but were by the valiant Count Nicholaus Serinus Governor thereof, courageously encountered, and after four hours hard Fight overthrown and put to Flight. Not long after, they ranged up and down the Country, and set in Booties as far as jula and Rab, and did the Country People much harm. For which cause, Maximilian the Emperor about the later end of May broke up the Assembly of the Empire then holden at Augusta, and began carefully to provide things needful for the War; appointing his Captains for the raising of such Forces in Germany, as were but a little before granted unto him by the Princes and States of the Empire, in their late Assembly; but went himself to Vienna. For it was told him (as the truth was) that Solyman now in his extreme Age was with a mighty Army set forward from Constantinople, and marching through Bulgaria and Servia, was come directly to Belgrade; where john the Vayvod or Transylvania met him, and kissing his Hand, had commended himself and all his state unto his Protection. At which time Suendi the Emperors Lieutenant laid hard Siege to the Town of Husth in the Borders of Transylvania. The Bassa of Buda at the same time on the other side, 
Great troubles in Hungary.  by commandment of Solyman, with eight thousand Turks and five and twenty Pieces of great Ordnance besieging Palotta (a strong Town about eight miles from Rab) had with continual Battery by the space of eight days brought the same into great danger, although it was valiantly defended by George Thuriger. But hearing of the approach of George Count of Helffenstein, sent by the Emperor with certain Companies of Germans to relieve the same, he rose in such haste from the Siege, that he left certain of his great Ordnance and a great part of his Baggage behind him, and retired towards Alba Regalis. The Count having relieved the Town, 
The good success of the Emperor's Captains.  caused the Breaches to be forthwith repaired, and with a new Supply strengthened the old Garrison. Thus was a most lamentable War at once begun in divers places of Hungary. After that, the Count of Helffen●tein, strengthened by the coming of the Count Salmo with certain Companies from Rab, departed from Pal●tta, and came to Vesprinium a City about two miles off, then holden by the Turks; which City he took by force the last of june, and left not a Turk alive therein, because that they a few days before had cruelly slain certain Christians whom they had taken Prisoners. So leaving strong Garrisons both in V●sprinium and Palotta, they returned to Rab. Shortly after, the Count Salma laid Siege to Tatta a strong Town, otherwise called Doti●, betwixt Rab and Comara, which at length he▪ took by Assault the eight and twentieth day of july, and slew all the Turks, except fifty, which flying into one of the Towers of the Castle, yielded upon composition; amongst whom was the late Governor of Vesprinium, and the Governor of this place, with the Bassa of Buda his nigh Kin●man, who were all presently sent Prisoners to Vienna. So the Count following the Course of his Victory (the terror of his former good Fortune running before him into the Turks strongest Holds) was on his way to have besieged Jests a Town near to Palotta; when the Turks there in Garrison upon the first ●ight of his Army, left all and fled out at the farther side of the Town to S●rigonium. After whose example other of the Turks Garrisons in Witha, Tschokik●, and Sambok, Castles thereabouts, set fire on that they could not carry, and followed their Fellows to Strigonium also. The Emperor understanding of the good success of his Captains, caused public Prayers with thanksgiving to Almighty God to be made through all the Churches thereabouts.  
Count Serinus Governor of the strong Town of Sigeth and the Country thereabout, certainly advertised of the coming of Solyman, sent Casparus Alapianus and Nicholas Cobach, two of his Captains, with a thousand Foot and five hundred Horse, to lie in wait for the Forerunners of the Turks Army; who drawing near unto the place where these Turks lay, not far from Quinque Ecclesiae, suddenly in the shutting in of the next day set upon them, doubting no such matter, and put them in such fear, that they disorderly fled, some one way, some another, and were most of them slain or wounded by the Hungarians in their Flight. Hali Beg one of the Turks great Sanzacks and Leader of that Company, sore wounded, and seeking to save himself by Flight in the Marshes, there perished; his Son and many other notable Men amongst the Turks, were there taken and carried Prisoners to Sigeth. The Spoil the Hungarians there took was exceeding great; for besides Plate and Coin, whereof they found good store, 
A great Prey.  they took eight Camels, five Mules, threescore Horses, and six Carts laden with all manner of Spoil, and many Garments of great price; wherein the Gentlemen attired, returned to Sigeth in great Bravery, with two fair red Ensigns of the Enemies.  
Maximilian the Emperor long before advertised of Soliman's purpose for the Conquest of the remainder of Hungary; to withstand so mighty an Enemy, had beside the Forces raised in his own Dominions, procured great Aid both of the States of the Empire and other Christian Princes, which about this time met together at Rab. First there repaired thither four Legions of Germane Footmen, and upwards of twenty thousand Horsemen, with four thousand Hungarians; the Duke of Savoy sent thither four hundred Argoletiers; and many noble Gentlemen out of divers parts of Europe resorted thither, to serve the Emperor in those Wars, of their own Charge; especially the Knights of Malta; and out of Italy, Prosper Columna and Angelus Caesius; out of France, Guise the Grand Prior, Brissack, and Lansack, who but a little before were going to Malta, of purpose to have served there if the Turks Fleet had come thither again, as it was reported it would; but understanding that it came not, returned directly into Hungary, with certain other Knights of the Order. Many also of the Princes and free Cities of Italy declared their good Will toward the Emperor in this War; some sending him Men, as did Cosmus Medici's Duke of Florence, who sent thither of his own Charge three thousand Footmen; some Money, as Mantua, Genoa and Luca. Thither came also Alphonsus' Duke of F●rrara with a gallant Company of noble Gentlemen, and other his Followers. Besides which Land Forces, the Emperor had also provided upon the River of Danubius twelve Galleys, and thirty other Ships for Burden, so made, as that the Men could not be hurt with the Turks Arrows; wherein were embarked three thousand Soldiers, most part Italians, under the Conduct of Philippus Flachius a Germane and one of the Knights of Malta, who was afterward received into the number of the Princes of the Empire.  
Solyman coming to the River Dravus, commanded a Bridge to be made over that great River, 
The Turks with much labour make a Bridge over the great River of Dravus.  and the deep Fens on the farther side of the River towards Sigeth, for the transporting of his great Army; a Work of such difficulty, that being thrice unfortunately begun, it was again given over, as a thing almost impossible. Wherewith Solyman was so moved, that in his rage he swore to hang up the Bassa that had the charge of that work, if he did not with as much speed as was possible, bring it to perfection. Whereupon the Work was again begun, all the Boats that were to be found in the River taken up, and Timber for the purpose brought from far, for the making of that Bridge. In this Work were employed not the Vulgar People only, of the Country which was Tributary to the Turks, but the Gentlemen themselves also, were by the imperious Turk (now commanding for his Life) enforced to lay their Fingers to work day and night without ceasing, until the Bridge (which before was thought scarce possible to have been made) was by the restless industry and labour of such a multitude of Men, in the space of ten days brought to perfection. Wherein the severity the barbarous Tyrant useth towards his Subjects, is worth noting; whereby he extorteth from them more than is almost possible for Men to perform; so that it is not to be marvelled, that he hath so good success in whatsoever he taketh in hand. Over this Bridge (a mile in length) passed Solyman, and encamped at a place called Muhatchz, where he stayed certain days, until his Army was all come over. The last of july, ninety thousand Turks (the Vanguard of Soliman's Army) came before Sigeth, and encamped within a mile of the Town; after whom shortly after followed a hundred thousand more out of Soliman's Camp; of whom many in approaching the Town, 
The Turks ●ncamp b●fore Sigeth.  were slain with great Shot out of the Castle; the rest for all that encamped themselves as near unto the Town as they could, and began the Siege.  
The Town of Sigeth is strongly situate in a Marish on the North side of Dravus upon the Frontiers of Dalmatia, commanding all the Country round about it, which of it taketh name; and was at that time a strong Bulwark against the Turks, for entering farther into the Country that way toward Stiria. In this Town was Governor Nicholaus Serinus, commonly called the Count, a valiant Man, and a mortal Enemy of the Turks, with a Garrison of two thousand three hundred good Soldiers; who seeing the huge Army of the Turks, called together into the Castle, the Captains of the Garrison, and the chief of the Citizens; where standing in the midst of them, he spoke unto them as followeth: You see (said he) how we are on every side beset with the Multitude of our Enemies, 
Count Serinus his comfortable and resolute speech to his Soldiers.  wherein resteth their chief hope; but let not us be thereof afraid or discouraged; for that Victory dependeth not on a confused Multitude of heartless Men, but on the Power of our God, who hath by a few at his pleasure many times overthrown the mighty Armies of the Proud; and will not in the midst of these dangers now forsake us, if we putting our Trust and Confidence in him, do what beseemeth valiant and courageous Men. Besides that, our just Cause, with the strength of the place we hold, our own Valour, and the help of our Friends, who I assure myself will not fail us at our need, countervaileth their confused Multitude, forced together by their imperious Commanders o●t of far Countries, and whatsoever else the proud Tyrant hath brought with him into the Field. Wherefore let us all as becometh valiant Men, for the truth of our Religion, and for the honour of our Prince and Country, live and die together; knowing whatsoever befalls, that to a Life so lost, beside never dying Fame, belongeth a most assured hope of joy and Felicity. As for myself, I am resolved, and so I hope are you also, that as I am a Christian, and free born, so will I (by the Grace of God) in the same Faith and Freedom end my days. Neither shall the proud Turk, so long as I am able to hold up this hand, have ever power to command over me, or the ground whereon I stand.  
This said, he first took himself a solemn Oath to perform what he had promised, and persuaded the rest to take the like; which done, every Man returned to the place of his charge.  
The fifth of August Solyman encamped within a mile of the Town, 
Solyman cometh into the Camp at Sigeth.  and the next day after came himself into the Camp, at whose coming the great Ordnance and small Shot so thundered out of the Turks Camp, as if Heaven and Earth should have gone together, the Turks after their wont manner crying aloud their Alla, Alla, Alla, and the Christians answering them with the Name of Jesus. The seventh of August the Turks cast up a great Mount, and thereon planted certain great Pieces of Ordnance. The next day following they began most terribly to batter the new Town in three places, and with incredible Labour cast up a Mount in the midst of the Marish, as it were in the Town Ditch, from whence they the next day with certain Pieces of great Artillery day and night battered the inner Castle of the Town without any intermission, and did great harm both to the Castle and the Defendants. The Count perceiving the new City to be now so laid open with the fury of the Turks Battery, as that it was not possible to be defended, caused his Soldiers to set it all on fire, and to retire into the old. The tenth of August the Turks furiously battered the old Town in three places, 
The defendants burn the new Town.  and brought their Ordnance into the new Town; and with Timber, Earth and Rubbish made a Bridge, the more commodiously to go over the Marish. For the speedier accomplishment whereof, all the Turks were compelled to lay to their Hands, and to carry Wood, Faggots, Earth, and such like things without ceasing. There might a Man have seen all the Fields full of Camels, Horses, and of the Turks themselves, like Emmets, carrying Wood, Earth, Stones, or one thing or other to fill up the Marish; so was there with wonderful Labour two plain ways made through the deep Fen, from the Town to the Castle; where the Janissaries, defended from the great Shot with Sacks of Wool and such like things, did with the Multitude of their small Shot so overwhelm the Defendants, that they could not against those places without most manifest danger show themselves upon the Walls. So that what by their vigilant Industry, and the fury of the great Artillery, 
The Turks win the old Town.  the Turks (though not without great loss) by force entered the old Town the nineteenth of August, using in their Victory such celerity, that they slew many of the most valiant Defendants before they were able to recover the safeguard of the Castle. Both the Towns thus lost, and so many worthy Men slain, not without cause brought great heaviness upon the rest which were in the Castle with the Count The Turks possessed of the old Town, the next day planted their Battery against the Castle in four places, and with Faggots, Rubbish, and Earth, made two plain ways unto it, still filling up the Marish; and having with continual Battery made it assaultable, the nine and twentieth day of August they began fiercely to assail the Breaches; but when they had lost many of their Men, and done what they could, they were enforced with shame to retire. In this Assault, amongst many other of their best Soldiers, was lost one of their great Bassas also.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Solyman far spent with years, 
Solyman dieth of the bloody Flux.  and distempered with his long travel, fell sick of a Looseness in his Belly, and for the better recovery of his Health, retired himself (the Siege yet continuing) to Quinq●● Ecclesiae a City near to Sigeth, where shortly after he died of the Bloody Flux the fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord 1566, when he had lived seventy six years, and thereof reigned forty six. He was of Stature tall, of Feature slender, long Necked, his Colour pale and wan, his Nose long and hooked, of Nature ambitious and bountiful, more faithful of his Word and Promise than were for most part the Mahometan Kings his Progenitors, wanting nothing worthy of so great an Empire, but that wherein all happiness is contained, Faith in Christ Jesus. 
Muhamet Bassa concealeth the death of Solyman.  Muhamet the Visier Bassa (who commanded all in Soliman's absence) fearing the insolency of the Janissaries, and lest some Tumult should arise in the Camp, if his death should be known, concealed it by all means, and to be sure of them that were of others best able to make certain report thereof, caused his Physicians and Apothecaries to be secretly stra●gled, and by a trusty Messenger, sent in Post, certified Selimus (Soliman's only Son, and his Father in Law, then lying in Magnesi●) of the death of his Father, willing him in haste to repair to Constantinople, to take possession of the Empire; and that done, forthwith to come to the Army in Hungary. But this could not be so secretly done, but that the Janissaries began to mistrust the matter; which M●hamet Bassa quickly perceiving, caused the dead Body of Solyman in his wont Apparel to be brought into his Tent sitting upright in his Horselitter, as if he had been sick of the Gout, his wont disease, and so showing him to the Janissaries, both deceived and contented them, and so went forward with the Siege.  
The Janissaries having in the last Assault lost many of their Fellows, 
The great Bulwark undermined and set on fire by the janissaries.  began now to undermine the greatest Bulwark of the Castle, from which the Defendants with their great Ordnance did most annoy them; wherein they used such diligence, that the fif●h of September they with Gunpowder and other light ma●ter provided for that purpose, had set all the Bulwark on a light fire; and by that means possessed thereof, with all their force assailed the Bulwark next unto the Castle Gate, from whence they were with great slaughter twice repulsed by the Count But the raging Fire still increasing▪ he was enforced with those which were yet le●t alive, to retire into the inner Castle, wherein were but two great Pieces, and fourteen others of small force. Thus the Turks still prevailing, and taking one place after another, the seventh of September they furiously assaulted the little Castle, 
The little Castle set on fire.  whereinto they cast such abundance of Fire, that in short time it caught hold on the Buildings, and set all on fire. The Count thus assailed by the Enemy without, and worse distressed with the Fire within, which still increasing, left no place for him in safety to retire unto, went into his Chamber, where putting on a rich new Suit of Apparel, came presently out again with his Sword and Target in his hand; and finding his Soldiers with cheerful Countenance and their Weapons in their hands, attending his coming, spoke unto them these few his last words: The hard Fortune of this sinful Kingdom hath together with our own overtaken us; 
The last speech of Count Serinus to his Soldiers.  but let us, noble Hearts, with patience endure what is to us by God assigned. You know what we have before promised, which hitherto God be thanked we have accordingly performed, and now let us with like resolution perform this last. The place you see is not longer to be kept, the devouring Fire groweth so still upon us and we in number are but few; wherefore let us ●s becometh valiant Men breakout into the utter Castle, there to die in the midst of our Enemies, to live aftewards with God for ever; I will be the first ●hat will go out, follow you me like Men. This said, with his Sword and Target in his Hand, without any other Armour, calling thrice upon the Name of Jesus, he issued out at the Castle Gate, with the rest following him; where valiantly fight with the Janissaries upon the Bridge; and having slain some of them, he was first wounded in two places of his Body with small Shot, and at last struck in the Head with an unlucky shot, 
Serenades slain.  fell down dead; the Turk for joy crying out their wont word Alla. The rest of the Soldiers in flying back again into the Castle, were all slain by the Turks, except some few, whom some of the Janissaries in regard of their Valour, by putting their Caps upon their Heads, saved from the fury of the re●●. In this Siege, the Turks (as they themselves reported) lost seven thousand Janissaries, and twenty eight thousand other Soldiers, beside many voluntary Men not enroled in their Muster-Books, and three of their great Bassaes. Serinus his Head was presently cut off, and the next day (with the Heads of the other slain Christians) set upon a Pole, for all the Army to gaze upon. After that it was taken down, and by Muhamet the great Bassa sent to Mustapha the Bassa of Buda his Kinsman, who by two Country Men, 
Serinus his Head sent to Count Salma.  sent it wrapped in a red Scarf covered with a fair linen Cloth, to Count Salma in the Emperor's Camp at Rab, with this taunting Letter thus directed.  
Muhamet Bassa to Eccius Salma, Greeting.  

The Bassas quipping Letter to Count Salma.  IN token of my love, behold, here I send thee the Head of a most resolute and valiant Captain thy Friend, the remainder of his Body I have honestly buried, as became such a Man. Sigeth biddeth thee farewell for ever.  
The death of this noble and valiant Captain was much lamented of all the Christian Army, and his Head with many tears by his Son Balthasar honourably buried amongst his Ancestors in Tschacat●rna, his own Castle. Solyman at his coming with this mighty Army into Hungary, had purposed before his return, if he had not been by death prevented, to have conquered both the remainder of the Kingdom of Hungary, and to have again attempted the winning of Vienna. For the accomplishing of which his Designs, he at his first coming sent Parthaus Bassa, with forty thousand Turks to help the Bassa of Temesware and the Tartars, in the behalf of the Vayvod, to besiege the strong Town of Guyla, situate upon the Lake Zarkad in the Confines of Transylvania, not far from whence Suendi had but in August before overthrown the Tartars, called in by Solyman for the aid of the Vayvod, and slain of them ten thousand. And at the same time he sent Mustapha Bassa of Bosna, and Cara●bei●s, with a great Power to Alba R●galis; who joining with the Bassa of Buda, should keep the Emperor Maximilian busy, whilst he in the mean time besiegeth Sigeth, as is before declared. Parthaus Bassa coming to Gyula, and laying hard Siege to the Town, was still notably repulsed by Nicholaus Keretschen, Governor of the Town; insomuch, 
Nicholaus Keretschen corrupted for money, betrayeth Gyula to the Turks.  that in a sally he had certain Pieces of his great Ordnance taken from him by the Defendants, and the rest cloyed. But this brave Captain, not to have been constrained by all that the Bassa could do, was at last persuaded by his Kinsman George Bebicus (from whom Suendi had a little before taken certain Castles, for revolting from the Emperor to the Vayvod) for a great sum of Money to deliver up the Town to the Bassa; which he did, covenanting beside his Reward, That the Soldiers should with Bag and Baggage in safety depart; all which was frankly granted; who were not gone past a mile out of the Town, but they were set upon by the Turks, and all slain except some few which crept into the Reeds growing in the Marish fast by, and so escaped. The Traitor himself expecting his Reward, was carried in Bonds to Constantinople; where afterward, upon complaint made how hardly he had used certain Turks whom he had sometime taken Prisoners, he was by the commandment of Selimus, who succeeded Solyman, thrust into an Hogshead struck full of Nails with the Points inward, with this inscription upon it, 
A Traitor well rewarded.  Here receive the Reward of thy Avarice and Treason. Gyula tho●●oldst for Gold; if thou be not faithful to Maximilian thy Lord, neither wilt thou be to me; and so the Hogshead closed fast up, he was therein rolled up and down until he therein miserably died.  
The Emperor's Camp then lying at Rab, and the Bassa of Buda and Bosna with thirty thousand Turks not far off at Alba Regalis, and many hot skirmishes passing between them; it fortuned that the fifth of September the Turks in hope to have done some great piece of service upon the Christians, came forth of the Camp in great number, and by chance light upon a few Foragers of the Army, of whom they slew some; the rest flying, raised an Alarm in the Camp; whereupon the Hungarians and Burgundians with some others issuing out, pursuing the Turks, slew divers of them; in which pursuit George Thuriger descrying the Governor of Alba Regalis, a Man in great account, 
The Governor of Alba Regal●● taken.  and very inward with Solyman whilst he lived, fiercely pursued him in the midst of the flying Enemies, and never left him until he had taken him Prisoner; and at his return presenting him to the Emperor, was for that good service Knighted, and rewarded with a Chain of Gold. There was by chance then present a Spaniard, who had heard him say openly at Constantinople, That he alone with his own power was able to vanquish the Germane King (by which name the Turks commonly term the Emperor;) With which words when that the Spaniard hardly charged him in the presence of the Emperor, still urging him as it were to say something for himself, 
The Turks sharp answer to th● Spaniard.  the Turk answered him in these few words following: Such is the chance of War, thou seest me now a Prisoner, and able to do nothing.  
All these troubles, with many more like in short time to have ensued, were by the death of Solyman within a while after well appeased. Muhamet Bassa after he had repaired the Breaches; and placed a Turk Governor of Sigeth, with a strong Garrison for the defence of the place and commanding of the Country, called back the dispersed Forces, and rising with the Army, retired toward Belgrade, carrying Soliman's dead Body all the way sitting upright in his Horselitter carried by Mules, 
The Turks Army returneth with the Body of Solyman to Belgrade.  giving it out that he was sick of the Gout; which thing the Janissaries easily believed, knowing that he had been many years so carried; yet still wishing his presence, as always unto them fortunate, although that he were able for to do nothing.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Solyman.  

Emperors of Germany 

Charles the Fifth. 1519. 39  
Ferdinand. 1558. 7.  
Maximilian the Second. 1565. 12.    
Kings 

Of England 

Henry the Eighth. 1509. 38.  
Edward the Sixth. 1546. 6.  
Queen Marry. 1553. 6.  
Queen Elizabeth. 1558. 45.    
Of France 

Francis the First. 1514. 32.  
Henry the Second. 1547. 12.  
Francis the Second. 1559. 1.  
Charles the Ninth. 1560. 14.    
Of Scotland 

James the Fifth. 1514. 29.  
Queen Marry. 1543.      
Bishops of Rome 

Leo the X. 1513. 8.  
Hadrian the VI 1522. 1.  
Clement the VII. 1523. 10.  
Paulus the III. 1534. 15.  
Julius the III. 1550. 5.  
Marcellus the II. 1555. 22 days.  
Paulus the IV. 1555. 4.  
Pius the IV. 1560. 5.  
Pius the V. 1566. 6.      

 

Dissimilis patri, Selimus regalia Sceptra  
Corripit, et dira concutit arma manu.  
Faedus cum Venetis frangit (quid faedera prosunt?)  
Armataque manu Cypria regna rapit.  
Instravit tumidum numerosis classibus Aequor,  
Ut Naupactiacas nobilitaret aquas.   

Unlike his Father, Selimus fills the Throne  
Breathing where ere he marched, Destruction:  
His sacred League with Venice basely brakes,  
And (armed with power) the Syrian kingdoms takes;  
With a stupendious Fleet covers the Sea,  
To be a Witness to his Infamy.   

Muldavum faeda mulctavit morte Dynasten:  
Et magni fines prorogat imperij.  
Obruit Hispanos multa vi: Punica regna  
Destruit, et regnis adijcit illa suis.  
Sed nimis in venerem pronus, vinoque sepultus,  
Extremum properat praecipitare diem.   

And to his Throne to add Moldavia  
Their noble Vayvod butcherly does slay:  
And when the Spanish powers were overthrown,  
They, and the Tunis Sceptres were his own:  
But spent with wine, with women, and with play  
Th'effeminate Prince Spurred on his fatal day.    

The LIFE of SELIMUS, The Second of that NAME, Fifth Emperor of the Turks.  
Selymus', the only Son of Solyman, then left alive, by Letters from Muhamet Bassa understanding of the death of his Father, hasted from Cutai, a City of Galatia not far from Ancyra, towards Constantinople; and coming to Scutary, was from thence by Bostanges' Bassa of the Court, conducted over the Straight to Constantinople; where by him and Scander Bassa (Selimus his Son in law, and then Soliman's Vicegerent) he was conveyed into the Imperial Palace the three and twentieth of September, 
Selimus saluted Emperor of the Turks in the year 1566.  in the year 1566. and there possessed of his Father's Seat, was by the Janissaries there present, saluted Emperor. He was about the age of forty two years when he began to Reign, a man of an unconstant and hasty disposition, wholly given to wantonness and excess; so that he never went to Wars himself, but performed them altogether by his Lieutenants, contrary to the charge of Selimus his Grandfather, given by him to his Father Solyman, whereof he was never unmindful. The next day he came abroad, and showed himself in his Majesty; and in the Temple of Sophia, after the manner of the Turkish Superstition, caused solemn Prayers and Sacrifices to be made for his Father; which done, he gave unto the Janissaries a Largesse of 100000 Sultanines, with promise to augment their Wages. And all things being now in readiness for his intended Journey, he with a goodly Retinue set forward from Constantinople the seven and twentieth of September; and the twentieth of October a little from Belgrade met the Army coming from Sigeth, gallantly marching under their Ensigns, with the dead Body of Solyman, whom the Soldiers generally supposed to have been yet living, but troubled with the Gout, to have kept his Horselitter, as his manner was to travel. Selimus alighting, came in his Mourning Attire to the Horselitter, looked upon the dead Body of his Father, kissed it, and wept over it, as did all the other great Bassas also. And that the death of Solyman might then be made known to all men, the Ensigns were presently let fall, and trailed upon the ground, a dead March sounded, and heavy silence commanded to be kept through all the Camp. Shortly after, Selimus was with the great applause of the whole Army proclaimed Emperor, his Ensigns advanced, and every one of the great Commanders of the Army, in their degree admitted to kiss his hand. So marching forward, he returned again to Constantinople the two and twentieth of November; but thinking to have entered his Palace (which they commonly call The Seraglio) he was by the discontented Janissaries, but now come from the Wars, prohibited so to do; they with great Insolency demanding of him a greater Donative, together with the confirmation both of their ancient and new Privileges, before they would suffer him to enter. Against which their great presumption, the Visier Bassanes, together with the Aga, opposing themselves, and seeking by all means to appease them, were by them foully entreated, and well rapped about the Pates with the stocks of their Callivars; but especially the two great Bassas, Muhamet and Partau, as the chief Authors that their Lord had dealt no more liberally with them. With which so sudden and unexpected a Mutiny of his best Soldiers, Selimus not a little troubled, and calling unto him the Aga (or Captain of the Janissaries) demanded of him the cause thereof; who with tears trickling down his cheeks for grief; told him, That it was for money. Which by Selimus no● promised unto them, together with the confirmation of their Liberties; and the Aga with fair words and heavy countenance most earnestly entreating them, not to blemish the ancient Reputation of their wont Loyalty with so foul a disorder, nor to oppose the life of him their loving Captain, unto the heavy displeasure of their angry Sultan; and farther assuring the● that he would not fail them in the least of his promises, but content them to the full of their desires; the Mutiny was at length appeased, the insolent Janissaries again quieted, and Selimus into the Seraglio received. Howbeit Muhamet, chief of the Visier Bassanes, for certain days after went not out of his Palace, neither came (as he was wont) into the Divano, but kept himself close, for fear of some greater mischief from them. This Tumult thus overpassed, and all again well quieted, 
Solyma● buried.  Selimus with all Royal Solemnity buried his Father in a Chapel, which he after the manner of the Mahometan Kings, had in his life time most stately built, with a College and an Hospital. Where fast by his side is to be seen the Tomb of Roxolana his best beloved Wife, and of certain others his murdered Children; and by him hangeth his Scimitar, in token tha● he died in Wars; an Honour not otherwise, granted to the Mahometan Princes. The Reve●●es arising of the Country about Sigeth, of late ●on ●●om the Christians, at the time of his de●●h, were given to the Maintenance of his H●●●es by him built of devotion; which for 〈◊〉 Magnificence thereof, exceed all the rest ●efore built by the Mahometan Kings and emperor's, except those which were the Buildings of Mahomet the Great, and B●jazet the S●cond. It was by many thought, that Solym●● was in good time by death cut off, as purposing that year to have wintered in Hungary, and the year following to have done great matters against the Christians both by Sea and Land.  
year 1567. The great Army of the Turks thus drawn out of Hungary by the death of Solyman, in some part assuaged, but altogether appeased not the endless Troubles of that unfortunate Kingdom. Maximilian the Emperor on the one side, and john the Vayvod of Trans●●vania with the Turks Captains on the other, 
Troubles in Hungary.  renting it in pi●●es, as if they had sworn the destruction thereof. The Vayvod desiring to recover the strong Castle of Tockay, in the Frontiers of ●his Country, ●ut lately taken from him by Suendi the Emperors Lieutenant, laid hard siege to it, and had brought it to great extremity, although it was notably defended by james R●ming●r th● Captain thereof▪ when suddenly News was brought un●● him, That the Tartars (whom he had called into his Country to have aided him against the Emperor) did with all Hostility after their barbarous manner, burn and destroy his Country before them, making havoc o● all things, so that the Countrypeople were glad in defence of themselves, to take up Arms against them. Whereupon he forthwith left the Siege, and went to Aid his distressed Subjects against the Tartars, with whom he had many an hot Skirmish; and after much bloodshed, at last overcame them, and with much ado rid himself of such bad Guests. Now in the mean time, Suendi strengthened with new Supplies sent unto him from the Emperor, had taken the Castle of Zackmar in the Borders of Transylvania, and with like good Fortune had the Castle of Mungatz yielded unto him, and after that besieged the Town of H●sth; so that the Vayvod was glad to crave Aid of the Turkish Emperor Selimus, under whose Protection he was; who presently commanded Partau one of his chief Bassas, and then his great Lieutenant in Romania, to go with his Forces into Transylvania, to relieve them. But hearing that Ambassadors were coming from Maximilian the Emperor, he called him back again, until he had heard the effect of that Embassage. At which time also the Bassa of Buda inclining unto Peace, 
The Bassa of Buda desirous to farther the Peace.  sent Presents to the Emperor, requesting him to remove certain Hungarian Captains from off the Frontiers, lest happily they should interrupt the Treaty of Peace, then on both sides purposed; promising for his part, to punish with death all such Turks as should make any further Invasion, or raise any new Troubles. He writ Letters also to Count Salma, That he could not but marvel, to what end Maximilian the Emperor was about to entreat with his Lord and Master of Peace, whilst Suendi in the mean time was raging in Transylvania, then under the Turks Protection; which if he proceeded still to do, Selimus would thereof take occasion (as he said) to turn all his Forces that way; wherefore he requested him to persuade the Emperor to take some more easy course in that behalf; promising also, that he would for his part effectually travel with his Master, to have better liking of Peace than of Wars, wishing him also to do the like. Which thing as soon as the Emperor understood, he commanded Suendi to give over the Siege of Husth, and to keep himself quiet until he might by his Ambassadors understand what the Great Turk purposed, and how he was affected towards Peace.  

Maximi●●an and Selimus both desirous of Peace.  Now indeed these two great Princes, Maximilian and Selimus (although they notably dissembled the matter) were both of them in heart desirous of Peace, and that for divers great and urgent considerations. Maximilian for want of money saw it was not possible for him to send into the field such an Army the next year as he had the year before. And Selimus, beside his other Troubles, was to take order for the appeasing of a great and dangerous Rebellion in the farthest part of his Dominions in Arabia 〈◊〉; where the people rising up in Arms, and ha●ing slain the Bassas and Sanzacks their Governors, were ready to have cast off the Turkish Obedience▪ nei●her was he out of f●●r of the Persians, ready (as was reported) to make War upon him. For which causes he wished rather fo● P●●ce with the Emperor Maximilian, than Wars; and so much the more, for that it was impossible for him to send an Army of any puissance into Hungary, for want of many necessary Provisions for the maintenance ●hereof▪ ●n a Country so much impoverished by ●reason of his late Wars▪ wherein no Victuals were to be found for the relief of such a multitude of men as he was to send, if he would do any good there. And truth it was (as the Turks themselves afterwards reported) that Maximilian with half ●●e Power he had in field the last year, mig●● have easily recovered the greatest part of that Kingdom before lost; but well knowing his own wants, and ignorant of theirs, he altogether inclining to Peace; and by Count Salma advertised from the Bassa of Buda, That if he would send Ambassadors to Constantinople, with the Tribute wont to be there paid for Hungary, a Peace upon reasonable conditions might be easily obtained; he resolved upon that point. And so certain Messengers being sent up and down to Constantinople to the same effect, it was concluded, That if the Emperor would send Ambassadors to Constantinople▪ with the Tribute▪ yet behind, and a large Commission for the treaty of Peace, Selimus should give them his safe conduct, with liberty at their pleasure to return in case either of Peace or War. Which agreed upon and faithfully promised on both sides, Selimus set at liberty the Lord Albert de Vuis, who six years Lieger in Constantinople, first for the Emperor Ferdinand, and after for Maximilian, had now been straight imprisoned in his own house by the space of 22 months, in such sort that neither he nor any of his household could go abroad, Watch and Ward being kept both day and night about his House, and his Windows also boarded up, to the end that he should not so much as look out into the City or any whither else more than the Court of his House only. So the Emperor Maximilian now resolved to send Ambassadors to Constantinople with the Tribute-money and divers other rich Gifts and Presents, as well to the Great Turk himself, as the Visier Bassanes his Counsellors; and considering with himself▪ whom to be most fit, with Wisdom and Honour to bring this so weighty a matter about, having to do with so barbarous, covetous, and mighty a people, made choice of the Lord Antonius V●rantius of Agria (of his Council for the Kingdom of Hungary) a Prelate of great Estimation, who being a man of 63 years old, beside his great Learning, had the experience of 27 Embassages▪ wherein he always so discreetly bore himself, as well contented his Prince, and purchased unto himself the Reputation of a most grave and wise man; and about ten years before this Embassage, being sent by the Emperor Ferdinand Ambassador to Solyman, and now by Maximilian, to Selimus at Constantinople, returning with good Success, was by the Emperor created a Prince of the Empire, and Bishop of Agria▪ Unto which so honourable a Personage, having the charge of this so weighty a Matter, the Emperor the more to ennoble this Embassage, as also to purchase the greater Credit to his Ambassador, joined unto him a most honourable Baron, called the Lord Christopher Teufenbatch of Stiria, one of his Counsellors also for the Wars; who with full Instructions both taking their leave of the Emperor (then holding a Parliament at Presburgh) departed, 
Maximilian the Emperor sendeth Ambassadors to Selimus.  and being attended upon with a great and honourable Retinue, set forward the first of july, 1567. and so came to Comara a strong Town in Hungary, not past a League from the Turks Frontiers. In which place the Ambassadors stayed until the seventh of july; and in the mean time gave knowledge of their coming unto the Governor of Strigonium, demanding for their security in the Enemy's Country, to be met and received by some of his Garrison; which granted, they took their Barks brought from Vienna and Possonium, sufficient for their greatness to have carried them down the River to Belgrade, with Horse and Wagon and their whole Furniture; and so entering upon the Turks Dominion about a League or a little more from Comara, being so far wasted by the Soldiers and Galleys of Comara, they were met by an Aga of the Turks, with a Chiaus called Becram (sent by the Bassa of Buda) in certain Galleys armed with Turkish Soldiers. To whom the Ambassador at his landing delivered his Mind, and afterward his Person, giving them to understand, that they were with all safety to conduct both him and all his to the Bassa of Buda; which they answered they were ready to accomplish; and so courteously invited by the Ambassadors, they came aboard their Bark, and there dined together. Here they that were sent with them, leaving them in the hands of the Turks, having Licence to depart, returned to Comara; and they that day after five Leagues sailing arrived at S●rigonium, where they were by the Governor of the City denied landing; for which so dishonourable a part he was afterward sharply rebuked by the Bassa of Buda. Yet as they lay that night upon the water, certain Turkish Minstrels, to do them Honour, and to get a Largess, with their barbarous bawling Instruments played them up many a homely fit of mirth; and divers others with sundry sorts of vaulting and tumbling, sometime leaping one upon another's shoulders, and sometime doing their Tricks on the Earth, all the Evening showed them great sport and pastime. From Strigonium they with five Leagues sailing came to Buda, 
The Ambassadors come to Buda.  leaving behind them the Castle of Vicegrade, two Leagues distant from Strigonium. In this City of Buda lieth the great Bassa by whom all Hungary, with the Provinces thereto belonging (in the Turks Power) is governed. This City, sometime the Regal Seat of the Hungarian Kings, is situate upon a little Hill on the the South side of Danubius, having in the South point thereof a Castle, much higher than the City, and of a most brave Prospect; in which Castle lieth a Captain with a Garrison of five hundred Soldiers (as the Turks say) howbeit it is thought that they are not altogether so many; it is the loss of his Head to stir out of his Charge; and beside, he hath Commission to deny the Bassa himself Entrance, unless he come very slightly accompanied; so jealous are the Turks of that Castle, as if the State of Hungary depended thereon. Herein standeth the King's Palace, which taketh up most part of the place, greatly beautified by Mathias, and showing outwardly to have been a very stately thing; for there are in it both large Halls and fair Galleries and Chambers built in most Royal manner; where amongst other Rooms, the Ambassadors found a decayed Library full of Pictures and Latin Titles of Books; all which things when they present themselves to the Eyes of the Christian beholders, offer a just consideration of noble and reverend Antiquity, and withal, strike into their hearts a certain compassion joined with Horror, to see the Renowned Glory of so many great Kings all wasted and brought to nothing. The next morning the Ambassadors went to speak with the Bassa; whose House was reasonable fair (considering their guise and custom, not much delighting in the beauty of their private buildings) situate upon the River side at the bottom of the Hill whereon the City standeth. 
Presents given by the Emperor's Ambassadors unto the Bassa of Buda.  Unto this Bassa the Ambassadors presented two great gilt Cups, a Clock all curiously wrought in Gold, and a thousand Dollars; which Present the Bassa received in his Divano (being a large Hall) where he sat with his Counsellors, Officers, and other Turks in their places and order; some on his right hand, and some on his left, all richly attired in Garments of Silk of divers colours and fashions, reaching down to their Ankles after their manner; their Heads covered with their passing-white and well made Turbans; in which Assembly nothing being then to be seen but goodly order and grave silence, they seemed to the strange beholders so many Counsellors of exceeding gravity and Reputation. Round about the Hall wherein the Ambassadors had Audience, were many Seats covered with Turky-Carpets; the rest of the Room being all vacant. The Bassa in a place more apparent than the rest, sitting in great Majesty; before whom was set two little Chairs, on which (after he had stood up a while and embraced the Ambassadors) he caused them both to sit down. Whose Speech delivered in the Italian Tongue, after they had discharged themselves of the Emperor's Letters and Greetings, was to this effect, viz. That his Imperial Majesty (for the common benefit of their Subjects in Hungary) requested him to continue in his good purpose and dealing for Peace; and further, to give safe Conduct unto them his Ambassadors with their Retinue, until they were come unto the Turks Court, where they were to entreat and conclude a Peace, to the ending of all Troubles, and the Public Benefit of their Subjects in general. Which Speech with cheerful and friendly countenance ended, many of the Ambassadors Followers were admitted to kiss the Bassa's hand, accounted no small Favour amongst those Barbarians. The Interpreter of these things was a Jew of Milan, who declared all that was spoken, in the Turkish Language unto the Bassa, and in the Italian unto the Ambassadors. And although (if it had been their pleasure) they might have told their mind each to other in the Croation Tongue without an Interpreter; yet the Bassa standing more upon his Reputation, and for some other respects beside, would have the matter propounded and likewise answered in the Turkish. In which sort they also conferred continually afterward with the Bassas at Constantinople, unless it were in some particular and private talk of small Importance, or else in some point beside the matter; for then the Interpreter spoke in the Croatian or Sclavonian Tongue, which is familiar to most of the Turks, but especially to the men of War. Before this Hall where the Ambassadors were entertained by the Bassa, in the base Court stood all the Janissaries in goodly Array, and his Slaves with their red Zarcul on their Heads, and other Soldiers with high and long Plumes of Feathers standing upright; all which made a beautiful show, and gave all great grace to the Bassas Court. These men stir not one foot in their stand, and if the Consultation do last four hours long, so long are they to continue standing without moving. The Ambassadors having stayed two days at Buda, were by the Bassa dismissed, sending with them his Checai (the Steward or Governor of his House) a man of great Reputation, and Becram the Chiaus (the same that came to meet them at Comara) with a sufficient Guard and certain Janissaries, sent for their more safe travelling, and to provide for them from place to place, all things necessary for their Diet, as also for their Horses, at the Turks charges. And thus accompanied, they embarked the tenth day of the aforesaid month, towed up the Turks Galleys, which holpen by the swiftness of the River, carried them down in eight days to Belgrade, where they arrived the eighteenth of july. So having stayed at Belgrade, and there leaving their Boats, and taking their Coaches, they set forward by Land the twentieth of the said month, and with great pains travelling through Rascia, Bulgaria, and Thracia, and passing a part of the great Mountain Scardus, and after that, the Mountain Rhodope, so by the way of Philippolis and Hadrianople, the two and twentieth of August gathered fast upon Constantinople; 
The Emperor's Ambassadors honourably received by the Turks at Constantinople.  where many of the Spahies and Chiauses of the Court, with a number of the Janissaries and other Soldiers, for their greater Honour came to meet them a great way without the City. By whom the Ambassadors honourably mounted on Horseback, were by them conducted to their Lodging appointed for them about the midst of the City; where the Lord Albert de Vuis the Emperor's Ambassador Lieger (not long before enlarged) having long looked for their coming, now most joyfully received them. It was then Friday the Turks Sabbath, and a day of them above all other days in the week regarded, and about ten of the Clock two hours before Noon; at which time the Ambassadors were no sooner alighted, but that Selimus going to hear the Ceremonies of his Religion, in the Moschy of his Father Solyman (as his manner was sometime to do) passed along before the Gate where the Ambassadors lay, with the whole Train of his Court; and peradventure somewhat more than ordinary, to show the Magnificence of his Power and State, to the end that the Ambassadors (above the former opinion by them conceived) might hold him in the Reputation of a most puissant and mighty Monarch. He passing by, vouchsafed not once to give them a regard, or so much as to cast his eye aside upon them, although they were strangers, and but even then arrived; but with a Countenance as if he had known not so much as any thing of their coming, held on his way as it lay. But Muhamet the chief Visier Bassa, with the other Bassas and great Courtiers, in most gracious manner as they passed by cast their eyes upon them; all the courtesy they could then show them. Six days after, being the eight and twentieth of August, the Ambassadors all three went to visit and salute Muhamet (or as the Turks call him Mehemet) the chief Visier Bassa, 
Presents given by the Emperor's Ambassadors to the great Bassas.  as the manner was, presenting him from the Emperor, with four Cups of Silver all gilt, of most fair and curious Workmanship; of which, two of them being greater than the other, were three spans high, the other two being not so high by a span, but having in them two thousand Ducats of Gold; beside which, they gave him also a Clock, being a most curious piece of Work, and all over double gilt. After which Greetings and Presents delivered, besides the contents of his Majesty's Letters, they declared unto him in general points, the cause of their coming, and the mind of the Emperor well disposed to a Peace; and what great benefit would arise thereby to both Parties; and lastly turning over the blame of the late Wars, and laying the fault thereof to the charge of others, sweetened thereby the sour of their former dealings. Neither was the Bassa likewise for his part to seek for goods words, but answered them in Turkish by the mouth of Hibraim the chief Dragoman, who delivered his mind to them in Latin or Italian, according as the Ambassadors had before uttered theirs; which Parle so ended, certain of the chief of the Ambassadors Followers were admitted into the Divano to kiss the proud Bassa's hand. The same day the Ambassadors also saluted Partau the second Bassa, and Ferat the third in Order and Authority. To Partau they presented two Cups of Silver all gilt, beside a Clock of the same making with the afore named, and two thousand Dollars; and the like to Ferat. The next day they went to visit the other three Bassas, Achomat, Pial, and Muhamet, presenting every one of them with two fair Cups and a thousand Dollars. These were the six Visier Bassas to Selimus, then lying at Court with him, men that for Wealth and Authority went before all other in the Turkish Empire, as in the course of this History may appear. And so having visited them in general, the Ambassadors to set their Affairs on foot, the fourth of September closed with Muhamet, to whom the ordering of Estate-matters was especially committed. Yet after this first Conference, because it was necessary before so weighty Affairs were broached, first to do the Turk Reverence, and to deliver the Presents, with the Emperor's Letters to him written; for some few days there was not any Point at all of the Ambassadors business handled.  
Selimus not long after the Ambassadors were arrived, went out for his disport and pleasure on hunting; so that in the mean time, after the Presents were given to the Bassas, matters stood still altogether unadvanced, until the 21 of September; and that day (Selimus being now returned from his Disport) it was appointed that the Ambassadors should have Audience at the Court. Whereupon they made choice out of their Followers, of those that should attend upon them, which were not in all above twelve persons; for they to whom this Charge was committed, said it was neither the manner, nor yet meet, that any great Train should come before so great a Prince, and that they might not bring with them above that number; whereupon they appointed but six a piece to attend them; and of fifteen Cups of Silver and gilt, being most curiously and cunningly engraven, one of the fairest among the rest was given to each of those twelve to carry, 
Presents send unto Selimus by the Emperor.  and they ordered to go by two and two before the rest that came after in order with the rest of the Presents; which was two exceeding precious Clocks, like in bigness to them before given to the Bassas, but far above them in value; and 45000 Dollars for the Tribute behind and yet unpaid. The greatest of those Cups was six Spans and a half, and the least two Spans in height; 
The Emperor's Ambassadors honourably conducted by the Turks unto the Court.  some of them being double Cups, after the High-Dutch manner. The Ambassadors (whose coming a great multitude of Janissaries attended below at the Gate of their Lodging; besides made of the Spahies and Chiausies, and others of good sort (which were come to honour them with their Presence to the Palace) putting themselves in readiness betimes in the Morning, and taking Horse set forward toward the Court. The foremost were they that did bear the Present in their hands, the people of the City in every Street flocking together in exceeding multitudes to behold them as they passed; and verily there had been seldom times seen the like Embassage in those parts; for besides the Fame that was blown abroad in every quarter, That they were Men sent from one of the greatest Princes in Christendom; the diversity of their Attire (so few as they were) more than any thing beside, did represent the Majesty of the Christian Emperor to them that gazed upon his Ambassadors and their Train, the people conceiving thereby, that he was Lord and Ruler over many Provinces and Countries. For they that were Hungarians belonging to the Bishop of Agria (the chief Ambassador) being attired in long and sober Garments of very fine Purple-Cloth, having their Shoes pieced over the soles with Iron-Plates, and half their Heads shaved, seemed to differ from them but little; but on the other side, the High-Dutch attired in black, with their Velvet Caps, and short Cloaks laid with Silver Lace, and long Breeches little less than Rutter-wise, and Chains of Gold about their Necks, appeared very strange and uncouth to the Turkish people; so accompanied in this honourable wise, the Ambassadors entered the first Gate of the Great Turk's Palace. 
The first Gate of the Great Turk's Palace.  This Gate is built of Marble in most sumptuous manner, and of a stately height, with certain words of their Language in the front thereof engraven and gilded in Marble. So passing through the base Court, which hath on the right side very fair Gardens, and on the left, divers Buildings serving for other Offices, with a little Moschy, they came to the second Gate, 
The second Gat●.  where all such as come in riding, must of necessity alight; here so soon as they were entered in at this second Gate, they came into a very large Square Court, with Buildings and Galleries round about it, the Kitchens standing on the right hand, with other Lodgings for such as belonged to the Court, and on the left hand likewise Rooms deputed to like Services. There are moreover many Halls and other Rooms for resort, where they sit in Council, handling and executing the Public Affairs either of the Court or of the Empire, with other matters, where the Bassas and other Officers assemble together. Entering in at this second Gate, in one part of the Court, which seemed rather some large Street, they saw the whole Company of the Solaches set in a goodly rank, which are Archers keeping always near unto the Person of the Great Turk▪ and serving as his Footmen when he rideth; they use high Plumes of Feathers, which are set bolt upright over their Foreheads. In another place there stood the Capitzi in like Array, with black Staves of Indian Canes in their hands; they are the Porters and Warders of the Gates of the Palace, not much differing in their Attire from the Janissaries; who stood in rank likewise in another quarter. And beside all those, with many more that were out of order, as well of the Court as of the common people, those Knights of the Court which accompanied the Ambassadors thither, with other great Ones also of like degree, were Marshaled all in their several Companies. And among the rest, the Mutfarachaes, Men of all Nations and all Religions (for their Valour the only free men which live at their own liberty in the Turkish Empire) stood there apparelled in Damask Velvet and Cloth of Gold, and Garments of Silk of sundry kinds and colours; their Pomp was great, and the greater, for the Turbans that they wore upon their Heads, being as white as whiteness itself, made a most brave and goodly show well worth the beholding. In brief, whether they were to be considered all at once, or in particular, as well for the order that they kept, as for their sumptuous presence, altogether without noise or rumour; they made the Ambassadors and the rest of their Followers there present, eye-witnesses both of their Obedience, and of the great State and Royalty of the Ottoman Court. Passing through them, the Ambassadors were led into the Hall, where the Bassas and other great Men of the Court were all ready to give them Entertainment; they of their Train being at the same time brought into a Room that stood apart under one of the aforesaid Lodgings all hung with Turky-Carpets. Soon after (as their use and manner is) they brought in their Dinner, 
A homely Feast given to the Ambassadors Followers in the Turks Court.  covering the ground with Table-Cloths of a great length spread upon Carpets, and afterward scattering upon them a marvellous number of wooden Spoons, with so great store of Bread, as if they had been to feed 300 persons; then they set on Meat in order, which was served in 4● great Platters of Earth, full of Rice-pottage of three or four kinds, differing one from another, some of them seasoned with Honey, and of the colour of Honey; some with sour Milk, and white of colour; and some with Sugar; they had Fritters also, which were made of like Batter; and Mutton beside, or rather a dainty and toothsome morsel of an old sodden Ewe. The Table (if there had any such been) thus furnished, the Guests without any Ceremony of washing, sat down on the ground (for Stools there were none) and fell to their Victual, and drank out of great earthen Dishes, Water prepared with Sugar, which kind of Drink they call Zerbet. But so having made a short repast, they were no sooner risen up, but certain young Men, whom they call Giamogla●s, with others that stood round about them, snatched it hastily up as their Fees, and like greedy Harpies ravened it down in a moment. The Ambassadors in the mean time dined in the Hall with the Bassaes. And after dinner certain of the Capitzies were sent for, and twelve of the Ambassadors Followers, before appointed to do the Great Sultan Reverence; by whom (their Presents being already conveyed away) they were removed out of the place where they dined, and brought on into an under Room, from whence there was an ascent into the Hall, where the Bassas were staying for the Ambassadors; who soon after came forth, and for their ease sat them down upon the Benches, whilst the Bassas went in to Selimus; who before this time had made an end of Dinner, and was removed in all his Royalty, into one of his Chambers, expecting the coming of the Ambassadors. All things now in readiness, and the Ambassadors sent for, they set forward with their Train, and came to the third Gate, 
The third Gate.  which leadeth into the Privy-Palace of the Turkish Emperor, where none but himself, his Eunuches, and the young Pages his Minions, being in the Eunuch's custody, have continual abiding; into which inward part of the Palace none entereth but the Capitzi Bassa (who hath the keeping of this third Gate) and the Cesigniers (that serve in the Turks Meat) with the Bassas and some few other great Men; and that only when they have occasion so to do by reason of some great business, or sent for by the Sultan. Being entered in at this Gate, which is of a Stately and Royal Building, the Capitzi by whom they were conducted suddenly caused them to stay, and set them one from another about five Paces, in a little Room, which nevertheless was passing-delicate, all curiously painted over with divers colours, and stood between the Gate and the more inner Lodgings. On both sides of which Room, when all things else were whist and in a deep silence, certain little Birds only were heard to warble out their sweet Notes, and to flicker up and down the green Trees of the Gardens (which all along cast a pleasant shadow from them) as if they alone had obtained Licence to make a noise. Selimus himself was in great Majesty set in an under Chamber, parted only with a Wall from the Room wherein the Ambassadors Followers attended, whereinto he might look through a little Window, the Portal of his said Chamber standing in counterpoint with the third Gate above mentioned. 
The Ambassadors brought in unto Selimus, with the manner of the Entertainment of them and their Followers.  The Ambassadors entering in, were led single, and one after another, to make their Reverence unto the Great Turk. And in the mean time certain of the Capitzi with the Presents in their hands fetching a compass about before the Window, mustered them in his sight. All this while not the least sound in the World being raised, but a sacred silence kept in every corner, as if men had been going to visit the holiest place in jerusalem. Yet for all that, the Ambassadors Followers placed one from another (as is aforesaid) were not aware that the great Sultan was so near, looking still when they should have been led on forwards all together; howbeit they were fet in one after another, neither did they that were so fet out, return again into the Room, but having severally done their Reverence, were all (except the Ambassadors, that still stayed in the Chamber) by one and one sent out another way into the Court; neither could he that came after, see his Fellow that went before him, after he was once taken in to do his Reverence; but suddenly as the former was let out, the next was advanced forward to the door, where Isman the Capitzi-Bassa and the Odda-Bassa, taking him by both Arms and by the Neck, the one at the right hand, and the other at the left, and so leading him apace, by the way softly felt his wrists with their hands, le●t peradventure he might have some short Weapon in his sleeve. 
I●●nerario Di. Marc. Antonio Pigafetta ca 5.  Yet were they not all thus groped, as Marc. Antonio Pigafetta (the Reporter of this Negotiation) saith of himself and some others also. Howbeit this hath been, and yet is the manner of giving of Access unto the Person of the Great Turk, ever since that Amurath the First was after the battle of Cassova murdered by one of Lazarus the Despots men; who admitted to his Presence, in revenge of the wrong done unto his Master, with a short Poniard that he had closely hidden about him, so stabbed him in the Belly, that he presently died. And thus like men rather carried to prison by Sergeants, than to the Presence of so mighty a Monarch, they were presented unto his Majesty; he sitting upon a palate, which the Turks call Mastabe, used by them in their Chambers to sleep and to feed upon, covered with Carpets of Silk, as was the whole floor of the Chamber also. The Chamber itself being not very great, was but dark, altogether without Windows, excepting that one whereof we have before spoken, and having the Walls painted and set out in most fresh and lively Colours by great cunning, and with a most delicate grace; yet use they neither Pictures nor the Image of any thing in their painting. The six Visier Bassas before mentioned, were standing at the left hand as they entered in at the Chamber door, one by another in one side of the Chamber, and the Ambassadors on the right hand on the other side standing likewise, and uncovered. The Dragomans were in another part of the Chamber, near the place where the Sultan sat gorgeously attired in a Robe of Cloth of Gold all embroidered with Jewels; when as the Ambassadors Followers by one and one brought before him, (as is aforesaid) and kneeling on the ground, a Turk standing on his right hand, with all Reverence taking up the Hem of his Garment▪ gave it them in their hands to kiss. Selimus himself all this while sitting like an Image without moving, and with a great State and Majesty keeping his countenance, dained not to give them one of his looks. This done, they were led back again, never turning their backs towards him, but going still backwards until they were out of his Presence. So after they had all thus made their Reverence, and were departed out of the Chamber, the Ambassadors delivered unto Selimus the Emperor's Letters, and briefly declared unto him their Message; whom he answering in four words, as, That they were to confer with his Bassas; presently they were dismissed. And so coming out of the two inner Gates, they mounted on Horseback, and took the way leading towards their Lodging, being at their return accompanied with the whole order of the Janissaries, with their Aga and other Captains; among whom were certain of their Religious Men called Haagi (which use to follow the Janissaries) who continually turning about, and in their going, singing or rather howling out certain Psalms and Prayers for the Welfare of their Great Sultan; gave the Ambassadors and their Follower's occasion to wonder, that they either left not for weariness, or fell not down like Noddies for giddiness. All these were sent, the more honourably to accompany the Ambassadors to their Lodging; and beside these, many more on Horseback than attended them at their coming forth; in regard whereof, the Ambassadors when they were come to their Lodging, to require their greedy courtesy, frankly distributed amongst them above four thousand Dollars, and yet well contented them not.  
The Ambassadors after this Entertainment at Court, had divers times Conference with the great Bassas concerning Peace, as Selimus had commanded; wherein by reason of the Turks unreasonable Demands (as their manner is at their first meetings) nothing could be as then concluded; so that Selimus himself being shortly after to depart for Hadrianople, where he was to continue for some months (but rather as it was thought for that they could not agree upon a Point of great Consequence) the Treaty for Peace was intermitted, until such time as a Messenger dispatched in Post, might return unto the Turks Court, with some resolute Answer concerning that matter. So it was, that during the Reign of the late Emperor Ferdinand, 
The principal Point whereupon the Ambassadors differed from the Turks. in the Treaty of Peace.  that the Turk his Subjects in Hungary paid all their Taxes and Tributes unto their old Lords and Masters, abiding and living in the Emperor's Jurisdiction, as did the Subjects of Ferdinand, to their Lords that dwelled in the Turks Dominion and Territories; now in this Treaty for Peace, the Turks (amongst other their unreasonable Requests) demanded to have their Subjects freed, and yet the Subjects of the Emperor to pay as they were before accustomed. Which as it was a request nothing indifferent, so was it no less prejudicial and hurtful unto the Emperor his Subjects in Hungary; for which cause the Ambassadors would not by any means consent thereunto, before they knew the Emperor's farther Pleasure concerning the same. Whereupon they dispatched one Sig. Od●●rdo a Gentleman of Mantua, very skilful in the Turkish-Language and in such like affairs, by reason that as well about this business as at divers times before about other the like, he had been employed from Vienna to Constantinople in the Emperor's Service. So Selimus shortly after, viz. the twentieth of October, departing from Constantinople, in great Magnificence passed by the Gate where the Ambassadors lay, with his whole Court in Arms, and in the same order that is usually kept when he goeth to War, or taketh any great Journey. After whose departure the Ambassadors having sufficiently viewed the City of Constantinople, and then at good leisure, to pass the time and to see the Countries they had so often both heard and read of, together with the Ports and Havens on both sides that narrow Sea which divideth Europe from Asia, embarking themselves, and crossing the mouth of the Haven betwixt Constantinople and Per●, passed all alongst the Coast on Europe side, unto the Euxin or Black-Sea, and so back again by the other side of that Strait Sea; curiously noting the great ruins of the ancient Cities of Bythinia, with some others alongst the Asian shore, together with the pleasant situation they in former times had, whilst they yet flourished in their glory, but now for most part (or rather for altogether) laid in the Dust and brought to nought; and so returned again to Constantinople. But whilst they thus deceived the time, and lay long expecting the return, as well of their own Messenger unto the Emperor, as of Selimus himself; they were advertised in all haste to repair unto him to Hadrianople, whether the aforesaid Messenger was now come with full Instructions of all things concerning the Treaty for Peace. For which cause they with great speed making themselves ready, and taking their leave of Pial Bassa (who for that he was Selimus his great Admiral, then lay at Constantinople) ●et forward the first of january, in the year, 1568. and so after nine days travel, year 1568. at length arrived at Hadrianople, about an hundred fifty three Italian miles distant from Constantinople. Here they stayed until the Peace was concluded, which was the seventeenth of February; the chief Capitulations whereof were, That either of those great Princes should still hold what they had got each from the other in the late Wars: 
The ●hief Capitulations whereon a Peace was concluded betwixt Maximilian the Emperor and Selimus.  That the Emperor should yearly pay thirty thousand Ducats to the Turkish Sultan, as a Tribute for Hungary, the Tribute to begin in the beginning of january last past this year 1568. That the Subjects of the Turk should pay nothing to the Subjects of the Emperor, neither the Emperors any thing to the Turks, but to be both of those Payments free. And that upon these Conditions there should be a firm and sure Peace betwixt these two great Monarches for eight years' next following; wherein the Vayvod of Transylvania was (as the Turks Tributary) to be also comprehended. Nevertheless, all things at this time thus agreed upon, the Turks after their subtle manner finding sundry Cavillations, and raising many doubts about the aforesaid Capitulations, did what they might to have in some sort altered what they had before agreed upon, to the bettering of themselves and the hurt of the Christians; and so with many their unreasonable Demands stayed the departure of the Ambassadors until the twentieth of March following. At which time having their Dispatch, and taking their leave of the Great Turk and the Bassas, accompanied with Hebraim-Beg (Selimus his Ambassador unto the Emperor) they by Land returned towards Vienna; where they with the joyful News of Peace the tenth of May arrived, being there two days after at the Court most honourably received. And five days after, Audience was given unto the Turks Ambassador, who well heard and better rewarded, shortly after returned with a full conclusion of Peace from the Emperor, to Constantinople.  
But whilst this Peace was thus in concluding, 
Ambassadors sent from Tamas the Persian King to Selimus.  and the Ambassadors yet resident at Hadrianople, the sixteenth of February came an honourable Embassage from Shach Tamas the Persian King, unto the Great Sultan Selimus, to entreat a Peace betwixt them, or rather to conclude the same, being before agreed upon the Controversies, for which they afterwards fell to open War. Which Embassage for that it is no less truly than plainly set down in a Letter sent from Erzirum (a City then in the Confines of the Turks Dominions towards the Persians) written by a Chiaus to M●hamet Chief of the Visier Bassas; which Chiaus was of purpose sent from Constantinople, to meet the said Persian Ambassador: I thought it not amiss for the better understanding thereof, to set down the effect of the same Letter as it was translated out of the Turkish into the Italian by the Emperor's Ambassadors Interpreter.  
The effect of the Letter written to Muhamet Bassa, the Chief Visier, by a Chiaus sent of purpose to meet the Persian Ambassador.  
AFter due Salutations, this is the effect of that which we thought good to make known unto your Lordship. Now at this present (to wit in the beginning of the month Giuma Sulacchir) is in good health arrived the Ambassador of Persia, the King's Chief Counsellor, called 
* Schach ●uli Solt●●, was not the proper name of this Ambassador, but a Title of Honour, and signifieth as much as a Prince, Servant to the King.  Schach Culi Soltan, attended upon with a hundred and twenty Gentlemen, with gilt Turbans on their Heads, and well furnished with spare Horses led in men's hands. Besides whom he was accompanied also with two hundred Knights all apparelled in Cloth of Gold, with four hundred Persian Merchants, in all above seven hundred Persons; with a thousand nine hundred Beasts, Camels, Mules, and Horses, five couple of Drums, every couple being placed upon a several Camel, five Nacars, three Trumpets, five Flutes, and other Instruments, in all about thirty Musicians, playing upon these Instruments: There were also two Queristers or Chanters of the Alcoran, one Organist, one playing upon a Turkish Instrument like a Lute, two Players upon Sagbuts, with two other Musicians, eight in all. There were also four Bondwomen serving in the Ambassadors own Chamber. Who when he was with all this Magnificent Pomp come within one days journey of Erzirum, the 
* Sayms are Soldiers of greater honour than the Spahi, having for their Stipend yearly 2000 Asper's at the least, out of the Revenues of ascertain Towns and Villages.  Sayms and Spahies assembling themselves together to the number of eight tho●sand Men, went to meet him; amongst whom were an hundred and more, all apparelled in Cloth of Gold and Saltin; two thousand Men with gilt Morrions on their Heads; in which bravery we marching forward, the Persian Ambassador amazed to see so great Majesty and Pomp, said that all the Army of Constantinople was come to meet him; and so being come unto the City, caused all the Instruments to be played upon, even from morning until night. The next morning, the Ambassador invited the Bassa with all the Lords and Officers; who being come, he entreated them to hear his Music; and in like manner the Lord Bassa invited the Persians. But as the Ambassador was going to the Banquet, came another Sultan of the Kings, who brought unto the same Ambassador a gil● Turban, and a rich Gown wrought with Gold, which he caused him to put on by the way. By this Ambassador the Persian King hath sent all the Armour of Sultan Bajazet, with all his Camels and other Wealth. The causes of the long stay of this Ambassador were especially two; the one for that the Persian King had caused to be made two Pavilions of one Piece, the Curtains being interlaced with Gold, and the Supporters embroidered with the same: Besides this, he sent two Books of Histories, and two Pearls, which in weight weighed ten 
* A Mescali is four drams.  Mescali; one Balasso as big as a little Pearl; fourscore and two times an hundred 
† Tumenlich is in value as much as the Turks Asp●r.  Tumenlich of Stuff, amounting to fourscore and two sums of Asper's, and forty Falcons; all which the Persian King hath sent unto the Great Sultan, as to the only Monarch and Patron of the World. This Schach Culi is the next in Authority to the King, and so was in the time of great King Hysmael. These two Persian Sultan's are the King's chief Sultan's and Courtier's, and therefore set themselves forth with all the Pomp they can. Yet notwithstanding all their Bravery, being come to Erzirum within the view of our Army, the Persians were amazed to behold the goodly order of the Othomans. One part of these Persians are returned again into Persia. And if it please God, at the coming of my Messenger unto you, your Lordship shall understand of what Condition and State these two Princes and Sultan's are. They have each of them yearly six Tumoni; which maketh after the computation of the Othomans, six thousand Asper's. Your Lordship after this account may judge of the rest. The other cause of the long stay of this Ambassador, was for that in Syruan the people were up in Rebellion, wherein many of them were slain; to the appeasing of which Sedition, this Schach Culi was s●nt, and now at last is come. From Erzirum in the beginning of the month of 
* December.  Giuma Sulacchir, in the year of the Prophet Mahomet, 975.  

The Persian Ambassador honourably entertained by the Turks. at Hadrianople.  This Persian Ambassador was with the greatest Pomp that might be entertained by the Turks at his first coming to Hadrianople, all the brave Courtiers with the Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court going forth in most seemly order to meet him. Who now entered the City, and come before the house where the Emperor's Ambassadors than lay, and seeing certain of their Retinue before the door, asked of Isnam the Capitzi Bassa, what people they were; who told them that they were the Followers of an Ambassador that there lay, sent from one of the greatest Princes of the Christians, namely the Emperor, who was desirous to make Peace with the Great Sultan his Master. Whereunto the Ambassador replied, That he would willingly salute them; which Isnam hearing, strait way turned his Horse towards the place where they stood. Now the Emperor's Ambassador being secret within a Lattice, and seeing him come towards them, went forth and stood upon the Door-threshold, and so with signs and words saluted one another. Among the others the Persian Ambassador said unto the Emperors, That he would gladly talk with him, if it might so please the Grand Signior: Hebrahim the Dragoman who then was with the Emperor's Ambassadors, being Interpreter. So having courteously saluted one the other, they departed, but never after came together. Two days after, the Persian Ambassadors (according to the manner of those barbarous Nations, who with empty hands salute not one another) by his Checaia or Steward of his Household, presented all the Visier Bassas with divers rich Gifts and Presents every one of them according to their degrees and places; and the day after went himself to visit them; where by the way fell out a strange matter, like enough to have cost him his life. 
The Persian Ambassador in going to visit Muhamet the Visier Bassa, in danger to have been slain.  For a Giamoglan (as the Ambassador was going to visit Muhamet the chief of the Visier Bassas for the first) meeting him, shot at him with an Harquebus, with purpose to have slain him; but as God would, miss him, and hurt but one of his chief Followers in the Arm. Wherewith the Ambassador not a little dismayed, as supposing himself to have been betrayed, turning his Horse, was about to have gone to his Lodging; but the great Bassa in the mean time having knowledge thereof, presently sent out men to Guard him, and to excuse himself of the Fact. Whereof the Ambassador being assured, held on his way. In the mean space, the Fellow who shot the Harquebus, being apprehended, was brought before the Ambassador and the Bassa; who ask him for what cause he discharged the shot against the Ambassador? he without change of countenance boldly answered, That he did it for no other cause but for that the Ambassador was an Heretic, and sent from an Heretical King, and an Enemy to their Religion; and therefore that it was not convenient he should come to entreat of Peace with his Lord; adding further, that he was not worthy of any Peace. Which the Bassa hearing, adjudged the desperate Villain the next day to be drawn at an Horse-tail through the City, and then to have his right Hand cut off, and afterward his Head, which was accordingly put in execution. After this, the Persian Ambassador the 22 th' of the same month went to deliver the Presents sent from his Master unto the Grand Signior, and to kiss his Hand; sending first before him the Presents upon 44 Camels, whereof 34 were the Kings of Persia, and the other ten his own. The Kings Present was an Alcoran, 
The rich Present sent by the Persian King unto Selimus.  with the Authority of Ali, as they hold. For this is their Custom, always to present one such Alcoran unto the Princes to whom they send their Ambassadors. It was covered with Gold, and garnished with most precious Stones. He presented also a Book or Histories, covered as the other; he gave also a Box, wherein was a very fair precious Stone called Balasso, and two Pearls of a wonderful greatness, with two Purses of an handful long, full of Jewels. Besides these, he presented also eight Firuari or Porcelain Dishes (which we call China-Dishes) made of most pure Earth, kept above fifty years buried under the ground, to the end so to be fined and purified, which (as some say) will melt and dissolve if any Poison be put into them. He gave also two most stately Pavilions, twenty great Carpets of Silk, and many other lesser of Silk and Gold; also nine fair Canopies to hang over the Ports of their Pavilions, things not used among the Christians. He gave also ●ine very fair Carpets of Camel's hair, nine Saddles set with Stones after the Persian fashion, seven Staves of Silver, seven Scimiters with red Scabberts, seven Bows with Arrows and Quivers, all wrought with Gold and precious Stones; he presented also many other Carpets called Tef●ich, made of the finest Lawn, and so large, that seven Men could scarcely carry one of them. All the Falcons were dead by the way. The Presents which the Ambassador gave unto the Great Turk in his own Name, 
The Ambassadors Present to Selimus.  were also these; An Alcoran, a Pavilion fair and large, certain Scimiters, Bows and Arrows richly garnished, with certain Carpets of Silk, and Camels hair. After which Presents so delivered, and Reverence done unto the Great Sultan by the Ambassador, and thirty of his Followers all in Cloth of Gold, he returned to his Lodging, very honourably accompanied, as well by the Turks as them of his own Retinue. First, besides many others, there were a great Company of the Spahies and Chiauses, and other Courtiers mounted upon goodly Horses, well furnished and in decent order; here might a Man have seen store of Cloth of Gold, Velvet, Damask, and other kinds of Silk. After these, there followed about three hundred Persian Horsemen, apparelled after their manner, some with Gowns made of divers little pieces of Taffeta of sundry Colours, representing the Pictures of Men, Women, Horses, and other Beasts; and some of them embroidered with Flowers and Fruits of sundry sorts; some had also Gowns of Cloth of Gold, but not so fair as the Turks; and some of Velvet, but very few of Cloth; for that the Persians have no great plenty either of Velvet or yet of Cloth, except such as they have from the Portugals that travel into those Eastern Countries; yet of Silk and Wool it appeareth they have great plenty, most part of their Gowns being of Wool quilted with Bombast. After these Horsemen followed many Persian Footmen, peradventure all Servants; after whom came the Turkish Horsemen; and last of all came a Horse of the Ambassadors led by a Persian; after which Horse followed two hundred Janissaries; and in the Rearward of all came the Ambassador alone, gorgeously attired both himself and his Horse. He himself was invested with crimson Velvet, mingled with some other Colours; his Saddle and Bridle were all bedecked with Jewels; the Caparison of his Horse, was all embroidered with Turquoys and other precious Stones; the Horn upon the top of his Turban (which the Turks call Metevenchia) was altogether wrought with Gold, and set with precious Stones; in brief, upon every part of his Body hanged Jewels of great price. After the Ambassador, followed about an hundred and forty Persian Horsemen, and others of his Court apparelled as before, some well, some ill, according to their Ability. Now although the Persians (as is to be thought) showed all their Pomp, yet they made nothing so fair a show as did the Turks; neither are they so fair Men of complexion, being for the most part of a swarft and brown Colour, and rather little Men than otherwise, not much unlike to the Spaniards. The Ambassador being departed, the Presents were all brought and showed to Selimus; 
An honourable allowance.  who allowed for their ordinary Charges five hundred Ducats a day, for that indeed their number was great, and their Beasts many. These Expenses bestowed upon the Ambassadors, do presently begin as soon as any of them enter into his Dominions; and end, so soon as the business for which they come is finished. But long it was not, but that this Ambassador having concluded a Peace betwixt the two great Princes, Tamas and Selimus, and dispatched such matters as he came for, returned home again into Persia. The Venetians also now at this same time, by their Ambassadors sought to renew the League they had made with the great Turk, now expired; which as it was easily obtained, so was it of small assurance; Selimus the next year quarrelling with them, and raising new Wars, to the great hurt and disturbance of that State, as shall forthwith appear.  
Selimus now at Peace with all the World (a thing of the Turks not much desired) began to think of Works of Charity; year 1569. and purposing to build a magnificent Temple at Hadrianople for his own Sepulture, with a Monastery, a College, and an Alms-House (as had his Father and other his Ancestors before him at Prusa and Constantinople, led thereunto with a vain and superstitious Devotion) was troubled with nothing more, than how to endow the same with Lands and Revenues sufficient for the maintenance of so great a Charge; for that that the Mahometan Kings, are by their Superstition prohibited to convert any Lands or Possessions to such holy uses, other than such as they have with their own Sword won from the Enemies of their Religion, which they may (as they are persuaded) as a most acceptable Sacrifice, offer to their great Prophet; which Devilish persuasion, ferveth as a Spur to prick forward every of those ambitious Princes to add something to their Empire. This his devout purpose once known, wanted not the furtherance of many ripe Heads, devising some one thing, some another, as they thought best fitted his humour. But amongst many things to him presented, none pleased him so well, as the Plot laid for the taking of the rich Island of Cyprus from the Venetians; a Conquest of itself sufficient, both for the eternising of his Name, and performance of his own charitable Works intended; with a large overplus, for the supplying of whatsoever wanted in his Fathers like devout Works at Constantinople. But that which moved him most of all, was the glory of such a Conquest, which as his Flatterers bore him in hand, might make him equal with any his Predecessors; who in the beginning of their Reign, had usually done or attempted some notable thing against the Christians. Hereupon the matter was by Selimus propounded to the great Bassas to be considered of; without whose Advice and Counsel, the Turkish Emperors seldom or never take any great Wars in hand. Amongst these grave Counsellors, Muhamet the chief Visier Bassa, 
Muhamet Bassa dissuadeth Selimus from the invading of Cyprus.  a Man of greatest Authority (unto whom Selimus was beholden, that he had so quietly obtained the Empire) and a secret Friend unto the Venetians, seemed much to mislike of that motion, persuading Selimus' not to yield thereunto; alleging beside the danger and uncertainty of the expedition, that his Father Solyman at the time of his death had charged him straily, that the League with the Venetians should be religiously kept, and that he could not with his Honour without just cause so quickly break the League, which he himself had but a little before most solemnly confirmed. But Mustapha the second Bassa, sometime Selimus his Tutor, and therefore of him much honoured, with Pial Bassa the Admiral (both envying at the great honour of the Visier Bassa) so mightily impugned that he had before said, and so importuned Selimus with the show both of Honour and Profit attending that action, as also with the easiness thereof (a great part of the Venetian Arsenal being but a little before burnt, and their Forces much weakened) that he rejected the Counsel of Muhamet, calling him in his Choler, Christian (which among the Mahometans is a Word of no small disgrace;) and yielding wholly to the persuasion of Mustapha and Pial, presently caused preparation to be made both by Sea and Land, for the performance of that his resolution. Which was not so covertly carried in the Turks Court, but that it was discovered by M. Antonius Barbarus the Venetian Ambassador; and not without cause suspected by the Venetian Merchants, whom the barbarous Turks began now to cut short in their Traffic, looking big upon them, as Men suddenly changed, and evil entreating them with hard speeches, the undoubted signs of greater troubles to ensue. The Venetian Ambassador now out of doubt of the Turks purpose for the invasion of Cyprus, came unto Muhamet the chief Bassa, complaining of the breach of the League; and putting him in mind of the Fidelity of the Venetian State towards the Turkish Emperor; requesting him that Selimus might not make too much haste to begin that War, which would set all Europe on a broil; but rather by his Ambassadors first to declare his mind to the Senate, for that so it might haply come to pass, that all might be quieted, to the good of both parties without War. Which the politic Ambassador requested not of the Bassa for any hope he had to avert the War, for which the Turk had now all things in a readiness, but only by such an hope of composition, to hinder the Turks endeavours, and to win time, until that the State (being fully certified of all these matters) might make ready their Fleet and Forces, and so in Arms be ready to answer their armed Foes; Neither did he ever leave the Bassa, until he had by his means procured, That one Cubates should be sent Ambassador to Venice, to prove the minds of the Senators, whether they would willingly deliver the Island, or adventure to have it taken from them by Force. These things and such like as were then done at Constantinople, being by Letters sent in Post from the Ambassador, made known at Venice, brought a general heaviness upon the City; for why, that understanding and provident State, warned by their former harms, of all others most dread the Turks Forces. Cubates the Ambassador accompanied with Aloysius Barbarus the Ambassadors Son, 
Selimus sendeth Cubates his Ambassador to Venice.  and Bonricius his Secretary, departing from Constantinople, came by long journeys to Ragusium, where Angelus Surjanus sent from Venice to meet him, was ready to receive him, who being taken into his Galley, brought him to Venice.  
In the mean time the Senators sitting oftentimes in Counsel, were divided in opinions concerning the chief matter they consulted upon; some there were, that thought it not good to wage War against such an invincible Enemy, nor to trust upon a vain and idle hope, neither to commit all unto the hazard of such Fortune as was unto them in that War by the Enemy propounded; they alleged, That they had always unfortunately taken up Arms against the Turks, and that therefore they should set before their Eyes, what harms they had suffered, and how that beside the losses already sustained, they had always in the winding up of the Wars lost something more; that it were better to depart with Cyprus, so that they might quietly enjoy the rest, rather than enter into Arms; Time they said, would at length give them some one fit occasion or other to recover that they had lost, and to restore their State unto their former Honour; which for the present, was above their power to maintain; To put their trust in their Confederates (they said) was but to deceive themselves; 
Hard to trust upon Confederations.  they should remember how often even small causes of false suspicion, or hope of profit, or fear of harm, had utterly frustrated and broken in sunder the most solemn Capitulations of the strongest Leagues; how often destruction had come thence from whence aid was always to have been hoped for, they needed not to seek farther for examples, than from their own Domestical Affairs. Others were of a contrary opinion, as that the Island was by force of Arms to be defended; saying, That nothing could be more dishonourable, than without fight to depart with so notable a part of their signory; neither any thing more commendable, than to prove all things for defence of their Honour; neither would the proud Turks, with whom no assured League could be made (as they said) hold themselves content with this yielding up of the Island, but by entreating of them and giving them way, become more insolent; and when they had taken Cyprus from them, would also seek after Crect and Corcyra; and so yielding them one thing after another, spoil themselves of all together; ambitious and greedy Princes (they said) grew more bold and insolent by other men's fear; and that no great or notable matter was to be done without danger; that hard beginnings had oftentimes merry end; that the Favour and good Will of that insatiable and greedy Nation, was not to be gained but with so great loss and charge as that such a costly Peace would be much more hurtful than War itself; beside that, it much concerned other Christian Princes to have the Venetian State preserved, and that therefore it was to be hoped, that they would to the uttermost of their power give them aid. The matter thus debated to and fro, it was in the end resolved upon, to take up Arms in defence of their Honour, and by plain force to withstand the Turk.  
So when Cubates the Turks Ambassador came to Venice, 
The Turks Ambassador homely ●ntertained at Venice.  neither did any Man of Courtesy meet him, neither was any Honour done unto him, or so much as common Courtesy showed unto him; but being afterward admitted into the Senate House with his two Interpreters only, he delivered Selimus his Letters, enclosed in a little Bag wrought with Silk and Gold; and so whilst the same Letters were in breaking up, and translating out of the Turkish Language into Italian; delivered also his Message by word of mouth, as followeth: What great account the mighty Sultan my dread Sovereign hath always made of your most honourable Friendship, is therein right well declared; 
Cubate● the Turks Ambassadors speech in the Senate at Venice.  That in the very entrance of himself into his Empire, he forthwith and without any hard or new Conditions renewed his League with you; which he hath on his part always kept most faithfully and unviolate; worthily grieving the like kindness not to be showed on your behalf, neither the like care of keeping your Faith to appear in you; who by harboring of Pirates in your Havens, and murdering of his Subjects, have oftentimes broken the League. Which injuries, although they were by War to have been revenged; yet hath he, so mighty a Monarch, hitherto been always more mindful of your Honour and Friendship, than of his own Majesty and Profit. But forsomuch as there is no end of these Injuries and Wrongs, and that it is now come to that point, That longer to forbear, might be imputed unto him rather for Cowardice than Courtesy, as also that it much more concerneth your State than him, and that therefore you ought no less than he to desire, that all causes of unkindness might be cut off, and order taken, that in so great and mutual goodwill, there should be no falling out by new quarrels daily arising; the only remedy thereof is, if you shall deliver unto him the Island of Cyprus, the cause of all these grievances. Now it beseemeth you for your great Wisdom, to make small reckoning of so small a matter, in comparison of the Favour of so great a Prince; which if you willingly of yourselves yield unto him, you shall right wisely provide for your Affairs, and have him so great a Monarch always your Friend and Confederate; whereas if you shall show yourselves obstinate, and not to yield to this his so small a request, his purpose is by strong ●and not only to take from you the Island, the cause of the War, but also to prosecute you with most cruel War both by Sea and Land. And thereupon I take God to witness, all the blame of the calamities to ensue of so mortal a War, to be imputed unto yourselves, at the worthy reward of your wilfulness and breach of Faith.  
Which said, he in the name of Mah●met the Visier Bassa told the Senators, That he was right sorry that this breach was fallen out betwixt the Emperor Selimus and them; and that although he doubted not but that they would right wisely consider of all things; yet he could not for the good Will he bore unto them, but admonish them of such things as he deemed for them both profitable and wholesome; and therefore did most instantly request them, and withal advise them, not to enter into Arms against so mighty a Prince, neither wilfully to plunge themselves into such dangers, as they could hardly or never find the way out; for that their strength was nothing answerable unto his, and that the event of that War would be unto them deadly; and therefore he took God and the love he bore unto them to witness, that he had in friendly sort forewarned them of their harms, and advised them for their good. Giving them further to understand, that Selimus did nothing but thunder out most cruel Threats against their State; which his indignation was raised of the manifold complaints brought against them to his Court at Constantinople.  
Selimus his Letters answerable to his Ambassadors Speech, 
The effect of Selimus his Letters to the Venetians.  was also full of false surmised grievances; he complained, That the Venetians had in warlike manner entered into the Frontiers of his Empire in Dalmatia, and there had done great harm; that they had put to death certain Turkish Pirates whom they had taken alive; that their Island of Cyprus was an Harbour for the Pirates of the West; and that from thence they rob his peaceable Countries, and surprised his Subjects travelling that way for Devotion unto the Temple of Mecha, or otherwise about their Affairs. And that therefore those causes of discord might be taken away, and the hindrance of Traffic removed, he required them to yield unto him the Island of Cyprus; which if they refused to do, he would by force of Arms take it from them; and by force of strong hand cause them to do that which they might the better have done frankly and of their own accord; and further to make them understand how far the Turks did excel all other Men in Martial prowess. As for the League before made betwixt his Father and them, he said he had renewed the same, not because he had any liking thereunto, but because he had as then set down with himself, for a while in the beginning of his Empire peaceably to endure all things.  

The answer of the Venetians to the Turks Demands.  The Venetians, for that they knew the Ambassadors errand before his coming, having now read his Letters, gave him such answer as they had before resolved upon; which was, That the Venetians had at all times inviolably kept their Leagues with the Ottoman Emperors, and had in regard thereof let slip many opportunities and fit occasions for them to have augmented their Dominions in; That they could without any danger to themselves, have destroyed the Turks Fleet both at the Rhodes and Malta, and other places also; but that they more regarded their Honour; and always thought, that nothing better became great and magnificent Princes, than to perform their Faith once given, and in all their actions to be like themselves. And therefore had dissembled and put up many grievous and bitter indignities, lest they might be thought to have first broken the League; That they had never passed their own Bounds, or invaded the Turks; only to have taken order, that no Pirates should at their pleasure roam up and down the Seas. Now whereas all Duties being on their part sincerely and most religiously kept, Selimus complained himself to be wronged, whereas he himself had done the wrong, and had contrary to the League, denounced War against them, expecting nothing less; siththence that they could not by the power of the League, they would by force of Arms defend that Kingdom, which they by ancient and lawful right possessed, delivered unto them by their Ancestors. That God, in whose help they trusted, would weigh in indifferent Balance, all men's Words and Deeds; whom they took to witness, that they were the Authors of Peace, and Selimus the cause of War; and that the ●ame God would be now present unto their just complaints, and forthwith after with his power to take revenge on them, which falsifying their Faith and Promise given, and violating the sacred League, had enforced them to take up most just and necessary Arms, which they would with the same Courage manage, that they had taken them in hand.  
With this answer the Ambassador departed, 
The Turk● Ambassador sent away in secret from Venice.  let out by a secret Postern, for fear of the People; who having got knowledge of the matter, were in great number assembled to the Ourt-gate, muttering among themselves, that it were well done to rend in pieces that accursed Turk, the Messenger of his faithless Master. Which outrage it was thought they would in their fury have performed, had not such as by the commandment of the Magistrates guarded him, better assured him of his safety, than either regard of Duty or the Law of Nations; he by the way as he went still storming, and swearing by his Mahomet to be of that so great an indignity revenged. This answer of the Senate unto the Turks Ambassador concerning War, 
The resolution of the Senate for War diversely liked and disliked of others.  was of some well liked and highly commended, as full of Honour and Valour. Others deemed it too sharp, liking of nothing that was said or done to the further incensing of the Turkish Emperor; being of opinion, that they might have of him obtained a more indifferent Peace by Courtesy, than by Rigour. As for the decreed War, they utterly disliked, forasmuch as all Wars were woeful, but especially those that were to be maintained against them that are too strong for us. In such diversity of opinions it appeared, That the Senate should of that so honourable a Decree reap such commendation, as the Event thereof should afford (than which nothing is more unreasonable;) if things fell out well, than it was wisely and worthily done; if otherwise, than was it like to be reputed a foolish, rash, and woeful resolution.  
The greater the danger was now feared from the angry Turk, the more careful were the Venetians of their State; wherefore they forthwith sent Messengers with Letters unto the Governors of Cyprus; charging them with all carefulness and diligence to make themselves ready to withstand the Turk, and to raise what power they were able in the Island, not omitting any thing that might concern the good of the State; and at the same time made choice of their most valiant and expert Captains both by Sea and Land, unto whom they committed the defence of their dispersed signory, with the leading of their Forces. Hieronimus Zanius was appointed Admiral, Lucas Michael was sent into Crete, Fransciscus Barbarus into Dalmatia, Sebastianus Venerius into Corcyra, all Men of great Honour, Experience and Valour. Other meaner Captains were also sent with less charge into the aforesaid places, as Eugenius Singliticus a noble Gentlemen with a thousand Footmen into Cyprus, who had also the leading of all the Horsemen in the Island; after whom Count Martinengus promised to follow with two thousand Footmen more. The strong Cities were now by the Venetians in all places new fortified, Armour, Ordnance, and Victual provided, and whatsoever else they thought needful for defence of their State. And forasmuch as they well knew they had to do with too mighty an Enemy, they by their Ambassadors sent for that purpose, earnestly solicited most of the Christian Princes to join with them in League, and to give them aid against the common Enemy, who as he was too strong for any one of them, so was he not able to stand against their united Forces. But the Emperor Maximilian excused himself by the League he had not long before made with the Turk for eight years, 
The Emperor, the French King▪ and the King of Polonia entangled with their Leagues, refused to aid the Venetians against the Turks.  which he said he might not break; yet he had before his Eyes a most pregnant example, what small reckoning the Turk maketh of his Faith and League, which he without any just cause had broken with the Venetians. The like excuse used also Charles the French King, and Sigismond King of Polonia; who both seemed to be very sorry for that the Venetians were fallen out with the Turk, but could not help them, for that they were in League with the Turkish Emperor. Nevertheless the French did them the Courtesy, to offer himself to be a Mediator, if they so pleased, betwixt them and Selimus. The young King of Portugal Don Sebastian pretended also for his excuse the great Plague which had but a little before raged in his Kingdom, and much diminished his People; as also that he was to maintain Wars by Sea against the Turks in the East-Indies, to the no less benefit of the Christian Common-weal, than if he should aid the Venetians in the Pope. 
What Christian Princes promised to aid the Venetians.  Only Pius Quintus then Pope, and Philip King of Spain, with certain of the Princes of Italy; namely Philibert Duke of Savoy, Guido Udebaldus Duke of Urbino, Cosmus Medici's Duke of Florence, and the Knights of Malta, promised them aid, which they afterward most honourably performed.  
Selimus of himself angry with the Venetians, and firm in his resolution for the Conquest of Cyprus, was upon the report of Cubates his Ambassadors bad entertainment at Venice, further enraged; he deemed the Majesty of the Turkish Emperor contemned, and himself in the person of his Ambassador disgraced; seeing that they whom he had thought would have yielded unto any thing, rather than the League should have been broken, had sent him such a short answer, and so contemptuously used his Ambassador, unto whom they had not afforded so much as common Courtesy. It did not a little move him also, that the Venetians had in their Letters sent by his Ambassador, omitted the glorious Titles usually given the Turkish Emperors; wherefore in some part to satisfy his angry mood, he caused Marcus Antonius Barbarus the Venetian Ambassador, and all the Christian Merchants of the West throughout his Empire, to be clapped up in prison, and their Ships stayed under an arrest. And setting all other things apart, set himself wholly for the preparing of such things as should be needful for the intended War.  
But forasmuch as the Island of Cyprus was the Prey whereafter the greedy Tyrant so much gaped, and for which the bloody Wars betwixt the Turk and the Venetians with their Christian Confederates, presently ensued; it shall not be from our purpose to spend a few words in the describing thereof, as the Stage whereon the bloody Tragedy following was as it were acted; as also how it came first into the hands of the Venetians, and by what right of them so long possessed (although it be in some part before declared) until it was now by Selimus the great Turk, against all right injuriously demanded, and at length by strong hand by him wrested from them. This Island lieth in the farthest part of the Cilician Sea; it hath on the East Syria, on the West Pamphilia, Southward it regardeth Egypt, and Northward Cilicia, now called C●ramania. 
The description of Cyprus.  It is worthily accounted amongst the greatest Islands of the Mediterranean, containing in circuit four hundred and twenty seven miles, and is in length (after the description of Strabo) an hundred and seventy five miles, and in breadth not above sixty five. It aboundeth with Corn, Wine, Oil, Cotton-Wool, Saffron, Honey, Rosm, Turpentine, Sugarcanes, and whatsoever else is needful for the sustentation of Man, whereof it sends forth great abundance to other Countries, of whom it craveth no help again. It was in ancient time called Macaria, that is to say, Blessed. The People therein generally lived so at ease and pleasure, that thereof the Island was dedicated to Venus, who was there especially worshipped, and thereof cally Cypria. Marcellinus to show the Fertility thereof, saith, That Cyprus aboundeth with such plenty of all things, that without the help of any Foreign Country, it is of itself able to build a tall Ship from the Keel to the top Sail, and so put it to Sea furnished of all things needful. And Sextus Rufus writing thereof, saith, Cyprus famosa divitiis, paupertatem populi Romani, ut occuparetur solicitavit, ita ut jus ejus Insulae avarius magis quam injustius assecuti, scil. Cyprus famous for Wealth, alured the Poverty of the People of Rome to lay hold upon it, so that we have rather covetously than justly got the rule thereof. In the heart of the Island standeth Nicosia, sometime the Regal and late Metropolitical City thereof. And in the East end thereof Famagusta, sometime called Tamassus, a famous rich City, the chief and only Port of all that most pleasant Island. Other fair Cities there be also, as Paphos, Amathus (now called Limisso) and Cyrene. This Island of itself long time maintained the Majesty of a Kingdom, as then when Richard the First, King of England, passing that way with his Fleet for the relief of the Christians then distressed in the Holy Land about the year 1191, was prohibited there to land; and certain of his People by force of Tempest there cast on Shore, were by the Cypriots either cruelly slain or taken Prisoners; which barbarous violence King Richard took in so evil part, 
King Richard in England.  that he there by force landed his Army, and rested not until he had taken Isaac the King Prisoner, and subdued the Island. The King he sent in Chains of Silver to Tripoli, there to be kept in close Prison; the Kingdom he kept a while in his own hand, which not long after he gave, or as some say, exchanged with Guido the titular King of jerusalem, for which cause the Kings of England for a certain time afterwards were honoured with the Title of the Kings of jerusalem. This Kingdom by many descents came at length to janus' Son of King Peter, who in the year 1423, 
How the Kingdom of Cyprus came to the Venetians.  was by Melechel a Sultan of Egypt taken Prisoner; but afterwards for the ransom of an hundred and fifteen thousand Sultanins was set at liberty and restored to his Kingdom, paying unto the Sultan and his Successors a yearly Tribute of forty thousand Crowns. This janus left a Son called john, who after the death of his Father married the Daughter of the Marquis of Mont-Ferrat; after whose death he married one Helena of the most noble House of the Paleologi in Grecia, by whom he had one only Daughter called Carlotte; but by another Woman a base Son called james. This King john was a Man of no Courage, altogether given to pleasure, and according to the manner of his effeminate education, showed himself in all things more like a Woman than a Man; which Helena his Wife, a Woman of a great Spirit, quickly perceiving took upon her the Sovereignty and whole Government of the Realm, gracing and disgracing whom she pleased, and promoting to the Ecclesiastical Dignities such as she best liked; abolishing the Latin Ceremonies, and bringing in them of the Greeks, and took such further order as pleased herself in matters of State concerning both Peace and War; her Husband in the mean time regarding nothing but his vain pleasure; whereby it came to pass that all was brought into the power of the Greeks the Queen's Friends. Now the Queen herself was much ruled by the Counsel of her Nurse, and the Nurse by her Daughter; so that the People would commonly say, The Daughter ruled the Nurse, the Nurse the Queen, and the Queen the King. The Nobility ashamed and weary of this manner of Government, by general consent of the People, sent for john the King of Portugal's Cousin-German (whom some call the King of Portugal) to whom they gave Carlotte the King's Daughter in marriage, with full power to supply that want of Government which was in King john his Father in Law. He taking the Authority into his Hands, quickly reform the disordered Kingdom, as well in matters concerning Religion, as civil Policy. The Latin Ceremonies were again restored, and the Government of the Daughter, the Nurse, and the Queen, brought to an end. But the mischievous Daughter doubting the Countenance of the young King, persuaded her Mother, as she ●endred her own Life, to poison the King. Which thing the wretched Woman (by the consent of the Queen Mother, as was reported) in short time performed, and so brought that noble Prince, well worthy longer life, unto his untimely end; whereby the Government was again restored unto the Greek Queen, who in the name of her weak Husband commanded again at her pleasure. But above all, the Nurse and her Daughter insulted upon the young Queen Carlotte; which she not well brooking, grievously complained thereof to james her ba●e Brother, requiring his help for redress thereof; who not long after slew the Nurse's Daughter, not so much in revenge of the wrong by her done unto his Sister, as to prepare a way for himself for the obtaining of the Kingdom; grieving inwardly, that she or her Husband should be preferred before himself. Which thing Helena the Queen quickly perceiving, persuaded the King her Husband to cause his base Son to enter into the orders of Priesthood, and so to become a Churchman, thereby to cut off all his hope of aspiring unto the Kingdom; which the King at her instance did, and made him Archbishop of Nicosia. In the mean time Carlotte by the persuasion of her Mother and the Nobility of the Country, married Lewis Son to the Duke of Savoy; who being for that purpose sent for, came with all speed to Cyprus. After that, the Queen-Mother and the old Nurse (desiring nothing more, than to revenge the death of the Nurse's Daughter upon james now Archbishop) devised first how to thrust him out of all his spiritual Promotions, which were great, and afterward quite banish him the Kingdom. Hereupon the Queen wrote Letters against him to the Pope, to have him disgraded, for that he being a Man base born, with his hands imbrued with innocent Blood, was unworthy of holy Orders. Which Letters by chance came to james his hands; who enraged therewith, accompanied with a number of his Friends and Favourites, suddenly entered the Court, slew such of his Enemies as he found there, divided their Goods amongst his Followers, and as King possessed himself of the Regal City. In this Broil the Greek Queen Helena died, and shortly after her Husband also. All things being thus in an hurly and out of order, certain of the Nobility for redress thereof, sent for Lewis the Husband of Carlotte, as for him to whom that Kingdom in the right of his Wife most justly belonged; who upon his arrival was of all sorts of Men joyfully received and welcomed as their King. james the Usurper understanding before of the coming of Lewis, and perceiving the inclination of the People towards him, fled with divers of his Friends to Alexandria to crave aid of the Egyptian Sultan; in whose Court he found such Favour, as that he was by the Sultan's commandment Royally apparelled, and honoured with the Title of the King of Cyprus, which he promised for ever to hold of the Sultan's of Egypt as their Vassal and Tributary. At which time the Sultan also by his Ambassadors commanded Lewis to depart the Isle, who by all means sought to have pacified the Sultan, declaring unto him his rightful Title, yet offering to pay unto him the wont Tribute, and to allow unto james a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats during his life. But all in vain, for james still present in the Sultan's Court, and wisely following his own suit, at last concluded with the great Sultan (who thought it more honour to make a King, than to confirm a King) and receiving of him a great Army, returned into Cyprus; where in short time he so distressed Lewis, that he was glad to forsake the Island, with his Wife, and to return into his Country; leaving the Kingdom of Cyprus again to james; who now by the supportation of the Egyptian Sultan possessed thereof, yet lived not without care of Carlotte and her Husband Lewis, whom he knew the Cypriots wonderfully affected. Wherefore for the more assurance of his Estate, he thought it best to join in League and Friendship with the Venetians, whom he knew to be of great power at Sea, and of all other fittest to cross whatsoever Lewis should in the right of his Wife attempt against him. Which League he afterwards made, and the better to confirm the same, took to Wife Catharine Cornelia, the Daughter of Marcus Cornelius a Magnifico of Venice, being before adopted to the Senate, and ever after their reputed Daughter. Not long after this marriage, james died in the year 1470. leaving the Queen great with Child, who in due time was delivered of a fair Son; unto whom with the Mother the Venetian State became Tutors, as their adoptive Fathers, and in their behalf took upon them the Government of the Realm. This Child shortly after died also, not without some suspicion of Poison, after whose death great Troubles arose in the Kingdom, insomuch that Andreas Cornelius the Queen's Uncle, a most grave Counsellor, and Governor of the Realm under the Queen, was by the Conspiracy of certain Noblemen slain, and all the Island ready to revolt from the Queen. For appeasing of which Troubles, the Venetians were glad oftentimes to send their Admirals with their Galleys into Cyprus, to take order in the matter, and to aid the Queen; who at length persuaded by George Cornelius her Brother, whilst it was yet in her power, as a loving Daughter to yield up the Kingdom unto her adoptive Fathers, which she destitute both of Counsel and Power, could not long hold so far from her Friends, beset on one side with the great Turk, and on the other with the mighty Sultan of Egypt. She I say thus persuaded by her Brother, came to Venice, where she was with the greatest Honour that could be devised, received by the Duke and whole State at Sea in their great and goodly Ship the Beucentaure, and so with all Royal Triumph brought through the midst of the City unto the place most richly for the time appointed for the receiving of her; 
Sabellic. E●nead. 10. lib. 8.  where shortly after attired in all her Royal Habiliments she came in great Majesty unto the Senate House, and there before the Tribunal Seat of Augustinus Barbadicus then Duke of Venice, laid down her Crown and Sceptre, and as a most loving Daughter resigned up her Kingdom, to the great honour and profit of her Country. Thus the Kingdom of Cyprus was delivered into the hands of the Venetians in the year 1473; which they peaceable held from that time, paying unto the Sultan's of Egypt such Tribute as had the late King james: which yearly Tribute they in like manner paid unto the Turkish Emperors▪ after that the Kingdom of Egypt was by Selimus the first conquered in the year 1517, as due unto him by Law of Arms; with which yearly Tribute both Selimus himself and Solyman after him, held themselves well contented. But now this Turkish Emperor Selimus the Second, of whom we speak, desirous both of the honour of such a Conquest, and of so rich a Prey, made no account of the accustomed Tribute, but of the fruitful Island itself; whereof he, as is before declared, hath by his Ambassador made a proud demand, but is thereof denied by the Senate.  
year 1570. Selimus throughly furnished with all things necessary for the Invasion of Cyprus, 
Selimus invadeth the Venetians.  in the beginning of February sent a great power both of Horse and Foot into Epirus, and the Frontiers of Dalmatia, to forage the Venetian Territory, especially about jadera; of purpose by that War so near at home, to withdraw them from the defence of Cyprus so far off. About the middle of April following he sent Pial Bassa with fourscore Galleys and thirty Galliots to keep the Venetians from sending aid into Cyprus. 
Pial Bassa sent against the Venetians.  This Pial was an Hungarian, born of base Parents, but turning Turk, and giving himself to Arms, was first preferred for his Valour showed against the Christians to Zerbi, and afterwards by many degrees rose to the honour of one of the greatest Bassaes. He departing from Constantinople, and cutting through Peloponnesus and Helespontus, came to Euboea, and there for certain days lay in such order, as if he should have presently given the Enemy Battle; but understanding by his Spials, that the Venetians grievously visited with the Plague, and slowly relieved by their Friends, were not like in haste to come out, he took his Course to Tenos an Island of the Venetians, to have taken it from them. This Island is one of the Cycladeses, and was by nature strong, but stronger by the industry of the Defendants; who living far from the Christian Countries, and compassed about with such cruel and warlike Enemies, as people far distant stood in dread of, could never for any fear or danger be removed from the Christian Religion, or induced to submit themselves to the Turks Government, as most of the other Islands had. Pial here landing his Forces, sought both by fair means and foul to have persuaded the Inhabitants to have yielded up their Town; but when he could get nothing of them but foul words again, he began by force to assault the same. Two days the Town was valiantly both assaulted and defended; but at length the Turks perceiving how little they prevailed, and that the Defendants were resolutely set down for the defence of themselves and their Country; shamefully gave over the Assault, and abandoning the Island, directed their Course toward Cyprus. For Mustapha Author of that Expedition (for his ancient hatred against the Christians made General by Selimus) had before appointed Pial Bassa at a time prefixed to meet him at the Rhodes, and that he that came first should tarry for the other, that so they might together sail into Cyprus.  
Mustapha having before sent a great part of his Army by Land into Pamphilia, embarked the rest with Haly Bassa General of the Forces at Sea, who yet stayed for him with the rest of the Fleet at Constantinople. This Haly was one of the chief Bassas, a man of great account, and sometime an especial and noted Follower of Muhamet Bassa; but now (as it is oftentimes elsewhere seen, that Men together with the change of Fortune, change their Minds and Affections also) was become a great Favourite of Mustapha. Now to colour so manifest a wrong and breach of the Turks Faith, Mustapha the General, according to the Turkish manner, a little before his arrival in Cyprus, gave the Venetians there to understand by Letters of his coming, as also of his purpose for the taking of that Island from them; for that without some such slender denouncing of War unto them against whom it is intended, the Turks generally account their Expeditions not to be altogether so lawful or fortunate as otherwise; and therefore writ unto them in this sort:  
Mustapha Bassa unto the Venetians:  
THat the Kingdom of Cyprus by ancient right belongeth unto the Kingdom of Egypt, 
Mustapha Bassa his Letters unto the Venetians.  you are not ignorant; which being conquered by the Turks, is together with it become of right a part also of the Ottoman Empire; that Island we come to challenge, leading after us two hundred thousand valiant Soldiers, unto which power, and the Wealth of the Ottoman Kingdoms (all which, the most mighty Emperor is abou●, if need shall be, to send thither, and to bend his whole strength thereon) all the united Forces of the Christian Kings are not comparable; much less the Venetians, so small a part of Europe, forsaken of their Friends, can suffice. Wherefore we will and exhort you, for the ancient amity which hath been betwixt your State and the victorious Ottoman Family, to yield this Kingdom unto the most puissant Emperor, whose very name is become dreadful unto all the Nations of the World; and quietly and without resistance to leave the Island, with the Love and Friendship of so great a Monarch to be for ever inviolably kept betwixt him and you. Whereas if you shall before such wholesome Counsel, fond prefer your vain hopes, you are to expect all the calamities of War, with such dreadful examples as the angry Conquerors use to make of their vanquished Enemies. For resolution whereof, we yet give you half a months' space to bethink yourselves in: and so fare you well.  
All this being now in readiness, 
Mustapha Bassa goeth for Cyprus.  and a most Royal Galley of wonderful greatness and beauty by the appointment of Selimus prepared for the great Bassa the General; he together with Haly Bassa and the rest of the Fleet departed from Constantinople the six and twentieth of May, and at the Rhodes met with Pial, as he had before appointed. The whole Fleet at that time consisted of two hundred Galleys, amongst whom were divers Galliots, and small Men of War, with divers other Vessels prepared for the transportation of Horses; with this Fleet Mustapha kept on his Course for Cyprus. They of the Island in the mean time carefully attending the Enemies coming, 
The Turk Fleet descried in Cyprus.  from their Watch-Towers first discovered their Fleet at the West end of the Island, not far from Paphos; from whence the Turks turning upon the right hand, and passing the Promontory Curio, now called Del Le Gate, landed divers of their Men, who burned and spoiled certain Villages, and with such Spoil and Prisoners as they had taken, returned again unto the Fleet; which holding on their former Course, came at length to a place called Salinae (of the abundance of Salt there made) where they knew was best landing, and there in an open Road came to an Anchor, 
The Turks land in Cyprus.  where the Bassa's without any resistance upon a plain Shore landed their Army.  
Now all the hope of the Christians, was to have kept the Turks from landing, which they should with all their strength and power have done; neither was it a matter of any great difficulty, for had the Defendants but kept the Shore; and from the dry and firm Land valiantly repulsed their Enemies, they might undoubtedly with their Shot and Weapons have kept them from landing▪ or else have done them greater harm; knowing in the mean time, that in all the Island was no good harbour for them to put into, and that riding in an open Road subject to all Wind and Wether, they could not long without danger of Shipwreck ride it out; but they either terrified with the greatness of the Fleet, or prevented by the celerity of the Enemy, to their great hurt omitted so fair an opportunity, as the woeful sequel of the matter declared. It exceedingly encouraged the Turks that they had so easily footed the Island, which they thought they should not have not done without a bloody Fight.  
The Bassa now landed, presently entrenched his Army, and forthwith sent the Fleet to transport the rest of his Forces out of Pamphilia into the Island. And at the same time sent out certain Scouts to take some Prisoners, of whom they might learn the situation of the Country, the best ways to pass them with his Army, the strength of his Enemies, and what they did, and many other such like things which it concerned him to know. But the greatest question among the Turks themselves was, Whether they should first set upon Famagusta or Nicosia? Famagusta standeth low, altogether subject to the scorching Heat, which was then great, according as the time of the year, and nature of the Country required; wherefore the Bassa for fear of diseases to arise in his Army of the immoderate heat and unwholesome situation of the place, thought it better to begin his Wars with the Siege of Nicosia, and to make that City the seat of the War, for the conquest of the rest of the Island. 
Mustapha Bassa marcheth towards. Nicosia.  So having put all things in order, and well viewed the Country, and finding nothing he need to stand in doubt of, he set forward with his Army toward Nicosia, which was about thirty miles distant, being the chief and richest City of all the Island. Which way soever the Army marched, it spread a great deal of ground; and the nearer it came, the greater was the slaughter of the Country people, and the number of Prisoners taken of all sorts. But when news of the Enemy's approach was brought unto the City, a general fear presaging future misery possessed the hearts of all Men. There was not in the City any valiant or renowned Captain, who as the danger of the time required, should have taken upon him the charge; neither any strong Army in the Island to oppose against the Enemy; the Governor of the City was one Nicholaus Dandulus, a Man too weak for so great a burden; 
Nicholaus Dandulus Governor of Nicosia.  who always brought up in Civil Affairs, was to seek how to defend a Siege. Of the citizen's and Country people he had taken up four thousand Footmen, and a thousand Horsemen, all raw Soldiers, commanded by the Gentlemen of the Country, Men of all others most courteous; but as well the Captains as the Soldiers, as Men brought up in a plentiful Country, fitter for Pleasure than for War. The greatest hope and strength of the City, was reposed in twelve hundred Italian Footmen, and six hundred Horsemen. The whole number of the Soldiers in Garrison for defence of the City, was deemed about 8000 Horse and Foot; too weak a Company against so fierce and strong an Enemy; and the more, for that the Bassa an old and most expert General was there in person himself present, a most severe and absolute Commander, whom it would have been a hard matter to have withstood with equal power. The Venetians had ever had great care of the Island of Cyprus, as lying far from them, in the midst of the sworn Enemies of the Christian Religion, and had therefore oftentimes determined to have fortified the same; yet fearing thereby to seem to distrust or dread the Turks, and so give them occasion of offence, left it still undone. 
The description of Nicosia.  This City of Nicosia standeth in the midst of the Island, in a plain and champain Country, compassed round with a Wall, as if it had been drawn with a compass, and is in circuit about five miles; for the manner of the situation, and magnificent buildings, as well public as private, many have compared it unto the beautiful City of Florence in Italy; and was for the wholesome and commodious situation thereof notably peopled. This City had the Venetians of late fortified with new Walls, thick Rampires, and eleven strong Bulwarks, according to the manner of the fortification of our time, and had raised three great Fortresses for defence of the Wall, which they furnished with a strong Garrison, great store of Artillery, and other warlike provision. Nevertheless, they found by experience in this War, That Fortifications are strengthened by the Defendants, rather than the Defendants by the Fortifications.  
The 22 of july, 
The Turks before Nicosia.  the Bassa with his Army encamped within a mile and a half of the City, when presently the Turks by Troops issuing out of the Camp, rid contemptuously before the Walls and Gates of the City, and with often and loud outcries upbraided the Defendants; which by them being answered with silence, was taken as a token of their fear. And Mustapha himself coming as near as he might without danger, took full view of the Walls and situation of the City. Shortly after, the Enemy drew nearer unto the City into a more open plain, and with their Tents filled the lower part of the Hill, which they called Mandia; but the Bassa's Tent they set aloft upon the Hill, to the terror of the Defendants and encouragement of the Turks. The Camp being fortified, the Turks with incredible labour and celerity brought their Trenches from far, and at the first cast up some few Forts, but afterwards, as their Army increased, many more; which they raised so high, that they overtopped the Walls of the City, and made the place more dangerous for the Christians to defend. There having placed seventy great Pieces of Battery, 
Nicosia battered and assaulted, and by the Christians valiantly defended.  they began to batter the City both day and night without intermission; with such an horrible thundering, that the Earth trembled, the Houses shook as if they would have fallen down; at which time many were slain; both with the deadly Shot, and the broken pieces of Stones beaten out of the Walls; never was such a fear as then within the City of Nicosia; every day the Enemy brought his Trenches nearer and nearer, and rested not until he had with restless labour brought them unto the very brim of the Town-Ditch, which the citizen's before the coming of the Turks had not well scoured. Being come so nigh, they first skirmished a far off with their small Pieces; but afterwards, they not only battered the Walls with their great Artillery, but with small Shot, Arrows, and Stones, overwhelmed the Defendants, as if it had been a shower of Hail; so to have driven them from off the Wall and Rampires. In few days, not only all the Curtains betwixt three of the Bulwarks, was by the fury of the great Ordnance beaten down, but all places thereabout lay full of the dead Bodies of the assailants and defendants. For although the Christians fought at great disadvantage, both for the number of Men, and indifferency of the place; yet desperation joined with exteam necessity, of all other the greatest Weapon, gave them such courage, as with Shot, Stones, Timber, and such like, to keep down their Enemies, and defend their Walls; and oftentimes to make great slaughter of them, with their Atillery and murdering Pieces, bend upon them as at a certain mark, who the thicker they stood the greater was their harm. They also oftentimes dismounted many of the great Pieces and made them unserviceable; and with Featherbeds and Sacks of Cotten-wool, made up their Breaches; which the Turks laboured again to burn with Pich-barrels, and Earthen-pots full of Wildfire. After long fight the Turks entering the Ditch, made themselves two ways to the Walls, which they fortified on both sides with Faggots and Earth; in such sort, as that they were safe from the loops of the Bulwarks which flankered the Ditch. All this quickly performed, some presently set up scaling Ladders; others filled the Ditches with Rubbish, Wood, Faggots, and Earth; and others in the mean time with Mattocks and Levers were digging down the Foundations of the Bulwarks Constance and Podocatera, taking name of them that had the chief charge in the building thereof. The Christians right valiantly endured the first Assault of the Enemy, and struck down dead into the Ditches many of them that were climbing up the Ladders; and had in short time slain more than they were themselves in number, and enforced the rest to give over the Assault. These things were done in the beginning of the Siege, whilst yet both parties were strong; in which hard conflicts a great number of Soldiers were lost and most of the Canoniers slain. After this Assault, both parties for a while busied themselves and spent the time in their ingenious devices; wherein it appeared, that the Turks were much cunninger in devising of means to take Cities, than were those Christians in defending the same.  
Now had the Venetians in the first motions of these Wars, prayed aid of divers Christian Princes, from most part of whom they received but cold comfort, as is before declared; yet now at length (though somewhat late) they had drawn into the confederation of this War, the Pope and the King of Spain; by whose example some other Princes of Italy moved, put to also their helping hands. The Venetians, as they whom the matter most concerned, had in good time put their Fleet to Sea; but knowing themselves too weak to encounter the Turks, they lay still upon the Coast of Dalmatia, about jadera, expecting the coming of the Spanish Admiral with his Galleys. Two Months (wherein much might have been done) were now past in this expedition, and yet no news of his coming; so that what the speed and industry of the Venetians had well prepared, was by the delay and lingering of the Spaniard, marred. Besides that, the Plague began to arise in the Fleet, lying so long in one place; which at length grew so hot, that many of the Galleys had neither Mariner nor Soldier left in them; neither did this Mortality so cease, until there were twenty thousand dead thereof; amongst whom were many Noble Gentlemen of great account, which might have done their Country good service, had they been in time employed.  
Summer now almost half spent, 
The Venetian Fleet of an hundred and seventeen Sail at Corcyra.  and the Plague well ceased, the Venetian Admiral weary of expecting of the coming of Auria the Spanish Admiral; gathering together his Fleet which he had before dispersed to avoid the Infection, sailed to Corcyra, where he met with Venerius, another of the Venetian Commanders, who there stayed for him, having but a little before taken from the Turks Costria, now called Suppoto, a Town upon the Sea Coast over against Corcyra. The whole Fleet of the Venetians being assembled together, was an hundred and seventeen Sail, amongst which were twelve great Galleasses; but all too weak to give Battle to the Turks, as being themselves stronger in Shipping than in Men. Nevertheless, the Admiral sorry and weary to see the spoil of the Venetian Territory, and moved with the distress of the besieged in Nicosia, rather than for any hope he had with that strength to do any good against the Turks Fleet, departed from Corcyra towards Crete, and the twelfth of August landed at Suda, a Port of that Island. In the later end of this month, Columnius the Pope's Admiral, and Auria Admiral for the King of Spain, arrived there also, whom the Venetian Admiral welcomed with great joy and triumph. The whole Fleet of the Confederate Princes now at length met together, consisted of an hundred ninety two Galleys, and twelve Galleasses, beside Victuallers and other small Vessels, laded with Munition and other necessary provision for the Fleet. Of these Galleys the Pope had set forth twelve, the King of Spain forty two, the rest with the Galleasses were the Venetians. In this Fleet were embarked thirteen thousand six hundred threescore Soldiers; of whom the Pope sent eleven hundred, the King of Spain three thousand nine hundred, and the Venetians eight thousand six hundred and sixty. These three great Commanders entering into counsel, 
The Christian Fleet setteth forward toward Cyprus.  what course to take in their proceedings in this War, after long discourse too and fro, at length by the persuasion of Zanius the Venetian Admiral, resolved to go directly for Cyprus, and to give the Turks Battle, in hope thereby to raise them from the Siege of Nicosia. About the midst of September, this great Fleet furnished with all things needful for such an expedition, loosed from Crete, and with a fair gale of Wind set forward for Cyprus; in all their Course keeping such order, as if they should presently have met with the Enemy. In the midst of these troubles died Petrus Loredanus, Duke of Venice, leaving the rest of the care of that War to Aloysius Mocenicus, who succeeded him in the Dukedom.  
Whilst the Christians thus slowly proceed in their so weighty Affairs, Mustapha in the mean time laid hard Siege to Nicosia; and dividing his Army into four parts, assaulted four of the Bulwarks of the City, with greater force than at any time before from the beginning of the Siege. The Assault was both long and terrible; Fury, and the very sight of the warlike General, who was there a present witness, and beholder of every man's forwardness or cowardice (a matter of great moment) besides their natural fierceness, carried the Turks headlong without any peril or danger. And on the other side, the greatness of the danger, the fear to lose both life and liberty, with the hope of relief, encouraged the Defendants to dare any thing; so that the Turks could not approach the Walls, or mount the scaling Ladders, but they were presently slain, or together with the Ladders thrown to the ground. Many of the Turks were there slain, but especially such as were most forward; and of the Defendants were also more lost than stood with the safety of so small a number; and forasmuch as few or none escaped out of that fight unwounded, the poor Defendants were brought unto a small number. Many skilful men were of opinion, that the City might have been that day taken, if the assault had by the Bassa been longer maintained, by bringing still on fresh men; but such was his loss, as that he was glad for that time to give over the assault, and so with dishonour to retire.  
After this Assault, it was by some of the Captains thought good, 
The Christians sally out of the City upon the Turks.  that they should (whilst they were yet of some reasonable strength in the City) sally forth upon the Enemy; so to make show, that they had yet some good hope in themselves, and withal by so sudden an eruption to perform something upon the secure Enemy. Of which motion, Dandulus the Governor in no case liked, as loath by such a dangerous piece of Service to diminish the number of the Defendants, and so to give the Enemy an easier means to take the City. Yet seeing all the Captains generally of another mind, he yielded unto their desire. So in the hottest time of the day, when as the Turks lest thought that the Christians would have sallied out, certain Italian Companies under the Conduct of Caesar Plovianus of Vincentia, and Albertus Scotus, issued out by the Gate that leadeth to Famagusta, and upon the sudden brake into the Enemy's Trenches; where they found the Turks, some playing, some sleeping, but fearing nothing less than that the Christians, whom they daily braved, durst to have adventured to come forth. At the first entrance the Italians prevailed, and brought a great fear upon that quarter of the Turks Army, and slew many. But when the Turks, awaked with the Alarm, came running in on every side, the Italians oppressed with the multitude, were glad to retire; in which retreat divers of them were slain, and amongst them their two Leaders Caesar and Albertus; so that this sally served to no other purpose than to weaken the Defendants themselves, and to cause the Turks to keep better Watch and Ward against such sudden Eruptions.  
All hope of long defending the City now almost lost, 
Scouts sent out of the City, taken by the Turks and executed.  and that the Defendants could hardly stand upon the Walls, or show their Heads without present danger; they for want of better Counsel, rather than for any hope of good Success, sent out certain Scouts, Men skilful of the Ways and Passages of the Country (whom they had for great Reward induced to undertake the matter) to crave Aid of the Countrypeople, that were in great multitude fled into the safety of the Mountains; and to tell them, that if they came not in time to their Relief, their Wives and Children, whom they had before sent into the City, must needs in short time fall into the Enemy's hand, or perish with hunger; but these Messengers were by the vigilant Enemy intercepted, and in the sight of the besieged tortured to death.  

Letters shot into the City.  About the same time divers Letters were shot with Arrows into the City, to persuade the besieged Christians to yield themselves; for that in so doing they should find the Bassa a mild and merciful Conqueror; whereas otherwise if they should by wilful holding out delay his Victory, 
Mustapha Bassa in vain persuadeth them of Nicosia to yield.  they were sure to endure whatsoever could be endured or suffered. But when Mustahpa had thus in vain with hope and fear tried the minds of the Defendants, he called forth to Parley certain Soldiers that were standing upon the Bulwark called Constantius, of whom some were by the consent of the Governor sent forth unto him; unto whom Mustapha by his Interpreter complained, That no answer was given unto his Letters; he set forth unto them the Glory, Power, and Greatness of the Turkish Empire; and debased the strength of the Venetians; then he persuaded them to yield, propounding unto them the miseries that would fall upon them if the City should by force be taken▪ which he threatened would be far greater than the danger the Turks were to undertake for the winning thereof; and that therefore it concerned none so much as themselves, whether the City were given up by Composition, or else won by strong hand; he showed unto them the profit that should arise unto them by yielding of it up, and offered to them large Entertainment, if they would serve him; and to conclude, told them, that they should never afterwards find at his Hands so great Grace as was at that instant offered them. The crafty Bassa did what he might to hasten the winning of the City, both for that he doubted the coming of the Christian Fleet, and that his great Army was exceedingly troubled with contagious and grievous Diseases, arising of the immoderate heat and drought in that so hot a Country. But the Soldiers thinking any thing more assured than the Turkish Faith; answered him. That they did not as yet doubt their own strength, and that they were ready to endure any thing that could happen, rather than to prefer the uncertain Friendship of an unknown Prince, before the gracious Favour of such worthy Princes as they had so good experience of.  
This Answer cut off all the Bassas hope for taking of the City by Composition; wherewith being both grieved and enraged, he commanded all things to be made ready for the Assault; and the more to encourage his Soldiers, promised unto them great Rewards and Honours that should first or second mount the Walls. After that, he gave a general assault unto the City, with all his Power; wherein both he as a most worthy Captain, and his Soldiers, fought most fiercely. You have to do (said he) with the small and last remainders of your Enemies; 
Mustapha encourageth his Soldiers.  which are scarce able to stand or hold their Weapons in their Hands, rather than with Enemies indeed; shall you not then easily overcome them, being both few and feeble, that have vanquished them when they were many and lusty? The end of all your Labours is at hand, your hoped Rewards approach; only play you the men, and faint not in this Assault; the Spoil of this rich City shall be the worthy reward of your Labours, the fruit of all your Travel consisteth in this one moment. Whilst he thus encourageth some, and reproveth others, they mindful of his Promises, and these of the disgrace, altogether with their thick shot suffer no Man to stand in safety upon the Walls, and out of their Forts also with their great Ordnance greatly annoyed the Defendants. This done, they attempted by the ruins of the Wall, 
Nicosia most terribly assaulted by the Turks.  and in other places by Scaling-Ladders to have entered the City. Which terrible Assault was by the cruel Enemy maintained, not for some few hours, but for divers days together without any intermission, fresh men still coming on in stead of them that were wounded or slain. Yet did the Defendants valiantly endure all that Storm, and in such weak case as they were, worthily performed what was possible for so few to do; yet still in hope (the poor comfort of men in misery) that Relief might come by the approach of the Christian Fleet. At length, when the matter was brought to this Point, that the Turks were in great hope to have gained the Walls, and Mustapha himself probably guessed, That the Christians were now weary of the long Assault, and sore weakened with Wounds and other infinite Miseries, not to seek in a City so hardly distressed, and was in that his opinion also confirmed by certain Fugitive Christians; he nevertheless upon the sudden caused a Retreat to be sounded, and so retiring into his Trenches, lay still all the next day without any thing doing. The Defendants thinking that he had given over the Assault, because of some Aid that was coming to their Relief, became more careless of the Enemy, and upon the vain hope of such Aid, with less diligence repaired their Breaches, and provided for the repulsing of their Enemies. But the Bassa in the mean time had chosen out of his whole Army about 200 of his best Captains and Soldiers, all Men of approved valour and agility of Body, whom the next day after, he sent early in the Morning, to make proof if they could with Scaling-Ladders secretly and without any noise set up, get into the four Bulwarks which he had before sore shaken with his great Ordnance. These resolute Men leading the way, 
The Turks gain the Bulwarks and Walls of Nicosia  got first up, after whom followed divers others, and so took the aforesaid Bulwarks; when presently after, other Companies of their Fellows which stood ready for the purpose, coming on forward, did with their Scaling-Ladders in divers places recover the top of the Walls; for now the matter was not done by secret surprise, but by open force. In every one of these Bulwarks were 70 Italians and as many Epirots, who there kept Watch and Ward; these Men part asleep, as fearing no such danger, and part lying lazily upon the ground, were there surprised on the sudden and slain; othersome of them awaked with the strange and uncouth noise, betook not themselves lustily to their Weapons, but forsaking their stations leapt down out of the Bulwarks at such places as were next unto them, some for fear ran unawares into the midst of their Enemies. Upon this Alarm some of the Christian Captains came speedily to the Walls with their Companies, as did Eugenius, who whilst he in vain crieth out to such fearful Soldiers as he met, that they should not so cowardly fly, and stayeth others that were flying, was himself shot through with a small shot and slain. Other Captains in other places likewise laboured in vain to have stayed the flying Soldiers, whose Persuasions, Requests, and Authority in so general a fear, nothing at that time prevailed.  

Nicosia taken by the Turks.  The Defendants thus beaten from the Walls and Bulwarks, gathered themselves into the Market place; but the Citizens stealing home to their own Houses, there stood in the Entrances of the same, fearfully expecting the destruction of the Country, together were their own. In the mean time the Governor of Aleppo with his Regiment scoured the Walls of the City round about, as he had in charge from the General; and without respect put to Sword all that he met armed or unarmed. At the Bulwark called Barbarus, it fortuned him to light upon a Company of Italians, who for a while fought desperately, but were in the end overthrown and slain. When he had thus cleared the Walls, and left such Companies as he thought good in places convenient for the keeping of them, he came down into the more open places of the City; and seeing them that were gathered together into the Market place to have cast themselves into a Ring, and to fight as Men altogether desperate, he caused certain murdering Pieces to be bend upon them; which they perceiving, laid down their Weapons, and yielded themselves unto the mercy of the Enemy. By and by all the Gates of the City were strongly guarded by the Enemy, to the intent that no Man should go in or out. Dandulus the Governor, and Contarenus the Bishop of Paphos, with the rest of the Nobility, and better sort of the Citizens, had got themselves into the Town-Hall, and there stood upon their Guard; unto whom Mustapha sent word, that he would take them all to mercy, if they would without further resistance yield themselves. But while Messengers run to and fro▪ the Turks violently broke in upon them, and there slew them every man. After the death of these Noblemen, the crued Enemy spared none; and having slain such as they found abroad in the Streets, broke into the Houses, where they made havoc of all things; young Babes were violently taken out of the Arms of their Mothers, Virgins were shamefully ravished, and honest Matrons before their Husband's faces despitefully abused, Churches were spoiled, 
A great slaughter.  and all places filled with mourning and dead Bodies; the Streets were in all places stained with blood, for in the City was slain that day fourteen thousand eight hundred threescore and six persons. Neither was there any end of the spoil, until the greedy Enemy had carried away all the Wealth that long Peace had heaped up. It is reported, that the Prey there taken, amounted to twenty hundred thousand millions of Ducats; 200 of the most goodly and beautiful Youths were chosen out of purpose to be sent to Constantinople for a Present for Selimus. In the City were taken also 250 Pieces of great Ordnance; whereof some were by the Enemy carried away, and the rest left for defence of the City. Thus the famous City of Nicosia, sometime the Regal Seat of the Kings of Cyprus, fell into the hands of the Turks, the ninth day of September, in the year, 1570. in whose Power it still remaineth.  
Mustapha having as he thought best disposed of all things in Nicosia, with the very terror of his name, rather than by any force, brought most part of the rest of the Towns in the Island under his Obeisance; and by fair entreaty and promise of good usage, brought back again unto their wont dwellings the rude Countrypeople, who upon t●e coming of the Turks were fled with all they had into the Mountains; them as Men not to be feared, he commanded to till and sow their Land as they were wont. 
Cyrene yielded unto the Turks.  The City of Cyrene is strongly situated, not far from the Sea, and was then well furnished of all things needful for the enduring of a long Siege. Hither the Bassa sent one of the Sanzacks to Summon the City, more to prove the courage of the Defendants, than for any hope he had to have the City delivered unto him. But Alphonsus Palacius then Governor of the City, terrified with the loss of Nicosia, no sooner saw the Enemy, but that without any further deliberation or force used against him, he delivered up the Town unto the Sanzack; covenanting only in reward of his cowardice, That he might in safety depart from thence with all his Garrison-Souldiers; which was easily granted, and the City surrendered.  
Not long after, 
Famagusta besieged.  Mustapha leaving a thousand Horsemen, and three thousand Foot in Garrison in Nicosia, marched with the rest of his Army to besiege Famagusta. And the more to terrify them of the City, he by a poor Country-fellow, whom he had for that purpose set at liberty, sent unto them in a Basket the Head of Nicholaus Dandulus, late Governor of Nicosia, and at the same time sent before him divers Horsemen, who upon their Horseman's staves carried the Heads of many of the Noblemen slain at Nicosia, wherewith they rid as in Triumph about the Walls of the City. Which thing he did, in hope that they of Famagusta terrified with such a spectacle, and the late overthrow of Nicosia, would for fear of like misery yield themselves. But deceived in this his expectation, he encamped his Army about three miles from them City. Afterwards having taken view of the City, 
Mustapha raiseth his Siege.  and well considered of the situation thereof, he with wonderful celerity cast up divers Mounts against the same, and at the same time caused Battery to be laid against the great Tower which defended the Haven; he himself also in the mean while battering the Gate that leadeth to Amathus. But perceiving by the desperate sallies of the Defendants, their great courage, and that he was like to have much more to do in this Siege than he had in the winning of Nicosia, and Winter also now drawing fast on (being about the later end of September) he thought it best betime to provide, that by lying there he hazarded not the honour he had with so much labour and danger before gained; and the rather, for that it was commonly reported, that the Christian Fleet was at hand; wherefore he rose with his Army, and retired himself further off into the Country, where he shortly after bilited his Soldiers in the Villages round about for that Winter.  
The Bassas at Sea, Haly and Pial, lying before Famagusta, 
The Turks at Sea advertised of the coming of the Christian Fleet, prepare themselves for Battle.  doubting the coming of the Christian Fleet, which then lay at Crete, sent out six Galliots to discover the doings of the Christians; who returning with certain Prisoners taken in the Island of Crete, declared unto the Bassas what they had learned concerning the Christian Fleet, and that it was already upon the way to Cyprus. Upon which intelligence the Bassas put their Fleet into the order of Battle, and set forwards towards Limisso to have met with the Christians; who with a prosperous Wind were coming betwixt the Island of Capratho● and the Rhodes; but there understanding by their Spials, that Nicosia was lost, and that the Turks were come to besiege Famagusta; they called a Council of all the chief Commanders in the Fleet, to consult what were best to do in so dangerous a case. Columnius the Pope's Admiral, and then chief Commander in the Fleet, with Zanius the Venetian Admiral, were of opinion, That it were best to hold on their course for Cyprus, 
The Commanders of the Christian Fleet of divers opinions for giving of the Turks Battle.  and to relieve Famagusta; for that it was like that the Turks proud of their late Victory, were for desire of prey, for most part gone ashore into the Island, and so left their Fleet but slenderly manned. Beside that, they alleged, That the Venetian Senate had expressly decreed, That they should give the Turks Battle. But Auria the Spanish Admiral thinking it, as indeed it was, to be a matter of great difficulty and danger, was quite of another mind, saying, That he could not but marvel, how the Venetian Senators sitting at their ease in Counsel, could before they knew their own strength, and power of the Enemy, the nature of the Country, and purpose of their Foes, determine what were fit for Martial Men to do; unto whose actions no certain rule could be prescribed. All the Shores (he said) were kept with the Enemy's Garrisons; so that what need soever they should have, they could neither come by Water or Wood, or put into any Harbour. Besides that, the Enemy would give them Battle at his own pleasure, and not at theirs; for that they were not of so much power, as to enforce him to fight: And that if the Senate, which used to do all things warily, and with great advisement, did but see the weakness of their Galleys, wanting both Soldiers and Mariners, they would be of another mind. He alleged further, That they were to wage War in the Enemy's Country, where there was no Port to receive their Fleet, no peaceable place, no confederate City, nor King to friend; whereas the time of the year grew every day worse and worse, when as they had neither Harbour to put into, neither were able to abide the Sea. And now that Nicosia was lost, for the relief whereof they were come so far, there was no reason longer for them to stay, the Enemy so strongly possessing the Island with his great Army, as that there was not any hope to do any good against him. And that to keep him from Victual, and so to distress him, was not possible, lying in a most fertile Island, and in the midst of his own Dominions; whereas they, who were to be still relieved from far, should sooner feel the want than the Enemy. He was victualled (as he said) when he came from home, but for three months, in hope to have made a short dispatch, and had now two thousand miles' home. He said moreover, that he had express commandment from the King, to return to Messina before Winter, and that therefore so soon as the month was out he would depart. The Venetian Admiral desiring nothing more, than by Battle at Sea to overthrow the Turks, and so to relieve the distressed Cypriots, urged the Spanish Admiral to proceed in the Voyage; saying, That so great aid was not sent from the Pope and the King, only for the relief of Nicosia, but to deliver the whole Island from the danger of the Turk. Of the same opinion with the Spanish Admiral were divers other great Captains in the Fleet; namely Sfortia; who said, That nothing was to be so done, as might rashly exopse unto casualty or power of the Enemy, the public Fortune and Majesty of the Christian Common-weal, which was in that Fleet greatly hazarded: That longer stay might bring further danger; that in that Fleet consisted the whole welfare of the Commonweal, wherein more might be lost, if any mishap should chance thereunto, than was good to be gained by the relieving of Famagusta. The great Commanders thus differing in opinions, the Council was in a heat dissolved, and nothing concluded. 
The Christian Fleet returneth upon the foul disagreement of the Commanders.  Upon which so foul a disagreement the Fleet began now to return back again, but so, that it was not now as before, one, but three Fleets, every Admiral by himself drawing after him his Fleet. Auria the Spanish Admiral, who first returned, after he had been two days wonderfully with Tempest tossed at Sea, came at last to Carpathos, and departing thence, with much ado arrived with his Fleet in the Island of Crete; from whence he by a Messenger sent of purpose, requested leave of Columnius the Pope's Admiral, that he might with his good will presently return home. Whereunto Columnius answered, That he would give him no such leave; but rather charged him, in the duty he ought to the good of the Christian Commonweal, not to depart, but to keep company with the rest of the Fleet until it were past Zacynthus, that so with their united Forces they might more safely pass by the Enemy's Countries; whereas otherwise, if any thing should by his hasty departure fall out otherwise than well, it should be imputed to the dishonour of him that had forsaken his Friends, and not of them that were so by him forsaken. But unto this Auria answered, That the welfare of the Kingdoms of Sicily and Naples consisted in the safety of this Fleet; and that therefore having haste home, he could not stay to keep company with their heavy Galleasses and other Ships of burden, which must oftentimes be towed forward. This he openly pretended for his departure; yet secretly sought (as it was deemed) to find an occasion whereby to withdraw himself (being as he accounted the better Man at Sea) from the command of Columnius, whereunto he was full sore against his will subject.  
After they had thus a while spent the time with reasoning the matter to and fro, Auria of himself without further leave hoist Sail, and so at length came to Messina in Sicily; neither did Columnius and Zenius stay in those Quarters long after him, but having endured much trouble at Sea, arrived at last, Columnius in Italy, and Zanius at Corcyra. Thus this mighty Fleet, which had all this Summer filled the Mediterranean with all the Countries thereabout, with the expectation of some great matter, was by the discord of the Generals dissolved, having done nothing at all worth the remembrance. In this idle expedition many thousands of right valiant Men lost their lives, being dead of divers Diseases proceeding of change of Diet, and unseasonableness of the Wether in that hot Climate; amongst whom was the valiant Count Hieronimus Martinengus, sent by the Senate with three thousand Soldiers for the defence of Famagusta; who also most of them perished in that Voyage. The Venetian Fleet was no sooner arrived at Corcyra, 
Zanlus the Venetian Admiral discharged of his Office, and sent in bonds to Venice.  but Augustinus Barbadicus was sent from the Senate to discharge Zanius the Admiral of his Office, and to send him Prisoner to Venice; in whose room was placed Sebastianus Venerius Governor of that Island.  
The Turks Bassas at Sea certainly advertised of the departure of the Christian Fleet, were not a little proud thereof, as by the confession of their Enemies, their Betters. Yet forasmuch as the Seas began then to grow rough, and no Enemy appeared, they thought it to no purpose to keep the Seas with so great a Fleet, and therefore resolved to leave Mustapha with his Army in Cyprus, the next year to make an end of his Conquest so happily begun; and seven Galleys at Sea before Famagusta, that no relief should that way be brought into the City, and so to depart themselves with the rest of the Fleet to Winter in more safer Harbours; Pial with the greater part of the Fleet to Constantinople, and Haly with the rest to the Rhodes. And because they would for their greater credit prepare some worthy Present for their great Lord and Master Selimus, they fraughted a great Gallion of Muhametes the chief Bassas, and two other tall Ships, with the richest of the Spoil of Nicosia, and the choice of the Prisoners there taken. But when they were now ready to hoist Sail and depart, 
A desperate Fact of a Woman.  as they were carrying out of the Gallion, certain Barrels of Gunpowder which Mustapha the General had commanded for his better provision to be landed, a noble Gentlewoman Captive in the Gallion, wishing rather to die with honour, than to live dishonoured, secretly fired the Powder; by force whereof the said Gallion with the other two Ships, were suddenly rend in pieces; and all that was therein blown up into the Air. Of all that were in those three Vessels, none escaped with life but the Master of the Gallion, and two Christian Captives, but there perished together with the rich Spoil. But the Bassas following their former resolution, departed from Cyprus, and afterwards in safety arrived at Constantinople; where both then and all the Winter following, such preparation was in making, as if Selimus had the next year purposed some far greater matter than the Conquest of Cyprus.  
Whilst Sebastianus Venerius (now the Venetian Admiral) yet lay at Corcyra, the rude Acroceraunian people, more famous for nothing than for their Theft and want of all things; by trusty Messengers promised to deliver into his power the strong Castle of Chimaera, kept by a Garrison of three hundred Turks, if he himself with a few Galleys and a convenient number of Footmen, would come into the Bay of Ambracia; offering him good Hostages for the better assurance of their promise. 
The strong Castle of Chimaera taken by Venerius.  Of which their offer he gladly accepted, and forthwith went to the appointed place with a Company of Horsemen, three thousand Footmen, and certain Galleys; who were no sooner landed, but that presently a thousand of those rough Mountain people came unto them; with which power taking the Hill, and repulsing the Turks Garrison coming to the relief of the Castle, he so discouraged them that were in the Hold, that the next night they let themselves down with Ropes into the Valley below; but being descried, were there all either taken or slain. And so in a very short time was that strong Castle taken by the Admiral, and a strong Garrison of Christians put into it in stead of the Turks.  
Not long after, Quirinus the Viceadmiral, 
Quirinus taketh a Castle of the Turks in Peloponnesus.  a Man of great Courage, landed with twenty four Galleys in Peloponnesus near the Bay of Maine, and there upon the sudden both by Sea and Land besieged a strong Castle, which the Turks but two years before had built to trouble the Christians passing that way. Which Castle he took in five hours, and put to the Sword five hundred Turks which lay there in Garrison; and razing it down to the ground, carried away with him four and twenty great Pieces of Artillery into the Island of Zacynthus.  
At such time as Mustapha before lay at the Siege of Famagusta, Bragadinus Governor of the Town, and Baleonius a most expert Captain, from out of the high places of the City beholding the great Army of the Turks (which covered the ground almost as far as they could see,) with the cunning manner of their Fortification, were therewith much moved; and therefore thought it good betime to give the Senate knowledge thereof, and in so great a danger to crave their aid. And that their request might be of more weight, and have the better hearing, they entreated Hieronimus Ragazonius Bishop of the City, a reverend and devout Man, to take upon him that charge; unto whom they joined Nicholas Donatus a noble Gentleman of Cyprus. The Bishop at the first was very unwilling to go, as loath in so great danger to leave his Flock; but at length overcome with the entreaty of the Governor, and Tears of the besieged, suffered himself to be entreated; and embarked in a Galley about the going down of the Sun, losing out of the Haven, and hoising Sail, with a fair gale of Wind passed through the Turks Fleet, which then lay at Anchor before the City; and by the coming on of the night, and by the great way he made, got him quickly out of sight. After four days failing he came to Crete, and so at last to Venice; where, as he had before unto the Admiral, so there unto the Senate he declared the dangerous estate of the City, the strength of the Enemy, the weakness of the Defendants against so great a multitude, and the want of many things needful for the holding out of the Siege; and to be brief, that except they sent speedy relief, the City could not be kept. Zanius at that time Admiral, careful for the besieged, caused four tall Ships to be laded with all manner of Victual and a great quantity of Gunpowder, and put into them seventeen hundred select Soldiers, all which he sent from Crete to the relief of them of Famagusta; appointing M. Antonius Quirinus with twelve of the best Galleys in all the Fleet, to conduct the same thither. 
Quirinus' a valiant Gentleman.  This Quirinus was a most valiant and expert Captain, meanly descended, but by service grown to be a Man both of great reputation and wealth; and therefore Zanius at his departure to Venice although he knew the matter required haste, yet presuming upon his wisdom and carefulness, left it to his discretion, when and how to perform that piece of service. Quirinus (not without cause) doubting to set forward, the Seas as then full of the Turks Galleys, year 1571. stayed until Winter was well spent, and then setting forward the seventeenth of january, kept aloof from the Ships, which with a prosperous. Wind came directly before Famagusta; in hope that the Turks Galleys which lay in the mouth of the Haven, might so be drawn farther into the Sea, in hope of some good Booty, he himself staying with his Galleys in place convenient out of sight. Neither had the event deceived his expectation, had not his fierce nature hindered the same; for the Turks upon the dawning of the day descrying the Ships, made hastily toward them; but Quirinus not able longer to stay himself, and before desirous to fight with them, showed himself too soon in the open Sea, before the Enemy was come near the Ships; whom as soon as the Turks had seen, and that there was no hope to withstand him, they stayed their Oars, and with all speed retired. But Quirinus following faster upon them, they were glad for safeguard of their lives, with all the power they could to run three of their Galleys aground, and to run to shore themselves; which three Galleys, Quirinus did with his great Ordnance beat all to pieces, and sore gauled the other four. The Haven thus cleared, he returned again unto the Ships, and brought them with the supply in safety to Famagusta; upon whose arrival was great rejoicing both amongst the Garrison Soldiers and the citizen's; for the Turks thought nothing less, than that the Christian Galleys durst at that time of the year have put into those dangerous Seas; which Quirinus well knowing, came forth again with his Galleys, and roaming up and down at his pleasure, took two of the Enemy's Ships richly laded coming to the Camp; with which Booty he enriched his Soldiers; and further incited by occasion, landed his Men in divers places alongst the Sea Coast in Pamphilia, and there did great harm. So having filled the Country with the terror and fame of his Name, he returned again to Famagusta; where he notably encouraged the Garrison Soldiers, persuading them to remember their wont Valour; and filling them with hope that the Christian Fleet would be with them in the beginning of the next Summer, to deliver them from their Enemies, and to raise the Siege. So having in twenty days dispatched that he came for, and done what good service else he could, he departed from Famagusta, and within five days after arrived at Crete.  
It was not long, but Selimus had knowledge of this late supply put into Famagusta, 
Negligence severely punished by Selimus.  and of the harms done by Quirinus; wherewith he was so highly displeased, that he commanded the Governor of Chios his Head to be struck off, and the Governor of the Rhodes to be disgraced, whose charge it was to have kept those Seas, so that nothing should have been conveied into Famagusta. Neither spared he Pial Bassa, but deprived him of his Admiralty, and placed Partau Bassa Admiral in his stead, for that he had not the year before discomfited the Christian Fleet at the Island of Crete, as it was supposed he might have done.  
From the beginning of this War, the Venetians, with Pius Quintus then Pope, who greatly favoured their cause, had most earnestly from time to time solicited Philip King of Spain, to enter with them into the participation and fellowship of this War; which their request standing indeed with the good of his State, he seemed easily to yield unto; and therefore sent Auria, his Admiral the last year, with his Fleet to aid them, but with such success as is before declared. As for to join with them in perpetual League and Confederation (as it was termed) against the common Enemy, that he referred unto the discreet consideration of the two Cardinals, Granvellan and Pace, and Io. Zunica his Ambassador, sent for that purpose to Rome; promising to perform whatsoever they should on his behalf agree upon or consent unto. At the same time, and for the same purpose lay also Surianus the Venetian Ambassador at Rome; unto whom the Pope joined Cardinal Morone, Aldobrandinus, and Rusticucius, with certain other of the chief Cardinals, as Men indifferent to both parties, to moderate and compose such differences and difficulties as should arise betwixt the aforesaid Commissioners for the King and the Venetians, concerning the intended League. But these grave Men, sent from so great Princes about so great a matter (as well there could not be a greater) were no sooner met together and set in consultation, but that forthwith they began to jar about the Capitulations of the League. Necessary it was thought that a League should be agreed upon against so puissant and dangerous an Enemy, but to find the way how the same might be concluded to the contentment of all parties, seemed a matter almost impossible. Oftentimes these Commissioners sat, but the oftener the farther off; if one difficulty were by the discretion of some appeased, in stead thereof at the next meeting arise three others. The chief command of the Army to be raised, the proportion of the Forces, the manner of the War, with many other like circumstances incident to so great Actions, made great differences among them; but most of all, the indifferent proportioning of the charge, the Spanish Commissioners seeking to turn the greatest part thereof upon the Venetians, and the Venetians upon them; which was done with such earnestness and study of every Man towards his own part, as if they had all there met for the bettering of the particular State from which they were sent, rather than for the Common good; For the Spaniard, who in former time was glad to keep the Frontiers of his large Dominions in Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Majorca, Minorca, yea and of Spain itself, with strong Garrisons for fear of the Turk; now that the War was risen betwixt the Venetians and him, and the danger thereof translated far off into other men's Territories; enjoined now in his own an unwonted quietness, to the great content of his Subjects and easing of his own Charge in maintaining of so many Garrisons as before; whereof many were now thought needless. Besides that, he by the Indulgence of the Pope raised such great Sums of Money upon his Clergy, as was thought by many, sufficient to discharge the Charge of the War: For which causes he cared not for entering in any further League with the Venetians, but as it were in courtesy to send them a yearly Aid, to maintain a defensive linger War, and so to keep the Turks busied upon the Venetian, a far off from his own Territories. But the Venetians, in whose Dominions the fierce Enemy daily raged, as well in Dalmatia as in Cyprus, were even for the same reasons moved to hasten and shorten the War, that the Spaniard was to protract it; for beside the nearness of the danger, and the infinite calamities by them sustained, their yearly revenues arising for most part of their Customs, were greatly impaired, and their Traffic (the maintenance of their State) almost quite cut off; which caused them more earnestly to confederate themselves with the Spaniard. But hard it was to join in one, States so far differing in respect of their particular profit, and almost by nature contrary. Thus was all the last year, and a great part of this also, spent by the aforesaid Commissioners in turbulent and fruitless Conferences, but nothing was as yet concluded Concerning the League: which troubled the Venetians not a little, being of themselves too weak for so mighty an Enemy as was Selimus, and yet no other certain strength from their Friends to rest upon. But whilst they stood thus doubtful of the League with Spain, and quite out of hope of any atonement with Selimus; upon the sudden when they least expected, it was by good Fortune laid as it were in their Laps, to make choice whether they would (as they had before most earnestly desired) join in League with the Pope and the King of Spain, or else fall to agreement with Selimus; and that by this means.  

Muhamet Bassa a secret friend unto the Venetians, puts them in hope of Peace.  Muhamet the chief Bassa, a secret friend unto the Venetians, of whom he had been of long time honoured, had no great liking of the prosperous success of Mustapha in Cyprus, and therefore devised night and day, how to cross the rising of him, the Competitor of his Honour; and with all to help the Venetians, unto whom he was much beholden. He by secret Messengers had before oftentimes sounded the mind of the Venetian Ambassador, and put him in hope, that if suit were made unto Selimus for Peace, it would undoubtedly be granted; and further promised, to be himself a helper and intercessor for the same. But finding the Ambassador to cast many perils, and to give small credit unto their talk, who had before by trusting them deceived him; he did not so give over the matter, but referring the further tempering with him unto a more fit time, for the present he took opportunity to enter into discourse with Selimus himself concerning the Venetians, and told him that it was reported, That they weary of the long altercation they had had with the Spaniards concerning the League, and now destitute of all hope and aid, would now haply of their own accord grant him that which they had before to him denied. And perceiving him not unwillingly to hear so of them, he proceeded further in the matter, to know his pleasure what he would have done therein; cunningly by the way of good Counsel persuading him unto that which he most wished himself to be done. Immediately after, he secretly advertised M. Antonius the Venetian Ambassador, That there was great hope of Peace, and that therefore the Senate should under the colour of exchanging of Prisoners, and redeeming of Merchants Good, send some fit Men to Constantinople, with whom he would in secret confer of all such matters as might farther the pacification. This unexpected news from the Ambassador brought to Venice, was well heard of the Senate; for they thought it much to concern their State, to have a way opened whereby upon tolerable conditions to make Peace with the mighty Tyrant, if that the League betwixt them and the King of Spain could not be concluded. Hereupon they made choice of one jacobus Ragazonius to go about the matter to Constantinople. 
The Venetians send an Ambassador to Selimus to entreat with him of Peace.  This Ragazonius was a Man of great spirit and dexterity of Wit to take any matter in hand, and of a great reach and deep judgement in the managing thereof; and withal exceeding rich, and of so good carriage of himself, as that he was therefore famous; all which things were thought of great moment to win the favour of that covetous and barbarous Nation. The Senate, although they had not yet made proof what Men thought of the matter, yet doubted they not, but that upon the report of the sending of this notable Man, Men would thereof diversely divine, every Man according to his own fantasy; and that many of the wiser sort would indeed surmise, as the truth was, that he was sent for to entreat of Peace, although the exchange of Prisoners, and redemption of Merchant's Goods, were the only things were openly pretended; and the Senate, although they thought it not amiss to have it so understood, because such a suspicion was like enough to stir up both the Pope and the Spaniard to accept of such conditions of the desired League, as they had before rejected; yet lest the hope of the League (which they for many causes thought good to cherish) thereby cut off, might cause the Pope and the Spaniard both to be cold in the matter, they certified both them and other Christian Princes, of the sending of Ragazonius; yet of purpose concealing the secret drift of his going. Ragazonius throughly instructed by the Senate, was in a Galley conducted to Ragusium; which Cassan-Beg (the great Bassa Muhametes Son, Governor of Liburnia) understanding, met him upon the Frontiers, and told him, That he was sent by his Father, both to meet him and safe conduct him; which the Martial Man, contrary to the manner of the Turks, courteously performed, honourably entertaining him, and afterward sending him with a safe Convoy until he was out of all danger. Ragazonius coming to Constantinople, 
Ragazon●us the Venetian Ambassador cometh to Constantinople.  was there by night secretly received into the City, and at first brought into a little base Inn, and a Guard set over him that he should speak with no Man. But after three days he was removed to a much better place, and presented with divers kinds of dainty Dishes of sundry kinds of Meats. The effect of his Message was, to try the Turks minds, and after conference had with the Ambassador, to entreat of Peace. At length having access to the great Bassa Muhamet, 
The conference betwixt Mohamet the great Bassa, and Ragazonius.  after he had delivered unto him (as he had in charge) his Message concerning the exchange of Prisoners and Merchants Goods; Muhamet asked him, If he had nothing in charge from the Senate concerning a pacification to be made? Whereunto he answered, That he had, but that he must first speak with the Ambassador, without whose Advice and Counsel he was not of himself to do any thing. At that first encounter, the Bassa to terrify the Messenger, declared unto him the innumerable multitude of the Turks Horsemen and Footmen, which no Nation (as he vainly boasted) was able by force or policy to withstand: Also his great and invincible Fleets at Sea, with whom all the power of the Christians joined together, was not able to encounter; and much other such like strength and wealth of his; And that the Venetians were now no more able to withstand Selimus, than they were in times past to resist his Father and his Ancestors. Yet he discoursed of this matter in such sort, as not thereby to cut off the hope of the pacification; but said, That the Venetians should best have provided for the safety of their State, if at the first they had listened unto him, friendly and faithfully advising them not to have entered into Arms, in which doing they showed more courage than power; and that yet, as the case now stood, and that Selimus was in a most assured hope, in short time to become Lord and Master of the whole Island, it should be to their great good, to prefer the favour and good will of the Turks before War, and by the voluntary yielding up of Cyprus, gain unto themselves perpetual Peace and Tranquillity. As for the Isle itself, it was not now worth the hazarding of so many dangers, being destitute of Inhabitants, which were almost all either slain or fled, the cattle driven away, the Towns ransacked and burnt, and the whole Country, of late most pleasant and beautiful, now so spoiled and unpeopled, that it could not of long time yield unto him that should have it, any profit or commodity. Ragazonius being a cool and advised Man, and withal perceiving that the Bassa was not to be contradicted in his talk, so tempered his answer, as that he showed no token of fear, neither let any word fall that might offend his ears, saying, That he was right glad that he had found so much favour in his sight, as to have access and leave to talk with so great a Prince, who for wisdom and gravity excelled all the rest of the Princes of the great Emperor's Court; who so far as he might with his Loyalty towards his Sovereign, had always most graciously favoured the Venetian State; who also not ignorant of the uncertainty of worldly things, knew of all others best, that on both sides were both Men and Arms, and that most mighty Princes had oftentimes with small forces been overthrown, the event of things never deceiving Men more than in matters of War; no power upon Earth being sure, which could not within some bounds contain the strength of itself; and that therefore he was in good hope, that he so worthy a Man knowing best what belongeth both to Peace and War, would devise some such course as might sort to the good and quiet both of the Venetian State and Turkish Empire; in which doing he should find sufficient matter for his eternal praise and glory, if by his discreet wisdom a pacification might be made. Such talk having passed at their first meeting, Ragazonius had leave to speak with the Ambassador, who then lay at Pera under safe keeping. In passing over to Pera, Ragazonius might see a Fleet of Turkish Galleys encountering one with another in manner of a Fight at Sea, which the Turks had of purpose provided to show unto him as a strange sight. Whereat Ragazonius smiling, said unto the Turks that were present with him, That it was a pretty Childish Sport for him that had never seen the like before; but not to the Venetians, who were acquainted with these matters in earnest; as the Turks should well know whensoever they had a mind to make proof what they were able to do at Sea. Ragazonius coming to the Ambassador, had conference with him at large, and resolved with him what to do in his negotiation. And so returning to Muhamet, easily dispatched with him for the exchange of Prisoners and Merchants Goods; but when they came to talk of the Capitulations of a pacification to be made, at the first they were so far off, as if they would never have met; but after much and often Conference, sometime the one yielding, and sometime the other, the matter was brought to some conformity, so that there was no such great difference betwixt them, but that they were like enough to have agreed. Pius the Pope, and Philip the King of Spain, 
The Pope and the King of Spain f●aring lest the Venetians should make Peace with the Turk hasten the confederation.  advertised of the sending of Ragazonius to Constantinople, began to imagine as the truth was, that he was sent about some treaty of Peace, what colour soever the Senate pretended to cover the same. And therefore doubting lest the Turkish Emperor having once made Peace with the Venetians, should turn his great Forces already prepared, upon the one or both of them, they thought it good for troubling of that Peace, now with all speed to hasten the League, which they had so long bofore delayed. For which purpose the Pope sent the noble Columnius to Venice; who admitted unto the Senate, declared at large how matters had passed at Rome concerning the League; and afterwards, what profit might arise of such a League concluded, and what harms might ensue of the same, neglected. And to hasten the matter, set as it were before their Eyes, how much it concerned the Common good, but them especially, to have the same with speed confirmed. As for to give any trust unto the Turks, was (as he said) not beseeming their deep wisdom and judgement, seeing they so often had been by them rather deceived than vanquished. In conclusion, he requested them, That for his Holiness sake, moderating in some part their hard demands, they would with speed join with him and the King in a most firm and Christian League. Although this Speech of Columnius had much moved the minds of the Venetians, so that many inclined to the League, yet were there many doubtful thereof, and could not be resolved whether it were better to embrace Peace with the Turk, or the League with the Pope and the King. Peace pleased them, neither did the League displease them; it seemed a matter most difficult, whether to resolve upon. They were fearful of the League either received, or rejected; The hope of Victory, the inconstancy of the Turks, their own strength at Sea, the large promises of the Christian Princes, the certain hope of the League, and uncertainty of the Peace, persuaded them to embrace the League. On the other side, the bad success of the year before, their Forces shaken, and almost spent in Cyprus, the suspected and doubtful faith of their Confederates, with the uncertainty of the success, induced them to prefer the hoped Peace before the League. So the Venetians in suspense betwixt both, gave the Ambassador daily more doubtful Answers than other; neither by promise binding themselves, neither by flat denial cutting off the hope of the League, by Examples and Arguments rather refelling what was by others alleged, than any way declaring what they themselves thought. Sometime they alleged such things as might make a Man believe, that they were willing to join in League, and by and by again they would seem neither to reject nor accept of the same. In which doubtfulness many days passed. At length the matter being propounded in the Senate, there found not unlike disposition of minds that it had among the meaner sort; for some of the Senators inclined to the League, whose reasons were grounded not upon profit only, but upon credit and honour also, which they wished to be chiefly regarded; declaring also, what great security, honour and glory, should redound unto them, by entering into such an honourable League. But the remembrance of former losses, the strength of the Turk possessing a great part of the World, compared unto their own, the terror of the Enemy's Name, the fear of the evil success, the small hope of prevailing, induced others to like better of Peace, whose opinion was also confirmed by this, That the Confederation with those Christians, was of no more assurance or continuance than the Turks Peace; Beside that, they alleged, That Leagues were therefore of less assurance, for that Confederations and Amity's were seldom or never sincerely and faithfully kept on both sides, every Man commonly serving his own turn without care of other Men. They also set as it were before their Eyes what great occasions, even small suspicions might give Princes to break their Leagues, what strange effects the fear of the loss of Goods, or some part of their Territory might work. 
The Venetians resolve to accept of the League with the Pope and the King.  After this so weighty a matter had been thus with great contention throughly debated on both sides in the Senate, it was at last put to voices; and so by the consent of the greater part, the League was as more honourable received, and the Turks Peace rejected; and a Decree of the Senate to that effect made. Ragazonius by secret Letters form the Senate understanding of all these matters, began to deal more warily with Muhamet the great Bassa in matter concerning the pacification, and more hardly to yiled to his demands; and propounding many difficulties of purpose devised, requested of him, That he might by his good leave return to Venice, to be resolved of many things by the Senate, whereof he was not able himself to judge, and so to return to him again with more certain instructions; assuring him, that the Senate would upon knowledge of the conditions of the Peace do and devise many things for the furtherance of the same; which could not so well be done by Letters, as if he were there himself present to resolve them upon every particular. This his request obtained, he with great speed got him out of Constantinople; but was scarcely got out of the Gates, when report of the League which the Venetians had made with the Pope and the King of Spain, was brought unto the Court, and had in short time filled the City; which made all the way as he traveled more troublesome, and frustrated that also which was before concluded concerning the exchange of Prisoners and Merchants Goods. Ragazonius being come to Venice, declared at large in the Senate the drift and purpose of the Turk, and what conference he had had with the great Bassa, and in what forwardness the Peace was; for which his discreet carriage of the matter, his wisdom was highly by the whole Senate commended, and he himself afterward honourably rewarded.  
In the mean time the Commissioners at Rome after long consultation concluded a League, 
A perpetual League concluded betwixt the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Venetians.  which they wou●d have to be perpetual, as well for invasive as defensive Wars against the Turks; and was by solemn Oath confirmed by the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Venetian Senate the 24 day of May, in the year 1571. For the execution of which League, it was agreed upon, That the Sea and Land Forces should consist of two hundred Galleys, an hundred Ships, fifty thousand Footmen, and four thousand five hundred Horsemen; with a proportionate quantity of great Artillery, Victuals, and other things necessary, to be every year ready in March, or at farthest in April, to meet together at such a place in the East, as should be unto them for that purpose appointed; 
T●e proportioning of the charge of the Wars against the Turk; and the other Cap●tulations of the League.  to be employed as the Admirals saw cause, and as the present state of things should require. For maintenance of which charge it was agreed, That the King of Spain should defray the one half and the other half to be divided into three equal parts; whereof the Venetians should bear two parts, and the Pope the third; which if it should be too heavy for him, then that remained by him undischarged, to be divided into five parts; whereof the King was to discharge three, and the Venetians two. The charge thus proportioned, they took order also for the provision of Victuals, to be at a reasonable price taken up in any the Confederates Dominions, where the Army or Fleet should chance to stay; yet so, that it should be at the King of Spain his discretion, out of his Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, first to take his provision for the victualling of Guletta, Malta, and his own Navy. It was also agreed. That if the King of Spain should at any time, when as the Confederates had no common War, invade Algiers, Tripoli, or Tunes, that then the Venetians should of their own charge, aid him with fifty Galleys well appointed▪ as also, That the King should in like manner and with like forces aid them as oft as they should by the Turks be invaded. But if it should fortune the Roman Territory to be invaded, that then the aforesaid Princes should be bound with all their Forces, to the uttermost of their power, to defend those places, and the person of the Pope. And that in managing of the Confederate War, the three Armirals should confer together of all matters, and whatsoever the greater part should agree upon, that to be reputed as agreed upon by them all: That Don john of Austria, Charles' the Fifth his natural Son, and Brother to the King, should have the chief command of the Forces both at Sea and Land; but not to display his own Ensign, but the common Ensign of the Confederates: Also, that such places as should be gained from the Turk by the Confederate Army, should be divided amongst the Confederate Princes, excepting Tunes, Algiers, and Tripoli, which should remain only to the King of Spain: That all controversies arising amongst the Generals should be decided by the Pope, unto whom the Venetians should lend twelve Galleys, furnished of all things saving Men and Victuals, which the Pope should of his own charge supply: Which Galleys at the end of the War he should again deliver, in such case as they then were: That an honourable place should be left for Maximilian the Emperor, the French King, the King of Polonia, and the King of Portugal to enter into this League, whom with the rest of the Christian Princes, it should beseem the Pope to stir up in so good a Quarrel; and that it should not be lawful for any the aforesaid Confederate Princes to entreat of Peace, or enter into League, without the knowledge and consent of the other Confederates. And for the better proceeding of all things, it was agreed, That ever in Autumn the Confederate Princes should by their Ambassadors at Rome consult of the next years Wars, and according as the time and occurrents should require, to determine whether their Forces were to be increased or diminished. 
The League proclaimed.  This League thus at length with much ado concluded, was not long after in june with great Pomp and Triumph openly proclaimed in Rome, Venice, and Spain, to the great joy of the greatest part of Christendom.  
Whilst these things were in doing, the Veneans the more to entangle the Turk, 
The Venetians the more to trouble the Turk, seek to stir up Tamas the Persian King to take up Arms against him.  thought it good to make proof, if they might by any means stir up Tamas the Persian King to take up Arms against him; who as he was a Prince of great power, so did he exceedingly hate the Turks, as well for the difference betwixt the Persians and them about matters of their vain Superstition, as for the manifold injuries he had oftentimes sustained. There was one Vincent Alexander, one of the Secretaries for the State, who having escaped out of Prison at Constantinople, was but a little before come to Venice, a wary wise Man, and of great experience, who for his dexterity of Wit, and skilfulness in the Turkish Language, was thought of all others most fit to take in hand so great a matter. He having received Letters and Instructions for the Senate, and furnished with all things necessary, travelling throu●h Germany, Polonia, and the Forests of Moesia, in Turkish attire, came to Moncastron, a Port Town upon the side of the Euxine or Black-Sea, at the mouth of the great River Boristhenes; where he embarked himself for Trapezond, but was by a contrary Wind driven to Sinope, a City of great Traffic; from whence he traveled by rough and broken Ways to Cutay, keeping still upon the left hand, because he would not fall upon any part of the Turks Army (which was then marching towards Cyprus through all those Countries) nevertheless he fell upon a part thereof, from which he with great danger rid himself, being taken for a Turk, and by blind and troublesome Ways, through Rocks and Forests, arrived at length at Erzirum, a strong City of the Turks, then upon the Frontiers of the Turks Dominions toward the Georgians. This Journey of Alexander's was not kept so secret, but that it was vented at Constantinople by a Spy, who under the colour of friendship, haunting the Venetian Ambassadors House at Pera, had got certain knowledge of the going of Alexander into Persia. Whereupon certain Curriers were sent out with all speed to beset the three strait Passages into Persia, whereby it was supposed he must of necessity pass, with certain Notes also of the favour of the Man, of his Stature, and other Marks, whereby he was best to be known. But he in so dangerous a Country doubting all things, and fearing such a matter, leaving his Company behind him, with incredible celerity posted from Erzirum to Tauris, and was a great way gone before the Turks Curriers came into those Quarters; who yet hearing of him, followed after as far as they durst, but could not overtake him. Alexander coming to Tauris, understood that the Court lay at Casbin, about twelve days Journey farther up into the Country; coming thither, the fourteenth of August of this year 1571. he chanced to meet with certain English Merchants, with whom he had before been acquainted; by whose help he not only got to speak with Aider Tamas the King's third Son, but learned of them all the Manners and Fashions of the Persian Court, and how to bear himself therein. The Persians by reason of the intolerable Heat do most of their Business at that time of the year by night. 
Alexander the Venetian Ambassador hath audience with the Persian King.  Wherefore Alexander about midnight brought in to Aider, declared unto him the cause of his coming; and the next night admitted unto the speech of his aged Father, delivered his Letters of Credence, and in the name of the Senate declared unto him, with what perfidious dealing Selimus the Turkish Emperor was about to take away Cyprus from the Venetians, with what greediness and pride he had set upon the Christians, and that discharged of that War, he would of all likelihood set upon the Persians; having the self same Quarrel unto the Persians that he had unto the Venetians, that is, An ardent and insatiable desire of Sovereignty; a sufficient cause for the greedy Turk to repute every King the richer that he was, the more his Enemy. After that, setting forth to the full the Prowess of the Christians, the wonderful preparation they had made both at Sea, and Land, he persuaded the King with all his power to invade the Turk, now altogether busied in the Wars of Cyprus; and to recover again such parts of his Kingdom as Solyman the Father of Selimus had taken from him. Wars he said were more happily managed abroad than at home; That sithence he alone (the Christian Princes all then at quiet) had withstood the Turks whole force and power, he needed not now to doubt of his most prosperous success, the Christian Princes now joining with him. That he was much unmindful of his former losses and wrongs, if he thought he enjoyed an assured Peace; which he should find to be nothing else but a deferring of War unto more cruel times; and that the Turk if he should overrun Cyprus, would forthwith turn his victorious Arms upon him: The end of one War was (as he said) but the beginning of another; and that the Turkish Empire could never stay in one state; and that he would observe not the Turks Words, but his Deeds; and how that the Ottoman Emperors according to the opportunity of the times, used by turns, sometime force, sometime deceit, as best served their purposes: That no Princes had at all times by dissembled Peace and uncertain Leagues more deluded some, until they had oppressed others. He wished also, that at length this his cunning dealing might appear unto the World; and that Princes would think, that being combined together, they might more easily overcome the Turk, than being separated, defend their own: That in former times sometime will, sometime occasion, was wanting to them to unite their Forces; And that therefore they should now combine themselves for their Common good against the common Enemy: That it concerned no less the Persians than the Christians, to have the power of the Turk abated; And that this taking up of Arms, should be for the good of the Persian King howsoever things should fall out; if well, he should then recover what he had before lo●t, with much more that was the Turks; if otherwise, yet by voluntary entering into Arms to countenance himself, and to give the Turks occasion to think that he feared him not; which was (as he said) the only way to preserve their common safety, which would be unto all the Confederate Princes easy enough, if they themselves made it not more difficult than the power of the Enemy. The Speech of the Ambassador was willingly heard; whereunto the King answered, That he would consider thereupon what he had to do, and in the mean while, a fair House was appointed for the Ambassador and his Followers, and bountiful allowance appointed of the King's charge. He was also many times sumptuously feasted by the Noblemen, whom he still requested to be mediators to the King, to take that honourable War in hand. The King had at that time a Son called Ishmael, a Man of a great Spirit, whom he then kept in durance, for that he with too much insolency made Roads into the Frontiers of the Turks Dominions, to the disturbance of the League his Father had before made with the late Turkish Emperor Solyman; unto him Alexander having access, was of him courteously heard; who fretting and languishing for very grief of revenge upon the Turks, wished, that either the King his Father had his mind, or he himself the power of a King; and said, That if ever it were his good Fortune to obtain the Kingdom, he would indeed show what he then in mind thought. But of him more shall be said hereafter. Whilst this matter went more slowly forward in the Persian Court than the Ambassador would have had it, news was brought unto the Court, of the great Victory which the Christians had much about that time obtained of the Turks at Sea; upon which occasion the Ambassador solicited Tamas more earnestly than before, to make him partaker of the Victory of the Christians, by entering into Confederation with them, and by taking up of Arms, rather than to hold uncertain friendship with the Turks in their miseries, by whom he had been so often wronged. This he said was the only time for the Persian King to recover his former Glory, the like offer whereof would neither often chance, neither long stay; and that if he suffered so fit an opportunity to slip away, he should afterwards in vain wish for the same, when it were too late. This so wholesome Counsel was well heard, but prevailed nothing to stir up the aged King; who then troubled with Rebellion in Media, or weary of the former Wars he had had with the Turk, and glad of such Peace as he had then with him; answered the Ambassador, 
The answer of Tamas the Persian King unto the Venetian Ambassador.  That forasmuch as the Christian Princes had made a perpetual League amongst themselves, he would for two years expect the event, and afterward as occasion served, so to resolve upon Peace and War. This improvident resolution of the King, brought afterward unprofitable and too late repentance unto the whole Persian Kingdom; when as within a few years after, all the calamities which the Senate had by their Ambassador (as true Prophets) foretold, redounded unto the great shaking thereof. The Cyprian War once ended, and Peace concluded with the Venetians, Amurath the Son of Selimus, succeeding his Father in the Turkish Empire, invading the Persian King, took from him the great Country of Media, now called Sylvan, with a great part of Armenia the Great, and the regal City of Tauris, as shall be hereafter in due place declared. At which time the Persian, who now refused to take up Arms, or join in League with the Christian Princes, repent that he had not before harkened unto the wholesome Counsel of the Venetians; and taught by his own harms, wished in vain, that the Christian Princes would again take up Arms and join with him against the Turk.  

Mustapha Bassa returns to the Siege o● Famagusta.  Mustapha the great Bassa and General of the Turks Army, furnished of all things that could be desired for maintenance of his Siege; and Soldiers in great number daily repairing unto him out of Cilicia, Syria, the Lesser Asia, and the Countries thereabout, beside great Supplies brought unto him by Haly Bassa from Constantinople; insomuch, that it was thought he had in his Army two hundred thousand Men; began now that Winter was past, in the later end of April, to draw nearer unto Famagusta, and with incredible labour to cast up Trenches and Mounts against the City, of such height, that the Defendants from the highest places of the City could scarcely see the points of the Turks Spears, or tops of their Tents, as they lay encamped; which was no great matter for the Bassa to perform, having in his Camp forty thousand Pioners always ready at his command.  

The description of Famagusta.  The City of Famagusta is situate in the East end of the Island, in a plain and low ground betwixt two Promontories, the one called St. Andrews Head, and the other the Head of Graecia. It is in circuit two miles, and in form foursquare; but that the side toward the East, longer and more winding than the rest, doth much deform the exact figure of a Quadrant; It is almost on two parts beaten upon with the Sea, the other parts toward the Land are defended with a Ditch not above fifteen Foot broad, a Stone-wall, and certain Bulwarks and Parapets. Upon the Gate that leadeth to Amathus standeth a six cornered Tower; other Towers stand out also in the Wall, every of them scarce able to contain six Pieces of Artillery. It hath a Haven opening toward the Southeast, defended from the injury of the Wether by two great Rocks, betwixt which the Sea cometh in by a narrow Passage about forty Paces over, but after opening wider giveth a convenient Harbour to Ships, whereof it cannot contain any great number, and was now shut up with a strong Chain. Near unto the Haven standeth an old Castle with four Towers, after the ancient manner of building. There was in the City one strong Bulwark, built after the manner of the Fortification of our time, with Palisadoes, Curtains, Casemets, and such like, in such manner, as that it seemed almost impregnable. All which, although they made show of a strong and well fortified City, yet for that there wanted many things, it was thought too weak long to hold out against the great power of the Turk; but what wanted by reason of the situation and weak fortification, that the Governor and other noble Captains supplied in best sort they might, with a strong Garrison of most valiant Soldiers, the surest defence of strong places. There was in the City two thousand and five hundred Italians, 
The number of the Defendants of Famagusta.  two hundred Albanois Horsemen, before entertained by the Governor; and of the Cypriots themselves were mustered two thousand and five hundred more, all Men resolutely set down to spend their Lives in defence of their Country.  
Mustapha with wonderful celerity having brought to perfection his Fortifications, planted his Battery of sixty four great Pieces; amongst which were four great Basilisks of exceeding bigness, wherewith he continually without imtermission battered the Walls of the City in five places, but especially that part of the Wall that was between the Haven and the Gate that leadeth to Amathus. And with great Morter-pieces cast up hugh Stones, which from high falling into the City, with their weight broke down the Houses they light upon, and fell oftentimes through their Vaults, even in the bottom of their Cellars, to the great terror of the besieged. 
Famagusta assaulted and notably defended by the Christians.  The Walls in divers places sore shaken, and the Houses beaten down, he began to assault the City; which the Defendants (their Forces yet whole) valiantly repulsed, and not only defended their Walls and drove the Turks from the Breaches, but furiously sallied out upon them, and having slain and wounded many, wonderfully disturbed their Fortifications, and abated their Courage; neither did the Enemy with greater fury maintain the battery or assault, than did the Christians the defence of the City, still sending their deadly Shot into the thickest of that great Multitude; insomuch that in few days the Bassa had lost thirty thousand of his Men; and the Captains themselves wondering at the Valour of the Defendants, as if they had not now to do with such Christians as they had before so oftentimes overthrown, but with some other strange people, began to despair of the winning of the City. The Turks thus doubting, and almost at a stand, the Christians in the mean time made up their Breaches with Earth, Baskets, Woolsacks, and such like, not sparing their very Beds and Bed-clothes, Chests, Carpets, and whatsoever else might serve to fill up the Breach. Among many wants they feared, the greatest was the want of Powder, which with continual shooting began greatly to be diminished; wherefore to reserve some part thereof against all extremities, they thought it best whilst yet some store was left, to use the same more sparingly, and to shoot more seldom. But the Turks still drawing nearer and nearer the City, and casting up Mounts higher than the Walls of the City, with Earth and Faggots filled up the Ditch; 
Famagusta again assaulted by the Turks.  which done, they of the broken Stones made Walls on either side, to save themselves from the flankering Shot of the Christians; then giving a fresh Assault, they used not only their Shot and other missive Weapons, but came foot to foot, and notably fought in the Breach hand to hand. Which manner of fight (as if it had been so agreed upon) they every day maintained for the space of six hours. And although the Turks by reason of their multitude were divided into many parts, and fresh Men still▪ succeeded them that were weary; yet such was the Courage of the Defendants, that every Man requested to have the places of most danger, and from thence with courageous hand repulsed the Turks with exceeding great slaughter. But for all that, the furious Enemy maintaining the Assault, not only by day, but by often Alarms in the night also, kept the Christians continually in doubtful suspense and readiness, as if they should have received a present Assault; and as soon as it was day, with fresh Men that had slept their fill, desperately assailed the Christians almost spent and meager for lack of sleep and rest. Force not prevailing, the restless Enemy leaving nothing unattempted, by a quaint device was like to have taken one of the Gates of the City: There was growing in the Island great plenty of a kind of Wood much of the nature of a Fir or Pitch-Tree, easy to be set on fire, but hardly to be quenched, but differing in this, that in burning it gave forth such a noisome smell, as was not by any Man well to be endured; of this kind of Wood the Turks brought a wonderful quantity to one of the Gates called Limosina, which once set on fire, could not by the Defendants by any means be quenched, although they cast whole Pipes and Tuns of Water at once into it, but most terribly burning close unto the Gate by the space of four days, with the vehemency of the heat and loathsomeness of the smell, so troubled the Defendants, that scarce any of them could endure to stand upon the Wall, but forsaking the same, were ever and anon like to have given the Enemy leave to enter.  
Bragadinus the Governor, more careful of the common safety than of his own danger, 
Bragadinus encourageth the defendants  ceased not still to be going about from one place to another; telling the Italians, That now was given the fittest occasion they could desire, for them to show their Valour in, and to gain great Honour of their barbarous Enemies; that it would be to their eternal Glory, if by their only means without any other help, the City so far off from the relief of the Christians might be defended, and the great power of the Turks defeated: This (he said) was the only time wherein it stood them most upon to play the Men; for if they could keep that little was left, the rest of the Island would be easily recovered. And although the Turks Army exceeded far in number, yet did they excel them in Prowess and Valour; whereby a few, and as it were but an handful of Men, had oftentimes prevailed against most infinite multitudes; now all the eyes of the World, as well Friends as Foes to be fixed upon them, so that if they held out against so great a power, both their Enemies would admire their Valour, and all Christendom extol their invincible Courage and Prowess; and that they themselves should thereby reap both great Profit and honour; neither that any thing could be alleged, why they should not be compared with the worthy Knights of Malta; who to their eternal Fame had delivered themselves out of the mouth of the Turk, and left unto the World a most fair example for Men valiantly to stand in so good a Quarrel upon their own defence: Nicosia (he said) was lost rather by the Cowardice of the Defendants, than by the Valour of the Enemy. He also praised the fidelity and courage of the Grecians, who for any fear or danger could never be removed from the Venetians, or induced to submit themselves unto the Turks Government; and persuaded them, with the same resolution to defend their own City, that they saw in the Venetian Soldiers, fight for them, and for their own honour to strive with the Italians, in defence of their State, their Country, their Wives, and Children, against the Tyranny of the Turks; forasmuch as Aid would in short time come, and set them free from all danger. The Senate also in like manner had sent Letters to Famagusta, willing them to be of good cheer, and yet a while to hold out the Siege, and that they should be in short time relieved. Baleonius also General of the Garrison Soldiers, 
Bal●onius a valiant Captain.  himself in Arms was present at every Skirmish, carefully foreseeing what was in every place and at all times to be done; and by encouraging of h●s Soldiers, and adventuring of his Person▪ showed himself to be both a worthy Commander, and valiant Soldier. Neither did the Soldiers alone, but even the Women also what they might, striving above the power of the strength both of their minds and bodies; some bringing Meat, some Weapons unto the Defendants, and other Stones, Beds, Chests, and such like stuff to make up the Breaches. But Victuals beginning now to wax scant, eight thousand of the vulgar sort of People were turned out of the City, who all in safety were suffered to pass through the midst of the Turks Army, to seek their living in the Country.  
Thus whilst open force prevailed not according to the Turks desire, 
The Turks s●●k to undermine ●he City.  they began in four places to undermine the City, in hope to have found entrance; but the Defendants doubting such a matter, by diligent listening, and great Vessels set full of Water near unto the Walls, and Drums laid upon the ground, by the moving thereof discovered their Works, and with Countermines frustrated those of the Enemy; yet in so great a stir and hurly-burly all things were not possibly to be discovered; whereby it came to pass, that whilst the Defendants were altogether busied in defending the Walls, a Mine not perceived was suddenly blown up near unto the Tower standing upon the Haven, by force whereof a great part of the Wall thereabout was in a moment with a most horrible noise overthrown. With the fall thereof the Turks thinking the City as good as taken, with an horrible shout and outcry mounted the Wall, and in the Breach set up their Ensigns; Count Peter, who had the charge of that part of the Wall, being not now able to defend the same, so suddenly overthrown; which Nestor Martinengus quickly perceiving, came speedily from his own Station, to repulse the Enemy now ready to have entered. 
The breaches notably defended.  The Fight became there most fierce and terrible, on the one side hope, on the other desperation, enraged their minds; the Turks were in hope, that if they forced themselves but a little they should forthwith win the City; and the Defendants propounding nothing unto themselves but shameful death and torture, fought as Men altogether desperate. The Turks trusted to their multitude, and the Christians to their valour: In the mean time Andreas Bragadinus with certain great Pieces aptly placed, out of the Castle slew a number of the Turks as they were coming to the Breach. Baleonius hearing of the danger, came in haste with a Company of courageous Soldiers, to relieve them that were fight at the Breach, and cheering up his Followers, thrust himself with the foremost into the face of the Breach▪ and there not only appointed what was to be done, and with cheerful countenance encouraged his Soldiers, but with his own hand having slain many, took one of the Turks Ensigns, when as he had before slain the bearer thereof, and tumbled him headlong into the Ditch. With the sight whereof others encouraged, both on the right hand and on the left, made there a notable Battle, as Men fight for their last hope. In fine the Turks were glad to retire, leaving behind them four thousand Carcases of their slain Fellows in the Town-dith, with fourteen of their Ensigns, which were brought into the City. Neither was this Victory gained without some loss of the Christians; about a hundred were slain, among whom were Robertus Malvetius, David Nocius, Celsus Feto, Erasmus Firmo, all Captains.  
For all this, they in the City took small rest, the Turks great Shot still thundering in amongst them; and in such furious sort, as that in one day (which was the eighth of june) were numbered about five thousand great Shot, shot into the City. With which continual battery, one of the round Bulwarks of the Town was so shaken, as that a part of the Front thereof was fallen down into the Ditch, and another part stood leaning ready to fall, in such sort as that it was not longer to be defended; which the Christians perceiving, presently undermined the same Bulwark, and in the Mine placed certain Barrels of Gunpowder. The Turks coming to assault the place they had so sore battered, 
They of Famagusta blow up one of their own battered Bulwarks, with six hundred Turks thereon.  the Defendants after some small resistance, feigned themselves to retire for fear, so to draw the Enemy the faster on; who was no sooner come to the place desired, but that fire being put to the Mine, blew up the Bulwark with all them that stood thereon; of whom some were overwhelmed with the earth itself, other some were blown up into the Air, and falling down again, miserably perished; and other some, shot as it were out of a Gun, fell down a great way off, and so were rend in pieces; which was unto the Defendants a most pleasant sight. About six hundred of the Turks perished at this Assault, amongst whom were Mustapha General of the voluntary Soldiers, and Feregates a Man of great mark amongst the Turks. But by the hasty firing of the Mine, there perished also about an hundred of the Christians, overtaken in their own device, amongst whom were also some of great account.  
The Turks inflamed with their losses, were more enraged with the speeches and persuasions of Mustapha their General; who most earnestly exhorted them, with one consent to assail their Enemies, now driven into a Corner of the Island, spoiled of all their Country, trusting more unto the strength of the place, than of themselves, entreating for nothing more, than with their lives to depart thence. But what place (said he) is there impregnable for the Turks? Nicosia, Zigeth, and such other strong Towns won, what are they but the monuments and testimonies of the cowardice of the Christians, and the prowess of the Turks? This day (said he) will confirm your former Labours and Victories; which you before undertook for Honour, but here you shall have Honour mixed with Gold, and pray sufficient to make you all rich. 
Famagusta hardly assaulted.  The Turks encouraged with this Speech of their General, as Men forgetful of all dangers, began a more terrible Siege than ever before; and having with incredible labour made three great Mines▪ and blowing them up, overthrew a great part with the Wall of the Castle, the notable defence of the Haven; which done, they with all their force oftentimes assailed the City, as if it should have been their last labour; neither ceased they ●o ●o do day or night. At which time also that part of the City which is beaten upon with the Sea, was assaulted by them in the Galleys also.  
The poor Christians spent with deadly wounds, continual labour, perpetual watching both night and day▪ and now brought to small number, hardly withstood the furious Enemy, assailing them in so many places at once, and held out that Tempest rather with courage than strength. In the mean time the Enemy's Army increased daily, the Turks in hope of the like spoil they had at Nicosia, continually repairing out of the Countries round about, unto the Camp. The Christian Captains seeing their Men with continual Assaults sore spent, (insomuch, that how many soever they seemed to be, there was not above three hundred sound Men left) but seven Barrels of Powder remaining, want of all things daily increasing, hope of Aid still decreasing, and the Venetians (their only comfort) so far from them; the Captains (I say) themselves began to quail in courage; and the rather, for that such relief as was sent from Venice▪ could not possibly be brought unto them, but stayed at Crete; the Turks Galleys still lying before Famagusta, so that nothing could in safety be brought thither. 
The citizen's of Famagusta request the Governor in time to yield up the City.  This fear of the Captains themselves could not long be hid or dissembled, but that it was by the citizen's perceived; who having neither power to hold out the Siege, neither place left to fly unto, overcome with necessity, came flocking to the Governor, craving of him aid and comfort, and with abundance of tears besought him in this common desperation to take compassion on them, their Wives, and Children▪ a People that had always so well deserved of the Venetian State. Their Walls (they said) were beaten down, their Bulwarks overthrown, the few Soldiers that remained, spent with wounds, watching, and famine; the Enemy's strength increasing daily, so that they must needs in short time all perish with the Sword, if the City were by force taken; wherefore they besought him, that yielding to necessity, which no power was ever able to withstand, he would at last, while time yet served, provide for the safety of so faithful and kind a People, and not to refuse any conditions, how hard soever.  
The requests and ●ears of the citizen's of Famagusta, with the due consideration of the desperate state of the City, moved Bragadinus to compassion, who comforting them in best sort he could, persuaded them to be of good cheer, for that he had care both of them and their State, and would so provide for them, as that they should never repent themselves of their Fidelity and Loyalty to the Venetian State. He in the mean time considering the greatness of the danger which presently hung over all their heads, propounded the matter in a general Counsel called together for the same purpose; wherein after a little debating of the matter, they all agreed to yield; only Baleonius at the first dissenting, as doubtful of the Turks Faith; but afterwards yielding unto the opinion of the rest. So an Herald being sent unto the Bassa, 
A parl●y betwixt them of Famagus●a and the Turks.  a Truce was taken for certain days to parley in, and Hostages on both sides given, during which time not so much as a Dart was thrown, or an Arrow shot from either side. After a few days pa●ley the conditions were agreed upon, whereupon the City should be yielded into the power of the Bassa, which were these; First, That the Inhabitants of the City yet alive, should in safety enjoy their Lives, Liberty, and Goods, with the free exercise of the Christian Religion; That the Governor with the rest of the Captains and Soldiers might in safety depart with Bag and Baggage, and at their departure to take with them five great Pieces of Ordnance, and three Horses, which soever it should please them to make choice of, and that the Turks should safely conduct them into Crete, finding them both Victual and Shipping. All which things were with more kindness promised, than with fidelity performed. Yet all these matters agreed upon, and conceived into writing; as also by solemn Oath on both sides confirmed; the Governor sending a Messenger before, requested that he might have leave to come to see the Bassa, and to deliver unto him the Keys of the City. Leave being granted, Bragadinus the Governor, Baleonius, Andreas Bragadinus, Laurentius Theupolus Earl of Paphos, Io. Antonius Quirinus, Aloysius Martinengus, with a great sort of other Captains came into the Camp; but before they entered into the Bassa's Pavilion, they were commanded to deliver their Weapons, which they all did. At the first meeting Mustapha entertained them courteously, and with many glorious words, as if it had been in admiration, extolled their worthy valour and courage; saying, that he was glad now to know them by face, whose valiant minds he had before known by their most valiant deeds. Now prowess and valour seemed not only in safety, but also honoured of the Enemy; When after a long discourse the false Bassa revolved unto the mischief and treachery he had before resolved upon; complaining that certain of his Men taken at the Siege, had been afterward against all reason and order slain. Which the Governor and the rest utterly denying, he started up as in a rage, and with high words and stern countenance urging the fact, commanded them all to be forthwith cast into bonds; and so bringing them out of his Pavilion, in the sight of the Army, contrary to his Oath and Promise, caused them all to be slain. At which time Bragadinus and Theupolus were oftentimes commanded to lay down their Heads, to have had them struck off; yet was this execution deferred, and their lives reserved, not to save them, but with more exquisite punishment and torture to satisfy the barbarous Cruelty of the faithless and unmerciful Tyrant. The next day after, 
Bragad●nus shamefully and horribly murdered by the faithless Bassa.  Bragadinus having his Ears before cut off in despite, was brought forth to be wondered at, and tortured with the most extremest kind of Torture that Tyranny itself could have devised; for despoiled of Jewels and Attire, and a Basket laid upon his Shoulders filled with Earth, he was enforced oftentimes to carry the same, to repair the Rampires that were overthrown; and ever as he passed by, the proud Bassa insulting upon him to fall down and to kiss the ground at his feet; and so buffeted with the Turks Fists, and spurned as a Dog with their Feet, was in great derision and despite asked, Whether he hoped that Christ his God would come to help him or not? Which indignity of itself bitter and miserable, the dignity of the Man made much more miserable; whose comely and stately Countenance, with his long and reverend Beard, even in that extreme misery added unto him a certain Majesty and Grace. In this so foul a sight of virtue trodden under foot, the poor Christians could neither well stay their Tears, nor let them fall, for fear of the displeasure of the Turks. But the forsworn Bassa, not only forgetful of all Humanity, but enraged rather with extreme Cruelty, caused that noble and worthy Bragadinus to be set in a Chair, and his Skin to be slain off from him quick; a punishment unworthy of him that suffered it, but most worthy him that inflicted the same. Yet in so great and horrible a Torture he was not heard to let fall any word not beseeming a faithful Christian and the honour of his Country; only he called upon God for mercy, and detested the Turks perfidious Treachery, and so breathed out his life. But the Tyrant, 
The forsworn Bassa tyranniseth upon the dead Body of B●agadinus.  worthy of eternal Infamy, not satisfied with the Torture of the living Man, caused the Head to be cut off from the dead Body, and upon the point of a Spear to be set up on a high place for all Men to look upon. His Skin also stuffed with Chaff, he caused to be hanged up at the Yards-arm, and so to be carried about; not so true a Trophy of his Victory, as a Testimony of his perfidious and Turkish Cruelty. Two days after, 
Theupolus hanged.  Count Theupolus after he had been most shamefully entreated, full of the marks of the Turks Cruelty, was (to make an end withal) shamefully hanged in the Marketplace. With what Cruelty the Bassa had tyrannised upon the Nobility, with the same he also raged upon the meaner sort of the citizen's, of whom some he slew, some he chained in the Galleys, and carried away the rest into Bondage. Three hundred Christians, some Soldiers, some citizen's, which came forth with the Governor to see the Turks Camp, were there also all slain. 
Nestor Martinengus by good fortune escapeth.  Nestor Martinengus a famous Captain escaped the Tyrant's hands, being hidden by one of the Bassas Eunuches, who by the help of a Greek Fisherman got to Leptis, and from thence to Crete, and so afterwards to Venice, where he faithfully reported to Aloysius Mosenicus the Duke, the whole process of that War, with the loss of the City; and that in the space of threescore and ten days there was above a hundred and forty thousand great Shot discharged against the City. Such Noblemen and Gentlemen as escaped out of this so general a slaughter, banished their Country, and in misery, dispersed without hope of return, led afterward a miserable and vagrant life, though some of them even at this day (as I have been credibly informed) are by the Venetian State right well maintained. The Country people and Artificers were generally by the Turks spared, for the peopling of the Country. This was the fatal ruin of Cyprus, 
Cyprus lost.  one of the most fruitful and beautiful Islands of the Mediterranean; The loss whereof, not without cause, grieved many Christian Princes, as sometime a Kingdom of itself, but now a Province of the Turkish Empire, our Sins, or the evil agreement of Christian Princes, or both, the cause thereof, I know not; neither if I did, durst I so say.  
Whilst Mustapha yet lay at the Siege of Famagusta, the other two great Bassas, Partau and Haly, the one the Admiral, and the other General of the Soldiers (appointed by Selimus for the keeping of the Sea, that no relief should be sent by the Venetians to Famagusta, and further as occasion served to infest their Dominions) about the midst of May arrived in Euboea with two hundred and thirty Galleys; whether Uluzales Viceroy of Algiers, with divers other the Turks notable Pirates, resorted unto them with their Galleys. With this Fleet departing from Euboea, and sailing alongst the Coast of Mysia, jonia, Caría, and so directly toward the Rhodes, they were met with thirty Galleys more of the Turks adventurers. After that, 
The Turks arrive in Crete with a great Fleet▪  having left certain Galleys for to lie before Famagusta, they directed their Course for the Island of Crete, and the 13 of june put into the Bay of Amphimalea, now called Suda, and there landed 12000 Men.  

The d●scrisption of Crete.  The Island of Crete, now called Candia, is greater than Cyprus, but lesser than Sicilia or Sardinia; but for fertilty comparable with any of the Islands of the Mediterranean. It was in ancient time famous for many things, but especially for an hundred Cities which therein stood, as witnesseth amongst others, Seneca; (Urbibus centum speciosa Cretae) but at this time it hath only three; Candia a Colony of the Venetians, whereof the Island now taketh name, Canea, and Rhetimo. The circuit of the Island is five hundred and twenty miles, full of Hills; for which cause the people of the Country are much delighted in hunting. In it is no navigable River, or venomous Beast. It is now most famous through a great part of the World, for the good Malmsey which there groweth, and is from thence in great abundance sent into many far Countries. Therein also grows great plenty of Cypress-Trees, serving for the use of shipping. It is at this day subject to the Venetians. The Turks being landed, and ranging up and down the Country, did what harm they possibly could, burning and spoiling all as they went; until that at last they were upon the sudden encountered by Franciscus justinianus, who but a little before their landing, was come into the Island with a thousand Soldiers; and now joining with the Island people, notably charged them, being altogether dispersed and seeking after prey; and having slain many of them, enforced the rest to retire to their Galleys. The next day the Turks landing again in great number, burnt divers Towns, and ransacked Setia and Rhetimo, where they took a rich prey, and carried away many Prisoners; but loaded with their Booty, dispersed and fearing nothing less than to be at that time set upon, they were assailed by Lucas Michael a valiant Captain, two thousand of them slain, and with the loss of their Booty and Prisoners, glad to retire unto their Galleys. 
The Turks driven out of Crete.  Thus repulsed from Crete, they took their Course to Cythera, Zacynthus, and Cephalenia, Islands subject to the Venetians; where beside other harms by them done, they carried away with them six thousand poor Christians into most miserable Captivity.  
Departing thence, and sailing alongst the Coast of Epirus, they came to Suppolo an Haven Town in Epirus, which Venerius in the beginning of these Wars had taken from the Turks, but was now again by them again recovered. After that, they came to Dulcigno, which the Turks had but a little before besieged by Land, for that the Governor thereof, and of Antivari (another Town of the Venetians upon the Frontiers of Dalmatia) had compacted with three hundred Epirots, to stir up the Country to rebellion, and to revolt to the Venetians; for the effecting whereof, the Epirots requested of the Venetians six thousand Soldiers to make head, which the Venetians promised to send them. Whereupon the aforesaid Epirots forthwith took Arms, and raised most part of Epirus into Rebellion; unto whom was sent at the first one Captain with a hundred Italians from Catora. 
A fair occasion let slip.  But when the Epirots vainly expecting the promised Aid, saw themselves on every side hardly beset with their Enemies; despairing of any good success, they yielded themselves to the mercy of Achmetes Bassa, Selimus his great Lieutenant in Graecia (who to repress that so dangerous a Rebellion, was come thither with an Army of fourscore thousand Turks;) so was a most fair occasion lost, when as the rest of the Epirots, inflamed with the hope of liberty, were ready to to have come unto their Friends, already in Arms, and by their example like enough to have raised all Graecia into Rebellion. But now deceived of their expectation, bewailed their misery, and trusting to the promises of the Venetians, they had cast themselves and all theirs into most manifest danger. 
Dulcigno, Antivari, and Budua, strong Towns of the Venetians upon the Coast of Epirus and Dalmatia, yielded to the Turk.  They of Dulcigno seeing themselves hardly beset both by Sea and Land, sent to Partau Bassa, and covenanting with him, that they might in safety depart, delivered unto him the Town; and so Sara Martinengus Governor of the Town, which the Garrison Soldiers, were in four Ships conveied in safety to Ragusium; as for the citizen's, promise was kept with them after the Turkish manner. In the same hurley the Turks took also the Towns of Antivary and Budua. Antivari was both by situation and fortification strong, and furnished with a good Garrison: Nevertheless Alexander Donatus Governor thereof, a Man of no experience in Martial Affairs, overcome with the present fear, and despairing to be able to hold the Town, cowardly yielded the same unto the Enemy. 
Cowardice punished.  Which his beastly Cowardice the Senate suffered not unpunished, but confiscating his Goods, and removing him from the Senate, cast him into exile. From Antivari, the Turks following their good Fortune, departed with their Fleet into the Bay called Rizonicus, but now the Bay of Catharo, and both by Sea and Land laid hard Siege unto the strong Town of Cathuro, called in ancient time Ascrivium; against which they cast up two great Bulwarks, and planted thereon nine great Pieces of Artillery, wherewith to have battered the Town and the Castle; but the Defendants as resolute Men sallying out, put them from their Ordnance, and enforced them again unto their Galleys.  
Whilst these things were in doing, Uluzales and Caracoza, both Men of great account and name among the Turks, got leave for ten days of the Admiral, with sixty Galleys to spoil the Islands near thereabouts subject to the Venetians. Who coming to the Island of Curzola, about eighty miles Eastward from Ragusium, landed their Men, with purpose to assault the Town of Curzola, of the same name with the Island. Which Antonius Contarenas▪ the Governor thereof perceiving, 
Curzola forsaken by the Men, is defended by Women.  in the dead time of the night fled for fear out of the Town, into the Rocks and places of more safety, after whom the Townsmen followed also; so that in the Town were not left above twenty Men, and about eighty Women, who with Weapons in their hands, after the rest were fled, came to the Walls, as wishing rather there to die, than to fall into the hands of the barbarous Enemy. But at such time as the Turks began to approach the Town, and the Women with Stones, Fire, and such Weapons as they had were beating them off, and with greater courage defending the place, than was to have been in their Sex expected, by the goodness of God a great Tempest arose suddenly out of the North, which so outrageously tossed the Galleys, that Uluzales and Caracoza were glad to give over the Assault, and to get them thence 〈◊〉 a place of more safety. Sailing alongst the Coast, they by the way spoiled Lysna, Bracia, and Lissa, little Islands upon the Coast of Dalmatia, but of which they carried away with them sixteen hundred poor Christians into Captivity. These arch Pirates at their pleasure roaming up and down the Sea, 
Selimus advertised of the League lately concluded betwixt the Christian Princes.  fortuned to light upon a Ship of the Christians, bound from Messina to Corcyra, which they took, and in rifling thereof found certain Letters directed to the Governor of Corcyra, certifying him of the League, than but lately concluded among the Christian Princes; which Letters they sent in post to Selimus, to give him knowledge thereof▪ who thereupon writ to his Admirals, with all hostility to infest any of the Dominions of the Christian Confederates.  
The Turks Fleet thus raging and reigning in the Adriatic, brought a great fear, not only upon the Coasts of Dalmatia, Istria, and the Islands thereabouts, which were by them most afflicted; but also upon the Sea Coast of Apulia, and all alongst that side of Italy; yea and upon the City of Venice itself; insomuch that they were glad to fortify as well the City as the Frontiers of their Dominions, with new Fortifications and Garrisons; as did also the King and the Pope in Italy: for why, no Ship or Galley could now look out of any Port, but it was presently surprised and taken by the Turks; which with the sundry calamities before received, so confounded the Venetians, that they in their Assemblies and Consultations seemed rather to quake for fear, than after their wont manner, gravely to consult how the Enemy was to be repulsed, Yet for the more safety of their City, and for fear lest the Turks Fleet should forcibly break in upon them, they strongly fortified the Passages through the Rock or Bank which defended the City from the Sea, and kept continually twelve thousand Men in readiness in the City for the more assurance thereof.  
All the Turks Fleet being again met together, Partau and Haly departed from Aulona the twenty sixth of August, and sailed directly to Corcyra; which little Island seemed to be compassed in round with the great Enemies Fleet. Partau Bassa at his first arrival there, landed eight hundred Horsemen and a thousand Foot, who ranging up and down the Island, did great hurt and burnt the very Suburbs of the City; At which time the Garrison Soldiers sailing out upon them with a thousand Horsemen and five hundred Foot slew a great number of them, and amongst the rest one Paphus Rays a Man of great name. 
The Turks put into the Bay of Lepanto.  Thus the Turks Fleet having done wonderful harm in the Venetian Territory, as well in the Islands, as upon the Frontiers of Dalmatia, enriched with the spoil of those Countries, and carrying away with them fifteen thousand most miserable Captives; departing from Corcyra, arrived all in the Bay of Corinth (now called the Gulf of Lepanto,) where we will for a while leave them to ride in safety.  

The Forces of the confederate Princes meet together at Messina.  At such time as this great Fleet (the terror of that part of Christendom) first put into the Adriatic, Venerius the Venetian Admiral then lying with fifty Galleys at Corcyra, and fearing if he stayed there longer, to be enforced with so small a power to fight against so strong an Enemy, or else so to be shut up, that he could not join his Forces with the Spanish Fleet, which was daily expected; upon the coming of the Fleet departed thence to Messina, there more commodiously and more safely to attend the coming of Don john of Austria General of the Spanish Forces. At his coming, Columnius met him with twelve Galleys (which the Great Duke of Florence had sent in the aid of the Confederates) and three Galleys of Malta, who only were yet come thither, and with great honour received him. Not long after, M. Antonius Quirinus and Antonius Canalis came thither also with sixty and two Galleys, before appointed by the Venetians for the relief of Famagusta, but now called back again to join with the rest of the Fleet; and in short time the Galleys of Sicily arrived there also. At last after long expectation, in the later end of August came Don john with the Spanish Fleet, 
Don john of Austria.  a Man then about four and twenty years old, in whom wanted no honourable parts, his Mother's blemish only excepted; who although he was most dear unto his Father Charles the Fifth, yet left he him nothing by his Will, but only at his death commended him unto his Son Philip, as his Brother. The Venetian and the Pope's Admiral's hearing of his coming, went to meet him, and that with such triumph and joy, that all the former heaviness before conceived of his long staying, was turned into gladness, with most assured hope of triumphant Victory; Their doubled Forces, and two great Fleets joined in one, encouraged them above measure, filling all the West with the expectation of some great matter. The Venetian Fleet consisted of an hundred and eight Galleys, six Galleasses, two tall Ships, and a great number of small Galliots. Unto them were joined twelve Galleys of the Popes, of whom Columnius was Admiral. And with Don john the General, and Auria the Spanish Admiral, came fourscore and one Galleys, of whom three were from the Knights of Malta. In this Fleet, beside Mariners, were reckoned to be twenty thousand fight Men; an Army not only beautiful for show, as consisting of most choice Bodies; but indeed most strong and puissant, old beaten Souldi●rs almost throughout it, in every place intermixed with others of less skill; many known to be Men of great experience, rich and lusty Bodies, were by name called forth to this so honourable service; and divers other of great Nobility, as well old Men, as young and lusty Gallants, for the natural hatred they bear unto the common Enemy, came, and as voluntary Men cheerfully thrust themselves into that religious War; every of which Noblemen, as they were greater by birth or power, so had they drawn after them a greater number of their Favourits and Followers, strong and able Bodies, of their own charge bravely armed; who sought for no other pay for their pains and danger, but by some notable Victory to eternise their names, or honourably to spend their lives in so just a quarrel, as for the defence of the Christian Faith and Religion. Amongst these most honourable and resolute Men were three of greatest mark, 
Alexander Farnesius Prince of Parma.  Alexander Farnesius Prince of Parma, in time to be the honour and glory of Italy his native Country, whose untimely death in the Low Countries even his honourable Enemies lamented; and being dead, is not without cause and worthy desert accounted amongst the most politic and famous Leaders of our age. The second was Franciscus Maria Prince of Urbino, a young Man honourably descended, and of an invincible courage; And the third Paul jordanus Ursinus, an honourable Gentleman of the Family of the Ursini in Rome.  
All the power of the confederate Princes thus met together at Messina, and all things now in readiness, a Counsel was called by the General, to resolve what course to take in those most dangerous Wars against so puissant an Enemy; unto which Counsel were admitted only Don john the General himself, and Aloysius Rechezenes, of some called Requisenius, great Commander of Castille, the General Lieutenant, or rather director of his actions; Sebastianus Venerius the Venetian Admiral; and Augustinus Barbadicus General proveditor, of equal authority and reputation with the Admiral; and one Secretary; Marcus Antonius Columnius the Pope's Admiral, with Pompeius Colonna his Kinsman. The chief point whereon these great Commanders were to resolve, was Whether they should adventure the general fortune of a Battle against so strong an Enemy, or only seek to defend the Frontiers of their own Dominions? Which question (as all other of like sort) was of divers diversely phantasied; every Man pleasing himself with his own reasons. Requisenius (Don john his chief Counsellor; without whom he willingly did nothing, and undoubtedly a Man of great valour and experience) speaking first, said, That the Enemy's strength was necessarily to be known, before they committed all to the fortune of a Battle; and that therefore delay was to be used, lest improvident haste overthrow all. Matters of War that were to be decided by the Sword, were (as he said) with great and sound advice to be administered, for that the errors of Battle, whereby all was to be put in hazard, were not to be again amended. He highly commended the advice of Scipio Africanus, who counselled great Commanders, not to fight with the Enemy but upon some great advantage, or else thereunto forced by necessity. But as things now stood, what opportunity could be ministered, or advantage taken; the Enemy keeping himself close within the Bay of Corinth, and no apparent means how to draw him out from thence? Neither that he for his part was of so great spirit, as within the Harbour in place of disadvantage, without hope, to set upon an Enemy in common estimation stronger than himself; for what dishonour should they incur, if having received some notable loss, they should be enforced with shame to give over the enterprise begun? And to besiege Oricus, Dirrachium, or Castrum Novum, frontier Towns of the Turks, so to draw them out of Battle; what were this other than to show a certain fear and distrust in themselves, and to discourage the minds of the Soldiers? For as well the Enemy, as the common Soldier, would forthwith deem such a poor attempt to proceed of a mere fear, as to make a vain show of something doing, when as they durst not encounter the Enemy in his full strength. As for the other reason drawn from necessity; what necessity had they, so desperately to set upon the Enemy; who upon the approach of Winter must needs in short time lay up his Galleys; and being already in safe Habor, would never be drawn to the hazard of a Battle, especially like hope, like strength, and like danger appearing on both sides? Wherefore, it were best (in his opinion) only to make a great show of their Forces, so to terrify the barbarous Enemy; but in no case to hazard the hope of the whole Christian Common-weal, upon the fortune of a Battle. He farther also propounded unto them, the uncertain events of things, the common chance of War, the strength of the Enemy, as well by Sea as by Land; with whom they themselves were not (as he said) indeed comparable; then, what an infinite heap of miseries was like to overwhelm the Christian Common-weal, if they should in any thing miscarry; and that therefore, safe advice was in this case to be preferred before that which was attended upon with greater danger.  

The Venetians urge Battle.  On the other side, the Venetians, who thought all delay both infamous and dangerous to their State, were far of another opinion. Wherefore Venerius and Barbadicus not only vehemently persuaded, but most instantly requested the General and the rest of the great Commanders, that so soon as opportunity served, they would commit the matter to the trial of a Battle, and not to make that Counsel, which their courageous minds might make most glorious and fortunate, by declining of Battle to become dishonourable or frustrate. If desire of honour (said they) move us not, shall neither these things move us? The loss of so great and chargeable a preparation, the spoiling of our Frontiers, and the insolency of our Enemies, which we increase by delay? We defend ourselves and ours, we invade not them; we go not about to drive the Turk out of his Empire; but that we ourselves be not by him driven out of our own Countries. Wherefore we ought so much the more readily & speedily to think of Battle, by how much the necessity of him is greater that repulseth a danger, than of him that offereth the same. What, are our Weapons blunt, or our hands benumbed? Shall the Turks so often provoke us, and we still be unrevenged? Shall we always show our Weapons, and never fight? One fortunate Battle is able to blot out the infamy of former time, and to fill us with the hope of future happiness; if nothing else, let the very indignity of the matter stir us up to battle. And what doubt is there, but that the Enemy swelling with pride, will come forth with his Fleet, and give us Battle? Think you that a small discredit will ensue to our honour and reputation, if contented with a vain brag, having not once skirmished with the Enemy, or so much as seen him, we shall return home, to the general shame of all Christendom? See how many pestilent inconveniences will ensue, if we shall take this course. This manner of proceeding will fill all men's minds with despair; the people will murmur, That they are to no purpose oppressed with exactions and tributes; The confederate Princes (careful of this War) will say, that they have in vain wearied themselves with often embassages and care thereof: The proud Enemy will account our departure, or declining of Battle, for a manifest Victory. The next year we may look for him again with a greater and a stronger Fleet, which will not only make a more heavy War, but destroy and bear down all before it; at which time, who can assure us that the Christians shall have the like preparation, if we shall now delay to fight? What labour is to be taken, what cost to be bestowed, to set forth again so great a Fleet? Unto these causes which impose upon us a necessity and force to fight, is adjoined not only a singular regard of our honour, but a most notable opportunity also offered; we never had a greater Fleet, nor better furnished with Men, Munition, and all things else to be required for the gaining of a notable Victory; and who knoweth not, that the Christian Galleys are far stronger than the Turks? Besides that, the greatest part of their best Soldiers are in hope of prey gone into Cyprus, who there seeking after the spoil, and forgetful of the Enemy, without controlment glut themselves with the pleasures of that rich Island; whereby their Fleet is so much the weaker. All which things, as they promise no hard Victory, so do they propound unto us Honour, Glory, Fame, and most honourable Rewards; and open unto us the way both for the defence of the present, and recovery of that hath been before lost. What then stand we still looking for? Or why do we not in God's Name join that Battle, which is unto us, not only necessary, but profitable also?  
Thus much said, they began to entreat and beseech the General and the rest, not longer to suffer the Christian Common-weal to receive loss upon loss, but to repose their only hope in the good success of one worthy Battle, and never to look for the like opportunity, if they let slip the present. This matter of so great consequence, thus throughly debated amongst the greatest Commanders, they thought it good to hear also the opinions of other notable Captains, of no less experience than themselves (then in the Fleet) before they would conclude any thing. 
Cornea, and Serbello persuade the giving of Battle.  Amongst the rest, Antonius Cornea, and Gabriel Serbellio, both Spaniards, and for their great wisdom and valour had in general reputation of all Men; being demanded their opinions, with most substantial reasons, declared the necessity of giving Battle, and that it was not so dangerous, as to be therefore shunned or delayed; forsomuch as that violent Enemy was far easier to be dealt withal at Sea than by Land; where he must fight without his hugh multitude of Men, the Turks chief hope, and only means whereby they have obtained so many Victories against the Christians. And so concluded their opinions, with an effectual persuasion to set forward to Corcyra, and without delay as occasion served to give the Enemy Battle. Which their opinion being generally well liked, was shortly after by the General and the rest approved, and a resolution set down for the giving of Battle; which was no sooner known, but there was general rejoicing through the Army, every Man cheerfully preparing himself to lay down his life in the public defence of the Christian Common-weal, and that with such an earnest desire of Battle, that every day seemed now nothing also, but a delay of a most assured Victory.  

The confederates put their Fleet in order of Battle.  Yet before they should come into the sight of the Enemy, the three Admirals thought it good to bring forth the Fleet into the Sea, and there to martial the same, in such sort, as if they should even then presently have joined Battle; to the intent, that by such orderly disposing of their Fleet, and by appointing unto every Man his place he was to keep, they might so acquaint them with the order of the Battle, as that they should when time served, of themselves without farther direction, martial themselves, and so more readily enter into Battle. The next day the Admirals brought forth their Fleets into the open Sea; in the right Wing (which consisted of three and fifty Galleys) was Auria placed; In the left Wing was Augustinus Barbadicus with the like number of Galleys also; And in the middle Battle stood the General with seventy Galleys; On the right hand of the General stood Columnius, and on the left Venerius, his Associates. Thus with equal front the Fleet set forward, as if they should even presently have joined Battle. Betwixt the Wings and the middle Battle, was left no more space but for three Galleys to row; In the Rearward behind the General, followed Requisenius, the great Commander of Castille, with his Galleys; after Columnius followed the Admiral Galley of Genoa, wherein was Alexander Farnesius Prince of Parma; and behind Venerius came the Admiral Galley of Savoy, and in her the Prince of Urbino; in the space betwixt the middle Battle and the left Wing, was placed Paulus jordanus; and betwixt the middle Battle and the right Wing, was Petrus justinianus with the Galleys of Malta; Upon the left Wing attended Antonius Canalis; and Quirinus on the right. About half a mile behind all the rest, followed Alvarus Bacianus Marquis of San●race, and Admiral of the Neapolitan Fleet, with thirty Galleys; a Man of great experience in matters at Sea▪ and now so placed, to be at all times ready to relieve this or that part of the Fleet, as the fortune of the Battle, or impression of the Enemy should require. The Christians had reposed great hope in six Galleasses; 
Six Galleasses.  which furnished with great store of Ordnance and certain select Companies of most resolute Soldiers, seemed rather like Cattles than Ships. These Galleasses conducted by Franciscus Dodus, a most expert Captain, were placed about a mile before the Fleet; two of them before each Wing, and the other two before the middle Battle; so far distant one from another, as that with equal space they answered the whole breadth of the front of the Fleet, which was almost the space of five miles, and served the same in stead of most strong Bulwarks. The Galleys throughout the Fleet kept not close together, but such a convenient distance one from another, as might serve for them at liberty, to discharge their Ordnance when time should require. In the Wings, as also in the main Battle, were the Popes, the Kings, and the Venetian Galleys indifferently intermixed; that by the equality of the danger they should have more care to relieve one another, than if they had served apart. joannes Cardonius, a most valiant Captain, with eight Galleys of Sicily and two Galliots, was appointed to go ten miles before the Fleet to descry what he might, of the Enemies doings, and in his return to join the one half of his Galleys to the one Wing, and the other half to the other.  
In this sort they departed from Messina, 
The Christian Fleet departeth from Messina, to give the Turks Battle.  with purpose to seek out the Enemy; and not long after came to Paxo, where, of a small broil at the first, was like to have risen a great mischief; for the next day, whilst Don john stayed there to take a view of the Venetian Galleys, and how they were furnished both of Men and Munition, he finding them but weakly manned, for supplying of that want, appointed four thousand Spaniards, and a thousand Italians to be put aboard into the Venetian Galleys, where most need was.  
Amongst these Soldiers, 
Mutius Tortona a Spaniard, raiseth a Munity in the Fleet at Paxo.  was one Company under the command of Mutius Tortona their Captain, a Man of an unquiet and furious Nature; who going aboard the Galley of Andreas Calergus, first fell to words with the Captain of the Galley, and after much stir, into plain fight; so that in a trice they were altogether by the Ears, as well the Soldiers as the Captains; of all which stir, Mutius was the only author. Venerius being not far off, and hearing of the matter, sent the Captain of his own Galley to appease the tumult, who thrusting himself into the midst of the furious multitude, was by Mutius in his fury foully entreated, and divers of them that came with him shrewdly beaten. Which thing Venerius (himself also of an hot nature) taking as done in disgrace of the Venetians, 
Tortona and his Ancient hanged.  and therewith exceedly moved; to the terror of others, caused Mutius and his Ensign-bearer to be hanged up at the Yards-arm of the same Galley, to the great offence of all the Spaniards. The General also taking this execution in evil part, full of choler and indignation, grievously complained, That he himself as General, was therein not a little wronged; and that it became every Commander, to know what belonged to his place, and not to encroach upon his betters; so should the conditions of the League be the better kept, if every Commander could keep himself within the bounds of his own Authority. Venerius he said, 
Dissension betwixt Don Joh● and Ven●●rius the Venetian Admiral▪  (whose authority was inferior unto his) could not of right without his command determine any thing against Mutius a Spanish Captain; And that therein his honour was impaired; for which if he had not a public and honourable amends, he threatened by force of Arms to redress his wrong, and the League being broken, to carry away with him the King's Galleys. Neither wanted there some, who favouring Don john his quarrel, and angry with the Venetians, laid still more Coals on the fire that was already too great. Hereunto Venerius sent word unto the General, That he should do well to moderate his anger, and at leisure to advise himself, and better to understand the matter, so should he plainly see, that there was never more just or wholesome execution done upon any, than upon those mutinous persons: But if he, carried away with the heat of youth; should attempt any more violent course than stood with the common quiet, it were not to be marvelled if he afterward repent. He (as he said) was also in Arms, and ready to show himself a Man. The matter was grown to that heat, that it was not only not far from the breaking off of the League; but even at the point to have set all on a broil, and to have put the whole Fleet in danger; had not Columnius the Pope's Admiral, against this Tempest opposed himself; he with all his power laboured to cure the wounded mind of the General, and to appease his anger; telling him, That the common Enemy would hardly be withstood by them all, being at unity and concord amongst themselves; but if unto the foreign danger were also joined domestical Discord, than were the Christian Common-weath undone. But if he would moderate his anger, and more regard the honour and credit of the Venetian Admiral, than the punishment of a seditious Man, even they which were unto him Friends, and Enemies unto the Venetians, would highly commend his moderation and stayedness; yea, that howsoever the matter was done, it could not be now undone. But whatsoever Venerius had done, was in his opinion justly done; That it was always so accounted and observed, that when many Princes joined their Forces together in matters that concerned the common managing of the War, nothing was to be done without the command of the General; but in matters belonging to the private Government of every Man's Regiment, every General had power of life and death over them that were under his command; which to be so, was as he said hereby to be understood. King Philip was King of many Kingdoms, and that he might long so be, he heartily wished; now if any Millanoys had committed any capital Crime worthy death in the Kingdom of Naples, should the judgement of that crime be of right to be referred unto the King himself, as the chief Sovereign? Or unto the Governor of Mallain, where the offender was born? Or rather to the civil Magistrate of Naples, in whose jurisdiction the fault was committed, and so of right there to be executed? What difference was there then, but that Mutius might rightly seem to have been justly punished by Venerius, who although he were a Spanish Captain, had yet raised a Mutiny in a Venetian Galley, which was under the command of the Venetian Admiral? Beside that, the discipline of War sometime required a severe and exemplary kind of punishment: For which cause it was both notably and truly said of Clearchus, That a General ought to be more feared of his Souldi●rs, than the Enemy; and that amongst the ancient Romans it had been the custom, even for private Men with more severe punishment to restrain the factious Citisen, than the most cruel Enemy: That the fact was not so much to be regarded, as the intention of him that did it: That it was the duty of Commanders to withstand the madness of the mutinous. The author of sedition and tumult he said had suffered but condign punishment to his fact; who if he had escaped unpunished, would but have been the more disordered; but now by his exemplary punishment, would deter others from the like insolency. Besides that, the external danger was such, as aught to reconcile them, were they never so much Enemies: That such Men as they were, should above all things regard what might profit or hurt the common cause; in contemplation whereof all private injuries were to be remitted; and the rather, for that the honour and dishonour of the good or bad success of such an important action should redound unto themselves, but especially unto the General. His own duty he had as he said discharged, in dealing so plainly and faithfully with him, and could no more but pray unto God, with merciful eye to behold the troubled Christian Common-weal in such a most dangerous time.  
Thus was the mutiny at Paxo by the great labour of Columnius hardly appeased; 
Don John still beareth a Grudge against Venerius.  Nevertheless Don john could not afterwards endure to participate unto Venerius his Counsels, or so much as to come in his company; all▪ was done by Barbadicus the Venetian Proveditor. This Barbadicus was not inferior to Venerius in courage and valour, but far beyond him in discretion; 
Barbadicus the Venetian Proveditor a notable Man.  a tall and goodly personage, well coloured, his Beard grizly, though not for age, for why he was not above fifty years old: Beside that, in his eyes and countenance appeared a vivacity or liveliness of spirit; in his very gate and comely motion of his body, he carried a certain grace and majesty; His talk and speech was always calm and temperate, his counsel grave and sound; so that he was both greatly honoured and beloved of all Men; His chief endeavour also was, to further the hope of atonement betwixt the Spaniards and the Venetians, so well begun by Columnius. And so all things brought into some reasonable terms, they daparted from Paxo, and came to Corcyra; the spoil whereof well declared the Enemies late being there. 
The Christian Fleet at Cephalenia.  From thence they departed to Cephalenia; where they by Letters from Pau. Contarenus, Governor of Zacynthus, were advertised, That the Turks Fleet of three hundred and three and thirty Sail, of one sort and other, lay in the Gulf of Corinth, now called the Gulf of Lepanto. Whereupon they shortly after removed, with purpose to have gone to Petala, an Haven opposite over against the Islands (or rather Rocks) called Eohinades but now Cornulares, and so to the Bay of Corinth, to draw the Enemy forth to Battle; but stayed with contrary Winds, thy put back again into the Valley of Alexandria, another Port in the Island of Cephalenia; from whence they afterward departed to the Islands of Corzulares, where by the way they understood by Letters out of Crete, That Famagusta was lost; with which bad news they were no whit discouraged, but rather inflamed with the desire of revenge. From the Islands they went to Galanga, a good Harbour, where they stayed one night, purposing the next day to have gone to the mouth of the Gulf of Lepanto, there to dare the Turks to battle.  
The Turks Bassas Partau and Haly, who then lay in good safety within the Gulf, hearing of the approach of the Christian Fleet, began to consult with the rest of their most expert Captains, Whether to give the Christians Battle, or to keep themselves still within their safe Harbour; upon which doubt they were amongst themselves of divers opinions. 
Chiroche dissuadeth the Bassas from giving Battle unto the Christians.  Amongst the rest Chiroche a Man of great years and authority, and withal a most noble Captain, exhorted the Bassas, in no case, when no need was, upon a vain glory to adventure all to the fortune of an uncertain Battle; it was (as he said) the part of wise and worthy Commanders, to moderate with reason their happy fortunes, for that thereunto were incident many accidents whereby their former felicity might be disgraced; they had already run alongst the Enemy's Coasts, spoiled the Frontiers of his Countries, and were with much honour and great spoil in safety returned, having increased the Turkish Empire with many strong Towns of the Enemies; the Island of Cyprus was with wonderful good fortune brought under the Turks obeisance, the Enemies great provision at Sea frustrated, in such sort, as that having lost divers of their Galleys, they were never yet able to draw their Swords; they had with their Fleet at their pleasure roamed up and down the Adriatic, and displayed their victorious Ensigns almost unto the very City of Venice. What could they then devise or wish for more honourable or glorious, than with the safety of their Fleet, yea without any loss at all, to have performed so great matters? Now the three general Commanders of the Enemy's Fleet to be so at discord among themselves, as that they were ready to fall in sunder of themselves; who now upon the approach of Winter, and for want of Victual, must needs in few days return home with their Fleet, never after to meet again with the like strength at Sea; and therefore to what purpose were it, by force of Arms and uncertain Battle, with danger to seek for the sovereignty and command of the Sea, which would forthwith of itself without any danger fall unto them. Neither should they by the doubtful Victory so much increase their Honour, as by the uncertain event of a Battle blemish the same, if any thing should fall out otherwise than well. And that therefore they should do well to take heed, that in seeking to augment their former Victories, they hazarded not their Honour already gained; but wholsomely delay the War, and keep themselves in safety with their Fleet within the Gulf, and not to go out at the Enemy's pleasure, but when they should see good themselves, as such time as the Enemy was not so well provided; so should they (as he said) without any great labour or danger attain to the full of their own desires.  
Partau Bassa was of opinion, That the Christians would not at all offer him Battle; 
Partau Bassa standeth indifferent for giving or not giving Battle.  which opinion the Christians had also of him; and in this question, for giving or not giving of Battle, seemed neither to approve nor dislike that Chiroche had so gravely spoken, but as a Man indifferent and loath to encur any blame, showed himself ready either to stay or to set forward, as should be thought best by the greatest part. But Haly Bassa, a Man of an hotter spirit, and the great Champion of the Turks, could not endure to hear of any delay, but of present Battle. The pleasure of Selimus, the hope of Victory, the remembrance of the displeasure Pial Bassa had the last year incurred, for not giving the Christians Battle, enduced him now in no case to refuse Battle, but forthwith to go out of the Gulf, and to accept thereof, if it were offered. In which his opinion he was the more confirmed by the relation of Caracoza a famous Pirate, and of great account among the Turks; who in a swift Galliot taking view of the Christian Fleet, had reported it to be much less than indeed it was; deceived as was afterward thought, by not taking full view thereof, by reason of his posting haste; or else blinded by the Island, which lying behind the Fleet, suffered him not perfectly to descry the same. Upon which report there was great rejoicing amongst the Turks, who now after their accustomed manner dreamt of nothing but Victory and Spoil. So that Haly, vainly persuaded that his Fleet was both the greater and stronger, would now needs fight, in hope that the Christians upon first sight of the Turks Fleet would either retire and save themselves by shameful flight; or else in adventuring Battle at so great odds, by their foolish hardiness receive a notable overthrow. This opinion of the Bassa was also not a little confirmed by the persuasion of Cassanes, Barbarussa his Son, Uluzales, and Chais-Beg, Governor of Smyrna, all Men of great mark and experience, especially in matters at Sea. And although Partau the other Bassa stood wavering as a Man in doubt, 
The Turks resolve to give the Christian● Battle.  and Chiroche Governor of Alexandria, with Carabuzes' Governor of Silicia, and Mechmet Governor of Euboea, Men of no less worth than the other, upon better consideration, were of a quite contrary mind, for not giving the Christians Battle; yet such was the authority of Haly, or rather his opportunity, forced to his own Destiny, that his opinion prevailed; so that now out they needs must, and fight. Albeit the two other Spials sent out after Caracoza, and having more perfectly viewed the Fleet, returning with speed, told the Bassas, as truth was, That the Christians very strong and well appointed, were coming with Ensigns displayed of purpose to fight; and that their Fleet was in number much greater than was before supposed. With which news so far contrary to their expectation, the Bassas were exceedingly troubled; and demanding whether the foremost Galleys were all Venetians or not; and being answered, that they were intermixed, some Venetians, some Spanish, and of the other Western Countries; they began to doubt the worst, and became exceeding pensive. Nevertheless knowing themselves to be of all things well furnished, having now victualled in the Bay of Corinth, and there also taken in twelve thousand Janissaries and Spahies, drawn out of the Garrisons of Aetolia, Acarnania, Peloponnesus, and the other Countries thereby, all resolute Men, and four thousand other common Soldiers, and that they could not now with their honour shrink back, they held it still for the best, to hold on their former resolution for the giving of the Christians Battle. Yet before their setting forward, call together the Captains and chief Commanders of the Fleet, Partau the more to encourage them, spoke unto them as followeth.  We are to fight (said he) Fellows in Arms; 
Partau Bassa encourageth the Turks.  with that kind of Men whom our Ancestors have driven out of Euboea, the Rhodes, Mitylene, Peloponnesus, and Tripoli, and we ourselves but yesterday out of the famous Island of Cyprus; whose Cities and strong Towns, in number infinite, our Emperor hath, as the rewards of his Wars; whom we have always vanquished as well by Sea as by Land; and shall it then now repent you, that you in this War, embrued in the Christian Blood; have sunk or taken many of their Ships and Galleys? That you have carried away great and rich Spoils? That you have taken whole Islands and Cities at the first assault? That we have by proof showed unto the World what force is in the Turk to subdue strong Cities and Towns? And what little power is in the Christians to defend the same? What direction brought us Victory before, the same shall also at this present give us the like. Not to speak of that, that we far excel them both in number of Men and Galleys, this is more to be reckoned of, that we excel them in Valour and Prowess; for you being old expert Soldiers, from your infancy trained up in the Wars, hardened in infinite Battles, and full of courage and strength, shall fight against weak, freshwater, and effeminate Soldiers; who entertained for pay (of the refuse of all Nations) know nothing belonging to the Wars; or forcibly pressed out of Cities, serve not because they would, but because they must neither will nor choose. But not to speak more of the manner of the Christian Soldiers, who are nothing else than the perpetual excercise of your renown and prowess; and to come unto him, under whose fortune and conduct they serve. What should I say? Should I compare either of us (who have spent our Lives in Victories and Triumphs; who born and brought up amongst Arms, have with our right hands gained unto ourselves Honour and Fame) with this stripling and half months' Captain, who never saw Battles but these? Who in a less matter never showed proof of himself, why should he be accounted of in a greater? who in so weighty a cause needed a Tutor; and such a one, as indeed beareth the Name of a General, more for his honour, that for any worth in himself. Besides, amongst the Enemies is such dissension, that every Man regardeth his own private, serveth as pleaseth himself, contemneth, and is contemned: Whereas with us is such consent, that it cannot be devised, how the Soldiers in general should more trust their Commanders, or the Commanders their Soldiers. What things were by the discipline of War or carefulness of a General to be prepared, all those you have abundantly and plentifully in readiness; only this last warlike labour remaineth; which once dispatched, our Enemies shall be discomfited even in that wherein their greatest confidence resteth. They shall be despoiled of their Honour and Traffic at Sea; and that 
* Viz. Venice.  once subdued, which is alone the glory of the Sea, there shall be no hope left for the Christians, whether by Sea or Land; and (that we have always wished) Italy, fair Italy (wherein these matters are plotted against us) shall be in our hand and power; wherefore let us with such courage assail our Enemies, as beseemeth most victorious Conquerors, Men so many times conquered; And so set forward, as if you saw our Emperor himself encouraging you, and giving you the signal of Battle; of his bounty, and the present victory, expecting all felicity and bliss. 
This comfortable Speech with great gravity delivered by the Bassa, so encouraged the Turks, as that they all with one voice and mind seemed to desire nothing more than Battle; for they still possessed with the first report of Caracoza, and encouraged by the Bassa's Speech, were in good hope to have fought the Battle upon great advantage, and therefore thought upon nothing but present Victory. 
The Turks Fleet cometh out of the Gulf of Lepanto. The Islands Echinades, or Corzulares.  Whereupon setting forward with great cheerfulness, they came out of the Gulf, and shaped their Course for the Islands Echinades, about midway betwixt Lepanto and Patras, before little Islands, or rather obscure Rocks, scarcely appearing in the Sea, but now to be made famous throughout the World, by the most notable Battle that ever was fought in those Seas.  
The Christians also coming still on towards the Enemy, the seventh of October in the afternoon understood by their Spials, that the Turks Fleet was coming, and even now at hand; whereupon the General commanded the great Ensign of the Confederates (the appointed signal of Battle) to be forthwith displayed, and a great warning Piece to be shot off out of his Admiral Galley; And himself glistering all in bright Armour, with Cardona Admiral of Sicilia, and Soto his Secretary, in a long Boat went to all the Squadrons of the Fleet one after another, exhorting them with cheerful countenance to follow their Leaders, and to play the Men; remembering, that they that day carried in their hands the Wealth, Honour, Glory, and Liberty of their Countries, yea and the very Religion of their Forefathers; and that that days Victory would bring unto them and theirs perpetual Felicity; whereas otherwise, if they should as Cowards suffer themselves to be overcome and vanquished, it would be unto them the beginning of all manner of most woeful calamities. To which and other like his Speeches, the Captains and Soldiers (before of themselves cheerful enough) in every place where he came gave such applause with the joyful cry of Victory, Victory, so often and so cheerful in all places resounded, as that it was taken as a lucky aboadment of the glorious Victory shortly after ensuing. In like manner Auria in the right Wing, and Barbadicus in the left (for the Fleet kept the same order that they had appointed before at Messina) ceased not by all comfortable Speeches to encourage their Followers; showing unto them, That now the time was come they so long wished for, wherein they not oppressed with multitude, might at length show their true Valour against the false and faithless Enemies; who being indeed nothing else but base and contemptible Slaves born to bondage, and having lost their own liberty, came to impugn the liberty of others; bringing with them a greater terror of their name, than valour of their persons; and that therefore, if ever, they would now show themselves valiant and courageous, and that day, wherein of all others true force was to be seen, to abate the pride of the barbarous and cruel Enemy, and to make their rejoicing for the Conquest of Cyprus short, before they had well tasted the pleasure thereof. At which time also, the Captains generally throughout the Fleet, with cheerful countenances and courageous speech encouraged their Soldiers; leaving nothing unsaid that might hearten them on; or undone, that might further the Victory.  
Neither were the Turks wanting to themselves (although it was fallen out much contrary to their expectation, to see the Christians, who they before thought durst not have showed themselves, now ready to dare them Battle) but encouraged with their former Victories, and furthered with a fair gale of Wind, came on proudly with their Fleet orderly and gallantly set after their wont manner in form of a Crescent or half Moon, their fortunate Ensign; nevertheless in their coming on they were much troubled with the brightness of the Sun, which then shining full in their faces, with his bright beams so dazzled their eyes, that they could not well see how to their most advantage to direct their Galleys. 
The number and order of the Turks fleet.  In this Fleet of the Turks were two hundred and fifty Galleys, fifty Galliots, and twenty Brigadines and other small Vessels; all which a far off showed like a thick Wood, but coming near hand, presented (as we said) the form of a Crescent. The middle Battle in number much like the Christians, was conducted by the great Bassanes Haly and Partau, attended upon with Agan Master of the Turks Arsenal, Mustapha Zeliby the Treasurer; Achmat Bay, with Mahomet his younger Brother, the Sons of Haly; Achmat Aga Governor of Theuthrania; Ass●s Caiga Governor of Calipolis; Caracoza, Cassanes the Son of Barbarussa; Malamur Governor of Mitylene; Dely Solyman Gider Captain of Chios; Cassambeius Governor of the Rhodes; Provi Aga Captain of Naupulium; Giaper Zeliby Precedent of Calabra; Dordagnan, Dondomeni, and many others, whose barbarous Names I purposely omit; all Men of great account and place, and for their experience of Sea the chief strength of the Turkish Empire. The right Wing was by the appointment of the Bassas commanded by Mahomet Bey with fifty six Galleys, with whom were also many worthy Captains; and in the left Wing was Uluzales the old Arch-Pyrat, but now the Viceroy of Algiers, with ninety five Galleys, accompanied with Caraiolo and Arabey his two Sons, with a multitude of Pirates, Men of his own profession; but most valiant and expert Soldiers. In the Rearward came Amurates Dragute, with thirty Galleys, and divers other small Vessels.  
Now was the day well spent, when both the Fleets were ready to give Battle; 
The great and notable Battle between the Turks and the Christians, commonly called, The Battle of Lepanto.  the Enemy still coming on almost in same same order that the Christians did; for their middle Battle came directly against our middle Battle, and their Wings against ours. So the signal of Battle on both sides given by the shooting off of certain great Pieces; The Turks after their manner coming on with an hideous cry, first light upon the six Galleasses, which lying at Anchor almost a mile before the Fleet, as most strong Bulwarks, out of their Fore-Castles poured out their murdering Shot upon the Turks, now come within their danger; and in their passing by so plagued them, by discharging their whole Broadsides, first the one, and eftsoons the other upon them, that having received great loss, and divers of their Galleys sunk, they were enforced to break their order, and to fall further off. Which so much the more troubled the Turks, for that they had before supposed, those great Carts and unserviceable Ships (as they accounted of them) to have carried little or no great Ordnance on their sides, after the manner of their Galleys; for the use of the Galleasses was not unto the Turks known, until now that they had received from them most notable harm; which as it was the beginning of their misery, so was it unto the Christians of greatest importance for the gaining of the Victory. At which time also the Wind, which all that day had much favoured the Turks▪ was now (God no doubt fight his own Battle) come about to the West, and with a pleasant Gale in the time of the fight carried the smoke of the great Ordnance upon the Turks, to their no small disadvantage. Yet for all this loss and disorder in their Fleet, the fierce Enemy with wonderful pertinacy passing by these Galleasses, quickly repaired again to their places, and made good their disordered Squadrons, and with all their force assailed the Christian Fleet. The Trumpets, Drums, and other Instruments of War had scarcely well sounded, 
A terrible on set.  when all shook with confused cries, flames of Fire, thundering of Artillery, and other noise of the Mariners and Seamen; wherewith many were so astonished as if they had been both deaf and blind, having upon the sudden almost lost the use both of their sight and hearing. At which very instant a Man might have seen the whole showers as it were of Arrows and Darts mixed with the deadly Shot, flying from the one Fleet to the other; the Masts broken, the Sail-yards struck down, the Tackles rend, and all confused with horror and fear. Haly beholding the Admiral Gally (which was easy to be known by the Flag) and using the surpassing cheerfulness of his Mariners and Rowers, 
A dreadful and doubtful Fight between the two Admiral Galleys  ran upon her with such violence as if he would have presently stemmed her; but being with like force encountered by the Admiral, they met together with such violence, that both their Beaks were with the Feaze broken off, and so fell into the Sea. There began a most cruel fight betwixt these two great Commanders, who had before drawn unto them the strongest Galleys in their Fleets, and the choicest Men in their Armies. In the Admiral Galley of the Christians were four hundred select Men picked out of the whole Army, most of them Captains and Ancients, Men of approved Valour; who not only valiantly repulsed the furious Enemies, but with greater courage enforced them to shrink back, and pressing hard upon them, entered the Galley even to the main Mast; where the Enemy strengthened with new supply, fought courageously, repulsed the Spaniards, and cleared again their Galley. Many were there wounded on both sides, and many slain. Don john seeing his Men give way, sent in new supply; wherewith the other encouraged, bestirred themselves more lustily than before, and hardly charge the Turks, who with like hope and like courage encounter them. The Battle was like unto the ebbing and flowing of the Sea; thrice the Turks were even driven unto the main Mast, and thrice strengthened with new supplies, they with great slaughter repulsed the Christians back again.  
Venerius perceiving the danger of the General, 
Venerius coming to the relief of Don John is encountered by Partau Bassa.  was about to have assailed▪ the Poup of Haly his Galley, so to have endangered her, being set upon both before and abaft; but in coming thither he was encountered by Partau the other Bassa, who with a Company of Galleys opposed himself against him, and that with such celerity, that having made show as if he would have charged him affront, he by and by set upon his side. Which unexpected manner of fight so suddenly fashioned, at the first much troubled the Christians; who afterward gathering courage, notably defended themselves. Venerius (upon whose Valour the Venetian State rested) gallantly armed, not only encouraged his Men, one while with entreating, another while with threatening, but was himself in the midst of them fight, whose great Honour much moved the minds of his Soldiers; but his reverend years more; to see him (being above seventy seven years old) to perform all the parts of a brave youthful Commander, in the very face of the greatest danger. The fierce Enemy having slain many of the Christians, pressed on more furiously, and fight close together, entered the Prow of Venerius his Galley now bared of Defendants, 
Venerius in danger▪  and with their multitude rather than true valour oppressed the Venetians; who had there no doubt been overcome, had not joannes Lauretanus and Catherinus Malipetra, two valiant Captains, and lying not far off, speedily come to their relief. By whose coming in, the fight was in the turning of an hand quite altered; so that they which a little before fiercely assailed the Venetian Galleys, were now glad to defend their own; so for a space the fight stood indifferent, but in process of the Battle, thos● two worthy Captains, whilst they also perform the parts of most resolute Soldiers, were both slain; shot through with small shot. 
Lauretanus and Malipetra slain.  The fall of these notable Men did rather enrage than discourage the minds of their Soldiers; so that blinded as it were with fury, and suddenly become other Men, they desperately pressed in upon the Turks; so that whilst they on the one side kill and wound them, and Venerius more hardly chargeth them on the other; the terror of the Battle was turned from them that were even at the point to have been vanquished, upon the Victors; and our Men after great slaughter of the Turks, took two of their Galleys; Partau the Bassa in a long Boat escaped the danger, and so got him out of the Battle. Not far off thence, Columnius the Pope's Admiral, as a valiant Chieftain hardly assailed other of the Turks Galleys, and made amongst them great slaughter; one singled from the rest, he took, and disordered the other. Lignius the Admiral of Genoa with like courage thrust himself into the thickest of the Enemies, and there made a notable fight. Many an Enemy fell about the Prince of Parma, Rueres, Ursinus, Cornea, and justinianus; who for their present honour, and future fame, fought most courageously.  
At which time Chiroche or Sirock (of some called Mahomet Bey) with his right Wing with great confidence came forward against the left Wing of the Christian Fleet; but falling before he was aware into the danger of the Galleasses, was from out of them miserably beaten with the great Ordnance, 
The right Wing of the Turks Fleet sore gauled by the Galleasses.  having many of his Men slain, and divers of his Galleys sunk and torn, few of the huge and deadly Shot falling in vain into the Sea, by reason of the thick standing of the Turks Galleys; where also divers of the Enemies were burnt with Pots of Wildfire cast into their Galleys out of the tops of the Galleasses. Chiroche to avoid the danger of the Galleasses, and to shun the dangerous Shelf betwixt him and the Main (which the River Achelous running between the Borders of Acarnania and Aetolia, and there falling into the Sea, maketh) sent a great part of his Galleys under the conduct of one Alis a notable Renegade of Genoa, to cast about aloof upon the right hand, and so to come upon the back of Barbadicus the Leader of the left Wing of the Christian Fleet. Which he perceiving, forthwith turned his Galleys, and with their Prows received the first onset. The great Ordnance first on both sides discharged, 
A terrible Fight betwixt Chiroche and Barbadicus.  divers of the Galleys grappled fast together, in such sort, as that they encountered one another not with their missive Weapons, only (as with their small Shot, Arrows, and Darts) but with their drawn Swords foot to foot. Amongst the rest, the fight of two of the Christian Galleys was most notable; in the one was Barbadicus himself, in the other Marcus Ciconia, upon whom fell six of the Enemy's Galleys, and upon Barbadicus five; who although they were on every side distressed with a most doubtful and dangerous fight, yet did they most valiantly with worthy resolution endure the same. In the fury of this Battle, Barbadicus encouraging his Soldiers, and fight himself even there where most danger was, was hit in his left Eye with an Arrow, and so struck into the Brain almost through the Head; wherewith falling presently down, he was taken up for dead; howbeit he died not thereof until three days after. The supposed death of this worthy Man much troubled the Christians, and both the Armies felt his fall (such force there is in the valour of one worthy Man) for the Turks now as Conquerors lustily boarded the Galley, troubled with the loss of the Captain; and the Venetians as Men discouraged gave way; the Galley had there undoubtedly been lost, had not Fredericus Nanius and Silvius Porcia with their Galleys speedily come to her relief; by whose coming in, such an alteration was made, as that the Galley before half taken, was not only cleared, but divers of the Turks Galleys also boarded, and some of them taken, not without the great slaughter of the Turks. In this so hard and mortal a conflict, Silvius was grievously wounded in the thigh and in his right side. 
The death of Barbadicus.  It is reported of Barbadicus, That lying that evening at the point of death, the Battle then ended, he like another Epaminondas, asked which part had got the Victory; and being told that the Christians had got it, and that the Turks Fleet was most part taken, and the rest sunk or burnt; he with his eyes cast up to Heaven, gave unto God immortal thanks therefore, and not long after joyfully departed this life, to live in Bliss for ever.  
Ciconia in the mean time hardly befet with six of the Enemy's Galleys, 
Ciconia hardly beset, and in danger to have been lost, is relieved.  (as we have before said) was himself sore burnt with Wildfire and hurt in the face; and having endured a long and terrible fight, was now even at the point to have been lost; when sudden relief coming in, he was now contrary to all hope saved, and therewith so much encouraged, that with his weary and wounded Soldiers, as Men from death revived, he afresh charged the Enemy, and took one of his principal Galleys, with one of the Turks fairest Ensigns, which in the Venetian Armoury is yet there to be seen; of his worthy valour, his honest wounds in his face and the fore part of his Body, were most certain and undoubted witnesses.  
Not far off, 
A hard fight betwixt Jo. Contarenus and Chiroche.  in the same Wing joannes Contarenus an honourable and valiant Gentleman, did with his great Shot exceeding great harm amongst the Turks Galleys; which Chiroche perceiving, and therewith enraged, ran so fiercely upon the side of Contarenus his Galley, that with his Beak he had well near stemmed her; and presently grappling fast with her, was like to have boarded her; who nevertheless the Christians notably repulsed, with greater slaughter than was thought possible for so small a number to have made; neither did the Enemies fall unrevenged, but all imbrued with the Blood of the Christians. Seldom hath been seen a more cruel fight, or more resolute Captains to encounter hand to hand. But after the Battle had of long time stood doubtful, the hope of the Christians increased upon two causes, for which the courage of the Enemy quailed; First for that many of the Turks being slain or wounded, they were brought to a small number; Then for that both parties saw Chiroche himself slain; from which time the Enemy, as well destitute of a Leader to conduct them, as of fresh supplies to relieve them, began to be cut down right, or taken. Which their danger was the more increased, because the Galley bulged with the great Shot, was now leaky, and in danger to sink; wherefore the Turks in that Wing overcome with despair, began to think rather how to save themselves by flight than by fight, reposing their trust in nothing more than in the nearness of the Main. But as they were turning about toward the Shoar, they were prevented by the Christians; who entering the Galley, and having slain or driven overboard almost all that were left, took Chiroche, 
Ch●ro che slain, and his Galley taken.  yet breathing, but half dead; and seeing small hope of his life, with fresh wounds made an end of him.  
Divers and doubtful was the whole face of the Battle; as fortune offered unto every Man his Enemy, so he fought; according as every Man's disposition put into him courage or fear, or as he met with more or fewer Enemies, so was there here and there sometime victory, and sometime loss. 
A hard and doubtful Battle.  Many fights were in sundry places seen mingled together; some Galleys whiles they run to stem others, are themselves by others stemmed; some, which you would think were flying away, falling by fortune upon one victorious Galley or other, suddenly take them; other some, as if they had been of neither part, row up and down betwixt the Battles. The chance of War in one place lifteth up the vanquished, and in another overthroweth the victorious; all was full of terror, error, sorrow, and confusion. And albeit that fortune had not yet determined which way to incline, yet the Christians at length began to appear much superior both in courage and strength; and the Turks seemed now rather to defend themselves, than to assail their Enemies.  
Bacianus in the Rearward intentively marked all the whole fight, and ever as need required, sent in present aid, without respect whether they were the Pope's Galleys, the King of Spain's, or the Venetians, that were distressed. In this long and terrible fight it chanced, that the Turks seeing the Christians Generals Galley hardly charged on the Prow by Haly Bassa, to be almost bared of Defendants in the Poup, all the Soldiers having their hands full before, were about to have boarded her abaft, and to that purpose were fetching a compass about her; Which Bacianus quickly perceiving, glistering in bright Armour came speedily in with certain Galleys, and by opposing of himself against them, stayed their course. In all the Battle was not seen a more cruel fight; for having discharged many volleys of Shot, and Arrows and Darts without number, they grappled at length together, and came to the Sword, where with the foremost, Bacianus not only with words, but with his presence and valour wonderfully encouraged his Soldiers, having received in his Target of proof two small Shot. Many were on both sides slain. The Spaniards attempting sundry times to have entered the Turks Galleys, were with great loss repulsed; but not giving it so over, neither giving the Enemy leave to breath, or so much as to look behind him, Valour was vanquished by Pertinacy, and the Spaniards having overthrown and slain their Enemies, enjoyed their Galleys.  
Now had Don john with like courage and strength, 
A terrible fight betwixt Haly Bassa and Don John.  but with doubtful Victory, fought three hours and more with Haly Bassa; when after so dreadful and dangerous a fight, and many a deadly wound on both parts given and received, our Men began to faint, and brought to the uttermost of their devoir, were in danger to have been overcome, had not Don john betaken himself to his only and last refuge. He had (as is before said) reserved under the Hatches four hundred of his best and select Soldiers, for their Valour chosen out of the whole Army against all the events of so long and dangerous a Battle; these Men attentively attending every beck of Don john, upon sign given, as was before appointed, suddenly start out, and with a terrible cry and desperate onset assail the Enemy, before almost spent with labour and wounds. This fresh and unexpected company so suddenly grown up, first astonished, and afterwards confounded, and with a great slaughter vanquished the Turks and possessed the Galley. The Bassa deadly wounded in the head with a shot, 
Haly Bassa slain.  and all imbrued with blood, was taken, and as a joyful spectacle brought to Don john; who seeing him ready to breathe his last, commanded him to be despoiled of his Armour, and his head struck off. Which presently set upon the point of a Spear, he for a space held up aloft with his own hand, as a trophy of his Victory, as also with the sight thereof to strike a terror in the minds of the other Turks, who in the other Galleys fast by fought yet right valiantly; neither was he therein deceived; 
The Turks middle Battle discomfited.  for the Turks beholding the known countenance of the Bassa their late General, and a Flag of the Cross set up in the top of his Galley, and the noise of the Christians, crying Victory, running through the Army; were therewith so discouraged, that confounded with fear they turned their Galleys and with might and main made toward the Land, which was not much more than a mile off. Which Canalis and Quirinus, yet breathing with the late slaughter of the Turks, perceiving, with their Galleys hardly pursued the flying Enemy, and sunk and took divers of their Galleys. Partau his Son by the staying of the rest got time to run his Galley on ground, and so forsaking her, saved himself and his Men by running ashoat; so did also divers others run themselves aground and forsake their Galleys, which presently became a Prey unto the Christians. In this hot conflict Caracoza the famous Pirate (who abjuring the Christian Religion, 
Caracoza the famous Pirate slain  had turned Turk, and of long time done exceeding much mischief upon the Coast of the Christian Countries) valiantly fight, was slain by Buzzacharinus of Milan, by whose death many were delivered of a great fear.  
Haly Bassa had brought forth with him his two Sons Achmat and Mahomet, the one twenty three years old, and the other thirteen, the Nephews of the great Emperor Selimus, by his Sister married to Haly; them their Father had placed in a great Galley, with a strong guard of the Janissaries; who seeing the discomfiture of the main Battle, with the danger now drawing near unto themselves, were exceedingly afraid, and therefore to save themselves, thought it best with all speed to make toward the Main. But in so doing they were prevented by Requis●nius the great Commander, who with his furious Spaniards boarding the Turks, already dismayed and running away, slew of them a great number; and after a great fight and much cruel execution done, took the Galley, and that which pleased him more, the two Sons of Haly both alive; in the time of which fight, the poor Christians who fast chained in the Galley, had as Slaves long served in great misery, now perceiving the Christians to prevail, broke off their Gyves, loosed one another, and with such Weapons as first came to hand lustily laid about them, and notably furthered the Victory.  
Notwithstanding all this good success, the fortune of the Battle stood yet doubtful in the right Wing. There stood in either Battle two of the most noble Chieftains one against another; on the Christian part john Andreas Auria the Spanish Admiral; and for the Turks Uluzales; both most valiant and expert Commanders, well known the one to the other, for that they had of long used the same Seas, equal for their military discipline, as also for their noble acts, but far unequal for number of their Galleys; for the Turks had of one sort and other almost twice so many. Auria, 
The doubtful lying of John Andreas Auria with the right Wing of the Christian Flee●.  whether it were for that he would in the beginning of the Battle warily decline the danger, and not hazard his Galleys, wherein his chief Honour would be also endangered; or else afraid lest the Enemy, who far exceeded him in number of Galleys, should extend his Wing at large, and enclose the Christian Fleet behind; upon the signal of Battle given, shrunk farther off from the rest of the Battle; but whether upon policy, that it might be at his choice either to fight, if the rest of the Army prevailed, or to retire if they should be overcome; or that he upon martial policy declined the force of too strong an Enemy; divers Men diversely glossed; but what the cause was indeed, the wisest could not surely tell. Howsoever the matter stood, it seemed his purpose was by policy to countervail what he wanted in strength. This his falling off seemed unto the Turks most strange, to whom his quick departure seemed at the first in manner of a flight. Neither was Auria content with that space he had first separated himself from the Army; but the second time fell off further, and there staying and hover aloof off, seemed to await some good opportunity to take the Enemy at some advantage; having in the mean time one of the Galleasses of Pisa lying before him, as it were in stead of a Bulwark, which with often shot much troubled the Enemy. Uluzales also extending his Wing, took such a space, as that he seemed able to have compassed in and enclosed Auria; yet offered not Battle, but rather lay as expecting if any advantage should be given him by the Christians, than rashly or unadvisedly to offer himself or his Galleys to any desperate danger. 
Twelve of the Venetian Galleys taken by Uluzales.  He had not long so lain, but that according to his desire, twelve of the Venetian Galleys, which had withdrawn themselves from Auria, and without any order or direction roamed to and fro, fell into his danger; these Galleys cut off from the rest, Uluzales with wonderful celerity enclosed, and with the multitude of his Galleys boarding them one by one, slew the Defendants, and took the Galleys. In this fight many of the Knights of the Order of St. Stephen most valiantly fight were slain. Benedictus Superantius a noble Venetian, seeing most part of his Men slain, himself mortally wounded, and his Galley now almost taken; resolving rather presently to die, than to fall into the hands of his Enemies, desperately put fire to the store of Powder he had in the Galley, and blew up himself and his Soldiers that were le●t, with a great number of the Enemies together. The report of the great Ordnance, and noise of the Battle in that part of the Fleet being heard, they which had now in the middle Battle got the Victory, together turned their Galleys thitherwards to aid Auria, but not in one Squadron together, but coming along one after another, as every Man had sooner or later cleared himself of his Enemy, amongst the rest, Petrus justinianus (Admiral of the Galleys of Malta) coming foremost, 
A notable fight of the Knights of Malta.  was encountered with three of the Turks Galleys, with whom he with his Knights had a great and most terrible fight. Which Uluzales beholding, and above all others hating the Knights of the Order, speedily sent in other three Galleys to help their fellows. So justinian hardly beset with six Galleys, and oppressed with the multitude of his Enemies, had lost fifty of his most valiant Knights, with one of his Ensigns, and with much ado hardly defended himself. But being now brought to the last cast, and the Galley in the judgement of all Men given for lost, two other of the Galleys of Malta, who had so valiantly fought with other three of the Enemy's Galleys, that they were now upon point to have taken them all, seeing the danger of their Admiral, forsook their vanquished Enemies, and with all speed came to rescue him; where they found him yet alive, but shot in with three Arrows, and still fight courageously at the Deck of his Galley, with those few he had yet left, beset round with their Enemies; but by the coming in of these two Galleys, as if it had been by help sent from Heaven, the Turks were notably repulsed, and the Admiral with his Galley rescued, as a prey out of the mouth of the greedy Lyon. Uluzales understanding that the main Battle and right Wing of the Fleet was overthrown by the Christians; 
Uluzales ●●●eth.  for fear gave over the fight, and leaving the Galleys he had taken, and hoising Sail, was the first in that Wing that fled. Which Cardonius perceiving, who was come in before the rest, suddenly showed himself at his back, and by assailing the hindermost Galleys, did what he might to stay their flight until the rest of the victorious Galleys were come in. But whilst he so eagerly pursueth the flying Enemy, fifteen of the Turks Captains enraged with such an unwonted disgrace, and mindful of their wont prowess, stayed their flight, and contrary to the expectation of the Christians, turned themselves and renewed the Battle: What minds they bore, the event showed; for in a trice almost all Cardonius his Soldiers and Mariners were slain; nothing letted the taking of the Galley, but that Uluzales seeing Don john, Columnius, and Venerius near at hand, and making towards him, and Auria also coming fast on, was afraid longer to stay, and therefore giving over the fight, fled as fast as he could; yet carrying away with him one Galley of Cyprus, and one Ensign of the Knights of Malta, as testimonies of his own Valour when he should appear before Selimus. The Christians although weary of the long fight which they had almost by the space of five hours endured, 
The Christians hardly pursue the flying Enemy.  yet so long as they were in any hope to overtake any of their flying Enemies, hardly pursued them in chase, but when they perceived it prevailed not to follow farther, and that it was more than time to see to their weary and wounded Soldiers and Mariners, they stayed from farther pursuit; for why the night came now fast on, under the covert whereof the crafty old Pirate flying for life with Sails and Oars, escaped with thirty (or as some write, forty) Galleys again into the Bay of Lepanto.  
It was a right horrible spectacle to see, how in this Battle the Sea stained with Blood, and covered with dead Bodies, Weapons, and the Fragments of the broken Galleys; besides the great number of them that were slain, and beaten into the Sea; many of the Turks blinded with fear, casting away their Weapons, to escape the fury of the Enemy, threw themselves headlong into the Sea; but finding no hope to recover the Land, laboured again to come to the Galleys; or else fainting by the way, were miserably drowned. Othe●s, either half dead, weak, and unskilful of swimming, or overcharged with their Armour, the Sea also devoured; yea many that could well swim, wearied and wounded, sunk for fear. Others upon Planks and the pieces of the broken Galleys, sought to save themselves, and not knowing what to follow or what to shun, woefully perished. Other some swimming, and pitifully entreating their Enemies, rather to take them Prisoners than to kill them, were (as it often times chanceth where things are done upon choler, rather than upon discretion) without compassion slain; in which doing, the Christians thought they did rather revenge former injuries to them done, than to do them any wrong; with some Mercy more prevailed than Wrath; who remembering the common chance of War, chose rather to take the Turks Prisoners (woefully craving nothing but their Lives) than without mercy to kill them. 
The number of the Turks slain in the Battle of Lepanto, diversely reported.  The number of the Turks lost in this most famous Battle, could hardly be known, by reason that many of them were drowned. Antonius Guarnerius writing the History of this War, reporteth two and thirty thousand to have perished; but they which writ more sparingly thereof, reported not passed half so many to have been slain; of whom these were of greatest name; Haly Bassa the General, Mahomet Bey (otherwise called Chiroche or Sirochus) Governor of Alexandria, Cassanes the Son of Barbarussa, with his Son Malamur Governor of Mitilene, Gider Governor of Chios, Cassambeius Governor of the Rhodes, Provi Aga, Captain of Naupulium, Mustapha Zelibi the great Treasurer, Caracoza the famous Pirate; with many others, whom but to name were tedious. The chief Prisoners there taken, were Achmat and Mahomet the Sons of Haly Bassa, both afterwards sent as Presents to the Pope, of whom the eldest died by the way at Naples; the younger presented unto the Pope by Columnius at Rome, was there honourably kept Prisoner; and Mechmet Bey, Governor of Euboea; and about three thousand five hundred others were in that Battle taken also. The chief of them that escaped by flight, were Partau Bassa, who seeing all go to wrack, fled in time in a long Boat to land; and Uluzales, (who as it was afterwards certainly known) but with five and twenty Galleys, and ten Galliots fled to Lepanto. Of the Enemy's Galleys were taken an hundred threescore and one, forty sunk or burnt; and of Galliots and other small Vessels were taken about sixty. The Admiral Gally then taken amongst the rest, 
The surpassing beauty of the Admiral Gally.  was so goodly and beautiful a Vessel, that for beauty and richness scarce any in the whole Ocean was comparable unto her. The Deck of this Galley was on both sides thrice as great as any of the others, and made all of black Walnut-Tree like unto Ebony, chequered, and wrought marvellous fair with divers lively Colours and variety of Histories. There was also in her divers lively Counterfeit, engraven and wrought with Gold, with so cunning hand, that for the magnificence thereof it might well have been compared unto some Prince's Palace. The cabin glisteren in every place with rich Hangings wrought wit● Gold Twist, and set with divers sort of precious Stones, with certain small Counterfeits most cunningly wrought. Besides this, there was also found in her great store of the Bassas rich Apparel, wrought with the Needle, so couriously and richly embossed with Silver and Gold, that his great Lord and Master Selimus himself could hardly put on more royal or rich Attire. His Casket there also found with six thousand Ducats in it, 
The Greek that slew the Bassa, honourably rewarded.  with a yearly Pension of three hundred Ducats, was given in reward to a Greek, born in Macedonia, which slew the Bassa; and was therefore also Knighted by D●n john; who had also given unto him the Burrel of the Turks Standard, which at his return to Venice (where he had of long time before dwelled, and served in the Arsenal) he sold unto a Goldsmith; whereof the Senate having intelligence, redeemed it of the Goldsmith, paying for every Ounce a Ducat, and laid it up amongst the Trophies of that most famous Victory. It was all of massive Silver, Gild and Engraven round about with Turshik Letters. On the one side was written, God doth conduct and adorn the faithful in worthy enterprises: God doth favour Mahomet. On the other side, God hath no other God, and Mahomet is his Prophet.  
This notable Victory thus happily obtained, Don john the General, with Venerius and Columna, the other two Admirals, came together; whom the General friendly embraced, but especially Venerius, calling him Father, and attributing unto him the greatest part of the Victory. Afterwards, all together with their hands and eyes cast up towards Heaven, they upon their knees gave immortal thanks to Almighty God. So did also the rest of the Captains and Masters; commending one another's valour and good service; but especially theirs, who for their Religion and Country had there most honourably spent their lives; which were in number about seven thousand five hundred sixty six. Amongst whom, 
The number of the Christians slain in the Battle of Lepanto.  the chief Men that were slain, were joh. and Bernardinus, of the honourable Family of Cordona in Spain, Horatio Caraffa, and Ferantes' Bisballus. Virginius, and Horatius, noble Romans, of the honourable Family of the Ursini. Of the Venetian Nobility, Augustinus Barbadicus, Benedictus Superantius, Vincentius Quirinus, joannes Lauretanus, Marinus Contarenus, Catherinus Malipetra, Georgius and Andrea's Barbadic●s, Marcus Antonius Landus, Franciscus Bonus, Hieronimus Contarenus, Antonius Paschaligus, Hieronimus Venerius, all of the Order of the Senators. Besides divers other honourable Gentlemen, who well deserved to be enroled in the eternal Monuments of Fame. Of the Knights of Malta were also many slain, amongst whom of the Germane Nation these were chief; joachim Sparta, Commander of Moguntia and Frankfort, Ro. of Hambergh, Commander of Hemmendorf, and Fra. Drost. Of them that were wounded, these were of greatest name; Don john the General, Venerius the Venetian Admiral shot through the Foot, Paulus jordanus, Troilus Savel, and Mar. Molinus, with divers others of less fame, to the number of almost seven thousand.  
Great was the joy conceived of this Victory, but to none more welcome, than to the poor Christians fast chained to the Turks Galleys, of whom twelve thousand were thereby delivered from most miserable Thraldom, and contrary to all hope restored to their ancient Liberty.  
Two days after this Victory, 
A general r●jo●●ing, especially in Venice 〈…〉  Venerius sent Humfredus justinianus with news thereof unto the Senate at Venice; who coming in at the Adriatic Port about noon the nineteenth of October, by shooting off of certain great Pieces, gave warning unto the City of his coming, which at that time hung in a great suspense betwixt hope and fear. The citizen's generally awaked with the report of the great Ordnance, came flocking by heaps to the Port, every Man longing to hear the first news. There they might see justinian coming a far off with his Galley, but when he was come nearer, they might perceive all the Mariners attired like Turks, and four of the Turks Ensigns hanging behind at the Poup of the Galley, which filled their minds with the hope of good news, deeming it to be (as indeed it was) part of the spoil of the Enemy. But after that justinian was landed (which he had much to do for the press) and was gone to the Court, with a world of people following after him, crying out for news; and had there delivered his Letters, and at large discoursed of all the success of the Battle (which was forthwith blown into the City) and that the Mariners also after his departure had reported the Victory, and that the Enemy was in a great Battle overthrown; good God, how the people as Men overjoyed, ran up and down the Streets, doubling and redoubling the joyful name of Victory. The Senators also rejoicing together, gave thanks to God with public Prayers and joyful Hymns in every Church; and afterwards by ringing of Bells, Peals of Ordnance, Bonfires, and other such like things, showed all the tokens of joy possible. And to make this joy the more general, all Prisoners were set at liberty, and all Debts that exceeded not the sum of five and twenty Crowns, paid out of the common Treasury; which was generally done through all the Venetian signory; and a Decree made, That that day whereon the Victory was gotten, which was the seventh of October, dedicated to the memorial of justina, should for ever be kept Holiday; and for the perpetual remembrance thereof, a great Mass of Money was coined, with the impression of justina upon it, and an Inscription declaring the Victory. Many also their Neighbour Princes sent their Ambassadors congratulatory to Venice; namely, the Dukes of Savoy, Florence, Ferrara, Parma, Mantua, and Urbino, and the Knights of Malta. In which so public joy no Man was seen to put on any mourning Garments, or to show any token of heaviness, although many had lost their dearest Friends and nearest Kinsmen; whose lives they reckoned not lost, but given unto the Christian Common-weal. The like rejoicing was also made in Rome, in Spain, Naples, Sicilia, and Malta; especially at such time as Ambassadors from their Neighbour Princes, came to joy them of this Victory; yea and afterwards in their Countries further off was like rejoicing and signs of joy, as with us here in England.  
This is that notable Battle, commonly called the Battle of Lepanto, fought near unto the Island Curzolari, the seventh day of October, in the year 1571. the like whereof was never fought at Sea against the Turk, wherein he lost his chief strength at Sea, with most of his best Sea Captains; and might thereby well perceive what he and his Successors were to fear, if the Christian Princes at unity amongst themselves, all discord set apart, should in zeal of their Religion join their invincible forces against them.  

A witty and fit comparison made by a Turk to show that the loss of Cyprus was greater than the lose of the Battle at Lepanto.  In the midst of all this joy, generally conceived of the late Victory, one of the chief Prisoners of the Turks, hearing it compared with the loss of Cyprus (for that Selimus had therein lost his Fleet, his best Men of War, with great store of Ordnance) by a fit Comparison showed it not to be so, saying, That the Battle lost, was unto Selimus as if a Man should shave his Beard, which would ere long grow again; but that the loss of Cyprus was unto the Venetians, as the loss of an Arm, which once cut off, could never be again recovered. Declaring thereby the great inequality of the loss.  

The spoil of the Enemy divided amongst the confederates.  The rich Spoil taken from the Enemy in this most glorious Victory, was thus divided amongst the Prince's Confederate. Unto the Pope were allotted nineteen Galleys, two Galliots, nine great Pieces of Ordnance, two and forty lesser Pieces, and fourscore and one Prisoners. Unto the King of Spain eight and fifty Galleys and an half, six Galliots and an half, eight and fifty great Pieces and an half, eight great murdering Pieces and an half, an hundred twenty eight lesser Pieces, and a thousand seven hundred and thirteen Prisoners. Unto the Venetians were assigned for their share, nine and thirty Galleys and an half, four Galliots and an half, nine and thirty great Pieces and an half, five great murdering Pieces and an half, fourscore and six lesser Pieces, and a thousand one hundred threescore and two Prisoners. The rest were bestowed upon such other Princes as had given aid, or otherwise well deserved in that service.  
The joy conceived of this Victory was not so great amongst the Christians, but that the sorrow thereof was amongst the Turks far greater. Selimus himself was then at Hadrianople, where eight days after the Battle, news was brought unto him, That his Fleet was overthrown and almost all taken or sunk by the Christians. Which so soon as he heard, he was strucken with exceeding grief; and overcome with melancholy, would not that day suffer any Man to speak with him. And the rumour of the overthrow still increasing, had in short time filled all places with fear, tears, mourning, and heaviness; some bewailing their Parents, some their Children, some their Husbands, some their Friends or Kinsmen, there lost. But that which most grieved the Turkish Emperor, was the loss of so many worthy and expert Captains, of so many skilful Masters and notable Soldiers; who brought up all their lives at Sea, were not thought inferior to any then living; besides the perpetual ignominy and unwonted disgrace, thereby inflicted unto him and his posterity for ever. Wherefore full of wrath and indignation, he was about to have commanded all the Christians in his Dominions (in number infinite) to be put to death. Doubting indeed nothing more, than that they weary of the Turkish Thraldom, and desirous of innovation, should with Weapons put into their hands, rise up against him, and take part with the other Christians his Enemies. But whilst the other Bassas (as Men dismayed with the cruelty of the command) stood all silent, Muhamet Bassa for his former deserts in great favour with the Tyrant, thought it good to make proof if his fury might by reasonable persuasion be mitigated, and some better course taken, both for the honour of Selimus himself, and the common good of the State; yet well knowing how full of danger it was, in that tyrannical Gevernment, openly to speak any thing contrary to the good liking of the wilful Emperor, he durst not apertly contradict him; but leaning as it were to his opinion and pleasure, by little and little to draw from himself; and so before he were aware, to lead him into his own device, and by delay moderate the rigour of his former fury. To which purpose, he cunningly set upon him in this sort.  Your anger (said he) most magnificent and invincible Emperor, against the Christians, is most just; 
Muhamet Bassa cunningly dissuadeth Selimus from so rigorous a resolution, by filling his head with most necessary considerations.  and in this my desire exceedeth all others, That they should endure and suffer such punishment as they have of right deserved. Yet it behooveth us so to satisfy our wrath, as Men better regarding their own good, than the hot desire of revenge. And forasmuch as I am for your many and undeserved favours, in all Loyalty bounden unto your Highness above others; I reck●n it in part my duty, so much the more frankly to deliver my opinion, such as it is, in matter of so great importance. Neither will I attemper my Speech in any respect to the comforting of your grieved mind; for how can it be that you, who following the worthy examples of your noble Progenitors, have always heretofore showed your most heorical and courageous mind, contemning all the chances of Fortune; should not for ever after show yourself to be rather dreaded of all Men, than dreadful of any? Let others, whose Kingdoms built upon uncertainty, are subject to the revolution of time, and chance of Fortune, yield unto their evil haps: As for you, whose Empire is founded by the mighty hand of the most Highest, and compassed about with an impregnable defence, and are yourself by the power of God appointed King and Commander of Nations and People in number infinite; Fortune may well a little prick you, but never overthrow you. As for this late mischance, if it must need so fall out, as proceeding from some immutable and eternal cause; must it be therefore always fixed and permanent? Only those miseries and mischiefs which the cowardice or foolishness of Men bring unto themselves, have their firm and certain calamities; other common events coming from other causes, have also their common and sudden chances; but how this late mishap at Sea may be amended, and your former Glory there again recovered, is hereafter to be considered. Now for the present (in mine opinion) this one thing, as of all others most necessary, is to be provided, That the weak and worst fortified places of your Empire, most subject to danger, may be presently strengthened with strong Garrisons; and that by your present repair to the Imperial City, you cheer up the minds of your heavy and dismayed Subjects; which done, what shall let, but that you may at your pleasure be revenged to the full of the Christians? For there is no cause why we should fear the Christians, six hundred times and more before overthrown; both our Enemies and we are the same Men, we have been for many Ages, we bear the same minds, the same bodies, the same strength, the same weapons, wherewith we have gotten infinite Victories, both of them and others. And although such be the state of Man, as that he cannot otherwise but sometime or other taste of the worst Tun; yet I think this present misfortune to be rather imputed unto some fatal cause to us unknown, than to the Valour of the Christians. Besides that, we may well enough oppose one overthrow against our so many and infinite Victories; yea, we are to give immortal thanks unto Almighty God, that we have by force of Arms subdued the rich and famous Island of Cyprus, and that your high designs have in that point sorted to your hearts desire. And hard it is in mine opinion to judge, whether this late unfortunate Battle shall more hurt us, or the Christians; for besides that the multitude of the Turks hath no feeling of so small a loss, they will not as Men discouraged, give themselves to mourning and vain lamentations, but with greater courage and fury come forth again into Battle, and revenge this los● with the infinite calamities of the Christians; who after this their good hap, will according to their wont manner give themselves to excess, pleasure, carelessness, and ease, unto their own farther confusion. Thus have I in brief faithfully declared mine opinion; yet with that submissive Loyalty, as that whatsoever should proceed from the mouth of your Imperial Majesty, shall be of me deemed most wisely and magnificently considered of. 
The Bassa was in such grace and authority with Selimus, that his opinion in Counsel prevailed, and the Tyrant's wrath by his persuasion was well assuaged. But by the coming of Uluzales to Court, the remainder of his former grief and melancholy was fully quieted; who after he had excused himself of the late overthrow, and declared what he had himself done in the Battle, and in testimony thereof, presented him with one of the Ensigns of the Knights of Malta; told him also, how that he had left the Christian Fleet sore rend and torn, as that it could not possibly be made serviceable against the next year; which news was both of Selimus and the rest gladly heard. 
Selimus repaired his Navy with all diligence possible.  In the mean time Selimus placed this Uluzales in the stead of Haly Bassa that was slain; and straight commanded the great Officers which had the charge of his Navy, to build new shipping night and day; and further enjoined every Governor out of his Province he had in charge, to have in readiness one Galley or two against the next Spring, as well for the defence of his own Dominions, as to revenge the loss he had so lately sustained; whereunto also many of his great Men put to their helping hands, and cheerfully furthered his desire. New supplies of Soldiers were also presently raised▪ and put into his frontier Towns, great store of new Ordnance cast, Weapons and Armour provided, and whatsoever else the necessity of the present time required. So with the Turks stood reason and industry, rather than with the Christians, who (as some note) rather wanted discretion how to use the Victory, than Valour to gain the same; which whether it chanced for that prosperity begetteth negligence, or that Men joying in their present Bliss, regard little the time to come, I leave it to the judgement of the wiser to determine.  

The Christian Fleet dissolved.  After this so memorable a Victory, the three great Commanders of the Fleet sat in Counsel to consult, what farther course they were best to take. But forasmuch as Winter began now to approach, and that they could not do much until their Fleet were new furnished and manned, they all resolved for that time to dissolve the Fleet, and the next Spring in the beginning of April, to meet together again at Corcyra. Whereupon Don john and Columnius returned to Messina, where they in safety arrived in November; and departing thence, and taking their leave the one of the other, arrived, Don john at Naples, and Columnius at Rome, where they were in both places with great joy and triumph received.  
The Venetians for all that grieved with the loss of Cyprus, gave not so over, but repairing their Navy with 30 Galleys, wherein were embarked 6000 Soldiers, won a Castle in Epirus called Margarita; and also recovered the Town of Suppot●, which the Turks had that Summer before taken from them; 
Suppoto again recov●red by the Venetians.  but now hearing of this overthrow, did upon the approach of the Venetian Fleet, again forsake it. The Galleys also of Crete conducted by Canalis, intercepted many of the Turks Vessels laded with Captives and the Spoils of Famagusta, as they were passing thence to Constantinople.  
Although upon the late obtained Victory, a certain reconciliation had been made betwixt Don john and Venerius, yet of the former dissension remained an inward heartburning of one of them against the other; for which cause the Spaniards requested the Venetians to appoint another Admiral in his place. Venerius was now indeed a Man of great years, and his strength far spent; yet for that in his aged Body rested great wisdom and courage, and that they thought him for his great deserts worthy all Honour, they were wonderful loath, and unwilling therein to gratify the Spaniard; for why, they well knew there was no other cause of the Spaniards proud hatred, but that he had stood against them upon the Honour of the Venetians; and farther, They liked not that the Spaniard should so presumptuously prescribe unto them, whom they should place or displace, in or out of their honourable Offices. Nevertheless, not forgetting what commodity came by concord, and what evils of discord, and that they might not against so mighty an Enemy well spare the help of the Spaniard, they resolved to make choice of some other; who succeeding Venerius, might with one consent manage their Wars together with Don john and Columnius. There was then one Iacob●s Fuscarinus their chief Governor in Dalmatia, who but a little before had notably fortified jadera and the other frontier Towns, and for the space of fourteen months had notably repressed the furious incursions of the Turks; of him then absent and not desirous of the place (as of a Man of worthy desert) the whole State by general consent made choice for their Admiral and General by Sea against the Turk; which most honourable place he received not with all the solemn ceremonies thereto belonging at Venice, as the manner was, but at jadera; from whence he in the Admiral Gally sent for that purpose by Aloysius Grimanus his successor in jadera, failed over to Corcyra; where he found the old Admiral Venerius, with no less care providing for all things, than if he should himself have still continued the War. Of which great care Fuscarinus at his coming eased him, by taking it wholly upon himself.  
Whilst Fuscarinus thus lay making his preparation against the next Spring at Corcyra, 
Castra Novum in vain attempted by the Venetians.  Sara Martineng●s, who had the charge of the Adriatic (by the Counsel of Venerius, who was now returned to Venice) upon the sudden landed his Men, and besieged Castra Novum, a strong Town of the Turks in the Borders of Istria; where at his first coming he took the Suburbs, and had in short time brought the Town to great extremity. But in the height of his hope to have won the Town, hearing that the Beglerbeg of Graece was with great power coming thither, he was glad to raise his Siege, and with all speed to get him again to Sea. The Turks in like manner, to distress the strong Town of Cataro, holden by the Venetians in the Borders of Dalmatia, built a great and strong Fort upon the passage from Sea to the Town, wherein they placed great store both of Men and Artillery; in hope by keeping them of the Town from all relief by Sea, at length to gain the Town which they had many times in vain attempted by force; for by Land it was already environed with the cruel Enemy, possessing the Country round about it. jacobus Superantius the great Providetor, then lying at Corcyra with the Admiral, understanding how Cataro a Town of no small importance, 
Superantius relieveth Cataro, and taketh a great Fort of the Turks.  was thus both by Sea and Land by the Enemy distressed; with twenty Galleys manned with the most choice Soldiers could be picked out of the whole Fleet, took upon him the rasing of the Fort, and relieving of the Town. Superantius with this select Company, and certain other Galleys which met him by the way, came by night before the mouth of the Bay of Cataro, and there dividing his Fleet, left the one part thereof at Anchor before the Fort, and with the other himself courageously passed by the Fort, further into the Bay; at whom the Turks out of the Fort made divers shot; but (by reason it was dark) to small purpose. In passing by, Superantius took such view as he could of the Fort, and by and by began on that side to batter the same; as did also the other Galleys on the other side; and withal, landed their Men on both sides; who upon signal given, ran resolutely to the Fort, and by plain force entering the same, prevailed upon the fearful Turks, and put them to the Sword every Mother's Son; so that of all that great Garrison, was not one left alive to carry news of the slaughter. This Fort was in length five hundred Paces, but not strong towards Land, from whence no such fear was doubted. In it was taken seventeen great Pieces of Ordnance, with much fair Armour, and great abundance of Victuals; and seven Galliots which lay at Anchor under the Fort. Cataro thus relieved, Superantius with Victory returned again to Corcyra.  
Fuscarinus the Venetian Admiral with all things in readiness, year 1572. having long lain at Corcyra, expecting the coming of the Confederates, as was before appointed; sent Superantius the Providetor with five and twenty Galleys to Messina, to hasten the coming of Don john, and to attend upon him by the way. But coming thither, and thinking to have found a great Fleet and a strong power in good forwardness to have set forward, he found such small preparation, as well showed the Spaniards small care for repressing of the Turk, and that they would not be very forward in the service intended. Which filling him with grief and indignation, caused him to complain unto himself, of their unfaithfulness, and to bewail the state of his Country, with the whole Christian Common-weal; for Don john had before solemnly promised unto the Venetian Ambassador, that all things should be in readiness against the appointed time; but now a great part of Summer was past, when scarce some few Companies, and about fifty Galleys were met together at Messina; and when Auria would come with the rest, no Man could tell. So that the careful Providetor stood now no less in doubt of the Spaniards delay, than of the Turks fury.  
Selimus, after the great overthrow he had received at the Islands Corzulares, 
Selimus sendeth out Uluzale● with two hundred Galleys.  for fear he should be driven quite out of the Sea, was above all things careful for the renewing of his Navy; and having partly new built, partly repaired two hundred Galleys, commended them to the conduct of Uluzales; with express charge▪ That by how much things had fallen out worse the last year, he should with so much the more care now beware the like danger; and not to go out of the bounds of the Archipelago, or to adventure Battle but upon advantage, or at leastwise upon an even hand.  
This Uluzales (otherwise called Occhial) was an Italian born in Calabria, who in his youth taken at Sea by the Turks, and chained in the Galley, and afterwards renouncing his Faith, by many degrees grew unto the highest preferments among the Turks, and so became an exceeding Plague as well to his own Country as all other of the Christians bordering upon the Mediterranean. He now Admiral for the Turk, 
Uluzales a Renegade Christian and now the Turks Admiral.  after the manner of the proud Barbarians, threatened with Fire and Sword to be revenged upon the Venetians; which known at Venice, much troubled them, as well acquainted with the fury of the old Arch-Pyrat. Beside that, Ant. Barbar●s their Ambassador, all the time of this War kept in safe custody at Constantinople, had by Letters certified them, what a great Fleet, and what a strong Army Selimus had provided against them; and that he himself told 250 sail of Galleys when they set forward from Constantinople, beside some other that were to meet with them at Calipolis; and that therefore they should beware how they encountered with the Turks Fleet but upon equal strength. It was also at the same time commonly reported, That King Philip chief of the Confederates, careless of the Wars against the Turk in the East, was about to turn his Forces upon the Kingdom of Tunes or Algiers, nearer unto him; as indeed he did the year following. The Venetians entangled with so many difficulties, were even at their wit's end, and day by day the Senate sat from the rising of the Sun to the setting of the same, consulting how all these mischiefs were to be remedied. But for as much as the greatest danger was to be feared from the Turks Fleet, as then hover even over their heads; they by Letters commanded Fascarinus their Admiral, That whether the Confederates came unto him or not, he should forthwith take his Course toward the East, and there according to the Enemy's designs, and his own discretion and valour, to do what he should think best to be done for the common good of his Country; and not to refuse to join with the Enemy in Battle, if he saw any good hope of Victory. Neither ceased they at the same ●●me, both by their Ambassadors and Letters, earnestly to call both upon the Pope and the King, to hasten their Forces to encounter the Enemy before he should come out of his own Seas; and to carry the terror of the War home to his own doors, rather than to receive it at their own. The like Message was also done to Don john, putting him in mind what his place, what the time, and what the danger of the time required; entreating him (if it were possible) of himself to add something unto that ha●t which the necessity of so important a cause required. Who nevertheless, for all the Messengers and Letters to him sent (which were many) went still on fair and softly, delaying from day to day; telling, That he would by and by come, and that the Spaniards would always be so good as their word. Which was so far from his thought, that afterwards finding one excuse after another, he not only stayed his coming, but called back again Requisenius also, whom he had sent before with twenty Galleys to Corcyra. Now were two months (fittest for the Wars) vainly spent; 
Supera●tius hasteneth Don John.  when Superantius grieved to see time to no purpose so slip away, and fearing lest the rest of the Summer should to as small effect in like manner pass also, with great instance importuned him to hasten his journey. Then at length Don john answered, That the Venetians requested but reason, neither that he wished for any thing more, than to satisfy their desires▪ but that a greater care hindered the less, which was first to be prevented: He was advertised (as he said) that the French King pretending the suppressing of certain Pirates, had assembled a great Fleet at Rochel, with purpose indeed to invade Spain, now that the King was busied in these Wars against the Turk; and that therefore they must pardon him if he preferred the regard of Spain before others, being expressly commanded from the King, not to depart from Mes●●na until he had other commandment from him. But whether this excuse by France proceeded of a true fear or otherwise, the Venetians much doubted; and the rather, for that the French King understanding thereof by the Venetians, was therewith (as reason was) exceedingly offended; protesting, that he was ever so far from that purpose of hindering any the Confederate Princes in that their Religious War, that if the troubles of his own Country would have so permitted, he would gladly have given them aid therein. Many there were also that thought, Envy the ancient Enemy of Virtue and Valour, to have had a great power in his delay; doubting whether the Spaniards would more rejoice of the Victory well hoped for, if they should join with the Venetians; or grieve if the same should by the Venetians be obtained without them. Superantius weary of discourses and long expectation, and almost out of hope of any help in time from the Spaniard, how untowardly soever things went, thought better yet warily to moderate his grief than in so dangerous a time to give any occasion for the Spaniard to fall quite off. Yet spoke he not fauningly or flatteringly of the matter, but with a certain modest gravity declared, That he had thought Heaven would sooner have fallen, than that Don john would not at the appointed time have come to Corcyra. And withal besought him, and wished him to beware that he brought not the common State into some great danger; if they had to do with such an Enemy as might be delayed with, than he said he could easily abide delay; but now for that the War and the Enemy was such, as wherein, or with whom never any General had delayed without loss, to what end did he longer defer or trifle out the time? Or what other Fleet did he expect? If they should divide their Forces, than were they all too weak, but united together, strong enough to defend the common cause. The nearer the Enemy came, the more haste were to be made to join with the Venetian Fleet. And what could be (as he told him) more honourable or glorious, than for him a noble young Gentleman royally descended, of whom the World had conceived a great hope, that he would in Martial Honour exceed the glory of his most famous Ancestors, again to vanquish the proud Turk, the greatest and most mighty Monarch of the World; to fight the Battle of the Highest, to assure the Christian Commonwealth against so puissant an Enemy, and to purchase unto himself immortal Glory and Renown? As for the French, there was no such thing to be feared as was pretended, who with such slender preparation, not worth the name of a Fleet, was not so unadvised as to set upon a Kingdom of such strength and power as Spain. Furthermore he said, that it concerned not the Venetians more than the King himself, to have the Turks repressed; whose Kingdoms of Naples, Sicilia, and Spain, were no less than their Territory, exposed to danger by Sea. The good success of their Affairs in the East would open the way to the Conquest of afric; but if the Turk should prevail, than were they to despair, not of afric, but of all Italy, Sicily, yea and of Spain itself. The time (he said) and necessity of the War, with the extremity of the danger of the whole and common State, required that he should with all his power and speed possible, take upon him the defence of the common cause, or to say more truly of the Christian Common-weal, than so dangerously impugned. These reasons drawn from the common good and the truth itself, 
Don John in doubt whether to send aid to the Venetians or not.  much moved the General; but the King's pleasure was to be preferred before all reasons or dangers that could be alleged. But hearing afterward, what resolute command the Venetian Senate had sent unto their Admiral, he became exceeding careful; for he feared lest if the Admiral should without his help fight the Battle and gain the Victory, he would convert all the glory thereof unto himself; but if he should chance to be overthrown, it would turn to his utter reproach and perpetual infamy, that in so necessary a time he had withdrawn himself from the common cause. Wherefore as a Man perplexed, and in doubt what to do, he stood for a while as one at his wit's end; yet at last, he upon deliberation resolved to take a middle Course, and so neither without the command of the King (by whose prescript order all was to be done) to depart with the Fleet from Messina; neither altogether to frustrate the Confederates of the expected aid. And to that purpose sent two and twenty Galleys under the conduct of one Lily of Andrada (a noble Gentleman) to the Venetian Admiral at Corcyra; 
He sendeth Lily of Andrada, with 22 Galleys.  with whom went also Columnius with the Pope's Fleet. Now was Pius Quintus the late Pope dead, and Vigo Boncompanius, by the name of Gregorius Decimus Tertius, Pope in his stead; who upon the same conditions with his predecessor, had entered into the League, and liking very well of Columnius▪ kept him still for his Admiral.  
Long had Fuscarinus expected the coming of the Confederates, and albeit that the year was far spent (August being then come) and no such aid sent as he had expected; yet desiring to do something worth the remembrance, and beseeming their honour, he earnestly persuaded Columnius and Lily to set forward with him toward the East; and with their united Forces to give the Enemy Battle; telling them, That if they were all of like courage, they should go not only to the glory of the present Battle, but to the great honour and advancement of the whole Christian Common-weal. After that, he extenuated the power of the Enemy; saying, That he could not but marvel▪ from whence such a number of Galleys as was reported▪ could so suddenly be gathered, or whereupon so great confidence and boldness was grown unto them, so lately overthrown and put to flight; The Enemy's Fleet (he said) was the year before overcome and dispersed, the Captains and Mariners slain; and that therefore it was not credible, that so many Galleys could with such celerity be built, and such a number of Mariners and Masters as was needful, in so short time provided; That the provision of the Enemy was by flying Fame made far greater than indeed it was or possibly could be; for why, they might easily guests what the Enemy was able to do, by the Christians themselves, who could not without much ado and great labour build their Fleets, and train up their Mariners and Masters; and that therefore letting Fame fly, which commonly maketh things greater and more dreadful than they are; he was verily persuaded, that the Enemy was glad to use most unskilful and ignorant as well Mariners, Masters as Soldiers; who suddenly taken up in the inland Countries, and put into the Galleys, knew not so much as the very names of the Ropes and Tackle, and other Equipage; and then those Galleys which they had were like enough to be but weak, as of them which were the last year rend and bruised, and now again botched up; or in haste built of green Timber, could not be nimble or greatly serviceable. Wherefore he exhorted them, as valiant Men to set forward against the Enemy; and that with the greater courage, for that the last years Victory had opened unto them the way for the gaining of another. Which if it should so fall out, as good hope there was, they should thereby take from the proud Enemy both power and hope (but in long time) to be able to recover his strength at Sea; so that they in the mean time without fear, might at their pleasure take the rich Islands in the Archipelago. Now if the Turks declining Battle, should retire themselves into the Hellespont, then might they with Fire and Sword spoil all the Frontiers of their Dominion on this side the Straits, and open a way unto the Christians to do great matters.  
Hardly were Columnius and Lilly persuaded by the Admiral; neither did they thereunto give their consent, until it was decreed, That they should not in any case join Battle with the Enemy, but with their Galleons and Galleasses first placed in the front of the Battle, in whom consisted the greatest hope of the Victory. So setting forward toward the Enemy, and come to Commentitia, Letters were brought unto them from Don john, certifying them, That he was now by Letters from the King commanded to come towards the East, and to join his Forces with the Confederates; but yet that for certain days he could not come, until he were better provided of all things necessary; and that therefore they should in the mean time carefully look unto all things, promising so soon as he possibly could to come unto them. Upon these Letters, Columnius and Lilly began to doubt, whether to go on further, or to expect the coming of the General; yet forasmuch as he had not expressly written any thing concerning their staying, and Fuscarinus urged them forwards, on they went, with their Fleet divided into three Battles. The whole Fleet consisted of 155 Galleys, 
The number and order os the Christian Fleet.  six Galleasses, and twenty tall Ships; in the right Wing was Superantius; in the left Wing Canalius; and in the middle Battle, Columnius, Fuscarinus, and Lily; and in the Rearward followed Quirinus. Before each Battle went two of the Galleasses still in readiness for present Battle. In this order they came first to Zacynthus (commonly called Zanto) and so to Cerigo; the next day after to Colubraria (commonly called Dragonaria) over against Cerigo. Here Angelus Surianus a valiant Gentleman, sent before to discover the Enemy, and what strength he was of, returning unto the Fleet, declared unto the Admiral, That the Turks Fleet, consisting of 160 Gallis, sixty Galliots, and four great Ships, lay about Malvasia, in the entrance of the Bay called Sinus Argolicus, upon the Borders of Peloponnesus, about fifty miles off from the Christian Fleet. Shortly after, the same Fleet was again discovered making for Malea; whereupon the Christians, be●ore resolved to fight wheresoever they should meet the Enemy, forthwith put themselves in order of Battle, and so with their Galleasses in the front, made with what speed they could toward him. These two Fleets were thought for many respects almost equal; the Enemy was in number more, but inferior in strength. The Christian Fleet by reason of the heaviness of the Galleasses, 
The Christian Fleet and the Turks almost equal.  made but small way; and the Enemy afraid of the great store of Ordnance the Galleasses carried, durst not come near them. The Turks Fleet was rather nimble than strong, but ours more firm and forward. Look wherein each exceeded the other, therewith they endeavoured to help themselves and annoy the Enemy. The Christians fearing to be circumvented by the multitude of their Enemies, opposed their Ships and Galleasses before them as a most sure fortress; and the Turk, by how much he had had the worse success the year before, was so much the more careful to beware how he endangered himself within the reach of the Galleasses. 
The Turk warily declineth Battle.  The Christians desired nothing more than to fight and to come to handy Blows; but the Turk, who thought it sufficient for the present not to be overcome, sometime made away as fast as he could, and by and by stayed again, if happily he might have taken the Galleys separated from the Galleasses; never seeming willing to adventure further than reason and discretion would. The Enemy seeing the Christian Fleet coming still on, and ready to give Battle, first seemed as if he would have done the like, but afterwards turned his Course upon the right hand, and kept aloof alongst the Coast of Malea; At which time the Christians, although they were very desirous to have followed them, yet the Turks with their nimble Fleet were quickly too far gone for the Christian Fleet to overtake them, especially with their heavy Ships. That day almost spent as it were in the chase of the Enemy, towards the going down of the Sun, the Enemy put into the current of the Sea betwixt Cerigo and the Heart's Island, in breadth about ten miles, and there dividing their Fleet into three parts, lay in good order, as expecting the coming of the Christians, with the Prows of their Galleys turned, as if upon the confidence of the place, which they had filled overthwart, they had purposed nothing more than to fight. Yet both Fleets seemed resolved; the one not to fight without the Galleasses, and the other not to come near those hot Ships, from whom they had but the year before received so great harm. And although the Enemy, 
Uluzales meaning nothing l●ss, yet makes show of Battle.  as was afterwards known, purposed nothing less than to fight, but upon great advantage, yet fearing by open flight to dishonour his Lord and Master, and by granting as it were of Victory, to increase the Fame of the Christians, the crafty Pirate made a great show of that he lest indeed purposed. For pretending a great desire to fight, he indeed deluded the Christians hope; who although the Wind had failed them, yet in hope the Enemy would abide them Battle, 
The Turks politicly retire.  with much labour and rowing came so near him, that the great Shot began to fly too and fro on both sides; but when the matter should have come to have been tried by dint of Sword, than it plainly appeared what the Enemy had indeed purposed; for still keeping the Prows of his Galleys upon the Christians, he by little and little shrunk back; and beside that the shadow of the night began then to approach, he caused all his great Ordnance, charged only with Powder, to be shot off, and so in the thick of the smoke retired unseen; colouring his subtle departure also, by certain Lights left in their Cock-Boats, making show as if the whole Fleet had still there stayed. By this means the Turks with great celerity escaped, being also holpen in this, that the Christians hindered by the heaviness of the Galleasses, could not but fair and softly pursue them; for these Galleasses, as they are Vessels of great service, so are they also heavy and unwieldy, and not fit for chase. The departure of the Enemy at length known, the Christians also unwilling to fight by night, returned to Cerigo. Two days after, 
The Christians desirous of Battle, go against the Turks.  the Turks stayed in the Bay of Tenarus (now called Metapan) and the Christians at Cerigo; contented in that, that the Enemy was the cause that the Battle was not fought, and reckoning his weary and covert declining of Battle, as a secret confession of the Victory. The third day after, the Christians desirous of nothing more than to join in Battle with the Enemy, in their former order set forward from Cerigo, and sailing all the night, were in the break of the day descried from Land by the Turks; whereupon Uluzales by shooting off of certain warning Pieces commanded all his Men to go aboard, and to put themselves readiness for Battle. And now the Christians were not far off, when as the Turks (lest declining of Battle might reprove them of fear) came out of the Haven, with their Fleet divided into three Battles; whereof the left Wing was extended a great way into the Sea, the right Wing still keeping near unto the Main, and in the middle Battle was Uluzales himself; who came all on faster than the Tide drove them, staying their Course oft times of purpose, to have drawn the Galleys of the Christians from the Galleasses and Ships. Uluzales seeing his Fleet thus in order, and fearing nothing more than the Galleasses, commanded both the Wings of his Fleet (having in each of them fourscore Galleys) to fetch a great compass about, the one on the right hand, and the other on the left, aloof off from the Galleasses, and so to assail the Wings of the Christians on the sides or behind; in hope so to have disordered their Battle, and without danger to have drawn the Galleys from the Galleasses and the other heavy Ships. Which their intent the Christians perceiving, in their Wings turned about their Galleys also, in manner of the new Moon, their main Battle still facing the middle Battle of the Turks. The Wings of the Turks Fleet thus far separated from the middle Battle, seemed to present unto the Christians a great advantage; which Fuscarinus (intentive to all the offers of good Fortune) quickly perceiving, and calling unto Columnius and Lilly, and showing them the Enemies main Battle at hand, and the Wings gone a great way off, requested and persuaded them, That not staying for the heavy Ships and Galleasses, they would with him upon the sudden assail the Enemies middle Battle now destitute of the Wings; not doubting but so to overthrow the Enemy's greatest strength there, before the Wings could, now they were so far gone, join themselves to the Battle again. What could (as he said) have happened more wishedly, than to have their Battle divided? So that they might at more advantage fight against every part thereof, now separated, than against all three parts at once. If they had thought themselves not only equal, but too strong for the whole Enemy's Fleet united, should they not the better overcome them apart and dispersed? The opportunity, as he said, was but short, and therefore to be forthwith resolved upon. If they would take the present occasion of Victory then offered, and as resolute Men charge their Enemies, little fearing any such thing, they should by their celerity and valour, teach the Turks what the Christian discipline of War and power was able to do; but if they would therein use delay, they should ere long in vain wish for the like occasion they had let slip, when as their Battle was again strengthened with the Wings. This the Admiral's Speech was of most that heard it joyfully received, and his Counsel well liked; and that with such a general cheerfulness of the Soldiers, as showed in them no want of courage to have given the Enemy present Battle. But Columnius and Lilly being of the same mind they had been always, said it were dangerous so to do, for fear of drawing the whole three Battles of the Enemy at once upon them, against which they should be too weak, without the help of the Galleasses and heavy Ships; and therefore said flatly, That without those Vessels so much feared of their Enemies, they would not in any case hazard the fortune of a Battle. But whether Columnius and Lilly were of that opinion for that they so thought, or were so charged by Don john (of whom they altogether depended) not to fight in his absence, many doubted. The Wings of the Christians in turning about to confront the Wings of the Enemy, were a little disordered; which the Turks perceiving, and taking the present opportunity, with fifteen of their Galleys were about to have charged the straggling Galleys; which Super●ntius perceiving, to stay their Course, went out courageously against them with four Galleys, and made with them a great fight; in the heat whereof, Superantius seeing forty more of the Enemy's Galleys coming towards him, and doubting to be enclosed, with all speed sent for relief, which came presently in, namely twenty Galleys, with two of the Galleasses; which forthwith sent their thundering Shot so thick and furiously amongst their Enemies, that in a little time eighteen of their Galleys were by them all rent and torn; and the Turks therewith dismayed, were glad in such haste to return, as if they had rather fled than retired. Superantius having at that fight but one of his Galleys shot through, returned again unto his place. Of this light fight many deemed what would have been the event of the whole Battle, if the opinion of Fuscarinus had prevailed. Both the Fleets falling again into their order, although the Christians could not so fast follow, as the Turks went before them; yet came they so near them, that oftentimes they changed Bullets, as well with their small Shot as their great. And yet for all that, it was by many signs gathered, that neither the Turks would abide present Battle, neither the Christians longer delay, if by their Enemies they so might. The Christians had agreed (as is before said) not to join in Battle without their Galleasses and tall Ships; which Uluzales well understood, both by the Fugitives and his own Spials, as also by their manner of sailing. And he himself, although he had no great desire to fight, yet to be the better able to frustrate the endeavours of the Christians (who with great labour drew with them the Galleasses and other heavy Ships) sent his chargeable great Ships to Malvasia, there to be unrigged; whereby he discharged himself of a great burden, and made himself able at his own choice and pleasure, to leave or take, to fight or not; and also with such Soldiers and other necessaries as were in the same great Ships, supplied the wants of his whole Fleet. By which policy the matter was brought to that pass, that if the Christians would needs draw the Enemy to Battle, they must of necessity forsake their Galleasses, their most assured strength; or if they would not leave them, than they could not by any means enforce the ready Enemy to fight. The day now declining, 
The Tur●s Fleet at Corona, and the Christians at Cerigo.  the Enemy supposing himself to have done enough for that time, both for the abating of the heat of the Christians, and encouraging of his own People, in seemly order, as one not afraid, sailed with his Fleet to Corona. The Christians in like manner retiring themselves to Cerigo.  
Whilst things thus went, Don john by a Frigate sent of purpose, gave knowledge to the Fleet, 
John Don sendeth word to the Fleet to meet him at Zacyn●●thus.  that he was come to Corcyra, sharply blaming the great Commanders for their departure, and that they stayed not for his coming; and further commanded them as their General, all other things set apart, forthwith to meet him at Zacynthus, there to resolve of all matters. Columnius wholly devoted to the Spaniards, and preferring the favour of Don john before the rest, hearing his Message, was in such haste to have returned, that he would have persuaded Fuscarinus to have left the heavy Vessels and other weak Galleys at Cerigo, and with 100 of the best Galleys with all speed to have returned to the General. Of which opinion was also Lilly. But Fuscarinus more careful than the rest, as he whom the danger more concerned, would not yield to that persuasion; for that in so doing, they should (as he said) leave the Ships and Galleasses, the chief part of their strength, in danger to be spoiled by the Enemy; whom they now kept at a Bay without the help of their General; and should, as he well hoped, by often provoking of him, at one time or other draw him to battle, and have over him a notable Victory. And therefore requested them for the love of God, and the Zeal they bore unto the Common-good of all Christendom, not to depart farther off, nor to suffer the Enemy to escape out of their hands, neither by their departure to leave the Islands of the Venetians subject to the fury of the Enemy; whereas the General might at his pleasure and without danger come unto them, they lying betwixt the Enemy and him. But Columnius and Lilly resolutely set down, hap what hap should, to do what Don john had commanded, would not listen to the reasonable persuasions of the Venetian Admiral, but told him flatly, That if he would not in that they had said yield unto them, they would forthwith leave him unto himself, and with their Galleys presently return to Zacynthus, as the General had commanded. Whilst they were yet thus discoursing, news was brought, that the Enemy was come with his Fleet into the Fret of Cerigo; which caused them all with one consent to resolve in such order to pass by the Enemy, as if they should have given him present Battle; whereas before, they were determined by the persuasion of Fuscarinus to have gone to Crete, and there leaving the Ships and Galleasses in safety, to have afterwards returned to the General. In such order the Christians passed by the Enemy's Fleet, which lay still in the Fret of the Sea without moving, standing as it were rather upon the guard of themselves, than resolved for Battle. In three days sailing they came to Zacynthus, 
Don John sendeth for th● Fleet to Cephalenia, where he also saileth to meet them.  where they found not Don john, but two of his Galleys, and commandment, that they should there leave their heavy Ships, and with their Galleys come to Cephalenia, where they should not fail to meet him. Hereupon the Venetians we●e exceedingly grieved, and muttered through the whole Fleet, That the Spaniards bearing themselves upon their Wealth, were too proud, and in comparison of themselves, regarded neither the conditions of the League, neither any other Man's credit, but trod all Men under foot; and would now use the Venetians, not as their Friends and Confederates, but at their Slaves and Vassals, feeding them in the mean time but with vain hope. Yet forasmuch as the time and necessity so required, they were content to be overruled; and so leaving the Ships and Galleasses at Zacynthus, 
Don John commandeth the F●eet to repa●● unto him to Corcyra.  went with the rest of the Fleet to Cephalenia; whether Don john was not yet come, but had sent word thither, That if they had any desire to join their Forces with his, they should yet come further back unto him in Corcyra. This Message (which they had rather feared than expected) much troubled the Venetians; who readier to suspect every mischief, than to hope for any good, began to fret and complain, That the Spaniards could very well tell the Venetians what they had to do, and forget in the mean time, what was on their own part to be performed. A hard thing it was to say, and yet to be said, that now they had more to do with those their dallying Friends and Cofederates, than with their Enemies; for with their Enemies they were to fight but in time of Battle, but with them they were to wrestle at all times and in all places. They were by them (as th●y said) drawn from the fight of their Enemies, when as they might have been overthrown; not to the intent that with their united Forces they might more safely ●ight against them, or under the conduct of Don john gain the Victory; but rather lest any thing should have been done which might be to the honour or profit of the Venetians, and that time which was to have been bestowed in the managing of the War, spent in lingering and delaying, and vain going forward and backward to no purpose. One only way there was (as they said) to have dispatched with the Turk, which was, by overcoming him in another notable Battle, and so to have utterly broken his strength at Sea; which Course the Confederates made no less difficult by their backwardness and delays, than the Enemy by declining of Battle; That they had long ago by many secret signs probably conjectured, that the Spaniards had more care to hinder and cross other men's doings, than to do any thing of themselves: That their endeavours were to frustrate those great hopes which promised unto the Christian Common-weal, the greatest Felicity and Happiness, together with immortal Glory; and, That the Turks of late discouraged with the fortunate proceedings of the Christians, might again rejoice at their mishaps.  
The Venetians, 
The Christian Fleet altogether at Corcyra, seateth forward again ●owards the Enemy.  notwithstanding all these their murmuring Speeches, loath to fall off from the Spaniard, kept still on with the rest until they came to Don john at Corcyra, who then lay with 53 Galleys, and 18 Ships at Sp●lca, in the uttermost end of the Island. At their first meeting, Don john showed himself not a little offended, that they had not with more duty before attended his coming; and they again not a little complained of his long stay, with many other their grievances, which were tedious here to rehearse. The Fleet now all with much ado at length met together, which consisted of two hundred Galleys, nine Galleasses, and thirty six tall Ships; It was by general consent agreed, That they should again set forward toward the Enemy. They were not yet under Sail, when two of their Spials brought them news, that the Enemy's Fleet (weakly furnished both of Mariners and Soldiers) was come to Navarinum; which filled them all with good hope, that the Turks Fleet so evil provided, might in that place upon the sudden be easily oppressed, and the rather, if they came upon them unexpected. Wherefore, because they would not be descried, they kept not their Course on right forth, but sailing by night, kept aloof upon the right hand; and having passed Zacynthus, came with great silence unto the Strophades, where they lay at Anchor all that day. In the evening they loosed thence, so casting their Course, that the more to terrify the Enemy, they might before day fall upon him; and be seen in the mouth of the Haven where he lay, before there could be any report made of their coming thither. But this Course so well set, the time was so evil cast, that it was fair day long before they could come to the appointed place; when the Turks out of their watch Tower's discovered a far off the coming of the Christian Fleet, gave warning thereof unto their Fellows; whereupon an Alarm was presently raised in the Town, and all Men in Arms ran headlong to the Walls and to the Haven. But the Turks out of hope with their evil rigged Fleet to be able to withstand the Christians, and not daring to trust to that weak Habor, and all now in a great hurly burly, ran confuseded hand over head, Soldiers and Mariners, aboard; and whilst they had yet time, got them in haste out of that Habor, and as Men chased by their Enemies, got them into safe Harbour at Modon, a strong Town of Peloponnesus, about six miles off. Columnius was sent before the rest of the Fleet to have pursued them; but they were got so far before him, that they had recovered the Harbour before he could overtake any of them. The Christian Fleet coming before the Harbour, 
The Christians offer the Turks Battle.  and leaving a space as it were of purpose for the Enemy to come out into, there lay in the face of the Town, daring the Turks Battle. But when they had so lain almost all that day, and no Man durst come out; and now towards the evening certain signs of Tempest appeared, the Christians fearing to be by force of Wether driven on ground, put farther off again to Sea. Then at length Uluzales sent out certain light Galleys to follow in the tail of the Fleet, when the Confederates suddenly staying their Course, and turning their Prows upon them, drove them headlong again into the Harbour; and afterwards retired themselves with the whole Fleet into the Islands Oenusae, now called Sapientia, right opposite against Modon. The next day wanting fresh Water, they removed unto the Bay of Messina, there to water in the mouth of the River Pamisus, which there falleth into the Sea; where in passing by Corone, they were oftentimes shot at out of the Town; and landing their Men to water, were encountered by certain Troops of Horsemen, sent for that purpose by Uluzales. There was Water dearly bought with the Lives of many there slain on both sides; in the end, the Christians prevailing, watered, and so again returned unto the Oenusae from whence they came.  

The description of the Bay of Modon.  Method or Modon (for it is by both Names known) standeth almost in an Island stretching far into the Sea, where towards the West runneth out a long point of the Land a great way into the Sea; in the uttermost part thereof, standeth a great round Tower. The Town itself, is on the one side enclosed with the Sea, and toward the Land so strongly fortified, as that it seemeth almost impregnable: Towards the South cometh in a fair Bay about three miles wide, safe from all Winds except the Northerly Wind only; and shut up by a little Island in the mouth of the Bay, maketh a safe and quiet Harbour, with two entrances thereinto on either side of the Island. Within this Bay lay the Turks Fleet, with the Sterns of their Galleys toward the Land, and their Prows towards the Sea. At the Southerly coming in of the Bay standeth an Hill, which the Inhabitants call Albus; On the top whereof, the Enemy had placed six great Pieces of Ordnance, wherewith to keep the Christians from entering that way. So had they also upon the point of the Main, which (as we said) runneth out from the Town, and upon St. Bernard's Rock, planted other great Pieces of Ordnance to defend that passage also. The Christians coming unto the mouth of the Bay, there lay with their Fleet divided into four parts, but yet doubtful what to do; for beside that the entrances of the Bay were but narrow, they were also far more dangerous to be entered, by reason of the great Ordnance planted upon them. Nevertheless, the Venetian Admiral in hope of good success, and loath to let the fearful Enemy so to escape out of their hands, would fain have persuaded the General with his whole Fleet to have entered the Bay, and there in the Harbour to have oppressed the Enemy; which he showed to be no hard matter to do, for that the Enemy was too weak in strength, and could not be from Land relieved. In which doing, they should indeed overthrow but one Fleet; but in the overthrowing of that one, cut in sunder all the Sinews of the Turkish Empire by Sea; and raising a Tumult in the Bay, and filling all with a general fear, should undoubtedly at the first onset put the Enemy to flight: Which done, what should let, but that carrying about with them the terror of the Victory, they should with their victorious Fleet, take from the Turk all the Islands of the Aegeum? That truly and wisely it was said of Themistocles, That whosoever had the command of the Sea, must needs also prevail in the rest, and at length carry away th● Victory by Land also. It was (as he said) the part of good Chieftains, not to be wanting unto themselves when occasion was offered; besides that, they were the same Turks, whom they had but the year before vanquished; and what had that one year either taken from them, or given unto the Turks? Or what should they fear six Pieces of Ordnance mounted upon a Hill, who if they should undertake the Battle, were not to fear the great store of Ordnance in 260 of the Enemy's Galleys and Galliots? I myself (said he) will be the Guide and Leader, in whatsoever shall seem most difficult and dangerous; and will in person myself be the first that shall enter the Harbour, and adventure the first danger. Great Victories (he said) were not to be gained but with great adventures; and that therefore the matter were to be hasted, before more aid should be sent unto the Turks. Wherefore they should as resolute Men attempt that, the Turks thought the Christians durst not to have attempted; and with the same courage break into the Bay, wherewith they had but the year before broken the strength of the same Enemy; and by the power of God, carry away another notable triumph of the vanquished Turks; who overcome in a second Battle at Sea, must needs depart with all their maritime Territories. With evil liking of the Spaniards was the Venetian Admiral heard; and Don john the General, 
John Don refuseth to follow the Counsel of the Admiral.  deeming both the time and place unfit for the attempting of so great an exploit; rehearsed on the one side, the strength of the Enemy, the disadvantage of the place, the difficulty of the Battle, with the manifold and great calamities received by the overhasty and rash attempts of their Enemies: That the Enemy's strength was not to be so much deemed by the eye, or by report, as by reason; and that many in seeking to increase their former glory, had in so doing overthrown the same: That the Christians in entering and adventuring the Harbour, should on the one side be beaten with the Artillery from the Hill; and on the other, with the Artillery out of the Castle of Modon; and that it was not like that Uluzales should if need were, lack aid from Land, who but the other day had sent great Troops of Horsemen to have kept the Christians from watering; That a matter of so great importance, was (by Euscarinus his leave) not rashly to be taken in hand upon an heat and hautiness of Stomach, but upon a grave and mature deliberation; for if they should in a place of so great disadvantage, hazard the fortune of a general Battle, it should seem that either he knew not that kind of fight, and force of the Enemy, or else would make the Bay of Modon more famous by the overthrow of the Christians, than was the Curzulari by the slaughter of the Turks. Then what a shame would it be, if they which were about to oppress the Enemy's Fleet, should themselves be overthrown, and that in their own device? He had rather (as he said) preserve his own Fleet, than to take 600 of the Enemy's Galleys, and to account the same for a greater honour. Which he determined not, for that he would not have any thing done; but that unripe occasions should not be too much hastened, and as it were thrust headlong forward; whereas time would give opportunity for the overthrow of the Turks Fleet, so that they ran not blindly on headlong; and that in future time, the Venetians would rejoice that they had so moderated their desires. The Christians (he said) had sufficiently prevailed, if those things should fall out well, which were warily and advisedly considered and resolved upon.  
The matter thus on both sides debated, and nothing done, they returned with the Fleet into the Port of Navarinum. This proceeding, as it diversely moved the Spaniards and the Venetians, so brought it forth divers Speeches, every Man speaking in favour of his own Nation. The Spaniard openly vaunted, That he had most providently resolved, for that how dear the Counsel of the Venetian Admiral would have cost if it had been followed, the thing itself (as he said) showed, by the extreme danger thereof presented, not in the doubtful opinion of Men, but laid open before their Eyes. The Venetians on the other side more desirous of Battle, the nearer they had seen the opportunity to have prevailed upon the Enemy, the more impatiently they endured so assured a Victory to have been let slip out of their hands; and thereof spoke accordingly.  

The Castle of Modon in vain besieged by the Christians.  The Christians lying at Navarinum, consulted of many things what they were best to take in hand; and resolving at last, by Sea and Land to besiege the Castle of Modon, which kept the passage into the Bay, and defended the Turkish Fleet; they returned again thither, and landed 7000 of their best Soldiers, to besiege the Castle. And at the same time, appointed the Galleasses with certain Galleys to batter it also from Sea; which the more commodiously to do, they joined two of their greatest Galleys together side to side, which they made fast with Masts and strong Ropes, and so boarded them clean over, whereon as on a Platform, they placed their Gabions all affront, filled with Earth, and great Ordnance betwixt, to have battered the Castle. But when this Engine (in manner of a floating Fort) should have performed the service for which it was devised, it proved unserviceable, after it had with much ado been brought thither, being ready to sink with the weight of the great Ordnance and other things wherewith it was overcharged. For which cause, and for that they understood a great number of Horsemen to be come into the Town, they gave over the Siege vainly begun, and put again with their Fleet to Sea. It fortuned at the same time, that a tall Ship of Venice departing from Zacynthus, and coming alongst the Coast of Peloponnesus with provision for the Fleet, was descried by the Enemy; who thinking to do the Christians a great dishonour, if they could almost in the sight of their Fleet surprise her, they sent out certain light Galleys to have taken her; Uluzales in the mean time with the rest of his Fleet, lying in the very mouth of the Bay, ready to come out, if the Christian Fleet should once stir to relieve her. Which the Christians perceiving, and well hoping that so the Enemy would be drawn to battle, sent out Columnius with his Galleys to rescue the Ships; and others also which lying aloof, might get in betwixt the Turks Galleys and the Bay: Don john and the Venetian Admiral, lying ready to have given Battle, if Uluzales should have come forth; but the Christians coming on with a small Gale, the Enemy being afraid, by shooting off of certain warning Pieces within the Bay, in time called back the Galleys that were already gone out of the Bay; who all forthwith came in, excepting Mahomet the Nephew of Barbarussa, a most famous Captain amongst the Turks, who as one of great courage, and desirous of honour, stayed a little without the Bay, with greater courage than discretion, expecting who should assail him. Him the Marquis St. Crucis set upon, and had with him a great and terrible fight; but in the end the Marquis prevailing, 
Mahomet slain.  slew Mahomet with all his Turks, and with honour carried away the Galley. So the dishonour which Uluzales would have done the Christians, fell upon himself, having in his own sight lost one of his best Captains with his Galley.  
The next day, because the year should not pass without something done, nor the hope of so great a preparation come to nothing, the Christians determined to besiege the Castle of Navarinum (which was in ancient time called Pylus) more famous for nothing, than for that it was the native place of old Nestor. The City of Navarinum standeth upon a rising ground, stretching somewhat into the Sea; whereinto it hath a large prospect, and a fair large Haven, but subject to the Northwind. It is defended with a point of the Main, running with a compass into the Sea, whereon standeth an old Castle. Some sent before to view the situation of the place, brought word back, that the Castle might in three days be won. 
The Prince of Parma in vain besiegeth Navarinum.  The performance of which exploit, was committed to Alexander Farnesius Prince of Parma, whom the Venetians furnished with Munition and Victual. He landing with 2000 Italians, 1000 Spaniards, and 500 Germans, began with twelve great Pieces to batter the Castle. And albeit that the Battery was planted so ●ar off, as that it did the Enemy no great harm; yet happily the enterprise had taken effect, if by taking the strait and troublesome passages through a rough and thick Forest, the City had been kept from relief; but forasmuch as those passages were left free, the Enemy cunningly opposed policy against force, for sallying out of the City, they gave the Christians an hot skirmish; and in the mean time whilst the Christians were so busied, by a Port toward the Forest on the other side of the City, received in great number both of Horse and Foot. The report of this new come aid caused the Prince to raise his Siege, and to go again aboard. And now rested all the hope of the gaining of the Town in the strength of the Fleet; and that not small, for that the Turks not relieved with Victuals by Land, were by the Confederates kept from them also by Sea; for at that time the Turks were troubled with two great mischiefs, the Plague, and Famine. For no provision had there been made, as in a thing not feared; and that little being spent that was in the Town, they were enforced to seek for Victuals further off; which coming but sparingly, as in time of Dearth, was oftentimes by the way intercepted by the Soldiers that lay about in the Country Villages, wanting Victuals no less than they in the City. And the more Men the Beglerbeg of Graece brought down for defence of the Sea Towns, so much the more the wants of all things daily increased: So that no Man doubted, but that in short time all would be brought to extreme penury. What a death the Mortality had made, 
The weakness ●f the Turks Fleet  the want of Men in their Galleys well declared; for many of the Galleys for lack of Mariners and Soldiers were sent away into Euboea, or left at Malvasia, or carried away to Constantinople. Those who stayed in the Bay of Modon, were scarce 100 Galleys, and 40 Galliots; and they so slenderly manned, that the greatest Galleys had scarcely an hundred and twenty Men left in them, and they so meager and faint, as that they could scarcely hold up their Weapons. The Christians understanding of these things, were in good hope, that by continuing the Siege, they should without danger gain a notable Victory; for which cause Fuscarinus persuaded the Spaniards (of wose constancy he doubted) to hold it out, as Men of resolution; showing them, that in the event of this action rested for them for ever to be feared or contemned of the Turks; who except they should be changed into Fishes or into Birds, could not (as he said) without a notable overthrow escape their hands out of the Bay. But unto this his hope and counsel, the event was not correspondent; for the Spaniards, whether it were for the tediousness of the Siege, or for want of Victuals, or for the approach of Winter, or else moved with some other reason, began to think of the matter diversely; and at the first a report was raised, That the Christians giving over the Siege, would shortly return home; and the reason was, for that they wanted Biscuit, and had scarcely Victuals left for fifteen days, which was to be reserved for their long journey home: besides that, The approach of Winter did call them from the action; and that having done what they might, they could never draw the Enemy forth to battle; and that therefore having sufficiently and as far as was possible already discharged their duties, they were now also to regard their safety, and to foresee that their Fleet, wherein the welfare of them all was reposed, were now not too far endangered. At the first these Speeches were divulged by the common Soldiers and Mariners of small credit or reputation; but afterwards by more, and they also Men of better place and sort: Yea Don john himself, whether it were to some other purpose, or that he so spoke in good earnest, began to lay the fault upon others, why that he, so lately come from Messina, should in so short time want Victuals and all things else necessary.  
With these unexpected reports, and so far different from the confederation, 
The Venetians murmur against the Spaniards.  the Venetian Admiral with the rest of the Venetian Commanders were exceedingly troubled, and grieved above measure; for it seemed not credible, that they which but a little before were come from the most fertile and plentiful Country of Sicilia, in all Ages the most faithful and abundant Granary and Storehouse of Italy, both in Peace and War, could so soon want Victuals. Could eighteen tall Ships (which ought by the Capitulations of the League to have come loaded with Biscuit, Victuals, and other warlike and necessary Provision) become empty? Or but to have brought so much as might but suffice for a month only? If this were done without the knowledge of Don john, where was then the care of a General? If he winking thereat, where was his zeal to the confederation, or to what purpose came he to Corcyra? Was it to avert the Christian Fleet (having once or twice met with the Enemy) from doing any good upon him? Could it come into any Man's head (besides that in so doing he was therein to extinguish the glory of a most certain Victory, like to work the Turks confusion) by the infamy of a voluntary return to increase the glory and renown of his Enemy, and bring a perpetual ignominy and disgrace unto the honour of the Christians? Verily the Spaniards, therein to show themselves not so willing to have the power of the Turks abated, as the strength of the Venetians not increased.  

The Venetian Admiral persuadeth the Spaniards in no case to return from the Enemy.  These things Fuscarinus and the Venetians sometimes fretted at amongst themselves; and otherwhiles the Admiral himself expostulated the same with Don john and Columnius; and in the presence of the greatest Counsellors showed, not only how pofitable, but also how necessary perseverance was in all Martial Affairs; That it was an old and usual matter for Men in besieging of their Enemies, to suffer many difficulties; if they should, having performed nothing, return with the Fleet, who would doubt but that both their labour and charge was again the next year to be renewed? And what could this delay be else, but a propagation of their further calamities? That therefore it much concerned the Christian Common-weal, although they had not all things in abundance, yet resolutely and with patience to endure the scarcity of Victuals. If want of Biscuit were feared, the General might easily remedy that matter, by speedily sending for those Ships which lay laded with Victuals good store at Tarentum; which thing might in short time be performed. In the mean time he promised to supply the Spaniards wants with part of his own store; and that he had rather his Men should live with Roots, than to let the Enemy's Fleet cooped up, so to escape his hands: That the desire to protect the honour of the Christians, would overcome all difficulties. Beside that, the matter would be but short, if it were done at once, in one continued Course; and would undoubtedly be by them performed, if they gave not over the thing they had so well begun, until they had accomplished it. They (as he said) might in good safety lie with their Fleet in the Ports of Navarinum, Sapientia, and Capraria; whereas the Enemy, lying shut up in the Bay of Modon, should have but a bad and dangerous Winter Harbour; and October being now begun, should in short time be in danger to perish with blustering Storms and rage of the Sea, familiar unto that time of the year; or else enforced with the extremity of the Wether, and with want, to adventure into the open Sea, and with their weak Forces to join Battle. What should therefore let, why they should not for 10 or for 15 days continue the Siege, as best beseemed the honour of themselves, the valour of their Soldiers, and worthiness of the Christian Name? What a terror it would be unto the Enemy, to see the Christians ready to endure all extremities and wants, to gain the Victory over the Turks? Again, what dishonour and discredit would it be unto themselves, if they should suffer the Enemy (shut up and not daring to fight) to escape; especially, when as they might sitting still, end the War? The Senate of Venice, he said, most rested upon the valour and courage of Don john, and therefore he requested him not to deceive the great hope they had of him conceived; for how much should he himself blemish his own honour, if when he had before relieved the afflicted state of the Common-weal, he should now, when it was most of all to be holpen, forsake the same? Which should not be much unlike, as if a Man should with great labour purchase great store of precious Pearls, and upon an humorous passion cast them all into the Sea: That Men generally held a great opinion of him the General, an honourable remembrance of his Victory, and regard of his Valour; all which, how much the more pregnant and honourable should they be, by the second vanquishing and subduing the most mighty Monarch of the World; and that if the action well begun, should be effectually prosecuted by the goodness of God, the direction of the Commanders, and the resolution of the Soldiers, in short time the Christians should carry the Victory from the Turks, and make him their General, equal not only with the great Chieftains of the present time, but even with the most famous Commanders of all former Ages. 
Don John replied upon the Vene●ian Admiral.  Whereunto Don john replied, That the action then in hand no less concerned the Spaniards than the Venetians; and that he had in his life desired nothing more, than to stand the Christian Common-weal in stead: That he pointed at the same mark with Fuscarinus, and in zeal to do good unto the Christian Common-weal, gave place to no Man; but indeed to perform it, was a thing much more difficult than to say it; lesser things (he said) were to be overpassed, to reserve themselves for the performance of greater; and therefore marveiled that Fuscarinus alone could not see things most manifest before his eyes, who otherwise could with his piercing wit see through the deepest matters; could he think by any other means to abate the power of the Turk, than if they kept their Fleet whole? that it were ever the manner of the greatest and most worthy Commanders, rather to shun the present dangers, that to increase their Territories: That nothing was so well purposed, which might not be of some wrongfully suspected; but his faithful meaning to be pure and without spot; and albeit that the opportunity served not for him to show it; yet was his desire and endeavour nothing less: And that Fuscarinus should do well more intentively to consider, what the cause, the matter, and the time required: That the manner of War at Land and at Sea, were much different, and that although Wars of both sorts were to give place unto the most unseasonable time of the year, unfit for any kind of War; yet might Men at Land, better endure the Winter Storms in their Tents and Cabins, than at Sea in their Galleys, where oftentimes, will, skill, wisdom, nor valour help not; but that (except it be so provided and foreseen, that the seasonable time of the year, and commodious for sailing, may be taken) all must together perish by Shipwreck. What, would he have them to strive above their power with the Winter Storms, and Famine, the greatest extremities of nature? Besides that, he was verily persuaded, that the Turks enjoying the commodities of a good Harbour, and of a rich City, would there in safety Winter; the Country of Peloponnesus relieving them with all necessaries; when as the Christians in the mean time, except they in time returned home, should lie exposed to the rage of the Sea, standing as it were in a continual Watch, not laying away their Weapons in the depth of Winter and dead time of the year, which in reason ought to give rest to all Men. And that therefore every Man ought for the present to bear his own grievances, and not by the harms of his Friends and Confederates, to seek his own avail. And that he bearing himself upon the inward integrity of his good will toward the Venetians, would this say, howsoever Fuscarinus should understand it, that if the King's Fleet should by long staying there perish, it would no less concern the Venetians, than the King himself; and taking God to witness, would solemnly promise, Nothing to be unto him more leifer or religious, than to be pressed so soon as the time of the year would give leave, and by his endeavour to make all Men to know, that he had no less care of the Venetian State, than of the King's Affairs; neither desired any thing more, than to be accounted, and indeed to be a most constant upholder of that most Christian League; and that beyond all expectation, even in the judgement of the Venetians themselves; but for the present they must pardon him, if he gave place unto the necessity of the time. As for the offer of the communicating of their Victuals, that would not be any help, but the destruction of both the Fleets; for so they should both sooner feel the want; wherefore it were much better to preserve the Fleet, which they might use in the next years Wars, than wilfully to cast away the same by Famine, and the rage of the Sea. In brief, what an indignity should the Christians sustain, if they themselves should by the same means be overthrown, whereby they had thought to have overthrown others?  

The Spaniards about to return without the knowledge of the Venetians.  Now the Spaniards were so resolutely set down for their departure, that not only without the consent of the Venetians, but even without their privity, their departure was resolved upon, and secret commandment given unto the Masters of the Galleys, with all the haste that might be, to depart thence to Messina. Which the Venetian Admiral understanding, and therewith troubled as with an unexpected matter, came aboard the General, and greatly complained of his purpose for so sudden a departure; requesting him a while to stay, until the two Galleys made fast together in the Harbour of Navarinum (as is beforesaid) with the Ordnance upon them, might be put in good safety, and neither they, or any thing else left for a prey unto the Enemy. With much ado, Fuscarinus persuaded him to stay that night, that those Galleys might be brought out of the Harbour, and all things put in order for their departure. The rest of the night was spent in debating of the matter too and fro; where Don john would needs have it conceived into a public Instrument in writing, That the Fleet by the general consent of the three Admirals returned for lack of Victuals; whereunto the Venetian Admiral hardly consented. But when the Instrument should have been made and confirmed, Don john better advised by one of his Secretaries, That the same would redound unto the great dishonour both of the King and himself, that the Fleet coming out of the fruitful Country of Sicilia, should in a month's space want Victuals; changed his mind for the writing, and only requested the Venetian Admiral to credit him and Columnius, in that they had said concerning the want of Victuals; promising him, that if upon the way he should meet with the Victuals that were sent for, he would forthwith return and give him aid, as the time and occurrents should require; but in the mean time to proceed by common consent, to do that which was most needful. Hereupon they returned; and coming to Corcyra, they met the expected Ship laded with Victuals. Now is not Fuscarinus unmindful of his duty, but coming to Don john, put him in remembrance of his promise; telling him, That it was not unlike, but that the Enemy so soon as he understood of their departure, would come out of the Bay, and return with his Fleet towards Constantinople; and being but weak manned, and worse furnished of Mariners, might easily be overtaken upon the way and overthrown. But Don john was not by any means to be thereunto persuaded, pretending, that he was by the King commanded forthwith to return. So the expectation of great matters to have been this year done, came to nought, but vanished into smoke; and nothing performed worth so long a discourse, more than to see with what difficulty great actions are managed, wherein the hands of many great ones are required; who jealous of their own Honour, or envying at others, corrupt with delays the fairest opportunities, and by their cross dealing, no less than the Enemy, hinder the common good, whereat they would all fainest seem to aim. From Corcyra Don john departed to Messina, and Columnius unto Rome. Fuscarinus with greater honour than success returned to Venice, where he was with great joy received, both of the Senate and the citizen's in general; and so (no less famous for his patience and moderation towards the other Confederates, than for his policy and valour) with the good liking of all Men gave up his charge, in few years after to receive a greater.  
About this time, 
Amida the exiled King of T●nes craveth aid of Don John.  Amida King of Tunes (of whom much is before spoken in the Life of Solyman) being but a little before driven out of his Kingdom by the Turks (who had of long by little and little encroached upon him) and as a private Man lived in Exile with his two Sons at Guletta with Franciscus Tovares Governor thereof, hearing of the great overthrow of the Turks as Lepanto, and of the good success of the Christians, sent Ambassadors to Don john General of the Confederate Princes, then lying in Sicilia, humbly requesting his aid for the recovery of his Kingdom; promising to defray the whole charges of the War, and for ever to hold his Kingdom of the King of Spain, as his Vassal and Tributary. Which his request well considered of, and the matter thought of no small consequence for the safety of the Christian Countries lying over against that part of afric, to have so dangerous an Enemy removed; Don john the year following (in the beginning of October) by the commandment of the King of Spain his Brother, year 1573. departing from Drepanum in Sicilia, with an hundred and five Galleys and forty Ships, arrived the next day about noon at Guletta, where the Galleys of Malta came unto him, and shortly after john Andrea's Auria the Admiral with nineteen more, and Columnius the Pope's Admiral with fourteen more, all well appointed. At his arrival at Guletta, he understood by Amida and the Governor, the whole estate both of the City and of the Kingdom of Tunes; and that the Turks and Moors, terrified with so great a Fleet, were about to forsake the City. Wherefore having well viewed the place; he the next day after landed his Forces about four miles from the City, and sent two thousand five hundred Footmen before the rest of the Army to the City; who found it all desolate, the Turks and Moors being before for fear fled, some to Caravana, some to Biserta; who entering without resistance, came to the Castle, wherein they found two hundred Moors, who said they kept it for Amida their King; but yet would by no means suffer the Christians to enter. All which was forthwith made known to Don john, who then because it was almost night, would not move, but early the next morning set forward with his whole Army; and entering the City, before abandoned by the Inhabitants, and so coming to the Castle, found nothing therein but great store of Oil, Butter, and Wood  
Amida the late King, by the commandment of Don john all this while stayed at Guletta. But whilst Don john was yet at Tunes, news was brought to him the thirteenth of October, That the Turks Garrison before fled out of Tunes, with divers Moors, coming to Biserta, were there kept out by the citizen's, and not suffered to enter; for which cause they began to burn and spoil the Country thereabout. Whereupon the General sent Tovares the Captain of Guletta thither with part of the Army; who encountering with those Turks overthrew them, and had the City by the citizen's peaceably delivered unto him.  
The Kingdom of Tunes thus easily once again recovered from the Turks, 
The just judgement of God upon Amida the Jot King of Tunes.  Don john throughly informed of the faithless and cruel dealing of Amida the late King, and that in detestation of the Christians and their Religion, he had already had intelligence with the Turks, and procured the death of some of the Christians; gave this definitive sentence upon him, being yet in the Castle of Guletta: That forasmuch as he had long time been the author of great discord and endless troubles in that Kingdom, and had most unnaturally deprived Muleasses his Father, first of his Kingdom, and afterward of his sight; and in like manner tyrannised over his natural Brethren, the rightful Heirs of that Kingdom, whereby the Turks had taken occasion both to invade and possess the same; he should therefore by the commandment of the King of Spain be carried Prisoner with his two Sons into Sicilia, there to remain for ever. Which heavy doom he taking most grievously, and yet crying out for mercy, was forthwith thrust into a Galley, and with his Wife and Children transported into Sicilia, there to live in perpetual Exile; The just reward of his merciless and unnatural dealing with his Father and Brethren; God no doubt requiting him with the like measure he had before measured unto them. 
Mahomet, Amida his Brother, made King of Tunes, and Vassal to the King of Spain.   
After that (the King of Spain so commanding) Mahomet, Amida his elder Brother, and right Heir of that Kingdom, was appointed King in his place; who departing from Guletta to Tunes, was received as King, and there by solemn Oath promised for ever to be the King of Spain his Vassal, and to do whatsoever he should command.  
There was before departed out of Tunes forty thousand Moors, who now came and offered their supplication to Don john, that they might again return and live with their new King; which their request being easily granted, they in great numbers every day returned into the City. Shortly after, 1500 Turks, with 3000 of those wild People which some call Arabians, some Alarbes, sore troubled all the passages about the City; who were at last by the Christians overthrown, and 150 Christians whom they had taken Prisoners, rescued. After that, Don john by the advice of his most expert and skilful Captains, commanded a strong Castle to be built in the middle way betwixt Guletta and Tunes; and for the performing thereof left Gabriel Serbellio with 2000 Italians; and Calazar a Spaniard with other 2000 at Guletta. And so having performed that he came for, and disposed of all things as he thought best, returned again into Sicilia.  
A grief of griefs it is, and sorrow almost unconsolable, when worthy actions most happily begun▪ sort not to such happy end as was in reason hoped for. The greatest and most famous Victory of all Ages gained against the Turk, seemed to have lightened the Christian Common-weal, and great hope there was, that the Christians falling into unity amongst themselves, would by an happy exchange make the Turkish Empire the Seat of their Wars, and to turn into the Turks Dominions, the terror, slaughter, and other calamities of War, which had so many year afflicted the Christian Common-weal. But by how much the more the joy was amidst such daily calamities and tears, so much greater was the sorrow, so great an hope to be come to nought, and Men to be so blinded with the darkness of envy and disdain, that they could not so much as think, with what dishonour and danger of the Common-state, they should shrink from so just, so honourable, and so needful a service, including in itself the general good of all Christendom. When posterity shall consider what things might then have been done, and the devices whereby the common cause was overthrown; it will worthily blame and greatly lament so notable a Victory and fit opportunity, sent as it were from Heaven for the effecting of great matters, to have been let slip and passed over so lightly regarded. This made, that they who before had reposed all their hope in Arms, 
The Venetians weary of the delays and cross dealing of the Spaniard, resolve to 〈◊〉 unto the Turks for Peace.  had now no other confidence or hope of their welfare, but in concluding of Peace. Truly the Venetians both spoke and thought honourably of King Philip, as of a most faithful, just, devout, and honourable Prince; yet greatly blaming his Officers and others of great authority about him, as Men more regarding their own private, than the good of the Christian Common-weal. In these perplexities of the Venetians, King Philip promised them to set forth a greater and stronger Fleet against the next year, and to be sooner in readiness with all his Forces and warlike Provision, and so to help them in all he might. Who for all that gave small credit unto those promises, for that with the like they had been oftentimes before deceived. And therefore as trusting most unto their own strength, they with all carefulness and expedition entertained more Soldiers; of whom some they put into their Fleet, the rest they placed in their Garrisons in Crete, in Dalmatia, and their frontier Towns in Epirus. Neither were the Turks then idle, as the report went; yet were they thought to manage that War with greater fame than strength; for they had of purpose given it out, That they would the next Spring with divers Armies invade the Venetian Territories in Crete, in Dalmatia, in Epirus, yea and in Italy itself; and with their innumerable multitude both of Horse and Foot so overwhelmed the Venetians, that they should not be able possibly to hold out. This and more too they bravely vaunted of; but indeed Uluzales coming to Constantinople, had brought his Fleet so shaken and so weak, as that it seemed not possible but in long time to be again repaired, and furnished with Soldiers and Mariners, in stead of them that had been lost, some in ●ight, but more by the contagiousness of the Infection. But howsoever the matter stood, the Venetians careful with the expectation of great matters, and in small hope of good success, comparing their own strength with the strength of the Enemy; yet were they no less discouraged with the delays and cross dealing of the Confederates, than with all the provision of the Enemy. It stuck in their minds, how that the Spaniards at such time as Cyprus might have been defended, delayed their coming so long, that Nicosia being lost, it was time to return; neither could they forget that linger delay to have been the cause of the great mortality amongst their Men, dying in the Fleet at jadera; They remembered also, that the commodities which of so notable a Victory were most plentifully to have been reaped, were by the slender prosecuting of the same, so sparingly taken, that the former dangers still remained; And that Don john, who ought by appointment to have been at Corcyra in the beginning of Summer, was scarcely come thither in the later end of August; And that he in the third year of this War, at such time as their Fleet was with great labour and charge again repaired, would not, or listed not to adventure to have again overthrown the Enemy's Fleet, but in the very action to have always trifled away the greatest part of Summer, before his Spaniards could set forward; and when he might safely have come to Cerigo, to have called back Fuscarinus and the rest, then facing of the Enemy, and even ready to have given him Battle: It was then secretly suspected, the Spaniards to have stayed of purpose, and to have dallied on the time, that the Venetians having spent their Forces, might be the more exposed and subject to their injuries: It stuck fast not in their minds also, but even almost in their eyes, what things had happened of former times in their Confederations with that Nation; they were grieved in the space of three years an hundred times, twenty hundred thousand Ducats to have been to little or small purpose spent in that War: Besides that, they doubted lest the Flemings with their Confederates should so entangle the King of Spain in defending of his own Territories, as that he should not be at leisure to send any aid into the East; in which case, what hope or help were they to look for? How should they then defend the rest of their signory in the East? How should their empty Coffers suffice to maintain so great Armies both by Sea and Land, as might withstand so puissant an Enemy? Long were the discourses, and effectual the persuasions, that the Venetians had amongst themselves, to induce one another, and all in general, more circumspectly to consider, not only what had already passed, or was presently in hand; but also more warily to foresee what would be the course and what the event of a matter so important; and betime to break off the Confederation, which they had always found to have stood them in small stead. In revolving of these things, only one remedy seemed most effectual for the curing of their afflicted State; which was, by desisting from War, to conclude a Peace with the Turk, howsoever; which they were the rather in good hope to obtain, for that divers Speeches concerning the same had passed at Constantinople, and were from thence again reported at Venice. All Men thus inclining to peace, the Senate referred the proceeding therein unto M. Antonius Barbarus their Ambassador, (who all the time of these Wars had lain in safe custody at Constantinople) willing him therein to use the help of the French Ambassador, who had always been a persuader of Peace.  
Selimus having got the Island of Cyprus and divers other places from the Venetians, 
Selimus himself desirous of Peace.  and yet well wearied with the harms and losses he had himself received both by Sea and Land, was also desirous enough of Peace. So that the French Ambassador might as it was thought, have got a reasonable and indifferent Peace, if he had but expected the opportunity of the time: But he (whether moved with the common harms, or some other secret causes to him best known) in making too much haste, and seeming too desirous of Peace, much hurt the common cause of the Venetians, which he most desired to have furthered. Selimus having found him, resolved with Mahomet the great Bassa, 
Muhamet Bassa dealeth cunningly with the French Ambassador, soliciting the Peace in the behalf of the Venetians.  what he would have done; who at such time as the same Ambassador came unto him about the matter, told him, That he had himself many times moved, yea and so far forth as he might, importuned his great Lord and Master for Peace, but could never find him willing to hear thereof, until that now at length overcome and wearied with the continual solicitation of such as might do most with him, he had yielded thereunto. So the thing that Selimus himself undoubtedly desired, that the crafty Bassa seemed him with most difficulty to grant, rather upon the instance and contemplation of them that laboured for the same, than for any desire he had thereunto of himself. For certain days at the first the French Ambassador was most courteously heard, and the Bassa with fair and cunning Speech promised, that the matter of pacification should easily and in short time be compassed; and so at their first conferences things passed rather in general terms, than that any conditions of Peace were particularly agreed upon; only this was on both parties consented unto, That the Venetians should send their Ambassador of purpose, 
The Venetians send their Ambassador of purpose to Constantinople to entreat a Peace.  for the full concluding and confirming of the desired Peace. Which charge was by the Senate committed to jacobus Superantius, in whose wisdom and valour they had reposed great hope and confidence. He was no sooner come to Constantinople, and the Turks delivered of the fear of the Christian Sword, by the dissolution of the confederation, but that all things were changed, and the Venetians glad to endure the proud looks of the Turks, their disdainful ears, their despightful speeches, their long and insolent attendance, with many other shameful indignities: Yea the Bassa was so shameless, as proudly to ask them, How they durst be so bold as to impugn the great Emperor Selimus his Fleet at Sea. Whereunto the Ambassador answered, That the Venetians had always honoured the Majesty of the Turkish Emperors, neither had at any time taken up Arms against him, but in their own reasonable defence, when force was by force to be repulsed, a thing lawful even for the wild Beast in the wild Wilderness to do. At the first entreaty of the Peace, the Bassa seemed to put the Venetian Ambassador in good hope, that the Venetians according to his request should enjoy their Territories in Dalmatia in as ample manner as in former times, and bounded with the same bounds, whereof they had in these Wars lost some part about jadena. But when the matter should have come to the shutting up, the Turk began to shrink from that he had before promised, refusing not only the restitution of the Territory they had indeed by Treason got; but by cautelous expositions of his meaning, framing the conclusion of the present Peace unto the form of their former Leagues, required, That as the Turks had now yielded unto them Malvasia and Nauplus, so now they should redeliver unto them two other places of like worth and importance: As for not restoring the Territory they had taken about jadera, to colour their deceit, they pretended that they might not by their Law restore unto the Christians any Town or place wherein were any Church or Temple dedicated or converted unto the Mahometan Religion, as was there; and further, That the same Territory was already given by Selimus in reward unto his Soldiers, Men of desert, from whom without great injury it might not be again taken. Hereupon the French Ambassador complained, That promises were not performed; and the Venetians so fretted, that they were even about to have returned as Men shamefully deluded, without concluding of any thing. 
A Peace concluded between Selimus and the Venetians.  Yet when no better could be obtained (the Turks still standing upon such hard terms) the Ambassadors by the appointment of the Senate concluded a Peace with the Turk; whereof these were the chief Capitulations; first, That the Venetians should give unto Sel●mus three hundred thousand Ducats, one hundred to be presently paid, and the other two hundred by equal portions in two years' next following; then, That the Merchant's Goods should be indifferently on both sides restored; and lastly, That such places of the Venetians as the Turk was already possessed of, should still remain unto the Turks; but that such Towns or places as the Venetians had taken in the Turks Dominion, should be again forthwith restored. For the first payment of the Money the Turk was earnest, thereby as by a fine for an offence committed, to make this League unto him more honourable.  
This Peace at Constantinople concluded the eleventh day of February in the year 1574, year 1574. was by the Decree of the Senate confirmed; 
The Peace proclaimed at Venice.  and afterwards the 13 of April following solemnly proclaimed in Venice, to the great wonder of the other Confederates. For the better satisfying of whom, the Pope's Nuntio, with the Ambassador of Spain, were sent for into the Senate House. And although there were many things that grieved the Venetians, yet did they forbear all hard speeches, and of that their moderation received so much the more honour, as it is more difficult for an angry Man to overcome himself, than others. The Duke with calm and temperate Speech, framed to the purpose, declared unto them, That Anger and Hope, two evil Counsellors, being set apart, he had concluded a Peace with the Turk; not for that he was desirous of the Turks friendship, which what account it was to be made of, he right well knew; but for the love he bore to the State, which was not only with loss, but even with death itself to be maintained. How he had been spoiled of the Kingdom of Cyprus, he further declared; and that the Venetian State grew every day weaker and weaker by the continual War; and that therefore, before it were by loss upon loss come to the uttermost of extremity, they not able to maintain so heavy a War, were to take some better course for the preservation of that which wasyet left of their signory; for that the safety of the Venetian State should at all times be a sure fortress and defence of the Christian Common-weal against all the furious attempts of the Enemy, and uncertain events of time.  
The Fame of this sudden and unexpected Peace was for the just and common hatred of the Christians against the Turks, generally evil taken; and the Venetians for the concluding thereof hardly spoken of, as if they had betrayed the whole Christian Common-weal, or at leastwise their Confederates. For Men were for the most part of opinion, that the Turks Peace would be but feigned and deceitful; and that having gained time to set things in order, according to his desire, he would for the natural grudge he bore unto the Christians, come to his old course, and as he had always done, break the League and take up Arms. Some said, That the Venetians forsaken of their Friends and Confederates, would in their own devices perish; yet so, as that their destruction would turn to the general harm of all Christendom; and these Men were of opinion, That in that case, and against that Enemy, a dangerous War was to be preferred before an uncertain and dishonourable Peace. Nevertheless the Venetians, 
The Peace by experience found profitable unto the Venetians.  besides that they for the present eased themselves of many an heavy burden, so have they thereby enjoyed the fruits of a long and happy Peace, and found the same unto their State both wholesome and profitable until this day. It was thought by the sequel of matters, That Selimus was the more willing to have Peace with the Venetians, that he might the better recover the Kingdom of Tunes and the strong Castle of Guletta from the Spaniards; who with the Knights of Malta now gaped more after Tripoli and the other Port-towns holden by the Turks upon the Coast of Barbary, than how to defend the Venetians their Confederates. Thus with the loss of Cyprus and some part of the Venetian Territory in Dalmatia, ended the mortal and bloody War betwixt Selimus and the Venetians. In the Course whereof is well to be seen, what great matters the united Forces of the Christian Princes were able to do against this most mighty Enemy, if all discord and contention set apart, they would in the quarrel of the Christian Religion join with heart and hand against him, and fight the Battle of Christ Jesus.  
Selimus now at Peace with them who before most troubled him; to keep his Men of War busied, shortly after converted his Forces against john Vayvod of Valachia, and so at length joined all that Province to his Empire. This Country of Valachia was in ancient time called Dacia; it hath on the East the Euxine (now called the Black Sea) on the South the famous River Danubius, on the West Transylvania, and on the North Russia. It is divided into two parts, 
Selimus chaseth Bogdanus out of Moldavia, and placed John Vayvod in his stead.  the one called Transalpina, and the other Moldavia (of the River Moldavus running through the midst thereof) but far passing the other both in greatness and abundance of Pasture. That part called Transalpina, Mahomet surnamed the Great (who won Constantinople) made subject to the Turkish Empire; but upon Moldavia, the other part, he only imposed a yearly Tribute of two thousand Ducats. After which time the Vayvods of that Country, aided sometime by the Hungarians, and sometime by the Polonians, rose up oftentimes against the Turks, and refused to do their homage. It chanced, that Bogdanus Vayvod of that Country, favouring the Polonians, and joining in League with them, lived much in Russia, as purposing from thence also to have taken his Wife. Which Selimus suspecting, with a great power chased him into Exile, and placed in his stead one john (called of his Countrymen Iwan, and of some Ivonia) the supposed Son of Stephanus sometime Vayvod of that Country; who with jeremias Czarnievieczius (a Moldavian, who afterward notably betrayed him) having of long time lived amongst the Turks, to be the more gracious amongst them, renounced his Faith, and being circumcised, turned Turk; and following the trade of Merchandise, became, among them a Merchant of such Fame, that he became very familiar and well acquainted with the great Bassas of the Court, and at length with Selimus himself. He understanding by his Friends near about the Turkish Emperor, of his purpose for the removing of Bogdanus, corrupted with rewards the great Bassas, to be mediators for him to Selimus, that commended by them, he might be preferred to be Vayvod of Moldavia; still increasing the suspicion Selimus had conceived of Bogdanus, and telling him, That he supported by the Polonians, was like enough in short time to reject his obedience to his Imperial Majesty. Selimus at the instance of the Bassas nominated this john to be Vayvod, who with a great power of the Turks Horsemen entering into Moldavia, easily possessed himself of the Country, Bogdanus being then absent in Russia, and as then suspecting no such matter; who yet afterwards attempted in vain by the help of the Polonians to have again recovered his Country, but finding no possibility so to do, fled afterwards into Muscovia, where he long time after lived.  

John the Vayvod falleth into suspicion with Selimus and the Bassas of the Court.  john now quietly possessed of Moldavia, for some few years held the same with the good liking of the Turk, paying him his wont Tribute; but afterwards repenting himself of his wicked revolt from the Christian Faith, and now eftsoons again embracing the same, and (ignorant of his own Fortune) persecuting with too much severity those which withstood his coming into the Country, especially such great Men as took part with Bogdanus; and now after his return unto the Christian Faith, not favouring the Turks as he was wont, but crossing them in many matters, became suspicous both unto Selimus and the Bassas his old Friends. Which the Vayvod of the lesser Valachia (commonly called Valachia Transalpina) understanding, he became a suitor unto the great Bassas of the Court for his Brother Peter, and earnestly traveled with them, that as john supported by Selimus, had driven Bogdanus out of Moldavia, so Peter his Brother might in like manner by his help drive john out also. In which his Suit he spared for no cost, neither ceased by malicious suggestions to increase the suspicion already conceived of john the Vayvod; who having rejected the Mahometan Religion, and again embraced the Christian Faith, would (as he said) in short time, as had Bogdanus, join hands with the Polonians, and cast off his obedience towards the great Sultan, by whom he had been so highly promoted. Besides that, this malicious Man offered, That his Brother Peter for such his preferment, should pay yearly unto Selimus twice so much more as did john, namely an hundred and twenty thousand Ducats by the name of a Tribute.  
The Bassas before corrupted, and moved with the greatness of the Tribute, persuaded Selimus, by an Ambassador to send for john the Vayvod, to come unto him himself in person, and to command him to give place to such a Man as he should send thither in his stead; which if he should refuse to do, then to denounce unto him open War. Hereunto Selimus, who had even then much emptied his Coffers with the loss of his Fleet in the Battle of Lepanto, and the chargeable Wars against the Venetians, was easily induced; and to that purpose sent his Ambassador to the Vayvod; who having audience the one and twentieth of February, at the same time that Henry Valois (afterwards the French King) was crowned at Cracovia, delivered his Message as followeth: Selimus the Great Emperor of the Turks sendeth me unto thee, John, Vayvod of Valachia, his Tributary; with this Command, (whereunto his pleasure is▪ that thou shouldest without delay send him answer:) first, 
The commanding Speech of the Turks Ambassador to John the Vayvod.  He chargeth thee to send him not such a Tribute as he was wont, but twice so much more; to wit, an hundred and twenty thousand Ducats. If thou shalt refuse so to do, there is another ready to give it both for himself and his posterity. But Selimus mindful of thy Constancy, Fidelity, and Valour, will not be troublesome unto thee in thy Government, if thou forthwith send the aforesaid Tribute. Which if thou shalt refuse to do, than his will is that thou shouldst give place to another, and thyself return with me to Constantinople, there to answer the matter; otherwise, I am in his Name to denounce all hostility and the calamities of War both unto thee and thy Country.  
This proud Message of the Ambassador struck farther into the mind of the Vayvod than any would have thought; yet dissembling his grief, he commanded him to be brought to the Lodging appointed for him; telling him, That in a matter of so great importance, and so much concerning the whole State of his Country, he could not give him so present Answer as he required; but that upon mature deliberation had with his Nobility and Council, he would in short time answer him accordingly. The Ambassador being gone to his Lodging, the Vayvod forthwith began deeply to consider of Selimus his demands; and that in the Turks Faith was no assurance, which he kept or broke with the Christian Princes as best fitted his own turn; and besides that, That if he should grant to pay that so great and heavy a Tribute in so great poverty of his Kingdom, sore wasted with civil War, Selimus would not be therewith long contented, so long as any Man would give him more, but happily would the next year exact a greater, and in the end such an one as he with all his Subjects should not be able to pay; which it should not be safe for him at any time to refuse, so long as any Man would give it. Wherefore calling together the Nobility and States of his Country, he broke with them in this sort: If ever you were to consult and deliberate of a most important and difficult matter, this verily is that time; 
The Speech of the Vayvod unto his Nobility and Subjects.  for Selimus the Turkish Emperor, inflamed with ensatiable Avarice, and I know not by whose persuasion, not contented with his wont Tribute, exacteth of us twice so much more. If you shall grant it, it shall not much concern me, as not to be paid by me your Sovereign, but by yourselves and your posterity; if we deny it, forthwith he denounceth unto us Fire and Sword, with all the calamities of War. And in this bareness of our Kingdom, almost spoiled by Civil Wars, how shall we be able to pay it him? Wherefore declare your minds. Verily I foresee, that if you shall in this yield unto Selimus, and grant him so great a Tribute, he will not therewith long hold himself contented, but every year extort a greater, until he have altogether eaten us up. Wherefore it were better for us (in mine opinion) to lose our lives together with our Wives and Children, than to suffer so great an indignity; neither is it mine own Estate that troubleth me; for why, it is you that are to pay it, and not I. Wherefore if you list not to endure this so dishonourable and base a servitude, let me forthwith so understand from you; and I will for my part so provide, as that I will not only not pay unto the barbarous Tyrant the new and heavy Tribute he demandeth, but not so much as any Tribute at all; so that you be not wanting both to yourselves and me. I know right well (beloved and Fellows in Arms) what I owe both unto you and the Common-weal, for whose good and welfare I am always ready to lay down my Life.  
He had no sooner thus said, but that a secret sorrow and unwonted silence had as it were oppressed the whole Assembly. At length, as Men awaked out of an heavy and dead Sleep, they murmured among themselves, that the Turkish Emperor should so without reason oppress them, with doubling and redoubling of his Tribute; and were generally of opinion, That the Vayvod had not so plainly as truly spoken of the intolerableness thereof; and that therefore they had rather die, than to endure so great dishonour, joined with so foul a slavery. And thereupon offered unto the Vayvod to serve upon their own charge, and with him upon the Bank of Danubius to meet the proud Enemy, and there in defence to their Lives and Liberty, to fight it out unto the last Man. The Vayvod in few words commending their fidelity, and taking of them an Oath for the faithful performance of that they had so resolutely promised, sent for the Turks Ambassador, and gave him this short answer: 
The answer of the Vayvod unto the Turks Ambassador.  I, for the ancient Fidelity and Allegiance which I owe unto my Lord and dread Sovereign, the mighty Emperor Selimus, would willingly yield unto him the Tribute he requireth, were it not that I know the minds of my People to abhor the same; wishing rather to endure all calamities, hap whatsoever hap may, than to yield unto so dishonourable and shameful slavery. Wherefore sithence I cannot by any means extort the same from my Subjects, tell my Lord Selimus, That I most humbly request him, not to take the same in evil part; whose amity I wish to be unto me, rather an ornament and refuge, than disgarce or hindrance. And that upon that good hope I both asked, and for my singular Fidelity obtained of him the Vayvodship of Moldavia; which my good hope I most heartily beseech him may not deceive me.  
With this answer he dismissed the Ambassador unrewarded, and with a safe convoy brought him to the Bank of Danubius; which his homely usage of the Ambassador, caused him not a little to be suspected, to be in mind changed from Selimus. The Ambassador sent away, the Vayvod not ignorant of the sudden invasions of the Turks, forthwith began to raise his Army; and at the same time, sent Ambassadors unto Henry King of Polonia his nearest Neighbour, certifying him of the dangerous state of Moldavia, the surest Bulwark of the Polonian Kingdom, which once overthrown, opened a fair and easy way for the common Enemy into Polonia; and therefore requested him, that as the Kings of Pol●nia had of ancient time, even for the safety of their own State, protected that Country; so it would please him now in like manner in so dangerous a time, to give him aid; or at leastwise to give leave unto such of his Subjects as were willing to serve for entertainment, to come unto him, whom he would with all honour and bounty use according to their place and quality. Whereunto the King answered, That forasmuch as he and his predecessors the Kings of Polonia, had for the space of more than an hundred years been in League with the Turkish Kings and Emperors, he could not either send him aid, or yet give leave unto any of his Subjects to serve against the Turk, as he desired. 
The Vayvod entertaineth the Polonian Cossacks.  With this answer the Vayvod was much troubled, as there deceived where he most hoped for relief; yet hearing of certain Companies of the Polonian Cossacks, which having long lain in hope of prey upon the side of the great River Borysthenes, were returning empty home, he by fit Messengers sent of purpose, offered them great entertainment to serve him in his Wars against the Turk; of which his offer, they (as Men living for most part by service) gladly accepted; and so without the knowledge of the King went unto him, to the number of twelve hundred, with their Captain's Men of great Courage and Valour, of whom Sujercevius was chief; who were by the Vayvod honourably entertained, and did him in these Wars right worthy service. These Cossacks are light Horsemen, lying most commonly upon the Borders of the Polonian Kingdom towards the Tartars; an hardy and valiant kind of Men, whose best living, is the spoil they take from the Enemy; and their best Lands▪ their Horse and Lance. For albeit that the Turks and Tartars are most commonly in League with the Polonians, and seem never so desirous of Peace; yet do they oftentimes in great numbers, upon the sudden break into the Countries of Podolia, and Russia, part of the Polonian Kingdom, and there do great harm, if they be not in time repressed or cut off by the aforesaid light Horsemen, who for that purpose lie always in wait for them, as doth the Hawk for the prey.  
Selimus understanding the answer of john the Vayvod, was therewith exceedingly enraged, 
Selimus sendeth his Forces against the Vayvod.  and the more by the bitter complaint of the Ambassador, who angry with the Vayvod, that he was of him no better regarded nor rewarded, spared not to the uttermost of his power, to incense the angry Emperor against him, as if his Honour had been in the person of himself contemned and violated. Wherefore without delay, he sent thirty thousand Turks, and two thousand Hungarians unto the Palatine of Valachia Transalpina, that joining those Forces to his own, he might take john the Vayvod, and sending him in Bonds to Constantinople, to place Peter his Brother, Vayvod in his place. The Palatine glad of this command, and having raised his own power, together with the Turks and the Hungarians, swum over the River Moldavus, having in his Army about an hundred and two thousand fight Men; a power, not only sufficient to have driven the Vayvod out of Moldavia, but also to have shaken a right puissant King in his Kingdom. The Palatine in the midst of so great a strength, little fearing, and less regarding the sudden coming of the Vayvod, suffered his Men with their Horses to lie disorderedly here and there, dispersed in the large Meadows and Pastures all alongst the fair River side; so the better to refresh themselves, weary of their long travel. In the mean time certain Scouts came to the Vayvod then at Dinner, certifying him, that the Enemy with an huge Army (the certain number whereof they could not well descry) was come over the River; and now resting themselves, had turned off their Horses into the rich Meadows thereabout, in such disordered and careless manner, as that they might with a small power be easily overthrown. The Vayvod glad of this news, forthwith sent before Sujercevius with his Cossacks, and 5000 other light Horsemen, more certainly to descry what the Enemy did, with the manner of his lying; and he himself with the rest of his Army followed fair and softly after. Sujercevius with great silence approaching the Enemy's Camp, suddenly light upon the Enemy's Scouts, in number about 500; who enclosed before they were aware; were taken every Man by the Cossacks, and by them straightly examined of the state of their Army and Camp. Who for safeguard of their Lives now in the Enemy's power, frankly confessed, how that the Palatine lay securely there by, resting his Army, not so much for the refreshing thereof after his Travel, as with greater strength to set upon the Vayvod with his fresh Soldiers; and that in the Army were about seventy thousand Null, thirty thousand Turks, and three thousand Hungarians; who now dispersed, and sleeping in security, might easily be overthrown. Of all these things Sujercevius advertiseth the Vayvod; requesting him with all possible speed to hasten his coming, for the obtaining of a most notable and assured Victory; he in the mean time lying close with his Men not far from the Enemy. 
The Palatint with the Turks overthrown by the Vayvod.  The Vayvod certified of all these things, came without delay, and forthwith commanded Sujercevius with his Men to give the onset upon the Enemy; purposing himself with the rest of his Army on the other side, to charge the disordered Camp in three places. Sujercevius according as he had in charge, with a great and terrible outcry, suddenly set upon the secure Enemies; who dismayed with the suddainness of the unexpect danger, stood as Men astonished, not knowing which way to fly, or how to make resistance. But whiles Sujercevius with his light Horsemen thus on the one side filled the Camp with tumult, terror, slaughter, and fear; behold, even as a sudden Tempest, cometh the Vayvod, bearing all the disordered Camp down before him; neither had the Enemies any means to fly, having put their Horses a great way off from them into the rich Pastures; but there taken unarmed, were miserably slain. In all the Camp was lamentation and mourning, Death raging in every place with such fury, that of so great an Army as of late passed the River, few or none escaped, more than the Palatine with Peter his Brother, who by great chance with much ado getting Horses, swum over the River, and so came to the Castle of Brailovia in Valachia; all the rest were slain, and left to be of the Beasts of the Field, and Birds of the Air devoured. It was a most horrible spectacle to see the ground covered with the Bodies of the dead, all stained with gore Blood, and their Weapons of all sorts lying by them. In the Camp were found great Riches, all which the Vayvod gave unto his Soldiers, and there stayed four days to refresh his wearied Men. After that, he with his victorious Army entered into Valachia, the Palatines Country, where he took many Castles and Towns, and put to the Sword all that came in his way, Men, Women, and Children, without respect of Age or Sex; and burned all the Country Towns and Villages before him as he went; so that all that part of the Country of Valachia Transalpina, was covered with Smoke and Fire, to the terror of the Beholders. The aged Fathers were in every place drawn forth to slaughter, the young Babes were cut in pieces, the Matrons and Virgins defiled, and afterwards slain; and in brief all the Cruelty that could be devised, performed; in the bloody execution whereof, the Vayvod commended his Men, persuading them in like manner still to prosecute the Victory, and that the rest of their labours was all but for prey and booty, for the enriching of themselves. In this havoc of all things, it was told him, That the Palatine with his Brother Peter, the Men whom he most sought after, were in the Castle of Brailovia not far off; whereupon he forthwith marched thither with his Army. The City of Brailovia standeth upon the River Danubius, and had in it a Castle of some good strength, defended both by the nature of the place, and a strong Garrison of the Turks, which Selimus had appointed for the keeping thereof, as the Key of the Country; not far from this City the Vayvod encamping his Army, writ unto the Captain of the Castle, forthwith to deliver unto him the Palatine, with Peter his Brother, his mortal Enemies; who never wronged by him, had invaded his Country, and sought after his life, and being overthrown in Battle, were fled unto him; which if he should refuse to do, he threatened never to depart thence, until he had to his further harm, constrained him by force to yield them. These Letters he sent by two Valachian Captives, to be delivered unto the Captain of the Castle; whereunto he returned answer by four Turks, two of the City, and two of his own Servants, by whom he also sent ten great Shot, and as many small, with two Turkish Arrows, and this Message.  For that I know thee to be the Servant of my dread Sovereign Selimus, I regard thee; 
The blunt answer of the Captain to the Vayvod.  and will not deny the same Men to be with me, whom thou so much requirest. But forasmuch as I understand, that thou of late hast slain a great number of the Servants of the great Emperor, who by his commandment were bringing Peter the Brother of the Palatine into Moldavia: I therefore tell thee, that except thou betime raise thy Siege, I will feed thee and thy Followers, with such Dishes as these; whereupon thou and thine Army gorged to the full, shall all afterwards dangerously surfeit and cast. Farewell. 
This rough answer so much moved the Vayvod, 
Barbarous Cruelty.  that he commanded hands to be laid upon the aforesaid four Messengers; and their Noses, Lips, and Ears, being cut off, both their Feet to be with great Nails fast nailed unto a long piece of Timber, and so with their Heads hanging downward, to be set up before the City, and so left for the Captain and the citizen's to gaze upon. Signifying withal unto the Captain that sent them, that he himself with the other Fugitives his Guests, should in like manner be served, if they fell into his hands. Immediately after, he assaulted the City, 
The City of Brailovia taken by Vayvod and razed to the ground.  and using the cheerfulness of his Soldiers, by plain force took the same, the Defendants being not able to hold them out. There was made great slaughter of the Turks, whereas no Man was taken to mercy; the very Babes were slain, together with their Mothers, and Blood ran like Rivers into the Danubius. For the space of four days this bloody execution endured; no place served for refuge, even the most secret and obscure places were searched, and the poor Creatures there found, drawn forth and slain. The fury was so great, that no living thing, no not so much as the very Dogs were spared. Much Gold, Silver, Plate, Jewels, and other rich Spoil was there found, all which became a prey unto the greedy Soldiers; for that City was of all others in those Quarters the richest, as a place much frequented, and enjoying long Peace, as after such time the Turks were fully possessed of Graecia, not being troubled with any Wars; until now, that it way by the Vayvod first ransacked, and afterwards razed down to the ground, and nothing thereof left standing, more than the bare Castle itself; which the Vayvod durst not adventure upon, for that it was well fortified, and furnished with so strong a Garrison, as that it could not without great loss be taken.  
Whiles the Vayvod was thus busied in the spoil of Brailovia, 
The Turks again overthrown by the Vayvod.  news was brought unto him of the coming of fifteen thousand Turks to the relief of the Castle; against whom he forthwith sent Sujercevius with his Cossacks, and other eight thousand Moldavian Horsemen; who suddenly coming upon the Turks, disordered and fearing no such matter, slew almost 14000 of them, and chased the rest unto the Castle of Teina. Of this Victory Sujercevius in all hast certified the Vayvod; and withal, that there was another great power of the Turks coming, which might easily be also overthrown, if he leaving the Siege of the Castle of Brailovia, would without delay come and join his Forces with his. He glad of that news, and well perceiving how difficult and dangerous that Siege would be unto him, rose forthwith with his Army, and went to Sujercevius; and afterwards upon conference had with him, laid Siege to Teina; which City taken without much labour, he put to sword all the People found therein, not leaving one alive; and by the service of Sujercevius overthrew the Turks coming towards Brailovia.  

Selimus in doubt to have been thrust out of Valachia by the Vayvod.  Selimus in the mean time much troubled with the proceedings of the Vayvod, and doubting to be quite thrust out of Valachia Transalpina (which he was like enough to have been, had not the Treason of Czarnieviche hindered the matter) prepared new Forces for that service; and after the manner of the Turks in time of their greatest distress, appointed general Supplications and Prayers to be made unto his Prophet Mahomet, for the better success of his Wars; the undoubted sign of his Fear.  
The Vayvod after so many Victories against the Turks, purposing for a while to break up his great Army, called unto him his old Friend jeremias Czarnieviche, unto whom, as unto the Man he of all others most trusted, he had resolved to commit the charge, with part of his Army, to keep the Turks from passing again over the River Danubius into his Country; and in delivering to him his Charge, spoke unto him as followeth: 
The kind Speech of the Vayvod to Czarnieviche.  Sith Fortune hath hitherto answered our desires (worthy Czarnieviche) with most rare and perpetual success against the Turks, our most cruel Enemies, we are thankfully to take the same, and to render most humble and hearty thanks unto Almighty God, that it hath pleased him, the Author of all Victory, so to have prospered our endeavours against these fierce and devouring Enemies. Now what remaineth for the present, but to disband mine Army, wearied with labour and travel, and to give my Soldiers leave to depart home to rest themselves, that so I may as occasion shall require again use their fresh Forces for our better service; you in the mean time with thirteen thousand of my select Soldiers, shall lie upon the side of Danubius, to keep the Turks from passing the River. Have good regard I pray you, unto this your charge, which I upon an especial trust, grounded upon your ancient love and fidelity, have at this time imposed upon you. And let me from time to time with all expedition understand from you of every motion of the Enemy, that so we may in due time provide for him accordingly.  
And so in token of his greater favour, taking his leave of him with a Kiss (as the manner of those People is) gave leave unto the greatest part of his Soldiers to depart home, yet with this charge, to be always in readiness whensoever they should be called upon.  
Czarnieviche having received his Charge, and promising unto the Vayvod the uttermost of his faithful devoir, went towards Danubius, and there most carefully kept the passages with continual watch and ward. It was not long but that great numbers of the Turks were come down to the other side of the River, and more were still coming, yet none of them was so hardly as to adventure the great River; Czarnieviche with his Horsemen lying in the faces of them, ready to receive them on the other side. Which the Bassa whom Selimus had sent with his Army, perceiving, sent certain Men picked out for the purpose, to Czarnieviche, to sound him, if he might by any means be drawn to come over, 
Czarnieviche hath secret conference with Peter the Palatines Brother, who cunningly persuadeth him to give the Turks passage.  in secret to talk with him; and the more to move him, beside his conduct for his safety, sent him by the same Messengers thirty thousand Hungarian Ducats for a Present. With which so fair a Bait Czarnieviche alured, received the Money, and faithfully promised to come; and so shortly after, secretly passing over the River, had conference with Peter the Palatines Brother, who then lay on the further side of Danubius, with a great power of the Turks. In this conference, Peter declared unto him in how great danger the Vayvod stood, and how highly Selimus was offended with him, That he his Tributary and Vassal should work the destruction of his so great Armies; which his heavy displeasure he could no otherwise satisfy but with his head; and that therefore he should no longer rule in Moldavia, for that Government was by the great Emperor given unto him. Wherefore (said he) if thou be wise, whilst it is yet in thy power, gain the good will of Selimus by some good desert; for an easy matter it is to begin any War, but an hard matter to end the same. Forasmuch as it is not always in the same Man's power to begin Wars, and at his pleasure to make an end. Every Fool may when he list enter into Arms, but must lay the same down when it pleaseth the Conqueror. Now you have a fair opportunity, and it is in your own power to procure his friendship for ever, better standing with your Affairs than War. And albeit you may hope well of the power of the Vayvod, yet wisdom would not, that you should prefer uncertainties before things certain; you have now received 30000 Ducats, the earnest of your further deserts; which shall hereafter have also their due rewards in most full and bountiful measure. Wherefore if you will do yourself good, and provide both for your safety and preferment, confound not your own good Fortune, with the broken and desperate state of the Vayvod, but suffer the Turks to pass as Friends over the River of Danubius; for I am come (said he) with a great and puissant Army from the mighty Selimus, to take upon me the Government of Moldavia, and to send the Vayvod in Bonds to Constantinople; and of me, being once Vayvod, what is it that for so great desert thou and thine may not ask and obtain? Wherefore I pray thee conceal the coming of the Turks, and withdraw thyself from the River; so shall we passing over the River with our populous Army, easily oppress the Vayvod with all his power, and at once revenge all the former injuries and disgraces done both unto Selimus and us.  
With greedy Men what will not the foul desire of Gold work? 
Czarnieviche corrupted, giveth the Turks leave quietly to pass over the River of Danubius.  Czarnieviche overcome with the golden Promises of Peter; and forgetful of his Faith before given unto the Vayvod, yielded unto all he requested; and drawing his Forces further off from the River, as if it had been for his more safety, gave the Turks free passage. There was then in the Turks Army two hundred thousand Men, well appointed, and furnished with great Ordnance and all other things necessary, both for the Field and for Siege, who by the sufferance of the false Traitor passed quietly over the River. Czarnieviche forthwith posting to the Vayvod, certified him, how that the Turks trusting to their multitude, had passed the River of Danubius, against whom he was not able (as he said) to make head; and that therefore he should do well, without delay to go against them with such Forces as he had then in a readiness; which joined unto his, might easily overthrow them. Glad was the Vayvod of this news, and filled with the hope of good success, demanded of him what strength the Enemy might be of? They are (said he) not not much above twelve thousand that be already come over, but are still coming more and more, and will before your coming thither be above fifteen thousand.  
The Vayvod lay then at the Siege of the Castle of Teina (having before taken the City) but hearing this news, raised his Siege, and so in four days came and encamped within three miles of the Enemy; and forthwith sent forth Sujercevius with his Cossacks, and jeremias General of the Horsemen, with six thousand Horse, to take view of the Enemy's Camp, and to understand what might be of their designs. These two Captains marching together, chanced to fall upon the Turks Scouts, in number about six thousand Horsemen, with whom they had a light skirmish, and in short time put them to flight. Of these Scouts they took one, and him grievously wounded; who being examined of the strength of the Enemy, and feeling himself wounded to death, told them dissemblingly, that the Turks were not in number many. But the Cossacks doubting of the truth of that report, and probably conjecturing by so great a number of Scouts, that the Enemy was o●●ar greater strength than was supposed or reported; quickly certified the Vayvod thereof, wishing him in time to provide for the safety of himself and his Army, and not too much to trust Czarnieviche, whom they had a good while before suspected. But the Vayvod nothing doubting of the Faith of him whom he had a long time found most faithful in the time of his hardest distress, and used as a most trusty Companion in all his Travels, answered nothing, but that he knew whom he trusted; and that it was not now time to stand in doubt, or to be afraid, and that he would ere long come and take view of the Enemy's Camp himself; for that he was not come so far to fly, but to fight in defence of his Country and Subjects, even to the last gasp. And so fortifying his Camp near unto a Lake that runneth out of Danubius (for the more convenient watering of his Army) he set forward with all his power against the Enemy.  
Near unto the Enemy's Camp was an high Hill, from whence the Vayvod had thought to have descried the number of them, with the manner of their lying; but coming thither, he could descry nothing but four Companies of Scouts a far off, one Company from another; who also upon the sight of the Moldavians withdrew themselves of purpose out of fight unto the Army, which then lay in a low Valley behind an Hill, not to be discovered until a Man were almost upon it. The Vayvod suspecting the Enemy to be at hand, divided his Horsemen, in number 30000, into 30 Companies, and placing before every Company certain Field-Pieces, so marched ready to give Battle. His Footmen, in number many, a rude and homely kind of People, but unto him of all others most faithful, and armed with such Country Weapons as they had, he placed by themselves. So marching on, he came to another Hill, from whence he might not far off easily descry the huge Army of the Enemy, and how he had been by the Treason of Czarnieviche deceived; whereupon he presently sent for him; who sent him word back again, That he could not now come, the Enemy being so nigh at hand, but that he should forthwith see him in the Field as forward as the forwardest against the Enemy. 
Czarnieviche revolteth unto the Turks.  Czarnieviche had then under his command 13000 of the most choice Soldiers in the Army; who upon the signal of Battle on both sides given (for the Turks were now also ready) first according to his promise set forward, as if it had been to have given the onset; but being come near unto the Enemy, forthwih (as he had before agreed) caused his Ensign to be let fall, and his Men with their Caps upon the points of their Spears and Swords, in token of their voluntary yielding and submission, to bow down their Heads and Bodies; whom the Turks with their Spears and Lances holden upon high, joyfully received as their Friends, or rather as Men taken to mercy. The rest of the Army almost discouraged with this so sudden a revolt of so great a Man, retired in haste to the Vayvod, crying out unto him, That all was lost. But he nothing discouraged therewith (as a most resolute Man in the most sudden dangers) with comfortable words cheered them up, willing them as courageous Men to follow him against the Enemy, whom they in all things exceeded, excepting number, which always gave not the Victory. The Turks perceiving the Moldavians lately revolted, 
Traitors justly rewarded▪  upon the joining of the Battle (as Men in Conscience wounded) to shrink back, thrust them perforce into the head of their Battle, making of them no more account, but to blunt the Enemy's Swords; and such as hung back, they themselves slew; upon whom as false Traitors the Vayvod caused his Field-Pieces to be most furiously discharged; so that most part of these treacherous Men there slain, some by the Turks, some by their own Friends, received the just reward of their Infidelity and Treason, accompanied with perpetual Infamy. Over the dead Bodies of these Traitors the Turks coming on, 
The Battle betwixt the Turks and the Moldaviant.  were at the first notably encountered by the Moldavians; and after a most cruel Fight, as if they had been discouraged, began to retire, but indeed of purpose to have drawn the Christians before they were aware, within the danger of their great Ordnance, and Ambushes, which they had before aptly and covertly placed for that purpose. Which Sujercevius well acquainted with the Turks fineness, perceiving, with much ado stayed their further pursuit, and so avoided the danger prepared for them. The Turks deceived of their expectation, came on again afresh, with no less fury than at the first; whom the Christians right valiantly received, and made with them a most cruel and mortal Battle; wherein many both of the Turks and Christians fell, and never rose again. But what was so small a power against such a world of Men? After long Fight, 
The Moldavians overthrown.  the Moldavians oppressed with the multitude of their Enemies, began to give ground; and seeing no other remedy, but either to fly or to die, betook themselves to flight, wherein most part of them were slain, the furious Enemy still hardly pursuing them at the Heels; of the Cossacks were left only 250. The Horsemen (the chiefest strength of the Vayvod) thus by the Treason of Czarnieviche overthrown, 
The Vayvod having fortified himself within the ruins of an old Town is besieged by the Turks.  the Vayvod with 20000 Footmen, and such Horsemen as had now after the Battle joined themselves unto the Footmen, retired unto a Town not far off, which he but a little before had razed; but was now glad in the ruins thereof to fortify himself against the sudden and furious Assaults of the Turks; who the same night so beset the Vayvods' Camp with such a multitude of Men, that no Man could go in or out of the Camp; or the uttermost part of that huge Army be from any place descried.  
The next day (which was the 11 of june) the Turks shot divers great Shot into the Vayvods' Camp, but to small purpose; for the Christians had (for so short a time) notably fortified themselves within the ruins of the old Town. Which the Turks well perceiving, and withal considering how hard and dangerous a matter it would be to assault the Vayvod in his strength, they sent Messengers unto him, to persuade him without delay to yield himself, and to repose more trust in the mercy of the Turks, than in his own broken Forces; especially in his so hard distress, being so beset, as that he could not possibly escape; and out of hope of all relief; and therefore should by such voluntary yielding, seek for grace of his Enemies, rather than by a desperate obstinacy to cast himself into a most certain destruction, where no mercy was to be expected. Whereunto the Vayvod answered, That he was not ignorant into what danger he was brought, rather by the Treason of Czarnieviche and his Followers, than by the Valour of the Enemy; yet had left with him a strong power of most valiant and resolute Men, who would in his quarrel and defence of themselves, sell their lives very dear unto the Turks; nevertheless, that to avoid the farther effusion of blood, he could for his part be content to yield unto his hard fortune, so that the great Commanders of the Turks Army would condescend unto such reasonable conditions as he should propound, and for the performance thereof give him their Faith, not once or twice, but seven times by solemn Oath to be taken. Of this his offer the Turks accepted, willing him to set down the conditions; which were, First, that the Polonian Cossacks might in safety depart into their Country, with their Horses and Armour; then, that they should without any violence offered to his person, send him alive and in good safety unto the great Emperor Selimus, before him to answer his own cause; as for the Moldavians, he said he needed not to covenant any thing, for that the injury offered unto them tended also to the hurt of the Emperor himself, and of him whom he should appoint Vayvod, whose Subjects they were. These conditions (as reasonable) were well liked of the Turks, and so according to his desire, confirmed seven times by the solemn Oath of every Captain and Commander in the Army, both for themselves and their followers. Upon this agreement, the Vayvod brought all his Army out of their Trenches wherein they had lain strongly encamped, and there with heavy heart took his last leave of his Soldiers, to the general grief of them all; amongst whom he divided such Money and Jewels as he had, as a remembrance of his kindness. And there in the ●ight of them all disarming himself, accompanied only with Osmolius a Polonian, went in manner of a suppliant to the Turks Camp, where he had full four hours Talk with the great Commanders of the Army; until that at last Capucius Bassa (either offended with his Speech, or unmindful of his Faith, before given) with his Scimitar upon the sudden struck him a great blow overthwart his Face, and another cross the Belly; whom so wounded, and as yet but half dead, the Janissaries took and cut off his Head, which was forthwith set up upon a Lance, for all Men to behold. His dead Body they bound by the Feet unto two Camels, and so shamefully tore it in pieces; and happy was he that could get any little piece thereof, or imbrue his Sword with the least drop of his Blood. This was the lamentable and woeful end of john the Vayvod of Moldavia, 
The Vayvod shamefully and perfidiously murdered by the Turks.  a right valiant and worthy Man, shamefully murdered by the perfidious Turks; who had he been more constant in the Christian Faith, had not happily fallen into so great misery. Whose woeful ●all may serve as a most notable example of the uncertainty of these worldly things; for as no Man for a time had of the Turks more or more glorious Victories, so in the end, and as it were in demonstration of Man's fragility, no Man perished more miserably. The Vayvod thus perfidiously murdered, the Turks with like Treachery forthwith set upon the Moldavians, and slew them down right as Beasts appointed for the slaughter. Which the Cossacks beholding, and hoping for no better measure, thrust themselves into the thickest of their Enemies, and there valiantly fight were all slain, except some few of the better sort reserved for ransom, among whom was Sujercevius with some other Captains; who were afterwards for great sums redeemed, when as they could by no means be persuaded to forsake their Religion and turn Turk.  
After this Victory and shameful Murder of the Vayvod, 
All Valachia made subject to the Turks.  the Turks overran all Moldavia, and put to the Sword all the Nobility of that Country, with many of the Country people; of whom they also as their manner is in Countries new conquered, sent great numbers in Colonies into the farther parts of the Turkish Empire; and for the more assured possession thereof, placed strong Garrisons in every Town and Castle, as they thought it most convenient. 
The loss of Moldavia dangerous to Polonia.  Thus all Valachia (both the higher and the lower) fell into the Turks hands in the year 1574, and was by Selimus joined unto the Turkish Empire, none of the least things by him done; for beside the gaining of so great a Country (the most assured Bulwark of Polonia) he hath thereby opened a fair and easy way for his Successors, at their pleasure to enter into Podolia, or Russia, parts of the Polonian Kingdom, yea and into Polonia itself; which they will undoubtedly in time do, if God in mercy bridle not their immoderate desires, and with his mighty hand protect the dangerous state of that Kingdom.  
Selimus at the same time, not a little grieved with the loss of the Kingdom of Tunes, and that Don john had there done the year before; began forthwith to cast in his mind, how he might again recover the same, and withal, thrust the Spaniards out of the strong Castle of Guletta; which they had now almost forty years kept, ever since that it was by Charles the Fifth, taken from Barbarussa in the year 1535; for he well saw it to be a matter of no small moment, to whom that strong Fortress (standing so commodiously in the Frontiers of afric) belonged. There was (and still is) upon that Coast divers of the Turks Adventurers, which living altogether upon spoil, had to that place safe recourse, as to a most assured refuge; and if no Booty were to be met with thereabout, then would they run out towards Malta, Sardinia, Sicilia, and the other Islands thereabouts; yea oftentimes into Italy and Spain, and from thence carried away with them great booties both of Men and cattle, and whatsoever thing else came in their way; for which cause many of the Turks Men of War resorted thither in hope of purchase. But after that Guletta was possessed by the Spaniards, they were not only deprived of that so commodious an Harbour, but many times intercepted even by them of that place, and by the Galleys of Malta; which two places served as two most sure Bulwarks against the Turks and Moors Adventurers, by whose means they many times came short home. For which cause the Turks, especially these Pirates (of whom the Turk maketh great account, as not his least strength at Sea) wonderfully desired to have both those strong places gotten out of the hands of the Christians. In the Castle of Guletta was continually a strong Garrison of a thousand Spaniards, who kept them of Tunes in great subjection, and oftentimes cut short these Pirates and Rovers, who much troubled those Seas. Wherefore the Turkish Emperor Selimus, having made great preparation both for Sea and Land Service, commanded Sinan, Pial, and Uluzales, his chief Bassas, and Men of great experience, with all speed to pass over with his Fleet into afric, to besiege Tunes and Guletta. Who when they had put all things in readiness according as they had in charge, set forward, and with 300 sail of Galleys came before Guletta the 13 day of july; whether also resorted unto them other the Turks Men of War from Alexandria, Algiers, and other places, in such number, as that all that Coast seemed to be covered with shipping. The Turks at their first arrival laid Siege to the Water Town, wherein were 800 Soldiers well provided of all things needful for defence, who most valiantly maintained the place, until such time as that most of them being by the often Assaults of the Enemy slain; the rest by the commandment of the Captain retired to him into the Castle. In taking of this Tower the Turks lost 3000 of their Men.  
After that, they began to besiege the Castle of Guletta, 
Gulet●a besieged by the Turks.  against which they cast up divers Mounts, and from thence most terribly battered the Castle; from whence the deadly shot was sent again among them not sparingly; so that in one day 200 great Shot were reckoned to have been shot out of the Castle amongst the thickest of the Enemies. But after many furious Assaults, too tedious to report, and much harm done on both sides, the Turks to their great advantage took the Channel of the Lake of Tunes; and fearing lest some relief should be sent to the besieged, maintained their Assault day and night without intermission. Nevertheless, certain Companies of Spaniards sent from the new Castle by Serbellio, got into Guletta; after which, they in the besieged Castle sallied out, and the 20 of August repulsed the Turks, wit, 
Guletta taken by the Turks.  an exceeding great slaughter. But the Bassas fully resolved upon the winning of the place to engage their whole Forces, and without ceasing still bringing on fresh Soldiers, after they had all the day continued a most terrible Assault, at length about two hours after Sun set, they took the Castle the 23 day of August, when there was now scarcely 200 Soldiers left alive to defend the same; who altogether with the other weak People in the Castle were without mercy cut in pieces. What wealth the Turks found in this Castle, is hard to say; but certain it is, that they had therein great store of Victuals, Armour, Shot, and Powder, and four hundred great Pieces of Artillery.  

The new Cas●le besieged.  Guletta thus taken, the Turks forthwith laid Siege to the new Castle, appointed by Don john the year before to have been built betwixt Guletta and Tunes, which was not yet altogether finished; wherein the two ancient and valiant Captains, Serbellio and Salazar (left there of purpose for the building thereof by Don john) lay with a Garrison of 4000 good Soldiers. The Bassas when they gave the first summons to the Castle, 
The notable answer of Serbellio.  the 24 of August, required to have it forthwith delivered unto them; to whom Serbellio stoutly answered, That he had promised the King his Master, to give him a better account of the place; and being now also very old, could not endure the Turks heavy Yoke, but would therefore hold it out unto the last Man; which both he and Salazar truly performed, not omitting any thing that was by Men to be done for defence of the place; and sallying out, sometime the one, and sometimes the other made great slaughter of the Turks, giving them also repulse upon repulse when they came to the Assault. But the great Bassas, little feeling, and less regarding the loss of Men, so that thereby they might gain the place, after many most terrible and desperate Assaults, at length (namely the 13 day of September) when they had with all their force for the space of six hours furiously assaulted the Castle, and slain most of the Defendants, at last look it. Serbellio shot in with two Bullets, 
The new Castle taken.  and wishing rather to die than to fall into the hand of the Enemy, thrust himself into the midst of the Turks, there to have perished; but by the hasty coming in of Pial Bassa, both he and Salazar were taken alive; as for all the rest that followed them, they were put to the Sword. The Bassa in his rage struck Serbellio, and the more to grieve him, caused his Son to be cruelly murdered before his Face. Neither was this Victory by the Turks obtained without Blood, having in less than three months' space that the Siege endured, lost above thirty thousand Men.  
These strong Holds (the greatest strength of that Kingdom) thus taken, 
Tunes yielded to the Turks.  the Turks marched to Tunes, which they easily took, and afterwards overthrew the Fortifications thereof, because it should no more Rebel. Mahomet the young King, but the year before placed in that Kingdom by Don john, was there taken, and in bonds sent aboard to be carried with Carrera Captain of Guletta, Prisoners to Constantinople; and thus the Kingdom of Tunes, with the strong Castle of Guletta, fell again into the possession of the Turks, to the further trouble of the Christian Countries lying over against it. The proud Bassas having (as they thought) best disposed of all things at Tunes and Guletta, departed thence, and with their Fleet of 400 Sail, came the fourth of October within sight of Malta. But understanding that they of Malta were provided for their coming, and remembering what dishonour their most magnificent Emperor Solyman had not many years before there sustained (whereof divers of them had been eye-witnesses) they turned thence, and sailed directly to Constantinople.  
Shortly after, 
Selimus dieth.  this great Emperor Selimus spent with Wine and Women, unto whom he had given his great strength, died the ninth of December in the year of our Lord 1574; when he had lived one and fifty years, and thereof reigned eight, and lieth buried at Hadrianople. He was but of a mean Stature, and of an heavy Disposition, his Face rather Swollen, than Fat, much resembling a Drunkard. Of the Ottoman Kings and Emperors he was of least Valour, and therefore least regarded, altogether given to Sensuality and Pleasure; and so dying, left his Empire unto Amurath his eldest Son, a Man of more Temperance, but not much greater Courage; who nevertheless by his valiant Bassas and Men of War, did great matters, especially against the Persians, the mortal and dangerous Enemies of the Turks, as shall be hereafter in this History declared.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Selimus the Second.  

Emperors of Germany 

Maximilian the Second. 1565. 12.    
Kings 

Of England 

Queen Elizabeth. 1558. 45.    
Of France 

Charles the Ninth. 1560. 14.    
Of Scotland, 

Queen Mary 1543. 20.  
James the Sixth, that now reigneth. 1567.      
Bishops of Rome, 

Pius the V. 1566. 6.  
Julius the XIII. 1572. 12.      

 

Non ego fortis eram: quis tanto nomine dignus▪  
Ni fortem faciat mens generosa virum.  
Me tumidum fortuna tumens evexit in altum,  
Et par fortuna mens mea semper erat.  
Sic quamvis tenero mihi nil nisi molle placeret:  
Nominis augendi raptus amore fui.  
〈…〉 ad fortia facta ministros:  
〈…〉 sublatum est, nomen in astrameum.   

〈◊〉 ay wa● not, none deserve that name  
〈…〉, whose generous minds bespeak their fame.  
F●rtune advanced me high, and fickle She  
Still found a Soul, bravely prepared in me,  
Soft in my tender years tho' I became,  
〈◊〉 still I prized the glory of my name:  
〈…〉 abroad my Ministers of State,  
〈…〉 ●he Slavish drudgery of my fate.  
pag 651.   

Mustapha, Ferhates, Sinan et ter maximus Osman,  
Terrores Orbis, Succubuere mihi.  
Armenios' domui fortes, Medosque feroces;  
Et mihi paruerat Regia Taurisij.  
Sed mihi quid prodest tantorum parta labour  
Gloria, Si Subito maxima quaeque 〈◊〉  
Et nihil est tanti, quod non brevis aufere● 〈◊〉  
Sic mea cum multis gloria victa 〈◊〉   

Osman, Ferhates, Sinan, M●staph●  
The terrors of the World, did me obe●▪  
I broke the Medes, and the 〈…〉  
And battered down the proud Taur●●●●n Towers.  
Yet what's all this to my ill got renown,  
Since greatest things are soon tumbled down,  
We're robbed of all we have, in one short hour,  
And quickly we, and ours shall be no more.    

THE LIFE OF AMURATH, The Third of that Name, Sixth Emperor of the Turks.  
THE death of the late Emperor Selimus, year 1574 was, for fear of the insolent Janissaries, 
Amurath takes upon him the Turkish Empire the 25 th' day of December, in the year 1574. The description of Amurath.  notably concealed by the great Bassa's, until such time as Amurath, his eldest Son, then in Asia, by speedy Messengers advertised thereof, about twelve days after arrived at Constantinople, and there received into the Seraglio, took possession of the Empire the five and twentieth day of December, solemn amongst us Christians, for the Nativity of our Saviour Christ Jesus. He was about thirty, or as some write, seven and twenty years old, when he began to reign; of a manly stature, but pale and corpulent, wearing his Beard thin and long: in his Countenance appeared not the fierce nature of the Ottoman Princes, being indeed himself of a peaceable disposition, a lover of Justice, and, in the manner of his Superstition, very zealous. The riot and excess grown amongst the Turks by his Father's evil Example, he reform by his own Temperance, and the severe punishment of notorious Drunkard's; yet it is reported, that he would oftentimes himself drink plentifully of Wormwood-wine; he was much subject to the Falling-sickness, and sore troubled with the Stone; more spare-handed than was for the greatness of his State; and yielding more to the counsel of his Mother, his Wife, and Sister, than of his great Bassa's, which was of many imputed to him for simplicity. At his first coming to Constantinople, 
He pacifieth the janissaries, and augmenteth their privileges.  to appease the murmuring of the Janissaries, (grieved to see themselves so disappointed of the spoil of the Christians and Jews, which they were wont to take in the vacancy of the Empire) he, beside the usual largess which the Turkish Emperors at their first entrance into the Empire, bestow upon them, augmented also their daily wages, and granted them this Privilege, That their Sons, as soon as they came to be twenty years old, should be enrolled amongst the n●mber of the younger Janissaries, and be partakers also of their immunities; whereby he won their favours exceedingly. And immediately, to rid himself of all competitors, he, after the unnatural manner of the Turkish Policy, 
He strangleth five of his Brethren.  caused his five Brethren, Mustapha, Solyman, Abdulla, Osman, and Tzihanger, to be all strangled in his own presence. The Mother of Solyman, pierced through with the cruel death of her young Son, as a Woman overcome with sorrow, desperately struck herself to the heart with a dagger, 
A desperate woman.  and so died. At which so tragical a sight, it is reported that Amurath let some tears fall, as not delighting in such barbarous cruelty, but that the state and manner of his Government so required.  
In the beginning of his Reign he established divers wholesome Laws, 
Russia invaded by the Turks. Leon. Gorecius de Bell. 〈◊〉.  altered the Coin, and bountifully relieved the Poor. And albeit that he was of a mild and peaceable nature, yet because he would not seem to degenerate from the Ottoman Princes his Progenitors, he prosecuted his Father's Wars, year 1575. and by the Tartars called Praecopenses, in the month of October in the year 1575. entered into Russia, part of the Polonian Kingdom, where he burned and destroyed two hundred Nobleman's houses, besides an infinite number of Towns and Villages, made great slaughter of the poor Country people, and carried away great numbers of cattle and Prisoners bound in thongs made of raw Hides. But whilst they were dividing the spoil with Peter the new Vayvod of Valachia, who had before solemnly promised to give the Tartars no passage that way, the Polonian Cossacks, who had lain waiting for their return upon the River Boristhenes, broke into the Tartars Country, and there requited them with like harm, and brought back with them a number of old Captives, who little expected that their so sudden deliverance.  
The Polonians at this time were at variance among themselves about the Election of their new King; Henry Valois, their late King, being the last year, after the death of Charles his Brother the French King, secretly stolen from them into France, to take upon him that Kingdom: after whose departure some of the Polonian Nobility made choice of Maximilian the Emperor; other some, no less inclining unto the choice of the great Duke of Muscovy, and some unto others also. Whereof Amurath understanding, and loath that either of those two great Princes, his Enemies, should be invested or strengthened with that so great a Kingdom, and so near unto him; to hinder that their Election, and to bring in another of less power, and so less dangerous unto himself, even in the beginning of his Reign wrote unto the Polonians to that purpose, commending unto them Stephen Battor, the Vayvod of Transilvania, for their King, in manner following:  
Amurath, God of the Earth, Governor of the whole World, the Messenger of God, and faithful Servant of the great Prophet; unto the most honourable Nobility and Counsellors of the Kingdom of Polonia, greeting.  
IT is not unto the World unknown (most honourable and mighty Senators) our Noble Progenitors to have of long time and for many Years holden good Friendship and Religious Leagues with the Kingdom of Polonia: 
Amurath 's Letters unto the Nobility of Polonia.  For which cause it hath seemed good and reasonable unto us, to put you in remembrance of this so ancient a League and Bond of Friendship; for that we understanding your Kingdom to be of late become destitute of a King, by the departure of the Noble King Henry your Crowned King (descended of the Royal Race of the French Kings) our friend: Who, for the small regard you had of him (so Great and Worthy a Prince) and for your Disloyalty, is departed out of your Kingdom, without purpose of returning any more into Polonia. Whereupon, as it is reported unto us (but how truly we know not) you passing over your said Crowned King Henry, are about to ma●e choice of a new King, and especially of Maximilian the Emperor, or of the Duke of Muscovie, both men of running wits, and of us greatly hated: For why, you may well know they will be troublesome and grievous, not unto every one of you only, but even unto us also. Wherefore be you ware that you be not deceived; and take hee● lest your Confederations and L●agues cannot long by their valour and prowess ●e established; and withal, consider well the great dangers and losses which you may thereby fall into: Whereof we have thought good to give you a taste: Wherefore beware that heavier things befall not your State. We know there are right Noble and Wise men amongst you, which know better than they how to Rule and Govern: And if so be it please you not to make choice of any of your own Nation, there is not far from you one Stephen B●ttor Prince of Transylvania, a Man of great Honour and Valour, by whose Labour and Dexterity, you may easily procure the peace and quiet of your Kingdom. Whereas if you shall do otherwise, we take to witness your God, and his Servant our Great Prophet, to destroy all your Wealth and Goods, which together with yourselves, your Wives and Children shall be given for a prey unto our Soldiers, with the chief men of your Cities of Cracovia and Leperis: Which for all that we say not as any thing at all doubting of your Fidelity and Constancy toward us. As for the rest, which it pleased us by word of Mouth to have told unto you, we have given charge unto this our Ambassador and Counsellor, unto whom our desire is, that you should give full credence. From Constantinople the last of September, in the Year of our Prophet Mahomet 983, and first of our Reign.  
This great Sultan's commendations so much prevailed with the Polonians, that notwithstanding that Maximilian the Emperor was by the Archbishop of Gnesna and some others chosen King, yet was that his Election by the greater part of the Nobility revoked, and both he and the great Duke of Muscovy being passed over, the Noble Princess Anne (of the most honourable jagellonian House) chosen Queen of Polonia; 
Stephen Vayvod of Transilvania, upon the commendation of Amurath, chosen King of Polonia.  yet with this condition, That she should marry Stephen the Vayvod of Transylvania, to them by Amurath commended. Who, afterward elected King, all the time of his Life right worthily governed that noble Kingdom, not only defending the same in such state as he found it, but also notably extending the bounds thereof, enlarging it with such Territories as he by force of Arms got from his Neighbours, especially the Muscovite. Of this Election Amurath would oftentimes afterwards boast, and say, That he had given the Polonians their King. But of him, and of the League made by him with Amurath, more shall be said hereafter.  
The year following, great troubles arose in Persia, year 1576 whereby the flourishing state of that most mighty Kingdom was sore shaken, and opportunity given for the Turkish Emperor to invade the same; which he laying hold upon, entered into that bloody War, which, to the great quiet of the Christian Common-weal, for long time after exercised the Forces of those most puissant Princes one upon another. For the better understanding whereof, it shall not be amiss compendiously to set down the same troubles of the Persian Kingdom, the very ground of the long and mortal War between those two most mighty Monarches.  
Old Tamas, the Persian King, Son to the noble Hismael, who with great glory had more than fifty years worthily governed that large Kingdom, and mightily withstood the often invasions of the Turkish Emperors, now spent with years, died the eleventh of May in the year 1576. leaving behind him eleven Sons; namely, Mahamet, 
The eleven Sons of Tamas the Persian King.  the eldest, of an infirmity in his eyes surnamed Codabanda, a man of a peaceable and quiet disposition, more delighted with the sweet pleasure of a contented Life, than the careful Honours of so great a Kingdom: Ismahel the second Son, of a more fierce and troublesome nature, so much abhorring quietness, that, not regarding the League hardly concluded betwixt his aged Father and the Turkish Emperors, Solyman and Selimus, he would now and then, without his Father's knowledge, upon a youthful heat, break out into the Frontiers of the Turks Dominions, and there make great spoil; for which doing, although he was both of his Father and the People the more regarded, yet was he by his Father's commandment (who in outward show seemed to mislike of those his youthful pranks, tending to the breach of the League) restrained of his liberty, and sent to the Castle of Cahacha, betwixt Tauris and Casbin, where he remained at the time of his Father's death: Aidere the third Son, no less ambitious than was his Brother Ismahel, but not of like valour, kept by Zalcan, Pyry Mahamet, and other his Kinsfolks, all men of great Power and Authority. The other eight were, Mamu●, Solyman, Mustapha, Emanguli, Alichan, Amet, Abrahim, and Ismahel the younger.  
The old King before his death had by his last Will and Testament solemnly appointed Ismahel his second Son to succeed him in the Kingdom; 
Ismahel appointed by his Father to succeed him in the Kingdom.  as of all his Sons most fit to take upon him so great a charge. Which thing Mahamet his elder Brother seemed not much to dislike, contenting himself with such Honours as his Father had before bestowed upon him.  
Tamas thus dead, Ismahel was by the Sultan's scent for to Cahacha, to take upon him his Father's Kingdom at Casbin, when in the mean time there arose a great tumult in the City, yea even in the King's Palace; for Aidere, the third Brother, 
Aidere aspireth to the Kingdom of Persia.  who in the time of his Father's greatest sickness had entered the Chamber where he lay drawing towards his end, and in his sight most presumptuously set the Royal Crown upon his head, to the manifesting of his ambitious desires, for which he was then worthily reproved: now after the death of his aged Father, carried headlong with the same aspiring humour, and supported by Zalcan, and other his mighty Favourites, had so effectually dealt with the great Lady Periaconcona, his eldest Sister, and the other Sultan's, Counsellors of Estate, put in trust to see the Will of the dead King put in execution, as that the Succession could not be any longer kept from him, and preserved for Ismahel, but by the help of some fine and secret deceit. This Lady Periaconcona, (elder than all the young Princes, the Sons of Tamas, her Brethren, a Woman of great spirit and deep conceit) left in great trust by her Father, seeing the proceedings of her Brother Aidere, durst neither openly to move any thing unto the Sultan's prejudicial to his designs, neither could she in her heart endure so great an injury to be done to her Brother Ismahel, appointed by his Father to succeed him. Wherefore in this perplexity she cast in her wily head how to satisfy her ambitious Brother present, how to save the right of Ismahel absent, the honour of her dead Father's Will and Testament, and the safety of the Kingdom. For having thoroughly debated the matter with the Sultan's, she resolved that Aidere, invested in Royal Apparel, and settled in the great Gallery, should attend the acclamation of the People, an be the●e openly inthronised as the very elected King. With which vain show the unwise youth (blinded with Ambition) suffered himself to be led: year 1576 and being set in his Majesty, verily persuaded himself that he should now be honoured, both of his Friends and Foes, as King. But unto these his so hasty and prosperous designs, the Success that sprung from the subtlety of those Counsellors, and his dissembling Sister, were nothing conformable; for that she, by their advice, took order for the gates of the Palace to be presently locked, leaving at every passage a sure Guard, and only one wicket open, safely warded with a company of most faithful and valorous Captains and Soldiers, wholly devoted to Tamas and Ismahel, with strait charge, to suffer every man to enter in, saving only the known friends of Aidere. In this sort did she think to have entertained the young man, until such time as Ismahel should arrive at Cahaca, and so put in execution what he thought best for the honour of himself, and the general quiet of the Kingdom.  
Who joyeth now but Aidere? in conceit a King, replenished with unwonted joys, receiving honour from all men but his best Friends. By means whereof, perceiving now the prohibition of them, and moved also with the great stir of Zalcan, his greatest Favourite (who discovering the deceit, and crying upon King Aidere, threatened the Lady, the Sultan's, and the rest that waited upon the feigned Succession, indeed ordained but for the scorn and despite of the ambitious man) strucken with an exceeding fear, and full of sorrow, he withdrew himself closely amongst certain Women in the Court, hoping so to find some way to escape with life.  
In the mean time, so greatly increased the cries and threatenings of the Friends and Favourites of Aidere, (who now had all of them prepared themselves for some dangerous and pernicious attempt) that the Counsellors, with consent of the Lady his Sister, were enforced to take order, That to bereave this tumultuous and seditious People of all their hope and courage, Aidere should be deprived of his Life. 
Aider slain, and his Head cast amongst his Favourites.  Whereupon, Sahamal the Georgian, Uncle to Aidere by the Mother's side, by the appointment of the Lady Periaconcona and the Sultan's, after long search made for him, at last found him hidden amongst the Women, and without further delay, taking him by the locks, struck his head from his shoulders, and in the place where Zalcan and the rest of his unfortunate Favourites stood crying and threatening, amongst the thickest of the press of the proud Conspirators, flung the Head all bloody, and as it were yet breathing for heat; crying aloud to them, Behold there your King, enjoy him at your pleasure. At which sudden and horrible Spectacle, every man burned in rage and anger; neither for the present wanted there many a rash head, that vainly threatened most cruel revenge; but in the end, when they perceived the near Succession of Ismahel inevitable, and the death of Aidere irrevocable, every man betook himself to his own private Affairs, and so at last divided themselves one from another; and so departing from the Palace, scattered themselves some one way some another, every man as he thought best for his own safety.  
Shortly after, Ismahel, the desired King, arrived at Casbin, 
Ismahel saluted King.  where he was of his Sister and the Sultan's joyfully received as their lawful and undoubted▪ Sovereign, and with the great acclamation of the People saluted King; who, as soon as he saw himself possessed of the Royal Seat, and his power now answerable to his desires, he, after the manner of the Turkish Policy, 
He murdereth eight of his younger Brethren.  most unnaturally caused the Heads of his eight younger Brethren to be stricken off; and withal used such farther diligence, that not only all those which were near unto them in Blood or Affinity were bereft of their Lives, but also all the Favourites of his late slain Brother Aidere were destroyed in that public slaughter; so that all the Streets of Casbin were defiled with blood, and all the City resounded with mourning and complaints. Which unexpected Cruelty, altogether unworthy so worthy a thought King, so altered the minds of his Subjects in general, that all their former hopes were now converted into new fears, and their joy into mourning. But much greater, and far more lamentable did the miseries grow, as soon as it was given out, That he would change the Religion of the Persians (who with great devotion honour their foolish Prophet Aly) into the Superstition of the Turks, (who with no less impiety observe and maintain the wicked Rites of Ebubekir, Hanmer, Osman, and others, by them supposed to be the most true Successors of their great Prophet Mahomet.) For by means of this uncouth novelty and unexpected change, and by force of an Edict concerning that matter, published by this new King, many of his profane Priests, many of the Governors of his friendly and subject Cities (too much devoted to their former Superstition) were driven, some into exile, some clapped into prison, some had their Eyes plucked out, (among whom was the Caliph of Casbin) and not a few others, in sundry sorts deprived of their Lives. Yea, many Ladies, joined in blood with Ismahel himself, and divers others of his Kinsfolks (to whom neither Sex, nor Age, nor Innocency, could be a sufficient defence) endured sundry torments and strange calamities; so that in Persia was never felt greater troubles, or a more dangerous change.  
In this so great an Innovation, and among these Tumults, there went abroad withal a general rumour, not in the Cities of Persia only, but in the Regions of the Turks also, even as far as Constantinople, That Ismahel with a puissant Army of such as favoured this new proclaimed vanity, was determined in person himself to go to Babylon, now called Bagdat, there to receive the Crown of the Empire, at the hands of him that he should find to be the Successor of their great Calyph, and in the chief place among their unclean Priests; as had sometime Solyman, the great Emperor of the Turks, and the Persian Kings of ancient times. In this world of troubles, when as the fear of farther miseries increased, rather than any hope of ancient quietness; he was, when he least seated, by the help of the afore-named Lady Periaconcona, 
Ismahel suddenly murdered by the device of his Sister Periaconcona.  suddenly bereft of his Life: but whether overtaken in some of his own amorous practices, or poisoned by his said Sister, or that she (as some probably affirm) having secretly conspired with Calil Chan, Emir Chan, Pyry Mahamet, Curchi Bassi, (being all at that time men of great account, and, as it were, Precedents of the Kingdom) who, disguised in women's apparel, and brought in by her, strangled him, at such time as he had privately withdrawn himself amongst his Paramours, is uncertain. Howsoever it was, sufficeth it, that he by the help of the said Lady Periaconcona, was by unnatural Death taken out of this World the four and twenti●th day of November, in the year of Grace 1577, year 1577 to the exceeding joy of all those Nations, who by his death thought themselves now freed of many great and dangerous troubles; when he had reigned one year, seven months, and six days.  
Ismahel thus taken out of the way, the Lady began forthwith to persuade with the great Sultan's (the Ministers of Ismahels' death) that as they had for the general good of Persia contrived the death of the late King, so now that they would take upon them the Protection of that great Kingdom, with the preservation of the Majesty and Liberty thereof, until such time as it were known who should worthily succeed in that Crown, which now remained in their Hands. There was at that time many of the greatest Princes and Governors of that Kingdom assembled at Casbin, there gaping after such Mutations of those troublesome times, as might best serve their private designs. Emir Chan, burning in ambitious Desires, was in hope, by means of a match to be made with a Sister of Periaconcona (who was already greatly inclining unto him) to be exalted to the sovereignty of all Persia. Mirizi Salmas, the chief Sultan, hoped on the other side to advance into the Estate, either Mahamet Codabanda, the eldest Brother of the dead King, or else Hamze, the eldest Son of the said Mahamet; and by bestowing upon him his Daughter in Marriage (as afterwards he did) so to increase the glory of his House. Others there were that thought they should be able to draw Abas Mirize (the middlemost Son of Mahamet) out of Heri, and to make him King. Neither wanted the Infant Tamas his aspiring Friends, whose Tutor waited likewise for some Opportunity to settle him in the Kingdom, and so by means of his Greatness, to make himself greatest amongst his Fellows. A number of others there were, that secretly waited upon every Occasion that time should present for their Preferment. Howbeit in this so great variety of Thoughts, the Sultan's answered the Lady with one consent, and promised her in most liberal Terms, all the Protection that their Forces could afford, or their Weapons procure: and yet did every one of them, both in Action and Word, Clerklike, dissemble their several Imaginations, whereunto their Minds were as prone and ready, as their Hearts were cunning closely to conceal them.  
Amurath the Turkish Emperor now wakened, first at the Death of the old renowned Tamas, 
Amurath intentive to the stirs in Persia.  and then at the Rumour of the desire Ismahel had to pass with an Army to Babylon, as also at the fresh Report of the Turkish Superstition newly published in Persia; and withal, throughly instructed what harm this late King had done in Persia, what Dissensions he had raised, and how hardly the Provinces of that Empire had endured those Calamities; began forthwith to think hereby a fair Occasion to be ministered unto him to take up Arms against the Persians, and Matter sufficient suggested for him to put in Execution the great desire he had of some new Conquest. For it is an ancient Custom, which is grown to be as it were a Law among the Ottoman Kings, That they may not challenge their due Honours in their Life-time, nor their proud Monuments after their Death, unless they attempt some great and ambitious Actions and Enterprises, and perform some Exploit conformable to their Majesty. Amurath therefore bend upon these great stirs in Persia, would not direct his Mind any other way, or take any other War in hand, until he might first see what issue these marvellous Innovations in Persia would bring forth; which in the Person of Mahamet, the succeeding King, seemed to be more pregnant than ever before, and ministered unto Amurath new Occasions of victorious and strange Hopes. For as soon as Ismahel was dead, the afore-named Mirize Salmas (in Dignity chief man among the Sultan's, though in Blood and Nobility, inferior to them all) after many Letters dispatched to and fro, at last assured Mahamet Codabanda, how, with all quietness of Mind, and security of Person, he might come and possess himself of the Kingdom. He was also advertised by the said Salmas, of the whole Conspiracy plotted against his Brother, to bring him to his end; and likewise made acquainted how the fraudulent Lady, with the Sultan's, had capitally consulted against himself: and how she, favouring Emir Chan, and Abas Mirize of Heri, her Nephew, and his Son, more than became her, did little regard the due and rightful Succession of him, being the eldest Brother. So Mahamet, 
Mahamet resolveth to take upon him the Persian Kingdom.  bearing himself upon the Faith and Diligence of Mirize Salmas, and desiring withal, to see his eldest Son Hamze Mirize advanced to some such sovereign Dignity as he saw was due to the lively hope every man perceived to be in him, in regard of his Virtue and Prudence for managing the Commonwealth, and Matters of War, (wherein also he showed himself unto his Father jealous and suspicious, lest some other men should usurp upon him that Honour and Authority which so properly appertained unto him) resolved in the end, not to leave the Kingdom in the hands of private Persons, nor the lightness of an unconstant Woman of suspected Modesty, and a rebellious Conspirator against her own Blood; wherewith she had, without any pity or remorse of Conscience, now twice defiled herself. And therefore he wrote back again, that he was minded to take the rightful Succession upon him, and that for the same purpose he was putting himself upon his Journey; with strait charge notwithstanding, that Mirize Salmas should before his entrance within the Gates of Casbin, present him with the mischievous Head of Periaconcona, a Woman (in respect of the scorn exercised against his Brother Aidere, and of the treacherous Death of her other Brother Ismahel, and of the perverse Imaginations which she had conceived to cause the Succession to fall into other men's hands, and of the prodigal familiarity which she had with some of the Sultan's) well worthy of a thousand Deaths. 
Mahamet proclaimed King of Persia. The Head of Periaconcona presented to Mahamet on a Lance.  Secretly did Mirize Salmas put in Execution whatsoever Mahamet had privately enjoined him, so that by his means he was presently and solemnly proclaimed King of Persia. And afterwards, having gathered together many squadrons of men, wholly devoted to the Blood and Name of Mahamet, the same Mirize Salmas met him on the way, carrying the Head of that manlike Virago Periaconcona upon the point of a Lance, with her Hair dispersed, and some other uncouth sights to the Terror of the Beholders. From which Novelties (one mischief as it were huddling upon the neck of another) there sprung up divers inward Hatreds, sundry tumultuous Seditions, and much Civil Wars; this new King, by the instigation of Mirize Salmas, seeking on the one side to be revenged on the Sultan's for his Brother's Death; and they on the other side opposing themselves with all their Power against him, the State of Persia began to fall into great Inconveniences, and of these Novelties to reap new Losses. Sahamal the Georgian fled into his Mountain of Brus, fearing the Wrath of his new Lord: Levent Ogli, likewise another of the Lords of Georgia, understanding of the flight of Sahamal his Neighbour, enstranged himself so far from his old Love and ancient Devotion towards the Persian Kings, that he seemed now to desire some new Innovation. The Nations also that were Neighbours to the Turks, and the People of Media Antropatia (now called Siruan) disliked of this new King; and in the end it appeared, that Persia, under this King, through many Mutations, was in short time fallen into most notable Misery, and the state thereof more weakened than it had been of long time before.  
Of all these things had Amurath from divers places intelligence, but more particularly from Vstreff of Van, (a City of Armenia the greater, situate upon the Lake of Actamar) who sent him most perfect information of all the stirs in Persia; discoursing unto him of the death of Ismahel, the consultations of the Sultan's, the treacheries and death of Periaconcona, the broils between the King and the Sultan's, the nature of the new King, (being diseased in his eyes, little esteemed of his Subjects, besorted in affection towards his Sons) the facility to overrule the chief Governors of the Georgians, and the People of Siruan, evil affected towards the new King; and to be brief, whatsoever had in truth succeeded in Persia, and might inflame the mind of the ambitious Sultan, to convert his Forces against an Enemy of small counsel, and much confusion; adding thereunto, that never was there greater opportunity to overcome that King than was now offered, and therefore wished him, not in any case to let slip so fair an occasion, as the Ottoman Kings had never before, for the obtaining of so certain and glorious Victories.  
Amurath, of long time wholly bend to mark the event of the troubles in Persia, now stirred up with these Advertisements from Vstreff, settled himself more deeply in his former conceits to prove his Forces in subduing the Persian King, the ancient Enemy of the Ottoman Emperors, and his only Corrival and odious Competitor in the East. But no one thing did more inflame him thereunto, than to think, how he should have to his Enemy a King not acquainted with deeds of Arms, doting upon his Children, and weakened with the dissension of his Subjects; and on the other side, entering into the consideration of his own Forces, of the infinite number of his men, both Horse and Foot, of the means he had to find money, of his Artillery and Engines of War, wherein he far surpassed the Persians; he did more and more resolve with himself, to take the occasion that now was offered him to begin the War. For the compass of which his purpose, he was greatly favoured by the present State of Christendom, at that time being wholly in league and amity with him. So not finding any thing contrary to his designments, he resolved at last to confer with the chief Bassa's, which had the government of his Empire, Whether it were better upon this occasion to begin the prepensed War; or if they thought not this opportunity to be so fit, then to lay it aside, and to convert his Forces and Counsel against the Commonwealth of Christendom. For such is the barbarous Policy whereby this Empire is managed, That it is lawful for them to break any League, 
No assurance in the Turks League.  be it by never so many promises or solemn Oaths confirmed, whensoever any Enterprise is to be attempted for the advancing thereof. So that although this War could not bemoved either against the Persians or Christians without breach of their promised Faith; yet among the manifold Consultations that passed among the great Bassas, there was not any man found that made any account of that defect, but all with one accord, without farther respect, sought to set forward the ambitious desire of their proud Lord and Master. At last, after long consultation and large discourses, it was agreed upon by the great Bassas, Mahomet, Sinan, and Mustapha, That it would be better, and less danger to attempt War against the Persians, than against the Christian Princes. Mustapha amongst the rest, preferring the Valour of the Latins (whereof he had made good trial, especially at Famagusta) before the Armies and Forces of the Georgians and Persians. 
Ambition the Cause of the Persian War.  Whereby it is apparent to the World, that neither the zeal of their Religion, nor any injury received from the Persian King, but only the ambitious desire of Amurath (to subdue a Kingdom, both in his own conceit and other men's relations, evil governed, by an effeminate and sottish King, and through civil dissension brought into great danger) was the first provocation of making this War.  

* A Consultation holden amongst the Bassas about the manner of the Invasion of Persia.  Upon this resolution there arose new consultations touching the manner thereof, and upon what coast they should begin their journey, for the more honourable success thereof. Which point Amurath greatly urged, protesting before his chief Counsellors, that he would not enter into that War, except he were in great hope to bear away the Victory. Some thought it most convenient to send the Army to Babylon, and from thence to Syras, called in old time Persepolis, the chief City of the Country of Persia: others there were that gave advise, that the Army should be directly sent to Tauris, there to erect strong Fortresses, and to take possession of all the Country round about it; and there wanted not some (as it is reported) that thought it better to send two several Armies for both the forenamed Places; and so by bringing the Enemy into a strait, to enforce him to yield to whatsoever should be of him required. But Amurath durst not repose such Confidence in his Forces, as to think, that with his Battles divided and so weakened, he should be able to conquer that Enemy, who had always most valiantly fought against the monstrous and puissant Armies of his Ancestors: and therefore firmly resolved with himself to send one only Army, and so with his united Forces to seek the overthrow of the Enemy. And so preferring the strong hope he had conceived to conquer the Country of Siruan, and the chief Cities of Media the great, before the difficulty of making War upon the Coast of Scyras, reposing also great hope in the notable help that was promised him by the Tartars, called Praecopenses, he confirmed the great Bassas his Counsellors in the same Opinion; and withal, discovered unto them a matter, which to all of them, but especially to Sinan, seemed most strange; namely, that he was determined not to go himself in Person with his Army, but to send one of his worthiest Captains in his stead. The Causes why he so did were many, but especially, for that he was troubled with the falling Sickness, and feared greatly (and that not without good cause) lest his Son Mahomet (being much favoured of the People) might peradventure in his absence be untimely advanced to the Empire; beside the Dangers that he suspected at the hands of the Christian Potentates: and withal, persuaded it to be unto himself a great Honour to perform those things by his Servants, which had in those Countries been unfortunately attempted by his most noble Predecessors in their own Persons.  
While they were thus consulting about the Expedition, and the great Bassas, Sinan, Mustapha, and others, made means to be sent as the Sovereign Ministers of their Lord's Designment, he dispatched away sundry Posts and light Horsemen, with order to the Bassas and Governors of Van, Babylon, and Erzirum, in the Frontiers of his Dominions, that they should by often inroads spoil the Towns and Castles of the Persians, and by all means to do them what harm they could. Which they were not slack to put in Execution, and especially ustref (or rather Husreve) Bassa of Van; who with often Incursions did much Mischief, 
Vstres' Bassa beginneth the Wars in Persia.  as well in the Country's Tributary, as subject to the Persian King. A forcible preparative for greater Troubles to ensue.  
Now in these great Preparations for the Persian War, (which for many years after notably exercised the greatest part of the Turks Forces, to the great quiet of the Christian Commonwealth) Stephen Bathor the late Vayvod of Transilvania, but now by the Commendation of Amurath, become King of Polonia; in the beginning of his Reign, by his Ambassador the great Lord john of Syenna, entered into a strong League and Confederation with the great Turkish Sultan Amurath at Constantinople. Which, for that it showeth in what Terms that famous Kingdom then and yet standeth with the Turks great Empire, and withal, containeth Matter well worth the Christian Consideration, it shall not be impertinent to our purpose (omitting the long and glorious Style of that barbarous Monarch, serving to no other end but to show the greatness of his Power) plainly to set it down as it was on his part at the same time by him confirmed.  

The League betwixt the most puissant and and mighty Princes, Sultan Amurath the Turkish Emperor, and Stephen King of Polonia, agreed upon and concluded at Constantinople, in the Year of our Saviour Christ Jesus 1577, and of the Prophet Mahomet, 985.  

The League betwixt Amurath the Turks Sultan, and Stephen, King of Polonia.  I Sultan Amurath, the Son of Selym Chan, the Son of Solyman Chan, the Son of Selym Chan, the Son of Bajazet Chan, the Son of the Great Emperor Mahomet Chan, etc. Prince of these present times, the only Monarch of this age, of power able to confound the power of the whole World, the shadow of Divine Clemency and Grace, Great Emperor of many Kingdoms, Countries, Provinces, Cities and Towns; Lord of Mecha, that is to say, of the house of the glory of God, of the resplendent City of Medina, and of the most blessed City of Jerusalem, Prince of the most fruitful Country of Egypt, Imen, Zenan, Aden, and many other such like: In most loving manner declare, That the most Glorious and Renowned Stephen King of Polonia, Great Duke of Lithuania, Russia, Prusia, Masovia, Samogitia, Kiovia, Livonia, and many other Countries moe; Prince of the courageous followers of Jesus, Governor of all the affairs of the people and family of the Nazarets, the welcomest cloud of Rain, and most sweet fountain of Glory and Virtue, eternal Lord and Heir of the felicity and honour of the aforesaid noble Kingdom of Polonia, unto whom all the distressed repair for refuge, wishing a most happy success and blessed end to all his actions: offering unto us many Religious vows and Eternal praises, worthy our perpetual Love and most Holy League, and with great Devotion, performing these and other like Honours, as for the dispatch of his Letters to our most Glorious Court, for the new confirming of the most sacred League and Confederation with us, sending the Honourable Lord John of Syenna (his most faithful Counsellor) his Ambassador to our Imperial Court; declaring his Love and Integrity, and purging himself of all the suspicion of Hostility, hath requested the League and Confederation to be renewed. At whose instance we have given these our Letters confirming the said League of Peace and Confederation: Wherein we command, That none of our Counselors, Beglerbegs, Sanzakes, Generals of our Armies, Captains or Servants shall do, or on my behalf presume to do any hurt unto the Kingdom, Countries, Cities, Castles, Towns, Islands, or whatsoever else to the Kingdom of Polonia belonging. And in like manner, that none of the Nobility, Generals, Captains, or others whatsoever belonging unto the King of Polonia, shall dare to do any harm unto my Kingdoms, Cities, Castles, or Towns confining unto the Kingdom of Polonia. In brief, my will is, that he being a mortal Enemy unto my Enemies, and a fast Friend unto my Friends, shall do no grievance or harm unto any my Subjects, or things whatsoever unto my jurisdiction belonging. So in like manner, commanding also, that no hurt by any means, or for any occasion, be done by our people unto the Subjects, or whatsoever else, unto the jurisdiction of the King of Polonia appertaining.  
The Creatures, Ambassadors, Messengers, and men of whatsoever condition else, shall on both sides freely without let or trouble, come and go without any harm receiving, either in their persons or goods.  
It shall be lawful also for the King of Polonia his Subjects, to seek throughout our Empire, for any the Polonian Captives taken before the time of this League; and the same so found (if they have not received the Turkish Religion, but still remain Christians) to redeem without the contradiction of any man.  
And that whatsoever shall be taken and carried away after the confirmation of this League, shall be all again freely and without any thing paying, delivered and restored.  
That the Merchants on both parts may freely Traffic with all kind of Merchandise in the Black and White Sea, as also upon the main; and so paying their usual and lawful custom, to be in nothing wronged or molested.  
If any of the Polonian Merchants shall die in our dominion, the goods of him so dead, shall not be embezzled, but kept in safety until his brethren or other his friends, shall come with the King of Polonia his Letters: Upon the showing whereof, having also our Letters mandatory, the goods shall be forthwith restored unto the dead man's heirs. In which sort also my Merchants shall be dealt withal, if any of them shall chance to die in the Kingdom of Polonia.  
If any wrong be done within the limits of mine Empire, unto any belonging unto the Kingdom of Polonia, after the date of these Letters confirming the League; the doer of the wrong shall by my commandment be sought out, and being found shall be punished, and the wrong done, without any delay or contradiction forthwith recompensed. And the like justice to be also on the behalf of the King of Polonia administered.  
If any debtor shall depart out of mine Empire into the Polonian Territory, wheresoever he shall chance to be found by his creditor, he shall be brought to the judge of that place to be examined, and whatsoever it shall be proved him of right to owe, the judge of that place shall according to the equity of the cause make the creditor to be satisfied.  
But if the debtor cannot himself personally be found, no other man shall by reason of another man's debt be taken, detained or molested: Neither shall the innocent be troubled for the guilty, in either or both our Kingdoms.  
In brief, upon whatsoever conditions and capitulations the League of Peace and Confederation was in the time of my Father, my Grandfather, or great Grandfather of famous memory, made with the Kings of Polonia, upon the same conditions and capitulations be it now made also.  
Whatsoever hurt-hath hitherto been done to either part by reason of the disagreement of the Governors and Captains, shall all be on both parties neglected and forgotten.  
Also after the time of these Letters confirming the League and Confederation, Whereas the King of Polonia shall in time pay a certain sum of money used to be paid unto the Tartars; the Tartar Chan, and his Son Mirzeleby their Princes, shall restore the same again, and not to dare to suffer his Armies by any means to hurt the Polonian Territories. So that on the part of the Tartars and their Armies, no harm shall be done unto the Kingdom of Polonia, neither on the part of the Polonians, to the Territories of the Tartars. And if any harm shall by the Tartars be done in the King of Polonia his Territories, it shall by my commandment be again restored. And so likewise on the part of the Palatine of Moldavia, or the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Moldavia, no harm shall be done unto the Country's subject unto the King of Polonia; but if any be done and certainly known, to be by my Commandment again recompensed.  
On the part also of the King of Polonia and his Subjects, whatsoever harm shall be done unto the Territory or Subjects of the Moldavian Palatine, or Tartars, the harm so done to be recompensed, and the doers thereof punished.  
Also that all such Fugitives as having done any notorious Felonies, or other Villainies in Moldavia, and so are fled into Polonia, shall at my request, or at the request of the Palatine of Moldavia, be restored, and in no case denied.  
That all the Polonian Captives within my dominions, yet professing the Christian Religion; may by the King of Polonia his Subjects be redeemed, not paying any more for them than their Lords and Masters paid: every such Master of the slave taking his oath that he cost him so much. But such Captives as have received the Turkish Faith, to be forthwith set at liberty: And so the Turks slaves in the Kingdom of Polonia, to be likewise manumised.  
That our Ambassadors on both sides (so long as we are in League and Amity) may freely come and go, and not be stayed in any place; and being willing to meet together, may at their pleasure so do. And being entered into the confines of either part, to be forthwith by some good and faithful guide appointed unto them, conducted unto the place they are to go unto. And this to be on both sides kept.  
No man to dare to hurt or stay any Merchant, having paid his thirtieth part, or lawful custom.  
If any of our Subjects shall have any suit with any of the King of Polonia his Subjects, the judges shall without delay, be bound to administer justice.. All Thiefs and Robbers shall be diligently sought out; and being found, to be severely punished, and the goods taken away, without impeachment, to be restored unto the right owners, their Heirs, or to the King.  
The Sanzakes of Silistria and Bolograve, the Customers and Water-bayliffs, shall not suffer any man but Merchants and such as are sent in our service, to pass over the River Nyester; who passing over, if they shall bring with them any Slave or Bondman out of Polonia, he shall be sent back again. The Shepherds, if they will transport their Sheep into the jurisdiction of the King of Polonia, shall not so do without the leave of the Polonian Governors, before whom they shall also number their Sheep: of whom if any shall be lost, the Governors shall cause them to be sought for, and to be restored unto the Shepherds, as also to pay for their Hay.  
The Zauzij, Janissaries, or Posts, shall not dare in time of Peace or War, to take any Horses from the Polonian Merchants, or other the King's Subjects coming into our Kingdom.  
The Palatines of Moldavia, in whatsoever condition they have been towards the former Kings of Polonia, they shall now also still so be hereafter. The thirtieths and customs of both parts, shall continue in their old manner, and not be increased. The Polonian Kings Subjects and Merchants, as well Armenians as of any other Nation, whensoever they shall enter into Moldavia, or any other part of our Empire, shall not travel by uncertain and unknown, but by the common and high ways; wherein if they shall suffer any loss or harm, either in their goods or persons, the doers of such wrongs shall be sought for, and severely punished. Which Merchants shall be suffered without any molestation quietly to come and go, having paid their thirtieths; and no Merchant to be troubled for another's debt.  
If any the Polonian Kings Merchants or Subjects, be willing for ready money to redeem and carry away any slave taken out of the Polonian Kingdom, and yet professing the Christian Religion, the judges shall in no case withstand them, neither presume to take them from them, or again to redeem them. But if any of such slaves have received the Turkish Religion, they shall not be again demanded by the King of Polonia.  
Such slaves as have not received the Turkish Religion, if after a certain space they shall be set at Liberty by their Masters, and in the Letters Testimonial of their Liberty, it shall be declared that they have received the Turkish Religion; yet shall they not by the judges be therefore detained.  
In the City of Burusa, the Polonian Merchants having paid their usual thirtieths, shall not be farther pressed with any other unusual payment.  
My will is also, that the Territories at this present in the possession of the King of Polonia, as hereafter to be by him taken from the Muscovite or any other the Christian Princes, to be comprised within this League, and so to be Royally by him possessed.  
And for the confirmation of the articles and conditions in these our Letters of Confederation contained, I swear by the power of the most Mighty God, and of his most Holy Prophet, and by the most clean and pure Spirits of all the Prophets; That for all the days of my life, and so long as nothing shall on the behalf of the King of Polonia be done contrary to the Peace and League, nothing shall also on my part be done contrary unto the same. Witness the Almighty, the upright judge and discerner of men's actions. From Constantinople the year of the Holy Prophet Mahomet 985, the 14th. of the Month Cziemassi Eumel, and of Christ, 1577.   
This League betwixt these two mighty Princes, Amurath and King Stephen, thus concluded, and after the death of Stephen, by Sigismond the Third (which now reigneth) renewed, as it hath been ever since to the Polonian Kingdom for the time commodious, so hath it as with an Adamantine band so bound that most famous Kingdom, as that in the hardest distresses of the Christian Commonwealth, and most indeed concerning itself, it hath afforded no more help than hath the Members farther off, which is, (I rue to say it) none at all; as in these late and present Wars betwixt the Christian Emperor and the two last Turkish Sultan's, it is too plainly to be seen: wherein, had it in due time given but such reasonable helps as it might well have spared, much, no doubt might have been done for the repressing of the common Enemy, and the recovery of the greatest part of that is lost of Hungary: but thus bound standeth as a dead Member, serving to no use more than to the more speedy destruction of itself, together with the rest of the sick Body. For what assurance it can have in this long, (I must needs say) but evil assured Peace, is well to be seen in the great Consultation of this great Sultan Amurath, with his Bassa's after the Persian War, for the invading of Christendom; the Polonians, for all this League so solemnly constrained, were nothing the more regarded, but laid in the same balance with the least, and preserved only by the Providence that all governeth: which leading the Turk against the Christian Emperor their Neighbour, hath given them that Peace they were otherwise hardly to have looked for. Unto whom for all that, having to his endless praise maintained a long and most chargeable War, they have not lent any great help or friendly hand; yet lying themselves still in the Lion's mouth, and like enough to be the next (God grant I be therein deceived) that is to be of him devoured.  
But leaving these the heavy conceits of a melancholy Mind, and ominous forebodings of that I wish not, to return again toward Persia, Amurath his greatest care. Amongst many the ambitious Competitors for the managing of these Turkish so great designs, 
Mustapha Bassa made General of the Turks Army.  was the great Bassa Mustapha (even he, who in the reign of the late Emperor Selimus conquered Cyprus, carrying thence, together with his Victory, perpetual Infamy, for his faithless and cruel dealing with Bragadine, the worthy and renowned Governor of Famagusta) appointed General of the Turks Army into Persia; and authority given him, to provide whatsoever he should think needful for so great a War. And Commandment given unto the Bassas, year 1578 and other Commanders of the greatest part of the Turkish Empire Eastward, that they should themselves with their Soldiers of all sorts, bound by their perpetual Annuities to go to the War in the beginning of the Spring this Year 1578, repair to Erzirum, a City of Cappadocia, 
Mustapha cometh to Erzirum, and there mustereth his Army.  bordering upon Armenia, there to attend the command of their new General. Who having his dispatch from Constantinople, and for fashion sake conducted by most of the Court over the Strait to Scutari, and from thence passing through the Countries of Amasia and Sivas, in the very beginning of Summer arrived at Erzirum, and there stayed until such time as his People, Victuals, Artillery, and other his necessary Provision was come thither. From whence he departed for Siruan, having first taken a diligent survey of his whole Army, mustering the Soldiers of every Nation by themselves; namely, of the Mesopotamians twelve thousand, of the Assyrians and Babylonians fourteen thousand, of the Syrians two thousand, of them of the lesser Asia (now comprehended under the name of Anatolia) ten thousand, of the jews and Philistims one thousand, and of the Cilicians four thousand. After whom followed the Soldiers of Graecia, the Glory and Hope of all the Camp, valiant Men, to the number of ten thousand; and after them the familiar and faithful Guard of the General, ten thousand janissaries of Constantinople, with Harquebusses on their shoulders, and Scimitars by their sides: of the City also of Erzirum, and the Jurisdiction thereof, appeared four thousand, under the Ensign of Beyran Bassa their General. All these were Stipendaries to the Turkish Emperor, unto whom other voluntary Adventurers joined themselves, in number not inferior to the rest, but better furnished, and of greater Courage: So that in this general survey of the Army were found about an hundred and ten thousand Men, most part Horsemen: yet was there not any stirred out of Arabia, Egypt, Africa, or Hungary, or other Places along the Sea Coasts; neither were the Provinces from whence these Soldiers were drawn, left destitute or unfurnished of their ordinary Garrisons. Besides this multitude of Men. Mustapha brought with him five hundred small pieces of Artillery, with many loads of Money for his Soldiers pay, with further order for the taking up of more at Aleppo, and other Places, if his Occasions should so require. He caused also great quantity of Corn to be transported by the great Sea, called in ancient time Pontus Euxinus, to Trapezond, so to be conveyed to Erzirum, being but four days Journey distant thence. 
Mustapha at Chars.  To be short, having taken order for all things he thought necessary for the War, he in seemly array departed from Erzirum, and in eight days arrived at the Ruins of Chars, and in the fruitful Country thereabout rested himself; but was there surprised with such a violent Tempest of Wind and Rain, as rend in sunder his Tents, and did great harm, by means whereof many fell sick, and were constrained to forsake the Army.  
Having stayed three days at Chars, the Bounder of the Turkish and Persian Empires, he departed thence with his Army, 
Mustapha cunningly encampeth his Army at Chielder.  and that evening lodged under the Mountains of Chielder, supposed to be part of the Hills Periardo; where, hearing the Persians to be in Arms, he thought it best for the security of his Army, to pitch his Tents as that he might well discover the coming of the Enemy, and not to be assaulted unawares. And therefore, planting himself in the Plain, he gave order that Beyran, Bassa of Erzirum, should take Possession of a certain Hill on the right-Hand, and Deruis, the Bassa of Caramit, should keep another Hill that stood on the left hand; and with them Osman Bassa, Mahomet Bassa, Mustaffade Bassa, adventurers, with many others, as well stipendiary as voluntary men, should likewise pitch their tents upon the same Hills, in such sort, as that they making as it were two Wings to the Camp, might discover the coming of every man, and yet he himself, being shadowed with the two Hills, might lie unperceived of any.  
Mahamet, the new King of Persia, as yet scarcely settled in his Kingdom, stirred up by the fame of these motions, resolved in himself to stand upon the defence of his State, and for a time to dissemble the conceived hatred which he bore to some of the Sultan's of Persia, and Princes of Georgia, and to make some apparent show that he was reconciled to them; for that without them he could not promise unto himself any form of an Army, or Defence; wherein, (notwithstanding all the troubled State of his Kingdom) he wrought so cunningly, that almost all the great men of account, took upon them the Protection of his State and Kingdom. And so Tocomac a Sultan, the Chan and Governor of Reivan, a famous man, 
Tocomac General of the Persians.  well known unto the Turks, and of great Reputation amongst the Persians, was chosen General of this Expedition; with charge, That the gathering together the greatest number of Men he could out of Atropatia, out of Media the greater, and other Places near unto the Turks, he should by all means possible stop their passage into Georgia and Media Atropatia. And thereupon Precepts were sent out into all parts of the Kingdom, That all the Chans, Sultan's, and Soldiers whatsoever, should come ready pressed to attend upon their new General. Many obedient to the King's Proclamation, came, but many there were that would not stir a foot, for their Obstinacy in the Broils begun, and for the Suspicion they had of unlooked for Mischiefs; at whose Disobedience the King much grieved, but now there was no Remedy but to make the best of the matter, and for the safeguard of his Honour to make the best resistance they could. So with those few, which for the love of their Prince and Country were met together in those parts, being in number not above twenty thousand, Tocomac was dispatched about his Business, if happily he might with these small Forces oppress the Enemy in some strait and troublesome Passage, where the great multitude should rather serve to the confusion of themselves, than to the help of one another. These twenty thousand were all Horsemen, armed with Scimitar and Bow, with some Harquebuzers among, and furnished with very fine and well tempered Armour; but above all, courageous they were and resolute, and well the more, for the Valour and Prowess of their General. So provided of all things necessary, they set forward, and keeping the way of Tauris and Genge, they came to the turning of Chars, where they were advertised, that the Enemy's Army was already passed.  
They were now come within a days Journey of Chielder, when they sent quick and faithful Scouts to bring them certain News of the Condition and number of the Turks Army, who came thither even at the very time that Mustapha was encamping his Army between the two Hills, whereupon the two Bassas, Beyran and Deruis, with their People, had already pitched their Tents. These Scouts discovering the Turkish host aloft, persuaded themselves that there was not any other Battle than those which they saw upon the Hills; whereof, with all speed they could, they returned News to Tocomac, who at ease had followed these his Scouts a far off. Tocomac thus misinformed by his Scouts of the number of his Enemies, held on his way boldy, with purpose to assault them; and having discovered their Tents upon the Hills, was throughly confirmed in the Opinion he had before conceived of the number of his Enemies, and the Scouts relation, and with so much the more confidence set forward to assail them. But Beyran and Deruis, who quickly from the Hills perceived the Persians coming in the Plain, although they knew them to be men of great Courage, yet reposing an assured Confidence in their General's Battle, with all speed mounted upon their Horses, and ran to meet them. So in the aforesaid Plains under Chielder, within one hour after noon was joined a most bloody Battle, wherein at last were slain seven of the Turks Sanzacks, with a very great number of Soldiers, without any apparent loss at all among the Persians, who fight close together in a great heat, and all be-bloodied, urged their happy and fortunate Victory.  
But Mustapha, 
Mustapha cometh with his Battle to relieve his distressed People.  who perceived all that had passed, and stayed waiting till the fight was at the hottest, and the medley at the thickest, that so the flight of the Enemies might breed their greater disorder; and now seeing that his People could no longer endure the fury of the Enemy's Rage (even as if it had lightened and thundered, and as though the Earth had shaken) with such Cries and Acclamations as the Turks use in their Assaults for the more Terror of the Enemies, exciting his Army, ran as it were headlong upon his Adversaries, and so renewed a most terrible Battle. The Persians wonderful Courage endured this unexpected and dreadful Assault, and with incredible signs of Valour, in that little time of daylight that was left (for the Night began now to approach) continued their manifold slaughters, and at last, being favoured by the darkness of the Night, withdrew themselves with as little loss as possibly they might. Neither dared Must●pha any longer pursue them, but was glad by Night to return to his Camp. Of the success of this Battle the Persians certified their King; as also of the greatness of the Turkish Army, with their further purpose for the annoying thereof. And by the Turks also were presented to Mustapha (who had already sent away Posts with News to Amurath) 5000 Heads, which by their Colour, Countenance, and Beards, bewrayed themselves to be Persians, and 3000 Persians alive. Of this Victory Mustapha greatly rejoiced, and to make it seem the greater (seeking by all means to conceal his own Losses, and to raise a greater Terror by the Fame thereof, amongst his Enemies,) caused the Heads of those three thousand that were brought before him alive, to be presently cut from their Shoulders, and gave order, that of those Heads there should be framed a Bulwark in those Fields, 
A Bulwark made of the Heads of the slain Persians.  for a most horrible and uncouth Spectacle.  
The same day that Mustapha employed himself about this barbarous and cruel work, there came unto him certain Messengers from Manucchiar, the younger Son of the Georgian Widow Dedesmit (a great Prince in that Country) who told him, That with his good favour and leave, Manucchiar their Lord and Master was coming to salute him, and to offer himself unto him as his obedient and devoted Servant. At which news Mustapha redoubling his Joy, gave commandment, That all the Bassa's and Captain's of the Army, with all solemn Pomp, with Trumpets, Drums, peals of Ordnance, and all other signs of munifical and joyful Entertainment, should go forth to meet the said Manucchiar, and to acompanie him to his Presence. Which they did accordingly, and so encountering him with all signs of Honour, conducted him to the great Pavilion of Mustapha, who there caused him again to be saluted with like Triumph. Manucchiar dismounted from his Horse, and against his Will beholding the strange and uncouth pile of Heads, all pale and filthy to behold, and indeed imagining what the matter meant: yet notwithstanding, before all other things, having done his due Reverence to the great Bassa, and according to his degree placed himself next to his side, after he had presented him with such Gifts as his Country yielded, he gave him to understand, 
The speech of Manucchiar to Mustapha.  That for the Honour and Estimation which he bore to the Turkish Valour, he was always devoted to the House of the Othomans; and as he had oftentimes desired to spend his Goods and Life in their Service, so at this present time, moved by his ancient desire, alured by the strange fame of this victorious and wonderful Army, and stirred up by a particular fantasy, to learn the painful and hard Precepts of the Art Military, under such a General, Commander of other Commanders; he offered him all Devotion and Service, more than ever he had done to any heretofore, and himself having nothing in the World more dear unto him, consecrated his own Life to his Commandments; desiring that the same might be employed in the conflicts of War under his Banners, among Warriors and Soldiers of Fame and Renown: and therefore besought him to accept of him in the name of Amurath, whose obedient Vassal he vowed himself to remain for ever.  
Graciously did Mustapha receive all this Discourse from Manucchiar, 
The Answer of Mustapha▪  and having showed him again the pile of Heads, together with his Battles, Armour, and Provision of War, told him, That as all these Forces are the Gift of God, who always favoured the righteous Counsels of the Ottoman Emperors, in such sort that they lord it over all the World, even to the astonishment of all that live in the World at this day; so had he, for his particular, chosen the better part, in coming now to yield himself, and to submit his Obedience to his Lord, although it had been better if he had done it before. And as concerning the desire he had to be his Companion and Fellow in these warlike Affairs, he did very friendly accept of his coming, and promised him all good Entertainment and assured Safety. And so in exchange of the Presents which he brought with him, he apparelled him in Cloth of Gold, honoured him with a Battle-axe and Target wrought with Gold and Ammel, and never permitted him to go from his Pavilion without a train of his Slaves following him.  
This Georgian Prince thus solemnly entertained, 
A terrible Rain and Tempest▪  the General gave order through the Camp, That they should the next Morning remove from those Mountains: and now every man was putting himself in readiness, when as there rise a most terrible Tempest of Wind and Rain, mixed with Thunder and Lightning; which continued with such Violence by the space of four days together, as if the Heavens had been dissolved into Waters. Whereby it came to pass, that out of the dead Carcases and Heads before mentioned, issued a most horrible stink; so that thereby, and by the foulness of the Wether, with the other Annoyances always attending upon so great a Camp, the whole Army was exceedingly troubled, and divers Diseases arose among the Turks. But at the last the Wether breaking up, Mustapha rise with his Camp, and set forward toward Teflis; and being not able by reason of the foulness of the way to pass any further, that day stayed in the Plains, where the Lake Chielder Giol standeth, and there refreshed his sick and wounded Soldiers; removing thence, the next day about Noon he came to the Castle of Archicheleck, sometime a Castle of the Georgians, but taken from them by Solyman in his Wars against Tamas, and ever since holden by the Turks. Here Mustapha surveyed his Army, 
Mustapha surveyeth his Army at Archichelec, and lacketh forty thousand of his Men.  and by diligent account taken, found himself to want 40000 of his Soldiers; whereof some were slain in the Battle, some were dead of Sickness, and many, weary of so long and perilous a Journey, were by Night stolen out of the Camp, and returned to take their ease at home. From thence the Army removed, and lodged at Night near the marish called of the Turks Peruana Giol, or Lake of Slaves; and the next day came to Triala, where at this day are to be seen the Ruins of a great City, and of many Churches; whereof some are yet repaired and maintained by devout Christians, the Relics of those happy and religious Forces, that with so great and faithful zeal passed the Seas and Mountains through those barbarous Nations into the Holy Land; Men worthy of eternal Praise. The next day the Turks ascended the high and craggy Mountain that standeth upon Teflis; from the top whereof descending the day following, they seized upon a Castle of the Georgians, called by the Turks Giurgi Chala. Departing thence, and lodging in certain Plains, the next day they came near to the River that runneth by Teflis. 
The Turks Victuallers cut off by the Georgians.  But in these four days march from Archichelec, where Mustapha took view of his Army, many of the Turks, who in seeking for Victuals for themselves and their Horses, had straggled from the Army, were cut off by the Georgian Captains, who with a number of their own Country Soldiers secretly followed the Turks Army, and well acquainted with all the ways of the Country, lay in ambush upon such Places as the Victuallers were to pass through, and so suddenly setting upon them, spoiled them at once both of their Goods and Lives.  
Mustapha coming to Teflis, found that Castle empty, for that Daut Chan Lord thereof, hearing of the coming of the Turks, forsook the same, and betook himself to the Fields, providing better for himself in so doing, than by staying still in the Castle, to have been there taken Prisoner. This Castle, for the convenient Situation thereof, Mustapha caused to be repaired and fortified, and planted therein an hundred pieces of Artillery, and appointed Mahamet Bassa General Governor of that Place, with a Garrison of six thousand Soldiers; which done, he departed for Siruan. At which very time those of Soria, which had brought a thousand loads of Rent-Corn to the Camp from Aleppo, being themselves in number a thousand Persons, with five hundred others of Omps (in ancient time called Hus, the City of the patient job) and other places of Soria, men neither of Duty bound, nor of themselves willing to follow the Camp, returned homewards towards their own Country; but upon the way they were set upon by Alessandro, Giusuf, and David, (three of the Georgian Lords) and all slain, except some few, who by the swiftness of their Horses escaped with Nassardin their Captain.  
Now after that Mustapha had passed the descent of the steep Mountains of Teflis, the next day he encamped in certain low Plains; where the Ambassadors of Alessandro, surnamed the Great, Son of Levent, a Georgian Prince, 
Alessandro the Georgian sendeth Ambassadors to Mustapha.  came unto him, and told him, That their Lord was ready, if it so pleased him, to come unto him to do him Reverence, and by word of mouth to promise him that Devotion he had always in mind borne to the Ottoman Emperors. With a glad Heart and cheerful Countenance did Mustapha receive these Ambassadors; and presently sent them back to will their Lord to come, and to tell him, That his friendship should be unto him most dear and acceptable. And after their departure, took order with all the Commanders of his Army, to receive him with all the signs of Joy that might be; which at his coming was accordingly by them performed. Who, after he had presented unto the General the rich Gifts he had brought with him, he offered his Obedience to the Bassa, with the most lively Speeches he could possibly devise, calling Amurath his Lord: seeming to take it in evil part, that he passed not through his Territory, where he should (as he said) have had plenty of all things for the relief of his Army; yet hoping that in his return from Siruan he would take it in his way; whereas he should find him most ready to bestow all that he had in the Service of his Lord: telling him moreover, That although he could not, for many urgent respects, go with him into Siruan, yet he would always accompany him in Mind, and continually pray unto the Creator of all things, for his Prosperity and most happy Success. 
Alessandro courteously entertained by Mustapha.  Courteously did Mustapha receive both his Presents and Submission, and in exchange thereof bestowed upon him certain Gifts after the Turkish manner, and in magnifical Terms gave him answer; promising him in his return to pass through his Country: and so dismissed the Persian Duke with like Honour wherewith he was entertained at his coming.  
Mustapha, holding on his Journey toward Siruan, through moorish and troublesome ways; in twelve days after he departed from Teflis, came into the Confines of Siruan, near to the River Canac, and there rested on this side the River one day. At which time they of the City of Sechi, bordering upon the Siruanians and Georgians, four days Journey from Sumachia, came to offer themselves to Mustapha, as Subjects to the Turks: Of whose Submission the General graciously accepted, promising to them his assured Protection.  
The Turks Army overwearied with the continual travel of twelve days march, 
The Turks Army afflicted with Hunger.  but yet far more afflicted with hunger, not finding in those Parts so much as one wild beast to assuage their greedy desire of Meat, sought by all means, every man for himself, to get something, especially when they understood their General would pass the River into a Country unto them all unknown, where they were altogether uncertain what to find for their relief. So whilst they were enquiring among themselves, who were able to conduct them to some such place as where they might supply their wants, behold, certain Persians were taken, who being straight examined on that point, after much resistance, at last told them, that not far off, after they had passed certain Marshes, where Canac dischargeth itself into Araxis, they should find many Fields full of Rice and Corn in the blade, and a little farther certain fat herds of cattle, sufficient to relieve the whole Army. Of this News was the General certified, who, although he greatly doubted the subtlety of his Enemies, yet to gratify his Soldiers, and to make them more willing to follow him into Siruan, he licenced every man that had a desire thereunto, to go and provide himself of Victuals, and so suffered all that would to go freely. Whereupon there went of themselves, and were sent by their Captains, about ten thousand servile Persons, with Camels, Horses and Mules, to fetch away this provision of Corn and cattle: but the Event answered not to their desires. For Tocomac, with the other Persian Captains, and the rest of the Soldiers that were escaped from the overthrow given them in the Plains of Chielder, having gathered together the remainder of the Army, and recovered such places as they thought safe and friendly for them, carefully attended the marching and passing of the Turkish Army. And being certainly informed by them of Reivan and Georgia what way they kept, and that of necessity they must arrive at the Banks of Canac, they began to devise how they might in some measure be revenged for their former loss, and impeach their Enemy's entrance into Siruan. But wanting rather strength than courage to assail the whole Army, they thought it best to stay in ambush in some fit place, until some part of the Turkish Army (alured with the prey of the Corn and cattle) should for the relief of their common Necessities descend into those fields; And the rather to draw them on, sent out divers men, who, as if they had gone about their own business, and by chance at unawares had lighted upon the Turks Camp, revealed unto them as a great Secret, what a good Prey was hard by them; and so withdrawing themselves out of sight, privily awaited the coming of the Turks: when as within the space of three days it so fell out, that the aforesaid ten thousand Foragers arrived at the wished place; 
Ten thousand of the Turks Foragers slain.  where they had no sooner begun to charge themselves with the Prey, but they were surprised by the Persians and all slain, saving a few who by hasty flight saved themselves. The noise of this hot Skirmish being heard into the Turkish Host, caused Mustapha to imagine that the matter was fallen out even as indeed it was; and therefore rising with his whole Army, hasted with all possible speed to have succoured the poor People, who were now all slain. And albeit he came not in so good time as to yield them relief, yet came he very fitly to revenge their Death upon the Persians, staying too long to load themselves with the Spoil of their Enemies.  
The place from whence the Turks were to have had the aforesaid Booty, was almost in manner of an Island, enclosed with the Rivers of Araxis and Canac; whereinto Mustapha entered with his whole Power, Deruis Bassa leading the one Wing, as did Beyran Bassa the other, and he himself coming on in the middle with the main Battle. The Persians, seeing Mustapha with all his Forces hasting towards them, and withal, remembering the late overthrow by them received in the Plains of Chielder; began to bethink themselves how much better it had been for them to have contented themselves with the late ●●ughter of the Foragers, and with speed to have got them away out of that Strait, than by staying longer, to be enclosed with the multitude of their Enemies, as that they could now no way escape without most manifest Peril. In this perplexity discoursing among themselves, whether it were better to fly, or with so great disadvantage to join battle, and so rather to die honourably, than to live with reproach; at last they resolved to reserve themselves to the further service of their Prince and Country; deeming it rather a point of Wisdom than of Dishonour, not to adventure unto most desperate and assured death, so many worthy men as might in future time stand their Country in good stead: yet did they not see how by flight well to escape, for that they were in such sort strained within the Rivers, as that there was no ground left for them to ecsape by, than that which contrary to their Expectation was by the Turks already possessed. In these Difficulties every man began to betake himself to his own private Conceit and Fortune. Tocomac with Emir Chan, and other the great Commanders of the Army, 
The Persians fly, and in flying are many of them drowned in Canac.  were the first that turned their Backs, and by the help of their Courageous Horses got over the River of Canac: whose Example moved many others to attempt the like, though not with like Fortune; for that their Horses being not of such Courage, and out of Breath, lay many of them drowned in the River. Wherewith others being amazed, as perceiving inevitable death in flying present before their Eyes, and reposing all their hope even in despair, ran as it were headlong in a Rage and Fury upon their Enemies, and in fight showed unspeakable Valour: but what was one against an hundred? For there they were also all slain, though worthy of immortal Fame. Thus was the Persian Army quite discomfited in this demi Island, being first stained with the Blood of the Enemy, and afterward with the slaughter of the Neighbour and proper Inhabitant, and so became the perpetual Sepulchre of a most courageous and warlike People. The Turks in this last Conflict lost not above 3000 men, beside the slaughter of the 10000 Foragers; although Tocomac, to make his loss to seem the more tolerable▪ made report to the King of a great slaughter made. The Persian Captains, full of sorrow for this unexpected overthrow, with the licence of their General departed every man to his several Government: as Emanguli Chan to Genge, Seraph Chan to Nassivan, Tocomac himself to Reivan, and all the rest to other Cities, to the Government whereof they were before by the King appointed, and so remained expecting his further Pleasure from Casbin.  
Mustapha was now come to the River of Canac, which he was to pass over into Siruan; and therefore made strait Proclamation through his whole Army, That every man should be in readiness against the next day to pass the River. At which Proclamation all his People suddenly arose in a tumult, and with injurious Terms, even to his Face, reproved his Folly and Inhumanity, propounding utter danger unto himself, and an universal Confusion unto the whole Army: and therefore prayed him to surcease from proceeding any further, unless he were minded to cast them all away. But his resolute Mind was not by their Threats or Entreaties to be removed, neither gave he them other Answer than this, That so had Amurath commanded, and that if all the rest should show themselves unwilling to obey their Sovereign, 
The Resolute Answer of Mustapha to his tumultuous Soldiers.  he himself would not, nor could not, but would be the first man to attempt and perform that which they all so abhorred and reproved. Valiant Soulers (he said) were discovered and known not in Idleness and Ease, but in great pains taking, and difficult Erterprises: who never ought to be afraid to change this momentary Life for everlasting Honour, or to shun Death, if the Service of their Prince so required. And for mine own part, said he, I most earnestly request you, that after I have attempted the passage of the River, if any thing happen unto me otherwise than well, yet carry my dead Body to the other side of the River; to the end that if I cannot whilst I yet live execute the Commandment of my Sovereign, I may yet at least perform the same when I am but a speechless and liveless Carcase: forasmuch as the desire of my Lord is not in any sort to be frustrated, for making too great account of mine own Life.  
Divers and sundry murmurings and whisper followed upon this speech of the General, who notwithstanding the next morning did first of all wade over the deep and swift River himself: after whom presently followed the Bassa's with all their Slaves, by whose Example the rest also were induced at last to do the like, and so continued until the darkness of the Night interrupted their Passage; by which Occasion more than half the Army could not then get over. In this Passage, being with great Tumult and Disorder attempted, 
Eight thousand Turks drowned in passing the River.  it came to pass that about 8000 Persons, carried away with the violence of the River, were miserably drowned, with the great outcry of all the Host. The like happened also to many Mules, Camels, and Sumpter Horses, upon whose Backs divers Persons being mounted, in hope to have passed dry over the River, were likewise headlong overwhelmed therein. With great Complaints and blasphemous Cursings was the whole Night spent by them that were yet on this side the River, whose fears were not a little increased by the Example of their unfortunate Fellows before drowned. And like enough it was some pestilent Sedition to have ensued thereupon, had there not a shallow Ford by great chance been discovered, which gave safe Passage to those that were left; for in the Passage which the People made that followed Mustapha, the Gravel of the bottom of the River being raised and removed by the heavy Hoofs of the cattle, was driven down the River to a place where by great good hap there was also a Ford, and there gathered together in a heap, had in such sort raised the depth of the Channel, that it made as it were a shelf for their commodious Passage, so that the remnant of the Army, Carriages, and Artillery passing over the same, there was not so much as one man that perished. So having with much difficulty as last got over the River of Canac, they rested themselves that day and the next, and there stayed until the whole Army was mustered, and again put in Order. Removing thence, the day following they encamped in certain barren Champains, where was neither Corn nor cattle; neither could they perceive or learn, that in those quarters were any Villages at all. 
Famine in the Turks Host.  By means whereof, the hunger of their Beasts increasing, they were enforced to give their Horses and Mules Leaves and Stalks of very dry and withered Reeds, and such other like things of little or no sustenance at all: and the men themselves were fain to satisfy their hunger with those uttermost relics which they were fain to pick out of such poor Victuals as now by Corruption were become loathsome to man's Nature; and that which worse was, they saw no end of their Miseries they were so entered into. Notwithstanding there was now no looking back, but needs on they must▪ and follow the fortune of their Leaders; among whom Mustapha before all the rest set forward on his determined Journey. 
The Turks Army refreshed.  He had not long marched, but there was discovered good store of sundry P●●nts, and shortly after a very large plain Country all green and flourishing, and garnished with many Trees; by the only sight whereof every man was refreshed with the hope of Relief, and with more than ordinary paces hasted until they were entered into those Champains, abounding with all kind of Corn and Fruits that could be of an hungry man desired. In this place did every man satisfy his Appetite, and forgot in part the sore-passed Calamities. Through this fruitful and pleasant Country Mustapha leading his Army, at last arrived at Eres, the chief City in that Coast of Siruan, as you travel from Georgia.  
This City of Eres was forsaken of a number of her Inhabitants, as soon as it was known that the Turks were come to Canac, who all followed their Governor Samir Chan; who with Ares Chan, Governor of Sumachia, and other the Governors of Sechi, and other Places of Siruan, forsook the Cities, and all together withdrew themselves into the Mountains, as places of more surety, attending the event of these so great Motions: so that as the Turks entered the City undisturbed, so were they with the prey they found therein nothing enriched, for that in this common danger every man had carried away with him the best things he had. Here stayed Mustapha two and twenty days, during which time he erected a Fortress in the said City; whereupon he placed two hundred small pieces of Artillery, and for the keeping thereof appointed Caitas Bassa with a Garrison of five thousand Soldiers. In the mean time also he commanded Osman Bassa (one of the voluntary Captains) with ten thousand men to possess Sumachia, sometime the metropolitical City of that Province, with the Title of Visier and Governor-general of Siruan. Giving him further in charge, that in any case he should clear the passage to Derbent, and give present Advertisements to the Tartarians of his arrival there, whom he supposed by that time to be come into those quarters, for that they had before so faithfully promised to Amurath. Osman coming to Sumachia, presently seized upon the City, and was friendly entertained of those that remained there; whom he likewise courteously entreated, without doing or suffering any outrage to be done upon them. Of which his courteous usage they of Derbent understanding, sent presently to offer their City unto him, beseeching him to receive them into his Protection, and to defend them from the Persians; under whom, although they had long lived in subjection, yet differed they from them in the Ceremonies of their Mahometan Superstition, wherein they better agreed with the Turks.  
Mustapha having thus brought the Country of Siruan into the Turkish subjection, 
Mustapha returneth out of Siruan.  and finished his Fortress at Eres, and put all things in such order as he thought best; importuned by the janissaries and the People of Grecia, and somewhat enforced by the season of the year, which was now far spent, departed from Eres, and turned his course homeward toward the Country of Alexander, surnamed the Great, as he had promised in his late passage into Siruan. And having traveled a long Journey, he sent before him certain Engines and Pioners to make a Bridge over Canac, so without danger to pass over his Army. Having passed the River, he gave notice to Sahamal (one of the Lords of Georgia) of his arrival, who presently came and yielded himself as Vassal to the Turks; and being entertained of the Bassa with great Pomp, and rewarded after the Turkish manner, took his leave, and so returned into his Mountain of Brus.  
Mustapha setting again forward, and travelling by Night, because he would not lose the opportunity of the fair weather, by the error of his Guides lost his way, and so fell into rough and difficult Passages, whereby he was enforced to stay and wait for day light; which arising, did manifest unto them, that they were now entered into the Countries of his Friend Alexander: and therefore he gave forthwith Proclamation throu●● all the Army, That no man upon pain of Death should be so hardy as to molest or disquiet any of the Subjects of Alexander, but to have good respect unto them, and to entreat them with all Courtesy. The day following, he still traveled on in the same Country, when there arrived from Zaghen certain Ambassadors of Alexander's, with great abundance of cattle, Corn, Fruits, and other relief sent for a Present to the General, with a solemn excuse that he came not himself, because the Infirmity of his Body would not suffer him. Wherewithal Mustapha rested satisfied, and leaving the City of Zaghen on the right hand, caused the Messengers of Alexander to guide him the way to Teflis, which they so directly did, that within the space of three days they conducted him thither with his Army, without the feeling of any annoyance; from whence they returned, being well rewarded for their pains by the General. Who now come to Teflis, 
Mustapha relieveth his distressed Garrison at Teflis.  found the Garrison he had there left for the keeping thereof, so hardly pinched with Famine, that they were glad to eat Cats, Dogs, Sheepskins, and such like unwonted food; for neither durst they for fear of the Enemy go out of the Castle to provide for themselves, neither if they had so done, had it any thing availed, such was the carefulness of the Enemy in keeping of his things: but now, by the coming of the General, they were relieved with Meat, Money, and plenty of all things. Having stayed there two days, he put himself again upon his way, and with Fire and Sword destroyed whatsoever came in his way in the Champains subject to the said City, only the Sepulchers of Simons Progenitors (Lord of that Country) were left untouched by the Turks Fury. The next day they traveled over rough and ragged Mountains, full of a thousand difficulties, which were the more increased by wonderful great Snows that were fallen, by reason whereof, many Soldiers, Horses, Camels, and Mules perished. In which distress the Army continued two days, during which time the Soldiers were fallen into such disorder, that forgetting the feat of the Enemy's Country wherein they were ●very man without regard took up his several lo●●ing apart, some here, some there, where they might find either some thick Bush or some small Cottage, or some quiet Valley to shelter themselves in from the Wind, the Snow, and the Storms. Of which disorder certain Georgian Lords understanding by the Scouts, which from time to time waited upon the Turks Army, joined themselves together, and in the Night secretly approached unto it, expecting the Opportunity of performing some notable Exploit; and having observed, that Hosaine Bey had withdrawn himself with his Regiment from the rest of the Army under certain Mountains, to defend himself from the Storm and Wind; they took the Occasion presented, and so assailing him, slew his Slaves and all his Squadrons, took a great booty of many loads of Money and Apparel, led away with them all his Horses, and whatsoever else they could find, and scarce gave him liesure to save himself, by flying into the Tents of Beyran Bassa. The next morning the Turks removed, and in the Evening came to a Castle called Chiurchala, where they stayed a whole day to make provision of Victual; which was attempted by sending abroad many of their Slaves into the Fields, conducted by them of the Castle, who were all miserably cut in pieces by the Georgians. From this Place the Turks Army departed in great hunger, over divers rough places of the Georgians, where they were oftentimes fain to rest themselves; and at last came to the Confines of Dedesmit, of her called the Widow's Country. In the entrance whereof, 
The Misery of the Turks Army in passing the straits of Georgia.  they must needs pass through a narrow Strait, between certain Mountains, where the River Araxis windeth itself with a thousand turnings in the low Valleys, a dangerous place, and so narrow, that no more but one man alone could at once pass through it. Between this Strait and a very thick and hilly Wood, they lodged upon the Bank of the said River, and from thence they removed the next morning and traveled over very steep Mountains and rough Forests, over Ice and Snow, more hard than Marble, and over other hanging Rocks, in such miserable sort, that many Camels, Mules, and Horses, tumbling down headlong into the River, there miserably perished. Through these ruinous Crags, and divers other Miseries, they marched all the next day, and after that another day also, as miserable to the Army as the former; and so at last being sore afflicted with hunger, spoiled of the Enemy, tormented with the hard season of the Year, and situation of the Place; they arrived in the Territories that lay under Altunchala, or golden Castle, the princely Widow's Palace, where they had all manner of Relief for all the Miseries they had endured since their departure from Chiurchala, by the space of six days; which if it had been a fair common traveled way, might have been performed in one only days Journey.  
The Widow, with Alexander her eldest Son, 
The Georgian Widow submitteth herself with her Son Alexander to Mustapha.  came down from her Castle, and went unto the Pavilion of Mustapha, offering him divers Presents, and promising unto him all faithful Obedience; whom Mustapha courteously received, declaring unto her what honourable entertainment he had given to Manucchiar her younger Son there present, who had been with him in all the Expedition into Siruan. And for the present, dissembling the privy displeasure he bore against Alexander (whom he thought to have been one of them that spoilt the Sorians in their return from the Camp) he embraced him courteously, and prayed her to be content to leave him also there with him; giving her farther to understand, that he would send both her Sons to Constantinople to Amurath, with Letters of Credence for their yielded Obedience, for their Favour showed to his Army, in giving it so secure Passage, and so many Helps; and lastly, that for their good Deserts, they might be of the said great Sultan both honourably entertained and rewarded. The aged Lady, although her Mind was herewithal so retroubled, yet outwardly in her Countenance showed herself pleased; and seemed courteously to yield that she was of necessity constrained to grant; as well for that he was already possessed of one of her Sons, as also for that both herself and her whole state were now in his Power; and as it were at his Devotion: and therefore, leaving both her Sons behind her, she returned herself heavy to her Castle.  
In this Place Mustapha having refreshed his Army two days, 
Mustapha cometh to Erzirum, and dischargeth his Army.  departed thence toward Chars, and after many days travel, at last arrived at Erzirum, to the great rejoicing of the whole Army, which was there presently discharged by the General, without any mustering at all, and leave given for every man to return into his Country.  
Mustapha settling himself in Erzirum, 
Mustapha magnifieth his own Exploits to Amurath.  dispatched Posts with Letters of plentiful Advertisements to his great Lord and Master, of all things that had passed; not forgetting to magnify his own Exploits above Measure. He certified him of the Battles he had had with the Persians, the Obedience he had received of the Georgians and Siruanians, the mutiny of his own Soldiers, the Fortress he had built at Eres, the Garrisons left in that City with Caitas Bassa, and in Sumachia with Osman Bassa; and in brief, whatsoever else had passed, and whatsoever he had taken from the Enemy. Neither did he fail to propound unto Amurath what he thought convenient to be attempted the next year, for the strengthening of those places he had already conquered, and for preparing the way for new Erterprises. And principally he put him in Mind of a Fortification to be made at Chars, a place very fit for any Passage into Georgia or Armenia, by situation fruitful and commodious both for Men and cattle. And withal he sent unto him the Widows two Sons Alexander and Manucchiar, the Georgian Princes, certifying him of their Submission, and that he had received in their Country all good entertainment and friendly welcome: and withal declaring his Opinion, That Manucchiar was the meeter man for Government than his Brother Alexander, and the readier to do him Service. Greatly did Amurath commend the Valour and Diligence of Mustapha, and highly pleased himself with this conceit, That of these beginnings might grow mighty Conquests, to the enlargement of his Empire, and that by this means he should be able to surpass the Glory of his Predecessors. And the more his ambitious thoughts were occupied about these Wars, the less he troubled himself with thinking how to annoy Europe with his Forces.  
It was not long after the departure of Mustapha from Eres, but that the Tartarians, having left the Fens of Meotis, and the unmountable shores of the black Sea, and having passed over the Rocks upon Colchis, and surveyed the frozen Crags of the Mountain Caucasus, were now arrived upon the Confines of Siruan, and there attended the Commandment of the Turks. These Tartarians, being of them that are called Praecopenses, to the number of thirty thousand, conducted by their Lord and Captain Abdilcherai, a young man of great Valour and Fame, and of a comely Personage, were come, according to the faithful Promise of Tartar Chan, with full Resolution to attempt whatsoever should be commanded them in the Name of Amurath. Now Osman Bassa understanding of their approach, according to the charge before given him by Mustapha the General, invited them to enter into Siruan, and by increasing of the Turks Forces, to further these beginnings of Amurath's Glory, and these his Conquests, (or more truly to say, these magnifical and famous Terms of Victory) all which was most diligently put in Execution by Abdilcherai; who, having entered the Iron Gates where Derbent standeth, (which by the Turks at this day is called Demir Capi, and signifieth the Gates of Iron) and so from thence passing into the Country of Siruan, there stayed, and thereof gave Advertisement to Osman, as was by him appointed. Ares Chan, late Governor of Sumachia, who for fear of the great Army of the Turks had abandoned the City, the chief place of his charge, and betaken himself to the safeguard of the Mountains, hearing of the departure of the Turkish General, resolved with the other Governors of Eres and Sechi (who following his Example, had in like manner fled) now to return again to their forsaken Country, and to make proof if he could by any means take revenge of the Injury done unto him by the Turks. So passing under Sumachia, and having put to the Sword certain of Osmans' straggling Victuallers that were gone out of the City, he encamped with all his People a little from Sumachia, and by good Fortune surprised certain Messengers sent from Abdilcherai the Tartar, to certify Osman Bassa of his arrival, and to know his Pleasure what he should put in Execution. These Tartarians, brought before Ares, after much Torture disclosed the Letters they carried, which the Persian Captain read, and considering the great number of the Tartarians that were come, (for the Letters made mention of thirty thousand) he resolved not to stay any longer in those quarters, but presently raised his Camp, and retired towards Canac, meaning from thence to certify the King of those Novelties, and upon the banks of the said River to attend the King's answer. The Tartarian Captain coming to Sumachia, was appointed by the Bassa to pass over the River of Canac into Genge, the Country of Emanguli Chan, with the spoil thereof to enrich himself, and by all means to make his arrival unto the Persians most terrible. With this charge the Barbarian departed, thirsting now for nothing more than for the blood and spoil of the Enemy; and with posting Journeys came to Canac, where Ares Chan was yet encamped; whom he upon the sudden most furiously assaulted, and like a devouring flame discomfited all his Host: and taking him alive, sent him to Sumachia to Osman, 
Ares Chan hanged at Sumachia.  who forthwith caused him to be hanged by the Neck out of a Lodging in the same Statehouse where he had not long before sat as Governor. 
Emanguli Chan taken, and Genge sacked by the Tartarians.  The Tartarian after that, swimming over the River, and coursing a little above Genge, found Emanguli Chan with his Wife, and all his Family, and a great part of the Nobility of Genge in a Valley hunting the wild Boar; and assailing him, put him to flight, took from him his Wife, all the Ladies, and many Slaves, and slew many of the rest that were come thither to see the sport: and after that road on to Genge, which he took, and yielded it wholly to the Fury and Lust of his barbarous Soldiers, who left no manner of inhuman Cruelty unattempted, in satisfying their immoderate and barbarous Affections. And so being loaded with the Spoils, and weary with the slaughter of their Enemies, they returned merrily toward Siruan: and passing again over Canac, came to the higher side of Eres into certain low Champains, environed about with Hills, and there having pitched their Tents, without any fear settled themselves to sleep, and to rest their weary Bodies.  
In the mean time, and long before these Actions, was New thought to the Persian Court of all the Turks 〈◊〉: whereupon the Persian King having gathered new Forces, had dispatched Emir Hamze Mirize, his eldest Son, with 12000 Soldiers to pass into Siruan, to see what hurt the Enemy had done, and to attempt the revenge of the forepast Injuries; but above all things to punish the Villainy of them of Sechi, and the other Cities of Siruan, that not induced with any Necessity, had so voluntarily yielded themselves to follow the Obedience and Religion of the Turks. The Persian Prince departing from Casbin, accompanied with his Mother Begum, who would needs follow her beloved Son, was on his way towards Siruan, under the guiding and Government of Mirize Salmas, chief of the Sultan's; and had now left behind them the Countries of Ardovil and Caracach, when he was certified by the advertisements come from Ares Chan, of the arrival of Abdilcherai, with his great number of Tartarians; and was thereby at the first strucken into a great quandary, and almost out of comfort: yet, pricked forward with an honourable desire of Glory and Revenge, he prosecuted his intended enterprise for Siruan, and hastening his Journey, 
Eres recovered by the Persians.  came to Eres long before the King his Father thought he could have so done. This his notable Celerity served him to great purpose, for that Caitass Bassa was boldly gone out of the Fortress, and went spoiling the Country, carrying away with him whatsoever he met withal, and committing such Insolences as hungry Soldiers beyond all honesty use to do in strange and fruitful Countries. But when he was in the midst of these spoils, and lest feared the Enemy, he was suddenly assailed by the Prince; and having no means to escape his Fury in this Extremity, after a fierce and bloody Battle (wherein the Turks although in number few, yet showed many effects of Valour) he was there slain with all his Soldiers, leaving the Fortress, the Spoils, and the Country committed to his Custody, free to the Pleasure of the Victor: which the Persian Prince having once again gotten into his Possession, took away the two hundred pieces of Artillery that were left in the Fort by Mustapha, and presently sent them to Casbin to his Father.  
The Prince, encouraged with so happy a beginning, leaving his Mother at Eres, followed on his Journey toward Sulachia, but by the way descending the Hills, he discovered where the Tartarians lay encamped. Whereupon he stood in great doubt, whether to adventure upon so mighty an Enemy, or to content himself with the Victory he had already gotten, and so to return into Persia: to return he thought it too great a shame, and chose rather to adventure himself to most manifest Peril. And therefore descending the Hill, and drawing nigh the Enemy, he perceived that the Army was all laid down to rest, and that their Horses were some couched, some standing, but all unsaddled; whereupon, without any stay setting Spurs to his Horse, he pricked forward with all his host, and most terribly assaulted the Tartarians, now buried in their spoils and sleep; and having slain their first and second Watch, although with some loss, among the tumultuary Soldiers he made an universal confusion and slaughter, putting some to flight, killing others, and taking divers of them Captives: Among whom was their General Abdilcherai, who was taken alive, and sent to the King.  

Sumachia besieged by the Persian Prince.  After these Victories the Persian Prince scoured to Sumachia, and compassed the City round about, wherein the Turkish Bassa Osman sat as Governor, to the reproach of Persia; and there encamping himself, send word to Osman, That if he would yield himself, he would let him depart with Life and Goods, otherwise, if he w●uld obstinately hold it out, and not yield the City, which he so unjustly possessed, he should be constrained to surrender it by force, and his Life withal. Osman, who as then knew nothing of the Tartarians overthrow, but still hoped of their return, thought it best to entertain the Prince with fair words until their coming; and therefore gave him courteous answer, that he was very ready to yield up the City: but withal entreated him, that he would stay but for three days, and grant him time to put all things in readiness, that so he might freely depart, as it had pleased him in courtesy to offer. The Prince, glad of such an answer, supposing it to have proceeded of a sincere meaning, expected of the Turk the performance thereof: But Osman meaning nothing less, than to commit himself to the faith of his Enemy, and seeing that the Tartarians, whom he looked for, appeared not, he resolved to save himself by secret flight; doubting, as he had good reason, that if he should longer stay, to be betrayed by the Inhabitants of the City themselves; and therefore somewhat before the assigned term of the three days appointed for the surrendering of the City, he, by the help of a dark Night, and the covert of the high and rough Crags, with great silence withdrew himself out of Sumachia, carrying away with him all hi● Substance, and so in safety arrived at Derbent. 
Sumachia yieldeth unto the Prince.  The next Morning the Inhabitants of Sumachia opened the Gates of the City to the Prince: who seeing their Infidelity, first by giving of entertainment to Osman, and now by helping him to escape, without giving him any knowledge thereof, did put in execution the effect of his Wrath and Indignation, which even at Casbin he had conceived in his Mind against them; and with great Cruelty did punish the miserable and unfortunate Citizens, laying their Houses even with the Ground, rasing both the old and new Walls of that City, of late so desired a Receipt for the Turks. But when he was to depart thence, he stood in doubt, Whether to go on to Derbent, or to return to Persia; the strength of that City, the approach of Win●e●, and the long Journey he was to take homeward, persuaded him to lay aside the enterprise for Derbent: whereupon he resolved to return to Casbin, yet first to make his return by them of Eres and Sechi, and upon them, as upon Rebels, to inflict well deserved Punishment. So making his present repair thither, spared neither Sex nor Age, nor any Condition of Persons, but upon them all poured forth his furious Indignation without exception. Which done, he with his aforesaid Mother Begum, and his Army, though somewhat diminished, yet victorious and triumphant, returned to Casbin.  
Young Abdilcherai the Tartarian was kept safe in the King's Palace at Casbin, 
Abdilchera● beloved of the Persian Queen.  but with such easy Imprisonment as was agreeable to his calling; which was day by day so enlarged, as that he seemed not to live as a Prisoner, but rather as a Companion of those of the Court, and as it were in apparent Liberty. By which occasion, having insinuated himself into the love of Begum the King's Wife, he spent his time in courting her, and she again in entertaining of him in all secret and covert manner. Yet these their mutual Affections and interchangeable Favours passed not so secretly, but that in the Court and all over the City it was a rise Report, That the shameless Lady, prodigal of her Honour, had participated both her bed and herself with the Tartarian Prisoner. Howbeit, neither the King nor the Pr●nce knew any thing of it. But the King perceiving▪ the young Gentleman to be generally commended, valiant, courteous, and of a comely Feature, and withal nobly born (for he gave it out that he was the Brother of Tartar Chan) persuaded himself, that it would stand with the great good of his state, of a Captive to make him his Son-in-law, by giving him his Daughter in Marriage; whereby he was in good hope there might grow such an amity and union between the Tartarian Praecopenses and himself, as that they would from thenceforth not only refuse to favour Amurath in those Wars, but also become Enemies unto him, and in the favour of Persia, turn their Arms and Affections against him. Which his deep and considerate purpose so displeased the Sultan's of Casbin, that they sought by all means they could possibly devise to avert the King from that so strange a Policy; but all in vain, for the King being fully resolved, and now upon the point to make a conclusion of the Marriage; the Sultan's entering into the Palace with their Followers, and finding there the unfortunate Tartarian, 
Abdilchera● slain in the Court.  ran him through the Body, and cutting off his privy Members, flapped them upon his Mouth after a most barbarous and filthy manner. 
The Persian Queen made away.  It is reported, that the Queen was then also murdered by them; certain it is, that the poor Lady never after that day saw the light of the Sun: but whether it was put in execution by the appointment of the King her Husband, or that the Sultan's did it for the public Interest, is not certainly known. Upon these Murders sprung up many Troubles, and much civil Dissension, threatening the utter Confusion of the Persian Kingdom, to the singular benefit of Amurath. All which tumultuous Disorders the King, by bridling his own Affections, and the Motions of his Son Emir Hamze Mirize, well appeased, procuring at last a perfect Unity, as than most Necessary for the defence of his Kingdom.  
Osman Bassa being in Derbent (the only place of refuge now left for the Turks in Siruan) ceased not with all carefulness to devise what he possibly could, for the assuring of that Country (of late won, and now again almost lost) under the Government of Amurath. For the better establishing whereof, together with his own safety, he thought it good to enter into Friendship with old Sahamal the Georgian, Lord of the Mountain of Brus. With this man did Osman practise many tokens of good will, and he again interchangeably towards Osman; whereupon there arose great Friendship between them, at leastwise in outward appearance; whereunto in short time there was added a straight knot of Alliance: for that Osman took to Wife a Daughter of the said Sahamals, the greatest sign of his sincere love towards him. Nevertheless, shortly after, Osman, upon some reasonable Conjectures, began to suspect (as indeed the truth was) that Sahamal, for all the fair show of Friendship he made towards him, might for all that receive some secret order from the Persian King to betray him, and to free the City from the Turks, and so to reduce all that Province unto the ancient Devotion; in which jealous suspicion he was fully confirmed by the Speeches of his Wife, the Daughter of Sahamal; who, ravished with the Honour, Valour, and Riches of her Husband, could not conceal any thing that she knew devised against him, but frankly told him, That her Father, being secretly reconciled to the Persian King, held Friendship with him, and that Letters went between them of great matters, and particularly of the Affairs of Siruan. Hereupon the Bassa persuaded himself, that all the Friendship of Sahamal was but deep Dissimulation, and the Marriage of his Daughter nothing but a mean to procure his Death. Nevertheless he made show unto his Wife, as if he had made no such reckoning of it as indeed he did, but kept it in store to his own safety, and the Destruction of Sahamal; whom, for all that he still entertained with all Honour and Kindness due unto a most loving Father-in-law. But to prevent the malicious purpose of Sahamal, having invited him, according to the custom, to a certain solemn Feast, he acquainted certain Companies of his most trusty and valiant Soldiers with his Determination, enjoining them, that as soon as Sahamal was entered into his Court, even in the very dismounting from his Horse, they should all fall upon him, cut off his Head, and put all his retinue to the Sword. 
Sahamal slain by Osman.  Which his cruel command was by them accordingly at Sahamals coming put in execution, he in lighting from his Horse being slain, and all his Followers murdered, when forthwith were sent forth by Osman two thousand Horsemen to spoil and sack all the Country of the said Georgian Lord, to the great marvel and astonishment both of far and near. The Persian King hearing of these News, took the matter grievously, as foreseeing that the recovery of that Country and Province of Siruan would prove a matter of great Difficulty, and fearing greatly that it would still remain (as indeed it doth) in the Possession of the Turks. This was the end of the Turks Attempts against the Persians in Siruan this year 1578, wherein they lost above seventy thousand men, devoured partly with the Sword, and partly with Famine, and the other Miseries of War. And so Winter coming on very sharply, every man withdrew himself from the Field, wholly attending the keeping of that they had already gotten, until the coming on of the next Spring.  
Amurath, advertised by Letters from Mustapha, of all that had happened in the late Expedition against the Persians, 
The Consultations of Amurath.  upon these prosperous Successes (which the Bassa had for the advancing of his own Credit described to be far greater than indeed they were) began to cast many Devices in his Head, touching such matters as were to be attempted the next year. And first, he thought it necessary to send his ●orces again into Siruan, to recover such Places as were first conquered by Mustapha, but afterward again subdued by the Persians; so to establish his Government in that Country. But upon better consideration, he ceased further to think of that matter, for the great hope he had conceived of the aid that was promised him by Tartar Chan, who had faithfully assured both him and Osman, that he would overrun that Province anew, and do great matters in furtherance of the Turks Designs; all which for all that fell out to be but windy words; yet in respect of this hope he laid Siruan aside, and committed the defence thereof to the false Promises of the Tartarian, and the Valour of Osman. And pleasing his ambitious Desires with more haughty Thoughts, he began to devise with himself for sending his Army directly to Tauris, there to erect a Fortress; which being strongly fortified, and furnished with a great Garrison of most valiant Soldiers, should never be again subdued by all the power of Persia; and by this means to keep in Subjection all those great Countries between Tauris and Erzirum. Which his conceit, being of great weight and importance, was much increased by the persuasion of others, very inward with him; every man being almost of Opinion, That it was an easy matter for so great an Host in few days to perform that Service, and to pierce, not only into Tauris, but farther, to pass whithersoever he would desire. Yet after he had more deeply considered of an Enterprise of so great importance, and with more indifferent Judgement compared his own Forces with his Enemies, he began to find many difficulties and Dangers, which in the heat of his ambitious desires he at the first saw not; for beside the length and tediousness of the Journey, he doubted that in sending his Army for Tauris, it might be on the other side assailed by the Georgians (of whose obedience he had as yet no great assurance) and on the other side by the Persians, and so brought into great danger; which he was always to fear, whensoever he should have occasion to send new supplies unto the Fortress by him intended at Tauris. Whereupon, laying aside all his former Conceits, as too eager and perilous, he resolutely concluded with himself, first to make sure his own Borders, and afterwards by little and little to enter into the Enemy's Country, still fortifying in convenient Places as he went; and so surely, although but slowly, to triumph over his Enemies, rather than by thrusting his Army headlong upon uncertainties into places strongly fenced both by Nature and the Power of most mighty Enemies, to be enforced with shame to abandon the enterprise so hastily begun.  
Of this his Resolution he advertised Mustapha by Writing, giving him in charge, 
Mustapha careful to put in execution Amurath's command.  against the next Spring to provide all such things as should be necessary for the building of certain Forts upon the way that leadeth from Erzirum into Georgia: ●hat having made those ways safe, and brought the People under his obedience, he might afterwards attempt greater matters. Whereupon Mustapha presently directed forth Precepts to the Cities of Aleppo, of Damascus, Caraemit, and other Places of Soria and Mesopotamia, for the taking up of cunning Workmen, of Pioners, and such like, to the number of twenty thousand; and likewise wrote to all the Countries, out of which he had raised his Army the last year, That all their Soldiers (yea and in greater number also) should be in readiness against the next Spring, to return to the Wars. The rumour whereof he caused to be spread even as far as Egypt. He commanded also the Taxes and Tenths of those Countries to be collected, and further, used the Chambers of Aleppo, and other Places, for such masses of Money as he thought necessary for these purposes.  
In this while, the two Georgian Brethren, Alexander and Manucchiar, sent (as we have before said) by Mustapha to Amurath at Constantinople, in doubtful hope, expecting the end for which they were both sent unto the Court; were both examined, 
Manucchiar turneth Turk.  and exhorted to embrace the Mahometan Religion, whereunto Manucchiar easily yielded. Whereas on the other side Alexander his elder Brother could by no Allurements or means be induced to consent to so infamous and damnable a change of his Religion, although he knew he should therefore be deprived of his state; 
Alexander constant in his Religion.  but protesting his Obedience at all times to Amurath, and his love to his Brother, requested only, that he might but as a private Man go and live in his Country, there to be buried amongst his Ancestors. Which his request the Turkish Emperor referred to the Discretion of Manucchiar, to do therein as he saw good; who consented thereunto. Hereupon Manucchiar was circumcised, and the name of Mustaffa given him, with the Title of the Bassa and Governor of Altunchala, and of all his Mothers and Brothers Countries: and being thus created a Turk, had his Brother Alexander, a Christian, committed unto him, and so both returned into their own Countries.  
Now in the Persian Court at Casbin, were many Consultations had for the repressing of the Invasions of the Turks. 
Emanguli Chan taketh upon him the defence of Siruan,  And among others careful of those matters, Emanguli Chan, Governor of Genge, doubting to lose his honourable Government, by reason of the late sack of his City, and spoil of his Country by the Tartarians; by those Plots that were daily in contriving for the sending of men into Siruan to impeach the Designments of Osman Bassa, and if it were possible, to drive him out of Derbent; took occasion to offer unto the King, upon pain of his Head, to defend Siruan, and not to suffer Osman the Turk to attempt any new Fortifications, or further Conquests in that Province. Of which his offer the King accepted, and thereupon the Government of Genge, and guarding of the Country of Siruan against the Forces of Osman, was frankly committed unto him; and commandment given to the Governors of Tauris, Reivan, and Nass●●an, and to divers other Captains that were nearest, to be ready at all times with their Power to assist Emanguli Chan, if it should fortune either the Tartarians or Turks, with any great Power to enter into Siruan: which order so taken; was thought sufficient for the Security of that Province.  
But how to protect the Georgian Country, was thought to be a matter of great importance, every man being almost of Opinion, That some great Power of the Turks should be sent thither, for the more assurance of the Conquest thereof already begun, and for the Succour of the Fortress at Tef●is, which must needs otherwise fall again into the hand of the Georgians. This matter so troubled the Persian King, as that he seemed to have bend his whole Counsels and Thoughts thereupon: When Simon, a Georgian, a famous Captain, (sometime Prisoner with Ismahel the late King at Cahaca, and by the familiarity he had with him, seduced from the Christian Faith; for defence whereof he had in the time of King Tamas, chosen to live deprived of his Liberty and State) thinking it now a fit time to obtain at the King's Hand such help as he had long desired, for the recovery of his Dominion usurped by David, otherwise called Daut Chan, his younger Brother (who for the obtaining thereof of King Tamas, had voluntarily renounced his Christian Religion) offered now unto the King his faithful Service, for the defence of that part of the Georgian Country wherein Teflis stood (being in right, part of his own Inheritance) against the Turks; reproving by way of Disgrace, his younger Brother of Cowardice, and promising the performance of great matters in himself, both for the Defence of that evil defended Country, and further annoying of the Enemy. 
Simon with Aliculi Chan sent for the Defence of Georgia.  With great content did the Persian King consent to the request of Simon, and named him Chan of all that Kingdom which he possessed before whilst he was a Christian: and sent with him Aliculi Chan into Georgia, with five thousand Horsemen, and certain pieces of Artillery taken at Eres, when Caietas Bassa was slain. Simon afterwards coming to Georgia, was joyfully received of his Countrymen, and there pressed about three thousand Soldiers of his own and of his Neighbours; excusing himself that he was become a Persian, not because he preferred the Mahometan superstition before the Christian Religion, but only so to be delivered from his long Imprisonment, and by that means to maintain his Estate. And in this order were the Affairs of Georgia assured and strengthened in the best manner that might then be.  
Now began the Spring to approach, year 1579 and every man prepared himself to the discontinued Travels of the Wars begun; 
The meeting together of the Turks Army at Erzirum.  and now were met together at Erzirum, out of all the wont Provinces, all the Turks Forces, with all things necessary for the intended War. With this Army, in all things equal with the first, Mustapha set forward, and in twelve days came to Chars, not perceiving in his Soldiers any sign of discontentment at all. And forasmuch as here they were to stay, and to fortify both with Walls and Ditches that ruinated City, and that with as great speed as was possible; there was no Remedy, but that beside the Pioners and Engineers that were brought for that purpose, many of the Spaoglani, yea and of the janissaries also, must be set to work. Whereupon they all suddenly in a tumult, began with bitter Protestations to tell the General, That their stipends wherewith it pleased the Sultan to favour them, were not bestowed upon them to employ their Forces and Virtues in such servile Works; but only with their Swords and other Weapons, to exercise that force and hardiness for which they were esteemed worthy of that Honour. Whereunto the General answered in most haughty Terms, and not yielding one jot to their Incivility, but using all means of Authority and Terror, brought them to work so much as he desired: 
Chars fortified in twenty three days space.  So that within the space of twenty three days the Towns and Walls were erected, the Ditches digged, the Artillery orderly planted upon the Walls, and the Water brought round about it. Many Inconveniencies happened in the Army while they were busy in this work; and namely upon the twenty fifth day of August, when they had almost even finished the whole Building, the Soldiers endured a most sudden cold by reason of the Snow that then fell in great abundance. 
Snows at Chars in August.   
Chars thus fortified, the General resolved to send Succours into Georgia to Teflis; without which it was most certain that the Fortress would be yielded to the Georgians, but in what sort to relieve it he remained doubtful. To send part of his Army with some valiant Captain seemed dangerous, and to go himself with all his Forces, would ●ound (as he thought) to his discredit with his great Lord and Master, whom he had already made believe that he had subdued the Georgians, and brought all that Province to his Obedience and Devotion. In this Ambiguity, the desire he had to preserve his Credit with Amurath prevailed; and so he made choice of Hassan Bassa, Son to Muhamet, 
Hassan Bassa sent with twenty thousand to the succour of Teflis.  principal Visier of the Court, a gallant Gentleman, and of great Valour, to whom he delivered between eighteen and twenty thousand Soldiers; joining unto him one Resuan, Captain of certain Adventurers that voluntarily offered themselves to follow the Forces of Hassan; assigning unto him likewise forty thousand Ducats, and many loads of Rice, Meal, and Barley, with other things necessary both for Diet and War, and so sent him away for Teflis.  
Hassan with this charge set forward, fully resolved to put these succours into Teflis, or to lose all: and at length came to the famous Straight of Tomanis, where the overgrown Woods on the one side, and the deep Valleys and craggy Rocks on the other, would astonish a right constant Beholder. When upon the sudden, the Persians and the Georgians, under the Conduct of Aliculi Chan and Simon, at unawares set upon the Turks, and joined Battle with them. For these two valiant Captains, remaining for the most part in the Borders of Teflis and Tomanis with 8000 Soldiers, waiting for some Opportunity to annoy either them of the Fort of Teflis, or else such as should come to their Succours; understanding by their espials, of the coming of Hassan with this aid, had scattered themselves all along the said Straight, in hope there to assail the Turks, and, holpen by the advantage of the Place, to drive them headlong into the deep Valley, and at once to bereave them both of their Goods and Life. But Hassan, careful of nothing more than how to avoid that danger, chose rather to make his Journey through the thick Woods, and so as he might to escape the ambush that the Enemy might lay for him upon that strait Passage. 
The Persians assail the Turks, and make of them a great slaughter.  And so entering with his Army into the Wood, which he was to have left upon his left hand, to discover what might be plotted against him, he was hardly charged by the Enemy, and constrained to fight with a thousand windings and turnings in and out, through a thousand crooked Paths and doubtful Cranks, in a most confused medley, with great slaughter of his Men: who, not accustomed to this kind of Fight, nor acquainted with the situation of the place, were in the skirmish driven foe far, that down they fell, and being not able to recover themselves, were presently slain. And thus with much ado he at length passed the Straight of Tomanis. Hassan, deeming himself much disgraced by suffering his Enemies, in number so far inferior, to have done him so much harm, and so to have escaped his hands; and further, considering that in such Places, sleights and stratagems more avail than open Forces; burning with desire of revenge, would needs stay near unto those straits, as if it had been to refresh his wearied Army, but indeed to try if the Persians would adventure again to trouble him, or no: and appointed Resuan Bassa with certain Bands of the Soldiers of Graece, and of his own Adventurers, to lie in ambush within the covert of the Straight, attentive to every stir of the Enemy. Two days the Turks Army lay thus divided, and were now resolved the third day to remove thence towards Teflis; when as the Persian Captains▪ Aliculi Chan and Simon, vainly imagining that this stay of the Turks was for fear of the Persians, foolishly returned, and gave a fresh onset upon the flank of Hassans' Squadrons. 
The Persians overthrown, and Aliculi Chan taken.  Who forthwith raising all his Soldiers, and giving a sign to Resuan, with all speed compassed in his Enemies, and straightening them on both sides, took some of them alive, cut in pieces other some, and put all the rest to flight. Among others that were taken alive, was Aliculi Chan, the Persian Captain, who over-rashly charging upon the face of Hassan, fell into his Hand. The next day following (being the eleventh day after Hassans' departure from Chars) he joyfully arrived at Teflis, 
The Misery of the Turks in Garrison at Teflis.  where he found among the poor besieged Turks many Miseries; whereof some were already dead, and some yet sick, for they were so plagued with Famine, that they not only devoured their Horses, but even the very Skins of the same Horses, of Sheep, and of Dogs, and in such most miserable wants had passed the time; whom Hassan at his arrival comforted with Gifts and good Words, exhorting them to persist constant in the service of their King, whose Honour (as he said) was never more than there to be respected. And for as much as the Soldiers of the Fort did with one Voice request Hassan to appoint them a new Governor, because they did mislike Mahamet Bassa, who the last year was left by the General in that Fort; Hassan removed the said Mahamet, and put Amet Bassa in his place: and so after he had filled up the places of the dead Soldiers with a new supply, and set all things in order, he took his leave, recommending the charge and custody of that Fort to their Trust and Valour. Hassan returning from Teflis, and being without any trouble come to the Straight of Tomanis, was advertised by his Scouts, That it was so strongly possessed by the Enemy, and so shut up with Artillery, as that it was not to be passed through: for Simon, thinking (as indeed it fell out) that Hassan would return that way, had so belayed that Straight, as that the Turks could not without most assured loss pass the same: which thing much troubled the Bassa, and filled his head with many Conceits, how he might make his Journey some other way, and decline the danger prepared for him. Thus perplexed, and altogether doubtful what to do, or which way to turn himself; Aliculi Chan the Persian (who to purchase his Liberty could have been content to have done any thing) offered Hassan to show him a short and safe cut, whereby he might without danger pass with his Army out of that troublesome Country; yet covenanting before, that he should promise him to set him at Liberty for his so good Service. Which his request the Bassa did not stick in large manner to promise, although he afterwards to his great dishonour performed not the same. So bending his Journey on the right hand, he was guided by Aliculi through strange and uncouth ways, out of those Woods and Dangers, not meeting so much as with one of his Enemies. But when the Persian Duke well hoping for his Liberty, put the Turk in mind of his promise; he with deep and feigned sighs protested, That he was right sorry that he could not perform what he had promised to do for him, forasmuch as it lay not in his Power to set any man at Liberty, that was taken in Battle by the Soldiers of his great Lord and Sovereign: yet gave him his faith, that so far as his Entreaties and Favours with the General Mustapha could prevail, he would use all the most earnest means he could to procure his liberty and return to his own Country.  
Simon the Georgian, 
Simon destroyed the rearward of Hassan's Army, and taketh from him his Treasure.  perceiving that the Turks were removed, imagined forthwith that they had taken this new way: but being afterward certified by his faithful Spies, that it was so indeed, he ran all headlong, and as it were desperate, to meet with this so happy an Army. And all inflamed with rage for this great Fortune of the Turks, he fell upon the tail of the Turkish Host, which with unmeasurable Fury he wholly destroyed, leading away with him all the People, all the Horses, and all the Treasure of Mahamet Bassa which he brought from Teflis, and all the Treasure of Hassan Bassa likewise. As for Aliculi Chan, whom Simon most greedily sought for, he was sent way in the front of the Army, so that he was not to be rescued. Hassan holding on his way, came to Chars in the space of eight days after his departure from Teflis, and there presented unto Mustapha the General, the Persian Captain Aliculi, recounting unto him the dangers he had endured, and whatsoever else had happened in that Expedition. Aliculi, the unfortunate Persian, was by the commandment of Mustapha carried to Erzirum, and there in the Castle committed to Prison. Not long after, 
Mustapha returneth to Erzirum, and there dischargeth his Army.  Mustapha returned himself also to the said City of Erzirum, with his Army sore weakened and discontented; which was there presently by him discharged.  
About the same time that these things were in doing, Amurath, to make a safer and more easy passage for his Forces into Georgia, sent Vluzales his Admiral with a great Fleet into the Euxine Sea to Mengrelia, called in ancient time Colchis; who entering the famous River of Phasis (now Fassa) there fortified, and laid such a beginning, that it is now one of the Turks proud Beglerbegships, although those Fortifications, shortly after the departure of the Admiral, were for the present again by the Mengrelians demolished. And this was the end of the stirs of this year 1579.  
Of all these Successes Mustapha afterwards sent Advertisements to the Court to Amurath, recounting unto him the fortifying of Chars, the Deserts of Hassan, as well for the succouring of Teflis, as for the taking of Aliculi the Persian. And because the said General had the year before persuaded Amurath, That the Country of Georgia, and the People thereof, were brought under his Obedience, to the end that he should not marvel at so many Losses and so many Battles, and thereby doubt of some false Informations; he declared unto him, that all these Troubles were not raised by the natural and homebred Georgians, but by two certain Captains, Aliculi and Simon, sent out of Persia, who had made all these stirs; of which one of them now remained with him in Prison, for him to determine of at his Pleasure. With great Delight did the Turkish Emperor read all that Mustapha had written, 
Hassan Bassa rewarded for his good Service by Amurath.  and by two of his Gentlemen-Ushers sent to Hassan a Battle-axe all gilt and set full of Stones, a Target of Gold and Pearl, and a rich Garment of Cloth of Gold, in reward of his good Service, for which he greatly commended him; and withal gave order, That Aliculi should be kept where he was in the Castle of Erzirum, in diligent and safe Custody.  
These Invasions of the Turks much troubled the Persian King in his Court at Casbin, considering, that now they had both throughly acquainted themselves with all the Passages into Georgia, (in the difficulty and roughness whereof consisted the chief defence of that Province) as also that divers of the Georgian Princes were more than inclining unto the Turks Service; so that he could not but justly fear, that his Enemies would in time begin to pierce into the noble Cities of Media the greater, yea and peradventure even unto Tauris before any of the rest. Which his care of foreign Invasion was doubled with domestical Fears; Mirize Salmas, his chief Visier, and upon whom he most rested, still filling his Head with a jealous Suspicion, That Abas Marize's Son (made Governor of Heri, by Tamas his Grandfather,) was about in these Troubles with the Turk, to proclaim himself King of Persia, to the great Ignominy of his Father, and Prejudice of Emir Hamze, his eldest Brother, the worthy and undoubted Heir of that Kingdom. This Mirize Salmas (according to his longing desire) had married a Daughter of his to the said Emir Hamze, with the Consent of the King his Father; but yet not content with that Honour, ceased not continually with ambitious Devices, to seek out means how to bring to pass, that the Persian Estate might wholly remain to his Son-in-law, undivided and entire from the Participation of his Brethren; and therefore little regarding the Perils that might happen from the Turks, and blinded with the desire of his own greatness, he went about to turn the King (being a man very credulous and inconsiderate) against Abas Marize; either to take him and commit him to Prison, or at least to bereave him of all Authority and Command. And the better to persuade the King thereunto, he discovered unto him, how little Abas Marize's Son had respected him in divers Occasions; and that in these late Wars he had not so much as sent forth one man against the Turks, but had forbidden such as were of his Jurisdiction of Heri, to come to Casbin, at such time as they were summoned both by Letters and Commandment, to have passed with Emir Hamze into Siruan; by reason whereof not one of them would stir a foot, answering, That they were enjoined so to do by Abas Marize, their Lord; who had not only caused himself to be called King of Heri, but had given it out, that he meant to claim the Succession in the whole Kingdom. These complaints much prevailed with the King, both in respect of the love he bore to Emir Hamze, his eldest Son, and also of the credit he gave to his Visier; especially being accompanied with the crafty packing of the said Visier; who as he was very cunning in such Practices of himself, so did he make them much more effectual with the effeminate King, by the means of divers great Ladies, and other Devices that were to him very familiar and usual: Insomuch that the King, carried away with light belief, did continually bethink himself how to find Opportunity to repress the boldness of his disobedient Son; not forgetting for all that, to make such preparation against the Turks, as should be sufficient to stay their Passage to Tauris, if they had any purpose so to do. But leaving the Persian King to his troubled Cogitations for a while, let us again return unto the Turks General, the great Bassa Mustapha.  
He now lying at Erzirum, after many troubles abroad, was surprised, 
Mustapha discharged of his Generalship, and called home to Constantinople.  and almost overwhelmed with unexpected Quarrels at home, many grievous Complaints being made of him to Amurath, whereby he was induced afterwards to take from him his Generalship, and to call him to the Court to give account of his Actions. Which seemed not to be done without cause, he having before raised a great Discontentment in the Mind of Amurath, by sending such a strong power to the Succours of Teflis; whereby he conjectured, that the Affairs of Georgia were not in such Security as Mustapha had already informed him they were, and also generally offended the Minds of the Soldiers of his Army, who all in an uproar, accused him of Improvidence and Prodigality, for that now this second year he had with so much ado gathered together such a number of Soldiers, to the trouble of the whole Empire, and infinite charge of their Lord, and yet performed nothing worthy the Glory of Amurath, or answerable to so great a charge. Which Complaints, although they were of some moment, yet would the Turkish Emperor, for the great Favours he bore unto him his ancient Tutor, never have construed them so hardly against him, as for the same to have been induced to have deprived him of his place, if the inveterate envy of Sinan Bassa had not ministered strength and force to these hard Accusations, and set (as it were) an edge upon Amurath to do what he afterwards did.  
This Sinan was a most ancient Enemy to Mustapha, and in all things thought himself his match. For if Mustapha had subdued Cyprus, so had he conquered Tripoli, Guletta, with the Kingdom of Tunes in Africa: and if Mustapha were a man of great Courage, and reverend for his years, Sinan would be his equal both in the one and the other; yea, and did not stick to think himself his better too, for that in the enterprise of Giamen in Arabia, he performed such an Exploit as Mustapha neither durst, nor yet knew how to put in Execution, so carrying away the Glory of that famous Conquest; for which ever after there was between them a continual heartburning, one of them envying at the others Glory, and both in Word and Deed, as Occasions fell out, in all things opposing themselves one against the other. At last happens this Opportunity for Sinan, 
Sinan accuseth Mustapha to Amurath.  who taking the occasion of the Complaints of so many against Mustapha▪ caused a great number of them to frame their Supplications to Amurath, which he for his part did in most malignant manner enforce and exaggerate against his old Adversary, accusing him, that this second year he had most manifestly showed himself to have gone unto the Wars, not as a worthy General, desirous of noble and honourable Enterprises, but as a man that would make merchandise of Blood, and of his Soldiers pay; employing the most liberal Provision of Corn and Money, not as Rewards of well-deserving men, nor to the erecting of such Pabricks as were needful, and might have been built therewithal, but only to his own proper gain, so to enrich himself with his People's losses, to the great shame of his Lord, and consuming of the public Treasure; adding hereunto, that if the things done by Mustapha were well searched, it would be found, that he had neglected many good Opportunities, attempted many things in vain, and not done any good either to the Emperor or his Soldiers, but only to himself; whom rather than they would follow again as their General, all his People in an uproar showed themselves ready and willing to adventure themselves in any other far greater Labour that by their Lord and Sovereign should be commanded them.  
These and such like Complaints, with the hard Opinion already conceived against him by Amurath, were the occasion why he resolved to put him from his place. Beside that, he thought it a thing dangerous to his state, to suffer one and the self same General any long time to command over so great Armies; deeming it not so much for his Honour, still to employ one man, as to show that he had variety and choice of Subjects, worthy of so great a charge. 
Io. Leuncla, in supplement. Annal. Tu●cicorum, pag. 79.  And therefore, being desirous to find out the truth of that was reported to him concerning Mustapha, he sent the chief of his Gentlemen Porters, with fifteen others, to bring him to the Court, with his Chancellor and Treasurer, to show the accounts of such moneys as he had received, and to give up an account of their whole Office. Unto this Messenger had Amurath delivered three divers Letters, which he should warily show, as occasion served; one of them was so written of purpose, that Mustapha in the receiving thereof might by the same Messengers be strangled; in the second was the Emperors warrant for the doing of that was to them commanded; and in the third was contained, that Mustapha should forthwith send his Chancellor and Treasurer to the Court by those Messengers. Mustapha in the mean time by divers means, but especially by the guilt of his own Conscience, venting the Displeasure of the Emperor towards him, and suspecting (as the truth was) his Life to be by those Messengers sought after, at such time as the Captain Porter came to his Camp, found many delays to put him off, and would not in any case be spoken withal. But when the Messenger would endure no longer delay, he was at length admitted to his presence, having a circle appointed for him, out of which he and his Companions might not stir or approach nearer unto him, the Bassa's Guard standing in Arms round about him. The Messenger perceiving the Bassa's wariness, wilily plucked forth the third Letters, concerning the sending of his Chancellor and Treasurer to the Court. Then began the crafty old Bassa to find many excuses to have delayed the matter; but being hardly pressed by the Messenger, and seeing no other Remedy, he with much difficulty delivered them both, covenanting before with the Messenger, to have both their Lives spared; who coming to Constantinople, were forthwith clapped fast into the Tower called jadicula, as there to have been severely examined of all the doings of the Bassa, But Mustapha, after long delay, coming at length to Constantinople, the ninth of April in the Spring following, and using the mighty and potent mediation of divers great Ladies, 
Mustapha by the Mediation of certain great Ladies appeaseth the displeasure of Amurath.  and other his gracious Friends in Court, prevailed so much in that corrupt Government, as that he was again at length received into the Favour of Amurath, without any further proceeding against Him, his Chancellor, or Treasurer, who by his means were afterwards also enlarged and set at liberty; yet was he never after admitted to those Honours, which he persuaded himself were of right due unto him, for his good and faithful service of long time done to the Ottoman Emperors.  
In this time that Mustapha was General at Erzirum, Muhamet the Visier Bassa was treacherously slain at Constantinople; after whom, shortly died also Achmet Bassa, who succeeded in his place; so that the said sovereign Dignity, in Honour next unto the Turkish Emperor, was by rightful Succession due to Mustapha, the next Bassa; but that he was not thought worthy of it by him that might, and of right aught to have gratified him therewith, as shall be a little hereafter declared, when we have briefly set down the sudden and strange death of the said Muhamet the Visier, worthy in all Histories to be registered, as a mirror for all such as administer Justice in so great place, to look upon.  
This Bassa, 
The strange Death of the great Visier Bassa Muhamet.  a man of as great Fame as ever was any that had Government in the Ottoman Empire, in the time that he all commanded, had for some light causes deprived a certain Soldier of Constantinople of his yearly Pension, which, with many Labours and Dangers he had gotten to maintain himself; which Pension the Bassa bestowed upon another Soldier, so that the other poor Soul remained in Misery, altogether unprovided for. Unto which miserable estate seeing himself now brought, and not guilty to himself of any Fault worthy so great Punishment, he determined with himself, to revenge the Injury with the Blood of that great Bassa, and to bereave him of Life, that had bereft him of Living; which, because he could not by any fit means put in Execution (by reason of the Guard of Slaves that kept the Person of the Visier, so that no man can come near him that holdeth that high place) except he could by some means acquaint himself in the Viziers House, and so insinuate himself into his acquaintance; he resolved to take upon him the rude habit of those religious, which the Turks call Deruislars, and after their manner to present himself every Morning before the Visier, to ask his Alms, and so he did, counterfeiting withal, a certain kind of folly and lightness of Mind, as do those Deruislars, to make the People believe, that they contemn all worldly things, as men ravished only with heavenly Cogitations; which yet was by some that kn●w him, thought to have happened in him, through the Grief he had conceived for the loss of his stipend. Muhamet not only the first time, but also at all other times that this counterfeit Hypocrite came before him, caused him to be comforted with his Alms, and as it were with a kind of private stipend, enjoined him every Morning to come unto him into the Divano, and there, together with others appointed for the same purpose▪ to say his devout Prayers, and in singing Praises to their wicked Prophet, to entreat God for his Salvation; for it is a custom of all the Noblemen, that at ordinary hours of Prayers, all their Priests assemble themselves in the Divano, which is made ready for them; and there altogether the infidel Wretches do with their unclean Mouths mumble up their superstitious Prayers, or rather most abominable Blasphemies. By this means did this dissembling Companion so insinuate himself into the Viziers Acquaintance, that the counterfeit fool went in and out of the Divano at his Pleasure, no man gainsaying either his going in or coming out, but daily sat in the Presence of the Visier, and so having said his Prayers, and taken his Alms, with all Reverence quietly departed. At last, when the crafty Hypocrite thought that the time was come wherein he might most fitly execute his purpose, having utterly resolved with himself to die, so that he might satisfy the Desire he had of Revenge, so long covertly fostered in his Heart; having conveyed a very sharp Dagger secretly into one of his Sleeves, he went according to his Custom, to require his Alms, with an assured Resolution (when he had said his Prayers, and reached out his hands to receive his wont Alms) speedily to charge upon the Visier, and with the Dagger to strike him to the Heart. According to the accustomed manner was the counterfeit Hypocrite (for who would ever have suspected so long and so traitorous a designment) admitted into the Divano, where Muhamet the Visier sat in his House, to give public audience, and after the usual manner, before any of the suitors that attended for answers and dispatch of their business suspected any such deceit, he was admitted near to the Visier, and sitting right against him, according to his old wont, poured out those vain Devotions which those hypocritical Barbarians use to mumble up in their Prayers; which being finished, whilst the Visier simply reacheth unto him his wont Alms, the traitorous Villain in receiving it, suddenly drew out his Dagger, and once or twice stabbed it into the Viziers Breast, out of which so deadly Wounds gushed out his Blood and Life together. Whereupon the standers by, astonished with the strangeness of the Act, ran in, but lo the old hoary Visier lay all soiled in his own Blood, deadly pale, and breathing forth his last gasp. The mischievous murderer they presently laid hands upon, and bound him fast; but the Rumour of the strange fact did by and by fly unto the Emperor's Ears, who, suspecting that some of the other great Bassa's, desiring to mount into that high Dignity, had provoked the Traitor to do this detestable Act, would needs understand of the traitorous Murderer, what occasion had moved him so treacherously to kill his Visier. Who resolutely answered him, That he did it to deliver the City of Constantinople from the Tyranny of him, by whom he was undeservedly deprived of his Pension. But when he could get no other answer of him, he delivered him into the hands of the Slaves of the dead Visier, who with most exquisite Torments put him to death.  
Muhamet thus dead, after him succeeded Achmetes the next Bassa, who (as is before said) shortly after died also, so that it was now Mustapha's course to succeed in that chief room, for that he was the third in the order of the Bassaes. But when he had used all the means that he possibly could, to have obtained that so honourable a place by order due unto him; yet could he not find so much grace in the sight of Amurath, his great Lord, as to have it granted him under Seal, although in effect he made him sit as Visier, and all matters of State were brought unto him as chief Visier: but in his stead the Seal was sent to Sinan Bassa, who was now made General for the Persian Wars. Which disgrace not a little discontented Mustapha, fearing le●t some other strange accident should in short time light upon him.  
year 1580 After that Mustapha was thus displaced from his Generalship, Amurath nominated Sinan Bassa to be General in his stead, 
Sinan Bassa chosen General for the Persian War.  for this Expedition against the Persians, and for the Preservation of Chars and Teflis; giving him sovereign Authority to command, and to set in order all such Preparations as he should think necessary for such Enterprises as he should think good to attempt in his first year; who although by reason of his great favour, he grew haughty and Glorious, yet did he not fores●ow to discourse throughly with himself upon all his Designments: and namely, beside the succouring of Teflis, he determined to build a Fort at Tomanis, to assure the Passage thither from Chars; and withal to attempt all the means he could to induce the Persian King to send Ambassadors for Peace, with such Conditions as should be acceptable to Amurath. With these and such like Discourses did he busy himself whilst he was yet making preparation to set forwards towards Erzirum.  
Of all these changes and alterations was the Persian King advertised, as also that this new Turkish General Sinan was careful how this long War might by some means be appeased, and a good Peace concluded. Upon which occasion, and by the Persuasion of Levent Ogli, the Georgian, and of Mirize Salmas the Visier, he was induced to send Ambassadors to Constantinople, to demand Peace of Amurath. Upon which Resolution he dispatched Maxut Chan (of some called Maxudes) his Ambassador, 
The Persian King sendeth Maxut Chan his Ambassador to Amurath.  with direction that he should go to Sinan, and of him to receive Guides to conduct him to Constantinople with Letters to Amurath, and as much as lay in him, to labour for the pacifying of all these troubles: and in any case to conclude upon it, so that he would be content with Chars and Teflis. With these Instructions the Ambassador departed, and at length arrived at Chars, and so came to Erzirum, and was from thence conducted towards Amasia. But when he came to Sivas, he found Sinan the General there encamped, gathering together his Army for the Execution of his Designments: for Sinan, upon the arrival of Mustapha, departing from Constantinople the five and twentieth day of April, was now come so far on his way. Of the coming of this Ambassador, the Turks received great Joy, and News thereof was in post sent by Cicala Bassa to the Court. The Persian Ambassador informed Sinan of all that he had to treat with Amurath on the behalf of King Mahamet; and laboured earnestly to persuade him of the Equity of the Cause, and of his Request; declaring unto him, That forasmuch as both the Nations were conjoined under the Law of Mahomet their common Prophet (though there seemed some small difference not worth those troubles) it were a very inconvenient thing for them to contend among themselves, and to seek the overthrow or utter destruction of one another; and that therefore he was in good hope to obtain of Amurath this desired Peace, if he had no other cause wherewith he found himself aggrieved, as in truth he had not. Wherefore he besought the General, that he would with safe Convoy conduct him to Amurath, to the end that, if it were possible, these bloody Wars might take end; at the very report whereof, the rest of the World rejoiced, and stood attentively waiting to see what would be the issue thereof.  
This Ambassador Sinan entertained after the best manner the rudeness of his Nature would afford; and thinking that the very fame of his Valour had wrought in the Minds of his Enemies this Resolution, to come to demand Peace, granted unto the Ambassador a sure Convoy to conduct him to Constantinople; and wrote to Amurath in his Letters, all that he thought was fit to be demanded, representing unto him what great and important matters (he hoped) might now be obtained. But before he dismissed the said Ambassador, 
The Admonition of Sinan to the Persian Ambassador.  he advised him not to go to Amurath, without Resolution to offer unto him some great good Conditions, and to yield unto him all that Country which he by force of Arms had before conquered: for he knew the mind of Amurath very well, that he was resolved in himself, not to yield so much as one hands breadth of that Ground which he had won with the Sword. Which motion of the proud Bassa so troubled the Ambassador, that fearing he should not be able to conclude any thing, he stood in doubt, whether to proceed on his Journey to Constantinople, or to return back again into Persia; but considering better what belonged to his Duty in so weighty a business, and hoping to receive more reasonable Conditions from the mouth of Amurath himself, he gave large words to Sinan, and so with a safe Convoy departed from Sivas, and by long Journeys came to Scutari, and so passing over that little strait, the fourth of August arrived at Constantinople.  
The Persian King in the mean time, stirred up with the report of the Turks Preparations, 
The Preparations of the Persian King against the Turks.  to cause it to be noised, that he likewise intended some important matters, commanded all the Chans and Governors of his Kingdom, to meet together with all their Forces at Tauris, where he himself, with the Prince Emir Hamze his Son, met them. And after many Consultations there had for the repressing of the Turkish Invasion (for as yet it was not certainly known what Sinan meant to attempt) he resolved to send Soldiers into Georgia towards Teflis, whether of necessity Succours must be sent by the Turks to them of the Fort; and withal, determined also to go himself with all his Army from Tauris to Caracach, a place very commodious and near, to guard both Tauris and Siruan, being situate even in the midst between the one and the other; and there to expect the removing of Sinan, whose ambitious Nature the King knowing, doubted that he, to surmount Mustapha, would attempt some great Enterprise; yea peradventure, to run even upon Tauris. But when it came to the point that he should send some of his Captains into Georgia, he made choice of such as had best experience of those Countries, and were nearest unto him; with whom he sent Tocomac also, and the rest, whose Service he had before used against the Turks: commanding them to join their Forces with Simon the Georgian, and by all means possible to annoy the Enemy; whom, if they should perceive to bend for Tauris, they should not fail to follow him; to the end they might join together with him, and so encounter the Enemy's Army. All those Captains were resolute men, and led with them ten thousand Soldiers, which being joined with them of Georgia, amounted to the number of thirteen thousand: who, arriving at Genge, gave knowledge to Simon of their coming, and that in his behalf they were ready to do great Matters.  
Now was the Persian Ambassador with all due honour received at Constantinople, where he was honourably entertained by the great Bassas of the Court, but especially by Mustapha, who within two days after, suddenly died; of a surfeit taken of eating too much of Musk-melons, and immoderate drinking of Zerbet, (a kind of pleasant drink which the Turks use, made of Water and Sugar:) but most men thought him to have poisoned himself, as fearing the former indignation of Amurath to be again inflamed by the new complains of the Persian Ambassador against him, for that he in the time of his Generalship, had dishonourably suppressed certain Ambassages sent from the Persian King; which he now fearing to be called in question for, the former storms as yet scarce well appeased, made himself now away. After his death it was commonly reported, that if he had longer lived, he should have been undoubtedly strangled; which to prevent, he became the worthy Executioner of himself, that had most unjustly caused others to be most shamefully murdered. Which was the more like to be true, and the rather believed, for that the infinite Wealth he had of long time scraped together, was immediately after his Death taken into the King's Treasuries, some small portion thereof being left unto his Nephews; a most certain token of Amurath's Indignation against him. The Persian Ambassador having audience the seventh of August, with many lively Reasons and much Eloquence, persuaded the Turkish Emperor to desist from the War begun, as contrary to the Will and Pleasure of their common Prophet Mahomet; as also to the Peace, which was so royally, and with so many Capitulations, not long before concluded between Tamas and Solyman his Grandfather; and was not to have been broken, and Wars raised, but upon some great Quarrel or Injury done; which the Persians had not at any time offered, but had always wished unto him all Happiness, as they had manifestly declared, by sending unto him an Embassage to that purpose by Sultan Tocamac; whereby he might plainly perceive the good mind and zeal the Persian King had for the maintenance of the Peace. And although in the short reign of Ismahel, there was some Rumour raised, that he meant to go unto Babylonia, and some such like News: yet that was but a youthful part, and an effect of that heat which is commonly proper to such as being kept long in straight Prison, cannot use their Liberty with Moderation, and had therefore received due Punishment for it, by sudden and unexpected death. But as for the King that now is, he did above all others, embrace amity with his Majesty, and therefore did most earnestly desire, that it would please him to temper his Anger conceived, which had incensed him to take up Arms against a King so much his Friend; being of the same Religion, and better affected towards him than all the rest of the Nations in the World.  
This Ambassador the Turkish Emperor dismissed without any Resolution at all, but only gave order, that whatsoever he had to say touching this Peace, he should communicate it with his Visier. Many were the Discourses which happened▪ for that the Turk required all those Cities and Countries, which till that time he had conquered with the Sword, or (as their proud manner of Phrase is) whereon his General's Horse had trod, to be yielded again unto him; and the Ambassador on the other side, had no warrant from his King to yield any more than that part of Georgia, which is on this side the River of Araxis. Whereupon the said Ambassador began to fear, lest he should be suspected for a Spy, and so be evil entreated: wherewithal he did find himself too manifestly charged by the hard speech that the Visier used towards him. Being thus doubtful whereupon to resolve, perceiving himself strained to the grant of these demands, and receiving also some threatenings withal, he determined with himself to enlarge his Speeches with the Visier in divers and sundry particularities, and to give him good hope that he should be able to persuade with his King, the yielding up of so much as Amurath had and did demand. Hereupon was Maxut Chan the Ambassador in friendly manner and without any outrage sent from Constantinople to Chars, and Commission given to Sinan (then at Chars) that without delay, and with all fidelity, he should cause the Ambassador to be conducted to Van, and from thence into Persia, wheresoever he did desire; all which was faithfully performed.  
But to return again to Sinan the General, 
Sinan mustereth his Army at Erzirum.  who from Sivas had sent the said Ambassador to Constantinople (as is before declared;) and being departed thence, arrived at Erzirum, where he took a Survey of his Army, and other Provision necessary for this Expedition: and so from thence was now come to Chars, from whence he dispatched the Persian Ambassador, much discontented that no other Conclusion for Peace could be wrought.  

Maxut Chan reporteth unto the King what he hath done, and is for his good service by him rewarded.  Maxut Chan at last arriving at the Persian Court, reported unto the King all that had happened in this his Ambassage; the sum whereof was, That Amurath would not condescend to any condition of Peace, unless the whole Country of Siruan might be yielded unto him, for that he had once (as he said) conquered the same. Neither did the same Ambassador forbear to tell the King the Suspicion Amurath had conceived of him, to have been a Spy rather than an Ambassador; and of the large Promises he was fain to make to the Turk, to avoid the manifest danger of Imprisonment, or Death: all which for all that, now lay in his Majesty's Power to perform or not. The King for the present remained well satisfied with that Maxut had done, and in reward of his great travel and expenses, gave him the charge of the Chamber at Tauris, naming him the Chamberlain of that rich and great City. Of which new Office (though very honourable, and of great importance) he took small Pleasure, for that one Emir Chan, his ancient Enemy, was chief Governor of that City, from whom he feared some dangerous treachery; wherefore he appointed his Deputy for the Execution of the Office, and withdrew himself from Tauris to Cassangich, a place of his own, there to pass away the time until it should please the King otherwise to dispose of him. But Emir Chan, who still nourished in his mind the ancient hatred he had conceived against him, took this as a most fit occasion to bring him into disgrace with the King; certifying him, That Maxut, not contented with the great preferment it had pleased him to bestow upon him, had in contempt of his rewards abandoned Tauris, and substituted in his place a most base Person to represent the King's Majesty, and to manage his Treasure: and that he absented himself far from that City and the Court there, having withdrawn himself into the Confines of Turkey, no doubt for some mischievous intent, either to yield himself unto them, or else to have Intelligence with them, and was like enough to be guilty to himself of the great Error he had already committed, by offering Siruan unto the Turkish King; and making promise of so large Conditions, whereby he had obtained such a sure and safe Convoy to conduct him; when as he had before discovered himself to be a Favourer of the Turks, and a Traitor to his own King: and that therefore it were good to make trial of his Inclination, and so peradventure to decline some great Mischief, tending to the danger of the Persian State. This malicious Accusation slily contrived, so wrought in the mind of the suspicious King, that he commanded Emir Chan secretly to apprehend Maxut, and to bring him to the Court, and (if he could not by other means) then by torture to wrest from him the truth of all those matters. Glad was Emir to have his Enemy thus put into his hands; and thought it long until he had brought this shame upon Maxut: who having already heard some inkling thereof, resolved with himself to do any thing, rather than to fall into the Power of his hateful Enemy. And therefore at such time as fifteen tall fellows were for that purpose sent unto him from Emir Chan, who in the King's name summoned him to the Court; he, without making any show that he took the matter otherwise than well, entertained them courteously, and made them great cheer; but when he perceived them to be overcome with sleep, which crept upon them by reason of the excess wherewith they had overcharged themselves, he caused them to be straight bound, and with long Cords hanged them down into a deep Well, and there shut them up secretly covered. Then gathering together the most precious things he had in his House, 
Maxut Chan flieth unto the Turks.  and setting his Wives, his Children, his Brethren, and Nephews on Horseback, fled with all his Family in the Evening, and the next day arrived at Salmas, and was there friendly entertained by the Turkish Bassa, and from thence conveyed to Van, where he was courteously welcomed by Citala Bassa, and honourably accompanied, sent to Sinan the General, who very glad of his coming, sent him with all diligence to Constantinople, to Amurath. And this was in effect the end of the first enterparlance of Peace betwixt the Persians and the Turks.  
Sinan remained at Chars eight days, and there again surveyed his Army and Provision; and afterwards set forward towards Tomanis, with Resolution there to build a Fort. But being come thither, he could by no means put that his Designment in Execution, by reason of the immoderate Rain, which continually, by the space of eight days fell in such abundance, as that neither did the Sun appear, or the Sky clear. Beside that, Sinan greatly feared lest the Enemy, taking the Opportunity of this Rain, of the Straight, and of the Building, should assault his Army, and finding it in evil plight, and out of order, greatly endamage it; wherefore, casting off his former Determination for fortifying at Tomanis, he removed thence, to carry Succours to Teflis. But as soon as he was risen with his Army, and past the Straight, Tal-Ogli, Captain of the janissaries of Damascus, and Homar, Sanzack of Saffeto, having received secret intelligence, that hard by, a little out of the way, was good store both of Corn and cattle; resolved with themselves to go thither to fetch in that booty; and so with two thousand Soldiers, greedy of Prey, they set forward. Now Simon the Georgian, and the Persians, following the Turks Army a far off, had divided his Soldiers into all such places as where there was either Corn or Water, or any such thing as might allure the Turks to scatter themselves from the Camp; and perceiving these hungry Turks carelessly to run headlong to lay hold on this desired booty, he suddenly fell upon them, and cut them in pieces, being disordered; so that of those two thousand escaped but Tal-Ogli the Captain of the janissaries only, Homar the Sanzack, and all the rest being left dead upon the Ground. 
Sinan cometh to Teflis.   
Sinan holding on his way, in two days came to Teflis; where presently he called a Counsel of all the chief men of his Army; taking order, That every man upon his Oath, should depose the truth touching the greatness of Teflis; which he did, only in reproach of Mustapha the great Bassa; who most untruly had informed Amurath, That it was as great and populous as Damascus, whereas in truth it was not in any respect to be compared unto that so famous a City. After that, he divided the Treasure and Succours he had brought, among the Soldiers of the Fortress, cheering them up with good Words, and promises of great Matters. And because the Soldiers there in Garrison complained greatly against the Bassa their Captain, he caused a Bill of complaint to be framed against him, and finding him guilty, that he had converted the Soldiers pay to his own use, he condemned him to the Restitution thereof, and so immediately discharging him of his Office, placed in his room Guisuf Bey, a Lord of Georgia; who for the ancient Enmity between him and Simon, had yielded himself to the Turks, and was of them so welcomed, that Sinan trusted him with the Custody of that Fort, which with so many dangers had been maintained and defended till that day.  

Sinan departeth from Teflis.  All things thus set in order at Teflis, Sinan with his Army departed thence, and having again passed the Straight of Tomanis, there came unto him Mustaffad Bassa (afterward Governor of Aleppo) declaring unto him, That not far off was great store of Corn and cattle, and no body but only a few Georgians to keep the same; and therefore wished him to send forth some to fetch it in, whereof, though it had been much more, his Army then stood in great need. Sinan was well affected unto this Mustaffad, and therefore the easilier induced by him to send for the aforesaid booty; but moved with the fresh remembrance of that which had happened to Tal-Ogli and Homar, he gave order, That to fetch in this Corn and cattle there should go out 10000 Horsemen and their Servants, among whom was also the same Mustaffad as their General. Now stood Tocomac, Simon, and the other Persian Captains in secret ambush, waiting when any of the Turks should come to fetch in this booty. Whereupon the aforesaid Soldiers being now come, as they desired, and having almost charged all their Mules and Horses with that which best pleased them to make choice of; the hidden Persians all on a sudden issued out of their lurking places among them, and with great slaughter put them to flight, and with such fury pursued the Victory, that they slew of them 7000, 
Seven thousand Turks slain by the Georgians and Persians.  carried away many Prisoners alive, and the Mules and Horses laden with the stolen booty. Mustaffad was the first that fled, and the first that brought the unhappy News of that overthrow to Sinan; which was forthwith confirmed by the report of such as had by speedy flight escaped the Fury of the Enemy. Whereupon Sinan dispatched the Bassa of Caramania with a great Power, charging him wheresoever he should find the Enemy, to set upon him; and presently rising himself with his whole Camp, followed the said Bassa: but all too late, for the Persians, after the aforesaid Victory, without staying, had withdrawn themselves into their strong Places, known only to such as were well acquainted with the difficult Passages of Georgia: and having there disposed of their Prey, were now returning to wait some fresh occasion of new slaughter. But when they descried the whole army of the Turks upon the rising of a certain Hill, they were afraid to meet them, yea and stood in some doubt also, lest Sinan should descend from the Hill, and so assault them; for which cause they retired themselves again into the strength of the Mountains; yet not with such speed but that the Turks overtook some few of them, and slew about fifty or threescore of them, whose Heads, in sign of Triumph, they carried a good part of the way upon the points of their Spears; and took Prisoners about threescore and ten more.  
At last Sinan with all his Army having passed these dangerous Places of Georgia, arrived at Triala, where it was told him, That the Persian King in Person, himself being already departed from Tauris, with an exceeding great Army was coming to bid him Battle. At which News he caused Proclamation to be presently made through all his Army, That every man should put himself in readiness for the Voyage to Tauris, whither he himself meant to go to meet with the King his Enemy. In the mean time (as is reported) he dispatched certain Posts to the Persian King, then at Carachach, to entreat him to send another Ambassador to Amurath for Peace, thinking by that means (as some do conjecture) to remove the King from the Resolution of coming to assail him, if he had any such meaning. After this Proclamation made, he descended into the open and large Plain of Chielder; where presently he mustered his whole Army, and gave it out, That before he would set forward toward Tauris, he would make trial of the readiness and nimbleness of his Soldiers, in such sort as if they should presently join battle with the Enemy; which, without further delay, he put in Execution the next Morning, formally ranging his whole Army in order of Battle, and then sending out some few others to show themselves upon the top of certain Hills, as if they had been Enemies that came to seize upon his Army; he caused all his Artillery to be discharged, and commanded every man to skirmish and bestir himself altogether after the same manner as if the Enemy had been there present before them: where the thundering of the great and small shot, the thick storms of Arrows, with the brightness of the Armour and Weapons, yielding forth lightnings as if it had been fiery beams, and the noise of Drums and Trumpets, and other Instruments of War, with the Ensigns of blue and yellow flying in the Wind, made such a medley of all things, as if it had been the turmoil of a very battle indeed. In the end he caused the retreat to be sounded, and then setting all his Army in order again, made the like show the second time, and so the third time also; 
Sinan derided of his Soldiers.  which was indeed performed with the great scorn and derision of his Soldiers, who deemed it rather children's play, than any commendation to the proud Bassa. These counterfeit shows of War thus finished, yet did he not set forward toward Tauris, as he had given it out, but loitered eight days in those Plains of Chielder. At which time there arrived out of Persia one Aider the Aga, as an Ambassador from the King, who was by Sinan with great Joy entertained. Divers were the things by this Ambassador propounded, such as had Maxut Chan before; but the conclusion of all was, that the Persian King would be content voluntarily to relinquish Chars and Teflis, and so remain as he did before, in Amity with Amurath; and so desired Sinan to conclude a peace with his Master, if it might be; as for himself, this Message done, he was presently to return into Persia. For this Peace Sinan promised to deal with Amurath, so that the Persian King would send another Ambassador to Constantinople. Upon which Conclusion the said Aider returned into Persia, and at Tauris declared to the King what he had seen, what Promises he had received of Sinan, and withal, exhorted him to send a new Ambassador unto the Turkish Court. After this, when the public Rumour of the coming of the Persian King was found to be false, Sinan, instead of going to Tauris, returned to Chars, where he idly stayed a whole Month, to the general marveling and murmuring of all his Army, astonished to see themselves (to the great charges of their King, and the disturbance of his whole Kingdom) brought forth not for any honourable Conquest, but as it were only of purpose to make a vain show of War.  
At last he departed from Chars, for that now Winter was come on, 
Sinan cometh to Erzirum, and there breaketh up his Army.  and the Frosts and Snows did his Army great harm; and so coming to Erzirum, there presently dismissed every man to go and winter in his own Country; but remained still himself in the same City. From whence he by speedy Posts diligently advertised Amurath of the Succours he had left at Teflis, of the losses he had received from the Enemy, of all that which was by Mustapha misreported, of the coming of the Persian Ambassador to him, of the Promises made unto him touching a new Ambassador, and to be short, of all his whole Actions. Besides all this, he advertised Amurath, That the Enterprise of Persia was a very hard, long, and difficult matter, and such a one as needed another manner of Preparation than had been as yet appointed for it; and that if he desired to subdue Persia, it was then very necessary that he should speak with him at large, and discourse upon many particularities, which could not so well without exceeding tediousness be declared by writing. After that, he sent other Messengers also, to solicit Amurath for his return to Constantinople; continually telling him, That it was not possible to signify by Writing, what he purposed to report to him by word of mouth, for the better accomplishing of the enterprise begun. Nothing in the World did Sinan abhor more than this War, having his mind altogether bend against the Affairs of the Christians in Europe, and therefore sought by all means possible for the diverting of those Wars from the East, into some other quarters. At last he wrought so much, he entreated so much, he writ so many Letters, and solicited the matter so earnestly, that Amurath was persuaded to send for him to Constantinople, as soon as ever he was certified of the arrival of the new Ambassador from Persia, of whom Sinan had before advertised him. For he was resolved either to grow to a peace with the said Ambassador, if he came with honourable Conditions; or if he came not, or, that after his coming they could not agree upon the Peace, then to put in Execution those his Conceits, whereof he must needs in particular talk with Sinan by word of Mouth. At length the promised Ambassador, called Ebraim Chan, a Man of great Eloquence, and highly honoured in Persia, came to Sinan; whereof Sinan gave present Intelligence to Amurath, beseeching him again to permit him to come to Constantinople. Which his request Amurath then granted. Whereupon Sinan forthwith returned to the Court, where he attended the universal Government of the whole Empire. At his first coming to the presence of Amurath, (wherein he discoursed not with him of any thing, but of the coming of the Persian Ambassador) the conditions were set down which they were to require for the reducing of the Capitulations of this Peace to a good end. After which agreement, the Ambassador being now come, and most magnificently received in Constantinople, had audience. At which time he with much glorious Speech laboured to persuade Amurath, That his King had a most ardent desire to be reconciled unto him, and to join his Forces with his, against the Enemies of the Mahometan Religion; and that for that purpose he was now especially come thither: which his good purpose, if it were answered with like zeal on his part, there would thereof ensue the greatest Unity and Friendship that ever was between any Mahometan Princes. Whereunto Amurath gave him no other answer, but that he should thereof talk with his Visier, and with him entreat of all matters concerning the Peace: and so he was by Amurath entertained and dismissed both at one time.  
Now had Amurath called to Constantinople his eldest Son Mahomet, year 1581. (who afterward succeeded him in the Empire) being then about sixteen years old, 
Amurath▪ circumciseth his eldest Son Mahomet.  to circumcise him, according to the Custom of the Turks; following therein the inveterate Law of the Hebrews. Unto which Solemnity many Christian Princes were solemnly invited; who accordingly sent thither their Ambassadors with great Gifts and Presents, in token of Peace and Confederacy; namely, Rodulphus the Emperor, Henry the III. the French King. Stephen King of Polonia, the State of Venice, the King of Persia, the Moor Kings of Morocco and Fez, the Princes of Moldavia, Valachia, and others. With all Triumph and Joy was the Circumcision of this young Prince solemnised by the space of forty days and forty nights, in the great market Place of Constantinople; where all the Ambassadors aforesaid had their Scaffolds prepared and furnished according to their Degrees and States, and received such entertainment as might be showed at such a kind of barbarous Spectacle: only the Persian Ambassador, who had also his Scaffold several to himself, but not regarded as the rest, rejoiced not at these Feasts and Triumphs: for among sundry other wrongs and scorn done by the Commandment of Amurath unto the Persian Nation, (as by hanging up certain counterfeit Pictures of Persians made of laths and sticks, and then burning them, and in many scornful sorts abusing them) the Turk, for the great displeasure he had conceived for the harm done to Osman Bassa and the Turks in Siruan much about that time, and for the disdain he had taken against Ebraim Chan (as one not condescending to the conditions of Peace which he expected, nor yielding to any more than the other Ambassador had done before, seemed to have come as a Spy to mark the Turkish Affairs, or to mock Amurath, rather than to put in execution any good matter to pacify the Minds of the two mighty Princes) commanded the standing, before appointed for him, in disgrace of him to be cast down, and himself and all hisfollowers to be shut up as close Prisoners in the house of Mahamet Bassa at Constantinople; where he was so straightly kept, that though an hundred of his followers there died of the Plague, which shortly after began to wax hot in the City, yet could he not obtain so much favour as to be removed into some other place, 
Io. Leu●c. sup. Annal. Turc. p. 82▪  but there was enforced to tarry it out, until that afterward order was taken, he should be carried thence as Prisoner to Erzirum. To end these Solemnities, Mahomet the young Prince was circumcised, not publicly, but in his Father's Chamber, by Mechmet one of the inferior Bassas, sometime the Emperor Soliman's Barber.  
Now whilst Sinan, as great Visier, sat commanding in Constantinople, the Garrisons of Chars and Teflis (kept in by the Enemy, and having received none other relief than a little which Sinan before his departure from Erzirum had by good hap caused to be secretly conveyed unto them) were thought to be driven to great wants. Which thing Sinan right well knew, and fearing lest those two places, which had with so much ado been both gained and maintained, should for want of new Succours fall again into the hand of the Enemy: he both boldly and freely counselled Amurath to send a new Garrison to Van, for the safety of the Country thereabouts, and then, under the Conduct of some valiant Captain, to send Succours to Teflis: upon which point Amurath asked Sinan his Opinion, and willed him to bethink himself of some fit man. Hereupon, Sinan propounded divers unto him, but none of them pleased him; for why, he was before resolved, in despite of Sinan, and of his Counsel, to bestow this charge upon Mahamet Bassa, Nephew to Mustapha the late Bassa, and for his sake hated of Sinan. This Bassa Mahamet he sent to Erzirum, with the Title of the Bassa of that Province; honouring him withal with the name of General of the Army for Teflis. And presently gave commandment to Hassan the Bassa of Caraemit, to Mustaffa, sometime called Manucchiar the Georgian, to all the Sanzacks, the Curdi, and the Soldiers of Erzirum, that they should resort to the standard of Mahamet their General, and so to follow him to Teflis. Whereupon there assembled together out of all the said places about five and twenty thousand Soldiers, with all things necessary for the relief of the distressed Garrison which was in Teflis. Commandment was also given to the Bassas of Aleppo and Maras, to repair to Van with all their Soldiers, and there to abide till Winter; which they accordingly did, not molested nor troubled by any Enemy.  
In the end of August, Mahamet Bassa departed from Erzirum, with the Bassa of Caraemit, and all his Army, carrying with him Money, Corn, and all other things needful for the relief of Teflis, and in eight days came to Chars, and from thence to Archelec, not troubled by any. At Archelec he found Mustaffa (otherwise called Manucchiar) the Georgian, with all his Soldiers, whom the General most joyfully entertained, and honoured him with Gifts, and withal admonished him to continue in is Obedience to Amurath, and to conduct him with his Army the shortest and safest way to Teflis; for that some were of Opinion, that it were best to go by Tomanis; and some other, by the way of Mustaffa his Country: wherein Mustaffa did readily resolve him, that the easiest and shortest way lay through his own Country, being also in his Opinion the safest. This counsel of Mustapha pleased Mahamet greatly, so that he made choice of him to be the guide of his Army, reposing himself wholly upon his good direction; and so departed thence toward Teflis, passing through Altunchala and Carachala, both belonging to the said Georgian, abounding with all things necessary for the sustenance of man, neither were they ever disturbed by any Enemy. Having passed Mustapha's Country, they came to a friendly Castle called Gori, from whence they discovered in certain fields a great Army of the Georgians mingled with Persians, but apparelled after the manner of Georgia; these were those Captains of Persia, sent from the Persian King (as in other years before) to aid the Georgians; who secretly conjoined with Simon Chan the Georgian, had changed their Apparel, because the treaty of Peace should not be disturbed, and their King accounted unjust of his Word; who under a colour of a treaty of Peace, whilst Amurath attended nothing else but to succour and defend his conquered Countries, without purpose to annoy any other places, went about to procure the destruction of the Turks. These then, as soon as they saw the Turkish Army, and perceived that they also themselves were by them descried, sent Heralds unto them with haughty words of defiance, 
Mahamet Bassa refuseth Battle offered by the Georgians and Persians.  and to offer them battle. With great Grief of Mind did the Bassa receive this proud defiance; but having no other purpose but only to bring his Succours safe to Teflis, he dismissed the Heralds, and studied by all means he could to shun Battle. That Evening he was favoured in his purpose by the great and continual Rain which then fell, and served for a reasonable excuse of his delay: but the next day proving fair, and the Sun shining bright, both the Armies marched in sight the one of the other all day, until about four hours and an half before night, at which time the Turks arrived near to a River that separated the one Army from the other. There the Bassa fell in Consultation with Mustapha, whether they should pass over the River before Night, or stay on that side they were until the next Morning: In which case Mustaffa advised him to stay, as fearing lest the Enemy should set upon the Army, disordered in passing the River, and so annoy them. Notwithstanding the General disliked this Advice of Mustapha, having taken a strong conceit, even upon the first discovery of the Enemy, that there was some intelligence and compact between Mustapha and the Persians, and that to that end he had maliciously persuaded him to come that way, and not by the way of Tomanis; and therefore the Bassa thinking, that if there were any such Plot laid between Mustapha and the Enemy, to set it in some confusion, would not in any case follow the Counsel of the suspected Georgian, to stay that Night; but commanded, that with the greatest speed that might be, all his Soldiers with their Treasure and Corn should pass over the River, to the end, that before Night, he might on the other side of the River incamp his Army in some good place, to the scorn and derision of his Enemy's. Mahamet his Lieutenant, a bold young man, and an hardy, was the first that ventured over, and after him the Carriages of Money, and of Corn, and then the whole Army, with such speed, that some of the confused Multitude were drowned in the passage, being rather trodden down with the Horses and Camels, than brought to their deaths either by the depth of the Channel, or swiftness of the River.  
As soon as the Georgians perceived that the Turks had passed the River, without staying until they might settle themselves in any good order, they in great haste and fury ran upon them, and presently assailed them, whilst they were yet all in confusion and out of order; by reason whereof the Turks, although they turned their faces upon their Enemy, and made some good resistance, yet in short time you might have seen the Banks of the River in many places stained with the Turkish Blood, and many Carcases of the Turks here and there scattered, without any apparent loss among the Georgians and Persians. 
The Turks discomfited, and the Treasure and Corn taken by the Georgians and Persians.  Amongst them that fell in this slaughter, were a number of Sanzacks, of the Curdi, and Mesopotamians; which the rest perceiving, and by the overthrow of their own, conjecturing the loss of others, turned their backs and fled; the like did the remnant of the Mesopotamians, and after them at last the whole Army: whom the Georgians pressed so sore in their flight, that many of the Turks, seeing no other way to escape, cast themselves into the River, and so (though hardly) escaped with their Lives. Great was the shame, great was the confusion, but greatest was the loss they received, for that in the heat of the Battle, the King's Money and Corn was taken by the Georgians and Persians, every man saving only so much for himself as he could secretly hide upon his own Body, or convey by the means of some trusty slave, which by the help of their swift Horses, was preserved rather by Fortune than by Valour.  
The Turks, thus discomfited and spoiled of their relief, the next Morning gathered themselves together again one with another, cursing the Heavens, the King, and their adverse Fortune: some of them also threatening the Georgian Renegade Mustapha, as though all this mischief had happened through his treachery and secret Intelligence with the Enemy. Notwithstanding, 
Mahamet with his discomfited Army cometh to Teflis.  when they found that they had still remaining so much Money, and other easements as might suffice to comfort the afflicted Minds of the Soldiers besieged in the Fort, they resolved to hold on their way towards Teflis; and in their Journey used such speed, that the day following they arrived there in the Evening. But when they of the Fort saw their Friends whom they had so long expected, arrived in such bad sort, and so evil furnished, they were astonished and wonderfully grieved at this common loss, and all in a confusion protested to Mahamet, That they would abandon the place, if they had not forthwith necessary Provision made for them. But the General, after he had with large Promises mitigated their first Furies and Insolences, presently in the Morning caused a Divano, or Counsel to be called in the Castle, where, having gathered together all the chief Men in his Army, he spoke unto them in this manner; FOR as much as it hath pleased God, that so great and important an occasion of Victory, which was offered unto us for the Honour and Glory of every one of us, 
The Oration of Mahamet Bassa in the Castle of Teflis.  is now fallen out so unfortunately, that it hath not only not ministered unto us any matter of triumphing over our Enemies, as we should have done, but rather hath made them (I know not how) to carry away from us both the Triumph, and also our Armour, our Horses, our Slaves, and our Spoils; yea, and (the remembrance whereof doth most grievously trouble and afflict me) our Sultan's Money, and our public munition and forces solemnly delivered to our Conduct, is now become a booty and a prey unto them; that the Honour which might have made every one of us famous among noble and valorous Soldiers, is now fallen from our foreheads, and, to our great detriment, doth adorn the heads of Strangers, or rather of our Enemies: and that notwithstanding all this, we are now come to those courageous Soldiers, which with their great Valour have defended this Fort even in the midst of their Enemy's Weapons and Treacheries; and to whom we should yield that aid and relief which the virtue of every one of their Minds doth deserve, and which King Amurath had put into our hands to bring hither unto them: there is now no remedy, but to resolve upon some good means, that we fall not wholly into the utter disgrace of our Lord and King; and that is, To maintain these Soldiers in the custody and defence of this Fort: and though it be with all our wants, and all our own dishonours, to comfort these that have so long time looked for us, and so well deserved all manner of relief. We cannot excuse ourselves, that our Enemies were better than we, either in number, or Instruments of War; for both in the one and the other we were far beyond them: neither yet can we say, that they set upon us by Night, or at unawares; for when we saw their number, their Weapons, their Horses, and finally their approach, and their manner of assault, yet we would needs pass over the River, and join battle with them: which we now know hath fallen out very lamentable unto us, because we were more ready to take our flight, than to endure the fight; and to use our feet, than to occupy our hands. And therefore it is very requisite, as well to satisfy the rigour of justice, as to perform the Duty of Soldiers, that we suffer not our Lord and King to lose his Money, which he trusted into our hands, and which we have lost, not by strength, nor by any treacherous stratagem of our Enemies, but by our own too too important fear, and too base a regard of our Lives, before which, it was the duty of every one of us to have preferred the care of Honour. For, if by fight and courageous sustaining the assaults of our Enemies, though they had been stronger, and better armed than we, this misfortune had happened unto us, and that we could in any sort have represented to the King and the World an honourable and bloody Battle, we should not now have had any need to seek means how to repay this loss, and to restore the thing that violently was taken from us by such as were more mighty than ourselves, and these honourable Soldiers should more easily have digested with us this lamentable Calamity. But we have lost that Money, and in very deed having as it were willingly bestowed it upon the Georgians and Persians, to redeem our Lives, and to save us from their Fury, are bound to repay it, or else for ever hereafter to be challenged as lawful debtors to the King for it. And therefore, my good Friends and Companions, if you will take a good course, let every one of us, without further Consultation, put his hand into his private Purse (if he have not foolishly cast that also into the hands of the ravenous Enemy) and with our own Money let us succour the Necessity of these men, and have regard to the Honour of our King. So shall we make our flight less blame worthy, we shall justify our Actions more honestly, and that which is of greatest importance, we shall better pacify the wrath of Amurath, which he might most justly conceive against us. I myself before you all am most ready to disburse four thousand ducats towards it, if it shall please you all to follow me accordingly; we shall deliver these Soldiers from their great Necessity, and acquit ourselves from the intricate bonds of most troublesome displeasures.  
There might a man have seen a thousand Countenances changed a thousand manner of ways; for one softly whispered many a cur●e and shame upon the King, upon Mahamet, yea, and upon God himself; another denied to disburse any thing, another determined privily to steal away; and some said one thing, and some another: but in the end every man was induced to follow the Example of Mahamet, 
The Turks among themselves make a Purse of 30000 Ducats for the relief of the Garrison of Teflis.  and thereupon having made a Purse according to every man's ability, there was collected thirty thousand Ducats among them. And presently after, word was sent to Levent Ogli at Zaghen, to send thither Grain, Muttons, and other necessary Provisions, that they might the better continue the defence of the Fort.  
Two days only stayed Mahamet in Teflis, and having changed such Soldiers as desired to be dismissed, and also appointed Homar Bassa Governor of Teflis, instead of Giusuf that there governed before, he departed. But before his departure Consultation was had, Whether they should keep the way of Tomanis, or the way they came through the Country of Mustaffa the Georgian: and in the end they resolved to keep the way of Tomanis, and thereupon order was taken that they should all pass the River. The Curdi were the first that went over, and had already pitched their Tents upon the farther side of the Water; when the General began to revoke his former order, and sent them word, That they should return, because he was now determined to go back the same way he came. At which message the Sanzacks were in a Rage, and in plain terms sent him answer, That these mutabilities beseemed not them, being men accustomed to War, but to be rather children's play, than manly Resolution; and that for their parts they were minded not to change their Journey, but would go on the same way they had begun: and so forwards they went (say the General what he could) and by the way of Tomanis arrived at Chars long before Mahamet, who was much grieved at this their so great disobedience: but seeing no other remedy, he with the Bassa of Caraemit and Mustapha the Georgian, put themselves on their Journey, even by the same way they came to Teflis. At last Mahamet arrived at Altunchala, the chief Castle of Mustaffa the Georgian, and burning with the desire of revenge of those losses, (which he thought himself to have received by the Treachery of Mustapha) or, as some thought, seeking by this means to make Amurath believe, that in truth all the forepast mischiefs had happened not through their cowardice, but through the treacherous and malicious devices of the Georgian, and so to make their received losses seem more pardonable, he devised with himself how to find out such a plot, as that Mustapha might upon the sudden be taken away, as guilty of so foul a Treason. 
Mahamet deviseth how to betray Mustapha the Georgian.  And that he had devised, was in this sort; To call a Council into his own Pavilion, as if he had received some commandment from the Court; and having caused Mustapha to come into that room, whilst the said counterfeit commandment should be in reading, to cause his Lieutenant, with those chief of his band that stood about him, to fall upon him, and presently to cut off his head. This pretended Council was accordingly called, wherein sat the Bassa himself, and with him the Bassa of Caraemit, certain Sanzacks, subject to the Jurisdiction of Erzirum, the Capagis Bassa, or chief Gentleman Usher, and the General's Lieutenant; with whom he had upon their solemn oaths for secrecy, communicated his intended deceit. The Georgian Mustapha was also called accordingly; who, both because he was beloved of more than one, and had also used all diligent Circumspection, but especially having heard in the Army some private whisper of such a matter, knew full well of all that was devised against him, and therefore provided also for his own defence. But as touching his going to the Counsel, he thought he might not deny so to do, lest by his absence he might seem guilty of the fault whereof he was (peradventure not without cause) suspected; and thereby to leave his Cities for a prey to their Enemies, now in the heart of his Country. And therefore resolving to go, he devised how so to do with most safety, and so, as if need should be, he might be able to turn the mischief intended against him, upon the head of the General himself. And therefore having chosen out fifty of his most faithful and resolute Soldiers, he commanded them to follow him to the Counsel appointed in the General's Pavilion; and being come thither, to stay there ready and attentive at his first and one only call, suddenly and forcibly to rush into the Pavilion with their Weapons; and rather than any wrong should be done unto him, to show their Valour against the Turks, without exception of any Person whatsoever. These men, by Nature Enemies unto the Turks, understanding well his meaning, settled themselves upon the Execution; and taking unto them some other also of their faithful and trusty friends, followed him even to the Pavilion of Mahamet; where Mustaffa entering into the place of Counsel, desired of the General to know what his pleasure was; who presently caused the counterfeit Commandment to be r●ad; whereunto Mustaffa gave an attentive Ear. But when the other Bassas and Sanzancks began to sit down (contrary to the manner of the Turks, who, whensoever any Commandment of the Emperors is in reading, use always to stand up, and not to sit down until it be full read) the Georgian took his leave, promising to be ever ready to perform, not only that order of the Kings, but also whatsoever else he should command. And so being about to depart, the Capigi Bassi (or great Usher) of Mahamet came unto him, and plucking him by the sleeve, would have forced him to sit down. 
Mustaffa notably revengeth himself of the Treachery intended against him by Mahamet the General.  Then Mustaffa crying out aloud, drew his sword, wherewith he struck Mahamet's Lieutenant, that was right against him; and with his le●t hand having reached the roll from his pate, with his right hand suddenly (to the great astonishment of all that were present) at one only blow parted his Head, his Neck, and his Breast in twain, even to his very Stomach; so that he died (a strange spectacle to behold) being thus cut in sunder, wit● his cleft head and two shoulders hanging down upon their several sides. After this first, he redoubled his second stroke, aiming at the head of the Bassa of Caraemit; but it being defended with the writhe rolls of the Turban, it slipped down by his Ear; yet so, that with a piece of the said Turban it carried his Ear quite away, with a little also of the flesh of his Cheek; and all enraged, eagerly assailed Mahamet Bassa the General, (who now all in confusion was risen up in the tumult) and wounded him with five mortal Wounds; which were yet afterwards by cunning hand healed, when they had brought him even to Death's door. At the cry of this Georgian, all his People rushed in together; upon whose confused tumult, and the fear that Mustaffa through his Fury had struck into the Turks, the Camp was presently raised; and every man with all speed departing thence, put himself on his way towards Chars, whither also were brought the two wounded Bassas, and the rest that were ill handled and greatly scared with these sudden and uncouth stirs.  
Of all this Treachery intended against him, Mustapha sent present Information to the Turkish Emperor; finding himself greatly grieved, at the false suspicion that Mahamet had wrongfully conceived against him, to his great dishonour: and wrought so cunningly, that Amurath, in token of his good liking and contentment, sent him both Cloth of Gold, and a Battle-axe all gilt. Mahamet on the other side intermeddling here and there with all the art that possibly he could devise, all hateful and injurious terms, sent large advertisements of all the misfortunes that had happened; and aggravated to the King, both the Treacheries of Mustaffa, and also the slender security of those Ways and Countries.  
As soon as Amurath understood the Calamities of his Soldiers, the loss of his Money, the great dishonour of his People, and the apparent danger wherein the Fort of Teflis stood, when it was like to be abandoned; all inflamed with Rage and Anger, he called unto him the Bassas of his Court, (among whom sat as chief, the proud and haughty Sinan) and rated them all exceedingly; reproving their lewd Counsel, and recounting the losses that he had from time to time received, as if they had happened through their defaults, and especially Sinan, as the principal occasion of all these Mischiefs: who, like an improvident fool (as he said) would needs relinquish the charge of his Army, and like a King, sit idle at Constantinople, standing (as it were) at some public Triumph to behold and hear the Miseries and Misfortunes of others; having before, in the time that Mustapha was General, most vainly boasted, with the like power that he had, to fetch the Persian King out of Casbin, and to deliver him in bonds to Amurath, but had in deed performed nothing worth the remembrance. Sinan could do no less but make answer to the wrathful King, 
The proud answer of Sinan to Amurath.  yet not with such Mildness and Modesty as in such a case he should peradventure have done; but in proud and peremptory manner, without any reverence or regard, told him plainly, That as the last year, a little before his return to Constantinople, Succours had been conveyed to Teflis without any loss or trouble (as in truth they were) even so had they been this year also, if he had put his advice in Execution, as much as he despised and contemned it; for he did then give him to understand, that Mahamet Bassa could not be a fit man for so great a charge; and that it was necessary to have chosen in his room some other Captain of Valour and Discretion; but seeing he would needs make choice of the fame unfit man, he was not now to blame any other for his Error, but only himself. As for his coming to Constantinople, it was a thing long before thought most needful; not only for his advice, how the matter of Peace might be brought to some good pass; but also because if that treaty came not to the desired issue, than he had to talk with him how he might compass the overthrow of his Enemy: which thing as yet he had no fit time to declare unto him, but was now ready to reveal it, if it were so his Pleasure. Wonderfully was Amurath grieved with this sullen answer, when he considered that a slave of his own, should so arrogantly and manifestly reprove him of folly and improvidence. Notwithstanding, being desirous to know of him what that secret and important matter was, which he had to reveal unto him, for the easy compassing of his commenced Enterprise; he dissembled his discontentment conceived against him, and commanded him to disclose those his Devices which he had to utter. Sinan in brief, of all his Advices, propounded these two things; first, his Counsel was, not to proceed in this War as they had hitherto done; by seeking with Forts and Fortresses to hold and keep the Enemy's Countries; for that their Treasures were not able to yield such store of Money, as was sufficient for the maintenance of so many and so great Garrisons: contrary to the Opinion of Mustapha (of late dead) who with great pertinacy had persuaded that dangerous, chargeable, and difficult manner of War. His second Advice was, that the true means to bring this War to the wished end, consisted especially in the Resolution of Amurath himself, who, if he would go in Person, and against so mighty a King oppose the Person of a King, then might he most assuredly promise unto himself all speedy and honourable Victory, for that at the only name of his coming, the Persians would easily come to any Agreement; or if not, he might then proceed in his Wars, and so obtain most glorious Conquests. This his Advice so little pleased the effeminate King, that instead of the great Opinion he before held of him, he now conceived an envious affection against him: and a further suspicion (fostered by the great Ladies of the Court, especially Amurath's Mother) That Sinan had thus Counselled the King, himself to go in Person, not for any good could come thereof, but only that so he might find means for the Prince, his Son, to make himself King, and to drive out his Father. Which suspicion was in such sort nourished in the Mind of Amurath, especially being assured of the great affection which the Prince carried towards Sinan, and he likewise towards him, that he resolved to rid him out of his sight; and so depriving him of all charge, presently banished him the Court, and out of Constantinople to Demotica (a City of Thrace) from whence afterwards he by most humble Supplication obtained to be removed to Marmara, a little beyond Selymbria. And into his place of Visiership, was preferred Sciaus Bassa (who had married Amurath's Sister) an Hungarian born, 
Sciaus Bassa made Visier in Sinan's Place.  a goodly Personage, and of honourable Judgement; but above all men, a seller of Justice and Preferments, and yet a great friend to the Peace with the Christian Princes, which Sinan had always most wickedly maligned.  
The Persian Captains in the mean time, with their Spoils, year 1582 and divers of their Enemy's Ensigns, were with great Joy received at home in Persia; but when the Discord that fell out between Mahamet Bassa and Mustaffa the Georgian was also reported, the former Joy was redoubled; every man being of Opinion▪ that these Discords might be great impediments unto 〈…〉 further attempts into Persia; which it was 〈◊〉 they would the next year attempt, to the 〈…〉 of Nassivan and Tauris. 
Mahamet the Persian King resolveth to go to Heri against his Son Abas Mirize.  Upon which 〈◊〉, the Persian King, perceiving that he could not have a fitter Opportunity to employ himself against Abas Mirize his Son (then with him in disgrace) determined with himself, to leave the matters on this side of his Kingdom in their present state, and to march toward H●ri: whereunto he was earnestly solicited by his elder Son Emir Hamze Mirize, but especially by Mirize Salmas, his Visier. Upon which Resolution, committing the defence of Reivan, Nassivan, and that side of his Kingdom, to Emir Chan, Governor of Tauris; he set forward himself with his Army towards Casbin, and so marching through divers Provinces, arrived at length at Sasua●, being on that side the chief of all the City's subject to the Jurisdiction of Heri: which City he took by force, and without delay caused the Governor thereof to be beheaded, although he alleged a thousand excuses for himself, and objected a thousand Accusations more against the seditious Visier. The King after this, departing thence, and having also put to death certain Captains and Sultan's, that were accused by the Visier to be Confederates in the Rebellion of his Son, he arrived at last at the desired City of Heri. 
Mahamet cometh to Heri.  Very strong is this City by Situation, compassed about with a good Wall, and watered with deep Channels of running Springs, conveyed into it by Tamerlane their Founder or Restorer: beside that, there was in it many valiant Captains, Enemies to Mirize Salmas, ready to lay down their Lives in defence of themselves, and of Abas their Lord; so that the winning thereof, could not but prove both long and difficult. As soon as the King approached the City, he felt in himself many troubled Passions arising of Grief and Pity; it grieved him to think that he should beget so graceless a Son, who, instead of maintaining his State and Honour, should seek his Ruin and Destruction: it grieved him also to remember the Blood of his Subjects, before spilt upon so strange an occasion; and scarcely durst he enter into the Cogitation, thenceforth to shed any more of the Blood of his People. Nevertheless, being still more and more solicited by his Visier, he attempted to understand the mind of his Son; and (if it might be possible) to get him into his hands. But whiles the King▪ travelling with these thoughts, lay with his Army before Heri, Abas Mirize in the mean time, writ divers Letters to his Father and to his Brother; wherein he besought them, That they would make known unto him the Occasion of this their stir; for if desire of Rule had moved them to seek the deprivation of him, being their Son and Brother, from the Honour he lawfully possessed, and which his Father himself procured for him of his Grandfather Tamas, they ought to abandon their Imagination; for that he was always ready to spend his Wealth and his Blood, together with his Estate, in their Service, and acknowledged his Father to be his good Father and King: but if they were not induced hereunto for this cause, but by a desire to revenge some trespasses that he had committed to the Prejudice of the Crown of Persia, or his Father's Honour, he was most ready to submit himself to any amends; and with all reason, to yield unto them the Kingdom, yea the whole World, and even his own Life, the rather to satisfy their Minds with a more full Contentation. With twice and thrice reading over, were these affectionate Letters considered and digested: and at last, both the Father and the Brother, perceiving in them such liberality of Words, and overcome with Pity, or if not with Pity, yet with great admiration and contentment, they determined to put the matter in practice; and moderating their desire of revenge, to attempt the reducing of the young man's Mind to some good pass. Whereupon they wrote back unto him, That no greedy de●ire to usurp his Government, had induced them to make so great a Voyage, to trouble so much People, and to shed such abundance of Blood, but only his disobedience and presumption, in that he had caused himself to be called the King of Persia; and had not sent so much as one Captain to aid them in the late Wars against the Turks. Glad was Abas, the young Prin●●, wh●n he understood the Accusations that were laid against him; hoping to make it manifest before all men, how the King and his Brother were misinformed in these particularities: and therefore incontinently did write back unto them, That if they would faithfully promise him, honourably, and without any outrage to receive his Ambassadors, he would send unto them such evident matter, and so clear Information touching those his Accusations, as that they should not only clearly perceive that there was never any such kind of thought in him, but also that he had always desired and laboured the contrary: and would moreover open unto them such matter, as in respect of other men, and not of himself, might cause their coming to prove profitable and commodious to all the Kingdom of Persia. Which his request they both solemnly promised faithfully to perform, being very desirous to understand what those strange Novelties should be. Whereupon Abas Mirize sent unto them two of his chief Counsellors, men of great account and reverence both for Years and Wisdom, 
Abas Mirize by his Ambassadors purged of Treason.  with full Instructions; who, after many Speeches, in the end swearing (according to their custom) by the Creator that spread out the Air, that founded the Earth upon the Deeps, that adorned the Heaven with Stars, that poured abroad the Water, that made the Water; and briefly, of nothing, brought forth all things, swearing by the head of Ali, and by the Religion of their Prophet Mahomet, that such perverse thoughts never entered into the head of Abas Mirize: they alleged many Testimonies and manifest Proofs, that most loyally, in all due time, as well when he was advanced to the Kingdom of Persia, as also in his Battles against the Turks, his Son had always caused devout Prayers and Supplications to be made to God for his Prosperity; neither ever desired to hear any other, but happy and fortunate success of him. They brought with them a thousand and a thousand Precepts and loyal Letters, which the young man had caused to be written, as occasions required, to the Governors that were his Subjects, for the Government of the State, wherein he never named himself King of Persia, but only, Your King and Governor of Heri. They prayed the King also, to cause a diligent Process to be framed against his Son; and if there should be found in him any sign or shadow of so wicked a suspicion, then to take from him his Estate and Liberty; offering themselves to remain as Hostages for him. But when all this should be done, 
The Ambassadors of Abas accuse Mirize Salmas the Visier.  and Abas found altogether free from these unjust Accusations, than (falling even to the Earth and kissing it) they besought him, and as it were conjured him, not to leave the matter thus imperfect, to the Prejudice of his Blood; but returning to his Counsellor, to take information likewise, upon what mind and consideration he had advised the King, to take upon him this unorderly and dangerous Voyage; where no doubt he should find nothing in him, but malignant, ambitious, and wicked Affections; and such an even deserved, that with his Blood there should be revenged all the Blood of those, which till that hour had been brought to their unworthy and undeserved Deaths. And for as much as nothing remained, whereof the Visier had informed the King against his Son, but the commandment that was given by Abas Mirize to the Governors under him, That they should not go to the Wars against the Turks: they confessed in Truth, that such an order was taken, but not to that wicked and traitorous end and purpose as was reported to the King by his great Counsellor, but only in respect of an Invasion justly feared in those quarters by the Tartarian jesselbas'; who by divers inroads had already done great harm in the Country about Heri, and put young Abas and his Counsellors in such a fear, that they durst not disfurnish their Cities of their Guards and Forces; and therefore had commanded the said Governors, not to go to war against the Turks, but to stay and expect further direction. And that all this was by writing signified unto the Visier himself; which he of a malicious mind had concealed, only to try, if in these common troubles he could bring to pass, that Abas Mirize and the King might be taken away, and Emir Hamze succeed in his place; and so he himself remain the Superintendent of his Son-in-Law, and Moderator of that most famous Kingdom. Of which so treacherous a purpose, they (for all that) thought Emir Hamze the young Prince altogether ignorant, (knowing his honourable Disposition and Love towards his own kindred) but imputed it only to the immoderate and ambitious desire of the wicked Traitor Mirize Salmas.  
Of these grave Speeches of the Ambassadors, Mahamet the Father (by nature credulous) began to make great Construction; and deeply to consider of their so earnest and important requests; which seemed unto him so upright and equal, as that he could not choose but hearken unto the same. And therefore, calling unto him the Governors, the Captains, the Judges, and Treasurers of all the Cities that were subject to Heri: he demanded of them, how and in what sort they esteemed of Abas Mirize, and in what degree of Honour he desired to be esteemed of them; and of them all received one answer, That they held him for their Lord and Lieutenant to the King of Casbin, and that he himself had always desired to be so taken and thought of: for proof whereof, every one of them brought in divers Letters, Precepts, and Orders, wherein he never caused himself to be honoured with any other Title, but only, Your King of Heri. He demanded further, Whether any such Wars were attempted by the Tartarian jesselbas', or not; whereof he received a large and solmen Information, that so it was; to the great detriment of all those Territories. And thus the King was throughly persuaded of the Innocency of his Son; who before was noted unto him by his Visier, to be an obstinate Rebel. Upon which Occasion only, although he might justly have put him to Death, as Author of so great troubles and bloodshed; yet, because he would be better informed of the truth of the Accusations laid against him by the Ambassadors, he resolved to make a curious and diligent inquisition thereof: and therefore, first of all, in great secrecy he examined Emir Hamze, his eldest Son, wherefore he had advised this Journey against his Brother Abas, whom he had found guiltless of all those Crimes that were objected against him? Whereunto the Prince answered, That he had no other certainty of the pretended evil behaviour of his Brother, but only that which proceeded from the great credit that he always gave to his Father-in-law Mirize Salmas, to whom, as to a chief Counsellor, his Father-in-law, and Protector of the Kingdom, he had always yielded assured credence; and so discharged the whole Tempests of all those Mischiefs upon the Visier. Touching whom, the King made diligent Inquisition, as well among those of the Court, as of the Army; and thereby found him guilty of all that the Ambassadors of Heri had accused him: and that being always acquainted with the true Occasions which restrained the Governors of Heri (subject to Abas Mirize) from going to the War against the Turks, he had most maliciously concealed the same, of purpose to hatch such a strange and dangerous discontentment, as had wrought the unworthy Death of many great men, and almost defiled the hands of the Father with the innocent blood of his guiltless Son. 
Mirize Salmas the Visier found guilty of Treason, and beheaded.  For which so foul a Treason the false Visier was worthily condemned to die; and his wily head by the commandment of the King, struck from his Carcase. Justly rewarded, with the same Punishment which he unjustly sought to have converted upon others; and with his own destruction pacified the Dissensions and Battles that were risen between the two Princes. And so the two Brethren being reconciled together, and the Son to the Father; after that Abas had again promised his wished Obedience (which he afterwards most dutifully performed) King Mahamet returned with the Prince towards Casbin; where, by reason of new and unexpected Motions of the Turks, he had now been long looked for and desired.  
Amurath, through the rough Speeches of Sinan, was more and more settled in his purpose for the continuing of the Persian War; accounting it so much the more to his own Glory, as it should in happy success fall out contrary to the Opinion of many: and thereupon began to bethink himself, whom he might choose for his General, to whom he might commit so great a charge. Among the Bassas of the Court there was one Ferat, a man of ripe years, but yet fierce of courage, tough in opinion, 
Ferat Bassa chosen General of the Army in Sinan's Place.  in counsel as hardy as might beseem his age, ready for all sudden and strange adventures, but above all, a Vassal most devoted to the King; of this man, at last he was resolved to make choice, to have the leading of his Army: and therefore calling him apart, declared unto him what he had in himself purposed; encouraging him to take the charge upon him, with a firm resolution to perform all things answerable to so worthy an enterprise, with the opinion he had conceived of his Valour. Very willingly did Ferat accept of this new Office, and thought himself (as indeed he was) highly favoured by the King; and thereupon made him a large promise, to employ his strength, his wit, and uttermost devoir, to put in execution whatsoever should be offered unto him, either by occasion, or by his Royal Commandment.  
At first Amurath had no other purpose to employ him any further, but only to assure the Passage to Teflis, and so into all Georgia; and to have destroyed the Country of Mustapha the Georgian, who had so audaciously injured the Lieutenant of Amurath, and put his whole Army in Confusion; but being certainly advertised of the troubles in Persia between the King and his Son, he changed his purpose, and commanded Ferat to employ all his Forces to erect a Fortress at Reivan, a place belonging unto Tocomac, and to assure the Passage from Chars to Reivan; for so they should be revenged of many harms they had received by him, and lay open the way to the City of Tauris, to the great glory of Amurath. As for Mustapha the Georgian, although he had well deserved to be chastised for his rash attempt against Mahamet Bassa, being then his General, yet he willed Ferat to dissemble his evil Opinion of him; and (if it were possible) so to work, as to use him as an Instrument to convey Treasure and Succours to Teflis: for by this means the Passage being made safe, all Georgia would without any more Fortresses be subdued, and then the next year they might attempt the enterprise for Tauris.  
Highly did Ferat commend the Devices of Amurath his Lord, and showed himself ready for any attempt. And so the time being come wherein it behoved them to set on foot their important Designments, year 1583 in the beginning of the year 1583, Commandments were sent out to all the Cities of the Empire, which were wont to make their appearance at these Wars, That upon fresh summons, they should be ready to return against the Persians, and to put in Execution that should be enjoined them by their new General. The Fame whereof flew as far as Soria, jury, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, to Balsara, to Sivas, to Maras, to all Bythinia, Capadocia, Cilicia, Armenia; yea and beyond Constantinople, to the Borders of Hungary and Graece, and in brief, to all the Regions that were wont to come to this War: 
General Ferat departeth from Constantinople.  all which sent their Captains and Soldiers accordingly. And so at last General Ferat departing from Constantinople, and passing over to Scutari by the way of Amasia and of Sivas, came to Erzirum, where he took a view of all his Army and Provision: and from thence in eight days arrived at Chars, conducted by the Persian fugitive Maxut Chan; 
He cometh to Reivan.  and from Chars, set himself on his way towards Reivan. Three days before he came to Reivan, of certain Ruins of an old Castle which the Turks call Aggia Chalasi (or the Castle of Strangers) he erected a new Fortress, and left in it a Garrison of four hundred Soldiers, with a Sanzack, and certain pieces of Ordnance, and then went to Reivan. This Country is distant from Tauris eight or nine days Journey; between which two places are situate Nassivan, Chiulfal, Marant, and Sofian; all enriched with goodly Gardens and pleasant Greene's: but in the way are many craggy Mountains to be climbed, and sundry hard Passages either for Army or Traveller.  
Here then did Ferat encamp himself with his Army; and taking advice of his chief Captains, 
Ferat in the space of fifteen days buildeth a Fort at Reivan 750 yards about.  where he should build the Fort; they all with one consent advised him to seize upon the Houses and Gardens of Tocomac, and there to fortify. Which he accordingly did, enclosing the Gardens with strong Walls and deep Ditches round about, whereinto he conveyed Water from a certain River, that coming down from the Mountains, ran into Araxis. Which Work was performed with such Expedition, that within the space of fifteen days the Fortress was finished, being in circuit seven hundred and fifty yards. It grieved Tocomac exceedingly thus to lose his Country and Dwelling, and so much the more, because it happened so suddenly, and as it were unlooked for. He himself, as soon as he understood that the Turkish Army was coming to that Coast, having withdrawn himself and his Men of War out of the City he could not keep, sought by all means to be revenged, if not altogether, yet in some part, of this so great an Injury. And therefore he wrote unto the King at Corazan, to Emir Chan at Tauris, to Simon in Georgia; he gathered Soldiers out of the Villages, and used all his possible endeavour to enable himself to annoy the Enemy's Army: but from none of these places could he receive any help, the King being so far off in Wars against his Son, the Georgian being busied by hindering any Relief to be brought to the besieged in Teflis; as for Emir Chan (who by solemn promise unto the King before his departure to Heri, had undertaken the defence of that side of the Kingdom against the Turks) he either would not, or could not stir; neither sent so much as one Soldier, having, as some supposed, secret Intelligence with General Ferat, not to disturb him in this his Work. So Tocomac, destitute of all other help, and not able of himself to do much against so mighty an Enemy; yet ceased not to lay such privy Ambushes for the Turks as he could, killing of them sometimes 100, sometime an 150, and sometimes more, as they fell into his danger. And to ease his Stomach against Emir Chan, (who sitting still at Tauris, as it were to behold his Misery, would not so much as shake a Sword against these spoiling Turks) he spared not to dispatch certain Horsemen in haste to the King at Corazan, and by eloquent Letters to amplify the cowardice of Emir Chan; intermeddling withal some causes of Suspicion, that he had some intelligence with the Turkish General.  
Ferat having thus built this new Fort at Reivan, as Amurath had commanded, and furnished it with Artillery, and all other things needful for the defence thereof; appointed Sinan Bassa (the Son of Cicala, a Renegade of Genoa, and by Selimus the late Emperor, in the flower of his Youth created Aga, or Captain of the janissaries) with a Garrison of eight thousand Soldiers to keep the same. And so departing thence, by the way of Aggia Chalasi, in ten days arrived with his Army at Chars.  
Ferat had not long stayed at Chars, but strange News were brought thither, That Mustapha the Georgian (to whom Amurath had sent thirty thousand ducats, by two of his Cap●gi and two of his Chiaus, to have by him been conveyed to Teflis for the Relief of them in the Fort) was revolted from the Turkish Obedience, and being now become a Rebel, had left that Fortress in manifest danger to yield, if by some other means it were not relieved. Which strange Novelties exceedingly troubled the General; who, to know the certainty thereof, called before him all such as were the Messengers of this Misfortune: by whom he was certainly informed, That Mustapha, the two Capigi, and the Chiaus, having put themselves upon their way towards Teflis with the Treasure, guarded with a Convoy of five hundred of his Soldiers, in the mid way had met with his Cousin Simon the Georgian; by whom he was persuaded to return again to his ancient Faith and Religion, which he had to the great Peril of his Soul so profanely abandoned, and to shake off the Service of Amurath, which would yield him no other recompense than an hard and infamous Captivity, and in the end some fraudulent and treacherous Death: and that his Persuasion had so prevailed with Mustapha, that he caused the two Capigi and the Chiaus to be apprehended and presently beheaded; and dividing the Treasure with his said Cousin, had with him and his other Kinsmen vowed a solemn and perpetual Confederacy; and so having withdrawn themselves to their wont Passages, lay there in wait for such Succours as should by the Turks be brought to Teflis.  
When Ferat understood these and such other Particularities, he all in a Fury swore that he would not return to Erzirum until he had put all the Country of Mustapha to Fire and Sword: yet first he thought it needful to relieve Teflis, which would otherwise be in danger to be yielded to the Enemy: and for that purpose made choice of Hassan Bassa, who in the last year of the Generalship of Mustapha, had most courageously conveyed the like Succours, and taken Aliculi Chan. Unto him therefore did the General assign forty thousand Ducats, with other Provision necessary for that Service; and for the more Security, appointed him fifteen thousand of the most choice and valiant Soldiers in all the Army, to conduct the same. In ten days space Hassan Bassa went and came from Teflis, having in his Journey to and fro had many Skirmishes with the Georgians, wherein he lost some few men, without any other loss worth the remembrance.  
After this, the General sent one Resuan Bassa with six thousand Soldiers to spoil the Country of Mustapha the Georgian, the late Renegade, but now become a Rebel to the Turk; which Resuan, without any long stay overran all his Territory, burnt his Towns, and committed most uncouth outrages, which extended even unto the poor insensible Trees, and carried away with him many captive Souls, with much Corn and cattle, like a raging Tempest destroying whatsoever came in his way. Now was the General also retired to Ardachan, whither came Resuan to meet him with his foresaid Booty. 
Ferat cometh to Erzirum, and there breaketh up his Army.  But because they had now performed what they had before intended, and the approach of Winter persuaded their return, they removed from Ardachan, and by the way of Olti retired to Erzirum, from whence all the Soldiers were licenced to depart to their several Places of abode, and a memorial sent to Amurath, of all the Actions had been performed; and especially of the good service done by Hassan Bassa; who for the same was now once again honoured by the King, with Cloth of Gold, a Battle-axe and Target all gilt.  
About this time, one Podolovius, a Gentleman of Polonia, sent by Stephen King of Polonia, to Constantinople, by the leave of Amurath to buy certain Horses in Anatolia; returning homewards with four and twenty goodly Horses which he had bought, was notwithstanding the Great Turks Pass, by his Commandment stayed upon the way, all his men (in number four and thirty) slain, excepting one Boy, who getting into a Wood, escaped, and Podolovius his Head struck off. The Horses brought back to Constantinople, were by the appointment of Amurath, some bestowed into his own Stable, and the rest given among the Bassas, oftentimes pointed at with the Fingers of the Turks, in derision of the Polonian King. This Amurath commanded to be done, in revenge of an outrage done by the Polonian Cossacks against the Turks; whereof News was but even then brought to the Court.  
The nine and twentieth day of November of this present year 1583, died Hama Cadum, 
The Death of Hama Chadum, Amurath's Mother.  the Widow of the late Emperor Selimus the second, and Mother of this Amurath, and lieth buried by her Husband Selimus, and his five Sons, strangled by their Brother Amurath.  
All the rest of this year 1583, Ferat spent at Erzirum, and afterwards sent out his ordinary Commandments to all the accustomed Cities, to summon the Soldiers against the next Spring in the year 1584., year 1584. gathering together a greater number of pioners and Engineers than ever had been gathered in these Wars heretofore; 
Ferat raiseth a new Army.  and withal gave it out, That he would go to Nassivan, and there do great Matters. At which report the Persian was much moved, and began to cast many things in their Heads about it; but above all others, the King, who understanding at Casbin of all that had before happened at Reivan, and of the new Preparations of the Turks, 
The Persian King with a great Army cometh to Tauris.  began to fear that they would this year pass to Tauris, or at least (as was reported) to Nassivan, and in those places built new Fortresses, to the great danger of the Persian Empire: and therefore, retaining still such Forces as he brought with him from Heri, and commanding as many more as he could out of all the Cities that were subject unto him, to follow him to Tauris, he arrived there with his Army, not long after the arrival of Ferat Bassa at Erzirum. This unexpected coming of the Persian King with so great an Army to Tauris, filled the World with Expectation of great Matters to have been done by him against the Turks; insomuch that Ferat the General, before he would proceed any further, thought it good to advertise Amurath of the matter: declaring unto him, That his desire was to go to Nassivan, and there to build a Fortress, according to his Commandment, so to lay open a Passage to Tauris: but having received certain Intelligence, that the Persian King was come to Tauris with an huge Army, and full Resolution to encounter him; he thought it his Duty not to put in Execution his aforesaid Determination, without his express Commandment. Unto whom Amurath presently wrote back, that the matter so standing, he should not go to Nassivan, but only employ his Forces to assure the Passage to Tomanis and Lori, that so the Fort of Teflis might the year following be relieved by some small Band, without sending of any great Army for the conveying of Succours thither. This new Commandment of his Lord, Ferat kept secret to himself; causing the Rumour of his going to Nassivan to be more and more increased; of purpose to feed the Opinion that the Persians had before conceived of his coming thither; and so deluding them, with less danger to build the Forts he had intended, for the quieting of those most dangerous Passages of Lori and Tomanis.  
Upon this Resolution Ferat having gathered together his People, with all things necessary for his purpose, removed with his Army from Erzirum towards Chars, where he stayed ten days to take a new survey both of his Soldiers and Provision. And so departing thence, set forward toward Lori; sending before him Hassan Bassa with five thousand light Horsemen to scour the Country even to Tomanis, and to learn what he possibly could of the Enemy's purposes, and the State of Georgia. Which thing Hassan dutifully performed, speedily scouring over all the Woods, and disclosing all the Passages from thence to Lori, and so to Tomanis, without meeting with any upon whom to assay his Valour, more than certain Robbers upon the highway, whom he caused to be slain, (as men altogether ignorant of the Georgian and Persian Affairs) and their Heads to be set on the tops of their Lances, and so returned again to Lori: where having stayed one day, he met with the General, to whom he recounted all that had happened in that his Excursion. Ferat being come to Lori, there encamped his Army. This place did sometime belong to Simon the Georgian, well strengthened with an high Cas●le, compassed about with very deep Ditches, and a thick Wall almost a mile in circuit, but was then somewhat weakened with time: it is distant from Teflis about two days Journey of a Carrier's pace. Upon this Castle Ferat seized; and having repaired the Walls, and strengthened the breaches, he placed therein Ali Bassa of Graece, with seven thousand Soldiers for the defence thereof, and planted upon the Walls two hundred small pieces of Ordnance. And so when he had seen all things there in good order, departed thence with his Army towards Tomanis, having before commanded Ali Bassa, at some convenient time to fortify Saitan Chalasi a Castle about ten miles distant from Lori, and therein to place a convenient Garrison of Soldiers and Artillery.  

Ferat cuteth down a thick Wood at Tomanis, and buildeth a Fort upon the Strait.  Four days were they going from Lori to Tomanis, being ordinarily but one days work from the one place to the other: but now the General would needs so make it, to take the spoil of those rich Fields, abounding with Corn, cattle, and Fruit, and to leave unto the Countrypeople a lamentable remembrance of his being there. At last being come to Tomanis (in times past a Castle of Simons, but by reason of these Wars, by him then abandoned) he began to consult with the other Captains, how and where the Fort should be erected, for the assurance of that Country. But after many Discourses, it was at last concluded not to fortify in that Castle, as being too far from the Strait, to make that dangerous Passage safe and secure; but to go a little further, and to build a Fortress upon the very Mouth of the Strait. So the Army marching forward a few miles, at the very entrance of the narrow Passage found the Ruins of another Castle, and near thereunto stayed themselves. This steep headlong Castle was so compassed round about with a thick Wood, which hindered all discovery afar off, that it was not convenient to found such a Castle there, from whence their Ordnance could neither avail them to whom the defence thereof should be committed, neither indamage those that should come to offend it. And therefore the General commanded, that every man with all his Endeavours should lay to his hand for the cutting down of that thick Wood, and making way through thick and thin, to lay it for an open Campaign, that was before the Receptacle of a thousand dangerous Treacheries. In very short space were the Trees laid along on the Ground, the place made lightsome and open, and a very commodious Situation prepared for the Foundation of a Castle. The plot of the old ruined Castle was compassed about with a Wall of a thousand and seven hundred yards, 
The compass of the Castle built at T●manis by Ferat.  and in the midst thereof was erected a strong Keep, sundry Lodgings and Chambers builded, and 200 pieces of Ordnance distributed upon the new Walls. After that, the General sent Resuan Bassa, and the Bassa of Caraemit, with 20000 of his most choice Soldiers, to convey Succours to Teflis: who marching closely together in the direct way, in one day arrived at the said Fort; wherein they bestowed their Supplies; and changing the Governor thereof, substituted in his room one Bagli, being then upon this occasion only called a Bassa. Whilst Resuan yet lay thus encamped under Teflis, Daut Chan, the Brother of Simon, who in the beginning of these Wars, at the coming of Mustapha the Turks General into Georgia, had fled out of Teflis, came now with all his Family, and offered himself as a subject and devoted Vassal to the Turkish Emperor: whom Resuan entertained with great Promises and large assurances of all good Success, according to his desire.  
In the mean while News was brought to Simon, That General Ferat staying at the straits of Tomanis with his Army, had sent Resuan Bassa with a far less number than indeed he had, to succour Teflis: Upon which report he took Courage to encounter Resuan, and to give him Battle. Upon which Resolution without further delay, being accompanied but with 4000 Georgians, partly Subjects of his own, and partly of Manucchiars, he with all speed possible went against Resuan. But whilst Simon was going thitherwards, General Ferat fearing the worst, had already by chance dispatched away the two Bassas of Caramania and Maras, with 10000 Soldiers, to the end that joining themselves with the Soldiers of Resuan, they should at all adventures be so much the stronger. Now Simon going resolutely on, found Resuan encamped with 6000 Soldiers only, at the foot of an Hill, on the backside whereof lay all the rest of the Army, and presently gave a charge upon him; when the Soldiers behind the Hill being aware of his coming, were ready all at once with their Weapons to receive him. Who now perceiving his Error, repented himself to have so rashly assaulted his Enemies, seeing now no other Remedy but to be utterly undone. But seeing that he had now so far engaged himself, as that he could not by flight but increase his Grief, and make the issue more lamentable; with these few Soldiers which he had, he endured the Fury of the great Army of Resuan, so that on both sides there was joined a most cruel Battle: wherein the strange and unusual Valour of those few Christians was much to be wondered at. Yet in the end the huge number of the Turkish Swords and Spears so prevailed upon that small number of the Georgians, as that they were brought to great Extremity; yea Simon himself having his Horse slain under him, fell down headlong to the ground, 
Simon in danger to have been taken, escapeth by a strange chance.  and in his fall was very near to have been taken Prisoner, as was his Lieutenant, and many other his Followers, had he not been relieved by an unexpected and marvellous chance: for whilst the Battle was even at the greatest heat between them, Resuan discovered the two Bassas of Caramania and Maras, who (as is before said) were newly sent by General Ferat to succour him; but both by the said Resuan, and also by the rest of his Army, were indeed thought to be Persians; whereupon they were incontinently surprised with a sudden fear, insomuch that they now became very doubtful of the Victory, whereof they thought themselves before assured. In this suspense and doubtfulness of Mind the Battle was also intermitted, and the Victory by the sight of those their Friends disturbed; whereby the Georgians, and especially Simon, whose estate was almost desperate, took the Opportunity to escape and save themselves; leaving behind them most sure signs of their Valour among the Turks, of whom many remained there slain, many wounded, and many filled with great marvel and unexpected fear. Thus escaped poor Simon with the remainder of his followers into his known places of Refuge, there to bewail the Death and Captivity of his Subjects. But Resuan after he had discovered the Bassas approaching towards him, to be his known Friends and well Willers, fretted in himself exceedingly, that Simon had so escaped his hands; yet holding on his way to Tomanis, he arrived there in great Triumph, drawing the Standards of Simon all along the Ground, and causing many of the heads of the Georgians to be carried upon his Soldier's Lances, to the great joy of General Ferat, to whom he delivered all the Prisoners taken in the Battle, and wicked Daut Chan, who having in times past renounced his first Faith, was become a Persian; and now again despising the vain superstition of the Persians, had yielded himself to the vanity of the Turks, and made himself a voluntary Slave to Amurath.  
Now was the year so far spent, that every man began to fear the Winter's approach; and therefore the General determined to remove thence, and to withdraw himself into places of more safety. And so having set all things in order in the new Fort, he appointed Hassan to be the Bassa of Tomanis, and left with him eight thousand select Soldiers chosen out of all the Army, for the defence of that Fort and the Country thereabout. Deeply had Ferat laid up the outrage committed by Mustaffa the Georgian (being now returned to his old name of Manucchiar) in taking away the King's treasure, and killing the two Capigi and the Chiaus: and therefore he resolved with himself, not to return to Chars or Erzirum, unless he had first passed into the Country of the said Georgian, and in most cruel manner revenged those notable injuries before received. 
A wonderful dearth in the Turks Army at Triala.  In three days he arrived at Triala, and there encamped. But lying there, such an unwonted Dearth and Scarcity of all things rise in the Army, but especially of Victuals, that every five bushels and a half of Wheat was sold for five hundred ducats, to the universal calamity of the whole Army.  
From this place, the General was minded to go on forwards towards the Country of Manucchiar; but whilst he was upon the raising of his Tents, one Veis Bassa of Aleppo came unto him, and told him, That it was not good now to spend the time in wand'ring about those Countries, for that there were three very great Enemies confederate together, to make this enterprise very difficult, and almost impossible and desperate: one was the season of the year, being now full of Snows, Frost, and Tempest; another was, the want and scarcity of all things necessary, especially of Victual; the third was, the People of Georgia, who by a common uniting of themselves together, and peradventure aided by the Persians, might work some notable mischief against the Army. This Speech of Veis so much offended the General, that he most sharply rebuked him, and with bitter terms reproved him, telling him flatly, That he well perceived that he was brought up among Mountains and Villages, and of a Villain (as he was) upon some superfluity of grace, or foolish importunity, advanced to the honour of a Bassa, and that therefore he should not have presumed so much as to think it lawful for him, so impudently and malapertly to come and give him such advertisements; whereas it had been his duty rather to have held his peace, and to have harkened to the commandments of his betters and superiors, yielding himself obedient and devoted with all his power to perform the same. With this rebuke the General passed on to Archelech, burning, and in a manner destroying the Country before him, though indeed it was in amity and confederacy with the Turks. But the Inhabitants of Archelech upon the coming of the Turks had abandoned the City, and for fear withdrawn themselves into the Mountains. In Archelech Ferat encamped, and stayed the space of four days among the rocky craggs, and in a barren soil, yielding necessary sustenance neither for man nor beast; so that every man there endured unspeakable miseries: yet for the space of four days the Soldiers with patience endured this so great a Calamity. But in the end, the fall of a huge Snow being added to these Extremities, did so greatly increase their griefs, that all the Janissaries and Spaoglans of Constantinople arose in a Tumult, and coming before Ferat, in despightful and contemptuous manner, with very haughty and resolute terms said unto him: AND how long shall we endure this thy tedious and insolent Government? 
The insolent speech of the mutinous Soldiers against Ferat their General.  Where is the due Commiseration that thou oughtest to bear toward the Vassals of thy Sovereign, thou rustical and unreasonable Captain? Dost thou think happily, that we keep our Harlots as thou dost, under thy sumptuous Pavilions, all fat and in good plight, with delicate Viands, whilst others live in Misery? Dost thou believe that we have as thou hast, our dainty Sugars, Spices, and Conserves, whereby to restore us, in the common Calamity of others? And that we have at command, Meat and precious Wines, which thou minglest with thy clear and pleasant Water, partly provided for thee by the Art of the cunning Doctors, and partly brought to thee from far Places? From this day forward it will be no longer endured, that so much People should continue in this Famine, afflicted with Nakedness, and many other Inconveniencies: and therefore get thyself up and return toward Erzirum; otherwise we shall be enforced to do that which will breed more displeasure unto thee, than to any man living.  
The General in a great Agony presently called a Council, wherein it was concluded, That they should all send their strong sumpter Horses to Ardachan, and the rest to follow him into Manucchiars' Country, whether he had appointed to go only to make an inroad, and with the spoil and booty of that Country to refresh the Minds of his Soldiers, afflicted with the Miseries both past and present. This Commandment of the Generals they all readily obeyed, as well because he promised them a speedy Voyage, as also for that every man desired the sack of Altunchala and other the Territories of Munucchiar. So Ferat holding on his Journey through certain low Valleys between the high and craggy Mountains, continually accompanied with great Famine and Scarcity, at length brought his Army to Clisca, a place belonging to Manucchiar, but as then for fear of the Turks quite abandoned and forsaken by the Inhabitants; who with their Wives and Children, and all the best stuff they had, were fled into remote and safe places until the Fury of the Enemy was overpassed. In the Fields near unto this place (bounding with Corn and cattle, and plenty of Fruit) the General refreshed his whole Army; and hoping that all the Soldiers would like it well to stay a while in that such ease, determined with himself to erect a Fort in that Place. And with this Resolution gave commandment to Resuan Bassa to go up to the Tower, and in the top thereof to set up an Ensign, with a Proclamation and public Report, That he would in the Name of Amurath there erect a Fort, and fortify it as he had done the other Forts before. Resuan accompanied with Amurath the Bassa of Caramania, according to the commandment of the General, in the top of the Tower set up an Ensign or two; which as soon as the Soldiers had espied, the forenamed janissaries and Spaoglans, thinking themselves too much abused by the General, arising again all in an uproar, replenished with Fury and Indignation, ran up in a rage to take down the Ensigns that were set up upon the Tower, and taking them in their hands, rapt the said Resuan once or twice about the pate, discharging withal a thousand injurious and despightful Words upon him, and sharply rebuked him. And then returning to the General (who was now come thither himself to countenance the Action of Resuan) with Gestures full of despite, contempt and disdain, reviling him with many shameful and scornful Terms, they protested unto him; 
The mutinous Soldiers again threaten their General.  THat they were not come to the Wars to exercise the Occupation of Masons and Dawbers, and to be employed in such vile and dishonourable Offices; but only to manage their Weapons, and thereby to demerit their ordinary Wages, and to purchase to themselves Glory and Renown at the King's hand. And therefore if he loved his Head, and would not see those Arms turned against himself, which hitherto had been the Revengers of the Enemy's Injuries, he should resolve with himself, to leave these new Buildings, and these unseasonable Designments, and giving place to the contrary season of the year, to have due care of their common Desires and Necessity.  
Whilst they were yet thus expostulating the matter with him, one more bold than the rest, and more forgetful of his Duty, did not stick to assault the General, and to threaten him to wreak his Fury upon him; which in that Tumult had happily been done, had not the Bassa of Caramania lent the General his own Horse, and so conducted him to his Pavilion. Yet was he nevertheless still pursued by the tumultuous Soldiers, and again sharply accused for the stay that he made there, and for not resolving presently to remove thence; and at last after many reproachful Speeches, told expressly, That if he did not the next morning remove out of those quarters, without all fail he should lose his Life for it. For all that, Ferat disdaining to yield to them, that should of Duty have been ready and obedient at every beck of his; and seeking by all means (notwithstanding all this stir) to stay there so long time as should be sufficient to build a Fort, that would so much offend Manucchiar; answered them again: 
The stout answer o● Ferat.  THat he made no account of their threatening him with his Life, which he had always offered to lay down for any service of his King. But if they had no care to serve their Sovereign in this new Building, they might go their ways; as for himself he was resolutely minded to obey his Lord in whatsoever he had commanded him; for the honour of whom every one of them ought to think their Lives very well bestowed.  
Upon this answer there followed divers rail and cursings against the King, against the General, and against them all; and in this confused tumult every man betook himself to his Weapons; in every corner was heard grumble and whisper full of Wrath and Indignation; so that there was a great fear of some dangerous event, but greater was the Suspicion of the General's Life. And now every man had withdrawn himself to the guarding of such things a● he esteemed most; when suddenly and in a trice you might have seen the Pavilions of all the Bassas and Captains fall down flat to the Ground, 
The Soldier's overthrow the General's Tents, and threaten to kill him,  all the Cords thereof being cut insunder by the wrathful Soldiers; and as it were in a moment, all the Muttons and other cattle the General and Bassanes led with them for their ordinary use, were seized upon by the same Soldiers, and guarded with all diligence possible. And so far was it off that any man durst challenge or revenge this their Insolency, that they themselves turning afresh upon their General, being now in a maze and deadly fear, began now the third time to threaten him, That if he did not forthwith remove from those Countries, and turn his Journey towards Erzirum, those Valleys and Fields should without all fail become the Sepulchers of the Bassas, and those Hills retain the eternal Memory of so bloody a day.  
With a little Liberality might the General have done with this People whatsoever he had listed, but being loath to gratify them in any thing, he was enforced to perform their proud and arrogant demands, and to his great shame, to obey them, whom with right usage he might have made obedient to himself; and therefore to avoid their despightful Threats, to his exceeding great reproach, he was glad even as they had commanded, to remove out of those quarters. The first day he arrived at Ardachan, with the great trouble of all his Soldiers; for whereas the Journey was wont to be two days work ordinarily, as well in respect of the length of the way, as the difficulty of the Passage; the General would now needs have it done in one, the rather thereby to grieve his Soldiers. But of this his wilfulness he received even the same day the just reward; for that the Chariots wherein his Women rid were conveyed away, together with the Eunuches that were their Keepers: some say by the Georgians that lay in wait for such a Prey; others say by the janissaries, who the more to dishonour their General, wrought him this Injury.  
Great was the reproach that Ferat received in the Army, but far greater at Constantinople, when these News were there known; but there was no remedy, he must now perforce endure it, and discontented as he was, keep on his way towards Erzirum. 
Ferat at Ardachan breaketh up his Army.  In Ardachan he took a survey of his Army, and there gave his Soldiers leave to depart: himself afterwards arriving at Erzirum, hated of all his Soldiers, envied by his Captains, derided for the loss of his Women, and fallen into the disgrace of every man. No less than the rest was the Turkish Emperor discontented with him also; first for that he had done nothing worth speaking of, in revenge of the shameful Injury done by Manucchiar the Georgian, and yet so mightily discontented his Soldiers: and secondly, for that without any care he had suffered Aliculi Chan the Persian Prisoner to escape away, about whose flight it was thought he could not choose but have some Intelligence. For Ferat, after he was by new order from the Court, to divert his Journey from Nassivan, to the straits and narrow Passages of Georgia, being desirous to be throughly informed of those dangerous ways; in this second year when he removed from Erzirum, took Aliculi Chan out of Prison, of purpose to use him as his guide in those dangerous straits, and therefore carried him under a Guard (whatsoever it was afterwards) of his most faithful Vassals, still entreating him well, and taking such order as that he wanted nothing; at last being come to the straits of Tomanis in Georgia, where the Castle (as it was before said) was erected, he from thence secretly escaped into Persia. The manner of his escape is diversely reported; some say, That Ferat in discharge of his Promise, for his good Direction had gratified him with his Liberty. Others say, That Ferat corrupted with Money, gave him Opportunity to escape; some others (with more probability) That his escape was made neither for Money, nor discharge of promise; but by the only Vigilancy of Aliculi himself, and the sleepiness of his Keepers; and that watching the Opportunity of the Night (a friend to all escapes) he started away. Howsoever it was, in fine, he was delivered from his long Captivity, to the discredit of Ferat, and returned into Persia, to perform such Interprises against the Turks; as shall be hereafter declared.  
General Ferat (before his departure out of Georgia) had commanded Aly, 
The dangerous Passage from Reivan to Teflis secured unto the Turks.  the Bassa of Graecia (whom he lef●, as is before declared, in the new Castle of Lori) to fortify a certain Castle called Saitan Chas (in our Language, The Castle of the Devil) which he with great Diligence performed, and left therein fifty pieces of Artillery, and a thousand Soldiers under the charge of a Sanzack; and so quieted the Passages from Fort to Fort, as that all the ways from Reivan to Chars, and from Chars to Teflis, were made easy and safe; and all the means taken away whereby the Enemy might be able to plot any new Treachery upon those Passages, which was no small piece of good Service.  
The Persian King in the mean time lying at Tauris with his Army, understanding that the Turks had changed their purpose from Nassivan to Georgia, so that there was no further need to employ his Army against them for the defence of Tauris or Nassivan; at last resolved with himself to licence his Soldiers to depart, and to apply himself to remove private Revenges. For calling Emir Chan unto him, whom he had left Governor of Tauris, and General for that part of his Kingdom; he required of him the occasion, why he had not performed the great Promises which he had made to him before his departure to Heri, nor done his endeavour to hinder the Turks Fabric at Reivan; and why he went not out with other Soldiers appointed for that purpose, and namely with the Turcomans (as he had promised) to revenge so great an Injury, and in best manner he could, to have endamaged the Turkish Forces? Sundry excuses did Emir Chan allege for the colouring of his manifest default, but none sufficient to clear him of the Crimes objected against him by the King and the Sultan's; 
Emir Chan having his Eyes put out, dieth miserably in Prison.  wherefore he was by the King adjudged to have his Eyes burnt out with an hot Iron; and so deprived of his sight, to be despoiled of all his Goods, and shut up in close Prison. Which heavy doom was without further delay accordingly put in Execution; whereof within the space of a few Months, the wicked Chan (but yet a famous Soldier) miserably died in Prison. Whose Death so highly offended the Turcoman Nation, (who had him always in great Estimation) that they absolutely denied their defences for the Crown of Persia: and the more, when they heard that the King had bestowed the room of Emir Chan upon Aliculi; who although he had in many respects deserved all Preferment, yet for that he was an ancient Enemy to certain Turcoman Captains, they would not in any wise endure that he should be exalted to so great an Honour. And therefore they waxed more disdainful and ill affected towards the King, whereby the Persian Forces became the more weakened and divided.  
The Turks notwithstanding the League yet in Force betwixt Amurath and Rodolph the Christian Emperor that now is, did many times make Incursions into the upper part of Hungary, burning the Country Villages, and carr●ing away the People into Captivity; but in their return, they were oftentimes cut off by the Emperor's Soldiers and slain. Which being reported at Constantinople, much moved the Turkish Tyrant: but when he understood that his men had without any cause made those inroads into the Territory of the Christians, and so received the foresaid Losses, he was again appeased, and in the beginning of this year 1584., renewed the League betwixt him and the Emperor for eight years more.  
Ferat from Erzirum advertised Amurath of all that had happened in his late Expedition; desiring him to command what he would have taken in hand the next Spring. But besides this information from him, there wanted not many others which did the like also, although in another manner: declaring unto the King (and that in an odious sort) the whole proceedings of Ferat, the escape of Aliculi Chan, the shameful loss of his Women, his Quarrels with the janissaries, his falling out with Veis Bassa, a man well regarded of Amurath himself, the Disorders of his whole Camp for his want of Discretion; and to be short, the particularities of all such Actions as had not altogether so honourably been by him performed that year: Causes of themselves sufficient to induce the King to remove the said Ferat from his Generalship. To which occasions, were also added sundry other secret respects: for ever since the last departure of Ferat from Erzirum, Amurath had still in his head, the next year following to attempt the Enterprise of Tauris, and thereby to stir up through the World a famous Report of his Conquest correspondent to his Greatness. Now among the Captains whom he esteemed to be worthy men, to whom he might with trust commit this so great an enterprise, he bethought himself of Osman Bassa, left at Sumachia in Siruan by General Mustapha in the first year of this War: who having in that Province remained ever since, had without any help of the Tartarians, by his own Industry and Valour, to the great Contentment of Amurath, brought that large Country into a reasonable Obedience to the Turkish Empire; and that which most of all pleased the Turkish Emperor, had in a Country so far distant, maintained his Army, wherewith he had done all this without any Expenses at all to his King; having now a good while levied his Soldier's Stipends upon the Lands and Territories of that Region; and still exercised a kind of Government and Sovereignty over those Places. Of all which his good Proceedings, he had caused Intelligence from time to time to be sent unto the Court; by which means, and other Favourers which he had about the King, there was fostered in the mind of Amurath a wonderful good Opinion of him; so that now without delay he resolved to send for him to Constantinople; 
Amurath sendeth for Osman into Siruan.  and for that purpose, before Ferat was arrived at Erzirum, he had dispatched certain Capigi and Chiaus to call this famous warrior unto him: yet wanted there not some (and those not of the meanest sort) that went about to hinder both his coming to the Court, and also these Designments of so great importance. For Sciaus the chief Visier (who rather for the comeliness of his person and alliance with the King, than for any other his Virtues, was mounted to that high room) did greatly fear, lest Osman, whose course it was to sit next unto him in the order of the greatest Bassas, partly for his experience in matters of War, and partly for the good Affection the King did bear unto him, should at his coming to Constantinople persuade the King to what he listed, and so peradventure take from him the chiefest Office, and get into his hands the whole Government of the Empire, whereby so great wealth was to be gained. Wherefore to rid himself of these Fears, he cast about by all means to keep him from coming to the Court: but because that to attempt the same openly, might prove a matter both difficult and dangerous, he thought it better to make trial of a more commodious and secret means. This Sciaus in consideration of many Gifts bestowed upon him by Mahamet the Cuman-Tartar King, had many times excused him to Amurath of divers Accusations which Osman by his Letters had laid to his charge; for not aiding him in the subduing of Siruan, as he was both by promise and duty bound: and for all his oversights alleged such reasons in his behalf, as if they did not altogether persuade Amurath to be kind unto him, yet at the least not to carry a mind of revenge against him; and had so far proceeded in countenancing this Tartarian King, that there was betwixt them confirmed an interchangeable Amity and mutual Confederacy. Him Sciaus imagined to find willing and ready by all means possible, to hinder the coming of Osman his Enemy to the Court, if he were but made acquainted with the matter. And therefore Sciaus, as soon as he understood the certain Resolution of Amurath, to call Osman to the Court, secretly wrote to the Tartarian King, who lay encamped near to the Haven of Caffa upon the Fens of Meotis; certifying him, That Osman was to come to the Court; and that therefore it were good for him to call to mind, how great an Enemy he had been to him, and how much he had endeavoured by Letters to Amurath, to return all his Hatred and Displeasure against him; and withal, That if he was able to do so much by Letters, as if Sciaus had not defended him with very reasonable Excuses, the King had executed his wrathful Indignation upon him to his great danger; he should then imagine with himself, what Osman should be able to do, when he should come in Person to the Presence of Amurath, and without any Mediator, between themselves determine of all matters what they should think convenient. These, and peradventure worse Letters which Sciaus wrote to the Tartar, ministered matter enough unto him to resolve to do what he might, not to suffer so pernicious an Enemy of his to arrive at Constantinople; and especially perceiving that Sciaus, in whose breast he reposed all his Hope and all his Protection, did so greatly fea● his coming. 
The Tartar King sendeth 12000 Tartars to lie in wait for to kill Osman.  Wherefore to rid himself of that Fear, he commanded twelve thousand Soldiers, that changing their Weapons and Apparel, they should go and lie in wait for Osman in the Borders between Colchis and Iberia, towards the Tartarian Nomads, by which way he was to come; and so making an assault upon him, to bereave him of his Life. Hoping that such an outrage once done, could not, or would not, be imputed to his procurement, but rather to the Tartar Nomades, or to the Mengrellians, or to the Georgians, or to the Muscovites, or to the Robbers by the Highway; and to be short, rather to any body else, than to him. This Commandment of the Tartar King, was accordingly by the Soldiers put in Practice; who without further stay joined themselves together, and so road towards the Place appointed.  
And now were the Messengers sent from Amurath, come to Osman, who presently put himself on his way towards Constantinople, having left behind him at Derbent and Sumachia, two Bassas, thought to be the most sufficient men in Seruania; having also appointed very good orders in the same, and an assured establishment of all those Countries and Places which Mustapha first had subdued, and he himself had afterwards maintained under the Obedience of Amurath. He had also provided for the safety of his own Person, in passing those troublesome and dangerous Passages through which he was to travel, by choosing out four thousand Soldiers which he had tried in divers Battles, and brought up under his own Discipline; through whose Valour he doubted not safely to pass through the Treacheries of the Albanians, and the populous squadrons as well of the Tartarians as of the Mengrellians.  
Thus departed he from Derbent, and coasting along the Rocks of Caucasus (that at all times of the year are all white and hoary with continual Snows) leaving on his left hand Media, Iberia, and Colchis; and on the right hand, the famous Rivers of Tanais and Volga, even at his first entrance unto the Shores of the Euxine Sea, 
Osman assaulted by 12000 Tartar●.  he was by the above named twelve thousand Tartarians, being apparelled like Thiefs that lie upon those ways, suddenly assailed and fought withal. But like as an huge Rock lying open to Tempest and Waves, standing fast and unmoveable in itself, resisteth the thunderings and rushings of the great and fearful Billows: so stood Osman fast and firm, and courageously sustained this treacherous assault, turning the bold Countenances of his resolute Soldiers, against the rebellious multitude of those traitorous Squadrons; who, as is their manner in the beginning, used great force, but finding so stout resistance in those few, whom they had thought with their only looks and shoutings to have put to flight, they began at length to quail. 
Osman overcometh the Tartars.  Which Osman quickly perceiving, courageously forced upon them, and in a very short space, and with a very small loss of his own, put those Tartarians to flight, killing a number of them, and also taking many of them Prisoners; by whom Osman was afterwards informed (as the truth was) that their King for fear that he had conceived, lest when he came to Constantinople he would procure his Destruction from Amurath, had sent this Army to seek his Death. Of which Treason Osman caused a perfect process to be made, together with the Dispositions of the Tartarian Prisoners, which he sent the shortest way he could devise to Amurath at Constantinople, with Letters declaring all that had passed, inflaming him to revenge so dangerous an Injury, and so wicked a Practice. Amurath receiving these Advertisements from Osman, according to the Necessity of the matter, took order that Vluzales his Admiral with certain Galleys well appointed, should pass over to Caffa to fetch Osman; and withal to carry with him Islan, a Brother of the Tartar Kings, commanding Osman by Letters, that he should (to the terror of others) put to death the treacherous King, and place his Brother in his room.  
This Tartar King was one of those mighty Princes, who basely yielding to the Ottoman Power, led under them a most vile and troublesome Life, as their Tributaries and Vassals, always at command; whose younger Brother Islan, (presuming of the sufficiency of himself and the favour of the People) going to Constantinople, became a Suitor unto the Turkish Emperor, to have his eldest Brother thrust out of his Kingdom, as a man for his evil Government hated of his Subjects, and to be placed himself in his room. Which his suit was so crossed by the Ambassadors of the King's Brother (who spared for no cost in the behalf of their Master) that the ambitious Youth was sent from the Turks Court to Iconium, and there clapped fast up in Prison; where apparelled like an Eremit, he led his Life altogether conformable to his Misery, with such a kind of external Innocency, as if he had been void of all hope or ambitious desire of a Kingdom, but rather like a forlorn and unhappy wretch with vain Affliction and impious Devotion to prepare himself to a laudable and honourable Death. But whilst he thus lived, sequestered from all worldly Cogitations, upon the discovery of the King his Brother's Rebellion, he was in more than post hast sent for to Constantinople, and put into the Galleys bound for Caffa, with Letters to Osman of the tenor aforesaid. 
Osman strangleth Mahomet the Tartar King with his two Sons, and placeth Islan his Brother in his stead.  Now in the mean time Osman had by cunning means got into his hands this Tartar King, being, as is reported, betrayed by his own Counsellors, corrupted by the Turks Gold; whom with his two Sons Osman upon the receipt of the aforesaid Letters from Amurath, caused to be presently strangled with a Bowstring, and Islan his younger Brother to be saluted King in his Place, yet as Vassal to Amurath. This shameful death, the usual reward of the Turkish Friendship, was thought justly to have happened unto his Tartar King, for that he long before, supported by Amurath, had most unnaturally deposed his aged Father from that Kingdom, just revenge now prosecuting his so great Disloyalty.  
Osman embarked himself at the forenamed Galleys at the Port of Caffa, passing over the Euxine Sea, and entering into the Thracian Bosphorus, arrived at Constantinople; where he was received with great Pomp and singular significations of good Love. But with most evident and express kinds of Joy was he saluted by Amurath himself, when by his own Speech and Presence he declared unto him every particularity of the matters that had happened in his long and important Voyage, and in lively manner represented unto him the Perils and Travels that he had passed, and the Conquests that he had made in Si●uan. 
Amurath demandeth Osmans' Opinion concerning the Enterprise of Tauris.  After all which Discourses, Amurath who longed after nothing more, than to see the Persian King somewhat bridled, and the famous City of Tauris brought under his own Subjection, began to enter into Conference with Osman about that Enterprise, and in the end would needs know throughly of him, what issue he could promise him of this his desire: and in what sort by his Advice and Counsel the Forces should be employed, and the Armies disposed for the subduing of that City, which over all the Nations of the World was so famous and so great an honour to the Persian Kingdom. To all which demands his Answer and Resolution was, 
Osman's Resolution.  That forsomuch as the matters of Georgia were now well settled, the treacherous Passages by the new built Forts assured, and the Province of Siruan under his Obedience established, there was now no cause why he should any longer foreslow so famous an Enterprise, but by the Conquest of Tauris, and erecting of a Fort in that proud City, to bring a Terror upon all Persia, and to raise a glorious renown of so mighty a Conquest among the Nations of Europe; for the accomplishment whereof, he thought that either the same Army, or at the most a very little greater would suffice, so that it were raised of the best and choicest Soldiers.  
By reason of one of the Letters which Sciaus Bassa had written to the late Tartar King, and by the Instigation of the young Sultan Mahomet's Mother (jealous of the near alliance of the great Bassa with her Husband, as prejudicial and dangerous to her Son) Amurath had in the open Divano deprived the said Sciaus from the Office of the chief Visier, and hardly pardoning him his Life, at the Intercession of his Wife, being his Sister had banished him the Court, so that he lived afterwards about Chalcedon, upon the Borders of Asia, not far from Constantinople, in a close Palace he had there built for his own Pleasure; 
Osman Bassa made chief Visier and General of the Army.  in whose room he appointed Osman to be chief Visier; and to honour him the more, nominated him the General of his Army against the Persians. Such Power hath Virtue, that even from the very scum of the rascal sort, and out of the rustical rout of Mountain Peasants (which notwithstanding cannot be truly justified of this Osman, his Father being Beglerbeg of Damascus, and his Mother, the Daughter of the Beglerbeg of Babylon) it doth oftentimes in the course of this variable World draw divers men into Prince's Courts, and advance them to the highest Dignities. Truth it is, that from a private Soldier, though well born, he by sundry degrees grew up to the highest Honour of that so great an Empire, and was at one instant created the chief Counsellor and General of the Ottoman Forces. Great was the Joy that Osman conceived hereat; and great was the desire he had to make himself worthy of so honourable Favours; and the greater Confidence he perceived that Amurath had reposed in him, the more eagerly was he spurred on to any thing possible whereby he might show himself to have deserved the same. And therefore advising with himself, that forasmuch as the greatness of the Enterprise required a greater Army than was levied in former years, so it was necessary also for him the sooner to send out his Advertisements into all his subject Provinces, and by his own example to stir up the other Captains and Soldiers even in the Winter (though it were as yet somewhat troublesome) to pass over to Scutari, and from thence to Angori, to Amasia, to Sivas: and there in those Territories to drive out the time, until his Soldiers which were summoned, were all gathered together. And because upon this his great speed it might peradventure fall out, that the Enemy misdoubting his purpose for Tauris, might provide a greater Army than they would otherwise, he caused it to be given out, That he must go for Nassivan; to the end, that the Persians so beguiled, should not regard the gathering of so mighty an Army as they could have done if they should have heard of the Turks coming to Tauris; and so the General cozening Rumour flew, not only through all the City's subject to the Turks, but into the Countries of the Persians also; who notwithstanding being very jealous of the City of Tauris, and fearing that the matter would fall out, as indeed afterward it did, ceased not make most curious and diligent inquiry about it. And although the disgrace offered to his Ambassador at Constantinople, dissuaded him from sending any other for treaty of Peace: yet to spy out the Secrets of the Turks, and to understand the certainty of their purpose for Nassivan or Tauris, he sent divers Messengers to Osman, as if he had meant to feel his mind touching a Peace; but in very deed for nothing else but to sound his Designments: which for all that, he could not with all the cunning he could use possibly discover, but still remained doubtful as at the first, the Fame still running for Nassivan.  
In the beginning of this year, now growing towards an end, Amurath sent one Mustapha, one of the meanest of his Chiaus, unto Stephen King of Polonia, to excuse the Death of Podolovius (so shamefully murdered as is before declared) as if the same had happened by the Insolency of certain Soldiers, and not by his Commandment; who the better to colour the matter, had brought with him two base Fellows, as Authors of that outrage, for the King to take revenge upon; but were indeed no such men as they were pretended to be, but rather (as it was thought) men before condemned for some other Fact worthy of Death, and now sent thither to serve that purpose: for whom the Chiaus (in proud and threatening manner in the name of his Master) required to have present Restitution made of all such goods as the Polonian Cossacks had not long before taken from the Turks, and the Captain of the said Cossacks to be delivered also unto him, to be carried to Amurath; and so hardly urged the matter, that (notwithstanding the unworthy Death of Podolovius and his Followers, and the taking away of his Horses) all the goods taken by the Cossacks, were forthwith restored; which the Chiaus almost in triumphant manner presented unto Amurath at Constantinople.  
This Summer also, Amurath disporting himself with his Mutes, was almost dead. These Mutes are lusty strong Fellows, deprived of their Speech; who nevertheless certain by signs can both aptly express their own Conceits, and understand the meaning of others: these men for their Secrecy are the cruel Ministers of the Turkish Tyrants most horrible Commands; and therefore of them had in great regard. With these Mutes mounted upon fair and fat, but heavy and unready Horses, was Amurath, upon a light and ready Horse, sporting himself (as the manner of the Turkish Emperors is) riding sometime about one, sometime about another; and striking now the Horse, now the Man, at his Pleasure, when suddenly he was taken with a fit of the falling Sickness, his old Disease; and so falling from his Horse, was taken up for dead: insomuch, that the janissaries supposing him to have been indeed dead, after their wont manner fell to the spoiling of the Christians and Jews, and were proceeding to further outrages, had not their Aga or Captain to restrain their Insolency, to the Terror of the rest, hanged up one of them taken in the manner, and certain others in the habit of janissaries. Nevertheless▪ Amurath shortly after recovered again, and to appease that Rumour of his Death (openly upon their Sabbath, which is the Friday) rid from his Palace to the Temple of Sophia; 
Io. Leunc. sup. Annal. Turcicorum. pag. 91.  where I with many others saw him (saith Leunclavius) his Countenance yet all pale and discoloured.  

A most barbarous outrage committed by Petrus Emus a Venetian.  This year also happened such a chance as had like to have raised new Wars betwixt the Turks and the Venetians; which, forasmuch as it is worth the reporting, I thought it not good in silence to pass over. The Widow of Ramadan Bassa, late Governor of Tripoli in Barbary, with her Son, her Family, and a great number of Slaves of both sorts, being about to depart from Tripoli to Constantinople, had rigged up a fair Galley for the transporting of herself and her Substance, reported to be worth eight hundred thousand ducats; upon which Galley for her more safety, she had joined two others, as Consorts. Thus embarked, she came to the Mouth of the Adriatic; where sailing by Curfu, she was by force of Tempest driven into the Gulf of the Adriatic. At which time one Petrus Emus, one of the Venetian Senators, with certain Galleys, had the charge for the keeping of that Sea against Pirates, and all other Enemies whatsoever. He hearing of the Turks coming into the Gulf, without delay set upon them; and being too strong for them, took them all; and having them now in his Power, exercised most barbarous Cruelty, as well upon the Women as the Men: for having slain the Men, in number two hundred and fifty, and the Son of Ramadan in his Mother's lap, he caused the Women, being before ravished, to have their Breasts cut off, and afterwards to be cast overboard into the Sea, being in number about forty. The Brother of Emus chancing upon a beautiful Virgin, was by her most earnestly entreated to have spared her Honour; and the rather, for that (as she said) she was a Christian, taken Prisoner about twelve years before in Cyprus; since which time she had lived in most miserable Captivity among the Turks; and being now fallen by good hap into the hands of a noble Venetian, was in good hope to be set at Liberty inviolated; which she most humbly besought him for the love of God to do, and not to imbrue his hands with her guiltless Blood, or to dishonour himself by forcing of her. But all she could say prevailed nothing with the cruel and unbridled Youth, who after he had at his Pleasure abused her, cast her with the rest into the Sea. It is thought that Emus suffered this so great an outrage (and so far unbeseeming the Honour of the Venetians) to be done, 
The Villainy discovered.  to the intent that none should be left alive to bewray the greatness of the Booty, or of the Villainy there committed; which was nevertheless (God so appointing it) revealed by one of the Turks, who saved by a Surgeon of Crete which knew him, and afterwards coming to Constantinople, openly declared the same. With the odious report whereof, the Turks were so enraged, that in every corner of the City a man might have heard them threatening unto the Venetians most cruel Revenge; yea they had much ado to hold their hands from the Bilo or Governor of the Venetian Merchants in Constantinople, and to forbear to spit in his Face, as he went in the Streets▪ At that time was one johan, Franciscus Maurocenus (or as they commonly call him, Moresin) Bilo at Constantinople; 
Amurath sendeth a Messenger to Venice, to expostulate the Injury done unto his Subjects▪  who understanding that Amurath in his Rage was about to ●end one of the great Gentlemen of his Court, whom the Turks call Zausii, (the great Turk's usual Ambassadors) to Venice about that matter, found means to have him stayed at Constantinople, and another of less Authority sent to expostulate the matter with the Senate, and in the Name of Amurath, to require to have the Offender punished, and the Galleys with the Slaves and Goods restored; so should the League betwixt him and them continue firm; whereas otherwise he should be constrained by force of Arms to revenge the Wrongs done to his Subjects. This Message being by the said Messenger delivered at Venice, the Senators after diligent Examination of the matter, returned this answer; That the Widow of Ramadan with her Family coming to Zacynthus, an Island of theirs, was there honourably entertained, and presented with certain courteous Presents; but departing thence, and coming to Cephalenia, another of their Islands, her People running on Land, contrary to the Conditions of the League, made spoil of whatsoever they could light upon, sparing neither Man nor Beast; of which their Insolency their Proveditor understanding, and making after them, found them in Arms within the Gulf; and coming near unto them, was neither by them saluted, as the manner at Sea is, neither was any topsail struck, in token that the command of that Sea belonged unto the Venetians, all which they ought by the League to have done; for which their outrages and proud Contempt, their Proveditor had taken so sharp a Revenge; nevertheless, they promised in that case to do what beseemed them in Reason and Justice to do, for the satisfying of his desire. With which so reasonable an answer, Amurath seemed to be well contented; but being indeed loath to entangle himself with Wars against that mighty State at Sea, his Wars against the Persians being not yet finished; yet shortly after, 
Petrus Emus beheaded.  Emus was for his dishonourable and cruel dealing with the Lady and her Family, worthily condemned and beheaded, and the Galleys with all the Goods and Slaves restored. 
Io. Leunc. sup. Annal. Turcicoru● pag. 92.  This great Woman had in those Galleys four hundred Christian Slaves, all which upon the taking of the Galleys were (as the manner is) set at Liberty, for whom the Venetians made Restitution of as many others of the Turks.  
Ramadan Bassa, the Husband of the aforesaid great Lady, was Governor of Tripoli in Barbary, and of the Country thereabouts; who having Wars with one of the barbarous Kings of the Moors, went out against him with all his Forces, wherein were certain Companies of janissaries, sent by Amurath from Constantinople. Now in this Country, as in many other places of afric, are great and desert Sands, over which whosoever is to pass, must provide himself both of Victuals and skilful Guides; without which they are not without danger to be passed. Ramadan with his Army unprovided both of the one and the other, having entered these Deserts, was at length brought to that case, that he could neither go forward, neither without loss of his men, 
Ramadan Bassa slain by the insolent janissaries.  return. Yet at length he retired, and got home, but not without the loss of some of his People, and the manifest danger of his whole Army; for which his improvidence the Janissaries fell into such a rage, that not respecting the honour of the man, or regarding the displeasure of their Sovereign, they fell upon him and slew him. At which their Insolency if Amurath did wink, and pass it over unpunished, let no man marvel; for why, the ancient obedience of those martial men is not now as it was in former times, when they were with a more severe Discipline governed; but now grown proud and insolent (as the manner of men is living in continual pay) with Weapons in their hands doubt no● to do whatsoever seemeth unto themselves best, be it never so foul or unreasonable. Which although it be in many places of this History to be seen; yet for the more manifestation thereof, I thought it not amiss here briefly to set down an Example or two of their notorious Insolency.  
Not many years before, the Janissaries in Cyprus with like Insolency slew Achmetes Bassa, 
Achmetes Bassa Governor of Cyprus, slain by the janissaries.  Governor of that Island; pretending for the colour of so foul a fact, that he had defrauded them of their pay, and oppressed them of the Country with intolerable exactions. Amurath highly offended with this their Disloyalty in killing their General, whom they had never before complained of; thought it much to concern the Majesty of himself, and the repressing of the like Insolency in others, not to suffer it to go unpunished; and for that purpose sent another new Governor into Cyprus, with ten Galleys furnished as well in other necessary Provision, as with such a convenient number of Soldiers as might suffice to chastise the Insolency of the chief Offenders. This new Governor arrived in Cyprus, dissembling the secret Commandment he had for the executing of the Transgressor's; by certain trusty men gave it out among the Janissaries, That Amurath was so far from being angry with the death of Achmetes, as that he thought him worthily slain by the Janissaries, for defrauding them of their Wages, and oppressing of his other Subjects. Which report the new Governor had of purpose given out, to put them in Security, and without further trouble to bring them into his danger. Hereupon the Janissaries cheerfully and with all due Reverence received their new Governor; 
Another Insolency of the janissaries.  but shortly after to be sure, they by an unexpected guile when as nothing was less feared, compassed in all the new come Soldiers, and slew them every Mother's Son; and not so contented, seized also upon the Galleys that brought them. Which second outrage, though Amurath took in evil part, as seeing his Majesty therein contemned, yet was he content to pass it over, being loath to add edomestical Troubles to the great War he had in hand with the Persian.  

Busbeq. Legationis Turci●e, Epist. 3.  But to end this matter with the Opinion of their own greatest Bassas, concerning these masterful men. It fortuned that whilst Busbequius (Ambassador for Ferdinand the Emperor, unto Solyman) lay in the Turks Camp, at such time as Solyman in Person himself was gone▪ over the Strait in Asia, to countenance his eldest Son Solymus against his younger Brother Bajazet, That upon a light Quarrel (though heavily taken) between the Followers of the said Ambassador, and certain Janissaries washing themselves at the Seaside, the Ambassador for the quieting thereof was glad to use the help of Rustan the great Bassa, Solyman's Son-in-Law; who understanding of the matter by a Messenger sent of purpose, adviseth the Ambassador to cut off all occasion of Contention with those most naughty Fellows; ask him further, if he knew not that it was now the time of War, in which time they so reigned, as that Solyman himself was not able to rule them, but stood in fear of them. Which speech fell not rashly from Rustan, a man right well acquainted with his Lord and Master's Grief; for that most notable Prince feared nothing more, than lest some secret and dangerous▪ Treason should lie hidden among the Janissaries, which breaking out upon the sudden, might work his final Destruction; whereof he needed not to seek for any further Example, than to his Grandfather Bajazet. For, as true it is, That great are the Commodities of a perpetual Army of a Princes own; so are the Incommodities also not small, if they be not carefully met withal; but especially for that the Prince is ever in doubt of Rebellion; and that it is still in the Power of those armed Soldiers, at their Pleasure to translate the Kingdom to whom they list. Whereof there have been many great Examples, although there are many ways for the remedying of the same.  
But now that we have by occasion of the Occurrents of that time a little stepped out of the way, year 1585. let us return again unto the Wars of Persia, the chief Object of Amurath's haughty Designs. Now according to the Commandments gone out through all the Cities of the Empire, the Soldiers of all sorts began to flock together; and all those that were either desirous to be established in their former Charges and Governments, or ambitiously sought to be now promoted, repaired to Osman, as unto a King▪ and the sovereign Moderator of the Turkish Empire, presenting him very large and liberal Gifts, whereby he gathered together a huge heap of infinite Treasure; and so entertaining them with all affable Courtesy, and promising both Rewards and Honours to such as would follow him in his purposed Expedition, he levied a wonderful great number both of Men and Monies. And now was the time come that called him away to go towards Erzirum, where he was greatly expected of his huge Army there assembled together. And notwithstanding the great dearth of Victual that commonly reigneth in those quarters, yet thither he must, where he arrived about the latter end of the Month of july, in the year 1585.: and there taking a view of his whole Army, and of all the Provision necessary for so important and famous an Enterprise, he daily laboured to hasten his departure. In this City of Erzirum were met together all the Soldiers of the Provinces that were wont to send help, but yet in greater number than ever was gathered by any General before: for that every man forsook his own private Business, and upon assured hopes of new Rewards and unwonted Honours, were all induced to follow the Fame of this their new Visier and General: only the People of Egypt and Damascus were busied with other more private Quarrels at home, whereof because they were both of great Importance, and also fell out at this very instant (leaving Osman with his Army for a while at Erzirum) I will in as few words as I may, make a brief rehearsal.  
Amurath had heretofore taken Hassan Bassa the Eunuch out of the Seraglio, 
Hassan Bassa the Queen's Eunuch sent to Cairo to govern there.  from the charge he had there to serve in the Queen's Court, and at her instance sent him as Bassa to Cairo the great City of Egypt. Which great Office, beside the Honour belonging unto it, is also beneficial to them whose good hap it is to be advanced thereunto; the Riches, the multitude of People inhabiting therein being so great, that it seemeth not to be one City, but rather to contain within the large Circuit thereof, many Cities. This man being exceeding covetous, and therefore desirous to handle the matter in such sort, as that he should little need to seek for any more such grants at the King's hands, sought by all manner of means to oppress the whole Nation, and by all Importunities to wring and extort from them Rewards and Bribes, without regard of Honesty or Reason. By which his sinister and corrupt dealing he had now made himself so odious and intolerable to the People in general, that they in great number, and many times, began to go to Constantinople, and with humble petitions to request the King to take from them such a cruel and unjust Governor; so that generally in the Court there was no talk but of the Villainies and Mischiefs that were reported of the covetous Eunuch. At last Amurath seeing these public Exclamations went daily so far, as that he could not for shame let them go any further without due Punishment, he resolved with himself to call him to the Court; and having sent unto him certain Messengers, admonished him sundry times to return home. But the Eunuch loath to leave so fit an occasion to enrich himself, did still delay his return, alleging divers feigned Excuses for his longer stay. Which thing when Amurath understood, thinking himself thereby deluded, he determined to provide for so great a disorder, and by punishing of the mischievous Eunuch, to satisfy in some part the discontented Minds of his oppressed Subjects in Cairo.  

Ebrain Bassa in speech to Mary Amurath's Daughter.  There sat at that time among the chief Bassas of the Court, one Ebrain (or as most call him, Ibrahim) by Nation a Sclav●nian, a young man of the age of thirty two years, or thereabouts, of very fair Conditions, and of a reasonable Judgement; upon whom Amurath himself had determined to bestow his own Daughter to Wife, and so to make him his Son-in-law. And therefore being now minded to remove the Eunuch from his Office, and to satisfy the City; and being also willing withal to give means to his said Son-in-law to enrich himself, he resolved to send him as General Sindick and sovereign Judge in Egypt; giving him in particular charge, to remember how wickedly his Predecessor had dealt before him. And so this new Bassa took his Journey towards Egypt, although there ran before him a great Rumour of his coming, and of the great Authority wherewith he was sent. At which Report, as the Egyptians rested content and joyful, so the Eunuch waxed very sad and sorrowful; persuading himself, that this alteration could not but engender some strange issue and effect against him. Whereupon advising himself to provide better for his own Affairs and safety of his Life, he resolved not to stay the coming of the new Governor; but departing out of Egypt, he with great Care and Circumspection for fear of meeting with Ebrain, traveled towards Constantinople in hope to appease the King's Wrath, or at least by mediation of Bribes, and by the Intercession of the Queen, to find him more favourable than he should find Ebrain; who without doubt would not have spared any Extremity or Cruelty, to have bereft him both of his Goods and Life together. Amurath advertised from Ebrain, of the sudden flight of the Eunuch Bassa out of Egypt, and hearing withal, that he kept not the high way from Cairo to Constantinople, began to fear, lest when he came into Soria, he should fly into Persia to the King, and so work him double and treble damage; as one that had already gathered a huge Treasure, and having long lived in the Court, knew the most secret Affairs thereof, and had learned all the privy Devices and Fashions of the Seraglio. Whereupon he with all Diligence dispatched his Imbrahur Bassi (whom we call Master of his Horse) with forty of his Capigi (all Gentlemen Ushers, and Officers of most secret and nearest Rooms about him) with charge and commandment, that if they met him they should bring him to the Court; using all the Aid and Assistance of his People that might be requisite: and for that purpose delivered unto him very effectual and large Letters, after the best manner of the Court. This Messenger with his appointed train departed, and without any extraordinary inquiry, found the Eunuch in Soria, encamped in the Plains near unto the City now called Aman, but in times past Apamea, the principal City of that Country. 
The wariness of the crafty Eunuch.  As soon as the Eunuch understood of the coming of the Imbrahur himself, he gave order to his guard of Slaves, which in great number with Spears and Harcubuses did ordinarily keep his Pavilion, that they should not grant entrance into his Tent to any, but only unto the Imbrahur himself, and if need were, by ●orce to keep the rest of the Capigi from coming in. Which order was in very good time given; for as soon as the King's Officer had discovered the Tents of the fugitive Bassa, in all hast he ran towards the same, and seeking out the greatest among them, went presently thither, to have entered with all his Followers; but the Slaves being in Armour, opposed themselves against them, and permitting only the Imbrahur to enter in, entertained the rest of his Train without. The Imbrahur being come in, read unto him the Commandment which he had from the King to bring him to the Court; and most instantly moved him, that without any further resistance, he would quietly go with him. To whom the wary Eunuch answered, Behold, how without any calling of the King, or conducting by you, I come of myself, well assured to find not only Pardon and Pity, but also Favour and Grace in the sight of my Lord; whose upright and mild Nature the wicked Treacheries of my false Accusers cannot abuse, to the Prejudice of me an Innocent. And so without more ado they went all to Constantinople; the Eunuch still standing upon his Guard.  
The politic and crafty Eunuch had in this mean time dispatched divers Posts with Letters to the Sultan Ladies, certifying them of his coming, and principally beseeching the Queen to protect him, and to appease the King's wrathful Indignation that happily he might have conceived against him; and so at length they arrived at Scutari. As soon as Amurath understood of his coming thither, 
The Eunuch cast in Prison at Constantinople, and his evil gotten Goods confiscated.  he caused all the Treasure which he had gathered, to be taken from him, with all the rest of his private Substance, and the wretch himself to be clapped up in Prison in the jadicula or seven Towers. Where after he had languished many Days, still fearing some deadly blow, he at length received from the Queen, an unexpected, but most welcome Advertisement, That he should be of good cheer and quiet himself, for that his Wealth had already saved his Life, and that she hoped in short time to procure him also his Liberty. Which indeed she brought to pass; for she herself made earnest Petition to Amurath her Husband, that forasmuch as he had bereft her Eunuch of all his Goods, he would yet at lea●t deliver him out of Prison, and restore him unto her again. Which Request of the Queens was granted accordingly, and the Eunuch enlarged; but the Treasure that he so unjustly scraped together in Egypt, that remained still among the Gold and other Jewels of the Kings.  
But Ebrain Bassa with his new Commission now arrived in Egypt, had in short space by far mort sinister means than had the Eunuch before him, scraped together such an infinite heap of Riches, as was able only of itself to make him worthy of his promised Wife, and therefore he was called home to the Court, to accomplish the intended Marriage. With this Commandment to return to Constantinople, he received also in charge, to make his Journey through the People of Drusia; and such as he should find loyal, to confirm them in their due Obedience, and to make them pay their ancient Duties; but such as he should find stubborn and disobedient, he should quite root them out and destroy them. This Commandment Ebrain presently put in Execution, and having packed up together all the Riches he had gathered in the time of his Government, and raised good store of Soldiers in that Province, he took with him thirteen Sanzacks, that were ordinarily accustomed to sit as Assistants under the Government of the Bassa in the ruling of the populous Territories of Cairo, and so set forwards towards Gaza, passing over those vast and huge Wildernesses of Sand that lie between Cairo and Gaza. From Gaza, joining the Sanzack thereof with him, he went to jerusalem; and from thence, causing the Sanzack there also to follow his Train, he turned by Saffetto, by Lezium, by Naplos (called in times past Samaria) still taking with him the Sanzacks of all those places, and at last turned himself towards Damascus; so that before he joined with the band of Damascus, he had gotten together eighteen Sanzacks, with all their Squadrons of Soldiers and Slaves. Besides these, he had also his own private Court, which was wonderfully populous, and two hundred janissaries of Constantinople, whom Amurath would needs have him to take with him at his departure from the Court, so that he had in his Army almost twelve thousand Horsemen. From Damascus, Veis the Bassa was come as far as jerusalem to meet him, with all the Soldiers under his Government, in number about two thousand Persons. Besides that, there came unto him by the way of Sidon, the Aga of the janissaries of Cyprus, with all the band of that desolate and destroyed Island; which Captain with his Soldiers was transported over into the Main, in those Galleys that by the King's appointment were sent to fetch Ebrain; who, now strengthened with all these Soldiers, had purposed the utter ruin of the disobedient Drusians, and the raising of his own Glory, by triumphing over them.  
These Drusians, against whom these great Preparations were now made by this new Captain, 
The Drusian People what they are.  and of whom the Turkish Emperor is so suspicious and doubtful, are supposed to be by descent Frenchmen, the relics of those that with great Devotion did in times past fight those memorable and Christian Battles in jury, and recovered the holy City; but being afterwards brought low, partly by the Plague, and partly by the Fury of the Barbarians, mingled their Seed with the circumcised Nation, and so together with their Authority and Command, lost also their first Faith and Religion; yet so, that they grew into an hatred of the Turkish Superstition, and abhorring the Circumcision of the Jews, betook themselves to a new Prophet of their own called Isman, whose Doctrine they follow. The right Drusians live uncircumcised, neither do they forbear Wine, as do the Turks; they make it lawful among them (most unlawfully) to marry with their own Daughters; the Turkish Government they have sought by all means to eschew, notwithstanding all the Endeavours and Attempts of the Turkish Tyrants, but especially of Selimus the second, yet have they always been subject to their own natural Princes, and would never admit any Captain or Governor of the Turks within the Countries which they possessed. They are a People very warlike, stout, resolute, and religious observers of their own Superstitions; in Battle they use the Harquebus and Scimitar, yet some of them at this day do serve with Lances and Darts; they are apparelled after the manner of the Eastern People, with a Turban on their Heads, and Breeches they never wear, but instead thereof they cover those parts with their Coat, which reacheth down to their Knees, buttoning it up before; their feeding is gross, and of Mountain Meats; 
The Country which the Drusians inhabit.  they inhabit all the Country that is environed within the Confines of joppa, above Caesarea and Palestina, and within the Rivers of Orantes and jordan, stretching itself even to the Plain of Damascus, near to the Hills that compass it about upon the Coast of Mount Libanus. They were all in times past good Friends and Confederates, so that they were greatly esteemed; but now being at variance, through greediness and covetousness, they were divided among themselves, one seeking the Destruction of another. At this time they were governed by five chief Captains or Governors; 
Five chief Rulers or Governors among the Drusians.  one of them was called Ebneman, and of the Turks Man-Ogli; another Serafadin; the third Mahamet Ebne-Mansur; the fourth Ebne-Frec; and the fifth Ali-Ebne-Carfus, by the Turks called Ali-Carfus-Ogli. Under these (who indeed carry the Title and Authority of an Emir, that is to say, King or Chief) there are divers their Lieutenants or Deputies, whom they call their Macademi or Agents. Ebneman or Man-Ogli inhabited the Mountains and Fields that are contained under the Jurisdictions of Caesarea, of Ptolemaida, of Tyrus, and of Sidon, and had his residence for most part upon the Hill, in a Town called Andera; he was very mighty in Men and Armour, and since the time that by Treachery his Father was Murdered by Mustapha then Bassa of Damascus, always a deadly Enemy to the Name of the Turks. Ebne-Frec, Ebne-Carfus, and Ebne-Mansur were always great Friends; but now especially at the coming of Ebrain Bassa they showed themselves more straightly confederated together. Serafadin and Man-Ogli were ever opposite against them; so that the one side procuring the overthrow of the other, they lost their Strength, and left no means to defend themselves against the Turks, who had not long lain in wait for their Liberty. Now as soon as the News came among them, That Ebrain being departed from Cairo, was coming into Soria to subdue them; the three Confederates above named resolved among themselves to go and meet this great Bassa, and to submit themselves unto him, of purpose to turn all the intended Mischief upon Serafadin and Man-Ogli their Enemies. And so having packed up great store of Money, 
Three of the Drusian Lords met Ebrain at jerusalem with rich Presents, and a great train of Men.  Cloth of Silk, Cloth of Woollen, and Cloth of Gold, with many Loads of Silks, and other things of exceeding Value, every one of the three being accompanied, one with about two thousand, another with about three thousand men, they put themselves upon their Journey towards Ebrain, and met him at jerusalem, where he was already arrived. This their coming Ebrain took in wonderful good part; and courteously accepted those their rich and great Presents which they brought him; and by the offers of their Fidelity, and the grievous Accusations they made against the other two Drusian Lords their Enemies, began to conceive great hope of his intended enterprise; for why, he saw that nothing could more easily compass their overthrow, than this their Discord. Being thus accompanied, he came by the way of Damascus to the Champaign of Bocca, and there encamped. This was in the Month of july this year 1585. The whole Army that was with Ebrain, reckoning also the Soldiers of the three Drusian Lords, was about the number of twenty thousand Horsemen strong. In this place there came People out of all the quarters thereabouts, with Presents to honour the Bassa; to whom he likewise yielded such small Favours as his covetous Nature could afford them.  
From this place also Ebrain presently sent Letters to Serafadin and Ebneman, whereby he invited them to come unto him, to acknowledge their Obedience unto the Sultan; for that otherwise they might assure themselves to be in short time deprived both of their Estates and Lives. For all that, Man-Ogli would not by any means come in. But Serafadin being poor both in Wealth and Forces, resolved to come, in hope by rich Presents to purchase his Atonement with the great Bassa. And therefore having packed up together divers loads of Silk, great store of Money, and many clothes of good Value and Beauty, 
Serafadin cometh with Presents to Ebrain.  and also attended upon with divers of his Subjects, he arrived at last at the Pavilion of Ebrain, with these his rich Presents; which were there readily received, and he himself with great Attention heard; whose Speech in effect tended to no other thing, but only to persuade the Bassa, That he had always been a devoted Vassal unto Amurath, and that he had carried a continual desire to be employed in any his Service; and that now being led by the same Affection, and assured of his Favour, by the friendly and courteous offers made him in his Letters, he was come to show himself unto him to be the same man, and so proffered him whatsoever lay in his slender Power to perform. Whereunto Ebrain made no answer at all, but only asked him the cause why he lived continually in Discord and Brawls with the three Emirs (who also sat at that time in the same Pavilion.) Whereunto Serafadin answered, That it was not long of him, who as one desirous of Peace, had not long time taken up A●ms, but in the just defence of himself, against the Injuries of those his Enemies, who because they were more mighty than he, sought continually to oppress him. Hereat the three Conspirators arose, and with their grim looks bewraying their inward hatred, falsely charged him to have been ever the Authority of those Brawls; adding moreover, That his Insolency was at that time grown so great, as that no strange Vessel durst for fear of him arrive at the Ports of Sidon, Tyrus, or Berito; nor any Merchant or Merchandise pass over the Plains; but that those Countries, as though they were a prey and spoil to the Thiefs of Arabia, were generally shunned of all Travelers both by Sea and Land, to the great hindrance of the Sultan's Customs. Serafadin would hereunto have gladly replied, but prevented by Ebrain, and surcharged with many injurious Words, was committed to the Custody of the two hundred janissaries of Constantinople. And so being by them brought into a rotten Tent that was appointed for him, was every Night from thence forward put in the Stocks fast chained, and continually guarded with a trusty Guard of the same janissaries. In the mean time came the answer of Man-Ogli, who wrote back unto the great Bassa Ebrain, as followeth;  

A Letter of Man-Oglies, to Ebrain Bassa.  TO the Lord of Lords, Sovereign above the Great Ones, the mighty, the noble Captain Cousin to the grand Lord, and worthiest among the elect of the Prophet Mahomet▪ the noble and famous Lord Ebraim Bassa, God give good success to his haughty Enterprises, and Prosperity in all his Honour. I wish (even as thou dost lovingly invite and exhort me) that I might come before thee, and follow thee, and serve thee always in any occasion that it may happen thee to stand in need of my help. For I know that thou wouldst rest assured of the Reverence that I bear towards thy Lord, and of the most fervent desire wherein I live to serve him, and to employ both my Life and my Substance in his Service: whereof I have also given some Testimony, though but small, in the managing of his Customs that I have received; wherein I have always so carried myself, as that I am not his Debtor of one asper; a thing I wis that Ebne Mansur (who is now with thee) hath not done. For although by his coming to meet thee even as far as Jerusalem, he would make a show of his Fidelity, yet doth he usurp more than two hundred thousand ducats of the Kings, which he doth most unjustly detain from him of his Customs. But my hard Fortune will not grant me the Favour that I may come unto thee; for there are at this time present with thee three of mine Enemies, who (I know well) being not contented to have always disquieted and troubled my estate, do now seek to bring me into so great hatred with thy heart, that if thou hadst me in thy hands, thou wouldst without any Consideration bereave me of my Life. And I am assured, that this sending for me importeth no other thing, but only a desire thou hast to imprison me, and so to kill me; for I know how much thou art given to great Enterprises. Besides this, my coming is also hindered by mine ancient Oath that I took; when being as yet but a Child, I saw mine own Father so villainously betrayed by the murdering sword of Mustapha, being at that time the Bassa of Damascus; who under the colour of unfeigned Friendship, got him into his hand, and traitorously struck off his Head. For in truth I carry the Image of my Father's reverend Head, all pale, and yet as it were breathing, imprinted in my Mind, which oftentimes presenteth itself unto me, as well sleeping in the Darkness of the Night, as also waking in the Light of the Day; and talking with me, calleth to my remembrance the Infidelity of the murdering Tyrant, and exhorteth me to keep myself aloof from the hands of the mighty. And therefore I neither can nor may obey thy Requests, and in that respect it grieveth me, that I shall seem disobedient unto thee, being in any other Action, and in all my Cogitations wholly addicted to do any Service no● only to thee, who art most worthy to be reverenced of far greater Persons than I am, but also to every the least Vassals of Amurath. Thou wilt pardon me I hope, and thou shalt well perceive, that if there be any thing near me that may be acceptable unto thee, all that I have whatsoever, though in respect of thyself it may seem vile and base, yet is it thine, and is now reserved wholly for thee, and not for me. Farewell, and command me, and hold me excused upon these just Causes which thou hearest, for my being so backward in coming to honour thee, as my Duty requireth.  
The poor and the least among the Slaves of the grand Lord, The Son of Man.  
Ebrain perceiving by this Letter the Resolution of Man-Ogli, 
Ebrain burneth 24 Town● of Man-Oglies.  resolved also in himself to go upon him with all his Army, and either by force or sleight to get him into his Hands; or at least to draw from him so many Harquebusses, and as great Gifts and Tributes as possibly he might; and therefore rising with his Camp, and turning himself toward the Country of Man-Ogli, he burned and destroyed four and twenty of his Towns, and so mounting up certain Rocks of Libanus, upon the top of a large Hill (that standeth over Andara and other Places belonging to Man-Ogli) he encamped himself. But whilst the Army was thus marching forward, 
Veis Bassa and his Son discomfited by the Drusians▪  Veis Bassa of Damascus with a great part of his People, and his son the Sanzack of jerusalem, with his Soldiers likewise, to the number of fifteen hundred Persons, having separated themselves from the rest of the Army in manner of a rearward; as they were busy in raising their Tents, upon the sudden were furiously assaulted by a great band of Drusians of the Faction of Man-Ogli, and discomfited. Which Victory the Drusians so prosecuted, that they became Lords of the Pavilions, the Wealth and Armour of the Turks; and leading away with them their Horses and their Carriages, put to the Sword five hundred Persons, and scarce gave any leisure of escape either to the Bassa the Father, or the Sanzack his Son, who fled strait to jerusalem, and never returned again to Ebrain; but Veis his Father still followed the Army with those few men which he had left, and was thought worthy of all men to be pitied.  
Upon the Hill aforesaid, Ebrain continued twenty four days together, with abundance of all things necessary for Victual; during which time he attended nothing else, but to try all Devices how he might draw Money and Presents from Man-Ogli, or how he might train him into his Hands. For the compass whereof, he dispatched one Gomeda (Ebne-Mansurs Agent) to Man-Ogli, 
Ebrain sendeth for Harquebusses to Man-Ogli.  being in Andrea; to tell him, That forasmuch as he would not give credit to the promise which he made him, nor to adventure himself into the hand of his Friend, he should send unto him all the Harquebusses he had; for that the Sultan's Pleasure was, that his People that went not to the Wars in his Service, should not be furnished with so great store of Weapons, to the danger of their Neighbours, and of the Subjects themselves. With great Grief of Mind did Man-Ogli behold the Messenger, as the Man whom he well knew to be the Agent of his deadly Enemy; yet in regard of him that sent him, he forbore to do him Injury, or to give him any Reproach; telling him, That all his People and Weapons were dispersed abroad over his Territory, so that he could not tell what Harquebusses to send him; with which cold Answer Gomeda returned. Which thing when Ali Bassa of Aleppo understood, he offered himself to the General, that he would go unto him, and that to some better purpose. Many Reasons did Ali Bassa use to persuade the wary Drusian to come and yield his Obedience to Ebrain, swearing that no harm should be done unto him; and withal promising him great and honourable Favours. But never could he remove the resolute and provident Mind of Man-Ogli, or win him to yield himself into the hands of a Man, whom he thought to be so murderous; yet at last with much ado, he prevailed so much with the Drusian Lord, that in sign of the Reverence he did bear towards the General, and of his Obedience towards Amurath, he was content to send a Present to Ebrain. And thereupon gave him 320 Harquebusses, 20 packs of Andarine Silks, and fifty thousand ducats to carry to the Bassa for a Gift, and to reconcile him unto him. For the better effecting whereof, he sent his own Mother to the great Bassa, who in the behalf of her Son performed a very worthy Message, excusing him as well in respect of his Enemies that sat there so near unto him, as also in regard of his Oath which he had solemnly sworn, That for the Treachery of Mustapha he would never commit himself into the hands of a Turk; and therefore besought him to accept of the Gifts that were sent him; and withal a Mind and Heart most ready to serve and obey the King in all Occasions; and that he would hold him excused, for that his Excuses were both just and reasonable. Whereunto the Turk replied, 
The notable dissimulation of Ebrain Bassa.  That although she had found so foul a Fault in Mustapha, who under the assurance of his Promise and Fidelity had betrayed her Husband; yet for all that she ought not to fear any such wicked or infamous Act at his hands, who stood upon his Honour and the Word of a Soldier; and so by Oath protesting all faithful and constant Friendship towards him, in token of his sincere meaning, he cast a white vail about her Neck, and put another upon himself, and the third he gave her in her hands; willing her to report to her Son the Oaths he had made, and to carry him that Veil, and bring him with her, protesting no otherwise to entreat him, but as a Friend and a Brother; the peaceable old Woman went her way accordingly; but she neither could nor would go about to alter the purpose of her Son, but returned to Ebrain such answer as did not greatly please him. After which time, he sought more than ever he did before, to get the wary Drusian into his hands, or at least, without regard of shame to draw from him more Presents and Weapons. And therefore once again he sent the crafty Gomeda, to exhort him upon Faith and Promise given, to come unto him; but for all the craft and lying Speeches that the treacherous Messenger could cunningly use, he could obtain nothing of the Drusian Lord, but good words only. Yet at last after much fineness he prevailed so much, as that Man-Ogli was contented by him to send another Present to Ebrain, with an express Condition notwithstanding, that he should cause Ebrain to depart out of those quarters, and that he should not himself return any more to request any thing farther of him. Which he very largely promised, only desiring him to send a good number of Harquebusses, thereby to content the Bassa fully; so he gave him fifty thousand ducats more, and four hundred and fourscore Harquebusses, with a thousand Goats, an hundred and fifty Camels, an hundred and fifty Buffs, a thousand Oxen, and two hundred Wethers. With this rich Present came Gomeda to Ebrain, declaring unto him that this he had got from him, upon promise that he should not molest the Drusian any more. For which promise so made, Ebrain sharply reproved Gomeda, and threatened to make him know what it was to take upon him so dangerous a Liberty; and for the greater despite both to the one and to the other, Ebrain would needs have Gomeda himself to return again with like Message to trouble the Drusian. Whereunto although he went in great fear of some Mischief by the hands of Man-Ogli, yet was there no remedy but needs he must follow the command of him, in whose Power it was to take from him both his Honour and Life; and therefore on he went. But as soon as Man-Ogli saw Gomeda (thinking as truth was, that he came again about his wont Request) he was with the very sight of him so far moved, as that he was even at the point to have thrown a dart at him, and so to have dispatched him, had not the regard of more dangerous effects stayed his fury; yet spared he not with ignominious words and deadly Threats to disburden his Choler. Notwithstanding Gomeda could do no less but accomplish the effect of his fraudulent Requests; and so wrought with him, that he drew from him four Burbens more of Harquebusses, ten Swords, and ten gilt Daggers, certain silver Belts, ten packs of Silk, and some few pence; causing him withal to protest unto him, never to suffer himself to be persuaded to come again unto him; for if he did, he threatened to kill him, happen after what might of it. With exceeding Joy and Triumph did Ebrain receive this Present, and thinking now with himself that he had gotten a sufficient booty from him, he determined to rise with his Army, and to sack all the rest of Man-Oglies Country. Which he performed accordingly, and being conducted by Emir Ebne-frec, burnt Andrea, the place of Man-Ogli's Residence, and in two days burned and destroyed nineteen other of his Towns, with unspeakable Cruelty committing all things to Fire and Sword. After all this sacking and rasing, Ebrain sent divers Messengers to Man-Ogli, to try whether he would yet be persuaded to come unto him; but nothing could move the resolute Drusian too commit himself into his hands, but rather increased his Constancy to avoid a most certain Death. Now the great Bassa still thirsting after Blood and Revenge, 
Emir Ebne-frec enticeth Man-Ogli's Macadem● or Lieutenant to come to Ebrain.  understanding by a Spy, that the Captain of Andrea (being one of the Factors of Man-Ogli) with three hundred and fifty Soldiers was got up to a certain Hill, into a Place of great Security, he sent Emir Ebne-frec to entice him, and to tell him, That seeing his Lord Man-Ogli would not come and yield himself, he should come unto him; which if he would do, he would assuredly in despite of Man-Ogli, make him a Sanzack of some of those Places which he most desired. The ambitious and unheedy Macademo suffered himself to be easily persuaded, and being accompanied with his three hundred and fifty Followers, went with the said Ebne-frec, and came at last to the Pavilion of Ebrain, having first caused his aforesaid men to stay, being in a Valley two or three Miles off. But Ebrain would not so much as see the Macademo, although both in respect of the nimbleness of his Person, and also the fierceness of his Looks, he was worthy to be looked upon; but commanded him to keep in a several place from Serafadin, and in the mean time devised how he might with least loss of his own men, put to death those three hundred and fifty the Macademoes' Followers; which was by training them, by means of the said Ebne-frec, into a certain Vine-yard, and so having brought them into a Strait, suddenly to set upon them and kill them. Which was accordingly performed; for being by the treacherous Emir brought into the place appointed for their slaughter, fearing nothing less, they were suddenly enclosed by the Turks Sanzacks or janissaries, and slain every Mothers Son. This Massacre thus finished, Ebrain commanded the Macademo to be brought before him, and without delay to be stripped and flaied quick; who being come, stoutly upbraided Ebrain with his Promise and his Oath▪ and amongst other Speeches which he uttered whilst they stripped him; said, Cut me off my Members, and first putting them into the Privities of that infamous Ebrains' Wife, put them afterwards into the Mouth of himself; for so (I trow) he will be contented and satisfied with my Flesh. And to them that were the Executioners of his plainful Death, he said, It is your great good Fortune indeed, that with such Violence and needless Deformity, you are now able to spill my Blood, and to take my Life from me; whereas none of you all had been able, or once durst, man to man, to have drawn one drop of it from me, no nor to have endured by Countenance. But go too, proceed in your wicked and unsatiable desire of my Blood, and fulfil the cruel command of your Visier; for in the end there will also light upon you the just reward of this so villainous a Fact. With these and other such like Speeches the miserable wretch was stripped, 
The Macademo by the Commandment of Ebrain flain quick.  and three great slashes made on his Back, where they began to flay him; he in the mean time not ceasing to blaspheme their Religion, and to curse their King, and their false Prophet also. But the barbarous Soldiers proceeding in their cruel Action, made other like gashes upon his Breast and Stomach; and so drawing the Skin downward, could not bring it to his Navel before he was with the Extremity of the Pain, dead. After this, Ebrain caused the Followers of Serafadin (in number about a hundred and fifty) to be cruelly slain, and all his Country to be most miserably wasted, he himself still remaining in Chains.  
Whilst the Fire and Sword thus raged in the Drusian Country, Ebrain by speedy Posts sent to Sidon, where his Galleys lay at road, commanded, That disbarking four thousand Soldiers, they should sack all those Countries along the Sea-coast, even as far as Caesarea in Palestine, sparing neither Age nor Sex, nor any Person of Condition whatsoever. Which his cruel command was presently put in Execution; and three thousand Souls brought away Captives, great Booties made of much rich Merchandise, many Towns burnt, sundry Castles razed and laid even with the Ground; and to be short, all the whole Country of Serafadin and Man-Ogli laid utterly waste and desolate.  
Ebrain was now in readiness to depart for Constantinople, where he was by Amurath expected; as well for his Gold, as the accomplishment of the Marriage. But bethinking himself, that whatsoever hitherto he had done, would be accounted either little or nothing, unless he provided in some sort for the quieting of those People under the Turkish Obedience, he determined to nominate one of the three Drusian Emirs that came to him to jerusalem, to be Bassa of all those Regions. And because Emir Aly Ebne-Carfus was the richest and most obedient of them all, he thought good to commit that charge unto him, and honoured him with that Dignity; yet not without a Bribe, but for the price of an hundred thousand ducats. Wherefore he apparelled him in Cloth of Gold, gave him a Horsemans' Maze, and a Sword all gilt, and delivered unto him the King's Commission, causing him withal, to swear Faith and Obedience to Amurata. And so having (at least to show) set in order the Affairs of those Mountains, which an hundred of the Turks great Captains had in former time vainly attempted, he returned to Damascus, where he stayed 12 days, by shameful shifts extorting Money from divers Persons. At last having no more to do in those parts, he turned himself towards Gazir and Baruto, Places under the Government of Ebne-Mansur, where he arrived with all his Army, and found the Galleys which he had left in the Port of Sidon, now in the Haven of Baruto, as he had before commanded. Now upon a certain Hill above Baruto near unto the Sea, Ebrain had pitched his own Tent only, and none other; and having sent all the rest of his best and goodly things which he meant to carry with him to Constantinople aboard the Galleys, shrouded himself only under that narrow and base Tent. Thither he called Ebne-Mansur; and in pleasant manner told him, 
Ebrain notably dissembleth with Ebne-Mansur.  That now it was time for him to make payment of the Debt of an hundred and threescore thousand ducats which he owed the King's Lord for the Custom of Tripoli and Baruto; for that he could not longer stay in those quarters, but was to return to Constantinople, which he knew how to do, unless he carried with him the discharge of that Debt. Whereunto Ebne-Mansur made Answer, That it would not be long before his Macadamoes would come with his moneys, and that then he would without further delay make Payment. Which thing Ebrain well knew to be an excuse, and therefore determined with himself to thrust him into the Galleys; and because he could not carry the Money unto the King, yet at the least to bring him his Debtor. But forasmuch as he doubted to put this his Determination openly in Execution, for fear of some Insurrection amongst the People, as well for that he was within the Territories of the said Ebne-Mansur, as for that he saw him greatly beloved and favoured of the other two Drusian Lords, Ebne-frec and Ebne-carfus, he therefore thought it better Policy by concealing this his purpose, to show him in his outward Actions all good Countenance, and by secret and subtle means to take him Prisoner. Whereupon he deceitfully told him, That forasmuch as he was to stay there for his Business that Night, and was resolved the next day to make a road into the Country of Man-Ogli, he therefore prayed him to do him the Favour to be his Guide, and for that purpose, when he should send for him at Midnight, that he would come unto him very secretly, because he was minded to depart without any stir, only with five hundred men in his Company. The Drusian Lord verily believed the matter that so it was, and withal was in good hope by that means to find some way to escape his hands. Whereupon being called up at Midnight, 
Ebne-Mansur in Chains sent to the Galleys.  he readily went to the Tent of Ebrain, who presently charging him (whom all men thought he had especial affected) with many abominable and foul terms, caused a Chain to be cast about his Neck, and his Arms; and so fast bound to be carried into the Galleys. And yet not so contented, took the spoil of all his Country, whereby there was levied such a Prey as was marvellous to behold; for besides Money (whereof there was a very huge sum) the store of clothes of Silk and Gold, was such, and so great, as might better beseem some great Prince, than such a mountain rustical Lord as he was. When the Bassa had conveyed all this into his Galleys, he sailed to Tripoli, where he found Serafadin in the Custody of Veis Bassa and Aly Bassa; and having stayed there some few days, wherein he committed sundry villainous and abominable Robberies, he caused the said Serafadin to be put into the Galleys, with all his Silks and other Wealth, and so departed for Constantinople; where at such time as he entered into the Channel of the City, accompanied with four and twenty Galleys, he was encountered and received by a wonderful number of his Friends and Favourites, and saluted with an honourable Peal of Artillery out of the Seraglio. john Thomas Minadoi the best Reporter of this History, as also of the late Wars betwixt the Turks and the Persians, being then at Constantinople, and having (as he reported of himself) good means to see the bountiful and beautiful Presents which the spoiling and ravenous Bassa gave the Turkish King; 
The rich Presents given to Amurath by Ebrain.  reporteth the sum thereof to have been a million of Gold, besides the yearly Revenue of Cairo, amounting to six hundred thousand ducats, with threescore Horses most richly garnished, of singular beauty, but especially of the Arabian Race, a live Elephant, and a live Giraff●e (which is a beast like a Camel and a Panther) two great Crocodiles dead, a Chair of massy Gold richly set w●th precious Stones; a Casket also beset with precious Stones and Gold, many Packs of most fine clothes, woollen, and Silks, certain other clothes with Fringe of Gold and Silver, and the Barbarian cutwork, most fine Linen of Alexandria, and all the Harquebusses taken from the Drusians; 
Io. Leun●. sup. Annal. Turcicorum. pag. 95.  besides sundry rich Presents given by the proud Bassa to the great Ladies of the Court, reported by Leunclavius to have been worth two hundred thousand Sultanines.  
But now forasmuch as we have before made mention of the Sanzack of jerusalem, and his flight, it shall not be altogether impertinent to our History (though somewhat out of time) in few words to declare what passed between him and the Arabians of Palestine, a little before the coming of Ebrain the great Bassa into those quarters; by which little, the desirous Reader may easily perceive the woeful and troublesome state of that some time most blessed and fruitful, but now most miserable and barren Land of Jury, and of those Places in Holy Writ so much renowned.  
In the Confines of Sodom, and in the Places that lie not only between the Lake Asphaltites and Damascus, 
The Land of jury much troubled with the Arabian Thiefs and Robbers.  but also in the Plains and in the Valleys of jericho and of Samaria, and in other Places about Bethlehem, Emaus, Bethanie, Bethfage, Capharnaum, Nazareth, Levir, Bethsaida, Naplos, and other Towns of Name thereabouts, there do haunt and live certain Arabian Captains; who spreading themselves even as far as Rama and joppa, overrun at their Pleasure all the Countries there round about, and continually commit grievous outrages as well against the said Cities, as also upon the Goods and Wealth, not only of the Inhabitants there, but also of the Strangers; yea and their Insolency oftentimes groweth so great, that they dare to assault the fenced Cities, beside the spoiling of Travellers, that by reason of their business have occasion to pass from one City to another. They are good Horsemen, but use no Armour; their Horses are very swift to run, and spare of Diet, and are themselves bold and adventurous Thiefs. These Arabians having had Intelligence, that the aforesaid ambitious Youth, appointed Sanzack of jerusalem, was in mind to raise all the Sanzacks thereabout; and joining himself with them, and his Father the Bassa of Damascus, to restrain their insolent Liberty, and to work their Destruction, resolved with themselves not to stay, until he and his Confederates were ready; but rather by sundry Invasions by him, even unto the Gates of jerusalem, to provoke him to come out into the Field. And the rather to induce him so to do, they compacted with a certain Subbassi of Bethlehem, their Friend, to encourage and animate the Sanzack thereunto, by promising unto him good Success and prosperous Events. The ambitious young man, seduced with the glorious Persuasions of the false Subbassi, of whom he made good reckoning, and provoked by their Insolences, resolved (as they had wished) to issue out of the City into the open Field; and thereupon having armed an hundred of his Vassals, and raised all the Horsemen that were under his Government, to the number of six hundred, he made a road towards jericho, sending before defiance unto them; against whom the Arabians came accordingly, and with their Arrows and Indian Canes overwhelming his Harquebusses, as if it had been a raging Flood, wrought him great woe; when in the very nick, the Battle yet being at the hottest, the traitorous Subbassi fled towards Bethlehem, and left the Soldiers of jerusalem in the hands of the Arabians, who put most part of them to the edge of the Sword, and scarcely gave Liberty to the Sanzack to save himself by flight. The Sanzack certainly informed of this Fraud of the dissembling Subbassi, to be revenged upon him, began also in like manner to dissemble w●th him, feigning that he would once more try his Forces against the same Arabians; and so used the matter, that the Subbassi arming himself, came unto him, without any Suspicion of the Mischief intended against him. But as soon as he was come, the Sanzack took him alive, 
The Subbassi of Bethlehem flain quick.  and presently caused him in most cruel manner to be slain quick.  
Thus having passed over the Troubles that stayed the People of Egypt and Damascus, and the Countries thereabouts, from resorting to Osman the Turks great General at Erzirum; let us again return thither where we left him, taking a view of the Preparations against the Persian; and prosecute those Affairs, which of all others most exercised the Forces of the two mightiest Mahometan Monarches; and with the Expectation thereof, filled the World from the East to the West.  
The strait Commandment from Amurath, together with the Fame and Reputation of Osman the General, had drawn together such a world of People of all sorts to Erzirum, as that it seemed not the Power of one King alone, but rather the united Forces of many Kings. Wherefore Osman perceiving that he had gathered together too great a number of People, and too huge an Army, and that it might so fall out that he might want Victual for so great a Multitude (neither so greatly fearing his Enemy's Forces, as that he needed to lead so populous an Army against them) determined to discharge a great number of such as he thought most weak, and least able to endure travel; so that out of this great Multitude he drew out about forty thousand Persons, who liberally, according to every man's Ability, redeeming the ordinary Perils of the Wars, returned home to their own dwellings. And so in Osmans' Army remained the number of an hundred and fourscore thousand Persons, or thereabouts. 
The number of Osmans' Army.  With this Multitude the General departed from Erzirum (about the eleventh of August this year 1585.) towards Tauris, continuing for all that, the Speech for Nassivan. But he had scarce marched two days, when divers Soldiers of Graecia and Constantinople presented themselves before him, upbraiding him with great Improvidence, and telling him, that they began already to feel the want of Victual, by wanting the same day their ordinary allowance of Corn for their Horses; so that if in the beginning, and as it were in the entrance of so long a Journey, they felt such want, they could not tell with what Judgement or Discretion he meant to lead so great a Company so far as Nassivan; not by what cunning conceit he had presumed to sustain so great an Army in the Service of their Lord. Osman quietly heard their Complaints, and presently provided for them, by causing such store of Barley to be distributed among them, as they desired; and severely punished the Officers that had the charge for the allowance of Corn, who most covetously began to make Merchandise of the common Provision, by converting it to their own private Uses. And having thus quieted their troubled Minds, he proceeded on his Journey, and by the way of Hassan Chalassi and of Chars, arrived upon the Calderan Plains, famous for the memorable Battles there fought between Selimus and Hysmael. In these Plains he took a general review of his Army, wherein there wanted a number, that by reason of Sickness being not able to continue the Journey, were enforced to stay behind, some in one Place, some in another. Removing thence, he took the way, not to Nassivan, as he had still hitherto given it out he would, but now directly to Tauris. Which so sudden an alteration of the Journey, as soon as the Soldiers of Graece and Constantinople heard, they fell into a great Rage, and coming again before the General, reveled with him in this sort to his Face.  
The most insolent Speech of the Soldiers of Constantinople and Graece, unto Osman their General.  AND what are we, thou Villain, thou Turk, thou Dolt, whom thou handlest in this sort? We are neither Oxen nor Sheep of the Mountains, for the leading of whom thou thinkest thou art come out; neither can we brook these thy Lies and Deceits. If thou hast publicly professed to lead us to Nassivan, and by that speech hast trained us from the farthest bounds of Graecia, to what end now, after thou hast wearied us so much, dost thou deceive us with such Vanities, and prolong our journey, and set before us such strange and important dangers as our Minds never once thought on? But if this was thy first purpose and intent, and that now, not foolishly or by chance, but upon Premeditation and good Advice thou changest thine Opinion, why didst thou dismiss so many Soldiers, as might have made the Army more terrible and stronger for the enterprise of Tauris? Dost thou think that by suffering others to redeem their Liberties, and so to increase thy Riches, thou shalt set our Lives to sale, and to make us slaves to the Persians? 
At these arrogant Speeches, the General was exceedingly troubled; 
Osman wisely appeaseth his mutinous Soldiers.  seeing his good meaning, and the earnest desire he had to advance the Majesty and Glory of his King, taken in so evil part, and those his best Soldiers so highly offended. And although he could indeed have readily used the sharpest and hardest Provisions and Remedies for it, that in such Occasions are ordinarily applied; yet upon good Advice he forbore so to do, and instead of Rigour and Punishment, resolved to work by more easy means. Whereupon, causing many of the Captains and chief men among those seditious Soldiers to come before him, he first persuaded them, That the former speech for Nassivan was not raised at all by him, nor that he was minded at that time to go for Tauris; but all that was done, he had done to fulfil the Commandment of the Sultan, who had charged him so to do, to the end to lessen the Persian Preparations; which they would undoubtedly have made far greater, if the speech had been given out at the first for Tauris. Which his princely Care of their Safety, they for their parts ought willingly to further, for that in so doing they should still preserve that great Opinion which both the King and the World had conceived of their Valour and Fidelity. Neither needed they to fear that the Soldiers which were dismissed might weaken the Army, for that they themselves were not only sufficient to pierce into Tauris, and to open the way upon the Enemies, but to daunt them even with their Looks; and that those which were discharged, had but purged the host of all Cowardice, and left nothing in it but Virtue and Courage. By this mild answer of the General, the tumultuous Soldiers were sufficiently pacified, but much better apaied and contented they were, as soon as he put his hand to the common Purse, and bestowed among them all a small quantity of Monies; for by this his kind usage, all their Stomaches were overcome, and they themselves became so willing and so courageous, that now they durst venture not to Tauris only, but to Casbin, yea even to the farthest parts of all the Persian Kingdom.  
These important outrages thus appeased, the General turned himself with all his Army towards Coy, a City situate beyond Van, in the midst between Tauris and the Martian Mere, where he refreshed his Army with all things he could desire. From Coy he passed to Marant, a City subject to the Persians; plentiful also of all things needful for Man or Beast. From thence he leaned down towards Soffian; a fruitful Place, subject also to the Persians; from whence he began to discover Tauris. Great was the Joy of the whole Camp, 
The Turks rejoice upon the discovery of Tauris.  and now the mutinous Soldiers of Graece and Constantinople could highly commend the Advice of the General, or rather of Amurath himself, in giving out the Rumour of Nass●van for Tauris, as the only means whereby they were in quiet come so far, the Persians being wholly occupied (as they supposed) about Nassivan; insomuch that every man being waxen courageous, and replenished with Joy, without any fear at all began proudly to plot unto themselves nothing but Sacking, Pillings, taking of Prisoners, Ravishments, Robberies, and all those insolent and outrageous Actions that use rashly to proceed from the greedy Affections of those barbarous Victors; especially they of the Vauward, who being desirous of Booty, and to discover the Enemy's Country, descended down towards certain pleasant Gardens full of all sorts of Trees, Springs, and Fruits; wh●re having satisfied their Appetites, they withdrew themselves to a certain little River near to a Bridge called The Bridge of Salt-water, and there stayed at pleasure attending the coming of the Army. But even whilst they were thus enjoining the Water, the Fruits, the Shade, the green-Grass, 
The Persian Prince over-runneth the Vauward of the Turks Army.  and other Delights of the Place, the Persian Prince Emir Hamze, King Mahamet's eldest Son, who with ten thousand good Soldiers had closely couched himself, watching still when some of the Enemy's Bands should come down to those resting Places, suddenly set upon them with such Speed, Courage and Fury, that as if it had been a lightning, and in a manner without any resistance he overran all those Turks, and dispersed them, putting to the Sword about seven thousand of them. And so leading away with him many Prisoners, Horses, Slaves, with sundry Ensigns and Turkish Drums, he withdrew himself back towards his blind Father, who lay then encamped about twelve miles from Tauris, with fifty thousand Soldiers or thereabouts; Aliculi Chan Governor of Tauris being left in the City with 4000 Soldiers only. A greater Army than this, not exceeding the number of threescore and four thousand Men, was not the Persian K. able to levy; the principal occasion whereof was the death of Emir Chan, for which the Turcoman Nation being waxen rebellious and disobedient, would not by any means be brought to defend that City, whereof Aliculi Chan their Capital Enemy was now Governor; and from Cheilan and Heri there came not so much as one Soldier to relieve the Necessities of Persia. So that with these small Forces in comparison of the Enemies, the Persian King had no stomach to meet the Turkish Army in plain Battle, but sought how he might with as little loss to himself as possibly he could, make trial of his Forces, and by all politic means to weaken and annoy his strong Enemy.  
Osman understanding of this discomfiture of his Vauward, 
Osman sendeth two Bassas with 14000 Soldiers to overtake the Persian Prince.  forthwith dispatched Sinan Bassa the Son of Cicala, and Mahamet the Bassa of Caraemit, with fourteen thousand Soldiers to pursue the victorious Prince: who in their pursuit used such Expedition, that at length they overtook him in the way towards his Fathers Camp. But as soon as the Prince saw the Turks so near him, that without a dangerous and shameful flight he could not avoid the Battle, courageously he turned his Face, and joined with them a most bloody conflict; which being begun two hours before Night, was most fiercely maintained until that the Darkness of the Night bereaving them of the use of their Weapons, enforced both the one side and the other to retire. Which was done with the notable loss of the Turks, who in this second conflict (as it was commonly reported) lost six thousand men; and had (as it was thought) suffered a general slaughter, had not the Night interrupted so uncouth an Action, well worthy of a thousand Day-lights. So that hitherto the Turks sustained the loss of more than ten thousand Soldiers, and yet had scarce discovered or seen the City which they so greedily longed after.  
The next Morning the Turks Camp removed and came within two Miles of Tauris, where they encamped. But whilst they were setting up their Tents, Aliculi Chan issuing out of the City with all his Garrison and such of the Citizens as were fit to bear Arms, set upon the Face of the Vauward, being now renewed, and with many cunning turnings and windings so charged them, that with great loss he forced them to retire even unto the main Battle; where after he had espied the great Artillery, he without hurt withdrew himself again to the City. The Confusion of the Turks in this Skirmish was notable, for in a very small time the Vauward was disordered, and almost three thousand slain. But Aliculi not so contented, in the shutting in of the Evening sallied out of the City the second time, and swiftly running along that side of the Army that lay towards Tauris, slew the Bassa of Maras, and did great harm in that quarter; which done, without any staying he fled to the King's Camp, and forsook the Defence of that sorrowful City which he could not hold. Nevertheless the Taurisians, as many of them as remained in the City, gathered themselves together to the Gates of the City, well armed, prepared to make a bloody entrance for the Turks whensoever they should come. All the Night was spent in watching without rest on either side, and yet nothing attempted; but upon the break of the day, a great multitude of the servile sort of the Turks, and of the common rascal rout, without any order from their Captains, armed with Corselets, Spears, and Swords, went to the City with Resolution to have sacked it, and so to have enriched themselves with the Spoil and Pillage of that wealthy City. But when they came to the guarded Gates of the City, 
A great slaughter in the Gates of Tauris.  they found there contrary to their Expectation, a terrible Rescue, and were enforced there to join an hard and mortal Battle; so that the Walls, the Entrance, yea and all the Ground thereabouts was bathed with Blood, and as it were, covered with Weapons and dead Carcases. And yet for all that, though the Persians stood fast and firm at the arrival of this servile rout, at last they were constrained to yield the entrance, being overcome by the Multitude of them that out of the Camp flowed in upon them like a Flood; and retiring into the City, now astonished and amazed on every side, they fortified themselves in their Houses under the Ground, and in the corners and winding turnings of the Streets; from whence with their Arrows and some few Harquebusses, they did the Turks that entered, great harm. Yet were they not able to kill and destroy so many of their Enemies, but that at the last they were too mighty for them, and wrought many grievous Mischiefs in that woeful City. And so a great number of this rascal People that remained alive, returned to the Turkish Camp, carrying away with them too manifest Tokens of the poor oppressed City; wherein the miserable Woman and impotent Souls stood embracing and straining the Doors and Posts of their Houses, and kissing their native Soil, with Prayers, Mournings, and Complaints, bewailing their present Miseries, and yet fearing worse to come. Osman the General now made acquainted with these Calamities, caused Proclamation to be published, That no man should be so hardy as to molest the Taurisians, and in the mean time went himself about the City, viewing throughly the Situation of it, and surveying the Place wherein he might both incamp himself safely, and with better Foundation and greater Security erect a Castle or Fort, for the more assurance of that conquered Country.  
The City of Tauris seated at the foot of the Hill Orantes, 
The Description of Tauris.  about eight days Journey from the Caspian Sea, and is subject to Winds, Cold, and Snow; yet of a very wholesome Air, abounding with all things necessary for man's Life; and wonderful rich, with perpetual concourse of Merchandise brought thither out of the East, to be conveyed unto the West; and also of others brought out of these Western Parts, to be dispersed into the East▪ It is very populous, so that it feedeth almost two hundred thousand Persons; but yet open to the Fury of every Army, without Walls, and unfortified. The Buildings (after the manner of those of the East) are of burnt Clay, rather low than high. For all things it carrieth the Name, and was the Place of the Persian King's Resistance, until such time as that the late King Tamas removed his seat from thence further into his Kingdom to Casbin; nevertheless both before and since, although it had been sundry times molested by the Inroads and Fury of the Turkish Emperors, yet was it still in great Estimation and Renown.  
Of this City Osman Bassa having taken diligent view, caused his Tents to be pitched on the South side thereof, where was a spacious Garden all flourishing and beautiful, replenished with sundry kind of Trees and sweet smelling Plants, and a thousand Fountains and Brooks derived from a pretty River, which with his pleasant Stream divided the Garden from the City of Tauris; and was of so great Beauty, that for the delicacy thereof it was by the Country Inhabitants called Sec●is Jennet (that is to say) the eight Paradises; and was in times past the standing House of their Kings, while they kept their Residence in this City; and after they had withdrawn their Seat from thence to Casbin, became the Habitation and Place of abode for the Governors of Tauris. Of these Gardens and Places Osman made choice to build his Castle in; whereof he gave the model himself, and commanded that all the whole Circuit of those pleasant Greene's should be environed with Walls, and Trenches digged round about them to convey the Water from the aforesaid River. Which was accordingly begun with the greatest care that possibly might be; the Foundation of the imbattelled Walls laid, the Ditches digged fourteen foot broad, and a man's height in depth; and in the space of six and thirty days the whole work finished and brought to an end; 
The Castle of Tauris built in 36 days.  great store of Artillery mounted upon the Walls, and divers Baths, Lodgings, and such other Houses necessary for the Turkish uses, built within the Castle. The first day of this building Osman fell sick of a Fever, with a bloody Flux; which haply was the cause both of the slowness of the Building, and of many other losses that afterwards happened, as shall be hereafter declared.  

Eight janissaries with certain Spaoglans found strangled in a Bath at Tauris.  Five days after the building of the Castle was begun, News was brought into the Turkish Camp, That eight janissaries and divers Spaoglans were seen strangled in a Bath within the City of Tauris. Whereupon the Zaini, Spahini, and janissaries came presently unto the General, declaring unto him, That although he had with too much Clemency given order, That no man should hurt or molest the Taurisians, and that according to his Pleasure, every man had used Modesty towards them, and Obedience to him; yet the Taurisians themselves had most audaciously strangled in one of their Baths eight janissaries, and certain Spaoglans, which Injury and Insolency (they said) in their Judgement was not to be suffered. This outrage so moved the General, that without any further delay he commanded the City to be sacked, leaving it wholly to the Pleasure of his Soldiers; who forthwith so used the matter, not as if they would have revenged an Injury, but rather at once have brought an utter Destruction upon the whole City. 
The Misery of the Taurisians.  Every place was filled with Slaughter, Ravishment, Rapine, and Murder; Virgins were deflowered, Man-children defiled with horrible and unspeakable Sins; Younglings snatched out of their Parents Arms, Houses laid even with the Ground and burnt, Riches and Money carried away, and in brief, all things ruinated and wasted. Neither were these Mischiefs committed once only, but the second followed worse than the first, and the third upon that worse than the second; so that it was a misery almost inexplicable, to behold that City so populous, so rich, sometimes the Court and Palace of the Persian Kings, and honour of that Empire, now subject to the Fury of the Turks, plunged in Calamity and utter Destruction.  
The woeful Advertisement hereof sore troubled the Persian King, but the young Prince his Son much more; who, moved with the Passions of most inward Grief, Disdain, and Despair, and desiring nothing more than Revenge, resolved to attempt any thing whereby to requite so great a Wrong. In which Resolution having confirmed his Army, he commanded 500 of his Horsemen to present themselves even to the very sight of the Enemy's Tents, and as it were to dare them to Battle. Which thing they performed accordingly, and made a gallant show of themselves. At the discovery whereof, the Turks imagining that the Persians were come in great number to assail the Army, order was given by the sick General, That Cicala Bassa and Mahamet the Bassa of Caraemit, with the People of Graecia, and all their own Forces, should go to encounter the Enemy; who presently, with their Ensigns displayed, under which there stood about four and thirty thousand strong, besides a number of servile People, yet men exercised in Labours and Perils, in all, well near forty thousand, set forward. Now the five hundred Persians, with a marvellous cunning kind of skirmishing, dallied with the Turkish Soldiers, and drew them forward for the space of eight Miles and more; and being brought so far on, and now forewearied with the skirmish, were lustily assailed by the Persian Prince, who with part of his Army (to the number of about twenty thousand Persons) courageously set upon the two Bassas, and joined with them the deadliest and cruelest Battle that ever was written of. Wherein the Persians, having given a most perilous Onset, and done great harm, it was thought that they would have contented themselves with so lucky an Encounter, and so retired; which the Turks minding to prevent, and not to return without a notable Victory, hardly pressed upon them, hoping in the end to put them to flight, and so to give them a bloody and deadly overthrow. But the Persians, having quietly and with great assurance for a reasonable space endured their charge, at last as if they had been fresh men, made head upon them afresh, and began a most terrible Battle anew, wherein the Bassa of Caraemit (above named) was put to flight, and being wholly dismayed and discomfited, fled back again to the Camp, carrying with him the most manifest tokens of the unhappy issue of the Battle. Cicala, the other Bassa, notwithstanding valiantly and with great cunning still sustained the Fury of the Persians, labouring by all means to encourage his Soldiers, and to have restored the Battle; but when he had done what he could, overcome at last by greater Valour, he was enforced to betake himself to flight also; and so altogether discomfited, came to the Camp without any Ensign, 
Eight thousand Turks slain  having left behind him eight thousand of his Soldiers dead upon the Ground.  
The Persian Prince, encouraged with this so fortunate a Victory, by speedy Heralds sent to the sick Visier (whom he thought notwithstanding to have been in Health) and gave him to understand, that if he were willing to fight, he was ready for him, and in what sort soever it pleased him to accept of Battle, to make him good account of his Valour; and to cause him to know, not only that Amurath his Master had most unjustly raised this War, but also that it had been good for himself not to have taken the same in hand. Of this offer Osman accepted; but being not able himself to go and answer the Prince in Person hand to hand, by reason of his Sickness, which every hour mortally increased, he sent out all his Captains with his Army to dare him Battle.  
The Prince lay ten miles or thereabouts distant from the Camp of Osman, towards whom the Turks set forward in this manner; The main Battle was guided by the Bassa of Caraemit and Sinan Cicala, with all the Soldiers of Assiria and Babylon; the left Wing was led by the Bassa of Anatolia, with the Band of Graecia; and the right wing was conducted by Amurath Bassa of Caramania, with the People of Soria; to the number of threescore thousand, beside such as were left behind at Tauris, with the trusty guard of the janissaries, and the Artillery, for the safeguard of the Sick Visier. In this order they confronted the Persian Prince, who was himself in the midst of his Army, with all his People in very good order; having on the one side the Soldiers of Persia and Hyrcania, and on the other them of Parthia and Antropatia, in all, to the number of forty thousand. The Turks feared nothing more, than that the Persians fetching a great compass about, should with all Celerity and Fury set upon their Tents, and the Riches they had laid up together in their Pavilions; and therefore at every motion of theirs they continually feared this sudden out-road; whereof they had such especial care, that retiring themselves as much as they might, and feigning as if they had given Place to the Persians, it wanted not much but that they had brought them even within the just level and mark of their Artillery. Which the Persians perceiving, without any further dallying hardly began to assail the main Body of the Battle. 
The Bassa of Caraemit slain by the Persian Prince, and his head cut off.  The Prince himself being entered amongst the Soldiers of the Bassa of Caraemit (who as General sustained the Place of Osman) and pressing into the midst of the Battle, dispatched every man that came in his way; and having singled out the Bassa from the rest, smote off his Head, and gave it to one of his Followers to carry upon the top of his Lance. Which being openly descried, brought a great Terror upon the Turks, and exceedingly encouraged the Persians, who embrued with the Blood of their Enemies, and intermingling themselves more and more among them, made of them a most confused and general slaughter; wherein beside the Bassa beforenamed, there died also the Bassa of Trabszonda, the Sanzacke of Prussia, with five other Sanzacks, and as it was commonly reported, twenty thousand Turks more. It fell also to the Lot of Amurath Bassa of Caramania to be there taken Prisoner, with divers other common Soldiers. But Night coming now on, and the Persians being come somewhat too nigh the Turkish Artillery, they gave over the fight, and withdrew themselves back to the Place where the King lay encamped with the rest of his Army.  
But now were divers days spent, wherein the new Fortress at Tauris (as we have before said) was fully finished, when the Soldiers of Graecia and Constantinople, wearied to see their Friends and Fellows thus slain before their Faces, and having also safely laid up in their own Custody such Preys and Booties as they had gotten in the sack of the City, resolved with themselves to procure their own departure, and so much the rather, for that the Winter was now fast coming on. And forasmuch as the General was through the immoderate flux of blood brought weak, and in despair of Life, and quite abandoned of all hope by his Physicians, and therefore not to be spoken withal, they were fain by the Mouth of such as were their trusty Friends about him, to represent unto him the Necessity of their return, and withal after many reverend Entreaties, caused it also to be signified unto him, That if he stood obstinate, and would needs stay dallying out the time in those dangerous Places where no such need was, they should be enforced to withdraw themselves▪ and to forsake him. Osman, who had now nothing else to do in those Countries, but only to leave some convenient Garrison in the new Fortress at Tauris, liberally promised to satisfy their Requests, by departing thence the next Morning. 
Giaffer Bassa of Tripoli, an Eunuch, made Governor of Tauris.  So calling unto him Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of Tripoli, a man of a crafty and cruel Nature, made him Governor and Keeper of the new built Fortress at Tauris. And the more to encourage him to take that charge upon him, he gave him freely for the space of three whole years, not only the Office and Authority▪ but also the Rents and Revenues of the Bassa of Caraemit, lately slain by the Persian Prince, and withal honoured him with the Title of a Bassa of the Court; so that having finished his three years' Office of Caraemit, he was then to go and sit among the sovereign seats of the Bassas of the Porta. The Bassa seeing so fair and so high a way for him to mount to those high honours (greater than which there is none in the Turkish Empire) readily accepted the offer, and dispatching his Lieutenant to Caraemit, to the Government of those Countries in his Absence, with an hundred of his own Followers, settled himself in the said Fort with a Garrison of twelve thousand Soldiers, furnished with all necessary Provision until the next Spring. The General having thus set all things in order, 
Osman the General depa●●● from 〈…〉 come 〈◊〉 Sancazan.  and carefully provided for the safety of the Fortress, departed according to his Promise, and the same Morning (which was the fourscore and seventh day after his departure from Erzirum) came to a Place called Sancazan, seven Miles distant from Tauris.  
The Turks were now upon the point of their encamping, in a confused disorder and hurly-burly, when those that were hindermost in the Army heard the neighng of Horses, and the noise of Drums and Trumpets, as if it had been the coming of an Army. Which when the whole Camp understood, they ran headlong and disordered as they were, to the rescue, on that side where the noise of the Horses and warlike Instruments was heard. But whilst the Turks were thus intentively busied on that side to expect the coming of the Enemy, the Persian Prince without any sign or token of Battle, with 28000 Horsemen was ready upon them on the other side; 
The Battle of Sancazan.  who having discovered the Camels and other Carriages, whereupon their Booty, their Spoils and their Riches were laden, which they had taken in Tauris, beside much of their Provision of Victuals for the sustenance of the Army, he turned upon them, and with a provident and safe Convoy had taken for a Prey eighteen thousand of the Camels and Mules well loaden with the same Booties and Victuals; which the Prince sent presently away with six thousand of his Soldiers, and he himself with his two and twenty thousand Persians entered into the Turks Army, who now to withstand his assault, had on that side also made head against him. A gallant thing it was, and terrible withal, to see what a mortal Battle was made, what singular Prowess showed even presently in the forefront of the Battle; for in a moment you might have seen the Tents and Pavilions turned upside down, and their encamping Lodgings replenished with dead Carcases and Blood, victorious Death ranging and reigning in every Corner. The Turks themselves were astonished and marvelled to see their Enemies (so few in number, and intermingled among so populous an Army of warlike People) more like fatal Ministers of Death, than mortal men, to brandish their Swords over them, as if it had lightened, and to make so general a slaughter; and do to this day with great Admiration recount the Valour and Prowess of the Persians. But they all now doubting lest the Enemy in this Fury should forcibly have entered the very Lodgings of the sick Visier, it was commanded (not by himself, for he lay now at the last gasp, but by him who at that time commanded in his Name) That without delay the Artillery should be unbarred and discharged: which in that Medley and Confusion of both Armies, without any Exception or Distinction of Persons, overthrew both Friends and Foes, and did more harm perhaps among the Turks themselves, than among the Persians: for at the first thundering noise thereof the Prince with all speed retired; after whom presently followed all the rest: so that the Turks which remained behind, were more annoyed with the deadly shot, than were the Persians, who flying away, could not feel the damage, but that the Turks must first be well paid for their Labour. The Turks pursuing the flying Persians, made show as if they would gladly have overtaken them; but Night coming on, they feared to proceed any further than they might without Danger return. 
Twenty thousand Turks slain.  In this Battle of Sancazan were slain twenty thousand Turks, without any notable loss of the Persians.  
Among the rest, in the same place died the Visier Osman, 
Osman the Visier and General dieth at Sancazan.  General of the late dreadful, but now desolate Army; not by the hand of the Enemy, but consumed with the vehemency of an Ague, and flux of Blood. Whose Death notwithstanding was kept secret from the whole Army, every man verily thinking, that it was but only the continuance of his Sickness, because the Charets wherein he lay, were still kept close; and in his Name Cicala Bassa (for so he had appointed in his will) gave out Answers and Commandments to the whole Army. Nevertheless it was disclosed to the Persians by means of three young men, who in the Life of Osman having charge of his Jewels and Treasure, were with the best thereof and the fairest of his Horses fled to the Persian King, to whom they revealed the Death of the General. The Persians, who before had thought it not possible for so great cowardice and dishonourable kind of fight and ordering of an Army to have proceeded from the Virtue and Valour of Osman, of whose worth they had too manifest a trial and experience in times past, now understanding of his Death, were thereby encouraged to attempt the utter overthrow of the Turkish remnant, and so to give them an honourable farewell. Whereupon the Persian Prince with 14000 men followed the Turks, who had now raised their Camp, and were removed to a certain River of Salt-water, not far from Sancazan, where the Prince caused a few Tents to be pitched, about four or five miles distant from the Turkish Camp, the aforesaid Brook running in the midst between the two Armies. Now the Prince had purposed to have assailed the Turks in the Morning, whilst they were lodging their Carriages, hoping in that Confusion to have wrought them some notable Mischief; which his designment was revealed unto the Turks by one of his Spies whom they had caught. And therefore they did neither rise so early in the Morning as their manner was, nor load their stuff until such time as they were all armed, and on Horseback ready to receive their Enemies. By which their wary and unusual manner of rising, the Persians perceived that their purpose was by some means discovered. And yet considering that if they should lose this occasion, they should find no other good Opportunity to annoy them before the next Spring, they utterly resolved to adventure the assault; and having observed that the Enemy's Artillery was on the right side of the Army, they in the sight of every man began to enter on the left. But the Turks presently so uncovered and unbarred their Artillery against the assailants, as was to their great loss and danger. Howbeit they were so nimble and so quick to shroud themselves under the Enemy's Army, and to avoid the mischievous Tempest, that being come now very near the Turks Squadrons, they must needs join Battle with them. The Persians had purposed before, as soon as they saw the Turks begin to stir, to retire, and so to draw them on into a very filthy and deep marish; which being then dry, was not feared or doubted of any, but only by those that were acquainted therewithal, or born thereabouts. Which their policy the Rebel Maxut Chan, and with him Daut Chan (as being well acquainted with those places) perceiving, gave notice thereof to Cicala Bassa, who presently caused a great compassing wing to be made, commanding them to set upon the Persians, and to charge them home; which was forthwith put in Execution, so that their forefront opened itself with very large and spacious corners upon the Prince; who no sooner saw this their unwonted order of coming on, but by and by he perceived that his purpose was discovered; and thereupon without any stay he began to retire, calling his People after him; which could not so suddenly be done, but that three thousand of them remained behind, all miserably stifled, overtrodden in the mire; with very little loss to the Turks. And this only battle of five that were fought under Tauris, and in those quarters, was less hurtful to the Turks than to the Persians.  
The Prince returned to the King his Father's Camp, returning unto him the whole Action, together with the departure of the Enemy. And so the Turks came to Salmas, where the Death of the General was published; from Salmas they went afterwards to Van, where they took a survey of their Army, and found wanting therein about fourscore and five thousand Persons, or as some say more. At Van all the Soldiers were dismissed; 
The Turks Army discharged at Van.  and Cicala from thence gave notice to Amurath at Constantinople, of all that happened. Where first was published the Death of Osman the General, (for whom were made many signs of great sorrow) and together with his Death, were blazed the bloody and mortal Actions that were in that Expedition performed; so that the whole City seemed to be greatly discomforted; and in many places were heard much secret railing upon the King, many Curses of this War, and insolent Maledictions of these manifold Mischiefs. After that, was dispersed the great Fame of the new Fortress erected at Tauris, of the sacking of the City, and of all the loss that had happened therein; and a general Edict published in the King's Name, That through all the Cities of his Empire they should make solemn Feasts, with other express Tokens of Joy and Rejoicing; which was accordingly done both in Constantinople and other Places. There was also word sent to the Ambassadors of Hungary, of France, of Venice, and of other Countries, That they should do the like; but they all with one accord answered, That it was never the Custom of Ambassadors to make any such signs of Rejoicing, but only when the King himself in Person returned from any the like Victories.  
In the mean time Consultation was held at Van, for the sending of Succours to Teflis in Georgia; unto which important Service, Daut Chan to deserve some Reward at Amurath's hand, offered himself; unto whom Cicala Bassa delivered thirty thousand Cecchini to be conveyed to the Fort at Teflis. Which piece of service the Renegade performed, and without trouble relieved the Soldiers in the Fort; which was so well accepted of Amurath, that he for the same good Service honoured him with the Dignity of the Bassa of Maras. Maxut Chan also the other Persian Rebel, that guided the Turkish Army to Roivan, and afterwards to Taurio, was in like manner by the same Amurath honoured with the great rich Office of the Bassa of Aleppo. 
The Miseries the Turks Army endured at Tauris▪   
The Miseries the Turkish Army endured in this Expedition for Tauris, beside the Losses before rehearsed, were wonderful; for as the Sanzack of Aman (a City of Soria, called in ancient time Apamea) present in all this Action, reporteth in a Letter which he wrote to Ali Bassa of Aleppo, there was such a dearth in the Turks Army, that they were enforced to give their Camel's Biscuit and Rice, and when that failed, they gave them their packsaddles to eat, and after that, pieces of Wood beaten into Powder, and at last the very Earth; which dearth endured until they arrived at Van. And at Tauris, whilst the Fortress was in building, they were of necessity constrained to give their Horses their Dung in very dry Powder. By reason whereof there followed a grievous mortality of Horses, Camels, Mules, and Men; and the stink which grew of this Mortality was so great, that every man was fain to carry a piece of a strong smelling Onion under his Nose, to avoid the heaviness thereof.  
The Fort so lately built in the Royal City of Tauris, exceedingly grieved the Persians in general, but especially the King and the Prince his Son; to let it alone, they reckoned it too great a shame, and how to demolish it they knew not well, finding themselves not only destitute of Artillery, but also of such sufficient strength as was requisite for performance of so great an Enterprise; yet, pricked on with desire of Glory, and the necessity of the Cause, they determined even in the depth of Winter to gather new Forces, and with Trenches of Earth to approach the Ditch, and to try if they could advance a Countermure as high as their Walls, and so to attain to the Conquest thereof. But in the gathering of their Men they discovered new Difficulties; for, to hire any Soldiers either from Heri or Cheilan, was denied them by Abas and Amet Chan; and their Turcoman Nation, which might have been the readiest and the nearest at such a need, for the late Death of Emir Chan, and for the Succession of Aliculi, were grown very contumatious; so that neither the King, nor the Prince, nor the Precedents and Governors of that Kingdom, could tell which way to turn themselves. At last, for the common safety, they determined to draw the Turcomans to a Reconciliation; hoping that by promising them any honest Satisfaction for the wrong wherewith they challenged themselves grieved for the Death of their Captain, they would become more tractable to do them Service in their common Necessities. Whereupon the King sent kind Letters to the Heads and Captains of those Nations, and principally to Mahamet Chan, and to Chalife the Sultan; declaring plainly unto them the Perils of his State, and of the Liberty of the whole Kingdom, with the Confidence he had in their Valour; and that therefore forgetting all that was past, as done not in shame or scorn of their Nation, but only for Zeal and Love to the Kingdom, they would demand such Satisfaction as they desired, and that he would be ready to agree to any just request they should make. To which Letters they readily answered, that they would come unto him, to put in Execution whatsoever he should for the common Necessity or Honour of his State command. Now they had craftily amongst themselves already concluded not to suffer any other to sit in the room of Emir Chan their late Governor, but only young Tamas the King's third Son. Which Conclusion they had plotted to themselves, with a Resolution in the end, to cause him to be accepted for King at Casbin, in despite of the King himself and of the Prince Hamze; nothing regarding, that by this Action far greater Troubles would arise in Persia than ever were yet heard of; but only being wholly bend to revenge the Death of one only Emir Chan. 
Ten thousand Turcomans offer their Service unto the Persian King.  With this malicious and fraudulent Resolution, they to the number of ten thousand (under the conduct of two Captains, Mahamet and Calife) went to the King, in all Reverence offering themselves with all readiness to be employed in the enterprise whereunto they were called. The old credulous King, not suspecting any mischief plotted by these secret Rebels, was greatly comforted at their coming; and although by some of his Sultan's that had felt some inkling of this Conspiracy, he was advised to deal circumspectly and warily with them, and not commit any matter of importance to their trust; yet did he think every hour a thousand until he had offered them Satisfaction; promising them, that what Captain soever they would desire in the room of Emir Chan, if it were possible, they should have him. Whereunto the dissembling Mahamet Chan made answer, That their desire above all things, was to do him Pleasure and Service▪ not doubting but he would appoint them such a Chieftain, as should be valorous, noble, and acceptable unto them. The King could stay no longer, but frankly declared unto them, That to assure them of his good will, and to give them an Hostage in pawn thereof, he had made choice of young Tamas his Son, to succeed in the room of Emir Chan their late Governor. As soon as Mahamet Chan heard this Resolution of the King, who beside all expectation, voluntarily of himself yielded them the means to put in Execution what they had maliciously before contrived against the Peace and Liberty of the Kingdom; he became more jocund than he was wont to be, and outwardly showed himself ready for whatsoever the King would command him; and in the Names of the rest, yielded also ●●rge Promises of Fidelity and Obedience, so that the matter might be performed for which he had now given his Word.  
The King, who desired nothing more than to see the Fort of Tauris raised (which could hardly be done without the help of those Turcomans) contrary to the Advice of the wisest of the Sultan's, and of the Prince, secretly, and as it were by stealth, gave his young Son Tamas into the hands of Mahamet, as chief of all the Turcomans. Who, to nourish the good Opinion and Credulity of the King, and to secure the Prince and the Sultan's, gave a lusty beginning, by the help of his Followers, with Trenches and Rampires to approach the Fort. Neither was there any great time spent therein; for they had now almost made their Trenches and Mounts even with the Enemy's Wall, and the Ditch itself was almost filled up with Earth, so that there wanted but little more Labour to begin the desired assault; when, contrary to all men's Expectation, the false and wicked. 
The Turcomans forsake the siege, and fall into Rebellion.  Traitor Mahamet Chan with all his Turcomans, leading away with them the Child Tamas, departed in the Nighttime, and upon a sudden, from so noble and honourable an enterprise; and, blinded with desire to put in Execution his ill-hatched purpose, covertly and without any noise, removed from the besieged Walls, and put himself on his way towards Casbin; still terming Tamas by the Name of the King of Persia, and sundry ways abusing and mocking the poor old King and the Prince. This so sudden and so dangerous a Rebellion, whereby not only so honourable and so necessary an enterprise was to be abandoned, but the whole state of the Kingdom like to be endangered, exceedingly grieved all good men, but most of all the old King and the Prince his Son; who, no less careful of his rightful Succession, than was the aged King of his present Estate, both now hazarded by this Rebellion; wholly incensed with Grief and Anguish of Mind, began to cast a thousand Devices in his troubled Head, what course to take, and what to resolve upon. To abandon the siege it grieved him above measure, and to suffer so pernicious a Rebellion to go forward, seemed too dangerous for the State of Persia; and to provide for both these Mischiefs at once, was altogether impossible. In these huge Waves of contrary Thoughts, he resolved at last to turn himself against the Turcomans, and to suppress that Rebellion, as most dangerous to the State. And so with twelve thousand Soldiers, and a part also of the King's ordinary Guard, all courageous and hardy men, he followed after the rebellious Turcomans; and marching directly toward Casbin, he overtook rhem at a place called Calisteza, a day's Journey on this side Casbin, and there joined Battle with them. Wherein, many of them being sorry for that they had done, would not so much as draw their Swords against the Prince; many others fled also away for fear, so that he easily obtained a wished Victory over them. The seditious Mahamet Chan was taken Prisoner, 
The Turcomans discomfited, and Mahamet Chan and Calife the Sultan beheaded.  and by the Prince's Commandment presently beheaded; so was also Calife the Sultan, and divers other Captains of this pestilent Conspiracy. Young Tamas was also taken, and by the Direction of the Prince sent to the Castle of Chahaca. Five thousand Turcomans of the late Followers of the Rebel Mahamet, fled out of the Battle towards Babylon by the way of Sirrah, and yielded themselves to Solyman, Bassa of that City; who afterwards repenting themselves of their Folly, sought to return again into the Favour of their King, but all in vain; so that being become Rebels to the one, and suspected to the other, they did at one time lose their Country, their Liberty, their Honour, and the Favour of all Men, as well Friends as Foes. The Prince after this Victory held on his way to Casbin, and there staying, laboured to gather the dispersed Turcomans, especially those that (moved with the honesty of the cause) would not bear Arms in so unjust an Action; intending afterwards to return to Tauris, to attend the besieging and conquest of the Fort. This was the end of this dangerous Rebellion, the chief cause that Tauris was not again recovered out of the hands of the Turks, to the great weakening of the Persian Kingdom.  

Giaffer Bassa sendeth to Cicala Bassa for Aid.  Now Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa Governor of the Castle of Tauris, fearing lest the Persian Prince would with a greater Army again return to the siege; perceiving himself to wax every day weaker and weaker, by reason that many of his men secretly fled from him, beside them that perished with Sickness, and others slain in adventuring too boldly to go abroad to seek for Victuals; sent Advertisement thereof to Cicala Bassa at Van; signifying further unto him by Writing, That if the Prince should again return to assault the Fort, he should of Necessity be enforced to yield it; and that therefore, as he tendered the honour of his Sultan, he would be careful to send him Succour, whereby he might be able to maintain the Fort; adding moreover, That now it was most easily to be done, because there was no Forces of the Enemies in those quarters, saving only a few which remained about the King, lying twelve miles off from Tauris. Cicala, moved with the importance of the enterprise propounded, and withal desirous to gain some credit of Glory and Renown with his King, entertained the Advices of Giaffer, and getting him to horse with a train of three thousand Harquebuzers, and good store of Munition, set forward toward Tauris. The Persian King advertised thereof, sent out Spies to learn what way they held, meaning to meet them and to set upon them; but these Spies coming near to Salmas, were apprehended by the forerunners of Cicala, and being put to Torture, revealed at last, how that their King was in Arms, and on his way towards Sancazan. At which News Cicala was greatly astonished, as well for the danger whereinto the Forces and Munition which he had with him were likely to fall, as also for that by any loss which his Troops should sustain in this Expedition, the City of Van (being indeed the greater and most noble frontier Town in all those Countries) must needs be in hazard to be lost, having left in it but his Lieutenant with a very few Soldiers. Whereupon he determined to relinquish this dangerous enterprise, and to withdraw himself back to the Defence and Preservation of the City committed to his Trust and Government. But although these expected and desired Succours were not conveyed to Tauris as was intended, yet had Giaffer as good Fortune as he could wish; for the Preparations of the Prince were so long and troublesome, and his return so much prolonged, that there was time enough yielded unto the Turks great General, now newly chosen (as by and by shall be declared) to go with a strong Army into those quarters, and so to preserve all that which the only Expedition and Celerity of the Enemy might have put in great hazard, and almost have brought to a desperate case.  
In the mean time, Amurath the Turkish Emperor was greatly troubled at Constantinople in making choice of a new General; on the one side, Osman Bassa having by his last Will left Sinan Cicala to be his Successor, as a man of approved Valour; and the many dangers he had run through in the late Service about Tauris, with the great favours he had in the Court, did not a little incline the King to his Election: on the other side, he heard of a public Rumour spread amongst the Soldiers, that they could by no means endure to be commanded by so young a Captain; and that some in plain terms should say, That they would not obey him: Which caused Amurath to doubt, that some dangerous discord might thereof ensue in the Army, if he should proceed to make choice of him. Then there was also Ferat Bassa, the same man which had already sustained the charge before Osman, who now very ambitiously sought again for this Honour, having of late performed some good Service to the good liking of the King. Of any other to make better choice he had none, so that he stood in great doubt what to do. In the end, because he was in good time to provide for his Affairs, he made choice of Ferat Bassa, the same man whom he had before mad proof of: a man of great Fidelity, of an honourable Carriage, and already experienced in the leading and commanding of such an Army, to whom he granted the ordinary Authority, to manage at his pleasure such Affairs of the Empire as concerned his Journey. Upon this Resolution, general Precepts were sent out to all Cities within the Kingdom, to the Bassas and other Governors, with special Commandment, That all their Soldiers, together with their Taxes, Tenths, Munitions, Victuals, Armour, Artificers, and to be short, all their necessary Furniture and Provision should be ready and in order, upon the first warning should be sent them the next Spring. Great provision of Money was made, and in Soria (besides the ordinary sum that is bestowed upon the yearly pay of Soldiers in Reivan, 
The return of Soria six hundred thousand ducats.  Erzirum, Lori, Tomanis, Teflis, and Chars, which swallow up all the Revenue of that Country, and of the City of Tripoli, amounting to the sum of six hundred thousand ducats) there was taken up in pressed of private Merchants in the City of Aleppo only, the sum of threescore thousand Cecchini, to be repaied unto them with the first moneys that should be received by the Officers of his Custom-houses. A matter that moved an extraordinary grudging among the People, for that it seemed to every man a very strange and intolerable Exaction, beside so many grievances laid upon them, for Corn, for Carriages, for Pioners, and for Workmen, to endure this burden also of lending their Money, without hope of Restitution thereof: yea and indeed every man did greatly wonder how they were thus ill-advised, to make it known to the Christian Princes what scarcity and want of Money they had. The General had also with him four hundred pieces of Artillery, and did beside so work the matter, as that Maxut Chan (who was appointed Bassa of Aleppo) was granted unto him to be the guide of his Army, as he had been of Osmans'; and that Cicala Bassa of Van (scarce his good friend) was removed from thence, and sent farther off out of his way as Bassa to Babylon.  
year 1586 And thus having put all things in readiness, he departed from Constantinople in the Month of April, in the year 1586, 
Ferat departeth from Constantinople, and cometh to Sivas.  and passing over the Straight into Asia, came to Sivas something later than he should have done, being hindered partly by the Plague, which then raged exceedingly in Constantinople, and partly by other occasions incident to such Actions. At Sivas he stayed so long for the coming together of his Army, and in mustering Men, that it was the latter end of july before he departed thence; staying indeed the longer at Sivas, by reason of the exceeding Dearth and want of Victuals at Erzirum: which Dearth was also so great in Aleppo, that a Venice bushel of Wheat was sold for twelve Cecchini.  
Ferat yet making his abode at Sivas, but ready to depart, was advertised by certain Posts sent from Giaffer the Bassa of Tauris, how that the Persian Prince was hourly expected with a great Army, and that if he did foreslow to send Succours, and to prevent the coming of the Prince, and so give him time and leisure to assault the Castle, he doubted greatly how he should be able to hold the same. Upon which Advertisement Ferat presently removed, and so hasted his Journey, that about the beginning of August he was at Erzirum; and still hearing more and more of the Princes coming, stayed not there, but hasted to Van; where having gathered together all his Soldiers, and taken a new Survey of his Army, he departed thence; and being presently come into the open and large Champains, to make proof of the readiness of his Soldiers, he marshaled them in such sort as if he should forthwith have joined Battle with the Enemy, and so in seemly order marched on.  
The Turkish General continually feared, lest the Persians should come upon him with some sudden assault; besides that, the constant report of the Princes coming to Tauris with his Army, much increased his troubled Thoughts. But on the other side, he reposed great Confidence in the Conspiracy that was now plotted against the Life of the Prince, with the privity of Aliculi Chan the Protector and Champion of Abas Mirize of Heri, who under the colour of accompanying the Prince to assist his Forces, had resolutely concluded with himself, and absolutely promised Abas (having also given Intelligence thereof to the Turks General) to rid the Prince Hamze of his Life; or at least (which he thought might more easily be brought to pass) in the sundry Revolutions and variable Chances of the Battle, at some time or other to make him fall into the hands of Ferat, and so to settle his Lord and Master Abas in his Estate. Upon these Treacheries Ferat grounding himself, began with greater Confidence to dispose his Designments, and somewhat less to fear the Fame of the huge Preparations of Persia against him. Which Preparations in truth, as by most wicked Devices and malicious Conspiracies they were turned quite contrary from that end whereunto the Prince Hamze had continually appointed them; so if they had been employed with such Faith and Fidelity as so righteous a cause required, without all doubt the Writers of our time should have had matter enough in this 86 year to show and represent unto the World such Accidents as should be nothing inferior to those of the year before-going. But forasmuch as Rebellion and Discord, the two inferior Ministers of the Devil, have for the utter undoing and overthrow of the Glory of Persia, continually favoured the Turks Army, 
The Glory of the Persian Kingdom overthrown by Rebellion and Discord.  no marvel it is that the Persian Nation cannot vaunt of any Revenge taken for the Indignities offered them by their Enemies; and that our Writers cannot choose but write of the true and undoubted Victories of the Turks, and the bare Shadows of the Persian Exploits; which notwithstanding many Christians vainly believe, because they most earnestly desire them to be true, although they do see to the contrary, the manifest prospering and evident Conquests which the Turks have in divers their States and Countries.  
The Persian Prince about the latter end of july arrived at Tauris with the greatest part of his Army, where he (contrary to the Opinion of all men) stayed not, for what cause is uncertain. But understanding that Zeinel Bassa of Salmas, by Nation a Curdo, lay encamped before the City, who of a Persian was become a Turk, and had done great harm against the State of Persia; he determined suddenly to set upon him, and to chastise him for his Rebellion. According to which Resolution, being accompanied with twelve thousand Soldiers, he road to Salmas, where finding Zeinel with all his People encamped as he had been before informed, he gave him the assault. Zeinel more ready to fly than to fight, and his Soldiers as ready as he, fled presently, and fell before the Persians, so that the Bassa himself with a few others had much ado to escape and save themselves in the closest Corners thereabouts, leaving the City committed to his charge, for a prey unto the angry Enemy; who entering into the same, sacked and spoiled it, exercising thereon all such Cruelties, as partly the natural desires of Soldiers use to practise, and partly such as the Turks themselves showed unto them in that miserable and most lamentable sacking of Tauris the last year. The like Spoils did the Persian Army in all those quarters round about, and so would have peradventure returned to Tauris, but that certain Spies arrived upon them, with Advertisement, That the Bassa of Reivan being issued out of his Fortress with fifteen hundred Harquebusiers, had committed the like outrages in the Villages and Fields thereabouts, as the Prince had done about Salmas. With which News the Prince was greatly moved; and immediately rising with his Army, and marching towards Reivan, not far from the City encountered the Bassa; who discovering the Enemy's Forces afar off, began in great disorder to fly and retire into his Fort, leaving the greatest part of his Soldiers (making not so much speed in flight as himself) to the Fury of the Prince, who put them all to the Sword, and did what harm he possibly could in all the Places thereabouts.  
At the very same time great Troubles arose in the Drusian Country; for Man-Ogli the valiant Drusian (of whom we have before spoken) in Revenge of the Injuries done unto him and his People by Ebrain Bassa, and by a valiant kind of Restitution to recompense himself of all those Bribes and Presents, which by so many shifts and subtleties were by the covetous Bassa wrung from him (as is before declared) had now taken up Arms, and having wasted and sacked all the Territory of Ebne-Mansur, and of his other Enemies who had yielded their Obedience unto the Turks, without let forced all that Country with sudden Invasions and Inroads, even very near unto the Cities of Balbecke and Tripoli, and did there exceeding harm. For redress whereof, Amurath was glad to dispatch away from the Court Ali Bassa born at Aleppo, with the Title of the Bassa of Damascus, and with Authority to muster fresh Soldiers, and so wholly to attend the utter Subversion of Man-Ogli. But coming thither, he found all again quiet, so that his Presence in that Country served rather for a Reconciliation and Peacemaking amongst them, than for the prosecuting of any further War; which at that time was most necessary for the Turks to be avoided, as well for want of Money in the common Treasury, as for the exceeding scarcity of Victuals.  
Now the Persian Prince having made an end of the Outroads and Spoils beforementioned, retired himself to Tauris, and so towards his Father's Camp, where the rest of his Army was now arrived, to the number of about forty thousand; of whom the Prince dispatched away the Soldiers of Heri, to the number of eight thousand, under the conduct of the traitorous Aliculi Chan their General; and part also of the Turcomans, under the leading of Emanguli Chan; with special charge, That they should by the way, in places of most advantage, meet and receive the Enemy's Army, and in those narrow and troublesome Passages to do them what mischief they possible could. Which the Prince thus appointed, thinking by this means to weaken the Enemy's Forces, and so at their arrival at Tauris, to come upon them with all his Power, and so utterly to destroy them.  

Aliculi and Emanguli Chan perform nothing against the Turks, as was by the Prince expected.  Both these Captains departed accordingly, making show that they would with all Affection accomplish the Commandment of their Prince; yet never was there heard any service of moment put in Execution by them; for Aliculi full of Treason, after their departure began to allege many forced Reasons and Excuses, Why they should surcease from meeting with the Turks; and Emanguli as yet utterly ignorant of the wicked Purposes and mischievous Treachery of Aliculi, suffered himself to be misled by him also. By the Delays and Negligence of these two Persian Captains, 
Ferat putteth Succours into the Fort at Tauris.  the Turkish General took leisure, without any loss or hindrance at all, to arrive at Tauris, and to put the desired Succours into the Fort; at what time the Persian Prince by good hap had got Knowledge of the Treachery of Aliculi, and of the Designments which many of the Sultan's had lately contrived, for the betraying of him alive into the hands of the Turkish General. Of which Suspicion he being greatly afraid, durst not only not trust himself to perform those Battles that he had before determined to have performed, but quite abandoning this noble and honourable enterprise, wholly employed all his Care and Study for the safety of his own Person, and so left the Triumph of the Matter in the Power of the Turks. And thus those great Hopes and Expectations which the Persians had conceived of great Exploits to have been done against the Enemy, did not only prove vain and come to no good issue, but chose by this discovery were converted into most strange Disturbances, and all Persia thereby endured sundry Alterations and Revolutions of most important Consequences. For both Aliculi Chan and his Complices were pursued by the Prince, as Rebels and Traitors; and also Abas Mirize of Heri was manifestly discovered for a wicked and treacherous contriver of his Brother's Death; whereby the common Mischiefs were increased more than ever they were before, and the public Calamities yielded greater hopes unto the Turks, than they had ever before conceived in all the course of these Wars.  
When Ferat had thus relieved them in the Castle of Tauris, leaving for the Custody thereof Giaffer the Bassa with his former Companies, he returned towards Erzirum, having first caused a Fort to be erected at Curchive Tauris, a Place near unto Tauris; another at Coy, and the third at Cum; in every one of which Forts he left a convenient number of Soldiers, with all things necessary and sufficient for their maintenance, and defence of the Places they were to keep. He sent also Succours to the Fort at Teflis in Georgia, which they had long expected, and now most joyfully received. But the Persian Prince having hunted Aliculi Chan out of the quarters of Tauris, thought himself now wholly delivered from the great fear of Treason and Rebellion, wherein he of late lived; and therefore in as great hast as he could, put himself on his Journey towards Genge; in which place having gathered together a good number of Soldiers, he determined to remove thence, to intercept the Succours that were by the Turks to be brought to Teflis. Now he had always found Emanguli Chan to be both faithful and wise, and in him he reposed an assured Confidence for performing any enterprise that he had in hand, and communicated with him every Device that he had conceived in these Wars. And therefore he made head and joined with him; and lodging most familiarly in his City, he stayed there for the setting in order and disposing of his aforesaid Designment, being very desirous not to let such an Opportunity to overslip, without Signification unto the World of some notable Novelty, which might be correspondent to the Fame that of matters passed and performed the year before, was now spread and published abroad over all the World. But when he was even at the very fairest to have put this his desire in Execution, 
The Pers●●an Prince slain by one of his Eunuches.  and least of all feared any Treachery or Treason, upon a sudden in the Nighttime as he slept upon a palate he was miserably strucken through the Body, by an Eunuch of his that attended upon him, and so the most resplendent and bright lustre that ever shined in Persia, was utterly extinguished. What was the occasion thereof, and who procured his Death, divers and sundry are the Opinions of Men. Some think that his Brother Abas Mirize of Heri, who had before conspired to have had him betrayed into the hands of the Turkish General, had now by force of Money and Gifts induced the wicked Eunuch thereunto. Others deemed it not to have been done without the privity of his Father, as more desirous to prefer Abas Mirize his other Son unto the Kingdom. Divers others do diversely reason of the matter; so that to affirm of a certainty, that thus or thus the Death of so worthy a Prince was procured, were great rashness; and therefore we leave it, with the further process of the Persian State, unto the further discovery of Time, the ancient Mother of Truth:  
Notwithstanding the League betwixt the Christian Emperor Rodolph the second, and Amurath the great Turk, many sharp Skirmishes oftentimes fell out betwixt the Christians and the Turks, upon the Frontiers of their Territories and Dominions, especially in Hungary, Croatia, and Stiria; as now in the latter end of this year 1586. in the Month of December, the Turks, after their insolent manner making an inroad into the Borders of Croatia, received a notable overthrow by the Christians, being in number much fewer; where amongst others, the Bassa of Bosna with his Brother was slain, whose Head with certain Prisoners was sent to Vienna to Ernestus Archduke of Austria, the Emperor's Brother. This Bassa of Bosna and his Brother, slain in this Conflict (as we have said) are reported to have been the Sons of Muhamet the late great Visier, by one of the Daughters of Selimus the second, Amurath's Sister. For divers years following, Amurath did no great matter worth the Remembrance, contenting himself (as it should seem) with that he had already got from the Persians; and holding his league in some reasonable sort with the Christians: yet not so, but that many a bloody broil, tending at last even to the breach of the League, passed betwixt the Turks and the Christians; which for the Continuation of the History we will briefly set down, year 1587. as they are unto us by the Writers of our time reported.  
In February the year following, which was the year 1587., 
The Castle of Koppan in Hungary surprised by the Christians.  the Christians, provoked by the often outrages of the Turks, setting upon the Castle of Koppan, not far from the lake of Balaton, being then frozen, by good fortune surprised it. There was at that time in the Castle three of the Turks Sanzacks, and about a thousand Turks, of whom an hundred and ninety of the better sort, with seventy Women, besides divers of the meaner sort, fell into the hands of the Christians; the rest saving themselves by flight, or by creeping into secret corners; an hundred Horses for service were there taken also, and so much Booty as was esteemed to be worth forty thousand ducats. Of the three Sanzacks that were there present, Alis Sanzack of Koppan was taken, and brought first to Vienna, and afterward presented to the Emperor; Another of them standing upon his defence in a vault under Ground, was there smothered; the third escaped by flight, but was afterwards the same year taken with divers others, as shall be forthwith declared.  
The eighth of August following, four of the Turks great Commanders in Hungary, viz. The Bassa of Ziget, the Sanzacks of Mohas, of Quinque Ecclesiae, and the new Sanzack of Koppan, with five thousand Soldiers, broke into the borders of the Christians, and in most cruel manner destroyed seventeen Country Villages about Limbach; carrying away with them all the miserable Country People, with the spoil of the Country. Whereof George County Serinus (Son to that most valiant County Nicholas Serinus slain at Ziget) Commander of the Garrison of Canisia, understanding, with as much speed as was possible raised such Forces as he was able out of his Territory betwixt the Rivers of Draws and Mura, and calling unto his aid the County Nadasti, the Lord Bathianius, and some other valiant Captains that had the charge of those Frontiers; with such diligence took the straits and Passages whereby the Turks must needs return among the Marshes, that the Turks coming back again that way with a very rich Prey ●nd many Prisoners, being in the break of the day hardly charged by those most expert and resolute Soldiers, in those straight and troublesome Passages about a mile from Canisia, were at length discomfited and put to flight with such a miserable slaughter, that many of them yielded up their Scimiters, pitifully crying for Mercy; other some fled back into the Woods and Forests, and many running headlong into the Marshes, there perished, or sticking fast in the deep mud, cried together for mercy and help of their Enemies. In this Conflict Muhamet the Sanzack of Quinque Ecclesiae (Son to Haly Bassa, slain in the Battle of Lepanto) was taken Prisoner. Sinan Beg Sanzack of Mohaz, thinking to escape through the Marish, stuck fast with his Horse, and was shot through the Head with a small shot, and there died. The Bassa of Ziget, with Chasan the new Sanzack of Koppan, seeing all desperate and lost, fled betimes out of the Battle; but he of Koppan, wandering up and down in the Woods, was the next night after the Battle with others taken; the Bassa of Ziget, almost spent with Hunger and Grief of Mind, escaped on foot seven days after to Bresenza. There were taken of the Turks a thousand three hundred, of whom many died afterwards of their Wounds. In this Battle there was slain of the Turks, with them that perished in the Marshes and Woods, about 2000, and of the Turks Horses were taken about 1500. All the Prey before taken by the Turks, with the miserable Captives, was again recovered. The number of them that performed this notable Service, was in all but fifteen hundred foot, and five hundred horse; of whom there was but eleven slain, but most of the rest wounded. Four hundred heads of the slain Turks were (after the manner of those bordering Soldiers) carried for show to Canisia, with five hundred Prisoners. The Christian Soldiers, with the help of the Country People, ceased not for certain days to hunt after the Turks that were fled into the Woods, as after wild Beasts, of whom they found a great number; divers others also seeing no means to escape, came forth of their lurking Places, and yielded themselves.  
Amurath understanding of all these Troubles that had so happened, 
Aly Bassa of Buda strangled by the command of Amurath.  commanded Aly the Bassa of Buda to be strangled, for that he had broken the League, and not restrained the Insolency of his Sanzacks, whom he might have commanded; and in his stead placed Sinan Bassa, whom, before in disgrace, he had now at the request of his Wife again received into Favour, 
Sinan Bassa again received into Favour.  and restored to his former Dignity. About this time also Sigismond (the King of Sweden's Son) now after the Death of King Stephen chosen King of Polonia, and Maximilian the Emperors Brother rejected; even in the beginning of his Reign sought to renew the League which Stephen's Predecessor, and other the Polonian Kings had before made with Amurath and his Predecessors, the Turkish Sultan's. And to that purpose writ unto him as followeth.  
Sigismond the Third, King of Polonia, unto Amurath the Third, Emperor of the Turks, sendeth greeting.  
THE Almighty long keep and preserve your Majesty in Health and Honour. Most Mighty Prince, 
Sigismond the Polonian King's Letter unto Amurath.  our best beloved Friend and Neighbour, after that we by the Grace and Goodness of God were chosen to govern the Kingdom of Polonia, and the Ambassadors of that Kingdom had signified so much unto us; we, providing us of Necessaries, came to Dansk the eighteenth of October, from whence we send John Zamogil our Secretary, to give your Majesty to understand of this our coming. For being told by the Polonian Ambassadors, That we were chosen unto the Government of that Kingdom, upon Condition, That according unto the Custom of our Predecessors the Polonian Kings, we should keep Love and Friendship with the most excellent 
* The Turks desire to be called Mussulman, which in their Language signifieth a true believer.  Mussulman Emperors; we promise unto your Sovereign Majesty, that we are willing with the like or greater Zeal and Devotion, to continue that Amity and Friendship with your most excellent Majesty and the Ottoman Emperors your Successors. For confirmation whereof, so soon as we shall come unto Cracovia the regal City of Polonia, and there be crowned, we will forthwith send our great Ambassador unto your Majesty. In the mean time we most earnestly request your Majesty, that our Kingdom may on your Majesty's behalf rest in Safety and Peace; which we persuade ourselves you will easily grant. So wishing unto you all Health and Happiness, we bid you farewell. From Dansk the 18th of October, in the year 1587., and of our Reign the first.  
Unto which the King's Request and Letters, Amurath not long after returned this Answer in Writing.  
Amurath the Third, Emperor of the Turks, unto Sigismond King of Polonia, greeting.  
I Take it well, and as a token of your Love, 
Amurath 's Answer unto the Letters of Sigismond.  that your Ambassador John Zamogil came with your Letters unto our most high and glorious Court, the refuge of distressed Princes; wherein you have given us to understand, how that instead of the most excellent and famous King Stephen, of worthy Memory, late King of Polonia; you, descended of the same noble Stock and Race of the Polonian Kings, are by the free election of the whole State of the famous Kingdom of Polonia, and the great Kingdom of Lithuania, chosen King of Polonia; and being sent for by lawful Ambassadors, by the Favour and Goodness of God, to be come unto the City of Dansk, and from thence to be about to go unto Cracovia, the chief City of the Kingdom of Polonia. And when you are there arrived, to send your Ambassador unto our most high and glorious Court, to confirm, preserve, and establish the League and Amity commodious and necessary for both our Kingdoms, honoured and kept by your ancient Predecessors, with our Grandfathers and Great-Grandfathers; yea, and that with greater Zeal and Devotion than any your noble Ancestors. And therefore your Ambassador in your Name requesteth, That no Invasion on our behalf be made into the Borders of the Kingdom of Polonia, or any harm there done; and that the most noble Tartar Prince Isbam Gerai (whom God bless) should be warned, that he neither make nor suffer any Incursion to be made into the Confines of the Kingdom of Polonia. All which things in your Letters contained, with the rest which your Ambassador hath by word of mouth delivered, are with speed orderly by us conceived. Know you therefore our most stately and magnificent Court to be always open unto such as resort thereunto, and that from thence never man had repulse, neither shall hereafter have; wherefore it beseemeth you, as soon as these our Letters shall be brought unto you, to open your Eyes, and to beware that nothing be on your part done against the Majesty of our Court, and the League; and that our Peace and Amity be neither in much or little disturbed, but as best beseemeth, well and sincerely kept; and so persuade yourself it shall on our part also be most inviolately observed. Our Letters are also directed unto the most excellent Tartar Prince Isbam Gerai (whom God bless) straightly charging and commanding him, not to make or suffer any Incursion to be made into the Borders of Polonia. In brief, the League and Amity shall on our part be religiously kept; and whosoever shall presume to do any harm unto the Kingdom or Confines of Polonia, shall therefore without fail receive from us due Punishment. So on your part also it is requisite that the same be done, and that in Declaration of your Love, you forget not oftentimes to intimate unto our most high and glorious Court, such certain Occurrents and News as shall happen in those parts, which shall be unto us a sign of your sincere Love and Friendship. So know you, and give credit unto this our Seal from Constantinople.  
Neither was King Sigismond unmindful of this his Promise before made for the sending of his Ambassador; but being possessed of the Polonian Kingdom, sent Christopher Dziercius (his Secretary) Ambassador unto Amurath for the confirming of the League; which he hath ever since so firmly kept with the Turk, that he could never by any Entreaty of the Emperor, or of the Prince's Electors, or others, or in respect of the common danger, be drawn into the Fellowship of this long and religious War, so hardly maintained by the Emperor and some few other Christian Princes his Confederates; first against Amurath, whilst he lived, and ever since against Mahomet his Son, which now reigneth; the issue whereof, God grant it prove not as well unto the Polonians as others farther off, in fine, lamentable.  
The year following, Ferat (yet the Turks General in Persia) took the City of Genge, year 1588. being before for fear of the Turks quite abandoned and forsaken by the Inhabitants; 
Genge taken by Ferat.  who yet, upon his Faith given for their Safety, returned again, yielding to pay unto the Turk a yearly Tribute of five thousand ducats. But when he would have gone further into the Enemy's Country, having part of his Army cut off by the way, he was by his mutinous Soldiers foully entreated, wounded, and enforced to retire. Cicala Bassa also passing over the River Euphrates, had in those quarters divers bloody Skirmishes with the Persians, sometime carrying away the better, and sometime the worse, as the Fortune of the Field served. Until at length, Amurath himself, no less weary than his People of that long and chargeable War, and the Persian King also inclining to Peace; he, by the persuasion of Sinan Bassa (but lately before received into Favour) was now contented to be entreated to hearken unto the same; moved thereunto, as well by reason of new Troubles then in other Places arising, as for the great Famine and Plague then raging in Constantinople. And considering withal what a great Territory he had won from the Persians, and how necessary it was for him by Peace to confirm himself in those his new Conquests, and by the building of certain strong Forts for the Succour of one another, and by the placing of his Timariot therein, to assure the same unto him; all which without Peace he could not possibly do, as the old Bassa right wisely told him. For which Reasons he yielded to Peace; and so Ambassadors passing to and fro, a Peace was at length agreed upon betwixt these two great Mahometan Princes; the Turk covenanting to keep unto himself the Places he had already gained; namely, Tauris, Genge, Siruan, and Chars, with all the Profits thereof arising, for the maintenance of his Garrisons and Timariot there. Whereof it was thought new stirs would presently arise; the Turks grown insolent of their late Victories, being not able to content themselves with the Conditions of the League; and the Persians not willing to live in continual fear of the Turks, especially seeing themselves to be daily by them more and more oppressed; and withal doubting lest the Turks, after they had taken fast footing in those new conquered Countries, and so grown strong, and gotten better Knowledge of the Passages, should, (after their ambitious manner) seek to possess themselves of the rest; not keeping the Covenants agreed upon betwixt them, nor at all regarding the Capitulations of the League. Which was nevertheless (as we said) on both sides for the space of ten years orderly confirmed, with all due Circumstances and Ceremonies, in like Occurrents by the great Potentates of the World used; and for the more assurance thereof, one of the Persian King's Sons, or, as some others say, one of his Nephews, given unto the Turks in Hostage, as Amurath required.  
These long Wars thus ended, shortly after a great Sedition was raised at Constantinople by the Soldiers of the Court, which, 
The janissaries in a Tumult at Constantinople.  returning out of Persia, with great Insolency demanded their Pay. For the satisfying of whom, by the consent of the great Sultan himself, the Value of the Coin was inhansed, and a new kind of Subsidy for levying of Money imposed upon the Subjects in general, none excepted; who, standing upon their ancient Liberties and Privileges, refused to pay it, especially the janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court. Wherefore their Aga or Captain was commanded to appease them, and to persuade them to pay the demanded Tribute; in attempting whereof he was in danger to have been slain by the insolent janissaries; and yet nevertheless for prevailing no more with them, was in displeasure thrust out of his Office, and another placed in his room, that should have married Amurath's Daughter; of whom for all that, the janissaries would not accept in any case, but threw Stones at him, and threatened to kill him. 
Great harm done by Fire in Constantinople.  The next Night a great Fire arose in the City, for the quenching whereof, the janissaries were commanded (as their Duty was) to put to their helping hands; which they not only most obstinately refused to do, but also kept back others that brought Water for the quenching thereof, and, together with the other Soldiers of the Court, did what they might to make it burn the faster. With the rage of this Fire were consumed seven of their Temples, twenty five great Inns, fifteen thousand Houses, with many Warehouses and Shops. To appease this dangerous stir, and to prevent further mischief, commandment was given to the Beglerbeg of Graecia and David Passy a Jew (the first Authors of this new Imposition) that they should either gather the aforesaid Tribute by them devised, and pay the Soldiers, or by some other means to give them Contentment. But here began the Priests publicly to persuade the People from payment of this new Tribute, or any other such like; persuading them in any case to defend their ancient Liberties and Customs; whereupon the Churches were by the Priests shut up, public Prayers for the Health of the Sultan intermitted, the Bassas Houses assaulted, and all the City on a new hurly burly. For the appeasing whereof, Amurath was glad to yield unto the janissaries, to pay the Soldiers out of his own Treasury, to revoke his Mandates given out for the exaction of the new tribute, and to deliver the two Persuaders thereof to the Pleasure of the janissaries; who drew them up and down the Streets at Horses Tails, and afterwards cutting off their Heads, in scorn tossed them from hand to hand one to another, as if they had been Tennis Balls.  

Sinan Bassa of Buda invadeth the upper part of Hungary.  About the latter end of September, Sinan, Bassa of Buda, having with the assistance of the Sanzacks about Filly, raised an Army of eleven thousand Soldiers, with purpose to have spoiled all the upper part of Hungary, came the sixth of October before the Castle of Putnoc, and gave thereunto summons; but finding them in the Castle better provided and more resolute than he had before supposed, he departed thence, and passing the River Schayo, came to Sixo, a Town of about five hundred Houses, which after a sore battery he took, and burned it down to the Ground. 
Sinan overthrown.  In the mean while, Claudius Russel, General for the Wars in that part of Hungary, having assembled his Forces, came upon him, and after a hard fight put him to the worse, when he had slain of his Turks about two thousand five hundred, besides three hundred other drowned in the River Schayo. Shortly after, the Christians in like manner breaking into the Frontiers of the Turks, took from them the Castles of Blavenstein, Jests, with some other small Forts thereabouts in the upper part of Hungary.  
year 1589 Sinan, for that he had contrary to the League, and without the Commandment of Amurath, so unfortunately attempted War in Hungary, was the next year in great Displeasure sent for to Constantinople, and Ferat, Bassa of Bosna (late General of the Turks Army against the Persians, and now but newly come home) placed in his room at Buda.  
Amurath, before not ignorant of the great Preparation that Philip the King of Spain had made, and of the invincible Armado (as it was termed) by him set forth for the Invasion of England (the Fame whereof had long before filled a great part of the World) as also of the evil Success thereof the last year, viz. 1588.; and of the purpose her Majesty of England had for the troubling of his rich Trade, especially into the West Indies, and for the relieving of Don Anthonio, by him driven out of Portugal; wrote unto her about this time concerning those and such like matters as had been moved by her Agent, as followeth:  
Amurath the Third, Emperor of the Turks, unto Elizabeth Queen of England, France, 
Nicholaus Reusnerius Epist. Turci●. lib. 12. pag. 42.  and Ireland, greeting.  
MOST Honourable Matron of the Christian Religion, Mirror of Chastity, 
Amurath 's Letters unto the Queen of England.  adorned with the Brightness of Sovereignty and Power amongst the most chaste Women of the People which serve jesus, Mistress of great Kingdoms, reputed of greatest Majesty and Praise among the Nazarites, Elizabeth Queen of England, to whom we wish a most happy and prosperous Reign. You shall understand by our high and Imperial Letters directed unto you, how that your Orator, resiant in our stately and magnificent Court, hath presented unto the Throne of our Majesty a certain writing, wherein he hath certified us, how that about four years ago you have made war upon the King of Spain▪ for the abating and breaking of his Forces, wherewith he threateneth all other Christian Princes, and purposeth to make himself the sole Monarch both of them and all the World beside. As also, how that the same King of Spain hath by force taken from Don Anthonio (lawfully created King of Portugal) his Kingdom; and that your Intention is, that his Ships which go and come into the Indies may from henceforth be embarred and stayed from that Navigation; wherein are yearly brought into Spain, precious Stones, Spices, Gold and Silver, esteemed worth many millions, wherewith the aforesaid King, as with a great Treasure enriched, hath means to molest and trouble all other Christian Princes; which if he shall still proceed to do, he will make himself daily stronger and stronger, and such an one as may not easily be weakened. After that, your aforesaid Orator requested our Highness, in the beginning of the next Spring to send out our Imperial Fleet against him, being assured that the King of Spain could not be able easily to withstand it, for that he had now already received a great overthrow by your Fleet; and being scarce able to withstand you alone, if he should be on divers parts invaded, must needs be overcome, to the great benefit of all the Christian Princes, as also of our Imperial State. Besides this, that whereas the aforesaid Don Anthonio is by force driven out and deprived of his Kingdom, that we (to the imitation of our noble Progenitors of happy Memory, whose Graves the Almighty lighten) should also give the Aid and Succour of our magnificent State, as did they unto all such as had recourse unto their high Courts and Palaces for relief. In brief, all these things, with many others which your aforesaid Orator hath at large declared unto our Imperial Throne, we have well understood, and laid them up in our deep remembrance. But forasmuch as we have for many years passed made Wars in Persia, with a full Resolution and intent utterly to conquer and subdue the Kingdom of that accursed Persian Heretic, and to join the same unto our ancient Dominions; and now by the Grace of God, and help of our great Prophet, are now upon the point for the satisfying of our desire; that once done, due Provision shall be assigned unto all such things as you have of us requested or desired. Wherefore, if you shall sincerely and purely continue the bond of Amity and Friendship with our high Court, you shall find no more secure Refuge or safer Harbour of good Will or Love. So at length all things shall go well and according to your Hearts desire in your Wars with Spain, under the shadow of our happy Throne. And forasmuch as the King of Spain hath by Fraud and Deceit got whatsoever he holdeth, without doubt these deceitful Deceivers shall by the Power of God in short time be dispatched and taken out of the way. In the mean time we exhort you not to lose any Opportunity or Time, but to be always vigilant, and according to the Conventions betwixt us, favourable unto our Friends, and unto our Enemies a Foe. And give notice here to our high Court, of all the new Wars which you shall understand of concerning the said King of Spain, for the behoof both of yourself and us. To be brief, your Ambassador, after he had with all care and diligence dispatched his Ambassage, and here left in his place one Edward Bardon his Deputy and Agent, now by our leave maketh his return towards your Kingdom, being for the good and faithful Service he here did, worthy to be of you esteemed, honoured, and before others promoted; who when he hath obtained of you all those his deserved Honours and Preferments, let him or some other principal Ambassador without delay be appointed to our Imperial Court, to continue this Office of Legation. This we thought good to have you certified of under our most honourable Seal, whereunto you may give undoubted Credence. From our Imperial Palace at Constantinople, the 15th of this blessed Month 
* September.  Ramazan, 1589.  
Yet for all these fair shows, it may seem unto him that looketh more near into the state of the Turkish Affairs at those times, and that which hath ensued since, that Amurath, glad of the Discord of these two so great Christian Princes, and not well assured of his new Conquests in Persia, had no great mind to the Invasion of Spain, as too far from the strength of his Empire, an Enterprise not to be so easily managed by Sea, as were the Wars he shortly after undertook against the Christian Emperor Rodolph by Land; wherewith for all that (God be thanked) he found his hands full all the remainder of his Life, as did also his Son Mahomet that reigned after him.  

The Polonian Cossacks invade the Tartarians and Turks.  About this time also the Polonian Borderers (whom they call Cossacks) a rough and warlike kind of People, after their wont manner making an inroad upon the Turks and Tartarians, upon the sudden surprised Koslaw, a Port Town within a days Journey of Caffa, where they had the spoil of many rich Warehouses of the Turks Merchants, and the rifling of certain Ships lying there in Harbour; and having taken their Pleasure, burned the rest, and so with a great booty returned to their lurking Places. With which Injury the Tartars, provoked and set on by the Turks, to the number of forty thousand, broke into Podolia and the Provinces near unto Polonia, and resting in no place, but burning the Country before them, s●ew the poor Country People without Mercy, and making havoc of all that they light upon, besides the spoil, carried away with them many thousands of most miserable Captives; the greatest part whereof for all that the Polonians rescued, with the notable slaughter of the Enemy, surprised in their return. Whereupon such unkindness rise between the Turkish Emperor and Sigismond the Polonian King, that it was thought it would have broken out into open Wars, had not the Polonian by his Ambassadors and the Mediation of the Queen of England, wisely appeased the angry Turk, and so again renewed his League.  
Amurath, now at Peace with the World, from which he by Nature abhorred not, year 1590. and sitting idle and melancholy at home, 
The Reasons wherewith the Visier Bassas persuade Amurath to make War.  was persuaded by the Bassas his Counsellors, to take some new War in hand; for that great Empires (as they said) could not without the continual use of Arms long stand or continue; as appeared by the Roman State, which so long as it was at Wars with Carthage, or their great Captains and Commanders occupied in arms against their Neighbour Princes, still remained triumphant, and commanded over a great part of the World; but giving itself to Ease and Pleasure, and the Martial Men not after their wont manner employed, it in short time by Civil Discord fell, and of the Mistress of the World, became itself a Prey even unto the basest Nations. Which old Cato in his great Wisdom foreseeing, cried out in the Senate, That the Soldiers and Men of War were to be kept still busied in Arms far from home, for that in so doing, all should go well with the State, and the Glory thereof increase. Whereunto the Ottoman Emperors, his noble Progenitors, having respect, propounded not Peace as the end of their Wars (as do other weak Princes having their own Forces in distrust) but as invincible Conquerors, still sowed Wars upon Wars, making one Victory the beginning of another; whereby they not only brought that their Empire unto that greatness it was now of, but by such continual Employment made their Soldiers more courageous and ready, and also kept them from Rebellions and Tumults; whereunto in time of Peace, and living at ease, these Martial men are most commonly inclined, learning (as all others do) by doing nothing, to do that is evil and naught. Every thing (as they said) was by the same means to be maintained, whereby it was at the first increased; and that therefore great Empires, as they were by Wars begun and augmented, so were they by continual Wars also to be from time to time established; whereas otherwise the Soldiers living in Peace, and forgetting their Martial Prowess, would for most part grow cowardly, as giving themselves over to the Love of their own Dwellings, of their Wives, and of their Children, and other Pleasures; or else, converting their Studies to Merchandise, or other profitable Trades, would in time forget the use of Arms, and be thereunto again hardly drawn; unto the great weakening of his strength both by Sea and Land, and the diminishing of the number of his great Commanders and expert Captains, not to be had without the continual use of War. With these and such like Reasons, the great Bassas of the Court persuaded Amurath, That he must of necessity take some new Expedition in hand, and not to suffer his valiant Soldiers, but now lately returned out of Persia, to grow lazy or insolent for lack of Employment. Which they did not so much for the Love of their Prince, or Zeal unto the State, as for their own particular profit? especially the two old Bassanes Sinan and Ferat, the envious Competitors the one of the others Honour; who, although they both, much and almost all commanded both in Peace and War, yet was their Honours greater, and their Profit far more, in commanding of the Turks great Armies abroad, than in sitting in the Divano at home; unto which no less honourable than profitable Preferment they both with like Ambition aspired, accompanied with the hot desires of their great and many Favourites both at home and elsewhere. These Persuasions well pleased Amurath; who although he were himself no Soldier, yet was he desirous of new Conquests, and to increase his Name; accounting it no less honour unto himself, by his Servants at his appointment to perform great things, than it was unto his Ancestors to do that they did themselves in Person. But in this so serious a matter, 
The Causes why Amurath would not suddenly resolve upon War.  and of so great consequence, Amurath at the first could not tell what best to resolve upon; not for that he was not desirous of Wars, but because as yet he certainly knew not against whom he might with greatest Profit and least Difficulty and Danger convert his Forces; upon which point his Counsellors agreed not, but for divers Reasons were of divers Opinions. Which, forasmuch as they contain matters of greatest importance of all things then in the World done, but especially concerning the Profit of the Christian Commonwealth, I shall not think it unworthy my Labour, to set them down in such order as I find them credibly reported; having moreover in them many Letters and most weighty matters not yet come to all men's Knowledge; as also opening the Devices of the Turkish Tyrant against the Christian Princes; a motive not only for them to join in Counsel together how to withstand him, but for the common Christian Commonweals sake to forget and forgive all their private Displeasures, and with their united Forces and Power honourably and courageously to make War upon him, and so at length by the Mercy of God to overthrow him, together with his tyrannical Empire, the greatest Terror of our time.  

Eight se●●●al Opinions of 〈◊〉 Visier 〈◊〉, ●●●cerni●g the War to be taken in hand.  The great Bassas, concerning the intended War, were of eight sundry Opinions; whereof the first was, That the Wars against the Persian should be renewed; the second, For the Invasion of the King of Morocco and Fez; the third, For War to be taken in hand against the King of Spain; the fourth, For the besieging again of Malta; the fifth was, To set upon the Venetians; the sixth, For the invading of some part of Italy; the seventh, For the King of Polonia; the eighth and last was, For War to be made upon the Emperor and the Kingdom of Hungary. With all the which aforesaid Princes, except the Spaniard, although the Turk were then in League, and could not with all or any of them make War, without the notable breach of his Faith and Honour; yet was that never made question or scruple of, but only, which might best stand with the Profit of his State for him to set upon; his barbarous Law allowing him that Liberty, for the more assuring of his State, or enlarging of his Empire, to break all Faith and Promise, especially with the Christians; not more in any thing to be pitied, than in reposing any Credit or Confidence in the Faith of such a miscreant.  

The first Opinion and Reasons of them that would have the Wars renewed in Persia.  The Reasons the great Bassas alleged for the renewing of the Persian War, were, For that the Persian King was of himself like to break the League so lately with him concluded, so soon as he should know the Turks entangled in any other War; moved thereunto, as well for the recovery of his Country, to his great dishonour lost, as also in Revenge of so many and so great Injuries to him of late done by the Turkish Emperors. Beside that, the Christian Princes would persuade him and prick him forward thereunto; especially the Spaniard, who for the nearness of India might without his great charge procure him so to do, and also conveniently furnish him with great Ordnance and Cannoneers, which it was well known he of late did. The Countries also but lately conquered, were not yet (as they said) in quietness or safety, and the Fortresses therein but of late built, together with the Garrisons therein, to be in great danger, being for the length of the way, and difficulty of the Passage, not to be still speedily relieved; insomuch, that if the Persians did them no other harm, but only to forage and waste the Country about them, they should bring the Inhabitants into such distress, as that those new conquered Countries were again by the Defendants to be forsaken, or else they must themselves with hunger perish. True Glory (they said) consisted not so much in conquering, as in the use of the Conquest, and the Prosecution of the happy Victory; and that therefore Amurath should take heed, that he provoked not the Wrath and Indignation of the great Prophet Mahomet against him; who having by his good Favour and Guide obtained more Victories than any of his Predecessors against the Enemies of his Religion, aught as a religious and devout Prince severely to revenge the wrong done by them both to God and man. Unto which religious War Vsbeg Han the Tartar King, as also the Prince of Geilan offered their ready help; as for the event of the Victory, now as good as in his hand, he was to judge by the success of his former Wars. Neither that he need to fear the Persian Horsemen, although they used Arabian Horses, being by his men many times shamefully put to flight; or yet to doubt lest the Georgians, in favour of the Persians, should take up Arms, for that many of them were already under his Obeisance, and subject unto the Bassa of Teflis, and other his Commanders; the rest were his Vassals, or else such, as following the Fortune of their Princes Simon and Alexander, sought after no greater matter, but contenting themselves with their own Country, although but small, thought themselves well if they might keep and defend the same; by Nature and Situation so strong, as that there is scarce any way unto it, by reason of the high and broken Mountains, the thick Woods, and straight Passages.  
The second Opinion which was delivered, 
The second Opinion, for making of War upon the King of Fez and Morocco, and the Reason thereof.  was for the Transportation of his Wars into Africa against the King of Morocco, commonly called the Seriphe; and that for these Causes most, It would be a great shame and reproach (as they said) unto the Ottoman Empire, that it was not yet able to subdue these Moors and People of Africa, in number but few; neither was it less shame or dishonour unto the Ottoman Emperors, to have so small a Territory in Africa, being the third part of the World, which by reason of the nearness unto Italy, had long time held Wars with the Romans. Beside that, Algiers and Tunis could never be safely kept by the Turks; neither that the Subjects and Pirates which inhabited those Cities would ever be contented or at quiet, until they had again got that Kingdom into their hands. The Promontory of Aguero, and Port of Larace (two Ports without the straits) were (as they said) to be taken, as Places very commodious for the Turks Friends, seeking in those Seas after Booty; and for the securing of their Trade. And although the Seriphe were himself a Mahometan, and held his Kingdom as a Tributary unto the Ottoman Empire; yet had he secret Intelligence with the Spaniard and the Knights of Malta, whereby they not long since had upon the sudden almost surprised Tripoli, he in the mean time as it were winking thereat. And that although the Spaniard possessed in Africa, Maraschebir, Oran, Pegnon, Tanger, Arzilia, Mazaga, Ceute or Septa, Places whereby he might help and assist the Moors; yet might his Force and Attempts by a strong Fleet be easily hindered, and Spain itself infested. Beside that, the Spaniards had yet in such fresh remembrance the loss of Tunis and Guletta (Places by them thought inexpugnable, and yet by Sinan Bassa to his immortal Praise taken) as that they would not for the Moors sake easily seem to attempt any great thing against the victorious Turks.  
The third Opinion was concerning the War to be made against them of Malta, 
The third Opinion, concerning the Conquest of Malta.  which was by a strong Fleet to be performed; for that the Galleys of Malta did daily great hurt, as well unto the Turks Merchants, as unto such as for Devotion-sake traveled by Sea unto Mecha. And that therefore the War was thither to be transferred, not only for religions sake and to assecure the Passage thither from the Incursions of the Malteses, but in Revenge of the old and late Injuries by them done; and especially to blot out the Infamy and Disgrace which the great Sultan Solyman had incurred, at such time as he had in vain besieged that Island; and to requite the loss by him there sustained. Beside that, they also alleged the common Complaints of the Subjects; for that there were many which piteous lamented the Misery and Calamity, some of their Friends, some their Kinsfolk, whom they knew to live in most woeful Servitude with those Knights, and whom they most earnestly desired to have now set at Liberty; complaining his Subjects to have been so far from suffering of any such things from those Knights in the time of his Ancestors, as that chose they themselves were by them driven out of the Island of the Rhodes, the strongest Bulwark of the Christian Common-weal toward the East. Being moreover worthy also to be chastised, for that they had holpen the rebellious Moors with all kind of Munition, and had themselves attempted to have surprised Modon.  

The fourth Opinion, For War to be made against the King of Spain, and the Reasons thereof.  In the fourth place were they which were of Opinion, that it were best for him to make War upon the King of Spain. These men alleged it to be impossible for the Turkish Empire to aspire unto the Monarchy of the whole World (whereunto all the Turks Actions and Devices were always as at a certain mark directed) except the Spaniard's great Strength and Power were first weakened, wherein he seemed to surpass all other the Christian Kings and Princes; and that there was no fear lest he should besiege Algiers, which he knew to be now much better fortified than it was in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth. And that although the Spaniards without ceasing besought their King for the undertaking of that Expedition, by reason of the new Losses and Harms which they daily received from the Pirates of Africa; yet would he not hearken unto their Request, for fear of the Danger imminent both to himself and his Subjects from the Enemy's Fleet, which he should in so doing draw into the Spanish Seas; neither would the Spanish Galleys easily come into the Turks Countries in the East, for being too far from their own Country, which for the most part stood in need of their help. And that the King of Spain was with the Multitude of his Business, or other his urgent Affairs still so hindered, as that he could not suddenly put in Execution what his Counsel for the Wars should decree. As also how much it was to be gathered by that which happened not long since at Preveza and Navarinum, That the Spaniards shunned the Ottoman Forces; as also how warily the King dealt in all his Affairs, lest at length against his Will he should be enforced to enter into Wars with the Turk, was most manifest; as was to be seen when as of late about the end of the Persian War he refused to give Aid unto the Persian King whom he might have holpen, and was so before wont to do. And in case that he would stand upon his Guard, and by force seek to repel force; yet should he scarce have so much Strength as (beside those Wars which he now maketh in divers Places) to be able to undertake also a new War, and to find so many Soldiers, with so much Coin and other things necessary for so great a War. It stood him in hand (as they said) to defend the Low-Countries, and to recover again the Provinces there lost, which of themselves wonderful strong, both by reason of the Sea and the Multitude of the Rivers, were also with wonderful Courage and Pertinacy defended by the Inhabitants, for their Liberty and Religion's sake. Whereunto the English (at deadly hatred with the Spaniard) might many ways give great help, if they should invade Portugal, or with their Ships lie in wait for his Indian Fleet, or make Incursions into other his Kingdoms, as they did not long since at the Groin and Cadez; Places most fit to trouble Spain, and to hinder his Traffic into the Indies or other Places. Beside that, he was at that time so entangled with his Wars in France, as that he could scarce find how to dispatch himself thereof, without the loss of his Honour and Credit. And admit he should make Peace with the aforesaid Princes, in such sort as that he should not from thenceforth from them receive any harm; yet were other means to be sought and taken in hand for his farther disturbance, as by troubling his rich Trade for Spices and other Merchandise, whereof he reapeth great Profit; as also if need were, by driving his Ships out of the Persian Gulf, by the help of those Galleys which still lie at road at Possidium, which we now call Suez. And that the Fortresses and strong holds he there possesseth, were to be set upon, and if it might be, taken from him; as was once attempted against the Portugals at Diu and Ormuz; the like whereof Alphonsus' Albuquercius (the King of Portugal's Viceroy in India) attempted, when as with his light Horsemen running through that Country, he thought upon a sudden to have spoiled Mecha, and to have robbed the Sepulchre of Mahomet (as had happened under the Empire of the Sultan's) and as Trajan the Emperor had long since in like manner attempted to rage and spo●l. Those Places which he possessed in Africa were (as they said) to be set upon, and the Coast of Spain towards the Mediterranean to be infested; so at length, to gratify the Moors his Subjects, who still instantly requested the same, that so they might more safely traffic and travel, and that so the Moors might at length be delivered from the imperious command of the Spaniards; of which exploit Sultan Selimus, lately before dead, was in his life time well persuaded; but might now at this time be much more commodiously done, for that the Moorish Nation was now greatly increased, and much oppressed by the Spaniards; and having got great Wealth by the Trade of Merchandise, even by Nature or Religion, had conceived a mortal hatred against the Spaniards; whereunto might not a little avail the Ports in Africa, whereinto the Turks Fleet might at all times in safety retire. And in brief, that which was of greatest importance to the better success of this War, the French King and the Queen of England, had of their own accord promised the Continuation of their Wars, and that the French King should invade Navarre, and by force of Arms recover the right he pretended unto that Kingdom; whilst in the mean time the Queen of England should not only trouble him in the West Indies, and other Places of the Ocean toward the North and West, but might also stir up new Broils in the Kingdom of Portugal, where most part of the People with great impatience bear the proud command of the Spaniard; as persuaded (and that truly) all their Prosperity and Quietness to have been lost, together with their last King, their true and lawful Sovereign. For he, at Peace with the Kings of France and England, exceedingly thereby enriched his Subjects by Traffic; whereas, since they fell into the Hands of the Spaniard, they daily complain of their new Losses and Dangers by Reason of his perpetual Wars. Moreover, that there was to be found great store of exiled Spaniards dispersed here and there, which being malcontent and weary of the Spanish Government, were fled not only out of Portugal, but even out of Arragon and other parts of his Kingdom; which now living in France, England, and Constantinople, both secretly and openly, liberally offered great helps; the like whereof many of the Moors also promised. All which together seemed to promise a most easy Expedition and certain Victory, if any should upon the sudden invade Spain; for that there was almost no use of Arms, the Inhabitants at home seldom times exercising themselves therein; neither in Places needful having any ordinary Garrisons, and but few Horses fit for Service. And that in fine it was to be considered, Spain to be greatly bared of men which knew how valiantly and courageously to manage Arms, for the often choice they make of them, which almost most daily transported into the Indies, Italy, and the Low-Countries, whereby the strength of his Country must needs be exceedingly impaired; so that if they should be invaded with any strong and mighty Army, they might seem hardly able to be holpen or defended by their own People, but should need the Aid and help of the other near Provinces subject unto this Kingdom; which if they should be either letted, or stay to come in good time, they should leave so much the more easy Victory unto their Enemies.  

The fifth Opinion for the Invasion of the Venetians, and the Reasons why.  In the fifth place were they which went about to persuade Amurath to break his League with the Venetians; using Reasons rather probable than true, although they might seem unto the Turks less doubtful, for that men easily and willingly believe such things as they themselves desire. These men went about to prove no Expedition to be less difficult than this, as judging of things present, by the event of former Wars passed; wherein the Turks had always taken something from the Venetians: who to redeem their Peace, were divers ways enforced to satisfy the Turks. That the Venetian Commonwealth was afraid of the Turks, and abhorred War, was manifest (they said) in that, that in all Actions it had propounded unto itself Peace, as the end thereof; and after the manner of their Ancestors, never entered into Wars, but enforced thereunto: and would happily upon the first denouncing of Wars, willingly depart with certain Places, for fear of greater harm, or to be utterly overcome, as it appeared they did in the yielding up of Cyprus. The Power and Force whereof was not so great, as that it could alone stand against the great Sultan; and to confederate itself with others, would require no small delay, for the great and many Difficulties which commonly used to arise in making of Leagues; not being now so conjoined with the Spaniard as in times past, of whose aid it being of late destitute, was constrained to make an hard Peace with Selimus. And if so be the Spaniard would needs join himself unto the Venetians against the Turks, yet that he could by no means afford unto them such Aid and Supplies as were of necessity to be required unto so great a War, he himself being in his Wars otherwise so entangled; as for all other Confederation they could make without him, to be but weak and to no purpose. That which the Pope could do herein, to be but little; for albeit he should according to his Duty exhort other Christian Princes to give Aid, and to stir them up unto this War, yet that beside some little supply of Money hardly drawn out of his own Coffers, and the Ecclesiastical Revenues, he could scarcely perform any thing more; or when he had done his uttermost devoir, could but join five Galleys of his own unto the Venetian Fleet; which, with the Galleys of the Duke of Savoy, of the Knights of Malta, and of the Florentines, could but make a Fleet of some twenty Galleys, which was but a small matter. Besides that, the Turks were persuaded, that betwixt the Venetian State and the other Christian Princes was no such Friendship and good Agreement, as the greatness of the imminent Danger of that War, and as the necessity of the cause would require; and that hitherto their Treasures had been so exhausted in paying the Debt they were run into in the last War, and in building of Fortresses, that happily they were not now so furnished with Coin, as was requisite for the defraying of so great a War. And unto this War against the Venetians, consented almost all the Visier Bassas; differing only in this, Where, or against what Place of the Venetian Territory this War were to be first begun; some naming one place, 
The sixth Opinion, for the attempting of Italy, and the Reasons thereof.  and some another (for divers Reasons them thereunto leading) which for brevity we pass over.  
Othersome of the Bassas in the sixth place, rejecting all the former Opinions concerning the War to be taken in hand, would have had all the Forces of the Ottoman Empire, as well by Land as Sea, to have been converted against Italy; for that otherwise the Turks should never come unto the Monarchy of the whole World (whereunto as at a mark they had directed all their Actions) except they did first subdue Italy. For that this Country; as the Centre of the whole World, was wont to give both Counsel and Aid unto the rest of the Limbs, whereby the Devices of others were crossed; and that the Romans had at length commanded over all the World, especially for that they held in Possession this Country. Hereat did the Huns, the Alani and Goths; the Vandals, the Frenchmen, Spaniards, and Saracens, direct all their Thoughts and Cogitations. In fine, they concluded, That no Expedition could be taken in hand more honourable or profitable than this; for that Italy was a Queen amongst other Provinces, for commodious Situation, the wholesomeness of the Air, the plenty of all things necessary for Man's Life, for great, fair, and most rich Cities, for the ancient Glory and Majesty of the Roman Empire, and many other Causes also. Neither that this Expedition was to be deemed of much Difficulty, for that Italy was under the Rule of divers Princes, unto whose command most of their Subjects unwillingly obeyed; as also, for that the Inhabitants of that Country had now for many years lived in continual Peace, and were therefore the more effeminate and fearful, and so unfit for the Wars; and that if that Expedition were in one or divers places taken in hand before the Corn were full ripe, the Turks in that so fruitful a Country could never want Necessaries for them to live upon; whereas the Inhabitants in great number wanting the same, and shut up within the Walls and Fortifications of their Cities and strong Towns, should be brought into extreme wants; which was the more evidently to be seen, for that at this time wherein they were at Peace, they had not Corn sufficient in the Country for such a multitude of People to live upon, but were glad to have it brought unto them from other Places, especially from Peloponesus, Constantinople, and the Cities upon the Coast of the great Ocean. Furthermore, that it was to be considered, that most part of the Italians lived by no other means than by their handy Labour, or the trade of Merchandise; of which means if they were deprived, they should in short time be brought to that point, as to be glad to accept of such Conditions as the Victor should propound unto them, or as Tributaries, to submit themselves unto the Ottoman Government. Neither that the Soldiers would unwillingly be drawn unto that War; for that they were not to pass through barren Regions of the Enemy, frozen with Ice, or desolate, either by rough Woods or inaccessible Mountains; but were all the way thither to travel through their own Country, and as it were in the sight of their own Houses; and if the Turks could oftentimes enter so far, when as they had their Confines more remote, and their Passages more difficult, that the same might now much more easily be effected, when as they had a far greater Opportunity, and their Enemies so near at hand.  
The seventh Opinion was theirs which thought it best to have the War transferred into Polonia, 
The seventh Opinion for War to be made against the Polonian, and the Reasons thereof▪  and from thence into Hungary and Germany; for which they alleged these Reasons: First, for that they thought it a disgrace unto the Majesty and Reputation of the Ottoman Empire, That the King of Polonia had sometime refused to pay his Tribute due (for so the Turks account of all such Presents as are unto their Sultan usually sent by their Neighbour Princes, of Courtesy) and that therefore he was by force of Arms to be compelled thereunto. Which they thought would the more easily be obtained, for that there was much secret hatred and heartburning amongst the Polonian Nobility. Neither that it would be any difficult or dangerous War to be taken in hand; forasmuch as Polonia was confined with Moldavia, the Tartars, and the Sanzacks of Acherman, Bendera, and Vosia; and moreover, for that the Turks could never have any assured or full Possession of Moldavia or Valachia, except the Insolency of the Polonians were repressed; the Vayvods of which Countries, when they had enriched themselves with much Wealth, used still to fly into the Kingdom of Polonia. Besides that, they should thereby revenge themselves for the Injuries done them by the Cossacks, and have more free and safe Traffic into Muscovia, and bring a Terror upon the Duke of Muscovia, by reason of the nearness of the Country; which great Duke was an Impediment unto the Ottoman Emperor, that he conquered not the whole Kingdom of Persia. And when they had by this means by little and little drawn unto Germany, happily it might so come to pass, as that the Christian Emperor should thereby receive some notable loss, his Empire being still more and more exposed and environed with the Turks Forces and Garrisons, Polonia they said to be a plain and open Country, neither to have any strong Places for to withstand them, and the Inhabitants to have small skill in Martial Affairs, for that they had now long lived in Peace. For as for the War that they had with Maximilian the Archduke of Austria, it continued not long, and King Stephen in the late Wars he had with the Muscovite, used for most part the Hungarian Soldiers, and ended those Wars rather by besieging than fight.  

The eighth Opinion, for War to be made against the Emperor, and the Reasons thereof.  They which in the eighth and last place delivered their Opinions concerning the intended War, persuaded to have it converted upon the Christian Emperor; whom the Turks call the King of Vienna. The Causes they alleged for the beginning of this War was, For that the Vscocchis were grown so insolent as to make good prize of the Turks both by Sea and Land; in such sort, as that not only for the harms which they did, but even for the Majesty and Honour of the Ottoman Empire, their Insolency was not longer to be suffered. By whose Injuries it was especially brought to pass, that the Merchants, to their great hindrance in private, and the Sultan's great loss in common, having left the Town of Narenta or Narona in the Turks Dominion, had removed their Mart to Salona (now called Spalleto) a Town of the Venetians; and that yet for all that was not so sufficiently provided for the Security of the said Merchants, although there were Peace betwixt the Emperor and the Venetians; for that these unruly men for most part living upon the spoil, troubled all both by Sea and Land with their Robberies, driving away men's cattle, burning the Villages, and taking away the young Babes out of the Mother's Arms and Laps. Whereby it was easily to be seen what mind they were of; and that it was not to be doubted, but that if Occasion should serve for them to surprise any of the Turks strong holds upon the Frontiers, they would with all their Power attempt the same; which, what a Dishonour and Infamy (not to speak of the loss) it would be unto the whole Ottoman Empire, every man might easily guests. Neither that it was unknown, how little the Christian Emperor had esteemed of the Turk, at such time as he was in War with the Persian, paying his Tribute too late at his Pleasure; an evident sign rather of violating than of establishing the League. And that the good Success of this War was not to be deemed either difficult or doubtful; for that the attempt might be given both by Croatia, Hungary, and Austria, Countries abounding with all things necessary for the maintenance of a great Army; as also for that they were almost to travel all the way in the Turks own Territory. Beside that, the chief Fortresses of Hungary, namely Belgrade, Buda, and Alba Regalis, with many other strong places, were already holden by the Turks Garrisons, whither their Armies might in all cases of Extremity in safety retire, or out of the same Garrisons repair their Losses, if any should be. The Roman Empire (as they said) was more desirous of Peace than War; and the Princes, of nothing more careful, than how to heap up and preserve their Treasures; and the People of Germany, for that of long they had had no Wars, to be less fit now to bear Arms, and worse to be commanded by their Captains; always having in distrust the Hungarians, the Italians, and Spaniards, for that those Nations are not beloved, but rather hated of the Germans, being not at Unity among themselves, but divided, especially about matters of Religion. Neither that it was to be feared, lest foreign Princes should give Aid unto the Emperor in this War; The Polonian and Transylvanian, to live now in peace with the Turk, and therefore would by no means turn the heat of this War into their own Bosoms; as also, for that the Polonians were afraid, lest in so doing, they should be driven out of their Country, and enforced to remove themselves toward the frozen Sea; and the Transylvanian, having received his Sovereignty from the Turk, no less in fear (if he should so do) to be of him again stripped and spoiled of the same; as for the King of Spain, although he were of such Power, as might afford unto the House of Austria great Aid, yet that he was in other Places now too much busied: and that the Bishop of Rome could not in all Places be ready to serve his turn; the Princes of Italy would not spend their Subjects and Treasures to pleasure another man; and that the Venetian State would not rashly stir up the Turks Arms against themselves, but rather at ease expect the event of the War, than to entangle themselves with other men's Dangers. These were the chief Opinions of the great Bassas concerning the War to be taken in hand, not so much proceeding from any ripe or sound Advice, (as commonly they do) but rather from a certain barbarous Insolency and Contempt of others; wherewith, they moved, do oftentimes vainly persuade them of the easy performance of divers Expeditions; which in proof they find to be not only most difficult, but unto themselves also most pernicious.  
In this so great diversity of Opinions, 
Amurath resolveth to make War upon the Emperor, with the Reasons moving him thereunto,  Amurath stood long in doubt what to resolve upon; desirous he was in all places to show his Power, and (if it were possible) to exceed the Glory of his Predecessors, as he thought himself to have already done in Persia; having, as he boasted, by his Servants there performed more than they could themselves in Person with their mighty Armies. Wherefore, contenting himself with that he had already done in the East, he resolved now to turn his Forces against the Christian Emperor towards the West, and that for divers respects. First, it grieved him to see the Honour of the House of Austria, and that it durst to make head against him; besides that, to make War upon a Country confining upon his own, would be a thing far less Difficulty than was the Persian War, where his Armies were now still to be led through his own peaceable Countries, from whence they were to be at all times plentifully relieved with Victuals and whatsoever else they needed. In which Opinion he was also confirmed by Sinan Bassa, who having in vain persuaded him to have made War against the Venetians, furthered now this War; in hope thereby to recover his Credit and Reputation (before greatly impaired abroad by the little he did in Persia, as also at Constantinople, by the discord betwixt him and Ferat Bassa, commonly called the Black Serpent) as also to increase his Wealth and Riches; which shortly after sorted to his desire, being by the great Sultan Amurath appointed General for those Wars. But above all others, Hassan Bassa of Bosna furthered this matter, in hope thereby to have gained great Riches, (as the Turks manner is) together with the greatest Honours of the Field, as he was most vainly persuaded by his cold Prophets, to whom he gave no small credit. He therefore daily certified Amurath of the harms which the Vscocchis and other the Archdukes Servants and Subjects did upon the Frontiers of his Territories; telling him of their Burnings, Spoiling and Robbing, inciting him to begin his War in Croatia, and so to continue the same either against the Emperor, or the Venetians, or else upon the sudden that way to break into Italy, as had sometime the like been done in the time of Mahomet, Bajazet, and Solyman, his noble Progenitors; whereby to bring a great Terror upon all the Princes of Italy, and to enrich his Soldiers with rich Spoils. By which his importunity he (as a most mortal Enemy not only unto the House of Austria, but unto all Christendom) got leave to begin those stirs in the Frontiers of the Empire, which were first fatal unto himself, and have ever since even until this day notably exercised the Arms of these two last Ottoman Emperors Amurath and Mahomet; as also the Christian Emperor, with others his Friends and Confederates. Yet unto this leave granted unto the Bassa, was this Condition at the first annexed, That he should not seem to do it by the Commandment of Amurath, but of himself, under colour to restrain the Vsocchis; who, as well by Land as by Sea (as he pretended) spoilt both the Christians and Turks, by the great liberty of the Princes of Austria, having small care to chasten them.  
Now was it no great matter for Hassan Bassa to do what Amurath his great Lord and Master had commanded, for the disturbing of the Peace betwixt him and the Christian Emperor; the Turks Leagues with their neighbour Princes being seldom so religiously kept, but that as well their Soldiers in Garrison upon their Frontiers by Land, as their Adventurers by Sea, might, to keep themselves doing, upon a Military Insolency (as the Turks term it) now and then at their pleasures make incursions for booty both by Sea and Land: which, answered with the like from their Neighbours so molested, there never wanted new Grievances, and just causes of Complaint, to the stirring up of greater troubles even amongst the greatest Princes. The Venetians thus wronged at Sea, year 1591. and their Merchants robbed; by their Ambassadors complained at Constantinople of the Injuries done them by the Turks Pirates, requiring to have them called home and Justice done upon them. In like manner the Emperor also, seeing many things both this year and the next attempted by Hassan Bassa in Croatia, and the other Turks in Hungary, contrary to the League, to the great disturbance of his Subjects in both those Countries, by his Ambassador then lying at Constantinople complained of these Outrages, desiring to know whether they were done by the consent and knowledge of Amurath or not; and if not, then to require that order might be taken for the restraining thereof; which was accordingly done, and those Incursions for a while stayed, and the former Peace continued. Amurath still making show as if he were willing that the League agreed upon for eight years, should not be in any wise on his part infringed. At which time the Persian King's Son (the League not long before concluded) died in the Turks Court, where he lay in Hostage; whose dead body Amurath caused to be honourably sent home to his Father into Persia, 
The Persian Hostage dieth in the Turks Court.  with an Apology in defence of himself, against the suspicion conceived by some, That he should have been the cause of the untimely death of that young Prince; still urging withal the confirmation of the League, which by the death of the Prince was like enough to have been broken. Whereof Amurath was the more desirous, for that persuaded by his Bassa's (as is aforesaid) to make Wars with the Emperor (although he notably dissembled the same) he was in hope thereby to add unto his Empire the relics of Hungary, with some good part of the Territory of the House of Austria also, and so to open himself a way into the heart of Germany. For which purposes he now caused very great preparation to be made, and a strong Army to be raised; and at the same time put a great Fleet of Galleys into the Archipelago, for the safety of his Islands in that Sea.  
According to these Designments, year 1592. the Bassa of Bosna, by the Commandment of Amurath, with an Army of fifty thousand entered into Croatia, and without resistance, burnt and destroyed the Country before him, sparing nothing that came in his way. And not so contented, laid siege to the City of Wihitz, being the metropolitical City of that Country, strongly situate as it were in an Island, compassed about with the River una. Which City, after he had sore battered and twice assaulted, was by the distressed Defendants (now despairing of relief, and unable longer to hold it out) yielded unto the Bassa upon Composition, 
Wihitz the Metropolitical City of Croatia yielded to the Turks.  That the Germane Soldiers there in Garrison, might in safety with bag and baggage depart; and that such of the Christian Citizens as would, might there still remain without hurt from the Turks, either in Body or Goods. Which Conditions the Bassa faithfully performed to the Garrison Soldiers, whom, in number but four hundred, he sent with safe convoy into their own Territory: but afterwards, contrary to his faith and promise, exercised all manner of Turkish Tyranny upon the poor Citizens. The Emperor, troubled with this unexpected Invasion of the Turks, sent the Lord Petzen (whom he had many times employed in Embassages to the Turk) to pray Aid of the Germane Princes against the common Enemy. Who, according to the greatness of the danger, in large terms promised their help. The first that made head was Ernestus, Archduke of Austria, the Emperor's Brother, who with five thousand Soldiers came from Vienna to Savaria, commonly called Greis, the Metropolis of Stiria; to whom repaired daily more strength out of Carinthia.  
In the mean time, 
The Christians overthrown.  the Turks Army daily increasing in Croatia, enclosed six thousand Footmen any five hundred Horsemen of the Christians, who had taken the Mountains, Woods, and straight Passages, and so hardly beset them, that of all that number few escaped with life: amongst whom many valiant Soldiers and expert Captains were slain; namely james Prants, George Plesbach, and john Welverdurff. The Bassa, after the barbarous manner of the Turks, to make his Victory seem more famous, laded six Wagons with the Heads of the slain Christians. The Turks thus raging in Croatia, brought a general fear upon all Hungary, Bavaria, Bohemia, Stiria, Carinthia, Silesia, and the rest of the Provinces thereabouts. Whereupon the Emperor, calling together the States of Silesia and Moldavia, declared unto them the imminent danger; persuading them to join their Forces with the rest, for the repulsing of so dangerous an Enemy, and so imminent a Danger.  
After long delay, Ernestus the Archduke, the tenth of August came to the Emperor his Brother, with the Ambassadors of Hungary; and the seventh day after were called together the Ambassadors of the Kingdoms and Provinces of the Empire; where it was throughly debated, how the Turks were to be resisted, and their attempts infringed; as also from whence Forces, Money, and other Warlike provision was to be raised: For now it was manifestly seen, that longer to delay the matter was dangerous▪ and the rather; for that the Beglerbeg or great Commander of Grecia, with threescore thousand select Soldiers both Horse and Foot, of long time exercised in the Persian War, was e'er long expected; who, joining with the rest of the Turks Army, might do great matters both in Hungary and the Places adjoining. For preventing of which so great and manifest dangers, they sat daily in Counsel in Prague, yea oftentimes even from morning until night; for the Hungarians, and especially the Lord Nadasti, a most noble and valiant Gentleman amongst them, instantly urged to have Succours sent into Hungary; forasmuch as the Turkish Emperor, if he should get into his hands the rest of the Towns and Castles yet holden by the Christians in Hungary, it was to be feared lest he should in short time after endanger the whole state of Germany: the strength whereof the Turk feared not so much, as he did those poor relics of Hungary. Others were no less careful of the dangers of Croatia and Stiria, as more proper to themselves, the Enemy now there raging. In these so great dangers, the Hungarians, with the rest of the distressed, cried upon the Emperor for help; and he likewise called upon the Princes of the Empire. Divers Assemblies were made in Bohemia, Hungary, Moravia, Silesia, and the other Provinces of the Emperors, and Ambassadors sent from almost all the Germane Princes to the Emperor: all was full of Consultation, but as for help that came in very slowly; yet such as was to be had, was forthwith sent into Croatia, to defend the Fortresses there against the further attempts and proceedings of the furious Enemy.  

Certain vain attempts of the Turks.  The eighteenth of September, the Turks, with all warlike Provision upon the sudden by Night assaulted the strong Castle of Toccay in the upper Hungary, in hope to have surprised it; but finding it a matter of more Difficulty than they had before imagined, they departed thence, and attempted the lesser Comara, which, standing in a marish Ground, was also easily defended. At which time also the Bassa of Buda with his Power entered into the Frontiers of the Christians, but having well viewed the Cities, Towns, Castles, and Forts upon those Borders, and finding nothing for his purpose, he without any thing doing returned again to Buda.  
The six and twentieth day of September, Hassan, the Bassa of Bosna, encamped with his Army betwixt the Rivers of Kulp and Saws, and in the Darkness of the Night passing over part of his Army into Turopolis, 
Turopolis spoiled by the Turks.  with Fire and Sword most miserably spoiled all that pleasant and fertile Island; the Lord of Bonny, to whom the keeping thereof was committed, labouring in vain to defend the same.  
About the end of this Month, the Bassa of Ziget, with the Sanzacks of Mohas, Koppan, and Quinque Ecclesiae, and other Turks of great name, came with a strong Army, and encamped between Ziget and Rodesto. And shortly after News was brought to the Emperor's Court, that Kanysia, a City of Stiria (not far from the River Zala) was hardly besieged by the Enemy, and that the Turks in coming thither had taken many Christian Captives▪ whom they had sent to be sold at Constantinople; and that there was in the Turks Army about an hundred and sixty thousand men. But forasmuch as the Christian Army daily increased also, and was now grown to the number of threescore thousand men, began to hope well that the Enemy's Rage would be stayed from any further proceeding. About the same time, Ernestus, the Archduke, appointed General of the Army, with the Marquis (Son to Ferdinand the Archduke) his Lieutenant, came both unto the Army.  
In these Preparations, about the beginning of October, heavy News was brought unto the Emperor's Court, how that 7000 men, whom he but a little before had sent into Croatia under the Conduct of Thomas Artelius Beane, George Gleichspacher, and Dionysius Denke, to hinder the Course of the Turks Proceedings, being encamped betwixt Wihitz and Carolstat, and having the twelfth of September discovered from an high Hill certain Companies of the Turks, (which were indeed of purpose come thither to view the Army of the Christians) sent out fifty Horsemen to discover the Turks Army where it lay, and what it attempted. Who, finding no more of the Turks than those whom they had before seen from the Mountain, returned again unto the Army with such simple Intelligence: whereunto the Christians giving Credit, became secure in their Tents, as Men out of Fear of the Enemy, and so kept but negligent Watch. But in this so great Security, the Enemy on a sudden came upon them, and with an hundred thousand men broke into their Trenches; where the Christian Footmen for all that, for the space of four hours maintained a notable fight, wherein many were on both sides slain. But the poor Christians being beset round, and oppressed with the Multitude of their Enemies, were slain almost all; yet the Captains seeing the Danger, by speedy flight saved their Lives; for which their Cowardice and careless Negligence, they were afterwards apprehended and beheaded. Almost all the common Soldiers were there slain; yea such as fell alive into the hand of the Enemy, were most cruelly cut in pieces. The spoil also of the Tents of the Christians fell unto the Enemy; wherein, beside the abundance of other things, they found sixty thousand Dollars, brought but two days before from the Lintz for the Soldiers pay: The Turks, after their barbarous manner, in Ostentation of their Victory, laded fourteen Wagons with the Heads of the slain Christians, which they sent unto divers places thereabouts. This was indeed a great Victory, but gained by the Turks with much Blood; for the Christians, fight as men desperate, slew of their Enemies about twelve thousand, and died themselves as men rather with number oppressed, than with true Valour vanquished.  
The Night following, the Turks upon the sudden in the dead time of the Night surprised the Castle of St. George, 
The Castle of St. George surprised by the Turks.  and without respect of Age or Sex, cruelly put to the Sword all them that were therein, except an hundred and fifty Persons, whom they carried away Captives; and so setting the Castle on fire, departed. At the same time divers Companies of the Turks were seen about Siseg, who led away with them about six hundred Christians into most miserable Captivity. And that nothing might be wanting unto the Calamities of this so miserable a wasted Country, three hundred Wagons charged with all manner of Provision, sent out of the Provinces thereby for the Relief of the Garrison Soldiers in Croatia, were all intercepted by the Turks, and so ●arried away. 
The Emperor prayeth Aid again of the Germane Princes.   
The Emperor, considering these Proceedings of the Turks, and that their Strength daily increased, gave notice by Writing, to all the Princes and States of the Empire, what Incursions the Turks had of late made into Croatia and the Frontiers of Hungary, with other Places near unto them; and that the Beglerbeg of Graecia, with the Bassas of Bosna, Buda, and Temeswar, without regard of the League yet in Force, had taken divers Cities, Towns, Castles, and strong Places, and so extended the bounds of their Dominion above forty Germane Miles, having slain or carried away into Captivity the poor Inhabitants of those Countries; and now to be grown to that height of Pride, that except their farther Proceedings were with like Forces repressed, they would in short time set Foot into Germany itself, and possessing themselves of Stiria and Carinthia, would from thence daily more and more encroach upon the Empire; which to hinder, was not in his Power only, but required their help in general. Wherefore he requested them now at length, in so public a Danger to open their Coffers, and to send out their Forces against the common Enemy. Which Request of the Emperor, with the due Consideration of so great a Danger, moved not only the Princes and States of the Empire, but others also farther off, to yield liberal Contribution unto so necessary and general a Carse.  
The Turks now hearing of the great Preparation of the Christian Princes, beside the Army which was already in the Field, and that they had made a strong Bridge over the River of Draws, which they had also fortified, thereby in safety at their Pleasure to transport their Army; without further delay furnished such Places as they had gotten with strong Garrisons, and so withdrew themselves into their own Territory; which they did the rather, for that the Plague then raged sore in Constantinople, insomuch that there died a thousand a day. Which Contagion had also taken hold of the Turkish Army; so that the Christians for fear of Infection, forthwith show what Turk soever fell into their hands. And thus ended the Troubles of this year, being as it were an Introduction for greater to ensue the year following.  
year 1593. The Turks, together with the beginning of the new year, began also their wont Incursions into the Frontiers of the Christians. 
Divers In●ursions of the Turks into the Frontiers of the Christians in Croatia and Hungary.  They of the Garrison of Petrinia, (a strong Fort, but lately, and contrary to the League, built by the Turks upon the River of Colapis or Kulp, for the further Invasion of Croatia) made daily Incursions out of that new Fort, and entering into the Island Turopolis, spoiled and burnt the Town and Castle of Beck-Vochobinam, and having made a great slaughter, carried away with them 400 Prisoners. And in Hungary the Turkish Garrisons, to supply their Wants, made divers Inroads upon the Christians, and did exceeding much harm; of which Adventures, six hundred in passing over the frozen Lake, were all drowned in the midst thereof. In another place, three thousand of them near unto Nuhuse, divided themselves into two Companies; whereof the one showed itself in the sight of the Townsmen, the other still lying in ambush. They of the Town, upon the sight of these Turks, sallied out, and causing them to retire, followed them so far, that they were past the Place where the rest of the Turks lay; who presently starting up, ran with all speed toward the Town, in hope to have surprised it, and wanted not much of that they desired; for there was scarce an hundred of the Germans there in Garrison left in the Town, who had scarce so much time as to draw up the Bridges; which done, they with the great Ordnance from the Walls, enforced the Turks to retire and forsake the Town. About the same time also, the Turks in Garrison at Petrinia, sallying out upon the sudden, took the Town of Martenize, which they spoilt; and having slain and taken about seven hundred Persons, set fire on the Town, and so returned, having lost in this Exploit not past an hundred and fifty of their own Men. Not long after, the same Garrison Soldiers of Petrinia took another Castle three miles distant from the River of Kulp, whereinto the Christians dwelling round about had for fear of the Enemy conveyed all their Wealth, with great store of Victuals; all which the Turks took, and having slain six hundred-men in the Castle, returned with an exceeding rich booty to Petrinia; which they bought with the Lives of five hundred of their Fellows, slain in taking of the Castle. With like Insolency did also the other Garrisons of the Turks rage in all the other parts of Hungary. About Sassovia in the upper Hungary, they carried away about three hundred Christian Captives. And in the nether part of Hungary, they took the strong Castle of S. Hedwig, upon the Lake of Balaton, which they spoilt and burnt; and so likewise the Castle of Isna: but attempting the lesser Comara, they were by the Garrison Soldiers valiantly repulsed. They also fortified the Castle of Stock, which they had but a little before taken, that so it might serve for a safe Refuge for their Adventurers. Which their manifold Outrages, contrary to the League, evidently declared the desire they had to begin that bloody War which presently after ensued; and was indeed the more suspected, for that at the same time the Emperor's Ambassador, Frederick Corcowitts, was by the Commandment of Amurath shut up close in his House at Constantinople, and not suffered to speak with any man, neither to write or to send any Messenger to the Emperor; which caused him the more to suspect some great matter to be by the Turk intended, and therefore began to raise new Forces. The Hungarians and Bohemians also seeing their Towns and Castles thus taken, their Provinces spoiled, infinite number of People led away into Captivity, and the Enemy daily increasing in strength; at length agreed upon their own Charges to maintain a certain number both of horse and foot, for the repressing of these the Turkish Incursions.  
Now although the Emperor knew right well all these Outrages of the Turks, contrary unto the League, could not be done without the knowledge and goodliking also of Amurath (as before informed thereof by his Ambassador from Constantinople) yet, to show himself willing to have the League on his behalf kept, as also to make a further proof of Amurath his Resolution for Peace or War, he wrote unto him as followeth:  
Rodolph the Second, Emperor of the Romans, unto Amurath the Third, King of the Turks,  
WHereas nothing is hitherto on our behalf omitted for the preservation and continuance of the League and Amity betwixt your most Excellent Majesty and Us, 
The Emperor's Letters unto Amurath.  by the renewed Capitulations of Peace; and that we have with all sincerity and love performed, and are hereafter ready to perform whatsoever is on our part to be performed and done; and as we have hitherto, so for ever hereafter also make offer of the same; we most assuredly promise unto ourselves on your Majesty's behalf, that you in like manner will not suffer any thing on your part to be wanting; but gladly and willingly to do all things which shall be meet and needful for the preservation and keeping of this our mutual love and friendship. Upon which good hope grounding ourselves, to declare our plain meaning and sincerity indeed, we will cause our honourable Present (which is now ready) to be brought unto your most Royal Majesty, at such time as shall be agreed upon betwixt our Ambassador and you; unto whom in all such matters as he by our Commandment shall have to deal with your most Excellent Majesty, your Viziers, or Servants, we request you to give full Credence. In the mean time, your Excellency shall do well to provide, that as we have now severely commanded our Subjects to keep the Peace upon our Frontiers, so that your Soldiers also make no Incursions as Enemies into our Territories, nor do in them any harm, but to endeavour themselves also to Peace and Quietness; and especially, that all such things, as contrary to the Capitulations of the League have been there of late taken from our People, or otherwise unjustly possessed, may be again restored, the Losses recompensed, the new Fort of Petrinia demolished, and the Bassa of Bosna and others, the Authors of breaking of the League, punished and displaced; whereby we shall gather your Royal Majesties most noble and kind affection towards Us and our State, which, as it shall be a thing most just, so shall it be a singular Confirmation of our League. But concerning these Matters, and others to the same belonging, our Ambassador is to declare our Mind more at large, that so our pressed desire for the continuance of our League and Friendship with your Majesty, may more plainly be known. So wish we all Health and Prosperity unto your most Royal Majesty. From Prague the eighth of March, 1593.  
The Emperor also, at the same time, and to the same purpose, 〈◊〉 to Sinan Bassa in this sort:  
Rodolph the Second, Emperor of the Romans, to Sinan Bassa, the Chief Visier, greeting:  

The Emperor's Letters to Sinan Bassa.  WE write at this present unto your most Excellent Emperor, our most honoured Friend and Neighbour, concerning such matters as we thought fit for the Preservation of the Peace and League betwixt us, lest haply otherwise we might seem to have forgotten our Duty. Now it shall well-beseem your uprightness and good will, which we have at other times proved, for the high Place and Authority which you hold (and which we rejoice to be again restored unto you) to give unto these things such easy passage before his Majesty; as that we may acknowledge your kindness and favour, and have occasion therefore to show ourselves unto you thankful. First, we offer ourselves most ready to continue the Peace, and to perform whatsoever is according to the conventions of the renewed Peace on our part to be performed; as also to send the honourable Present (which is not as yet by us sent) when as our Ambassador shall have with you appointed any certain time wherein it may be sent. And we also assuredly hope so to prevail with your Emperor, that on your part the Places within our Territories, by your People forcibly possessed, together with all such things as have been wrongfully taken away, may be again restored, and the Fort of Petrinia razed. The Bassa of Bosna also (who we think would have been kept within the compass of Duty, if you had at that time held the Place of the chief Visier) and whosoever else, guilty of the wicked breach of the League, to be worthily according to their deserts punished and displaced, and your Soldiers severely charged not to make any farther Incursions, nor to do any thing that may ●end to the breach of the League▪ as we likewise shall with new and straight Commands most carefully restrain our Garrison Soldiers upon our Frontiers, from all such Incursions and Enemies Actions. But of these things our Ambassador is more fully and at large to entreat with you; unto whose Speech we desire such Credence to be given as unto our own; and we will so provide, that you shall have good proof of our great good will towards you. From Prague the eighth of March, 1593.  
Unto which the Emperor's Letters, Sinan returned answer as followeth:  
Sinan Bassa, Chief Visier to Amurath the Third, Emperor of the Turks; unto Rodolph the Second, Emperor of the Romans, greeting.  
BY these we give your Majesty to understand, 
Sinan Bassa his Letters to the Emperor.  That two of your Majesty's Letters were brought hither before we were chosen and confirmed Chief Visier in this most Royal Court; wherein your Majesty excuses yourself, and shows the causes why the sending of the wont Presents hath been so long deferred, by laying the fault upon the Insolency of our Garrison Soldiers in Bosna, and the breach of the public Peace; Which your Letters being by us read before our most mighty Emperor, his Highness in great choler burst out into these words, And thy Son, the Beglerbeg of Buda, hath still hitherto writ, and given us to understand, that the usual Presents would certainly come, and that the King of Vienna would not in any case consent unto the breach of the League, or of the Amity betwixt us and him; and yet for all that, the Presents are not hitherto come; wherefore thy Sons Writings and Relations are not true. But now the Bassa of Bosna hath sent word unto the Court, That your Majesty will not send them, and all your doings to be but mere deceit and fraud. For which cause our most Mighty Emperor hath removed my Son from his Place in Buda, and rewarded the Bassa of Bosna with honourable Garments, whereas my Son is for your Majesty's sake displaced. Now on our behalf nothing is done against the Peace, but our Soldiers as with a Bridle kept in; whereas on your Majesty's part excursions and harms into the Territories of our Emperor never cease, especially into Bosna, whereinto your Soldiers have of late in warlike manner broken, although they were by our Garrisons overcome, their great Ordnance taken▪ and brought hither unto the Court. Wherefore, seeing the case so standeth, your Majesty is to resolve us upon two points; whereof the first is, Whether you be minded to keep friendship with us as beseemeth; and to send hither the two last years Presents, or not? And the second, Whether you will set at liberty our Captive Sanzacks, or no? Now if your Majesty shall be content to keep the League, and within these two Months next, to send the two years' Presents, as also to dismiss our Sanzacks; the League shall on our part be likewise undoubtedly kept, your Territories shall be in no case molested, such Christian Captives as your Majesty shall require, be enlarged, and a most firm and sure Friendship by us continued. Whereas if you shall upon any cause or excuse longer delay the sending of those honourable Presents, and unto these our Demands send us nothing but certain vain and windy Answers; let God on High be therefore for ever praised: for now our most Mighty and Victorious Emperor, who wanteth neither Ability nor Power, hath Commanded, That we ourselves should in Person go in this War; and putting our Confidence in the Highest, with the Army of the right-believing Turks to come into those Parts. And therefore assure your Majesty, that we will not fail there to encounter you; at which time shall appear unto the World, what is by God our Creator (whose Holy Name be for ever blessed) in his deep Wisdom preordained and set down for Us. Wherefore, seeing that all which concerneth the League, together with the safety and quiet of our People on both sides, is unto your Majesty thus declared; you are to consider the End, and to follow our good Advice; whereas if otherwise you shall be the cause of the breach of this so wholesome a Peace and Unity, (which we hitherto have so sincerely and firmly kept) the excuse thereof both in this World and in the World to come, shall lie upon yourself. Now we request of you no more, but forthwith to send us answer of these our Letters. As for the rest, well may he speed that taketh the right way. From Constantinople the last of the Month 
* Which is the 16 th' of March, in the year of Christ 1593.  Giuma Zulevel, in the year of our Holy Prophet Mahomet 10001.  
Yet for all these fair offers of Peace thus made by Sinan Bassa in his Letters, was his purpose nothing less than to have performed the same, seeking only to have drawn the two years' Presents from the Emperor, amounting to a great sum of Money, and so nevertheless to have prosecuted the inteded War; the Emperor being the only man of whom Amurath his great Master had, amongst all the Christian Princes, made choice of to exercise his force upon. Of all which things the Emperor was not ignorant, being thereof (as we said) fully before by his Ambassador advertised from Constantinople.  
These Troubles of the Spring thus past, ensued the Summer much more troublesome, for Hassan, Bassa of Bosna, chief author and deviser of these Broils, ceased not, for the increase of his Credit, to work what mischief he could against the Christians that bordered upon him. This great Bassa mortally hated the Governor, or as some call him, the Abbot of Siseg, a strong Castle situate upon the borders of that part of Croatia, yet holden by the Christians, where the River Kulp falleth into the famous River of Saws or Saw, (and was indeed the very Bulwark of that Country) the cause of which his hatred is reported to have been this. The year before, the Bassa had sent a Messenger to this Abbot, to require him to deliver the Castle or Monastery unto him; which Messenger for certain days the Abbot entertained with many honourable Speeches, learning in the mean time of him so much as he possibly could of the Bassa's intention, with what Power, in what Place, and with what Engines he had determined to besiege the Castle. In the mean time it was discovered, that his Steward had long before plotted with the Turk to have betrayed the Castle, and had for certain years past received of him a yearly Pension. Upon which occasion, the Abbot caused both the Messenger and his own Steward to be apprehended, and so fast bound hand and foot, to be cast out at a Window of the Castle into the River of Saw. The Bassa seeing his Messenger not to return, sent, another to the Abbot; grievously threatening him, if he did not send him back again his Messenger; Whereunto the Abbot answered, That he had dismissed him certain days before, and therefore marvelled if he were not as yet returned; nevertheless concerning his demand, That he was resolved to yield the Monastery unto the Bassa, against whose Forces he saw himself unable to hold it; requesting only, that it would please him to send some men of account to receive it at his hand, for that it would be no small dishonour unto him to deliver it up unto common Soldiers. The Bassa, glad of this message, sent forthwith certain principal men of great account, hoping now without any loss to have that strong Place yielded unto him, which had so long time stood in his way. Three days after, certain Troops of Horsemen, sent from the Bassa, came to the Monastery, as was appointed, and finding the Gates open, entered, first the Noblemen, and after them five hundred others, or thereabouts; who were no sooner within the Gates, but that the Portcullis was let fall, and certain murdering Pieces (secretly placed in the Court for that purpose) discharged; with the violence whereof, the Turks that were already entered, were most miserably rend in pieces, their Heads, Arms, and Legs, flying in the Air; when presently the Garrison Soldiers, starting out of their lurking places, made a quick dispatch of all them that had escaped the fury of the great Artillery. The rest of the Turks, shut out, hearing the noise and cry of them within, turning their Horses, betook themselves to speedy flight. The great Bassa, hearing of this slaughter of his men, and how he had been deceived; swore in great rage by his Mahomet, to raze this Monastery down to the ground, and to pluck the Abbot's skin over his ears: and so by threatening Letters gave him to understand, as followeth:  
Hassan, Bassa of Bosna, unto the Abbot of Siseg.  
It is not to thee unknown, 
The threatening Letter of Hassan Bassa of Bosna unto the Abbot of Siseg.  how often we have sent unto thee our Messengers with Letters, declaring unto thee our Love and good Will; requesting thee in friendly sort, and without further resistance, to yield up unto us thy Fortress of Siseg, not longer to be by thee holden. Unto which our Request thou hast hitherto most wilfully at thy Pleasure opposed thyself, not without the slaughter of our men; and in so doing, hast given cause unto the great Sultan to overthrow and raze that thy Fortress, whereof thou for the Emperor wilt needs be the chief. Thinkest thou it will ●e for thy good, or yet well taken, that thou hast so shamefully and perfidiously circumvented and slain our Ambassadors and Servants sent unto thee? Nay, assure thyself, that if Mahomet grant us Life, we will never give over the siege of that thy Fort, wherein thou so much trustest, until I have before thy Face overthrown it, and (if thy God shall give thee alive into my hands) have plucked thy Skin over thine Ears, to the great reproach and shame of the Christians; for I am fully resolved, not to depart from this place, but to continue the siege thereof until I have it. Let a little time yet pass, and thou shalt see thyself on every side besieged, thy Fort with more and greater pieces of Artillery than ever, battered, and our Power strong enough to constrain thee. Thou hast hitherto put thy greatest hope and comfort in the 
* The Hungarian Bannes are Noblemen, in Power much like unto the Turks Bassaes.  Banne Erodius, for whom, by the help of Mahomet we are too much strong. In brief, we are of nothing more careful than how to get thee into our Power; which if we do, look not for any Mercy at our hands.  
Neither was the Bassa unmindful of his Promise, or of the loss he had received, 
Hassan Bassa invadeth Croatia.  but now in the beginning of june, with an Army of thirty thousand Horse and Foot, came and besieged the Fortress of Trenschiin, which with continual Battery and often Assaults he at length took, sacked the Town, slew most part of the Inhabitants, except 800, or thereabouts of the younger sort, which he carried away with him into Captivity. 
Siseg besieged by Hassan Bassa.  And being proud of this Victory, removed thence by a Bridge which he had made, passed over the River, and so the twel●th of june, came and encamped before the Monastery of Siseg; and after vain summons given to the same, the next day caused his great Ordnance to be planted, and with great Fury thundering against the Walls, in short time overthrew the new Tower, in the fall whereof two of the Christian Cannoneers perished. This furious Battery he maintained by the space of ten days without intermission, giving no time of rest unto the besieged; so that it seemed not possible for the Monastery to be any long time defended, if it were not with speed relieved. The Bishop of Zagrabia, and Rupertus Eggenberg, General of the Emperor's Forces that then were at Zagrabia, gave knowledge thereof to Andrew Lord Aversberg, Governor of Carolstat, craving his aid and counsel: who calling together his own Forces, raised a good number of good Horse and Foot, and called also unto him the bordering Horsemen of Karnia and Carainia; who the 17 th' day of june met all together not far from Instawitz, and there tarried that night. The next day, passing over the River Saws near unto Zagrabia, they joined themselves with the Emperor's Forces, and matched the 19 th' day in good order to Sceline, where they expected the coming of County Serinus. The 20 th' day Peter Herdelius with his Hussars, and the Lord Stephen Graswein, came into the Camp, with many of those light Horsemen whom the Hungarians called Vscocchi. The 21st day they lodged at Gradium, still expecting the coming of the County Serinus, who, otherwise busied, could not come. The next day after, a Soldier sent out from the besieged, came into the Camp, who gave the Captains to understand, that except they made haste that day to relieve the distressed Monastery, it would undoubtedly be lost, for that the Enemy had made it assaultable, and would that night give the assault; and the defendants doubting how they should be able to maintain the Place, began before his departure thence to think of composition with the Enemy. Upon which news, the Captains forthwith began to consult among themselves, what course to take in so doubtful and dangerous a case: where Aversberg was of opinion, that it were best to march on, and to give the Enemy Battle; with whom also agreed the Lord Rederen: the rest of the Captains being of a contrary mind, for that the strength of the Christians compared to the Turks▪ was too weak; and therefore they thought it better in time to retire whilst▪ they yet might, than to hazard unto most manifest peril the lives of so many valiant men, at so great odds. At which counsel Aversberg was at the first much moved, but afterwards (as he was a man of great eloquence) plainly set before them the necessity of the Cause, and with lively Reasons cheered up the fearful Croatians; notably persuading them all in general, to but their whole trust and confidence in God, to whom it was as easy to give Victory by few, as by many: and to fight like valiant men, for their Religion, their Country, their Lives, their Wives, their Children and Friends, and whatsoever else they held dear, against that cowardly Enemy, whose valour never brought him into the Field, but only the vain trust he had in his multitude; and would therefore no doubt easily be put to flight, if he should contrary to his expectation find himself but a little hardly laid unto. With these and other like Reasons he prevailed so much, that they all yielded to his opinion, and with one consent resolved to go against the Enemy, and to do what they might to relieve their besieged Friends. So upon a sign given, the whole Army (in number not above 4000) forthwith removed, and with great speed hasted towards the Enemy; and being come within a mile of the Camp, 
A great Battle betwixt the Turks and the Christians.  put themselves in order of Battle. The Turks by their Spials understanding of the approach of the Christians, brought all their Horsemen over the River of Kulp, by a Bridge which they had made, and having put themselves in order, came on to join Battle with the Christians: who had in their Vanguard placed the Croatians and Hussars; in the left wing them of Carolstat, and the Hasquebusiers of Karnia; in the right wing the borderers of Carainia, all Horsemen; in the main Battle the rest of the Soldiers, with the Horsemen of Silesia, under the conduct of Sigismond Paradise; the Rearward was enclosed with three Companies of the Emperor's Soldiers. The Croatians and Hussars in the Vanguard gave the first charge upon the Enemy: but having for a good space made a great Fight, they were about to have retired, and, discouraged with the multitude of the Enemies, were even upon the point to have fled: when Aversberg (General of the Christian Army) came on with his Squadron, and not only restored the Battle, but so resolutely charged the main Battle of the Turks, that the Bassa was constrained at the first to retire, and afterwards to fly, after whom all the rest of the Army followed▪ The Christians still keeping their array, pursued them with great speed, 
Siseg relieved.  and coming to the new made Bridge before them, took from them that passage, to the great discomfiture of the Turks; who seeing the miserable slaughter of themselves, and no way to escape, ran headlong some into the River Odera, some into Kulp, and were there for the most part drowned; the rest were all slain by the Christians, before determined not to take any Prisoners. In the mean time, the Turks that remained at the Siege, understanding of the overthrow of their fellows, set fire on their Powder and other Provision, and so in great fear betook themselves to flight. Whose Tents the Christians immediately after took, and in them nine great pieces of Artillery, and good store of great Shot of 44 and 45 pound weight apiece, with the sumptuous Pavilion of the Bassa, and much other rich Spoil, which was all carried into the Monastery of Siseg. The number of the Turks slain in this Battle, and drowned in the Rivers, 
Eighteen thousand Turks slain●  is of divers diversely reported, but most agree upon 18000. And amongst them was Hassan Bassa himself, found in the River near unto the Bridge, known by his most rich and sumptuous Apparel; and near unto him Mahomet-Beg, and Achmet-Beg. In other places were also found the dead Bodies of Saffer-Beg, the Bassa's Brother, of Menibeg, Haramatan-Beg, Curti▪ Beg, O perd Beg, and Goschus, the Bassas chief Counsellor, and Master of his Household. But of all others, the untimely death of Sinan-Beg, Amurath's Nephew, his Sister's only Son, sent thither to have learned the Feats of Arms under Hassan the great Bassa, was of the Turks most lamented. Of 20000 Turks that came over the River Kulp, scarcely 2000 escaped. This so great a Victory obtained, all the Army of the Christians went thrice about the Monastery, and every time falling all down upon their knees, gave unto God most hearty thanks for the same, as by him miraculously given, and not by themselves won; and afterwards made all the show of joy and gladness they could possibly devise.  
Siseg thus delivered, and the Turks Army overthrown, the Christians with all speed laid siege to Petrinia, the strong new Fort of the Turks, which they for the space of five days most furiously battered: but hearing that the great Governor of Graecia (whom the Turks call the Beglerbeg of Romania▪) was with a great power coming to the relief of the Fort, they raised their Siege, broke up their Army, 
News of the overthrow of the Turks at Siseg, brought t● Buda.  and returned every man to his wont charge.  
Whilst these things were in doing at Petrinia, a Post came from Constantinople to Buda, who brought thither the first news of the overthrow of Siseg; for the report thereof was not as yet come to Buda; wherefore the Bassa called unto him the Messenger, Author of so bad News, and diligently examined him of the truth thereof; who told him, That at his departure from Constantinople, nothing was there known of that loss, but that upon the way as he came, he met with divers Horsemen, but lately escaped from the slaughter, who told him of a certainty, that the Bassa was slain, and his Army destroyed. Whereunto the Bassa of Buda replied, That he was happy in his Death, for that if he had by chance escaped, he should for his Indiscretion undoubtedly have suffered some other more shameful Death at the Court.  
When News of the aforesaid Victory was brought to the Emperor at Prague, he commanded public Prayers, with thanksgiving to Almighty God to be made in all Churches; and sent a Messenger with Letters to Amurath, to know of him how he understood these insolent Proceedings of his Soldiers, and especially this late Expedition of the Bassa of Bosna and his Complices, contrary to the League, yet in force betwixt them. After which Messenger he sent also the Lord Popelius, with the yearly Present (or rather Tribute) he used to send unto the Turkish Emperor at Constantinople; yet with this charge, that when he was come as far as Comara in the Borders of Hungary, he should there stay until the return of the aforesaid Messenger; who, if he brought Tidings of Peace from Amurath, then to proceed on his Journey to the Turks Court; otherwise, to return again with his Present; as he afterwards did. For Amurath, enraged with the notable loss received at Siseg, and pricked forward with the Tears and Prayers of his Sister (desirous of nothing more than to be revenged for the death of her Son) the seventh of August caused open War to be proclaimed against the Christian Emperor, both at Constantinople and Buda. The managing whereof he committed to Sinan Bassa, the old Enemy of the Christians, his Lieutenant-General, and persuader of this War; who, departing from Constantinople with an Army of forty thousand, wherein were 5600 janissaries, was by Amurath himself and the great Men of the Court brought a mile on his way; having in charge from the great Sultan, by the assistance of the Beglerbeg of Graece, the Bassas of Buda and Temesware, and other his Sanzacks and Commanders in that part of his Empire, to revenge the Death of his Nephew, and the Dishonour received at Siseg;  
This War Amurath with great Pride denounced unto the Christian Emperor, and the rest of the Princes his Confederates in this sort.  

Amurath the Third, by the Grace of the great God in Heaven, the only Monarch of the World, a great and mighty God on Earth, an invincible Caesar, King of all Kings, from the East unto the West, Sultan of Babylon, Sovereign of the most noble Families of Persia and Armenia, triumphant Victor of Jerusalem, Lord possessor of the Sepulchre of the crucified God, Subverter and sworn Enemy of the Christians, and of all them that call upon the Name of Christ. 
The proud and blasphemous Denunciation of War given out by Amurath against R●dolph the Christian Emperor.   
WE denounce unto thee, Rodolph the Emperor, and to all the Germane Nation taking part with thee, unto the great Bishop also, all the Cardinals and Bishops, to all your Sons and Subjects; we earnestly (I say) by our Crown and Empire denounce unto you open War. And give you to understand, that our purpose is, with the Power of thirteen Kingdoms, and certain hundred thousands of men, Horse and Foot, with our Turks and Turkish Arms, yea, with all our Strength and Power (such as neither thou nor any of thine hath ever yet seen or heard of, much less had any proof of) to besiege you in your chief and Metropolitical Cities, and with Fire and Sword to persecute you and all yours, and whosoever shall give you help, to burn, destroy, and kill, and with the most exquisite Torments we can devise, to torture unto Death, and slay such Christian Captives as shall fall into our hands, or else to keep them as Dogs, Captives in perpetual Misery; to impale upon Stakes your fairest Sons and Daughters; and, to the further shame and reproach of you and yours, to kill like Dogs your Women great with Child, and the Children in their Bellies; for now we are fully resolved to bring into our Subjection, you which rule but in a small Country, and by strong hand and force of Arms to keep from you your Kingdom, as also to oppress, root up, and destroy the Keys and See of Rome, together with the golden Sceptre thereof; and we will prove whether your crucified jesus will help you, and do for you as yours persuade you. Believe him still, and trust in him, and see how he hath holpen his Messengers which have put their Confidence in him; for we neither believe, neither can we endure to hear such incomprehensible things, that he can help, which is dead so many Worlds of years ago, which could not help himself, nor deliver his own Country and Inheritance from our Power, over which we have so long time reigned. These things, O ye poor and miserable of the World, we thought good to signify unto you, that you with your Princes and Confederates may know what you have to do and to look for. Given in our most Mighty and Imperial City of Constantinople, which our Ancestors by force of Arms took from yours, and having slain or taken Prisoners all their Citizens, reserved such of their Wives and Children as they pleased, unto their Lust, to your perpetual Infamy and Shame.   
Sinan, with his Army thus setting forward, kept still on his way towards Buda, but the Beglerbeg of Graecia with a far greater Power marched towards Croatia, as well to relieve the Forts distressed by the Christians, as again to besiege the strong Castle or Monastery of Siseg; 
Siseg take● by the Turks.  which he with his huge Army at his first arrival compassed about without resistance, and with continual Battery overthrew the Walls thereof; giving no time of rest unto the Defendants. Which breaches they for all that valiantly defended, and with restless Labour notably repaired; the very fearful Women bringing Tables, Stools, and whatsoever else came to hand, that might any wise help to keep the Enemy out, of whom a great number was in the breaches slain; but what was that handful against such a Multitude? At length, the third day of September, the Turks by main force entered the Monastery, and put to the Sword all the Soldiers therein; among whom were 200 Germans, of whom the Turks cut some in pieces, and the rest they threw into the River Kulp. One religious man there found among the rest, they did flay quick in Detestation of his Profession, and afterward cutting him in small pieces, burned them to Ashes. So taking the spoil of all that was there to be had, and leaving a strong Garrison for the keeping of the Place, they passed over Saws, burning the Country before them, and carrying away with them about a thousand poor Christians into perpetual Captivity. These Invasions of the Turks, caused the Emperor to crave Aid both of the States of the Empire, and other foreign Princes farther off, which was by some easily granted, but not so speedily performed.  
About this time, Peter, surnamed le Hussar, (for that he commanded over those Horsemen, whom the Hungarians call Hussars) Captain of Pappa, by the appointment of Ferdinand, County Hardeck Governor of Rab, lay in wait for the Turks Treasurer in Hungary, who had the command of 5000 Turks; him this Hungarian took at Advantage, as he was mustering and paying certain Companies of his Soldiers, mistrusting no such danger, and desperately charging him, ●lew him with divers of his men, and put the rest to flight; and so with the spoil, and some few Prisoners, he returned again to his Castle, carrying with him the Treasurer.  

Sinan Bassa besiegeth Vesprinium.  Now Sinan, the General, being come with his Army to Buda, resolved with himself to begin his Wars in that part of Hungary, with the siege of Vesprinium. This Episcopal City was by Solyman, the great Turk, taken from the Christians in the year 1552, and again by them recovered about fourteen years after, about the year 1566; since which time until now, it had remained in the hands of the Christians. Sinan, without delay marching with his Army to Vesprinium, compassed the City round, and encamping as he saw good, planted his Battery, wherewith he continually thundered against the City. The Christians there in Garrison, easily perceiving that the City was not long to be holden against so great a Power, placed divers Barrels of Gunpowder in certain Mines they had made under the Walls and Bulwarks of the Town, with Trains that should at a certain time take Fire. Which done, they departed secretly out of the City in the dead time of the Night, hoping so in the Dark to have escaped the hand of the Enemy; which they did not so secretly, but that they were by the Turks descried, and most of them slain. Ferdinand Samaria, Governor of the City, after he had for a space valiantly defended himself, fell at last into the Enemy's hand, and so was taken alive, together with one Hofkirke, a Germane Captain. The Turks entered the City the sixth of October, striving who should get in first▪ for greediness of the Prey, when suddenly the Powder in the Mines took fire, and blowing up the very foundations of the Walls and Bulwarks, slew a number of the Turks that were within the Danger thereof, and wonderfully defaced the City.  
From Vesprinium the Bassa removed with his Army to Palotta, 
Palotta yieldeth unto the Turks.  and gave summons to the Castle; but receiving such answer as pleased him not, he laid siege unto it with all his Power. Which at the first, Peter Ornand, Captain of the Castle, cheerfully received; but being afterward without any great cause discouraged, (the Castle as yet being but little shaken, and but one man slain, and the rest of the Soldiers ready to spend their Lives in defence thereof) he sent unto the Bassa, offering to yield the Castle unto him, so that he with his Soldiers might with Bag and Baggage in safety depart. Of which his offer the Bassa accepted, and granted his Request. But he was no sooner come but of the Castle with his Soldiers, and ready to depart, but the faithless Turk, contrary to his Oath and Promise, caused them all to be cruelly slain, except only the Captain, and two other. After that, the Bassa without any great Labour, took in all the Country thereabouts, near unto the Lake of Balaton.  
Now at last, though long first, about the middle of October, the Christians began to muster their Army, in number about 18000, all good and expert Soldiers; with which Power they shortly after passing over Danubius, at the first encounter with the Turks, put them to the worse, slew a great number of them, and rescued a number of poor Christian Captives.  
In the latter end of this Month, County Hardeck, Governor of Rab, 
Alba Regalis besieged by the Christians.  and General of the Christian Army in that part of Hungary, departing from Comaria with all his Power, came and laid siege to the strong City of Alba Regalis, which by the Force of his Artillery he in short time made assaultable; but in assaulting the Breaches, was by the Turks there in Garrison notably repulsed. So having made sufficient proof both of the Strength and Courage of the Defendants, and perceiving no good could be done without a long siege, for which he was not as then provided; after Consultation had with the rest of the Captains, he resolved to raise his Siege, which he did the second of November; removing that day but half a mile from the City, because he would be sure of all his Army. But as he was about the next day to remove, News was brought him by his Spials, that the Enemy's Power was at hand, and even now almost in sight, which proved to be so indeed. For the Bassa of Buda, by the command of Sinan Bassa the General, was come forth with thirteen Sanzacks, and twenty thousand Soldiers, thirty Field-pieces, and five hundred Wagons laden with Victual and other Warlike Provision, to raise the Siege, and to relieve the City; and was now even at hand, coming directly upon the Christians; whereupon the County, assisted by the County Serinus, the Lord Palfi, the Lord Nadasti, Peter le Hussar, and other valiant Captains of great Experience, with wonderful Celerity put his Army in order of Battle, and so courageously set forward to encounter the Enemy. The Bassa, seeing the Christians marching towards him, took the Advantage of the higher Ground, and from thence discharged his Field-pieces upon them; which, mounted too high, by good hap did them little or no hurt at all. The Christians for all that, desirous of Battle, and nothing regarding the Disadvantage of the Ground, but calling upon the Name of the Almighty, mounted the Hill, and joining Battle with the Turks, by plain force constrained them to fly. In this Army of the Turks, being for most part Horsemen, were about five thousand foot, and many of them janissaries, who in flying, oftentimes made stands, and wounded many, and yet nevertheless were almost all there slain, with many others; amongst whom were three great Men, the Sanzacks of Strigonium, Setchine, and Novigrade; seven Chiaus, and many other men of mark, the most valiant Captains of the Turks Borderers. The Lord Nadasti, with some others, taking view of the Turks that were slain and lost in this Battle, deemed them to have been at the lea●t, in number eight thousand; few Prisoners were saved, all being put to the Sword, with caused Sinan to swear by his Mahomet, never more to spare any Christian. All the Turks Artillery, Wagons, and Provision, became a Prey unto the Christians; many Ensigns were there found, and Weapons of great Value. It is hard to be believed, how much this Victory encouraged the Christians, and daunted the Turks. Whereupon the County with great Joy brought back his Army to Alba Regalis, and encamped near the Bulwark called Stopasch, where the Turks most feared to be assaulted, Palfi, Nadasti, and some others, earnestly persuaded with the County, not to depart from the City before he had won it; but he, considering the hard time of the year, the strength of the City, (which was now full of Soldiers, by reason of them that were fled in thither from the late overthrow) with the want of things necessary in his Army to maintain a longer Siege; and fearing also after long lying, to be enforced with Dishonour to forsake it, would not hearken to their Persuasions, but calling a Council, resolved to raise his Siege, and to content himself with the Victory he had already gotten; which was afterward imputed unto him for more than an oversight. So setting Fire upon the Suburbs of the City, he rose with his Army, and departed thence the fifth of November, and returned to Rab.  

Sabatzka taken by the Lord Teuffenbach.  Not long after, Christopher Lord Teuffenbach, the Emperor's Lieutenant in the upper part of Hungary, who lay encamped at Cassovia, with his Army of fourteen thousand Soldiers removed thence, and marching along the Country two days, came and laid siege to Sabatzka, one of the Turks strongest Castles in those quarters, out of which they usually did much harm among the Christians. This Castle of Teuffenbach, battered in three places, and having at length made it assaultable, took it by force the nineteenth of November, and put to the Sword all the Turks there in Garrison, in number about two hundred and fifty, and instead of them, left a strong Garrison of his own; whereby all the Country thereabouts was restored to great quietness:  

Filek besieged by the Christians.  Sabatzka thus taken, the Christian General removed with all speed to Filek, a strong City of the higher Hungary, which Solyman the Turkish Emperor took from the Christians in the year 1560, and placed therein a Sanzack, under the command of the Bassa of Buda. The General encamping before this City, the next day after planted his Battery, and in most terrible manner without intermission thundered against the Walls and Gates of the City. The Sanzack, Governor thereof, considering the Power of the Christians, got out secretly by Night with a few Soldiers, to acquaint the other Turkish Sanzacks his Neighbours with the coming of the Christians, and the number of their Army; and further to consult with them, how the City might be relieved. The Bassa of Temesware, with the Sanzacks of Giula, Hadwan, Scantzag, and Scirme, undertook the matter; and thereupon the Bassa sent for eight hundred janissaries, of late left by Sinan Bassa in Garrison at Buda and Alba Regalis; who all flatly refused to go to this Service; saying, That they would not be led as Beasts to the slaughter, as were their Fellows but a little before at Alba Regalis; nevertheless, they enforced the Armenians, whom Sinan and his Son had brought thither, to go; but of Buda, Alba Regalis, and Scamboth, were sent only fifteen hundred common Soldiers. For all that, the Bassa, with the Sanzacks his Followers, firm in their former Resolution for the Relief of the distressed City, having made great Preparation, and raised an Army of 18000 strong, with many Field-pieces, by Night drew near unto Filek, and stayed within two miles of the City. But the General of the Christians, with Stephen Bathor, and the other Captains, understanding of their coming, with 7000 good Soldiers chosen out of the whole Army, went out presently against them, and the one and twentieth of November, suddenly assailing them in their Tents, overthrew them, and put them all to flight, whom the Christians fiercely pursued with a most terrible Execution. In this fight and flight there was slain 6000 Turks, and but few or none taken. The Bassa himself, with the Sanzack of Filek, and many others of great Name, were ●ound amongst the Bodies of the slain Turks. This Victory, gained with little or no loss, yielded unto the Christians a rich Prey, many gorgeous Tents and fair Ensigns, much cattle, and 29 Field-pieces, with 200 Wagons laden with Victual and other Provision; all which they carried into the Camp at Filek, and so more straightly besieged the City than before. The same day the Lord Palfi and Martin Lasla came to the Camp with six thousand Soldiers, and forthwith three Trumpeters were sent to them of the City, That if without further resistance they would forthwith yield the City, they should have leave in safety to depart with Life and Goods, although the Turks had of late in like case broken their Faith with the Christians at Palotta; but if they refused his Grace, and would needs hold it out to the uttermost, then to denounce unto them all Extremities. For all this, the Turks, nothing dismayed, refused to yield; whereupon the battery began afresh, and in more terrible manner than before; so that though the City was most strongly fortified both with Walls and Rampires, yet had the Christians in three days space with continual battery made a fair breach into it, whereby they, in despite of the Enemy, 
Filek taken by the Christians.  entered without any notable loss the four and twentieth of November, ransacked the City, and burned a great part thereof. The same day they also took the uttermost Castle, wherein the Sanzacks Palace stood. This Castle standeth upon a very high hill, strengthened both by Art and Nature, and had in it a strong Garrison of valiant Soldiers, who spared not lustily to bestow their shot amongst their Enemies, of whom they slew a great number. Nevertheless the Christians, after they had for the space of two Days and two Nights, with a most furious battery shaken the Walls, by plain force entered the Castle the six and twentieth of November, and put to the Sword all the Garrison Soldiers, except such as had in good time forsaken this Castle, and retired themselves into another more inward. Who being in number eight hundred, with their Wives and Children, without hope of Relief, and seeing the Cannon now bend upon them, set out a white Ensign in token of Parley; which granted, it was agreed that they should depart with Life, and so much of their Goods as every one of them could carry. Upon which Agreement the Castle was yielded the eight and twentieth day of November, and the Turks with a safe Convoy brought unto the Place they desired. In this Castle was found a great booty, many pieces of Artillery, and much other warlike Provision, but of Victuals small store. The General, with the rest of the Captains, entering the Castle, fell down upon their Knees, and with their Hearts and Hands cast up to Heaven, thanked God for their Victory, and for the recovery of that strong City; but especially for the delivery of so many Christians out of the Turkish Thraldom: for it is reported, that there were above eight hundred Country Villages subject to the Jurisdiction of Filek, the poor Inhabitants whereof were now all freed from the Turkish Servitude, by the taking of this only City. The Christians forthwith repaired the Walls, Bulwarks, and Trenches, and strongly fortified every place against the Enemy; and so leaving a sufficient Garrison in the City and Castles, departed with their Army, now in number about twenty thousand, towards Sodoch, six miles from Filek. But as they were upon the way, News was brought unto the General, how that the Turks had for fear abandoned the Castles of Dijwin and Somoske; whereupon he sent out certain Companies of Soldiers to take in both those places; who coming thither, found them indeed forsaken by the Enemy, but yet many pieces of Artillery, and other warlike Provision there still left.  
In the latter end of November the General marched with his Army towards Setschine, 
Setschine, Blavenstein, and Sallek, abandoned by the Turk●.  a strong Town in the Diocese of Agria; but the Turks in that place had two or three days before prepared themselves to fly, and sent their Wives, their Children, and the best of their Substance, some to Hatwan, some to Buda; and now hearing of the approach of the Christian Army, set Fire on the Town, and fled. The Christians immediately entering, did what they could to quench the Fire, and saved a great part of the Town; so leaving there a convenient Garrison, he hasted with speed to Blavenstein, which the Turks did also set on fire, and betook themselves to flight. The Christians coming thither the next day after, namely the fourth of December, found a great part of the Town yet unburnt, wherein they left a strong Garrison; and from thence marched to Sallek, which Town they also took, being forsaken by the Enemy, and put thereinto a good Garrison. The General was of nothing more desirous than to have prosecuted this so happy a course of Victory; but such was the foulness of the Winter weather, that he could not travel with his great Artillery, without which no great matter was to be done against the Enemy, still keeping himself in his strong hold. And his Army in that wasted and forsaken Country, began now to feel the want of Victuals, so that many had withdrawn themselves out of the Army unto their dwelling Places.  
At the same time also, the Lord Palfi going to Dregel and Palanka, and finding them forsaken by the Enemy, furnished both Places with Garrisons of his own Men. Certain other strong Places were also this Month recovered from the Turks, as Ainacke, Sollocke, Westke, and others, and so much Territory gained by the Christians, as was in circuit thought equal with the lower Austria. The joyful News of the aforesaid Victories, with the recovery of so much of the Country, and so many strong Towns and Castles, made great rejoicing both at Vienna and Prague; for which cause public Prayers, with Thanksgiving to Almighty God, were made in both Places, with many other tokens of Joy and Triumph, both there, and in divers other Places of the Empire. Yet were not the dead Bodies of the Turks, slain at Alba-Regalis, buried; whereof rose such a loathsome and noisome smell, that no man could abide to come near the place, to the great trouble of the Inhabitants thereabout. 
The Turks in burying their dead, slain by the Christians.  At length, certain Turks out of Buda and Alba-Regalis, to the number of three hundred and fifty, met together, to have buried those loathsome Carcases. Upon whom it chanced a Captain of the Hussars to light with his Horsemen, who fiercely assailing them, left most part of them there dead for others to bury, and carried away the rest Prisoners.  
The Bassa of Buda had caused Murat, Sanzack of Palotta, to be strangled, for that he suspected him to have had Intelligence with the Christians; in whose room he placed another, who coming with 600 Turks, to take Possession of the Preferment, was by the way set upon by Peter le Hussar, with the Garrison Soldiers of Pappa and Thurne, and slain with most part of his Followers; 35 of them were taken alive, with all the Sanzacks rich Furniture. To end this year withal, the Turks in Garrison at Petrinia, Siseg, Castrowitz, and other Places thereabouts, met together in number about 3000; who, the 19 of December, passing over the River Saws, began to spoil the Frontiers of those Countries. But before they were gone far, they were so encountered ●y the Lord Graswin, and the Borderers thereabout, that five hundred of them were left dead upon the Ground, divers of good account taken Prisoners, and almost all the rest drowned in the River; so that of all them that came over, few escaped with Life. In the latter end of this Month great numbers of Soldiers were taken up in Saxony, and other Places of Germany; whereof some were sent to Prague, and some to Vienna in Austria; and in Hungary the Christians increased their Strength with new Supplies. In Austria also a new Army was raised, and two and twenty great pieces of Artillery sent down the River of Danubius to Comara, and new Preparation made in every Place for the next years Wars.  
year 1594 Amurath, the Turkish Emperor, going out of the City of Constantinople january the 11 th', to muster the Army he had prepared against the Christians for this year, was suddenly overtaken with such a Tempest of Wind and Rain, 
A great Tempest at Constantinople.  that it overthrew his Tents, his Chariots, yea, his Horses and Men had much ado to withstand it. Wherewith he being (as with an ominous prodigy) exceedingly troubled, returned with his Army into the City, and oppressed with Melancholy, cast himself down upon his Bed as a man half sick. Where falling asleep, he dreamt he saw a man of an exceeding Stature, 
Amurath dreameth.  standing with one of his feet upon the Tower of Constantinople, and the other over the Straight in Asia; who stretching out his Arms, held the Sun in one of his Arms, and the Moon in the other; whom, whilst he wondered at, the Monster with his foot struck the Tower, which forthwith fell down, and in falling, overthrew the great Temple, with the Imperial Palace. Amurath awaked (as he thought) with the noise, and much troubled with the Dream (for the Turks are in such Vanities very superstitious) sent for all his Wizards and Interpreters of Dreams, to know the meaning of this his so strange, or rather so melancholy a Dream. Who hypocritically answered him, That forasmuch as he had not with all his Force, as a Tempest impugned the Christians, their great Prophet Mahomet threatened by that Dream, to overthrow the Tower, the Temple, and the Imperial Palace, that is to say, the Religion and Empire of the Turks. Which vain and feigned Interpretation so much moved the superstitious Tyrant, that he swore from thenceforth to turn all his Forces upon the Christians, and not to give over War until he had done what he might to subdue them. This the Turks Dream, with the Interpretation thereof, and the solemn Vow he had made for the Destruction of the Christians, was publicly read in the Churches of Transilvania, and many godly Exhortations made unto the People, to move them by Prayer, and all other good means, to avert that so threatened Thraldom.  
Of the rich spoil taken from the Turks, in the late Victory near unto Alba-Regalis, 
A fair Present of the spoil of the Turks, sent unto the Emperor▪  the Christian Captains made a Present for the Emperor and the Archduke Mathias, his Brother, which they sent by the Lord's Gall and Brun; and was by them presented unto the Emperor and his Brother the eleventh of january at Vienna, in order as followeth; First went the Master of the Ordnance of Rab, on both sides attended upon with the other Officers of the Artillery; after them were drawn thirty great pieces of Ordnance taken in the Battle. After these Pieces followed three Turkish Horses with rich Saddles and Furniture studded with Gold, the Stirrups and Bridles being of Silver, gilt and most curiously wrought; after them were carried 22 of the Turks Ensigns, three of them were very rich, and the other right fair. Then followed the two Ambassadors aforesaid, with each of them a gilt Mace in his Hand, such as the Turks Bassas use to carry; after them were brought many Instruments of War, gilt Scimitars, Gleaves, Bows and Arrows, Targuets, and ten of the janissaries Drums. Two of the aforesaid Horses were presented to the Emperor, and the third to the Archduke. The Field-pieces brought to the Castle-gate, and orderly placed upon the Plain, were all, at such time as the rest of the Presents entered the Castle, forthwith by the Cannoneers discharged; and there for certain Days left upon the Plain for the People to feed their Eyes upon. The Ambassadors, discharged of their Present, and rewarded by the Emperor with Chains of Gold and other Gifts, returned to the Camp. Notwithstanding that it was now deep Winter, yet many sharp Skirmishes daily passed upon the Borders betwixt the Turks and the Christians. The fifteenth of this present Month, 2000 of the Turks assembled together, were making an Inroad into the Country about Filek; whereof the Lord Teuffenbach having intelligence, lay in wait for them, and setting upon them fearing no such danger, slew and took of them fifteen hundred.  
Mathias, Archduke of Austria, now Governor of Stiria, Carinthia, and the Countries thereabout, by the departure of Ernestus his Brother (but a little before by Philip King of Spain made Governor of the Low-Countries) was now also by the Emperor appointed General of the Christian Army against the Turks; who, to be near unto the Enemy, and to farther the new War, departed the six and twentieth day of February from Vienna to Rab; after whom daily followed the Forces newly raised in Silesia, Moravia, and Hungary, with others also sent from Prague and Vienna. He considering to what small purpose it would be to have the last year taken so many strong Towns and Castles, except the same also were well manned and furnished with all needful Provision; by the persuasion of the Lord Teuffenbach, sent County Schilke with a thousand Horse to Filek, for the more safety of that Place and the Country thereabout so lately gained from the Turks.  
It fortuned, that about this time, a Soldier of the Turks taken not far from Dregel, and brought into the Camp; among other things whereof he was examined, confessed, That in Novigrade (a strong Town and of great Importance, but one mile distant from Vacia, and three from Buda) was left but a weak Garrison of about eight hundred Soldiers, who there lived in great fear to be besieged; and that the Turks doubting such a matter, had brought thither much Provision for the better fortifying of the Town. Upon which Intelligence the Christians began to remove with their Army, and being come betwixt Dregel and Novigrade, understood by the Country People, that it was true that the Turk had reported: wherefore they resolv●d that Night to lay siege unto the Town. So forthwith some were sent to Dregel, to fetch thence certain pieces of Artillery, whom certain Troops of Germane Horsemen went to meet; who used such diligence, that the eighth of March, a little before the rising of the Sun, the whole Army, with the great Ordnance, was come before Novigrade. That day the Christians spent in pitching their Tents, 
Novigrade besieged by the Christians.  and encamping themselves; yet before Night they had planted certain great pieces upon an high Hill, from whence they might see into the Castle; whereof the Master of the Ordnance caused three of the greatest about the going down of the Sun, to be discharged against the Castle, to give the Turks to understand that they wanted nothing for the siege. The same Night also the Christians cast up a great Mount in the Valley, from whence they presently sent six great shot into the Castle: but early in the Morning, the Sun being yet scarce up, and all things now in readiness, they began to batter the Castle, and that Day out of ten great Pieces, discharged 300 great shot against the Castle, but to small purpose; for the Castle was built upon a most strong Rock, fortified with high and thick Walls, and a deep Ditch hewn out of the main Rock, which compassed the Castle round; and for the more strength thereof was so fortified with Pallizadoes made of strong Timber, as that there was no access unto the Walls; yet by the Commandment of the General, certain Companies of the Christians prepared themselves to assault the Breach, such as it was; who besides their Weapons, carrying with them dry Faggots, and setting them on fire, burned the palizado in divers places, and so opened the way unto the Walls; and encouraged with the success, aproached nearer, and slew divers of the Turks upon their Rampires. Who discouraged with their own weakness, and the forwardness of the Enemy, faintly defended themselves, and yet slew divers of them, beating them down from the Walls with Stones, Timber, Fireworks, and such like. This Assault given in the Night, was continued until four a Clock in the Morning, and so given over. Shortly after came the Archduke with a 1000 Horse into the Camp, and caused the battery to be again renewed; whereby it chanced that the chief Cannoneer in the Castle (being a Renegade Germane) was taken with a great shot and slain; whose death so dismayed the rest of the Defendants, that they presently set forth three white Flags in sign of parley; which for all that, the Christians seemed not to regard, but still continued their battery. The Turks then pitifully crying out, named two Captains, whom they desired to have sent unto them, with whom they might fall to some reasonable Composition; so for a while the battery ceased, and those Captains being sent unto the Town, brought nine of the best of the Turks in the City with them unto the Archduke; who by their Interpreter declared, That they well considered the force of the Christians, and seeing no relief to come from the Bassa of Buda, as he had promised, thought themselves to have already discharged the parts of good Soldiers, and seeing no other remedy, were contented to yield the Castle; yet so, as that with Bag and Baggage they might in safety depart. Whereunto the Lord Palfi (taking upon him the Person of the Archduke, for that he himself would not be known) answered, That forasmuch as they had not yielded at the first summons, but holden it out to the loss of many of his men's lives, and his great charge, they were unworthy of any favour; yet of his own Clemency he would receive them, if they would absolutely, without any farther condition, yield themselves to his mercy. This answer being reported to the Sanzack, Governor of the Town, pleased him not, and therefore said he would still stand upon his own defence. Whereupon the Christians were about to have began a fresh Assault; but after a new Parley, it was at last agreed, That the Turks yielding the Town unto the Archduke, should in safety depart with their Apparel and Scimiters only: With which agreement two of the Turks were sent back into the Castle, and the rest detained. Four hours the Turks in the Castle delayed the time, as men doubtful what to do; but being earnestly called upon for a resolute Answer, and seeing the Christians ready again to assault them, they for fear yielded; and so 450 of them came forth, amongst whom was the Sanzack, 
Novigrade yielded unto the Archduke  Governor of the Town, with his Wife and Daughter, the Sanzack of Selendre, (sent thither to have aided him) and one Chiaus, lately come from the Court. These great men bravely mounted, were commanded to alight from their gallant Horses, and had in their steads other bad Jades given them to ride upon; and as they passed by, as well the Women as the Men, were searched, that they carried with them nothing more than their clothes; if any thing else were found, it fell unto the Soldier's share for good booty. This strong Town of Novigrade had continued in the possession of the Turks about sixty years, and served as it were for a Bulwark to Pesth and Buda; which now recovered out of their hands, opened a way unto their farther harms. The keeping of this Town was by the Archduke committed to the Lord Rebei, a Nobleman of Hungary, and Kinsman to Palfi, with a strong Garrison, and certain Troops of Hussars.  
The Sanzack of Novigrade, after he had lost the Town, coming to Buda, was presently apprehended by the Bassa, and laid in Prison; who, although he excused himself, by alleging that the Town was not possibly to be holden with so small a Garrison, against so great a Power; and that if any fault were, it was to be imputed to them of Buda, for not sending relief in time; and therefore appealed unto the further hearing of Amurath himself: 
The Sanzack of Novigrade hanged at Buda.  yet all served him not, but was by the Bassa's Commandment, in the Night hanged upon a Tree near unto the Gate of the City, and afterwards cut in pieces.  
Whilst these things were in doing, the Emperor sent his Ambassador to the great Duke of Muscovia, the King of Polonia, and the Prince of Transilvania, to prove how they stood affected towards those his Wars against the Turk, and what Aid he might procure from them. Into Muscovia was sent one Warkutsch, a Gentleman of Silesia; who, coming to Musco, found in that Court the Ambassadors of the Tartar, the Turk, the Persian, the Polonian, and the Dane. Of all these, the Ambassadors of the Tartar and the Turk could have no Audience, but were with contumelious words rejected as Miscreants. The Emperor's Ambassador was honourably entertained, and after the manner of that Country, a large proportion of Wine, Mede, Aquavitae, Flesh, Fish, and Fowl of sundry sorts allowed him daily all the time of his abode. At length, having Audience, he declared unto the great Duke the cause of his coming, and in the Name of his Master, requested his Aid against the Turk. Whereunto the Duke answered, That he would give the Emperor towards the maintenance of his Wars against the common Enemy, 500000 Ducats, and allow him yearly 400000 during the time of that War; requesting him not to make any Peace with the Turk, and also promising to send him Aid of Men in this War, if he should so need. The Persian Ambassador also honourably feasted the Emperor's Ambassador, and had with him great conference concerning the Wars of the Christians with the Turks, and in his Masters Name promised the continuation of his Wars against the Turk, so that the Emperor would likewise promise not to have any League with him, so to give him liesure to turn all his Forces again into Persia. This Ambassador, after he had almost tarried four Months in Muscovia, returned to the Emperor. At which time Doctor Wacker, the Emperor's Ambassador into Polonia, returned also with joyful news, how that the Polonians, with an Army of eight and twenty thousand, had stopped the Passage of an hundred thousand Tartars, whom the Turk had sent for against the Emperor; and that if he needed, he should be aided with the Polonian Cossacks; but unto the rest of his Requests he could have no answer of the States of that Kingdom, for that the King was then absent in Sweden, and was therefore referred to be further answered at his return.  
At the same time, County Serinus, with three hundred Harquebusiers, 
Certain Castles of the Turks upon the Borders of Stiria, taken by the County Serinus.  and certain Troops of Horsemen, and the Footmen of Stiria, and the Countries thereabouts, assembled to the number of ten thousand, departed from Canisia, to besiege Brese●za, a Castle of the Turks▪ But they understanding before of his coming, conveyed away the best of their substance, and setting the Castle on fire, departed the three and twentieth of March. The Earl coming thither, took the forsaken Castle, and put thereinto a Garrison of his own Soldiers. In like manner he took also Sigesta, forsaken of the Turks, where he also placed a Garrison of the Christians. And so going on to Babostcha, besieged it; which Castle, although it was strongly situated in a Marish, and could not easily have been won, was for all that, for fear, abandoned by the Turks, and so taken by the County; by recovery of which Places, there was a safe and easy way laid open even to Ziget, the Bassa whereof stood in no small doubt to have been even then besieged.  
Amurath, intending by all means he could to vex the Emperor, had determined to send his Fleet into the Adriatic, to besiege Zegna, a City of the Emperors, situate upon the Sea-coast, in the Bay Quernero, called in ancient time Flanaticus Sinus. Which the better to effect, he sent one of his Chiaus Ambassador to the Venetians, to request them, That his Fleet might by their leave pass along the Adriatic, and have the use of their Ports and Harbours, as need should require. Which his request the Venetians hearing, refused in any case to yield thereunto; fearing (and not without cause) the unfaithfulness and treachery of the Turks, whose Oaths and Promises are no longer strong, or by them regarded, than standeth with their own good and profit; nevertheless, they most honourably used the Ambassador, and so sent him away without obtaining of that he was especially sent for.  
In the upper part of Hungary, Christopher Lord Teuffenbach, the Archduke's Lieutenant, having gathered an Army of twenty thousand Soldiers, the sixteenth of April laid siege to Hatwan, a strong Town six miles from Buda, 
Hatwan besieged by the Christians▪  fortified with a triple Ditch and Bulwarks of exceeding strength. Against which, although the Christians could not do much either by Mines or Mounts, (by reason it was so environed with water) yet they so shut up all the Passages thereunto, that nothing could be brought or carried in or out of the Town. They of the Town seeing themselves thus blocked up, by secret Messengers certified the Bassa of Buda in what case they stood, praying Aid of him; who with ten thousand chosen Soldiers, which he had then in readiness, and the Sanzacks of Sirnah, Giula, Lippa, Lerwoge, and Tschangrad, with five thousand more, forthwith set forward toward Hatwan, to raise the siege; and the last of April, being come within sight of the Christian Army, about one of Clock in the Afternoon encamped on the side of the River Sagijwa; but when he could not, or else durst not, for the deepness of the way, the abundance of the Water, and the nearness of the Enemy, adventure to pass the River, he retired back again to pass over at jasperin (otherwise called jasbrin) where the River was joined with a Bridge, and not far off a good Ford also to pass over at▪ thinking so to have come upon the backs of the Christians, and with more safety to have relieved the besieged Town. But Teuffenbach perceiving his purpose, forthwith after his departure passed the River with much Difficulty, and overtaking him with his Army the next day, being the first of May, about one of the Clock in the Afternoon, between Zarcha and Fuscasalva, with his great Ordnance disordered the rearward of the Enemy's Battle; and coming on courageously with his whole Army, began a most cruel fight; which the Turks a great while endured with wonderful Resolution; but now, destitute of their wont multitude (their greatest confidence) and hardly laid unto by the Christians, they in the end turned their backs and fled; whom six thousand Hungarians and Germans fiercely pursued, and had the kill of them almost to Buda. In this Battle the Christians took all the Enemies great Ordnance, with seventeen Ensigns, and also the Castle of jasperin, which the Turks had for fear abandoned; wherein was found good store of Victuals, certain great Pieces, with much other warlike Provision. Of this so notable a Victory, Teuffenbach by Letters presently advertised the Archduke, after he was again returned to the siege of Hatwan. Which Letters, because they contain many Particularities and Circumstances of this Battle, I have thought it not amiss here to insert.  
ALthough (said he) I have by a speedy Messenger upon the very Kalends of May, 
The Copy of the Letters of the Lord Te●ffenbach, to Mathias the Archduke, General of the Emperor's Army against the Turks.  certified your Excellency of the notable Victory, which God of his great Goodness gave unto us the same day over our hereditary Enemy; yet afterward, upon diligent Inquisition, we understood many Particularities, as well of the Captives themselves, as of the Inhabitants about Zolnocke, Pesth, and Buda; whereof I thought good to advertise you. The Captives themselves confess, That the Bassa of Buda, with the Sanzacks of Zolnocke, Zarwacke, Giula, and Tschangrad, Cippaio, Genne, and others, had with great Celerity raised an Army of thirteen thousand Soldiers, amongst whom were many Tartars, with purpose to have relieved the besieged Town of Hatwan, and upon the sudden to have oppressed us in our Tents. Filled with which hope, they in great haste came with all their Power the last of April towards Hatwan; but forasmuch as they could not pass over the River Zagijwa by reason of the height of the Water, they were the next day, being the first of May, conducted by the Captain of Jasparin, to a more commodious Passage, so to come the nearer unto us, and the next day in the Morning to have surprised us in our Tents. But our most merciful God hath averted this so great a Mischief from us, and turned it upon their own Heads. For as it is most constantly reported from Zolnocke, Pesth, and Buda, and confirmed by the Inhabitants of the same Places, there are two thousand five hundred of the Turks slain, and as many wounded, of whom many perished, and are found dead upon the Highways leading to Pesth, and Zolnocke; of these we have sent a thousand Heads to Cassovia, and caused many of the Turks to be buried for fear of Infection in this so great heat. Verily it was a bloody Battle, so that the old Soldiers say, they have not remembered or seen the Turks (no more in number) to have stood so long in Battle, and to have so fought it out without flying. Many Men of great Name and Place there perished and fell, amongst whom are redeemed the Sanzacks of Pesth, Novigrade, and Temeske, Genne, Alavus, Bogste, Alustafa, Marielaus, and certain Chiaus lately sent from the Court, with the Bassa 's Guard, wherein were eight hundred right valiant Soldiers, of whom few escaped with Life. Many fell that would have yielded great Ransom; but it was agreed upon between the Germans and the Hungarians, not to spare any of the Enemies, but to put them all to Sword; and that whosoever did otherwise, it should be imputed unto him for Dishonour. So that more than sixteen common Soldiers, none were taken Prisoners, of whom we might learn how things went amongst the Turks, with other Circumstances of the Battle. We took thirteen Field-pieces, whereof four were greater than the rest; which they called Organs, and four and twenty of the Enemy's Ensigns. The Bassa of Buda (beside other three Wounds by him received) was grievously wounded in the side. Of our men were lost about an hundred, and many of them most expert Soldiers; and about six hundred others grievously wounded, of whom there is small hope, many of them being already dead. Neither is the loss small we have received in our Horses and Armour, for there be few amongst the Germane Horsemen, which have not lost one, two, or three, of their Horses or Servants, whereby our Horsemen are wonderfully weakened; yet was the Victory great, to God be the Praise, to him be the Glory and Thanks therefore. Let us in the mean time prosecute the siege begun. The last Night I commanded the Water to be drawn another way, so that now our Trenches may be advanced many Paces, and Bulwarks raised within two hundred paces of the Wall. We have already planted five great pieces of Artillery in one Bulwark, and hope the next Night to place five more upon a Mount fast by, and will do what shall be needful for a strait siege; and when time shall serve, undertake the Town with all our Power; God grant us therein good Success and Victory.  
The Turks in Garrison at Zabola, a Fort there by, discouraged with the overthrow of their Friends, forsook the Fort; which for Strength and Greatness was comparable with Tocay or Erla; which strong Place the Christians without any loss now recovered.  
Whilst this valiant Captain, the Lord Teuffenbach, thus lay at the siege of Hatwan, Mathias, 
Strigonium besieged by the Christians▪  the Archduke, General of the Christian Army in Hungary, encouraged with the good Success he had at Novigrad, came with his Army (being 44000 strong) before Strigonium (sometime the Metropolitical City of Hungary, but now of long a sure receptacle of the Turks) and the sixth of May encamped his Army about a quarter of a mile from the Castle in a most pleasant Meadow, from whence both the City and the Castle were plainly to be seen. Upon whom the Turks, out of the Castle, and three Galleys that lay upon the River, discharged certain great pieces without any great harm doing; but after the Christian Fleet was a little before Night come down the River, and with their great Ordnance began to answer them again, the Enemy ceased shooting, and lay still that Night. In the mean time it fortuned, that a Turkish Youth, taken in a Garden thereby, and brought into the Camp and examined, confessed that there was no Garrison in the City, more than four hundred janissaries, and that a new supply was daily expected from Buda. The Christians labouring that Night, were by the breaking of the Day come with their Trenches to a Hill over against the Castle, where they placed their Battery, and forthwith began to ba●ter the City. The same day (being the seventh of May) two and twenty Turks Heads were presented to the Archduke, and four men taken alive, newly sent out of the City to have viewed the Christian Camp. About Night certain Balls of Wildfire were shot into the City, whereof one fell upon the Tower called St. Adelbert, and set it on fire; wherewith, first the Church, and afterward a great part of the Town fell on fire. The Sanzacks House, with all his Horses and Armour, and a great quantity of Powder was then burnt, and inestimable hurt done in the City. The next day the Christians had with continual battery made a breach in the Castle Wall; but adjoining unto the Wall was an high and broad sandy Rampire, which could hardly be battered; for all that the Germans gave a fierce assault to the breach, hoping to have entered by the Ruins of the Wall, but not being able to get over the sandy Rampire, were enforced with loss to retire. The day following, they began again the Battery with eighteen great pieces, when, about eight a Clock in the Morning, the Rascians that were in the old City gave the General to understand, That if he would, at a place by them appointed, assault the greater City, to draw the Turks thither, they would in the mean time deliver unto the Christians certain little Posterns, and receive them into the old City; upon Condition, that no Violence should be done unto them or theirs. Which being so agreed upon, the Christians accordingly gave the assault the eleventh of May in the Evening, 
The old City delivered by the Rascians unto the Christians.  and by the help of the Rascians took the City; who, according to promise, were all taken to Mercy, and the Turks slain, except such as by their good hap recovered the new Town. The keeping of this City was committed to the charge of two Companies of Germane Footmen, and six hundred Hungarians, with three hundred Rascians, and other Townsmen. Thus was the old City of Strigonium gained by the Christians, the Suburbs whereof they presently burnt, nevertheless the new Town, with the Castle, was still holden by the Turks. Wherefore the Christians having cast up certain Trenches and Mounts, 
The Castle assaulted.  and placed their Artillery as they thought most convenient, began again to batter the Castle, and after they had by the Fury of the Cannon made it assaultable, with great Courage assailed the breach, which the Turks valiantly defended; so that the Christians were glad to retire, leaving behind them about an hundred and thirty of their Fellows slain in the breach. The Turks, a little before the coming of the Christians, had fortified an Hill, whereunto the Castle was something subject, called of the Christians St. Nicholas his Hill; this Hill so fortified, the Christians, with continual battery and assault, gained the 17th of May, and put all the Turks left alive therein to the Sword; and turning the Ordnance, from thence also battered the Castle. The two and twentieth of May, a little before the going down of the Sun, certain Ensigns of Footmen were drawn out of the Camp, to have the next day assaulted the lower Town; who, taking the benefit of the Night, attempting to have entered the Town in the dead time of the Night, were notably encountered by the Turks, sallying out of the Town upon them. The Christians for all that, having enforced them to retire, prosecuted their former Resolution, and with much ado got over the uttermost Wall; but finding there, contrary to their Expectation, such a deep and broad countermure as was not possible to be passed, they stood as Men dismayed, neither could they in the Darkness of the Night well see how to get back again over the Town-ditch, but disorderly retiring, stuck fast, many of them in the deep mud, and there perished. In this assault there were about a thousand of the Christians wounded and slain, and albeit that they twice or thrice renewed the assault, yet prevailed they nothing, but were still repulsed with loss. Many also of the Turkish Garrison were likewise slain, yea, the Sanzack himself hurt with a great shot, with many other wounded men sent down the River to Buda, brought thither true News of the aforesaid Assaults, and of the state of the besieged.  
In the mean time, News was brought to the Camp, That Sinan Bassa, the old Enemy of the Christians, 
The Rascians rise up against the Turks.  and the Turks great Lieutenant, coming towards Hungary with a great Army, and having by Boats conveyed over part thereof, was set upon by the Rascians, (these are poor oppressed Christians, dwelling on both sides of Danubius, who, weary of the Turkish Thraldom, and desirous of their ancient Liberty, have oftentimes taken up Arms against the Turks, as they now did, encouraged by the good Success of the Christians on the other side of Hungary) and that after divers Skirmishes, they had taken thirteen of the Turks Vessels, wherein, besides Victuals, and certain great pieces of Artillery, they found about 2400 weight of Powder, 447 hundred of Lead, 46454 bundles of Match, 1200 great shot, whereof 1005 were of 66 pound weight, and of small shot for Harquebusiers, 48500, with much other warlike Provision; a great part whereof was brought into the Camp at Strigonium, and the rest reserved to future Uses. This loss so troubled the great Bassa, that he altered his purpose before intended for Cassovia.  
The fourth of june, about five hundred Turks, sent up the River from Buda, conducted by two Sanzacks under two red and white Ensigns, landed near to Gokara, on the further side of Danubius, over against Strigonium; where, after they had a while refreshed themselves, and left some few for the more assurance of the Place, all the rest were conveyed over the River into Strigonium; where they had been long looked for, the old Garrison being now sore weakened by the former Assaults. Four days after, the Turks, encouraged with this supply, sallied out upon a sudden, and had entered one of the Forts of the Christians; but were forthwith again repulsed, having lost six and twenty of their men, and two of their Ensigns; not far off lay a troop of Horsemen, who, if they had in time come in, not one of the Turks had escaped. Long it were to tell, how often, and in what manner the Christians assaulted this City, 
Five thousand Christians lost at the siege of Strigonium.  but were by the Turks so received, that in five Assaults they lost five thousand of their Men, amongst whom were divers Captains, Lieutenants, Ancients, and others of good account; three and twenty Cannoneers were also slain, and ten great pieces of Artillery so spoiled, as that they were no more serviceable. The Garrison of this City consisted for most part of the janissaries (the Turks best Soldiers) whose notable Valour in holding out of this siege, was both of their own People, and their Enemies, much commended; whatsoever was beaten down by Day, that they again repaired by Night, and still relieved with Victual, and things necessary from Buda, did what was possible to be done for defence of the City. About the same time certain Turks chancing upon a Troop of Germane Horsemen, in fight slew about fifty of them, and put the rest to flight; whereupon, an alarm being raised in the Camp, many ran out to the rescue of their Fellows, taking with them certain small Field-pieces. Which the Turks perceiving, began to fly; whom the Christians eagerly pursuing, were suddenly assailed by other Turks, sallying out of a Fort fast by, and enforced shamefully to retire, and to leave their Field-pieces behind them. Which the Turks seizing upon, cloyed them, broke their Carriages, and made them altogether unserviceable.  
All this while the Lord Teuffenbach, lying at the siege of Hatwan, 
The Archduke sendeth Aid to the siege of Hatwan.  about this time requested Aid of the Archduke, for that his Power was with often Conflicts, Hunger, and other Difficulties always attending long sieges, so much weakened, as that he had scarcely six thousand sound Men in his Camp; to whom the Archduke forthwith sent twelve hundred Footmen, being loath to spare any more, for too much weakening of his own Army.  
Amurath, disdaining to see the Frontiers of his Empire in so many places impugned by the Christians, and daily to receive from them so great Harms, sought by all means to be reverenced; wherefore, beside the great Power of his own, which he was now about to send with Sinan Bassa into Hungary, he had also procured from the great Tartar, a wonderful number of those rough and savage People to be sent into Hungary, there to join with his Army. These wild People, to the number of seventy thousand, according to direction given, breaking into Padolia, Walachia, and Moldavia, gathered together an incredible number of Oxen and Kine; to this end and purpose, that driving them before them, they might both be assured of Victuals, and the safer travel through a part of Polonia. But when they were come unto the Borders of that Country, and there found the Power of Samoschie the great Chancellor, and the Polonian Cossacks in Arms, they easily perceived that they could not pass that way without great loss. Wherefore they placed the aforesaid Herds of cattle, some before, some behind, and some on each side of the Army, and so enclosed round about with those cattle, as with a Trench, marched on. But when they were come near unto the Polonians, this rude Device served them to no other purpose than the overthrow of themselves; for the Polonians discharging their great Ordnance, so terrified the cattle, that they turned upon the Tartars; and overthrowing whomsoever came in their way, did exceeding much harm; whom the Polonians immediately following, and hardly charging the confused Army, armed only with Bow and Arrows, after some small fight, put them at last to flight, and obtained of them a notable Victory, with an exceeding rich Prey. Of the Polonians were lost about eighteen hundred, but of the Tartars were slain thirty thousand. The rest retiring into Podolia, and passing the River Nester by the way of Transilvania, where they did exceeding much harm, came to Temesware, and so afterwards further into Hungary; unto whom the Turks sent seven hundred Horsemen, to conduct them to the Army.  

Strigonium assaulted.  But to return again to the siege of Strigonium, The fourteenth day of june, the Christians, between eight and nine of the Clock in the Morning, with great Fury assaulted the Town in three places; which assault they most notably maintained, until it was almost three a Clock in the Afternoon. Nevertheless, the Turks so valiantly defended themselves, that at last the Christians were glad to give over the assault, and with loss to retire. The Archduke from an high place beholding the assault, had one of his Footmen slain fast by him with a small shot. Many of the Turks were also slain in this assault, and amongst them, one of the three Sanzacks that defended the City. The Night following there arose a most horrible Tempest, with such raging Wind, and abundance of Rain, that many thought they should never have seen day; with the Violence whereof the Archdukes Tent was overthrown, and divers others blown down, or rend in sunder, were in the Air carried from Place to Place. About the same time, the Lord Palfi, within the sight of the Castle, cast up a notable Fort, with high Mounts and strong Trenches (even in the self same place where Solyman lay about fifty years before, when he besieged and won Strigonium) by which Fort so built, the Enemy was embarred to convey any thing up the River for the relief of the City, to the great discomfiture of the besieged; for to have hindered the which work, the Enemy oftentimes sallied out, but to no purpose. This Fort being brought to Perfection, the Christians took also another Fort in an Island on the further side of the River, which the Turks had but few days before taken from the Christians, and cloyed the great Pieces therein; which Fort the Christians now again repaired, furnished it with a sufficient Garrison, and other great Ordnance.  

Strigonium sore battered.  These things thus done, the Castle and the lower Town were in five divers places out of the new built Fort, the old Town, and the Island, so battered with continual shot, that a man should have said, that one Stone would not have been left upon another, but that all should have been beaten down, and laid even with the Ground. The seventeenth of june, one of the Christian Cannoneers so dismounted one of the great pieces in the Castle, that the piece, together with the Turkish Cannoneer that had charge thereof, fell down out of the Castle into the Ditch. And the same day, a Mason that fled out of the Castle into the Camp, among other things reported, That many of the Turks were slain with this continual battery and often assaults, and that not past an hour before, forty of them were slain in one Chamber, and now acknowledged themselves to be indeed besieged; and to have resolved, that when they were brought to the last cast, then desperately to sally out upon the Christians, and so either to return with Victory, or to make shift every man for himself as he might. Which his report seemed not altogether feigned; for about Midnight, a thousand of the Turks sallying out of the Castle upon the Fort newly built upon the River, in hope to have surprised it, were by the Christians therein notably repulsed and enforced to retire; in which conflict fifty of the Turks were slain, and many more wounded and taken Prisoners. And the same day toward Evening, eight Turks of good sort being taken and brought into the Camp, confessed, That but six days before, they had seen seven Boats full of wounded and dead men sent down the River from Strigonium to Buda. Whereby it was easily to be gathered how bloody a siege this was unto the Turks, forasmuch as all those Bodies were the Bodies of men of good account and place; for the Bodies of such common Soldiers as were slain, they still threw into the River running by.  
The Fort newly built upon the Bank of Danubius, 
The new built For● hardly assaulted by the Turks.  much troubled the besieged Turks in Strigonium, because nothing could without danger of it be sent up the River for their Relief; Wherefore they by fit Messengers sent word out of the Castle to the Admiral of the Turks Galleys lying below in the River, That he should at an appointed time come up the River with his Galleys as high as the Fort, and on that side at leastwise to make show as if he would assault it; at which time they of the Town would be likewise ready to sally out, and to assail it indeed on the other side by Land. The Admiral accordingly came up the River with his Galleys, and by discharging of certain great pieces, made show as if he would on that side have battered the Fort; but was so welcomed thereout, that he was glad with his rend Galleys, quickly to fall down the River again further off out of danger. But whilst the thundering shot was thus flying too and fro towards the River, they of the Town sallying out, assaulted the Fort on the other side toward the Land, and that with such desperate Resolution, that some of them were got up to the top of the Rampires, and there, for the space of two hours, maintained a most cruel fight; wherein many of them were slain and wounded, and the rest enforced with shame to retire.  
The Christians thus still lying at the siege, and intentive to all Occasions, partly by their Spials, and partly by such as they had taken Prisoners, understood, that a new supply, both of Men and Victuals, was shortly to be put into Strigonium; and therefore sent out certain Companies of Soldiers, who lying in two convenient Places; the one upon the River, the other by Land, might intercept the said supply. Both which Places were before by the provident Enemy possessed; who suddenly assailing the Christians coming thither, and fearing no such matter, slew some of them, and put the rest to flight; who nevertheless in their retreat, broke the Bridge which the Turks had made of Boats under the Castle of Strigonium over Danubius. Of which Boats, some were carried away with the Violence of the Stream, and of the rest thirty fell into the hands of the Christians, without loss of any man more than five, who making too much haste out of a little Boat, fell into the River, and so perished. In this time, Fame, the forerunner of all great Attempts, had brought News into the Christian Camp, That Sinan Bassa, the Turks great General, was coming to the relief of Strigonium; of whose Power divers diversely reported. But the greater part doubting the worst, and weary of the long Siege, and of the Calamities incident thereunto, added still something to the last report, to make the danger of longer stay to seem the greater; certain it is, that the News of the coming of so great and puissant an Enemy, raised many a troubled thought in the Minds of so great a Multitude. Now were the besieged Turks in great wants in Strigonium, as appeared by Letters intercepted from the Sanzack to the Bassa of Buda, declaring unto him the hard estate of the besieged, and humbly craving his promised help, without which the City could not, for want of Victuals, possibly be defended by the fainting Soldiers above three days. Which Letters being read in the Camp, caused great Preparation to be made for the continuing of the siege, and the withstanding of the Enemy, whose coming was every hour expected. All this while the great Ordnance never ceased on either side; whereby many were slain, as well of the Christians, as of the Turks, and amongst others many of the Cannoneers.  
But forasmuch as the rife Fame of Sinan Bassa's coming increased daily, and the Christian Camp possessed with a general fear, gave unto the wise, just Suspicion of some great Mischief likely to ensure; Mathias the General entered into Counsel with County Ferdinand Hardeck, the Lord Palfi, the Lord Vngenade, Precedent of the Counsel for the Wars, and Erasmus Eraun, Governor of Comara, What was the best to be done in so dangerous a time. Who with general consent agreed betimes, before the coming of Sinan, to raise the siege, and to remove with the Army into some place of more safety. Which their determinate Resolution, the day following, being the six and twentieth of june, they made known to the other Princes and great Commanders in the Army; who wonderfully discontented therewith, especially the Germans; both openly by word, and solemnly by writing, protested against the same, as most dishonourable, and altogether made without their Knowledge or good liking. To whom the Precedent of the Counsel for their further Satisfaction, declared, That the Enemy was coming with a very great Army, and even now at hand, whose strength increased daily, and with what Power he had purposed to assail them in their Tents, was uncertain; besides that, it was manifestly know unto the World, how that in the former assaults they had lost many of their best Soldiers, beside others that died in the Camp; and that the Place wherein they lay encamped, was subject to many dangers; for which so urgent Causes the General had resolved to raise his siege, and before the coming of so strong an Enemy, to remove his Army into a place of more safety. Which Reasons for all that, did not so well satisfy the Germane Princes and Commanders, but that they still urged their former Protestation, requesting his Excellency to have them excused before God and the World, if they yielding to his Command, as to their General, did that which they thought not altogether best, and which they would not otherwise have done. For the more Evidence whereof, the said Germane Princes and great Commanders, caused their said Protestation to be solemnly conceived in Writing, which they affirmed with their Seals, and subscribed with their own hands in order as followeth: Francis, Duke of Saxony, Augustus, Duke of Brunswick, Sebastian Schlick, County Wig and Mal●zan, Ernestus of A●●tan, Henry Phlugk, john Nicholas Ruswormb, Henry Curwigger Heerrath, john Oberhausan, Henry Rottcirch, Melchior of Nothwith.  
But the Archduke, with the rest, constant in their former Resolution, 
The Archduke raiseth his siege, and with his Army passeth the River.  first sent away the great Ordnance, and raising the siege the 28 th' of june, followed after with the whole Army, passing over Danubius, not far from Kokara, doubtfully expecting what course Sinan the great Bassa (who was then reported to be even at hand) would take. Yet before their departure, they set the old Town on fire, and raised the Fort St. Nicholas, before taken from the Enemy, which they had once purposed to have kept. This unexpected departure of the Christians much gladded the besieged Turks; who for want of Victuals, had not been able long to have holden out. Yet lay the Lord Teuffenbach still at the siege of Hatwan, labouring by all means to take from the besieged Turks their Water, and with Earth and Faggots to fill up their Ditches; which work he had now happily brought to some good Perfection. Whereof they in the Town by Letters advertised the Bassa of Buda, and that except they were within the space of three days relieved, they should be enforced to yield the Town. Which their distress the Bas●a considering, with speed assembled all his Forces, and so set forward to relieve them, hoping to have come upon the Christians before they were aware of his coming: But Teuffenbach understanding thereof, with five thousand chosen Horsemen went out of the Camp to meet him, and suddenly coming upon him, fearing no such thing, slew five thousand of the Turks▪ put the Bassa to flight, 
Five thousand Turks slain.  and together with the Victory, obtained an exceeding rich Prey.  
Now was there no less expectation and hope of the winning or yielding up of Hatwan, 
Hatwan in vain assaulted by the Christians.  than was before of Strigonium; but according to the chance of War, it fell out otherwise. For Teuffenbach having with continual battery laid the breaches fair open, and made choice of such Soldiers as he thought meetest for the assault, was in the performing thereof so notably repulsed by the Turks, that he was glad to retire with the loss of his best and most resolute Soldiers; 
Teuffenbac● giveth over the siege of Hatwan.  which put him out of all hope of taking the Town by force. For beside the loss of these good men, he had scarce so many sound men left, as might suffice to furnish his Garrisons for defence of those Frontiers; by reason that the Hungarians were almost all shrunk home, and of the Germans were left scarce two thousand. Besides that, he had oftentimes craved new Supplies of the Archduke, but all in vain; for which Causes he was glad to abandon two strong Forts he had built before Hatwan, and to leave the Town, now brought to great Extremity. Thus two notable Cities, which were now as it were in the hands of the Christians, and by the recovery whereof, the br●ken state of the afflicted Christians in Hungary had been much strengthened, were as it were again restored unto the barbarous and cruel Enemy.  
Whilst the Christians thus lay at the siege of Strigonium and Hatwan, the Rascians (of whom we have before spoken) striving still more and more to rid themselves from the Turkish Thraldom, gathered themselves together to the number of fifteen thousand, between Buda and Belgrade, under a General of their own choosing. For fear of whom, the Bassa of Temeswar, with an Army of fourteen thousand, went to fortify and victual Lippa, doubting lest it should by them be surprised; but having done that he went for, in his return he was met with by the same Rascians, and twice fought withal in one day, and both times put to the worse, with the loss of the greatest part of his Army. After which Victory the Rascians took Beczkerek, a strong Town standing in a Marish four miles from Belgrade, and slew all the Turks they found therein. After that, they took a Castle called Ottadt, and dealt with the Turks in like manner. From thence they went and besieged Beech, a Castle standing upon the River Tibiscus or Teise, where the Town adjoining unto it yielded presently; but they in the Castle standing a while upon their Guard, offered at last to yield also upon certain Conditions. But the Rascians knowing that the Turks thereabouts had conveyed into the Castle the best part of their Walth, and withal, that it was but weakly manned, would accept of no Conditions, but needs have it absolutely delivered up to their Pleasure. In the mean time the old Bassa of Temeswar, and his Son, knowing it to tend to their dishonour to suffer this base People so to rage at their pleasure about them, gathered together 11000 Turks, and so in great haste came to relieve the besieged Castle. Upon whom the Rascians turned themselves, and in plain Battle, overthrew the Bassa, and so pursued the Victory, that of those 11000 Turks scarcely escaped 1000; the Bassa himself being there slain, and with him three Sanzacks, his Son escaped by flight. In this Battle the Rascians took 18 great pieces of Artillery, and not long after took also Wersetza, and Lu●z, two strong places. After which so happy Success, they sent unto the Archduke Mathias for Aid, but especially for Cannoneers, professing themselves now utter Enemies unto the Turks. The Rascians also about Temeswar sent word unto the other in the Camp that they would come and join with them; and they which inhabit the Country between the River Danubius and Tibiscus, by Messengers sent of purpose unto the Lord Teuffenbach (the Archduke's Lieutenant in the upper part of Hungary) offered in short time to send him ten or twelve thousand men, so that he would receive them and their Country into the Emperor's Protection; which he easily granted them, and thereof assured them by writing. And to the Archduke himself they sent also their trusty Messengers, requesting him to send them a General to lead them, promising unto him all Obedience; which Messengers departing from them the fourteenth of june, shortly after returned with such answer as was thought most convenient for their present State. Thus against the coming of Sinan, was Hungary almost all on a broil.  
The Emperor, long before distrusting the Turks purpose for War, 
A Diet of the Empire holden at Ratisbone for the withstanding of the Turks.  and well considering what a difficulty it would be for him with his own Forces only to withstand so puissant an Enemy as Amurath, had by his Ambassadors prayed Aid of divers Christian Princes, but especially of them of the Empire, as those whom this War concerned most. Wherefore he, after the ancient and wont manner of his State, in so common and imminent a danger, appointed a general Assembly of the Princes and States of the Empire, to be holden at Ratisbone, in the latter end of February; which, for sundry urgent Causes was put off until March, and again until April, and so afterward until May. At which time the Emperor in Person himself, with the Prince's Electors, and other the great States of the Empire, being met together with great Pomp at Ratisbone, and solemnly assembled in the Bishop's Palace, began there to sit in Council the second of june. Unto which Princes and States so assembled, 
The Emperor grievously complaineth unto the Prince's Electors and States of the Empire, of the Infidelity of the Turk, and craveth their Aid.  after that the Emperor had first by the Mouth of Philip County Palatine of the Rhine, given great thanks for their so ready appearance, and briefly declared the Cause of their Assembly; he himself, after some complaint made of the Turkish Infidelity, in express words declared unto them, how that he by his Ambassador then lying at Constantinople, had in the year 1591., made a League for eight years, with the present Turkish Sultan Amurath; which League Amurath himself had approved and confirmed, and thereof sent him public and solemn Instruments; wherein it was provided, That no hostility should be on either side during that time attempted. And yet notwithstanding that, he, contrary to his Faith given, as an hereditary Enemy of the Christians, had violated this League, and by sundry Incursions barbarously spoiled and wasted, not Hungary only, but other of his Imperial Provinces also; but especially by Hassan, Bassa of Bosna, who, first with a strong Army besieged, battered and took Repitz, an ancient frontier Castle, and after that, Wihitz, Dremk, Crassowitz, with other Places of Name; and had in his Dominion and Territory built Petrinia, a most strong Fort, hurtful to all that Country, out of which he had done incredible mischief in Croatia, Windismarch, and the most fruitful Island Turopolis; and had out of those Places carried away above 35000 Christians into most miserable Captivity. Of which shameful Injuries and breaches of Faith he had many times by his Ambassadors complained unto the Turkish Sultan at Constantinople; and requested that all hostility set apart, due Restitution might have been made; but to have therein prevailed nothing, and that the same Bassa, instead of condign Punishment, had been for the doing thereof, honoured by the great Sultan his Lord with honourable Gifts, the sure Tokens of his Favour. Whereby he was so confirmed in his barbarous Proceedings, that he began to make open War, and having raised a full Army, and strengthened also with certain Companies of janissaries sent from the Court, had passed over the River of Kulp, and besieged the Castle of Siseg; but by the just Judgement of God, the Revenger of Wrongs, had there received the Reward of his faithless and cruel dealing, being there slain, and almost all his Army utterly destroyed by his small Forces, raised in haste for his own lawful defence. Nevertheless the faithless Turk (as if he had been highly wronged himself) to have made this his breach both of League and Faith forthwith known to all the World, by commanding open War to be solemnly proclaimed against the Kingdom of Hungary, both in Constantinople and Buda; and by the Beglerbeg of Greece, to have again besieged and taken the strong Fortress of Siseg. Whereas, on the other side, because nothing should on his part be wanting, which might make his desire of Peace more known, he had again, and oftentimes by his Ambassador put the Turk in remembrance of his League, made and confirmed by his Faith. Who for all that, had changed nothing of his Purpose, but sent his great Visier, Sinan Bassa, with the Beglerbeg of Graecia, and many inferior Bassas and Sanzacks into Hungary, who with Fire and Sword enforced the Inhabitants and Countrypeople (such as they left alive) to swear to the Turk Obedience, and to become his Subjects; and at the same time took Vesprinium and Palotta, two famous Fortresses of that Kingdom. And that the same Bassa, by Commandment from his Lord and Master, had, contrary to the Law of Nations, imprisoned Frederick Kreckowitz his Ambassador, first at Constantinople, and caused the greater part of his Followers to be thrust into the Galleys; and afterwards to have sent him with a few of his Servants to Belgrade, and there to have kept him so long in Prison, that he there miserably died. In Revenge of which so great and open wrong, and for the defence and comfort of his afflicted Subjects so near the Enemy, he had raised a good strength both of Horse and Foot; by whose help and the assistance of Almighty God, the Bassa of Bosna had reaped the Fruit of his perfidious dealing; as had also the Bassa of Buda, with many thousands of their great Soldiers, overthrown near unto Alba-Regalis, besides many of their Castles and Towns taken or razed. Yet for all that, was it easy to be seen, these so great Victories, by the goodness of God, had and obtained against so mighty and cruel an Enemy, not to suffice; but that there was still need of a perseverant and continual supply for the maintenance of a perpetual War; and that it was daily to be expected, or rather, even now, presently to be descried, That the Turk in his quarrel (which he deemed always just against the Christians) and in revenge of these overthrows, would draw forth all his Forces, and adventure his whole Strength. For which Causes he had by the Knowledge and Consent of the Prince's Electors of the Sacred Empire, appointed that present Diet of the Empire; and not for the aforesaid Causes only, but for divers others, both necessary and weighty also; as the general Peace of the Empire, the Pacification of the Low-countries, the Reformation of Justice, and amendment of the Coin; but especially, and above all other things, to make it known unto the World, how much it concerned to have the Turks Pride betime abated, and some effectual defence for Hungary (now in danger) at length provided; being the most sure defence and strongest bulwark of that part of Christendom. And that whereas his own hereditary Provinces were not of themselves alone sufficient to maintain so chargeable a War, he therefore requested the Electors, Princes and States, both present and absent, not to grudge to be present with their Help, their Counsel, and whatsoever else s●ould be needful against so puissant and dangerous an Enemy. So ending his Speech, he caused all his demands, before conceived into Writing, to be read, and so delivered unto them. For answer whereunto, the Prince's Electors, and others there present, required time. Which granted, after many sit and long Consultations, they at last with one consent answered, That it was a hard matter, by reason of the late dearth, and other like Occasions, for them to grant such Help and Aid as the Emperor had in Writing required; yet having before their Eyes the great and imminent danger wherein the Christian Common-weal than stood, they, not regarding their own proper and near Difficulties, had, in regard of his Sacred and Imperial Majesty, for the comfort and defence of the endangered Christians, and for the repressing of the Turkish Fury, of their own free Will and mere Compassion, granted, beside their accustomed Contribution, such farther relief for the space of six years, as they thought sufficient for the maintenance of a defensive War, both for the present, and for the time to come. What was by them farther decreed concerning the Emperors other demands, as not pertinent to our purpose, we willingly pass over.  
Of all these things, as also whatsoever else had happened at Strigonium, Hatwan, or other Places of Hungary, was not Sinan Bassa ignorant; who now, even upon the departure of the Christians from Strigonium, was come with an huge Army between Buda and Alba-Regalis; unto whom forty thousand Tartars, 
Sinan Bassa with an Army of 150000 between Buda and Alba-Regalis.  that by force had made themselves way through Podolia, and the upper part of Hungary, had joined themselves; so that in his Army were reckoned above 150000 fighting-men, to the great Terror, not only of Hungary, Austria, Stiria, Croatia, Bohemia, and the Provinces thereabout, but also of the whole State of Germany. With this great Army the old Bassa had purposed to have overwhelmed the Christians in their Camp at Strigonium; but now that they were before his coming departed over the River towards Comara, he resolved to keep on his way, and to besiege the strong City jaurinum, now called Rab: and to make all sure before him, he thought it best to take Dotis in his way, a strong Town of the Christians in the midway between Strigonium and Rab, about five Hungarian miles short of Rab. The Christian Army, but newly passed over Danubius, in marching toward Comara, might see the Mountains and Fields on the other side of ●he River all covered with the Multitude of the Turks Army; who, though they were indeed many, yet marching dispersedly, made show of more than in truth they were. So both Armies marching in sight the one of the other, and separated only with the River, held on their way, the Christians to Comara, where they encamped under the very Walls of the City, yet in such sort, as that they might afar ●ff well descry one another; and the Turks towards Dotis, where the Bassa with all his Army encamped the one and twentieth day of july. The Night following, having planted his battery, he began in furious manner to batter the Castle, the chief strength of the Town, the Christian Army looking on, but not daring at so great odds to relieve their distressed Friends. So whilst the Bassa granteth no breathing while unto the besieged, but tiring them out with continual Battery and Alarms, they of the Town, despairing of their own strength, and to be able for any long time to hold out against so mighty an Enemy, 
Dotis and St. Martin's yielded unto the Turks.  within three days after yielded up the Town, being in that short time sore battered, and in divers places undermined▪ yet with this Condition, That it should be lawful for the Garrison Soldiers and Townsmen, with their Wives and Children, in safety to depart. Which was by the Bassa frankly granted unto them, but not so faithfully performed; for at their departure, many of their Wives and Children were stayed by the Turks, and the Lord Baxi, Governor of the Town, fo●ly entreated. Immediately after, the Bassa without much ado took the Castle of St. Martin's also, not far from Dotis, being by the Captain yielded unto him.  
In the mean time, the Country Villages round about, forsaken of the poor Christians, were by the Turks most miserably burnt, and all the Country laid waste. Yea, some of the forerunners of the Turks Army passing over the River Rabnitz, ran into the Country as far as Altenburg, within five miles of Vienna, burning the Country Villages as they went, and killing the poor People; or that worse was, carrying them away into perpetual Captivity: yet not without some loss, four hundred of these ●oaming Foreigners being cut off by the Lord Nadasti. Palfi also, and Brun, Governor of Comara, following in the tail of the Turks Army, set upon them that had the charge of the Victuals, of whom they slew a great number, took an 120 of them Prisoners, and an 150 Camels, and 30 Mules laded with Meal and Rice, which they carried away with them to Comara.  
Dotis and St. Martin's thus taken, Sinan Bassa, constant in his former Determination, set forward again towards Rab, and being come within a mile of the City, there encamped; the Christian Army then lying not far off on the other side of the River. The City of Rab is a strong and populous City, 
Rab.  honoured with a Bishops See, and was worthily accounted the strongest Bulwark of Vienna, from whence it is distant about twelve Germane miles, standing upon the South side of Danubius, whence the River dividing itself, maketh a most fertile Island called Schut; in the East point whereof standeth the strong City of Comara. The defence of this City of Rab was committed to County Hardeck, a man of greater Courage than Fidelity, with a Garrison of twelve hundred choice Soldiers; unto whom, a little before the coming of the Bassa, were certain Companies of Italians joined, who, together with the Citizens, made up the number of five thousand able men; a strength in all men's judgement▪ sufficient for the long defence of that Place. The la●t of july, Mathias, the Archduke, about the going down of the Sun, departing out of the City of Rab, over the River into the Island over against it, came Sinan Bassa with his huge Army and beset it round, casting up Trenches and Mounts, whereon he skilfully placed his Gabions and great Artillery, and whatfoever else was necessary for so great a siege; and that with such Celerity as was to the Beholders thought most strange. The second of August, he with great Fury battered the City, and brought his Trenches within Musket shot of the Walls. At which time four thousand Tartarian Horsemen swum over the Danubius, between Rab and Comara, after whom followed six thousand Turks, who being with much ado got over to the farther side, suddenly surprised a Fort of the Christians next unto the River, and forthwith turning five great pieces of Ordnance which they found therein, discharged them upon the Camp of the Christians; 
The Turks and Tartars passing over the River overthrown.  who, terrified with the sudden accident, rise up all in Arms, and hardly charging those desperate adventurers, slew many of them, especially such as seeking after booty, had dispersed themselves from their Fellows, and forced the rest again to take the Water, wherein most of them perished. About five days after, the Tartarians (living for the most part upon prey) swum again over the River, and upon the sudden burnt a Village in the Island, and slew certain Christians in their Tents; 
The Tartarians the second time overthrown.  but being quickly encountered by the Christian Horsemen, they were easily overthrown and many of them slain; the rest, casting away their Weapons, and forsaking their Horses, ran headlong into the River, trusting more to their swimming than to their fight; whom the Christians hardly pursuing, in the very River slew about two thousand of them; and by this Victory obtained many of the Tartarians swift Horses, with their Scimitars, their Bows and Arrows, and such Ensigns as they had. All this while, Sinan Bassa, without intermission, lay thundering with sixty great pieces of battery against the City, 
 but to little or small purpose, for as yet he had made no breach whereby to enter, but the harm that was done was upon the Towers, or high built Houses, or in the Camp, by such random shot, as flying over the Town, fell by chance among the Tents of the Christians. And the janissaries, intentive to all opportunities, in a great Rain, furiously, and with a most horrible cry, (as their manner is) assaulted an utter Bulwark of the Christians; which they for fear forsook, and retired themselves into the City. Upon which Bulwark so taken, the janissaries had set up three of their Ensigns: when the Christians, ashamed of that they had done, and better advised, taking courage unto them, forthwith sallied out again, and courageously charging the janissaries, but now entered, slew many of them, and recovered again the Bulwark.  

A Bassa slain.  Sinan Bassa, leaving nothing unattempted that might further his desire for the winning of the City, was now casting up a great Mount against the City; which whilst he daily surveyed, he chanced to fall sick, and therefore appointed one of the Bassas in his own stead, to oversee the work; who, whilst he was walking too and fro, hastening the work, and commanding this and that thing to be done, was taken with a shot out of the Town and slain.  
The fifteenth of August, certain Turks before the rising of the Sun, getting over Danubius in Boats, assailed a Fort of the Christians; which the Soldiers that had the keeping of it, presently forsaken and left it to the Enemy. Which john de Medici's, lately come into the Camp with two thousand Italians, perceiving, forthwith came to the rescue of the Fort, drove out the Turks, and having slain divers of them, forced the rest into the River, where they were all drowned. At which time five thousand Tartars in another Place passing over the River into the Island, were encountered by the Lord Palfi, and the Hussars his Followers, and without any great resistance put to flight, wherein many of them were slain; the rest taking the River, were in good hope to have got over▪ and so to have saved themselves; 
A fight in the River betwixt the Turks and the Tartars.  but other Turks meeting them in the River, would with their Weapons have beaten them back, and stayed their flight; against whom the Tartars opposing themselves, made with them in the very River a most cruel fight, but with such loss unto the Tartars, that of the five thousand which adventured over, few returned to carry News unto their Fellows, how they had sped. Now began great scarcity of Victuals in the Turks Camp, so that the Soldiers were fain to feed upon unripe Fruit, and such other unwholesome things, whereof ensued the bloody Flux, and many other dangerous Diseases; which raging amongst them, did wonderfully consume the Bassa's Army. Beside that, they of the City with continual shot had slain many, and amongst them a Son-in-law of the great Bassas, whose death he is reported to have taken so unpatiently, that he fell sick for Grief, but in short time after passed it over, and recovered again.  
The Tartars, not yet warned by their often losses, but passing again over the River into the Island the nineteenth of this Month, were there 3000 of them slain. In the mean time, certain Companies also of the Turks, having secretly passed the River, in another quarter assailed the Christians in their Camp; in which hurly-burly, other of the Tartars got over the River not far from Comara, hoping now at length to perform some great matter, which they had before to their cost vainly attempted; but finding the Turks overthrown before their coming, and the Christians (contrary to their expectation) in Arms ready to receive them, they were easily discomfited, and two thousand of them slain. In this conflict the Sanzack of Strigonium, with two others, and many more of great account among the Turks, perished. Shortly after, the Christians sallying out of the City, slew a great number of the Turks, and so retired with small loss. Thus was the Turks Army daily diminished, besides that, the want of Victuals, with the Bloodyflux, so increased, that many persuaded the Bassa to have raised his siege, and to have removed with his Army to some other more wholesome place, and of greater plenty; but he, resolutely set down not to depart before he had either won the Town, or enforced them therein to yield, would not hearken to any persuasions to the contrary.  
Whilst Sinan thus lay at the siege at Rab, Maximilian, the Emperor's Brother, took Crastowitz, a Fortress of the Turks, upon the borders of Croatia, and put to the Sword all the Turks there in Garrison. After that, he laid siege to Petrinia, a strong Fortress of the Turks, which they but a few years before had contrary to the League built in the Emperor's Territory, for the annoying of Croatia, and for the exceeding strength thereof, was thought almost impregnable. Yet such was the Industry of Maximilian and his Soldiers, that what with continual battery and mines, they so terrified the Turks there in Garrison, that they for fear set fire on the Fort, and flying away by Night, made shift every man for himself as he might: Which they in the Castle of Siseg hearing, set fire also upon it, and so left it to the Christians: Whose Example they also of Gara followed; by which so prosperous and happy Success of Maximilians, not the Frontiers only, but even the whole Country of Croatia was for that time delivered of a wonderful trouble and no less danger.  
The eight and twentieth day of August, twenty thousand of the Christians passing over the River by a Bridge out of the Island, 
A great skirmish betwixt the Turks and the Christians.  and joining with them of the Town, sallied out upon the Turks Camp; the Hungarian Heidons in the forward at the first Onset took two of the Turks Bulwarks, and having beaten out the Enemies, cloyed certain of their great pieces; but the Turks returning with greater power, enforced the Christians to retire, and recovered again their lost Bulwarks. In this conflict many were slain, as well Christians as Turks. In the mean while Thonhause, a great Captain of the Christians, and Geitzhofler, County Hardeck's Lieutenant, with fifteen hundred Hungarians and Germane Foot came in great Boats to have holpen their Fellows, but landing somewhat too late, they were by the Enemy beaten back, and enforced with such speed to retire, that many of them being not able to recover the Boats, were drowned in the River; amongst whom, Geitzhofler himself perished, and Thonhause was deadly wounded in his Breast. Yet the Christians, not discouraged with this loss, but gathering themselves together under the very Walls of the City, gave a second assault unto the Enemy; in the forward were the Footmen, who were by the Enemy's Horsemen easily repulsed; but by the coming in of the Lord Rhinsberg, (who was at the first onset slain) the Turks were enforced into their Trenches, except some few, which, divided from the rest, hid themselves in the Vineyards, but being found out by the Christians, were there all slain. In this Skirmish the Lord Palfi was grievously wounded in his Thigh. Of the Christians were slain four hundred, and of the Turks about two thousand. 
Two thousand Turks slain, and seventeen of their Ensigns taken.  These conflicts endured from seven a Clock in the Morning until twelve, at which time the Christians returning into the City, and so into the Camp, amongst other spoils, carried away with them seventeen of the Enemy's Ensigns.  
No day now passing without some skirmish, at length, the ninth of September, ten thousand Turks, some in Boats, some by other means, having got over the River of Danubius into the Island of Schut, suddenly set upon the Christians, all sleeping in security, and little fearing any such danger; of whom they slew about two thousand, and after some small fight put the rest to most shameful flight, in such sort, that Mathias, the Archduke himself, with the other Noblemen and Captains, had much ado by flight to escape. Thus, whilst every man surprised with fear, made what shift he could for himself, the Enemy in the mean time entered the Trenches, took their Tents, their great Ordnance, the Shot and Powder, and all the Money, which but a little before was brought for the Soldiers Pay; besides, about a thousand Wagons, and two hundred Boats well loaded with Provision for the Camp, and ten Galleys, wherein were an hundred and twenty pieces of great Ordnance. The loss received this day was valued at 500000 ducats. 
A great spoil taken by the Turks.  And albeit that this Victory cost the Turks two thousand and five hundred of their lives, yet thereby they gained the mastery, both upon the River and the Land; so that now, roaming far and near, without resistance, they spoilt the Country all about, and burned certain Country Villages not far from Vienna; so that for many miles space the Country Towns were for fear of the Enemy forsaken by the Inhabitants, of whom some were taken and slain, some carried into Captivity, and some others, (reserved to a better Fortune) with such things as they had, got themselves farther off into Places of more security. And the more to increase these calamities, the Tartars shortly after passing over Danubius, near unto Altenburg, first sacked Weisenburg, and after burned it, with certain Towns thereabout; but adventuring to have gone farther into the Country, they were with loss enforced to return.  
Whilst the Turks thus prevailed in Hungary, Cicala Bassa, the Turks Admiral then at Sea, with a Fleet of Galleys, landing his Men in divers places of Italy▪ did exceeding much harm, but especially in Calabria, where he upon a sudden surprised Rhegium, rifled the Town, and afterwards burned it: From thence taking his course towards Sicilia, he, in the sight of Messana, landed certain of his Men; who, adventuring too far a shore, were by the Country People overthrown and put to flight. 
Regium razed by the Turks.  So the Turks returning again to Regium, utterly razed what they had before left of that Town. In the mean time, not far from Messana, even in the sight of the Garrison of the Town, they took a certain Ship coming out of the East Countries, and three other coming from Apulia. Afterward, chancing upon certain Galleys of the East, they changed some few shot with them, but to no great purpose; and so turning their course, and sailing along the Coast of Calabria, they oftentimes landed certain Companies, which, skirmishing with the Calabrians, had sometime the better, and sometime the worse, and so with such Fortune as befell them, were again received into their Galleys. They of Messana, unto whose eyes those dangers were daily presented, both by Letters and speedy Messengers, gave the Viceroy knowledge thereof, (who then for his pleasure lay at Palermo) requesting his present Aid; but he dallying off the time, they, for the more safeguard of the City and of the Sea Coast, of themselves raised five hundred Horsemen, whom they committed to the Leading of Philip Cicala, the Renegade Turkish Admiral's Brother; and beside, stored the City with all such things as they thought necessary for the enduring of a Siege, if it should chance the Turk to have any such purpose; of all which they certified the King of Spain, as also of the negligence of the Viceroy, requesting his speedy Aid against these Terrors of the Turks. In the mean while, the Neapolitans, for safeguard of their Coast put to Sea thirty Galleys; unto whom the Pope, the Duke of Florence, the Genoese, and the Knights of Malta joined also theirs; in all, to the number of about eighty Galleys, under the conduct of Auria. The provident Venetians also, although they were as then in League with the Turk; yet for the safety of their State, put to Sea a Fleet of about an hundred Sail, some Ships, some Galleys, under the leading of Foscarin, their Admiral. Which two Fleets sailing up and down those Seas, delivered Italy, Sicily, Dalmatia, with many Provinces and Islands of the Christians, of a great fear.  
Sinan Bassa, having before encouraged his Soldiers with great hope and large Promises, 
Rab assaulted by the Turks.  commanded an Assault to be given to the City of Rab; which was accordingly by them begun the twenty third of September, the Sun being as yet scarce up, and furiously maintained all that day from Morning until Night: But they of the Town so valiantly defended themselves, that at last the Turks were glad to give over the Assault, and with loss to retire. Nevertheless, the next day the Assault was again renewed, and most desperately continued by the space of two days; wherein twelve thousand of the Turks there lost their lives, 
Twelve thousand Turks slain  the other with shame retiring themselves into their Trenches. In few days after, the Turks by a Mine blew up one of the Bulwarks of the Town, with the fall whereof the Town-Ditch was in that place somewhat filled; whereby the Turks with all their Power attempted thrice the next day to have entered, but were by the Valour of the Defendants still notably with loss repulsed. Yet notwithstanding all this cheerfulness and courageousness of them in the Town, the Puissant Enemy ceased not with continual battery and furious assaults to attempt the City, until that at length he had gained two of the Bulwarks, from whence he might, to his great advantage, by the rubbish and earth fallen out of the battered. Bulwarks and Rampires, have access unto the Town, to the great terror of the Defendants. Whereupon County Hardeck, the Governor (who, corrupted by the Turk, had of purpose many times before said that the Town could not possibly be long defended) now took occasion to enter into Counsel with the other Captains of the Town, (divers of whom he had already framed to his purpose) what course were best to take for the yielding of it up. And so after a little Consultation, holden more for fashion-sake, than for that he doubted what to do; resolved to send a Messenger unto the Bassa, for a Truce to be granted for a while, to see if haply in the mean time some reasonable Composition might be agreed upon. Yet the Governor, considering into what scorn and danger he should expose himself, by yielding up of so strong a Town, to colour the matter, and to excuse his doings unto the rest of the Nobility and Garrisons of Hungary, caused a public Instrument to be made in his and all the rest of the Captain's Names conceived in Writing; wherein they solemnly protested unto the World, That forasmuch as it was impossible (by reason of the weakness of the Garrison) for them longer to defend the Town against so mighty an Enemy, without new Supplies instead of them that were slain, (which they had oftentimes in vain requested) they were therefore of necessity enforced to come to Composition with the Enemy. Which Protestation so made, the Governor with the chief Captains confirmed with their Hands and Seals. 
County Hardec corrupted by the Turks, yieldeth the strong Town of Rab unto Sinan Bassa.  So after a Truce granted, and Pledges given on both sides, at length it was agreed upon, That all the Garrison Soldiers, together with the County and other Captains, should in Arms with Ensigns displayed, with Bag and Baggage depart in safety, and with a safe Convoy be brought to Altenburg. Which Agreement, though by Oath confirmed, was not on the Turks part altogether performed; for when the County had the 29 th' day of September, at ten a Clock in the Forenoon, delivered up the City to the Bassa, and the Christian Garrison was all come out, the County himself, with a few of his Friends, was with a Convoy of Turks brought in safety to the appointed place; but the Italians, and other Garrison Soldiers that came behind, and aught to have been by the Governor protected, were, contrary to the Turks promise, spoiled of all that they had, and hardly escaping with Life, came that Night to Hochstrate, and the next day to Altenburg. Thus was Rab, one of the strongest Bulwarks of Christendom, traitorously delivered unto the most mortal Enemy of the Christian Religion; being even then when it was given up, victualled for a year, and sufficiently furnished with all things necessary for defence; all which Provision, together with the City, fell into the hands of the faithless Enemy. A loss never to have been sufficiently lamented, had it not been about four years after, even as it were miraculously again recovered, to the great rejoicing of all that side of Christendom, as in the Process of this History shall appear.  
Sinan, glad of this victory, as the greatest Trophy of his Master's glory over the Christians, gave him speedy knowledge thereof, both by Letters and Messengers. Of whom he was for that good service highly commended, and afterward bountifully rewarded: for now had Amurath already in hope devoured all Austria, with the Provinces thereabout. The great Bassa, because he would not with too long stay hinder the course of this victory, 
Rab repaired by the Turks.  without delay repaired the rend City, new fortified the battered Bulwarks, enlarged the Ditches, and filled the Cathedral Church with earth, in manner of a strong Bulwark, whereupon he planted great store of great Ordnance: and with exceeding speed dispatched all things necessary for the holding of the place. In the mean time he sent certain Tartars to summon the Town and Castle of Pappa: which Castle and little Town subject thereunto, the Christians the night following set on fire, because it should not stand the Enemy in any stead for the farther troubling of the country; and so fled.  
The Bassa, having at his pleasure disposed of all things in Rab, and leaving there four thousand janissaries, 
Komara besieged by Sinan Bassa.  and two thousand Horsemen in Garrison, departed thence with his Army and laid siege to Komara, a strong Town of that most fertile Island, which the Hungarians call Schut; which, situated in the very point thereof, about four miles from Rab, is on the East, South, and North, enclosed with the two Arms of Danubius. All these ways Sinan with his Fleet (which he had there notably well appointed) laid hard siege unto the Town, ang gave thereunto divers assaults; and by Land, the Beglerbeg of Greece, ceased not both by continual battery and Mines, to shake the Walls and Bulwarks thereof. Thus was the City on all sides, both by Water and by Land, hardly laid unto. But the Christians within▪ with no less Courage defended themselves and the City, than did the Turks assail them; showing indeed, that the Liberty of their Religion and Country, was unto them dearer than their Lives. Mathias, the Archduke, in the mean time, not ignorant how much it concerned the Emperor his Brother to have this City defended; having, after his late overthrow, gathered together a good Army of Germans, Bohemians, and Hungarians, resolved to go and raise the siege; and so marching forward with his Army, came and encamped the 28 th' day of October at Nitria, about five miles from Komara. Now were the Tartars a little before departed from the Camp, with purpose to return home; yea, the Turks themselves, weary of the Siege, and wanting Victual both for themselves and their Horses, began also, as men discouraged, to shrink away. Which the Bassa well considering, thought it not best with his heartless Soldiers and Army, now sore weakened, to abide the coming of the Christians; and therefore upon their approach he forthwith forsook the City, 
Sinan Bassa raiseth his siege.  which he had by the space of three weeks hardly besieged, and by a Bridge made of Boats, transported his Army and Artillery over Danubius to Dotis, where he the next day after brake up his Army. Immediately after the Turks were thus departed, the Archduke arrived at Komara, where he with great Diligence caused the Breaches to be repaired, the Mines to be filled up, and new Bulwarks and Rampires to be made in divers Places for the more strength of the City, leaving the charge thereof still unto the Lord Braun the old Governor, who in the defence thereof, had received a grievous Wound in his right Knee; of whom also this notable Fact is reported. The Bassa, in time of the late siege of Komara, under the Colour of a Parley, had sent five Turks into the City to the Governor, but indeed to prove if he were by any means to be won to yield up the City, and not to hold it out to the last. The faithful Governor, having given them the hearing until they had discharged their whole Treachery, presently caused four of their Heads to be strucken off, and to be set upon long Pikes upon one of the Bulwarks for the Bassa to look upon; but the fifth (the beholder of this Tragedy) he sent back unto the Bassa, to tell him, That although he had found one in Rab to serve his turn, he was much deceived, if in him he thought to find County Hardeck, and that he wished rather to die the Emperor's faithful Servant in the blood of the Turks, than to betray the City committed to his Charge.  
County Hardeck, late Governor of Rab, generally before suspected to have treacherously betrayed that strong Town unto the Bassa, was therefore sent for to Vienna, and there by the Emperor's Commandment committed to Prison. Where, among many things laid to his Charge, as that he should in the beginning of the siege, negligently have suffered many things to be done by the Enemy, which afterwards turned to the great danger of the Town; and that in the time of the siege, he had caused some of the Cannoneers to discharge certain great Pieces against the Enemy, with Powder only, without Shot; and that seeing one Piece among the rest to do the Enemy much harm, he had caused the same to be removed, and so placed, as that it served to little or no use; beside that, he (as it should seem) making small reckoning of the Town, should oftentimes say, That if the Turks should win it, he should be but one Town the richer; with divers other such things, giving just cause of suspicion. The thing that lay most heavy upon him, was the Testimony of one of Sinan Bassa's Chamber, who being taken young by the Turks, and serving in the Bassa's Chamber, was now fled from the Turks; and coming to the Archduke in the time of his siege, declared unto him, that there was Treason in his Camp; and that he, but three days before, by the Commandment of his Master, had delivered two bags full of ducats unto two Christians, of whom the one had a notable scar in his Face, and was afterwards known to have been one of the Counties Servants. Upon this and such like Proofs, the County was, after many days hearing, in open Court, by the Judgement of seven and forty Noblemen and Captains of Name, condemned of Treason, 
County Hardeck condemned and executed for betraying of Rab.  and adjudged to be hanged, his dead Body to remain upon the Gallows by the space of three days, and all his Lands and Goods to be confiscate; the rigour of which Sentence was afterward by the Emperor mitigated, and the Traitor by him adjudged to have his right Hand (by him before given unto the Emperor in pawn of his Faith) and his Head struck off upon a Scaffold at Vienna, and so buried. Which severe Sentence was afterwards accordingly put in Execution; for the tenth of june following, the Traitor being brought to the Scaffold, built of purpose in the high Street of Vienna, after the Sentence of his Condemnation there solemnly read commending himself upon his knees to the Mercy of God, with his Eyes covered, and his right Hand laid upon a Block covered with black, had both his Hand and Head so suddenly struck off by the Executioners, as that the Beholders could hardly judge which of them was first off. His dead Body with his Head and Hand, was presently by his Servant wrapped in a black Cloth, and laid in his Coach, which stood there by of purpose covered with black, and was afterwards buried amongst his Ancestors.  
The Tartars, but lately before departed from Sinans Camp, passing over Danubius at Strigonium, had purposed through the upper part of Hungary, and by the Borders of Transilvania and Moldavia, to have again returned into their Country; of whom two Companies falling into the hands of the Lord Palfi, were by him cut off, and utterly defeated; the rest coming unto the Borders of Transilvania, and finding the Passages so beset by the Prince and the Vayvod of Valachia, as that they could not without most manifest danger pass that way, returned again the same way they came; and having rifled and burnt certain Towns and Villages in the upper Hungary about Tockay, passed the River again at Strigonium, and wintering at Vesprinium, Palotta, and other Places in the Country which is about Rab, lived upon the spoil of the poor distressed Christians, u●on the Frontiers of Austria, even as far as Meinersdorf.  
These Tartars (of whom we have so often spoken) at their first coming to the Aid of Sinan, by direction from the Turkish Sultan, stayed upon the Frontiers of Transylvania, of purpose to have surprised that Country, and either to have thrust Sigismond Bator, the young Prince, out of the Government thereof, or else to have sent him in bonds to Constantinople; for it was commonly reported, That he, weary of the heavy Tribute which he yearly paid unto the Turk, and had now after their greedy manner been divers times enhanced, had purposed to revolt from the Turkish Sultan, and to enter into Confederation with the Christian Emperor. Which Innovation and Change, certain of the Nobility and chief States of Transylvania, sought by all means to hinder; and acquainting Amurath with the matter, and entering into Conspiracy with the Tartars, undertook to deliver the whole Country into their Hands, and to send the Prince Prisoner to Hust, where the Tartars than lay upon the Borders encamped. Wherefore, dissembling their purpose, they cunningly persuaded the Prince, that Samosche, the great Chancellor of Polonia, in the Confines of his Country, lay with a great Power expecting his coming, to consult with him of matters of great Importance: and the better to colour this their Treachery, they had counterfeited Letters to that effect from the Chancellor to the Prince, and had wrought so effectually, that the Prince, not suspecting any such Treason, gave credit to their Persuasions, and so put himself upon his way towards the Chancellor, (as he supposed;) but by the way, he was advised by some of his Friends, which had got some suspicion of the matter, not to go any farther, for that his coming was not intended by the Polonians his Friends, (as he was persuaded) but by the Tartars his Enemies, who lay in wait for him at Hust, to bereave him of his Life and Government. The Prince, astonished with the novelty of the matter, listened unto their Persuasion, and retired with his Train to the strong Fort of Kehwere; where he stayed fourteen days, as if it had been only for fear of the Tartars. In the mean time, he gave notice to the Nobility and Governors of the Country, his Friends, of the imminent and common danger; who forthwith repaired unto him in Arms. But the Traitors proceeding in their purpose, ceased not to persuade Bornemissa, who had the Leading of the Prince's Army, That to fight with the Tartars was a matter of no small danger; and that therefore, if he wished well to his Country, he should not have to do with them, but only show himself near unto them, and that he was not unprovided for them; which was accordingly done, and the Transylvanian Army brought so nigh unto the Tartars, as that they might hear the noise of their Drums and Trumpets. Whereby the Tartars, as by the Watchword, perceiving themselves discovered, and nothing to fall out according to their Expectation, as had been unto them promised for the betraying of the Prince; 
Great harm done in Transilvania by the Tartars.  they removed thence, and by another way breaking through the midst of Transilvania, and so into Hungary, rifled and burnt five hundred Villages, slew all the Males that were above twelve years of Age, and carried away the rest unto the Turkish Army, then lying at the siege of Rab. In the mean time the Traitors (when as this first Plot served them not) conspired to set up one Balthazor Bator, the young Princes nigh Kinsman, and with the good favour of Amurath, to prefer him to the Sovereign Government of their Country. Which their purpose the Prince perceiving, and doubting altogether to trust unto the fidelity of his own Subjects; writ to his Neighbours, the Rascians, and other his Confederates, praying their Aid in this his so dangerous and doubtful Estate. Which after he had received, he appointed a general Assembly of all his States to be holden at Clausenburg, and that upon a great pain to be inflicted upon all such as should not there personally appear; so at the prefixed day all came, except the Cardinal Bator, and Stephen his Brother, who, guilty of so foul a Treason against their own Blood, were now before fled into Polonia. Being all thus met together, the Prince Commanded the Gates of the City to be shut, and diligent Watch and Ward to be kept, forbidding by open Proclamation, That any man upon pain of death should so much as speak of any imagined Treason. And at the same time, politicly caused to be published in Writing, how that the Germans had in the farther side of Hungary got a notable Victory over the Turks; for joy whereof he commanded Bonfires to be made, and the great Ordnance to be in Triumph shot off, with many other signs of joy and gladness; and withal, caused a notable Banquet to be prepared, whereunto, together with others, were invited also all the chief of the Conspirators; of whom, even as they were at Dinner, and lest feared any such matter, he commanded fourteen to be apprehended and committed to Prison; and the next Morning caused five of them to be Executed in the open Marketplace. 
The Conspirators against the Prince, apprehended and executed.  The Principal of whom, who had undertaken to have himself slain the Prince, after three or four light cuts in the Neck, he caused to be drawn in pieces with four Horses; the other four, namely, Alexander and Gabriel Gengi, Gregory Diaco, and Ladis●aus Sallentz, were beheaded, and their dead Bodies all that day left in the Market Place for the People to behold; the rest were also afterwards worthily executed: and Balthazor Bator, whom the Conspirators had intended to have exalted, strangled. Having thus revenged himself upon his Enemies, he by a public Edict divulged through all his Dominion, gave leave to all his Subjects in general, of their own charge to take up Arms against the Turks, and whatsoever they could take from them, to have it to themselves, as good prize gotten from their lawful Enemies. By which unwonted Liberty, the Transilvanians, encouraged as with a great Bounty, armed themselves on all hands, to the number of forty thousand; who being mustered and sworn to hold together against the Turks, made their first Expedition towards Danubius; where, at their first arrival, by good hap they light upon certain of the Turks ships laded with Provision for the Camp, and Merchandise of all sorts, and much Treasure; of which rich ●hips, they at the first Onset took seven, but the eighth (being indeed the Admiral) escaped their hands. In these Ships they took an exceeding rich booty, slew many of the Turks, and in token of the Victory, carried back unto the Prince, seven of the Turkish Ensigns. This Victory caused great Joy in Transilvania, every man of so prosperous a beginning, conceiving good hope of most happy Success. It is reported, that Sinan Bassa hearing of this loss, should say, That if this Provision had come to him in safety, he could with that Treasure more easily have bought Vienna in Austria, than he had Rab in Hungary. After this Victory the Prince laid siege to Temeswar, but hearing of the return of the Tartars from the Turks Camp, and that they were coming toward Transilvania (as is before said) he left Temeswar, to look to the defence of his own Country.  
Not long after, about the two and twentieth of December, 
The janissaries in a Tumult at Constantinople.  a Tumult rise among the janissaries of the Court at Constantinople, which grew to such an height, that in the heat thereof, one of the Bassas was by them slain, with some others of good account, and one of Amurath's Sons sore wounded, and with much ado saved. Upon conceit whereof, Amurath for Anger and Grief fell into a fit of the falling sickness (whereunto he was much subject) and was therewith for the space of three Days and three Nights so grievously vexed, as if he should have presently given up the Ghost; so that the City was filled with heaviness and fear, and the great men of the Court were even ready to think upon a new Lord. This Tumult of the insolent janissaries many supposed to have been the cause of Amurath's death, which shortly after ensued; 
Amurath sick.  his Grief and Malady increasing daily by the evil News still brought unto him both by Messengers and Letters, especially out of Transilvania, where the Prince, waiting upon every occasion, was still at hand with the Turks, cutting them short in every place; and in sundry Roads which he made upon them this Month, took many of their Castles and Forts from them. He had at that time in the Field, in divers places, three Armies; one under the conduct of Gesty Ferens, in the Country of Luga●, near unto Temeswar; another under the leading of Michael Horwat, on the side of Danubius, to intercept the Turks coming to Buda; and the third commanded by Caspar Cornoyse, in the Country near to Giula, unto whom came shortly after fifteen hundred Horsemen out of the upper Hungary.  
The Transylvanian Prince Sigismond Bator, thus lately revolted from the Turk, year 1595 for the strengthening of his State, thought it best betimes to enter into Confederation with his Neighbours of Valachia and Moldavia (who, moved by his Example, shortly after in like manner also cast off the servile Yoke of the Turk) but especially with the Christian Emperor Rodolph. For which purpose he sent Ambassadors honourably accompanied; who coming to Cossovia in Hungary, the fourteenth of December, arrived at Prague the twelfth of january, with twenty Wagons, and an hundred and fifty Horse, where they were by the Emperor's appointment most honourably received, and royally entertained▪ and after a few days, having delivered unto the Emperor the sum of their Embassage, which was for a Confederation to be made between the Emperor and the Prince; after much grave Consultation and serious Discourse, it was fully concluded and agreed upon; the chief Points whereof I thought it not amiss here in brief to set down, for the satisfying of such as desire to know in what terms that worthy Prince, next Neighbour unto the Turk, than stood with the Christian Emperor.  
First it was agreed upon, 
The Capitulations of the League betwixt the Emperor and the Transylvanian Prince.  That the Emperor for himself, and for the States of Hungary, should promise to proceed in his Wars begun against the common Enemy; and not to conclude any Peace with him, without the knowledge and good liking of the Prince. And that in all Conclusions of Peace to be made betwixt him and the Turk, the Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, should be always comprised; in regard whereof, the Prince likewise promised for himself, and the States of Transilvania, to prosecute the commenced War, and not to enter into any League with the Turk, without the knowledge and consent of the Emperor and the Nobility of Hungary, and this to be confirmed by solemn Oath on both sides.  
Secondly, That the Province of Transilvania, with all the Parts and Confines thereof, hitherto possessed by the Prince of Hungary, should remain unto the said Prince Sigismond, and to his Heirs Male, with all the Profits arising thereof, in such sort as they had done in the time of john, Stephen, and Christopher, his Predecessors, to have therein a most free and absolute Authority; yet so, as that they should acknowledge his Imperial Majesty, and his lawful Successors for their lawful Sovereigns; unto whom they should always swear their Fealty, but without any Homage doing: and that to be performed by his Successors at the time of the change; but by the Prince himself, presently after the confirming of this League. But that for lack of Heirs Male, the Country of Transilvania, with all the Territories thereunto annexed, should descend unto his Sacred Majesty and his Successors, the King of Hungary, as a true and inseparable member thereof; whereunto the Prince, and all the States of Transilvania should bind themselves by solemn Oath. But yet, that at such time as the Heirs Male should fail in the line of the present Prince, and that the Country of Transilvania should according to these present Conditions be devolved to the Crown of Hungary; as well his present Imperial and Royal Majesty, as his Successors, should keep inviolate the ancient Laws, Privileges, and Customs of that Country, and always appoint one of the Nobility of Transilvania, to be Governor or Vayvod of the same, and no other Stranger.  
Thirdly, That his Majesty should acknowledge the Prince of Transilvania for an absolute Prince, and by special Charter confirm unto him the Title of Most Excellent.  
Fourthly, That his Imperial Majesty should procure one of the Daughters of the late Archduke, Charles, his Uncle, for a Wife for the Prince, that as they were now to be joined in League, so they might be joined in Affinity also.  
Fifthly, That the Emperor should procure him to be made one of the Order of the Golden Fleece.  
Sixthly, That the Prince might with more cheerfulness and security make War against the common Enemy, his Imperial and Royal Majesty should not at any time, howsoever things fell out, forsake the said Prince, or any of the Country's subject unto him; and even now presently to aid him according as the present occasion required, and afterward (if great need should be) with greater help▪ whether it was by his General of Cassovia, or others; and this giving of Aid to be on both sides mutual and reciprocal, according as the necessity of the one or the other part should require; and that where most need was, thither should most help be converted.  
Seventhly, That the sacred Roman Empire should take upon it the Protection and Defence of the Prince and his Territories; and that his Imperial Majesty should create the said Prince, and the Prince's Successors, Princes of the Empire; yet so, as that they should have neither Voice nor Place among the said Princes.  
Eighthly, That whatsoever Castles, Towns, Cities, or other Places of Strength, should by their common Forces be taken or recovered from the common Enemy, at such time as his Imperial Majesty should send into the Field a full Army, should be all his Majesties; but such Places as the Prince should by his own Forces or Policy gain from the Enemy, should remain unto the Prince himself. Yet that what Places soever the Prince should recover, which at any time before belonged to the Kingdom of Hungary before it was taken by the Turk, those he should forthwith deliver to his Majesty, as soon as reasonable recompense were by him therefore made unto the Prince.  
Ninthly, His Sacred Majesty should promise of his own Bounty to give unto his Excellency sufficient Aid for the fortifying and defence of such Places as should be thought necessary for the behoof of the Christians; as again the said Prince should likewise promise not to spare his own Coffers or Forces, that the same Places should be throughly fortified and defended for the behoof of his Majesty, and the common good of the Christian Common-weal.  
Lastly, That forasmuch as the Events of War are uncertain, and many things suddenly happen contrary to men's Expectation, if such necessity should chance unto his Excellency or his Successors (which mishap God forbid) that having spent themselves, they should not be able longer to defend their State and Country, but that the mighty Enemy prevailing, they should at last be enforced to forsake the same; in this their Extremity, his Imperial and Royal Majesty should promise both for himself and his Successors, within the space of one Month to assign some certain Place in some other of his Dominions, where the said Prince and his Successors might honourably live; and the like regard to be had also of other such principal men, as should, together with the Prince, adventure their Lives and Livings in defence of the Christian Common-weal.  
Which Articles of Confederation agreed upon, and solemnly confirmed, the same Ambassadors were with all Kindness, Bounty, and Magnificence, dismissed and sent back again unto the Prince; who was not himself in the mean time idle, but labouring by all means he could to draw unto him Michael the Vayvod of Valachia (a man of no less worth than himself) and Aaron the Palatine of Moldavia, both of them then the Turk's Tributaries; and by them to alienate from the Turk both those Countries, that so with their combined Forces they might the better defend their Liberty, and withstand their common Enemy; wherein he did so much, and prevailed so far with them both, that casting off the Turks Obeisance, they shortly after, to the great Benefit of the Christian Common-weal, and no less hindrance of the Turks proceedings in Hungary, joined hands both together with him for the recovery of their lost Liberty. Which revolt of these bordering Princes, for that it so much concerned the common good, as that the safeguard of Austria, and of the remnants of Hungary, with some good part of Germany also, is even by them that in those matters saw much, not without cause supposed to have rested therein; and that this noble Vayvod (of whom much is to be said hereafter) was the second Actor herein, it shall not be from our purpose to see the manner of his revolt also from the Turk, as we have already the Transilvanians. For the more Evidence whereof, as for the Honour of the man (whilst he lived, a most worthy member of the Christian Common-weal) we will a little step back to see how he obtained of the great Turk this so honourable a Preferment, as was the Vayvodship of Valachia, not without his revolt long now to be holden.  
Alexander, the late Vayvod of Valachia, a Moldavian born, 
Valachia oppressed by the Turks.  and by Amurath himself promoted to that Dignity; proud above measure of this his so great a Preferment, as also of his own Nobility, and the deceitful Favour of Fortune still fawning upon him; not only oppressed his People himself with intolerable Impositions, but to be in farther favour with the Turks, brought into that Country (too much before exhausted) such a company of them, as that they seemed now almost wholly to have possessed the same, oppressing the poor Christians (the natural Inhabitants) with new Exactions, and more than Tyrannical Injuries, even such as were not elsewhere by the Turks themselves used; not only breaking at their Pleasure into their Houses, and despoiling them of their Goods, but taking Tithe also of their Children, as if it had been of their cattle, a thing never before there seen; and for the satisfying of their beastly Lust, ravishing their Wives and Daughters, even in the sight of their Husbands and Parents, with divers other such outrageous Villainies, not with Modesty to be rehearsed. So that by this means he had violently taken from his Christian Subjects all hope of recovery of their ancient Liberty, had it not, as sometime it falleth out in these worldly things, both unto Men and commonweals, which brought unto the last cast, and even as it were to the bottom of despair, by the Goodness of God, contrary to all hope, find sometime such unexpected Help and Relief, as that thereby they, beyond their hope, even to the astonishment of the World, mount up again unto a greater lustre of their State, than was that from which they before fell; it had even so by the singular Mercy of God, now happened unto the Null, not knowing which way to turn themselves. There was at Crailowa (a City in the Confines of Valachia, towards the Confines of the Hungarians and Turks, where the Governor of those Borders is for the defence thereof with a strong Garrison always resiant) a noble Gentleman called 
* jon signifieth with the Null as much as Christian, which some mistaking, call this Michael also by the Name of john.  jon Michael, Son to Peter, the Palatine of that Country, the aforesaid Alexander's Predecessor; who, as he was unto the People for the Honour of his Father, the Prerogative of his Birth, the Comeliness of his Person, and Tallness of his Stature, well known, so was he for his Zeal towards the Christian Religion, his Love towards his Country, his Kindness towards his Equals, his Courtesy towards his Inferiors, his upright Dealing, his Constancy and Bounty unto them, no less Gracious; and for other the noble Virtues of his Heroical Mind, and natural Disposition for the Performance of great Matters, his deep Wisdom and quick Foresight, his sweet and pleasing Speech, void of all Affectation, unto all good men most dear; whose Fame, both for the Honour of his House, and of his own Virtues, still more and more increasing, and rife in the Ears of Alexander the Vayvod, was the cause that he commanded him, as the ready, or rather natural Competitor of his State and Honour, to be secretly apprehended, and so taken out of the way; whereof he by good Fortune having Intelligence, and careful of his own Health, for safeguard of himself fled first into Hungary, and there not staying long (God so directing him) went to Constantinople in the year 1591., to sue for the Vayvod's Place, all the Nobility of his Country, and the Provinces thereunto adjoining, secretly rejoicing thereat. About which time, the chief and most grave of the Valachian Nobility and Councillors prostrating themselves at the Feet of Amurath, most grievously complained unto him of the manifold and intolerable Injuries they had already sustained, and were still like to endure, without hope of redress, from Alexander their Vayvod, and the Followers of his Court; the Turks Garrisons and Merchants with plentiful Tears orderly declaring his many most foul and detestable Facts, and afterward highly commending jon Michael for his rare Virtues, as the true Heir of their Province; most humbly requested Amurath, either to have him appointed the lawful Governor of their Country, or else some other Place by him assigned for them to dwell in, wishing any where to live, rather than under the heavy command of so merciless a man as was Alexander. For the furthering of which their Suit, Michael, his Uncle by the Mother's side, a Greek born, and a Man for his exceeding Wealth in great Favour in the Turks Court, spared for no cost. So Michael, by the Goodness of God, 
Michael by Amurath created Vayvod of Valachia.  was by Amurath with great Solemnity created Vayvod of Valachia, and the oppressed and almost forlorn State of that sometime most flourishing Country by little and little well relieved (although not altogether without most sharp and violent Remedies, such as Extremities oft require) began now again to lift up the head, and to aspire unto the ancient Liberty and Honour thereof. At the beginning of whose happy Sovereignty, Alexander, his Predecessor, in his own Conscience guilty of his evil and shameful Government of that so notable and great a Province, and now in fear to be called to account, secretly fled. But certain years after, removing to Constantinople with his Wife, and there attempting divers evil means for the obtaining of the Palatinate of Moldavia, and for those his unlawful Practices accused by the Palatine's Agent; he was by the Commandment of Amurath taken in his own House, and there in his princely Apparel, most miserably strangled upon Palm Sunday, 
Alexander strangled at Constantinople.  in the year 1597, about six years after his departure out of Valachia.  
Michael thus made Vayvod of Valachia, long it was not but that it fortuned, the Reverend Father Cornelius de Nona, sent from Pope Clement the Eighth, unto the great Duke of Mus●ovie, in his return conferring with Sigismond, the Transylvanian Prince, and Aaron, the Palatine of Moldavia, informed them of the great consent of divers zealous Christian Princes, for the maintenance of the War against the dangerous and common Enemy; with many grave and effectual Reasons persuading them (but especially for that they were themselves Christians) in that Christian quarrel to join unto them their Forces also, raised in those their Countries near unto the great Rivers of Danubius and Nester; but unto Michael, the Vayvod of Valachia, he could not for divers his other important Businesses then come; whom for all that, the aforesaid Transylvanian Prince, Sigismond, his Neighbour, desirously sought to draw into the Fellowship of this War, even for the same Reasons almost, wherewith he had been himself moved. First, by divers great Reasons removing such doubts as might justly seem to hinder him from giving his consent thereunto; and then by declaring the Turkish Insolency daily increasing, with the infinite Grievances by them devised against the miserable Null; when as the Incursions of the Turks or Tartars, or their Passages that way, (no less troublesome than their Inroads) was almost every Month to be feared, their Armies, as Friends, to be in Winter and Summer received, their Soldiers to their great charges relieved, and their Commanders and Captains rewarded. Valachia thus impoverished, was not able (as he said) to pay the great Sums it did already owe, neither was to expect any releasement of the evils it was wrapped in, much less was it able to suffice unto the grievous Exactions to be thereunto by them afterwards imposed. None of his Predecessors (as he said, and as truth was) had for many years now past, for any long time, or with any Security held their State or Government; but that either by the Calumniation of the Envious, or Bribes of their ambitious Competitors, brought into Suspicion with the Sultan, they were violently thrust out, or most cruelly put to death. In brief, he said it was a wise man's part, not without most manifest and weighty Reasons, to promise unto himself better Fortune, or more assurance of his State, than had his unfortunate Predecessors before him; but warned by their Harms, betimes to provide for his own Safety. By which Persuasion he so prevailed, that the Vayvod (whose Name, whose Fame, whose Wealth and Life, together with his Subjects, was all thereby endangered) although he would not (for the weightiness of the matter) at the first yield thereunto; yet assuredly promised, with his Friends, and the rest of the Nobility of his Country, to consider thereupon. Having it by the Prince plainly laid down before him▪ how a sufficient number of Soldiers might at all times be raised, their Pay provided, and Aid still sent him as need should be, from the Germane Emperor, or himself out of Transilvania; as also that Aaron the Palatine of Moldavia, would at all times be ready to combine himself unto them; that so with their united Forces they might upon the Banks of Danubius and Nester, easily repulse the Incursions both of the Turks and Tartars their Enemies; the Christian Emperor in the mean time, with less trouble proceeding in his Wars against the Turk in the other side of Hungary.  
Now whilst this Plot was thus in laying, and Matters debating too and fro, not altogether without the Turks Suspicion; Sinan Bassa, coming with a great Army into Hungary, had taken the strong Town of Rab, as is before declared; with which Mischance so much concerning the poor remainders of Hungary, the Vayvod, not a little moved, began more deeply to consider of his own Estate. And as he was a man of great Spirit, and no less Zeal toward his Country, grieving to see his Subjects committed to his Charge, to be so daily by the insolent Turks, still more and more oppressed; he (as he had before promised to the Transylvanian) called an assembly of all the States of Valachia, to consult with them what were best to be done for the Remedy of so great Evils, as also for the preventing of greater, not without cause then to be feared. Where, by the general Consent of them all, it was agreed, rather to join with the Emperor and the other Christian Princes in Confederation, as they had been oftentimes by them requested, than longer to endure that heavy Yoke of the Turkish Thraldom and Slavery. 
Michael, the Vayvod of Valachia, revolteth from the Turks.  Whereupon the Vayvod taking unto him two thousand of the Hungarian Garrison Soldiers, now before, for that purpose, secretly laid upon the Frontiers of his Country; and calling upon the Name of Christ jesus, in one day to begin withal, slew about to thousand of the Janissaries, (who without his leave had in that Country proudly seated themselves) with all the rest of the Turks, (in the midst of their Insolency) together with the traitorous jews, not leaving one of them that he could come by alive, in all the open Country. And purposing to drive them out of their strong holds also, and so to make a clean riddance of them, ●e within fourteen days after, set upon Dziurdzowa, a great Town of the Turks upon the Bank of Danubius; all which he burned, saving the Castle: and having there made a great slaughter, and loaded with the spoil of the Turks, returned to Bucharesta, the chief Seat of his Palatinate.  
But long it was not after this his so great Presumption, but that he perceived the Turks in Revenge thereof, to seek after his Life; although he yet seemed to yield his Obedience unto Amurath, and to have done that he did, as enforced thereunto by the Insolency of the Turks, and for the necessary relief both of himself and his Subjects. For the same Month (Rab being, as is aforesaid, taken by Sinan) one of the Turks 
* The Turks call all them that are descended of the Stock of their Prophet Mahomet, by the Name of Emirs or Lords.  Emirs, descended of the great Family and Stock of Mahomet their false Prophet, and then Cadilescher (a man of great Account and Place amongst the Turks) accompanied with 2000 chosen Soldiers, fifty of the great Sultan's Chamber, and many of the Zausii and Spahi, upon the sudden came to Bucharesta, under the colour of refreshing themselves a●ter their long travel, but indeed with purpose to have taken the Vayvod; where they without Controlment, committed all kind of outrageous Villainy; and taking up all the chief Houses in the City, imperiously demanded of the Vayvod (who then lay at his Palace near unto the new Monastery without the City, built without any Castle or Defence, upon the River Dembowiza) 10000 Florins for a Present, with Victuals and other necessary Provision for his Followers. And presently after, being certainly informed that he lay there but slenderly accompanied, and almost himself alone, the Emir himself on foot, with a thousand of his Soldiers▪ went out of the City, as if it had been but for his Pleasure, and in Courtesy to have seen him. Of which so suspicious a Guests coming, the Vayvod understanding, got him betimes away into the Camp of his Hungarian Mercinaries, which then lay but fast by; when the Turk thus deceived of the hope he had before conceived for the taking of him, craftily sent certain of his Followers, to know of him, to what end he, in time of Peace, did entertain such a number of Hungarian Soldiers? Whereunto the Vayvod cunningly answered, That they were at the first entertained for the taking of Peter, the Son of Alexander, sometime Palatine of Moldavia; who, although he were now before apprehended, and openly hanged upon an Hook at Constantinople, yet that those Soldiers were, for their ready Service, of necessity still to be bileted in the Country, until such time as their pay might be provided. Which the Turk ●earing, commanded the Vayvod forthwith to discharge them, as men unnecessary, and to his Subjects troublesome, promising the next day to lend him a Tun of Gold to pay them their Wages. Which feigned promise the Vayvod seemed thankfully to take; yet nevertheless commanded the Hungarians forthwith in Arms to stand in readiness in the Camp, for the intercepting of the Turks, if haply by him distressed, they should betake themselves to flight; whilst he in the mean time, with his Courtiers and other Soldiers, secretly assembled into a Valley thereby, came suddenly upon the Turks (not as then dreaming of any such thing) compassed about the Inns wherein they lay, and setting fire upon them in five Places, notably forced them both with Fire and Sword, the two greatest Extremities of War; seeking now for nothing more than the just Revenge of his spoilt City, his forced Virgins, and wronged Subjects. Howbeit, the Turks for a space right valiantly defended themselves, and by plain force (although in vain) sought to have broken through the midst of their Enemies, and so to have fled. Yea, many of them by force of the Fire driven out of their Lodgings, and tearing off their burning clothes, fought stark naked; but most of them which could, fled unto the Palace where the great Emir lay, there with him ready to die or live. All which their last endeavours of Desperation the Vayvod easily frustrated, with two great Pieces of Artillery opening a way for his Soldiers unto them. So that the proud Emir now in despair (like the hunted Castor) threw down out of a Window, a great Chest full of Gold and precious Stones, and other Jewels of great value, if happily he might have so appeased the Vayvods' Wrath; humbly now requesting no more, but to have his Life spared; fearfully promising a large ransom for himself and those few which were yet alive with him. Howbeit, the Vayvod mindful of the manifold Injuries by them done unto him and his Subjects, 
The Cadilesher, wi●h all the Turks his Followers, slain.  and nothing mitigated or moved with the rich Spoils thrust upon him, or the large Promises the Turks had made him; commanded all those his Enemies now in Power, to be slain every Mother's Son; of whom his Soldiers had a wonderful rich spoil, although much more was lost in the fire: and so giving thanks unto God for the Victory, rested with his People a while at quiet. Yet within less than a Month after, he sent Albertus Kiral, his Lieutenant, with an Army to Phloch, 
Phloch spoiled by the Vayvod.  (a great open unwalled Town on the farther side of Danubius, equally distant from Vrosczok and Nicopolis) from whence the Turks, oftentimes passing over that frozen River into Valachia, had there done great harm: which Town, not inferior unto a good City, he suddenly surprised, and sacked it, and put to the Sword all the Inhabitants thereof, except such as were before his coming fled. And shortly after (the more to annoy the Turks) marching again over the frozen River, to have surprised Hersowa, 
Hersowa taken.  a walled City, but one days Journey from Brailova, he was by the way encountered upon the Ice by the Turks, whom he there in a great conflict overthrew; and having slain many of them, and put the rest to flight, holding on his intended Journey, took that rich City, which he rifled and burnt down to the Ground, all except the Castle, which was yet by the Turks valiantly defended; and so with the spoil of the City, returned again over the River, there to refresh his Soldiers, wearied with Labour and the Extremity of the Winter weather. And yet not so contented, within six days after passing again over the River, and having upon the side thereof in a great Battle overthrown the Turks Garrisons, took Silistra, a great City of Macedonia, built by Constantine the Great, (being the Seat of one of the Turks Sanzacks, and well inhabited with rich Merchants) which fair City he ransacked, and having slain most part of the Inhabitants, 
Silistra burnt.  burned it down to the Ground, as he had the other: no less Terror than Grief unto the Turks.  

Amurath dieth.  But whilst the aforesaid Confederation betwixt the Emperor and the Transylvanian Prince was yet in hand, and the Troubles in Valachia thus arising, Amurath, the great Sultan, grievously troubled with the Stone, and attainted with the falling Sickness, his wont Disease, and inwardly also tormented with the late Insolency of the Janissaries, and Revolt of the Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, (no small hindrance to the proceeding of his Wars in Hungary) as a man both in Soul and Body tormented, with great Impatiency and Agony of Mind, departed this Life the eighteenth day of january, in the year of our Lord 1595; when he had lived one and fifty, or as some say, two and fifty years, and thereof reigned nineteen. At the time of his Death arose such a sudden and terrible Tempest at Constantinople, that many thought the World should even presently have been dissolved. His dead Body was, not long after, with great Pomp and Solemnity, buried by Mahomet, his eldest Son, in a Moschy which he himself had before built at Constantinople.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Amurath the Third. 

Emperors of Germany, 

Maximilian the Second. 1565. 12.  
Rodolph the Second. 1577.    
Kings, 

Of England, 

Queen Elizabeth. 1558. 45.    
Of France, 

Charles the Ninth. 1560. 14.  
Henry the Third. 1574. 14.  
Henry the Fourth. 1589.    
Of Scotland, 

James the Sixth. 1565.      
Bishops of Rome. 

Gregory the XIII. 1572. 12.  
Pius the V. 1585. 5.  
Urban the VII. 1590. 12 days.  
Gregory the XIV. 1590. 10 months, 10 days.  
Innocent the IX. 1591. 2 months & one day.  
Clement the VIII. 1592.       

 

〈…〉 le virtus, non ingens copia rerum  
〈◊〉 sa●iunt magnum, non 〈◊〉 dextra potens:  
Maximu●●t Superunt, 〈◊〉 qui terri●at Orbem  
〈…〉 ●ibi gloria tota manat.  
〈…〉 alia Sceptra paravit,  
〈…〉 maxima quaeque dedit:  
〈…〉 multum●e beatus,  
〈…〉 terror, et ira Dei.  
〈…〉 superbis inani,  
〈…〉 miseris, numinis ira premat.  
〈…〉 magni●ni vis Succumbere magnus.  
〈…〉 ponder● pressa ruunt.  
〈…〉 ●emp●ra longa,  
.   

'Tis not thy virtue, nor thy dread command,  
That makes thee great, nor thy victorious hand..  
there's an almighty God who makes thee so,  
From him these glories (Ach●et) on thee flow.  
He in thy infant hands the Sceptre placed,  
And he thy vigorous youth with honours graced.  
Not for thy merits he exalted thee▪  
But that his Scourge of Vengeance thou shouldst be.  
Boast thou not then, of what is not thine own,  
For he that set thee up, may pull thee down.  
Be humble in thy most triumphant State,  
For great things sink depressed by their own weight.  
Nor feed thyself with hopes of endless days,  
For at Fates Summons thou must go 〈◊〉 ways.    

THE TURKISH HISTORY.  
The Second Volume.  
Beginning from MAHOMET III.  
And Continued to this Present Year 1687.  
THE six EDITION.  
LONDON, Printed for Tho. Basset, at the George near St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. MDCLXXXVII.   

 

Si quid in humanis, magnum te reddere possit:  
Quid prohibet magnis nomen inesse ●uum?  
Qui subjecta vides, tot dissona regna, tot urbes:  
Et nulli cedens, sceptra superba geris.  
Cum tamen ignores, quid sit Sapientia Christi,  
Omnia quae jactas sunt, Mahomete, nihil   

If any thing on earth can make man great,  
Great as the greatest art thou Mahomet,  
Who overlookst the World from thy bright Throne,  
And seest the largest part of it thine own.  
But since the Christian Law thou dost disdain,  
Thy labours to be truly Great, are all but vain.    

THE LIFE OF MAHOMET, The Third of that Name, Seventh Emperor of the Turks.  
year 1595 THE Death of the late great Sultan Amurath was not forthwith made known in the Court, but with wonderful secrecy concealed, not only for fear of the janissaries, (who in the time of the vacancy of the Empire always do whatsoever pleases themselves) but also for that the People, having in distrust the fierce Nature of Mahomet, Amurath's eldest Son, were generally better affected to Amurath, the younger Brother, a Prince of a more mild spirit and courteous disposition, unto whom they in heart wished those stately honours, which could by no means, without the great wrong and prejudice of his elder Brother, and danger of the whole State, be given unto him. Ten days after came Mahomet in post from Amasia to Constantinople, 
Mahomet saluted Emperor of the Turks.  and was there by the great Bassa's, and other his mighty Favourites, saluted Emperor: which done, he presently after caused all his Brethren to be invited to a solemn Feast in the Court; whereunto they (yet ignorant of the death of their Father) came cheerfully, as men fearing no harm; but being come, were there all by his commandment most miserably strangled: 
He murthereth his Brethren.  and at once to rid himself of the fear of all Competitors, (the greatest torment of the Mighty) he the same day (as is reported) caused ten of his Father's Wives and Concubines, such as by whom any Issue was to be feared, to be all drowned in the Sea.  
The janissaries, and other Soldiers of the Court, 
The janissaries in a Tumult.  not before acquainted with the Death of Amurath, neither with the choice that the great Bassa's had without their privity made of Mahomet, and not a little offended to see themselves so disappointed of such Spoils as they reckon due unto them in the time of their Vacancy, as men discontented, rise up in a rage, and made such havoc and spoil in the Imperial City, as greater they could not well have made had there been as yet no Emperor chosen at all; and not so contented, were now even upon the point to have rifled their new Emperor's Court, and to have laid violent hands upon the Person of himself, in revenge of the tyranny by him executed upon his Brethren and Fathers Wives (which inhuman cruelty the Turkish Emperors easily excuse by the name of the Policy of their State.) For the appeasing of which so dangerous a Tumult, Mahomet called unto him certain of the chief men among the Seditious, such as were thought to be able to do most with them, whom he sought by fair persuasions and large promises to win unto him, and by them to pacify the rest. Which served him to little or no purpose, until such time as the great Bassa's themselves came out with their followers; who, with many fair persuasions, mixed with most grievous threats, and firm promise of a general pardon, year 1595 with much ado appeased the Tumult; yet for the more safety, kept all the chief Streets of the City with strong Watch and Ward. 
The Tumult appeased.  This Broil thus overblown, a new Tent was by the Commandment of the new Emperor set up before the Temple of Sophia; wherein, on the right hand was placed the dead Body of the late Sultan Amurath, his Father, and on the lefthand the Bodies of his nineteen strangled Brethren, laid forth of purpose, as an heavy Spectacle for the People to behold; who all, not long after were, together with their Father, with great Solemnity, after the Turkish manner buried; and Mahomet himself (being about nine and twenty years old) now openly proclaimed great Emperor of the Turks, and Lord of all, from the rising of the Sun, to the going down of the same. After that, returning to his Palace, he made unto his Bassas, and other great men, a sumptuous and Royal Feast, as the manner was; but whilst they were in the midst of their Mirth, 
The janissaries again in an uproar.  upon the sudden all the City was again in an uproar, and the People in Arms, in such sort, as that it was thought scarce one man would have escaped alive from that Banquet, had not the chief Bassa with his Gravity and Wisdom, and wonderful Labour, in good time appeased their Fury; and withal, to their greater Terror, caused all the great Ordnance in the City to be brought forth into the Streets ready charged, to be shot off amongst them.  
Whilst these Troubles thus passed at Constantinople, 
Divers fortunate Roads made by the Christians upon the Turks.  upon the late Confederation made between the Emperor, the Transylvanian Prince, the Null, and Moldavians, divers fortunate Inroads and Skirmishes were by them made in the Frontiers of the Turks Dominions, many strong Places were surprised, many rich Boo●ies taken, and notable Exploits done, which we will briefly pass over, as the Precedents of a greater War. The City of Weitze, before taken by the Turks, was now again in the beginning of this year recovered; and the Christians about Scuthia, in number about four thousand, breaking into the Turks Frontiers, carried away an exceeding rich Prey, with divers notable Captives. The like did also the Christians of Vivaria; at which time also the Garrison Soldiers of Altenburg, making a Road into the Country about Rab, encountered with four thousand Turks, of whom they slew two hundred, took certain Prisoners, whom they sent, some to Presburg, some to Altenburg; and Sinan Bassa, the late General, returning towards Constantinople with much Treasure, which he had greedily scraped together in the late Wars in Hungary, was by the Null set upon by the way not far from Belgrade, and stripped of all that he had, having much ado to escape himself with some few of his Followers. The same Null, together with the Transilvanians, under the conduct of their valiant Captain, Gestius Ferens, entering further upon the Turks, took from them divers of their Towns and Castles, as Pondesie, Nicoplise, Killa, and Rebnichi; and meeting with twelve thousand Tartars, slew a great number of them, and put the rest to flight. With this Insolency of the Null, his late Tributaries, but now his Enemies, the Turkish Emperor was highly offended; and therefore sent one Bogdanus, a Valachian born, descended of the Palatines House, with a great Power, to expulse the old Vayvod▪ and to possess himself of that Honour, as his Tributary; promising unto him all favour and kindness. Bogdanus, thus supported and furnished, came with his power into Valachia, yet thought it best before he attempted any great matter, to expect the coming of the Tartars, left the last year in Hungary by Sinan; of whose coming the Null and Transilvanians having understanding, met them by the way; and joining Battle with them, slew eight thousand of them, put the rest to flight, and so returned: unto whom, presently after this Victory, the Transylvanian Prince sent fourteen thousand Soldiers more to aid them against the Turks. But Bogdanus understanding both of the Overthrow of the Tartars, and the coming of this new Supply, durst not proceed any farther in his Enterprise, but kept himself still in his Trenches. Not long after, by the Commandment of the Turkish Emperor, Han the Crim Tartar, with a great power of his Tartarian Horsemen, entered into Moldavia, with purpose to have by Fire and Sword reduced that Country again unto the Turks Obeisance: of whose coming, Aaron Vayvod of Moldavia having knowledge, and aided by his Neighbour Michael Vayvod of Valachia, so belayed the Tartars, that he in three divers Battles overthrew them; and having slain twelve thousand of them, enforced the rest to retire again out of his Country: and following the course of this Victory, presently after took Bendar, Schinitz, Tigna, Mechnis, with some other Castles and Fortresses of the Turks, near unto the River of Dan●bius; all which he furnished with his own Garrisons; and withal, took in the rich Country of Bobraga, the Inhabitants thereof willingly submiting themselves unto him, as men weary of the Turkish Thraldom. With like good fortune, aided by the Polonian Cossacks, he overthrew janicula, the Son of Bogdanus, sometime Vayvod of Moldavia, now sent by Mahomet with a great Power, as a most fit Instrument to trouble the Vayvod, and to recover again that Country: with whom Aaron courageously encountering at Scarpetra, a mile from Danubius, overthrew him in plain Battle; and having slain eight thousand of his Turks, put him to flight, and took the spoil of his whole Camp. Neither yet so contented, marched presently to Nester Alba, where he put the Turks in a great fear, and afterwards burned the Suburbs of the City, and so retired.  
How Amurath, the late Sultan, in the beginning of these Troubles, had at Constantinople shut up in Prison Frederick Krecowitz, the Emperor's Ambassador, is before declared. This Ambassador Sinan Bassa brought with him the last year, when he came into Hungary; who, after many Indignities by him suffered, 
The Emperor's Ambassador dieth in Prison at Belgrade.  both upon the way and at Belgrade, there died; five of whose Servants the false Bassa caused to be kept in strait Prison, as guilty of their Master's Death; so to avert the Infamy thereof from himself. But now lying himself at Belgrade for the better managing of this years' Wars, upon the coming of a new Treasurer from the Court, he caused the five poor Prisoners to be brought before him, and most impudently charged them with the Death of their Master; saying, that they should answer for the same unto God and their Emperor; and that his purpose in bringing of him from Constantinople, was to no other end, but to have used his help in concluding a Peace between the Great Sultan and the Emperor, and so to have set him, with all his, at liberty: but now that he was dead, he would send them his treacherous Servants to the Emperor, to be by him examined; and withal to tell him, That he was sent from the Great Sultan (whose Power was not by any but God only to be withstood) to besiege Vienna, which he could (as he said) the last year have taken with less labour than he had done Rab; and that therefore it were best for him betime to seek for Peace, before so great a Power had taken the Field: and that for farther Instructions, he would refer them to his Son; the Bassa of Buda, to whom he sent them from Belgrade, together with the new-come Treasurer. Being come to Buda, they were forthwith brought before the Bassa, and amongst them the late Ambassador's Secretary, unto whom, after he had said somewhat of the hard dealing with the Ambassador and his Followers, he declared, That he had always disliked of that manner of proceeding, and oftentimes entreated his Father for their Liberty, and now at last to have obtained, That the Ambassador being dead, his Servants might be set free; and so put them in good hope, that they should in short time be restored to their wont Liberty: in the mean time, that one of them should go unto the Emperor's Court, and there speak with one of his Secretaries, whom he had before advised to bethink himself of Peace; unto whom also he afterwards writ, upon what Conditions he thought Peace might be at the Sultan's hand obtained. Which were, If all the Castles and Strong-holds, taken by the Emperor's Forces in these Wars, as Filek, Setchine, and Novigrade, with their Territories, should be restored, Siseg in Croatia surrendered; if the Emperor should from thenceforth refuse to aid or protect the Transilvanians, Moldavians, and Null, and leave them to the Great Sultan to be chastised as Rebels; if finally, the Emperor would at once send unto the Turks Court his wont Tribute for the years past, and so yearly afterwards: so he could be content, by the mediation of his Father, to attempt to appease the fierce and inveterate Displeasure of the Sultan, and to further the Treaty of Peace. This he commanded the Secretary to write, and to send it by the young Lord Perling, and to require Answer thereof: yet that he should go with this Condition, That if the said Perling within the space of five and twenty days returned not with Answer, all the rest should, for his default, lose their Heads. A subtle Device, and full of deceit, wherein the crafty Bassas, both the Father and the Son, sought for nothing else but to see what confidence the Christians had in themselves, and to break the Confederation made between the Emperor, the Transilvanians, Moldavians, and Null; and that other Princes, whom God had stirred up in defence of so just a cause, hearing of a rumour of Peace, might grow cold, and defer to send their promised Aid. For now the Turks had found by experience, how hurtful and dangerous the Revolt of the three Countries of Transilvania, Moldavia, and Valachia was unto them, as they which brought ten hundred thousand ducats yearly into the Great Sultan's Treasury: besides that, those People, now become their Enemies, were of all other fittest to intercept all manner of Provision to be brought by Land either to or from Constantinople, were it Victual, or other warlike Provision. Notwithstanding this motion of Peace made by the two Bassas, Sinan, the old Bassa in the mean time, with great Diligence at Belgrade, prepared all things necessary for War, and caused three Bridges to be made, whereby he might in divers Places, as he thought best, transport his Army over Danubius; and at the same time sent for the Garrisons round about, and other Soldiers before billeted in the Country, and put in readiness all things necessary for a most mortal War.  

The Bassas subtle demands answered with like.  Within the appointed time came Perling from the Emperor's Court, with answer to the Letters written by the Ambassadors Secretary, at the Commandment of the Bassa; the effect whereof was, that he had received his Letters by Perling, and did thereby understand what had passed between the captive Servants of the late Ambassador, and Sinan Bassa at Belgrade, and also between them and Sinan Bassa's Son at Buda; and that the Emperor's Mind was never other, but that a firm Peace might have been made between him and the Sultan; and that the Emperor had done nothing else by his Ambassador at Constantinople, or by others in other Places, but that such reasonable Conditions might have been found out, as might have ended those Wars, and have on both sides delivered their innocent Subjects from their great and daily Calamities; which might easily have been done, if Sinan, the Author and Fautor of this War, had with like desire furthered the Peace. But that it was manifest unto the whole World, that all Complaints of infinite Grievances, being by the Ambassador, yea, and by the Emperor himself, by his Letters laid open unto the Sultan and his chief Bassas, had not only nothing prevailed, but also to have been with great Contempt rejected, and the Treaty of Peace once begun, to have by the Insolency of the Bassa of Bosna, been interrupted; That the Emperor, because the matter should not break out into open War, had sent his double Tribute into the Confines of Hungary, which was a great while laid up at Comara, until the Sultan's Mind was known. But when all his Designs tended to War, and the Christian Provinces were by his Robbers on every side spoiled, the Inhabitants led away into most miserable Captivity, the Towns and Villages burnt, yea, whole Countries laid desolate, and all manner of Outrages were upon a mere Pride and Contempt, as it were of the whole World, exercised; then the Emperor to have taken his Refuge unto the defence of his just cause, and to have used such Remedies as are both before God and the World to be allowed, and so by lawful War to have repulsed War. And that altho' all had not the last year prospered in his hand, but that he had received some loss; yet that Sinan Bassa himself▪ and the Bassa of Buda, his Son, with other of the wiser sort of the Turks, must needs confess that to have chanced, not by their Wisdom, Policy, or Power, but by the Sufferance of God, by a rare Misfortune, through the inexcusable Negligence and Treason of such as he had put in trust with the Confines of his Empire, worthy most severe Chastisement. And that no man could deny, but that great Powers of the Turks, had not once, but oftentimes been overthrown and discomfited, by small handfuls of the Christians; therefore their Power not to be so invincible, as they vainly vaunted of. But whereas it is written, that the great Visier Sinan, and the Bassa his Son, are of Opinion, that the Emperor is brought to so low an ebb, that he must be glad to accept of most hard and dishonourable Conditions of Peace propounded by them; therein they err much, and deceive themselves far; for by the Power of God they should shortly by Experience know, that his Imperial Majesty wanteth neither Power nor Wealth, to repair the loss received through the Treason of them he trusted, yea, and to recover whatsoever else he had lost; and that it should in short time be witnessed unto the whole World, by the help of God, and the defence of a most just Cause, that the Emperor was not so poor and weak as they supposed him to be. Yet, as he of his own natural Goodness and Clemency, with his own incomparable loss and harm, had always sought for the Quiet and Profit of his Subjects, and to the uttermost of his Power, stayed the effusion of innocent Blood; so now also forgetting all Injuries, he could happily be content to think of an honourable Peace; whereunto he was more inclined than to protract the War with the unspeakable harms of the Subjects on both sides. Yet above all things, it behoved Sinan to know, that he was to restore all such Castles and Towns as have in this War been taken by the Turks, beginning at Wihitz in Croatia, even to the last innocent Subject by them carried away into Captivity. And that the Transilvanians, Moldavians, and Null, (People many Ages joined and united as inseparable Members to the Kingdom of Hungary, as unto the true Body, and now of late by the Practice and Treachery of certain rebellious Persons separated from the same) were from henceforth to be left under the Protection and Government of his Imperial Majesty, and never more to be impugned by the Turks. If these things were done, and order taken that the Injury and Disgrace done unto the Emperor's late Ambassador (a Fact that all the Princes of the World cried shame of) might not remain unpunished; and that his Servants in durance at Buda and Constantinople, might be restored unto their wont Liberty, than some good form of Peace, and bounding of their Territories, might happily be agreed upon; without which Conditions, all talk of Peace was but vain; for that God, the just and mighty Protector of such as put their Trust in him, would not fail to help his Imperial Majesty, with the rest of the Confederate Princes, in their so just a quarrel, and abate the Pride of such as trust in their own Strength and Power.  
This answer the Captives at Buda were commanded to give unto the Bassa, either by Writing or by word of Mouth; and withal, earnestly to request him, both for their own Liberty and their Fellows, wrongfully detained at Constantinople. Which if it could not be obtained, yet to comfort themselves with that, that they should in bounteous manner receive from the Emperor such allowance, as should suffice to provide them things necessary; as he had granted to Perling, whom he might have justy detained, and not sent him back again, but for his Oaths sake, being no lawful Prisoner. Thus were the unreasonable Conditions of Peace, craftily by the Bassa propounded, by others answered; but by whom he knew not, no Man's Name being set thereunto.  
The Emperor, not ignorant with what an Enemy he had to do, and of nothing more careful than of the Kingdom (or more truly to say, of the Relics of the Kingdom) of Hungary, lying now as it were in the Lion's Mouth, ceased not to pray Aid, not of the Prince's Electors only, but of others also farther off; yea, even as far as Italy and Spain, but especially of the King of Polonia, as his near Alliance and Neighbour. Unto whom both he and the States of Hungary sent their Ambassadors, at such time as he, moved with the daily Incursions of the Turks and Tartars into the Country's adjoining upon his, had ●or the safety of his own Kingdom, called a Parliament of all his States in February last at Cracovia. Whereof Mahomet, the great Turk, hearing, sent also two of his chief Chiaus, his usual Ambassadors, unto the King and his States so assembled, to crave his Aid in his Wars in Hungary; which if the King should not refuse, then to promise him to want no Coin to pay his Soldiers; and that Mahomet, mindful of so great a courtesy, would at all times be ready to requite him with like, when his Occasions should require. These Ambassadors, 
The Turks Ambassadors sent unto the Polonian King slain in Valachia.  having obtained safe conduct from Michael the Vayvod of Valachia, for their Passage through his Country, coming thither, were by the Vayvod himself honourably entertained and welcomed, and so brought into a fair Lodging, where they discoursed with him of many matters. But the Vayvod's Followers, grieved to see so great Honour done to these their sworn and mortal Enemies, with Weapons in their hands broke into the Room where the Ambassadors were, and without more ado slew them both; and in the same Fury setting upon the rest of the Turks their Followers, cut them all in pieces, so that of them none came into Polonia to do their great Master's Message, neither yet returned to Constantinople to carry news of the rest, but there altogether perished. Of which Outrage Mahomet yet understanding, was therewith wonderfully enraged, threatening all Evils both to the Moldavians and Null, and forthwith sent out other Ambassadors to the same purpose, who with better Fortune afterwards in safety arrived in Polonia.  
The Tartars in many places (as is before declared) overthrown, and many strong Castles and Forts taken from the Turks by the Transilvanians, Null, and Moldavians, the Turkish Affairs going to wrack in those Quarters, and sore shaken on that side of Hungary; Mahomet, the Turkish Emperor, called home to the Court Sinan Bassa, his General in Hungary, to confer with him (as it was thought) of some great matters. In whose place he sent Ferat Bassa, he who sometime had the leading of Amurath's great Armies against the Persians; who now departing from Constantinople, came to Belgrade in April, and there took the charge upon him. Where, at his first coming, in the night time all the Ropes and Cords of the Tents were suddenly cut in sunder, and so the Tent let fall about his Ears: which some supposed to have been done to his Disgrace, by the procurement of Cicala Bassa, before by him wronged; or, as others thought, by the insolent Janissaries, who disliking of him, did it in despite, wishing rather to have been led by Mahomet himself. Now at his coming, the Famine which the last year began amongst the Turks was grown exceeding great, 
The Plague and Famine among the Turks.  not at Buda and Belgrade only, but even generally in most places of Hungary possessed by the Turks; insomuch, that the Tartar Women that followed the Camp were fain to roast their own Children, and eat them. This Famine was also accompanied with a most terrible Plague, whereof great numbers of the Turks and Tartars died daily: so that of fourscore five thousand Tartars, which came the last year into Hungary, now remained scarce eight thousand, the rest being all devoured with the Sword, Famine, and Pestilence.  
Great were the harms the Turks still daily received from the late revolted Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, the Christians of those Places seeking by all means to annoy them. Michael Vayvod of Valachia, 
Michael Vayv●d of Valachia doth the Turk● great harm.  not contented with that he had already done, but entering into the Turks Frontiers, surprised Scihmele, together with the Castle; wherein he found fourteen field pieces, amongst which were two which had upon them the Arms of the Emperor Ferdinand, and other two having upon them the Arms of Huniades; which Pieces he afterwards sent as a Present to the Transylvanian Prince. After that, he took Orosige, a famous Port-Town, the dwelling place of the Turks great Purveyor for Butter, Cheese, and Honey, and such other Provision for the Court, wherein he found such store of the aforesaid Provision, as might well have sufficed eight thousand men for a whole year; and still prosecuting his good Fortune, took from the Turks Kilec and Galempe, with the strong Castle of S. George, commonly called Grigio, and at length besieged Laganoc.  
With the beginning of the Spring came Mathias, the Archduke, and General of the Christian Army, from the Assembly of the Nobility of Hungary at Presburg, to Vienna, and so from thence to the Emperor his Brother at Prague; who appointed him General of the lower Hungary, and Maximilian his Brother General of the upper Country; giving them for their Lieutenants, unto Maximilian the Lord Teuffenbach, and to Mathias the County Charles Mansfelt, by him sent for out of Flanders, and after created one of the Princes of the Empire. john de Medici's; who was yet in Hungary, he made Master of the great Ordnance, with charge to fortify Komara; which he so well performed, as that it was thought nothing in strength inferior to Rab. All this while the Emperor ceased not, by his Ambassadors and Letters, to solicit the Christian Princes, for the repressing of the common Enemy to put to their helping hands; and so much prevailed with them, that out of his own hereditary Provinces, and from other Princes his Friends, he had this Spring raised a right puissant and strong Army for the defence of Hungary; 
The notable Army of the Christians, and from whence it was raised.  which how it was raised, and from whom, it shall not be much from our purpose briefly to remember, as the chief strength, under God, whereby the Christian Commonweal was this year most notably defended. Out of the higher Saxony came a thousand two hundred Horsemen, and out of the lower Saxony six hundred; from Franconia a thousand Horsemen; from Suevia four thousand Footmen; out of the County of Tirol, as many; from Bavaria three thousand; out of Bohemia two thousand men at Arms, six hundred light Horsemen, and six thousand Footmen; from Silesia a thousand five hundred Horsemen; from Lusatia five hundred Horse and a thousand Foot; from Moravia a thousand Horse, and two thousand Foot; out of Austria two thousand Horse and six thousand Foot; from Hungary five hundred Horsemen and a thousand Foot: from the Nobility of Suevia and Franconia four thousand Foot; from the King of Spain out of the Low-Countries, under the Conduct of Charles County Mansfelt, two thousand Horsemen and six thousand Foot; unto these the Bishop of Rome added two thousand Horsemen and eight thousand Foot; the great Duke of Florence sent five hundred Horse and three thousand Foot; the Duke of Ferrara a thousand five hundred Footmen; the Duke of Mantua a thousand Foot; and the Duke Venturee five hundred Horse. All which being put together, fill up the number of fifteen thousand nine hundred Horsemen, and fifty thousand five hundred Foot. Which notable Army, raised from the power of divers Christian Princes, and conducted by worthy Chiestains, had, by the goodness of God, much better Success this Summer against the ancient Enemies of Christendom, than had the like Army the Year before, as in the process of this History shall appear.  
Among the worthy Commanders that were in this puissant Army, Charles' County Mansfelt, the Son of Peter Ernestus the old County, from his Youth brought up in Arms, was by the King of Spain, at the request of the Emperor, sent with the aforesaid Forces of two thousand Horse, and six thousand Foot out of the Low-Countries, as a Man for his approved Valour and Direction, fit to manage these dangerous Wars against the Turk under Mathias the Archduke, as his Lieutenant-General; who having raised the appointed Forces, for most part Walloons, departed from Brussels, about the midst of February; and by the way taking his leave of his aged Father at Luxenburg, and travelling through Germany, came in March to Prague, where he was by the Emperor, and the Archduke his Brother, most honourably entertained, and shortly after, with great Solemnity, created one of the Princes of the Empire. His Forces following after him, were by the way stayed, partly by the Inundation of Waters (the Rivers they were to pass over at that time rising to an unwonted height) partly by the Jealousy of some of the Germane Princes, who denied them Passage through their Territories, until such time as that the Emperor, by his Letters, had opened unto him the way; which Princes, for all that, stood upon their guard, and so gave him Passage.  
Now ran great Rumours of the wonderful Preparations of the Turks, as also of the Christians; Fame, after her wont manner, increasing the report of all things above measure: which caused the Turks, with exceeding care, to look to the Fortification of their frontier Towns, especially of Rab and Strigonium; as did the Christians to the Fortification of Komara and Altenburg. In the mean time, many hot Skirmishes passed between the Christians and the Turks, especially in the late revolted Countries of Transilvania and Valachia, wherein the Turks were still put to the worse, to the great discontentment of their Emperor. Near unto Temeswar the Bassa of Buda was overthrown by the valiant Captain Gestius Ferentz, and the Transilvanians. 
Ferat Bassa overthrown in Valachia.  And in Valachia, the Turks General entering with a great Army, was there also, by the Lord Nadasti and the Null, aided with the Transilvanians, in a great Battle discomfited and overthrown. Eight thousand of the Turks heads, in token of this Victory, the Lord Nadasti sent to Alba-Iulia to the Transylvanian Prince, and certain Ensigns, amongst which, one was most richly garnished with precious Stones and Pearl, thought to be worth thirty thousand Dollars; which the Prince afterward restored again to Nadasti, offering him great Possessions in Transilvania, if he could have been content there to have seated himself.  
All this Spring the Turks countenanced their Wars with greater Boasts and Threats than true force, giving it out, That they would in short time work Wonders both by Sea and Land. For the more credit whereof, Murat Rays, a notable Pirate, was sent out with twelve Galleys, who landing here and there upon the Coasts of Italy, did much harm; causing it to be reported in every place where he landed, That this was but the beginning of a greater War, and that a wonderful Fleet was to follow him: which raised a great fear, as well in other places as in Italy. Howbeit, no such Fleet afterwards appeared; for why, the Turkish Emperor, much troubled with the Revolt of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, and the great Mortality then raging both among his Soldiers and their Horses, was not at leisure to look into the Sea, having his hands full enough with the Troubles of Hungary, where his men of War enjoyed little rest in the Frontiers of his Territories.  
Sigismond, the Transylvanian Prince, had, upon some just causes, of late suspected Aaron the Vayvod of Moldavia, to have Intelligence not only with the Polonians, but also with the Cardinal Bator, and other his mortal Enemies, and secretly to have been about to make his Peace with Mahomet, and so again to fall off from him unto the Turk: which vehement Suspicion growing daily more and more, was about this time manifestly confirmed by certain Letters intercepted concerning that matter. For the preventing whereof, the Prince caused Aaron to be apprehended, and with his Wife and Son to be sent as Prisoners to Prague; in whose Room, he, by the consent of the Nobility of the Country, placed one Stephen Rozwan, a wise and discreet man amongst them, and such an one as had been always faithful unto him: so, as much as in him was, providing that that Country should not be rend from him, and the Union of the other. But against the secret Practices of the Polonians, he protested openly, by Letters unto the Emperor, by the Power of God, and Aid of his faithful Subjects, to redress those so great Injuries himself by the Sword.  
In the midst of these Troubles came three Chiaus, Ambassadors from the Turkish Sultan, 
Mahomet sendeth Ambassadors to the Prince of Transilvania.  unto the Prince, to persuade him again to put himself into his Protection, and to give him Passage through his Country, as in former time, into Hungary; promising him, that all the Injuries done by him or his People, should be for ever forgotten and forgiven; and that he should have those three Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, as his own free Inheritance, without paying any Tribute; and so to be accounted as the Turk's most loving Friend and Vassal. What the Prince answered thereunto was not known; but by his doings afterwards it was easily to be gathered, that he harkened not unto the deceitful Charms of the faithless Tyrant, trusting more unto the League he had with the Christian Emperor. These Ambassadors were scarce gone, but that a secret Messenger came with Letters from the chief of the Christians in Bulgaria to the Prince, declaring unto him, That if he did with any good Success prosecute his Wars, they would be ready to follow his Fortune, and to join hands with him against the cruel Tyrant, and to shut up all the Passages that way into Valachia, Moldavia, and Hungary.  
Whilst these troublesome times thus passed in Transilvania and Hungary, one of the old Janissaries, called Wasvode Giezi, an old Soldier, but a confident bold spoken Fellow, moved, as should seem with the Discontentment's of the time, came unto Mahomet the Great Sultan, at Constantinople, and there openly set upon him with this rough and abrupt Speech: HOW long at last, most mighty Emperor, 
The presumptuous Speech of one Wasvode, an old Janisary, to Mahomet the Great Sultan.  wilt thou endure thyself to be seduced and blinded by the great Bassas of thy Court, and Commanders of thine Armies? How long wilt thou suffer thyself to be deceived, to the great danger of thyself, and hurt of thy Subjects? Seest thou not how overthwartly, fraudulently, and cunningly, they, moved only with their own covetous and ambitious Humour, have hitherto dealt with thee and thy Father? especially in that, that persuaded by them, thou hast dishonourably broken thy League, and taken up Arms against the Christian Emperor. At length open thine eyes and see their deceit, and how much they abuse thy Power. Sinan Bassa, who must have himself honoured and exalted above all others, hath not by strong hand honourably won Rab, as hath been the manner of thine Ancestors, but hath craftily bought it with thy money, and thereby cast thee into a most dangerous War and infinite Troubles. O Rab, Rab! now the cause of great triumph and rejoicing, as if thereby all Christendom should in short time be subdued to thy Sceptre. But thou art therein much deceived▪ thy Barns, thy Storehouses, as are Transilvania, Valachia, Moldavia, Bulgaria, and other Provinces adjoining, from whence, this thy Imperial City of Constantinople, with the Country about it, thy Court, yea thyself are to be relieved, are by this War shut up; so that down the River of Danubius out of the West, or by the Euxine out of the East, thou art not able to look for any Provision. From whence then, O most mighty Emperor, wilt thou maintain thyself, thy Court, this populous City, and the Country hereabout? Not to speak in the mean time of thy mighty Army now in Hungary, Flesh, Fish, Corn, all manner of Victual, are now at such a price, that the common Soldier cannot buy them. In this extreme dearth of all things, not men only, but even the very Beasts and cattle, starve for Hunger. Thy Horses go fat perhaps into Hungary, but neither thou, nor thy select Soldiers, can live by Grass and Weeds, all that is left in that Country. This Misery and Calamity of thy People thou seest daily, and yet thou wilt not with sound judgement lift up thine eyes, to see from whence these harms come, and how that they by thee put in greatest trust, study not for thy Profit, or the profit of the Commonweal, but only how by all means to enrich themselves.  
Mahomet, much moved with the confident Speech of the old Janisary, commanded him to be forthwith committed to Ward, and by fair means to be examined, by whose setting on, and for what Cause, he had so boldly uttered this rude Speech unto his Sovereign, and what further thing he had intended: but the rest of the Janissaries hearing thereof, rise presently in a Tumult, and by strong hand took him out of Prison, and by solemn Oath combined themselves to defend him, even to the spending of their own Blood: whereat Mahomet was glad to wink.  
The greatest part of the Aid promised by the Christian Princes for the maintenance of this years Wars against the Turks being now come to Vienna in Austria, County Mansfelt, Lieutenant-General under the Archduke, forthwith called a Council of the Colonels, Captains, and other great Commanders of the Army, to consult with them what course to take for the beginning of this great War, as, whether they should presently lay Siege to some Town of the Enemies, or else to expect him in the plain Field, and to give him Battle. All things well considered, and that resolved upon which was thought most expedient, he removed from Vienna to Altenburg, 
The Army of the Christians mustered at Altenburg.  where he mustered his whole Army; and departing thence, with some few of his Followers came to Walkenburg, a Village upon the side of Danubius, where he made choice of a place to incamp his Army in; which after he had marked out, he returned again with speed to Altenburg, and by open Proclamation thorough the Camp, gave strait Commandment, That against a certain hour every man should be in readiness to remove and set forward toward the Enemy: but divers of the Soldiers, and especially the Germans, began forthwith, after their wont manner, to cry out for their Pay, before they would stir any farther: so that the County was glad, by a second Proclamation to command them to rise, promising them their Pay within eight days. But they still standing upon their former Resolution for their Pay, refused any farther to follow their Captains, and sent six of the best sort among those mutinous Soldiers to the County, in the Name of all the rest, to demand their Pay; whom he forthwith commanded to be all hanged: but three o● them having reasonably excused themselves, he let them go, and causing the other three to cast lots for their Lives, hanged up two of them. Which severe Execution so terrified the rest, that upon the Sign given they all rise, and with the rest of the Army followed the County. The whole Army being come to Walkenburg, unto the place where they were to encamp, the County himself, with others of the Nobility, began with Spades and Shovels to dig and cast up the Trenches, and so wrought until they sweat again; with whose Example, all the rest of the Army, of what degree soever, being moved to labour, had in a short time cast up a very great Trench from Danubius unto the Marshes, large enough for eighty thousand men to encamp in, the great Work, with restless labour, going forward both night and day until it was fully finished. The County lying thus entrenched with his Army, 
The vigilant carefulness of County Mansfield.  was still careful, by his Spials, to understand where the Enemy lay, and what he did. He was ready still to hear all, but to believe that which seemed most like to be true: what he purposed, he kept most secret, so that the Enemy could never discover any of his Designs, (wherein the Generals of late years before him had much erred;) and commonly his most certain Resolutions were shadowed under the open show of some other matter nothing meant: Security he much abhorred, as never free from danger: and although it was by divers Messengers brought unto him, That the Enemy was but of small Strength, unable to meet him, disorderly encamped, and in great distress for want of Victuals; yet would he give little credit thereunto, as knowing such Reports to have oftentimes been given out by the Turks, of purpose to lull the Christians in Security, the more easily to oppress them. The Christian Army thus strongly entrenched, and the Trenches planted with great Ordnance, the County himself, with certain Troops of Horsemen, would oftentimes show himself before Rab, and sometime before Dotis, viewing sometime the one place, and sometime the other, as if he had verily purposed to have besieged one of them: and to give the greater show that he had so determined, he caused the Ground to be marked out for his Army most conveniently to encamp in, and for the casting up of his Mounts. Which caused the Turks of Strigonium, Vesprinium, Palotta, and other Places farther off, to send part as well of their warlike Provision, as of their Garrison Soldiers, some to Rab, some to Dotis, for the defence of those Places, nearest as they thought unto danger. The County in the mean time having now put all things in readiness, came with his Army, 
Dotis besieged by the Christians.  and sat down before Dotis, demanding to have it yielded unto him. And the more to confirm the Turks that he would assuredly besiege that place, he began to cast up his Trenches, and to raise his Mounts as seemed most convenient; straight commanding every man, of what condition soever, to put his hand in some measure to the furtherance of those Works; and the more by his own Example to encourage others, would oftentimes himself carry a Faggot, or some other thing, before him upon his Horse, for the raising of the Mount. For all that, certain Hungarian Gentlemen disdaining such base labour (as they deemed it) refused to do any thing therein; which the County perceiving, straight charged one of them, by his Example, to carry a Faggot to the Mount: which the Hungarian Gentleman refusing, the County therewith much moved, laid the Faggot he was carrying himself, before the Hungarian upon his Horse, charging him to see that he carried it to the appointed place: the Hungarian disdainfully taking it, carried it until he thought he was out of the County's sight, and then in scorn threw it down; which the County (having still an eye after him, perceiving, commanded him to be taken, and all armed as he rid, to be presently hanged upon the next Tree for his Obstinacy. Which wholesome severity, both then and afterwards, caused others more diligently to do what they were commanded by their Superiors.  
It happened about this time, 
An obstinate Turk.  that three Turks being taken Prisoners, were brought into the Camp; whom the County straight examined of many matters. But the first of the three could neither by fair or foul means be induced to answer to any thing that he was asked; and was therefore, by the Commandment of the County, in the sight of the other two, cut into small pieces. Who terrified with his dismembering, confessed many things whereof they were asked; and among others, That the Turkish Sultan had determined to turn his greatest Forces into Transilvania, Moldavia, and the upper part of Hungary; and therefore would this Summer send small Forces, or else none at all into those quarters.  
Now was Dotis so belayed by the County, as that no man doubted but that he had thereon purposed to have engaged his whole Forces, when suddenly, the last of june, commandment was given through the Camp, That every man upon sign given, should be in readiness to follow his Leaders, for that the County had determined forthwith to remove; yet whither the Army was to be removed, few or none knew, more than certain of the chief Commanders. As for to go to Strigonium, few there were that so much as dreamt thereof, all was kept so secret; yet was it the Counties purpose, even from the beginning, to attempt the winning of that City, which the Archduke had in vain the last year besieged. The next Night, being both dark and foul, 
County Mansfield removed with the Army from Dotis to Strigonium.  the County rise with all his Army, and the next day, being the first of july, came to Strigonium, they of the City not hearing of his coming, before they saw him under their Walls. Wherefore the Turks in the Suburbs, called the Rascian City, and they in the Fort under St. Thomas Hill, despairing of the keeping of those Places, setting fire on the Houses, and defacing the Fort, so much as in that sudden fear they possibly could, fled into the lower Town. The next day the County without resistance took the foresaid Places forsaken by the Turks, which he manned with certain Companies of Walloons, and made a Bridge of Boats over Danubius, cast up certain Mounts, and did many other things for the furtherance of the Siege. In three days he had again repaired the Fort under St. Thomas Hill, abandoned by the Turks, and therein placed four great pieces of Artillery, wherewith he began to batter the lower Town, and in other Places to straiten the besieged more than they had been the year before. The Bassa of Buda, not ignorant of the want both of Men and Munition in the besieged City, (and the rather, for that they had but a little before sent part of their Garrison with Shot and Powder to Rab and Dotis) attempted thrice (as he did many times after during the time of the siege) to have by the River put new Supplies both of Men and Munition into the City; but was still, by the Diligence of the Christians excluded, and enforced with loss to return. In short time, the lower Town, which they call Wasserstat, or the Water-town, was with continual battery sore beaten, so that scarcely any House or Building was left whole; and a Counterscarf, made the last year, beaten down. Whereunto certain Walloons were sent, 
The Christians repulsed.  only to have viewed the breadth and manner of the Ditches; after whom certain Companies of the Hungarian Heidons presently followed, without any Command of their Captains; who with great Courage got to the top of another high Counterscarf, and there set up some of their Ensigns. Which the Turks beholding, and coming on close together, by plain force enforced them with loss to retire. Among these Hungarians were divers also of the Walloons slain, with some others of good Name and Place, to the great Grief of the County, being not a little offended with that disordered Service; yet Day and Night the Battery ceased not, and the Christians out of their Trenches with their Musquet-shot slew many of the Turks upon the Walls, receiving little or no hurt again, the Turks still shooting sparingly, for fear of wanting Shot and Powder at their greater need; yet that they spent they bestowed so well, that amongst others they had slain four of the Christian Cannoneers, and one Wallon Captain. About the midst of july, the County with continual battery had made the Water-town (as he thought) assaultable; and therefore sent certain Companies to begin the assault; who having passed the Counterscarf, found the Ditch full of deep Mud, and but newly cut broader certain paces by the Turks, so that it was thought scarce possible to be passed without a Bridge; behind which Ditch was an high Wall with strong Bulwarks, and within all this was another new cast Ditch, and upon the very brink thereof a thick and high Parapet; all which, for all that, certain Companies of Walloons, with great Labour and Danger adventured to pass; but such was the Valour of the Defendants, and the small number of them that came on to the assault, with the Disadvantage of the Place wherein they stood, that at length they were glad to retire with the loss of many of their Fellows. The Christians in the beginning of this Siege had taken a little Island in the River before the City, which was kept with some few Companies of the Lord Palfi's Heidons; whereof the Turks having Intelligence at Buda, with three Galleys and certain other Vessels, landed in the Island 3000 Soldiers, which slew the Heidons, unto whom no Succour could be suddenly sent, and so recovered again the Island; wherein they left a sufficient Garrison for the keeping thereof, furnished with all things necessary, and so departed.  
About three days after the former assault, the Christians, in hope of better Success, the second time assaulted the Water-town, in which assault the chief Leaders were the Lord Greis and Anthony Zinne, a famous Captain, had he not stained his Honour with County Hardeck at Rab; but being pardoned by the Emperor, did now, together with the rest appointed to that Service, most courageously assault the Breach, but were again by the Turks notably repulsed, and enforced at last to give over the assault, and so to retire with the loss of 150 men; among whom Zinne himself was slain, with one Captain Ruger, and some of the Counties own Guard; the Lord Greis was wounded in the Head, and the younger Lord Schuendi, with divers other Captains, grievously hurt. The next day after, 600 of the Mountain People came into the Camp unto the County, with Supplications, to request him, Not to give over the siege until he had won the City; promising him in the Name of those Towns and Villages from whence they were sent, of their own Charges to repair for him what harm soever he should do in the City for the taking thereof, yea, though he should lay it even with the Ground: for why, the Harms they daily received from the Garrison of that City were wonderful.  
At the same time also he was advertised by his Spials (of whom he maintained many for the Discovery of the Enemies doings) that Mahomet the Turkish Sultan had writ unto the Bassa of Buda, 
Mahomet careful of Strigonium.  carefully to provide that his beloved City of Strigonium took no harm, and not to spare either for Men or Money in time to relieve it; and therein to do nothing without the Advice and good liking of his old and faithful Servant Alis Beg, who of long time had governed, and also defended that City; and to the intent that nothing should be wanting for the performance hereof, that he had sent Alexander Aga of the janissaries from the Court, (whose Service he might ill have spared) whose approved Counsel and Help he might also use in all things; for that he had rather lose some other whole Kingdom, than that one City; And that therefore he should beware that it were not won by the Enemy, or by any Composition yielded; wherein if he failed, he threatened unto him his heavy displeasure, not to be appeased without the price of his Head. Which so severe a Commandment of the great Sultan's, the Bassa sent to them of Strigonium; with most grievous threats from himself, if they, terrified with any Battery, undermining, or assault, should yield the City, and not hold it out as became valiant Soldiers, unto the last man; swearing to impale them all upon Stakes that should consent to the yielding up thereof. The old Governor Alis Beg having received this so straight a Command from him that was both able and like enough to perform what he had threatened; utterly to deter the Soldiers from once thinking of yielding, caused diligent Enquiry to be made throughout the Garrison, if any of them had at any time made any motion of yielding up the City, or otherwise murmured against their Captains or Commanders appointing them to any Service; and such as he found to have so done he, to the terror of others, caused to be presently executed; and after that, went down himself into the lower Town, to see that nothing were there wanting or amiss, where most danger was. But when he would have again returned into the upper Town, he was stayed by the Janissaries, who told him, That seeing he was of so valiant and courageous a mind, and their Governor, he should there stay with them, and take such part as they did, were it better or worse; and so would he, or would he not, there needs stay he must.  
Now the Bassas of Buda and Temesware, with divers Sanzackes, as well of those parts of Hungary which the Turks possessed, as other places, were assembling their forces for the relief of the besieged in Strigonium: whereof the Transylvanian Prince hearing, made show as if he would forthwith have besieged Temesware; so that the Bassa thereof leaving the intended Expedition for Strigonium, was glad to return for the defence of his own Charge. They also of Stiria, Carinthia, and Croatia, with the Troops of County Serinus, had so stopped all the Passages, that twelve thousand Turks, which were coming from Zigeth, and the places thereabout, could by no means come to join themselves with their Fellows for the relief of the distressed City.  
The County leaving nothing unattempted or undone that might help for the gaining of Strigonium, 
The higher City of Strigonium battered by the Christians.  had made a notable Fort upon S. Thomas Hill, and therein placed five great Culverins; wherewith he furiously battered the higher City, and did therein great harm; and thereby also brought to pass, that no man could go up or down the Hill betwixt the upper Town and the lower, but he was in danger to be fetched off with those Pieces, or the Musquetiers; who, defended by those great Pieces, lay upon the side of the Hill in Caves and Bushes, awaiting for such as should go up or down betwixt the two Towns. Thus the Christians at one time battered the upper Town, the lower Town, and the strong Town and Fort of Gokara, standing on the farther side of Danubius over against Strigonium, besieged by the Lord Palfi. But of all these Places, Gokara was with the fury of the great Ordnance most shaken; which the County perceiving, caused the Battery to be increased, and so continued until he had beaten down the Counterscarf, and made certain fair breaches in the Wall. Whereunto the Moravians (unto whose Lot it fell) the one and twentieth of july gave an Assault in five divers places, whom the Lord Palfi seconded with his Hungarians, of whom certain were of purpose appointed, besides their Arms, to bring things with them for the firing of the Town; which they in the time of the Assault found means so well to bestow, that in a while the Town was all on a light Fire. 
Gokara taken by the Christians.  The Turks at first made notable Resistance, but finding themselves over-pressed, and seeing the Town now on a fire about their ears, which with the Wind so increased, that it caught hold of the lower Town on the other side of the River; they retired to the Riverside, where some of them by Boats got over to Strigonium, other some perished in the River, the rest, falling into the hands of the Christians, were by them all put to the Sword. Gokara thus taken, and the fire quenched, the Christians repairing the Breaches, and storing it with all warlike Provision, left in it a strong Garrison. Within a night or two after, were two hundred of the Turks Horsemen descried in a Field fast by, which caused an Alarm to be raised in the Camp, as if the whole Army of the Turks had been at hand; howbeit, those Horsemen retiring, and no other appearing, it was afterwards known, that they were only Scouts sent out by the Turks to take view of the Army of the Christians, in what sort they lay encamped.  
The latter end of this Month it fortuned, that a young country fellow, secretly sent out of the City by the Governor, and falling into the hands of Palfi, was by him sent to the County; by whom he was in friendly manner demanded, from whence he came, whither he was going, and whereabouts? Whereunto the Youth frankly answered, That he was sent from the Governor with Letters to the Bassa of Buda; which he presently drew out of his Bosom, and delivered them unto the County; who after he had read them, caused them to be closed up again, and so delivered to the Youngman, with some few Crowns, commanding him to carry them to the Bassa, as he was about, and in his Return to bring him the Bassa's Answer, promising for his so doing to reward him bountifully: which the Youngman undertook to do, and so departed. Now the purport of the Governors' Letters was, That if the Bassa did not within six or seven days send him aid, and relieve him, he should for want of Victuals, and other things necessary for the holding out of the Siege, be enforced either to abandon the City, or to yield it up into the Enemy's hands. Whereunto the Bassa returned Answer by the aforesaid Messenger, That he would within the appointed time be with him, willing him in the mean time to be mindful of his wont Valour, and not to be with any thing discouraged; appointing him the day, the hour, the way, the means, with all the other Circumstances how he would relieve him: Which Letters, the Youngman, according to his Promise, delivered unto the County; who thereupon provided accordingly for the welcoming of the Bassa. Within a day after also, one of the Turks Cannoneers, considering the danger the City lay in, and fearing that it would be lost, fled out of it into the Camp; who, besides that he aptly declared the state of the City, and the wants the Besieged were in, did also afterwards good Service during the time of the Siege. The Turks had in this while many times sallied out to their great loss; yet now, upon hope of better Success, they adventured, the twenty ninth of this Month, to sally out again, but with like fortune as before, leaving fourscore of their men behind them, having slain but five of the Christians.  
Now had the Turks, in great wants, by the space of a Month, right worthily defended Strigonium, expecting still for relief. At length News was brought into the Camp, That the Bassa of Buda, with 20000 men, was coming to raise the Siege; who the second of August came accordingly, and with his Army encamped within four miles of the Christians; lying so nigh, that certain of the Turks Horsemen seeking after Booty, came very near unto the Camp of the Christians, and out of the Pastures, even under their Noses, carried away some few Horses: Against these desperate Adventurers, certain Troops of the Hungarian and Germane Horsemen issuing out, had with them an hot Skirmish: but the Turks of purpose retiring, as men overcharged, and the Christians still following on, 
A Skirmish between the Turks and the Christians.  had at length drawn them unto the place where divers other Troops of the Turks lay in Ambush for them; who now starting forth, on every side hardly charged them. The Hungarian light Horsemen well acquainted with such Skirmishes, seeing the danger, presently fled, and left the Germans to themselves; who for a while valiantly encountered their Enemies; but oppressed with multitude, were glad at last to fly also. In this Skirmish of the Christians were lost and grievously wounded about an hundred. The Turks, encouraged with this so prosperous a beginning, came on the next day with all their Army, being before resolved, by plain force to open themselves a way into the City, and so to relieve the besieged. Of all these things the County was not ignorant, as thereof forewarned by the Bassa's Letters before delivered unto him; and had therefore with his Army strongly belayed all the ways unto the City. Nevertheless, the Enemy came still on between the Hills S. Thomas and S. George, and near unto the Suburbs called the Rascian City, put themselves in order of Battle, as did also the Christians, giving the Enemy leave to come even to their Trenches. In the mean time, the Lord Palfi, with his Hungarian Horsemen, fetching a compass about the Hill on the one side, and the Lord Swartzenburg with his Horsemen on the other, had so enclosed the Turks behind, as that they could not without great danger retire. Both Armies orderly ranged, and the signal of Battle given, the Turks having before, without any great harm done, 
A cruel Battle betwixt the Christians and the Turks before Strigonium.  discharged seventeen Field-pieces, came on after their wont manner with a most hideous cry, and at the first Onset, with their Turkish Arrows, as with a thick shower, darkened the Sky; when on the other side, the Germane and Wallon Horsemen, with their Petronels, sent their deadly shot as thick as Hail amongst them again; and the Men at Arms after them, taught the Turks, to their cost, how unfit their light and half-naked Horsemen were in a set Battle to meet with them so well appointed: in a trice, but not without great slaughter, the Battle was brought to the Sword, and to be tried by true Valour: There was to be heard a cry Heavens high, the thundering of Artillery both great and small, the clattering Armour, the glistering Weapons, the neighing of the Horses, the crying of the Wounded, the heavy groan of the Dying, with the noise of the Trumpets, Drums, and other warlike Instruments, made deaf the ears of the Hearers, presenting unto them nothing but horror and even present death. It was a most miserable sight to see so many men in so short time slain; for the Battle had scarce endured half an hour, when many thousands of the Turks lay dead upon the ground, 
The Turks overthrown.  and the rest seeing the Victory incline to the Christians, betook themselves to flight, leaving behind them their great Ordnance, and whatsoever else they brought for the relief of the besieged: whom so flying, the Lords Palfi and Swartzenburg (who had before taken the straits whereby they were to pass between the Mountains) so received with their fresh Horsemen, that of them that came that way few escaped. The Bassa himself, who stood upon the Hill, seeing the discomfiture of his Men, fled also himself. The Bassa of Anatolia, with about 100 of the Turks more, by good fortune got into Strigonium. The number of the Turks slain in this Battle was great, and is of divers diversely reported, some saying that there were slain 14000, and some fewer. Besides them that were slain, many were also taken, and some of them men of great Name and Place. There was also taken 27 Ensigns, with a multitude of Camels, Asses, and Mules, laden with Money, Shot, Powder, and other necessary Provision; all which, brought thither for the relief of the besieged, became a prey unto the Christians. In the heat of this Battle they of the City sallying out, had entered a Fort of the Christians upon the Riverside, but were again presently driven out, and with loss enforced to retire. After this Victory, the County sent certain Companies of the Hungarian and Germane Horsemen, with 500 Wagons, to the Enemy's Camp, not far off in the Mountains; who coming thither, found it utterly forsaken by the Enemy, but well stored with all manner of necessary Provision, which they carried all away, together with 600 Tents, many whereof were lined with Damask, Satin, and other Silk, richly embroidered, or laid with goldlace, or gold-twist. The Bassa's rich Tent, taken by the Colonel of the Horsemen, was afterwards by him given unto the County, as was also the Plate and Money there found; all which he divided among the Soldiers according to their Deserts. In the Turks Camp were also found certain Heads of the Christians, with the dead Body of the Lord Brandensteine, slain in the conflict but the day before, which the Christians carried away with them into the Camp, and there honourably buried them. Those that remained of the Turks Army hid themselves in the Mountains and Woods, and so holpen by the darkness of the night, made best shift for themselves that they could. The Bassa himself, accompanied but with twenty Horse, came to Buda about midnight, and by his coming filled the City with great heaviness, every man lamenting his lost friends. The Hungarian Heidons, best acquainted with the Country, pricking up and down the Mountains and byways, for certain days after the Battle, brought in daily into the Camp such Prisoners as they took, or else the Heads of such Turks as they slew. Of this so notable a Victory, the County by a speedy Messenger certified the Archduke at Vienna, who rewarded him for his good News with a chain worth five hundred ducats; and presently caused the Song or Thanksgiving to be sung in the Church of the Augustine Friars, and afterward in all the Churches of the City. The County also, to gratify the Emperor, sent him by the Lord Chalon, his Nephew, unto Prague, two of the chief Prisoners taken in the late Battle, with four Horse-men's Guidons cunningly made of Horsehairs, such as are commonly carried before the greatest Commanders of the Turks Armies, and fourteen other Ensigns of the Turks, with fourteen most goodly Horses of the Turks, for a Present.  
The next day after this Battle, the County sent the Lord Palfi, with an Interpreter, unto the City, to demand it to be yielded; who having Audience, declared unto the Turks in what danger they were, that the help they looked for was now quite overthrown, new relief could not, but in long time, be sent unto them; and that therefore it should be good for them, whilst yet they might, to be well advised, and betime to bethink themselves of yielding up the City, lest haply when they would, it than would not be accepted; promising to entreat with the General, that they might in safety depart, and with sure Convoy be brought unto such place of safety as were convenient. Whereunto the besieged Turks answered, That the Christians had now five Weeks lain at the Siege, and must yet lie three Weeks longer: and that whereas of late some few of their Friends came to have relieved them, and had failed therein; there was yet an hundred thousand more to come after them, who if they should not be able to perform that they came for, yet that they would not for that deliver or forsake the City, before they were ready to be drawn out of it by the heels, and that yet they would then take three days to resolve thereupon.  
Now had the Christians with long and continual Battery sore beaten both the upper and the lower Town, which Battery they now maintained with greater fury than at any time from the beginning of the Siege, and within the City their wants increased daily, having nothing left to live upon but a little Wheat and Barley, with some Horseflesh; unto whom thus distressed, the Lord Palfi, by the commandment of the County (to try what confidence they yet had in themselves) the Ninth of August, sent two Gentlemen to the City, to do a Message from him to the Governor: who advertised thereof, being a very aged and courteous man, accompanied with the Aga of the Janissaries, came to the Walls to hear what they had to say; where one of the said Gentlemen in few words delivered him this short Message: 
The Message sent by the Lord Palfi, to the Governor of Strigonium.  MY most gracious Lord, the Lord Palfi, most worthy Governor, greeteth thee well; and knowing thee to be a Captain both valiant and wise, and one that hath always courteously used such as have fallen into thine hands, hath Compassion of thy desperate Obstinacy: and therefore, whereas thou art to look or hope for nothing else but present Death and Destruction, he, as thy Neighbour, and a Lover of thy Virtues, adviseth and exhorteth thee, if thou wilt save thyself and thine from most undoubted and imminent Death, and utter Confusion, without delay to deliver up this City, which thou canst not longer hold.  
Unto whom the old Governor thus, without stay, courteously answered: 
The resolute Answer of the old Governor, to themessage sent him by Palfi.  THY Speech, my Friend, and thy Master's Advice, are unto me both vain. Tell the Lord Palfi, in my Name, that I cannot pleasure him with the least stone in this City. One foot I have already in the grave, and will with Honour carry these my grey Hairs into the same; and am yet comforted with a most certain and undoubted Hope, that my most dread and mighty Sovereign, and my Lord Sinan Bassa, will not forsake me: yea, and that if they should write unto me, that they could find no means or way to relieve me (which I am sure they can) yet would I well, and at leisure, consider whether it were fit for me to deliver up this City or not; seeing that of the defence thereof dependeth all mine Honour and Credit. Besides that, what Reward they have on both sides that so easily deliver over the Cities they have in charge, all the World doth see.  
With this Answer he sent them away. All this while the Aga of the Janissaries standing by, spoke not one word, but sighing in silence and grinding his Teeth, declared by his Countenance his Indignation and inward Grief.  
In the midway between Buda and Strigonium, in the midst of the River of Danubius, lieth a little Island called Vizze, wherein many rich Clothiers dwelled: this Island the Hungarian Heidons spoiled, and in returning thence, met with twenty four Wagons laden with Corn, going to Buda, which they took, with eight and twenty Prisoners which they brought into the Camp. 
The lower Town taken by the Christians.  The lower Town being with long and continual Battery made assaultable, was by the Christians, the Thirteenth of August, in three divers places at once assaulted. The Bavarians were by lot to give the first Charge, who in the performing thereof beginning to faint (for that they were notably repulsed by the Turks) but seconded by them of Reitnaw and Suevia, plucked down a great Palisado, filled the Ditches, removed whatsoever stood in their way, and so long fought with the Turks in the breaches, that by the coming in of the Marquis of Burgawe with six Ensigns of fresh men, they prevailed upon, the Enemy, and so all together broke into the Town. In the midst of this dangerous Fight was the Marquis himself, who both with his Presence and cheerful Speech so encouraged his Soldiers, that they, as men fearing no peril, ran headlong into all danger, until they had entered the Town: there might a man have heard a most miserable Cry, especially of Women and Children throughout the City; whenas the Christians breaking in on every side, slew whosoever came in their way, without respect of Age or Sex, sparing neither Woman great with Child, neither the little Children hanging at their Mother's Breasts. Yet did not all that were entered so much attend the present Execution, as some of them did the Spoil and Prey; and especially the Hungarians, unto whom all was good Booty, even the very Hinges of the Doors and Windows; whereby many escaped into the Castle and upper Town, with the Bassa and Alis-Beg the old Governor. The Christians had not many hours possessed the Town, but that divers fires began to break out in divers places, but by what means was not at the first known: at last it was found out, that the Turks, doubting the loss of the Town, had before, where they thought best, left Gunpowder, which taking fire by Matches left burning for that purpose, should at a certain time set all on fire; by which means many most horrible Fires were raised in the Town, which consumed many goodly Buildings, and other things which might have stood the Christians in great stead, and could hardly in a day or two be quenched:  
This so joyful a Victory saw not he, 
County Mansfield died at Komara.  by whose good direction, next under God, it was gained, the worthy County; for he a few days before being fallen sick of a Fever, taken by drinking too much cold drink in his Heat, with immoderate pains taking in the late Battle, and so afterwards falling into a great flux with a Fever, was, by the counsel of his Physicians (for the better recovering of his Health) removed to Komara, as a place of more quietness; having before his Departure sent for the Archduke to come into the Camp, and for Blankemier into Bavaria, to supply his own room. But his Disease still increasing, became at last desperate, so that the Physicians themselves now despaired of his Health. Yet lying thus drawing towards his end, he almost every hour enquired how the Army did, and whether the City were yet taken, or what hope there was of the taking thereof. But when it was told him a little before his Death that the lower Town was won, he thereat greatly rejoiced; and the next day, being the Fourteenth of August, towards night, quietly departed this World, to the great loss of the Christian Commonweal, and the exceeding grief of the whole Army. A Man even from his Childhood brought up in Arms, of Stature great, but of Courage greater, and painful above measure, not the least cause of his untimely Death. All the time of this Siege he took little Rest either by day or night, scarce so much as to lie down upon his Bed in two or three nights together. The little Meat he did eat, he most part eat it standing or walking, yea, and sometimes on Horseback. He was a most severe Observer of Martial Discipline, which caused him to be of his Soldiers both beloved and feared. His Bowels were with due Solemnity buried at Komara, where he died; but his Body was brought back again to Luxenburg, there to be honourably interred with his Ancestors.  
About which time, Theodore, the great Duke of Muscovia, hea●ing of the Wars betwixt the Emperor and the Turk, sent two Ambassadors with Letters and Presents to the Emperor; which Ambassadors coming to Prague the sixteenth of August, accompanied with two hundred and fifty Horse, were, by the Emperor's appointment, honourably received and entertained. And afterward having Audience, first delivered the Letters of Credence from the great Duke, reported to have been of this purport.  

The Copy of the great Duke's Letters unto the Emperor.  YOur Majesty hath sent unto us your Ambassador Nicholas Warkotsie, requesting our brotherly Aid against the hereditary Enemy of all Christianity, the Turkish Sultan. Wherefore, we also desiring to live with you our dear and well beloved Brother in all perpetual Amity and Friendship, send unto you by our faithful Counsellor and Servant Michael Iwanowitze, and John Sohnie, Aid out of our Treasury against the said Enemy; unto whom we have also given other things in charge to be propounded to your Majesty, requesting you to give unto them full credit in all things. Given in the great Court of our Power at Musco, in the year of the World 7103, and from the Nativity of Christ 1595, in the Month of April.  
What things in particular these Ambassadors were sent for, was not commonly known, but among others it is said, That the Muscovite requested the Emperor to send an Ambassador unto the Persian King, to draw him also into the League with them against the Turk; which Ambassador should first come into Muscovia, and that way to pass into Persia. The Presents which the great Duke sent unto the Emperor, were, an hundred and fifty thousand Florins of Gold, great store of most rich Furs, and precious Perfumes deemed to be of exceeding value, two white Falcons, and three Leopards alive. And Iwanowitze the Ambassador himself, presented unto the Emperor of himself, certain rich Turkey, Persian, and Babylonian Hangings and Carpets, certain Timbers of Sables, with other rich Furs no less precious than Sables, so many as eight Porters could hardly carry. These Ambassadors tarried at Prague until the seven and twentieth day of December, and then taking their leave, returned with the Emperor's answer to the Duke.  

Alis-Beg the old Governor of Strigonium slain with a great Shot.  But to return again unto Strigonium. The Christians now possessed of the lower Town, bend their whole battery upon the higher Town, where it fortuned the fourteenth of August, that the old Governor Alis-Beg, whilst he was carefully walking from Place to Place to see where most danger was, had his Arm struck off with a great shot, of which hu● he presently died. He was as man of great Gravity, about the Age of fourscore years, and had of long time notably both governed and defended that famous City, the loss whereof was like enough to have been unto him greater Grief than was the loss of his Life there. Much about the same time also died the Aga of the janissaries, being before mortally wounded. Both the chief Commanders thus slain, the janissaries with the other Soldiers and Citizens made choice of the Bassa of Anatolia (who as is aforesaid escaped out of the late Battle into the City) for their Governor; who with heavy cheer took upon him that forlorn charge. The Christians, not ignorant of the death of these two worthy Men, in whose great and approved Valour they supposed the chief Defence of the City to have rested, were in good hope that now the rest would the more readily hearken to some good Composition; and therefore sent a Messenger to demand if they would yet, whilst there were some Mercy left, yield the City. Who, though they had lost their chief Commanders, with the greatest part of the Garrison, and were in great wants both of Victuals and all Things else necessary for their Defence; yet their Answer was in few Words, That they would hold it out even to the last man. The greatest cause of which their obstinate Resolution, was the straight charge the Bassa of Buda had given them for the defence thereof; besides that, they accounted their City holy, as won by their magnificent Emperor Solyman, whom the Turks generally yet have in a devout remembrance, and therefore thought it a great Impiety to deliver it up unto the Christians. The next day after came Mathias the Archduke into the Camp; who, after he had well viewed the whole Army, and the manner of the siege, he called together into his Tent the chief Commanders, namely, the Marquis of Burgaw, his Cousin, john de Medici's the Florentine, and the Lord Pal●i the Hungarian; to consult with them what was further to be done for the winning of the City. Shortly after, he commanded the City to be assaulted in two Places at once, which was by the Walloons and Germans courageously performed; but such was the Valour of the Defendants, that when the Christians had done what they could, they were glad at last to give over the assault, and with loss to retire. About this time came the Duke of Mantua, with the three Counties his Brethren to the siege, and now the Turks began again to draw together near unto Buda, there to make head for the relief of Strigonium, and to be revenged of the loss they had there before received. Whereof the Archduke having Intelligence, sent out against them eight thousand chosen Soldiers out of the Camp, who suddenly setting upon the Turks in their Camp, before the rising of the Sun made a great slaughter amongst them, and took certain Prisoners, of whom the Sanzack of Copan was one; and so with Victory returned to the siege.  
The besieged Turks in Strigonium understanding of this overthrow of their Friends, from whom they expected most speedy relief; and beside the Terror of the continual Battery and still feared Assaults, pinched also with extreme wants of all things; began now to faint. Wherefore the Bassa with the other Captains, overcome with the aforesaid Difficulties, and the general outcry of the fearful People, resolved with one consent to come now to parley, and upon reasonable Conditions to yield up the City; whereupon a flag of Truce was set up, and Parley craved. Which granted, the Archduke after the going down of the Sun came into the lower Town, where nine of the Turks attended his coming; who entering into Parley, required that they might under safe Convoy, with Bag and Baggage depart, and so leave him the City; which the Archduke would not by any means agree unto. At length, with much Entreaty, they obtained that they might upon the sam● Conditions depart that the Christians did at Rab; 
Strigonium yielded unto the Christians▪  with their Scimitars by their sides, and so much of their Goods as they could carry upon their Backs, unto such Ships as were to be appointed for the carriage of them to Buda. For the performance whereof, Hostages were on both sides given; and so the next day (being the second of September) they began to come out of the City, more in number than either the Prisoners taken in the time of the siege had confessed, or the Christians had thought. Thirty Ships were appointed for the conveying of them down the River to Buda, which not sufficing, many of them tarried in the City until the next day, at which time the Bassa, with the sick and wounded, sailed to Buda, the Prisoners and Pledges on both sides being before faithfully delivered. Thus by the Goodness of God, and the good Conduct of a few valiant Christians, was Strigonium, the Metropolitical City of Hungary, after it had fifty two years groaned under the miserable Yoke of the Turkish Servitude, again restored unto the Christian Common-weal; which the Christians forthwith repaired and new fortified, as was thought best for the defence thereof against the Enemy. All which being done, about the midst of this Month the Archduke sent eighteen thousand to besiege Vicegrade, 
The Castle of Vicegrade taken by the Christians.  otherwise called Plindenburg, a strong Castle of the Turks upon the River between Strigonium and Buda; which Castle they took. Which, when they of Buda understood, they were strucken with such a fear, that many of the better sort were ready to forsake the City; insomuch, that the Bassa to stay their flight, was glad to command the Gates of the City to be shut upon them, and no man suffered to pass out. This good Success of the Christians in these Wars, caused great rejoicing to be made in most parts of Christendom.  
All this while the Christians were thus busied at the siege of Strigonium, the Transylvanian Prince was not idle, but in divers places did the Turks exceeding much harm; so that now his Name began to be dreadful unto them. It fortuned that the same day that the County Mansfelt departed at Komara, that the Prince at Alba-Iulia with great Solemnity married Maria Christina, the Daughter of the late Arch Duke Charles the Son of the Emperor Ferdinand; her other Sister Anna being before married unto Sigismond, now King of Polonia; for so it was agreed for the more assurance of the League between the Emperor and him, that he should take his Wife out of the House of Austria, which he now did. Of this Solemnity the Turks (his evil Neighbours) having Intelligence, assembling to the number of 30000, or more, thought, as unwelcome Guests, to have come unbidden or unlooked for thereunto; but the vigilant Prince understanding of their coming, provided for their Entertainment accordingly, and setting his Pleasures for a while apart, and coming upon them when they least looked for him, in a great Battle overthrew them, and slew most part of them, carrying away with him as a triumphant Victor, the whole spoil of his Enemies.  
About the same time, the Transilvanians also besieged Fagiat, a Town holden by the Turks not far from Temeswar, where, after they had lain 12 days, they of the Town, despairing to be able long to hold out, came to Parley, and covenanting to depart with Bag and Baggage, began to go out of the Town. But in their departure, understanding that the Bassa of Temeswar, with the Sanzacks of Lippa and jenne, were coming to their relief, they that were yet in the Town began to find delays, and they that were already gone out, began to return. Wherewith the Transilvanians much moved, by plain force entered the Town, and put them all to the Sword; and afterward turning upon the Bassa, who with ten thousand Turks and certain Field-pieces was coming to have relieved the Town, had with them a cruel Battle; wherein most part of the Turks fell with small loss of the Transilvanians; who so eagerly pursued the Victory, that the Bassa himself had much ado with five hundred others, to escape. The two Sanzacks, with divers others of good Place, were taken and sent Prisoners to the Prince. Not long after, about the latter end of August, 
Lippa taken by the Transilvanians.  the Transilvanians also besieged Lippa, a famous City of Hungary, standing upon the River Maracz, not far from Temeswar, which the Turks being not able longer to hold, fled into the Castle; where finding themselves in no great safety, after three days siege they came to Parley, and so yielded, upon Condition that they might in safety depart with so much of their Goods as they could themselves carry. About which time also the Bassa of Bosna, with ten thousand Turks and Tartars, went forth to have again recovered Babotsca, a frontier Town, before taken by the Christians; which the Stirians and the rest of the Christians dwelling thereabouts, between the two Rivers of Saws and Draws, understanding, conducted by the Lords Herbenstein, Leucowitz, and Eckenberg, that had the charge of those Frontiers, overtook the said Turks and Tartars near unto Babotsca, fought with them, and in the plain Field overthrew them.  
Mahomet, 
Ferat Bassa sent for to Constantinople, and there strangled.  not a little grieved with the good SucSuccess of the Christians in every part of Hungary, and above measure offended with Ferat Bassa, his General, through whose Negligence all, or at leastwise most part of this had happened (as he was by the Envy of Sinan Bassa persuaded) sent for Ferat home, and in his Place sent out Sinan. 
Sinan Bassa sent in Ferats stead.  Of which the great Sultan's Displeasure Ferat was not ignorant, as forewarned thereof by her that best knew, even the Sultan's Mother, and advised not to come in sight until his Peace were made. Who, nevertheless trusting to his own Innocency (the comfortable, but most dangerous and weak stay of the great) and doubting not to answer whatsoever Sinan should be able to charge him with, came to the Court; where he was by the Commandment of Mahomet shortly after strangled, and his Goods, to the value of five hundred thousand ducats, confiscated.  
Among all the dangerous Enemies of the Christian Common-weal, was none at this time more cruel than was Sinan, an Epyrot born, a Fisher's Son, of a rough and uncivil Disposition, now about fourscore and three years old, even from his Youth brought up in the Wars; and yet (as his Motto was) breathing nothing but Blood and War. He had many times fortunately led the huge Armies of the Turkish Emperors, Solyman, Selimus, and Amurath, and is now sent by the great Sultan Mahomet, as the fittest man to reduce the late revolted Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, to their former Thraldom; which to do, he before promised unto Mahomet, upon peril of his Head. He having raised a right puissant Army, by a Bridge made of Boats (after a Months Labour spent therein) passed over the great River of Da●ubius, into Valachia; of whose coming the Transilvanians, with the Null and Moldavians having Knowledge, had before so shut up the Passages of the Country, as that he could not without much danger have entered far; and were also ready with their united Forces, even at his first entrance, to give him Battle. Which he not refusing, there began a most mortal and cruel fight, with much bloodshed on both sides. 
A mortal Battle betwixt Sinan and the Transylvanian Prince.  Thrice were the Transilvanians enforced to retire, but still relieved with new Supplies, and knowing that they then carried in their Arms the welfare of their whole Country, came on fresh again, and as hardly charged the Turks, as they had been by them charged. Thus with doubtful fortune and great slaughter was the Battle maintained from the Morning until Night, Victory with doubtful Wings hover now over the one side, now over the other; until that at length, the Turks, overcome by true Valour, their Battles being quite disordered and broken, were now glad to seek to save themselves by flight. In this Battle, 
The Turks overthrown.  being fought the eleventh of September, besides many thousands of the common Soldiers, were slain also divers of great account amongst the Turks; and amongst the rest, Haider Bassa, a man of them much regarded, was found dead even in the same Place where the Battle was fought. Sinan himself, 
Sinan in flying like to be drowned.  in making too much haste to get over the Bridge, fell into the deep Mud, and in that general Confusion of his Army, was like enough there to have perished; but as the common Proverb goeth, Seldom lieth the Devil dead in a Dike, the old Veiliard was with much ado drawn out by them of his Guard, and so saved to further Mischief. Nevertheless, the danger was so great, that for certain days it was commonly reported, that he was there drowned, most of his own people not as yet certainly knowing what was become of him. All the spoil of the Turks became a Prey unto the Christians, as did also their great Ordnance, and many of their Ensigns; amongst which, was one green one, which they accounted religious, as sacred to their Prophet Mahomet, whereunto they in time of their greatest Distress fly, as unto their last Refuge: there was taken also all their Tents, with great abundance of Victuals, and other warlike Provision.  
The old Bassa thus overthrown, full of Grief, and even mad for despite, posted himself in all haste to the Court, thinking it better himself to make the best of that which was indeed nought, than to have it made worse than nought by the envious Report of others; and withal to fill the mind of the great Sultan with desire of Revenge, which no man so much longed after as himself: wherein he so discreetly used the matter, as that the late loss was easily passed over, as received by the common chance of War, or any other occasion else whatsoever, rather than by any default of his; and new Commission given him for the raising of another Army for the subduing of the late revolted Countries. In the mean time, to show his Hatred unto the Christians, and to please the eyes of them of the Court with the novelty of the Sight, he caused an hundred and twelve Christian Captives, whom he had in Prison at Belgrade, to be brought in chains like Beasts to Constantinople; and so being led through the principal Streets of the City, to the vain contentment of the Citizens, to be brought to the Courtgate, for the Sultan to look upon, and the Courtiers to deride; from whence they were, after many unspeakable Indignities, conveyed to most miserable and loathsome Prisons, there to be fed with the bread of Tribulation.  

The Turks overthrown in Croatia.  About this time, the Turks, under the Command of the Bassa of Bosna, to the number of almost twenty thousand, made a Road into Croatia, where they were by the Christians, under the leading of the Lord Eckenberg and Leucowitz, overthrown, and almost all slain: the Christians following the Chase even into the Turks Frontiers, burned fifteen of their Villages, and took the Castle of Varvivar: immediately after, their forces increasing by the coming in of the Lord Herbenstein, Governor of Valeria and Windismarche, and certain other Troops of Horsemen out of Carinthia and the Countries thereabouts, they returned, the thirteenth of September, to besiege Petrinia, otherwise called Petro●ina; which, because they were in hope to take by assault, they even at their first coming courageously assailed. But after two hours hard Fight, finding both greater resistance, and more difficulty than they had before supposed to have found, and that without great Ordnance (which could not in short time be got over the Mountains) there was no good to be done, they were glad to give over the Assault, and with such loss as they had received, to return to Siseg, there to consult farther of the matter. But the same night, a fugitive Horseman fled from the Enemy, came to the Camp, and told the Christians, 
Pet●inia taken by the Christians.  That Rustan Beg, Governor of Petrinia, was in the late Assault wounded in the Breast with a small Shot, and dead; and that the Turks in the Town, discouraged with his Death, and the late Overthrow of their Friends in Cro●tia, would upon the first sight of them abandon the Town, if they would but again return to besiege it. Upon which good hope the Christians presently rise, and set forward again towards Petrinia: which the Turks (hearing of their coming) had before, as the Soldier reported▪ for fear abandoned. So the Christians, without Resistance, en●ering the Town, found therein some Pillage, but better store of Shot and Powder; and presently sending for certain Troops of Horsemen to pursue the flying Turks, took divers of them, and among the rest the late Governors' Lieutenant, whom they brought back again into the Town. Thus was Petrinia again recovered from the Turks, to the great quiet and safety of all that side of the Country.  
Sigismond, the Transylvanian Prince, not ignorant with what an Enemy he had to do, either of the malice of old Sinan, who he knew would not be long before he returned, or yet of the secret Practice of the Polonians, for the withdrawing of the Country of Moldavia from him, sought now, by all means (as it stood him upon) to make himself so strong as he could against so many Storms arising. It fortuned, that even at the same time the Zaculians (better known by the name of Siculi) in former time a free People, but as than tributary unto the Turks, bordering upon the North-east part of Transilvania; now weary of the Turkish Thraldom, and seeing the good Success of the Prince, and the late revolted Countries, their Neighbours, offered unto the Prince their Service; promising of their own charge to maintain forty thousand men in the Field during his Wars with the Turk, and yearly to pay him of every house a Dollar, with a certain measure of Wheat, Oats, and Barley, after the manner of their own Country: and further, That if God should bless him with a Son to succeed him in his Government, every householder should give unto him a good fat Ox. For all which Service, they craved no more, but that they might as his Subjects live under his Protection; yet so, as to be governed by their own ancient Laws and Customs. Of which their Offer the Prince accepting, it was forthwith by them proclaimed in their Camp, and all the People sworn to the performance of the aforesaid agreement. And having at that present but five and twenty thousand in the Field, they, without delay, sent out their Officers to press out fifteen thousand more, for the filling up of the promised number of forty thousand; wherewith they came unto the Prince, who, 
The Prince taketh a view of his Army.  taking a view of his Army, found himself to be now fourscore thousand men strong, to welcome the Bassa withal when he should come again into his Country.  
Now had Sinan, with great speed, raised an Army of 70000 choice Soldiers, amongst whom were many whole Bands of Janissaries, the strength of the Turkish Empire. With which Power, joined unto the Relics of his other broken Forces, he thought himself strong enough for the subduing of the Prince: unto whom came also afterward Hassan Bassa, the Son of the great Bassa Muhamet, one of the Turks most renowned men of War, and Bogdanus, the late expulsed Vayvod of Valachia, with many others of great name. With this Army, the old Bassa, by a Bridge, which he with exceeding charge had made of Boats, passed over the great River Danubius, 
Sinan Bassa by a Bridge made of Boats, passeth over Danubius into Valachia.  at a Town called Zorza or Giorgo (with us S. George) in Valachia, a great way beneath that place where sometime the Emperor Trajan built his famous Bridge of Stone, worthily accounted amongst the rare and wonderful Buildings of the World. From Zorza he marched with his Army to Tergovista, (sometime the Vayvod's chief City, but then in the Power of the Turks) where is a notable Monastery, which he converted into a Castle, fortifying it with deep Trenches and strong Bulwarks, and good store of great Ordnance, purposing to make that the Seat of his War, until he had again restored those late revolted Countries unto the Turkish Empire, which he, upon pain of his Head, had undertaken to perform. The Prince, both by Messengers and Letters, understanding of the Bassa's arrival there, and having his Army in good readiness, set forward to meet him, and to give him Battle. But being come into Valachia, and there encamped, it is reported, That a great Eagle, descending from an high Rock thereby, called the King's Rock, and hover over the Christian Army, flew about the Prince's Tent, and there lighting, was taken and presented to the Prince, who commanded her to be kept as the presage of his good Fortune, holding still on his way; and the fifteenth of October, being come within half a days march of Tergovista, he understood by two Christians lately escaped from the Turks, That two days before, the Turks hearing of his coming were strucken with such a general and sudden fear, that Sinan had much ado, either by fair means or by foul to stay the janissaries from flight; and that when he had done what he could, yet that certain Companies of them were quite fled and gone. But the Truth was, That Sinan, seeing the general fear of his Army, and he himself no less fearful than the rest; upon the Princes approach fled with all his Army, leaving his Tents behind him for haste, his great Ordnance, with much Victuals and other warlike Provision, carrying with him only such things as were of most value. As for the City of Tergovista, with the Castle which he had made of the Monastery, he committed to the keeping of Hassan Bassa and Bogdanus the late Vayvod, now become a Renegade Turk, with a Garrison of 4000 chosen Soldiers, promising within a few days, if need should be, to relieve them, but fled himself in all haste with his Army to Bucharesta, a days Journey from Tergovista. From whence he presently writ back again to Hassan Bassa, willing him if he could to defend the Castle; but if he should think it not possible to be kept against the Power of the Prince, then betime to forsake it and to shift for himself. But these Letters being intercepted by the Christians, never came to the Bassas Hands. Not long after the departing of Sinan, the Prince coming to Tergovista, entered the forsaken Camp, where he found many Tents, with some Ordnance, and great store of Victuals, and without further delay summoned both the City and the Castle, which for all that were both denied him. But the next day after, Hassan, considering the flight of Sinan, the Power of the Prince, and withal, doubting, if need should be, to be relieved by Sinan, whom, he not without ●ause suspected not to love him, was about some reasonable Composition to have yielded up both the City and the Castle; whereunto the Garrison Soldiers (being most part of them janissaries) would not in any case give their Consent, but stood upon the defence of the Place. Whereupon the Prince began furiously to batter both the City and the Castle, and after some few hours battery, by assault took both, and put to the Sword the whole Garrison; only Hassan Bassa, as taken with his own hand, he spared, and two other Sanzacks. Bogdanus the Renegade was there slain among the rest. The Christians had there a rich Prey, besides forty two great pieces of Ordnance, and good store of all manner of warlike Provision. Hassan thus taken, 
Hassan Bassa taken.  grievously complained, That Sinan had of a malicious purpose exposed him to so manifest Peril, for the grudge he bore unto his dead Father, the Visier Muhamet, upon whom, because he could never be revenged, he now by sinister means had cunningly performed it upon his Son; yet he craved of the Prince to be well used, offering for his ransom 100000 Hungarian ducats. Yet whilst the Prince thus lay at Tergovista, came thither 4000 Turks, whom Sinan had before his departure thence, sent forth to spoil the Country, and to seek after Prey, thinking to have there found him still; who now falling into the Hands of the Christians, were there all slain, and 60000 head of cattle recovered, which these Turks had taken out of Valachia and Moldavia, and should by Sinans appointment have been sent to Constantinople. 
The fruitfulness of Valachia and Moldavia.  For Valachia and Moldavia do so abound with Corn and cattle, that they plentifully serve the Imperial City of Constantinople, not only with Corn and Flesh, but also yearly send at the least 150 Ships thither by the black Sea, laden with other kind of Victuals. Of which so great Commodities the Turks were now deprived, by the revolt of the aforesaid Countries.  
The Prince, leaving a strong Garrison in Tergovista, s●t forward with his Army towards Bucaresta, hoping there to have found Sinan. But he hearing of the loss of Tergovista, and thinking himself in no good safety at Bucaresta, fled thence also to Zorza. The Prince coming to Bucaresta, 
Bucaresta taken by the Prince.  found it abandoned by the Turks, and so took it without resistance, yet had therein certain Field-pieces, with good store of Shot and Powder, left there by Sinan. Having there stayed a while for the manning of the Place, he set forwards again towards Zorza; and that with such speed, that he overtook great numbers of the Turks, all whom he put to the Sword; so that the Fields betwixt Bucaresta and Zorza, were in many Places covered with the dead Bodies of the Turks. Nevertheless, he could not make so great haste, marching still in good order, but that the fearful Bassa, disorderly hasting, was about some six hours or more before come to the Bridge he had with great charge made over the River of Danubius.  
Over the hithermost part of which Bridge (being in length about a mile) was Sinan with the greatest part of his Army (before the coming of the Prince) got over into an Island in the midst of the River, 
Sinan flieth over Danubius.  wherein he had at his coming over encamped; but doubting now there to stay, with all the speed he could, got him over the other part of the Bridge also unto the farther side of the River, with so many of his Men as in so short time possibly could. Where to stay the farther pursuit of the Prince, he broke the Bridge on that side, and set it on fire; and thereby cut off also many of his own men that were not as yet come over. Whom the Prince enclosing, forced many of them into the River, where they perished; the rest flying into the Island, were by the Christians fiercely pursuing them, either there slain, or seeking by the other part of the Bridge to have got over, (whereof the farther end was before broken down by Sinan, and the hither end toward the Island now cut off by the Christians) were, together with the Bridge, carried away by the violence of the River, and so altogether perished. Other some of the Christians in the mean time took the Bridge that leadeth unto the Castle of Zorza, which standeth compassed about with an Arm of Danubius, and being not very great, was kept by a Garrison of seven hundred select Soldiers. Unto which Castle the Prince presently laid siege, (the resolute Soldiers being not by any means to be persuaded to yield it up, but to hold it out even unto the last man) and after he had sore battered it, by plain force took it, and put to the Sword all the Garrison Soldiers he could lay hands upon. About an hundred of these Turks, seeing they must needs fall into the Power of their Enemies, desperately leapt from the top of the Castle into the River, where not one of them escaped, being all either drowned or slain with small shot. In the winning of this Castle; two hundred and fifty of the Christians were lost, and many wounded; but of the Turks and Tartars, betwixt the eighteenth and the last of October, perished above six and twenty thousand. In this Castle were taken thirty nine great Pieces, with such store of Armour and other warlike Provision, as might have served for an whole Kingdom, and four thousand Christians, beside Women and Children, whom Sinan had taken out of Valachia, restored to their former Liberty. 
The Prince returneth with Victory to Alba-Iulia.  With whom, the Prince, after he had set all things in order, returned in great Triumph to Tergovista, and so afterwards to his Palace at Alba-Iulia, where, as also at Claudiopolis, and other Cities through his Dominions, he caused public Prayers, with Thanksgiving to Almighty God, to be devoutly made for so great a Victory: as did also Michael the Vayvod in Valachia; who in all these great Wars against the Turks was nothing inferior unto the Transylvanian himself. A greater loss than this, the Turkish Emperor received not at Land in many Years before, being by this so happy and victorious a Prince, and the Revolt of these three Countries, deprived of so much Territory as they had not from the Christians of long time gained. It was by some of them of the better sort of the Turks that were taken, reported, That Sinan Bassa should oftentimes say, 
The Opinion Sinan Bassa had of the Transylvanian.  That this young Transylvanian Prince had bereft him of all the Honour and Renown he had with great travel got in the course of his long Life; and that although he had escaped his hands, yet that he feared he would be the cause for him in these his great years, even in the winding up of all, to lose his Life together with his Goods and Honour. Now was the Transylvanian Prince's Name (after the Overthrow of this great Bassa) become dreadful unto the Turks, and also famous through all Christendom.  

jenna yielded to the Transilvanians.  Whilst this worthy Prince was thus busied in this Expedition against Sinan, he caused the Castle of jenna (standing upon the Highway between Temeswar and Giula) to be besieged by certain of his Captains appointed to that Service; in which Castle lay one of the Turks Sanzackes, with a Garrison of seven hundred Turks, who much troubled such as passed that way. They, now brought to some Extremity, and terrified with the Success of the Prince, offered to give up the Castle, so that as Soldiers, with their Scimiters by their sides, they might in safety be brought to Panoda. Which their Offer being accepted of, and they now upon their way, the Hungarian light Horsemen that should have conducted them, informed that these Turks now under their charge had secret Intelligence with the Turks in Garrison at Giula and Temesware, That they should lie in Ambush for them near Panoda, and so cut them off by the way; set upon these Turks whom they should have conducted, and cut the Throats of four hundred of them: and yet still holding on their way, met with these Turks that lay in Ambush for them, whom they, after a sharp Skirmish, overthrew; and having slain a great many of them, put the rest to flight. By the taking of jenna the ways thereabout were quieted, especially for them of Waraden. The Sanzack of jenna reported, That Mahomet had a little before sent word unto his Bassas and Sanzanckes in Hungary, That such Castles and Towns as they thought were not to be defended against the Christians, they should betimes, as occasion served, yield them up, or forsake them, so to spare the needless loss of his good Soldiers; of whom he had, with so many Towns and strong-holds, lost no small number this Year in Hungary. jenna thus taken, divers of the richer sort in Temesware, fearing to be even presently besieged, sent their Wives and Children, with their Treasure and such other things as they made most reckoning of, out of the City, in Wagons, to be conveyed unto Places of more Safety; of which Wagons, seventy were by the Christians (lying thereabout in Garrison) intercepted, and in them an exceeding rich Booty.  
Mahomet having this year fully purposed the utter Ruin of the Transylvanian Prince, and the reducing of the Countries of Transilvania, Moldavia, and Valachia, unto his Obeisance, by the great Bassa Sinan; had, for the better effecting thereof, before provided, 
Mahomet calleth in the Tartars to invade Moldavia.  that the Crim Tartar (ready still at his call) should with his own People (whereof he hath great store) and certain Bands of the Turks, at the same time invade Moldavia; and possessing himself of this Country, to place one Sidriake Vayvod, instead of Stephen, placed by the Prince, and to people the Country with his Tartars, in reward of his good Service, as he said; but indeed to have them always near at hand to do his Commandments in Hungary, Polonia, Transilvania, or the other Countries of the Christians thereunto adjoining. The Tartar, according to his Appointment, came with seventy thousand Tartars, accompanied with their Wives and Children, to have planted themselves in the Country, at the very same time that Sinan came to Tergovista. But being come upon the Frontiers of Moldavia; to have put in Execution what he was by Mahomet commanded, he found there Zamoschie, the great Chancellor of Polonia, ready with a strong Army to oppose himself against him, and to stay his farther Passage. Whereupon, some light Skirmishes passed between the Tartars and the Polonians; where the Tartars were still put to the worse, with the loss of three thousand of their men. The Tartar Cham, with Sidriake the Vayvod, appointed by the Turk, finding themselves, though in number more, yet in strength inferior unto the Polonian, and that without his good leave he could not pass; sent unto the Chancellor to excuse that was already past, as done without their consent, by the Insolency of their Soldiers; and to tell him, That their coming was not to fight with him, as having express Commandment from the great Sultan Mahomet, in no case to disturb the League betwixt him and the Polonians, but quietly to pass by their Frontiers into Moldavia, and there to place Sidriake Vayvod, his Tributary, instead of Stephen, that now usurped the place by the appointment of the Transylvanian; which, that they might do, they craved his leave, as Friends, to pass. Whereunto the Chancellor answered, That he was come thither, by the commandment of the King, to defend those Countries from the Invasion of such as had in them no right; and that there had of long time been an ancient League betwixt the Polonian Kings and Turkish Emperors, upon certain Conditions, which he would for his part keep inviolate, with the favour of the Turkish Emperor, yet so, as that the Kingdom of Polonia took no harm thereby, and that they might quietly live by him as their good Neighbour; which League he protested not to have been by him, but by them, infringed: as for to give them Passage, he said he could not. Messengers passing thus to and fro, and some Parle had, at last certain Articles were agreed upon, to the reasonable contentment both of the Tartar and of the Chancellor, (though not of Sidriake, disappointed thereby of his Vayvodship) as also of the Turkish Sultan, whose Pleasure they both seemed to have in special regard. Hereupon, the Tartar, with his Multitude, presently returned, leaving the Chancellor to his own designs▪ Now was it commonly thought, that the Chancellor had done the Transylvanian Prince great Service, by keeping out of the Tartars, and much Honour was, by many that saw least, spoken of him therefore. But far was it from his thought to do the Transylvanian therein any such good, at whose Glory he envied, and had with the Cardinal and his Brother, the Prince's Uncles (but most deadly Enemies) secretly conspired, so much as in them was, his utter Ruin and Overthrow; wishing those Countries rather in the Subjection of the Turk than to see them so honourably at liberty, governed by the Prince; such is the force of malicious Envy, the inseparable Companion of worthy Virtue. Which the Chancellor (otherwise a man of great Fame and Honour) began now openly to pour forth; for presently after the departure of the Tartars, he w●th all his Power passing over the River Nijester, or Tyros, into Moldavia, even at such time as the Prince was going against Sinan at Tergovista, first seized upon the Castle of Chotiim, which he furnished with his own Soldiers: and from thence marching to Zorona, the metropolitical City of that Province, and Seat of the Vayvod, had it yielded unto him; and so proceeding on, had in short time almost the whole Country delivered unto him; Stephen the Vayvod, placed by the Prince, flying from place to place before him, from whom he lest feared any such thing, having made account of no other Enemies but of the Turks and Tartars. Stephen the Vayvod thus driven out, and the Chancellor possessed of the Country, he presently placed one Hieremias Vayvod instead of Stephen, to hold that Honour of the Polonian King as his Sovereign. Yet nevertheless, to satisfy the Turk, he sent a Messenger to Sinan Bassa, than but newly come to Tergovista, requesting him not to take it in evil part that he had entered into Moldavia, and there placed a new Vayvod, but in the name of the great Sultan Mahomet to confirm this his doing, and the Vayvod by him placed; promising the Country of Moldavia to remain tributary still unto the Sultan, and that this new Vayvod should forthwith pay unto him what Tribute was behind, and from thenceforth a far greater Tribute yearly than had the Country of Moldavia before. Whereunto the haughty Bassa (then fearing nothing less than that which immediately after happened, to be driven out of those Countries by the Prince) proudly answered, That it was not the great Sultan's mind that the Polonians should at all invade Moldavia, for that beside he could, without their help, reduce those Countries to his Obedience, he had given that Country unto the Tartar, in reward of his good Service already done in Hungary and other places; whose Subjects, the Tartars, would e'er long be ready, with their Wives and Children, to take Possession of. Nevertheless the Chancellor proceeded to defend the new Vayvod by him placed; which was no great matter for him to do, Sinan, the Turks Champion (as is before declared) being presently after overthrown, and driven quite out of those Countries by the Prince: who, if he had not then gained the Victory, the Chancellor had not now holden Moldavia, but the Turk, whose Quarrel he seemed rather to favour than the Princes. 
The Reasons pretended by the Chancellor for the Invasion of Moldavia.  The Chancellor, to colour this his Invasion, pretended that the Country of Moldavia did of ancient Right belong unto the Kingdom of Polonia; which the Transilvanians took to be no other but mere and open wrong. This supposed Title, such as it was, the Chancellor had so fashioned out unto the King and the States of that Kingdom, that they referred it to his Discretion to invade the Country, and removing the Vayvod placed by the Prince, to place another in his stead; and the rather to persuade them, laboured by many forced Reasons to show the Power of the Transylvanian Prince to be so far inferior unto the Turks, that it was to be feared he should at length be thrust out of all his Dominions, and so they, together with Moldavia, become subject to the Turks; which if it should so come to pass, then should the Polonians have an untrusty and troublesome Neighbour: and that therefore it were better that Moldavia were possessed by them that were better able to defend it than was he, that so the Turk might be kept farther off from Polonia. Which occasion he said was not longer to be delayed, but now betime to be laid hold upon; persuading himself to find such Grace and Favour with the Turkish Emperor, as that he should be therewith right well contented; which was like enough for a time to be, for that the Transylvanian should thereby be much weakened. By these and such like Reasons, framed to serve his own turn, the Chancellor so prevailed with the King and the States of the Kingdom, that he received (as I said) full Authority to proceed in the matter as he did, and as is before declared, to the great trouble of the Prince, and benefit of the Turk; the late chosen Vayvod not long after opening a way in three places for the Tartars into Transilvania, 
The late chosen Vayvod opens three ways unto the Turks and Tartars into Transilvania.  one by the Country of Siculi, another by the way that leadeth to Alba-Iulia, and the third by Valachia.  
The Transylvanian Prince, seeing the Country of Moldavia, by the practice of the Chancellor, thus taken from him, and dissevered from the other united Provinces, to the great weakening of his Estate, after the flight of Sinan sent ●ertain Companies both of Horse and Foot, to Stephen the late Vayvod, but now driven out by the Polonians, to prove if haply he could by that means drive out the Polonians again, and recover his former Dignity. With this aid sent from the Prince, and others that favoured his Quarrel, he joined a bloody Battle with the Polonians; but being therein by them overcome and taken, and for a space kept (as the Prince feared, to have been delivered unto the Turk, he was by them (as is reported) cruelly afterwards put to death.  
This foul dealing of the Polonian in Moldavia much grieved many good Christians, as tending to the general hurt of the Christian Commonweal. For which cause, the Emperor, by his Ambassadors sent for that purpose unto the Polonian King, sought to persuade him to desist from such Invasion of the Transylvanian Prince, by his Chancellor, as nothing standing with his Honour; and that some good Reconciliation might be made between the Prince and the Cardinal Bator and his Brother, the Prince's Uncles, Authors of all these Troubles. To which purpose also the Pope sent a Messenger with like Instructions and Letters unto the King, persuading him, not so to prosecute his Wars against the Prince, but to turn his Thoughts unto a more peaceable and Christianlike course, especially with him with whom he was so near linked in Marriage. To the like effect he writ also unto the Cardinal Bator, and after many grave Admonitions peremptorily cited him to Rome. But forasmuch as the Proceedings of the Polonian against the Prince are more plainly to be gathered by the Pope's Letters unto the King, it shall not, I hope, be mistaken, if I here set them down thus as I find them by others reported.  
POpe Clement the Eighth, 
The Pope's Letters unto the King of Polonia to dissuade him from invading the Prince.  to our best beloved Son in Christ, Sigismond, by the Grace of God King of Polonia, with the Benediction Apostolical sendeth greeting. By how much greater affection of fatherly Love we embrace your Majesty in the Lord, so much the more fervently we wish all your Actions to be adorned with the greatest commendation of true Godliness and Wisdom, both before God and Men; whereof it proceedeth, that we are so much the more vehemently and grievously moved, if we hear any such thing of you, as may seem not agreeable to your Virtue and approved Zeal toward the Catholic Religion, or tending to the obscuring of the Glory of your Name, as is now brought unto us concerning the Affairs of Moldavia; whereof, not without great grief, we write unto you. And to rehearse things a little before past: with what earnestness and fervency dealt I with you, that for God's Cause, and the defence of the health and liberty of the Christian Commonweal against the Tyranny of the Turks, you would combine yourself with our most dearly beloved Son Rodolph the Emperor, and divers other Christian Princes? and that you should not let slip so notable an occasion, so worthily to deserve of God, of the Catholic Faith, and of the Christian Commonweal in general? And albeit we then thought, as well for many your own private respects, as also of your Kingdoms, That you were to be borne withal and excused if you did not now openly descend into this Confederation of the Christian Princes against the most mortal and common Enemy, neither apertly join your Forces or give aid for the repressing of his Insolency; yet we always assured ourselves, that no let should in any case proceed from you, whereby either th'emperor or the other Christian Princes should be the rather hindered, justly to prosecute their Injuries, or to cast off from their Necks the heavy yoke of the most cruel Tyrant; whose desire of Sovereignty is not comprised within the compass of any bounds. But that you should in favour of the Turks impugn the Catholic Princes and Defenders of the Christian Faith, and so join hands with the Enemies of the Cross of Christ, as that by your help their force and fury should be increased, and ours not only weakened, but in the very course of Victory hindered, and cast into most grievous perils; this we have not only not thought of you, but not so much as once suspected; yea and can now scarce be persuaded to believe those things to be done by you, which are reported unto us as most true and undoubted. For the report goeth, That you having Intelligence with the Turks and Tartars, have with them conspired, and namely against our wellbeloved Son Sigismond, Prince of Transilvania, who with invincible Courage fighteth the Battles of the Lord; and lest he should be able to abate the force and attempts of the most proud Enemy (which by the singular mercy of God he hath hitherto above his own power performed) but rather be enforced much to fear his own Estate, a new Vayvod and Prince, as it were by a triumvirate Authority, and compact, to be placed in Moldavia, and him by the Turks, You, and the Tartars together, to be made Governor of that Country. Which unto us seemed so new and so strange, and contrary to the good Opinion we had always conceived of you, yea and so unbeseeming your Zeal and Wisdom, that for grief and admiration I had almost cried out with the Prophet, You Heavens be amazed at this, and you Gates thereof be you exceedingly heavy. For what could be suspected or imagined farther from the Expectation of us and all good men, or more incredible, than that Sigismond, the most religious King of Polonia and Sweden, who had always professed himself a most earnest Defender of the Catholic Religion, who was ready, even with his own Blood to redeem the Victory of the Christians, and Glory of the Cross, against the most wicked Enemies of the same, to be upon the sudden become so unlike unto himself? and (so much as in him was) to cut off the hope and happy success of that religious War; and to do harm to a Christian and Catholic Prince, not to refuse to join in league and friendship, even with the most barbarous Nations and the Tartars, the perpetual enemies of himself, and of the Kingdom of Polonia. For which Causes, our mind is tormented with such bitterness of grief, that we could not but by speedy Messengers write unto you concerning this matter, that hereby you might the sooner see the greatness of out grief; and we also without delay might signify unto you, what our fatherly Love towards you requesteth in so important a matter. For happily we will send one even of purpose to you concerning this cause, the care whereof grieveth us more than can well be expressed. Wherefore, most dearly beloved Son, we exhort you, and in the most effectual manner we can, advise you and beseech you in the Lord, more attentively to consider what great displeasure both of God and Man this your Action and Resolution may incur, what a slain it may bring unto your Crown and Dignity. For believe us, that are to you instead of a Father in Christ, who love you not feignedly, but faithfully, and indeed; who wish for your glory in this World, and your eternal Felicity in the World to come: believe us (I say) this doth much blemish your Fame with all Christian Kings and Princes; all men take it in evil part, and detest it as a thing monstrous, that it should by your means be wrought, that the Christian Affairs should not prosper, that an heroical Prince, who had vowed himself for Christ and his Country, should not have prosperous success in this so religious and necessary a War against Infidels, Turks, and Tartars, no less yours, or peradventure also more yours, and other Christian Princes Enemies, than his. But what do we say? You to hinder the proceedings of the Transylvanian Prince? this were happily but a small matter; nay verily, by this means not only a Christian and Catholic Prince, and valiant Champion of the Christian Faith (a Virtue both admirable and amiable in the very Enemy) but your own Brother-in-law, bound unto you with so many bonds of Affinity, whose Children shall be as it were your children's Brethren, is by this means brought into great danger, and exposed unto the fury of the most merciless Turks. What do you then my most dearly beloved Son? Beware that all men, both now living, and hereafter to come, condemn you not of the greatest Inhumanity; but beware yet more, that you seem not ingrateful, not only to your own nigh Kinsman, but to God himself, who hath bountifully blessed you with two great Kingdoms, and so many good things; and that you provoke not him to Wrath against yourself, that rejecteth and confoundeth all evil and wicked Devices; and that this mischief that you have brought upon your Brother, by the just judgement of God redound not to the greatest destruction of you and your Kingdom, which he in mercy forbid. Do you think, that the Transylvanian being overcome, you shall in safety live from the treachery of the Turk? Do you not know him to be a faithless man, which measureth all things by his own profit, which keepeth faith with none but as standeth with his own Commodity, who with an unsatiable desire gapeth after every Kingdom, nay thirsteth after the Destruction of all Christendom? Think also my Son, what wrong you shall do unto the Emperor your Cousin, out of whose Imperial Blood you have begotten Sons and Heirs, and by the Grace of God shall more; but also our Dignity, and the Dignity of this Apostolical Seat (which you have always so devoutly honoured) is thereby hurt, and your most dear Mother (which we know you of all other lest would) the Roman Church is offended, which for the maintenance of this sacred War is at great and wonderful Charges; and our Forces, which by you ought to have been relieved and increased, being in so unfit a time by these Stirs in Moldavia dissevered and diminished, and the Enemies on the contrary part increased and strengthened, into what danger and distress may both our Army of the Church and the Emperor's fall? And withal▪ how greatly all the manner and managing of this whole War is thereby confounded, there is no man that seeth not. Yea and this moreover, which no little concerneth the Dignity of us and this Holy See, we have undertaken and certainly promised to our most dearly beloved Sons Rodolph and Sigismond, That your Royal Majesty should not in any thing hinder or hurt their. Affairs; neither did we hereof assure them upon a light occasion, but, moved with great reason, not only for that we deservedly aught so to promise of you in so just a cause, but also for that it was so unto us plainly and expressly written by the Reverend Father the Bishop of S. Severus, our Apostolical Nuntio with you, whom we know to be both unto us faithful, and to you dutiful: neither can we by any means doubt thereof, because he hath writ unto us concerning so weighty a matter, that he received it even from your own Mouth. Which things so standing, seeing you of yourself see the manifold Absurdities of this Fact on every side, not to speak of the heinousness thereof; we request you again, yea and oftentimes, forthwith to apply the necessary Remedies to these Hurts. The Transylvanian Prince, your Brother-in-law, devoted to yourself, and desirous of your favour, either protect with your defence, or at leastwise hurt him not; yea, hurt not the whole State of the Christian Commonweal, and relieve not by any means the Quarrel of the Enemies of Christ. If you have any controversy with the Prince Sigismond, or desire of him any thing, refer it unto us; that is to say, unto your most loving Father: you know your Affairs to be of us favoured, and we hope, by the Power of God, that it may easily come to pass, that some convenient means may be found whereby Peace and Quietness may be confirmed betwixt you, and good Unity grow betwixt you two Brethren our Sons, and so all the root of Bitterness and Displeasure to be utterly plucked out of your Minds. This have I writ unto you my Son, frankly, and from a sincere Heart, though truly much grieved, because we love you, and are much careful of your Honour and Good: Show you again in Deed that you take it so, as written from your Father; and that you altogether prefer our fatherly and wholesome Exhortations before the sinister Persuasions of others. Farther concerning these matters, you shall understand by the same Bishop our Nuntio, now with you, to whom you may (as you have done) give credit in all things, as to ourselves.  
These Letters dated from Rome the eighth day of November, were delivered to the King in December, with others to the Cardinal and Chancellor, whom the Pope sharply reproved, as the Authors and Contrivers of all these Mischiefs.  
The Tartar Cham, before stirred up by the Turkish Emperor Mahomet for the Invasion of Moldavia, (as is already before declared) about this time sent his Ambassador also unto the Polonian King, for the Confirmation of such Articles as he had before argeed upon with the Chancellor: which, because they manifestly declare the ground and purpose of his intended Expedition into Moldavia, with the foul collusion of the Chancellor with the Turks and Tartars against the Transylvanian Prince, I thought it not amiss, or from our purpose (for the more manifestation of that which is already said) here to set them down, as they are translated out of the Tartar Language.  
I'm Kazikiery unto the King of Polonia and Sweden, 
The Copy of the Letters of the Tartar unto the King of Polonia.  our Brother, one of the great Lords among the Christians, humbly boweth his Head. First, we signify unto you, that Aaron Palatine of Moldavia was a forsworn Traitor; who, having gathered a Power of the Null, and joining unto him the Polonian Cossacks, sp●●led the Territories of the great Sultan. But afterward, Dissension arising among them, the Hungarian Cossacks living in Valachia sent Aaron in bonds unto the King of Vienna: after him followed another Traitor called Rozwan, who also having raised certain Companies of Soldiers, began in like manner to forage the Countries of the Turkish Emperor thereabout; which, as soon as he had knowledge of, he writ unto me his Brother, That I should, with all possible speed, go into Valachia, to chastise these Rebels, to burn their Houses and Towns; and having with the edge of the Sword slain their men, to carry away with me their Wives and Children into Captivity. Having this in Charge, I, the great Cham of the great Territory of the great Lord Karyktery, with my Brother Letikerry Galga, and other my Brethren and Counsellors, warlike and valiant Captains and Murzis; mounting my Horse, came with mine Army into Valachia unto the River Prut, where it meeteth in another River called Cocoza: here we chanced upon a faithful Servitor of yours, our Brother the Chancellor, who was also come a little before us into Valachia; with whom, after some light contention, when we began to be mere tractable, he declared unto us, that he was of purpose come into Valachia to place there a new Vayvod, which (as he said) of ancient Right belonged unto the Polonians, without any wrong or prejudice therein to be done to the Covenants and League they had with the Emperor of the Turks; and farther, that his desire was, that one Jeremias, whom he had appointed Vayvod, might have the Command of that Province; and that the ancient Amity, such as was in the time of Sultan Solyman and Cham Dawlethgerd, might be faithfully kept. Which, when I had for my part faithfully sworn to do, and he likewise had caused the same to be done by such of his as he had therefore sent unto me, we decreed together, that the Cossack's on the farther side of Nijester (disordered and rebellious men) should be utterly rooted out, that they should not hereafter do any harm in the Territories of the great Sultan, and that the Presents usually sent unto us of long, even since the time of Sultan Solyman, should no more be detained, nor any harms be hereafter done in any part of our Dominions. And therefore, when the Chancellor had promised unto us, that he would take order that these Cossacks should be utterly destroyed, I also consented, that according to the Pleasure of the Royal Majesty of you my Brother, Hieremias should held the Vayvodship of Valachia; which I forthwith by Letters signified unto the Turkish Emperor. Now if it be so, that your Majesty shall give your Consent unto those things which we have here agreed upon with your Chancellor, you shall then for ever find brotherly Friendship with me, my Brother, and all other our Captains and Murzis: but if you shall not destroy these Cossacks, you shall not then perform the Oath and Covenants made. These things we have commanded to be declared unto you by our Ambassador, our Brother Gianach Metagra, whom we request your Majesty courteously to entertain, and by him to send the Presents unto us; for we will not now this Year send any other. Given at the River Prut in the Year of Mahomet 1004.  
After the Tartar Ambassador had delivered those Letters unto the King, 
The Presents offered by the Tartar Ambassador to the King of Polonia.  with a Speech in effect to the same purpose, he in the Name of the Cham gave unto him an Horse and an Arrow for a Present: and afterward being brought to a Lodging appointed for him, was commanded there to expect his Answer. At length his Dispatch was given him in Letters sealed up, which he took much against his Will, requesting the King to send an Ambassador unto the Cham; and farther, by word of mouth to tell him what to answer unto his Lord. But other Answer could he get none than was already delivered him in writing; and so, rewarded with a Gown furred with Sables, was dismissed without the Present requested by the Cham, or any Ambassador to accompany him.  
Thus the Transylvanian Prince, on the one side mightily impugned by the Turk, and on the other, by the setting on of the Turk, ready to have been no less endangered by the Invasion of the Tartar, received greater harm from the Polonians being Christians, than from both those great Mahometan Princes; the Polonian in some sort performing for the Turk, what he had plotted to have been done by the Tartar; and so by the taking away of Moldavia from the Prince, not only weakened his strength, but also opened a way for the barbarous Enemies into his Country. Howbeit, much it is that the Polonians allege for the excuse of themselves, and the defence of that which was by the great Chancellor then done in Moldavia; which, for that it cannot be better told than by the great Chancellor himself, let us hear how he by his Letters answereth the matter, even unto Clement the Pope himself.  
john Zamoschie unto Clement the Eighth, the Great Bishop.  

Zamoschie the great Chancellor his Letters unto Clement the Pope.  MOST holy and blessed Father in Christ, and most gracious Lord; after the kissing of your most blessed Feet, and my most humble Commendations, I have by your Holiness' Letters, directed both unto the King's Majesty and myself, understood, as well his Royal Majesty, and my most gracious Lord and Master, as also myself as his Servant, to be both accused unto your Holiness; as if by those things by us done in Moldavia, the Endeavours of the Christians had been hindered, and the Power of the Enemy confirmed. Whereof I am not with many Words to purge myself unto your Holiness, forasmuch as I assure myself your Holiness to have already fully understood both what the things were that were done in Moldavia, and how they were done; partly by the King's Majesty's Letters, and partly by his principal Secretary, for that cause especially sent unto your Holiness. Yet doubt I not to request this one thing of your Holiness, that if it hath known me for a man, I will not say of any Capacity or Wit, but even of the least Experience in the World, or of any Religion at all; so to persuade itself of me, nothing to have been done, especially in this matter, either rashly, or to the hindrance of the Christian Common-weal. I will not now repeat what mine Opinion was concerning the League and Confederation to be made with the rest of the Christian Princes, for the combining of their Forces against the common Enemy, especially his Sacred Majesties; as also what mine own Labour and Endeavour was in the last assembly of the States in the high Court of Parliament. Which thing, after it was even by them whom it most concerned, either delayed or neglected, or utterly cast aside, and yet his Majesty had still a great desire to do the Christian Common-weal some great good, I also to the uttermost of my Power laboured to that end; that by the common decree of the Kingdom, an Expedition might be made into Tartary, not so much in revenge of the Injuries done by that Enemy in these late years past, as so in the mean time to turn him from the Necks of the Christians, as that he should not join his Forces with the Turks; or if it so pleased God to bless those our Endeavours utterly at length to root out that so great a Mischief. But how it came to pass that this Expedition, so much by the King desired (yet scarcely begun or taken in hand) took not effect; it is not needful for me to declare, for that I suppose your Holiness hath by others, especially your Nuntio, understood the same. In the mean time, by others and often Messengers News was brought, That Sinan Bassa with a great Army was already come over Danubius; and I, by Letters from the Vayvod of the farther Valachia was advertised, how that he, not able to encounter him, had forsaken that Province, which at the first Impression taken and almost utterly wasted by Sinan, he was now come fast upon Transilvania, and in Moldavia the Tartar was still expected, insomuch that Roswan (who having taken Prisoner Aaron the Palatine, whom he secured in his House, and so himself invaded the Palatine) began now also to quake for fear, and to crave help of me, or rather to sack how he might fly away, (as not long after he did) neither having any great strength about him, or expecting any greater from the People of that Country, for why, that Province was brought so low by the Miseries of the former years, but especially by such as had evil governed the same, that at such time as I entered into Moldavia, I assure your Holiness there were not in it of Householders, above 15000, and those also for the most part poor Country People of the basest sort, in whom there could neither be any great help, neither if they had been able to have done any thing, durst Roswan have trusted himself with them upon whom he had with all kind of Cruelty tyrannised. Chotiim, a Castle in the very Confines of this Kingdom, was kept with no greater Garrison than 200 Hungarians, who, perceiving themselves neither of sufficient strength to hold the Place, nor to withstand the Enemy, they also by and by followed after Roswan. All the rest of the Province was not only unarmed, but altogether poor and naked, without any certain Government, without Counsel, without Strength, and without any Defence at all, two Castles only excepted; which, standing upon the Confines of Polonia, might have served better for the Enemy out of them to have infested us, than for the defence of Moldavia against them; so that had the Enemy once set foot into that Province, neither could it without a great Power have been recovered, neither being recovered, could easily have been defended against so puissant an Enemy; and that which worse was, was not itself alone to have been consumed with that Fire, but like enough to have carried away with it Podolia also bordering upon it, with a great part of Ruscia. Wherefore, in this state of things, when as both that Province was in greatest danger to have been lost, and so many Enemies hovered, not more over the Heads of all Christendom than over this Kingdom, what was of us to be done? I know to whom I speak these things, even unto him, not only whose divine Wisdom, but singular Love also towards my native Country is to me most known. Verily I entered into Moldavia with no great Army, yet such an one as haply (as in like case it often chanceth) Fame had made amongst the Enemies a very great one; so that Sinan, fearing if he should thrust himself with his Army into the straits whereby he was to break into Transilvania, to be shut in by our Army, stayed his Journey; and the Tartar, the more earnestly he was called upon by Sinan, (by reason of the Fame of this our Army) resolved to make himself so much the stronger. So that whilst he assembled the Nogaian Tartars and others farther off, and so from all parts raised the greatest Power he could, the matter was delayed almost unto the end of November; at which time he, with a most huge Army, accompanied with Sendziak jehivense, and a great power of the Turks raised out of their Provinces thereby, came directly upon me in the Fields of Coroce. Sendziack, the Tartar Cham's Sister's Son, now called himself the Bassa of Moldavia, as did the Tartars eldest Son name himself Prince of another part of that Province also; for so that Country was to have been divided betwixt them, that that part which was next unto the Tartars Dominions should be allotted unto the Tartar, and the other part confining upon this Kingdom, to be governed by Sendziak, as Bassa thereof, and so to make it the seat of a perpetual War, from whence Podolia, Ruscia, and the lesser Polonia, might be with continual Incursions wasted even before our faces: concerning which matter they now dispersed their Letters, wherein they published the Power and Authority given them from the grand Signior, exhorting the People of that Country to receive the same. A whole day we fought with this multitude, our men always, by the goodness of God, having not only the upper hand, but without any notable loss also, yet not without great slaughter of theirs: and would to God I had had such strength, as that not only the conditions of Peace, but even the Enemies themselves might have been in my power. But when we were oftentimes come to parley (they still requiring the same) and so at length unto Conditions of Peace; if such were given them, as whereby this only Kingdom had without the wrong of any other been delivered from so great and sudden a danger, what reasonable man could find fault therewith, if we should have preferred the health and welfare of our Country (whereunto all good men owe all they have) before other men's Profits? But now these things were so done, as that it was no less provided for the good of the neighbour Christians, yea and happily not the least for theirs, who for the same slander this Kingdom unto your Holiness: the fury of Sinan Bassa was by this means repressed, who whilst he feared to be shut up in the Straits by our Army now come into Moldavia, and expected the Tartars coming, spent almost all the rest of the Summer idly, and without any thing doing. The Tartar himself was not only turned from the Bowels of Christendom, whereinto he had purposed (as the year before) to have entered, we having with our own Breasts received his force and fury; but being brought unto Conditions, was expressly enjoined in a most short prefined time, and without any more harm doing to return again into his Country by the self same way he came, and by no other: whereby it is come to pass, that until this day Christendom hath not this year yet felt the Tartars Weapons. But unto Transilvania and Hungary, what a space and power was given for them to gather their Strength and Forces together, and out of the same places to oppose them against the Enemy, whenas our Army kept them safe at their Backs, and eased not only Moldavia, but Valachia and Transilvania also of that care? Whereas if this cause of delay had not been objected unto the Turks first, and after unto the Tartars, not to say any thing of the Turks, the Tartars at the very selfsame time that the Transylvanian Army was gone into Valachia against Sinan, might have broken into Transilvania before it could have returned home, or else marching directly towards that Army, might have met with it out of Transilvani●. As for Moldavia, which together with the Memory of the Christian name, yet left in it, had utterly perished, it was most manifestly preserved by the coming of our Army. Which what end it would have had, if the Enemy might at his Pleasure have raged as he did in the farther Valachia, those most bitter remembrances in it yet at this day smoking, do well declare; out of which it is well known more thousands of Christian Captives to have been carried away into most woeful Captivity, than almost out of any other Province in all the time of these miserable Wars. Which although it be thus, yet boast we not thereof, neither send we any triumphant Letters unto your Holiness, nor brag we of our good Service done for the Christian Common-weal; contenting ourselves with the Conscience of the thing itself. In the mean time we are accused unto your Holiness; but for what cause? If any man complain for the taking of Moldavia, I will not say it was by them before willingly forsaken, whilst I was yet in the Frontiers thereof; but that this Kingdom hath a most ancient Right unto it, and such a Right, as that when our Kings being busied in their Wars against the Muscovite, the Cruciat Teutony Brethren, or others; some others also troubling the state thereof, it for a time became a Prey unto the Turkish Tyrants; yet in all the Leagues made or renewed betwixt this Kingdom and them, was still excepted, That all such things as the Palatine of Moldavia was of duty to perform unto the King, should by him still be performed. Which Kings of Polonia, and namely Augustus himself, the last of the jagellonian Race, appointed divers of those Palatines themselves. Which although they be things most manifest, yet having more regard unto the welfare of that Province, as a Christian Country, than of our Right, we restored the same into the same state wherein it hath been for many Years before these 
* Viz. to become tributary unto the Turks.  Wars. Wherefore, if any man think any thing done whereby the Enemies of the Cross of Christ might be eased or strengthened, or the Defenders of the Faith hindered, it is so far from any such thing to be done, that rather (as is before declared) the Enemy's force is repressed and averted, and greater means given unto the Christians affront to impugn them, the Enemy being at their Backs by us shut from them. But I fear that they have not fully informed your Holiness, how these things were done, who have reported unto your said Holiness not only the Name of the Turks to have been proclaimed together with the Polonians in Moldavia, but also the Name of the Tartars, the proper Enemies of the Polonians, and by the Power and Decrees of them three, as it were confederate together, things to have been ordered in Moldavia. Which their Complaint if it tend to that end, as if a confederation were made with them, I frankly confess certain Conditions to have been given them, but such as whereby is provided not only for the quiet and security of this Kingdom, but no less also for the whole Christian Commonweal, as is before declared. All which things for all that, although they were done for the good of this Kingdom, and all Christendom in general, yet were they so done, that they were all by me referred unto the King's Majesty and the States of the Kingdom; so that at this present the Kingdom is at free liberty either to join in Confederation with the rest of the Christian Princes; or if that cannot upon certain and indifferent conditions be agreed upon, yet with no man's injury or hurt to ratify this, joined with the health and good of a great part of the Christian Commonweal: only God grant that the Christian Princes may seriously think both of this so Christian a Confederation against the common Enemy, and strive also all together against the enemy with their weapons, and not with Misreports and Slanders one against another. They are not to assail the enemy's feet, but his throat: neither is the seat of the war to be placed in the borders of Polonia, where it concerneth themselves much to have all things rather peaceable behind them: but let the War be undertaken with no less charge & preparation, than if the enemies royal seat were to be assailed; which standing in an open and plain Country shall always, without much ado, be his that being strongest can take it. This have I written at large, as my purpose was, all which I most humbly beseech your Holiness, with your divine Wisdom to consider of, and with your wont Clemency to accept the same. And so prostrate at your Holiness' Feet, I most humbly commend me to your Clemency. From Zamoschie the tenth of january, 1596.  
Thus much the great Chancellor, in defence of himself, and of that he had done in Moldavia; which, howsoever it contented the Pope, well I wot it nothing pleased the Emperor, and much less the Transylvanian Prince, now not a little weakened by the taking away of the Country of Moldavia from him.  
To end this troublesome year withal, many sharp and bloody Skirmishes daily passed in divers Places of those frontier Countries, the Turks almost in every Place still going to the worse. In the beginning of November, Leucowitz, Governor of Carolstat, the second time surprised Wihitz in the Frontiers of Croatia, where these Wars first begun; but being not able to take the Castle, contented himself as before with the spoil of the City, and afterward setting it on fire, departed. Maximilian also attempted Zolnoc, and the Christians in Garrison at Strigonium and Plindenburg, now become near Neighbours unto the Turks at Buda, did with continual Inroads not a little molest them both all the latter end of this year, and the beginning of the next. And the Turks in Braila, in Valachia, upon the side of Danubius, fearing after the flight of Sinan to be besieged by the Vayvod, forsook the City, and in such haste passed the River, that in that tumultuous passage three hundred of them perished. 
Sinan Bassa sent for to Constantinople.  Sinan Bassa, by the Transylvanian Prince of late driven out of Valachia, was not long after sent for to Constantinople; but the crafty old Fox; not ignorant of the fierce Nature of the great Sultan, and warned by the late misery of Ferat, found occasions to delay the time so long, until that he was sent for again, and after that, the third time also. In the mean while, he had so wrought by his mighty Friends in Court, and by rich Rewards, mightier than they, that at his coming to the Court he was there honourably received, as the chiefest of the Bassas, and being afterwards offered to be discharged of the Wars, as men of above fourscore years old; he refused so to be; saying, That he was born and brought up amongst Soldiers and martial men, and so wished among them to die, as not long after he did; dying as was thought of conceit of the evil Success he had in his Wars against the Transylvanian. 
His Death.   
Mahomet, the Turkish Emperor, exceedingly grieved with the loss of so many his Cities and strong Places this year lost, as namely Strigonium, Vicegrade, Siseg, Petrinia, Lippa, jenna, Tergovista, Bucharesta, Zorza, and many others of less Name; and both by Letters and Messengers understanding daily of the slaughter of his People, and wasting of his Frontiers, commanded great Preparation to be made against the next Spring, giving it out, that he would then in Person himself, come down into Hungary with such a Power as never had any his Predecessors the Ottoman Kings and Emperors, and there take most sharp revenge of all his former Wrongs. Nevertheless these his so hasty designs were by the Plague and Famine (which then both raged extremely in most part of his Empire) and by other great occurrents of the same time, 
Mahomet perplexed.  so crossed, that by that time the Spring came, he scarcely well knew which way to turn himself first. For beside these Troubles of the West, of themselves enough to have filled his hands, the Georgians in the East, a warlike People, moved with the good Success of the Christians in Valachia and Hungary, had taken up Arms against him; and the old Persian King, but a little before dead, had left that great Kingdom to his Son, a man of greater Spirit than was like to endure the manifold Injuries before done unto his Father by the Turks, to the great dishonour of that Kingdom, and prejudice of himself. Of which things the Bassa of Tauris gave him ample Intelligence, wishing him betimes to provide for such Storms; which, joined to the rest, filled his Head with many troubled Thoughts, whereunto we leave him until the next Spring.  
The Transylvanian Prince, careful of his Estate, and not a little troubled with the dissevering of Moldavia, thought it not unfit for his Affairs, now after the flight of Sinan, and discomfiture of the Turks, to go in Person himself unto the Emperor, and to declare unto him the wrong done him by the Polonian; and further to confer with him concerning the managing of the Wars against the common Enemy. So having put all things in readiness for his Journey, he set forward in january, 1596, and by the way of Cassovia, year 1596 the fourth of February, arrived at Prague in Bohemia, where he was by the Emperor's appointment most honourably entertained. But immediately after his coming thither he fell sick of an Ague, which grievously vexed him by the space of three Weeks. In the latter end of February, having somewhat recovered his Health, he went to the Church; where after his Devotions done, he was by the Dean of the Cathedral Church welcomed with a most eloquent Oration, setting forth his worthy Praises, and further animating him unto the like Exploits against the common Enemy of all Christianity. Whereunto he forthwith answered in Latin so eloquently and so readily, that all men marvelled that heard him; protesting in his speech, That as he and his Subjects had not hitherto spared their Lives or Goods in defence of the common Cause; so would they not afterwards spare the same, but adventure all for the benefit of the Christian Common-weal; well hoping, that the Emperor and the other Christian Princes would not, as occasion should require, be wanting unto him with their Forces, or the Clergy with their Prayers; which done, he doubted not (as he said) by the Power of God, but to obtain more notable Victories than he had yet against the Turks, the Enemies of God.  
Whilst he yet thus lay at the Emperor's Court, it fortuned that the People called Siculi, 
The Siculi rebel against the Prince.  offended to have their Liberties in some part infringed in the late Assembly of the States holden in Transilvania in December last, rise up now in Arms in divers Places, refusing to yield their former Obedience to the Prince. A matter like enough to have wrought him much trouble, and supposed not to have been done without the privity of the Cardinal his Uncle; but by the Wisdom and Courage of such as he had in his absence put in trust with the Government of his Country, divers of the Ringleaders of this Rebellion were apprehended, and in divers sorts executed; and three hundred of their Complices, to the Terror of their Fellows, had their Noses and Ears cut off. By which wholesome Severity all those Troubles were appeased, and the Country again quieted.  
At the same time also the Transilvanians obtained of the Turks a notable Victory, with an exceeding rich booty. Mahomet the Turkish Sultan had about this time sent a new Bassa for the Government of Temeswar; against whose coming the old Bassa, before Governor, had in seventy five Wagons trussed up a wonderful deal of Wealth, which he had there gotten in the time of his former Government, to have been, together with himself, with a strong Convoy conducted to Belgrade. Of this his purpose the Hungarian Heidons, lying at Lippa and jenna, having Intelligence, lay in wait for him upon the way, and in his passing by set upon him; where in a sharp conflict they overthrew the Convoy, 
The Bassa of Temeswar slain, and a great booty taken.  and slew the Bassa, whose Head they sent for a Present to the Princess at Alba-Iulia, and took the Spoil of the Bassa's Carriages, wherein was taken a wonderful Wealth; for in one of those Wagons is reported to have been found twenty thousand of Hungarian ducats.  
In this absence also of the Prince, 10000 of the Rascians' revolting from the Turk, came and offered their Service unto the Princess; whereof, she by Letters, with great speed, certified the Prince her Husband; who thereupon hasted to dispatch with the Emperor, and having procured both from him and the Pope the Promise of some Aid to be afterwards sent him, took of him his leave; and being honourably accompanied, departed from Prague to Vienna, where he arrived the eleventh of March, sitting in a princely Chariot drawn with six most beautiful Horses, the gift of the Emperor. At his coming thither he was met by the Nobility of the Country, and by Aldobrandinus the Pope's Nephew, who presented him with three goodly Horses for Service, richly furnished. Him the Prince took into his Chariot, and so accompanied, entered the City, where he was with all due Honour received and joyfully entertained, and so brought unto the Emperor's Palace, where, by the learned Students of that University, was for his Pleasure acted before him the notable History of joshua. Having stayed there three days, and purposing to have in his Return visited his Mother-in-law at Greys in Croatia; News was brought him, That the Turks and Tartars, by the setting on of Stephen Bathor, his Uncle, were about to break into Transilvania. Wherefore changing his purpose, he departed thence to Presburg, and so with all speed kept on his way towards Transilvania; where he, to the great joy and comfort of his Subjects in general, arrived in safety in the beginning of April.  
In this while many hot Skirmishes passed betwixt the Christians and the Turks in the Frontiers of their Territories; and now the Plague and Famine which had of long raged in Constantinople and other places of the Turks Dominions, began to assuage. Of which so great Calamities as had devoured many thousands of his People, 
Wars proclaimed in Constantinople against the Emperor and the Transylvanian Prince.  the Turkish Emperor finding himself somewhat eased, forthwith caused the continuation of his Wars against the Emperor and the Transylvanian Prince, to be three days together proclaimed in Constantinople, and a great Army to be raised to be sent into Transylvanian and Hungary; giving it out, that he would, with that so puissant an Army, in Person himself come into Hungary. At which time it was also reported, That he had already sent his Tents and other his necessary Provision before to Hadrianople: for now was nothing more odious in the Turk's Court than the Name of the Transylvanian Prince.  
Of all these things was not the Emperor ignorant, as fully thereof certified both by Letters and Spials, as also by the uniform Confession of such Turks as were daily taken Prisoners. For which cause, he also, with as much speed and care as he could, provided for the raising of his Army, as he had the Year before; as also for the levying of Money, and provision of all things necessary, that the Enemy at his coming might not find him unprovided. Neither spared he to pray Aid of the other Christian Princes his Neighbours, especially of the Polonian, whom he had divers times sought after to have drawn him into the Confederation with the other Christian Princes against the Turk. To which purpose he now also sent unto him the Bishop of Preslaw, and the Lord Poppelius, his Ambassadors; as did the Pope also send unto him the Cardinal Cajetane his Legate; and the Prince's Electors also their Ambassadors: unto whom the Polonian gave good hearing and good words, but would not by any means be persuaded to break his League with the Turk, or to afford any Aid unto the Christians; although the Cardinal, with many pregnant Reasons, showed him what small assurance there was in the Turk's Leagues, and how dangerous it might be to his State, if the Turk, making Peace with the Emperor, should turn his force upon him, which it was like enough he would, as knowing no man longer for Friend than stood with his Profit; beside the immortal Blemish of his Honour, by dissevering himself from the Union of the Christian Princes, to hold Friendship with the Turks and Infidels. But all this and much more to no purpose, so resolutely was the Polonian set down for the keeping of the Turks Favour. So that of all the Christian Princes so near unto the devouring Enemy, none stood the Christian Common-weal in less stead than he. Which for all that, most men imputed not so much unto the King, as to others about him, especially to Zamoschy the great Chancellor, by whom that State was most swayed, who was not only supposed, but openly reported to have secret Intelligence both with the Turk and the Tartar.  
All this while the Lord Palfi, Governor of Strigonium, ceased not with continual Inroads to vex the Turks, even to the Gates of Buda, as did also the other Christian Captains in other places of the Turks Frontiers in Hungary. Near unto Buda were two great Country Villages, for most part inhabited by Christians, who having given their Oath of Obedience unto the Turk, lived a miserable life for the payment of an excessive Tribute yearly. These poor Christians, weary of the Turkish Thraldom, and the continual spoil of their Labours by them of Strigonium; by secret Messengers requested the Lord Palfi, of Mercy, to carry them with their Goods and cattle away into some other place of the Christian Territory, that so they might yet live amongst Christians, as he had but a little before done for them of old Buda. Unto which their so reasonable a Request, the Christian Governor charitably harkened; willing them against a certain appointed time to put themselves, with all their things in readiness. There was of these Christians about 755 Families, who with their Wives and Children, and such trash as they had packed up into eighty Wagons, drawn with fourteen or sixteen Oxen apiece, at the appointed time, about midnight, committed themselves, with all that they had, unto the conduct of them of Strigonium, sent out of purpose for them; by whom they were in safety brought to Strigonium. Amongst them were many rich men, who brought with them good store of Coin, with an exceeding great number of cattle. Unto these new-come Guests Palfi assigned certain Fields betwixt Strigonium and Vivaria, on the North-side of Danubius, where they so commodiously lived as was possible in so troubled an Estate of a Country.  
Shortly after, 600 Garrison Soldiers or Lippa, 
Six hundred of the Garrison Soldiers of Lippa slain by the Turks.  seeking after Booty, and adventuring too far into the Enemy's Territory, were discovered by the Turks Scouts, and so beset by the Turks and Tartars billeted in the Country about Temesware, that there was no way left for them to escape. Which they well perceiving, resolved among themselves (as became valiant men) to fight it out even unto the last man; and with no less Resolution performed what they had before determined; for being on every side beset, and hardly charged by their Enemies, they, as men before resolved to die, although scarce one to twenty, fought most desperately, seeking for nothing else but to sell their Lives as dear as they could unto their Enemies; and so fight were all slain, except some few which by great fortune escaped, leaving unto the Enemy a right bloody Victory. Yet by this loss of so great a Party was the Garrison of Lippa greatly weakened, which the Enemy knew right well, and thereupon began forthwith to prepare to besiege the Town. Which Barbelus the Governor (a most valiant man) wisely foreseeing, sent in Post unto the Transylvanian Prince, to request him with all speed to send him four or five thousand good Soldiers, with which Power he doubted not, by the Help of God, to be able to defend the Town against all the Forces the Enemy was at that time able to bring against it. Unto whom the Prince without delay sent 8000, who all in safety, in good time arrived at Lippa; for shortly after their arrival, 
Lippa besieged by the Turks and Tartars.  40000 of the Turks and Tartars came and sat down before the Town, enclosing it on every side, and so lay for certain days without any thing doing worth the speaking of; they of the Town in the mean time doing them all the harm they could with their great shot, which they sent amongst them not sparingly. But they had not so long lain, but that News was brought into the Camp, That the Transylvanian Prince was with a great Power coming thither to relieve the Town; whereupon they presently rise, and retired to the place where they had before encamped, about two miles from Lippa; where certainly understanding that the Prince neither was, neither could in short time be in such readiness as was before reported, they forthwith returned, and more straightly besieged the Town than before. They had now brought with them seventeen pieces of battery, eight Wagons laded with Shot and Powder, and forty six others laded with scaling Ladders, and other warlike Provision; thus appointed they began to batter the Town, and afterwards gave thereunto divers desperate assaults; which the Christians valiantly received, and still with great slaughter repulsed their Enemies. For that strong Town was with Towers and Bulwarks flanking one another, so fortified, that out of them the Christians with their murdering pieces made great spoil of their Enemies, and still enforced them with loss to retire, no bullet almost flying in vain. In the heat of one of these assaults the Governor caused one of the Gates of the Town to be set open, having before within the Town placed sixteen great pieces at the very entrance of the same gate, charged with all kind of murdering Shot. Unto which Gate, as of mere Desperation set open by the Defendants, the Turks and Tartars desirous of revenge, came thronging as thick as might be, thinking to have thereby entered; when suddenly, and as it were in the turning of an hand, they were with the aforesaid murdering pieces cut down as with a scythe, and so again, and the third and fourth time, before they could clear themselves of the danger thereof, their Heads, Arms, and Legs, and other rend Limbs, flying in the Air most miserably to behold. Nevertheless the siege was by them continued, and the often assaults so resolutely maintained, as if they had thereupon purposed to have engaged all their Lives. But this so obstinate a Resolution was by an unexpected accident, when they least thought, converted into such a desperate fear and astonishment, that they upon the sudden (no man forcing them) forsook their Trenches wherein they lay encamped; and leaving behind them their Tents, their great Ordnance, and whatsoever else they had, they betook themselves to a most disordered flight. The Transylvanian, who by chance were even then coming thither, pursuing them, slew divers of them, and took some others of them Prisoners. At this Siege the Bassa of Temeswar himself was mortally wounded, and Hamat, Sanzack of Giula, with divers others of good place slain, and 4000 of the common Soldiers. The cause of the Turks so great and sudden fear was this; Whilst the Bassa of Temeswar lay at the Siege of Lippa, as is aforesaid, they that were left in the City fearing no harm, lived in great Security; in the mean time the Governor of Lugaz sent out six thousand Soldiers towards Temeswar, now in the absence of the Bassa to seek after Booty: who coming to Temeswar with great speed, rifled the Suburbs of the City, slew all the Turks they could light upon, and set at Liberty a thousand Captives: and so having trussed up their Booty, set on fire all the Suburbs, and departed. Which fire grew so great and so terrible, that it was plainly seen into the Camp at Lippa, making a show as if the whole City had been on a light Fire: which so daunted the Hearts of the Turks at the Siege, that they presently fled (as is before said) leaving all that they had behind them.  
The Transylvanian all this while busied in raising of his Army, 
Plenia, a Town of the Turks sacked by the Christians.  and providing of things necessary for the maintenance of his Wars, was come into the Confines of Hungary, towards Temeswar, even as the Turks fled from Lippa. At which time certain Hungarian Heidons that served him, getting over Danubius, not far from Nicopolis, took Plenia, a little Town of the Turks, which they ransacked and burnt, and having slain in the Country thereabout above three thousand of the Turks, returned with a rich Prey unto the Prince.  
Not long before, the Christians had surprised Clissa, 
Clissa lately surprised by the Christians, lost again to the Turks.  a strong frontier Town of the Turks in Dalmatia, not far from Spalleto; which Town the Bassa of Bosna sought now again to recover, and thereto laid hard siege. For the relief whereof, Leucowitz, Governor of Stiria, and the other Provinces thereabouts belonging to the House of Austria, and the Governor of Zeng, with a Fleet of two and forty Ships, wherein they had embarked 4000 Soldiers well appointed with all things necessary, set forward toward Clissa; and by the way lighting upon a Galley of the Venetians, bound with certain warlike Provision towards the Turks Camp, took her as good Prize, and rifled her. This Fleet with a fair Wind arrived at Siret, near unto Trau, where the Governor landing his men, marched that Night part of his way toward Clissa, and all the next day lay close. The Night following they set forward again, and having marched fifteen miles, came unto the Enemy's Camp before day; where, setting upon the Turks in their Trenches, fearing no such Peril, they brought such a general fear upon the Turks whole Camp, that the Turks, as men amazed, fled some one way, some another, every man (as in such sudden fear it commonly happeneth) making shift for himself, leaving whatsoever they had in their Trenches behind them. The Christians, contented so to have put their Enemies to flight, fell presently to the spoil, as more desirous thereof, than by the hasty pursuit of their Enemies to put themselves in possession of an assured Victory. Which the Turks quickly perceiving, and from the Hills with the dawning of the day discovering the small number of the Christians, and how they were disordered, they gathered themselves again together, and coming down, enclosed on every side the disordered Christians (greedily hunting after the spoil) and slew them downright. Leucowitz himself, with the Governor of Zeng, and some others, got into Clissa, where having stayed two days, and doubting to be able to keep the Town, they secretly by Night issued out with 600 men, in hope to have recovered their Fleet; but the Turks suspecting such a matter, had so beset the Passages, that of all that Company, Leucowitz had much ado himself, with three others, to escape. The Enemy now again possessed of his Trenches, laid straighter siege to the Town than before; which they of the Garrison perceiving, and now out of hope of relief, agreed with the Bassa, that they might with Bag and Baggage depart, and so yielded up the Town. Thus Clissa, one of the strongest Towns of Dalmatia, through the greedy covetousness of the disordered Soldiers, fell again into the hands of the Turks.  

Sombock taken by the Lord Palfi.  About the same time, Palfi, Governor of Strigonium, understanding of the meeting together of certain notable Adventurers of the Turks at Sombock, a Castle almost in the mid way betwixt Alba-Regalis and Buda, raised the greatest strength he could, and so with certain pieces of Artillery, and other things necessary for an assault, set forward from Strigonium the two and twentieth of May, before the rising of the Sun, and about three a Clock in the Afternoon came to the aforesaid Castle, whereunto he presently gave a most terrible assault, which he never gave over until he had taken it; for after he had by the space of three hours together with great danger maintained a most desperate assault, at length he with much difficulty prevailed, and put to the Sword all the Turks he found therein, Man, Woman, and Child; and with the rest, fifty janissaries, but that day come thither. This Castle was of great Beauty, and most pleasantly situated, whereunto the Bassa of Buda oftentimes for his Pleasure repaired; for which cause Palfi was very desirous to have taken it without spoiling; but the Fire he had therein already raised, so prevailed, that it burned down all the goodly Buildings thereof, with great store of Victuals and other Provision, nothing remaining but what the Christians had saved for themselves.  

Temesware besieged by the Transylvanian Prince  The Transylvanian Prince, having raised a great Army for the relief of Lippa, being by great chance a little before his coming relieved, came and laid Siege to the City of Temeswar: where he had not long lain, but that the Turks and Tartars, fearing to lose that so famous a City, assembled together from all places thereabouts, to the number of 40000, and so came to raise the Siege. Of whose coming the Prince hearing, rise with his Army, and went to meet them, and had with them a great and terrible Battle, the Victory for a great while standing very doubtful, yet seeming to incline rather to the Turks and Tartars, than to the Christians: but at length the Turks, disordered with the great Artillery, and the Transilvanians charging them afre●● began to give ground, and so at last to 〈◊〉 themselves to plain flight. In this Battle were slain of the Turks and Tartars 5000, and of the Christians 1500. It was for a time reported, That the Prince himself was in this Battle slain; which was not so, being reserved to the further Plague of the Turks, and comfort of his afflicted Country. After this Victory he returned again to the Siege, which he more straight continued than before, leaving nothing unattempted that he could possibly devise for the winning of the City. Where, whilst he yet thus lay battering the City both night and day, News was brought him, That Giaffer Bassa and the Tartars were coming with a great Army to the Relief of the Besieged. Whereupon, he considering his own strength, and the power of his Enemies, and that the Aid promised him both from the Emperor and out of Hungary was not yet ready, with great grief of mind raised his Siege, 
The Prince raiseth his Siege.  and retired with his Army to Lippa, there expecting new Supplies as well of his own as from his Friends. Whilst he yet there lay, he was certainly advertised, That the Bassa of Anatolia (the forerunner of the great Sultan Mahomet) was come to Belgrade with fourteen thousand Horse, and four thousand Janissaries, to join with the Bassa of Buda for the relieving of Temeswar; whose Forces joined together were in number about threescore thousand; and that Mahomet himself (of whose coming had been rife report all this year) was now coming after with a far greater Power. Whereupon he departed from Lippa, leaving therein a strong Garrison; and sore-turning to Alba-Iulia, called there an Assembly of all his States, for the repressing of so puissant an Enemy.  
Mahomet, for the better success of his Wars in Hungary, had drawn forth the Tartar with a mighty Power; who, although he was at the first so unwilling to that Service (considering the great Losses he had therein before received) that he would not, as he said, send so much as one Ass thereunto; yet, overcome with great gifts, and the respect he had of the Turkish Sultan, was now ready with a strong Army upon the Frontiers in Moldavia, to meet him in Hungary: unto whom the late chosen Vayvod sent certain Presents, with such store of Victuals as he could possibly provide for him. Yet forasmuch as he was not that way to pass without the leave of the Polonian, Mahomet had both by Letters, and divers his Ambassadors, entreated with the Polonian King for his Passage; as also for the Confirmation of the ancient League he and the Polonian Kings, his Predecessors, had, to their good, of long time had with the Ottoman Emperors; from which he well knew the Christian Emperor, with divers other the Christian Princes, to seek by all means to withdraw him. Mahomet also, not ignorant how hurtful and dangerous the Confederation betwixt Michael the Vayvod of Valachia and the Transylvanian was unto him and his Designs, sent unto him an Ambassador, by the show of great dangers to deter him from the Transylvanian, and by many glorious Promises to allure him to submit himself again unto his Protection, and in token of his Fidelity to deliver unto the Sultan two of his Frontier Towns, such as he should require; in regard whereof, he should, together with the Sultan's Favour, receive golden Mountains. Whereunto the Vayvod answered, That as yet he was not weary of the Friendship he held with the Prince: and for the Towns he required, that they were not in his Power to give, as belonging to the Prince; unto whom he said he would write, and stay the Ambassador in the mean time until he had from him Answer.  
The Emperor, on the other side, had with all carefulness, so far as in him was, provided that his Army might be ready to take the Field with the beginning of the Spring: but as it commonly chanceth, the speedy Proceedings of great Actions (wherein the hands of many mighty is required) to be much hindered by delays, sometimes of one, and sometimes of another; so fell it out with him now: for albeit that his own Forces were in some good time ready, yet was the Spring, yea and a good part of Summer also far passed, before the Aid promised from other Princes met together. At length, after long expectance, when some convenient number for an Army was from divers places come together at Vienna; they were by the Lord Swartzenburg, and their other Commanders, brought forth into the Field, and not far from Altenburg encamped, within the selfsame Trenches that were the last year cast up by County Mansfield for the safety of his Army; there to expect the coming down of the great Ordnance; and other Provision, by the River from Vienna, as also the rest of the Christian Forces daily looked for. From Altenburg the Christian Army removed to Komara, 
Vacia abandoned by the Turks, is taken by the Christians.  and not staying there long, the four and twentieth of july marched towards Vacia, otherwise called Woczen; but before it came thither, the Turks hearing of the approach of the Christians, forsook the Town, and with their cattle and best part of their substance fled to Pesth, carrying also away with them the great Ordnance; the greatest whereof they buried by the way, which was nevertheless afterwards found out by the Christians. And although the Turks at their departure had set fire both upon the Town and the Castle, yet the Christians left therein did what they might to quench the same; by whose diligence, and the help of two thousand Foot men, and certain Troops of Horsemen sent thither by Swartzenburg, a great part both of the Town and the Castle was preserved: the whole Army of the Christians following after, encamped in the open Field, and with their Horsemen braved the Turks even to the Gates of Pesth. This so sudden a coming of the Christians brought a great sear both upon them of Pesth and Buda; insomuch, that they sent their Wives and Children, with the chiefest of their Substance, down the River, unto places of more Safety, and farther off from danger; which was done so disorderedly (as it happeneth in such common Fears) that many of them for haste thrust one another into the River, and so perished.  
Hitherto, in the former Wars against the Turk, had Mathias been General of the Christian Armies; but now of late, Ferdinand, the Emperor's Uncle, County of Tirol, being dead, Mathias was by the Emperor his Brother preferred to the Government of that rich Country and the Provinces thereabouts, not inferior to some Kingdoms; and Maximilian, his younger Brother, appointed General in his stead: who, departing from Vienna in the latter end of july, came into the Camp the fourth of August, where he was by the Lord Swartzenburg, his Lieutenant, and the Lord Palfi, honourably and with great Triumph received.  
Now were the Christians threescore thousand strong, and having fortified Vachia, and therein placed a convenient Garrison, resolved by common consent to besiege Hatwan, 
Hatwan besieged by the Christians.  a strong Town of the Turks in the upper Hungary. And thereupon rising with their Army from Vachia the thirteenth of August, came the fifteenth of the same Month, about noon, and sat down before the Town; and that with such speed, that they were, before seen of the Turks, in the Town, than that they heard any thing of their coming: insomuch, that at the first show of them, they of the Town took them to have been some come out to seek after Booty; and therefore sallying out upon them, skirmished with them a while, until they perceived the whole Battle coming. The Christians approaching the Town, encamped themselves, as they thought most convenient, and began in three places to batter the Counterscarf. This frontier Town of the Turks, besides that it was kept with a strong Garrison, was also strengthened with a broad Ditch, and fortified with a broad Counterscarf and strong Palisadoes. Whilst the Christians thus lay at the Siege, the Turks sallying out of the Town broke into their Trenches, and there did great harm; and like enough they were to have done more, had not the Horsemen in good time come in upon them, and enforced them to retire. In this Sally, amongst others, was one Greis, a notable Captain, slain, being shamefully forsaken of his own men; who for that their Cowardice, 
Cowardice punished.  were all in the sight of the whole Army, disarmed, and so turned out of the Camp, as men unworthy any longer to bear Arms. One morning also, a● the Christians were at their Devotions in their Trenches, a Turkish Priest from out of an high Tower not far off, railed most bitterly upon them, cursing and deriding them: wherewith one of the Christian Cannoneers much moved, made a shot at the Tower, which he so well bestowed, that therewith he struck down the Tower, together with the Idolatrous Priest, as he was yet railing and blaspheming. year 1598. At length the Christians had with exceeding Labour and continual Battery made the Town assaultable: wherewith the Turks discouraged, offered (but all too late) to yield up the Town upon the same conditions that they of Strigonium did; whereunto they received no Answer, yea commandment was given throughout the Camp, That no man, upon pain of Death, should have any Parley with them. Shortly after, all things being now in readiness for the Assault, the Christians, one day about five a clock in the afternoon assaulted the Town in four places; and after three hours hard fight, by strong hand took it, with the shrieking and lamenting of the Women and Children, and other fearful People, 
Hatwan won by the Christians.  who now gave themselves all lost and forlorn. Four hours Execution was done upon all that came to hand, 
Extreme Cruelty.  without respect of Age, Sex, or Condition: Women were slain great with child, and young Children hanging at their Mother's Breasts; it booted not to cry for Mercy, the bloody Sword devouring all. The fury of the Walloons here exceeded, who ripped the Children out of their Mother's Wombs, and made Thongs and Points of the skins of Men and Women whom they had flayed quick. Which their Cruelty they afterwards excused, when they were therefore reproved, by pretending that thereby they did teach the Turks hereafter not so wickedly to blaspheme against Christ, or with such their wont and barbarous Cruelty to torment the Christians that fell into their hands, for fear of like themselves. In this assault and fury perished of the Turks about four thousand, and of the Christians not past three hundred. In this Town, beside that which the fire devoured, was found a very rich Prey. The first that entered the Town was one Tersky, a notable Captain, with his Company; after whom followed Ruswurme, who each of them were thought, in their Entrance at the Breach, to have slain with their own hand eight or ten Turks.  
Now in the mean time Mahomet the great Sultan being come to Belgrade, 
Mahomet the great Sultan cometh to Buda with an Army of two hundred thousand.  removed thence to come down into the Heart of Hungary, sending Cicala Bassa before him; and at length, after long looking for, the second of September arrived at Buda, having in his Army about two hundred thousand men, and three hundred Field-pieces. From thence he presently sent 40000 to Temeswar, but stayed there himself with the rest of his Army.  
The Christians yet lying at Hatwan, and doubting lest the Sultan suddenly passing the River should come upon them not yet ready for Battle; departing thence, and retiring back again, came and encamped not far from Vachia. And albeit that the Archduke, before his Departure from Hatwan, had left a convenient Garrison for the keeping of the Town; yet such was the terror of the Turks approach, that the next day after, they that were there left in Garrison forsook the Town, and setting it on fire, followed themselves after the Camp. This coming of the Turkish Sultan to Buda, brought also a great fear upon them at Vienna, as much doubting lest he should that way have turned his Forces; which caused them both day and night to labour for the better Fortification of the City, and for the provision of all things, as if it had been for a present Siege.  
But Mahomet, not provided for the undertaking of so strong a place, and not ignorant of the disgrace his great Grandfather, the victorious Solyman had sometime received under the Walls thereof, had no purpose thereto, as having bend his thoughts quite another way. In the upper part of Hungary is an ancient famous City, well fortified and honoured with a Bishops See called Agria, not far from Hatwan: upon this City, as the chief Fortress of the Christians in those Quarters, had Mahomet at his coming into Hungary cast his eyes, and began now that way to make head, with purpose by taking of that City, and placing there a strong Garrison, to hinder the uniting of the Emperor's Forces with the Transilvanians, for the mutual strengthening of the one the other by the way of the upper Hungary. Which the Archduke perceiving, sent thither forthwith the valiant Colonel Tersky with a notable Company of Italians and Germans, and a thousand other Harquebusiers, who all arrived there in safety. At which time also the Lord Teuffenbach sent into the City three thousand Footmen, under the conduct of County Turn, with good store of warlike Provision needful for the defence thereof. The one and twentieth of September, Mahomet, 
Agria besieged by Mahomet.  attended upon by the great Bassas, Ibrahim, Giaffer, Hassan, and Cicala, for old Sinan was now dead, with his Army of an 150000 men, came and encamped between the two Rivers of Danubius and Tibiscus, covering a great part of the Country with his Tents. Approaching the City, he with wonderful Celerity cast up five great Mounts, and from them with such fury battered the Walls, that the Christians were glad night and day to stand in Arms for the defence thereof. And although that the Walls were so great, and in many places so weakly fortified, as that they were not but by a greater Garrison to be defended against so puissant an Enemy; and that therefore the Defendants with their Honour lawfully might even the first day have set the City on fire, and retired themselves into the Castle, which was both fair and strong, and the only place to be trusted unto; yet, for the space of six days they worthily defended the whole City against the fury of the Enemies; and out of it did them great harm. But seeing the danger greatly increasing, and that the City was not longer to be holden, they set it on fire; having before conveyed all the best of their Substance, with themselves, into the Castle: which the Turks quickly perceiving, broke so suddenly into the City, as if they would, together with the Christians, have entered the Castle also; but in the attempt thereof they were notably repulsed, and many of them slain. Adjoining to the Castle was a great and strong Bulwark, against which the Turks for certain days furiously thundered with their great Ordnance, and that without intermission; and having in divers places sore shaken it, in the space of two days assaulted it 12 times, 
A Bulwark twelve times assaulted in two days.  but not without the wonderful loss of their men: and yet gave it not so over; but as men with their loss more enraged, came on again with greater fury than before, and so at last by plain force took it; and there put to the Sword all them they found therein, except such as by good hap got betimes into the Castle. This Bulwark thus lost, the Christians the next day sallying out, again recovered; wherein they slew a great number of the Turks, with the loss of some thirty men, and as many more wounded. The besieged now divers times, both by Letters and Messengers, craved Aid of Maximilian the General, giving him to understand, that they could not long hold out for want of Shot and Powder, if they were not betimes relieved (whereof the Enemy also was not ignorant) yet were they resolved to hold it out even to the last man; although the great Sultan had oftentimes, by Messengers sent of purpose, willed them to yield it up, with promise that they should in safety with Life and Goods depart; otherwise threatening unto them greater extremities than was of late showed unto the Turks at Hatwan, if they should as obstinate men hold it out unto the last: whereunto they never answered him any thing; for Terskie had forbid them all Parley with the Enemy; and in the midst of the Marketplace had caused a pair of Gallows to be set up, threatening to hang him thereon, whosoever he were, that should once make motion of yielding up the City.  
Whilst the besieged thus live in hope of Relief, the Archduke, upon the coming over of the Sultan towards Agria, having retired with his Army to Strigonium, and there stayed somewhat too long expecting the coming of more Aid; began now at length to set forward, and to make some show as if he had indeed purposed to have relieved his distressed Friends so hardly beset at Agria. But such was the foulness of the Wether, hindering the passage of his great Ordnance (not to speak of any thing else) that in fourteen days he marched scarcely twelve miles forward. Whereby the Enemy took occasion to prevail as he did in his Siege: who now hearing of the coming of the Christians, and seeing to how little purpose he had so long battered the Castle, converted all his endeavours to the filling up of the Ditch of the old Castle, with Faggots, Earth, and such like matter; for the hastening of which work, Mahomet himself spared not to ride up and down in all places of his Army, with his Presence and cheerful Speech encouraging his men in that desperate Work. But whilst the Turks are thus busy in fulfilling his Command, the Christians sallying out upon them made great slaughter of them, and put to flight Ibrahim the great Bassa, with such as were about him; after whom they so eagerly followed, that he in the flight lost his Tulipant for haste, and was there very like to have been taken. Nevertheless, the work went still forward, and was now at length, with the restless labour of so great a multitude, brought to such perfection, that the Turks thought it now no great matter by assault to enter the Castle; and thereupon, the tenth of October, gave unto it four desperate Assaults one upon another, being still with greater slaughter of his men repulsed. But coming on again the fifth time with fresh Supplies, and greater fury than at the first, they prevailed; 
The old Castle taken.  and so entering, put to the Sword all they found in the Castle, in number about eight hundred: four hundred of whose Heads, one of the Turks Captains caused to be carried unto Mahomet in the Camp, in the beholding whereof, he is said to have taken great Pleasure, as in the undoubted Signs of his Victory.  
The old Castle thus taken, nothing remained but the new Castle, against which the Turks converted their whole Forces, wherein they reposed not so much hope (although their Battery were very terrible, and their Power great) as in the secret Mines wherewith they had in fourteen places undermined the Castle, and were now almost ready to be blown up. Which the besieged perceiving, and withal considering the state wherein they stood, and not hearing any thing of relief; resolved amongst themselves (without the consent of their chief Commanders) no longer to hold out, but to yield. And thereupon altogether, as if it had been but one man, rise up in a Mutiny against their two Governors, Paul Niari, and Tersky; who at the first, by all the reasons they could devise, dissuaded them from such Cowardice, putting them in mind of the Oath they had taken: which not prevailing, they afterwards upon their knees requested them, as men, to hold it out yet a while, in hope of speedy relief; yea Tersky, with his hands cast up, entreated them, that if they would no longer hold it out, but needs yield, than they should first kill him with their own hands, that he might not live to see so great a Dishonour. But what availeth Persuasion with men possessed with so great fear? And in the mean time 250 of the common Soldiers, among whom were many Italians, secretly escaping out of the Castle fled into the Camp, of whom divers became Renegades and turned Turk; which added to the former fear, so much discouraged the minds of the rest, that they forthwith required to come to parley with the Enemy, and so agreed, That they might with Bag and Baggage, and their Swords by their sides, in safety depart; the great Sultan giving his Faith for the performance thereof, with Hostages delivered on either side. So the thirteenth of October, about Noon, 
Agria yielded unto the Turks.  the Garrison Soldiers came out of the Castle, in number about 2000; but they were not gone far, but that they were in a great Plane set upon by the Turks and Tartars, and there cut in pieces; some of them were slain quick, and some other of them otherwise shamefully dismembered; the Turks in the mean time upbraiding them, and saying, That Faith was not to be kept with them that had so cruelly before dealt with them of Hatwan. This perfidious dealing much offended divers of the better sort of the Turks, insomuch, that some of them complained thereof unto the Sultan; who (as is reported) caused some of the chief Authors thereof to be put to death; and afterward, by open Proclamation commanded, that if any of the Turks or Tartars had taken any of them Prisoners, they should forthwith set them at liberty. Thus is the famous City of Agria, of long time a Christian Bishops Seat, now become a sure Receptacle for the Turks and Infidels.  

Petrinia besieged by the Turks.  Whilst Mahomet thus lay at the Siege of Agria, the Bassa of Bosna, with certain other of the Sanzacks thereabouts, having raised a great Army, came and besieged Petrinia in the Borders of Croatia: which he at his first coming so furiously battered by the space of seven days, that it was of many thought not possible for it to hold out two days longer. In the mean time, the Lord Herbenstein and Leucowitze, with all the Power they could make out of Croatia and Windismarch, came towards Petrinia; but having no means in so great haste to make a Bridge over the River of Kulp, they retired towards Siseg, there to pass over. The Turks hearing of their retire, and supposing them to have fled for fear, put six thousand Horsemen over the River to pursue them: upon whom the Christians turning, and charging them home, overthrew them; and having slain many of them, drove the rest headlong into the River, where most of them perished. The Christians nevertheless keeping on their way to Siseg, there the next day by a Bridge passed over the River, and so marching towards Petrinia, and being come near unto the Town, were encountered by eight thousand Turks, whom they also put to flight; and by certain Prisoners there taken, understood that the Bassa, the day before, was risen from before the Town, 
Petrinia relieved.  and gone: which they at the first believed not, but coming thither found it so, to their own good Contentment, and the great Joy of the late besieged.  
Maximilian the General marching on fair and softly from Strigonium, at length, the seventeenth of October, came to Cassovia, four days after that Agria was lost; and there met with the Transylvanian Prince, who was come thither with eighteen thousand men, and forty Field-pieces to aid him; of whom eight thousand were mercenary Horsemen, fifteen hundred were of the Nobility of his Country, and the rest Footmen. The next day after, they setting forward from Cassovia, joined themselves with the rest of the Army led by the Lord Teuffenbach and Palfi, and so of all their united Forces made one Army, consisting now of 32000 Horsemen and 28000 Foot; who drew with them an 120 Field-pieces, and 20000 Wagons, wherewith they every night enclosed their Army as with a most sure Trench. So orderly marching, they kept on their way towards Agria, with a full resolution to give the Turks Battle, whereof the whole Army seemed to be very desirous. By the way at length they came to a fair Heath two miles long and four broad, where they were to pass over a certain River, the Passage whereof Giaffer Bassa had before taken with 20000 Turks and Tartars, the rest of the Turks Army lying still not far from Agria. Now the purpose of the Bassa was, to have enlarged the Passage of the River, and so to have made way for the whole Army to have afterwards passed to the other side, as most commodious for many purposes, especially for Water, whereof they so might themselves have had plenty, and yet kept the Christians from it. But of this his purpose, by the coming of the Christians he was quite disappointed; for the next day, being the 23 th'. of October, they skirmished with him in divers places, especially at the Passage of the River; where, at the first Encounter he lost 300 of his men, and in the end seeing himself too weak to withstand the whole power coming on, fled to the Sultan, having lost two of his Ensigns and 20 field-pieces, but of his men not many, both for that he fled betime, and the approach of the night hindered the pursuit of the Christians, who were now become Masters both of the passage of the River, and of the place where the Bassa lay: which they finding not so commodious for them as they had at the first supposed (especially for lack of Wood, the Wether being then extreme cold, as also hearing of the approach of the Sultan with his whole Army) they forthwith forsook the same, and retired again over the River to the place where they lay before, enclosing themselves with their Wagons, as if it had been a City strongly enclosed with wooden Walls. The next day, which was the 24 th'. of October, towards night, Mahomet with all his Army showed himself unto the view of the Christians, and sent 3000 Tartars to pass the River; of whom the Christians slew a great number with their great shot, and put the rest to flight. Both the Armies were populous and strong, and covered a great deal of ground, a most goodly sight to behold: both drunk of the same River, as well the Men as their Horses, and therefore kept continual watch all that night on both sides of the River, especially at the Passage. In the morning, betwixt six and seven a clock, Mahomet, with his Army ranged in order of Battle, came within sight of the Christians, his Squadrons as it were covering all the Country on that side of the River, as far as the Christians could well see; and now again sent part of his Army over the River; with whom the Christians skirmished from morning till night, 
A great and long Skirmish betwixt the Turks and the Christians.  both the Armies parted but by the River, all this while standing fast, and as it were facing the one the other. But being at length on both sides well wearied, and many slain, the Turks retired again over the River to the Camp; in the mean time (as if it had been by consent) they resolved on both sides the next day to try the fortune of a Battle; and so Commandment was given through both the Armies, for every man, against a certain appointed time to make himself ready. So the next day, being the 26 th'. of October, Mahomet brought forth his Army again out of his Camp, which was not far from the Christians, and began now to draw down towards the River. Near unto this place were the ruins of an old Church, where Mahomet placed certain Companies of Janissaries, and 24 field-pieces, and commanded 10000 of his select Soldiers to pass the River, which they readily did. 
Ten thousand Turks pass the River, and are together with the Tartars put to flight▪  The Christians also ready for Battle, and now thinking it time upon the coming over of the Enemy to begin; with part of their Army thereunto appointed, so fiercely charged the Turks that were already come over, that they quickly overthrew them, and not them only, but certain Companies of Tartars also that were in another place come over the River; and not so contented, but following them they had in chase, put to flight them also that stood on the farther side of the River, of whom they slew a great number, and by the coming on of the rest of the Army, took from them an 190 great pieces of Artillery; whereo● so great a fear rise in the Enemy's Camp, that Mahomet, with Ibrahim the great Bassa, seeing the discomfiture of the Army, fled in all haste towards Agria, shedding some tears by the way as he went, and wiping his eyes with a piece of Mahomet's Garment, which he for reverence carried about him as a Relic. It drew now towards night, and the Archduke was about to have caused a Retreat to be sounded, and that day to have done no more. But the Transylvanian Prince, the Lord Palfi, and the rest, persuaded him in that so great fear of the Enemy to prosecute the Victory; and the rather, for that the Turks began again to make head, and to repair their disordered Battles. Wherefore the Christians still keeping their Array, charged afresh the Front of their Enemies restored Battle, consisting of 40000 men, and that with such violence, as that they in short time had slain the most part of them, and put the rest to flight; and with the like good fortune charging the body of the main Battle, forced the discouraged Turks, with great slaughter, into their own Camp. Now Commandment was before given throughout the Christian Army, that no man upon pain of Death should in seeking after spoil break his Array, or forsake his Place before the Victory were assuredly gotten. But they in this hot pursuit breaking together with the Turks into their Tents, and there killing a great number of them, and seeing in every place great store of rich spoil, contrary to the aforesaid Commandment, left the pursuit of the Enemy, and disorderly fell to the spoil of the Tents, until they came to the very Tent of the great Sultan. But here began all the mischief with a most sudden change of Fortune. 
The Christians in seeking too greedily after the Spoil, overthrown and discomfited.  For here these greedy disordered men, not now worthy the name of Soldiers, light upon a strong Squadron of resolute men, with good store of great Ordnance ready charged, which they discharged amongst the thickest of their Enemies, and rend in sunder a number of them, and after that, came on resolutely themselves; when in the mean time Cicala Bassa, with his Horsemen yet untouched, broke in upon them also, and with the terror of his coming brought such a fear upon them, that they began amain to fly, especially the Hungarians and Germans, most busied in the Spoil. Neither could they in that fear, by any threats or entreaty of their Commanders be persuaded to make a stand, or so much as once to look back, or to show any token of true Valour: which their hasty flight, was the overthrow not of themselves only, but of others also that would have fought; for whilst they fled headlong upon the Spur, and could not be stayed, they overran their own Footmen, and so furthered the Enemy's Victory. Thus for want of good order, thro' the greedy covetousness of a sort of disordered men, the most notable Victory that ever the Christians were like to have had over the Turks, was let slip out of their hands. Many noble Gentlemen and Commanders, in seeking to stay the flight of their own men, were here slain: and although the Enemy followed the Chase scarce half a mile, yet were the Christians possessed with such a fear, that they fled amain all over the Country, with greater shame than loss, no man pursuing them. The Archduke himself seeing all desperate, fled to Cassovia. The Transylvanian, of all others most orderly, retired himself towards Tocaii, having not lost in this Battle above 200 men, and of them never a man of name. All this loss he imputed to the Covetousness of the Hungarians, and Cowardice of the Germane Horsemen. The Lord Bernstein having charge of the great Artillery, fled also, and made shift for himself, as did Palfi, and in fine all the rest. Neither was the fear less amongst the Turks (a wonderful thing to be spoken) than it was among the Christians: for the Night following, they, for fear of the return of the Christians, trussing up the best of their things, fled also towards Agria. And it was afterwards known, that the Turks great Ordnance, Tents, and Baggage, flood three days in their Trenches, either altogether unguarded, or so slenderly guarded, as that they might have been easily taken by the Christians, if they would but have made head again. Yea Mahomet himself is reported oftentimes to have confessed the danger and fear he was then in to have been taken, and all his Army destroyed, if the Christians had (as they should) pursued the Victory, and not so basely run after the Spoil: by which danger he then warned, afterwards ever shunned to adventure his Person to the like Peril in the Field. In this Battle of Karesta (for so it is of a place thereby called) and at the Siege of Agria, were lost of the Christians about 20000, 
Twenty thousand Christians slain, and threescore thousand Turks.  and of the Turks 60000. Mahomet a●ter this Victory fortified Agria, and for the keeping thereof left in it 10000 Soldiers, and so returned to Belgrade.  
The Bassa of Buda, persuading himself that the Christians, after so great an Overthrow, could not this Year to any purpose recover their Strength, came with all the power he was able to make, and the fourth of November besieged Vachia, 
Vachia besieged by the Bassa of Buda.  in hope to have easily carried it: but finding there greater resistance than he had before imagined, and hearing that the dispersed Christians in the upper part of Hungary were making head for to come to the relief of the Town, he, more afraid than hurt, broke up his Siege, and so returned to Buda; for indeed the dispersed Relics of the late Army of the Christians were drawing together, but unarmed and unserviceable, as having in the late flight shamefully cast away their Arms, and therefore could have done the Bassa small harm if he had continued the Siege.  
Mahomet, thinking it Honour enough for him to have thus won Agria, and driven the Christians out of the Field, divided his Army into two parts▪ at Belgrade; whereof the one he bille●ed in the Country thereabout, to be ready for all Events, and with the other he returned to Constantinople: but by the way he was set upon by Barbelius januschy the Transylvanian Prince's Lieutenant, and the Vayvod of Valachia, who with a great Power both of Horse and Foot being got over the River Danubius, and secretly favoured by the Country People, lay in Ambush for him in places of advantage, and still following in the Tail of his Army, cut off 7000 of his men before he could be rid of them; and so with much trouble arrived at length at Constantinople, where we will for this Year leave him, until we hear of him more.  
Maximilian, with a small Retinue, arrived at Vienna in the latter end of November, where he found the Viscount of Burgaw, Swartzenburg, and some other of the Commanders of his late Army; most of the rest, especially the Italians, being slain. The small remainder of this unfortunate Year was spent with often Skirmishes and Inroads one into another's Frontiers, as the manner of War is, without any other great thing done worth the Remembrance.  
Rodolph the Christian Emperor, notwithstanding the late discomfiture of his Army not far from Agria, made choice again of his Brother Maximilian the Archduke, for the managing of his Forces for his next Years Wars against the Turk. Whereunto the Pope by his Lega●e Fran. Aldobrandino promised of his own charge to send him 10000 Italians, under the Conduct of the Duke of Mantua; as did also the Germane Princes their wont aid, with some others. All which slowly at length meeting together near unto Possonium and Altenburg, in the Months of july and August; departing thence, marched to Pappa, which after eight days hard Siege they took, and so again retired to Altenburg, where they took a general Muster of the Army, 
Pappa taken by the Christians.  and afterwards, in the beginning of September, showed themselves before the strong Town of Rab: where the Lord Bernstein approaching too near the Walls, was with a Shot slain. Nevertheless, the rest there stayed, until that hearing of the coming of Mahomet Bassa, the Turks General, with a great Army, they left the Siege, and the twenty fourth day of September, passing over the River Danubius, into the Island Schut towards Comara, there on the North-side of the River encamped. Where they had not lain past eight days, but that the Castle of Dotis, standing upon the Southside of Danubius, was by the Bassa, 
Dotis taken by the Turks.  before their Faces, and as it were even under their Noses, besieged and taken; the whole Army of the Christians in the mean time, as idle Beholders, looking on, but not daring to relieve their distressed Friends: but afterwards arising, marched to Vachia; where, hearing of the Turks coming against them from Pesth, they set fire on the Castle, and so retired along the North-side of the River, until they came over against Vicegrade, a Castle of their own, on the farther side of Danubius; where, by the good direction of the Lord George Basta, a most expert Captain, and Lieutenant-General of the Army, they encamped so strongly, as that the Turks, after many brave Attempts given to have forced them in their Trenches, were glad with some loss to depart.  
Neither went things this Year better forward with the Christians in other places, than in this side of Hungary: for Sigismond the Transylvanian Prince, by his Chancellor, besieging the strong City of Temeswar in October, was, by the valour of the Defendants, and the unseasonableness of the Wether, enforced to raise his Siege, and with dishonour to depart. 
Michael the Vayvod yieldeth his Obeisance unto the Turk, and yet refuseth to aid him against the Christians.  Michael also, the Vayvod of Valachia, who, moved with the example and persuasions of the Transylvanian Prince, had revolted from the Turks, and done them great harm (as is in part before declared) now wearied with their often Invasions and the spoil of his Country, almost brought to utter Desolation, many thousands of his Subjects being by the Turks and Tartars carried away Captives, and his Towns and Castles for most part razed; to give his People a time of breathing, submitted himself again unto the Turkish Obeisance, solemnly receiving at the hands of one of the Turks Chiaus (for that purpose sent from Constantinople) an Ensign in token of his Submission unto the Turkish Emperor, as also of his favour towards him. Which the more to assure him of, he by another honourable Messenger shortly after received from Mahomet the Turkish Emperor more kind Letters than at any time before, with the confirmation of the Vayvodship of Valachia by the grand Seignior's solemn Oath, unto Michael the Vayvod, and his Son Peter, then about thirteen years old, for the term of both their Lives, without disturbance, paying but the half of the old yearly Tribute by the Turks before demanded. So glad they were upon any condition to have reduced that Martial man with his Country unto their Obeisance: and in token of further Grace, together with these Letters he received also a goodly Horse, most richly furnished, with a fair Scimitar and an Horseman's Mace, in sign of the martial Power and Government committed unto him by the great Sultan Mahomet. All which goodly gifts and Honours the Vayvod seemed thankfully to accept: nevertheless, not daring too far to trust unto the Turkish Faith, of the small assurance whereof he had before had sufficient Experience, he still kept strong Garrisons upon the Frontiers of his Country, with such other Forces also as he was wont, excusing the same to be done for fear of the Tartars; by whom he also excused himself for not going with the Turks General this Year into Hungary, as he was by special Messengers from the grand Signior himself requested; telling him, that he might not in any case so do, for fear of the Tartars most horrible Incursions, and the Spoils of his Country; yet knew he right well, how that they were by the great Sultan's express Commandment charged not to do any harm either in Moldavia, or Valachia, as they went into Hungary. But this wary Vayvod not greatly trusting either the Sultan or them, as also loath himself, a Christian, to go against the Christians, his Friends and late Confederates, excused himself by the necessary care he had of his Subjects and Country, and so requested that his reasonable Excuse to be in good part of the great Sultan accepted: but of him more is to be said hereafter. Thus passed this Year without any great thing done more than is before declared; both these great Princes, the Emperor and the Turkish Sultan, being warned by the last Years Work what it was to put all to the Fortune of a Battle: and therefore now, contenting themselves to have showed their Forces, year 1598. as not afraid one of the other, countenanced this years' Wars more in shows than deeds.  
What great things might by the Christian Princes at Unity amongst themselves be done against the Turk, is by the considerate Right easily to be gathered; but especially by the notable Victory of the famous Transylvanian Prince Sigismond, who, conederated but with his poor oppressed Neighbours the Null and Moldavians, and strengthened with some small Aid from the Emperor and the Hungarians, not only delivered those three Countries from the heavy burden of the Turkish Thraldom, but vanquished also their most renowned Captains, overthrew their mighty Armies, burnt and spoiled their Countries, razed their Towns and Cities; which, as it hath been before in part declared, so if it should be all particularly set down, besides that it would be tedious, so also might it haply seem almost incredible. Besides which Calamities of War (commonly more felt of the Subjects than of the Prince) the great Sultan himself found no small Wants, as well in his Coffers, as other his necessary Supplies for the maintenance of his Wars, especially in Hungary; the only Country of Moldavia, before these Troubles, 
A great Tribute.  yielding unto him yearly a Tun of Gold, 2000 Horses for Service, 10000 great measures of Wheat, with as much Barley, and a wonderful proportion of Butter, Honey, and other Victuals; the other two Provinces paying the like or more▪ as a yearly Tribute: whereof he had of late, to his great discontentment, by the general Revolt of these three Countries, been quite disappointed. But this so wholesome a Confederation (to the great hurt of the Christian Commonweal, and benefit of the Turks) now broken, and Moldavia by the Polonians dissevered from the rest, and again made tributary to the Turk, as is before declared, and now Valachia also in a sort acknowledging the Turks Obeisance; the noble Transylvanian Prince, who hitherto with great Cheerfulness and Courage had fought the most Christian Battles against the Turk, now left as it were all alone, and doubting how with his own small Forces to be able long to defend his Country against the Turk and the Polonian, whom he feared not much less than him; left the same should, together with himself, fall into the hands of the Turks or some other his Enemies, 
The Prince of Transilvania resigneth his Country unto the Emperor:  by a wonderful Change voluntarily resigned this his Country of Transilvania unto Rodolph the Christian Emperor, and his Heirs for ever: and so leaving his Wife in Transilvania, went himself into to Silesia, there to take Possession of the Dukedoms of Oppel and Ratibor, which, together with the yearly Pension of 50000 Joachims', or the Revenues of the Bishopric of Vratislavia, he had in lieu thereof received of the Emperor: whereupon the Possession of Transilvania, by the general consent of all the States of that Country, was in the beginning of this Year 1598., delivered unto the Archbishop of Vacia, the County Nadasti, and Doctor Petzi, the Emperor's Commissioners; and a solemn Oath of Obedience and Loyalty taken of them all in general; albeit the aforesaid Commissioners, as also the Emperor himself, would have persuaded the Prince, either not at all, or at leastwise not so suddenly to have forsaken his Country, but to have still kept the Government thereof himself yet for a year or two; well foreseeing, that the same could not so conveniently be governed by any other as by himself, a natural Prince therein born, and exceedingly beloved of his Subjects. 
Michael the Vayvod submitteth himself, 〈◊〉 his People, unto the Emperor's Protection.  The same Commissioners also, in june following, going into Valachia, there took the like Oath of Obedience of Michael the Vayvod and his People: who, loathing the Turkish Sovereignty, all willingly yielded themselves unto the Emperor's Protection. These Commissioners also at the same time came to agreement with the Tartar's Ambassadors, offering unto the Emperor Peace and Aid for the yearly Pension of 40000 ducats, and as many Sheepskin Gowns, their usual manner of Apparel.  
All this while continued the Diet of the Empire, begun in December last passed at Ratisbon, Mathias the Emperor's Brother being there his Deputy, and in his Majesty's Name demanding a greater Aid for the maintenance of his Wars against the Turk, the common Enemy, than was by the Princes and States of the Empire offered: where, after great and long Deliberation, a large Proportion was by them all agreed upon for the defraying of the charges of those Wars and defence of the Christian Commonweal, to be paid in three years' next; and so thereupon was the Assembly dissolved. But as they were returning home, behold, contrary to all hope, Rab, one of the strongest Fortresses of Christendom, three Years before betrayed unto the Turks by County Hardeck, was now by the Wisdom and Valour of Adolphus Baron of Swartzenburg, the Emperor's Lieutenant in the lower Hungary, again recovered, to the great grief of the Turks, and wonderful rejoicing of the Christians, in such sort as followeth:  
This noble Gentleman the Lord Swartzenburg, of no less Courage than Experience, then lying at Komara, and still in doubt lest the Turks, so near unto him at Rab, should attempt something against him and his Charge, provided for his own defence all that Wintertime with a strong Garrison, keeping continual Watch and Ward, although it were as then no time for the Enemy with any Army to keep the Field. 
Two Italian Prisoners flying out of Rab, discover the state of the Town to the Lord Swartzenb●rg.  So Winter passing, and the Spring approaching, it fortuned, that the two and twentieth day of March, about seven a clock in the night, the Gates being shut, were heard near under the Walls of the Town, two men, who by their Speech seemed to be Italians; with great instance requesting▪ for the safeguard of their Lives, to be let in, for fear of the Enemy's Pursuit: which by one of the Sentinels was forthwith reported unto the Governor; who, doubting it to be some subtle practice of the Enemy, commanded them there to take their Fortune until the Morning; at which time they were received into the City, and being brought before the Governor, prostrating themselves forthwith at his Feet, pitifully requested him to have compassion of their Misery, and to comfort them with his charitable Relief, that so they might at length return again into their Country: who at the first asked them, What Countrymen they were, and from whence they came at that time of the night? Whereunto they answered, That they were Italians, and that they had but even then escaped out of the cruel hands of the Turks at Rab. But desiring to know of them some News, they, after their manner, humbled themselves, showing by their Gesture not to know any. Yet would he needs understand of them the Particularities, when and how they were taken by the Turks, and the means they had used to escape out of that cruel Servitude, in all order as had befallen them. Where the younger of them beginning, told him, That now almost two years ago, at such time as the Christians were overthrown by the Turks under Agria, and every man in that confusion then seeking the best and nearest way to save themselves; they having by flight now escaped the greatest danger of the Enemy, and so travelling over the Country towards Vienna, were, to their great Misfortune (by an hundred Turks come out of Rab to scour the Country, and to seek after Prey) taken Prisoners, and as Slaves committed to the Chain, where they had almost two years, until now, with great Patience served. These two Fugitives, by their outward appearance, seemed to be men of good Spirit and Valour; which caused the Governor the more desirous to know of them the means they had used for their escape. So the younger proceeding in his Tale, gave him to understand of the whole matter, telling him, That they had been three Months before still carefully devising how to recover their lost Liberty, which now seemed to make some offer of itself unto them: for that since the time that the Emperor's Army rise the last year from before the Town, they were not kept so straight, or looked unto as before, but lay as men by the Turks not much regarded; which caused them the more cheerfully to take the offer of the time, and to resolve either the sooner to die, or to set themselves at liberty. And that so one day as they were carrying certain Munition from the Palace of Giaffer Bassa for the Soldiers, they secretly conveyed three pieces of Cord of some reasonable bigness, therewith by night to let themselves down from the Wall, and so make their Escape: which stolen Cord, that it should not be seen, and so their purpose suspected, they buried in the ground. But the Night being come for them to effect in what they had so long desired, and they roaming up and down in the dark, and still finding one let or other, they were enforced for that time to stay, and to defer it until the night following; which being come, and choice made of a most convenient place, they made fast the Cord above, and so thereby slid down, first the elder, and then the younger; who not knowing how to swim, was yet by the good direction and help of his Fellow conducted over unto the farther side of the broad and deep Ditch; and that so, in the night (so dark as that one of them could hardly see the other) they were come by chance to Komara, thinking to have taken the way to Vienna. The Governor thus fully instructed of their Escape, demanded of them further, how the strong Town of Rab was by the Turks governed and guarded; who told him, very evil, and with small care, especially since the Departure of the Emperor's Camp; and also that four Gates of the Town were filled up with Earth, which if they were broken open, would all fall into the Town-ditch, and so further them that would attempt to enter, with divers other Particularities. Whereof the Governor having well considered, thought with himself, that if by some ingenious Device he might by night, with some good strength, upon the sudden enter the Town, it might happily be so again recovered. Upon which so great a designment he thought good to consult further with the Lord Palfi, whom he requested, in all haste, and with as much Secrecy as was possible, with 1600 Foot, and as many Horse as he could make, to come unto him to Komara. Who, upon this Advertisement, stayed not, but presently giving order unto his men, set forward by night, and the 26 th' of March, before day, with 1400 Foot and 120 Horse arrived at Komara; where they were all joyfully received, and the Gates, after they were entered, again fast shut, and so kept for fear of the Enemies secret Spies, of whom no man can be too wary, be he never so wise. Now whilst these Soldiers were refreshing themselves, in the mean time, the Governor, with the Lord Palfi, discoursed to the full concerning the intended Enterprise; which resolved upon, they found themselves, upon the view of their men, to have 2600 Foot of the Garrison Soldiers, and 300 Horse, all good and courageous men, and well appointed for the intended Service: who there staying two days after their coming, and many of them in the mean time (after the manner of their Religion) confessing themselves, and receiving the Sacrament, were become so courageous, as that they doubted not, in the Quarrel of the Christian Religion, to encounter a far greater number of the Turks than themselves. And the more to stir them up, the Lord Palfi at the same time delivered unto them a notable Speech; not for all that telling them whither they were to go; but, That they were his Christian Soldiers and Brethren, 
The notable Speech of the Lord Palfi unto his Soldiers.  under his leading both of long and late time; who, never by him deceived of their wont Pay at such time as it was due, would not now, as he hoped, forsake him. And albeit that he well knew them to have deserved at his hands a greater Contentment, nevertheless, being himself deprived of his Revenue by these late Wars, and his Possessions subject every hour unto the Incursions of the Turks, could not therefore, according to his Desire, and their Deserts, show unto them the great good Will he bore them; yet now and even presently was come the time wherein they might not only abundantly enrich themselves, but also adorn their Heads with an immortal Crown of Glory, and make themselves for ever famous, by performing the most happy and glorious Exploit that ever was by valiant Soldiers attempted or achieved in that part of the World. And to the intent that they might know how dearly he accounted of the Life and Honour of every one of them, he would therefore himself, with the Lord Swartzenburg, (of whom proceeded all that fair Device and new Stratagem) be present with them in the Action; and that therefore they were not to think that they were led forth to any private danger, farther than their Commanders themselves, whose Folly were to be accounted great, if rashly and upon no good ground they should adventure their Lives and Honours together; whereof they ought not now to doubt, having by a thousand Proofs known how much they had been of them always regarded. And that therefore it behoved them so much the more to show their Valour in this piece of Service undertaken for the great benefit of the Christian Commonweal, and the Honour of Christ Jesus, unto whom they were with one accord to make their Prayers, with his mighty hand to strengthen their Hearts, and with glorious Victory to bring to happy end the intended Exploit against his Enemies, to the honour of his Name, and the advancement of the Christian Religion and Faith. At the end of which Speech, all the Soldiers cried aloud, That they were most ready to do any their Commands, and to follow them whithersoever. So order was taken, that within three hours they should every man be pressed and ready with their Arms according to their places; and so having well refreshed themselves, about eleven of clock the seven and twentieth day of March they in good order began to set forwards toward Rab. But for that the multitude of Soldiers oftentimes giveth the Enemy warning of that is intended against him, Palfi gave order to one john Stroine, his Serjeant-Major, to follow fair and softly after him, with 1700 Horse and Foot; which he well performed: and so upon the break of the day they began to draw towards Rab, and there lay close in Ambush all that day until night, about seven miles short of the Town; refreshing themselves in the mean time with plenty of Victuals, which they had brought with them from Komara. Night (the favourer of Deceit) being come, in two hours March they began to draw near to Rab, and there stayed about five hours; from whence they sent before them a French Engineer, a man of great Judgement, with thirteen others (before rewarded with 1500 ducats) having with them four Petards, Engines of Force to blow up into the Air any thing whereunto they be fastened, be it never so great and weighty; where, by good chance, they found the Draw-bridge down, and the Portcullis up; for that the Turks then casting no Peril, expected every hour for certain Wagons with Provision from Alba-Regalis. By which good hap, the Christians unperceived coming to the Gate, and thereunto fastening their Petards, in good order gave fire to the same, which presently took not hold; yet were they not far gone, but that they were by a Sentinel descried, who demanding what they were, was presently answered by the violent Engines, which in a trice tore in sunder the Gate, with some part of the Wall and of the Fortifications near unto it. When now the Watch (but all too late) began to give the Alarm, and the Christians in the forward thrusting presently in, took the Gate, 
Rab surprised by the Christians.  none of the Turks yet coming to the defence thereof, or to hinder them from entering. The first that appeared were 200 Turks, which with their wont Cry Alla, Alla, in such hideous manner as if they would therewith have rend the Heavens, would have stayed the Christians from farther entering, but were themselves overcharged by 300 which were already entered. At which time also the Bassa came on with more than a thousand following him, and that with such Courage and Fury as was never greater to be seen in any Turk: where, after a most terrible Fight, maintained by the space of two hours, the Bassa himself being slain, 
Two of the Turks Bassas slain.  the Turks began a little to retire, whereby a thousand Christians more had leisure to enter: when straightway after came Giaffer the great Bassa with above a thousand tall Soldiers following him, all the Inhabitants also of Rab running after him, and that with such force, that they constrained the Christians to retire unto the Gate whereby they entered. Who, resolved rather honourably to die within the Town, than with dishonour to be forced out, there, with incredible Courage, sustained the greatest Impression of the furious Enemy; where was to be seen the true Christian Valour for the performance of so great an Exploit, well worthy of eternal Memory. But this Bassa also (the other being dead of a Wound in his Neck) encountered by the Lord Swartzenburg, after he had in that sharp Conflict showed great tokens of his Valour, was there at length slain also: both whose Heads struck off, were for a Present afterwards sent to the Emperor at Prague, with all the particularities of the whole Action. But now the Turks perceiving that all their chief Commanders were slain, retired most part of them into the City: some 300 of them crept underneath one of the Bulwarks, where stood certain Barrels of Gunpowder, which they desperately set on fire, and so together with themselves blew up three hundred Christians that were above upon the Bulwark; the greatest loss the Christians had in all that Victory, who were otherwise supposed not to lose therein above two hundred of their men. Thus the Turks discomfited, and altogether full of fear, losing both their Force and Courage, fled in every place before the Christians, they in every corner making of them a most horrible Slaughter. The Turkish Women all this while out of their Windows and other high places, ceased not to cast down Stones, Timber, and such like things, upon the Heads of the Christians, whom they thought by all means to annoy, and to help the Turks. The bloody Execution continued all that day until night, the Christians still finding one or other hidden in the most secret places of the City upon whom to exercise their Wrath; who, ransacking also every corner thereof, were by the Wealth therein found greatly enriched. 
A great Booty.  But coming to the Palace of Giaffer the great Bassa, they found such great store of rich Furniture, as better beseemed some great Prince than a Turkish Slave. There they found also Letters, written in Characters of Gold, from the Bassa of Buda to this Bassa, greeting him, and promising him in his behalf to deal with the grand Signior against the next Spring, with the first that his Army should take the Field, that he might therein have some honourable place of Command, to the end he might in the Field show his greater Valour, and no longer lie idle in that strong Town. So found they there also many things written from the Great Sultan himself unto this Bassa, with great store of Coin, which all fell to the Soldier's share; insomuch, that by this so notable an Exploit so well performed, the public State, together with the Soldiers private, was not a little bettered. There, amongst other things, were recovered threescore and six pieces of Artillery, which were known to have been sometime the Emperor's, and four and twenty others, which the Bassa had caused to be brought from Buda, with great store of shot and powder and other small pieces, and meal sufficient to have served 4000 men for a Year and a half, but of Wine (little used of the Turks) only four Vessels. In the Bassa's Palace was also found of Armour and Weapons of all sorts great store, with abundance of Cloth and Apparel, which was all given in spoil to the Soldiers. Thus Rab, one of the strongest Fortresses of Christendom, not full four years before besieged by Sinan Bassa with an 150000 men, by the space almost of three Months, and then at length, by the Treason of the Governor to him betrayed; was now in one night, by the Valour and Policy of a few resolute men, to their immortal Glory, again restored to the Christian Commonweal, the nineteenth day of March, in the Year 1598. Of which so notable a Victory the Christians rejoiced not a little both in Hungary and elsewhere; the great Sultan, with the Turks, no less grieving and storming, as well for the loss of the Town, before got with no small charge, as for the death of his People there slain, to the number of about six thousand and more, with the loss of scarce six hundred Christians.  
Yet for all this, Mahomet the great Sultan ceased not to make great Provision for his Wars in Hungary, and that greater than before; and so with greater fury also to prosecute his wrathful Indignation to be revenged upon the Christians. Whereunto, order was given unto Ibraim Bassa his Brother-in-law, and General of his Army, with all convenient speed to take the Field; which for all that fell out far otherwise; for that now thinking to have had all things in good forwardness, a great dissension rise betwixt the Janissaries and the Spahi; the Janissaries being the best Footmen, and the Spahi the best Horsemen of the Turkish Empire; 
A great Tumult between the Janissaries and the Spahi.  both the faithful Keepers of the Person of their Prince, and the greatest strength of his State, whereby it cometh to pass, that in setting forward towards the Wars, these two sorts of valiant Soldiers, the one standing upon their Strength, and the other upon their Honour, and both jealous of their Reputation and Credit, have no good liking of one the other, but oftentimes, and especially of late in this corruption of their martial Discipline under their degenerate Emperors, fall at odds among themselves, as now they did, to the great hindrance of their Affairs, and trouble of the General. Insomuch, that to appease this Tumult he was glad to put to death certain of the insolent Janissaries, refusing to set forward as they were by their Aga commanded. But proceeding farther, and thinking to have executed some others of them also, to the further terror of the rest, he was by them and their Adherents put in such fear of his Life, that to avoid the present danger, he was glad to excuse himself by his Lieutenant, laying all the blame upon him as the cause thereof; who was therefore as a Sacrifice delivered unto the Fury of the Janissaries, by whom he was there presently slain, with some others of the Bassa's Followers. So these Broils, with much ado, overpast, Ibrahim having taken a general review of his Army at Sophia, there stayed, expecting Order from the great Sultan where to begin his Wars, in Hungary or in Transilvania, for as yet that was in question: which could not well be before the beginning of july, by reason of the scarcity of Victuals even then arising in the Camp; for the supplying whereof, Mahomet himself had no small care. But this long delay was the cause that a great number of the Janissaries coming from Hadrianople, and hearing by the way, that the General would not as yet set forward, not knowing the cause of his stay, and doubting to be deceived of their promised Entertainment, were about to have returned back again; which known at the Court, Commandment was presently sent thence unto the General, without longer stay to set forward toward Hungary, which the more hastened his Departure with his Army.  
In this the Turks so long delay, the Christians had good leisure to prepare their new Forces, being now the latter end of Summer: for well they might think that the Enemy slept not, knowing what Provision he had made as well in Constantinople as in other places. Wherefore reasonably doubting that Summer well spent, and August now at hand, he would not so late turn his Forces into the lower Hungary, they thought it best to provide for the Safety of the upper Country: and to the end the Enemy approaching those Frontiers, might there find Forces ready to encounter him, the Lord George Basta, a man of great Experience and Valour, was appointed Lieutenant-General for that Country, to the great Contentment of the Soldiers in general, all showing themselves most ready at his Command. The Lord Swartzenburg in the mean time remaining in the lower Hungary at Rab, with eight thousand good Soldiers; and the Archduke Mathias at Vienna for the dispatch of George Basta, and the hasting of him forward: for that the upper Hungary, to the great hurt thereof began now to feel the Incursions of the Turks and Tartars: besides that, he was afterwards to return himself to speak with the Emperor his Brother, still expecting a Chiaus of the Turks by the Appointment of the Grand Signior, sent by the way of Polonia for Prague, to entreat with the Emperor concerning a Peace.  
They of Buda in the mean while seeing the delay of the Turks, of whom, no one band yet appeared in those Quarters; and on the other side perceiving the great Preparation of the Imperials, and the great Garrison at Rab so near at hand; began now to doubt some new Resolution of the Christians: wherein they were no whit deceived; for no Army of the Turks being then in field in the lower Hungary, and the Country plain and open, the Lord Palfi, with a convenient Power, and certain pieces of Battery, set forward to attempt the Enterprise, and the 16 th' of October, 
Buda besieged by the Christians.  with 16 pieces of Artillery began to batter the City of Buda, to the great fear and discomfiture of them within; having first taken the Fort S. Gerard, with hope to have gained the rest also. For which cause, the Men, the Women, and all that dwelled in the City, most instantly besought the Bassa, not to endure the destruction of the same, with the Inhabitants and Wealth thereof altogether; but, being not able long to hold out against so furious a Battery, in time to hearken unto some reasonable composition▪ that so they might yet every man at least with life depart. Whereunto, the Bassa for all that would not hearken, but put them still in hope that they should be presently relieved. Howbeit, the Battery still continuing, and they not able longer to endure the force of the Imperials, nor any Relief yet coming, they were glad, at length to abandon the City with the loss of 2000 of the Janissaries, and but 300 of the Christians slain, and 800 hurt; the rest of the Turks at the same time retiring themselves into the Castle, where they might for a space deem themselves safe. So the Lord Palfi possessed of the City, with all his Forces laid Siege unto the Castle; which, although it were in some places shaken with the continual fury of the Canon, yet were the Defendants still ready to make good the same: insomuch, that Palfi, upon good hope of Success, giving thereunto a general Assault, was by their Valour enforced to retire; they within in the mean time with great labour and industry repairing the Breaches and Gauls made by the Artillery. So that Palfi considering the difficulty of the Assault, thought it better, by undermining, to shake the Rock whereon the Castle stood, than by a new Assault to expose so many worthy men unto so manifest a danger: which his Purpose by the Enemy discovered, was by them also, by countermining, disappointed; yet for all that were the Christians still in good hope, by another Mine not yet by the Enemy perceived, to sort to the full of their desire; and the more, for that they saw not so much bravery or show of Courage in the Defendants as before: who now kept themselves silent and quiet, as if they had been consulting about the yielding up of the Castle, as men bereft of all hope of Relief and Succour; the Christians being now possessed of a strong Abbey and Fortress fast by, and having broken down all the Bridges over the River Danubius, in such sort, as that the besieged could not receive any relief either by Land or Water. But forasmuch as the time of the year began now to grow tedious, and the Winter Weather sharp, the Christians thought it not best there long to protract the time; and therefore resolved to present unto the Castle another general Assault, and at the same instant to blow up the Mine: but in giving this Assault, they were again repulsed with the loss of 200 men. At which time also, a number of the Turks sallying out of the Castle, courageously encountered the Christians, but not with Success answerable to their Valour, being there almost all cut in pieces: neither did the Mine take the desired Effect, but being blown up did little or no harm at all. So that the Christians, weary of their long suffering of the Extremity of the Wether, and withal considering the great Courage of the Defendants, were even upon the point to have risen; yet willing to give a fresh attempt by the Mine, they began again to work in the same, and in hope to prevail, began to parley with the Defendants about the giving up of the Castle: but all to little or no purpose; for that the Mine having taken no effect, the Soldiers could hardly be drawn on through the deep and muddy Ditches to give a new Assault. In fine, 
The Christians depart from the Siege of Buda.  seeing no hope to prevail, and hearing also of the coming of a great Army of the Turks for the relief of the besieged, they raised their Siege, and at their departure burned their Suburbs, carrying away with them a great Booty; and so retiring towards Strigonium, expected further direction where to Winter. Where, shortly after, Order was taken, that the Forces disbanded should be dispersed, some into the Garrisons, and some into the Country thereabout, to the intent they might so be in the more readiness with the first of the next Spring to take the Field, or as occasion should serve to be otherwise employed.  
But Sigismond the Transylvanian Prince in the mean time repenting himself of the unequal Exchange he had made with the Emperor, in disguised Apparel hasting in post out of Silesia came to Clausenburg in Transilvania; and there was joyfully received of his Subjects, and taking of them a new Oath of Obedience, by Messengers sent of purpose certified Maximilian the Archduke (appointed by the Emperor for the Government of Transilvania, and now upon his way as far as Cassovia) of the causes of his Return, persuading him rather to convert his Forces against the Turks for the recovery of Agria, than to trouble himself to come any farther for Transilvania, now again by him, to the great contentment of his Subjects, repossessed: as did also the Princess his Wife (Maximilians Cousin-German) wishing him to consider what hurt and dishonour he should do unto the Emperor's Majesty, Himself, the Roman Empire, and the whole Christian Common-weal in general, if in so dangerous a time he should attempt any thing against the Prince her Husband, and unto him so nearly allied.  
Now the Turks great Army being come into the upper Hungary, 
Veradinum besieged by the Turks.  lay encamped under the Walls of the strong City of Veradinum, where that worthy Captain George Basta was Lieutenant-General for the Emperor; but not having such Strength, as without further help to go against so mighty an Enemy, or to relieve the besieged City, not as then furnished with a sufficient Garrison, he gave knowledge thereof unto Maximilian the Archduke, who (as is aforesaid) with a convenient Power was but a little before come to Cassovia, to have gone into Transilvania, had he not there by the way been stayed by Ambassadors from the Prince Sigismond, but lately before returned out of Silesia; and having again taken upon him the Government, by these his Ambassadors requested him no farther to trouble himself with that Journey, offering to give him Aid against the Turks whensoever he should require it. The besieged nevertheless in the mean time notably defended themselves, and with certain brave Sallies did the Enemy great harm; still expecting, that Basta the Lieutenant, or the Transylvanian Prince, or Maximilian the Archduke, or they all, with their united Forces, should send them relief: unto whom they gave knowledge the Nineteenth of October, how that the Turks with all the Force and Fury they had used, had as yet little prevailed, being by their Valour still repulsed, and with many sharp Sallies, to their great loss encountered, and some of their great Ordnance cloyed, in such sort, as that they were in good hope to protract the time until they might by them their Friends be relieved; yet not doubting, but that the Turks, according to their wont manner, would do what they might to subdue them. According to whose expectation, the Transylvanian Prince, with a great Power taking the Field to have relieved them, was letted so to do by the Tartars, to that purpose stirred up by the Turks: so that he could by no means join his Forces with Maximilian, for looking to the Safety of his own People and Country. Yet in token of forwardness, he sent certain Companies of brave Soldiers unto the Lieutenant Basta; who understanding that of 2000 good Soldiers in Garrison in the City at the beginning of the Siege, there were scarce 700 left alive, all the rest being, with continual Assaults, slain or mortally wounded, used a notable Stratagem to delude the Enemy withal: 
A new Supply put into Veradinum by Basta.  for having put his men in good order, and coming bravely on, as if he would even presently have joined Battle (a thing which the Turks most desired) whilst they likewise with great stir were putting themselves in order of Battle, and wholly busied therein, he by another way (of the Turks lest suspected) cunningly thrust into the City eight hundred good Soldiers; and that done, presently retired again into his Trenches, wherein he strongly encamped, feared not all the Turks Forces: who thinking even then to have come to a day Battle, and still in vain expecting the same, returned deceived by this fineness. And so shortly after (enforced by continual foul Wether) raised their Siege, not without great difficulty and danger (Relief lying so near at hand, and the Defendants strengthened with new Supplies) to have been longer maintained. So passed the Troubles of this Year, with no gain but great loss of the Turk; who, at their departure, enforced by the unseasonableness of the Wether and fear together, left behind them in their Trenches many Tents, with some great pieces of Artillery, being not able to convey the same by Water to Buda: and withal fearing greatly to be encountered by the Forces of Basta, strengthened with new Supplies even then sent unto him from the Emperor.  
The Archduke Mathias, Swartzenburg, and the other Commanders of the Army in the lower Hungary, being twelve thousand strong, with the Garrison Soldiers of Rab, Strigonium, and Komara, in the mean time, because they would not stand idle, together with the Hungarian Horse men, overran all the Country thereabout, even unto the Gates of Buda: in good hope also to have met with eight thousand Turks (as they were by their Spials advertised) coming towards Pesth with Victuals for the relief of the Castle of Buda.  
Whilst things thus passed in Hungary, Mahomet, to show his Greatness, as also the more to keep the Christian Princes in suspense, sent Cicala (or as the Turks call him Cigala) Bassa his Admiral, with a great Fleet to Sea: wherewith, being come upon the Coast of Sicilia, he requested the Viceroy of that Kingdom to send him aboard his Fleet the Lady Lucretia his Mother, which dwelled in Messina, for that he greatly desired to see her, and to do her Honour; promising so quietly to depart without any harm doing. And the Viceroy again considering how that the angry Renegade for the like Courtesy to him at another time before denied, had in his rage done great harm all along the Sea-Coast; covenanting with him to send her in safety back again, sent her honourably accompanied aboard the Admiral Gally: whom Cicala her Son received with great Joy▪ and Triumph; and having kept her with him one day with all the Honour that might be, according to his Promise sent her back again to Messina; and so without any any harm done for her sake to any part of Christendom, peaceably returned back again with his Fleet.  
Now in the mean time, Michael the Vayvod of Valachia, with good Forces of his own, because he would be doing something also, resolved to give an Attempt upon Nicopolis, a City of the Turks in Bulgaria: and so giving order to his People, caused a Bridge to be made over Danubius to pass that great River by. Whereof the Bassas of Silistria and Badova understanding, thought it good with all their Power to disturb him in that work; and so coming, as the said Bridge was by the Vayvod's Soldiers laid over the River upon Boats, without farther stay attempted to have broken the same, to the intent that the Vayvod should not that way pass. Who hasting thither with his Army, rescued his Work, and enforced his Bassas to forsake the Exploit by them begun; where betwixt them for a space was fought a most hard Conflict, until at length the Turks were with a great Slaughter overthrown, and so glad, some here, some there, by flight as they might, to save their Lives. After which Victory, he, without let passing over the River with his whole Forces, came and encamped under the Walls of Nicopolis; where they of the City understanding of the late Slaughter of the Turks, and finding themselves not able to hold it out against the Force and Valour of the Valachies, 
Nicopolis sacked and burnt by the Vayvod.  and now out of hope of any help or relief in time to come from the Turks, without farther resistance yielded themselves into the Power of the Vayvod; who having sacked the City and set it on fire, carried thence a great spoil and booty, with a number of the Bulgarians; choosing out the best and most able Bodies amongst them to serve him in his Wars, and appointing the rest to inhabit and manure the wasted places of Valachia. The Report of this Overthrow given unto the Turks by the Valachian, with the sacking of Nicopolis, running abroad, brought a general fear upon the Turks, even in the Imperial City of Constantinople. For the staying whereof, Mahomet commanded the chief of his Bassas, with a great power of tumultuary Soldiers, taken up in haste, to go forthwith against the Vayvod, to stay the course of his farther Proceedings, to the dismaying of his People; himself thundering out most horrible Threats against him: who, encouraged with his late Victory, and well acquainted with the Turks manners, little regarded the same, as knowing that he was not with Words, but with Arms, to be vanquished.  
Now Mahomet the Turkish Emperor, year 1599 oppressed with Melancholy to see himself at once assailed with the Plague then raging in Constantinople, the bloody Wars in Hungary, and the horrible mortality and loss of his People in both places; and withal not ignorant of the evil Success of his Army at Veradinum, and of the great harm done at Nicopolis by the Valachian; yet for all that, ceased not, in what he might, to provide for so many Evils, but gave order to Taut Bassa with all speed to set forward (as we have said) from Constantinople toward Valachia, as from whence he feared the greatest danger: who without delay, to make the Vayvod to understand how highly the great Sultan was displeased with him, put himself upon the way with six hundred Janissaries towards Hadrianople, with purpose there to winter until the Spring, and so to expect the coming of the rest of the Army, that so with the same, united unto the Forces of Mehemet Sa●ergi (who the last year besieged Veradinum) ●e might in the Field appear more terrible unto his Enemies. The Christian Emperor also, at the same time rested much discontented, that his People, in so fair a way for the winning of the Castle of Buda, had yet failed thereof: the Walloons laying the fault upon the Lords Swartzenburg, Palfi, and the rest of the Commanders, that it was not won; for that when they, as valiant men, offered to have done therein the uttermost of their Devoir, their Leaders had made choice, by the Spade and Mattock, rather than by the Sword, to perform the same.  

The Turks again spoiled by the Vayvod.  But Michael the Vayvod, seeing the Turks not a little dismayed with the sacking of Nicopolis, began afresh, to their greater terror and hurt, to make new Inroads upon them, in such sort, as that he was entered an hundred miles into their Territory: against whom, Mehemet Satergi (as yet the Turks General in Hungary) coming with his Forces, he again retired, carrying away with him the spoil of the Country by him wasted.  

Buda distressed.  They of Buda in the mean time fearing some sudden Assault to be given upon them, and suffering within great want of Victuals, expected long to be relieved both with Victuals and other Necessaries; understanding yet withal, that the grand Signior had caused it to be given out in Constantinople, That he was raising a great Power of his best and most expert Soldiers, and had therefore sent for unto the Court all his old men of War, such as had served in the Wars of Persia, to be now again employed in Hungary. Where the Turks in the mean time providing to relieve the distressed City of Buda both with Men and many other Necessaries; certain resolute Hungarians understanding by their Spials, that one of the Turks Bassas with 3000 Soldiers was coming thither to increase the Garrison, laid themselves close in Ambush in a place whereby the Turks were to pass; where they had not long stayed, but that the Turks, as men without fear, disorderedly passing by, were by them with such force and fury assailed, that in a moment, when they least thought, they were overthrown and put to flight, with the loss of many of their Horses, much Money and Jewels, and many Captains there taken Prisoners, the Bassa himself, with much ado, hardly escaping into the City. But shortly after, 400 Christians scouring the Country about Buda, and having taken a good booty of cattle and other Pillage, returning loaded with the Prey, were by the way assaulted by the Turks, and enforced to forsake the same, and to fight for their Lives; whom, for all that, they notably repulsed, with the slaughter of divers of them; and so again recovering their Booty, returned with Victory. And about this time, or not long after, in the upper Hungary, a great power of the Turks and Tartars having foraged a great part of that Country, and done the Christians great harm, came before Cossovia, making show as if they would even presently have besieged that City: which put the Inhabitants in such a fear, that many of them, without farther Deliberation, fled forthwith as fast as they could into the Mountains, thinking themselves more safe there than in the City. Nevertheless, by the persuasion of George Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant in those Parts, 2000 valiant and expert Soldiers stayed there with him, expecting what the Turks would do; who approaching the Walls, demanded of them in the City a great Sum of Money by way of Contribution; threatening otherwise the utter Ruin and Destruction thereof. Which their proud Demand was by Basta stoutly rejected and they, with the loss of a great many of their Lives, enforced to get them farther off. Wherefore, seeing themselves not able to prevail against a City so well provided, they, for fear, by night rise, and departed quite another way than that whereby they came, doing great harm still as they went. The free Haiducks of Valachia also, a warlike kind of People, living for the most part upon Prey, and willing to show some token of their Hatred toward the Turks, by certain Bridges passing over the Danubius, encountered with the Bassa of Anatolia with a great Power, whom they overthrew with much slaughter of his People, and the loss of his Brother there slain also; and so afterwards overrunning the Country, did there exceeding harm, and took the same Bassa's Son Prisoner. Thus passed the Winter with many light Skirmishes and Incursions in divers parts of Hungary, and other the frontier Countries; which had done great harm, had it not been beforehand w●ll provided for by the Imperials; who in most places strengthened with new Supplies, stayed the fury of their barbarous Enemies. Maximilian the Archduke in the mean time coming from Prague to Vienna, found himself there to have in his Camp but four and twenty thousand Foot and ten thousand Horse, ready against the next Spring, (divers of the Germane Princes this year not sending thither any Aid at all, by reason of their Troubles nearer home with the Spaniards in the lower side of Germany) which made him the more to dread the Enemies coming, who he knew after his accustomed manner would that Summer appear in the Field with a far greater number. But to have holpen this want, the great Duke of Muscovy, about this time, by his Ambassadors, amongst other things, requested leave of the Polonian for forty thousand Horsemen to pass through his Country, which Horsemen he had determined (as he said) to send in aid of the Emperor against the Turk: which his Request the Polonian would by no means grant, as dangerous to his Estate. Wherefore the Muscovite, offended with the Polonian, sent other his Ambassadors unto the Emperor, by Sea; who embarked in an English Ship in the Port of S. Nicholas, and sailing about the Kingdoms of Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, after long trouble at Sea, at length arrived at Stoad, and so from thence by Land travelling to Hamborough, Lubeck, and Maidenborow, and in every place honourably entertained, came at last unto the Emperor into Bohemia, then lying at Plisena, for that the Plague was then hot at Prague: where they having with great state delivered their Presents and Letters of Credence unto the Emperor, had Audience, and were by him most honourably used. Yet the Polonian, having thus denied the Muscovite Passage, suffered the Turks Ambassador, who called himself Gabriel, a Jew, to pass through his Country unto the Emperor, to entreat with him of a Peace to be made betwixt him and the Turk. Which Gabriel coming to Prague, as Ambassador from the great Turk, and having no Letters of Credence to show for his Negotiation (for that they were, as he said, upon the way taken from him by the Polonian Cossacks, and certain of his Retinue slain) was there taken for a Spy, and so sent to Vienna; 
The Turks Ambassador taken for a Spy, and imprisoned at Vienna.  where, at his first Arrival he was well used in a common Inn; but the night following, being taken in his Chamber by the Martial, was so clapped fast in Prison, with as many Irons upon him as he could bear, and all his Followers, with Gyves upon their Legs, compelled as Slaves daily to work in the Town-ditch.  
About this time also, Sigismond the Transylvanian Prince (whom hitherto all men admired, as a man even sent from Heaven, for the benefit of his Country and of the Christian Commonweal) by a wonderful change gave a most manifest token of a divers and unconstant Nature, to the great wonder of the World: for having broken the Agreement made with the Emperor the last Year, and being secretly in Post returned out of Silesia into Transilvania, and again taken upon him the Government (as is before declared) and having withal requested himself, and the Transilvanians his Countrymen to be discharged of the Oath of Obedience and Loyalty by them before given unto the Emperor, and the City of Veradinum, with the Country thereabout, to be again restored unto him; and the Emperor pausing thereupon, did now, (doubting of his own Ability for the keeping of that Country) in the beginning of this year 1599, by his Ambassadors, the Bishop of Alba-Iulia, and Stephen Paschai his Chancellor, sent of purpose unto the Emperor, request him to have the first Agreements again renewed, and the Principality of Trebnits in Moravia to be added unto the two Dukedoms of Oppel and Ratibor in Silesia, with fifty thousand ducats to be yearly paid unto him out of the Chamber of the Empire; and a general Pardon to be given unto all the Transilvanians that following him had of late revolted from the Emperor, and their ancient Liberties to be again unto every one of them confirmed. With all which Conditions obtained at the Emperor's hands (as of him that saw how needful it was for him by any means to keep that strong Country in his power) the same Ambassadors with their dispatch returned from Prague the nineteenth of April.  
But Sigismond, in the mean time, at home, was entered into new Conceits with certain of the Polonian Nobility, far differing from the former agreement with the Emperor; and having sent for one of the Turks Chiaus from Constantinople, and for his Cousin Andrew Bathor, the proud Cardinal, out of Borusia, and so meeting with them in an obscure Village in the Confines of Transilvania, towards Polonia, accompanied with certain of the chiefest of the States of his Country; there, in the Presence of the Polonians and of the Turkish Ambassador, resigned all the Right and Title he had in the Country of Transilvania, 
Sigismond yieldeth his Country of Transilvania unto the Cardinal Bathor his Cousin.  unto the Cardinal his Cousin; commanding all the States there present to swear unto him their Obedience and Fidelity; who shortly after, together with the Polonian Ambassador, sent one of his especial Favourites to Constantinople, to desire safe conduct for his Ambassadors to be sent thither to conclude of all matters with the Turk. Which Messengers so sent, together with the Polonian Ambassador, were both courteously received in the Turks Court, and, as with an especial favour, rewarded with right sumptuous Garments, and charge given them, That the Cardinal, within three months' next, should send thither a solemn Ambassador, with the old accustomed Tribute by the Turk demanded. Thus through the Inconstancy of the Prince, the Ambition of the proud Cardinal, and the foul Collusion of the Polonian, the Country of Transilvania (one of the strongest Fortresses of that side of Christendom) falling from the Obedience of the Emperor, and so in sort bereft from the Christian Common-weal, became again tributary unto the Turk; most good men detesting the Lightness of the one, the Ambition of the other, and the Sliness of the third.  
Now the Turks of Buda, not able longer to endure the great Famine therein, had most earnestly requested relief from the other Turks their Friends in Hungary; who on all hands ran to have relieved them: but coming near thereunto, could not put therein such Provision as they had brought for the relief of the same, being letted so to do by the Imperials; who about a League off diligently attended every motion of the Enemy: from whence the Lord Swartzenburg in the night secretly approaching one of the Gates with his Followers, thought with a Petard to have broken it open, and so to have entered. Which his Device taking not effect, as did that at Rab, the Gate being within strongly fortified by the Enemy, he was enforced to depart, being also discovered by the Turks from the Wall. Now shortly after, the Bassa of Buda with six hundred Horse, 
The Bassa of Buda taken Prisoner.  issuing out of the City to have met with Victuals that were coming thither, fell into an Ambush of the Haiduckes, who after their manner fiercely encountered him, and putting him to flight, took him Prisoner, his Horse in his Chase falling under him, whom his Soldiers seeking to rescue, there began a new Skirmish, increasing their former Overthrow with the loss of the greatest part of them that were left: amongst whom the Bassa's Son, with the Aga of the Janissaries there, lost their Lives also. Which Conflict thus ended, the Bassa was with safe Conduct brought to the Camp, and there with great Threats enforced to reveal the state of his City, with other the secret designs of the Turks. Whereupon, the Haiducks returned again towards Buda, seeking by all means to stop the coming of Victuals thither, so in hope at length to have gained the distressed City. But whilst they thus lay upon the Passages, behold News was brought unto them, how that the Bassa of Bosna, with the Sanzacks of Sigeth, Quinque Ecclesiae, and Coppan, with 10000 Turks, were coming to oppress them, and to open the Passages by them holden. 
The Turks overthrown, and the Bassa of Bosna slain.  But they knowing their own Strength, and nothing-fearing so small a Force, stayed not for their coming, but went to meet them; and in a place of good advantage waiting for them, upon their first appearance, with great Assurance and Courage charged them, broke their Array, and slew the greatest part of them, together with the Bassa himself; yet with so much ado, as that had not the Lord Palfi in good time sent unto their Aid certain Companies of fresh men, it was not-without cause doubted but that the Haiducks had been put to the worse, about three hundred of them having there already lost their Lives. The Tartars yet nevertheless, in good number, held on their way towards Buda, with purpose to have overrun the Country, and so have withdrawn the Imperials from the City: but forasmuch as that base Nation was known to be good for nothing but to rob and spoil, the Lord Swartzenburg's Regiment only going against them, and encountering them, overthrew them in such sort, that part of them being there slain in fight, and part for fear driven into Danuby, the greater number of them there most miserably perished.  
Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant in the upper Hungary, at the same time lay at Cassovia, with eighteen thousand men, doubting lest the Enemy's Army, which he heard to be at hand, should come to besiege that City. In the mean time, Ibrahim Bassa, General of the Turks Forces, came to Solnoch with an Army of fifty thousand strong, among whom were ten thousand Janissaries: but for all that, understanding that Basta nothing dismayed awaited his coming at Cassovia, not thinking it good to go any farther (his Soldiers being already weary with long travel) neither yet safe there to stay so near unto his strong Enemy, retired back again unto Belgrade, a place of more Strength and Security; expecting a great Fleet of Ships, which charged upon the Danubius, were to bring Victuals for the Army, as also for the relief of Buda, Alba-Regalis, and other such distressed Places, with divers great pieces for Battery, and other less Artillery upon Carriages, with a number of Ladders and other Instruments of War, declaring their purpose for the performance of some notable Exploit, all guarded with five thousand Turks, which conducted it up the River. Of all which the Imperials understanding, the Lord Palfi dispatched his Lieutenant with a convenient Power, and the Captain of the Hussars with his Followers, all good and valiant Soldiers, to cut off this Convoy: who, to make the matter short, suddenly assailing them, and so coming to handy blows, 
The Turks receive a notable Overthrow upon the River of Danubius.  cut in pieces the Convoy, and rifled the ships, of whom the greater part were there sunk in the deep River; and so took an exceeding great booty, deemed to be worth a million of Gold: where, among other things of great value, there was found a-board 100000 Dollars, which were all divided amongst the Soldiers as a reward of their travel. This great overthrow once known at Buda, Alba-Regalis, and the Cities thereabouts, brought upon them a great fear: yea the Army of Ibrahim grew thereby much discontented, as being at once disappointed both of their Victuals and their Pay. Besides that, the Imperials overran all the Country thereabout, ransacking, sacking, and destroying the Country Villages and Castles without Mercy, although the poor Inhabitants offered them large Contribution to have stayed their Fury, which would not be accepted. Upon this notable overthrow also the Lord Swartzenburg was determined with all his Forces to come again to the siege of Buda, in hope in so great a discomfiture and want of Victuals to have had it delivered unto him; and for tha● purpose sent for certain great pieces of Artillery to Vienna. But whilst things went thus well in the lower Hungary, Colonel Rodoler of S. Andrews, in the upper Country, took occasion also, upon this Overthrow of the Turks, with 500 Horse and 600 Foot, to show himself with this small Company before Agria, ●aving yet left the greatest part of his Forces a little off in secret Ambush; which small Company the Bassa of Agria beholding, presently put himself in Arms, and so sallying out, began an hot and brave Skirmish; when suddenly the other Soldiers left in Ambush, starting out, and courageously assailing their Enemies, broke their order, and put them to flight, pursuing them at the heels even to the Gates of the City: and had there been a greater force of Footmen, it was verily thought, that the Turks (dismayed with the flight, and altogether confounded) had abandoned the defence of the Place, and the Christians even then become Masters of the City, which had been the cause of their notable Overthrow in the Year 1596. Nevertheless, they, with great bravery and small loss retired, having slain a great number of the Turks, and carrying away with them an hundred Prisoners, with a Booty of five hundred Horse, and much other cattle.  
The free Haiducks also, strengthened with new Supplies, had done great harm in the Country about Buda, scouring freely all over it, finding none to oppose themselves against them: for which cause, the poor Christians, which yet dwelled in that Country, rise up against the Turks, promising their Obedience unto the Emperor: and moreover, to the intent they might be no more molested by the Imperials, offered to take up Arms themselves against the Enemy, and to the uttermost of their Power to hinder his Passage both by Land and Water. These same Haiducks also had broken down all the Bridges which the Turks had made betwixt Buda and Alba-Regalis, to the end they should not that way commodiously bring either Victuals or Munition from the one place to the other: and the Lord Pa●fi and Nadasti understanding, by their Spials, That the Tartars, divided into three Companies, had overrun a great part of the Country, and with a great Booty were retiring towards Buda, presently went out against them, and enforced them to fight: which barbarous People, better enured to filch than to fight, there lost all their Lives, together with that they had before stolen. After which Victory, these valiant men turning their Forces against certain other places of the Turks there by, took two of their Castles with much rich Spoil; which Castles they sacked and burnt, together with the great Town of Zolna, breaking down also the Bridge upon the River Trava.  
Now at this time the Turks at Buda held themselves malcontent within the City, 
The Turks, for fear, forsake the City at Buda, and fly into the Castle.  having no Governor, their Bassa being before taken by the Haiducks, and they themselves pinched also with great want of Victuals: wherefore, doubting some sudden Attempt of the Christians, as men dismayed, they for their more safety retired themselves into the Castle, a place of great strength, leaving the City unto the Imperials then ready to have besieged it: but doubting of the Turks great Army which, as they heard, was marching thitherwards, the avantgard thereof being come to Moatcsh, where Sartes Bassa was also looked for; the Report being given out, that the Turks having relieved Buda, wo●ld go to besiege Canisia or else Strigonium, they stayed to go any farther, as men in doubt what to resolve upon. So were sent certain Colonels and other Captains with their Souldi●●s, to fortify certain Passages whereby the Turks Army was to pass: the rest in the mean time retiring, for that the puissant Enemy began now to approach; 
The Christians, upon the approach of the Turks great Army, retire.  as also for that they knew the great desire that Ibrahim Bassa had to recover again Strigonium, and had therefore sent a great number of Tartars to forage and waste the Country, and so suddenly having relieved Buda and Agria, there to resolve whither to turn his Forces. The Imperials in the mean time encamping near unto Hatwan and Zolnoc, to hinder the Turks from victualling of Buda, as they desired, cut off five hundred of them at their first Arrival, who to that purpose were going towards Buda; and took also one of the Turks Chiaus Prisoner; who, sent from Ibrahim the General, was going to Agria to put them in hope of their speedy Relief. They also at the same time attempted to have surprised Zolnoc; where, a good number of them, with certain Petards, approaching the Gates, in hope so to have broken them open, being discovered by the Watch, were enforced to retire, leaving forty behind them slain, and carrying away with them many more of their Fellows wounded: in revenge whereof, the rest showed their fury upon the Country thereabout, destroying the Villages, and intercepting a great deal of Munition, which, together with other Victuals, they met by the way as it was going to Buda and Agria.  
Summer now almost spent, Ibrahim, the great Bassa, in the beginning of September, came to Buda with an Army of an hundred and thirty thousand strong, and from thence, in the Name of his Lord and Master, gave the Emperor to understand at Prague, That for the saving of further effusion of innocent Blood, and not for any fear or distrust of his own Strength and Power, he could be content to hearken unto some reasonable Conditions or Treaty of Peace. Whereunto, both these great Princes (having well wearied themselves with these long Wars, and exhausted their Treasures) seemed not now unwilling, expecting (as was thought) nothing more than for the Honour to be the first entreated; and the rather, for that the old Sultaness, Mahomet's Mother (who by the weakness of her Son's Government, such as never was in any the Ottoman Kings or Emperors before, did bear the greatest Sway in his Affairs) did what she might to further the same. Wherefore, in the latter end of September a place was agreed upon for a Parley for Peace, which was in an Island in the River of Danuby beneath Strigonium: whither the Lord Swartzenburg, Nadasti, Palfi, and the Bishop of Vacia, being come for the Emperor; 
A Parle for Peace.  and Amurath the Bassa of Buda, with the Lieutenant-General of the Tartars, and some others, for the Grand Signior; The Turks at the first, after their unreasonable manner, demanded to have Rab, Strigonium, Filek, Setchin, and all the rest of the Towns and Castles in five Years before taken from them by the Christians, to be now again surrendered unto them, with a certain yearly Tribute by the Emperor to be paid unto the Great Sultan at Constantinople; as also there to have his Ambassador lieger continually attending upon the Turks Court: for which they offered to deliver again unto the Emperor the City of Agria only. All which their proud and unreasonable Demands being by the aforesaid Commissioners on the Emperor's behalf rejected, they were contented to come to some more reasonable talk, offering to leave unto the Emperor Rab and Agria (whereof Rab was his own already) only for Strigonium, exchanging as it were Strigonium for Agria. Which when it could neither be obtained, the Parle was so broken off, and nothing concluded, and so the Wars again continued, without any memorable thing more this Year betwixt them done, either on the one side or on the other; the Christians contenting themselves to have distressed the chief Cities the Turks held in Hungary; and the Turks no less apayed to have relieved the same.  

Michael the Vayvod with a great Army entereth into Transilvania.  But whilst things thus passed betwixt the Christians and the Turks in Hungary, Michael the Vayvod of Valachia, yet the Emperor's Friend and Confederate, and under his Protection, certainly informed his Life to be sought after in the Turks Court, by the ambitious Cardinal Bathor, his envious Neighbour, but lately become the Prince of Transilvania (as is before declared:) by Commandment from the Emperor, and to be revenged of so great a wrong, as also betimes to provide for his own Safety, with an Army of threescore thousand strong suddenly entered into Transilvania, in most horrible manner burning the Country, and killing the People before him as he went. Where, whilst the Cardinal (who was thought to have purposed to have served him in like sort, had he not been by him prevented) was making Head against him, he in the mean time had the City of Corona (commonly called Brasso) with the strong Castle of Fogaras, yielded unto him: from whence he marching toward Alba-Iulia, the 26 th' of October, with all his Army, before divided into three parts, but now again united, came into the Plains near Temison, about three Leagues from Hermenstat; where, understanding that his Lieutenant, corrupted by Ibrahim Bassa, had promised to kill him; and now well assured thereof, to rid himself of that danger, with his own hands presently cut his Throat, and so dispatched him. When by and by after came unto him the Pope's Nuntio, sent by a fineness from the Cardinal, accompanied with another Ambassador, the better to countenance out the matter; telling him, That the same Ambassador had Commission from the Emperor to will him forthwith to desist from Arms, and without farther delay to depart out of Transilvania. Which thing seeming unto the Vayvod very strange, and almost impossible, the desired to see the said Commission. Whereunto the Nuntio, before instructed, answered, That he had left it with the Cardinal. But I (said the Vayvod) have one here present from the Emperor of another purport, which I purpose fully to put in execution; yet was he for that day entreated by the Nuntio to stay his Army. And so in the mean time lying both still and in great suspense, the Vayvod desired to know of the Nuntio, the cause why the Cardinal, forgetting himself, so troubled that Country, by intruding himself thereinto, to the great prejudice of them unto whom it of better Right belonged, not attending unto the Government of the Church, better beseeming his Calling than the managing of Arms, to the disturbance of the Christian Peace. Whereunto he received no Answer. So the 28 th' of October, a day dedicated to the Commemoration of the Apostles Simon and jude, these Messengers were sent back again unto the Cardinal, who presently returned them back unto the Vayvod with new Instructions, (being then busy with his young Son, in setting his men in order of Battle presently to go against the Cardinal) of whom they could get no other Answer, but that he was resolved forthwith to come unto the Trial of a Battle with him. So the two Armies lying encamped not past a quarter of a League the one from the other, and the same day meeting together, joined a most terrible and cruel Battle, which for the space of five hours was with such desperate Obstinacy fought, 
A terrible Battle betwixt the Vayvod and the Cardinal.  as if they had every man vowed to have carried away the Victory over his Enemy, or there to have left themselves dead upon the ground; until the Cardinal's People, at length overcome in a long and bloody Fight, were there utterly overthrown; amongst whom were 30000 Turks and Tartars, sent unto him from Ibrahim Bassa the Turks General. The Cardinal himself, seeing the discomfiture of his Army, was by some reported to have saved himself by flight; but by some others was said to have been drowned in passing a River, as he fled from the Null that had him in chase. But the Truth was, That the Vayvod, now Master of the Field, sent out certain Troops of Horsemen divers ways still to pursue him; and himself, with the rest of his Army, prosecuting the Victory, came to the Cardinal's Camp, now by the Transilvanians and Turks quite forsaken, wherein he found forty five pieces of Artillery, with great store of Coin and Wealth, beside a number of Tents and Horses, all which became unto him a Prey. From thence he marched unto Alba-Iulia, where he was with great Joy received of his Friends and Confederates there: for, though the greater part of the Transilvanians, especially the Nobility, had, together with the Cardinal, submitted themselves unto the Turks Protection, and followed his Ensigns; yet were there divers others also, who still favoured the Emperor, and therefore rejoiced not a little of this Victory. The Vayvod after that sent his Lieutenant to Claudiopolis, to see if they would yield also; which they willingly did, with many other Cities and Castles in divers parts of that Country, which having none to rest upon, now yielded also; in such sort, that shortly after all Transilvania submitted itself again unto the Emperor's Obeisance, and swore unto him Obedience; most of the Nobility of that Country being either slain in the Battle, or afterwards put to death by the Vayvod: amongst whom were five, which, corrupted by the Cardinal, had before undertaken to kill him. Now the fourteenth of November, after divers Reports of the Cardinal's Escape, his ungracious Head was for all that presented to the Vayvod: which, to the terror of others, being for a while set up in Alba-Iulia, (where he but a little before had commanded as a Prince) was afterwards taken down, and sent for a Present from the Vayvod unto the Emperor and the Archdukes his Brethren; 
The Cardinal's Head sent for a Present unto the Emperor.  his headless Body being afterward, by the Commandment of the Vayvod, honourably buried in a Monastery at Alba-Iulia, in the same Tomb he had before made for his Brother, beheaded by his Cousin Sigismond Bathor. The Cardinal's Treasure also fell into his hands, which was said to have been three millions of Gold. Thus the Country of Transilvania, lately before by the Cardinal yielded unto the Obeisance of the Turk, year 1600 was again by this worthy Vayvod recovered and restored unto the Christian Empire; the proud Cardinal cast out and brought to Confusion, having not yet possessed these his new Honours full eight Months. His Cousin Sigismond, the late Transylvanian Prince, who almost all this while had stayed at Borusia, and in disguised Apparel seen Dansk, and divers other the free Cities thereabouts; Now hearing News of the Cardinal's overthrow, secretly got him away from thence into Polonia, to seek again his new Fortunes. The Lord Swartzenburg at the same time uniting his Forces in the lower Hungary with them of Stiria, and now twenty thousand strong, sought by all means to reduce so many places upon those Frontiers as he could, unto the Emperor's Obeisance, and so took in above 200 Villages; but afterward, thinking to have surprised the strong Castle of Capisuar, and by Night secretly approaching one of the Gates with a Petard, which took not the expected effect, he was discovered by the Watch, and so by the Garrison Soldiers (now raised with the alarm) repulsed, and enforced to retire with the loss of about an hundred men, and divers others wounded, all men of good account; in revenge whereof, Swartzenburg afterwards sent out divers Troops of Horsemen, which scouring all over the Country as far as Sigeth, burned it also, and so returning, carried away with them a great Booty.  
Ibrahim Bassa, hearing of this overthrow of the Cardinal, with all the Forces he had sent him, much troubled therewith, sent News thereof in post to Constantinople; the brute whereof brought a general fear upon the whole City also, insomuch that Commission was forthwith sent unto him from the great Sultan, giving him Power (if it might be) to come to some honourable Peace with the Emperor, and to bring it with him to Constantinople; whither he was shortly to return, being now no longer time to keep the field with his Army, which, beside the cold season of the year, suffered great want of Bread, the Plague also then raging therein; with the death of many of his best Soldiers, both Horse and Foot, beside the wonderful Mortality of their cattle also; 
The Turks great Army of itself dissolved.  in such sort that the Soldiers, not able longer to endure, the famine and wants increasing, fell to robbing of one another, and so at length into mutiny; wherein, divers of them being slain and cut in pieces by their Fellows, the rest for the most part broke in sunder of themselves, and so by divers ways returned home, not well trusting one another. So that nothing more was now done with the preparation of the Turks, their Army being discomfited with wants and the evil Success of their Affairs, as well in Hungary as in Transilvania. Neither did Ibrahim the great Bassa, for the relief of those Evils, at his return bring any conclusion of Peace unto his great Lord and Master, as was commonly expected.  

Cusahin Bassa of Caramania riseth up in Rebellion against the great Sultan.  Now beside these Troubles of Transilvania, and the other revolted Countries, Cusahin (or as some call him Cassan) the Son of one of the Sultanesses, brought up in the Seraglio according to the manner thereof, and having long served in the Wars of Persia and Hungary, and so at length made Bassa of Caramania, a man of great Spirit, and not able to endure the Imperfections he daily saw in the Ottoman Empire, and the Cowardice of the grand Signior; upon the report of the evil Success of the Affairs of Hungary on the one side, and the desire he saw in the Persians to recover their lost Fortresses, on the other, and grieved also with more particular wrongs concerning himself; as a man altogether discontented, resolved to take up Arms; and calling unto him his Soldiers, and (as he was a well spoken man) laying before them the deformities of the present state, gallantly persuaded them, with the promise's of Honour, Sovereignty, and rich Rewards, what an easy thing it were to chase the grand Signior out of Asia, and to set themselves with all that part of the Empire at Liberty. And so even at the firs● having won unto him 3000 Harquebusers and 5000 Horsemen, took the field, to the great hurt of the Turks, and trouble of the State. A strange matter in that tyrannical Empire. The News whereof coming in post to the Court, Commission was forthwith directed unto four of the Sanzacks of Asia, nearest unto him, for the speedy suppressing of that Rebellion, but even then arising. Whereof Cusahin understanding, and that they with ten thousand Horse and Foot were coming to suppress him; without further slay, went courageously to meet them, and so encountering of them, overthrew them with a great slaughter, and took from them their Baggage with six pieces of Ordnance. And after with his People seized upon all the Castles thereabouts, giving whatsoever he found therein for a Prey unto his Soldiers; who also much enriched themselves with the spoil of the jews, as the People whom they most hated, and never rested until he had made almost all the Country of Caramania his own. After that, he laid siege to Cogna, a City in the Confines of Anatolia, which was forthwith yielded unto him. And yet not so contented, gave it out by open Proclamation, that for the reformation of the disordered state, he would e'er long go to besiege the Imperial City of Constantinople; and that therefore all such as would follow him should of him be entreated as his Friends and Companions, threatening unto the rest most cruel Death and Destruction. Of which his Proceeding Mahomet (as then disporting himself in his Gardens of Pleasure in the Country all along the side of Propontis) understanding, and fearing to be there surprised, or that some sudden Innovation might be raised in the City, hasted with all speed to Constantinople, and from thence in all haste dispatched Mehemet, 
Mehemet, one of the Visier Bassanes, sent against the Rebel.  one of the Visier Bassanes, the Son of Sinan, with all the Forces he could make to go against him. Who passing over into Asia with a great Power, and yet fearing to come to the trial of a Battle with him, whom he knew to be a man of himself desperately set, and not a little favoured also even of his own Soldiers; so secretly wrought by large Promises, that Cusahin's Footmen were even upon the point to have forsaken him. Which he quickly perceiving, fled forthwith through Syria into the Country of Arabia with his Horsemen, and the Horsemen of Simon the Georgian; purposing the next Spring by the help of the Arabians and Persians, to appear in the field with greater Forces than before. After whom Mehemet the great Bassa following, came with his Army to Aleppo, there to winter, and to expect the return of the Rebel together with the Spring. This so dangerous a Rebellion, with the Troubles of Transilvania and Valachia, were the cause that the grand Signior, seeing himself in so many places forsaken of his Subjects, was the readier to incline unto peace with the Emperor; whereunto for all that, the Emperor was not hasty to hearken, but upon honourable Conditions; as knowing that the Turk required the same not for any desire he had to live at quiet, but for that his troubled affairs both at home and elsewhere abroad so required; his Janissaries and other men of War in this his so weak Government, being grown so insolent, as that they were hardly to be by him commanded; openly threatening in their discontented humours, not only the deposing of the principal Officers about him, but of himselfalso, and of the banishment of the Sultaness his Mother; saying, That she had bewitched him, to the end she might herself rule, year 1599 which she indeed did in all his greatest Affairs. But the Rebel Cusahin, the next Year grown again very strong, was now come into the Field, and even ready to have given the Bassa Battle: who, as he was a Man of great Wisdom and Experience, well considering with what a desperate Enemy he had to do, thought it best again to prove if his rebellious Followers might by fair means be drawn from him; and so coming near unto him, by open Proclamation promised a free and general Pardon to all such as had followed the Rebel in those Wars, if forsaking him, they should forthwith return home to their Dwellings, and so to the Obedience of their just and lawful Prince and Sovereign. Which general Pardon so proclaimed, was the Ruin of Cusahin; for that the greatest part of his Followers, now enriched with the great Booties they had gotten, and now also having free Pardon offered them, returned home into their own Countries, there at ease to live of their evil gotten Goods, leaving their Captain, with some few others which stayed with him, 
Cusahin the Rebel taken, and tortured to Death at Constantinople.  with little hope to be saved. So that within a few days after, Cusahin, thus forsaken of his Followers, was himself taken and brought to Constantinople, where shortly after he was with most exquisite Torments tortured to death.  
year 1600 The Troubles of this Year thus past, Rodolph the Christian Emperor with the beginning of the next (whilst the ground yet covered with Snow, and the unseasonableness of the Wether would not suffer the Soldiers to keep the Field) caused a Diet of the Princes of the Empire to be called, 
The Emperor maketh Provision against the Turks.  to consider with him of such helps as were by them to be given against the next Spring, for the maintenance of the Wars which yet he had against the Turk; who all promised to send their Soldiers, with their Pay, and such farther Contribution as might serve for the maintenance of that defensive War against the common Enemy: whereunto also, Clement, now Bishop of Rome (this year of Jubilee) put to his helping hand, as he had divers times before, by sending thither such aid both of Men and Money as he had before promised: so thatby this means great Preparation was made by the Christians for the taking of the Field with the first of the Spring. At which time the Turks also began to stir; who, although Ibrahim Bassa their General, by the appointment of his great Lord, was then in some Speech with the Emperor about a Peace, yet ceased not they in the mean time that this Treaty was from day to day prolonged, with their Companies scattering here and there, to do what harm they could upon the Frontiers of the Emperor's Territories, the cause why he with more speed called upon his Friends for their promised Aid. And for the better managing of this years' Wars against the Turk, he appointed Duke Mercury (who had drawn a great number of Frenchmen, both Horse and Foot, out of France) General of all his Forces, sending Ferant Gonzaga, surnamed the Lame, (whom, for his approved Valour and Experience in martial Affairs, he had sent for to Mantua) Governor into the upper Hungary. So the Soldiers, now day by day, by Companies resorting from divers parts into Austria, were from thence sent unto such places as were by the Turks most molested, so to repress their often Incursions, as in many places they did. For eight thousand of the Turks going out upon the sudden to have surprised Pappa, were by the Garrison Soldiers of that place encountered and overthrown. And on the other side, whilst Ferdinand the Archduke was assembling his People in Croatia, for the defence of that Country against the Incursions of the Enemy, six thousand Turks, without resistance, entering the same as far as Buccari, and burning the Country Villages as they went, had taken many Prisoners with a great Booty of cattle; and so (merry and out of fear) being about to have returned, were suddenly set upon by the County Serinus, in certain strait and troublesome Passages, where they lest feared any such matter, and overcharged also with their Prey, were (I say) easily by him for the most part overthrown, and the rest put to flight, and so the Prisoners, with all the rest of the Booty, again recovered. At which time also one of the Imperial Colonels, with fifteen hundred Horse, making an Inroad into the Country about Alba-Regalis, and meeting with the Turks and Tartars thereabouts, slew six hundred of them, and took divers of their Captain's Prisoners. Six thousand other Tartars also at this time▪ returning out of Hungary home towards their own Country, were by the Cossacks, near unto the black Sea, set upon with such force, that many of them being slain, the rest for fear ran into the Sea, leaving all the Prey they had got in Hungary unto their Enemies. In the heat of these Broils, the noble Lord Palfi, Governor of Strigonium, a Man that all his Life long had done great Service for his Prince and Country, and whom we have so often in this History remembered, died the three and twentieth of March in his Castle at Biberspurg, 
The Death of the Lord Palfi.  to the great Grief of many, especially the Hungarians his Countrymen. And for that Strigonium (so near unto the Enemy) required in his stead▪ to have a right valiant and courageous Governor, the Emperor appointed the Lord Swartzenburg to that Charge; the Fame still running, that Ibrahim Bassa would come thither with the great Army he was in providing, if the Peace went not forward; which was now still less and less hoped for, by reason of his proud and insolent Demands.  
But whilst these Troubles, with such others, 
The Frenchmen and Walloons mutiny in Pappa.  too long to rehearse, thus passed in divers parts of this miserable Country of Hungary, 1200 Frenchmen and Walloons in Garrison at Pappa (a strong frontier Town of the emperor's in the lower Hungary) for want of Pay began to mutiny: for which cause, it was thought good to the chief Commanders, to have them thence removed, and others placed in their room. Which they perceiving, and withal knowing themselves too strong for the rest of the Garrison, all Hungarians and Almains, not Partakers of their Conspiracy; they first resolved to thrust their own Captains out of the Town, as lets unto their desires: and then laying hands upon Michael Marotti the Paymaster, and other the Hungarian and Dutch Commanders, with their Soldiers, took from them their Weapons, and cast the said Marotti with the other Captains, and some of the better sort of their Soldiers, into Irons, exacting of the rest, as well Hungarians as Dutch, in number about 1000 Persons, 1000 ducats; threatening otherwise to deliver them into the hands of the Turks: and albeit that Marotti offered for his Liberty eighteen hundred ducats, yet would they not be so contented, but spoiling both him and the rest of all they had, with their Apparel and Weapons furnished such Turks as were there Prisoners, and so sent them away to Alba-Regalis: and afterwards, rifling every man's House as if they had been Enemies, took from them whatsoever pleased themselves: and that which worse was, to increase these Outrages, compacted with the Turks of Alba-Regalis and Buda, 
Pappa offered unto the Turks by the Mutineers.  for the Pay which they said the Emperor owed them, to deliver them the Town; certifying them withal, how that the Lord Swartzenburg within two days was coming with Money to give them Contentment; promising, if he came into the Town, to deliver him with the same into their hands: or, to be the more sure of him, they might, if they so pleased, intercept him at the Passage Zesnegkh, whereby he must needs come. For the more credit of which their wicked purpose, they sent an Ensign of the Emperors, as a token unto the Turks at Alba-Regalis; who for all that, altogether believed them not, yet willing further to try them, sent them for Hostages, two Chiaus; from whence the Rebels sent also two others of the better sort of them to Alba-Regalis; with Conclusion, that the five and twentieth of june at the furthest, the Money should be paid, and the Town delivered. For the receiving whereof, and for fear of some hidden Treason, the Turks and Tartars began to make themselves strong; the Imperials also doing what they might for the appeasing of so dangerous a Tumult. So the tenth of june, the Lord Swartzenburg, with two thousand Horse and Foot, came within two miles of the Town, and from thence sent twenty four Horsemen to dissuade the Rebels from yielding the Town unto the Turks, and to tell them that they should shortly receive their pay; who shamefully deriding them, sent them back again as wise as they came; so that Swartzenburg, perceiving himself with so small forces to be able to do nothing against them, neither yet by fair means to persuade them, retired again to Rab, until some greater strength were come unto him. Immediately after▪ Doctor Petzen, Counsellor for the Wars, a man of great Authority, Gravity, and Wisdom, was by Mathias the Archduke, with four hundred Horse, conducted to Pappa, to see if he by his Discretion could have dissuaded them from their so ungodly a purpose, for the yielding of the Town unto the Enemy; whom they not only refused to hear, although he spoke unto them most kindly, but also bend their Muskets and Harquebuses upon him, threatening to kill him if he did not forthwith depart. When shortly after, twenty of the Hungarians, imprisoned in a Cellar in the Town, broke out, and coming to Rab, brought News thither, That the Frenchmen and Walloons in Pappa, were at variance amongst themselves about the yielding up of the Town unto the Turks, (some better minded than the rest, not willing to consent thereunto) insomuch, that they in the Castle shot at them in the Town, and they again at them in the Castle; and that they had already received from the Turks twenty thousand ducats, with some provision of Victuals, and were shortly after to receive from them the rest of the Money promised them, and so to deliver the Town. For preventing whereof, the Lord Swartzenburg, the two and twentieth of june, sent the Lord Sharpfenstein with a French Colonel, 3000 Soldiers, certain Petards, and a number of scaling Ladders towards Pappa: whom the false Rebels suffered peaceably to enter the Town the four and twentieth of june, still encouraging them to come on, calling them their Countrymen and Brethren, and in token of Friendship shaking them by the hands, telling them, that having assurance of their Pay▪ they desired no more. But having now received in so many of them as they thought good, and as they knew they were well able to deal with, shutting therest out, they cut them all in pieces, and afterwards in derision called upon the high Duchess to come on in like manner. Three hundred of these Rebels at the same time had laid themselves in ambush by a Mill fast without the Town▪ who, by the Walloons and Haiducks without discovered, were also by them charged; upon whom for all that, by reason of the shot out of the Town, they could do no good; but having lost three hundred men, and amongst them Hannibal Kralzs, the Lord Sharpfenstein's Lieutenant General, and one Dell lafoy Margose the chief Engineer, they retired; which loss the desperate Rebels (if it had been in their choice) had wished rather to have happened unto the Duchess than to the Walloons or Hungarians. About three days after, three of these Rebels being by chance taken Prisoners by the Imperials, and brought to Rab, were not only apparelled, but also trimmed after the Turkish fashion, as men not desiring longer to be accounted Christians, the rest of their Fellows in the Town also imitating the Turks fashions, as well in their Apparel as in their manner of Service; yet for all that, would not these metamorphosed Monsters yield the Town unto the Turks, before they had the full sum by them agreed upon; the Bassa of Bosna being commanded from the Grand Signior in all haste to provide it for them, and so to receive of them the Town. Nevertheless, for their more strength and more credit with the Turks, they received into the Town one Ensign of the Turks, with certain Wagons of Victuals, brought thither with so strong a Convoy as that the Imperials durst not meddle therewith; in which Wagons (being discharged) they sent in Bonds six hundred Hungarians and Dutch, Men, Women, 
A most wicked Fact.  and Children, Prisoners to Alba-Regalis; being all of them glad to be so sent away, in hope to find more Favour and Courtesy at the hands of their Enemies than they had found with these renegade Christians. So shortly after, these Rebels sent out certain Messengers unto the Governor of Alba-Regalis, to know his full Resolution; which Messengers (conducted by certain Turks of great account) were upon the way by the free Haiducks all intercepted, and the Messengers taken, with an hundred Turks more. In the mean while, Michael Marotti, before imprisoned by the Rebels in Pappa, by Letters secretly advertised the Lord Swartzenburg of a certain place, whereby he might (as he said) easily enter the Town, and the rather, for that the Rebels were at variance amongst themselves. Who thereupon, the twelfth of july, came to Pappa with nine thousand Horse and Foot; but disappointed of his purpose for entering the Town, hardly nevertheless belayed the same; upon whom the Mutineers many times desperately sallied out, and right valiantly encountered them, albeit that they were still, without any notable loss, by their Enemies (too strong for them) beaten back again into the Town. In one of which sallies it fortuned one of their Captains to be taken, who, to the terror of the rest, was presently ●lain quick, and his Head and Skin upon a Pike set up before the Town, for his Fellows to behold. But the Lord Swartzenburg, still more and more prevailing upon them, they sent secretly for Aid to the Turks; whereof he for all that getting Intelligence, sent also for three Regiments of Soldiers more to come unto him to the Siege; by whose coming he well strengthened, and bringing his approaches nearer the Town, took from the Rebels the Mill, a strength which they very unwillingly lost, as in hope thereby to have the more easily received Aid from the Turks, who having made preparation to have relieved them, were letted so to do by the rising of the Water, which had spoiled all the Provision for their relief at the Bridge of Esseg, as also hindered them for marching forward. At length the Imperials were come with their Trenches even to the Town Ditches, out of which they had let out all the Water; where, some of the Townsmen escaping out of the Town, declared, how that the mutinous Soldiers within laboured both day and night to fortify the Town, but to be in their work much letted by the continual assaults of the Imperials; as also, that they now had neither Bread nor Wine, nor other Victuals left, more than a little Salt, and threescore Horse, of which they had already begun to eat; and that although they were not altogether so valiant, yet that they had resolved to die by the Hands of the Soldiers, as men expecting no other Mercy. Yet shortly after, viz. the nine and twentieth of july, they desperately fell out upon the Trenches of Maspurgisch, a Dutch Captain; of whose Soldiers they slew many, being drunk, and driving the rest out of their Trenches, raised a great Alarm. Which the Lord Swartzenburg hearing, hasted thither to the Rescue; where, with an unlucky Musquet-shot he was struck in the Head and slain: 
The Lord Swartzenburg slain.  whereof the Rebels got knowledge the same evening; and Del la Mota their General, in reward of that Service gave unto them that had made that Sally a thousand Dollars to be divided among them. The dead Body of that so worthy a man, as had done great Service for the Christian Commonweal, was afterwards with great Solemnity brought to Rab, and there honourably interred. The like desperate Sally they made again the next day, and slew of the Imperials an hundred and thirty, and took certain Prisoners: and in retiring back again into the Town, cried aloud, That when they lacked meat, rather than they would yield the Town, they would eat Christians, whereof Marotti should be the first.  
The Lord Swartzenburg thus slain, the Government of the Army was by Mathias the Archduke committed to the Lord Redern, a Noble man, both valiant and learned; who, although he were very sickly, came unto the Camp before Pappa the eighth of August; where, understanding that the Rebels, now brought unto Extremity, had a purpose by night to fly away and so be gone, he caused a more vigilant and strong Watch to be kept, when lo, according to his Expectation, the next night after, about two hours before day they began to issue out; 
Pappa abandoned by the Mutineers.  whereof the Watch giving knowledge to the General, they were indeed suffered to go out as unperceived, but presently after at their heels were sent out the Lord Nadasti and the Earl of Thurn, with 200 Hussars, and after them the chief Colonel and County Solms, with part of their Horsemen also, who in three divers places overtaking them near unto a great Wood called Packem, slew most part of them; Deal la Mota, their chief Captain or Ringleader, being slain by the chief Colonel, because he would not yield, and his Head afterwards by him presented unto the General in the Camp; 200 Walloons, the Hussars under the leading of the Lord Nadasti, County Solmes, and County Thurn, found out in the Wood; who albeit that they for a space made great resistance, yet in the end were enforced to yield, and so with their two Ensigns were brought into the Camp. The Hussars also, upon another Passage light upon other 200 more of these rebellious Walloons, who, because they stood strongly upon their Guard, and were more desperately set than the rest, the General sent out other 200 of the Colonels Horsemen upon them, by whom, and the Hussars, they were almost all slain: divers others of them also were slain in coming out of the Town, and in the Marshes thereabouts. Their General's Lieutenant, with such other of their principal Commanders as were taken, were by the Lord Rederns Commandment delivered unto the Provost Martial▪ the rest of the rebellious Traitors he, at the request of the Soldiers, divided into divers parts of the Army there, to the terror of others, to be executed, from whom the Soldiers could hardly be persuaded even for the present to hold their hands. But afterwards having brought them to Rab, and leave given them to do with them their Pleasure, they as far exceeded in the cruel manner of their Execution, as had they before in their outrageous Dealings, especially the Hungarians and Walloons, notwithstanding most of them were of the Wallon Countries. Some of them they impailed, some they broke upon the Wheel; some of their Skins they cut off their Bodies as it were into Thongs, and so poured into the Wounds Vinegar, Salt, and Pepper; from some others they cut off their Privities, some they roasted, and some they put into the Tenalia; upon some they dropped molten Pitch, and then casting Gunpowder upon them, so burned them to death; othersome they hanged upon iron Hooks, and some they put in the ground up to the Chin, and for their disport, with iron Bullets bowled at their Heads: in all which Torments, no sign of Compassion was to be seen, the Tormentors, to make their Pain the greater, doing nothing but deride them; the miserable Wretches, in the mean time, confessing the heinousness of their Offence, and craving for Death as a Favour. A most horrible thing it was to see, how whilst some were thus tortured, others were brought to see the same misery they themselves were by and by to endure. Amongst the rest of these exquisite Torments, one Peter Orly caused one of the Mutineers to be sewed up in the Belly of a Mare, with his Head hanging out, and so to be roasted; in which miserable Torment, he lived three hours, and then died: after which, he caused the loathsome Body so roasted, to be given to them that lay starving upon the Wheel, to eat. Thus was the dangerous Mutiny at Pappa, with much ado ended, and that strong Town, like to have been lost, preserved: the Rebels themselves being become a dreadful example to all Posterity, for all them to look upon that shall attempt the like Villainy.  
Now at this same time also, though neither the Christians nor the Turks had as then any great Army in the Field, yet many an hot and bloody Skirmish passed daily betwixt them in one place or other of Hungary; all which to recount, as it would be much tedious, so in silence to pass them all over, were greatly to wrong those worthy Personages by whom they were not, without their great Adventure, done. Amongst the rest, one Nicholas Horbath, County Serinus' Lieutenant, with 150 Soldiers, and Andrew Thussi, another great Commander, going forth to seek for Booty; Thussi hearing that the Turks were abroad for the surprising of certain Haiducks then gone out, stayed fast in a secret place until he might hear farther News, Horbath another way still going on. Now it happened, that the Bassa of Sigeth having been abroad, in returning home, by chance met with Horbath, and encountering with him overthrew him, and slew most of his men, Horbath himself by flight hardly escaping. But Thussi, hearing this Skirmish, as lying close not far off, and now hasting thither to have been Partaker thereof, found the Bassa yet in the Field on foot, viewing the Bodies of the slain; upon whom he came so suddenly and with such Force, as that the Bassa, with his disordered men, had much ado to take Horse, and so without any great resistance to betake himself to flight; after whom the Hungarians fiercely following, slew many of the Turks, and amongst the rest the Bassa himself, whose Head, presently cut off, 
Two Bassas of Sigeth slain one after another.  Horbath sent to the County Serinus, who shortly after, by Thussi himself, sent it to Mathias the Archduke. This Bassa was a man of great Strength and Courage, a most expert and adventurous Captain, about thirty six years old, and for his Valour, of a common Soldier, created a Bassa, by the Great Sultan. His Head being brought to Vienna, and there showed to the Bassa of Buda, than their Prisoner, and he demanded whether he knew it or not, sighing answered, that he knew it well, and that it was the Head of the Bassa of Sigeth, a braver man than whom the Sultan had none in all his Empire, earnestly withal desiring to know how he was slain. And not long after, the Adventurers out of Komara, Strigonium, and other places thereabout, having made a great Party, and taken a great Booty from the Turks at a Fair at Gombar, and by Tra and Esseg, thinking to have passed Danubius in hope of a greater Booty, seven hundred of them being passed the River, were by the new Bassa of Sigeth and others, with five thousand Turks, in an hot Skirmish overthrown; yet not without their great loss also: the Bassa himself, with two other Sanzacks and five hundred Turks, being there slain, and but fifty of the Christian Adventurers left dead in the place, the rest disorderedly retiring to their Boats, being for most part drowned in the Danuby. The free Haiducks also surprised jula, 
jula surprised and burnt by the free Haiducks.  and set it on fire; in which Confusion the Turks flying into the Castle, for haste thrust one another from the Bridge into the Castle ditch; wherein so many of them were drowned, that a man might have gone dry foot over upon the bodies of the dead. They took there also six hundred Prisoners, with much other Booty, and delivered two hundred Christians which were there Captives. And albeit that these Haiducks after this Exploit done, were hardly pursued by the Turks from other places, yet they in safety retired with such booty as they had already gotten.  
But now to leave these the Troubles of Hungary for a while, as the forerunners of greater 'ere long to ensue, let us again look back into Transilvania and Valachia, to see how Michael the Vayvod now in the mean time behaved himself there. The Cardinal Bathor overthrown and slain, and the Country of Transilvania again brought under the Emperor's Obedience; the Vayvod by his Ambassadors gave him forthwith to understand of all his Proceedings, with the whole Success thereof, as also of a purpose he had to invade Moldavia; for that it was commonly reported, and also believed, That Sigismond the late Prince (not a little moved with the death of the Cardinal his Cousin, and the Revolt of his Country) aided by the Turks, the Tartars, the Polonians, and Moldavians, would now attempt some great matter for the recovery of Transilvania: all which, was shortly after the rather thought to be true, for that divers of his Spies being taken, some at Clausenburg, some at Nessen, beside the Letters that were found about them from him unto the Nobility and States of Transilvania, (persuading them to revolt from the Vayvod unto him, and that his meaning was shortly to come with a great Army out of Polonia for the repulsing of him) they also of themselves confessed, How that Sigismond, in disguised Apparel, had himself been in Transilvania, to confer with divers his secret Friends concerning that matter. Which his Ambassadors the Emperor honourably entertained, and by them confirmed unto the Vayvod the Government of Transilvania, sending also unto him divers honourable Presents, 
The Government of Transilvania by the Emperor confirmed unto Michael the Vayvod.  forbidding him nevertheless to invade Moldavia, for fear of raising a new and dangerous War against the Polonians also, under whose Protection and the Turks the Palatine thereof then rested. According unto which Command, the Vayvod stayed his intended Expedition; yet sending some good part of his Forces unto the Frontiers of Moldavia, for fear of Sigismond, whom he heard to be hatching some mischief in Polonia, and even then to lie upon the Frontiers of that Country. Some few months thus passing, Husraim Aga (a grave reverend old man, and much employed by the Turkish Sultan) with five other Turks of good account, Ambassadors from the great Sultan, and a great Retinue following him, came to Gronstat in Transilvania, where the Vayvod then lay. Of whose coming the Vayvod hearing, with four thousand Horsemen most bravely mounted, went half a mile out of the City to meet them; the Footmen in the mean time on both sides of the Street standing in good order, from the Gate of the City whereby they were to enter, even unto the Vayvod's Lodging, where stood also his Guard all in red and white Silk. So meeting in the field, they both alighted from their Horses, with great reverence saluting the one the other: when presently the Ambassador embracing the Vayvod, ungirt his Scimitar, and in the Name of the great Sultan put another about him, so richly garnished with Gold and precious Stones, as that no part of the Scabbard was therefore to be seen: besides this, he presented him with a fair Plume of black Hearns Feathers mixed with some white, (a right goodly Ornament, in form of a great bush) which the Vayvod would not in the Field put upon his Head, although he were thereunto by the Ambassador most earnestly requested, but caused it to be carried before him: he also presented him with two very fair red Ensigns, in token of the Turks favour and protection; the one for himself, and the other for his Son Petrasco: moreover, he gave unto him two exceeding fair Horses richly furnished, with four others, and a most fair Falcon. The Vayvod himself was most bravely mounted, and (after the manner of his Country) had ten very fair spare Horses led before him. At whose Entrance into the Town, all the great Ordnance was discharged, with great Volleys of small Shot; and so the Ambassador still riding on the left hand of the Vayvod, being brought to his Lodging, had six of his chief Followers every one of them presented with a rich Robe of Cloth of Gold: in requital whereof, the Ambassador rewarded an hundred of the Vayvod's Followers every one of them with a good suit of Apparel: with this Ambassador of the Turks was also the Polonian Ambassador, whom the Vayvod in like manner honourably entertained. These Ambassadors (as was thought) did what they might to have drawn this worthy and renowned Man, together with the Countries of Transilvania and Valachia, from the Emperor unto the Turks Obeisance: howbeit, he seldom or never spoke with them, but that either before or after he had Conference with the Lords Vngnad and Zeckel (the Emperor's Commissioners) concerning their Requests; always protesting unto them, not to yield to any thing without the Emperor's Consent and goodliking. Whereof Mahomet advertised, and that he was not by any thing yet said or done to be removed from the Emperor, gave him by the same Ambassadors to understand, How that he was in some Speech with the Emperor concerning Peace (as indeed he then was by Messengers from the Bassas at Presburg) which if it sorted to effect, that then it should be well; but if not, that then it should be good for him, whilst yet he had time, wisely to consider of his own Estate, and to submit himself unto his Protection who was able to defend him, rather than for the vain praise of a certain foolish Constancy, to adventure himself, with all that he had, unto most certain Danger and Destruction: promising him in recompense of that his Loyalty, to give unto him for ever, the Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, and at his need to furnish him both with Men and Money; offering moreover to make him a great Commander in his Army in Hungary, and the Bassa of Temeswar, as his Friend, to be at all times ready with fifty thousand Horse and Foot (as need should be) to assist him against the Emperor, reserving unto himself whatsoever he should more win for him: for all which Bounty and Kindness▪ requiring only to have him unto him loyal. All which his large offers the Vayvod little regarding, declared the same unto the Emperor's Commissioners: yet still protesting never to start, but to stand fast for the Christian Emperor. Notwithstanding, as a man desirous to better his estate, he took hereupon occasion to request of the Emperor the Country of Transilvania, by him so lately taken in, unto him and his Son, in Inheritance for ever; with such frontier Towns as in former time belonged unto Transilvania: and that whatsoever he should win from the Turks, might be his and his Sons. He also requested, that all the Preferments and Dignities, in former time granted by his Imperial Majesty, unto Sigismond the late Prince, might now be bestowed upon himself; and for his Service done, to be furnished with Money for the payment of his Soldiers: And that the Emperor, with the other Princes of the Empire, should assure him, That if he were taken by the Turk, they should ransom him; but in case he were by the great power of the Turk driven out of those Countries, then, by the Emperor's appointment, to have some convenient Place allotted for him in the upper Hungary to live in, with the yearly pension of an hundred thousand Dollars. All which his requests, if it would please him to grant, he promised this year to do so much against the Turk, as had not been done in an hundred years before; with vaunt, that if he had had the Employment of the Money which was spent in the time of this War, he would not have doubted but to have brought all the Countries from the Euxine (or black Sea) to Buda, Alba-Regalis, and Solnock, under the Emperor's Obeisance. A large promise indeed, but hardly to have been performed by a far greater Prince than he.  
Thus whilst things stood in discourse after the Cardinal's Death, Sigismond, the late Prince, in the mean time supported by the Polonians, with the Aid of the Turks, the Tartars, and the Moldavians, was ready to have invaded Transilvania; yea the Tartars, (as the forerunners of his great power) were already entered the Country, and had out of the Frontiers thereof carried away some booty. Whereof the Vayvod understanding, in great haste assembled his forces out of all places, which in short time was grown to some good head, the Country People, together with the free Haiducks, (an adventurous and resolute kind of Soldiers) in great number daily resorting unto him. So being now eight thousand strong, 
Michael the Vayvod goeth against Sigismond Bathor, and the Vayvod of Molda●ia.  and most of them brave and lusty men, he with them and twenty pieces of Artillery, removed to Cronstat the four and twentieth day of April, sending part of his Army (which every day more and more increased) before him to Nessen; where all his forces being assembled to the number of almost fifty thousand Horse and Foot, he with great Celerity passed the rough and high Mountains into Moldavia, without resistance, but yet not without some trouble, his Soldiers by the way being glad sometimes to eat the Leaves of Trees, the Enemy having of purpose before carried away whatsoever he could that might have yielded him relief. Of whose speedy coming and great strength, Sigismond, and jeremias the Vayvod of Moldavia hearing▪ and upon the reasonable estimate of their own Forces, finding themselves too weak to encounter him, retired themselves out of Moldavia into the Frontiers of Polonia, there to gather greater strength, and so to meet him; for as yet jeremias the Voyvod had not received from the Turk such Forces as were unto him promised, and as he still expected. Michael the Vayvod in the mean time (his Enemies thus fled) with Fire and Sword entering into Moldavia, took in the greatest part thereof, the fearful Country People still yielding unto him as he went; and the rather, for that jeremias their Vayvod (placed by the Polonian, but tributary unto the Turk) had laid upon them a most grievous Imposition, as upon every man a Ducat a Month, for which they exceedingly hated him. But here in Moldavia, Michael the Vayvod (having still in his Company one of the Emperor's Commissioners in Transilvania, most trusty Servants, who might faithfully report unto them the whole manner of his Proceedings) after the departure of Sigismond and jeremias, his Enemies, stayed not long; but hearing that they were retired towards the Confines of Polonia, without longer delay made towards them, 
Sigismond and the Moldavian overthrown by Michael the Vayvod.  and the eighteenth of May found them by the Castle Othune, near unto the River Nester, being thirty thousand strong, Polonians, Moldavians, Turks and Tartars; with whom he joined a most fierce and cruel Battle, which begun about ten a Clock before Noon, was with great Courage, but greater Obstinacy on both sides, maintained until the Evening. At which time the Fortune of the Valachian prevailing, his Enemies at last betook themselves to flight, of whom there were slain eight thousand, beside many others of them drowned in the River Nester: where, of the Null were lost two thousand only. Concerning Sigismond and jeremias, divers reports were after this overthrow given out; some saying that they were slain, and some, that they were in flying drowned; howbeit the truth was, that they both by flight escaped, to the greater trouble of themselves, as of their afflicted Countries also. Michael, after this so notable a Victory, 
Moldavia subdued by Michael.  taking in the rest of Moldavia, caused the People to swear their Obedience unto the Emperor, himself, and his Son, to the great offence of the Polonians, not a little (as they took it) wronged therein; but especially of the great Chancellor, an old Enemy unto the House of Austria. Whereof ensued greater Troubles in those frontier Countries than before, to the further effusion of more Christian Blood, much better to have been employed against the fatal Enemy, in defence of the Christian Common-weal. Yet thus the three warlike and frontier Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Moldavia, the surest Bulwarks of that side of Christendom, and most exposed unto the Fury of the common Enemy, were now once again united under the Obeisance of the Emperor, to the great benefit (no doubt) of the Christian Common-weal, and hurt of the Turks; if they might have so continued, as, God wot, they did not long.  
Now the Vayvod, notwithstanding this so great a Victory, well considering that he of himself could hardly keep this new gained Province of Moldavia against the Power of the Turk, (pretending that to him it belonged as his own to give to whom he pleased:) as also against the Polonians, (not more desirous to restore jeremias again into Moldavia, than the Prince Sigismond into Transilvania) without the help of some other more mighty Prince whom he might rest upon; by his Ambassadors (sent for that purpose) offered the sovereignty of all those three Countries unto the Emperor, with Condition, that he should appoint him perpetual Governor of the same under him. The Emperor also understood, how that Mahomet the great Turk had not long before again sent unto him another of his Chiaus, commanding him without delay to restore the Country of Transilvania unto the Prince Sigismond (unto whom he was by the Mediation of the King of Polonia now before reconciled) threatening otherwise, with Fire and Sword to destroy Valachia, and by force of Arms to deprive him both of Transilvania and his Life together. Wherefore the Emperor, doubting lest the Vayvod, either for fear, or for the better assuring of his own estate, should to his Prejudice fall to some agreement with the Turk, yielded to all that his Ambassadors had of him requested; with Condition, that he should be bound, as need should require, to serve with his People against the Turk; and that in Transilvania, near unto his own Person, should be always resident one of the Emperor's Counsellors, as Superintendent over the whole Country. Wherewith the Vayvod being contented, the Emperor sent thither Doctor Petzen with six thousand Soldiers, and a great Sum of Money to pay the Vayvod's Soldiers, as he had before requested; and so take of them an Oath, That they should from thenceforth become his Majesty's faithful Servants. Which Superintendent, so by the Emperor sent, the Vayvod received with great Honour, as unto him of all others most welcome. 
Michael tyranniseth in Transilvania.  Nevertheless, being again returned into Transilvania, it was not long but that (without regard of him) he began with new exactions to oppress the People of the Country, and in some sort to tyrannize over them; using great severity against divers of the Nobility also, especially such as he knew to have taken part before with the Cardinal, or now of late with Sigismond his Cousin, or any way to have favoured his Quarrel. All which he did without the consent or good liking of Petzen, contrary to his Promise made, No more to imbrue his hands in the blood of the Nobility of Transilvania, without the Knowledge or Consent of his Imperial Majesty, or the Superintendent by him appointed; which for all that, if he had not done, he could not possibly have kept them (disdaining to be governed by him) under his Obeisance. Nevertheless, 
The Transilvanians rebel.  the Transilvanians, taking it in evil part to be so oppressed, and the Nobility almost extinguished, yea and indeed to be at all ruled by him; by general Consent, as if it had been but one man, rise all up in Arms against him; insomuch, that he finding himself with his Null and other his Favourites too weak for them, retired with all such as would follow him, into the Mountains; and from thence sent presently for Aid unto the Lord George Basta (a worthy Captain, and then the Emperor's Lieutenant in the upper Hungary) for the subduing of these rebellious People, and the reducing of them to their former Obedience. Who, by Letters from Mathias the Archduke, at the instance of the Vayvod, commanded so to do, with about 6000 Horse and Foot, and eight Field-pieces, removed from Cassovia in the upper Hungary the fourth of September. Where, by the way, came unto him Ambassadors also from the People of Transilvania, now up in Arms, and Confederate also against the Vayvod; who in like manner also requested his Aid, pretending themselves to be the emperor's most loyal Subjects, but not under the Government of such a Tyrant as was the Vayvod; alleging and exaggerating many his most cruel Actions, and clearly protesting, That for the present want of a good Governor, they were enforced, for the safeguard of their Lives, to band themselves together: which if haply it might be in any thing prejudicial unto the Emperor's claim and interest, which he with so great toil and cost had procured in that Province, it was against their Wills, as enforced by necessity to do that they did in defence of themselves. Which Ambassadors so sent from the People, Basta with all speed dispatched away back again, comforting them, without farther stir to expect his Arrival in Transilvania; yet covenanting withal, That they should before conceive into writing the Oath of their Fidelity and Allegiance unto his Imperial Majesty. Now might many and important Considerations trouble the Mind of Basta in so doubtful a case. To give Aid unto the Vayvod against the People, was the express Order from Mathias the Archduke, the Emperor's Lieutenant-General; but to aid the People confederate against him, as they had requested, seemed now both more profitable and honest, especially having most certain Tokens of the small and doubtful Faith of the Vayvod; who, only by disputation interessed in that Province, was not so careful of another man's; neither seeming to have regard to Petzen, or of his own word given for not farther imbruing his hands in the Blood of the Nobility of Transilvania, without the Emperor's knowledge and leave: upon which Promise was likewise grounded the Archdukes Order for giving of him Aid: so that such breach of his Faith; and contempt of Petzen, had hastened the Conspiracy of the People against him, despairing of all other Health than that which by force of Arms they could procure unto themselves. To stand doubtful himself, or to hold others in suspense, until that by Courriers in this new case he might receive new Instructions from the Emperor or the Archduke, had in it too much danger, as giving leisure to each Party to make sides, and to increase the slander of the last Year, That he might so easily (and especially from the Valachian) have assured that Province to his Majesty, had he not been an heartless man of no Resolution, even such an one as durst not look upon a Cat, (as some had said) all which might not a little prick an honourable Mind. To take part with the People confederate against the Vayvod, if it should not happily fall out at the first Encounter, might betwixt the two Contendants give an entrance unto the third, either the Turk or the Polonian, in the favour of Bathor: but if it should sort to the quite contrary, and so himself to lose the day; then he saw himself void of all defence against the malicious, especially in that the World commonly measureth the Wisdom used in any Action according to the Success thereof, than which nothing can be more unreasonable, but above all others, in matters of War. In this so troubled a Tempest of contrary Winds, of power to have driven a right good Mariner out of his Course, Basta laid hand upon the Helm of good-meaning, and spread the Sails of such Discretion, as taught him in matters of War to be lawful for a General to depart even from the Instructions of his Prince, not concerning the end, but the means leading to that end: especially when the present Occasion so requireth, which the Prince could not with reason before comprehend, as depending on the most mighty Fortune of War, which suffereth not so much delay as to expect Counsel from far. So in this Ambiguity Basta resolved to join himself unto the Confederates, most, in his Judgement, concerning his Imperial Majesty, as being the uttermost scope of his so great cost and charge, to keep the Country of Transilvania at his Devotion, which consisted in the People, and not in the Woods or Mountains: the matter being not great by what means soever it were done, so that it were honourable and honest.  
Upon this Desire Basta set forward, 
Basta taketh part with the Transilvanians against the Vayvod in whose Aid he was sent.  and the 14 th' day arrived at Torda, and there joined himself unto the Confederates, to the great wonder of the Vayvod, in whose help he was sent: where, reposing himself one day, consulting and considering of their Forces, about 12000 strong, with four Field-pieces, besides eight of his own, with the six thousand Soldiers he brought with him, in all about eighteen thousand, he determined not to give leisure unto the Vayvod to call unto him farther help, having now with him about twenty thousand Foot and twelve thousand Horse, with seven and twenty Field-pieces; amongst whom were divers of the Siculi, in hope of their ancient Liberty, Men of good account and sort, with a mixture of the Cossacks, ' Null, Rascians, and Servians, People of Prey, serving only to spoil: whom Basta knew to be far inferior in Courage to his twelve thousand Foot and six thousand Horse; not only for the Valour of his own Men, accustomed unto the frontier Service, but also for the Confederates, who engaged with their Goods, Lives, and Honour, and desirous to be revenged of the Vayvod, were like enough to stand well by it. Wherefore he set forward the sixteenth day, and in two days march came within sight of the Vayvod; who having sent out certain great Troops of Horsemen to take view of the Enemy, and seeing them repulsed, set fire on Mirislo, a Village fast by, out of which they had before drawn certain small Field-pieces into the Camp.  
Mirislo is a Village two Leagues on this side of Alba-Iulia, directly upon the Highway, stretching from the side of Maracza navigable River, unto the foot of an Hill; along which the River running, sometimes nearer, and sometimes farther off, together with the rising of the Hill, maketh an unequal list of ground, in some places half a mile broad and more, and in some other shut up as it were into a narrow Throat, as in the self same place where the aforesaid Village standeth, and where the Vayvod lay incamp●d in a place of great Advantage, behind a great Trench drawn from the River, cross that little space of ground betwixt the Mountain and the River. On this side, which from Mirislo the farther a man goeth, the farther the Plane enlargeth, Basta encamping close unto the Village, opposed against the coming of the Enemy three great Corpse du guard, two of them Hungarians, towards the Hill, favoured with a Church, and the third toward the River, of the Almain Footmen, under the Charge of County Tomaso Caurioli of Brescia, Serjeant-Major of the Field, with all the Artillery; who, as in a place near and very open unto the Enemy, there entrenched himself, still approaching nearer and nearer both on the one side and the other. Towards the evening of the selfsame seventeenth day, came to Basta one Peter Armenio, with Letters from the Vayvod, containing, That having understood of his Arrival in the Camp of the Conspirators, he now farther desired to know whether it were by the Consent and Commandment of the Emperor or not; and how it came to pass that he would so do, considering the divers chances of War, the Sword hanging as it were even over his Head if he should chance to lose the Battle? Whereunto Basta answered, That the morrow following he would show him the Authority he had from the Emperor (alluding to the Imperial Standard he carried with him;) and that as concerning the Fortune and Danger to ensue, he referred that wholly unto the Will and Pleasure of the Almighty, the just Judge of all Controversies. But in the mean time he exhorted him to leave that Province he had so evil governed unto his Imperial Majesty, as he was in duty bound; promising him free Passage into Valachia, and giving him time to consider thereupon until Eight a clock the next Morning, after which time it should be free for every Man to do for himself what he could. Which Answer the Vayvod having read, inflamed with disdain, with many proud Words, full of Threats and Disgrace, although it was then night, presently caused, by the Sound of the Drum and Trumpet, the Battle to be proclaimed against the next day.  
On the other side, Basta, after he had assured his Camp, having not only sent, but gone himself to have the counsel of his own Eyes, for his better understanding how the Enemy lay; and finding no reasonable means for him there to attempt any Exploit by, as well for the strength of the Trench before the Front, and in part along the side of the Enemy's Camp, as also for the danger of a rising ground on the left hand, whereunto all the Plane betwixt the Enemy's Camp and the Village was subject, thought it best to remove, and make a short Retreat about the space of an Italian mile, according to the commodiousness of the place; thinking it no hard matter, of so proud an Enemy, and not altogether so well acquainted with martial Stratagems, to gain a notable Victory. This his purpose propounded in Council, was greatly disliked of the Captains of the Confederates; unto whom it seemed more safety to assault the Vayvod, yet lying in his Strength, than to retire before the face of an Enemy so strong and adventurous; for that such a Retreat, according to the manner of that Country, would be deemed no other than a plain flight; and to break his Order and arise, was (as they said) but to discourage his own People, and to encourage his Enemies. But Basta, the better to persuade them, promised therein to show to them a more cunning kind of Fight than was yet unto them known; and declared the assurance that he in his own Person, with the Almains, in the Rearward would give them in that Retreat, in such sort, as that they should not lose so much as a man, much less they needed to fear to fall into any disorder in so short a space, his purpose being only to give the Plane unto the enemy, wherein to show himself in the open Field. So the Retreat being agreed upon, the Morning following, being the 28 th'. of September, the three Corpses du guard, (before spoken of) were betimes called back, and the Baggage sent away; after which followed the Transilvanians and Hungarians, the Almains in the Rearward enclosing the great Ordnance.  
The Vayvod, aware of their Departure, 
The Battle of Mirislo betwixt Michael the Vayvod and Basta the Emperor's Lieutenant.  sent forthwith a great Troop of Horsemen, especially of the Cossacks, to take view of them, and to skirmish with them; which were so far kept off by a Company of Musqueteers in the Rearward, as that they could not come so nigh as to do any harm, although that all the way they went they were by them still charged, to the great Contentment of Basta, to see so good a beginning of his Designs as might bring them all to their wished Effect. But when he saw the great Artillery upon the Carriages to come out of the Village, a certain sign that the Enemy set forward with all his Forces, he marched fair and softly to give him hope to overtake him; and so retired as far as he thought good from the Village, haying before thought of a convenient place wherein his People might, with room enough, upon advantage stay; whenas about half a mile from him, and as far from the Village, he might see the Enemy march with his People in order of Battle: then began he to march towards him also; and perceiving the Enemy to come on in one only thick Front, by reason of the straitness of the place, having on the right hand towards the River placed as it were all his Horsemen, and towards the Mountain his Footmen alone, and 500 Foot placed aloft without any Artillery, as it seemed he would have done, having planted some below at the foot of the Hill in the way, and in the midst, even before the Front of the Battle, where the Horsemen came after the Footmen; he also placed his Squadron in one Front only, to the intent not to be enclosed by the Enemy on the flank of his Army. The body of his main Battle consisted of one great Squadron of about 3000 Almain Footmen, flanked on each side with 150 Rutters of Silesia; before the Squadron toward the right hand he had set a loose Wing of three hundred Musqueteers; in the right Wing towards the Hill he placed a Company of Lances, with two Squadrons of the Country-Footmen; and in the left Wing toward the River one Squadron of Transylvanian Footmen, and two of Lances, for that the Enemy was at that time very strong in Horsemen; the Cossacks, Archers, and Harquebusers, he placed in the Rearward; of his great Artillery he would make no use, for that having not much, he would not stand upon the defence thereof, but desired rather, with all speed, to come to the Sword with the Enemy, unacquainted with such close fight, foot to foot; and well the less fit, by reason of their light Armour. And therefore he thought it best first to set forward his Squadron of Almains to give the charge, bending towards the right hand, amongst the thickest of the Footmen towards the Artillery at the foot of the Hill, as there whereas was the strength of the Enemy's Infantry. And doubting in the performing hereof, to be charged on the left side with a great Squadron of about 3000 Lances, which seemed to stand upon that Wing to give the first charge, he gave order unto Rodoniz, his Lieutenant, and Colonel of the Rutters, which had the leading of the left Wing, that he should at a certain sign given, set forward towards the left hand, for the charging of that great Squadron. So his People being set in order, and the manner of proceeding set down, he putting on his Helmet, with cheerful Countenance said, That at that time he trusted he should show unto the Vayvod, that his Truncheon could do more than his Scimitar; and himself setting forward betwixt the Squadron of the Almain Footmen and the Wing of the Musqueteers, about two hours after Noon, marched fair and softly towards the Enemy; who without moving, expected the discharging of their Artillery, whereunto the nearer that the Enemy came unto it, the less harm it did him, by shooting either over or short in the Field, which easily ascended. The Wing of Musqueteers went directly to give a charge unto the Artillery; and the Squadron toward the foot of the Hill, where Basta desired forcibly to charge, that thereby they might be enforced to spend their first Volleys, and with some discouragement or disorder to retire, presently came in, all affront, just upon the sign given; and so with his Almain Footmen, and the Rutters on the right hand, enclosed and compassed in behind the greatest part of the Enemy's Footmen. At which very instant, the Rutters on the left hand also so courageously charged upon the three thousand Lances, that better could not have been desired of any band of most old and expert Soldiers. The Lances retiring without any hurt, and the first Volley discharged, forced the Infantry, and so disordered the rest. Whereupon the Wings charging, there ensued presently a great slaughter and overthrow, 
Michael the Vayvod overthrown.  only forty of Basta's men being slain, and as many hurt; where of the Enemies were lost in the battle ten thousand; and greater had the slaughter been, if the Village and approach of the Night had not covered many of them that fled, and stayed the pursuit of the Victors that followed them. Which putteth me in remembrance of the great Victory that Scipio Asiaticus had against Antiochus, wherein were slain of the Romans, but three hundred (although that in the fight one of the Wings stood for a time doubtful) there being lost of the Enemies above fifty thousand. Howbeit there were afterwards found in all (as was by the Peasants of the Country reported) twenty thousand slain in this Battle. By this Victory Basta recovered many Ensigns and much Armour, before sent by the Emperor unto the Vayvod, together with all his Tents and Baggage. And presently after the overthrow, there were many Troops of Horsemen sent out every way with Proclamation, to spare the Lives of such of the Siculi as should lay down their Arms; of whom, many were sent Prisoners unto divers Places, especially to Fogaras, a strong Town towards Valachia. As for the Vayvod himself, he with certa in Cossacks escaped by flight.  
The Morrow following, Basta dispatched away the County Caurioli to inform the Emperor of all the Particularities of the Success of that Expedition; who seemed to be therewith pleased, yet neither gave Reward unto the County, neither commended Basta in that he had done (foreseeing perhaps what was to ensue thereof) although he had in Writing before approved his Resolution and Motion made in Favour of the Confederates. Staying that day in that quarter, 
The Chiaki was the chief man; and as it were, the Ringleader of the Transilvanians into Rebellion.  Basta gave order unto the Chiaki, to send out a Thousand Horsemen to pursue the flying Vayvod; who, instead of so doing, joining themselves with other their Consorts, settled themselves to ransack Alba-Iulia, under the Colour, that there was the Vayvods' Wealth and Substance; yet (as the manner of such men is) sparing neither Merchant nor Citizen; which worthily seemed unto Basta a great wrong, for to see the innocent punished, and the guilty to escape free. And albeit that he made what haste he might thitherwards with all his Camp, and so stayed one day not far from thence, to have given some redress unto the spoil that had happened; yet was all that his Labour lost, for that so many of the greater sort and chiefest amongst them had their hands therein, with whom he thought it more Wisdom as then to dissemble, than to fall into any terms of Severity, without hope of doing any good. So he resolved in all haste to march towards Fogaras (whither he heard say the Vayvod was come with new Forces out of Valachia and Moldavia) and in six days march came to Cibinium, where he received certain News, That the great Chancellor of Polonia and Sigismond (sometime the Transylvanian Prince) were with a strong Army upon the Frontiers of Moldavia; having sent before them Moses the Siculian, with about eight thousand of the Siculi (his Soldiers) to what purpose was easy to be seen. Which Advertisement interrupted the Course of Basta's Victory; for that it seemed not reasonable to pursue the Enemy, and to leave behind him a doubt of so great Importance; and especially, for that he thought he could not assure himself of the Aid of the Countrypeople, in case that Sigismond their old Prince were once seen in Transilvania. Wherefore he thought good to stay where he was, to provide for all Events as need should be; and so resolved to send the Chiaki, and one Ladislaus Pithi, to Parley with Moses, who made a show of no great Moment of his good will towards the Confederates. In the mean time, came two Messengers from the Vayvod, offering in his Name, that he should do whatsoever were in the behalf of the Emperor to be imposed upon him. 
A Reconciliation made betwixt Michael the Vayvod, and Basta.  Unto whom these Conditions were by Basta and the rest of the Council propounded; First, That he should for ever resign all the claim he had or might have into the Country of Transilvania; then, That he altogether with his Army, should give his Oath of Fidelity unto his Imperial Majesty; also, That he should forthwith through Valachia go with his Army unto the Frontiers of Moldavia, to stay the Polonians from farther entrance: and moreover, to give his Wife and little Son in Hostage for the performance of these things. With which Messengers was sent one Sebastian Techelli, to receive the Oath and promised Hostages, unto whom was appointed for the place of their safe keeping, the Bishop's Castle in Alba-Iulia, the Vayvod having before requested, That they might be so kept in Transilvania; although Basta thought it much better to have had them kept in the upper Hungary. This agreement being made, Basta kept on his way towards Fogaras, which he found already possessed by the Chiaki, and so from thence to Corona. After which, the Vayvod distrusting of the Articles agreed upon, went directly into Valachia, but not at all into Moldavia; not so much discomfited with the Forces of the Polonians whom he went against (not doubting to give them a great overthrow) as for the distrust he had of Moses the Siculian, who in the Battle might show himself his Enemy behind him. Now whether it were for the distrust he had in his own followers, or only for fear of Treason by the Polonians plotted, being not likely that they with so small Forces were come to fight, 
Michael for fear of being betrayed unto the P●lonians, takes his flight into the Mountains.  without some greater secret deceit; he not knowing whom to trust or to fear, of his own accord took his flight into the strength of the Mountains, without any great loss of his People, having left his Baggage behind him, which was assailed and taken by the Haiducks, and such other sharkers enured to Prey, and always ready in like occasion, to help to spoil and chase them that are already running; although that afterwards in divers Skirmishes with the Turks (who to cause him the rather to turn his back unto the Polonians, had presumptuously scoured up and down the Country) he lost many. In fine, giving Moldavia lost, he was now out of hope how to be able to hold only Valachia, his old Government. Even he which but a little before commanded above an hundred thousand Soldiers in Field; he, which in despite of who said nay, was able to command Valachia and Moldavia, and happily the other Countries also near unto him, as having received the command of Transilvania, as Governor for the Emperor; he that made Constantinople to tremble, and found no Empire equal to his Designs. But it fareth oftentimes with the Great, as with Birds of Prey, who greedily seeking to prey upon others, become themselves a Prey unto other greater than themselves; for they, never contented, and attributing only unto their own Valour and Wisdom, their own prosperous Proceedings, are the true showers of the unstable wheel of Fortune: or what say I of Fortune? being rather the very Children of Folly. So commonly falleth it out with Princes (especially the new) which in the Garboils of War betwixt their mighty Neighbours, not governed by their own Wisdom, rest themselves only upon the Advice of their Counsellors, are by them led they wot not whither, for the greatest interest they have in them. For had the Vayvod had but the least insight into Political Government, he might well have understood, that amongst so many mighty Princes he could not much grow, or yet well root himself, without the assured stay of some one or other of them. He should also have known within what compass a new Prince ought to have used Severity and Rigour; and that he ought to abstain from all offence in good or otherwise, which might any way procure unto him the displeasure or hatred of his Subjects. Whereas his Counsellors, not so much respecting his Profit as their own, had not the Power, or not the Will to persuade him so by good means to plant himself sure in Transilvania; but so both cast him headlong from his high Estate, and at the same time furthered the loss of Canisia, a matter of important Consequence.  
Now lay Basta encamped in the Field in Transilvania, when a Messenger came unto him from the great Chancellor of Polonia, to declare unto him, That it was not his purpose to trouble Transilvania, having no such order from the King; albeit that he would advise the Transilvanians, if they wished to live in quiet, to make choice of a Prince of their own Nation, and such an one as the Turk should well like of, whereas otherwise they should but seek their own Destruction, together with their Neighbours. Which his Counsel was well marked of them all, albeit it was thought by many of the wiser sort, not so much to proceed of any good meaning he had towards the Transilvanians, as of an old grudge and inveterate hatred he had always born against the House of Austria; as also, that he even then countenanced the Prince Sigismond with his Army to no other end, but by him to raise up new stirs in that Province, and so to draw it from the Emperor's Obeisance, although thereby it became again tributary unto the Turk, who in all these matters had a great hand. Yea, some sticked not to say, That he covertly aimed at that Principality for his Son, howsoever he masked the same under the show of Sigismond the late Prince. But unto him answer was given by the Transilvanians, (with thanks for his good will) That in all their Consultations they would have a principal regard of their own welfare, together with the common. 
The Chancellor placeth a new Vayvod in Valachia instead of Michael, by him driven out.  Which answer he having received, forthwith placed one Simon (the Brother of Hieremias the Moldavian) Vayvod of Valachia instead of Michael, by him driven out, and so leaving a convenient number of Soldiers with him, returned himself towards Polonia. Unto which election so made by the Polonians, the Turks craftily gave place, knowing well to play the Foxes where they could not play the Lions; wisely for a time comporting the Injury; and the old Chancellor, as crafty as they, having a secret purpose by occasion of these present Troubles, to prefer his Son at length unto the Principality of Transilvania, and thereunto also to join the Countries of Moldavia and Valachia, had therein of purpose placed the aforesaid Simon, a man of no Valour, and of a small Apprehension, whom he might again at his Pleasure displace, and join those Provinces unto his new purchase: which he could not so well do if he should have there placed a man of greater reach and courage. So work the heads of the Great, and so travel the brains of the ambitious aspiring.  
Basta understanding of the retiring of the Polonians, entered into Consultation with the Chiaki, 
False Rumours raised to have terrified Basta.  and other the principal men of that Province, (which lodged with the Army in the Country Villages thereabout) for calling together the States and People, to make choice of some such men as they thought meetest to be sent unto the Emperor, to know his pleasure for the Government of that Province. But now in the mean time, whilst there was suspicion of the foreign Enemy, began to work certain Malcontents, which thinking with greater liberty to live under a weak Prince, than under one of greater Power; with one Voice cried out, That Sigismond with a great Power was entered into the Confines of Transilvania, one while towards Valachia, another while by the way of Moldavia; and that the strength of the Country and others thereby still resorted unto him; with other such like Inventions, of purpose devised to have made Basta suddenly depart, or at leastwise, to have troubled the Diet or Assembly called, and the Consultation also. But he, well advised of their purpose, moved not out of his quarter, but there lay very privately, to declare thereby the great Confidence he had in the thankfulness of the Nobility of that Country, as by him delivered from the oppression of the Vayvod; as also to make them to understand, That the Government to be appointed was not to be settled in the sole power of a Tyrant, but in the fidelity of the Subjects, protected under a most gentle, royal, and most fatherlike Government, not ambitiously sought after, but voluntarily of themselves offered, and for the common good, by the Emperor accepted. Beside that, he knew right well, how that Castaldo (in like case before in the year 1551, sent into Transilvania with 8000 Almains) left behind him his Army, and without any precedent courtesy went privately to Alba-Iulia, where Queen Isabel had for her defence assembled a Diet of all the States, and there by well handling of the matter, got to Ferdinand the Emperor that Kingdom, which he could not by the fear of his Forces have gained; for which doing, Writers attribute unto him the name of great Wisdom, notwithstanding that the year following he was forced to abandon his Conquest, but yet not through any default in himself.  
But it is truly said, That men pleasured, according to the occasion change their manners, as doth the Chameleon his colour, according to the place; nothing being by nature so short, nothing of less Life, than the remembrance of a benefit with the unthankful; which the greater it is, the more it is repaired with Ungratitude; either by making it to have been of little worth, or to have proceeded not of Courtesy, but from some other more private and proper Considerations of the Giver. The diet aforesaid being assembled, divers broils were there raised by the male Contents, as usually it cometh to pass where the People have to do with the Government; apt to be moved with every Rumour, always ready to change their Opinion, as strait glutted therewith, headstrong, faithless, all in words to no end; some of them in that assembly cried out, that the Almains might be paid, discharged, and thanked for the pains they had taken for them as their Neighbours, with offering to do them the like Pleasure, as their Occasions should require; otherwise cried to have them put all to the Sword, so much they were devoid of Reason: others cried out as fast, that they were not by any means to endure the Government of Maximilian the Archduke, but by some, nominated unto them, would needs have a Prince of their own Country, and such an one as the great Turk should well like of, as the Chancellor had persuaded them. Basta for all that not dismayed with so unexpected an encounter (albeit that he began to suspect that he had lost all his Labour, 
The stout Speech of Basta, unto the Chiaki, and the rest of the Nobility of Transilvania.  if he▪ were not in short time with greater Forces relieved) at such time as the Chiaki, with other the chief men amongst the People, came, as their manner was, every other day to visit him; with courageous Speech and unappalled Countenance, told him plainly, That he well perceived their drift and purpose; and yet doubted not either of their Oath of Obedience given unto his Imperial Majesty, either of the fresh remembrance of the great benefit they had from him so lately received; and in case it might happen them little to esteem of those things (greater than which could not happen amongst men) that yet they should well know, that he was not a man to be feared with words, but fully resolved not to stir one foot thence with his Forces, but rather to lose his Life, which he would for all that sell as dear as he could. Whereunto answer was given with much courteous speech, That he should not give ear unto any the Speeches of the light vulgar people; but to content himself that the Nobility, in whose hands the chief power of that Province was, had not done any thing not beseeming themselves. So after much dispute, were appointed three Persons according to the three estates (the Nobility, the Commons, and the State in general) to go unto the Emperor, to request of him Maximilian the Archduke of their Governor; with special request also, that it would please him not to overcharge with foreign Soldiers that Province already so impoverished, especially having in itself People sufficient for the defence thereof, and more nimble to encounter with the Turks, than the heavy and slow Almains, and they also of double charge. These difficulties with much ado thus appeased, by such as stood fast for the Emperor, Basta thought it not good again to call any such assembly, hoping that time, and the Emperor's great Wisdom, would for all these matters find convenient remedy. Yet saw he plainly, the mind of the People was to resolve to remain for ever free, if they should have come to a second Consultation; and in them a princely desire to command rather than to be commanded; yea in that self same Diet the Chiaki was declared Governor on the behalf of the People, with Authority in many things of himself to determine, without calling together of any assembly of the rest of the States; which they said they did only until they were by his Imperial Majesty provided of a Governor. Nevertheless, Basta well perceived more than a Tribunal Power to be now joined by the People unto the Emperor's Commissioners, knowing that this Chiaki was in great hope to have been proclaimed Prince of the Confederates, in case they had not been presently relieved against the Vayvod; and having in him yet noted still his great ambition, for that marching from Torda toward the Vayvod, he caused to be carried before him a Spear with an Hungarian Cap, and a Plume of Feathers upon a Lance, in token of his chief command, albeit that afterwards, at the Complaint of Basta, pretending therein a wrong to be done unto his Regiment marching under the Imperial Standard, he took it down; neither was he then a little suspected to have suffered his Soldiers to have sacked Alba-Iulia, as also to have surprised Fogaras, and to have used divers other means all tending unto popularity and ambitious aspiring; wherein he deemed it yet better to dissemble than to proceed farther, and then to do it indeed when he had power sufficient.  
The next day following came all the Counsel of that Province, with the Deputies (appointed to have gone unto the Emperor) and the People unto the House of Basta, requesting him (although such their manner of coming might seem to exceed the bounds of request) that he would send his Germane out of the Country, and so after so many troubles to give it leave a little to breath; as for himself, that he might stay at Alba-Iulia, until the men deputed to that purpose might go unto his Majesty with their requests. Basta not a a little troubled with such an Imperious Request, and now (but not before) perceiving the occasion of this great discontentment, 
The Error of Basta.  saw himself much deceived in a most material point, and the ground of all this action, by trusting too much unto his own too small Forces, too weak for the defence of his own Person, much less to keep under so populous a Province, such as before in the year 1552, under the leading of Castaldo, had of itself sent out 70000 fight men for the besieging of Lippa, and now upon the sudden 12000 with a few Noblemen in the face of a mighty and armed Enemy, where they now held an armed Consultation with him, the Nobility meeting together with their great Retinues; and so much the greater, by how much the Suspicion, was the more by them feared, for them to be enforced to resolve upon any thing contrary to their good liking; whereas he contenting himself only with their Oath, without any other Hostages, and so giving Aid unto the Confederates, had put himself upon their Faith, together with all his People, into the midst of Transilvania, a matter of far greater importance than any pledge they were able to have given him. Besides that, of the six thousand men which he had brought with him into that Country, three thousand five hundred of Silesia, now brought to 2000, could not be persuaded longer to stay without their Pay before hand, the Pay of their Country being already spent; and the rest drawn out of the Garrisons of the upper Hungary, or else there pressed, were at a certain time to return. Yet nevertheless he attempted in some sort to satisfy their Request, for not grieving of the Country, by requesting of them to deliver unto him some strong Place, whereinto he putting his men into Garrison, they might so lie without any farther charge or trouble to the Country, living upon their own Wages. Which, when he could not obtain, and withal considering, that if those few of his People which yet remained could be contented to stay with him, the retaining of them might give occasion unto the desirous of new Stirs, upon every the least disorder of the Soldiers, to alter the matter at their pleasure, (as had happened unto the eight thousand Almains of Castaldo, driven sometimes out of that Country under the colour of some Insolency by them committed, although others had been the chief doers thereof, namely, about some twenty Polonians) he resolved of all these things to give notice to the Court, and so fair and softly to march with his Soldiers unto the Confines of that Country, and to save his eight pieces of Artillery, with his other Munition, in Samos Vivar Castle, a strong Fortress a good way within the Confines, which, together with the strong Castle of Kuivar, Aga Leche, an Albanoise, and General of the Vayvod's Horsemen, delivered to Zakell Captain of Zaccomar, one of his Majesty's Commissioners; who there provided for the Governor Basta, his familiar Favourite: although that the Transilvanians had with great Promises sought to have crossed such delivery of the aforesaid Castles, and to have had them in their own Power.  

The Discretion of the doer is not always to be deemed by the event of the thing done.  Wherefore Basta, not deceived, but by necessity enforced, yielded that he could not hold, and gave that he could not sell, making a virtue of Necessity; deceived in the event of the matter which he had propounded unto himself from the beginning, for the assurance of that Country to the Emperor; by an excusable error, if it be true that some wise men say, nothing to be more unreasonable than by the Event of Ma●ters to judge of their Wisdom by whom they were managed; which consisteth not in divining before of the certainty of the Event, but in the reasonable Conjecture thereof, by the means leading thereunto, than which nothing is more deceitful, as not depending from our own Actions only, but from other men's also more gross and unreasonable; none knowing better how much the Wisdom of Man deceiveth itself, than those which are unto themselves true Witnesses of the event of their own Consultations. Nevertheless the matter was afterward so well handled by Basta, Petzen, and others the emperor's great Favourites in Transilvania, that in a Diet holden by the Transilvanians, he was with a convenient Guard again by them received as the Emperor's Lieutenant, until further Order were by him taken for the Government and Assurance of that Country: the Chiaki and his Complices faintly consenting thereunto, as not greatly pleased therewith. Neither had B●sta much cause to be proud of such his Government, having thereof no longer assurance than pleased that fickle People to afford him; yet sith no better could be had, he must take it as he might, deeming it better in some sort for the present to hold it for the Emperor, than not at all: with which his weak State, amongst more Enemies than Friends, we will for a while leave him.  
But whilst things thus passed (as we have said) in Transilvania and Hungary, (the Treaty for Peace betwixt the Emperor and the Turk being vanished into Smoak,) Ibrahim Bassa the Turks General in Hungary, having all the last Winter made great preparation for the Invasion of the Emperor's Territories, and the doing of some notable Enterprise for the recovery of his Reputation, somewhat impaired by the evil success of the last Years Wars; and even in these his greatest Preparations of this Year, not a little troubled by the Mutiny of the Janissaries and Spahi for want of their Pay, at Constantinople, as also with the Rebellion in Caramania: now at length in the latter end of August (by order from the Grand Signior, his great Lord and Master) began to set forward with his Army from Belgrade, supposed to be above two hundred thousand men strong. And coming to Babotsca, a strong Fortress of the Christians in the nether Hungary, sat down before it, and having planted his Artillery, furiously battered it, with purpose to have the next day assaulted it: but the Captain of the Castle, considering the weakness of his Garrison to withstand so puissant an Enemy, and that the Walls to be already sore shaken with the fury of the great Ordnance, came to a reasonable Composition with the Bassa, and so delivered unto him the place. Which Exploit done, and the Castle to him surrendered, he marched from thence to Canisia, a strong Town in the Frontiers of Stiria, 
Canisia besieged by the Turks.  of most men before supposed a Place impregnable; for that it was situate in a very deep Marsh, and furnished with a strong Garrison of valiant Soldiers, part Hungarians and part Almains: after this strong Town Ibrahim the great Bassa especially longed, so to free those Frontiers of the Turks from the often Incursions that the Garrison Soldiers of that place made therein; as also by the taking of that so strong a Fortress from the Christians, to open a more safe and free Passage for the Turks into Austria, to the endangering of other places of the Empire also farther off. Wherefore encamping his great Army on the side of the Marsh which compassed the Isle round whereon the Town stood, he began with Faggots and Earth to fill up the Marsh, so to pass over his Army; they in the Town in the mean time not ceasing with their thundering Shot to disturb them, and to do them what harm they might: who for all that, proceeding in their Work, had brought it now almost close unto the Island, where, whilst they were about to have landed, they were by the Soldiers of the Garrison so encountered, that having lost a number of their men, as well Janissaries as others, with two of their best Captains also, they were by plain Valour enforced to retire. But preparing themselves against the next day with a greater force to have again returned unto the Assault of the Isle, they saw the Imperial Army now at their Backs, and come so near them, that with their Artillery they did them great harm; which put them in no small fear, seeing themselves enclosed betwixt the Town and the Camp, and both out of the one and the other to receive no small hurt, as well with the small Shot as the great; besides that, out of the Camp divers whole Bands sometimes sallied, discharging great Volleys of Shot even into their Trenches. In the Imperial Army were about two and forty thousand Horse and Foot, men of divers Nations, under the leading of Duke Mercury, now General of the Emperor's Forces in Hungary; with whom were also the Lords Nadasti, Esdrin, Bacchian, and the Governor of Croatia, with divers other famous Captains, come thither for the relief of Canisia, a place of so great Importance for the defence of that side of the Country, and to help that it fell not into the Power of the barbarous Enemy. But Ibrahim Bassa, understanding by his Spials the small number of the Christians; and well knowing how much he was too strong for them by reason of his great Multitude, went out against them, and finding them as ready as himself, 
The Battle betwixt the Christians and the Turks before Canisia.  joined Battle with them, with great slaughter of men both on the one side and the other: which bloody Fight (the Victory yet standing doubtful, but in all men's Judgement more inclining unto the Christians than to the Turks) was at length, by the coming on of the night, broken off. At which time, the Christians retiring themselves into their Trenches, the Turks stood all the night in the Field with their Weapons in their hands, as fearing to have been again in the night by their Enemies assailed. Mean while the Christian Captains in the Camp, at variance amongst themselves, and so not now to be commanded by Duke Mercury their General; at such time as the Turks, presuming on their Multitude, dared them to Battle the next day, could by no means be persuaded to go out against them, or once to stir out of their Trenches. Insomuch that the General of the Tartars thereupon taking Courage, made an Inroad into the Country thereby, and meeting with two hundred Wagons laden with Victuals going unto the Christian Camp, slew the Convoy that guarded them, and so carried them quite away. Whereby such want arose in the Christian Camp, that having not what to eat, and out of hope of any new Supply of Relief in time to come, they were glad by Night to dislodge and retire; which could not so secretly be done, but that it was by the Turks perceived, who presently following after them in the Tail of the Army, cut off about three thousand of them, with certain pieces of great Ordnance, and most part of the Baggage; the rest of the Army in the mean time retiring farther off into places of more safety. From this Victory the Turks returned again to the Siege of Canisia, where, after a few days, the Garrison Soldiers, now out of hope to be in good time relieved, suddenly fell into Mutiny, refusing any longer to defend the Town, now hardly laid unto by the Turks; and the rather, for that divers of the Hungarians were already fled out of the Town unto the Bassa, having (as it was thought) revealed unto him the whole estate of the besieged: so that now there was no remedy but that the Town must be delivered unto the Enemy, 
Canisia yielded unto the Turks.  although Paradiser, with some other of the Captains, did what they might (as they said afterwards) to have persuaded the contrary. Whereupon, they came to Parle with the Bassa, and covenanting with him, that they might with Bag and Baggage depart, and with a safe Convoy be brought over the River Mur, promised to yield unto him the Town: all which the Bassa granted, fearing how to have been able to have kept the Field, if they should for any long time have holden out, Winter now so fast approaching. So the two and twentieth of October the Town was unto the Bassa right cowardly delivered, and the Garrison Soldiers with their Baggage in a hundred Wagons lent them by the Turks, safely conducted over the Mur, as was unto them promised. After the Agreement made for the yielding up of the Town, the Bassa, in Courtesy▪ sent unto Paradiser the Governor a very rich Gown of Cloth of Gold; which albeit that he refused, yet was it afterwards laid to his Charge as a Presumption of some treacherous Collusion betwixt him and the Bassa for the betraying of the Town, which it was thought he might much longer have kept. Ibrahim now thus possessed of the Town he so much desired, fortified it more strongly than ever it was before; and for the more assurance thereof, put into it a strong Garrison of four thousand Foot and five hundred Horse, all old expert Soldiers. And immediately after, without resistance, 
Stiria foraged by the Turks.  foraged the Country round about Canisia, burning all before him as he went; the poor Christian Inhabitants still flying as fast as they could for safeguard of their Lives. But having thus with the Spoil of the Country well pleased his Soldiers, he, desirous to have the same again in time repeopled, as thereby to yield unto the Turks the more Profit, stayed their farther Outrage, upon great pain forbidding the same; by open Proclamations in every place set up, inviting the Christians, without fear of farther harm, to return again into the Country, where, submitting them unto the Great Sultan's Obeisance, they should under his Protection safely dwell, without any Tribute to be of them exacted for the space of three Years next following. Which Proclamations were in his Name thus published:  

Ibrahim Bassa, to the Inhabitants of the Country about Canisia, greeting.  
WE Ibrahim Bassa, by the Grace of God, Visier, and Cousin unto the most puissant and invincible Sultan Mahomet, Emperor of the Turks, 
Ibrahim Bassa 's Proclamation.  unto all the Inhabitants of the Marches about Canisia, and the rest of the Country of Steirmarck, from the greatest unto the least, greeting: Whereas we have willingly heard, that some of you, willing to submit yourselves to the great Sultan, and to swear unto him Fealty, are again returned unto your old Dwellings: We promise and assure you, upon the Faith of the said Emperor, That whosoever shall be found near unto the Fortress of Canisia, now belonging unto the great Sultan, with all Reverence submitting himself as his Subject, under his Government, acknowledging him for his Sovereign, shall enjoy more Privileges than ever he did before, and also be protected in the same. And for that we know that your Houses are for the most part destroyed, as also your Posterity, you shall therefore for these three years next following be exempted and free from all Tributes and Charges whatsoever, to the intent you may the better recover yourselves. Of which Grace if you shall willingly accept, we promise you, that neither You, your Wives, or Children, shall be in any thing wronged, or your Goods in any part impaired, but so much as in us possibly is, to be defended: so that so many of you as please may in safety return into your own old Dwellings, giving before knowledge thereof unto the Governor of this our Fortress. Given in our Camp after the Conquest of Canisia.   
Many of these poor Country People before fled for fear of the Turks, and not knowing where to bestow themselves, now upon this Proclamation returned again to their ancient dwelling Places, there to begin the World again under the Turkish Obeisance. But for that County Serinus was the Man whom of all others in that Country the great Bassa sought after, as him whom he most feared after his Departure to trouble this his new Conquest, and to seek to be revenged; having in this so general a Calamity of Stiria, his Country, lost twenty Villages of his own, quite burnt by the Turks, and the People most slain or else taken Prisoners: the Bassa having many times before sought to have persuaded him to have yielded his Obedience unto the Turkish Sultan, and now in hope after so great loss to bring him in, before he were come into the utter ruin of all his Fortunes, (now by the loss of Canisia, and the entrance of the Turks into Stiria, not a little endangered) writ unto him as followeth: WE Ibrahim Bassa, chief of the Visier Bassanes, 
Ibrahim Bassa 's Letters unto the County Serinu●.  and Cousin unto the most puissant Sultan Mahomet; to the County Serinus sendeth greeting. We have oftentimes heretofore written unto thee concerning the matter thou knowest of: but what the cause is that we received no Answer, we cannot tell. Yet could I not but write to thee again, That if yet thou canst be content to begin the matter aright, and to submit thyself unto our Protection, we will be ready to receive thee. Thou seest, that what we foretold thee is now more than fulfilled both upon thee and thine, which thou wouldst never believe. Nevertheless, for the staying of the farther effusion of the Blood as well of thy Subjects as ours, and to come to some good Atonement, it is high time for thee to lay thine Hand upon thy Heart, and to consider how much more it concerneth thee than us, and that the benefit thereof redoundeth more unto thine than ours. What our Affection is towards thee, Hierom the Vayvod can tell thee. Fare thou well. From our Camp after the Conquest of Canisia, the seventh of November, 1600.  

Ibrahim Bassa returneth with his Army to Belgrade.  But these Letters being also, as the rest, answered with Silence, the great Bassa having disposed of all as he thought best at Canisia, and in the Country thereabout, returned with his Army to Belgrade, there to Winter: having before fully certified the great Sultan of all his Proceedings, and the Success of this War; vaunting after his vain manner, the next Spring to besiege Vienna also, if it should please him so to command. Of all which things Mahomet understanding, and not a little therewith pleased, caused great Triumphs to be made by the space of four days at Constantinople, and in token of his Love and Favour, sent a rich Robe of Cloth of Gold, with a leading staff, all set with Pearl and precious Stones, unto the Bassa, yet lying at Belgrade.  
This loss of Canisia much troubled all that side of Christendom, especially them of the Territories belonging unto the House of Austria, in a sort dismayed to see the Turks so easily possessed of a Town, before thought almost impregnable, and the strongest defence of all that Country against the furious Impressions of the Turks, to whom it was now become a most safe and sure Receptacle, all men with one Voice blaming the discord of the Captains in the Imperial Army, for so retiring without any good doing; but above all detesting the Cowardice of Paradiser, who known to have in the Town a strong Garrison, with good store of Munition and Victuals (as was supposed) had so basely delivered the same unto the Enemy, not doing the uttermost of his Devoir as had beseemed him for the defence thereof: whereas if he had so done, happily in the mean time the Cold and unseasonableness of the Wether (though no other Relief had been) Winter being now come, might have enforced the Turks to have raised their Siege. Whereupon, he was for this so foul a Fact, by the Emperor's Commandment, apprehended and cast in Prison at Vienna, where after he had long lain, and his Cause oftentimes examined, he was the next year following condemned of Felony and Cowardsse, and so the 15 th' day of October executed, having first his Hand at four strokes of the Executioner struck off, 
Paradiser executed for the yielding up of Canisia to the Turks.  and after that his Head; with him was also in like manner executed his Ensignbearer; and after them his Lieutenant with the Mayor of the Town, who both bound fast to a stake, had first their Tongues cut out, and afterwards their Heads chopped off.  
Now the Rebellion before raised in Caramania by Cusahin Bassa (as is aforesaid) was not with his Death altogether appeased. Also Orfa, a great City of that Country (which having tasted the sweetness of Liberty in the time of Cusahin) yet still holding out against Mehemet the great Bassa the Sultan's Lieutenant-General there. At which time also a Companion of Cusahin the late Rebel, called the Scrivano, and one of his greatest Favourites, seeing how hardly not only Cusahin himself, but the rest of his Followers, had been handled by the Turks, began to make Head, and to call unto him all such as loved their Liberty; unto the sweet Name whereof, so many were in short time come about him, as that out of them he form such an Army, as made him now dreadful unto the Turks his Enemies. Against whom, Mehemet Bassa going with all his Power to have oppressed him, ●ound him with those his rebellious Followers so courageous (for the desire they all had to break out of the Ottoman Slavery, and to live in such Liberty as was promised them by their Captain and General) that joining Battle with them, he received of them a notable Overthrow; insomuch, that fearing to have lost his whole Army, he was glad to retire, and to send out Commissions for the raising of greater Forces. Sultan Mahomet in the mean time, whether it was for fear of this new Rebellion, or for that he understood of the Ambassadors sent from the Persian unto the Christian Princes, began to suspect lest that King should break the League he had with him, and so to his farther trouble take up Arms also against him. Wherefore, upon a Turkish Pride, he sent an Ambassador into Persia, to give the King to understand, That for the more assurance of the League betwixt them, he demanded to have one of his Sons sent unto him in Hostage, as a Pledge of his Father's Faith: Which so proud a Demand, the Persian King took in such disdain, 
The Turks Ambassador evil entreated by the King of Persia.  that he commanded in his Rage the Ambassador to be forthwith slain; but that his fury being by his grave Counsellors somewhat appeased, he remitted the Severity of this his rigorous Command, and sparing his Life, was contented, that in despite and contempt of him that had sent him, he should be put to the Bastonado only: and so grievously threatened, sent back again unto his Master. Who having received this shameful Answer, and in doubt of some farther matter from that angry King, commanded new and strong Garrisons to be put in all his strong holds confining upon the Persian Kingdom.  
This troublesome Year of jubilee thus past, the Emperor much troubled with the loss of Canisia, year 1601 and in doubt of worse to come (albeit that Ibrahim Bassa, whom for all that he trusted not, did afresh entreat with him concerning Peace) and seeing also the great need he had of greater Aid to withstand the mighty Power of the Turk, with great instancy requested Aid of the Pope and of the other Princes of Italy: who, 
The Aid sent out of Italy unto the Emperor.  considering also how much it concerned the rest of the Christian Commonweal, to have the Frontiers of Hungary defended, condescended unto the Emperor's Request; and so the Pope with the beginning of the Spring sent him eight thousand Soldiers in Pay, under the leading of Io Francisco Aldobrandino his Nephew their General, who with the like charge had now served ever since the Year 1599: King Philip also, at the instance of the Emperor, gave Order unto the County Fuentes to send into Croatia certain Bands of Duchess; who, by direction from him, were forthwith conducted to Milan. The great Duke of Florence also, sent unto him two thousand Soldiers, under the leading of Francisco de Monte; with whom also, by his Appointment, went the Lord Io. de Medici's, whom Ferdinand the Archduke forthwith requested for to be Master of his Camp: thither came also the Duke of Mantua with an honourable Company both of Horse and Foot, being forthwith by the Archduke made his Lieutenant-General. And so whilst these People assembled together into Croatia, the Emperor sent also another good Army into Hungary, drawn for most part out of Germany, which under the leading of the Archduke Mathias his Brother, and the Duke Mercury his Lieutenant-General, went into those Parts to withstand the Turk. A third Army he also made of the Imperials; which, strengthened with the Forces of Don Ferrant Gonzaga, Governor of the upper Hungary, joined themselves with Basta for the Recovery of Transilvania, out of which he had been of late driven, as shall hereafter be declared.  
And so whilst these Armies were in preparing, many hot Skirmishes passed in Hungary betwixt the Christians and the Turks, the loss falling sometime to the one side and sometime to the other. But the time now come that Soldiers might well take the Field, 
Ibrahim Bassa dieth at Belgrade.  Ibrahim Bassa, being now before dead at Belgrade, whilst he was yet entreating of a dissembled Peace, and Hassan, one of the Visier Bassanes, by Mahomet appointed General in Hungary in his place, yet delaying his coming, the Parley for Peace laid aside (as never indeed by the Turks intended, but only by them entertained to dally off the time to their own more advantage) Duke Mercury, General of the Emperor's Forces, taking the offer of so fit an Opportunity, came with his Army from Komara (where he had lain expecting the Event of the Parle) and laid Siege to Alba-Regalis, 
Alba-Regalis besieged by Duke Mercury.  one of the chiefest and strongest Cities of Hungary; which, seated in the midst of a Marsh, was thought almost impregnable, being hardly to be approached but by the Suburbs; which, strongly fortified and defended by the Marsh, served the City instead of three most sure Bulwarks, within which stood also the City itself, well defended with a good Wall and a Ditch. This City, the Duke for certain days continually battered, as if he had purposed at length to have taken it by assault: but, in the mean time certainly informed by a Fugitive (but lately fled out of the City) that the broad Lake on the other side of the City over against the Place where he lay, was not so deep, but that it was to be passed, (contrary to the Opinion both of the Turk's Captives, and of the natural Inhabitants, whom he had upon that Point examined) and that the Turks, presuming upon the strength thereof, and thinking themselves on that side safe, had turned almost all their Care and Forces unto that side of the City which was now by him battered, without regard of any great Peril to be from the other side feared; he appointed the Lord Russworm with his Soldiers to make Proof if the Sigeth Suburbs (for so they were called) on the aforesaid side of the City, so little regarded by the Turks, were not to be surprised; for that these Suburbs being taken, the City could not long hold out: for the undertaking of which Enterprise, Russworm was, both by the captive Turks and Country People thereby dwelling, much discouraged, they all with one consent affirming, That albeit he should find no other Difficulties in the attempting thereof, yet the Lake itself was not possible to be passed: who nevertheless not altogether trusting them, sent certain of his Men secretly to try the matter; who having so done, brought him word, That the Lake was undoubtedly (though with much difficulty) to be passed. Whereupon, he with 1000 select Soldiers, with every one of them a good Faggot on his Back beside his Arms, to fill up the deepest of the Marsh, by night entered the same; wherein he had not gone far, but that he, almost with the danger of his Life, found it much deeper and more troublesome than the Spies had unto him before reported: but carried with an invincible Courage himself, and his Soldiers moved by his Example, he still went on, they also following of him. It is almost a thing incredible, to tell what these adventurous men endured, plunged in the deep Mud among the Flags and Bulrushes, going still up in Water and Mud unto the Waste, even where the Marsh was the shallowest; where also if one miss but a step, he was by and by over Head and Ears, and in danger to be drowned, if he were not by his Fellows presently holden; yet at length, by God's help, having with the loss but of six or seven men, a little before day got over, the Duke by an appointed Sign advertised thereof, with greater Stir and Tumult than at any time before, assailed that side of the City where he lay, as if even then and there he had only meant to have engaged his whole Forces for the winning thereof. When in the mean time the Lord Russworm on the other side with his resolute Soldiers, 
The Suburbs of Alba-Regalis surprised by the Lord Russworm.  with Ladders provided for the purpose, scaled the Walls of the Suburbs, and almost unperceived, recovered the top thereof, (the Turks being at the same time wholly bend for the defence of the other side of the City, where most stir and apparent danger was) and so being got into the Suburbs, with a great and terrible Cry assailed the Turks, who, surprised with an exceeding Fear, and not well knowing which way to turn themselves, without any great Resistance fled into the City, the Christians following them at the heels, and making of them a great Slaughter. In which so great a confusion, even where was least feared, the Duke by other his Soldiers took the rest of the Suburbs, as he had before determined, the Turks there also for fear forsaking them, and retiring with all the haste they could unto their Fellows in the City, there to live or die together. The Christians in these Suburbs, beside much other rich Prey, took also fourteen great pieces of Artillery, with good store of Shot and Powder. The Suburbs (the greatest Strength of the City) thus happily taken, the Duke again summoned the City, requiring to have it delivered unto him; whereunto the Turks gave no other Answer but by their Pieces, which they discharged upon the Christians so persuading them to yield. Wherewith the Duke much displeased, sent them word. That he would send them other manner of Messengers to morrow, and by God's help sup with them in the City, although he were not unto them welcome. Neither failed he of that his Promise; for the next day, 
Alba Regalis taken by the Christians.  having out of the Suburbs, by the fury of his Artillery, made two fair Breaches in the City, he by the Ruins thereof, with great slaughter of the Enemy, entered the City, albeit that the Turks did what they might to have defended the same, by casting down upon the Christians, as they entered, Darts, Wildfire, and suchlike things, usually provided for such purpose. But seeing now no remedy, but that they must needs give place to the fortune of their Enemies, they fled amain into their Houses, there to defend themselves, or else to die; many of which Houses they had before of purpose so undermined, as that they could easily overthrow them, and so overwhelm as many as should come within the danger of them: which so strange a Resolution was by many of them as desperately performed; insomuch, that the goodly Church, the Palace, with many other sumptuous Buildings, were left unto the Christians all rent and torn, not much better than rude heaps of Rubbish and Stones. Howbeit, the Bassa, upon promise of Life, yielded himself, and was by the Duke presently sent unto the Camp; the rest of the Soldiers being (as in such case it commonly happeneth) all or most of them put to the Sword. The greatest part of the Prey fell unto the Walloons; who by heaps breaking into the richest Houses, not only took what themselves light upon, but stripped the Germans also of such things as they had by chance gotten, to their great heartburning and grief: yea these ravenous and irreligious men not so contented, opened the Tombs of the Hungarian Kings, there long before buried, to spoil even the dead of such things, as had for Honour's sake been long before interred with them, (if haply any such thing were there to be found) showing themselves therein more barbarous than the Turks, who by the space of sixty years having had the City in their Possession, had yet spared those reverend Monuments, and suffered the relics of those worthy Princes to rest in peace. Of this taking of Alba-Regalis, the Bassa of Buda, long before taken Prisoner, and then lying at Vienna, hearing, abstained from Meat, with his two Servants, a whole day, prostrate upon his Face, praying unto his Prophet Mahomet, who had (as he said) all this year been angry with the Turks. Which had the siege of Canisia taken the like effect, had then undoubtedly been unto them most unfortunate; but God in his Wisdom still tempereth the sweet with the sour.  
Now in the mean while was Assan, the Visier Bassa and General of the Turks Army, 
Assan Bassa cometh out of season to have relieved Alba-Regalis.  with such Soldiers as were already assembled at Belgrade, coming to have relieved Alba-Regalis; and albeit that he understood by the way as he marched, that the City was won by the Christians, yet held he on his intended Journey; and so taking with him the Bassa of Buda, with the other Sanzacks and Commanders of the Towns and Castles thereabout, had form an Army of about threescore thousand strong, but for most part raw and unexpert Soldiers; with which power he still held on his way towards Alba-Regalis, as well thereby to give some Contentment unto the angry Sultan, his Master, as in hope also to overthrow the Christian Army, or at leastwise to find the City as yet unrepaired, and so to regain it. But vain was that his Designment, especially for the recovery of the City; 
The Victory of the Christians over the Turks.  for that the Duke had no sooner taken it, but that he forthwith caused the Breaches to be repaired, and for the more assurance of it, put into it a strong Garrison of old expert Soldiers; and being himself about twenty thousand strong, and heating of the Bassas coming, set forward to meet him, and being come near unto him, began an hot and bloody Skirmish with him. Yet the Bassa, to prosecute his intended purpose for the recovery of Alba-Regalis, the next day sent away part of his Army, to make proof if happily the City might yet be again recovered; and himself in the mean time with the rest of his Army, offered Battle unto the Christians, so to busy them, that they should not be able to trouble them whom he had sent to Alba-Regalis, or to relieve the City, if it should chance to be by them distressed. When as the Duke, before informed of the baseness of the Soldiers in the Bassa's Army, and that although he were for number of men far above him, yet that for old, hardy, and expert Soldiers, he was strong enough for him, valiantly went out and encountered him; and so even at the first onset by plain Valour disordering the foremost Squadrons of the Turks Battle, enforced them to retire with the loss of six thousand men; among whom were the Bassa of Buda, 
The Bassa of Buda slain.  six Sanzacks, with divers other Captains and Commanders of good place and mark. At which time he also took from them divers pieces of great Artillery, and had undoubtedly with a notable slaughter overthrown all the rest of the Bassa's Army, had not a great Squadron of the Tartars, even at that instant, showed themselves at the backs of the Christians, and so staying them, given leisure unto the Bassa again to restore his disordered Battle. Whereupon the Duke, contenting himself with the Victory he had already gotten, in good order retired again into his Trenches, having in this Conflict not lost above three hundred of his People. But whilst both Armies thus lay, and new Supplies still repairing unto them, expecting but when they should come to a general day of Battle; the Janissaries still murmuring, that it was now no time of the year longer to keep the field, by their Importunity enforced the Bassa to retire to Buda, and there to disband his Army. In which his retreat many were by the Christians cut off in the tail of his Army, and a number of Prisoners taken, and amongst the rest fifty of the french Mutineers of Pappa; whom the Archduke Mathias, at the instance of Duke Mercury, afterwards pardoned. Neither sped they much better, that were sent by the Bassa to have attempted the taking of Alba-Regalis; for being come near thereunto, they were so welcomed with great shot out of the City, and charged with often Sallies by the strong Garrison, that seeing no hope to prevail, they were glad to rise and to return again unto the Bassa that sent them.  
About the same time that the Duke began to besiege Alba-Regalis, Ferdinand the Archduke, 
Canisia besieged by Ferdinand the Archduke.  having received great Aid from the Pope, with the other Princes of Italy, and the King of Spain, and so now 30000 strong, by the advice of the Duke of Mantua, his Lieutenant General, resolved to besiege Canisia; which to have again recovered out of the hands of the Turks, concerned much, not them of Stiria and Austria only, but the other Provinces adjoining, yea, and Italy itself also; whereupon he with his Army in good order came the tenth of September and encamped before it; the Duke of Mantua, and Don john de Medici's, with 2000 Harquebusers, and two Cornets of Horse being come the day before to take a view of the Town, at whom the Turks made divers shot, but without any harm doing. And albeit that the Turks there in Garrison (in number not past a thousand, accounting amongst them three hundred of the Walloons, sometime of the Garrison of Pappa) with their often and gallant Sallies greatly troubled the Christians, and that great bands of other Turks came many times out of the strong Towns and Fortresses thereby, to skirmish with them, and to see if they could put any more Soldiers into the Town for the more assurance thereof; yet such was the carefulness of the Christian Commanders, and Valour of their Soldiers, that the Turks, both in the one place and in the other, were still repulsed and put to flight, with the loss also of some of their small Castles and Forts thereabout. To approach this strong Town, and to plant a battery against it, seemed to be a matter of great difficulty, for that it was (as we have elsewhere said) environed round with a Marish; yet means was found to dry it a little, and to fill it up on the one side, and to come so near the Town, that having planted three tire of Artillery against it, the Christians began furiously to batter it, beating down both the Walls, the Houses, and other Buildings therein. Yea, at length they had brought their approaches so near▪ that they were come with their Trenches even close unto the Town Ditch, persuading the Turks, now whilst they might upon good Conditions, to surrender the Town, and so to save their Lives. Whereunto their fierce and enraged Minds were so far from harkening, that braving the Christians, they said, That they would in despite of all their Forces keep the place for their Sultan, do what they could. Whereupon the Archduke, and the Duke of Mantua, by the Advice of Medici's, and the rest of the principal Captains and Commanders in the Army, resolved to give a general assault unto the Town. In the mean time News was brought into the Camp of the winning of Alba-Regalis, which there made great rejoicing, in sign whereof the Christians (as their manner is) in Triumph, many times discharged their great Ordnance; and by fit men persuaded the Garrison Soldiers in Canisia to yield, and not to cast themselves into such danger as had their Fellows at Alba-Regalis, for that in so doing they should not only save their Lives, but easily also obtained such other Conditions as they could reasonably desire; whereas, otherwise they should to their cost find the Christians strong enough to constrain them, which must needs bring with it their utter Ruin and Destruction. Whereunto the Garrison Soldiers (among whom the Renegade Walloons were the chief) contemptuously answered, That they little feared such weak Assailants; and with great cry and scorn commanding the Messengers to depart, in token of their Confidence, as also not to seem inferior unto the Christians, oftentimes to small purpose discharged their great Ordnance, as had the Christians the day before. Now though the Walls of the Town were with continual Battery sore shaken, and the breaches almost laid open; yet was the intended assault for a while delayed, until the Bridges might be made that were to be laid over the Town Ditch for the Christians to pass over upon. But all things (as was thought) now in readiness, and the Florentines with some other of the Italians, (whose Lot it was to give the first Assault) being come forward, the Bridge whereby they were to pass the Town Ditch, was found both too short and too weak for them to get over unto the other side by; so that sinking under them, not the Soldiers only, but even the Commanders themselves (and namely Herberstein) were in great danger to have been lost. By which means they hindered, and the Enemies murdering pieces continually flanking them, and their Musqueteers still playing upon them affront, they were enforced to retire, leaving behind them three hundred of their men slain. Yet were not the Christian Commanders any thing therewith discouraged, but being generally resolved not to give over that they had taken in hand, until they had brought it to effect, began to make such Provision as they knew to be needful to preserve their Army under, against the Violence of the Winter Weather, as also to hinder that no Victual might be brought unto the Town, so by Famine, at length to enforce the Turks and Walloons to yield; who, although they were already pinched with Wants, insomuch that Horseflesh was dainty cheer with them; yet for all that, they nothing abated of their wont fierceness; but being again required to yield, vouchsafed not to answer them one word, but instead thereof shook their naked Swords afar off at them, in token of their undaunted Courage. But yet for all this Resolution of the Commanders for the continuance of the siege, Aldobrandino, General of the Italians, being now a little before, dead of an old Infirmity that he had, the Italians began at the first, some few of them secretly to withdraw themselves out of their quarter; but afterward by greater numbers to depart, and so to return again into their Country; alleging for their excuse, want both of Pay and Victuals. But the rest better minded, understanding that the Turks were risen from before Alba Regalis, and the rest of their Army disbanded, began to enter into new hope by some device or other, to pass the Ditch, and so by force to take the Town; and the rather, for that they were by a French Fugitive informed both of the Weakness and Wants of the besieged. Whereupon, they began afresh to make new Engine for the approaching of the Walls, without danger of the Enemy's Ordnance any more to flank them. At which time also, viz. the fourth of November, the Lord Russworm came unto the Camp, sent thither from Duke Mercury, with 8000 Soldiers, after that Hassan Bassa had broke up his Army; by whose coming they were also the more encouraged to prosecute that they had taken in hand. Neither failed the Turks in the mean time with often Sallies to trouble the Christians; attempting above all things to have fired their Tents, for that so lying open in that so cold a season of the year, they must thereby of Necessity be enforced to raise their Siege, and be gone. But the Success of these their so great Designs was not answerable to their Hopes, being still to their loss beaten back into the Town by the Christians; whom it behoved to look well about them, for that the besieged desperately set, and all resolved rather to die than to yield, adventured themselves to all Dangers, never ceasing to do what they might to put the Christians out of hope for winning the Town. But whilst the Turks with doubtful, 
The Christians by Tempest and Extremity of Wether enforced to give over the Siege of Canisia.  and as it were desperate hope, so defend the Place, and the Christians grown stronger by the coming of their Friends, lay in hope to win the same; lo, in the latter end of November, the North Wind, accompanied with a deep Snow, so furiously raged, that it overthrew the greatest part of the Tents and Pavilions of the Christians, and as it were, buried their whole Army in the Snow and Ice, in such wise, as that in Ferdinand the Archdukes camp (being reasonably well provided for) were 1500 men with 300 Horses starved and frozen to death. At which time the state of them that came with the Lord Russworm was most miserable; who wearied with the siege of Alba-Regalis, and as it were, spent with the dirty Travel of the deep way, had not brought with them their Tents or other Provision, and were therefore enforced to lie abroad in so cold and unseasonable a time; with whose Miseries, although their good General was much grieved, yet to do the Christian Common-weal Service, he with them right patiently endured. In which so great an Extremity, the Archduke, with the rest of the Commanders, upon view taken, well considering what small hope there was in good time to take the Town, the unreasonableness of the Winter-weather still more and more increasing; thought it better betime to rise, than longer to expose their Army unto most certain Destruction, either of the Enemy or the Cold. Which was done with such haste and confused Tumult, as that their rising seemed rather an hasty flight, than honourable departure; leaving behind them, for haste, their great Ordnance, with their Tents and Baggage; a common Voice still running, That they were well if they might but save themselves; so that the Soldiers every man mindful but of himself, and in fear to be pursued by the Enemy, no man chase them, fled, but still accompanied with such furious Winds, Snow, and extreme Cold, that with all the Labour they could take, they could get them no heat, but fell down to the Earth many of them frozen, and so once falling, never rose more, being unable for want of heat to help themselves; in which case they were not to expect for help from others, every man having enough to do to look unto himself; so that upon the way whereby the Army went thus dispersed with the Wether, lay above five hundred dead of cold, beside four hundred others left sick in the forsaken Trenches, who forthwith after the departure of the Army, were thought to have been all put to the Sword by them of the Garrison of Canisia.  
But having thus passed through these Troubles of Hungary, it is time now also to look back again into the frontier Countries of Transilvania and Valachia; which to have kept in the Emperor's Obeisance, and so preserved as a lively Member of the Christian Common-weal, no less concerned him, than the keeping of any other his frontier Territories, which are many. Michael, the Vayvod of Valachia, the last year for his Cruelty, first driven out of Transilvania by Basta, and afterwards out of Valachia the great Chancellor of Polonia, (as is aforesaid) and another placed in his stead; as a man forsaken even of his own better Fortunes, and not well knowing which way to turn himself, 
Michael the Vayvod submitteth himself unto the Emperor.  thought it best now at last to submit himself unto the Emperor, if so happily by his means he might in some sort repair his broken Estate, and so at leastwise recover his Government in Valachia. So resolved, he set forward, and in the beginning of this year, viz. the three and twentieth of january, with five and thirty of his Followers, and six Coaches, arrived at Prague, where he was by the Emperor's appointment honourably received, and his cost at the Emperors charge defrayed. Unto whom he excused himself of the Severity by him used in Transilvania (the cause of those late Troubles in that Country) as enforced thereunto by the stubbornness of the Transilvanians themselves, whom he found still inclined to rebellion, and unwilling to be commanded by any but by themselves. Which his excuse (as true) was well admitted, and he with all Kindness used. Now at this same time Basta lying also in Transilvania, as Governor for the Emperor, right slenderly accompanied (as is before also declared) the Parliament at Clausenburg being ended, and all Controversies (as was thought) well composed, now without fear, one night, the watch being set, 
Basta taken Prisoner by the Transilvanians.  went to bed to take his rest; where he had not long lain, but that certain of the Transylvanian Lords, among whom the Chiaki was chief, came with their Followers, and surprising the Watch, and entering the Palace, broke into the Chamber where he lay, took him out of his Bed, and so kept him Prisoner all that Night. And the next morning going forth, about twelve miles off met with Sigismond Bator, their late Prince, before secretly by them called in, whom they honourably conducted to Clausenburg, and there delivered unto him Basta, the late Governor for the Emperor, whom he commanded to be cast into Irons; and so going to the Palace, 
Sigismond recovereth his State in Transilvania.  gave like order for the apprehending and safe keeping of the rest of the Nobility also, such as had taken part with Basta in the behalf of the Emperor. For now the Transilvanians were divided into three parts; whereof the one stood for the Emperor, the second for Istuan Bathor, (pretending, that unto him belonged the Sovereignty of that Province) but the third, and far the greatest, for Sigismond, their ancient Lord and Leader, who now by means of the King of Polonia, reconciled unto the great Turk, and in this troublesome time by his Favourites called again into his Country, was by them joyfully received at Alba-Iulia, Clausenburg, and the rest of the chief Cities of Transilvania. Who now thereof again possessed, for the better assuring of his Estate, forthwith writ unto the Emperor what had happened, requesting him to content himself, that he was desirous of his Love and Favour, promising to be always his good Friend and Neighbour, and for ever to keep good Amity with him; giving Basta also (whom he had now at the Intercession of certain great Friends again enlarged) to understand, That he was forthwith to depart from all the places belonging unto his Principality, as also to cease from further molesting of his People, that were now voluntarily again returned unto his Obedience; which his request was neither of the one nor of the other much regarded or harkened unto; For the Emperor, upon the first Advertisement of this so great an alteration in Transilvania, calling unto him Michael the Vayvod (not so much troubled with the strangeness of the matter, as for that his Wife and Son, whom he had lest as Hostages with Basta, were now come into the Hands of the Transilvanians, his mortal Enemies) and satisfying him in many things that he had before requested, took order with him, That with all convenient speed returning home again into Valachia, where he was now much longed for (the People generally disliking of the simple Vayvod, by the great Chancellor set over them) and gathering together such Power as he could, he should join himself with Basta, his Lieutenant General, unto whom he had already sent great Companies both of Horse and Foot for the expulsing of Sigismond out of Transilvania, and the reducing again of that Province under his Obeisance. Whereupon the Vayvod forthwith returning into Valachia, and assembling about ten thousand of his Friends, all good and expert Soldiers, went to seek for Basta, as he had with the Emperor agreed; whom he found ready in the field with about twenty thousand Foot, and eight thousand Horse, but newly departed from Veradinum; where, mustering their Army, they with their united Forces entered into Transilvania, there to put in Execution what the Emperor had commanded. Where the Vayvod, in disdain of the People which loved him not, with Fire and Sword wasted all the Country before him as he went; not without the great discontment of Basta, to whom it seemed not good to make desolate that Country which he was in good hope should in short time be his Lord and Masters, the Emperors. But Sigismond, understanding both of the coming of his Enemies, and of the harm they did in his Country, rise from Solnock, where he lay encamped with his Army, and so to hinder their further proceeding, went to meet them; howbeit, being come so near unto them as that he might well discover them, he would not come to the trial of a Battle with them, which was by them offered; but fortified himself in his Trenches, so seeking but to delay the time until the coming of the Tartars, which were to have come unto him from the Chancellor of Polonia, as also of six thousand Turks to have been sent him from the Bassa of Belgrade. Where having afterward understood that the Passage of the Tartars to have been sent him, was stayed by Don Ferrant Gonzaga, the Emperor's Lieutenant in the upper Hungary; and that the Turks staying at Giula, would come no farther except they had their Pay before hand; finding himself too weak with his own Power to encounter with his Enemies, he rise with his Army, with purpose to have retired a little back, and to have taken certain straight Passages whereby the Enemy must needs pass, so by the Advantage of the place to have holpen his own weak strength. But Basta and the Vayvod, perceiving his rising (whereunto they were still attentive) followed him with such speed, 
Sigismond overthrown by Basta and the Vayvod, flieth out of Transilvania.  that they overtook him before he could get thither, and so hardly pressed him, that needs he must turn his Face and join Battle, or else suffer his People altogether like Beasts to be slain. In which doing, albeit that neither he nor his failed to do what was by men to be done for the obtaining of a notable Victory; yet such was the Valour of the Soldiers of Basta, and the Vayvod, that in a great fight having disordered his Footmen, they put them to flight, and so cut them all in pieces. Which the Prince beholding, and not able to remedy the matter, betime fled with his Horsemen from the Fury of his Enemies, and so retired to the uttermost Confines of Transilvania, having in this Battle lost ten thousand of his faithful Soldiers. Whereupon Claudiopolis, with divers other Cities and Towns of that Country, returned again unto the Emperor's Obeisance.  
In the prosecuting of this Victory, the Vayvod, to satisfy the hatred he had of long borne against the Transilvanians, did what spoil he could, utterly wasting all the Places whereby he passed; which Basta not liking, requested him to use his Victory with more Modesty, and to have more respect to what he did, especially unto such Places or Persons as of themselves returned unto the Emperor's Obeisance. Whereunto he proudly answered, That he would do what he thought good, without his Appointment or the emperor's either, especially in that Country, which he had now with his own Sword twice conquered: and that therefore Basta might command them that were by him to be commanded; as for himself, he acknowledged no Sovereignty that either Basta or the Emperor had over him. Unto which his so presumptuous a Speech Basta replied not, but yet much therewith discontented, began to enter into a great Suspicion from what ground those his haughty Conceits (easily by his Words to be gathered) might grow: and so from that time better observing his Proceedings, perceived him to have Intelligence with the Turks, with purpose to join hands with them, that so by their help, chase the Imperials out of Transilvania, he might hold it to himself, as tributary to the Ottoman Emperor, of all others best able to defend him. Which to be true (beside divers other strong Presumptions) he certainly understood by certain Letters of his written to that purpose, intercepted by his Soldiers and brought unto him; whereupon he became very pensive and heavy, for the great Power the Vayvod was of in those Countries, as also for the great Strength he had even then present about him, and wherewith he was as it were then guarded. So consulting with certain of his Colonels and chief Commanders of his Army, what were best to be done in that so dangerous a case whereof so much depended? A Wallon Captain offered himself to go into the Vayvod's Camp, and there in his own Tent to kill him as a Traitor. Which his Offer well liked of, and he as ready to perform as he was to promise, going into the Vayvod's Camp, accompanied with some threescore men, and finding him in his Tent, boldly stepping to him, willed him to yield himself the Emperor's Prisoner; whereat he being about to lay his hand upon his Scimitar, the Wallon Captain with an Halberd thrust him into the Breast; 
Michael the Vayvod slain.  at which very instant, another with a Sword at one Blow clavae his Head down to the Shoulders: an unworthy Death for so worthy a Captain, had not Ambition (the torment of great Spirits) carried him too high with the Wings of immoderate desire, beyond the bounds of Loyalty and Reason. But there he lieth now dead among his Friends, whom the great Turk sometime more feared even in his Palace at Constantinople, than he did all the rest of the Emperor's Commanders. Presently upon his Death a great Tumult and Hurly-burly was raised by the Soldiers in his Camp; but Basta forthwith showing himself with all his Soldiers in Arms, and withal producing the Letters declaring the Treason by the Vayvod contrived with the Bassa of Temeswar against the Emperor, all was again appeased; but especially for that his Soldiers now saw themselves without an Head, and too weak also for the Imperials there present and already in Arms. In the Vayvod's Tent were also other Letters found, so plainly declaring his secret Collusion with the Turk, and Treason against the Emperor, that the Null, who at the first were wonderfully moved with his Death, and hearing the same read, rested not now only contented, but said moreover, that he was worthily slain, and that if they had known him to have had any such traitorous purpose, they would themselves long before have taken of him deserved Punishment. Now unto his Soldiers Basta offered, at their choice, either to depart whither they would without danger, or else taking the Oath of Obedience unto the Emperor, to enter into his Pay, which most part of them did. The Tumult appeased, the dead Body of the Vayvod was laid out a whole day for the Soldiers to gaze upon, and so afterward buried. So lieth he, that but of late, and many times before, had so fortunately overthrown his Enemies; unhappy man himself now overthrown by his own Ambition and Unconstancy.  
Basta, now delivered of the great fear he had before of the Vayvod, what by force, 
The Transilvanians submit themselves unto Basta.  what by agreement, in short time took in most part of the Country; for that the Transilvanians, seeing the small Power of Sigismond, and well comforted with the death of Michael the Vayvod, so much of them hated; as also to avoid the dangers even presently hanging over their Heads from the Imperials, if they should in any thing show themselves obstinate against them, submitted themselves wholly to the Courtesy of Basta, so that the places were but few that yet held out for the Prince Sigismond; who in the mean time was doing what he might for the raising of a new Army (having not altogether with this late Overthrow forthwith also lost his hope) by the help of the Turks, Tartars, and Polonians, to recover again the possession of his State, and by force of Arms to chase out the Imperials. But he being brought to so low an ebb, and almost all the Country of Transilvania possessed by Basta, who would not have thought but that now after so long Travels it would have remained wholly at the Emperor's Devotion? and so many, that thought themselves to see much, said assuredly it would. But see the change, and what small assurance even the greatest have of the Constancy of the vain multitude; never more like themselves, than in disliking to morrow what they best liked to day, foolish, senseless, improvident, rash, headstrong, violent, and above all things, mutable, and unconstant. So now for all that Basta had done for the assurance of this Country unto the Emperor (being so much as most Men thought to have been sufficient, and indeed as much as was possible for him to do) even in the winding up of this Year 1601, the Transilvanians, understanding that Sigismond, with a great Army of Polonians, Turks, and Tartars, was now coming against the Imperials, most part of them presently took up Arms in his favour, saying, That their first Oath, voluntarily given unto him as their natural Prince and Governor, 
The Transilvanians revolt again unto Sigismond their old Prince.  was more to be respected than any other afterwards by force extorted from them by a foreign Prince. Insomuch that Basta perceiving with what a Tempest he was like even presently to be overwhelmed, to save himself and his People from the rage thereof, withdrew himself with his Followers unto a strong Town in a corner of that Country, from whence he with all speed sent unto the Emperor for greater Aid, as well for the defence of the Place he yet held, as for the subduing again of that rebellious People. After whose departure, Sigismond, 
Basta flieth.  without resistance, entering the Country, was of the People in general joyfully received, as their most lawful Prince and Sovereign, and all the Honour done unto him that was by them possible: in which his so princely, but dangerous estate, now twice in less than the space of one Year by him regained, and yet thereof no whit assured, we will for a while leave him to joy therein with his Subjects.  
But whilst the State thus turneth upside down in Transilvania, 
The Bassa of Agria overthrown by Ferrant Gonzaga.  the Bassa of Agria going out with 10000 Turks in hope to have surprised Toccay (a strong hold of the Christians in the upper Hungary, was encountered by Ferrant Gonzaga, the Emperor's Lieutenant there, and by him overthrown, and with great slaughter of his Turks chased to the Gates of Agria.  
Now was Mahomet the Turkish Emperor this Year also no less troubled with the Proceedings of the Scrivano in Caramania and Anatolia, than with the evil Success of his Affairs in Transilvania and Hungary. For, the Scrivano by his last years Victory grown into great credit with the common People, and still by them more and more followed; to maintain the reputation of his Credit, came now again this year with a great Power into the Field, to meet with Mahomet, the great Bassa, and General of the Turks Army; who, with fifty thousand good Soldiers (a Power thought sufficient to have repressed him) was ready to encounter him. With whom the Scrivano joining Battle, in a great Fight cut in sunder a great part of the Bassa's Army, and so became Master of the Field, foraged all the Countries adjoining almost as far as Aleppo; still calling the People unto Liberty, and causing himself to be proclaimed the true Defender of the Mahometan Faith, and of the Liberty of those Countries with him combined; in such sort, as that it now stood the great Turk upon to send another great Army to the Aid of Mahomet the discomfited Bassa. With whom also, the Scrivano (presuming of his former Fortune) coming to a day of Battle, and overcharged with the multitude of his Enemies, was at the first Encounter, with his People, put to the worse: but forthwith by his good direction having repaired his disordered Battle, and thereby given as it were new Courage to his fainting Soldiers, he with a great Slaughter disordered also the Bassa's Army. Yet having not any other firm state or stay to rest upon, more than the Favour and Reputation he held with these his rebellious Followers, of whom he had now lost a great many, he thought it not best to adventure too far (not knowing how presently to repair his Losses) but contenting himself with what he had already done, retired with his Army into the strength of the Mountains, there that Winter to live upon the Spoil of the Countries adjoining, and the next Year to do more harm than ever he had done before.  

The Janissaries in Mutiny at Constantinople.  Beside all which former Troubles, the Plague also this year fore raged in Constantinople and many other Places of the Turkish Empire. At which time also, the Janissaries at Constantinople having received some Disgrace by some of the Great Sultan's Favourites, and with great Insolency requiring to have their Heads, caused their Aga, well accompanied, presumptuously to enter into the Seraglio to prefer this their Request; whom Mahomet, to the terror of the rest, caused for his Presumption to be taken into the midst of the Spahi, and so by them to be cut in pieces; which was not done without the great Slaughter of the Spahi themselves also, slain by the Janissaries. Whereupon the other Janissaries arising up in Arms also, and even now ready to have revenged the Death of their Captain, were yet by the Wisdom of Cicala Bassa, bestowing amongst them a great Sum of Money, again appeased, without farther harm doing. Which their so great Insolency Mahomet imputing unto their excessive drinking of Wine, contrary to their Law of the great Prophet; by the persuasion of the Mufti, commanded all such as had any Wine in their Houses in the City of Constantinople and Pera, upon pain of Death to bring it out and s●ave it, except the Ambassadors of the Queen's Majesty of England, the French King, and of the State of Venice; so that as some report, Wine for a space ran down the Channels of the Streets in Constantinople, as if it had been Water after a great shower of Rain.  
Sigismond, the Transylvanian Prince, now of late again possessed of Transilvania (as is before declared) could not yet well assure himself of the keeping thereof; year 1602 for that he, with the Transilvanians of his Faction alone, was not able to withstand the force of Basta; who still strengthened with new Supplies both of men and all things else necessary for the Wars, from the Emperor, was now with a great Power already entered into Transilvania; the Polonians busied in the Wars of Suevia, and the Turks with their other greater Affairs, neither of them sending him their promised Aid, the greatest hope and stay of himself in that newness of his Estate. Wherefore seeing himself every day to lose one place or other, and fearing also lest his Soldiers for want of Pay should in short time quite forsake him, and go over to Basta, he thought it best, betimes and whilst he had yet something left, and was not yet altogether become desperate, otherwise to provide for his Estate, especially having small Trust in the Turks, to whom he had been before so great an Enemy. Wherefore he dealt with Basta for a Truce or Cessation from Arms, until Ambassadors might be sent unto the Emperor, to entreat with him for some good Atonement. Wherewith Basta being content, and the Ambassadors sent, the matter was so handled with the Emperor, that Sigismond, to make an end of all these Troubles, was contented to the behoof of his Imperial Majesty, to resign unto Basta his Lieutenant all such places as he yet held in Transilvania, upon much like Conditions he had about three Years before made with him; and so in all, and for all, to submit himself unto his Majesty. Which intended Surrender of the Prince's being bruited in Transilvania, Zachel Moses his Lieutenant (and now in Field with the Prince's Forces) not able to endure or to hear that that noble Province should again fall into the hands of the Germans; encouraging his Soldiers, went upon the sudden to assail Basta, in hope to have found him unprovided, and so discomfiting his Army, to have driven the Imperials quite out of Transilvania; but he an old and expert Commander, perceiving even the first moving of the Transilvanians, with great Celerity put his Army in good order, and so joined Battle with them; wherein he with the loss of some five hundred men overthrew Moses, 
Zachel Moses overthrown by Basta.  with his Army of Transilvanians, Turks, and Tartars, having slain above three thousand of them, and put the rest to flight; Moses himself with some few others being now glad to take their Refuge into the Frontiers of the Turks Territories towards Temeswar. But when Sigismond understood what his Lieutenant had, without his knowledge, done, he in token of his own Innocency went himself unto the Imperial Camp, accompanied only with certain of his Gentlemen, and thereunto Basta excused himself of that which was by his Lieutenant against his Will, and without his Privity done; frankly offering to perform whatsoever was on his part to be performed, according to the Agreement made betwixt the Emperor and him. And so presently calling his Garrisons out of all such strong Places as were yet for him holden, he surrendered them to Basta; and so forthwith, honourably accompanied, put himself upon his way towards the Emperor. After whose Departure out of Transilvania, all that Province voluntarily, and without more ado, yielded to Basta as to the Emperor's Lieutenant; who presently called an Assembly of all the Nobility of the Country, taking of them an Oath for their Obedience and Loyalty unto the Emperor. Thus by the Wisdom and Prowess of this worthy Commander, is the Country of Transilvania once again brought under the Emperor's Obeisance; a matter of far greater Importance than to have won the strongest City the Turk holdeth in Hungary.  
But whilst these things thus passed in Transilvania, 
Great Troubles in Valachia.  great troubles arise in Valachia (the Country next adjoining) for that the People of that Province not able longer to endure the great Insolency of the Turks (who after the Death of Michael had by their Power made one jeremias Vayvod there) by a general consent took up Arms, and proclaiming one Radoll (a favourite of the Emperors) Vayvod, year 1601 chased jeremias (before placed by the Turks) quite out of the Country; who flying unto Simon, Palatine of Moldavia, his Friend, by his means, and the help of the Turks, returning unto Valachia, drove out thence Radoll again; who being now at this present with Basta, with about ten thousand Null, his Followers, earnestly requested of him (now that he was so quietly possessed of Transilvania) to help him with his Forces for the recovery of Valachia. And Basta well considering how much it concerned the quiet and sure keeping of the possession of Transilvania, for the Emperor to have that so near a Province to friend, easily yielded to his request; and gave him a great Regiment of his old approved Soldiers, and so sent him away to recover his Estate: with whom (at his entrance into Valachia) the Moldavian meeting with a great Power both of his own, and of the Turks, come thither in the favour of Hieremias, there was fought betwixt them a most terrible and bloody Battle, the glory whereof fell unto Radoll, he carrying away the Victory. In which Battle, two of the Turks Bassas were there slain, with a great number of others, both of the Moldavians and Turks. After which Victory Radoll recovered again the Sovereignty of Valachia, for which he was beholding to Basta; and shortly after with the same Aid cut in pieces a great power of the Tartars, that were coming to have aided the Moldavian.  
Now in the mean time in Hungary also passed many an hot Skirmish betwixt the Christians and the Turks, 
Troubles in Hungary.  whose Garrisons at Buda, and in other places in the lower Hungary, attempting to have surprised Alba-Regalis, and discovered by the Christians, were with great slaughter enforced to retire. At which time also, County Serinus understanding by his Spials, that the Turks with two hundred Wagons, with Munition and Victuals, were going to Canisia, upon the sudden set upon them, and having slain and put to flight the Convoy that guarded them, carried the Wagons, with all that was in them, away with him. And shortly after, the free Haiducks of Comara, in a great party going out towards Buda to seek after Booty, and having taken threescore Turks Prisoners, and so with them about to have returned home; understanding by the way, that Ali, sometime the Bassa of Buda, and now Governor of Pesth, was with a small retinue about to come down the River Danubius from Buda, towards Belgrade, there to meet the Visier Bassa, but then coming into Hungary; they slew all the Prisoners, and having got two small Boats, about fifteen miles beneath Buda, lay in wait for the Bassa; who, according to their Expectation, coming down the River, was by these Adventurers fiercely assailed, and of his thirty followers having fourteen slain, being himself also shot in two places of his Body, 
Ali Bassa taken Prisoner.  was there with a great Booty taken, and so brought to Comara, and shortly after presented unto Mathias the Archduke at Vienna; who amongst other things, certainly informed, that Hassan Bassa was with a great Army by the commandment of the great Sultan Mahomet, coming to besiege Alba-Regalis, and that he was now upon his way as far as Belgrade; presently sent thither the County Ysolan, Governor thereof, who with much ado got into the City, the Turks having already taken all the Passages, to have hindered the Christians from putting in either Men or Munition, more than was therein already. Howbeit, the County now got in there, and being no less good Engineer than a valiant Commander, caused all them in the City to labour upon the Rampires; so that beside the natural Situation thereof, which was very strong, he had in short time so fortified it, as that in most men's Judgement it seemed a place almost impregnable. This Ali Bassa was sometime the great Turk's Butler, but after the taking of Agria, made Bassa of Buda; which great place he held but three Months, being by the Envy and Ambition of some, but especially of Amurath Bassa, removed thence, and made Governor of Pesth; from whence now going down the River to Belgrade, it was his Fortune to be thus taken by the Haiducks, 
A great Ransom offered by Ali Bassa.  unto whom he offered for his Ransom three hundred thousand Sultanies; and had with him when he was taken, seventy thousand ducats.  
Mahomet the great Sultan not a little troubled with the loss of Alba-Regalis (taken from him by the Christians the last year) and now resolved for the recovery of the same, to engage, if need should be, a great part of his Forces; had caused an Army of an hundred and fifty thousand strong, to meet at Hadrianople for that purpose, under the leading of Hassan Bassa, one of the chief Viziers, to be sent into Hungary. Who by the way of Belgrade coming to Buda, and from thence to Alba-Regalis, there the twelfth of August encamped (as he had oftentimes before threatened) with the multitude of his Tents covering all the Country round about, as if it had been a white Snow; where having well entrenched himself, and planted his Artillery, he began a most terrible and furious Battery, in such sort as if he had not meant to have made a breach only, but to have beaten the City even from the face of the Earth, which seemed now to tremble under his feet, and the Clouds to rend with the thundering of his great Ordnance; and for that the Marish and deep Ditches were a great let unto his Men for to come unto the assault, 
Alba-Regalis besieged by the Turks.  he caused them with the number of his Pioners to be filled up (a work thought almost impossible) and so brought on his Men to assault the Counterscarf, which the Governor had caused to be made before the City for better defence thereof; which assault cost him much Blood, by reason of the wonderful Valour of the defendants; yet in the end the great number of the Turks prevailing, the Christians were enforced to forsake it and retire into the City; but shortly after sallying out again, they with such force assailed the Turks now got within the Counterscarf, that having slain most part of them that were entered, they forced the other out again; at the brute whereof, an alarm being raised throughout the Camp, infinite numbers of the barbarous Enemies came running thither with such savage Fury, that without regard of their Lives, they as desperate men pressing still on, fell twice as many as before; insomuch that the Christians weary of that long and bloody fight, and on every side charged, or rather overwhelmed with the Enemy's shot, were glad again, but not without great loss, to abandon the place. With which Skirmishes, and divers others that they had, the number of the Defendants was greatly diminished, to keep a weak City, showing as yet the Ruins of the late Siege, when it was by the Christians won; the breaches thereof being but evil repaired, and the Mines yet gaping, requiring great and strong Fortification to hold out and endure any long Siege against so puissant an Enemy. Yet was not the Courage of the valiant County Ysolan the Italian Governor, any whit therewith abated, but by his Letters gave the Archduke Mathias, to understand in what case things stood with them in the City: requesting him with all speed to send him relief, for that otherwise the City, so weakly both manned and fortified, would be in danger to be lost; many of the Garrison Soldiers being already slain in the defence thereof, and divers of the Hungarians forsaking the Walls, daily flying unto the Turks Camp; promising yet nevertheless himself to do the uttermost of his devoir. year 1602 Upon the receipt of which Letters, the Archduke gave order unto the Lord Russworm (Master of the Camp) to go forthwith to Comara, and there with such Forces as were from divers places come thither, to go forth and to prove if by any means the weak Garrison of Alba-Regalis might so be relieved, by putting in some good supply of fresh Soldiers. According to which Command, Russworm coming thither, without delay took the Field with 12000 men which he found there, to see if he might with them, put into the City the desired relief. But whilst the matter was in the performance thereof too long delayed, by discord arising betwixt him and the other Colonels, about the manner of relieving the Town, the Bassa had time to effect his purpose; who, the twenty eighth of the same Month of August, after a long and terrible battery, caused a general assault to be given unto the City; which the Turks from time to time renewing, 
A long and terrible Assault.  continued all that Day and the next Night, with some part of the day following also, without ceasing; so that the Defendants, now much weakened, and they also that were left, so wearied or wounded, as that they were not well able to make any longer resistance (and the County himself, who gave as it were life unto them all, being now also carried away dangerously hurt in the Thigh with a Musket shot) there was a sign of Parley given unto the Enemy; which the Bassa granting, and the Fury of the assault stayed, certain of the chief Captains and Commanders in the City, 
Reason's whereby the besieged Captains persuaded the Governor to yield the City.  going unto the Governor, put him in mind of the weakness of the place, of the force of the Enemy, of the number of his most valiant men slain, of the want of the Defendants. They had (as they said) done enough for their Honour, having endured so many and so great Assaults, in a place not defensible; and enough to discharge their Fidelity, having holden it out to the uttermost of their Power. That they could do no more than they had done, being not relieved; and that the same Bond which bound them to defend the place, bound the Emperor also to relieve them, seeing that otherwise it was not in their Power to maintain it. That they had, with the loss of their Lives and Blood, showed their Fidelity unto the Emperor, no sufficient Army appearing from him (according to his Promise) for their Succour. That to fight any longer was but to increase the Glory of their Enemies, and their own Losses; seeing that after they had done what they possibly could, exposed to a thousand dangers, they should nevertheless be vanquished, and the City taken. That the same Consideration which carried valiant Minds unto the Effects of Honour, when they are relieved with hope, dissuaded them being out of all hope of any happy end of their Troubles; and to lose themselves to no purpose, was as great a sign of Folly, as to let slip a fair Opportunity, was a sign of Cowardice. That they were to expect nothing but extreme Misery, if the Enemy should again force them; the breaches being so broad, as whereby they might easily enter; and their own best men slain, that should keep them out. And that therefore he should do well, to come to some good Composition with the Enemy, whilst they had yet something to yield up unto him, and that he stood in some fear of them; and not to expect, whilst they were spoiled of all means, either to resist him by force, or to bind him by Courtesy; nothing remaining for them in the place, but death, if they should obstinately stand to the defence thereof; nor no way left to save their Lives, but by yielding.  
With these Persuasions, the Governor moved, came to a Parley with the Bassa, being right glad thereof; as well knowing that a Town besieged coming to a Parley, year 1601 is commonly more than half won; and glad by any means to gain it, for that thereof depended the assurance both of his Head and Honour; where, after some short talk, it was agreed, 
The Capitulation betwixt the Bassa and the County, for the yielding up of the City of Alba-Regalis.  That the County should yield the Town into the Hands of the Bassa, with all the great Ordnance, and other warlike Munition therein; and that the County with his Garrison, should with Bag and Baggage in safety depart with their Arms, by the Suburbs leading toward Rab; and with a good Convoy in safety to be brought half way thither. This Capitulation agreed upon, and by the Bassa and the County signed, every man assured himself of the Bassa's Faith, and thereon rested. But what Faith is to be expected from a faithless man? Upon the first brute of this Composition, yea and before it was altogether well concluded; whilst the Merchants in the Town were seeking for Wagons to carry their Merchandise, and the Soldiers for Horses to carry their Baggage, the scarceness thereof bred a great Confusion and stir among the People; as commonly it falleth out in things done in haste, but especially where men, for safeguard of their Lives, in their flight for haste fall into a thousand Errors; so whilst some in this hurly burly were quarrelling about their Horses and Carriages, and other some were opening the Gates to be gone; others were as busy in robbing and pilfering the Baggages of their Captains and Companions; miserable men, 
Great Disorder and Confusion among the besieged.  who all appointed for a Prey unto the greedy and merciless Turks, yet fell to preying one upon another▪ Which Disorders encouraged the rest of the Soldiers to fall to Pillage also, some loading themselves with such Goods as the Merchants had for lack of Carriages left behind them; and other some even with the Goods of their own Captains; which the Soldiers appointed for defence of the breaches seeing, left their charge, and came thronging into the Town, and thrust themselves in amongst the Pilferers, as if the Pillage of the Town had been unto them by triumphant Victory assured, and that they themselves had been Victors, and not men vanquished. The Tartars, lodged at the foot of the breach, seeing it forsaken, and without any great strength to defend it, let not this Opportunity slip, but pressing on without any great resistance, entered the same; and so in a trice full thirty thousand of them thrust into the Town, and there surprised the vanquished Christians, at once loaded with Prey, Fear, and Despair. After whom, even by the same Breach, 
Alba-Regalis taken by the Turks.  the Turks entered also, to be Partakers of the spoil; so that in a moment the Town was full of Enemies, both Turks and Tartars. The Turks beside the Booty they took themselves, fell to quarrelling with the Tartars, for some part of theirs; and so long as there was any thing that might please their Eyes, or fill their Hands, they abstained from slaughter and bloodshed, busying themselves with that which for the present was more for their Profit; but the pillaging ceasing, 
The Cristians cruelly murdered in Alba-Regalis.  by reason there was no more to be had; then the perfidious Wretches fell to massacring of the miserable Christians, the Sword devouring all that they could light upon, so that all the City flowed with Blood. Neither was there any end thereof, until that by the coming in of the Bassa the slaughter was stayed; by which means County Ysolan the late Governor, with some other Captains and Soldiers were saved, having escaped the Enemy's Fury.  
In this Massacre were slain 3000 Christian Soldiers, beside others of the Citizens, in number not few. The Captains that were spared, were led Prisoners to Constantinople, 
County Ysolan carried away Prisoner to Constantinople.  there to be fed with the Bread of Tribulation; and with them the County Ysolan, for his Valour and noble Courage, unworthy of so hard a Fortune. Howbeit, that he by lively and pregnant Reasons showed both himself and the rest to be unjustly detained, year 1602 as taken Prisoners contrary to the public Faith unto them before given; within the assurance of the Capitulation agreed upon with the Bassa, and out of the Actions of War. Whereunto it was again answered him, That the Town when it was taken, was yet still in his Power, and he at choice whether he would deliver it or no. That if he would by the yielding up of the Town challenge his Liberty, according to the Articles of the Capitulation, he ought then to have delivered it as was agreed, and not to have suffered it to have been taken by force, according to the ordinary proceeding of War; the Laws whereof, do justly condemn to Death, or to Captivity, such as are by force of Arms vanquished. That every Town, which during the Treaty of Capitulation is by force taken, followeth the course of the latter condition and state, and not of the former, seeing that it is conquered and not delivered. That this is the reason that they are punished by the rigour of Arms, which have not been careful to preserve themselves by the sweetness of Peace; for that a man is not to expect of his mortal Enemy any other Courtesy than that which necessity caused him to promise, which he may for his own good again violate, as he for the good of his Enemy against his Will hath granted. With which Quirks and Quillets the County deluded, say what he could, was carried away Prisoner to Constantinople, where we must for a while leave him. And so the Bassa having in eighteen days taken Alba-Regalis, (now being eleven months possessed by the Christians) caused the Breaches he had made to be again repaired, and the City well provided for both of Victuals and Munition, leaving therein a strong Garrison of 6000 Soldiers; and with his People having overrun all the Country as far as Strigonium, rose with his Army and retired again to Buda; where, as he was making a Bridge of Boats over the Danubius betwixt Buda and Pesth, for the more easy transporting of Victual, and better relieving of the one the other, as need should require; and having brought that work to pass, and about to have gone to the Siege of Strigonium; Commandment came from the Great Sultan, That he should with all speed return to Constantinople, for that Mahomet, accounting of him as of a most valiant Man, was now minded to employ him in his Wars against the Rebels in Anatolia, where things now went not well, as shall be hereafter declared. Upon which Commandment, the Bassa gave leave to all such in his Army as had charge of any place, forthwith to return to their several Places of Government; appointing some others, with thirty thousand Soldiers, in the Company of Zachel Moses (but of late Prince Sigismund's Lieutenant) to go with him into Transilvania: who after the Overthrow he had there received by Basta, was come unto this great Bassa, offering unto him, with such an Aid as was now appointed for him, and the help of such other his Friends as he had in Transilvania, to chase Basta with his Germans from out thence, and to reduce that Province again unto the Devotion of the Ottoman Emperors, as it had in former time been. And so by the way of Belgrade, Hassan Bassa himself with the rest of his Army hasted towards Constantinople: which he was thought the more willingly to do, for that the Great Sultan before his setting forth, had put him in good hope to marry one of his Aunts (a Woman of great Wealth and Honour) if by the winning again of Alba-Regalis he should make himself worthy so honourable a Match, after which he now longed.  
But long it was not after his Departure, but that the Imperials, now at last assembled together at Komara, to the number of about 30000 men, with twelve Nassadies and two Galleys, some by Water, some by Land, 
The Nassadies are a certain kind of Boars which the Hungarians use upon the River of Danubius.  marched down along the River to Strigonium; where were also twenty other Ships ready to receive them; and so all embarked, were by the Lord Russworm and other the Imperial Captains conducted to Buda, there with some notable Enterprise to redeem the Disgrace by them before received in not relieving of Alba-Regalis. Whose coming was so sudden and so unlooked for of the Turks there, as that they had not any time to take in any greater help or provision than was already in the City. And for as much as the Christians knew the good Success of this their Enterprise taken in hand, not so much to depend on their Strength as of their politic Proceeding and speedy Dispatch of the matter begun, they thought it not good to use any long delay, or to spare for any labour, but so soon as they might, by taking of the Water-City (or as some call it, the jews Suburbs) so to cut off the Passage of them of Buda to Pesth, as also from thence to trouble them in the Castle and the upper City of Buda. Which their intended Exploit they happily attempted, and brought to pass in this sort: The City of Pesth standing right over against Buda, is (as we have oftentimes before said) divided from the same with the great and swift River of Danubius; over which the Turks upon Boats had with great Labour and Cost of late built a most easy and commodious Bridge for Passage or Carriage of things from the one City to the other. This Bridge the Imperials thought necessary first to break, the more easy to besiege either the one or other City; and for that purpose had by a strange Device built a Ship, which by the force of the Stream carried down the River, and resting upon the Bridge, should by a wonderful Power break the same. Which Ship the Turks seeing coming down the River with the rest of the Fleet after her, they ran by heaps, especially out of the Water-City, to the Bridge, 
The lower City of Buda taken by the Christians.  for the defence thereof; where, whilst they were thus busied, County Sultze on the other side, by Land, with a Petard blew up one of the Gates of the City; and so entering and killing all such as he light upon, came unlooked for upon the backs of the Turks at the Bridge, of whom, some he ●lew, some he drove into the River, who there perished; the rest, in number not many, by speedy flight retiring themselves into the City: whereupon he had now brought such a general fear, that they all, as well the Soldiers as the Citizens, with the Christians at their heels, with as much haste as they could, took their Refuge into the upper City of Buda, much stronger and better fortified than was the lower City. At which time the Bridge was by them upon the River broken also, so that now the one City could no more thereby relieve the other as before.  
The Water-City thus won, and the Bridge broken, the next was for the Imperials to besiege either the one or the other City. But for that they of Pesth might with their great Ordnance much annoy them in the besieging of the Castle and the upper City of Buda, they thought best to begin with it first; which they did in much like sort as they had before done at the lower City of Buda, the same Device again well prospering in their hand. For the Lord Russworm with the Fleet upon the River making a great show as if he would even presently on that side have entered, had with the stir by him raised, drawn down most part of the Garrison Soldiers unto that side of the Town, where most show of danger was; whilst in the mean time County Sultze, with the Governor of Althem, (before undiscovered) upon the sudden by Land sealed the other side of the City, and gained the Walls, the Turks yet dreaming of no such matter. But hereupon began a terrible Outcry, 
The City of Pesth taken by the Christians.  the Turks standing as men astonished, especially now feeling the Christians Weapons in their Bodies, before they knew they were got into the City. In this so great an Amazement, such of them as could, fled into the strongest Towers, the rest hid themselves in Cellars and other the most secret corners they could find, out of which they were afterwards by the Christians drawn and slain. They which were retired also into the Towers and other strong places of the City, seeing the great Ordnance bend upon them, and now out of all hope of Relief, offered to yield; requesting only, that they might with their Wives and Children, with Life depart; promising for that favour so showed them, to persuade them of Buda also in like manner to yield. Upon which Promise, that their poor Request was granted, and the Lord Nadasti, with certain other Captains, sent with some of these Citizens of Pesth, with their Wives and Children, to Buda; who coming thither, according to their Promise most earnestly requested them of Buda to yield, for that they were not now to expect any farther help, and that by their foolish Obstinacy they should be the cause of the death of them, their Friends, their Wives, and Children. Unto whom also, to move them the more, the Lord Nadasti promised in the Name of General, That they should all, excepting some of their chief Commanders, in safety depart. Howbeit, they of Buda would not hearken thereunto, but stood still upon their Guard. In this City of Pesth, well inhabited with Turkish Merchants, the Christians found great store of Wealth, which all became a Prey unto the Soldiers, with a thousand Horses for Service, many great Pieces of Artillery, and much other warlike Provision.  

The upper City and Castle of Buda besieged by the Christians.  Pesth thus won, and a strong Garrison left therein, they returned again over the River to besiege the Castle and upper City of Buda, which they attempted by undermining the same, as also by Battery, having placed some of their great Ordnance so high, that they could at their pleasure shoot into the midst of the Streets of the City; wherewith they much troubled the Turks, not a little before discouraged with the loss of Pesth; thundering also at the same time with their other Batteries in divers places of the Walls both of the Castle and of the City. Where understanding that the Turks Garrisons of the frontier Towns and Castles thereabouts (hearing of the Siege) were coming to the relief of their distressed Friends, they sent out their Horsemen, with some part of their Footmen against them; who meeting with them, gave them a great Overthrow, and so with Victory returned again unto the rest of the Army lying at the Siege, being still in hope either by Force or Composition to become Masters of the City.  
But whilst they lay in this hope, and having the twelfth of October brought their Approaches nearer unto the Walls, had there planted certain notable pieces of Battery, with purpose the next day with all their Power to have assaulted the City; behold, the Visier Bassa hearing (by the way as he was going to Belgrade, and so to Constantinople) that the City of Pesth was won, and Buda besieged, changing his Mind, returned in haste with such Forces as he had yet left; and so unlooked for, came and sat down before Pesth, being not then above five and twenty thousand strong, but those all for the most part old and expert Soldiers. But whilst the Bassa thus lay at the Siege of Pesth on the one side of the River, and the Imperials at the Siege of Buda on the other, divers brave Attempts were in both Places given both on the one side and the other. The Christians in Pesth besieged by the Turks, having amongst them divers brave Captains, and desirous of Honour, one day under their Conduct sallied out of the City to skirmish with the Turks; 
A notable Skirmish betwixt the Christians and the Turks.  and coming with them to the Sword, by plain Valour disordered them, and enforced them to fly, and so alured with the sweetness of the Victory, pursued them even to the Trenches; from whence a great Squadron of the Turks Horsemen and Harquebusiers at the same instant issuing out, and with their Multitude overcharging the Imperials, constrained them of force to retire: in which Retreat, County Maximilian Martinengo (one of these Adventurers) doing what he might, both with his Valour and Direction, to have stayed the disordered Retreat of the Christians, was with many others slain: wherewith the rest discouraged, took their Refuge towards the City. Which they of the Garrison beholding, sent out certain Companies to relieve them; by whose coming out, the fury of the Turks was not only repressed, but they also even unto their Trenches again repulsed. Shortly after which hot Skirmishes, the Lord Russworm, with the other Christian Captains on the other side of the River, having with continual Battery made such a breach into the Castle, as that the same seemed to be now assaultable, in good order came on with certain Companies of their Footmen appointed for that Service, and so courageously assailed the Breach; where the Turks, who before had expected this Assault, having in best sort they could repaired the Breach, and on both sides thereof placed divers murdering Pieces, with great store of dangerous Fireworks; at such time as the first Companies of the Christians sought courageously to have entered the breach, overwhelmed them with that deadly Fire, and so rend them with their murdering shot, that they no faster entered, but that they were forthwith cut off and slain; with the sight whereof, they which were appointed to second them nothing discouraged, but seeking desperately to have entered, and with the taking of the Castle, and slaughter of the Turks, to have requited the death of their Fellows, were themselves in like sort welcomed. So that now a thousand of them being lost, the Captains considering how much the loss of so many brave Soldiers concerned the whole Enterprise taken in hand, and that the breach could not be gained without the loss of the greatest part of them, they caused a Retreat to be sounded, and so the Assault for that time to be given over:  
But long it was not that the Visier Bassa (thus retired as aforesaid) had lain before Pesth, but that by reason of his sudden Return great Wants began to arise in his Camp; his Soldiers for want of Food being glad to eat their dead Horses, a pound of Bread being sold for two Hungarian ducats, and a bushel of Oats for five, and yet hardly so to be gotten: which Wants in that so wasted a Country still more and more increasing, and many of his Soldiers secretly stealing away from him, he had much ado, by all the means he could use, to persuade them there to stay eight days longer. Which time expired, and nothing more done than some few weak Attempts given, 
The Visier Bassa raiseth his Siege.  and some light Skirmishes made, rather for Fashions-sake than for any hope of prevailing, and the want of all things still increasing; he, with the rest of the Commanders, fearing some sudden mischief to be done them by the hungry and discontented Souldi●rs, the second of November, causing his Baggage to be trussed up in the dead time of the dark and silent Night, rise with his Army, and so in haste retired directly to Belgrade, leaving behind him in his Camp three hundred dead Horses, not yet eaten by his hungerstarved Soldiers. Immediately after whose departure, the Lord Nadasti, and some other of the Commanders in the Army with 5000 Soldiers and certain great Pieces of Artillery, some by Land, some by Water, went down along the River to Adom, a fair well built Town upon the Bank of Danubius, about four Hungarian miles from Buda, and serving as it were for a Storehouse for the Garrison there; which Town Nadasti summoned by his Hussars sent before, requiring to have it delivered unto him: which they of the Town at the first refused to do; but afterwards seeing a far greater Power come, provided of great Ordnance and all things else requisite for a Siege, they with the sight thereof discouraged, without more ado offered to yield the Town, so that they might with Bag and Baggage in safety depart; which they did, the Christians conducting them as far as Feldwar; which Castle was also at the first Summons, by the persuasion of them of Adom, delivered unto them; for they of the Castle, by them informed of the great Strength of the Christians, and of the store of great Ordnance they had brought with them, and that they stayed therewith but fast by, were easily persuaded to hearken to their Friends, and so yielded. Which done, the free Haiducks the same night surprised also the Castle of Pax; from whence the Christians still marching on along the River, took in also the City of Tolna.  
But whilst Nadasti, with the rest, were thus busied in taking these Castles and Towns along the Southside of Danubius, they in the Camp at Buda were advertised of the new Designs of the Turks Lieutenants and Captains thereabout, for the relief of the Besieged; as that the Bassa of Bosna, with the Governors of Canisia, Sigeth, and others, had assembled an Army of thirty thousand for the raising of the Siege. Wherefore the Christians doubting as they lay at the Siege dispersed, to be by them oppressed; leaving their Tents in their Trenches, gathered themselves together in the Water-City; which the Turks out of the upper City quickly perceiving, as feeling themselves now at some more liberty, presently sallying out, took both the Trenches and the Tents so left, with no small slaughter of such as were left for the keeping of them; and so possessed of the Trenches and the Tents, held them by the space of two hours, until they were by strong hand by the Christians beaten out, and so with some loss enforced again to retire into the City. The Lord Nadasti also, with the rest that had taken the aforesaid Castles and Towns upon the side of Danubius, making a Road towards Alba-Regalis, in their Return within a mile of Buda, light upon a thousand Turks there gathered together, most part of whom they slew; and having put the rest to flight, took some fifty of them Prisoners. At which time also another of the Imperial Colonels meeting with certain other Companies of the Turks coming to the relief of the besieged, not far from Buda, slew most part of them, took an hundred and threescore of them Prisoners, with a number of Horses, and much other rich Booty; all which he brought into the Camp. Neither were they at the Siege in the mean time idle, their great Artillery still thundering against the Walls both of the Castle and the City: so that by the fury of the Cannon having beaten down a strong Tower next unto the Danubius, not far from the King's Stable, they were a little before Night about to have there entered, when suddenly such a Tempest of Wind and Rain arise, as that they could not possibly use their Pieces, or well any other Weapon; so that the Heavens as it were then fight for the Enemy, they were enforced for that time to give over the Assault begun. Which Storm was no sooner ended, but that two thousand of the Turks, both Horse and Foot, to keep the Christians otherwise busied, suddenly issuing out of the City, charged upon the Stirian Horsemen; who presently relieved by the men at Arms, so welcomed them, that having lost an hundred and threescore of their men, they were glad with more speed to ritire than they came out. But seeing some of the Christians that so hardly pursued them, some slain, and some hurt from the Walls; taking heart again, the next day (being the Eleventh of November) they sallied out again; where albeit that a great number of them were slain, yet fell they out again the third day also, and were again by the County Thurne, with great loss of their men, beaten back unto the City; where in pursuing of them, the Christians were by certain Janissaries (laid close for that purpose) suddenly assailed and dangerously gauled, the County himself being hurt in his left Arm, and some other Captains slain. In all which Sallies, although the Turks were still put to the worse, yet thereby they gained time in some good sort to repair again their Breaches.  
Shortly after, the Imperials thus lying at the Siege, certainly informed that a world of the fierce and rude Tartars, by the Incitement of the Turk, (having made themselves way through Valachia) were coming as far as Teme●war to relieve Buda; thought it not best (especially now that Winter was come) to abide the coming of that so great a Northern Tempest, but betimes, whilst they had yet space, to raise their Siege and be gone; which they did the sixteenth of November, leaving the Water-City, 
The Siege of Buda, for fear of the Tartars given over by the Christians.  with all that they had got about Buda, again unto the Enemy; only Pesth they furnished with Victuals and all things else necessary, leaving therein almost ten thousand Soldiers in Garrison, for the defence thereof against the barbarous Enemy. As for Adom, it was strengthened with a Garrison of Hungarians only, with their Wages offered to be paid beforehand; which for all that, they refused to accept; alleging, that for the great danger this Place was exposed to above others, they could not safely take their Oath for the defence thereof; yet offering withal, to undertake the Charge, and to do what beseemed valiant Soldiers, in such sort, as that all men should well understand, that nothing evil should happen thereunto thro' their default or negligence.  
The Siege of Buda, for fear of the Tartars, thus given over, and the Imperials departed and gone, the Turks forthwith came down out of the higher City into the lower, declaring their Joy for the recovery thereof, by the often thundering of their great Ordnance, with divers other Signs of Triumph. But whilst in their Jollity they spared not by the mouth of the Cannon to send commendation to them of Pesth, they from them again received the like; but in such rude manner, that the Turks, wearied with such Greetings, requested them to spare their Shot and Powder, and quietly to live by them as became Neighbours for that Winter until the next Spring, at which time it was to be thought that this Strife should be ended by their Emperors, the weaker yielding unto the stronger either the one or the other City. Yet for all this their great Joy, their cheer in Buda was not great, Victuals by this Siege being become so scarce, that it was by the Turks feared, that if the Christians had there longer lain, they should for very want have been enforced to have yielded the City: of which their need their Friends not ignorant, and having made what Provision they were able for their Relief, were with a great Convoy bringing the same towards Buda; whereof the Garrisons of Komara and Strigonium having Intelligence, went presently out, and meeting with the Turks in the midway betwixt Alba-Regalis and Buda, overthrew the Convoy, and carried away all that Provision of Victuals; like unbidden Guests making themselves merry with that which was never provided for them.  

Mahomet much troubled with the Scrivano.  These doubtful Wars of Hungary, with the general Revolt of Transilvania, much troubled Mahomet the great Sultan; but nothing like unto the Wars he had in Asia against the Scrivano and the Rebels his Followers; the evil Success whereof (as most dangerous to his State) so much tormented his haughty mind, as that it would scarce suffer him to think of any thing else. For the Rebel, encouraged with the success of the last years Wars, and still growing stronger and stronger, (by reason of the great number which, alured with the sweet name of Liberty, hope of Prey, or the good Entertainment by him given, daily more and more resorted unto his Camp) had this Year overrun a great part of the Turks Dominions in Asia, putting all to Fire and Sword that stood in his way, ransacking also divers walled and fenced Cities by the way as he went. Which he might the more easily do, for that the Janissaries of Aleppo and Damascus, with many other their Partakers and Favourites, which might greatly have hindered his Proceedings, were at the same time also up in Arms, and together by the Ears amongst themselves, to the great benefit of the Scrivano; who, in the midst of the course of these his desired Fortunes, fell sick of a natural Disease, 
The Death of the Scrivano.  and so died. By whose Death the Rebellion was no whit appeased, (as commonly in like case it falleth out, and as was then of many expected) but in short time grew to be both far greater and more dangerous than before; for the Scrivano was no sooner dead, 
The Scrivano's younger Brother takes upon him the leading of the Rebels in his Brother's stead.  but that a younger Brother of his, no less warlike and courageous than himself (to the great contentment of the Rebellious) stepped up in his place, fiercely prosecuting the Wars his Brother had before him taken in hand. Against whom Hassan Bassa, by Commandment from the Grand Signior, with a great Army setting forward, with hope in that newness of his Command to have oppressed him, and so to have quenched that so spreading a fire; at length met with him, that was easy enough to be found, and joining Battle with him, 
Hassan Bassa slain, and his Army overthrown by the Rebels.  was by him in a great and bloody Fight overthrown and slain, together with his whole Army, except such as by speedy flight saved themselves from the fury of their fierce Enemies. So that Mahomet the Great Sultan, now enforced to employ his best Commanders and Soldiers into those Parts for the subduing of him, for that cause called Mahomet the Visier Bassa out of Hungary to serve against this new Rebel; who in the mean time following the course of his Victory, made havoc of all as he went, taking unto his own use all such Tribute as was in those Countries, and others also farther off, due unto the great Sultan; having of late exacted only of the City of Ancyra and the Country thereabout, 300000 ducats; so by exacting of great sums of Money from the Country People (such as be his Enemies) heaping up great Treasures for the maintenance of his Wars.  
Now, though Mahomet the Turkish Emperor had called home Mahomet the Visier Bassa out of Hungary, 
Divers Incursions of the Tartars into the Frontiers of the Emperor's Territories, and much harm by them there done.  to go against the Rebels in Asia, (as is aforesaid) yet had he before provided, that for the better assurance of his Towns and Territories in Hungary, the Tartar Han with a great Power of his Crim Tartars should even against that time come down into that Country. Which rough and needy People, dwelling near unto the Fens of Meotis, for Pay or Prey always ready to do the Ottoman Emperor's Service, setting forward under the leading of their great Han himself, and of his two Sons, and by plain force breaking through Valachia, though not without great loss of their men (being fought with by the Null and free Haiducks a whole day) were now in the latter end of December with their huge Companies come into Hungary; the Han himself with forty thousand to Quinque Ecclesiae, and his Sons with twenty thousand more into Possega (a fertile Country lying between the great Rivers Saws and Draws) where they spoilt all, as well the Turks as the other poor Christians, pretending all that frontier Country, with the whole Command thereof, to be given unto them by Mahomet the Turkish Emperor, in reward of their good Service. But long they lay not there quiet, but that, to show for what they came, they enforced the Christians thereabout to victual Canisia for the Turks; and so breaking into Stiria, not far from Caramant (the nearest Fortress of the Christians towards Canisia) carried away above two thousand Christians Captives; and shortly after surprising Keschemet, a great and populous Town, slew most part of the Inhabitants, and carried away the rest Prisoners. Other some of them also at the same time making an Inroad to Sharvar, and having burnt twenty Villages down to the ground, carried away thence about a thousand Souls into most miserable Captivity and Thraldom. They also at their first coming relieved them of Buda, the Lord Nadasti with his Hussars, who before kept them from Victuals, not being able for the great number of them, now longer so to do. By them also the Turks encouraged, took and burnt certain places possessed by the Christians near unto Buda, putting them all to the Sword that they found therein. So that the poor Country of Hungary (never to be sufficiently pitied) with the rest of the Countries and Provinces belonging unto the House of Austria, and confining upon the Turk, were not so much eased by the calling home of the Visier Bassa with his Army, as they were now annoyed by the coming of these roguish Tartars, a People wholly, even from their Infancy, given to the spoil. Against whom, for all that, the Christians, beside their ordinary Garrisons, began now, even in the depth of Winter, to oppose some other of their Forces also; the Palatine of Rhine sending ten Companies of Horsemen to Possonium, from thence to be sent to Sharvar for the defence of Stiria; and Collonitz (but lately knighted by the Emperor) for his part raising four hundred Horse, a thousand Hussars, and three thousand of the free Haiducks, for the repressing of those Tartars; the Duke of Brunswick also at that time, for the same Service, sending thither a thousand Horse, with two thousand Foot, against those sworn Enemies of the Christian Religion.  
The Troubles of this Year thus overpast, Alba-Regalis being by the Christians lost, year 1603 Pesth with some other Places won, Transilvania recovered, Buda besieged, the Visier Bassa returned, and the Tartars come into Hungary, january with a sharp Frost began to open the next Year; by force whereof, the Rivers in many places, but especially in those more easterly Countries, 
A great Frost.  were not only frozen over, but seemed rather even wholly turned into Ice; Danubius, that great River (for all his swift course) being then also (as it is often) so hard frozen, that Men and Carts might safely pass to and fro thereupon. Which so hard a Season for all that did no whit freeze, but rather increase the hot desires of the greedy Turks, still breathing after the utter Spoil and Ruin of the Christians dwelling near unto them. For which purpose, they even in this dead time of the Year, and extremity of Nature (which commonly affordeth unto most mortal Enemies a Cessation from Arms) out of their Garrisons of Sigeth, Buda, Canisia, 
An Army of the Turks raised out of their Garrisons.  Alba-Regalis, Babotz, and such other Places, raised an Army of eighteen thousand strong, to have foraged and overrun the Christians, with their Territories confining upon them; Quermany, with the Country thereabout, being the Places by them assigned to have felt the first force of their sudden rage and fury. 
Collonitz in Arms against the Turks.  Of which their Designs▪ Collonitz, Governor for the Emperor in those Parts, understanding; to prevent the same, and to meet with their Forces, with all speed put into the Suburbs of Quermany a thousand Reisters', and two thousand Lansquenets; and in the Burroughs thereabouts laded the Regiment of the County Reingrave, with six Companies of the Cossacks, four thousand Haiducks, four hundred Carabins, French, and Walloons, two hundred Horse of the Regiment of Collonitz; with whom was Collonitz himself, commanding over all these Troops; a man for his Worth every way answerable unto his charge. Who, for the more assurance of this Country, over which the Enemy now hovered, commanded all the Inhabitants thereabout to take up Arms; and withal, with good and strong Barricadoes to strengthen the ways, and stop up the Passages into their Country; which they right cheerfully performed, with their Weapons in one hand, and their Spades and Shovels in the other. Of which their so great Resolution the Turks understanding, changed their purpose. For they, considering the assured danger they were to undergo, in forcing of these Troops, standing upon the Walls of their Defence, and strong in their Resolution, changed their former design, for the invading of Quermany, (where they for the space of five Weeks together had by the Christians been expected) and upon a new Resolution marched along by Roquesbourg, with purpose to have loaded themselves with the spoil of the Country thereabout. Which their new Design, caused Collonitz to gather together his Forces to cross and frustrate them therein; which he did by favour of the River, which both strengthened him against their Incursions, and was well to be defended. But the Turks, whose Purpose was not to fight, but to have robbed and spoiled the Country at their Pleasure, finding now, contrary to their Expectation, such strong Resistance, and their Designs disturbed, in fine, 
The Turks for fear of the Christians cowardly retire.  gave over the Enterprise, and so again retired; contenting themselves to gather a Convoy of Victuals to put into Canisia, which then lay in great extremity for want thereof. Which Victuals they drew out of the Villages thereabout, and so came to Babotz, to march to Canisia, a Town most commodious for such an Assembly, and for the relieving of Canisia▪ Of this their purpose Collonitz (who spared for no cost) by his Spials advertised, even he which before was appointed as a Prey unto his Enemies, began now to plot with himself, that they should become a Prey unto him: their Cowardice, by so many precedent Effects declared, had given him the means to adventure upon them, and the hope to overthrow them. A necessary Consideration in Martial Affairs, for Commanders to put in execution their Designs, at what price soever; for that it is better to lose in the performance of them, with the preservation of their Reputation, than otherwise to gain with the loss thereof; for that it preserved, still striketh a fear of their Valour into the minds of their Enemies, oftentimes overcome even with this their apprehension thereof; whereas otherwise they might happily overcome, in the assurance by them conceived of their Enemy's Cowardice.  
Upon which Resolution, this brave Colonel, the four and twentieth of March with his Troops marched towards little Komara, 
Collonitz lieth in Ambush for the Turks.  about two Leagues from Canisia, and lay with them close in Ambush in the Woods near unto two Marshes, over which the Turks had made two Bridges to pass the great Artillery and Wagons upon; the Turks being well near 20000 strong, and our men but 8200, whereof there were 2200 Horsemen, and 6000 Foot, a small number in comparison of their Enemies. But whilst that those men lie thus close in Ambush, with a purpose to do some notable Exploit, let us in the mean time run to Pesth, to see what there in the mean time passed.  
The Turks, after the loss of Pesth, much grieved to have this Impostume so near their Hearts, sought to break it to our hurt, employing all their Treachery to gain our Garrison Soldiers, and with their Forces to distress them of Victuals. And the Christian Army was no sooner risen from before Buda, but that the Turks came down again into their base Town, which they found much ruinated and in evil estate. But the joy of their Conquest buried in it all the object of their Sorrow, and the feeling of their Grief; the lesser Passions always giving place unto the greater, and Sorrow finding no place at all in the midst of their immoderate Joy. Whereof they gave a number of Testimonies, by the thundering of their great Ordnance, by Fires of Joy and Volleys of small Shot; all which their fury, they discharged upon them of Pesth; who with the like courtesy requited them, sending them back again Bullets for Bullets. Which now became a common Exercise among the Cannoneers, passing the time in these Actions, more upon a bravery than to any purpose, small harm being done thereby either on the one side or on the other: in such sort, that in the end the Turks, better advised, requested our men to cease from such shooting, as they on their part would do likewise, and to expect the end of the Negotiation of Peace, of a certain begun (as they said) betwixt their Princes; but meaning indeed by this means to spare their Powder, Shot, and Pains, and to reserve them to their better uses.  
And yet for all this triumphant Joy, 
Buda distressed for want of Victuals.  the Turks in Buda were in great want of Victuals, the late Siege having devoured all their Provisions, and no new supply thereof as yet come unto them; insomuch, that their greatest care was now how to come by Victuals, without which they must needs forsake their City. Of which their so great necessity, the other Garrisons in the places thereabout advertised, assembled themselves to take order therefore; and having provided 200 Wagons, loaded with all manner of necessary Provisions at Alba-Regalis, with a Convoy of 6000 Soldiers, put themselves upon the way toward Buda. Of all which their Proceedings the Garrison of Strigonium having got understanding, and joining unto them the Garrison of Komara, met with them upon the way betwixt Alba-Regalis and Buda, and charged them; and so with great confidence on both sides came to handy Blows, the Turks being in number stronger, and our men in Valour and Resolution; the Wagons in the mean time standing still, as the motive of the Charge, and appointed for a Prey unto the Victors. But our Horsemen, being for the most part Hussars, well acquainted with such charge, with their divers Courses greatly troubled the Enemies, 
The Turks in carrying a Convoy of Victuals to Buda overthrown by the Christians.  our Footmen in the mean time charging them also with a number of Harquebusers; against whom the Turks, with the same Arms and like Courage defending themselves, and many of them being slain, and the Wagons gained from them, gave place unto their Valour, and so were almost all cut in pieces. The Wagons thus surprised, were divided as a rich Booty among the Victors; forty whereof were sent unto the Garrison at Pesth; who were well content that the Enemy's Travel and Wealth had been gathered for their good, and without their own Pains to solace themselves with the fruit of their Enemy's Labours.  
But what should we say? The most sure Resolutions are sometimes by Chances crossed, and Tempests otherwhiles overtake us, even in the entrance of the desired Port. The Turks of Buda, understanding of the brute of this medley, and that it was for their Bread, posted in haste to have succoured their Troops, and arrived at the same time that our men victoriously led along by the River of Danubius the Wagons they had before gained. At the sight of which Object, they, animated with hunger after the Victuals, and with desire to be revenged upon the men, charged them. But our men, who thought of nothing more, but that they were victorious, and Possessors of their Enemy's Booty, seeing these new-come Enemies so furiously to charge them, daunted with the present Peril, and with the consideration thereof only possessed, bethought themselves of nothing else, but how to save themselves, and to leave their Honour, Booty, and the Field, all as Spoils unto their Enemies. The furious Countenance of the Turks, and their number surmounting ours by 1500, 
The Convoy of Victuals again recovered from the Christians by the Garrison of Buda.  so bereft them of their resolution for to fight for their Lives and Wagons, as that they without more ado quite forsaken them, accounting themselves happy enough if they might but save themselves. And the Turks without farther pursuing of them, contented to have recovered their Victuals, left them, and so returned homeward, driving their Wagons along the Bank of Danubius. But see the Wind, which by and by changed, and having as it were with a sudden Tempest undertaken even at the entrance of the Port to swallow up both the one and the other, sent the Garrison of Pesth upon them of Buda, to stay them. Great changes of Fortune in one moment of time, which mocketh Men with shows, bringing forth effects quite contrary to their Expectation. These Turks, stayed upon their Retreat by the coming of these new-come Adversaries, did even as ours had done before. For, not willing to prefer their Goods before their Life, and more greedy of Victual than of Battle, they quitted their prize, and retired. For our men, in number two thousand, were seized of a Forest about the midst of the way whereby the Turks were to pass, and which they could by no means shun; and, divided into two Companies, kept themselves close there in Ambush, resolutely attending for the coming of their Enemies. Of which their Purpose the Turks not aware, and still pressing on forward, found themselves hardly charged, before they could see them by whom they were so charged; one of our Companies charging them affront, and the other behind. 
The same Convoy of Victuals recovered from the Turks by the Garrison of Pesth.  So that the Turks, enclosed betwixt them, and in so great and sudden a fear not knowing against whom to defend themselves, without any great Resistance betook themselves to flight, leaving their Wagons, and casting away their Arms; yet so, that a number of them were left dead upon the place, some others of them taken Prisoners, and the rest chased even unto the Gates of their City. But our men being Victors, with the Wagons, and a number of Prisoners, returned home, and by the mouth of their great Artillery gave a thousand Testimonies of their Victory unto the sorrowful Cowards: who themselves also carried the heavy News thereof unto the rest of their Fellows shut up within the City of Buda.  
But see again the change of Fortune, constant only in Unconstancy, as the Sequel shortly after showed. Danubius, that great River, was then also (as it is often) so hard frozen, that Men and Carts might now safely pass to and fro thereupon. In which so hard season, the Turks in Garrison at Buda, having once upon the frozen River braved the Christians in Pesth, and the two and twentieth of january in like bravery coming out the second time, were by the Garrison Soldiers of Pesth put to flight, and by two hundred of the most forward and valiant Soldiers hardly pursued; upon whom, not only they which fled, but other of the Turks also out of Buda in greater number returning, chased them likewise back again even to the Bridge, whereby they were to have passed into the City; 
The Garrison Soldiers of Pesth overthrown by the Turks of Buda.  which now drawn up for fear of greater harm from such a number of Turks as were now come out, and were ready to have entered at the heels of the flying Soldiers, the poor Souls so shut out, and too weak for such a multitude as then had them in chase, were there even in their Friend's sight every man slain, the Turks themselves with little harm returning to Buda.  
Neither long lasted the joy of this Victory; for within a few days after, one Lethner, a Captain of the Christian Garrison in Pesth, more grieved than the rest with the loss of so many valiant men, and some of them his Friends and Companions also; certainly understanding that certain of the chief of the Turks of Buda, with two of their greatest Commanders, and a great Train of gallant Gentlewomen, were, for their Pleasure, the next day about to go unto the hot Baths near unto Buda, and taking with him threescore Musqueteers, the Night before secretly upon the Ice passed over the River, and so not far from the Baths lay close in Ambush, expecting the coming of their desired Prey. In which Expectance they lay not long, 
The Turks in bathing themselves at Buda by them of Pesth surprised and slain.  but that these Turks, casting no Peril, came accordingly as they could have wished, and in those pleasant Baths merrily bathed and solaced themselves: Fools to seek after the Pleasures of Peace amidst the Gulf of the miseries of War, and evil advised to assure themselves of fair Wether in a Storm so near at hand. For in the midst of all their Delights these resolute men came suddenly upon them, not fearing any such danger, and slew all the men, sparing none but one Boy and the Gentlewomen; who in the time of the Conflict, naked as they were, ran as fast as they could into the City, Fear having in them overcome the modesty of their Sex. Which Exploit done, the Captain, leaving the Turks slain in the Bath (now become red with their Blood) returned with his Soldiers, laden with the rich Booty, and merrily sporting at the naked Gentlewomen: with whose fearful Cry they of Buda stirred up, sent out certain of their Garrison after them, but to no purpose; for why, they were in safety before got home. By continuance of this Frost, by reason whereof Victuals could not be sent down the River, the Soldiers in Garrison at Pesth were driven to such wants, 
Great want of Victuals in Pesth.  as that Dogs and Cats were accounted good meat among them; the Turks their Enemies still roaming about in the Fields to keep them from Victuals, and to increase their Necessity.  
Of these Necessity's the Turks of Buda were Partakers also, hungerstarved as were the other, but yet every day in the field to seek relief. They knew right well, that Hunger was hard to be deceived, being still in Action and vigilant: and therefore they sought some means how to deceive our men, still attending upon them, and so to assure themselves of Victuals. To which end they gave it out, and made show as if they would have besieged the Fort of Adom, distant about two Leagues from Buda: Under the colour whereof, they received into their City a Convoy of fifty Wagons laded with Victuals and Munition; 
Buda victualled.  which our men hindered not, for that they had no suspicion of any such purpose of theirs. With which Relief the Turks encouraged, gave knowledge thereof unto their overthwart Neighbours in Pesth by a thousand great Shot, which they in thundering manner sent over the River unto them, as from men of Courage, and devoid of fear. Howbeit, that this Action was more vain than profitable unto the Turks, who, for the dispense of their Shot and Powder, gained not so much as the Life of one Soldier, nor one Stone out of the Walls of Pesth. Upon this Jollity, these same Garrison Soldiers of Buda shortly after thought to have upon the sudden surprised Palotta,, 
The Turks seeking to surprise Palotta, themselves overthrown.  a small Castle of the Christians, by Night, but being in good time discovered, were deceived of their hope, and with the loss of an hundred and twenty of their men, enforced to retire; unto whom Gaspar Horwad, Captain of the Castle, by a Country Peasant, before sworn to do the Errand, sent a little Pot full of Salt, and a Bottle of Wine, willing them (in derision) with that Salt to season the Venison they had taken in their late hunting, and to empty that Bottle to quench their thirst, and to cheer them up after their late Conquest.  
This Jest more provoked these Enemies, galled so to hear of their shame and loss in such sort, that in revenge thereof, they discharged a shower of thundering great shot and small Bullets upon the Garrison of Pesth, which in great abundance fell out of the Cloud of their Rage. But all to small purpose; for that their Cannons being evil leveled, overshot the Town, carrying with their thundering Bullets more fear than they did hurt; yea, that worse was, the Ruin made by their great Battery fell upon their own City. 
A Breach made in the Walls of Buda by the Neglect of a Cannoneer.  For while they were thus thundering, Fire, by Negligence of the Cannoneers, fell into one of their Barrels of Powder, which taking hold of another, and so running along, as if it had been by a Train of purpose laid, burst out with such force, that it overthrew a long piece of the Wall of Buda, which in the fall thereof overwhelmed a great number of the Soldiers near unto it. The noise of this Thunderclap was great, and the force thereof terrible, so that it revived them of Pesth with some good hope, by this Breach to force the Place, the Turks being from thence retired. Upon which Occasion, the Governor of Pesth resolved to give an assault into the Place, and to make use of the means that Fortune, without his Pain or Travail, had put into his hand. Whereupon, taking with him a thousand Almains, and three hundred Hungarians, he forthwith (in hope of good Success) marched toward the Breach; and happily had prevailed, but that by the way they by chance met with a Company of Turks, who gave an Alarm unto them of the upper Town, who upon that brute of their approach, manned their Walls, and with great speed repaired the Breach. Now all that they of Pesth could do, was to revenge themselves upon these Turks whom they had met withal, who were there all slain, except some few, whom they saved, and carried Prisoners to Pesth, to be by them instructed of the Enemy's Affairs.  

Silistria spoiled by the Vayvod of Valachia.  About this time, Radul Vayvod of Valachia advertised, that the Turks in Garrison at Silistria were gone abroad into the Country to seek after Booty and Victuals, with his Soldiers passed forthwith over the River Danubius upon the Ice, to surprise the Town, now barred of the Garrison; whose men, for the desire of the Riches of the place, and for fear lest the Garrison Soldiers should return before they had gained the place, with redoubled Force and Courage so assailed the Town, that the Turks dismayed, and deeming the number of the Christians that so furiously assailed them to be greater than indeed it was, by reason of the greatness of the Enterprise by them taken in hand; after some small resistance, lest the way open for them to enter; who forthwith over the dead Bodies of their Enemies thrust into the Town, took the whole spoil thereof (which was both great and rich, as being a Town well peopled) and so set fire upon it, to the intent that it should no more serve for a place for the Enemy to retire unto. The Vayvod thus victorious and rich, returned with his Soldiers laden with Spoils of their Enemies, before that the Turks could gather themselves together to hinder their retreat. And unto George Basta, who was then in Transilvania in Arms against the Turks, for his part of the Booty he sent him thirteen of the Enemy's Ensigns.  
But our Troops are now too long in their Ambush, where the valiant Collonitz holdeth them close, attending the coming of the Turks, and of their Convoy to Canisia; now we must draw them out of their Sentinels, and see what Effects their Designs shall bring forth. These brave Soldiers had now lain three days in their Ambushes without discovering of any Enemy, 
Three of the Turks Spies taken.  until that the sixth of of March three Espies fell into their Hands, whom the Turks had sent forth before, to discover what Enemies were then abroad in the field. But these faithful Infidels so taken, would not by any means discover any thing hurtful unto their Friends, or profitable for ours; So that in fine, the General, moved with their Obstinacy, commanded one of their Heads to be struck off, to terrify the other two, and by force to draw from them that which fair Entreaty and Persuasion could not. The other two that were yet alive dismayed with this Spectacle, and well beaten to tell the truth, were at last constrained to confess, that they were the Enemy's Spies, sent forth to view the Country, to see if the Christians had any forces there, able to let their Cannons and Wagons to enter into Canisia; which not appearing, and they reporting unto their Companions, that the Country was clear, that then within two days after the Convoy was to pass even by the same place where they than lay, to be put into Canisia, setting forth from Babotz two hours before day. Our men thus informed of the Enemy's Designs, forced their hope to defeat them, and again retired themselves into their Ambuscadoes, attending for their hoped Prey, in such sort, that our men in their Conceits held the Victory now as good as gained; howbeit, that it was yet but in hope and expectation. And that which more confirmed the matter, was, that within two hours after the taking of these Spies, the Haiducks laid without the principal Ambuscado, and hidden in the thickets and bushes, discovered a Cornet of Horsemen, with five Ensigns of the Turks, come out of Canisia, marching to meet with the Convoy, in safety to conduct the same into the Town. At which overture the Hungarians awaked, gave knowledge unto the General of the arrival of the Enemy, to the end he might resolve what was best in that case to be done. Which Opportunity Collonitz embracing, and making much of time, put his Horsemen in good order, to enclose the Turks betwixt the Marish and the Wood, and to cut them so enclosed in pieces. The Turks having discovered nothing but the Marshes and the Woods, held on their way, and so as men having their Hands and Feet bound, fell into the Power of their Enemies. For being come into the danger, the Christian Carabins charged them into the head of their Companies as they marched, and disordered them; The Hungarians fell upon their flanks, which they opened; and the Horsemen pressed them at their backs. These poor miserable men so enclosed, 
The Turks by Collonitz overthrown.  not knowing against whom first to defend themselves, and seeing death upon every side of them, became as beasts to be sacrificed unto the fury of the Christians. The small resistance that they made deserved not the name of a fight, being all slain, and having themselves not slain one man; laid by heaps one upon another, not having overthrown so much as one of their Enemies; in such sort, that of six hundred men that were there together, there were not four of them saved. Their Horsemen which followed them, seeing them surprised, instead of relieving them, shamefully fled; and thinking by flight to save themselves, whilst that their Companions were in massacring, preferred their Lives before their Honour; For if it be a shame for Soldiers in flight to fly with the safety of their Friends, it must needs be an irreparable dishonour to fly and leave them to the slaughter. But our Carabins, taking the occasion for their Advantage, no more spared their Horses in the pursuit of these Infidels, than they had done their Hands in the defeating of their Fellows; but pursuing amain after these Fugitives, slew a number of such of them as were worst mounted, and pursued the rest even to the Gates of Canisia. Those of the Town at this Tumult raised an Alarm, shot off their great Artillery, and discharged many Volleys of small shot against our men, as well to stay the pursuit of our men, and to save their own, as to give warning unto them that were to bring the Convoy, that our men were in the Field, ready to surprise them. But during this fight, three of the Turks Horsemen passing well mounted, and exceeding hardy, adventured to pass by our Troops, and upon the spur to meet with them which were bringing of the Convoy, and to give them warning of the overthrow, and that they should again return to Babotz. Which their so brave an attempt Fortune favoured, as not willing to frustrate the desert of so well deserving Valour. And the Turks upon the way with the Convoy, now upon this Advertisement returned, and retired themselves again into the Castle from whence they came.  

Babotz's in vain besieged by Collonitz.  But our men, advertised of this their retreat, and as it were deceived of the hope by them conceived for the intercepting of the Convoy, undertook an exploit much more haughty, brave, and dangerous; for forthwith they made head toward Babotz, with a Resolution to carry the place; and though they were almost sixteen miles from it, yet they resolved to go thither, and to make themselves Masters thereof. And so marching cheerfully on, therein used such diligence, that about nine of the Clock at night they arrived at the place; whither they were no sooner come, but that they did what they might to daunt their Enemies, to make their Conquest the more easy. The greatness of the attempt itself served well to that purpose, but yet the belief more, if they could drive into their Enemy's Minds the sufficiency of their Forces, for the performance of so great an Exploit. Which caused them to sound their Trumpets, to strike up their Drums, to remove their Artillery, to russle with their Arms, to keep a stir with their Soldiers, and to make the noise, not of a small, but of a puissant and great Army. But the Turks, in number twice so many as were our men, and within a good and strong place, were not with such a brute to be carried away, but standing fast upon their Guard and Resolution, prepared themselves for fight, and how to receive our men, if they should attempt to assail them. Now whilst the Alarm thus sounded, our Companions advanced themselves, repeating oftentimes the name of jesus, and making themselves ready for to fight. This Skirmish began with a thousand Cannon shot, which the Turks out of their Castle delivered upon the Troops of the Christians, and their Muskets still playing from the Curtain of their Walls, so that the Castle seemed as if it had been a Mountain of Fire. All which Terrors no whit stayed the hope of our resolute Footmen, who passing thwart these flaming showers, marched along the counterscarp of the Ditch toward the Gate of the Town, to have broken open and forced the same. The Turks at the same time were come forth out of the Town, making show as if they would have sallied forth upon our men, and have fought with them. But at the same instant that they charged the front of our Footmen, they were by them so encountered and beaten back, that having lost some of their men, they were glad again to retire into the Town; where they did their endeavour to defend themselves, not daring afterward to fight without the Favour of their Walls; within which it stood them upon to have both Courage and Power, being still furiously assailed by our men, who, planted upon the Town Ditch, with their Muskets and Harquebuses so plied the Turks upon their Walls, and in their holds, as that they durst not show themselves, or look out for the showers of Lead which they thundered upon them. And assuredly, if our men had then had Instruments wherewith to have opened the Gates or the Walls, as well as their Muskets and Harquebuses had made a breach into the Resolution of the Turks, the Town had undoubtedly been ours; but this design being not before foreseen, neither intended, wanted the means to put it in Execution; so that, for want of Petards and of scaling Ladders, the place remained still the Turks, and saved itself out of our hands. In fine, our men having been four hours in fight before it, both doing and receiving harm, and finding no means to enter the place, were enforced to sound a retreat, and to leave it.  
In which retreat, the Christians burned certain Villages of the Enemies, rather to show that they had been there, than for any their Valour therein; seeing that things insensible, which follow the order of their Nature, are without offence, and they which hurt them without reason. This done, 
Collonitz retireth to Comara.  they of purpose retired to little Comara; for the long time they had kept the field, the divers Exploits by them done against the Enemies, and the common report of the vanquished, had stirred up the Enemies, so that they began now on every side by heaps to flock together to swallow them up, and even now pressed upon their retreat. So Collonitz, in despite of the Enemy, in safety brought back his Soldiers; and being entered into Comara, caused the Heads of the principal of the slain Enemies to be set upon the Pikes of the Palisadoes, and upon a great Pinetree standing before the Gate, which for this purpose had almost all the Branches lopped off. An action learned from the Cruelty of the Turks, and now done by the Christians, more to astonish and deter them from this their cruel Custom, than for any Glory or Profit ensuing thereby; seeing that to tyrannize upon a dead body, is but a sign of Cowardice, and an Action altogether unprofitable.  
This done, our men departed from this Castle, as men worn, and almost spent with Travel and Weariness, but yet more with Famine. For why, they, thinking to have executed but that design which had put them in Arms, and that in so short a time also, had taken no Provision of Victuals with them; so that they were all pined with Hunger, overcome with Watching, and half dead with Labour. Their Horses also in like sort languished, the Country being alike cruel both to the one and to the other. For beside that it was unfruitful for such as held the field (all the Fruits thereof being gathered together and carried into the Towns by the Men of War) it was not possible for our men to forage, or to seek for Victual there, and to come to an happy end of their design, for that they had raised an alarm abroad in the Country, and so perhaps might themselves have become a Prey unto them, whom they ought to pray upon. Which was the cause that our Soldiers had for the space of three days eaten nothing but Crabs and Acorns, which they found in the Woods which covered their Ambushes; so that being now come unto this Castle, they devoured a world of Victuals, and requested every one of them to return again unto their Garrisons; their Bodies weakened with Hunger, being scarce able to bear their Arms. But that was not all; for departing from little Comara, they were advertised, that the Turks shut up the ways whereby they were to make their retreat home; in hope easily to overcome men already with hunger brought low, and to kill the Bodies which travel already had spent. Howbeit, the great Courage of our men frustrated this the Enemy's Design, 
The notable Resolution of Collonitz.  and saved themselves. But so far off was it that this Advertisement dismayed Collonitz, that even to the contrary it the more increased his Courage, as appointed for his Glory; being glad to have such an occasion offered him for the showing of his Valour, although it were through the midst of Danger, Death, and Slaughter. So that instead of shunning the Combat, whereas it was reported, that the Turks with great assurance marched near unto a Castle of the Christians, to make head upon a Passage whereby our men were to retire; he turned head toward the same place, with a firm Resolution, with true Valour upon the sudden to encounter the Enemy, which had thought to have surprised him by Cowardice. And the Soldiers, weakened with Hunger, although they well apprehended the Danger of this Design; yet, resting upon the great Resolution of their General, and considering the Necessity they had to go farther for their safety, upon a good Courage were content to follow whithersoever their General would; who led them directly unto the aforesaid Castle, where it was expected that the Turks should have charged them. But being come thither, there was no body to be seen; and yet our men, as hungry as they were, stayed there one day in ambush, expecting the coming of their Enemies; who, for all that, having no mind to meet them, appeared not, but gave them Time and Liberty in safety to retire themselves every man unto his own Garrison, to refresh themselves, and to recover their Strength.  
But now whilst our Men of War, after these Troubles in Transilvania and Hungary, repose themselves; let us in the mean time take our Journey to Constantinople, and go unto the Marriage of Hassan Bassa, one of the Viziers of the Grand Signior, and last year General of the Turks Army in Hungary.  
At such time as he departed from this great City, to go unto the Conquest of Alba-Regalis, Mahomet the Turkish Emperor, resolved to set all upon the regaining of this City, caused to be presented unto him a Crown and a Sword, the one in reward of his Valour, if he returned with Victory from this exploit; and the other in Revenge of his Cowardice, if he failed in the performance thereof; promising him indeed his Sister in Marriage, amongst other the glorious Rewards and Trophies of his Victory; and threatening him with Death, as a Punishment amongst the Griefs of his Dishonour. But it came to pass, that by the Cowardice of our men, he came unto the effect of his desire (as is aforesaid) and took the City, which promised unto him the glorious Triumph in Constantinople. 
Hassan Bassa after the winning of Alba-Regalis, honourably received at Constantinople.  And under the sweet influence of this Planet he returned to Constantinople, where he found all things in readiness for the satisfying of his Expectation, and the Advancement of his Glory. He is magnificently received of his Prince, courteously saluted by all the Nobility, and with greatest reverence possible honoured of the People. And as he had happily discharged his Charge, he found in like manner all things prepared and in readiness for the performance of the promise of the Grand Signior, his Lord and Master, who had caused them to be in most sumptuous manner provided for the solemnising of the Marriage, and the contentment of the Bassa. But nothing now wanting that he could have desired or wished, more than the very solemnising of the Marriage itself, and that also every day of all men expected; 
The Spahi and janissaries in mutiny, demand Audience of ●he great Bassaes.  the janissaries and Spahi, with the other Soldiers of the Court, to the number of five and twenty thousand, even upon the sudden, when as no such thing was feared, came, and in Arms presented themselves before the Divano, or Tribunal, holden 〈◊〉 the chief Administration of Justice in the Turks Palace, the first four days in every week; and having set Guards at the Court Gates, the more safely to execute what they were before resolved upon, proudly demanded to have Audience for certain of the Spahi and janizaries, of whom they had made choice, in the names of them all, to deliver unto the great Bassas their Grievances, and the Causes of that their Assembly. Who, as soon as they were entered into the Divano before the Bassas, (of whom the most courageous of them was not without fear, as looking for nothing but for present death) they at the first demanded to have Hassan Bassa delivered unto them; Who, 
Hassan Bassa in great fear of his Life.  thinking that his Head should have served for a Sacrifice to pacify this their Fury; as a man altogether dismayed, wan and pale, passed through this mutinous Multitude, to have gone unto the great Sultan, protesting of his own Innocency, and calling upon his Prophet Mahomet, to discover unto them the truth of all things. But they, after a thousand Injuries and Reproaches by them heaped upon him, rudely demanded of him, whence it proceeded, that whilst he with a great part of the Forces of the Empire was busied in Hungary, for the recovering of Alba-Regalis, there was in the mean time no good order taken for the repressing of the Rebel in Asia; who by sufferance was (as they said) now grown so proud, as with Ensigns displayed to come within three or four days Journey of Constantinople, the Imperial seat of the Ottoman Emperors. Whereunto he in so small fear answered▪ That he for his part had done his Duty, as well while he had the charge of the Army in Asia, as now of late, whilst he had the like charge against the Christians in Hungary,, as even the Enemies themselves could witness. But seeing himself even ready to die, he yet requested them, That his guiltless Death might be unto the State in general profitable; and in discharging of his Conscience, to declare unto them the Causes of this Contempt and Neglect for the surpressing of the Asian Rebel, which they were so desirous to know. It proceeded (as he said) only from the evil Government of the Grand Sultan's Mother (who then all commanded) and from the negligent carelessness of the Capi-Aga. Which his speech, although they with much impatience and storming gave ear unto, yet hearing him so well to excuse himself, and to lay the blame there where they were well content it should rest; they gave him leave to go to the great Sultan, to request him that they might speak with him; and further to deal with him, that they might have the Head of them who had been the cause of this dishonourable Service, or otherwise cowardly behaved themselves in the managing of the Wars against the Rebels in Asia; Threatening him withal, That if he failed to perform this his charge, he should not fail to feel the heavy Effects of their just Fury. An heavy charge, yet glad was the Bassa to undergo the same, to rid himself out of their Hands, where he saw himself in great danger, amongst them, most of whom had sometimes served under him, than amongst so many his most mortal Enemies; but what Remedy? he must now so do or die therefore; for which he was the more to be excused. 
Hassan Bassa persuadeth the Great Sultan to give way unto the janissaries, and to grant them their Request.  So in great fear coming unto the great Sultan, almost as fearful as himself, he showed unto him the great danger like even presently to ensue, by the Mutiny of his best Soldiers, and Guarders of his Person; persuading him, betime to appease their Fury, before they had embrued themselves with Blood; for fear of further danger like enough to ensue, as well unto his own Person, as unto the rest of his most faithful and trusty Counsellor, from such furious headstrong men, up in tumult with their Arms in their Hands. And although that a Prince ought not for the Greatness of his Estate to do any thing as thereunto forced by his Subjects, lest in so doing he might breed in them a Contempt of himself, and increase their Insolency; that yet nevertheless, in this Action, being altogether extraordinary, he was not to rest upon that point; for that these mutinous Soldiers turned not their Weapons (as they pretended) against his Imperial Power and Sovereignty, but rather to the contrary, against the Contemners thereof, seeking to be revenged upon them that had done him such evil Service for the maintenance of his Honour and Majesty, and for the Punishment of the insolent and disloyal. And that therefore the Justice of the Cause requiting and covering the Malice of the Fact, he was of Opinion, That it were best for him to yield a little unto the Zeal of these his best Soldiers, and to satisfy their just desire, although they had by very evil and unlawful means sought for the same. And therefore advised his Majesty, in some sort to satisfy the just Complaints of these men, armed for the Revenge of his Honour; and to chastise the chief Commanders of his Asian Forces, such as by whose Treachery or Cowardice his Service being neglected, had armed these men against them; with the same hand punishing such as had wronged his Majesty in Honour, and appeasing the discontented for the good of his Service. Mahomet thus by the Bassa persuaded, 
Mahomet by the persuasion of Hassan Bassa, showeth himself to the mutinous Soldiers of the Court.  as also to show himself in his Majesty unto these his discontented Subjects, one part of their desire; the Necessity of the Cause so requiring, in his Imperial Seat presented himself unto them, accompanied with the Mufti, (the great Mahometan Priest) and some few others of the Reverend Doctors of their Law; who, by the Sultan commanded to sit down, and the Bassas standing up (so great the respect is to men of that sort, even in a barbarous Nation of so small respect) the chief of the seditious stepping forth, demanded leave to speak both for himself and the rest. Which being granted, he boldly thus began; 
The proud and rude Speech of one of the Mutineers unto Mahomet the Great Sultan.  MOst happy and mighty Emperor, we the Spahies and Janissaries, thy obedient Slaves, full of Grief and Discontentment to see a great part of thine Empire in danger to be lost; desire to know of thee the cause why thy Greatness doth not remedy it, and employ the means which God hath given thee. They suppose that the Rebels Courses in Asia are unto thee unknown, seeing they have been so hardy as to come in Arms so near unto thy Imperial City, the Place of thine abode, and that without any let or resistance. They desire to know if all this hath been made known unto thee, and whither thou wilt take upon thyself the care of the Government of thy great Monarchy, or no; which through the negligent carelessness and evil Government of some by thee put in trust, is like unto a body with great and well proportioned Members, but of little or no Strength or Power. Or else, that thou, void of care, canst be content that all should be dismembered, and so every man to take into himself what he can lay hands of, as the Rebels do in Asia.  
Now let no man marvel at this presumptuous rude Speech of a proud janisary, unto his Sovereign; for why, they are the men which may most boldly speak in Turkey, they are the stay of the Turk's Empire, the Great Sultan's Children acknowledging no other Father but them; nay rather, the Great Turk himself is their Creature, for they raise him up and confirm him in the Empire; they are his greatest Strength, and unto them he is most beholden. If Mahomet were with so insolent a Speech much moved, he was not justly to be therefore blamed; howbeit, being beset with such a furious tumult with Weapons in their hands, and having no means to withstand their Fury, 
Sultan Mahomet with mild Words seeketh to appease the mutinous Soldiers of the Court.  he wisely dissembled his inward Choler, and with a fair Countenance, and a Majesty full of Mildness, with the best and calmest words he could devise, sought to appease them; imputing the Disorder and evil Success of his Affairs unto the unfaithfulness of his Ministers, and the concealing of the Truth thereof from him. Saying moreover, That before this their Complaint he had resolved to reform these Matters, and to take from them all Occasions of Discontentment, or for them to use any such Speech as was not beseeming them; whose Obedience and Respect of loyal Duty unto him their Sovereign, should have been an Example unto the rest of his Subjects. Upon which Speech, they fiercely demanded of Hassan Bassa, Why he had not given an account unto his Majesty, of the Rebels proceeding in Asia. Who answered, That he had never failed of his Duty therein, 
Hassan Bassa excuseth himself, and layeth the fault upon the Empress, Mahomet's Mother, and the Capi-Aga.  but that he had been always hindered so to do by the Capi-Aga; saying, That it was not needful to trouble him their Sovereign therewith, (having committed these Matters to others) but to reform and amend them as well as they might otherwise, without giving of him any such distaste concerning these Matters. And further, That the cause of all these Disorders proceeded from the Empress his Mother, the Capi-Aga, and some few others, unto whom he had commended the managing of those his Affairs. With which his answer the Mutineers more moved, furiously said, That they were thither assembled to demand the heads of such Offenders; being resolved to take another course, if he should refuse to grant it them; [meaning thereby to make a new Emperor.] Whereunto for all that, the great Sultan answered, That it was no Reason, neither that he would for their Humours put such as they demanded innocently to death; but willed them to rest themselves contented, until it might by order of Justice be tried whether they had deserved death or no, and that then he would give them even his own Son, if he were found culpable. But the Mutineers, constant in their Resolution, again replied, That he had not by Justice put his Brethren to death, but for the Preservation of the State; and that those w●om they so demanded were so guilty of that wherewith they were charged, as that they deserved not to have an orderly Trial; That the Laws, how just soever, should be unprofitable, and Justice Injury, if they were not by them to be punished; and that therefore it must needs be so, or else that they would take therein a course themselves. As for the Empress his Mother, they were contented that she should be confined unto some place farther off, and no more to meddle in Matters of State. A strange thing it was, to see so great a Prince so to be forced by the Sedition and Mutiny of his Subjects, to deliver so great an Officer of his Court as was the Capi-Aga, with such others as they required, to be used at their Discretion. But the violent Resolution of these most insolent men so up in Mutiny, made the Sultan Mahomet wisely to yield to what they demanded; causing the Capi-Aga, and the others to be brought forth; who presented themselves unto their ●ury as men already half dead. Mahomet did what he might to have saved them, 
The Capi-Aga, with some others, executed.  but the Mutineers with a great and dreadful Clamour still cried out to have them dispatched; neither could they be appeased until they saw their Heads struck from their Bodies. For the loss of whom, so dear unto him, Mahomet inwardly grieved; to be in some part revenged, commanded the Executioner to proceed, and to do unto some other of the chief Bassas (whom he knew to be much beloved and respected of the Janissaries, and whom he could have been content to have been rid of) as he had done unto the Capi-Aga and the rest; but then the murmuring and mutiny of the Janissaries was in such sort increased, and as it were redoubled, as that Mahomet was for fear forced with patience to temper his Choler, 
Mahomet glad to give way unto his mutinous Soldiers.  and by giving way so to appease them. The Empress, the Sultan's Mother, for all that was not then confined, but reserved to the farther troubling of the State.  
With like Tyranny, and no less Injustice, Mahomet but a few days before had caused Capin, 
Other Cruelties of Sultan Mahomet.  one of his great Bassas, to be beheaded; but whether it were for the desire he had of his Wealth and Riches, or for the envy of his Honour and Valour, was uncertain; howbeit, the former Cause seemed unto many to be the more probable, for that Mahomet, immediately after his death, took the whole Spoil of his Wealth, and seized upon all his Goods except 400000 ducats, which Caly Bassa, Father of the dead Bassa, had detained for himself. Which his purloining, Mahomet having discovered (as the eye of the covetous man is always fixed upon his Prey) demanded one day of the Bassa, If it were true that he had retained unto himself those 400000 ducats? Which Fact the Bassa, partly for fear, and partly for Covetousness, constantly denied, and swore himself to be guiltless from any such Crime; whereupon, he was forthwith taken, and thinking by lying to have saved his Life, was for the Truth put to death, without any farther Examination of the matter, having his Head struck off. Such is the small assurance, even of the greatest that live in Tyrant's Courts. Neither rested his greedy mind so contented with the Bassa's Blood; for why, that served but for a show, it was his Wealth must work that cure, which was all forthwith seized upon, rifled, and carried away, to satisfy in effect the greedy Appetite of the hungry Tyrant, who changed the Dowry and Succession of the Wife and Children of the dead Bassa, into Bonds, Chains, Prisons, and Slaveries.  

Mahomet Bassa by the Janissaries slain.  Mahomet, another Bassa, with these Cruelties dismayed, and perceiving the like evil hap and danger to hang over his own Head that had overwhelmed Calil and his Son, resolved to have provided for himself against this Mischief, by flying unto the Rebels in Asia. But this his purpose discovered by certain Spies (which serve as means to open a way unto the Turks cruelty) and he, with one of the chief Followers of Capin Bassa, taken by the Janissaries, were both by them cut in pieces.  
But whilst these things thus passed at Constantinople, 
The Success of the Rebels in Asia.  the Rebels with all diligence prosecuted their Rebellion in Asia, and bend their Forces against the great Towns there. Their Army was exceeding great, every man joining himself unto the first Forces which were in good Estate, being not as yet by any greater Power repressed, and rich with the Spoils that they had taken. These men had besieged Angore, a great and strong Town in Asia, and seemed resolutely set down for the carrying thereof. Whereof the Citizens being afraid, and out of hope of Relief, came to Parle, offering unto them a Sum of Money to redeem themselves and their City; and so in fine agreed to give them 200000 ducats; upon the ready payment whereof, the Rebels, without more ado, presently departed.  
Shortly after, the new Captains of Sultan Mahomet arrived there also, whom he had placed in the places of them whom he had before executed for the appeasing of the Soldiers of the Court, who would needs make it Treason, and put to Death the Citizens, for having given such Money as is aforesaid, unto the Rebels, though it were done for the Preservation of their Lives: as if the Laws were to be respected in the horrors of Necessity, or that Life were to become a Slave unto Riches, and Riches not made for the use of Man's Life. Well, needs they would for this supposed Treason (as they pretended) have put them to death, and sacked their City; but indeed all was in their greedy fury to have carried away that which the Rebels had in their Mercy left them. These poor Citizens, 
The Turks together by the ears amongst themselves.  with this so cruel a Resolution dismayed, and out of all hope of finding favour at such merciless men's hands, resolved now to hazard all, and so upon the sudden taking up Arms, stood upon their own defence. Hereupon arose a great and cruel Fight betwixt these Soldiers and the Citizens▪ both the Subjects of one Prince, and all of them of one and the selfsame Superstition; but the one side, armed with Pride and Covetousness, and the other with Necessity and Despair: howbeit, at last the juster 'Cause prevailing, the Citizens overcame these new-come Soldiers, and having slain a great number of them, chased the rest out of the City. This evil Encounter of these new Captains even at the first entrance into their Charges, given them by the Subjects themselves, increased the Rebel's Courage, so that they, being in number forty thousand, under the leading of one of the Tartar Han's Brethren, besieged Burze, a great and rich City, being the Storehouse for the warlike Provisions of Asia, and the Place whereunto the Turks Customs, Taxes, and Subsidies of Asia were brought, and there kept. These men, after certain days bestowed in the Siege, and great Resistance made by the besieged, at length by force carried the Place, slew the Inhabitants, and sacked the City. Which Exploit, gracing their Fortune with Honour and Booty, increased also their Power and Reputation; so that re-doubled on all sides, and increased with Courage and Spoils, Mahomet dismayed, resolved by fair means to appease them, and to entreat with them of Peace. This good Fortune had drawn unto their part the Governor of Babylon, either weary of the Service of the Turk, or desirous by the Ruin of the State in general, to increase his own Power; whose Revolt greatly increased the Rebel's Power, and diminished the Grand Seignior's. Beside these Mishaps also, the great Shaugh of Persia (commonly called the Sophi) thrusting himself into these Disorders, to make his Gain, and to fish (as they say) in a troubled Water, had now taken Corbery, a strong Town upon the Borders of the Turk's Empire, and was making himself ready for new Conquests. All which Tempests arising as it were in one together, caused Mahomet to strike Sail, and maugre his Imperial Dignity and Honour, to seek for Peace; which indeed could not be great in such weakness of his nature, neither brave in such his great want of Courage. For great Dignities and Honours, without Valour to maintain them, are but like rich Garments which cove● Bodies almost rotten, but heal them not. Mahomet, desirous to come to some good agreement with his rebellious Subjects, at length (but not without his great dishonour) obtained the same; granting to them all their Demands, disarming them by yielding unto them, and not by Valour; and giving unto Zellalie, one of their Chieftains, the most honourable place of the Bassa of Bosna, to content his Ambition, and to bind him therewith to do his Service. The ready way by sufferance to increase the disloyal Subjects Courage, instead of stopping their Fury by the severity of Justice; for to grace a Rebel with Offices of Authority, is but to arm him with lawful Power, for him the better to undertake whatsoever shall best fit his Appetite and Desire, upon the hope of his own private and certain Profit or Advancement.  

The Captains and Soldiers murmur against their Sultan Mahomet.  Mahomet's other Captains and Men of War, seeing this dishonourable Peace of their Prince, and Preferment of the Rebels, honoured with Honours and Dignities, instead of Pains and Punishments which they should of right have for their Rebellion endured; began to enter into great Murmuring and Discontent against their great Sultan. They considered his unjust dealing and base fear, in advancing the Rebels unto such Honours and Dignities, as of right belonged unto his most faithful and loyal Officers and Servants, by such their unworthy Preferments making them Slaves unto his Enemies, and Vassals unto the Rebels; they, to their dishonour and loss, by their Insolency and Treachery, enjoying the Honours and Preferments of right due unto their faithful and loyal Services. Which dangerous Persuasions transported them so far from their Allegiance and Duty, as to undertake a greater and more perilous matter against his Crown and Dignity, than had the Rebels before by taking up of Arms in the Field against him, whereunto the assured knowledge they had of his Cowardice encouraged them also; so that their Resolution was to thrust him out of his Imperial State, and to set up his eldest Son, 
Mahomet in danger to be deposed from his Empire, and his eldest Son set up in his Place.  called also Mahomet, in his Place. These are the ordinary Effects of Injustice and Cowardice, the overthrow of Princes; their Injustice through Cruelty arming all Creatures against them; and their Cowardice through Contempt dispensing with every man for his Duty; so that he must be just, that will keep his Subjects in order; and valiant, that must hold them in awe.  
Unto these Discontentment's these Mutineers joined also (as I said) the slothfulness, effeminateness, and sufficiency of Mahomet, unfit to deal in matters of Estate, and altogether unable to manage Arms. He was too cowardly, as they thought, to repress their Valour by force, and too weak to cross their Designs by Wisdom; which not a little encouraged them in that their so desperate and dangerous a Resolution. They drew also into this their Plot the Sultaness Mahomet, his chief Wife, and Mother to the young Prince; who, blinded with Ambition (the bane of great Spirits) had not the hap to reject their Persuasions, as dangerous unto her and her Son, but shutting her Eyes against the due Consideration of Loyalty and Duty, cast both herself and her Son headlong into the midst of most desperate Dangers.  
This Project (of no less importance, than of the deposing of one of the greatest Monarches of the World) resolved upon, some of these men, according to the manner of the Turks, joining Superstition unto their Designs, consulted with an ginger, concerning the Success of the Actions of the young Prince, whom they were about to install in his Father's Imperial Throne. This man, to be excused in his Trumperies, seeing that to deceive is the chief point of his Art, erected the figure of the Prince's Nativity, consulted with his Spirits, considered the celestial Bodies, and in fine, arrived at the point of his Judgement, for the good and welfare of the Prince; and thereupon dispatched an Eunuch towards the Sultaness, with these pleasing Speeches, That she should be of good courage and in assured hope that the young Prince her Son, within a few days should have the Imperial Crown set upon his Head, and the Royal Sceptre put into his hand; his Art (as he said) promising unto him these Honours, by the Favour of the Celestial Bodies, of whom he had learned these News; and by the Conference with Spirits, from whom he had this assurance. But O the vain and ●oolish knowledge of Man against God attributing unto the second Causes, that which altogether belongeth unto his own Power; robbing him of his own Providence, which extendeth over all, to give the same unto Creatures, which neither have their own Being, neither are able of themselves to bring forth, or to work any Effects at all without it! and that more is, to give certain credit unto the Enemy of all Faith and Belief, even to the Father of leasing, who taketh as much Glory in falsehood, as God himself doth in truth; as being the proper mark of his Power. For it chanced that these Letters, sent by the Eunuch to the Sultaness, were intercepted and brought unto Mahomet the Great Sultan, whom they most concerned; whereupon it so fell out, that he which took upon him to foretell the long Life and Empire to befall to another man, could not foresee the end of his own Life, which followed him fast, even at the heels, being himself by the Commandment of the great Sultan, with the young Prince, the Eunuch, 
Mahomet causeth his eldest Son, with divers others to be strangled.  and fifty others of the Conspirators, and such as were consenting unto the Conspiracy, most cruelly strangled, and the Sultaness herself drowned. Howbeit, some report this young Prince to have been strangled upon suspicion of conspiring against his Father, with the Rebels of Asia; which after his Death being found not to be so, the Bassa which put that Suspicion into Mahomet's Head, to have been therefore worthily hanged. But with these Contentments taken from the Crosses of our Enemies, let us again return unto Hungary,  
The last year ended with the great brute of the coming of the Tartar Han, 
The Polonian denieth the Tartars Passage through his Country, into Hungary.  with a great Army into Hungary, and now he had dispatched his Ambassadors towards the King of Polonia, to demand of him Tribute, and passage through his Country. Great and proud demands to be both at once required. But the King of Polonia requited him again with the like, denying him both the one and the other, roughly answering of his Threats. Which so resolute and blunt a refusal, caused the proud Tyrant to change his intended course, and for fear of being defeated by the Polonians in passing through their Country, (as the Tartars had often been) before he could come into Hungary, took another way, and turned with his Army toward Valachia. Of whose coming, Radul the Vayvod understanding, and that beside the foraging of his Country, they had a purpose to displace him, and to set up another Vayvod in his stead; with great diligence gathered together the greatest Power that he could, and so marched unto the Borders of his Country, there to attend the coming of these Tartars, and to stay them from entering. Which in effect fell out according to his desire, for the barbarous People being arrived, and attempting with all their force to have entered, were by this little Army encountered; which, 
Divers hard Conflicts betwixt the Tartars and the Null, in their passage through Valachia.  commanding the Country, took all the advantages of the straight passages, and there notably repulsed the fierce Enemy. Two of the first encounters fell out fortunately unto the Null, who therein slew about 3000 of the Tartars; whose avantguard for all that still came on, and at the third encounter so long maintained the fight, that their whole Army was now come in, and hardly charged the Null; whose Fortune surcharged, began then to change, the hardy being constrained to bow under the multitude, and valour forced to yield unto number. Which was not done without a long and cruel fight, both Armies encountering with great Courage and Fury, the one for the defence of their Country, and the other for an entrance unto their Conquests. Howbeit, the strong Enemy at length prevailed, and entering into Valachia, brought in with it Ruin, Death, and Destruction.  
The Tartars having by force thus opened themselves a way through Valachia, 
The Tartars in Hungary.  and grievously spoiled the Country, were come with their Army to Quinque Ecclesiae, a Town in Hungary, to join their Forces with Hassan Bassa, now after his Marriage returned into this Country with a great Army to continue his Charge; who caused the Tartars to be mustered in his Presence, and found them to be forty thousand strong. Men of great Courage against the weak, but mere Cowards before the Courageous; who, instead of assaulting the Walls of any strong Town, fell upon the Cottages of poor Country Villages, ransacking and pillaging the poor Inhabitants, as well in the Villages of the Territories subject unto the Turks, as in the Territories of the Christians; constraining the poor People, contrary to their Conscience, and to the Prejudice of their Faith, to swear to serve the Turk; Besides that, they enforced them to furnish them with all warlike Provision and Munition, which they put into Canisia, but a while after that, our men had defeated the Garrison there. 
Great spoil made by the Tartars in Hungary, Stiria, and Shavarie.  Neither were they so contented, all the Neighhours being thereabouts subject to this Tempest; for they passed into Stiria with their Families, and overran a part of that Province, spoiling it of Men, cattle, and Goods; leaving instead of them, Destruction, Misery, and Death; and carried away with them two thousand poor Christians for Slaves, whom they sold unto the Turks, and made great profit of them. From thence they went into the Country of Shavary, embruing themselves with the Blood of the Christians, rifling their Villages, and after that burning them; carrying away with them a thousand Christian Captives into most miserable Bondage and Slavery. Which cruel Outrages, 
Collonitz opposeth his Forces against the Tartars.  afterward thrust the valiant Colonel Collonitz into the Field, against these barbarous People, to stay their Incursions, and to defeat them if he could.  
This worthy Commander had but a few days before been troubled in appeasing the French light Horsemen in Garrison in the Villages about Roquesburg, risen up in Mutiny for their Pay; whose hot and moved Spirits, he by his Wisdom so calmed, as that they were content again to be sworn to the Emperor, and so joined themselves unto the Army of Collonitz, which was then 10000 good men Strong.  
In the mean time, the Tartars, greedy of Prey, and still seeking after Booty, ransacked and spoiled five and twenty Country Villages about Veradin; all which they afterward burned also, carrying away with them a great Booty both of Men and cattle; no man resisting them. At which time, other Companies of them also invaded the County Serin's Island as far as Rackenspurge, made in it great spoil, as had their Fellows elsewhere; and beside other Booty, carried away with them two thousand Christian Captives. These outrages of the Tartars armed the County on the one side, and Collonitz on the other; who courageously opposing themselves against these Barbarians, for a time stayed their Incursions, they not daring to abide the force of this little Army, sufficient enough, for the Valour thereof, to have overthrown that of their Enemies, for number dreadful. This made them to turn their course another way into Sclavonia, being in number five and thirty thousand men, leaving nothing behind them there but Death and Desolation, for the number of Prisoners and great Booties which they carried from thence. Amongst other their spoils, it was their Fortune by the way to meet with six hundred of the Christian Soldiers, of whom not one escaped their hands, but were slain every Mothers Son. At length it so fortuned, that certain of their Troops in roaming abroad, fell into the danger of the County Serin, who with his Followers still hovered aloof off, for fear to be of their great Multitude overwhelmed; a part whereof now falling into his hands, were by his Soldiers overthrown and all cut in pieces, and a number of Christian Captives by them taken, delivered out of Chains, and set at Liberty. Which Exploit, was greater for the fear it brought upon the Enemy, than for the slaughter there made. For the Tartars, 
The Tartars repressed by County Serin.  still in doubt to meet again with the Christian Troops (who l●ft not one of them alive that they could light on) were glad now to keep themselves closer together, and so did a great deal the less harm than when they, without fear roamed up and down at their Pleasure; so that even by this little Victory the Country received some Comfort, and the Earl greater Honour; small helps being infinite Treasures in time of Necessity, which out of it would not be to be reckoned of.  
The Garrison Soldiers of Canisia, of late defeated by Collonitz, in going to meet the Convoy coming towards them with Victuals (as is before declared) the rest of the Garrison, desirous to be revenged were consulting of the means how to bring the same to pass. It fortuned, that at the same time there was a fugitive Christian Soldier in the Town, who made show of a man malcontent, desirous to turn Turk; of whom the Turks made much reckoning, for that he seemed to know much of the Designs of the Christians, and the means how to cross them; whereof he so assured them, as if the matter had been now already done; promising to bring them even into the midst of the Christian Camp, and to deliver it into their Hands and Power. Howbeit, his meaning was nothing less; 
A notable Exploit done by a fugitive Christian.  for seeing the Turks much busied with carrying in of Victuals into the Castle, brought into the Town after the overthrow of their Fellows before sent forth for the bringing in thereof, and wholly intentive to that Business; knowing the place in the Castle where the Powder and Munition lay, he at the same time, by a Train laid Fire thereunto, and afterward, amidst the tumult and the stir, by a loophole in the Wall, got himself out of the Town, and came to Collonitz, wh● with his Troops lay near thereby in ambush, expecting the Opportunity to perform some notable exploit upon the Success of so dangerous an adventure, whereunto he had before been made privy. Neither failed the fire any thing of the accustomed violence thereof, but seemed rather to redouble the same, it had so suddenly consumed the Buildings, Munitions, and Persons. All the place felt the Fury thereof; the Cannons, Cannoneers, Soldiers, and whatsoever else, was subject unto this dreadful blast; all was shaken and turned upside down, yea the fire burst out of the Castle, and burned the greatest part of the Town also. There was a Confusion of fear, mishap, and misery together, the Terror whereof caused many of the Turks to cast themselves over the Walls, in hope so to have saved their Lives; but whilst they thought so to have escaped the Danger of the Fire, they presently fell upon the edge of the Sword; for, meeting with the Soldiers of Collonitz, (who lying in ambush near thereby, awaited the opportunity in that so confused a Tumult, to have seized upon the place) they were all either taken Prisoners, or slain. But see the hap, how one cross chance of Fortune overthrew this so notable a Design, as had it been well followed, might in one moment have recovered that strong Place, which had before for the space of many days endured the greatest Forces of the Ottoman Emperor; neither yet was then so lost, but through the infamous Treachery of our own men.  

A fair Opportunity for the recovery of Canisia, oversliped through the disloyalty of the French and Walloons.  You have heard before, how that Collonitz had by fair Persuasions, rather than by true Effects, appeased the Frenchmen and Walloons, up in mutiny for their Pay, so that by him persuaded, they had again given their Oath of Fidelity unto the Emperor, and to follow his Army. But now, when occasion served, and held out as it were both her Arms unto the Christians, for the regaining and conquest of Canisia, these Frenchmen and Walloons, the greatest part of Collonitz's strength, injuriously refused her so fair an offer; and at such time as they should rather have fought naked, then have failed in their Duty, (it being to have gained a most great and rich Conquest) for want of Pay (as they pretended) turned their backs, and being by no great entreaty or persuasions to be moved, to the Discouragement of the rest, who were better minded, and their own eternal Infamy, withdrew themselves from the Army: So that Collonitz, rather by the wicked unfaithfulness of his own disloyal Soldiers, than by the Valour of his Enemies, disappointed of his purpose, was to his great Discontentment, contrary to that he hoped, enforced to retire without any thing more doing.  

The Tartars defeated by the Hussars of the Lord Nadasti.  While this Exploit, so well begun, but evil performed, was in hand, the Turks and Tartars assembled together, made a cruel spoil in the Country about Rab, even almost unto the Gates of the Town, carrying away with them a great number both of Men and Beasts. In fine, it chanced that the Hussars of the Lord Nadasti came that way, who understanding what had happened, with all speed made after these Robbers, overtook them in their retreat near unto Alba-Regalis, slew a great number of them, and enforced the rest to leave a great part of their Prey behind them. With which Booty, recovered even out of the Lion's Mouth, they returned to Rab; of whom, the poor Inhabitants and Country People, with Tears standing in their Eyes, requested to have again their own Goods. But War, the enemy of Charity, and nurse of barbarous Cruelty, had so hardened the Hearts of these men of War, as that they were not to be moved to restore them their cattle again, but that they must redeem them for present Money, which they did and so received them.  
Now the Noble Collonitz, seeing himself so shamefully forsaken of his own Soldiers, and disappointed of his purpose, and the Turks and Tartars in great numbers coming to the relief and repairing of this so sore shaken a Town; and out of hope to do any good thereon, full of Grief and Indignation returned towards Comora: And howbeit, that evil hap had cruelly frustrated the glory of his Enterprise, yet the Heavens, in despite of Fortune's frown, left not this noble and valiant Captain altogether without Honour, but, as amorous of his Virtues and Valour, presented unto him in this Winter of Fortune's displeasure, some Trophies of Glory. For upon the way, as he was returning home, 
2●00 Turks defeated by Collonitz.  he met with 2000 Turks, whom, after some small resistance he cut all in pieces; miserable Sacrifices, appointed unto the fury of his wrath. In this fight their Ensigns were all taken, and a number of Prisoners, the chief of whom, together with their Ensigns, he sent to Prague, as a Present for the Emperor, and a token of his good Service.  
The report than was, That the Turks and Tartars, with their united Forces, had foraged Sclavonia, taken divers strong Holds, burned a number of Villages, and carried away eight thousand Christians Prisoners, beside a great number more slain with the Sword, or consumed with Fire, and all the cattle of the Country driven away; and that being with this booty come to Quinque Ecclesiae, they had there received Command with Mahomet Bassa, to besiege Comora, and that all the Commanders of the Turks Army were thereupon resolved. All which reports no whit dismayed the Valiant Collonitz, or any thing altered his Designs; but having fortified Comora, against the intended Siege of the Turks, and taken from thence four Culverins, according to a former purpose by himself intended, resolved now to take from the Turks the Castle of Loqua and Boulouvenar, the Garrisons whereof greatly annoyed the Territories of the Christians, and hindered the Designs of this great Captain. These two Castles are situate upon a great Marish which separateth Hungary from Rascia, and are therefore as Bounders of Hungary, and strong enough to be defended against a small Army.  
Upon which Resolution he set forward with his small and valiant Power, 
The Castle of Loqua besieged by Collonitz.  and the fourth day arrived within the sight of Loqua, a Castle well manned, and furnished with all things necessary for the defence thereof. The Army lodged, Collonitz with a Drum summoned the besieged to yield up the Place, with Promises of Courtesy if they should now accept of the same whilst it was offered them; which they stoutly refused to do, swearing to the contrary, That they would die and live within those their Walls. Collonitz seeing them so resolved, first caused a Mill to be assaulted, which, placed over against the Castle, and well fortified, served it instead of a Bulwark, and seemed hard to be taken; howbeit his men, loath to have their good Fortune even in the beginning checked, gave thereunto so brave an assault, that after the Enemy had done what he could for the defence thereof▪ they became Masters of the Place, carried it, and therein lodged; but finding it dangerous to be kept, and to stand them in small stead, they set it on fire, and afterward planted four Culverins in battery before the Castle. But as they were thus busied, the Turks courageously sallied out upon them, not doubting to adventure themselves, for the hope they had to be in short time by their great Army relieved. In this sally they met affront with the Haiducks, whom they fiercely charged, and so gauled them, that having slain thirty of them, they retired without any loss; forthwith discharging so many thundering Shot and Arrows upon our me●, as that they well knew not how to save themselves from the danger of them, in such sort, that all the ways to approach the place being stopped, they began to devise how to set the Castle on fire; which they by certain Fireworks attempted, but to small purpose, the fire being no sooner kindled, but that it was forthwith by the Turks quenched. This done, and our men disappointed of their hope, they devised to set fire upon the timber which joined the Palisado to the Castle stretching toward the Port. Which their attempt sorted but to small effect also, the fire burning but slowly to do the Enemies any great harm. All which Devices failing, they resolved by plain force to assault the Castle, and to scale the same; which Enterprise resolved upon, the Haiducks carrving before them certain strong and thick Planks of Wood, instead of Targuets, to defend them from the small Shot and Arrows of their Enemies; by this Device gained the Palisado placed upon the Ditch; and being there in some safety, with their Muskets and Harquebusses so applied the besieged, that they drove them from their Curtains, and made that they durst no more show themselves upon the Walls. And immediately after, two Companies of the Haiducks placed ten Ladders against one of the Towers of the Castle, and so with their Ensigns in their hands courageously mounted the Ladders, 
Notable resistance made by the besieged Turks.  in hope to have gained the Place; but the Turks, as men resolved to live and die in their Castle, valiantly repulsed those Haiducks, and by force drew in unto them from off the Ladders, the two Ensign-bearers of the Haiducks, whose Heads they cut off, and cast them down unto their Fellows, which were yet coming up the Ladders; and the two Ensigns so gained upon the Walls, they placed in the midst of their own, as the Trophies of the Spoils of them who would have spoiled them. With which so great Courage of the Enemies, and death of their Fellows, our men not a little dismayed, kept themselves close at the foot of the Wall, as afraid any farther to force the Place, which to their loss they saw stored with such valiant men to defend it.  
Collonitz, perceiving this discomfiture of these men, and well assured that the Castle was not but by Valour to be won, immediately drew out of every Company of the County Ringrave, certain of the best and most resolute Soldiers to renew the Assault: Which so honourable a Charge they cheerfully undertook, and as men of Courage, began forthwith to mount the Ladders. Which the Haiducks beholding, again took courage, and partly ashamed of themselves, and partly to be partakers of the Spoil and Prey, if they should prevail, did what they might for the w●nning of the Place, striving now who should do best. Which Assault was with such fury and press of men maintained, that the Turks, not able longer to withstand so great Forces, 
The Castle of Loqua by the Christians taken and sacked.  were constrained to yield both themselves and their Castle unto the fury of their angry Enemies. Which Castle indeed cost much Christian Blood, but yet more of the Turks; for the Haiducks, armed with rage and revenge, slew almost all in the Castle, as well Rascians' as Turks, and took the rest Prisoners. Among others, there was an Hungarian Renegade there taken, whom for haste they beheaded, being not at leisure to impale him, the ordinary punishment for such faithless Miscreants. But during this spoil, made by men chafed with fury, the Wind and Fire were on their part exercising of their rage also. For the Fire which they had cast upon the Palisado, and which they had before neglected, as of little or no force, now increased with the Wind, by little and little getting hold of one thing after another, having burnt the Palisado, got hold of the Castle also; whereunto the Soldiers (loaded with Prey and Booty, the things they most desired) had no regard at all; so that the Fire utterly consumed the Castle, with whatsoever else had escaped their greedy hands.  
The Turks in Garrison at B●ulouvenar (a Fortress but a League distant from this burnt Castle) seeing these Flames of Fire, and doubting what might betid themselves, began to consult what course were best for them to take, as either to attend▪ the coming of the Enemy, and so to abide the chance of War, or else betimes to provide for themselves by flight; the Consideration of their Honour and Duty persuaded them to stay, but the ruin of their Neighbours, as strong and valiant as themselves, persuaded them otherwise. In fine, the care of the Preservation of their Lives prevailed, and the Resolution was, that they should fly. And so putting all their Householdstuff and Goods into certain Boats, 
The Turks for fear forsake the Castle of Boulouvenar.  there ready upon the Lake, they by the midst thereof fled; foolishly persuading themselves, that our men coming thither, and finding nothing there, would not long there stay, but be gone; after whose departure they might, as they thought, return again unto their old dwellings, and in the mean time hide themselves in the Marish, until that the Enemy were passed. But our men coming thither, and finding no man in the Castle, neither yet any thing else that could well be carried away, wondered to see that there were any men so cowardly, as for fear to abandon such a Place, as for the strength thereof might have been an Example to others to stand upon their Guard and defence, they sought out every Corner thereabout, to find out whither the Turks were fled. At last, after much diligent search, they found certain Boats which the Turks had sunk in the Channel near unto the Castle Gate, which caused them to think that they were fled by Water, and happily were in some place not far off. These Boats were forthwith drawn up out of the Water, and found furnished with Oars and such other things as belonged unto them. Which done, Collonitz chose out certain of the most valiant and resolute of the Haiducks, whom he commanded in those Boats to follow after the Turks in the Lake. Who, accustomed to such Exploits, and not ignorant of the Places and Secrets of their Country, went aboard and did as they were commanded. Neither had they gone past two Leagues upon the Lake, but that they discovered a party of the fugitives hid in a little Island, awaiting the end of this Tempest, to recover again that which they had forsaken. The Turks, dismayed with the sight of these men, and forced by necessity to stand upon their Guard, welcomed them with certain little falcon shot, which they brought with them in their Boats, thinking to have hindered them from landing. But they were too well acquainted with such Music to be moved therewith; besides that, the desire of the Booty, which was by the Turks brought out of the Castle into the Isle, exceedingly animated them for the gaining thereof; so that all fear of Danger set apart, they landed in the Isle. Whom so landing, the Turks with great Courage received; so that betwixt them was fought a greater fight than is for so small a number on both sides to be believed, only Valour and not number holding the Balance of the Victory. But in the end, the chief of the Turks, 
The Turks fled out of the Castle of Boulouvenar, surprised and overthrown.  and he which was their Governor in Boulouvenar, slain, the rest discouraged, came to Parley, yielding themselves, with their Wives and Children, and all that they had, as a Prey unto the Victors. The Prisoners were brought back again unto the Castle, until the next day, that our men having put a good and strong Garrison of four hundred Haiducks, and two hundred Hussars into Boulouvenar, with their Prisoners and their Booty returned toward Comara; where they, notwithstanding divers Reports of the assembly of the Turks Garrisons for the surprising of them upon the way, in safety arrived, with a rich Booty, and a number of Wagons loaded with the Spoils of their Enemies. The Emperor had for his part thirteen Ensigns, beside the Places won; which being nigh unto Canisia, much bridled the Spoyling and Incursions of that Garrison.  
But leaving these endless Troubles of Hungary for a while, 
Moses' by Basta overthrown, flieth unto his strong Castle of Solomose.  let us now again look into Transi●vania, to see what they there do. Moses' the Rebel, by Basta the Emperor's Lieutenant (as we have before said) overthrown, and disappointed of his hope, betook himself unto a strong Castle of his own, called Solomose, there in fear attending the final Success of his Affairs. Basta in the mean time being as wise to make use of his Victory, as he was valiant to obtain the same, subdued the rest of the Country, repressed the Rebels, stopped the way of Sedition, and put Moses in despair of all Safety. Who seeing himself brought unto such Extremity, offered to yield his Castle unto the Turks, and so without farther acquainting of any man with his purpose, thrust himself, with his Wife and Family, and all the rest of his Substance, into Temeswar, 
He with his Wife and Family flieth unto the Turks.  a strong City of the Turks not far off: whom the Bassa in show most courteously received, and the rather, for that he was in good hope to make a Prey of the great Wealth of this new-come Fugitive; who had not there long stayed, but that he had persuaded the Captain of Givasgar, a strong frontier Castle thereby, to deliver the same to the Turks, and that without the Privity of the Garrison Soldiers, for that he doubted that they would hardly be thereunto drawn; who yet getting knowledge thereof, put their Captain in remembrance of his Duty, beseeching him not to draw such an Infamy both upon himself and them, by committing so foul a Fact. But afterward finding him resolutely set down for the betraying of the Castle, they suddenly laid hands upon him, and struck off his Head; and so with the Blood of their traitorous Captain having averted the eminent danger, with great Honour held the Place.  
Moses now, as he thought, in safety at Temeswar, was yet still plotting how to trouble the State of Transilvania, and raise new Stirs therein; and to that end sent a number of Spies with Letters of Credence unto the principal men of that Country, 
Basta besiegeth the Turks in the Castle Solomose.  assuring them of great and sufficient Aid from the great Turk, if they would but take up Arms for their Liberty (as he termed it) and show themselves in Field against the Imperials. Neither was Basta in the mean time careless of him, or negligent in his so weighty Affairs; but knowing that he, as a notorious Rebel, had yielded his Castle unto the Turks, and was himself retired unto Temeswar, forthwith made choice of six thousand of the best Soldiers in his whole Army, and so set forward to besiege it; whom, at his Arrival, the Turks there in Garrison derided, in hope to frustrate his Designs. For why, they thought that their Castle, seated upon a steep high Hill, fortified with good and strong Walls, environed with a broad and deep Ditch, and not subject un●o Battery, could not, but with much labour, great danger, and long time, be gained out of their hands, it being impossible (as they supposed) for their Enemies to make a breach, or find an entrance thereinto. And indeed our men seeing the Strength of the Place, and the difficulty to force it, stood at the first as men dismayed at the foot of the Hill where the Castle stood; yet more discouraged with the impregnableness of the place, than with the Valour of the Defendants. But what cannot Industry and Valour do? In seeking about to find some means to make show of their Courage and Valour, they discovered a little sharp steep Hill over against the Castle, from the top whereof the Castle was to be battered, and the besieged distressed; but to bring the Cannon thither, and especily with Horses, was impossible, by reason of the steep roughness of the Ascent thereunto, with broken and hanging Rocks, overgrown with Trees and Bushes, as if it had been another Alps, not but with Fire and Vinegar to be opened: yet in fine, our men resolving to gain the Place, did themselves that which their Horses should have done but could not, and by force of hand drew their Cannon up to the top of the Hill; and having planted it over against the midst of their Enemies great Ordnance, began to batter the Castle: which done, they day and night made their Approaches, fortified their Forts and Trenches, brought on their warlike Munitions, and put all things in such order, as if they would even by plain force have carried the Place. But the Turks more admiring the valorous Resolution of our men, 
The Castle of Solomose by the Turks yielded up to Basta.  than resolving themselves upon their Resistance, being not many in number within the place, and seeing themselves to have to do with men of invincible Courage, laying aside both their Hope and Weapons, craved to come to a Parle. Which granted, it was at length agreed, That they should deliver up the Castle, leaving behind them their great Ordnance, their Munition and Ensigns, and so with their Arms and Lives only saved, to depart. A great and glorious Conquest got with small charge; only by Resolution gained by our men, without peril: those being indeed the true Victories, which neither draw Blood out of the Veins, nor Tears out of the Eyes.  
This strong Place so gained, 
Basta's Admonitions to them of Transilvania.  contrary to the common Opinion conceived thereof, led the whole Province as it were by the hand unto the Obeisance of the Emperor; in such sort, that Basta having called together all the principal men of Transilvania, declared unto them the Justice of his Cause, the Right of the Emperor, with the Malice and Treachery of the Turks and Rebels; how they might live in assurance with the one, and become miserable with the others; That the Emperor was always armed for their Defence and Health, desiring nothing but their Welfare and Preservation; whereas their Enemies to the contrary, sought altogether their Ruin and Decay; That as they were not to expect light flames of Fire out of the Sea, no more they were to look for Aid from those their mortal Enemies, whom they knew to have before decreed to have put them all to death, and to have given their Country unto the Tartars their Enemies; That this Disaster had not now been to fall upon them, either ever have been by them perceived, without the Aid of the Emperor; who opposing himself against this Fire, had quenched it and put it ou●; preserving them with his great charge, and saving them even in the midst of their greatest Perils and Dangers. That they should therefore remember these his so great Benefits, to the intent to make him recompense according to the public Faith, which bindeth us to the reward of good Deserts; and that all the recompense that the Emperor desired, was the welfare of the estate as concerning their own good; insomuch, that he desired nothing of them but their Obeisance, for being bound to defend them and preserve them to his Power; whereby it should come to pass, that he should be satisfied for his Travels, and they preserved from their Enemies; the Prince and the Subjects together jointly working their mutual Health and Welfare; each of them according unto their Proportion, for that this mutual performance of Duty preserved the Sceptre for the good government of their Estate. 
The Answer of the Transilvanians unto the Admonitions of Basta.  Whereunto their Answer was, That they besought him that their Country might be relieved from the crowd and cruelty of the men of War, and delivered from the intolerable Burdens of Tributes, which so heavily oppressed it; that these Objects and Inconveniences could not keep them constant in their Obedience, seeing that they both felt them, and received them from the hand of them, to whom they had yielded their Obedience, in hope to have been by them relieved; tha● the new feeling of the Wound did continually renew in them the hatred, and the Object of their Harms still kept both their Eyes and their Minds occupied upon them, who were the causes thereof; so that they could not well, either look upon them or make reckoning of them; That therefore it would please him to ease them of their Grievances, in recompense whereof they would pay him 15000. Hungarian ducats yearly for to pay his men of War, and would farther furnish them with all Provisions necessary; it being a thing more honourable and profitable also unto a Prince moderately to use his Subjects means to keep his State in perpetuity, than through Covetousness to devour them in one day, in their loss to undo himself for ever. This their Offer was by Basta accepted, and the minds of these People, by this Contentment given them, kept in their dutiful Allegiance and Loyalty unto the Emperor.  

New Enterprises by the Rebel Moses in Transilvania.  But whilst Basta thus traveled for the quieting of Transilvania, Moses the Rebel, in the mean time, was for his part no less busied for the disturbing thereof again; insomuch, that having by the appointment of the Visier Bassa received ten thousand Tartars in his Aid, and assisted with a great number of Turks, 
He with Ensigns displayed entereth into Transilvania.  he, with Ensigns displayed, entered into Transilvania, protesting there to die, or to be revenged of Basta, who had before chased him out thence. And the better to effect this troublesome Design, he now had made choice of a most fit time for the Performance thereof. Basta, upon the Trust he had of the public Faith which he came to take of the Transilvanians, for their Allegiance unto the Emperor, which assured him from all Stirs and Tumults in that Province, being with a small Power come from Claudiopolis in Hungary, and then lying at Wiscebourg, upon the Confines of Hungary: Which his Journey, and the necessity of his Presence in Hungary for the defence thereof, had caused the Transilvanians to believe, that he should for that Year stay in Hungary, as General of the Emperor's Army there. Upon which Persuasion of his Absence, many of them began again to hold up their heads, and to entertain high Conceits of new Stirs, whereunto Moses by his Spials had prepared them, and now by his Presence not a little encouraged; insomuch, that many, as well of the Nobility as others, joined themselves unto him, and his increased Army, against the Imperials.  
Moses with his Power being come into the Province, first forced a Castle, about three Leagues distant from Wiscebourg, and slew all the Garrison therein. Which Exploit encouraged him farther, full of hope in the absence of Basta; and seeing himself now the absolute Master of the Field, which he at his Pleasure, without resistance, foraged, robbed, and spoiled, with his men loaded with Booty, besieged Wiscebourg, 
Wiscebourg besieged by Moses.  a little Town upon the Confines of Hungary and Transilvania neither by Art not by Nature strong, but exposed as a Prey unto him that is in the Field strongest, if Succours be not at hand to relieve it. Howbeit, weak as it was, it held out three Weeks Siege, and having a breach made in the Walls, endured two Assaults against all the Forces of the Rebel. After which, the besieged, 
Wiscebourg yielded to Moses.  thinking themselves to have sufficiently discharged their Duty in holding out so long, and enduring of so much, and out of hope to be relieved by the weak Forces of Basta, came to parley with the Enemy, and their Lives and Goods saved, yielded unto him the Town, and so departed themselves to Varadin.  
Now albeit that there were no great Forces of the emperor's on foot in Transilvania, yet the hungry Haiducks for all that failed not to follow these Wars, even amidst the great Clouds of their Enemies, and were ever taking of some Prey or Booty from the Enemy, the chiefest and almost the only means whereby they live. In which doing, as they benefited themselves (the chief Motives of their Adventures) so they not a little eased the Country, by repressing the Excursions and Pillages of the Turks, whereof the Country had endured the fury. Where, amongst other Prisoners by them taken, it was their Fortune to light upon a Chiaus of the Turks come from Constantinople, 
Moses in great favour with Mahomet.  going toward the Rebel Moses from the great Sultan Mahomet: Who, by them examined, confessed, That Moses was a man in great Grace and Reputation with his Lord and Master the Grand Signior; and that he was sent to assure him thereof; as also of all the needful Assistance of his Prince, if he should faithfully and effectually serve him in Transilvania, and bring it under his Subjection and Power, as he had promised and sworn. In which doing, he should not only gain the credit of a noble and faithful Servant towards him, but should farther obtain thereby the honour to be the Lieutenant General of his Army in this Province; the great Sultan (as he said) having means as easy as words to advance his faithful Servitors, who might draw more good Fortunes in one hour out of this infinite source of Felicity and Greatness, than they could in a thousand years out of the poverty of the Princes of Europe. He said also, That the great Sultan had on foot an Army of a hundred and fifty thousand men strong, for the Conquest of Pesth and Strigonium, furnished with all things necessary, which had now already turned head toward Hungary, had it not been for the Rebellion of some of his disloyal Subjects, whom for all that he would in short time chastise, and so turn his whole Forces upon the Emperor.  
Moses, proud of his late Conquest, 
A General besieged loseth his Reputation.  and having found a great deal of great Ordnance in Wiscebourg, resolved to prosecute his Victory, and to besiege Basta in Somosinnar, whereinto he had thrust himself, with the rest of his small Forces: but Basta, better acquainted with martial Affairs than he, and knowing that a General, departed from his Charge, and brought to the mercy of a Wall for his chief Defence, hath lost his Credit and Reputation with his Friends, and they also in hope of Safety from him thought it best first to take order for the strengthening of the Place, so to put Moses out of hope of the winning thereof, and afterward, as he might to provide for the safety of himself and his. Wherefore he in good time advertised the Governor of Cassovia (who was nearest unto him) of Moises' Designs, 
Basta prayeth Aid of the Governor of Cassovia.  and of the necessity wherewith he was himself enclosed. Who forthwith conceiving the consequence of so great an Exploit, as concerned both the loss of the Place, and of so great a Commander as was Basta, a loss irreparable; presently commanded six Companies of Horsemen to thrust themselves into the Place, for the better defence thereof. These Horsemen, either afraid of the Rebel's Army, or else favouring his Proceedings, without respect of that they had in charge, or of their Honour (things dearer unto men of Worth than their Lives) without any Attempt at all given, returned again to Cassovia; having with their Pilfering and Outrages by the way much offended and provoked the Minds of the Country People by him spoiled. But being now better advised, and repenting themselves of their Faults, and craving Pardon of their Governor, who was about with the rest of his Power to have cut them in pieces, they offered him for satisfaction six of the principal Authors of their Disloyalty; who were all forthwith executed, and their Quarters (to the terror of others) hanged up upon Gibbets by the Highways side. But Basta, by their Treachery, lay in the mean time without succour, forsaken by his Friends, and the Place wherein he lay in danger to be taken: when the Transilvanians, dwelling near thereby, resolved to relieve him, as well for fear of the Turks Bondage, as for the Tyranny of Moses; one of whose Secretaries, with Letters of Credence than threatened all the Country with Fire and Sword, and all kind of Miseries, if the Inhabitants helped not with all their Power to force the Place and to win it. Which Threats by Moses, published before he had any absolute Power, dismayed every man; for why, they could not hope for any Moderation or Kindness in the Prosperity of him, who in the time of his Adversity gave such apparent Testimonies of his Cruelty. So that the People, doubting this angry man, resolved to prevent his so grievous Threats by relieving of Basta, who only was able to stop him. Amongst others, 
The Vayvod of Valachia sendeth Aid to the Relief of Basta.  Radul, Vayvod of Valachia, mindful of the Aid that Basta had given him against the Tartars, and willing now as a Friend to reach his hand in time of his so hard distress, immediately raised a Power of eight thousand Null, which he presently sent to the relief of Basta. Moses advertised of their coming, and farther understanding, that Basta having well fortified the place, was departed thence, having before his Departure assuredly promised his men there left to relieve them, and that he was now in the midst of the Field gathering together his Army, 
Moses raiseth his Siege.  changed both his Resolution and Purpose, of himself raised his Siege, and so departed. After which, mishaps began to fall upon him by heaps. The Turks forthwith forsook him, taking their way to Temeswar, whither they were by the Bassa called back to repress the Haiducks, 
The Bassa of Temeswar calleth home his Turks out of Transilvania, for the repressing of the Haiducks.  who were now every day even at the Gates of the City. These active and courageous men, for their profit attending upon all occasions, knowing that the better part of the Garrison of Temeswar was gone to aid Moses, upon the sudden had desperately assailed the Suburbs of that strong City, slain all that they found there, rifled them and burned them; and so, loaded with a great and rich Prey, both of cattle and other things, returned to Veradin, no man pursuing of them: and not so contented, were every day abroad seeking after new Booty; which was the Cause that the Bassa now called back the Turks from Moses home again into their Garrisons.  
Moses, notwithstanding this departure of the Garrison Turks of Temeswar, was yet Master of the Field, Basta with his small Forces not daring to oppose himself against him, yet by far too strong for him, the Succours from the Vayvod of Valachia being not yet come, which he daily expected, howbeit that many hot Skirmishes passed between the straggling Soldiers on both sides, as they by chance met together roaming abroad in the Country seeking after Booty. Moses therefore, seeing not any sufficient Enemy to appear in Field able to stay him, 
Claudinople besieged by Moses.  laid Siege to Claudinople, a great, but weak City, and not very well manned; for that it was thought a place fitter, by the Weakness thereof, to weaken and destroy such as should undertake the Defence thereof, than sufficient to be maintained by their Valour. Nevertheless, the Garrison Soldiers and the Inhabitants (more to make a show of their Fidelity and Allegiance toward the Emperor, than for any hope they had to maintain the Place) standing upon their Guard and Defence, Moses was constrained to plant his great Ordnance against it, and to batter it; which he did, and in a very short time, with the fury of the Cannon, had beaten down the Bulwarks and S●ankers thereof, and made a fair breach in the Wall, ready now to have given thereunto an Assault, and to have entered. Whereupon, the besieged, not ignorant of their own weakness, came to Parle▪ 
Claudinople yielded to Moses.  and agreed to give up the City, the Citizens having their Lives, Goods, Liberty, and Religion saved, to stay there still, and the Soldiers with their Arms and Baggage to be in safety brought over the Mountains into some place of Surety. The taking of this City much encouraged the Rebel, resolved there to make his Resistance, and the Seat of his Principality. Full ears of Corn draw Birds to pick upon them; and the good Fortunes of Generals, Soldiers to follow them: they forsake none but such as are before forsaken of their better Fortunes; to become Slaves unto Gain, and Enemies unto Honour. The Turks and Tartars, thirsting after these Commodities, and alured with the smell of Riches, repaired thither on every side, in such sort, that the Army of Moses increased in Number, his Mind with Hope, and his Fortune with Power. Armed with these Assurances, he sent for his Wife and Family, then at Temeswar, to come unto him to Claudinople▪ to be Partakers with him of his good hap. And for that purpose sent a Convoy of 400 Turks to conduct them on the way thither: who being come to Temeswar, 
Moses sendeth for his Wife and Family to Temeswar.  and about to have led the Wise and Family of Moses out of the City, were not suffered by the Janissaries that had the guarding of the Town, so to do; who told them, That the great Sultan had in former times found so many Disloyalties, Treacheries, and Treasons, in the Hungarians, Transilvanians, and Null, to the great hurt and hindrance of his Estate, that he could no more assure himself of them: and that doubting of the Fidelity of Moses, being a Transylvanian, 
The Janissaries of Temeswar refuse to deliver Moises' Wife and Family.  he was resolved to keep this gage for his more assurance; assuring him withal, That his Wife and Family being in his Power, should receive nothing from him but Favour and Grace, so long as he received from him the effects of his Loyalty; but, that he should never hope to enjoy them but in Temeswar, or some other suchlike place assured for his Service. Moses astonished at this Answer, was much moved against the great Sultan, complained in his Soul, that having ruinated his Faith, his Honour, and the Welfare of his Country, to assure him of his Fidelity towards him, he yet doubted of his Constancy, as if all these Crimes did not bind him to serve him with his Person for ever, were it even but for fear of Punishment from them whom he had so grievously offended.  
In the mean time, the Succours sent from the Vayvod of Valachia were upon the Borders of Transilvania, under the Conduct of Marsa the Vayvod's Lieutenant, and Basta was gathering together his Forces, to recover again his former State; expecting every hour the coming of two thousand Horsemen out of Silesia, with which united Power he was in good hope to discomfit the Rebel, and to recover his former Losses. All which, Moses by his Spials knew right well, and for the Remedy thereof resolved to march with thirty thousand men to meet with the Null, and to cut them off before they could come far into Transilvania, or join their Forces with Basta. For the furthering of which his Purpose, he had learned the Place whereby they were to enter, their Number, and the way they were to hold, the better to conduct his Army against them; and being in number more than three to one, already assured himself of the Victory. All which fell out according to his Desire: for, the Null coming on, being in number but eight thousand, fell as it were a Prey into his Mouth. For needs fight they must, or die therefore, although the Number were unequal; for that to fly was more dangerous to the Null (having the Turks and Tartarian Horsemen at their Backs) than manfully to fight it out. Necessity gave Courage unto the weaker side, and Fear caused them to perform more than they would have done, had they had liberty to have fled; 
The Null by Moses put to flight.  yet for all that, the greater number at length prevailed against the less: so that after a great and mortal Fight, wherein a great number of the Turks and Tartars were slain, the Null in the end were enforced to leave their dead Companions, their Honour, and their Tents, with all their Baggage, in the Field, and to betake themselves to flight; but not all in rout as fresh water Soldiers, but with often making stands, as men disdaining by true Valour, but only with Number oppressed, to be overcome. The Rebels, proud of their Victory, and now fearing no more harm, forthwith gave themselves to the rifling of the Enemy's Camp, divided the Spoil, and filling the Heavens with the noise of their Trumpets, publishing thereby the Trophies of their Victory. Which Disorder the Null perceiving, and thereof conceiving hope of some good to be done, turned head, and serred close together, courageously thrust themselves into the midst of these proud and triumphant Victors. Which unexpected thunderclap so dismayed them and troubled their Wits, that, surprised in disorder, with their hands full of Spoils instead of Weapons, they could neither recover their Courage, nor put themselves again in order. Such Confusion maketh men oftentimes to feel the blows of Death, before they are aware of the Army that giveth the same; 
Moses with his Army by the Null overthrown, and himself slain.  so, of these men so confounded, some stood as men amazed, othersome ran away to save themselves, and othersome stood upon their defence, but all were alike slain; so that in fine, this great Army was for the most part cut in pieces, and the rest put to flight. Moses himself was there among the rest slain, worthy for his Treason to have been reserved to a more shameful Death.  
Of this Victory, the Vayvod, by Letters, certified Basta, to whom he sent five and twenty of the Enemy's Ensigns for an honourable Present, with this joyful news of the Death and Overthrow of the Rebel; whose Body, as the Vayvod writ, was found dead among the midst of the dead, slain even at the first Charge, wherein his Guard was overthrown. And for that it was commonly believed, that he was not yet dead, neither present at that Battle, as some had given it out; to manifest the contrary unto the World, and by his Example to terrify others, his Head was upon a Lance set up at Carolstad for all men to behold; 
Moises' Head upon a Lance set up at Carolstad.  a Preferment well beseeming such an ambitious Head, as had made so great Troubles, and been the death of so many Christians.  

New Rebels in Transilvania discomfited.  This Rebel suppressed, another by and by start up, called Albert Nage, who, gathering together the Rebels of Transilvania, mingled with certain Turks, Tartars, Cossacks, and Moldavians, all together amounting to the number of six thousand, made head towards Lippa. Against whom, Basta with all speed sent forth three thousand Haiducks, well acquainted with the Country, which sometimes served them to better purpose than their Arms, for that the Rebels sought not so much to come to a set Battle, and to try the matter by true Valour, as by taking the Advantages of Places, to delay the time and gain Purchase, the chief end of their Rebellion. These Rebels the Haiducks surprised, near unto a Castle called Far, where they meant to have lodged, and charged them. Who so upon the sudden overtaken, and ignorant of their Enemy's Power, supposing them to have been more in number than indeed they were, made small Resistance, but as a many of Rascals, gathered by Villainy, and without trusting of one another, by flight provided every man for himself as he might. In which Flight, the greatest number of them were slain, and their Chieftain with much ado saved, to be at another time for his evil Deserts justly executed.  
Basta, by these good haps, and the aid of the Vayvod of Valachia, being again become Master of the Field, 
An honourable Present by the L. Basta sent unto the Emperor.  in very short time after had again reduced all Transilvania under the Emperor's Obeisance; unto whom, he, together with the Vayvod, for an honourable Present and a Testimony of their good Service, sent to Vienna, and from thence to Prague, an hundred Ensigns gained from the Rebels. All which, with some other rich Spoils, the Master of the Ceremonies in great pomp and triumph led, together with Moses the late Rebels Horse, exceeding richly furnished with Furniture of pure Gold; and was for his Pains by the Emperor rewarded with a Chain of Gold, sent unto him by the County Fustenberg.  
The Troubles of Transilvania thus once again quieted, Basta, resolving again to besiege Temeswar, with his Power marched towards Lippa, there to meet with the Forces of the Vayvod of Valachia, the better to undertake and perform the intended Exploit. His Army consisted of twenty thousand men strong, carrying with them five and twenty Pieces of great Ordnance, furnished with all things necessary. And of the Enterprise itself every man had good hope, as well for the sufficiency of him, the General that had undertaken it, as for the want of Relief, that was not any way like to be brought unto the besieged. But while he so lay at the Siege thereof, his Soldiers, too greedily and excessively feeding upon Fruit, (whereof there was that Year great store) fell so into the bloody Flux, and thereof in such number died, (although he had given most straight Command, That none should be eaten, or upon great Penalties be brought into the Camp) that he was glad to rise with his Army and be gone.  
Whilst this was in doing, the County Solmes, lying in Garrison at Carolstad, 
County Solmes surprising Wiscenbourg, is himself taken Prisoner.  took upon him to surprise Wiscenbourg, and setting forth but with four hundred Soldiers of his Garrison, with wonderful Diligence surprised the Place, and without any great Resistance became Masters thereof. But the Citizens, over-grieved with the insolent Outrages of these men of War, opened the Gates of their Town unto the Rebels of Transilvania, even then fled from the late Overthrow; who, full of Revenge, took the Place, and being too strong for the County and his Soldiers, made such slaughter of them in the Streets (they of the Town out of their Windows, and from the tops of their Houses, helping them) that of all those which the County brought with him, there were but sixty left alive; who, all taken, were, together with the County, thrust into a strong and loathsome Prison.  
Now the bruit of the coming of the Turks great Army into Hungary, had awaked the Christian Forces to assemble themselves together, and to do their endeavour to withstand the same; so that a number of Companies were raised in Germany, who came into Hungary marching towards Strigonium, where the Army was to be assembled. The good success of things past, the Opinion men had of the Turks Troubles with his Rebels, and the great Promises of the Emperor, drew many into these Lists of Honour; in such sort, that there were come together an Army of five and twenty thousand Foot, and ten thousand Horse, 
A great Army of the Christians.  all good and brave Companies, well appointed and well conducted. Of this brave and gallant Army the Lord Russworm was for this Year appointed General; who therewith marched within the sight of Strigonium, to assure the Inhabitants of Relief, if the Enemy should chance to besiege them, as the News then went▪ About three Weeks this Army lay thereby encamped, attending the coming of the rest of the Forces, which were to strengthen and make up the same, during which time the General disposed of all things necessary for the keeping of Strigonium, and put into the Fort of Saint Andrew, near unto it, three thousand Lansquenets, for relief of the City; which done, he removed with his Army toward Pesth, and encamped within a League thereof toward the West, resolved so to cross the Designs of the Enemy, if he should attempt to besiege this Place; (as it was doubted he would) and in hope that the Preservation thereof might in time be a cause for the winning of Buda, and a means to impeach the Enemy's Forces.  

The Turks Army of 100000 men in Field.  The Turks Army, within a few days after, upon a contrary Design, conducted for the winning of Pesth, (and resolved to raise the Christians Camp) in number an hundred thousand men, came, and face to face encamped within the sight of the Christian Army on the other side of the River Danubius. 
The shameful ●light of certain of the Garrison Soldiers of Pesth unto the Turks at Buda.  In the mean time, whilst they so lay, certain cowardly Soldiers of Pesth, more in love with their Bellies than with their Honour, by stealth fled out of their Garrison in Pesth, to the Turks over against them in Buda, shamefully craving of them Victuals; whom, the Turks themselves, being almost in as great want, yet bounteously relieved. Besides that, the Bassa of Buda, to corrupt the rest of their Fellows, caused these renegade Fugitives to be entertained with double pay; who therefore gave the Bassa a thousand thanks, extolling his Bounty unto the Heavens, and from the Walls invited their Companions to do as they had done, and so to become Partakers of such Bounty and Pleasure as they were. Howbeit, these Fugitives nothing profited the Bassa, either by their Persuasion or Example; for albeit that they from the Mouth of the Bassa promised unto their Companions plenty of Victuals, good Entertainment, and four Months pay more, yet was there not any of them which harkened or gave Ear unto their Allurements; but rather, the more to assure their Commanders of their Fidelity, of themselves offered to be sworn again unto their Allegiance unto the Emperor, and to die in the place rather than to forsake it. Yet was the want of Victuals then in Pesth great, and the Garrison therewith extremely pinched, fed almost as much with hope, as with that little which was left them. Neither was it long after, 
Pesth victualled.  but that according to their desires, the fifteenth of May, a great Ship arrived there, laden with Wine and Victuals sufficient for the relief of their present Necessities. Of the coming of which Ship, the Turk having heard, attended the Passage thereof in the Isle, to have intercepted it. Of which their purpose the Garrison Soldiers of Pesth having knowledge, and armed with Necessity, sallied out upon them, and killing a number of them, enforced the rest to quit the Place. This Ship was but the forerunner of greater Succours; for shortly after followed a number of other Ships, which arriving at Pesth, laden with Victuals and other Necessaries, filled the Place with as great plenty, as there had been want before. Which supply was conducted unto Pesth by 500 Harquebusiers of Strigonium, the Turks from Buda looking on, but not daring, or not able to stay the same.  

The Suburbs of Alba-Regalis by the Christians sacked and burnt.  It fortuned at the self same time, that a Captain of the Turks, fled from Alba-Regalis to Rab, showed unto the Christians there the way and the means how they might come to the Suburbs of Alba-Regalis, and take the spoil of the same; yea, and happily, as things might fall out, find occasion to surprise the Town itself also; offering himself to be the Guide in the same Action. And albeit that this Turk was an Enemy to be feared and distrusted, yet the Christian Soldiers, as men desirous both of Honour and Prey, and induced also with the Probability of the attempt, gave credit unto him▪ and embraced the same. Neither failed he of his Promise, neither the Christians of their Devoir in performance of the Exploit. For the two Garrisons of Rab and Strigonium assembled together, by the leading of this Turk surprised the Suburbs of Alba-Regalis, slew all them that made resistance, rifled them on all hands, set them on fire, and so laden with Riches and Spoil, returned home again in safety.  
At the same time also, 
Another Convoy of Victuals by Land put into Pesth.  the Christians on the other side Danubius gathered an head together to conduct another Convoy of Victuals into Pesth, with a Resolution to march with the same through the plain field at noon time of the day, even in the Eye of the Enemy, so to brave him. And to this purpose, the Lord Nadasti was there present with a good number of Hungarians, Colonel Mesbourg with a Regiment of Almains, and the County Thurn with a number of Hussars, all good Soldiers and Men of Courage, desirous to have made proof thereof upon their Enemies. This Convoy, with the Trumpets gallantly sounding, bravely ma●ched over the Plain at mid Day, the Turks from the Walls of Buda beholding the same, but not daring to adventure upon it. And so Pesth, for want of Victuals before distressed, was now both by Water and by Land plentifully relieved.  
The Christians, 
The Castle of Adom upon a vain fear forsaken by the Haiducks, who had the keeping thereof.  the last year having left the siege of Buda for the Reasons before written, in their return took the Castle of Adom, ●eated upon the Bank of Danubius, about two Leagues from Buda, and for the keeping thereof, left therein a Garrison of Haiducks. This Castle was commodious for the annoying of the Turks in Buda, and for the relief of the Christians in Pesth, for that it impeacheth the bringing of Victuals unto the one, and favoured the victualling of the other. The good and faithful defence of which Place, these Haiducks undertook to the uttermost of their Power, upon their Honour and Credit, as they would be accounted valiant and courageous men; but yet refused to be bound by Oath to render an account of the Place, whatsoever might befall; a thing (as they truly said) above their Forces, and more than was in their Power to perform. These men now, upon the brute of the coming of the Turks great Army, afraid of their Shadows, having before trussed up their Baggage, set fire on the Castle, and so departed, retiring themselves to Strigonium; where, examined by the Governor Althem of the cause of their flight, and what Enemies had chased them thence, and being not able to make therefore any excuse, neither to yield thereof any reason more than their imaginary fear, were by his commandment imprisoned, there to remain until order were taken by the General of the Army for their further Punishment.  
Sultan Mahomet now wallowing amidst his sensual Delights in Constantinople, 
Sultan Mahomet among his greatest Pleasures perplexed.  yet found not therein so full Contentment, but that his Pleasures had also their Griefs fully mixed with them. In Constantinople, the strong Seat of his mighty Empire, he was in the midst of the Insolences and Mutinies of his proud Bassas and tumultuous Janissaries; and abroad he was in Wars both against his rebellious Subjects in Asia, and the Christians in Europe. Unto all which Troubles he saw not how to give Remedy at once, and therefore resolved (if it were possible) first to appease the Troubles abroad with his rebellious Subjects in Asia, as more desirous to be at peace with his own Subjects than with Strangers; howbeit, that the punishing of Rebellion is more necessary in a Prince for the maintenance of his State, than is War against a Stranger for the conquering of a new Country or Kingdom; the one preventing the danger hanging over his Head, the other serving but his vain and ambitious desire; so he, preferring Peace with the Rebels his Subjects, before Peace with the Christians his Enemies, resolved (as I said) to pacify the first, the more easily to ruinate the other. 
Mahomet in vain seeketh to makePeace with the Rebels in Asia.  But whether he upon good Faith, or upon Policy, entered into this Resolution, and whether indeed he meant plainly with these Rebels, or but only to deceive them, is hard to say. Howbeit, as the sequel of the matter showed, Falsehood and Treachery was the ground of all this Business both on the one side and the other. For these ●en, respecting only the safety and assurance of their Estate, held all other Actions to them indifferent, whether they were good or bad, so that they served to that effect; and nourished with the same Milk of Infidelity that their Prince was, trained up in the same School, and fostered with the same Air, feared in him against them, that which they felt in themselves against him. An hard matter it is to assure minds fraught with like Craft, Subtilty, and Deceit, and possessed with like distrust one of another. Howbeit, Mahomet spared no kind of cunning to deceive these crafty and subtle men; offering unto them, together with his gracious Pardon, great Preferments, Dignities, and Honours, so that they would but yield to him their due Obedience, lay down their Arms, and no more take up the same but in his Service. But these wily Foxes knew right well, that the Promises of faithless Princes cost them nothing but Words, the honour and credit whereof they regarded not, so that thereby they might attain unto the effect of their desires, which they esteemed above all other things; so that for them to trust unto a thing of so small Value, with him that was so prodigal thereof, and for the same so easily to yield up their Lives and Fortunes, which they esteemed as their only Treasure, they thought right worthily to deserve all shame and mishap that might betid them. So that they not only refused to lay down Arms, and to yield their Obedience unto him, as he desired, but even to have Peace with him upon any Conditions whatsoever, seeing them dangerous unto themselves, and good only for him their Enemy.  

Mahomet, seeing his Offers rejected by the Rebels of Asia, covertly seeketh for Peace with the Christians.  Mahomet, finding the Rebels so resolutely set down, as not by any means but by force to be appeased, thought it now best to turn his purpose unto the Christians, and to offer them that which the other had refused, in hope that Peace made with the one, should be the Ruin and Destruction of the other. Upon which Point he being in himself resolved, sought now but some honest means, not unbeseeming his Greatness, to join unto this his Project, to give him a way thereunto. For the easing him of which care, the French Ambassador, than Lieger at Constantinople, was very fitly then entreating with the Visier Bassas for the Deliverance of the County Ysolan, taken at Alba-Regalis the last Year, and against all Law of Arms detained Prisoner at Constantinople. This noble Gentleman Mahomet thought fit, as well for the Sufficiency of himself, as with Instructions, to deal with the Emperor concerning an entreaty of Peace to be had. Whereupon, he commanded him to be set at liberty, with Charge, That he should both discreetly and faithfully deal with the Emperor concerning this matter of Peace; which, if he should by his Industry effect, to the good liking and contentment of Mahomet the great Sultan, that then he should become and remain free, otherwise to return again into his former Captivity and Bondage; for whom the French Ambassador gave his Word, and became Pledge. Upon which barbarous Conditions the Earl was forthwith delivered, who by the Law of Arms should not at all have been detained. Besides this Plot laid for the Negotiation of this Peace, Achmet Bassa to this purpose writ to Collonitz, than Commander of the Emperor's Army in Hungary. But see the Copy of the Letters themselves.  
TO thee our Friend Collonitz, 
The Letters of Achmet Bassa to Collonitz, concerning a Treaty of Peace to be had.  Health and Greeting. I suppose that you yet remember the Propositions concerning Peace, which our Sovereign and most mighty Monarch not long ago caused to be opened and propounded unto you by certain of his Bassas near unto Strigonium, which as then remained not resolved. But if now it shall seem unto you good, that we should assemble ourselves together into some place of Assurance both to the one side and to the other, we may again confer about that Business, as h●ving on my part full Power and Commandment from my Prince so to do; yet with Charge, That before all other things, Strigonium should be again delivered unto us, Which being done, we may easily afterward determine the other Difficulties, and conclude a good and wholesome Peace. God which reigneth alone in the Heavens above, is witness of our faithful and just desire, to assure a quiet and firm Peace betwixt us, and that to avert these floods of War from the poor people, and to give them some Repose and Rest after so great Troubles. This is our Intent and Purpose, which God knoweth to be void of all Fraud and Guile; which we now declare unto you, in hope to understand yours also. But if you be not resolved to render to us Strigonium before we begin to entreat of any other Matter, it is not needful for you to trouble yourself to give any Answer to these our Letters. But if you shall resolve to the contrary, to deliver the same, with as much speed as you ca● let us in few Words understand your Resolution, the Time and the Place fit for our Assembly and Meeting, to the intent fully to determine of these Affairs. You know also, that you have been of long time accustomed to pay Tribute unto our Prince; which, if you shall continue to pay for the time to come, and discharge the Arrearages for the time past, it shall be commodious for us, and honourable for you, seeing that it is an Honour unto you to be Tributaries unto the Grand Signior, it having always in times past been for your Good and Profit. Besides that, Peace shall likewise be entreated of with the Great Cham of Tartary, who, as commanded by our most mighty and gracious Emperor, upon just and reasonable Conditions to entertain the same, and never more, but in peaceable manner, to come into Hungary. Now if that you shall neglect or reject this Treaty for Peace, it is certain that you shall be the Author of the Misery and Ruin of the whole Country, it being impossible that the Towns and Villages consumed with Fire should ever recover their former Beauty or Felicity. God which reigneth in Heaven is there witness unto me, and my dread Emperor upon Earth, that I speak frankly with you, and without Dissimulation concerning this matter. Now on your part, let us understand if you have a desire to attend unto this Treaty of Peace, according to the purport of our Letters: for if you shall resolve to the contrary, we protest unto you to write no more concerning these Affairs.  
Collonitz having received these Letters, 
The Emperor advertised of the Turks motion for Peace, giveth order to Collonitz for the entertaining thereof.  sent them forthwith unto the Emperor, requesting his Majesty to consider what Answer he would have given unto them. Whom the Emperor, desirous of a good Peace, commanded to embrace the occasion, and by Proof to learn whether the Turks desire were indeed conformable to their Words or not. Whereupon, Collonitz taking unto him certain of the best Commanders in the Army, undertook the Business, and entered into the Treaty of Peace with the Turks; wherein he found the unreasonableness of their Demands to tend so much unto the hurt and dishonour of the Emperor, as that they even at the first Entrance shut up the way to all farther or reasonable Conference; it being altogether impossible to bring to any Conformity Minds set down upon Resolutions so far different. For the Turks (as if the Emperor would have been glad of Peace upon any Condition) after their proud manner, 
The Turks unreasonable demands break off all the Treaty of Peace.  unreasonably demanded to have Transilvania, Strigonium, and Pesth restored unto them; for which they offered to deliver unto the Emperor, Agria and Canisia, Pebble for Pearls. So that upon Propositions so far different, being able to conclude nothing, they departed on both sides as they came, to try by Arms that which by Talk and Conference they could not agree upon. But as all the Turks Treaties of Peace with the Christians are indeed but false shows to abuse the Facility of the Christians by, even so now also it was known, that they in the mean time, whilst this Treaty of Peace was in hand, gathered together great store both of Men and Munition at Belgrade, wherewith to arm a great Convoy of Victuals, which they had thought during this Interparley for Peace to have put into Buda. But Collonitz understanding thereof, ceased further to entreat of Peace, which with the false show thereof did but hurt and deceive the Christians, and betook himself again to his Arms (his and their safest ●nd sureest refuge) resolving with the other Captains and Commanders of the Army to do what they might for the crossing and hindering of the Turks in their purpose for the putting of Victuals into Buda; whereof there was now such want, that the Turks in Garrison there having already eaten all their Horses, and for Victuals rifled the Governors' House, were resolved to abandon the City, if they should not be within some few days reliev●●.  
Now upon this Resolution for the keeping of the Turks from the victualling of Buda▪ the Christians, for the more assurance of their purpose, prepared therefore both by Water and by Land, embarking their Footmen upon the River, under the Conduct of Colonel Altmeine and Sultze, the one Governor of Strigonium, and the other of Pesth; whilst that Collonitz with the Horsemen, scouring along the Banks of the River of Danubius, took the charge by Land. And so it fortuned, that upon the two and twentieth day of August, he with his Horsemen, near unto the Village of Mohatsch, (famous for the death of King Lewis) fell upon the head of the Turks Army, led by the Bassa Murat, consisting of six thousand Turks, two thousand of them being Janissaries; who altogether lay encamped upon an even plain, very commodious for our Horsemen, who let slip neither the Time nor the Opportunity of so great an advantage offered them, but forthwith charged them; where, 
A notable Enterprise of Collonitz upon the Avaunt-guard of the Turks Army.  after a number of notable Charges both given and received, which still abated both the Number and Courage of the Turks, they at last retired toward the Body of their Army, and that in such haste, as that their retreat little differed from a speedy flight. After whom Collonitz followed, with like heat as he had charged them; but evil followed by his Friends, who evil performed their charge, seeking after the Spoil instead of pursuing of their Enemies; the Turks perceiving the small number that pursued them, turned upon them, and so began again not only to make strong resistance, but even right hardly to charge them. Who so by them pressed with no less Courage than Power, were now glad themselves to retire instead of pursuing of the Victory; but yet so, as that the retreat was made without any great loss therein received. Howbeit, the Turks not a little encouraged with this change of Fortune, and perceiving themselves too strong for their Enemies that charged them, came on so fast and so courageously, 
Collonitz in good time relieved by the Haiducks.  as that in fine the● had defeated the Christians, had not the Haiducks out of their Boats from the River in good time come resolutely to their relief. Which Cloud the Turks perceiving, ready to pour forth a great Tempest upon their Heads, and not daring to abide the same, again retired, leaving the Christians Victors both in the first and last charge; who, not content with the retreat of the Turks, furiously charged them, and pursued them even unto their great Camp, and so returned, carrying back with them both the Glory of the Field, and the Spoil of their Enemies.  
In this Conflict, the red Cornet of Murat Bassa, 
The Turks Affairs and Designs made known unto the Christians by Saxar Beg, by them taken Prisoner.  the Cognisance of his great Command, was taken, with two Field-pieces seven hundred Turks were left dead upon the Place, and sixscore more taken Prisoners; amongst whom was Saxar Beg; who being a man of understanding, and by the Christians examined, confessed, That Hassan Bassa, the day before this Conflict, came into the Camp, and there honourably dined with the great Cham; with whom, after their great cheer, he entering into Discourse of many great Matters, and among the rest, concerning his return into his Country; was much against the same, until such time as they had new victualled Buda, whereunto he was (as he said) both in Honour and in Duty bound to give his assistance, the loss of this good place being of so great importance unto the great Sultan. That otherwise his Aid had been to him rather hurtful than profitable, his People having devoured so much Victuals and performed nothing, if he should now at this time fail to do his Prince Service, who could never think either Valour or Fidelity to be in him, if he should fail in such Actions as wherein his Valour and Fidelity should appear; all things having no other Credit and Reputation, but according unto their Effects. And that therefore he should resolve to see the end of this Exploit, which required every man's helping hand for the Performance thereof, considering the Forces of the Enemy in readiness to hinder the same. Moreover, he assured them, that the Bassa's purpose was to new fortify Haswar, Pax, and Kaletsch, frontier Castles, and necessary for this Action, and so to go to the siege of Pesth; and that done, to besiege Strigonium; which for all that he doubted to win this year, as well by reason of the approach of Winter, as for that a great part of his Forces were far off, and not easily in a little time to be assembled together. That the Tartars were yet a great way from the Camp, where the Bassas of Asia and Caramania were within a few days expected; the one of them leading with him the reconciled Rebels of Asia, and the other six thousand Janissaries. Which his Confession, although it were not altogether true, yet it carried show of some Probability, as time by proof afterward declared.  
Some of our men were in this charge slain also, 
The Negligence of certain Christian Soldiers, forgetful of divers Duties.  but few in comparison of the Turks, who there lost some of their best men. It was noted, that in this Conflict the Soldiers of Colonel Sultze, had ill behaved themselves, refusing to pursue the Enemy being in flight, whether it were for that they feared some ambush laid for them, or for that they disdained to follow the General Collonitz; the reasons perhaps for which their Colonel stayed them from the pursuit of the Enemy, but to evil purpose; for, being out of order at such a time as the Turks turning back, renewed the fight, they had been all slain and cut in pieces, had not the Haiducks in good time (as we said) come on to their rescue. As for Collonitz, 
The great and brave Endeavour of Collonitz to have obtained the Victory over the Turks.  he most bravely bare himself in this Conflict, so much as in him was, urging his good Fortune, for the obtaining of a full Victory; sometime performing the part of a good Captain, and sometime of a valiant Soldier; sometime forcing the charge, and again staying his men in their retreat; insomuch, that oftentimes lost amongst his Enemies, and again returning by the Grace of God, he escaped Death, as it were by Miracle, and from being taken Prisoner, by chance. Into neither of which dangers he could have fallen without the danger of the whole Army; which, next unto God, was for the Safety thereof beholding unto the Valour of him their so brave a Leader. But God in his Wisdom createth not such worthy men, but by his Providence also to preserve them; wonder it were otherwise, that ever such worthy men should return from amongst the midst of so many desperate Dangers, Death as it were envying at their Lives, and their Enemies for their Glory choosing them out to triumph of their Spoils and Overthrow. 
A great and rich Booty lost through the negligence of the Christians.  And without doubt, had the rest of the Christians after his Example prosecuted their good Fortune, and done what good Soldiers should of Duty have done, their Enemies had been quite overthrown, and they themselves had been both victorious and rich; where now for lack of good Resolution, the Victory was almost equal. For beside the Spoils by them gotten, they might have carried away with them a whole Years Pay, due to the Garrison of Buda, which the Turks (put into a fear, and careful only of their Lives) had left in their Camp; which they afterward again recovered, upon the recovery of their Force and Courage. This Money, with much more, was all appointed as a Prey unto the good Fortune of our Men, had their Valour had the Courage to have gone to fetch it; but failing of their endeavour in so glorious an Action, Fortune failed them also of her Bounty.  
Now at length the Army o● the Christians was met together, about the fourth of September, wherein the Lord Russworm commanded as General; who, desirous to understand of the Turks Affairs and Designs, sent forth two of his most trusty and expert Soldiers to perform that piece of Service; who in Turk's Apparel being got into the Turks Army, were there eight days undiscovered or suspected of any. Where, after that, they roaming up and down, 
The Lord Russworm, General of the Christian Army▪ by his Spials certainly informed of the estate of the Turks Army.  had taken a full view of the Turks Army, and in what they might discovered their Designs, they returning back, declared unto the General what they had both there heard and seen; as, That the Turks Army was very great, but yet not such as that which the last Year had besieged Pesth; That the Turks lay encamped at large, and not close together, which caused their Army to seem the greater, taking up for the lodgement thereof half a League, being well provided of Cannon and other Field-pieces; That Hassan Bassa commanded therein as General, having brought with him twelve thousand Janissaries, beside his Horsemen, and the reconciled Rebels of Asia, which were daily looked for, the Leader of whom was not known; some thinking it to be him who had always commanded them, being a most valiant Man, and expert Commander; but some other deeming him to be but one of his Captains that had forsaken him, (as indeed he was) a right valiant man also, but not of so great Experience as he: That the great Tartar Han, come to aid the Turks in their Wars in Hungary, was (to the great discontentment of Hassan Bassa the Turks General) now already returned towards his own Country (with such Booty and Prisoners as he had got from the poor Christians) to appease a Rebellion there raised by a young Tartar Prince, his Nephew, who, by his Uncle the great Han, given in Hostage unto Sultan Mahomet, and kept at Constantinople as in Prison, having found means to make an Escape, and to return into Tartary, was about to trouble his Uncle's Affairs, in hope now in his Absence to mount unto the Throne of his Estate: and that the Tartar, being come to the Bank of Danubius, and by the Turks denied Boats to pass over the River in, and with many railing and opprobrious Speeches, by them charged for his departure as a Coward, had found means to make a floating Bridge of great Faggots, whereby he passed his Footmen over the River, his Horsemen swimming over the same; and so was by great Journeys returning home, boasting by the way as he went, that he had rejected and trodden under foot all the Prayers and Requests of Hassan Bassa, entreating him yet to stay a while in Hungary for the Service of the great Sultan his Master. Besides that, That they had seen six great Vessels upon the River of Danubius, with ten lesser Vessels following of them, manned with three thousand Soldiers well armed, and men of good sort, three hundred of them being Janissaries, appointed to safe Conduct the Munition to be brought up the River, and to serve for a Convoy unto the other Vessels that were to follow them with Victuals, if happily the Christians should attempt to do any thing against them. And in fine, That the Turks Army could not this Year possibly be great, by reason of many great. Le's wherewith the great Sultan was this Year troubled; which much abated both the Courage and Hope of his Captains, who, hanging their Heads, came unwillingly to these Wars, accounting themselves happy if they might in this Expedition but take Pesth, that they might not return so much dishonoured, as they came daunted and discouraged. With which News the Christians were so much encouraged to encounter with the Turks, as if they had been assured to fight with men already discouraged and out of Heart.  
In the mean time, the Hussars of Strigonium, 
The Turks overthrown by the Garrison of Strigonium.  always ready for Fight, by good fortune going forth, met with four hundred Turks seeking for Forage; who encountering together, at the first made a most brave and gallant Fight, every one of them wishing, That their private Success might be the beginning of their general Victory. But the Hussars, being both more skilful in that manner of skirmishing and sudden Encounter, and also of greater Courage, at length broke the Turks Ranks, of whom, six score lay dead upon the ground, most of the rest were taken Prisoners, with an hundred and thirty good and serviceable Horses, wherewith both the glory and the profit of their Victory was increased. Colonel Sultze also, 
The Turks defeated by Colonel Sultze.  with three hundred men, marching out from the Camp, chanced to discover an hundred of those brave Horsemen which but newly came out of Asia with Zellaly the Rebel; who having never seen the Army of the Christians, nor yet felt of their Forces, were, with three hundred Janissaries, upon a Bravery, come over the River of Danubius, to take a view of the Christian Camp; for the drawing on of whom, the politic Colonel had sent forth fifty of his Horsemen a great way from the rest of his Troop, as it were to discover the Country thereabout. These Forerunners failed not to meet with the Turks, as if it had been by chance, and were by them forthwith charged, as thinking to have had a great hand over that so small a number; when upon the sudden, Sultze, with the rest of his Company coming on, and hotly charging them, encouraged his own men, and discouraged the Turks; who, surprised with fear, thinking the Christians to be more in number than indeed they were, having left some fifty of their men dead upon the place, as men dismayed and void of Understanding, fled. In which Flight, such as were not by the Christians slain, were in the River of Danubius drowned, whereinto, they for fear all headlong plunged themselves.  
All these little Conflicts served but as Sparks to kindle the great Fire by the Bassa intended; his first Purpose being to put a Convoy of Victuals into Buda, which the Christians thought by all means to hinder; which so contrary Intentions were not but by Force and Policy to be decided. 
The General of the Christian Army providently fortifieth upon the River of Danubius.  The Christian General, wisely doubting lest the Bassa should come and lodge his Army betwixt Vicegrade and Buda, and so victual the City at his Pleasure, raised a strong Fort of an old Church betwixt the said two Places, and therein lodged a Regiment of Lansquenets. Beside which Fort, called the Fort of Saint Andrew, he built another at the head thereof in the Isle of Vicegrade, in such order and proportion, that these two Forts might one of them defend the other, and annoy them that should attempt to force either of them. Together with this commodiousness, the Fort in the Isle kept the Passage upon Danubius' free and open for the bringing of Victuals and other Necessaries to the Camp of the Christians; and was but a League and an half from Buda; into which Fort was put a Regiment of four thousand Italians, being all very well armed. Which done, he made a Bridge of Boats upon the River, which began in the Camp, and ended at the Isle, for the relieving of the Fort; and so from thence passed quite over the River to Vacia, a little Town, which it was needful for the Christians to keep.  

The Turks assailing one of the Forts of the Christians, with loss repulsed.  These Forts finished, according to the Necessity of the time, it was not long after, but that the Bassa sent ten thousand Turks both Horse and Foot to take the first of them, which they supposed to have been but weakly fortified. Who coming thither, were with such Courage received by the Lansquenets with their Harquebuses, as that the whole Fort seemed to have been on fire. Wherewith the Turks dismayed, as men in their Expectation deceived, and in approaching of the same having some of their Men slain, and more hurt, they sounded a retreat, and having done nothing, but lost a number of their men, returned to their Camp from whence they came. 
The Turks made a Bridge over the River of Danubius.  In which Enterprise they failing, they resolved upon another, and began to make a Bridge over Danubius, in hope thereby to pass over, and to annoy the Christians on the other side of the River. Whereof the General of the Christians understanding, suffered them without any Interruption to spend the time in performing of the same. But certainly informed by his Spials, 
A great Ambush laid for the intercepting of the Turks.  both of the Day and Hour wherein they were about to pass over, he laid an Ambush of four thousand Lansquenets and two thousand Reisters' for them, in such Place as from whence they might without danger do great harm unto the Enemy, and assure the body of the Christian Army. The River of Danubius had growing upon the Banks thereof, and especially in the desolate and unfrequented places, great store of Flags and Reeds, which were now thick, and high enough to cover these Footmen in, having with them four Culverins ready charged. Behind this ambush lay Colonel Collonitz, with his Regiment, and in the head of it the Prince joinville, with a certain number of French Gentlemen, who, upon a brave Courage, and a desire they had to see Service, had followed him into those Wars. There was also the Lord of Bassomperre, another French Lord, with his own private Followers, in Number few, but in Valour great. Upon the flanks lay four Troops of Carabins, Frenchmen, Loranoises, and Walloons, most expert and resolute Soldiers.  
The Turks having made their Bridge, began now to pass over the same, being charged by some few straglinq and loose forerunners of the Christians, sent before for that purpose; whom the Turks not much regarding, still pressed on, in hope to overtake them, and to cut them in pieces, not aware of the ambush laid for them, nor of their Enemy's Counter-designs. The Footmen in the mean time lying still close in the Reeds in Ambush, beholding how and in what order they passed, and expecting but the time when they were to begin their charge. But having perceived ten thousand of the Turks to be now come over, and making head toward them, the Walloons, upon the Bank of the River (as was before appointed) first discharged their Pieces upon them, and slew some few of them. Nevertheless, the Turks still passing on by them, slew of them also about four and twenty, and so keeping their way, marched directly toward the Christians. But this their forwardness was quickly stayed, and their Courage abated; for in passing by they were upon the sudden assailed by the Lansquenets and Reisters', now risen out of Ambush, and by them hardly laid unto on every side; as also by the Horsemen, who now come in, had put them into some disorder before they were well aware of them. The Walloons also, 
The Turks falling into the Ambush laid for them by the Christians, receive a notable overthrow.  at the first by the Turks scattered, but now again rallied, and desirous to revenge the Death of their Friends and Fellows, now played their parts, and on another side right furiously charged their Enemies. During all which fight the Culverins ceased not to open the flanks of the Turks Battle, with the loss of a number of their men by the fury of them rend in pieces. Neither did Collonitz foreslow so fair an Opportunity, but affront charging this dismayed Company, by plain force caused them to give Ground; the Carabins in the mean time charging them upon their flanks, and the Walloons behind. Who thus on every side beset and hardly laid unto, as men discouraged, and out of hope to be relieved, turned their Backs and fled amain, to have recovered the Bridge whereby they came over. In which fight and flight two thousand of them being slain, and the rest not able to recover the Bridge, driven headlong into the River, were therein drowned and slain, to the number of five thousand of them, those which remained alive, being all taken Prisoners. Amongst the rest, one of the Bassas, a man of great account amongst the Turks, was slain, with many other Captains and Commanders of great note, and fifteen hundred Janissaries. There were also four Field-pieces taken, with thirty Ensigns and two Cornets, beside a very rich Prey of brave and courageous Horses, with much fair Armour, rich Apparel, and good Scimitars, Weapons of no small account and price among the Turks. This overthrow much abated the Courage and Hope of the rest of the Turks for coming to the effect of their Designs; and increased the Courage and Hope of the Christians, reasonably well hereby assured of the good Success of their Affairs for this year in Hungary.  
About this time, Sultan Mahomet, 
Sultan Mahomet much troubled in his Affairs.  having put a Fleet of Galleys to Sea, to have gone against the King of Fez, was certainly informed, how that the same, with Tempest sore beaten, to avoid Shipwreck, was again returned unto the same Port from whence it loosed, bringing back with it nothing for all his great Charges, but Sickness and great Losses at Sea received. The like evil hap or worse, having at the same time also betided another Fleet, by him set out into the Euxine or black Sea, to defend those Sea Coasts from being rifled and spoiled by the Rebels in Asia, who with their daily Incursions did there still great harm. 
The doings of the Rebels in Asia.  For albeit that Zellaly, one of the Captains of the Rebels, alured with Mahomet's fair Promises, was by the straight of the Dardanelli (called in ancient time the straight of Hellespont) come with twelve thousand good Soldiers out of Asia into Europe, and so marching through Macedonia, was come into Hungary, there to do his Lord and Master Service; yet the chief Rebel held still out, and both now, and for divers years after, maintained a most cruel and dangerous War, to the great trouble of the Grand Signior, and the hindering of his Affairs. And even now the crafty Rebel having made show as if he would have submitted himself, and come over into Europe as Zellaly did; and had therefore certain Galleys sent unto him from Mahomet, to have transported him and his Soldiers in; he, now of them possessed, slew all them that were sent therein, and kept the Galleys to himself. So that so far from was it, that the Rebellion was extinguished in Asia, and the Rebels suppressed, as that they were now up in greater number than ever, and so did also more harm. Whereunto they were also the more encouraged by the example of Hassan Bassa, (not him the General in Hungary, but another Bassa of the same Name) who, by the Great Sultan sent against these Rebels, had for a time kept them under, and somewhat repressed their insolency; but now by Mahomet displaced, and another being sent to succeed him; he therewith discontented, so animated and incensed his Soldiers against him, as that coming to have taken upon him his charge, he found most part of the Soldiers ready to turn their Weapons upon him; so that at length they fell together by the Ears about the matter, some taking part with the old General, and some with the new. In which tumultuous quarrel a number of Soldiers were slain, all they of the richer sort spoiled, and the great Sultan's Service and Authority neglected. But the new General, armed with his Prince's Authority, and some of the old Soldiers also taking his part, at last prevailing, Hassan, the old General, with his partakers, were glad to fly and shift for themselves; who for all that, having afterward gathered together the dispersed Soldiers, and joining with the rest of the Rebels, held 〈◊〉 the Body of a good Army on foot; by his Example stirring up the People to Rebellion, crossing the Service of his Sovereign, and doing what harm he could, so to seem unto his Followers the more valiant. 
The great City of Tauris besieged and taken by the Persian King.  The Persian King on the other side taking the Advantage of these the Turks Troubles at home, as also of his Wars with the Christians; at the same time with a great Army besieged the great City of Tauris, as then kept by the Turks with a most strong Garrison. In which siege he for Battery used the help of the Cannon, an Engine of long time by the Persians scorned, as not beseeming valiant men; until that by their own harms taught, he was now content to use it; being with the same, as also with skilful Cannoneers, furnished by the Portugals; by which means he in short time after again recovered this great City from the Turks, being before by Sultan Amurath taken from Mahomet the Persian King, but now again restored unto the Persian Kingdom.  

Sultan Mahomet perplexed with the evil Success of his Affairs, falleth to his superstitious Devotions.  Sultan Mahomet thus on every side beset with Troubles, and not well knowing which way to turn himself for to remedy the same, being in mind much troubled and perplexed, began to enter into Consideration of the Vanity of these Earthly things, and of the Frailty of his Estate; and so struck as it were with a Remorse of Conscience, and a firm belief that God did thus chastise and punish him for his Offences, considering that his Ancestors had never been troubled with any such Attaints or Disgraces, he converted all his Thoughts unto Prayers towards God; and therefore gave Commandment for public Prayers to be continually said in all the Mosquys or Churches throughout all his Dominions, giving himself wholly also unto such devout Exercises and Works of Charity; and withal sent two of his most reverend Priests bareheaded and barefooted, on Pilgrimage to Mecha (where the chief Temple of their great Prophet is, and wherein they vainly believe their superstitious Prayers to be of him most speedily heard) there to pray unto him for the Health and Prosperity of him their Prince and Sovereign.  
At the same time, Amurat Raise, an old Pirate, 
A great fight of a Flemish Ship with the Galleys of Amurat Rais.  the Turks Admiral for the West part of the Mediterranean, roaming there up and down, and doing what harm he could, chanced to light upon a great Flemish Ship, which he with his Galleys forthwith enclosed, the calmness of the Wether then favouring him, and hindering the Flemins, their Ship being able to make no way. Who, so beset, and having made a great fight against the whole Fleet, and slain a number of the Turks, and sore rend divers of their Galleys, though not without loss of many of their own men also; being not able longer to fight, and now seeing themselves boarded by as many Turks as could well stand upon the Hatches of the Ship, and their Galleys hanging round about her; as men of invincible Courage, and resolved to die, and yet to sell their Lives at as dear a rate as they could, laid all the Powder they had left in the Ship on an heap together, and thereunto upon the sudden put fire, by force whereof, the Turks with the Hatches were all blown up, the Flemings with their Ships rend in pieces, together with divers of the Galleys that were fast grappled unto her, and an incredible harm done unto such other of the Galleys as were near unto her. Men worthy always to vanquish, seeing that they fear nothing more than to be themselves vanquished; and more worthy to have lived for the Glory of Men, than by their Cruelty to have perished to the dishonour of Men. The old Pirate astonished at so great and desperate a Resolution, having in this Exploit lost much, and gained nothing, hasted to the shore to repair his rend Galleys, and so put to Sea again; where he had not long been, but that he by chance (and that full sore against his will) met with the great Duke of Florence's Galleys, accounted the best Galleys in the World, and such as now at this present most troubled the Turks Designs. At which meeting, after many a thundering Canonshot on both sides discharged, not without the apparent loss on the Turks behalf, when they should have come to have grappled together, and to have fought hand to hand, a thing which the Florentines most desired, as in hope to have made that famous Pirate the prize of their Victory; he not willing so to do, suddenly turned about and fled; after whom the Florentines followed amain, and in the chase sunk some of his Galleys, and took other some full of great Riches; and so broke the Credit of this old and renowned Pirate, as that for a great while after he was little by the Christians feared upon that Coast. But leaving Mahomet to his Devotions, and the old Pirate to bewail his losses, let us again return to see what the great Armies of the Turks and of the Christians did more in Hungary.  
While these Armies lay encamped the one attending upon the other, 
The Turks in a Skirmish by the Christians overthrown.  many an hot Skirmish passed betwixt them, most whereof sorted unto the hurt and loss of the Turks. Among others it fortuned, that a Troop of Adventurers going out of the Christian Army to seek after Boo●y, fell upon a like Troop of the Turks, come out for the like purpose; where, after a sharp encounter on both sides given and received, the Turks at length put to the worse and defeated, betook themselves to flight, having left a number of their Fellows dead upon the place, and lost two of their Ensigns, with an hundred and thirty Horses of Service. In which Chase, the Christians hardly pursuing them, drove a number more of them into the Danubius, wherein they most miserably perished; and took a great many more Prisoners, amongst whom were found above fourscore Italian Renegades, who, brought into the Camp, 
Eghty, Italian Renegades hanged.  were, as Enemies unto God, in a Martial Court all condemned to be hanged, and so accordingly executed, saving the Captain himself, who, for the regard of his Place, was beheaded.  

The Turks Army greatly diminished and discouraged.  Shortly after, the great Bassa arising with his Army, came in the beginning of October and encamped near Buda, both for the Preservation of the Place, and the safety of his Army, now greatly diminished both in Number and Courage. For it was certainly known by divers Fugitives from the Turks, that in these many Conflicts they had lost a number of their best Soldiers, but especially of their Janissaries. So that the Bassa, for the supplying of that Defect, was glad to make choice of 6000 of his best Soldiers, whom, armed with Muskets and Scimitars, the proper Arms of the Janissaries, he entertained into the Rooms and Pay of the Janissaries that were dead and slain; the rest of his Army for the most part consisting of bare and feeble, base raw Soldiers. Besides this, that all the Army was full of Mourning and Lamentation, the Soldiers in all Places bewailing the loss of their Brethren, their Friends and Companions; so that instead of their wont Threats and bravery, nothing was to be heard but sighing and complaining. And moreover, that the general Opinion conceived of the greatness of the Christian Army, (imagined to be much greater and stronger than indeed it was) had struck such a fear into the minds of the Turks, as that they were resolved, Buda being once victualled, to return home, all their other proud Designs for this year set apart; which was the cause that they had dislodged with their Army, and drawn near unto the City, the better to attend to the new victualling thereof, and so to be gone; accounting themselves right happy, if they might but perform that good piece of Service and save themselves.  
The Christians, before in doubt lest the Turks should have besieged Pesth, as they had before given it forth they would, 
The Christians with their Army follow the Turks.  and seeing them now to be risen with their Army and encamped near unto Buda, resolved to follow them, and in what they might to cross their Designs; and thereupon leaving Pesth, as now out of danger, they rose also, and came and encamped before the Fort in the Isle of Vicegrade, betwixt the said Fort and Vachia; where they stayed four days, and then by a Bridge which they made upon the Danuby, whereby to pass from the Isle where the Italians lay in Garrison, unto the Fort of Saint Andrew, kept by the Lansquenets, they with the whole Army passed the River, and so came and encamped before the Fort of Saint Andrew, in the face of the Enemy. Now the field betwixt the heads of the two Armies was plain and open, without Woods, Bushes, or Rivers, to hinder the joining of a set Battle. In which so fit a Place, the Christians encouraged, with the fear of their Enemies, and the diminishing of their Number and Courage (whereof they had got knowledge as well by their tumultuous rising, as by other Advertisements) were desirous in so favourable Occasions to have given them Battle; and for the desire they had thereof, were come thither to seek it; which the Turks on the other side sought as much to shun, not daring to adventure themselves unto the Fortune of a general Battle, for all the brags they had made. Nevertheless, very shame arming them with some Resolution, they put forth into the field a Battalion of five thousand men, five days after that the Christians were encamped on that side of the River. This Battle of the Turks came marching on, within half a quarter of a League of the Christians; which they would not have done but upon the Confidence of a greater number following of them, having behind them ten thousand men both Horse and Foot, laid as close as they possibly could a little out of the way. Now the Christians, thinking of no other Forces ready to fight, but those which appeared in their sight, sent forth 12 hundred men against these five thousand Turks, to skirmish with them, until the whole Army were put into order, even for a general Battle that day to have been fought, if the Turks should accept thereof; 
The Christians resolve to give the Turks Battle.  whereunto the General, the Colonels, Captains, and Soldiers in general, were fully inclined, the whole Army with great Cheerfulness marching on foot at this loud alarm of their common desire. Which had not failed to bring forth great change of effects, had the Turks been likewise disposed for the producing of the same. But they be the extraordinary favours of Fortune, when fit Occasions join themselves with brave Resolutions, and such Resolutions with means to effect the same. This is the let of many most noble Trophies, which most commonly fail, either for lack of fit Occasion, or for lack of good Resolution for the performance of them. But as most men judge of other men's Conceits by their own Inclination, so the Christians themselves, resolved to give Battle, thought the Turks their Enemies to have been of the same Resolution; and those five thousand men to have been the head of the avaunt-guard, followed with the whole Army, coming to draw them out to skirmish until the coming on of the rest of their Forces. 
The Turks seek to draw the Christians into the danger of their Ambush.  Howbeit their design was quite contrary to this the Christians hope, for their purpose was only to train them out into their Ambushes, so without danger to cut them in pieces. Of which their purpose they gave sufficient Testimony, and cause of suspect; for that the Skirmish having continued three hours, with some loss on both sides, the Turks Army appeared not; and these five thousand Turks now in Skirmish, by little and little retiring, sought so to have drawn the Christians into the danger of their Ambush. Which their manner of fight caused the Christians to suspect the matter; for it was not like, that five thousand men should give ground to twelve hundred, if they had not had some secret meaning therein, which they sought to effect to their more advantage. Which caused the Christian Carabins which followed them, not to be too earnest in pursuing of them, and more closely to serre themselves together, the better to endure the shock of their Enemies, if they should charge them. Neither were they in that their provident fear deceived; for the Turks, se●ing their purpose discovered, and themselves now out of hope to effect the same, upon the sudden made a stand, and so presently coming on, hardly charged the foremost of our Carabins; who, as men half surprised, to see themselves so readily and resolutely charged, by men who but now made show as if they would have fled, were not able so valiantly to receive the charge (considering the great number of them by whom they were charged) but that some few of them were overthrown and slain, with some of the Hungarians amongst them. Howbeit they made good resistance, and right valiantly repulsed their Enemies, 
A Conflict betwixt the Turks and the Christians.  of whom they slew a good number also. The press in this Conflict was great, every one desiring to show himself brave and courageous in the head of his own Army. But new Supplies still coming in, the Turks in fine shrunk back and retired, having left three hundred of their Fellows dead upon the Place, accompanied with an hundred of the Christians there slain likewise. Now upon the retreat on both sides▪ every man in his conceit appointed the next day for the general day of Battle; the bragging Speeches of the Turks giving the Christians occasion so to think; for why, they seldom or never refuse Battle, being offered them by the Christians, as well for the Confidence they commonly have in their multitude, as for the foolish opinion they have of the inevitable Predestination of men to Life or Death; accounting it amongst them an eternal infamy, to refuse any Combat against the Christians; which, howsoever it fall out, should sort to their Advantage, by vanquishing, gaining the Fruits of their Victory; and by losing their Lives in Battle, to gain the Joys of Heaven; being vainly persuaded, no men's Souls do go more readily unto Heaven, than the Souls of such as die in Battle against the Christians. Such Effects old superstitious Opinions are able to work in the Minds of men, even to the desperate adventuring and spending of their Lives. Howbeit, that this Effect for this time witnesseth, that these men, with all these Advantages, as much feared the danger as any other poor faint-hearted men; and that a strong apprehension of fear is able to prevail against all Customs and Persuasions, be they never so old, as also against all other Accidents whatsoever. For why, the Turks, contenting themselves with their great brags and vain Threats, came not forth according to their Promise, neither could by any means be drawn to adventure themselves unto the hazard of a general Battle. 
The Turks refuse to come to a general Battle with the Christians.  The loss of their great and choicest men discouraged and deterred them from adventuring all to the hazard of so great a Peril. For (as I have said) almost all their Janissaries and most valiant Soldiers were dead or slain, and the rest, men of small Spirit or Courage, reserved that little which was in them, for the safeguard of themselves, and not for the gaining of any notable Victory. 
Erasbles, what manner of Soldiers they are among the Turks.  They had also in these often Conflicts lost all their Erasbles, which area desperate kind of Soldiers fight on Horseback, without Saddles, having only a little piece of Tapestry upon their Horse's Backs, and by the readiness of their Horses, do for a long time in one sort maintain their fight. They carry light Darts made of straight and fair Canes, excellently well made, and strongly armed; and their handy Weapons are good Sables, or broad and sharp Curtleasses. These men a great while fought most valiantly in the last Combats, but in fine, were all slain, except some few which cast themselves into Danubius, and were there drowned. The loss of which men much discouraged the Turks; for why, their Service stood them in great stead in receiving the Enemy's Charges, and with their Bodies covering of the Turks Squadrons in their greatest Perils and Combats. Howbeit the Turks received not these Losses without returning of some part thereof to us again; for Collonitz had a little before fallen into great danger of his Person, and lost some of his Followers in an Enterprise of great Moment, had the Effect answered unto the Project thereof. 
Collonitz in governing about to surprise the Turks, with loss repulsed, and himself endangered.  While the Turks yet lodged in the Isle of Vicegrade, he caused eight great field-pieces to be so placed, as that therewith he so much annoyed the Turks, that they were about to have forsaken the Place. And the more to force them so to do, the second of October he embarked himself with six hundred Haid●cks upon the Danubius, and so by Night with great silence landed near unto the Enemies, thinking so upon the sudden to have surprised them. Which for all that, could not so secretly be done, by reason of the coming on of the day, but that the Turks were thereof aware; who thereupon with great press issued out of their Trenches, and with all their Force and Power charged him. Against whom he made head, rather upon a brave and constant Resolution, than upon any Confidence he had in his own Forces, not having men ●●ow to withstand the least part of his Enemies. Which his so great Resolution so abated the Turks Fury, as that they stood a good while in doubt to charge men so resolved. The Field-pieces which he had brought over with him into the Isle, than served him to good purpose, beating them back with their murdering Bullets, who with their number thought to have overwhelmed him. Which good help, opposed against the number of the Enemies, for a time balanced the Victory, and wrought the death of many on both sides. This manner of fight endured the space of two hours, maintained more by Resolution, than by Strength and Power. At length for all that, the Turks with their number prevailing, the Christians therewith rather oppressed than vanquished, forsaking their Field-pieces, disorderly retired toward their Boats. After whom the Turks eagerly following, in that pursuit slew 400 of the Haiducks, the rest with much ado recovering their Boats, carrying with them their General, by them hardly defended from the Fury of their Enemy. Which loss happened not so unto the Christians, but that it was mingled with some loss of the Turks also, of whom, the most forward and courageous were in that fight slain, as was afterwards known by certain Prisoners of theirs afterward taken, who made report of the Losses by them there received. The Turks, by this so desperate and dangerous an attempt warned, to prevent the like for the time to come, cast up great Trenches in the Isle along the Bank of Danubius, therein placing certain Janissaries and other their best Soldiers, who there lay until the dislodgement of the Camp, to go to lie before Buda.  
The Turks had before built a Bridge of Boats at Lamascin, which gave them Passage into Stiria, where they did great harm; for the strengthening whereof, they had built at both ends thereof a strong Fort, well furnished both with Men and Munition. This Bridge, 
The Bridge of Lamascin taken and broken by the Governor of Stiria.  so commodious for the Turks, and hurtful to the Christians, Trantmestorf, Governor of Stiria, and a great Commander in those parts, with his Stirian Troops, and some good Aid brought unto him by the County Serin, undertook to break. Upon which Resolution he upon the sudden approached one of the aforesaid Forts, and so right furiously assailed the same, before they in the Fort were well aware of his coming. In which doing, he caused the greatest noise and stir that was possible to be made with Trumpets, Drums, and clattering of Armour, as if it had been some great Army employed in that Action, the more to terrify the besieged. Which so great and dreadful a noise, joined unto so brave an attempt, with so great Courage begun, struck such a Terror into the Minds of the Turks, that they without any great resistance quitted the place, and fled over the Bridge to the other Fort. Of which forsaken Fort the Christians became Masters, and with all speed prosecuting their good Fortune, presently drew out thereof three Cannons, and therewith battered the other Fort. In which the Turks, having no other place of Refuge to fly unto, nor hope of safety but in their last Valour, so well behaved themselves, as that the Christians had much ado to force them. Howbeit, a breach being made by the Fury of the Cannon, and scaling ladders set up, the Fort was on every side assaulted; which the Turks for the space of five hours so valiantly endured, as that it was hard to say who should prevail or have the better. In this Assault were many on both sides slain, the Turks not being to be overcome but with the loss both of their Lives and Honour; nor the Christians able to retire without losing the fruit of that their so great and rich an Enterprise; so that the assault was with great Resolution on both sides maintained, the Turks fight for their Lives, and the Christians for thei● Honour; until that at last, the Turks, with much slaughter overcome, the Fort was by the Christians taken, and most of the Turks therein being slain, and the rest taken Prisoners, both the Forts were forthwith razed, and the Bridge broken, which before had served for an ordinary passage for the Turks to forage and spoil the Christian Territories by. The Boats whereof the Bridge was made were all burnt, and some great Ordnance therein found broken in pieces and cast into the River.  

 At the same time Lugaze, a Place of great Importance for the Service of the Emperor, and so near unto the Turks, as that they could hardly attempt any thing thereabouts, but that it might from thence be discovered and known, was by the Transilvanians delivered to Basta, General for the Emperor in that Country. From which place, he sending out certain Scouts toward Belgrade, they brought in with them certain Prisoners; who being examined, said, that Hassan Bassa, the Turks General in Hungary, had writ to Giaffer Bassa, the Governor of Temeswar, That he should only attend to the Preservation of his own, without attempting any thing further against the Christians, the present estate of their Affairs so requiring; and that having revictualled Buda, his purpose was for this year to return, in hope of some good Peace to be ere long concluded betwixt the great Sultan and the Emperor.  
The two Armies of the Turks and the Christians lay still near the one of them unto the other, the Turks, careful for the revictualling of Buda, and the Christians still intentive to their doings, and desirous in what they might to hinder and frustrate the same. Which because they could no way better do, than by offering of them Battle; they thereupon generally resolved, upon a Friday, being the seventeenth of October, 
The Christians offer the Turks Battle.  the day by them assigned for the Battle (having by the shooting off of three great Cannons, given warning unto the Soldiers throughout the Camp, for the preparing of themselves first toward God, and then to the Service of their Prince) after they had well refreshed themselves, in good order took the field, and so stood ready ranged there, either to give or accept of Battle. Before whom, the County Ringrave was sent forth with his Regiment, about half the way betwixt the two Armies, to discover the moving of the Enemy, and to receive his first charge if occasion should so require. Whose Scouts before sent forth, about Noon discovered a Troop of Horsemen come out of the Turks Camp, about some business they had to do, but to them unknown; whom the Scouts supposing to have been the forerunners of the Turks Army, and by them almost surprised, hastily retired back again, and by their hasty retreat put the whole Army in an alarm, which came bravely marching on, in hope now to have come to try the matter by true Valour, and by the Fortune of a general Battle to have made that day for ever famous by their Victory and the overthrow of their proud Enemies. And in the heat of their so great Courage, like enough it was for them to have performed the same, had the Turks had but so much Courage in them as to have met them in the Field, as was well hoped they now would. But they, 
The Turks ●●●use to ●●●ept of 〈…〉 them 〈…〉.  with their former Losses discouraged, and resolved only upon the safeguard of themselves, and the victualling of Buda, had no mind to enter into these honourable Lists, but kept themselves close within the covert of their Tents, and the strength of their Trenches. And so the Christians, with a false alarm moved, and having for the most part of the day in vain expected the coming forth of their Enemies, returned into their Camp deceived of their Expectation.  
The same day there was an Espy taken, whom they which took him thought to have been a Turk, howbeit he was found to be one of their own men; by whom they were better informed of the Cowardice of the Turks, of their purpose for the shunning of Battle, and of their Resolution for the keeping of themselves within the safeguard of their Trenches; and that they so did, as well for the losses they had before received, as for divers other unlucky accidents, which caused them to misdoubt some evil success in the end and winding up of this their Expedition. Nevertheless, the Christians, not greatly trusting to these Reports, still kept their Army in readiness, to give their Enemy's Battle upon the least occasion offered them. Howbeit, that indeed they had no great cause of fear, the Turks having no desire at all to come to a general Battle; so that instead of great Effects that were expected, the time passed but in light Skirmishes and vain Alarms betwixt the two Armies, until that at length the Turks, having by the River sufficiently stored the City of Buda with Victuals, 
The great Bassa having victualled Buda, secretly by Night riseth with his Army, and retireth out of Hungary.  the great Bassa secretly by Night rose with his Army, and so retired toward Belgrade. Which so base a retreat differed not much from a cowardly flight, being with such silence made under the dark covert of the Night, as that the Christians had thereof no perceiving until they were quite departed and gone. This victualling of Buda, and some other few places of the Turks in Hungary, was all that the great Bassa did this year with his great Army; whereas at his first coming it was given out, that he would therewith take both Strigonium and Pesth from the Christians.  
The next day, the hasty and sudden departure of the Enemy being perceived, the General of the Christians called together the Colonels and other great Commanders of the Army, to consult with them, what were best to be done in so unexpected an occurrent? Of whom, some were of Opinion, That it was best forthwith in all haste to pursue thei● fearful Enemies; others, for many Reasons dissuading the same, and others withal, propounding some other notable Exploits to be taken in hand. But in Conclusion, the safest point was resolved upon, which was, not to hazard any of their Troops in pursuing of their flying Enemies, who were hardly to be overtaken; but now immediately after their departure to attempt the taking in of some one of their strong holds; where, amongst others that were propounded, 
The Christians after the departure of the Turks, resolve to besiege Hatwan.  Hatwan was thought to be the most necessary Place, being so seated, as that beside the great harm it did to the Christians thereabout, it much hindered both Advertisements and Victuals to be brought unto Pesth. Which Exploit resolved upon, they forthwith razed the Fort of St. Andrew, and the Fort by them built in the Isle of Vicegrade, because they should not stand the Turks in any stead after their departure, and so with all their Power set forward toward Hatwan. This Town is seated beyond the River of Danubius toward the North, about eight Leagues from Buda, crossing the way to Transilvania and Cassovia, upon a fair and even Plain, near unto a great and deep Marish, and was sometime defended with good and strong Walls, with a Castle, and three large and deep Ditches, for a long time in the Power of the Turks, and which, without loss, a great while held out against the valiant Baron Teuffenbach, by whom it was most straight in vain besieged; until that afterward it was again besieged by Maximilian the Archduke, the Emperor's Brother, than General of his Army in Hungary, in the year 1594, unto whom it was by Composition surrendered, 
Hatwan taken and dismantled by Maxamilian the Archduke, in the year 1594.  after it had for a certain space been by the Turks notably defended; who, considering the harm this place did unto the Emperor's Territories, by reason of the situation thereof, wherein a great and strong Garrison of the Turks always lying, foraged all the Christian Territories as far as the River Vague, yea, and oftentimes took Booties as far as Strigonium, and by spoiling of all that side of Hungary, caused the Country to pay Contribution as far as Ternavie, standing within four Leagues of the Mountains which separate Hungary and Moravia; all irreparable Losses to the Christians, and hardly to be avoided; for which Reasons he caused it then to be dismantled, and to be made unserviceable for the Wars. 
Hatwan again fortified by the Turks.  After which time for all that, the Turks, for the commodiousness of the Place, had with great Labour again new fortified the same, with Walls made with great Piles of Wood and Faggots, with Earth rammed in betwixt them; a stronger kind of Fortification, and better able to withstand the Fury of the Cannon, than are Walls of Stone; in which sort the Turks use most commonly to fortify such Places as they mean to defend, and which oftentimes cost much for the Christians to gain the same from them.  

Hatwan besieged by the Christians.  This Place thus fortified, and both with Men and Munition well furnished, and with all things needful stored, was able to endure a great and long Siege; whereunto the Garrison therein was as resolutely set down, as were the Christians to attempt it; where now, at their first coming unto it, a part of the Italian Regiment, assisted with three hundred Lansquenets, under the leading of County Sultze, and Grasold, General of the Italians, were appointed to go before the rest of the Army, and to begin to make the Approaches; which they did by forcing of a Water-mill, driven by the Water of the Ma●ish, not past a Musket shot from the Town. Wherein while they were busied, the Turks sallying out of the Town, came to fight hand to hand with the Christians, and had with them a sharp Combat, the Turks fight for the defending of the Place, and of their Lives, and the Christians for the gaining of the same, and for their Honour. Which so contrary a Resolution in that Conflict, cost the Lives of many; 
Grasold, General of the Italians, slain.  and amongst others, the Life of Grasold, General of the Italians, there slain with a Harquebuse shot, unto the great hurt of the whole Army, but especially of the Italians, now deprived of so great and expert a Commander. At last, for all that, the Turks were enforced confusedly to retire again into the Town, having in this sally lost a number of their men also. The Christians nevertheless, having driven the Turks back into the Town, went forward with their Business in making their Approaches, and placing their Gabions to cover their Cannon; wherein the Turks with their great and small shot did them great harm, but especially with their murdering pieces, charged with Nails and other small pieces of Iron. Howbeit, by the coming of the Lord Russworm with the rest of the Army, the Approaches were the next day brought on, and the Battery planted so near unto the Town, as that the Turks could not without most manifest danger and loss, any more sally out to trouble the Christians in their Works. The first Inconveniency the besieged felt, was the want of Water, which through the diligence of our men was soon taken from them, the Cannon right furiously battering the Walls in the mean space. Wherewith the Turks discouraged, and now out of hope to be relieved, thought it not best for them to expect either whilst a Breach were made, or an Assault given, but by Parley to prevent these Dangers, in hope so to come to some easier Composition, while yet they stood in their whole strength. And so Parley by the Turks demanded, 
The Turks in Hatwan crave Parley.  and by the Christians granted, and Hostage● for the surety thereof on both sides given, they sent two of the chief men amongst them to entreat of the same; who at the first demanded, That their Lives and Liberty saved, they might with Bag and Baggage depart. Whereunto answer was given them, That they should only with their Lives and Liberty be gone, with some few hundreds of their worst Horses, of Courtesy given them, to carry them to such place as they meant to retire themselves unto, and to deliver into the hands of the Christians all such Renegades as were in Town.  
Now the besieged Turks, carrying yet the marks of the Cruelty by the Walloons exercised upon them in the former Siege, when as the same Town was by force taken, and filled with dead Bodies of all Ages and Sexes, and doubting now this second Shipwreck, with like misery threatened unto them by the Christian General, if they should expect the dreadful event of a general assault; accepted of these hard Conditions, seeing no better could be obtained; and so covenanting, that they with their Families, their Lives and Liberties saved, might with a safe Convoy be conducted unto some place of surety within their own Territory, they promised to give up the Town. Which Agreement, 
Hatwan yielded unto the Christians.  on both parties resolved upon, they full of Sorrow and Heaviness, with their Families departing out of the Town the 29 th' of November, were by Colonel Andast, with certain Hussars, safely conducted to Solnoc. The Christians entering the Town, found therein great store of Victuals and Munition, the Houses full of Corn and other Necessaries, and the Shops stored with Weapons, Shot, and Powder, with 24 pieces of great Ordnance ready mounted, which might have well sufficed for the defence of the place. But all these things are but Accessories unto one principal, that is to say, to Resolution, without which they are but of small force, and with which they are able to do much. Beside that, the place itself thus furnished well considered, seemed almost impossible to have been forced; but especially now that Winter was come on, which might have brought a thousand Storms and Difficulties, by the Christians not to have been endured; so that every man beholding the same, with his Eyes cast up towards heaven, gave God the Praise, for taking away the Turks Courages in their so great Advantages, and increasing of the Christians in their no less Difficulties; unto whom the glory of this Victory was wholly attributed, seeing that contrary to all appearance and man's forces, he had given to the Christians the Victory, no way able by their own forces to have been gained. But God, which in his Providence from Heaven beholdeth all things upon Earth, disposeth of the same as he seeth best for his Glory, and the welfare of his; so that in this Action he was the only Pilot which brought this our Ship into the Haven of Health; for the Hairs of our Head are of him numbered, and even the least Creatures upon Earth are by him regarded.  
Into this new gained Town the Christian General put a good and strong Garrison of a thousand Lansquenets, and 500 Hungarians, part Horsemen, and part Footmen, for the keeping of the Place and of the Country thereabout; which done, he retired with his Army toward Pesth, which he relieved with Victuals, and strengthened with the Troops of the Colonels, Collonitz, Geisberg, and Rover, who were there billeted to pass the Winter, and to preserve the place against the Devices and Enterprises of the Turks of Buda, who were still devising and practising for the regaining thereof.  
The time of the Year for Soldiers any longer to keep the Field now past, and the great Army of the Turks risen and gone, 
The Lord Russworm breaks up his Army, and sendeth the Ensigns gained from the Turks for a present to the Archduke Mathias.  the Lord Russworm breaking up his Army near unto Strigonium, caused all the Ensigns by him this Year gained from the Turks, even sixty four in number, to be gathered together, all very brave and gallant; all which he sent with great Pomp and Triumph to Vienna, for a Present to the Archduke Mathias; who received them with great Thanks, given both unto the General that sent them, and the Soldiers that had gained them; and bountifully rewarding them that had brought them. They of Vienna at the same time highly commending the General, and not a little rejoicing to see those same Ensigns now in their Power within the City, which not long before had proudly braved them in the Field.  

Insolent Soldiers justly punished.  Now after the breaking up of the Christian Army, a great number of insolent and seditious Soldiers, especially of the Regiment of Colonel Altmein, roaming up and down the Country to seek for Booty, most cruelly rifled and spoiled the Country Villages, with the Inhabitants therein, as well the Christians as the Turks, sparing no more the one than the other: whose Outrage not otherwise to be stayed, they were by Commandment from the Emperor, by force charged at Widhof, and two hundred and thirty of them being brought in Prisoners to Vienna, four and thirty of them were there for Example hanged, and the rest, as men not worthy of Entertainment, cashiered.  

The Soldiers of the Regiment of the Reingrave evil billeted, by Extremities driven to provide for themselves.  The time of the Year having (as we said) broken up the Army of the Christians, the Regiment of the County Reingrave was put in Garrison into the Villages of Chiante and Ternavy, always at hand with the Enemies, as fittest to repulse them. These Soldiers were always kept in doing, still fight whilst others were at Peace, and managing their Arms, whilst others hanged theirs by the Walls. For, beside the Troubles they had with the Turks, their nigh, but bad Neigbhours, the very Inhabitants of the Country (who held all that might hurt them for Enemies, were they never so much their Friends) oftentimes, and that for little or no occasion at all, took up Arms, and right furiously charged them as their mortal Enemies. Of which Combats there was no end, the Country Peasants still striving to rid themselves of such Guests. So that these valiant men, still enforced to buy their Bread with the price of their Blood, as men become desperate, used the Christians as they did the Turks, dividing all things with them by the Sword. But in these small and often Fights more men were slain and lost than would have been in a general Battle, some good number, either on the one side or the other being every day slain; which daily Inconveniences caused these Soldiers to resolve to go to seek their living elsewhere, rather than in the midst of the Graves of their Fellows. Whereunto they were the rather induced, for that but a little before, the Troop of Captain Clinchampe, the best and bravest of the whole Regiment, was one night furiously assailed, and almost surprised by the Country Peasants. Wherefore they departed out of Hungary into Austria without Victuals, Apparel, or Money, their Pay due unto them for seventeen Months being kept from them. A Cruelty full of Covetousness, and a Covetousness full of Cruelty, by wrong and hard dealing to leave those men to the desperate extremity of Hunger, who for our Safety had exposed themselves to all manner of danger. For if the Prince (as he may of right) demand the Lives of his Subjects in his Service, as bound unto their Loyalty; they may also of Right require due Provision for their Maintenance: of which two Offices, where one faileth, the whole State must needs fall. For providing wherefore, great was the Wisdom of Augustus, who laid up the public Revenue apart by itself, to defray the public Charge; and that which was his own private, to serve his own private Uses.  
These poor Soldiers thus resolved, craved leave of the Bishop of Presbourg to pass by the Suburbs of his Town, without doing therein any harm: which their Request he courteously granted; and so, according to their Word, they indeed passed, not so much as once wishing for that they durst not once touch. Which their so quiet Passage, caused the Bishop to furnish them with Boats, whereby to pass over the River which divideth Hungary from Austria. Which once known unto the Peasants of Austria, they assembled themselves together, 
The Peasants of Austria seek by force to stay the Passage of the Soldiers of the Reingraves Regiment into their Country.  to the number of 1500 men, and cast up a Fort upon the Bank of the River, with three Falconers in it, resolutely set down to keep them from coming over into their Country. Which their so forward a Resolution for a while stayed these men of War; who, to avoid farther trouble, courteously requested Passage of these men, promising all their good Behaviour in passing quietly through their Country; which the Carls in most churlish manner refused to grant, with proud Threats of the danger of their Lives, if they should by force attempt the Passage, and not with quietness return. With which Bravadoes of the Country Churls these Troops of martial men provoked, resolved by force to remove these lets, and by the Sword to open themselves a way; so turning the Head of their Baggages toward the Fort, as if they would have there passed; while the Peasants stood gazing upon them, Camgaillard with his Troop of Horsemen, unperceived of them took the River a little higher up, and by swimming gained the farther Bank; after whom Captain Clinchamp with his Troops immediately followed also. In which Passage, they were much troubled with great flakes of Ice, with the great deepness of the River, with the steepness of the Banks where they were to land, and many other Difficulties: all which they regarded not, to be revenged of their Enemies. These valiant men being got over, 
The Churls of Austria overthrown.  upon the sudden surprising these rude Country Churls, and furiously charging of them, quickly overthrew them, and cut them in pieces; of whom, 300 were left dead upon the Place, as many more hurt, and the rest put to flight. Which was no sooner done, but that the rest of the Troops of the Regiment without let passed the River, and so joined themselves unto their victorious Companions. Seven Weeks this Regiment stayed in Austria; and so longer had, but that upon the Complaint and Request of the Nobility and of the People of the Country, they having for seventeen Months Pay due unto them received nine Months Pay, were licenced to depart. Which was a great Oversight in them that had to do therewith, at once to disband so many good Men, as had not their like amongst all the rest of the Emperor's Garrisons; and who, being stayed with a little money, might with their good Service have stood the Emperor in great stead; as by proof afterward appeared; when as the Emperor, by necessity forced to call them together again, could not of all that strong Regiment raise but three Companies; the rest being some of them returned into their own Countries, other some of them gone to serve in other places, or else otherwise dispersed. Of which three Companies, the first was given to Camgaillard, the second to Baltazar Marades, a Spaniard, and the last to john Paul, an Italian: Which three Captains had before commanded in the Reingraves Regiment, and done the Emperor good Service as they did afterward also.  
The rest of this year ended in Hungary, with divers other Encounters and Combats, Fortune therein still favouring the Christians. 
Divers happy Conflicts of the Christians with the Turks and Tartars.  As three hundred Haiducks, going forth to seek for Booty, by good hap chanced to meet with a Company of the Turks, being very rich, and divers of them men of good account; amongst whom, the Governor of Mohatz was one; all whom these Haiducks cut in pieces: to be borne withal, for showing no favour unto them, who most cruelly had before spoiled them of their Parents, Lands, and Goods. Besides that, they took the Governor of Copan, with his Son, and twenty four other very rich Turks, with 170 Horses of Service, and eight fat Oxen prepared for their Provision. Which fat Booties drew forth other Soldiers also to seek out for the like; of whom, certain Troops of the Christians going forth toward Ba●swar, a Town of the Enemies, met the Governor of the Town and of the Territory thereabout, come out with his Garrison against them; where betwixt them was made a right hot and sharp fight; wherein, at the first encounter the Turks seemed to have the better, but in the end the Christians taking Courage, overthrew them, and cut them in pieces. In this conflict divers Prisoners were taken, with three Ensigns, and many other rich Spoils. This happy Exploit was seconded with News agreeable thereunto out of Moldavia, whereof the Vayvod by a Curror sent of purpose, gave our men to understand of the great and general overthrow of the Tartars; who, having with all manner of Cruelty wasted the Country, had in the end made the Inhabitants so desperate, that reposing more Comfort in a speedy death (the end of all Miseries) than in a lingering Life, turmoiled with so many intolerable Calamities, they generally arming themselves, joined themselves with their Vayvod, so to try their last Fortune. With which Resolution, they in Battle encountering with the Tartars, gave them a great overthrow, a number of them being left dead upon the Field, and the rest put to flight, and chased out of the Country, the Moldavians notably revenging their former Losses, and in their own Territories burying their Enemies.  

Beged Bassa thinking to have surprised the Lord Basta, is himself by him surprised and overthrown.  Neither were the Turks in this cold and hard time of the year on their parts idle, but still plotting of their great and notable Designs, even through the midst of the Frost and Snow to have been performed. The Bassa Beged, hearing that the Lord Basta lay with his Troops dispersed in the Country about Lippa, in great security, by reason of the Extremity of the time, altogether unfit for men to keep the field; and therefore imagining it to be no great matter, now amidst the Frost and the Snow to surprise him; acquainted three other of the Turks Captains and Commanders thereabout with the matter; who liking well thereof, with five thousand men altogether set forward, in hope to have upon the sudden surprised him. But he, an old expert Captain, and not so careless as they supposed, had his secret Spies still abroad among them; by whom, he, advertised both of their purpose and of their coming, resolved in both to prevent them; and to that end having called together his Forces, set forward to meet them in the mid way, and so before they were aware to intercept them; neither failed he of his purpose; for, meeting with the Turks, fearing no such matter in place of disadvantage, and upon the sudden charging them round, they, deceived of their Expectation for the easiness of the Victory promised them, as men dismayed, after some small resistance fled; above eleven hundred of them being in this conflict slain, and the rest put in rout, and driven into the River Maruze, there perishing; some few only by speedy flight with the Bassa escaping. Twenty of the Turks Captains were here taken, with some few other Prisoners, and a great and rich Booty.  
Much about the same time George Barbel, one of the chief of the Rebels in Transilvania,, acknowledging his fault, came to Claudianople, to take the Oath for his Allegiance unto the Emperor; by whose Example a great number of others moved, came in and submitted themselves also; and happily he, being a good and valiant Captain, had done much more for the Service of the Emperor, had he not been by death prevented; for shortly after he suddenly died. The other Rebels, moved neither by his Example, nor by the coming in of some others of their Companions, 
Bethlin Habor chosen chief of the Rebels in Transilvania.  made choice of one Bethlin Habor (a most renowned Captain, and of great Reputation amongst the Soldiers) for their Chieftain; who, proud of such a choice, immediately after sent an Herald unto Basta, to will him forthwith to deliver unto him all the Country of Transilvania, as to him that was of late chosen Prince thereof, or else to denounce unto him most cruel War; and to tell him further, That if he refused so to do, he was in good hope by his own Forces, without any Aid from the Turk, to drive him out, being well assured of the faithful devoir of the Transilvanians. 
Basta's scornful Answer to the Messenger of Bethlin.  At whose proud Threats Basta smiling, only showed him his open Hand in sign that he accepted of his proud Threats, not vouchsafing him any other answer at all. This glorious Boaster bore himself the higher, for that he had married the Widow of Moses the chief Rebel, whereby he had gained both great Riches, and much Credit and Reputation among the common People; both which he enjoyed but a while, for the fourth day after he was married, he died, and so was buried. Basta nevertheless, 
Basta sends for new Supplies unto the Emperor for the keeping of Transilvania.  for the better assuring of the strong Places of Transilvania, put into them Garrisons of his most faithful Germans, and dispatched Crausenich away toward the Emperor, to request of him a supply of a thousand Horsemen, and four thousand Foot, without which he thought it impossible to preserve and keep the Province, troubled with so great Factions, and so earnestly sought after by the Turks; and further to certify him, That the little Forces he had left, was not sufficient for the keeping of the Places beset with so many Enemies, and all lying as it were in their Mouths; That the Province swarmed with seditious People, one thrusting another forward in Mischief and Rebellion, as the Ears of Wheat, driven with the Wind, do one another in the Field; that the Turks were always making of new Incursions, which he was not able to repress without greater Forces, which he expected from his Majesty with all speed possible; protesting, for want of such supply to be in time sent unto him, to lay the loss of the Province upon the Negligence of them which might and ought to have sent the same; acquitting himself for the loss thereof, seeing that he durst not to repose any Trust or Confidence in the Faith of the Citizens and Inhabitants of the Towns, although they were disarmed, for having so often falsified their Faith, and put their Province in danger of utter Ruin and Destruction. But leaving these Troubles of Transilvania and Hungary, let us a little step back to see what happened among the Turks themselves, after the departure of the great Bassa with his Army out of Hungary.  
Mahomet the great Sultan had (as is before declared) by great Promises made unto his Rebels, sought to appease the Rebellion in Asia, and by that means drawn Zellaly, one of the chief Rebels, with twelve thousand good Soldiers, out of Asia into Europe, and so into his Wars in Hungary, upon an assured promise made unto him of the Government of Bosna; the hope whereof, as it had drawn him into these late Wars, so had it also encouraged him with his gallant Troops of most brave Horsemen to do the best Service he could, so to show himself worthy of so honourable a Preferment: which he right notably performed during all the time of the Bassas Abode in Hungary, to his own great Commendation, and the furthering of his Lord and Master's Service. But the Bassa with his weak Army retired out of Hungary, and the Bassa himself returned toward Constantinople; Zellaly, w●th three thousand Horse, withdrew himself into his promised Government of Bosna, 
Zellaly cometh into Bosna.  to possess himself thereof: and being come near to Bagvalue, the chief Town of that Province, he there encamped in a fair large Meadow, within sight of the City. Now Zeffer Bassa, than Governor of the Province, and not as yet thereof discharged, seeing this Rebel thus to encroach upon his Charge, as if he would even by force intrude himself thereinto; with all speed called together his Garrisons and men of War (ever ready at his beck) and so went forth against Zellaly, with a purpose to have quickly, and without any great Trouble, cut him, with his so small a Company, all in pieces. But the old Rebel, not ignorant either of his own weakness, or of the Bassa's strength, having himself lost the best part of his Forces before in Hungary, as he was a man of no less Wisdom than Courage, resolved now to attempt by Policy that which he well knew he could not by force effect. Wherefore he, as a great Prince, upon some brave Resolution, began to incamp himself, as if he had meant there to have lain, when as immediately after, upon a fair Night, having caused divers great Fires to be made in his Tents, as if it had been to beguile the Enemy with, he suddenly rose and departed. Of whose Flight (for so it was like) the Bassa understanding, and that he had forsaken his Camp, hasted thither with all speed with his Soldiers to take and pillage the same; 
By Policy overthroweth Zeffer Bassa the Governor, and possesseth it himself.  not making any other account of him that was so fled and gone, but as of a base and faint-hearted Coward, who for Fear, and want of Courage, had left both his Camp and Honour as a Prey unto his Enemies; the Spoil whereof, the Bassa (being possessed of the Camp) gave unto his Soldiers; who, glad of such a Morsel, greedily swallowed it up, which by and by after became their bane and utter destruction: for, whilst that they were charging themselves with Booties, and every man was thinking of his Prey, nothing careful of their common Safety, Zellaly, with his three thousand Horse, all valiant and resolute men, suddenly the same Night returning, surprised the Turks being fast on sleep, as buried in Security, and cut them in pieces. Some, of greater Courage than the rest, began to make head, and to give some show of their Valour; but, overcome with the general Fear, out of order, and not resolved what to do, they were quickly with the rest forced, overthrown, and slain. In this surprise there were of the Bassa's men six thousand found dead upon the Place; a very great slaughter to be made by so few men. But what cannot valiant Resolution do against carelessness, lulled asleep in the lap of Security? The Bassa himself escaped by Flight, with such as could get out of the Camp to follow him.  
Now Zellaly, well knowing how to use his Victory, marched in haste to all the chief places of the Province, and with his Forces, more feared for their Victory than their Number, caused all the Inhabitants of those Places, with most part of the rest of the People of the Country, to swear unto him their Obedience and Fidelity. In which doing, he gathered together great store of Wealth, with a great number of brave Horses for Service; all which he put into Balnaluc, a strong Town, whereinto he in triumphant manner entered, with a Crown of Laurel upon his Head, and his Soldiers singing his Praises amidst the smoke of a thousand Pieces of great Ordnance, which he caused incessantly to be shot off for the space of two days together; giving it out withal (amongst all the joyful Feasts and Triumphs, made for the magnifying and setting forth of his Praise and Glory) That his Resolution was, to take part with the Christian Emperor, if the great Bassas, or other his Enemies in great place in Court, should seek to cross his Desires, or to formalize his Actions or Proceedings in this manner of the obtaining of his Government.  
Now Mahomet, doubting what this Man, 
Sultan Mahomet sendeth for Zellaly to come unto him to Constantinople.  so well acquainted with Rebellion, would do, had by divers Messengers sent for him to Constantinople, after the breaking up of the Army in Hungary, there of his Imperial and Infinite Bounty, to receive the honourable Rewards of his good Service and Valour, the greatness whereof he had (as he said) already understood by Hassan Bassa the General; which so bound him to the Reward thereof, as that his Desire and Pleasure was, to grace him in Court with his own hands, for the greater Testimony of the Love he bore him, and of the esteem he had of him. But the crafty and mistrustful Rebel, doubting that these fair Words were all but baits to draw him into his Power, to the endangering or assured loss both of his Life and Liberty, shut his Ears against these so sweet Charms, and, as a Man well advised, and one which knew that the hand of a Prince justly offended, is always open for to punish his rebellious Subjects, being once in his Power, with as great Justice in punishing him, as he with Wrong and Disloyalty offended him, would in no wise accept of the offer; but civilly answered, That he most humbly thanked the Great Sultan for his so great and honourable Offers, 
Zellaly refuseth to come to Constantinople at the great Sultan's sending for.  and that he was so mindful of him; but that he for his part desired not any greater reward for the Services by him done, more than the Government which his Majesty had before promised him, whereof (according to which Promise, which he could not think but to be agreeable to his good liking) he was now possessed, with a resolution to hold and keep the same for his Majesty's Service. Which was as much in effect, as for a disloyal Subject to talk with his angry Sovereign with his hand upon his Sword: but with this sly Answer, such as it was, Sultan Mahomet, for all his Greatness, must as yet content himself, for fear lest if he should have sought to have by force removed him, he might so have raised a more dangerous Rebellion in Europe, than was already in Asia. Zellaly, so politic and resolute a man, and not to seek what to do in such matters, being possessed of so great a Government, and the Christian Emperor at hand ready to have backed him, if he should upon any Discontentment have revolted.  
The Troubles of this Year 1603 thus overpast, year 1604 the beginning of the next was like unto a fair blooming Tree, which promising great store of Fruit, but afterward blasted with the Extremity of the Wether, proveth in effect as barren, as it before seemed in hope fruitful: for, beginning with the sweet Western Winds of Peace, it ended with the stern Northern Blasts of War. The Turks had oftentimes the last Year made motion of Peace, but especially toward the end thereof; outwardly making shew-of a great desire and forwardness in themselves thereunto. Which business the last Year begun, was even with the beginning of this Year also effectually continued, that Commissioners were on both sides appointed to confer and conclude upon the same. Among these Commissioners, Colonel Althem was one; who, to perform his Charge, having taken with him the other Commissioners deputed with him for this purpose, with certain other Captains, 
Commissioners appointed to confer upon a Peace to be made betwixt the Christians and the Turks.  embarked himself with them in thirteen Ships from Strigonium, and from thence sailing down the River, landed with his Train in the Island betwixt Buda and Pesth. Of whose Arrival there, the Turks of Buda advertised, and on their part ready, came forthwith thither also, with all the outward shows that might be of their most earnest desire for the concluding of Peace; whereas our Men, who by a thousand effects were assured of the unfaithfulness of the Turks, and that Necessity, and not the desire of any Quietness, had drawn them to seek for Peace, to the contrary showed themselves very backward in this Business. 
The Causes which moved the Turks to incline to Peace.  For why, they knew ●ight well, that the Turks had not taken this ma●ter in hand, but to overtake them, and by this time of Peace to gain a time of War more commodious and fit for their ambitious and cruel Designs. They had the year before made sufficient Proof of our Forces, accompanied with good Fortune, which caused them to despair by strong hand to vanquish and overcome us; besides that, they still every hour in one place or other received a thousand Losses and Crosses from our Garrisons, who distressed and annoyed them both with their Forces, and with driving of them unto the extremity of Wants. Our men knew moreover also, that the Troubles of Asia, as well from the Rebels as from the Persian, which lay so heavy upon the Great Sultan, drew them to this necessity, to seek for a breathing time of Peace, wherein to repair that which was in their Forces and Strength by Wars impaired. And even yet also, the manner of the Turks demeaning of themselves in this Action, their Delays, their Excuses, and deferring from day to day to conclude upon some Point of this Treaty, gave our men good cause to suspect them of evil meaning, as men respecting their Profit more than their Faith; and more subtle and cruel in all their Actions, than honourable and valorous. The Fifth of january was the day by our men expected for the Treaty; 
The Bassa of Buda▪ faileth to meet the Christian Commissioners according to his Promise.  for as then the Bassa of Buda had appointed with the rest of the Commissioners to come into the Isle, to hear what our Commissioners should demand, and to entreat of the Peace. But he was too true an Infidel to fail of his Infidelity, and so came not at all, but deceived our Men both of their Hope and Expectation. At length, instead of himself, Letters were brought from him to Colonel Althem, whereby he excused himself for not coming, requesting him, with the rest of the Commissioners, to come over the River to Buda, the more commodiously for them to confer together, and so the better to conclude their Negotiation. Now though Almain, for the Majesty of his Prince, and the Honour of the State, ought not at the Request of these his Enemies to have put himself into their Power, but to have stood fast upon the Terms of Honour, yet to the end that the Country of Hungary, so miserably spoiled with Wars, should not take occasion to complain of his negligence in this Negotiation of Peace, he resolved to go to Buda, as the Bassa had requested; deeming every Action tending to the hindrance of the common Good, to be but in show honourable, and in deed hurtful. Upon which Resolution, 
An evil Presage of the future Peace.  he sent before the Gentleman of his Stable, and his Cook, with a Gentleman of the Turks, sent but the day before from the Bassa: which men going aboard together, were assailed with such a cruel Tempest upon the River, that neither the Skill of the Watermens, nor Goodness of the Vessel, was able to resist the force thereof; so that the Boat was sunk, and the men drowned: an evil Presage of the Peace to be made, the raging Water as it were foreshowing the Troubles to come. But this Tempest, by the sacrifice of those poor drowned men, appeased, Althem and Geisberg, two of the chief Commissioners, embarked themselves, and so passed over the River to Buda. At whose Arrival, 
The Christian Commissioners courteously entertained at Buda.  the Turks gave in show a thousand Testimonies of their Joy for their coming. Neither did the Germans refuse their kind offered Courtesies, but largely fed of the good cheer, and filled themselves with the good Wines, whereof the Turks had given them Plenty; and they again using them as kindly as if they had been their Brethren, and conversing with them as with their own Countrymen. Amidst this carousing and Platters full of good cheer, the Proposition of Peace, which the Turks meant to demand, were served in also, 
A Truce for twelve days agreed upon betwixt the Turks and the Christians.  and a Truce for twelve days demanded to consider of the matter; during which time, it should be lawful for every man, without let, freely to come and go whither they would; which was forthwith on both sides agreed upon. And for better Testimony of the Turks true meaning in this their Negotiation of Peace, the Bassa, in the presence of our Commissioners, dispatched a Courier toward the great Sultan, to advertise him of this business, and of the proceeding therein, according to the Commandment by him before given. Which he did, to cause our men to believe, that the great Sultan himself was desirous of Peace, and that his Captains, well affected thereunto, were willing to further the same. Which done, 
Presents by the Turks given to the Christian Commissioners.  the Bassa presented unto Colonel Althem two Cases full of Turks Arms, of all manner of Fashions, very rich, and cunningly wrought; both carried by a Mule, with Furniture for an Horse, embroidered with Gold and Pearl, very sumptuous and rich, as a Present from the great Sultan, his Lord and Master, to the Emperor. And for the Archduke Mathias, he presented unto the Colonel, a Robe of purple Velvet, with Sleeves cunningly embroidered with Gold and Pearl, embossed with fine and curious Figures cunningly wrought with the Needle; for the rareness thereof as admirable to behold, as for the richness thereof to have been desired: which was by every man wondered at, when as shortly after it was by Althem presented unto the Archduke, together with other Presents from the Turks. Besides that, the same Bassa, in token of Friendship, presented unto Althem himself another very fair and rich Robe; all the rest of the Commissioners receiving also from the Bassa other Robes of less Value, but yet all very rich and sumptuous.  
This business for this time thus ended, and the Truce for twelve days concluded, the Christian Commissioners, loaded with Presents, took their leave of the Turks, with the shows of their good Wills, and so returned back again to Pesth. Howbeit, these the Enemies fair Presents still favoured but of Enmity, being indeed but like to the Presents of Hector and Ajax, tending rather to War than to Peace.  
Now the Death of the most valiant and renowned Lord Nadasti, 
The true and just Commendation of the Lord Nadasti.  which at this time happened, was another evil Presage of the bad Success of this Treaty of Peace now at hand; who, having of long been a bar unto the Turks Rage in that part of Hungary where he dwelled, they now after his Death, with the violence of their Forces, as with an heady stream, bore down before them all our good Fortune in that Province. This worthy man, of great Fame and Desert, had spent both his Years and Fortune in the most honourable Wars against the Turks; wherein he was so skilful and expert, that he was of them feared as another Huniades, and of the Christians honoured as another Mathias. He had a thousand times most valiantly fought against these Miscreants, and as many times foiled them, to the great benefit of the Christian Commonweal, the advancement of the Emperor's Service, and the relief of his distressed Country. These his heroical deeds of Arms were engraven upon the Gates of the Towns and Cities of Hungary, and within the Rocks of Transilvania, having both in the one Country and the other right happily defeated these Infidels. He had the Honour to have received the first Incursions and Attempts of the Turks, at such time as Amurath the Third, having perfidiously broken the League made with Maximilian the Emperor, with his Forces invaded Hungary; and was the first of all the Christian Chieftains that made head against them; and being by their sudden coming in by them almost surprised, performed yet great and worthy Exploits and Service against these faithless men. It should seem that good Fortune favoured the Country of Hungary, but only in respect of him; for he being dead, it died also, burying itself as it were in his Grave, and him in Glory; not suffering him to grow old, and so to languish in the Ruins of his native Country. 
The Death of the Lord Nadas●i.  He died of a natural Death, about fifty and four Years old, most part whereof he lived in Arms, still charged with the burden of his Armour, and even at the yielding up of the Ghost yet breathing Wars against these the Enemies of the Christian Faith. His Death was much lamented of many faithful Christians, but especially of his own Tenants and Subjects, whom he had always kept and preserved in Safety, and still maintained them in all Peace and Tranquillity during all these former Wars, the Turks not daring once to assail them, nor to enter into their Territory, being stayed from so doing by the Bulwark of his Valour, right dreadful to their Attempts. Never Turk was buried in his Territory, no more than were the Barbarians upon the Banks of the River Eurotas, his Wisdom had so wisely provided for the Preservation of his People; and his Valour so worthily assured them of their Health and Safety. He was for his Country another Epaminondas, who made his Town not only free from the Arms and Invasions of their Enemies, but also dreadful to their Forces so long as he lived. The Turks on the contrary part no less rejoiced for his Death; but accounting his Country now rich and plentiful (for that it had never been by them spoilt) for their most assured Prey came now thither on all sides, to have taken the Spoil thereof, and therewith to have enriched themselves. But as they were about so to have done, the valiant Collonitz, honouring the Remembrance of the Lord Nadasti, his late Fellow and Companion in Arms, and holding that for his own which he had left, opposed himself with his Forces against these ravening Wolves: so that they were no sooner entered into this his Territory, but that, contrary to their Expectation, they were encountered by this new Nadasti, and by him so overthrown and cut in pieces, that for a good while after they durst no more attempt the like.  
This so great a loss of so worthy a man, was a little ●ased, by the Victory about the same time gained by the Vayvod of Valachia against the Tu●ks, 
The Turks overthrown by the Vayvod of Valachia.  spoiling of his Country. This valiant Champion not able longer to endure the proud Insolency and Tyranny of those barbarous People, gathered together his Troops of Horsemen, with such other small Forces as he had; whereof, the Turks having made small reckoning, and therefore without order pillaging and ransacking his Country, were, when they least feared, by him upon the sudden surprised and overthrown, many of them being cut in pieces, a number more taken Prisoners, with all the Spoils they had got, and the rest with such fear chased out of his Country, as that being glad to have escaped, they took no pleasure for a great while after to look into that his Province again.  
But to return again to the Commissioners for the Peace to be made betwixt the Great Sultan and the Emperor; The Bassa of Buda, to the end that the Captains and Governors of the Turks, and Castles belonging to the Turks, being ignorant of the Truce, should not continue their warlike Actions, to the prejudice of his Faith given; immediately after the departure of the Christian Commissioners from Buda, dispatched divers Courriers towards them, to give them knowledge thereof, and especially the Governor of Agria, commanding them from thenceforth to abstain from their ordinary Incursions into their Enemy's Territories, and from all other Actions of Hostility, and so to keep themselves quiet until they were from him otherwise commanded. 
The small time of Truce yieldeth great contentment both unto the Christians and Turks in Hungary.  This little time of respite and breathing from War, gave great Contentment unto the poor Country People, now with Wars almost exhausted and spent. And now our Soldiers, during this time of Truce, laying their Arms aside, ran by heaps with Spades and Shovels unto the places where our Armies had sometime lain encamped, there to delve and search to find such things as the Armi●s rising in haste had haply left there buried. In which Action they so busied themselves as if they had been Labourers in Harvest, so that nothing was in the Fields to be seen, but Men digging and removing of Stones and Earth. A right foolish Business, and yet so exceedingly pleasing the greedy Minds of these covetous men, as that amidst their such moiling labour they accounted themselves at great ease. The Turks also did the like, mingled together with our Men, and our Men with them, without any injury doing one to another, either by word or Deed. And no doubt it is, but that there they found more Travel than Wealth, the greedy desire which drew them into this Work deceiving them in effect. And in this mad Labour both the Parties spent many days without any let or injury doing either on the one side or the other. The Christians of Pesth also passing over the Danuby, went into the victualling Houses of the Turks at Buda, whereinto they were suffered to enter, and at liberty to walk up and down the Town at their Pleasure. And so the Turks of Buda likewise came over the River unto Pesth, and there walked at their pleasure, no man letting of them. Which manner of living was very commodious and pleasing both for the one side and the other, the Christians buying of the Turks such things as they needed, and the Turks of them likewise. Through which quiet and peaceable Intercourse and Traffic, the People in general seemed even in that short time to have forgotten a great part of their forepast Miseries, this little time of Peace, joined with security, having well assuaged the same. 
The Death of the Great Sultan Mahomet.  But while these mutual and unwonted Courtesies thus passed betwixt the Christians and the Turks, and the minds of most men were filled with the expectation of an assured Peace to have been forthwith concluded, the Great Sultan Mahomet, in the midst of all his Pleasures and Delights, died in his Imperial Palace at Constantinople: the News whereof, being in the Evening brought to Buda by a Courier of purpose sent from Constantinople, the Bassa forthwith sent the Captain of the Sentinels of Buda, to Colonel Geisberg at Pesth, to assure him of the Death of the Great Sultan Mahomet, and of the Succession of his young Son Achmat into his Empire, now already both at Constantinople and other Places thereabout proclaimed Emperor. By which Messenger he also wrote unto Colonel Althem, to certify him both of the Death of the Great Sultan, and of the Succession of his Son, as also that he was by him commanded to continue the Negotiation of the Peace, and so if he could to conclude the same. For the more evidence whereof, behold the Copy of the Letters themselves.  
The Letters of the Bassa of Buda to Colonel Althem.  
OUR due Commendations remembered, noble Lord Governor, our dear Friend and right honourable Neighbour. We have thought good to advertise you, that the fourth day after your departure from this City, we received Letters from Constantinople, giving us certainly to understand of the Death of our Most Mighty Emperor Mahomet, and of the Succession of his Son Sultan Achmat, into all his Dominions and Empires: whereby we were, as his most humble Subjects, summoned to yield unto him our Oath of faithful Obedience, as unto our rightful Lord, and lawful Successor of his Father into all his Estates and Dominions. Moreover, he particularly commandeth ●s, to give him certain Advice and Knowledge concerning the Negotiation of the Peace begun betwixt Us and You, by the Commandment of his deceased Father; promising to confirm and ratify all whatsoever he shall find done and agreed upon concerning that Business, without any Qualification at all. And that if the Treaty be not yet concluded and ended, that his Will and Desire was, that it should be so, according to the just Means and Assurances that we should faithfully and carefully together devise. Whereof I should readily give him Advice and Answer; which I have deferred to do, until I have received your Answer, which may instruct me what to resolve upon. Which your Answer I attending, have stayed the Courier of Constantinople, to the intent he may carry backward unto our Emperor, what he is to hope for concerning this Business, by the Answer that you shall give us. These are now therefore to advise you, as our dear Friend, and a most valiant Governor, to set down that which you shall think to be most fit and necessary in this Business; giving you withal to understand, that our new Emperor is a man of Resolution, even in these his young Years, wherein he now flourisheth, hating Idleness, deeming no loss greater, and altogether irreparable, than the loss of time. If then you be still desirous, that the Peace betwixt our Emperors should be made and confirmed, I hope you will employ your whole endeavour with speed to determine this most happy Negotiation, and so necessary for every man's good; as also to avert far from our own Heads the Curses of the common People, for whom it is most needful that the Peace should for their good and quietness be concluded, seeing that the Fruit thereof is expected to be unto them happy, and the Glory thereof for ever ours, for having by our diligence and true endeavour concluded the same. Which maketh me to hope, that when you shall find yourself ready to conclude this Treaty, you will not bring with you Men Enemies unto Peace, or such as shall dissuade the same; but rather, wise and grave men, which to the uttermost of their Power may advance the same, and find out good and reasonable means to assure an eternal and faithful Peace betwixt our Emperors, unto which so general a good every one of us is in duty bound to employ the uttermost of his Sufficiency and Power. And this is that I have of Truth to write unto you at this time: and so I bid you farewel.  
Now these Letters, although they most concerned the Continuation of the Treaty of Peace already begun, and were too friendly from an Enemy to have in them any good meaning, yet did they well assure the Colonel, to whom they were written, of the Death of the great and late Sultan Mahomet, and of the Succession of his Son Achmat into his Empire, to which end they are here set down.  
This late mighty Monarch, and now nothing but a loathsome lump of dead Flesh, the great Sultan Mahomet, departed this Life about the latter end of january, in the Year of Grace 1604, (according to their Computation which begin the year at Christmas) when he had lived about 44 years, and thereof reigned eight. He was a man of no great Spirit, and yet exceeding proud; which was the cause that he was both the less beloved and feared of his Subjects in general, but especially of the Janissaries, 
Mahomet, why he was not regarded of his men of War,  and other his Soldiers and men of War, who, scorning his loose Government, and grieved to see even the greatest Affairs of his State not only imparted to Women, but by them managed and overruled also (as by his Mother, the Sultaness his Wife, and others) not only rebelled against him, but were oftentimes in their Rages about to have deposed him. He was altogether given to sensuality and voluptuous pleasure, the marks whereof he still carried about with him, a foul, swollen, unwealdy, and overgrown Body, unfit for any Princely Office or Function; and a Mind thereto answerable, wholly given over unto Idleness, Pleasure, and Excess, no small means for the shortening of his days, which he ended with Obloquy, unregarded of his Subjects, and but of few or none of them lamented.  
He had Issue four Sons, 
Mahomet's Issue.  and three Daughters married unto three of the great Bassaes.  
His first and eldest Son was called Mahomet (after his own Name) whom he caused to be strangled in his own sight, upon suspicion of aspiring to the Empire, and conspiring with the Rebels in Asia: but afterward finding him guiltless, caused his Body to be buried in his own Sepulchre, and hanged the Bassa that had misinformed him.  
His second Son died a natural Death, being yet very young.  
His third Son was Sultan Achmat, who succeeded his Father, and came to the Empire by the untimely Death of Mahomet his eldest Brother.  
His fourth Son, being then a Youth of about sixteen Years old, was carefully kept within the Seraglio, with such a straight Guard set over him, as that his Name was not to be learned, even by a good understanding Friend of mine, of late lying above three Months together at Constantinople, who most curiously enquired after the same, having very good means to have learned it. He was reported to have been long since murdered, howbeit that he of late lived, but looking every day to be by his Brother's cruel Commandment strangled, which is accounted but a matter of course, and a Death hereditary to all the younger male Children of the Ottoman Emperors; the Policy for the maintenance of their great Empire entire and whole, so requiring.  
His dead Body lieth buried at Constantinople, 
Mahomet, how he lieth buried at Constantinople.  in a fair Chapel of white Marble (near unto the most famous and beautiful Church of S. Sophia) for that only purpose by himself most sumptuously built, about fifty foot square, with four high small round Towers, about the which are certain small round Galleries of Stone; from which the Turkish Priests and Churchmen, at certain hours, use to call the People every day to Church; for they use no Bells themselves, neither will they suffer the Christians to use any. But the top of this Chapel is built round, like unto the ancient Temples of the Heathen Gods in Rome. In the midst of this Chapel (being indeed nothing else but this great Sultan's Sepulchre) standeth his Tomb, which is nothing else but a great Urn or Coffin of fair white Marble, wherein lieth his Body, covered with a great covering of the same Stone over it, made rising in the midst, and stooping on each sid●; not much unlike to the Coffins of the ancient Tombs of the Saxon Kings, which are to be seen on the North side of the Choir of S. Paul's Church and in other Places of this Land; but that this Coffin of the Great Sultan is much greater, and more stately than are those of the Saxon Kings; it being above five foot high at the end thereof, and by little and little falling toward the feet, covered with a rich Hearse of Cloth of Gold down to the ground; his Turban standing at his Head, and two exceeding great Candles of white Wax, about three or four Yards long, standing in great brass or silver Candlesticks gilded, the one at his Head, the other at his Feet, which never burn, but there stand for show only: all the Floor of the Chapel being covered with Mats, and fair Turkey Carpets upon them. And round about this his Tomb, even in the same Chapel, are the like Tombs for his Wives and Children, but nothing so great and fair. Into this Chapel, or any other the Turks Churches or Chapels, it is not lawful for either Turk or Christian to enter, but first he must put off his Shoes, leaving them at the Church or Chappel Gate, or carrying them in his hand. Near unto this Chapel, and the great Temple of Sophia, are divers other Chapels of the other great Turks; as of Sultan Selim, this Man's Grand father, with his seven and thirty Children about him; of Sultan Amurath, this Man's Father, with his five and forty Children entombed about him. An● in other places, not far from them, are the Chapels and Sepulchers of the rest of the Great Sultan's; as of Sultan Mahomet the Great, of Sultan Bajazet, Sultan Selim the first, Sultan Solyman; all by these great Mahometan Emperors built, whose Names they bear. And being all of almost one form and fashion, have every one of them a fair Hospital adjoining unto them, wherein a great multitude of poor People are daily still relieved.  
Some others of the great Bassas have their Chapels and Sepulchers, with their great and stately Almshouses also, not much inferior unto those of the great Sultan's; as namely, Ibrahim Bassa, of all the Bassas that ever were amongst the Turks the most magnificent, hath his stately Chapel, Sepulchre, and Almshouses, near, both in Place and Beauty unto that of Solyman's. 
The Turks bury not in their Churches, neither within the Walls of theirCities, but in the Fields.  The Turks bury not at all within their Churches, neither are any at all buried within the Walls of the City, but the great Turkish Emperors themselves, with their Wives and Children about them, and some few other of their great Bassas, and those only in Chapels by themselves built for that purpose. All the rest of the Turks are buried in the Fields; some of the better sort in Tombs of Marble, but the rest with Tombstones laid upon them, or with two great Stones, the one set up at the head, and the other at the feet of every Grave; the greatest part of them being of white Marble, brought from the Isle of Marmora. They will not bury any man where another hath been buried, accounting it Impiety to dig up another man's Bones: by reason whereof, they cover all the best Ground about the City with such great white Stones: which, for the infinite number of them, are thought sufficient to make another Wall about the City. But not to stand longer upon the manner of the Turks Burials, leaving this great Sultan to rest with his Ancestors, let us now prosecute the course of our History.  
Christian Princes of the same time with Mahomet the Third.  

Emperors of Germany, 

Rodolph the Second. 1577.    
Kings, 

Of England, 

Queen Elizabeth. 1558. 47.    
Of France, 

Henry the Fourth. 1589.    
Of Scotland, 

James the Sixth. 1567.      
Bishops of Rome. 

Clement the VIII. 1592. 13.  
Leo the XI. 1605. 26. days.  
Paul the V. 1605.      

THE LIFE OF ACHMAT, The First of that Name, Eighth Emperor of the Turks.  
year 1604 MAhomet, the late Sultan, in the midst of his excessive Pleasures, by untimely Death taken away, 
Achmat, by excessive bounty procureth the favour of his great Courtiers and men of War.  Achmat, the elder of his two Sons yet living, who was to succeed him in the Empire, to prevent the usual and insolent Tumults of the Janissaries, and other Soldiers of the Court at the change of the Emperors, and to take from them all Occasions of discontentment; by the Counsel of the great Bassas (before he took upon him the Government) caused an exceeding great sum of Money (viz. two millions and an half) as a token of his Bounty, to be distributed amongst them; the Spahi and Silictars', his chief Horsemen, receiving thereof ten Crowns a man, with five Asper's a day more to increase their Pay; and the Janissaries thirty Crowns a man, and one Asper a day more of ordinary pay; they of his Court, but especially the chief Officers, tasting of this his bounteous Liberality also. With which so great a largess all men well contented, he, in a most rich and stately Chariot, so placed as that all men might well see him, was in great Majesty carried through all the chief Streets of Constantinople, the People on every side gazing upon him, and still as he passed by them, prosecuting him with their most joyful and happy Acclamations. Some wishing, that he being but young, might as another Solyman begin his Reign with the Conquest of Malta, as had the other with the Conquest of the Rhodes; and other some as heartily praying, that with glorious and victorious Conquests he might be like unto Mahomet ●he Great, whom he was then reported much to resemble. 
Achmat Crowned Emperor of the Turks at Constantinople.  In which so great and public Magnificence, he, being about fifteen years old, was with all the accustomed Solemnities openly crowned, every man wishing unto him a most long and happy Reign. And albeit that no great fruit was for the present from so young and tender a Plant to be expected, yet nevertheless, by his Authority, and in his Name, many good Orders were taken for the relief of his Subjects, with most heavy Grievances generally oppressed, during the loose and careless Reign of his Father. 
Achmat removeth his Grandmother from dealing with matters ofState.  His Grandmother also, a most proud, ambitious, and imperious Woman, and withal exceeding rich, who, with great Authority, at her Pleasure, overruled all in the time of the Reign of her Son Mahomet, he now removed from the State, as not fit for her to have to do therein, and so deprived her of all her former Power and Command. The Persian Ambassador, whom his Father in his displeasure had close shut up, he set at liberty, and with him sent the Bassa of Aleppo, to entreat of Peace with the great Shaugh of Persia, who not long before (as was reported) had recovered the great City of Tauris, and was then preparing himself for new Conquests. 
1604 The Turks diversely conceited of their new Emperor.  Which Report for the motion of Peace with the Persian, discovered in his Subjects their divers opinions concerning himself; some condemning his Patience, as not beseeming the Ottoman Emperors, unto whom Fury and Rage had always made them a way unto their great and dreadful Conquests, even against the most puissant Armies, and strongest Towns and Fortresses of their Enemies; and some others to the contrary praising therein his Wisdom, in seeking by fair means (now in the beginning of his Reign) to disarm his Enemies when they might most hurt him; at his better opportunity, in his settled estate, to oppress them for ever. So the Actions of Princes are like unto strange Lights appearing by Night in the Air, which hold men's Eyes busied with the intentive beholding of them, some thereof divining well, and some others evil, according to the diversity of the beholders conceits and humours.  
The Treaty for Peace also in Hungary, 
The Treaty for Peace in Hungary continued▪  was notwithstanding the death of Mahomet, by the Bassa of Buda still continued, who (as he said) by the new Sultan authorised, by Letters incited the Governor of Strigonium to repair unto some such convenient Place, as wherein the matter might be safely concluded. Upon which motion, the Governor, with the rest of the Commissioners, departing from Strigonium, the fourth of February came to Collonitz's Camp, from whence they were by the Soldiers most bravely conducted along the Banks of Danubius, unto the Ships which lay ready for them, to carry them down the River to Pesth; during which time of their Passage, nothing was to be seen or heard, but Fire and Smoak, and the thundering of the great Artillery both from Pesth and Buda, the Christians and the Turks both striving to excel each other in these their shows of Joy and Triumph. The Governor, with the rest of his Company, being happily arrived at Pesth, met there with a number of the better sort of the Turks, sent thither by the Bassa to meet him, and in his Name ●o greet him; who, with a thousand Honours again received and saluted them. All shows of Kindness, and signs of the happy success of the Negotiation begun. And now the Christians, desirous to excel the Turks, as well in Courtesy as in Valour, appointed a number of them the next day to go to Buda, to invite certain of the chiefest and most honourable men amongst the Turks, unto a Banquet at Pesth; 
The Turks honourably feasted by the Christian● near Pesth.  who willingly accepted of the offer, and so came six hundred of the better sort of them over the Danuby to Pesth, where the feast was most sumptuously and magnificently prepared for them. There were ten fair and rich Pavilions, set up for the Entertainment of them a little distant from Pesth, in a fair place, and fit for this purpose. In the first whereof were placed three very proud and stately Tables. At the first of which Tables, on the right hand, were set the Commissioners for the Emperor, with the two Bassas, and one Mufti or Archpriest, with a Mitre upon his Head, a long furred Gown upon his Back, and under that, a Robe of most fine and exceeding rich Silk. Upon the left hand, at the same Table, were placed certain of the Turks Lords, and other great men. At the other two Tables were set other of the best sort of the Turks mingled with the Christians: and so at all the other Tables in like order were set a Christian and a Turk, until that the six hundred Turks were placed, with as many Christians among them; who, by their good Countenance and Behaviour one of them to another, might have seemed to have been all of one and the same Belief, Nation, and Country. The Turks, after the manner of their Superstition, would not sit down before the setting of the Sun; which being set, they with a thousand Ceremonies, to the imitation of their Archpriest, set themselves down at the Tables in order as is aforesaid, and there merrily reposed themselves until nine of the Clock at night. At which time, the Tables with great reverence taken away, the Turks, as men well contented, and full of Joy, returned to Buda, the Instruments of Music, Trumpets, and Drums, on every side sounding about them with much glee, and as it were witnessing unto Heaven and Earth the great Contentment they had received. And yet was all this fair show nothing else but deep Dissimulation mixed with most foul Treachery: for, a little before their departure, they of Pesth were advertised, 
The Turks by Treachery seek to surprise Pesth.  That the Turks in great number well appointed, were come out from Buda to surprise Pesth, during the time of the Feast; being in hope, that the Christians, all busied in this Action, had left the Walls of the Town unfurnished of defence. But they, too well acquainted with their Treacheries to put any trust or confidence in their fair shows, had as well provided for the Defence and Safety of the Town, as for the Magnificence of the Feast abroad. By which means the Turks disappointed of their intended purpose, were in the attempting thereof repulsed, and so glad to return as they came, back again to Buda.  

The Turks Commissioners disavow the Practice for the surprising of Pesth.  The next day after, the Commissioners for the Emperor complained unto the Bassa and the rest of the Turks Commissioners of this so treacherous dealing; who excused themselves as altogether ignorant thereof, disavowing the Action for want of Success, which had it been effected, they would to the uttermost have shamefully maintained. An ordinary course among the Great, with Speech and Countenance in show to condemn that for want of effect, which they in Heart and Mind could for their own Profit have wished to have been performed.  

The Commissioners for the Emperor refuse any more to go to Buda.  Nevertheless, the Turks the next day (as if no such thing had been meant) requested the Christian Commissioners to come to Buda, as they had done to Pesth; but they, as well by Proof as by Report, perceiving the evil meaning of the Turks, excusing themselves, returned to Strigonium, as loath any more to adventure themselves into the Power of their faithless Enemies; yet left they Geisberg at Pesth, with Commission to continue the Negotiation for Peace with the Bassa of Buda, if he should find him thereunto disposed, or any hope of bringing the Treaty to good effect or issue.  
Mahomet the late Sultan, had a little before his Death (as is before declared) set at Liberty the County Ysolan (carried away Prisoner to Constantinople after the taking of Alba-Regalis) and sent him with Letters of Credence to entreat of a Peace to be made with the Emperor; 
The Message of County Ysolan from the Great Sultan to the Emperor.  with promise to yield himself again Prisoner, if he failed to obtain the same; for whom, the French Ambassador became Pledge. He having now delivered his Letters of Credence unto the Emperor, and commanded to say what he had farther in charge, declared, That the Great Sultan offered to deliver unto his Majesty the strong Towns of Buda, Alba-Regalis, and Canisia, in exchange of Transilvania and Valachia, whereunto he laid claim, promising on his part to make a most firm and sure Peace with the Emperor for the time to come, and to give thereof such assurance as should of him reasonably be demanded. The Bassa of Buda also, amongst other the fair Remonstrances of Peace, had offered unto the Emperor's Commissioners to restore Canisia and Agria for Pesth, Hatwan, and Vacia, together with the Remission of all such Payments and Tributes as were by the Emperor due unto the Great Sultan for the Kingdom of Hungary. 
The Turks in all the Negotiation for Peace did nothing but dissemble with the Emperor's Commissioners.  All which fair Shows and Offers, though much unreasonable, were nothing but windy Words to delay the time, and subtle Baits to deceive the Christians: for the Event and Issue, which giveth life to all Actions, with a form unto them agreeable, hath by Experience taught the Christians, That all the glorious and glozing Proceedings of the Turks in this business of the Peace, so much wished and expected of the Christians, were but Nets and Snares wherewith to entangle them with the vain hope thereof, until that they in the mean time might fortify their Towns with new Supplies of Men, Munition, Victuals, and whatsoever else was needful, the more easily afterward to annoy them at their Pleasure, and so to laugh at their Simplicity and light belief For Mahomet being dead, and Achmat his Son (yet by reason of his Minority under the Tuition of his Mother and other the great Bassas) succeeding in his Place, the Turks aggravated the Conditions of the Peace, and propounded them so far from reason, as that any man might see them now to have no more desire or regard of Peace, after that they had dispatched that for which they seemed before desirous thereof; insomuch, that they sent a Messenger in Post from Constantinople unto the Bassa of Buda, to forbid him, upon the pain of his Head, any farther to continue the Treaty of Peace, but forthwith to renew the War. So this Peace, so much expected, and now of the People generally holden for as good as concluded, suddenly vanished into Smoak, 
The Treaty for Peace with the Turks cometh to nothing.  nothing remaining of that Body, composed of so many Wishes, more than a vain Expectation▪ now dispersed with the Wind of the Turkish Treachery. And yet during the time of this Negotiation for Peace sought for by the Turks both by often Letters and Messengers, many a solemn Oath had passed both from the Sultan Mahomet, and from the Visier Bassa, for their faithful and sincere dealing in the Treaty thereof; as, By the God of Heaven and Earth; By the Books of Moses; By the Psalms of David; and, By the Holy Evangelists; Oaths much used of Turks, and reserved for their greatest Solemnities, and strongest Assurances of their Leagues and Promises; all which, for all that, having served but as Baits and Trains to beguile the simple and well-meaning men, lay now neglected and unregarded: such is the faith and assurance which men have from faithless and untrusty men. 
Divers Reports concerning the Turks great Preparations and Designs.   
The Treaty of Peace thus broken off, it was forthwith by some bruited, That Achmat the Great Sultan, under the Conduct of the Visier Bassa, his Governor, was himself in Person, with a most huge Army about to come into Hungary; some others in the mean time reporting, that he was letted so to do by reason of the Persian Wars, whereunto he was of necessity to send the greatest part of his Forces; so that he would but only send one of his great Bassas, with the remainder of his so great an Army, against the Christians in Hungary, being before sworn never to return again unto Constantinople, until he had brought the Countries of Transilvania and Valachia, with the remainder of Hungary, under the Obeisance of the great Sultan, together with the Country of Austria, and especially the strong City of Vienna, the end of the Turkish Emperors Conquests; and that to this purpose the Grand Signior had with great rigour in all places levied great sums of Money upon his Subjects for the maintenance of his so great an Army. It was by others reported also, That only the Preparations for so great an Army should be made this year, the Turks being resolved to do much therewith the next year, and therefore willing to bestow much, in hope with so great and puissant an Army as they were about to raise, to make an end of the Wars in Hungary, and not to return until they had conquered all the rest of that Kingdom, in the rend relics whereof the Fortune of the Ottoman Emperors had stayed; so that all Handicrafts men were set to work by Day and Night, not only to forge Weapons, to cast great Ordnance, and to make Powder, but to prepare all other things necessary also for so great an Exploit.  
All these great Preparations were made for the service of the Visier Bassa for the War in Hungary, and of Cicala Bassa in Persia, whereof he was appointed General, having before presumptuously promised, utterly to ruinate the Persians Estate, and with so great a Power even to swallow him up. And indeed, these Eastern Wars greatly troubled the Turks; News coming still concerning the Conquests of the Persian upon his Territories; and that even of late the Persian King prosecuting his Victories, 
Babylon reported to have been taken by the Persian King.  had taken Babylon, with all the Country thereabout; and that divers other Towns and Cities, more moved with fear than with the Faith wherewith they had bound themselves unto the Turks, now yielded themselves unto the Persian, as weary of the Turks Servitude, and desirous of their ancient Liberty. 
The Turks wisely dissemble their Losses.  And yet for all that, the Turks (as they are wise to dissemble their Losses, and to strike a fear into their Enemies) had given it out in Constantinople, That the Persian King was near unto Babylon discomfited, all his Army overthrown, and he himself taken Prisoner; so that the Turks Forces, before distracted, should now wholly join together, to the utter Ruin and Destruction of the Christians in Hungary. And the more to confirm this evil News, it was reported, That the Beglerbeg of Grecia had raised a great Power to join with the Visier Bassa's Forces, to the intent to leave nothing unconquered in Hungary. For the better effecting whereof, it was also said, That the Visier Bassa had caused a great number of Vessels, loaded with Powder and other warlike Provision, to be brought by Water out of Egypt to Belgrade, to ruinate the Estate of the Christians. All which Reports, were by the Turks given out, to cover their own Mishaps, and to terrify their Enemies; as knowing right well, Wars to depend much upon Reports, and that a false brute believed, worketh oftentimes the Effect of a thing indeed done. Howsoever it was, those so dreadful Reports might well have served to have stirred up the Spirits of the Christians to have provided for their own Defence, and to have stood upon their Guard; for he that faileth to provide against the Preparations of his Enemy, well deserveth either Bondage or Death, which soever shall befall him, for having by his Negligence betrayed his own Ability and Power to have withstood him.  
The great Report of the Turks Preparations and Forces, had now dashed all the Talk of Peace at Constantinople, and the hot fire of Ambition had quite scorched the sweet Flowers appearing upon the overture of the late hope of the common Repose; some persuading the Great Sultan, 
The great Opinion the Turks have of the Power of their great Sultan.  that he was able with his Power at the same time, both to subdue the Persian King, and to confound the Forces of the Christian Emperor, having so many Kingdoms within his Empire, so many Armouries stored for his Service, and such store of Treasure ready for his Designs, promising unto him most happy and easy Success both in the one and the other Expedition, even a● one and the self same time; so that he might vanquish the Persian by Cicala, Chie●tain of his Army in Persia, and conquer the remainder of Hungary, with the Countries of Transilvania and Valachia, by the Visier Bassa, General of his Forces against the Christians; it being (as they said) a thing both honourable and profitable for a Prince to bestow both Men and Money, thereby to gain Men, Honour, and Empire; so that things which with great charge might be done all at once, were more profitable than were those which with less charge were done at divers times; for that things so done at once, yielded present profit, as being in our Power, and recompensing our Charge; the other in long time putting us to great charge, and yielding little or no profit at all. And indeed men stand in great fear of this the Turks young Emperor, being by Nature fierce, hasty, vigilant, cruel, 
The Disposition of the young Turkish Emperor.  ambitious, and proud; and who, in his Behaviour and Actions, much resembled Mahomet the second, he which took from the Christians so many Kingdoms, Towns, and Cities, and amongst the rest, the Imperial City of Constantinople. He like unto a young Alexander, occupieth himself in all the Exercises of War, hateth Idleness, his Father's greatest Pleasure; he causeth Arms to be made, Cannons to be cast, Ships and Galleys to be built, and taketh a Pleasure to discourse, how the same are to be employed against his Enemies; so that it is greatly to be feared, that he being but a Child in Constantinople, will prove a man grown in Christendom, in bringing the same under his Power and Obeisance. He spareth no Person nor Means which may serve to satisfy his desire. So that Strangers are to expect small Courtesies at his hands, 
Fury and Tyranny the chief means whereby the Turkish Emperors command their Subjects.  when as they see him to use such bloody Cruelty against his Noblemen and domestical Servants, of the chiefest of whom since he was Emperor, he hath already put divers to death, with one of his Bassas also, who was the Governor of Pesth, when as our men won it. But as Justice and Clemency unto good Princes are the surest Bonds to keep their Subject fast bound unto them in their Obedience and Duties, so are Cruelty and Rage Bridles wherewith the Turkish Emperors keep their Subjects in awe and subjection unto them, and themselves in their Estate.  
But leaving the Turks busy about their Preparations for the accomplishing of their young Emperor's high Designs, let us return into Hungary, taking Transilvania in our way, the woeful Miseries of which Country my Mind abhorreth to think upon, and my Pen thereof to write. This Province, sometime much renowned for the great Victories obtained against the Turks by the Inhabitants thereof, under the leading of their Prince Sigismond Bator, and others, abounding with plenty of all things, was now, not by any invasion of the Turks, but by civil Discord amongst themselves, and Rebellion against the Emperor, now their Sovereign, so wasted and spoiled by the Soldiers on all sides, that many of the poor Inhabitants, for want of food, fell down dead, as they went in the Streets and Fields: miserable Wretches, always sowing, but never reaping; always labouring, but nothing profiting; the merciless and greedy Soldier still spoiling or devouring all. By long continuance of which daily Outrages, 
The miserable estate of the Country of Transilvania.  the Fields at length lay now untilled, the Pastures unstored and neglected, and all things else unmanured and quite out of course; by means whereof, the Famine so increased, that the poor Peasants of the Country, having eaten up for great Dainties all the Dogs and Cats, Mice and Rats, that they could get, fell to eating of dead Horses, and the loathsome Carrion of other hungerstarved Beasts. It is reported also, That one man should eat another; and that at Hermanstat, a Woman having six Children, did among them eat one another, until they were at length all six devoured; and to the contrary, that two men did eat their own Mother; yea, Thiefs and other Malefactors, hanged for their Villainies, were by the poor and miserable hungry People cut down from the Gallows, 
An horrible Famine.  and devoured, the People generally living upon nothing but upon the Roots of Weeds, green Herbs, and the leaves of Trees. For remedy of which so extreme Miseries, it was on all Parts agreed, That a General Assembly of the States of the whole Province should be holden at Dewa; wherein it was accorded, 
An Assembly of the States of Transilvania for the appeasing of the Troubles there.  That all Hostility set apart, the Gentlemen of Transilvania, having by their Rebellion forfeited both their Lives and Lands, should be pardoned their Lives, with three fourth Parts of their Lands reserved unto them, and that for ready Money they might of the Emperor redeem the fourth part also. But concerning the Movables of such as were dead in the time of these Troubles, and already confiscate unto the Emperor, they should so remain; and that they should pay their Dimes, or tenth part of their Wine and Fruits, unto the Emperor. And farther, That there should be no farther exercise of Religion permitted unto them, but only the Romish Religion: and that th● Towns of Cronstadt and Clausenburg should within the space of three Weeks, pay, the one twenty thousand Dollars, and the other eight thousand; and the Magistrates of those Towns should deliver the Keys of their Towns, with all their Power, into the hands of the Emperor's Lieutenant; and that the Gentlemen of these Towns which would not be accounted in the number of the Rebels, should, for the safety of their Persons, take Letters of Pardon for their Rebellion, of the General of the Army. This Pacification gave some little time of breathing unto this poor distressed Country, which, bared of all strength, and as it were upon the Graves brink, had now but even the last Gasp to give; and the Country People began again to give themselves unto their wont Labours, in hope at length to reap the profit thereof themselves; but alas, all in vain: for why, the ravening Soldiers, enured to Prey, after their wont manner made havoc and spoil of all things, leaving nothing unto the poor Countryman, but his labour for his Pain, and time enough to bewail his manifold and remediless Miseries: the Causes whereof were the Nobility and Gentlemen themselves; 
The Troubles of Transilvania secretly maintained by the Nobility of the Country.  who, not liking to be governed, or rather (as they took it) oppressed by the Germans, and having, not upon any desire that they had of Peace, but rather by necessity enforced, yielded unto the Pacification aforesaid, ceased not still underhand to incite the Soldiers (ready enough of themselves to do mischief) and in what they might to trouble the Government of the State by the Germans, being unto them, (as they accounted of them) but Strangers. All which their doings Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant, 
A severe and miserable kind of Punishment.  well perceiving, caused three of the greatest of the Gentlemen of the Country, and whom he most suspected to be the Authors of these Troubles, to be apprehended, and fast mured up betwixt two strong Walls in an old ruinous Monastery; whither their Friends afterwards coming to have visited them, and finding them starved to death, were therewith much abashed, as were also other their Complices, assoon as they heard thereof. But leaving them to work themselves farther Troubles, let us again return unto the Turks Affairs.  
Now was all the hope of Peace betwixt the Christians and the Turks become desperate, 
The Treaty of Peace betwixt the Christians and the Turks quite broken off, and the War again begun.  the Turks making thereof no more account, seeing that according to their Desire they had provided Alba-Regalis, Agria, and Buda, of their necessary Provisions. They had in four Wagons put into Agria the Pay due unto their Garrisons; so that their Affairs being now in good estate, and their Courages revived, they began to scoff and jest at our Credulity, to believe that they had had any purpose to conclude upon any thing that was not agreeing with their Profit, how far soever it were differing from their Honour or from their Faith: so that now these faithless men began again to renew their wont Incursions and Pillages upon the Christians, with all other manner of Hostility, and that in more cruel manner than ever before; and our Hussars on the other side well requited them with the like, being as well contented as they with these manner of doings, their whole Fortune depending upon the points of their Weapons, and ever ready to the Service of their Prince for their Pay▪ Now it fortuned, 
Booties taken from the Turks by the Christians.  that fourscore of the Turks going forth to seek for Booty, chanced to meet with certain of these Hussars, who finding themselves too weak to encounter with our men, and betaking themselves to flight, were certain of them taken Prisoners, and so brought unto the General; unto whom, 
The Christians by the Turks Prisoners informed of their evil meaning in the Treaty of Peace.  they upon Examination confessed, That the Turks much marvelled at the Simplicity and Foolishness of the Christians, to believe that they were desirous of Peace, and not to have discovered their so manifest Intentions to the contrary, tending only to the pleasuring of themselves, and the annoying of them their Enemies, to the strengthening of themselves, and destruction of the Christians, as by Proof it appeared, so soon as their Desires were accomplished, unto the prejudice of their Enemies; and that their young Emperor was always against this Treaty of Peace, whatsoever show he had made to the contrary, constrained thereunto by the Victories and Conquests of the Persian King; all his Wishes and Desires aiming at no other mark, than at the general Ruin of Christendom. Our Garrisons also, seeing themselves charged by the Turks, took up Arms likewise, and requited them with like Outrages, as they did. They of Pappa and Vesprinium were the first which began these Broils after the Treaty of the Peace; who, having joined their Forces together, and making head toward Alba-Regalis, met with a number of Turks driving of Sheep and cattle thither, whom they surprised, and together with their cattle carried them away with them Prisoners. Which good hap was seconded with the Liberty of twenty Christian Prisoners from Buda, who one night seeing their Keepers oppressed with Sleep and with Wine, cut their Throats, and so happily escaped over the River to Pesth.  
Now while these Troubles, betwixt the Christians and the Turks (after the Treaty of Peace broken off) thus began again in Hungary, the Turks, beside the Rebellion in Asia, were together by the Ears in the Province of Bosna. Zellaly, having by force joined with Policy driven Zeffer Bassa (as is aforesaid) out of Bosna, and possessed himself of that Province, thought himself now sure enough within the strength of his Government, although he being by the great Sultan sent for to Constantinople, had refused to come, as knowing himself right well to hold that so great a Government much against his Will and Pleasure. But Zeffer Bassa, now supported with the Authority of the Great Sultan, 
Zeffer Bassa recovereth the Government of Bosna from Zellaly, and shortly after dieth.  and desirous to be revenged of the great dishonour and loss he had before received from Zellaly, his Enemy, with a great Army suddenly entered into Bosna, and so coming unto Zellaly, fearing as than no such matter, overthrew him with all his Power, and never left pursuing of him, until he had chased him quite out of the Province, and so again recovered the Government thereof. But short was the Joy the Bassa received of this so pleasing a Victory; for within few days after he died, comforting himself only in this, that he died not unrevenged. Of all which things, the great Bassas of the Court understanding, and loath to lose so great a Soldier as was Zellaly, (who, as a man distressed, was now making shift for himself) or by using him hardly, to deter the other Asian Rebels from coming in, and yet not willing to trust him with so great a Government as was the Province of Bosna; they, to provide for all events, 
Zellaly made Governor of Temeswar.  appointed him to be Governor of Temeswar; and Begedes Bassa (before Governor there) to succeed Zeffer Bassa in the Government of Bosna; so contenting all Parties, to keep their Forces whole and entire against the Christians.  

The Miseries of the Hungarians.  But as the Turks were troubled with their Affairs in Bosna, so the Christians were no less, but rather more busied with theirs both in Transilvania and Hungary. The Estates of Hungary had appointed a general meeting at Possonium, wherein the Archduke Mathias was to sit as Precedent, there to consult of the means for the maintenance of this years Wars against the Turks. But as the Archduke was about to have entered into the City in the midst of his Soldiers, such a Fire upon the sudden arose in the City, as consumed the greatest part thereof; an evil presage of the Action then in hand, and a woeful spectacle to behold, with the Terror whereof all men's Minds possessed, turned them from the magnificent entertaining of the Archduke, (as was before determined) to the quenching of the raging fire, as more necessary and concerning them than the other. Besides that, the Miseries then to be seen in the other parts of Hungary yet holden by the Christians, were both great and lamentable; for beside the harms therein done by the Turks, 
The Regiment of Colonel Althem in Mutiny.  the Regiment of Colonel Althem had made such spoil and havoc all over the Country where it lay, that the Towns and People in general so grievously complained thereof unto the Emperor, that he, moved with their just Complaints, caused the Authors of these so great Outrages to be apprehended and brought Prisoners to Vienna, where some of them were beheaded, and some others of them hanged; beside whom so condemned and executed, there were some other Captains and Lieutenants, of whom, some denying the Fact, and othersome standing upon the justifying of that they had done, as thereunto by extreme Necessity enforced, were for their further trial sent Prisoners unto Prague, where they were committed unto Prison into the Castle, until their Causes might be heard. Among which Captains and Lieutenants, and other such great Officers, was one Genderot, Colonel Althem's Ancient, who most wickedly but a little before had slain Nudercy, a Gentleman of good sort, and his Fellow-companion in Arms; for which murder he was committed Prisoner into a very high and strong Tower within the Castle (wherein County Paradiser, who sold Canisia unto the Turks, lay sometime Prisoner) until his Trial might within a few days after be made. The horror of which criminal place, together with the guilt of Conscience, so troubled and wounded the Mind of Genderot, as that all the hope now to save his Life, was by making an escape, and so to avoid the stroke of Justice. Which he happily brought to pass by the help of one of his Lackeys, who had found means to bring unto him a long Cord, where, by straining himself out at a little Window (whereby it was thought almost impossible for any man to have got out) he in safety got down to the Ground, and there having two good Horses ready for him, he with his man fled amain, and so escaped, his Keeper's drunken over Night, being in the Morning found yet sleeping, without perceiving of any thing, whose Drunkenness and Favour toward the Prisoner had given him means to escape. The rest of the Captains and Lieutenants in Prison at Prague, were some of them beheaded, and some of them hanged, and the rest, at the Intercession of the Nobility of Austria, and other great men, pardoned; yet with Condition, That they should pay the fines set upon them, and serve the Emperor in his Wars three Months of their own charge without Pay; some few of the common Soldiers, to the Terror of others, had two of the fore-fingers of their right-hands cut off, and afterward fast nailed unto Gibbets set up by the highways side.  
In like manner also the Regiment of Colonel Meysberg rose in Mutiny for their Pay, 
The Regiment of Colonel Meysberg in Mutiny.  and came and encamped at Sneche, about a League from Vienna; threatening to destroy the Country, and to kill the chief men therein, if they were not paid their Pay. Which rebellious Mutiny the Captains did what they might to appease; they besought them, but in vain; they entreated them, but to no purpose; they promised them pay, but prevailed not; yea, the Colonel himself thrust himself into the midst of them, with most earnest Prayers, and his hands cast up, putting them in mind of their Duty, and laying before them the danger of most assured Death and Dishonour, if they continued further to proceed in that their Disloyalty, whereunto their headstrong Fury so disorderedly led them. But they, as men enraged, carried headlong with their Fury, breathing nothing but Threats and Destruction, and by no Prayers or Persuasion to be moved, presently made choice of another Chieftain, under whose conduct and leading they resolved to rifle the Suburbs of Vienna, and with the spoil of them to pay themselves. Upon which Resolution they marched on, and so drew near unto the City; with which their so great and dangerous an Insolency, the Governors of the City moved, (the sufferance whereof they accounted to be unto themselves both dishonourable and harmful) they on the other side resolved by plain force to repress them, and by just Arms to chastise them, who were not otherwise to be reclaimed. But such be the miserable Calamities of War, where violent Remedies must purge out of the body of the Common-weal the good Humours together with the bad, so to recover the health thereof; which Remedies, not but upon Necessity to be used, are so quick and violent in their working, as that they afford not liesure to discern the whole and sound from the sick and infected, to save the one, and to spill the other; but that they must altogether run the selfsame way. For albeit that the whole Regiment was in this mutinous Action, and so all in like danger, yet were they not thereof all alike guilty, many of them being even against their Wills and good liking carried away headlong, as with the violent course of an heady River.  
Now the Captains of the Town, with their Troops and Companies, strengthened with some other Supply sent from other Places, were to set forward against these rebellious Mutineers, and to frustrate their Designs; for the greater strengthening of whom, divers of the Burgesses of the Town were enforced to enter into this Action also: amongst whom, there were two, accounted very honest religious men, who by all means sought to excuse themselves from going, labouring both by lively Reasons, and by the Word of God, to prove, that they neither might nor ought of Right to enter into Arms against their Christian Brethren, enforced with Extremities, for want of their due Pay, to forget their Duty, and to do that beseemed them not. But what availeth it to allege eitther Reason or Law amongst the clattering of Arms; the noise whereof is so great, as that Reason and Law cannot there be heard. These two men seeing themselves enforced to go, and much grieved in Conscience to do that they were enjoined to do, and to help to shed the guiltless Blood of their innocent Brethren (as they accounted them) entered both of them into a most strange and woeful Resolution, 
A strange Action of two of the Citizens of Vienna.  which was, to die themselves, rather than to imbrue their hands with the Blood of the guiltless; whereupon, one of them, having oftentimes called upon the Name of jesus, with his own Sword thrust himself through the Body, and so died; the other, upon the like Resolution, threw himself into the River, and so perished also: Men worthy to be pitied for their Conscience sake, but justly to be condemned for their so weak and desperate a Resolution. In fine, the rebellious Mutineers seeing in what Peril they were, being even now ready to be charged, and withal considering the weakness of their Power in comparison of them that came against them, thought it best, upon the sight of so great a Tempest, to strike Sail; and so changing their former Determination, and laying down their Arms, craved Pardon of the Archduke; who graciously granted it them, and so took them to his Mercy; yet with Condition, that they should again return unto their Garrisons, and deliver into his hands the Ringleaders and chief Authors of that Mutiny, to be punished according to their Deserts, as afterwards they were: the ordinary end of such insolent and disordered Actions, which have nothing assured unto them but Death, which (all things else failing) attendeth only upon them.  

The Turks in vain seek to surprise Lippa.  But while the Christians, thus divided, were at variance among themselves, the Turks were ready enough to take advantage of such their dangerous Discord. And first of all, Zellaly, the old Rebel, but now Governor of Temeswar, having in his crafty Head plotted the taking of the City of Lippa by surprise, and to that purpose gathering the greatest Power that he was able to make, in the Evening set forward from Temeswar, and so travelling by Night, came to Lippa; unto the Walls whereof he planted scaling Ladders, and at the same time laboured to have forced the Gates, in hope so to haye gained the Town; which was done with such a terrible Noise and Outcry as was possible by the Turks to be made, after that they were once discovered, thereby to have dismayed the Christians within the Town; who, well acquainted with such Stratagems of their Enemies, and now therewith awaked, came readily to the Walls▪ and there so well defended themselves and their Town, that the Turks repulsed, were glad to give over the Assault, and having lost a number of their men, with all speed to retire; upon whom, the Christians sallying out, slew many of them in that their disordered Retreat, little differing from plain flight, and took many more of them Prisoners; yea Zellaly, who not many hours before had thought to have surprised Lippa, was now glad himself to have recovered the Walls of Temeswar. Some of the Turks that were there taken Prisoners being examined, reported, That the Army that was this Year to come into Hungary, was like to be very great, and that a part thereof was now come to Belgrade, expecting there the coming of the Tartars, who were together with them to enter into Hungary; and that by reason of the Wars with the Persian, which devoured almost all the Soldiers in Constantinople, and yet could not be therewith satisfied, the Great Sultan had commanded, That all such as were able to bear Arms, as well in Bosna, as in that part of Hungary which was subject unto him, and in the other Provinces thereunto adjoining, should be ready to join with his Army in Hungary, for the farthering of his Conquests there: and that the Persian King, prosecuting the course of his Victories, had overthrown Cicala Bassa with his Army, and taken his Son Prisoner, almost slain all his Troops, and entered into Confederacy with Caracase, chief of the Rebels in Asia, a Man of great Power, who had following of him a great number of valiant Men, all resolutely set down for the troubling of the Great Sultan's Estate.  
About the same time, 
Cassovia in danger to have been burnt by the Turks.  the Governor of Cassovia (a great and strong City in the upper part of Hungary) going forth, with some good part of his Garrison, to appease the Soldiers lying about in the Country (but now up in Mutiny for their Pay) and there spending some few days about this Business, in showing of them the danger of their Insolency, and persuading them, by the evil success and end of suchlike Actions, to return again unto their Duties; and they again to the contrary obstinately urging the Payment of their Pay, or else to have leave to depart, as being not able longer to continue without the one or the other: and so the time passing, it fortuned that certain Turks, than Prisoners in Cassovia, encouraged by the Absence of the Governor and of the Garrison Soldiers, to attempt the gaining of their Liberty, broke their Irons, and slew their Keepers, in hope so to have escaped: but being in the doing thereof discovered, and so again surprised before they could do any farther harm, and upon Torture examined, By what means they thought to have escaped out of the City, the Walls thereof being kept with continual Sentinels? they confessed, That their Purpose was, the same night to have set fire upon divers Places of the City (so to have drawn the People to the quenching thereof) and at the same time to have slain the Sentinels upon the Walls, and so to have made their Escape: for which their so mischievous a Fact and Purpose, they were some of them executed, and the rest again committed to Prison, and more straight kept and looked unto than before.  
Now as Cassovia had, 
The Citadel of Canisia by chance burnt.  by the Providence of God, escaped so great an intended Mischief, Canisia at the same time alone felt the evil hap by the Turks intended both to Cassovia and Lippa; for a Soldier of the Garrison, in the Citadel there, having, through Negligence or Mishap, cast Fire into the Powder, provided for the store of the Castle; the Powder taking fire, blew up the Citadel, the Towers, the Houses, and Walls; and, to be brief, made this poor place like unto another Rome burnt by Nero. So that had any of the Christian Forces been then near unto the place, it had been an easy matter to have won the same, as well for the small resistance that was therein to have been found in so great an astonishment of the Men, and Destruction of the Place. But such accidents have no certain hours limited to their Beginnings, nor assurance of their coming, so that they oftentimes chance, without any man to make use of them; and again fly away, when men make their greatest Preparations to obtain them.  

The Turks of Buda overthrown by the Christians of Pesth.  At the same time, the Turks of Buda sent two hundred of the Soldiers of their Garrison to fetch in Forage a little from Pesth, who, as they were in the doing thereof too presumptuous, so were they well punished for their Pride; for the Christians in Pesth, having discovered them in this Action, sallied out upon them and charged them; against whom they for a while right valiantly defended themselves, but at length, oppressed with number, and overthrown, they were most of them slain, and the rest taken Prisoners; wherewith the Bassa of Buda, was so much offended, that in Revenge thereof, he in his Rage threatened with Fire and Sword to do what harm he might unto the Christians. But, as the common Proverb saith, Men warned, are half armed; and Enemy's Threats bring this Comfort with them, That in receiving of the threatened harms, we are in hope to be revenged thereof, as therefore before provided.  
Unto these woeful Troubles of Hungary, proceeding as well from the Insolences of the Christian Soldiers themselves, as from the Fury of the Turks, who were their ancient and mortal Enemies, were joined the like, or rather worse Calamities in Transilvania, extreme Famine and want of all things sore raging in both Countries; so that hardly hath any Misery or Extremity been seen or read of, even in Countries by the just and heavy Judgements of the Almighty God appointed to Destruction, which were not in those two Countries to be found, and of many felt. For remedy whereof, George Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant in Transilvania, had there done what he might for the appeasing of the Tumults and Troubles of that Province, and now of late brought the same into some good terms, as was thought, 
New Tumults in Transilvania.  and as is before declared. Howbeit, that in proof it fell out far otherwise, and that the more he therein laboured▪ the farther he was off from his intent and purpose; for the Nobility of that Province, who were generally inclined unto Rebellion, and detesting▪ the Germane, together with their Government, rejected the Decrees and Orders which were agreed upon in their late meeting together for the concluding of Peace; insomuch, that assisted by the Turks, they had taken certain Castles and strong Places in that Province; and the better to support their Rebellion and Insolency, they had appointed a certain Place to meet at, where the Turks and they might confer together of the means which they intended for the effecting of their Designs. Whereof Basta having by secret means got understanding, to remedy this pretended Mischief, he sent away a great number of Haiducks, to lie in wait to surprise them upon the way. 
The Rebels in Transilvania surprised and slain.  Which men, who were skilful in the Passages of the Country, failed not in this Action, but lay close in ambush, very conveniently for the surprising of their Enemies; who, proceeding in their intended purpose, and thinking of nothing less than of that which was intended against them, were suddenly, before they were aware, Turks and Transilvanians, altogether surprised and slain. Which Exploit being performed, these Haiducks and other Soldiers, destitute of their Pay, and enraged with Fury, fell upon the Province, using therein all Hostility, as if they had been mortal Enemies unto it; punishing the guiltless for the guilty, 
The miserable estate of Transilvania.  and seizing upon all men's Goods in common, to pay themselves that which was by some few in private kept from them. All the whole Province was subject unto the Rage and Fury of those and other such merciless men of War, who, without any remorse at all, indifferently slew and massacred all of them that came in their way; but especially the poor and weak innocent People, who called upon the Almighty God for Remedy and Redress of these Evils which they sustained, and cried out unto him for Revenge of their so great and cruel Wrongs. The high ways were every where so full of Thiefs, that no man could travel from Place to Place, but that he was in great danger to be set upon, and spoiled. For the Haiducks (being men that live altogether by Prey, and roaming up and down the Country) made good Prize and Booty of whatsoever came in their way, sparing neither Turks nor Christians; insomuch, that they hearing, how that the Zecclers with a good Convoy were bringing a number of Wagons laden with Victuals, and a great many of Oxen and other cattle to Claudianople, although they were of the same Party, Belief, and Nation, yet they lay in wait for them to surprise them; against whom the Zecclers seeking to defend themselves, were by them cruelly massacred, and their Wagons, with their Beefs and other cattle, all carried quite away. But what should we say? Hunger breaketh even the stone Walls, and forceth men unto all Extremities; and now the Famine in that Province was such, as that the People were for the most part glad to live by feeding upon the Roots of Herbs and Weeds, and such other unwholesome things, whereof great Mortality afterward ensued amongst them; which was the cause that Horwat, 
Captain Horwat's Answer in excuse of the Haiducks.  Captain of these Haiducks, being reproved for the Outrages by them committed, and charged to take order, that no more such like should afterward be done; answered, That it was not possible to keep Soldiers in any order amidst the extremity of Famine; for that the Belly was an inexorable Usurer, which took pity upon nothing, but with great Rage exacting that which it thought due for the Nourishment of itself.  
Amidst these Troubles of Transilvania and Hungary, 
Two of the Turks Spies of Buda taken.  there were two of the Turks Spies of Buda discovered and taken; who at Vienna had observed all the Actions and Proceedings of the Christians, and to the uttermost of their Power had informed themselves of their Designs, as also of their Preparations and Forces to be raised and levied for this years' Wars; of which two Spies, the one was employed, and the other kept in close and strait Prison, until that further matter might be drawn out from him.  
The Forces of the Christians were now beginning to gather themselves together, and to make an head in Hungary; a rife report at that time going, That they would forthwith take the field; whereof the Bassa of Buda understanding, and desirous in what he might to hinder that their forwardness (whereof he doubted the Effects) thought it best to betake himself to his old and cunning Practice, for the treaty and concluding of a Peace with the Christians, whereof he now made show himself, together with the rest of the Turks, to be very desirous; so by putting the Christians in hope thereof, to make them the more remiss and negligent in their doings, and to gain time of them, until that the Turks great Army (than in preparing) might be brought down into Hungary. To which purpose, he in most friendly manner thus writ unto the Governor of Strigonium.  

The Letters of the Bassa of Buda to the Governor of Strigonium.  WE know right well (Noble Governor) that you are not ignorant, how that your Brother, the Governor of Strigonium before you, hath most earnestly embraced the Negotiation of Peace, in such sort, as that we cannot so much yield unto our ordinary Quarrels and Dissension, but that we must give you to understand the Causes which have crossed and hindered the concluding of so great a good the last year now passed. The first Let came by reason of the time, chosen too late to be employed in that Treaty for Peace, when as now both the Armies were already on foot, and even in readiness to join battle, and could not be then stayed by that Entreaty, nor be sent back again without some exploit doing; each part had resolved upon their proper Designs, and even chosen their Ground for Battle, and were then hardly to be turned from that whereupon they were before resolved. And albeit, that during this last Winter, the Treaty for the Peace was again begun, and that the men of War on both sides in hope thereof, rested unarmed, and free from all Hostility; a most fit time to have beg●n and ended this Treaty of Peace, which hath been so much wished for of our Sovereign Emperor, desired of his Subjects, and requested by those of your Emperors, with whom my dread Sovereign would confirm and contract a firm and continual Peace; yet for all that, since the departure of the Governor from Strigonium, we see three Months to have been passed without any Letters at all, or Message by word of Mouth brought unto us concerning this matter; so that we have not any thing whereof to certify our Sovereign Emperor. And for as much as the course of time hath brought these two contrary Armies even unto the point of Battle, and that they are marching one of them to encounter with the other, and so enter into the lists of Honour, we have thought good before to desire to know of you, what we are to expect concerning the Peace. We therefore request you as our very good Brother and Friend, in what we may to stay the coming of our Armies into this Kingdom, and to attend to that which may produce the conclusion of this Treaty, being on our part most ready to lend both our care and desire to whatsoever shall be just and meet in this Treaty and necessary for the common good; beseeching you to believe us in this Business, and not to doubt of our good Will, more affected to your good, than is yours to our welfare; whereof we in good time advertise you, for that our Army which is now before Belgrade, being▪ once arrived here, and marching in Field, we cannot possibly cause it to return without something doing, considering the great harms, which under the assurance of your Faith given, we have received from your People during the time of the Truce, which they have many ways violated. Which their evil dealing hath greatly incensed us against your men in Captivity with us, and caused our Soldiers to show great rigour against their Slaves; we therefore attend your Answer, and the return of your Brother, to the end we may together resolve according unto Reason and Equity, of that which shall be needful to be done for the common good and welfare.  
Now for all this fair glozing, it was no hard matter to guests at the Bassas secret meaning; for how desirous soever he seemed to be of Peace, and willing to the furtherance thereof, yet nevertheless, true it is▪ that during the time of all these fair shows, the Turks, having assembled their Garrisons on all sides, had by Night surprised the Castle of Simnin upon the Christians, slain part of the Soldiers therein, carried away the rest Prisoners, and most cruelly afterwards burnt the place; so manifesting by their foul deeds the evil meaning of their fair and deceitful Words. But now leaving the Bassa for a while unto his crafty Devices, and passing over many small Skirmishes which happened in Hungary and Transilvania, as not beseeming the Gravity of an History, let us now out of Europe look over into Asia, to see how the Great Turk's Affairs there in the mean time went.  
The Rebellion in Asia was, by the coming over of Zellaly and his Followers, for a time somewhat weakened, but not suppressed, that pestilent Humour of Disloyalty having before infected the Minds of so many, as that in short time after the Rebels were much stronger, and the Rebellion much more dangerous than before; for the appeasing and repressing whereof, Cicala Bassa, the old Renegade, a man of great Experience and Service, was as General sent over with a great and mighty Army into Asia, where he needed not long to seek for his Enemies, they being as ready as he, either to give or to accept of Battle; so that for men so on both sides resolved, it was no hard matter to bring them to the Trial of Battle; which they with like desire and equal hope joining, there made a great and terrible fight, the Bassa fight for his Honour, and the Rebel for his Life. 
Cicala Bassa with his Army overthrown by the Rebels in Asia.  Howbeit, that at length the Bassa, after much bloodshed and great number on both sides slain, being put to the worse, fled with his Army altogether disordered, and in rout, having in that so dangerous a confusion of his People much ado to save himself. With which so shameful an overthrow given him by the Rebel, the Bassa, who was more ashamed than discouraged, again repaired his Army, joining thereunto great and mighty Supplies, and so strengthened, came now again the second time to revenge himself of the great dishonour which he had before received, and utterly to suppress the Rebels; who, now finding themselves too weak to encounter with so great and mighty a Power, wisely betime retired, praying Aid of the Persian King, who sent unto them his own Son with a great Army of good and valiant Soldiers; which might have given the Bassa cause enough to have stayed his haste, and to have been well advised how he joined Battle with such desperate and resolute Enemies, and now backed with such strong Supplies; but he, being blinded with the Fury of his former loss, and too much desirous to be thereof revenged, with more haste than good speed came on, and joined Battle with these his Enemies, now in readiness and well provided to receive him. The two Armies were in number equal, but the Rebels of the two, more resolute and careful of themselves and of their welfare, as they which had reposed all their Hope and Confidence in their own Arms and Valour, so that the Battle was with great Outcries and Fury begun both on the one side and on the other; in the beginning whereof the Turks right furiously charged the Rebels, and seemed somewhat to prevail upon them, until that the Persian King's Son with certain Troops of his most brave Horsemen charging them in the Rearward, and some other of the Rebels with like Fury assailing them upon their Flanks, their whole Army was so disordered, 
Cicala Bassa again overthrown.  that Cicala doing what he could to have put his men again in order, and so to have restored the battle, nothing therein prevailed, but was glad, together with the rest of his Army, now all in rout, to betake himself to flight. In this Battle were 40000 Men on the one side and the other slain, whereof thirty thousand were of the Bassa's Army, and the rest of the Rebels; who by this their so great a Victory, gained no less Honour and Reputation, than had the old Bassa got of Contempt and Disgrace. The Persian King also after this discomfiture of the Turks, continuing his Conquests, took in the Country of Siruan (a matter of great importance) being now destitute of all relief by the overthrow of Cicala Bassa, 
The Success of the Persian King.  who, had he prevailed against the Rebels, should have marched thither against the Persian King, to have stayed the course of his Victories; who now victorious and out of fear, made head toward Arusta, a very great and strong Town, near whereunto the River Tigris dischargeth itself into the great River Euphrates, which City he at last won, with all the Places and Countries thereunto adjoining; and hath since, as a most happy and victorious Prince, again recovered from the Turks whatsoever they had since the time of Sultan Solyman by force of Arms taken from the Persian Kings his Predecessors, two or three strong Places only excepted. Of which most notable Wars betwixt these two of the most mighty Eastern Princes, viz. the great Turk and the Persian King, I can rather wish than hope to be better informed, and that, not so much for Curiosity (although that the Knowledge of such matters yield unto such as be desirous thereof much Pleasure, with no less Contentment) as for that they (though far off) in some sort much concern the good and quiet of the Christian Common-weal, the Persian Wars being the only means whereby the fury of the Great Turkish Sultan hath been, and yet is, for a time averted from the Christians in Europe upon the Persians in Asia; as it is greatly to be feared, that some one or other (if not more) of the Christian Princes nearest unto him, shall to their great cost and harm feel, so soon as these two great Mahometan Princes shall be at Peace between themselves. But leave we the Bassa a while to grieve at his overthrows, and the Persian King to triumph of these Victories, and see what the Great Sultan himself in the mean time doth.  
This young Prince Achmat, now one of the greatest Monarches of the World, 
Sultan Achmat sick of the small Pox.  had not many Months reigned, but that he fell sick of the small Pox, wherewith, he having a gross and full Body, was so foully tormented for the space of fourteen days, that oftentimes fainting, it was generally thought he would thereof have died; yea, divers of the great Bassas were in speech concerning his younger Brother to be taken out of the Seraglio to succeed him; which was thought would have cost the younger Brother his Life, after that the Sultan his elder Brother was again recovered; as no doubt it had, but that he was the only Heir that was then left of the Ottoman Family, if that his Brother the Sultan should have failed. But he again recovered of his foul and childish Disease, to show unto the Janissaries and others (who doubted thereof) that he was so recovered, proudly mounted upon a goodly Horse, most sumptuously furnished, and in great State and Magnificence rid up and down through most of the chief Streets of the Imperial City, the People (as their accustomed manner is) in every Place as he went rejoicing to see him, and prosecuting him with their most joyful Acclamations, wishing unto him a most long and happy Reign. Neither is it to be marvelled, seeing that the Almighty God hath even in the Faces and Countenances of Princes engraven some resemblance of his own, if they become respectuous and admirable in the Eyes and sight of the common People, who cannot but honour them with their Voices, whom God hath blessed with his Power, and other his extraordinary worldly Blessings.  
This young Prince, so recovered of his Sickness, and having showed himself unto his Subjects, began forthwith to give himself (according unto the heat of his youthful Spirit) immoderately unto the Pleasures of the Field, and other such violent Exercises, being in their moderate use wholesome, but in their violences much hurtful, but especially upon the new recovery of his late Sickness, the Griefs whereof came in haste, but were to leave him at leisure. Whereupon two of his Bassas, careful of his Health, were so bold, as out of their Love to reprove him for such his violent and immoderate Exercises (the day not being long enough for them) and by effectual Reasons to dissuade him from the same. 
Good Counsel taken in evil part by Sultan Achmat.  But so far off was he from harkening unto their wholesome Persuasions, as that to the contrary, he therewith enraged, thrust them both out of their Places. So dangerous a thing it is, even in Zeal and Love to presume to control great Princes in their most vain Pleasures; others, in the mean time not loving them at all, but only for their own profit attending upon their idle Appetites, enjoying the Preferments due unto their more faithful and loyal Subjects, and yet secretly in themselves smiling at the Vanity of such as by whom they be so unworthily honoured and promoted.  
But as in the immoderate use of all things there is a satiety which breedeth a disliking and distaste of them (Pleasures being not by any means more commended, than by their novelties and seldom use) so this young Sultan Achmat, having glutted himself with his Pleasures, began now to cast his Eyes upon his other more necessary Affairs of State, but especially upon his Wars both with the Christian Emperor and the Mahometan Persian King. Now he was not ignorant of the great Valour and Sufficiency of Hassan, the Visier Bassa, for the managing of his Wars in Hungary, wherein he had of long time been exercised, and so therein best experienced. This old Captain pleased him best, whom, as an old, expert, 
Hassan Bassa appointed Lieutenant General of the Turks Wars in Hungary.  and politic General, he resolved to continue in his charge as Lieutenant General of his Wars in Hungary, and by the continuation of him in so great and honourable a place, to bind him to all loyal Services in those Wars, even to the uttermost of his Power. This Great Bassa was then at Belgrade, upon the frontier of his Government, in doubtful suspense expecting the Resolution of his Prince concerning this business, and yet in hope, longing after a second charge; whose longing desire Achmat quickly satisfied, by sending unto him both a Commission for the continuation of his Charge and Dignity, and certain honourable Presents, in token of his extraordinary Favour towards him; which were, a General's Ensign, with an Hungarian Mace of pure Gold. Now whether these Presents, joined unto the continuation of his Charge, were welcome unto him, or not, ambitious Minds (such as was his) can easily tell; and he, to show his Contentment therewith, gave thereof good Testimony by the public Actions of Joy, causing all the great Ordnance of the Place in thundering wise to be oftentimes discharged, and the Trumpets and Drums to be most joyfully sounded.  
In the mean time, News was brought unto Constantinople, how that the Persian King, having mustered his Men, was in the Field with above an hundred thousand good Soldiers, and that Baggages Bassa, one of the great Rebels in Asia, had confederated himself with him, to the further troubling of the Turks Estate. Whereupon Achmat, although he had before given order unto Hassan, the Visier Bassa his Lieutenant in Hungary, for the besieging and taking of Veradinum, a strong City in the upper Hungary; now by a Messenger sent in haste, commanded the same Bassa, all other businesses set apart, with all the power that he could make, forthwith to return to Constantinople, there with him and the rest of the Bassas to consult and resolve upon the most necessary War, 
Hassan Bassa sent for to come to Constantinople.  and of the readiest means for the continuing of the same. For albeit that the Turks were most desirous to have Wars with the Christians, and so (if it were possible) to have conquered the remainders of Hungary; yet the danger of the Persian Wars and of the Rebellion in Asia daily more and more increasing, suffered them not wholly to attend unto the Wars against the Christians in Hungary, but drew them now into a doubtful Consultation, which way first to turn their Forces. But the Bassa being come to Constantinople, the Grand Signior took the pains and did him the Honour to come unto his House; whither, the Counsel for the State being assembled, it was there most proudly resolved upon, even forthwith at one and the self same time with equal Forces to make War both upon the Christian Emperor in Hungary, and the Persian King in Asia, accounting themselves strong enough to subdue and bring under foot, both the one and the other, no Power upon Earth being, in their proud conceit of themselves, able to encounter or to withstand theirs. So for the managing of these Wars, and of their so proud a Resolution to be performed in so remote Parts of the World, 
Hassan Bassa continued General of the Turks Army against the Christians, and Cicala appointed General of their Army against the Persians.  Hassan Bassa was continued in his charge, as General of the Army in Hungary; and Cicala Bassa was appointed to have the command of the Army to be sent against the Persian; two most expert Captains, being to fight against their hereditary Enemies, Hassan against the Christians, and Cicala against the Persians, by whom he had not long before been evil used. An ordinary Policy of the Ottoman Emperors, not to commit the charge of their Armies against the Christians, unto Renegades; for fear lest they, touched with some remorse of Conscience, might betray the same, or otherwise deal unfaithfully in their charge; but still to employ them against the Persians, of whom they have no further Knowledge, but as of their Enemies in the Field. But Cicala Bassa, well acquainted both with the difficulty and the danger of the Persian War, (the scars whereof he yet bore about with him) made show as if he had been unwilling to take upon him the charge thereof; and so begun to excuse himself, until that at length, 
Cicala Bassa maketh show as if he were unwilling to be General in the Wars against the Persians.  upon promise made unto him, for the furnishing of him with a sufficient Army, and all things else necessary for so great a War, with a large and most honourable Entertainment for himself, and all the Persian Prisoners being also given unto him in reward; he therewith contented, accepted of the honourable charge, whereof in his ambitious mind he was indeed most desirous. And so receiving the General's Ensign, with the other Marks and Cognisances of his Honour, causing the Drums to be strucken up, and the Trumpets to be joyfully sounded, he cheerfully prepared himself for that his so great an Expedition; expecting but the coming of his Son, who, at the request of the Venetians, was gone forth with a fleet of Galleys, to scour the Levant Seas of the Pirates, who then exceedingly troubled the Traffic of the Venetian Merchants.  
Amidst which the Turks so great Designs, the Tartar Cham, bound for his pay to serve the Great Turk in his Wars against the Christians; by his Ambassador excused himself unto the Great Sultan, for that he could not himself in Person come this year with his Forces into Hungary, by reason that he was otherwise necessarily busied with the most urgent Affairs of his own Estate; yet promising withal, instead of himself, to send his Son with a good power of men. Now whereas many men marvel, why the Tartar Cham, being so great a Prince, and not much in danger unto the Turk (being separated from him by the black or Euxine Sea) should be still so ready at the Turks call, to do him service in his Wars; 
The Reasons why the Tartar Cham is so ready to serve the great Turk in his Wars against the Christians.  the Causes thereof are divers, and those not far to seek. First, Their near Affinity (as both descended from the same beginning) by often Marriages still confirmed; then, their likeness of Manners and Condition, no small Bonds of Love and Friendship; And thirdly, For that the Turkish Empire, for want of Heirs males of the Ottoman Family, is assured, and as it were, entailed unto the Tartar Cham; but most of all, for the yearly pension and great pay which he, being a bare Prince, receiveth from the Turks; his rude and needy People being also ever ready, in hope of the spoil, to follow him into these Wars. But this his excuse for not coming himself this year into Hungary, being by the Great Sultan accepted of, Hassan Bassa, resolved upon his Expedition for Hungary, made great preparation for the good success of the War there, gave great hope thereof unto the Great Sultan, and caused himself to be proclaimed Lieutenant General of all the Great Sultan's Forces against the Christians; every man affording unto these good hopes a thousand Wishes for his Health and Welfare; but especially the Mahometan Priests assured him of their help, so that he would not fail to do the uttermost of his Endeavour against the Christians their Enemies. For why, 
Hassan Bassa setteth forward with his Army toward Hungary.  the Turks do account him the best and most zealous man, which can do the Christians most harm. And so with these so great Acclamations of Joy and Honour, Hassan, the Great Bassa, set forward with his Army from Constantinople toward Hungary.  
The Christian Emperor, 
Maximilian the Archduke sent Ambassador from the Emperor unto the Pope, to crave his Aid against the Turk.  not ignorant of all these the Turks great Preparations and haughty Designs, sought by all means how to resist them, sparing nothing that might any way serve or stand him in stead to that purpose. Experience had assured him of the Pope's readiness in contributing to this Action, what in his power was; having before received so many Testimonies of his good Will. Which caused him now to dispatch also his Brother Maximilian the Archduke, a good and devout Prince, unto him, with express charge in the Emperor's Name to yield all Submission unto his Holiness, to move him to relieve the woeful Estate of his distressed Affairs. Maximilian, setting forward about this business, arrived at Venice, where he was by that State right honourably entertained. From Venice he travelling towards Rome, and with a great retinue approaching the City, was there met by a great number of Noblemen, with their Followers, sent from the Pope, and so by them with great Honour was brought into the Vatican Palace, to the intent that so he might the oftener and with more ease have access unto the Pope, who then lay there sick of the Gout. The next day, he being brought into the Pope's Presence, and after usual Reverence done, having audience given him, in the Presence of all the Cardinals he began to deliver unto him the Causes of his coming; which (as he said) were two; First, to put his Holiness in remembrance of the manifest peril and danger which hung over the heads of the Christians in general, from the Turk, but especially over them of Italy, being so near unto the Turkish Empire, and a great gap laid open for the Turks thereinto to enter, by the way of Canisia, the Key of Stiria. And then in the Emperor's behalf to request him to stretch forth his helping hand against this his mortal Enemy, who was now drawing all his Power together into one head, to destroy him; having certain understanding of the great Preparation by him made throughout all his Dominions, to thrust him out of his, if in these Extremities he were not relieved by such Princes as could not in the end themselves avoid the last Violences of these harms, whereof he felt the first Assaults. Which his Holiness considering, in the zeal of his Devotion, and by the increasing of the danger, he was in hope to find of it the like Assistance in this his second need, that he had before received in his former Affairs; the precious balm of his devout Charity being of greater Virtue than to serve but for one time, but being of sufficient Power to serve for all Ages, and all times of Necessity. And that therefore he besought his Holiness to apply the same upon the present Wound, seeing that without his help he was more like to perish than to live. Whereunto the Pope answered, 
The Pope's Answer unto the Emperor's Demands.  That his former Actions already passed, spoke enough for him in this Action to manifest his devout meaning; so that it was needless for him to use farther Words to express the same: that the great Supplies both of Men and Money which he had sent forth for the good of the Christian Commonweal, were the sure Testimonies of his carefulness for the same, And albeit that these evil Haps had so far prevailed in Hungary, yet that he for his part nevertheless had still done what he might for the remedying of those so great Evils. And that now by the Advice of his honourable Counsellors there present, he had appointed an hundred and fifty thousand Crowns to be paid toward the maintenance of the Christian Army in Hungary this Year; in hope to do more than that afterward for the Emperor in his Wars against the Turks; whom God had (as he said) suffered to prevail upon the Christians, not for any Goodness that was in them, but for the chastising of the Wickedness of the Christians themselves.  
Which sum of an hundred and fifty thousand Crowns was afterward, according to a Decree made by the Pope and Cardinals, levied and paid of the Tenths of the Clergy throughout all Italy. And so Maximilian the Archduke, most magnificently entertained and feasted by the Pope, and by him rewarded with four thousand Crowns, having well dispached the Business he came for, returned again unto the Emperor his Brother.  
But as the Christian Emperor was thus careful about his Provisions for the withstanding of the Turks, they were not any whit behind him in augmenting of their Forces for the invading of him. And now the Tartars in great number being about to come unto their Aid into Hungary, being denied Passage by the Polonians, 
Valachia spoiled by the Tartars.  had turned head towards Valachia, with a purpose by force and strong-hand to get that of these weak People which the Power of the stronger had embarred them of. And so, presuming upon their number, they entered into the same Province, which they all over rifled and spoiled at their Pleasure. Where, such of the Countrypeople as could escape their Fury, fled into the Towns, leaving their Goods behind them unto their merciless Rage, not with any thing to be satisfied. Rodolph, the Vayvod himself, as a man with Fury dismayed, fled to Cronstat to George Basta; where, he considering the danger he was now in, and that he was still to expect the like so often as the Tartars were for the Service of the Turk to come into Hungary; before Basta took a new Oath of Allegiance unto the Emperor, 
Rodolph the Vayvod submitteth himself and his Country to the Emperor's Protection.  solemnly protesting to die and live in his Service; Necessity now enforcing him to acknowledge his Duty, and to seek for the Remedy of his Harms, which he had before oftentimes most proudly rejected. Upon which his so humble Submission, Basta received him and his Country into his Protection.  
In the mean time, two Traitors were brought to Claudinople, who, having by wonderful Craft surprised a strong Castle belonging unto a certain great Lady, a Widow, near unto a Burrow called Carasebe, and rifled and sacked the same, traitorously afterward sold it unto the Turks, to the great hurt of the Emperor's Subjects near unto the place, and the no less advantage of the Turks. Whereof the Haiducks having gotten understanding, and cunning in such matters, 
The Turks surprised by the Haiducks▪  upon the sudden surprised the Turks by the way, as they were coming to have taken Possession of the Place; who seeing themselves too weak to withstand their Enemies, and out of hope to save themselves by flight, were there, as men dismayed and appointed to the Slaughter, most of them by the Haiducks cut in pieces, and the rest taken Prisoners. The two Traitors being, according to their Deserts, for their shameful Treachery, most cruelly put to Death, to the terror of others.  
The Haiducks, having no Houses but the Fields, 
The Haiducks, what manner of men they be, and their outrageous Insolency.  nor other Trade but their Arms, spoiled of the one by the Turks, and armed with the other by Necessity, are always in readiness for Service. In hope of Profit, it is to them a Pleasure to pass over the Mountains of Ice, to travel through the Storms of Thunder and Lightning, to swim over the deep Rivers, and to thrust themselves into a thousand Dangers; which, as it is no commendable kind of Life, so is the practice of it unjust. For as in this, so in other their Actions, they spare neither Friend nor Foe, all that comes in their way being subject, and as it were appointed to their Fury; but especially when they want their Pay, which affordeth unto them a thousand Excuses for the robbing and spoiling of all men, without respect. With which manner of fury they were even at this time enraged for want of their Pay, in such sort, as that if their right-hands spoiled the Turks, their left-hands rob the Christians; as upon one and the selfsame day they took from the Turks of Agria a number of Beasts and cattle, and rifled divers Villages of the Christians. And not content with these Outrages, meeting with an hundred, or six score Wagons, laden with great store of Victuals, going toward Alba-Iulia, conducted by the Zeclers, set upon them, slew them that drove them, and carried away the Wagons with them. But these Wrongs, by Christians done unto Christians, even the mortal Enemies of the Christians, the Turks themselves revenged. For the Turks of Temeswar having been abroad toward Lippa, and ●ound good store of Booty, meeting with these Sharkers, were by them charged, not so much for that they were their Enemies, or for the Zeal of Christianity, or for the desire of Honour, as for to have had from them their Prey and Booty. But the Turks, being in number twice as many as they, and withal well acquainted with such Business, were not so easily spoiled; but knowing their own strength, with their Number oppressed their Enemies, most of whom they slew, and took the rest Prisoners. God being as just in his Punishments, as he is in Works powerful, punishing the Wicked by the Weapons of others as wicked, or rather worse than they.  
The Turks in the mean time, 
The Turks in their Heart's meaning War, make show as if they were desirous of Peace.  whilst things thus passed, began again to fall to their old Practice, for the soliciting of a Peace; but such Fantasies were too stale and common for them any more to deceive the Christians with: howbeit that they yet gave some ear thereunto, to discover in their Policy the Commodities and Inconveniences of the Peace by them in show offered, with a thousand Protestations in their Words, but far differing from their Thoughts and Deeds; who, during the time of the Parle, laboured in what they might to benefit themselves, and to hurt us. For even in that same very time they fortified their Towns and Castles with Men and Victuals, but especially the City of Buda, whereinto, by a Convoy of three thousand Turks come from Belgrade, they put an exceeding quantity of all sorts of necessary Provision, sufficient to serve the same for a whole Year. Besides that, it was certainly known, by certain Turks taken Prisoners and brought to Posconium, that all this Parle and Treaty of Peace was but of purpose feigned to put the Christians in security; for that the Bassa of Buda, who was the chief Publisher of the same, had no such Commission from the Great Sultan for the concluding of any Peace in the Absence of the Visier Bassa, unto whom the Grand Signior had given Charge, not to make any Peace with the Emperor, but upon Condition, That he should first deliver unto him the City of Strigonium: which if he would not yield, that then he should besiege it, and by force take it from him; and after the winning thereof, to refuse all other Treaty of Peace, it being the only Cause for which the Turks desired Peace. Of all which their double dealing and crafty Designs the Emperor understanding, and wholly resolved for War, presently sent County Sultze with Commission to Vienna, and appointed George Basta Lieutenant-General of his Army in Hungary; advising them carefully to look to their Charge, and not too much to trust unto the glozing and flattering Speeches of the Turks.  

The Castle of Reovin surprised by the Haiducks.  The Haiducks in the mean time always in Arms, as having no other Inheritance whereon to live, ceased not still to look abroad to find that was never lost. Now it fortuned them, in roaming abroad toward Belgrade, to light upon Reovin, a strong and fair Castle of the Turks, wherein eight hundred of the Turks Soldiers, and other of their Country people, had their Abode, together with the greatest part of their Substance. In the Strength of which Castle the Turks trusting, and there lying in Security, without farther care of their Safety, were upon the sudden, before they were aware, by these adventurous men surprised; who for haste thrusting one another forward, at length carried the Place, slew the greatest part of the Turks, and taking the rest Prisoners, with a great and rich Booty returned to Lippa. The like Exploit they of the Garrison of Canisia attempted upon the Castle and Burrough of Lambac, which they took and spoiled, and afterwards set it on fire; the Flame whereof served for a Signal unto the Troops of County Serin, which, passing that way, and lighting upon the Turks overloaded with the Spoils they had there taken, cut them in pieces, and so recovered from them the Booty.  
About this time, certain of the Garrison Soldiers of Petrinia, 
Petrinia in danger to have been betrayed unto the Turks.  having secretly conspired with the Turks (by whom they were before corrupted) to deliver unto them that strong Castle: and being about to have betrayed the same, by a Mine which they were in making under a Stable near unto a Storehouse wherein the Powder for the Store of the Castle lay, with a purpose by firing of the same to have given the Turks entrance by the Ruins thereof, who lay close hidden in a Wood near unto the Place; it fortuned this their wicked Purpose to be perceived by certain Offenders then kept Prisoners in the same Stable near unto the Mine: who having discovered the Traitors whole Purpose, and in fear to be burned or blown up by the fury of the Mine so near unto them, discovered the same unto the Gaoler, who made the Governor therewith acquainted; by whose Commandment they were forthwith apprehended; and being convicted of their so foul a Treason, were with exemplary Punishment executed.  
Now as the Turks had oftentimes made show as if they had been desirous of Peace, so ceased they not yet with great earnestness to solicit the same; so that the Emperor, although he knew it to be a thing rather to be wished than hoped for, yet, lest he should seem careless of the common Quiet of his Subjects and People, and to refuse so great a good so oftentimes offered him; now once again appointed certain Personages of great Place and Authority to attend the Propositions of Peace to be on the Turks behalf propounded. Of which Commissioners, Caesar Galen, Sheriff of Strigonium, an Italian, and a Man of great experience in matters of State, was one. Whom the Governor of Strigonium had of purpose sent to Pesth, to consider of some good means for the concluding of the Peace, whereof he himself in Person had laid the first Foundation; and understood the Turks Demands and Pretensions, not much differing from those which they had many times before demanded. Whereof the first was, 
The insolent and unreasonable Demands of the Turks for the concluding of a Peace with the Christians.  That the Emperor should for the time to come, well and truly pay unto the Great Sultan and his Successors, all such Tribute as he was wont to pay unto the Turkish Emperors, his Predecessors, during the time of his Leagues with them, and that without any Demand to be thereof made. The second, That the Emperor should always have his Ambassador Lieger at the Great Sultan's Court, with honourable Presents, there to solicit the Continuation of his Love and Friendship toward the Emperor his Master. The third, That the Emperor should deliver unto the Turks all the Towns and Castles which he had taken from them either by Force or by Surprise, during the time of this War, together with the Countries of Transilvania and Valachia. Upon which Demands granted, they promised to send a Messenger unto the Great Sultan, in their Names to entreat him to surrender Canisia unto the Emperor, but not Agria, which (as they said) they might in no wise deliver, except they were thereunto by force of Arms constrained.  
Unto which their so proud and unreasonable Demands, 
The Answer of the Emperor's Deputies unto the Turks proud Demands.  the Commissioners for the Emperor answered, That the Emperor long before this time had made Peace with Sultan Selym, the Second of that Name, and with Sultan Amurath the Third, this Sultan Achmat's Predecessors. An assured Peace, sworn unto and confirmed by all the just and solemn Oaths that could have been by any man desired; and for the more assurance thereof, into writing conceived, and with the most authentic Seals of their Majesties confirmed; whereby both Parties were most severely and straight forbidden, one of them to attempt any thing against the other, or to encroach the one of them upon the other, during the time of such their League: And if so be that contrary to the Tenor thereof, either part should undertake to surprise any Place belonging to the other, and so become Masters thereof, that upon the least Request of the Party so wronged, the Places surprised should be again forthwith restored, as usurped upon, contrary to the Public Faith; and the Usurpers to be severely for the same punished. And that yet the Turks notwithstanding, thrusting by heaps, beyond the Bars of this so strong and holy a League, had violated and broken the same, by surprising a number of Places both in the high and lower Countries of Hungary, never giving ear unto any Speech or Request that could be made unto them for the Restitution thereof. And yet not so contented, had also taken a number of Places from the Emperor in Sclavonia, between the Rivers of Culpe and Vnna; which Places he had oftentimes by as just Right redemanded, as they were by unjust Forces usurped, before the beginning of these Wars. Demands esteemed just and reasonable even by the Turks themselves, and yet for all that altogether rejected by the Great Sultan's themselves; of which their so great Injustice the Emperor had oftentimes most justly complained, and so did even at this day, at the feeling of such his Hurts and Harms. And that the Emperor having by so many perfidious dealings made proof of the Untrustiness of the Grand Seignior's Predecessors, what Assurance then can he conceive of his Fidelity? or upon what foundation of Faith can he build the sure building of Peace, so much desired of him? And yet if he might hope so much of the Faith of another Man, as he is assured of his own just meaning, differing much from that of the Grand Seignior's, which he knew to be never answerable unto his, that he for his part could be well content to embrace the Peace; provided always, That he might have Canisia and Agria delivered unto him; or, That if they would needs still hold those Places, that he might likewise in Peace hold the Places that he had before won in that War, the Reasons being on both sides alike. And that as concerning Transilvania, he could not deliver that without betraying of his own Right, and the Welfare of that Province; having obtained the same as well by Agreements and Covenants between him and the Son of the last Duke, john, as by the free and voluntary Releasement which Sigismond Bathor, the last and immediate Prince thereof, had not long before made unto him: for the defence of which his Rights, he had spent many Men, and great Sums of Money, and all for the keeping of that Province by force of Arms, which by so good Right belonged unto him. And that for Valachia, he could be content to yield some part of his Right unto that Province, so that the Turks should cease from thenceforth to demand of him any yearly Tribute, or that he should, as of ordinary Duty, send his Ambassadors with yearly Presents to the Grand Signior, not being able, without need, to consent unto such a needless Servitude; seeing that every Prince ought to be at liberty, at his own choice to send his Ambassadors, and not at the appointment of another Man.  

The Turks scorn and deride the reasonable Answer of the Emperor's Commissioners.  Which Answer of the Emperor's Commissioners, served to no other purpose, but for the Turks to laugh and sport at, how just and reasonable soever they were: still pressing them to yield unto their unreasonable Demands; or else threatening to advertise the Great Sultan thereof, who by force would take that from them, to their farther loss, which they refused to grant him by fair means, to their own good. And so the Treaty was for that time broken off, without any thing concluded: which caused the Governor of Strigonium to retire himself back again unto his Charge; yet for all that, leaving Caesar Galen behind him, to entertain it in such small hope as was thereof yet left; who afterwards seeing it almost desperate, making a great Feast unto certain of the chief of the Turks of Buda, and having in that Merriment drawn from them a Promise to live as Friends with them of the Garrison of Pesth, and of other Places which lay near unto that Town, he retired himself afterwards unto Strigonium also.  

The shameful Cowardice of jagenreuter, Governor of Pesth.  Shortly after whose Departure, jagenreuter, Governor of Pesth, notwithstanding the late Promises of the Turks of Buda, for their living by him in Peace and Amity; and the assured Promise of Caesar Galen, at his last Departure, for the speedy furnishing of the Town both with Men and all things else necessary for the Defence thereof, which he ought with great Assurance to have expected, yet, dismayed with the brute of the coming of Hassan Bassa, the Turks General, with his great Army, and that by the straight Commandment of the great Sultan, he was to begin his Conquests in Hungary with the winning of Pesth; 
Pesth most shamefully abandoned by the Christians.  as a Man afraid of his own shadow, thought good betime to provide for himself; and upon that Resolution, having yet seen no Enemy at all to force him, trussing up his Baggage, the fifth of September forsook the Town, with five Companies of Footmen, and six Troops of Horsemen, following him; a sufficient number to have for a time defended the Town, and endured a Siege, especially in so strong a Place, and so well provided both of Victuals and Munition. All which, this most cowardly Governor (but unworthy that Name) lest together with his Honour, for a Prey unto his Enemies; having yet before his Departure out of the Town, caused the principal Buildings thereof to be undermined, and Barrels of Gunpowder to be laid under them, wherewith they were shortly after all overthrown, and most part of the Town burnt. But being gone not past half a League from the Place, he met with four hundred Haiducks, all well armed, whom the Governor of Strigonium had sent for the relief of Pesth, with a number of Boats loaded with Corn, Munition, and other Necessaries of all sorts, for the better assurance of the Place, and the performing of the Promise before to that end made by the Governor of Strigonium: which Hungarian Haiducks meeting with these dismayed Cowards upon the way, thought it not best to go any farther, as thinking themselves not able to do that with their so small a number, which the other durst not to undertake with their far greater; and so joining themselves with the other fearful Fugitives, they with them returned to Strigonium, leaving their Vessels and Munitions unto their Enemies, who immediately after seized upon them.  
The next day after, 
Pesth taken by the Turks.  the Mines having taken their effect, the Turks wondering to see so great and terrible a Fire in Pesth, which still more and more increased, there being none that went about to quench it, adventured to come over the River from Buda, and to draw near unto the Town, now all on a light fire. Which they finding abandoned and forsaken by the Christians, they with great diligence quenched, repaired the Ruins of the Town, and so without any loss became Masters of the same.  
jagenreuter, the cowardly late Governor, 
jagenreuter for his Cowardice worthily committed to Prison.  with his fearful Troops, in the mean time coming to Strigonium, and by the Governor there examined of the Causes of his Flight, and of the so shameful leaving of his Charge, and being able to allege no other Cause or Reason, but the great brute and report of the Visier Bassa's coming with his Army to besiege the Town, was therefore committed to Prison, and there reserved to be afterward justly punished for his Disloyalty and Cowardice.  
The Bassa of Buda, 
The Bassa of Buda excuseth himself for the taking of Pesth.  by the Cowardice of the Governor, thus possessed of Pesth, by Letters excused himself unto the Governor of Strigonium, for the taking thereof, the Treaty of Peace being not as yet quite broken off; alleging for himself (as the truth was) That he had taken it as a Place by the Christians upon a vain fear forsaken, and desperately set on fire, without any such cause given them so to do by the Turks, or on his behalf. And farther, offered unto the Governor, if he so pleased, to deal with him for the exchange of Prisoners on both sides taken, offering to exchange one of them for another. And as for the concluding of the Peace so oftentimes treated of, and even yet in hand, that he for his part was wonderful desirous that it might be fully concluded and ended, before the Arrival of Hassan the Visier Bassa with his Army in Hungary; for that he being once come, there would then be no time amidst the noise of so many Weapons, and so many men of War, to talk of Peace.  

Hassan Bassa cometh into Hungary.  Hassan, the Visier Bassa, was now for all that already entered into Hungary, drawing after him a world of men, and was come towards Sexart; for the viewing of which Army, the Governor of Pallantwar going forth with an hundred Horsemen, by evil hap chanced, before he was aware, upon the sudden to meet with five hundred Turks, by the Bassa himself likewise sent forth to discover the Country, and the Passages thereof: by whom he charged, and with the multitude of his Enemies oppressed, was himself taken Prisoner, most of his men being in that Conflict slain, some few of them that were left alive by speedy flight hardly escaping. Which evil hap on the Christians side, was forthwith recompensed with the better Success of the County Serin, who falling upon three hundred Turks near unto Sigeth, being in number scarce half so many as they, yet set upon them with such Courage, that giving them no leisure to consider of the Weakness of his Forces, they were by them overthrown and cut in pieces, before they were well aware of him.  
But, together with the time of the Year, to come unto the main point of these present Wars in Hungary; The Turks, finding themselves out of hope by any Capitulations or Treaties of Peace to regain the strong Town of Strigonium out of the hands of the Christians, were now resolved to employ the uttermost of their Forces for the obtaining of the same; with a thousand Protestations, That if by force of Arms and strong-hand they should gain the Place, they would never more have Peace with the Christians. At which their vain Threats and Speeches, the Christians, before resolutely set down for the defending of the Place by them so much desired, and well acquainted with their great Brags, could not but with scorn smile, as men nothing therewith dismayed, nor so to be removed: nevertheless, the Bassa, constant in his Resolution for the regaining Strigonium, with all his Forces came the eighteenth day of September, and laid Siege unto it. Now unto this Siege, 
Strigonium besieged by the Turks.  the Turks, in hope of Spoil and Booty, came flocking from all Places, as it had been to some great Mart; and the Fields in all the Country thereabout were covered and swarmed with Arms, Men, Horses, and Tents. They encamped near unto Charles' Hill, taking up with their Tents half a League of the Country round about; and at their first coming most bravely advanced their Ensigns with their Half Moons, the Arms of their still increasing Empire. Whom the Besieged in this Action imitated, bravely advancing their Ensigns upon their Walls, as did the Turks in the Fields; and farther braving and provoking them with a thousand thundering Shot, discharged out of the Town amongst them. All the Walls round about the Town glisteren with Arms and flames of Fire, out of which the deadly Bullets flew, carrying with them Death and Terror into the midst of these new-come Enemies, for their Welcome. The Turks nevertheless came still resolutely on, and as men prodigal of their Lives even in the midst of so many dangers, began to make their Approaches. Upon whom, the Christians with great Courage sallied forth, 
The Christians sally forth upon the Turks.  to disturb them in their Works; and so for the space of certain hours having had with them an hot and sharp Skirmish, without any great hurt received, retired again into the Town, leaving unto their Enemies, by that they had done, a good Testimony of their Valour and Resolution. The Turks for all that lodged themselves, made their Trenches, and so encamped before the Mount of Saint Thomas, where, by the placing of their Cannon, they well declared their meaning for the battering of that Fort.  
Against which their Designs, George Basta, 
The careful Endeavours of Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant General, for the Preservation of Strigonium.  Lieutenant-General of the Imperial Army, right resolutely opposed himself, having near unto Strigonium cast up a strong Fort, well furnished with Men and great Artillery; from which, he greatly annoyed the Turks with his great Ordnance, and with the fury thereof enforced them to remove farther off with their Approaches; his Army upon the River of Danubius, in the mean time lying betwixt the Isle of Strigonium, and the old Town of the Rascians, to keep the Enemy from entering either into the one place or the other.  
County Sultze, Governor of the Place, 
The comfortable Speech of County Sultze, Governor of Strigonium, to his Garrison.  also having taken a general Muster of his Men, and with comfortable and cheerful Speeches encouraged his Soldiers, putting them in mind of their Duty, and of the honourableness of the Action now in hand, as undertaken for the Maintenance of the Christian Religion, for the Service of the Emperor, and the Safeguard of their own Lives; persuading them withal, not to put any Trust or Confidence in the Turks Faith, or fair Promises, considering, that their Weapons were even yet wet with the Blood of their Christian Brethren, most perfidiously by them of late massacred and slain at the taking of Alba-Regalis: encouraging them also with the Goodness of their Cause, with the carefulness of their Friends abroad for their Relief, with the regard of their own Valour, and Cowardice of their barbarous Enemies, whose only Hope and Trust was in their Multitude: and withal comforting them, That holding out but some few Months, the very Elements themselves, and the time of the Year, would as it were fight for them, and afford them Aid, their Enemies being not able with their great Army, in the Extremity of Winter Weather, without their irreparable losses to hold the Field. And that as for himself, his Honour, together with his Life, were so bound unto his Grave and Sepulchre, at the foot of the Walls of that Place, as that they could not be from the same separated; having proposed the Glory of the Preservation of that Place, or else of an honourable Death, as the end of all his Actions, and consummation of all his Hopes. And that therefore he most earnestly besought them to follow his so honourable a purpose, in assisting him in that Action, so much concerning their Lives and Honour, and wholly depending on their Courage and Resolution. And that for Testimony of his earnest desire to the furthering of this Service, he was willing to depart with a good part of his Substance and Treasure, to be bestowed upon them, amidst these the Trophies of his Honour, having commanded them to have certain Months Pay paid beforehand unto them, which was accordingly done.  
Now the Turks having a purpose easily to begin the Conquest of Strigonium by the taking of the strong Fort of St. Thomas, 
A notable Sally of the Christians out of the Fort of St. Thomas.  came the 24 th' day of September to assault and batter the same; upon whom 500 Horsemen and 2000 Footmen sallying out of the Fort, caused them, after a sharp and bloody Conflict, and not without some loss on both sides, to retire back again, and to forsake the Mount whereupon they were encamped. 
The Christians falling into an Ambush of the Turks, lose one of their chief Commanders.  But in pursuing of them too far, they fell into a great Ambush, before by the Turks for that purpose laid to entrap them; where, betwixt them was fought a most sharp and bloody Fight; the Turks presuming upon their Multitude, and the Christians standing upon their Valour and Honour. Until that in fine, Valour by Number being oppressed, seven hundred of the Turks being slain, the Christians were enforced to retire, having lost about an hundred of their Men, and amongst them the valiant County Casimir of Holenloth; for whose Body there was a notable Fight betwixt the Christians and the Turks, not much unlike unto that which the Poet Homer describeth, to have been fought betwixt the Trojans and the Greeks, for the Body of Patroclus. Howbeit that at length the Christians, being overcharged with the coming on of the whole Army of the Turks, were glad (as I said) to retire, and so to leave the dead Body of the County Casimir in the power of their merciless Enemies; who as Dogs which revenge themselves upon the Stones which are cast at them, being not able to bite the hands of them that threw them, so did they upon the Body of this gentle Knight, 
More than beastly Cruelty exercised by the Turks upon the dead Body of County Holenloth.  by cutting off his Nose and Ears, and afterwards his Head. But within some few days after, this Body so disfigured was again delivered unto the Christians for a Turk of good account, who was about that time by them taken Prisoner. At which time the Turks seemed to be very desirous of Peace, most earnestly requesting County Frederick of Holenloth (the slain County's Brother) not to be an hinderer thereof. Howbeit that this was but one of their old Practices, depending still upon unreasonable Conditions, whereof the yielding up of Strigonium was one of the chiefest, as the Place by them most desired.  
But if this Siege of the Turks availed them not against the Place besieged, yet was it profitable for them against another Place, by them not attempted, which was the strong Town of Hatwan, more subject unto fear, 
Hatwan most shamefully forsaken by the Christians.  without any danger, than was Strigonium unto the Bullets and Battery of the Turks, with just cause of distrust. For the Soldiers which lay there in Garrison, terrified with the Siege of Strigonium, and doubting lest the Turks leaving that Siege, should come and besiege them, trussing up their Bag and Baggage, the Nineteenth of September abandoned the Place, and carrying away with them the best of the Great Ordnance, left the rest altogether with the Place, and great store of Provision, unto the Enemy, not in hope of any such matter.  
The bruit of the Siege of Strigonium had called thither all the Forces of both Parties in Hungary, and the Countries thereabouts, on the one side for the winning thereof, and on the other for the defence of the same. Amongst others, the County of Tambier, Governor of Lippa, was about to have gone thither with certain of his Troops to have aided his General for the Preservation of the Place. 
Bethlin Habor the Rebel surprised and overthrown by the County Tambier.  But in the mean time, Bethlin Habor, chief of the Rebels in Transilvania, assisted by Beckheres Bassa, with four thousand Turks entered into the Province to have made himself Master thereof, under the Protection of the Turk. Whereof the County having got knowledge, resolved to go and meet him, and to encounter him at the very first Entrance of him into the Province. This old Rebel, knowing that George Basta was, by the emperor's Appointment, gone out of the Country with the best Troops of his Horsemen, the greatest Strength of the Province, came on in great Security, thinking of nothing but of Victory, and of performing his intended Exploit, without fear of any to let him: so that casting no farther Peril, he was surprised by the County before he was aware, and put to flight. Neither was the Fight long betwixt men accustomed to vanquish, resolutely set down, and well armed, against men dismayed, half naked, and surprised. In which Conflict, above a thousand of them being slain, and a thousand of Horses of Service taken, the rest fled; amongst whom, Bethlin himself, with his Bassa flying, were glad by swimming to save themselves amidst a thousand Chances and Dangers of their Lives.  
The Bassa of Temeswar advertised of this Overthrow by one of them that was fled from the same, 
Succours sent to the Rebel by the Bassa of Temeswar, defeated by the County Tambier, and the Bassa's Lieutenant slain.  presently he sent forth his Lieutenant with a good number of men, to relieve the vanquished Turks: who, by the way understanding of the general Overthrow of them whom he was sent forth to relieve, as also of the Strength of his Enemies, and that he was come too late to the relief of his Friends, retired as fast as he could with his men back again homeward toward Temesmar. But being in their Retreat discovered, and hotly pursued by these men, imbrued with the Blood of their Enemies, and yet breathing with Victory, they were by them overtaken even almost at the Gates of their City, and there (as men before overcome with fear, and overwhelmed with despair) cut in pieces, without any Fight or Resistance by them made, beseeming men of their sort; the Lieutenant himself being there slain also.  
After which Exploits done, the County turning towards jula, chanced to light upon certain Companies of Turks loaded with Booty, which they had got in roaming abroad into the Country thereabout, whom he pursued even unto the Gates of the Town, which they ●ound shut against them; for that they within the Town, seeing the Christians even at the heels of their Companions, had shut their Gates, 
The Visier Bassa seeketh ●o gain Strigoni●m by offering of the Christians Peace.  neither durst now open the same, for fear lest the Christians should, together with them, enter the Town, and so become Masters thereof. Who, so shut out by their own Friends, were there all by the Christians slain, even in the sight of their Companions, not daring to let them in, nor able to relieve them. After which Massacre done, the Christians not yet so contented, burned the Suburbs of the Town, and so, loaded with the Spoils of their Enemies, departed. The County, after so many honourable Exploits in a small time by him performed, returned to Lippa, where he arrived the five and twentieth of September, and from thence afterward advertising Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant General, of these his Exploits done, caused ten of the Turks Ensigns, all stained with their own Blood, to be presented unto him, as the sure Tokens of his good Service done.  
But to return again unto the Siege of Strigonium, the greatest Exploit by the Turks intended for this Year, from which we have from the occurrent of the same time a little strayed. The Visier Bassa, perceiving by the valiant and resolute Defence of our men, how little he prevailed in this Siege, and that it was like enough to tend at length to his Dishonour, thought it good once again to prove, if he might by Composition gain that which he was now almost out of hope by Force to obtain. And to that purpose caused a motion to be made unto the besieged, for a Treaty to be had concerning a Peace, and a Day appointed for the same. Unto which motion for Peace the Imperials (although they had no hope at all of any Peace to be concluded) easily yielded, lest they might be thought obstinately to have rejected the same. Whereupon, 
Deputies appointed to entreat with the Turks of Peace.  Commissioners were on both sides appointed to meet together, to confer of the matter. And so for the Emperor, Althem himself, with Ferdinand Collonitz, and Frederick of Hohenlo, County of Rhine, were appointed near unto the Rascian Town to meet with the Turks Commissioners, to hear what they would say. Howbeit, the Commissioners on both sides being met at the Place aforesaid, all their Conference was but vain and to no purpose; the Turks still urging the yielding up of Strigonium, and the Imperials as earnestly refusing the same. 
The Treaty for Peace broken off.  So that the Treaty for Peace being broken off, and the Commissioners departing, the Siege was more cruelly by the Turks continued than before.  

The Cossacks depart out of the Turks Camp unto the Christians.  Now there were in the Turks Army lying at the Siege, certain Companies of Cossacks, Men for their Pay indifferent to serve any Prince, of what Religion soever. Which serviceable Men, in Number seven hundred, had agreed together the 28 th' of September, by night to forsake the Turks Camp, and to come unto the Christians. Of which their Purpose and Design, the Visier Bassa having, by some untrusty amongst them, got knowledge, caused the Footmen of these Companies to be apprehended and slain; the Horsemen in the mean time making themselves way over the Bellies of such as would have stayed them, fled, and escaped, some of them to Komara, and some to Dotis. Threescore of these Cossacks being by the Turks hardly pursued, adventured to swim over Danubius, and so all naked came to Colloni●z, by whom they were courteously entertained and apparelled. And within three days after, two hundred Horsemen more of the same Cossacks came unto Collonitz also; who, marching in good order unto the head of the Christian Camp, were there sworn unto the Emperor's Service; and in token of their Loyalty, there discharged their Pistols thrice. Which Horsemen Collonitz divided among the rest of his Troops, as having before time had good experience of the Courage and good Service of divers such others of their Fellows.  

The Janissaries in Mutiny against the Visier Bassa▪ The Reason of the Mutiny of the Janissaries against the Bassa their General.  By these fugitive Soldiers it was understood, that the Janissaries, in great number up in Mutiny against the Visier Bassa, would have enforced him to have raised the Siege, and so to have departed. The cause of their so great Discontent (as they pretended) was the manifest and assured danger of their Lives, with little or no hope at all for the gaining of the Place; they themselves being still exposed to the Dangers both of the Siege and of the Field, having the besieged on head of them armed with an assured Resolution, and the Christian Army at their Backs, of known Valour and Experience: besides that, the Place itself was (as they said) impregnable, being at all times to be relieved, by reason that it commanded over the Danuby, which might always relieve it both with Men and Victuals: and that therefore, after that they had satisfied their Honour, by giving of an Assault or two unto the Fort of St. Thomas, they had resolved to arise, and to be gone. And much about this time, viz. the Nine and twentieth of September, in the night time, was a most dreadful fiery Impression seen in fashion much like a Rainbow, of a fiery red colour; which beginning over Cockera, and rising higher over Strigonium, at length vanished away over the Fort of St. Thomas. The sight whereof much troubled the Beholders thereof, as well the Christians as the Turks; such strange Meteors and Apparitions being oftentimes the Presages of the ruin of them to whom they appear.  
In the mean time, whilst the Turks thus lay before Strigonium, at the Siege of Saint Thomas' Fort, the Lord Basta, Lieutenant-General of the Emperor's Forces, to give the Turks to understand, How that he was always in readiness to attend upon their doings, and to take hold of all such Opportunities as should by them be offered, and so to keep them in suspense, came with seven thousand brave Horsemen, and showed himself in the plain Field in order of Battle; so, as it were, braving the Turks even unto their own Trenches; where, having discharged their Pistols thrice, they returned as victorious, always keeping themselves in order, as men ready either to give or to accept of Battle. Howbeit, the Turks for the present keeping themselves close within their Trenches, moved not; but afterwards, being desirous to counter-brave this the Christians Presumption, the third day of October they came forth of their Trenches, and gave a second Assault unto Saint Thomas Fort, 
The Fort of St. Thomas the second time assaulted by the Turks.  employing the uttermost of their Power in this Action, whereupon they well knew a great part both of their Honour and of their Safety to depend. But in assailing the Fort, they met with them as resolutely set down for the Defence thereof, and for the Maintenance of their Honour, as were they for the winning of the same. So the Assault was begun with great Fury and Adventure, as was the other before; howbeit, that it endured not long, for that the Turks fought rather for the discharge of their Duty, and to have some just cause▪ to raise their Siege, than for any hope they had to prevail, or to carry the Place. For it befell them according as they had expected, so that after that the Fight had endured little more than half an hour, amidst the Tempests of Arms and Fury, in fine, the Turks, out of hope to prevail, gave over the Siege, and retired, having in that Conflict lost five hundred of their best Soldiers.  
The Governor of Strigonium had in the City under his charge six thousand Haiducks, who, 
The shameful Treason of the Haiducks of Strigonium.  attainted with Treason and Fear, all forsook the Place excepting five hundred, preferring their Lives, unworthy the saving, before their Duty, and the Life and Honour of their General. With which shameful Treason, and the Resolution of the Great Bassa for forcing of the Place, the Germans there left, seeing their Captains dismayed, gathered themselves together, promising, by their own Valour to supply what wanted by reason of the Treachery of the others; offering themselves to be sworn again unto the Service of the Emperor, and rather to die all in the Place, than to yield it up unto the Turks, or to leave it unto their Enemies: where, by their general Consent, a solemn Decree was made, That whosoever he were which should speak or once make mention of yielding the Town, should forthwith therefore be hanged upon a Gibbet. The Turks, 
The Fort of St. Thomas the third time assaulted by the Turks.  although they had now in two Assaults been twice repulsed, came yet forth once again the fifth day of October, and assaulted Saint Thomas Fort the third time; wherein, they failed not to do what they might, but were by the Christians therein so received, that despairing of the winning thereof, they with great Loss and Shame retired. Which Disgrace caused them to return to their old Practices, for the taking of Places by Policy. For having in many Places undermined the Walls, and filled them with Gunpowder, they were in hope by that means to have opened themselves a way unto their Conquest. Of which their hope, for all that, 
The Turks seeking to undermine the Fort of St. Thomas, disappointed of their purpose.  they were deceived; for the Christians, having perceived their meaning, did, by countermining, not only frustrate their Endeavour, but carried away the Powder also, which they had before laid in the Mines, reserving it to their own farther necessity and use. Wherefore the Turks seeing themselves of their hope deceived, returned again unto their old Practices, 
A Treaty for Peace.  to come to a Parley for Peace. Of which their Motion the Christians nothing disliked. But the Commissioners on both sides being met together for that purpose, in a little Island beneath Strigonium, when as the Turks had offered unto the Christians the City of Agria for Strigonium; or if so be that that exchange pleased them not, but that they would needs keep the City of Strigonium still, that then in consideration of the Peace, they should deliver unto them the strong Towns of Fileck, Saint Setschin, 
The Treaty broken off, and nothing concluded.  Pallank, and Novigrade; both of which demands were very unreasonable; the Commissioners thereupon again departed without concluding of any thing.  
Now the Army of the Turks was in itself diversely divided with quite contrary desires, the Visier Bassa, with some other of the Commanders, stood stiffly for the taking of the place, as men willing either to return from thence with Victory, 
The Janissaries unwilling to continue the siege of Strigonium.  or else there to end their days; but the Janissaries to the contrary, were as earnest to be gone, and to raise the siege, deeming it impossible as then to prevail against a place so strong, so well manned, and so easily to be still relieved. With which their Resolution so contrary unto his, the Bassa enraged, and yet proposing before his departure to prove the uttermost of his Forces against the Fort, now already by him thrice before assaulted, the tenth of October gave thereunto six great assaults, 
The Fort of Saint Thomas six times in one day assaulted by the Turks.  but with like success as before, finding there still the same Defendants, no whit discouraged, but armed with their accustomed Resolution. For the Defendants, encouraged by their most valiant Commanders, with such fury repulsed the Turks, that they were glad to give over assault upon assault, and with great loss of their men to retire. Their often retreats also being unto them no less hurtful than were their assaults, the deadly Bullets being out of the Fort discharged upon them like showers of bail. So that the Bassa now, after so many assaults, 
The siege of Strigonium given over by the Turks.  out of all hope to gain the Fort, and still pressed by the Janissaries for the raising of the siege, immediately after rose with his Army, quitted his Trenches, and retired with his Camp near unto a Castle about a League distant from Strigonium. From whence the Turks, the better to cover their dishonour, and to hinder the Christians from pursuing of them in their retreat, the next day after came into the Field with a good part of their Army, and showed themselves before the Rascian Town, and there skirmished with the Christian Haiducks▪ Which manner of skirmishing for all that, was more in show than in effect, neither Party therein receiving any great loss or hurt. In the mean time, the besieged which were in Strigonium, having gotten certain knowledge, that the Enemy had already removed his Cannon and other Provision for the siege back again into Buda, in token of Joy discharged all their great Ordnance out of the City and the Fort; by the report thereof giving Knowledge unto the other Towns and Castles of the Christians, of their deliverance. Of which so common a Joy every one of them were Partakers, as delivered from some part of the fear which the siege of so great a City as was Strigonium, had brought upon them. And so the siege of Strigonium, begun the eighteenth day of September, was by the Turks given over the thirteenth of October; the Janissaries insolently threatening to have slain the great Bassa their General, if he had there any longer stayed.  
Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant, in the mean time awaiting all Opportunities, 
Basta pursueth the Turks Army departing from the siege of Strigonium.  failed not to take hold of so fit an Occasion, but with his Horsemen following after the Turks Army, slew of them a great number, and took some other of them Prisoners. And afterward returning unto their Camp, found it void of men, but full of Bullets, with certain pieces of great Ordnance, which the Turks had left there▪ having not time to remove the same to Buda. Upon this rising of the Turks Army, the Commanders thereof were diversely affected unto the service that was further to be done, as they had before been in the time of the siege. Such of them as lay in Hungary, or near thereunto, desiring still to hold the field, in hope of the spoil of the Country; but they which dwelled farther off, especially such as were come out of Asia, desiring as much to be discharged, their Hor●es being almost all dead with faintness and travel, and they themselves weary of the service.  
Shortly after the rising of the Turks Army from Strigonium, two Fugitives of the Turks, most bravely mounted, came unto Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant, and presenting him with a Ring of great value, and a most fair Turkish Ensign, told him, most part of the Turks Army to lie then encamped in the Country near unto Pesth; and the great Cham, a young Prince of about twenty years old, to be come thither with a great Power of Tartars, to aid the Bassa; and that the Turks, by their coming encouraged, were determined yet to make a great excursion for the spoiling of the Country. 
The upper Hungary by the Turks and Tartars spoiled and burnt.  All which shortly after was certainly known to be true, the plain Country of the upper Hungary about Palanka, Setschin, and Villecamp, being by them, but especially by these new come Tartars, all spoiled and burnt. For remedy whereof, Sigefride Collonitz opposing himself with his Hungarian Horsemen, against these insolent Foragers, so daunted them, that ceasing further to spoil the Country, they departed, carrying away with them such Prisoners and spoil as they had there taken, and leaving behind them a strong Garrison of three thousand good Soldiers, for the repairing and keeping of Pesth, but a little before cowardly (as we said) forsaken by the Christians. But within some few days after, viz. the four and twentieth of October, the Visier Bassa, 
The Visier Bassa by his Letters maketh a motion for the Treaty of Peace.  by his Letters written unto County Althem, Governor of Strigonium, made a mention for a Treaty of Peace to be had for the comfort of the distressed People of that spoilt Country, solemnly protesting, most religiously on his part to keep the same, if it should be once concluded; and yet in the mean time with Fire and Sword spoiling all the Country by the way as he departed out of Hungary.  
But now, 
New Rebellion in Transilvania raised by Istivan, surnamed Botscay.  as this poor Country began to feel Relief by the departure of the great Bassa with his Army out thereof, so the Country of Transilvania joining thereunto, was at the same time as much with Rebellion and Discord distressed. Bethlin Habor the Rebel, with his Bassa overthrown and driven out of Transilvania (as is aforesaid) the Lord Belgiosa, Basta's Lieutenant in this Province, thinking all things now at quiet, was making himself ready with his Troops, to have gone to aid the Lord Basta, his General, then encamped in the Plains of Strigonium, to hinder the Turks Designs for the taking of this Town. But as he was about so to have done, behold, even at the same time when he least feared, a second Rebel there started up, far worse than the first, namely, the Lord Istivan, (otherwise surnamed Botscay, or more truly 
* He was in scorn called Potscay (which in the Bohemian Language signifieth ●arry or stay) of the long delays he by way of disgrace had before endured in the Emperor's Court.  Potscay) who, accompanied with great Troops of Men of War under the Protection of the Turk, and styling himself by the Name of the Prince of Transilvania, entering that Province, miserably burnt and spoiled the same. For the repressing of which so sudden a Rebellion, Belgiosa with a thousand Horse, under the leading of Roscovitz and Peter Last●, marched toward Veradin; and with his Troop coming to Adorni, a Country Village about a League distant from Veradin, and meaning thither to assemble together his Army, he sent to Petsie Governor of Veradin, to put him in mind of his Duty, and to crave his aid. Which valiant Captain, always pressed and ready to do his Prince Service, failed not now of his Duty, calling together six Companies of Footmen out of Romosa, and joining unto them four Companies out of Veradin, together with the Silesian Horsemen of Schuet-Kenhut's Regiment (whom by reason of his Sickness he was not able to lead) and with them the Haiducks of County Tambier, came unto the Place of the Rendezvous, bringing with him all warlike Provision in token of his Fidelity. With this Army Belgiosa marched against the Rebels, who, as resolute men, attended his coming; 
Belgiosa goeth against the Rebels of Transilvania.  for why, Botscay knowing the Haiducks of County Tambier secretly to favour him and his Rebellion more than they did Belgiosa and his just Quarrels, stood in no fear of them, but assured himself of them as of his Friends; who failed not of his hope and expectation, but even at the first joining of the Battle turned themselves to his part; with the going over of whom, the number of the Rebels was much increased, and Belgiosa's Power both in Force and Courage much weakened, seeing themselves at once exposed both unto the force of their Enemies, and to the Treachery of their Fellows, who now with conjoined Forces most fiercely assailed them; who finding themselves now on all sides environed with so great a multitude, and not able, with so small a number as was left, to withstand the violence of their Enemies, and the Treason of their Companions; after they had to the uttermost of their Power performed all the parts of valiant and courageous men, 
Belgiosa in a great Battle overthrown by Botscay the Rebel.  were there almost all cut in pieces, and there buried in the Field of their Loyalty, honoured with their own Blood, and altogether embrued with the Blood of their Enemies. In this unlucky and disloyal Fight were divers good and faithful Captains slain; Petsie, Governor of Veradin, and Pallas Lippa, both great Captains, and grievously wounded, were there taken Prisoners. The Lieutenant of Petsie also, having retired himself with some of his Troops into a place of good Strength, there so valiantly defended themselves, that Botscay, out of hope to overcome them by force, to get them into his Power, promised them upon his Oath, 
Botscay dealeth unfaithfully with such upon his faith given them yielded unto him.  if they would yield themselves, to suffer them in safety to depart. But what Trust or Credit is to be given to him who hath before broken his Faith and Loyalty to his Prince, this Rebel well showed, by the Death of these valiant and warlike men, who, after that they had upon his Faith and Promise yielded themselves, were by his appointment cruelly slain and cut in pieces. The Silesian Horsemen were there also all overthrown, and buried in the midst of their Enemies; and as for Belgiosa himself, he strangely escaped out of the Battle, and saved himself by flying to Veradin. The victorious Rebel after the Battle, instead of praising God, sacrificed to the Devil, by sending a great part of the Ensigns by him gained unto the Visier Bassa, with a thousand Praises of his Glory, for supporting of him in his Rebellion; and vaunting much of this his Victory, gave him withal to understand, That he had slain above six thousand of his Enemies.  

Botscay in his Rebellion countenanced by the Great Sultan, and called Prince of Transilvania.  This Victory gotten, together with the humble Submission of Botscay, obtained of the Great Sultan, That from thenceforth he should be styled by the Name of the Prince of Transilvania, with a farther Charge from him, to do the uttermost of his endeavour for the subduing unto his Obeisance the rest of Transilvania; promising, plentifully to supply his Wants both with Men and Money, and out of hand to send him three thousand Tartars to his Aid. And indeed, this was a very great and bloody Battle, fought from the first break of the Day, until eleven a clock at Noon; but, whether so many were slain there or no, it cannot certainly be told, for that divers of them who were said to be slain, and so accounted among the dead, had hid themselves in the Wood there by, and some others of them by some other means escaped Death also. Petsie himself had with him when he was taken, two Monks, whom the Soldiers in despite cut into many pieces, and carried him fast bound in Chains to Derritza, to be there cured of the dangerous Wounds by him in the Battle received.  
But as for Pallas Lippa, who, being wounded, 
Pallas Lippa, Botscay's Lieutenant, pretendeth the defence of Religion for the strengthening of Botscay in his Rebellion.  was taken Prisoner with Petsie, he was afterwards by Botscay appointed his Lieutenant General, and so by his Commandment was publicly proclaimed; as he which was desirous to take upon him the defence of the reformed Religion, and of such as were willing to profess the same; who forthwith made a general Proclamation, That all they which were desirous of the liberty of Conscience, and to live free from the Superstitions of the Roman Church, should repair unto him, as unto their Head and Chieftain, ready to entertain them, and to allow to every one of them five Dollars a Month for their Pay. Upon which Proclamation made, a great Multitude of Men upon the sudden resorted unto him; so that in a short time he had following of him ten thousand Haiducks, beside a number of other of the common rascal People; yea, almost all the Gentlemen of the Country repairing unto him, bound themselves by Oath to him, and one of them to another, That as they would not take up Arms to fight against the Christian Emperor, so they would not submit themselves unto the Turk, but only stand upon the defence of their Religion, and the liberty of Conscience.  
The Rebel Botscay thus wonderfully increased in Strength and Number, beset almost all the Passages of the Country, and with the Sword of Rebellion in his hand, and his Soldiers following him, commanded the Cities still as he went, to yield unto him: but, hearing that Belgiosa was after the late Overthrow gone from Veradin to Cassovia, where his Wife lay; 
The great City of Cassovia yielded to the Rebel Botscay.  and being come thither, to have been by the Citizens rejected, who would not only not receive him into their City, but turned his Wife also out of the City unto him; he with a great Army coming thither, took the City without resistan●●, the Citizens for the most part inclining unto him: of which City being possessed, he forthwith changed both the Religion and Civil Government thereof, slew part of such as were of the Romish Religion, and thrust the rest out of the City, with all the Churchmen; took the Bishop and the Emperor's Treasurer Prisoners, and so changed the whole Government of the Town up-side down. The only man he stood in fear of, was Belgiosa, for whom he laid wait by all means he could to have taken him, with a purpose to have used him most hardly if he had fallen into his hands.  
These things thus done in Transilvania and in Hungary, 
An impudent shift of the Visier Bassa for the saving of his Credit with the Great Sultan.  the Visier Bassa being about to return to Constantinople, to grace that little which he had done this Year in Hungary, and to avoid the suspicion of his evil Success in that Province, borrowed of Botscay the rest of the Ensigns, together with Petsie and other the noble Christian Captives which he had taken in the late Battle with Belgiosa; which Ensigns and Prisoners he confidently afterwards caused to be presented unto the Great Sultan Achmat▪ as taken by himself; and in recompense thereof, left three thousand Turks and Tartars with the Rebel, to aid him in his Wars both in Transilvania and Hungary.  
Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant in Hungary, and Governor of Transilvania, hearing of the Stirs and Troubles of late raised in both those Countries by Botscay and his rebellious Followers, 
Basta goeth with his Army against the Rebels in the upper Hungary.  and having as he thought best set all things in order again at Strigonium, marched thence with his Army, being fourteen thousand strong, towards Cassovia, with a purpose to have suppressed the Rebellion in the upper Hungary, before it should have spread farther, to the endangering of the whole State of both those Countries, as afterward it did. Howbeit, before he could come thither, the Rebels, after the taking of Cassovia, being wonderfully increased both in Strength and Number, had taken in most of the strong Towns and Places in the upper Hungary, the People almost generally now favouring their Quarrel, carrying with it the Face of Religion, with the suppressing of the Germane Government, both things unto them much pleasing. And now hearing that Belgiosa (a man of them most hated, being, as we said, shut out of Cassovia) was fled into the Castle of Zipze, 
Belgiosa in the Castle of Zipze besieged by the Rebels.  they by Letters required of Turson, Captain of the Castle, to have him delivered unto them, to be according to his Deserts punished; promising withal, to do Turson himself no harm, so that he would take part with them in the defence of their Religion, and of the liberty of Conscience; which if he should refuse to do, yet that they would give him free liberty to depart whither he would, out of his Castle, and in safety to conduct him thither, so that he would forthwith resolve what course he would take: but if he should of this his Offer mislike also, than they threatened to spoil his Country, to kill his People, to raze his Castle, and to make himself an Example unto others. Wherewith, for all that, he nothing moved, refused to deliver unto them Belgiosa, the Man whom they so much desired, or yet to accept of any of their other Offers. Whereupon the Rebels with great labour repairing the broken way betwixt Cassovia and the Castle, and bringing certain Pieces of great Ordnance from Cassovia, in great number came and straight besieged the Castle. With whose Attempts the valiant Captain nothing moved, with his thundering Shot out of the Castle so welcomed them, that having thereby received great harm, they thought it not their best course to stay any longer there with so great a Power, but with the greatest part thereof to go to Presburg, to reform that City and some other Places by the way; persuading themselves, That the Captain of this Castle so shut up, and on every side beset with his Enemies, would at length of himself yield up the Castle.  
But while the Rebels thus lay at the Siege of this Castle, certain Companies of them went to have taken the Spoil of a Religious House there by; but coming thither, and breaking open the Doors, and searching every secret Corner of the House, they found therein nothing worth the reckoning of▪ but so returned almost empty handed; for the Priests had for feat of them before carried away with them all the best of their Goods and Substance into the besieged Castle. And so likewise the rife Report of their coming to Presburg flying abroad, 
The Priests and Jesuits for fear of the Haiducks fly from Presburg to Vienna.  almost all the Priests and Jesuits in Presburg and the Country thereabout, leaving their Churches and Colleges, fled with their Substance to Vienna, scarcely accounting themselves safe there, until that the Garrison of that strong City was increased with a new supply of six hundred good Soldiers.  
And now the Rebels, their Number still more and more increasing, and having set all the upper part of Hungary on a Broil, were besieging divers other Castles and strong Places, yet holden for the Emperor; when as Basta, in the mean time coming from the Siege of Strigonium, came, and with his Army encamped about three miles from Filek. Of whose coming the Rebels hearing, and thereupon retiring, he forthwith followed after them toward Budnoc, which Castle they also left, and so near unto Ramosambat, the place of their Rendezvous, gathered together in great number, with an intent to have given Basta Battle: whereof Basta having knowledge, to spare the effusion of more Christian-blood, by an Herald sent unto them in friendly and courteous manner, advised them to change their Minds, and to return again unto their former Allegiance: but finding them obstinately set down in their former purpose, for the maintaining of their Rebellion, 
Certain Companies of the Rebels discomfited and overthrown by the Lord Basta.  and the giving of him Battle, he marching forward with his Army, with great Force charged certain Companies of the Rebels, appointed to keep the Passage of Filek; who at the first right valiantly received the Charge, and defended the Passage, until that at length with number oppressed, and above four hundred of them slain, they were put to the worse, and enforced to fly; in which flight, amongst others there taken Prisoners, 
Blaze Nemet, one of the Captains of the Rebels, taken and put to death.  Blaze Nemet their Captain was taken also, whom Basta caused to be hanged up by the heels, with the Ensigns set up about him which he had taken from the Rebels in the late Fight; and after he had for a time so hung, made him to be taken down, and his Head to be struck off from his Shoulders. In this Conflict fifty of Basta's Men were slain also, and many more hurt, and amongst them Collonitz, hurt in his Shoulder and his Foot with a small Shot.  
Basta, after this Victory, marching on with his Army, by the way met with certain other Companies of the rebellious Haiducks, as he was going to St. Peter's, with whom he had many an hot Skirmish for the space of three days together, being by them still put to the worse; insomuch, that having burnt many of his Carriages, Tents, and other Luggage, he was of nothing more careful, than how well to get out of their hands. Nevertheless, seeing no other remedy, 
Basta distressed by the Rebels.  he with great Courage not only endured the often and fierce Assaults of his Enemies, still more and more increasing upon him, but the fourth day, after so many unfortunate Skirmishes, (being the eight and twentieth of November) putting his Men in order of Battle, right valiantly again charged the Rebels; who, by reason of the darkness of the Wether, it being then a very thick Mist, being not able to perceive where the Enemy's Attempts were most to be feared, or what way to turn their own Forces; as men dismayed, 
The Rebels by Basta overthrown.  were easily by them overthrown and put to flight; whom so flying, Basta with his Soldiers fiercely pursuing, made of them a great Slaughter; so that in the space of less than three hours, fifteen hundred of them were in this thick and dark Mist slain, with some few also of Basta's Soldiers, and amongst them Frederick Earl of Solmes, and the County of Erbach wounded. Upon the report of which Overthrow, the Rebels which yet lay at the Siege of the Castle of Zipze, in hope there at length to have taken Belgiosa, forthwith rose and retired themselves to Leusta. But Basta, after this Victory, removing to St. Andrews, and having recovered that Town from the Rebels, and thereinto put a new Garrison, and so by this means somewhat daunted and repressed the Insolency of the Haiducks in those Quarters, and being not well able longer to keep the Field with his Army in so unseasonable a time of the Year, and so to maintain War as it were both against his Enemies, and the extremities of Nature, sought by Letters to have reclaimed them of Cassovia again unto their Obedience; offering unto them Pardon for all their Offences past, ●o that they would now at last acknowledge their fault, and receive into their Town a Garrison of the Emperors. To which purpose he writ also to them of Eperia; in hope that if he might so have gained those two strong Towns, to have in them wintered in safety with his Army. 
The Citizens' of ●assovia re●u●e to submit themselves, and to receive the Emperor's Soldiers into their City.  But they of Cassovia, having in the City a strong Garrison of six thousand good Soldiers, and out of fear to be by Basta besieged at that time of the Year, and withal in hope (if need were) to be by Botscay relieved, (who was then reported to be forty thousand strong) utterly refused to hearken unto Basta's Motion for their Reconciliation, or at all to submit themselves again unto the Emperor. Which caused him with his Army to come nearer unto the City, yet still seeking rather by fair means to have persuaded the Citizens to have returned unto their Loyalty, than by force to have constrained them. But finding them obstinately set down, and by no Persuasions to be removed, but with their great Ordnance, in what they might, to trouble his Camp, he sent before, the County Hohenloh and Rotuitz, with part of his Army to Eperia, to command them, upon their Allegiance to receive the Emperor's Soldiers into the City, and to relieve them with such things as they were able; and within a few days after, viz. the fifth of December, followed himself with the rest of his Army. But being come thither, after much Talk had with the chief Men of the City, 
Eperia yielded unto Basta.  it was at length, contrary to all men's Expectation, agreed, That Basta, assuring them of the free Exercise of their Religion, of the good Behaviour of the Soldiers towards them, and to defend them from the Injury and Incursions of their Enemies, they should open their Gates unto the Imperials, and relieve them with what they were able, and so as before to continue in their Allegiance and Obedience unto the Emperor. Of all which things when Basta had, upon his Faith given, assured them, they opened their Gates, and received in the Soldiers; unto whom (now almost dead and starved with Hunger) nothing could have happened more comfortable or welcome. Leusta, Barbeld, and Zebena, famous Towns in those Places, following the Example of Eperia, submitted themselves in like manner, and helped Basta's Soldiers with Relief. Thither, with great danger, came unto Basta, Sigefrid Collonitz, a Man of great Power and Authority in that part of Hungary, to confer with him about the appeasing of these Troubles: who afterward by his Letters unto the States and the rest of the Nobility of Hungary, yea, and to Botscay himself, in vain persuaded them to lay down Arms, and to return again unto their wont Obedience unto the Emperor.  
There had been hitherto in the Imperial Camp great scarcity of Victuals and of other Necessaries, so that for want thereof, and for the extremity of the Cold▪ and other Miseries, it was greatly feared, lest the Camp should have been broken up, to the irreparable loss of his Imperial Majesty, as the state of things than stood in Hungary. For the remedy whereof, thirty Wagons loaded with Money and Cloth were sent from Vienna, under the Conduct of County Solmes, Colonel Starenberg, the Treasurer, and others; unto whom Tanhusar joined fifteen hundred Hussars (Hungarian Horsemen so called) to (strengthen the Convoy against the danger which was feared from the Haiducks which lay upon the way, and who indeed were now roaming about and seeking after Booty in every corner of the Country. Which Hussars, being come with the rest of the Convoy into a thick Wood, about two Miles from Filek, like Enemies set upon the Waggoners, whom they should have conducted, and there made a great slaughter of such as were about to resist them; insomuch, 
The Hussars traitorously spoil them whom they should have conducted.  that the County Solmes had much ado to save himself, and to get out of their hands, leaving the Wagons as a Prey unto the treacherous Hussars; who now become Masters of them, drove them away to Botscay the Rebel's Camp; Tanhusar their Captain in vain pursuing after them, (with such of his Hussars as, more faithful than the rest, had no hand in that so foul a Treachery) and recovering nothing but ten Wagons loaded with Cloth, which the Traitors had left behind them, having taken the Horses out of them, and put them into the other Wagons wherein the Money was, (which was reported to be 130000 Florins) with the more speed to bring them to Botscoy. Who, having upon the sudden received so great a Sum of Money, by him not looked for, forthwith divided the same amongst his Soldiers, the more to encourage them in their Rebellion against the Emperor.  
The News of this so great a loss being quickly spread thorough all the Emperor's Camp, at the first filled the Soldiers with Grief and Disdain against the treacherous Hussars, but afterwards, with Wrath and Indignation against their own Commanders, as deeming it to have been nothing but a false Report by them devised, and given out to deceive them, and to feed them with a vain hope. Which Persuasion, though not true, had now so strongly possessed their Minds, as that they were about all to have risen up in Mutiny, and to have forsaken the Service, to the utter Peril of their Captains, and endangering of the whole Province, now upon point to have been for ever lost. All which Mischiefs Basta foreseeing, 
Basta wisely appeaseth his Soldiers, ready to forsake his Service.  did first what he might with Words and fair Promises to have appeased them; which not serving, he, with certain thousands of ducats and Wagons of Cloth, taken up at Leusta and other Towns there by, wisely contented them, in some good measure furnishing the old Soldiers, before half naked, both with Money and Apparel, the Soldier's greatest Contentments.  
Which Mutiny so again appeased, the Imperials shortly after surprising a Castle not far from Eperia, found therein a great many of Hungarian Gentlemen, whom they carried away wi●h them Prisoners, to learn of them what they might concerning the Rebels Proceedings and farther Designs. In the mean time, the Haiducks on the other side besieged the Castle of Sedara, which they, after many Assaults took, and put to the Sword all the Garrison Soldiers therein; and departing thence, first rifled, and after burned the Town of Filek. 
Divers Places taken by the Haiducks.  They also took the Castles of Bolvar, Setschin, Dregell, Burac, Holloc, Blavenstein, and the strong Castle of Cabragetia, whither they of Hatwan, not long before, had carried their great Ordnance, at such time as they for fear of the Turks, then lying at the Siege of Strigonium, had abandoned the Place; all Strong-Holds in the upper Hungary. After the taking of which Places, Ferentius Radius, and Charles Istuan, (Botscay's near Kinsman) and the chief Captains and Ringleaders of the Rebels, exalted Contribution-Money of the Mineral Towns (as they call them) belonging unto the Emperor in the upper Hungary; but especially of the City of Newsol, enforcing them also to swear to be in all things obedient to Botscay, and to take his part against the Imperials, threatening with Fire and Sword to infest such Places as should refuse to do the like. And to the intent that they should not by Collonitz be encouraged or defended, who to that end was coming thither, the Rebels in great number went to meet him, and having belayed all the Passages, enforced him to retire himself unto his Castle of Libentsia; where, he lying in great danger with his Wife, then in Childbed, accompanied but with fifty Germane Soldiers only, for that he durst not to trust his Hungarian Cossacks, now in heart altogether inclining unto the Rebels, was glad in post to send to Vienna, 
Collonitz prayeth Aid from Vienna.  most humbly requesting to have a new supply of Germane Soldiers sent unto him for his relief, and the furtherance of the Emperor's Service, in that so dangerous a time and wavering estate of that Country, being the best part of that the Emperor then held in Hungary.  
Now while Basta thus lay with his Army at Eperia, and in the Country thereabout, he daily received great harm from the Haiducks, who were still hover about him, as Hawks over their Prey; his Soldiers by necessity enforced to fetch in Wood, and other things necessary into the Camp, being still most miserably slain and cut in pieces; yea, they were so bold, as oftentimes to trouble him in his Camp, and to assail his Soldiers where they lay quartered in their Trenches; as amongst other times, they did in the latter end of December, to end the year withal; at which time, they by night breaking into the quarter where Charles Collonitz, with Copel and Pettenger, two Captains of Austria, with their Companies lay, they slew the said Copel, 
Copel and Pettinger slain by the Haiducks.  with almost all his Soldiers, and burned Pettinger in his Tent, Collonitz himself being at the same time in great danger, and hardly by them beset also; until that encouraging his Men, by performing all the parts both of a good Captain and valiant Soldier, he by true Valour enforced them at length to retire back again into the Woods, from whence they came, having in this Conflict slain fourteen of them with his own hand.  

A Spy taken.  About this time was a Spy taken in the Imperial Camp, one of Botscay's chief men, discovered by one coming from Cass●via to Eperia, which knew him; who, by Basta's Commandment apprehended, and upon torture examined, and confessing what he had done, was for his good service hanged, and afterward quartered, to the Terror of others attempting the like.  
The Turks this year were not much fortunate in their Wars, Hassan, the Visier Bassa, and their General against the Christians in Hungary, having in vain (as is before declared) besieged Strigonium, and with all his Forces done nothing worth the remembrance; and Cicala Bassa, their other General against the Persians in the East, 
The evil Success of Cicala Bassa against the Persians.  being with all his great Power by the Persian King overthrown and put to flight, and the City of Babylon, now called Bagdat, taken; and was first at Prague, the two and twentieth of October, reported by the Secretary of the Vayvod of Valachia, sent thither in Ambassage from his Master unto the Emperor, and afterward confirmed by an Ambassador sent from the Persian King himself unto the Emperor; who having audience, 
The effect of the Ambassage of the Persian King unto the Emperor.  told his Majesty how that the King his Master, was not ignorant of the great and difficult War by him now for many years maintained against the Turkish Sultan, with whom, although he for his part might have lived in Peace and Amity, yet, that moved with the Zeal which one Prince ought to have to the relief of another, he had taken up Arms against him, so to avert some part of that heavy War from his Majesty, even upon himself; and that he had already obtained many great and notable Victories and Conquests against him; and recovered a great Territory, wrongfully before taken from the Persian Kings, his Predecessors, by the Turkish Sultan's; and that now he was of nothing more desirous, than to join in a perpetual League and Amity with his Majesty, that so, in a most strong Confederation combined together, they might never afterward be dissevered, or ever make Peace with the Sultan, without one another's Knowledge and Consent. And further, That for his part he was minded never to give over the War, so happily by him begun, until he had driven him even into his Imperial City of Constantinople, so that his Majesty would on his part do the like, by continuing of his present Wars; it being not possible for the Turks to hold out against them both, and the only means to abate his greatness, and to assure them in their Estates; requesting him withal, to send back with him some grave man, his Ambassador, with sufficient Authority and Instructions to confer about these Matters with him; that so knowing and understanding one another's Mind, the League and Confederation betwixt them might the more easily and commodiously be made and concluded.  
Neither were the Turks busied with these foreign Wars only, 
The Turks troubled with Civil Wars.  against these so great and mighty Princes, in Places so remote and far off, but unto these were joined their own intestine and civil Wars and Troubles also; the Rebels being yet up in the lesser Asia, and the Bassas of Aleppo and Damascus, two of the most famous Cities in Syria, and both of them men of great Place and Command, of late up in Arms one of them against the other; insomuch, that they had brought the matter to be tried by the Sword in the plain Field, where the Bassa of Aleppo, in a great and bloody Battle overcome, and flying unto his own City, was by the Bassa of Damascus pursued thither, and so straight by him besieged with an Army of thirty thousand men, that in fine he was glad to reconcile himself unto him, and to make his Peace, by yielding unto whatsoever the other Bassa his Enemy pleased to demand of him; as being thereunto driven by the Extremity of Famine, which then reigned in the City; as also for that he had lost a great number of his Men, whom he had sent secretly out of the City to seek for Victuals, being all slain by the Bassa of Damasco's Soldiers. With which so great matters, the Bassas of the Court (who had the managing of the State under the young Sultan) were much troubled, he himself (as was fittest for his years) in the mean time dilighting himself with the Pleasures of the Court, 
Sultan Achmat's first Son born.  and much rejoicing at the Birth of his first begotten Son, who was born about that time.  
The Revolution of time had now thus brought this year to an end, year 1605 the Troubles of Hungary and Transilvania yet still more and more so increasing, 
Civil Discord the Ruin of Hungary.  as if that those most miserable Countries had by the just and heavy Judgements of God been now appointed unto their last and utter Ruin and Destruction; the Causes of their so great Miseries proceeding not so much from the Turks their Enemies, as from the natural Inhabitants themselves; who, in Minds divided, both in Religion and Affection, some of them continuing in their Allegiance unto the Emperor, and othersome following the Ensigns of the Rebel Botscay, did both unto themselves and to their Country more harm in a little time, than had the Turks in many years before. 
Belioiosa Author of the great Rebellion in Hungary▪  Of which so dangerous a Dissension, and of the harms thereof ensuing, Belioiosa left by Basta as his Lieutenant, was reported to have been the first and chief Author; For whereas the year before the Bishops and other Clergymen, in an assembly of them at Possonium, had, without the Knowledge of the Nobility and States of Hungary, published a decree by them there made, for the burning or perpetual banishing of all such as were of the reformed Religion in Hungary; and that the States of that Kingdom understanding thereof, and solemnly protesting against the same, under the Seal of the Lord Palatine, had publicly affirmed with just Arms to defend themselves, if they should for their Religion be called into question, or troubled; and had again repeated the same their Protestation at Galset. Yet Belioiosa nevertheless in the mean time by cunning seizing upon the reformed Churches at Cassovia, would not suffer the Citizens of the reformed Religion there to have any Sermons in their own private Houses, or so much as to read on the holy Bible. Neither any whit moved with the former Protestations of the Nobility and States, had taken unto himself all the Lands and Goods of them of their Religion in Cassovia, not suffering them to bury the Bodies of their dead within the City, near unto the Monasteries. And requesting to have borrowed of Botscay certain thousands of Crowns, and thereof by him denied, caused his Souldi●●s to ransack two of his Castles, and ●o spoil hi● of all the Wealth and Treasure he ●ad therein. For which Indignities and Injuries 〈…〉, 
The chief Causes of B●●scay's Discontentment.  caused open Proclamation to be 〈…〉 he would give unto every Haiduck that would serve him, four Crowns a Month pay, with all the booty that they could get. Whereupon six thousand Haiducks, which then served under Belioiosa, forthwith revolted unto Botscay, their number increasing daily. But after that unto this extraordinary pay, Pallas Lippa, his Lieutenant, had also joined the Protection of the reformed Religion, it is wonderful to say, how the Haiducks by heaps resorted unto him, and how the People in all parts of Hungary generally favoured him and his Quarrel, being in all places whereas he came, ready to join hands with him against the Imperials. The Turks and Tartars also, both with Men and Money furthering him in all his doings, whose help he refused not. Whereof proceeded all the aforesaid Miseries both in Hungary and Transilvania, with many other worse than they, which, together with the beginning of this year, took their beginning and increase also. Unto which so great Troubles, still more and more increasing, Basta, not able by force to give remedy, sought by Lenity and fair Persuasions to have eased the same; by Letters oftentimes advising even Botscay, the chief Rebel himself, to change his Mind, to lay down Arms, to disband his Forces, and to persuade with the rest of his seditious followers, to submit themselves unto the Emperor, and to return again unto their wont Obedience. Whereunto he at length answered, 
Botscay's unreasonable demands for to come to a Peace.  That if the Government of all Transilvania might be left unto himself alone; if a natural Hungarian born might be still chosen Lieutenant General in Hungary, if none but such as were Hungarians born should have the government and command of all the Garrisons in Hungary; if the Wallon and French Soldiers might be shut out of Hungary, if the natural Hungarians born, might from thenceforth be regarded and provided of their pay, if it might be lawful for every man to have the free Exercise of his Religion; if the Authors of these Troubles might be delivered unto the Hungarians to be punished, if the Emperor himself in Person should come and be present at the Parliament at Presburg, if the Germane Garrison Soldiers should still keep themselves within the Places whereunto they were appointed, without making of any Excursions into the Towns or Villages near unto them, or hurting of the poor Countrymen; he could then be content to come to such a good Agreement for Peace. With which offer he sent two of the Rebels, his Followers, unto Bassa, who not liking thereof, returned them back again, without concluding of any thing.  
But while things were thus in talk, 
Gokara surprised by the Haiducks.  some of the Haiducks in the mean time, with a number of Tartars joined unto them, in seeking after Booty, surprised Gokara, a Town over against Strigonium; where, having slain certain Germans which had the keeping of the Place, and rifled the Town, as they were about to set it on fire, by the coming over of the Governor of Strigonium with his Garrison, they were enforced to forsake the place, and again to retire. This loss received at Gokara, 
Palantwar taken by the Imperials.  was again by our men requited by the taking of Palantwar, a good Fortress of the Turks, after a long and cruel fight taken by Captain Bathian, (Commander of the Imperial Troops on this side of the River of Danubius) whereinto a number of the Turks being retired, were there together with the Garrison Soldiers all slain, and amongst them divers men of great account, who but some few days before were come thither. Which Fortress the Captain caused to be forthwith razed, because it should no more stand the Turks in stead for the annoying of the Christians.  
The Turks about this time had a purpose to besiege Vacia, a City not far from Vicegrade, 
Vacia most shamefully by the Haiducks betrayed, and delivered unto the Turks.  on the other side of Danubius, a Place which still did them great harm, and stood the Christians in great stead. The Garrison of which Place was part Germane, and part Hungarians, as the rest of all the Garrisons in the Imperial Towns of Hungary were. Of which the Turks purpose for the siege, the treacherous Haiducks there in Garrison having got understanding, conspired to deliver unto them the Place; and yet not so contented, to join thereunto a Treason more bloody and treacherous than was the betraying of the Town; for finding themselves by far too strong for the Germans in Garrison in the Town with them, they fell upon them, fearing no such matter, and slew most part of them, the rest saving themselves by speedy flight to Strigonium; and so afterward, according to their former pretended Treason, delivered the Town unto the Turks, joining with them and the Tartars, and directing them for the more easy spoiling of the Christians and the Country thereabout.  
The taking of this City of Vacia, had in short time called together great numbers of the Turks and Tartars out of all Places of the Realm; who, together with the Haiducks, made a great and puissant Army, to the Terror of the Christians, not then able to hold the field against them, and the encouraging of the Turks, thus holpen even by the Christians themselves, to the destroying of one another. With this Army they turned from Vacia to Gokara, with a purpose from thence to have passed over the Danubius upon the Ice, and to have surprised Strigonium. 
Strigonium in vain attempted to have been surprised by the Turks and the Haiducks.  Which Exploit they had once before attempted against the base Town, being then by the Christians repulsed and beaten back with their great and small shot out of the Town, as now they were again. Howbeit, that seeing the number of their Enemies daily more and more to increase, they in Strigonium stood more in doubt of a second siege, than they had done of the first, whereof we have before spoken.  
The Report of these so great Troubles, and of the general revolt of the discontented Haiducks in Hungary, much troubled and grieved the Christian Emperor; who, both in respect of his Honour, and of the safety of his Estate, raised what Power he might out of his Provinces thereabout, and levied great sums of Money from his Subjects, taking a Ducat upon every House in Austria, being then in great fear of these Miseries and Mischiefs so fast spreading, and still more and more increasing and approaching that way. Unto whose Forces already on foot, had the Aid promised from the King of Spain, the Pope, the Princes of Italy and Germany, with six thousand Footmen, and two thousand Horse out of Bohemia, been in time joined, they might have made a sufficient Army under the Conduct of Basta, the Emperor's Lieutenant, to have repressed both the attempts of the Enemy, and the Insolency of the rebellious Haiducks. All or most part of which Aid this year failing, and Basta with his small Forces much weakened with Wants and the Extremity of Winter; and not able to keep the Field, the Enemies still increasing both in number and strength, and without fear of any to encounter them, at their Pleasure roaming up and down, began now to draw near unto Vicegrade (a good and strong Town of Hungary standing upon the side of Danubius, about the mid way betwixt Buda and Strigonium) with a purpose to have besieged the same. Of whose coming the Germans there in Garrison hearing, and warned by the Treachery of the Haiducks of Vacia, what to fear from the Haiducks in Garrison with them in Vicegrade, betime retired themselves out of the Town into the Castle. In which doing they were well advised, being otherwise like enough to have run the same Fortune that the Germans their Fellows before had done at Vacia. 
The Town of Vicegrade by the Haiducks yielded unto the Turks.  For the Turks with the rebellious Haiducks were no sooner come thither, but that the Haiducks in the Town, without more ado, opened the Gates of the Town unto them, as unto their Friends, directing them in best sort they could, both for the besieging and winning of the Castle. Which while the Turks hardly besieged, and Germans therein notably defended, Hassan the Visier Bassa, together, with Begedes Bassa, to persuade them to yield up the Castle, writ unto them in this fort.  

The Letters of Hassan the Visier, and of Begedes Bassa, unto the Germane Soldiers besieged in the Castle.  RIght worthy and valiant Friends, it is not to you unknown, the Castle of Vicegrade, of right to belong unto our most mighty and dread Sovereign, the Great Sultan. And therefore seeing that it is Reason that every man should have that which of right belongeth unto him; we advertise and request you to yield up the same Castle unto our most mighty Emperor, and the honourable Lord Stephen Botscay, Prince of Hungary; and with all your Substance to depart thence. Promising you upon our Faith and Honour, to suffer you quietly and in safety with your Wives and Children, Bag and Baggage, to depart thence; and to provide you sufficient Shipping for the carrying away of your things to Strigonium. And if it shall please you to take part with us, we promise you the same pay from our Emperor, that you had from your own; and the same kind Entertainment which the Walloons have before had with us. But if that you upon an obstinate Resolution shall refuse this our friendly Motion and Grace offered you, blame us not, if we shall by strong hand and force of Arms seek to obtain our Right. In kindness we offer you our Friendship, and so with speed expect your Answer.  
But the Germans, harkening not unto these Letters, as Men resolved, valiantly stood upon the defence of themselves, and of the Place, until that by extreme Necessity forced thereunto, they yielded the same by Composition.  

Basta perplexed, publisheth a general Pardon unto the Rebels.  Basta in the mean time, with his Forces much diminished, lying at Eperia, and in the Country thereabout, seeing the general revolt of the Haiducks, of late the Emperor's greatest strength in Hungary, and Botscay the Rebel's strength daily to increase more and more, with no possibility for himself with such small Forces as he then had, to repress the Rebel's Insolency, or to remedy these so far spreading Evils, but for want of great Strength he must lie still as it were a man besieged, was therewith exceedingly grieved, and as it were almost overwhelmed with the heavy burden of so many great Miseries at once besetting him. To threaten without Power he knew to be but Folly; and to speak fair, to be but vain. Nevertheless having procured from the Emperor a general Pardon for all such as having taken part with the Rebels, were willing to return again to their allegiance; he, to assure all them whom it might concern, of the Emperor's gracious Favour, and to put them all out of fear, caused Letters of general Pardon to be published, for all men to take knowledge of; the purport whereof was this.  
WE George Basta, 
The Proclamation given out by Basta for the appeasing of the Rebellion in Hungary.  County of Hust and Marmar, Lord of Sult, Knight, Counsellor to his Imperial Majesty, Governor of the Realm of Transilvania, and Lieutenant of the Christian Armies of the Emperor, to all faithful, love and greeting. Whereas in this so troublesome a State of things, some, as well of the Nobility as others, in these upper parts of Hungary, partly of their own accord, and partly for fear, have revolted from his Imperial Majesty, and taken part with the traitorous Haiducks in their Rebellion, to the great prejudice of the Emperor's Service, and the staining of their Faith; We, in the name of his Imperial and Royal Majesty, whom we know to be greatly inclined, and ready to pardon his Subjects, even of his own natural Goodness and Clemency, have by virtue of the full Power and Authority, by his said Imperial Majesty granted unto us, given free Grace and Pardon to all them which have withdrawn themselves from his Obeisance, or forsaken the same, of what order, quality, or condition soever they be, whom we will receive into our Protection, as void of all Crime; and request them, as much as in us is possible, to make their Profit of this Grace, and to return unto their former Duty and Obeisance, under all assurance of Impunity for their forepast Faults; and without any search or inquiry to be of the same hereafter made, as well for matters of Religion, as of State; assuring them of their Lives, Goods, Fortunes, Dignities, Franchises, Privileges, and Immunities whatsoever, as is more at large declared by his Majesty's Letters Patents. which remain with us. And if any, letted either with their urgent Affairs, or with Sickness, cannot repair unto us within the day in the same Letters Patents nominated, we will accept of their just Excuses. But if any, contrary to our hope, shall upon any indurate mind, or obstinate Contumacy, fail to repent, and to make their appearance before us within the day limited, we denounce them to be Rebels, subject unto the Pain of Rebellion, and stained with the note of Infamy; pronouncing their Lives, their Goods, and Dignities to be confiscate and devolved unto the Emperor's Coffers; for which they shall by Us the Chieftains, and Captains of his Armies, with all Rigour and Extremity be prosecuted. Protesting before the Majesty of God, before the Majesty of the Emperor, and before all Christendom, us not to be in any sort culpable of the Evils, Calamities, and Miseries, which shall ensue of the Wars and Disasters which such their Rebellion shall cause; but to be therefrom exempt and acquitted, the only Authors of these Disorders having deserved these Imprecations and Calamities; upon t●e heads of whom we justly from henceforth lay them, as upon the miserable Authors thereof, by their Wickedness having refused so great Grace from the Emperor and us; unto all men made known by these Presents.  
This Proclamation solemnly by Basta published with the sound of many Drums and Trumpets, the sixteenth of january, and ten days Liberty given for such as would come in, and again submit themselves; divers Gentlemen of the Country near unto Eperia, where Basta with his Army lay, for fear of being spoiled came in, and accepted of the Grace offered: other of the seditious, dwelling farther off, little or nothing at all regarding the same. 
Basta's Proclamation little regarded.  Insomuch, that the Rebels in number daily increasing, and the Rebellion still farther and farther spreading, Botscay was now grown so strong, that he dismissed from him most part of the Turks, whose service he had in all these troubles hitherto used; reserving yet certain Janissaries, whom he mingled with the Garrison of Haiducks, which he had put into Cassovia.  

Pallas Lippa, Botscay's Lieutenant, by his Commandment beheaded.  Pallas Lippa, before by Botscay taken Prisoner, and upon his Revolt from the Emperor, by Botscay made his Lieutenant-General, and a great man amongst the Rebels (as is before declared) was now of many thought to be a most fortunate and happy man. But in the midst of such his Happiness, and the greatness of his Command, he was, by the malice of some, envying at his estate, accused to Botscay, as if he had had a purpose to have made him away; and delivering the strong City of Cassovia unto B●sta, to have gone over again unto the Emperor, and to have followed his Ensigns. Upon which suspicion, he was by the commandment of Botscay beheaded, with five other men more, of good place, suspected to have been Partakers of the Conspiracy with Lippa. In whose Treasure, after that he was executed, were found an hundred thousand Hungarian ducats, with seven hundred Chains of Gold; all which he had scraped together in that small time wherein he had been Botscay's Lieutenant amongst the Rebels. With which money, Botscay in his Rebellion confirmed, became therein more obstinate and furious than before▪ not admitting any talk with Basta, concerning Peace, but upon such unreasonable Conditions as best stood with his own good liking.  
Now long and tedious it were to prosecute every particular exploit, with the divers woeful events thereof, during this so great and dangerous a Rebellion in Hungary; which how heavy soever they were for the poor Christians there dwelling to endure, as tending all to the ruin and Destruction both of themselves and of their Country, (sometime one of the most flourishing Kingdoms of Christendom, but now become as it were a large Theatre, for all the World to behold most woeful Tragedies and bloody Massacres acted in) yet for all that, unto some nothing is pleasing but what is written of the greatest Actions; as, of great and bloody Battles, of the Conquests of whole Kingdoms, and the ruin of most mighty and famous Princes; all other things else being unto them tedious. In some part to ease them of such weariness, and to please their Appetites, I will briefly pass over, and even lightly touch, such things as for the most part of this year passed in this troublesome Country, not staying but upon matters of greatest weight and importance. 
The Castle of Sacma● yielded to the Haiducks.  The Haiducks still proceeding in their Rebellion, in the beginning of February besieged the Castle of Sacmar, a place very fit for their purpose: which Castle the Soldiers there in Garrison doubting to be able to hold out against them (being not past threescore sound men left in it) and destitute also of their necessary Provision, covenanting to have their Lives spared, at length yielded unto them. But in going thence, meeting with certain other Companies of Haiducks near unto Tokay, they were by them most part of them slain, 
Tokay in vain attempted to have been surprised by the Haiducks.  some few of them by speedy flight escaping. The same Haiducks which had taken Sacmar, immediately after attempted to have surprised the Town and Castle of Tokay also, but the Governor of the Place, in good time advertised of their intent and purpose, caused the Ice wherewith the River was hard frozen, to be broken forty Paces over, near unto the Castle, and the same to be lightly covered over with Straw. Whither the Haiducks coming by night, and finding the Ice on the other side the River whereunto they first came strong enough to bear them, by heaps thrusting one another forward, to have scaled the Castle; the Ice breaking under them, they there together by heaps most miserably perished, many of the rest which escaped that danger, being with shot out of the Castle slain also. In this Castle was no great store of Victuals: whereof Basta understanding, with his Army marched from Eperia toward Bodac, a Town holden by the Rebels, in hope with the spoil thereof to have relieved Tokay. But the Rebels hearing of his coming, having themselves burnt the Town, had got themselves, with that they had, into the Castle, and from thence with their great Ordnance so welcomed Basta at his coming, that, disappointed of his purpose, and having lost some of his men, he was glad with all speed (not having stayed above four hours) to return again to Eperia; certain of the Nobility of that Country, which took part with the Rebels, being reported, in his absence, to have made a Road towards Eperia, to the endangering of that City. In which his Return towards Eperia, the Troops of County Turon, and of Charles Collonitz, by chance lighting upon 500 Haiducks in a Country Village, set the same on fire, and therein burned most of the said Rebels, and slew the rest of them that remained, in seeking by flight to have saved themselves.  
In the mean time, one of the great men amongst the Turks came to Cassovia, 
The Turks with money maintain the Rebellion in Hungary.  bringing with him a great sum of money; which, being divided amongst the Rebels there, much confirmed them both in their Rebellion and Devotion towards the Turks: which Rebellion they spared not for any cost by all means to maintain, as more prevailing thereby than by the greatest Forces they could use for the conquering of Hungary.  
But B●sta was no sooner with his Army returned again to Eperia, 
Basta's Soldiers in mutiny for their Pay.  but that the Soldiers generally exclaiming, and calling upon him for their Pay, were about in a Mutiny to have forsaken him. For the appeasing of which Tumult, he was glad presently to make what shift he could for Money, wherewith he in some measure gave them contentment, and so with much ado agreed with them for six week's service longer; thereby delivering the Citizens of Eperia from a great fear, wherein they were, for being spoiled by those mutinous Soldiers, of whom they stood in no less doubt than they did of their Enemies.  
And now the seditious Haiducks, after their wont manner still roaming up and down the upper part of Hungary, the 2 d. day of March, 
Newsol surprised by the Haiducks, and again recovered from them.  about seven of the clock in the morning, came to Newsoll, a Fair in that Country, and there by many Reasons persuading the Citizens to revolt, and to take part with them, had Parley with them until it was full twelve of the clock; but drawing still nearer and nearer unto the Town: insomuch, that Turbelius▪ Governor of the Place, perceiving a yielding Inclination in the Citizens, and doubting without their help to be able to defend so great a City against the Haiducks with so weak a Garrison as he then had therein, he with his Cossacks, for his more safety, retired himself into the Castle. Which done, the Haiducks forthwith breaking into th● City with six Companies, summoned the Castle, requiring to have it delivered unto them. Of whom Turbelius slew divers with shot out of the Castle; and the same day, in the Evening, courageously sallying out of the Castle, with certain Companies of Harquebusiers, drove the Haiducks again out of the City; which he afterward better fortified against their like Attempts. And the next day understanding by a Countryman, That certain Companies of Haiducks and Turks together, were coming to Turtzo, a Town not far off, carrying with them a great number of cattle, Women and Children, which they had got out of the Country Towns and Villages thereabout; he presently sent forth his Lieutenant against them, with his Cossacks (a desperate kind of Horsemen) who meeting with these Haiducks and Turks, slew of them about an hundred and fifty, and recovered from them all the Captives, the cattle, with two hundred Horses, and a Mule loaded with four thousand Hungarian ducats.  

Filek yielded unto the Haiducks.  Now had Filek (a most beautiful Castle, and as it were the Key of that part of the upper Hungary, which the Christian Emperor yet held against the Turks) for certain Months been hardly besieged by the Haiducks; which although it was so well stored with Victuals, and other necessary Provision, as that it might have holden out three Months longer siege, yet the Soldiers there in Garrison, for want of Water were enforced now at length to yield the same. For the keeping of which Castle Redeius Ferentsius, Captain of the Haiducks which had won it, placed therein a Garrison, part Haiducks, part Turks, as not daring to trust either of them alone; the Haiducks for fear of their Treachery, nor the Turks, for that he knew them to be desirous of the place, for the commodious Situation thereof, as giving them a way to enter farther into the Territories of the Christians; which Redeius, though a Rebel, would not yet in any sort grant them.  
This Castle of Filek so (as is before said) besieged, the valiant Collonitz had oftentimes in vain sought to have relieved; all the ways being so beset, and as it were, fortified with the infinite number of the Turks, Tarta●s, and Rebels, as that there was no coming unto it; and most part of his own Soldiers being Haiducks also, to whom he durst not well trust, for fear of being betrayed by them. Concerning which Matters, he shortly after writing to a certain Nobleman, after that he had showed unto him, That he desired nothing more of the Emperor, than to be discharged of his Service, he thus breaketh forth.  

The Letters of Collonitz to a certain Nobleman, concerning the Troubles raised by the Rebels in Hungary.  I Cannot (saith he) any more perform faithful service unto the Emperor; for being attended upon with very Traitors, I am enforced to hazard even mine honest Reputation. I would willingly serve with Germane Horsemen; and I could also wish, three thousand Cossacks, and two thousand Polonian Hussars to be again raised; who would do notable service in pursuing of the Enemy; but every Month they must needs have their Wages paid them. The number of the Enemy increaseth daily; and their strength still more and more; so that things cannot be in worse state than now they are. All Devices are directed to the hurt of the Emperor, neither is there any place quiet. What Courage am I of, which have lost all my Wealth and Substance, is easy for any man to judge; all which, for all that, I could conceal and dissemble, so that I might faithfully, and according to my desire, serve the Emperor; which for all that, is not possible for me to do without a sufficient strength of Germane Soldiers. But this of all doth most comfort me, for that I know me to have done my Duty; for otherwise this Mischief had spread further. Many were in hope that I would rather have revolted from the Emperor, 
Strong Towns and Places by the Turks and Rebels taken in the upper Hungary▪  than have lost my Goods; and some there were, which doubted not to say so of me. The Enemies are now in my Dukedom of Cleve, and there made spoil of all. Setchin, Ja●meta, Tregla, Palanka, Samoschin, Blavenstein, Rabenstein, Vacia, Regiomont, Dillena, Pugantsa, Tabra, Libetna, Si●na, Dibina, Sacmaria, Sendra, Onoth, Disgiora, Zatnar, Calo, Scharospotac, Budnoc, Nagibana, Filek, and almost all Transilvania, are now subject to the Rebels; so that what will ensue thereof, except they speedily be confronted, every many may right easily guess.  
Now if Collonitz, one of the greatest and best Commanders of the Emperor's Forces against the Turks in Hungary, was thus beset, and spoiled of his Substance, by the Rebels, as he in these his Letters complaineth, and as indeed he was, having at one time received from them so great harm as was deemed to have amounted to an hundred thousand ducats; and not daring to trust his own Hungarian Soldiers, whose Hearts he knew to be with the Rebels; In what State may the rest of the People of that distressed Province, be thought to have been, being at the same time exposed unto the same Rebels as a Prey and Spoil, and their Country laid open for the Turks and Tartars to forage and overrun at their Pleasure.  
But in brief, to run along with the Haiducks, four thousand of them attempting to have surprised Wiglase, were so from thence repulsed, 
Wiglase in vain attempted to have been surprised by the Haiducks.  as that many of them being there slain, five and thirty Wagons were scarce sufficient to carry the rest of the wounded over the Mountains, of whom an hundred died by the way. But going from thence, they broke into Turson's Country, where, they having rifled all the Towns and Villages, commanded all the States of the Country, within three days next after, to submit themselves to Botscay, and to swear unto him Fealty, or otherwise to expect all Extremities; who with fear dismayed, all promised to submit themselves unto Redeius, Botscay's Lieutenant.  
Now for Remedy of these Evils, Napragius and Forgatius, two grave Counsellors, were sent, in the Emperor's Name, to entreat of the Peace with Botscay; who, the seventh and twentieth of March, departing from Eperia, with fourscore Harquebusiers, towards Cassovia, before they came thither, sent before them an Herald, to advertise Botscay of their coming. Which Messenger, so soon as he was come into Cassovia, the Turks so straight kept, as that no man might speak with him but Botscay himself; and not he also, but in open place, and that in the hearing of the Turks. Who at his first meeting with him, told him, That if the Ambassadors from whence he came, 
Botscay refuseth to receive the Emperor's Ambassadors.  were sent from the Nobility and States of Hungary, they should be right welcome unto him, and ●ave Audience; but if they came from the Emperor, as had Rogatsius and Ciaccius before sent from Basta, they should then spare their Labour, and come no farther; for that all matters had with him been often enough talked upon; it being now more than time, that things so often consulted upon, should be no more talked of, but indeed performed. Which Messenger returning unto the Ambassadors, told them what Botscay had said, and that the Haiducks had in Cassovia built a Bulwark of a wonderful height, beset the Gates with strong Guards, and so filled the Trenches with Soldiers, that a man could hardly enter into the City; howbeit that every man might safely come and go thither about his Trade and Business. He told them also, how that Botscay's Lieutenant had called together all the Governors of the Places thereabout, and advised them, for the space of fourteen days to beware of the Excursions of the Haiducks, and in the mean time, for their more safety, to bring their Wives and Children, with such other things as they made most reckoning of, into the City, for that he could not as yet (as he said) repress the unruly and headstrong Haiducks, being yet in their Rage and Fury, as the manner of the discontented Multitude is. Of which Haiducks, some going forth toward Newhuse, and bringing home a great Booty of cattle, were by Collonitz and Trautmanstorf, pursuing them with their Horsemen, overthrown, and all the Booty again recovered.  
Botscay, about this time, viz. the nine and twentieth day of March, summoned all the Nobility and States of Hungary unto an Assembly to be holden at Serentium the seventeenth day of April, writing unto them in this sort:  

Botscay's Letters to the Nobility and States of Hungary, to call them together to Serents.  YOU know (said he) right worthy and valiant men, into what extreme Miseries our afflicted Country (all the ancient Privileges and Immunities thereof being contemned and trodden under foot) is by the coming in of Strangers brought; whose Insolency is gone so far, that we cannot only not quietly possess our own Goods, but so much as enjoy the Liberty of our own Consciences. For which cause, the Nobility of the whole Kingdom being the last Year sent in Embassy, and as it were foreseeing what was to come, the Assembly of the Empire being ended, openly protested before the whole Imperial Diet, and by their Letters oftentimes declared, That they should of necessity be at length enforced to take upon themselves the defence of their Privileges and of their Religion: by which their Protestations for all that they so little prevailed, that forthwith after, such an intolerable Edict was by the Emperor's Commandment published, as had exposed us all, and every one of us, to most certain Death, had we not betime provided for ourselves. All which things are unto you all most certainly known, both by the unlawful Acts themselves, and the whole Proceeding of the Provost General. All which things considered, you met together at Galest, and from thence again openly signified unto the aforesaid Provost General (unto whom his Imperial Majesty had committed the shedding of our Blood, the abolishing of our Privileges and Religion, viz. the execution of this cruel Edict) that if he proceeded to go forward in that Business, you would put into Execution what you had before publicly protested in the general Assembly of the whole Empire at Presburg. But what Answer you received from him, forasmuch as it is not unto any of you unknown, it is not needful here to rehearse. Wherefore, when as he, going about the execution of the aforesaid Edict, did in forcible manner, with certain Pieces of great Ordnance, impugn the Army of his Imperial Majesty, both in his and our dread Lord and Sovereign, and by force took from us some of our Castles, and besieged some others; we found no other remedy against these so great Evils, but that which God himself even then showed unto us, which was, by force of Arms to defend ourselves so far as we might. In which our purpose, seeing that the Grace of God, and the good Success which we have hitherto had, will us to continue, although we have suffered no little harm from the Germans and Haiducks (which for all that is, for the recovery of the liberty of our Country▪ patiently to be borne) to the intent that we, united with other our Brethren through Hungary, may the better withstand our Enemies, and fight against them; it is most necessary that we should meet together, and all matters set apart, enter into Consultation, how hereafter to resist our Enemies, and set our Country in Peace and Quietness. Wherefore, seeing that we have determined to hold an Assembly at Serents the Seventeenth day of April, we by these Presents warn and request you all, there at the aforesaid Seventeenth day of April to make your personal Appearance, to join in Amity with us, and, after God's Name called upon, to consult and conclude upon such things as may be both acceptable and pleasing unto God, and most profitable and necessary for the good of our afflicted Country in general. But if there shall be any, which upon a presumptuous or careless Contempt shall not at the time appointed come, nor seem to regard such things as so much concern the common Good and Welfare of their Native Country; let them assuredly know, Both themselves to be therefore to be accounted for Enemies unto their Country, and their Goods also so to be disposed of, as shall unto the Nobility and States then and there assembled, be thought meet and convenient.  
Much about this time, 
A great Tumult and Fire in Constantinople.  a great Tumult was raised amongst the Janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court at Constantinople; at which time a great Fire arose also in the City (as oft times the like hath before done through the Insolency of the Janissaries, who in such Confusion of men's Minds use to make their own Gains) wherein many, both Men and Women, perished, with above five hundred Shops and Warehouses full of rich Merchandise, most part whereof belonged unto the jews; of whom almost two hundred are said to have been there burnt: the Deformity and Spoil made by which Fire in the City, remaining long after to be seen. These Troubles brought a great fear upon the young Sultan, who first therewith half dismayed, and seeing the like to arise in Pera also on the other side of the Haven, about a mile off from the Seraglio, could not otherwise think, but that the Soldiers were about some dangerous Treason. Which suspicion, two Messengers, but a little before come from Cicala Bassa, increased: who by the same Messengers desired new Supplies to be forthwith sent unto him; protesting, that for as much as he had not long before in a great Battle lost a number of his Men, if he were not with new Supplies speedily relieved, he must of force retire, and leave all unto the Persian. Howbeit, the Fire quenched, and the Janissaries and other Soldiers with the Spoil they had of the Losses of others gotten, satisfied, the Tumult was without much ado again quieted.  
Now beside the aforesaid Troubles from the Rebels in Transilvania and the upper Hungary, 
The Emperor's Soldiers in mutiny for their Pay, threaten their General, and spoil the Country betwixt Eperia and Presburg.  that nothing might be wanting unto the Misery of those so miserable Countries, the Emperor's Soldiers which served under Basta, having of long from day to day in vain expected their Pay, and seeing neither Pay nor other Relief to come unto them, rose up in Mutiny, and so in a great Rage broke into Basta, the General's Lodging; where, having heaped upon him many unworthy and despightful Reproaches, with their Pieces bend against him, and taking the spoil of certain Carriages loaded with many rich Commodities, they departed from him; and so marching thorough the Country toward Presbourg, by the way used such Insolency and Cruelty, by rifling and spoiling whatsoever came in their way, as that they seemed unto the People as they went, worse and more inhuman than the very Turks and Tartars themselves; where, amongst other the Prey by them taken, which were very great, they carried away with them toward Presburg above ten thousand Oxen and two thousand Horses; threatening by the way as they went to burn the Suburbs of the City so soon as they came thither, if they were not forthwith paid their Pay: whereupon many of the Citizens for fear forsook their Dwellings, and removed to Vienna.  
But the Rebels on the other side, having (as is before declared) in vain attempted to have taken Newsol, 
Newsol taken by the Haiducks.  being forthwith driven out of it again, assembling themselves in great number, came now again and besieged it, and the sixteenth day of April took it, to the great and incomparable Loss of the Citizens; other of their Fellows in other Places having but the day before taken Cibinium, Portfeld, Schemnitse, with some other Places also.  

The miserable estate of Hungary through civil discord.  Thus while the Haiducks at their Pleasure on the one side spoil the upper part of Hungary, and the Emperor's Soldiers on the other side for want of Pay do therein no less harm than they, as Enemies rifling and ransacking every corner of the Country as they went, the poor Husbandmen dwelling here and there dispersed abroad in the Country, for fear leaving their homely Dwellings, with such things as they had, fled some of them into Polonia, other some into the Mountains, where many of them perished with Hunger; the poor Husbandman not daring now to go forth to till his Land, neither the Shepherd to feed his Flock, all places being filled with Misery, Mourning, and Heaviness; the Turks and Tartars, the common Enemies of the Christians, being not the Causers thereof, but even the Christians themselves, one of them even with greediness seeking the Ruin and Destruction of another; as commonly it falleth out in Kingdoms and States divided.  

Moravia spoiled by the rebellious Haiducks.  Neither did these so great Troubles, the ground of so many Miseries, contain themselves within the Bounds of Hungary only, but broke out into other Countries and Provinces thereunto adjoining also; but especially into Moravia, into which Country the Haiducks breaking, miserably spoiled the same, by force took certain Towns, which they rob and rifled, carrying away with them even the very little Children, taken from their heavy Parents, to be sold afterwards unto the Turks; a miserable kind of Merchandise, and of all Christians to be detested. For remedy of which Mischiefs, by sufferance still more and more increasing, Lichtenstein, Governor of the Country, having raised all the Power that he was able for to make, went against them, and with much ado at length drove them out of the Country, with Fire and Sword now by them most grievously spoiled: they for all that carrying away with them a great part of the Wealth of that Country, with four thousand Captives, all by them appointed unto the Turks slavery.  
About this time also Basta, lying at Presburg, and understanding that fourteen thousand Turks and Tartars being come to St. George's, six thousand of them were gone over the D●nubius, about a mile beneath Presburg, to the end that whilst they were making a Road into Austria, the rest in the mean time might prove their Forces upon Presburg; with his Horsemen followed after them himself, to cut off such straggling Companies of them as otherwise might have done great harm abroad in the Country, leaving behind him in Presburg but three hundred Wallon Horsemen, with certain Companies of Footmen for the keeping of the City. Which three hundred Horsemen, 
A notable Exploit by a few performed.  being very good and expert Soldiers, and desirous to be doing something, by night made a Road out of the City toward St. George's, where the rest of the Haiducks and Turks in great security lay; upon whom these resolute men upon the sudden falling, brought a great fear upon the whole Camp, and having slain of them above five hundred before the rest could arm themselves, returned with a great Victory, though but with small Prey, carrying with them some few Horses of Service to Presburg; where, by that they had done, it was reasonably thought that had they been but a thousand strong, they had discomfited the Enemies whole Camp.  
In the mean time, they of the Garrison of Comara understanding that Begedes Bassa was determined with a notable Convoy to go from Buda with seventeen Wagons loaded with Money and other things of great value, to Botscay the Rebel, and the Tartar Cham's Son, who with certain thousands of Tartars was come to Solnock, to the Aid of Botscay and the Rebels: they, in hope of so great a Booty, lay in wait for him upon the way whereby he must needs pass, and at his coming set upon him, and slew a number of his Men; amongst whom it fortuned the Bassa himself to be slain, 
Begedes Bassa slain.  shot in the Breast with a small Shot whilst he was mounting up his Horse; whose dead Body the Turks about him having taken up, and therewith about to flee, were there some of them slain, and some of them taken Prisoners, the rest by speedy flight escaping. Here were also all the aforesaid Wagons taken, with an exceeding rich Booty; all which the Garrison Soldiers, well worthy thereof, carried away with them to Comara, together with the Bassa's Head, struck from his Body with his own Scimitar; which Scimitar, with the Bassa's rich Coat, Pogranus the Governor of Comara afterward sent as a Present to the Emperor at Prague. This Bassa while he lived was a most crafty and subtle man, the chief Plotter and Author of all the late Troubles in Hungary, having before put all Transilvania into most dangerous Stirs and Tumults, and greatly confirmed Botscay in his Rebellion: he spoke the Hungarian Language naturally, and was therein very eloquent, which served him to great purpose both for the raising and maintaining of the Rebellion both in Transilvania and in Hungary. Which so dangerous a man taken out of the way, many were in good hope of some good end to be made of these Civil Wars, more dangerous unto the state of both these afflicted Countries, than were the great and puissant Armies of the Turks, which were almost every Year in the heart of the one or of the other of them to be seen.  
Now was the Rebellion grown so great in Hungary, 
The Name of the Germans odious unto the Hungarians.  and the Rebels so strong, that even the very Name of the Germans was become unto the Hungarians both odious and contemptible; insomuch, that Basta offering to have put new Supplies of Germane Soldiers into the City of Tyrna, then in danger of the Haiducks; the Governors of the Place not only refused to receive them, but also to let them have any thing of them for their ready money, saying, That they had Citizens enough in the City to defend the same against their Enemies; and that therefore, as they needed not of the help of the Germans, so they would have nothing to do with them. And yet as soon as Redeius, Botscay's Lieutenant, was with his Army come thither, they without more ado opened unto him the Gates of the City, and receiving him in, were about to have slain all the Germans there dwelling amongst them, being well near a third part of the Inhabitants; and had so done, but that some, wiser than the rest, considering that the Germans having there long dwelled, were by often Marriages joined in Affinity with the Hungarians, and the Hungarians with them, otherwise persuaded them, lest in so doing they might seem to be cruel against their own Blood. And so the matter being referred to Redeius himself, it was by him (by the Counsel of one of the greatest men of the Turks) ordered, 
The Germans in Tyrna constrained to wear Garments like to the Hungarians.  that the Germans should be spared their Lives, so that from thenceforth they should no more use the Germane but the Hungarian Apparel and Attire, only the Germane Attire being taken away for the Germans themselves.  
But to proceed with these Troubles according to the course of the time of the Year, about the twenty fourth of May the Turks and Tartars joining their Forces with the Rebels, 
Great Towns taken and rifled by the Rebels in Hungary.  burned fourteen Country Villages about the lake of Nevisdier, and as many more in other Places also towards Neustat, leaving behind them most lamentable Remembrances and Testimonies of their barbarous and inhuman Cruelty, having put most of the Women and Children to the Sword, and impaled divers upon Stakes, carrying the Men away with them as Captives, and the Beasts and cattle as a Prey; and so leaving the Country as they went almost desolate, scarce any being therein left to bewail the Miseries thereof. And about the end of this same Month the Rebels surprised Simega, Grotta, and Capernacum, and a little while after, Ginsium: all which Places they rifled and spoiled, as they did also Hogengoa, a great Town of the Lord Lichtensteins': and Nidersprunga, a Town of Collonitzes, which they first rifled, and afterward burnt; and with the terror of this their dealing enforced all the Country thereabout, both far and near, to yield unto them; only Altsol and Chremniez, who continued in their Loyalty, and standing fast for the Emperor, did the Rebels much harm.  

The Haiducks and Turks overthrown at Presburg by the Walloons.  About the beginning of june, certain Companies of Turks and Haiducks mingled together, came again, as they had before done, to Presburg: of whose coming the Governor of the City having Advertisement, with three Troops of Wallon Horsemen, and certain Companies of Harquebusiers, breaking out of the City, caused them forthwith to retire; which the Wallon Horsemen seeing, to prevent them in their Retreat, fetching a Compass about, met with them when they thought themselves past all danger; and falling upon them, slew of them five hundred, and drove the rest into Danubius; so that of all those Turks and Haiducks none escaped but only fourteen, amongst whom three Turks and one fugitive Citizen of Presburg, were found: whom, together with a great Spoil, the Garrison Soldiers carried back with them into the City.  

Vesprinium ●ielded ●●to the Rebels.  At the selfsame time the Citizens of Vesprinium favouring the Proceedings of the Haiducks, rose themselves in Rebellion also, and taking the Captain of the Castle, together with his Lieutenant and the Keys of the Castle, caused them to be carried to Redeius, Botscay's Lieutenant; yielding themselves into his Protection. Of which Revolt of the City the Turks took exceeding Pleasure, and forthwith sent News thereof unto the Sultan, wishing him to haste the coming of his Army, for that the Passages were now laid open unto his farther Conquest; and farther advising him still more and more to encourage Botscay in his Rebellion.  

S●iria and Austria spoiled by the Rebels.  And now was Hungary too little, or else too bare, to contain and satisfy the still increasing Rebels, who in great number breaking into Stiria (as they had before done on the other side of Hungary into Moravia) did therein great harm, wasting and spoiling all before them as they went; insomuch that County Serin, the Lord Nadasti, and Budian, all right worthy men, and such as heretofore had done great things against the Turks for the Christian Commonweal, seeing themselves, and all that they had, in danger to be spoiled, being themselves not able to withstand the Rebels, nor any other stay whereon to rest, submitted themselves unto Botscay, as did many other Noblemen of that Country also. Out of Stiria the Rebels made head into Austria, and there roaming up and down the Country, did like harm.  
Thus was the State of Austria and Hungary at this time most miserable, which for that it is so well set down in certain Letters by a grave and understanding Citizen of Vienna, who was himself an eye-witness of most part thereof, as that it cannot well better be expressed; I have thought it good to refer the Report thereof unto the Letters themselves.  
ALL Austria (saith he) is full of Misery and Calamity. 
The miserable troubles of Hungary and Austria notably described by the Letters of a Citizen of Vienna.  From out of the Castle and Bulwarks here at Vienna, a man may sometime at once behold fifteen Towns and Villages all on fire in the Country hereabout, kindled partly by the Rebels and Turks, and partly by our own mutinous Soldiers. Odenburg is yet besieged, and the Haiducks have foraged the Country as far as Hinberg; whom had not the Regiment of Collonitz repressed, these our Suburbs of Vienna had now been taken, ransacked, and burned. Newstat is on every side besieged by the Enemy; all the Villages about Vienna, as far as Dresskirc, are with Fire destroyed; they of Newstat went about to have cut off some part of the Enemy's Forces, but with evil Success, having lost above fifty of their own men. Brunna and Entzendorfe are also with Fire consumed. The Walloons lie encamped at Miedling, most miserably spoiling the Country People of all that they had: The Haiducks having by night surprised the great Town of Altenburg, and from thence carrying a great Prey, have burned it; The Castle had endured the like fortune, had not an hundred Harquebusiers, that were by chance come thither, holpen to defend it. Six thousand of the Enemies lie about Vesselbourg; but whether the Walloons will attempt any thing against them or no, it is greatly doubted. Presburg is also in great danger; for the Garrison Soldiers there do threaten the cruel Spoil of the Citizens, and all Extremities, if by a certain Day they receive not their Pay; who if they shall depart thence, there is no doubt but that the Haiducks will forthwith succeed them in their Places. These men indeed do pretend Religion; but what Lovers they be thereof, the late Example of a Minister by them most cruelly tormented, not far from Cobbelsdorfe, doth manifestly show. The Report is, That the Vayvod of Valachia doth favour neither part; into which Province a great number of Tartars are come in the Aid of Botscay. All the Market-Places and Streets here in this City, lie full of poor fugitive Creatures of all Sex and Ages; a most miserable Sight to behold. Our own mutinous Soldiers beset all the ways to the City, and exclude us from all manner of Victual; and not to use many words, in Cruelty and Hostility almost exceed the very Enemies. The Hungarian Rebels, who of late foraged Austria, have carried away with them above eight thousand Head of cattle, which, together with the Prisoners by them taken, they have sent into Turkey. The little Boys and Children, which cannot by reason of their tender Years go, they carry along with them upon Horses, whose pitiful Mourning and Lamentation might move even the very Stones; and yet are they (inhuman men) no whit moved: yea, many of these poor Souls are here and there by the way sound dashed against the Ground, with their Brains beaten out. And these Rebels in their Behaviour show such Cruelty, as whereat the very Turks themselves were amazed. All things about Isenstad are by the Enemies taken and carried away. They of Neuhuse, besieged by thirty thousand of their Enemies, have hitherto played the Men, and of late repulsed the second Assault, with much slaughter of their Enemies. They say, That two thousand Tartars, as many Rebels, and thirteen thousand Turks, are to be yet expected to come unto the Camp at Neuhuse; who, if they shall chance to come, it can scarce be, that they of Neuhuse can long well hold out against them, espcially being not well appointed of necessary provision. The report is, that having taken Neuhuse, they will remove to Strigonium. It is said also, twelve thousand Turks to have now passed over the Bridge at Essec; and great Supplies both of men and money to come to Botscay, who lieth encamped about Eperia, and is said to have made a Covenant with the Great Sultan, That what place soever either of them should first take, he should hold the same wholly unto himself Tanhuser, who of late was Governor of Filek, is now (as the report goeth) of Counsel with Botscay. Germenchius hath put in three months' Victual into Hust in Transilvania. God in his mercy behold our poor afflicted and distressed Country.  
Thus far he: Whereby, the Reader (as I suppose) may easily gather the miserable estate of both the Countries of Hungary and Austria, the Christians themselves being the chief Authors thereof.  

Odenburg besieged by the Rebels, and by Basta relieved.  The rebellious Haiducks had hitherto most straightly besieged the City of Odenbourg, having assaulted it in five sundry places at once: upon whom, Trautmanstorfe, General of the Garrison there, causing part of his Horsemen to sally forth, skirmished with them from eleven of the clock in the forenoon, until two of the clock in the afternoon; at which time the Haiducks beginning to prevail, the Governor, with the rest of his Horsemen, certain Ensigns of Footmen, with some of the Citizens, with three field pieces, upon the sudden breaking out of the Gate, discomfited the Haiducks, put them to flight, and slew many of them, having taken from them twelve Ensigns, with many Prisoners, whom he carried with him into the City: of which overthrow the Haiducks desirous to be revenged, with their renewed Forces shortly after returned again unto the City, burned the Suburbs of the same, and spoiled the Villages thereabout. But whilst they thus lay about Odenbourg, Basta, but with a small power, drawing near unto them, they presently rose, and passing over the River Draws, carried away with them two thousand head of cattle, with a great number of Christian Captives.  

The Turks seek to have Cassovia delivered unto them by Botscay.  The Turks being not to learn to make use of the discord of the Christians among themselves, had oftentimes been in hand with Botscay, to deliver Cassovia wholly into their hands: of which strong City, being the best that the Christians now held in the upper Hungary, the Turks were most desirous, both for the commodious situation thereof, and also for that they deemed themselves partly thereof already possessed, some good part of the Garrison therein being Turks, as well Janissaries as others. The full possession of which strong City the better to obtain from Botscay, and to get it into their own hands, they sent unto him three Wagons loaded with money and other rich Commodities, for a Present, and to supply his wants, by a good Convoy of four hundred Haiducks, and some Turks joined unto them. Which Haiducks, as they were by the way to Cassovia to pass by Tockay, 
The Turks with a rich Booty by 400 Haiducks betrayed to the Governor of Tockay.  a strong Town holden by the Christians, gave secret knowledge unto the Governor of the place, of their coming that way, and that if he would receive them into the Town, and so into his Protection, they would, with some small help from him▪ deliver into his hands that so rich a booty, and so continue with him as his faithful and trusty Soldiers. Of whose offer the Governor well assured, forthwith sent forth four hundred of the Soldiers of his own Garrison to meet them; who, joining with the aforesaid Haiducks which came with the Convoy, set upon the Turks which came with them, and slew them every Mother's Son; and so with the rich Booty were by the Governor received into the Town, and by him courteously entertained: where they had not long lain, but that after their wont manner looking abroad into the Country, they chanced to meet with certain Companies of Botscay's men; with whom they encountering, and having slain of them near about five hundred, took from them seven Wagons loaded with good Provision, and thirty Horses, beside much other rich spoil.  
But the Rebels, 
Totisa yielded unto the Turks.  notwithstanding these and such other losses, increasing both in number and power, still more and more in all places prevailed, but especially in the upper part of Hungary, the Towns there, one after another, daily revolting unto them, as amongst the rest the strong Town of Totisa did; whereinto the Rebels entering, sent from thence part of the great Ordnance, together with Relinger, a Germane Captain, Governor of the Town, and certain other Germane Soldiers there taken, unto Redeius, Botscay's Lieutenant, then lying with a great Army of thirty thousand Hungarian Rebels and Turks, at the Siege of the strong Town and Castle of Newhuse: which, 
Newhuse hardly assaulted and valiantly defended.  as it had oftentimes by him been sharply assaulted, so was it by the Soldiers therein most notably defended, protesting, never to yield the same, but to hold it out even to the last man therein to be left alive: which caused Redeius, for the encouraging of his Soldiers, (who had now lain there certain months at the Siege thereof) to promise unto them the whole spoil of the Town, and of all that therein was. And yet for all that, oft times kept back the Turks from assaulting the same, for fear left if they should by force have taken it, they would by force also have holden it unto themselves, as a Place for them most commodious for the conquering of that which remained of the upper part of Hungary: which he, though one of the greatest Rebels, was yet loath to have it to fall into their hands; and yet himself, with the Haiducks, the Hungarian Rebels, afterward, viz. the 25 th'. of july, gave thereunto a most furious Assault, insomuch that having advanced ten of their Ensigns to the top of the Rampires, they were in great hope even presently to have taken it, but yet were by the resolute Valour of the Defendants notably repulsed, and enforced again to retire, leaving behind them above seven hundred of their most forward men dead in the Trenches: unto which Siege the Bassa of Agria came also afterward with three thousand Horsemen and a Number of Janissaries; so that the besieged, partly with Mines, 
Newhuse distressed.  partly with Shot and often Assaults distressed, were so wasted and wounded, that there were scarcely two hundred whole and sound men left in the whole Garrison; beside that, both Victuals and Powder begun now to grow scarce also, so that they were brought unto such extremity, as that well they could not be in a worse case: and yet armed with a constant Resolution, they seemed not to be any thing therewith daunted or discouraged, but still valiantly held it out.  
The Hungarians, 
The Rebels in the Isle of Shut submit themselves again unto the Emperor.  dwelling in the Isle of Shut in the River of Danubius, having before submitted themselves unto the Rebels, did with their help much trouble the Passages unto the Towns of Rab and Comara, and the City of Strigonium; unto whom certain Messengers were sent on the Emperor's behalf, to persuade them to forsake the Rebels, and to return again unto their ancient Obedience. Who so well used the matter with them, that taking a Truce for eight days, they in the mean time sent five of the chief men amongst them by Ship to Presburg, offering unto the Governor there, That if they might be secured of their Goods and Safety, and that the Haiducks that were with them might be entertained in Pay, they would be ready again to take the Oath of Allegiance, and faithfully to serve him as became his loyal Subjects and valiant Soldiers, and for the assurance thereof, to leave their Wives and Children as Pledges at Presburg. Which their Offer, was unto the Governor very acceptable and welcome, who yielding unto their Request, in friendly sort dismissed them. But they being returned home, and having declared to the rest of their Fellows what they had done, it was by general consent agreed, That four thousand of them should join themselves unto the Emperor's Power under the Regiment of Collonitz, who, to be known from others, wore in their Crests certain special Feathers; their Wives and Children being carried to Presburg as Pledges of their Faith: but this Agreement by them made with the Governor of Presburg being once known, the rest of the Rebels in the Country thereabout together assembled with the Turks, invaded the Isle, in hope upon the sudden to have surprised them; but, deceived of their Expectation, were by the Inhabitants of the Isle, and by the help of certain Germane Troops, overthrown and put to flight, and three thousand of them there slain.  
About the beginning of july, certain Commissioners were sent on the Emperor's behalf to Cassovia, to entreat with Botscay concerning a Pacification to be made, who being by him there honourably entertained, and having with him stayed almost a whole Month, were at length, the nine and twentieth of the same month, again dismissed. Now the Articles which Botscay propounded unto these Commissioners to be considered of for the making of a Peace, and which for the most part were agreed upon in the Peace afterward concluded betwixt the great Sultan and the Emperor, were these:  

Articles by Botscay propounded unto the Emperor's Commissioners for the appeasing of the Tumults in the upper Hungary.  First, that it should be lawful, for all such as would, to have the free exercise of the reformed Religion. For although (as he said) he was not ignorant that there was an ancient Decree amongst the Hungarians, whereby all that professed not the Catholic Religion, or that revolted from the same, were to be burnt, and that he desired not to have that Article repealed; yet that his Request was, That the Emperor, having regard unto the Troubles of the present time, would promise and assure, That from thenceforth no man should be troubled for his Religion, or called in question for his Conscience and Belief. Besides that, he requested to have the Principality of Transilvania during his Life; yet with this Condition, That after his death it should again return unto the Emperor, so that the Emperor in his Absence should appoint a natural Hungarian to govern the same, as also to have the chief Government in Hungary. That there should no more Bishops sit in. Council but one, and that he, if it should be so thought meet, should bear the Office of the Chancellor. That the Liberties and Privileges of that Kingdom should be kept whole and inviolate. That it should be lawful for him only to make choice of the chief Palatine of the Kingdom. That Goods confiscated for any offence committed, should not be dispersed or sold, but given to men of desert. That all Offenders against the State from thenceforth should be judged by the Council of Hungary. That none should be preferred to Bishoprics in Hungary, but such as were of the noble Hungarian Blood. That all Injuries heretofore done, should be absolutely pardoned, forgiven and forgotten. All which things, if they might be granted, he promised to labour to the uttermost of his power, upon the best Conditions he might, to procure a Peace betwixt the Great Sultan and the Emperor. Last of all he requested, That the Charters of Peace, containing these Articles thus agreed upon, might be subscribed and confirmed by the Bishop of Rome, the Emperor, the King of Polonia, and all the Imperial Kingdoms and Provinces.  
The Turkish Sultan understanding of this Treaty of Peace betwixt the Emperor and Botscay, 
The Great Sultan loath that Botscay should come to a Peace with the Emperor.  by a Messenger sent in haste to Botscay, sought by great Offers and Promises to hinder the same; putting him withal in remembrance, That a little before this Treaty made, he had not only by Words, but by Letters also, subscribed with his own hand, promised unto Botscay's Ambassadors sent to Constantinople, That he would bring to pass, that Botscay, rewarded with such Privileges as King john in former time enjoyed, should in short time be proclaimed and crowned King of Hungary, and that to that purpose he was even now ready to send a Sceptre and a Crown, the Ornaments of a King, to Alba Regalis. But for the present, he by these Messengers sent unto Botscay two goodly Horses, with Furniture of Gold, glistering with precious Stones. He sent him also a rich Scimitar, a pair of golden Spurs, and a long Horsemans' Coat garnished with Gold and precious Stones of great price; persuading him valiantly to persist in his former course and purpose. Which he failed not to do: for immediately after, he with a gallant Train went from Cassovia into Transilvania, 
Botscay goeth into Transilvania.  there to take of the Nobility of that Province the Oath of their Fidelity unto him; accounting no pains or labour great, which he took to turn the People from their Obedience unto the Emperor, and to strengthen himself. 
He sendeth Ambassadors into Polonia, and is there denied Aid.  At which time he also sent Redeius his Chancellor, with some others, into Polonia, to renew the Confederation which was sometime betwixt the Polonians and the Hungarians: who, being admitted unto the King's Presence, and Audience given him, first declared the Causes of the Discord and Civil War that then was in Hungary, which he imputed chiefly unto the Oppression of Religion, the free exercise thereof being forbidden them; and to the Insolency of the Germans, who there at their pleasure commanded over them. Upon which two Points be stood much, labouring with many Words to persuade the King thereof; and afterwards requesting him of his gracious Goodness, and of the care which he, together with other Christian Princes, had for the common quiet of the Christian Commonweal in general, and especially of those two distressed Countries, lying as it were even in the Enemy's Mouth, to enter into Consultation how the same Evils might be remedied, and those so great Troubles again appeased, and to the effecting of so good a work to put to his helping hand. Whereunto the King answered, That the friendship wherein Botscay offered to join with him being but the renewing of the ancient Amity betwixt the Countries of Polonia and Hungary, to be unto him pleasing; howbeit, he could not for all that, (as he said) well like of Botscay's Revolt from that House and Family, whereunto he was himself so near adjoined in Affinity; promising yet nevertheless, that he would propound the matter unto his Nobility, to be farther considered of: which when he had indeed done, it was by common consent agreed, That no Aid should be given out of Polonia unto Botscay or the Rebels; and that whosoever should from thence afford him any Aid, should therefore lose his Head. With w●ich answer the Ambassadors returned to Botscay much discontented, being now with a great Power again returned out of Transilvania to Cassovia.  

The Lord Ruswo●m beheaded.  About this Time the Lord Russworm sometimes General of the Emperor's Army against the Turks in Hungary, a Man of great Note and Valour, and of whom we have before much spoken) at Prague falling into words, and from words to blows, with Francis Count Belioiosa his Brother, and their Men taking their parts on both sides, it fortuned the said Francis, the Earls Brother, being grievously wounded, to be there slain, Belioiosa himself being also in five places dangerously hurt; who so hardly prosecuted the Death of his Brother against the Lord Russworm, that within a while after he was therefore by the Emperor condemned, and at Prague beheaded, and divers of his Men hanged, with such Weapons hanging at their heels, as wherewith they had slain the said Francis, the Earls Brother.  

The Turks Troubles against his Rebels and the Persians in the East, an ease unto the Christians in the West.  Now was the time of the year come, when as the Turks great Armies were wont to be seen even in the heart of Hungary; howbeit, such were their Troubles in Asia, both with the Persian and their own Rebels, that they were not at liesure now to send such great Forces as they had before used, into Hungary; neither could the Christian Emperor on the other side now raise such a Power as he had in former times done to oppose against them, and to hinder their proceedings. The Hungarians themselves (his greatest strength in those Wars) were now generally revolted from him, and for most part followed the Ensigns of the Rebel Botscay. The Princes wont to send him aid both out of Italy and out of Germany, now afforded him little or none at all; and his mercenary Soldiers or want of pay were now almost every where up in Mutiny ready to forsake his Service, and to pay themselves with the spoil of his Countries, even unto the Gates of Vienna. So that had not the Turks been so busied in the East, but at liesure to have turned their whole Power into Hungary, as oftentimes they had before done, it is hardly to be imagined what should have letted them to have overrun, not only that which remained of Hungary, but even all Austria, with some good part of Germany also; the Emperor's Preparations being then so small, and his Forces so weak, as that they were not able to hold the field against his own rebellious Subjects, much less against so puissant and dreadful an Enemy. But God, which with his Word hath set bounds unto the raging Sea, beyond which it cannot pass, and by whose Power Kings do reign, and Princes bear rule, had by other means averted the greatest part of the Turks Forces Eastwards; so that Serdar Bassa, Sultan Achmat's Lieutenant General for his Wars against the Christians, came this year but with a right small Army (in comparison of those which the Turkish Sultan's were wont to send) into Hungary. Howbeit, with such Forces as he brought, and with such Supplies of the Rebels in Hungary as came unto him, he being grown fifty thousand strong, and out of fear of the Emperor's Forces, came the nine and twentieth day of August to Strigonium, 
Strigonium besieged by the Turks.  and with his Army (part Turks, part Tartars, and part disloyal Christians) encamped in the self same place where the Turks Army had but the year before lodged; having brought with him forty great pieces of Batter, with all things else necessary for the Siege. Neither were the Turks sooner encamped, but that the Tartars which came with them to the Siege (after their wont manner) more desirous of Prey and Booty than of Honour and Victory, passing over the River of Gran into the Territory of the Christians, there spoiled and burnt all before them as they went.  
The Turks in the mean time to deprive the besieged of all relief to be sent unto them down the River of Danubius, 
The Turks make a Bridge over the River of Danubius, to keep Strigonium from being that way relieved.  made a great Bridge of Boats over the River, well fortified at both ends thereof on each side the River with a strong Corpse de guard for the defence thereof, so that nothing could that way pass to or from the besieged City. Which things much dismayed them in the City, seeing no Preparations to be made on the other side for their Defence or Relief; yea Basta himself, General of such small Forces as the Emperor had then, seeing the Enemy so strong, and himself so weak, began greatly to doubt of the Event of this Siege; and yet nevertheless resolutely set down to employ both his Valour and his Wisdom for the safeguard of the Place, he, during the time of the Siege, failed not to the uttermost of his Power to show the Effects both of the one and of the other.  
And now the Turks, 
The Isle of Strigonium spoiled by the Haiducks.  assisted with the Hungarian Rebels, had performed an Exploit upon the Isle of Strigonium, as well to take the same from the Imperials, as for the spoil and pillage thereof. The Inhabitants there had still remained faithful unto the Service of the Emperor, whom the Rebels for all that had oftentimes sought both by force and by persuasion to have removed from this their Loyalty and just devoir. Within this Isle were 200 Haiducks, returned again to the Emperor's Service, who were joined unto the Islanders, for the better defence both of them and of the Island. But the Rebels knowing well the Passages and Entrances into the Isle, upon the sudden surprised the same, and in it these poor Haiducks, whom they cut all in pieces; which loss caused Basta to resolve to send the Walloons he had in his Army into the Isle for the defence thereof. Which they of the Island understanding, made request unto the General, That he would not in any wise so do, for that they greatly feared lest the Walloons, being Men altogether given to the spoil, not finding the Rebels to prey upon, should after their wont manner prey upon them, the Emperor's faithful Subjects. At whose instance, the former purpose for the sending of the Walloons being changed, Collonitz himself was appointed unto that Service; with whom Monsieur de Laval, a Noble young Gentleman of France (who but a few days before was newly come unto the Camp, for the honourable desire he had to see Service, and to serve himself, with his Troop of Horsemen whom he had brought with him out of France) went over into the Island also; Whereinto when as the Rebels shortly after again entered, 
The Haiducks invading the Isle of Strigonium, by Collonitz overthrown.  they were by Collonitz overthrown and driven out of the Isle, two hundred and fifty of them being slain, and above fifty more of them taken Prisoners. In which Conflict the noble young Gentleman Laval so bravely behaved himself, as that he gained unto himself much Honour and Renown, every man's Mouth being full of his Praises, and wondering to see so great Courage in so young years, he being then scarce nineteen years old. With which loss the Rebels rather enraged than discouraged, shortly after returned again, in greater number, and better resolved; where, betwixt them, and them that were left for the defence of the Island, was fought a more sharp and bloody fight than was the former; yet so, as that the Rebels were enforced again with loss to retire. In which so hot and bloody a Skirmish, Monsieur Laval, having most valiantly born himself against the Enemy, and done enough for his Honour, but not so contented, but carried away with the heat of Youth, and the desire of Glory, and not otherwise to be persuaded, but still adventurously pressing on the retiring Enemy, 
Monsieur Laval slain.  was there with a small shot slain, all they which knew him much lamenting his untimely Death. But the Rebels not so discouraged, but still in one place or other invading the Island, and threatening the Islanders with all Extremities, except they would take part with them; what by Force, what by Persuasion, so much prevailed with them, that the most part of them revolting from the Emperor, upon the sudden set upon the Count of Rhine, being then in the Island, and having slain three hundred of his men, grievously wounded himself also. For the speedy appeasing of which Multitude, Basta sent over into the Island certain Companies of the Ratzians and Walloons, who not regarding that the Islanders were daily damnified by the Rebels, most miserably spoiled them of whatsoever the Rebels had yet left them.  

S. Thomas' Fort battered and assaulted by the Turks.  The Turks encamped before Strigonium, first planted their Battery against the strong Fort, standing aloft upon Saint Thomas' Hill; for that from thence they should have received infinite harm, if they should before the winning thereof have attempted to have won the City; it standing on their Backs, and all the plain betwixt the Hill and the City wherein they were to plant their Battery being subject unto it. Which Fort, though very strong, they with continual Battery by the space of almost three weeks, having with infinite charge, and the loss of a number of their Men, made assaultable, the four and twentieth day of September mounted the Hill to assault the same. Unto which assault they went up the Hill so thick, one thrusting another forward, that the Hill seemed now to be nothing but a mount or heap of armed Men, scarce any part of it being to be seen, it was so covered with them. Upon whom so swarming up, the Christians in the Fort, having reposed all the hope of their Welfare in their Valour, and resolved thereby to die or live, courageously discharged their murdering shot, both great and small, scarce any of their deadly Bullets falling in vain. Howbeit the Turks, resolutely set down for the performing of that they had taken in hand, without respect of Death or Danger, came still desperately on, until that they were come to the push of Pike, and so to handy blows even in the very Breaches, which the long Fury of the Turks Cannon had made very assaultable. Five hours this furious assault was by the Turks maintained, and by the Christians with invincible Courage and Resolution endured, many brave and valiant men falling on both sides, and thrice the Turks repulsed, were enforced to retire, but were still by their Commanders brought on again. The loss was to both sides common, many worthy Men there ending their Days, worthy of eternal Fame. The Christians fell dead upon the Turks slain by their Valour, and the Turks upon the Christians slain by their Multitude. But what should we say? The Turks by numbers died, but not their Force, that being by their great numbers still maintained even in despite of Death, and always living in their great Multitude yet left alive. Which was not so with the Defendants, but even quite contrary; who could not lose one only man, without diminishing of their Forces, and means of resistance; so that they still lost without hope of safeguard, and yet could not be in safety without continuing of their so great losses. But he that still fighteth only for to save his Life, without hope of killing his Enemy, being too mighty for him to overcome, must needs at last die overcome, if it were but with very weariness. So in the end of this long and furious assault, nine hundred of the Christians being slain, together with the Count Oetingen, their Chieftain, and his Lieutenant mortally wounded, and nothing now more left but a few sore wounded men, and the dead Walls for the Turks to overcome, they entered the Place, slew those few whom they found yet breathing, made booty of their Death, Blood, and Arms; and by the infinite price of their own Blood, 
S. Thomas' Fort won by the Turks.  gained that place which had now no more Blood or Life left in it. From whence they carried certain great pieces to help to batter the City withal and to vanquish them, for whose defence they were but a little before appointed.  
The Turks having thus gained Saint Thomas' Fort, even as they were yet embrued with Blood, 
The base Town of Strigonium battered.  and pricked forward with Fury, forthwith planted thirty great pieces of Battery against the base Town of Strigonium, standing low by the side of Danubius, and commonly called the Water Town; which they with all their Force and Fury most terribly battered. This base Town was environed with a palisado of Wood, to defend it against all sudden Surprises, as almost all the Towns of Hungary are▪ Whereunto the confused Multitude of the Turks carried a number of brush Faggots, stuffed with Gunpowder and Brimstone, which being set on fire, presently set fire upon the palisado also, and burned it down to the Ground, making a way for the Turks to come even to the Walls of the City; which they with their great Ordnance both Night and Day incessantly most terribly battered, until that by the Fury of the Cannon they had therein made a fair and large assaultable Breach. A great shame for our Men to suffer the same so to be made, and not again repaired; whereas the Turks before in the same place, had made it good against the great Army of the Archduke Mathias, being never to be driven and forced out of it by the Christians Valour, until they were therein slain; and to be now by our men through their Cowardice not to be able to be made good. For why, it was even the same Place of battle, the same Men, the same Arms, and the same form of Fight, but not the same Courages. The Turks can very well learn of us that which is for them profitable, and make use thereof to their own advantage; whereas we can borrow nothing of them to serve us against them, and so profit ourselves by their Example. Besides that, the confidence they have in their Multitude carrieth them unto such Advantages, as from which the despair of being seconded and relieved keepeth us; whole boldness also, firmly grounded upon a Resolution to die, passeth our Resolution far, in fight only to save our Lives.  
The Breach so made, the Turks in good order, stayed upon a firm Resolution, 
The base Town of Strigonium assaulted.  came bravely marching on, one of them, thrusting another, and as it were, striving among themselves who should have the honour to give the first charge, their haughtiness of Mind animating of them to seek for Honour even where Perils were risest; so to have the honour to die amongst the most forward and valiant men of War, rather than to live among Cowards of no Reputation or Valour. During the heat of which their so great and firm Resolution, they regarded not the showers of deadly Bullets falling amongst them as thick as hail, as too weak to daunt their haughty Courages; but thrusting one another amidst these so great Dangers, came unto the breach, there to try the matter hand to hand with our men. The Janissaries were the men especially appointed to this Service, 
A terrible assault.  and had taken the same upon them; who with their great Muskets on their Rests cruelly galled our men, exposed to the danger of their deadly shot upon the brink as it were of their own Graves. 
The great Bassa encourageth his Soldiers in the Time of the assault.  The Great Bassa himself was there present at the assault, encouraging his Soldiers with Speeches full of Terror and of Comfort, as he saw Occasion for either to be used; wherewith he stirred up their Valour as is a Ship with a fair or rough gale of Wind. Death itself could not overcome these Miscreants, their number still repairing in a Moment what Death had taken away in an Hour; whereas our Men slew others but to be slain themselves; and fought not but to become Sacrifices unto Death themselves, and not by their resistance to carry away the Victory against inexorable Destiny. The fight was great and terrible, and the bullets still flew, few of them falling in vain amongst such a multitude and press of men. They of the high Town, who themselves expected the like danger wherein their Companions now floated betwixt Life and Death, stood above looking on, not daring to give them aid, or to remove out of their strength, but reserving themselves with all their Forces, for the sole safeguard of themselves, and for their own defence. Howbeit, all this while the Enemy's Forces still increased, and the Christians diminished; for Death could not weaken theirs, whereas it still destroyed ours, who failed but in number, not in Valour, and gave place but unto the force of death, and not unto the force of men. All the deadly blows appointed to be given for the defence of a Breach, had been by our men given; all the Arms necessary for such a purpose had been employed, all resistance that could be desired had been made, and all the Duties of valiant and worthy men performed; so that nothing here wanted but number, and not valour. But in all such Actions there are two things necessary, 
Power and Valour the life of great Actions.  the one for the helping of the other, for the correspondency of their Power; which both joined in one Body, may do all things, but being divided, can neither of them do any thing against him which is possessed of both.  
In fine, after four Attempts in this Assault, most of the Christian Defendants being slain, the Turks forced the rest, 
The base Town of Strigonium won by the Turks.  and gained the Breach, treading under foot the dead Bodies both of the Turks and of the Christians, to get into the City. This Place thus won, and those that were left put to the Sword, and the Town rifled; the Turks yet in breath, and all embrued in Blood, gave an Attempt unto the high Town, 
The upper Town of Strigonium in vain by the Turks Assaulted.  in some hope, even at that time, in so great a Confusion of the Defendants, to have carried the same also. Howbeit, the Desendants beholding their Weapons yet dropping with the Blood of their Friends and Companions, and ready to shed theirs also, for the present notably repulsed them: Who, so disappointed of their purpose, and desiring to gain the Place with the least loss they might, resolved to take the same by undermining of it, reposing more trust in the Spade and the Mattock, than in their Swords, and Harquebuses, being by Experience of their former Sieges taught, how hard and dangegerous a thing it was by Battery and Assault to obtain the same. 
Strigonium undermined.  This travel in the Mines took success according to their desire; for within a few days, the Mines, (with much labour) being brought to Perfection, and fire put unto them, they failed not to work their effect, but with their great Violence blew up the Walls, Rampires, Men, and Munition, all together, casting forth such Smokes and Flames as wherewith a number of the Defendants were smothered and burnt. Which Breaches so made, and the defences of the City blown up, in such sort, that the Christians lay open to the Enemies deadly shot, being not able any more to show themselves without danger of their Lives, the Turks in order forthwith came to assault and force the same. Which the Captains of the Christians beholding, prepared themselves to withstand them, and to that purpose would have given order unto their Soldiers for the defence both of the Breach and of the Walls; whom they found such as Eumenes at his greatest need found his, not willing in any wise to fight, and in the most assured peril of Death, without Courage, either to vanquish their Enemies, or defend themselves; in such sort, 
Great cowardice in the Garrison Souldidiers of Strigonium.  that not one of them would put themselves in order, show themselves upon the Breach; or come near the Walls. Lazy Cowards, choosing rather to attend an assured death in their Cowardice and want of Courage, than to adventure their Lives into the danger of Arms; well deserving to endure the same with dishonour, seeing that they refused by honourable resistance to preserve their Lives. The Captains, for all that, by fair speeches, and by threats, ceased not to stir them up; praying, exhorting, and sometime with Death threatening them, if they thus refused to do their Duty, and with their naked Swords in their hands, would have enforced them to the Breach. But all in vain; their dead Courages being not to be revived or stirred up in their so great a fear of Death; Which much dismayed the Captains, seeing their Lives and Honour, together with the Place, (through this Tumult and Cowardice of their Soldiers) to be in extreme peril. During which time, the Turks coming on, had without any great resistance gained the foot of the Breach; whom the Soldiers now seeing so near unto them, and out of hope to be relieved, and destitute of Courage also, instead of trusting unto their Arms and Valour, betook themselves unto the refuge of their shame and Cowardice. 
The Garrison Soldiers in mutiny against the Governor, would enforce him to yield up the City.  For compassing in the Count Dampierre, Governor of the Place, they would by Reasons have persuaded him to have yielded, and by Threats have feared him from farther resisting of the Enemy. Their Fury emboldened them, proceeding not from their Valour, but from their Fear; storming against their General for not being a Coward, as they themselves were; trembling for fear of their Enemies, and insulting against him. They had but one man of him to fight against, which made them furious and hardy; hardy with cowardice against one, not daring to hold up their Weapons against their Enemies, being many. Howbeit, the Count, in the middle of these Fears enraged, 
The brave Resolution of Count Dampierre, Governor of Strigonium.  continued firm in his Resolution, his Courage increasing in this storm of Mutiny, wishing rather to die by the hands of his own Soldiers, in the performing of his Duty, than to be saved by the Turks in the bottom of his Dishonour. Which his so brave a Resolution caused him even in the midst of these furious and tumultuous Companies, to put them in mind of their Duties, and to persuade with them, That the Peril they so much feared, was greater through their own fear, 
His notable Remonstrances unto his discouraged Soldiers, to persuade them to hold out the Siege.  than indeed it was; that only their fearful Apprehension made the danger, and not the Action that was by them to be performed; seeing, that it was impossible for the Enemy to overcome them, if they would but resolutely stand upon their Valour to resist him. That all things resting but in Opinion, were by themselves to be subdued, if they had but the desire to overcome them, and yet of power to overthrow them, if they will yield to their dishonour. That therefore they should propound unto themselves the Honour and the Shame that was to ensue unto them, by the different Deportment of themselves in this Action, how much the deformity of the one differed from the beauty of the other, and aspire unto the Honour which their Enemies had sometimes got in the same Place, and in the very same Action wherein they were now, for having with less appearance of their safety overcome the like danger, wherein their holding out had made them Victorious with Honour, without any great fight at all. That it should be an eternal Infamy unto them. That the Turks should surmount them by their Resolution, in an Action wherein they ought to show themselves most valorous; and by their Cowardice become subject unto them, whom at other times they had accounted unworthy to be compared with them in Valour. That they should lay their Hands upon their Hearts, and remember their Estate and Faith; bound unto the first by their Honour, and to the second by their Duty. That they were Men of War, living by their Pay, which bound them to the Service of him from whom they received it, even unto Death; having before obliged their Lives unto their Pay; and that they were Christian Subjects, bound to keep their Promise given by Oath before God. That forgetting either the one or the other of these things, they deprived themselves of the Pay promised to them which performed their Service; and losing their Renown in this World for their Cowardice, and in the World to come for breaking their Faith. That therefore they should continue constant in the performance of their Duty, resolving themselves rather to endure an honourable Death, unto which belonged the recompense of an eternal Fame for their Valour and Fidelity, than to prolong a miserable Life with perpetual Infamy for their Cowardice; whereof for all that, they could no more assure themselves by the yielding up of the place, than by the defending thereof, for as much as the Turks were oft times even as cruel upon them that yielded, as those that resisted; keeping no Faith with the Christians▪ but as best stood with their Profit and their Pleasure. And that therefore for his part he was resolved, rather to die with Honour in the Place, than to be beholden to his Enemies for an infamous and miserable Life. And that therefore he besought them to follow him in this last Action of their devoir, which carried with it all the Trophies of their precedent Actions, wherein they had oftentimes assisted him in many Actions of less worth, and of much greater Peril.  
This Discourse, grounded upon so good Reasons, and proceeding from so great Valour, 
Most shameful Cowardice.  might have prevailed with any other generous Minds, except with these degenerate Soldiers, who by their Cowardice had hardened themselves against all the points of Honour which might any way move them; in such sort, that they stood as fast in their base Cowardice, as did their General in his valorous and constant Resolution. They stood with their Hands behind them, without any Weapons in them, as was their Minds without any Courage at all; and as Men appointed to be sacrificed upon the Altar of Death, attending without moving, but the Hands of them that should sacrifice them. Great and shameless Cowardice, not daring by resistance to withstand the Violence of their Enemies, for fear of hindering them in their desires, being indeed such as had vowed their Death to satisfy their own Fury. Mean while, some of these Soldiers seeing their Speeches to be but vain, and not able to move their Governor to satisfy their desire, conceived the same their Requests, with the Reasons thereof, into Writing, which they sent unto him. Which the Governor having read, in their sight tore their Letters in pieces, and trod the same under his Feet; rejecting as well their Demands by Letters, as he had done their Requests by Words. In brief, having forgotten nothing of the Duty of a worthy General, and valiant Captain, joined now thereunto the Office of a simple Soldier, going himself unto the breach, with some few, to defend the same. But the more the Count stood upon this his so great Resolution, the more these cowardly and mutinous Villains proceeded in their base Obstinacy, in so much that they fell from Prayers to Fury and Rage, threatening to deliver him their Governor, together with the Place; unto the Enemy; to save their Lives, if he himself would not by Treaty save them from the imminent Perils. If these base Cowards were before deaf unto the just Remonstrances of their Governor, which might have preserved them from Death and Infamy, he was also as deaf as they, to conceive their Requests, or to be moved with their Threats; knowing that he had more Reason on his side, by constant Valour to withstand the wicked and shameful Resolution of his Soldiers, than they had with Dishonour to enforce him, or to offer him Violence, to their eternal Shame and Infamy.  
In the mean time, these obstinate and enraged Cowards proceeded from Words to Deeds, 
Most horrible Insolency of mutinous Soldiers against their Governor.  and from Requests to Violence, as did oft times the disloyal Soldiers of Rome, in slaying the good Emperors. For they in cruel manner, without Reverence, by force laid Hands upon the Governor, put him in Prison, and afterwards craving Parley, fell to Treaty with the Great Bassa about the delivery up of the Place. Wherewith the Bassa well contented, sent in unto them Haly Bassa, to conclude the matter: Where, after some little Talk, it was a greed, 
The Conditions whereupon Strigonium was to be delivered unto the Turks.  That they should deliver up the Place (which was not indeed theirs to dispose of) and that the Bassa should therefore promise and suffer them with Bag and Baggage in safety to depart whither they would, with their Ensigns frilled up▪ and Fire in their Matches; leaving behind them their great. Ordnance, with all their other Munition and Warlike Provision. Which only Composition▪ by the perfidious Soldiers made in the absence and in durance of their General, was by the Turks faithfully kept, amongst a thousand others like before by them broken; whether it were in respect of the easy Conquest of the City, (being one of the chief and principal Places of all Hungary) or for that they being overjoyed with the gaining of that which they had so long desired, and now so little hoped for, they forgot their wont cruelty and breach of Faith, is doubted.  
This City thus yielded the Third of October, 
The extraordinary Courtesy of the Turks toward the Garrison Soldiers of Strigonium at their departure thence.  and the Turks forgetting their wont Cruelty, according to their Faith and Promise before given, in safety conducted these cowardly Soldiers within a League of Comara, helping them by the way to carry their sick and wounded Men, together with their Farthels, which the Turks ofttimes carried upon their own Shoulders. These Cowards, which thus went out, with their Governor sent out also with them, were in number a thousand whole and sound men, fitted, whilst they were in the City, with all things necessary for their Honour and Defence of the Place; but themselves destitute and void of all Honour and Courage. A thousand, which all together were not worth their Governor alone, seeing that in him alone there remained more Valour, than in all that whole Multitude. Many of the Inhabitants which had there long dwelled, would not forsake the Place, but by the leave of the Turks there remained still; the rest which would not, having leave in safety to depart whither they would.  
Thus this famous City of Strigonium, one of the strongest Bulwarks of Christendom against the Turks, which the Christians had now holden by the space of ten Years and one Month, after that it was by Count Charles Mansfelt won from the Turks, when as it had long time before been it the Turks Possession, won from the Christians by Sultan Solyman, now again (as is before said) fell into the Power of the Turks, with threescore and ten pieces of great Ordnance, and a wonderful deal of other Warlike Provision.  
These base and cowardly▪ Soldiers, together with the Count their Governor, being come to Comara, 
The Captains and chief authors of the Mutiny, and yielding up of Strigonium, imprisoned, condemned, and most shamefully, but worthily executed.  were justly despoiled both of their Honour and of their Arms, and sent back again to Presburg, where, cursed and detested of all the World, and especially of the Hungarians themselves; (who, although they were revolted from their Allegiance toward the Emperor, yet could they not but much detest their so shameful and notable Cowardice) were there the chief of them committed to Prison, where after they had for a certain time lain, and being brought to Judgement, and convicted of Treason, in delivering up the City of Strigonium unto the Turks, and in so doing, to have greatly damnified the Christian Common-weal, they were therefore Condemned, and according to the quality of their offences, diversely, in this manner Executed: Captain Leonard Frederick Schleker had his Judgement, first to have his right Hand cut off, and his Tongue drawn out behind his Neck, and both of them nailed to the Gallows, and afterwards to be hanged; howbeit, through the Intercession of many of his Friends, he was not hanged, but beheaded: john Michael Schorer, john Hopfi, Adam Lindawar, Philip Dur, and Caspar Lielharter, all Captains, were adjudged to have their right Hands first cut off and nailed▪ to the Gallows, and afterward hanged▪ but through the Intercession of County Mansfield, they were hanged, and their Hands not cut off: john Lautenberger, was condemned to be quartered alive, but was at the Intercession of County Mansfield, first beheaded, and afterward quartered: john Dischoff, with eleven other, were only hanged: Laurence Marshal, was enjoined to serve two Years against the Turks, as a common Soldier, without Pay, but through the Intercession of County Mansfield, had one Year pardoned him: jeremy Strelin, with divers others, which were either fled, or else remained still in Strigonium, were judged, their Names to be set upon the Gallows; and being afterwards caught, some of them to be quartered, and others their Hands to be cut off, and nailed upon the Gallows, and afterward hanged. And thus these disloyal Captains, by shunning of an honourable Death in defence of Strigonium, and performing of their Duty; by neglecting the same, procured unto themselves a most shameful Death, attended upon with perpetual Infamy and Dishonour.  
But, as the loss of this strong Place was unto the Christians heavy and grievous, so was it unto the Turks no less pleasing and joyful; it being the Place they had of long above all others desired, and whereat they had ever since the loss thereof, with their great Armies in Hungary, for the space of ten Years still aimed. Howbeit▪ this their Joy endured not long, their Prosperity being too hot to hold out without some cooling blast of adverse Fortune. For the same report of Fame, which with the right hand presented unto the Great Sultan, at Constantinople, the pleasing news of the winning of Strigonium in Hungary; even with the left hand delivered likewise unto him the melancholy report of the Overthrow of his great Armies in Asia, with the loss of Damascus, the greatest City of Syria. For, to begin with the greatest first: The King of Persia, invaded by Cicala Bassa, Sultan Achmat's great Lieutenant in Asia; and hearing that the Bassa of Caramania had express charge, with all speed to come unto him with a great supply of Soldiers, to be taken up in Caramania, and the Countries thereabout; he then having a puissant Army on foot, before prepared for all Events, presently set forward against Cicala, 
Cicala Bassa with his Army overthrown by the Persian King.  whom he coming upon before he was ready to fight, by his unexpected coming, and sudden charge, overthrew his Army, and took from him all his great Ordnance; Cicala himself, with three hundred Soldiers, with much ado escaping, and retiring himself to Adena; which City, the Persian King, pursuing Cicala, shortly after straight besieged. With which unlucky news, Sultan Achmat much troubled, forthwith writ unto the Bassa of Trebezond▪ with all speed to send aid unto Cicala; who, taking unto him some other of the Turks Commanders, with a great Army set forward on his Journey. Of whose coming, Cicala hearing, the better to direct the Bassa in his proceeding, caused himself, with ten of his Soldiers whom he best trusted, secretly by Night to be let down over the Walls of the City: And so coming to the Bassa, together with him kept on his way to join Battle with the King, as near unto the City as he could, for that he had taken order before he came out of the City, that so soon as they should perceive the Battle to be joined, they should forthwith sally out upon the backs of the Persians, and so by holding of them with a doubtful Battle, to further the Victory: All which, the Persian King hearing of the Bassa's coming, wisely doubting, and not willing to forsake the Siege, divided his Army, and leaving one part thereof to continue the Siege, went himself with the other to meet the Bassa; wherein he used such Expedition and Speed, that with all his Power falling upon him before he could put his men in order, or range his Battle, 
The Bassa of Trebezond with his Army discomfited by the Persian King.  he made of the Turks (now confusedly, and without all order, fight more for the safeguard of their Lives, than for any hope they had of Victory) such an exceeding great Slaughter, that few of them escaped, but were there almost all slain; Cicala himself, but with two or three more, having much ado, by getting into a little Boat, and so by passing over the River, to escape the danger. After which Victory so easily gained, the King returning again to the Siege, after many sharp and great Assaults thereunto given, and many Men on both sides lost, had the same at length yielded unto his mercy.  
Now with this news of the loss of his Armies, and of the Victories of the Persian King, Sultan Achmat enraged, caused Cicala Bassa's House, at Constantinople, full of Treasure and Wealth, to be rifled; after the manner of the World, deeming of the doings of him so great a Captain, according to the event and evil success thereof, though not in his power to have been remedied; nevertheless, shortly after, he caused great sums of Money to be delivered out of his Treasures, and new Forces raised, for the renewing of the War against the Persian King. Unto which Service, (now become unto the Turks dreadful) when as many of the Janissaries were to be appointed, they, after their proud and insolent manner, all arising up in Mutiny, said flatly, 
The Janissaries Mutiny.  That they would not stir one foot out of Constantinople, except they were both before hand paid, and assured also to have their Wages increased; complaining grievously withal, of the Bassa of Damascus, the Great Sultan's high Treasurer, that he, converting the Sultan's Treasures to his own use, did not pay the Soldiers their wages due. For the appeasing of which Mutiny and Tumult, the Sultan caused the same Bassa to be apprehended, and his Head strucken off, and so with the price of his Blood again appeased them.  
But leaving the Persian King triumphing in his Victories, and the Great Sultan grieving at his Losses, let us turn aside into Syria, to see the Troubles the Turks had even amongst themselves, to the weakening of their State, and the increasing of the Great Sultan's Cares and Grief. The two Bassas of Damascus and Aleppo, had (as is before declared) been at great Discord and Variance betwixt themselves, and the Bassa of Aleppo in field overthrown, and in his City besieged, glad to make Peace with the other Bassa, by yielding unto all such things as it pleased him to demand. Which two Bassas for all that being diversely affected unto the State, long agreed not, he of Damascus continuing faithful in his Allegiance towards the Great Sultan, and the other of Aleppo secretly inclining unto Rebellion. Which the Bassa of Damascus perceiving, and joining unto him the Bassas of Tripoli and Gazare, with their united Forces went against the Bassa of Aleppo, leading with them 60000 good men, with purpose to have besieged the Bassa of Aleppo, his Enemy, in his City. But he betimes advertised of this his Design, and not unprovided for his coming, quickly called together his Forces, and had in very short time raised an Army of thirty thousand valiant men, whom he encouraging, and finding them willing to follow him whithersoever he would lead them, marched directly towards his Enemies; with whom he meeting, readily joined Battle with them, which was fought with such fury and hideous noise, as if it had been two thunderclaps opposing each other in one Cloud, striving of themselves which should burst out first, being like People, like Arms, and like order of fight. The medley for a great time continued sharp and furious, the number of the one side countervailing the valour of the other, and the others valour balancing the others great number; howbeit in the end the one Bassa overcame the other three, and the smaller number the greater, and putting them to flight, remained sole Victors of the Field. Now the victorious Bassa, 
The Bassa's of Damascus, Tripoli, and Gazare, overthrown by the Bassa of Aleppo.  as wise to use the Victory, as he was valiant to obtain the same, so eagerly pursued them, that without giving them leave to breath, he besieged Tripoli, the Bassa whereof at his coming abandoned the same, and carrying with him all his Treasure, fled into Cyprus; which made the taking of the Place unto the victorious Bassa easy, who rifled and ransacked the same; and not content with this Conquest, forthwith besieged the great and strong City of Damascus, resolved to die in the Plains thereof, or to become victorious within the Walls of the same. During which Siege, the Bassa of Tripoli had out of the Provinces and Countries of the Turks thereabouts, raised another great Army, and was coming to raise the Siege, and to rescue the City. Whereof the Bassa of Aleppo hearing, rose with the greatest part of his Army, 
The Bassa of Tripoli the second time overthrown by the Bassa of Aleppo.  and meeting with him, gave him battle, and therein the second time overthrew him and put him to flight. Which misfortune so dismayed the Minds of the besieged, that despairing of all Succour and Relief, they, by consent of their Governor, fell to Parley with the Enemies, and so upon certain Capitulations yielded unto him the Place. Whereinto the Bassa entering, 
Damascus taken and rifled by the Bassa of Aleppo.  found therein great Treasure, raised of the Turks Tributes, whereupon he seized, and by the means thereof resolved to make himself master of all Syria, the chief City whereof he had now in his own Power; whereunto he gave free Access and Traffic unto all the Merchants of Persia, and of the Indies.  

The Beglerbeg of Natolia's Lieutenant with his Army discomfited by the Bassa of Aleppo.  Now in the time of this his Prosperity, News was brought him, That the Beglerbeg of Anatolia bade sent his Lieutenant with a great Army against him; who, knowing that Diligence was the Spirit of Conquest, and that to conquer was to little purpose, without a vigilant care for the Preservation thereof, rested not upon his former good Fortune, but marched directly towards his Enemies. Wherein his Success was answerable unto his Design, for within the space of two days he had taken all the Passages which might give way unto his Enemies to distress him; and in the straits of the Mountains, whereby the Enemy was to pass, laid a great Ambush of two thousand Harquebusiers, and three thousand Horse, who the Enemies being passed, and he charging them a head, set upon them in the Rearward, and brought such a fear upon them, that having made a great fight, in fine, they having lost a number of Men, were glad to fly, and to leave the Victory to the Bassa. And to the increasing of his good haps, he intercepted a Ship, cast by Wether upon that Coast, laded with great Treasure, bound from Alexandria ●o Constantinople, with the Tributes of Egypt, belonging to the Great Sultan. Of all which things the Persian King advertised, sought to join with him in Amity, highly commending his valiant Acts, and sending unto him honourable Presents; to wit, a Pistol, an Helmet, and a Target, all set with precious Stones, esteemed to be worth fifty thousand Crowns. This Flame of Rebellion spread abroad out of Syria into Caramania, and so farther and farther into the lesser Asia. Which was the cause that the Great Sultan sent with all speed unto the Visier Bassa, then in Hungary; commanding him, now that Strigonium was taken, which before had hindered the concluding of Peace, he should now upon reasonable Conditions conclude the same, to the end, that his Affairs on this side of his Empire being set in quiet and security, he might forthwith after turn his Forces against the Persians and the Rebels in Asia.  
But after all these great Troubles, to return again into Hungary. The Rebels there had of long besieged the strong Town Newhuse, as is before declared; which being hitherto valiantly defended by the Germane Garrison therein, was now brought to such Extremity, as that it was thought almost impossible to be longer defended, the Garrison Soldiers therein being with often Assaults for the most part slain, and the rest of them that were left grievously wounded. Of which strong Town (being as it were the Key of that side of the Country) the Turks, which together with the Rebels besieged the same, were, for the commodious Situation thereof very desirous; and the Rebels thereunto as unwilling, for that it being once in their hand, would hardly ever be again from them recovered. For which cause Illishascius, one of the Captains of the Hungarian Rebels, then at the Siege thereof, perceiving it could not long be kept, to the intent that the Turks should not by force obtain the same, by Letters requested of Basta the Emperor's Lieutenant, though then his Enemy, That the Town might be delivered unto Humanoius, another Captain of the Hungarian Rebels, left the Turks should by force obtain the same; assuring him upon the Peril of his own Life, and the Confiscation of all his Goods to the Emperor, that upon a Reconciliation and Peace to be made betwixt the Emperor and the Hungarians his Subjects, he should again deliver the same Town and Fortress into his Possession. 
Newhuse yielded unto the Hungarian Rebels.  Whereupon by commandment of the Archduke, and of Basta, the Town was yielded up the seventeenth day of the Month of October, unto the aforesaid Humanoius, and the Hungarians only received into the Town; yet with this Condition, That the Germane Soldiers which were yet left, and who had valiantly thus long endured the Siege, might still slay in the Town in Pay, and keep watch and ward together with the rest of the Hungarians, Humanoius having command over them all.  
Wherefore the Turks, seeing themselves disappointed of their Purpose, for the obtaining of this strong Town, rising by Night, and not a little discontented with the Hungarians, marched towards Strigonium, at the Siege whereof the Visier Bassa lay. Howbeit within a few days after, the Hungarians, not liking to have the Germans in Garrison with them, turned them with their Captain Strenius out of the Town, and yet safely conducted them to Gomara.  
At the same time, they of Altensoll, another strong Town of the upper Hungary▪ 
Al●enso●l yielded to the Hungarian Rebels.  not far from Newhuse, having been long besieged by the Rebels, and driven for want of Victual to eat their Horses, for the space of five Weeks; and having now eaten them all but seven, and nothing else left, yielded themselves, together with their Tow● to the Rebels; as did also they of Wiglas, Shemnitz, and Cremnitz.  
In the mean time, Botscay, with a very great Army of his Hungarian Rebels, came to ●yirna, a strong Town, about sixteen Miles distant from Vienna, attended upon with a Guard of an hundred tall Soldiers, gallantly apparelled all in blue; a little before whose coming, Humanoius, unto whom Newhuse was a little before yielded, had summoned Presburg, requiring the same to be yielded unto him. Which thing, Botscay, being now come, by Letters likewise required of the Citizens, threatening otherwise most straight to besiege them. Whereupon, Schonberg, Governor of Presburg, doubting of the faithfulness of the Citizens, being almost all Hungarians, retired himself, with a good part of his Soldiers, into the Castle; With Protestation, to spend his Life, and all that he had, for the keeping and defence thereof. With whose Constancy the Citizens moved, continued firm in their Allegiance to the Emperor▪ 
Botscay obtaineth leave of the Visier Bassa, to entreat of Peace with the Emperor's Commissioners.  which Botscay perceiving, and that the City was not to be got by threats, forthwith removed and went to Pesth, where he was most honourably received by the Visier Bassa, and by him presented with a Crown of curious workmanship, and threescore thousand Ducats, with five and twenty most goodly Horses and there, having received from him full power to entreat of Peace, and to conclude the same with the Imperials, with H●ly Bassa, and certain other of the chief of the Turks, joined in Commission with him, again departed, and went to Kyrpa, unto an Assembly of the Hungarians there to be holden, whither but a little before Sigismond Forgot was come with the Emperor's Resolution concerning the Negotiation of Peace, whenas in the mean time other Commissioners from the Emperor were come to Comara about the Treaty of Peace with the Turks, they themselves so requi●ing. Howbeit, Collonitz, at the same time by Letters writ unto the Archduke, advising him that this Treaty of Peace might not, together and at one time, be taken in hand with the Turks and the Rebels; but that if it were possible, an Atonement should be first made with the Rebels, and afterward a Peace concluded with the Turks; the common good of the Commonweal so requiring; for that he perceived the Turks indeed not to be desirous of Peace at all, but only to go about, by keeping of the Christians at variance among themselves, and in suspense between hope and fear, to do them harm, and themselves good; which was afterward found to be so indeed.  
The Persian King had some Months before sent three Ambassadors unto his Imperial Majesty, who being come at divers times one after another, were all with peculiar Letters dismissed from Prague, the 29 th'. of November. Unto the first of which Ambassadors, Letters were given of this purport.  

ZInel Chan Beg, whom your Majesty hath sent Ambassador unto Us, 
The Emperor's Letters unto the Persian King.  we have willingly seen and received, and given him Audience, in declaring of such things, as he had from you in charge. It is unto Us both acceptable and pleasing, that your Majesty hath regard, so friendly to salute V●, and so carefully to seek to join in Amity and Friendship with Us, whereby your Majesty much bindeth Us unto the like desire of mutual love and friendship; and that W● again on our parts should be ready to perform such things as may be unto your Majesty pleasing, and that we should with for nothing more, than that our Friendship should daily more and more be confirmed, and for the common Good of Us both, for many years preserved: wherein We for our parts will not be wanting. Whereas your Majesty with great Courage hath undertaken, and with so happy success of Victories continued your Wars against the Turk, whereof you had so just cause, We from our hearts in your behalf rejoice, ●s all other Christians worthily do; and We ourselves are thereby much animated valiantly and constantly to proceed in our Wars, which we now so many years have made with the same Enemy, nothing doubting, but that God, the revenger of wrong, will so prosper the honourable Endeavours of your Majesty, as that you shall not only recover such things as have been wrongfully taken from you, but also weaken and destroy the Power of that perfidious Enemy. Which, that it may the better be brought to pass, We also renew our Wars, raise greater Forces, and by our Ambassadors and Letters, exhort and incite the greatest Christian Princes and Potentates to extend their Power against this our common Enemy; and thereby to give fitter opportunity and occasion unto your Majesty, for the better proceeding of your Affairs in Asia. The course of our notable Victories, which we have in few years passed obtained against the Turks, the Tumults and Troubles which the Turks have by secret devices raised in Hungary, have somewhat hindered; howbeit, we hope by God's permission, that all things shall shortly be again restored unto their former estate, so that we may wholly without let turn ourselves with our Power against the Turks. Yet in the mean time, we have thus much prevailed with the King of Spain, as that he hath already set forth a Fleet unto the borders of his Territories, to distract his Forces; the prosperous Success of which Fleet we daily expect. We have also moved the Pope, that he should also give Aid in this common Cause, and excite other Princes also to do the like, which he with great Endeavour doth. But concerning such things as shall hereafter happen, We shall by Letters and Ambassadors certify your Majesty as occasion shall require; as at this present we had appointed to send unto you the Baron of Dohna, a famous and noble Gentleman, who (all things being ready for his journey) suddenly died; and would now have sent another, had not the unexpected change of the Affairs of the Muscovites otherwise dissuaded Us, we having no other way but that, at this time, to send into Persia. For concerning this great Prince, who is now reported there to reign, what his mind is, or how he standeth affected, we have as yet no Experience. In the mean time, We so desire a perpetual and firm Friendship to be established betwixt Us and your Majesty, with a certain secure and free Commerce, that if your Majesty (which We wish) shall extend your Victories unto the Sea, your Subjects may have free Access and Traffic unto all our Kingdoms and Dominions. We also thank your Majesty, That you so kindly entertain the Christians into your Kingdoms, and grant to them to have the free exercise of their Religion; as also for that you have sent your Ambassadors unto the King of France, although without wished Success▪ whereby We easily gather your Majesty's great Care and Circumspection every way. As concerning them whom your Majesty hath sent unto Us, they have diligently and faithfully performed their Duty, so that they have deserved Praise and Favour, both here and in Persia; whom we much Commend unto your Majesty, to whom in all things We offer our greatest Love and Affection.   
Unto the Second Ambassador were also given Letters from the Emperor, to this effect.  
WHilst We were yet busied in the dispatch of Zinel Chan Beg, your Majesty's former Ambassador, in the mean time, Methi Culi Beg, another Ambassador of yours came unto Us, whom we have courteously entertained, and graciously heard; by whose Speech, as also by your Majesty's Letters, We have with exceeding, great Pleasure understood both your friendly Greeting of Us, as also of the happy Success of your Affairs against the Turks, since the departure of your former Ambassador, together with your kind Affection towards the Christians in those Parts. One of the Servants also of our Ambassador which died by the way, hath reported unto Us, how courteously our said Ambassador was by your Majesty received; and how you have showed yourself affected against the common Enemy, which was unto Us a thing both acceptable and pleasing. Unto both which your Embassies the more solemnly to answer, We had appointed again to send an honourable Embassage unto your Majesty, had not these Lets and Impediments happened, which in our Letters given unto your former Ambassador are declared. But so soon, and as often as may be, We will endeavour, either by Letters, or by Ambassadors, more at large to manifest our Love and Affection towards you. Wherefore we greatly desire that your Majesty may continue in perfect Amity with Us, and valiantly proceed in subduing of the common Enemy; We on our part being ready to perform all things whereby we may testify unto you the desire we have for the preservation of our mutual Love and Friendship; as also of our Endeavours in our Wars against him. God Almighty long preserve your Majesty in Health, and make you still Victorious against the common Enemy.  
Unto the Third Ambassador were likewise Letters given from the Emperor, of this purport.  
WHereas Jus Bassi Hassan Beg, your Majesty's Ambassador unto the French King, came this way, at the same time that other two of your Ambassadors were here present with Us, we received him with the same Courtesy wherewith we received them, making stay of him, until that they might all three be together dismissed. And because that his Embassage was undertaken for the furtherance of the common Good, although it wanted the wished success, yet We have thought it good to give thanks unto your Majesty therefore, and in most friendly manner to greet you by this your said Ambassador, whom we highly commend unto you, for that for the time he here stayed in our Court, he so behaved himself, as that he well deserved both our and your Majesty's Favour, whereof we wish him to be partaker. Almighty God bless your Majesty with all Felicity, and long to his good Pleasure preserve the same.  
These Ambassadors with these Letters thus dismissed, one of them went into Polonia, and there declared unto the King the great Love and Affection of the Persian King towards him, offering unto him all love and kindness; first requesting him. That he would join with his Majesty in all friendship and brotherly love; and then, that he would take up Arms against the Turk, their common Enemy; promising on his Master's behalf▪ That he should not lay down Arms until that Enemy were utterly brought to nought and destroyed, so that the Christian Princes would on the other side likewise impugn him. This was a strange Message, and not before heard of in Polonia, where, for all that, the Messenger was courteously and bountifully entertained, and afterward with good words put in hope of obtaining what he had requested, was honourably dismissed.  
But leaving these Ambassadors unto their long Journey; to return again into Hungary. A great number of the Turks and Hungarian Rebels, 
The Turks and Hungarian Rebels by the Imperials overthrown.  meeting together at Hidweg, had a purpose secretly to have surprised and oppressed the Imperial Soldiers in their Camp. Of which their purpose they in good time advertised, and therefore keeping good Watch and Ward, so received the Turks and Rebels at their coming, contrary to their Expectation, as that after a small fight, they caused them to betake themselves to flight; whom the Imperials so hotly, pursued towards Canisia, that they slew of them above a thousand, took about two hundred more of them Prisoners, with fifteen hundred Horse, which they carried away with them, and so having left sufficient Garrisons on that side of the Country towards Canisia, returned themselves towards Vienna. In the mean time, 
The Treaty of Peace with the Turks and Rebels begun.  the Commissioners, from the Emperor being met together at Comara, about the Treaty of Peace with the Turks and the Hungarians, the sixth of December, receiving Letters from the Bassa of Buda, certain of them, the next day after, went by water down the River of Danubius to Buda; where, they being honourably received, and having much and long Talk with the Bassa concerning a Peace, found little difficulty therein, but that the Turks said they could nothing determine thereof without the presence and consent of the Hungarians. With which Answer, they, full of hope, returned back again to Comara, as did also Sigismond Forgot, with the like hope of Peace from Botscay. At which time, Botscay being about to depart from the Assembly of Kirpay back again to Cassovia, gave Power and Authority to Illishascius for the farthering of the Treaty for Peace; who having received Letters of safe Conduct from the Archduke Mathias, about the end of December, together with his Wife went to Vienna; who being admitted unto the Archdukes presence, and having had an hour and halfs Talk with him, and every day after conferred with the Counsellors, from eight a Clock to twelve, at length composed all Difficulties and Differences touching the Treaty of Peace, excepting five Articles only concerning Religion, the free exercise whereof the Hungarians in any wise required; so that now men began to conceive some good hope of a Peace to be in time concluded.  
This Year thus ending, year 1606 with the beginning of the Treaty for Peace, the next Year begun with the wont Troubles of War, 
The Haiducks do great harm in the upper Hungary.  the rebellious Haiducks in Hungary doing great harm in the upper Hungary, tyrannising after their wont manner upon men of all sort and condition. Where giving divers Assaults unto divers Cities, they being valiantly repulsed, were constrained to retire, (the Polonians and Cossacks defending the same) yet did they nevertheless no little harm unto the Country Inhabitants. Whereof complaint being made unto the King of Polonia, he by his Ambassador sent to Botscay at Cassovia, obtained, that those spoiling Haiducks should be called back again out of these Parts.  
Now had Illishascius, the Negotiator for the Treaty for Peace to be made with the Rebels, so well dealt in that matter, as that the same in the latter end of january should have been published at Vienna, 
The free exercise of Religion granted to the Hungarians.  but that certain of the chief of the Clergy could not be brought to consent, that the free exercise of Religion should indifferently be granted to all the People in general, but to the Nobility only. Whereupon Illishascius, with the rest of the Commissioners for the Hungarians, with great discontentment being about to return home again without any thing at all concluded, the Deputies for the Emperor seeing that it could not be otherwise brought to pass, at length agreed (although never so much contrary to the liking of the Clergymen) to satisfy the Hungarians in this their Request, and that the free exercise as well of the Reformed, as of the Romish Religion, should be permitted to all men throughout all Hungary, in such sort, as it had before been in the time of the Emperor's Maximilian and Ferdinand. Concerning which point for the Liberty of the Religion, Letters were delivered unto Illishascius; all the other points concerning the Peace being put off unto the next assembly of the States of Hungary, shortly after to be holden at Presbourg.  
About the beginning of March, the Spahi at Constantinople had requested of the Visier Bassa, That it might be lawful for themselves to take up their wont Pension of the Farmers and Husbandmen here and there in the Country; which although it were unto them by the Visier Bassa denied, who had commandment from the Great Sultan within a few days after, to give every one of them his present Pay in Money; yet they not so contented, but going out of the City, presumptuously presumed to trouble the Countrymen, and to do the Farmer's great harm. 
The Spahi insolently oppressing the Country People, justly punished.  For which their Insolency, the Great Sultan (the chief Captains and Leaders of them being again returned into the City) caused them, some to be beheaded, some to be hanged, and othersome to be bound in Chains and drowned; whereby no small fear was struck into the rest of the common Soldiers. But the Rebellion in Asia still increasing, and the Rebels there secretly both favouring and furthering the Proceedings of the Persian King, the Sultan forthwith sent for the Visier Bassa, who the last year had served in Hungary, to go into Asia, to repress the Rebels there, and also to withstand the Proceedings of the Persian King; committing in the mean time the managing of the War in Hungary unto his Lieutenant.  
The Treaty of Peace both with the Turks and the Rebels, 
Rab attempted to have been by the Turks surprised.  was yet in hand, whereunto how much the Turks were for their part inclined, the Garrison Soldiers of Rab had good proof, for the eighteenth day of March, being the day at their request appointed for the Treaty, and whereon the Commissioners on both parts there meeting together, should have furthered the Negotiation of the Peace, not past fifty of the Turks coming to the Gate of the Town, required to be let in, as if they had come for that purpose. Whom our men nothing suspecting, were about to receive them into the Town; when as a Sentinel without the Town, it being a thick mist, perceived three thousand more of the Turks lurking thereby, and forthwith giving an alarm to those of the Town, bewrayed the Enemy's Treachery, who thereupon retired, they of the Town discharging their great Ordnance after them. The next Month, about the beginning of April, certain Messengers came from Eperia (a City of the upper Hungary, yet holden for the Emperor) to Vienna, declaring the most miserable state of that City; which, although the way thereunto being three or four Weeks before opened, 
Eperia by the Rebels distressed▪  it had received some good store of Victual, yet now (as they said) was so on every side by the Rebels beset, as that no Provision at all could more thereunto come; hoping by that means to bring to pass, that the Citizens, pinched with hunger and want of things necessary, should at length yield themselves together with the City into their Power. By which means they but a little before had obtained the strong Town of Tokay; wherein the Famine was so great, that the Soldiers had not only eaten their Shoes and Leather Jerkins, but had now also killed two Boys to eat, and some others of them had cast Lots among themselves, which should be killed for the other to eat. By which Extremity, Ruber, the Governor of the Place, was enforced to yield; unto whom Botscay, who then lay at Cassovia, 
Tokay by the Rebels taken.  is said to have offered a great sum of Money, with many other good things, to have taken his part; all which he most constantly refused, protesting even unto Death to continue faithful in his Obedience to the Emperor.  
About the same Time Illishascius, 
The Letters of Illishascius sent to a Noble man of Vienna.  who had before not a little laboured about the furthering of the Peace in Hungary, writ Letters from Cassovia unto a certain great Man at Vienna; whereby he declared, that Botscay without the Consent of the Estates of Hungary could of himself determine nothing concerning the Conclusion of the Peace; who had ofttimes told him to his Face, that rather than they would again submit themselves to a foreign Governor, they would for ever put themselves under the Turks Protection; and yet promised by the same Letters, that although he had got unto himself great Displeasure thereby with the Haiducks, he would not for all that cease by all means to draw the States of the Country in their next assembly unto his part, so that that which was before concluded at Vienna concerning Religion, should not again be reversed; for many of them (as he said) were afraid that it would not be performed, which was there promised unto the States concerning the Exercise of their Religion. And that therefore they could not yet be persuaded to put themselves from under the Turks Protection, until they saw themselves sufficiently secured, both for the Liberty of their Religion, and the keeping of their ancient Privileges. And that they could not, nor would not endure a foreign Governor to rule over them, with whom they could not talk; nor yet suffer Clergymen to have any Voices in their Civil Affairs. And therefore (he said) he thought it very necessary that the Emperor should not doubt in this point to gratify the Hungarians. And that Transilvania, whereupon he had been hitherto enforced to bestow so great cost for the keeping thereof, being now left unto Botscay, he should appoint such a Governor over Hungary as the States of that Country should require. For that there was no hope of any Peace to be made with the Turks, except Botscay and the States of Hungary should undertake the Treaty thereof; seeing that they, but only seeking for a Peace in show, were oftentimes discovered but to seek for their own Advantages and Profits.  
But concerning Illishascius himself, 
Illishascius reproachfully used by the Hungarians.  the Hungarian Rebels seeing him so much to labour about the concluding of a Peace, in scorn called him by the byname of Cripelishacius, as he that too much inclined unto the Germans; which byname he took in so ill part, as that he departed strait to Eperia, with a purpose not to have been present at the next assembly of the States; but being again pacified, and by Botscay called back, he made such a notable Speech unto the States in their next Assembly, that all men now began both to hope and wish more for Peace than they had before done.  
In the mean time, the Turks in great numbers being gathered together to Belgrade, expected the end of this Treaty for Peace, and Letters from the Great Sultan to Botscay were intercepted also; whereby he adviseth him to proceed in his purpose, and joining with his Powers, to seize upon Austria, Bohemia, and Moravia; for that he could be contented with Hungary and Transilvania, and leave the rest of the Provinces unto Botscay as his Inheritance.  
The Tartars about this Time were about to make a Road into Polonia; but when as they with their often Incursions had not a little troubled the Haiducks also in the upper Hungary, they resolved amongst themselves to join their Forces together, 
The Haiducks incensed against the Turks and Tartars, trust neither of them.  and to fight as well against the Turks as the Tartars, and from thenceforth neither to trust the one nor the other.  
Hereupon, whenas the Turks in great number came to assault Lippa, a Town of the Haiducks, they forsaking the Town, fortified the Castle with certain Companies of armed Men, and afterwards bestowed many others here and there in Caves and Cellars in the Town, and laid great store of Gunpowder in the Streets. Unto which Town the Turks coming, and finding the Gates open, and none to risist them, hasted to have taken the Castle. But in the mean time, the Powder which the Haiducks had laid taking fire, blew up a number of them, and they which lay hid in the Caves and Cellats forthwith breaking out, slew of them whomsoever they met, and so made of the Turks a great slaughter, and again cleared the Town.  

The Inhabitants of Austria provide to stand upon their own strength for the defence of their Country.  The Estates of Austria, considering the great harms they had in these late Troubles received, as well from the Hungarian Rebels, as from the Emperor's mutinous Soldiers; and by Experience taught how dangerous a thing it was for them to rest upon other men's Protection, being unto them strangers; resolved now in a general Assembly of the Estates by them about this time holden, to take upon themselves the defence of their Country, against such sudden Incursions and Tumults of the mutinous Soldiers, and no more to rely upon foreign Protection, still to seek when they had most need thereof. Wherefore, to assure themselves in their own strength, they, with a general consent, agreed to have always in readiness two thousand Horsemen, and eight thousand Footmen, to be maintained at the common Charge; fifty of the Country Peasants still finding of one of the said Soldiers.  
And much about this time, viz. the Third of june, Illishascius, a great Man amongst the Rebels, and yet the greatest furtherer of the Peace, (as appeared by his doings, and by that we have before of him written) having before obtained Letters of safe conduct from the Archduke, came now again with his Wife also to Vienna, there more at large to confer upon the Articles for a Peace to be concluded, with such as were on the Emperor's behalf for that purpose deputed. Where, coming to confer and talk upon the matter, he was so crossed by Nicholas Bishop of Vienna, 
The Bishop of Vienna a great enemy to the Peace to have been concluded betwixt the Emperor and his discontented Subjects.  who hitherto had been present in Council together with the rest of the Commissioners, (a great enemy unto the Peace, in respect of the Article concerning the Liberty of Religion) he was, I say, by him so crossed, as that there was no hope of any thing to be for the common quiet concluded, so long as he was there present. For which cause, he, on both sides, and of all men desirous of the Peace disliked, was in the Archdukes name willed no more to come into the Council, for the disturbing of the Peace. In which Negotiation for the concluding of the Peace, Illishascius had taken such pains in travelling to and fro betwixt the Archduke then lying at Vienna, and Botscay with the States of Hungary then lying at Cassovia, and so debated the matter on both sides, that all things being as good as agreed upon; for a full conclusion of all matters, he himself, together with George Humanoius, Francis Maggot, Sebastian Tockell, Stanislaus Turson, and others, with two hundred Horse, and two and thirty Wagons, in all, four hundred Persons, the Seventh of September came to Vienna, with fifty Hussars following of them: Shortly after whose coming, the Treaty for Peace was earnestly begun with often Messengers passing to and fro betwixt Vienna and Cassovia to Botscay, lying then very dangerously sick, until that all the Articles of Peace were near about the Fourteenth of September fully on both parts agreed upon; most difference arising about the Article for the free Exercise of Religion. 
A Peace concluded betwixt the Emperor and his discontented Subjects of the upper Hungary.  For although it was before declared, that men might have the free Exercise of Religion; yet the Hungarians, recalling that general word of Religion unto a particularity, would needs have it set down, that men might have the free Exercise of those Religions, which are at this day called the Lutheran, Calvinian, And Romish Religion; neither would they conclude any Peace until they were of their Request in that point satisfied. Which Peace so concluded, the next day after, the Deputies for the Hungarians sent an Ambassador to the Visier Bassa at Buda, to certify him of all their Proceedings, and to request him not as yet to attempt any thing for the disturbing of the Peace; now the Articles whereupon the Peace was concluded, were these: 

FIrst, That from thenceforth it should be lawful for every Man throughout the Kingdom of Hungary, to have the free Use of his Religion, and to believe what he would.  
2. That if the Hungarians so thought good, they might choose a Palatine for their Governor, and that in the mean time the Archduke Mathias should no more use the Title of a Governor, but of a Viceroy.  
3. That the Crown of Hungary should still be left in the Emperor's keeping.  
4. That the Bishops that were nobly descended in Hungary, and had Lands of their own, should from thenceforth be admitted into the Council, but the other Bishops not so to be received.  
5. That Botscay, for himself and his Heirs Male, should for ever hold Transilvania.  
6. That the same Country of Transilvania should be still subject unto the Kingdom of Hungary.  
7. That for his Arms he should bear three Royal Crowns and three open Helmets.  
8. That he should no more afterwards style himself Prince, but Lord of part of the Kingdom of Hungary.  
9 That they should pay the Haiducks their Wages which had levied them.  
10. That the Harms done on both sides should for ever be forgotten.  
11. That Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Lausnisium, and Austria, should not only with their Letters and Seals confirm the Articles, but also Swear at Vienna to keek the same so far as should concern them.  
12. That the Hungarians should likewise send some to Vienna, who in their behalf should with their Letters, Seals, and Oaths, confirm and ratify these Articles.  
13. That the Assembly of the Estates of Hungary should be referred until a more convenient time for them.  
14. That all these things being done, this Agreement should be publicly confirmed and enroled in the Records of the Kingdom of Hungary.  
15. That it should be lawful for the Hungarians by their Ambassadors to invite the Princes of the Empire to the approving and confirming of these Articles.    
Which fifteen Articles were on the Emperor's part subscribed by Trausam, Mollart, Sigifrid, Pruner, Lichtenstein and Kreuberge; and on the part of the Hungarians, by Illishascius, Peter Erkod, George Turso, and Sigismond Forgot, and others.  
The twentieth of September following, the Ambassador for the Hungarians and of Botscay, being admitted unto the Presence of the Archduke Mathias, obtained of him Pardon for the forepast Rebellion, and all that was therein done; unto whom Security for the same was afterward given by the Provinces; thereby also to assure them, that they should not be therefore afterwards troubled. But yet for all that was before done, the Title of the Prince of Transilvania was left unto Botscay for Term of his Life: who feeling his Sickness daily to increase, would oftentimes say, That he could willingly die, so that it might please God before his Death to give him leave to excuse himself of his Rebellion before the whole Roman Empire. And so about the end of September, all the aforesaid Ambassadors for the Hungarians and Botscay, being assembled into the Castle of Vienna, together with the Emperor's Council, and certain other Noblemen of the Provinces belonging unto the Emperor, received every one of them the Articles of the Peace copied out, and fair written in Parchment; which done, they returned every one to his own dwelling. But Illishascius went from thence to Neuhuse, to be present at the Peace to be afterwards made with the Turks also; from whence he afterwards writ Letters unto the Visier Bassa, to request him, not as yet to attempt any thing against the Emperor's Provinces, but peaceably and quietly, to expect his Commissioners, which were shortly to come unto him.  
But in the mean time whilst this Peace was thus in concluding, 
A great Fire at Constantinople.  certain Tartars at Constantinople, in their Insolency, set fire upon a certain Jews House, whereof arose such a terrible Fire, as burned not only many Houses, but a great number of the Jews themselves also; the barm there done being esteemed at forty hundred thousand ducats. In which Tumult and Noise of the People running too and fro, and quenching of the Fire, the Great Sultan having a fall from his Horse, was thereof for a while sick.  

The Turks seeking to surprise others, themselves surprised.  The Turks of Canisia also having conspired with the Captain of the lesser Comora, came to have surprised the same. But the Garrison Soldiers there, having before had a Suspicion thereof, suffered so many of the Turks as they knew they were able to overcome, to enter; and so shutting the Gates of the City, killed them every Mother's Son, the rest which were without returning, again to Canisia.  
Peace thus (as is aforesaid) concluded with the Hungarians, 
The Commissioners for the Emperor, to entreat of Peace with the Turks, come to Presburg.  George Turson, Nicholas Istuan, john Mollart, and Althem, with some others, the Emperor's Commissioners for a Peace to be made with the Turks, went to Comora; Sigifrid Collonitz and Budin following them with the Army; for as yet the said Commissioners durst not altogether trust the Turks for intercepting of them by the way. Which Commisioners carried with them Solyman the Bassa of Buda, who had now been seven years kept Prisoner in the Castle of Vienna, and Aly Bassa, both bravely apparelled in blue Silk; six Wagons following of them, wherein were carried certain Presents for the Great Sultan, 
The Peace already concluded with the Hungarians, like enough to have again been broken off through the Insolency of some few disordered Persons.  to wit, a most curious Clock, certain fair pieces of Plate, an hundred thousand ducats, with divers other things of great value.  
But whilst they there stayed, expecting to hear from the Visier Bassa then at Buda, a sudden insolent Accident fell out, like enough to have broken off again the Peace already made with the Hungarians, as also to have utterly cut off the Treaty of Peace to be had with the Turks, and to have set them all together by the Ears again. For albeit that the first Article of the Peace made with the Hungarians, was, That every Man should have the free Exercise of his Religion; yet the eighth day of October, about three of the Clock in the Afternoon, when as a certain Hungarian Lutheran Preacher was in the Pulpit preaching to the People in a Church, in the Suburbs of Comora, Buchem and Knevie, two Captains, coming from Dinner with certain of their Servants, more than half drunk, with their Swords drawn, rushed into the Church, and drove out thence the Preacher, upon whom Captain Buchem's Trumpeter also discharged a Pistol, and raised such a Tumult in the Church, that divers Children were trodden to Death under foot, and the rest put in great fear of their Lives.  
Which insolent Fact so moved the Hungarians, that Turson and Budian, there present, with the rest of the Commissioners, ready to have gone about the Treaty of the Peace, would needs the next day have departed from Comora, and were hardly by Mollart and Collonitz entreated to say; Buchem and Knevie, the two Captains, being bound to their appearance for the answering of the matter, and the Trumpeter with Irons on his heels clapped in Prison. But the News hereof being carried to Neuhusel, and (as the manner of Report is) by Fame made far greater than it was, as, That an hundred and fifty Persons were slain in the Church, there arose such a Tumult among the Hungarians there, as that Illishascius, with the rest of the Captains, had much ado to quiet and appease the same; who, joining with the Turks of Strigonium, and the Haiducks of the Island, had determined now by Night to have invaded Comora, where the Outrage was committed, had not Pogrania the elder, (a Man of great Gravity) coming from thence, declared unto Illishascius and the rest of the Captains all the Matter as it was done; upon whose Relation the whole Tumult was again appeased. But for as much as the two aforesaid Captains, bound to their Appearance, were by Night fled from Comora to Vienna, the Hungarians were very earnest to have them severely punished, as breakers of the first Article of the Peace, concerning Religion. Botscay in the mean time beheaded Catayus his Chancellor, 
 who had gone about to have poisoned him, in hope after his Death to have been Prince of Transilvania himself; placing john janusy in his stead, and giving him Catay's Lands.  
Peace now made with the Hungarians (as is aforesaid) and Commissioners appointed for a Treaty of Peace to be had with the Turks also, (whereunto the Visier Bassa, then lying at Buda, was as forward as any, being so commanded from the Great Sultan his Master) there wanted but a Place Commodious for the said Commissioners, without Suspicion of Danger, and indifferent for them all to meet in. Whereupon Caesar Galen, a Man of great Experience in such Matters, with some other Captains, were appointed to find, out some such convenient Place for them to meet in; who having viewed many, at length made choice of one within half a League of Comora, so fit for that purpose, as if Nature had provided it for the same. The great River of Danubius being there divided into three parts, made therein three Islands, all compassed round with the Arms thereof, into which Islands the Commissioners for the Emperor, 
The Commissioners for the Emperor, the Turks, and the Hungarians, meet together to entreat of a Peace.  for the Turk, and for the Hungarians, without let one of another, to entreat of their Affairs, and so in little Boats prepared for that purpose, pass over one to another, as their Occasions required. Into this place, so commodious for all three parties, the Deputies for the Emperor the five and twentieth day of October, conducted by the Horsemen of Mansfeld, Hohenlo, and Bonchimin. After whom followed Illishascius, and the other Deputies for the Hungarians, assisted with the Nobility of Hungary, all attending the coming of the Great Sultan's Commissioners; who likewise immediately after came, being brought up the River in four and twenty brave Ships well appointed.  
These Commissioners being thus apart arrived in the Islands, began first to consult by themselves, every one of their several Affairs and Businesses, and afterwards many times meeting together, with much Gravity consulted and conferred of the best ways and means for the making of a good and assured Peace for the appeasing of these Wars; which every one of them and all together, to that end employing the uttermost of their Endeavours, at last, 
A Peace concluded between the Emperor and the great Sultan.  the nineteenth of November, it was betwixt all the three Parties fully agreed upon and concluded, and Hostages on all parts given one to another, with Oaths and Promises solemnly on all sides given and received, for the inviolate keeping and observing of the same; the Articles whereupon the said Peace was concluded being these:  

Articles of the Peace concluded betwixt the Emperor and the Great Sultan.  First, That the Emperor and the Great Sultan, in, all their Letters, Dispatches, Instruments, and Embassages, should not style themselves by any other Names or Additions, but by the Names of well beloved Father and Son; to wit, the Emperor calling the Great Sultan his Son, and the Great Sultan the Emperor (in respect of his years) his Father.  
That in the beginning of their Letters they should take upon them the Name and Quality of Emperor, and not of King, respectively one of them to another.  
That these two Emperors should take order, that the Realm of Hungary and the Archdukedom of Austria, might be in Rest, Peace, and Tranquillity, and altogether delivered and assured from all Incursions, Oppressions, and Outrages of the Men of War on both Parties▪  
That it should be lawful for the King of Spain, if he so thought good, to enter into this Treaty of Peace, without the Opposition or let of one or of the other of both these Emperors in any sort.  
That the Tartars, and all other People usually wont to come in Arms into Hungary, should be comprised within this Treaty of the Peace, so to be disarmed of all Power by their means to do harm within the Realm of Hungary, and they there assured from their Violences and Robberies.  
That every one, both on the one part and on the other, should forbear from making Incursions and Pillages, and Enterprises of War, and from all Acts of Hostility one against another; and yet every one nevertheless to have Power to pursue Thiefs and Robbers, and such others seeking after Booty, to the disturbing of the Peace, and injuring of the Common-weal; whereof every man should have Power to give knowledge, to the intent by common force to suppress them, and to cause them to recompense the Wrongs and Harms by them done.  
That all Places, Castles, Towns, and Forts, should remain without attempt either on the one part of on the other, whether it were by Force, Surprise, or Treason, and so likewise the Goods, Families, and cattle of the Countrymen, which were of their Territories and Jurisdiction; Botscay still holding all that was lately to him granted by the Treaty of Vienna.  
That all Prisoners taken in the Wars should be set at Liberty, but especially such as had been taken in Towns and Citadels, which by their Valour and Courage they sought to have defended; and the other Prisoners to be delivered by Exchange and Ransom, as should be most expedient and easy for both Parties.  
That all Controversies happening, as well on this side as beyond the River or Danubius, should be peaceably ended by the Judgement of the Governor of Rab, of the Bassa of Buda, of the Governor of Sclavonia, and of the Governors of other Places; and that if they should chance to be of such important Weight and Consequence, as that they could not by these Magistrates be determined and composed, that they should in that case be reserved to be decided by their Imperial Majesties; and that it should be lawful both for the one party and the other to repair and build the Places ruined, but not to build Places of New, which might prejudice either the one part or the other.  
That Amurath the Visier Bassa should send his Messengers with Presents to the Archduke Mathias, and that the Emperor should dispatch an Ambassador toward the Great Sultan with 200000 ducats, and that the Great Sultan likewise should send his Ambassador to Prague with great and rich Presents to the Emperor.  
That this Peace should begin in the year 1607, and continue for the space of twenty years, and that one of the Emperors should send unto the other every three years their Ambassadors with their honourable and rich Presents, according to the Pleasure and Power of their Majesties.  
That all the Emperor's Successors, as also those of the Kingdom of Hungary, should be comprehended within this Agreement of Peace, together with all their Kinsmen, Allies and Confederates, as likewise those of the Great Sultan's also.  
That the Christians should again have the City of Vachia, which they should at their Pleasure keep and fortify, and that Strigonium, with all the Villages thereto belonging, should remain unto the Great Sultan; yet so, as that no man should be with any new Tribute oppressed; and that such as had been free from paying of Tribute, should still keep the same Privileges.  
And that the Turks should not exact their Tributes by the point of their Swords, but by the way of Justice, which they should commit unto the Discretion of Judges and Receivers to that end appointed, that so it might be paid without oppressing of the People, except haply they which should pay it, upon Presumption should deny it, or too long defer the Payment of it; in which case it should be lawful both for the one side and the other, to use such means as should seem unto them good for the obtaining thereof.  
These are the Articles of this Peace, 
Great Joy and Triumph in Hungary for the Peace concluded with the Turk.  which God turn to the Glory of his Name, and the benefit of the Christian Common-weal; and for which all the Towns of Hungary made great Joy and Triumph, which they declared by the thundering of their Cannons, which they in great number discharged, with many other Solemnities and Triumphs. The Commissioners themselves, in token of their conceived Joy, magnificently feasted one another also; which the Turks first began; and not content to have made them great cheer, gave unto our Commissioners great Presents also; for the Bassa of Buda gave unto Mollart, Althem, Turson, Is●u●n, Collonitz, Budian, Hendoc, Caesar Galen, and Eleschin, brave and courageous Horses most gallantly furnished; and to the rest exceeding rich Garments and Tapestry Hangings of great value. And as at the time of this Feast, the Troop of Mansfeld had by many Sallies and Volleys of shot given great Pleasure unto the Turks as they sat at the Table; Alla Bassa, to declare the Contentment and Pleasure he had therein received, sent to the Captain of this Troop two hundred Ducats, which he would not accept, requesting in stead of them to have delivered unto him a certain Captain by the Turks than kept Prisoner; whom the Bassa caused freely to be delivered unto him, and withal sent back again the two hundred Ducats to be divided among the Soldiers; which for all that Mansfeld refused, sending them back again unto the Bassa. After which Actions of Joy and Peace, every man returned home well content and pleased.  

The great Sultan giveth thanks to his Prophet Mahomet, for the Peace concluded with the Christians.  These things thus done, and the Peace confirmed, the Bassa of Buda forthwith sent his Ambassadors to Constantinople, certifying the Great Sultan of the Peace now made with the Christians; who thereof conceiving great Joy, with a number of Janissaries and others, in great Magnificence went to the Church, to give Thanks therefore unto his Prophet Mahomet, and spent the next day with great Sport and Pleasure, purposing from thenceforth to turn all his Force and Power for the suppressing of his Rebels in Asia, and the subduing of the Persian King.  
Now albeit that there was a Peace of late concluded with the Hungarians at Vienna, 
The Haiducks begin new stirs in Hungary.  (as is before declared) yet divers stirs and Tumults were nevertheless by the Haiducks in divers Places of the upper Hungary still raised; insomuch that about the end of November, the Inhabitants of the County of Bocotsie were through their Insolences enforced to join Battle with them, wherein a number on both sides were slain, and three Country Villages burnt; so that it should seem, no Peace can be so well and indifferently made, but that some will be still troubling and impugning the same.  
Shortly after, viz. the Thirteenth of December, Botscay calling together an Assembly of the Estates of Hungary, 
Botscay calleth an Assembly of the States of Hungary, and instructeth them what to do at their next general Assembly.  propounded to them to be considered of, first, That the late Revolt, almost generally made throughout all Hungary, with all the stirs and troubles thereby raised, had all been hitherto to no other end made, but for the defence of their Religion, and the maintenance of their ancient Liberty: Then, That whereas they by their general good liking had made choice of him for their Prince, and that hitherto he had done nothing without their knowledge and consent; and that even now at this present he was by their consent ready to depart from the Castles and free Cities in the upper Hungary; and had now sent his Letters unto the Archduke Mathias, for the sending of his Deputies to receive them; whether he should from thenceforth relinquish the Title of a Prince, or not. And that for as much as no War could be made without great harm doing, that he would therefore, for the avoiding of farther troubles about such matters, that a Decree should be made, That all such Wrongs and Injuries should be forgiven and forgotten, and that every man should still hold all such Goods, whether they were movable or immovable, during the time of this late War. He wished them also in the next general Assembly of the States, with all their Power and Endeavour, to urge the repealing of the Article concerning the burning of Heretics, with all other Articles contrary to their Religion; and not to remit any thing concerning the choice of their Palatine, as had in former time been used; neither in this next general Assembly of the Estates to neglect any thing which might seem to concern their Privileges and Liberty. And that therefore they should be careful to send thither Wise and powerful men, such as should not easily be overcome with the Clamours and Out-cries of the contrary Part. At length he wished them to consider of this also, how a true and sincere Confederation might be made betwixt Hungary and Transilvania, so that a safe and quiet Traffic and Commerce might in both Places be used.  
These things thus done, 
Botscay dyeth at Cassovia.  Botscay's sickness still more and more increasing upon him, so at length prevailed, that it made an end of him, to the great sorrow and grief of all the People in general, who had him in great Honour and Regard. He died at Cassovia the Thirtieth of December, in the Year 1606. He was honourably descended, and a Man of great Spirit, Ambitious, Wise, and Politic, a great lover of his Country, but an extreme Enemy unto the Germans, and their Government in Hungary.  
A little before his Death, he earnestly persuaded john janusie his Chancellor, to continue in his Allegiance to the Emperor, and not to raise new stirs, or so much as in him was, not to suffer any to be raised. Nevertheless, such his wholesome Counsel not regarded, there were some, who immediately after his death, were about to have raised new Forces, for to have seized upon Transilvania, and so to have stirred up new Troubles. For preventing whereof, Mathias the Archduke forthwith sent a Messenger unto the States of the upper Hungary; advising them, That the great harms and miseries considered which that part of Hungary had of late felt and endured, almost to the utter ruin and destruction thereof, (which proceeded not so much from the Wars with the Turks, as from their own civil Tumults and Seditions) they should from thenceforth give themselves to Quietness and Peace, and not again insolently to prescribe unto the Emperor what to do, or how he was to dispose of the Country of Transilvania; assuring them, that the Emperor would not hereafter wink at such their rebellious Plots and Devices, but forthwith turn all his Power and Forces to the utter destruction and rooting out of such rebellious and seditious Persons, the disturbers of the common Peace and Quiet. By which the Archdukes warning, some, otherwise ready enough to have raised new stirs and troubles, were not therein so forward as otherwise haply they would have been, but kept themselves quiet.  
Now many there were (and yet are) which much marvelled, 
The Emperor not to be blamed for making Peace with the Turks.  that the Christian Emperor would thus make Peace with the Great Sultan, (as is aforesaid) he being then so much troubled with Wars, both against his own Rebels, and the Persian King, in Asia, most part of his Forces being turned that way; so that a fitter time, or of more advantage, could not have been wished for the Emperor to have done great matters against him in, and not only to have holden his own (which he did not) in Hungary, but to have recovered some good part of his Losses there before received also. And indeed true it is, that the time then well served for both; but what availeth opportunity without Power? And had the Hungarians (the greatest strength the Emperor hath hitherto had for the defence of that little which is yet left of that so great a Kingdom) been at quiet, and at his Command, and he himself a Prince which had rested upon his own Strength and Power, ever at his pleasure to have been raised, and, as need should require, supplied, without depending upon his Friends and Allies; then haply it might have been in him accounted a great oversight to have omitted and overslipped so fair an opportunity. But the Hungarians, being than not only revolted from him, but taking part with the Turks, and the Turks with them, and he of himself with his own Power not able to hold the Field against them, or well to maintain a defensive War; and his Friends and Allies, his wont and greatest stays, then at his greatest need failing of him also, what should he in such a case do but as he did? to accept of a reasonable Peace whilst he might have it; especially against such an Enemy, as whose whole Power being turned against him, might have easily endangered his whole Estate. For it is not reasonably to be thought, how the Emperor should of himself, without the great Aid of the other Christian Princes, his Friends and Allies, be able to withstand the huge and dreadful Power of the Ottoman Emperor; as (without ominous Presage be it spoken) it is to be feared it will too true appear, whensoever his Wars and Troubles in the East being ended, he shall again turn his Forces this way toward the West.  
year 1607 Now Botscay was no sooner dead, but that some others of the Nobility, both of Hungary and Transilvania (happily no less ambitious than was he) began by divers means to seek after and to aspire to that Principality. Of whom, though some, either with the weakness of their own means, or with the threats of Mathias the Archduke, deterred, ceased farther to seek after it; yet were there some others, who better supported, and nothing afraid of the Archdukes great Words, laboured under hand to have obtained it. For the crossing of whom, and the avoiding of farther Troubles to be raised by these ambitious Competitors, certain of the Nobility of Transilvania gathered together at Claudianople, the Twelfth of February, made choice of Sigis●und Ragotsie for their Governor, 
Sigismond Ragotsie chosen Prince of Transilvania, afterward yieldeth up the same Principality again.  and their Prince of Transilvania, and the more to assure him of their love and affection towards him, bound themselves unto him by the Oath of their Allegiance solemnly taken in the chief Church there. And afterward sent Messengers to the Archduke Mathias at Vienna, to certify him what they had done, and to excuse themselves thereof; who coming to Presburg the Twelfth of March, there openly protested this Election of Ragotsie for their Prince to have been made, not for that they were about to rebel, or to revolt from the Emperor, whom they would always acknowledge for their Sovereign Lord; but for that their necessity so required, many of the Nobility both of Transilvania and of Hungary gaping after this Principality, and going about for the obtaining thereof, to raise new stirs and troubles. Howbeit, the same Ragotsie, afterward doubting not to be able, without great trouble and danger, besides the Emperor's displeasure, to hold the same Principality, of his own accord, about a year after, gave the same up again, and got himself out of the way to Sarentum, who was no sooner gone, but that Gabriel Bathor was about to have stepped into his Place; unto whom the States of Transilvania sent word by two of the Noblemen, That the free Election of the Prince belonged to them, and that therefore he should not seek by force to intrude himself into the Principality, but quietly to come unto the Election, and not to bring with him above a thousand Horsemen, and five hundred Foot.  
About this time, the strong Town of Newhuse (otherwise called Newheusel) the last year so hardly won by the Hungarian Rebels was again delivered to Sigefrid Collonitz, 
Newhuse again delivered unto the Emperor.  for the Emperor; who, shortly after coming to Vienna, brought news of a great number of the Turks to have risen up in Rebellion at Belgrade, to have rifled the Town, and to have burnt another Town, called Alischria, down to the ground, and so with a great Prey to be gone over to the Rebels; and also Redeius, Botscay's Lieutenant, in going to take Possession of certain Lands given him by Botscay, to have been by his own Tenants, lying in wait for him upon a straight Passage, slain.  
Amongst the Articles of the Peace before concluded betwixt the Emperor and the Great Sultan, one was for the mutual sending of Presents one of them unto another; with which Presents, when as the Ambassador, by the Emperor appointed for the carriage of the same to Constantinople, from day to day deferred to set forward, the Turks and Tartars began to doubt, or else seemed to doubt, of the good meaning of the Christians, for the observing of the aforesaid Peace; and thereupon began again not only to roam abroad into the Territories of the Christians, but also caused the Pledges left at Buda for the observing of the Peace, to be hardly handled and clapped fast in Prison; whom, whenas the Bassa of Buda shortly after suffered again a little to walk abroad, the proud Janissaries were therewith so much offended, that rising in a Tumult, they had almost slain the Bassa with Stones, 
The Janissaries in Mutiny against the Bassa of Buda.  heaping upon him many reproachful Words, and unto his Face calling him Traitor and betrayer of his Prince and Country, one of which Pledges they grievously wounded also. Which their Insolency the Bassa in some sort to chastise, and to deter them from doing the like again, caused certain of them the Night following to be secretly taken, and being bound, to be so cast into the River of Danubius. And yet shortly after, they purposing to make a Road upon the Christians, to colour such harms as they should therein do, and to lay all the blame thereof upon the Christians, and to excuse themselves, they procured the Bassa to write unto the Archduke Mathias, 
The effect of the Letters of the Bassa of Buda to the Archduke Mathias.  of great wrongs done unto the Turks by the Christians, whenas there was no such thing at all; the effect of which Letters were, That whereas it was in the Articles of Peace set down and agreed, that both Parties should abstain from Roads and Incursions of each others Countries, yet that the Christians for all that had above an hundred times since the conclusion of the Peace, made Roads into divers Territories of the Turks, and slain many of them; but especially them of Leoven and Serschin, who (as they said) had slain divers Turkish Merchants of Pesth, and taken from them great sums of Money; as they had also taken from them of Potsen a hundred and twenty Horses, with divers other cattle. Besides that, there were (as he said) four Turks more by the Christians slain, near unto Canisia, and eight and twenty more taken Prisoners; and that in the midway betwixt Hatwan and Buda five and twenty Turks more were slain, and their Horses, with all that they had beside carried away. Which things, for that they tended to the breach of the Peace, he could not (as he said) but advertise his Highness of, for that he thought the Christian Captains upon the borders of their Territories to be men that hated Peace, and to seek by their Excursions, as heretofore they had done, so now likewise also, to disturb this good Work begun, and by all means to increase their own private Profit. And that therefore, seeing that he and the Turks on their part wished not to attempt or go about any thing contrary to the Articles of the Peace, that so likewise the Christians should contain themselves within their own bounds, and with all speed by Letters to give him to understand whether they would keep the Peace or not.  
The Great Sultan (as is aforesaid) having made Peace with the Christian Emperor, and now purposing to turn all his Forces against his Rebels in Asia, and the Persian King, (as we have oftentimes said) and desirous to appease those his Troubles at home, before he had farther to do with the Persian, he sent a Messenger unto the Bassa of Aleppo, to lay down Arms, and to deliver over his charge unto another, to whom he had appointed the same; promising, that if he would show himself obedient unto this his Command, he would not only pardon him all that was past, but receive him into his Grace and Favour also. Whereunto the Bassa answered, That he had never taken up Arms against his Majesty, but to be revenged on the Bassas of Tripoli and Damascus, his sworn Enemies; who once taken out of the way, he would not only yield himself unto his Majesty, but redeliver also the Tribute sent him from Cairo and Alexandria▪ by him before intercepted, and (if he so pleased to employ him▪) to bring great Forces in his Service against the Persian King. With which answer, the Sultan not contented, shortly after sent the Visier Bassa with a great Army against the Rebels into Asia; 
The Rebels in the lesser Asia by the Visier Bassa appeased.  who, by his Wisdom and Discretion, more than by force of Arms, having appeased the Rebels in the lesser Asia, and received certain of the chiefest of them into his favour, with an Army of an hundred and thirty thousand men marched directly towards Aleppo in Syria. Of whose coming, the Bassa of Aleppo having intelligence, with an Army of forty thousand men, most part of them Harquebusiers, went against him, and in a place of advantage, not past two miles from the City, there encountered him, 
The Bassa of Aleppo, after three notable encounters with the Visier, flieth.  and in three notable Battles one after another, withstood his whole Forces. But making himself ready to have encountered him the fourth time, understanding of great aid coming to the Visier from the Bassas of Damascus and Tripoli, he with speed retired, and returning into the City, and having trussed up his Treasure, with such things as he made most reckoning of, fled into the Mountains towards Persia, with the greatest part of his Army yet left still following him. After which unfortunate Battle, the Visier Bassa with his Army coming unto the City, at length by force took the same, and there, to the terror of the Inhabitants, put to the sword all the Garrison soldiers which the Bassa had there left.  
But the Bassa, purposing with new Forces to have encountered with the Visier, finding himself, together with his better Fortune, forsaken by many of his former Friends and Companions, did think it best at length to take his refuge unto the mercy of the Great Sultan; and so resolved, by Letters requested the Visier Bassa to write in his behalf unto the Sultan; and so, if it were possible, 
The Bassa of Aleppo pardoned by the Great Sultan, and received again into favour.  to procure his peace. Which the Visier having easily obtained, he was by Letters from the Great Sultan sent for to Constantinople, with assured promise, that he should be employed in service against the Persian King. Upon receipt of which Letters, the Bassa with an hundred horse set forward; and coming to Constantinople, there, in the presence of many other of the Bassas, humbled himself unto the Sultan; who not only kept his promise with him in pardoning of him, but also, in regard of the ancient Family whereof he was descended, as also of his great valour and fair conditions, received him again into his favour, and caused all the goods taken from him in Syria, to be again restored unto him.  

The great Sultan seeketh in vain by the means of the Tartar to make peace with the Persian.  Now in the mean time the great Sultan had, by the means of the great Cham of Tartary, endeavoured to make peace with the Persian King, but all in vain; for that he demanded the City of Tauris, with all the Provinces before taken from him by the Persians, to be again restored unto him; which the Persian King utterly denied, for as much as he had now by force of Arms recovered the same, 
The Letters of the Persian King unto the King of Spain.  and which in former time belonged unto his Ancestors. At which time the said Persian K●ng, the more to entangle the Turk, writ unto the King of Spain, for the turning of his Forces also against the Turk, their common Enemy; the Letters being to this effect: That though they were in Religion divided, yet that in Power and in common hatred against the Ottoman Empire they were conjoined: and that he, considering the greatness of his Power and Arms, whereby he was become his Neighbour in the East, could not but most entirely love and favour him; and that therefore he had commanded all his Provinces, as well in India as in other places thereabouts, that they should show unto his Subjects all manner of courtesy, and to demand of them no Tribute. And that he, having by force recovered the Fortress of Aden, which Solyman the Turkish Sultan had sometime by Treason surprised, had appointed the same unto the service of the Spanish Governor dwelling in Go●. And that his pleasure was, That all the Christians dwelling in his Kingdom should enjoy the same liberty and privileges which his own faithful Subjects had. And besides declared, that he had now for seven years' space made continual Wars against the Turkish Sultan, who had by Treason taken from him the stron● Town of Chiamon, for the recovery whereof, he had now divers times overthrown his Armies. But for as much as he was determined to make no end of this War, until he had driven the Sultan out of those parts of the East, and recovered the Seat of Ishmael and juchel, his Ancestors in Babylon and Cairo, he therefore requested him, being a King of so great power, to join in League with him, and to send his dreadful Fleet into the Persian Gulf; promising, that by such means, the Ottoman Power driven out, he could easily make himself Lord of Syria and of Egypt. Last of all, he reckoneth up the Presents he sent him, to wit, the Images of Ishmael, juchel and of jonas, together with his own, cast in gold, and set with most rich precious Stones and Pearls; a Persian writing Table, garnished with fair precious Stones, four Dogs, by nature wonderfully spotted with red, yellow, and blue spots, two pieces of Arras, adorned with most precious Stones and Pearl, wherein the worthy Acts of him that great Tamerlane were lively to be seen: four Hunter's horns very smooth and richly garnished; twelve most gallant Plumes of Feathers of divers colours: six Drinking-glasses which could not be broken, and Couch-beds so cunningly made, as that they were like unto Chairs, having wrought in them the ancient Wars betwixt Ascanius and Chiusa King of the Medes.  
Now the Emperor, for the better appeasing of all former troubles, and the preventing of new, 
The States of Hungary about to depart from Presburg, by the persuasion of the Archbishop there stayed.  and the better assurance of the State, had, about the middle of August, called an Assembly of the States of Hungary to Presburg; whither they being come, and having long in vain expected the coming of Mathias the Archduke, by the Emperor appointed to have been Precedent in that Assembly, were, in the beginning of September, about to have returned home, but that, requested by the Archbishop to stay yet fifteen days longer, they were contented so to do; but yet upon condition, That if the Archduke than came not, they should not be bound to stay any longer: For why, they, by Letters certified of the attempts of the Tartars, (who had requested to have a place in the Borders of Hungary appointed them to dwell in) were desirous in any wise to have that Assembly of Parliament put off to a farther time, that so they might the better betime prevent and meet with such the Tartars Designs, whom they were loath to have for their bad and troublesome Neighbours. And now the Turks in the mean time, in hopes that the Peace betwixt them and the Christians would not long hold, were come to Buda in such multitudes, that the houses in the Town being not able to hold them, 
The Turks in great numbers repair to Buda.  they were glad to set up Tents for them to lie in within the City; for that the Bassa would not suffer them to set up any Tents abroad in the Fields, lest the Christians should suspect them to be about the raising of an Army, and so to disturb the Peace.  

The States of Hungary depart from Presburg without any thing doing.  But the States of Hungary, having stayed full fifteen days, as the Archbishop had requested, and the Archduke not coming; made a solemn Protestation before the Chapter of the Cathedral Church at Presburg, that they departed from Presburg, and so returned home, not upon any discontentment or Contumacy, but for want of things necessary, and other their urgent Occasions, (having above seven weeks expected the Archdukes coming, without whom nothing could be done) and yet, that if it should please the Emperor by solemn Summons at any time after to call another Parliament, they would be ready upon any such Summons given, to return again to Presburg, and there to consult of all such things as should be for the good and welfare of the Common-weal; so that nothing were propounded contrary to the Articles they the year before agreed upon at Vienna, which they would have in all points kept whole and inviolate; so that if any man should go about or attempt any thing in disposing and ordering of the Public Affairs contrary to that Agreement, they would not in any wise ratify the same, although it were by the Emperor himself allowed; which their Protestation they requested to have registered, and sealed with the Chapters Seal, and so, not having done any thing at all for which they came, again returned.  

The Haiducks go about to raise new stirs in Hungary.  After whose departure from Presburg, the Haiducks, (Men used to live by their Swords, and not by their Labour) of all others most discontented with this general Peace, began now to raise new stirs and Tumults, and daily to grow stronger and stronger, craving Aid of the Turks and Tartars, and not of the other Hungarians their Countrymen, now again returned to their wont Allegiance unto the Christian Emperor; a number of which Haiducks flocking to Buda, the Bassa there, with some other of the Turks Captains and Commanders, entered into Consultation what to do with these so fit Instruments for the troubling of the Christians, and the disturbing of the Peace. To entertain them he durst not, and to cast them off he was loath; but yet purposing to use them, and to set them a work as occasion should serve, he, to prepare an entrance thereunto, by Letters threatened them of Comora, that except they better kept the Capitulations and Articles of the late Peace, they should shortly hear of new matters. 
The Bassa of Buda forbidden to make Wars upon the Christians.  But in the mean time, Letters were sent from the Great Sultan to the Bassa of Buda, with charge, that although the Christians were reported to increase their strength, he should yet keep himself within his bounds, and to attempt nothing against them, except they should proceed to manifest force; in which case he should not fail by all lawful means to revenge himself. Which the Sultan's mind once made known, the Turks again departed from Buda, most part of the great Ordnance that they brought with them being carried back again to Sigeth.  
But the States of Hungary, being returned home from Presburg, 
An Assembly of the States of the upper Hungary, and the decrees by them there made.  and again Assembled, the Fourteenth day of October, by their general consent, decreed, That Tokay should again be joined unto their Jurisdiction; and that the great Ordnance, throughout all the free Cities should be removed and carried home unto the Places whereunto they before belonged: That the Vayvod of Transilvania should be admonished not to separate Transilvania from Hungary: That the Bassa of Buda should be warned to keep his Turks within their own bounds: And that the Nobility of Hungary should betime be admonished with all their force to repress the Haiducks, and all other their Enemies. Howbeit, 
The Haiducks conspire against the Germans.  the Haiducks proceeding in their insolent Outrages more than before, took certain Forts, and with Fire and Sword spoilt many Places of the Country, causing the People to swear to be Friends to them and the Turks, and Enemies unto the Germans and Walloons; and demanding of Humanoius the Crown wherewith Botscay had sometime been rewarded from the Grand Signior, had a purpose to have crowned him, or some other for their King; who for all that, by a Messenger sent word unto them, that he would not at their hands accept that Dignity, but faithfully continue in his Allegiance toward the Emperor. 
The Turks further the insolent attempts of the Haiducks.  But when the States of the upper Hungary were about to have gone against these seditious and rebellious People to have surprised them; they were from so doing deterred by the Bassa of Agria, threatening with his Turks and Tartars to take their parts if they should once take up Arms against them.  
About the same time, six hundred Haiducks going to the Castle of Saint Andrew, and coming thither could not be let in by the Garrison Soldiers, as they had desired; and perceiving them to make no reckoning of their Service, could no longer hold, but openly professed themselves to become the Great Sultan's Servants; who from thence marching to Budnok, took it by force, and ransacked it; and so still seeking after Booty, ran out towards Tockay, where by the way they were in a straight by Humanoius, lying in wait for them, entrapped, and almost all slain; 
Six hundred Haiducks intercepted by Humanoius  who afterward sent two of the Turks Ensigns taken from them to Vienna, and to the terror of others, empailed some of them upon Stakes, being brought Prisoners to Cassovia. For which unfortunate Expedition, some other of the Haiducks lighting upon two of the Captains, who by chance had escaped out of Humanoius' hands, put them both to death for the evil leading of their fellows, hanging up the one, and with their Swords hewing the other all to pieces. Now by the report of some of the Prisoners there taken, it was known this new Rebellion of the Haiducks to have been raised by the procurement of the Bassas of Buda and Agria, 
The Haiducks in their Rebellionsupported by the Turks.  who by their Messengers had promised unto them all help. Which Report to have been true, the Event did shortly after confirm; for the 27 th' day of November almost fifteen thousand of these Haiducks, having before received from the Great Sultan three hundred thousand Ducats for Pay, came and most straight besieged Filek, a strong Castle, the Turks sending them great Ordnance from Agria; unto whom these Haiducks had promised to deliver all such Places as they should win. Howbeit, the Event of this siege answered not their desire; for Thomas Bosnias, Captain of Filek, with his Garrison all of Germane Soldiers, so valiantly repulsed them, and the extremity of the Winter-weather so distressed them, that they were glad to raise their siege, and be gone.  
Now much about the same time, viz▪ about the beginning of November, 
A great Fire at Constantinople.  a great Fire arose at Constantinople, wherein almost five hundred Shops of Wares, with many other fair Buildings were burnt, so that the harm there by fire done was esteemed to amount to above two millions of Gold.  
At the same time that the Assembly of the States of Hungary should have been holden at Presburg, (as is before declared) the Emperor had appointed also another Assembly of the Nobility and States of Austria to be holden at Vienna; where, after they were assembled, 
An Assembly of the States of Austria, and the Emperor's demands therein.  certain Articles were unto them on the Emperor's behalf propounded for them in that Assembly then to consider of; as first, that for the keeping of the Frontiers of Austria in quiet, the Contribution by them granted among themselves the last year, should this year following be doubled. Then, that if it should fortune the Enemy to attempt any thing of new against that Province, that instead of the Horses and Money which they were wont to send unto the Wars, they should for the space of twelve Months, or of the greatest part thereof, as occasion should require, of their own costs maintain ten Companies of Germane Footmen, every Company being three hundred strong; and as many Troops of Germane Horsemen, every Troop consisting of an hundred Horse. And, that if for the better defence of the Borders of Austria there should happily need a greater strength, the same should be raised in no other sort than was used in Hungary, nor at greater charges maintained. And, that if it should continue Peace, these charges should be converted to the payment of the Soldier's Wages: And that the States and other Subjects of that Province should so much as might be, be eased from the trouble of sending either of Horse or Foot for the defence of the Frontiers. Thirdly, that Commissaries should be maintained this year also to attend the Army, and certain skilful Captains appointed for the choosing of a fit General for the Army. That diligent regard and care should be had for the Provision of Corn and Victuals for the use of the People in General, as well in the time of Peace as of War. And that forasmuch as it much concerned the good of the Common-weal, to have the Frontiers of the Country toward Canisia diligently viewed, for fear of the Turks great Garrison there still lying, that therefore certain good and expert Soldiers, which knew those places well, should be chosen, who, together with the Deputies of the Emperor, Hungarians, and Stirians, riding about these Confines, should forthwith consider what were best to be done for the safety thereof. In brief, seeing that on the safety of Rab, the welfare of the City of Vienna, and of the Forts thereabouts depended, that for the repairing of the Fortifications thereof, and the better strengthening of the same, the sum of four thousand Florins should be appointed; and for the defence of the Frontiers of Austria from the incursion of the Turks Garrison of Canisia, five thousand; and for the furthering of the Buildings at Nustorfe, five thousand more should be paid; and that those who hitherto had been slack in paying of their Contribution Money, should forthwith be enforced to pay the same. And also that it might be considered of, how that too much enhancing of the value of Monies might be restrained; that good orders might be kept; all the Country cleared from the Robberies of the Soldiers, straggling here and there up and down the same; that the counterfeit Hungarian and Polonian Money should be prohibited, as not current; that good order might be taken for the staying of the Plague, which then began in many Places in Austria. 
The Assembly broken up, and nothing concluded.   
Concerning which Articles, when as the States there assembled complained, all that Country to be with the long Wars against the Turk, the Incursions of the Rebels, and the Outrages of the mutinous Soldiers, already almost exhausted, and miserably bared of Money; no resolution could then, according as the Necessity required, be made, but was unto a further time deferred, and the Assembly broken up.  
The Emperor at the same time appointed a Diet of the Empire to be holden at Ratisbone; year 1608 wherein he, having appointed Ferdinand, 
A Diet of the Empire by the Emperor appointed at Ratisbone.  Archduke of Austria, to be chief in his place, he with a notable train of seven hundred Horse, and a gallant guard of Footmen, came thither the eight and twentieth of November, and was there by the Citizens honourably received. Unto which Assembly, when as the Deputies of the Electors, and of the other Princes and Cities of the Empire, were in great number come, at length, the twelfth of january, Divine Service being done in the Cathedral Church, Ferdinand the Archduke, with his Courtiers, the Emperor's Counsellors, and other the Prince's Deputies being there present, taking Horse before the Church, with a great company of the Nobility and Princes Deputies following of him, went to the Court; the Citizens in their Arms standing on both sides; where Godfrey Ortelius, the Emperor's Secretary, having in a notable Oration set forth the Emperor's Love and Affection towards the Electors, Princes, and States of the Empire; and why, the Emperor himself could not be present at this Assembly, as willingly he would have been; he propounded in his Name five Articles for them in this their Assembly to be especially considered of. First, 
The Articles by the Emperor propounded to be considered of in the Diet of the Empire at Ratisbone.  how the Empire might hereafter be preserved and defended against the Violence of the Turks, and the dangerous rebellions by their procurement stirred up in Hungary, to the endangering of the whole Empire; especially seeing that the Turks themselves (with whom the Peace was of late concluded) by their doings had heretofore more than sufficiently declared what trust or credit was to be given unto them; and seeing that it is most manifest, them therein to have sought for nothing else, than that having made or rather counterfeited a Peace with the Christians for a time, for the suppressing of the Rebels, and the repressing of the Invasions of the Persians, they might after such Victory against them obtained, come better provided and stronger to overcome the Christians. Which was easy to be seen; for that whilst they were yet entreating of Peace, they had taken Strigonium, and having concluded Peace, they ceased not as yet with their Counsel and Aid to help the Rebels in their rebellious Tumults; which was manifestly to be perceived by the Haiducks themselves, who were not ashamed openly to profess themselves to be the Great Sultan's Servants, to require Cities and Fortresses to be yielded unto the Sultan, and to conspire against the very name of the Germans. For the speedy Remedy of which mischief, the Emperor had thought good, that consideration of this point should so be had, as that the Princes should either consent unto a certain standing and perpetual Contribution, whereby a sufficient strength might always be ready wherewith to withstand the Enemy's attempts; or else that for certain years twenty thousand Foot men, and four thousand Horse might there be still in readiness, to be maintained at the common charges of the Empire; which the Emperor (need so requiring) might use against the common Enemy. Or, that if this were heavy or troublesome unto the States of the Empire, yet at least they should consent yearly to contribute such Money as might suffice for the sustaining of such a Power. Another point of this Conclusion, was, about the correcting and reforming of the administration of Justice in the Imperial Chamber. For, seeing that in the former Assemblies and meetings this matter could not be fully decided, by reason of certain hindrances and impediments which then fell out, and that without the due Administration and Execution of Justice no Empire could long stand or flourish, no more than the World could without the Sun; his Imperial Majesty therefore would not have the Deliberation of this so necessary a point to be put off or referred unto any other Assembly, but to be done and concluded in this present Assembly. The third point to be considered of was, the War which hath been now so many years made in the Low-Countries, and the inconveniency thereof redounding unto the Empire. For whereas in the Treaty of Peace in the Low-Countries, (at which Treaty both he and the whole Empire ought to have been there present) for the better concluding and ending of the same, he had heard the confederate Princes to be now acknowledged for a free State, he could not now any longer (as he said) forbear, but that (seeing the Low-Countries to be a member and Fee of the Empire, and by the ancient Records of the Empire, and of the Emperors, and by many other Proofs it appeareth, the Governors of the Low-Countries to have been Vassals of the Empire) he should by Letters which were written unto the King of Spain, the Archduke Albertus, and the States of the confederate Provinces, admonish them, That they should not proceed to do or determine any thing in this matter, which might any way tend to the hurt or prejudice of the Emperor, of the Empire, and of the House of Austria. And forasmuch as that War in the Low-Countries had hitherto done no small harm unto the Empire, if happily it could not be agreed upon between the Parties, and that it should happen the same War to be any longer continued, or rather again renewed, it should then be considered upon, how the Empire might be satisfied for the great harm it had until this present thereby received, and how it might be from the like harm hereafter kept and preserved. The fourth point in this Consultation, which was to be considered of, concerned the Coyn. For whereas it is manifest, that the value of the Money to be daily more and more enhanced and raised, and that thereby not only the Magistrates in the public Recipt, but the Subjects also in general received great and manifest harm, forasmuch as the price of such necessary things which we must in this Life have ordinary use of, must of necessity be still more and more increased, according to the value of the Money, the Emperor thought good with mature Deliberation to remedy this mischief in this present Assembly of the Empire. The fifth and last point which was to be considered upon, was, the perfecting of the Matriculer of the Empire, for the giving unto every Man that which of due belongeth unto him; the perfecting of which Matriculer, the Emperor would have in this Assembly to be amongst them considered of.  
Which Articles thus propounded, there fell a great Controversy amongst the Deputies of the Princes concerning the manner of their proceeding in these matters: as whether they should consider of these Articles in such order as they were propounded, or otherwise. And when as many thought it best first to consider of the Article for the Reformation of Justice, being the second Article propounded to be considered of, and afterwards to come unto the rest of the Articles to be afterward consulted of; when as the two and twentieth day of january they came again to Council, a Writing was by the Emperors command read unto them, whereby it was signified unto the States of the Empire, the rebellious Tumults by Botscay and some others raised in Hungary to be yet by the Haiducks continued, the Sultan himself sending of them Rewards, and furnishing them with Ordnance and other things necessary for the Wars, by the Governor of Agria, and the Bassa of Buda, threatening all Extremities unto them which should go about to resist them; and then augmenting the danger which thereby might ensue unto the Empire, and especially unto the Germane Name, seeing that it was manifest those rebellious Haiducks to have especially conspired the Destruction of the Germans, and to have confirmed that their League, by drinking of an Health: It was requested, that leaving off these Contentions for the manner of their Proceeding, they would turn their Consultations unto the first Article, and resolve how Remedy might in time be given unto this mischief, and how Aid might be sent unto the Emperor against his Enemies.  
But when as in their often meetings nothing could be concluded, 
The Deputies for the States of the Empire, in the Assembly at Ratisbone, at variance among themselves.  by reason of the divers and different Opinions betwixt the Protestants and Catholics, Ferdinand the Archduke again calling together the Deputies of the Electors, of the Princes, and of the Imperial Cities, caused it by Letters to be declared unto them, How that the Emperor, not without his great Grief and Sorrow had heard, That for certain dissensions among them they could not yet come to consult of the Articles propounded in that Assembly to be by them considered of, but to his great Grief to be from day to day protracted; and that therefore he requested them, That either they themselves would quietly end those Dissensions amongst themselves, or else send their Differences, conceived in Writing, unto the Emperor to be decided, and so at length to come effectually to consult of the propounded Articles. And indeed the Deputies aforesaid had in Writing before exhibited their Minds concerning that point, for the manner of their Proceeding, unto the Archduke Ferdinand. But forasmuch as that Writing was according to the manner of the Catholics and the Protestants, of two different sorts; the former thinking it meet to consult of the aforesaid Articles in such order as they were propounded, and first of all, to consider of the Contribution to be given against the Turks, and other Enemies in Hungary; but the other labouring, first for the Reformation of Justice, and the confirming of the Peace of Religion; and afterward to provide for Aid against the foreign Enemies, that so Remedy might first be provided for inward, than for outward Griefs; especially seeing that they had no express Commandment first to determine of the Contribution. Unto whom the Archduke by Writing again answered, That he had received no other Instruction from the Emperor, then that he should consult of the aforesaid Articles, with the Deputies there present, in such order as they were propounded: Neither that it was convenient, that the first Article concerning Contribution being neglected, they should proceed unto the second, seeing that the Enemies might easily, by the delay of putting off the same in effect take occasion in the mean time to do the Christians great harm. Besides that, that he had sufficiently protested, That Consultation concerning the Reformation of Justice should in this present Assembly be had also; neither that it was the Emperor's mind to have it deferred unto any other Assembly. Wherefore he exhorted the Protestants, That they should forthwith endeavour by their Letters unto the Electors & Princes, and other their Superiors, to obtain leave, that they might first determine some certainty about the first Article concerning Contribution; that so giving way to the Opinion of the other party, they might instantly prepare themselves for the making of the Contribution. Howbeit, this his persuasion prevailed nothing, by reason of their Discord and Dissension about the order of their Consultation; the one part still labouring for the Contribution to be first agreed upon, and the other part holding as hard for the Reformation of Justice; so that Ferdinand the Archduke, out of hope of concluding any thing that good was, 
The Diet of the States of the Empire at Ratisbone broken off, and nothing concluded.  not in vain to spend his cost and time any longer, the fifth of May dismissed the Assembly, and returned home, as did all the rest of the Electors and Princes Deputies, no one Article that was propounded being so much as once reasoned of, but all left undecided; so small care was there of the common good, either for the raising of Money for the withstanding of the Turks and Rebels, or for the Reformation of Justice; the Necessity of both, either on the one side or the other, so hardly urged, and yet in Conclusion be neither respected or regarded.  
Whilst the Diet to no purpose (as is aforesaid) was by the Archduke Ferdinand holden at Ratisbone, 
Mathias the Archduke cometh to Presburg.  Marthias the Archduke, with a grait Train following of him, came in the mean time to Presburg, where he was with much Joy and Triumph received; the Garrison Soldiers in order standing on both sides the way as he went unto the Castle: Napragius the Bishop of Rab, with an eloquent Oration welcoming of him, in the presence of certain of the Hungarian Nobility, who had gone out as far as Hainburg to meet him, and now also honourably welcomed him, much rejoicing at his coming. The next day the Archbishop, and Cardinal of Strigonium, with a notable Train of Hungarian Gentlemen came to Presburg; who, forthwith received into the Castle, and having saluted the Archduke, conferred with him of many things in this Assembly to be consulted of. In the mean time Illishascius (that Noble Hungarian of whom we have so often spoken) arrived there also with twelve Coaches, ninety Harquebusiers, and forty Hungarian Horsemen going before him, and three hundred Haiducks which had attended upon him, being at the Gate dismissed. So the chief of the Hungarian States being come, the Consultation was begun the three and twentieth day of january; where, when as the Archduke had propounded unto the Hungarian Nobility, what things they were especially to consider of; it was by them answered, The Haiducks, before their coming out, to have determined, not one whit to depart from the Articles the year before propounded and agreed on at Vienna; nor to admit any limitation at all of them, so that for the appeasing of the Tumults of the Haiducks, there was no need of any new Consultation, but only to confirm such things as was then and there consulted and agreed upon. From which their Resolution, when as the Hungarians were not to be removed, and being grieved with the scoffing at of certain of the Clergy (thereupon refusing in any wise to make their appearance, as they were commanded, before the Cardinal in the Castle) were about again to depart, making a solemn Protestation, themselves to be guiltless of such harms as should thereof afterwards ensue; it was at length on all parts agreed upon, 
Commissioners appointed for the appeasing of the new Troubles in Hungary.  That the whole matter should be committed unto ten chosen out of the Hungarian Counsellors, and ten more of the Counsellors of Austria, to be consulted and determined of. By whom, being met all together the eight and twentieth day of january, in the House of Illishascius, it was concluded, That seeing that Peace and Quietness in those Countries of Hungary and Austria, could not otherwise be made, that those Articles and Conditions, concerning which no Agreement could the year before be made in the Treaty at Vienna, being quite left off and neglected, the rest of the Articles which were there agreed upon, should be still entirely observed and kept; and that it should be lawful for every man to have the free Exercise of his Religion. Which thing the Commissioners of Austria by a special Writing there confirmed unto the Hungarians. Whereby they declared themselves, after long and mature deliberation, to have perceived, not only by the true relation and report of the Hungarians, but also by their own experience, unto how great Inconveniencies the whole Kingdom of Hungary hath of long been exposed, as well for the Wars it hath had with the common Enemy of the Christians, as for divers the civil Tumults and Seditions therein; and that therefore they, not willing that such harms should in those Countries again increase and grow, to the infinite effusion of Christian Blood, after the Articles of Pacification agreed upon at Vienna, saw no other better Remedy for these so great Inconveniencies, than that all Parties should still hold themselves contented with the same Articles of Pacification concluded and agreed upon in the said Assembly at Vienna. And that therefore they had decreed, those Articles to be sincerely and inviolately kept; and promised unto the States of Hungary, to give their Aid for the defence of these Articles, against all their Enemies, being ready to give good reason thereof before God, the Church, the Emperor Rodolph, the Archduke Mathias, and his other Brethren, and all the House of Austria, as the Necessity of those Countries should seem to require; hoping also that the States of Hungary would rest themselves likewise in that Pacification of Vienna, and the assurance thereof, in all points observing the same; and that they would always give their ready Help and Aid unto the Countries of Austria against their Enemies in like manner. All which things thus agreed upon and determined, 
Letters of Confederation betwixt the States of Austria and Hungary, for the maintaining of the Articles of Pacification agreed upon at Vienna.  Letters of Confederation were in the Name of Mathias the Archduke, and of all, as well the Ecclesiastical as Temporal States of Hungary and Austria, to this purpose written, That whereas, for the appeasing and suppressing of the Tumults and Seditions, which the Haiducks by the Instigation of the Turks had of late not doubted to raise, for the concluding of Peace with the Great Sultan; they were met together at Presburg, and therein altogether busied, to devise how the Kingdom of Hungary, with the Countries adjoining, might from Destruction be delivered, in the Christian Religion preserved, and from wasting and spoiling, whereunto they had hitherto been exposed, saved; upon mature Deliberation, had as well in the Name of them that were present, as of them that were absent, made such a Confederation and League, That if hereafter it should fortune any detriment of War to be by any man made or done unto the Hungarians, or the Countries thereabout, for the aforesaid Articles of Pacification, which they had determined religiously to keep, that they would forthwith with their united Forces come to Aid their Confederate Brethren, and together with them to live or die.  
With these Letters signed and sealed with the hand of the Archduke, and of the Noble Men there present, the first of February, Illishascius, with George Turson, were sent unto the Tumultuous Haiducks (who had now appointed their Messages to be sent unto the Sultan and the Tartar Cham, to crave their Aid) to dissuade them from such their purpose, and to persuade them to quietness; threatening them withal, That if they would not hearken unto such honest Conditions, they should all together, and at once, be set upon and oppressed by the whole Power of the States.  
The Assembly at Presburg thus ended, Mathias the Archduke returning to Vienna, and forthwith calling together the States of Enseric, 
The States of Enseric commanded by the Archduke Mathias to be always in a readiness against the Haiducks.  declared unto them all that was done in the Assembly at Presburg. And for as much as that Assembly was chiefly to that end appointed, That the Kingdom of Hungary should not altogether be plucked away from the Empire; and that after the revolt thereof, the greatest harm to be done by the Incursions and spoiling of the Enemies, would lie upon the Countries of Austria; he advised them so to look unto themselves, and carefully to provide for the Common-weal, as that having Money always in readiness to maintain an Army, they might with all convenient speed go to meet with the Haiducks, if haply they would not conform themselves unto the Articles of the Pacification, but again raise new Broils; that so they might defend and preserve their Country from their Outrages.  

The Prince of Valachia dieth, whose Widow notably preserveth the Country for her Son.  About the beginning of this Spring, when as Jerome Prince of Valachia was dead, leaving behind him a Son but thirteen years old, the Emperor admitted him, as yet not capable of the Government, under Tutors, unto the Succession of his Heritage. Which thing the Null being by no means willing to endure, and bearing themselves upon the help of the Turks, went about to make choice of another instead of their Prince of late dead. For which cause, the Princess, Widow, by Letters certified Polloscie, her Son in Law, of this Outrage and Injury of her Subjects; and having obtained of him a great sum of Money, and therewith raised an Army of ten thousand good Soldiers, went forth against the Null, and in open field overcame them, in so bloody and terrible a Battle, that having slain five thousand of the Null and Turks, she had over them a notable Victory, and by that means preserved the Principality of that Country for her Son.  
The Great Duke of Florence had hitherto done great harm with his Fleet unto the Turks in the Mediterranean Sea; 
〈◊〉 Duke 〈…〉 by 〈◊〉 Turks 〈◊〉 spare 〈…〉.  for which cause, a Messenger about this time coming unto him in the Great Sultan's Name, promised him great Matters, if he would from thenceforth forbear to hurt and pursue the Turks Galleys. Which his Request served the Turks to no other purpose, but as it were to put Oil unto the Fire. For the Duke afterward caused new Galleys to be made, and his Fleet increased, and therewith did more harm than formerly he had done.  

The Hai●u●ks refuse to admit of the Pacification made at Vienna.  Now although that after the ending of the Assembly at Presburg, Illishascius and George Turson had delivered unto the Haiducks the Articles of the Pacification, and commanded them from thenceforth to keep themselves quiet; yet for all that could they not yet be persuaded to hearken unto such their Counsel; for that they being Men still accustomed to the Wars, and living by their Swords, could not endure to fall to Husbandry, and such other Labours. For which cause, they of the Country about Gymeric, writ unto them which dwelled in the Country about Nusol, Letters to this effect: That forasmuch as they, being divers times certified of the miserable estate of their Neighbours, had refused to come to aid them, they should yet now remember how necessary a thing it were, with their conjoined Minds and Forces to help one another; for that the Haiducks, having now passed the River of Teise, were broken into that Province, and were run as far as Budnoc; neither were they minded so to stay, but to rob and spoil all the Country before them, if they were not with speed encountered. And the rather, for that but a few days before they had received thirty thousand Hungarian ducats from the Turks, whom they now acknowledged for their Lords, with Horses and other Gifts, to be divided among their Leaders and Captains; and moreover, daily expected Aid from the Tartars, who in great Numbers lay about Belgrade. Wherefore seeing it could not be expressed what great harm and loss was by the Haiducks done, as well unto the Noblemen themselves, as to the common Countrymen; that they should therefore thereof give their Neighbours to understand, and with all speed to take up Arms against the same rebellious Haiducks.  
Not long after, about the latter end of March, Proclamation was made by the Commandment of Mathias the Archduke, throughout all Austria, That every man should provide himself to take up Arms. The cause whereof men diversely suspected; howbeit that unto this Proclamation was this Reason joined, That the Archduke was determined himself to go about the fourteenth of April into Moravia, and there to gather together all his Power, as well Hungarians, as Austrians and Haiducks, for the War he was to take in hand. There were also Letters in the Archduke's name sent unto the Vassals of Austria, to give them to understand, 
The States of Austria warned by the Archduke to prepare themselves for an Expedition to be made into Moravia.  That whereas they were not ignorant, what, for the obtaining of Peace, and Defence of these Countries, had of late been decreed at Presburg; and that all the States of Enseric had approved the report thereof received from their Deputies, and so promised their help and aid unto the Archduke, as if that he himself would take in hand any Expedition, they would join themselves unto him, and together with him to live or die; yet that there were some, which being more desirous of War than Peace, did not only not rest upon the former Pacification, but gathered an Army also in the Borders of Moravia, with a purpose to make an inroad as well into Moravia, as into Austria itself. For which cause, the States of Moravia also were enforced, for defence of themselves, to raise an Army, and to crave help from their Neighbours. And that therefore, seeing the Archduke, mindful of his promise for the common Defence of the Country, was resolved to bestow his Life and all his Fortunes, and in his own Person to undertake an Expedition unto those Places from whence the greatest danger was to be feared to fall upon those Country's; necessity then required, that the States themselves also should suffer nothing to be wanting on their behalf, but every one of them, together with their Servants, forthwith to join themselves unto the Archduke, and, to the uttermost of their power, to endeavour themselves to deliver them and theirs from death and destruction. That God, in whose name this Expedition was by them to be taken in hand, as by the lovers of Peace, might so in short time make an end of all tumults, and grant unto those Country's wished Peace and quietness. And that therefore they were to be admonished, That, according to the tenor of the Decree made at Presburg, they, with such a number of Horse and Foot as they could upon the sudden raise at a day to be shortly after named unto them, should join themselves unto the Archduke, and not to suffer any thing to let them in so doing. So that if haply any chance or sickness should happen unto their General, yet notwithstanding that they should send their Power under the leading of some other man, seeing that the Archduke himself spared not to adventure his Life and Fortunes, and (if God should see it so good) account it a great gain even to lose the same, so that thereby he might do his Country good.  
About the beginning of April, the Cardinal returning from Prague to Vienna, brought with him the Emperor's Answer and Resolution, viz. That he did ratify and confirm all things that were done and concluded with the Hungarians and Turks; but that his Will was, That the Confederation made betwixt the States of Hungary and Austria at Presburg, should be void, and of none effect. Which, the Archduke protesting that he could by no means like of, or suffer to be done, he, 
The Archduke Mathias prepareth himself for his Expeditition into Moravia.  the fifteenth of April afterwards, with a great number of the Peers, Nobility, and Counsellors, and a multitude of good Soldiers, going out of Vienna towards the Monastery of Neoburg, set forward upon his Journey, carrying with him eight and twenty Pieces of Ordnance, there expecting his Soldiers in all places levied: by public Letters protesting, That no man should from his Army receive any harm; or if that by chance any harm were done unto any man by his Army, assuring his Subjects it should be again unto them restored and recompensed.  
But the rumour of this Expedition being brought into Bohemia, the Nobility of the Country began to assemble themselves the fifteenth day of April, whither, when as many of the Deputies of the other Country's were assembled also, it being decreed, That the Nobility of the faithful States there present, 
The Nobility of Bohemia are by the Emperor commanded to be ready in Arms.  should with all speed return home, and so provide themselves and their Subjects of necessary Arms; that, need so requiring, they should therewith be able to defend themselves and their Country, the Assembly was dismissed. Besides that, the Emperor himself, careful for all Events, caused many, both Horse and Foot, to be brought to Prague, and to be diversely billeted in the Citizen's houses: and furthermore, the eighteenth of April, by Letters directed unto certain Princes of the Empire, and to certain Earls also, Citizens, and other Vassals of the Kingdom of Bohemia, warned them with all speed to send Aid unto him at Prague.  
But Mathias the Archduke in the mean time marching forward with an Army of twenty thousand Horse and Foot, 
The Archduke Mathias with an Army cometh to Zname in Moravia.  the twenty fourth day of April came to Zname, a City of Moravia; and was there, by the States of Moravia (who the day before were come thither also with four hundred Horse) honourably received and brought into the City. From thence, sending out Letters into the Territories of Bohemia, and to the City of Prague, he requested, That they would send out of every place two Deputies for them, unto the Assembly to be holden at Zaslavia the fourth day of May: promising withal, That he himself being there present, would yield unto their Deputies a reason of his doings, as also what he meant to do hereafter. Besides that, he, by Letters sent unto the Electors and other Princes of the Empire, declared the cause why he was enforced to make this Expedition; and withal sending unto them a Copy of the Agreement made at Vienna the five and twentieth day of April in the year 1606, by the common consent of the Archdukes; in most friendly manner requested them, That they would not intermeddle in this business, but rather with their Counsel and Aid to further the same.  
But the three and twentieth day of April, the Emperor sent the Pope's Ambassadors, 
The Emperor sendeth Ambassadors to the Archduke Mathias at Zname.  with the Ambassadors of divers other Princes and States, then lying at Prague, with sundry of the Bohemian Ministers, in Embassage to the Archduke Mathias, still lying at Zname; whom the Cardinal the next day after followed also, to make some good Pacification, if it were possible, with the Archduke. But the Emperor in the mean time calling unto him the Counsellors of the old and new Town of Prague, (contrary to his wont manner) most courteously with his own hand received them, and giving them thanks for the faithful Duties by them hitherto performed; requested them, That hereafter they would continue in their like fidelity and Loyalty also; most liberally promising unto them all kindness, with the restitution of the Privileges concerning the shutting of the Gates of the City; which Liberty they had before lost in the time of Emperor Ferdinand. And not long after, a general Muster was taken, not only in the City of Prague, and the Towns thereabouts, but also throughout all the Kingdom of Bohemia, and three hundred Musqueteers appointed for the guard and keeping of the Castle, under the command of Count Solmes, who had Commission for the raising of other Soldiers also.  
At the very same time, 
The Tartar Cham dieth.  it was from Constantinople certainly reported, the Tartar Cham to have died, and the Turkish Sultan having received news thereof, to have dismissed his Son, whom he hitherto had detained as a Pledge, and with divers Ships and Galleys, to have caused him to be transported over the black Sea, unto the Borders of Tartary, there to take possession of his Father's Kingdom. It was also then reported, 
The seditious Turks raise new strises in the lesser Asia, and spoil Smyrna with the Country thereabouts.  certain of the seditious Turks, making of a road to have surprised Smyrna, a rich City of Asia, and to have foraged all the Country about it far and near, and coming unto Magnesia, a chief City of that Country, to have had ten thousand Crowns by the Inhabitants offered, from thenceforth to spare the Country thereabouts. The Persian King also, at the same time notably to proceed in his Wars, and to do the Turks great harm, the Turks and Tartars seeking in vain to withstand him.  
In the mean time, 
Ambassadors sent from the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg for the appeasing of the troubles, betwixt the Emperor and Mathias.  Ambassadors coming unto Prague from the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, part of them, the ninth of May, went unto the Archduke Mathias to Zaslavia, who still lay there encamped with an Army of five and twenty thousand Men; of whom they requesting a Truce for the space of eight Days, for the making of a Pacification betwixt the Emperor and him, and for friendly ending of this business, easily obtained the same, especially seeing that those Prince's Electors, being joined and bound unto the Emperor in a double Confederation, as well for their Electorship, as in respect of the Kingdom of Bohemia, could not, as they said, otherwise do, but send present Aid unto the Emperor, his Necessity so requiring; to which end they had now in readiness certain thousands of Soldiers in the Frontiers of their Countries, to be forthwith sent unto him: The other part of these Ambassadors in the mean time staying with the Emperor, where, after the Germane manner, they were well provided of good Cheer and Wine.  
About the seventeenth of May, 
Mathias the Archduke marcheth towards Prague.  Mathias the Archduke, with eighteen thousand Men, rose and marched towards Prague, Collonitz with the rest of the Army following him. And although that the Archduke had severely commanded his Soldiers to abstain from robbing, spoiling, and burning of the Country▪ and had divers times severely punished some Offenders therein, by hanging of some, and heading of others; yet could he by no means so restrain them▪ and keep them in, but that some of them would sometimes be straggling abroad, and doing harm, especially the Hungarians, who were still running out even as far as the Emperor's Camp, and the new City of Prague: Whom for all that, the Emperor's Soldiers (being then twenty thousand strong) would not meddle withal, being so commanded by the Emperor. Howbeit some of these Stragglers going too far abroad into the Country, were by the Countrymen cut off and slain.  
The three and twentieth day of May, an Assembly of the States of Bohemia was called at Prague, the Emperor himself being there present, 

An Assembly of the States of Bohemia, holden at Prague, in the Presence of the Emperor.  
The Requests of the Nobility and States of Bohemia unto the Emperor.   Adam Waldsteine carrying the drawn Sword before him. In which Assembly, the Nobility and States of the Country with one consent promised to spend their Goods and Lives in the Emperor's quarrel; yet in the mean time requesting these things following to be granted and confirmed unto them; viz. That Religion, according to the confession of Bohemia and Augusta, should inviolately be kept, and that they which professed the one, should not therefore scoff or despise the other. That Bohemians only should be preferred to Archbishoprics, Abbotships, and other spiritual Preferments. That the Archbishop should not meddle with Civil and Political Affairs. That Ecclesiastical Offices should be permitted unto the Protestant Ministers, as in former time, the Catholics in the mean time holding that they had. The Pontificial dispensation in causes of Matrimony, according to the Decree of the Assembly holden in the Year 1602, should be abrogated and taken away. That it should not be lawful for Priests and other Ecclesiastical Persons to buy Lands or Territories, without the express consent of all the three States, but to hold themselves contented with their Tyths and other their Revenues. That it should be lawful for all men in their own Ground and Territories to build Churches for Religion, on both sides. That Protestants and Patrons of the University of Prague should be joined to the Consistory, as they were in the time of the Emperor Ferdinand. That one should be chosen for Burgrave in this Assembly. That chief political Offices should not be left void above a Month. That unto these political Offices men of both Religions should be admitted; so that if the Burgrave were a Catholic, the chief Judge should be a Protestant. That every man should enjoy his Right, and that no Decree should be published against the same; neither that they which were of the Order of Knights should be rashly sued, or bound to any arrest. That one of the Bohemians should always be chosen into the secret Council, and made acquainted with the Bohemian Affairs. That every man might have access to the Emperor, and not all things to be done by his Counsellors. That it should be declared to all Men, what was to be understood by the Crime of Treason. That a difference should be made betwixt Offences; and that no man should for any light Offence, together with his Goods, lose his Life and Reputation. That the Suits of Widows, Orphans, and others also, should with Expedition be dispatched, and not from day to day deferred. That from henceforth the Father should not be bound to pay the Son's debt, which he was run into without his knowledge; neither yet the Son himself. That in political Offices Men should not be too much grieved with too heavy Exactions. That Men sued should not be summoned but in good Terms, and that such as were in any Reputation be bound unto any arrest, without the hearing of their Cause, and much less to be imprisoned. That the Sword, upon frowardness or madness taken out of the Church of Thine certain years before, should be again set in the former place. That Lawyers which pleaded men's Causes, should be contented with such Fees as were by common Decrees appointed them. And last of all to conclude, they in any wise requested the Emperor, that it would please him to ease the Nobility and States of Bohemia of these Griefs, before they were compelled to answer unto such things as were to be propounded unto them on his behalf. Who easily granted unto most of these Articles, those which concerned Religion only excepted, so that the Senators of the old Town of Prague obtained the desired Sword to be again forthwith set in the wont Place. But as for the business of Religion, it was altogether put off and deferred unto the next Assembly to be holden at the Feast of St. Michael.  
About the end of May, 
Mathias the Archduke's Ambassadors come to Prague.  the Archduke Matthias' Ambassadors, having received sa●e Conduct from the Emperor and the Nobility of the Kingdom of Bohemia, came to Prague; and being admitted into the Council of the Nobility, Charles Count Tiseratin, to whom that charge was given, having in the Archdukes Name first saluted the Nobility, caused what he and the rest had in charge, to be before them out of a long Writing in the Bohemian Tongue read; which done, when as the Nobility so requiring, they were put aside, and almost an hour after were called again, they received Answer, That the points of the Ambassage by them propounded, were greater, and of more weight, than that sufficient Deliberation could thereof in so short a time be had; 
Commissioners appointed for the ending of the Troubles betwixt the Emperor and Mathias the Archduke.  and that therefore it was by the Nobility thought meet, that Commissioners on both sides, meeting, together in the open Field near unto Debritse, should there consult of these Articles, and by the Consent of the Emperor and the Archduke, to do what they might to end the matter; Unto which Answer the Archduke's Ambassadors consenting, the ninth of june returned again unto the Camp. The Emperor's Ambassadors within two days after with forty Coaches and an hundred Horse following them unto the Place appointed; who oftentimes going to and fro, at length so wrought the matter on both sides, that the Business quietly and friendly ended, they were again made Friends.  
The Articles of which Pacification and Agreement betwixt the Emperor and the Archduke were the seventeenth day of june, in the Castle of Prague, openly read in the Bohemian Tongue, Lichtenstein, Kintskie, and other Chieftains, the Archduke's Ambassadors, being there present, in order thus:  
That the Emperor refused not, 
The Articles of Pacification betwixt the Emperor and the Archduke Mathias.  but that the Crown of Hungary should be delivered into the Archduke Matthias' Hands; and to yield unto him the Kingdom of Hungary, and to remit unto his Subjects the Oath of their Allegiance before given unto him, so that the Nobility and States of Hungary should choose no other King but the Archduke. That in the next Diet of the Empire, he should propound unto the States of the Empire to be considered of, what Contribution they ought to make unto the Archduke for the defence of their Frontiers, if happily longer War were to be made with the Turk. That he should cause the Writings which concerned that Kingdom of Hungary, within the space of two Months to be delivered unto the Archduke. That he should likewise also surrender up the Arch-dukedom of Austria, by himself hitherto possessed, unto the Archduke: yet so as that the Archduke should take upon himself all the Emperor's Debt, as well in Hungary as in Austria, and within a year should cause sufficient Recognizance or Caution, sealed with his own hand, to be delivered unto the Creditors. That he should cause all the Letters and Writings, as well concerning the upper Austria, as the nether, within the same time to be delivered unto him, together with a Copy of the Privileges therein, until that Deliberation might be had concerning them, to be transferred unto him also. That the Nobility and States of Bohemia should in the Emperor's Name ratify and confirm the Treaty held at Vienna, for the making of the Peace betwixt the Emperor, the Turks, and the Hungarians. That they also should not refuse, at the Emperor's request, to promise unto the Archduke a certain Succession into the Kingdom of Bohemia; but yet with condition, so that if it should happen the Emperor to die without Heirs Male, before the death of the Archduke his Brother; but if he should have Heirs Male lawfully begotten and under age; that in that case he should only have the Rule and Government of the Kingdom of Bohemia, yet with certain Bohemian Counsellors joined unto him. That the Archduke should by writing confirm unto the Nobility and States of Bohemia, That he should after the usual manner and fashion demand the Kingdom of Bohemia, being void of a King. That he should take the usual Oath of a King, and always have like regard of all their Privileges as the other Kings his Predecessors had. That the States of Bohemia should not gainsay, but that the Archduke might hereafter use the Title of the designed King of Hungary. That the Adminstration of the Marquiset of Moravia should be granted unto the Archduke Mathias and his Heirs, together with the Title of a Marquis, until that after the death of the Emperor this Province was again to revert unto him which was to enjoy the Kingdom of Bohemia. But if it should happen the Arch duke to die before the Emperor, the States of Bohemia should not refuse, but that this Province separate apart, might (as should seem good) choose unto itself a Patron and Defender, unto the death of the Emperor. That the Bishopric of Almits, hitherto in Temporalities subject unto the King of Bohemia, should from thenceforth acknowledge the Archduke Mathias to be the Governor thereof, lest there should be a confusion of Suits in Moravia; the Bishop in the mean time having regard unto his own Privileges. That the Emperor at the request of the Archduke should maintain the Privileges of them of Silesia, and of the States of the six Cities, and augment them also with new Privileges, being reasonable and convenient. That for the defence of the borders against the Turks, the Nobility and States of Bohemia should not contribute more than hitherto they were wont; yet saving unto the Archduke power and ability in the general Meetings and Assemblies of the Kingdom to entreat thereof, as the Emperor had hitherto had. That the Titles of all the Provinces which the Emperor did now surrender unto the Archduke Mathias, should be still unto him reserved. That the Archduke Mathias should utterly renounce the County of Tirali, and surrender his part thereof unto the Emperor. That in the Meetings and Assemblies to come, the Archduke should by all means endeavour, that the Emperor should receive a reasonable yearly Contribution out of those Provinces which he now departed with. That all offences hitherto committed, should generally be forgiven and pardoned, all and every the Persons on both Parties, only Verkavious excepted, concerning whom, as also concerning his debt, the Nobility of Moravia had undertaken in their next Assembly to take order. And that Arms should on both sides be laid a part.  
Which Articles thus agreed upon, and on both parts accepted of, 
The Crown of Hungary delivered unto the Archduke Mathias.  the Crown of Hungary, with the Ornaments thereto belonging, such as are King Stephen's Sword, the Golden Apple, with the Cross of the Kingdom upon it, two pair of rich Shoes, a very ancient Robe, with a Royal Sceptre, were by the emperor's chief Lieutenant carried into the Camp, and there in a broad and open Field delivered unto the Archduke Mathias; who, with his Army in order ranged, and sixteen thousand Horse and Foot divided into three Battalions, after he had received these Royal Ornaments, commanded three great Volleys of shot to be discharged, and afterwards royally feasted the Emperor's Ambassadors. Which Pacification thus made, many out of the Archdukes Camp, but especially the Hungarians, went into the City of Prague, there to buy things necessary; and many came also out of the City to see the Archdukes Camp. But in the mean time, certain insolent Soldiers having by night broken up certain Shops of the jews, and carried out of them much rich Wares, were the cause of great stirs and Tumults in the City; insomuch, that divers of the Soldiers were therefore cast into Prison.  
The first of july, 
King Mathias departeth with his Army ou● of Bohemia.  King Mathias rising with his Army, departed from before Prague, taking his way with his chief Counsellors towards Lintz, and dividing his Army into three parts, that so they might the more easilier pass through those Country's home. After the rising of which Army, a certain Noble Bohemian, and a good Soldier, called Cottovits, unto whom the Hungarians and Haiducks had in this Expedition done great harm, with six hundred Harquebusiers, and a number of Countrymen went forth to a Place called Partovitse; where, having cut off the Passage, and cut down Trees cross the ways, that none might that way conveniently pass, he, with such fury in a Place of advantage charged the Hungarians, 
The Hungarians and Haiducks by Cotoui●s slain.  coming that way, that having slain about nine hundred of them, some others were also carried away Prisoners, with a great booty of Horses, Wagons, and other Goods. With which deed the Hungarians grieved, trod down the Corn as they went, and began to set fire on the Villages and Houses in the Country thereabouts. But the news thereof being brought unto the King, he forthwith by Herbenstein, General of the Horsemen, commanded the Hungarians and Haiducks not only to desist from this their Insolency, but themselves also, upon a great Penalty, to help to quench the fires by them raised.  
In the mean time, 
King Mathias entereth into Hungary, and is royally received into Vienna.  the coming of King Mathias being reported at Vienna, great preparation was there made for the receiving of him and bringing of him into the City, according to his Royal Dignity▪ who, the fourteenth of july, toward night, being come thither, with the Archduke Maximilian his Brother, and three thousand Horse, the Archbishop of Hungary, who, with Count Trautsamius, and many other the Emperor's Counsellors and Servants, went out of the City to meet him, and there amidst eight Ensigns of Germane Soldiers, and fifteen hundred Horsemen, as it were set in order of Battle, received him with a long and Eloquent Oration, as did afterwards Trau●samius in the name of the States of Austria; the Emperor's Counsellors also honourably welcoming him. Which done, mounting again to Horse, the King, with the Archduke Maximilian his Brother, stayed until that two Troops of the Horsemen of Vienna (each of them consisting of two hundred Horse) were all entered into the City; and afterward, fifteen hundred of Bucheime's Horsemen, and the aforesaid eight Ensigns of Germans going before, and the Emperor's Counsellors following them, the King himself with the Archduke his Brother, and all his Train, set forward, and passing over the Bridge, whereon three triumphal Arches were most sumptuously erected, he was by three thousand Citizens of Vienna, gallantly apparelled and armed, with much thundering of the great Ordnance and Volleys of small shot, most magnificently received, divers other Triumphs and Sports, to manifest the Joy of the People, being there made also, which for brevity sake we pass over. But being gone a little farther, he was by the Senators of Vienna on Horseback received under a rich Canopy, borne up by six of the ancientest of the said Senators, and so brought to Saint Stephen's Church; whither, he was no sooner come, but that lighting from his Horse, he was there received by the whole Clergy, and under a Canopy brought into the Church; where, after Service done, he was w●th like Triumph and Magnificence, through divers other triumphal Arches, brought to the Castle, the great Ordnance on all sides still thundering off from the Castle, the Walls, and Bulwarks of the Town.  
But these Triumphs and Solemnities ended, shortly after, whenas they began to consult about such things as concerned the good Government of the Kingdom of Hungary, and the crowning of the King, and that the Protestant States of Austria in many Places began to Exercise their Religion according to the manner of the Confession of Augusta, and that the Ministers began openly to Preach in the Churches there, Leopold, the Archduke and Bishop of Passavia, coming to Vienna, with Melinus the Popes Nun●●o, (but a little before come to Prague) with Cardinal Forgatsius, and the Bishop of Vienna, with earnest and importunate soliciting of the King, obtained from him a Commandment, 
The Protestant States in Austria require to have the free Exercise of their Religion granted unto them.  That that Exercise of Religion should be again abrogated, the Churches shut, and public Preaching forbidden. Which thing forthwith brought forth new stirs and troubles in Austria. For the Protestant States, forthwith calling a Counsel among themselves, by general consent refused by Oath of Loyalty and Allegiance to bind themselves unto the new King, until they had of him obtained the liberty for the free Exercise of their Religion; and combining themselves together, resolved even with the loss of their Lives and Goods to maintain the free preaching of the Word, and the Exercise of their Religion, according to the Confession of Augusta; and to that end commanded all their Subjects and Tenants to be ready in Arms, that, need so requiring, every thirtieth man, tenth, or fifth, might be pressed to come forth unto the Wars. 
The Protestant States of Austria refuse to take their Oath of Allegiance unto the King until they might be secured of the free Exercise of their Religion.  But having sent a Supplication unto the King, whereunto 180 of the Nobility had set their hands, and receiving no answer, but that they should desist from their purpose, and without delay to make their appearance to take the Oath of their Allegiance unto the King, they forthwith, the fourteenth of September, going to Horn, by Letters sent unto the rest of the Roman Catholic States, protested themselves to be clear before God and the whole World of all the evils and mischiefs that were afterward to ensue, if those States, not regarding the appeasing and ending of those Troubles, or the safety of them their Countrymen, should take their Oath of Allegiance unto the King. And so forthwith raising an Army, lest upon the sudden they should be at Horn oppressed, they began by all means to provide for their Affairs. But the report thereof coming unto the States of Bohemia and Moravia, their Neighbours, they were from them given to understand, that they would become Intercessors for them unto the King, and yet not to be wanting unto them at their need, as occasion should require.  

Presents sent unto the Great Sultan from King Mathias.  In the mean time, Letters were brought from Const●ntinople to Vienna, declaring King Matthias' Ambassadors (having audience with the Great Sultan) to have in an Eloquent Oration on the King's behalf promised religiously to keep the Peace, of late made betwixt him, the Ottoman Emperor, and the Hungarians; and afterward, in the King's name to have offered his Presents unto the Sultan, and he, in the presence of his chief Bassas, to have received them. But when he came to request the Government of Transilvania, he would in no wise thereto consent, but gave the same to Gabriel Bathor, with commandment unto the Bassa of Buda for the establishing of him in this Principality.  
About the beginning of October, the Counties of Trautseme and Furtsenburg were from King Mathias sent unto the Protestant States at Horn, 
Mathias sendeth unto the Protestant States at Horn.  and shortly after them, Maximilian the Archduke followed also; who, although they with most glorious promises sought to appease them, and by all means to draw them to take the Oath of their Allegiance; yet could they with them no whit prevail, without granting of them the free Exercise of their Religion. But the sixteenth of October, the Catholic States, 
The Catholic States take the Oath of Allegiance unto King Mathias.  not expecting the consent of the Protestant States, at Vienna took the Oath of Allegiance unto Mathias the new King of Hungary, the great Ordnance in the mean time thundering off, with Drums and Trumpets in every place of the City sounding, and the rest of the day being with great Feasting, Triumph, and Solemnity spent.  
King Mathias, 
King Mathias goeth to Presburg.  having thus at Vienna received the Oath of Allegiance of the Catholics, shortly after departing thence, the twenty second of October coming to Presburg, was there by the Nobility of Hungary received, and brought into the City with ten thousand Soldiers; which States afterwards, viz. the sixth of November, offered in writing unto the King certain Articles, whereof they desired to be by him assured; most of which Articles were drawn out of the Pacification made at Vienna the twenty third day of August, in the year 1606, the chief effect whereof was this: 
Articles by the Hungarians preferred unto King Mathias at Presburg.  That the free Exercise of Religion should be permitted unto all Men in all the Cities and Towns of Hungary, not so much as that City excepted wherein the King should be resident: That no Germane Captain should be suffered in any the strong Forts of Hungary, but that the strong Towns of Rab, Comora, Vivaria, and others, should be committed unto the Government of natural Hungarians born: That the Crown of Hungary should still be kept in Hungary, and committed to the keeping of temporal Men: That first, and before all other things, a Count Palatine should be chosen: That the King himself should always reside in Hungary; or if not, that the Palatine should in his absence have full power, with the Counsellors of Estate of Hungary, to determine and conclude of all things, and that the King should therewithal hold himself contented: That no public Office should be bestowed upon any, but upon such natural Hungarians as had of their Country well deserved; nor permitted unto any for Money: That no Jesuits should be suffered in the Kingdom, neither that Ecclesiastical men should be so much favoured as formerly they had been: That Officers should not be bound to give account of the Administration of their Offices, but before the Treasurers of Presburg, being natural Hungarians born: That from henceforth Money should not be carried out of the Kingdom, as hitherto it had been: That the Palatine being dead, the King should within a year choose another, the chief Justice in the mean time after the old manner supplying his room.  
The Protestant States of Austria had a little before sent their Ambassadors unto the Nobility and States of Hungary, 
The Protestant States of Austria crave Aid of the Nobility and States of Hungary.  then gathered together at Presburg; with request, that forasmuch as they could not by any entreaty obtain of the King the free Exercise of their Religion, as well within their Cities as without, and that very necessity had driven them by force of Arms to seek for the same, that they would, by sending of them Men, afford them such Aid as was unto them due by the former Pacification made at Vienna in the year 1606. Which troubles of Austria, the Nobility and States of Hungary desiring to have appeased, sent George Turson, and some others, with Letters of Intercession in their behalf unto the Archduke Maximilian; which when they had delivered unto him, they received from him this answer, That King Mathias never thought to disturb the common quiet of that Country, or to attempt any thing against the Privileges thereof, granted by the Emperor Maximilian of happy Memory; but to grant unto the Cities the liberty of Religion, he could by no means, partly in respect of Conscience, partly for the danger that might thereof ensue from the Pope and the King of Spain, and yet nevertheless, that he would promise to suffer and tolerate the free Exercise of Religion without the Cities, and in the bestowing of public Offices to have no respect of Religion; yet with this Condition, that they should lay down Arms, submit themselves unto the King, acknowledge their Fault, and crave Pardon for the same; for that in so doing, the States should haply prevail more than by force of Arms.  

The Protestant States of Austria by the Hungarians advised to lay down Arms, and to submit themselves unto the King.  With which answer, seeing no better could be got, the Hungarian Ambassadors going unto the Protestant States of Austria, began by divers reasons to persuade them to submit themselves unto the King. If the Hungarians should (as they said) give aid unto them of Austria, they should in so doing, instead of helping them, but do them more harm; for that the Hungarian Power could not be brought into Austria, but to the utter destruction thereof. That the League betwixt the Hungarians and them of Austria was a general League, and concerned as well the Catholics as the Protestants. That the Christian Religion was never with the Sword planted or defended, Christ himself saying, them to be happy which therefore suffer Persecution, and commanding Peter to put up his Sword into his Scabbard. That it was an easy matter for every man to raise Stirs and Tumults, but that again to appease them was a far harder matter. That by the taking up of Arms, the free exercise of Religion could not be furthered or provided for, it being rather dangerous, lest the contrary part prevailing, it should be utterly suppressed. That by this means, Hungary itself should be exposed to many dangers, for that not only new Stirs might upon this occasion by the Subjects thereof be raised, but other foreign Princes take up Arms against it also; the Emperor, by force of Arms, seeking for his Right, and the Turkish Sultan, by a new Invasion, going about to bring the same under his Subjection; and telling them farther, the Archduke to have promised to take good order for all things, so that they would lay down Arms; and that the Clemency and Bounty of those Princes being known, they were not to doubt but that they would indeed perform what they had in word promised; and that the Hungarians could not now do or attempt any thing against the King: but that if it should happen these two Archdukes being dead without Heirs-male, the Government of these two Provinces should come unto the Archduke Ferdinand, that then they should have more cause to help them of Austria against him: Moravia they said to be a free Country, and yet the King to have thereunto given no more assurance for the liberty of Religion, more than his bare promise. Wherefore seeing that both the fortune and chance of War was doubtful, and that War was not without the great expense of Money to be maintained, that they were of opinion, it to be best for the Protestant States of Austria to lay down Arms, and by way of request to solicit their cause with the King.  

Illishaschius chosen Palatine of Hungary. Mathias at Presburg crowned King of Hunga●y.  In the mean time, the Griefs whereof the Hungarians complained being taken away, and all Controversies happily ended, Illishascius was, by a general consent, chosen to be Palatine; and Mathias, the 14th of November, openly proclaimed King of Hungary; and the 19th of the same Month in St. Martin's Church at Presburg in this manner crowned: first, the Royal Crown was in a stately Chariot carried out of the Castle unto the Church, with a great number of the Counsellors and Nobility of Hungary attending the same; in which Chariot were also carried ten Ensigns, with the Arms of the Kingdom in them frilled up, four of the Hungarian Counsellors taking it out of the Chariot in a little Chest covered with Cloth of Gold, and so carrying of it into the Chancel of the Church. After which, King Mathias, together with the Archduke Maximilian his Brother, followed on Horseback, both attired in Hungarian Apparel, and so going into the Chancel, there stayed about half an hour, until that he was by two Bishops brought forth unto the Altar, before whom ten of the Hungarian Nobility carried the ten aforesaid Ensigns; after whom followed the Palatine with the Crown, Endeodius with the Royal Sceptre, Forgatsie with the Apple of the Kingdom, Turso with King Stephen's Sword, Tsechius carrying the Pax, as they call it; Budian the Cross, the Cardinal Forgatsie saying Mass, with divers Bishops and Prelates helping of him, by whom the King was at the beginning of Service anointed with Oil; where, while the Epistle and Gospel were in reading, the Cardinal set the Crown upon the King's Head, all the People crying out, Long live Mathias, the King of Hungary. But the King, with the Crown upon his head, taking a drawn Sword out of Sigefred Collonitz the Marshal's hand, thrice brandished it a cross over the clergymen's heads, and received the Sacrament at the Cardinal's hand. The Mass being ended, he, by an highway covered with Cloth, going in his royal Robes from S. Martin's Church unto the Barefoot Friar's Church, as he went, caused money to be cast abroad among the People. In which Church, after the first Chapter of the Gospel of St. john being read, he made 28 Knights. From thence the King, with the Crown yet on his Head, and in his stately Robes, went out of the City at St. Michael's Gate, and there on Horseback was brought unto an high Stage covered with cloth, whereon he was sworn unto the Hungarians as their King, and they unto him as his Subjects: and afterward thrice mounting up to Horse upon a little Hill made for that purpose, and so down again, and thrice brandishing his Sword across, he returned back again into the Castle, where he with Maximilian the Archduke, Cardinal Forgatsie, the Pope's Nuntio, and the Palatine, sat down at one Table, the rest of the Hungarian Nobility, to the number of 70, sitting down at six other Tables, and so dining with great mirth; the Haiducks, and common sort of People, being there bountifully feasted also: where many of them, in scrambling for the money that was cast abroad, and in taking up of the Cloth from the Scaffold, having their hands and fingers cut off, and so lamed, carried from thence the woeful remembrance of that was there then done.  
The Solemnity of this Coronation thus past, King Mathias thought it good for him yet for a time to stay at Presburg, until that the new building in the Castle was ended, which the Nobility of Hungary had appointed for the keeping of the Crown of Hungary, to the intent that he himself might see the same, with other the Royal Ornaments put thereinto, and sealed up with his own Seal; he in the mean while labouring to appease divers Contentions, and to place fit men again in the great Offices of the Commonweal; for that the Hungarians would by no means suffer the Germans to enjoy any of the same: for which cause, many of the chief Officers, men of great Authority, were displaced; and amongst them, Sigifrid Collonitz also, a man who had most well deserved of the Kingdom of Hungary: howbeit, shortly after, he by the Counsel of Maximilian the Archduke, was by the Hungarians themselves (repenting them of that they had done) not only restored unto his former Offices, but had by them (and that not without his just desert) even greater Preferments offered him also; so mutable a thing the Judgement of the common People is. 
Illishascius and others in vain entreat for the S●ates of Austria.  But Illishaschius, now the Palatine of Hungary, the 28 th' day of November, talking with the King Mathias at large, and earnestly entreated with him in the behalf of the Protestant States of Austria, especially for that the other Protestant States of Hungary seemed now in their behalf to be much moved also; and the Moravian Ambassadors openly at the same time protesting, that their States could in no wise forsake them their Friends, the States of Austria, if their need so required. And albeit that both the Elector of Saxony, and other Princes of the Empire, were become earnest Intercessors also unto the King for them, yet the Pope's Nuntio so hardly withstood them, as nothing could as then be granted.  
About the beginning of December, the King returning again from Presburg to Vienna, about the sixteenth of December the Protestant States of Austria at length sent E●nestus the free Baron of Landau, Maximilian Polheime, Sebastian Grobner, Charles Forberger, Pilgram Si●sendorff, and Christopher Buchner, their Ambassadors unto the King, to bring them answer whereunto to trust; who, the 27 th' of December received answer, That they should hold themselves contented with such answer as they had before received, and to submit themselves to the King's pleasure, or else, to do what they themselves saw good. 
The States prepare themselves for War.  With which answer they returning, the States forthwith began to levy new Forces, and to persuade their Soldiers, that, mindful of their Oaths, they should faithfully serve whither-soever, and against whomsoever they were led.  
year 1609 And now a great Army of the Protestant States of Austria lay in the Villages about Crembsa and Spain, so that those two Towns were thought to be in great danger of them; for the strengthening of which Places, Bucheime was by the King sent thither with 1500 Horse and certain pieces of great Ordnance, and an Edict withal published the 10 th' of january, charging the States to be present at Vienna, the 21 th' day of the same Month, to take the Oath of their Allegiance to the King. Howbeit, they most stiffly still refused so to do, or to remit any thing of that which they had before required; insomuch, that Maximilian the Archduke, who, hitherto had not a little laboured in this cause, was quite out of hope to bring them to any Conformity, or make any good end thereof. In the mean time, certain of Bucheime's Horsemen on the King's part being about to have taken up a Place, such as they thought convenient for them for to lodge in, had like to have been disappointed of the same by the Horsemen of Gerrane, on the State's side. About which matter, Bucheime, coming forth with seven Troops of Horsemen, and Gerrane but with three Troops of Horse, and three Companies of Foot, there was betwixt them a hot Skirmish for the time, 
An hot Skirmish.  fought the 13 th' of january; in which Skirmish an 100 of Bucheime's Horsemen were slain, but of Gerrane's Men not so many, they having the advantage of the Ground, and so therewith in the Skirmish holpen both for the defence of themselves and the annoying of their Enemies. Whereof the King having knowledge, and therewith much moved; beside the aforesaid Edict, caused another to be proclaimed at Vienna, against such Soldiers as served the Protestants; proscribing them all, and pronouncing them Rebels, except before the 21 th' day of january, they laying down Arms, departed out of the Protestants Camp. Howbeit, the Protestant States were so far from dismissing their Forces, as that they with new Supplies strengthened the same; and having taken an Hill not far from Hallenbynne, and from thence discharging three tire of 20 pieces of great Ordnance, struck a great fear and terror into the Minds of the King's Soldiers within the Town.  
About this time also the States of Moravia (that nothing might on their part be wanting for the making of an Atonement betwixt the King and the Protestant States of Austria) sent some of their Ambassadors unto those States at Horn, 
The States of Moravia make Intercession for the Protestant States of Austria.  and othersome unto the King at Vienna; who, having access unto the King, declared unto him, the States of Moravia, from whom they came, to be earnestly importuned by the Protestant States of Austria, to send them Aid, according to the Agreement made with them the year before; and told him moreover, That this manner of his proceeding tended not unto Peace and Quietness, but rather unto the Trouble and Destruction both of the Kingdom, and of all the other Provinces to him belonging; all that Error, the ground of those Troubles, they said, to depend on a perverse interpretation or misconstruing of words, rather than of the matter itself; so that it might by Men desirous of Peace easily be composed and ended. And that therefore their request unto his Majesty was, That he, having regard not only unto the good and welfare of his Provinces and Subjects, but even of himself, and of his Honour also, would of his Clemency and Goodness vouchsafe to give remedy unto the present danger, and avert the miserable Calamities now hanging over them, and even ready to fall upon their heads. The Protestant States they said to be content to put the Controversy to be decided and composed by certain grave and wise M●n, to be chosen Arbitrators on both parts; yet with this Condition, That for the space of fourteen days, no Hostility should on either side be used; that the Inhabitants, both above and beneath Amisum, should be comprised within this Truce; that such as were kept in durance for their Religion, should be set at liberty; and that all Highways and Passes should be from all Ambushes, and other dangers cleared. Unto which their request the King condescending, gave leave unto the States of Moravia, upon the most equal Conditions they could devise, to compose and end all matters; who so laboured in this business betwixt the King and the Protestant States of Austria, that at length, viz. the twelfth of March, a Pacification was made betwixt the King and them his Subjects; 
The Articles of the Pacification in Austria.  Leopold the Archduke, Melinus the Popes Nuntio, the Bishop of Vienna, and other great Men of the contrary Religion and Faction, seeking in vain to have letted the same; the chief Articles and points of which Pacification were these: That the Nobility in their Castles and Towns, as also in their Houses in the Cities, should for themselves and their People have the free Exercise of their Religion: That the free Exercise of Preaching might be used in the three Churches at Iser●dore, Trihelsuincel, and Horn: That other Churches shut up, might again be opened by three of the Romish and three of the Reformed Religion, and the free Exercise of Religion in them used: That Counsellors and other public Officers should from thenceforth indifferently be chosen of men of both Religions; but that such Offices as were hereditary should so still remain: That the Election of Magistrates and otherpublick Officers in Towns and Cities, should from thenceforth be made by the Magistrates and Citizens themselves, and not to be nominated from the Court as hitherto they had been: That no Church should hereafter be shut against either part, but their own Churches to be left unto them both quietly to use: That the Townsmen and Citizens in their Towns and Cities should from thenceforth have power to make choice of their Ministers and Preachers, and that for them it should be lawful to visit the Sick, and to administer unto them the Lords Supper: That the Oath of Allegiance should be taken of them of the Reformed Religion, in like manner as it had been betaken of them of the Romish, but yet not with the same Ceremonies of the Romish Church; all union and confederation with them to be had, to be taken away; that all grudging, hatred, and quarrel should be on both sides forgiven, and for ever forgotten; Wolfgang of Hoffkirch, Voltsogius, and others, removed and put from their Offices▪ for not taking the Oath of Allegiance, being again received into Favour, and restored into their Places: That it might be lawful for the Towns and Cities above Amisum, to have the free Exercise of the Reformed Religion in their Suburbs and Hospitals.  

The States of the reformed Religion in Austria take the Oath of Obedienc● unto King Mathias.  It was not long after this Pacification so made, but that King Mathias, the seventeenth of May, going to Lintz with three hundred Horse, was there with eight Troops of Horsemen, and fifteen Companies of Foot, by the States sent forth to meet him, most honourably received, and by three triumphal Arches brought into the City; where he received of the States of the Religion, the Oath of their Obedience; which with much Joy, Triumph, and Feasting performed, he, the seven and twentieth of the same Month again returned to Vienna. The aforesaid States of Austria in the mean time with great zeal continuing the free Exercise of their Religion at Horn; a great multitude of People daily resorting unto the Sermons there made; they of the Romish Religion much grieving and fretting thereat. The King himself also being come to Vienna, put divers Romish Catholics out of their Offices, and placed those of the Reformed Religion in their rooms, to the great discontentment of many.  

The Turks seek secretly to encroach upon the Christians, and the Christians seek again to annoy them.  About this time, the Bassa of Agria, notwithstanding the Peace, had for the sum of twenty thousand Crowns before hand paid, secretly compacted with one Andrew Drake, to have the strong Town of Fileck in the upper Hungary delivered unto him. Which the Traitor had intended (as he himself confessed) to have performed, by setting of the House wherein he himself dwelled by night on fire; unto the quenching, whereof the Garrison Soldiers resorting, his purpose was in the mean time to have secretly let in the Turks, and so to have delivered the Town into their Hands. But this his so wicked a purpose in good time discovered, and by him confessed, he was therefore, as he had well deserved, alive cut in four pieces; a just reward for his foul intended Treason. The Bassa of Buda also, contrary to the Treaty of Peace, about the same time went about to have exacted the Oath of Allegiance of above four hundred Country Villages of the Christians, being not comprised within the foresaid Treaty. But as the Turks for their part were secretly plotting how to encroach upon the Christians, and to do them harm; so the Haiducks on the other side in great numbers gathered together in the upper Hungary, began here and there to molest and trouble the Turks, until they were by their Superiors commanded to desist from so doing, for disturbing of the Peace.  

Illishascius the Palatine of Hungary dieth.  Now about this time also, Illishascius the County Palatine of Hungary died at Vienna; a man much beloved of the Hungarians, his Countrymen, and now by them no less lamented for: whose dead Body was with great Honour afterward conveyed from Vienna unto his own Territory in Hungary, and there with all funeral Pomp buried with his Ancestors. In whose stead George Turson was afterward, by the general consent of an hundred and fifty of the Hungarian Nobility, chosen County Palatine of Hungary, and so with the universal and solemn Acclamations of the People saluted.  
And now the Troubles for Religion were scarcely well ended in Austria (as is aforesaid) but that the like, or rather worse, began forthwith, 
New Troubles for Religion arise in Bohemia.  even for the same quarrel, to arise in Bohemia; the Hussites (as they call them) most earnestly importuning the Emperor for the free Exercise of their Religion, or rather for the taking away of certain grievances done to their Religion▪ and the Roman Catholics even at the same time leaving nothing unattempted, which might serve to bring them of the Religion into hatred with the Emperor, and others sitting at the Helm of the Government of the Estate, and so to frustrate whatsoever the Emperor had in the general Assembly of the States the last year granted unto them of the Religion, for the free Exercise and Advancement thereof. The composing of which Controversy (tending unto the rending in sunder of the whole Kingdom) when as the Emperor had referred unto certain of his chief Counsellors, and they altogether favouring the Roman Catholics, would give them of the Religion no certain Answer whereon to rest they therewith much discontented, as our of hope to be by them relieved, 
The States of the Religion appoint an Assembly of themselves to be holden in the new Court at Prague.  and in g●●a● fear to be by their Adversaries, as Enemy's ●nto ●he State, oppressed, laid their heads together, and after good Deliberation taken, what were best for them to do, both for the safety of themselves, their Wives, Children, and Religion; they, by a general consent, of themselves appointed the fourth of May to hold a general meeting of them of the Religion in the new Court at Prague, there to consult of all matters concerning the business of Religion. And yet in the mean time openly in Parliament protesting, by the Mouth of Wentceslaus Bodoviisius, a Baron of Bohemia, Them to have appointed this Assembly for the Emperor's good▪ and for the common quiet of the whole Realm; as also for the better informing of the Emperor of all Matters; and to provide that the Emperor and the Kingdom might not through the means and persuasions of those his evil Counsellors be brought into extreme Peril and Danger. Immediately after, the States of the Religion with all speed dispatched their Ambassadors unto King Mathias, the Elector Palatine, the Duke of Saxony, and the Duke of Brunswick; to request them, by their intercession to become Mediators for them unto the Emperor, for the obtaining of the free Exercise of their Religion, which in all points agreed with the Confession of Augusta, and which long before was exhibited unto Maximilian the Emperor, and by him allowed. Now in the mean time these the States of the Religion were by some for these their proceedings commended; but by other some not only blamed, but also accused of Rebellion against the Emperor and the State. But the matter being declared unto the Emperor, 
The Emperor maketh fair weather with the States of the Religion in Bohemia.  he complaining unto himself of the inconsiderateness of his Counsellors; to maintain his Authority, caused the Parliament then in hand to be prorogued; and to seem of himself to grant that which he could not well withstand, commanded by a Decree, that same very day to be appointed for the concluding of that Article of Religion, on which the States themselves had before appointed for their Assembly to be holden in the new Court at Prague. Notwithstanding which Decree, many troublesome Spirits publicly set forth other their Conceits in Writing, to far other purpose, grievously therein reprehending the States of the Religion, for that of themselves they had appointed a day for their Assembly into the new Court at Prague; Which (as they said) was nothing else but in a rebellious manner to rise against the Laws of the Kingdom, and the Authority of their lawful Prince; and therefore advised them to forbear from making any such Assembly as was by them appointed. Hereof arose great troubles, even under the Emperor's nose, in Prague the chief City of Bohemia, they of the Religion not daring to trust the Roman Catholics, neither they them; being still ready upon every false report, or vain surmise, to go together by the ears; until that the Emperor, for the staying of these Troubles, and the avoiding of farther danger, was glad to cause it to be openly proclaimed in the new Court at Prague, That his Imperial Majesty, having received and understood the Apology of the States, now did abrogate that his Edict published against them but a few days before; and now by this his new Edict did account all the States of the Religion for his faithful and well beloved Subjects; and, as of them unto whom the right of the Kingdom, and the King's Oath belonged, as well as to all other States of the Kingdom. And that he also had those the same States excused, in that they for the good of his Majesty, and of the whole Kingdom, had appointed their Assembly in the new Court at Prague; and that therefore he denounced them in so doing, not in any thing to have done any thing contrary unto his Majesty. And that he appointed the five and twentieth day of May for the general Assembly of Parliament to be holden in the Castle of Prague, for the ending of the Article concerning Religion, and the reforming of other the public Grievances of the Common-weal: yet with this proviso, That the said States should safely and quietly come unto the said Parliament, without entertaining of any foreign Soldiers; as that his Majesty should also, not by himself nor any other, for pay entertain any, or suffer any foreign Soldiers to come into the Kingdom. Which the Emperor's Edict being proclaimed, the States of the Religion having made their public Prayers, and sung certain Hymns and Psalms unto the Glory of God, for the good success of their business, left the new Court at Prague, and returned every man home to their own Houses, to make themselves ready to come unto the Parliament to be holden at the appointed day.  

The States of Bohemia by writing declare unto the Emperor their purpose for the defence of their Religion.  But the day appointed for the Parliament being come, and the Emperor still delaying the matter, the States of the Religion, weary of such long delays, and in doubt to be therewith deluded, as having not received from the Emperor any such answer as whereon to rest, the third of june offered unto the Emperor a short writing, concerning their Grief and farther purpose, to this effect. They had (as they said) expected, and well hoped, that regard being had, not only of so many requests of so great and most noble Princes, made in their behalf; but even of the Emperor's promise also, made unto them, both in the general Assembly of the States the last year, and in the late Precept of the emperor's also, they should at length have received such answer unto their Petition, concerning the free Exercise of their Religion, as whereon they might have safely rested. Which, for that it had not been yet done, they referred the doing thereof unto God and future time; imputing the blame thereof, not unto his Imperial Majesty, but unto the unquiet and troublesome Natures of some as well the Ecclesiastical as Temporal Magistrates and Persons. But forasmuch as they meant not longer to be deluded by their Enemies, and much less to be defrauded of his Majesty's Royal Promise, which was now unto the World known, they had thought good to offer and present unto his Majesty a Writing conceived in the Bohemian Tongue; according unto which they desired to be secured, concerning the free Exercise of their Religion; most humbly requesting his Majesty to accept of the same, and at length to satisfy their requests. Which if it might not be granted, (the Emperor's Majesty, having more respect unto the troublesome Clergymen, and some other his evil affected Counsellors, than to the faithful States and Subjects of his Kingdom) that then they would rest themselves upon the Decree made in the Assembly holden in the year 1608 and upon the last Edict of his Majesty; yet with this solemn Protestation, That seeing they had by certain Information understood much Warlike Preparation (but especially in Bavaria) to be made, and divers Consultations in many Places to be holden against the States of the Religion, (his Imperial Majesty, and the other his faithful Counsellors, thereof not knowing) which might tend unto the Ruin and Destruction both of his Majesty and of the whole Kingdom; they themselves would take upon them the defence thereof, and do their endeavour, that, furnished with Men and Arms, they might to the uttermost of their power defend him their Sovereign, together with themselves, and the whole Kingdom, against the Force and Invasion of their foreign Enemies.  
In the mean time, 
Ambassadors from the Duke of Saxony in the behalf of the States.  while these things were thus in doing, an Ambassador came from the Duke of Saxony to Prague, to entreat the Emperor for the States, and for the granting of them the free Exercise of their Religion; the Ambassadors of the States of Silesia forthwith following of them also; who, in like manner requesting also of the Emperor, to have the liberty for the free Exercise of their Religion by him confirmed unto them; promised their most ready help and aid unto the States of Bohemia, if need should so require. But the States of Bohemia, 
The States of Bohemia raise their Forces.  having from day to day in vain expected answer from the Emperor, turning themselves unto their former Resolution for the defence of themselves and of their Religion; forthwith raised a great number both of Horse and Foot, whom, with their well-known Captains and Commanders, they brought even unto the City of Prague. Howbeit, at length, viz. the eleventh of july, the Saxon Ambassador earnestly soliciting their Cause, and urging their request, they, according to their desire, received answer from the Emperor, by Letters from his Majesty written to this effect.  
He gave all Men (as he said) to understand, 
The Emperor's Letters unto the States of the Religion in Bohemia, for the free Exercise of their Religion.  and by these his Letter witnessed to eternal Memory, That after that all the free States of his Kingdom of Bohemia, which, in the receiving of the Lord Supper, participate the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ under both kinds, his faithful Subjects, had in the Assembly holden in the Castle at Prague in the year 1608, in all humility requested, That it might be lawful for them to hold, and freely to Exercise their Religion, according to the Confession of Augusta, (as some call it) exhibited unto his Father Maximilian the Emperor of most happy Memory, and by him unto the said States allowed; and that he then and at that time, by reason of other most weighty business, for which that Assembly was then called, and such as could suffer no Procrastination or delay, had thought it good to defer the allowing and ratifying of this their Petition, unto this present Assembly of Parliament; and that the same States now again assembled, incessantly renewing this their former Petition and having thereunto joined also the request and Intercession of certain Noble Personages, had requested to be therein satisfied; and that he with his Counsellors would consult how Provision might be made for his Subjects in the Kingdom of Bohemia, as well Commucating under both kinds, as under one; now at length to have effected the same. Wherefore seeing that his Will and Desire was, that both in these and future times, Peace and Quietness might for the increasing of the Kingdom be preserved and kept amongst his Subjects of all the three Estates of the Kingdom of Bohemia, communicating as well under the one, as under both kinds; that both parties might freely, and without any impediment or let, have the free Exercise of their Religion, whereby they were both in hope to obtain everlasting Salvation. And to the intent that Accomplishment and Satisfaction might in all points be made, as well according unto the breaking up of the Assembly of Parliament in the year 1608, as to the performance of his own Precept, of late published, (whereby he hath acknowledged, and even yet acknowledgeth, those same Estates communicating under both kinds, and subscribing to this Confession, for his faithful and loyal Subjects, unto whom the Rights and Immunities of the Kingdom of Bohemia belonged) He by the common consent of the Counsellors, and other Magistrates of the Kingdom did determine, That his Subjects, communicating both under one and both kinds, should friendly and peaceably live together, without wronging or reviling of one another; and that upon the Pain and Penalty in the Law set down, to be inflicted upon them that should otherwise do. And moreover, seeing that they which communicated but under one kind, enjoyed the free Exercise of their Religion in all points throughout the Kingdom of Bohemia, that he gave leave, and commanded, that they also which communicated under both kinds, viz. all the States of the Religion, with all such as embraced the Confession of Bohemia, sometime exhibited to Maximilian the Emperor, his Father, in the Parliament holden in the year 1575., and now again to himself presented, should every where, and in all places of the Kingdom, have the free Exercise of their Religion, without the let or interruption of any; to retain the same, until a general Union of Religion, and an ending of all Dissension and Controversies might be made. Moreover, That He did grant unto the States of the Religion this Favour, That they should have the lower Consistory at Prague, with Power to conform the same according to their own Confession. That they might lawfully make their Priests, as well in the Bohemian as Germane Tongue, and set them over their Churches, without any let of the Archbishop of Prague. That he did also restore unto them the University of Prague, which for many years ago belonged unto the States of the Religion under both kinds; giving them Power again to open the same, to furnish it with grave and learned Men of their own Confession, to beautify it with good Laws, and to appoint certain of their own Company and Profession for Governors and Defenders as well of the Consistory as of the University; whom, so by the States appointed and chosen, he without any stay or delay, or other instruction or information than they should from the States receive, would confirm in that their Office, and pronounce them for the lawful Defenders; yet so, as that if he, being letted by other greater business, cannot perform the same within the space of fourteen days, they shall nevertheless continue Defenders, and as well enjoy the charge of the Office committed unto them, as if they had been therein by him confirmed; and that one or other of their number being dead, it shall be lawful for the States to choose others in their Places. And if that, beside the Churches which they now hold, they would build other more, or erect more Schools for the instructing of the Youth, it shall be lawful for them freely, and without any let so to do, as well in the Cities as in the Country Towns and Villages. And forasmuch as in some of the Cities of the Kingdom of Bohemia, Men of both Religions dwelled together, he therefore did will and command, That for the preservation of Peace and Quietness, either part freely exercising their Religion, and obeying their Priests, should by no means either hurt or trouble them on the other part; and much less to hinder them to bury their dead in their Churches or Churchyards, with the ringing or tolling of the Bells, or go about to turn any Man from his Religion, of what state or condition soever he be, whether he dwell in the City, or in the Country Town or Village; or by force to draw them to their Opinion, or to take their part. For that he only respected, that Peace and Quietness might be kept, and that mutual Love might still grow amongst all the three States: Unto which end and purpose, that He for himself and his Heirs, and the Kings of Bohemia his Successors, in the Faith and Word of a King, did grant and promise unto the States of the Religion, unto whom this common Peace of Religion (as they call it) belongeth, as to a principal member of the Empire, all these things to be for ever inviolably kept (the Ecclesiastical and Temporal Persons whosoever in vain resisting) so that no contrary Precept or Edict, should either by himself, or any other his Heirs or Successors be published against the States of the Religion; or being published by any, should be accounted effectual and strong; especially, seeing that he by these his Letters, pronounceth all the Edicts hitherto published against these the States of the Religion, to be void, frustrate, and of none effect. Neither would that any thing of those which were done by the States of the Religion, whilst they sought for the Confirmation of this Article concerning Religion, should for ever be laid to their charge, or by any man by way of reproach objected unto them. And that therefore he straightly charged and commanded all Magistrates, and such as bare rule in Bohemia, to the uttermost of their Power to protect and defend all the three States, together with them of the Religion; and neither themselves to trouble them, nor suffer them to be by any others for the Exercise of their Religion molested or troubled: For that he and other the Kings of Bohemia, his Successors, would most severely chastise all such as should offend against these his Majesty's Letters (which, to be for ever remembered, he would cause the same to be enroled in the public Records of Parliament) whether such Offenders were Ecclesiastical or Temporal Men, to be sharply punished as the Troublers of the Common Peace.  
This was the sum of his Majesty's Letters, which he caused to be publicly set up in the Castle of Prague the thirteenth of july, that it might be to all men known, this Article of Religion, which was the first of the Articles in this Parliament propounded, to be concluded and agreed upon according to the Mind of the States of the Religion, and so their Requests to be in all points satisfied. Who forthwith thereupon, the fifteenth day of july, caused the first public Sermon according to the Confession of Augusta, to be preached in the Germane Tongue in a Church of them of the Religion, which had for a long time before been shut up. At which time, they also sent unto the Elector of Saxony, to send unto them certain learned men, for the setting up of the University, and the governing of the Consistory at Prague. And yet for all this, the Ambassadors for the States of Silesia, still earnestly labouring with the Emperor for the Liberty of Religion to be granted to the said States and the rest of the Inhabitants of the Province; the States of Bohemia refused in any wise to dismiss their Soldiers whom they had mustered near unto Roggenson, until the Silesians were of their request in that point satisfied; offering also unto the Emperor a large Libel of the Griefs of them the said States.  
Now it may be that some having read so much as is before written concerning these late Troubles about the free Exercise of the Reform Religion, but especially in Bohemia, Austria, Moravia, and Silesia, may deem the same both tedious and beside our purpose; unto whom indeed it is not written; but rather unto such, as who, together with myself (the Wars betwixt the Christians and the Turks ended, and the Peace concluded as is aforesaid) desire yet to know in what state those frontier Countries stand; which being the greatest Bulwarks on that side of Christendom, and the chief Territories of the House of Austria, are (the peace being either expired, or otherwise broken off) most subject unto the Fury of the puissant Enemy, as nearest unto him, and so like soon to feel of his great Force and Power, prefixing unto itself neither bounds nor measure, so long as there is any thing farther. Against whom the Christian Emperor had no other Forces of his own to oppose, more than such as he could raise out of the Relics of Hungary, and the aforesaid Frontier Countries. All together but weak helps against so puissant an Enemy, as never cometh into the field but with a world of Men following of him; but yet much weaker, being (as now of late they were) every one of them apart divided in themselves about matters of Religion, the incurable malady of the Christian Estates and commonweals; the heavy and lamentable effect whereof too much of late appeared in the loss of Strigonium, won by the Turks with a far less Army than ever the Grand Signors Lieutenant General was wont to come into Hungary withal; and yet the Christian Emperor, by reason of the revolt of the Hungarians, (upon a discontentment about the Exercise of their Religion) not able of himself to relieve the distressed City of Strigonium, or yet to put an Army of any strength into the Field, for the defence of the rest of his Cities or Territories. So weak are even the greatest Princes, their Subjects being among themselves in Minds divided.  
But not to stray farther, 
The Turks Ambassador cometh to Vienna, and from thence to Prague.  the Turks Ambassador in the mean time with a notable train of an hundred and fifty Turks coming from Vienna the one and twentieth of September, and there having saluted, and with great Gifts presented the King, set forward toward Prague, where he was by the Citizens and certain Noblemen of the Emperor's Council the twelfth of October honourably received; and the nineteenth of the same Month admitted unto the Emperor's Presence, first presented unto him from the Great Sultan his Master, a rich Tent of divers colours, most curiously wrought with fair Orient Pearl of great value; and then four courageous Horses, all furnished with most rich and sumptuous furniture. He presented unto him also certain Turkish Weapons set and garnished with precious Stones, and a Princely Turk's robe, such as they use at their Marriages, glistering with Gold and precious Stones, with divers other rare things of less value; together with which he delivered unto him the Great Sultan's Letters, and withal desired the Confirmation of the Peace before made for twenty years, to be now again renewed. Unto which Ambassador Letters were afterward delivered from the Emperor, together with certain other rich Presents to be by him presented unto the great Sultan: viz. certain Caroches lined within with Damask, and covered without with black Velvet; six fair and gallant Horses most richly furnished; a Clock of wonderful Workmanship; two fair Desks to write upon of Ebony; with divers other like Presents of no small price. Who so charged with Presents, and bountifully rewarded, and to his good liking answered, was afterward, in the beginning of january, with a train of two hundred Horse from Prague honourably dismissed.  

A CONTINUATION OF THIS PRESENT HISTORY, (Containing those Occurrents which have happened to the Turkish Empire since the Year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred and nine, unto the Year, one thousand six hundred and seventeen, etc.)  By EDWARD GRIMSTON, Sergeant at Arms. 
year 1610 THE Turkish Emperor, having been freed some years from the care of Wars in Hungary, in regard that he had concluded a Truce for twenty years with the Emperor Rodulphus, he now bent all his Forces against his Rebels in Asia, and the Sophy of Persia, where he had no good Success this year. For the Persians, 
The Persians enter into the Province of Babylon.  having formerly extended their Monarchy far into the Turkish Empire, and defeated Cicala Bassa, and others in divers Battles; now they entered into the Province of Babylon, with a design to join it to Persia. Achmat, to stay the course of their Prosperity, sends a mighty Army thither, under the command of Nassut Bassa; but his fortune was no better than those that went before him. The Persians came to meet him, gave him battle, 
The Turks defeated.  defeated him, and slew twenty thousand of his Men. These mournful News coming to Court, did much distemper the Sultan's Mind; he could not endure it should be said, that the Persian had defeated his mighty Armies thrice in open Battle; and much less that it should be so, and that he should seize upon his Countries: wherefore, 
The Turk makes Gambolat General of his Army.  to repair this loss, he levies new Forces to be commanded by Gambolat Bassae of Aleppo, who had been the most powerful Rebel in Asia, and was newly reconciled and brought into favour with the Grand Signior. This man came to the Port to receive the Sultan's Commandments, and to pass his Army into Asia; but, whether having some suspicion that he had intelligence with the Persians, or that such as envied his Greatness, had given some bad impression of his Loyalty to the Sultan; 
He commands him to be slain.  within some few days after his arrival, Achmat caused him to be slain by his Capigi. Whereby we may well observe, that he that is a Rebel to his Prince, which hath so violently oppressed his Subjects, and set his Countries on fire by Sedition, the which he hath been forced to quench with the blood of Innocents', cannot but end his days violently and miserably, seeing that God revengeth the Blood of Innocents' upon the guilty.  
The Persian, seeing what advantage he had gotten of the Turk, 
Ambassadors come from the Persian to the Emperor.  laboured by the bruit of his Victories to draw the Christian Princes unto his party, and with them wholly to ruin the Othomans'▪ the which he had so happily begun. For the effecting whereof, he sent his Ambassadors to the Emperor being at Prague, to persuade him to break the Peace with the Turk, and to join with him. The Ambassadors arrived at Prague this year with rich and rare Presents; first, 
Presents sent to the Emperor.  a Cross of Gold enriched with many precious stones; amongst which there was one piece of Amber, whereon was seen the figure of the Virgin Mary, holding her young Babe in her Arms; the which was so artificially graven, as it might be thought the work of Nature; a Topas of exceeding greatness, given to the King of Persia by an Indian King; two Knives of Damask, with hafts of Jasper, and their sheats covered with Diamonds; a certain kind of Indian Wood of most excellent virtue, most sovereign to cure the pains of the Breast, and to purge the Stomach; the gall of a Pelican, excellent to cure the Pleurisy, Apoplexy, and Fever; two Topazes, the one white, and the other violet, this last was so big, as it was capable to make a Cup; an Amathist as big as a Hen's Egg; a Persian Bow inlaid with the Veins of a Camel, and a rough Diamond exceeding great; a white stone of the colour of Water, which was a preservative against the Plague, being hung about one's neck; three Oriental Pearls exceeding big; three rich Esca●buncles, and three marvellous fair Diamonds; and with all this a Serpent's Horn, much esteemed for the rare Virtues. All these Presents were very well accepted, and the Ambassadors much honoured. But what appearance was there for the Emperor, 
His Affairs will not suffer him to join with the Persian.  who had so great Differences with his Brother Mathias, King of Hungary, who saw the greatest part of his Subjects rebelled against him, his Provinces in division, Transilvania in Combustion by the Conspiracy which had been discovered against Battory, and finally a general Disorder over all, to break the peace with the Turk, (who was at his Door, retained only with this Bar) and to ally himself with the Persian so far from his Countries, from whom he could draw no Succours, but only that he might keep the Othomans' busy in Asia? Thus the Ambassadors returned, carrying home nothing but good Words.  
Since the Troubles which happened in Bohemia made him see of what importance it was to entertain Peace with the Turk; 
The Proceedings of Leopold in Bohemia.  for if he had broken it by the Persians Persuasion, he had given his Enemy an assured means to ruin him; for the Archduke Leopold entered into Bohemia with an Army of nine thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse; he surprised petty Prague, attempted the old Town, and seeking to force it, he slew many which made resistance. Matthius' King of Hungary advertised of this Disorder, parts from Austria with a powerful Army, and advanceth speedily towards Bohemia. It was to be feared, that if Matthia's Army and Leopold's had met near unto Prague, it had been the loss and overthrow of the one, and the desolation and ruin of the Country. The Emperor foreseeing this Danger, caused 300000 Florins to be delivered to Romeo. Leopold's Lieutenant, for the payment of his Army, and so sent him out of Bohemia. 
Causes of the Troubles of Bohemia.  This division betwixt the Princes of the House of Austria, grew by the Practices of some of the Emperor's Counsel, who being delegated Judges to compound the Differences of the Bohemians of divers Religions, instead of labouring to reconcile and unite those People, for the good of the public, they made themselves Partisans to the one, to oppress the other; and thereby they drew the Princes into a dangerous division, for the support of Parties. And moreover, the Archdukes Ferdinand and Leopold▪ practised to deprive Mathias, King of Hungary, of the Succession which he pretended of Bohemia; lest that being Master, he should take revenge upon their Partisans for the Troubles wherewith they had formerly afflicted the Country. Such was the Estate of Affairs in Germany, giving the Turk a fair Opportunity, if he could have embraced so rich an occasion, to make his Profit of their Combustions. But the Confirmation of the Truce, and the Affairs of his House, kept him in Thrace.  

The Galleons of Malta defeated by the Turks.  Let us see how the Turk speed● at Sea; where he hath the Knights of Malta, the Sicilians, and Neapolitans, and the Florentines, vigilant and valiant Enemies, to annoy him, and cross his Designs. The last year, which was 1609, the Christians had no good Success, loss fell particularly upon the Knights of Malta; for he that fights often, can hardly vanquish always. The Gallion of the Order, commanded by Chivalier Guidoti, an Italian, had made two Voyages to Sea very fortunately, and brought to Malta three hundred Turkish slaves. The encouragement of this good Success engaged many Knights to divers Enterprises. They armed certain Galleons, and made a Fleet of ten good Ships of War, as unfortunate in their Courses as the Gallion of the Order had been before successful; for, meeting with the Turks Fleet in the Seas of Cyprus, they were set upon, and most of them slain or made slaves. The Knight Fressinet was slain, and the Red Gallion, wherein he commanded, taken by the Turks; but it was after a whole day Fight. Ambuson, otherwise called Fueillade, another Knight▪ was made a Slave, and his Gallion taken; the Knight Ouges ran the same fortune, with the loss of a Gallion. Fressinet having brought a Pinnace with him to attend his Ship, after some fight near unto the Gallion, it escaped by night. In this Voyage, 
The Gallion of the Order sets upon the Turks Caravan.  unfortunate for them of Malta, the Gallion of the Order would needs seek some better adventure; the Knights of Bailou and Rhodes, did accompany him either of them with a small Gallion. He set upon the Caravan of the Turks Fleet, near the Island of Rhodes, his successful beginning of this Combat made him hope for Victory, and the number of the Enemy's Vessels for a rich Booty; for there were among the rest two great Galleons of the Sultan's; these are Ships which belong to the great Seignior's Women, loaden commonly with great Riches; but twenty Galleys of Rhodes seeing this fight, came out of their Port to succour them, and by the favour of a fair Wind, drew them into safety.  
At Malta the bruit was, That the Turks Army consisting of fourscore Galleys, should go and besiege the Isle of Goza, whereas a Knight called Saint-Liger commanded. Whereupon, the Great Master had resolved to fortify the Castle of the Island, with a good Counterscarp, which he caused to be made, sending thither two hundred Soldiers, and thirty Knights for supply, all brave Soldiers, who might have made a great resistance, if the Turks had attempted it; but the Enemy's Fleet passed on, and gave them time to rest.  
But this Year 1610, Vignancourt, the Great Master of Malta, sent the five Galleys of the Order into Barbary, towards the Port Farino, memorable, for that it was the Haven where Saint Lewis the French King ended the Navigation of his days, and at his return from Jerusalem and Palestina, went to receive in Heaven the glorious palms of his holy Actions. 
The Galleys of Malta go to surprise them of Biserta.  The Galleys of Biserta had been accustomed to fetch Palms there in that season (which was in the Spring time,) whom the Galleys of Malta had a design to surprise. But the contrary▪ Winds, and the tempestuous Seas overthrew that Enterprise; yet their Voyage was not altogether unprofitable; for returning toward Malta, being within the Channel which divides the Island from that of Sicily, they encountered with a great Gallion of Tunes, armed by a Turk called Carousinan, being in view of the Galleys of Malta: The Raise (who commanded) assured his Company, and (smiling) promised to free them from their Enemies. Being so transported with Vanity, as he spoke confidently, that he would not fear twenty of the Galleys of Malta; but this his pride was soon abated with his ruin; for the five Galleys came close under him, 
They sink a Gallion of Tunes.  and plied him so furiously with their Cannon, as they sunk him. The Galley wherein Verdelli, an Italian Knight, commanded, had like to have been lost, for being grappled with the Gallion, if the diligence of Verdelli had not speedily retired it. The Turks, after the loss of their Vessel, began to swim away, but they were all made Slaves to serve in the Galleys of Malta, who this year had no other Fruits of their generous Enterprises.  
The Galleys of Cosmo de Medicis, 
The Courses of the Duke of Tuscany's Galleys. They take a Turkish Ship.  Great Duke of Tuscany, parted from Ligorn, under the Conduct of the Commander and Admiral Inghirami, and running along the Coast of Barbary, they took a Turkish Ship in the sight of Algiers, laden with Merchandise, Arms, and Munition of War, freeing many Christian Slaves which were in it. This happy beginning promised them better fortune. They pass on, and some twenty five Leagues beyond Algiers, they go to surprise the Town of Bisquerre, a small Town in Circuit, but strong and well walled. Inghirami drawing near unto the Coast, took down his Masts, lest they should discover his coming. In the mean time, he sent two long Boats to find some place fit for their landing; the which being carefully observed, Colonel Bindii landed his Men, and about eleven a Clock at Night marched in good order towards the Town, and forced it. The Darkness of the Night kept them from spoiling it; 
Bisquerre taken by the Florentines.  being content only to set their Guards and Sentinels in the most important Places of the Wall; but day being come, the Soldiers made themselves Masters of the Town, which they sacked and spoiled. Certain Moors and Turks, during the Obscurity of the Night, had retired themselves into a Mosque which they fortified: They were summoned to yield; but the fear of being Slaves, (which they could not avoid) made them resolve to die in their own defence; so as the Florentines having forced the Place, put them all to the Sword; and then embarked their Troops, having filled Bisquerre with Fire and Blood. The Night following, being in the Gulf called the Bad Woman, they met with a Pinnace loaden with Corn, 
They take divers Turkish Vessels.  the which they took, and sent to Leghorn, and then they passed on to increase their Conquest. Being upon the Coast of Sardinia, two Galliots of Biserta did furnish them with a fair Occasion. Inghirami sendeth his Galleys to pursue them, who having had them in chase threescore Leagues, took the one, wherein they had one hundred and twenty Slaves, and freed many poor Christians from the Chain, who suffered the Tyranny of the Turkish Servitude. They also took a Turkish Galley within half a League of Algiers, and spoilt it. And thus triumphing over their Enemies, they took their Course towards Ligorn, having taken four Turkish Vessels, spoiled the Town of Bisquerre, and twice braved that of Algiers.  

The Morisques or new Christians chased out of Spain.  This year was fatal for the Morisques or new Christians in Spain, who being in number nine hundred thousand Persons, as the original writes, and had continued there from Father to Son, for the space of almost nine hundred years, were now in an instant banished, and made Vagabonds with the blast of the King's Mouth: Men discoursed diversely hereof. Some said, that the King had reason to do it, for that they had secret Practices and Intelligence with the Turk, his capital Enemy. Others affirmed, that he did wisely to prevent their Attempts against his Estate, which were to be feared, considering their Numbers were so great. And some said plainly, that it was to have their Lands and Inheritances, which had continued so long in their Races. But the King declared his own intent by his Edict, the which he published in these Terms.  

The King of Spain's Edict.  The King: For that reason doth in Conscience bind a good and Christian Government, to expel out of all Realms and commonweals those things which breed scandal, and bring hurt to our good Subjects, and Danger to the Estate, but especially which are offensive to God, and prejudicial to his Service; for this cause, Experience having taught us, That the residence of the new Christian Morisques, and their abode in the Realms of Granado, Murcia, and Andelosia, hath been the cause of all these Inconveniences: For that besides the manner of their proceeding, which joined in the Rebellion of Granado, the which began by cruel Murders of all the Priests and old Christians which lived amongst them, call the Turk in to their Aid; yet having drawn them out of the said Country, and suffered them to live in our other Provinces, so as they would repent them of their Faults, and live faithfully and Christian like, according to the Precepts and just Ordinances which were given them: They have not observed and kept them according to the strict and direct Rules of our Holy Faith; but have always made show to contemn it, and to have no fear to offend God; as hath been seen by the great numbers which have been punished by the Inquisition; and besides, they have committed many Thefts and Murders against the old Christians. And not content herewith, they have conspired against my Royal Crown and Realms, seeking Aid and Succours from the Turk, certain interposed Persons being sent to that effect, and doing the like with other Princes, promising unto themselves Aid and Assistance, offering unto them their Persons and Means. And seeing that during so many years, in which they have practised these Treasons and Conspiracies, not any one hath come to reveal them, but they have always covered, concealed, and denied them; it is a most apparent sign that they have all been of one Mind and Will, against the Service of God and of me, and against the good of this Realm; yet they might have imitated many Knights of theirs, of generous extraction, who have done service to God, to the Kings our Progenitors, and to us, like good Christians, and most loyal Vassals.  
Wherefore considering all this, and how much I am bound to set down some good order, and to procure the preservation and increase of my Realms and Subjects, and desiring to provide for all; I have decreed, with the Advice and Counsel of many judicious learned men, and others, that are very religious, wise, and jealous of God's Service and mine, to chase out of the said Realms of Granado, Murcia, and Andelosia, and out of the Town of Hernache (although it be not within the Limits of the said Realms) all the new Christians Morisques, both Men, Women, and Children. For when as a great or detestable Crime is committed in any College or Communality, it is fit that College or Communality should be ruined, and that the less for the greater, and one with another should be punished; and that such as pervert the good and sincere Life of commonweals, and of their Towns and Cities, should be banished from other Inhabitants, lest their Contagion infect them.  
For this cause, by virtue of these Presents, we ordain and command, That all the new Christians Morisques, without any exception of Age or Sex, of those that live and reside in the said Realms, and in the Town of Hernache, except such as be Slaves, shall within the space of thirty days after the Publication hereof, depart out of all our Realms and Dominions of Spain, with their Wives, Children, Servants, and others of their Nation; and that they shall not presume to return nor make any residence in them, in any sort whatsoever; And we forbid them to depart by the Realms of Valencia, or Arragon, nor to enter into them, not to stay in any of our Realms or Countries after the time prefixed, upon pain of Death, and confiscation of all their Goods. And we command, that no Person within our Realms and Signories, of what Estate, Qualities, or Condition soever, shall presume to receive, conceal, or defend publicly nor secretly any Morisque Man or Woman after the said term, upon pain to lose all their Goods, Vassals, Forts, and Lands; and moreover to lose all the Graces and Benefits which they have from me, to be applied to my Exchequer.  
And though I may justly confiscate all the Goods movable and unmoveable of the said Morisques, as belonging to Traitors, and guilty of high Treason; yet using Clemency, I am content, that during the said term of thirty days, they may dispose of their movable Goods, and carry them away, not in Gold, Silver, Jewels, nor Letters of Exchange, but in Merchandise, which is not prohibited, bought of the natural Subjects of this Realm, and not of others; or in the Commodities of the said Country. And to the end they may during the time of thirty days dispose thereof, and of their movable Goods, and employ it in Merchandise, or in the Commodities of the Country, and transport what they shall buy; (for as for their Lands, that must be annexed to my Revenues, to be employed in the Service of God and the Common-weal, as I shall think most fit) I declare by these Presents, that I take them into my Royal Protection, and assure them and their Goods, That during the said time they may go and come, to sell, exchange, and alienate all their movable Goods, and to employ their Money, Gold, Silver, and Jewels, in Merchandise not prohibited, or in the Commodities of the Country, and to transport the same freely, without any let or interruption, by Land or by Sea, paying usual Customs; so as they carry no Gold or Silver coined, or to coin, nor any other thing prohibited by the Laws of my Realm. Yet we are content, they shall carry so much Money as shall be needful ●or their Passage by Land, and embarking by Sea; commanding all our Officers and loving Subjects to see this present Edict duly observed, etc. Signed, I the King.  
After the Publication of this Edict, the term of thirty days was restrained to twenty, so as the Morisques were hastened to depart; and the Ships and Vessels of what Country soever were stayed in all the Ports of Spain, to transport them whither they would go. Many passed from Spain into Barbary; but during this year there came above 150000 of these Morisques into France; the King sending Commissaries, to see them well used, and orderly transported away.  

War in B●rb●ry.  There was a War fallen out in Barbary betwixt Muley Xequy, King of Fez, and Muley Sidan, his younger Brother, both Mahometans; in which War the younger forced the elder to fly his Country, and to come and crave Aid from Philip King of Spain; But the unfortunate loss of Don Sebastian King of Portugal, was a good Precedent for the Spaniard not to trust in barbarous Kings, without good assurance; He treated with the Barbarian, and promised him Succours, with an hundred thousand ducats to return to Alarache, (a place which held for him) where by Money or other Practices, he should draw unto him as many Soldiers as he could; and that for the safety of the Succours that he should give him, he should put Alarache or Arrache into his Hands. This Arrache is a strong Town in the Realm of Fez, 
Description of the Town of Arrache or Allarache.  in the Province of Algar, seated upon the Ocean, at the Mouth of the River of Lucus, whereon part of it is built, and the other part upon the Ocean: It hath a goodly Port, and hard to take for that it is defended by a Fort, in the which the Kings of Fez do usually entertain a Garrison of three hundred light Horse, and three hundred Harquebusiers; for that the Portugals and Castilians hold in a manner all the Sea Towns of the Provinces of Habat, and Erif, where they have great Garrisons. This Province is from the River of Nocor along the Mediterranean Sea, unto the strait of Gibraltar, the other is upon the Ocean from the said strait unto the River Lucus, in the which the King of Spain holdeth at this day the strong Towns of Tanger, Arzilla, and others. According to the former accord, the Barbarian returned to Arrache, with his Money in one of the King of Spain's Ships; to whom in a short time repaired many of his Friends and Servants. The Spaniard in the mean time having prepared a Fleet of a great number of Galleys and Ships, and embarked ten thousand Soldiers therein, he gave the command thereof unto the Marquess of Saint German, who arrived on the twentieth of November in the Evening at the Port of Arrache, and there road at Anchor all the Night. The next day in the Morning, the Marquis, calling all the Captains to a Council, imparting unto them his Design for to force Arrache, in case that the Moorish King did not keep his Promise; they gave him assurance, that they would carry themselves like unto brave and valiant Soldiers. But see what happened; The King of Fez, having no means to go from his word, seeing the Spaniard so strong as he might well force it, many of his Followers and People, fearing to fall under the Power of Spain, they would have abandoned him; but having the Governor of the Castle at his Devotion, he thrust out the Garrison, and delivered the Keys himself unto the Marquis of Saint german. Upon the first bruit that the Spaniards were entered into the Castle, all the Inhabitants ran to Arms, and thinking to resist them, 
Arrache in Barbary taken by the Spaniards.  after that many of them had ended their days valiantly, during three hours' Combat, they were forced to yield unto the Marquis, who presently planted the Cross and Arms of Castille upon all the Towers and Steeples. Thus this strong Town, which the Castilians and Portugals had so long desired, and whereby the Inhabitants received a great ruin, is in the end fallen under the Domination of their King. The News of this Exploit being brought into Spain, pleased the King much, and the People made bonfires for joy; these are the Alterations of times. The Moors in old time were wont to overrun Spain, and now the Spaniards take their Pleasures in Mauritania.  
About the end of this year, News came to Constantinople, of the great Wars which had been between the Uncle and the Nephew, by the death of the Great Cham of the Tartars; the Son, who during his Father's Life time had continued at Constantinople as an Hostage, and was now sent back into his Country by the Sultan Achmat, thinking to enjoy his Father's Estate; his Uncle, Brother to the deceased Cham, practised to seize upon the Crown; but either of them having drawn an Army of 60000 Men together, in the end, they joined battle, 
A great Battle in Tartary.  whereas after the slaughter of 40000 Men upon the place, the Son had the Victory, and by that means obtained the Crown of Tartary.  
I will conclude this year 1610, with the Relation of a particular Business, to show the greedy desire of the Turks to get by any unjust means whatsoever, and their Infidelity and Falsehood to say and swear any thing for Bribes. Some years before, one Master Willoughby, an English Gentleman, having rigged up a Ship for war into the Levant, he came into Algiers in Barbary to sell his prize, where at that time one Solyman Catania was Bassa. This Ship was suddenly seized on, and rifled by the command of this Bassa, upon no other Subject, but that the Bassa pretended this Ship had burnt a Caramousal of his, which in truth the Bassa himself had caused to be set on Fire, that under colour thereof he might seize upon the Ship and Goods. Master Willoughby went to Constantinople, and there made his complaint to Sir Henry Lilloe, than Ambassador for the English; but yet could get no satisfaction; whereupon he returned into England, and obtained Letters from his Majesty to the Grand Signior, and to Sir Thomas Glover, than Ambassador, residing at Constantinople; which having received, he went presently to the Chimacham (who was Lieutenant to Murath Bassa the Grand Visier, he being then employed in the Wars against the Persian.) The Chimacham having read these Letters, would not suffer them to be delivered to the Grand Signior; promising to do Justice upon Solyman Catania, whom he discharged from his Place, and sent for him to Constantinople; who being come, and called in question, he denied the Fact; Master Willoughby (having no certain proof of his loss) suborned one Ofish Bassa a Turk, who had been at Mecha, and was therefore held a very holy man, who set a Brother of his to procure false Witnesses, upon promise to have the tenth part of what should be recovered; The Witnesses being ready to swear to his Assertion, Solyman Catania hearing their Oath, compounded with Master Willoughby, and gave him four or five thousand Dollars; so the business ended. Which shows the Corruption of the Turks, and that the holiest of them for Money will not stick to bear false Witness, and take false Oaths.  
This year 1610, the City of Constantinople was wonderfully afflicted with the Plague, the which dispersed itself over all, 
A great Plague in Constantinople.  and crept into the Grand Seignior's Seraglio, wherein one of his Sons died of that Infection; whereupon the Grand Signior was forced to retire for his safety, and to pa●s the remainder of the Summer in his Palace or Seraglio of Darut Bassa, about a League and a half distant from the City; this violent Contagion did so rage in Constantinople for the space of five Months, 
200000 persons died of the plague.  as there were numbered two hundred thousand Persons dead within the time, and they did commonly carry every day twelve or fifteen hundred Bodies to be buried. The greatness of this Mortality is not to be imputed so much to the Corruption of the Air, as to the wilful Negligence of the Turks, who would not vouchsafe to turn away from a Body dead of this Disease, when it goes to burial, not to forbear to visit their Friends being infected. 
The Turks obstinate belief touching predestination.  The obstinate belief they have of Predestination maketh them bruitishly contemn all sorts of dangers: For, say they, assoon as man comes out of his Mother's Womb to enjoy the Light of the World, God writes in his Forehead all the good or evil shall happen unto him, and particularly of what Death he shall die, the necessity whereof no humane power can avoid. All is governed (say they) by Destiny, and therefore they regard not any Infection, but chose when any one is dead, another takes his Clothes and wears them; which is the cause that Constantinople and the Grand Cairo are seldom free; and whenas the Air is any thing disposed to Contagion, there dies such multitudes of People, as they do not number them but by hundred thousands.  

Death of the French Ambassador at Constantinople.  Before the beginning of this Plague, the Baron of Salignac, Ambassador for the French King at Constantinople, ended his Embassage with his Life. His most Christian Majesty sent the Baron of Mole, eldest Son to the Baron of Sansie, to supply his Place. He arrived at Pera this Year in the beginning of September, and about the end of October the Sultan being returned to Constantinople; after that he had visited the Muphti, (who is the chief of their Law) the Grand Visier, the Deftorda, (who is the Sultan's high Treasurer) the Bostangi Bassa his chief Gardener, with other great Men of the Port which were highly in Favour; in the end he was admitted to Audience, and to kiss the Sultan's Hand. A Ceremony, which in mine opinion I owe unto the History, to show that the Majesty of the Turkish Emperors is so great, as to approach near unto them the Ambassadors of foreign Princes are forced to disguise themselves, and leaving the Habits of their Nation, to attire themselves and their Train after the Turkish manner. 
The Ceremony of Ambassadors at their first Audience.  Thus the Ambassador of France parted from his Lodging at Pera, wearing upon his French Apparel a long Turkish Robe of Cloth of Gold curled, furred with Sables; his Gentlemen and Secretaries, to the number of sixteen, had the like Robes, but of meaner stuff, wearing Caps of black Velvet; he had twenty Servants in long Cassocks of Scarlet, called in Turkish, Ferrages, and upon them long Robes of the same stuff, with Caps of Taffeta; the four Dragomans, or the King's Interpreters, the Captains, Masters of Ships, and other Frenchmen attired all in long Robes, accompanied the Train. He passed the Channel which doth separate Pera from Constantinople; being come to the other side, he found many goodly Horses for him and his Train, which some Turks, that were Friends to France, had sent him to conduct him to the City; at the Gate whereof many Chiaus and Janissaries attended him to conduct him to the Seraglio; two Chiaus Bassanes went of either side him, accompanying him thither, the rest of the Turks going before. His arrival was no less honourable at the Palace Royal, than his coming to the Town: Two Capigi Bassanes, or chief of the Porters, received him at the entry of a great Court, and conducted him to the Grand Visier, who attended him at Dinner in the Hall, where he was feasted, being accompanied only with one Dragoman or Interpreter; the rest of his Train were conducted into a low Gallery, whereas Dinner was prepared for them after the Turkish manner: That is to say, 
Th● 〈…〉.  a great Tapestry upon the Ground without Cloth or Napkins, and some Dishes thin set. The Meat was Water-gruel with Sugar, and some Pottage with Pullet's; there were two Men either of them holding a certain Instrument of sodden Leather, in which there was a Beverage which they call Sherbet, made of the juice of Lemons, Water and Sugar, and withal, they held a Cup of blanched Copper, giving to every one Drink, and going among the Dishes to serve them more commodiously. From this Feast, distasteful to them that had lived after the French fashion, they passed into another Gallery, whereas the Ambassador and sixteen of his Company received each of them a Robe of Tinsel, the which having put on upon their other, they were conducted thorough a little Court paved with Marble, towards the Grand Seignior's Chamber, which was enriched on the outside with many Pillars of Marble, and square Stones of the same stuff, and beautified with two little Fountains on either side: The chamber within was about ten paces square, the Planchard was gilded, the Walls enameled with flowers after the Turkish manner, and the Floor covered with Tapestry of Gold and Silk. 
The Sultan's Chamber.  At the entry of this Imperial Chamber stood six Capigi or Porters, whereof two of them took the Ambassador under the Arms, and led him to kiss the Sultan's Hand, or rather his Robe; for having saluted him from the greatest of Christian Kings, he kissed but his Robe, and then was led on the one side, going backwards, to the end he should not turn his back to the Emperor. The French Gentlemen were conducted after the like manner to kiss his Robe. But they could hardly see the Sultan, for his Face was turned towards a Window that was grated, before the which, during the Ceremony, there past 30 Capigi, every one carrying a piece of the Presents which the Ambassador had brought; during the which, the Frenchmen could not see him but on the other side. This Salutation being ended, the Ambassador made a short Speech, and presented unto the Sultan the principal Letter of his Embassage, written in the Turkish Tongue.  
This past at Constantinople, 
Troubles in Transilvania.  whereas the Sultan did willingly see an Ambassador, his Ally, whom he honoured above all others. But in Transylvania the Affairs went after another strain; the combustions which seemed inseparable to this miserable Province, made it still the Theatre of all disorders. Gabriel Battori, who governed it since the session of Ragotzi, had put himself into the Turks Protection, against King Mathias, who pretended a Title, by reason of the session made by Prince Sigismond unto the Emperor, as King of Hungary, and had recovered Hermstad, and chased Raduille Vayvod of Valachia out of his Country; where, having settled a new Governor, 
The Valachian expelled his Country by Battori.  and filled the Garrisons with Haiducks▪ he returned toward Transilvania, to oppose himself against Fortgatsie, King Mathias his Lieutenant, who came with Troops out of high Hungary, and passed the River of Tibisce. The Vayvod Raduille had retired himself into Moldavia to Prince Constantine, whom he gave to understand, That Battori had an intent to seize upon his Country, and to make but one Monarchy of their three Provinces: whereupon they joined their Forces together, and in the end of june entered into Valachia, from whence they expelled Battori his Lieutenant with all the Garrisons. 
Battori defeated by the Valachian.  This Exploit made them to hope of a continuance in the Prosperity of their Arms; they entered into Transilvania, whereas they pursued Battori with such diligence, as they forced him to come to a Battle near unto C●omstat, the which he lost with part of his Troops, being constrained to save himself with his Horsemen in Hermstad, whereas some of the chief Inhabitants seeing him receive this Disgrace, attempted to submit themselves under the obedience of King Mathias: but the Practice being discovered by him, he did such Execution, as he purchased to himself the Name of Cruel.  

Fortgatsie, Lieutenant to King Mathias, enters Transilvania.  In the mean time Fortgatsie, Lieutenant to King Mathias, maketh use of this defeat to seize upon Transilvania: he made an Accord with Andrew Nage (who had drawn high Hungary into Rebellion, and caused the Haiducks to revolt) so as being freed from that fear, he entereth into Transilvania; where, having taken some Towns and Castles, he laid si●ge to Clausenburg, the which he battered so furiously, as the Garrison and Inhabitants seeing themselves ready to be forced, yielded, and took the Oath of Allegiance to King Mathias the five and twentieth of july. But as these Prosperities of Fortgatsie were humane, so did they not long continue. 
Battori's Practices.  Battori being shut up in Hermstad, conjures all his Friends to come unto him, and entreated the Bassas of Buda and Temeswar to succour him, according to the commandment which they had received from the Grand Signior; he practised with Nage (a man which did swim continually in the floats of Inconstancy) and makes him to revolt again in high Hungary, upon a surmise, That Fortgatsie had not kept promise with him; so as Nage took Arms again, seized upon the Fort of Bayens, and filled all High Hungary with Combustions; 
Fortgatsie expelled Transilvania, by Battori.  so as Fortga●sie could expect no Succours at his need from thence; then having received some Forces from the Turks and Tartarians, he went to field, pursuing Fortgatsie with such heat and fury, as he forced him to abandon all that he had taken in Transilvania, and to retire into Valachia. What Desolations did this War bring unto these Provinces by so many Prizes and Reprises? Battori going with a thousand Horse to surprise Tocai, upon the Frontiers of Valachia, whereas they then held a great Fair, he found the Garrison so watchful upon their Guard, as having lost part of his Horsemen, he was forced to return into Transilvania.  
On the other side, Fortgatsie with his Hungarians, 
Fortgatsie's miserable retreat.  thinking from Valachia to recover High Hungary by the Country of the Zeclerians, could not effect his Design; for Battori being advertised thereof, stopped his Passage; and in like manner the Earls of Bucheime and Dampier had passed the River of Tibisce to meet him; so as Battori set such Guards in all the Passages and straits, that Fortgatsie was forced to retire towards Polonia by the steep Mountains, and desert Places; whereas his Army was so oppressed with Famine and all other Necessities, as they perished miserably, there remaining few alive; with the which he ended his Passage into Polonia, and from thence soon after he returned into Hungary, but with a very poor Equipage.  
Thus the storm ceasing in Transilvania by the restraint of Fortgatsie, 
Troubles in Moldavia.  a more violent Tempest riseth in Moldavia, to the end that these unfortunate Regions should never be without some touch of Misery; For the Turk having understood, That Constantine, Prince of that Country, had relieved the Valachian against Battori, his Ally, or rather his Tributary, he sends a new Prince into Moldavia, the supposed Son of one Thomas, or Aaron as some write, who had in former time commanded there, and with him fifteen hundred Soldiers, with Letters of command to the Turks and Tartarians thereabouts, to assist him with their Forces. This new Prince was sometime in France, and afterwards detained Prisoner in the Fort of jaques in Spain, within the Pyrenean Mountains. Thus two Princes contend for Moldadavia, the one supported by the Polonian, 
Three Princes pretending to Moldavia.  and the other by the Turk. But behold, a third Prince cometh in and pretends a Title, being Son to one janicolo, who had commanded there. This Man had been a Prisoner in the black Tower at Constantinople, to which he was committed by the Sultan Amurath, for that he had lost a Battle in the year 1601, against Michael, who then possessed Moldavia; who escaping from thence, wandered through divers Countries, and at last coming into England, his Majesty of Great Britain pitying his miserable Estate, recommended him by Letters to Sir Thomas Glover, his Majesty's Ambassador, then residing at Constantinople, with commandment to assist him, and to solicit his Restitution with the Grand Signior. Upon the receipt of which Letters, he retired this wandering Prince into his House at Pera, where he entertained him, with many of his Friends and Followers which repaired unto him, for a long time; and in the mean time, he solicited the Grand Signior for his Restitution, having good Access unto him, by reason that he spoke the Turkish Tongue perfectly, and needed no Dragoman or Interpreter. 
The Negotiation of the Ambassador of England, for one of the Princes of Moldavia.  To whom the Sultan still gave good Answers, but with Delays, that it was not yet time; but he should have satisfaction. His Competitor (who was in Possession of Moldavia) hearing of this Practice, made Friends at the Great Turk's Court, and corrupted some of the Bassas by Bribes, (they being all by Nature very covetous) to the end he might cross his design, and make him away if it were possible; and among the rest, he had won Murath Bassa, the Grand Visier, a Man of great Power and Authority, who practised many means to get the Moldavian into his Hands. First, he sent word unto the Ambassador, That the Sultan, having a meaning to restore him, desired to see the man, if he were capable of the place or no; but being advertised of their intent, and well acquainted with their Practices, he refused to send him. After which, he wrote unto him, That it was the Grand Seignior's Pleasure, he should send the Moldavian unto him, that he might confer with him. To whom the Ambassador made answer, That unless he might see a Warrant under the Grand Seignior's own Hand, he would not deliver him. Murath Bassa, seeing that none of these Practices could prevail, resolved to fetch him out by force. For the effecting whereof he drew together two thousand Janissaries. The Ambassador hearing of his intent, fortified his House, and armed his People with the Moldavians which were with their Prince, meaning to stand upon his defence. Murath Basa, desirous to know what the Ambassador did in his Lodging, disguised a Janisary like unto a Greekish Shepherd; who entering into the Ambassador's House, found them all in Arms; then returning unto the Bassa, he told him that he had to do with a mad Man, and if he proceeded in his Enterprise, he would hazard the loss of many Janissaries; whereupon he gave it over. After which, the Ambassador being called home into England, the Moldavian despairing of Restitution from the Turkish Sultan, he turned Turk; and being presented to the Grand Signior, was made Bey of Bursia in Asia; the which he enjoyed not long; for Nassuf coming from the Persian Wars, discharged him. Thus Moldavia, having many pretending Sovereigns, suffered many miseries, and was a Prey to Turk, Tartarians, and Polonians, all Partisans to these Sovereigns.  
These were the Troubles which the Turks caused at land for the Ruin of the Christians. 
The Voyage of the Galleons of Florence against the Turks.  But behold what he suffered at Sea by the Galleys of Florence, Malta, and Naples: the Florentines made their Enterprise apart. The great Duke of Tuscany being advertised, That the Caravan which transported the Tribute of Egypt to Constantinople, prepared to put to Sea, he resolved to divert this Tribute, and by the Valour of his Arms to bring it to Legorn: and for the effecting hereof, he speedily armed four Galleons, under the Command of Beauregard, a Frenchman, who was Admiral. The first was called the new Gallion, in which the said Admiral went; the second, the Great Legorn, commanded by Brandequedor, General at Land, and allied to the Duke; and the other two were commanded by two French Captains. Beauregard having received Commandment to pass with this Fleet into the Levant, to meet with the Caravan, he bent his course towards Candy, a fertile Island inhabited by the Grecians: Being arrived in the Port of Calismene to water, he continued there six days. Leaving this Island, he sailed towards Cyprus, which is held by the Turks; and so coasting Syria, they learned of a Ship of Marseilles, that the Caravan was yet in the Port of Alexandria▪ where they prepared for their Voyage to Constantinople. To attend them, the Admiral Beauregard went and cast Anchor at the Fort of Sidon, 
The Enterprise to take the Caravan of Egypt.  called Sarepta, governed by Emir, or Armil Facardin, a Rebel to the Turk, and a great Friend to the Florentines, where he stayed twelve days, to take in Biscuit, Flesh, and other necessary Refresh. And having made a more strict League of Friendship with Facardin, he honoured him with a Coffer full of Arms, whereby the Florentines Ships came as freely into those parts, as into their own Country.  
Beauregard, having well victualled and munitioned his Galleons, returned towards the Isle of Cyprus, whereas he found a Christians Ship, called the Flying Dragon, which came from Damietta, by whom he was assured that the Turks Army, consisting of a great number of Galleys, was gone out of the Port of Rhodes, and had taken a Flemish Ship. 
The Florentines meet with the Turks Fleet.  These News made him think that he should meet the Fleet, and that he must of force defend himself. Wherefore he made all things ready, and prescribed the Order which his Captains should hold during the Fight; causing his Ordnance to be mounted as if they were to join. He had four as good Galleons, and as well furnished, as any in the Levant Seas, either of them being armed with forty Pieces of Ordnance, and four hundred good Soldiers. Betwixt the Island of Cyprus and Caramania they encountered this Turkish Fleet, consisting of forty Galleys and two Galliass, under the Command of Bassa Mu●tapha Grego, who was General of this Fleet, which was in sight of the Florentines Ships: 
The Turks assail the Galleons of Florence.  the Galliass advance to take view of them, and to find how far their Cannon would reach: and in the mean time the Galleys put themselves into the form of a Croissant, ready for the Combat. Beauregard, an old Sea-Captain, and well practised in Sea-fights, would not make a shot against the Galleys, but attended until the whole Fleet came close up to him; which being near, he saluted them so furiously with his Cannon, giving them the broad sides, as the Turks (who expected no such Reception) were all amazed, and making a stand, would proceed no farther. Their General having well observed the resolute Countenance of the Florentines, divided his Galleys into two Squadrons, giving charge to the one to give an Assault to the Florentines Galleons, and in the mean time the rest should prepare themselves to fight.  
Being thus divided, they came one after another to the Assault, 
Five Turkish Galleys sunk.  the which continued for the space of six hours, and yet could not board them; Mustapha seeing five of his Galleys sunk by the Enemy's Cannon, with the loss of all the men that were within them: but suddenly the Wind changed, and proved favourable to the Florentines, who embraced this Advantage, giving chase to the Turks Galleys, forcing them to seek their safety in the Haven of Famagusta, the chief Fort of Cyprus; so of Assailants (being beaten) they became Run-a-ways: 
The Turks put to flight.  so inconstant are the accidents of War, and especially at Sea, whereas the good or bad Success many times dependeth of a little Wind.  
This Turkish Fleet having lost five Galleys, 
The Florentines take a rich Ship of the Turks.  and recovered a Port in Cyprus, the Admiral Beauregard seeing his Design against the Caravan disappointed, be resolved to return towards Legorn with his Galleons. Being at Sea, he encountered a Turkish Vessel called a Caramousal, which came from Rhodes, to go unto Cyprus: they chased it, and in the end overtook it; which they pressed so with their Ordnance, as they slew one hundred and thirty Turks, and took three hundred Slaves. The Booty was very rich, being valued at fourteen hundred thousand Crowns. After this Prize, their Victuals beginning to fail, having been so long at Sea, they bent their Course for Legorn: but the Wind falling contrary, they were forced to stay eight days in the Island of Scarpante, past the Bar of Messina; and having given chase to certain Galleys of Tunis, they arrived at Legorn the fifteenth of june, where there was great joy for their Return, and the Prize which they had brought, the which, according to the Custom, was to be divided; one third to the Soldiers and Mariners, and the other two parts employed for the Entertainment of the Ships, and the payment of the Captains.  
This Caravan, which goes from Egypt to Constantinople, is every Year attended for, not only by the Galleons and Galleys of Florence, but by those of Malta and Naples, and by all the Pirates of the Mediterranean Sea: like unto the English and Hollanders, who yearly lay in wait for the Indian Fleet before the conclusion of the Peace and Truce with the Spaniard. And although their principal Design was to take some part of the Caravan, yet they had other Enterprises upon the Turks Country, besides the spoil of Merchants which they met by chance, which many times paid the charge of their Voyage; and sometimes, they that thought to take, were taken, and lost both their Ships and Lives.  
The Galleys of Malta, 
The Exploits of the Galleys of Malta and Naples.  commanded by the Bailiff of Venouge, and those of Naples by the Marquis of S. Croix, joined together soon after, with a design to set upon the Caravan, which carried the Revenue and Tribute of Egypt to Constantinople, or else to put in execution the enterprise which they had long before projected, upon certain places of Albania, or to surprise or spoil some Island in the Archipelague which might pay their Charges. But the first failing, they met with a Venetian Ship laden with Merchandise, to the value of one hundred thousand Crowns. The Spaniards who commanded in the Galleys of Naples, seized upon this Ship; 
A Venetian Ship taken.  but the General of Malta would by no means consent unto it, nor suffer any of the Merchandise to be put into his Galleys, for that he would not unjustly violate the Friendship which was betwixt his Order and the State of Venice. This Example did touch the Spaniards Consciences, so as within few days they sent away the Venetian Ship, but in courtesy they had unladen all the merchandise.  

The Christians Galleys go t● the Island of Lango.  After this Prey of a Christian Ship, the Fleet discovered two Sails at Sea, sending presently after them, they were two Barks, the one coming from Candia laden with Wood, and the other from Scarpan●e charged with Wine, the which being brought unto the Generals, gave them to understand, that the Caravan of Egypt was not yet past, being advertised that fifty Christians Galleys attended them in their Passage. Upon this advice, the Christian Generals, being out of hope to surprise the Caravan, presently resolved to undertake a more great and glorious Enterprise, and to surprise the Island and Castle of Lango in the Archipelague, upon the Coast of Anatolia; and about seven of the Clock at Night they set Sail with a good Wind, but being changed in the Morning, they were forced to return to the Island of Porcherne; from whence they parted again at eight of the Clock at Night, and continuing their course, in the Morning they discovered three Florentine Ships, who told them, that they had entered into the Isle of Nigropont with seven Galleys; but having been discovered, they could not effect any thing; and that their Galleys were separated from them in the chase of four Galliots. The Christian Fleet continuing their course, they arrived about eleven of the Clock in the Morning at St. jean de Seruaë, where having cast Anchor, there was a Council called in the Admiral; where they resolved to Petard the Castle of Lango, toward the Sea; for the Execution whereof they should land two hundred men, viz. thirty Knights and fifty Soldiers out of the Galleys of Malta, and one hundred and twenty Spaniards▪ out of the Galleys of Naples; and that they should carry two Petards with them, the one given in charge to Captain Beaulaigue in the Troop of them of Malta, and the other was conducted by the Spaniards; the rest of their Men which they should land, should go and Assault the Town of Lango. With this Resolution they parted from St. jean de Seruaë, with a good Wind, and arrived at the Island of Lango on the sixth of june, an hour after midnight, whereas they landed three miles from the ●●wn; they that were appointed for the Enterprise, marched on with their Petards, according to direction; but the Night being very dark, the Troop of Malta strayed from their Guide, but their Valour brought them directly to the Walls of the Town; where, after many turnings and windings to find a fit place to plant the Petard, (notwithstanding that they were discovered and much shot at) Beaulaigue set it to a Port next the Sea, 
Lango forced by the Christians.  well flanked with the Castle, the which he forced, and his Men entering with fury, went from Street to Street, and put all to the Sword that made resistance. The Spaniards on the other side made another Breach with their Petard, and entered the Town: notwithstanding that at their first approach, the Turks (having discovered them) played upon them with their great Ordnance and small shot. The Troops being joined together, having cut all the Turks in pieces they met with, they came to the place before the Castle, which they thought to surprise; but the Bridge was drawn, and they lay open at the mercy of their shot; so as there were fifteen Knights of Malta hurt, one slain, with a Spanish Captain, and some six and thirty Soldiers of the Galleys of Naples, and as many wounded. Day being come, the Bailiff of Venouge, General of the Galleys of Malta, came unto the Town with the forward, wherein were 150 Knights, and 450 Soldiers; the Marquis of St. Croix followed him, with the two Sons of the Viceroy of Naples, and fifteen hundred Spaniards, who spoilt the Town and Suburbs, and took all that were living Captive; but the Castle being well fortified, they found it impossible to force; whereupon, embarking their Men and Spoil, they resolved in their return to Malta and Naples, to make an Enterprise upon some Towns of Albania; 
An Enterprise upon Albania discovered by the Turks.  but upon the way they w●re advertised, That the Turks had discovered the Intelligence which the Spaniards and Knights of Malta had with the Grecians of the Country; whereupon they took Revenge upon them, putting many of them to death, and amongst others a Patriarch, 
A Patriarch of Greece fleyd alive.  who being accused to have practised the Christians revolt against the Turks, was cruelly fleyd alive, and his Skin sent to Constantinople. So dangerous a thing it is to seek for Liberty with this Mahometan Nation.  
The Caravan of Egypt was still in the Port of Alexandria attending a Passage, and to be freed from so many Christian Galleys which lay in wait for it; and it stayed the longer by reason of the great Plague, wherewith Constantinople was afflicted. But in the end of October, Mechmet Bassa of Cairo, (who would conduct it in Person) having a Convoy of fifty Galleys well armed, put to Sea, 
The Caravan of Egypt arrives at Constantinople.  and arrived at Constantinople without any Encounter. At his Landing, this Bassa caused to march before him sixty Mules, every one laden with 20000 Sequins in kind, being a whole years' Tribute of the Kingdom of Egypt, the which he caused to be carried to the Sultan's Serail. This Money was welcome to the Port: for the former Wars, both in Hungary, Transilvania, in Asia against the Rebels, and in Persia, had so wasted the Emperor's Treasure, as it would hardly entertain one of his Armies. The Bassa, who had gathered this Tribute together faithfully and with great diligence, 
The Bassa's recompense that brought it.  was at his coming to the Sultan's Port honoured with the charge of Bassa of the Sea, (he, who had it before, being advanced to the Dignity of Visier) and moreover the Sultan promised him his Daughter in marriage, being but three years old.  
News came to the Port, that certain Ships, 
The Turks are in fear of the Christians Galleys.  Galleys, and Galliass of the Christians, to the number of fifty, came near unto the Hellespont; which put the Turks in great fear: and complaints being brought unto the Grand Signior, That certain Caramousals had been taken by the Christian Galleys; he sent presently for the Captain Bassa, or Admiral of the Sea, demanding of him, Whether the Report of these losses were true or no? To whom he answered yes. Why are not you then at Sea, saith he? He answered, For that I can get neither Men nor Money. Whereupon the Destorda or Treasurer was sent for, who had lost his head, had not the Aga of the Grand Seignior's Women entreated for him.  
This Summer, 
Grasshoppers at Constantinople, spoil the Country.  Constantinople and the Country thereabouts was so plagued with such clouds of Grasshoppers, as they did shadow the very Sun beams, and fell upon the City and Country round about. The Turks consulted with their Wisemen, what it might portend: Who answered, That they did foreshow great Plenty to follow. But indeed they left not a green Herb nor Leaf in all the Country adjoining, not in the City, where they entered into their very Chambers, and annoyed them much, being almost as big as Dormice, with red wings. 
Violent Rain in the City.  And soon after there fell such extraordinary great Hail in Constantinople and Gallata with such abundance of Rain, as the violence of the Water did suddenly shut up one of the Gates of the City, and so rebounding, filled their Shops and Houses, that very many were in great danger of drowning. Some Houses fell down, and some People were slain; the pavements of the streets were torn up, and the stones carried together into great heaps.  
We have formerly made relation of the Persians Victories, and of the defeat and death of Cicala General of the Turks Army, in the year 1605. And that the year following, the Sophy, having recovered whatsoever the Turks had taken from his Predecessors, had extended the bounds of his Empire unto the black Sea, from whence he sent an Ambassador unto the Grand Signior, to let him understand, that having recovered what had been unjustly usurped from him, he would proceed no further, but desired to live in Peace; the which might now be the better assured, the one holding nothing from the other. Moreover, this Persian Ambassador, having remained seven Months at the Sultan's Port, was in the end forced to retire into Persia without audience. And lastly, That Amurath Serder the Grand Visier, was afterwards forced to convert his Arms against Gambolat and the Rebels of Asia, and to neglect the War of Persia.  
year 1611 Notwithstanding the Persian War, there arrived this year at Constantinople an Ambassador from Persia, 
A Persian Ambassador comes to Constantinople.  who, according to the Turks manner, was attended on by a great Troop of Ghaoux on Horseback, Capigi's, Janissaries, and other Captains, sent by the Sultan to conduct him to his lodging. Within few days after his arrival, there was a great show made in Constantinople, by the several Trades of the City, every one marching by themselves before the Grand Signors Serrail, and representing unto him their manner of marching in the Wars, and the order of their Provision; some carrying on their Shoulders Sheep, others Lambs, Calves, Beef, etc. All which was done of Policy to daunt and dishearten the Persian Ambassador, and to encourage their own People; and withal, to let him know, that there should be as great plenty in their Camps, as he saw at that present. And to abuse him still with the Imagination of their great Preparation, the Chimacham or Viziers Lieutenant, sent the next day for this Persian Ambassador, and during their Conference had taken order, That the Emperor of Tartaria's Brother (who was then in the Sultan's Court) should come in; at whose entrance the Chimacham arose from his Place; Oh (said he) I know for what you come, It is for Money for your Soldiers; you shall receive it at such a Place. Which words were heard by a Dragoman to the English Ambassador, being then present; the which was done to terrify the Persian Ambassador; and at the same time, and to the same end, they sent over divers Troops of Soldiers to Scudaret, as if they had been ready to march with an Army.  

The Turks Army against the Persians.  The Turks great Armies are not raised in haste, neither do they march in post; when as the spahis, that is to say the Horsemen, which make the greatest part of his Army, and have no other Pay or Entertainment than the Revenues of certain Land, are discharged, they must have a whole year to recover their Revenue, and to put themselves in Equipage; and moreover, it is threescore days march for an Army from Constantinople into Persia.  
Also in the year 1609, and 1610, the Turk had not attempted any thing against the Persian, who still solicited him for Peace. The greatness of the Ottoman Empire could not resolve to make a Peace, having received so great defeats; they would give it but as Victors, not as vanquished. But this year Achmat resolved to send a puissant Army of above 150000 men, against this ancient Enemy of his House, under the command of Amurath Serder, his Grand Visier: But before the Army entered into Persia, 
The Death of Amurath Serder,  it was without a Commander, by the death of Serder▪ in the end of july, so as they were forced to stay and attend the Sultan's pleasure from Constantinople.  
It was suspected that he had been poisoned by Nassuf Bassa, one that stood out in Rebellion against the Grand Signior, and yet he had many Friends in the Turks Army; wherefore, to prevent all Mutinies, and consequently, the overthrow of the whole Army, Amurath Bassa in his Sickness advised the Grand Signior (by Letters which he sent unto him) to make Nassuf General of the whole Army, and so by fair means to draw him home, and then to dispose of him at his pleasure. The Sultan with his Bassas approved well of this Advice, and chose him Grand Visier; and General of the Army; who having received the Seal and Authority, did forthwith put many of Amurath's friends to death, and with their money paid all the Soldiers, which had wanted pay, whereof some had been without five years before: he also sent unto the Grand Signior threescore and ten Mules laden with money of Amurath's treasure, and threescore with goods; all which the Sultan gave to Amurath's Wise and Children.  
It is strange to read, how the Grand Signior doth tyrannize over his Subjects, 
Severity of the Sultan.  and how severely he doth punish the least omission in any of his Officers: for I find it observed, that the seventh of january in the end of this year 1611, the Grand Signior being abroad in the Snow, and not well provided for of fuel, he caused Stambol Aga, who had that charge, to be stripped naked, and s●t in the Snow four or five hours. Indeed this Winter was very rigorous, and there fell abundance of Snow throughout all Turkey, with great Storms, many Houses were beaten down; and amongst others, the French Consul at Aleppo was slain with the fall of his own house.  
Nassuff parted from Asia, and marched with his Army unto the Frontiers of Persia, where he committed such Spoils, as the Sophy was constrained to draw all his Forces together, to prevent the ruin of his Country, being then about the midst of August. But when they were come to a Battle, the Persian, finding the Party unequal for him, 
The Persian offers Conditions of Peace, and a Tribute.  and dangerous, offered Conditions of Peace, and promised to give the Turk a quantity of Silk which should make the charge of two hundred Camels, for a yearly Tribute, in acknowledgement of some Countries which he had conquered from the Othomans. These offers were accepted at Constantinople, but there was added, that the Persian's Son should be called Bassa of Tauris, and that the Magistrate and Judge of that City, called the Cady, should be sent from Constantinople. We shall see in the following year the Effects of these Propositions, by the Ambassador of Persia, whom Nassuff shall bring to Constantinople; in the mean time, let us return to the Mediterranean Sea, to take a survey of the valiant Exploits of the Knights of Malta against the Turks.  
On the twenty sixth day of April, a Turk, 
The falsehood of a Turk punished by the Justice of God.  having lent a good Sum of Money to a Christian, to be paid at a certain day; he came before the appointed day with another Turk, and willed the Christian to pay the Money to that other Turk when the day came; which the Christian promised to do, and performed it accordingly: but the Turk denied the receipt thereof; whereupon he to whom the Money was properly due, came and demanded it: to whom the Christian answered, that he had paid it to that Patty to whom he had assigned it: whereunto the Turk replied, that if it were so, he was satisfied: but yet the other Turk denied it: whereupon the matter was brought before the Judge, and the Turk who had received the Money, taking an Oath to the contrary, the Christian, according to the Turkish Justice, was enforced to pay the Money again; the which he did, but withal, he prayed God to show some public sign which of them had done the wrong. And thereupon, the Turk going forth to repair home to his House, fell down dead in the Street.  
The Great Master Vignancourt, continuing his generous Designs to ruin the Turk, had an Enterprise against Navarrin, a place importing this common Enemy of Christians; for the Execution whereof, he sent the five Galleys of his Order, under the charge of Vaqueras, great Commander of the Order, and chief of the Nation of Provence. They came within some miles of the Shore, but found their landing very difficult, for that they had been discovered by one of the Castles of Navarrin, which had given the alarm unto the whole Country, so as they were forced to pass on to some more easy Conquest, to the end their Voyage might not prove unprofitable; wherefore they sailed into the Archipelague, and came near to the Coast of Morea, ten Leagues from Corinth, where in the Night they landed 800 Men under the Conduct of the Commander of Cremeaux, General at Land; this Troop marched towards Corinth, and an hour before day were at the Town Gates to force them. 
Corinth taken and spoiled by the Knights of Malta.  Some Turks took Arms, but their weak resistance could not stay the Knights from entering with their Troops; they sacked the Town, and having taken what spoil was portable, they carried away with them 500 Slaves. After this Triumph, the Christians made a happy retreat, and in good order, notwithstanding all the attempts of the Turks Horse and Foot, who were drawn together in great numbers, making 10000 Soldiers, for the Country is very populous; in view of whom they embarked their Spoil and Slaves. Hereby it appears, that this was one of the most desperate Enterprises that hath been of long time seen. For to attempt a Place so far from their retreat, in so populous a Country, which upon the least alarm may draw together ten or twelve thousand Turks, and to make their retreat with so small a number, against such great Troops which pursued them; doubtless we must confess, that as they showed great Valour, and had good Fortune, so they undertook a very dangerous Enterprise. Thus the Knights of Malta vanquished, whom we might term the Masters of the Mediterranean Sea, if the Revenues of their Order would suffer them to set forth Shipping and Forces equal to their Valour.  
But to follow the variable course of the History, let us observe the different Occupations of Christians. At Prague the Germans entertained themselves with the consideration of a Crown which appeared in the Firmament, over that City about the midst of October, giving a very great Light, and about it Armies of Men fight who should have it. At that time the Emperor Rodulphus was upon the West, or declining of his days, and Mathias who succeeded him in the Empire, than King of Hungary, was upon the Sunrising of his Triumphs. Many expounded this heavenly Apparition, as a Presage of Happiness and good Fortune to Mathias; he enjoyed the Crown of Hungary already, and by Designation that of Bohemia, and now they did prognosticate unto him that of the Romans. Doubtless men which aspire after great Fortunes, do rather adorn the Sunrising, than the setting; and Man's Life when it declines, tastes of the Lees. The flourishing Glory of Mathias, his Age, and his Actions in the Wars, did add nothing to the Authority of other Men in the Country, but did mightily settle his own. Three Suns which were seen in the Firmament over Vienna, the chief City of Austria, confirmed the Germans more in this their hope, that he should have the third Crown of the Romans. This last Apparition happened the year following.  
About the end of the year, some of the English Ambassadors Men entering into quarrel with certain jamoglans of the next Serail; from words they fell to blows; during which tumult one of the Ambassadors Men threw a Stone, and smote a jamoglan on the Forehead, whereof he died within few hours after. The Aga of the Serail complained hereof to the Grand Visier, who presently sent the Subbas●a of Galata to make inquiry of the Fact; the Ambassador went himself to the Serail, and sent for his Men which had been in the quarrel, willing the Turks to design the party which had thrown the Stone; who all with one shout ran upon one Simon Dibbius, a man that was newly come from Candy, where he had served in the Venetian Garrisons, and was now entertained into the Ambassador's Service. This Simon was not he that threw the Stone; notwithstanding the Turks would none but him; on him they laid hands, and dragged him away. The Ambassador interposing himself, and offering to pledge for him, was thrust away by them, his Men Beaten, and one of his Pages wounded; whereupon he complained to the Grand Visier, but prevailed little; for to Prison they dragged this Simon, and there kept him a whole Month; neither could he be released, albeit the English Nation offered great Sums to ransom his Life; for the Turks would needs have Blood for Blood: The day of Execution being appointed, the Ambassador sent his Chaplain to the Prison where this Simon was, to prepare him for Death; unto whom (examining him how he had formerly lived) he confessed, that in England some few years before he had killed a Man, for which fact he fled thence into Candy; from whence he came to Constantinople, where he was to suffer for that which he did not; the just Judgement of God pursuing him to the shedding of his Blood in Constantinople among Turks undeservedly, for the Blood which he had shed in England wilfully. He was hanged at the Ambassadors Gates, his Head and Heels the next Night were stolen away by the Turks, as it was thought, to use in some kind of Sorcery; the other parts of his Body they had leave to take down and bury.  
This year 1612 they did celebrate at Constantinople a double Nuptial Feast; year 1612 for the Marriages of Bassa Mehemet, Son to the deceased Cicala, with the Sultan's Sister; and of Bassa Mechmet, Admiral at Sea, he whom we have seen lately return from Egypt, and bring to Constantinople the Revenues of that rich Kingdom, with the eldest Daughter of his Emperor. For the Feasts of young Cicala, the Spahi made Courses on Horseback with Battleaxes and Bars, in the open place near unto the Serail, where they made divers fireworks of very great charge, but of small Invention; and they gave Presents to above 20000 Persons, besides the charge of the banqueting stuff which amounted to above 20000 Crowns. The Pomp was double; for the Sultan's Women did celebrate that day with the greatest Ladies of the Port, and the Men separated in other Places did solemnize it in like manner. 
The Ceremonies of the Daughter's Marriage.  But the magnificence of the Marriage of the Bassa Admiral at Sea with Achmats' eldest Daughter, had far more lustre at the Port. The Ceremony was performed on the thirtieth of june, twenty days after the other; and the order of this Pomp, as well as some other which we have described in this History, requires a particular Relation.  
The day before the Consummation of the Marriage, they sent the Bride's moveables and Jewels, from the Serail to the Bridegroom's Lodging, with this Order and State as followeth; First, there marched 500 Janissaries on foot, 
The Order of the Bride's truss or moveables.  being followed with the Grand Provost of Constantinople, and the general Serveiour, both on Horseback, and attired in Cloth of Gold; the Aga, or Colonel of the Janissaries, very proudly adorned, and environed with some Janissaries, marched alone on Horseback; after th●se two hundred men of Quality well mounted, and richly attired, followed with a slow pace. The last which marched in this Pomp or Ceremony, were the Talismans', Centons, Emirs, and other Ministers of Mahomet's Clergy. And presently followed after the Bassa Achmat, Deftarda, or High Treasurer, who conducted the moveables, as chosen by the Sultan to be Godfather or Sagois to the Bride, being environed with twelve Footmen attired in long Robes of Gold. After him followed the moveables, Apparel, and Jewels, which made the Bride's truss, having in the Head excellent Music after the Turkish manner, of Oboes and Kettledrums on Horseback.  
These Movables, or this Truss, consisted of twenty seven Presents. 
Wherein the Bride's moveables consisted.  The first was a little Hat all of Gold, covered with precious Stones, and with Pantofles or women's Shoes, after the Turkish fashion, of pure Gold, enriched with Turquoises and Rubies; a Book of Mahomet's Law, the covering whereof was of Mas●ie Gold, all set with Diamonds, many Bracelets, and other rare Devices for Women, of pure Gold, with many precious Stones; a little Coffer a Cubit long, and half as broad, all of Crystal of the Rock, having the corners of Gold, in the which were to be seen great Diamonds and huge Pearls, to the value of 80000 pounds sterling: after this precious Coffer, were carried many Smocks embroidered with Gold and Pearl, and Head-bands for the Forehead, with many Robes of Cloth of Gold. All this was distributed into twenty seven Presents, as we have said, and carried with great Pomp by twenty seven Men on foot.  
After these Presents followed eleven Caroches full of young Maidens, 
The Bride's Slaves.  Slaves to serve the Bride; these Caroches were covered and shut, and either of them attended by two Eunuches Moor; and after these followed twenty eight Virgin Slaves, attired in Cloth of Gold, and accompanied by twenty eight black Eunuches all on Horseback, and richly clad. After which were seen 240 Mules, loaden with Tents of Tapestry, Cloth of Gold, Satin, Velvet, with the ground of Gold, with many Cushions, which are the Chairs the Ladies of Turkey use; with many other rich and sumptuous Movables. Such was the Truss which this young Princess brought to her Spouses House. Doubtless this Equipage was stately, and did well become the Pomp and Greatness of the Ottoman House, from whence she had issued, the mightiest and richest of all the Royal Houses in Europe, yea, I dare boldly say, of all the World.  

The Order of the Brides conducting to her Husband.  The Marriage day being come, the Bride was conducted to her Husband's lodging with no less Pomp and State than her Movables. The Janissaries marched first, as they had formerly done, being followed by the Grand Provost, the Surveior, their Aga, and many other Officers of the Port. 
Emirs and their Privileges.  The Emirs (who are descended from Mahomet, and alone carry green Turbans) marched after to the number of eighty; this Name of Emir is as much as to say Lord. They which wear them answer not, and obey none but their Chief, called Mirabachi, and their Voice in Judgement stands for two; they were followed by the Talismans' or Priests of Mahomet's Law, and by a great number which study it, and which aspire to the Offices of Cadies or Judges, of Cadilesquiers or Mufti. The Viziers or supreme Judges of the Turks Estate, who judge of all Affairs in Council, came after with the Grand Visier, who is Lieutenant General to the Turkish Emperor throughout his whole Empire, and keeps the Seals of his Empire. He had on his left hand (which is the most honourable rank in Turkey) the Grand Mufti, or supreme Bishop of their Law. The Music followed after on Horseback, consisting of thirty Men with Drums and Oboe, being followed by eight Egyptians, which carried Biscain Tabors, and did a thousand Apish Tricks. These were followed by forty Musicians, marching two and two, some playing on Citerns, others on Harps, and some on Lutes after the Turkish manner. A Fool (held for a Saint amongst them) being muffled with a Cap and a Cloak covered with Mutton bones, danced and sung with these Instruments; fifty of the chief Officers of the Arsenal marched after them, and thirty Men with Hammers and other Iron Instruments, to break down whatsoever advanced too far in the streets, and might hinder the free Passage of two Trees of an immense height, laden with divers sorts of Fruits all of Wax, carried by many Men, and supported from the top and the midst with Ropes. After these Trees came twenty Officers belonging to Achmat Bassa the high Treasurer, Godfather to the Bride. And he himself alone richly attired, and proudly mounted; after whom came two great Torches light, carried by many Slaves, and then a third torch of a wonderful bigness, all covered with plates of Gold, and shining more with precious Stones than the Flame which burned. The Raisser Aga with fifty of the Princess' Officers, followed these Lights, and after them was carried a great Canopy of Crimson Velvet, and after it another greater, covered with plates of Gold, whose Curtains being shut on all sides, hung down to the Ground. Under this Canopy was the Princess on Horseback, with some of her black Eunuches, her Caroche followed covered with Cloth of Gold, and drawn by four great white Horses, wonderful beautiful. Then followed eight other Caroches, in which were a great number of the Bride's Maids, with many Negroes gelt; and finally, twenty five Virgin slaves, chosen amongst the fairest, all on Horseback, having their Hair confusedly hanging upon their Shoulders. Such was the Pomp of this Marriage; but many times the Nuptial Feast is intermixed with Funeral mourning. For not many days after, 
The Death of the Sultan's Daughter.  the Sultan's second Daughter, promised to Nassuf Bassa, was carried to her Grave without any Pomp or Honour; for the Turks make no great esteem of Women.  
The day after the marriage, 
The Grand Signior beats his Sultana.  the Grand Signior did cruelly beat his Sultana, the Mother of this Daughter, whom he had married to the Captain Bassa; he stabbed her with his Hand-jar or Dagger through the Cheek, and trod her under his Feet. The reason was, because she had strangled a Favourite of his, which was one of his Sister's Slaves, whom the Grand Signior having seen, and being enamoured with her, sent for her. The Sultana hearing thereof, caused her to be brought to her lodging, where she stripped her of her Apparel, strangled her, and put her clothes upon one of her own Slaves, whom she sent to the Sultan instead of the other, and at her return strangled her also; as she had done many others when they once appeared to be with Child by the Grand Signior.  
The Plague beginning furiously to spoil the City of Constantinople, 
A great Plague at Constantinople.  the Sultan was forced to return to his Country Palace, called the Serail of Darut Bassa, to avoid the danger of this violent Contagion; the which makes me think, that the Turkish Emperors for their own profit dispense with some Articles of their Faith; for, as we have said before, The Turks are so obstinately tied to the belief of Predestination, as they will not vouchsafe to turn from a pestiferous Body, when it is carried to the Grave, and much less forbear to visit his Friends being sick of the Plague, for that (say they) if we must needs die of this Contagion, it is in vain to fly it, for it will find us wheresoever; if not, our Health shall never be impaired, altho' we converse with those that are sick of this Disease. But their Sultan's know well how to fly the danger; yea, and to cause them to be led under the Arms that come to kiss his Hand, lest they should offer him some violence. Thus we see the defect of false Religions, when as we see this mark of Universality in the Faith taken away; for there every Man believes according to his private interest, as well among many others which have separated themselves from the Truth, to canton themselves in their Errors, where we do often try the diversity of their belief.  

A Deruis seeketh to kill the Emperor.  Sultan Achmat, being in his Palace of Darut Bassa, and going to visit a stately Mosque which he caused to be built there, a Deruis or religious Turk, thrust on by some devilish Fury, cast a great Stone at him to beat him down; but the blow of this detestable Traitor, fell upon his Shoulder, and hurt him but lightly. Achmat commanded they should draw from this wretch the Confession of his Confederates: but the Officers of the Port caused him to be executed the next day, somewhat too suddenly, and by a Death too honourable for a Crime so full of Abomination, for they caused his Head to be cut off. A Deruis of the same Order had in former times sought to murder the Emperor Mahomet the Second.  
On the fourteenth of April, the Lady Ann Glover, 
The Funeral of the Lady Glover, the Ambassador's Wife.  Wife to Sir Thomas Glover, Ambassador residing at Constantinople for the English, was buried with very great Solemnity, the like had not been seen in the Country since the Turks conquered Constantinople. There were present at this Funeral of most Nations in the World; the Sermon was preached in a large Garden under a Cypress Tree; and although but few of those present did understand it, yet it wrought this effect, that whereas the Jesuits and Friars had formerly possessed both Turks, Jews, and other People, that the English Nation since the change of their Religion, had neither Churches, nor any form of divine Service; hereby they perceived, that they had both, and served God far more decently and devoutly than they themselves; insomuch that the Jesuits, being ashamed of their Impostures, and slanderous Untruth, durst not for a while after walk the Streets for fear of the Turks, who threatened them for so much belying the English. The Sermon being ended, the Body was carried from Pera unto the English Graves, which were almost a mile from the Place; it was closed in Lead, and laid in a Caroche covered over with black Velvet, and the Horses with black Cloth. The Dutch Ambassador, the Hungarian Agent, the French Colonel, with a great number of all Nations both Men and Women followed her to her Grave. The Tomb was of fair Marble built four square almost the height of a Man, having an Epitaph engraven thereon.  
We have seen the year before, the Island and Town of Lango spoiled by the Galleys of Malta and Naples, 
The Castle of Lango taken by the Florentines.  but the Castle was saved from Ruin by the resistance it made against the Christians Attempts; but this year, in june, the great Duke of Tuscans Galleys running over the Archepelague, assailed it so furiously, as they forced and spoiled it, carrying away twelve hundred Prisoners. Mechmet Bassa, Admiral at Sea, whom we saw even now busied at his Nuptial Pomp with the Emperor's eldest Daughter, being advertised of these Spoils of the Florentines, by the daily complaints of the Turks which lost their Shipping, and of many other Enterprises attempted upon his Master's Countries lying near the Sea shore; he departed from Constantinople in August with three and thirty great Galleys, having commanded all the Beyes of the Islands and Towns in the Archipelague to join with him, with as many Gallie● as they could make, to stop the Christians Courses in the West. But whilst that he is busied in those Seas, the Pirates of Ruscia descending into the Euxine Sea, by the Mouths of those Rivers which discharged their Waters into the Sea, overran and spoiled the Turks Coasts in those parts.  
At the firm Land Constantine, one of the pretending Princes in Moldavia, 
Courses of the Russians and Tartars upon the Turks.  annoyed all that had any dependence upon the Turk. A part of that great Army of the King of Polands, which had mutinied for their Pay, spoiled Podolia; and a Prince of the Tartarians, discontent for that Achmat had preferred a Cousin of his before hi● in the Investiture of the Realm of the Tartars Precopians, with 5000 Soldiers spoiled the Rivers of Moldavia under the Turks Dominion, and he did the like in the Gulf of Nicopolis.  
This was at such time when as miserable Moldavia was the Theatre whereas the Turks, Tartarians, 
Troubles in Moldavia.  and Moldavians acted a bloody Tragedy at the Costs and Charges of the poor Countrymen. For Tomsho, having been chosen Vayvod or Prince of that Province by the Turk, Constantine, who could not endure that he should reign, armed the Country, overran it, spoilt it, and made havoc of all, detaining two Capigi Prisoners, whom the Sultan had sent unto him, with commandment to obey his Will, and a prohibition not to trouble Tomsho in the Possession of his Province. But this was a Message of hard Digestion to Constantine; he could not with Patience yield to this Session of Moldavia: and instead of sending these Messengers back to the Turk with an Answer, he carried them with him into Polonia, whither he went to demand Succours, and caused them to be guarded as Prisoners. In the mean time, by the Support and Aid of Potosky, Governor of Velin, his Brother-in-Law, he obtained from the King of Poland, that he should be supported against Prince Tomsho, his Competitor, whom the Turk had advanced; and to make his entry into Moldavia more easy, they resolved to send an Ambassador unto Constantinople, to entreat Achmat to call back Tomsho to his Port, that Constantine might quietly enjoy Moldavia, and to acquaint him with the right and interest the Polonians had by their Capitulations with the Turks, to name a Vayvod or Prince in that Province, to the end no wrong might be done unto them.  
This Polonian Ambassador being arrived at Constantinople (thinking to be presently dispatched, 
A Polonian Ambassador arrested at Constantinople.  either by a grant or denial of his demand, and not to stay above fifteen or twenty days) being visited at his arrival by all the Ambassadors of Christian Kings and Princes which remained there: but instead of Audience, after six week's attendance, he was arrested and detained Prisoner: understanding from the Turks, that he should have no Liberty until that the two Capigi, whom Prince Constantine carried into Poland were released.  
The Troubles and Divisions among Christians, Neighbours to the Turk, have always served as a Bridge for this Infidel to invade them, and by this Advantage to usurp such Towns and Countries as lie fit for him. Now that Valachia, Moldavia, yea and Transilvania, are tossed and turmoiled with continual Disorders and Combustions; the Sultan seems to embrace this Occasion, to make himself Sovereign of these Provinces, and to get Possession of all that lies betwixt the River of Danow, the Mountains of Sarmatia, the River of Tibiscus, 
The Turk arms to invade Moldavia.  and the Euxine Sea. He employs all his Thoughts and Inventions upon this Subject, to bring his Designs to effect. He arms and draws Forces about Belgrade, under the Conduct of Bassa Mahomet Belzergi; He commands the Tartarians to enter into Moldavia, and he sent a Naval Army towards the Mouth of the River Danow, which made the Frigates of Russia to dislodge, the which had continually made Inroads and Spoils upon his Lands. 
Cromstad besieged by Battori.  Battori, Prince of Transilvania, was at that time before the Town of Cromstad, which he had besieged, but the tediousness of this Siege made him resolve to send an Ambassador to Constantinople, 
He demands Succours from the Turk, and is betrayed.  to demand Succours from the Grand Signior, to the end he might be able to continue this Siege, and to take the Town; he gave this charge to Andrew Giezy, and sent him to the Sultan's Port; but instead of serving his Master faithfully, he practised a detestable Treason against him, to put the Turk in full Possession of Transilvania, and to make him absolute Sovereign. The practice was concluded after this manner, That the Bassa Mahomet Belzergi should enter the Province with his Army, and that Giezi should join with him with certain Troops, and should deliver unto him Veradin, Lippa, and some other strong and important Places, and for recompense he should invest him in the Principality of Transilvania, in the place of Battori, and under the Authority of Achmat.  
This Treason might have drawn this miserable Province into Ruin, and it may be the rest near adjacent, if it had taken the Effect which the Treachery of Giezi had promised unto himself. But the Bassa of Buda, understanding that Battori had some vent of the Practice at the Port, and that being now in great fear and Perturbation, he had raised the siege from before Cromstad, and was ready to cast himself into the Arms of the Palatine of Hungary, and to crave relief from him; the crafty Bassa knowing that this course would be prejudicial for the Sultan, and finding that the deposing of Battori would be more difficult than they expected, he diverted Mahomet Bassa from attempting any thing against Battori or Transilvania. This act shows sufficiently, that Christian Princes which think to shelter themselves under the shadow of the Turkish Crescent, are very ill assured; for he never fails to stir up Enemies against them, to make them sue for Succours, and himself Necessary; Then in the end he expels them, and becomes absolute Master of their Countries. It was also said, That the Bassa Mahomet would not attempt any thing in Transi●vania, by reason of the Election of the Emperor Mathias, whereof the Bassa of Buda was assu●ed by the Ambassador which the said Emperor sent to Constantinople, to carry the Presents unto the Sultan; which Ambassador was honourably entertained at Buda by the said Bassa, and from thence conducted safely to Constantinople.  
But not to keep these Turkish Troops idle, Mahomet Bassa, being advertised that Constantine, the pretending Prince in Moldavia, had been in Poland to crave some assistance from thence, he resolved to employ his Forces that way, to dispossess him and settle another.  
But the better to understand the beginning and success of these Moldavian Wars, we must make a Repetition of that which past some years before. In the year 1608, jeremy Mobyla, Prince or Vaivod of Moldavia died; committing the Government to his Brother Simeon, during the Minority of his three Sons, Constantine, Alexander, and Bougdan, the eldest being but eight years old. He left three Daughters, married to three generous Princes of Polonia, Po●osky, Visinousky, and Corresky. Prince Simeon continued in the Government until the year 1611; 
Constantine Son to jeremy enters the Government.  after whose decease the young Prince Constantine, by the Persuasion of his Mother, that he might safely take upon him the Government of Moldavia, and not attend any Confirmation from the Sultan, for that Prince Simeon, who had been confirmed by the Turk which then reigned, was but Tutor to his Nephew; entered the Government. At this time there remained at Constantinople, one Stephano or Tomsho, who had of a long time practised the favour of one of the Viziers called Mehemet, an Eunuch of Georgia (who was then Chimacham, or Lieutenant to the Grand Visier) and of some other Bassas, as well by Money as by other Practices, suggesting falsely that he was Son to Prince Aaron, who had been Vaivod of Moldavia before the deceased jeremy; and he prevailed so by his Practices and Corruption (whereunto the Turks are more subject than any Nation in the World) as he was admitted to the Principality by the Grand Signior, and having given him to understand by the Visier, that Constantine had thrust himself rashly into the Government, and that he would not acknowledge him for his Lord and Sovereign, nor pay the yearly Tribute, which was 40000 Chequines, he sent Fousseyen Aga with 20000 Turks and Tartarians to settle Stephen or Tomsho in Moldavia, and to expel Prince Constantine. Which Army marched so secretly, as they had in a manner surprised him; yet drawing together a head of 10000 Men, he resolved to attend the event. 
Stephen made Vayvod of Moldavia by the Turk.  The Aga sent to acquaint him with his Commission, and among other things threatened him, that if he would not suffer him to proclaim Stephen Vayvod of Moldavia, and yield him the City of Yas' free, he would cut him in pieces. Whereunto Constantine made answer, by the advice of the Prince Potosky his Brother-in-Law, 
Constantine's Answer to the Turks Aga.  That the Grand Signior had been abused; for if he had understood, that his Predecessor had granted unto the deceased Prince jeremy his Father, and to Prince Simeon his Uncle, That he should succeed his said Father in the Government; it was not credible that he would seek to dispossess him by force, without hearing, and install in his place an unknown Person, who had falsely supposed himself to be the Son of a Prince of Moldavia; neither should they find, that he had refused to acknowledge the Sultan for his Sovereign Prince, or denied to continue the same Tribute which his Father and Uncle had paid; but if the Aga would proceed without any respect of his Offers, he did hope that the true God of Battle would maintain him in his just defence, and would not suffer an Usurper to prevail over a lawful Prince. Fousseyen Aga, who had no will to capitulate with Prince Constantine, being corrupted by Stephen with Presents and Promises, advanced with his Army, so as the next day they joined battle; but the Moldavians, oppressed with Multitudes of Turks, Tartarians, and Null, could not make it good. Wherefore Potosky entreated Prince Constantine to save himself, and to suffer him to finish the Battle; but he could by no means persuade him, still resolving to attend the event. Whereupon they went both again to the charge with such Troops as they had left, and defeated many of the Turks Forces; but being oppressed with a new supply of 2000 Horse which the Aga sent by Stephen; they were constrained to yield themselves to the Mercy of their Enemies. Prince Constantine fell to the Tartarians share, either for that he had been taken Prisoner by some of them, 
Constantine and Potosky taken Prisoners.  or else was given them by Fousseyen Aga, to draw a ransom from him, and be instead of their Pay. But they made no great use of him; for as they led him away, passing the River of Niestre, he leapt into it, thinking either to save himself by swimming, or unwilling to survive his Disgrace. And as for Prince Potosky, he was carried to Constantinople, and was put into the black Tower, which is a Prison appointed for Men of Quality, where he continued until the year 1616. The loss of this Battle by Constantine, gave an easy entrance to Stephen into Moldavia, no Man daring oppose himself against the Turks Forces; so as Fousseyen Aga caused Stephen to be proclaimed Prince of Moldavia in the City of Yas, 
Stephen proclaimed Prince of Moldavia.  and then dismissed his Army, and returned to Constantinople. Such was the Fortune of the Prince of Moldavia, ruined by the Turks, and such was the Disorder and Confusion of his miserable Country.  
This Summer Constantinople and the Country round about, 
Constantinople afflicted with Grasshoppers.  was annoyed with abundance of Grasshoppers, as it had been in the former year; but to free themselves from this devouring Vermin, about the midst of july, the Patriarch of Constantinople and Alexandria, with divers other Bishops, and Calloires attired in their Copes and other Ornaments, went forth in solemn manner at the Gate of Adrianople, being the North Gate of the City. Whereupon (said the Greeks) they all perished; and indeed about this time infinite heaps of them were found dead; but not by reason of their Curse, for most were dead before they cursed them, and were to be seen dead upon every bush and twig of a Tree before their curse, and many lived after their Curse, and continued until the next Summer. The cold dews which fell this Summer (being extraordinary) were thought to be the natural cause thereof; God causing those dews to fall, to free the Country from these devouring Creatures.  
Let us now describe the Miseries of the Transylvanian, 
The Troubles of Transilvania.  and of his Province, a Table so often represented in this History. Gabriel Battori, who governed Transilvania, as lawfully descended from the Sovereign Princes thereof, having made himself a Tributary unto the Turk, and by his impious Actions mingled Mahomet's Impiety with the Christian Religion; and moreover, exceeding in his Cruelty, became a memorable Example to all Posterity, that Princes which carry the glorious Name of Christians, when they have once laid aside all fear of the Sovereign of Princes, cannot attend, but a miserable end in their Reign, conformable to the course of their Enormities. So Gabriel Battori, holding it a Law of State to settle his Affairs with the ruin of Religion, allies himself with the Turk, and with him afflicts the Christian Provinces. But seeing many Factions made against him, as well by the descendants of Botscay, as by Giezi, Bethlem Gabor, and some other, he supports himself with the Forces of Andrew Nage, the head of the Rebels in High Hungary, who came unto him to the siege before Cromstad to assist him in his Affairs. Battori entertained him with all shows of Courtesy, invited him to dinner in his Tent; and for a greater Demonstration of Friendship, after Dinner they two went to take the Air on Horseback. Nage had drunk after the Hungarian manner; Battori entreated him to run his Horse a career, and he refused it; the which Battori taking for an Offence, spoke many words of contempt unto him, and he answered him in the same manner, being more inflamed with Wine, than governed by Reason. Battori being wonderfully offended, that a Man of no sort, being but a poor Soldier of Fortune, crept up to some Authority among the Soldiers but by Degrees of Rebellion, should give him such words of Indignity, gave him three blows on the Head with a Battle-axe which he held in his Hand, and slew him. Thus Nage swims justly in his own Blood, 
Battari kills Nage.  having wickedly and to the ruin of his Country floated in the ways of Inconstancy, and popular Tumults; and so he died as he had lived.  
But Battori found himself daily oppressed with many Affairs, 
Parties against Battori.  which drove him insensibly to his Ruin. Peter Decaci, Kinsman to the deceased Botscay, annoyed him on the one side with Troops of Soldiers. Andrew Giezi (who had betrayed him in his Embassay to Constantinople) levied Forces to prosecute him; and Bethlem Gabor, a Nobleman of Transilvania, and assisted by the Turk, took many Places from him, after that Giezi had forced him to raise his siege at Cromstad, and generally all Transilvania revolted against this Prince. To see more plainly in the Obscurity of these confused Disorders, you must understand, that this Province is peopled by three several Nations, the Sicules, Saxons, and Hungarians. 
Division of the People of Transilvania.  The Sicules (descended from the Scythians) came with Attila King of the Huns, in Pannonia, now called Hungary, and taking their way towards their Country, they inhabited that part of Transilvania which lies next to Moldavia, and dividing themselves into seven Colonies, they built the Towns of Kisdi, Orbai, Scipsi, Cykuduarheh, Aranios, and Maros. The Saxons (mutinying against the Government of the Emperor Charlemaigne King of France, for certain Impositions wherewith he had charged them) retired into Transilvania, and by force seized on that part of the Country which confineth upon Valachia, where they built the Towns of Hermenstad, (otherwise called Cibin) Cromstad, Nezen (or Bistric) Meduvisch, Sciespourg, Clausenbourg, and Alba-Iulia. The Hungarians inhabited this Province from the time of Saint Stephen King of Hungary; and having mastered the other Nations, they obtained such Pre-eminence among them, as since their Successors have caused themselves to be called Nobles of Transilvania, 
All the three Nations against Battori.  and the Vayvods or Princes of the Country have been taken from among them. The Towns of Varradin, Dever, Zilahi, Gela, and some others, owe their beginnings unto them. The greatest part of these three Nations which inhabit Transilvania were revolted against Battori; but particularly the Saxons had taken Arms against him, his great Cruelty having forced them to this extreme Remedy.  
Battori being thus abandoned by his Subjects, prosecuted by his Nobility, and forsaken of all the World, knowing not whither to fly for Succour, and not daring to trust unto the Turk, who openly favoured Gabor; he resolved to try if he could by Presents draw the Emperor Mathias to give him any Assistance. 
Battori sends an Ambassador to the Emperor Mathias.  Wherefore he sent Ambassadors unto him, to promise all Subjection and Obedience; and he sent for Presents, a long Robe or sacerdotal Cloak of Gold, set with Pearl and precious Stones, certain Plumes of black Herons, adorned with precious Stones, a Turkish Sword, the Scabbard being of Silver richly set with Jewels, ten black Horses with rich furniture embroidered with Gold and Silver, and a Turkish Horse, having half the Body and Legs of the colour of Gold, with his Furniture of Crimson richly embroidered. He laboured to have the Emperor give notice to the Bassa of Buda, That this Attempt of the Turks against Transilvania, was against the Articles of Peace; but the Bassa made answer, That his Emperor was not to be blamed if he seized upon that Province, which did immediately belong unto him, and kept it quiet from the Practices of others. But Battori, relying not wholly upon this support, but desiring to have more strings to his Bow, sent Ambassadors to the Sultan, with rare and rich Presents, who had secret Treaties and Councils with the Bassa's; the which Negronius, the Emperor's Ambassador residing at Constantinople, discovering, he sent word unto the Emperor, that he entertained a Monster among Men.  

Cruelty of Battori.  About the same time there came Ambassadors from the Saxon Towns of Transilvania, complaining much of the Cruelty and Tyranny of Battori. The Saxons (said they) living many years in Transilvania, had beautified the Provinces with Towns, Villages, and Markets, and had by their virtue obtained many Privileges from former Emperors; but Battori, against his promised Faith, and the Oath which he had taken, had deprived them of their Privileges, and afflicted them in such sort, as they were in a manner ruined; that from his first entrance he had sought to root out the ancient Family of the Saxons; that he had afflicted them with Imprisonments and miserable Servitude, and had detained john Benner three years in Prison, for no other cause, but for that he knew he had brought a great Estate out of Germany; he had deprived honest Widows of their Estates, and had oppressed others with unjust Exactions; he had surprised Hermstad, the chief City of the Saxons, and suffered the Haiducks to spoil it, and to commit all sorts of Insolences. That he had expelled the Magistrate, banished honest Citizens, ravished Women, slain the Parents, to deprive the Children of their Inheritance, and committed all the barbarous Cruelties that could be devised. That he had sent three hundred Captives to the Sultan for a Present; many he cut into small pieces, some he had thrown down from the tops of Mountains and Towers; some he had hung up by the Feet, others he had drawn in pieces with Horses and Trees, and to conclude, he had practised all kinds of barbarous Cruelties. That having expelled Religious Princes out of Moldavia and Valachia, he had made them subject to the Turk, for no other end, but getting an occasion to circumvent the Christians, he might waste all with Fire and Sword, having Multitudes of Barbarians to second him; and for a Conclusion of his notable Cruelty, having freed the Town of Gaudin, he made choice of twenty of the principal Inhabitants, and delivering to every one of them a Pike, he forced them in his Presence to kill one another in the midst of the Marketplace.  

Gabor and the Turk press Battori.  But God revengeth his Excess by his Ruin, whereinto we shall presently see him run headlong miserably; for, Bethlem Gabor, his capital Enemy, having joined his Forces with those of Bassa Serder, they both entered together into Transilvania, forced Lugasti, took Deve, and struck a great Terror into the whole Country. Ogli Bassa on the other side surmounts the difficulty of the ways, and lodgeth with his Troops in the Suburbs of Cromstad, and from thence went and camped over all the Tract of Barry or Barsac. Thus Battori sees himself oppressed by an Enemy from whom he can expect nothing but his Misery and Ruin; he attended Succours from the Emperor, under the Conduct of the Palatine of Hungary and Fortgatsie; they came, but not such as were able to resist the Turk. This made him write to Trinau for the levying of Soldiers; but the hatred they bore him generally, deceived his hopes, no man would march under his Ensigns. 
The Miseries and Despair of Battori.  This refusal makes him distrustful, he dares not confer with any man touching the Affairs of the War. A treaty of Peace seems more fit for his Affairs; he makes an overture to his most familiar Friends, and tells them, that he holds it necessary to purchase his Peace with Serder Bassa at what price soever; yea, were it in delivering into his hands the Places of greatest Importance. But he receives no other Answers from them, but that they had rather die than advise him to it. Thus he sees himself void of all hope of safety in his Affairs; he wanted Money, his Subjects, yea, even his Soldiers hated him, as a Prince abandoned to all Cruelty; and for his last Remedy, and the most ordinary in base and cowardly Minds, he fell into despair, entreating one of his Servants to kill him; but the other refused him that honour, suffering him to draw on his miserable Life, till that within some few days after, going forth to view where his Troops were lodged, being in an open Chariot, 
Battori slain by his own Soldiers.  accompanied only with two Gentlemen, fifty of his Soldiers (which attended him in an ambush) shot at him, slew him, and hurt those that did accompany him. It is true, this accident happened in the year 1613, when as this unfortunate Battori went to give an account unto God of the bad Government of his Estate.  
Some few days after, 
Bethlem Gabor made Prince of Transilvania by the Turk.  Bethlem Gabor was declared Prince of Transilvania by Bassa Serder, who gave him this advisement at his Introduction; Battori shall serve for an Example to bad Princes; I do not think that you will follow his Steps. Beware you attempt not any thing without the Privity of my Master; Maintain Peace with your Neighbours, and make Men of Experience and Honesty of your Council. Transilvania did yet fear the continuance of a storm of a fatal War, when as in less than forty days it saw itself settled in the calm of sweet Peace, by the acknowledgement which all the Towns made unto Bethlem Gabor, and the Oath of Fidelity which they took unto him, as to their elected Prince; notwithstanding that the Emperor Employed all his Credit to hinder it. But the desire of Peace, and the fear of the Turks Armies, drew all the Governors of Towns to acknowledge Gabor; such were the Affairs of Transilvania, disordered by the Turk. Let us now make an end of the remainder of the year 1612, the which we have deferred, for that we would not interrupt the relation of the Affairs of this Province.  
We have said elsewhere, That the King of Persia had offered Conditions of Peace to Sultan Achmat, much to his Advantage, seeing that he yielded himself the Turks Tributary, in regard of certain Lands which he had conquered from them. Now the Visier Nassuf, General of the Army against the Persian, 
A Persian Ambassador comes to Constantinople.  brings his Ambassador to Constantinople, to conclude this Peace. Nassuf arrived with his Army and the Persian Ambassador at Scudaret, right over against Constantinople, whither most of the Bassas of the Port went to salute him, and then returned. But the Grand Visier stayed there two days; on the third he passed over to Constantinople, where he was entertained at the water side by all the Bassas which accompanied him; an infinite number of Janissaries going before with their Pieces, and some of them in Armour, after whom followed their Aga on Horseback; then came a great number of jamoglans, and the Emirs or Kindred of Mahomet with their green Turbans, with many blind men shouting aloud; these holy men carried the banner (as they say) of Mahomet, and the People standing by kissed it with great Devotion as they passed; after them came the Chaoux on Horseback, the Bassas, than the chief Muphti, and last of all Nassuf Bassa himself; after whom followed the Treasure which he brought with him for the Emperor, being two hundred thirty four Moils laden with Gold and Silver. The Visier, as he passed by the Sultan's Window, bowed himself very low unto him, from whom he had a nod with his Head, and so set Spurs to his Horse and road away fast, as the manner of the Turks is when they salute a greater man than themselves, presently to run or ride away apace. The Visier being come to the Serail, went in to the Sultan to kiss his Hand, where he continued a whole hour, the rest of the Bassa's attending without. There were present at this days Pomp the Emperor's Ambassador, the French, the English, Polonian, Low-Countries, and Venetian; the Persian remaining still at Scudaret. The Grand Visier, as he passed by the Emperor's Ambassador, put off his Hat and saluted him, but not the rest. The same day Tomsho, who had been lately made Prince of Moldavia by the Grand Signior, sent many Polonians to Constantinople, whom he had taken in the Wars. All which (notwithstanding they threw down their Caps and offered to turn Turk's) were put to death. And within few days after, the Visier Nassuf, sitting in the public Divano, had three Robes sent him from the Grand Signior to grace him.  
Achmat, having a Will to let the Persian see the Magnificence of his Court, went out of Constantinople; and under a pretext to go take the Air at his Country Palace, called Darut Bassa, he takes occasion at his return to make a stately entry at his Imperial City. The general Surveyour being advertised of his will, caused the ways from his Palace of Darut unto the City, 
The Sultan enters in state into Constantinople.  to be covered with Sand; the which contains two French Leagues, or four English Miles. This done, the Emperor parted from his retinue, and entered in Pomp into Constantinople. The order of his entry was in this manner: 
The Order how his Household marched.  A great number of Men at Arms marched first on Horseback, and after them some Troops of Foot, the Cadis of Constantinople, or Men of Justice, and all the Talismans', or those of Mahomet's Law, in very great numbers followed after, and after these marched the Viziers and Bassas in great Pomp; after whom followed the Sultan's Household, that is to say, ten Men leading in their Hands ten goodly Horses richly caparisoned, the last of which had the Bridle and Saddle all covered with precious Stones; the Sultan's Target was made fast unto the Saddle, and upon it did hang even to the Ground a great tassel of Pearls; and over all this, a long Horse-cloth or covering for a Horse, the which was embroidered so thick with Pearl, as the ground could not be discerned; after which followed the rest of the Emperor's Household in divers Troops; first, fifty Janissaries on foot, every one leading Dogs in Leashes, Mastiffs, or Irish Greyhounds, the goodliest of all were those which the French Ambassador had presented unto the Sultan. Secondly, the Grand Seignior's Footmen called Peiks, Persians by Nation, all well attired, wearing on their Heads Bonnets of Silver, and gilt, in form of Pots. Thirdly, threescore Archers on foot, in the midst of which the Sultan came, attired in a rich Robe of Cloth of Gold embroidered with Pearls and Diamonds, his slaves were enriched after the same manner; his Turban covered with five Plumes of black Herons Feathers enriched with great Diamonds, and a Chain of the same Stones about the lower part of his Turban; upon his little Finger he had a Diamond of a large bigness and estimable price, the which gave a marvellous great Light; he was proudly mounted upon a goodly Horse richly caparisoned, Emperor like, the Saddle was embroidered with Gold, Pearl, and Diamonds, the Stirrups of pure Gold set with many Diamonds, and from the Horse Neck did hang a great tassel of Pearl, the which were so great, as they were esteemed very rich and precious. Fourthly, After the Grand Signior followed three Men on Horseback, carrying in their Hands, the one his Arms, the other his Cloak, and the third his Imperial Turban, and these were attended on by certain Esquires and Gentlemen all on Horseback. Fifthly, Then came the Music after the Turkish manner, consisting of threescore Men on Horseback, which played upon Phiefs, Clerons, and Trumpets. Sixthly, There followed an hundred Pages of the Sultan's, bravely mounted, and followed by many Eunuches, fifty of which Pages carried every one a Falcon upon his fist, having their Heads enriched with Diamonds, and these were followed by thirty Guards of the Port. Seventhly, Fifty Falconers and Huntsmen richly attired and well mounted; four whereof had either of them before him upon his saddle bow, a Leopard covered with Cloth of Gold. Eighthly, 
Pages chosen amongst the fairest for the Sultan's Pleasure.  A great number of other Pages, fairer than the Pictures of Adonis or Love, chosen amongst the Infants of the Tribute, and unfortunately appointed for the filthy and unnatural Pleasures of their Master, whose Garments after the Turkish manner were precious, and made of rich Cloth of Gold curled. They were followed by a great Troop of young men plainly attired in Cloth, having upon their Heads yellow Caps pointed in form of a Sugar-loaf, and these were ordained to serve the Sultan's Pages.  
There were moreover attending the Sultan in this Pomp divers Beglerbegs, as of Bosna, Buda, Romania, Anatolia, and others; every Company going distinct, both of Horse and Foot, with the Bassas Servants all gallantly attired and well mounted; and after them followed Nassuf's Attendants, being five hundred in number richly armed; there were also the King's Fire-men, Calkers, Azappes, the Rices or Officers of Galleys with Spears in their Hands; all that belonged to the Arcenal, the Carters which governed the Carts going to War, and their Captains: then the shot-men with their Banner, and the Armourers all in Armour, with their Banner. There were also the Banners of the Grand Signior Mahomet, and of the Grand Visier, every one in his order before the Grand Signior,; and after all followed the Capigies and Officers of his Kitchen. The number of all sorts of Attendants in this Pomp was so great, as it was esteemed to amount to the number of forty thousand Persons.  
The Persian Ambassador, 
A largess of the Persian Ambassador when as the Sultan past.  for whose sake the Emperor Achmat had made this stately show, to the end he might carry back into his Country a pattern of the Ottoman State and Greatness, caused to be cast out before his Lodging when as the Sultan passed by, an hundred pieces of Silk, the which were gathered up by the Archers of his Guard, whereof they made good purchase. All these Magnificencies, added to those which we have formerly related at the Marriages of the Sultan's Sister and Daughter, with other Pomp celebrated in France, Spain, Naples, and Germany, for the Marriages of Lewis the Thirteenth, King of France, with Ann of Austria, Infant of Spain; and of the Prince of Spain with the Lady Elizabeth of Bourbon, the King's eldest Sister, and for the Coronation of the Empress, and the Emperor's entry into Nuremberg, may give unto this year 1612, the Title of magnific or stately.  
Four days after Sultan Achmats' entry into his Imperial City, 
The Persians Presents to the Turk.  the Persian Ambassador had audience, and was received to kiss his Hands; he presented unto his Majesty in the behalf of the King of Persia his Master, four hundred balls of Silk, a Besonard Stone as big as a man's fist, with some others that were less; nine bags of Leather full of Turquoises, the which were a foot and an half long, and above four fingers broad, a great number of Tapestries of Wool, Silk, Cloth of Gold and Silver, with many other things of great price, and very rare. The Compliments being ended, they began to treat seriously of a Peace betwixt two great and ancient Enemies, the Turk and the Persian; the which, after some Difficulties, was concluded upon these Conditions: That the Persian King should pay yearly unto the Turkish Emperor, by way of Tribute, a quantity of Silk to the burden of two hundred Camels; that the King of Persia's Son should be called Bassa of Tauris, and that the Cadi or Sovereign Judge of that Town should be sent from Constantinople. This Peace thus concluded to the Turks Advantage, the Persian Ambassador returned to his Master, having left most of his Train dead of the Plague at Constantinople. Being arrived at Tauris, the King of Persia seeing this Peace to be so dishonourable and burdensome for him, he caused his Ambassador's Head to be cut off; and sent back the Chiaux, who was come from Constantinople to see him swear the Peace. Some write that he did him some Indignities, which made these two great Monarches return again to Arms.  
The Grand Visier Nassuf, after his return to Constantinople, 
The Chimacham put from his Place.  to show his Great Power and Authority, procured means to have the Chimacham (who had formerly supplied the Place of the Grand Visier in the absence of Amurath Bassa, and until the return of Nassuf) to be deprived of his Bassas Place, and sent presently over unto Scudaret, under pretence of preferring him to a Government near unto Trebizond in the Confines of Turkey, but with an intent to deprive him of his Head. The Friends of this Chimacham, (who were many, and great in Court) seeing him so disgracefully sent away, and doubting Nassuf's purpose, procured leave from the Grand Signior to have him sent for back again, for that he was an old Man, and might from thenceforth live at home in quiet; and for his former Services a thousand Asper's a day allowed him for his Entertainment; which Nassuf took very discontentedly.  
During the Persian Ambassador's abode at Constantinople, the Emperor Mathias (Successor to Rodulphus his Brother) sent an Ambassador to the Sultan, to complain of the Enterprises which were made daily upon Transilvania, a Province which he said belonged unto him, as a dependence of his Realm of Hungary. This Ambassador, called Negroni, was received at the Court, and admitted to kiss the Sultan's Hand; but his Presents were little esteemed, for that they were of less value than those which they had lately received from the Persian. His demands to have the Province of Transilvania, were grounded upon an Article inserted among those of the Peace betwixt the Emperor and Botskay, at that time chosen Prince of Transilvania; that is to say, That Botskay dying without Issue Male, Transilvania should remain at the Disposition of his Imperial Majesty. This Article being read by Negroni in the Turks Council, whither he had been admitted; the Muphti or Sovereign Priest of Mahomet's Law, answered, That it was contrary to his Law; so the Demands of this Ambassador touching Transilvania were rejected, seeing that Botskay had no Power from the Sultan (said the Grand Visier) to treat with the Emperor, and to give him Transilvania after his Death. Negroni grounded this Gift of Botscay (mentioned in the said Article) upon the eighth Article of the Peace betwixt the Turk and the Emperor, concluded in the Isle of Danow, by Amurath Visier, and the Deputies of his Imperial Majesty, in these words: That all which had been granted in the Treaty of Peace made at Vienna, to Botskay, should be duly and faithfully observed. Nassuf, the Grand Visier, replied, That the Bassa Amurath being then Visier, might err in signing these Articles of the Peace upon the Danow; 
The Emperor Mathias sends an Ambassador to Constantinople.  and at the same instant he showed forth some other Articles whereas that was not inserted; saying, That the Sultan would faithfully perform those and no others, pressing the Ambassador Negroni to sign them; the which he refused to do; so as Nassuf used some Threats to terrify him; but Negroni replied, That he was in their Power, and that in this case he had rather lose his Life, and die gloriously for the good of his Master's Affairs, than to have it taken from him at his return to Vienna, with Shame and Infamy, having signed those Articles. Finally, he promised to advertise his Imperial Majesty, and to certify them of his Pleasure: which promise for this time ended the Contention.  
In the beginning of this year, Sultan Achmat, 
The malice and falsehood of the Turks.  after the Reception of the Persian Ambassador, and the stately entry he made into Constantinople, went to lie at Adrianople, where his Janissaries and Spahies began to mutiny, spurning at their Bread and Rice which was given them for their daily Entertainment: and being demanded the Reason of this their Insolency, they answered, that no Emperor before him had so carried out his Men in the depth of Winter: which answer did much incense Nassuf Bassa. This Visier was in such Credit with the Grand Signior, as during his abode at Adrianople he came three times in Person privately to visit him, who grew so powerful over his Master's Affections, as he obtained a privilege, That it might not be lawful for any Man to speak with the Grand Signior privately, but himself. Being returned to Constantinople, there happened a great Fire, in which there were five hundred Houses burnt. The Visier Nassuf coming to see it quenched, and finding some Janissaries more careful to break open Locks, and rifle Shops, than to do any good Service, he struck out the Brains of one of them with his Mace, and broke the Arm of another.  
It had been an ancient Custom in Constantinople, that the owner of the House with all his Family where the Fire began, should be put to death for their Negligence: but it happening that the Emperors own Serail, in the time of Mahomet, Father to Achmat, being set on fire, Cicala Bassa presented a Petition unto him, that this Custom might be abolished, holding it unjust that other Men should be put to death, and the same let pass in the Emperors own House: whereunto he yielded, holding it reasonable. And soon after there happened another great Fire, at which the Visier caused many of the Janissaries to be hanged: finding them too busy in rifling Houses: and he went up and down the Streets with his Scimitar in one Hand, and a Janissaries Head in the other, which he had cut off. The Grad Signior sent Holy Water unto the Visier, wherein he had dipped a piece of Mahomet's Garment, the which being poured into the Fire, the Turks said it ceased presently; yet by the Report of visible Witnesses, it burned four hours after. The Grand Visier Nassuf was a cruel Enemy to the Janissaries, of whom he sent sixteen thousand away into Asia, and would not suffer any more to be made, but only Spahies: and over such Janissaries as remained be made his own Servants to be Churbagies, and Agaes or Captains over fifties and hundreds; fortifying himself by all the means he could devise against the future time, to prevent his sudden Ruin; but all this could not preserve him from a shameful fall, as you shall hereafter hear.  
In the mean time let us pass unto Africa, to observe the Troubles which fell in the Realms of Fez and Morocco; the Quarrels betwixt Prince Xerif Muley Cidan, and the Xerif Muley Achmet, Ben-Abdalla his Nephew, 
Troubles in the Realm of Fez and Morocco.  and the Victories of Cidan against Abdalla. The Family of the Xerifs, Princes of Fez and Morocco, took its beginning some hundred and four years since, from Mahomet Xerif, born at Tigumedet in Dara, at this present one of the Provinces of Morocco: 
The beginning of the Xerifs of Fez and Morocco.  he was Alfaqui or Preacher of Mahome●'s Law, who, seeing the Divisions betwixt the Sovereign Princes of those Realms, and that the Portugals had seized of the chief Forts of Morocco, he began with three of his Sons, Abdalla, Hamet, and Mahomet, to lay the Foundation of a new Monarchy, supported by three Pillars: that is to say, by a counterfeit Piety and disguised Religion; upon a godly Pretext to make War against the Portugals Christians which were in Africa, and upon a passionate desire to retire the Mahometan Moors which were in their Pay, to the end they might by that means weaken them, and chase them with more ease out of the Territories of Morocco. The King, who at that time held the Sceptre of Fez, (seeing nothing but the outside of the Xerifs Designs) suffered his three Sons to display their Standard against the Christian Portugals in the Realm of Morocco: Innovations and Novelties are commonly pleasing to the common People. At this beginning, these three Leaders were followed by a great number of Soldiers: 
The Children of the Xerif grow potent.  they vanquished in many Encounters; and the bruit of their new Victories flying into the Realm of Morocco, retired the Moors from the Portugals Service, whom they defeated soon after, with their Commander Lopes Bariga. True it is, that it was to their loss; for Abdalla, the eldest of these three Brethren, lost his Life in this Combat. But they seized upon the great Town of Taradente in the Province of Sus, and of the Provinces of Herra, Idevaca, Vbidevaca, Cus, Guzule, and in a manner of the whole Country betwixt Morocco and Mount Atlas, settling their Principality in Taradente, whereas the Xerif their Father carried the Name of the Governor of the Province of Sus.  
The King of Morocco, fearing the Greatness of these new conquerors, 
They kill the King of Morocco.  dissembled the desire he had to bring them under, assuring himself that Time would present him some good occasion; so suffered them to enter into Morocco: but they prevented him; they took away his Life by Poison, and seized upon his Realm. The King of Fez, who had by an indiscreet Simplicity suffered them to take Arms, 
The King of Fez begins to fear them.  and by that means to open the way to a great Fortune, he saw a far off the Tempest of these unjust Spoilers to fall upon Morocco and other Places. The fear of the like Calamity did much afflict his Mind: but the Xerifs entertained this idle Prince with fair shows; they abused his Bounty, and with the fourth part of the rich Spoils which they had taken in so many Towns and Provinces, they lull his distrust asleep; moreover, they send him the Tribute due for the Realm of Morocco. Hamet takes upon him the Name of King of Morocco; Mahomet that of King of Sus, in the Town of Taradente; and by a good Intelligence betwixt them, they make themselves fearful to all those Countries; so as they have nothing more to fear, than the Threats and Vengeance of Heaven. They then began to contemn the King of Fez, and plainly to deny the Tribute of Morocco, pretending for their Reason, that they were issued from the Line of Mahomet. This Contempt made the King of Fez to open his Eyes: 
The King of Fez besiegeth Morocco, and is defeated.  he finds the Faults past, by the Interest of the present: he sees the Xerifs had abused the Liberty which he had given them: whereupon, he went to Field with an Army of eighteen thousand men, and planted his Siege before Morocco; but, as his Enemy's Party was stronger than his, so he was chased away, and his Army defeated at the Passage of a River. Thus the Xerifs became peaceable Possessors of Morocco. The Peace of the Country made these men idle, and Idleness drew the two Brethren into Quarrel: they mustered up their Forces and came to fight; where, 
Quarrels betwixt the Xerifs, and the eldest taken by his Brother.  after two bloody Battles, Mahomet being Victor, he took his eldest Brother Hamet, deprived him of his Realm and Liberty, and made him end his days miserably in Prison. Thus God doth punish the unjust Spoiler of another man's Good. We shall see in their Posterity the continuance of the same Quarrel.  
Mahomet, 
The Xerifs assault the King of Fez.  settled Sovereign in Morocco by Blood and Fratricide, as monstrous in Ambition as in Cruelty, he turned the same Arms wherewith he had beaten and vanquished his Eldest Brother against the King of Fez, (whose Improvidence had suffered Mahomet and his Brethren to take Arms, under the deceitful Title and Pretence of making War against the Christian Portugals) he assaulted him with great Forces, vanquished him, took him Prisoner, and deprived him both of Realm and Life. Thus the Xerifs, in the Person of this Mahomet, became Sovereign Princes of Fez and Morocco. The Victory so happily gotten of so many Nations, made him fearful; but by his Cruelty he drew upon his Descendants the just Judgement of him who punisheth the excess and enormity of Crimes unto the fourth Generation. His Posterity was miserable, the unjust desire of Reign, (one ruining another) entertained the Brethren in perpetual Discord: for Cidan, 
Cidan and Kequi, Brethren, expel one another.  now King of Fez and Morocco, was lately expelled by his Brother Kequi; but afterwards, Fortune changing her inconstant Favour, Kequi was pursued by Cidan, defeated, and forced in the Year 1610 to save his Life in Algarbe in Portugal. Abdalla, the Son of Kequi, seeing his Father's Affairs thus desolate, retires himself towards the Mountains in the Province of Sus; where, finding opportunity to annoy his Uncle Cidan, he made daily Incursions upon his Territories, with some Troops of Arabians, who had joined with him, being two hundred Horse and two hundred Foot. But finding this to be a long course to attain unto the Conquest of the Realm from whence he had been expelled, he bethought himself, that some certain counterfeit Fictions in Religion, had in former times brought in his Grandfather, and made him absolute Lord of a great Country; wherefore he made use of a Prophecy, forged in his ambitious Spirit: and to work an Impression in the People's Minds (easy to be moved with a Passion of Religion) he sent certain religious Mahometans through the Country, 
A Prophecy invented by Kequi, and preached by religious Turks.  with a show of holy Simplicity, who went preaching from place to place, That one Falquere, a Man of holy Life, had given unto a Son of his a Drum of an admirable power and virtue, commanding him expressly, to keep it carefully, until that a Prince called Abdalla should come into Morocco, being expelled by the Injustice of his own Blood; and that then he should beat his Drum, and that the People at the sound thereof might go to the War with all safety; that it should be helpful to them, give Peace to the Realm, and settle all the Customs and ancient Laws to their common content. Thus they preached this Prophecy, the which they said was now accomplished, seeing that this Prophetical Drum had been found, that Abdalla, the eldest Prince of the House of the Xerifs, had caused it to be beaten, exhorting all men to follow the War for the common good of the Country.  
These Vanities being preached by these ignorant and malicious religious Turks, increased the Number of Abdalla's Party: whereof Cydan being advertised, he sent a great Army against him into the Province of Sus, under the command of Alcas Elmye, to hinder the progress of his Designs: But Abdalla finding these Forces to approach, retired himself towards the Mountains, from whence he might charge the Enemy's Army; the which he did so happily, as within few days he cut off five thousand of his men. 
Abdalla defeated and slain notwithstanding his false Prophecies.  This success did so advance his Affairs, as his Troops increased daily, so as Cydan was forced to go with new Forces to fight with him, the which was the cause of his ruin: for at this time he was invested, and notwithstanding the good success of his false Prophecies, lightly grounded upon the sound of a Drum, he was defeated, and slain in this year one thousand six hundred and twelve.  
Gotardus, discoursing of this miraculous King of Mauritania, 
The miraculous King of Mauritania.  whom he calls Muley Hamet, writeth, that he was charmed with devilish Incantations, and freed from all outward force, carrying himself for a Divine Prophet; That with one hundred and eighty Horse, and two hundred Foot, he went to make Head against Cidan King of Morocco, having forty thousand men; That his Soldiers, (who were so few in number) being ready to fly, he persuaded them with a cunning speech to prepare to fight; That coming near to Cidan's Camp, they might see a great Army of Enemies fight against them, in which there were five thousand of Cydan's Army overthrown, and the rest in great disorder put to flight, and yet Muley Hamet had not advanced with his Troops; That within a few days after, coming with his Troops tired to a River side, he commanded them not to drink, nor wash in that River, which if they did they would die: but some neglecting his command, thinking to quench their thirst, died suddenly. He took many places in those mountainous Regions, which no man had formerly subdued; his Forces increasing daily, having five and twenty thousand men, and vowing to go against the Christians, more came unto him; so as he went against Cidan with a good Army, who likewise attended him, Hamet persuaded his Soldiers that no shot could hurt them; so as they assaulted Cydan's Camp with such fury, as within less than an hours space they had slain above six thousand men, and put the rest to flight. 
Cydan, King of Fez, overthrown.  They write, that Hamet lost not above four or five, and that such as were struck with any Bullet, showed Marks but no Wounds; and that the great Ordnance either sho● over them, or the Powder vented out at the Touchhole, and wrought no effect. Cydan, having lost his Brother in the Fight, fled with all his Treasure, to recover new Forces, and in the mean time Hamet made himself Master of the whole Country. There were certain Hollanders admitted unto him, whom they found sitting upon a Carpet made of the Bark of Trees, having a white Shirt, and a long Garment upon it, a red Cap on his Head, bare Thighs and red Shoes, a Bag about his Neck, and in it he hid his Alcoran, a short crooked Sword and a Dagger hanging by him. Being saluted by the Hollanders, he willed them to sit down by him, telling them that he was sent from Heaven, to purge the World from evil, and to prepare the Law of God; to expel Cydan out of his Kingdom, and to restore Peace unto the World: wherefore he advised them not to have any commerce with Cydan, nor to assist him in any sort. They observed many marks upon his body; he had one blue Tooth, all the rest being white, Hair upon either Shoulder, a red Circle in the Palm of his right-hand, and the proportion of a Spur upon his right foot. Having gotten some Victories against Cydan, and taken the Town of Morocco, in the end his devilish Art failing him, he was slain, as you have heard. Such were the Affairs of afric, in the Realms of Fez and Morocco.  
But in Algiers a wonderful drought had caused cruel Combustions; 
A great Drought and Sterility at Algiers.  it had so devoured the fruits of the Earth before their Maturity, as there followed a wonderful Famine throughout the whole Land. The Turks attributed the cause of their Misery sometimes to their Sins; then to the coming of the Moors, who had been expelled out of Spain, as a pernicious Vermin; and sometimes to the licentiousness of Christians, which lived in those Places. Wherefore in the beginning of May this Year, the Judge of the Town ordained, That all the Turks should make their devout Prayers to Mahomet their Prophet, to obtain Rain, so necessary in that Country; 
Processions of the Turks.  that the Moors should depart the Town within three days upon pain of death; and that all the Christians, as well free as bondslaves, should cause their Heads and their Beards to be shaved: this was speedily executed; for the Turks Decrees require a prompt Obedience. But the miserable Moors, which could not get out of Algiers within their three days prefixed, detained either by Sickness, or some other Impediment, were all cut in pieces. For thirteen days, there was nothing seen within the Town but Processions of Turks without Turbans, crying and howling, after their manner, to obtain Rain from their false Prophet: but he which commands Sovereignty over times, from whose hand proceeds fair Wether and Rain, and which makes the Earth fruitful, held the Pipes of Heaven yet stopped, to open them at more religious and holy Vows than the superstitious Clamours of these Infidels. For Bernard Murroy, of the Order of the Redemption of Captives, hearing that the Turks meant to revenge their Miseries upon them, and to ruin a little Chapel which the Christian Slaves had in the Prison, for the pious Exercises of their Religion, obtained (by the means of Bius, Consul of the French in Algiers) permission from the Dovan, or Turkish Judge, to make Processions, and to pray unto God to send them the dew of Heaven, which was so necessary for them. All the Christian Slaves which were Prisoners continued their Devotions for the space of five days: but on the fourth day, being the Eighth of May, there fell such abundance of Rain upon Algiers, as these poor Christians, 
The devout Prayers of the Christians obtain rain.  seeing their Prayers heard in the midst of the Enemies of their Faith, gave infinite Thanks unto God for his great Mercy and Grace.  
These miserable Christian Slaves were still detained in Irons and cruel Servitude, by this Accident. This Murroy, of the Order of the Redemption of Captives, accompanied with two others of the same Order, had redeemed to the number of one hundred thirty and six: but when he was ready to embark them, their evil Fortune would have it, that the Galleys of Genoa running along that Coast, landed some men near unto Algiers, where they took the Bassa's Son of that Town, with many other Turks, and amongst this number a Virgin of Algiers, of a very noble Family, and of as rare a Beauty, for the misery of these Slaves: for that when as the Bassa's Son and the others were redeemed by a Frigate which the Father had sent, the fair Algerian Virgin was still detained by a Captain of the Genoese, who had retired to Calvy, an Island adjoining, there to satisfy his Desires with more ease, upon the frail and fading perfection of this fair Slave, which had deprived him of his Liberty. In the mean time the Bassa of Algiers, seeing his Son returned with the other Turks, and not the Algerian Virgin, commanded that the hundred thirty and six Slaves should be put again into Irons, with the three religious men which had redeemed them. Thus this feminine Beauty, or rather, the Passion of this Genoese, who holds the Possession so dear, makes a great number of Christian Souls to suffer by insupportable Servitude, howsoever they of his Nation (flattering his disordered lust) say, that his Desire to win her to God, and to make her a Christian, caused him to keep her so carefully.  
These suffered in Algiers the loss of their Liberty; 
A Capuchen of Florence in captivity at Tunes.  but a Capuchen Friar, a Florentine by Nation, endured at Tunes the loss of his Life, by the Cruelty of the Moors chased out of Spain, and retired into those Countries. This religious Man, being a Slave among the Turks, attended daily from Florence, or from some other place, money to redeem his Liberty: but it happened, one day disputing in a Barber's House with a Morisque concerning Christian Religion, the Zeal of his Faith transported him so far, as to say among divers Turks, That his Religion was better than that of Mahomet's. These Words, took criminously in that place, were reported by the Morisques to the Cadi, or Judge of the Town, whom they pressed with such horrible Clamours and Cries, as he pronounced Sentence of Death against this Capuchen. He was delivered unto them, and they stripped him naked, leading him with Infamy through Tunes, some spitting in his Face, others casting Dirt at him, and so they led him out of the Town, where they tied him unto a Post; and they, being cruelly incensed by a Speech which a Morrabour or religious Turk said unto them, That he among them that gave him not one Blow with a Stone, 
He dies gloriously for the faith.  should be no good Turk, stoned him to death, where afterwards they burned his Body, and threw the Ashes into the Wind.  
The Martyrdom of this Capuchen was followed by the constant Confession (amidst the violence of Torments) of a penitent Renegado, 
An enterprise of four slaves.  a Florentine by Nation, and Captain of the chief Galley of Chio: Four Frenchmen being Slaves in the Island of Chio, in the Patron or chief Galley, belonging to the Bey or Governor of the Island, they resolved to recover their Liberty with the hazard of their Lives, to return into France, and carry into some Port of Christendom that Galley, being the best appointed in the whole Haven. They drew unto their Party the Captain which commanded, being a Florentine Renegado. Their Enterprise should have been executed when as they should go to Land to cut Wood But whether that the Scribe were treacherous to his Companions, or transported with some rash Indiscretion, being on Land, he spoke these Words aloud, the which overthrew both the design, and them that projected it; 
They are discovered.  Ho, we shall return into Christendom. A Turk which was near, taking hold of these words, reported them unto the Patron; who presently laid hold upon the Scribe, and drew from him the confession of all the Enterprise. He presently sends an hundred Men towards the Galley, to seize upon the four French Slaves and the Captain. But these five made such a generous resistance, as if the other Slaves, 
They defend themselves, and kill many.  who were for the most part Moldavians, or of the Provinces which border upon the black Sea, had had the Courage to fight for their Liberty, without doubt the French men's Enterprise had succeeded happily. But what could five Men do against an hundred? yet they slew fifteen, and wounded many: the four Frenchmen were all slain, and the Florentine Captain was taken alive, and reserved to the rigour of a cruel Death. For they continued him six hours together in most violent Torments, 
The Captain cruelly executed.  he still calling upon the holy▪ and sacred name of jesus Christ, even to the last gasp, and detesting the Errors and falsehood of the Law of Mahomet. This happened in October this Year.  
A little before, 
The United Estates send an Ambassador to Constantinople.  the Estates of the united Provinces, and Count Maurice, seeing the losses which the Ships of Holland suffered in the Mediterranean Sea, many of them being taken by the Turkish Galleys, and a great number of their men made slaves; to the end they might be freed from that danger, and have a safe Passage for their Ships, and procure liberty for their Captives, they resolved to make a League with the Turk. Wherefore they sent Cornelius Hage to Constantinople; who, not only willingly accepted of that Embassy, but performed it with such discretion, as he purchased great credit and commendation to himself, and much profit to the Provinces. He had resolved at first to pass through Hungary; but he found so many crosses and obstacles, by some that were Creatures to the Pope and Spaniard, as he was forced to turn out of the way, and fetch a great Circuit. First of all, he fell into the hands of the Archduke. Ferdinand, who caused him to be examined, and admonished to desist from his purpose: After which he was tossed at Sea, and in the end, having surmounted all dangers, he recovered Constantinople the first of May. He had express charge from the United Estates to labour for three things. The first was, to treat of the deliverance of the Hollanders that were Slaves. The second, to make a League with the Turk. And the third, to obtain from him a free Navigation for the Hollanders throughout all the Seas and Ports of his Empire.  
This Ambassador was brought to kiss the Sultan's hands, and was favourably received; 
Presents sent from the United Estates to the Turk.  he presented unto his Majesty, in the name of the Estates of the United Provinces, his Letters of Embassy, with the Presents which follow: Three Birds of Paradise, of rare and precious Plumes, wonderful goodly to behold, and valued at eight hundred pound sterling; two Vessels of Crystal, wonderful rich and beautiful; four other Vessels made of Fishes Bones, whereas the art seemed miraculous in the graving; forty pieces of Cloth of Gold of divers colours; five pieces of Silk, five of Damask, five of Silk watered, and five plain; a Staff of an Elephant's Tooth graven with admirable industry; a Parrot shut in a Cage of Crystal, so artificially done, as no man could discern the entry; and many fair and rich Table-cloths of Holland Cloth, most part powdered with flowers to the Life, and wrought in their lively colours. The which the Sultan did accept with admiration. All these things show sufficiently, That the Estates from the beginning, or soon after, have raised Handiworks as well as Traffic and Navigation to the highest point of Perfection.  
The sixth of july following, 
A League betwixt the Turk and the Hollanders.  the League was sworn betwixt the Ottoman Emperor and the United Provinces of the Low-Countries, by the which Achmat promised to cause to be set at liberty all the Hollanders that were detained slaves within his Empire: That the Traffic should be free for the Hollanders Ships throughout all his Seas and Havens; and moreover he granted, That the Estates should have an Ambassador residing at his Port. This alliance with the Turk, for the which they have so often, and with little reason blamed the French, hath been affected and sought by the English and Spaniards, as we have said elsewhere; and now by the Hollanders, whose Estates proceed in all their Affairs with such weight and measure, as it seems they do nothing but with great Reason, and to good purpose.  
About the end of this Year, the Jews, whose long Slavery throughout the World reproacheth their wretched and miserable Obstinacy, 
The Morisques chase the Jews out of Pera.  received at Pera, near Constantinople, the weight of a furious Tempest which fell upon them, stirred up against them by the malice of the Morisques Granadines chased out of Spain, and retired into the Levant. These, having by Presents won the favour of the Cadi, or Judge of the Place, who was a Negro, newly settled in that Charge by the Grand Visier Nassuf; they obtained Power from him to thrust all the Jews out of Pera, and to ruin their Synagogues. This Power they executed with all violence: And yet these miserable Jews durst not make their Complaints unto the Magistrate; except one of their Sect which dwelled in the Isle of Chio; who, being then at Constantinople, and supposing he had more credit than the rest, went to complain to this Cadi Negro, who presently caused to be given unto him five hundred Blows with a Cudgel, instead of doing him Justice; so dangerous a thing it is to have to do with such unjust Magistrates.  

The Practices of the Morisques against the Christians of Pera.  The Insolences of the Morisques transported them farther; for after they had expelled the Jews out of their Dwellings, they threatened to do unto the Christians at Pera as much as had been done unto them in Spain; and they bragged, That they would seize upon their Churches, and especially on that of the Franciscan Friars, the which was reasonable fair for the Place. But the French Ambassador, having made his Complaint to the chief Visier, he prohibited them to make any attempt against the Christians, upon pain of rigorous Punishment. This Prohibition stayed their fury; but they did not forbear in all other occasions to show the cruel Hatred they owe unto Christians: so as through all the Levant, in all Encounters where they came, they did a thousand times more mischief than the Turks themselves.  

The Turks Army for Transilvania.  At the same time the Sultan Achmat had drawn together a mighty Army to go into Transilvania; he caused it to camp in Tents near unto Constantinople, about his Palace, called Darut Bassa, whither the People of Constantinople went to walk, and to see his Forces; within few days after, he went to Adrianople, meaning from thence to proceed in his Voyage, carrying with him all the chief Men of his Port, except the Bassa of the Sea, or Admiral, who remained at Constantinople, to have a care of the City. And, for the greater safety thereof, this Bassa caused an Edict to be published, That no man should go out of his House, nor keep any Light in it after the ordinary Cry, which is made an hour within night, when as the Talismans' crying from the tops of their Mosques, invite the People to make the Sala, or Prayer. After the Publication of this Ordinance, he sent certain Chaoux to entreat all the Ambassadors residing at the Port, not to suffer their People to go out by night▪ to the end that their liberty might not serve as a dangerous Example to others. But notwithstanding all the Bassa's Entreaties and Prohibitions, three Englishmen of the Ambassador's Train went out by night into the Street, where they were met by the Provost of Pera, who took them, and presently (without respect of the quality) caused either of them to have an hundred and fifty blows with a Cudgel, and then committed them to Prison, the doors whereof are never opened but with a silver Key: so strictly do they observe in Turkey the orders of the Prince's Lieutenants, without exception of Persons.  
About the end of the Year, the Patriarch of Constantinople (by reason of divers Complaints made against him, 
A Question for the Patriarchship of Constantinople.  was deprived by the Grand Visier, and one Cyrillus, Patriarch of Alexandria, (a learned and religious Bishop) was (much against his Will) preferred to the place. The former Patriarch hereupon excommunicated all such as had wrought his Overthrow, but he himself was banished into the Isle of Rhodes. In his Passage, the Bark wherein he went was cast upon Mytilene, in which Place he renounced all Right and Claim to the Patriarchship before the Bishop of that Place, and resigned it to the Bishop of Patras: whereupon the Bishop came from Patras to Constantinople, and laboured with the Visier Nassuf for the place; who, upon promise to pay him fifteen thousand Chequines (which is ten thousand more than they were wont to pay) made him a Grant thereof: which Cyrillus, the late elected Patriarch, understanding, he came with all the Grecians to expostulate the Business with the Grand Visier; who answered, That he was to do what he could for the Emperor's Profit, and nothing against it; wherefore, if they would give so much as the other had promised, Cyrillus should continue in the Place: which the People were very willing to perform, but Cyrillus refused it; and so the other was made Patriarch; who presently sent for the old Patriarch to come from Rhodes to make Peace with him, for that they held not his Excommunication just, being not deprived by a Council, but only by the King. About the same time, Nassuf the Grand Visier, sent for the four Ambassadors, of England, France, Venice, and the States of the Low-Countries; and the reason why he sent for them, was, to raise their Custom One in the Hundred more than the Merchants had formerly paid.  
Whilst that the Sultan Achmat's Army drew near to Transilvania, 
The Enterprise of the Great Duke of Tuscany upon Agliman  and fortified the Places which he held in those Countries, Cosmo de Medicis, Great Duke of Tuscany, bend his generous Designs against the Fort of Agliman in Caramania, in old time called Cilicia, a Province, which in the Writings of Ancients, hath been honoured with two famous Cities, that is to say, Tharsis, the Country of St. Paul, and Seleucia, the Fort and Port whereof is called Agliman, a Haven which in old time hath contained within its bosom the fearful Forces of the Pirates of those days; from thence, in former times, hath come forth a powerful Army of Pirates with a thousand Sail, so proudly rigged, as many of them had their Sails of Purple, the Tackling of Gold Thread, and the Oars garnished with Silver, marks of the Spoils of above four hundred Cities ruined by those Pirates, who struck a terror even to the Romans, and forced them, to avoid their Fury, to set to Sea that great Fleet whereof Pompey the Great was General.  
The Trophy, year 1613. erected ●pon the Walls of Agliman, of the Heads of forty Florentines, lost in a Ship called the Prosper, 
The number of the Duke's Galleys, and the Commanders.  by the ignorance of the Captain which commanded in it, made the Great Duke to study to have his Revenge for this Affront; and his desire to abate the Pride of the common Enemy, elevated his Mind to generous Enterprises. In the end of March, this present Year 1613, he armed six Galleys, under the Command of the Admiral Inghirami, the which he manned with six Companies of Foot, commanded by julio de Conty, called Montano, General at Land, besides forty Knights of the Order of S. Stephen, and a good number of Gentlemen Adventurers, among the which was Don Petro de Medicis. This Fleet parted from Leghorn, and came to Civita Vecchia. In the beginning of April they took in many Noblemen and Gentlemen of France, which attended them, and would be Partakers in the Enterprise; the which were, the Earl of Candale, eldest Son to the Duke of Espernon, Cipierre, Themines, De Vic, Monterrault, De la Tour, and his Brother Boissiere, Villandre, Vernegue, Du plessis, De la Motte magnus, Avenes, Del Tour, Saint Cyre, Monplaisir, and Loyres. About mid April the Galleys landed in the night near unto a little Town in Asia the Less, 
They land at jeronda.  called jeronda, held for that Geronda of the Ancients: but their Descent was fruitless, they found it desert by the flight of the Inhabitants, who had prevented all Surprises. They returned again to their Galleys, and sailing towards the East, they encountered three Vessels like unto their Caramousals, the which they set upon and took; and about the Fifteenth of May, having scoured the Levant Seas, they resolved to attempt Agliman. Upon the way they took a Vessel called Grippe, 
The state of the Fort of Agliman.  which instructed them of the Estate of the Fortress. They understood there were two Galleys of Cyprus in the Port, that the Place was well furnished with all things necessary, and guarded without by a good number of Horsemen, and that within few days after, one of the said Galleys should come out of the Port of Agliman, and go to the Island of Pappadula, to fetch a new Mast. Inghirami thought to prevent it, carrying his whole Fleet thither, the which he laid close in the Island to surprise the Turkish Galley; but it having discovered his Fleet, put out to Sea, and with speed returned to the Port of Agliman; to give the alarm unto the Country. Notwithstanding the Christians resolved to assault it, they went with their Fleet to the Port Cavalier, twelve miles from Agliman, from whence they sent a Longboat to discover; the which brings them word, that the whole Country was in Arms. These News might well have daunted the Courages of some that had been less generous; 
The Christians land at Agliman.  yet they pass on, and about three of the Clock in the Morning they came near the Shore, being covered with the silence of the Night, so as before six of the Clock they had made their Landing about a mile and a half from the Port. The Signior of Montano, and the Earl of Candale, with some few choice men, landed first, to discover: a mile from the shore they encountered the Turkish Horsemen, yet notwithstanding Montano commanded they should finish their landing, leaving twenty men for the Guard of every Galley.  

The Description of Agliman.  This Fort of Agliman is seated upon a little pleasant Hill, which looks towards the South. It extends from the Hill unto the Seashore: the form is oval: that part which is next to the Sea is altogether Meridional, and the other, which riseth upon the top of the Hill, looks towards the North. The Walls are built of good Stone and Lime, the which are five Fathom high, and one broad. Within there was a Wall drawn from the East to the West, which divides it into two unequal parts, the which they enter by a Port set in the midst. The Circuit of the Wall is fortified with eight Towers, 
The Fortifications of the place.  whereof five be whole, and three are but half Towers; those which be whole are of a square form, and have five fathom in breadth on either side; the half Towers have the same greatness on the one side, and half as much on the other: their height exceeds not the Wall, unless it be that which is built on the top of the Hill, which is raised about eight foot above the Wall. Within the place were above three hundred fight men, with store of Victuals, Munitions for War, and many pieces of Ordnance; without, there were an hundred Horse scouring up and down for the Guard of the Place; and within the Port there were two Galleys, a Caramousal, and a Greek Brigandine, with some hundred and fifty fight men. 
The Order given to assault the ●ort.  The Order of the Combat was divided after this manner, by the Signior Montano, General at Land. For the principal Port, and that of the Retreat, he sent two Companies of Foot, which were those of the Admiral's Gally, of the Captain's Galley, and of S. Stephen, with the Petards, all under the charge of the Earl of Candale, who leading this forward, discovered a Corpse de guard of Turks, Horse and Foot together; whereof he presently advertised the General, sending him word, That he would march on towards the Fort, and if the Turks came to charge him, he would cut them all in pieces. Many advised him to return to the Galleys: but Montano allowed the Resolution of the Earl of Candale, who passed on without Charge until he came within one hundred and twenty Paces of the Wall, where he was charged before by the Musket-shot of the Fort, behind by the Galleys, and in flank by them of the Mountain, with such horrible howling and crying out, as the Mariners which carried the Petards being wonderfully amazed and terrified, let them fall to the Ground, and fled away. The Baron of Mont Terault, and Tiel, a Soldier of Langueza, took them up. They continued their way until they came within fifteen Paces of the Walls, whenas twenty Turks sallied forth, with a show to make Head against the Earl of Candale's Troops: but seeing themselves too weak, they fled presently again back to the Town. The Earl advanced to enter with them, but the Port was so soon shut as they were in; wherefore they must of force set the Petard to work. But whilst they were making it fast unto the Gate, there fell a shower of great Stones upon the Troop, wherewith Don Pedro de Medicis (who would needs be present) was overthrown and half slain; Callonge, Mont-terault, La Tour, Davanes, and Deltour, had taken upon them the Charge of the Petard, every one carrying a part, to put it speedily in Execution.  
Whilst they were thus busied to force the Port, the Serjeant-Major came unto the Earl of Candale, 
The Turks come from their Galleys to charge the Christians.  and told him, that there was a Troop of three hundred Musqueteers come to charge him: these were two Beys which came out of the Galleys with their Troops, by reason of the bad Guard which the two Companies that Montano had left to hinder their Landing, had kept. The Earl of Candale had left part of his Troop with the Petard, and turned Head with the rest against these Beys, to charge them; but they had no meaning to fight, but only to make a show; and seeing they should be forced, if they stayed longer, they took their way towards the Mountain, and in their Retreat made many shot. The Christians pursued them not, holding it fitter to return to the Petard, the which played so happily, as it made a Breach capable for three men to enter in front.  
The Squadron of the Knights of S. Stephen, commanded by the Commissary Lenzoni, and the Company of the Galleys of S. Mary Magdalen, with two Ladders were to assault the High Tower. The Company of the Admiral-Gally, with one Ladder, had Charge to force the Port of the Retreat; and the Company of the Galley of S. jean was to fight with the Galleys and Vessels in the Haven: all these Troops (being led by the General Montano, and by Captain Alexander of Tarentum, Serjeant-Major) marched in order towards the Fort. But the Petard, having effected, as we have said, 
The Turks retire to their Towers and Walls.  the Earl of Candale entered first with all his Troop, and suddenly ran unto the Port of the Retreat, there to apply a Petard, the which also very fortunately made a Breach. The Turks, amazed at the noise and forcing of their Gates, fled unto their Walls; some retiring into their Towers, and others into the Barricadoes which they had made in the Street. At the same instant they planted two Ladders on the lower part of the Town somewhat near adjoining to the Sea, whereof one was broken, with the loss of them that were upon it; by the other (notwithstanding that the Turks Horsemen charged them behind) a good number of Christians got up to the Walls, making their way by their Arms, whilst that the rest put the Turks to rout; having taken their Cornet, they forced the rest for to fly unto the Mountains. The squadron of Knights, with the Company of the Galley of Saint Mary, having had a longer way to march, came not to the Tower upon the Hill, until that after the Petards had wrought their Effects; so as the Turks being retired thither, they found very great resistance, besides the attempts of the Enemy's Horse which charged them behind; thrice they planted their Ladders against the Wall, and could not make them hold. Wherefore the Commissary Lanzoni, having performed as much as a brave and resolute Man could do in that Extremity, 
The Commissary of the Knights of St. Stephen slain.  resolved to leave that Place, and go unto some other where he might be more necessary; but being the last to make the retreat, he was shot through with two Musket Bullets, and suddenly slain. The Company of the Galley of Saint john vanquished the two Galleys in the Port, whereof Inghirami the Admiral at Sea went to take possession as soon as they had given him a sign, having the other two Vessels at Liberty.  
Within the Fort, in the Towers, and at the Barricadoes, 
A bloody Combat within the Fort.  the Combat was hot and dangerous, the Turks had despair and the advantage of the place on their sides, The Christians, thrust on by their Valour and constant Resolution, pressed them on all sides; there was nothing to be seen but Blood, wounded or dead men; but much more of the Turks side than of the Christians. In the end, after a Combat of four hours, the Turks fainted, some were taken, 
The Christians get the Victory.  many were slain, and the Christians obtained an absolute Victory; but as it could not be made without loss of their Enemies, who made great resistance; so there were five and fifty Christians wounded, of which number De Vic, a French Gentleman was one, who had a Musket shot through his Thigh, going to charge a Troop of Turks which were retired into a Tower; and some Gentlemen were slain; among the which was young Boissierre, a French Man, whose Valour in this Action made them that saw him fight so generously, conceive a certain hope, that he would have proved a valiant Captain, if Heaven had lent him longer Life. The sorrow for his Death was general, as well among the Italian Troops, as among those of his own Nation. Vernegue and Villandre, two other brave French Gentlemen were also slain. The dead and the wounded were carried unto their Galleys; they emptied the Fort o● all the Artillery, Munition for War, and Victuals; the Trophy of forty Florentines Heads was beaten down, and all the Houses set on fire. 
Agliman ruined.  Agliman being thus ruined, they shipped their Booty, with three hundred and fifty Turkish Slaves, having freed about two hundred and forty Christians which were in Irons. The two Turkish Galleys were drawn out of the Port, and carried away with eight other Vessels. In this Triumph, as the Admiral Inghirami bent his Course towards Ligorn, upon the way a Turkish Caramousal came into the midst of the Fleet, as into a Toil; it prepared to defend itself, the Patron's Galley invested it, but not without loss; for the Turks made so great resistance, as there were above fourscore Christians hurt or slain; the Earl of Candale fight alone at the Prow of the Galley, by the Permission of the General. But this Caramousal being taken, and the Florentine Mariners entered, it split and sunk suddenly. The great Duke's Galleys encountered some other smaller Vessels, the which they took, and afterwards arrived happily at their Port.  
The twelfth of August following, Octavio of Arragon, General of the Galleys of Sicily, by the Commandment of the Duke of Ossunna, 
The Voyage of the Galleys of Sicily in the Levant.  Viceroy in that Realm, parted from the Haven of Palermo, with eight Galleys well armed ad manned, to sail into the Levant. His first touch was upon the Island of Cerigo, where he understood that the Admiral Bassa of the Sea was gone from Constantinople with thirty Galleys, bending his Course to the Island of Negropont, whereas sixty others attended him in the Haven; and moreover, that the Galleys of Rhodes prepared to go and join with him, all which Naval Fleet was to fall upon Soria, against the Turks Rebels.  
Notwithstanding these News, Octavio continues his Course unto the Island of Nicaria, 
They set upon the Turkish Galleys.  where he understood by a Greek Vessel, that the Turkish Admiral meant to send twelve Galleys to Rhodes, to guard certain Vessels of the Fleet, which came from Alexandria by the Channel of Samos. True it is, that of twelve which were together when they parted, two were sent by the Bey, or Captain which commanded them, into the Island of Chio, so as there remained but ten together. Octavio resolved to charge these ten, causing his Fleet to row that Day, and almost a whole Night as secretly as they could, along the Shore of the firm Land of Anatolia, and at the break of day he arrived at the Cape of Corvo, twenty Miles from Chio; from whence he sent his long Boat to discover. But in the mean time he himself espied the ten Turkish Galleys not far from him; at sight whereof he ordered his Galleys for Battle, with such Diligence, as at Sun rising he was about the Enemy's Galleys, and had invested them. At his first approach he discharged all his Ordnance, and then with his Admiral-Gallie he joined with the Turks Galley which carried the Standard; the Spaniards entered, slew and massacred all that made resistance; the Combat began at the Prow, from whence they went to the Poop, whereas the Bey, or Commander of the ten Galleys stood, whom they forced to yield. In the mean time the other Galleys of Sicily charged the Turks so furiously, as they took five, all great Vessels carrying Lanterns; two fled towards the Land, hoping to save themselves, but the Turks had scarce liesure to leap to Land, and to fly into the Country, abandoning their Vessels to the Spaniards, who pursued them; the other three Galleys having gotten some advantage escaped by flight; so seven only came into the Spaniards Power, in the which they had a very rich Booty, freeing above a thousand Christian Slaves, which were at the Chain, and by a strange change of Fortune, putting into their Places the Turks which had inchained them. Among the most remarkable of the Prisoners, were the Commanders of the ten Galleys, called Sinan, Bey of Grigna, in the Island of Cyprus; the Bey of Alexandria, (Son to Pial Bassa, who was defeated in the Battle of Lepanto, by Don john of Austria) and some Beyes or Captains, and Patrons of Galleys.  
This Summer, the Emperor Mathias being gone to an Assembly of the States at Presburg in Hungary, in the mean time Sigismond Battori, 
Sigismond Battori, Prince of Transilvania dies at Prague.  who had been Prince of Transilvania, and so great a Terror and Scourge unto the Turks, as he made Sinan Bassa, having an Army of one hundred and fifty thousand Men, to fly thrice within ten days from before him, and would never endure the sight of him, he having but forty thousand Men in his Army. But afterwards, being the Author of his own Misfortunes and Miseries, by his inconstant Humours, he came and lived a private Life at Prague, and there died of an Apoplexy. At the Estates of Presburg they consulted of the fortifying of their Frontier Towns, and manning them with good Garrisons, knowing the Infidelity of the Turks, and doubting they would not observe the Truce. But there was some question in the Assembly, touching the Admissions of Germans into their Garrisons; for that the Hungarians maintained they had a decree to the contrary; and yet they could not defend themselves without the assistance of Germans; but in the end it was concluded, That the Germans should be admitted equally with the Hungarians into their Garrisons, but all other strange Soldiers should be excluded. The Turks in the mean time had burnt and spoiled many Villages in Hungary and Transilvania, 
The Turks threaten War in Hungary.  carried away many Christians captive, and committed many other Acts of Hostility, so as all Men feared a new War in Hungary, but by the Providence of God it was diverted. For Sultan Achmat, marching toward Transilvania with a mighty Army, hearing upon the way that Bethlem Gabor was acknowledged Prince, under his Protection, he turned head toward Constantinople. But rather for the Affairs of Asia, whereas the Rebels of Anatolia had spoiled and burnt many Places; and a certain Arabian had revolted against him, and usurped the Title of King, having drawn unto his party fifty thousand Rebels, the which did overrun and spoil the Country which yielded Obedience unto him, threatening his Dominions with a greater Ruin. Moreover, the Portugals and Spaniards had made many Incursions upon his Places joining to the Red-Sea, and had taken and spoiled Aden, a Place of importance; so as all these Disorders hastened his return into Thrace, to send Forces against his Turkish Rebels, and his Spanish Enemies. 
A great Plague at Constantinople.  But approaching near unto the Imperial City of Constantinople, the Plague was so violent, as he stayed at Adrianople until the end of this year, when as that horrible Contagion ceased. He then came unto the City, whereas he made a very stately entry; before him there marched his ordinary Guard of five and twenty or thirty thousand Janissaries, all the Bassas of the Court followed him in very great Pomp, and before him there marched on Horseback two of his Sons, the Pillars and hope of his Affairs, the eldest being about seven or eight years old. Passing before the Mosques, the Talismans' or Priests of his Law, made Sacrifices in his Presence for his Prosperity, they slew Sheep and Oxen upon Altars erected for that purpose, than they cut them in pieces, and gave them unto the People.  
The Grand Signior being returned to Constantinople after the great Plague, notwithstanding the Turks hold a firm Opinion of Predestination, and that they shall not die before their appointed time, and that the time of their Death is written in their Foreheads; yet, apprehending the Infection, by the Advice of some about him, he commanded all the Dogs in the City of Constantinople to be transported unto Scutary in Asia (a Town anciently called Chrisopolis) and for the due Execution thereof, 
All the Dogs sent out of Constantinople.  every householder was to bring his Dog first to the Cadi (which is the Judge of the Place) and to receive from him a Tuscary or Ticket for his Passage, or else he was to pay four Chequines; by which means there were transported to the number of fifty thousand Dogs. The reason of his sending them away, was, for that reading the Acts of his Father, he found, that thirty years before▪ he had sent away all the Dogs for fear of the Infection. The Sultan commanded allowance of Bread and Flesh to be carried every day to sustain them, which not sufficing, the Inhabitants were much oppressed, and ready to fall into Mutiny; but by the Advice of his Muphti, they were at length transported from thence to an Island that was not inhabited, some sixteen miles from Constantinople, where they all perished. Before their sending away, the Grand Signior had propounded to his Muphti, to have them all slain; who made answer, That every Dog had a Soul, and therefore it was not fit to kill them.  
The Turks are wonderful glad when they win any one to their Religion, 
The care of the Turks to win Men to their Religion.  and seek by all means to seduce Men either by Force or by fair Persuasion; whereof you may see an assured Proof, by a Jew, who being turned Turk, soon after buying of Grapes of another Turk, fell at variance with him about the weighing of his Grapes; from words they fell to blows, and the Jew-Turk beat the other, which he endured very patiently, to encourage him as it seemed in his new Religion. Soon after, another Jew came to the Turk who had been beaten, and demanded of him why he had suffered himself to be so abused? Who answered, You shall beat me as much if you will turn Musulman; so zealous they are to win Proselytes.  
This year, in October, 
A severe Punishment of a Drunkard.  the Turks observing their Feasts of Bairan, (which is our Easter) the which they observe twice a year; a Turk having drunk Wine too freely (the drinking whereof is forbidden amongst them, although they love it well, and drink in private) was apprehended, and carried before the Grand Visier; who seeing the fact verified, inflicted this Punishment upon him, to have boiling Led poured into his Mouth and Ears, the which was speedily executed.  
Bethlem Gabor, as you have heard, was seated quietly in the Principality of Transilvania, the Sultan supported him, and had sent Sarder Bassa with an Army against Gabriel Battori, who was then in Possession; but, weak both of Men, Money, and Friends, he was not able to make head against them; so as being abandoned of his Friends, and hated of his Subjects for his Tyranny, he grew into despair, and was slain by his own Soldiers. Whereupon, the Country yielding Obedience to Gabor, Sarder Bassa retired out of Transilvania with his Turks. Yet afterwards, some nearly allied to Battori, (desiring to revenge his death) caused some alterations; and others, seeking to get the Province from the Emperor, had surprised Hust and other Places in his Name. The Sultan hearing this, 
The Sultan admonisheth the Transilvanians to obey Bethlem.  wrote his Letters to the Noblemen and States of the Province. They were not ignorant, he said, that since the time that Transilvania yielded obedience to his Predecessors and him, they had always lived in peace under his Protection, and had often desired and obtained Succour against their Enemies: That, when as Botscay had been annoyed by the Germans, assisting him with great Forces, he had shaken off the Yoke: That when as Battori, his Successor, had lived after his own Will, they sent Bethlem Gabor with Complaints to his Court by their general consent, and did easily obtain Forces to free the Province from Tyranny. He being taken away, now a wished day began to shine, the Clouds of Tribulation being all dispersed; That he had held Bethlem worthy to succeed Battori, and to enjoy that Province▪ Wherefore he had commanded all the Noblemen to submit themselves unto him, and to enjoy a wished Peace: That Bethlem had sent to advertise him of the new Practices of the Germans; wherefore he had given charge to the Bassas of Temeswar and Agria, and to the Prince of Valachia to be watchful to repel all these Injuries; admonishing the Noblemen to yield speedy Obedience to Bethlem; to which end he had sent them those Letters, that upon the sight thereof they might be admonished of their Duties; and if the Germans should attempt any thing, they should make resistance until the coming of his Forces: and following Bethlem in all things, they should acknowledge him for their true and lawful Prince, and continue constant in their Fidelity, lest they should provoke his wrath against them, and draw upon themselves some great misery; writing much more to the like effect; concluding, That he had fully purposed and resolved, not to spoil any one Village, or any Fort in Transilvania, nor to do any wrong to any man, nor suffer it to be done by any other, but would defend that Province from all oppression. Wherefore he would have the Emperor advertised, that if he meant to have the Peace inviolably kept, he should cause the said Places of Transilvania to be presently restored unto the Prince, or signify his mind unto him by Letters.  

Emir Facardin abandoned Sidon.  Of these Rebels of Asia, whereof we have made mention, the Governor of Sarepta or Sidon in Syria, called Armil or Emir Facardin, he, who gave entrance into his Port to the Florentines, and received them in their Courses to the Levant; hearing that the Bassa of Damas', and the Bassa of the Sea, with the Galleys which he brought from Constantinople, and the threescore which he took at Negropont (whereof we have made mention) came to fall upon him with a mighty and fearful Army, he left his eldest Son within Sidon with Forces to command there, and in other Forts about it, and, flying from a furious tempest of Enemies, he went to Sea with three Ships, 
Emir retires to Florence.  to retire himself into E●rope, with his four Wives, ten Children, seventy Turks, and fourteen thousand pound weight in Gold. He arrived at Legorn, and went from thence to Florence, under the Protection of Cosmo de Medicis, 
The great Duke receives him courteously.  Great Duke of Tuscany, whose hands he kissed, presenting unto him a Cutlass very curiously wrought, and enriched with Stone, and two Jewels to the Great Duchess, to the value of six thousand Crowns. This Turk, though he had no Faith, yet he found Faith with this Prince of Tuscany. Cosmo received him, desraied him and all his Train, furnished him with Money, whether it were by way of Gratification, or that Emir had consumed his own; and by all kind of Courtesies made this Infidel see what difference there is to fly unto the Protection of a Christian Prince, or to have recourse unto a Mahometan. They say that Emir road many goodly overtures for the settling of the Christians in Asia; but to attempt it with a good and happy Success, it should be necessary that most of the Christian Princes would join their Wills and Arms together for the general good of Christendom. It is true, that the Great Duke Ferdinand, deceased, and Cosmo his Successor had made proof of their good Intentions, by many generous Enterprises against the Turk. But one Prince alone cannot do all.  

A horrible tempest in the Mediterranean Sea.  These things passed in the Year 1613, the end whereof concludes with the Fury of terrible Tempests in the Mediterranean Sea. The Tenth of November, a fearful Tempest, full of Lightning, Thunder, and furious Winds, was the cause of the loss of many Galleys and Ships in the Port of Genoa, with a great number of Persons which were miserably drowned; which loss was valued at above 800000 Crowns. The Port of Naples was not free from this Storm, and the Galleys of Malta, with a great number of other Vessels received great loss.  
The Grand Signior, having this Year and the Year before sustained great loss of his Galleys and Frigates in the Mediterranean Sea, by the Galleys of Naples, Malta, and Florence; and in the black Sea by the Cossacks, who had taken two Galleys well manned and richly laden; he now imposed a great Tax upon all his Christian Subjects towards the reparation of that loss, so as he charged the Armenians to build him nine Galleys at their own costs, and the Grecians twenty; such is the Tyranny of the Turk, as he suffers not the poor Christians to enjoy any thing, but he finds means to pull it from them.  
The Grand Visier Nassuff held his credit with the Prince, at whose return from Adrianople, 
A conspiracy against the Visier Nassuf.  many Janissaries (to whom the Visier was very odious) conspired to kill him as he should enter in at the North Gate coming from Adrianople, and had placed themselves there for the effecting of what they had intended; but coming near unto the Gate, the Sultan (being ignorant of what was intended against the Visier) called for him to speak with him, keeping him by him until he was entered into the City, by which means he escaped the pretended practice. Soon after, Nassuff invited the Sultan to a sumptuous Feast, and within few days after th'emperor feasted the Visier; who, presuming upon his great credit, caused all the Crosses in the Church of St. Sophia (which is one of the goodliest Monuments in Constantinople) to be thrown down, and all the Images to be defaced, the which had stood entire ever since the Christians Government.  
The Year before, 
The King of Persia's cruelty against the Armenians.  the King of Persia had put to death 1200 Armenians upon a false Sugestion, as if they had intended to reconcile themselves to the Pope: that King hating the Papists, and yet suffers divers Jesuits to live in his Dominions. The English Ambassador's Chaplain, desirous to know the reason of the Persians Cruelty, conferred with the Patriarch of the Armenians which resided at Constantinople, (for there are two Patriarches, whereof the one is under the Persian, and the other at Constantinople under the Turk) who told him, that it was true he had miserably slain many of their Nation by the cunning practices of an Armenian, who had counterfeited Letters from the Patriarch of Armenia to the Pope, by which the Patriarch, with his whole Church of Armenians, made offer to reconcile themselves to the Church of Rome, and to acknowledge the Pope as their head; entreating the Pope to write to the King of Persia to give them leave to do it freely; which Letters the Pope receiving, he rewarded the Messenger bountifully, and returned Letters by him to the King of Persia, whereby he entreated him to suffer the Armenians in his Country to use their Consciences freely. The King of Persia having received these Letters, grew into a great rage, causing many of them to be put to death, saying, That if they would be obedient to the Pope, he could expect no service nor obedience from them; notwithstanding the Papists said that this was done directly by the Patriarch; but the Armenians affirm that it was the practice of a counterfeit Rogue. Soon after there arrived three Ambassadors at Constantinople; the one was a Circassian, the second a Georgian, (and this was a Bishop) and the third a Mingrelian, all of them to complain of the Persians Oppression and Cruelty, imploring Succours from the Grand Signior for their support. Presently after them arrived a Persian Ambassador, whom the Sultan would not admit to Audience, until all Controversies were concluded betwixt himself and the Emperor, which was then in question, the Sultan having sent one Gasparo (sometime a Servant in the English Ambassador's House) to treat with the Emperor, by whose means at length all matters were reconciled betwixt them.  
The Year 1614 began by the horror of great Prodigies, year 1614 which were seen in divers parts of Hungary and Silesia. 
The fall of Nassufs fortune.  Over the Town of Vienna in Austria, the Heavens grew so red and fearfully darkened, as they feared that either the last day was come, or else there would follow some horrible Effusion of Blood. 
The fall of Nassufs Fortune.  But all these signs had no other effect this year, than the ruin of the great Fortune and prodigious Authority of Nassuf Bassa, Grand Visier of the Turkish Empire, formerly one of the greatest and most fearful Rebels which had carried Arms in Asia against the sovereign Power of their Sultan; but to comprehend more plainly the fall and declining of his Fortune, let us behold him in his beginning and first rising. He was the Son of a Greek Priest, born in a little Village near unto Solonica, and having been taken by the Tribute, which the Turks exact from Christians upon their miserable Children, taking one of three; 
The beginning and progress of Nassufs Fortune.  he was carried very young to Constantinople, and there sold for three Chequines or Sultanins (every one of which is not above eight Shillings sterling) to an Eunuch of the Sultan's, who nourished and bred him up till he came to the age of twenty years, and afterwards sold him to a Steward of the Sultanaes' House, to serve him in his charge; who finding this Slave to have a Spirit capable of greater Affairs than the Household, employed him in the oversight of the building of a rich and stately Mosque, which the Sultana caused to be erected at her charge: In this place he gave such proof of his Wit and Judgement, to the Sultanaes' content, that soon after she gave him the Government of her Household.  
The Sultan had a will to employ him in his Service, and retired him from the Sultanaes' House into his Seraglio, where he was honoured with the charge of the Capigi Bassa, or Captain of the Porters or Ushers of the Seraglio; 
He is made Governor of Mesopotamia.  from thence he was advanced to the Dignity of the Bassa of Aleppo, and soon after he was made Governor General of Mesopotamia. The Commodity of his Government (frontiring upon Persia) stirred up his ambitious Thoughts, and his disordinate desire to become Sovereign of that Country, and made him to entertain many Practices with the King of Persia, an ancient Enemy to his Master. The report of his Practices came to Constantinople, the Sultan is advertised, he knows the ambitious and stirring Spirit of this Nassuf, and finds that he is very profitable for his Service, if he can by any mild course withdraw him from his Disloyalties and Intelligences with the Persian: wherefore he dissembled the Knowledge of his treacherous Designs, and to gain him the more powerfully, he gorged his ambitious Appetite with the greatest Dignity of his Empire. 
Nassuf made Grand Visier and General of the Army.  After the Death of Murath Bassa, he honoured him with the Place of Grand Visier, and gave him all his Goods, and in his Place made him General of the Army against the Persian, with promise to give him his Daughter in Marriage. Thus was Nassuf advanced by his Dexterity, Wit, Diligence, and Treachery, to the greatest Charges of the greatest Empire of the World.  

He forceth the Persian to a Peace.  He entered into Persia, as Lieutenant General of his Master's Army, with the which he made so great a spoil, as he forced Ka Abbess, King of Persia then reigning, to demand a Peace; and after that he had granted him a surcease of Arms, he brought his Ambassador to Constantinople, to conclude this Peace to his Master's benefit, as we have formerly observed. He enters in Pomp, presents a Million of Gold unto his Emperor, is well received at the Seraglio, much made of by the Bassas, but more by the Sultan, who caused him to marry his Daughter. Fortune having thus advanced him to the height of Greatness, not being possible to climb higher, she overthrows him, and doth precipitate him to the lowest degrees of Misery. The Sultan fears his Spirit, too headstrong by reason of his Ambition; he grows jealous of his Actions, and about the end of the year concludes his Ruin and Death. 
The Sultan resolves to be rid of him, and concludes his Ruin.  The commandment is given to Bostangi Bassa, that is to say, the Sultan's chief Gardener, and overseer of his Seraglio, and all his Houses, one of the goodliest Dignities of the Court. Nassuf was at that time sick in his House, Bostangi goes thither to visit him, and to cause him to be strangled, being accompanied only with seven or eight Men; for that he would not give any suspicion of the commandment he had received from his Master. Being come unto his Lodging, he demanded to speak with him, and Nassuf excused himself by his Servants, by reason of the discommodity of his Health; but the Bostangi (who would needs execute his Commission) replied, that he could not return to the Sultan (who had sent him to have certain News of his Health) before he had seen him, to be the better assured. At this reply Nassuf grew distrustful, and would without all doubt have been far from thence in some place of Mesopotamia; but, believing whatsoever happened to him was inevitable, he commanded them to suffer the Bostangi to enter; who at his first approach entertained him with many Compliments of Courtesy; and having demanded some questions of him touching his Health, he drew out of his Pocket a commandment from the Sultan to Nassuf, to deliver unto him the Seals of the Empire; the which being presently done, he drew out another commandment unto him, by the which he was enjoined to send him his Head; then Nassuf cried out aloud, and desired to speak with the Sultan; but the Bostangi answered, that he had no Commission to conduct him to the Seraglio, but to cause his Life to be taken away presently: upon this refusal, he entreats him to give him leave to wash himself in the next Chamber, to the end that his Soul (said he) should not depart this World in the Estate of Pollution, according to the Turks belief, who hold the washing of the Body for a true Purification. This Favour was also denied him; he saw there was no Remedy in his Misery, not any hope of Grace; Bostangi Bassa's Followers (which were seven or eight Capigies) being come to take away his Life, and environing his Bed, which was an undoubted summons that he must die; in the end he resolves, and turning himself unto these Executioners, he willed them to do their Duties; whereupon they fell to work, and casting themselves upon him, they put a Cord about his Neck, and sought to strangle him; but seeing that the fatness of his replete Body would not suffer them to take away his Life presently, 
Nassufs Throat cut.  they cut his Throat with a Knife. His Death could not be displeasing to the Christians, seeing that all his Designs tended to their Ruin; he had persuaded his Master to break the Peace with the Emperor, the French King, and the Venetians, promising him to make him Sovereign Monarch of the whole World, to the end he might keep his Spirit in Action, and make himself necessary to his Master, and live more safely in Combustions than in a Calm; whereas the Envy and Malice of his Enemies gave him a thousand furious Assaults. Thus Nassuf Bassa ended his Days and Fortune; before Governor of Mesopotamia, General of an Imperial Army, and Grand Visier of the Turkish Empire; advanced to these supreme Dignities, by the great Actions of his Mind, but overthrown shamefully to his Ruin by his boundless Ambition. Doubtless it is a difficult thing for a Favourite that is insolently audacious, 
An insolent Favourite continues little.  to continue long in Grace with his Prince, especially when his unrestrained Ambition hath once broken the Bounds which Reason prescribeth to those that Fortune advanceth by the Favour of her blasts; and that he follows obstinately that pernicious Curiosity to know by Experience how high Fortune can advance him; for then the desire to enjoy that which is above his Condition, blinding the Eyes of Reason, he doth precipitate himself by his rash and insolent Actions, to the lowest step of shameful ruin. The Riches of Nassuf were so great and proportionable to his Fortune, 
The Treasures of Nassuf.  as after his Death they found about two Bushels of Diamonds and Pearls. Doubtless this rich and stately spoil deserved to be enjoyed by some great Prince. So the Emperor Achmat seized thereon, and applied it to his Chasna, or Treasury.  

Another Discourse of Nassufs Death.  This Death of Nassuf is related after another manner by one who was then present in Constantinople, the which I have thought good to set down as I have received it from him. The Grand Signior being much discontented with his Visier; whether incensed with such as were near about him, who both hated and feared Nassuf, or doubting his great Power; he dissembled his spleen, until he might find some Opportunity for Revenge; yet it was not so secretly carried, but Nassuf had discovered the Sultan's Discontent, and laboured by great Gifts both to the Sultana and others to pacify him, providing notwithstanding in the mean time for his own safety, sending Horsemen daily over into Asia, meaning to pass himself when he had gathered together a sufficient strength. But it fell out on the seventh day of October, it being the Turks Sabbath, that the Moon about eight a Clock at Night was much eclipsed, which made the Turks expect some great accident. The Grand Signior having formerly caused it to be bruited, That he would about that time pass to visit a new Mosque which was then in building; whereupon all the Streets were hanged with Cloth and Arras, and as the Custom was, a cry went before, that The King cometh; at the noise whereof Nassuf (being then in his House) could not but descend to salute the Sultan as he passed by: But it was not the Grand Signior himself, but his Bostangi Bassa, whom he had caused to be attired like himself, who being come before Nassufs Door, and finding him standing there, he suddenly leapt unto him, and told him that the Sultan's Pleasure was he should deliver up his Seal; whereat Nassuf being amazed, demanded what the Sultan meant to do? to whom the Bostangi Bassa replied, That he knew not what the Prince's Pleasure was, but if he would not deliver it, he would return with that Message unto him. Whereupon Nassuf drew the Seal out of his Bosom, and delivered it. Then the Bostangi Bassa showed him a Warrant for his Head, whereunto he presently submitted himself, and then two Jamoglans strangled him; his Head was presently cut off, and carried to the Grand Signior, and his Body thrown into the Street to be trampled on.  
It was thought his Death was procured by the Wife of Cicala, Bassa of Babylon, who had been manzoled or deposed from his Government there by Nassuf, and was a little before returned to Constantinople, but could not be allowed by Nassuf to have any access unto the Grand Signors Presence; whereupon he wrote a Letter unto the Sultan, wherein he accused Nassuf to have conspired with the Persian to kill him, charging him with many things that were Capital. This Letter he sent by his Wife, who was Sister to the Grand Signior; who coming to his speech (although she were watchfully observed by Nassuf who was then present) left the Letter in his Chamber, and so departed. The Grand Signior finding this Letter, and reading it, was much incensed against Nassuf, and never quiet in Mind until he had his Head. He writes, that there were found in Nassufs House eighty Bags of Gold, each Bag containing ten thousand Chequinos. After Nassufs Death, Mechmet Bassa, Admiral at Sea (who had married Sultan Achmats' eldest Daughter) was made chief Visier; he was born in Constantinople, and the first natural Turk that was ever Visier since Constantinople was won.  
You have heard in the last years Relation, of some Combustions which were growing in Transilvania, and how the Sultan had written his Letters of an imperious stile unto the Nobility and States of the Country, which Letters were fixed up in form of a mandate throughout all Transilvania, and in Places that were nearest unto those Noblemen which held the Emperor's party against Bethlem. At the same time Bethlem defeated certain Troops of the Garrisons at Lippa and Genoa, which overran and spoiled the Country, so as the Governors of those Places were forced to send to Vienna, to demand Succours of Men and Money. A Chiaus arrived at that time at Lintz, 
Letters from the Sultan to the Emperor.  bringing Letters unto the Emperor from the Grand Signior; the first point contained in them, was, That his Imperial Majesty should have a care, that the Peace made betwixt them for twenty years should not be violated; and that for his part he desired to observe it faithfully. Secondly, That in the name of his Imperial Majesty they had seized upon certain Places in Transilvania, a Province which had been always under his Protection, which received her Princes from his Hand, and the which he was bound to defend against all her Enemies. Thirdly, That the Tyranny of Prince Battori had constrained him to give Forces to Bethlem Gabor to dispossess him of the Principality of Transilvania: That after the death of the said Battori, he had invested Bethlem to govern it in Peace. Fourthly, That since he had been advertised how that some Troops of Soldiers in the Name of his Imperial Majesty, contrary to the Articles of Peace, had by force seized upon the Forts of Hust and Vivar, and the Towns of Nagipan and Tonase. Fifthly, That he had given express charge to Bethlem, not to suffer any Enterprise, no not upon the least Village of his Principality, to the end that nothing might be separated; but that he should repel the Injury of the Aggressor by force. Sixthly, That he exhorted his Imperial Majesty, if he desired the continuance of the Peace, to command his People to make Restitution of the places usurped, or to signify his Intention by the same Chiaus which he had sent, to the end he might be fully assured: for the mischief increasing daily, the affection which he bore to the good of Peace might grow cold:  
The Emperor received the Chiaus at Lintz very honourably, 
The Emperor's answer to the Turk.  and gave him an answer to his Letter wrapped in a piece of Cloth of Gold; the sense whereof was, That this business being of great importance, his Imperial Majesty desired to confer with the Prince's Electors, and States of the Empire to hear their Advice; after which he would acquaint him with his last Resolution; and finally, that he should rest assured, that for his part he would not attempt any thing contrary to the Peace. In the mean time there was a petty War in Hungary, the Incursions and Spoils betwixt the Christians and the Turks beginning again. 
The Turks Courses in Hungary.  The Turks of the Garrison of Agria going forth, took a great number of cattle from the Christians; eight hundred Haiducks advertised of this Spoil, pursued them so speedily, as they met them before they came within half a League of their retreat, when they made them to leave their prize, and put them to flight. The Bassa of Agria advertised of the defeat of his out-riders, goeth forth with one thousand Men, to recover the Booty from the Haiducks, which they had newly taken from his Soldiers; but after a sharp encounter he lost his Horse, and two hundred of his Men, being forced to make his retreat. From thence the Haiducks went and spoiled the Country about Solnoc; some others holding the ways of Strigonium or Gran, took a Turkish Bride with her Baggage, who was going from Gran to Buda; and four hundred Boothalers (some of them Haiducks, and the rest Turks, Men which hold no party but their own, to rob with the more impunity) seized upon Balaster, Micolut, and Felac; but at the recovery of them, they were so ill entreated by the Hungarians, as most of them lost their Lives there, and the rest were taken Prisoners.  
But the Emperor, who desired to be resolved in the important Business of Transilvania, 
The Estates of Bohemia, Austria, Stiria, and others.  assembled the Estates of Bohemia, Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Carniola, Silesia, Lusatia, Moravia, and Hungary, his Hereditary Countries; whom he gave to understand, That the Peace was violated in Hungary, by the Hostilities of the Turks upon the Christians; to whose Prejudice Sultan Achmat had subjected unto himself the Provinces of Valachia, Moldavia, and Transilvania; this last, under the Government of Bethlem Gabor, who had made himself his Vassal. That the Sultan had sent word unto his Imperial Majesty, that he should not pretend any thing there, to the end this Country might be wholly united to the Turks Empire. Whereupon he earnestly exhorted the Assembly to consider wisely: First, whether Transilvania should be left wholly in the Turks Power: Secondly, why the Sultan would not consent to the ratification of the Truce: Thirdly, of the means to make War, if the Necessity of his Affairs should force him: Fourthly, to what end the Turk would hinder his Imperial Majesty, that he should pretend no right to Transilvania: Fifthly, that the Turk had sent him an Ambassador, who, contrary to the Articles of Peace, had not brought any Presents: Sixthly, if they should make a new accord with the Turk, to consider advisedly, what assurance they might take, seeing that he would not consent unto the sixth Article of the Peace.  

The Resolution of the Estates.  Their opinions were divers upon these Propositions; but all jointly consented to maintain the Authority of the Imperial Majesty. The Hungarians, only interessed in their resolutions to Wa●, by reason of the Spoil of their Country, as a passage for all their Troops, they besought the Emperor, that if he meant to send any Forces into Transilvania, they might have commandment to march some other way, and not over their Lands. 
The Designs of Bethlem upon divers places.  Bethlem Gabor in the mean time laboured to recover those places which had been lost. Wherefore he provided himself to make some attempts upon Lippa and other places; as at Borene, Genoe, and Arach. The Governors of these places gave advice unto Forgatsie, Lieutenant General to the Emperor in high Hungary, representing unto him the estate of their Garrison, and the fear they had, that if Bethlem should once get them into his possession and power, he would deliver them over unto the Turk: That if they would send them Succours, they would rather endure all extremities than yield to the Enemy. Yet for all this they made ●o haste to send them Succours; and Saunder Bassa, according to the commandment he had received from the Sultan, having brought Forces to Bethlem, the siege of Lippa was resolved in the Estates of Transilvania. On the five and twentieth of October, the Cannon being drawn out of Veradin to batter the Fort, Bethlem went to invest it, 
He receives Forces from the Turk, and besiegeth Lippa.  made his approaches, and battered it so furiously, as having made a reasonable breach, it served first for a Passage for four hundred Men to escape, who left the Governor with very small means to defend the Place, and without hope of Succours from Hungary; which made him come to a Parley, promising to yield the Place, to have their Lives and Goods saved. The Forts of Genoe and Arach, were delivered by the same Capitulation. That these three Places should not be put into the Turks Hands, but should remain perpetually united to the Principality of Transilvania: and to take all interest from the Turks, the Estates of the Country should pay unto Saunder Bassa the Charges and Entertainment of his Troops. These Places thus gotten by Bethlem, he manned them with new Garrisons; the Imperials which were within them being retired to Fortgatsie, the Emperor's Lieutenant in High Hungary. But the Estates of Transilvania being assembled at Veradin, disputed diversely, whether they should resign these three Places into the Sultan's Power; some represented the Discontent he would have if they were refused, and the Inconveniency that might ensue; others were not of Opinion that the Province should be so dismembered, giving the most important Places thereof unto Infidels. Thus without consenting or refusing the delivery of these Places to the Turk, the Estates concluded, that Prince Bethlem should do therein what he held most Necessary for the Tranquillity of the Country; beseeching him most humbly, to free them from the Imperials, who had seized upon Hust and Vivar. Such were the Affairs of Transilvania this Year, a Province distracted from the Emperor's Power by the Turks Practices.  
At Constantinople, Sultan Achmat, 
The Sultan causeth a Platform to be made at Constantinople.  desirous to beautify the outward part of his Seraigle with a goodly and Spacious Place upon the Sea shore, he caused a Platform to be made within the Sea, being eight hundred Paces long, and one hundred and twenty broad. The Provost of Constantinople caused this Resolution to be proclaimed, when as presently every House sent forth a Man, and the chief of Families themselves laboured there in Person. There might you see the Bassas serve as overseers of the Workmen, and the Janissaries and Spahies carrying Scuttles with a wonderful Alacrity; and at all hours of the day there was Music of divers sorts of Instruments, to ease their Labour, and to encourage them to continue. The Viziers going to visit the Workmen, caused a largess of pieces of Silver to be cast amongst them. Thus the Sultan being served with admirable Diligence in this his work of Pleasure, he saw it finished in three Months, having been begun in October this year.  
Whilst that the Sultan employed his leisure after this manner, 
Certain Jesuits go to Mingrelia or Cholcos'.  in the structure of a Platform within the Sea of Constantinople, certain religious Men parting from Pera, had a design to build another in the Waves of Infidelity; but more profitable for the Health of Souls. This was an Employment of Jesuits into the Country of Mingrelia, in old time called Cholcos'; Lewis Grangier, a Priest of this Society, with two others of his Order, and an Armenian for their Interpreter, parted from Thrace with this godly Resolution, to preach unto the People far from God, the Truth of his Holy Word, and to guide them happily in the way to Heaven. He passed the the Bosphorus of Thrace, and the famous Castles of Leander and Hero, and cut through those Waves, whereas he that could not quench the Fire of his Passion, quenched the flame of his Life; he passed beyond Pompey's Pillar, or rather that of the most happy Daniel Stylita, who erected his towards this Mouth of the Sea: and about the sixth of june this same year they arrived at Verna, a famous Town in Thrace, whereas a Company of French Soldiers (whom the violence of Necessity had some years since forced to leave the Emperor's Service in Hungary) were in Garrison for the Turk, to defend his Subjects against the Incursions of the Cossacks; yet these Frenchmen do still observe the Catholic Religion inviolably. From thence he sailed towards Cordula, and by the encounter of a little Gallion he entered into the Port of Trabizond. Within few days after he was carried in the same Vessel to Erissa in the Country of Laxia or Lassia, which on the one side looks towards the Country of the Georgians, and the other that of Trabizond. The Christian Religion hath been for a long time planted among those People, but very ill manured; for the Fathers, to free their miserable Children from the Tribute wherewith the Turks oppress them, cause their Children to be circumcised after the Mahometan manner, and for the same Consideration they marry their Daughters unto Janissaries. Moreover they abandon themselves to the Mahometan Impiety, to the end they may be delivered from their insupportable Oppressions, and their Turkish Yoke. The Jesuits found there a good Subject to work upon for the Health of Souls; during their abode there for certain days they catechised the Men, baptised the Children, and advertised the Women married unto Turks, what they were to do for the maintenance of their Faith: But for that their Commission or Charge was to go unto Mingrelia or Cholcos', they went again to Sea, and sailed towards Govea, which is the furthest Corner of the Black Sea: this Haven being very unfit to cast Anchor in, they followed the Galleys which carried a Bassa called Oneze from Constantinople, who should treat a Peace on the behalf of Sultan Achmat, with the Prince of the Mingrelians, and dispose him to pay a Tribute; with these Vessels they went into a Port called Macrogalo, nine Miles from that of Govea, holding this Place more safe than the other: but in Truth there is little assurance whereas the Waves and Winds command Sovereignty. A Northwest wind rising about Midnight on the fifteenth of September, 
The Shipwreck of certain Galleys.  drove their Galleys near unto the Shelves and Rocks, whereas one was broken and cast away. This Tempest continued many days, and during the Violence thereof, another Galley was lost, in the which the Jesuits had been, by good advice they had retired to Land during the Fury of the Sea and Winds. The Jesuits imputed the cause of this loss, 
A Peace betwixt the Turks and the Georgians.  to the Prohibition which Oneze the Bassa had made unto them, not to pass into Mingrelia before the Peace were concluded with the Princes of that Country; the which grew long, by reason of the Difficulties which happened in the Treaty. In the end those Princes resolving to pay the Tribute unto the Turk, it was concluded.  
The Liberty of Travel follows Peace, Grangier and his Companions proceeded in their Journey; twenty days after their departure from Macregalo, they▪ arrived at Satrapella, a place of Georgia, whereas the Prince's Visier came to visit them, 
The Salutation of the Georgians.  and after the Georgian manner saluted them, bore headed, and kneeling upon one knee. Gorel, Prince of the Georgians (who was then at Barlet, whereas the Court was to pass the Feasts of Christenmas) being advertised of the arrival of these new Christian and French Preachers, s●●t for them, received them favourably, and saluted them bareheaded, and kneeling. After that he had made them to bless his Court, he held many Discourses with them of the Truth of the Roman Church: and of the Pope's Power, 
The Reception of the Jesuits by a Prince of Asia.  as the Father of all Christendom; being moved partly thereunto by a feeling of Piety to the Church, and partly from the Instructions he received from these Jesuits, so as enlightened with a new Beam of the true Light, he entreated Grangier to crave Absolution of his Sins from the Pope, the which (said he) he may give me by the Power he hath from God; promising to send him his Confession in writing. But understanding that the Jesuit had Power from the Pope to absolve him, he purged his Conscience of all his Sins, by a general Confession of his Life. Without doubt the Zeal of these Souls, so far from Succour, shows plainly what the Harvest would be, if so many Labourers were sent as are necessary. A Monk of Georgia, who had lived at Rome for the space of twelve years, had in former times planted Piety there; the which they of this mission did now alter. This Prince Gorel entreated the Jesuits, to send him some of their Company at their return into Europe, promising to make great esteem of them, and to give them a Church, a House, and all things necessary for their maintenance. The Prince offered them Silver, which they refused, modestly excusing themselves upon the Rules of their Institution, which forbids them to receive any temporal recompense for the Administration of Holy things. Thus they parted from this Prince, who commended much their manner of living, and caused them to be conducted to Satrapella, to continue on their Journey into Mingrelia.  
The third of February, in the year 1615, year 1615 they parted from this Town with the Turks who came to conclude the Peace, and passing by the Banks of Fasso (a River which doth water the Country of Cholchos, now called Mingrelia) they arrived at Herailcano, otherwise called Heracka, and from thence to Margoula, whereas the Prince of the Mingrelians (called Dodran) then remained, being busy in the Reception of Threbis Cham, King of Georgia, who was come thither to visit him, being expelled his Country by the King of Persia. The Jesuits were brought to kiss the Hands of Prince Dodran, and of Lipartia his Uncle, who was Regent of the Realm during his Minority. They both promised them assistance in their Affairs, sending them to the Town of Macaury, to make their abode there whilst they were busied in the Affairs of their Country, the which at that time were somewhat confused. 
The Custom of the Mingrelians at their Feasts.  The Bishop of that Place entertained them with great Demonstration of Love, and soon after, making a Feast to Threbis Cham, or Prince of the Georgians, he would needs have the Jesuits assist at this Banquet, for a great Testimony of his Love. It is the manner of those of Cholchos, or the Mingrelians, as well as the Georgians, to sing at their Meat. The Threbis Cham desired, that the Jesuits might sing some note when it came to their turn, whereof they excused themselves divers times; But there was no Remedy, they must do as others have done; whereupon they sung the Hymn of Plange lingua, etc. appointed for Holy Thursday. Being thus favourably entertained in Mingrelia, they make their residence at Macaury, with hope to labour profitably for the Health of Souls, which err in that Country through the Darkness of Ignorance, for want of Men to teach them the way of Truth. They are Christians of the Greek Profession, under the command of divers Princes, always in war either against the Turk or the Persian▪ They carry the Name of Cham, which is as much to say, as King or Sovereign Prince. The Sophy had dispossessed Threbis Cham, chief King of Georgia, of all his Countries, in the Year 1613, who had retired himself into Mingrelia, as you have heard.  

The History of Sultan jacaia, h●ld by many to be Emperor Achmat's Brother.  Whilst those men labour to sow the Seeds of true Doctrine of the Apostles in the Soil of Mahometism, a Turk passing out of Asia, comes into Christendom to seek the light of Truth, and demands favourable assistance and succours from Christian Princes, to enter into the Possession of the Empire, whereunto his Birth and the degrees of a lawful Succession seemed to call him by a just Title. The discourse of his Birth, of his Fortunes, and of his Pretensions to the Turkish Empire, is comprehended in this following Relation. He termed himself the Son of Mahomet the Third, Father to Achmat, now sitting in the Imperial Throne at Constantinople; he maintained, That his Father by four Wives, or Concubines, had had four Sons; that is to say, Mustapha, who was strangled, for that he would have dispossessed his Father of his Kingdom; jacaia (which was himself) Achmat now reigning, and Osman: yet it seems, by the sequel of the History, that he had another Mustapha; that having been sent for to come out of Magnesia to Constantinople, his Mother (who had been a Christian, 
His Mother was a Christian.  and baptised under the Name of Helen, but was afterward engaged in the Company of Mahomet the Third, for the worth of her Beauty, and known in Turkey by the Name of the Sultana Lalpare) could not conduct him to his Father, for that he was dangerously sick of the Small Pox. And this Princess desired much to find some favourable occasion, whereby she might be freed from the damnable Errors of Mahomet's Law, and return to the wholesome way of the Christian Faith, and retire her Son jacaia far from the power of those bloody Laws, which sprinkle the Imperial Sceptre of him that comes unto the Crown with the blood of his Brethren; she well foresaw, that jacaia, being but the second of Mahomet's Sons, should one day by his Death secure the life of Mustapha his elder, and that the only means to preserve him, was to retire him into Christendom: wherefore she laboured seriously in this Design, and made use of a favourable Fiction; giving it out, that her Son jacaia was dead of the Small Pox; and having supposed in his place the Son of an Eunuch dead of the same Disease assisted at his Funeral, and by her constrained tears subtly disguised her design. An Eunuch, called Astam Mehemet was the faithful Secretary of her Enterprise; with him she leaves Magnesia, a Province in Asia, and under Pretext to go unto certain Baths thereby, she gets her down to the Seaside, 
She passeth out of Asia into Europe.  passes into Europe, and transports her Son into Morea, sometimes called Hellespont, and lodgeth him (as unknown) in the Bishop's Palace in the Town of Miclo. jacaia was above nine years old; she held him not secure at Miclo, but transported him into Macedonia, under the Habit of a Greek Monk, and retires him into the Town of Cassandria, 
She discovers herself and him to an Archbishop.  where she discovers unto the Archbishop of Thessalonica, a Man learned and of a holy Life, the quality of her Son, and the desire she had to make him a Christian; entreating him, in Charity, to take them both into his Protection. This Archbishop lodgeth the Mother in the Monastery of religious Women of our Lady of Thessalonica, and gives the custody of the Son unto an Abbot of St. Michael, a man learned in all the Sciences, under whom he profited wonderfully, as well in the Greek Tongue as in many goodly Arts. I do well know this to be true, for that I have conversed with him for the space of six months, and have seen him often in the Company of learned men speak the Greek, with as great facility as his Turkish and Mother Tongue. He continued in this Monastery, under the Care and Government of this learned Abbot, until the Age of seventeen Years; that is to say, for the space of eight whole Years; during which time, his Mother's Tears, the holy Instructions of the Abbot (but rather the Divine Favour) made him to enter into the way of his Souls Health, and become a Christian. The Archbishop of Thessalonica cleansed his Soul from the Pollutions of the Law of Mahomet, and baptised him in the Church of St. Anastasius, without the City of Thessalonica; yet secretly, 
jacaia becomes a Christian.  for fear lest the Eunuch coming to discover this Mystery, should abandon him, and publish abroad the place and estate of his solitary abode, and so be miserably taken. Thus jacaia calling himself Sultan, being already in some assurance of the Crown of Heaven by the promises of holy Baptism, whilst that he was in the beginning of his Pretensions to that of the Turkish Empire, he leaves the Monastery where he had been instructed, and in the Company of the Eunuch travels up and down Greece, passing away (in the length and variety of his Voyage) the impatiency of his Age and Desires; and for that he would not be known, he takes upon him the Habit and the Licence of a Dervis or religious Turk. But when he came to the City of Siopia, he understood the News of the Death of the Emperor Mahomet the Third, his Father, and the rejoicing for the new Advancement of Sultan Achmat to the Empire; learning at the same instant, that Mustapha, his elder Brother had been stangled by the Commandment of his Father. The Displeasure which he conceived for that he had not been bred up at Constantinople with the rest, 
He joins with the Rebels of Asia.  to receive so rich a Crown as that of the Turkish Empire, made him to waver in divers irresolutions: sometimes he would go into Persia to the Sophy, to have Succours from him, and with him to make War against his Brother: sometimes he would serve for a support and countenance to the Rebels of Asia, and justify their Party. After many Discourses with the Eunuch touching his Affairs, he sends him unto the Son of Peri Bassa, a Rebel against the Emperor Achmat: the Eunuch treats for his Master, and receives for him the Rebel's Oath; and returning to Tarlis, where the Sultan jacaia remained, he conducted him to Peri Bassa, to be the Head of his Troops. jacaia arrives and sees himself obeyed by an Army ready to fight: for the Deftarden or Treasurer being sent against the Rebel Peri by the Grand Signior, with seven thousand Horse and three thousand Foot, was already upon the Banks of the River Bardate ready to give him Battle. The Bassa's Troops (being less in number of fight men) went to assail him. There was a sharp Encounter; but in the end the Deftarden was Victor, and the Troops of Peri Bassa defeated, and jacaia being wounded in four places of his Body, 
The Rebels defeated, and jacaia wounded.  was forced to save himself on the other side of the River, where, wand'ring up and down the Fields, he found relief with a poor Peasant, and soon after with an Abbot there by, who entertained him, and caused him to be cured, holding him to be one of the Destardens Pages, as he himself said.  
His Wounds being cured, jacaia returns again towards Greece, where he finds his Mother, 
He sends to Constantinople, and corrupted the Visier.  confers with her, and soon after with the Eunuch, of the estate of his Affairs; and concludes with both of them, to send to Constantinople, to the Visier Dervis (who at that time was discontented with the Emperor Achmat) to sound his Disposition, and to see if he might gain him to his Party. The Eunuch undertakes the Voyage; he speaks with the Dervis, and finds him disposed to entertain the Offers of jacaia. The Conspiracy was concluded, and they swear to kill Achmat, and to settle jacaia in the Imperial Throne. Hereupon he transports himself to Constantinople, in a disguised Habit: but when as they were ready to execute their Enterprise (say they) the Dervis died, be it that the Emperor Achmat had discovered their Design, or otherwise. Thus jacaia, being frustrate of his hope to effect any thing by this means, left the City, and fled towards the black Sea, and then wandered into the Countries of Valachia and Moldavia, following the Carock of a Poland Ambassador on foot, until he came unto the City of Cracovia, 
jacaia in danger of his life at Cracovia.  whereas Fortune had laid a snare for him, which brought him in danger of his life; for a Chiaus being come from Constantinople, and knowing him, he desired the King of Poland, in his Master's Name, to stay him, assuring him, that by this means he should strictly bind unto him the Affections of Sultan Achmat: The King refused his unjust Demand, holding himself much honoured to see his Court the Refuge of unfortunate Princes. After this Refusal, the Chiaus flies to Treachery: he corrupts certain Tartarians of the King's Guard with money, who promised to murder jacaia; and doubtless they had performed it, if a Flemish Embroitherer had not advertised him, and lent him his Lodging for certain days to hide himself; after which he freed himself from danger, 
He retires to Prague to the Emperor.  and past to Prague towards the Emperor Rodolphus, who was then living.  
In this Imperial Court he found Relief, and means to ease his forepast Miseries: The Emperor furnished him with all things necessary: He spent a whole year there, and was acknowledged during his Abode, by many Turks which came to Prague, for Brother to their Emperor Achmat. There wanted nothing but Succours to effect his Designs; but he finds nothing but fair Words and good Wishes at Prague, so as he was forced to seek the effects elsewhere. Certain Saxons, that were his Friends, 
He comes to Florence to the great Duke of Tuscany.  advised him to pass to Florence to Ferdinand the great Duke of Tuscany: He takes Directions from that Prince's Ambassador residing at Prague, and goes on his Journey; but entering into Italy, he hears that Ferdinand was dead: these mournful News made him to resolve to seek some other place, if Cosmo, Successor to Ferdinand, and the great Duchess his Mother, had not called him back. He came then to Florence, where he was honourably entertained, and lodged, for the safety of his Person, in the Fort of S. john, where he was supplied with all sorts of Commodities. The great Duke Cosmo gave him the Title of Excellency, appointed him Horses and Caroches, and such Company as he delighted in, for the Pleasure of Hunting. He had not stayed long at Florence but he saw himself assisted with such Forces as he desired. The great Duke Cosmo caused his Galleons to be armed, 
He maketh a Voyage into the Levant in the Duke's Galleons.  sending them into the Levant, under the Command of the Knight Beauregard, where he had Conference with Nassuf Bassu, at that time chief of the Rebels of Asia. He offers him Men, Arms, and Money, if he would come to land and march towards Persia, whither many Rebels were retired. But he who commanded the Florentine Galleons had no Commission to leave him in the hands of Nassuf, wherefore he carried him back to Florence to his Highness.  
During the time that jacaia was aboard the Galleons, the great Duke sent divers Persons into many parts of the Levant, to inform themselves carefully of these things which he had delivered, not only touching his own Person, but also of his Mother; and they all brought back certain proofs of the truth of his Discourses. This gave the great Duke subject to impart this fair occasion unto Spain, to labour for the common Good of Christendom. He wrote unto the Catholic King, and informed him of the quality of jacaia, to the end, that contributing Succours to his Personage, 
jacaia goes to Naples and Milan.  they might undertake some happy Enterprise against the Turk. The King of Spain was content he should be sent to Naples; commanding the Viceroy to give him a Reception fit for his Quality. jacaia went on his Journey, being accompanied by some, by the great Duke's Commandment; but according to the News which he received from Naples, he stayed at Averso, where he was received by the Governor with much Honour. The Viceroy came to visit him, gave him the right-hand, and the Title of Excellency. But as the Counsel of Spain was tedious in their Resolutions, and delayed too long (as jacaia supposed) the Succours which he expected; he parted from Averso to go to Milan, and from thence in a disguised Habit past again into the Levant, to sound their Wills that might advance his Pretensions, and bring them to a happy end: but he prevailed as little as he had done before. Besides all these Voyages which we have described, to the end he might leave no means unattempted to advance his Affairs, he went to Rome to kiss his Holiness' feet. Cardinal Bellarmine received him, 
He comes to Rome.  gave him the right-hand, and the Title of Excellency: the Pope assured him of his Affection and Succours; but it was necessary the secular Powers should begin to levy men, and make the first Overture to War.  
Since, we have seen him in France, and at Paris, under the Protection of the Duke of Nevers, entertained by the Bounty of this Prince, and asssisted by his Council; and doubtless if the troublesome Combustions of a Civil War had not directed the Armies of this Duke, we had seen some happy success of the Affairs which he treated in Lorain, Germany, and other Places, to the ruin of the Turks, and the good of Christendom. Finally, as for this Turk called jacaia, terming himself eldest Brother to the Emperor Achmat now reigning at Constantinople, and for such acknowledged by many; yet some affirm (yea such as have conversed in the East) that Sukan Mahomet had but three Sons, which were Mustapha, Achmat, and Osman; notwithstanding, it is hard to discover in this Personage any signs of an Imposture: I have often frequented with him, and carefully observed his Carriage and Actions; and have always noted in him a Carriage and Mind borne to great matters. This is all that we could learn of this man.  
Stephano or Tomsho, 
Tyrannies of Stephano.  of whom we have made mention in the year 1612, having overthrown Constantine the lawful Prince, and made himself Vayvod of Moldavia by the Support and Tyranny of the Turk; as he held it by Usurpation, without any just Title, so he governed with all Cruelty and Inhumanity, preferring Cruelty before Clemency, and imitating that Tyrant, who said openly, That he respected not the Love of his Subjects so as they feared him. Even so this Stephano, at his first Entrance, plotted how he might root out all the Noblemen in the Country, whom in their Language they call boyer's, with all others of Credit and Authority in the Country, both for that they supported Constantine, as for the Jealousy he had of them, being best able to resist his tyrannous Designs; being also the common Disposition of such as usurp any Estate by wicked Practices, to be always in fear to be dispossessed, and to be entreated according to their Merits. He began first with the Lord of Botacan, Brother to the Princess, Widow of jeremy, whom he caused with two others of the chief Noblemen to be miserably and inhumanely impailed, as if they had been two notable Thiefs and Murderers; and not content herewith, soon after he caused threescore and fifteen boyer's to be apprehended, cutting of all their Heads, and would not pardon any one, notwithstanding the great instance that was made by their Kinsfolks, charging them with the Crime of Treason, as if they had conspired against his Person, having no proof at all: but these his Cruelties did nothing daunt the boyer's, as Stephano had persuaded himself, but chose, they were the more incensed, and many of them took Arms openly, and had then seized upon him, been revenged of his Cruèlties, 
The Noblemen revolt against Stephano.  and set their Country at liberty (which had not been ruined as it was afterwards) if he had not been assisted by the Citizens of Yas, whom he conjured to second him in this occasion, promising them immunities of all Subsidies; in regard of which promise, these poor Wretches, preferring their private Profit before their public Safety, employed themselves in the Service of this Tyrant, and fought valiantly against the boyer's, who were come to assault him in the City of Yas: but finding that he was better assisted than they expected, after some light Skirmish they retired as well as they could, whereof many were taken Prisoners, whom the Tyrant caused to be slain in cold blood, or empailed to terrify the rest.  
The boyer's which escaped from this Defeat, knowing that there was no hope of Mercy in Stephano, 
Prince Alexander called into Moldavia by the boyer's.  who was full of Revenge, nor by consequence any Safety in Moldavia during his Government, they resolved to have recourse unto the Princess (Widow to jeremy) who had fled into Polonia when as she received News of the taking of her Son Constantine. This Princess, understanding from the boyer's of the tyrannous Government of Stephano, and that most of the Moldavians were resolved to shake off the Yoke of his Tyranny and desired to have Prince Alexander in his place, remembering the good usage they had received from the deceased Prince jeremy his Father. These Considerations, together with a desire of Command under her Son (who was then but sixteen years old) were strong Motives to persuade both her and her Son to embrace this occasion, the which they imparted to Prince Visinovisky, Son in law to the Princess, and to Prince Corresky, who at that time aspired to marry her youngest Daughter: These Princes not only allowed of this Design, but they offered themselves willingly to accompany Prince Alexander into Moldavia, and to take the whole care of his Army. This Resolution being taken, they presently employed all their credit to levy men, and had within less than two Months drawn together ten or twelve thousand Foot and Horse, Polonians, Cossacks, and Transilvanians: whereof the Vayvod Stephano being advertised, be presently levied what Forces he could, of Moldavians, Tartarians, and Null, having drawn together an Army of almost twenty thousand men, which he kept about Yas, and there resolved to attend the Princes of Polonia.  
Prince Alexander being advanced with his Army within two Leagues of Caminithe in Podolia, 
The fort of Cochina yielded unto Prince Alexander  he was much troubled to pass the River of Niestre, which divides that Country from Moldavia, fearing the Fort of Cochina, in the which there was a strong Garrison of Moldavians, and store of Munition to defend the Passage of the said River: but it fell out happily for Prince Alexander; for the Captain which commanded in the said Fort being much discontented at the Cruelties of the Vayvod Stephano, came voluntarily of himself to offer his Service to Alexander, and brought him the Keys of the Fort, leaving all to his Disposition; so as he passed his Army easily into Moldavia, and in sign of joy discharged many Volleys of his great Ordnance, which made Stephano distrust the Affections of the Moldavians, and to feel a pricking in his Conscience, which doth never abandon Tyrants and Usurpers.  
Prince Alexander, 
Fifteen hundred Tartarians defeated by the Cossacks.  making some stay with his Army. at Cochina, in the year 1615, advanced towards Yas, and being come within half a days Journey, he sent forth eight hundred Cossacks, (chosen out of a great number) to discover the Countenance of his Enemy's Army: but they were not far advanced, before they encountered fifteen hundred Tartarians, sent by Stephano to give some charge to the Polonians. Although the Cossacks were fewer in number, yet finding the Taertarians in disorder, they charged them so resolutely as they defeated a great part, and put the rest to rout. After which Exploit, they brought word to Prince Alexander, that Stephano's Army might be about the number of fifteen thousand men; but they were such as were gathered up in the Country, and not trained up to Arms, who were rather drawn to it by constraint than of their free will, and therefore were not much to be feared. This happy Success, together with the Report made by the Cossacks, did greatly encourage Alexander's Army, being also much incensed against Stephano for certain Letters which he had written to their Prince, full of Threats, as if both he and they had been already at his mercy; the which did the more encourage the Polonians, and made them resolve rather to die fight, than to fall into the hands of this cruel Tyrant. The same day there came certain Deputies of the Moldavians to Prince Alexander, 
Deputies sent from the Moldavians to Prince Alexander.  without the privity of Stephano, to know what his Design was, and to entreat him to take pity of Moldavia, which was threatened with a speedy ruin, if the War continued any longer; to whom the Prince made Answer, That his Intent was not to oppress Moldavia, but to free it from the Tyranny of Stephano; that he had been invited by a great number of the boyer's, who had come unto him into Polonia to that end, and had given him assurance, that it was the common desire of the Moldavians: That upon this confidence he had marched with what Forces he could draw together; and that if he did prevail in his Designs (as he assured himself with their assistance) he would govern them with no less mildness than his Father Prince jeremy had done, whose Son and lawful Successor he was. The Deputies returned well satisfied with this Answer; and having published it in divers places, many Moldavians came and joined with the Prince's Army, and assisted him faithfully in this Action.  
In October, Prince Alexander advancing about three Leagues with his Army, he made a stand in a fair Champion, where there were good Springs to refresh them; and in the mean time he called a Council at War, to resolve what course he should take, and when he should draw the Enemy to fight. In the mean time he had sent a Troop of Cossacks to discover the Army, who brought word that they were ranged in Battle, and that they had twenty Cannons ready in front, the which did not much amaze Prince Alexander, for that some days before, the General of Stephano's Artillery had sent to assure him, 
The General of Stephano's Artillery resolves to betray him.  That if he gave Battle, he would annoy his Men as little as he could, having a desire to serve the Prince, and by this means be revenged of Stephano, who had caused his Brother-in-law's Head to be cut off, upon a false suspect which he had conceived against him being innocent. The which should teach Princes, that nothing doth procure them more secret Enemies than Cruelty, and that at one time or other they in whom they most rely abandon them when as they least expect it. They Vayvod Stephano meaning to make a second Discovery of the Prince's Army, sent twelve hundred Tartarians, and two or three hundred Moldavians, 
A second Defeat of Stephano's Tartarians.  who being seen afar off (for that it was in a plain Champain) the Prince sent five hundred Cossacks with four hundred Polonian Lances, to encounter them: The Tartarians perceiving it, made a show at the first, as if they would retire, to draw them by little and little from their Camp; and being about a League off, they made a stand, thinking that they durst not change them: but they were soon deceived; for, the Polonians fell upon the Tartarians w●th such fury, as they overthrew them, and slew most of them, so as there escaped not above five or six hundred, who retiring to their Camp, caused a great Amazement. The Prince's Army was much encouraged by this Exploit, and increased daily in number, as it is usual in Civil War to follow that Party which hath the first advanced.  

A thousand of Stephano's Horse defeated.  Presently after this Execution, the Prince, meaning to advance his Army towards the Enemy's Camp, his forward was stayed by a Battalion of one thousand Horse, who had the night before seized upon a narrow Passage, betwixt a Pool and a Marish, by the which they knew the Polonian Army must pass: but this Obstacle was soon taken away, by the Advice which was given by certain Moldavians, to send a Company of Horsemen by a way unknown to the Enemy; by which means they might surprise them behind, before they should be discovered. Th● Execution of this Stratagem was given to the Cossacks, who speedily went, being guided by certain Moldavians; who coming within fifty Paces of the Enemy undiscovered, they charged them, and were seconded so fitly by the forward, that stayed on the other side, as of one thousand Horse there returned not above fifty to their Camp, to carry news of their bad Success.  
Prince Alexander, having happily opened this Passage, advanced with his Army within Canonshot of Stephano's Camp. Prince Visnovisky was of opinion, that they should make a kind of Enclosure with their Carts, which might serve them as a Fort, having no place of Retreat within ten Leagues; the which being discovered by Stephano, he shot certain Volleys of Cannon through their Fort, so as there were some Soldiers slain, and some hurt: and the Prince answered him with the like, but to small effect, for that night surprised them, neither had they above eight small Pieces. Prince Visnovisky spent the night to encourage his Soldiers, letting them understand that they had no reason to be amazed, 
Prince Visnovisky encourageth his Souldidiers.  although their Enemies were more in number, for that most of them were Peasants, never trained up in Arms nor seen Battle; whereof they had had good proof in many Encounters, where they had ever been Victors over their Enemies, although they were inferior in number: That they were so many Testimonies and Assurances that God did fight for them, and would use them to punish the Tyrannies of Stephano, and his Cruelties against Moldavia. Finally, if they were Victors (whereof he doubted not, if they did their Duties) there was not any one but should return loaden with rich Spoils and Recompenses from Prince Alexander. This did so encourage the Soldiers, as they protested all with one Voice, rather to die than to fail of their Duties. Moreover, the Princes gave the Colonels and Captains to understand of the Intelligence they had with the General of Stephano's Artillery, wherewith they were much comforted.  

The disposition of the two Armies.  The next day, being the Eleventh of October, they began to put their Armies in Battle, during the which there were divers Skirmishes, wherein Alexander's Party had still the Advantage; so as it seemed they were so many Presages of good Fortune which should befall them that day. The Prince's Army was ordered by Visnovisky, to whom Prince Alexander had given the Charge of General, as most capable, having ●undry times given sufficient Proofs of his Sufficiency and Valour in other Battles. This General, seeing Stephano's Horsemen divided into three Squadrons, and the Tartarians most advanced, he appointed the Cossacks to encounter with them; the which was judiciously and discreetly done, for they both go freely to the Charge, neither are they covered with any Arms, but only with the Skins of certain Beasts, wherewith they make themselves to seem as fearful as they can, observing no order in their fight, and using Cries which are fearful to such as are not accustomed unto them; and being once broken, they seldom return again to the Charge. The Polonian Lanciers, called in their Language Houssarsky, being about one thousand and five hundred men well armed, made the second Battalion of Alexander's Army, led by Prince Coresky, and were placed on the right-hand against three thousand Tartarian, Valachian, and Moldavian Horsemen. The Hungarian Foot, being about three thousand men, were in the midst of Prince Alexander's Army, with the Cannon, upon a little Hill of some advantage; and on the left hand was the rest of the Chavalry, who were led by the Princes Alexander and Visnovisky; and the Baggage was a little behind the Foot in the Camp where they had lodged the night before.  
The Tyrant Stephano, 
The Battle betwixt Prince Alexander and the Vayvod Stephano.  having disposed his Army into divers Squadrons, began, about Nine of the Clock in the Morning, to play with his Cannon upon Alexander's Army, who found that the General of the Artillery had kept his Promise, for most of the Bullets flew over his men, and hurt them not; upon which Confidence, he commanded the Cossacks to charge the Tartarians which were advanced, whom they soon defeated. At the same Instant two thousand light Horse gave charge to the Hungarian Footmen which guarded Stephano's Cannon, and in an instant cut most of them in pieces, and the rest yielded themselves; so as Alexander became Master of his Cannon. The Tyrant, seeing his Infantry in danger to be defeated, and his Cannon lost, caused a Battalion of three thousand Valachian and Moldavian Horsemen to advance, who without doubt had recovered the Cannon, but the generous Prince Coresky, with his Polonian Launciers, charged them so furiously in the Flank, as that they slew almost the one half of them upon the place, and put the rest that remained to rout. Presently after this followed another Squadron; the which Coresky perceiving, he wisely retired towards his Camp, seeing his men wearied and tired with the slaughter of their Enemies, and not able to maintain the Fight without some rest. Then came Prince Alexander, and Visnovisky who was his faithful Guide, with the rest of his Horsemen, to encounter this last Battalion of the Enemy, whereunto they went with greater Courage, for that they were assured the Vayvod Stephano was there present; 
Stephano's Army defeated.  which Charge continued for the space of a quarter of an hour, during which time Prince Coresky had leisure to take breath, and to gather together what possibly he could of those of his Party, to succour them that were then in fight, who were almost tired, and Prince Alexander far engaged. But seeing these unexpected Succours, he and his Men recovered their Forces, and their Enemies were so much amazed at it, as that all them that remained alive were put to rour, and fled.  
But Stephano (being naturally a Coward) apprehending blows, had retired himself to the rest of his Footmen, 
The flight of Stephano.  who had not yet come to fight, making a show that he would rather die with them than fly away: but seeing the Event of this last Charge, and his Horsemen all in rout, he soon resolved to save himself by flight, having never given one stroke in this Battle. The Footmen which remained, being about four thousand men, seeing the success of the Battle, yielded to the mercy of the Victors, and cried out, God save Alexander, Vayvod of Moldavia. The day of the Victory, Prince Alexander made his Entry into the City of Yas, having the Princes Coresky and Visnovisky on either side, after whom followed his whole Army. 
Alexander proclaimed Prince of Moldavia.  Entering into the Castle, he was there proclaimed Prince and Vayvod of Moldavia by all the Nobles and boyer's of the Country, the which he would never accept until that time. The next day, Prince Alexander understanding that a great number of the chiefest of the Inhabitants of Yas were fled into the Mountains and Forests to attend the Events of these Troubles, he sent certain boyer's to invite them to return back again (with all assurance) to their Houses, causing part of his Army to dislodge, and to be quartered in the Country thereabouts; and there were one thousand and five hundred Foot, and five hundred Horse (under the leading of Prince Coresky) sent to the City of Vasselloy, for that Stephano had fled that way, and might return back again into Moldavia. As for the Artillery, some were sent into Polonia, and some were put into the Fort of Cochina, the which is as it were the Arsenal of Moldavia.  

Ambassadors sent by Prince Alexander to the Grand Signior.  At the same time, Prince Alexander, knowing that it was no less Glory to preserve than to get, he called the chief Noblemen of his Court to Counsel, to resolve what was fit to do to maintain him in his Estate, which he had newly gotten by the Sword: where it was concluded among other things, that he should speedily send an Ambassador to the Grand Signior, to let him understand that he had never any intent to take Arms against his Majesty, nor to withdraw Moldavia from his Obedience; but that he had been sought unto being in Polonia, and invited by the boyer's of Moldavia, for the unspeakable Cruelties of the Vayvod Stephano, who had resolved to root out the Nobility of the said Country, having put many of the. chief to death without any occasion. They had also charge to give the Sultan to understand, That when his Majesty advanced Stephano to be Vayvod of Moldavia, he had falsely suggested that he was Son to a Prince of Moldavia; that he was not truly advertised by his Bassas and Counsellors, that his Predecessor had promised to the deceased Father of Prince Alexander, and to Prince Simeon his Uncle, that after his Decease his Sons should succeed him in the said Estate, if they showed not themselves unworthy, and did pay the yearly Tribute of forty thousand Chequines, which Tribute, since the Death of jeremy, had been offered by Prince Constantine his eldest Son, to Houssine Aga, when as he was sent to settle the said Stephano▪ as also that Prince Alexander promised to pay it hereafter; and if need should be, he would give Prince Bougdan, his Brother, as a sure and certain pledge for the performance of his Promises during the first year.  

Prince Alexander's Ambassadors put to Death by Stephano.  The Ambassadors having received these Instructions, they took their Journey speedily to Constantinople; but instead of passing through Thrace, which was their directest course, they were forced to go by Transilvania, fearing to be hindered by the men of War which then troubled all Thrace. Coming to Buda, they went to salute the Bassa which commanded there, who being a special Friend to Stephano, put them in Prison, violating the Law of Nations observed by the most barbarous; and afterwards he sent them to Braille, whither the Tyrant Stephano had fled. They say he gave fifteen thousand Chequino's in recompense to the Bassa, and to revenge himself in some sort of Prince Alexander in the Persons of his Ambassadors, he caused their Heads to be cut off one night after Supper, and their Bodies to be cast into the Danowe. The Deaths of these Ambassadors were very prejudicial to Prince Alexander, by means whereof the Grand Signior was not truly advertised of what had passed in Moldavia, nor received the Compliments, Offers, and Submission of Prince Alexander, so as he was wonderfully incensed against him, and swore his Ruin, as you shall hear hereafter.  
Stephano having received four thousand men from Michna Prince of Valachia, 
Stephano returns into Moldavia.  and gathered together the Relics of his scattered Army, he marched toward Valachia; whereof Prince Alexander being advertised, he sent Prince Coresky with six thousand Horse, Polonians and Cossacks, to Ticouch, a strong Frontier Town, to guard that Passage: And Prince Alexander and Visnovisky they stayed at Yas with the rest of the Army to preserve the Country, and to prevent all Alterations in favour of Stephano, who had some Intelligencers. Within few days after, the Prince had news that the Inhabitants of Horreova (a Country in Moldavia containing about fifteen or sixteen French Leagues in Circuit) were in Arms, and had joined with a great Troop of Tartarians to come and invest him, knowing well that Prince Coresky was otherwise employed with part of the Polonian Army. Alexander stayed not to have these Rebels come to Yas, but sent Visnovisky, his Brother-in-law, with such Forces as he could draw together, to encounter with them. 
The Inhabitants of Horreova defeated with the Tartarians.  They met together within two Leagues of the City, where Visnovisky charged the Tartarians with such fury, as half of them were slain upon the place, and the rest of them fled: there were a great number of Prisoners taken, and all the poor Inhabitants of Horreova were brought unto Yas in token of triumph. The dead being numbered, there were found about eight hundred Tartarians and others slain, and of the Polonians only fifty, and some hundred hurt.  
Prince Alexander, having received News of this Defeat, was wonderfully glad, and went presently to Horseback with his Company of French, which he had only reserved about him, to go and meet with Visnovisky, and to congratulate his happy Victory. This being done with many Compliments and Embrace, he cast his eye upon the poor Inhabitants of Horreova, whom they led like a Troop of Sheep, and had such Commiseration on them, as he presently sent them back again, having taken their Oath of Fidelity, hoping that this his Clemency would draw the most Factious to Obedience, having formerly tried the Oppressions of a most cruel Prince. Prince Alexander having given Thanks to God for this new and unexpected Victory, he sent a Gentleman unto Prince Coresky, to advertise him thereof, who at the same instant was busy to dispose of his Troops to meet with Stephano, who returned into Moldavia. The Encounter was in a plain Champain, having on the one side the River of Sirette, the which divides Moldavia from Valachia: the Skirmish continued from ten of the Clock until it was Noon, with like advantage; but Prince Coresky being advertised that Stephano was in a Squadron of Horse which was some two hundred Paces distant from him, he joined unto his Troop four hundred Gerbeys, who were well armed, and led by a very valiant Captain, with the which he charged him with such violence and fury, as he forced them to give back, yet fight in such sort, as the Event seemed to be doubtful: the which being discovered by another of the Prince's Captains, who led a Troop of five hundred light horse, 
Stephano defeated the second time.  he came so fitly to succour him, as Stephano and his Horsemen were forced to fly, whom the Prince pursued and cut in pieces. Stephano escaped with a Troop which he had reserved rather for the guard of his Person than to fight. Prince Coresky, at his return from the chase of his Enemies, caused the dead to be numbered, where he found, that of Stephano's side were three thousand and four hundred men slain upon the place, besides those that were Prisoners and wounded; and of his part only three hundred and fifty.  
Presently after this Victory, the season of the year being cold (it being the twelfth of November) Prince Coresky put his Troops into Garrison, and returned with one hundred and fifty Horse to Yas, where he was received with much Honour and Joy. The Princess, Mother to Alexander, was yet in Poland; but being advertised of her Sons fortunate Success, she returned to Yas, and brought with her Prince Bougdan her youngest Son, with Alexandrina her Daughter, who was yet to marry. At whose Arrival there was great feasting and joy; then they began to treat of a Marriage betwixt Prince Coresky and the Princess Alexandrina▪ the which had been then consummated, if Bellona had not opposed it, stirring up new and more powerful Armies than the precedent, to exercise the Virtues and Valours of the said Princes, and to try the Patience of the two Lovers, who loved one another reciprocally from their Youth.  

A false Alarm given to Alexander.  To continue the deduction of new Affairs which troubled the quiet of the said Princes more than ever, you must understand, That about the end of November this Year 1615, they were advertised, that Michna Prince of Valachia, with a Bassa called Hebraim, came against them with an Army of forty thousand men, Turks, Tartarians, and Null, to succour the Vayvod Stephano; and moreover, that Bethlem Gabor, Prince of Transilvania, had Charge from the Grand Signior to arm against them, and to assail them; which in effect was a false Alarm; for the said Bassa had been s●nt by the Grand Signior to bring Ca●h●anes (which are Robes of Cloth of Gold which the Grand Signior doth usually send in favour to Princes that are under his power) both to Michna and Stephano, who he held to be in peaceable possession of Moldavia, but not with any Army, nor with an intent to make War against the said Princes; for he was yet ignorant what had passed against Stephano. Notwithstanding, 
An Ambassador from Prince Alexander to Prince Michna.  the Princes holding this Advertisement to be true▪ assembled a Council of the chief Noblemen in Court, where it was resolved, That an Ambassador should be speedily sent to Prince Michna, both to know his Intent, and to discover whether he marched toward Moldavia, and with what Forces. This Charge was given unto a brave Gentleman of Polonia called Boyar●stky, who parted presently from Yas; and being entered into Valachia, he understood that Prince Michna was then in his Town of Bonza▪ some twenty French Leagues distant from the Frontiers of Moldavia. The Ambassador being arrived, demanded Audience before Michna, by whom he was sent unto the Bassa. who at his first Entrance (without hearing the Subject of his Ambassage) demanded who had made his Master Alexander so bold, as to carry Arms in the Country of the Grand Signior without his Authority; for the which he should be punished, and those that did assist him; commanding the Ambassador presently to be put in Irons, as if he had been a Thief, 
Alexander's Ambassador put in Prison by the Bassa.  or some miserable Caitiff. The Ambassador's Servants, seeing how they entreated their Master, escaped as they could, fearing the like; who returning to Yas, informed Prince Alexander what had passed, assuring him, that Michna had no Army ready, nor any intent to enter into Moldavia at that time. The Bassa, disdaining to speak any more to the said Ambassador, he gave charge to some of his Officers to examine him particularly of all matters concerning Alexander, and what Forces he had: and within few days after he returned to Constantinople, leading the said Ambassador thither with him. But as soon as they were arrived, they sent the Ambassador unto the Divano, where he was again examined by a Visier, and in the end he was condemned by him to the Galleys, there to remain perpetually. So little account do these barbarous People make to violate the Law of Nations, especially with Christians, presuming that all the World should bow unto them, as if they were Gods upon Earth.  
There was another Ambassador sent by Prince Alexander unto Bethlem Gabor, 
Prince Alexander sends an Ambassador to Bethlem Gabor.  who was Prince of Transilvania, being at Furevar or Alba-Iulia, whom he received very courteously; to whom the Ambassador delivered the Subject of his Charge: That Prince Alexander, his Master had been advertised, that he made some levy of men to join with Michna Prince of Valachia, and to make War against him; the which he could not easily believe, for that he had made profession of Friendship to his deceased Father, and had no cause now to leave it; entreating and conjuring him, not to meddle in the Affairs which he had to decide with Michna; and that in requital (if any occasion were offered to serve him) he would employ all his means. The Ambassador having ended his Speech, he delivered his Prince's Letters of Credit; to whom Bethlem Gabor made this Answer, That he never had any intent to take Arms, nor to attempt any thing against Prince Alexander, whose Father was his true Friend; neither would he ever give any cause to discontinue this Love and Friendship betwixt them, whereof he would give good proof in all occasions, especially in this Subject now in question. The Ambassador was much satisfied with this Answer, the which was also confirmed by Letters; yet notwithstanding he afterwards levied Forces against Prince Alexander, but he would not join with Michna's Army.  
To return to the course of our History; Presently after the Bassa's Departure from Cicouch to return to Constantinople, Prince Michna sent an Ambassador to Alexander with Letters, by the which he excused himself for the ill usage of his Ambassador by the Bassa, protesting, that he was much grieved, and that it was not with his Consent that he had carried him with him, promising him to employ his best means to mediate his Delivery. Moreover, that he was not ignorant what Authority and Power the Grand Signior had over him, whom he might not resist, nor by consequence his Bassas; that he had no Army on foot, as he was given to understand, and that his design was not to support the Cause of the Vayvod Stephano, unless he were forced by the Commandment of the Grand Signior. And whereas he entreated him to deliver his Enemy Stephano into his hands, he could not do it, unless he should violate the Laws of Hospitality, in betraying his Friend, who had fled unto him for succour, and withal, he should incur the Indignation of the Sultan, and be in danger to be dispossessed of his own Estate, having no sufficient means to maintain himself against so great a Power. Prince Alexander, having heard this Ambassador, and received an Answer from the Prince of Transilvania, by the Advice of his Council dismissed all his Footmen, and part of the Cossacks, retaining only five or six thousand men with him during the Winter.  
About this time there was one of the most cursed and impious Acts committed that ever was heard of Prince Visuovisky, 
Prince Vis●●uisky poisoned by a Priest.  who was a Protestant of the Greek Church, having prepared at Christmas to receive the Communion after their manner, the Priest (who had usually served him in that Devotion, being corrupted with money by his Enemies) poisoned the Bread; which the Prince having received, he suddenly fell sick, and his Torments were so violent, as he died the next day. This bred a suspicion that he had been poisoned; whereupon the Priest was apprehended, who presently confessed that he was guilty, and had been provoked by his Enemies. As his offence was terrible, being committed by a man of that Coat, who had made use of so reverend a Sacrament to poison a Prince beloved of all men for his rare Virtues; so his Punishment was very severe and long, being bound in a Chair made of Copper-wire, and a fire made round about him, so as he was heard for twelve hours crying out fearfully for the insupportable Pains which he endured. Whilst that Prince Alexander and his whole Court mourned for this fatal and unexpected accident, there arrived a Spy which he had sent into Valachia to observe the Actions of Prince Michna, who gave him to understand, that there was a Bassa arrived called Skinder, 
Skinder Bassa comes with an Army against Prince Alexander.  with a great and powerful Army, and that Stephano was there in like manner, who pressed them daily to march into Moldavia; and to begin the War, he sent four hundred men to surprise the Town of Berlada, whereas Prince Coresky had left part of his men in Garrison during the Winter; who keeping bad guard, were surprised, and most of them cut in pieces; which so puffed up Stephano with Pride, as he assured himself of an easy Victory. But Prince Alexander, hearing of this Defeat, he sent four hundred Cossacks, who made such speed, as within three days after they arrived at Berlada, a Town not walled, no more than the rest; where, having set fire in many places, 
Stephano's men defeated by the Cossacks.  they forced his men to come forth, cutting them in pieces, and the rest were burnt; so as there escaped not above five or six to carry this bad news unto their Master, who was much afflicted.  

A Defeat of Turks at Vass●lloy.  At the same instant, when as the Cossacks were sent upon this Expedition, Prince Coresky, desiring to be revenged for the Defeat of his men, took two thousand and five hundred choice Horse, and put himself into Vasselloy, fearing the Garrison he had left there would be in like manner surprised; whereof the Bassa being advertised by some of the Countrymen, he sent his Son (being twelve or thirteen years old) and gave him an old Turk, of ●reat experience, for his Conductor, with seven thousand men, holding this a good occasion to get Reputation to his Son. Prince Coresky being advertised of his March by some Moldavians, and that they should surprise them early in the morning, knowing that they were of necessity to pass a Bridge of Wood over a River that runs by the Town, he disposed his men in such sort, as that the Enemy could hardly discover them; some of them were lodged within Vasselloy, and the rest were covered with a little mountain that adjoined upon the Town: when as some of the Turks had passed the Bridge, two Squadrons sallied from the Town, and charged their forward so furiously, as they were in a manner all put to the Sword, and amongst them the Conductor of the whole Troop, the which was no difficult thing to execute; for that the Turks, who had marched in a manner all night, to arrive early in the morning, were benumbed and half dead with Cold: the rest of the Turks which had not yet past, hearing the noise of this hot Alarm, durst not advance, but retired speedily, fearing perchance that the Bassa's Son might be lost as well as his Conductor. Prince Coresky pursued them unto a Village four Leagues distant from Vasselloy, killing and taking Prisoners all he found in the way. Among the Prisoners there was one who gave it out that he was near Kinsman unto the Bassa; 
The Bassa's Kinsman taken.  who being brought to Prince Alexander, he received him very courteously, and gave him a Garment fit for him, having been stripped of his own; he also gave him a Horse, and sent him back unto the Bassa with a good Convoy, to whom he sent a Letter, by the which he entreated him not to advance in favour of Stephano, promising, that if the Grand Signior would suffer him to enjoy Moldavia quietly, he would be most faithful unto him afterwards, and pay him the yearly accustomed Tribute: whereof the Bassa made no great account; for he was wonderfully incensed, both for his Sons ●ad success in this Enterprise, and for the death of his Turkish Captain.  
Upon the day of this Victory, Prince Alexander sent fifteen hundred Horse to fortify Prince Coresky, whereof eight hundred were lodged in a certain Borough six Leagues from Ticouth, whereas the Bassa and Michna were then with their Army; being about five and twenty thousand men. 
Eight hundred of Prince Alexander's men slain by their Hosts for their Insolences.  These eight hundred men neglecting their Guards, did nothing but drink drunk, and molest their Hosts with all kind of Insolences, and forcing their Wives and Daughters, which made them take a Resolution to be revenged, and to that end they called unto them certain boyer's out of the Country, who choosing their time, cut all their Throats when they were asleep, and most of them drunk.  
About the end of this Year, 
Prince Alexander retires to Cochina.  Prince Alexander called a General Council, whereas the Princess, his Mother, Prince Coresky, and all the chief Noblemen and Captains assisted, where it was resolved that they should retire to Cochina, being thirty French Leagues off; for that it was the strongest place and the best furnished of all Moldavia, and withal they should be far from their Enemies, and near unto Polonia. According to this Resolution, Prince Alexander parted the next day with his whole Army, and came in four days march to Cochina, in the extremest cold Season that could be; having lodged his Troops, the Princes sent divers Gentlemen to all their Friends and Confederates, to conjure them to come speedily to succour them; and in the mean time they gave order to make provision of Victuals, and of all other things necessary for their Army. The Bassa being advertised of this Retreat, he marched with Michna and Stephano towards Yas, notwithstanding the extremity of the Cold, which was so violent, that many died upon the way; whereupon they stayed until the time was more mild.  
In the beginning of March, 
Succours come to Prince Alexander.  the Lord of Tischevich, came unto Prince Alexander with 3500 Cossacks, and within few days after arrived the Lord Potosky, Nephew to him who had been taken at the first Battle, and carried Prisoner to Constantinople, who brought with him a Troop of fifteen hundred Polonians well armed; there came also other Succours unto him, so as by the end of that Month the Prince's Army was ten or twelve thousand strong Foot and Horse.  
Prince Alexander, hearing of the Enemy's approach, sent forth 1000 Horse with his Company of French Cavaliers to discover the Enemy's Army, who staying to refresh themselves within half a League of the Town of Espanocha, 
Some of them defeated.  whereas Michna's Tartarians were lodged: they were discovered and presently invested by them and by a great number of Turks; and although that there were little hope to resist so great a Multitude, yet Alexander's Men (who had always been accustomed to vanquish) behaved themselves very valiantly, desiring rather to die, than to yield basely without giving proofs of their Valour. This fight continued from ten of the Clock in the Morning, until Night; and of the whole Troop there escaped but twelve, seven Polonians, and five French, the rest were either slain or taken Prisoners, among the which was the Captain of the French Company called Mountespin, whom they would have sent with the rest unto the Grand Signors Galleys: But Stephano preserved him, upon promise that he would do him good Service. Here Fortune (which hath hitherto been favourable unto Prince Alexander) began to show her Inconstancy, to teach Princes not to run rashly into Dangers, although they have had some Advantage over their Enemies.  
At Constantinople, about the end of August this Year 1616, year 1616 Envy, the most furious of all the Winds that shake the Affairs of the World, 
Jesuits at Constantinople accused.  stirred up a horrible Tempest, whose violent Gusts fell dangerously upon the Jesuits settled at Pera by the Sultan's Permission, at the Persuasion of Henry the Fourth, the French King; and labours to cast them upon the Rocks where they might suffer Shipwreck, shameful to their Order, and prejudicial to the Christians, which live in the midst of Mahometism. And to ruin them without all hope of help or relief, they accused them before the Grand Visier, to be Spies to Spain; to give Absolution to Renegadoes; to baptise Turks, to conceal fugitive Slaves, and to send them into Christendom; and withal they objected the Doctrine of killing of Kings, if they were Tyrants, the which had been rashly written by a Spaniard of their Coat: all which Crimes are commonly punished at Constantinople with Death. 
They are imprisoned.  They seized upon their Persons, and lodged them in a Dungeon, they were six in number, that is to say, Francis Bouton, Denis Guilier, Dominick Maurice of Chio, and john Baptista jobert their Superior, all four Priests, and two Assistants, and with them a Franciscan Friar, Vicar to the Patriarch of Constantinople. A suspicion of Danger in an Estate is easily believed upon the least accident. In the mean time the Emperor's Ambassador came to Constantinople, to renew the Truce; they entered with their Drums beating, and their Ensigns displayed. They which thought to erect Trophies to their Glory by their Ruin of the Jesuits, made use of this entry, and gave false Advertisements to the Seraglio, that there were in Constantinople, and at Pera, many thousands of Christians disguised in the Habits of Greeks and Turks, which came with this Ambassador, with an intent to put that in Execution which the Jesuits had projected. Moreover, they informed the Grand Visier, and the Muphti, that the Churches in Pera, and the Ambassadors Houses were full of Arms; and that now when as the Turks Estate, and especially Constantinople, was unprovided of Forces, having employed their Armies in divers Places, and at one instant, as in Poland, Persia, and both the Seas, that they meant to draw the Greeks into Rebellion, and give an entry to the Cossacks, by the black Sea. The Sultan and his Bassas took an alarm, they commanded every man to wear the Habit of his own Nation, with a prohibition to wear any Hat except the Franks, and they to wear a Grecian Habit; they also enroled all the Christians in Constantinople and Pera. But the Sultan did not think his City of Constantinople free from the danger of surprise by this diligent search, but he would seek his assurance in the Blood of Christians; 
The Turk commands all the Christians to be slain.  so as he commanded that all the Franks should be slain, without exception. But yet this Commandment took no effect, by reason of the Remonstrances which the Grand Visier and the Muphti made him, representing unto him, that by this Cruelty he should draw upon his Estate a dangerous War from all the Christian Princes in General. But all this freed him not from fear, he walks all Night on Horseback up and down the City, contrary to his Custom, and he causeth a Friar, Vicar to the Patriarch, who had been taken with the Jesuits, to be executed in his Presence; and he doth expressly forbid the Passage from Constantinople to Pera, and from Pera to Constantinople. During this Prohibition, the French Ambassador had passed from Pera to the City, to solicit the Jesuits Liberty. At his return he found the Passage stopped, he goes unto the Muphti, and leaves his People in the mean time at the Sea side (for it is the Custom, to go to the Sovereign of Mahomet's Law with a small Train) during the time of his being there, a Multitude of People ran dow●●o the Shore, to see these Men, thinking for certain, that they went to put them to Death: They lamenting their miserable Fortune, and the Turks chargi●● them furiously with Injuries, as the Men 〈◊〉 they thought practised by Conspiracy their ruin. But the Grand Visier having written with his own Hand, and sent one of his People to them that kept the Passage, the Ambassador with his whole Train was suffered to pass to Pera, but he found the Storm as raging at Pera, as from whence he came: for one Night after, the People of that Place fell into such a Fury, 
A Tumul● at Pera.  as it was to be feared the Law of Nations would have been violated by the Insolency of some furious People, although the Subject were of small Importance. About five hundred Paces from the French Ambassadors quarter, there fell out a Dispute in a Lodging, betwixt some who spent the Night in some kind of Employment; the Turks that dwelled near, being awaked with this Noise, ran to Arms, and trooped together in the Street, being in all 1000 men armed, crying out, that this Noise came from the Francs, (that is to say, from the Christians in the West, as Italians, French, Spanish, English, and others) who meant to rise; and they resolved to force the Ambassadors Houses, and to put all to Fire and Sword, if some better advised of the Troop had not persuaded them to delay the Execution until day, the which being come, the French Ambassador had means to get the Sultan to interpose his Sovereign Authority, to bridle the Insolency of a Multitude inconsiderately incensed. Such is the danger, in the which many times the Ministers of Christian Princes find themselves, who for their Master's Service live at the Mercy of a Nation barbarously furious, as the Turkish:  
The Jesuits in the mean time continued Prisoners in the Dungeon, 
The Jesuits set at Liberty.  until that the Baron of Sansy, Ambassador for France, had let the Grand Visier see their Innocency, and procured their Liberty, and the Sultan by his Letters Patents did publish the falsehood of the malicious Accusations invented against them; but to avoid the Fury of a Multitude, blind in their Passions, and dangerous in their fury, they went to Sea, to return to France; but after they had sojourned sometime at the Dardanels, they were again committed to Prison, by reason of some certain advertisement that was given to the Sultan of the same substance: The Sultan informed himself truly of their Probity, gave them their liberty, calling back two to Pera, to live there, with the same Privileges they formerly had, and suffered the rest to return into France.  
Alexander, Prince of Moldavia, having lost a thousand Horse near unto Cochina, the last year, as you have heard, the Bassa and Stephano were puffed up with this good Success; but Michna had no joy of it, 
Michna fears to fight with the Polonians.  who, hearing that the Princes attended him at Cochina, with a Resolution to defend themselves, remembering that a certain Italian making a Profession to foretell future things, had told him, That if he ever came to fight with the Polonians, he would be in danger of his life: wherefore, by the Advice of his Chancellor and Campmaster, called Spaterlecha, he pretended, that he had received News from his Lieutenant, that there was a great Troop of Tartarians entered into Valachia, and spoiled the Country; upon which Pretext he took leave of the Bassa, and returned, leaving all his Soldiers in the Army, reserving only an hundred Horse for his Guard. Being in Valachia, Stephano wrote unto him, that he had defeated the Polonians in Battle, in the which there were slain six thousand men upon the place, and had taken a great number of Prisoners, which th●● meant to send to the Grand Signior: all which was but a mere Invention to mock Michna, and to make him sorry that he ●as not in the Action: whereupon he was so much ●●●contented, as he caused the Heads of his Chancellor and Campmaster to be cut off, for their bad Counsel, charging them that they had some secret Intelligence with the Polonians.  
About the end of March, the Bassa, with Stephano, 
The Bassa and Stephano defeated at Cochina.  and a Tartarian Prince called Monoza, resolved to advance with their whole Army (being twenty thousand men) towards Cochina; and being within two Leagues, they made a stand a whole day to refresh their men. In the mean time the Princes put their Army in order of Battle, in a little Plain within a quarter of a League of Cochina▪ leaving a thousand choice Horse within the Town under the Command of Prince Coresky, assuring themselves that the Turks would not fail to camp betwixt the Town and the Prince's Army, that if they were defeated, they might have no means to retire into the Fort, which was held impregnable. The Princes drew eight pieces of Cannon out of the Fort, which they planted within a Trench which was covered with a Wood The Bassa on the other side thought that he had the Princes at his mercy, being advertised that they had not half so many men in their Army: early in the morning he caused his men to march in good order, who arrived near to Cochina by seven of the clock in the morning, where, having made a stand to discover the Prince's Army, he went and encamped betwixt them and the Town, as it had been foreseen. His men being put in order, the Tartarians, who had a great desire to be revenged of the Cossacks, who had defeated them in many Encounters, entreated to have the Point; the which was granted, and the Trumpets sounding, they advanced towards a Battalion of Cossacks, nothing distrusting the Cannon which was planted on that side, and not seen. Coming within the shot, they presently played upon them, and overthrew a great number of the Tartarians, and terrified the rest▪ the which the Cossacks perceiving, they charged them furiously, and cut the rest in pieces, and so retired towards their Army, seeing another Squadron of Valachian● and Moldavians come to succour the Tartarians. The Lord of Tischevich, with his Troop of fifteen or sixteen hundred Horse well armed, went to encounter the said Squadron, which advanced bravely towards the Prince's Cannon. The Combat was long without any show of Advantage, which made the Marshal of the Turks Army to send three thousand Turks to succour them: and the Princes caused a Squadron of Cossacks and Moldavians to advance, who carried themselves so valiantly, as they forced the Turks to retire above an hundred Paces. Then Prince Alexander cried out, Now my Companions, behold the Enemy is in disorder, let us charge them resolutely, and the Victory is certain. After which he advanced with the rest of his Army, commanding two Cannons to be shot off together, for a sign to Prince Coresky that he might sally forth, and charge the Turks Rearward, as it had been resolved: but he stayed not for the Signal, being already advanced above three hundred Paces, fearing that the Party would be ended without him, or that he should fail at need.  
The Bassa seeing this Stratagem, which he feared not, and the bad success of his men which he had sent to fight, and that he was charged both before and behind, he began to be amazed, and having caused a Squadron of two thousand Horse, Turks and Null, to advance to second his Troops, he retired apart with Stephano (who was no less afraid than himself) with the rest of the Turkish Cavalry, to attend the event of the Battle. There was never a more furious Combat seen (which continued for the space of two hours) full of fearful Howl of Turks, who in the end fainted, seeing no Succours come unto them; 
Flight of the Bassa and Stephano.  whereas if the Bassa and the cowardly Stephano had joined with them, they had without doubt fortified their Carriages, and renewed their Forces, and by all appearance won the Victory, which they lost beyond all men's Expectation. When as the Bassa and Stephano saw that their Forces were in rout, and no means to draw them again together, they began to make a Retreat with above two thousand Horse, which had not yet fought: in the mean time, the Princes Tischevich and Coresky, (like two Thunderbolts of War) cut all in pieces they could meet; and fearing lest they should make a new head, the Princes drew all their men together, and made a stand upon the Place of Battle, not suffering their Soldiers to go to the Spoil, before they were assured that the Enemy was retired in great haste, fearing the Princes would have pursued them, the which they would willingly have done, if their Men and Horses had not been almost tired in the former Battle, in which there was slain above twelve thousand men, besides the Wounded and Prisoners.  
Prince Alexander being returned to Cochina, with the other Princes and Noblemen, they gave Thanks to God for the Victory they had obtained against the Turks and their Confederates; and there was much joy with the Princess and all the Ladies, who were retired into the Fort, 
Prince Coresky marries with the Princess Alexandrina.  attending the Event of this fearful Battle. Prince Coresky burned with desire to enjoy his Mistress, whom he loved as his own life; so as by a free consent of all Parties, they were married within two days after the Victory, to the great content of all the Court.  
Whilst that the Princes began to enjoy the Fruits of their Victory, the Bassa and wretched Stephano returned to Yas; but finding no safety there, they parted presently; the Bassa to Constantinople, and the Tyrant into Valachia to Prince Michna, who was his only support, notwithstanding that he had mocked him apparently. But before this Wretch departed from Yas (having no hope ever to return again) he caused the Town to be set on fire in many places; so as of two and twenty thousand Houses, there were not above six hundred untouched. The Princes having advice hereof, in the beginning of April, they marched speedily thither; where finding it so desolate, they resolved to pursue Stephano into Valachia, and punish him according to his deserving. The next day they marched towards Valachia, 
A Defeat of 400 of Michna's men.  being to pass the River of Siretta, there being on the other side a Borough in which Michna had four hundred men in Garrison, to keep the Frontiers. The Princes arriving at this place, the Garrison put themselves in defence; but they were soon forced and cut in pieces, so as there escaped not one; and as for the Inhabitants, they were well entreated, having made no resistance, and withal, they hated Michna for the Vexations they received from the said Garrison. The Army having rested there three days, advanced with all speed towards the City of Bonza, whereas Michna then remained with wretched Stephano, who had no care but to make good cheer. The Army being come within a League of Bonza, it was discovered by some Countrymen, who ran to advertise their Prince, wishing him to save himself speedily, for that they had discovered the Polonian Army near the City. Michna was ready to sit down to dinner, having invited Stephano to accompany him; 
Prince Michna and Stephano fly from Bonza.  but he was so amazed at this unexpected coming of the Princes, as he ran himself to his Stable, and mounted upon the first Horse he could find, without Saddle, and so took his way towards Tergovist, being followed by few of his People, one of which gave him his own Horse, which was better furnished; and as for Stephano, having saddled his own Horse, he fled all alone towards Nicopolis.  
The Princes being entered Bonza without resistance, they were wonderfully grieved that they had not found Stephano, which was their whole Design, and that Prince Michna (to whom they intended no harm) had been so amazed. The Army, at their first Entrance, spoiled the City, which the Princes could not hinder, nor yet the ravishing of many Wives and Virgins, which drew the Wrath of God upon them, and in all appearance was the true cause of the Miseries which afterward befell the Princes. During their Abode at Bonza to refresh their men, many boyer's or Noblemen of the Country (desiring the shake off the Yoke of Prince Michna's Command, who governed insolently) came unto Prince Alexander, beseeching him to stay in Valachia, promising that the whole Nobility would willingly yield him all Obedience and Fidelity. But the Prince (having no intent to dispossess Michna) thanked them for their good will; 
Prince Alexander refuseth the Estate of Valachia.  the which the boyer's understanding, they told him, that they would be glad (seeing he refused it) that Prince Cherbanne (who had been their Vayvod before Michna, and had been expelled Valachia by Bethlem Gabor, and forced to retire into Germany to the Emperor) might return and take upon him the Government of Valachia, entreating him to give him Passage through Moldavia if he presented himself; the which Prince Alexander willingly granted, desiring much that Prince Cherbanne were restored, for that Michna favoured his Enemy, and had himself a design upon the Estate of Moldavia, which in the end he obtained.  
Prince Michna being come to Playa, which is betwixt Bonza and Tergovist, he stayed some days there attending his Train, during the which he sent speedilyto his Wife, being at Tergovist, willing her to go with all speed to Nicopolis, for that he feared the Princes would seize both upon them and their Estates, as they might easily have done if they had foreseen what afterwards befell them. Michna being come to Tergovist, he presently sent an Ambassador to Prince Alexander, 
Michna sends an Ambassador to Prince Alexander.  to know upon what Design he had entered Valachia with an Army, having no cause; but chose, that he had given good Testimony that he was his Friend, for that he would not assist the Bassa and Stephano when they pursued him to Cochina, notwithstanding that they were much stronger in show; That if his Intent were only to seize upon Stephano, he assured him that he was not with him, but was fled another way, promising, that if he could ever take him, he would deliver him into his hands; entreating him withal, to retire out of his Estate, not suffering his Army to spoil it any more, and that they might continue good Friends. Prince Alexander received this Ambassador very courteously, who hearing the Subject of his Embassy, made Answer, That he had the day before sent unto his Master to inform him of his Intent, which was, not to attempt any thing against his Person nor Estate, but only to pursue Stephano, who had set fire on the City of Yas before he parted; and to let Michna know, That he meant not to wrong him, nor to enrich himself with any thing that was his, he had sent him back his Plate, with all his rich Movables. Michna's Ambassador having thanked Prince Alexander, returned to Tergovista, and found all true that the Prince had said; the which freed Michna from farther fear.  
Before Prince Alexander's Departure from Bonza, 
Fifteen hundred Tartarians defeated by Troiano●key.  he sent the Lord Troianosky with two thousand Horse to pursue Stephano: but it was without effect; for he understood that he had passed the River of Danow with his Wife, and a small train. At the same time a Troop of fifteen hundred Tartarians, being advertised that the Polonians pursued Stephano only with a thousand Horse, and that they were tired with their long Marches, advanced to charge them; but it was not with that Success they expected: for Troianosky discovering them afar off in a plain champain Field, had leisure to put his men into four Squadrons, and there attended them, who approaching near to discover the number of the Polonians, would gladly return without blows, but it was too late; for Troianosky commanded two of his Squadrons to charge them suddenly, so as within less than a quarter of an hour they were defeated, and above four hundred slain upon the place; the rest fled the same way that they came: of the Polonians there were not above five and twenty slain, and about fifty hurt.  
The Princes had resolved to leave Valachia, 
The Inhabitants of Horreova revolt the second time.  forbidding all Captains and Soldiers, upon pain of death, to carry away any Valachian of either Sex with them, hearing they had seized upon some, and meant to draw a Ransom from them: after which they began to march; and being upon the way, they were advertised that the Inhabitants of Horreova were again revolted, and in Arms, refusing to acknowledge Prince Alexander, or to pay the accustomed Tribute, unless he would make it appear that he was confirmed by the Grand Signior. Prince Coresky was sent thither with five thousand men; whose coming did so amaze them, as they yielded without any resistance. This Prince, being loath to lose any time, laid Siege to the Town and Fort of Bialigront, seated upon the River of Bohou, the which was held by the Tartarians Praecopences, in which Fort there was a Garrison of Janissaries, and many boyer's of Moldavia, who defended themselves valiantly, and made many Sallies, in which they slew above three hundred of the Prince's men, and he himself was in danger to be taken, if he had not been speedily delivered by the Lord of Tischevich and his Troop, who charged the Janissaries so resolutely, as they forced them to retire, leaving many of their men dead upon the place. The Prince s●eing there was no hope to take the place without Cannon, raised his Siege, and returned to Yas to Prince Alexander.  

Hebraim Bassa writes to Prince Alexander.  Soon after, Hebraim Bassa wrote to Prince Alexander, (as if he had been his friend) giving him to understand, That from thenceforth he should live quietly in Moldavia, for that the Grand Seignior's Lieutenant-General, or chief Visier (from whom Stephano had always drawn his chief support) was in disgrace, promising the Prince to employ himself for him to his Master: the which he did either to make him careless of his own Strength, or to draw some Recompense or Reward from him, if the Grand Signior should confirm him in Moldavia, as there was some likelihood, seeing that Stephano had made himself altogether unworthy, as well by his flight, as by his wicked Actions, which made him in the end so odious to the Grand Signior, as he resolved to ruin him. So as soon after they were advertised, that the Grand Signior had given Commandment unto the said Bassa to seize upon Stephano, who had retired himself to Brahile, and to bring him unto him alive or dead, with whatsoever did belong unto him; the which he executed after this manner: 
Stephano in disgrace with the Sultan.  The said Bassa marched with all diligence towards Brahile, carrying a Chiaus with him; and being within four or five Leagues of the Town, he sent one of his people to advertise Stephano of his coming, and that he meant the next day to dine with him. Stephano (who disinherited nothing) holding the Visier to be still his friend, parted early in the morning to meet him, and coming near him he alighted from his Horse to do him reverence, and the Bassa did the like; where, after some little Conference together, he drew out the Commission he had to seize upon his Person, and to carry him to Constantinople: the which Stephano perceiving, he turned him to his Servants, and willed them to shift for themselves, for that he saw he went to his death. His men being retired, the Chiaus, who had his Mace in his hand, gave him a blow betwixt the Shoulders, and then caused him to be bound hand and foot, and cast into a Cart drawn by four good Horses: and in this manner they carried him to Constantinople; 
Stephano carried to Constantinople and turns Turk.  where being arrived, to avoid the Punishment he had deserved, he denied his Faith, and became a Renegado: and withal, he became very poor and miserable; for at the same instant that he was taken, the Bassa sent to seize and carry away whatsoever he had at Brahile and Nicopolis, where his Wife remained, so as he had nothing left him but the remorse of Conscience that tormented him continually, for the barbarous Cruelties which he had practised in Moldavia. Some of his men returned to Yas, and there declared what had befallen Stephano in their Presence, for which they generally gave thanks unto God, and were very joyful.  
Soon after, News came to Yas, that the Sultan had appointed Prince Michna to succeed Stephano in the Principality of Moldavia (which is very much better than that of Valachia) and that he sent Skinder Bassa, his General in Europe, with a powerful Army to settle the said Michna, and to expel Alexander: the which proved so true, as on the 25 th' of june this year 1616, the said Bassa came to Tergovist, where Prince Michna attended him, with great Preparatives both to receive him, and to refresh his Army. The Bassa making his entry into Tergovist, had amongst other things of note, thirty or fo●ty Musicians on Horse back, playing upon certain Instruments almost like unto Gitterns, which made but silly Music; he had also many Pages, who instead of Cloaks beware the Skins of Leopards, Lions, and Tigers, as if they meant to terrify the World; and his Army consisted of about twenty thousand men, some Turks, some Tartarians, to whom Michna joined his Forces, having 10000 Horse and Foot, which he had drawn from Valachia and the neighbour Countries. The Bassa being entered the Castle, whereas Prince Michna attended him, after many Compliments, they entered into a great Hall well appointed, where the Bassa presented him his Letters Patents, and a Robe which his Master had sent to Michna, which he caused to be put on in the presence of all the Noblemen of his Court, 
Michna proclaimed Prince of Moldavia.  proclaiming him Prince and Vayvod of Moldavia, with many Ceremonies too long to relate. After which, Prince Michna led the Bassa into another great Hall where a Feast was prepared, as well for himself, as for such as he would admit to his Table; Michna offering to serve the said Bassa, but he would not suffer him, causing him to sit down right against him. On the Second of july they parted from Tergovist, and marched into Moldavia, whereof the Polonian Princes were advertised: but the Princess, Mother to Alexander, maintained, That the Bassa came only to bring the Patents to Prince Alexander her Son; which dangerous Opinion of hers grew by reason of the Letters which Hebraim Bassa had sent to Prince Alexander, not remembering that it came from a Turk, his sworn Enemy, and therefore not to be credited, especially in a matter of that importance, so as she was the cause of their utter ruin.  
About this time, the General of the King of Polonia's Army, called Zolkelchy, 
The Treachery of the General of Polonia.  envying the Honour which the Polonian Princes had gotten by so many Victories, and withal drawn by his own private Interest, writ to Prince Michna and the Bassa, that if they would promise to procure the Sultan to advance the eldest Son of the deceased Prince Simeon (who lived with him) to be Prince of Valachia (whereof his Father had been formerly Vayvod) he would so weaken the Prince's Army, as they should be forced to yield or fly. Whose Demand being easily granted, this Traitor writ to certain Captains of the Cossacks, that they should leave the Prince's Army, ●●d come with all speed into Poland, to accompany Vladislaus their King's Son, who had been chosen Duke of Muscovy, and meant to go thither with a great Army by reason of some Crosses, and that they should be very well paid. The Cossacks (who depend upon the Crown of Poland, serving those that promise most) began to mutiny, saying plainly, That if they had not money speedily, they would retire into their Country, 
The Cossacks mutiny, and leave Prince Alexander.  yet concealing that they had been called to any other Service; and without any long stay, there parted early in a morning about 8000, carrying with them great store of Oxen, Sheep, and other cattle▪ with all the Spoils they had got in the precedent Victories.  
After their Example, Bicho, General of Prince Alexander's Army, whether corrupted by Bribes, 
Bicho, General of Prince Alexander's Army, forsakes him treacherously.  or for that he had an apprehension of this powerful Army which came against them, retired also secretly toward Michna and the Bassa, being followed by 2000 Horse. This was a Subject of great amazement to the Prince's Army; and yet, as if they had been enchanted by some devilish Charms, they could not resolve to make a Retreat as they might easily have done without danger. Many advised Prince Alexander to this course, even Prince Michna writ unto him, advising him to retire into Polonia before that his Army approached nearer to Yas; the which he did for fear of the Success, whereof his false Prophet had forewarned him, as we have formerly observed: whereupon Alexander went to Council on the 25 th' of july, but they could not resolve, the Commanders and Soldiers being much divided, most of them demanding their Pay, else they would not fight; the which they took for a Pretext of their Retreat. In the mean time the Tartarians, which made the Vanguard of Prince Michna's Army, approached; which made the Princes to leave Yas, and to march toward Cochina: but they could not do it so secretly, but the Tartarians were advertised, who passed speedily through the City, and charged them in the Rear, in which Encounter George Potosky, Nephew to him that was taken with Constantine, having fought valiantly, and slain many Tartarians with his own hand, was in the end shot thorough the body with an Arrow, whereof he died presently. The Lord of Tischevich came speedily to the Charge with a Troop of Cossacks which he had stayed, and charged the Tartarians so furiously, as he slew eight hundred upon the place, and put the rest to rout.  

Prince Alexander's Answer to Prince Michna.  Alexander, having received the Letter above mentioned from Prince Michna, made Answer, that (contrary to his promise to continue his friend, and never to take Arms against him) he had craved aid from the Turk to dispossess him of Moldavia, to the which his Predecessor had never pretended, neither could they according to the fundamental Laws of the Country, and the Conventions accorded by the Grand Signior, when as the Moldavians submitted themselves under his Sovereignty, by the which no man could be Vayvod of Moldavia unless he were born in the Country. Moreover, he should remember, that it was in his power to dispossess him of Valachia; when as he entered Bonza with his Army in pursuit of Stephano; the which he would not do, nor detain any of his precious Movables, which he had reserved and sent unto him; that if he abused the Power which he then had, God would not suffer so great an Ingratitude and Usurpation to remain unpunished. And although his Army were far inferior to his, yet he would let him know, that he neither feared him nor the Bassa, putting his chief Confidence in the assistance of the Almighty, who had in many occasions used them to abate the Turks pride, which he should abhor, if he were a true Christian, rather than to join with them to satisfy his Ambition.  
Prince Michna having sent this Letter to Skinder Bassa, General of the Turks Army, he was so incensed, as he presently commanded his Lieutenant to pursue the Polonians with twelve thousand choice men, they being then at C●nard, betwixt Yas and Cochina. Prince Alexander being advertised hereof, he suddenly caused his Army to advance towards the Fort of Cochina. At the same time, the Chancellor to Prince Cherbanne, who came with one hundred and fifty Horse to Prince Alexander, to assure him that his Master was coming to his aid with five or six thousand men, was pursued by the Turks near unto Yas, whereas he thought to have found the said Prince, and of all his Troop only himself and one more escaped, so as the Prince could have no certain news of the said Cherbanne. Prince Coresky, who had remained with two thousand five hundred Horse not far from Cotnard, was also encountered by a great Troop of Turks and Tartarians, which he could not well discover by reason of a little Mountain that covered them: the Prince seeing some of them appear, charged them; but finding, that as he defeated one Troop, a fresh succeeded in his place, he was forced to make his Retreat, with this advantage, that he had almost slain six thousand of his Enemies, having not lost above two hundred and fifty of his own men. But the Prince was wounded with two Arrows, one in the Thigh, and the other in the Back, which was a great disaster for himself and for the whole Army. He which commanded this Troop of Turks being much amazed at this unexpected Encounter, 
A Challenge sent to Prince Coresky from the Turks General.  having gathered his men together, and joined them to fifteen thousand others whom the Bassa had sent, he being yet at Yas, he caused this Army to approach within a quarter of a League to the Polonians, where, having encouraged his men in what he could, he told them, that to show his Affection unto the Sultan's Service in this occasion, he was resolved to send a Challenge to Prince Coresky, whom he confessed to be the most valiant of all the Polonian Army, so as he presently dispatched one of his Captains to go unto the Prince, and to call him in the behalf of his General. The Captain coming to Alexander's Camp, demanded to speak with Prince Coresky, who being brought unto him, delivered the Charge he had from his General. The Prince, although he were neither able to stand nor to sit on Horseback, by reason of his Wounds, yet would he needs have accepted this Challenge, if Prince Alexander, and the chief Noblemen of the Army, had not conjured him to excuse himself by reason of his Indisposition; letting him know, that the event of such a Combat did not only import him, but all those of his Party who had their chief hope in him; whereunto the Princess' added their instant Entreaties; and among others, his dear Spouse, who was much afflicted for his Wounds. The Lord of Tischevich (a brave and valiant Gentleman) being then present, entreated Prince Alexander to give him leave to accept of the Challenge for Prince Coresky his Cousin; the which was willingly granted: so as he sent a Gentleman with the said Turk, to know if the General would yield thereunto, which he did willingly, not being ignorant of the Quality and Valour of the said Tischevich. It was agreed that the Combat should be betwixt both Armies, lying in a plain open Field, within a quarter of a League one of another, with promise, that neither Party should be assisted.  
These two brave Warriors having taken leave of their Friends, came to the place appointed, 
A Combat betwixt Tischevich and the General of the Turks Army.  in view of both Armies. The Turks General being about fifty Paces from his Army, caused Water to be brought, with the which he washed his Mouth, Eyes, Nose, Ears, and Privy Parts, believing (according to his Law) that this washing would serve as a purifying; then turning toward the East, he made his Prayer: after which he went to Horseback, being richly armed and furnished, and then marched softly towards his Adversary, who attended him well mounted and armed, and so they began their Combat, their chief Arms being Bows and Arrows, which they spent without hurting one another; till at last Tischevich, having a Petronel, shot the Turk thorough the Body, and overthrew him, who striving to rise again, Tischevich passed over him with his Horse, and wounded him in the right Arm, and at the next blow slew him: after which he cut off his head, and carried it to Prince Alexander.  
The Polonians were very joyful of the happy Success of this famous Combat; 
The Princes of Polonia environed by their Enemies.  and the Turks being much amazed, advertised the Bassa and Michna, that it was necessary they should bring the rest of their Army and their Cannon, if they would be revenged of the Polonians. In the mean time the Traitor Bicho, who had abandoned Prince Alexander, with a Troop of two thousand Tartarians and Moldavians, found means to get before the Polonian Army, and to cut off the way betwixt Cotnarde and the Town of▪ Bothocan six Leagues off. The Null and Transilvanian●, led by the General of Michna's Army, invested them upon the right hand, and the body of the Turks Army followed behind; so as there remained nothing but upon the left hand a Wood of Timber-trees which might favour their Retreat. Skinder Bassa, hearing the Success of the Combat, commanded his Army to advance presently with sixteen Cannons. The Princes seeing themselves environed by so many Enemies, they resolved to fortify themselves with their Carts and Carriages, and to defend themselves; but what could five or six thousand men prevail against two or three and twenty thousand; for so many were thought to be in the Turks Army: True it is, they expected daily Prince Cherbanne, and the Lord Bossi, who were within two days Journey, and brought with them ten or twelve thousand men. This made the Bassa and Michna to advance, to force the Polonians to yield or fight. Coming near unto their Camp, 
The Prince's Army summoned to yield.  and seeing them invested on all sides but towards the Wood, they approached their Cannon, which had been able to have spoiled their Camp, but it was not their design; they only desired to take the Princes and Princesses Prisoners, with the chief Noblemen: Whereupon they sent to summon the Polonian Army to deliver into their hands the said Princes and Lords, promising that the rest of the Army should depart with Bag and Baggage; whereunto they would not yield, but made an Answer all with one consent, That they would rather die than commit such Baseness and Treachery. This being reported to the Bassa and Prince Michna, they commanded that some of their Cannon should be charged with small Bullets, and discharged through the Polonian Army; whereby there were a great number slain and wounded. The Princes, who had but some small pieces, made certain Volleys, but to small purpose; neither had they any more Bullets left, and little Powder; for that by ill chance part had been burnt some few days before; so as all things seemed to foretell their ruin at hand The Lord of Tischevich, 
A brave retreat made by Tischevich.  having judiciously observed, that remaining in that enclosure, he could not escape Death, or at least Captivity, resolved with five hundred Horse (the most valiant among the Polonians) to force through three or four Squadrons which were set in guard by the Wood side, to the end none might escape, that Place being most suspected to the Turks; the which they executed with such fury, as they overthrew all they encountered; showing, that it is a very dangerous thing to make head against those who are reduced to that Extremity, as they must either vanquish or die. Prince Coreskie would not have failed to have made the like Retreat, and to have carried Prince Alexander with him; but he could not sit on Horseback by reason of his Wounds; and besides, he had rather have died than to leave his Wife in that Extremity. His last refuge was to disguise himself as well as he could, giving it out, that he had escaped with Tischevich, to the end he might pass for a common Soldier, if the Prisoners were put to Ransom. In like manner the Princesses disguised themselves in the best manner they could, for the like intent.  
The Turks Cannon having overthrown many of their Carriages, which served as a Rampire, two Squadrons, one of Tartarians, and the other of Turks, presented themselves at one instant in two several places to force the Polonians Camp; who seeing no means to make resistance, and to repel the Enemy, laid down their Arms, crying out with a loud Voice, That they yielded; whereat their Enemies were exceeding glad, desiring nothing more than to take these Noble Prince's Prisoners, and to dispose of the rest at their pleasures. 
The Princes taken Prisoners, and carried to Constantinople.  The Turks and Tartarians having entered their Camp, making spoil of all, and seizing upon what they could lay their hands on, beginning to share their Prisoners, the Princes Alexander and Bougdan, with their Mother, were deliveed unto Skinder Bassa, who led them to Constantinople, whereas soon after their arrival they forsook their God, denied their Faith, and became Renegadoes, for fear of perpetual Imprisonment, wherewith they were threatened. For which Infidelity Bougdan was presently punished; for having caused himself to be Circumcised according to the Law of Mahomet, he died, and the Princess his Mother was confined to the old Seraglio. As for Prince Coreskie (in this general ruin of a Christian Army being forced to yield and submit itself to the Turks Tyranny) he had so disguised himself, as he passed for a time unknown, and was led to Yas among the common Soldiers, where he was afterward discovered by a Soldier of his own Party, who obtained his liberty by this base treachery. The Turkish Captain who had gotten this Prince, hearing of his quality by the aforesaid Villain, 
Prince Coreskie being disguised is discovered.  he led him to Skinder Bassa his General, who recompensed him well, and made both him and the Soldier who discovered him, to take solemn Oaths not to impart it to any man; for he had an intent to draw some great Ransom from this Prince, and to restore him to his former liberty, knowing well, that if he carried him to Constantinople, the Grand Signior would confine him into his Prisons, by which means he should make no use no● benefit by his taking. But it happened, that another perfidious of the Polonian Army advertised Michna of Coreskie's Captivity, and in whose hands he was; who was so jealous, as he crossed and overthrew the good design of Skinder Bassa, telling him plainly in the presence of many, that he knew for certain, Prince Coresky was amongst his slaves, and that he should beware he did not escape, for that the Grand Signior would call him to account. The General made answer, that he would be glad it were so, but he had not yet any notice of him, thanking Michna for his good advice. But, fearing that if he did what he intended, suffering Prince Coresky to escape for a Ransom, the Sultan coming to the knowledge thereof, would be much incensed, and punish him with disgrace or death, the next day he told Prince Michna plainly, that the advice he had given him was true, and that Coresky had been found disguised among his other Prisoners, whom he would present unto his Master, with the Princes Alexander and Bougdan, as he did▪ of whose delivery you shall hear hereafter. The young Princess, Wife to Coresky, having disguised herself, and disfigured her face with her Nails, and other helps, fell into the hands of a Tartarian Captain, with many others, who carried her into Tartary, whereas she was most inhumanely entreated.  
In the Mediterranean Sea, 
The courses of the Florentine Galleys.  Cosmo great Duke of Tuscany continued his Enterprises this year against the Turks: his Galley's part from Ligorn, and run into the Levant, in quest of some occasions to annoy these Infidels. They drew near unto Cerigo, in old time Citharea, the five and twentieth of April, where, meeting with certain Christian Ships, some Venetians advertised them, that in the Island of Chio, the Turks had prepared two Galleys to pass into Barbary. Inghirami (Admiral to the Great Duke) resolved to set upon them; being on the way, he turned with his Fleet where they were to pass, and being covered by the Night, he cast Anchor under Castle Roux. But as he attended a favourable Occasion, the Moon shining, discovered him to the Turks, and the Guards having advertised the Turks Galleys, they presently began to fly, the one rowing amain towards Land, and the other continued her course at Sea with all speed. Inghirami with his Admiral Gallie got before that which was going to Land, invested it, being followed by the Galley called St. Stephen, and three hours within Night grappled with it, and laboured to enter it; but the Turks (who were all good Soldiers) defended it valiantly, so as they were above an hour fastened together, hewing one another furiously; yea, the Turks (who were entered into Inghirami's Galley) fought valiantly upon the Hatches; but in the end the Florentines had the Victory, 
The Turkish Galleys taken by the Florentines.  and took this Galley, yet with much loss of Christian Blood. It was the Patron Gallie of that famous Pirate Amurath Raise, which was commanded by the Son of Mammi, a Portugal, called Mustapha Celebi, who was taken alive, but sore wounded. The other Galley which had fled to Sea, and was the Captain Gallie of the said Amurath Raise, commanded by the Bey of Mitilene, Nephew and Son-in-Law to that Pirate, called Amurath, who had married his Daughter, being his Mother's Son, was invested by the Galleys of Saint Marie Magdalene, and the Patron Saint Cosmo; the Combat was no less furious than the other, the Turks making a wonderful defence; but after some hours fight, in the which the Blood of either side was abundantly spilt, the Florentines had the Victory; Amurath, Bey of Mitilene, was slain, and Mustapha, whom these Turkish Galleys carried to Algiers in Barbary. They were of five and twenty banks a piece, carrying Lanterns, and furnished with all things necessary, and manned with four hundred and twenty Janissaries, all men of Action, and practised in Piracies with that Pirate Amurath Rats. In this prize the Florentines took two hundred and forty Turks, and freed four hundred and thirty Christians; among the Artillery of these Galleys, they recovered a Cannon and two Sacres of the Galley of Saint john, and a Sail belonging to the Great Duke's Captain Gallie, which the Pirate Amurath Raise had formerly spoiled. These Turkish Galleys were laden with great store of rich Commodities, the which was valued at two hundred thousand Crowns. But this Conquest was gotten with the loss of much Blood; for the Florentines had two hundred twenty three men wounded, and five and thirty slain in those two Combats; the which made the Admiral Inghirami to rest satisfied in this Voyage with the taking of two Galleys, after which he returned to Ligorn.  

Deputies meet at Vienna to confirm the Peace betwixt the Emperor and the Turk.  We have formerly made mention in the Jesuits Business, being presented at Constantinople, of the entry which the Emperor's Ambassador made into that City. And this was the Effect of his Ambassage. The Peace concluded at Situa Torok, in the year 1606, betwixt the Emperor and the Sultan, was somewhat altered by the divers Interpretations and Explications, which they made of the Articles therein contained. But this year 1616, in the Month of March, the Ambassadors of both their Imperial Majesties assembled at Vienna in Austria; that is to say, the Cardinal Forgatsie, Archbishop of Strigonium, and Chancellor to the Emperor, the Cardinal Klessel, Bishop of Vienna, the Baron of Rainek, Count Adolph Althen, the Earl of Solmes, the Earl of Thoron, and Pauli Apponi Nagi, for the Emperor; Hali Bassa of Buda, Achmat Tihaia, and Gasper Gratsiani, for the Turk; where they concluded these following Articles, to take away all pretext of Controversy in the Explication of those which were agreed upon at Situa Torok. But it was after that Ambassadors had been sent of either side, as well to Constantinople as to Prague, with royal and rich Presents.  

Articles extracted out of the Letters Patents of Achmat Emperor of the Turks.  
1. FOrasmuch as many things have happened of either side, 
Articles touching the differences of the Peace.  contrary to the Peace concluded at Situa Torok, it hath been necessary to confirm it anew, and to reduce it into the right course: Wherefore this holy Peace, made and concluded at Situa Torok, shall be observed for twenty years complete, to begin at the date of these presents. Given in the month of Chomazilabil, in the year of the Prophet, 1024.  
2. That the Peace heretofore concluded at Situa Torok, shall remain firm in all its Articles, according to the Treaty which the Emperor Rodulphus did send unto Us, signed with his hand, and sealed with his seal, the which we have received willingly, and the same Treaty we also sent back confirmed to the Emperor of the Romans, the which he received in like manner. And this Treaty which was sent unto Us bare date the ninth of December, in the year 1606 of Jesus, of reverend and happy memory; and that which we sent unto the Emperor of Romans, wherewith he was satisfied, was dated in the year of the Prophet One thousand twenty one.  
3. Since the time that Agria, Canise, Alba-Regalis, Pesth, Buda, Zolnok, Hatwan, and other places have been taken, that the Villages which were of their appurtenances shall hereafter remain annexed unto them. But those Villages, which since the Peace of Situa Torok have been hindered from paying their Tribute by either side, or have been held by force, contrary to the Treaty of Peace, that those Villages shall be viewed by Commissaries appointed by Us and the Emperor of the Romans, and presently shall be set at liberty, and restored to their Lords and right owners. As for the Villages which pay Tribute to either part, those which are situate upon the Frontiers of the Emperor of the Romans, towards Novigrade and other Places, shall be viewed by Commissaries thereunto deputed, who shall take a Register, to the end those Villages may not be molested by our Neighbours. In like manner, the Commissary shall make a Register of the Villages which pay to both sides, lying near the Towns of the Emperor of Romans, of Strigonium and other Places; to the end they may take notice what Villages are bound to the one or the other Party, that hereafter there might grow no Controversy. And for that which concerned the 158 Villages about Strigonium, for the which there was some controversy, the sixty lying nearest to the said Town shall be adjudged as it hath been agreed, and the Commissaries of either side shall take order for it. The foresaid Villages lying near to Strigonium, and all others of the Realm of Hungary, which shall be adjudged to the one or other Party, shall not in any sort be disquieted, more than of ancient Custom, and there shall be nothing exacted from them more than the Tribute.  
The judges of Villages shall pay unto the Lord the Tributes according to the ancient Custom; if the judges do not bring the Tribute, the Bassa or Beg of the Place shall summon the Inhabitants thrice, to the end their judges may come and pay the Tribute, and if they do it not after these summonings, he shall write unto the next Governor for the Roman Emperor, that the judges of the Villages may be sent unto him with the Tribute: And finally, if after all these Formalities it be not paid, the Bassa or Beg may use force to fetch in these Inhabitants, and make them Slaves; the which shall be observed throughout all the villages which owe us tribute in the Realm of Hungary, yet nothing shall be exacted or demanded of them more than they have been accustomed to pay in ancient times. The Commissaries deputed shall view and set down by a joint consent the limits and bounds of the Lands and Signories, which are held by either part in the upper or lower Hungary, and in the Realms of Croatia and Sclavonia.  
4. They that shall break the Peace of either part, if they cannot be convicted and punished instantly; we have decreed, that there shall be order taken of either side, and justice shall be done within three Months. All Prisoners of War and others which have been taken since the Peace of Situa Torok, shall be set at liberty without ransom.  
5. Achmet Tahaia hath presented unto us a Roll of Places built and fortified since the Peace, for the retreat of Soldiers. Whereupon we have ordained, that Informations should be taken of all Fortifications made on either side since the Peace of Situa Torok; and if it be found that any Fortification hath been made contrary to the Peace, it shall be visited within four Months by the Captains on both sides, or by a Nobleman of either Party, and the Fortifications which shall be found to have been thus made contrary to the Peace, shall be demolished.  
6. And, for that some wicked and malicious Spirits have attempted many things unjustly to infringe this holy Peace and good Amity; we have ordained, that if hereafter any Persons of either side shall attempt or practise any thing that is wicked and lewd, contrary to the Peace and mutual Correspondency, we will advertise the Emperor of the Romans thereof; and in like manner the Roman Emperor, King of Hungary and Bohemia, shall write unto us to our Court, and no credit shall be given to the Reports of such Persons.  
7. The Priests, religious Men, and jesuits, among the People of holy Jesus, which follow the Pope's Religion, may build Temples in our Realms, there to say divine Service after their manner, and read the Gospel. We will yield them all favour, and will not suffer any one to disturb th●m contrary to Law and Equity.  
8. It shall be lawful for the Inhabitants born in the Realm of Hungary of either part, to re-edify the Villages ruined and laid waste, and after they are inhabited, they shall pay Tribute to the one and the other, if they be such Villages as have been accustomed to pay to both.  
9 Merchant's shall have free leave to traffic, passing from our Port into those Countries, and the transport of Merchandise shall be free to such as shall take Letters from the Governors of the Frontiers, or from the Receivers of the thirty; the which they shall represent in passing, and the Lord of the Place or the Receiver shall attest the said Letters by his manual sign or seal; for the which they shall not take any thing of the Merchant. If the Merchant be to pass by any dangerous Place, they shall give him a sufficient Convoy to conduct him in safety; and after that the Merchant hath paid of either side the thirtieth, which is the full due, no man shall molest him nor hinder him to go where he pleaseth.  
10. The Merchants which would pass from the Realms and Signories of the Emperor of the Romans, and the House of Austria, into our Kingdoms, with Merchandise or Money, shall come under the Ensign of the Emperor of Romans, and shall have his Letters patents to us, without the which they shall not be suffered to pass. And if they enter without Ensign, or the said Patents, the Agents and Consuls of the Roman Emperor may seize upon their Vessels, Merchandise, and Money, and shall give advice thereof unto their Emperor; wherefore all the Merchants of the Emperor's Countries, of the House of Austria, and of the King of Spain, both as well those of the Low-Countries, as his other Realms, may come with all assurance into our Realms, with their Ships, Money, and Merchandise, paying three in the hundred. And as for the Agents and Consuls of the Roman Emperor, they shall pay unto them two Asper's for the hundred; and in doing so the said Agents and Consuls of the Roman Emperor shall have a care of the Merchant's Affairs. If any Merchant chance to die, the Emperor's Agent and Consul shall cause his▪ Goods to be sealed up, and shall take them into their Possession, to the which our Treasurer shall have no colour or pretention. And when as the Merchants have paid the Custom of three for the hundred in one place, they shall not be bound to pay it in another for the same Merchandise. If the Merchants have any Controversy amongst themselves, or with others, the Cadi, or judge of that Place, may take knowledge of the cause, if it exceed not the value of 4000 Asper's, but it shall be judged by the Cadi of our Port.  
11. As long as this holy Peace shall continue, the Posts which shall be sent with Letters by the Bassas, Begues, Lords and Agents, or by the Viziers, on our behalf to the Emperor of the Romans; and respectively from him to our Court, shall be honourably entertained by our Officers; and if the way be dangerous, they shall give them assistance to conduct them into a place of safety with their Letters. And if the Agent which is with us desire to write any particular Letter unto the Emperor, and not send an express Messenger, that this Letter shall be carried by the post, and delivered safely where it is directed. That the Messengers of the Bassas and Begues shall go no more into the Villages, but the judges shall bring the Tribute and deliver it where they ought.   

An Accord for the Execution of the Articles touching the Villages in Controversy, and the raising of Fortifications.  
TO conclude all Differences touching the division of Villages, and demolition of Fortifications made in prejudice of the Peace of Situa Torok: We the Commissaries deputed, had agreed upon the time of four Months: But, for that all Controversies cannot be decided within that time, by a common consent we have concluded the time of twelve Months, for the Expedition of all that shall remain undecided; all things remaining in the same Estate during the time. For the ending of these Affairs on the behalf of the Majesty of the Roman Emperor, shall be sent the Noble Lord Adolph of Althen, Earl of the sacred Empire, with others, according to his Majesty's good Pleasure. And on the behalf of the Ottoman Emperor hath been named the Noble Lord Ali Visier Bassa.  
For the greater assurance of these things, we the said Commissioners have caused six Copies of this Treaty to be dispatched, in the Italian, Hungarian, and Turkish Tongues. And we the Director or Precedent of the Privy Council to his Imperial Majesty, and Cardinal, with other Counsellors of his Privy Council and Commissioners, having full Power and Authority, have confirmed these Presents under our Hands, and the Seals of our Arms.  
As also We Ali Bassa of Buda, Visier to the most powerful Sultan Achmat, Tyhaia Mutafaraga, and Gasper Gratiani, Ambassadors to the Turkish Emperor, with the Imperial Majesty of the Roman Emperor, having full Power and Authority to conclude this Treaty, have signed it with our Hands, and sealed it with our ordinary Seals; whereof there were three Copies delivered to either party. Given at Vienna the first of March, 1616.   
This new Declaration of the Ottoman Emperor, upon the first Articles concluded at Situa Torok, shows plainly how much the Turks are of late days refined from their ancient barbarism and rudeness, having made themselves capable of great Affairs. And these frequent meetings betwixt the Emperor of the Romans, and the Sultan, by their Ambassadors, as a holy watering of the Olive Tree of Peace, seems to make it so flourishing, as the sweet savour may pierce further, and make us hope that God will make use of this peaceful Union, to prepare unto himself some means to a new Harvest, or a healthful Conquest of Souls wandering amidst the falsehoods of the Koran.  
Alexandrina, Wife to Prince Coreskie, having been taken at that unfortunate overthrow of the Polonian Princes in Moldavia, 
Prince Coreskie's Wife carried into Tartary.  by Skinder Bassa and Prince Michna; she was carried away (as you have formerly heard) by a Tartarian Captain, and led Captive unknown to Bialigrot, where she received many Indignities, being with Child; yea during the time of her lying in, which was five or six Months after her taking: all which time she bethought herself of a means to hasten her own Delivery, and withal, to free a Polonian Soldier called jaques, who had carried Arms under Prince Coreskie. This man, although he knew the Princess well, and might by her discovery have purchased his own Liberty, yet he would not do it; wherefore the Princess having tried his Fidelity, taught him a means how to work his own Liberty, and hers in the end, by his Care and Diligence. The Tartarian being one day absent from his Lodging, Alexandrina took occasion to talk with jaques the Polonian; telling him, That having found him faithful unto her, she would direct him a course whereby he might redeem himself from Captivity; so as he would principally observe what she did prescribe. jaques having promised to execute whatsoever this Lady should enjoin him, yea, with the hazard of his Life; she then said unto him: You know the Tartarian, whose Captives we are, hath an elder Brother, a very rich Man, who of late is become blind and deaf, by reason of a great Catarr and Defluction which is fallen down into his Eyes and Ears, wherewith his Brother seems to be much afflicted: I have a Jewel, which my great Lord and Husband gave me when we were made sure, the which I have kept carefully, hiding it sometimes in my Hair, sometimes in my old tattered Rags which I have worn since my Captivity, the which I have much esteemed; for that my dear Spouse had assured me, that the Stone which was set in this Jewel had many and singular Virtues, and amongst others, that it would restore the sight, which had been lost by Defluction, and cure Deafness, so as it were not natural, or too inveterate. I am resolved to take out the Stone, and deliver it thee; after thou hast sounded the Tartarian, whether he will set thee at Liberty if thou dost cure his Brother of his Infirmities; making him swear solemnly not to retain the Stone, but to suffer thee to carry it away, to the end thou mayest restore it unto me without his knowledge. Having resolved upon this Plot, the Lady said unto him, You must also demand of the sick Man a Horse, and some Money, with Passports to go into your Country, to the end thou mayest go speedily to my dear Husband, wheresoever thou shalt hear of him, and to deliver him my Letters, and bring me an answer if it be possible. The Polonian having sworn to perform whatsoever the Lady commanded him, being at Liberty; the Princess delivered him the Stone, he swearing to restore it unto her again, as soon as he had done his cure, if it were not taken from him by Violence.  
The Polonian attended with impatience until the Tartarian did talk unto him of his Brother's Infirmity; who finding him one day much afflicted; took occasion to tell him, that he knew a certain means how to cure his Brother, without any Pain, or taking any thing inwardly; I believe nothing, replied the Tartarian; for all the Physicians in the Country could not do it; but if he could effect his saying, he promised to set him at Liberty without ransom, and to give him wherewithal to conduct him into his Country; It is the recompense, said the Prisoner, I meant to demand, and that you swear unto me by your great God, not to fail of your promise when I have performed mine, and not to retain, nor suffer any one to take from me the thing I shall use in the cure. The Tartarian having solemnly sworn, and laid his right Hand upon his Heart, the Polonian took a time to make preparation for his cure. The Tartarian, although he disinherited his new Physician, yet he acquainted his Brother with the Project, who, being desirous to recover his Senses, entreated his Brother not to neglect the offer, promising to save him harmless, both in regard of the ransom which he expected from the Polonian, and for the Money he should give him. The day appointed being come, the Tartarian pressed the Prisoner to perform his Promise; to whom the sick man also promised a Horse and fifty Chequines to return into his Country, taking the same Oath which his Brother had formerly done. All things being ready, he applied his physical Stone, binding it fast to one of his Eyes for the space of seven hours, after which, being taken away he saw clearly, and in like manner he recovered his other Eye, and afterwards his hearing by the like Application: whereat the Tartarians much rejoiced; giving unto the Polonian what they had promised, and procuring him passports from the Governor, without which he could hardly get out of the Country.  
The Polonian before his departure told the Tartarian Captain that he had a suit unto him, 
jaques seeks out Coreskie.  that was, that the Polonian Woman, which was also his Prisoner, was his near Kinswoman, entreating him that in respect of his good Office he had done to his Brother, he would use her and her little Infant better, and that as soon as he were returned into his Country, he would take a course for her ransom, and it might be would bring it himself. The Polonian, having acquainted the Lady with what had passed, and delivered her Jewel faithfully unto her, having received her Letters to Prince Coreskie, and vowed to find him out, he took his leave. This Polonian travelling towards his Country, met with one of the same Nation, who having been taken Prisoner with Prince Alexander, made an escape; these two discoursing freely of their Adventures, jaques inquired carefully what was become of the Princes which had been carried Prisoners to Constantinople by Skinder Bassa, and especially of Coreskie; and hearing that he was in the Prisons of the Black Sea, he inquired by what means he might speak with this Prince, or at least how he might convey some Letters unto him; to whom he answered, that it was very difficult, for that he was straightly guarded. But he understood that the French Ambassador had sometimes leave to send to visit him, whereof he might inform himself more particularly. After this, jaques entreated his Countrymen to deliver certain Letters which the Princess had written unto her Kinsfolk, the which he promised to perform faithfully, and so they parted. jaques coming to Constantinople, he grew acquainted with one of the French Ambassadors Men, who was sometimes employed to visit the Prince, and to carry him Money and other Necessaries; by whose means he got access unto the Prince, and delivered his Letters, the which he received with much Joy, hearing of his Wife's Health. Eight days after, the Polonian coming to visit the Prince, he received from him an answer to his Wife, and so took his leave; 
He returns into Tartary.  who after many troublesome Encounters, returned to Bialigrot, where, finding the Lady all alone (the Tartarian and his Servants being gone a hunting) he gave an account unto her of his Negotiation, and delivered his Letters, whereat she was much joyed, hearing that he was alive, though infinitely grieved for his Captivity, understanding that the Grand Signior had refused to put him to ransom. After their Discourse, the Princess advertised her faithful Agent, That since his departure, the Tartar had grown jealous of her Quality, and had enquired of her what her Husband, her Kinsfolks, and their Estates were; to whom she had answered, that her Husband was a Captain who had been taken Prisoner with Prince Alexander, and carried with him into Turkey; and as for her other Kinsfolks they were all Soldiers, which had been ruined during the Troubles of Moldavia: desiring the Polonian to remember it well, lest they should be found to differ when they should come to treat of her Ransom. The Tartarian returning soon after to his House, he found jaques the Polonian there, whom he entertained very kindly, both in reward of the good Offices he had done to his Brother, and for the hope he had of his Prisoner's ransom, remembering that jaques had told him that she was his Kinswoman, and that it might be he would bring it. After some little Discourse, jaques asked him, What ransom he would require for his Polonian Prisoner? To whom the Tartarian answered, That he would have six thousand Chequines for her and her Son, unless he would give him the Stone with the which he had cured his Brother; to whom the Polonian replied, That as for the Stone it was not in his Power, having restored it to a Nobleman whom he had followed when he was taken Prisoner. And as for the ransom which he demanded for his Prisoner and her Child, it was more than she and all her Kindred were worth, she being Wife to a Captain who had been taken Prisoner at the defeat of Alexander, and for want of means was still detained. The Tartarian interrupted him, saying, That he understood she was of noble extraction, and that she had rich Kinsfolks, who would not suffer her to spend her Life in Captivity. I confess, said the Polonian, that she is issued from Noble Parents, but they are ruined during the Troubles of Moldavia; adding withal, that he would not have returned if he had thought he would have demanded above a thousand Chequines, the which he offered him, entreating him to accept it, in regard she was his Kinswoman, and for the good Office he had done for his Brother. You have been satisfied, replied the Tartarian, and have no cause to complain: Notwithstanding, after some contesting, by the mediation of the Captain's Brother, who had been so well cured, the Lady's ransom was set at three thousand Chequines, whereof her faithful Agent gave present Intelligence to Prince Charles, Brother to prince Coreskie, who sent this sum with all possible speed; 
Prince Coreskie's Wife redeemed from the Tartarians.  and so the Princess and her little Infant were redeemed from Captivity, and conducted into Polonia by their faithful Solicitor: From whence she advertised the Prince, by Letters, of her delivery. This relation was written by a Frenchman, who, by his report, was present in all the Troubles of Moldavia: but as touching her delivery by means of the Cure, I cannot warrant it, but leave it to the censure of Physicians and Naturalists, who can best judge of the Virtu●s of Stones, Herbs, and Plants; but it is certain that she was imprisoned and ransomed as an unknown Person.  
In the year 1617., there came to Paris a Chiaus, year 1617. a Spanish Renegado, called Solyman, sent from Constantinople with Letters from the Emperor Achmat to the King, 
A Chiaus sent from Constantinople to Paris.  for the delivery of eight and twenty Slaves, who had redeemed their Liberty for Money in divers Ports of Italy, and in their return to Constantinople had been taken by the Ships of Merceilles; the King caused them to be set at Liberty. But the Chiaus had also charge to entreat his Majesty to cause Justice to be done unto the Moors Grannadines, expelled out of Spain, 
The cause of the Voyage.  and wronged in their Goods and Persons, upon their Passage into France; wherein he had what contentment he could expect of Justice. Notwithstanding he did witness openly his amazement at their long delays in the dispatch of Suits; saying plainly, That France, which had the Reputation throughout the World, to maintain every man's right inviolably, did no Justice, but after long and tedious Pursuits; and that the Execution of decrees, was many times longer than the Suit itself. Whereas the Turks Justice (said he) was speedily administered to every Man; and within eight days they saw an end of the greatest and most important Suits. This Chiaus was favourably entertained, and defrayed with his Train for the space of six or seven Months at the King's Charge.  
As the Turks Estate hath not grown great but by Combustions, 
The Estate of the Turks Empire this Year.  so it is ordinarily full of Troubles; whereby it seems that the Preservation thereof depends in making War upon others, or to support it, when as neighbour Princes seek to recover that which they had unjustly wrested from them by the Ottoman Force. So this great Estate entertained this year four great Armies, two at Land, the one against the Persians, his ancient Enemy, the other (consisting in a manner all of Tartarians) against the King of Poland, as supporting the part of the Vayvod of Moldavia against the Turk, who had settled another in that Province: And two naval Armies, 
He entertains four Armies.  the one in the Black Sea against the Cossacks or Russians, who made daily Incursions into the Othomans' Country, Men wholly given to Arms, which go to Sea in small Boats, able to carry but five or six Men, made of the Bodies of hollow Trees; but they are in a manner invincible with these kind of Boats; for when as the disadvantage of a Combat forces them to sound a retreat, they retire near unto the Land, and in such Places whereas the Turkish Galleys cannot approach; and so they easily prevent a total overthrow. Finally, in case of Necessity they carry their Vessels with them. For in the end of the last year, finding the passage of the Black Sea stopped at the mouth of the River of Danow by the Turkish Galleys, they put their Boats into Carts, and taking the way by the Mountains, they brought them easily into the Sea. The Turks fourth Army is in the white Sea, as they call it, employed either to conduct the Caravan, which brings the Tribute from Egypt to Constantinople, or in search of the Galleys of Malta and Florence, which scour those Seas continually to annoy the Turk. The Army against the Persian is led by Haly Bassa, Successor to Mehemet Bassa, he who fled into Persia after that he had lost threescore thousand men in a set Battle; after which, being sent for to come unto Constantinople, fearing that the Sultan would take revenge of so great a loss upon his life, he retired to the Sophy, where he now remains.  

The Turks complain to the Venetians of the Vscoques Spoils.  The Turks being much annoyed both at Sea and Land by the Vscoques, made great Complaint to the Estate of Venice, with whom they are in League, being greatly grieved at their Thefts, and complaining much that they could not pass by Sea without danger of Servitude or Death: adding withal, that these Pirates having gotten a way into Turkey by the Venetians Territories, they were by them made Slaves, and slain in their own Countries: and although they went not from their Houses, nor undertook any Voyages, yet they were still in alarm, and subject unto ruin: That the small Resistance which was made, gave great cause of jealousy, that there was some secret Intelligence betwixt the Subjects of the signory of Venice and the Vscoques, and that they divided the Spoil betwixt them: finally, That in what sort soever the matter past, they held them insupportable to all men, but especially to themselves. The Turks threatened to take their just Revenge; the which being impossible to effect in the Country of the Vscoques (for that by the Letters of the Commonwealth of Venice their Passage was stopped) they resolved to be revenged upon their Subjects, and recover a part of their Goods which they had lost. Finally, they prepared to come into the Gulf of Venice with a mighty Army, the which, without doubt, had brought that State into great Extremities, and been very prejudicial to many Provinces of Christendom. But, for that the Insolences and Thefts of the Vscoques had like to have engaged the Venetians in a dangerous War against the Turk with whom they were in League, it shall neither be unpleasant not unprofitable to make a little Digression, and show what these Vscoques were. 
The beginning of the Vscoques.  About the Year 1550, there assembled together in certain places near the Sea belonging to the Princes of the House of Austria, People (who were cruel, violent, and infamous) from divers parts of the Country of Chim●ra, Dalmatia, and the other Confines of Hungary, and such as had been banished from the State of Venice; whose delight was only to live upon Spoil and Blood. All these Thiefs being thus gathered together (whom they called by a general Name Vscoques) as enemies to all Art and Industry to live honestly by their Labours, 
Enemies to all Art and Industry.  retired themselves into a desert Country, receiving no Pay from the Princes of Austria who command there. Being thus by their natural Inclination given to Spoil, adding thereunto the spur of Poverty, nothing moved them to stay in those places, but all liberty was left them to rob and spoil: whereupon they applied all their Minds and Forces; so as having made certain light Foists, they began to make Courses at Sea, with the most barbarous and impious Cruelty that ever was practised amongst the Scythians, Tartarians, or any other inhuman Nation whatsoever. And, for that it is an ordinary course for any one that will commit a great Villainy, to seek out some goodly Pretext to cover it; so they concluded among themselves, to shadow their Insolences and Thefts with a colour to go against the Infidels: wherefore, in the beginning, there were no Merchants, were they Turks, Jews, or Subjects to the Turk, although they were Christians, but if they entered into the Gulf, either to traffic, or to furnish Venice with Provision and Merchandise, they were taken by them, their Goods divided amongst them, 
They rob the Turks and Jews trafficking to Venice.  and they forced to pay a great Ransom, or to die miserably. All the Ports of the State of Venice, both of Istria, Dalmatia, and the Islands from whence they received their Victuals and Provision, were soon after shut up by these Pirates, who, not content to spoil the Turks (which trafficked no more by reason of their great Dangers and Loss) alured by the rich Spoils which they took, and the desire they had to encounter them, they began to set upon the Venetian Ships, forcing the Merchants whom they took, to confess by Torments, that the Goods belonged to. Turks, although in effect their chief Booty came from Christians. Having drawn many unto them of their own Humours, and thinking their Spoils at Sea not sufficient to satisfy their covetous Desires, nor the Presents which they were to give to others, to be favoured and supported in the Courts of Princes, they stayed not long before they entered with all violence into the Turks Country, through the Venetian Territory, 
They spoil the Turks Country and the Venetians.  to whom they were as hurtful as to the Turks; from whence they carried away rich Spoils and many Prisoners. There was nothing that was precious, rich, or good, but was subject to the insatiable greediness of those pitiless Thiefs and Pirates, if passing by Sea they came near unto the Maritine Coasts. Whereupon grew the great Complaint you have heard made by the Turks, threatening to be revenged upon the Estate of Venice for the insolency of the Vscoques, which afterward bred a cruel War betwixt that State and the Archduke Ferdinand of Grets', now Emperor, who seemed to support them, thereby to engage the State in a War with the Turk. But for that the Success thereof doth not belong to our History, we will leave it to them that have written it at large.  
On the fifteenth of November this year, 
Death of Achmat.  Sultan Achmat Chan, having lived thirty years, and governed that great Empire of Turkey fifteen, died. When he came to the Empire he was but fifteen years old. He was of a good Constitution, 
The Disposition of Sultan Achmat.  well complexioned, and somewhat inclined to be fat, strong, and active, which appeared by his Exercise in casting of a Horseman's Mace of nine or ten pounds' weight, wherein he exceeded any one of his Court; in memory whereof there are two Pillars set up in one of the Courts of the Seraglio at Constantinople, with an Inscription, as marks of his Dexterity. He was by nature ambitious and proud, which some hold qualities befitting his great Estate. He was not so cruel as many of his Predecessors: but he was much given to Sensuality and Pleasure; for the which he entertained three thousand Concubines and Virgins in a Seraglio, being the fairest Daughters of the Christians. His Mother was a Christian of Bosna, or of Cyprus; and therefore it is thought he was somewhat favourable to Christians. He was much delighted in Hawking and Hunting; and namely for Hawking he kept in Grecia and Anatolia 40000 Faulkoners, who attended his coming, and kept his Hawks in their several places of Charge, and had good yearly Pensions. Neither were his Huntsmen much fewer in number, or of less Charge. As the Turkish Emperors are bound, by the Law of their Religion, once every day to practise some manual Trade, so Mahomet, his Father, gave himself to the making of Arrows, and Achmat to the fashioning horn Rings, such as the Turks wear when they draw their Bows. This they do in the morning: after they are ready and have said their Prayers, than they call for their Exercise, but it is only for form, for they scarce make an Arrow or a Ring in a whole year.   

Christian Princes at the same time with Achmat.  

Emperors of Germany, 

Rodolph the Second. 1577. 35.  
Mathias. 1612.    
Kings, 

Of Great Britain, 

King James 

Of England. 1602.  
Of Scotland. 1567.      
Of France, 

Henry the Fourth. 1589.  
Lewis the Thirteenth. 1610.      
Bishop of Rome. 

Paul the V. 1605.       

 

Nought but affliction thundering out of Heaven,  
Makes men on earth to any goodness given.  
Nor longer than she thunders, any fear  
That any heaven holds any Thunderer.  
So Mustapha, while heaven restrained his state,  
And held him fettered in his brother's hate,  
To virtuous actions did his studies drive,  
Was courteous, pious, and contemplative.  
But when his brother could no longer live.  
And liberty did to him power give▪  
Then pride and tyranny his horses were,  
And drive him always past heaven's love or fear,  
Greatness, on Goodness loves to slide, not stand▪  
And leaves, fortunes ice, virtues firm land.  
Honour had rather be with danger driven,  
Than stay with virtue on the hand of Heaven.    

THE REIGN OF MUSTAPHA, The First of that Name, Ninth Emperor of the Turks.  
year 1617. OSMAN, the eldest Son of Achmat, being not above twelve years old, Mustapha, Brother to Achmat, being five and twenty, was drawn out of a Cell where he lived as it were religiously and in Contemplation, and proclaimed Sultan Mustapha Chan. They write of him, that he grew cruel, 
Mustapha advanced to the Empire.  causing young Osman to be kept under sure Guards, putting to death his Brethren: He also did many indignities unto the Christian Ambassadors; and to confirm him in his Throne, he gave great Sums of Money to the Janissaries and Spahies; and sent a Messenger to Vienna to the Emperor, to assure him, that he would maintain inviolably whatsoever had been concluded betwixt him and his deceased Brother Achmat. But, growing odious by reason of his Tyranny, the Grand Visier came out of Persia with an Army and deposed him, forcing him to return to his Cell, 
Deposed again.  setting Prince Osman at liberty, and seating him in the Imperial Throne. But, for that it may seem strange, that Mustapha should be preserved alive during the Reign of his Brother Achmat, (contrary to the custom of the Ottoman Emperors, who do usually kill all their Brethren at their first coming to the Crown, thinking thereby the better to assure their Estates) it shall be fit to make mention thereof. Mahomet, the third of that name, dying in the year 1602, and leaving Achmat and Mustapha, his Sons by the Sultana Flatra, a Lady of Cyprus, some say of Bosna, Achmat, the eldest, was sent for speedily out of Magnesia, by the Bassas, to take possession of his Father's Crown, being the first Emperor of that Name. And, for that the custom of the Turkish Emperors was (as we have said) to have neither Brother nor Nephew alive, unless they could save themselves by flight; yet the Visier Bassanes, and other Officers of the Court, concluded in Council, that it was not fit that Mustapha Brother to Achmat should die; grounding their opinion upon a good reason of State, for that their Emperor being but fifteen years old, they feared (that dying in his Nonage, without children able to govern) the Empire might fall into Combustion, and ruin itself by reason of Civil Wars. Whereupon they decreed, that Mustapha's Life should be preserved; but with that caution and restriction, that he should remain still a Prisoner in some Chambers of the Emperor's Seraglio at Constantinople.  
During Achmat's minority, and before he had Children, there was no cruel Decree made against Mustapha, but he only continued in his Contemplation without any liberty: But when as the Emperor saw himself fortified with Issue, and remembering the cruel Custom of his Predecessors, year 1617. he many times propounded the putting of his Brother to death to his Council; the which may seem very strange it took not effect; having been often concluded. Among others, it is written, that his Death was concluded one Evening, and that it should have been put in Execution the next day: But Achmat was so frighted in the Night with Apparitions and fearful Dreams, as day being come, he said, Seeing that the only Resolution to put his Brother to death had so terrified him, he did believe that his Torments would much increase if he should put it in Execution; and therefore he commanded his Brother should live, more in regard of the Terror of his Mind than for any brotherly Affection. Another time, Sultan Achmat being in one of the Windows of his Seraglio, he beheld his Brother Mustapha, who by his permission was walking in the Gardens with his Guard: Some one of his Bassas or other Officer that was near unto him, and willing to flatter his Humour, told him, that it was a matter of dangerous Consequence to suffer him to have so great Liberty. Achmat (move with jealousy and distrust) grew into rage at his Words, whereupon he suddenly took his Bow and Arrow, (being a very expert Archer, as all the Turkish Nation generally are) and aimed at his Brother to kill him; but at that very instant he felt so great a pain in his Arm and Shoulder, as, not able to let loose his Arrow, nor to perform what he had intended, he said with a loud Voice, That Mahomet would not have Mustapha to die. This Prince had three Chambers in the Seraglio, where he ramained a Prisoner fifteen years, and spent his time in a Contemplative kind of Life, after the manner of the Musulmans; his whole delight was to read the Arabian Books of their Doctors in divers Sciences. The Grand Signior gave him leave sometimes to take the Air of his Gardens with his Guard, and called him to consult with him of Affairs of Estate, taking his Advice many times, knowing him to be of a sound Judgement.  
After a long imprisonment, and a daily apprehension of death, the Emperor Achmat falling grievously sick in November, as you have heard, his Bassas and other Counsellors about him (seeing the danger he was in) persuaded him to take some good course for the succession of his Empire. He had Children by the Sultana, but they so young as they were not capable to govern the Empire. Moreover, this Sultana was dead, and the Children left Friendless, and none to speak for them. But on the other side, the Sultana Flatra, Mother to the Emperor Mustapha, was yet living, who thought, that if the Bassas should undertake to govern the State during the minority of the Emperor's Children, her Honour would be much eclipsed: wherefore she favoured Mustapha, and persuaded the dying Emperor to make him his Successor. On the fifteenth of November, Achmat, seeing his End grow near, he called for his Brother, and told him, That seeing Death approached, he desired to provide for the Preservation of the Empire, and therefore had made choice of him to succeed him, entreating him to take the Government upon him presently after his death. Mustapha was much amazed at his Speech, and answered him with Words full of Fear and Humility, That he might not accept of the Honour which he did him, seeing that the Empire did rightly belong unto his eldest Son. Achmat disabled his Son for so great a Government, both for his Age and Capacity; being necessary for the maintenance of so great a Monarchy, that he (who was of ripe years and deep judgement) should take upon him the managing thereof; recommending the Children he had by the Sultana, unto him; entreating him to use them in the same manner that he had used him; leaving the other Children which he had by Concubines, being his Slaves, to his Discretion. Soon after these Words, Achmat died, and Mustapha was generally acknowledged for Successor to the Turkish Empire; who at the first was so amazed, as he thought he had been in a Dream, to see himself advanced to so great a Power and Sovereignty, from a strait Prison, and a daily apprehension of Death. At his first coming to the Empire, he caused the Persian Ambassador to be set at liberty, whom his Brother Achmat had caused to be restrained, contrary to the public Faith; for that News came unto the Court of some Combustions raised by the Persian. After which he sent speedily to the Bassa of Buda in Hungary, commanding him to entertain the Treaty of Peace, made by his Predecessor with the Emperor, inviolably. Yet notwithstanding he carried himself, during the small time of his Reign, insolently and cruelly; for, violating the Laws of Nations, he had ill entreated the Baron of Mole or Sancy, Ambassador to the most Christian King, setting Guards upon him as a Prisoner, having caused his People to be put in Prison, and tortured after their manner. The reason of this Indignity which Mustapha did unto the French Ambassador, and to his People, grew upon an occasion which will require an ample Discourse, for the better understanding of that which hath gone before. After the Overthrow and taking of the Princes of Moldavia, Prince Coresky, as you have heard, was brought by Skinder Bassa to Constantinople, whereat the Grand Signior was wonderfully well pleased, for that he was held (even by his Enemies) for one of the most valiant and redoubted Princes of Christendom; wherefore he was sent away Prisoner, and confined to the Towers of the black Sea, the which are distant five miles from Constantinople; a place appointed for the guard of Prisoners of great Quality and Importance, such as he was. He was shut up with a French Captain called Rigaut, in a little Chamber which was on the top of one of those Towers, in which Chamber there was a Window capable for a Man to pass through, and yet it had no bars, for that the height of the place freed it from all suspicion. This Prince was much solicited by the Turk to become a Renegado, 
The generous Resolution of Prince Coreskie.  as the Princes Alexander and Bougdan, his Brothers-in-law, had done; but he resisted it with a generous Resolution, resolving rather to die in that tedious Captivity, than to commit so base an Act against God and his Conscience: The which being made known unto the King of Polonia, it moved him to compassion, and made him write to the French Ambassador, and to entreat him to be a means that this Prince might be put to Ransom, and freed from Captivity, at what price soever; the which the Ambassador durst not undertake, although he desired it much, for that he had no Charge from the King his Master. The Emperor's Ambassador did what possibly he could, knowing how much the Liberty of this Prince might be available to Christendom: for which Considerations, the Turk would not yield in any sort to suffer him to be released; so as the Friends of this Captive Prince were out of hope ever to see him at liberty. But most commonly in such Extremities the Almighty works by the secret Instruments of his divine Providence, and gives assistance unto them that fear him, when as all humane help and hope fails, as you may understand in the sequel of this History: whence grew the Ambassador's Affront which he received.  
About the same time, there had been a Lady taken out of Podolia, with a fair young Daughter of hers and a Maid-Servant, by the Tartarians, who sold them unto a Turk, and he brought them unto Constantinople to make his Profit. This Lady, who was a Christian, hearing nothing from her Husband for the space of nine months, went, accompanied with her Daughter, to the French Ambassador's House, which was at Pera, to crave his Aid and Assistance; where his Secretary (who was called Martin) moved with Compassion and Love, promised unto them all Service, and afterwards assured the Mother, That if she would promise he should marry her Daughter, he would endeavour to redeem them from Captivity: whereunto the Ladies yielded, and they passed their Promise in Writing to the Secretary; whereupon he paid two thousand and five hundred Crowns for their Ransom, and sent them home into their Country. Being returned, the Lady made her Husband and the rest of her Friends acquainted how they had been freed from Captivity, and of the Contract of Marriage which was passed between her Daughter and the French Ambassador's Secretary; but the Father did altogether dislike of this Marriage, for that Martin, he said, was no Gentleman, and had not an Estate to entertain his Daughter according to her Quality. The Mother advertised Martin soon after of the Father's Refusal, protesting unto him, That he alone was the hindrance: and as for the Money which he had disbursed for their Ransom, they would send it unto him, if he pleased, to Constantinople, with Interest. Martin was much discontented, and divers Letters and Expostulations passed betwixt them, but he could not obtain the Execution of his desire, and their promise; whereupon he grew full of Grief and Melancholy, and thereupon went to visit Prince Coresky who was in the Black Tower, to make his Complaint unto him, and to take his Advice what course were best for him to follow. He made his Excuse that he had been sent by his Master to carry the Prince some Money, as he had done at other times, who making the Prince acquainted with his Discontent (for that he knew these Podolians, and had formerly allowed of the Suit which he had made to this Virgin) he comforted him, saying, That if he might by any means get out of Prison, he would willingly supply the Defects which they objected against him, and would maintain him against all that should oppose themselves against his accomplishing of his Desires. year 1618. This made Martin study by what means he might free the Prince, 
A Device to free Prince Coreskie from Prison.  to the end he might bind him to succour him when he was at liberty, and Love, which is many times the Author of many goodly Inventions, suggested one unto him which was very subtle and difficult to execute; which was, to send unto Prince Coresky a bottom of Packthread in a little Pie, which he sent him with other meat, advertising him by a Letter, that upon a certain night concluded betwixt them, he should put down the Packthread at his Chamber-Window, whereunto a Ladder of Cords should be tied, by the which he might descend from the Tower: the which was afterwards punctually effected, not by Martin himself, but by a Greek Priest, who lived in Constantinople, to whom he had imparted his Enterprise, and had engaged him upon hope of great reward from the Prince. In the mean time, Martin, doubting that he should be suspected to practise this Escape, resolved to be gone, and took leave of the Ambassador, whom he gave to understand, that he had some special urgent Affairs which did press his speedy Return into France; and therefore he left the Execution of his Design to the Greek Priest, who failed not at the time appointed to do as the Secretary had directed him. 
Prince Coreskie escapes out of Prison.  The Prince having drawn up this Ladder of Ropes with the help of his Packthread, and being come to the foot of the Tower, with his Chamber-Fellow, he found the Greek Priest attending for them, who told him, that he had charge from Martin to conduct them to a certain Cave, which was in a great Rock a League from thence, where they must remain all the day, and that in the Evening he would not fail to come unto them, and bring them Habits like unto his own, that being so disguised, he might conduct them to his Lodging in Constantinople, and there conceal them as long as they should think fit. This Device pleased them well, and so they went all three unto the said Cave, whereas the two Cameradoes hid themselves, and the Priest returned to his House.  
At the break of day, it being the three and twentieth of November 1617., some of the Guards entering the Prisoners Chamber, saw that they were escaped, and found the Ladder of Ropes which they had used tied to the Window; whereat they were much amazed, knowing well that they should smart for it: notwithstanding, he who had charge of the Prisons, sent speedily to Constantinople, to give notice of their Escapes. As soon as this was known, they sent Posts speedily to all parts, to make inquiry of these Fugitives, especially at the ports and passages, giving them special charge to observe all men that passed, if there were not one who had the little finger of his right hand shrunk up, as Prince Coresky had by a Wound which he had received. 
The French Ambassador's men tortured by the Turks.  Within few days after, the Turk seized upon the Servants of the Baron of Sancy or Mole, Ambassador for the French, torturing two of them after their manner; which is, to lay the Party upon a Table on his Belly, and to give him three or four hundred blows with a staff upon the soles of their Feet, the calves of their Legs, and their Buttocks, yet could they not make them say any thing that might charge their Master, as these Turkish Tormentors did hope. Not content herewith, they did as much to a poor Turk, who was a Weaver by his Trade, and dwelled near unto the Ambassador, thinking to force him by this cruel torture to depose falsely, that he had seen the Secretary Martin going and coming to his Master's Lodging, until the time of the Prisoner's Escape: but God would not suffer the Weaver to depose any thing but the Truth, notwithstanding all the miserable and cruel Torments which he had suffered. The which is worthy the Observation, for that the Turks do generally hate Christians mortally, and do greatly rejoice at their Disasters. As for the Guards of the Towers, some of them were empailed, and some were pounded or beaten to pieces in great Mortars of Iron, wherein they do usually pound their Rice to reduce it to Meal.  
Three days after, the Chiaus Bassa had charge to seize upon the Person of the French Ambassador, the which he performed very severely and uncivilly, without any respect unto his quality. Having taken him, the said Chiaus led him unto the Visier's House, where, having been examined upon many Circumstances touching the Escape of Prince Coresky, they left him as a Prisoner in the hands of the said Chiaus, 
The French Ambassador imprisoned by the Turks.  where he continued for the space of three days; during the which, the said Ambassador desiring to write to some of his Friends, and also to speak with the Mufti, which is the Turks Highpriest, to acquaint him with his just grievances, he could not obtain leave, but by giving two thousand Crowns unto his Jailor: True it is, that this Present made the Chiaus tell the Ambassador, that if he would obtain any favour from the Mufti, he must procure it by Money; according to which Advice, he gave three or four thousand Crowns, whereupon the Mufti became tractable, acquainting the Grand Signior Mustapha with the Ambassador's just Complaints, and of what Importance his Detention was, seeing there was nothing found to charge him, That he had favoured the Escape of Prince Coresky, as it was suspected; and that his Secretary, who had practised it for his own private profit, had left his Master above ten or twelve days before the said Escape, with an intent, as he said, to return into France. Finally, That all the World would tax him to have violated the Law of Nations, and that no Christian Prince, nor other, would hereafter put any confidence in him; and it was to be feared, that they would all join together, and make War against him; and in truth the Ambassadors, both the King of England's and the Low Countries, were much discontented at this unworthy usage of the French, protesting openly, That if he were not speedily fet at liberty, they would retire themselves into their Countries. All which Considerations, represented by the Mufti, moved the Grand Signior to command, that the said Baron of Mole or Sancy, 
The Ambassador set at liberty.  should be sent back to his House without any farther Displeasure. But all this could not free his Household Servants from their Imprisonment, but he was forced to pay two or three and twenty thousand Crowns for their Redemption; for else they should have been so tormented, as their Lives had been in danger; for so they were threatened. Soon after, the Grand Visier hearing of the tyrannous Government of Sultan Mustapha, returned from Persia with his whole Army towards Constantinople, where he forced him to leave the Empire, and to retire to his Cell, having reigned but two months and some odd days.  
But to return to Prince Coresky, whom we left with Captain Rigaut in the Lodging of the Greek Priest at Constantinople, whereas they lay hidden for the space of two Months, until that their good Host got leave from the Patriarch of Alexandria, as well for himself, as for two others (who he said were of his Society) to go and confine themselves in the Deserts of the Archipelagus, with many Hermits which lived there after the manner of the ancient Anchorites. Having gotten this leave and passport, they embarked, 
Prince Coreskie escapes from Constantinople.  being disguised like Priests, and arrived at Etchut, where they found an English Ship ready to set sail for Messina in Sicily, from whence he went by Land to Naples, where he made himself known to the King of Poland's Ambassador, who was wonderful glad of his Liberty, leading him to the Duke of Ossuna, than Viceroy of Naples, who furnished him with all things necessary, and a good Convoy to go to Rome, where the Pope received singular content to see him, and to hear of his strange Adventures. From thence he passed to Vienna, where the Emperor entertained him according to his merits: after which, he retired to his own house, full of Honour, gotten by his Valour and Constancy in his Afflictions. Our Ambassador that was lately in Constantinople saith, he escaped by the black Sea, and so into Polonia.   

 

Osman, thy gentle nature far declined  
From Turkish tyranny, and pride of mind;  
Which made heaven raise, thee and extirpate them,  
The proud Usurpers of thy Diadem.  
O! would all Princes, when their States are blest  
With power, and empire, think their interest  
In those their blessings, held but by the grace  
Of Gratitude, and Goodness, and no place  
Is held without them long, they soon would try,  
That Truth prevails passed all their Policy.    

THE REIGN OF OSMAN, The First of that Name, Tenth Emperor of the Turks.  
year 1618. PRince Osman being set at Liberty by the Grand Visier, he caused him to he proclaimed Sultan, and seated in the Imperial Throne of the Othomans, with the general Applause of all the Bassas and Army. The French Ambassador being by the same means freed from his Guard, 
The French King sends to Constantinople.  advertised the King his Master, how barbarously he had been entreated by Mustapha, entreating his Majesty to revoke him from that charge. Whereupon the King sent two Gentlemen to Constantinople to the new Emperor Osman, to demand reparation of the Indignity done unto his Ambassadors and Secretary; and to let him understand, that he could not send any other Ambassador to his Court to condole the Death of Sultan Achmat his Father, nor congratulate his coming to the East, until that he had received satisfaction from him befitting his Dignity, and the wrongs he had received in his Ambassador. The Grand Visier and the Muphty hearing this Embassy, and considering of the Actions which had passed, advised the Emperor Osman to send an Ambassador to the most Christian King, to confirm their League, and to testify both by Word and Letters how much he was displeased for his Discontent.  
The Grand Signior, by the Advice of his Visier and others, 
The Turk sends an Ambassador into France.  sent Vri Chiaus into France, to confirm the Articles of Peace betwixt the French and the Turks. At his first Audience he presented a Letter unto his Majesty with this Superscription.  
To the most glorious and puissant Prince of the belief of Jesus, Arbitrator of all the Differences which happen among the Christian Nations, and of all the most noble, and the most ancient, the Emperor of France, to whom we wish the end of his Days to be happy, and his Desires accomplished.  

His Letter to the French King.  KNow, that I send unto you the Capitulations and Treaties of Peace which are betwixt our Majesties; giving you to understand, that there is not any thing firm or stable in this World, neither King nor Beggar, although they live long; that which pleaseth God cannot fail. If all men's desires should succeed, without doubt all men would go to Heaven. Man whatsoever he doth, or in what Dignity soever he be, shall not remain in this frail Life; wise men know it, and it is apparent to the learned. By that which we have said, we desire to let you know, that he who was in Health, hath encountered Death, and is gone to a goodlier Place, to Paradise, my Father Sultan Achmat Chan; the God which hath no resemblance, have mercy on him. No man shall remain in this lying World: And in Paradise are the Approaches to the Almighty God, year 1618. where there is no Death. Finally he is gone.  
Since the beginning of the Othomans, until this present, the Empire of my Fathers and their Countries from Father and Son, from Hand to Hand, and from Father to Son, the Inheritance coming so unto us; Our Uncle Sultan Mustapha Chan, for that he was elder than ourselves, was preferred before us to the Throne of the Othomans, and was some days in peaceable possession of the Empire, yielding justice equally to all men both great and small. But as he was shut up many years in secret Places, praying unto God continually; so of himself he hath relinquished the Dignity of the Emperor, and contemned it. The Empire then belonging to those of our high Lineage, and for that by right it should come unto me, the Almighty God by his infinite Bounty and Mercy hath restored it into my Hands, my Viziers, Bassas, Lieutenants, the Mufti, and other great Personages, and they that are in any respect with me; and finally, all my Subjects and Vassals, by a general consent have acknowledged me for Emperor, in the happy year 1027, about the first day of the Moon of January, in a good hour. Wherefore I am seated in the great Throne of the Othomans, like unto that of Solomon, a powerful and able Emperor, and in all our Countries and Cities; All the Musulmans being assembled together in their Churches to preach, the greatness of my Name hath been proclaimed, and through all the Mints of mine Empire they have graven it in their Stamps, to coin pieces of Gold and Silver. Finally, wheresoever there are any Musulmans, and in what Places there are Men, my Name shines like Gold. Hereafter Injustice nor Impiety shall have no Place, but justice shall be done equally. Now we are in joy, and for that our natural Disposition is good, and the ancient Friendship betwixt us is perfect, I therefore thought good to advertise you of all that hath passed here, and to send you our Letters of Imperial Alliance by Ureiu Chiaus, who is my ancient Servant, having had the managing of my Treasure, whereof he hath given me good account, being arrived at your Court, carrying my said Letter, he deserves to be received with Honour: swearing and protesting again unto you, to observe in all points the full Capitulation made betwixt my Predecessors and your Great Grandfathers, and for Our part, you may be assured, that the Faith promised shall be maintained as it hath been heretofore by our Predecessors. And from the day I entered into my Throne, I have made by will known to all my Viceroys, and other Officers which do my justice, and generally to all those of my Obedience; entreating you to give the like Commandment to your Governors of Provinces, and other Officers of justice, as in like manner to all your Subjects. And as your Grandfathers have taken the Faith of our High Family, so it may please you to continue with me, and we desire that on both sides it may be good and firm. Know then that for my part it shall be observed, so as of your side, there be nothing done contrary to the promised Faith. And if before we came unto the Imperial Throne, your Ambassador, which did your Affairs, hath received received any distaste, and hath not received the Honour and Friendship accustomed, in my time he shall be the more honoured and respected, as the chiefest Ambassadors have been: I have commanded, that he shall be greatly favoured, and our Respect shall be unto him as Quine●, that is to say, Gold, and doubt nothing of it: for I do certify you.  
The French King having received by this Action a full satisfaction for the Indignity done unto his Ambassador, soon after he called the Baron of Mole, or Sancy, home into France, sending the Earl of Sezi to succeed him as Ambassador at Constantinople.  

A Battle betwixt the Turks and the Persians.  The War continuing still betwixt the Turks and the Persians, the Grand Visier was sent to invade Persia with a great Army; where, after many Exploits of War, News came to Constantinople, That the Visier had gotten a great advantage upon the Sophy of Persia in a Battle which had been fought, wherein there had been an hundred thousand men slain. And although the Turks lost the greatest number, yet they remained Masters of the Field, and spoiled the Permians Camp, who was retired or fled: for that the manner of the Sophy is, to fight with the Turks in retiring or giving way a little; and with this manner of fight they have always made Head against the Turks. After this Overthrow, the Visier advanced with his Army, and entered far into Persia, which made many doubt that his Return would prove difficult: yet soon after there came Letters to Constantinople, importing, That the Turks being in Persia in great distress for Victuals, the Sophy had sent an Ambassador to the Visier to demand Peace, promising hereafter to satisfy the Tributes of Silk which he ought yearly unto the Turk; 
A Peace concluded betwixt them.  and that the Visier (in regard of the necessity of his Army) had accepted his Offer, and granted him Peace, the which Sultan Osman did afterwards ratify. After the conclusion whereof, the Sophy sent many Camels loaden with Victuals unto the Turks Army, which was in great distress and want.  
During the Turks War in Persia, upon the Anniversary day of Sultan Achmat, 
A Comet seen over Constantinople.  there appeared in the Night a Comet over the City of Constantinople, in form like unto a crooked Sword, or Turk's Scimitar; and it was so great as it extended from the Meridian near unto our Zenith, unto the Horizon: the point began to show itself an hour after midnight, and then it appeared little and somewhat whitish, and gave but a glimpse; after an hour it was more apparent, and of a deeper colour, and the more it did rise, the redder it was, and like unto blood; but at the break of day it vanished by little and little in the light; and it was so big when the point approached near unto the Zenith, as the Hilt was hidden under the Horizon: The Mathematicians did observe, that it followed the motions of the Heavens; it did always rise in one place, and the bending of the said Sword was toward Crates, more Southerly than it. It did appear directly in the East a quarter toward the South, the point coming directly towards Constantinople, and the Blade extending itself to the said East a quarter to the South, which is justly the part where Persia is situated. The Edge looked directly towards Constantinople, the which made men discourse diversely, and many were amazed, fearing that it did signify the loss and defeat of their Army in Persia, whose Return they feared much.  
Vri and Husseine Chiaus, having finished his Embassy in France, came into England with the like Charge, and had Audience from his Majesty at Whitehall, Sir Thomas Glover being Interpreter; from whom I received a true discourse of his whole Speech, as followeth.  

The Turkish Ambassador's Speech to his Majesty.  
HAc subhanehu, ve Allahuteale, Saadetlu, ve izzetlu Padishah hazeretlerinung umriny ve deuletiny ziyad ve berziyad eileie, Amen yah Rabil alemin.  
Ziyade cudretlu ve saadetlu Sultan Ali Osman Chan Padishah Hazeretleri; saadetlu Padishah Hazeretlerine juzbin selamler ve doaler idub, but namei humaiun saadet maakrunile, Sultanum Hazeretlerine irsal idub: umidleri oldurchi, maabenilerinde munakid olan sulhu selah, but anedeghin, ne veczuzre chywz olundise, halia dachi ol uslub uzre her daim giunden gin artirub mucarer olmasina murad humaiunleridur.  
Ali Osman, Padishahung dachi Lala ve Bash vezirazam Bassa hazeretleri, saadetlu Sultanum hazeretlerine juz been selamber idub, but mektub sherifleri dachi hakis pay sheriflerine irsal idub doaler ider.  
Assitanei saudette dachi mutemekin olan elczighiz nam Paulo Pinder Cullighiz hakis pay sheriflerine juz kylyndikdensongra, mubarek aiaghyn puss idub, but mektub Sultanum hazeretlerine irsal eiledy ler.   
The Interpretation hereof is thus: 
THat most true, incomprehensible, and most high God, increase and multiply your Majesty's Years in all Happiness and Felicity: Amen, oh thou Lord of the World.  
The most invincible, most mighty, and most happy Sultan Osman Chan, of the Ottoman Empire Monarch, sendeth unto your excellent Majesty a hundred thousand Salutations and Greetings, evermore praying the most high God for your Majesty's Happiness, sendeth unto your Highness, with all possible Honour and Renown, this his Imperial and most noble Letter, and withal hopeth, that the sacred bond of Peace, which hath been hitherto inviolably on your Majesty's parts kept and observed; your Majesty will be well pleased still on your part, with daily increase more and more of Friendship, earnestly to continue therein. And his Imperial Majesty, on his behalf, is also resolved in like manner evermore punctually to keep and observe the same.  
Also the most mighty Emperor's Tutor, and his chief Visier Bassa, hath addressed to the dust of your noble Feet, this his most honourable Letter, with a thousand Commendations, praying everlastingly that mighty God for your Majesty's long Life and Happiness.  
Also your Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople, your Slave Paul Pinder, bowing his Forehead to the dust of your Majesty's Feet, and most humbly kissing your Highness blessed Feet, hath directed unto your Majesty this his submissive Letter.   

This that now followeth is the said Ambassador's Speech to his Majesty at the taking of his Leave at Whitehall.  
SAadetlu Padishahum, Nitekim but kullighiz hakis pay sheriflerine effendimuz olan Cudretlu ve adaletlu Ali Osman Padishah Hazeretlerinung name humaiunlerin destimuzile teslin eileduk: Regia ve temenamuz budurkis Sultanum hazaretcleri dachi angha giore effendimuze name sheriflerile giovab idub but killighize teslim èi lemek erzany buriurila, ve herdaim saadette ve deulette peydar ola.   
The Interpretation verbatim is thus: MOST happy Emperor, As I have with mine own Hands, bowing myself to the dust of your Princely Feet, appresented unto your excellent Majesty the most mighty and high Sultan Osman, my Lord and Master, his Imperial Letter; so likewise, I most humbly beseech your Majesty, that you will be pleased, in conformity thereof, to vouchsafe your princely Answer by your noble Letter, and to deliver the same into the hands of me your Slave; and be ever Partaker of all Blessedness and Happiness.  
A Copy of the Letter of Sultan Osman, the Ottoman Emperor, written to the King's Majesty, and presented by Hussein Chiaus.  
ALthough in this transitory World, if the King or the Beggar should enjoy the longest term of Life that might be, and obtain all that his heart could wish, yet it is most certain, that in the end he must depart, and be transported to the World Eternal; and it is well known unto the wise, that it is impossible for man to abide for ever in this World. The occasion of this Prologue is, that the immortal, omnipotent, and only God, hath, by his divine Will and Pleasure, called unto himself our Father, of blessed Memory, Sultan Achmat Chan, who in life was happy, and in death laudable; and departing out of this momentary World to be nearer the merciful Creator, being changed into perfect Glory and eternal Bliss, hath his habitation on high, and his rest in Paradise. This Paternal Empire and Monarchical Kingdom, hath almost until this present blessed time been always hereditary, from Grandfather to Father, from Father to Son, and so cursively on that manner: but, having regard unto the Age and Years of our great and noble Uncle Sultan Mustapha, he was preferred and honoured to sit on the Ottoman Throne, and being settled for some time, took care for the Affairs of the Empire, and for all that might concern the People both in general and particular. But he, having been many years retired in Solitariness, and given to Devotion and Divine Obedience, being also as it were wearied with the cares of the Empire, of his own accord withdrew himself from the Government, for that the Diadem and Sceptre of the Empire of the seven Climates, was the true Right and Inheritance of our most excellent Majesty, of the which (with the meeting and consent of all the Viziers, and other Deputies of State, of the Primate of the Mussulman Law, and of the other honourable Doctors, of the Soldiers, and of all Subjects both public and private) the Almighty God hath made an high Present and worthy Gift unto us. And in the happy day in the beginning of the Moon Rebea-il-evel of this present Year 1027, in an expected time, and in an acceptable hour, was our blessed and happy sitting established upon the most fortunate Ottoman Throne, the Seat and Wisdom of Solomon. In the Pulpits of all the Mosques, the Congregations of the faithful, and Devotion of the Musselmen, throughout all our Dominions, is read to our Imperial Name the 
* Hutbeh is a Prayer only for the Prosperity of the King.  Hutbeh. And in the Mints (where innumerable Sums of money are coined, as well upon the Silver as the Gold) our happy Name and Stamp is signed. And our most powerful Commandments are obeyed in all the Parts and Dominions of the World: and the brightness of the Light of the Sun of justice and Equity, hath caused the darkness of Injuries and Molestations to vanish away.  
Now seeing it hath been an ancient Custom of our famous Predecessors to give notice of the same unto such Princes as are in sincere Friendship, and do continue it with the House of great Majesty and our Imperial Court; We also have written these our princely Letters, and appointed for their Bearer the choice among his Equals Hussein Chiaus (whose Power is great) one of the honoured and respected Servants of our magnificent Port, the refuge of the World, to the end that such News might cause great joy of our most honourable Assumption. And we do hope, that when they shall come to your hands (in conformity of the well grounded friendship upon the sure League, Articles, and Writings which hath been established of old with our most Royal Race and permanent Empire) you will manifest infinite joy and Gladness, and certify as much to the Rulers and Governors of the Dominions and Countries under you, that they may know, that the Articles of Peace and League, and the points of the Oath which are firm and to be desired on both parts, from the time of our Grandfather and Predecessor of Royal Stock, now in Paradise (whose Souls God enlighten) undoubtedly, during the time of our Reign, shall be observed with all respect. And let there not be the least imagination of any want of due observance of the signs of Friendship on our part, or by any manner of means on your part, for the violating the Foundation of the Peace and League.  
The Copy of a Letter written by Halil Ba●sa, chief Visier, and General in the Expedition against the Persian, at his Return from the Wars to the City of Senit, in April 1618., unto Sir Paul Pinder, Knight, then Ambassador for the King's Majesty at Constantinople.  
The Humble Visier Halil Bassa,  
TO the courteous Lord of the Nation of the Messiah, both great and honourable among the people of Jesus, and the true Determiner of Christian Affairs, our good Friend Paul Pinder, the English Ambassador, whose latter days be with all felicity: To whose noble presence (after our many kind Salutations▪ tending to all good Affection and manifestation of joy, worthy and beseeming our Friendship) our loving Advice is this, That if you desire to hear of our Estate and Being, you shall understand, that after we departed from the happy Port with the Army for the Wars of Asia, we arrived and wintered in Mesopotamia, and removing thence in the Spring with all the Musselman Host (always victorious) we went to Van, from which place, until we came to Tauris, the Mussulman Army went on always sacking and destroying all those Places and Towns of the Persians which we met withal by the way in those parts, where were burnt, pillaged, and ruined, some thousands of Villages, and tormenting all those people that came to hand. And when we were come near to Tauris, the General of the Persian Forces (of perverse Religion) called Carelghai Han (the accursed) retired himself into the said Tauris, where, beating up his Drums in every quarter, he made a show that he had a will to fight: so we sent a little before us some Tartars and others of our Army to hearken out and take notice of the Enemy; who meeting with seven or eight hundred Persians of note, put them to the Sword, very few escaping, and that with very great difficulty and hazard: by which the said General finding himself unable to resist the power and fury of the Mussulman Host, or to stay any longer in the said place, the very same day that we arrived there, the said General, having spoiled all the City, fled away; so we took the place, ransacked it, and burned all the Buildings, Towers, Gardens, and whatsoever else we found in it. And thus the great City Tauris, by Divine Favour and Grace, became ours. Then forthwith we sent after the Enemy, the Tartar with some Beglerbegs, who overtaking them gave them Battle: and albeit some of ours did fall, yet they which fell on the Enemy's side were innumerable. And so going forward towards Erdevil (their obscure Residence) about ten days journey of the Country, we went burning and spoiling it, and killing all the Persians that we met, that indeed there was so much glory and honour won, as that all the ancient men of the Country do affirm, there was never seen the like; insomuch, that from the Confines of Erdevil, twenty days journey of the Country was on that manner by us destroyed. Thus afterward the King caused to empty the said place of Erdevil, and fled into a place called Hulchal, and caused his Army to go to the top of a high Mountain, from whence, having sent three or four times men of Quality unto us, seeking and entreating for peace, with promise to give yearly to our Emperor an hundred Sums of Silk, and all such places as are upon the Confines gotten in the time of Sultan Solyman, except Der Ne and Der Think; wherewith we were contented with the peace, and his Ambassador is upon the way coming toward us. And so we returning the same way again (always spoiling) we came to Erzirum. And this our present Letter is written unto you for the Respect and Preservation of our Friendship: and even as our Amity hath ever been hitherto sincere and firm, so likewise, by the Grace of God, at our arrival in the happy Port, it shall be in like manner maintained and continued, that more cannot possibly be. And so God keep you in Health.  
The Wars growing hot in Bohemia against the Protestants, year 1619 and the Emperor raising what Forces he could to suppress them, 
Bethlem Gabo● undertakes to succour the Bohemians with the Turks consent.  the Directors or Governors of the Country wrote their Letters to Bethlem Gabor, Prince of Transilvania, to acquaint him with the estate of their Affairs. To whom he made answer, That his Country standing even in the very Jaws of the Turks, whose Councils were never quiet, but ever working like to the Waves of the vast Ocean, and always watchful to embrace all occasions upon any discord of the Christians, especially now when they had pacified all Quarrels with the Persian, and had no Rebels in Asia, against whom they might employ their Forces; he had propounded to himself to attend the Consent and Favour of the Ottoman Emperor, whereby he might take from him all occasion to make any irruption into the neighbour Countries, and have the better means to employ his best means to reconcile the Discords among the Christians: wherefore having sent unto Constantinople to acquaint the Grand Signior with his Intent, and to crave his Favour, he received Letters from thence the 17 th' of August, whereby he was assured of the Grand Seignior's Consent and Favour. Whereupon, he resolved (notwithstanding the opposition of the House of Austria, the Pope of Rome, and others of that Faction) to take Arms in defence of the Bohemians, promising to be in September following upon the Confines of Moravia, unless he found some stay in Hungary. Being advertised of the State of Bohemia and Moravia, he levied an Army at Clausenburg, and entered into the Upper Hungary, whereas most of the Barons submitted themselves unto him; only Humanoie, a great man in that Country, opposed himself: but not able to make his party good, he fled into Polonia. After which, he sent his Army (being eighteen thousand strong) and took Filek, Ternau, Vacci, Novigrade, and others: after which he seized upon Neuheusal, the Governor being delivered bound unto him. The Palatine of Hungary wrote Letters to Redei, General of the Prince of Transilvania's Army, wishing him to consider what the Forces of the Kings of Spain and France were, with the House of Austria and their Allies, and that the Electors of the Empire (some excepted) would send Aid unto the Emperor: who answered, That he doubted not of the Power of those Kings, and that the Electors would send Supplies unto the Emperor; yet he hoped that before they came, all should be ended, and their Dinners should be provided.  
Soon after, 
Bethlem Gabor takes many Towns in Hungary.  the Prince of Transilvania came to Presburg with his Army, a Town of note in Hungary, whereas their Kings are usually crowned. The News thereof coming to Vienna, they sent 3000 Soldiers with three pieces of Ordnance down the River of Danow, who entered the Suburbs on the 13 th' of October, the Night was very stormy and rainy, and the Transilvanians taking this Opportunity, charged them, and slew the greatest part, their Commander flying away with some few. The Suburbs being taken, Bethlem Gabor sent to the Palatine, to know whether he would yield the Town and Castle without force, giving him some time to resolve; who, after Consultation with some Noblemen, they resolved to yield, and so the Town was delivered into his hands. After which he sent part of his Army under good Commanders into Austria, to the Gates of Vienna, where they committed great spoil, the particular relation whereof I leave to the History of the Emperor's Lives, to which it doth properly belong.  
In November, Bethlem Gabor, 
Propositions made by the Transilvanians and Hungarians to the Bohemians.  Prince of Transilvania, and the Estates of Hungary, sent Ambassadors to Prague, where they propounded divers Articles unto the Council, and amongst others, That they should jointly send Ambassadors to the Grand Signior, and that the Prince of Transilvania should negotiate the Business. And for that the Kingdom of Hungary was much exhausted, whatsoever should be taken in Stiria, Carinthia, and Carniola, should be united unto it, to the end it might be the better able to resist the Turk; all which tended to the prejudice and ruin of the House of Austria. The Prince of Transilvania having taken divers Towns in Hungary, belonging to the Emperor as King of Hungary, and entered Austria in hostile manner in favour of the Bohemians; knowing that he had thereby much incensed the Emperor, and the whole House of Austria, and that if he should prevail over the Bohemians, the whole burden of the War would lie upon him, he therefore in the end of this year sent an Ambassador with Presents to Constantinople, to crave assurance of the Grand Seignior's Aid and Support (upon whose Favour he had always depended) in case the Emperor should invade Transilvania; where, being countenanced by many of the chief Bassas, he had assurance of Sultan Osman's Support and Protection, the which he confirmed by a solemn Oath under his hand, as followeth.  

The Great Turk's Oath to Bethlem Gabor, Prince of Transilvania.  
Sultan Osman,  
BY the Grace of God unconquerable Turkish Emperor, swears by the Highest, Almightiest, and Almighty God's Holiness, by his Kingdom, by the substance of the Heavens, the Sun, the Moon, and the Stars, by the Earth, and by all under the Earth, by the Brains and all the hairy Scalp of my Mother, by my Head, and all the strength of my Soul and Body, by the holy great Mahomet, and by my Crcumcisi●n, That I, thee my Brother and Son Bethlem Gabor, succeeding King of Hungary, in no manner of way, in thy great and weighty Affairs will leave, though it be to the Overthrow of my Kingdom, to be brought to nothing, until there shall be no more left but myself, or four or five Turks at the most, yet will I be still obliged to defend thee, and all those that do any ways appertain unto thee: And if thou shalt have need of me, I will be always ready to go with thee. And in case this my promise shall in any wise be frustrated, then let God's justice fall upon my Head and destroy me and my Posterity, and wipe away whatsoever belongeth unto me, and gather it together into a Rock of Stone, or substance of Earth, and that the Earth may cleave in sunder, and swallow me up Body and Soul.  
Dated at Constantinople the fifth of january, 1619.   
Bethlem Gabor, being assured by this Oath of Protection made by the Grand Signior, year 1620 in the beginuing of the year 1620, 
A League betwixt the Prince of Transilvania, Bohemians, and Hungarians.  he called an Assembly of the Estates of Hungary at Presburg, whither Ambassadors w●re sent from the King of Bohemia, and the States of that Country, with the incorporated Provinces, where a perpetual League was concluded betwixt them, and afterwards concluded at Prague; where, among other Articles, it was concluded, that forasmuch as Necessity did chiefly require, that a Peace should be concluded and inviolably kept with the Turk, therefore a new Embassy should be sent to the Grand Signior from all the confederate Kingdoms and Provinces; and that Bethlem Gabor should take upon him the chief care of that business; but yet in such sort, as the Bohemians and incorporated Provinces should send their Ambassadors with the Hungarians, and bear their shares of all that should be disbursed, as well for the Presents, as for the Ambassadors Charges.  
In june following, Bethlem Gabor went to an Assembly of the Estates of Hungary at Neuhusal, 
An Assembly of the Estates of Hungary at Neuheusal.  where he propounded divers heads unto the States: That he desired nothing more than to restore the Kingdom of Hungary, so miserably afflicted, to Liberty; and that they might enjoy their Religion and Privileges: That he had spared no cost for the lawful defence of the Country; and for a Testimony that he desired Peace, he had refused the Crown which the Estates offered him at Presburg: That the ground of Peace was to maintain the League which they had begun with the Bohemians: That he had always desired Peace with the help of other Princes, so as it were sincere and without Fraud or Deceit, for the obtaining whereof he had assisted his Confederates miserably afflicted: That he knew for certain the Emperor desired not Peace, but War, having suffered the Cossacks to enter into Hungary, and to spoil many Places with Fire and Sword, and denied passage for the Ambassadors of Bohemia and Austria; for this cause they were not now to treat of Peace, but of War, and to consult how it might be begun and maintained; for the levying of Money, which is the sinews of War; for the furnishing of their Forts upon the Frontiers, and for the speedy sending of Ambassadors to the Turkish Emperor, lest being engaged in an intestine War, there might be some attempts made upon those bordering Forts. Having delivered his Mind unto the Estates, there came divers Ambassadors thither from Bohemia, Austria, Silesia, and Lusatia, Venice, Poland, and Turkey: The Venetian Ambassador was content their Commonwealth should enter into the League, and the Turk made offer to conclude a perpetual League with them.  

Bethlem Gabor proclaimed King of Hungary.  On the five and twentieth day of August, Bethlem Gabor, Prince of Transilvania, was proclaimed King of Hungary by the Palatine, at the instance of the Turkish Ambassador, and with the consent and applause of most part of the Estates of the Country: After which, he levied a great Army of thirty (some say fifty) thousand Horse and Foot, and made many Ensigns with divers Emblems and Devices; which being known, the Protestants of Vienna, with the Consent of the Emperor, wrote unto him, humbly entreating him to spare the City and Country, for their innocent Wives and children's sakes; but in the mean time all the Citizens were commanded to make Provision of Victuals for six Months.  
There came News to Constantinople of a strange Apparition or Vision, 
A Vision seen at Medina Talnabi.  which was seen at Medina Talnabi in Arabia, whereas Mahomet their great Prophet was buried; to visit whose Tomb the Turks use to go in Pilgrimage, but they must first go to Mecha, which is some few days Journey off, and there they take a Ticket from the Grand Signors Beglerbeg, else they are not allowed to go to Medina. This Vision continued three Weeks together, which terrified the whole Country, for that no Man could discover the truth thereof. About the twentieth of September, there fell so great a Tempest, and so fearful a Thunder about Midnight, as the Heavens were darkened, and those that were awake, almost distracted; but the Vapours being dispersed, and the Element clear, the People might read in Arabian Characters these words in the Firmament, O why will you believe in Lies! Between two and three in the Morning, there was seen a Woman in white, compassed about with the Sun, having a cheerful Countenance, and holding in her Hand a Book; coming from the Northwest, opposite against her were Armies of Turks, Persians, Arabians, and other Mahometans, ranged in order of Battle, and ready to charge her; but she kept her standing, and only opened the Book, at the sight whereof these Armies fled; and presently all the Lamps about Mahomet's Tomb went out; for as soon as ever the Vision vanished (which was commonly an hour before Sun rising) a murmuring Wind was heard, whereunto they imputed the extinguishing of the Lamps. The ancient Pilgrims of Mahomet's Race, who after they have visited this Place, never use to cut their Hair, were much amazed, for that they could not conceive the meaning of this Vision; only one of the Deruices (which is a strict religious order amongst the Turks, like unto the Capuchins among the Papists, and live in contemplation) stepped up very boldly, and made a Speech unto the Company, which incensed them much against him, so as this poor Priest for his plain dealing lost his Life, as you shall hear.  
The sum of his Speech was this: That the World had never but three true Religions, 
A Deruice Speech unto the Turks.  every one of which had a Prophet; first, God chose the Jews, and did Wonders for them in Egypt, and brought them forth by their Prophet Moses, who prescribed them a Law, wherein he would have maintained them, if they had not been obstinate and rebellious, and fallen to Idolatry; whereupon he gave them over, and scattered them upon the face of the Earth. Then presently after he raised a new Prophet, who taught the Christian Religion. This good man the Jews condemned and crucified for a seducer of the People, not moved with the Piety of his Life, his great Miracles, not his Doctrine. Yet after his Death, the preaching of a few Fishermen, did so move the Hearts of Men, as the greatest Monarches of the World bowed to his very Title, and yielded to the command of his Ministers. But it seems they grew as corrupt as the jews, their Church being dismembered with the distinction of the East and West, committing Idolatry again by setting up of Images, with many other idle Ceremonies, beside the corruption of their Lives, so as God was weary of them too, and not only sent divisions among them, but forsook them, dispossessing them of their chiefest Cities, Jerusalem and Constantinople; yet God is still the Governor of the World, and provides himself of another Prophet and People, raising our great Mahomet, and giving way to our Nation, so as no doubt we shall be happy for ever, if we can serve this God aright, and take Example by the fall of others. But, alas! I tremble to speak it, we have erred in every point, and wilfully broken our first Institutions, so as God hath manifested his Wrath by many evident signs and tokens, keeping our Prophet from us, who prefixed a time to return with all happiness to his People, so as there are now forty years passed by our account▪ Wherefore this strange and fearful Vision is a Prediction of some great Troubles and Alterations. For, either the opening of this Book in the Woman's hand, doth foretell our falling away from the first intent of our Law, whereat these armed Men departed, as confounded with the guilt of their own Consciences; or else it signifies some other Book in which we have not yet read, and against which no power shall prevail; so as I fear our Religion will be proved corrupt, and our Prophet an Impostor, and then this Christ whom they talk of, shall shine like the Sun, and set up his Name everlastingly. Hitherto the Company was silent, but hearing him speak so boldly, they charged him with Blasphemy; and knowing their Law, which makes all Blasphemy capital, they presently condemned him, and having the Beglerbegs consent and Warrant, they put him to death.  

The Dervice put to death for his Speech.  As their Rage against him was violent, so their Execution was extraordinary, for they neither cut off his Head nor strangled him, as they usually do to Malefactors, but they tortured him by degrees; for, stripping him first naked, they gave him an hundred blows on the soles of his Feet with a flat Cudgel, until the Blood issued forth, the poor Priest crying continually on the Woman that opened the Book. After which they took a Bull's Pizzle, and beat all his body until the Sinews cracked, and in the end they laid him upon a Wheel, and with an Indian Sword made of Sinews, they broke his Bones to pieces, the poor Man crying to the last gasp, O thou Woman with the Book, save me, and so he died: At which time there was a fearful Tempest. The Beglerbeg sent certain Spahies to the Port of Sidon to embark for Constantinople, to the end, they might advertise the Emperor of these Tidings.  
Sultan Osman, from the first entrance into his Reign, was freed from all Cares of foreign War, or intestine Combustions; for he had that happiness, (being himself very young, and not able to Govern so potent an Estate) as by the Counsel and Assistance of Halil Bassa, his Grand Visier, he had forced the King of Persia to demand a Peace, and to pay the Tribute which had been formerly promised. His Rebels in Asia were all pacified, and the Truce with the Emperor (which had been somewhat interrupted by misinterpretation, or the practice of bad Ministers) was newly confirmed a little before his coming to the Crown, only Moldavia had been the Theatre of War for some years, where his Father had exercised his Arms, and employed his Forces, to advance whom he pleased to be Vayvod of that Country, against another party that was supported by the Polonians, as you have formerly heard. Michna, Prince of Valachia, being made Vayvod of Moldavia by Achmat, and the Polonian party wholly overthrown in the Year 1616, he enjoyed it not long; but whether he died of a natural Death, or fell into disgrace with the Grand Signior, I do not read; yet I find, that after him there was another Vayvod or Prince of Moldavia, who is yet living, but in disgrace with the Sultan, his Name is Casparo Gratsiani; and to the end you may understand, that the Turks never respect the Birth and Quality of any Man in their Advancements, I will relate what this Man was from the mouth of him that knew him very well.  
This Casparo was born at Gretz (a Town of great strength belonging unto the Archdukes of Austria, by the which a Branch of that House is distinguished from the rest, and whereof the Emperor now reigning is the head) but being a Man of small Fortune, and little expectance in his own Country, he went to Constantinople, and put himself in Service with Sir Thomas Glover, before that he was Ambassador for his Majesty to the Grand Siegnior, under whom he learned both to write and read the Turkish Tongue. After which he came with him into England, and there by his recommendation was employed to Constantinople for the redeeming of young Sir Thomas Shirley, who was then a Prisoner among the Turks. Having performed his Charge orderly, and being come to Venice with the young Knight, hearing that Sir Thomas Glover was sent Ambassador to the Grand Signior, he left Sir Thomas Shirley, and went to Constantinople to his old Master, where he was employed yearly to buy or exchange Christians for Turks, carrying the Christians into Italy, and so returning Turks for them. About the end of Achmat's Reign, arriving at Constantinople with a Ship full of Turks, which he had exchanged, he acquainted the Bassa Visier with the good Service he had done unto the Grand Signior; who, demanding of what Country he was and his Breeding, asked him if he would undertake a Service which should be for his Advancement, which was to go unto the Emperor to reconcile all Difficulties concerning the Peace, wherein he carried himself so discreetly, as Commissioners were appointed, who concluded all Difficulties, as you have heard. But before his return home, the Grand Signior was dead; yet he pressed the Bassa for the performance of his Promise, 
Casparo made Vayvod of Moldavia.  desiring him, that he might be made Vayvod of Moldavia, which the Bassa effected; but the Presents he gave advanced him more than his Merits. Since he grew into some disgrace; so as the Grand Signior, making choice of another Vayvod, gave Charge to certain Capigies, to go into Moldavia to strangle Casparo, and that they should take four hundred Turks upon the Frontiers to assist them: But Casparo having good Spies at Constantinople, who advertised him of their Design, resolved to prevent them; wherefore, taking some Troops with him, he met them upon the way, and cut them all in pieces; then returning to Yas, he slew one thousand Turks. After which he fled into Poland with two thousand Horse; 
He is in disgrace, and flies into Polonia.  from whence they write, that he hath made divers Incursions into Moldavia, and committed great Spoils upon the Turks, being assisted by the Cossacks, and keeps possession of the Country, although there be another Vayvod made by the Turk.  

The Turks preparation to Arms.  Sultan Osman seems to be much incensed against the Polonians, as well for this support, as for former quarrels, making it his colour for the levying of the greatest Army that hath been seen since that Solyman went unto the Siege of Agria, consisting, as it is said, of three hundred thousand Men, having drawn down all his Forces out of Asia, God knows where he will employ it, but it is much to be feared, that he will make use of this division betwixt Christian Princes, who should unite their Wills and Forces, to oppose them against the common Enemy of Christendom, who watcheth only to get an Advantage, little regarding his Word and Promise.  
The Turk, having no employment for his Forces by Land, 
Manfredonia taken by the Turks.  sent threescore Galleys to Sea, to make some Enterprise upon the Christians. They came into the Mediterranean Sea, and having coasted the Island of Sicily, they sent twenty Galleys to land in the Kingdom of Naples, where they surprised the Town of Manfredonia, and spoilt it, carrying away fourteen or fifteen hundred Captives, and so retired again to Sea. The rest of their Fleet lay about Vellona in the Gulf, which made the Spaniards jealous that the Venetian had been acquainted with this Enterprise. And since there is News, That the Galleons and Galliots of Algiers, 
juisa taken by the Turks.  have taken juisa, a small Island of four miles' compass, near unto Majorca: It is a Place of great Importance, for that it hath a Haven able to contain much Shipping; for the Guard whereof the King of Spain entertains a great Garrison, and it did much annoy them of Algiers. They took the Town; but it is not yet certain whether they have taken the Castle.  

The greatness of the Turks Empire.  This is all I could learn of the Turks Affairs since the Year one thousand six hundred and nine until this present. The Reader may observe, that since the Reign of Ottoman their first Emperor, this great Empire of the Turks is proudly built upon the four Monarchies of the World; that is to say, of the Assyrian, Persian, Greek, and Roman. For they enjoy Babylon, and all Chaldae, with the Country of the Medes: We have seen them in Tauris, the Capital City of Persia; Greece is subject to the yoke of their Command; Constantinople, sometimes called New Rome, by the transport of the Imperial Seat, is now made their Throne; and so many Provinces and Realms which in former times depended upon the Roman Empire, do now acknowledge their power; they are Masters of the Realms of Egypt and Cyprus; the Islands of Rhodes, Metelene, Negropont, Chio, and many others acknowledge them; the Empire of Trebisond is theirs; the Realm of Colchos, now called Mingrelia, pays them Tribute; they of Tunis and Algiers in Africa obey them; Dalmatia, the Illyrians, T●iballians, the Countries of Transilvania, Valachia, and Mol●avia do them Homage; and we see them Command even in the chief Towns of the Realms of Hungary: But all this Power of the Ottomans had never been so great nor so fearful, but by th● discord, division, and bad intelligence betwixt Christian Princes, as you may read in the Course of this History, as well in Greece, at Constantinople, as in other parts of Europe, whereas these Princes, contending one with another, have furnished matter and means to the Turk to dispossess them of the chief pieces of their Monarchies. They measure the continuance of their Empire by the discord betwixt the Princes of the Belief of the Name of Jesus, and they confess truly, that this Division is the only cause of their Greatness, the which hath made them believe, that among Christians there was a bad Angel, enemy to peace, which they call the strong or powerful Spirit, which, kindling the fire of Revenge and Ambition in the Hearts of great Men, draws from their Affections the good of their Belief, to entertain them in perpetual Discord; during the which, they promise unto themselves a firm and an assured Reign. So the Mufti, and the Talismans' praying on Friday in their Mosques, demand of their Prophet the Circumstance of this bad Intelligence betwixt the Christian Princes, to the end they may enjoy the Empire which they have unjustly usurped. Yet their Prophecies do not promise them a perpetual Possession; behold one in their own Tongue, which hath always made them fear the union of Christians.  Patissae homomos ghelur, caiferun menleker alur keuzul almai alur kapze iler ie di yladegh Giaur Keleci osikmasse on ikigladegh on laron Begbhgheder. Enfi iapar, 
A Turkish Prophecy.  baghi diker bathesai baglar, ogli kesi olar; onichi ylddensora Hristianon-keleci osechar, all Turkci gheressine Tuschure. 
That is to say: Our Emperor shall come, he shall possess the Realm of an Infidel Prince, he shall take the Red Apple, and make it subject to his Power; if, at the seventh Year of his Command the Christians Sword doth not advance, he shall Rule unto the twelfth Year, he shall build Houses, plant Vines, compass in Gardens with Hedges, and beget Children; but after the twelfth Year that he hath held the Red Apple, the Christians Sword shall appear and put the Turk to flight.  
By the Infidel Prince, they understand a Christian Prince, 
The Exposition of their Prophecy.  (for so they call them) and by the Red Apple an Imperial Town, strong and important; in the which, and elsewhere the Turks shall build Houses; that is to say, convert Holy Temples to the Use of the Mahometan Impiety; for by this Word to build, they that have Commented upon this Prophecy understand, Usurpation of the Houses of God: Plant Vines, by these Words they signify the Extent of the Turkish Empire, and the settling of their Colonies, as we see in Hungary and Transilvania: Compassing in Gardens, that is to say, they shall fortify the Towns which they have taken from their Enemies: Beget Children, extend the Mahometan Religion, far in the Christians Countries. But after the twelfth Year, etc. within a certain time best known to God, his Divine Majesty opening the Eyes of his Clemency upon the Christians, will unite the Wills of their Princes, kindle their affections with a holy zeal, and, blessing their Arms, will make them victorious over the Turk, whom he will banish out of the East, and chase into Scythia from whence they came to be a scourge unto Christendom. These are my Wishes, wherein I hope all good Christians do concur.  

The Beginning of the Turkish EMPIRE.  
HAving run over the Occurrents which have happened in the Turks Estate for the space of eleven years, I must, according to Master Knolles his Method, conclude the Work with a description of the Grand Seignior's Port or Court, of his Government, Officers, Riches, Force, and Religion.  
The Turks, (a People of Scythia) having like a violent Deluge overthrown a great part of the East, and taken divers Provinces, being expelled from Jerusalem by Godfrey of Bovillon, and the Christians, their remainder retired to Nicaea, where they lived without any head or sovereign Commander, until that Ottoman, about the Year of our Redeemer one thousand three hundred, by Practice, made himself sole and absolute Monarch. His Son conquering divers Provinces, removed his Imperial Seat to Prusia, now called Bursia, the chief Abode of the Kings of Bythinia. Amurath the First (being drawn in by the Emperor of Constantinople to succour him, and alured with the Wealth of Europe) turned his Arms against him, taking divers Provinces and Towns from him, amongst others, Adrianopolis, which he made the Seat and residence of the Turkish Emperors, in the Year one thousand three hundred sixty three. But Mahomet the Second, having taken the City of Constantinople, and expelled the Emperor, in the Year one thousand four hundred fifty three, he made it the Royal Seat of the Othomans, for which he had great reason, being one of the fairest and sweetest Seats of the World.  

Description of Constantinople.  Constantinople hath in circuit, by the opinion of some Writers, fifteen or sixteen miles, and is called by the Turks themselves Stambull, or Stambolda, the Sea beating upon it upon the North and South sides: Towards the East it is divided from Asia by a large Channel, which runneth from the one Sea to the other, and is about seven miles in length. The City is built upon the declining of a Hill, in which there are many rare singularities, which I omit, being described elsewhere. There are in this City seven little Hills, upon the which are built seven principal Mosques or Churches, by several Emperors, whereof, the fairest and most stately is that of Sultan Solyman. Upon the North side of the City standeth the Grand Seignior's Palace or Seraglio, commonly called by the Name of the Port: The which hath on the one side thereof the Sea, and on the other side of it the Haven, the other two being towards the City, being about three miles in compass, some write of four. It is walled about, and within it are many Gardens, Orchards, Meadows, and Woods. Being entered into the first Port (which hath double Gates of Iron) into a large Court, on the left hand there stands a building like unto a Turkish Mosque, which now the Grand Signior useth for a Storehouse, wherein are great store of Arms, which are for the defence of his Seraglio. And on the other side of this Court are several Gardens walled in, from which they pass to another Court with a Gate like unto the former, where are Targuets and Scimitars hanging, and many Porters attending, as at the former. After this, they pass into another large Court, which is planted with Cypress Trees, and full of Grass, where Dear feed; but round about it is a Cloister, which is in length about six hundred and fourscore Foot, and above five hundred in breadth, paved with Stone, and covered with Lead, it being supported with one hundred and forty Pillars of white and grey Marble, standing upon Bases of Copper, with Capitals of the same; upon the North side whereof stands the Divano, whereas the Visier Bassa and the other Bassas sit in Council, and hear Causes of Importance, whereof we will speak hereafter. In this Seraglio the Grand Signior hath many Chambers, 
Attendants upon the Grand Signior.  which are richly appointed, wherein he remains; and there he hath six young Men which attend his Person and the Service of his Chamber, whereof two wait daily, and at Night they watch when he sleeps, the one of them at his Head, the other at his Feet, with two Torches burning in their Hands. In the Morning (as Sanzovino writes) when the Grand Signior attires himself, they put into one of his Pockets a thousand Asper's, and into the other Pocket twenty Ducats of Gold, the which, if he give not away that Day, is their Fee at Night, neither (as they say) doth he ever put on the same Clothes: and whensoever he goes to Hunting, or to any other Exercise, (besides the Money which he hath with him) his Casnadar Bassa, or chief Treasurer, still follows him with great store of Money to give away. The Office of these six young Men, (who are changed as it pleaseth the Grand Signior) is distinct, for the one carries his Shoes, the second his Bow and Arrows, the third his Vest, the fourth a Vessel with Water, the fifth carries a Seat, and the sixth, called Oda Bassa, is head of the Chamber.  
He hath daily a great number of Persons resident in his Palace, 
The chief Officers of his House.  employed in their several Charges, some in one place, some in another, under their several Commanders. But among all the great Men in his Court, these are of chiefest Eminency and Note.  
First, the Capi Aga, that is to say, the mouth of the Grand Signior, by whom the Sultan speaketh to such as have any great suit unto him; for no Ambassador is admitted unto him, but at his first arrival, when he delivers his Letters of credit and his Presents, and when he hath any business to treat of, he repairs to the Visier Bassa or his Aga.  
The second is Casnadar Bassa, the chief Treasurer of the Household, or Superintendent of the Treasure.  
The third, Chilergi Bassa, chief Cupbearer.  
The fourth is Seraglio Agasi, Steward or Master of the Household.  
The fifth is Chiller Agasi, or Saraidar Bassa, Overseer of his Seraglio of Concubines, who is always an Eunuch as the rest be.  
The sixth and last is Bostangi Bassa, chief Gardiner, and Overseer of all his Gardens, Captain of his Jamoglans, and Steerer of his Barge whensoever he goeth by Water. He hath a Protogero or Lieutenant, and many Gardiner's under him, which are called Bostangi, who, when they come out of the Seraglio, become Janissaries, Solacchi, or Capigi, according to their Qualities.  
These six Officers of the Sultan's House above mentioned have no authority out of his Palace, yet the greatest Bassas stand in awe of them, and fear them, for that they have free access unto the Sultan, and have daily opportunity to incense him against them; for by their secret Suggestion and false Informations, many of the greatest Bassas are many times suddenly and undeservedly cut off in the height of all their pomp and glory.  
He hath many Mutes or dumb Men attending about him, 
The Sultan's dumb Men.  whereof eight be his daily Companions and Playfellows in the Seraglio, in whose company he takes great delight: besides many others to the number of forty, which attend upon him as Pages. They are all born deaf and dumb, yet by long Practice they grow so perfect, as they will understand any thing that shall be acted unto them by Signs and Gestures; and will themselves by the gesture of their Eyes, Bodies, Hands, and Feet, deliver matters of great difficulty, to the great admiration of strangers.  
The Grand Signior hath within his Palace a Seraglio of young Men, 
A Seraglio of young Men.  to the number of five hundred, from eight years of Age to twenty; these are the well-favouredst and best proportioned of all the Tribute Children which he draweth from Graecia and Anatolia, and they are chosen out of his Seraglioes at Pera, Adrianopolis, and other Places, and brought to this to be bred up, where they are instructed in divers Arts, according to their Disposition, but especially to Read and Write, and in the Doctrine of their Law, and to Ride, there being a great number of Horses kept within this Seraglio, for their Exercise, and for the Eunuches. They never go out of the Seraglio till the Sultan thinks them to be of fit Age to undergo some Charge, and then he makes them Spacoglani, or Silichtari, and to some he gives greater Places, according to their Valour, or the favour they have gotten with him.  

They that carry his Lance.  He hath in like manner about fourscore Mutaferache, that is to say, Lance-bearers to the Grand Signior; which carry his Lance whensoever he goeth to field, and acknowledge no other Commander, and in time, by his Favour or their Merits, are made Captains.  
He hath always above one thousand Eunuches entertained in several Places, 
The Sultan's Eunuches.  whereof some of them are in very great credit with him, and can prevail much; they are called Hudurni, many of them are employed to attend his Concubines and Virgins in his Seraglio. They are not only deprived of their Genitors, but in their Youth they have their whole Privities smoothed off by their Bellies, and in their Turbans they bear short Quills of silver, through which they make Water. This inhuman Custom was first invented by Sultan Solyman, who seeing a Gelding make offer to cover a Mare, grew suspicious that they were able to do some small thing, notwithstanding the loss of their Genitors.  

The Sultan's Seraglio of Women.  The Grand Senior hath a Seraglio for his Women without his Palace, in the which there are always four or five hundred young Virgins, the fairest of the Christians Children, which he gathereth up out of Graecia for Tribute. The Sultan repairs sometime thither to make choice of such as he shall like best for his Pleasure; whereof they are advertised the day before by the Eunuches, that they may prepare themselves in their best Habits to give him content. Being all in a Room, and standing upon either side, the Sultan enters, attended by an Eunuch or two, and views them; to her that he likes he casts a Handkerchief, (whereof he hath many hanging at his Girdle) and in this manner it may be he makes choice of half a dozen, the which his Eunuches observing, they put them presently into a Coach, and are carried into another little Seraglio within his Palace. In this Seraglio they have good Entertainment, and are apparelled in Silk twice a Year, and are taught to make divers Works by ancient Matrons, and are attended on by the younger sort. They have many Eunuches with their Aga or Captain, and they have one hundred Capigies and Janissaries, which keep their Gates. When as the number of these Virgin slaves decreaseth, and they have not wherewithal to supply them with their Tributary Children, they send to the Market in Constantinople, where they say there are daily ten thousand Slaves of all Ages and Sexes to be sold; and there they buy the fairest they can get, but they will not have them above eight Years old, lest they should be corrupted before they come into the Turks Seraglio.  
As for the other Seraglio within the Sultan's Palace, 
The estate of his Concubines.  there remains the Sultanaes' with their Children, and such other Concubines as he hath made choice of for his Delight. He never marries, but when any one is brought unto him, he gives her an attire for her Head, of Gold, and ten thousand Asper's, causing her to live in a Chamber apart, increasing her daily Maintenance. The first that bears him a Child, is called Sultana, and is Mistress of all the rest, and most favoured by him, as the chiefest of all his Women, the rest, as they are favoured by this Prince, are brought unto him to have his Pleasure, and then returned back again; if they chance to be with Child, they are put into the number of the Sultanaes', and are much respected by him. Such as the Prince hath had the use of, but no Children by them, are given in marriage to his Slaves, who are advanced to Dignities, and made Governors of Countries.  
He has three hundred Sollacchis, 
His Guard, Footmen, and Porters.  which march continually about his Person, and make as it were his Guard, being under the command of the Aga of Janissaries; they are richly attired, having Lawn Garments hanging down beneath their Knees, and over it a quilted Waistcoat with half sleeves of Taffeta, Damask, or Satin, and on their Heads, Caps and Feathers, like unto the Captain of the Janissaries, and they attend on him with Bows and Arrows. He hath also still about him when he Rides abroad forty Peichi, that is to say, Footmen or Posts, which run wonderful swiftly, and are still at hand to attend his Commandments▪ where he shall please to employ them; they wear long Coats of Cloth of Gold, with a broad Girdle of the same, and Caps like unto women's Thimbles, with a Horn of Silver and gilt standing up before. There are about four thousand Capigies or Porters which continually attend his Palace and Seraglioes, they are attired like unto the Janissaries, and have over them three Capigi Bassaes. These Men are many times employed to execute the Grand Siegnior's Commandments, when he will have any great Man's Head, or his Throat cut, as we have seen of late years in Gambolat Bassa, and in Nassuf Bassa, who was Grand Visier to Achmat.  
The Grand Seignior's Government is so absolute, as they all term themselves his Slaves, and no Man, 
The Turks Government.  how great soever, can assure himself of his Estate, no not of his Life, but by the Great Turk's special Favour. He commits the managing of his Estate to such as have abjured the Christian Religion, and have been brought by way of Tything in their Infancies from Greece and Anatolia, and afterwards, for their Merits, are advanced to great Dignities, as Bassas, Beglerbegs, and such other. The Prince hath a Court or Council, which they call Divano, and this is held within the Seraglio four days in the Week; that is to say, Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, where they treat of matters of State, and afterwards of the Affairs of private Men. To this Council are admitted the Grand Visier, eight or nine Bassas, who are also called Viziers, and are continually resident at Constantinople, (for there are many more which are employed abroad in the Conduct of Armies or Government of Countries) the Beglerbegs and others. At the rising of the Court or Council, the Grand Visier informs the Sultan of all the Proceedings in particular; wherein he dares not dissemble, for that the Prince hath a Window joining to the Divano, where he may hear and see any thing and not be seen. He seldom impugns what they have resolved, unless it be to moderate some rigorous Sentence, or to give answer to some Ambassador, and what he himself concludes is irrevokable.  

The Turks justice..  Their Suits are very short, for their have no Advocates to breed delays, as they have in Christendom; yet commonly he that bribe's most speeds best; for the Turks are the most covetous and corrupt Nation in the World, neither will they do any man a kindness without a Fee; and yet they are not sure to enjoy any thing they get no longer than it shall please the Prince. They punish Crimes with great severity, and speedily, the Fact being proved, which doth so terrific them, as by the report of such as have conversed long there, you shall seldom see a Murder or a Theft committed by any Turk; and if any foul Fact be committed, it is most commonly done by Grecians.  

The Grand Visier.  The chief of the Grand Seignior's Council, is the Grand Visier, who wears the Prince's Signet, and is as it were the Lieutenant-General of the whole Monarchy; he hath authority over the other Bassas, and they are bound to yield him an account of their Employments. He is still about the Prince's Person, and is not sent abroad for any Employment, unless it be for an important War, as they have done of late years against the Persian. When the Visier is sent abroad, he makes choice of one of the Bassas to be his Lieutenant, and to execute his Authority, and he is called Chimacham. Mechmet Bassa, was at that present chief Visier.  
Next unto the Bassa (which is as much as to say, 
The Beglerbergs and Sanzacks.  great Lord) follow the Beglerbegs, and have their places in Court next unto them. They are Men of great Authority, and have the command of great Kingdoms and Armies, under whose Obedience are divers Sanzacks, which are sent as Governors into Provinces during the Prince's Pleasure. These are Men of great Experience, and have command over the Spahi and Timariot, the Turks chief Forces on Horseback, whom they call continually to exercise their Arms. There is one Beglerbeg of Greece, which hath all the Countries in Europe in the Turks Dominions under his Charge, and this is the first of all the Beglerbegs, who hath under him above thirty Sanzacks. There are six other Beglerbegs in Asia, whereof the first is he of Anatolia, or Asia the less. He hath the Government of Pontus, Bythinia, and other Kingdoms, and hath under him twelve Sanzacks. The Beglerbeg of Caramania with seven Sanzacks. The Beglerbeg of Al●duley, under whose Command are seven Sanzacks. The Beglerbeg of Amazia and Toccato, having four Sanzacks. There is also one in Mesopotamia, and under his command twelve Sanzacks or Governors of Provinces. There is likewise a Beglerbeg of Damas', Suria, and judaea, who hath under him twelve Sanzacks. And there is one of Cairo, who commands over sixteen Sanzacks, his Charge extends to the Arabians, but they are not so Obedient as the Turks other Countries.  
As for the Turks Forces, they consist of Horsemen, Footmen, and Fleets at Sea. 
The Great Turks Forces.  His Horsemen consist of Spahi, Timari, Spachoglani, Silictari and Olofagi, who have Assignations of Lands for the Entertainment of them and their Horses. For no Man can enjoy any Possessions, but he is enjoined to entertain a certain number of Soldiers proportionable to the Revenues of the Land; so as the Governor or Bassa is always bound to have this number ready to march when they are called. 
The Timariot.  Of these Timariot they are able to raise about an hundred and fifty thousand Horse, always ready at the first call, for the which the Prince disburseth not a penny; for, in regard of the Land which is allotted them, they are bound to maintain themselves, their Horse and Arms in the War. Wheresoever the Turk conquereth any Country, he divides it among his Soldiers; assigning four thousand Asper's yearly (which is little above ten pound sterling) to every one for himself and his Horse, and so proportionably if he have more Land. These Horsemen are much pestered with Arms when they go to War; for they have a Jack, a Spear with a little white Banner, a Caliver hanging under his left Arm, a Cimitar, a Bow and Arrows at his Girdle, and a Battle-axe at his Saddle bow. And of these kind of Horsemen they say there are eighty thousand in Greece, besides an infinite number in his other Countries. This Turkish Cavalry work two great Effects, for they serve as a support to his Estate, to suppress all Seditions, and they are ready to undertake any Enterprise. Besides these, he entertains many Horsemen about his Person, whereof some are Spahi, 
The Spahi.  and these are Christian Slaves bred up young in the Prince's Seraglio, who by their Merits attain to that degree, and afterwards to greater Dignities. They are always attending about the Prince's Person wheresoever he goes, being commonly thirteen hundred.  
The Caripices are held for the flower of all his Horsemen, 
The Caripices and Spachoglans.  being in number about eight hundred, who march still about the Prince's Person during the Wars. The Spachoglani which is as much as to say, young Men on Horseback, are above three thousand, who have yearly pensions in Money, which they are bound to receive yearly at Constantinople, or else they are held as dead Men. In the Wars they march on the right Hand of the Grand Signior, and are known from the Spahies by the Banners of their Lances, which have two points and of divers colours, the others being pointed and all white, but they are armed alike. They are Men at Arms of a good fashion, and are commonly advanced by the Sultan to higher Places. They have a Captain or Aga of great Esteem, with a Lieutenant, and every twenty have a Boluch Bassa.  

The Salichtari.  The Salichtari are also Horsemen, and lodge upon the left Hand of the Prince, being in number about three thousand: Their Breeding is like unto the Spahi, and there is no difference betwixt them but in their March, the one having the right Hand, and the other the left, which is the more honourable among the Turks.  

The Olofagis.  There is yet another sort of Horsemen, which they call Olofagis, being about two thousand in number, and they march on the right and left Hand of the Prince. These several Troops are as it were a Nursery for all the chief Officers of that Empire; out of which they do commonly choose their great Commanders. Besides, they have their mercenary Soldiers, called Alcanziis, which come to serve the Turk from Tartary, Valachia, and Moldavia.  

The janissaries, and their Breeding.  As for his foot Forces, they consist chiefly in janissaries, into which number they have not used to enrol many of Asia, whom they have held faint-hearted, but those of Europe, who have always had the Reputation to be Valiant. Their manner to entertain this Discipline, is, to send every three years into all the Provinces of Europe, from whence they bring ten or twelve thousand Christian Children as a Tribute, making choice of such as have any show of Magnanimity, Agility, or Courage, which are Parts fit for a Soldier. These Children being brought to Constantinople and visited, some of them are sent into Anatolia, Caramania, and other Provinces, to dig and weed the Ground, where they forget their Parents, Country, and Faith, and learn the Language and Vices of them with whom they converse, and so become Mahometans. They continue in those places three or four years, without any charge to the Prince, being entertained by them for whom they Labour; after which time they are called home, and put into the Sultan's Seraglioes at Pera, Adrianopolis, and other Places. But they that have the best Faces, and are most active, are reserved for their Prince's Service.  
These Children, being brought into the Prince's Seraglioes, 
The Aiamoglani.  are of two sorts; the one are called Aiamoglani, that is to say, simple Boy; they are instructed by severe Masters in divers manual and painful Exercises, as Shoemakers, gardiner's, and such like base Trades. Their Feeding and Apparel is very mean; and for the most part they lie in great and spacious Rooms, like unto Religious Men, having a Light continually burning, and Guards about them. These have liberty to go abroad, who after the Age of twenty years, are dismissed: whereof some are sent into the Sultan's Gardens, which are many and great; others are employed as Carmen to carry Wood, Hay, Water, and other Provision for the Palace, and some are sent to the Kitchens and Stables; yet when Places fall, they are preferred to be Janissaries, and have competent Pensions to maintain them during their lives. The least hath five Asper's a day, and there's none have above eight, and the Spahies ten. They are attired in long blue Gowns girt with a broad Girdle, and on their Head they have long yellow Caps without brims, and sharp like unto Sugarloafs; and of these Aiamoglanes there are always above twenty thousand which serve to supply his Armies.  
The other sort of Youths, 
The Ich-Ogl●ni.  which are bred up in the Turks Seraglioes or Nurseries, are called Ich-Oglani, that is to say, Chamber-Pages, being the choice of all the Christians Children for Proportion and Favour, and these Ich-Oglani are better bred up than the Aiamoglani, and come to better Preferment, of whom we have formerly made mention; for the meanest Places these young Men attain unto at the first is to be Spahies, or to attend upon the Grand Signior, as his Chamberlains and Pages. And many of them having extraordinary Parts are suddenly advanced to Places of great Dignity. Of these, the Prince hath ever five thousand, who until they come unto the Age of twenty years are never suffered to go out of their Seraglio, nor to see any Person but such as instruct them and attend upon them.  
The janissaries (who are the Grand Seignior's chief strength on foot) are raised out of Christians Children, 
The janissaries.  bred up in these Nurseries, as we have said, where they are taught to shoot with their Bows and Arrows, to use the Harquebuse, and all other Weapons fit for Service; and are at length enrolled among the janissaries, and are held the most valiant and resolute Soldiers among all the Turks. There are commonly resident in Constantinople and thereabouts twenty four thousand of these janissaries whenas the Grand Signior is there, (for in his whole Estate he hath a far greater number) under their Aga or Captain General, which is a Place of great credit, but not like unto any of their Bassas; the Great Turk fearing to join Power and Authority together. Being once janissaries, they are either sent to the Wars, or put in Garrison, or else they remain at the Sultan's Court, (which they call Port) where they have certain spacious Places for their Dwelling, like to religious Houses, where they live under their Commanders; and the younger serve the ancient with great respect. All the janissaries of one Squadron eat together at one Table, and sleep in certain long Halls, and if any one chance to be absent all Night, he shall (the next Night) be beaten with a Cudgel, which he takes so patiently, as he kisseth his Hand that hath thus corrected him. They are much respected and feared of all men, and are diversely employed in the City; as to see the Peace and good Orders kept, to look to the prices of things, to arrest Malefactors, and to guard the Gates. If they buy any thing they will have it at their own rate; they cannot be judged but by their Aga or Captain. There is seldom any one punished with death by the course of Justice, without danger of a Mutiny; and therefore they execute them very secretly. They have many means to get money; for some attend upon Ambassadors, and keep their Houses; others go with Travellers, to guard them safely through the Turks Estate. They have a great power in their Prince's Election; so as to win their loves, every new Emperor at his first coming to the Crown gives them a Donative, and increaseth their Pay, presuming upon their Valour and Multitude. They many times commit strange Insolences upon any Discontents; as in firing of Houses, braving the Bassas, and sometimes bearding the Sultan himself, as you may read in this History.  
The chief strength of the Turks Forces consists in the janissaries; and yet there are other sorts of Footmen, whereof some are called Acovizes, 
Acovizes.  which is a forlorn Hope, and receive no Pay, but march before the Army▪ and have leave to spoil; so as they give the fifth part of their Booty to the Prince. There is another kind called Azapi; these are Soldiers of small effect, 
Azapi.  and serve rather with the Pickax and Spade than with the Sword; they are fitter to tyre an Enemy with their numbers, than to vanquish them with their Valour; and they are accustomed to fill up Ditches with their dead Bodies to make a Passage for the Janissaries to ascend unto a Breach. The Grand Signior hath ever six thousand Gunners in pay whom they call Topagis. 
Topagis and jebegi.  And for the Guard of the Powder and Shot when the Army marcheth, there are always twelve thousand Men in pay, whom they call jebegi.  
The Grand Signior hath also certain Officers attending on him to the number of three thousand, 
The Chiaus.  whom they call Chiaus, which are as it were Sergeants at Arms. These are Men well esteemed, and are often employed in Embassies to foreign Princes: They also carry Letters and Commendations from the Prince or his chief Visier, and they apprehend Offenders. These never go to the War but whenas the Sultan is there in Person. They are commanded by a Chiaus Bassa, who is of so great credit with all men, (as Sanzovino writes) that when he is sent by the Grand Signior to any Bassa, Sanzack, or Cadi, with order to have any Man's Head cut off, he is obeyed, although he have no Warrant in writing, as if the Prince were there himself, and commanded it.  

The Turks Discipline in their Armies.  Thus we have set down the Grand Seignior's Forces at Land, whose numbers are so great, as in show they should breed confusion and ruin themselves; but they keep very good Order and Discipline, so as in that point they yield not to any. They live of a little Bread baked in the Ashes, with Rice, and the powder of Flesh dried in the Sun: They may drink no Wine, and there are no Women seen in their Armies; they observe a wonderful Silence, and all the Soldiers are governed by the beck of the Hand, or any show of the Countenance. Quarrels and Thefts are severely punished. When they March, they dare not enter into any Corn Fields nor Vines. The Valiant are assured of Preferments, and Cowards of Punishment.  
Having spoken sufficiently of their Land Forces, let us see what strength he hath at Sea; they have great store of Forests for the building of Ships; neither want they good Shipwrights, for that Covetousness hath drawn many Christian Carpenters into the Grand Seignior's Arsenal: And he hath great numbers of Men trained up in Marine Affairs, in regard of the Galleys which he hath at Mitilene, Rhodes, Cyprus, and Alexandria, and for the retreat he gives Pirates at Tunis, Bona, Bugia and Algiers, from whence he draws Commanders and his best Mariners, as hath been seen by Experience in the Enterprises of Malta, Gulette, and elsewhere.  
To maintain these great Forces, it is requisite he should have the sinews of War; 
The Turks Revenues.  yet his ordinary Revenues (considering his large Dominions) are not so great, as in reason they should be; for some are of opinion, that he hath not above eight millions of Gold for his ordinary Revenue; for which they give divers reasons; first, That the Turks have no care bu● of Arms, the which do rather ruin than enrich a Country: secondly, They consume so many men in their Enterprises, as they scarce leave sufficient to manure their Land, so as the Subjects (despairing to enjoy their Wealth and necessary Commodities, which they might get by their Labour and Industry) employ not themselves to work nor traffic, no more than necessity shall constrain them; for to what purpose is it; say they, to sow that another man must reap? or to reap that which another will consume? And for this reason you shall see in the Turks Estate whole Countries lie waste, and many times great Dearth, which grows by the want of Men to manure their Land; for that the Countrymen, for the most part, either die in the Voyages which they make, or in carrying of Victuals, and other necessary things for their Armies; for of ten thousand which they draw from their Houses to row in their Galleys, scarce the fourth part returns to their Houses, by reason of the great Toils they endure. Another reason why the Sultan's Revenues be no greater, is, for that when he conquers any Country, he assigns the Lands to his Timarri, who are bound to maintain so many Men, and so many Horses, according to the proportion of Land which he gives them, reserving no Rent.  
But although his ordinary Revenues be no greater than we have spoken, yet he draws great profit by his Extraordinaries, especially by Confiscations and Presents; for being all his Slaves, no man enjoyeth any thing longer than it pleaseth him; yea, the Bassas and greatest Officers of that Crown, which oppress his Subjects, and gather together inestimable Wealth, in the end, for the most part, it comes into the Turks Casna or Treasury. It is not strange there to send for any Subject's Head, upon any suggestion whatsoever, which no man dare contradict; after which Execution, his Slaves and Goods are sold in the Market at Constantinople, and the Money applied to the Prince's Coffers. His Presents also amount to great sums, for no Ambassador may come before him without a Present, neither may any man expect any Office or Dignity without Money; no Governor being returned from his Province, dares present himself to the Sultan empty handed, neither are their Presents of small price. The Sultan's Exchequer is governed by two Treasurers called Deftardari, who are more rightly governor's of the Revenues, for that they keep an account of the Prince's Casna or Treasure, the one hath charge of the Revenues which are raised in Anatolia, the other in Europe. Also they draw great profit from their tributary Provinces, especially from Valachia, Moldavia, and Transilvania, where the Princes maintain themselves by Presents and Gifts: so as they change daily, for that they that offer most are advanced, whereby they are forced to ruin the Country to perform what they have promised.  
But having spoken of the Turks Forces and Revenues, 
The Laws whereby the Turks are governed.  whereby they maintain their Armies to invade their Neighbours, we must now speak something of their Laws whereby the Subjects are governed, which are Institutions and Answers of Wise men, the which they hold as an Interpretation of their Koran, which is the ground of their Law. These Institutions are contained in twelve Volumes, treating of all things belonging to civil Conversation. Some Provinces of Turkey are governed by Customs, and enjoy their Privileges, and their Wise Judges supply many things which are not written. The Sultan makes choice of the wisest and worthiest Person that can be found, of a sincere Life, according to their Law, 
The Mufti.  and he is called Mufti, that is, Interpreter of their Koran; he is (as it were) their Highpriest, attending only matters of Religion and Faith; he is Head of the Church among the Turks, and decideth all questions of their Law. He is of such eminency, as all the Bassas are subject to his direction; he abaseth not himself so much as to sit in the Divano, only passeth through it when he is sent for by the Sultan, who (so soon as he seeth him) riseth from his seat, as it were to honour him, and then they both sit down face to face, and so confer together.  
They make trial of the sufficientest of their Judges, before they choose any, for which there are two Cadilesquiri Talismani, 
The Cadilesquiri.  that is, Doctors of the Law, and Examiner's, at Constantinople, or wheresoever the Prince remains: These examine the Judges or Cadies of divers Provinces. The one hath his charge over Europe, and is called Cadilesquirie Romly, before whom (after good information of his Life and sufficiency) he swears that he will do Justice to all men, and yield an account of his Charge when he shall be called. The other Cadilesquirie is for Anatolia; they are sovereign Judges in all Causes, and, as it were Patriarches. They are of great Authority, and have place in the Divano with the Bassas, to consult of weighty matters.  
There is a Third degree of their Churchmen, 
The Mulli, Nuderisi, and Cadi.  belonging to their Law, called Mulli, which are Bishops, and chief Governors under the Mufti; and their Office is to place and displace Churchmen at their discretion. Next are the Nuderisi, who are Suffragans to the Bishops, and their Charge is to see the Cadies do their duties. Next come the Cadies, who are Judges to punish Offenders, of which there is one in every City under the Seignior's command.  
Under these are another kind of young Doctors of the Law, 
The Naipi.  called Naipi, who are not so well read as to be absolute Judges, but yet supply their places in their absence.  
After these are the Hogi, who write their Books, 
The Hogi, Calfi, and Sosti.  for that they allow no printing; and inferior unto them are the Calfi, who read unto them that write. And the youngest of all are called Sosti, who are young Students or Novices in their Law.  
These are their several degrees of Lawyers or Churchmen; for the Turks are governed by a kind of Ecclesiastical Law, according to their Koran. They have Colleges (called Medressae) at Constantinople, and in other places, where they live and study their Law and Divinity, and so they ascend by degrees to the highest Dignity of their Profession.  
As for their Religion, it began in the time of the Emperor Heraclius, 
The Turks Religion.  whenas the Empire was much dismembered by the Heresies of Arrius and Nestorius. Mahomet, born in Arabia, embraced this opportunity, seeking to overthrow the Divinity of jesus Christ, which was opposed by the jews and Arabians; he was assisted by two Heretics, the one was john a Nestorian, and the other Sergius an Arrian. After which (being assisted by many slaves, to whom he allowed all that was pleasing to the sense and flesh if they should receive this Law) he obtained many Victories. By Mahomet's Law they make a Distinction of clean and unclean Meats to content the jews, and also it maintains Circumcision, but not at the eighth day of their Birth, as the jews use it, but after the eighth year, when the Infant is able to make Confession of his Faith, where, lifting up his Finger, he speaks these Words, which are graven in their Temples in the Arabian Tongue: There is but one God, whose Prophet Mahomet is, one God and equal Prophets. The Circumcision being ended, they feast three days together, and then they carry the Circumcised to a Bath with great pomp; after which, the Guests conduct him to his House, and present him with Gifts. The Women are not circumcised, but only speak the words. If any Christian abjure his Faith, and endure Circumcision, (as they often do by reason of their Tributes and Vexations) they are led through the Town with great honour and rejoicing of the People, who do also give unto them, and they pay no Tributes. Mahomet's Law denies the Divinity of jesus Christ, to please the Arrians, who were then powerful: It is full of Fables to please Idolaters, and it gives liberty to the flesh, which is pleasing to most men.  
They confess one God, and honour jesus Christ, not as the Son of God, but, as a Prophet, born of the Virgin Mary. They neither honour nor allow Images. Friday is their Sabbath, as Sunday is ours. They observe a Lent of thirty days, which they call Ramadan; during which, they eat nothing in the day time, but when night comes all meats are indifferent, but Swine's flesh; yet they abstain from Wine and Women. They have their Easter, called Bayran, which continues three days, in which they enjoy all pleasures; but this Feast is not always prefixed, for that they account not the day according to the course of the Sun, but of the Moon; and therefore they do carefully observe the New-Moon, and salute it.  
They have no Bells in their Mosques, neither do they suffer the Christians which live there to have any. They put off their Shoes when they go into their Mosques, and take them again at their coming forth. Wheresoever they sit in their Churches or Houses, they have Tapestry Coverlets or Mats under them; they are not much given to Contemplation or Learning, yet the Turkish Women, being married, and having Issue, are careful to breed up their Children, and to be instructed; for the which there are many Schools, where they read their Laws, to the end they may serve in their Mosques, and be able to govern the Common-weal.  
The Turks, by Mahomet's Law, have leave to marry as many Wives as they can maintain; and a Turkish Woman being once with Child, her Husband never toucheth her until she be delivered, but lies with his slaves out of the House where his Wife remains. They have a certain kind of marriage made at pleasure, which they call Kebin, the which is many times practised by Strangers, who being out of their Country, contract with Women, whom they are to enjoy during their pleasure, and when they cast them off, they give them a certain sum of Money, and keep the Children. The Cadies or Judges allow not this kind of contract, especially amongst Christians, unless it be with an Oath of marriage. A Turk having had the Use of a Christian Woman, they are both condemned to die, unless she will abjure her Faith; the like is observed betwixt a Christian and a Turkish Woman, if they have been found together. Divorce is allowed among them in case of Barrenness and Incontinency.  
There are four orders of Religious Men among the Turks, which differ in their Living, Habit, and Ceremonies. These be the Terlaques, Deruis, Calendars, and Huquiemales, and these last are very vicious, and wicked Impostors, deceiving of the common People. The Deruis is a strict Order, living in Contemplation, much like unto the Capuchins among the Romish Papists. The Turks forbear to blaspheme either God, Christ, or Mahomet, or any other Saint whatsoever, and they punish blasphemy severely. They converse with Christians, and Eat and Traffic with them freely; yea sometimes they marry their Daughters, and suffer them to live after their own Religion. But they hate the jews, and despise them as the basest people in the world. They have an assured Confidence, that he that shall duly observe the Laws of Mahomet, shall have eternal Life, and a Paradise full of Delights; and chose they that shall break the Laws of their Koran are threatened with Hell and eternal Death; yet they have an Opinion, that he that believes in the Koran when he dies, shall be undoubtedly saved.  
To conclude this Relation with some few lines of their Humours and Dispositions; they write of them, that they are gross witted, idle, 
The disposition of the Turks.  and unfit for Labour. They are exceeding covetous and corrupt, above all other Nations; for Justice is sold to him that offers most. They are humble among themselves, and obey their Superiors with great silence. They are proud and insupportable to Strangers, thinking none fit to be compared with them. They are given to Gluttony and Drunkenness, and will spend whole days together in Feasting, and will drink with excess, if it be in private, for that it is forbidden by their Law. They are vainglorious, proud, and deceitful, never keeping their words, but when it may be to their profit. They are much inclined to Venery, and are for the most part all Sodomites. They are very superstitious, giving credit to Dreams and Divinations; and they hold, that every man's Destiny is written in his Forehead, which cannot be altered or avoided.  
Thus I have continued this History for eleven Years, having informed myself out of the best Authors and Intelligencers I could find that concern this subject; I should have been glad that some which have resided at Constantinople most part of this time, would have assisted me with their Observations, which should have been for the general good of our Nation; but I hope notwithstanding the Reader shall find content and satisfaction.    

A CONTINUATION OF THE TURKISH HISTORY, From the beginning of the Year of Our Lord, 1620, until the ending of the Year of Our Lord, 1628.  
Collected out of the Papers and Dispatches of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, his Majesty's Ambassador with the Grand Signior, during that Time.  By M. B. 
year 1620 BEfore we come to speak of the great Preparations made by the Grand Signior in the Year 1621., to invade the Kingdom of Poland, and those by that King to resist him; I hold it necessary briefly to set down the Causes and Reasons of the ensuing War.  

The cause of the War between the King of Poland and the Grand Signior.  The Chrim Tartar, confining upon the Dukedom of Russia, and Borders of Poland, made many Incursions, and did great spoil upon the Cossacks within that Province of Russia, and other parts belonging to the Kingdom of Poland, and carrying away People of all Ages and Sexes, made sale of them within the Turkish Empire. Now jean beagh-Ghiray-Han, Prince of the Tartars, being wholly dependent on the Ottoman Emperors, his Majesty of Poland sent many several Ambassadors to complain at that Port; That notwithstanding the ancient League between him and the Ottoman Family, the Tartars greatly spoiled his Countries; which was both unjust and unreasonable. Howsoever the Complaints were many and great, yet the King of Poland's Ministers found no redress for those their alleged Wrongs; but were answered, That the Tartars were absolute Lords over themselves, and that they pretended to have an annual Tribute of forty thousand Dollars from the King of Poland; which being denied them, they had reason so to do; and that the Grand Signior could only entreat, but not command them to surcease. The Tartars seeing the Polack thus slighted at the Port, grew more insolent and outrageous; wherewith the Turks were well content, for the great benefit they received by Slaves which were continually brought to be sold in their Dominions, finding for the most part, that those men had able Bodies, and fit to be applied to the Oar. It is true, that the Chrim-Tartars in ancient time, being so near Neighbours, were wont to receive such a sum from the Crown of Poland, for which they were obliged to serve in every occasion of War. But of later years that payment discontinued▪ because they rather received hurt, than any assistance of that vagabond and predatory People.  
When the Cossacks saw, that after so many Complaints they could not live in quiet, not procure Restitution of their Wrongs, nor take their Revenge upon the Tartar (being a flitting and fugitive People, year 1620 who had no certain place of abode) they resolved to fall into the Dominions of the Grand Signior, who seemed, if not to protect, yet to connive at Injuries they received from these their Neighbours. The Cossacks then that inhabited upon the Banks of the River Boristhenes (which emptieth itself into the Black Sea) were conjectured to be fittest for the Execution of this Revenge; and therefore they prepared a great number of well armed Barks, and falling down the said River, did very great damage to the Turk, by robbing, burning, and spoiling divers Towns and Villages bordering upon the Black Sea. This News being brought to Constantinople, the Grand Signior took it in great scorn, that such a base and rude People should come and affront him so near his Doors. Therefore he caused some Galleys to be armed forth with speed to suppress them; but his Forces were four or five times valiantly repulsed, and still the Cossack went safely home with his Prey. Now the tide of Affairs was turned, and this great Emperor, who was formerly petitioned b● the Polack, is now become a Suitor to him himself, and finds his Ministers measured by the answer the Grand Signior had given concerning the Wrongs done by the Tartars: That though the Cossacks adhere to the Crown of Poland, yet they are free People of themselves; but when the Tartar shall cease from his Hostility, it is like enough the Pole will entreat the Cossack to do the same; and that is all the Authority he can exercise over them.  
Affairs standing thus, 
The preparation of the Grand Signior for the War with the King of Poland.  no accommodation for Wrongs on either side could be made; and the Grand Signior, although he was but now fifteen years of age, yet was he strong, vigorous, and of a high Spirit, and more than desirous of a War, but especially with the King of Poland, from whom he looked for better Satisfaction. This desire was nourished in him by the Counsels of Ali Bassa, Great Visier; and notwithstanding it was utterly disliked by all the rest of the Ministers of State, and Officers of War in that Empire. A War was nevertheless thereupon proclaimed throughout all the Turks Dominions, which did in general displease the common Soldier also.  
The Grand Signior, the four and twentieth of April, commanded payment to be made to all the Soldiery, year 1621. and the day following caused all his Tents and Pavilions, with those of his Viziers and other Officers, to be solemnly pitched without the City, with those of all Trades that were to attend his Royal Camp.  
The Grand Signior, having now gathered of Foot and Horse three hundred thousand (though reported to be six hundred thousand) set forward, together with his Court and Train, out of Constantinople, the Nine and twentieth of April, with three hundred Field-pieces, beside an hundred double Cannon sent unto the Frontiers by Sea; leaving Achmet Bassa and the Bostangi Bassa Governors of the City till his return.  
When he was arrived at the Confines of Poland, 
The beginning of the War with the King of Poland.  he first attempted the Fortress of Cotyn in the Province of Moldavia, lately given by Gasparo Gratiani to the Polacks. The which being strong of Situation, and well furnished for defence, the Turk, finding it difficult to carry in few days, left it besieged; and passing the River of Boristhine, found there the Chancellor of Poland entrenched upon the borders, in a strong Place, and of good advantage, kept with forty thousand Polacks and Cossacks, and eight thousand High Dutch sent by the Emperor in Aid of the King of Poland. The Prince was encamped at Caminitza, and strongly entrenched with sixty thousand Soldiers; the King abiding in Cracovia with the Nobility and his Court. The Grand Signior, facing the Trenches upon Boristhine, with the multitude of his Army enclosed them round, and shut up all the Passages; sending presently the Prince of the Tartars, jeanbeagh-ghiray-han with thirty thousand light-horse to make Incursions within the heart of Poland; who did great spoil, and brought away Captives twenty five thousand Souls of all sorts; which damage did not so much proceed from the Will of the Prince, as from a Captain of his, a Nobleman of Tartary, called Kante-Emir-Emirze, in great Favour at that time with the Emperor; for it was thought that between the King of Poland and the Prince of Tartary, there was some secret Intelligence by the virtue of Money.  
During the space of four and thirty days that the Grand Signior held these Trenches besieged, almost every other day he gave them terrible assaults, but was always forced to retire with loss. The Polack in bravery making some sallies and encounters, were also glad to recover their strength; only once they so far advanced in the Evening with their shot upon the quarter of the Janissaries, that they made a great Execution, and almost put the whole Camp into disorder; and, as the Turks themselves did confess, if this sally had been given in the Night, it had hazarded the Confusion of the whole Army; All which being seen by the Grand Signior, and little hope of advancing further, for divers reasons he was enforced to treat a Cessation of Arms with the Chancellor. The first was, That considering he had spent so much time without any advantage, and the Winter approaching, whereby his Army suffered great Extremities of Cold and other Miseries, by reason of terrible Rains which had carried away divers Tents, Horses, and other cattle, and some part of his Cannons. Secondly, the provision of fodder was become so dear, that divers forsook their Horses for want of means to feed them; besides the great Mortality of Men, of Fluxes, Feavets, and Colds, and the Horses of Asia not used to such a Climate, that many Men of Quality that came out with ten and twelve, were compelled to return on foot. Thirdly, the Army, either for Weariness, or for discontent received from the Emperor himself, for his narrowness and Avarice showed to the Soldier, contrary to the glorious Example of his Ancestors in like Enterprises, not only refused to fight, but were little less than mutined. Fourthly, this attempt from the beginning, proceeding merely from the obstinacy of the Grand Signior, contrary to the Counsel of all his Viziers, who desired generally a Peace; at their Solicitation, and by the Mediation of Radula Prince of Valachia, both parts were easily induced to Treaty, and the Chancellor was drawn to send a Secretary to the Grand Signior; where it was agreed, as followeth.  
First, That the Emperor should raise h●s Army, and retire from the Confines of Poland; and the Tartars, as the occasioners of this War, should send an Emirze to reside as a pledge from ensuing Incursions. The Chancellor promising in the Name of the King of Poland, to keep another in the Court of the Prince of Tartary, with Condition to pay yearly as aforesaid forty thousand Florins (an ancient pretention of the Tartars) as a donative from the King of Poland; promising moreover, for the better Confirmation of the future Peace, to maintain a Resident in the Part of the Ottoman Court, and upon the arrival of every such Ambassador to send a Present conformable to the Ledgiers of other Christian Princes. And, as the Grand Signior was obliged for the Tartars, that they should forbear all Invasions upon the Polack; so the Polacks should bind themselves in behalf of the Cossacks, that they should commit no Robberies in the Dominion of the Grand Signior. And further covenanting in the Name of the Polish Merchants for the Privilege of free Traffic, to make a present of an hundred thousand Chequins in Plate, Sables, and Bulgary Hides; always intended with this reservation, that this Treaty should not prejudice or bind, until the Grand Signior did send a Chiaus to the King of Poland with these Overtures, that he might have time to assemble his Parliament, and there resolve to send an Ambassador with ample Authority to treat and conclude a final Peace in the Port. Whereupon the Grand Signior, being satisfied with these Conditions, did dispatch presently his Nuntio into Poland, and suddenly, to the great content of all his Army, he raised his Camp and returned to Adrianople.  
By relation of divers present in that War, 
The losses in the Turkish and Polish Armies.  it was reported, That there died in the Turks Camp, by the Sword, Famine, Sickness, and Cold, about eighty thousand Men, and above an hundred thousand Horse; and the remain at their return appearing so naked, sickly, and poor, made evident demonstration of the great loss and misery sustained. The Polacks in their Trenches lost above twenty thousand by the famine suffered in their besieging; so that if the Winter, and other wants had not constrained the Grand Signior to rise with some pretence of Honour, and that he had stayed a few days longer, they had been enforced to render or perish; which is evident, in that they were glad and prompt to accept of any agreement, although as yet there was nothing fully concluded.  
The Grand Signior, 
The Grand Signior enraged that the Emperor had sent Aids to the Pole.  being informed that the Emperor of Germany had sent Aid of eight thousand Dutch to the King of Poland, and enraged that he had so little advanced in that attempt; pretending that the Emperor by giving Succours had broken the Peace; to vent his Choler, contrary to the advice of his Council, presently upon his arising from the Confines of Poland, in his Camp proclaimed War against Germany for the next Spring; commanding upon great Penalty, all his Soldiers and Slaves to be ready for that Invasion. Which gave great discontent to the Army, insomuch as they did almost publicly profess, they neither could nor would follow him. And conformable to this his rash Resolution, he gave order to Kante-Emir-Emirze, a Tartarian Captain, than Bassa of Silistra, to winter with twenty thousand of his Soldiers in the Country. Presently hereupon, Caesar Gallo, the Emperor's Ambassador, was stayed at Buda; the Grand Signior pretending, that the said Caesar Gallo had promised upon his Life, That the Emperor would give no Aid to the King of Poland. Not considering, that he himself, contrary to the Peace, the Summer before had surprised Vatz, a Town of Hungary, and had permitted many of his Soldiers to follow the Prince of Transilvania, as Volunteers against the Emperor.  
The King of Poland, hearing of this Resolution against the Emperor, 
The Grand Signior changeth his Mind of making War against the Emperor.  called the Chiaus, sent about the Treaty, before him, and told him, That if the Grand Signior should proceed to make War upon the Emperor for his occasion, that he could conclude no Peace with him, being obliged to take part with the Emperor, as his dear Brother and Confederate. Which Message the Chiaus sent to the Grand Signior, when he was yet at Adrianople, where he either purposed to winter to affright the Emperor, or to quicken the Polack to a conclusion of Peace; cold in his sudden Pretence, by the persuasions of the Viziers and Mufti, he changed his Resolution, and took his way to Constantinople, where he entered the last of December.  
Now it being given out, that the Emir of Sidon in Syria was in Rebellion, and that he had possessed himself of the City and Castle of Tripoli, the Grand Signior pretended to go in Person against him, and gave out 60000 Chequinss to prepare his Carriages and Pavilions; and took order to provide his Palace in Aleppo, determining to pass that way to amuse and raise suspicion in the Persian; and likewise commanded the Army of Asia to be in readiness by the end of the Month of April; and gave out Commission for Victuals, Munition, and other Necessaries. The Mufti, Hoja, and other the Viziers (who knew not the mystery) misliking this Counsel, with great Instances and Reasons dissuaded him, as being a Course very dangerous to his Estate. First, That his Majesty should go in Person, leaving all Greece desolate, and commit the Care and Government of his Imperial Seat to a poor Chimacham or Lieutenant; it not being probable that the Emir of Sidon would stay to oppose himself against the force of his Royal Army, but rather make an escape, and retire himself to some part of Christendom; and that a General by Land, and the Captain Bassa, Admiral of the Sea, with his Fleet of Galleys, would suffice to punish and destroy him. Besides, if his Majesty undertook the Journey in Person, it was necessary that all his Soldiers should attend him, which were a Charge superfluous and above the Enterprise, and almost impossible for them, having been so harrassed and distressed in the late Invasion of Poland (who did even publicly murmur that they would not go.) For which reasons the King seemed to change his Resolution, and was content to make a General by Land with the Army of Asia; to which charge was named the Bassa of Cairo. The next day after the Grand Seignior's coming to the Arsenal, he called the Visier Bassa, the Admiral, and the great Treasurer before him; where it was concluded to make ready at least an hundred Galleys: for the preparation whereof sixty thousand Chequines were then delivered; the Visier promising to furnish the rest of the whole charge with expedition, of his own purse, and to take it up upon the King's Assignations. Whereupon, the Grand Signior with great content did vest them as a mark of favour, and gave present Commission to the Admiral to be ready to depart by the midst of April following; and for his better strength, he gave a command to send for Aids to Tunis and Algiers: which was thought requisite, because it was reported, that the Prince Philibert of Savoy, than Viceroy of Sicily, had in readiness sixty Galleys and six Galleons at Messina, which force was doubted would be employed to give Succour to the Emir of Sidon, or to revenge the attempt and late sack of Manfredonia; so that they were with all expedition rigging and preparing the Armado in the Arsenal: and for provision and prevention of the worst, there was ordained twelve small Galleys, and the ordinary Fleet of Frigates, to keep the black Sea from the incursion of the Cossacks. And though it was given out, that this Army was only prepared against the Emir, yet many that understood the secrets of that Empire, knowing it to be too great, did believe it should be sent to prevent a general revolt, which was then murmured and suspected in Asia.  
About this time, contrary to the counsel and will of all his Ministers, 
The Grand Signior married.  the Grand Signior married the Grandchild of a Sultana, Wife to Pertau Bassa, only for her Beauty, without any Pomp, which was ill interpreted in that Court; his Ancestors of late years not usually taking Wives, especially of a Turkish race, for respect of Kindred. This and other inconstancies, with extreme Avarice, made him odious with the Soldier; and his daily haunting the Streets on foot, sometimes disguised, with a Page or two, prying into houses and Taverns, like a petty Officer, increased his contempt even in the City.  
Secret Order was given about the same time to Diac-Mahomet, the Bassa of Canisia, 
Secret order to make War upon the Emperor.  and to Gelut-Emirze, a Tartarian, to unite themselves with Bethlem Gabor against the Emperor of Germany: But the Bassa of Buda did advertise the Grand Signior, that Bethlem Gabor had concluded Peace with the Emperor; which news did greatly displease him, being ardent in the desire of War.  
The Peace between the Grand Signior and the King of Poland was not yet fully concluded; 
His Majesty of Great Britain's Ambassador arrived at the Port.  but Ambassadors were weekly expected at the Port from Poland and other places, to hasten a full consummation thereof. Amongst which, Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Ambassador in ordinary from his Majesty of Great Britain to the Grand Signior, arrived there the first of january, and had his first audience of him speedily, when he made this Speech unto him in English, which immediately followeth.  MOst High and Mighty Emperor, his sacred Majesty the King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, my most gracious Lord and Sovereign, according to the ancient League of Friendship and Amity, of long time begun and continued between the most noble Ancestors of your Majesties, and in his Royal Person confirmed by his sundry Ambassadors and Letters, both to your renowned Father, and your Imperial Majesty; being fully determined on his part, to maintain, and inviolably to hold a fair and good Peace and Correspondency with your Majesty: hath commanded and sent me with his Letters of Credence and friendly Present, to reside as his Ambassador in your Royal Court; Not doubting but your Imperial Majesty will accept them, and receive me, his unworthy Servant, with your wont Honour and Favour; and that you will give Credit unto me in divers matters of importance which he hath commanded me to deliver in his Name, comprehended in five Articles written in this Memorial. And that you will be pleased to do therein according to the Royal Friendship of his Majesty, and your Princely Wisdom and justice. The particulars whereof, I desire your Majesty to read and consider at your ease and leisure; and to afford me your Royal answer, his Majesty resting assured he shall receive Content and Satisfaction worthy his Royal Friendship. 
The Letter of Credence sent by Sir Thomas Roe.  

His Majesty's Letter to the Grand Signior.  JAMES by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Christian Faith, against all those that falsely profess the Name of jesus, etc. To the most High and Mighty Prince, Sultan Osman Han, chief Lord and Commander of the Ottoman Kingdom and Empire of the East, sendeth Health and Greeting.  
WE doubt not but you received our Letters sent you by our Subject John Chapman, whereby we signified unto you our Royal Pleasure to recall and discharge our Ambassador Sir John Air from his Employment and Residency in your Court, whom we desired you in your Frincely Favour to dismiss for our especial Service, and to receive the bearer of our said Letters as Agent, to remain in your Protection; for the better support and maintenance of our Subjects, which do trade and abide in your Dominions, and for the advancement and continuance of the mutual Commerce and Friendship, which hath been a long time contracted between your Predecessors and ours, until the arrival of our Servant Sir Thomas Roe; of whom as then we made choice to send unto your Port as Ambassador; as well to propound unto you divers things necessary for the general Peace, as to reside in your Court for our particular Service. Notwithstanding, lest the said Letters should not come safely to your Royal Hands, we have thought sit again to make known our purpose of recalling our former Ambassador Sir John Air, and to desire you to discharge and dismiss him from your Port, and to receive and admit in his room our trusty and well beloved Servant Sir Thomas Roe, one of the principal Gentlemen of our Court, and of our Privy Chamber, whom we have now expressly sent, and whom we authorize under our great Seal of England, as our Ambassador to reside at your Port, and to negotiate in our Name, and in the behalf of our Subjects abiding within your Kingdoms; of whose Fidelity and Discretion, as we are well assured, so we doubt not but he will give you good content in his Demeanour and Negotiation with you. We have also thought fit to put you in mind of those common Rovers upon the Seas, who are Enemies to the Laws of Nations, and spoilers of the quiet and peaceable Merchant, by whom Amity and Friendship is maintained between Kings and Princes: That you would please to exercise your Great and Mighty Power to chastise and destroy them, as Traitors to your Honour, and infringers of the sacred and public Peace. In full assurance that you will extend the same good respect unto us, as your Royal Ancestors have done unto our most renowned Predecessors, whereby that ancient League and Commerce may be inviolably maintained between both our Kingdoms, which on our part we shall be very loath to infringe or dissolve. We do by these our Letters recommend unto your princely Favour, this our said trusty Servant and Ambassador, to reside and remain in your Port, on our behalf to treat with you in all Affairs for the public Weal of our Dominons, and for the general Peace of us both, and our Allies and Friends, as also for the support and aid of all our Subjects, which do live and trade within your Estates and Countries; to whose good Discretion we recommend their Affairs, and by whose Industry and Mediation we conceive our People may be relieved in their just and reasonable demands, to the perfect maintenance and assurance of that mutual Commerce which hath so long time been continued between our Royal Progenitors. And as we have great cause to profess our grateful Acknowledgement for many Favours which our former Ambassadors and all other our Subjects have, and do receive from your Royal Hands, so in our Princely love we do entreat you to take knowledge of, and to command redress for divers Oppressions and Wrongs done unto some of our said Subjects Persons and Goods, that live under the assurance of your Friendship with us, which we have formerly signified to our Residents at your Port; but as we verily believe they have never come unto your Ears, that are open to the just Complaints of all Strangers; whereof we have now given charge to our Servant and Ambassador to acquaint you with more at large, unto whom we desire you to give Protection and Credit in whatsoever he shall move and propound, for the establishing, confirmation, and enlargement, in all Occasions, of those Liberties and Privileges which our Subjects have anciently enjoyed by the Benignity of yourself, and of your Royal Ancestors. And in all other things and occasions, wherein he hath or shall receive our Commands, as if ourselves did communicate them with you, which we doubt not shall redound to the great Utility and Honour of both our Empires. And so we wish you Health and true Felicity. Dated at our Royal City of London, the sixth day of September, Anno Dom. 1621., and of our Reign of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, the nineteenth.  

Articles propounded by the Ambassador to the Grand Signior.  
FIrst, his Sacred Majesty of Great Britain, according to the most noble and renowned League of Amity between your Majesties and your Crowns and Dominions, hath commanded me to renew the ancient Capitulations and Privileges granted by your Imperial Majesty and your Royal Ancestors, and therein to move your Majesty, that you will be pleased to enlarge and extend your Favour to our Nation that live under your Protection, and to give Remedy to divers Injuries done unto them by the Customers of this Royal Port, Aleppo, Smirna, Scio, Patras, and other Places, contrary to the Justice and Honour of your Majesty; and that you will be pleased to give order for several Commands to these Places, in all our just Occasions; that both the Fame of your Justice may be renowned, and the Friendship of your Majesties confirmed, and the Correspondence and Commerce between your Dominions established and increased.  
Secondly, his Majesty hath commanded me to offer himself as a Mediator of Peace, to accommodate the late breach with the Kingdom of Poland, the King of Poland having sent his Ambassador express into England to desire his Aid, he hath thought it more agreeable to his Honour, and to the ancient League of Friendship, to use his Credit with your Majesty to procure the general quiet and peace of the Princes of Christendom, desiring your Majesty to consider his Interest in the public cause, and not to despise the Forces of so many as may partake in the quarrel; which if your Majesty shall hearken unto, the rather for his sake, as your Royal Ancestor hath done in the like Occasion, his Majesty will accept it as a respect of your Love, which will assure and increase the Commerce and Friendship of your Dominions; in which his Majesty hath given me more particular and full Instructions to treat and mediate in this Business.  
Thirdly, his Majesty hath commanded me to move your Imperial Majesty for the release of divers of the Polish Nobility, now your Captives; and for one Scottish Gentleman, a Subject of his Majesty, my Royal Master.  
Fourthly, his Majesty desires, that you will take some order with the Pirates of Tunis and Algiers, who shelter themselves under your Royal Protection, (to the great Dishonour of your Majesty) and do many Robberies upon the Subjects of Kings and Princes in Amity and League with your Empire, and take even the Ships sent unto your Royal Port; admonishing your Majesty to consider, that if they be suffered to continue, they will occasion the dissolution of all Commerce and Trade; being common Enemies to all honest Merchants, by whom the Friendship of these Kngdoms are maintained and increased. And that if your Imperial Majesty please not to exercise your Royal Power and Authority to bridle or destroy them; that then you will not take it in ill part, that his Majesty, with other Princes his Allies, shall make an Army to punish both them and all others that receive and cherish them; which hath hitherto been forborn in respect only of your Majesty, and that the Towns where they harbour themselves are, or aught to be under your Imperial Command.  
Fifthly, his Majesty hath commanded me to require Justice and Restitution of a great sum of Money taken from Arthur Garaway, here imprisoned by force and Injury in the time of Achmet Bassa; whereof his Majesty's former Ambassadors have complained to Sultan Achmat, your Majesty's renowned Father; and to Mehemet Bassa Visier, to Hussen Bassa, to the Hoja of the King, and to the Mufti; wherein your Majesty's most noble Father gave Command for our Satisfaction. All the said great Officers having heard the cause, upon Examination giving their Testimonies of the great wrong done unto him; Mehemet Bassa also writing a Letter, by the order of your Majesty's Royal Father, promising Justice and Restitution, which his Majesty doth yet expect, and again demand. And having so often written in this cause, his Majesty will not believe, but that in Justice and Honour this Royal Court would do right; imputing the Fault to his own Ministers and Ambassadors, that they never complained to your Imperial Majesty, according to his Highness' Command. Also his Majesty hath commanded me to require and desire your Majesty to give him your Royal Answer in all these Particulars, by your Letters in Writing, as shall be fit for your own Honour, and conformable to the ancient League of Amity and Friendship between your Royal Majesties.   
His Majesty's Ambassador not many days after sent to the Visier, who had promised him an answer unto these Articles; who returned him this that followeth.  

The Grand Signors Answer.  To the First, he said, That the Emperor his Master had given him order to renew the Capitulations, and to make any such Additions as should be requisite, agreeable to their Law, and conformable to the ancient League; and that therein his Majesty's Ambassador should find no Difficulty; for they honoured his Majesty, and were resolved to give him assurance of their will to maintain a true Friendship; and therefore desired the Ambassador to draw and prepare the Capitulations; and send them to him and the Chancellor, who would consider them, and being such as were fit to be granted, the Ambassador should have speedy order.  
To the Second, the Visier answered with great Subtlety▪ First, justifying the occasion of the War, and imputing the Fault to the Cossacks, maintained by the Pole to rob even at the Port of Constantinople; therefore, that the Emperor could not in Honour but chasten and destroy them, having first by message demanded Justice against them; and now his Master being engaged with great charge, and in his Honour he could make no Peace with them who had beguiled him; pretending that they had no other intention but the War, because, having raised his Camp, and dissolved his Army, the Polacks now scorned him, and kept no Faith, neither sending Ambassador nor Messenger, no not any Letter since their return. That therefore they could not hearken to any Condition; and that his Majesty of Great Britain did not value the Honour of the Grand Signior in this motion.  
To the Third he replied, That the motion for the Prisoners was unseasonable, because in order it should follow the general Treaty, and making Peace; which, if finished, his Majesty of Great Britain should find, that for his sake, all those mentioned in the Memorial should be free, except only the Prince Coreskie, who had been the cause of many Troubles, and had made escape from Prison formerly.  
To the Fourth, he made Protestation in the Grand Seignior's name against the Pirates, offering, that his Majesty's Ambassadors should have what Commands, what Message he would desire in company of any Englishman.  
To the Fifth he replied, It was an old obsolete Quarrel, and that the Ambassador did him Injury to press him, when in the time of three former Viziers, his Predecessors could obtain no Relief; therefore he would not look back upon the Actions of other Men, nor rake among the Bones of the dead; but he desired the Ambassador should rest satisfied, that while He had the Honour to govern, there should no wrong be done unto the English Nation, and that he would hear all Complaints, so as no man should need to look back upon his Actions.  
This perfunctory Answer, did not much satisfy his Majesty's Ambassador, but that he desired some other of Effect, being loath to accept of Generalities, and therefore required a direct reply for his own discharge; which was promised after much pressing, by the Visier who had first undertaken the same.  
The long stay of the Duke of Sbaraskie (chosen extraordinary Ambassador by the King of Poland, 
The Polish Ambassador expected at the Port.  to consummate the Peace between him and the Grand Signior) did much trouble the Emperor's Court; and especially the Visier, who procured the Cessation of Arms, but that a Letter was writ by the King of Poland, which did a little prolong their hopes. In the mean time, the Emperor divulged a pretence to visit Mecha, the Tomb of Mahomet his great Prophet; contrary to the Counsel and instance of all his Viziers that knew not the secret, and even to the hazard of a general revolt; for they were jealous, that under colour of that Voyage, he had some other design; and it was feared, the Duke would not proceed to follow him at random, nor treat with his Deputies left at the Port: For the Polacks seemed in performing and assuring the Peace, a little too glorious of their good Success; year 1622 and the Nobility not so obedient to the King, as that he could absolutely command; which did both trouble their Agents at the Port, and discontent the Turks; so that a little motion of the Cossacks or Tartars at that time (spoil being both their livelihoods) had kindled new Fires, and had disturbed or quite broken the Peace.  
In the mean space, the Grand Signior writ his Letter to his Majesty of Great Britain, in answer to his Royal Letter by his Ambassador; wherein was contained a Satisfactory reply to all the particulars of those five Articles delivered unto him. And the Grand Signior made such demonstration of great care to give his Majesty all content and satisfaction, that his Letter was presented to the Ambassador with Ceremonies of Honour, requiring that it should be sent by an express Messenger; and gave command for a safe conduct for that purpose. The true translated Copy whereof doth immediately follow.  
Prince Osman ever victorious.  

The Grand Signors Letter to his Majesty of great Britain.  To the Mighty Prince, renowned among the Majesties of the Princes of the Law of jesus, obeyed of the great Potentates followers of the Messiah; the only director of the important Affairs of the Nazarene People; Sovereign of the Limits of Power and Honour; Lord of Advancement and Authority, the most Glorious JAMES, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland; to whose last days We wish all Felicity.  
THIS our Imperial Letter arriving, you shall know, that your Honourable and Famous Ambassador, and worthy Knight, Sir Thomas Roe, is with your Royal and acceptable Letter come unto our happy Port, the refuge of the Princes and Commanders of the World. Whereof the sincere Contents and Substance was, That our ancient Capitulations should be renewed, and divers Articles therein reform and explained, and some others inserted. And whereas certain Customers and other Officers of our Empire, have often transgressed our Royal Agreements, and done many Violences and Injuries to the Merchants, your Subjects, that for the time to come they may be secured from all Oppression; and concerning the Affairs of the Polacks, that the Enmity and War lately begun between us and them, might be converted into Peace and Friendship; and that there should be established a sincere League and Amity, as in the Time of our Ancestors. And that divers Noblemen of Poland, and one of your Majesty's Subjects, now detained in our Captivity, should be set at Liberty. Complaining also against the Inhabitants of Tunis and Algiers, That they who have violated our Imperial Capitulations, Amity, and League, aught to be duly punished. And lastly, That whereas one of your Subjects, named Arthur Garaway, from whom, upon a pretention there was a great fine taken, and other wrong done unto his Person, you desire that his cause may be with justice renewed; All which being made known unto us; with prudent and mature Deliberation we have duly weighed, and perfectly conceived them. Wherefore, by the favour of the great and prosperous God we do promise, that in all these matters propounded, we will employ our Imperial Care and Diligence: And we have already given our high and express Command, that our ancient Capitulations should be renewed and confirmed. And such Conditions as are correspondent to the Peace, Amity, and League between us, shall in due form be granted. And there shall be sent with all Expedition, our Royal Edicts to all our 
(a) Viceroys.  Beglerbegs, 
(b) Precedents.  Beghs, 
(c) Judges.  Cadees, Governors, Customers, Farmours, Superintendents, and Commissioners of our Revenues, that from henceforth none of them shall give any Molestation to any of your Merchants or other Subjects. And insomuch as our happy Gates are ever open to any, who with sincerity seek our Friendship, good Will, and Favour; and the Table of our lively Graces is always prepared for all men: Therefore, whensoever on the behalf of the Polacks, an Ambassador shall arrive at our high Court, and kiss the hem of our Vesture, and repent them of their former Errors, and present unto us a good Friendship and sincere League, and shall desire our Favour and Amity; by the Mediation of your Resident now in our Imperial Port, all matters shall be pacified and ended, and with a Pen we will blot out all former Differences. And the Peace being so established, your instances and desires for them shall have grateful acceptance with us, and we will give fit order for the Prisoners.  
To the Beglerbeghs of Tunis and Algiers, and to all other our Slaves in those parts, we will presently send our express and high Commands, and other Orders, that they shall never hereafter transgress the tenor of our Imperial Capitulations, nor commit any Injustice, nor do any Violence to the Subjects of your Majesty. And concerning the business of the Merchant Arthur Garaway, wherein you have informed us, that there hath been taken from him by Oppression a great estate and faculty, in the time of our Father Achmat Han, of happy Memory (the Visier Achmet Bassa being then Deputy here) upon pretence that divers Mussulmens' Goods were found in his Hands; which cause being now overpassed many years, you require a new hearing and inquisition. By the Grace of the great God it shall be renewed and examined with all justice; in the process and Issue whereof you shall be assured to receive a right and fit answer from your Ambassador now remaining in our Court. And in our time we shall never permit, that any the least Injury or Injustice shall be done to any. Giving you assurance on our behalf, that the Foundation and Nerves of Peace, Friendship, and League between us, are of us straight preserved, continued, and increased; and our Amity, Correspondence, and Love, is ever respected, esteemed, and precious with us. Therefore in the mean time, while our Capitulations are making perfect, and that the full Conclusion may be certified unto you, your Ambassador having solicited us for an Answer to the Propositions made by you, by an express Messenger, Robert Roe, this our Imperial Letter is written and sent unto you. Which arriving, we hope, that as in times past, the ancient, perfect, and acceptable course of Friendship, Amity, and League, adorned with abundant Sincerity, resplendent Love, and benign Correspondency on your part, hath been always observed and maintained; so it is now also requisite, that you preserve the same Affections, with all pure, firm, and constant good Will, Grace, and Goodness; or rather, that you advance and increase therein, as we will ever do by all sincere ways of Loyal Friendship and Holy Peace, nourishing it with our perfect Intention and affectionate Diligence, never admitting any occasion that may be thereunto prejudicial.  
Given in our Imperial City of Constantinople, the first day of the Month Gemaziel Achir (or April) in the year of the departure of our Prophet Mahomet, 1031; that is, Anno Christi Dei pari, 1622.  
The Grand Signior, discontented since his disgrace in Poland, as soon as he came to Constantinople, meditating Revenge upon his Soldiers, and alteration; and finding that his Pretence for Mecha did not relish, gave out that he would pass into Asia to suppress the Emir of Sidon, who had taken Arms, and was reported to rebel; but indeed having secret Intelligence with Osman and the Visier Delavir Bassa. But from which purpose being dissuaded by the great instance of the Visier, and that it would not so well serve his secret Designs, he returned to his first colour, that he would visit Mecha, the Tomb of his false Prophet.  

The Grand Signior desirous of Peace with the Polack.  To make this Voyage the more secure in appearance, he seemed content to accept of any Treaty with the Polacks, even to Conditions both of Disadvantage and Dishonour; for his Estates in Hungary, he reinforced the Frontiers with divers Troops; and though he were much troubled at the League between the Emperor of Germany and Bethlem Gabor, yet he dissembled it so, as that he would not displease the Transylvanian, but rather offered new Succours, and forbearance of his Tribute. From the Incursions of the Cossacks he hoped to assure himself by the Treaty of the Poles; and in occasion of Breach, he had the Tartars ready to requite them; and for more security, he added to the number of his Galleys appointed to keep the Black Sea. The common People and Viziers of the Port that loved rest, and knew not the design, were much troubled and discontent at this Journey; and made many Remonstrances to him of the Inconveniency and Danger, to leave the seat of his Empire to the trust of a Deputy, in a time when Bethlem Gabor was newly reconciled to the Germane Emperor, and therefore not to be trusted; and the Polacks newly reconciled to him, and therefore to be mistrustrusted. Divers other reasons were made to him, many Petitions delivered from the Churchmen, Lawyers, and from all Estates. But melancholy Revenge had wholly possessed him, so that by no means he could be persuaded to desist. The Soldiery passed so far as to threaten publicly, and to protest they would not follow, but rather set up another King in his absence that should stay among them. In conclusion, carried by his own fate to Destruction, having first commanded away his Armado to the Levant, and thereby disposed many of his Soldiers, upon Wednesday the seventh of May, he began to pass over his Tents and Pavilions to Asia side, with great quantities of Treasure. The Janissaries and Spahies, who had also secret Intelligence, upon the King's own Words and Actions betraying some further project than a Pilgrimage (for he made Preparations to carry away all his Jewels and Treasure, even defacing his Palace, and taking from Churches and his Wardrobes whatsoever could be converted to Bullion) suddenly met at the Hippodrome in the City, upon a word given; and from thence ran to the Seraglio in Tumult, but without Arms, and there, according to their barbarous Mutinies, cried out for the King; (having first taken order to stop the passage of any thing upon the Water) who appearing to them, asked, What this Insolency meant, and what they pretended? They then, by the mouth of a Multitude (for they had no head but that of the Monster) demanded first, That he should not proceed in his purpose to go to Mecha, nor into Asia; but that he would abide in the City. Secondly, they required to have delivered to their Fury, the Great Visier Delavir Bassa, the Hoja, or Confessor of the King, the Cas●ariaga Governor of the Women, the Tefterdar or Treasurer, the Cadde leschat or chief Justice, and some others, as Enemies to the State, and consenting to this Voyage, which they pretended would be the ruin of the Empire. The first, after a little dispute, the King granted unto them, promising to give over his Journey; but they not content, exacted it in Writing. To the second he replied, That it was dishonour to him to have his Servants so used without order of Justice; but persuaded them to have Patience, to stay until Saturday, the next Divan or public Council, where they should appear, and if they were found culpable, they should receive punishment; not meaning to perform any of this, but to get time, and allay their present Fury, These Fellows, not content with this moderate Answer, undertook to know that they were guilty, and therefore that they needed no other Witness Trial, nor Judge, but themselves; and with extreme clamour called to have them rendered. But the King refusing to give them any other Satisfaction, and they unprepared for force, returned into the City, which now was all in fear, every House and Shop shut up, expecting a general sack. But they followed the way of their own hatred, and first went into the House of the Hoja, which they broke and pillaged: But not finding him, they proceeded to the great Viziers, who made some defence, and they (being unarmed) beat them off; and so they separated, being now Evening, but yet kept a Guard in some parts of the Town.  
That Night the King made an attempt to send over to Asia side, but was prevented; and to fortify and defend the Seraglio, which was strongly walled about, and had always in it of household Servants about three thousand; but it seemed no man would arm himself in his Cause; 
The Janissaries mutiny against the Grand Signior.  for the next Morning the Mutineers assembled again, and taking their Arms, went first to the Mufti, or Arch priest among them, and enforced him and divers others to accompany them to the Court, where they anew demanded these Men, but with more Instance and Fury. In the mean time, the Hoja, Caddeleschar, and Tefterdar fled, and were not in long time discovered. The Visier retired to the King, and persuaded him earnestly to go over in Person in his own Boa●s (which from his Garden he might easily do) to Asia, and there to take Horse, and he would secure him from all Peril; but the King would not move, bidding him stay, confident and assured that he would punish these Rebels.  
The Wise old Man, 
The great Visier slain by the Janissaries.  seeing this Constancy or Obstinacy, desired leave to shift for himself; which he took or obtained, and so got away to the Hermitage of a Saint renowned amongst them; who (like himself) betrayed him, yet did him the favour, as not to deliver him to the Multitude, but persuaded and carried him back to the King's House. At this time it was disputed in the Seraglio about the delivery of those Officers; the Emperor refusing, the Rebels clamouring and threatening; insomuch as he began to fear they would break in, and in their Rage do worse than was yet pretended. Whereupon (whether by the King's order, or by his own consent, willing to be the Peace-Offering) the brave Visier went out to them, and with a good assuredness, demanded what they sought of him, and wherein he had offended. At first they were amazed: but one Insolent Villain, breaking the general Modesty, they answered him with their Swords, and suddenly cut him in pieces.  
The Emperor, seeing their Fury so outrageous, had now more cause to doubt, and retired himself, than too late, when he had lost his faithful Counsellor; and would have fled into Asia, but could not, yet he conveyed himself into a private Place, prepared by his Bostangi Bassa, or chief Gardener. The Rebels continued without in their madness, ask for the King, and for more Sacrifices. But the Servants protesting they knew not where he was, they said they must have a King, and if he would not appear they would make another; and having a while attended, they resolved to enter the Palace, (but first took a general Oath not to sack the Imperial Throne, which they called their House and their Honour) and there seeking for the King, not able to find him, they extorted by confession the Caslariaga, and slew him; 
The Janissaries demand Mustapha.  and then they demanded for Mustapha, Uncle to Osman, by him formerly deposed, a Man esteemed rather Holy (that is, Frantic) than Wise, and indeed fitter for a Cell than a Sceptre. The King, the first day of this Tumult had put Mustapha into a Vault with two Negro Women, without bread or drink; in which estate these new Electors found him, almost naked, and half pined. At first sight he thought they had been the messengers of Death; but that fear passed over, and his first request was a Cup of Water. Whom they took up, and instantly proclaimed him their Emperor; which he was loath to accept, in a manner ashamed to be raised to that Dignity. How unstable are the Estates of the greatest Princes! for he that was but even now in the Jaws of Death, naked, starved, and dying for Thirst, is become a great Monarch, and may drink Gold, or innocent Blood.  
They as yet not knowing what was become of Osman, and loath to trust Mustapha in the Palace, carried him in Triumph to the old Seraglio, and there lest him; departing to the sack of the Viziers House, and so in the Evening to their Rendezvous, where they kept both good guard and good order in the City, from Fires and other Insolences. Sultan Osman, amazed with these News, so soon as they had left the Court, came out, and called to Counsel in the Night Huzein Bassa, late Visier in the Polish War, and the Aga of the Janissaries, both faithful to him, and demanded their advice; first having sent to the old Seraglio, to practise the Women there to strangle Mustapha; but some of them taking his part, a new uproar began in the House between that Sex; and the Soldiers that kept watch hearing the noise, entered in and rescued him, and from thence removed him to the Chambers of the Janissaries, where they guarded him for that Night in an ill lodging. All this while Osman consults what course to take. These two his Friends, and some others, tell him that the case was desperate, and could not be cured but by a desperate Remedy; and therefore they agreed, that the Aga should go and persuade with the Mufti; and that the King in the Morning should suddenly present himself to the Soldiers at their own Door, and make experience what his Presence, his Submission, and his Benevolence promised, could work, to move them to Loyalty or Compassion. Which Counsel early in the Morning they put in practice. The King, accompanied with the Mufti (who never consented to his deposing, though he favoured the Soldiers against the Visier) with Huzein Bassa, and about twelve Horsemen, went directly to the Janissaries College, where Mustapha was kept, and there in Tears made them an Oration; offering great Recompense, repenting of his Error, and finally invoked them by the Merits of his Father and all his Ancestors, to have some pity upon their true Master. The Multitude (tam prona in misericordiam, quam immodica saevitia fuerat; sometimes as prone to pity as they were before to hatred) now knew not what to do; a silent murmur now ran among them, and they were half converted; but the Aga of the Janissaries thinking to merit of the King, and beginning to plead unseasonably for him, with some harsh words of upbraidure (ut natura maris omni flatu venti turbida; as the Nature of the Sea is to swell with every blast of Wind) anew moved their Fury, so that they cried out Treason, and fell upon him and Huzein Bassa and cut them into pieces, every man taking a part of their Flesh to satiate their Revenge. The Mufti would speak, but was withdrawn by some, for respect to his Place, and with Difficulty was conveyed away. Now the poor Osman saw his Friends slain, and knew not which way to convert himself, but binding up his Eyes with a Napkin, expected Death as the last of their Fury. But they carried him first before Mustapha, and accused him as the Disturber of the Peace of the Empire, and demanded sentence against him (More vulgi suum quisque flagitium aliis objectans.) The forsaken Prince pleaded for Life, and the new King knew not how to condemn, but nodded and agreed to all that was propounded. At last they consulted with themselves, and put him upon an Horse (an insolent Spahi changing Turbans with him) and sent him away Prisoner to the seven Towers, under good Guard (in his Passage begging a draught of Water at a Fountain) and then returned to their new Master, and placed him in the Seraglio and Imperial Throne; where he had need to have good Broths and Nourishment to restore his decayed Body.  
The Soldiers now thought all was done, 
Daout Bassa strangleth Sultan Osman in Prison.  and (only sacking the Houses of Huzein Bassa and some others their conceived Enemies) returned in quiet to their several Lodgings, and had no further Malice. But the new Visier Daout Bassa, made by Mustapha, knew well, if Osman lived, that this storm might pass over, and he would as easily, and by the same means return to his estate, as he fell from it (vulgus ut mos est cujusque novi motus cupidum:) Therefore he consulted with some few interessed in Mustapha's Preferment, and thereby obnoxious to Osman, to search how many of the Royal Blood were left alive, and resolved if there remained two, to make an end of Osman. Two of his Brothers were found, the one about twelve, 
* Morat.  the other about seven years of Age; and thereupon the Visier went himself to the Prison with a pack of Hangmen, and gave order to strangle the unfortunate Prince; who now having had no rest in two Nights, and thinking himself secure for a season, was newly fallen asleep; but awaked by the coming of these Messengers, asked, What News? saying he did not like their sudden Intrusion. They at first stood amazed, and the King made show to defend himself; But a strong Knave struck him on the Head with a Battle-ax, and the rest leaping upon him, strangled him with much ado. Thus one of the greatest Monarches in the World was first affronted by mutined Troops, his own Slaves, almost unarmed, and few in number, no man taking up a Sword to defend him; and they who began this madness; not meaning to hurt him, by the increase of their own Fury, which had no bounds, deposed him against their own purpose, and at last exposed his Life, against their Will, to the Counsels of other men whom they equally hated. And now they mourned for their dead King as freshly as they raged unreasonably; knowing they had stained their Honour, being the first of their Emperors they ever betrayed, and that they had set up another that in all likelihood they must change for disability, Nunquam tulit documenta sors majora quam fragili loco starent superbi.  
This was the last Act of the Life of Sultan Osman; but his Intents and great Designs, which drew upon him this fatal blow, will not be unworthy the Communication; the Practices, Reasons, Secrets, and Counsels, of all Actions, being the Soul of History, and res gestae but the bare Carcase; and, as many Ages have not produced so strange an Example of the incertainty of humane Greatness, so in the disposition thereof, and in the ways leading thereunto, there was seen evidently the wonderful Providence of God, in confounding the Counsels of the worldly wise; who had laid a Foundation of new greatness, whereby this Prince aspired the universal Monarchy. And lastly, the World may see upon how weak Foundations this Monarchy was at first builded, how easily it was now shaken and corrupted; how their Kings are subject to the Rage of a few Slaves, how Anarchy hath prepared it an easy prey to any able hand that would attempt it. From the Invasion of Poland all these changes took their beginning. Sultan Osman, advanced to the Throne in his Youth, full of hea● and Blood, being of a great and haughty Spirit, very courageous, strong of Body, and a mortal hater of Christians, envious of the Glory of his Ancestors, 
The Grand Seignior's Design to conquer Europe.  and ambitious to raise his Name above any of theirs, had projected in himself the Conquest of the remains of the bordering Europe. But to so great Designs, he had one Vice that resisted all hope of Prosperity, which was, extreme Avarice; unnatural to Youth, and a symptom of the decrepit Age of Monarchy; Vbi vires luxu corrumpebantur, contra veterem discipliinam & instituta majorum apud quos virtute quam pecunia res militaris melius stetit. His first Enterprise was that of Poland, moved by the Incursions of the Cossacks; which than he undertook of his own Head, without the Counsel of any of his Viziers, (who, in a Tyranny grown to the height by Ease and Wealth, are ever corrupt and lazy) and against the liking of all the Soldiers, who (contrary to their Institution, being married, and Fathers of Families, entered into Trades, receiving nothing in War more than in Peace, besides Danger and Travel) are not easily drawn from their own Chimneys. This Action he thought so easy, as he had disposed of his Conquest, and divided the live Lion's Skin. But being met upon the Borders with a poor Army in Comparison, he was first arrested at Chotyn, a little Fortress, which he was fain to leave behind him untaken; and then seeking to advance into the plain Country, by forcing the Trenches of the Chancellor of Poland opposed against him, he could never procure his Janissaries to fight, though engaging his Person once or twice beyond the regard of his Quality, and his own Troops ready to mutiny against him, and to forsake him, he was at last enforced to raise shamefully his Camp, and to accept of any Treaty to save his outward Honour. In this attempt he lost above an 100000 horses for want of Fodder, and eighty thousand men for want of fight: for they would rather die running, or pillaging, or eating, than in the face of the Enemy. For this disgrace he conceived so inward and rooted an indignation against the Janissaries, and so justly, that he often lamented himself, and complained he was no King that was subject to his own Slaves, upon whom he spent great Treasures, and yet they would neither fight in War, nor obey in Peace, without exacting new Bounties and Privileges. Delavir Bassa, a man of great Wit and Courage, lately called from the Eastern Parts, where he had long governed with honour, who came in, though late, yet in a very brave and warlike Equipage, above all other his Captains, was suddenly made great Vizier, the former, Huzein Bassa, being in the same disgrace common with the Soldier, though not in the same fault. This man was never bred at Court, but had lived many years in action, and so had neither faction nor dependence at the Port, but stood upon himself and his own merit: and being now unexpectedly advanced to this high Dignity, he wrought upon the King's discontent, and nourished it: and in conclusion broke with him, That it was true he was no Emperor, nor could be safely alive, while the Janissaries had the Power which they lately usurped; informing him, That they were corrupted from their ancient Institution, and were lazy Cowards, given over to Ease and lust: Et animi per libidines corrupti nihil honestum inerat. But if his Majesty would pull up his Spirits, and follow his Advice, he would provide him a new Soldiery about Damascus, Coords, of Men ever bred in the frontier, with hardness and War, of great Courage and Experience; and that of them he should erect a new Militia, that should wholly depend on him, entertaining only 40000 in pay, which should always be his Guard; and that in the Distribution of every Province, he should constitute, that the Beglerbeg in his Government should train some of the Inhabitants, who in all occasions of making a great Army, should be in readiness, and thereby he should spare infinite Treasures spent upon these drones that eat up his Estate; and with Men of new Spirits and Hopes, he should be enabled to do greater matters than any of his Ancestors; but withal, he desired the King to communicate this Counsel to no man; nor to trust his Life upon another's secrecy. Delavir Bassa never revealing himself to any but the King, who, extremely pleased with this advice, that flattered his own humour, consented, and remitted all to the Viziers direction, who was a true Soldier, and a very wise man, able by his Credit in Asia to perform all he had undertaken; for he was exceedingly beloved in those parts, very rich, and had kept Damascus, whereof he was Governor, for himself in a late Rebellion. Upon this Conclusion between them, it was first agreed, That the King should pretend to go in Person either to visit Mecha, or against the Emir de Sidon, who was moved to take Arms really to assist in the design; but they used it to colour the departure of the Emperor; which, when it was well weighed, was found, that then the Army of the Janissaries must be kept together, which could not agree with their ends. Hereupon the Journey of the Pilgrimage was divulged, That the King might under the Shadow of an holy Devotion go out with a small Train, and disperse those who were suspected to him. And for this, Preparation was made, but somewhat too grossly; by melting of all the Plate, Saddles, furniture of House, Lamps of Churches, and whatsoever could more easily be conveyed away in Metal, with all the Jewels and Treasury. This gave the first suspicion, which was confirmed by divers unadvised words let fall from the King; of disdain against the Cowardice of the Janissaries, and that he would shortly find himself Soldiers that should whip them: and lastly, dismissing all his Household, except some few elect; the discontented sort observed this and betrayed him. Delavir Bassa kept his own secret, and in the mean time prepared by his Friends in Asia ten thousand men; about Damascus ten thousand, from the Coords, besides those in readiness of the Emir de Sidon; and all upon pretence of defending the Borders of Persia, who might make some advantage of the changes in those parts: and gave order, That all these should meet the King at Damascus, where he would presently cut off his Guard, and stay there until he had regulated his new Army and Discipline, and then to return triumphant to Constantinople, and utterly root out the order of Janissaries, Spahies, and Timariot, and to exauctorate all their Captains and Officers, to settle a new Government, and to change the Name of the City. And these things succeeding, he then resolved with his new Soldiers to attempt the recovery of his Honour in Christendom; in the mean time to hold a dissembled Friendship there in all parts. Certainly this was a brave and well-grounded design, and of great consequence for renewing of that decayed Empire, languishing under the Insolences of lazy Slaves, if God had not destroyed it; it being very true, That the Turkish Emperor stands at the Devotion of his own Troops fo● Peace or War, Life or Death, and is in effect nothing but the Steward or Treasurer of the Janissaries. If this project had taken effect, what events it might have produced by a Civil War, is not easy to judge. For doubtless the Soldiery would have set up another King, and maintained him as well as they could; and the European part had been in danger to have been torn away by the division. Besides, Delavir Bassa having the King and the Treasury in his Possession, and his own credit so great, and his Inclination velle imperare, so willing to bear rule, once discovered, it might well be thought that he had some ends of his own to share a part of this mighty Estate; if on the other side the Visier had proved true and faithful, the reformation and new erection of the Discipline of War, and the increase of Treasure consequent to the dismission of the old Militia, would have been fearful to all Christendom; but ubi est sapiens? ubi disquisitor saeculi hujus? Perdam sapientiam sapientum, & vanam reddam intelligentiam, intelligentium. It is a great question whether then was the wiser wish, That these Counsels had succeeded, or not; for either division and subversion, or a new prosperity and enlargement of their Dominion had necessarily followed.  

●●s●rvati●●● upon 〈◊〉 an ●sman.  Some Observations upon this Occasion will not be impertinent to those that desire to know as well the Disposition and use, as the things themselves. First, in the purpose of the Soldier, not at all to violate or hurt the King, much less to depose and murder him; but only to take away those about him whom they thought assistants in this project; yet the fury once on foot, they proceeded by insensible steps to the uttermost of outrage, against many Innocents' in that Business, though otherwise obnoxious, and against the Throne and Life of their own Emperor, Vbi furor ingruat, innocentes ac noxios juxta cadêere; where Rage and Fury hath got the upper hand, there the innocent and nocent fare alike. Secondly, in the degrees; that yet the King had not fallen thus low, if first he had not lost that awe and reverence which always attendeth upon Majesty, if it be kept up, by unseemly Offices done by him in the Streets and Taverns, apprehending many Soldiers for petty faults, like a Constable; making his Person common, cheap, and despised among them; which was wont only to be seen and feared, as somewhat above humane greatness. And this he did also in hatred and disdain of those that had in the War forsaken him. And now in this last act, if his own obstinacy had not plunged him into Destruction, but that he had softened them by a seasonable yielding to time, he had prevailed only by time. Thirdly, in the order, that these Mutineers having no Head or Direction, kept that relegement, that they took Oath in their Fury, in hot Blood, in the King's yard, not to dishonour, spoil, nor sack the Imperial Throne; neither committed nor suffered any insolency or violence in the City to the Neutrals, but rather proclaimed Peace and Justice. Fourthly, in the Consequents, that at the third days end all was quiet, and all Men in their Trade, as if no such thing had happened; only the Janissaries suffered no Divan nor Council until they had received a donative as Guerdon of their Iniquity. In which also the infinite waste of Treasure is worthy the Consideration, which was exceedingly exhausted by three changes in four years, and by the late Wars in Persia and Poland; for every Janisary in the City, absent or present (whose roll was about forty thousand) received twenty five Chequines of Gold; besides the Spahies, Jamoglans, and other Orders, at every alteration; which amounts in all near to two Millions. And now those Fellows that had tasted the sweet of prosperous Mutinies (haud ignari summa scaelera incipi cum periculo peragi eum praemio) took such a Head, as could not safely be suffered on, nor securely be taken off. Fifthly, of certain Presages that foreran; for Osman dreamt in the Night, That he thought he rid a Camel, and being mounted, he could not force him to go by fair means nor stripes; and that then he descending in a Rage, the Body of the Beast vanished, and left the Bridle and Head in the King's Hand. Who next day, troubled at this Fancy, sent to a learned Man, familiar with him, for the Interpretation. He excused himself, as unfit to give Opinion in a matter of that Consequence; but persuaded Osman to inquire of the Mufti. He also craved pardon; but withal said, there was none so fit to interpret it as Mustapha the King's Uncle, who was esteemed a holy man, that had Visions and Angellike Speculations, (in plain terms, between a Madman and a Fool.) The King repaired to Mustapha, who briefly told him, The Camel signified his Empire, his riding, abuse in Government; his dissension, his Disposition; the vanishing of the Body, the revolt of his Subjects; the Head remaining in his Hand, only a bare Title; and that he should shortly die within a few Months, and lose his Kingdom, but the empty Name of Emperor should accompany him to his Grave.  
A second of less consequence in the Visier Delavir Bassa, 
The English Ambassadors Advice to Delavir Bassa.  from whom his Majesty's Ambassador having received particular Friendship, about six days before this uproar, he went to visit; and having no other business but to persuade him to stay the King from his intended Pilgrimage, the Ambassador gave him many Reasons in the present Estate of their own Affairs; especially, the Treaty of Poland yet depending. To which the Bassa replied very gravely. Then the Ambassador urged the fear of some Tumult, collected from the licentious Speeches rumoured in the Town: And he was bold to deal plainly, sincerely, and friendly, That if any such thing should happen, the fault would be imputed to the Bassa, as being of authority to persuade the King; whom his Quality and Youth would excuse, but all the Fury would be discharged upon the greatest Minister; desiring him to consider the event, at least to take his Affection in the best part.  
The old Reinard stayed a while from reply; 
The Bassa's Reply.  at last, smiling to himself, that he should be persuaded against that which was his own Counsel, he gave a final answer, That there was no Remedy, he durst not hazard himself to oppose the King's Resolution: but assured him he would so order the matter, as this Journey should not proceed so far as was expected. The Ambassador concluded for himself, desiring then that he would leave him a particular recommendation to the Chimacham or Deputy as his Friend. To which he suddenly replied, Trouble not yourself, nor fear; I will never remove so far but that I will leave one of my Legs in this City to serve you. Which the poor man fulfilled; for being murdered within few days after, one of his Legs whole and entire was hanged in the Hippodrome, the most public place of the City.  
The reading of History, to know what is done and passed, having in it no Recompense but Delight, unless it look forward to Use and Action, either to correct Errors, or by that light to gather advantage in future, it will not be an unprofitable digression to observe what was like to succeed these monstrous Alterations. It was feared by contemplative men, that the Soldiers in Asia, who had lost their hope, would not sit down with this affront, but rather attempt some revenge for the Death of the King, who was their Martyr; or that some great Bassa, far removed from Court, might apprehend this occasion, not to obey an Usurper, set up by Treason; and under that colour to hide their own Ambition; or lastly, that the whole State would fall into Combustion, and intestine War. This they themselves foresaw, and it came to pass, as will appear in the Story; for within few Months Abassa Bassa of Arzirum declared himself revenger of his Prince's Blood, and troubled, and almost hazarded the whole Empire. The Persian apprehended the Opportunity, and recovered the Province and City of Babylon: and the same Soldiers that had betrayed their Prince, were never quiet until they had made some satisfaction, by restoring his Brother and right Heir; only it pleased not God to open the Eyes of Christian Princes to see the Inconveniency of their own uncivil Quarrels, while the distractions of this mighty Empire did invite to conquer it, and to divide it as a prostituted Prey.  

A practice to murder the Brethren of Sultan Osman.  On Saturday Evening, the first of june following, the Capi-aga or Major Domo of the Seraglio, having received a secret order to remove the Brethren of Osman from their Lodgings, and in the Night to strangle them; as he was performing his Command, aided with a few of his Carnifices to carry away the Princes, they cried out; the Pages running to the noise, and encouraged by the Casliaraga, who had some Suspicion, without further Examination killed the Capiaga, now almost every Order having risen against their own Head. That Night they sent secretly to the Janissaries and Spahies, to inform them what they had done; and in the Mor●ing early hanged his Body in the Hippodrome for a public spectacle. The Soldiers returned in Fury to the Court, in favour of the Pages, and demanded Justice against those that had consented to this wicked order, which had made an end of all the Ottoman race; only this Mustapha being left alive, who was so holy a Saint, that he would not People the World with Sinners, nor endure any Woman near him. The innocent King protested he knew nothing of this purpose; and if such command were procured, it was gotten by subreption; and he was easily believed. But his Mother, another Livia, and the new Visier, Daout Bassa, who had her Daughter to Wife, were vehemently suspected. It was a day of Divan or Council; but the Soldiers would suffer none, until they had an account of this Treason. The Visier denied all; the Mother was a Woman, and hidden in the House; yet it is very likely, they both were guilty, to uphold and secure their own Authority; it being rumoured, that the Visier determined to place subditiously in the room of the Elder Prince, his own Son, and very like him, and so to govern Mustapha for a time, and by his remove to establish himself and his race for ever. But now somewhat must be done to appease the People; therefore Daout Bassa, was degraded from his Office, and one Huzein Bassa, newly arrived from the Government of Cairo, advanced to his place, with promise of further Examination. But the fury once over, there was no great search nor discovery made, for perhaps the Sultan's Chequines quieted the matter. The new Visier was a man without Friends, yet very rich, of a stubborn and obstinate Nature, reported just in his ways, but peremptory and unflexible (Audax ferox, ac prout animum intendit, pravus aut industrius eadem vi) one from whom all men might expect much good, or much ill; he begun his Government roughly, and undertook to punish Insolences early, and professed a Reformation, or to be a Sacrifice: A man fit for those times that were desperate; for the worst was, that he must at last endure their Fury. In the mean time he procured a little awe, and restored the face of Justice; yet it was thought it could not last long, the Ghost of Osman would not be at rest until there were some Parentalia made unto him. The Nature of the Visier was unsupportable, but if he prevailed, and were once settled, he resolved anew to change the King, and lay on Obligation upon the Brethren of Osman; for he did never think himself secure under a man governed by an insolent Woman, dominandi avida, desirous to rule. And what assurance could he have in that Prince, in whom there was neither Judgement nor Hatred, but as it was infused? And though the particulars could not be foreseen, nor where the sore would break out, yet the whole body was sick, their King being mentis inops, an Idiot; and the next in expectation a Child unfit for Action, and all the great Men and Soldiers decayed, mutined, and corrupted.  
In the mean time, 
The Polish Ambassador approacheth upon the Confines, and writeth to the dead Visier.  the Duke of Sbarasky came near unto the Borders of the Turkish Empire, and, ignorant of those great changes which had happened, sent a Servant with a Letter to the dead Visier Delavir Bassa, with whom only the Poles had treaty. The contents were, That the King of Poland had sent him to conclude a Peace, upon such Conditions as were agreed upon by the Visier and the Commissioners of Poland, signed on both parts; but that it was reported upon the Death of the Grand Signior, that the new Government was varied from some of them; and that he had no other Instructions to treat anew; but if he would give his word to the English Ambassador, that there was no alteration in the intents of Peace, he was ready to set forward on his Journey. This Letter received by the new Visier, was Greek to him, who was lately come from Cairo, and understood no article nor piece of the business; which was so secretly carried by Delavir Bassa, that Sultan Osman and he being dead, there was no man had so much as a Copy, or knew the substance of that agreement; so that the Visier giving good Words, ashamed to confess his Ignorance, promised all things, but knew not what to write in particular answer, and therefore was at a stand. The Messenger nevertheless importuned a dispatch, the which he had in general terms, and so returned again to the Duke his Master upon the Confines.  
With this Nuntio, the Duke wrote to Sir Thomas Roe; and being very doubtful to entangle himself in this unsettled Government, desired him both to counsel him, and to tell the Visier, that he would not advance unless he might receive such assurance of safety and public Faith, as that he might engage his credit to him; hoping thereby to have both assistance and witness in all his proceeding. Which gave the Visier occasion to entreat the English Ambassador, both to promise for the good usage of the Duke, and to hasten him, and also to inform himself by him of the substance of the Treaty of Chotyn; which being by him undertaken, it turned to the great advantage of both, especially of the Peace itself.  
The seventeenth of june in the Morning, the Prince Coreskie, one of the Lords of Poland, taken Prisoner in the late War, recommended by his Majesty of Great Britain, who had formerly made an escape from the Turks Captivity, was strangled in the Prison, after two years of durance. This put all into murmur, 
The Prince Coreskie strangled in Prison.  and deep consideration, for what politic end this should be done, even when they themselves desired a Peace with the Pole, and yet did that which might utterly break the same; but it seemed they were at that time either carried with a brutish Fury, or that the Prince was betrayed from home, by intimation that his remuant Nature would never suffer the Peace long to continue between the Crown of Poland and the Grand Signior.  

The Visier attempteth to set up Morat the Brother of Osman, and to depose Mustapha.  The Visier (who caused this Polack Prince to be strangled) upon some spleen towards the Aga or chief Captain of the Janissaries, took this occasion to cast the fault on him, and to cashier him; and sent him to the Islands to be strangled; and gave order to murder some other Bassas and Officers, and that way being made to depose the Emperor Mustapha, to set up Morat the Child, and Brother of Osman, many being of his party. Whereupon the Soldiers rose all in Arms at the Seraglio, taking the alarm at the meddling with their Aga, rescued their Captain▪ and the rest, and demanded the Head of the Visier; whereupon he fled, and order was given to kill him where he could first be found. The Soldiers also required the Life of Morat, Aga Customer, and divers others; but for fear of other Complices, they durst search no further into the Conspiracy; only the Viziers House was sacked, and infinite Treasure taken, so that the Soldier was quiet for a day or two by making a new Visier, Mustapha Bassa; who was of a soft Nature, and scarce durst do Justice for fear of offending any Man. Now a new Faction was made between Mustapha and Morat; and it was expected hourly when there should be some great slaughter or massacre in the City; for of Necessity one side must fall.  
There was then no security for any Man; when the King and Viziers, and all Officers held their Lives and Dignities at the courtesy of the mutined Soldier, who had tasted the sweet of Rebellion, and cast off all Awe and Reverence, and could not easily be reduced to order, without much blood and hazard of the whole. Therefore the wiser men retired from Office and Employment, and the insufficient did cause their own daily change and ruin. The Soldier adhered to the King of their own creation, and he was in effect their Creature, for they did wholly govern him. But the Lawyers and Churchmen made secret conventions, and still practised some great alteration, and feared not to say openly, that the foundation of their State was dissolved, the King unlawful, and all that had adhered unto him lapsed into Heresy, having despised the Institutions of Mahomet. They wrought by wise Counsels, and held a large Correspondency with those of their own Coat, and spread their Confederacy to all parts of the Empire to procure a Faction, and kindle a greater Fire than that of the Soldiers; for at Bagdat the Captain of the Janissaries rose and slew the Bassa, burned the Mufti and all his Kin, and gave his Daughter in marriage to one As●an Begh, a pretender to the ancient Inheritance of a bordering Province, to cautionize that part. All Asia was in doubt whom to obey; and Cairo was eaten up with Oppression; and that which was most dangerous, they had no sense of the sickness in the Court, to cure it, nor any of them so wise as to dissemble it. 
The Prince of Transilvania's Ambassador arrived at the Port.   
The two and twentieth of August, the extraordinary Ambassador of Bethlem Gabor Prince of Transilvania arrived at Constantinople; who, amongst other Instructions, had order to excuse his Master, and to declare the Reasons why he had made Peace with the Emperor without the knowledge of the Port: which were, That the War had continued three years in the Kingdom of Hungary, and had so consumed and desolated the Country, that it was impossible for him to stay longer in the Field, and to maintain an Army, for the great Famine and scarcity of all things which the Soldiery suffered, and could from no place be supplied; so that if he had not accepted of Peace offered, he had been enforced to quit the Country of Necessity, and by his seeming flight have left the Enemy Victor. Therefore he was constrained to win time, and to return into Transilvania, to refresh his men of War, and to reinforce them; as also his own pressing Affairs calling him back, his Brother, whom he had left Governor in his absence, having advised him, That the King of Poland, by the Instigation of the Emperor, by intelligence with some of the principal Lords, did practise a revolt, and promised Aid to make a new Prince that should wholly depend upon the Empire and Poland. Lastly, seeing the Grand Signior had suddenly concluded a Peace with the Poles, he feared he should be left alone to the burden of the War, in which the King of Poland, being at ease, might assist the Emperor, which he was not able to sustain: Therefore he was content to take the Opportunity to accept of that, at the instance of the Emperor, which he should have been forced to do by Necessity.  
Yet afterward, although he made this Apology for his Master, for concluding a Peace, he assured the Port, that his Master meant not long to keep the same; informing them, that the Emperor had made a League (being at that time quiet in Germany) to invade the Ottoman Empire; persuading the Po●t to grant a Commission with full Power and Authority to him and the Bassa of Buda (who had been twenty years in that charge, and knew all the Borders) if they saw it fit, to prevent the Enemy, and to invade the Empire or the Kingdom of Poland. This demand was made by Gabor, to insinuate with the State of Turkey, and to get a Power dormant in his Hands, to advance into Hungary, if he saw advantage, or to oblige the Emperor; and to assure his Peace, by having means not to care if it were broken▪ But the Grand Signior finding himself, by reason of civil Distractions at home, unfit for a War abroad, and that they saw Bethlem Gabor had no other thing in recommendation than his own Designs and Fortune, his Ambassadors Propositions began to be altogether slighted and neglected.  
The Duke of Sbarasky, 
The Poland Ambassador arriveth at the Port.  who came to conclude the Peace between his Master the King of Poland, and the Grand Signior, after long stay upon the Confines, did at length arrive at the Port; but they made him stay five Weeks before he could have audience, forcing him to give a Present, contrary to his Instructions. Notwithstanding he could not get them to enter into a Treaty, finding nothing but falsehood and uncertainty among them, no Promise nor Faith kept, no Prisoners delivered, nor indeed any thing at all performed; for now that they had him within their Liberties, they hoped to work their own ends, and to weary him out, who had twelve hundred of his ordinary train. They threatened to keep him, and to denounce a War against his Master; yet, by the mediation of the English Ambassador, the Ministers of the Port and he were peeced again, and the Peace concluded, as shall be hereafter set down at large.  
After many Difficulties to obtain admission to the presence of the Grand Signior, caused by the frowardness of the old Eunuch Georgi Mehemet Bassa, then Great Visier; who, discovering that the Duke would complain against Tomsha Vayvod of Valachia, and his Creature, endeavoured by all fraud, cunning, threatening, and fastidious delays, to divert him from that purpose; being loath that the Actions of him whom he had fostered and maintained in many Tyrannies, especially in the occasion of the last War, should be examined or laid open to Justice. But when he saw that nothing could prevail, but that he must hazard a direct breach by the discontent of the Duke; and that the People began to murmur, and the English Ambassador to protect him, he was admitted, and nobly received, according to the pompous custom of that Court; and with his Letter of Credence he spoke these following Words.  

The Oration of the Duke of Sbarasky to the Grand Signior.  
SIGISMOND, by the Grace of God, King of Poland, Sueden, Gothia, Vandalia, Great Duke of Lituania, and of many other Provinces Prince and Lord: To your most Renowned Majesty, most Mighty Emperor of Asia and Europe, and King of many Kingdoms and Provinces, ever most happy, wisheth Health; and by me his Great Ambassador salutes you with all convenient Reverence and Honour; desiring to your Majesty from the most high God, the fullness of all Prosperity, Happiness, long Life, Triumph above your Ancestors, Princes worthy of all Memory.  
HIS High Majesty of Poland, considering the depth and height of the decrees of the Great God, marveling with all the World, and praising his High Name; doth comfort and joy himself, being more than certain, that, that eternal Power which hath preserved your Majesty from all evil destinies of Men, and from the Bowels of the Earth, and hath placed you in the shining Throne, hath not done it but for the public good; and like a wise Gardiner, who hath weeded out all venomous and noisome Plants, that he hath placed your Majesty in their room, as a noble and sweet smelling Flower, full of Virtue, Clemency, and Peace, desired of a●● the World. His Majesty, my Lord and Sovereign, hath always wished, that not only the Actions of later years, but of many Ages past, might have been forgotten; and that that Friendship and Peace begun with the Renowned Ottoman Kings two hundred and more years since, might have been without interruption continued. But seeing that the Great God hath been pleased to chastise the People of both parts, by the means of wicked men, that must be accepted for good which cometh from his divine Will; and therefore, blotting out of Mind whatsoever is past, doth now return to desire the continuance of the first ancient Peace, and doth offer himself to your high Majesty to keep it inviolably, as it was maintained in the time of Sultan Amurath of happy Memory. In witness of which his Sincerity, he hath not apprehended the Opportunity of the breach begun by the Persian, the expiration of the Truce with the Emperor of Germany, nor the many Revolts and Troubles in Asia, nor harkened to the Instigation of many Christian Princes, his Friends and Allies, nor to the Tartar discontented; but rather, having refused all other ways, hath with the Blood of his own Subjects, and the charge of his Purse, regained from the Rebel Valachia, Moldavia, and a part of Transilvania, and rendered those Provinces into the Hands of your Majesty's Father, and suffered no man at any time to disturb on that side the Friends of your Empire; giving Intelligence, like a good Friend and a Neighbour to your Ancestors, of all your Enemy's Designs and Machinations, and in as much as was possible endeavoured to preserve a good Peace and Friendship; which he offereth to your most serene Majesty, contenting himself with the Capitulations treated at Chotyn, and those of your most happy Father and Brother; praying your Majesty that they may be confirmed and maintained. And not doubting but your Majesty will restrain the Tartars, as he will do the Cossacks; and that you will suffer no occasion of kindling new Fires, he beseecheth your Majesty to do what justice you think meet upon Cantemir and Tomsha, who, contrary to the agreements and public Faith, have made spoil and new Incursions into Poland, even since my departure from thence; and with many Deceits and false Advices have desired to disturb the happy beginnings of Accommodation. And seeing that by the ancient Capitulations made with the most warlike Sultan Solyman, and his Successors, the Father and Brother of your Majesty; the Princes of Moldavia, the Bassas of Silistria, and the Beghs of Ackirman ought to keep the Passages of the Rivers to restrain the Tartars; and that those now in Possession of those Governments are already known, and grown old in their rapine and spoil, the King my Lord desireth your renowned Majesty, that they may be dismissed, and their Provinces given to some others more inclined to Peace. For Cantemir, it is a true rule observed, That one Tartar can hardly govern another, where both live upon spoil; and how easily upon any occasion new Troubles are apprehended by those who are ancient Enemies, I leave to your Highness' Wisdom; in which his Majesty is so assured, that he doubteth not, that for the public good, and for the Complaints and Tears of both Subjects, you will also vouchsafe to accept the request of your Friend, and a King your Neighbour. And if all the World, and the People thereof rejoice and praise God for the Friendship and Peace between your Majesty and the King my Master begun and concluded, he hopeth that the poor and miserable Prisoner shall participate of your Clemency, that they may join in the general care to pray to the eternal God for increase of your Greatness. The King my Master doth therefore desire your Majesty to grant Liberty to those who are in your Captivity, as he bindeth himself to set free all such of your Majesty's Subjects as are now his Prisoners; and I do promise on the behalf of my Master, that he shall be a Friend to your Friends, and an Enemy to your Enemies. In conclusion, he desireth all Happiness and Prosperity to your Majesty, from a clear Heart; in sign and testimony whereof, and of the Friendship begun on his part, he honoureth you with a Present, which you may be pleased to receive with your accustomed benignity; and shutting your Ears to such Informers, Enemies of Peace, as are found at your Port, that you will esteem him for a Friend and Neighbour of the most Royal and Ancient Kings of your most Princely Family.   
The Soldiers continued still in their mutinous Disposition, even in Constantinople, the Head City of the Turkish Empire, and grew to that height of Insolency, that going in Troops to the Court, they demanded all Offices of gain; to be Stewards to the Revenues of the Churches, which are great; to take the Farms of Customs; and there committed many other Outrages which were unsufferable. The Viziers durst deny them nothing; they drunk Wine in the Streets without Prohibition, contrary to their Law; and stood in Companies in the open day exacting Money of all Christians to pay for their Wine; and being denied it, stabbed and murdered without any Punishment; and when complaint was made to the Visier or Magistrate, they answered, None durst meddle with them, who had murdered their own King; and the Bassas themselves desired the Complainants patience, and that they would bear a part with the general sufferance.  

The Janissaries assault the Houses of the Christian Consuls at Smirna.  About the same time, the Janissaries in the Galleys which rid before Smirna, commanded by the Captain Halil Bassa, assaulted, against his Will, the Houses of all the Christian Consuls there. The English, with all those of the Nation, were forced to run naked from their Lodgings, and to swim to the Admiral's Galley to save their Lives; they ransacked the lower parts of the House, and carried away to the value of two thousand Dollars; the French sustained more loss; and the Venetians at least ten thousand, and one of the Subjects of that State cut in pieces. The General had much ado to appease them by Entreats or Persuasions, or to save the lives of all; insomuch as they miscalled and threatened him, because he would not consent to their madness. In conclusion, he was fain presently to put to Sea, or else they had finished the Trade at that Place.  
In Asia there was then three open Rebellions, one at Babylon, another at Arzerum, upon the borders of Persia near Tauris, and the third in Mesopotamia. The Viziers at the Port dissembled all this, and durst take no knowledge thereof, nor so much as to send a command thither, for fear of blowing the Fire, which would have put all into Combustion; whereupon they held a secret Counsel, and consented to remove themselves, to prove if they could recover the desperate Estate of that Empire, and took Resolution to make Halil Bassa (the best Soldier and most beloved) great Visier; and in his room Daout Bassa Captain of the Sea; and the present Visier, Chimachan or Lieutenant at the Port; and in the Spring following, they resolved to send the Visier into Asia, with all the force they could make; to which end they sent into Graece, to warn all the Soldiery to be ready at Adrianople, not daring to make a rendezvouse at the Port, for fear of new Trouble; and so to pass the Hellespont, wide of the City, to appease (if they could) those Revolts, and by that way to draw the Mutineers from the Court into Action, and to reduce them unto Obedience. And notwithstanding that there was no other symptom or prediction but such as threatened the ruin of that Empire, yet were they never prouder nor more seeming not to distrust themselves, their only security being, that they had no Enemy but themselves.  
The Treasury was far exhausted, the Revenue abated by the Oppression of every Bassa in his Government; 
The Grand Signors Treasure exhausted.  the Soldier increased both in pay and number; and so impatient of delay, that at every quarter, (besides borrowing and taking up of the Farms of the Customs beforehand) there were so many intolerable Exactions to raise moneys, that the appearance of domestic quiet could not long endure between two extremes; for means could not be found, and the Janissaries would not be retrenched nor deferred; and this was their general Estate at that time.  

An Ambassador from the Great Duke of Muscovy arrived at the Port.  While the Polish Ambassador was treating the Peace at the Port, whereof there was no great doubt, because neither side was fit for War, there arrived an Ambassador from the Great Duke of Muscovia, which gave some Interruption therein, pressing the Grand Signior to continue the War for seven years against Poland, according to the promise of Sultan Osman; offering that his Master should enter into Poland with an Army, and that they would divide the Country between them; but his Proposition was rejected, because they had had sufficient Trial of his Masters cunning proceedings in the last War. For the Muscovite, having made Peace with Poland (before the Invasion of Osman) for fourteen years, and being invited by him to break it and to invade that Country, upon promise that he would continue the War▪ for seven years, and make no agreement without their comprehension; first answered, That he could not break the Peace; thinking that the other was but a flash of a young Prince; but so soon as he saw the Turks in the Field and Borders of Poland, than he began to hope he might make advantage; and therefore promised Sultan Osman, on the Conditions mentioned, to enter into the Quarrel. And to that end dispatched an Ambassador to Poland, with Instructions to demand three things. First, that the Prince of Poland should renounce the Title of Elect Duke of Muscovia. The second, That the Poles should restore a Territory in the Border of Litu●nia, taken in the late Wars. Lastly, that the Peace should be perpetual; threatening, that if they refused those Conditions, he would enter into the Country with an Army, and get what he could. This Ambassador being arrived in the Confines, heard News that the Poles had repulsed the Turk at Chotyn, that he was retired, and a Peace treated; whereupon he feigned himself sick, and sent back a Post with this Advice and his old Instructions, desiring in this alteration some new order from home. The Governor of the Town where he lay, suspecting somewhat, intercepted the Messenger and his Packet, and sent it presently to the King. The man returned to his Master the Ambassador, as robbed; and was again dispeeded the second time, and sent back with another Style, to wit, with Letters of Congratulation, Joy, and Offers of all help and continuance of the Peace; with these the Ambassador went forward to the Court; and having audience, the King answered him, That if his Message were sincere, it had been very acceptable; but he knew it to be a sugared Treason, and no Faith intended from the Muscovite, and therefore commanded him to depart.  
The Ambassador protested, vowed, and used all means to assure the Integrity of his Message; until he was confronted by the Chancellor, with his own Letter and his Master's Instructions. Hereupon was this other dispatched to the Port to hinder the Peace, a●d to offer all their help to continue an Invasion. In the mean time the Muscovite neglected no means to secure himself, and by renewing two Ambassadors, obtained a Peace with Poland, which was then again confirmed. To which the Poles were the willinger to agree, not knowing what effect the Negotiations of the Duke of Sbarasky might produce at the Port. And now the Muscovite was forced to dissemble again with the Turk, and make his preparation to depart.  
The Great Visier Georgi, 
The Great Visier practiseth to put Daout Bassa to Death.  envying the Authority of Daout Bassa, the beloved Son of the Queen Mother, and Brother-in-Law to the Emperor Mustapha (which had formerly been deposed) who had been both the Instrument and the Counsellor to murder Sultan Osman, scorning that he should underhand govern in his Reign, especially because he countenanced in opposition the Duke of Sbaraskie's business, he therefore practised to put him to Death; but not daring to do it by his own Authority, and in vain to procure it from the Court, he stirred up the Spahies to demand Justice of him for the Death of the last King. This looked further than the first assent; for the subtle Visier, who was faithful to his true Lord, and knowing the rage of an unguided Multitude, aimed at a by-revenge upon others, whom he hoped would be involved and accused of the Murder; and the Soldier soon raised and mutined in the Seraglio, they demanded him. Daout fled, but now that the business was on foot, if he were not found the Visier himself was in danger; but the poor man was taken and brought to the Divan, and there being called to the public Justice, he must excuse himself upon some greater Person; wherein the Emperor and his Mother ran a new hazard, which was the secret end. Therefore both of them forsook him, and left him to the Law; and without any Trial he was brought before the Soldiers, stripped, his Turban taken off, and on his Knees ready to receive the stroke of Death; but suddenly the Janissaries came to his rescue, and carried him away to their Chambers. The Spahies, who began this Action, took it in ill part, and followed with great outcries, That they would have him die; the others demanded that he might be heard in public Justice. Thus those two mutined Factions were ready to come to blows. Daout Bassa, now in some hope of Life, bribed the Janissaries, and that day distributed forty thousand Chequines of Gold, and they promised to protect him. Who did not now think but he was taken away for safety? But the Spahies followed their first Resolution; and to appease the fear of that Dissension, it was agreed he should die. They that meant to save him, could not, but preserved him for a greater example of Justice. They would not now let him lose his Head in the Court, for that Death was too honourable for him that had murdered his Prince. Then the Janissaries put him secretly into the same Coach wherein he had sent Sultan Osman to Execution; twice in the way, being dry with Sorrow, he drank at the same Fountains where his last Master begged drink, and so was conveyed into the same Chamber where he had murdered him. The Executioners beginning to tie him, himself showed the very corner where he had committed that foul fact, and desired that there he might (if possible) expiate it; and so he was at last miserably strangled. Thus he had his Reward, and God was just also even for the wicked.  
About the twentieth of February, the Peace (after many rubs) between the Grand Signior and the King of Poland, by the Mediation of the English Ambassador (who was chosen by the Grand Signior as Arbitter of all differences) after many meetings with Diac Mahomet Bassa, Commissioner for the Treaty, was concluded; the Duke having first been forced to send this following Remonstrance for his Expedition, which much moved the Visier, and quickened the Conclusion.  

The Duke of Sbaraskie's Remonstrance to the Great Visier.  
YOur Excellency may be pleased to remember the happy and honourable Treaty made before Chotyn; In which a Peace was concluded between the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Poland, signed by Commissioners on both parts; wherein (with reference to other ancient Treaties) it was agreed, That a great Ambassador should come to the Imperial Port, as well to confirm and swear the Peace, as to set in order some other incident Circumstances, as than not fully taken into Consideration. Since which, the King and Republic of Poland, having elected me for that Employment, his Majesty and myself have received many Letters from Delavir, Daout, Huzein, and Mustapha, Bassanes, all great Viziers; not only promising a speedy end and dispatch of the Conclusion of Peace, which on both parts is so much desired, but also the release of our Captives, and all other respects of Love and Friendship, according to the ancient Honour of the Imperial Port; desiring me upon that assurance to proceed with Alacrity and Expedition. And further, it having pleased his Majesty of Great Britain (a Friend to both) to mediate in this pious Office, by his Ambassador resident, and sent to that end; who hath given me by his Letters great encouragement and hopes of a real and true proceeding in this business, agreeable to divers Promises made unto him, which he accordingly hath informed his own Master; I was very glad of this honourable function, and hoped to have found as ready performance as is by his Majesty and all the World expected.  
To this end I am come to the Port, with full Power and Instructions from his Majesty and the Republic of Poland, to conclude and finish a full and perpetual Peace, with all sincerity and heartiness; and in his Majesty's Name to swear the same; offering to be Friend to the Friends, and Enemy to the Enemies of this Imperial Port reciprocally, and to be ready to treat and accommodate all or any other Circumstances incident to a business of so great Consequence.  
Since my arrival, notwithstanding that I have produced both the mentioned Treaty at Chotyn, and Letters how little I have advanced in the main Affairs, and the doubtful Consequences of a long protraction. I desire you to consider, having as yet proceeded no further in substance, than the delivery of my Letters and Presents; and to that end, that there may never be imputed to the King and Republic of Poland any slackness in present, or any breach in future, out of a sincere and good desire to establish this Treaty sure and firm, and to open a clear and true Heart, I am enforced to make this true Declaration; and desire your Excellency to weigh maturely the motives following.  
I do not repine at mine own stay at this Imperial Port, where I receive all Honour; I do not doubt of the sincere and faithful meaning of the Empire to conclude the Peace; but the deferring hereof may, against our Wills breed three Inconveniencies.  
First, your Excellency doth know, that the Cossacks are a People not easily to be restrained, if they be once at Liberty, and that they live upon their Arms. They have ready eight hundred Boats to make an Invasion into the Black Sea. In the Winter they cannot move; they attend only the advice of the Conclusion of Peace; therefore now is the season to finish and publish it; for if by long delays it shall be deferred unto the Spring, and that jealousy or their own desire set them free, your Excellency doth know in Wisdom how difficult it is to reduce into order a People of that Condition, which for our parts we are now able and ready to prevent; the State having ordained to satisfy them, and to buy their Boats upon the first intimation of a Conclusion.  
Secondly, it is the order of our Nation every Spring to call a Parliament for the relegement of all public Affairs; of which assembly I am a Member; if I shall be stayed here, and not able to render a reason thereof, it will breed great suspicion and disturbance in the general Resolution; you may consider, that in all parts there are some unadvised Men, Friends of Sedition and War, and many that make advantage of others Troubles, who may do ill Offices, such as the innocent may be sorry for but cannot help.  
Thirdly, the Eyes of all Princes are set upon the Honour and Faith kept on both parts in this Treaty, and accordingly will govern their own Occasions.  
For these Reasons I do in his Majesty's Name desire your Excellency to give me a dispatch, such as may bring joy and Content to all, by avoiding the Miseries of War; and in such time, that the Snows and Discommodities of Winter shut me not up; but that I may return as well to satisfy his Majesty and the Republic in our general Assembly, as to retain those, who may be cause of much trouble, without our Consents.  
There is no Difficulty that I understand; I am content to accept the ancient and honourable Treaties made with the famous Emperor Solyman and his Successors, and now lastly at Chotyn; if there be any other difference, I have Power, and am ready to accommodate it.  
My desire then only is, That a present End and Conclusion be made of a Peace, firm, and perpetual; and that the Emperor will be pleased, according to many promises, to deliver and set free the Captives taken in the last Wars; as I do in his Majesty's Name give my Word that all others taken on our parts shall have Liberty and Passport to return. And if there have been any Difficulty made by occasion of my pressure for the rejection of Tomsha, and Cante-Emir-Emirze, I do make this true Protestation, That as it is the Request of his Majesty, my King, in Friendship, so there is no other end nor cause of that desire, but only to remove all occasion of offence and breach with this Imperial Port, which those ill Neighbours are ever ready to minister; But if that be any great Inconvenience to this Imperial Port, I only then seek, that better order may be taken with them for the future, that they may live quietly without offence of the public Peace.  
I desire your Excellency to weigh and consider these my Reasons and Protestations, which proceed only from a good and sincere Heart, to promote and maintain an inviolable and good Friendship with this Imperial Port.   
Within two days after, the Duke of Sbaraskie took his leave of the Emperor, to the great Joy of himself and his Train, who thereby saw themselves delivered out of Captivity. The three great and noble Prisoners were set free, and did make a public acknowledgement of his Majesty of Great Britain's Favour, to whom both the Ambassador and they attributed the best part of their good Success, and gave particular Thanks by Letter.  

Articles Contracted between the Grand Signior and the King of Poland.  
HIS Majesty of Poland, having sent into our happy Port his well deserving and famous great Ambassador, the most Illustrious Duke of Sbaraskie, to offer us sincere Peace, loyal Friendship, and good Correspondence, and to seek that the ancient Peace and Friendship should be of us anew confirmed, and the old Capitulations renewed, and that for the time to come there might be established an eternal Peace and Friendship: His Kingly instance hath been most pleasing to us, and the Peace and Friendship of us accepted; and we have ordained, That all the ancient Treaties shall be renewed, and at the present have given this our Capitulation with the following Articles.  
FIrst, That never upon our part, nor of any of our Viziers, Beglerbeghs, Beghs, Cadees, Officers, nor Soldiers, any harm shall be done to the Provinces, Cities, Castles, Towns, Villages, and other Places pertaining to the King and State of Poland. And likewise upon the part of his Majesty of Poland, that by his Princes, Ministers, or Cossack, nor any other his Subjects, there shall be no wrong done in any part of our Empire, City, Castle, Town, or Village, but that both parties shall always remain Friends to Friends, and Enemies to Enemies.  
II. And seeing that the Tartars of Dobrirza, Biaolograd, Keil, Ozu, and Silistra, and the People of Moldavia, do enter, invade, and damnify the State of Poland; We command, that for the time to come, our Beglerbeghs of Silistra, and all other Beglerbeghs of Bender, shall take care to keep all those Passages and Rivers, to the end that hereafter the said Nations shall have no passage by those ways to damnify the State of Poland; and whensoever it shall be known that the said Ministers have used Negligence in keeping those Passages, according to the Treaty with Sultan Solyman, of happy Memory, that such Ministers be degraded and severely punished.  
III. The Vayvod of Moldavia likewise shall never grant any Passage to the said Nations; and whensoever it shall be known that the said Vayvod hath transgressed in this our Will, he shall be degraded and severely punished.  
IU. And whensoever the said Tartars and others, contrary to this our Will, shall make any Invasion or Spoil in the State of Poland, all our Ministers and Governors shall apprehend and severely punish them; and, as it is set down in the Agreements with Sultan Solyman, all the Slaves and Prisoners which shall by such Malefactors be brought into our Dominions, shall be set at Liberty, and their Goods restored to them again, and the Malefactors punished for having transgressed our Imperial Capitulations.  
V. And if any of our Subjects shall buy any Person or Polish Goods, unjustly taken by such Malefactors, and it shall be made known unto us by the King of Poland; the buyers, for having bought unlawful Goods, their Estate shall be confiscate, and they themselves severely punished.  
VI The Prince Chrim Tartar shall be obedient to us, and all the Tartarian Nation under his Command. Kalgha Sultan, and other Emirs and Princes of his Blood, from henceforth shall never enter into, nor invade any part of the State of Poland, nor ever do any Damage, either by the way of Moldavia, the open Field or Desert, nor shall ever enter into or invade any part or jurisdiction of the same. And at all times that his Majesty of Poland shall give notive, That the said Prince, or others above mentioned, have broken this our Will and Capitulations, and entered and damnified his State; for their Disobedience, the said Prince, as well as the others, shall be by us punished and chastised; and we command, that never any one, in any part of our Dominion, shall sell either People or Goods robbed from the State of Poland; and finding that there be any one that hath dared to buy Men or Goods, robbed from them, such shall be immediately punished with confiscation. And, as before mentioned, the Beglerbeghs of Silistria, with all Diligence shall keep the straits of Osue, and never suffer the said People to pass; and if it shall be known they have transgressed, they shall be punished with loss of their Charge and Office.  
VII. And whensoever the said Prince Chrim Tartar, or his Kalka, Emirze, or others, shall by our order be called and commanded in their proper Persons to go to any part of the War in our Service, if by chance they should pass by the Confines of Poland, as it is set down in the Capitulations of my Father of happy Memory, They shall not enter into any Village, Borough, Castle, or City of Polonia, or do any kind of damage to the People thereof; and finding that they have given any molestation or hurt, they shall be corrected, as is aforesaid.  
VIII. And in Conformity of my Fathers said Capitulation, every time that his Majesty of Poland shall invite and call the said Prince Chrim Tartar in his Occasion of War, 
1623.  whilst he giveth him his annual stipend, the said Prince with all his Forces and Army, shall go help and assist his Majesty in every such Occasion, and show all Friendship and Sincerity; to which effect we have given order, that our Imperial Letters be written to the said Prince, in this particular, who shall observe all according to our Will and Pleasure.  
IX. And for the better establishing of this our Peace and Amity according to the ancient Capitulations and Observance, his Majesty of Poland promiseth to send his Great Ambassador to the said Prince of Tartars; and (beginning from this present, the 24th of the Month of june) to pay yearly to the said Prince his accustomed stipend in this form following. Every year his Majesty shall send the said stipend into the Castle of Chotyn in Moldavia, and the Vayvod thereof shall certify the said Prince Chrim, who shall presently send his Ambassador to receive the same, by the hands of the Vayvod. The which Prince shall always observe this form, and shall be always obedient to this our Imperial Will.  
X. And in case that his Majesty of Poland should fail any year to send the said stipend, the Prince Tartar shall not suddenly rise with his Army and invade Poland; but, according to the agreements of Sultan Solyman, continuing still in his Obedience, he shall certify us, and we will procure and recover his right.  
XI. His Majesty of Poland doth promise, that from henceforward the Cossacks shall not enter nor come into any part of our Empire by the Rivers of Osue or any other, nor make any spoil therein; and if the said Cossacks do enter into any part of our Dominions and do any hurt, we certifying his Majesty by our Imperial Letters, he promiseth to correct them severely, and to put to death the Malefactor's for breaking the Capitulations, and violating the Peace and Amity.  
XII. And all our Subjects which shall be made Slaves, and imprisoned by the said Cossacks, shall be immediately set at liberty; and the Ministers of his Majesty shall always be diligent to punish the Transgressor's, and wholly restore those Persons and Goods which they shall have taken from our said Subjects, and that never any Subject of the King of Poland shall buy any stolen Goods; and if any have presumed and bought, that he be severely punished; and in general all that which we have promised concerning the Tartars and Moldavians, so his Majesty also doth promise to us for the Cossacks and other his Subjects.  
XIII. After the Conclusion of this Peace, if upon the Confines or open Fields, Fishers or Hunters on either part meeting together, shall happen to fall out, or be at difference by their own Occasion, it shall be no disturbance to this our Peace and Amity.  
XIV. Always, according to the ancient Agreements, the Princes or Vayvods of Moldavia, shall show to his Majesty of Poland all due Reverence and respect, good Amity and Neighbourhood; and seeing that the said Vayvods have ever been as it were Instruments of Preservation, or of the breach of the Peace; therefore we command, that for the time to come, neither the said Vayvods, nor other of our Beglerbeghs or Ministers, shall build in those Confines any new Castle, Fort, or Bridge; and that in those Castles or Forts of those Frontiers which are already built, there shall never any other Garrisons be kept but Moldavians; and according to the ancient Capitulations, the Tartars shall not inhabit, dwell, or till within those Confines, of both Nations.  
XV. And to the end this Peace and Amity may be always kept between us, we swear by the Name of God, and assure by this our Imperial Article, that all the Ambassadors, great or inferior, which shall be sent from us to his Majesty, or those great or less which shall be sent from his Majesty to us, shall always be safe and secure, as well in their coming as their return; and that there shall never be need of any other passport, but that they shall be of us by all ways honoured and well received.  
XVI. Concerning Merchants, Passengers, and other Polack Negotiators, they shall always come safely and securely by Sea and Land into all the parts of our Empire; and for Customs, Tolls, and other Duties of their Merchandise, and in case of Debt, Credit, Suretyship, and such other like Accidents concerning the course of justice and Law, we command that it shall be always observed according to the Agreements with our Father of happy Memory, Sultan Achmat. Which Articles we at this present accept and confirm, ratify, and command that they be of all our Subjects for ever punctually obeyed and observed.  
XVII. Furthermore we promise, and in the Name of God swear, to observe and maintain for ever all those Covenants and Articles agreed upon and written in our Capitulations, by our Great Grandfather, Grandfather, and Father, and never to disannul any of them.  
XVIII. And whereas to show greater desire of Sincerity concerning this Peace, his Majesty of Poland hath sought of us by his said great Ambassador, that the Subjects of Poland may safely and securely come by the River of Turla with divers Merchandise, and sell, buy, and traffic in Ackirman, which traffic being used, will be of great benefit to both Estates. We ordain and command from henceforward, that the said Nation may come and negotiate safely and securely in the said Ackirman. And to the end that this business be established and concluded in a good manner, we will give order to our Ambassador, whom we intent to send shortly to his Majesty for the ratification thereof.  
XIX. Which present Articles, Capitulations, Peace, Amity, League, and Correspondence, by the Grace of God we promise undoubtedly to maintain so long as we live in this World; and do hereby conclude between us and our Posterity, and the King and State of Polonia, an everlasting Peace; Sealing it and confirming it with these Words, Friends to Friends, and Enemies to Enemies.   
Notwithstanding all this, 
Some of the Capitulations of Peace altered by the Turks.  after the Duke was departed one days Journey, where he stayed to receive the Treaty signed, they altered some of the Articles to their own advantage, without his Knowledge. Which when he heard, he complained anew by his Letters to the Port of the abuse offered unto him, and made haste rather to escape than return. But the Cossacks at the same time being stirred about the Black Sea, the Visier and State (having nothing more in care than to shut up that back po●t, whereby they suffered much loss and Dishonour, and could not revenge it upon a fugitive People: which divided their Naval Army, being forced to send a portion of Galleys to defend the Trade, the best part of relief of the City of Constantinople coming from those Coasts) resolved to give content to the Poles, and to assure the Peace; that they might with more Security attend their Affairs in Asi● and Hungary; which Action was favoured vehemently by the present Visier. To which end, he sent answer into Pol●nd, with Promises of Faith, and Reparation for the Injuries committed by the Tartars; laying the fault of miswriting the Treaty upon the Chancellor, which though they amended not, yet they did explain and interpret; and for better establishment and security on their behalves of the Peace, they resolved to depose jehan-beg, Prince of Tartary, and sent Mechmet Gheray his Cousin German, and first of the Blood, late Prisoner in the Rhodes, to take Possession of his Dominion; who undertook to quiet and restrain that People; which he caused to be signified to Poland, that the King might see these alterations were only for the full security of the Peace on their side, that the Pole might take the like course with the Cossack's, who were not as yet reclaimed.  
The Soldiers continued still in their height of Fury and Madness, and those that were to go upon the Galleys for the defence of the Black Sea and other Designs, 
The Soldiers still continue in their Fury.  being ready to depart, robbed, slew, broke Houses in the Face of the Magistrate in the open day: What was it not lawful for them to do that had slain their King, and made and destroyed the great Ministers at their Will and Pleasure, as their Stewards and Servants? and God did so blind them, that they should not see, that they digged up their own roots, and were made by God the blind instruments of their own Ruin. The Mint also was removed into the Seraglio, where was brought forth all the Saddles, Bridles, Stirrups, that had any Gold or Silver upon them, with all old Plate, to make Money to patch up a quiet, and to satisfy and content the Soldiers, and all little enough for the present to save the City from a total sack.  

The Ambassadors of the Prince of Transilvania departed from the Port.  The Ambassadors of the Prince of Transilvania, having changed their Style of excusing a firm Peace with the Emperor by the change of the Visier, and finding the Opportunity of a Friend now in place to aid their Prince, they negotiated new matter, assuring the Port, that by the troubles of Germany a fair occasion was given to recover Hungary, and to set the Crown upon their Master's Head; and that therefore if the Grand Signior would be pleased to grant unto their Prince the aid of the Grecian Army, that he would make another attempt to weaken the greatest Enemy of that Empire, which they easily obtaining (the ignorance and avarice of the Turk opening a way to credulity which was the constant advantage of Gabor, who could conquer both their Understandings and Forces to his own ends) being in all fully satisfied, they departed the twentieth of April. Which Resolution o● the Port was much wondered at by all wise men, who knew how unfit the Turk was at that present for a War. The Prince was then at Cassovia, expecting the issue of his Ambassage, and in hope of Turkish Aid; which being granted and gathered upon his frontier, and joined at last with his own Forces, his whole Army was not very great, nor had he any Cannon to march withal to besiege any place; his chiefest trust consisting in his Intelligence in Hungary, where he expected a general revolt, and that all the Garrisons would open to him, or at least some diversion in Silesia (which he was promised) facilitate his ways; and he was not in despair, that upon the first appearance of an Army, Moravia, by the favour of the Count of Turn and his Friends, would follow the same Example; and this was the design which his Ambassadors had ●o long solicited at the Port, and dissembled at their first coming. Now there was nothing expected but a War; but not long after there arrived a new Ambassador from the Prince, without any mention of the Affairs of those parts; which made all men inquisitive, thinking he was either come to hasten the Succours, or to change something in the manner and other Circumstances depending thereon; but it was found that the States of Transilvania had assembled at Alba-Iulia, and were very loath to entertain a War, or to break with the Emperor; and therefore dispeeded two Commissioners towards him, who were well received and treated at Vienna; and from the Emperor was sent to Transilvania the Bishop of Nitria. Whereupon a new Peace was treated, and this Ambassador sent to procure the recall of the former Commands given to the Bassas to move with their Armies. Whereby it was suspected he never had any purpose to make a War, but only to balance by the continuance thereof his Fears and last Agreements with the Emperor.  
All Men prophesied (by reason of daily Disorders) the fall of the Ottoman Empire. 
The Bassa of Arzirum in Rebellion.  But now the Bassa of Arzirum, who was joined with divers others, and had made a great Army, was in his march toward Angria, the direct way to Constantinople (Babylon yet resting in Rebellion) with a pretence of Reformation; who took nothing by force but the Treasure of the Empire. He held a general Council in his Camp, and sent to the Port to require the Presence of the Mufti, Cadees, Bassanes, and ancient Beghs, to take knowledge and to punish the Traitors that murdered the late King, and to settle a new one lawfully that should be able to govern; to reduce the mutined City-Souldier to Obedience and Discipline, and to place about the Emperor some Great Visier, chosen by the State, able to direct and apply Remedies to the Diseases then grown to a Chrysis; complaining, that every three or four Months, by the change of the Visier, the Provinces were destroyed, (for they placed and displaced the Governors according to their own Factions) and so contrary orders were sent abroad daily, insomuch as no man knew who was King or Visier, nor whom they should obey. These were his Pretences, and if the present State would not consent to this Assembly, he then resolved to come to the Port, and settle all things at his Pleasure by the Sword. The great Officers in possession of the Empire and Government, loath to be called to an account by the Soldier, took a worse Resolution, To make a War; and made choice of Cigala Bassa for General; which he refused upon the same pretence, that in his absence alterations would be so frequent; and that he should not please, or at least uncertainly, and according to Interpretation. Therefore he would have an absolute Dictatorship for the time, equal to that of a great Visier, or else he would not stir. This was granted him, and money given out, and order to pass the Water speedily; inrolling for his Army fifteen thousand Janissaries, and thirty thousand Spahies. But those did demur, and alleged it was a War against their own Brethren, and sought any Excuses rather than to come to blows. But the secret was, it was then Ramazan, or their Holy Lent, at the end of which they were to receive their Pay; and therefore they would not move, but pretended Religion. Next day after their Feast, when they should march, they showed themselves in their Colours, (having first held many Consultations) and would not march at all, unless the Emperor or Great Visier would go in Person. So every day brought forth new subject of Trouble, and the Empire to a great deal of hazard and danger.   

A BRIEF DISCOURSE OF THE GREATNESS OF THE TURKISH EMPIRE: As also wherein the greatest Strength thereof consisteth; and of what Power the bordering Princes, as well Mahometans as Christians, are in Comparison of it.  By RICHARD KNOLLES. 
year 1623. THE History of the Turks (being indeed nothing else but the true Record of the woeful Ruins of the greater part of the Christian Common-weal) thus, as before passed through, and at length brought to an end; and their Empire (of all others now upon Earth far the greatest) as a proud Champion still standing up as it were in defiance of the whole World: I thought it good for the Conclusion of this my Labour, to propose unto the view of the zealous Christian, the Greatness thereof; and so near as I could to set down the Bounds and Limits within the which it is (by the goodness of God) as yet contained, together with the Strength and Power thereof, as also in what regard it hath the Neighbour Princes bordering or confining upon it, with some other Particularities tending unto the same purpose. All or most part thereof, although it be by the considerate well to be gathered out of the whole course of the History before going, yet shall it more plainly here together in the full thereof appear, than by the long and particular consideration of the rising and increase thereof be perceived; not much unlike the overgrown Tree, at the greatness whereof every man wondereth, no man in the mean time either perceiving or marking how by little and little in tract of time it grew up to that bigness, as now to overtop all the rest of the Wood 
Constantinople the Seat of the Turks Empire.  The Imperial Seat of this so great and dreadful an Empire, is the most famous City of Constantinople, sometime the Glory of the Greek Empire, but now the Place where Achmat, the first of that Name, and fourteenth of the Ottoman Emperors, acknowledging no man like unto himself, triumpheth over many Nations; a City fatally founded to command, and by the great Conqueror Tamerlane, of all others thought to be the best seated for the Empire of the World. In which City (taken from the Christians by Mahomet the second, by the Turks surnamed the Great, and the Greek Empire by him subverted) as the Ottoman Emperors have ever since seated themselves, so have they wonderfully, even to the astonishment of the World, year 1623. out of the Ruins of that so glorious a State, increased both their Strength and Empire, almost altogether fixed even in the self same Kingdoms, Countries, and Regions, as was sometimes that; though not as yet (God be thanked) able to attain to the uttermost bounds that that Empire sometimes had, especially in Europe, albeit that it hath oftentimes in pride thereof most mightily swollen, and in some few places thereof somewhat also exceeded the same. Amongst the rest of the Ottoman Emperors, this great Monarch of whom we speak (namely Achmat the first, which now reigneth in that most stately and Imperial City) hath at this present under his Command and Empire, the chief and most fruitful parts of the three first known parts of the World; only America remaining free from him, not more happy with the rich Mines thereof, than in that it is so far from out of his reach. 
The bounds of the Turks Empire in Europe, Africa, and Asia,  For in Europe he hath all the Sea-Coast from the Confines of Epidaurus (the uttermost bound of his Empire in Europe Westward) unto the mouth of the River Tanais, now called Don, with whatsoever lieth betwixt Buda in Hungary, and the Imperial City of Constantinople; in which space is comprehended the better part of Hungary, all Bosna, Servia, Bulgaria, with a great part of Dalmatia, Epirus, Macedonia, Graecia, Peloponnesus, Thracia, the Archipelago, with the rich Islands contained therein. In Africa he possesseth all the Sea Coast from Velez (or as some call it Belis) De Gomera, or more truly to say, 
The Greatness of the Turks Empire.  from t●e River Mulvia (the bounder of the Kingdom of Fez) even unto the Arabian Gulf, or Red-Sea, Eastward; except some few Places upon the Rivage of the Sea, holden by the King of Spain; viz. Mersalcabir, Melilla, Oran, and Pennon; and from Alexandria Northward unto the City of Asna, called of old Siene, Southward; in which space are contained the famous Kingdoms of Tremizen, Algiers, Tunes, and Egypt, with divers other great Cities and Provinces. In Asia all is his from the straits of Hellespontus Westward, unto the great City of Tauris Eastward; and from Derbent, near unto the Caspian Sea Northward, unto Adena upon the Gulf of Arabia Southward. The greatness of this his Empire may the better be conceived by the greatness of some parts thereof; the Mere of Meotis, which is all at the Turkish Emperor's command, being in compass a thousand miles; and the Euxine or Black-Sea in circuit two thousand and seven hundred; and the Mediterranean Coast, which is subject unto him, containing in compass about eight thousand miles. But to speak of his whole Territory together; he goeth in his own Dominion from Tauris to Buda, about three thousand two hundred miles. The like distance is from Derbent unto Adena. From Balsera upon the Persian Gulf unto Tremisena in Barbary, are accounted little less than four thousand miles. He hath also in the Sea the most noble Islands of Cyprus, Euboea, Rhodus, Samos, Chios, Lesbos, and others of the Archipelago. In this so large and spacious an Empire are contained many great and large Countries, sometime most famous Kingdoms, abounding with all manner of worldly Blessings and Nature's store: For what Kingdom or Country is more fruitful than Egypt, Syria, and a great part of Asia? What Country more wealthy or more plentiful of all good things, than was sometime Hungary, Graecia and Thracia? In which Countries he hath also many rich and famous Cities, but especially four, which be greatest for Wealth and Trade; 
The four chief Cities for Trade in the Turks Empire.  namely, Constantinople, Cairo, Aleppo, and Tauris. Constantinople, for multitude of People, exceedeth all the Cities of Europe; wherein are deemed to be above seven hundred thousand Men; which if it be so, is almost equal to two such Cities as Paris in France. Aleppo is the greatest City of Syria, and, as it were the centre whereunto all the Merchandise of Asia repair. Tauris, of late the Royal Seat of the Persian Kings, and one of the greatest Cities of that Kingdom, from whom it was in this our Age taken by Amurath the Third, hath in it above two hundred thousand Men. Cairo, amongst all the Cities of Africa is the chief, leaving all others far behind it, (although that some make the City of Cano equal unto it in greatness) being as it were the Storehouse, not of Egypt only, and of a great part of Africa, but of India also; the Riches whereof being brought by the Red-Sea to Sues, and from thence upon Camels to Cairo, and so down the River Nilus to Alexandria, are thence dispersed into these Western Parts; albeit, that this rich Trade hath of late time been much impaired, and so like more to be; the Christians (especially the Portugal's) trafficking into the East-Indies, and by the vast Ocean transporting the rich Commodities of those Eastern Countries into the West, to the great hindrance of the Grand Seignior's Customs in Cairo.  
The Ottoman Government in this his so great an Empire, 
The Ottoman Government mere tyrannical.  is altogether like the Government of the Master over his Slave, and indeed mere tyrannical; for the Great Sultan is so absolute a Lord of all things within the compass of his Empire, that all his Subjects and People, be they never so great, do call themselves his Slaves and not his Subjects; neither hath any man power over himself, much less is he Lord of the House wherein he dwelleth, or of the Land which he tilleth, except some few Families in Constantinople, to whom some few such things were by way of reward, and upon especial favour given by Mahomet the Second, at such time as he won the same. Neither is any man in that Empire so great, or yet so far in favour with the Great Sultan, as that he can assure himself of his Life, much less of his present Fortune or State, longer than it pleaseth the Sultan. In which so absolute a Sovereignty (by any free born People not to be endured) the Tyrant preserveth himself by two most especial means; first, 
The means whereby the Turkish Emperors preserve themselves in so absolute a Sovereignty.  by taking off all Arms from his natural Subjects; and then by putting the same and all things else concerning the State and Government thereof into the Hands of the Apostata, or Renegade Christians, whom for the most part every third, fourth, or fifth Year, (or oftener, if his need so require) he taketh in their Childhood, from their miserable Parents, as his Tenths or Tribute Children; whereby he gaineth two great Commodities: First, For that in so doing he spoileth the Provinces he most feareth, of the flower, sinews, and strength of the People, choice being still made of the strongest Youths, and fittest for War; then, for that with these, as with his own Creatures, he armeth himself, and by them assureth his State; for they, in their Childhood, taken from their Parents Laps, and delivered in Charge to one or other appointed for that purpose, quickly, and before they are aware, become Mahometans; and so no more acknowledging Father or Mother, depend wholly on the Great Sultan; who, to make use of them, both feeds them and fosters them, at whose hands only they look for all things, and whom alone they thank for all. Of which Fry, so taken from their Christian Parents, (the only Seminary of his Wars) some become Horsemen, some Footmen, and so in time the greatest Commanders of his State and Empire, next unto himself; the natural Turks, in the mean time, giving themselves wholly unto the Trade of Merchandise, and other their Mechanical Occupations; or else to the feeding of cattle, their most ancient and natural Vocation, not intermeddling at all with matters of Government or State. So that if unto these his Soldiers, all of the Christian Race, you join also his Fleet and Money, you have as it were the whole strength of his Empire; for in these four, his Horsemen, his Footmen, 
Four things wherein the greatest strength of the Ottoman Empire consisteth.  his Fleet and Money, especially consisteth his great Force and Power: whereof to speak more particularly, and first concerning his Money. It is commonly thought, that his ordinary Revenue exceedeth not eight millions of Gold; and albeit, that it might seem, that he might of so large an Empire receive a far greater Revenue, yet doth he not, 
The Turks ordinary Revenues, and why they are no greater.  for that both he and his Men of War (in whose power all things are) have their greatest and almost only care upon Arms, fitter by nature to waste and destroy Countries, than to preserve and enrich them; insomuch that for the preservation of their Armies, and furtherance of their Expeditions, (every year to do) they most grievously spoil even their own People and Provinces whereby they pass, scarce leaving them Necessaries wherewith to live; so that the Subjects, despairing to enjoy the Fruits of the Earth, much less the Riches which by their Industry and Labour they might get unto themselves, do now no farther endeavour themselves either to Husbandry or Traffic than they needs must, yea, than very necessity itself enforceth them. For to what end availeth it to sow that another man must reap? or to reap that which another man is ready to devour? Whereupon it cometh, that in the Territories of the Ottoman Country, yea, even in the most fruitful Countries of Macedonia and Greece, are seen great Forests, all every where waste, few Cities well peopled, and the greatest part of those Countries lying desolate and desert; so that Husbandry (in all well-ordered Commonwealths the Prince's greatest store) decaying, the Earth neither yieldeth her Increase unto the painful Husbandman, neither he matter unto the Artificer, neither the Artificer Wares to furnish the Merchant with, all together with the Plough running into ruin and decay. As for the Trade of Merchandise, it is almost all in the hands of the jews, or the Christians of Europe, viz. the Ragusians, Venetians, Genoese, French, or English; the natural Turks having therein the least to do, holding in that their so large an Empire no other famous Cities for Trade, more than the four above named, viz. Constantinople, Tauris, Aleppo, and Cairo; whereunto may be added, Caffa, and Thessalonica in Europe; Damascus, Tripoli, and Aden in Asia; Alexandria and Algiers in Africa. In our Countries here in this West part of Europe, of the abundance of People oftentimes ariseth Dearth; but in many parts of the Turks Dominions, for want of Men to manure the Ground; most part of the poor Country People, drawn from their own dwellings, being enforced with Victuals and other Necessaries to follow their great Armies in their long Expeditions, of whom scarce one of ten ever return home to their dwellings again, there by the way perishing, if not by the Enemy's Sword, yet by the wants, the intemperateness of the Air, or immoderate pains taking. But to come nearer unto our purpose; 
The Turks Casualties more than his ordinary Revenue.  Although the great Turk's ordinary Revenues be no greater than is aforesaid, yet are his extraordinary escheats to be greatly accounted of, especially his Confiscations, Forfeitures, Fines, Amerciaments (which are right many) his Tributes, Customs, Tyths and Tenths of all Preys taken by Sea or Land, with divers other such like, far exceeding his standing and certain Revenue; his Bassas and other his great Officers like ravening Harpies as it were sucking out the Blood of his poor Subjects, and heaping up inestimable Treasures, which for the most part fall again into the Grand Seignior's Coffers. Ibrahim Visier Bassa (who lived not long since) is supposed to have brought with him from Cairo to the value of six millions; and Mahomet, another of the Viziers, was thought to have had a far greater sum. His Presents also amount unto a great matter, for no Ambassador can come before him without great Gifts, no man is to hope for any commodious Office or Preferment without Money, no man may with Empty Hands come to the Presence of him so great a Prince, either from the Province he had the charge of, or from any great Expedition he was sent upon; neither unto so great and mighty a Prince are Trifles presented. The Vayvods of Moldavia, Valachia, and Transilvania, before their late revolt, by Gifts preserved themselves in their Principalities, being almost daily changed, especially in Valachia and Moldavia; for those Honours were by the Grand Signior still given to them that would give most; who, to perform what they had offered, miserably oppressed the People, and brought their Provinces into great Poverty. In brief, an easy thing it is for the great Tyrant to find Occasion for him at his Pleasure to take away any Man's Life, together with his Wealth, be it never so great; so that he cannot well be said to lack Money so long as any of his Subjects have it. Nevertheless, the late Persian War so emptied the most covetous Sultan Amurath's Coffers, and exhausted his Treasures, that all over his Empire the value of his Gold was beyond all credit enhanced, insomuch that a Chequine was twice so much worth as before, beside that, the Metal whereof his Gold and Silver was made was so embased, that it gave occasion unto the Janissaries to set fire upon the City of Constantinople, to the great Terror, not of the vulgar sort only, but of the Grand Signior himself also. And in the City of Aleppo only were in the Name of the Great Sultan sixty thousand Chequines taken up in pressed of the Merchants there, which, how well they were repaid, we leave for them to report.  
Now albeit that the Turks Revenues be not so great as the largeness of his Empire and the fruitfulness of his Countries might seem to afford, 
The Turks Timariot of greater value than his Revenues.  all the Soil being his own; yet hath he in his own Dominion a Commodity of far greater value and use than are the Revenues themselves; which is, the Multitude of the Timariot or Pensioners, which are all Horsemen, so called of Timaro, that is, a stipend which they have of the Great Sultan, viz. the possession of certain Villages and Towns, which they hold during their Life, and for which they stand bound for every threescore Ducats they have of yearly Revenue to maintain one Horseman, either with Bow and Arrows, or else with Target and Lance; and that as well in time of Peace as War; for the Ottoman Emperors take unto themselves all such Lands as they by the Sword win from their Enemies, as well Mahometans as Christians, all which they divide into Timars, or as we call them Commendams, which they give unto their Soldiers of good desert for term of Life, upon Condition that they shall (as is aforesaid) according to the proportion thereof keep certain Men and Horses fit for service always ready whensoever they shall be called upon; wherein consisteth the greatest Policy of the Turks, and the surest means for the Preservation of their Empire. For if by this means the care of manuring the Ground were not committed unto the Soldiers, for the profit they hope thereof, but left in the hand of the plain painful Husbandman, all would in that so warlike an Empire lie waste and desolate; the Turks themselves commonly saying, That wheresoever the Grand Seignior's Horse setteth his Foot, the Grass will grow no more there; meaning the Destruction that their Great Armies bring in all Places where they come. The Institution of these Timariot, and the taking up of the Azamoglans, 
The two chief Pillars of the Ottoman Empire.  (for so they call those Children which are taken up from their Christian Parents to be brought up for Janissaries) are the two chief Pillars of the Turks Empire, and the strength of their Wars; both which seem to be devised unto the imitation of the Romans, as are divers things more in the Turkish Government; for the Roman Emperors used their own Subjects in their Wars, and of them consisted the Praetorian Army, which never departed from the Emperor's side, but were still to guard his Person, as do the Janissaries the Great Turk. And in the Roman Empire Lands were given unto Soldiers of good desert, for them to take the profit of during their Lives, in reward of their good Service and Valour, which were called Beneficia, and they which had them, Benificiarii, or as we term them Benefices, and beneficed Men. Alexander Severus granted unto such Soldier's Heirs that might enjoy those Lands and Commendams, upon condition also, That they themselves should serve as had their Fathers, otherwise not. Constantine the Great also gave unto his Captains that had well deserved of him, certain Lands for them to live upon during the term of their Life. The like Fees in France, which they called Feuda, were of Temporaries made Perpetuities by these their late Kings. 
The great use of the Timariot Horsemen in the Turks Empire.  These Timariot Horsemen in the Turkish Empire, serve to two great and most notable purposes; whereof the first is, That by them the Grand Signior, as with a Bridle, keepeth the rest of his Subjects in every part of his great Empire in awe, so that they cannot so soon move, but that they shall have these his Timariot as Falcons in their Necks; for to that purpose they are dispersed all over his Dominion and Empire. The other use of them (and no less profitable than the former) is, for that out of them he is always able to draw into the Field an hundred and fifty thousand Horsemen well armed, ready to go whithersoever he shall command them; with all whom he is not at one farthing charge. Which so great a power of Horsemen cannot continually be maintained for less than fourteen Millions of Ducats yearly. Wherefore it is to be marvelled, that some, comparing the Turks Revenues with the Christians, make no mention of this so great a part of the Ottoman Emperor's Wealth and Strength, serving him first for the suppressing of all such Tumults as might arise in his Empire, and then, as a most principal strength of his continual Wars, always ready to serve him in his greatest Expeditions. The number of these Timariot Horsemen is now grown very great, taking increase together with the Turks Empire. It is reported, That Amurath the Third, Grandfather to Achmat that now reigneth, in his late Wars against the Persian, subdued so much Territory as served him to erect therein forty thousand Timariot; and appointed at Tauris a new Receipt which was yearly worth unto him a million of Gold. 
The number of the Timariot.  These Timariot are in all accounted to be seven hundred and nineteen thousand fight Men; of whom two hundred and fifty seven thousand have their Abode and dwelling in Europe, and four hundred sixty two thousand in Asia and Africa. Beside these Timariot, the Grand Signior had a great number of other Horsemen also, unto whom he giveth Pay; which are his Spahi, Ulufagi, 
The Spahi, Ulufagi, and Carapici, Seminaries of the great Offices in the Turks Empire.  and Carapici of his Court, being indeed the Nurseries and Seminaries of the great Officers and Governors of his Empire; for from among them are ordinarily chosen the Sanzacks, which afterwards, through their good deserts, or the Sultan's great favour, become Viziers, Beglerbegs, and Bassas, the chief Rulers of that so mighty a Monarchy. He hath also still in his Army a great multitude of other Horsemen called Acanzii, 
The Acanzii.  being indeed but rural Clowns, yet for certain Privileges which they have are bound to go unto the Wars, being even of the Turks themselves accounted of small worth or value in comparison of the Timariot. He receiveth great Aid also from the Tartar in his Wars, as also from the Null and Moldavians, (until that now of late, by the Example of the Transilvanians, they have to the great benefit of the rest of the Christian Commonwealth revolted from him) all which are to be accounted as the Romans Auxiliarii, that is to say, such as come to aid and assist him. And thus much for his Horsemen.  

The Janinizaries the second strength of the Turkish Empire.  Another great part of his strength consisteth in his Footmen, and especially in his Janissaries; in whom two things are to be considered, their Nation and Dexterity in Arms. Concerning their Nation, such of the Azamoglans as are born in Asia are not ordinarily enrolled in the number of the Janissaries, but such as are born in Europe; for they of Asia are accounted more effeminate, as they have been always, more ready to fly than to fight; whereas the People of Europe have even in the East been accounted for better and more valiant Soldiers, having there, to their immortal Glory, set up the notable Trophies of their most glorious Victories. The Soldiers of Asia be called Turks, after the name of their Nation, and not of their Country, (no Country being indeed so properly called) and they of Europe, Rumi, that is to say, Romani, or Romans; 
What manner of Children are taken up to make Janissaries of.  as the Country, especially about Constantinople, is called by the name of Rum-Ili, that is, the Roman Country, as it was in ancient Time, of the notable Roman Colonies therein, known by the name of Romania. Now, as concerning their Dexterity, such male Children are culled out from the Christians, as in whom appeareth the greatest signs of Strength, Activity, and Courage; for these three Qualities are in a Soldier especially required. 
The Azamoglans are such untrained Youths as are taken up to become Janissaries, but yet are not of their Order.  This choice is made every third Year, except necessity enforce it to be made sooner, as it happened in the late Persian War; wherein, not only oftener choice was made, but they were glad to use the Azamoglans also, a thing never before by them done; for those Youths, the Children of Christian Parents, being by them that have taken them up brought to Constantinople, are taken view of by the Aga of the Janissaries, who causeth to be registered the name of the Youth, with the name of his Father and Country wherein he was born; which done, part of them are sent into the lesser Asia, (now called Anatolia) and other Provinces, where, learning the Turkish Language and Law, they are also infected with the Vices and Manners of them with whom they live, and so in short time become true Mahometans. Another part of them, and those of the most towardliest, 
The manner of their bringing up.  is divided into Cloisters, which the Grand Signior hath at Constantinople and Pera, of whom the fairest and most handsome are appointed for the Seraglio of the Great Sultan himself. All the time that these Youths, thus sent abroad, live in the lesser Asia or other the Turks Provinces, they are not appointed to any certain Exercise, but still kept busied, some at Husbandry, some in Gardening, some in Building, some in other domestical Services, never suffered to be idle, but always occupied in painful Labour; where, after certain years they have been thus enured to labour and painstaking, they are called thence into the Cloisters of the Azamoglans, (for so they are called all the time until they be enrolled into the number of the Janissaries) and are there delivered unto certain special Governors appointed to take charge of them; who keep them still exercised in painful Work and Labour, entreating them evil enough, as well in their Diet, as in their Apparel and Lodging; they sleep together in large Rooms, like unto the Religious Dormitories, wherein are Lamps still burning, and Tutors attending, without whose leave they may not stir out of their Places. There they learn to shoot both in the Bow and Piece, the Use of the Scimitar, with many Feats of Activity; and being well trained in those Exercises, are enrolled amongst the Janissaries or Spahi, of whom, 
The daily Pay of the Janissaries and Spahi▪  the Janissaries receive no less than five Asper's, nor more than eight for their daily Pay, and the Spahi ten. Being recorded among the Janissaries, they are either sent away into the Wars, or into some Garrison, or else attend at the Court. These last have for their Dwelling three great Places like unto three Monasteries, in the City of Constantinople, there they live under their Governors to whom they are deputed, the younger with great obedience and silence serving the elder, in buying of things for them, in dressing their Meat, and such like Services. They that be of one Seat or Calling, live together at one Table, and sleep in long Walks. If any of them upon occasion chance to lie all Night abroad without leave, the next Evening he is notably beaten, with such Nurture and Discipline, that after his beating, he, like an Ape, kisseth the governor's Hands that so corrected him. 
The Janissaries Insolent.  These Janissaries have many large Privileges, are honoured, although they be most Insolent, and are feared of all men, yea, even of the Great Sultan himself, who is still glad to make fair weather with them. In their Expeditions or Travel, they rob the poor Christians Cottages and Houses, who must not say one word to the contrary. When they buy any thing they give for it but what they list themselves; they can be judged by none but their Aga, neither can they be executed without danger of an Insurrection; and therefore such Execution is seldom done, and that very secretly. 
Their great Privileges and Royalties.  They have a thousand Royalties; some of them are appointed to the keeping of Ambassadors sent from foreign Princes; other some of them are assigned to accompany Strangers, Travellers, especially them that be men of the better sort, to the intent they may safely pass in the Turks Dominions; for which Service they are commonly well rewarded. They have made choice of their Prince, namely of Selimus the First, his Father Bajazet yet living; neither can any of the Turks Sultan's account themselves fully invested in the Imperial Dignity, or assured of their Estate, until they be by them approved and proclaimed. Every one of their Sultan's at his first coming to the Empire doth give them some great Largess, and sometime the better to please them, increaseth also their Pay. In every great Expedition some of them go forth with their Aga, or his Lieutenant, and are the last of all that fight. There is no Office among the Turks that is more envied than the Office of the Aga of the Janissaries, for the greatness of his Authority and Command; only he and the Beglerbeg of Graecia choose not their own Lieutenant, but have them nominated unto them by the Grand Signior. Unto this great Man, the Aga of the Janissaries, nothing can portend a more certain Destruction than to be of them beloved; for than is he of the Great Sultan straightway feared or mistrusted, and so occasion sought for to take him out of the way. The number of the Janissaries of the Court is betwixt ten and fourteen thousand. 
The Order of the Janissaries in our time much embased.  This Warlike Order of Soldiers is in these our days much embased; for now natural Turks are taken in for Janissaries, as are also the People of Asia; whereas in former times none were admitted into that Order but the Christians of Europe only; beside that, they marry Wives also, contrary to their ancient Custom, which is not now forbidden them. And because of their long lying still at Constantinople, (a City abounding with all manner of Pleasure) they are become much more effeminate and slothful, but withal most Insolent, or more truly to say, Intolerable. It is commonly reported, the Strength of the Turkish Empire to consist in this Order of the Janissaries, which is not altogether so; for albeit that they be indeed the Turks best Footmen, and surest Guard of the Great Sultan's Person, yet undoubtedly the greatest Strength of his State and Empire resteth nothing so much in them, as in the great multitude of his Horsemen, especially his Timariot. Besides these Janissaries, the Turkish Emperor hath a great number of base Footmen, whom the Turks call Asapi, 
The Turks Asapi in what small regard they are had.  better acquainted with the Spade than with the Sword, serving rather to the wearying of their Enemies with their multitude, than the vanquishing of them with their Valour; with whose dead Bodies the Janissaries use to fill up the Ditches of Towns besieged, or to serve them for Ladders to climb over the Enemy's Walls upon. But, as the Romans had both their old Legionary, and other untrained Soldiers, which they called Tirones; of whom, the first were the chief Strength of their Wars, and the other but as an Aid and Supply; even so the Turk accounteth his Timariot Horsemen the strength of his Army, and the Acanzii, (which is another sort of base and common Horsemen) but as an Accessary; and so amongst his Footmen he esteemeth of his Janissaries, as did the Romans of their Praetorian Legions, but of his Asapi, as of Shadows. The Janissaries are by none to be commanded more than by the Great Sultan himself, and their Aga; as for the Bassas, they regard them not much, but in their rage oftentimes foul entreat even the greatest of them. The Asapi, as they are but base and common Soldiers, so have they also their ordinary Captains and Commanders, Men of no great place or mark.  
The whole State of the great Empire of the Turks is commanded by the Great Sultan, 
The great Commanders of the Turks Empire.  by the grave Advice and Counsel of his Visier Bassas, which were not wont to be in number above four, so providing for the secrecy of his high Designs or important Resolutions, hardly by a greater multitude to be concealed; howbeit that the Sultan's of later times have had sometimes more, sometimes fewer, as their pleasure was. These Men are of all others in that Empire the greatest, 
The great Authority of the Visier Bassaes.  and for their high Places most honoured; unto them even the greatest Princes that have any thing to do in the Turks Court, sue and send their honourable Presents. By their Advice the Great Sultan taketh his Wars in hand, neither without them concludeth he any Peace. They give Audience unto the Ambassadors of foreign Princes, and from them receive their dispatch. The greatest Honours and Preferments (which are many in that so great and large an Empire) are all by their means to be obtained; which maketh them of all others to be sought unto. Some one or other of them are still Generals over the great Armies of the Turks, especially in these their late Wars, their three last Emperors never themselves going forth into the Field (excepting once that Mahomet the Third, for the maintenance of his Credit with his Men of War, came down into Hungary, and there won the City of Agria:) which leading of such mighty Armies is still with great Emulation and Ambition of the Visier Bassas amongst themselves sought after, as well for the great profit thereby unto them arising, as for the Honour thereof, which is of all other the greatest. But leaving these great ones, the chief Counsellors for his State; the whole body of his so large and mighty an Empire (all in the hands of Martial Men) is governed by other great Bassas, whom they by a most proud and barbarous Name call Beglerbegs, that is to say, Lords of Lords, 
The great Authority of the Beglerbegs.  every one of them having under him certain Begs or Sanzacks, who are Lords and Rulers also over some particular Cities and Countries, with the Timariot therein; yet all still at the command and beck of their Beglerbeg. In ancient time there was wont to be but two of these proud Beglerbegs in all the Turks Empire; the one commanding over all the Provinces the Turk had in Europe; and the other, over all that he had in the lesser Asia, now of the Turks called Anatolia. But the Turkish Empire, greatly augmented in Asia by Selimus the First, and also afterwards much enlarged both in Europe and Asia by Solyman his Son, the number of the Beglerbegs were by him increased, and in some sort also changed; who, although that they be all Beglerbegs, and that one of them (especially in the time of Peace) in the managing of his Soldiers and Affairs of his Country, is not subject to any other, but is only at the command of the Great Turk; yet notwithstanding in the time of War, where the Beglerbeg of Romania is, all are obedient unto him, as the chiefest of the rest; insomuch that none of them but only he and the Bassa of Anatolia are called by the stately name of Beglerbegs, the others being then only called the Bassas of such and such Places, as of Buda, Aleppo, and such like; although indeed they are in nature Beglerbegs, and so written in their Records. For the more manifesting of which their Government, as also that they which come hereafter may be comparing of that which is here written with the state that then shall be, see how much this great Empire in the mean time increaseth or diminisheth, I have thought good here briefly to set down all the said Beglerbegs, with their Sanzacks and Timariot, and, as near as I could (either by reading, or the credible relation of others well traveled in those Countries) together, and as it were at one show, set forth the whole Strength and Power of this so mighty an Empire, as also in what Countries and Provinces the same is especially placed.  

The Beglerbegs or Great Commanders of the Turks Empire in Europe.  
The first and chiefest of all the Beglerbegs in the Turks Empire, 
1 The Beglerbeg of Romania, chief of the Beglerbegs of the Turks Empire in Europe.  is the Beglerbeg of Romania, or Graecia, called of the Turks Rum-Ili (as we say the Roman Country) the principal residence of whose Beglerbegship is at Sophia, a City of Bulgaria, so appointed for the commodious situation thereof, for the better command of the rest of the Provinces of Europe; howbeit that he for the most part, or rather altogether abideth at the Court, which the other Beglerbegs cannot do; for they are bound not to depart from the Government of their Provinces; in which charge they ordinarily continue but three years only, the great Sultan still changing and altering them at his Pleasure. This Beglerbeg hath under his own Ensign and Command forty thousand Timariot always ready at his call, under the conduct of these one and twenty Sanzacks following; namely the Sanzack of 

1 Sophia in Bulgaria.  
2 Nicopolis.  
3 Clisse, or Quadraginta Ecclesiae.  
4 Vyza in Thracia.  
5 Kirmen, all in Macedonia.  
6 Silistria, all in Macedonia.  
7 Giustandil, all in Macedonia.  
8 Bender, near unto the Euxine.  
9 Acherman, in the Confines of Moldavia.  
10 uscopia.  
11 Prisrem, all in Thessalia.  
12 Salonichi, all in Thessalia.  
13 Trichala, all in Thessalia.  
14 Misitra, of old called Sparta, in Morea.  
15 Paloeopatra, in the same Province.  
16 joannina, in Aetolia.  
17 Delvina. both in Achaia.  
18 Elbassan. both in Achaia.  
19 Avelona or Aulona in Albania.  
20 Ducagin in Epirus.  
21 Iscodra, or Scodra in Albania.    
The Beglerbeg of Buda, who there resideth in the Frontiers of the Turkish Empire, 
2 The Beglerbeg of Buda.  having under his charge eight thousand Timariot, beside 12000 other Soldiers, which in continual pay lie still ready in Garrison in the Confines of Hungary, Croatia, Stiria, and other Places bordering upon the Christians, but especially the Territories belonging to the House of Austria. He had of late under his Ensign and Command these fifteen Sanzacks, viz. the Sanzack of 

1 Novigrade.  
2 Filek.  
3 Zetschen.  
4 Zolnock.  
5 Gran or Strigonium.  
6 Segedin.  
7 Alba Regalis.  
8 Sexard.  
9 Simontorna.  
10 Copan.  
11 Muhatz.  
12 Zigeth, or Saswar.  
13 Petscheu or Quinque Ecclesiae.  
14 Sirmium.  
15 Semendria.    
Of which, Filek, Zetschen, and Strigonium, are in these late Wars won from the Turks by the Imperials, and so yet by them holden; as was also Alba Regalis, which but of late was by the Turks again recovered.  
The Beglerbegh of Temeswar in Hungary, who there hath his abode, 
3 The Beglerbeg of Temeswar.  having under his command seven thousand Timariot, with these eight Sanzacks; the Sanzack of 

1 Temeswar.  
2 Mudava.  
3 Vilaoswar.  
4 Ts●hinnad.  
5 Wischitirni.  
6 Iswornick.  
7 Vidin.  
8 Lippa.    
The Beglerbegh of Bosna, who lieth at Bagnialuca, hath under him these Sanzacks, 
4 The Beglerbeg of Bosna.  the Sanzack of 

1 Bagnialuca.  
2 Poschega.  
3 Clissa.  
4 Hertzegovina.  
5 Lika.  
6 Sazeschna.  
7 Giula.  
8 Brisrem.  
9 Alatschia Chissar.    
The Beglerbegh of Cough or Capha, 
5 The Beglerbeg of Cough or Capha.  who there resideth in Taurica Chersonesus, and beside the Country thereabout, commandeth over all the Sanzacks near unto the great River Tanais, and the Fens of Meotis. It was at first but a Sanzackship, subject to the Beglerbeg of Graecia; and is in truth rather a Beglerbeghs place in Name, than in Strength and Power.   

The Beglerbegs or Great Commanders of the Turks Empire in Asia.  
The Beglerbeg of 

1 Anatolia, 
The Beglerbegs of the Turks Empire in Asia.  who hath his resiance in Cutay, the Metropolitical City of the greater Phrygia (called in ancient time Catyai) and hath under his Ensign and command thirty thousand of the Timariot Horsemen, with twelve Sanzacks.  
2 Caramania, who hath his abode at Caisaria (in ancient time called Caesaria) a City of Cilicia, and hath under him seven Sanzacks, with twenty thousand Timariot.  
3 Sivas, who hath his abiding at Sebastia, a City of the lesser Armenia, and hath under his Government ten thousand Timariot.  
4 Tocatun, who resideth at Amasia, the Metropolis of Capadocia, and hath under him five Sanzacks.  
5 Dulgadir, sometime part of the Kingdom of Aladules, and commandeth over four Sanzacks.  
6 Halep, commonly called Aleppo, a City of Syria, and one of the most famous Marts of the East, who hath under his Regiment five and twenty thousand Timariot.  
7 Shame, otherwise called Damascus, a most famous City of Syria, who commandeth over forty thousand Timariot.  
8 Tarapolos, or Trapolos, commonly called Tripoli, another famous City of Syria.  
9 Maras, a City upon the great River Euphrates, betwixt Aleppo and Mesopotamia, who hath under his command 10000 Timariot.  
10 Diarbekir, otherwise called Mesopotamia, who maketh his abode at the City of Amida, or, as the Turks call it, Cara-hemid, who commandeth over twelve Sanzacks, and thirty thousand Timariot.  
11 Bagdat, or new Babylon, where he resideth, not far from the Ruins of old Babylon, who hath under him forty thousand Timariot.  
12 Balsara, not far from Bagdat, upon the Persian Gulf, who hath under his Rule or Government fifteen thousand Timariot.  
13 Laxa, towards Ormus, and near unto the Persian, hath under his Regiment ten thousand Timariot.  
14 Gemen and Aden, two famous Cities in Arabia Foelix, upon the Coast of the Red-Sea, who hath under him thirty thousand Timariot.  
15 Chebetz, or Zebet, upon the Coast of the Arabian Gulf, near unto the Kingdom of the great Aethiopian King Prejanes, commonly (but corruptly) called Presbyter john.  
16 Cyprus, who lieth at Nicosia or Famagusta, commanding over all that great Island, sometime of itself a Kingdom.  
17 Scheherezul in Assyria, bordering upon the Persian, who hath under his Government ten thousand Timariot.  
18 Wan, a City in the Confines of the greater Armenia toward Media, who hath under him twelve thousand Timariot.  
19 Artzerum, or Erzerum, in the Borders of Armenia towards Capadocia, about four days Journey from Trapezond, who commandeth over twenty thousand Timariot.  
20 Teflis, near unto the Georgians, erected by Mustapha Bassa, General of Amurath the third's Army against the Persian, in the year 1578.  
21 Siruan, or Media, erected by the same Mustapha, and at the same time, commandeth over all that great Country, sometime a famous Kingdom.  
22 Temir-Capi, or Derbent, near unto the Caspian Sea, taken by Osman Bassa the same year 1578; who, having slain Schehemet Chan, his Father-in-Law, reduced that Country into the form of a Beglerbegship.  
23 Cars, a City of Armenia the greater, distant from Artzerum four days Journey, by Mustapha Bassa▪ made a Beglerbegship in the year 1578.  
24 Tschilders or Tzilder, in the Confines of the Georgians, erected by the same General Mustapha, in the same year 1579.  
25 Fassa, or Phasis, in Mengrelia, near unto the Georgians, erected by Vluzales the Turks Admiral, the same year 1579.  
26 Sochum, in the Borders of the Georgians, erected by the great Bassa Sinan, in the year 1580.  
27 Batin, there erected also by the same Sinan Bassa.  
28 Reivan, erected by Ferat Bassa, General of the Turks Army, taken from Tochomac Chan the Persian, in the year 1582, whereof Cicala Bassa was the first Beglerbeg.  
29 Sumachia, in the Country of Media, erected by Osman Bassa in the year 1583.  
30 Tauris, a most famous City of Armenia the greater, sometime the Regal Seat of the Persian Kings, but of late taken from them by Osman Bassa, and converted into a Beglerbegship in the same year 1583.    
But these late erected Honours, namely the Beglerbegships of Teflis, Siruan, Temir-Capi, Cars, Tschilders, Fassa, and the rest, gained by Amurath from the Persians and the Georgians, although they contain a great Territory, are not of themselves any of them worthy of those proud Titles, or yet able to maintain the same (Siruan, Reivan, and Tauris only excepted) but were by the great Bassas, Mustapha, Sinan, Ferat, and Osman, Amurath's Lieutenants, for their own great Honour, and the encouraging of them which were to defend those their new Conquests, erected; being indeed nothing either in Power or Strength comparable with the other more ancient Beglerbegs either in Europe or Asia. But▪ having thus passed through the great Kingdoms and Provinces by the Turks holden in Europe and Asia, with their proud Honours therein, let us go forward toward the South, to see what great Kingdoms and Territories they at this present hold in afric also.   

The Beglerbegs or Great Commanders of the Turks Empire in afric.  
The Beglerbeg of 

1 Missir, who still making his abode at the great City of Cairo, hath under his command all the Kingdom of Egypt, with sixteen Sanzacks, and an hundred thousand Timariot.  
2 Cesair, in ancient time called julia Caesaria, but now commonly Algiers, where the Beglerbeg still residing, commandeth over all that Kingdom, wherein are forty thousand Timariot.  
3 Tunis, where he still remaining as a Viceroy, commandeth all that great and large Kingdom.  
4 Tripoli, the Seat of his Beglerbegship, by Sinan Bassa taken from the Knights of Malta in the year 1551.    
There are beside these, two other Kingdoms in afric enrolled in the Turks Records as their own, although they be not as yet by them brought into the form of Beglerbegships, namely the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco, but are as yet holden by them as their Tributaries and Vassals.  
But, having thus as it were taken view of the Greatness and Forces of this so mighty a Monarch's Empire by Land, and so in some sort bounded it out, let us consider also his Power by Sea. With the great Ocean he much meddleth not, more than a little in the Gulfs of Persia and Arabia, most of his Territories lying upon the Mediterranean and Euxine Seas, or else more inwardly into the heart of Asia near to no Sea. Now for these Seas, no Prince in the World hath greater or better means to set forth his Fleets than he; 
The great Power of the Turk in the Mediterranean and Euxine Sea.  for the overgrown Woods of Epirus and Cilicia, and more than they, those of Nicomedia and Trapezond, are so great and thick, and so full of tall Trees fit for the building of Ships and Galleys of all sorts, as is almost incredible. Neither wanteth he store of Shipwrights and Carpenters for the framing of that so great store of Timber, large pay drawing even the Christian skilful Carpenters and Workmen into his Arsenals at Constantinople, Synope, Callipolis, and others. For proof whereof it is worth the noting, that Selimus the second, in our fresh remembrance, the next year after that notable overthrow by him received at the Echinades (commonly called the battle of Lepanto) rigged up a Fleet, wherewith Vluzales his Admiral was not afraid to face the whole Power of the confederate Christian Princes at Cerigo. Neither hath the Turk ever wanted good store of expert Seamen, after the manner of those Seas; for beside those he hath in store at Callipolis and Sinope, 
From whence he hath his chief Seamen.  out of his Galleys, which he hath always in readiness at Lesbos, Chios, Rhodus, Cyprus, and Alexandria, and from the Pirates which he continually receiveth into the Ports of Tunis, Bugia, Tripoli, and Algiers, he can and doth from them when need is, choose Captains, Mariners, and Rowers sufficient for the manning and storing of his Fleet. What he is able to do in those Seas was well seen in our time, by those Fleets which he had at Malta, Cyprus, the Echinades, and Guletta. He hath beside of all necessary and warlike Provision abundant store, and of great Ordnance to furnish himself withal both by Sea and Land an infinite quantity. Out of Hungary he hath carried away above 5000 great pieces, out of Cyprus 500, and few less from Guletta, not to speak what he hath more got from the Christians in divers other places also. What store he hath of Shot and Powder he showed at Malta, where he discharged above 60000 great shot; at Famagusta, where he bestowed 118000; and at Guletta, where, in the space of nine and thirty days, he by the fury of his great Ordnance overthrew the Fortifications which the Christians had been forty years in building. So that, to return again to our purpose, the Great Turk so well provided of Men, Money, Shipping, and great Ordnance, and having done so great Matters at Sea, as is before rehearsed, is not in reason otherwise to be accounted of, than as of a most mighty and puissant Prince as well by Sea as Land; which to be so, the Greatness of his Denizi Beglerbeg, or great Admiral (commonly called Capitan Bassa, of whom we have not yet spoken) well declareth. 
6 The Denizi Beglerbeg, the Turks great Admiral, to be accounted sixth of the Beglerbegs.  This great Man having charge of all the Grand Signors Strength at Sea, is always one of the Visier Bassanes, not bound still to follow the Court, as the other Viziers be, but always, or for the most part resiant at Constantinople or Callipolis, so to be the nearer unto his charge. He that now hath this honourable Place, is called of the Turks Cigala Bassa, descended of an honourable Family of that Name in Genoa; who commonly residing at Constantinople or Callipolis, hath under him fourteen Sanzacks, all of them great Commanders, and Men of great Place; namely the  
Sanzack of 

1 Gallipolis, or Callipolis.  
2 Galata, or Pera.  
3 Nicomedia.  
4 Limnos, or Lemnus.  
5 Mitylene, or Lesbos.  
6 Chios, or Scio.  
7 Nexia, or Naxus.  
8 Negropont, or Euboea.  
9 Rhodus.  
10 Cavala in the Frontiers of Macedonia.  
11 Napoli di Romania.  
12 Lepanto, or Naupactus.  
13 S. Maura.  
14 Alexandria.    
The Greatness, Wealth, and Strength of this so mighty an Empire, as well by Sea as Land, thus in some sort declared, let us now see upon what Princes it also confineth, and of what Power every one of them is in comparison of that so great and overgrown a State. The Turks toward the East border upon the Persians, 
The Princes, as well Mahometans as Christians, upon whom the great Empire of the Turk confineth, and of what Power they be in comparison of the Turk.  according to a right line drawn by Imagination from Tauris to Balsara; upon the Portugals at the Persian Gulf, and so there likewise toward the South; at the Red-Sea, upon the great Aethyopian King Prejanes, commonly called Prester john; towards the South, in Africa upon the Kingdom of Morocco; and in Europe, upon the Kingdom of Naples, with some part of the Venetian signory; toward the North upon the Polonians, and the Territories of the House of Austria. Now to begin with the Persian; the great Turk no doubt is in Field too strong for him, as by proof hath been oftentimes seen; for Mahomet the Great in plain Battle overcame the valiant Vsun Cassanes; Selimus the first, 
The Persian too weak for the Great Turk.  and after Solyman his Son put to flight the noble Hysmael and Tamas, the two great and famous Persian Kings; and now of late in our time, Amurath the Third by his Lieutenants hath taken from the Persians all Media, with the greater Armenia, both sometimes famous Kingdoms, together with the Regal City of Tauris. That the Turk so prevaileth, is by reason of his Footmen, which the Persian wanteth; and of his great Ordnance, whereof the Persian hath neither store nor use; and although the Persians by Valour of their Horsemen have sometime in open Field foiled the Turk, yet have they still lost some part of their Country; Solyman taking from them Mesopotamia, and Amurath, Media and Armenia. Neither did the Persians alone feel that harm, and lose their own, but undid their Confederates also; Selimus the First spoiling the Mamalukes of Egypt and Syria, and utterly rooting them from off the face of the Earth; and Amurath, by his Lieutenants having brought to a low ebb the Warlike Georgians, both of them the Persian Kings Friends and Confederates. 
The Portugals too strong for the Turk in the East-Indies.  Now is not the Turk so much too strong at Land for the Persian, but that he is as much too weak at Sea for the Portugals; in those Seas I mean where their Forces have more than once to the Turks cost met together in the East-Indies; the Portugals having in those rich but remote Countries many sure Harbours and Ports, yea, fair Countries and Territories abounding with Victuals and all Provision necessary for Shipping, with some also of those great Eastern Princes their Allies and Confederates; whereas the Turk on the other side hath nothing in the Persian Gulf strong, beside Balsara; the Sea Coast of Arabia, which might stand him in best stead, having no more but four Towns, and those but weak and of small worth. So that there, as also in the Red Sea, it is a matter of exceeding charge and difficulty for him to set out any great Fleet into those Seas, for that those Countries are utterly destitute of Wood fit to make Ships. For which cause, those few times that he prepared his Fleets into the Red Sea (to have cut off the Portugals trade into the East-Indies) being not able to perform the same in the Persian Gulf, he was enforced to bring the Timber for the building of his Galleys out of the Ports of Bithynia and Cilicia (out of another World as it were) up the Nile into Cairo, and from thence upon Camels by Land to Sues, where he hath his Arsenal, a thing almost incredible. And yet having done what he could, as oft as he hath made Expedition against them, he never gained any thing but loss and Dishonour; as in the year 1538 at the City of Dium; and in the year 1552, at the Island of Armuz; and after that at Mombaza, where four of the Turks Galleys, with one Galliot, which by the favour of the King of Mombaza had thought to have stayed in those Seas, were by the Portugals taken; who still have a special regard and care that the Turks settle not themselves in those Seas; but as soon as they perceive them to prepare any Fleet, they forthwith set upon them, and to that end oftentimes without resistance enter into the Red-Seas. 
Prester john too weak for the Turks.  Prester john, of whom although men speak much, yet is he nothing in strength to be compared unto the Turk, but far inferior unto him both for Commanders and Soldiers, as also for Weapons and Munition; for that great Prince hath a great Kingdom without Fortification, and a multitude of Soldiers without Arms; as appeared by the overthrow of Barnagasso his Lieutenant towards the Red-Sea; who, having lost all that Sea coast unto the Turks, was brought to that extremity, that to have Peace with them, he yieldeth to pay unto them a yearly Tribute of a thousand ounces of Gold. 
The King of Morocco and the Turk both in doubt of the King of Spain.  In Aff●ick the Turk hath more Territories than hath the King of Morocco, otherwise called the Xerife; for he possesseth all that there lieth betwixt the Red-Sea and the Kingdom of Fez; but the Xerife hath the better part, the richer, stronger, and more united; yet dare neither of them well make War upon the other, for the nearness of the King of Spain, Enemy unto them both. Now then there remaineth the rest of the Christian Princes bordering upon the Turk; 
The King of Polonia unwilling to meddle with the Turk, or the Turk with him.  and first the King of Polonia. What these two Princes can do the one against the other, hath been seen in some former Expeditions, wherein the Polonian had still the worse; yet it should seem, that of later time the Turk hath not been greatly desirous to move the Polonian too far, for that being provoked by divers occasions, (namely in the Reign of Henry the Third, in the Wars that john the Vayvod of Valachia had with the Turks, many Polonian Horsemen served the said Vayvod, though not indeed sent from the King; and in the time of Sigismond, the Polonian Cossacks have with divers Incursions not a little troubled them; beside the late motions of john Somoschie, the great Chancellor and General of the Polonian Forces, for the staying of the Tartars by the Turks sent for, he hath been content to comport the same, and not with his wont pride sought to be revenged thereof, as he hath for far less upon some other Princes. And on the other side, the Polonians, since the unfortunate Expedition of King Ladislaus, never took upon them any Wars against the Turks, neither gave such Aid as they should unto the Null their Confederates, but suffered to be taken from themselves whatsoever they had toward the Euxine or Black-Sea; a thing imputed rather unto the want of Courage in their Kings, than in the Nobility of that Kingdom. Sigismond the First, being by Pope Leo the Tenth, invited to the Wars against the Turks, answered them in these few words: Set you the Christian Princes at unity amongst themselves, and I for my part will not be wanting. Sigismond the Second so abhorred, the Wars, that he not only declined the Turks, but, provoked by the Muscovites, never sought to revenge the same. King Stephen, (by the commendation of Amurath chosen King of Polonia) an indifferent esteemer both of his Enemy's Forces and his own, thought it a most dangerous thing to join Battle with the Turk, and yet in private talk with his Friend, would oftentimes say, That with thirty thousand Foot joined unto his Polonian Horsemen, he durst well to undertake an Expedition against the Turk; which he was supposed oftentimes to have thought upon. The Emperor, with the rest of the Princes of the House of Austria, are by a longer tract of ground joined unto this great Empire of the Turks, than any one other Prince of the World, and bestow in Fortifications and the maintenance of their Garrisons, (wherein they have continually above twenty thousand Horse and Foot) the greatest part of their Revenues, even in the time of Peace, 
The Emperor, with the rest of the Princes of the House of Austria, together with the Aid of the Germans, have much ado to defend themselves against the Turk.  much more in these their long Wars; and with the Germane Forces joined unto their own, are more careful how to defend that they have yet left, than how to recover that they have already lost, or to enlarge their Empire. The Emperor Ferdinand, with greater force than success, undertook the unfortunate Expeditions of Bada and Possega; which so evil fell out, not for that his Forces were not sufficient or strong enough, but for that they wanted Agility and Dexterity. The truth is, those his Armies were strong enough, and sufficiently furnished with all things necessary, but consisted for the most part of Germans and Bohemians, slow and heavy People, unfit to encounter with the Turks, a more ready and nimble kind of Soldiers. 
The Venetians by Policy rather than by force, maintain their State against the Turk.  The Venetians also confrontier the Turks by many hundred miles, both by Sea and Land, and defend themselves rather by peaceable Policy than force of Arms; notably fortifying their Strong-holds upon their Frontiers, declining by all means the Dangers and Charges of War, by Ambassages and rich Presents, leaving nothing unattempted, (their Liberty and State preserved) rather than to fall to Wars. To say the truth of them, although they had both Coin and Warlike provision sufficient, yet want they Men and Victuals answerable to so great a War against so puissant an Enemy. There remaineth only the King of Spain, 
The King of Spain, of all other Princes that border upon the Turk, best able to wage War with him.  of all other the great Princes either Christians or Mahometans bordering upon him, the best able to deal with him; his yearly Revenues so far exceeding those of the Turks, as that they are also probably thought to countervail the greatest part of his Timariot; and his great Dominions in Spain, Portugal, Naples, Sicilia, Milan, Sardinia, and the Low Countries, (if they were with him at unity) able to afford unto him so great and powerful a Strength both by Sea and Land, as might make him dreadful even unto the Great Turk when he swelleth in his greatest Pride; but considering how his Forces are distracted for the maintenance of his Wars at once in divers places; as also for the necessary defence and keeping of his so large and dispersed Territories, not all the best of themselves affected to the Spanish Government, he is not to be thought of himself strong enough against the united Forces of the Great Turk, whensoever they shall chance to be employed upon him. So that by this we have already said, is easy to be gathered, how much the Turk is too strong for any one of the neighbour Princes, either Mahometans or Christians, bordering upon him, and therefore to be of them the more feared. Yet, lest some mistaking me, might think. What, is then the Turk invincible? Far be that thought from me, to think any Enemy of Christ Jesus (be his Arm never so strong) to be able to withstand his Power, either quite to devour his little Flock, rage he never so much about it. As for the Turk, 
Why the Turk is not to be thought invincible, neither his Power so strong, as in show it seemeth to be.  the most dangerous and professed Enemy of the Christian Common-weal, be his strength so great, yea, and haply greater too than is before declared, (the greatness of his Dominion and Empire considered) yet is he not to be thought therefore either Invincible, or his Power so great, as it in show seemeth for to be; his Timariot Horsemen (his greatest strength) dispersed over his whole Empire, being never possibly the one half of them by him to be gathered into the body of one Army; neither if they were so, possible in such a multitude long to be kept together, living upon no pay of his, but upon such Store and Provision only as they bring with them from their Timari, never sufficient to maintain them long. Besides that, the policy of his State hardly or never suffereth him to draw above a third part of his Timariot out of his Countries where they dwell, for fear lest the rest of the People, by them still kept under, should in their absence take up Arms against him in defence of themselves and their ancient Liberty; whereafter, the greatest part of those poor oppressed Souls, as well Mahom●tans as Christians in every Province of his Empire, awaiting but the opportunity, most desirously longeth. So that more than two parts of them being always to be left at home for necessary defence of the spacious borders of his so large an Empire, as also for the keeping in Obedience of so many discontented Nations; it is a great matter, if he, even in his greatest Wars, draw together of these kind of Soldiers the full number of an hundred and fifty thousand strong, making up the rest of his huge Multitude with his Acanzii, living of no pay of his, but upon the spoil of the Enemy only, the fifth part whereof they pay unto him also. All which put together, what manner of men they be, and of what Valour, not only the small Armies of the Christians, under the leading of their worthy Chieftains, Huniades, Scanderbag, King Mathias, and others, have to their immortal Glory in former times made good proof; but even in this our Age, and that as it were but the other day, the Transylvanian Prince, with divers other Captains and Commanders yet living, have done the like also, as well witnesseth the late Battle of Agria, wherein the Christians, in number not half so many as the Turks, by plain Valour drove the Great Sultan Mahomet himself (with Ibrahim Bassa his Lieutenant General) out of the Field, and had of him had the most notable Victory that ever was got against that Enemy, had they not by too much carelessness, and untimely desire of spoil, themselves shamefully interrupted the same. But thus to let his Horsemen pass; the chief strength of his Footmen are his Janissaries, never in number exceeding twelve or fourteen thousand, yet seldom times half so many even in his greatest Armies, except he himself be there in Person present in the midst of them; who, beside the small number of them, in the time of these their late voluptuous and effeminate Emperor, corrupted with the Pleasures of Constantinople, and for want of their wont Discipline, have, together with their ancient Obedience and Patience, lost also a great part of their former Reputation and Valour; all the rest of his Footmen filling up the Body of his populous Army, being his Asapi, rather Pioners than Soldiers, men of small Worth, and so accounted of both by the Turks and their Enemies also. So that all things well considered, his best Soldiers being the least part of his greatest Armies, and they also far unlike their Predecessors, the stern followers of the former Ottoman Kings and Emperors, but Men now given to Pleasure and Delight, it is not otherwise to be thought, but that he bringeth into the Field far more Men than good Soldiers, more bravery than true Valour, more show than Worth, his Multitude being his chiefest strength, his supposed greatness the Terror of his Neighbour Princes, and both together the very Majesty of his Empire. Which, 
The signs of the declining of the Turks Empire.  although it be indeed very strong, for the reasons before alleged, yet is it by many probably thought to be now upon the declining hand, their late Emperors in their own Persons far degenerating from their Warlike Progenitors, their Soldiers generally giving themselves to unwonted Pleasures, their ancient Discipline of War neglected, their Superstition not with so much zeal as of old regarded, and Rebellions in divers parts of his Empire of late strangely raised, and mightily supported; all the signs of a declining State. Which, were they not at all to be seen, as indeed they be very pregnant; yet the Greatness of this Empire being such, as that it laboureth with nothing more than the weightiness of itself, it must needs (after the manner of worldly things) of itself fall, and again come to nought, no man knowing when or how so great a Work should be brought to pass, but he in whose deep Counsels all these great Revolutions of Empires and Kingdoms are from Eternity shut up; who at his Pleasure shall in due time, by such means as he seeth best, accomplish the same, to the unspeakable comfort of his poor afflicted flock, in one place or other, still in danger to be by this roaring Lion devoured. Which work of so great wonder, He for his Son our Saviour Christ's sake, the glory of his Name, and comfort of many thousand oppressed Christians, fed with the Bread of carefulness amidst the Furnace of Tribulation, in mercy hasten, that we with them, and they with us, all as Members of one Body, may continually sing, Unto him be all Honour and Praise, World without end.    


Sr Paul Rycaut late Consul of Smyrna & Fellow of the Royal Society    

THE HISTORY OF THE Turkish Empire, From the YEAR 1623., to the YEAR 1677.  
CONTAINING THE REIGNS Of the Three last EMPERORS, VIZ. SULTAN MORAT, OR AMURAT IV. SULTAN IBRAHIM, AND Sultan MAHOMET IV, his Son, The Thirteenth EMPEROR, now Reigning.  
By Sir PAUL RYCAUT, Late CONSUL of Smyrna.  
LONDON, Printed by I. D. for Tho. Basset, R. Clavell, I. Robinson, and A. Churchill, MDCLXXXVII.   

The Epistle Dedicatory to the KING.  
May it please Your most Excellent Majesty:  
I Cannot, without some despondency of Mind, and awful fear of the Greatness of Your Majesty, make an Offering at Your Sacred Feet of so small an Esteem and inconsiderable Value, as these following Histories. For having traveled long in remote Countries, and resided no less than eighteen Years in Turkey, the World may reasonably expect some rich Returns unto Your Majesty in Persian Silks, and Tyrian Purples, or in the finest Carpets, and other Gaieties, in which the softness and luxury of the Lesser Asia did anciently abound: and may now judge me a Bankrupt, or ill Husband of my Talon, when they see me at Home trembling in Your Royal Presence, with a Gift no more worthy than a few Sheets of Paper; which being a Sacrifice inferior and beneath the acceptance of so Great a Monarch, I might reasonably fear, that they would take fire at the heat of Your just displeasure, were they not with all humility and reverence consecrated to the Royal Clemency. For in this glorious Title and Attribute, Your Majesty (as is notorious to the World) exceeding all the most Serene and most Clement Emperors that ever were, expects not from me, either Gold or Jewels, but rather a true Account of my Time, how I have spent it in the Service of God, and of your Majesty: and how I have administered that Public Trust and Interest which was committed to my Management. Accept therefore, GREAT SIR, these following Discourses, to discharge part of the Account of my Time, with other Treatises which have been the Employment to fill up my vacant Intervals: the remaining account of my Hours are not to be justified by my own Report, but by the Testimony of others, whose Wisdom and Goodness will be as ready to own my Industry and Faithfulness in their Concernments, as they will be to excuse and pardon my Infirmities.  
Ever since the time of Your Majesty's happy Restauration, my Lot hath fallen to live and act within the Dominions of the Turk, and there to move in a Public Capacity; which though it was in an Administration of one of the lowest Note and Degree, yet the great Influence which the flourishing Estate of that Trade hath on the common Good of England, nourished in me a secret Pride and Satisfaction in that Employment, which called and raised up all my Endeavours to acquit myself therein with Prudence, Faithfulness, and Industry; there being the same Regularity required in the Stars of the lower, as in those of higher Magnitude.  
This hath been the first, and indeed the only Affair I ever managed for the Public: for before Your Majesty's blessed Return, the Character noted on my Family of being Loyal, as it made them at first active and zealous in the Service of Your Glorious Father, so afterwards it famed them for their Sufferings, and rendered them and me uncapable of Office. But Your Majesty returning like the Sun, to animate and cherish all living Creatures, with an equality proportioned to their several Capacities, hath been pleased also to bestow a Ray of Your benign Influence on myself; whereby having received Comfort and Refreshment, I do with all sense of my Duty, and with entire Devotion, pray unto the King of Kings for the Happiness, long Life, and immortal Glory of Your Majesty, and with all reverence and humble submission, devote and consecrate myself, for ever to remain,  
Your Majesty's most Humble, most Dutiful, and most Obedient Servant, PAUL RYCAUT.   

TO THE READER.  
READER,  
THE Reign of Sultan Amurat, or Morat, being imperfectly wrote in Knolls his History, consisting for the most part of abrupt Collections; I have thought fit, for the better completing of the Reign of that Sultan, and the whole Body of our Turkish History, to deliver all the particular Transactions thereof with my own Pen: whereunto also I have added the Reign of Sultan Ibrahim, never before published in the English Tongue; the particular Occurrences of which being acted before my time, were for the most part extracted from Vene●ian Writers, who by reason of their Vicinity to the Turk, have been always most curious, and concerned to note and observe the Affairs of that Empire.  
But the other part of this History beginning from the Year 1660, and continued to the Year 1677, is the Product of my own Observations, being Matters transacted in my time, which being part seen by myself, and in part received from good and probable Advices, I call by the Name of my MEMOIRS, in regard that I am little obliged to other Writers for those Collections; and therefore, by God's Assistance, assume the chief Merit of that Work to myself: which I desire and heartily wish, good Reader, might, for thy satisfaction, and the benefit of the World, be still continued, and the Thread of History drawn out unto future Ages: as also that those Errors and Mistakes, of which I have been guilty herein, might be corrected and amended. Farewell.   

 

My Brother's folly, and my want of years  
Let lose the reigns of Rule to Mutineers;  
But as with time my strength, and wit improve,  
I all reform with fear, and not by love.  
By mighty force I Babylon subdue,  
From whence a peace with Persia doth ensue,  
And when against Christian foes, I do design  
To turn my arms, die with excess of wine.    

year 1623. THE REIGN OF Sultan MORAT, OR AMURAT IU. The Eleventh EMPEROR, AND Twenty first MONARCH OF THE TURKS.  
THE weak Understanding of Sultan Mustapha, and his inability for Rule, caused the Affairs of State, both at Home and Abroad, to move disorderly and irregular. Where Violence and Injustice prevail, there is so little distance between the most eminent Height of Grandeur, and the lowest Abyss of Misery, that a Price may in a moment step from one unto the other. The Janissaries and Military Officers commanded more now than the Civil, all things being guided by the Air and Fancy of the Soldiery, who placed and displaced with that wind of Favour and Displeasure, which is agreeable to the Humour of a Multitude, and the Licentiousness of Arms. For at the same time there were three Emperors, seven Great Viziers, two Captain-Pasha's, five Aga's of the Janissaries, three Treasurers, six Pasha's of Cairo; and in proportion, the Changes and Alterations were as many in all the Provinces of the Empire. All this Confusion evidently proceeding from the weak and almost senseless Understanding of Mustapha; the Ministers and People concurred, as it were, in an universal Consent to dethrone him a second time, and exalt into his Place Sultan Morat Brother to Osman, who was murdered the Year before. The Principal Actors in this Contrivance, were Kiosem the Mother of Morat, and the Mufti. But in the execution hereof, three Difficulties occurred: The first was Chusa●in Pasha the Great Vizier; who by reason of the Inabilities of Mustapha, being become absolute Lord and Sovereign of all, would be unwilling to assent unto that Proposition, which might degrade him of his Dignity, and divest him of his Power. A second Obstastacle was the Fancy and Humour of the Soldiery, who having with much Zeal and Passion exalted Mustapha to the Throne, it might be doubted, that in maintenance of the same Humour, they would with equal obstinacy persevere in their Election. A third was the Poverty or low Ebb of the Exchequer, which at that time was in no capacity to supply that Donative to the Soldiery, which was usual and customary at the Inauguration of every Sultan. To forward and hasten this Change, and ripen this Plot, the News of the Rebellion of Abassa did much contribute; who with a Body of fifteen thousand Horse, roved over all the Plains of Karahisar, calling himself Avenger of Sultan Osman's Murder, and Enemy of the Janissaries; by whose Mutiny and Conspiracy he was put to Death: in satisfaction for which, he not only killed all Janissaries which fell into his hands; but their Wives, Children, and those allied to them, he destroyed with implacable Malice and bloody Rage. Upon this Advice, the Janissaries at Constantinople being moved with equal Fury and desire of Revenge, applied themselves to their Aga, proposing a speedy Union with the Spahees, for suppressing this Rebellion before Time gave it greater growth, and made the Humour more stubborn and difficult to be purged. At the same time also came Letters from Cicala Pasha, (who was dispatched into Asia with a strong Party, to give a stop to the farther Progress and Advance of Abassa) advising that upon his near approach to the Enemy, so general a Fear possessed his Soldiery, that most of them disbanded and forsook their Colours; and that at present he had no more than five hundred Janissaries, and two hundred Spahees under his Command, which he found to be an unequal Match to contend ●ith t●e increasing P●wer of Abassa. This Intelligence served happ●●● the occasion of the Mufti Vizier, and ●●ga, 〈◊〉 give a turn to the desired Change, and s●ppli●● them with an Answer to the Janissaries, that they were ready to yield compliance unto their Address▪ but that the Incapacity of their Sovereign obstructed their Proceedings, and that the Defect in the principal Whee● disordere●●ll the M●●tions of g●od Government. At wh●ch Re●●ly the Janissaries becoming more unquiet assembled themselves in a tumultuous manner at the Mosch of Sultan Solyman; where making an 
* Ayack in Turkish signifies a Foot.  Ayack Divan, (so called, because they sit not down▪ but stand on their Legs, to denote the present haste and urgency of their Affair) it was enacted, by an unanimous consent o● the Civil a●d Military Power, Th●● y●●ng Morat, or Am●●a●, should be promoted to ●he Thron●▪ and ●hat Mustapha should be deposed: And because the Exchequer was at its lowest Ebb, and wholly exhausted by miscarriage of the Officers, ●he Soldiers were contented to dispense with their Donative; which they relinquished in consideration of the Public Good, reserving still their Title and Claim thereunto at times of a more happy Inauguration. With this News the Vizier immediately mounted on Horseback to signify this Universal Decree to Mustapha; but he found him so stupid, as if he had been insensible of the Message; and his Mother wanting Power to resist this strong Convulsion, gave way to Necessity, and seemed to embrace what she could not oppose.  
Thus Mustapha falling from the Heaven of his Throne to the Abyss of his Prison, seemed to return unto his Centre; for being only by the Wildfire of Fortune carried as far aloft, as the force of popular Powder could reach, he afterwards by the mere weight of his earthly Temper returned with the like quickness of Motion to the place from whence he ascended.  
Hereupon Sultan Amurat, a Youth of about fourteen years of Age, was brought forth to the People, and placed in the Throne with all the Acclamations and rejoicings of the People. And being taught by his Mother in a feigned manner to refuse acceptance of the Empire, he pretended that the Exchequer was exhausted, and that therefore he was not able to demonstrate the Affection and Esteem he had for them; and that since they had killed their former Sultan's, he was fearful lest the tenderness of his Age should betray him to the like Violence: but the Soldiery having not the patience to hearken to his Excuses, 
Amurat installed.  immediately carried him to the Divan, where having clothed him in White, they seated him on a Sa●raw, erected with four Pillars, studded with precious Stones; the Covering of which was of Crimson-Velvet, richly embroidered with Gold and Oriental-Pearl. And being so seated, the Mufti with all reverence approached, and kissed his Hand; and then turning to the People, he demanded of them, If they were contented with that Prince whom they now beheld in the Seat of the Ottoman Kings? To which they having given assent by their loud Acclamations; Morat, with a becoming gravity, encharged the Mufti to take care that Justice and the Law be executed, and so retired to his Lodgings with general satisfaction. The next morning he was carried by Water to the Mosch of jub in the Suburbs of Constantinople, where according to the Solemnity of the Ottoman Empire, having performed his 
* Which is a dispensing of Mutton to the Poor.  Corba●▪ or Sacrifice, and having his Cemiter girt to his Side by the Emirsheriff, he mounted on horseback, and with a magnificent Train en●●ed by the G●te of Ad●●●nop●●. In the mean ●●me Musta●●a, who was mo●●●orthy to bear a ●ool's Ca● tha● an Imperial Diadem, was conducted to Prison, and more narrowly guarded than formerly; howsoever no Man offered to take away his Life, the Persons of Fools and Idiots being sacred in esteem of the Turks, and the least Injury offered to them accounted Irreligious ●nd U●●●ck●▪  
Mor●● ●●s of a live●y Countenance; 〈◊〉- faced, dark Hair, of a black and lively Eye, ruddy and sanguine Complexion, and in every degree of a pr●mising and hopeful Aspect: but his exterior appearance did not correspond with the internal Cruelty of his violent Spirit, having some similitu●●●ith th● S●●n, ●hic● hath white Feathers an● b●●ck ●●esh.  
●h● Gr●●t V●●ier 〈◊〉 assisted a● thi● Solemnity, was (as we have said) Chusaein Pasha, a Person of Self-interest, who had wasted and consumed the Treasury, and converted a grea● p●rt thereof to his own Benef●●; he was a Tyrant, hated of all Men, and supported himself by no other Art than bribing of the Soldiery: And to his other Crimes he added, that of having unjustly persecuted Halil Pasha, and deprived him of his Office, his Power not ●eaching to the taking away his Life; which being reserved for better Times, he was again recalled from his Retirement, and by special Command of the Sultan, was unwillingly restored to the Office of Vizier, being b●●t pleased wit● a quiet and pacific Life, to whi●● his melancholy Temper had naturally disposed him. In the mean time Chusaein Pasha being terrified by the sensible touches of his own Conscience, took his flight by way of the Black Sea; and being out of the reach of Justi●●, a Fine was set of Five thousand Zechins, an● of Lands to the Revenue of an hundred tho●●and Asper's a Year, to be given unto him who should bring his Head. Many of those who had sold him their Friendship and Favour, being affrighted with this Sentence, voluntarily disgorged the Rewards they had received; and amongst the rest, the last Aga of the Janissaries, who had been his Kahya or Steward for the space of three months, restored 8 hundred thousand Dollars as an Atonement for his Sin, and a Ransom for purchasing his own Life and Office. At length, by force of the foregoing Reward, Chusaein Pasha was betrayed and taken alive; and being brought to Constantinople, was immediately strangled before the Gate o● the Divan.  
Many were the Difficulties which this young Sultan was to encounter; the greatest of which was the Insolence of the Janissaries, who feeling themselves empty of Money, began to repent of the prodigal and easy remission of their Donative, and in a tumultuous manner to redemand it again. There was no Argument or Debate to be used against Men of the Sword, who harkened to no other Reason than their own Wants, and to satisfy them, there was no other Remedy than Compliance; wherefore all Officers and Persons not employed in Military Affairs were forced to contribute towards a large Tax, and a shameful Demand was made for the Loan of Thirty thousand Zechins from the four Christian Ambassadors resident at the Port, that they also as Friends might yield an assisting hand towards the present Urgency of Affairs: so little consideration and shame have Turks to lay open the Nakedness and distress of their Country even to Strangers and Enemies of it. year 1624. And indeed such was the Insolence and uncontrollable Power of the Soldiery, that their Desires and Commands were Laws, and their Determinations Rules for their Sultan and his Subjects.  
This Humour of Usurpation and unlimited Power, wearied all the Officers of the Empire, and inclined them secretly to approve the Cause of Abassa Pasha of Erzirum, who declared and styled himself Enemy to the Janissaries; and of Bechir Pasha of Babylon, who was joined with him. The Vizier also finding his Power abridged by the Arbitrary Will of the Soldiery, moved slowly and coldly into Asia, where all the Force he could make, consisted of no more than fifty thousand new and unexperienced Men, such as were uncapable to contend with a more numerous Army of veterane Soldiers; to which also the Beglerbei of Anatolia joined himself, as did all other the chief Timar-Spahees, who conspired together to confound and destroy the Pride and Government of the Janissaries. The Vizier also was of the same Party, and coldly at first answered the Request of the Janissaries, when they earnestly pressed him to lead them against Abassa their common and mortal Enemy: At length, being fortified with the Force of the Timar-Spahees, he told them plainly, That if they would go and fight, he would be a Spectator of the Success, but would not engage himself in a Quarrel wherein the Blood of Musselmen might be spilt on one side and the other: by which means the Rebels in Asia took Head, increased in Force, and every day rendered them in a more formidable and dangerous posture.  
But this was not all the Trouble which ensued; for the Tartars having refused that King whom the Grand Signior had appointed them to receive, declared for Mehmet his Brother: who was seconded by the Votes of the Generality, and maintained by the strongest Nerve of that Nation. The Vizier was unwilling to engage in this Quarrel, alleging, That a Civil War was the worst of Evils, and that it was better to connive at a present Inconvenience, than in this distracted Time of Affairs, to pollute the Empire with the Blood of Tartars, who were their Brethren, and of the same Religion and Alliance with them. Howsoever the Divan was of another Opinion, and resolved to dispeed the Captain-Pasha with a Force sufficient to reinstate Gherey (for so the Elder Brother was called) in the Government of that Kingdom. But yet the Instructions given, rather directed him to act with Dexterity than with Force, supposing that the Authority of the Turks abetted with the presence of a considerable Force, would create an inclination in the Tartars to Obedience, so soon as they discovered them to appear on their Coast. The Captain-Pasha being arrived at 
* The chief City of the Krim Tartar.  Caff●, declared, That he was sent by the Grand Signior, not to exclude either one or other of the Pretenders, but only to be Witness of a free and fair Election; that so all Civil Discord ceasing, that Party might be chosen who was most pleasing to the generality of the People. To which end two Standards were erected, one for 
† Gherey the Name of the Family.  Gherey the Elder Brother desired by the Turks, and the other for M●hmet beloved of the Tartars. The People in multitudes ran to the Standard of Mehmet, and but few to that of Gherey; which demonstrated at how mean a rate the Tartars esteemed the Protection and Favour of the Port. The Captain-Pasha vexed hereat, year 1625. denied to give his Assent to the Confirmation, on pretence, that he was first to demand the Grand Signior's Pleasure; but at length was persuaded by Gherey to land a Force of about eight thousand Men to own and maintain his Cause, on hopes, that rather than engage against the Turks, the People would condescend to Terms in his Admission and Favour. The Tartars not being in the least dismayed hereat, arrayed themselves in a warlike Posture, and feigning Fear and Flight, alured the Turks to a pursuit of them, until they had brought them to a place where thirty thousand Horse lay in ambush; which on a sudden arising and encompassing them round, had entirely destroyed them, had not Salil the Brother of Mehmet given a stop to the slaughter, on hopes, that such a testimony of Friendship would reconcile the Spirits of the Turks, at least might render his Brother's preferment more tolerable and grateful to the Turks. In this conflict, Ibrahim and Chusaein who were Viziers of the Bench, the Kahya and a Capigibashe of the Seraglio were slain, whose Bodies were afterwards transported to Constantinople, six hundred Janissaries and as many Seamen were killed, and fifteen hundred Prisoners were taken, whose Liberty was procured at a mean Ransom, for the sake of that Faith and Religion which they jointly professed; they also took thirty Pieces of Cannon, and might also have become Masters of the whole Fleet consisting of thirty six Galleys, had they been desirous to have prosecuted their Victory to the utmost advantage: and moreover in that conjuncture of Affairs, when a general consternation had overspread the principal parts of the Ottoman Dominions, when the Councils were feeble and faint, and that a languishing Pulse beat in all the Government, had the Tartar with an Army of fifty thousand Horse then ready to march, made up to the Walls of Adrianople, it might have proved such an opportunity for dividing and destroying this Empire, as hath not offered at any time since that Occasion. But the two Brothers, Mehmet and Salil, styling their War forced and defensive, used that moderation in their Victory, which might not provoke a desire of Revenge in the Turks. The Captain-Pasha being thus permitted to depart from Caffa with his Fleet, sailed to Varna, a Port in the Black Sea, about two hundred miles distant from Constantinople; where the News of this Defeat being arrived, put all the City into confusion, and raised the Viziers at midnight to consult of those Remedies and Expedients which were agreeable to the present emergency of Affairs. The Great Vizier Ali was of opinion, that the Grand Signior ought to condescend to Terms of Accommodation, though to the disadvantage and disreputation of his Power; and that accordingly a Letter should be wrote to Mehmet the Tartar, beginning with the usual Compliments of Friendship and Salutation; and afterwards declaring, That it was never the intention of the Port to engage in a War against him, the late conflict having only proceeded from a mistake and misinterpretation of Orders; and that there was no other design, than to compose the Civil Differences amongst themselves, by advancing that Prince to the Kingly Dignity who was most pleasing and grateful to the People. This Advice was approved by the rest of the Council, and a Messenger dispatched with the Letter, accompanied with a Cemiter and Vest of Sables, which are the Signals of the Sultan's Favour. In the mean time the People murmured at the pusillanimity of the Government, saying, That they had sent an Ambassador to thank the Tartar for not seizing their whole Fleet, and acknowledge their Obligation to him for the Blows and Wounds he had given their Army. The Tartars also gloried in this submission, and took the boldness to vaunt of their Lineage and Descent to be more Ancient and Noble than that of the Ottoman Family; and that in this time of decay and degenerate procedure of that Monarchy, it appertained to the Greatness of the Tartars to stir up the Fire and snuff the Lamp, that the Splendour of that Empire might become more bright and shining than in former Ages. And so little respect did they now maintain for the Port, that they surprised two Ambassadors sent from the Moscovite in their way to Constantinople, robbed and killed them, as also the Turkish Chiaus that was with them, lest his Testimony should be brought in for an evidence against them.  
year 1626. During these Troubles, the Cossacks taking advantage of the Captain-Pasha's absence in Tartary, entered the Bosphorus with about an hun-and fifty Sail of Saicks and Boats; 
T●e form of 〈◊〉 Cossacks Boats.  these Boats and Vessels which the Cossacks use, are built long and light, with ten Oars of a side, and two Men to an Oar; the Head and Stern are not unlike, so that they hang the Rudder sometimes at one end, and sometimes at the other, being not obliged to turn their Vessel, but without loss of time to proceed with that end which happens to be foremost. Each Boat carries fifty select Men armed with Fire-arm; and Cemiter, in the management of which they are very expert; and are a People sober, enduring Labour and hard Diet; and so speedy in their Incursions, that they forestall the Advices, and commonly strike before they threaten. With these Boats and People (as we have said) they entered the Bosphorus, where they burned several Villages and Houses of Pleasure; on the Grecian side they burned Boyuc-deri and Yenichioi, on the Asian side Stenia. The appearance of this Enemy so near the Imperial City, caused a general Consternation, not unlike that at London, when the Dutch entered the River of Chatham. To oppose this Force, there was not one Galley in readiness, so that Saicks, Chimbers, and small Boats were armed, to the number of four or five hundred, and man'd with such people as the present haste and expedition offered; the great Chain was then brought forth to cross the ●osphorus, which the Grecian Emperors used at the Siege of Constantinople: and Ten thousand Men were issued from the City to defend the Shoar from depredation and farther mischief. The Turkish Fleet faced the Cossacks to give them a stop, whilst they hovered about the middle of the Channel in form of a Half-Moon, and so continued the whole day until Sunset; when with the night they returned into the Sea, carrying with them, besides their Booty, Glory sufficient to have entered the Channel, and without blows or opposition, to have braved the Capital Seat of the Ottoman Monarchy, and the most formidable City of the whole Word. Not many days after they returned again with a greater Force than before, which put the City into the like consternation; and having hovered about three or four days at the Mouth of the Black Sea, they burned the Pharos or Lantern with certain Villages thereabouts, and being laden with Spoils and Glory, they again returned into their own Country. Thus we may observe, how bold Enemies are made with the weakness of a State: a Horse is soon sensible of his Rider, when backed by a faint Hand, and an unaccustomed Lightness, but a stiff Rein and a close Knee makes him obedient to his Ruler. All people having discovered the imbecility of the Government, made head against it: and the young Sultan had those for his Enemies in the time of his Nonage, which in his strong and fiercer years became the most submissive and Fawning Slaves in the World.  
And though at this time the Turkish Ministers were corrupt and rebellious, and the Soldiery mutinous; 
Bethlem Gabor desires assistanc● against the Emperor.  yet Bethlem Gabor Prince of Transylvania, a Christian, was observant to the Port, demanding Licence to wage War against the Emperor, which was easily granted, and upon payment of the usual Tribute of Ten thousand Hungars, the Ambassador, with thirteen of his Follower's, received Coftans or Vests of Honour, and a promise of Succour and Protection, as the Condition of his Affairs should require. Thus we see, that whilst the Turks themselves endeavoured to rend in pieces their own Monarchy, to which one would have thought, that the Christians had most reason to contribute; yet such was the unhappy Fate of Christendom, that Gabor was the only Person at that time to court the Turks; and that for no other Reason, than that he might be supported and abetted in a War against the Emperor and other Christian Princes of Germany.  
The Army of Bethlem Gabor consisted of above Thirty thousand Men, with which he marched over all Hungary, having taken most Towns of consideration, unless Presburg, alias Possonium, Rab, and Komorra. But if we penetrate into the depth and foundation of this War, we shall find that it had a deeper Interest than that of Gabor, and had its Original from the Discord and Civil War of Germany. For the House of Austria being at that time in a condition to render itself formidable, and in a posture to create a jealousy in all the Princes subjected to it, did under colour of subduing the Palatine of the Rhine, oppress also the Liberty of the Empire, and of the several States which composed it. For after the Emperor, against the Constitutions of the Golden Seal, and the Sense of the Electoral College, had divested the Palatine and his Children of their Estates and Dignity, not so much by Force of Arms, as by Deceit and Breach of Promise; instead of disbanding the Army, which was to have been performed according to Agreement, new Troops were added; and though the Protestant League was dissolved, yet the Catholic Combination, with all its Adherents, remained armed and immovable to compel the Protestants to a restitution of the Ecclesiastical Revenue, notwithstanding the Articles of Peace to the contrary: so that the Princes and Towns of the Lower Saxony entering into a new League, raised an Army under the Command of Christian of Brunswick Bishop of Alberstadt. Bethlem Gabor having his Interest adjoined to this Party, entertained the same Desires and Intentions, to suppress the Greatness of the Emperor; and having the just complaint to allege of wanting his annual Pension of Fifty thousand Crowns, as was agreed by the Treaty of Niclasbourg, he resolved to force it by Arms, and take part with the Princes of the Protestant Religion which he professed: but because his Srength and Power was not sufficient, without the assistance of the Turks, he not only obtained their permission and approbation of this War, as we have said before, but by payment of Fifty thousand Dollars presented to the first Vizier, and of Forty thousand by way of annual Tribute, he procured an Auxiliary Force of Fifty thousand Turks and Tartars; with part of which, commanded by Budianis, he made an Irruption into the Lower Austria; and with the other, Bethlem himself, about the beginning of October, entered into Moravia, defeated the Regiment of Tiffenbach, retook the Town of Turnova, and routed the Count of Montenegro General for his Imperial Majesty before the Town of Ghoding on the Frontier of Moravia, which he afterwards beleaguered and held besieged until the 20 th' of November, when Stanislaus Turzow a Hungarian Palatine became Mediator of the Peace, and at length obtained a Truce: the principal Articles of which were as followeth.  
1. That on both parts Arms be laid down for ten months, and all Acts of Hostility cease; that on neither side any attempt should be made either by force or fraud to take any Castles, Forts, Cities, or places of Defence during this time; and that both Germans, Hungarians, and Turks should be alike comprehended.  
2. That if the Emperor were desirous to treat and conclude a final Peace with the Grand Signior, he should use Bethlem Gabor as Mediator, and do nothing therein without his privity.  
3. That all Places and Forts taken by the Prince of Transylvania in his late Expedition, and that all Cities and Castles now in possession of either, should so remain without any alteration.  
4. That all Passages should be open for free Trade of Merchants, and all other the Subjects and Friends of either side.  
A Truce being thus concluded, the Turks in their return made great havoc, carrying with them great numbers of poor Christians into Slavery, which Gabor out of compassion seemed willing to redeem with a low price at his own charge; which the Turks refusing, carried those miserable Wretches into Captivity. The Count Esterhasi Governor of Newhausel for the Emperor, being highly incensed at this treacherous Action, contrary to the Truce so lately concluded, having drawn out a sufficient Force from the neighbouring Garrisons, fell on the Rear of the Turks in their March towards Buda, and charged them so home on the Banks of the River Niter, that he killed five hundred of them on the place, took all their Baggage, with divers Prisoners, and gave liberty to many Christian Slaves. The next day but one after he charged another Party of them, as they attempted to pass a Bridge, which the night before he had caused to be broken down; of which having killed a great number, the rest saved themselves by swimming: howsoever many Christians procured their liberty thereby, and a considerable Booty was made of Horses, Camels, Wagons, and all Provisions. The other Troops consisting of greater numbers, were worse treated than the former; for Esterbasi having received a Recruit of Horse from Reiffemberg Governor of Komorra, and Breuner of jarvarin or Rab, he proceeded boldly to meet the Turks, and joining Battle with them, he slew twelve hundred on the place, gave liberty to fourteen hundred Christians, took divers of their principal Commanders, with all their Bag and Baggage, besides a considerable quantity of Gold and Silver, in Plate and Mony. Nor were Reiffemberg and Breuner less successful over those who passed through their Quarters to join with the Garrisons of Alba Regalis and Canisia, having killed seven hundred of them, and taken all their Baggage. Moreover Count Serini in his Journey towards Vienna, defeated six hundred of them, and presented their Colours to the Emperor: and Esterhasi in like manner after his several Exploits, offered thirty Cornets at his Feet, with six Prisoners of Quality, one of which was Kinsman of Bethlem Gabor.  
These Rebuffs cooled the courage of the Turks a little, and altered the resolution of the Council for carrying forward the War on the side of Germany, as was intended, had the Success answered expectation: For these Misfortunes abroad, and intestine Troubles at home, with Pestilence and Famine, which at the same time greatly afflicted the parts of Constantinople (whereby an hundred thousand People died) abated the Mettle of the Turks, and caused them to take new Measures in all their Determinations: and for that reason Ambassadors were sent both to Vienna and into Poland to renew the Articles of Peace, and so to confirm the League, that whilst the Sultan was employed in his Wars with Persia and the Eastern Countries, nothing should intervene from the Western Parts to trouble or obstract his Progress, or recall him from his Enterprise. For now the Rebellion of Abassa, joined with Bechir Pasha of Bagdat, growing daily more considerable, and his strength increasing to that condition, that he was able to keep the Field in despite of the Grand Signiors Forces, he adventured to quarter within five days March of Constantinople: and at the same time Letters coming from Hafish Pasha General of the Army in the Province of Bagdat, that the King of Persia was entered into the Dominions of the Turk with a powerful Army, a general Consternation seized the whole Turkish Court, the wisest and stoutest having occasion to call up for all their Wisdom and Courage to assist at a Time when the Government was assailed on all sides, both at home and abroad. Various were the Counsels and Proposals in what manner to proceed in Times of such emergency. First it was resolved to proclaim a War both against the King of Persia, and the Rebels in Asia, and that whosoever took of the Grand Signior Pay, from one Asper a day to higher value, should be in readiness to serve in the War, upon penalty of losing his Estate, of being accounted a Rebel, and his Wife and Children sold for Slaves. But the more sober and moderate sort judged it policy to take off Abassa, by sending him a general Pardon, with a concession of all his Demands, upon condition, that he should turn his Arms upon the King of Persia, who was the common Enemy of their Country and Religion: but the Janissaries would by no means assent to this Agreement, with a Person to whom they bore a more inveterate hatred, than to the Persian himself, as he did also to the Janissaries. For that he might better justify his pretence of Revenge, he declared, That being one day in a Mosch at his Prayers, the murdered Osman appeared to him, and taking him by the hand, said, My faithful Mussulman, since thou art the most generous of all my Slaves, I command thee to revenge my Death, with the Blood of sixty thousand Janissaries and Spahees; good Fortune shall accompany thy Arms, and Victory shall crown thy Labours. During these Intrigues and Difficulties of Reconciliation, Abassa, spoiled the Lesser Asia, and the Persian King conquered the City and Province of Bagdat, or Babylon, took Kur Asan Pasha, an old Soldier, Prisoner, possessed himself of Mosul and Leska on the Persian Sea; and meeting no considerable opposition, he divided his Army into four parts. The first was dispatched into Mesopotamia, commanded by the King himself. The second made Incursions into Palestine. The third infested the Coast of the Black Sea: and the fourth marched towards Mecha, with hope and design of sharing all the parts of the Eastern Empire.  
Ali Pasha, who opposed the King in Mesopotamia, was slain, and his Army wholly defeated, so that the Province became a Prey to the Enemy: the success in Palestine was equally fortunate by the revolt of Damascus, a place of great Riches and Importance; the Coast of the Black Sea was greviously infested, and a Port taken near to Trapezond; and little opposition being made at Balsora, the Town was taken by that Army in their March towards Mecha and the parts of the Red Sea, where they rendered themselves Masters of Medina, the City of their Prophet Mahomet.  
To repair these losses, and to encounter numbers so strong and valiant in all parts, the Vizier was dispeeded with a powerful Force to the Town of Bagdat; but by reason of Mutinies and Tumults amongst the Soldiery, Matters found not the success expected: and the Garrison making valiant and vigorous Sallies against the imbecility of the Turkish Soldiery, which were always most obstinate and stout to oppose their own Commanders, obtained an advantage in every Attempt; by which discouragement many forsaking their Colours, 
The Siege raised at Bagdat, & the Turks overthrown.  the Siege was raised with dishonour, and the Interest of the Turk impaired, and almost irreparably lost in those Provinces. This News arrived at Constantinople, that the Camp was risen and fled by Night, that they were forced to burn their Tents and Provisions, and to break their great Artillery and cast them into the Euphrates: that the Miseries in the Army had been such by Famine and Pestilence, and want of all Provisions and Ammunition, that the like was never known: that the Vizier had beheaded three of his Pasha's, that so he might cast the whole blame upon them; and that now retreating with his Army into the Turkish Dominions, the Persians pursued them in the Rear, and for ten days did execution on them, making the best use they could of their Victory; which Relation filled the Hearts of all People with sadness, and disordered the Counsels with confusion. The Cause of which ill Success, according to custom, being imputed to the General, he was deprived of his Office, and sacrificed to the Fury of the Janissaries.  
These Troubles were increased at Constantinople, by the Addresses which the Prince of Transylvania made unto the Port by his Kapikahya or Agent, representing to the Grand Signior, That he wanting Heirs Male to succeed him in his Principality; the States at a Diet had, with common consent, elected his Lady for his Successor; and therefore desired confirmation from the Port. In excuse of her Sex, he alleged the urgent Necessity of the present Times, which persuaded rather to admit of the Government of a Woman▪ than that his Principality should, for want of an Heir, fall into the Hands of the powerful Family of Austria. To make good this Demand, Duke john of Weymar, and Count Mansfelt, 
Duke of Weymar and Count Mansfelt join with the Prince of Transylvania.  arrived in Silistria, to whom the Prince of Transylvania joined his Troops: and Morteza Pasha of Buda wrote to the Port, that he was marching towards Vatz to meet the Prince, and confer with him concerning these Designs. The Emperor's Resident at Constantinople greatly exclaimed against these Proceedings; which something troubled the Counsels of the Turks, who in that Conjuncture were unwilling to give beginnings to a new War; so that besides fair Words, they promised to write such Letters to the Pasha of Buda, as should give a stop to the Investiture of the Princes. But, to say truly, the Instructions given were in such ambiguous terms, that they in effect left the whole Matter to the Discretion of Morteza to act, as he judged most agreeable to the State of Affairs on the Frontiers, and security of the present Peace.  
Thus did the Turkish Court seek to ward off the blow of a War with Germany, and yet secretly nourished and encouraged it, by giving Orders to the Pasha of Buda to take up his Winter-quarters with the Prince of Transylvania, and to follow his Directions; but yet so to govern Matters with Caution, as not to engage too far on uncertain Grounds or doubtful Hazard, but to embrace Propositions of Peace, if offered with Honour and Security. In prosecution of these Rules, Morteza observing, that Weymar and Mansfelt having united their Forces with Gabor, had form a considerable Army, and were able to fight with Wallestein General of the Imperialists; joined also his Forces to theirs, judging it a prudent and politic Design to wage a War at the Blood and Expense of others. With these Encouragements, and with the favour of a good Opportunity, 
The Emperor's Army defeated.  the Confederates fell upon the Army of Wallestein near the River Gran; who not being able to withstand their Force and Fury, was put to flight, and pursued in the Rear with great slaughter; and endeavouring to pass the River on two Bridges of Boats, were closely followed by the Prince's Forces, who gaining the Pass, put the whole Army into great amazement, and resolved to pursue them to the Gates of Presburg, or Vienna.  
Notwithstanding this Success, the Prince of Transylvania observing the backwardness of his Allies to contribute the Succours of Men and Money which they had promised; and fearing that the unfortunate Estate of the Turkish Affairs should cause the Sultan to disown the War, dispeeded a Messenger to the Emperor in the Winter-season, to excuse the Constraint upon him of taking up Arms, and to offer Terms of Accommodation and Peace. But the Emperor refused all Treaties, until such time as Gabor had separated himself from his Allies, and from association with the Turk: Upon which Answer, Gabor retired to Cassovia, and Morteza to Pesth. This Compliance gave beginning to a Treaty at Komara, where the Commissioners on part of the Emperor, of the Grand Signior, and Prince of Transylvania, assembled. All Parties seemed inclinable to War, and yet with occult Intentions to make Peace, being necessitated thereunto by the urgency of their distinct Interests. The Emperor was urged by his Wars with the Protestants of Germany, and apprehension of Forces from England in favour of the Elector Palatine, than King of Bohemia. The Grand Signior was encumbered by the unfortunate condition of his Wars in Asia: And Bethlem Gabor, jealous of being disowned by the Port, deserted by his Allies, and exposed to fight and contend singly with the Emperor. In short, 
Peace concluded between the Emperor and Gabor.  Gabor concluded a Peace with the Emperor apart, which gave some Jealousies and displeasure to the Grand Signior: Howsoever he dissembled his Discontent, and willingly interessed Gabor with Morteza as Commissioner for him; who being variously disposed, yet moved with the considerations of their common Advantage, worked all Differences into a Composition of Peace; the Articles of which being brought to Constantinople by an Internuncio from the Emperor, and delivered in presence of the two Ambassadors of Gabor, they were accepted by the Chimacam, and ratified by the Grand Signior.  

Articles of Peace concluded between the Emperor of Germany Ferdinand the Second, and Bethlem Gabor, in the Month of December 1626.  
I. THE Prince of Transylvania doth promise, by the Faith of a Christian, never to move Arms, or use any Hostility against the Majesty of the Emperor, or the House of Austria, or their Successors, much less to enter into their Dominions with an Army; nor to aid his Enemies, or keep a Correspondence with them: Not to plot any Innovation in the Kingdom of Hungary, or other Christian Countries: Nor to stir up or provoke the Turks, Tartars, or others, to invade them: Not to entertain or assist in any evil Counsel against his Majesty, nor to give ear to the Requests and Destres of his Enemies; but rather to reveal all their Conspiracies and Wickednesses, which shall be made known unto him; and by all means to demonstrate and show a sincere mind truly desirous of Peace, and solicitous of the Common Good.  
III. That the Prince shall instantly depart with his whole Army, out of the Territories and Cities of the Emperor; and that he shall restore as well all Goods belonging to the Imperial Treasure, as those of his faithful Subjects.  
III. That he shall remove from him the Rebel Mansfelt, and all other his Followers and Adherents, desirous to invade the Dominions of the Emperor: And that he shall not aid any Stranger whatsoever, who at his Instance hath entered into the Territories of his Majesty with Count Mansfelt; to whom Letters of Public Safety shall be given, that they may return by twenty or thirty in a Troop, conditionally, that in no place of their Retreat they shall join with the Enemies of the Emperor.  
IV. That seeing it is fit, for Establishment of the Pea●e, that the Inhabitants of Countries and Cities belonging to the Prince, by consent of the Emperor, should remain, during his Life, in Obedience and Fidelity to him; and that those Inhabitants should do Homage to the Emperor, (saving their corporal Oath to the Prince) to keep inviolate these Articles, That they should have leave, by Letters of full Authority and Power, granted them by the Prince in their first Assemblies and Conventions, to make s●ch Oath of Homage.  
V. That at the same time of performing the Homage and Oath, besides the Oath before the last War, they shall take a new Oath according to the Agreement between the Prince and the Commissioners of the Emperor.  
VI The Prince shall procure, that all Places upon the Confines, which were taken by the Turks in the last War, be restored; and that all Captives, taken Prisoners, shall be set at liberty: And that the Prince shall procure the freedom of all such the Emperor's Subjects as shall be in the Turkish Captivity.  
VII. That all the Subjects of the Emperor, lately incited and drawn to the Service of the Prince, shall be free from their Oath: and if the Prince hath any of their Writings Obligatory in his Hands, that he shall restore them: And that these Conditions being confirmed, all other things formerly treated, shall remain in their former State and Vigour.  
VIII. That if any other Difficulties arise, they shall be accommodated with Fidelity and Quietness by Commissioners on both Parts: And that all those who in the last Commotions have served the Prince, shall be absolved according to the Treaty and Agreement at Vienna.  
IX. That all the Inhabitants of Cities and Countries, which have served the Prince, shall be absolved; only those excepted, who have voluntarily taken up Arms against the Emperor; for whom the Prince only shall intercede, excusing always private Men, who have done private Wrongs; for they shall, according to Law and Custom, seek their Restitution by Civil Action.  
X. That all other Articles of Peace concluded at Nichilsburg and Vienna, shall remain in their former Vigour and Force: And that all Goods of the Emperor's Clergy, possessed by the Prince from the Year 1619, to this present Day, shall be restored; except the Abbeys of Replana belonging to the Seminaries of Strigonium, for which the Prince shall, pay yearly to the Emperor five hundred Florins.   

These Articles being thus agreed, and signed, and approved by the Sultan, in the Month of September following 1627., the Articles between the Emperor and the Grand Signior were also agreed at Komara; the which are as follow, translated out of the Turkish, word for word.  
THAT seeing the Peace established formerly at Zitwar, Vienna, Komara, and Chiarman, hath remained in the same State, and in the same Articles, without any alteration, it shall not be violated by any new occasion of Contention.  
That the Differences of Vatz, whereof is made mention at the present, shall rest in the same State that the Commissioners on both sides shall agree.  
That the new Forts built upon the Confines of Croatia, contrary to the Peace, shall be demolished. To which purpose our said Deputy Mehmet, and our Visier Mortesa Pasha, shall meet upon the Frontiers of Buda with your Deputies, at the Time appointed by the Treaty; and thereupon the places on both sides shall cause to be demolished the Forts built contrary to the Peace: Wherein if they find any Impediment, they shall choose able and valiant Men to perform and execute the said Service.  
That after the Approbation of this happy Peace, your great Ambassador shall come to Komara, and ours shall repair with our Imperial Letters to Strigonium: and there one of them advising the other, yours shall set forward to our happy Port, and ours shall advance to you. For so it is agreed by our Imperial Order, both carrying with them the new Imperial Capitulations.  
That all Complaints of Villages subject to both parts, shall be laid aside, and no Violences, Taxes, or Contribution, contrary to our former Convention, shall be exacted. And all Forts built in the common Confines, shall be raised. And reciprocally it shall be made known, according to the ancient Treaty, what great Men do dwell amongst our Tributaries. And for the execution of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Articles of the Peace of Zitwa, the Tenth of Vienna, and the Fourth of Komara and Chiarman (for such was then the Agreement) two Capigi-Pasha's of our high Port shall be deputed and dispatched, the one to this side, and the other to that side of the Danube. And upon your part you shall send two such qualified Persons to the same places: who being met together with the Deputies of Mortesa Pasha, and the Palatine of Hungary, shall rectify all Disorders, and see that good justice be done on both Parties; for so it is our most High Pleasure.  
That the Slaves which have been taken during this our Treaty, shall be freed and set at liberty without any Ransom: And those who were taken before the said Treaty, shall be exchanged and Redeemed, according to their Qualities and Estates, by the interposition of Mortesa Pasha, and the Palatine of Hungary deputed for that purpose.  
For the Good of poor People on both sides, the Commissioners have thought fit to conclude this renewed Peace for Twenty five Years, from 1627. Whereunto we have given our Imperial Assent.  
That all Merchants, and other our Subjects on both parts, shall have safe passage and conduct through both our Dominions: And we have given command to our Pasha's, Beglerbeghs, Generals, Beghs, and Captains, upon our Confines, to apprehend, bring into justice, and punish all such as shall any way disturb or molest them contrary to the Peace. As likewise the Palatine of Hungary, and other your Ministers shall do on your part, if they find any such Offenders.  
That our Beglerbeghs, Sanzacks, Captains, and Governors; and your Generals, Commanders, and Captains, shall upon occasion employ all such Persons as are lovers of the Peace and Common Good.  
That there shall be no Damage or Hurt done to any of our Subjects in any of your Kingdoms or Dominions, neither by Sea nor Land; as there shall none be done to yours in our Dominions.  
That all bypast Wrongs, Enmities, and unkindnesses, on both parts, shall be forgotten and laid asleep: and that this happy Peace shall be sincerely and firmly continued and kept inviolate.  
Upon Condition that the Emperor perform and observe all the aforesaid Articles, and that there follow no Action from any Ministers, contrary to the said Peace: We promise and swear, by God our Creator, who made the whole World of Nothing; and by the Honour which we bear to our most high Prophet Mahomet Mustapha, That there shall not be done, during the whole Term of the said Peace, the least Hurt or Damage to the Subjects, Countries, Kingdoms, Castles, or Forts of the said Emperor, by any of our Ministers or Armies, nor to any Christian Slaves subject to our happy Port.   
By these Articles we may observe, that both Parties were desirous of a present Peace, rather than one which was durable; for things are so slubbered over to serve the present Occasion, that they leave all Disputes undecided, till Time should happen more proper to interpret them with the Sword, than with the Pen: like Sores obducted by an unskilful Chirurgeon, which festering within, must be again opened before they are cured: howsoever they served the turn of Gabor, whose Interest it was to maintain an ill Correspondence between the two Emperors.  
Peace being thus concluded between Ferdinand the Second and Sultan Morat, year 1627. gave some reputation to the Affairs of the Turks: so that notwithstanding the late success of the Persian in their War, by raising the Siege of Bagdat, and overthrow of the Turkish Army; yet that King finding himself now engaged alone, and singly to contend with the Ottoman Power, feared the Puissance of that Empire, lest being roused and heated with the sensible Pinches of the late Disgrace, they should call up and invigorate all their Forces to a Revenge, which might at length tend to a ruin and destruction of Persia, unless Fortune, which attended the first auspicious beginnings with Success, did also continue constant, and still accompany their Arms, which could hardly be expected.  
Wherefore on these Considerations becoming more faint in prosecution of the War, the Persian dispatched an Ambassador to Constantinople, furnished with various Proposals and Projects for a Peace; but still Mattters driving so as to reserve the City and Province of Bagdat, or Babylon, in the hands of the Persian, the Treaty became ineffectual, in regard the Vizier (who was then called Halil Pasha) judged it a high and an irrecoverable disreputation to the Empire, to be dismembered of so principal a part of it. Wherefore the Ambassador being dispatched away with some neglect, the Turks armed with that diligence and heat, that they entered Persia with an Army of an hundred and fifty thousand Men; with which appearance the people being dismayed, suffered Tauris to be taken without much opposition. From hence marching to Bagdat, they found the City well provided and defended with a numerous Garrison, from whence many Sallies were made with variety of Fortune, till at length the Turkish Soldiers being wearied and tired with incessant labour and watchings, many of them fled from their Colours: and with such diminutions, the Army being much abated in its Numbers, the Vizier withdrew them from the Persian Dominions.  

Another Expedition into Persia.  Some Months after the Turkish Army being reinforced, the Vizier entering again into Persia, overthrew the Trucmen who opposed him in his March, and destroyed the Gregorians, who were Friends to the Persian, with a very great slaughter; took Moroc their General, and cut off his Head: And adding to these Victories, the report of having taken some few inconsiderable Towns, his Expedition ended without other Advantages, or Progress of their Arms. This ill Success much troubled the Councils at Constantinople; for they considered that they had now waged an expensive, laborious War, for the space of three Years, without any Effect agreeable to the Blood and Charge which maintained it, but rather to the Loss and Damage of the Empire. The Soldiers abhorred the length and tediousness of the Way, and the misery of the March, being to pass over vast Countries and Deserts, where there was nothing besides Rocks, Sands, and Barrenness. Many Horses, Camels, and other Beasts of Burden, perished for want of Nourishment; and where Provisions were to be had, the Price was so excessive, that the Timariot and other Soldiers had not a Purse to defray their Charges. The Enemy likewise was very strong, for the Sofi was at the Head of forty thousand brave Horse, which daily infested the Ottoman Camp, beat their Convoys, and cut off their Provisions, and so obstructed them that they could not advance.  

Proposition made by the Persian for a Peace.  The Vizier Halil, than General, being discouraged by these Disasters, was inclinable to accept of the Proposition made by the Persian, viz. That Babylon should remain to his eldest Son in Fee, and to his Heirs and Successors, acknowledging to the Grand Signior a Tribute as great as the yearly Revenue which proceeded from it, at the time when it was in the Hands of the Sultan. But this middle Way seemed an Expedient dishonourable to the Greatness of this Empire, and that which argued pusillanimity and want of courage in the Government, and therefore was rejected by the Council of State, as well as by the Military Men. Howsoever the Persians taking their Measures by the disposition they discovered in the Vizier thereunto, adventured to dispatch an Ambassador to Constantinople with tender of the same Project; but as he was coldly and faintly received, so he was in a few days dispatched with few words, and little respect, as if he had been sent as a Spy to discover the State and Condition of the City, 
Rejected by the Turk.  and the Inclination of the Prince, rather than to obtain any Benefit by the Treaty. For now Amurat growing into Years, increased in Spirit, and discovered a Martial Courage; be began to leave his Delights, and Walks in Gardens, and the society with his Mother and Women, and to assume thoughts of War and Government: such as entertained him in softness and luxurious Pastimes, were reproved by the Ministers about him, and by them persuaded to buckle on his Armour, and to delight in Martial Exercises: So that now new Measures were taken in all Affairs: And in the first place, Halil the Great Vizier was recalled from being General in Persia, and the Pasha of Darbiquier put into his Place; and though he was Brother-in-Law to the Grand Signior, yet being esteemed at Court as a Person who had amassed great Riches in his Employment, he was forced to disgorge five hundred thousand Crowns as an ease of his Burden, and an Atonement to pacify the Sultan for the Fault of his Misfortunes and ill Success.  
In these Times of Licentiousness and Revolt, the Pirates of Algiers and Tunis, began also to cast off their Respect and Reverence to the Ottoman Empire; 
The Pirates of Tunis and Algiers trouble the Seas.  for being become Rich by the Prizes they had taken on Christian Vessels, they resolved to set up for themselves, and to esteem the Peace which Christian Princes had made with the Grand Signior, not to concern them; but as if their Governments had been independent, demanded a particular Treaty, and distinct Articles with themselves: So that now daring to do any thing, six Vessels of Tunis chased some Christian Ships into Rhodes, and there attaqued them, notwithstanding that the Castle shot at them. They afterwards took a Dutch Ship, which had laden at Alexandria: and entering the Port of Salines in Cyprus, they engaged with two Venetians; the lesser Ship made a good resistance, but having no help, she was thrice fired, and at last burnt: the other being a Ship of eight hundred Tuns, was cowardly set on fire by the Mariners, and abandoned, escaping ashore with their Boats. Then they sailed for Scanderone, where finding a Dutch Ship and a Polaca, they took both, and then landed. The Aga of the Scale, with all the Inhabitants, fled; so that finding no opposition, they ransacked and robbed all the Warehouses, and afterwards set them on fire: The greatest Loss fell upon the English and Dutch, the first lost about ten thousand Dollars, and the latter about thirty thousand.  
Of these Losses, and breach of Peace, the Christian Ambassadors much lamented; and complained, that if some Remedy were not applied thereto, all Trade must be given over, no Security being to be expected in the Articles and Faith of the Grand Signior: To which, though the Vizier and Great Men did seem to yield a favourable Ear, and promise Redress: Yet being corrupted with some share of the Spoils, and sweetened with part of the Robbery, they began to reject the Memorials of the Ambassadors, and to allow the Pleas of the Pirates, as grounded on some solid Foundation of Reason and Religion: suffering them to publish Discourses, that the Turks were obliged to maintain a perpetual War with the Christians, as Enemies to their Law and Koran; and though Policy may suggest some Conveniencies by Peace with them, yet those Considerations are Matters of Sin rather than of Reason.  
To make all this good, the Divan of Tunis sent two Deputies to remonstrate the great Benefit and Advantage the Port received by the Depredations and hostile Acts which they committed on the Christians: And to inculcate this Argument the better, they declared, That they had lately taken two Galleys of Malta, out of the Spoils of which, they presented unto the Sultan two Stirrups of Gold, with divers Slaves; two of which were Cavaliers, one of the Roman, and the other of the French Nation: those which were Youths, and comely in shape and feature, were entered into the Service of the Seraglio; and the more strong and robustous, were committed to the Service of the Galleys; so that the Turks were inwardly pleased with these Piracies, howsoever gave good words to the Christian Ambassadors, promised much, and effected nothing.  
At that time Trade flourished greatly in those Parts, and had done much more, had it not been interrupted by the Piracies of Barbary; and the Trade was especially so great with Venice, that a Turkish Merchant called Bodul Aga, whose whole Negotiation and Dealing was for that place, died worth a Million of Soltanee; of which, for want of Children, the Grand Signior became the sole Heir.  
But one Accident happened about this Time on the Seas, worthy to be recounted: The Seas (as we have said) swarming then with Pirates, the General of Candia, with three Galleys, coasting on the Seas for defence and protection of Merchant-Ships, arrived in the Port of Andro; from whence espying a Galley plying close under the Shore, and believing her to be a Corsaire, or Pirate, made up to her; and because it was a about the glimpse of the Evening, so that she could not be well known or distinguished, the General rashly charged her; and meeting a stout resistance, many were killed before it was known that the Galley belonged to the Archipelago, commanded by Dervis Bei, 
A Fight at Sea by mistake.  one of the Grand Signior's Captains: but so soon as the Mistake was discovered, the Candiot General demanded of the Turk a thousand Excuses, returned him his Galley and Slaves again, and whatsoever was taken from him, bestowing with them an infinity of Compliments, supposing that thereby the Spirit of the Turk being somewhat appeased and mollified, he would represent this Encounter with the more favourable Terms and Advantage at the Port. Notwithstanding which Offices of Kindness, Dervis Bei, without farther loss of time passed up to Constantinople, bringing his Galley in without Lantern, shot through, ill treated, and shattered, feigning himself also to be wounded; related, that he had lost forty four Levents, and seventy seven Slaves which were killed; and that all the Haratch or Tribute-money, which was collected for the Grand Signior's Service from the several Islands, was robbed and embezzled by these Candiots. His Complaints were aggravated by many Circumstances, and being assisted with the Clamours of other Beys or Captains of Galleys; the Noise and Dispute was exceeding high in the Divan, urging, that the Venetians were obliged to make good a Loss, which they had caused rather out of Malice than Mistake.  
At that time Georgio Giustiniano resided at Constantinople for the most Serene Republic; who to oppose the high Clamours of these Complainants, showed Courage, and accompanied his Answers with Prudence and Resolution, which are often very convincing in the Turkish Court. They alleged, that the Peace was broken. He answered, That it would not be the first time; and that they ought not to yield entire Credit to the Relation of Persons passionate and partial in their own Cause: that such Accidents as these, were as ordinary and common in the World as Cold and Heat, as fair and foul Wether; and that so soon as the Error was discovered, and the Galley known not to belong to Barbary, but to the Grand Signior, it was punctually and entirely restored, with all the Excuses imaginable.  
In short, this Business which had so bad an Aspect at the first, by the dexterity of this Minister, and giving something to Dervis Bei, whereby to stop his Mouth, the Complaint ceased, and all farthe● Proceedings were superseded.  
The Wars in Persia being unsuccessful, it was proposed in Council, that a Peace should be made, if possible, with Abassa Pasha; that his Demands, 
Proposals of Accommodation with Abassa.  whatsoever they were, should be granted, and promises given him of Honours and Preferment: But the inveterate Enmity and Hate which the Janissaries bore him, and the difficulty there was to persuade Abassa, that the Overtures made him were free and candid, and not mixed with Treachery and Design, were Obstructions not to be obviated or overcome. Wherefore Abassa keeping mutual Intelligence with the Persians, and receiving assistance and succours from them, was become very formidable and strong, and the Town of Erzirum well fortified with Works and a numerous Garrison. Howsoever the Janissaries, bis mortal Enemies, pressing the Vizier to proceed against him, at length obliged him to besiege the Place; which having done, and closely begirt it, 
Erzirum besieged.  the most forward and brave amongst the Janissaries, were the first to scale the Walls, but were repulsed by the valour of stout and resolute Soldiers; for they knowing that there was no other safety but in their Arms, and no other Mercy than an ignominious Death, being the just Reward of their Rebellion, refused to give or receive Quarter: Wherefore they made frequent Sallies on the Enemy, and as many Janissaries of them as they took Prisoners, they immediately hanged about the Walls, as a spectacle of Horror to their Associates. This Resolution and Cruelty, deterred the Turks from their frequent Assaults and Storms made upon the Town; and the many Batteries and Fortifications, rendered the Place almost impregnable; so that there seemed no other hopes to remain, but to overcome them by a long Siege and Famine: But Abassa had so well provided against this Danger, with such plenty of Provisions, that the Turkish Army began to be more straitened for want of Sustenance than the Besieged: so that becoming weary and discouraged amidst so many Difficulties, they raised the Siege with such disorder and haste, 
The Siege raised.  that they left several Pieces of Cannon behind them; and retiring with some confusion, were charged in the Rear, so that many Janissaries fell a Sacrifice to the hate and revenge of the Enemy.  
The News of this Success coming to Constantinople, was ill received; but the Disaster thereof▪ according to the usual Custom, was attributed to the Vizier who was General; for which Cause he was deprived of his Office, and the Selictar Aga (who carries the Sword before the Grand Signior▪) was put into his place, a Person of a fierce, bloody, and cruel Disposition.  
To these, 
New Troubles from Tartary.  new troubles were added out of Tartary. For Mahomet the King of that Country, exalted to the Princely Dignity (as we have already declared) by the Favour and Election of that People, though contrary to the sense and pleasure of the Port, was now fallen from the good esteem which they conceived for him, because he gave some hindrance to their usual Incursions on the Polonians and Cossacks, out of memory and gratitude to the assistance they had contributed towards his Election; for which reason being, as it were, famished for want of their usual Depredations, they refused to obey his Commands; and then openly threw off their Obedience to him as their Prince. The Turks, who always envied this Dignity to Mahomet, rejoiced to see this Discord between him and his People, and therefore thought it time to make use of this occasion to reinstate Gherey the elder Brother into the possession of his Kingdom; whom the Turks, for his better security, having placed at Rhodes, the usual Retirement of the Tartarian Princes, dispatched a Squadron of Galleys to fetch him from thence to Constantinople; where being arrived, he was received with a magnificent and Princely Entertainment by the Sultan: that so the Fame thereof forerunning his arrival in Tartary, the people might be better prepared to concur with the Port in their acceptance of him for their King. He was afterwards conducted to Caffa, the Grand Signior's Town in Tartary, with a strong ●●eet of fifty ●●llies, where at his first landing he was received by Cantemir, a rich and powerful Tartar, and Chief of the Turkish Faction, and by many others with great honour and solemnity, with whom also a considerable Party most willingly engaged. But the Cossacks of Poland and Circassians, Friends to Mahomet the Brother, joining their Troops to his Forces, become too Strong for the Turks; for giving them Battle near the Enclosures of the Danube, at a place called Bandet, they defeated them, and killed three or four thousand of their Men, putting all to Fire and Sword round about; and entering on the Seas with their Fleet of Boats, took five of the Turkish Galleys: with which ill Success, the Tarta●s, which took part with Cantemir, being discouraged, abandoned their Colours and fled; so that Cantemir was forced to take Sanctuary in Caffa, which being a Town belonging to the Grand Signior, it was hoped, that the reverence they owed to that Name, would cause them to refrain all Violence thereunto. But the Tartars, provoked by this late effusion of Blood, lost all respect to that Government; so that besieging the Town, they assaulted and took it, and therein the Son of Cantemir whom they cut in pieces, the Father escaping in a disguise from the City.  
The News hereof arriving at Constantinople was greatly displeasing, and caused many serious Debates and Consultations thereupon; the wisest and most sober of the Council was for dissembling the Matter, and with their usual dexterity to suffer what they could not remedy: for that it was by no means advisable in the present conjuncture of Affairs, to proceed unto an open R●pture with the Tartars, fearing lest the Christians, Persians, and other Enemies should make a benefit of this Occasion, and joining with a Nation so strong in Horse, should dangerously press upon the Empire, and force them to the ultimate extremity of Affairs. Wherefore an Envoy Extraordinary was sent to the Tartars, who covering the inward sentiments of Regret and Anger, which the Sultan conceived for the late Disgrace, seemed to wonder at the Cause and Reason of the last Engagement, as if it had been acted without the knowledge or order of the Grand Signior; and thus with gentle Terms insinuating, that the Surrender of Caffa would be very acceptable to the Port, and that which would atone for all miscarriages, and be such an offering of Pacification, as would reconcile all past Differences, and restore a perfect Correspondence between the Sultan and them: the Tartars readily assented to the Demand, upon condition, that the Turks should impose no other King upon them than him, whom by general consent they had elected for their Prince.  
year 1628. Though Differences were thus concluded with the Tartars, yet the Cossacks continued still their Enmities, entering the Black Sea with eighty Saicks, which they so inf●ste●, that the Turks could for that Year avail themselves little of their Navigation in those Seas; so that the Turks, to curb these Insolences, gave Orders to build two Forts at the Mouth of the Black Sea: the Polish Ambassador made Complaint hereof, and protested against it, as an Act contrary to the Capitulations of Peace; but the Turks esteem little of the Air of Bravadoes, whilst they are not accompanied with something else more solid than their own Levity.  
But the grand Concernments which busied the Thoughts of the Turks, was the Rebellion of Abassa, and the War in Persia, the management of which was the charge and care of the Selictar Aga lately made Vizier, called Searches P●s●a. His Headquarters were at the beginning of this Year taken up at Iconium, called by the Turks Conie; and Abassa was encamped at Kaisaria, against whom the Vizier marched; and being nearly approached, the Janissaries earnestly urged, that Battle might be given the Enemy; but the Vizier having received Instructions not to engage, if possible, but rather to enter into a Treaty, and to propose Terms of Accommodation, delayed the Time, and with various Excuses, eluded the present premures of the Janissaries; at which they became so angry, that they flew into an open Mutiny, 
The janissaries mutiny.  cutting the Cords of his Tents, stoning him, and wounding him in the Head: by which open Violence, the Vizier being compelled to make known his Orders, he assembled the chief Commanders of the Spahees and Janissaries, giving them to understand, that the Grand Signior's Pleasure was, to make up the Difference with Abassa, as the only means to conclude an intestine and unnatural War, and to be able to withstand the Persians, and regain the Country and Reputation which the Turks had lost. This Proposition seemed plausible to the Commanders at the General Assembly, and more especially, because it was the Pleasure and Injunction of the Grand Signior; but more difficult it was to incline the rough and obstinate minds of the Janissaries to a resolutian so different to their Natures, and so contrary to that Revenge which they had deeply rooted in their Hearts, and sworn to execute: howsoever the persuasions which the Officers used to their inferior Soldiers, putting them in memory of the Blood of their Companions, and how destructive the continuance of such a War must necessarily prove for the future by those large effusions of Blood which they must expect farther to make, were so prevalent upon them, that at length they condescended to a Treaty, and to receive Abassa for a Friend and a fellow-soldier. 
They consent to treat with Abassa.  Abassa at first suspecting some Treachery, refused to give a private meeting to the Vizier; but the Vizier giving his Brother the Beglerbegh of Caramania, and the Pasha of Anatolia for Hostages, the Day and Place for a Conference was appointed; where both Parties meeting, Articles were agreed, That Abassa should still continue to be Pasha of Erzirum, his Son Pasha of Bosra, his Cahya, or Lieutenant, to be Pasha of Marasch, (all which were Places on the Confines of Persia) a general Act of Pardon and amnesty was to be given to Abassa and his whole Army, and the Articles sworn unto in the most solemn manner by the Vizier, and confirmed in the public Camp of the Janissaries, who also promised to maintain this Word and Promise of the Vizier; to all which the Grand Signior gave his Hand, and affixed his Royal Signature. 
Abassa reconciled to the Grand Signior.   
A Reconciliation being in this manner completed, the City of Erzirum resigned itself to the Obedience of the Grand Signior, and the Army of Abassa was employed on the Confines of Persia, and converted against the Enemy. The Vizier also was appointed to proceed on the same Enterprise; but his Army was so ill provided of all Necessaries, that he made his Excuse, and refused to march forward: But on the contrary, he returned to Constantinople in company with Abassa; where, with many demonstrations of Friendship and Respect, he was conducted to the presence of the Grand Signior to receive Honour, and the Reward of his Penitence, and return to Obedience. The approach of these two great Personages near to Constantinople, made much noise and rumour in the City; some blamed the weakness of the Government for accepting an Enemy unto Favour, and that the crowning of his Rebellion with Rewards, was to encourage others in the like Practices.  
The Vizier was also murmured against for leaving the Army and the War, 
The Vizier and Abassa make their Entry into Constantinople.  contrary to the Royal Command, by such as were emulous of his Greatness: But as Envy is converted into Veneration, and ceases as Smoke doth, when it is blown up by the Flame of Success and Glory; so those who were emulous of these Persons, submitted to all obsequious Offices towards them; and dissembling their Malice, went to meet them as far as Scutari, that they might add to their Train and Equipage, and help at the Solemnity of their Entrance. All People now cast their Eyes on the Vizier and Abassa, as the two great Men of this Age; the first was esteemed for his dexterous and successful management in bringing over Abassa to his Submission and Obedience; for though he was not famed much for his great Feats of Arms, yet this Reconciliation of Abassa was accounted a Masterpiece of Policy, and better Se●●vice than a Victory. Abassa also drew the Eyes of the People, who crowded to see so great a Captain, that could contend with the Port, and put all Asia into Disturbance, and in conclusion could make the same Arms serve his Master, which had lately before given a check and stop to all the Ottoman Force. The Vizier was the first introduced to the Royal Presence, where being graciously received, he was presented with a Vest of Sables and a Cemiter set with Jewels. Abassa was afterwards admitted, and having performed, his Obeisance by touching the Ground with his Forehead after their fashion; he declared, That he never was other than a faithful Vassal to the Sultan, and that he had taken up Arms for his sake, that he might subjugate the insolence of the Janissaries, and with their Blood revenge the Death, and sacrifice to the Ghost of his murdered Brother Osman, that they might learn to reverence their Princes for the future, & learn to know how sacred the Blood is of their Sovereign. The Grand Signior seemed kindly to accept this Apology, and as a Token thereof, bestowed three Vests upon him; which was a treble Honour of that kind, and made him Pasha of Bosna; on which employment he immediately entered: And though when such offices are bestowed, it is commonly the custom for that Person, who is invested in the Employment given, to kiss the Sleeve of the Grand Signior publicly by way of Thanks: Yet, lest such Demonstration of Honour should ill affect the Eyes of the Janissaries, and cause murmuring and repine amongst the most envious of the Soldiery, his last Audience was designed privately, and his Dispatch procured in more secret and familiar manner, and therefore more obliging than was usual.  
To yield some assistance to the present growing Charges of the Empire, the Vizier imposed a heavy Tax on the Christians and Jews; on the first it was levied with all severity; but the Jews found more favour by their Arts, 
The jews at Constantinople how treated  and secret management of Affairs, for they are a People of some Authority and Power in Turkey: they are cursed by particular Persons, but caressed by the generality: they are Slaves in all Countries, and yet acquire somewhat of Mastership and Propriety: they are Vagabonds, and yet every Country is their own: they cannot buy Lands, and yet daily increase their Fortunes: they multiply in abundance, because they all marry, and are not destroyed by Wars: they are great Confidents of the Turks, and Enemies to the Christians. In short, Covetousness in Constantinople is like a public Courtesan, to whom the Jews are the Panders and Ruffians.  
The Grand Signior passing one day through the Streets, year 1629. unhappily met with the Ambassador of the Prince of Transylvania; who because he did not immediately descend from his Horse in token of Reverence, he caused him and his whole Family to be imprisoned; but being afterwards excused by the Chimacam, to have only been a matter of inadvertency, his Omission was pardoned, and so released from his Restraint.  
The Soldiery having for a long time been governed by a loose and gentle hand, continued their licentious way of living, committing many outrages on the Merchants and Inhabitants of Constantinople; against which many Decrees having been published, and Proclamations made, without any effect or notice of the Soldiery, the Vizier was unwilling to dally longer; and therefore taking a Spahee and a Janisary, hanged them up, and cut off their Heads: and with such course and method of Severity, he so abated the haughty Stomaches of the Soldiers already mortified by the assumption of Abassa into favour, that they began to yield unto Command, and to behold their Rulers with an eye of Respect, as those which were seated in some degree above themselves; for till now there was scarce a common Janisary, but who thought himself to be the Creator or Elector of his General, and therefore to be little inferior to him in Power and Dignity.  
And as this Vizier was severe towards the Soldiery, so he demeaned himself with equal rigour towards the Pasha's and Grandees of the Court; which though it was an Humour in the Vizier at that conjuncture, laudable and necessary, yet it procured him such enmity, as removed him at a distance, and caused him to be sent into Persia to command the Army, and by that means to expose him to the hazard and difficulties of doubtful Success in a dangerous War.  
The Vizier being departed, the Grand Signior appeared in public on Horseback, together with his Brother by his side, an unusual sight amongst the Turks: But the Queen-Mother, who in absence of the Vizier ruled much, commanded that it should be so. The Grand Signior had this Year a Son born, which caused great rejoicing at Constantinople, because there were few Males at that time surviving of the Ottoman Line; but scarce was the Festival ended before the Child died.  
But let us now for a while withdraw our Discourse from the Wars of Persia, and look to the Actions in Poland and Transylvania. Mehmet the late King of Tartary, who was so displeasing to the Port (as we have already related) was now dead; to whom succeeded a Kinsman of his called jembeg Gheray, universally pleasing and acceptable to that People.  
This new King, to demonstrate his Prowess, and to act something acceptable to the Port, dispatched forty thousand Horse into Podolia and Russia to sack and ravage the Country; which dividing themselves into several Parties, made their Incursions as far as Socal. But in the mean time the Polonians and Cossacks having form a strong Body of Horse under the Command of Stephen Chmieleskie, met them at their return near to Burstinow, 
The Tartars overthrown by the Polanders.  where they gave them a total overthrow. And in like manner Stanislau● Lubomiskie, encountered another Party, and overthrew them, leaving thirty thousand slain on the place, and taking two thousand Prisoners, amongst which was the younger Brother of the Tartar King.  
This Defeat, as it was the greatest that ever was given to the Tartars, so it is probable, that had it been well prosecuted at that time by the Polonians, they might have entered the Chersonesus Tauricus, and without much opposition have put an end to that Kingdom: But Sigismond King of Poland had other Designs in hand; such mixed Monarchies as that, being better able to defend their own Dominions, than to acquire or conquer others.  
To this News ill received at Constantinople, supervened the unexpected Death of Bethlem Gabor; 
The Death of Bethlem Gabor.  unexpected, I say, because that though he had been long labouring under the Diseases of Dropsy and Asthma, yet the greatness of his Soul, and activeness of his Spirit, mastered for a long time his Indisposition, so that he seldom or never omitted his Counsels and Business; and to the very time of his Death, was meditating and contriving Designs, whereby to preserve his Dominions, and enlarge them. And indeed the Government of Transylvania required no less than such a stirring Spirit: for being seated between two such powerful Monarches, as the Emperor and the Turk, there was need of dexterity and courage to steer between the Rocks of such opposite Interests: Sometimes it was necessary to join with one, and anon with the other. So Sigismond Battori Prince of Transylvania, uniting his Forces with the Emperor's, in several Conflicts overthrew the Turk, and kept the Scale in an equal Balance. Gabor on the contrary inclined to the Turks, and supported his Interest with the Ottoman Power, following such Maxims as had been more ruinous to Christendom, had he transferred them to a Son to imitate and pursue; but dying without Issue, the Government devolved to his Princess, by Vote of the States of the Country, and by Confirmation of the Turk, as we have already intimated.  
Gabor knew so well how to deal and treat with the Turks, that he gained an abatement of ten thousand Dollars of the annual Tribute; he managed his Affairs so subtly with the Emperor, that he was always invited to a Peace, and accordingly made his Advantage by the Treaty.  
The other Princes of Christendom in like manner courted him, and particularly the Cardinal Richelieu employed one Bornemi●, a Gentleman of Transylvania, a Lover of the French Interest, to be always about him; by whose means, and with the assistance of twenty thousand Crowns of yearly Pension, he obliged him to make War on the Emperor, at such Seasons as it should be intimated unto him to be most conducing to the advantage of France.  
At length, as we have said, giving way to mortality, he died on the 15 th' of November, after he had reigned eighteen Years: he was a Prince of great Abilities, but exercised them ill to the damage of Christendom; howsoever he was a Soldier of extraordinary Courage and Conduct, having begun to manage his Sword at seventeen Years of Age; and as it is said, had been engaged in forty two several Fights. His Widow Katherine, Sister of the Elector of Brandenburg, rendered an account to the Port of this Accident, and the Grand Signior immediately returned Answer by Sulficar Aga, condoling the Misfortune, and encouraging her to a dependence on the Port: which she accepting with due Resentment, promised Obedience to the Grand Signior, and begged his Protection. But the weather was too boisterous and rude for a Vessel to be navigated well under the Pilotage of a Woman; for the situation of the Country, between two mighty and potent Monarches, required more than a Feminine Mind and Courage to free and defend it from the Plots, Snares, and Violence with which it was, as with a toil, encompassed by those two great Nimrods' of the East and West. And though the Sultan undertook to defend his Female Ally, yet the diversion of the Ottoman Arms in Persia, the intestine Distractions, and the Minority of the Emperor were such burdens on the Foundation of Empire, and obstructions to great and Heroic Achievements in behalf of the distressed Princess, that all the Promises made to her were unavailable and ineffectual. For Stephen Bethlem, 
The Widow of Bethlem Gabor persuaded to quit her Government.  a Kinsman of the deceased Prince, a Man conspicuous in his own Person and Estate, as well as for the several Governments divided amongst his Sons, and the interest he had gained in his Country, procured means to convoke the States at Claudiopolis; and insinuating the foregoing Inconveniences of a Female Government, so prevailed with the Assembly, that they persuaded the Princess to yield up her Sovereignty to Stephen Gabor, as one better capacitated for Rule and Sovereignty than herself. Stephen having thus obtained his intent, entered into a serious Consultation with his Friends and Relations, whether he should labour to confirm the Government to himself, and entail it to the Family, or renounce it to some other. The first seemed a Matter very dubious and difficult; for that Bethlem Gabor his Predecessor, had disobliged the principal Boyards or Barons of the Country, and thereby derived an envy and hatred to all his Family: His long and violent Government annexed to the Interest of the Turk, had not only rendered his Memory odious to his own People, but likewise to the House of Austria, which would be ready to continue the like prejudice and aversion to any of the same Family, as it did to the last thereof.  
For which Reasons, after due and mature consideration, it was resolved to offer the Government to George Ragotskie, a Person rich in Money, and of great Interest, by reason of the Jurisdiction and Castles which he possessed in Hungary, belonging to his own paternal Inheritance; and in pursuance thereof, they sent Stephen the second Son, and Solomon a Kinsman of that Family, for Ambassadors to Ragotski, representing to him, that they had preferred his Merit before the Interest of their own Family; 
The Principality offered to Ragotski.  and therefore desired him, that he would be pleased to take upon himself the Regency of the Principality.  
The offer of Government was a savoury Bait to the Palate of Rogotski; which he embraced with singular affectation and contentment, and was easily persuaded on this occasion, to take a Journey to Waradin, one of the principal Fortresses and Places of consideration in that whole Province, and was there received by Stephen the Ambassador, Governor of the Citadel, with firing all the Cannon, and with the common Joy and Festivity of the whole City. But in the midst of this Mirth, an unexpected Messenger arrived with News, that the States had with common consent elected another Prince, which was Stephen Bethlem, Father of the Ambassador, and Author of this Counsel.  
Ragotski was strangely surprised with this Intelligence, and the Ambassadors were put to the blush to see their Negotiations under such a shameful defeat: Howsoever resolving to continue constant to their first Election, and to renounce the Interest of their own Family, they still maintained the same obsequious Offices of Honour and Reverence towards Ragotski as formerly.  
And notwithstanding the Orders received from the States to abstain from any other demonstrations of Honour to Ragotski, than what were ordinary towards a private Person of his Quality and Riches; and that he should retire from the Confines of Transylvania to the Precincts of his own Castles: yet they still persisted to execute their first Commission, and so to attract People to his Party; that the number thereof daily increasing, it was at length agreed, that the first Election not being fair, the Point in Controversy should be determined at Sazburg, a City of Saxony.  
The State's General being assembled, Ragotski accompanied his Pretensions with a large effusion of Gold, the most powerful and most convincing Argument imaginable: to which he added, That he had no design to affect the Principality, had not the same been first offered to him from Stephen Gabor the Father by the Hand of his Son: That it was very improper for that Person to offer a Digni●y to another, which he affected for himself: that it was in the power of the Transylvanians; not to have offered him the Principality; but having once chosen him to it, they could not, without his disparagement and prejudice, retract from their Election.  
In short, these Considerations, assisted by the Interest of the Princess Dowager, so far prevailed, that Stephen Bethlem was put aside, and Ragotski, 
Ragotski chosen Prince.  who attended the success of this Matter at Waradin, was with common consent elected Prince; from whence being with great Acclamations, and a general concourse of the People, conducted to Alba julia; he there took the usual Oath with much Solemnity and Magnificence: and with Princely Magnificence, entertained and treated the two Ambassadors, Stephen and Solomon, and dispensed freely his Money unto divers, who before being Enemies, were now reconciled, and become his Friends and Admirers. Liberality in a Prince, is the most resplendent Gemm in all his Crown, and is a Light so forcible, that it dazzles Envy itself, and puts out all the Eyes of Suspicion and Jealousy.  
year 1630. By this time the Great Vizier was far advanced with his Army into Persia, having been encouraged to proceed by the feigned Flight, or rather Retreat of the Enemy, who burned, destroyed, and laid waste all round them, as they retired; which put the Turks to such inextricable Difficulties, that in two months' March, they had all the Inconveniencies and Miseries to contend with, which commonly attend Armies in strange Countries; the Plains through which they traveled were abandoned by the Inhabitants, and void of Provisions; the Mountains were covered with Snow and comfortless: and what was worst, the Persians kept all the narrow Passages so strongly guarded, that the Vizier was now more in danger of Famine than of the Sword: but being a Person of great Sense and Experience in Military Affairs, he prudently disengaged himself from the intricacy of these Dangers; and encamping his Army in the Plain of Amedan, he so provoked the hot Spirits of the Persians, that they resolve to assault him on that side of his Camp, which they judged to be the most weakly defended: of which having some advertisement, he secretly laid an Ambuscado in the way; which so happily succeeded, that he killed eight thousand, Persians on the place: 
A Victory gained bythe Turks over the Persians  but howsoever the Victory cost so dear, and was so bloody, by the loss of the stoutest Janissaries, and the bravest of the Soldiery, that the News thereof made little noise or rejoicing at Constantinople.  
With this Intelligence the Vizier demanded new Recruits; for that besides the abatement of his Numbers by the last Engagement, the Multitudes of the Enemy increased, and his own Soldiers fled from their Colours; of which many being observed to enter Constantinople, notwithstanding the severe Decrees of Martial Law published against them, put the Grand Signior into a high choler and Indignation. 
The difficulty of sending Men into Persia.  And being desirous to reinforce the Vizier's Army with all the Recruits that he was able, Proclamations were made, that all the Militia at Constantinople should immediately pass over unto Scutari under their respective Commanders; and that whosover received one Asper of Pay from the Grand Signior in quality of a Soldier, should immediately pass the Channel into Asia, and follow their Leaders to the War. But so great was the abhorrency wnich the Soldiers had to this March into Persia, calling it the Sepulchre and Cemetery of the Turks, that few or none would obey, every one flying, hiding, and shifting for himself as well as he could: During which Fears and Troubles, the Ways from Persia were so obstructed by the Curds, that in the space of three or four Months, no News arrived at Constantinople from the Army; which caused as great apprehensions and affrightments there, as if the Empire had been reduced to the utmost extremity. Nor did the Sultan want Jealousies and Fears of receiving Affronts from the Emperor, and King of Poland; the first of which had a fair opportunity presented of regaining all Transylvania, especially at a time when that Country was divided by two several Factions: but more pressing and troublesome were the Cossacks, 
The Cossacks trouble the Turks.  who daily infested the Black Sea; and to the great reproach of the Imperial City, perpetually disturbed it with Alarms, passing up almost in light of Constantinople. Of which Complaints being made to the Polonian Ambassador, he answered with some indignation, That the Cossacks had reason for what they acted; for that since the Tartars had, by Orders from the Grand Signior, made their late irruption into that Country, as they could well prove from the Commission taken amongst the Baggage of the Prince of Tartary in the last Defeat, the Cossacks might with all justice assume to themselves a method of Revenge.  
But the Grand Signior not being able to support this Affront, or to see himself braved on the very Banks of his Imperial Seat, and his Villages and Towns round about burnt and pillaged by a crew of Freebooters and Pirates, year 1630. cast all the blame on the Chimacham; to whom, in his rage, he gave such a blow with his Fist on the Face, that Blood issued from his Nose; and had not the Queen-Mother interceded for him, he had been delivered into the Hand of the Executioner to take away his Life. Nor was the Captain-Pasha in less danger at his return; because, that upon his assurance, that the Cossaks would not for that Year make any attempt in the Channel of Constantinople, the Grand Signior had assented, that the Fleet of Galleys should that Summer make a Voyage into the Archipelago: Which Mistake having been the cause of all this Affront, the Captain-Pasha was to share in the blame, and had likewise in the punishment, had not good Friends interposed between him and Danger.  
Nor were the Cossacks satisfied with their late Plunder, but speedily made another return with two hundred Boats; and though the whole Fleet of Galleys were then in Port, yet they had the boldness to proceed as far as Pompey's Pillar, and thereby to hinder all Provisions from passing to Constantinople by way of the Black-Sea. And what gave greater fear than all this, was the News which came at the same time, that the Poles were on the Frontiers with thirty thousand Horse; to whom immediately a Chaous, or Envoy was dispatched with Propositions very advantageous to the Crown of Poland, conditionally, that the continual Eruptions made by the Cossacks should be stopped, and they restrained within the due Terms of Peace and Moderation.  
The Chaous found a civil Reception from the Poles, and promises of Compliance, in regard that the King had some Intentions of making War upon the Muscovite.  
But whilst these things were in agitation, and that the Chaous was ready to return, behold, on a sudden News came, that ten thousand Tartars were broken into Podolia; which put all things back again, and so changed the stile of Affairs, that instead of Articles of Peace, the Chaous was again returned with the Menaces of War, and with Reproaches for the last perfidious Action.  
Notwithstanding all these Troubles abroad, the puissance of the Ottoman Empire might have been able to have struggled with greater Difficulties, had not its own Intestine Distractions rendered all things dangerous, and of a malevolent Aspect.  

The Disorders in the Ottoman State.  The Government was at that time chiefly in the hands of the four Brothers-in-Law, who had married four Sisters of the Grand Signior's; and for that reason were powerful, and employed in the principal Offices of State, and commonly drew contrary to the Opinions of the Mufti and Chimacham; which two last were not well accorded between themselves, for that the latter encroached on the Office of the Mufti, to the great scandal and discontent of all the Religious and Literate Men in the whole City; howsoever they both joined in consultation by what means they might best secure themselves and the Government from the Lusts and evil Designs of this quadruple Fraternity; but their Wisdom and Interests were too weak to contrive Remedies against such high Oppressions; for besides the Violences daily practised by the Brothers, the extravagant Humours in the Sultan himself, added to the Disorders of State, and increased the Discontent and Dissatisfactions of the People: For though Morat was naturally endowed with a good Wit and Parts, was stout, and of a good Courage: yet as his perpetual Debauchery in Wine rendered him in appearance but of a weak Understanding, mixed with much Levity, so it caused his Accessions of the Falling-sickness (to which he was subject) to return often, whereby the strength of his Brain was daily weakened and impaired. He was negligent also in the performance of those Ceremonies which his Ancestors were accustomed to observe; nor did he live with that gravity and regular Course which is agreeable to the Grandeur of so great a Prince: for sometimes he would go out of his Seraglio with no other Attendance than of three or four Men, which were for the most part Buffoons, players upon the Gittern, and Eunuches; and with no better an Equipage would he sometime be seen on Horseback, or in his Boat rowed on the Bosphorus with six Oars only: by which Actions, and other sallies of Youth, he created such a contempt towards his Person, that evil Men grew factious and weary, and entered into Conspiracies against his Life, whilst the good Men feared and presaged the ruin and downfall of the Empire: for neither Justice, nor Order, nor Obedience, prevailed; no Offices were conferred for Merit, but by Money, or some other unlawful Means; there remained no Counsellors of true Faith and Integrity, nor Soldiers almost, either of experience for Sea or Land-adventures. The People, being burdened by double Taxes and Imposts, were mutinous, and ready to take the least Fire of Rebellion; the Soldiery were disorderly for want of Discipline and their constant Pay: the Pasha's of remote Provinces grew insolent, taking upon themselves rather an absolute than a depending Sovereignty.  
In short, all things looked with that black appearance, that nothing seemed to keep the Frame of Empire together, but only the expectation of good Success to the Army in Persia; the which, as it depended on uncertain Events, so the Ottoman Monarchy was then shaking, and stood tottering on its deepest Foundation.  
Wherefore all People being intent to hear of good News from Persia, were much pleased to understand, that the Vizier having, by advantage in the last Engagement, laden his Army with Plunder and Spoils, 
The Vizier prepares to besiege Bagdat.  was now preparing to besiege Bagdat; for whose good Success, Prayers were daily made in the Mosches; and the Schoolmasters surrounded the Streets with their young Scholars, singing out Prayers with the Amen at every Period, according to the Custom of that Country.  
The Vizier marched towards Bagdat, and began to besiege it about the 10 th' of September: In order whereunto, he amassed great abundance of all sorts of Provisions, and made his Magazine of them at Mosul, two thousand Camels, each laden with two Sacks of Cotton, every Sack being of about ten foot long, were carried to the Siege, for shelter of the Soldiery, and to fill the Ditches.  
The Vizier having passed part of his Army over the River Tigris, the rest with the Cannon remaining on the hither side, he dispatched Nasuf Pasha of Aleppo, with six thousand Spahees, to take a view of the Place, and to discover the Avenues unto it. In his way thither, he met with eight thousand Persian Horse sent to reinforce the Garrison, which he valiantly engaged; but being dangerously wounded, was forced to retreat, with the loss of almost half of his Men, part killed, and part taken; those which were carried Prisoners to Bagdat, were treated with all civility by the Governor, who gave them a view of the Garrison, which consisted of twenty thousand effective Men; showed them their Stores and Provisions, and that there was scarce an unuseful Mouth in all the City to devour them.  

The Siege.  Notwithstanding this Disaster at the beginning, the Vizier nothing-dismayed, proceeded on his Design, spending the whole Month of September in making his Approaches. In the Month of October, he mounted eighteen Pieces of great Cannon, which for the space of twenty five days battered continually the Curtain between the two Bastions, on which were four Pieces of Cannon not perceived by the Turks; there was also a deep and large Ditch not discovered by them, for that it was planked over with Board's, and covered with a green Turf, so that it appeared like plain and firm Ground: the Breach being made, and seemingly undefended, the Turks resolved to make an Assault; wherefore the Vizier, on the 20 th' of November, commanded the Spahees, under the Conduct of the Beglerbei of Anatolia, accompanied with Pasha's, Sangiacks, and other Persons of Note; as also with Janissaries, to the number of thirty thousand, to enter the Breach: which being performed, and great numbers crowding on the Turf, the weight of them pressed down the Planks; and therewith the whole Engine giving way, five or six thousand were in a moment taken, as it were, in a Pitfall, and swallowed up without any possibility of Succour to be yielded from their Companions. After which on an instant there appeared fifteen thousand Men on the Breach and on the Bastions; which with their Cannon, and continual Volleys of Musket shot, so galled the Spahees, that they broke their main Body, and killed the Beglerbei of Anatolia, with other Pe●sons of Note and Quality, and made the whole Army to retreat.  

The Siege raised.  Two days after this Disgrace, the Vizier raised the Siege, and marched towards Mosul; and the Persians encouraged with this Success, pursued the Turks with eight thousand Horse, assailed the Rearguard of the Enemy; and though the Conduct and Care thereof was committed to the charge of the Pasha's of Aleppo and Damascus, yet the Persians killed three thousand Turks, and had defeated the whole Rear of the Army, had not the Spahees turned their Horses, and withstood the shock with great Valour.  
Notwithstanding this dishonourable Retreat, the Vizier lost not his Courage, or hopes of taking the Town; in order unto which, he appointed all things necessary to renew the Siege again in the Months of September and October following, for that the foregoing Months are either too rainy, or too hot in those Countries, to undertake a Design or Enterprise of that Nature: He fortified all the small Places in those parts round, and quartered his Soldiers in them; so that having all conveniencies of living, they might be induced to continue, and not abandon their Colours; especially he took care to fortify Illay, a place of about two days journey from Bagdat, reinforcing the Garrison with six thousand Men, under the command of three Beglerbegs, in regard that it was a very considerable Pass, and the principal Magazine and Granary of Corn and other Provision.  
At the same time he sent Letters to Constantinople, representing the state of his Affairs to be in a hopeful condition; and desiring Recruits both of Men and Money, gave great assurances of conquering the City at the next Attempt.  
In this perilous Condition of the Ottoman State, 
The Poles and Turks make Peace  one would have imagined that Christian Princes would have seen their own Interest, and made use of their advantage; but God not having as yet fixed a Period to the Bounds of this Empire, was pleased, by his secret Providence, to divert both the Emperor and King of Poland from making War with the Turk, inclining them to employ their Arms on their Christian Neighbours. For though the Chaous (as we have said before) was returned from Poland with disdain, and an angry Message, yet the Chimacam, when he made Moses Vayvod of Moldavia, encharged him to perform all Offices of Mediation between the Grand Signior and the Poles, persuading them to restrain the Incursions of the Cossacks, and to send an Ambassador to the Port. In which Affair Moses so well performed his Negotiation, that applying Lenitives to the Anger of the Poles, he reduced them to Articles of Peace, and to promises of restraining the Cossacks, on condition, that the Turks reciprocally forbid and withhold the Tartars from joining or affording assitance to his Enemies the Muscovites.  
These Conditions being agreed, the Ambassador was sent from Poland to Constantinople, where he was received with as much Joy, as he was expected with Impatience. 
The cossacks and Tartars compared.  The Cossacks and Tartars were two sorts of people which lived equally on Spoils and Booty; the first as offensive to the Turk, as the latter to the Pole; and therefore as it was an equal Benefit, so it was an Agreement of even Terms, to counterchange the Caution given reciprocally for one and the other.  
But the Engagement for such wild People, was more easily given than performed; which because it was a Point agreeable to both Parties, it was expressed with the most clear Words and strict Terms possible.  
The Poles were weary and grieved to see their Provinces depopulated by the Tartars, who yearly carried away some thousands of Souls. The Turks on the other side were not less infested with the Cossack's, who captivated their People, burnt their Towns and Villages, and kept them in continual Alarms.  
But because these People are hardly restrained from their Robberies and Pillaging, the Poles, as a Remedy, resolved to carry the Cossacks to the War against the Muscovite; and better to secure the Tartar, the Polish Ambassador was obliged to pay them twenty thousand Florins yearly, and six thousand pair of Boots, according to the ancient Articles of Peace. On which Considerations the Tartars were engaged never to enter Poland in a hostile manner, but to serve that King in his Wars against all Nations whatsoever, the Turks only excepted.  
In this manner were the Turks this Year freed from all apprehensions of Alarm from the Cossacks, year 1631. and of War with Poland. And the Emperor was so busied concerning the surprise of Mantova, and engaged in the Quarrel about that Duchy, and with some ambition's thoughts relating to Italy, that the Turks hoped to have prosecuted their Wars in Persia without fear of Diversion from the Western Parts. 
Troubles in Hungary.  But yet the Affairs towards the parts of Germany were not so well secured, but that the turbulent Spirit of Ragotski administered subject for Dissension; for being lately seated (as we have said) in his Principality, he was doubtful whether it were most for his Interest to incline unto the Emperor, year 1630. or to the Turk; and whilst both Parties courted his Friendship, and cheapened his acknowledgements, (for of necessity he must be a Vassal to one or the other) the Heyducks who were Tenants to the Lands of Gabor, refused to return to the Obedience of the Emperor, demanding protection from the Grand Signior. The jealousy of those ill Consequences which this Commotion might produce, alarmed all the Country: and the Emperor and Ragotski being hereby raised to a mutual Defiance, advanced their Troops one against the other upon the Frontiers: But all Hungary trembling with fear of those Calamities which ensue from War, several of those concerned, interposed so far towards an Accommodation, that Deputies were appointed to meet at Cassovia to treat of Peace. But in the mean time the Palatine of Hungary passing eight thousand Men over the River Tibiscus, to make seizure of a certain Fort built by George Basta, so alarmed and awakened Ragotski, that he dispatched a Gentleman to him to demand the Cause of this Motion; and not receiving an answer agreeable to his expectation, he advanced upon him with an Army of ten thousand Men, and engaging him with great resolution, killed four thousand on the place, and so caused him to retire: from these beginnings all the mischiefs of a bloody War had certainly ensued, had not Ragotski refused to receive Succours from the Turk; but he depending on his own strength (having fifteen thousand Men in Arms for defence of his Hereditary Lands in Hungary) contemned all external Assistances, as favouring too much of vassalage and dependence: howsoever the Pasha's of the Frontiers assembled their Forces, and yet acted with such caution, as not to proceed to an open Rupture; for the Wars in Persia being unsuccessful and pressing, required moderation and Lenitives on this side, that so the differences now on the Frontiers might be transferred to an opportunity more seasonable for dispute.  
In the month of September Sultan Morat being at his small Seraglio called Da●●● Pasha, year 1631. and sleeping there one night in his Bed, 
The G. Signior affrighted with Lightning.  he was on a sudden awakened by a terrible Lightning; which entering his Chamber, surrounded his Bed, leaving several Marks on his Sheets and Quilts; and whilst he sought some place to hide himself in, it passed under his Arm, and burnt part of his Shirt; the affrightment of which so astonished him, that he remained for some time in a swound, which for ever after did much impair the strength of his Brain: He now began to be sensible that there were other Thunderbolts than those that proceeded from his own Throne; and, like Tiberius, learned to tremble at the Voice of God, whilst he heard him speak in the Clouds: Nec Deum unquam nisi iratum pertinuit, & turbatiori Coelo fulminantem. And so affected was the Sultan with this Accident, that afterwards he dismissed divers of his Buffoons from the Court; and particularly a Mute, whose ridiculous Gestures were his common Divertisement, and for some time caused him to abstain from Wine; and as a farther token of his Conversion and Thankfulness to God for this eseape, he ordered five thousand Dollars to be given in Alms to the Poor, and Korban to be made of three hundred Sheep; and the Friday following, he solemnly went to the Mosch, to render Thanks unto God for having so prodigiously preserved him from the Executioner of his Vengeance.  
During all this time the Great Vizier wanting Succours and Supplies of Men and Money, had great difficulty to contain his People in their due Obedience, or within the Bounds of their Quarters; for they were apt to leave their Colours, and would really have disbanded, had not their Spirits been daily held up with the hopes and amusements of Pay and Recruits.  
The four Brethren-in-Law, which greatly apprehended left their Power and Authority should be abated by the return of the Vizier, exercised all the diligence they were able to make new Levies, the reinforcement of which might instil new Courage into the Soldiery, and be a means to continue the Vizier in those parts; but the Mufti obstructed all Levies on the side of Greece, and the Frontiers of Christendom, alleging, That the best Soldiers being sent from those parts, would hazard the Empire, by exposing and laying it open to the Incursions of the Christians: by which contrary Opinions and Delays, the Vizier wanting the Assistance expected, the Persians recovered all the little Fortresses which they had lost the Year before, with the considerable place of Illay; which being taken by Assault, 
Illay retaken from the Turks▪  and by an absolute force of Sword and Arms, the greatest part of the Garrison consisting of eight thousand Men, commanded by the three Pasha's beforementioned, were cut off; which was an important loss to the Turks; not only for the slaughter of so many brave Soldiers, but also for the quantities of Provisions, being the Granary and Magazine for the whole Army. Therein were likewise taken forty Field-pieces carrying eight pounds' Bullet; with a great Chain of Iron, which usually encompasses the Treasury which is carried into the field. With this ill success the Vizier retreated ●●om Mosul as far as Mirdin, from whence ●e redoubled his Instances for Supplies for Men and Mony.  
At length it was agreed, that an Army of thirty thousand Tartars should be sent thither; but Ragotskie advising, that he was ●pon the point of breaking with the Emperor, it was ordered, that their number should be reduced to ten thousand: the which taking their Journey into Persia, by the way of Circassia, were there encountered by Han Gh●rey, the Prince of Tartary, (whom we formerly mentioned to have been deposed by that People) and by him obstructed in their passage, the Vanguard of their Army being cut off by him; so that they were forced again to retreat and to embark their Men and Horse at Caffa, to be transported by Sea to Trapezond; which as it was a matter of great trouble, so it was a course unpractised by the Tartars. The Grand Signior being unable to render a more considerable Succour than this unto his Army, which was now reduced to the weak number of two thousand Janissaries, and three thousand Spahees, he resolved to condescend to Terms and Articles, as the only means to save his Honour, and the remainder of his Forces.  
In order unto which, he released a Persian Lord from his Imprisonment in the Seven Towers, and qualified him with the Title of Ambassador, bestowing upon him an Equipage of Men and Horse agreeable to his Character, with four thousand Dollars to defray his Expense. And that the King of Persi● might be assured of the Sultan's real Intentions and desires of Peace, he recalled his Army in the Spring, whereby all Acts of Hostility ceased: And thus the Vizier being returned to Constantinople, that Pride and Rigour which he exercised towards all in the time of his prosperity, laid him low by Misfortunes in the esteem of his Enemies; who gladly embracing the opportunity to disgrace him, with all the terms of Obloquy and Detraction, 
The Vizier deprived of his Office.  deprived him at length of his Office. One of the four Brothers-in-law married to one of the Grand Signior's Sisters, and Prime of the Cabal, being constituted Vizier in his stead. Nor did the late Vizier easily escape with his Life, until he had repreived it with an Atonement of an hundred thousand Zechins of Gold, and some choice Horses which he presented to the Sultan; the like Example other Pasha's his' Companions followed in proportion to their Estates and Employments; by which Presents the empty Treasury was in a manner recruited, and the present Necessities of the Sultan relieved.  
But this new Vizier enjoyed not long either his Honours, or his Life; for the first Act he performed, was to mitigate the Valedé Sultana, or Queen-Mother, to obtain a Hattesheriff, or Writing, under the Grand Signior's Hand for cutting off the Head of Casref Pasha, the Spaheeler Agasi; or General of the Spahees, which being executed by Mortesa the Commander in Chief in Persia, his Head was brought and thrown at the Gates of the Divan.  
year 1632. The Spahees astonished at this Spectacle, and enraged to see that Head on the Ground which they so much esteemed and loved, forgot all the Terms of Duty and Obedience to their Superiors; and without regard to the Place wherein they were, even within the Walls of the Grand Signior's Court, 
Mutiny of the Spahees joined with the janissaries.  they threw Stones at the Vizier, and beat him from his Horse; which though the Grand Signior, and all the Viziers highly resented, as the most scandalous Indignity that could be offered to the Majesty of a Supreme Ruler, and to all Government, yet their Counsels rather sought Remedies to suppress the Mutiny, than to make Proposals of executing Justice on the Offenders; for the Spahees seconded by the Janissaries, (who were glad of any cause to make a Commotion) assembled in the Hippodromo, from whence they sent an Arz to the Sultan, requiring the Heads of the Great Vizer, and of divers others, as well within as without the Seraglio. The Grand Signior denying positively to assent hereunto, the Soldiery as plainly threatened to depose him, and place his Brother in the Throne; at which barbarous Resolution the Grand Signior being affrighted, his youthful constancy was so shaken, that he wrote to his Mother to desire her excuse, in case he assented to the death of her Son-in-law the Great Vizier; for that the Storm of the Military Fury was so great, that he could not endeavour to protect him without the loss of his Life and Crown: wherefore the Vizier being turned out of the Gates of the Seraglio, he was immediately butchered in the presence of the Sultan.  
Nor did the impetuous Rage of the Soldiery end here, but they proceeded farther to demand the Head of the Janisar-Aga, or General of the Janissaries, who was reputed the chief Instrument of the Death of Casref, because he was a principal Favourite to the Grand Signior; but he wisely taking divers off with Money and Presents, sowed division between the Janissaries and Spahees; so that some Difficulty arising hereupon, the determination of his Death was deferred for a while; howsoever they proceeded to demand, that the Mufti should be discharged of his Office, and that the Tefterdar, or Treasurer, should be delivered into their hands.  
To the first the Grand Signior assented; but being willing to save the other, he pretended, that he was escaped and fled; but when he was found, he should run the same Fate with the Vizier. But the military Sedition not being appeased with this Answer, they roved through the whole City, and Galata, and other parts of the Suburbs: the Spahees persisting to require the Head of the Janisar-Aga, and not finding him in his House, they plundered it, and departed; and meeting with a Youth, a Favourite of the Grand Signior's, they killed him; and so returning with the like Fury to the Seraglio, they required admission to the New Vizier and Mufti. Regep Pasha, another of the Brothers-in-law, was then made Vizier, who with the new Mufti trembling at these Tumults, were careful to treat the Soldiery with all lenity and condescension imaginable, desiring them to declare their Grievances, and whatsoever might give them Satisfaction should be granted. The seditious Soldiers replied, That they were resolved to see the Grand Signior's Brother, for that when the present Sultan did not govern well, they might know from whence to produce another of better Abilities, and more agreeable to the Designs of the Empire.  
That necessity which caused the late easiness of condescension to former demands, made way also for compliance with this; so that the young Prince being brought forth, they obliged the Sultan not to attempt any thing against his Life, and caused the Vizier and Mufti to become Caution and Security for it.  
Nor did these Concessions contribute towards a Pacification; but rather their Insolence increased thereby, renewing their Exclamations at the Gates of the Seraglio for the Heads of the Janisar-Aga and the Tefterdar; not would they be satisfied with answer, that these Men were not found in the Seraglio, but still persisted in their rude Outcries and Menaces, losing all respect and reverence to the Sultan and the Superiors; so that the Grand Signior resolved once to sally out upon them with his own Guard; but trying their Temper and Resolution, he discovered most of them to be poisoned with the like Spirit of Sedition, and combining with the others as Associates in the Treason.  
The Viziers, and other principal Officers, perceiving the Mutiny to increase daily, and not knowing to what degree it might arise, made it their business to search out for those proscribed by the Soldiery: at length the Aga was happily discovered by a certain Person, to whom a Reward was given of a thousand Zechins, with the Office of Zorbasi or Captain; and the Aga confessing that he had counselled the Death of Casref, he was immediately strangled, and his Body hanged upon a Tree to public view. The like Fate befell the Teftardar, who being also taken, was killed and hanged up together with the Body of the Aga.  
All which Persons thus inhumanely murdered by the Soldiery, were the Enemies of the present Great Vizier Regep; for which cause the Grand Signior suspecting that he secretly contrived and nourished these Rebellions, never after looked on him with a gracious eye! Of which the Vizier being sensible, combined with the Soldiery; and judging it almost impossible to set himself right in the Affection of his Master, he courted the Favour of the Militia, as the only means to protect his Life, and maintain his Power. But as the revenge of Princes is not like a Thunderbolt, which wounds on a sudden, but rather like a Mine which requires time to form, and is then sprang, when it may do the best execution: so in the same manner, the Grand Signior dissembled his hate towards the Vizier, 
The Vizier strangled by Order of the Grand Signier.  until one Night being present with him in the Seraglio to see certain Fireworks, he called him aside, and whispered to him, that he should go into his private Lodgings; where being entered, the Door was shut upon him, and he strangled by certain Eunuches, who were appointed to attend him for that purpose. But little benefit or riches did the Grand Signior reap by his death; for the Vizier having for some time expected this Blow, had concealed his Treasure, and conveyed it away for the use of his Posterity.  
The like hatred did the Sultan conceive against the Soldiery, resolving in his mind to execute his Revenge, especially on the Janissaries, as the most turbulent Fomenters of Rebellion and Treason, and to vent his Anger, either by the Cord or Sword, or some other more expedite way, as opportunity presented: and to prevent or oppose the like Seditions for the future, he fortified the Seraglio, and brought Arms in thither by night, choosing into his Guard select Men of Courage and Faithfulness: and being sensible, that the being of his Brother attempered his Sovereignty, and drew away the Hearts and Eyes of his Soldiers and People from fixing entirely on his own Person; he therefore intended to cut him off; but the Caution and Security given by himself, and chief Ministers, to preserve his Life, diverted him from this Resolution.  
In place of the deceased Vizier, Mehmet late Pasha of Cairo was constituted, and the Seal consigned to him; with whom the Grand Signior consulting of the present Emergency of Affairs, often uttered his displeasure against the late Seditions, and signified his Intention to redress them for the future; in order unto which, he caused the Heads of the most mutinous Spahees to be cut off, and on various Pretences separated the Soldiery each from other into divers Parts; some numbers of Janissaries he commanded to march to the Confines of Persia, and caused many others of them to be killed by Night; and by various other Means greatly weakened the Chambers, both by diminishing the Numbers, and taking off such who were the Men of best Courage and Conduct: many Bodies were found swimming in the Bosphorus, and known to be Spahees; great part of the Lands belonging to the Timariot was taken away, and the Pay of the Spahees was abated; and divers Offices of Profit and Honour were taken from the Militia, that so Men might be made sensible of the Indignation of their Prince, and that there is no Sport or Jesting with the Anger of a provoked King, who knows no other mean of his Passion, than the total evaporation of his Choler and Vengeance.  
To maintain and make good these several Acts of Just Punishment, young Morat growing in Courage with his Years, mounted on Horseback, well Armed, and like a Soldier, attended with a select Party of Cavalry, passed through the most public Streets of the City in a huffing manner, and casting a stern Eye upon the Soldiery and People as he went, and making a hundred Passes through the midst of them, struck them with an awe of his Majesty, and admiration of his Warlike and Martial appearance; with which Severity and Gallantry the Soldiery being affrighted, began to consider, that they were not longer to be governed by a Woman, or a Child, but by the most brave Prince that ever swayed the Ottoman Sceptre; and thereupon for the future resolved upon an impartial Submission and Obedience unto him. To encourage them in which, and to reconcile their Spirits and Affections to him, Morat oftentimes assembled his Soldiery at Ackmeidan, where he exercised with them, shooting with the Bow at Marks and at Rovers, rewarding those who shot best, with adding an Asper a day to their Pay; besides which, he distributed six thousand Hungars amongst them, to demonstrate that wife Princes are used to mix Lenitives with their Rigour.  
These Mutinies and Seditions in the Capital City, encouraged Rebellious Spirits in divers other places: so that a certain Bold and Audacious Fellow, drawing a number of Miscreants after him, possessed himself of the City of Prusa: another of the same Temper, called Elia Pasha, made himself Master of Magnesia, where he committed all the Outrages which Enemies inflict on a Conquered People; 
Rebellion in Anatolia.  and b●ing about twenty four miles distant from Smyrna, so affrighted the People of that Place, who were Merchants, and such as lived by Trade, that they fled with their Wealth, and such Things as were portable▪ lest they should be exposed to the Robbery and Spoil of Thiefs and Rebels. But the Beglerbey of Anatolia suffered not Elia to reign long in his lust, but giving him Battle in those Plains, wholly defeated him, and sent twenty of the Heads of the chief Commanders to the Sultan for a Present; and pursuing Elia and the rest of his Army to Magnesia, besieged him in that City. The Grand Signior b●ing advised hereof, and fearing lest the Siege should take up too much time, and move other ill Humours in that Country, dispatched Orders to offer Terms and Conditions of Accommodation with Elia, which were secretly treated, and great Promises made him of Favour and Rewards from the Grand Signior. The easy Fool accepted the Conditions, and embraced the Promises; and leaving his City of Magnesia, proceeded confidently to Constantinople to receive the gracious Rewards of the Sultan for his past Services. At his Entry into the Seraglio, in place of the Kapiflar-Kahyasee, or Master of the Ceremonies, he was received by Officers with a Cord in their Hands, who bestowed on him the gracious Reward of his Masters ultimate Favour.  
These Rebellions were no sooner suppressed in Asia, but that other Mutinies of the Janissaries, 
Mutinies at Buda.  for want of Pay, began at Buda in Hungary, where they threw Stones at their Aga, and pursued him to the very Palace of the Pasha, electing another into his place. They also cut in pieces the Governor of Pest, and bestowed his Office upon his Lieutenant.  
To remedy these Disorders, and extinguish the Mutiny, the Grand Signior sent Commissioners to examine the Matter, and to render him an account of the Grievances and Demands of the Soldiers: but they fearing to be surprised with some severe Acts of Justice, prevented or forestalled the Inquiries of the Commissioners, by acknowledging their Fault, and demanding Pardon, with surrender of four of the Ringleaders to Punishment; declaring, That by their seducement and evil persuasions, they were debauched into that disorderly course of Proceedings: the Sultan accepted the Sumission, and all things were quieted in Hungary.  
Howsoever new Troubles arose in Moldavia: 
Troubles in Moldavia.  for that People being oppressed overmuch by their Prince Alexander, made an Insurrection against him, and drove him out of the Country, who for refuge fled to Constantinople. And the People desirous that one Bernoschi, a Polonian by Nation, might be put into his Place: To obtain his Confirmation, he came to the Port, and offered himself before the Grand Signior; but Morat suspecting, that to obtain the Principality for himself, he had secretly instigated and nourished the late popular Commotions, caused his Head to be cut off in the Public Divan.  
Amurat had now born to him a seventh Daughter, by his Slave called the Shining Star; and though he was much troubled that she had not brought him forth a Son and Heir, yet so much was she beloved by him, that he resolved to create her Queen, had not his Mother declared against it, as a thing not usual for any Woman to be honoured with that Title before she had supplied the Inheritance by the Birth of a Male Child.  
And that he might now totally extinguish the Fire of Sedition amongst the Soldiery, he caused Ferdum Efendi and Saluc Aga, two prime Chiefs of the Spahees, with eight principal Janissaries, to be put to Death; after which severity, fearing another Insurrection, he passed the Water, and retired to his Seraglio at Scutari, where he fortified himself.  
It happened about that time, that a Turkish Woman, a Slave, was found aboard a French Ship, ready to sail from Constantinople; which the Turks highly resented, and aggravated the Crime so much against the French Ambassador, that they imprisoned his Son then embarked, and would have confiscated the Vessel and her Lading. In those days the Christian Ambassadors resident at that Court, kept better Union and Correspondence among themselves than they do at present; so that all of them, as concerned, joined together to represent before the chief Ministers, that such a Fault merited not so grand a Forfeiture, for that it was most probable to have been committed without the privacy either of the Ambassador, or Commander of the Ship. The Ambassadors then resident were Sir Peter Wych for England, the Sieur Marcheville for France, and Pietro Foscarini for Venice; at whose warm and urgent Instances the Turks condescended to release the Vessel, and the Goods laden upon her, with free liberty to depart. Howsoever it being represented to the Grand Signior by the Captain-Pasha (who is Admiral of the Seas) that one Baldasar, an Armenian by Nation, but Dragoman or Interpreter to the French Ambassador, was a principal Instrument to move the Ambassadors to unite in this Pretence; and being observed to manage the Interest of his Master with warm and earnest Solicitations, the surly Sultan grew so angry, that one of his own Slaves should presume to manage a Dispute with him, 
The French Interpreter impaled.  in Fury and Rage, commanded that he should be immediately empaled; and that he might be assured that his Sentence took effect, he would see him with his own Eyes on the Stake before he would pass the Water to his Seraglio at Scutari. The resolution was so sudden, and the Execution so speedy, that there was neither Ear lent to hear, nor Time given to mediate in his behalf; and the Act being performed, complaints would not serve to redress a tyrannous Action now past Remedy, and not to be recalled: Wherefore as the Ambassadors were forced to acquiesce, and patiently endure the Affront; so if they would have resented it, they could scarce have found one amongst their Interpreters of so bold a Spirit, who durst have opened his Mouth after so terrifying an Example. The truth is, the Dragomen, or Interpreters to Ambassadors at Constantinople, are required to be Men of Learning, Courage, and Courtship; their studies ought to endue them perfectly with the Turkish, Greek, and Arabic Languages, with some knowledge also of the Persian, and with good Elocution, and readiness of Tongue: their constancy and presence of Mind is always necessary at their appearance before those Grandees or Great Men, who are ever proud, haughty, and arrogant in all their Expressions and ways of Treaty, the which they commonly manage towards Christian Ministers with the ●ame respect which we use towards our Servants, or our Slaves. And therefore by reason of this and other Precedents of like nature, Dragomen have been always timorous in representing the true sense of the Ambassadors and Consuls; at least have so minced and tempered their words, that they have lost much of that Vigour and Accent which is necessary to inculcate perfectly a Business into the Understanding of a Turk, especially if you intent to incline him to Reason and Justice. Wherefore it would be an excellent Qualification for an Ambassador himself to understand and speak the Turkish Language, or at least to have a young Man by his side of the English Nation, educated in the Turkish Court, who should be ready to explicate those Matters which are too thorny and prickly for Subjects of that Country to handle.  
Had all the foregoing Troubles, Mutinies, year 1633. and Misfortunes encountered the Spirit of an easy and a gentle Sultan, certainly the Fate of this Amurat had been the same with that of Osman, who retiring within his Seraglio, could never have appeased the Seditious Humour with all the Concessions he could give an unreasonable multitude: but being a resolved and bus●ing Prince, he at first gave some few steps backwards, as if he would yield somewhat to the impetuosity of that Torrent which he could not resist; yet it was only like a Ram, who retires, that he may butt with the greater force. Howsoever the Politicians and sober Men attributed the true cause of all these Commotions in the Soldiery, to have no other Foundation than the ill success and miseries which attended the War in Persia; for the way being long, and the Country's hot, barren, and for the most part void of all comfort, the Soldiers abhorred the Fatigues and March thither; and hated to consider, that they should be made a Sacrifice to the lust of voluptuous Ministers, who, to gain Estates and Riches out of those moneys which were designed to carry on the War, did not care, whilst they lived at Ease and in Delights, what Labours, Wants, and Dangers attended the Militia.  
These Considerations made likewise some impression in the Sultan, who therefore inclined to hearken unto those Propositions of Peace which were brought him by an Ambassador from Persia; and being accompanied with very great Presents, the Peace was clapped up and concluded on a sudden. 
The Peace made with Persia, and speedily broken.  But as Things quick in their Birth and Production, are not long-lived, nor long durable; so this Peace was broken the same Year with an inconstancy equal to that inconsideration with which it was agreed and signed. For no sooner was the News hereof flown into the Eastern World, than the Great mogul dispatched his Ambassador with Letters to the Grand Signior, persuading him to make War again with the Persian, promising to assist him therein, by stopping up the Passage of Nachivan, which is a City in the Lesser Armenia, built upon the River Aranes, and is the common Road into the Indies. The which Motion, as it was pleasing to Morat, so being accompanied with Indian Curiosities and Presents of an inestimable Value, the Ambassador was graciously received, and treated with such Feasts and Entertainments as are not usually known amongst the Turks; and returned again with Letters, giving hopes, that he would speedily take an occasion to break with the Persian. But those who had experienced the Difficulties of a War with Persia, and observed, that in the present Conjuncture of Affairs it might be mo●e easily and with advantage waged on the side of Hungary, endeavoured, with many pregnant Arguments, 
Persuasions for a War against the Emperor.  to persuade the Grand Signior thereunto, gi●ing him to understand, that Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, being victorious over the Emperor in Germany, had taken many Towns and Cities of great strength; and having overthrown him in divers Battles, had slain or taken his best Captains and most Martial Men of Valour; and that other Christians, who were desirous to abate the pride of the Austrian Family, were ready to embrace the same Conjuncture, whereby they might entirely shake off the Yoke and Servitude to the Imperial Tyranny.  
These Advantages being well represented, took place easily in the mind of Morat so that, he dispatched express Orders to the Pasha of Buda to assemble his Forces, and put all things in a readiness on the Frontiers: in compliance with which, though the Pasha set forth his Tents, and made great appearance of a March, yet some secret Designs caused him to move slowly, and to affect a Peace rather than a War; so that receiving an Ambassador from the Emperor at Pest, he readily Admitted him, and gave him safe Conduct and Convoy unto Constantinople: at which time Advices coming, that the Great Gustavus Adolphus was slain, and that the Affairs of the Swedes went backwards and unsuccessfully in Germany, altered all the Measures of the Ottoman Counsels; and though Ragotski endeavoured all he was able to foment the Differences, and encourage the Turks to a War, having besides other specious Pretences, an Army of thirty thousand Men in a readiness to join with the Turks against the Emperor; howsoever the Turks looking on the Condition of the Swedes as desperate, and the Proffers of Ragotski to be uncertain, and of no true Foundation, 
A Peace made between the Emperor and Grand Signior.  and the State of Affairs amongst themselves to be turbulent and unsettled, gave a kind Reception to the Emperor's Ambassador, and signed the Agreement for continuance of the Truce.  
By this, and other Actions of like Nature, Ragotski lost m●ch of his Esteem with the Emperor and the Grand Signior; the first always looked on him as an Ambitious Prince, exciting the Turk against him, and ready on the least Occasion to enter his Country with Fire and Sword: The other looked on him as a False Friend, who never made Proffers, but those which squared with his own Designs and Interest; and particularly he had disgusted the Port, by presuming to instate one Mathias in the Principality of Walachia, and to eject another constituted there by Authority of the Grand Signior, called Stridia Bei, or Lord Oysters, because his Father was a Fisherman, and gained a good Estate by the Trade of Oysters; howsoever it being the Grand Signior's Pleasure to ordain such a Person to that Office, it was a Presumption, and a bold Piece of Usurpation in Ragotski, to dispose of that Government, by virtue of his own single Power: Howsoever the Grand Signior, to avoid Contention with the resolved Spirit of Ragotski, confirmed Mathias, upon Condition of a double Tribute paid for the investment to the Principality.  
But besides these Reasons for a Peace with the Emperor, the Designs the Grand Signior entertained of making War upon Poland, with the Assistance of the Muscovites and Tartars, and of dispossessing Emir Facardin of his Government, were strong Inducements to make fair Wether on all other sides of the Neighbouring Princes. The Envy which the Riches and Greatness of Emir Facardin (who was a Prince inhabiting in the Parts of Arabia, to whom a large Tract of Land, with several Fortresses did belong) had contracted to him from the Pasha's of Damascus, Tripoli, and Gaza, caused them to accuse him before the Grand Signior of Rebellion, and other enormous Crimes: The Plea against him was managed especially by the Pasha of Tripoli, who alleged, That he was an Enemy to the Mahometan Law, destroyed the Mosches, kept correspondence with the Malteses and the Corsairs of Ligorn, permitting them freely to take Water in his Country; that he openly favoured the Christians, suffering them freely to build Churches in his Country. That he continually fortified his Castles, and encroached on the Lands and Territories of the Emirs his Neighbours. In short, his Riches were so great, that every one feared and envied him, and therefore represented his Case in that Manner, 
Preparations of War made against Emir Facardin.  that the Grand Signior resolving to destroy him, sent great Forces into those Countries, under the Command of the Pasha of Tripoli, to whom he commanded the Pasha's of Damascus, Gaza, Aleppo, and Cairo to join their Forces: and for better expedition, the Captain-Pasha was appointed to equip his Fleet, to transport Men and Ammunition into those parts.  
The Captain-Pasha in his Passage by Sea, 
A Fight of the whole Turkish Fleet against two English Ships.  encountered two English Ships lading Corn in the Gulf of Vola, called the William and Ralph, and Hector: this being a prohibited Commodity, not to be transported under penalty of forfeiting Ships, Goods, and Liberty of the Men, moved the Pasha, with the sight of such a Booty, to command his Galleys to seize the Vessels; which being only two, it was imagined that they would immediately yield and surrender without contest. But these bold Britons knowing the Consequences of such a Surrender, resolved not tamely to yield themselves, at least to sell their Liberties, Lives, Ships and Goods to the Turks at the dearest Rate they were able: wherefore cutting their Cables, put themselves under Sail, and got into the main Sea, fight with the whole Fleet above three hours; sometimes they were boarded by one Galley, sometimes by two at once; but plying their Quarter-deck Guns with small Shot, and defending themselves manfully with their half-Pikes, they often cleared their Decks, and put off the Enemy with great slaughter: the Captain-Pasha being ashamed to see such Resistance made by two such Vessels against his whole Force, resolved to enter his Men at the Gun-room Port of one of the Ships, and running the Prow of the Galley into the Stern-port, the valiant Crew of the Gun-room clapped an Iron Spike into the Trunnel-hole of the Prow, whereby the Galley being wedged fast to the Timbers of the Ship, they brought their Stern-chase laden with cross Bars, pieces of Iron, and Parteridge-shot to bear upon them; which raking them fore and aft, 
The Capt. Pasha slain.  killed the Captain-Pasha himself, with near three hundred out of the Bastard Gally. At length having spent all th●ir shot, they charged their Guns with pieces of Eight, and being overpowered by numbers of their Enemies, and not able farther to resist, they set fire to their Ships, which blowing up, destroyed two or three of the Galleys which laid by their sides, together with those Men which were then fight aboard at handy-blows on the Deck with the Defendants; so that none of the English were taken, unless three or four fished out of the Water.  
An end being in this manner put to the Fight, the Turks gained the Victory, with the loss of twelve hundred Slaves killed and wounded, besides Turks, and were forced into Port, where they remained a full Month to repair their Galleys; the which Fight affected all Turks with an astonishment of the English Bravery, or Obstinacy; (as they call it) and is a Matter remembered and talked of to this Day, especially by the Son of the Captain-Pasha who was slain, called Omem, Pasha Ogli, who is Pasha of Rhodes at present, (as I remember) and commands three or four Galleys; for which reason he is so inveterate an Enemy to the English, that to satisfy his Revenge, he buys what English Slaves he can get into his Galleys, and sells none out under a double Price or Ransom.  
The News of this Fight coming to Constantinople, provoked the Grand Signior to the height of Indignation; howsoever the Officers either being ashamed of their Loss, or entertaining some secret admiration of the English Bravery, suffered the Matter to be compounded for the Sum of forty thousand Dollars, of which the English paid only their share with the French and Venetians, whom (for I know not what Reason) the Turks equally concerned in the Occasion.  
Whilst the Turks were appointing a new Captain-Pasha, and again re●itting their Fleet, the Pasha of Damascus dispatched a Summons to Facardin to surrender Seida up to him, with other Castles and Places of Strength. The Old Man resided then a Barut, where pretending to be retired from all Business, answered, that he had resigned the whole Government into the Hands of his Son Ali, as he had already testified by Public Acts: that he was but a Subject, and a Soldier under his Son, and therefore to him they ought to make their Applications. Facardin had at that time an Army of twenty five thousand Men, the which he divided into two Bodies, commanded by his two Sons. Ali his eldest he ordered with twelve thousand Men (a thousand of which were Maronites, and two thousand Druzes) to march to Saphet for hindering the conjunction of the Emirs of Feruc and Therabith, and the Pasha's of Gaza and Damascus, whose Forces being joined together, did not compose a greater Number than that of Facardin.  
Ali entercountring with them, and being a brisk and hot-metled Prince, engaged and charged them so whom, that he defeated them, and killed eight thousand of their Men; but such a Victory as this not costing him less than seven thousand of his Men, was in effect his own Overthrow; for being the next day charged again by the Enemy, both sides fought with that obstinacy, 
T●● Son of Facardin 〈◊〉  that (as is reported) there remained not above an hundred forty six of all the Soldiers which followed Ali; and he himself having his Horse mortally wounded under him, and being out of Breath, Weary, and Faint, yielded himself to a common Soldier, who promised him Quarter; but afterwards having him in his power, he strangled him with his March, and cut off his Head and his little Finger on which he wore his Seal-Ring, 
And is strangled.  and so presented both to the Pasha. But this proud Conqueror refused to accept this Present without Ceremony, until first the Head had been perfumed with Sweet Waters, the Beard combed out, and covered with a rich Turban, and having kept this Trophy for some days by him, he sent it afterwards to Constantinople.  
But before the News of this Defeat reached the Ears of old Facardin, the Captain-Pasha with his Fleet of Galleys arrived at the Port of Tripoli; to whom Facardin being desirous to show all Friendship, and profess Loyalty to the Grand S●gnior, he caused his Army to retire into the Parts of Mount Libanus, whilst he himself, with about three thousand Men, between Domestic Servants and his Guards, went to Seida, from whence he sent two 
* A sort of Vessel or Ship so called by the Turks.  Caramosauls laden with Provisions and Refreshment to the Captain-Pasha for a Present, assuring him, that he was an humble Vassal to the Grand Signior, and was ready to obey all his Commands; and because the Sultan may probably have received sinister Reports relating to the Arms he had taken up, he assured him, that they were no otherwise designed, than to suppress the Robberies of the Arabs, and the Incursions of their Kings; and that he was ready to conduct his Army to any Place, where his Master the Grand Signior should think fit to employ them. But these fair words could not divert the Captain-Pasha from his Resolutions to enter the Port of Seida, nor from his Instructions of demanding, and upon refusal of forcing possession of the Castle; which as it was the most considerable Fortress, and the most pleasant Seat of all his Dominions, so he could not, without much regret and sorrow, harken to such a Proposition: wherefore that the Pasha might not persist in this Demand, he secretly proffered him an hundred thousand Zechins as a Bribe to himself, and his Son Mansour to be carried for a Hostage and Earnest of his Faithfulness to the Grand Signior. The Captain-Pasha liked well the hundred thousand Zechins and the Hostages, but still required the Surrender of the Castle with them; on which whilst Facardin deliberated, News came of the Death of his Son Ali, and the Destruction of his Army, with which, losing all Courage, he yielded his Castle of Seida to the Captain-Pasha, retiring himself to his City of Barut: nor could he rest quietly at that Place; for being pursued, he was forced to quit it, and retire with his Maronites and Druzes into the Mountains, lest being enclosed within the Walls of a City, he should fall alive into the Hands of his Enemies.  
And now all good Fortune forsaking unhappy Facardin, the Maronites and Druzes his Subjects revolt to the Pasha of Damascus, his Palaces and Gardens of Pleasure were all ruined, his Friends forsook him, his two remaining Sons were lost, one carried to Constantinople for a Hostage, and the other slain in Fight; his Towns of Gazir, Saphet, St. john d' Acria, and others were surrendered to the Pasha of Damascus: only some few strong Places in the Mountains remained to him, where living in League with Reba a King of the Arabs, he committed all the Spoils he was able on the Lands belonging to the Pasha of Damascus. But being hunted from one Mountain to another, and from one Cave to another, he was at length forced to surrender upon Conditions, that he should have liberty to proceed unto the Grand Signior with his own Equipage of three hundred Men, and Trumpets sounding, and that he might carry with him all his Treasure consisting of a Million of Zechins all in Gold, together with other Riches, which were carried by fourteen Camels; and that he should not be conducted as a Prisoner in Triumph, but that he should with freedom approach the Presence of the Sultan, like other Pasha's, who are in Grace and Favour.  
These Proposals being granted, Facardin with his two young Sons began his Journey to Constantinople, and being about two days journey from thence, he dispatched eight Chests of Gold before him, to prepare and make his way to the Grand Signior; who being pleased with the Gold, and greatly rejoiced to receive the Submission and Homage of one who had so long stood out in Rebellion, he went out in a Disguise and Habit of a Pasha to see and discourse with that Person, of whom there had been so general a Rumour: and having accordingly encountered with the Emir, he sat down in his Tent with him, desiring him to relate the Story of his Life, with the several Particulars of his late Misfortunes. Emir Facardin well knew the Person of the Grand Signior; but feigning as if he was unacquainted with whom he discoursed, and that he took him for some Pasha, began to recount the Course of his Life, the Reasons why his Enemies falsely suggested evil Reports of him to the Grand Signior; how he was forced, for defence of his Life, to take up Arms, and what ill Success accompanied his Affairs; all which he represented with such Quickness and Eloquence, that the Grand Signior pitying his Misfortunes, promised to be his Advocate, and mediate with the Grand Signior in his behalf.  
The day following Facard●n made his Entry in a Triumphant manner, and received a most favourable Audience from the Grand Signior; and all the Pasha's and great Men in conformity to their Master, and in hopes of sharing some part of his Gold, showed him a like kind favourable Countenance and Aspect.  
But finding afterwards that Facardin increased daily in the esteem of the Grand Signior, and that the old Rebel was become a new Favourite, and that he was likely to over-top and out them▪ they generally conspired together, taking the Mufti on their side, to accuse him of many Crimes, and more particularly that he was a Christian, and an Apostate from the Mahometan Faith. This Point of Religion so sensibly touched the Grand Signior, that he resolved to condemn him in a manner Solemn and Extraordinary; for mounting one Day on his Throne, he commanded Facardin to be brought in, and placed on a low Chair; where ordering his Crimes whereof he was accused to be recited, he passed a formal Sentence of Death upon him▪ but Facardin arising to justify himself, was not permitted to speak, only he obtained a quarter of an hours reprieve to make his Prayers, and afterwards was strangled by the hands of two Mutes.  
Morat growing now into Years, took into his own Hands the Reins of Government, year 1634. resolving to rule Singly and Absolutely, and to make himself rather Feared than Beloved: He degraded four Viziers at once, and banished them into Cyprus, confiscating their Estates, for no other Reason, than because they had denied him the use of their Mules and Camels on occasion of his Service.  
He became extremely severe against the Soldiery, crushing them with all imaginable Rigour on the least appearance of Reluctancy to his Commands; declaring, 
Morat exercises several Acts of Tyranny.  That he expected Blind and Silent Obedience from all, but especially from his Soldiery.  
He imposed a great Tax upon Copper; and because he had several Warehouses filled with that Metal, which had for many Years lain by, he forced the People to buy it at his own Rates. At which Aggrievance the Commonalty growing desperate, began to Mutiny and Rebel; but Morat put a speedy stop thereunto, by cutting off the Heads of fifty of the most Seditious, and so passed to Prusa, with the Attendance of six Galleys.  
He caused a Kadi to be hanged, to the great Displeasure and universal Resentment of the Ulemah, who are Students in the Law; who to make known their Aggrievance, and Consult a a Remedy, assembled in great Numbers at the House of the Mufti.  
The Queen-Mother being acquainted with this Meeting, and fearing the ill Consequences thereof, gave immediate Advice to the Sultan; who with like Expedition dispatched a Boat to bring over the Mufti and his Son to Prusa; who were no sooner arrived, than they were strangled, not being permitted to speak for themselves, or to allege any Plea or Excuse for their Lives. This Act of Cruelty, beyond the Example of former Ages, and never practised by the most tyrannical of his Predecessors, struck a Terror on the whole Empire; for Men observing the unjust Rigour which was executed on the Head and Chief of their Law, the Oracle and Mouth which resolved their difficult Problems, and whom the World so reverenced and honoured, that few Examples have been of Capital Punishment executed on his reverend Head, feared, that Innocence was not sufficient to secure their own less considerable Estates from his Fury and Violence.  
There is a particular Death allotted for Muftis, which is, by braying them in a Mortar, which is kept in the seven Towers at Constantinople, and there showed to Strangers; which Instrument hath been seldom made use of.  
Morat being greatly addicted to Wine, was sensible of the ill Effects of it in himself, 
Morat destroys the Taverns.  and that the heat of debauchery inclined him to Violence and Cruelty, and from hence collecting how dangerous this Humour of Drunkenness was in his People, especially in his Soldiery, for that much of the late Seditions might be attributed thereunto, he published a most severe Edict against Wine, commanding all Taverns to be demolished, the Butts to be broken, and the Wine spilt. It was the common Custom of the Grand Signior to walk the Streets in disguise; when meeting with any drunken Person, he would imprison him, and almost drub him to Death. It was his fortune to meet a Deaf Man one day in the Streets; who not hearing the Noise of the People, nor the Rumour of his Approach, did not so readily shift out of the way, as was consistent with the fear and dread of so awful an Emperor, for which default he was strangled immediately, and his Body thrown into the Streets.  
All People, feared and trembled at these Practices, and were as careful to look out abroad for the Grand Signior, lest they should be surprised with the bluster of his presence, as Mariners are of being taken unprovided by some sudden Gust or Hurricane; for there was scarce a Day, that one Innocent or other was not sacrificed to his Fury and tyrannical Fancy.  
One Thomas Zanetti, a Venetian Merchant, who had built a lofty Jardac, or a high Room of Prospective on the top of his House, was accused to the Grand Signior to have designed that Place for no other end, than that he might with a long Glass oversee the Chambers of the Ladies, and the Gardens, and Walks of the Seraglio: For which Reason, 
Hangs a Venetian Merchant.  without farther inquiry, he was hanged in his Shirt on the top of his Jardac, with a red Streamer in his Hand, that so the Grand Signior might be sure that the Sentence was executed. The Estate of Zanetti, whether belonging to himself or Principals, was confiscated; but in regard the Goods, for security, were privately conveyed to the Warehouses of several Frank Merchants, strict search was made for them; but in regard the Marks and Numbers were altered, they could not be distinguished: wherefore the Grand Signior concluding, that all the Frank Merchants had combined together to deceive him, he imprisoned every Man of them; nor would he release them, until they had paid forty thousand Dollars for their Ransom and Liberty.  
After which, upon pretence of a Plot, or Agreement of the Franks to defend themselves from the leviation of this Tax, the Turks searched their Houses for Arms; in taking of which they were so rigorous, that they spared not so much as a Birding-piece; nor yet the Sword of Sir Peter Wych, than Ambassador for England, though he alleged, that it was the very Sword with which his Majesty had conferred the Honour of Knighthood upon him.  
But from these Transactions at Home, let us pass to the Wars in Poland and Persia. That Invincible Prince, Vladislaus King of Poland, had gained such good Success against the Czar of Muscovy, that the Czar was forced to demand Assistance from the Turks. The Grand Signior, though he had lately made a Peace with Poland, and sworn to maintain the Articles of Chocin, concluded by his Predecessor Sultan Osman; yet the continual Depredations which the Cossacks made, did always administer reasonable Pretences for a War: To which Abassa, one of his chief Counsellors, a valiant and presumptuous Captain, did much incite him; for promising to himself the Conduct of that Army designed against Poland, did much flatter the Sultan and himself with the Fancy of mighty Success.  

T●e Turks make War on the Poles.  The War being thus resolved upon, the Turk, who commonly strikes before he Quarrels, gave Orders to Abassa to make Levies of Men in Moldavia and Valachia; and to put the Tartars in Arms, and the Militia of Buda, and of the Parts along the Danube into a warlike Posture, and with all Expedition to enter Poland.  
Abassa who had with wonderful diligence put his Troops in readiness, ordered the Tartars, with a Body of fifteen thousand Men to enter Poland▪ which they performed with such celerity, that passing the River of Tyre above Chocin and Rinczug, they in a few hours laid waste for the space of ten Leagues round Kemenitz, and so retired with their Booty into Moldavia: howsoever their haste was not attended with such good speed, but that they were overtaken on the 4 th' of july by Stanislaus Konispolzki, General of the Polish Army, with no greater Force than two thousand five hundred Horse; howsoever surprising them whilst they were feeding their Horses, he put them into such Confusion and Disorder, that he easily recovered all their Booty, and took five of their chief Men Prisoners; of which the Son-in-Law of the Cantemir was one. But this was a faint Refreshment in respect to that terrible Storm of sixty thousand Men, composed of Turks, Tartars, Moldavians and Null; which under the Command of Abassa had already passed the Danube.  
Konispolzki the Polish General, having not sufficient Force to oppose them in open Field, nor time to assemble a greater Army, gathered what Supplies he could from the Cossacks and Lords of that Country, and therewith encamped himself upon a Hill between the River Tyr and the Town of Chocin, that he might be the better able to succour Kemenitz, which the Enemy designed to assault.  
Abassa who contemned this weak Force of the Poles, resolved, without farther consideration, to attack them in their own Camp, 
A Fight between the Turks and the Poles.  and force them to fight; of which the Poles being well advised, placed several Pieces of Artillery, and lined all the Hedges and Ditches with Musquetiers, where the Turks were necessarily to pass, drawing out their whole Army into Battalions; the Turks who hastened the nearest way to charge the Enemy, fell into the Ambush, where having lost about five hundred Men, they began to make a stand, and to consider of some more advantageous way to their Design. Wherefore Abassa taking another Course, which he judged to be free from all concealed Dangers, ordered the Tartars to charge the Right Wing, and the Moldavians and Null the left of the Enemy, and he with his Turks would ●ight the main Body. The Tartars with great Resolution performed their part, and had wholly defeated that Wing, had not Wisnovitzki, with some Troops and a Train of small Artillery, come in seasonably to their Succour: The Moldavians and Null fought so faintly against the Enemy, whom they considered to be Christians, Brothers, and Neighbours, that they soon turned their Backs and fled, but were not far pursued by the Poles.  
Abassa receiving this Repulse, sounded a Retreat, and immediately repassed the River Tyr, and marched with all the haste he was able, stopping no where, until he arrived at Rinzur, about thirty English miles from the place of the Fight; and arriving at length on the Banks of the Danube, he gave Licence to his Soldiers to disperse into their Winter-Quarters; in the mean time Abassa dispatched Advice to the Grand Signior of the Particulars of the Fight, and of his great Victory, by an entire defeat of the Polish Army. The Grand Signior believed the Report, which none durst to contradict, and which was confirmed by the Rumour of an Ambassador coming from Poland. 
An Ambassador sent to the G. Signior from Poland.  For the Poles being at that time engaged in a War with Muscovy, and apprehensive of another with Sweden, judged it not seasonable to provoke the Turk, but rather, by way of Accommodation, dispatched an Ambassador with a Train of three hundred Men, to make Complaints against the late Acts of Hostility committed by Abassa, as if he had moved his Arms without the Orders or Knowledge of the Sultan.  
About that time that the Ambassador approached near to Constantinople, the Grand Signior had another Son born, but of a weakly and sickly Temperament, howsoever great Joy was expressed, and all the City was enlightened with Torches, Bonfires, and Fireworks; and that the Grand-Signior might evidence his Greatness and Magnificence to the Ambassador, he took this Occasion of the Birth of a Son, to make a solemn Entrance into the City, and to make the greater Show, he armed all the Citizens and Inhabitans.  
Before the Grand Signior would grant Audience to the Ambassador, he ordered that Abassa should treat with him, and understand his Business and Desires. Abassa carried himself high in the Negotiation, he pretended the Damages and Charges of the War, the Demolishment of certain Palancas, which were the Places of Refuge for the Cossacks; and the Tribute of ten Years past, with Security of payment for the Time to come. The Ambassador positively refused to hearken unto any Terms about Tribute; and that for other Matters, the Presents which he had brought to the Grand Signior, would reasonably answer.  
His Presents were, 

A Coach lined with Velvet, with six very fine Horses.  
A Basin, and Candlesticks of Silver richly gilded.  
Four Clocks, ten Vests of Sables, six Quivers of Arrows, with some Hunting-Dogs.    
Being at length admitted to Audience, and thereunto conducted by the Aga of the Spahees, and the C●aous Bashee: The Grand Signior asked the Ambassador, which was not usual, For what Reason he was come thither?  
To which he answered; That he was come to bring his Majesty Advice of the Coronation of his King; and to establish a Peace, if his Majesty should judge fit to accept thereof.  
To which the Sultan replied; That all Christian Kings ought either to receive the Ottoman Laws, or pay him Tribute, or try the sharpness of his Sword. And taking a Cemiter in his hand which hung by him, he drew it half out, and said; With this I will subdue my Enemies; and though my War in Persia continues, I do not fear to undertake another in Poland.  
To which the Ambassador returning a modest Answer, was dismissed of the Royal Presence.  
And now the Grand Signior, to put a good face on the Business, and to make the World believe, that he designed what he spoke, he proclaimed a War with Poland, and ordered his Tents to be carried abroad, supposing hereby to draw the Poles to his own Terms of Agreement. And in pursuance hereof he mounted on Horseback, and road in state through the City, his upper Vest was made after the Hungarian Fashion lined with Sables; in his right hand he carried a Quiver of Arrows, in his le●t two drawn Swords, on his Turban he wore a large Plume of Feathers, encompassed with a Circle of Diamonds; and in this manner entering his Tents, he proceeded to Adrianople. But before his departure, the Count Puchen, Ambassador from the Emperor, arrived with other sumptuous Presents, offering Incense and Gifts of Peace at the Throne of this Greatness.  
But before we relate the Transactions at Adrianople, and the Success of Affairs at that Place, let us recount several dismal Accidents at Constantinople.  
The Grand Signior returning by Sea from a place called Stravosta in the Bay of Ismit, anciently the Bay of Nicomedia, where he had for some time held his Court and great Divan, he was followed by several Vessels appointed to transport the People; 
The several Mischiefs by Water and Fire.  in one whereof were ninety five Persons embarked, all of them Pas●a's, Aga's, and chief Officers of the Court; the Vessel was over-set by a sudden gust of Wind, and all the People drowned, excepting three Seamen which saved themselves by swimming. More considerable were the Mischiefs by Fire; For on occasion of some Fireworks made in one of the Grand Signior's Chiosks, or Houses of Pleasure, the Fire took so fiercely on the Tavan, or wooden Works of the Sieling, 
A terrible Fire at Constantinople.  that it endangered the whole Palace, and had consumed all, but that many Hands and active Men gave a stop to the farther Progress.  
This Fire was but a forerunner of a greater, which began the 16 th' of September in that part of the City of Constantinople, which is called Aiacab, being between the Wall and the Port, where live Taverners, Butchers, Fishmongers, and others who sell Provisions. The Fire took first in one of those Houses which had been a Tavern, and are Buildings only made of Deal-boards and Timber; which combustible Matter flamed out so violently, that it took hold on all the Houses round, and was so quick in its Motion, as if it had taken by a Train, or that some wicked People with Fire-balls had employed themselves in the Mischief; the Fire took its Course against the Wind, burning on one side and the other to the Historical Pillar, and to the Mosches of Sultan Mahomet, and Sultan Selim; so that in a short time one third of the City was reduced to Ashes.  
It is difficult to express the lamentable Destruction was made hereby, what Riches, what Palaces, and Movables were consumed in it, there being twenty thousand Houses reported to be burnt; which Misery is best represented by the remembrance of our calamitous Incendiation at London; the greatest difference between one and the other was, that that at Constantinople was more quick in its Motion; for it burned a larger compass of Ground in one third of the Time, than ours did at London; for that City for the most part consisting of slight Buildings of Wood, met not the resistance which ours sometimes did against the Walls of Brick and Stones.  
The Fire being extinguished, and Men having time to lament and think, began to impute the Cause and Fault to those whom they most suspected; sometimes they accused the Persians for having fired the City, for which Crime one of them the next Year suffered Death. Some attributed the Cause of all to the Janissaries; and that they, out of hatred to the Inhabitants, or for the sake of Plunder, if they did not begin, yet at least increased the Fire; which they the more suspected, because the Janissaries refused not only to work themselves, alleging, that they expected Orders from their Aga, but likewise hindered and discouraged others. Howsoever the Grand Signior not wanting on his own part to contribute all Assistance possible, sent four thousand Men out of his Seraglio to work about the Fire, not excusing the very Officers of his Royal Chamber from contributing their Authority and personal Aid; some of which ventured far into the Fire, to demonstrate their Courage, Activeness, and Obedience to the Commands of their Emperor: but all this was too little against an obstinate and an invincible Enemy, for the Fire flamed, and proceeded, until it wanted Nourishment and Food to consume.  
In fine, twenty thousand Houses were burnt, two hundred Mosches, and the Library of the Mufti, which for the Number of the Arabic and Persian Books, was curious, and of high esteem. The Albengs, or Habitation of the Janissaries containing three hundred Chambers, of which each Chamber was capable to receive four hundred Men, were all burnt and reduced to Ashes.  
The which fatal and miserable Spectacle, did a little touch the Heart of Sultan Morat; so that he gave out considerable Sums to comfort the Distressed, who had most suffered by this Calamity, and to raise from its Ashes his consumed and languishing Constantinople; which being revived and flourishing▪ was again miserably consumed by Flames, in the Month of April 1660. But such is the beneficial, and commodious situation of that Place, and the Riches thereof by Trade, and the Presence of the Ottoman Court, that the Inhabitants again rebuilt it in fewer Years than could be imagined.  
But now to return to the Grand Signior at Adrianople, we find him resolutely designed to make a War upon Poland, to which he was induced by the Persuasions of Abassa, and the present conjuncture of Advantage to join with the Moscovite, 
Reasons for a War with Poland.  it seeming great Policy not to suffer the Countries of Moscovy to be overrun; or the Poles, who is a warlike and dangerous Nation, to grow Puissant and Powerful by his Success and Conquest over his Neighbours▪ Wherefore Preparations were made on all sides for the War; great Quantities of Provisions and Ammunition were sent into Moldavia by way of the Black Sea and the Danube.  
The Tartar Han sent word that all his Forces were in readiness, and expected nothing but their Orders to march. The Beglerbey of Greece made his Rendezvous at Philippolis with an Army of thirty thousand Men, where he attended to join with the Forces of Bosna, Silistria, and other parts of Europe. Moldavia and Walachia made an appearance of Levying Men, and joining with the Turk; but their Hearts were towards the Poles, with whom they kept a secret correspondence, and would be ready to adhere on the least Opportunity.  
In short, the Army of the Turks was so great, and all his Affairs in that readiness, that he scorned to incline an Ear to Propositions of Peace; in which Opinion Abassa humoured and persuaded him, that the Poles were so fearful of his Forces, that they had already yielded to Terms of compounding for a yearly Tribute. All which proved false; for in the mean time Vladislaus King of Poland, remitting nothing of the Heat and Vigour of his War against the Moscovites, he was so successful therein, that he forced an Army of eighty thousand Men, which he had besieged in their Camp, 
The Victory which the Poles obtained over the Moscovites.  to lay down their Arms, and surrender themselves; which was an Action scarce to be credited, at least to be paralleled in any History: and with this Conquest he might have proceeded to the Capital City of Moscow, and concluded the War and that Empire: But God's Providence, which governs all things, altered this Counsel, and diverted those victorious Arms to the Siege of Bial; which Town being well fortified and garisoned, withstood many Assaults of the Enemy, and blunted the Spirits and Swords of the Conqueror; for losing much time in this Siege, other Towns made use of the Opportunity to provide and fortify themselves; whilst the Poles growing weary, and wanting Pay, raised divers Mutinies and Seditions in the Camp. These Difficulties and Inconveniences inclined the King Vladislaus to bend a favourable Ear to the many Supplications and Instances which the Moscovites made for Peace: So that the Plenipotentiaries being assembled, it was agreed, that the Duchy of Smolesco and Czernieschou, which two hundred Years past had been taken from Poland and Lituania, 
They make a Peace.  with many other Towns and Countries, to the extent of two hundred Leagues, should be restored to the Kingdom of Poland.  
The News of this sudden Peace coming unexpectedly to Sultan Morat, caused his Bravadoes against Poland to cease, and to turn the stile of his Fury and Indignation against the Moscovites, whom he vilified with all imaginable Terms of Perfidiousness and Cowardice, and abused and imprisoned their Ambassadors. He considered that he had provoked an Enemy who was Victorious, Valiant, and Powerful; and one who at any time was able to contend with his united Force, much more whilst it was separated and disjoined by his War in Persia: wherefore in all haste he dispatched an Ambassador into Poland, 
The Turk sends an Ambassador into Poland to desire a Peace.  called Shahin Aga, desiring to renew the ancient League and Articles of Peace. This Ambassador found the King at the Diet in Warsaw, where he publicly endeavoured to excuse his Master for the late Acts of Hostility; assuring them, that they were not performed according to his Master's Desires, and Original Intentions, but ●s they were moved and guided by the evil Suggestions and Artifices of Abassa, who being solely culpable of this Fault, by giving ill Counsels to his Master, he assured them, in the Name of the Sultan, that he should receive such Punishment as they should think fit to inflict upon him. Hereupon the King Vladislaus gave this Answer, That since the Grand Signior could so easily infringe the Articles of that Peace which had been solemnly and sacredly established, it was now his Part, and the Wisdom of that grave Assembly, to contrive such Conditions and Bonds wherewith to oblige his Master, as could not easily and at his Pleasure be broken or avoided. And at the same time the Polish Ambassador being returned from Constantinople, and discoursing in the Diet of the Pride and Perfidiousness of the Turks, and the Scorn wherewith they received Christian Ambassadors, so incensed the Spirit of the whole Assembly, that with a general Consent they approved the words of the King, adding, That they would no longer be subject to the Insults and Falsities of that Tyrant, whom they would make to know, that they wore as well Offensive as Defensive Arms; and were not of that abject Spirit, or mean Condition, to permit the Sultan to violate the most Sacred Articles of Peace, and then at his pleasure to salve them with a fawning Acknowledgement, or a flattering Speech. In this manner the Turkish Ambassador was returned, whilst the King Vladislaus went into Podolia to take a view of his Armies; which he found to consist of eighty thousand fight Men, all well accoutred, of good Courage, and ready to follow their King to the Walls of Constantinople.  
The fear of the Motion of this great Army, in a Conjuncture when the Wars broken out again in Persia were not prosperous, affected the Mind of Morat with much terror; so that he became very solicitous to find out, and make some substantial Proposition in order to an Accommodation. One of the Viziers called Morteza, was very active in this Business, plying continually the General Konispolzki with Letters, Offers, and Expedients for a Peace: To facilitate which, and show that the Grand Signior did heartily relent, 
Abassa strangled.  Abassa was strangled by two Kapugees, and given for a Sacrifice to appease the Anger of his Enemies; a Person who was a stout Soldier, and one who had performed great and signal Services in the War of Persia.  
But the Poles not being pacified with this single Act of Penitence, but thirsting farther after the Blood of the Turks, desired to Spoil and Pillage their Richer Provinces. Howsoever at length the Council of Poland entering into more serious Debates, considered, that the Troops lately come from Muscovy, were but in a bad condition; that the part of their Army, which consisted of Volunteers, would not endure a long and tedious War; and that the Expense and Charge of this great Army was immense and almost insupportable: for which Reasons it was resolved, that a Peace should be made, which was soon afterwards concluded, and agreed on these following Articles.  
That the Vaywods of Moldavia and Walachia, should be confirmed by the Grand Signior, 
Articles of Peace agreed between the Poles and the Turks.  with the Consent and Recommendation of the King of Poland.  
That Cantemir and his Tartars should abandon the Country of Buckzac; and in case of refusal, that then the Turk and Tartar Cham should join their Forces to expel them from thence.  
That the Poles shall suppress all Acts of Hostility of the Cossacks in the Black Sea.  
That the Turks renounce for ever all Demands, or future pretence of Tribute from Poland: and that they shall build no new Forts on the Frontiers.  
That the Navigation on the River Nieper shall remain free and undisturbed to the Poles. That all other Articles shall remain as formerly in their true Force and Virtue.  
In this Year happened out great Differences between the French Ambassador and the Turkish Officers. 
A Difference between the French Ambassador & the Captain Pasha.  The first Disgust had its Original from the Year 1631, when the Marquis of Marcheville going Ambassador to Constantinople, was in his Voyage met off of Scio by the Captain-Pasha and his Fleet of Galleys, who immediately sent off a Boat to advise him, that he should strike his Flag, and make ready the Presents which were due to the Grand Signior's Admiral. Marcheville duly considering, that this Submission would blemish the Honour of his Master, and the Dignity of his Character, refused Compliance either in one or the other; howsoever that he might testify the Friendship and good Correspondence which he came to confirm between the two Kings, he stood off at some distance, and fired five Guns to salute the Grand Signior's Standard: But the Captain-Pasha not contenting himself herewith, required the Ambassador to come aboard and speak with him; which after divers Messages from one Vessel to another, the Ambassador was counselled to perform, not knowing how far otherwise he might engage the Honour of his Master. Marcheville being arrived at Constantinople, did greatly complain of the Affront and Violence he received from the Captain-Pasha; which though the Grand Signior and other Ministers seemed not to approve, yet the Ambassador received little other satisfaction than fair Words and Promises, that his Honour should be again repaired.  
At the Arrival of the Sieur Marcheville, the Count Cesi, who was the former Ambassador, was to return into France; but the Debts which he had contracted by a certain way of living, were so great, that the Creditors would not suffer him to depart without payment; for Default of which, he endured many Affronts offered to his own Person, and was detained at Constantinople until this Year 1634; during which time the Marquis Marcheville managed all the Affairs of the Embassy; who keeping still in mind the Affront offered him before Scio, watched all Opportunities to disparage the Actions and Person of the Captain-Pasha; who at length returning from the Black Sea, where he had some Success against the Cossack's, was graciously received by the Grand Signior; and being advertised, how, during his absence, the French Ambassador had endeavoured to blast his Reputation by many Instances of Diminution, which he often inculcated by his Druggerman, took Advantage of the Grand Signior's good Humour, to vent before him the resentment which he conceived thereof: The Grand Signior, to gratify the Pasha, promised to hang the Druggerman; which the Pasha acknowledged as a singular Favour, and returned from the Presence of the Sultan full of Joy and Contentment. But better to cover his Malice, and to ensnare the poor Wretch, he sent a Messenger to the Ambassador, assuring him that he desired his Friendship; and that there might be a right understanding between them, he persuaded him to send his Druggerman to him, that by his Mouth he might signify the esteem he had for the Ambassador, from whose Spirits he was willing to take off all Jealousies and Umbrages of Discontent.  
The Ambassador not suspecting the perfidiousness of the Pasha, 
The French Druggerman hanged  sent his Druggerman to him; who being come within his Power, was immediately hanged by the Grand Signior's express Command, and ordered that he should remain on the Gallows with his Velvet Cap on his Head, which in this Sultan's Reign all Druggermen wore to distinguish them from others.  
The Ambassador complained greatly of this Affront, and Violation of Articles, to the Chimacam and other Officers, but could receive no other Answer or Satisfaction, than that the Grand Signior might execute Justice as he pleased on his Subjects, without ask leave, or concerning the King of France or his Ambassador in the Matter.  
But Marcheville not resting satisfied with this Reply, still prosecuted his Pique and Animosity to such a height, that the Captain-Pasha farther incensed thereat, obtained Authority from the Grand Signior to dispatch him away: so that sending one day for Marcheville, and first reproaching his Contrivances and Designs against him, told him plainly, that it was the Grand Signior's Pleasure that he should depart at that instant; to which he constrained the Ambassador so precipitately, that he would not give him time to advertise his Servants, or make up his Baggage, 
The Sieur Marcheville forcibly sent away.  but forced him aboard a French Ship then in Port, which he immediately compelled to sail; and the Wind being contrary, caused the Vessel to be toaed abroad by two Galleys into the open Sea of the Propontis.  
After the injurious departure of this Ambassador, the Count Cesi, who had been detained at Constantinople, for the Reasons before denoted, took again upon him the Function of Ambassador. To execute which, in better advantage of Trade and Commerce, he was advised to a compliance with the Captain-Pasha, and to use such Means as might mitigate that Acrimony of Spirit which this Pasha nourished against the French Nation.  
These Disputes between the French and the Turkish Officers, revived certain Disgusts and Aversion against all the Frank Nations, which favoured the Latin Rites; so that in despite to them, the Grand Signior restored again Cyrillus the Patriarch to the Patriarchal Jurisdiction, who had long been persecuted by the Jesuits, and by their Means been deposed, promising that for the future he should continue undisturbed, in opposition to all those of the Roman Religion.  
The Peace (as we have said) being concluded with Poland, the Grand Signior was more at leisure to attend the Wars in Persia; with the Labours and Toils of which the Janissaries being wearied, began new Troubles and Seditions in the Camp; the which Disorder Morat attributing to the negligence or cowardice of the Officers, as wanting Courage to suppress them, summoned the Janisar-Aga to appear before him, and without long Process or Excuse cut off his Head, 
Acts of Cruelty.  and confiscated his Estate to the Exchequer, which amounted to a Million and seventy thousand Dollars: another Janisary also, more rich than seditious, was in like manner sacrificed, and an hundred and sixty thousand Dollars of his Estate added to the Treasury of the Sultan. The Pasha also of Damascus, with several other Officers of the Army enriched with Spoils of the People, fell a Sacrifice to Morat's Avarice and Cruelty; to whom Riches and Blood were so pleasing, that none acquired a higher degree of Grace in his Favour, than those who could give him notice of opulent Men, who having found Riches, he undertook to find them Guilty, and to prove their Wealth so corrupted by extortion and violence, that nothing could hollow or purify it but his Coffers.  
The next News from Persia brought advice, that that King at the Head of a powerful Army was encamped in the Country about Van, with which the Turks not having sufficient Force to fight, the Vizier wrote to the Grand Signior, that his Presence was necessary to increase the Army, and encourage the Soldiery; whereupon he resolved to leave Adrianople, and transfer his Court to his Seraglio at Scutari, 
The G. Signior returns to Scutari.  that so remaining on the Banks of Asia, he might be nearer to his Business, both to receive Intelligence, and administer Supplies; and because Seditions and Discontents in the People do always obstruct the Motion of Public Affairs, he not only ruined the Taverns and Tabacco-shops, but forbid Coffeehouses, and other idle Places of Concourse; nay to Barber's Shops no more than one was suffered to enter at a time; for those being places of resort, Treason was frequently vented there, Men of that Profession being notorious through the World for their Talk and Intemperance of Language: And farther, to restrain Meetings and secret Conventions, strict Orders were given, that after an hour and half in the Night, all Fires and Candles in the City should be extinguished, which was the general Discontent of all People.  
But what showed much of the fierce Spirit of the Sultan, was a certain Fury which he conceived on this occasion. On a certain day, riding on his Horse, thirty Indian Pilgrims met him in the way to demand his Charity, and being in a different habit to what the Turks wear, and not accustomary in that Country, the Grand Signior's Horse started at the sight of them; and being spurred for boggling in that manner, the Horse capred and reared an end, so that he threw his Rider; at which the Grand Signior being highly enraged, drew out his Cemiter, and with his own hand killed his Horse, and instead of Alms, prepared a place of Entertainment in the Galleys for those unhappy Indians.  
The Grand Signior being returned to his Palace at Scutari, which is seated on the Asian side opposite to Constantinople, 
The G. Signior resolves to go to Persia i● Person.  applied his whole Mind entirely to the Affairs in Persia; and being resolved to march thither in Person, he put abroad the Horse-tail, which is a signal of departure, he visited the Sepulchers of his Ancestors, made his Corban, which is a distribution of Flesh to the Poor, for a Blessing on his Enterprise. The Officers of the Army contended to outvie each the other in their Presents to the Grand Signior, some furnished him with Royal Tents, others with curious and light Arms; and others with Horses and Furnitures of value. Great Sums of Money were extracted out of the Exchequer for Military Preparations and Payments of the Soldiery. The Charge of Affairs, in absence of the Grand Signior, was committed to the Bostangibashee, who was made Chimacam of Constantinople; and so ●ith a fierce Spirit, and aspect full of Indignation and Anger, he mounted his Horse at the Head of an Army of an hundred thousand; he departed from Constantinople about the end of April.  
But before we recount the particulars of what succeeded in Persia, year 1635. it is requisite to cast our Thoughts back to the Troubles of Transylvania, occasioned by the competition of Stephen Bethlem and George Ragotski, for that Principality.  
Bethlem (as we have said before) being grieved and discontented at his hard Fortune in being put by the Government, 
Bethlem renews his Complaints to the grand Signior.  and resenting the Punishment which Ragotski inflicted on his Son for the Crime of Manslaughter, he went to Buda, and there renewing his old Complaints to the Pasha, he was, with Recommendations from him, accompanied to the Port; where being introduced to the Presence of the chief Ministers, he at large declared the Merits and good Services of his Family towards the Sultan: 
His Reasons to be reinstated.  That for this Reason only, in dishonour and despite to the Ottoman Empire, he was excluded from the Government, and therefore challenged its Assistance to re-establish him therein; in consideration of which, he promised the same Faithfulness and Devotion to the Sultan, which was professed and maintained by his Ancestors, and was natural to the Family of Gabor. That as to Ragotski it was apparent, that he entertained different Principles; that he was a Person of elated Thoughts, and a Turbulent Spirit, and was ever united in Combination with the Emperor, Germans, and other Enemies to the Ottoman State.  
The Turks moved with these Reasons, resolved to favour Stephen, and to discountenance Ragotski; and though the Conjuncture of Affairs was s●ch, as that any other Engagement in War, besides that of Persia, did not square with the present Designs; yet at all times it was judged convenient to sow the Tares of Discord, and promote Differences amongst Christians, which have ever produced Advantages to the Mahometan Cause. And likewise the Pasha of Buda was commanded to enter Transylvania with a Force sufficient to contend with Ragotski; and lest the Emperor should be alarmed with this Commotion, a Chiaus was dispatched to give him a perfect understanding of the Reasons, why an Army marched into Transylvania; 
The Turks send an Army into Transylvania.  the Design of which was not intended in the least manner to impeach the Articles of Peace between him and the Grand Signior, but only to displace a Man of a furious and turbulent Spirit, and to ordain another in his stead of a more sober and quiet Temper, by whose Moderation and Prudence, the Peace between the two Empires may be improved and continued.  
Ragotski startled at this Design intended against him, 
Ragotski implores Aid from the Emperor.  assembled the States of his Country, to determine and consult concerning a Remedy, and immediately dispatched a Messenger to the Emperor, to desire and implore his Imperial Succour and Protection: and though Ragotski was sensible of the disparity of his Strength, in comparison of that of the Turks; yet neither did his Counsels nor Behaviour betray Fear or want of Constancy.  
The Hungarians seconded those Instances which Ragotski had made at the Imperial Court, and the Party which he had made at Vienna brought the matter to a debate in Council, which was argued on both sides with solid and convincing Reasons. Those who spoke in disfavour of Ragotski, alleged, That all Assistance contributed to him would be a just Cause and Pretence to the Grand Signior to make War with the Emperor. That Ragotski himself was of an unquiet Temper, 
It is debated in Council.  not unlike to Gabor his Predecessor, who had often bid Defiance to the Emperor, and overrunning all Hungary and Austria, had often erected his Standard in the sight of Vienna. To protect and cherish a Person of this Disposition, was no other than to nourish a Serpent or Viper in their Bosom; who being elevated at the expense of the Empire in successes against the Turk, would convert that Power which he had gained to the damage of the House of Austria, combining with the Faction of other Princes to procure its destruction. Let us therefore, said they, stand at a gaze, and as Men on the Shore, or in a good Port, behold the agitation of Ships in the Ocean; perhaps the change of a Prince in Transylvania may turn to our Benefit, and one may succeed into the place, of such a mild Temper and serene Disposition, as may better agree with the Maxims of this Court, and may cultivate that Peace which can only render these Country's happy.  
Howsoever there were other Opinions to the contrary, amongst which it is said, that D. Annibal Gonzaga, a Person acquainted with the State of Transylvania, and of the Turks, and Director of the Imperial Army, delivered himself in this manner.  
May it please Your Sacred Imperial Majesty.  
IF Ragotski had been the Lawful Son and Hereditary Successor of Gabor, who was an Enemy to your Majesty, we might then apprehend the evil Consequences of a Son, that traces the same Path and Footsteps of his Father. But here is another Person, another Prince, in Emulation different, and by Enmity hating the House of Gabor; wherefore I cannot imagine how this Prince can possibly entertain Maxims of like Nature with the other. For my part I believe, that it behoves your Majesty to maintain a good Correspondence with the Princes of Transylvania, by a close Union against the Turk; your adjoining Countries being like contiguous Buildings, which are strengthened by a mutual Support: Let us therefore support it; for if it depends not on us, it will be overrun, and remain oppressed without us. To aggravate the Faults of Gabor to the disparagement of Ragotski, is no Logical Consequence, unless you will argue, That the Faults of the Guilty are to be punished on the Innocent. Let us therefore consider, which agrees best with the Security of the Empire; that Transylvania should remain in the Hands of Ragotski, or of the Turk; or that we had better strike against the Rock of jealousy, which we conceive against this Transylvanian, or on that ruinous Rock of the Turkish Power. The Ottoman Councils commonly look asquint, they cast their Eye on the Prince, when their sight aims at the Principality; and threaten the Person, when they design to vent their Fury to the subjection of his Country. The true Intent of the Turk is to reduce Transylvania to the same Condition with Moldavia and Walachia, and to incorporate this, with infinite other Provinces, into the gross Body of his Empire. It is notorious to all the World, that the Emperors, your Predecessors, have lost a large Tract of Land by the Turks; and your Losses will every day be greater, as their Conquests increase: And when their Dominions in Europe are so enlarged, that they are able to quarter their Asiatic Cavalry in these Countries, your Dangers must necessarily be inevitable and full of Terror. For I compute, that when the Turk designs to make War upon us, he marches with an hundred thousand Men, and perhaps ten thousand Camels, besides other Beasts of Burden: so numerous a Body as this cannot be maintained until the Grass be fully grown, which is not until the middle or end of June; and from that time they have more than a month or six week's March before they arrive upon our Confines; the which consumption of Time, prolongs their Enterprises, and protracts the time of our Damages. But if once they become Masters of Transylvania, and that that Country be laid to Moldavia, Walachia, and other parts of Hungary, they may then commodiously winter amongst us, and begin their Wars and Attempts upon us early in the Year, and pursue them until the last season of the Autumn: and in this manner, whilst we are debating and taking our Measures in our Diet, they will fatten themselves, and satiate their Appetites with our Spoils. It is good therefore for us to defend Austria in Transylvania, keeping the Fever as far from the Heart as we are able. Let us suppose, that Ragotski is the most ungrateful Man in the World; and that after we have supported and succoured him, that he will reverse his Arms upon us: Howsoever he is not so strong and considerable as to do us much hurt, and therefore it were better to have him our Neighbour and our Enemy, than the Turk, though our Friend; the first can only administer some little cause of jealousy, but the other may destroy and supplant us; the first is but like a putrid Fever, which is cured with every small Evacuation; but the latter is a Pestilence, which dilates and diffuses itself, and is deadly and irrecoverable. Let not the Scruple neither of breaking with the Turk trouble us; for we may administer Assistance underhand, and without noise effect our Business, without arriving at the extremity of a Rupture. It is folly and weakness in us to be charmed by the Flatteries of the Turks, and the fair words of this Chaous; or to imagine, that when they have overrun all Transylvania, they will stop in the midst of their Career, before they arrive at the Gates of Vienna; no, their Intentions are to lull us asleep, and to destroy our Neighbour first, and then us; they cannot devour us both at once, but husband their Diet, and reserve us for another Meal. The Turk is like a Serpent, who lies quiet and coiled up all the Winter; not because he wants either a Sting or Poison, but being benumbed with cold, wants a warmth and heat to give it Motion and Operation. This is my Sense and Opinion, which I most humbly tender before the greater Wisdom of Your Sacred Majesty.  

The Emperor refuses Succour to Ragotski.  Notwithstanding these convining Arguments, the Result of the Council determined otherwise, and Ragotski was left to shift for himself, and to stand upon his own Legs; which was a pernicious Resolution, and that which was afterwards the cause of the subjection of Transylvania to the Turk, and the Original of many Mischiefs to the Empire; but thus was the Fortune of the Turks, more favourable to them than to the Christian State.  
Ragotski being thus abandoned by the Imperialists, and exposed to the Mercy of an insatiable Enemy, though his Courage was good and resolute, yet he began to despond of his Force, unable to deal with such an unequal Match as that of the Turks; And his Subjects being fearful of the Event, persuaded him to give way, and resign his Rule to the hands of Gabor his Competitor; Ragotski, that he might not seem to neglect the Counsel of his Subjects and Friends, and to gain Time, pretended to hearken to their Advice; and accordingly entered into a Treaty with Gabor. 
Ragotski obtains Succours underhand.  During which Debate he secretly obtained some Forces from Poland, by connivance of that Government: and the Hungarians being his Friends, privately favoured him, knowing that the Conquest of Transylvania would be a step to their Destruction, and being at length well fortified and recruited, he began to declare openly, that he found no security to himself in this Surrender, for that a Place was denied him, wherein he put his chief hopes of Defence; and therefore that he was resolved to support and maintain his State and Cause in the best manner that he was able.  

The Turks enter Transylvania.  Hereupon the Turks entered Transylvania with an Army of twenty five thousand Men under the Command of the Pasha of Buda: Ragotski, to obstruct their March, dispatched his General Cornis with seven thousand Men, to prepossess an advantageous Ground, with Order to entertain, but not fight the Enemy, until he could come up to him with the gross of his Army.  
The Turks perceiving their advantage in number, resolved to engage the Enemy before they were reinforced with new Succours; to perform which they made a Detachment of twelve thousand Horse, and two thousand Janissaries, and some Field Pieces, commanded by the Pasha himself and Stephen Gabor. Cornis not being able to disengage himself, or avoid fight, made a Virtue of Necessity, and put his Forces into form of Battle; and exhorting his Men to follow his Example, assured them, that Victory was sooner acquired by Valour than Numbers, and that Fortune was always more favourable to the Valiant and Brave, than to the Cowardly and pusillanimous.  
Cornis unsheathing his Sword, 
They sight with Cornis.  fought in the Head of his Men, and led them through the thickest of his Enemies, the first rank of which not being able to sustain the furious Charge of the Christians, gave way; and being disordered, the first Squadrons ran foul of the secood, and at length all of them betook themselves to a shameful flight. 
Are overthrown.  The Transylvanians took all their Canon and Baggage, with ten Ensigns, and killed three thousand Turks. The Pasha of Agria was wounded, and Olac Bei of Temiswar was taken Prisoner; and the whole Army had that day been defeated, had not the Janissaries, who fortified themselves in a thick Wood, given a stop to a farther pursuit. Ragotski likewise in divers succeeding Skirmishes overthrew the Turks, killing many Pasha's and Soldier's of Quality, and at length remained sole Master of the Field.  
The Turks retired to Lippa, and Stephen to Temiswar, whilst Ragotski made his Incursions into the Country of the Turks, burning and spoiling two thousand Villages; 
Peace is made.  with which being terrified and beaten into terms of Reason, they agreed, to suffer Ragotski to enjoy his Government, conditionally, that the Goods and Estate of Gabor in Transylvania should be restored unto him: and thus Ragotski established himself in the Government, and obtained a Confirmation thereof from Constantinople to his Son, accompanied with Presents and Ornaments of a Prince. And this Example shows us in what manner we are to deal with Turks; Resolution and Rigour are better Arms against them than Compliments; and with an Enemy it is more advantageous to make Peace with Weapons in our Hands, than to condescend to the hard Terms which a Tyrant pleases to impose on an easy and unprovided People.  
So soon as this News arrived the Ears of the proud Sultan, he was so incensed, that in a fury he would have desisted from his present War in Persia, to vent his Revenge upon Transylvania; but the cooler and more moderate Counsels of wiser Friends, advised him to defer the execution of his Anger, until he could discharge it more to the purpose, and in a Conjuncture when it would fall more easy on himself, and more heavy on his Enemy: Howsoever in the mean time Ragotski made such use of this remote Diversion of the Ottoman Arms, by advantaging himself of an Alliance with the Cossack's, and by the ill Correspondence and Diffidence which at that time intervened between the Tartars and the Port, that he not only avoided the Revenge threatened by Morat, but obtained an establishment of the Inheritance to his Son.  
By this time Sultan Morat was arrived at Erzrum, 
Morat at Erzrum.  which is a City belonging to the Turks on the Confines of Persia; where the first Act which he performed of Justice, was to cut off the Head of the Pasha for his Oppression and Extortions inflicted on his People.  
Entering into Armenia, he was grieved to see the upper and lower Provinces so miserably destroyed and wasted by the War; to recover which, he commanded the People, under pain of Death, to return again to their Ancient Habitations within the space of twenty days; but they being settled in other Cities, where perhaps they had purchased Houses and Lands, could not possibly comply with the Severity of this Decree; and therefore were constrained to buy a Dispensation and release from the Penalty for a Sum of Mony.  
About the beginning of july, in the parts of Erzrum, Morat made a general Review and Muster of his whole Army; with which those he brought from Constantinople joined to Recruits by the way, and those Forces which had waged War in Persia, amounted to near the number of three hundred thousand fight Men, but such as were admirably well disciplined, not only by the Severity of their Sovereign, but by the example he showed them of Frugality and Patience: for he often marched afoot in the midst of the Heats; he was very temperate in his Diet, 
The Grand Signior's Patience & Labours.  though he was naturally of a gluttonous and luxurious Palate: for several Months he made use of no other Pillow for his Head than his Saddle, no other Blanket or Quilt than the Covering or Foot-cloth of his Horse.  
Being arrived near to the City of Revan, he bestowed that Largess on the Soldiery of a Dollar a Man, which is accustomary to be given at all times, when the Grand Signior marches in Person, and then made known to them his Intentions of besieging that Place; and in case he took it not in the space of ten days, that then he would leave it begirt with forty thousand Men; and dividing his Army into three Bodies, he would enter the Bowels of Persia by divers ways. The Tents of the Grand Signior, and of all the Camp, were pitched, Batteries raised, the Trenches opened, and all Matters laid in the formal manner of a Siege. The Garrison within, 
Revan betrayed and surrendered by Emir Gumir.  commanded by Emir G●mir, consisted of fifteen thousand Men, fitted and provided with all sorts of Ammunition, and wanted neither Courage nor Provisions; howsoever at the end of nine days, the City was surrendered to the Sultan, upon Terms of Quarter to the whole Garrison, both for Life and Freedom of Estate: And because this Governor Emir Gumir, a principal Nobleman of Persia, had by corruption thus voluntarily delivered up the City, he acquired a place of high Grace and esteem in the Favour of the Grand Signior; to which his courtly manner of indulging his Humour, and complying with him in his Wine and Feasts, (to which the joy of this present Success privileged him to return) gave him daily a new Title to receive extraordinary Honours from him.  
The News of this prosperous Success was posted to Constantinople, as the first Essay of the good Effects of the Sultan's Presence, and was there celebrated with Feasts, 
Rejoicing and a Festival kept for it at Constantinople.  Joy, and Lights, according to the Turkish Fashion, called Danalma; to perform which, the Turks obliged likewise the Christian Ambassadors, saying. That if they were Friends, they ought to evidence their Satisfaction, by demonstrations of Joy in the prosperity of their Ally.  
The Festival was kept for the space of four days; during which two Brothers of the Sultan, viz. Bajazet and Orchan were strangled; the latter of which, as is said, was so brave, and of that Courage, that he killed four of his Executioners before he submitted his Neck to the fatal Cord.  
The Turks entering farther into Persia, inconsiderately fell into an Ambush, where twelve thousand of their Men were defeated; howsoever the remainder of the Army not being discouraged with this Encounter, proceeded on their March, making most miserable Havoc and Destruction of all before them, 
The Turks enter farther into Persia.  carrying that Dread and Terror to the Countries round, that all People fled, leaving their Houses and Things not portable, to the possession of the Enemy. Howsoever the Turks found greater Difficulties than they expected; for meeting frequently Parties of the Persian Cavalry, which were practised to manage their Horse and Sword, were often defeated, at least endured and sustained the shock of Bloody Skirmishes; and then the Persians retiring into the Mountains known to them, but unknown to the Turks, which served them better than fortified Places, returned again when any Advantage or Booty appeared, which perpetually vexed and wearied the Enemy; and burning all Things which might afford them relief, rendered that fruitful Country more Desolate and barren than the Deserts of Lybia, or the Sands of Arabia.  
In this manner the Turkish Army being destitute of all sorts of Provisions and Refreshments, were forced to retire to the Country of Tauris; which being harassed and impoverished like other Provinces, caused a miserable Famine in the Camp, whereby Multitudes of Horses and Camels perished for want of Nutriment; at which the Grand Signior being highly incensed against the Inhabitants of Tauris, 
Tauris destroyed.  committed their City to the Will and Mercy of the Soldiery, who having pillaged and sacked it, left it a miserable spectacle of Fire and Sword.  
The King of Persia seeing in what manner the Troops of his Enemy were wearied and consumed, took hold of this Opportunity as seasonable to propose certain Articles of Peace by an Ambassador, to which Morat seemed to incline a flexible Ear; but lodging his Soldiers in their Winter-quarters in the parts of Damascus and Aleppo, he took his way towards Constantinople, with intention to ease the Hardships and Labours of the Summer's War, by a voluptuous Ease and Winter's pastime in the delights and softness of the Seraglio.  
The 16 th' day of December he arrived at Constantinople, having passed from Ismit through the Gulf of Nicomedia with the attendance of fourteen Galleys: he made his Entry by the Jews Gate, and not by that of Adrianople, as was accustomary; he was mounted on one of the best of his Horses, and clothed with a Coat of Mail, a Casket on his Head, with three Feathers adorned with Pearls and precious Stones; his Sword was girt to his side with his Bow and Quiver, his Beard was in a rough and neglected manner, which made him appear more Fierce and Martial; the Chimacam came after him, accompanied with the Traitor who surrendered Revan. 
Festival for return of the G. Signior.  This Festival for his return was celebrated for the space of a whole week, during which time the Shops were shut, the Doors and Outsides adorned with green Boughs and Paintings, and by Night the Streets with Torches were made as clear as the day: howsoever the People secretly murmured, that the War was not prosecuted, and the Advantages taken, when Fortune began to smile and favour their Enterprises; 
1636▪  and that now desisting in the middle way, the Work was again to be begun, and all the foregoing Blood and Treasure was spent and consumed to no purpose. These Murmurings of the People were not without some Ground and Cause; for after the departure of the Grand Signior, the Persians put themselves again into the Field, and recovered the Country which they had lost; and having offered a Sum of Money to Mortesa Pasha to surrender Revan; which he refusing to accept on Principles of Fidelity and Honour, they prepared to lay close Siege to the Place: the Janissaries were also displeased to see themselves neglected, and cast out of the Guard, and their Places supplied by the Bostangees; nor less disgusted were the Lawyers to see several of their Judges and Kadies hanged, and their Heads cut off, upon pretence of Sedition and Faction. His ill Humour more increased to the height of Tyranny, by reason of certain twinges which he suffered of the Gout, which is not usual in Persons of his Age, not surpassing twenty six years; and because his Physician, a Jew, forbid him wholly to drink Wine, as poison to his Disease and Complexion, he was so enraged, that he drove him from his Presence with Indignation; and immediately conceived such Anger and Prejudice against the whole Nation, that he caused their Houses to be searched, and their Jewels taken from them. But what was most strange, was his horrid aversion to Tobacco, 
His aversion to Tobacco.  the taking of which, by any Person whatsoever, he forbid upon pain of Death; which Sentence he so rigorously executed, that he caused the Legs and Arms of two Men, one that sold Tobacco, and the other that took it, to be sawed off, and in that manner exposed to the view of the People: he also caused two others, a Man and a Woman, to be impaled alive, for the same Offence, with a Roll of Tabaco about their Necks.  
As the Gout caused him to be froward and ill-natured, so more especially when ill news came from Persia, he was observed to be more raving and tyrannical than ever. His Army in Persia wanting Provisions, disbanded; Mort●sa Pasha Governor of Revan being killed, the Soldier's rebel, 
Revan regained by the Persian.  open the Gates, and yield themselves to the Persian; for which Offence the Janissaries fearing the Justice of their Master the Grand Signior, two thousand of them took up Arms in Service of the Enemy: the sense hereof vexing Morat to the Soul, he caused the Register of the Janissaries to be hanged, and another of their principal Officers to be beheaded, 
The Grand Signior's Severity & Cruelty.  and strewed the Streets of Constantinople with dead Bodies, some for one cause, and some for another, which struck the whole City with a general Dread and Consternation.  
He often walked in the night, punishing Quarrels and Disorders of the Streets, and meeting two Women wand'ring in the dark, he caused them to be cut in pieces.  
He put his Cook to Death for not dressing his Meat well, or not seasoning his Sauces according to his Palate.  
In his Seraglio sporting with his Arms, he wounded himself with a Dart in the thigh; and by accident wounded the Son of M●hmet the late Vizier with a Carbine-shot, of which in a short time after he died.  
The Persians having taken Revan (as we have said) instituted Chambers of Janissaries in that place after the Turkish fashion, paying them in the same form as at Constantinople; and to allure the Spahees to enter into his Service, he offered to all that came in twelve Asper's a day of constant Pay; and declared, That their Faith and Law had no difference from the Mahometan.  
The Grand Signior receiving these Advices with extreme indignation, proclaimed his Intentions to return again into Persia; and though the Design pleased not the Militia, who were weary of the War, yet his Power was too great to be resisted, and his Humours too violent to be diverted by sober Counsels; for having subjected and absolutely subdued the Insolence of the Soldiers, and suppressed the Arrogance of the Lawyers and Churchmen, he ordered every thing according to his Arbitrary and uncontrollable Pleasure; which being rendered Extravagant and Unsupportable, by reason tbat in his Cups, and at the time of his Debauchery, he would often take his Counsels and determine his Resolutions, were notwithstanding with more patience endured, upon hopes that they would not be lasting, and that Excesses would accelerate his Death, and the end of their Oppressions.  
The Pasha's of greatest Note and Riches he put to Death, and confiscated their Estates to his Exchequer; and whereas Avarice and Cruelty were equally predominant in his Nature, there was scarce a day wherein he made not some demonstration of those Dispositions.  
The English Ambassador making some instances for the releasement of English Slaves from Captivity, was forced to purchase their Liberty by giving two Russians, or other Slaves in the place of one Englishman.  
He took a singular delight to sit in a Chiosk by the Seaside, and from thence to shoot at the People with his Bow and Arrows, as they row●d near the Banks of the Seraglio; which caused the Boat-men afterwards to keep themselves at a distance from the Walls of the Seraglio. And as he likewise took pleasure to go from one Garden to another on the Bosphorus, so if he observed any so bold, as to put forth his Head to see him pass, he commonly made him pay the price of his Curiosity by a shot from his Carbine.  
In all his Gardens and places of Pleasure, his chief Recreation was Drinking, in which his principal or almost sole Companions were Emir Gumir the Persian who betrayed Revan, and a Venetian of the Family of Bianchi, who having been taken by the Turks, when he was young, was placed in the Seraglio, and educated in all the Learning and Customs of it, and becoming as well a Proficient in Drinking, as in other Vices, he was made a Favourite and Companion to Morat. And thus did they follow this trade of Drunkenness so constantly, that the Health of the Grand Signior began to impair; and at length he became so sensible of his Extravagancies, that he incharged the Chimacam not to obey him after Dinner: and when in the heat of his Wine he took a humour to ride through the Streets, the Janisaires and Officers would sometimes run before to advise the People to withdraw, and sometimes drive them away with Stones, that so they might escape the hazard of this capricious Tyrant.  
As it cannot be expressed in what Dread and Fear the People stood of him, so neither in what Veneration he was with his Servants, who observed the looks and every cast of his Eyes; had learned his Nods, and the meaning of every Motion and Gesture of his Body. It happened once, that a Paper falling casually from his Hand out of a Window, the Pages ran in all haste down the Stairs, striving who should be the first to take it up; but one more desirous than the others to evidence the Zeal of his Service, took the nearest way and leapt out of the Window; and though with the fall he broke the Bone of his Thigh, yet being the first that took up the Paper, he came halting to present it with his own Hand: this bold readiness in his Service so pleased the Grand Signior, that being cured, he was afterwards preferred to one of the most considerable Offices of the Empire. Thus was Morat revered in his Seraglio, as he was feared aboard, his Servants having the same awe of him, as Bagotes the Eunuch had of Alexander the Great, who holding the Pot of Incense and Perfumes whilst his Master slept, suffered his Hands to burn to the Bone, rather than to awaken him by moving out of his place. Q. Curtius.  
But it is time now to leave off farther Discourse of the Extravagancies of Morat, and to return to the Wars in Persia; howsoever before the departure of the Grand Signior, it will be requisite to recount somewhat of the State of Affairs in Europe.  
On the Frontiers of Hungary and Poland, there wanted not Exercises and Skirmishes to employ and practise the Soldiery, 
Disturbances in Poland and Hungary.  and keep them in Breath.  
The Poles heightened with their good Successes, would not longer endure the Incursions of the Tartars, complaining against the Turk, that he had given Orders, and secretly abetted them in their Robberies and Invasions, against the Articles of the last Peace; and therefore to avenge themselves, the Poles appeared on the Frontiers with forty or fifty thousand Horse▪ but the Grand Signior not willing in this Conjuncture to break with the Poles, absolutely disowned any such Order or Permission given to the Tartars; and being willing to continue the League, that he might oblige the King of Poland, gave liberty to all the People of that Nation, and to the Russians, 
The Turks confirm the Peace with Poland.  who had been taken since the last Treaty, positively prohibiting all People from buying, or keeping any of the Subjects of that Country for Slaves, during the continuance of this Peace.  
In Hungary, though the Ambassador had but lately brought a Confirmation of the Peace from Constantinople; yet the Turks pretending that the Articles were not complied with, continued to trouble and disturb those Frontiers; for four thousand of them being gotten into a Body, burnt certain Villages, made divers Slaves, and battered the Castle of Raab; but being repulsed by that Garrison, and by that of Komorra, they again made Head, and encamped within three Leagues of Presbourg: The which gave great trouble to the Emperor, both because he had lately declared a War against France, and because he apprehended, that those Commotions of the Turks were designed to no other end, than to engage him to renounce all assistance and succour to be given unto Ragotski. 
Send Forces against Ragotski.   
We have already recounted in what manner the Turks had espoused the Quarrel of Stephen Gabor, and resolved to establish him in the Principality of Transylvania, with the Ruin of Ragotski; which now being designed to be done by open Force, several Troops were sent to the Frontiers of Transylvania; which so alarmed the Hungarians, that they put themselves on their Guard, and obliged the Estates of Austria and Hungary to contribute toward the Succour of the Transylvanian Prince.  
The Emperor remained long in suspense what course to steer, until at length the Persuasions of the Confederate Princes, the shame of abandoning a Friend and an Ally for a Prey to the Turks, and the fear of displeasing his Hereditary Dominions in Hungary, who considered Transylvania as the Bulwark of their Country, induced him to promise secretly, and underhand, Assistance to Ragotski.  
As to the Turks themselves, the Effects did not correspond with their Menaces: for though they had gathered an Army of twenty thousand Men at Buda, they not only were disappointed of their Design upon Newhausel, but were openly repulsed, and shamefully expelled the Frontiers by the Palatine of Hungary: And Ragotski being recruited by Succours from the Emperor, and by an Alliance with Poland, defied the Forces of the Turk, and contemned the Reports of sixty thousand Men preparing to march against him.  
For indeed the Grand Signior had too great an Encumbrance on his Shoulders by the War in Persia, to attend unto a perfect and studied Revenge against Ragotski; for Revan being recovered by the Persian, (as we have already declared) was a Matter of high Moment; and what distracted all his Counsels, and weakened his Hopes.  
When News came first of the Siege of Revan, Orders were given to the Vizier to Besiege Bagdat, as a means to cause a diversion of Arms; 
Mutiny ●n the Turkish Army.  but the Soldiery entertaining an aversion to this Enterprise, unanimously refused to March, or to proceed farther than Erzrum. jambolat Ogli, who commanded the Army before the Arrival of the Vizier, had strangled a Pasha, and taken his Estate to supply the Wants of the Army; and had likewise put to Death several Spahees and Janissaries for Mutiny, and because they had declared an unwillingness to this War. The Soldiery prepared to address themselves to the Vizier for Justice against these violent Proceedings: but he not willing to hear them, endeavoured to divert their Complaints, which caused a greater Commotion and Storm than before. And though jambolat pleaded his Orders and positive Commission from the Grand Signior for what he had acted; yet that Allegation not being accepted by the Multitude as a justifiable Plea, the Vizier was forced to condescend to their Desire, and strangle jambolat, as he had done the others, being the only Means to quiet and compose this Trouble of his Army.  
But as after some great Storm, there is always remaining for a while a swelling and fluctuation in the Waters, so there still remained on the Spirits of the Soldiery, Discontents and unquietness of Mind: Wherefore the Vizier fearing lest the Enemy taking advantage of the present Seditions, should charge them at a time of Disorder, he retired at a distance from them into the Plains of Erzrum: But he was not able to continue long in those Parts for want of Fuel, and of Wood and Planks to secure them against the Rains and Snow; for it being Winter, which is rigorous and cold in that Country, their Tents were not sufficient proof to defend them against the Extremity of the Wether.  
Whilst the Turkish Army remained at this Place, advice came, that the Persians had Besieged Van, 
Van besieged by the Persians.  which is a strong Fortress situate on an inaccessible Rock, on the Frontiers of the Province of Diarbequir. And though the Persians were not able to take this Place, neither by Storm nor Famine, yet during this Siege, they made use of their time to ruin all the Country of Diarbequir, which they left so desolate, that the Turkish Army could not quarter there, nor extract the least Provision or Subsistence from thence.  
To all these Misfortunes a greater was added by the Treachery of a certain Curd, one who pretending to be ill-satisfied with the Persian Party, voluntarily offered himself to the Service of the Turks; and having done them some little Services, by being their Guide through certain difficult Passages, he gained a confidence so far with them, as that designing to surprise a quarter of the Enemy, they committed themselves to his Guidance and Conduct; who having brought them into a narrow Passage, 
Fifteen thousand Turks killed in an Ambush.  where an Ambush of the Enemy lay, he then turned his Coat, and fought against the Turks, of whom 15000 were killed and taken in this Snare.  
In short, all Matters of this War proceeded cross and unfortunate for the Turks; for besides their unlucky Fights with the Enemy, their own Seditions in the Camp were greater Mischiefs; 
Mutiny of the Soldiers.  for now enduring no longer these pungent Miseries, under the pretence of wanting Pay, they cut in pieces the Treasurer of the Army, two Aga's of the Spahees, and the Chaousbashee of the Janissaries.  
This News arriving at Constantinople, when Morat was afflicted with a grievous accession of the Gout, served to redouble his Pains; in which raving against the Conduct of his Officers, he immediately deprived the Vizier of his Charge, and ordained Biram Pasha, late Chimacam, to succeed him in his Employment.  

A new Vizier sent to the Army.  The new Vizier immediately set forth the Horse's Tail, which is a signal of departure, with sound of Drums and Trumpets, making Corban, which is a distribution of Mutton to the Poor, in divers Places: His Retinue was speedily equipped with such sumptuous Magnificence, that it looked rather like the Train of an Ambassador, which intended to make Peace, than to the Troops of a General, whose Business was nothing but Blood and Destruction. And indeed Matters seemed to be inclining that way, the Persians having far advanced in this Negotiation; for they wisely pondering the immense Force of the Ottoman Empire, with which they were now contending, judged it the most politic course to make Peace, under the auspicious Planet of their good Fortune; for not knowing how long that might remain constant, they might, so soon as the Wheel turns on the other side, be forced to accept Terms of less Advantage than at present they might promise to themselves under their happy Stars.  
Wherefore a Proposition being made of sending an Ambassador to the Grand Signior, 
A Persian Ambassador sent to the G. Signior.  he accepted of it; and accordingly arrived at Constantinople in the Month of August, when the Vizier was scarce in the middle of his Journey. The Grand Signior entertaining some real Inclinations to Peace, laid aside something of his usual Grandeur and State, giving the Ambassador Audience in a few days after his arrival; and as nothing mollifies the hard Mettle of a Turk's Spirit, like a gentle Shower of Gold, and the emulgent softness of Rich Presents; so Morat understanding of Gifts with which he came accompanied, afforded to the Ambassador an easy Ear and a pleasing Countenance.  
The Presents for the Grand Signior, besides those for the Court, were these that follow. 

Eight Indian Horses of great Price.  
Forty Dromedaries.  
An hundred and fifty Meticals of Musk. As much Ambergriefe made up in several Bags; all sealed up with the King's own Seal.  
Thirty bundles of the best black Sables.  
Eight large Carpets mixed with Gold and Silver; with divers others of Silk, very rare and precious.  
Many Pieces of the finest Linen to make Turbans.  
A great number of the rarest Girdles. Porceline to a great value.  
Divers Pieces of Satin and Velvet, with Golden Flowers.  
Fifty Pieces of Silken Stuffs.  
Eight Bows of excellent Work.    
These Presents so well disposed and prepared the Mind of the Grand Signior towards an Accommodation, that he bestowed a kind Aspect and gentle Words on the Ambassador, so that all the World expected that a Peace would have ensued.  
And indeed one might well have believed his Reality in this Intention, since the ardent Passion he had to be revenged of Ragotski, availed more with him than all other Considerations in the World. His Honour also called him to give a stop to the Progress of the Moscovites, who had taken Asac; and the Tartars and Cossacks gave some ground of Jealousy, that before long they designed some Action on the Turkish Territories: the Reasons whereof we shall discourse in this following Year.  
We have already related, some Years past, year 1637. on what Terms the Tartars stood with the Turk, how they refused to accept that King which the Port recommended to them, though the eldest and first of the true Line: how they fought and overthrew the Forces which the Grand Signior sent to compel them to the Election he desired; and this last Year, 
Troubles in the lesser Tartary.  upon pretence of a War with Cantemir, they refused to send their Army against the Persian, as had always been accustomary to do against the Enemies of the Sultan, whensoever required.  
The Pasha, mufti, and Kadi of Caffa (which is the Grand Signior's Town in Tartary) urged the Tartar Han to prepare and forward his Forces, according to the Duty and Obligation which was incumbent on him; and enlivening their Arguments with Reproaches of Cowardice and Ingratitude; so far provoked the Han, that he caused them all three to be strangled.  
Notwithstanding this high Provocation, the Grand Signior dissembled the Injury, lest a due Resentment should raise them into an open Rebellion: and dissembling an approbation of the Fact, as done with Reason and Justice, sent to the Tartar Han a Sword and a Vest, as Signals of his Favour: And farther suspecting, lest in prosecution of so sensible a Blow, the Tartar joining in League with the Cossacks and Moscovites, should make himself Master of Caffa, he prudently touched the Wound with a gentle Hand, offering to ordain such a Pasha, as should be warranted with his Assent and Approbation.  
The Tartar being overcome by such Lenitives as these, protested that he never entertained other Thoughts, than to maintain his Faith and Allegiance inviolable towards the Grand Signior; and that the Alliance he had made with the Nogay Tartars, and the Forces now raised, were maintained with no other Design, than to suppress the Rebellion and Insolence of Cantemir.  
This Cantemir being a Person of a bold Spirit, and daring in all his Actions, did oftentimes, by virtue of his own▪ Authority, lead a strong Party to the Field, being followed by the bravest and stoutest Soldiers of Tartary; for which Reason being hated by the Tartar Han, 
Cantemir makes a new Colony.  and his Life often attempted, and his own Spirit not supporting a Subjection to any other, he passed the Niester, and retired with his own Troops, and such others as would follow him, into the Country of Budziak, near to Beliegrod and Kilia, confining on the Frontiers of Moldavia; where he intended to plant and form a new Colony and Government.  
In a short time, divers chief Captains being desirous to follow the Ensigns of so famous a General, came in to him; and multitudes of People forsaking the Sands and barren Rocks of Tartary, came crowding into this Country; that the Plains of Budziak not being capable to contain them, they passed into Moldavia; where encroaching on the Lands of the proper Inhabitants, gave a Jealousy as if they intended to take possession of the whole Province.  
The Poles being jealous of these ill Neighbours, which lay at the Gate of their Country, ready to enter on all occasions, had made Provision in their last Articles of Peace with the Grand Signior, that he should force them to return, and urged that Point by the Ambassador with all earnestness.  
The Tartar Han also finding his Countries depopulated and weakened by so large an Evacuation, made also his Complaints and Addresses to the Port. But the Grand Signior looking on this Colony, as an increase of his Dominions, and to be composed of such People whom Necessity must render obedient; and that they could easily, at his Command, make Eruptions into Poland, Hungary, and Transylvania, seemed deaf to all Applications in this Business; and as if they were a People in whom he had no part, showed no concernment for them, though secretly he promised them his Protection.  
Hereupon Vladislaus King of Poland, being wearied with Delays, resolved by force of Arms, to drive out this detestible Neighbourhood: But the Tartar Han, whom this Business more nearly concerned, being more speedy in execution than the Poles, having raised an Army of thirty thousand Men, encountered Cantemir with twenty thousand, 
He is overthrown by the Tartar Han.  and charged him so furiously, that he killed seven thousand of them on the Place, and put the rest to flight, pursuing them through the Plains of Dobrac on the other side of the Danube.  
The Grand Signior, who had all this Time remained a Spectator of this Success, began now to take the part of Cantemir, and severely to reprove the Proceedings of the Tartar Han, for having disturbed Cantemir, whilst he was preparing to serve him in the Wars of Persia. But the Tartar, having shaken off much of his Respect and Reverence towards the Grand Signior, despised the Menaces which he vented against him, and proceeded in his own Business, compelling his People to return again to their Country, and to their Ancient Habitations. Morat being forced to suffer what he could not remedy, summoned Cantemir, with all diligence, to render himself at Constantinople; where being arrived, he was at first regarded with a favourable Eye; but his Son soon after having in a private Quarrel killed a Tartar near the Walls of the Seraglio, was for that Fact justly strangled by Order of the Grand Signior; the day following, Cantemir was also imprisoned, and in a short time underwent the like Fate with that of his Son. 
Cantemir put to death.   
During these Troubles, a Nephew of Cantemir feigning himself to be disgusted with his Uncle, revolted to the Party of the Tartar Han, with no other than a treacherous Design to take away the Lives of the two Brothers▪ the which he compassed at a time of their hunting, when being far remote from their Attendance, following their Game in untrodden Paths, he set upon them with an hundred Villains, 
The King of Tartary killed.  and perfidiously took away their Lives. The News hereof was highly applauded at Constantinople, and the Traitor extolled as a Person of mighty Courage and wonderful Ingenuity; so that now different Counsels, and new Measures, were taken concerning the Affairs in Tartary.  
Bechir Gherry, 
Bechir Gherey ordained K. of Tartary.  Brother to those Princes of Tartary which were killed, was then at jamboli, a City in Thrace, retired thither under the Protection of the Grand Signior, for fear and jealousy of Treachery from his elder Brother. Morat caused him to be brought to Constantinople; where he was sumptuously received, and conducted to Audience by the Chimacam, who gave him the upperhand, which is the Left amongst Men of the Sword, as the Right is amongst Men of Learning or of the Pen; for as the right Hand governs the latter, so the first is appendent to the left Side.  
The Bodies of the two dead Brothers were brought to Constantinople, where fetulent or stinking, they were exposed to the sight of Morat; who to gratify his own Humour of Revenge, caused them to be thrown into the Sea.  
This good News from Tartary, 
Asac besieged.  was attempered with a worse from Asac, which the Moscovites and Cossacks had besieged. This Town is situated at the Mouth of the River Tanais, upon the declining of a Hill; it is in form foursquare, and may be about twelve hundred Paces in Compass. Before it fell into the Hands of the Turks, it was a famous Scale for all sorts of Merchandise, especially for Butter, Cheese, salt Fish, Leather, Slaves, and other Commodities brought hither by Turks, Tartars, and Moscovites. The Venetians when they addicted themselves more to Traffic and Commerce than they do at present, took this Scale for their Way into Persia. The Town was fortified with ancient Walls, flanked with capacious Towers, and with a Castle which being in the middle, and on the side of the Water, divides the Town, as it were, into two equal parts. The Garrison consisted not of above three or four hundred Men; for being a place remote from powerful Enemies, it fell not under any great jealousy, nor was it deemed worthy of the Charge of numerous Defendants.  
The City being in this weak Condition, the Cossacks soon made themselves Ma●ters of it; which after they had sacked and pillaged to the utmost, 
Is taken by the Cossak●.  they considered it as a place worthy of better Fortifications; and therefore applying themselves to raise new Works, and repair the Old, they soon made it a Fortress of Strength and Consideration. This happening at a time when the Turks were diverted by the Persian War, the Cossacks enjoyed this new Conquest for the space of four Years without molestation, until that in the Year 1641, it was recovered with much Blood and Slaughter by the Arms of Sultan Ibrahim, as we shall hereafter recount in the sequel of this History.  
And now because the taking of this Place was the Original from whence the Divisions and Civil Wars between the Poles and Cossacks derived their beginning, and was the Occasion that the Cossacks revolted from their just Obedience, to the Protection of the Turks; the Relation will not only be curious, but a digression necessary to the clearer Light of the present History.  
Vladislaus the Fourth King of Poland being wearied with constant Complaints of the Robberies and Incursions made by the Cossacks upon the Turks, 
The Cause of the Civil War between the Poles and Cossacks.  contrary to Articles and Treaties of Peace, was at length persuaded by his Barons and Counsellors, that the only Means to suppress the Violence of this unruly People, was to disarm them; and taking away their Weapons of War, to supply them, in lieu thereof, with the Shovel and Mattock, with Ploughs and Pruning-Hooks: by which industrious Diverversion, from a wicked Life of Blood and Robbery, to honest Husbandry and lawful Arts of living, they might with time be rendered useful to their own Prince, and capable of Faith and just Communication with their Neighbours. It is not one Age passed since these people were called Cossacks, 
The Cossaks Country described.  derived, as is supposed, from Cosai, a word in their Language which signifies a Goat, perhaps because of their Agility of Body, or because their Garments are chiefly made of Goat's Skins. 
Pellibus & laxis arcent mala frigora bracchis,  
Oráque sunt longis horrida tecta comis.  The Country inhabited by them, was at first on the Banks of the River Boristhenes, about fifteen Leagues in length to the entrance into the Euxine Sea, where it is reported, that Ovid was banished; and some say, that from him a Village thereabouts called Ovidova derives its denomination; and hereunto we may afford the greater belief from one of his Elegies, in his Book De Tristibus, which seems to describe this Country, and the fierceness of the Inhabitants. Eleg. 8. lib. 5. 
Quam legis à Scythicâ tibi venit Epistola terrâ,  
Latus ubi aequoreis jungitur Ister aquis.  
Mista sit hac quamuìs inter Graecósque Getásque  
A malè placatis plus trahit or a Getis;  
Sarmaticae major Geticaeque frequentia gentis,  
Per medias in aquis ítque redítque vias.  
In quibus est nemo, qui non Coryton, & arcum,  
Teláque vipereo lurida felle gerat.  
Vox fera, trux vultus, verissima mortis imago,  
Non coma, non ullâ barba resecta manu.  At present the name of Cossacks, and their Country also, is of a far greater extent than it was formerly; for they call now all such in Poland Cossacks, that are light Horse armed with Bow and Arrow and Fire-arms: and their Country since the late Commotions is measured from the farthest parts of the Palatinate of Chiovia, for the space of an hundred and twenty Leagues on one side, and the other of the Boristhenes, which comprehends likewise all the Country of Vkrania. This Country was always inhabited by the most Warlike People of Russia; for that being subject to the frequent Incursions of the Tartars, necessary Defence, and constant practice in Arms, endued them with a Bold and Martial Spirit.  
Vkrania is a Country so fertile, that it may compare with the most fruitful Soil in the World, producing such quantities of Corn, with little labour, that the Husbandmen being made negligent by their abundance, produced with little Toil, have leisure to apply themselves to Violence and Rapine. They have no Wine, but use themselves much to Strong-waters. Their Houses are not built of Wood or Stone, but of Osiers, interwoven and daubed over with Earth and Lime; so that they use no Nails or Iron: they have no Merchants unless in Kiow; nor do they serve themselves of Physicians or Apothecaries. Their learned Language, or the Tongue wherein they write, is the Sclavonian, anciently called the Illyrian: so that in all things this People is rude and barbarous; and though their manner of Government and Policy is not refined or methodically disposed, yet nevertheless it is solid and of deep Foundation, appropriated to the nature and disposition of that People.  
This honest Design of King Vladislaus, to reduce this People to a just and an industrious course of living, not agreeing with their Temper and Customs, they rather resolved to leave their Country, and betake themselves to various Fortunes; some of them passed into Moscovia to plant a Colony in those uninhabited Parts: a Body of them, to the number of six thousand, joining together, resolved to pass into Persia to offer their service unto that King; and being on their Journey, as far as the Tanais, they encountered with a Party of Moscovite Cossacks, who inhabited certain Islands of that River; with whom entertaining Discourse, they understood that Asac might easily be surprised by them, if they could agree to unite Forces, which together might compose a Body of ten thousand Men: The Importance of the Place being well considered, it was resolved, that the March into Persia should be shortened, and this City be ordained for the ultimate End of their Travels and Place of Repose. According to this counsel Asac being assaulted and taken, (as we have already intimated) the Cossacks fortified it in the best manner that they were able, making an Arsenal for their Boats and Saicks, whereby afterwards they did much more infest the Turks than before.  
The other Cossacks who continued in their Country, being much persecuted by the Polish Nobility, chose Kilminieschi for their General, (the Son of a Noble Family in Lituania, but banished and degraded of his Honour for his Criminal Offences) and rebelled against the Government. At first not being able to resist the Force of Poland, they retired within the Woods; but joining afterwards with other Cossack's, they issued forth at the beginning of the Spring, beat the Poles, and carried away a considerable Booty. Afterwards joining with the Tartars, they made their Incursions as fas as Zamosca, within twenty Leagues of Warsaw; and so Matters continued with various Successes not appertaining to this History. Only thus far it is pertinent to the Matter discussed for us to have shown, That the Counsels of Poland were in a great Error, when they resolved to change the Life, and alter the Humour of this Warlike People, which being protected in their Privileges, and encouraged in their Wars, would at all Times, as occasion served, have been ready to have ejected great numbers of good Soldiers into the Ottoman Territories, and might still have been conserved to balance the Power of the Tartars, which now daily infest and ruin the Borders of Poland.  
These People were like Ill Humours, which being vomited out into the Dominions of the Turk, eased and made healthy the Body Politic of Poland; but being conserved within the Stomach, caused Syncopes, Convulsions, and such Commotions, as have of late Years shaken the whole Body of the Polish Kingdom: and at length withdrawing themselves entirely from all Obedience, together with that large Province of Vkrania, as they have weakened that Government; so now of late years seeking protection from the Turk, have added to his Kingdom, and enfeebled that of Poland.  
When the News arrived first at Constantinople that Asac was besieged, the Captain-Pasha going then to instate Bechir into his Kingdom of Tartary, received Orders to relieve Asac, and if possible, to raise the Siege; but the Succours coming too late, and the Town being taken, the loss thereof was not esteemed important enough to divert either Thoughts or Forces from the Persian War.  

Preparations for the War in Persia.  For now Morat resolving to prosecute the War in Persia, which could not be successful without the united Power of his whole Empire, conducted by his own Person, he resolved to make a second Journey into those Parts, and with his own Hand to knock at the Gates of Babylon. To prepare and dispose all matters in order hereunto, he in the first place countermanded his Decree, which prohibited a farther increase of the number of Janissaries; for now being desirous to augment his Army beyond the account of ancient Registers, he opened the Janissaries Door, (as they call it) and enroled six thousand more into that Order.  
To conserve still the Order of this Militia, he appointed Officers strictly and severely to take the Decimation of the Christian Children in Europe, and lest (as was usual) they should be corrupted by the Parents, who often give Presents, whereby to blind the Eyes of the Ministers, that so they may oversee their Children, or in lieu of the comeliest and most fit for Service, accept of the Sickly and Impotent, or such as are unworthy of the Bread and Education given them by the Sultan, he most severely enjoined this Service, and under a thousand Menaces encharged the care hereof to be executed without Favour or Partiality to any. He carefully reviewed the Books of the Timjar-Spahees, countting the number exactly that every Country yields, and comparing them with those mustered in the Field, he confiscated the Lands of those that wanted, being forfeited for non-appearance: he would admit of no Excuse or Delay to the Matter in hand. The Superintendant of the Ordnance but making a Scruple about the Proportion of some Guns, as too weighty and unwieldy for so long a March, lost his Life, for doubting or making a difficulty in what the Grand Signior proposed or designed.  
And that no Commotions at home might divert or call him back before his Business was perfected, he encharged his Pasha's of the Frontiers to live quietly with their Neighbours, and to be sure to give no occasions of Complaint, or Cause for War during his absence; recommending to the prudence of the Pasha of Silistria the care of composing certain Differences between the Princes of Moldavia and Walachia.  
Having secured Matters as well as he could at home, he ordered the Horse-tail to be set forth at the gate of the Divan, and all Pasha's and Officer's of the Army did the like at their own Doors. His Troops began now to grow numerous; the Spahees and Timariot appointed for the Guard of the Grand Signior's Tents, together with other Cavalry, which hold their Lands under Service, amounted unto two hundred thousand. From the hundred seventy two Chambers of Janissaries he drew forth thirty thousand. From the Topgees or Gunners, whereof there are no more than twelve hundred in their Chambers at Constantinople, yet make up twelve thousand in other parts, he drew out three thousand for the present Service. The Shepherds and Ploughmen of Bulgaria made up twenty thousand; which with Water-bearers, Smiths, Bakers, Butchers, and all other Tradesmen which followed the Camp, were in vast Numbers: so that the whole Army, with the Attendants belonging thereunto, were at a moderate calculation computed to amount unto near five hundred thousand Men; whereof three hundred thousand were fight Men.  
The Pestilence, which is the Epidemical Disease of Turkey, and which abates the Numbers and Pride of that People, raged this Year greatly in Constantinople, and in the parts of Romagna; it entered into the Seraglio, and amongst others, took away the only Son of the Grand Signior of two or three Years old. This caused Morat to pass most part of the Summer at a Palace on the Bosphorus, where he recreated himself with his drunken Companion the Persian Traitor; and hereby he contradicted the Proverb, That Princes love the Treason, but not the Traitor; for Morat it seems loved them both, entertaining this Fellow in his Bosom: His clothes, his Garb, his Horses, and Equipage, might rival with that of the Sultan's; He took place of the Chimacam in all Public Appearances; and what was most strange, he preceded the Mufti; which was a new Form never before practised, and would have afforded matter of Wonder and Discourse, but that the World considered this Novelty, as a Method agreeable to the extravagant Humour of the Sultan.  
Amongst his Pastimes, nothing was more pleasing than some Divertisement acted with Blood; he shot the Son of a Pasha with his Gun, for daring to approach near the Walls of his Seraglio, supposing that he came with curiosity to discover his Pleasures, 
The extravagant Pleasures and Cruelties of Morat.  and manner of voluptuous Recreations: For the same Reason he would have sunk a Boat laden with Women, as it glided slowly by the Banks of the Garden. He would himself behold two Thiefs impailed, which were condemned to die for robbing something out of his Seraglio. He commanded the Head of the Treasurer of Cyprus to be cut off in his presence; as also the Master of his Music, for daring to sing a certain Air which seemed Persian, and to praise the Valour of that Nation. The Pasha of Temiswar he put to Death at a full Divan, for fight unfortunately against Ragotski.  
To these severe Acts of Cruelty, which he called Justice, he added one not unpleasant; A certain Greek called Stridia Bei, or Lord Oysters, who had been Prince of Walachia, and one whom we have before mentioned, having, by his oppression and harassing that People, amassed a considerable Sum of Money, essayed a second time, by force thereof, to obtain the Principality; and making his Offer and Request before the Grand Signior, he was heard with some raillery: At length the Grand Signior told him, That he was too proud and aspiring, and therefore ordered the tips of his Nose and Ears to be cut off, telling him, that that was to clip the Wings of his Ambition.  
But that before his departure for Persia, he might consummate his Acts of Tyranny, he practised one upon his Brother, a Youth of twenty two Years of Age, of great Hopes, and good Endowments. He was conducted to the presence of his Brother, at the Biram, to pay his Respects, as is usual at that Festival; and having performed the Ceremony, he enlarged himself in high Praises and Admiration of the Grand Signior's Generosity and Bravery; who for recovery of Bagdat, was contented to expose his Person to the Inconveniences of a long Journey, and the Dangers of a hazardous War, and that therein he equalled, if not surpassed, the Glory of his Ancestors: Which courtly and rational manner of Discourse did not please Morat, but rather administered Subject of Jealousy, fearing that he knew too much; and that as he could Speak well, so he might Act accordingly; wherefore the same Day he caused him to be strangled, to the great Sorrow of the People, and detestation of his Abominable Tyranny: But to amuse the Minds of the Multitude, and cease their Murmurs, he caused it to be divulged abroad, that fourteen of his Women in the Seraglio were with Child: which was all false, there remaining none of the Ottoman Race besides his Brother Sultan Ibrahim, who was Weak, as well in Body as Understanding, and whose Imperfections secured and compounded for his Life: And to suppress the Discourse about his Brother's Murder, he changed it into a talk about his Preparations for War, and his departure for Persia. Wherefore the Forerunners and Harbingers of the Army being sent away with Labourers to repair Bridges, and to levelly the Ways for the more easy passage of the Cannon. Morat passed over to his Tents at Scutari, clothed in a Coat of Mail, and with a Head-piece set with Precious Stones, and his Sargouch or Feathers clasped to it with Buckles of Diamonds.  
As he landed at Scutari, he was received by three Squadrons of Soldiers, each Squadron consisting of four thousand Men well Armed, and richly Attired; the Garments of one Squadron of which were provided at the Expense of the Grand Signior, and of the other two at the Charge of his Favourite, and of the Captain-Pasha: the latter of which presented to the Grand Signior thirty Purses of Money, for bestowing on him the Honour to command that Galley which transported him to the Asian Coast. The Ambassador sent from Persia was detained at Constantinople until this time, and after the Turkish Fashion not permitted to depart at his own liberty; but being now ordered to follow the Camp, his Port and Quarters were assigned, that so he might be a Spectator of that Tragedy which was now to be acted. All things were now disposed in good Posture, with much Solemnity, in order to a March; the Conacks, or days Journeys, with their Places of Quarters, were laid out in an hundred and twenty days of March from Scutary to Babylon, and seventy days of Otorack or Repose. The Journeys with the gross Body of such an Army could not belong; and the joining with other Forces in the way, required leisure and time.  
year 1638. In short, the Horse, after the Turkish manner, having eaten their Grass and been soiled, this powerful Army decamped from Scutari about the end of May. The first day of Otorack or Repose was appointed at Ismit, 
The March of the Turkish Army.  where the Grand Signior made a review of his Army; such as were Aged, and unable to endure the Fatigues of a long March, he dismissed, giving them half Pay for their Lives, with the Name of Otorack●, which is the same with Milites Emeriti among the Romans: with exact Order therefore and severe Discipline, to which their fierce Monarch had reduced them, marched this numerous Army; no Villages were abused, nor Countrypeople plundered, and all things were purchased with ready Money: And the Grand Signior himself being rendered more gentle and tractable in the Field than in his Seraglio, heard all Complaints, and distributed Justice with an equal and impartial Hand.  
In the mean time, at Constantinople, due care was taken to keep things Quiet and in Order; the Bostangibashee, like Lord High Chamberlain, had the Charge committed to him of the Seraglio, and the Movables of it; he frequently made his Rounds both by Sea and Land, punished those whom he found in Taverns; nor would he suffer any Candles to be lighted after two hours in the Night. The Chimacam, and the Captain-Pasha, likewise executed their Offices with all care and severity in their respective Stations.  
At this time, 
Cyrillus the Patriarch strangled.  to the great dissatisfaction of the Greek Nation, Cyril the Patriarch, who had been in England, and greatly affected with the Discipline of our Church, was deposed, imprisoned in the Seven Towers, and strangled: in his place one Carfila was ordained Patriarch, and his Commission or Baratz obtained from the Grand Signior at the expense of fifty thousand Crowns, one Moiety whereof was paid from Rome, the whole Design against Cyrillus being managed by the Jesuits and other Religious living at Galata, who accused him before the Turks, of keeping a secret Correspondence with the Moscovites and Cossacks; for which losing his Life, Carfila, a pretended Friend to the Roman Faction, was instituted Patriarch.  
The Grand Signior marching with his potent and numerous Army, all the World remained at a gaze what the Issue should be of this mighty Enterprise; yet most were of Opinion, that the Honour and Riches of the Ottoman Empire being now at Stake, the War could not otherwise conclude than with the Conquest of Babylon. All that could be feared, was some diversion by the Christian Princes; who taking hold of the present Conjuncture, should enter the Frontiers with a powerful Army, and thereby force the Sultan to return. But as to Poland, the Jealousy soon vanished. When the News came of a Civil War between the Poles and the Cossacks, and that ten thousand of the latter were slain in a Battle, this Intelligence came most seasonable and grateful to the Port, expecting now a Message from the Cossacks, desiring Succour in their Extremity; for such Accidents as these have nourished the Turkish Interest, which hath grown out of the Civil Discords of Christian Princes.  
By this means, as the Apprehensions of War by Land ceased, so there appeared some Clouds of Storm at Sea; which doubtless might have produced a War with Venice, had the Turks been at leisure to attend it; for sixteen Galleys belonging to Algiers, Tunis, and Biserta, well armed with Slaves and Soldiers, 
The Pirates of Algiers and Tunis infe●t the Gulf of Venice.  and provided sufficiently with Cannon, Powder, and Bullet, Commanded by Ali Picenin, united together and form a small Fleet, with design to rove over the Adriatic Sea, and infest the Coast of Italy. Their Intentions were to plunder the Riches of Loretto; but being hindered by contrary Winds, from entering so high into the Gulf, they made a descent in Puglia, and sacked all the Country of Nicotra, carrying away a great Booty, with Slaves, and amongst them several Nuns which they prostituted to their Lust; thence they passed over to the side of Dalmatia, and in sight of Cataro took a Vessel, and made Prize of all Ships which they met in those Seas; the Rumour of which made great noise over all Italy, the People exclaiming against their Princes for suffering their Lives and Estates to remain subject to the petty Force of a few Pirates. For the Vessels of Malta and Florence were disjoined, and roving after purchase in the Archipelago, took little notice of what was acted in the Gulf. The Spaniards, after their fashion, were slow in Arming, and spent the Summer in Preparations, till the Pirates, laden with Booty, were departed towards the Winter; so that none remained to take care of Italy, and the Venetian Gulf, but Venice only, to whom the Dominion of those Seas are rightly appropriated.  
To suppress therefore the Insolence of these Pirates, the Republic set forth a Fleet consisting of twenty eight Galleys and two Galleasses, ●nder the Command of Marin Capello, with Instructions to sink, burn, and destroy those Pirates, either in the open Seas, or in Harbour of the Turks; for that by the Articles of Peace, between the Grand Signior and the Venetians, it was agreed, That no Port or Harbour of his should be privileged to afford entertainment or protection to any Free-booter or Pirate of that nature.  
It happened about that time, that the Malteses and Florentines crusing in the Archipelago, had done great Mischief to the Turks in those Seas; to revenge which, and to prevent farther damage, the Captain-Pasha sent Orders to these Vessels of Barbary immediately to come to his Assistance; to which they were now more easily persuaded; for being already laden with Booty and Spoils, they contented themselves with a change of their Station. But to give a farewell to those Parts, they first resolved to spoil, and plunder Lissa, alias Lesina, an Island belonging to the Republic; but being overtaken by the Venetian Fleet in their Voyage thither, near to Valona, a Port and Harbour belonging to the Turks, they put themselves under the Defence of the Town and Castle, which received them willingly to their Protection, notwithstanding all Articles and Agreements to the contrary. The Venetian Fleet saluted the Castle without a Shot, 
Capello blocks up the Pirates in Valona.  desiring, that according to the Capitulations of Peace, the Pirates might be rejected, and commanded to abandon their Port: in answer hereunto the Turks replied with a Shot, making known their Intentions to defend their Friends: wherefore the Venetians retiring at some distance came to an Anchor, designing to block up the Port. Many days had not passed before the Pirates endeavoured, by help of their Oars, and a gentle Gale, to make their escape; and being, with the grey of the Morning, advanced without the Port, they were espied by the watchful Venetians, who dividing their Fleet into two Squadrons, charged them with high Courage; the Fight continued for the space of two hours, during all which time the Castle of Valona fired at the Venetians, and shot down a Mast of one of the Galleasses, a Splinter of which wounded Lorenzo Marcello the Commander; at length five of the Galleys of the Pirates being disabled, and many of their People killed, they began to fly, and retire again under the Protection of the Town; as also did the Venetians to their Place of Anchorage.  
A distinct Advice of all Particulars being dispatched to Venice, the Senate wrote to Capello, That since the respect which the Republic owes to the Ottoman Court was not unknown to him, he should by no means make any attempt against those Pirates upon the Land, but meeting them fairly at Sea, he ought then to make use of all the valour and force he was able.  
In the mean time the Duke of Medina las Torres, Vice-King of Naples, dispatched an Express to Capello, with Letters applauding the generosity of the Design, wherein he was now engaged for the Glory of his Republic, and the Common Good of all Christendom, proffering to supply him with Refreshments and Ammunition, and what else might supply his Occasions; expecting, that by such Encouragement as this, he might be induced to Assault the Enemies in Valona, without respect to the Grand Signior, or any Inconveniences which might arise thereby▪ On the contrary the Governor of the Castle, and Kadi of the Town, wrote a Letter to Capello, putting him in mind, that he was within the Grand Signior's Dominions, and that he should be careful how he offered any Violence to those Places, which would certainly prove a Violation of the Peace, and be the Original of an inevitable War.  
Capello had now lain a whole Month before the Port, having all the time enjoyed fair Wether, and a smooth Sea, against the hope and desire of the Turks, who expected that by means of some Storm, the Enemy would be forced to remove their Quarters to some secure Harbour, and thereby afford them an opportunity to escape. 
He assaults th●m in the Port.  But Capello growing weary of such tedious Attendance, resolved to expect no longer, nor yet to lose the present Advantage of rendering himself Master of the Vessels of the Enemy: wherefore dividing his Fle●t into several Squadrons, he advanced near the Port, firing several Shot at the Tents of the Pirates, of which one from a galleass struck a Mosch; and arming with store of Men the Galeots and Brigantines, they entered the Port, and to the astonishment and vexation of the Turks, possessed all the sixteen Vessels, and brought them to their Admiral: which though they had disfurnished of all their chief Booty, yet their Cannon and Arms remained, of which there were twelve Pieces of great Brass Guns, besides others of Iron, with divers Falcons and lesser Arms.  
The Intelligence hereof being carried to Venice, Orders were given, that all the Vessels should be sunk in the Port of Corfu, excepting only the Admiral of Algiers, which was to be brought to the Arsenal of Venice, there to remain as a Trophy of Victory, and for a perpetual Memory of this Glorious Achievement. Howsoever this Exploit was variously interpreted at Venice, and approved, or disproved, according to the diversity of Humours. The younger Men applauded it as an Action of great Gallantry, excusing his Transgression of the Senate's Orders by a transport of Passion and Zeal towards his Country, and desire of Glory. But the Senators, and Men and mature Judgements, highly resented this Breach of their Orders, which as they are strictly Enjoined, so they expected that they should be punctually Obeyed. That this action was a sufficient and Just Cause alone to kindle a War, and that it was a matter intolerable, that a single Citizen should of his own Head and Humour, presume to act such things, as must necessarily involve the Public in a War, contrary to their Pleasure, and in opposition to their express Commands. For which Crime and other subsequent Defaults, Capello was afterwards forced to justify himself, as will be signified in the sequel of this History.  
The Particulars of this Advice, were by an express Messenger dispatched to Luigi Contarini the Bailo or Ambassador for the Venetians at Constantinople, a Person of great Reputation and Esteem, having been conversant in the principal Courts of Christend●m, and employed for the space of seven years at Munster, where he was Assistant with the Nuntio Chigi, afterwards Alexander the 7 th', in the general Peace of Europe.  
The Turks also receiving this News aggravated to them with all the foul Circumstances imaginabl●, the Chimacam immediately summoned the Bailo to Audience, and with an Angry Countenance began to exclaim: That taking advantage of the Grand Signor's absence in remote Parts, the Venetians had, in a perfididious and hostile manner, assaulted and destroyed the Fleet of Barbary, which were his Subjects, and such as he had called to his assistance against the Corsar●s of Malta and Ligorn. Th●t being accidentally compelled by storm to enter into the Port of Valonia, they were forcibly taken thence, and violence offered to the Grand Signior's Port and Castle, by way of a manifest and open Breach. If this presumption were grounded on the long distance of the Grand Signior from these parts, the Venetians would do well to con●ider, how that they provoke an angry Prince, and one who esteems neither Expense, Hazards, nor Labours to comple●t his Revenge. If this were a design to divert the Grand Signior's Arms from Persia, they would do well to consider, that the Sultan was not so far advanced, but that he could turn a Current, if he pleased, sufficient to drown, and in an instant to overwhelm the Dominions of Venice; or could at least collect Forces from nearer parts able to revenge his Quarrel, and vindicate his Honour from the Disdain and Scorn of such petty Neighbours.  
Hereunto the Bailo or Ambassador made this Reply: That this Piratical People was the same which the Year before had landed in Candia, and made spoil of the Estates of the Inhabitants, and carried many of them into slavery; a●d not contented with this Booty, they entered the Gulf, and penetrated into the very Bowels of Italy, with design to Sack and Plunder the Island of Lissa, which was under the Dominion of the Republic. That the Venetian General friendly saluted the Castle of Valona, which was returned with several Shots from thence; that had it been his intention to have attempted the Port in the beginning, he would not have lain thirty seven days in expectation of the forthcoming of those Pirates, it b●ing only respect to the Grand Signior, which obliged him to that attendance. At length being wearied, and provoked by the insolence of that People, he forcibly entered the Port, knowing, that by Capitulations with the Grand Signior, it was agreed, That all Ports should be forbidden, and that to these Pirates, unless they first gave Security and Caution not to injure and make Prize of the Subjects of the Republic.  
The Chimacam replied hereunto, That there were ten thousand Soldiers and Slaves belonging to those Galleys, which had taken their Refuge in Valona; and therefore he required the Venetians to permit them free passage into their own Country, and to restore their Galleys, unless they intended to come to an open Rupture with the Grand Signior.  
The Chimacam also pressed more urgently for restitution of the Galleys, in regard, that having advised the Grand Signior of this Disaster, he had at the same time given him hopes, and almost assurance to believe, that by his Negotiations he should recover them out of their Hands: But the Senate was of a different Opinion; and therefore gave express Orders to their Officers of the Marine Affairs, immediately to sink all those Vessels; that so the expectation of the Turks being disappointed by an impossibility of recovery, might not, by the rude Instances and Threats of Morat, oblige them to a dishonourable and an undecent Restitution.  
The News of this Misfortune made greater noise and disturbance in the Divan of Algiers than at Constantinople, that rude Rabble raved, 
The Algerines angry at this News.  and railed, and threatened, laying the blame sometimes on one, then on another, being ready to come to blows amongst themselves; but that being obliged, by order of their Divan, to keep their Thumbs within their Girdles, they dur●t only express their Anger by Punches and Thrusts of their Elbows. At length coming to coole● Terms, they charged all the Fault on their Admiral Ali, and resolved to make Applications to the Grand Signior for Redress, and Reparations on the Estates of the Venetians in his Dominions.  
The News also hereof overtaking Morat in his March into Persia, angered him to the Heart, 
The G. Signior's Anger against the Venetians.  and transported him to that heat of Indignation, that he immediately ordered, that the Venetian Bailo, with all his Nation in the Ottoman Dominions, should, without exception, be cut to pieces; but the Great Vizier, and his Favourite, suffering him for some time to vent the impetuosity of his Fume and Rage without contradiction, gave a stop for thirteen days to the dispatch of these fatal Orders; until taking him in a more gentle mood, they persuaded him to change this Sentence of Death, to the imprisonment only of the Bailo; and such care was taken, lest the News of a War with Venice should fly into Persia, and thereby prejudice the Terms of Peace, that this Accident was kept as a Secret, and communicated to none, but such as were nearly concerned in the Government.  
The Command for the Bailo's Imprisonment being arrived at Constantinople, he was summoned to Audience by the Chimacam; and though at that time he was exceedingly afflicted with the Gout, yet the Turkish Obedience to Imperial Commands admitting of no Excuse, he was forced to an attendance; and being brought in his Sedan, he was carried to the Chamber of Audience, where he expected some time until the Chimacam came to him: in the interim being entertained by some Aga's, whom the Chimacam had employed to sound him touching the restitution of the Vessels; who finding by his Discourse that they were sunk, without possibility of recovery, and that there could be no compensation made for them, they returned with this Answer to the Chimacam: of which being now informed, he came in, and having no farther to expostulate on this Matter, produced the Grand Signior's Command for his Imprisonment, and kissing it first, caused it to be read. The Bailo replied, That he was ready to submit, being not only willing to suffer Imprisonment, 
The Venetians Bailo imprisoned.  but also Martyrdom, accompanied with the severest Pains, for the sake of his Prince and his Country.  
To soften and mitigate Matters, the other Christian Ambassadors then resident at the Port, had made Arz to the Grand Signior, wherein, with all reverence and respect, they offered themselves for Mediators in this Difference, engaging themselves, but not the Parole of their Princes, for the Person of the Bailo, that he should not fly from the Port, nor yet refuse any reasonable Terms by way of Accommodation. This Mediation of the Ambassadors, seconded with some Presents from the Ba●lo to the Turkish Ministers, so facilitated Matters, that the Bailo at first was conducted to the 
* The Chimicam's Steward.  Kahya's Chamber, and afterwards was confined to his own House in Galata, guarded by four Chiaouses, with free Liberty to all Visitants whatsoever.  
There was now no other Rumour or Discourse in Constantinople, but of a War with Venice, so soon as that with Persia was concluded: And in the mean time the Grand Signior gave Orders, that ten Galleys should be built in his own Arsenal at his Charge, and presented to the Barbarouses, with condition that they should stay until the Spring, and accompany his Fleet to Sea. But Ali Picenin the Admiral suspecting that this was only a Snare to engage him and his Men for ever in the Grand Signior's Service, refused the Obligation, and set two Galleys on the Stocks for his own Account.  
Advice of the Bailo's Confinement being come to Venice, with a Report of the Passion and Rage of the Sultan, they expected nothing more than a War with the Turk, which they communicated to all Christian Princes, requesting their Succours and Assistance against the common Enemy. These Addresses produced rather Compassion of their Case, than substantial Contributions: Pope Vrban himself giving them great Assurances of some help from the Ecclesiastical Revenues, besides Processions, Masses, and Benedictions for their good Success, in as great a Number as they could desire: Notwithstanding which due Care was taken to make ready and provide against all Encounters. Letters were wrote to the Captain-General in the Levant, to make due Preparations against the Enemy: Sixteen Galleys were armed out of Candia, to which were joined other Galleasses under the Command of Antonio Pisani and Sebastiano Veniero: Soldiers were levied in every Place, and all Garrisons provided with Ammunition and Victuals, and reinforced with Numbers of an Auxiliary Militia. Howsoever it was not the Business nor Advantage of the Venetians, to make a War with the Turks, but rather, whilst they feared the worst, and made Provisions against the utmost Extremities, they endeavoured to enter into Treaties of Peace, and to qualify the hot Spirit of the Grand Signior with the gentle Lenitives of fair Words, and proffers of making Atonement with the Sacrifice of Gold and other Presents: In order unto which they wrote a Letter to the Grand Signior to this Effect.  
That being provoked by the Insolence and frequent Robberies of the Pirates of Barbary, who did not esteem Faith or Obedience to his Majesty, nor the Commands which he had often fent to restrain them, they were induced, out of natural Defence of themselves, to chastise and correct them; but as this was acted without intention to disoblige his Majesty, so they were ready to maintain and cultivate that ancient Friendship and Correspondence which was engrafted on the firm Root of his Glorious Progenitors.  
Morat, though he received this Letter in an huff, and gave an Answer to it with Disdain, which breathed nothing but Threats of Revenge, and total Destruction; yet he sent it by an Express of his own to Venice, couching something within the Terror of his Words, as if there was place left for an Accommodation, if the Venetians knew what Salve was to be applied to obduct the Skin of this bleeding Wound. The Venetians quickly apprehended, that Gold was the only Remedy, of which they were ready to contribute freely; since they could make no better a Purchase with their Money than Peace, nor could make a better Bargain than with such a Sum as would serve only to make the first Preparations of War, to evade all Hazards, Troubles, and Calamities by a happy and safe Conclusion of Peace. The which notwithstanding took no Effect, until the Return of Morat from Persia; and therefore we shall defer Discourse thereof to its proper place.  
Amurat marched now at the Head of a formidable Army, clothed in the Habit of a Janisary, 
Morat marches to Persia.  to render himself acceptable to the Militia, whom having subdued by Rigour and severe Discipline, he would now oblige by Courtesy and fairer Treatment: With Courage and great Patience he marched through sandy Deserts and unfrequented Places; and being the first who offered to expose himself to Dangers and Sufferings, the Soldiery followed willingly his Example, esteeming no Attempts either hazardous or tedious, in which they saw themselves preceded by their Valiant General. In this March he was overtaken by one who road hard to demand Mostaluck, which is the Reward of good News for the Birth of a Son, of which one of his Sultana's was delivered at Ismit: the Messenger was secured until the News was confirmed; which being afterwards turned to the Birth of a Daughter, the poor Man suffered Death, being cruelly impaled for his unadvised haste and excess of officious Respect towards his Prince.  
The Great Vizier met his Master at Iconium with a moderate Equipage, to give more Room for the Quarters of the Army, and rendering himself more gracious in his Eyes by a Present of fifty thousand Dollars, he was again remunerated with a Cemiter and a Vest of Sables, which are the usual Signals of the Sultan's Favour.  
All Asia was now in Arms, and the Princes and great Men came in to perform th●ir Duty, accompanied with their Forces and Attendance: Only Complaints were made of a certain Shegh, 
A Shegh rebels.  Santone or Preacher belonging to the Mountains of Anatolia, who had refused to do Homage; or serve in the War: He was one, who by a feigned Sanctity had acquired a great Reputation amongst his People; and having declared himself to be the Mehedy, or the Mediator, which, according to the Mahometan Doctrine, is to forerun Antichrist, for reducing all the World to one Unity of Faith: He had persuaded his People, that he, and they under him, were by Privilege of his Office, exempted from all Taxes, Contributions, or Impositions by any Secular Power whatsoever. The Grand Signior who could not understand or believe this Doctrine, presently detached a strong Body with some Cannon under Command of the Captain-Pasha (who, as we have said, was to accompany the Grand Signior in the War) to confute the Principles of this Rebel, and to reduce him to Obedience. These Forces being entered on his Dominions, Proclamation was made to the People, that they should deliver up their Impostor into the hands of Justice; which if they refused to do, than Fire and Sword was to be their Portion, 
He is overcome and punished▪  and Destruction to extend even unto their Children of seven years of Age. This terrible Denunciation of the Sultan's Sentence struck all the People with cold Fear and Amazement; howsoever the Shegh availing himself on certain Prophecies, which he interpreted in his own Favour, adventured to stand a shock with the Grand Signior's Forces; but being overcome by them, the Shegh was taken alive and carried to the Grand Signior; who having given a stop to his March at Iconium, until the end of this Business, he condemned him to be flayed alive; and in this Guise being a horrid Spectacle to all Beholders, he was carried upon an Ass to the Wheel, on which he seemed to endure the Remainder of his Punishment without any sensible Touches or Pangs in the Torments.  
This Success being attained, Morat proceeded in his March, and passing through Alexandretta or Scanderone, he was there saluted by the Guns of all the English and Dutch Ships then in Port, and presented by the Merchants and Consuls, especially by the Venetian called Marco Foscolo, whose Presents were computed to amount unto the Value of ten thousand Dollars. Thence he proceeded to Antioch, where he refreshed his Army for a few days, observing the Antiquities of that Place. At Aleppo he was met by the Pasha of Grand Cairo, who brought with him a rich Tribute, accompanied with an Army of twenty four thousand Soldiers, all choice Men well armed and well clothed; at the same Place also the Forces of Palestine joined with him, so that his Army was now increased to a vast Number. Proceeding forward new Sangiacks came in daily belonging to the Countries through which they marched, and a strong Party of Tartars despairing of being able to act any considerable Matter against Asac, offered themselves to the Service of the Grand Signior.  

T●e Persian Army dares not give Battle to the Turk.  The King of Persia entered the Field at the Head of an hundred and twenty thousand Horse; but being inferior in Force, made only use of them to reinforce his Garrison of Bagdat with an Addition of thirty thousand Men; which now being well provided, he judged that the Force within, and the Strength of the Place would be able to endure a long Siege, and with time weaken, if not destroy the vast numbers of the Turks, of which there were former Examples: With the rest of his Forces he returned to encounter the Great Mogul, who (as we have said) promised Morat to assist him in this War, and attack the Persian on the other side of his Dominions, which served for an advantageous Diversion to the Turk. This was the Reason that no memorable Battles succeeded in the Field, there being none of greater Note than a Fight which Quinan Pasha had with two thousand Persians belonging to Revan, with whom accidentally encountering, he killed fifteen hundred of them on the Place, and took the rest Prisoners, which being five hundred in number were brought before Morat, and all barbarously put to death by him.  
During the time of this March, Morat often exercised himself in Feats of Arms, to show his strength of Body and dexterity of Hand; amongst other things wonderful to the Soldiers, he pierced a Suit of Arms of Musket-Proof, with a Dart, called by them a Gerit, thrown from his Hand; for evidence of which, the Armour is placed on one of the Gates of Aleppo, with an Inscription under it.  

T●e Turks pass the River Euphrates.  About the Beginning of the Month of August the Turkish Army passed the River Euphrates, by means of a Bridge, which was not so well built, but that it sunk under the weight of Horses, Camels, and Baggage, by which Disaster many perished in the Water, which great Rains had swelled above the Bounds of its Banks. As this numerous Army proceeded, so all Petty Princes applied themselves to perform their Homage; amongst which one Tarpos a King of the Arabs came with his Wife, Mother, and Son to prostrate himself before the Sultan: He was entertained in the Tent of the Favourite, who being always in company with Morat, was never suffered to separate from him, and his Tent, more for Ostentation, than to serve his occasion. Tarpos being admitted to Audience, was received with Respect and a favourable Countenance, and presented with a Vest of Cloth of Gold lined with Sables, and a small Purse of Gold: In recompense whereof the Arab Prince returned certain choice Horses and two Leopards. In like manner the Georgians and Mengrelians, who are Tributaries to Turk and Persian, and commonly incline to the strongest side, whose Nations we have described in the present State of the Ottoman Empire, would not be wanting at this time to bring their Tribute of eighty thousand yards of Linen-cloth, which they pay every three year, with some Children of both Sexes chosen out of the comeliest and most healthful amongst them.  
At Mosul the Army lay encamped for some time, 
The Turkish Army at Mosul.  where was a general Rendezvous and Confluence of People from all Parts, and every thing ordered and modelized for a War. Severe Discipline was kept amongst all, Offenders were Impaled, Flayed alive, their Bowels ripped out, and thrown into the public Ways: Nor did Takers of Tobacco escape with less Punishment than the rest. In the mean time Wine was forbid to his whole Camp, unless to himself and his Favourite, being a Royal drink; and when the chief Physician commended the admirable virtue of Opium, advising Morat to use it in the place of Wine, he enjoined him to make his Words good by his own Example, and thereby forced him to take so much, that he was overcome, and died by swallowing too great a quantity.  
From Mosul the Army marched in due order to Babylon, where the Great Vizier arrived with thirty thousand Men about the 19 th' of October: But by reason of the great weight of Artillery, and the many Impediments which attend such vast numbers, the Grand Signior came not thither till the 5 th' of November, and on the 9 th' the whole Turkish Army presented itself before the Walls of Babylon.  
Babylon the ancientest City of the World, 
The Description of Babylon, or Bagdat.  reported to be built by Nimrod on the Banks of the River Euphrates, and afterwards beautified and enlarged by Semiramis the Wife of Ninus, is recorded in History for the vastness thereof to be one of the seven Miracles of the World. Afterwards the furious Inundations of the River, and the Iron Teeth of devouring Time, and the subjection thereof to the Macedonian Empire, did much eclipse the Glory of that City, and caused Seleucus Nicanor, one of Alexander's Captains, to build a new one where the Tigris and Euphrates meet, forty Miles more Northwards than the old Babylon, which he therefore called Seleucia after his own Name. In the Year of our Lord 753, Abugiafer Almansor, an Arab King, enlarged this City to the Eastern side of the Tigris, as being less subject to the Inundations of the River, giving it the Name of Badgat, or the place of Gardens; but his Son Almolied being more pleased with the Western side, encouraged People to build the stateliest Palaces and best Fabrics near the place where he delighted to keep his Court, so that the River Tigris divided the City. The which with the Country thereabouts was subdued by Solyman the Magnificent; and afterwards in the Year 1625, it was recovered by Abas King of Persia, until at length in this of 1638. it was vanquished by the mighty Force and Prowess of this Magnanimous Sultan, as we shall now understand.  

Bagdat besieged.  The numerous Troops of the Ottoman Army covering all the Plains, a General Council of War was called of the Chief Commanders of the Janissaries and Spah●es, especially of such who had been practised in the Sieges of the strong Fortresses in Hungary. After some Debate and long Consideration, it was agreed, That the City should be battered in three Places. One Battery of twelve Pieces of Cannon commanded by the Great Vizier was to be erected against the Bright Gate; the second against the Dark Gate of ten Pieces of Cannon, under the Command of the Captain-Pasha: and a third of eight Pieces directed against the Gate of Persia, under the Government of Chusaein Pasha Beglerbei of Anatolia. The Grand Signior in the mean time habited like an ordinary Soldier, that he might be the less exposed to Danger, visited all Posts and Places, encouraging them with his Words and Presence, protesting that he would not change his clothes for ever in any place but within the Walls of Bagdat. In the space of three days the Trenches were opened, the Batteries raised, and the Cannon planted; and Morat having made Korban, gave fire to the first Cannon with his own Hand, as he had brought the first Basket of Earth to raise the Works. The Defendants within consisted of eighty thousand fight Men, with which they made frequent Sallies of four and five thousand Men at a time, who being retired, were again seconded by another of the like Number, which put the Turkish Camp into much Confusion, and into danger of having their Trenches leveled, and their Cannon spiked; but the Turks valiantly fight, the Slaughter proved bloody on both sides; and being guided rather by the Bravery of their Courage, than by Art or Experience in in War, they carried their Works forward to the very Brink of the Ditch, having an Italian and a Candiot for their chief Engineers; who though they were not Persons of that Ability, as our modern Times have produced, yet they were such, as for want of better, served the present occasions, where Force and Numbers, with small Additions of Art, were the most available. For in this Siege the Sword was more exercised than the Spade or Mattock, and there was more need of Arms than Works; for the constant Sallies kept the Turks always watchful and employed, and perpetually disturbed them, until at length they were forced with great Labour to raise a high Circumvallation, with a very deep Ditch, defended by several Redoubts; whereby the Besieged being kept in, their Numbers decreased by former Sallies, and their Courages abated by despair of Relief, they began to grow cold in the Acts of Bravery, and to reserve their Men for the ultimate and last Efforts of Defence. In the mean time the Turks plied their Batteries so hotly, that in a few days the Walls were laid open almost fifty paces wide. In this Condition the Defendants having no other Refuge than some small Retrenchments, which they had made during the Siege, were exposed to the open Force of the Enemy. For now the Turks having filled up the first and second Ditches with Sacks of Wool, Faggots, and other Rubbish, crowded in vast Numbers to enter the Breach, which the Persians defended as stoutly with Stones, Bullets, Artificial Fires, and all Instruments of Death, which fell like Showers of Hail on the Heads of the Enemy. The Great Vizier signalizing himself above all by his undaunted Courage, commanding with his Hand and Voice, was unhappily shot by a Musket-bullet, and fell on the heaps of the dead, amongst whom there is no distinction between the common Soldier and the bravest Captain. This Fight within the Breach continued for five days, where both sides fight like Men in despair, the dead Bodies lay in heaps, and Blood was stagnated like a Pool to wade through. At length the Numbers of the Turks prevailing, commanded now by Mustapha the Captain-Pasha, entered the Town by force of Arms on the twenty second of December about the time of Sunset, when the Royal Standard of the Turks was planted in this City. Howsoever twenty four thousand of the Persians remaining still alive, and united in a Body, capitulated for Quarter, otherwise threatening not to die unrevenged: Pardon, and Quarter for their Lives was readily granted, on Confidence of which the Persians threw down their Arms, and submitted to the Public Faith, or the Sultan's Clemency. 
Bagdat taken.  But the Grand Signior afterwards considering, that the granting Quarter at Revan had been the cause of the Loss of the City, he repented him of his Promise, and gave Order to the Janissaries most inhumanely to open a Torrent of Blood, and make a barbarous Massacre of those who had newly thrown down their Arms at his Feet, not sparing either Woman or Child, either Sex or Age; the which Slaughter, like a Work of Darkness, was acted in the Night by the light of Torches and Lanterns, and appeared a horrid Spectacle to all, especially to the Persian Ambassador, who being conducted like a Prisoner in the camp, was a sad Spectator of his Country's Destruction on the horrid Theatre of its Capital City.  
So soon as Bagdat was taken, Morat dispatched away Posts immediately with the News into all Parts, and wrote a Letter with his own Hand to the Chimacam, ordering a Dunalma or Feast of Thanksgiving, and rejoicing for the space of twenty Days; during which time no Business was to be acted, the Houses were to be adorned both without and within with the best Furniture, and every House was to set forth Lights, Torches, and Fireworks agreeable to the Condition and Ability of the Person. The People exclaimed hereat as too great an Expense, and the Vacation from Business seemed too long for those who lived by their daily Labour. The chief Ministers and Grandees evidenced external actions of Joy, but inwardly feared and trembled, suspecting that the fierce and cruel Humour of their Sultan would be elated, and rendered more tyrannical and untractable by Success and a favourable Fortune. The Christian Princes received this Intelligence like bad News, and as an Alarm to awaken them from the easiness of Peace, to expectations of War: For War with Persia was like an Ulcer in the Bowels of the Turkish Empire, which gangreen'd and consumed the Strength and Marrow of their Power; which now being cured, and the Body Politic rendered healthy by such a seasonable Success, would convert itself to Enterprises pernicious and dangerous to the neighbouring States.  
After the Conquest of this City, Morat gave out, That he resolved to proceed with his Army into Persia, and to enter the Walls of Spahan; but having some indispositions of Health upon him, and recalled by the charming Letters of a Favourite Mistress, whom he had left at Diarbechir, he inclined to return again to Constantinople. Wherefore mustering first his Army, he found that it was abated near an hundred thousand Men, two thirds whereof being killed in the War, the rest perished by the Pestilence, and other Diseases and Maladies incident to Camps; a great part of the Slaughter fell on the most veterane Soldiers of the Janissaries and Spahees, of which many of the Chief being slain, their Lands and Revenues returned to the Grand Signior, and gave him both Opportunity and Ability to reward many with such Offices and Gifts as came by the Death and Fall of other Commanders. Thus the Captain-Pasha, whose Valour had rendered him Famous, was made Great Vizier in the place of him that was slain, and the Persian Favourite was constituted Captain-Pasha; and though many repined at this Advancement, as conferred on a Stranger, and a Person without Merit, yet the Grand Signior considered him as one whose Experience in that Country, and the Information he had given him of the Situation and Strength of Babylon, had made abundant Compensation for the Favour and Honour he had bestowed upon him.  
The Grand Signior having left a Garrison of thirty thousand Men in Bagdat, year 1639. dispatched the Great Vizier with a considerable Army to penetrate far into the Country of Persia. And having now released the Persian Ambassador, giving him liberty to return to his Master, wrote by him this braving Letter.  
I That am Lord of Lords, and Conqueror in the parts of Arabia, Persia, and Greece: King that Commands with eminent Rule in the World, exalted by Divine Assistance to the Empire of the Universe; the most Invincible Possessor of the White and Black Seas, and of all the Cities and Fortresses which encompass them. Lord of the Divine and Prophetic Temple, that is, of Mecha and Medina, as also of Jerusalem, Aleppo, Damascus, and of all those Holy and Venerable Countries, of Grand Cairo, Salutiferous Babylon, and of Van, of Ethiopia, Balsora, and the Lesser Asia; of all the Countries of the Curds, Georgians, and Tartars; of Moldavia, Walachia, and universally of all the Provinces and Regions of Greece and Anatolia. And in sum, Supreme Lord of the Seven Climates, the Victorious and Triumphant King in the Service of God Sultan Amurat Han, to the Valiant Sofi, to whom may God give Peace, if he deserve it. This Imperial Letter worthy of Obedience being come to thee, Be it known unto thee, That the Ambassador which Thou didst send to my happy Port with desires of Peace▪ I have detained until this time in which I have subdued Bagdat, by means of the keen Edge of my Invincible Scimitar. If Thou desirest Peace, surrender those Provinces which belong to the Dominions of my Victorious Predecessors, into the Hands of my Beg●erbeys, who are now Marching at the Head of my Victorious and Inexpugnable Army: Otherwise expect me next Spring with my Troops more numerous than the Sands of the Sea, within the Bowels of thy Dominions; where I will appear on Horseback to unkennel Thee from the Caverns wherein thou now lurkest, not daring to manage those Arms, which are unworthily girt to thy Side. That afterwards shall succeed, which was determined from all Eternity. Peace be to him who directs his ways aright.  
This Letter being dispatched, the Grand Signior recalled the forty thousand Men which he had lent, from the Service of the Great Mogul, which he quartered about Bagdat to hinder the Attempts of the Persians, in case they should design to pursue him in the Rear, and disturb his return into Europe. By reason of the Rigour and Extremity of the Winter, and a certain Defluxion which falling on his Nerves, made him something Paralytical, 
The Grand Signior returns to Constantinople.  the Grand Signior departed not from Bagdat until the 15 th' of April, and then for recovery of his Health, and to soil the Horses by the way with convenience of Grass, short Days Journeys were appointed.  
The Grand Signior's Indisposition increasing, with some cold and shivering Fits, gave the first Symptoms of a Fever; but afterwards it plainly appearing to be a paralytical Distemper, suspected by the Physicians to end in an Apoplexy, it was rumoured abroad, that Morat was dead; but it was whispered with such Caution, as if they had feared lest the Grand Signior would have overheard them, and risen from his Grave to punish their secret and inward Joy. Being somewhat recovered from the last Accession of his Palsy, the Humour fell into his Legs, and swollen so much, that he could scarce sit upon his Horse; howsoever he hastened as fast as he could to Constantinople to disprove and confute the falsity of that Report concerning his Death.  
In the mean time it is not to be expressed with what Fear and Terror the Chimacam and other great Ministers of State expected the return of their formidable Prince, not knowing where the Thunderbolt of his cruel▪ Disposition would strike, until at length it fell on the Head of the poor Sultan Mustapha, whose weakness, as it rendered him unable for Government and Command, so it made him stupid and insensible of Death.  
At length on the 10 th' of june the Grand Signior arrived at Constantinople: 
The Grand Signior's Entry into Constantinople.  The Favourite Soltana, which had accompanied him to the War, passed by Water from Ismit attended with six Galleys, and took her Lodging the first Night of her arrival at a small Chiosk or House of Pleasure under the Wall, so as to make a magnificent Entry the Day following. Her Coach was covered with Cloth of Gold, and the Spokes of the Wheels were gilded, and the Wheels shod with Silver; she was followed by twelve Coaches, and the Mufti, Pasha's, Kadees, and other Officers went before to conduct her to the Seraglio. The Grand Signior, who arrived the same Day, attended with fifty six Galleys, made not his solemn Entry until two Days after, being performed with all the Ceremony, State, and Magnificence which could be contrived. The Grand Signior in his own Person appeared in the Persian Habit, with a Leopard's Skin thrown over his Shoulders, after the manner of a Kausee (as they call them) or a brave huffing Champion, having his Stirrup attended with twenty two of the chiefest Nobles, whom he had reserved at Bagdat, purposely to lead in Triumph when he made this Entry. The Treasure brought to Constantinople, was landed at the Seraglio out of ten Galleys, and calculated to amount to a greater Sum than that which was carried from thence; for besides the Riches taken in the Plunder of Babylon, seizure was mad in divers places of the Estates of Pasha's and other Great Men, which by Death, or for Crimes, escheated to the Grand Signior.  
After the Grand Signior's Departure out of Persia, little of Action succeeded, as if by mutual Agreement, a Truce or Cessation of Arms had been contrived. The Persians desired a Peace, because they were enfeebled and tired with the War: The Turks had regained their Honour by the Conquest of Badgat; and being unwilling to lose it by change of unconstant Fortune, and longer consume their Riches and Men in a tedious and remote March, were attending to receive Propositions of Peace first offered by the Persian. To effect which the Great Vizier, who was left at Badgat to command the Army, intimated to the Governors of the Frontiers, that a proffer of Peace should be accepted; 
An Ambassador sent from Persia to the grand Signior.  which being made known to the King of Persia, he immediately dispatched an Ambassador to the Grand Signior to propose Terms of Accommodation. The Ambassador being arrived at Constantinople, was grateful and acceptable to all, and his Day of Audience appointed after the usual manner on the Payday of the Janissaries, when the Floor of the Divan is covered with Sacks of Money; before the Door of the Chamber of Audience stood the Persian Captives all clothed in rich Vests. The Ambassador being conducted to the Royal Presence with the usual Ceremonies (of which we have given an Account in another place) was received by the Sultan sitting upon a Saffaw covered with Crimson Velvet, embroidered with Pearl; his Turban was encompassed with a Chain of Diamonds, clothed with a rich Vest lined with Sables; he cast no Pleasantness of Aspect on the Ambassador, but beholding him with a fierce and scornful Look, received the Letter in a kind of careless Disdain, behaving himself in every Motion, as if he neither esteemed the King, nor his Ambassador; or as if the Persian had been wholly conquered by him, had sent to beg Peace, and Pardon for his Life: The Ambassador was soon dismissed from his Presence; and matters being referred to the Negotiation of the Chimacam, no other difficulty arose besides the Dispute concerning Revan, which at length was agreed by another Ambassador sent to the Vizier on the Frontiers to remain unto the Persian, 
A Peace concluded.  as Bagdat was confirmed to the Turk: And so Peace was without long Debate clapped up; the Grand Signior, by reason of his Indisposition which increased upon him, being not inclinable to trouble his Head with the Burden of Business.  
Peace being thus concluded with Persia, there appeared a perfect Sunshine a●d fair Wether in the Ottoman Court, neither Dissensions at home, nor Wars abroad troubling the Quiet and Repose of the Sultan: Until some Differences happening between the Princes of Moldavia and Walachia exhaled the first Cloud of Disturbance. At that time Lupulo was Prince of Moldavia, a Person of evil Principles, covetous, and unjust. Matthew was Prince of Walachia, a good Man, zealous for the Christian Religion, and one who administered equal Justice to his People. Lupulo not contenting himself with his own, but desirous also of his Neighbour's Possession, 
Troubles in Moldavia and Walachia.  made instances to the Port to have the Principality of Moldavia conferred upon his Son, alleging that thereby he should be better enabled to balance the Power of Ragotski in Transylvania, and on all occasions be rendered more serviceable to the Grand Signior's Designs and Interest: And seconding this Proposition with a Present of fifty thousand Dollars to the Chimacam, and promise to increase the annual Tribute, he obtained the Chimacam's Friendship, at whose Instance the Grand Signior was persuaded to write unto Matthew to surrender up his Province into the hands of the Son of Lupulo; declaring, That it having been accustomary to change the Princes of those Countries every three years, he ought after an Enjoyment of above seven years to content himself with a quiet and voluntary Resignation, unless he would desire to draw upon himself a Ruin by the Anger and Displeasure of the Sultan. Matthew having no Posterity, resolved not to surrender his Government but with his Life; and having a particular Animosity against Lupulo, could by no means incline his Mind to make his Enemy happy with the Spoils of his Estate. Wherefore having obtained Assistance from Ragotski, he resolved to withstand t●e Forces of young Lupulo, and engage with him: And being ready to mount on Horseback, and begin the Battle, he first dispatched an humble Message to the Grand Signior, acquainting him, That he was ready at his Command to resign his Principality into the Hands of the meanest Greek his Majesty would appoint; who being the Source of all Equity and Justice, he hoped that he would not oblige him to such Terms as would raise his Mortal Enemy upon his Ruin; a Man so intent to his own Interest, and so unconscionable to compass them, that all late Revolutions, Wars, and Commotions have been raised either by him, or by his Instruments.  
This Letter being received and read by the Grand Signior, was seconded in a few hours after, with News of the total Defeat of young Lupulo; which put the Grand Signior so much into choler, that he immediately committed the Chimacam to the seven Towers, for being the Projector and Author of this Counsel. It was supposed however, that Morat's Anger would not proceed to that degree, as to extend to his Life; but being informed, that he was rich, and that he was possessed of two Millions of Dollars, which lay by him in ready Money, it was concluded, that so vast a Wealth could not in a short time be honestly gained; which appearing as an undeniable Evidence and Testimony of his Violence and Oppression, the Grand Signior made no Difficulty to pass the Sentence of Death against him, 
The Chimacam put to Death.  nor to condemn the Money to his own Exchequer: His Office was given to Sinan Pasha, and the Principality confirmed unto Matthew.  
During all this Time, the Quarrel which the Turks conceived against the Venetians, for violating their Port of Valona, was not yet composed; but now having time to peruse and consider old Accounts, the Venetian Bailo was called by the Chimacam to Audience, and to a Conference with him concerning this Matter. In the first place therefore the Bailo alleged, That the Pirates of Barbary had for the space of twenty Years roved in the Venetian Gulf, and made Prize in that time of so many Ships and Goods belonging to Merchants, that the Republic had been prejudiced by them in several Millions; which also did in some manner prejudice the Customs of the Grand Signior, to whom the Venetian Merchants pay for the most part yearly the Sum of an hundred thousand Dollars in Custom for their Goods, besides the benefit which the Ottoman Dominions receive by so profitable a Commerce.  
Hereunto the Chimacam replied: That the damages which the Turks received by the Corsairs or Freebooters at Sea under the Colours of Malta, Leghorn, Majorca, and other places, were greater and more dishonourable to the Majesty of the Ottoman Grandeur, than the depredations of the other side were to Venice: And therefore it would b● necessary for the good of the World, that such Violences were prevented in all places: and that Men of such wicked Profession should be esteemed for universal Enemies, and to have no other Quarter, nor Articles granted the●, than what we give to wild and hurtful Beasts, whom we destroy by Snares and Gins, and all Advantages. The which also was never denied to the Venetians, whilst they encountered and took them in the open Seas; but to enter into privileged Places, and violate a Sanctuary of the Grand Signior's, without respect to the mighty Power of so dreadful a Monarch, was an act so insolent, as could never obtain Pardon without due Compensation for the Offence; which could not be done, but either by a Restitution of the Vessels, or else of a like Number in the places of them.  
Hereunto the Bailo replied: That if an Accommodation could not be made on other Terms, nor Peace maintained, but by a submission to Pirates, and supportation of all their Injuries and Robberies, a War must inevitably ensue; for the good success of which they depended on the Blessing of God Almighty, and the general Assistance of all Christendom, which will esteem itself universally concerned in this Cause, and obliged as well to make good this Quarrel against Pirates, as to preserve Venice for their main Bulwark and Defence against the Ottoman Force.  
You make me Smile (answered the Chim●cam) when you tell me of the Power of Christendom, which contains nothing more of Terror than the Name. Do not I know, who have been Pasha of Buda, that the Emperor hath no Money; and that when the Sw●●ds, a small and inconsiderable People, have made War upon him, they have almost overrun his Country? As for France, if they understand their own Politics, they will scarce b● persuaded to lend assistance to the Empire, when we make War against it. The Spaniards have so much to do at Home, and to conserve themselves from the Encroachments of their powerful Neighbour the French, that they are wholly unable to lend Forces to wage a War at such a distance from their Dominions. Wherefore considering the Advantage we have upon you, which we well know and understand; you must either have War on these hazardous Terms, or else purchase your Peace with a considerable Sum of Mony. In making of which Bargain you must consider, that you have to deal with a mighty Prince, and not with a Merchant; and therefore your Offer ought to be large at first, so as it may gain Credit, and be received with a favourable Ear; for a small Sum to him is like a little Morsel given to an hungry Stomach, which serves only to increase the Appetite. And you know, that we ourselves are often forced to sacrifice to the Avarice of our Prince, by effusions of vast Sums of Money, which are always best compounded for, when they are done readily, and at first, before we give our Master time to consult with his Pillow, and to make up our Accounts according to the Calculation of his own Reckoning. Let me therefore exhort you to follow the like Example, and immediately make an Offer of three hundred thousand Zechins of Gold, which if you will do, and employ my Interest to make this Composition for you, I hope, though with foam difficulty, to gain its acceptance. To talk and reason of Things past is but to beat the Air, because the time is vanished and gone; but you may consider of the present, that you may secure the future. We sell you Peace at this Price; if it be worth your Money, take it; if not, refuse it, as you judge the Purchase most agreeable to your Interest.  
At this time Christendom was embroiled in its usual Combustions, so that Assistance from other Princes was not only uncertain, but without all Foundation; so that the Venetians could have no sure Trust to any other than their own Force. In regard that many were desirous at that time to see the Venetians engaged with the Turk, that so they might not be able to concern themselves in the War of Italy, which then grew hot by the Wars of Savoy, Modena, and Matova, favoured by the Protection of the Spaniards, by whose means all the Differences arose about the Valtoline. Considering which, the wise Senate being willing to purchase so great a Blessing to their Country by a moderate Price, gave Liberty to their Bailo to compound for it at what rate and terms he was able; which by the Bailo's Dexterity in the Management, was concluded for the Sum of two hundred and fifty thousand Zechins, which was esteemed for a great Service, and redounded much to the Reputation of the Bailo: after which Conclusion, the former Articles were ratified, and these which follow added thereunto.  
That the Ambassador or Bailo should be set at Liberty, and permitted to return to his own Habitation: That Commerce be renewed as formerly between the Subjects of both Countries: That all Controversy about the Matters happened at Valona, for ever be silenced and forgotten. When at any time the Pirates of Barbary shall happen to enter within the Ports of the Grand Signior, they shall give Security, that they will commit no Damage or Spoil on the Subjects of Venice. And in case they shall have taken any Prizes belonging to the aforesaid State, they shall not be admitted nor protected in the Ports belonging to the Grand Signior. Wherefore in virtue hereof all Aga's, Captains of Castles, and other Ministers who shall not obey and observe this Capitulation, shall be deprived of ●heir Office; and if the Venetians shall then enter violently into the Port, where such Enemies have taken Refuge, it shall not be imputed to them for a Crime, or esteemed a Breach of the Capitulations. And farther, if the Venetians shall at any time encounter the aforesaid People of Barbary in the open Sea, it shall be lawful for them to assault, take, and destroy them without notice, or exceptions of the Ottoman Port. And lastly, the new Bailo lately elected, shall pay unto the Grand Signior five hundred thousand Pieces of Eight, which make two hundred and fifty thousand Zechins of Gold. This Writing was firmed and ratified about the middle of the Moon Rebiul in the Hogeira or Year of Mahomet 1049. Hereof Authentic Copies were immediately dispatched to the Beglerbeys, 
September 1639.  Sangiacks, and Kadi's on the Coasts of the Mediterranean Sea, and to the Pasha of Bosna, for better Publication of the Peace, and free Traffic and Commerce between the Subjects of both People.  
The Baron Chinski arrived at that time from the Emperor in Quality of Envoy Extraordinary, 
A● Envoy sent from the Emperor to the Grand Signior.  to congratulate the Grand Signior's Success in taking Bagdat, and making a Peace with Persi●; but not bringing with him Presents to that value, which on this occasion were expected, he was not looked on, nor considered with that Favour and Respect, as was agreeable to his Character and Quality. And there happening a Dispute between this Envoy and the English Ambassador concerning Precedency of place; the Turks yielded it to the English, being made to understand the Difference which Christian Princes make between the Title of an Ambassador and that of an Envoy, though the Turks use but that one word of Elchi to express both. And though the Baron Chinski laboured to diminish the Dignity of an English Ambassador at Constantinople, by alleging, that he was elected by the Company of Merchants for Conservation of their Trade only, and afterwards confirmed and honoured by the King: yet this Argument was in no wise prevalent with the Turks, who esteeming the Commission of the Prince, and the Charge of an Office the only Qualification to ennoble a Person, made no Disficulty to determine the Point in behalf of the English. And though some Italian Writers say, that the English Ambassador gave fifteen Purses of Money, or seven thousand five hundred Dollars to the Chimacam for this Favour; yet those who understand how unwillingly the Turky-Merchants part with their Money on defence of such punctilio's and Niceties, especially where the Ambassador might have avoided the bringing them into Dispute, will more readily believe, that the Turks from free motives of their own Justice and Reason judged this Honour due to the Ambassador, than that he should purchase this indisputable Point by the disgraceful means of Mony.  
All matters being now determined between the Turks and Persia, year 1640. and the black Clouds blown over from the Venetians, 
The Turkish Counsels uncertain about a War.  the Grand Signior studied how and where he might turn his Arms with most Advantage: he had conceived an irreconcilable pique against Ragotski and Matthew for the Causes before related; but having an intention to make use of their Force against Poland or Germany, or against them both together, he dissembled the Passion he conceived against them, and rather deferred his Revenge, than pardoned the Liberty which they had exercised without his Licence or Assent. Sometimes he resolved to recover Asac out of the hands of the Cossacks; sometimes he thought of making War upon Poland, judging himself much affronted by that King, for not sending an Ambassador to congratulate his late Successes: Then he supposed, that a War in Germany would be more easy, and the Conquest more profitable by reason of the Riches of the People, and the Fertility of the Soil, to which pretences could never be wanting on the score of those Differences which always arise amongst the People of the Frontiers. During these Debates and Counsels, Preparations were made for War both by Sea and Land, as yet uncertain where they should be employed: To command them the Great Vizier was ordered to hasten his Journey from Persia, 
The Vizier returns from Persia.  whose Arrival was celebrated at Constantinople with a solemn Entry; and for a particular and distinguishing Honour, the Grand Signior sent him a Vest from his own Back to wear on the day of his Triumph. This Vizier was a Person very austere in his Behaviour, bold and valiant, as he evidenced by his Actions in taking Bagdat, zealous for his Master's Interest; and, what is rare in a Turk, not much addicted to his own: He had acquired a great share in the Esteem of his Master, and his Authority increased, as the daily Decay of the Grand Signior's Health rendered him less able for Government. For now the strong Complexion of Morat began to grow feeble by excesses of frequent Debauchery, his Stomach was become cold and weak, not able to digest the lightest Meats, his hand shook, and a paralytical Distemper seized him in every part; so that his Mother and the Physicians persuaded him to forsake the use of Wine, as Poison and Destruction to his Health; and he, whilst he was sensible of his languishing Condition, like a true Penitent, made many Protestations and Vows against it, forbidding the accursed Poison to be received within the Walls of the Seraglio: Howsoever his kind Heart could not possibly withstand the Temptation of a Banquet to which his Pot-companions did sometimes invite him; amongst which the Great Vizier would not be wanting also to please and cajole the Humour of his Master with the Liquor that he loved. But his chief and constant Comrades in drinking were his Persian Favourite, and Mustapha Pasha of Bosna, one educated in the Seraglio, promoted to the place of Selictar Aga, to whom he gave the stately Palace of Ibrahim Pasha on the Hippodrome, together with his eldest Daughter in Marriage. These two stout Sons of Bacchus persuaded the Grand Signior to appoint one solemn Drinking-day in time of the Biram, which is the great Festival of the Year, and introduced by their Prophet in imitation of our Easter. Morat being at this time possessed with the Spirit of Debauchery, accepted the Motion, and invited the two Drunkards to dinner with him. The Persian provoked his Pleasure of drinking by salt Meats, and by peppered and spiced Dishes; the sort of Wine they most used, was a sweet Malvoisia, sometimes twisted, and encouraged with the strong Waters, called Rosa Solis, of which they sucked so long, and with such Excess, that falling under the force of it, they were insensibly carried away to their several Beds. This dissolute Repast became fatal to the Grand Signior; for a Fire being kindled in his Veins and Bowels, he fell into a violent and continued Fever. The Physicians being called, were fearful to administer Remedies, lest proving unsuccessful, their Lives should pay for the ineffectual Operation: At length they agreed to let him blood, 
The death of Sultan Morat.  but this hastened his Death. For he died the fourth Day of his Fever, being the 8 th' of February, in the seventeenth Year of his Reign, and the one and thirtieth of his Age, having ruled in the height of all Disorders and irregular Excesses, which his youthful Years enabled him to support. With his Death all his thoughts and Designs of making a War against Christendom perished, having sworn after his Return from Persia to reduce all his neighbouring Countries to the Mahometan Law. 
His Character.  He was of a most cruel and implacable Disposition, having amongst his other Acts of Tyranny imbrued his Hands in the Blood of his two Brothers, Orchan and Bajazet; as also strangled his Uncle Mustapha, whose innocent Weakness had been sufficient to secure his Life against any, but the most horrid Monster of human Tyranny. He left no Son; for though he had divers, they died in their Infancy, notwithstanding which his Kindred were so detested by him, that he envied the Descendence of Monarchy on his Brother Ibrahim, who was preserved by a strange Providence from his Fury: often saying, that he wished that he might be the last of the Ottoman Line, that the Empire of that Family might end with him, and devolve unto the Tartar. He was certainly the most absolute Prince that ever swayed the Ottoman Empire; but of no Religion, seldom fasting in the Month of Ramasan, contemning and laughing at the Santones, and others of their Religious Orders. He was very inquisitive into all Actions of the City, for which he maintained his Spies, and oftentimes took his Rules and Measures from Discourses of People concerning his Government. He was a great Dissembler, ready, active, and revengeful, covetous to Extremity, having left fifteen Millions of Gold i● his Treasury, which was empty when he entered upon the Sovereignty. In short, he was so bad, that he had scarce any Alloy of Virtue; being so great a Tyrant, that at length he became his own Assassinate, and fell unlamented by all but the two Companions of his bestial Excess.  
The End of Sultan Morat's Life.   

 

I that of Ott'man blood remain alone,  
Called from a Prison, to ascend a Throne.  
My easy mind I bend to soft Delights,  
hating th'unpleasant thoughts ofNavalFights.  
Till mad with manton Loves, I fall at first  
Slave to my orone, then to my people's lust.    

THE REIGN OF Sultan IBRAHIM, TWELFTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS.  
SVltan Amurath, or Morat, after a Fever of eight Days continuance, caused by an excess of Debauchery in Wine, having on the eighth of February, 1640, according to the New-Stile, expired his last Breath. His Mother, called Kiosem, comforted herself with the thoughts that her Son Sultan Ibrahim still lived, 
Vid. the Ott. State.  and was the sole Survivor, and undoubted Heir of the Ottoman Family. To whose Succession, that she might make the more facile and undisturbed Entrance, she consulted with all the Viziers, requesting their Consent and Assistance, in the lawful promotion of her remaining Son to the Throne of his Ancestors: For she had understood, that Morat, who always abhorred the ill-shaped Body, and weaker Mind of his Brother, envied him the Dignity of the Ottoman Sceptre, and therefore had bequeathed the Succession to the Tartar, having, in the Heat of a Debauch, and Fumes of Wine, compelled his Pasha's to swear to the performance of his Testament.  
Wherefore the Queen, assembling them together, with gentle Words, desired them to remember, That Ibrahim was the Lawful Heir, and their true Emperor; that the Tartar Han was a Stranger, odious to the Soldiery, and not beloved by the People: that an Alteration of this Nature could never be contrived and executed, without danger to the Actors; and that they, to whom she assured the continuance of the same Honours and Offices, in Reward of their constant Allegiance, would be in hazard of losing all, by the coming of a Foreign Prince, who having Confidents of his own to prefer, and grand Necessities to satisfy, would make bold even with Estates and Provinces to prefer his Favourites, his Kindred, and Countrymen, and establish the firmness of his Government on their Ruin. Yet, setting aside those Considerations, touching their own Safety and Interest, she promised, That if they would reach out their Hands unto her Son, for to lift him unto the Throne, he should acknowledge his Empire from them, and accordingly love, tender, and esteem such faithful Subjects.  
The Viziers, after some Reflections on the Tye and Obligation which Sultan Morat had caused them to make to him, declared, and published it to be unlawful, and void; protesting, That they were resolved to maintain inviolable the Allegiance they owed unto Sultan Ibrahim, descended from the Ottoman Blood, which they reverenced and adored, with an Awe equal to the Religious Esteem which their Forefathers had of it; and therefore, with one Voice they cried out, Let Sultan Ibrahim live.  
Herewith the Council breaking up, the Viziers, accompanied with all the Officers and Attendants of the Seraglio, went with Shouts and loud Acclamations, to the Prison of Ibrahim, to salute him Emperor; for he, poor Prince, had now for four Years remained a sad Recluse in a dark Room, where he had received neither Light nor Air, but what came from a little Window, which sometimes in favour was opened to him from Above; and what was worse, the continual expectations, and fear of Death, without Friends, Conversation, or Hope, rendered those Apprehensions worse than Death itself; which daily were represented to him in that Solemnity, as might terrify a Mind more constant and firm than his.  
So soon as he heard the SHouts and Voices of a Multitude near his Door, he immediately conceived, that the Fate was now come which he had so long expected, and therefore he barred his Door, and denied to give Entrance: And when the Viziers proclaimed him Emperor, (fearing it might be some Artifice of his Brother, to see with what Joy he would entertain the News) he answered, That he did not so much as think of the Empire, nor desire it, but only prayed that Sultan Morat might live, to whom he pretended not to be a Brother, but a Slave: And when he perceived that they began to force the Door, though with terms of Respect and Observance, he still endeavoured to keep it close; for Nature had taught him to conserve a Life, howsoever Miserable, and void of Consolation.  
He continuing thus resolute not to open, Reverence to his Person commanded them to forbear any ruder Violence; until the Queen-Mother overhearing all this Stir, descended herself in Person; and first causing the dead Corpse of Sultan Morat to be extended before his Door, with gentle Compellations, and confident Assurances, averred the Death of his Brother. The Voice of his Mother began to dissipate the Fears, and being in part already convinced by his Ears, he adventured to peep at the Door, and giving then entire Credence to his Eyes, his Heart and Spirits consented to revive; and so retiring back into his Chamber, he willingly received the Congratulations of the Ministers and Soldiers; which being passed, he readily applied his Shoulders to the Coffin of his dead Brother; and having bore his share of that dear Burden to the Gate of the Seraglio, he there resigned it to his Domestic Officers, who buried him in the Sepulchre of Sultan Achmet.  
From thence he took Boat, and passed to the Mosch of Iub's Seraglio, where in the space of eight days, he completed all the Ceremonies of his Coronation; and afterwards, according to the Custom of his Ancestors, he road through the City to his great Palace; but whether it were for want of practice, or by reason of a Posture natural unto Fools, he sat so ridiculously on his Saddle, as moved rather the Laughter than the Acclamation of the People.  
In fine, being entered the Seraglio, he began to breath, and enjoy the Air of Liberty, with so much contentment and satisfaction, that he unwillingly would empair the least Particle of his late acquired Freedom, by thinking, or attending to Business, and as if he enjoyed sufficient, committed all to the management of his Mother; howsoever, being desirous to handle something of the Government, he did it with so little Grace and Dexterity, that it plainly appeared, that that Soul animated a Body not fit to sway or wield a Sceptre.  
The Queen-Mother, to maintain the Word she had given to the Viziers, continued them all in their respective Offices; so that, though there was great disproportion in the Mind of the two Princes, yet the Ministers being the same, there seemed to be little or no Alteration in the Government.  
The Great Vizier remembering well the thoughts of War which Sultan Morat meditated against the Cossack's, and being desirous of Glory, and continuance of his Power, resolved to prosecute the same Design, hoping to meet a Spirit in Ibrahim equal to the Generosity of his Brother. 
Reason's for a War with the Cossaks.  To this War many and various were the Motives; as ●irst, A natural desire of Revenge on the Cossacks, for having infested the Black Seas, that they might thereby provoke Poland to a War, which when they had reduced to some Extremity, the Emperor would consequently fall in to their Assistance, and thereby create Quarrels▪ which must necessarily open a large Field of Troubles; which being sown with the Seed of Discord, could not fail to produce Causes and Pretensions for a War.  
It being thus resolved, to which the Vizier neither wanted Eloquence nor Reasons to persuade, great Preparations were made for a War, which was intended to be maintained for many Years: During which time, God, who disposes all Things at his Pleasure, permitted a false Report to fly, that the Persians were providing a great Army to besiege Bagdat; to which the Turks giving entire Credence, it was resolved in the Divan, that those Preparations against Christendom, should be diverted towards the Parts of the Eastern Countries. By this vain Rumour only were all these Grand Designs disappointed, and all farther Thoughts vanished for the present of molesting the Christians. From whence it is observable, how necessary are the Foreign Residences of Ministers, and how absurdly the Turks err; who, by reason of their Pride, vouchsafe not to entertain Ambassadors in the Courts of Strangers, being beholden to the Jews, or Armenian-Merchants for all their Intelligence they receive touching the Affairs of Neighbouring Kingdoms.  
The Wars being thus suspended, the Great Vizier had time to cast his Eyes about him, and contrive the Ruin of such whom he suspected most dangerous to his Condition. Amongst the rest, none appeared more formidable than Mustapha Pasha, Captain-Pasha, a young brisk Person, and Favourite of the Queen-Mother, whom to remove was difficult and dangerous, being a Vizier as well as he, and in one of the most eminent Degrees of Dignity in the whole Empire: And therefore that he might touch him with smooth and gentle Terms, he practised upon him the ordinary Decoy of Preferment, proffering him the Government of Buda; which whilst the one seemed out of modesty to refuse, the other with the greater force of Compliment, and obliging expressions of Friendship, pressed him to accept. At length, overcome with importunity and kindness, Mustapha received the Proffer; whereby being divested of the Queen's Protection, he was soon after overtaken in his Journey towards his Principality, and by another Mandate required to take his way to the Province of Silistria, the smallest, and most inconsiderable of the Empire: in which he was no sooner invested, than a second Edict took off his Head.  
But another Mustapha, more fortunate, was sent Pasha to Grand Cairo in Egypt; he was a mortal Enemy to the Crim Tartar, of whom he showed his hatred at Rhodes, by putting his Son to Death, for having said, That Sultan Morat, and Sultan Ibrahim dying without Issue, the Empire was to descend to his Family. This Son of Tartar was then at Rhodes, it being a Custom always to have one of them as a Hostage for the Father's obedient Comportment towards the Turks, their place of Residence being either at Rhodes, or some Town on the Black Sea, as we have elsewhere declared.  
The Sultan in this Interim had little regard unto the Government, both for want of Capacity, and by reason of his luxurious and wanton Appetite, the which he indulged in the highest excess of Sensuality; for having been accustomed to a Prison, and Restraint, he knew not how to enjoy that freedom he had recovered, but by subjecting it to the imperious servitude of his Lusts. This Humour the Vizier and great Ministers cherished in him, by continual Banquets, Feasts, and Entertainments, in which he always took high contentment and satisfaction. His other Recreations were, Horse-races, and Shooting with the Bow, rewarding the most dexterous Archers. Business was a Stranger to him, he knew not what it meant, nor thought there was other Employment for the Emperor than to study those Pastimes, which most corresponded with his Youth and Nature: only the Vizier would sometimes, in Matters of high Importance, demand his Assent, which was either out of formality, or else to secure himself with the Name and Authority of his Master.  
The News of Sultan Ibrahim's promotion to the Throne being arrived at Venice, the most serene Republic dispatched Pietro Foscarini as their Ambassador Extraordinary to compliment the Sultan. 
Ambassadors sent to compliment Sultan Ibrahim.  The Prince of Transylvania in like manner sent his Tribute, which was some Hawks, and twelve Vessels of Gilded Plate, as feudatary Acknowledgements for the Lands held, and for his Confirmation in the Principality.  
The Ministers of other Princes having passed the like Addresses, which were customary, the Ambassadors of Poland made Complaints of the Tartars, whose Incursions against them, the Turks, by Conditions of Peace, were obliged to restrain; but in this, as in other Occasions since that time, the Poles could obtain no Redress from the Turks, who willing to have the Christians oppressed or ruined, either seemed not to give Credit to the Subject of Complaints, or else to find out Excuses to acquit the Tartar; which being so known and common a Practice with the Turk, it is to be wondered why the Poles have sent so many late Messages of this Nature, which in former, as well as in this present Age, have proved fruitless; a pregnant Example of which we shall find in the Reign of Sultan Mahomet, Son of this Ibrahim.  
Amongst other Corruptions of these Times, Asper's were so cut and clipped, that the Dollar rose from eighty to an hundred and twenty Asper's; which Irregularity being complained of in the Divan, all moneys were reduced to their intrinsic Value; and the Asper's called in to be coined in the Mint, to the great Damage of the People.  
But this Matter will not appear strange, if it be compared to the Vellion of Spain, and to the Permission in Turkey, of the base Alloy of Temins, by which never any Nation before was ever so cheated and abused.  
And now the Storms of War, which threatened from Persia, being blown over, it was judged seasonable to reassume the thoughts of War so long meditated against the Cossack's: In order unto which, Galleys were commanded to be built, which should draw little Water, and purposely made to pass the Shoals on the Black Sea near Asac, for the recovery of that Place out of the Hands of the Enemy. Another Squadron also of Galleys was designed for the Archipelago, to oppose the Galleys of Malta and Naples, which much infested those Seas.  
To the first Enterprise, the Tartar much excited the Turk, by reason that Asac did not only hinder his Incursions by Land, but rendered his Navigation in the Black Seas very unsecure. To the second, The Galleys of Malta much provoked them, under the Command of Frederick the Landgrave of Hesse; who by the Persuasions of the Cardinals of Savoy, and Barberini, from a Protestant was become a Roman Catholic, and had obtained the great Cross of Malta; and with several Galleys and Ships, performed some Exploits at Biserta, and at the Golletta near Tunis.  
The Year 1641 being now entered; year 1641. the Sultan passed a most Luxurious Life in his Seraglio, consuming an immense Treasure on his Women; and whilst these two Fleets were preparing to proceed on their respective Expedition, that intended for Asac had almost been diverted by the Rumours and Disturbances on the Frontiers of Hungary; but they were soon afterwards appeased, by an appearance of an Envoy from the Emperor, and return of a Chiaus to Vienna, with Ratification of all the former Articles and Conditions of Peace. Howsoever the Germane Internuncio was braved at the Port, for not appearing sooner with his Presents and Compliments of Congratulation, for the happy Entrance of Sultan Ibrahim to the Ottoman Throne; so apt are the Turks to believe Acts of Civility, or Ceremony, to be Parts of Obedience and Submission; and what Christians have once given them voluntarily, is afterwards exacted as a Matter of Debt or Duty.  
And being thus freed from a Suspicion of Troubles in Hungary, and exempted from the Fears of waging two Wars at once, (which the Turks always studiously avoid) they dispatched a Letter into Poland, to demand passage for their Army, through that Country, to the Siege of Asac; but that not being consented unto, the Turks prepared to open their way by Force, and the Poles to defend the Passage. In which interim, many Disasters concurred, sufficient to discourage the Turks in their Design; who are a People, that superstitiously calculate the Success of their Enterprises, by the difficulty or smooth success of their first beginnings: For when the Vizier was ready to depart, a dreadful Fire happened in Constantinople, to the quenching of which, applying not only his Orders, but his own Person; he adventured so far, that he burned both his Hands, and singed his Beard in that manner, that he was forced to take his Bed for several Days, where he was honoured with a Visit of the Sultan.  
News also came at the same time, that Tauris, or Ecbatan, on the Borders of Persia, was miserably ruined by an Earthquake; and what was worse, the Sultan himself was seized with an Apoplexy, which turned to a Paralytical Distemper, the Cause whereof was attributed to his excessive use of Women; to whom he was so immoderately addicted, that he consumed his Days and Nights in their Apartments. This Disease, which is ra●ely or never cured, being joined to a Report given out by his Ladies, that notwithstanding his Venereal Heat, he was yet Impotent as to Women; created a Belief, or at least a strong probability, that he might die without Issue, which caused high Confusion in the Counsels of the Grandees, that no Design could make any cheerful Progress, until Provision was first made for Supply of the Ottoman House; for the Succession of the Tartar was in no manner convenient or secure; but rather that the Throne should be furnished with the Son of a Sister, or of a Niece, than to subject themselves to the Rule and Passions of a Foreign Prince. And though the Sultan did afterwards recover his Health, yet all suspected and feared, that by the immoderate Heat of his Venerial Inclination, he would die without Children; every one discoursing, as moved by his Passion, or his Interest.  
About this time arrived an Ambassador at Constantinople from the Softa of Persia, bringing a Ratification of the Peace; who was so much the more welcome, by how much more the present Conjuncture rendered it advantageous; and being ushered in with exceeding rich Presents, ravished the Hearts of the Turks, whose good Nature melts and dissolves with the sight or hopes of Gifts.  
In Dalmatia, near the Confines of Zara, the Turks made Incursions on the Venetian Territories, and caused some Disturbances: but being chastised by an Ambush laid for them, whereby about two hundred of them perished; all Matters were again reconciled, and the Peace renewed.  
And now one would imagine, that the Design against Asac, by such diversity of Obstructions, were absolutely laid aside; which though they were of that Importance, and especially the fear of Ibrahims' Death, to detain the Vizier at Home; yet he thought fit to prosecute the Design under the Command of the Pasha of Silistria, to whom he had committed the Conduct of this War.  

The Siege of Asac.  The Pasha proud of his Charge, rejoiced to be employed in a War, wherein he apprehended so little difficulty, and prognosticated to himself nothing but Glory and Victory; esteemed the Defendants for no other than Fishermen, and better experienced to sail their Boats, and govern their Saiks in the Black Seas, than to draw up an Army in the ●ield, or defend their Walls, This Confidence was farther increased, by an Embassy at the same time from the Moscovite, who not only renounced all Assistance or Concernment for that Town, but renewed with them his Friendship, and Articles of ancient Agreement.  
The Ottoman Army, besides Janissaries, and other Turks, consisted of Moldavians, and Walachians, and a great number of Tartars▪ which at first entered into their Trenches, and besieged the Town; but here they rested not securely, by reason of the frequent Sallies the Besieged made upon them; and more especially by the Mines which they sprang, to the terror and damage of their Enemies. The Turks moved hereat, made furious Assaults, but were as valiantly repulsed by the Defendants, who threw scalding Water, and Pitch, and burning Sulphur upon the Assailants; so that not being able to take the Town by Force, they retired to their Trenches, and deliberated in what manner, by fair Promises, and Money, they might invite them to Surrender. Hereupon the Captain-Pasha, the Tartar Han, and others, tried the Efficacy of large Proffers of Privileges to the Town, their Country, and Inhabitants; with a Gratuity of twelve thousand Hunger's of Gold: But these Promises could make no more entrance into their Hearts, than the Turks could do into their Walls, which they seemed resolute to defend, wanting neither Provision, nor Ammunition, nor courage for the War; but on the contrary side, all these were wanting in the Turkish Camp; so that fifteen days passed without any Action, until they were supplied by the arrival of certain Brigantines, and light Vessels, dispatched with all expedition with the necessaries of War: At the coming of which, the Turks prepared for another Assault, which they continued uncessantly for the space of seven days, but were received with that ●igour by the Besieged, that they could not gain one palm or inch of ground; So that at length with disgrace, and discouragement, they were forced to give over their Attempt, despairing to gain the Town in the time, and with the Force which was allotted for this Enterprise.  
With this ill Success, Extremity and Famine pinched the Turks in their Trenches so much, that an Ox was sold for fifteen Zechins, a Lamb for three, and a Measure of Barley, which served a Horse for one time, for a Dollar; so that at length they were forced to raise the Siege; and the Captain Pasha, by tempestuous Wether, was constrained to shelter his Fleet in the Port of Caffa. In their return Home, the General was fearful of having forfeited his Head; the Commanders were silent, and ashamed of their Success, and the Soldiers discouraged, famished, and poor; for they had lost three thousand Spahees, seven thousand Janissaries, and eight hundred other Soldiers, besides Moldavians, Walachians, and Tartars; those that survived of the Foot were naked▪ and many sick; the Spahees were without Horses, with which they were supplied by the Tartars; and in fine, so unsuccessful were all Mat●ers, that the Veteran Soldiery avouched, that they never endured a more cruel, nor a more miserable War.  
And now we shall end this Year 1641, 
The just punishment of a Persian Traitor.  with the ruin of Emir Guimir, a Persian by Birth, a Favourite, and yet Traitor to his Natural Prince. This Emir, in the last Wars which Sultay Morat waged against Persia, was entrusted with an Embassy, and with Conduct of part of his Army, but he betrayed both to the Turk, under whose Protection he took Sanctuary, and obtained great Gifts and Preferments, for a Reward and Price of his Treachery. Sultan Morat afterwards bestowed a magnificent Seraglio upon him, situated on the Bosphorus, enriched him with a vast Treasury, and what is more, with his Favour, making him his Companion in his Pastimes, and his Confident in his serious Counsels: It wa● he that first persuaded the Sultan to drink Wine, in which both of them were beastly intemperate, and mighty and valiant to bear, until the heat thereof having extinguished the natural heat of their Stomaches, it became too cold and crude, unless corrected, or fortified with Rach, or distilled Spirits. The Fumes of such strong Drinks, were the cause of the extravagant Actions which Morat practised in his Life, and afterwards became the means to hasten his Death; whose days being ended, it was time also for prosperous Wickedness to expire, and to meet a Punishment equal to its Demerits. Wherefore one day, (having desired Licence of the Vizier to return to his own Country, where it is believed he had by Money purchased his Pardon) he was called to the Vizier's Presence, and there, without any Impeachment, Process, or Accusation, had the String applied to his Throat, and strangled on the place; the reason hereof some give, to be the immense Riches which Sultan Morat had bestowed upon him, though there wanted not many Causes to render him suspected, and obnoxious to the present Government; first, because he was too well acquainted with the Secrets of the Seraglio, and of that State, to live in any other Country than the Turkish Dominions; than it was feared that the Persian Ambassador might make use of this Person to act what Treason he pleased on the remainder of the Ottoman Family, on promise that such an Attempt should expiate his former Villainy, and regain the favour of his natural Prince. But such signal Actions as these, are commonly wrote in such large Characters of Divine Justice, which never left Treason unpunished, either in this Life or the other; that we need not search or inquire for a further Cause or Occasion of this Punishment.  
year 1642. The Year 1642 being now entered, and the Turks desirous to repair their last Years Disgrace, resolved again, with better Preparation and Conduct, to attempt Asac; but before they would engage, according to their usual Custom, they determined to conclude all Umbrages, and Matters of Dispute arisen on the Confines of Hungary. To which end, the Emperor deputed the Baron of Questemberg, with other Barons; and the Turks on their side commissionated the Pashaws of the Confines, with Instructions not to insist too strictly on the Conditions, lest it should retard the Peace, and obstruct the other Design of War: Wherefore ●he Turk's condescending to Matters reasonable, and yielding up part of their Usurpation, a Peace was concluded for twenty Years, much to the Advantage and Favour of the Christians.  

The Birth of Sultan Mahomet.  And now, to give farther Courage to the Prosecution of higher Attempts, the whole Turkish Empire was replenished with Joy, for the Birth of a young Prince Sultan Mahomet, than now reigns; so that the supposed Impotency of the Father (whereby the Ottoman Family might have been extinguished) was proved otherwise by plain Effect; and the fear of those that ruled the Empire vanishing by the Rising of this new Star, all places were filled with Joy and Triumphs; only the Tartar Han finding himself thus disappointed, was supposed not willing to concur heartily in this common Joy. In this manner vanished the appearance of Civil Dissension in that Family, which now flourishes and increases every day, and insensibly creeps forward to the Design (which they hope) of an Universal Monarchy. Pardon me, O Christian Kings, if I say insensibly, for methinks you are sensible of the least touch you receive from one another, but feel not the gripes and pinches of your Common Enemy, who like a Hectic Fever hath mingled with your Blood, and stolen into the Marrow of your Strength, where he will lurk until he hath dissolved the Fabric of your Christian World, unless expelled by Concord amongst yourselves, and the Divine Assistance favouring your united Forces.  
But now to return again to the famous Siege of Asac; 
The War renewed against Asac.  It being the custom to cast all Miscarriages in War on the General, the Visier displaced the Captain-Pasha, taking upon himself that Office and Title, of which there was never any former Example. In the Place likewise of the Pasha of Silistria, was constituted Mustapha Pasha of Egypt; which Government, though much inferior to his former, yet was received without sense of Disgrace, it not being the Riches or Power of any Office that confers Honour, but the Favour and good Will of the Sulan. Nor did only the Miscarriage of the late War tend to the disrepute of the former Pasha of Silistria, but the Report of his having poisoned the Tartar Han increased the difficulty of reconcilement with his Superiors, which being a Matter rather suspected than proved, excused him from farther punishment than only a deprivation of his Office.  
The new Pasha of Silistria thus taking upon himself the Command of the Army, and Conduct of this War, assembled a Force of Turks, Tartars, Moldavians, and Walachians, far exceeding the number of the last Year. At the News of which, and of the Fleet of Galleys designed to besiege them by Sea, they apprehended their Danger so great, that without the Assistance of the Moscovite, they concluded it impossible to defend their City; to him therefore they made Applications for Succour, representing unto him the extremity their Affairs were in, by reason of that powerful Enemy which threatened them; and that having always acknowledged him for their Protector, there was no Refuge left them but under the defence of his Arms. But hereunto the Moscovite gave a brief reply, That he had lately concluded Peace with the Turk; since which, having received from him no occasion of breach, he could not with any Justice engage so soon against him in a War.  
The Cossacks being thus disappointed of their principal Hopes, 
The Inhabitants abandon Asac.  resolved to abandon thei● City; but to make the best advantage of their flight, they carried with them all their Movables; and demolished their Walls, and ruined their Houses, leaving the Place a notorious Spectacle of Despair and Ruin; and no other Possession to their Enemies, than the compass of so much ground pestered with Rubbish, and rude heaps of Stones. The Pasha howsoever abundantly contented, that his ve●y Name was sufficient to affright his Enemies▪ entered the City with Triumph, where he began to repair the Walls, and in●ite the Inhabitants to return, with all assurance of Security, and Protection. This gentle Treatment recalled many back to their Homes, so hardly are Men weaned from their Native Country; and in a short time the City beginning to fill, all Matters seemed to return to their pristine State and Condition.  
About this time the Persian, by his Ambassador, renewed his League with the Turk, 
The Persian renews his League.  and confirmed it in the Name of the new King; which was performed on condition that the Softi should demolish the Fortress of Fortrina, which he had, contrary to Articles, built on the Frontiers, not far from the Caspian Sea; which that it might assuredly be performed, a Capugibathee was dispatched to see it effected.  
And in this manner, Asa● being subdued, and a Peace secured with the Persian; The Turks, who can neither live in quiet with their Neighbours, nor observe Capitulations longer than they turn to their advantage, contrived to take Giavarine, alias Rab, a strong Fortress on the Confines of Hungary, by a Stratagem which they designed in this manner: Certain Soldiers habited like Peasants, 
The Turks seek to take Rab by Stratagem▪  were crowded into several Carts, covered with Hay, which being entered within the Walls, were immediately to leap forth, and surprise the Sentinels and Guards at the Gates (which might easily be executed on Men, whom twenty Years before of Peace had made secure) these were to be seconded by four thousand Soldiers, which lay ready in a Neighbouring Valley; but it happened, That an Officer of the Garrison returning from Hunting, had by chance discovered this strong Party of Turks, which caused him to quicken his pace towards the Town, and overtaking in his way certain Carts of Straw, which appearing to be laden in a form different to what was usual, increased in him a farther suspicion of Treachery; howsoever, he proceeded forward with the more haste, yet without any appearance of Jealousy: until being entered into the Town, he declared what he had seen, at which the Garrison was immediately in Arms; and having permitted the Carts to enter, the Bridge was drawn up, and the Carts being searched, the whole Fraud and Treachery was discovered; and having made the Turks Prisoners, and armed the Walls with Soldiers, the whole Design was disappointed; so that those who lay in Ambush returned to their own Cities. The Emperor hereupon resolved to send an Ambassador to Constantinople, to complain of this Treachery; whereof the Turks being ashamed, and the more because it did not succeed; refused to admit the Ambassador, unless the Emperor would first agree to pay a yearly Charge of an hundred thousand Rixdollars to the Port; not by way of Tribute, but of Present; in which unreasonable Demand, they took more confidence, in regard they perceived that the Emperor was engaged in a War against the Swede. Upon this dishonourable Demand, the Emperor deferred the Embassy intended, supposing it less perilous to adventure a War in Hungary, than dishonourable to condescend unto a Proposition so derogatory to the Majesty of his Cesarean Greatness.  
year 1643. This Year 1643 being entered, the Prince of Transylvania conveyed his Annual Tribute, being ten thousand Zechins, to the Port; which when the Agents of that Prince presented before the Vizier, he seemingly refused it; pretending that the complete Tribute was to be fifteen thousand, according to Agreement: but the Agents replied, that five thousand had been remitted unto Bethlem Gabor, not by way of Gratuity or Recompense for his Service, but in Exchange, or as the price of two Cities, which the Prince had yielded to the Sultan, out of his own proper Estate in Hungary: With which Answer the Vizier remained satisfied, being jealous of the Turbulent and active Spirit of that Prince.  
During all these Wars and Revolutions in Kingdoms and States, Sultan Ibrahim contained and contented himself within the Precincts of his Seraglio; where becoming a faithful and valiant Soldier of Venus, he consumed more Treasure in that War, than his Brother Morat did in Foreign Conquests; and being, as it were, entered into the Mahometan Paradise, where the Company of fair Women is the chiefest Felicity promised, he laboured to increase the Ottoman Family, and to acquit his People of the apprehension they had of wanting an Heir to succeed in the Throne; so that on the 15 th' of February he had a second Son born, and a third on the 12 th' of March following; which absolutely took away the Reproach of his Frigidity or Impotence, proving afterwards the most lascivious and devout Sultan that ever aspired to the Mahometan Heaven.  
This Year the Turks armed out twenty Galleys more than usual, besides thirty Sail of Ships, and Gally-Grosses; in the beginning of june, riding at the Seraglio Point (where the Commanders in Chief came to take their leave of Sultan Ibrahim) they divided into two Squadrons; one of which consisting of twenty Galleys, under the Command of Beker Pasha, took their Voyage into the Black Sea; the remainder under the Captain Pasha, sailed for Cyprus, with intention to do Justice on the Pasha of that Island, whose Riches gained by Oppression, had debauched him from due Obedience towards his Prince; and being arrived there, without Rumour or Noise, giving signs of good Will and Respects towards the Pasha, one day he sent to invite him Aboard to banquet with him; where the Pasha foolishly coming, and having well eaten and drank with him, his Entertainment had not time time to digest, before he breathed his Last; for being on his departure, the Slaves assaulted him, and strangled him by Order of the Captain-Pasha.  
No other Matters remarkable did the Turkish Fleet perform this Year at Sea, before they returned again to their Winter-Quarters. Howsoever this Year proved favourable to many poor Christians in Slavery; for there happening a most miserable Plague in Alexandria, which relaxed the Spirits of Men, and rendered every one so negligent in his Office, that about fourthousand Slaves taking advantage of such Remissness in their Guardians, seized a Ship in Port, and crowding themselves therein, set Sail, and landed some of their People at Candia, others at Malta, the rest at Marscillia, by which means they happily regained their Liberty: on which encouragement eight hundred more adventuring to perform the like, and fight in a Body at the Gate of Alexandria, three hundred of them were slain, the rest leapt into a Galley, which though without Oars, had yet her Sails to the Yard, and having the fortune of a favourable Wind, arrived safe at Candia; in like manner they became free, taking convenient passage from thence to divers parts of Christendom: These Slaves were all redemanded by the Grand Signior from the Venetians; in which no Satisfaction being given, was one Cause and Original of that War which afterwards ensued.  
And now the Year 1644 being begun, year 1644. Ragotski, who was never contented but in Combustions, and never at ease but when he was proving new Projects, made Demands of certain Places on the Confines of Moravia, situated within the Mountains, which he challenged as the Inheritance of his Son; besides other Pretences which he made in right of Bethlem Gabor. To forward which Designs, moved with an inveterate Enmity to the Austrian Family, he endeavoured to win the Hearts of the Commonalty with a plausible Declaration for Liberty, and to throw off the Yoke which had so long gauled the Neck of Hungary; whereby having raised an Army of twenty thousand Horse, and thirty thousand Foot, he entered, and spoiled the Country of his old Enemy and Neighbour the Count of Humanay an Hungarian, took Solnock by force, and besieged Fileck, and Cassovia: For suppression of which Insurrection and Rebellion of Ragotski, the Emperor was forced to a War; and having Rendezvoused his Army at Presbourg, the Conduct thereof was committed to the Charge of Count Puceain.  
The Turks having intelligence of these Preparations for War, commanded twenty thousand Men to march into those Parts to oppose these Combustions on the Frontiers; with six-thousand of which the Count Puecaim encountering furiously, assaulted and routed them. And in the mean time Ragotski laying aside all care for the War in Hungary, applied himself to relieve Olimz in Moravia; but in his March thither he was recalled by the Inhabitants of Sendar, which is a Castle erected on a Hill near Cassovia, offering to surrender unto him; but the Governor Forgatz, and the Germane Garrison opposing this Mutiny of the People, a Civil War began amongst themselves, but at length the advantage falling unto Ragotski, the Gates were opened unto the Transylvanians; with which Success their Spirits being raised to higher Matters, they proceeded forward, until General Getz with a strong Body, gave a stop unto their Progress. And thus was the Fire of War rekindled again in Hungary, by means of Ragotski; to whom notwithstanding the Turks would never adhere, being well acquainted with his turbulent and unsteady Humour. In the mean time the Emperor dispatched his Ambassador with rich Presents to the Sultan, desiring him to forbear giving farther Assistance unto Ragotski; but what between Skirmishes, Propositions, and Treaties, Matters were not composed until the 14 th' of August 1645, at which time all Articles were concluded and signed between the Emperor and Ragotski.  
But to return now to the Affairs of Constantinople; Sultan Ibrahim having the Fortune of Active and Prudent Ministers, attended entirely to his Pastimes and Pleasures, without Prejudice to his Interest, and the State of his Empire; for the first Vizier being Faithful and Vigilant, immediately cut off those Members with the Sword, which he suspected in the least manner inclinable to Sedition; amongst which were the Pashaws of Aleppo and Caffa. For by this kind of seasonable and speedy Remedies, the Plethory of the Ottoman Empire is commonly evacuated, and the Body Politic thereof restored to its pristine state of Health and Safety.  
In like manner the Valede Sultana, being a Woman of great Courage and Abilities, attended carefully to the Welfare of her Son, whom she sometimes decked up, and set forth as a Property of Majestic Gravity to the People, whilst she herself assumed the Authority, and carried all things with a high and imperious Spirit; and being ambitious to be feared as well as honoured, she laid violent Hands on the first Vizier, called Mustapha, and strangled him; for though he was an Active and Faithful Minister, yet because he passed something on her which she imagined did savour of neglect, and because she apprehended his Power, which was greatly confirmed by the Interest and Favour he had with the Janissaries, and their Favourers, she resolved to make him an Example, as well of her Revenge, as her Power; after whose Death the Charge of first Vizier was conferred on Mahomet the Pasha of Damascus.  
The same Fate befell the Captain-Pasha, who was likewise strangled for having over-boldly, or peremptorily, made answer to some Impertinencies of the Grand Signior; and his Office was afterwards conferred on Beker Pasha of Rhodes. With such Rigour as this do the Sultan's govern, who resolve to be obeyed, and to have their Commands executed without delay or contradiction.  

The Tartars make Incursions into Poland, notwithstanding the Peace.  Whilst these Matters were in agitation, the Tartars forgetful of their Peace, made another Incursion with thirty thousand Men into Russia, against whom Konispolski having made Head with twenty thousand Men only, overthrew them, and killed twelve thousand, and took three thousand Prisoners, pursuing the rest to the Borders of Walachia. In like manner Wisnowick, a noble Polander, happily encountered another Party of Tartars, as they were on their return from spoiling the Countries of Moscovia; of whom having killed 10000 Men, he recovered their Booty, and sent the rest Home naked and empty. This was the true and most effectual Means for the Polanders to avenge and right their Injuries, and more prevalent than Ambassies and Messages of Complaint unto the Port; which we have experienced since, and in the present Reign of the Son of Ibrahim, to have been so far from producing Matter worthy so much as the Charge of the Ambassador, that they have been retorted with Ignominy and Affronts.  
But here Ibrahim perceiving how the Poles had avenged themselves with their own Sword, would seem to approve of the Action, which he could not hinder; and to appear a sincere Observer of the Peace, he deposed the Tartar Han for his unlawful Incursions; which was such a satisfaction to the Crown of Poland, as they never could obtain by force of Justice, Complaints, and Virtue of passive Valour, until their active Fortitude took their Cause in Hand, and pleaded for them.  
On the 19 th' of March of this Year, a fourth Son was born to Sultan Ibrahim; and on the 19 th' of February following, being in the Year 1645, notwithstanding all the Reports of his Impotency, was born a fifth Son, named Solyman, to the great contentment of his People.  
The Turks Galleys this Year, under the Command of Beker their new Captain-Pasha, made an Attempt on the Coast of Calabria, bringing from thence two hundred Slaves; and attempting the like near Corton, paid for their former Booty, with the loss of five hundred Men.  
Howsoever, the Galleys of Malta, being six in number, had better Success as to themselves, though the Consequences thereof proved fatal to the Venetians, having given the first occasion of that long War, which afterwards ensued between the Turk and them.  
The truth of which Story is this, 
The Story of Kuzlir Aga, his Slave and Sun taken by the Malteses.  free of all Romance or Fable, which the Knights of St. john or Malta would mix therewith: It happened that the Kuzlir Aga, or chief Eunuch, which governs the Women in the Signior's Seraglio, having cast his Eye on a fair Slave, then set to sale by a Persian Merchant, became so enamoured of her, that he purchased her for himself, under the Notion of a Virgin, at the price of four hundred and fifty Dollars: But the Eunuch had not long entertained this Lady in his Service, before she proved with Child; not by him (you may conceive) if you understand how the Eunuches of this Country are disarmed of their Virility: At which he was so greatly offended, that he banished her from his Society, and confined her to the House of his Steward. The time being come for her to be delivered of her great Belly, it proved a Son; and some Months after, the Aga being desirous to see the Babe, was so pleased with the Aspect of it, that he resolved to adopt it for his own, ordering it clothes, and other Necessaries agreeable to its Condition. It happened that about that time Sultan Mahomet (which now reigns) was then born; and there wanting a Nurse for the Child, this beautiful Slave was preferred to the Honour; so that she was entertained near two Years in the Seraglio: During which time Sultan Ibrahim took such an affection to the Nurse's Boy, that he loved him better than his own eldest Son, who was of a bad Complexion, and of no better Air in his Face than his Father, and took great delight to play and sport with him; at which the Mother of Sultan Mahomet was so displeased, that she could not longer endure either Nurse or her Boy; and for her sake, took so much displeasure against the Kuzlir Aga, who preferred her, that neither his Presence nor Service were acceptable; and so violent she was in her Passion, that one day, when Sultan Ibrahim was playing with his Women and Children in the Garden, according to his usual Custom, throwing them one on the other into the Water, the Queen grew so furious, that she could not contain longer from venting her Anger in unhandsome Terms, and jealously against the Nurse and her Son. At which the Sultan being much displeased, and being illnatured, (if we may speak boldly of an Emperor) took her Son (which is now Sultan Mahomet) out of her Arms, and with some few Curses swung him into a Cistern; where he had been certainly drowned, had not every one in that instance applied themselves to save him; at which time he received the Mark or Scarborow he wears at this day in his Forehead.  
All th●se Matters served for farther Fuel to nourish the implacable Spirit of the Queen; which the Kuzlir Aga well observing, judged it prudence to give way to her Fury, and so begged his Dismission from the Court, together with his Slave and Son; and that having visited Mecha, according to his Law, he might enjoy a Retirement in Egypt, which is the Portion of banished Eunuches.  
The Queen easily consented hereunto; nor was it difficult to procure the Licence of the Sultan, who was as easily persuaded to any by those who were about him; wherefore the Eunuch having provided to be gone, shipped himself with his great Treasure, on the Fleet which was now designed, and ready to depart for Alexandria, which consisted of three Ships; one a great Gallion, and two others of lesser Burden, and seven Saiks; these having at the beginning of their Voyage found contrary Winds, 
T●e Engagement of the Turkish with the Malta Galleys.  put into Rhodes; from whence losing with more favourable Wether, they unfortunately met with six Malta Galleys, excellently well manned, and provided. The Admiral Gally immediately Boarded one of the Saiks, and took her, manned only by Greeks; by whom they were informed of the Condition, Quality, and Cargo of the greater Ship, which gave Heat and Resolution to the Soldiery. In like manner, with little Opposition, the Galleys called the St. john, and joseph, possessed themselves of one of the lesser Ships, which being laden only with Timber, brought from the Black Sea, to build Ships at Alexandria, was of little value, having forty Turks aboard, eight Women, and a Child which sucked at the Mother's Breast. In the mean time, the three other Galleys, called the St. Mary, St. Lorenzo, and Victory, attacked the great Gallion, and having cast their Iron Grapples into the Ship, with the Motion of the Ship, the Irons gave way and broke, only that of the St. Lorenzo held fast, so that the whole force of the Ship, both of small and great Shot, was poured in upon the Galley, to their damage and loss of Men. In the mean time the Admiral Gally came in to their Assistance, and Assaulting the Ship on the other Quarter, made a Diversion of their Men; and having thrown in their Grapples, they scaled the sides of the Gallion, as if it had been a Fortress; where being entered, they remained for some time at handy-blows with the Turks; but at length, all the Galleys coming to their help, having made an end of subduing the other Ships, the Turks were forced to retire under Covert of their Decks, which they defended still with singular Valour, wounding the Christians with their half Pikes through the Grating.  
But, in fine, the Captains of the Galleys, perceiving that this was not the way to compel them to a speedy Surrender, ordered several Musquetiers out of every Galley, to fire in at the Windows and loopholes of the Ship; by which having killed their Commander in Chief, their Valour and Constancy began to fail, and desirous to save their lives with loss of Liberty and Estates, they cast down their Arms, and begged Mercy.  
In this Engagement were killed the Captain of the St. Mary, and seven Cavaliers, of which sieve were French, one Italian, and one German; the Admiral himself, and the Captain of his Galley were both wounded; seventy nine Soldiers and Mariners killed, and an hundred thirty two wounded: Of the Turks it is not certain how many fell, in regard as they were killed, according to Custom, they cast them overboard; the Eunuch himself, though always educated in the softness of the Seraglio, and in the Conversation of the Female Court, yet in the end concluded his days like one of the Masculine Sex, fight valiantly with his Sword, until overwhelmed by his Enemies: by which it is observable, that those Persons lose not their Courage with their virile Parts; for it hath been known in former days, how that Eunuches have been Generals in the Turkish and other Armies, and conducted their Affairs with admirable Courage and Success.  
The Prize which the Christians had gained in this manner, was very considerable; for besides the Gold, Silver, and Jewels, which were the Treasure this Eunuch had amassed in the Reign of three several Sultan's, they gained three hundred and fifty Slaves, besides thirty Women, some of which were young and Virgins; so that there was not a Soldier or Seaman who had not a considerable share of benefit proportioned unto him. With this Fortune, towing their Prizes, they in a short time came to an Anchor in the Port of Calismene, in the Island of Candia, called anciently Phenice, on the Southside of the I●land, remote from all Venetian Garrisons; and where (as it is reported) they were supplied with no Provisions, excepting a small quantity of Biscuit, which was furnished by a Country Fellow, who for that very Cause was shot to Death. From hence the Galleys departing, arrived in Malta with their Prizes, where they were received in great Triumph. The young Son of the Eunuch (for so we call him) was reported to be a Son of the Grand Signior, sent into Egypt to be Educated, and was accordingly saluted, treated, and reverenced by the Grand Master; the same Opinion was dispersed and confirmed in all parts of Europe, and the Error for many Years maintained at the Expense of the 
* Of the Knights of Malta.  Religion, until the Boy growing up to a good Age, and not judged worthy of a Ransom, or enquiry after by the Turks, it was thought convenient for him to put off his State, and Greatness, and become a Friar, and I think a Dominican, and this is he who now goes under the name of the Padre Ottomano.  
The News hereof arriving at the Ottoman Court, Sultan Ibrahim was transported with Anger, threatening Destruction and Ruin unto Malta; besides he showed a most inveterate Passion against the Venetians, for not guarding the Seas from his Enemies, and for relieving them in their Ports. In which Rage and Fury, he put his own Captain Pasha to death, and Summoned the Christian Ambassadors, braving them all for the little respect was shown to his proper Shipping; and in short, was angry with all, but reserved the Effect of his Wrath to be poured on the Venetians, to which this Accident administered the first Original, and will afford us ample matter of Discourse in this ensuing History.  
For the Grand Signior first made his Complaints against Venice, to their Minister, or Bailo, then resident at Constantinople, called Soranço; alleging, that contrary to the Articles of Peace, they had afforded Provisions and Entertainment to his Enemies in Candia, and at a time when having made Prize of his own Ship, and Domestiques of his Seraglio, they seemed, with more extraordinary demonstrations of Hospitality than usual, to receive them into their Harbours. To which the Bailo made Answer, That his Majesty was ill informed of the true state of those Matters; for that the Port to which the Malteses came, had neither Castle nor Fortress belonging to it, but was an open, wide, and unfortified place; for if the Grand Signior is not able to defend th●se Ships from careening, as they have o●ten done before Rhodes itself, how was it possible for the Venetians to drive them from the Seas, and deny them the use of that Salt Water, which hath neither Fort nor Castle to reach and command them? With which Answer Ibrahim seemed to remain satisfied; and Matters appeared so appeased on the side of the Venetians, that Soranço, though a Person of a most acute and penetrating Judgement, imagined nothing less than a War: and though he was assured otherwise, by something that the English Ambassador had discovered in that Matter; yet because it came not first from the Report of one of his own Interpreters, he would not seem to believe or give credit thereunto, notwithstanding the strong Probabilities that might persuade it.  
Indeed, Christian Ministers must necessarily, with much Difficulties, and less Inspection, govern and penetrate Affairs in the Turkish Court than in any other; because access to the great Ministers is seldom privately or familiarly admitted, from whence wise Men most commonly take their Measures and Observations; but on the contrary, are forced to act all by the Negotiation, of their Druggermen or Interpreters; and as they hear with their Ears, so are they oftentimes beholden to their Reflections; which how subject they may be to Error, is best known to those Ministers who have practised much and long in that Court.  
And in this manner Ibrahim covered his Design against Candia, by pretence of making War upon Malta, to which he had lately received so just a provocation.  
To this Enterprise, none instigated him more than a certain Hagia, or Tutor, which had accompanied him in the time of his Solitude, and had instructed him in the first Principles of the Mahometan Doctrine; he was a subtle and understanding Man, and one who kept a secret Correspondence in the Christian Courts; for being Master of what Gold he pleased, he paid for his Intelligence with Liberality and Secrecy; and though he was no Prophet, yet he pretended to be a Magician, or Conjurer, or one that had a Command or Sovereignty over Familiar Spirits; an Excellency greatly admired and reverenced by the Turks. This Man had for a long Season attended an opportunity to promote a War against Venice; esteeming their Territories very convenient to be laid to the Turkish Dominions, and their Force an under-Match for the Puissance of the Ottoman Empire. And now this Accident provoking the Desire of the Turks to this War, and the Opportunity appearing commodious to cover the Design, under pretence of Assailing Malta, it was secretly resolved to attempt the Island of Candia; for as its Strength and Situation made it the Key to all the other Isles of the Archipelago, so it would be the Bulwark of the Maritime Countries, from whence the Passage would be short and easy into Africa; from whence the Galleys might advantageously relieve Cyprus, and guard the Fleet from Egypt, and from thence might be opened a Door to invade Sicily, and the other parts of Italy. On these Considerations, War being resolved against Candia, Reports divulged the Design only against Malta, and for that end, Orders were issued for building and fitting an h●ndred Galleys, and as many Ships of War; and Commands sent into Barbary for assistance of all their Naval Force●, and the Day appointed for Rendezvous and Departure; all which time the Enterprise was kept secret, and by no more Symptoms suspected, unless by the unusual Caresses the Turks at that time overacted in their officious kindness towards the Venetian Bailo.  
The Report of these great Preparations flying over all Parts of Europe, was entertained at Malta, with some Apprehension, as being the Place on which all the Storm was to refund its Fury.  
Whereupon the Cavaliers or Knights of that Place, summoning a Council, resolved to cite all the Fraternity to repair to the Defence of their Capital Seat, and of their Order and Patrimony. Likewise▪ Letters were directed to the several Officers, to prepare and send Powder, Match, and Led, Iron Buckets, and Timber to make Carriages for Cannon, and for other Uses; as also Corn, Biscuit, Salt, Flesh and Fish, Vinegar, Wine, and all other sorts of Ammunition. They likewise instituted some Officers over the Waters, to see that the ●ountains and Conduits should be made clear which were to serve the City; and that those without, that were to remain in the possession of the Enemy, should be carefully and artificially poisoned; all the Mills remaining in the Fields were transported into the Town; the Doors and Windows of Wood belonging to the Peasant's Houses, were taken down and carried into the City, with all their Utensils, and what else was portable, so that nothing remained but the wide Fields, and an open Air to breath in.  
In the mean time, the Venetians being a wise and jealous State, suspected the worst of all Events, and feared what their Minister at Constantinople could not discover; which caused them to make some Preparations, but yet with that dexterity and secrecy, as not to render them diffident of the Turks Proceedings. For to be jealous of a Friend, is sometimes to make him an Enemy; and Distrust always argue. Disaffection, which Prudence teaches to conceal from those who are more powerful than ourselves. Some were notwithstanding of Opinion, that the Complaints of Ibrahim were only Artifices to extract the Blood of Gold, which they judged fit to administer, if it were possible to satisfy the Appetite of those Leeches. Others were of a contrary sense, and would by no means admit it for good Counsel, or Policy, to buy their Peace of the Turk; for, besides that it was disagreeable to the Grandeur of Venice, it was but a Shadow that they purchased, since their Enemies could on every slight Occasion reassume what they had sold, and make the Menaces of War, and the Sale of Peace, serve them for a perpetual Fountain, and Mine of Gold and Treasure; and that since it was necessary, at one time or other, to cast off this Yoke of Tyranny; the sooner it was done, the Advantage would be the greater, and the Honour more apparent to the World, seeming to make War rather their Choice, than their last Remedy. Howsoever Orders were given to the Bailo, with all Prudence and Art, to touch gently the Pulse of the Turks, to discover if Money would redeem the present Quiet of their State.  
But the Resentment that the Turks had conceived, was grown apparent in the comportment towards the Bailo; for having one day demanded Audience, he attended several hours without admission; yet when the Ambassador of Ragotski come to the Vizier, he no sooner entered the House than he was received: and at the same time it was told the Bailo, that he might retire, for that there was no Place nor Season at present to a●●ord him Audience. In the mean time Ibrahim himself walked often to the Arsenal, to forward and hasten his Preparations, laying an Embargo on all Strangers Vessels in all▪ Ports of the Ottoman Dominions. Orders were likewise dispatched to Th●bes, Negropont, and other Parts of Greece, for making Biscuit; and to the Mo●ca for cutting and squaring of Timbers, and sacking Wools to fill up Trenches; in all which Rumour and Stir, there was no other discourse but of Malta, and of throwing that Island into the Sea with the Shovel and Mattock, and rendering it the most dreadful Example in the World of the Ottoman Rage and Greatness.  
With such Preludes as these, began a War of long continuance, maintained with various Successes for divers Years; the fatal Issue whereof, we our s●lves have seen and heard. But it is strange to consider, that an Exploit so Martial as this, should commence in the Reign of a Sultan wholly given up to his Pleasures, and so swallowed in Sensuality, that all those luxurious and wanton Actions which are recounted of Sardanapalus and Heliogabalus, are flat and f●i●t Similitudes of that prodigious Effeminacy, in which this Sultan outdid all other Examples of former Ages.  
Amber was the common Perfumes which burned perpetually in the women's Apartments, and the common Sauce to most of his Viands; not perhaps because it so much pleased his Palate, as that it was a provocative, and incitement to his Lusts.  
And this puts me in mind of a Story I have heard of an English Merchant, living then at Galata, who was Master of a rare piece of Amb●rgrie●e, which was in form like a Pyramid; the News whereof was told to the Grand Signior late at Night, when the Smoke of the Perfumes b●gan to abate: Which so soon as he heard, though it was near Midnight, he dispatched a Messenger to call the Merchant with his Ambergriese; who being knocked out of his Bed in haste, by the importunity of the Officer, came to the Seraglio Gate two hours before Day; where he attended until it was broad Light, and then, without more words, found a Market for his Amber, and before his departure received 13 thousand Dollars. The Female Court was then extremely rich and splendid, all Italy was scarce able to supply it with Silks, and Cloth of Gold; so that the Trade was in those days flourishing above other Times, and gave great employment to English Shipping: and so impatient were the Women for their Gay clothes, that so soon as the News of a Ship from Italy came, and that she was arrived within the Castles of the Hellespont, but there detained by contrary Winds, Galleys were immediately dispatched to bring up their Silks, which they oftentimes forced away without any Account or Price made with the Merchant; of which that worthy Gentleman, Sir Thomas Bendysh then Ambassador, complaining to the Vizier, and finding no other Relief than good Words, resolved on an Expedient of making known his Cause to the Grand Signior, which was this.  
In Turkey they have a Custom, that when any one receives a notable Injury, or Injustice, from the Chief and Great Ministers of State, they put Fire on their Heads, and running to the Grand Signior, no Man can hinder or deny them access to his presence. In like manner the English Ambassador not being able to obtain Satisfaction from the Vizier, in return to his many Complaints, drew out all the English Ships in Galata, which were then thirteen in number, and drawing in their Guns, and shutting the Ports, put fire on every Yard-Arm of their Ships, and came to an Anchor just before the Seraglio. The Customer being the first that espied this unusual sight, immediately apprehended the Reason, and sent to acquaint the Vizier thereof in all haste; the Vizier likewise fearful left the Complaints should by this means come to the Grand Signior's Ear, sent the Customer aboard with a considerable part of the Money, and desired that the Fires might be extinguished, promising faithfully to comply in payment of the rest; hereupon Consultation being had between the Ambassador and the Merchants, the Ships returned to their Stations, not seeming to have been taken notice of by those in the Seraglio.  
And notwithstanding the great number of Women within the Seraglio, all which were at the Devotion of the Sultan; yet Ibrahim not being contented herewith, passing one day to S●utari, had by chance cast his eye on an object which much pleased him: what it was, becomes not the modesty of my Pen to relate; but being returned to his Seraglio, he sent Orders to the Vizier, to seek out for him the biggest, and best proportioned Woman which was to be found in all Constantinople, and the parts thereabouts. Hereupon Emissaries were dispatched into all Quarters of the City; at length they happily procured a huge tall Armenian Woman, well proportioned according to her height, and a Giantess for her Stature; which being found, she was presently washed and perfumed in the Bath, and as richly Clothed and Adorned as the shortness of time would permit: There was no great difficulty to persuade her to become Turk, having so high preferment in her prospect. So that being introduced to the Grand Signior's presence, he became immediately Enamoured, and was so pleased with her Society, that he preferred her before all the Women of his Court; an Evidence whereof he gave, in that he could not deny her in any request she could make, and particularly about that time the Pashaluck of Damascus being void, this Woman begged it for herself, substituting another in the Office, who was accountable to her for all the Profits and Emoluments thereof: By these particulars of favour the Queen-Mother becoming jealous, one day inviting her to Dinner, caused her to be strangled, and persuaded Ibrahim that she died suddenly of a violent Sickness, at which he poor Man was greatly afflicted.  
But not to insist long on these luxurious Pastimes, we shall return again to Matters of higher Concernment: Ibrahim had now understood, that the Venetians growing jealous of his Preparations, began likewise to Arm, and provide for the worst; which being in no wise pleasing to the Turks, who were apprehensive that their Marine Forces consisted most in surprise, caused Ibrahim to complain of the Defensive Posture in which they Arrayed themselves, alleging, that Suspicions of this Nature argued no hearty Disposition towards their Friends; nor was any thing more contrary to a good Correspondence, or more disobliging than such like Jealousies, which ofttimes beget that Enmity which was never designed; and farther it was judged necessary, if possible, to dissuade the Bailo from a belief of any Hostility designed against his Republic; to inculcate which, none was esteemed so proper an Instrument as the old cheating Hogia, who was the first Motive to the War; a Preacher who imagined that the excellency of his Religion afforded him a privilege to falsify, lie, and commit any Act for advantage thereof, though never so contrary to Truth and Morality. This Santone, with the Testimony of one or two more grand Professors, with many Asseverations and Vows, endeavoured to persuade the Bailo, of the Grand Signior's good Intentions towards Venice, and his fixed Resolutions to destroy Malta. And though the Concernment which those godly Elders showed, and the earnestness they used, whereby to inculcate a Credence to what they affirmed, were enough to discover their contrary Intentions; and though it is said, that the Venetians could not heartily believe what they so strongly suspected; yet hereby, and by the common vogue of the People, they abated much of their Caution and Heat, which they otherwise had used in due Preparations and Provisions against an Evil so fatal and destructive in the sequel.  

The beginning of the War.  The first Act of Hostility was committed by Giacomo da Riva, who being sent for Sopraveditor to Tino, was in his way to touch at Candia, there to deliver Ammunition and Provisions for War; but being encountered by some barbarous Vessels, who assailed him for a Merchant's Ship of small Force, were received so warmly that he sunk one of them, with which the rest left him and fled, relating at Constantinople, that they had been ill treated by the Venetians, and that they gave the first Assault upon them, because they were called to the Assistance and Service of the Grand Signior.  
The Fleet and Land Forces being already put to Sea, the Report and Opinion still continued, that the War was designed against Malta; wherefore such as apprehended the Hazard, and were acquainted with the Difficulty of such an Enterprise, began to inform the Grand Signior how impossible it was that this Action should be accompanied with good success. To which Arguments he made no other reply, than by a seeming obstinacy, resolved with the Ottoman Sword, to cut all those Knots and Difficulties which opposed him in the Work. At length one Salee Efendi, a Preacher, who had obtained some more than ordinary Esteem with the Grand Signior, advised him, That before he commenced a Work of that importance, he should inform himself of the true state of that Place, from a certain Aga, who was lately returned from Malta. The Grand Signior being very willing to hear any thing of this nature, called the Aga, who related to him how impregnable both the City and Castle were; how the Knights were provided against all Assaults; that the Island itself is only a Rock, not containing Earth enough for an Army to entrench; that the Approaches must be made by the Pickax and Mattock, it being all Stone. In short, it was not a place to be taken in one Summer, and the Winter coming on, it affording no shelter, nor provisions of itself, was not capable of relief in Seas so stormy, and from Countries so remote, without hazards, losses, and frequent Shipwrecks. Ibrahim, who had designed all along to make War upon Candia, seemed little concerned or moved at this Discourse. The Galleys and Ships which were now all in a readiness, being come forth to the Seraglio point, the Grand Signior entered his Grand Chiosk, situated on the Bank of the Sea; where the Selictar Aga, General, and all the Chief Commanders, came to perform the usual Ceremonies of Obedience and Duty before their Departure. At this solemn Assembly the Grand Signior declared, That his Intentions were to make War upon the Infidels, according as every one should understand by his respective Commissions, which should now be delivered unto them: That he expected the highest Demonstrations of Courage in them imaginable, and what was agreeable to the Conductors of the Ottoman Armies: That Reward and Punishment were in his Hands, and that he resolved to dispense them according to their Merits: That they should not doubt of all due Assistance and Succours; for he had so well contrived, and so justly fitted all his Measures, that he was already provided of Men, Timber, Ammunition, and Money sufficient to maintain and carry on this War for seven Years. At which they all gave a shout, and declared, that they were ready to spend their Blood and Lives in Execution of his Commands. Whereupon every one received a rich Coftan, or Vest, and the General a Scimitar set with Diamonds; who being a young Man of about 26, or 27 Years of Age, had a Council of six graver Pasha's allowed him; and then the Commission for the War was brought forth sealed, with Orders not to open it, until they were past the Dardanelli. Hereat the noise of great and small Shot from the Galleys and Ships, resounded through all Constantinople, and the Commanders repairing to their Vessels, the Assembly broke up, and every thing was put in a posture to make Sail.  
It was now the last day of April, 1645; 
1645▪  old Style, when the Fleet first broke ground, which consisted of 73 Galleys, besides the 8 Galleys of Barbary; 2 Mahons, or Galleasses, one great Gallion called the Sultana, 10 Ships of Alexandria, 2 of Tunis, and 10 of English and Dutch Ships, which coming to Constantinople for Trade, were there pressed into the Service, with about 300 Saiks and Caramussals, which carried Soldiers, Provisions, Ammunition, and Utensils for War. Their Militia consisted of 7000 Janissaries, 14000 Spahees, and about 50000 Timariot, and other Soldiers, with about 3000 Pioniers; these all were to Rendezvous at Scio; where they arrived the 7 th' of May. But before their departure from Constantinople, the Bailo Soranço, or the Venetian Ambassador, thought fit, in Compliment, and for discovery, to make a visit to the Captain-Pasha, by whom he was received with frank Courtesy, and assurance of Friendship; so that though he suspected the worst, yet could he collect no certain assurances of Peace, or War; however he advised Signior Cornaro, than Governor of Candia, that though he could not certainly penerate into the bottom of the Turks Design, yet he apprehended that the Storm might fall on that Kingdom, understanding that the Captain-Pasha was not well inclined towards the most Serene Republic: wherefore, he ought to be watchful and circumspect, yet with as little demonstration of jealousy as was possible; so that if the Turks should there arrive, he should afford them all conveniencies of Watering, Provisions, and other Refreshments.  
The Fleet being departed from Scio, for Napoli di Romagna, the Northern Wind so freshned, and blew so hard, that the Galleys were separated, and forced to put into divers Ports, and the Saiks and Caramussals to Anchor at Micono and Tino. At the latter of which, belonging to the Venetians, they had licence to Water, and and were refreshed with such provisions as the Island afforded; and now after this flurry of Wind, the Fleet being again united, they were seen off at Sea from Cerigo, an Island of the Venetians at the Mouth of the Archipelago; and sailing towards the Channel of Braccio de Maina; and the next day 9 Galleys, a Gallion, and a Brigantine, made towards the Isle of Cerigo, and sent a Letter a shore by a Boat to the Proveditor, from the Pasha of Rhodes, demanding their usual present of Coffee and Sugar, which was given them, they assuring all Friendship, and real good Intentions towards the People, and Dominions of Venice.  
But in the mean time a Satia laden with Arms and Ammunition from Venice, bound for Retimo, unhappily falling into the Turkish Fleet, was intercepted by them, and taken, which unmasked all the Design, and made the Turks appear in their true Colours, notwithstanding all their religious Protestations, and outwardly fair Comportment, the usual disguise of the Mahometan Sincerity.  
Towards the end of May the Turkish Fleet was discovered from Carabuso, a small Fortress of the Venetians, some distance off at Sea, standing to the Westward, which gave some jealousy to them at Candia; and being compared with some precedent Acts, as that of sounding the depth of Water about St. Theodoro with a Brigantine, (which is a small Rock lying off of Canea) which pretended to come from Sancta Maura with Turkey Merchants, afforded undeniable grounds of assurance to those in Candia, that the War was designed against them; howsoever, the Ottoman Fleet rendezvousing again at Navarino, a place far distant from Candia, altered their Apprehensions at Venice, and elsewhere of this War, deeming it now certain, that this Design had no other aim or mark but that of Malta.  
But this opinion was no sooner entertained, than it was confuted by open Acts of Hostility; for the Captain-Pasha being arrived at Cape Colonna, by some called Sunio, immediately dispatched a Brigantine to Constantinople, with advice of his Proceedings and Intentions to pass directly for Candia; whereupon it was thought seasonable to publish the War against Venice, which was performed with committing the Ambassador Soranço to Prison, and giving Orders through all the Archipelago to destroy or enslave all the Subjects of that Republic. And here the Turk practised his usual beginnings of War with more than ordinary Caution; for though with other Princes, whose Territories border on him by Land, he usually endeavours to strike at the same time when he gives the Salutations of Peace; Yet here being to contend at Sea, where he is conscious his Forces are inferior to those of Venice, he practised all those feigned Artifices, confirmed with as many holy Vows and Protestations, as their Religion hallows, and makes lawful, when they can bring advantage and increase to the Mahometan Faith.  
But though the Venetian Republic was so politic as outwardly to demonstrate a Religious Confidence of their potent Neighbour, whom they were conscious not to have provoked by any breach of Capitulations; yet were not so secure of his Faith, and so easy to believe his fair Dissimulations, as not prudently to provide against the utmost Effects of his Power and Treachery. Wherefore, whilst the Turk prepared, they armed likewise secretly, made considerable Levies without noise, commissionated thirty extraordinary Commanders of Galleys, took up seventeen English▪ and Dutch ships into their Service, armed out two Galliass extraordinary; and when the Turk had unmasked his Design, they then imparted their Condition to all the Christian Princes, craving their Succour and Assistance to maintain the common Bulwark of Christendom against the common Enemy. The Galleasses were commanded by Girolamo Morosini; the Galleys, of which fifteen were made ready, and afterwards put to Sea, all commanded by Noblemen, were under the Conduct of Antonio Capello. Francisco Molino was made Proveditor General, a Person of untainted Justice and Honour, and extraordinary zealous and vigilant in the Public Interest, whose indefatigable Labours and Care of his Country, promoted him afterwards to be Doge of Venice. By his Order and Counsel, extraordinary Proveditors were sent to Candia, Cerigo, and Tino, as Places most feared, and in danger; and Orders were dispatched to Andrea Cornaro, than General and Inquisitor in Candia, to arm out twenty Galleys from the Arsenal of Canea; and to promote this Design the better, he hired two English, and one Dutch Ship, then in Port of Malomocco, to carry unto Candia Timbers fitted, and already squared at Venice, for building Galleys; besides which he sent Cannon, Corn, and all Ammunition of War, with fifty thousand Zechins in Gold for encouragement of the Militia, with a recruit of two and twenty Companies of Foot, form and collected out of divers Nations.  
Intelligence being come of the imprisonment of the Bailo at Constantinople, the Senate by a common and unanimous Suffrage elected Francisco Erizzo, than Doge, General of the Sea; judging, that their Arms would prosper under his Command, which had formerly been successful under the auspicious Conduct of his Ancestors; and he, though a Person of seventy four Years, worn out with Age and Cares of the Public, did yet cheerfully consecrate the remainder of his days to the Service of his Country. But whilst he prepared to crown the end of his Life with the Glory of this important and generous Enterprise, Death terminated all his Intentions, leaving him with the honourable memory of his past Actions, and with a Laurel hanging over his Head, which had his Life continued, had been planted on his Brows. But that this Accident might not give interruption to the weighty Affairs now in hand, Molino took his place, and proceeded in his Voyage and Designs, and arrived with the Venetian Fleet at the Island of Corfu. In the mean time the Turkish Fleet careened and fitted themselves at Navarine with all Necessaries to assault Candia; in which interim advice came to Canea, that the the Bailo was imprisoned at Constantinople, by a Letter from Soranço himself; which he had dropped from the Window of his close restraint, and dispatched by one of his Confidents with a Vessel express; which was not sooner arrived, than it was that Night confirmed by all the Beacons or Watch-Towers of the Country; who having discovered the Turkish Fleet far distant at Sea, gave a general Alarm by the Fires they made.  
The next Morning being the 23/●● of june, they discovered the whole Fleet, near Cape Spada, which being drawn up in the form of an half Moon, took up a vast tract of Sea; and sailing slowly with fair Wether, and a smooth Sea, displayed themselves with the greatest terror imaginable to the Islanders. At length the lighter Vessels began to edge in with the Bank of Gogna, (which is a place distant about eighteen miles from Canea) and were followed by the grosser and heavier part of the Armata.  
And now, before I proceed farther, I should make a pause, and describe the Antiquity, the Geography, and the present State of this famous and renowned Island, but that is already performed so distinctly and elegantly by other Pens, that it shall be sufficient for me to declare here in brief terms, how this Kingdom became the Patrimony or Possession of Venice. In the Year 1204, a Sale thereof was made to this Republic, by the Marquis Bonifaccio of Montferratto, by an Instrument sealed the 12 th' of August at Adrianople, and signed, and delivered, in the presence of Marco Sanudo, and Ravano du Verona, Ambassadors in the time of Enrigo Dandola Doge; but the People of this Island not consenting unto the sale, opposed themselves against it, until the Venetians by force of Arms procured their Obedience, and confirmed their purchase by a double Title. Hereupon such noble Citizens as adventured their Lives in this acquisition, obtained the Estates of the Rebellious Greeks, being obliged in proportion to the Lands they held, to maintain Men and Horse at their own Charge, and are therefore called the Feudatary Cavalry. So that the whole Country is divided into three parts; viz. the noble Venetians or Cavalry; secondly, the noble Candiots, or Colony, which were Infantry that came to inhabit from Venice; and thirdly, the Greeks or Natives of the Country which never rebelled, but took part with the Venetian State: the first two speak Italian, and are of the Roman Church; the others speak Greek, and conserve the Right of that Religion.  
The Ottoman Fleet now touching the Shoar at Gogna, took Livery and Seizing quietly of that flourishing Isle of Candia, where they Encamped a while to refresh their Forces, and prepare all things in order to their Conquest. In the mean time, the news hereof alarmed all Venice, and not only hastened them in the expedition of their Fleet, but warmed their applications to all Christian Princes, from whom they craved help in the general defence of Christendom: which some at first imagined would have been granted, as it was once in the time of the Holy War; or that those whom the Declaration of a common Crusada, or Devotion, or sense of Religion could not move, yet at least the consideration of their Country's Defence, or the maintenance of a Bulwark of Christendom, might persuade to wage Arms against the Turk, as a Common Enemy: but what cold Apprehensions the Christian Princes entertained hereof, both the faint Supplies and Assistances they administered, and their bloody and vigorous Wars one against another, have abundantly testified, to the fatal loss and ruin of that Country. And though in the beginning there were better hopes, by means of the Pope's earnest intercession with all the Princes of Italy, to whom he showed a fair Example, by uniting his own Galleys with the Venetian Fleet, and amongst the rest prevailed also with the Republic of Genova, to employ their Galleys in this Noble Enterprise, which tended to the Glory of God, and the common Safety and Preservation of Italy: yet that Leaven of vain Punctilios, which hath so often betrayed the Christian Cause to the advantage of the Turk, gave a stop for some time to these Proceedings. For before they would enter into Arms, they desired the Genoeses, that the right of bearing the Flag should first be determined in favour of their Admiral, before that of Toscany, or Malta: And though the Pope, to take away this occasion of dispute, proposed to have no other Flag worn besides his own, under which all Italian Princes, without impeachment of their Honour, as Auxiliaries, and Military Adventurers might promiscuously wage War; yet this could not appear satisfactory to the Genoeses, who not only took this occasion to demand the precedency before Toscany and Malta; to which the G. Duke (who was not inferior in State, and superior in Title) and the Malteses (who time out of mind, and by Decree of Charles the Fifth, claimed Precedency on the Seas before them) would never assent; but also thought fit to avail themselves in this Conjuncture, to obtain from the Pope the Grant of a Royal Court, and that Treatment which is given to Kings, or Crowned Heads. But because these Demands seemed to contain those Difficulties in them, which could not be granted without the manifest displeasure of other Princes, the Pope resolved to afford what assistance he could from himself, and therefore granted a Levy of a thousand Foot out of his own Dominions, with free liberty to buy what Ammunition and Provisions were to be found in the Ecclesiastical State, with imposition of a double Tithe or Tenth on the Goods and Dominions of the Clergy; so that these Succours of the Pope, and the Auxiliary Forces of Naples, Toscany, and Malta, under the Command of Pri●●e Ludovisio, General of the Church, being united to ●he Venetian Fleet, did speedily compose a most puissant and formidable Force; however, by ●eason of Dissensions amongst the Command●rs, and other Misfortunes derived from thence, to the Christian Arms, nothing succeeded fortunately this Year. For the Turks having g●i●ed their landing at first without opposition, overthrew the Christians in several small Skirmishes, and afterwards forced Canea, the second City of that Island, which they took with much blood and slaughter of the Christians.  
The Turks having made so successful a progress this first Year, year 1646. as to possess themselves of one of the most considerable Cities, took Courage to proceed in their Conquests; in which they had the fortune to make themselves Masters in the next place of Retimo; in defence of which, the General Andrea Cornaro, lost his Life by a Musket shot. Nor more successful were the Venetians this Year at Sea; for what with Quarrels among the Commanders, and with their coldness and negligence in their Business, they suffered the Turkish Vessels to pass freely, without giving them that interruption which was very facile to Men resolute and concerned: Nor was the opportunity which presented to ruin the Turkish Fleet made use of, then lying half disarmed, and ill provided, at the Isle of St. Theodoro, (which is a Rock opposite to Canea) where at that time, it is believed, they might all have been burned, had the occasion been improved, agreeable to that Advantage which then offered: so that towards the latter end of the Year, the General Molino returning Home, either by reason of some distemper, or by revocation from the Senate, which seemed to be ill satisfied with his ill Fortune, or his ill Management of the Public Affairs; he was dismissed from his high Charge. And Gio. Capello, Procurator of St. Mark, was constituted in his place.  
This Year was remarkable for the ruinous Differences between Sir Sackvile Crow Baronet, our King's Ambassador then residing at Constantinople, and the Turkey Company. The Original of which seemed to arise from the Civil Dissensions at Home; for so unhappy were those Times, and so ill affected were English Minds with Rancour and Malice against each other, that this Leaven of Discord could not be confined within the Banks of Great Britain and Ireland, but seemed to disfuse itself over the Seas, and as a Contagion, infected the Minds, Goods, and Interests of the English, to what Quarter or Climate soever they were transported.  
In the Year 1638, Sir Sackvile Crow was, with the Consent and Approbation of the Turkey Company, dignified by his Majesty with the Title and Authority of his Ambassador to the Grand Signior. For Maintenance and Support of which, the said Company were to pay him the yearly Sum of five thousand Zechins, in four equal Proportions, which is above the value of two thousand Pounds Sterling. And farther, before his departure from England, paid him six hundred Pounds Sterling towards the Furniture of his House, Plate, and other Necessaries; defraying all the Charges expended for Transportation of his Lady, Follower's, and Provisions to Constantinople.  
Sir Sackvile Crow, from the time of his arrival at the Ottoman Court, until the end of the Year 1645, managed the Affairs of the Company to their general Satisfaction, and with the Esteem and Honour of the Turkish Ministers, who considered him as a Person of Courage and Resolution, and in every way qualified for that Employment.  
At length Differences arose between this Ambassador and the Company, touching the Right and Title to that Benefit which is called 
‖ Stranger's Consulage is 2 i● the hundred, in the value of all the goods belonging to Stranger-Merchants, laden on English Ships, and all other Ships which not being in amity with the G. Signior, s●t up the English Colours, & come under the English Protection, as is lawful by our Capit●lations.  Strangers Consulage; the first pretending to the same on a Grant made to him thereof by his Majesty, and the Custom of Sir Peter Wych, and other preceding Ambassadors. The others challenging the same, as the chief and principal Means they had to ease the vast Expenses they were at, for maintenance of their Trade and Government; for which they had always contended and struggled with the Power of preceding Ambassadors, and which Sir Sackvile Crow himself seems, by an Article which he had made with the Company to have relinquished to them in these words.  
That during the time of his Employment as Ambassador, he would content himself with such Allowance from the said Company for his Pains and C●re to be taken in their Business, as is specified in the said Articles, being 5000 Zechins per Annum.  
This Right of Stranger's Consulage, is now confirmed to the Turkey Company, by virtue of their Charter which his Majesty was pleased, in the Year of his Happy Restauration, graciously to Renew, Confirm, and Amplify to them; the which was more easily granted, by the concurrent Assistance of the Right Honourable the Earl of Winchelsea, then designed for Ambassador to Constantinople, who on some Considerations offered from the said Company, assented thereunto.  
But Matters of a higher Nature than this, inflamed the Accounts and Differences between the Ambassador and Company. For first, one john Wolf, at that time Treasurer at Constantinople, becoming Insolvent for great Sums of Money, Sir Sackvile Crow alleged, that those Debts were National, arising from the late Changes of State Officers, their extravagant Exactions, and Avanious Practices: and therefore to extinguish this Public Debt▪ he made a Leviation of one hundred and ten thousand, nine hundred and fifty Dollars on the English Estates at Constantinople and Smyrna, detaining the Companies Ships in those Ports, until the aforesaid Debt was satisfied and cleared. The Ground and Cause of which, will more plainly appear by this following Warrant.  

Sir Sackvile Crow his Order, dated in Pera of Constantinople the 26th of january 1645. Directed to all Captains, Commanders of Ships, etc. Prohibiting the lading of any Goods or Estate on their Ships.  
WHereas by the unhappy failings of some of our Nations here, and at Smyrna, and through the many late Changes of this State's Officers, and their extravagant Exactions on us in those Difficulties; and by sundry other avanious ways, our Nation is brought into a great Debt: For which We, or those, and that Estate which shall remain on the Place, who, and whatever, in case of Exigent, and force of Payment, whenever that shall happen, must (if not otherwise provided for) in all probability, and according to the rude Customs of this State in like case, look to be made liable unto. There being at present a full and competent Estate of the Levant Companies arrived here, and at Smyrna, which as well by the Obligations of their Charter, as by the Laws of England, the said Companies own Institutions and Customs in cases of like Nature, aught as well to bear the said extraordinary as ordinary Charges, and so pay those Debts, which either are, or shall be adjudged and declared to belong unto them. We having taken pains in drawing the said Accounts to a Head, and for discovery of the Truth thereof; and (after a Certificate being directed thereon) for the more formal Satisfaction only of the said Company, being advertised that some of those who with us have had the view, and been present at the Examination of the said Accounts, whom it concerns on the Companies behalf to make such Certificate, on our Order; for some private Respects, make scruple to certify the said Debts, as they appeared before us and them: And hearing also that the General Ships here in Port, and that at Smyrna, prepare, and make haste to be gone: In Providence, as well for own safety in the Premises, as for that due regard we owe to his Majesty's Honour, and the Public Interest for the future, We find it requisite, and hereby order and require, that until the said Debts shall be fully declared, and their payment settled by Leviation, and the same paid or undertaken, in, and by some such fitting and secure way, or ways, as in such case is requisite, and by us shall be determined and so declared: That none of the Factors of this Scale, or that of Smyrna, by themselves, or others whoever, after publication hereof, here and there respectively, lad on Board either of the General Ships, or other Ships whatever, any Goods, Faculty, or Estate whatever, for themselves or other whoever. And that the Captains and Commanders of the said Ships, in the mean time, and until Our father Order in this behalf, not only forbear to take in, and lad aboard either of their Ships any such Goods or Faculties for any of his Majesty's Subjects, or other Strangers whoever; but also that they abide and depart not, either this Port, or that of Smyrna Respectively, until our farther Order and Licence in that behalf: Whereof not only the Merchants, Factors, Masters, and Commanders aforementioned; but our 
* Interpreters.  Druggermen, and other Vnder-Ministers here or there, are to take notice, and observe accordingly; as they, and every of them concerned herein, will answer the contrary at his or their Peril. Dated in Pera of Constantinople this 26th of January, 1645.  
To all Captains, Commanders of Ships, Merchants, Factors, Druggermen, and all other his Majesty's Subjects and Ministers whoever, in the Ports of Constantinople and Smyrna. SACKVILE CROW.   
The Turkey Company was altogether unsatisfied with this Leviation, alleging that a great part of this Debt arose from Monies lent by Sir Sackvile Crow himself to Wolf, at a high Interest; for securing of which, and of his Principal, he had in this manner taxed and charged their Estates. But Troubles and Differences ended not with this Payment; for still the Controversy about Stranger's Consulage was depending, which with other Matters, caused great Heats and Animosities on both sides: So that some of the Turkey Company, Men of the better Principles, thought it most advisable to Petition his Majesty to constitute another Ambassador, with Letters of Revocation, to recall this; but others, who were the zealous Men of those Times, who had tasted the sweetness of Sequestrations, and proved it to be the Grand Catholicon of all Remedies, persuaded that his Estate should be Sequestered. This, I say, may perhaps have been the attempt of some few; though the generality of the Company have so far disavowed the Seizure of his Lands and Estate in England, that they declared themselves ignorant of any Estate he had there. Howsoever this Apprehension being fixed in the Mind of Sir Sackvile Crow, he proceeded to strange Extremities against the Company: For he not only caused all the Goods and moneys belonging to them, within the Grand Signior's Dominions, to be sequestered and seized by his Agents, but also imprisoned the Persons of all the English Merchants and Factors which were considerable, either at Constantinople or Smyrna. The Particulars of all which will appear with more clearness by this following Warrant.  

Sir Sackvile Crow his Second Warrant, dated in Pera of Constantinople the 30 th' of April 1646, directed to john Hetherington, Lorenzo Zuma; Enordering (upon false Pretences) the Sequestration of the Merchant's Estates at Smyrna, according to a Schedule.  
WHereas the Levant Company, sometime before our coming to this Place, by a Court of their Assistants, thereunto especially authorized, treated with Us touching a yearly Allowance for our Care and Pains during our residence here as his Majesty's Ambassador; to be had and taken in such Particulars as might have relation to their Trade and Occasions: And for a conclusion of such Treaty as aforesaid, did offer unto us the election of any one of their Agreements, formerly made with any of our Predecessors in like occasion. And for a further manifestation of their sincerity in their said Offer, upon our accord thereunto, did, at the Court aforesaid, in public give into our Hands and Possession the Copies of five of their Agreements, made with our said Predecessors, with Power to choose which of them we should best like of, to be a Rule and Pattern for an absolute Conclusion and Condition to be drawn up between us and them; thereon also promising that they would make, grant, and confirm the like unto us. And whereas we thereon, and to the Purposes and Ends aforementioned, chose and fixed upon that Agreement, which the said Company had made with Sir Thomas Glover, formerly Ambassador, Resident for the Crown of England, with this State: And his Majesty by his Favour, did assure the same unto us, graciously promising to make his Employment of us here, as good and beneficial in all the Allowances and Perquisites thereof, as it had been to any of our Predecessors whoever, and we expected no less. The said Company finding themselves mistaken in their Offer, (as they pretended) first retired from the same, denying their said Agreement, (though sufficiently proved before his Majesty); and then by force of Presents and Money given underhand to the Officers of that Time, so prevailed against us, that we could not only not obtain that Right, which since hath appeared unto us, and (as well by their own Agreement, as by his Majesty's judgement then, Custom, and their former Contracts) was due unto us; but were forced after to other Agreements with the said Company, by which (over and above all such Rights, Privileges, and Perquifites, as then were and should be granted unto us by his Majesty's Capitulations; and besides all other Gratifications and Allowances accustomed to be given to his Majesty's Ambassador, (which in Household Provisions only the said Company assured us, were to the value of 800 l. per Annum Sterling, at least) and over and above such Plate and Householdstuff as they assured us, we should find of theirs here, and hold to our use during our Residence, (of which we found not the value of an Asper) the said Company did covenant with us, (for and in respect of our Pains and Care only therein agreed to be taken by us, in their Affairs and Occasions as aforesaid, for and during all our time as his Majesty's Ambassador with this State) they would pay, or cause to be paid unto us, the Sum of 5000 
* VIII sterling.  Chequins per An. to be paid by equal Proportions quarterly beforehand; by their failing wherein (besides our other Engagements for them to a very good Value) twenty and five thousand Dollars or thereabouts, rests at this day due and unpaid unto us: And whereas also after the Agreements aforesaid, upon several Arguments held before his Majesty, concerning the Rights of that Consulage, which amongst other things is granted by the Grand Signior, and payable by his Capitulations to his Majesty's Ambassador Resident at this Imperial Port from Strangers, (to which the said Company could show no likely or probable Title) the said Company were adjudged to relinquish their Pretences to the said Consulage; and a Grant thereof under his Majesty's Royal Hand and Signet, was thereon made and given to us, for our better support during the time of our Residence here. The said Company (upon Conditions between them and us agreed) did also promise to give us Content therefore; with intent nevertheless thereby to get advantage of our credulity and absence, and to draw us out of suspect of their evil Intentions towards us, which hath since (as well by their several interruptions and hindrances here in the Collection thereof, as their practices, and endeavours at Council Table before his Majesty, and by their other Appeals to the Courts of Parliament, where in these Times of Distractions, they presumed of some better advantage) hath appeared unto us: Whereby, and by suggesting several Untruths against us, and by other false ways they have endeavoured not only to deprive us of the Stranger's Consulage, and benefit thereof; but under that colour also, and these their Pretences, to keep themselves from paying, as us from taking such other Consulage, as was, and is as much our right and due unto us from themselves, by the said Capitulations, and the Grand Signior's Grant thereon, for all their own Goods traded in: And now of late, but suspecting our just Intentions of making a claim thereto, (for until this present day we never made any demand thereof, or public pretence therein to prevent what they suppose we might justly do in our own Right, (for we take God to Witness we knew no other cause): under like unjust and scandalous Pretences, we are certitified, that they not only go about to get us removed from our Employment here, but upon false Suggestions, loose and bare Suspicions only, have gotten Order for the seizure of all our Lands and other Estates in England into their power; as some of their own Servants and Factors here have the confidence to report and affirm: and as we are assured from thence, without hearing of us; nay, so much as intimation to us of the Grounds thereof, or such Matters and Things as they pretend at least to have against us, whereby we might answer for ourselves; and so, whilst we are labouring (as for these many Years we have done, with all fidelity) for them and their public Interest (whereof, as we have proof sufficient in our Actions, so we have him that is judge of the World for Witness to our Conscience) they are contriving the ruin of us and our Posterity. Which manner of proceeding, so unjust, horrid, and odious before God and Man (as in all reason we ought) taking to heart, and our serious consideration, and as well that Violence which is offered to the Laws, and his Majesty's Honour and Interest therein, as ourselves and our Family; not pretending to extend that Authority which his Majesty hath put into our Hands to unlawful Ends, but only to make a just use of it for the right and lawful defence of ourselves and it, in the several Occasions aforementioned; finding by Account under the Hands of the Treasurer of the said Company here, that for such Goods as they have brought in and carried out from the Port of Constantinople, there is due unto us according to the Capitulations, and the Grand Signior's Grants therein, to the value of Dollars Rials of 8/8, seventy four thousand: and that for the like in Smyrna there is due Dollars Rials of 8/8, one hundred thousand in circa; and rating that Estate in Land which they have gotten into their power as aforesaid, but at the value we were offered for it, viz. at ninety seven thousand and five hundred Dollars; in all, two hundred seventy one thousand and five hundred Dollars. Besides, (for aught we know to the contrary) they may else have prevailed themselves upon of ours, and as due to us by Privy Seal to the value of one hundred thousand Dollars, and Leases under the Great Seal to near as great a value more. We hereby enorder Sequestration of all moneys, Merchandizes, and other Goods and Faculties whatever, within the Dominions of the Grand Signior wherever, belonging to the Parties and Members of the said Company, in the Schedule hereunto annexed, the chief Fomentors, Contrivers, and Abettors of these unjust▪ and horrid Proceedings; requiring you, John Hetherington, and you Lorenzo Zuma, or one, or both, or either of you, by the help and means of that Officer sent by the Vizier, and those Commands in your Hands, (being now at Smyrna on other like Occasions) according to your Instructions herewith sent, to board and enter all Ships and Vessels, and to break open, and enter into all and every of the Houses, Warehouses, Counting-houses, of all and every of the Parties in the Schedule hereunto annexed and aforementioned; and there to Attach, Arrest, and take into your custody and possession; and as arrested and sequestered, to take, carry away, and put into safe custody, all such moneys, Merchandizes, other Goods and Faculties of what Nature soever that you shall discover, find out, and get into your power, belonging to any of the Parties, or under the Marks of the Schedule hereunto annexed; and the same to keep, so arrested and sequestered, for our better Indemnity, Satisfaction, and Defence, against all Pretences of the Levant Company beforementioned whatever, until we may be heard therein by due course of Law, and till farther Order from us in that behalf; for which this is to be your Warrant. Dated in Pera of Constantinople, this 30th of April, Anno. 1646.  
To our loving Friends and Servants, john Hetherington, and Lorenzo Zuma Sackvile Crow.   
To perform and put in execution the foregoing Warrant, it was necessary to make use of the Turkish Officers Power and Authority: Wherefore Sir Sackvile Crow demanding Audience of the Grand Vizier, and representing Matters unto him in that manner, as he judged most agreeable to his Cause, was heard by him with a gentle and gracious Ear; and assurances made to him of all Respect, Favour, and Assistance imaginable. For the Turks had now smelled out a Cause in Transaction, which with good improvement might be worth them many Purses of Money; and was of such a Nature, as that their Religion, and Doctrine, obliged them to nourish, having the prospect of gaining Money, and enflaming Christian Discord. On these Grounds Sir Sackvile Crow easily obtained Commands from the Vizier, directed to the Kadi of Smyrna, to act all things according to direction of him the Ambassador; and to enforce Matters with better execution, a Chaous, or Pursuivant, accompanied with john Hetherington, and Lorenzo Zuma Interpreter, was dispatched to Smyrna, with Commands to carry up the Consul and Factors to Constantinople, and to break open the Warehouses, and make seizure on such Estates belonging to the Turkey Company, as would answer the Demands and Pretensions of the Ambassador. Accordingly the Consul and Factory were carried up, and with that other of Galata, imprisoned in the Ambassador's House.  
In the mean time the Agents at Smyrna, with assistance of the Kadi, sealed up all the Merchant's Warehouses; but when it came to execution and Seizure, more Difficulties arose; for the Turks, Armenians, and Jew-Merchants, made high Clamours to the Justice, that many of the Goods belonged unto them, some were not yet paid for, others were only Pawns in the English Hands; and all the Town being desirous to favour the Cause of the Merchants, a great Uproar and Hubbub arose amongst the People: The Kadi affrighted hereat, grew more slack and faint in his Proceedings; but the Cordial of 1500 Dollars, and Gratuities to his Servants, overcame the Difficulties, and gave him new Resolution; so that at length, being attended with the Principal Officers of the Town, he began first with the Consul's House, making Seizure, and delivering out of the Warehouses all the Goods found there; with some Caution howsoever, and respect to those Pretensions which Stranger-Merchants made thereunto; as appears by the following Letters.  
Joh. Hetherington and Lorenzo Zuma, their Letters to Sir Sackvile Crow, advising further of their Proceedings; dated in Smyrna, June 16. 1646.  
Right Honourable,  
YEsterday we received your Lordships of the 4 th' present, being the Copy of the 3 d: And to day we received your Lordships' of the 8 th', and rejoice to hear your Lordship is in such a readiness for your just Demands, and wish your Lordship less Trouble, and better Success than we this day have had, and we doubt for many days shall encounter here. This morning the Cadie's Son, with his Neipe and principal Officers came; and we began first with the Consul's House. But before we began, 'twas spoken in the Kaddie's own House, and all over the Town, our Design to seize what we could find; about seven a Clock his Son came and entered the Consul's House, and opened all the Warehouses, and took from thence, with Elford's and Keeble's, some four hundred Clothes, and nine Bales Mohairs; we left behind us 38 Bales of Silk, 13 Bales his Servant pretended were sold by his Master to Mr. Brent, to be paid by Bill of Exchange at Constantinople, and when advice came the Bills were paid, the Goods should be delivered; in the mean time they lie in Mr. Lancelot's Warehouse, with some 40 Clothes, 60 Barrels of Tin, which Tin belongs to Mr. Sainthill, and sealed up by the Neipe and us. Before we had ended at this House, the whole Town was in an Uprore, being fomented by Jews, and foam of the young Fry left behind, and proclaimed in the Streets, that the Town would be undone, the Trade lost and go to wrack, if this was suffered; so that before the Consul's Door were so many of the scum of the Town, the Streets were packed thick of them. On the other side, a more unruly Enemy threatened worse things, the Master of the Golden Lion, who had before given Barnardiston 9000 Dollars at Cambio, and had no Goods in his Possession, hearing how it would far with them, Lands forty Men at Barnardiston's House, and vowed he would have his Money or Goods, or swore he would beat down the Town; so likewise the jonas got her Sails to Yards, that the Kaddie's Son and the Chiouz, desired to let it alone until another day, for fear of worse Events: So when they had made an end at Lancelot's House, would stay no longer, but promised to come another day. The Estate before mentioned we carried away in spite of Envy, and have put it up in a safe Cane. As soon as this was done, because the Captain would not come ashore, I got jordan to go aboard the Golden Lion, and know the Master his Intent, and to acquaint him with the Danger might ensue thereon; all we could urge was nothing, except he had satisfaction for his 9000 Dollars; at last told him, if we knew where his Estate lay, we would endeavour to help him to it; so he found it out, and we delivered it to him, and the Man was very well satisfied. And now we hope to find little Impediment, and to morrow Morning the Caddie's Son promiseth to come again, and we doubt not the same day but to make an end. If your Lordship saw the little regard these People bear to the Grand Signior's Commands, the Caddie, or aught else but their private Ends, your Lordship would (as we hope your Lordship will) not blame us if we procured but the half of what your Lordship's Letter mentions. To morrow (if God bless us) we shall send your Lordship more punctual Advice, and for the present crave leave to subscribe ourselves,  
Smyrna, June 16. 1646. Your Honour's Most faithful, most obliged, and most humble Servants, 

john Hetherington.  
Lorenzo Suma.    
John Hetherington, and Lorenza Zuma's Letter to Sir Sackvile Crow; dated in Smyrna, june 19 1646.  
Right Honourable,  
OUrs of the 16 th' advised your Lordship, how with the Caddie's Son, his Niepe, and Chia, we had entered the House of Mr. Lancelott, and taken into our possession the Goods we found therein, not pretended unto by Strangers; and how by the insolency of Nicholas Terrick, Master of the Hopewell, (formerly the Golden Lion) we were interrupted that day from proceeding any farther; and how by the means of Captain jordan, we had pacified that young, rash, and undiscreet Man; and that we hoped the next Morning to proceed without interruption, but it fell not out so: for the next Morning we went to Barnardiston's House, thinking to make all sure there; and when we had begun, in comes the Master with a Crew of his own, and said, those Goods he had received were not sufficient to give him satisfaction, and demanded of us the rest. We answered, We could not give him these Goods we had sealed up before he came into Port, for what he demanded; but assured him, if he knew of any thing standing out, we would endeavour, the best we could, for his Satisfaction: Upon this, as we understood since, a young Man of the House whispered the Master in his Ear, and told him, if he were not satisfied before the Goods went out of the House, all was lost, he would never have a Penny of it: Upon this, away goes the Master aboard, with this young Man in his company, and loosed his Sails, but threatened nothing. Upon this comes in the Jews, and told the Niepe and the Chia, that the Master would shoot down the Town; but for all our persuasions that he durst not, away runs the Niepe & his Company, and leaves us there alone: so we resolved to have done it ourselves; but the Merchants had so worked with the Hamalls, that there was not one to be seen; so being alone, and seeing his Boat coming ashore, well manned, and fearing a surprise, we presently repaired to the Chiouzes, and desired him to go with us to the Caddies, to see if we could have any better assistance from him. By this time the Town was in a great Uproar, and the People something too insolent; the Caddie, to prevent the worst, presently caused the Shops to be shut up, and immediately sent for all the chief Men of the Town, (who by Presents before we had made our Friends) and there before them all, and a great company of the Townsmen, caused the Commands to be read, and told them how much they were bound to see the Grand Signior's Commands put in execution, and what dishonour it would be for one Ship to command the Town. So after they had disputed the Business, the Caddie sends an Officer aboard (accompanied with the Druggermen to the Nation) to know whether he would hinder the prosecution of the Grand Signior's Command, or no, and to know his Answer? He presently denied he ever intended to shoot at the Town, only desired his own: So presently after the People were a little appeased, we went to work again, and so this day have finished all: it being done in such confusion, we cannot give your Lordship that exact Account you may expect within a day or two; for than we will send your Lordship the Particulars, with the Values; in mean time we stand upon our Guard, having some 20 or 30 of the Soldiers of the Castle to keep watch every night; for (my Lord!) here is no small Hubbub in the Town, and threatening both of us and the Estate, but we will secure both as well as we can. We have sent your Lordship a rough Draught of what we have, and what we have left sealed up, and find it fall short far of what your Lordship expected: the sooner your Lordship disposes of it, the better; for assure yourself, there is daily some Design or other hatching: We should be very sorry, after all this, to have it miscarry, therefore pray (my Lord!) dispose of it (to prevent the worst) as soon as you may. Your Lordship was pleased to inorder us to change our Lodging, being too near the Waterside, and in a Merchant's House; which, as soon as we can get a secure House, we will; but the farther from the Waterside, the more dangerous, if the People of the Country should intend us any ill.  
The French, and many others, pretend Debts of many of those People that are gone up, and would know who shall pay them, and pretend to be paid out of their Estates; but we have put them off, telling them, we believe your Lordship will hardly let your Estate go to pay their Debts; nevertheless, shall advise your Lordship of it: so have secured none, only to one Huzoone Amet Aga, one of the chief Men in the Town here, Mr. Lancelott having given him a Bill of Exchange for 475 Dollars, and the Bill returned unpaid, we were forced to deliver into the Hangee's Hands, for his Security, 10 clothes.  
We have given the Ships liberty to lad, by reason of their continual grumbling, but fear our Design on the jonas will not take; for the Caddie seeing the stubbornness of Terrick, will not assist us as he promised. We have not aught to enlarge at present, but to subscribe ourselves,  
Your Honours, 

john Hetherington,  
Lorenzo Zuma.    
Matters running thus high, and the Breach made so wide, there remained little hopes of an Accommodation: For now the Merchants at Galata, having obtained their Liberty from the Ambassador's House, by the Vizier's Command, entered into a Consultation in what manner to govern their Affairs, electing some particular Men to that Employment, which they called by the Name of the Sealed Knot, which much provoked the Anger of Sir Sackvile Crow, and more, because that deserting his Protection, they made Applications to the Heer Cops, Agent for the States of Holland; who readily embraced the defence of their Cause, and willingly represented to the Grand Vizier the Aggrievances, and ill Treatment of which they complained. The French Ambassador, on the other side, being a great Favourer of Sir Sackvile Crow and his Proceedings, assisted him both at Smyrna and Constantinople. All which will more particularly appear by the following Letters.  
The Factor's General Letter to the Levant Company, dated the 28th of June, 1646, in Constantinople.  
Right Worshipful,  
SIrs, at present we have our Heads and Hands full, and all little enough to preserve your Estates from devouring, and ourselves from that Evil Consequence might ensue upon such unheard-of Proceedings and Intentions, as have been long in private agitation; but when the Monster came to the Birth, there wanted strength to bring forth; so, in a good hour we may say, the Snare is broken, and doubt not the Devices of the Crafty is frustrate by him, whose Almightiness shows itself most, when we Mortals are least capable to help ourselves. We shall, according to our Obligation, give your Worships some account of the last Progressions of his Lordship Sir Sackvile Crow, whom his Majesty sent hither Ambassador, and to be a Protector of your Estates, and our Persons; how he hath performed this Charge and Duty formerly, your Lordships have in part heard; what hath happened of late, we shall now chiefly insist upon.  
After his Lordship had caused the stay of the Ships in this Port, and at Smyrna, under pretence of this State's requiring it, in respect of their Wars with the Venetians, the Samson and Smyrna Merchant, having been here almost seven Months, to the great loss and damage of Ships and Goods; he picks a quarrel with the Factory of Smyrna, for not complying according to his Order, in the payment of their Parts of the last Leviation-Mony; and hereupon sends down john Hetherington one of his Servants, a most lewd, debauched, profane, riotous Fellow, (yet his Lordship's Kinsman) accompanied with two Chiouzes, two Druggermen, a Janisary, and other Servants, to proceed with those who should refuse to pay their Leviation according to the Instructions he had given the said Hetherington, and Lorenzo Zuma, Druggerman: But before the arrival of these Agents, the Nation there had undertaken the payment by an Obligatory Letter to his Lordship; this would not satisfy, nor deposition of Goods for Security, until Answer should come from hence of the payment of their Bills of Exchange, which was tendered; bu● the second day after their arrival, Hetherington and his Retinue goes to the Caddie's, and thither causes the Consul and all the Nation to come; where it was pretended they had laden the William and Thomas with Corn, and sent her away; and therefore, by virtue of an Imperial Command, (very privately here procured) the Consul, and six more of the Nation, were delivered into the Hands of the Chiouz, and so brought up hither, not being suffered to return to their own Houses, but put a day and a night into an offensive dark place, the Doors and Windows not only shut, but nailed upon them, not suffering either their Friends or Servants to come at them, or a Window open till the evening, for which also they paid Dollars 100 In this disgraceful manner they were brought hither, where they have been since the 22 d of the last Month, Prisoners in his Lordship's House to the 21st present, notwithstanding they had complied in paying the Leviation Monies in less than a Week after their arrivals; and by fair Promises, put off from day to day, for their dispatch to their Business at Smyrna, which could not but much suffer by their absence: Their Magazines and Counting-houses continued sealed from the time of their Attachments; the Ships not permitted to lad, or depart, though empty; and no Debts due to them would be paid in this their Absence and time of Distraction.  
The Leviation Monies being satisfied, (of which Dollars 31000, his Lordship forced into Cancellaria); and we of Smyrna expecting no more rubs in the way, his Lordship, the 16 th' Instant, calls a Court, and there declared, That of what Monies had been collected, there would not remain much on the old Account; therefore provision must be made for the future growing Charge, for so much as upon this pretended Embargo, no Ships would come in haste, and he and his must be maintained, which he would provide for: Hereupon, when we could not do otherwise, Dollars 25000 was promised, half by this Factory, for which his Lordship caused us to enter into Bond, as he did those of Smyrna for the other half; this being effected, which we should not neither altogether have been so ready to have complied in, but thereby to put a period to all other Demands, and enable ourselves to proceed in our Business for your Worship's better Service.  
The 18 th' present his Lordship calls another Court; and after arguing of some General Matters, with a seeming sadness, tells us how that he had been wronged by false Information from hence and Smyrna, (but he was so far from proving it, as that he would not discover so much as whom he suspected) and thereupon the Levant Company at Home had, by means of the Parliament, procured Sequestration of his Estate and Lands in England, and endeavoured to surprise his Person; and therefore, according to Religion, Reason, and common Policy, he ought to secure himself and his Hostages; and thereupon he departed from us, requiring the Nation speedily to resolve of some present Satisfaction that might secure his Estate at Home, and Person here, otherwise he vowed to God, he would suddenly do it himself, with no little disadvantage to ourselves and Principals. These strange, unreasonable, and unexpected Demands, filled us with amazement, not knowing what Answer to give to such a groundless demand; we desired the Secretary Signior Dominico to know his Lordships more particular Desires therein, that so we might better understand him, and to put his Demands into such a moderate way, as he might receive some Satisfaction. He returned us Answer, that we must resolve to satisfy his aforesaid Demands before we went thence: Whereupon the Gates were shut, and also Guards set upon us, that we should not converse with any, or convey so much as Paper out of Doors. Thus we are all surprised, made close Prisoners, and our Countinghouse, Warehouse, and Chambers sealed up, to make sure of our Goods and Estates there also. Continuing in this sad Condition all Night, and finding no Motion to proceed from his Lordship to declare himself farther, four or five of us was appointed by the generality, personally to crave his Lordship's particular Desires and Demands of us: Whose Answer was, That the lowest value he could put upon his Lands the Company had sequestered, was 25000 pounds Sterling; and for the loss he should sustain by being put out of the Ambassadorship, which he saith his Majesty hath granted him for his Life; therefore the Strangers Consulage he rates at Dollars 5000 per Annum; which for the clear Gain of seven Years to come, is Dollars 35000; for which he declared that he would not accept of any Personal Security or Obligation whatsoever, but a present disposition of Dollars 160000 in Money or Goods, into his own hands must be made. And if to this we would not condescend, he told us, That he at the last Sacrament had vowed to God (as he doth now) to sacrifice his Estate, Himself, Wife and Children, for the execution of this his absolute Intent; and till then, neither our Persons, Estates, Ships here, or at Smyrna, should be free. We told his Lordship, that finding not any of us had heard of any such Things was (or intended to be) done against him by the Company, it would give us great Satisfaction, to show us those Advices he grounded this Pretence upon. To this no Answer was then given by himself, but dismissed us, leaving it to our last and speedy Resolution, because he was resolved to strike home. Immediately after he sent us word by a second, That he could not let his Honour descend so low, as to show his Advices to any. This empty Reply, gave us too much reason, not only to conclude this to be a feigned Pretence, but made us suspect his Intention and Aim was at all the Nation's Estate in the Country; and therefore we returned him this reasonable and defensive Answer, as your Worships will particularly perceive by the enclosed Paper: whereunto is adjoined his Reply to that our Answer, as he pretended; though it appears it was intended before, it being dated a day before our Answer. Whilst thus we continued, it happened that those four of us were fortunately absent from Court that day, who hearing of our Conditions, wherefore, and why we were thus detained, and what an ill Period these Proceedings tended unto, if not timely and prudently prevented; they used their best endeavours to free us and your Livelihoods from the Claws of Tyranny and Covetousness; they applied themselves to Signior Illustrissimo Cops, the States of Holland's Agent: who as he was ever a Friend and Favourer of the Nation, so now he gave us good and great testimony thereof in this our greatest Need and Extremity: and chiefly by his means with a Sum of Money; together with the Clamours of the Jews, and many other of the Grand Signior's Subjects against this our present Abuse, and destruction of future Trade: The Vizier (whom they had well and fully possessed with the Truth of all Things) after three days Imprisonment, sent a Chiouz for us to his Lordship's House, from whence we were carried before the Vizier, who much upbraided his Lordship, saying, He never gave him Commands for such Proceedings, notwithstanding his Lordship's avaneous Allegations against his own Nation, by saying, an English Ship at Smyrna was laden with Powder, Ammunition, etc. and there resided for assistance of the Turks Enemies; and other the like Abuses, and destructive Courses against those here; tending not only to the confiscation of Ships and Estates, but the risgo of enslaving our Bodies, if not the loss of all or some of our Lives, had his Hellish Plots taken effect. The next day after our general Commitment, arrives five more of our fellow Factors from Smyrna, there seized upon and made Prisoners; and so by his Lordship's Command, in that nature brought to his House, and put amongst us, notwithstanding the advice from their Correspondents hence was at Smyrna, (before their departure thence) that their part of Leviation Money was all paid in here; yet their Leviation, with one third more in Monies and Goods, was taken again from them by his impudently impious Ministers there, and all the rest of their Goods continued sealed up: So the Intent (as your Worships may plainly perceive) was no other than first to get the moneys here paid, then to seize upon their Persons, and next to take away and secure their Estates; thereby to prevent a just, reasonable, and natural Defence; and now it too plainly appears, (because his Lordship's Employers had taken course no Messengers should come unto us); Horsemen are daily dispatched unto us by our Friends at Smyrna, advising us to the 20 th' Instant, of the unnatural and devouring Progressions they had there made; which was done by the assistance of the Caddie, whom they had well bribed, beginning to act there at the same time as we were here all imprisoned; so there was no intent of staying for our Answer to his extravagant Demands. They first fell upon Mr. Lancelot's House, thence proceed all throughout the Nation; so that they have not only taken away all the Goods, moneys, and Effects whatsoever they could find in their Houses, at Home or Abroad, but broke open and ransacked all our Chambers, Trunks, and Counting-houses, which mounteth to a far greater value than his demands of Dollars 160000; and by large Promises to Informers, endeavour to discover and take what is owing them abroad by People of the Country; and have so threatened our Friends and Servants to deliver our Books, and declare where's more of our Estates, that they are constrained to leave our naked Houses to the open World, and betake themselves to the Ships in Port for Refuge. All this it seems contents them not, but are contriving Provisions, by policy and force of some Rogues of the Country, to unlade what Goods the Nation had put on board the jonas. For all which, we have not only the advice of our distressed Friends there, but such infallible Information, as your Worships may perceive by the enclosed authentic Copies of Letters from his Instruments at Smyrna to his Lordship here; by which you will too plainly perceive his Lordship did, and still doth aim at all the Estate the Nation had in the Country; and for that cause he was so much enraged for the departure of the Hercules, and William and Thomas, whose Goods he esteemed as so much loss to him.  
We have been now seven days out of his Lordship's hands, and are endeavouring to free that Estate they have already taken at Smyrna, as also to defend ourselves and your Estates in future from him, and free the Ships out of Port, (which no question at last will be proved have been detained by his Lordship to this ill purpose) and if possible, to procure the return of Dollars, 20 in 30000, his Lordship hath unavoidably forced from us in the Leviation Account, upon strange Pretences. All which (by the assistance of our obliged and worthy Friend Signior Illustrissimo Cops; together with the expense of Dollars 30 in 40000, to the Vizier and other Turkish Ministers) we doubt not but speedily to effect; for without this honest defensive Remedy, we can expect nothing but ruin to all your Estate in the Country, which still he threateneth, and endeavours by all his devilish Policy and Means to effect: But the Vizier, and the two Caddeleskiers, who are our Judges, are so possessed with the Truth and Reason of our Cause, as well by the People of the Country, as ourselves, that they have given us full assurance, by Promises, Protestations, and found Probabilities, that our just Demands shall be accomplished; for which we all faithfully and earnestly endeavour Night and Day, and so do hourly expect a good determination of it: and till there be an Issue or Settlement given to this our confused Condition, (which we hope will not continue for many days) no particular Principal must expect Advice from any Factor here, because no private Man can fitly advise any thing, till the general Business be better ordered: And as we proceed therein, we shall by all Ways and Conveyances give your Worships a true and exact Account. We do humbly beseech your Worships to acknowledge the good Offices of the State's Agent to their Ambassador with you, and so fully certify him, that Illustr. Sign. Cops appeared no ways against his Lordship as Ambassador, or trenching on the King's Honour, but respectfully and modestly for the safety of your Estates.  
To particularise all Passages and Circumstances in this Business, would prove more troublesome than needful to your Worships, so please to accept of this Relation; for this is the present state of yours and our Condition; which though not so well as we could wish, yet better than we could imagine; for the Hand was up, the Match lighted, and a little more time would have blown up all. We need not put your Worships in mind speedily to send us another Protector, seeing the Necessity of your Occasions craves it too plainly; and in confidence of your speedy Resolution thereof, we shall continue, hoping our Desires will be satisfied, and the Estates in better security, by his speedy arrival here, which God in Mercy grant.  
His Lordship's Cause is so bad, that Signior Dominico your Secretary, Signior George, and all other Druggermen, have not only declined his Lordship, but apply themselves to us, (and especially the former). In fine, we conceive his Lordship finds his former bad Proceedings have made him uncapable to return into England, and also uncertain of his Residence here; which, together with the improvident use he hath made of his Golden Time, that he intended to seize upon all He and his unworthy Instruments could catch hold of; for to this purpose he diverted the Golden Fleece's advantageous Design for Venice; which at first was approved and caused by his own consent; and occasioned her Factor here, to whom she was consigned, to let her him to freight, that so Himself, Family, and undue gotten Estate, may be conveyed (as is supposed) into France, with whose Ambassador, there hath been often a more than ordinary correspondency of late.  
Galata of Constantinople June 28. 1646.  
Before the sealing up of our Letter, we have procured an Imperial Command for the recovering of the Estate into our Hands, taken away at Smyrna; as also for the attaching the Persons, and bringing tho●e good Agents of his Lordships hither, to answer their Proceedings and Behaviour: the obtaining of which Command, we are not a little glad of, being our Obligatory Testimony of the Vizier's being our Friend, and ties him thereby to continue so, which we hope effectually to find, two days hence, when his Lordship is to appear with us before him; but in case he refuseth (as already he hath done) the Vizier will give Sentence against him.  
Your Worships may be pleased to take notice, that his Lordship's chief Counsellor, in these his undue Proceedings, is Mr. Henry Hyde, of whose good Service in your former Occasions at the Morea, we need not to give testimony; but can assure your Worships, that since his coming hither, he hath occasioned great Disturbance among the Nation; and now at last (had the Design before mentioned taken effect) might have raised his decayed Fortunes, by the ruin of Yours and our Estates; but, thanks be to God, the Counsel of Achitophel is turned into Folly. And for your late Treasurer john Woolf, the satisfying of whose Debts hath so mounted the last Leviation, he is so far from acknowledging the Courtesies done in acquitting him from his Creditors, that he is become Assistant (though a weak one) to his Lordship in the Proceeding aforementioned: And having deserted Galata, with Mr. Henry Hyde, resides at his lordship's, laying their Heads together in contriving Mischief against those from whom they have had their Maintenance.  
In case your Worships should not be in a posture to procure an Ambassador so soon as you may desire, that you would please in the interim, and as soon as may be, to obtain a Letter from his Majesty to the Grand Signior, or Vizier, in approbation and acknowledgement of what is done; and that his Lordship be not nimbler than your Worships in getting the like against us, which doubtless he will endeavour. We shall not farther enlarge at present, but intent shortly, when all things shall be fully and absolutely settled, to write to your Worships again. So we rest.  
At Instant a Copy of his Lordship's Letter, with others directed to him, being come to hand, we send them herewith; and from Smyrna are advised that the Persons of Hetherington and the Druggerman are detained aboard our Ships there; and by this time the Command is with them, which will warrant the bringing them up with their Papers▪ that are also aboard; by which the Plot will more plainly appear. To morrow we expect his Lordship's appearance before the Vizier, when we have hopes to reward the Trouble he intended others, etc.  
Kept until the 6 th' of July, 1646. Your Worship's most obliged and humble Servants, 

john Wyld,  
john Lancelot,  
Nicholas Read,  
William Ashley,  
Thomas Berkley,  
Dixwell Brent,  
Nath. Barnardiston,  
james Moyer,  
james Modyford,  
Daniel Edwards,  
William Chappel,  
Roger Fouke,  
Gyles Ball,  
john Tye,  
john Ball,  
William Pearl,  
john Pixley,  
George Hanger,  
Samuel Barnardiston,  
john Swift,  
William Gough,  
Thomas Pigot,  
john Abney,  
Francis Ashwell,  
Robert Frampton,  
Gyles Davis,  
john Plomer,  
james Davison,  
William Osburn,  
Henry Davy,  
Richard Strode,  
Philip Farewell,  
john Erisey,  
jonathan Dawes,  
Ralph Gosnold,   Your Worship's most obliged, most humble, and faithful Servant, Domenico Timone, Secretary.  
The Factor's General Letter from Smyrna, dated the 4th of July, 1646, to the Levant Company.  
Right Worshipful Sirs,  
IT may please you, our last from hence was by the Ship William and Thomas, advising his Lordship's Proceedings for another Leviation, for discharging your Debts at Constantinople, being then informed that the whole amounted unto Dollars 118109; and how we were resolved to withstand it, until your Worship's further Pleasure should be signified unto us concerning the same, for such Reasons as we then presumed to lay open unto you; and that in the mean time we had presented our Grievances to his Lordship's gracious perusal, the Copy whereof went annexed to our said Letter, to both which you may please to have reference.  
The 24 th' of March following, our Consul called a Court, and declared his Lordship's Answer to our said Letter, disliking our Proceedings; and by a new Order prohibited the lading of Goods, and receiving them on Board, and the departure of Ships, until the said Leviation were paid, according to his former Order, and Schedule now set down, showing each Man his proportionable part for his Factory of Smyrna, amounting in all to Dollars 54950, and for the Factory at Constantinople, to Dollars 56000, is together Dollars 110950. Whereupon, we generally desired that his Lordship would be pleased to suspend the execution of the said Order of Leviation, until such time we should receive your Worships farther Order about it, without which we ourselves were like to pay it out of our own Purses, as in the last Leviation; receiving since particular Orders from some of our Principals, not to pay any Leviations, otherwise it should be for our own Accounts, and not theirs.  
The 24 th' of April, the Consul called another Court, signifying unto us, that his Lordship did require an account for the departure of the Ship William and Thomas, and Success, contrary to his Lordship's Commands, there being an Officer of the Vizier's come down to apprehend Captain Tho. Porter, and to carry him up to Constantinople, (which Ships departed at their own pleasures, being not in our powers to stay them). And that concerning the Leviation it was inevitable, and his Lordship was resolved upon it, and therefore would force us unto it, and expect repair of Honour from the Delinquents. Whereupon fearing his Lordship's farther displeasure, which might beget some greater Inconveniences amongst us, we presumed to yield unto his Lordship's Commands, by way of a submissive orderly compliance, and conform ourselves unto the payment of our parts of the said Leviation, in proportion to the Estates were received on the last general Ships, Hercules, Samson, and Smyrna-Merchant, according to our particular Assessments; as appeareth by our general Letter presented to his Lordship, and entered in Cancellaria, grounded upon the result of this days Court; desiring his Lordship would be pleased to allow us four months' time for payment, for such Reasons as we have alleged in the same.  
The 6 th' of May, the Consul told us he had received other Letters from his Lordship, prohibiting not only the Lading of Goods, and the Departure of any Ships, until the Leviation be settled; but also therein more fully signifies and declares, That until the Grand Signior's Fleet be gone forth, he cannot permit any Ship, either at Constantinople, or here, to lad or be dispatched; and that accordingly his Lordship is so required of this State. And in like manner hath ordered and commanded those whom it concerns, both above, and in this Port, to observe the same. And moreover farther witnessing, which accordingly (as he said) he was bound to acquaint us, how that the Embargo at Constantinople, and here, was seconded; and his Lordship, to avoid farther Dangers and Inconveniences to the Public, could not refuse his Consent thereunto.  
The 10 th' of May arrived here Mr. john Hetherington, a Servant to his Lordship, and Signior Lorenzo Zuma a Greek, one of his Lordship's Druggermen, from Constantinople; who the next Morning moved our Consul to call a Court for the Nation; where being assembled, the Consul told the said Hetherington and Lorenzo, That their Desires were performed, and therefore required them to deliver what they had in Commission from his Lordship: who produced an Order of the 27 th' of April, directed to the Consul and Us, for payment of the said Leviation forthwith, or else to proceed according to his farther Order, Warrant, and Instructions in such behalf; and we to be answerable to such Loss, Damage, and Inconveniencies as may ensue thereby. To which we answered, That the Leviation was subscribed unto, and therefore desired the said Hetherington and Lorenzo to stay four or five days, until his Lordship should return▪ Answer to our Letter of the 24 th' of April. The said Lorenzo told us, He would retire and peruse his Lordship's Commission, and in two hours return, to have a more full and satisfactory Answer from us: which being expired, he declared, That his Lordship's Commission required forthwith ready Money or Goods, (being his Instruction, from which he could not vary). Whereupon Mr. john Lancelot first answered, (as he was a Merchant) He could not deposit his Cloth, for his Credit's sake, but would give his Bills for his and Mr. Dixwell Brent's proportionable part of the Leviation, payable at Constantinople per Mr. Thomas Pigot, at five days sight, into his Lordship's Cancellaria; which was refused, unless they would deposit the value in Cloth, and one third part more towards Charges, in the possession of him the said Lorenzo; which they said again, for their Credit's sake (as they were Merchants) could not consent unto; so referred themselves unto the said Lorenzo's farther proceedings, if these Proffers would not be accepted of, being not possible for them at present to procure moneys at Interest, or otherwise.  
The like Conditions we all in general proffered for our proportionable parts, but were refused by the said Hetherington and Lorenzo. Whereupon the Consul told them, they had all our Assents for payment of the Leviation; and if that, with such Reasons and Proffers as we propounded, might not be satisfactory, the Consul, and we in general, referred ourselves to the said Lorenzo's farther Proceedings.  
After this, the said Hetherington and Lorenzo presently repaired to the Caddies, accompanied with a prime Chiouz of the Vizier's, and declared their farther Commissions: After publication whereof, the Caddie sent for the Consul, and all our Nation, where the Capitulations were first taken away by Warrant, and the Consul in a most barbarous manner was laid hold on, with Dixwell Brent, Daniel Edwards, john Pixley, Samuel Barnardiston, George Hanger, and james Moyer, and committed Prisoners into the Custody of the said Chiouz and Officers, and transported to a House (taken by them on purpose) where they were violently, and in a formidable manner, thrust into a dark Chamber, and at length were forced to present Dollars 300, to have a Window set open to give them Light and Air; the Consul telling the said Hetherington and Lorenzo, before he was surprised, in the presence of the Caddies, That neither he, or the Nation, had any ways transgressed the Grand Signior's, or his Lordship's Commands, and that he did not fear what they could do unto him, no not so much as to die, in performance of his Faith and Trust to the Levant Company, whom he had truly served; as likewise for his Love and Affection he bore to the Nation here under his Charge, whom he would never betray, hoping shortly to see his own Country again. And in two hours after, the said Hetherington, Lorenzo, and Chiouz, Caddie, and Neipe, sealed up all the Counting-houses, Magazines, and some Chambers; and in two days after, transported the Prisoner's over-land up to Constantinople, where they were delivered to his Lordship's Power and safe Custody; we in the mean time being left like so many Sheep without a Shepherd, and ignorant where to seek protection.  
The next day after departure of these Prisoners, the said Hetherington and Lorenzo sealed up our Cloth in our own Warehouses, for what concerned our proportionable part of the Leviation, at the rate of Dollars 45 per Cloth, and one third part more towards Charges.  
The 18 th' day of May, at the instance of the said Hetherington and Lorenzo, the remainder of us left here behind met together, where the said Hetherington told us we had not brought in our Bills of Exchange for Constantinople, for the parts of our Leviation, and one third part more; unto which we answered, We had complied with his Lordship's Commands, in all willing and obedient manner, according to our present Possibilities, until we should be able to satisfy the same with our ready moneys here, or by our Bills payable in Constantinople, at five days sight, wherein we promised to use our utmost Endeavours, hoping to redeem our Cloth again, which we had deposited, and they sealed up, for our proportionable Parts of the Leviation.  
In few days after arrived here one of the principallest Chiouzes of the Grand Signior, with new Commands sent down by his Lordship; by virtue whereof the said Hetherington and Lorenzo seized upon the Persons of john Ball, Henry Davey, Philip Farewell, Nathaniel Barnardiston, and john Ingoldsby, who were committed Prisoners to the said Chiouz, who used them with some humanity, and sent up the next day to Constantinople, to be delivered unto his Lordship's Power; after whose departure (all Law being set aside) the said Hetherington and Lorenzo by this Command came down, opened all our Warehouses, and by Violence carried all our Goods away into several Canes of the Turks; as well what they had sealed up, for the Leviation, as all other Goods of what nature soever they could find, unless it were such as was sealed up, and belonged to Turks, and other of the Grand Signior's Subjects; and left many of us so bare, that we had not wherewithal to afford us a piece of Bread to keep Life and Soul together, only bare Promises. The said Chiouz remaining behind, put us daily into great Fears that we should all be sent up, or clapped up here in Prison, which caused many of us to repair on board the Ship for Succour, here being in Harbour the Ships Rainbow, jonas, Hopewell, and Triangle.  
In all which time of this Distraction and Sufferings, our Miseries have been much condoled by the chief Turks and Inhabitants of this Place, who seem to sympathise with us in our sad Conditions; and had not the Commands been so powerful, the whole Town would have risen up in our Defence and Protection, who have privately advised of these Abuses; which as they themselves confess, are like to ruin, not only this Scale, but that of Aleppo and Constantinople also, to the Dishonour of the Grand Signior, and ruin of many of his Subjects; and of a profitable and acceptable Friend (our Nation) to become a potent Enemy against them.  
The 28 th' of june came Letters from Constantinople, advising the Vizier's Order for rescuing both Factories from his Lordship's Imprisonment, and particular Advice to some of us here left, for apprehending the Persons of the said Hetherington and Lorenzo, and to keep them in sa●e Custodies on board our Ships, fearing (we having no Order as yet to receive our Estates out of their Possessions) they might convey our said Estates away, or sell them for half their Worth, and so make their private escapes out of Town, expecting daily a Chiouz to carry up their Persons to Constantinople, and to free our Goods, hoping all will go well again for us. Hereupon the very same day, the said Hetherington and Lorenzo, (without any noise or rumour) were by the Mariners conveyed on board several Ships from the said Hetherington's Lodging, viz. Hetherington on board the Triangle, William Hodges Commander; and Lorenzo on board the Hopewell, Nicholas Terrick Commander; where now they remain, to the contentment of the Inhabitants here, who daily expect their sending up to the Port, there to answer to such Crimes and Insolences as shall be objected and proved against them.  
Thus we have presumed plainly and distinctly (accordingly as we conceive it becomes us) though briefly, to present unto your Worship's perusal, the whole Process of his Lordship's Proceedings against us here in Smyrna, (since our last) according to our experience of the Passages; by which your Worships may easily conjecture his Lordship's farther Intentions. And for what hath occurred at Constantinople, your Worships will receive by this Conveyance, advise to both which we pray you to be referred; which being taken into your deliberate Considerations, may afford such future Means of Protection, and encouragement to enter into a way of settling this Turkey Trade in such a posture, that we hope these Losses may be repaired with advantage.  
And so we humbly take our leaves, having given your Worship's testimony of our Concordance, in the discharge of our Obligations and Duties; and in conformity we subscribe, evermore resting,  
Smyrna, July 4. 1646. Your Worship's humble and obliged Servants, 

Robert Keble,  
Thomas Lancelot,  
john Wild junior,  
Laurence Chambers,  
Will. Oxwieck,  
Arnold White,  
Daniel Bassano,  
William Whetcombe,  
Robert Dawes,  
Samuel Browning,    
But not to insist long on a Subject so ungrateful, as the Difference was between the Ambassador and his Merchants; the Conclusion, and Issue of all was this. After Sir Sackvile Crow had spent at the least seventy thousand pieces of Eight of good ready Money, and the Turkey Company two hundred thousand; the Turks finding the Ambassador's Exchequer to be almost exhausted, for that Presents and Purses of Money came not in so plentifully as at first; and on the contrary, feeling the Spring of the Levant Companies Treasury still to run fresh and quick, their Inclinations towards the Ambassador grew more cold and faint, his Agents were not admitted so readily to Audience as formerly, nor his Petitions and Addresses received with that candour, as when Money and Interest made their entrance easy; in the mean time, the Merchants were heard with great patience, their Cause and Complaints esteemed reasonable; and in short, Sir Sackvile Crow was dismissed from Constantinople, in a manner not usual for Ambassadors, nor agreeable to that Quality and Character: and was succeeded by Sir Thomas Bendysh, who was Authorized and constituted in that Embassy, by Commission from his Majesty King Charles the First of ever blessed and glorious Memory.  
year 1647. Gio Capello being constituted General in the place of Molino, as we mentioned at the end of the preceding Year, departed from Venice early in the Spring, having under his Command fifty Galleys, six Galleasses, and forty Ships of War, and four Fireships, besides other Vessels, which are necessary Attendants on so great an Armata; which grand Preparations raised the Minds of the Christian World to expect the abatement of the Ottoman Pride, and other Effects equal to the magnificent Ostentation, and triumphing Glory of this mighty Power: But God, who gives not always Success to the Powerful, nor the Battle to the Strong, was not, it seems, so well satisfied for the Sins of Christendom, as to judge it worthy to be delivered from the Scourges of its Grand Oppressor.  
Whilst Capello remained with the best part of the Fleet at Candia, Tomaso Morosini, Admiral of the Ships, showed himself in a Bravado with twenty two Sail before the Castles of the Helle●●ont, called the Dardanelli, defying the whole Turkish Power, with Colours flying, and Drums beating: nor did they dare to answer the bold Challenge, until in a dead Calm, some few light Galleys presented themselves in a seeming Battle, with whom, for want of Wind, the Ships were on the disadvantage, and rather received Prejudice than gave it; so that both sides were contented with the Action.  
Morosini withdrew from that Station, and returned to his General at Candia; to whom having joined his Forces, he earnestly persuaded him, together with the Proveditor Grimani, to engage the Turkish Fleet, which they assured him was much inferior to them, both in number of Vessels, and in Skill and Courage of the Combatants; and that the Success of this Year consisted in the cutting off the Enemy's Succours, which was their sole Relief and Dependence, without which they could not longer maintain the Ground they possessed, but must deliver up that and themselves to their pleasure. But the cautious General would not assent to this Resolution, judging it overrash and precipitate; for that the Fortune of Candia, and other Isles of the Archipelago, was not to be hazarded on the Success of one Battle.  
During which Dispute, and irresolution of Affairs, the Turkish Fleet, consisting of three hundred Sail, arrived at Canea, where they landed forty thousand fight Men, which turned the Scale of the War, and rendered the Turks so powerful, as not ever more to be expelled, or their Offspring extirpated from the Confines of that Island. By this time the Pope's and Malta Galleys were come to their Assistance, and united with the Venetians; so that Capello setting sail from the Port of Suda, resolved to engage the Enemy at St. Theodoro; which was effected accordingly, though with little Success, for the Turks had fortified themselves, and secured their Galleys with that advantage, that they could not be assaulted without great hazard of the Christians; and when they endeavoured to burn them, their four Fireships took fire too soon, and proved of more fear and astonishment to the Turks (to whom this Invention was as yet unknown) than of real damage. After this the Venetians returned again to Suda, where having intelligence that thirty Turkish Galleys, with Men and Provision (which they had collected in several parts of the Archipelago) were on their Voyage to Canea, Capello preparing to intercept them with a Force of Galleasses and Galleys, and leaving Grimani and Morosini to command the main Body of the Fleet, he in Person bend hi● Course towards Cerigo.  
In the mean time Mustapha Pasha departed from Canea, in order to his return to Constantinople, with fifty seven light Galleys, two Ships, two Galleasses, and many Saiks; but meeting in his Passage with a hard storm of Northerly Winds, he lost seven of his Galleys, and several other Vessels, so that he resolved to divide his Fleet, and send part of them to Scio, and himself with the other part to make for Negropont. This Fleet was followed by some other Vessels under the Command of Mahomet Celebee, Brother of the Pasha of Algiers, who being as far in his way as the narrow straits of Andra, he was there stopped by the Fury of the Northern Winds, (which are the Master-Winds of those Seas) and by the impetuous rage thereof, was carried to the Island of Zia; where having given Licence to the greatest part of his Soldiery to Land, they carelessly strayed abroad, and without suspicion of Surprise, merrily passed their time in eating and drinking. In the interim, advice hereof being carried to Tomaso Mororosini, then with some Ships in the Port of Milo, he immediately, without loss of time, applied himself to assault the Turks; and being followed by the Proveditor Grimani, he took two of their Ships, whilst Mehmet Celebee, with about two hundred of his Men, betook themselves to the weak shelter of an old demolished Fort, and afterwards surrendered themselves to the discretion of the Conqueror.  
Morosini and Grimani, encouraged with this Success, resolved to pursue the Enemy's Fleet; in order unto which, Morosini first putting out to Sea, was instantly carried away by a fierce gale of Wind towards Ambro, and separated from the rest of his Fleet, and thence again was tossed by the impetuosity of the Storms unto Rafti; of which Mustapha Pasha having Intelligence, made haste to attack this single Vessel, with forty Galleys; giving order to the Bey of Rhodes, to lay him aboard with fifteen Galleys, the strongest and best armed of all their Squadron: Morosini nothing dismayed, bearing the same constancy of Mind in the midst of his Enemies, as at a distance, boldly showed himself on the Quarter Deck, encouraging his Men with his words, and by his Example, to Actions worthy their Religion, Faith, and Country for which they contended. The Turks continued for some time to batter the Ship at a distance with their Cannon, but with little damage to the Christians; who returned their Shot to better advantage. Hereby the Turks perceiving that Blows given so far off did little Execution, resolved to Board the Vessel, and subdue Her by force of Arms, and being come to the side of the Ship, the Soldiers were fearful to enter, suspecting some trains of Powder to blow them up, until Emurat, one of the Captains, struck off the Head of one or two of his own Men, whom he perceived backward in the Assault, which affrighted the rest into the greater danger, and forced them to enter the Ship, who were soon followed by the Galleys of the Bey of Rhodes, of Milo, of Mehmet Bey, and others; so that now two hundred of the Enemy were Combating with Swords and Half Pikes upon the Deck; 
Morosini flair.  in which storm, Morosini fight amongst the thickest, was shot through the Head with a Musket Bullet, and so gloriously finished his Days in the Service and Defence of his Country; gaining to himself a Laurel, and an Immortal Name of Glory and Renown.  
The Christian Soldiers little regarding all this time the fall of their General, stoutly maintained their Fight, in which they received encouragement from the prospect they had of two Galleasses making haste to their Succour; at whose nearer approach, the Turks desisted from their farther Attempt; being unwilling to purchase a Victory at the dear rate it would cost them.  
The Body of Morosini was transported to Venice, and his Obsequies Celebrated in a manner more Triumphant than Funebrous; the Proveditor Grimani was likewise declared Captain General in the place of Capelo; who having, as it were, Besieged the Castles at the Mouth of the Dardanelli, taken several places in the Archipelago, and put the Enemy's Fleet often unto flight, he thereby, and by other Acts of Valour, rendered him justly renowned through all Christendom.  
These were the chief and most memorable actions by Sea, performed this Year; Those by Land were acted chiefly in Dalmatia, where the Turks poured in their Forces on the Venetian Dominions, but were bravely repulsed by Leonardo Foscolo, who took Ali Bey Prisoner, the Commander in Chief of the Sangiac of Licca, and slew his Son; besides which, he took Saccovar, Polissano, Islan, and other Fortresses and Castles, full of Arms and Ammunition, which were the Magazines of the Country; he also recovered Novegrade out of the hands of the Turks, which was afterwards demolished by Order from the Senate; which Victories were followed with other Successes; nothing being able to oppose the Valiant and Prosperous Arms of Foscolo; for besides the taking and sacking of several other Forts and Castles in Dalmatia, Obraozzo, Carino, Ottissina, Velino, Nadino, Vrana, Tino, and Salona, in the Confines of Croatia, and Bosna, became a Prey to the Venetian Arms.  
But to this successful Progress of the War, a stop was given for some time by the sickness of Foscolo; in which interim, the new Pasha of Bosna, called Mahomet Techli, a Circassian born, a Person both Generous and Valiant, with an Army of forty thousand Men, besieged the strong Fortress of Sebenico; but was bravely repulsed by the Valour of the Inhabitants, 
Sebenico besieged.  the very Women exceeding the imbecility of their Sex; and Children and old Men, with the weakness of their Age, strengthened themselves with Resolution against their Enemies, and so valiantly behaved themselves in defence of their City, that the Turk was forced to raise his Siege, having gained nothing but the loss and slaughter of many of his People, and the best of his Soldiery; whereby he gained an assurance of the Invincible Strength of that place, and the Valour of the Inhabitants.  
Foscolo in like manner recovering his Health, continued the uninterrupted course of his Victories, and thereunto added the taking of Scardona; so that in Dalmatia the Venetian Affairs ran so prosperously, that nothing could be desired to render them more happy and glorious. For the Turks not only were expelled from the Confines of Dalmatia, but likewise that Province became more quiet and secure than ever it had been in the Times of Peace.  
But the joy of these Successes was very much allayed by the unhappy Fate of a great part of the Venetian Fleet, at the Island of Psara; which being launched from Candia with intention to assault the Turks within the Dardanelli, 
The man of the Venetian Armata at Psara.  unfortunately were driven by contrary Winds to that unsecure shore; where contending with a most furious Storm, a great part of the Fleet was cast away, and the General Grimani himself drowned. About which time, the Turks, for the greater Terror of the Christians, laid close Siege to the City of Candia, and made many and various Attempts thereupon, carrying on their Assaults with the height of bravery and Resolution, the Particulars of which require a distinct History; but by the invincible Fortitude and Courage of the Christians, they were repulsed with that slaughter, and with the loss of so many Men, by Sallies and other Stratagems of War, that the Turks were at length constrained to raise their Siege with dishonour and confusion; during which time many of the Nobility and Persons of Quality lost their Lives; amongst which, the principal were, Vicenzo della Marra, Governor General of the Arms of Candia, and Count Remorantino, natural Son of the Duke of Lorraine, Commander in Chief of the Forces that came from beyond the Alps.  
General Foscolo encouraged by the many glorious Enterprises that he had obtained, resolved to consummate all by taking the strong and famous Fortress of Clissa, 
Clissa ta●en.  situate in the Confines of Dalmatia, and Borders of Bosna, on the top of a sharp and craggy Mountain, environed with Rocks and unaccessible Passages; the difficulty of the attempt rather inflamed than abated the Courage of Foscolo, so that he Valiantly Besieged and Assaulted that Place; during which time, the Priest D. Stephano Sorich, Captain of the Morlaches, intercepted the Succours which were sent thither, and Georgio the Proveditor, overthrew Teccheli Pasha in a Field Battle; so that the Inhabitants despairing of Relief, surrendered up themselves to the mercy of the Venetians; and thus Clissa being taken, the Senate Commanded that it should be more regularly Fortified.  
And here the Christian Arms met some interruption. For the Morlaches desirous to cast off the Turkish Yoke, and return to the protection of the Venetians, designed to surprise Scutari; and at the same time the the Archbishop of Durazzo, with seven thousand Albanians, was to seize upon Croia, and Alessio; but the Design being discovered by the traitorous practices of some false Brethren, before Matters were maturely grown, or the time of Execution, it had certainly cost the Life of all the Morlaches, and seven hundred Venetian Soldiers joined with them, had not the increase of the Waters hindered the speedy March of the Turks, who resolved to cut them all off without mercy, or regard to any; so that having time to disperse themselves, and take refuge in the Mountains, the most of them preserved their Lives from the Cruelty of their Enemies; only some certain Ecclesiastical Persons falling into their Hands, they imputed unto them the cause of the Rebellion, and in a barbarous manner impaled them on Stakes.  
The Turks enraged for the loss of Clissa, dispatched Dervis Pasha into the parts of Bosna, with a potent Army, threatening to Assault Spalatro; whom to divert, Foscolo, together with Priest Sorich Captain of the Morlaches, entered into the Enemy's Country; spoiling, burning, and destroying wheresoever they came. The Morlaches more greedy of Prey than ambitious of Glory, divided themselves into small Parties to rob and pillage; in which interim they were assaulted by the Turks, but being scattered, were so far from making a stout resistance, that they committed themselves to a shameful flight, in which great numbers of them were miserably Butchered; nor could the valour of Sorich, nor of the Governor Possidaria, reduce them by their Examples into any Order: whilst together with some few valiant Dalmatians, and Morlach Captains, they endured the shock of all the Enemy's Fury; in which Skirmish the Turks lost seven Agas, and about seventy Soldiers: On the Christians side were killed four hundred, some few Slaves, and about seventy Ensigns taken; amongst the rest the good Priest Sorich scorning to turn his back, had the misfortune to fall into the Enemy's hands, whom they flayed alive, and afterwards impaled; and though they subdued his Body, yet he was still master of his mind; bearing the same constancy in his Torments, as he had showed Magnanimity and Courage in the Face of his Enemy.  
Whilst these Martial Affairs were transacting, with the Blood and Life of many thousands on both sides, Sultan Ibrahim, like a stout Soldier of Venus, waged another War in the Elysium's of Cupid; and casting aside all thoughts of Candia, remitted the sole care and management thereof to the Vizier and Pashas of the Divan; following a Life so lascivious and sensual, as can neither be imagined with a chaste Fancy, or described by a modest Pen.  
A principal Instrument of his Delights, and Engine to compass his Amorous Designs, was a certain cast Wench of his, which he named Shechir Para, which signifies a little piece of Sugar; for it seems she was so complaisant and dulcet in her Humour and Discourse, as merited that apt Name to express the sweetness of her Conversation; this Woman having the convenience to visit all the Baths in Town, took notice of every Woman which she saw of more than ordinary Features and Proportion, and having enquired her Condition and Dwelling, presently reported the same with all advantage to her Sultan, who having heard the Beauty described, be came passionately Enamoured, and could find no repose in his Fancy, until his Instruments, either by fair words or violence, had seduced her, or forced her to his Bed. But growing now extravagant and over-wanton in his Amours, he fell in love with the Sultana, or Widow of his Brother Sultan Morat: To win her Affections he had recourse to his Dear Shechir Para; who used all her Arts in this Service: but her pretty wheedling Terms could prevail nothing on this Lady, who answered her in short, That at the Death of her Lord Sultan Morat, she had resolved upon a perpetual Widowhood, for that the memory of him was still so lively in her, that she could not entertain the thoughts of admitting any new Embraces. This repugnancy and opposition inflamed the heat of Ibrahim like a Fever, so that he resolved to assault her himself one day by force, and took his time just as she came out of the Bath; but she being a bold Woman, and disdaining the wand'ring loves of Ibrahim, laid her hand upon her Dagger, (which Sultana's and great Ladies usually wear) threatening to wound him in her own defence; the noise and brawling hereof being overheard by the Queen-Mother, called her from her Retirements, and concerned her in the Quarrel; who whilst she reproved her Son, for the rape he intended on his Brother's Wife, gave opportunity to the Sultana to escape; and so delivered her out of the hands of this satire. But Ibrahim mad with love, and fuming with disdain to be checked and opposed by his Mother, Commanded her immediately to the old Seraglio, where he confined her to several days Imprisonment, during which time he understood in what manner she had treated his large-sized Armenian, of whom we have already spoken; whereof the Queen-Mother being conscious, submitted herself with all humility to her Son, begging his Favour and Pardon; and so well acted her part by those who carried her Addresses, that she overcame quickly his easy Nature, and was again restored to his Grace, and her Lodgings in the new Seraglio.  
In the mean time Shecher Para travelling over all the Baths in Town, to discover new delights for her Master, at length had the fortune to cast her Eyes on a Daughter of the Mufti, a Maid of Incomparable Beauty and Features of Countenance, and proportion of Body, which she reported to Ibrahim so sensibly, as if she herself had been in love; and after she had praised every Part and Member of her, she concluded in sum, that she was the most Excellent and admirable Piece that ever Nature framed. The Sultan had no sooner heard the Story, but according to his usual Custom, fell most desperately in love, and had immediately, without farther consideration or counsel, dispatched his Emissaries; or without other Preamble, Ceremony, or Courtship, to have fetched her to him; had not the sense of the late Rebuff he had received from his Brother's Wife, made some impression of fear in him; and the apprehension he had of the Power of the Mufti, created in him a certain Caution and Respect in the treatment of his Daughter: wherefore he rather resolved to send for the Mufti, with whom he treated of honourable Terms concerning Marriage; promising to take her into his Bosom, and prefer her in Honour equal to any other of his Sultana's.  
The old Man who was tender of, and doted on his Daughter, knowing well the wand'ring humour of the Sultan in his Amours, intended rather to marry her to some great Personage, with whom she might be more happy, than in being a Soltana: for he considered, that Ibrahim having already other Sons, her Issue would either be Sacrificed for security of their Brothers, or else spend their days in a Prison, and become Grey-headed, whilst they breathe in a medium between Life and Death, and are sad Recluses in the Grave of their unhappiness. These considerations were well imprinted in the mind of the Mufti: but because he durst not deny his proposal, he dealt with him as Inferiors usually do with their Lords and Superiors; that is, he returned him thanks, expressing infinite Obligations, that he would vouchsafe to cast his Princely Eyes on the unworthiness of his Family: however he advised him, that according to the Canons of their Law, of which he was the Expositor, and obliged to be a severe and precise Observer; it was great Impiety in a Father to impose on the Affections of his Child; so that though he could heartily wish that his Daughter would embrace this Honour, to which he would exhort her with all the earnest Persuasions of a Father; yet if she proved refractory thereunto, it would not be becoming his Power to force her; and therefore hoped his Majesty would believe, that in proceeding thus far, he had performed that Duty which became him, both as a Father, and a Loyal Subject.  
Ibrahim supposing that by this Concession he had gained his Design, thanked and embraced the old Man, whom dismissing with plenary satisfaction, he remained now with an impatient expectation and hopes of enjoyment. Next Morning the Mufti returned early to the Grand Signior, and having first sufficiently instructed his Daughter to refuse the Sultan's Proffers, told him plainly, that he had used all his paternal Authority and interest with his Daughter, that he might induce her to accept this mighty Fortune, which cast itself upon her; but that it found not that ready acceptance with her as he expected; what could be the reason he knew not how to conjecture, since Women are commonly irregular, and unreasonble in their Affections.  
Ibrahim being in this manner disappointed, and more angry to encounter any boundary or restraint to the imperious violence of his Lusts, than opposition against the puissance of his Arms; dismissed the Mufti with some neglect and disdain, whom he resolved to treat with Rigour, and his Daughter with Courtship. In order to the first, he banished him the Court, and forbade him his presence in any other place; grew sullen and unsatisfied at all his administrations of Justice, intending thereby to induce him to a resignation of his Office. there being nothing more irksome to an ingenuous Spirit, than to serve and not to please. On the other side he dealt with the young Lady in a different manner, by the crafty and flattering insinuations of his trusty Shechir Para, who so forcibly managed her Tongue full of curious Words, mixed with Threats, representing the Storms and Fury of the Sultan's Rage; and again, the Glory, Splendour, and Happiness of the Seraglio; where she should Reign as Empress and Sovereign of the World: all which she expressed with that passion, and lascivious enticement, as would have shaken a firmer Constancy, than the Virtue of a Turkish Maid: but she being well admonished by her Father, remained obstinate in her Denial: but to quiet the importunity of this Seducer, she begged her not to solicit her Father in this Request, but rather that she would intercede in her behalf with the Sultan ●pplicating him with all humility to pardon her Childish refusal, and to leave her unto her unto her own Liberty and Choice, and a single Life: to obtain which favour from her, she produced a Diamond of considerable value, desiring her to accept of that from her, and to become her Friend, her Assistant, and Protectress. Shechir Para being overcome by her Maiden Modesty, could no longer resist such forcible Entreaties; and having her Eyes obscured with the lustre of the Jewel, promised to change her Note, and excuse her refual with all the advantageous and compassionate Terms possible; and so taking her leave with a courteous farewell, repaired to the Sultan, to give an account of her Negotiations.  
Ibrahim having with more doubtful Fear attended the Issue of this last Conference, than he did the Success of his War with Venice; received his Shecher Para with exceeding joy, who being come in, began to recount all the Particulars that had passed: but the sum of all was, that this silly Maid was sufficiently sensible of the honour of being a Soltana, of being Courted by his Majesty, of the Joys, Delights, and Glory of the Seraglio; but that when she reflected, how that she was to bring forth Children to die by untimely Deaths, and to end their Days by Poison, or the Bowstring, or at least to live miserable Lives separated from Mankind, and immured within Walls, and Entombed whilst they breathed; she could not but tremble with some horror, and judge, that all the blandishments of Worldly Fortune were but a transient Paradise; which could not possibly recompense, or outweigh the sense and tenderness she conceived for the misery of her unfortunate Offspring. Howsoever she so couched her Discourse, that she gave Ibrahim some hopes to overcome at length; by which she appeased a little his Fury and Despair, and extracted some Jewels and Gifts in reward of her past Labour, and encouragement for her future Service. In this manner Ibrahim had patience awhile, expecting something farther from the industry of Shecher Para; but finding no effect of all his expectations and gentleness, at length resolved to break through all Considerations of Respect, either to the Father as the Mouth and Oracle of the Law, or to the simple and foolish innocence of the Maid; and therefore ordered the Great Vizier to cause a Watch to be set on the Girl, either going in, or coming out of the Bath, and without farther Ceremony to bring her unto him. This Order being executed accordingly, and the Maid hurried to the Seraglio; Ibrahim possessed and enjoyed her for some days, but with those Tears, Reluctancy, and Sullenness, as took off from the edge and appetite of Enjoyment; so that he returned her back again with scorn and contempt unto her Father; who at first dissembled the injury with the same Countenance as he did before, when he was interdicted the Sultan's Presence; suppressing his revenge like a concealed Fire, which bursts out afterwards with more violent Flames. But though the sense of Obedience and Duty towards his Prince allayed much of the choler he conceived against him for the Rape of his Daughter, yet he knew not how to pardon the Great Vizier, whom he termed no other than a Ruffian or Pander; the Minister of his Master's Lusts, and not of his Laws, and of Justice.  
Thus full of indignation he applied himself, and made his complaint unto one Mahomet Pasha, a principal Member of the Divan; one of great Wisdom and Practice in the Conduct of Affairs, and one with whom he had a particular Friendship and Intimacy. Nor less interest had he with Janisar-Aga, or General of the Janissaries; to both whom, with tears in his Eyes, and with such words as the sense of his injuries suggested, he railed at the Vizier, and aggravated the Ravishment of his Daughter with all the circumstances of Villainy and Violence.  
These two Friends heard the Story with a sensible remorse, and immediately concluded, That for the Honour and Security of the Empire, it was necessary to depose Sultan Ibrahim, and for the same Reason to cut off the first Vizier; agreeing amongst themselves that Mahomet Pasha should receive the Seal and the Office. To effect which, they deemed it necessary to draw the Queen-Mother into the Conspiracy, being a Woman of great Authority, and having, as it were, the Reins of Government in her Hands, by reason of the weak Judgement of her Son. But because it was difficult to persuade the tenderness of a Mother to the ruin of her Son, the wise Mufti resolved first to sound her Inclinations and disposition towards this Design: and being well informed of her fierce Circassian Nature, and the Jealousy and Anger she conceived against Shechir Para, obtained Licence to be heard by her, as if he would beg her Intercession with her Son in his behalf; and being admitted to discourse with her, he thereby plainly discovered her most inveterate hatred and displeasure against her Son; not only for this, but for many other Actions of like nature.  
This discovery which the Queen had made, gave him the boldness to propose the confinement again of Ibrahim to his old Prison; not that he should be absolutely laid aside and deposed, but only corrected awhile, and being put in remembrance of his past Condition, might be taught Wisdom, and instructed for the future, what moderation and justice Sultan's are obliged to exercise in the Administration of Government; and so subtly did he insinuate his Discourse, that the Queen-Mother assented to the Proposal, and that the Seal should be conferred on Mahomet Pasha; for she had conceived an irreconcilable hatred against Achmet the Grand Vizier, by whose Counsel she was sent to the old Seraglio, and was united in Confederacy with the detested Shechir Para.  
The Mufti greatly satisfied to have gained so considerable a Conspirator to the Party, communicated the whole Business, with the Progress of it, to the two Kadileschers, year 1648. or Lord Chief Justices of Romelia and Anatolia; who approving thereof, and promising their utmost assistance, the 7 th' of August was the Day appointed for the Insurrection of the Janissaries, who being all in a readiness on that day, went in a tumultuary way to call the Mufti, the Kadileschers, and other Officers and Ministers of the Law, whom they seemingly forced to accompany them to the presence of the Grand Signior, of whom they demanded, that the present Vizier Achmet should be deprived of his Office, and that Mahomet Pasha should be constituted in his place. The Grand Signior at first refused their Demand, but being persuaded by his Mother that it was necessary to content the Militia in that tumult; he consented thereunto, and having called Achment, he took from him the Seal, and conferred it on Mahomet Pasha, and therewith the Office of Grand Vizier. Achmet trembling at the consequences hereof, resolved to commit himself to the Mercy of the Mufti, and therefore hastened to his House to attend his return, hoping to find him his Protector, under whose Shadow and Roof he fled for Sanctuary.  
The Soldiery having thus obtained the first-fruits of their Insurrection, accompanied the Mufti unto his Home, where finding the deposed Vizier Achmet, the Janisar-Aga immediately Commanded him out of Doors, from whence he had no sooner drawn his Foot, than that he was seized upon and strangled, and his Body thrown before the Gate of the new Mosch.  
The next day being the 8 th' of August, 1648, the Janissaries again arising in the like Tumult as before, came to demand of the Mufti, Whether that according to their Law, Sultan Ibrahim as a Fool, and a Tyrant, and unfit for Government, ought not to be deposed? To which the Mufti giving Answer in the Affirmative, sent to cite Sultan Ibrahim the day following to appear in the Divan, to administer Justice to his Soldiers and Subjects, who expected it from him. But Ibrahim supposing that he had sufficiently satisfied the Soldiery, by putting the Vizier out of Office, laughed at the Summons which the Mufti made him; which being seconded by a Fetfa, which is a point of Law resolved by the Mufti, who is the Mouth or Oracle thereof, viz. That the Grand Signior being called to account, is obliged to appear before the Justice; the Sultan in high disdain tore the Paper, threatening the Head of the Mufti: but it was now too late, he having already sufficiently fortified himself with the Power and Strength of his Rebellious Companions. This Fetfa was immediately seconded by another of a higher nature, which declared, That whosoever obeyed not the Law of God, was not a true Mussulman or Believer; and though that Person were the Emperor himself, yet being become by his filthy Actions a Kafir or Infidel, was ipso facto, fallen from his Throne, and no farther capable of Authority and Government. This Fetfa being seen by Ibrahim, he tore it in pieces, commanding the Grand Vizier instantly to put the Mufti to Death, as guilty of Treason against his Prince: but having now lost his Authority, his Commands were not longer regarded, nor any reverence had of his person: For the Janissaries being again assembled about five a Clock in the Afternoon, came with their usual tumult to the Gates of the Seraglio.  
And now Sultan Ibrahim losing all Courage at this third attempt, fled into the Arms of his Mother, begging her Assistance and Protection. She being a bold and subtle Woman, employed all her Rhetoric and Eloquence to persuade the Soldiery not to offer Violence to the Person of their Lord and Master; promising that he should relinquish the Government, and retire himself with a Guard into his old Lodgings. Ibrahim comforted a little, that he should save his Life, shrunk himself willingly into his old Shell, wherein he had so long conserved his Life.  
In the mean time the Conspirators taking forth his eldest Son Sultan Mahomet, set him on the Throne of his Father, and planting the Sargouch, or Imperial Feathers on his Head, saluted him for Emperor with loud Acclamations. Ibrahim continued his Imprisonment for some days with great patience, but at length growing desperate and furious, often beat his Head against the Wall, until at length, he was on the 17 th' strangled by four Mutes.  
In this manner Sultan Ibrahim ended his Days, which puts me in mind of the saying of a wiser and a better King than he, That there is little distance between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes. And this Example made a great Officer understand how King Charles the Glorious Martyr was put to Death. For he, I think it was the Great Vizier, falling into Discourse with the Chief English Interpreter at Constantinople, not then calling to mind the Fate of Sultan Ibrahim, demanded, How, and when King Charles was put to Death? Sure, said he, Your King must have no Power, or your People must be more Rebellious and Mutinous than other Nations of the World, who durst commit an Act so horrid and vile as this. See, said he, How our Emperor is revered and observed; and how submissive and obedient half the World is to the No● of our Great Monarch. To which the Interpreter replied, that to recount unto him the History and Occasion of this prodigious Fact, would be too long and tedious for him to hear: but that the time it happened, was some Months after the Death or Murder of Sultan Ibrahim; which was an Item sufficient to give him a perfect understanding of what he required.  
Sultan Ibrahim having in this manner ended his Days, the Government was committed into the hands of the Grand Vizier, and the old Queen-Mother (which is she whom we call Kiosem in the Ottoman State) and of twelve Pashaws; who were to manage all Affairs with supreme Power, during the Minority of Sultan Mahomet, who now Reigns.  
Ibrahim was the fifth Son of Sultan Achmet, born of the same Mother with Sultan Morat, Educated like the other younger Sons of the Ottoman Family, within the Walls of an obscure and unhappy Prison; so that 'tis no wonder, if wanting the advantages of seeing and practising in the World, he should neither have studied Men, nor been experienced in the Art of Government. Nor less strange is it, being natural to humane Infirmity; for Men who have lived under Restraint, Affliction, and fear of Death, to become licentious and immoderate in all kind of Pleasures, whensoever they pass on a sudden from the depth of Misery to some transcendent degree of Happiness and Prosperity; which as, I say, all Men are naturally subject unto, so more especially those whose Religion indulges them all kind of sensual Carnality in this Life.  
Ibrahim was in his own Nature of a gentle and easy Temper, of a large Forehead, of a quick and lively Eye and ruddy Complexion, and of a good Proportion in the Features of his Face, but yet had something in the Air of his Countenance, that promised no great Abilities of Mind. And giving himself up to all kind of Effeminacy and Softness, attended not unto the Government of his Affairs; and therefore it was his greatest misfortune to be served by wicked and faithless Officers to whom he trusted, and to whom he gave Credence, wanting in himself the Talents of Wisdom and Discretion to discern their Malice.  
The continual apprehensions that he entertained of Death during his Imprisonment, had so frozen his Constitution with a strange frigidity towards Women, that all the dalliance and warm Embraces of the most inflaming Ladies in the Seraglio, could not in a whole Years time thaw his Coldness; which was the occasion at first of that Report, which spoke him to be impotent towards Women: during which time he attended to his Ministers of Justice, and to a management of the Affairs of his Empire, which in the beginning of his Reign gained him a Credit and Reputation, and raised a great expectation of his goodness and Care of his Subjects Welfare; an evidence of which, he gave in his Charge to the Great Vizier, that he should put no Man to Death unless for Capital and Enormous Crimes. But at length losing himself in Lusts and Sensualities, he forsook the Helm of his Regency, committing the guidance of his Empire to other Hands: and as he was ignorant of War, so he foolishly sported in the Calms of Peace; and suffering himself to be guided only by Fortune, felt the Stroke thereof in his last Unhappy Fate.   

year 1649. THE REIGN OF Sultan MEHMET, OR MAHOMET IU. THIRTEENTH EMPEROR OF THE TURKS.  

ANNO 1649.  
SUltan Ibrahim perishing in this manner, by the mutinous Violence of the Soldiery, his Son Mehmet, or Mahomet, being a Child of seven Years of Age, succeeded in the Throne: During whose Minority, (which was to continue for the space of ten Years longer) his Mother, who was the first Sultana, assisted with the Counsel of twelve Pashaws, took upon herself the Regency, and in the first place resolved to continue the War against the Venetians, which Ibrahim intended to conclude, having engaged himself far in a Treaty of Peace with the Bailo or Ambassador, which resided at the Port for that Republic.  
Whilst these Matters were transacting, and Preparations making to prosecute the War; the Malignant Humours of the Empire began to ferment unto that degree, as affected the Body Politic at first with unnatural Heats, which soon afterwards proceeded to a Fever, and then to a dangerous Convulsion. The illaffected Part was the Militia, which is the Heart and Principal of the Life of that Government. For the Spahees and the Janissaries, being the Horse and Foot, entered into a desperate Controversy.  
The first judged it their Duty to revenge the Death of their Sovereign, Sultan Ibrahim; and in order thereunto demanded the Head of the Great Vizier, as the Chief Author and Contriver of the Death of his Lord and Master. The others being conscious to themselves of having, by their Arms, carried on the Conspiracy, not only declared their Resolutions to defend the Vizier, but owned that what he had acted was by their Order, and at their Request and Instigation.  
The Spahees being highly provoked with this Declaration, swelled with Anger and Malice against the Janissaries; and both sides being equally proud and rich, could not bear each others Reproaches. The Spahees being Men of Estates in Land, looked on themselves as the Gentry, and to have the greatest Share in the concernment of the Empire. The Janissaries living regularly in their Chambers, or Martial Colleges, looked on themselves as the better Soldiers, and the more formidable Party; and the truth is, both of them were proceeded to that height of Command and Authority in Government, that had they not been suppressed by the cruel Hand, and bloody Disposition of Kuperlee, as shall be more largely related hereafter, this Empire was then in danger of falling into as many Divisions, as there were at that time Pashaws, or great Captains. The cause hereof proceeded from the warlike disposition of Sultan Morat, who being the most Martial Man of his Age, preferred none but Men of great Courage, and such as had signalised their Valour by undoubted proofs; And such Men as these he loaded with Honour, and raised them to the highest a●d most eminent Charges in the Government.  
But Morat dying soon afterwards, these Great Men had time to enrich themselves during the gentle and easy Reign of Sultan Ibrahim; which being seconded by the Minority of this Young Sultan, their Pride knew no bounds, either of Modesty towards their Commanders, or Reverence towards their Sultan. Hence it was that the Soldiery dividing, so great a Sedition arose amongst them, that at last they came to Blows, resolving to decide the Controversy by the Sword. But the Quarrels of Turks amongst themselves not being commonly of long durance, the Care and Vigilance of the Magistrates prevented all open defiance in the Field; but yet could not so pacify their Animosities, but that several Skirmishes, or Rencounters, passed between them in the Streets, wherein the Spahees were always worsted, and at length were forced to abandon the City, scarce daring for some time to own the Name of Spahee within the Walls of Constantinople.  
These Disturbances gave the Venetians some hopes to accommodate their Peace with better Advantage; but the Reply to this Proposition was more fierce and positive than ever, and so ill resented, that the Bailo going from his Audience, was on the 27 th' of April seized on, and with all his Retinue clapped into Prison and Chains; being sent to those Castles which are situate on the Bosphorus, in the middle way between Constantinople and the Black Sea. But this furious severity, by the intercession of other Christian Ministers, continued not long, before the Bailo received more gentle Treatment, by the Sacrifice which the Turks made unto themselves of Grillo, his Interpeter, who being called down from the presence of the Bailo, was immediately, by two Officers, strangled, and his Body thrown out at the Window of the Castle; the which act, though it may seem unjust and barbarous to us, hath yet been frequently practised amongst the Turks, being to this day their common use to threaten the Druggermen, or Interpreters; which is the cause that they often mince, or wholly alter the sense or meaning of their Masters, on those Occasions, when words are spoken by them ungrateful to the Turks.  
The Turks bearing this Disdain to the Venetians, laboured to reinforce their Armies in Candi●, and supply them with Ammunition and Provisions; and though the Venetians lay before the Mouth of the Dardanelles to intercept all Succours which might be carried thither; yet the Turks, notwithstanding their Divisions, having recruited their Fleet with forty Galleys, and ten Great Ships, broke through the Venetians, and in despite of them, convoyed five Galleys laden with Soldiers and Ammunition, and landed them safe at Canea; and about the same time six Galleys, and ten Ships of Barbary, entered into the Port of Suda.  
The General which commanded in Chief was named Chusaein Pasha, a Person of great Courage and Experience; he had for some time besieged the City of Candia, but for want of Men and Ammunition was forced to rise from that Place, and retire to Canea and Retimo, whilst in the mean time the Candiots received recruits of Men, and supply of Provisions, improving their leisure-time to fortify their Town with such Works as rendered it almost impregnable, and made it become the Wonder and Discourse of the World after some Years succeeding.  
Nor was the War only carried on in Candia, but also in Dalmatia, Morea, Bosna, and Albania. For Foscolo, the General of Venice, designing to force some Corn from the Parts of Castelnuovo, he landed some Men there, but was so ill received by the Turks, that he was forced to retreat unto his Vessels with great disorder, and no less dishonour. But he had better fortune in the Parts of Bosna, where he repulsed the Enemy to the very Gates of Sarsay, the Capital City of that Province, and took upon composition the Fortress of Risano, which is situate between Cataro and Castelnuovo; but at length the Turks receiving an additional Aid of fifteen or sixteen thousand Men, the Venetians were forced to quit their new Conquests, and retire into their own Country.  
During the time that these Affairs were in agitation, the young Emperor was proclaimed, and his Inauguration celebrated with the usual Ceremonies, but with Rejoices, and hopes extraordinary; who being yet scarcely arrived to eight years of Age, many Mutinies and Troubles arose in divers Parts of the Empire, as in Damascus, Syria, Anatolia, and other Countries, where the Pashaws refused to pay in the customary Taxes and Tribute, declaring, That they would keep the Money in their Hands during the Minority of the Grand Signior; and that when he came to Age of Government, they would be accountable to him both for the Principal and for the Improvement.  
The Turks in Hungary making incursions into the Territories of the Emperor, were overthrown by the Count Forgatz, near Buda, where the Pasha was taken Prisoner, and his Son slain.  
Nor better fortune had they in the Assault they made on the Fortress of Clissa, where having lost five thousand Men, they were forced to retire with great dishonour.  
The Cossacks also in this Conjuncture grew more bold, so that they covered the Black Sea with their Boats, doing great damage to the Saicks, and other Vessels, which traded in that Sea; and at length came up the Bosphorus above Therapea, giving a great Alarm, with much Fear and Confusion to all Constantinople.  
Amidst these Misfortunes, and intestine Troubles, new Disorders, arose in the Ottoman-Empire; For, as commonly, all the blame of miscarriages and ill successes in Turkey are cast upon the Head of the Commander in chief; so the Enemies of the Great Vizier took the advantage in this conjuncture to reproach his ill Government, and carried the accusation so far, as to depose him from his Charge and Office; in whose place the Aga, or General of the Janissaries, succeeded.  
The Spahees in Asia, being displeased with this Election, assembled in a Body of seven or eight thousand, and marched towards Constantinople, pretending to revenge the Death of Sultan Ibrahim; their Numbers daily increasing, the Divan very much feared lest the Party which favoured the Spahees in Constantinople, should join themselves to the Asian Mutineers; to prevent which it was judged good Reason and Policy, to anticipate the Justice they demanded, by taking away the Life of the deposed Vizier; which being easily assented unto, and without much hesitation performed, gave some little stop to the Fury and Heats of the Spahees.  
Notwithstanding all which, as the Divisions which the Turks entertain amongst themselves, were never so great as to afford the Christians any Advantage thereby, so the Venetians did not reap any Benefit from these Quarrels; but on the contrary, the Turks studiously attended to their Affairs in Candia, passing thither with sixty Galleys, thirty great Ships, and twenty five other smaller Vessels, laden with Men, and all sorts of Provisions and Ammunition for War; so that in this Year 1649, the Affairs of the Turks remained in that Island in this happy and hopeful posture. Amongst these Ships were thirteen English, which the Turks took up at Smyrna, and forced into their Sevice. For though the Ambassador, Sir Thomas Bendysh, than Resident at Constantinople, opposed the Engagement of these Ships what was possible, and also the Commanders and Seamen were very unwilling and dissatisfied to undertake the Design, yet the Turks with Menaces, and Promises of Reward, forced them to carry Men and Ammunition to Candia; so that, making a Virtue of Necessity, they complied with that which they could not resist.   

ANNO 1650.  
CHusaein Pasha, Governor of the Island of Candia, having received these Succours and Recruits, resolved to besiege the Chief City of Candia; to which intent, drawing out from the Ships, and Garrisons of Retimo and Canea, what Men he was able, he form an Army of thirty thousand Men, with which he marched, and pitched before the Town. He was provided also with twelve Pieces of Cannon, four thousand Sacks of Wool, three thousand Ladders, and with a good quantity of Granades; with this Force he attaqued the City in two places, viz. on the Forts of Martinengo, and Moc●nigo; and pressed so hard on the latter, that notwithstanding the generous resistance of the Defendants, he won the Fort, and there planted the Ottoman Colours; fortifying it with more Cannon, and a good number of Men.  
Count Coloredo, Governor of that Place, was then sick, the Garrison very weak, and things reduced to the last terms of extremity; when General Balbiani, Admiral of Malta, arrived with six Galleys, and there landed six hundred Men, and sixty Knights; which with great Courage mounted the Guard of the Fort Martinengo, which was the place of most Danger and Honour. The Turks excited with a desire to welcome the new Guests, made three desperate and furious Assaults on this Fort, but were with equal Valour repulsed by the Defendants; at which Disgrace and Foil being highly enraged, they resolved on a fourth Attempt, which they pursued with that Courage and Success, that the Venetians were forced to give way to their Violence, with the slaughter almost of all those which defended this Fort; until the Cavaliers of Malta, who having no greater Glory, nor readier Will, than to spill their Blood for the Christian Cause, rallied all the Force they were able, and made so prosperous an Attaque upon the Fort, that they recovered it again, with the Blood and Destruction of all those who defended it; year 1650. but they enjoyed it not long, before the Turks regained it with the like success and slaughter: which variety of Fortune the Venetians being sensible of, and that they could not bear such costly Interchanges with the Turks, had recourse to their ultimate Remedy of Mines, which succeeded so happily, that the whole Fort was carried into the Air, and therewith two thousand good Soldiers of the Turks; with which Destruction, and other Repulses in divers places, they were so weakened and discouraged, that they raised the Siege on the fifth of October new Style.  
In this Interim, the Tartar Han, called the Krim, demanded the Guardianship of the young Sultan, as of right belonging unto him; but the Council answered hereunto, That their Master was already in better Hands than those into which they desired to transfer him; and that his Grandmother, and the Divan, wanted neither Wisdom nor Fidelity to direct his Affairs: with which answer the Tartar being forced to remain satisfied, was able to revenge himself no farther, than by exciting the Cossacks to infest the Seas; which gave some diversion to those Arms, which otherwise had all been employed against the Venetians.  
But these Designs from Tartary did little trouble the Council, in comparison of that Spirit of Discord which was arisen between the Spahees and the Janissaries; for both Parties being emulous of each others Greatness, endeavoured on all Occasions to elevate their Chief Commanders to the highest and most profitable Places of the Empire: which Dissension touching the principal Ministers of State, who were all engaged on the one side or the other, administered great Troubles, and retarded the execution and success of all the grand Designs of the Empire. Nor was it of less importance and dishonour to the Divan, that their Fleet was hindered passage by the Venetians, who blocked up the Mouth of the Dardanelles; whereby all intercourse with Candia was interrupted: but being resolved to remove this Obstacle, they commanded the Captain-Pasha to force his Passage▪ which he accordingly performing, was so warmly received, that he quickly lost two Galleys, and after much Blood, and loss on both sides, was forced at length to retire again within the straits. But what was of worse consequence to the Turks, was the inveterate Discord between the Spahees, and Janissaries; who having been unadvisedly embarked promiscuously together, came oftentimes to Words, and then to Blows; which ended not without the Blood and Death of divers of each party. These mischiefs increased the rage which the Turks at Constantinople conceived against the Venetians; who were all thereupon (not excepting the Bailo Soranzo, nor his Secretary Ballarino) interdicted the Territories of the Grand Signior; and sent back into their own Country.  
The Captain-Pasha, that he might be in a capacity to make a second Attempt to force his passage, sent to Constantinople for new Recruits: when News came that the Siege of Candia was raised, and that the Turks had lost the Fort of St. Theodoro; which so angered the Spirit of the Queen-mother against the Vizier, that she immediately deposed him from his Charge, and therewith had taken away his Life, had not the Faction of the Janissaries protected him in this Extremity.  
The Pasha of Buda was introduced into his place, a Person of a turbulent and ambitious Spirit, who to increase his Favour with his Mistress the Sultana, evidenced his Heat and Zeal against the Venetians, and to that end sent immediately express Orders to the Pasha of Bosna, to invest Clissa with all the Power he was able; and therewith he presented him with a Scimitar, and a Halter; the former to be his Reward in case of good Success, and the latter to be his Punishment in case of Misfortune. But this furious Vizier continued not so long, as to experience the Issue of this Command; for he was in a few days laid aside, and Chusaein Pasha, the General of Candia, was placed in his stead; howsoever his Orders were to remain with the Army, by which means, much Emulation and Contest was prevented, which might otherwise have happened between the Spahees, and Janissaries, at the Election of a new Vizier; and thereby all excuses taken from the Soldiery of absence from the War, who could now pretend nothing of Reason to withdraw themselves, on score of attendance on the Vizier's Person; and to supply his Authority at the Regal Court, a Chimacam was substituted to administer Justice in place of the Vizier, which is usual on such Occasions.  
Notwithstanding all which, Affairs succeeded not extraordinary well for the Turks in Candia; for being straitened for Provisions in Canea, by the near approach of the Christians, the Turks were forced to make a Diversion, by appearing in great Troops before Candia; which they were enabled to do, by the Supplies they had lately received, with the arrival of their Fleet of Galleys; for the Winter Season approaching, the Venetians were constrained to abandon their station before the Dardanelles, and to leave the Passage open for the Enemy. And so this Year ended, rather with Advantage than Disgrace to the Christians.   

ANNO 1651.  
WIth these great Succours and Supplies sent to Candia by the Turks, Affairs must necessarily have succeeded prosperously to their Designs, had not intestine Discords at Home interrupted their proceedings; which arose from a Jealousy and Emulation between the Grandmother and Mother of the young Sultan. For each of them pretending to the tuition or guardianship of the Emperor, during his Minority, divers Parties and Factions form at Constantinople, from whence all that Trouble and Combustion arose, which we have at large related in the third Chapter of the Present State of the Ottoman Empire.  
So that now it was no time to talk to the Soldiers or People of a War in Candia; For the first thought themselves engaged to contrive a Settlement and Determination of Disputes at Home: and the latter being irritated with a new Tax laid on them, for want of Money in the Treasury, exclaimed, and talked loud, and at length, instead of paying, broke out into open Rebellion; which by assistance of the Soldiery, was appeased, under no less Terms than the Death of several principal Ministers of State.  
During these Divisions, the Venetians had time to arm out a very considerable Fleet for defence of Candia; Foscolo, who had been General in Dalmatia, being sent thither with title of Generalissimo in the place of Moc●nigo: But these Dissensions amongst the Turks, according to their usual Custom, lasting not long before they came to a Conclusion, year 1651. by the entire destruction of one of the Parties; the Chief Ministers began to reassume again the thoughts of prosecuting the War in Candia, and to send Recruits to reinforce the Army under the Command of Chusaein Pasha, who was returned with new Forces and Courage to assault the City of Candia.  
At this time a certain Greek, pretending to be a Person of Quality, and discontented with the Turks, fled from them to the Christians, where being received with all kind and obliging entertainment, he had thereby liberty of seeing and visiting all the Fortifications of the Place. After he had observed and discovered as much as he desired, this traitorous Fugitive fled again to the Turkish Camp, where he revealed what places were most strong or best fortified, and where the Town was weakest, and most easily to be assaulted. The Venetian General being awakened at this Discovery, and considering the numbers of his People to be few, in respect of the Enemy, and that the Outworks could not be maintained without a more numerous Garrison, he resolved to destroy some of those Forts; and accordingly blew up with Mines four Bastions, which being at a distance could not be relieved without much danger. The Turks hereby making conjectures of the weakness of the besieged, cheerfully assaulted the Fort of St. Demetrio, thinking to carry it without much trouble; but contrary to their expectation, they encountered so bold a resistance, that they lost three thousand Men on the Place.  
At Constantinople they were still so intent to carry on this War, that having prepared, and laden on the Fleet great quantities of Granades, Bomboes', and Mortar-pieces, with other Fireworks, the Captain-Pasha, with hopes agreeable to his Force, set forth to Sea, with eleven hundred Sail, consisting of Galleys, Ships, Galleasses, Saiques, Brigantines, and smaller Vessels, with resolution to engage the Venetian Fleet, whose Commanders also were equally desirous and ready to consent with them to a Battle.  
On the 7 th' of july, the Venetians being at an Anchor in the Port of St. Ermina, discovered the Turkish Fleet, to which, as they were much inferior in number, so they were superior to them in the agreement and experience of their Commanders. The Turks having passed forward on their way, the Venetians pursued them, and the better to draw them to a Battle, Mocenigo ordered two Ships, commanded by Barbaro and Dolphino to cross the Turks at the point of the Island; and his Vice-Admiral, Bataggio, with four Ships to engage the main Body of the the Turkish Fleet; to whose assistance many other Vessels coming in, he so rudely treated several Galleys, that they were forced to seek harbour in the Port of Chios, now Scio, with the loss of Mahomet, Pasha of Anatolia, who was sent to succeed in the Office of Chusaein Pasha, the General of Candia; but Night coming on, the rest of the Fleet retreated to the Isles of Naxia and Paros.  
On the tenth day the Turks having watered their Fleet, gave a signal of defiance to the Venetians, by discharge of two pieces of Cannon; and the Venetians accepting the Challenge, both Fleets gave a furious charge one to the other; but the Turks were not able to withstand the Courage and Skilfulness of the Venetians; for the Captain-Pasha having lost many of his Men, and the Poop of his Galley being carried away with a Canonshot, the whole Fleet was put into Disorder, and then unto flight, so that the Galleys began to employ themselves in toaing the Ships. But one of their Mahones being separated from the rest, was assaulted by two Galleasses, and some Ships, and finding none to come in for Succour, the Captain was killed, with four hundred Soldiers, and two hundred were taken Prisoners.  
In the mean time Mocenigo, the General, gave chase to the Galleys, which two to a Ship were toaing the heavier Vessels as fast as they could; but being hardly pursued, were forced to cast off the Hauser, and shift for themselves as well as they were able. 
A great Victory obtained by the Venetians over the Turks.  The Turkish Ships seeing themselves thus abandoned, fired whole Broadsides upon the Enemy; but the Venetian Galleys leaving their own Ships astern, that they might pursue their advantage, Querini boarded a Great Galleass, called the Soltana, upon which were three hundred Soldiers, who offered to surrender upon promise of Quarter for their Lives. But the Christian Soldiers heated with fight, and not then understanding any thing of Conditions, desperately boarded the Vessel, whereby the Turks being reduced to an extremity of despair, gave fire to the Powder, and therewith carried, as well the Vanquishers, as the Vanquished, into the other World.  
According to this example four other Vessels burnt themselves, one of 60 brass Guns, and three others of 40 to 44. Fifteen Vessels of the Starboard Wing saved themselves by good sailing. Of the Larboard Wing, Captain Nicolo, a Renegado, with his Ship, was taken by the Admiral of the Galleasses, likewise another Great Vessel by Lazaro Mocenigo, and another by Proveditor Melino. In short, there was not one Vessel which remained in sight of the Venetians, which was not either taken, sunk, or burnt. Notwithstanding all which, considering the Vessels which were escaped, and the 3 thousand Men which the Turks had landed at Naxia, in order to their being transported unto Candia, the Victory seemed to be very imperfect; wherefore the Venetians attending another encounter with the Turkish Fleet, did happily meet them in a few days after; and being encouraged with the late Success, as the Enemy was low in their Spirits and Resolution, they bravely attaqued the Turks, and took 39 Galleys, 23 Ships, three Galleasses, together with the three thousand Soldiers which were then embarked from Naxia: Those which escaped took Refuge in the Port of Rhodes.  
After this great loss, the Turks entertained no great Designs of the Conquest of Candia; but only to conserve Canea, and the footing that they had won in that Island: nor did ever the Turks after this, dare to stand a formal Battle with the Venetians at Sea, but rather contriving to escape than to fight, did ever after build light Galleys, for transporting of Men and Ammunition, with intention to wage their War only at Land, and not at Sea; it being a saying ever after common in their Mouths; That God had given the Sea to Christians, and the Earth to the Turks.  
To these ill Successes abroad, were added great Dissensions at Home; for the mutinous Spahees in Asia, having united into a strong Body, marched towards Constantinople, to join with their other Brethren in those Parts. The Janissaries on the other side, not less diligent to oppose their Enemy, to revenge the Outrages committed on their Brethren, whom the Spahees had ill-treated, having cut off the Noses and Ears of several of them; besides all which, they proceeded to that height of Insolence, as to demand the Heads of the Great Vizier, and of the Aga of the Janissaries; and being now by their numbers rendered formidable to the Court, it was judged agreeable to the present Conjuncture, to satisfy in some measure these Mutineers, by discharging these two Officers of their employment, which did in some degree for the present qualify and appease these Tumults.   

ANNO 1652.  
THE Seditions at Constantinople were scarce quieted, before advice came of a Rebellion of the People of Grand Cairo and Damascus, who both at the same time conspired, as if they intended to cast off Subjection to the Ottoman Family; the which Mutiny and Disturbance arose to that Head, as gave great cause of fear to the Divan; and employed all their Counsels and Contrivances for this whole Year, in what manner they might reduce this People to their Duty and Obedience. During which time, the Christians in Candia had time to breath, and opportunity to provide themselves with all Ammunition and Provisions; and to repair their old, and add new Fortifications to their Town.   

ANNO 1653.  
BUT these Troubles being with time composed, the Grand Vizier desired greatly the Conquest of Candia, which being by experience proved to be with difficulty gained by the Sword, he endeavoured to win it by fairer Terms; and to that end wrote a Letter to the Republic of Venic●, in Letters of Gold; wherein he declared, that it seemed strange to him, that the Senate had not dispatched their Ambassador to him with the surrender of Candia, in regard that thereby they might assure themselves to purchase a certain Peace, which they vainly retarded by such delays. Howsoever in these Letters no mention was made of the Causes, or Reasons, why Signior Capello, who was an eminent Person, being Procurator of St. Mark, and sent thither for Bailo, was so ill treated with Imprisonment at his Arrival, notwithstanding the permission and encouragement which was given for his kind reception, obtained at the instance of the French Ambassador; but this Restraint continued not long upon him, before he was released with a daily Allowance (which continued for some time) of 1200 Asper's a Day; and afterwards the Court returning from Adrianople to Constantinople, he was permitted to lodge in the Palace which belongs to the Bailo's of Venice.  
The Venetian Fleet being Victorious at Sea, made it their work to keep the Mouth of the Dardanelles always blocked up, whereby they hindered all Succours from Candia: notwithstanding which diligence, the Venetians being sometimes forced, for the sake of Water and Provision, to abandon that Station; the Turks took hold of the opportunity to escape forth; but being eagerly pursued by the Venetians, they were forced to take Sanctuary in Rhodes, where being again blocked up, the affairs in Candia suffered much, and the Complaints from thence were loud at the Court. So that Orders were sent, and often repeated unto the Captain-Pasha, that he should spend no longer time in Rhodes, year 1653. but that in despite of all Difficulties, he should immediately proceed to Candia, and fight through the Venetians in case they remained in the way to interrupt his passage; but the Captain-Pasha notwithstanding these Orders, and Menaces which accompanied them, could not persuade himself to the Hazard of a Battle; till at length, the season of the Year spending, and being wearied in the Port of Rhodes, he resolv●d to adventure abroad; but instead of going to Candia, he plundered the Islands as he passed, and returned to Constantinople, with 40 Galleys, where he hoped with the Booty he had plundered to appease the anger of the Divan against him: but this Sacrifice did not much avail, for he was not sooner arrived, than his Person was seized, and Goods sealed up for the use of the Grand Signior; the which Seal his Sons broke open, and taking with them the richest and most considerable part of their Father's Estate, laded it on one of the Galleys, and fled therewith into Foreign Parts, little regarding that danger in which they had left their Father to perish. During which time the Venetians still maintained their Guards on the Coasts of Candia, not suffering any Recruits of Men, or Provisions for War, to be transported thither; so that if the Turks designed to prosecute this War, it must be by new Forces, and such as were able to encounter the Marine Power of the Enemy; the which being resolved upon by the Council, a heavy Tax was laid on the people to carry on the Design, which they not willingly supporting, made a public Insurrection in the City; and at the same time also the ancient Quarrel between the Spahees and Janissaries, began again to ferment; which Troubles being added to a Rebellion raised by the Pasha of Aleppo, who increasing in strength and number, came marching towards Constantinople, put that great City into a horrible Fear and Confusion.   

ANNO 1654.  
THE Venetians judged that these Troubles would naturally produce some Advantage to them, and much facilitate the Peace which they had long desired: but as Seditions amongst the Turks are always too violent to continue; so these Discontents evaporated in a short time, and new Resolutions were taken to prosecute the War in Candia; for notwithstanding that Monsieur de Ventelay, Son to the French Ambassador, mediated with agreeable prudence to compose Matters in order to a Peace, yet his Endeavours were all insignificant; for neither had Signior Capello Audience granted him, nor that liberty which was promised before his Arrival; the Turks still insisting on the Surrender of Candia, would not understand any Terms which did not entirely invest them in that Conquest.  
To effect which by Force, which could not be performed by Composition; the Pasha of Buda was Elected for Captain-Pasha, or Commander in Chief of the Seas; and Order given to equippe a new Fleet of Ships, and Galleys, for transporting the Succours of Men and Provisions to Candia: where Chusaein Pasha the General, being wearied with his long Siege of the Town, withdrew his Men at some farther distance for their better refreshment; for they wanting all Conveniencies in their Trenches, began to Mutiny, and to refuse the performance of their Duty, until the General satisfying their Pay, and dispensing liberally Largesses to the Officers gave them new Encouragement and Satisfaction; with which, year 1654. being a little enlivened, Chusaein sent a Hera●d, with a defiance to those in the City, challenging them to fight a pitched Battle with him: but the Christians refused the Offer, thinking it more prudence not to accept, than loss of Honour to deny an Answer to the Challenge. Then the Turks sought some means to effect their Design by Treachery; to which end, they treated with a certain Captain for delivery of one of the Gates of the City; which he promised to do unto the Turks, but gave Advertisement unto the Governor. The Pasha the night following advanced with some Troops, hoping to find one of the Gates opened to him; but instead thereof, the Defendants having prepared a Mine to receive them, sprang the same so opportunely, that it carried away the most of those who were engaged in the Design, and therewith their hopes of becoming Masters speedily of that impregnable Fortress. Wherefore they resolved for a while to repose, and attend those Succours which were now preparing at Constantinople.  
The Fleet being put into a readiness, the Soldiery departed with their usual hopes of Success; but meeting with their Enemy again at the Mouth of the Dardanelli, the Fight was furious and hot for a long time between them, but concluded to the disadvantage of the Turks, who there lost 6000 Men, two Galleys, three Ships, and a Mahone: howsoever they broke through the Venetians, and landed 12000 Men in the Isle of Candia. The News of this defeat, and the Confirmation thereof, by the wounded Men which were landed at Constantinople, made a great noise amongst the people. Howsoever the Turks persisting constant to their Intentions of prosecuting the War, sent Orders to the Captain-Pasha again to fight the Venetians so soon as the Fleet was refitted, and restored to a condition to engage in another Battle; but the Venetians scarce gave them the leisure to repair, before they attacked them again, whereby they put them to such disorder, that they were forced to take refuge in the first convenient Port; where having attended a favourable Wind, they hastened to Constantinople; and from thence were dispatched into the Black Sea against the Cossack's, who very much infested those parts.  
The Captain-Pasha being arrived, extolled his own great Services and Adventures, and on the contrary vilified the Great Vizier, disparaging all his Actions, as mixed with weak Counsels, and prosecuted with Cowardice, or want of true Resolution: the which took such deep impression in his absence, having none to answer for him; that all being given for granted which was alleged against him, Orders were dispatched to Candia by an Officer to take off his Head, in whose place this Captain-Pasha succeeded.  
Amidst of all these Combustions of War, the mediation of Peace was carried on by the French Ambassador: For though Signior Capello was actually Resident on the Place, qualified with the Character of Bailo for the Republic of Venice; yet the Turks would scarce vouchsafe to Treat personally with him; and indeed his sufferings by Imprisonment, and other barbarous Usages, had affected him with such a melancholy, as rendered him uncapable for some time of administering public Affairs; for having lost his Reason, by giving way to sad and black Thoughts, he laid violent Hands on himself, by wounding himself in two or three places of his Belly; but the Wounds proving not Mortal, he was in a short time restored again to a sound Estate both in Mind and Body; as I shall some few years after have occasion to relate from the words of his own Mouth, which he was pleased to utter to me on his Deathbed, the day before he departed this Life.   

ANNO 1655.  
THE Great Vizier after all his evil Insinuations against Chusaein Pasha, fell very sick and infirm; so that the Court considering him as a Person uncapable of farther Service, cast their eyes on the Pasha of Aleppo, who being a daring Martial Man, was esteemed to be the better Chief in such a hazardous War, which for being on the Sea, was unusual and displeasing to the Turks. Against him nothing could be objected besides his Rebellions and Contrariety to the Government; but hereunto it was presently answered, that the extravagance of his humour proceeded only from his Ambition of being Great Vizier; which when he had attained, that thirsty desire of Glory, which he exercised for acquiring this Office, would be busied in thoughts to advance and improve his Honour in Actions beyond his Predecessors.  
Letters being arrived at this Pasha's hands, which called him to Court to accept this Charge, did secretly please the humour of his haughty Spirit; howsoever, he remained for a while in some suspense and irresolution, not being assured whether some Deceit might not be concealed under this specious appearance of Preferment: But considering, that the way unto Gains and Advantage was by daring Adventures, he resolutely accepted the Proffer, and put himself in his March towards Constantinople, with a glorious Equipage of forty thousand Men, thinking therewith to make good his Retreat, and secure his Person in case that Deceit were discovered which he rationally suspected. Being arrived near unto Constantinople, he received from the Great Signior several Messages of Kindness, and a good welcome; and was accordingly received into the City, and invested in the Office, with all the Circumstances of Favour and Honour imaginable.  
Having thus taken possession of his Charge, he promised the Grand Signior that he would employ all his Endeavours to restore the decayed Estate of Affairs, and reform the Government. And as an earnest thereof, he began to remove such Ministers from the Court which were suspected by him; and to render himself the more Absolute, he cut off several others, whom he imagined might in any wise disturb or control him in the management of his Affairs.  
After which he dispatched his Orders to all Maritime Towns of the Empire, to fit and make ready what Galleys and Ships were possible to be provided, intending thereby to set out the greatest Fleet that ever was seen in the Levant: but to complete this Work, two great Difficulties arose; The first was, to find a wise and well experienced Commander: and the next, was in what manner to persuade the Spahees and Janissaries to embark; for they having heard and seen in what manner their Companions had perished in this miserable War, absolutely refused to go; and though the Animosities of these two orders of Soldiers were irreconcilable one to the other, yet in this common Cause being united, they raised so horrible a Sedition, that they assaulted the Mufti in his very House, year 1655. and pursued him within the Gates of the Seraglio with a thousand reproaches and injuries, as an Author of evil Counsels, and a Disturber of the common Peace and Quiet of the Empire. Nor was it possible to appease this Tumult, but by anticipating to them four months Pay; with which their Minds being made more pliable, they gently yielded to Obedience, and suffered themselves to be embarked for Candia.  
Zarnozau Mustapha was made Captain-Pasha, or General of the Fleet, which was very numerous, and well equipped, consisting of sixty Galleys, eight Mahones, thirty great Ships of War, and sixty one Galleys belonging to the Beys. After having remained three days at the Mouth of the Dardanelles near the Castles, they went out in this Order; The Bey's Galleys were the first, than followed the Ships, next the Mahones, and the Rear consisted wholly of the Grand Signior's Galleys. The Van of the Fleet being the Bey's Galleys, which are always the best manned, and provided, were ordered to attack the main Body of the Christian Fleet, for that, being seconded with the Ships, they would be able to sustain the Shock until the Mahones could come up, which were directed against the Starboard Wing of the Enemy, composed of Galleasses. The Venetians, though much inferior in Number, yet as great in Courage, gave evident Signs of their desire to fight, with hopes, by God's Blessing, to obtain a Victory. The Venetians whilst the Turks passed, remained still with their Anchors apique, which the Turk's interpreting as a token of their Courage and Boldness, were so daunted, that they began to ply towards the Coast of Greece; but being forced to pass under the Guns of the Venetian Admiral, they were so ill treated by his Broadsides, that they were discouraged from making a second Charge. The Ships, and other Vessels fared little better, being forced to pass under the Guns of the Enemies Fleet. The Captain-Pasha attempted to pass on the Coast of Anatolia, with his lighter Galleys, but being hindered by a strong party of the Enemy, he was forced to follow the rest of the Fleet, taking his Course with them by the Coast of Greece. In this Charge one of the Turks Mahones was sunk, and two disabled: But the greatest Fight happened between a Squadron of the Turks Ships, and four of the Venetians, which had been hard put to it, had not the captain Mocenigo come in to their Assistance; howsoever, the Venetian Captain of the Ship, called the Crown, was slain by a Musket shot.  
In short, the Christians boarded the Turks with so much Vigour and Resolution, that they took several of their Ships, and mixing with the thickest of their other Vessels, they put many Ashore, and others escaping in their Boats, left their Slaves and Galleys to the disposal of the Enemy; so that the Venetians obtained that day a hundred brass Guns, with a signal Victory, having had no other important Loss, unless the Ship called the David and Goliath, which being overpowered, was burnt by the Turks.  
The people of the Turks, who were in daily expectation to receive intelligence of a Success, agreeable to so great Preparations, were much troubled to hear the News of the Defeat given to their Naval Forces; of which Miscarriage, the World dividing itself into different Conjectures, the most part, especially those of Constantinople, attributed the Misfortune of all to the ill Government, and want of Experience in the General. Wherefore to appease the People, especially the Merchants, who were weary of this Marine War; from whence they reaped nothing but Losses of their Ships and Goods; It wa● thought fit to enter into a Treaty with Signior Capello, the Venetian Bailo, concerning a Peace; but he having his Commission taken from him, for the Reason before related, his Secretary Ballarino supplied his Office; and in Order to an Accommodation, had two Audiences with the Great Vizier, to whom, and to others of the Divan, he made Presents of rich Pieces of Cloth of Gold, in the Name of the Republic. Howsoever the Turks thinking it dishonourable to accord unto other Terms, than the entire Resignation of Candia, proceeded in their Preparations as formerly; at which the Merchants and Tradesmen at Constantinople received such matter of Discontentment, that in Tumults they cried out for Peace at the Gates of the very Seraglio; and behaved themselves with that Insolence, that the Janissaries were called to drive them from thence by force of Arms; howsoever this Tumult and Riot of the People ended not without the Life of the Great Vizier, to whose fury he was made a Sacrifice. And though his Son appeared at the Gates of the City with forty thousand Men, to demand Justice on the Murderers of his Father, yet the People were so far from being dismayed thereat, that their Fury and Rage increased to a greater height, and required the Authority of the Divan to keep things from running into the Inconveniences of a Civil War.   

ANNO 1656.  
THese Disorders induced the chief Ministers to enter into another Treaty with Ballarino, proposing to withdraw their Forces from Candia, and make a Peace, upon the payment of ten Millions for the Charge of the War: And to incline the Venetians hereunto, the Turks gave severe Orders to their People living about Corfou, to molest the Inhabitants of that Island with all Acts of Hostility imaginable: and farther published, That their Intentions were to set out a more numerous and stronger Fleet, than any which from the beginning of this War had sailed on the Seas; and in order thereunto, great Numbers of Slaves, consisting of Cossacks and Moscovites, were bought of the Tartars, and transported to Constantinople.  
The Venetians were not in the least affrighted at these Boastings of the Turk, but on the contrary, knowing that their Affairs in Candia were well secured and provided, gave Orders to Ballarino to desist from farther Treaties, and to procure his Licence to depart. And the Turks, to evidence their intentions to prosecute the War, entered into Canea with twenty eight Sail, laden with Arms and Provisions, on which also were fifteen hundred Men. By this conveyance was sent a Janisar-Aga with Orders from the Grand Signior, to constitute Chusaein Pasha in the place of Captain-Pasha, or Admiral of the Seas; but he judging this to be a Design, or Lure, to draw him from his Post, or Office, wherein he was more strong and secure, acknowledged the Honour of the Employment, but framed Excuses to continue his Seat and Place of Residence, which the Chief Ministers were forced to accept; it being a Conjuncture more seasonable to dissemble, than to resent his refusal.  
Whilst new Preparations were making against Candia, year 1656. so horrible a storm of Mutiny and Sedition arose at Constantinople, as constrained the Grandees of the Council to quit for the present all thoughts of providing for the War against the Enemy, that they might defend and save themselves from the Fury of their own People; For the Spahees and Janissaries joining together, pretended to reform the Abuses of the State; to perform which, in a furious Tumult, putting themselves in Arms, they ran to the Divan, where they deposed the Great Vizier, 
A Rebellion at Constantinople.  and discharged divers other Officers of their Employment; The Mufti was constrained to fly to jerusalem, and the Queen-Mother scarce remained secure in her old Seraglio. And to so great a height their Rebellion proceeded, that they proposed even to dethrone the Grand Signior himself. And having thus cast off all Respect and Duty to their Prince, they entered the Imperial Palace, and forcing the Guards, broke up the Treasury, and carried two millions from thence.  
Amidst of this horrid and affrighting Confusion, Merchants and well-meaning Citizens remained in the most astonishing apprehensions imaginable; for all Laws being broken, and Justice unregarded, the whole City laid open to be pillaged and sacked by the licentiousness of an unbridled Soldiery. For several days the Offices both of the Mufti, and Great Vizier remained vacant, by reason that the two Factions of Janissaries and Spahees could not agree upon the Election. At length the most seditious amongst them wearying out the others with Quarrels and Contests, advanced a Fellow of no Understanding or Reputation to the eminent degree of Great Vizier; in which condition he remained not long. For the Fire of the multitude being with time quenched, and the popular Heat abated, this new Vizier was displaced, all things returning to their usual Channel, and Authority to its Fountain.  
And that Matters might more easily be restored to their ancient order, the Grand Signior called for the Pasha of Damascus to receive the Dignity of Great Vizier; for he being a Person of eighty Years of Age, and of long Experience in Affairs, having managed the most weighty Charges of the Empire, was looked on by all as the most proper Person to compose and heal these great Distempers in the State; and this was that famous Kuperlee, who was Father to him who succeeded him in this Office. The Pasha of Silistria was also constituted Captain Pasha, and Chusaein was confirmed in his Government of Candia.  
And now the bright Beams of Justice and Government having dissipated the Storms and Fury of popular Sollevations; the Grand Signior in Person mounting his Horse, accompanied with his principal Ministers of State, visited all the Parts of Constantinople, where making Inquisition for the principal Leaders and Fomenters of this Rebellion, he seized on some, and without further process, boldly executed them in the Face of the People.  
But before things were reduced to this condition, four Months were spent in this horrid Confusion; and what is most strange, this Great Empire for so long time remained without a Pilot, tossed on the Waves of popular Commotions; all which served to give ease and respite to the Venetians in their War, but not to operate towards a Peace; so resolute were the Turks in their Design of making an entire Conquest of Candia.  
For having again Equipped a most formidableFleet, consisting of sixty light Galleys, twenty eight Ships, and nine Galleasses; they attempted to make their way for Candia, and therewith to fight the Venetians in case they should oppose them in their Voyage, to which they were the more encouraged upon sight of the Venetians, who appeared at the straits of the Dardanelli, with no more than twenty nine Galleys, and some Boats, or Brigantines; howsoever the Turks were not so confident in their numbers, but that they judged it requisite to fortify themselves with two Batteries; one on the Coast of Anatolia, and the other on the European shore; whereby they imagined, that they might cause the Venetians to give way, and open a Passage to their Fleet.  

Engagement between the Turks and Venetians.  But notwithstanding the continual shot which the Turks made upon them, they still kept their Station from the 23 d to the 26 th' of june; when the Wind coming about to the North, which was favourable for the Turks to Sail out, and to bring them nearer to their Enemies, they began gently to approach; and the like the Christians endeavoured, being desirous to join Battle; at which firmness of Resolution, the Turks being a little startled, became willing to avoid the Fight, and to creep under the shelter of the point of Babiers, which locks in one of the Bays between the Castles and the Mouth of the Dardanelli. But the Wind on a sudden turning favourable for the Venetians, the Prior of Rochel with his Squadron, and Mocenigo with three Ships under his Command, made up towards the Castles, with design to cut the Turks off from their Retreat; the others valiantly assailed the Turks, who defending themselves like those, whose chief security consists in their Arms, there ensued a most miserable slaughter on one side, and the other; at length the Success of Victory happened to the Venetians, 
The Venetians obtain the Victory.  who were animated by the courageous Example of their General Marcello, though he having Boarded, and become Master of a great Ship called a Soltana, with the Galley which attended her, was shot in the thigh with a Cannon Bullet, and thereby gained the glory to die Conquering, and Triumphant.  
After whose Death, the Proveditor taking upon him the Command of the Fleet, prosecuted the Victory so close, that excepting fourteen Galleys which escaped with the Captain-Pasha, and four Galleys of the Bey's; all the whole Fleet was either taken, sunk, or burnt. The Venetians not being able to man all the Vessels that they had taken, set many of them on fire in the Night, excepting only twelve Galleys, four Ships, and two Galleasses, which they reserved for a Demonstration or Evidence of their Victory. With this glorious success five thousand poor Christians obtained their Freedom, and had their Chains and Shackles knocked off. What number the Turks might have lost is uncertain; but as to the Venetians, it is reported, that besides their General, there were not above three hundred Men in all killed and wounded.  
The Venetians being encouraged by this Success, attacked the Island of Tenedos, and in the space of four days became Masters of it; as also in a short time afterwards of Stalimene, anciently called Lemnos; the which shameful Losses and Overthrow, so irritated the Mind of the Grand Signior, that he gave Orders to carry the War into Dalmatia, intending the next Summer to go thither in Person; and in the mean time Commanded by the Pasha of Bosna, that the City of Ragusa should be put into a readiness to receive his Troops, being judged a convenient Place for the Seat and Magazine of Arms for those Countries.  
But the poor Republic greatly apprehending this Misfortune, than which there could be no greater Mischief, nor Ruin to their Country; dispatched certain Deputies with their yearly Tribute to the Port, with Instructions, that in the way thither, they should supplicate the Pasha to intercede with the Grand Signior in their behalf, representing to his Majesty, that they paying their annual Tribute for Protection, ought not in justice to be exposed to the licentiousness of an Army, which their little Territories were not capable to receive, nor provide with convenient Quarters: at which Message the Pasha being highly incensed, answered rudely, and imprisoned them; threatening to strangle them, in case their Government did not obey the Commands of the Sultan.   

ANNO 1657.  
BUT the chief Ministers at the Port, taking into their consideration the present State of Affairs; that the City of Constantinople was full of Discontents; the Persian on one side, and the Moscovite on the other, ready to invade divers parts of the Empire; that there were Designs to depose the Grand Signior, and set one of his Brothers on the Throne; besides a multitude of other Dangers; the resolution of the Court's removal, and of the Grand Signior's March into Dalmatia, was suspended; his Presence and Authority being esteemed most requisite in such a conjuncture of Troubles at the Heart and Centre of his Empire. After which, the appearance of the Grand Signior in Public was less frequent; for that he might hasten the departure of the Spahees and Janissaries for Candia, he deferred his Journey to Adrianople for some time; but they being averse to this War, refused to march, until first they had received all Arrears which were due to them; the which audacious Proposal so incensed the Grand Signior, that he caused the Heads of two of the most forward Mutineers to be cut off in his presence.  
This unseasonable rigour rather provoked the Spirits of discontented Men, than abated them; and the continual Prizes which the Venetians made on the Turks, and stoppage of Provisions, which did usually supply Constantinople from the Archipelago, raised the price of Bread, and of all Victuals in that populous City; so that the People murmured and exclaimed, as if they had been reduced to their last Extremity.  
The Grand Vizier considering that the loss of Tenedos was the cause of all these Inconviences; promised the Inhabitants of Constantinople, that he would regain it in a short time; in order to which, he set forth a very numerous Fleet to besiege that Fortress; but contrary Winds, and bad Wether, forced them into a Neighbouring Port, where they attended the conjunction of the Bey's Galleys with them.  
The General of the Venetians having received advice hereof, put to Sea, that he might hinder these two Fleets from joining; and was no sooner in the Channel of Scio, than that he met with ten Sail of Barbary Men of War, convoying a great number of Saiques, and other Vessels, of which fourteen were laden with Provisions, carrying also with them two hundred thousand Crowns, year 1657. which was the Tribute of Rhodes: These the Venetians assailed with such Courage and Success, that they burned the ten Ships, and many of the Saiques; killed a thousand Turks, took four hundred Prisoners, delivered three hundred Christians; with the loss only of an hundred killed, and three hundred wounded.  
This and other Losses augmented the Discontents at Constantinople so that the Grand Vizier, to hold up the Spirits of the People, resolved to go in Person to Tenedos; and accordingly equipped a Fleet of eighteen Ships, thirty Galleys, ten Galleasses, with an innumerable Company of Saiques, and other Vessels, whereon he embarked twenty thousand Horse, and eighty thousand Foot; with which Army the Vizier sailed out of the Dardanelli, on the 17 th' of july, having first received Intelligence, that Mocenigo was not returned from the Morea, where he had been for some time in chase of certain Ships. Howsoever the Turks found not the Passage so clear, but that they encountered with a Squadron of eighteen Sail of Men of War, under the Command of Signior Bemb●; the which seeming an inconsiderable number to the Turks, they assailed them with undoubted hopes of Victory. The Admiral and Vice-Admiral of the Turks, with five other great Ships, charged the Venetian Admiral, who defended himself so bravely, that for three hours they lay Board and Board; the rest of the Turkish Fleet assailed the other part of their Enemy's Fleet so close, that the Fight became terrible and bloody, both for one and the other, until at length the Turks being worsted, were put to flight, and in the pursuit, a great Turkish Sultana was put ashore near Troy; one of their Galleasses was disabled, two of their Ships sunk, and the rest were chased as far as Metylene, being put by the Island of Tenedos.  
In this Interim, the General Mocenigo was on his Voyage towards the Dardanelli; and being come within the noise of the Cannon, he hastened with more diligence; and arrived so seasonably to the assistance of Bembo, that at his appearance most of the Turkish Galleys began to turn their Sterns, and make towards the Shore of Anatolia, with such disorder, that of twenty eight Galleys, and two Galleasses, there were but five only which kept company with the Bastard Galley of the Captain-Pasha, and entered with him under the defence of the Castles. The rest of the Fleet was chased by Mocenigo; but the Turks being to windward, the Christians were not able that day to come up with them. The next day the Wind being more favourable, a Council of War was held aboard the Venetian General; during which Consultation, they espied five Galleys making towards the Point Baba, there to secure themselves under the Shore: and thereupon resolved, that whilst the Captain General, with a Squadron of Malta, attempted those five Galleys, and others which had taken the same place of Refuge, the rest of the Fleet should keep firing at those without.  
Accordingly the Captain-General made towards the Point Baba, where passing within Musket-shot, and under the reach of five Batteries, an unfortunate Shot in the Powder-room blew up the Ship, and therewith ended the Days of this valiant Mocenigo, who died full of Honour and Glory; his brave Actions continuing his Memory in all the Histories of Venice. The Proveditor succeeding in his Command, prosecuted the same Design; and as if he would imitate the ancient Funeral Piles, he celebrated the Obsequys of his General, by burning the Admiral Galley of the Turk●, and thence retired towards Tenedos.  
After the Turks had refitted their Vessels, and put their Fleet in a reasonable posture, they departed from Metylene the 28 th' of july at Night, and on the 30 th' were on the Coast of Tenedos; where immediately landing five thousand Men, 
Tenedos taken by the Turks.  and great numbers approaching ready to set their foot on Shore, the Defendants of the Fortress summoned a Council of War; at which all agreeing that the Island was not tenable against so great a Force, embarked their Men, Ammunition, and Artillery, and resigned their place to the disposal and command of the Enemy. After which Success the Turks in like manner landed ten thousand Men on the Island of Lemnos; where, having laid a formal Siege to the Castle, they made a general Assault, but were repulsed with the loss of five hundred Men, leaving their Scaling-Ladders to the Besieged. They made afterwards divers Attempts, but in all were beaten off with considerable loss; so that they had abandoned the Enterprise, had not the greater fear and apprehension of the Divan at Home, confirmed their Courage against the Enemy; until at length the Christians being wearied with two months' Siege, 
Lemnos retaken.  without hopes of Relief, were forced to a Surrender; which was performed on Articles, That they should depart with Arms, Baggage, and have free liberty to embark themselves for Candia.  
These two important Places being regained by the Turks, were the Subject of great Joy to the Court, and of Courage and Satisfaction to the Inhabitants of Constantinople: So that the Grand Signior apprehending that by these Successes, the Seditions and Mutinies of the City were appeased, he took his Journey to Adrianople; where to evidence his Grandeur to the Bailo Capello, and the Secretary Ballarino, he made his entry with an Army of twenty thousand Men, besides the ordinary Attendance of the Court, and usual Concomitants of the Ottoman Train.  
After which Ostentation, the Grand Signior encharged Ballarino to write to the Senate, That though he was able to overrun all their Country, and take from them their Capital City, yet such was his Clemency, that he was contented to grant them Peace, on Conditions that they surrendered to him all the Island of Candia, with the Fortress of Clissia in Dalmatia, and payment of three Millions of Gold for the Damages of the War.  
But these seemed to the Senate to be such unreasonable Propositions, and so prejudicial to their Honour, that they resolved to maintain the War, and to defend themselves more vigorously than ever.   

ANNO 1658.  
NOtwithstanding the Designs of the Turks against Dalmatia, they were not less intent to their Affairs in Candia, designing to try their Fortune once again in the Siege of the principal City of that Name, for that falling into their Hands, the whole Island would quickly be reduced, and with that Conquest an end would be put unto the War.  
The Venetians, on the other side, attended to their Business with all diligence, not neglecting any Provisions which might secure their Interest in that Country; year 1658. and that they might regain what they had lost, they held Intelligence with some Persons in Canea, hoping by their means to surprise the Town; but the Turkish Governor, being very vigilant, reinforced his Garrison with five hundred Men: and Chusaein Pasha coming to his Assistance with thirty Galleys, disappointed the Venetians of landing at that place.  
The Rendezvous of the Army which was to march into Dalmatia, was ordered to be at Adrianople, where the Brother-in-Law of the Pasha of Aleppo, who was Commander of the Forces of that Place, arriving later than the day prefixed, was for that reason put to death by the Great Vizier.  
This Severity so enraged the Pasha, that immediately he raised an Army of forty thousand Men, and marched towards Scutari, threatening Constantinople itself, unless the Head of the Great Vizier were given him by way of reprisal for that of his Brothers. The Divan being startled hereat, returned him a gentle Message, neither denying nor granting his Demand, as if they intended to amuse him with Hopes: But he interpreting this Delay for a Refusal, did not only persist in requiring the Head of the Vizier, but of four other principal Counsellors, whom he judged to have concurred in the Sentence for his Brother's Death; and in farther prosecution hereof, he burned and spoiled all the Country about Constantinople; and the Plague raging at the same time in the City, affected the Inhabitants with such Sadness and Discontent, that the chief Ministers apprehended more Evil from thence, than from the Enemy without.  
The Army of the Pasha daily increasing, and being grown from forty to sixty thousand Men, caused the Vizier to abandon all other Thoughts and Designs but those which tended to the destruction of the Pasha, and his Complices; so that there necessarily followed a Revulsion of the Forces from Dalmatia; the Vizier himself diverting them from thence and Transylvania, marched with the whole Army towards Constantinople.  
Yet before the Great Vizier departed from Adrianople, he persuaded the Grand Signior to set the Bailo Capello, and the Secretary Ballarino at Liberty, that thereby he might give some jealousy to the Rebels, as if he designed to make a Peace with Venice, to have more Power, and better leisure to make his War against them. This Counsel, though prudently given, had yet little Influence on the Humour of the Pasha, who continued his March, fortifying himself in the most advantageous Passes of the Country: But what was most bold of all his Actions, and rendered his Pardon beyond the Clemency of his Sovereign, was the proclaiming a Youth of twenty Years of Age, then with him in his Army, to be the Son of Sultan Morat, and consequently the lawful Heir of the Crown; and that in right of him, he had taken possession of a great part of Asia, and was marching towards Constantinople, with resolution to dispossess Sultan Mehmet, and exalt this lawful and undoubted Heir on the Throne of his Ancestors.  
This and other Rumours from Persia, that that King taking the advantage of these Disorders, was making Preparations to regain Bagdat, or Babylon, and revenge himself of all those Cruelties which the Turks had inflicted on his Subjects and Country, increased the Fears and Cares of the chief Ministers of State.  
Notwithstanding which, Chusaein Pasha prosecuted his Business no less in Candia than formerly, in hopes to put an end to the War there before the end of the Summer; and in order thereunto, he received a Recruit of five and twenty thousand Men from the Morea. But the daily increase of the Pasha's Forces, and his approach towards Constantinople, as it was a Matter of the highest Consequence, so it required the most prudence and caution in the management.  
In the first place therefore by Fetfa, or Resolve from the Mufti, the Pasha was declared a Rebel, and guilty of High Treason against the Sultan; notwithstanding which, a Chaous was dispatched with Letters of Pardon, if now repenting of his Fault, he would disband his Army, and return to his former Obedience, he should be received into Grace and Favour. The Pasha received the Chaous with the same Ceremony and Honour, as if he had been an Ambassador, being willing to consider him under that Character, rather than under the Notion of a Pursuivant, or Officer sent to affright him into his Duty; and in Answer to the Message, replied, That it was not in his power to condescend to any Conditions, for that since he had assumed the Cause of this Youth, who was the Son of Sultan Morat, concealed to that Age by his Mother, for fear of the Power of his Uncle, he could not assent to any Terms or Conditions less than the Exaltation of him to the Ottoman Throne. And so carrying this Young Man with him, as a Property, whereby to cover his Rebellion with the Guise of Justice and Duty, he maintained a Court for him after the Ottoman Fashion; and causing the Tagho, or Standards, to be carried before him, he permitted him to give Audiences, send Dispatches, and to take on him all the Royal Marks of Empire.  
The Army of the Pasha was by this time increased to seventy thousand Men, one part of which he sent towards Scutari, and another towards Smyrna, which alarmed all the Countries round about, and gave the Grand Signior such cause of Apprehension, that he tried divers Means, and made many Propositions of Honours and Benefits to the Pasha, whereby to allure him to Obedience: One while he offered to him the Government of Grand Cairo: but that being rejected, he endeavoured to raise Men in Asia to oppose the progress of his Arms; of which some numbers being got into a Body, and perceiving the formidable Force of the Pasha, revolted, and joined themselves to his Party.  
This Extremity of Affairs, caused the Grand Signior not only again to proclaim the Pasha a Rebel, but to give liberty to his People to destroy him and his Soldiers in any parts where they should encounter them. In pursuance of which Licence, a Village in Asia having killed twenty five or thirty of the Pasha's Men, which came thither to refresh themselves; the Pasha was so enraged thereat, that he caused his Soldiers to put Man, Woman, and Child to the Sword throughout the Village. And in this manner the Affairs of the Turks remained in the greatest Confusion imaginable through the whole course of this Year 1658.   

ANNO 1659.  
NOr did this Year begin with better Omens of Success, for to the other Dangers, was added a Report, that the Persian had taken the Field with two hundred thousand Men, for recovery of Bagdat, year 1659. or Babylon, which was the ancient Patrimony of his Forefathers; so that the Grand Signior being rendered thereby more willing to agree and accommodate Affairs with the Pasha, proffered to him the Government of the Province of Soria for ever, paying only a yearly Homage of an hundred thousand Sultanee, in lieu of three hundred thousand, which that Country always yielded. But the Pride of the Pasha scorned a Proffer of so mean a Consideration, having nothing less in his Thoughts than the entire enjoyment of the Empire, or at least to partake an equal share thereof with the Sultan.  
For the Hopes of the Pasha increasing with his Army, which was now grown to eighty thousand Men, he took up for some days his Headquarters near the Fortress of Tocacaia, within ten days march of Smyrna; and thence approaching towards Constantinople, the chief Ministers concluded, that there was no other Safety but in their Arms; and that the Pasha was not to be reduced to any terms of Gentleness or Moderation. Accordingly the Great Vizier passed into Asia with a numerous Army, and speedily joined Battle with the Pasha, which continued for some Hours with great slaughter on one side and the other; but at length the fortune of the Day turned in favour of the Pasha; and the Vizier's Army being routed, he lost all his Cannon and Baggage, and he himself was forced to save himself in the Neighbouring Countries; where not being pursued by the Pasha, he had time again to collect his torn and scattered Troops. The News hereof multiplied the Disorders and Confusions at Constantinople, to which being added the Motion of the Persians, and that they were to join with the Pasha; as also some Troubles in Transylvania, caused by the unquiet Spirit of Ragotski, together with the ill Humour of the Malcontents in the City, made all things appear with equal or greater Danger at Home than Abroad.  
Wherefore, as the ultimate Remedy of these imminent Dangers, it was resolved, that the Grand Signior should go in Person to the War, on supposition that Reverence to his Royal Person would produce that awe on the Spirits of his Subjects, which was not to be effected by Violence, or force of Arms. According to this Resolution the Grand Signior passed into Asia, and joining his Forces with those of the Vizier, composed an Army of seventy thousand Foot, and thirty thousand Horse; with which marching boldly towards the Enemy, the Heart of the Pasha began to fail him; so that calling a Council of his Officers, he proposed his Inclinations towards Terms of Agreement, rather than to hazard all on the Uncertainties of a Battle; the Spirits of the Soldiery being now become tractable by the appearance of so great a Force, assented to the Proposition; and thereupon Articles being speedily drawn up, were sent to the Grand Signior for his Approbation; who, though he would not seem to refuse any thing therein contained, yet declined a personal Treaty, as being a Matter too mean for his Imperial Person to capitulate with his Vassals; and therefore ordered, that Mortaza Pasha should Treat in his behalf, promising to confirm whatsoever Act Mortaza Pasha should conclude in this Matter.  
Mortaza being thus made Plenipotentiary, refused to treat with the Pasha, until such time as he had retreated with his Army at a distance of some days March from the Grand Signior's Camp; which being performed near a Town called Alexandria, he foolishly suffered himself to be separated in a private Place from his Army, on pretence that Peace was more aptly concluded in a free Retirement, than under the constraint and force of the Soldiery. Here Mortaza meeting the Pasha, forcibly strangled him, with seventeen of his Complices, whom he had brought with him for Witnesses to his Capitulations with the Grand Signior. With the news hereof the Army of the Pasha soon disbanded, every one with shame and silence shifting for himself, retired to his own Country and Home. And herewith easily ended this Civil War almost in a moment, which but now threatened the Extirpation of the Ottoman Race.  
The cruel Vizier retained his thoughts of Revenge, which we shall shortly hear in what manner he vented on the great Spahees and rich Men in Asia, who had joined themselves with the Pasha in this Rebellion. This good Service promoted Mortaza, and rendered him more considerable to the Grand Signior; so that he was employed in the Assistance of the Tartars, against Ragotski in Transylvania, and afterwards preferred to the important Charge of Bagdat, or Babylon, of whose Success, and Fate, we we shall hear in the Sequal of a few Years.  
But as yet the Commotions of Asia were not so wholly extinguished, but that the Nephew of the Pasha of Aleppo, in revenge of the treacherous Death of his Uncle, took up Arms, and was followed by the People of the Territories depending on Aleppo. To his Assistance came in also the Son of Chusaein Pasha, late General in Candia, whom the cruel Vizier had put to death, notwithstanding the merit of his late Services, which might seem to atone for his former Misfortunes, and make satisfaction for noncompliance with Instructions; but this Vizier, who never pardoned any Person, would not begin with an Act of Clemency towards one who was none of his Creatures or Confidents depending on him.  
To these joined the Bey of Torgue, who casting off his Obedience to the Pasha of Cairo, entered into the Cabal with ten thousand Horse; so that a formidable Army being composed by this Union, gave a new Subject of Fear and Apprehension at Constantinople. But the Great Vizier so dextrously managed his Affair, by sowing Dissension between the Chiefs, and bestowing Largesses on the Soldiery, that the Army unsensibly mouldered away, leaving their Generals, and Commanders to shift for themselves, and exposing them to the Justice of a Vizier, who was unacquainted with Mercy, and never pardoned any who was either guilty of a Fault, or suspected for it.  
Towards the end of this Year, the Vizier built the lower Forts, which are situated at the entrance into the Dardanelles, commonly called by the name of the Queen-Mother's Castles. And dispatched a Chaous to the Pasha of Canea, to put all things in a Readiness for the Siege of Candia; Orders were also given to the Pashaws of the Inland Countries to prepare themselves for the Wars against Dalmatia, and Transilvania.   

ANNO 1660.  
THE Rendezvous of the Army being appointed at Belgrade, the Vizier hastened thither in Person to quicken the Preparations, and March of the Soldiers, year 1660. which were flocking thither from all parts. This Vizier Kuperlee, though aged, was yet very active and vigorous, by which he created so much confidence of himself in his Master, that he acted nothing in all the Government but by his Counsel and Direction: which being always jealous and bloody towards those who had any Power in the Empire, he for that Reason cut off the Casirs of Damascus, who though he was a good Governor, and a faithful Servant, yet because he was a Favourite of the Queen-Mother, and conserved the State of his Affairs in a laudable posture, he grew jealous of his Power, and therefore sacrificed his Blood to his own Security and Bloody Disposition.  
The which act of unjust Cruelty so enraged the Queen-Mother, that she for ever after boar a mortal hatred to this Vizier, and continued the same to his Son, which was the famous Kuperlee; but his Moderation and Discretion was so well tempered with respect towards her, that She at length not only pardoned the Sin of his Father in him, but became his Friend, and relished the Services which he performed for his Master.  
The Venetians having about this time received considerable Succours, namely four thousand French Foot, which his most Christian Majesty, after the Conclusion of Peace at the Pyrenean Treaty, had most generously Spared to that Republic, were enabled to attempt some notable Enterpaize; and thereby so hardly pressed the Pasha of Canea, that he earnestly wrote to the Grand Signior for Succours; assuring him, that without present Relief, he should be forced to surrender his Town to the Mercy of the Enemy. The Grand Signior promised him speedy Relief, and for his better encouragement sent him the Present of a Sword and a Vest of Sables; in the mean time the Venetians took three Forts, viz. Calamo, Calegro, and Epicarno, and preceded to lay Siege to Canea; but the Enemy having received a Supply of three thousand Men into the Town, the Christians quitted this enterprise in hopes of beating the Turks out of new Candia; which was lately built near to the old Candia, with design to keep that Town straitened by perpetual Alarms, and by the vicinity of so bad a Neighbourhood.  
The Grand Vizer being very Aged, was subject to many Infirmities, and falling sick at Belgrade, he was advised by the Physicians to change the Air, as the best Remedy for his Disease; and indeed they were all careful to give him the best and safest▪ Counsels, for that he often threatened them, if he died of that Sickness, he would send them all to the next World before him. The Vizier following the Advice of his Physicians, returned to Adrianople, where having in a good measure recovered his Health, he sent Orders to Hali Pasha, than General of the Forces in Hungary, to hasten the Siege of Waradin, being esteemed by the Turks an advantageous Fortress for carrying on their Conquests in that Country; of the taking of which Town, and of all the Trouble in Transylvania, caused by the ambitious humour of Ragotzki, we shall treat at large in the following History. For being come to that time, in which Providence allotted me a charge at Constantinople; I was thereby somewhat elevated on a rising Ground, whereby I could with my own Eyes survey the Transactions of that great Empire; and for that Reason I call them my Memoirs; which for being Matters transacted in my own Time, I have thought fit to introduce them with a short Advertisement to the Reader.    

THE MEMOIRS OF Sir Paul Rycaut, Containing the HISTORY OF THE TURKS, FROM THE YEAR 1660, to the YEAR 1678. With the most Remarkable Passages Relating to the ENGLISH TRADE In the space of Eighteen Years.   

TO THE READER.  
Courteous Reader,  
THIS following History is some part of those fruits arising from my vacant hours of eighteen Years residence in Turkey, seven whereof I completed at Constantinople, in quality of Secretary to the Lord Ambassador; and for eleven Years I exercised the Office of Consul at Smyrna. In the first times of which, I had great advantages to observe, and make my Annotations; having for the most part been acquainted with the persons as well as with the affairs of those concerning whom I write; and indeed the incumbence which was then upon me, obliged me to a knowledge both of persons and business. My latter time, which was that of being Consul, constrained me to an attendance on matters relating to the government of our Trade; and therefore it is not to be expected, that at that distance from the Court, I should lay down Transactions so positive, and particular, as in the preceding Years; yet the acquaintance, and correspondence I afterwards continued at Court, and the care I took to inform myself of what occurred, qualified me in some measure for an Historian; at least put me into a condition to make a Breviate, or Collection of certain Observations occurring in the Turkish Court.  
When I first entered on this work, I was carried with a certain emulation of French and Italian Writers, of whose Ministers few there were employed in the parts of Turkey, but who carried with them from thence, Memoirs, Giornals, or Historical Observations of their times. In which our Nation hath been so defective, that besides some scattered and abrupt Papers, without coherence, or method, adjoined to the end of Knoll's History of the Turks (which is an excellent collection from divers Authors) one shall scarce find five sheets of Paper wrote by our Countrymen in way of History. At which omission having often wondered, I resolved from my first entrance in those Countries, to note down in a blank Book what occurred in that Empire, either as to Civil, or Military affairs; with what Casualties and Changes befell our Trade, that so both one and the other might serve for Examples and Precedents to future Ages; the which after some years afforded me materials to compose and frame this following Discourse. In which, having by God's assistance thus far proceeded; As it may be an Example to my Successors, to spin and draw out the thread of this History through Ages to come; so it will be a good part, and office, of those who reside there at present, by a more diligent enquiry to correct, and amend what I have mistaken, or misunderstood.  
For next to the immediate attendance to the Charge and Trust imposed upon me, I judged it a chief duty towards my Country, to denote and Record certain Transactions relating to Trade, which is the grand Interest that hath engaged England to a Communication and Correspondence with these remote Parts: nor doth the World perhaps expect much less from me, than that I should add something to the History of the Turks in our time; which howsoever imperfectly I may perform it, yet the Offices which I have exercised, and the impartiality with which it is wrote, may gain it some credit and reputation in the World. For in the writing hereof, I cannot be taxed with animosity to any person; nor am I to be esteemed as possessed with affection, or partiality to any side; which is a point of sobriety, and good temper, necessary for all Historians: For we who lived in those parts, were little concerned for the House of Kuperlee, or for the Favourites of the Court; nor was it of any moment to us, whether the Faction of the Spahees, or Janissaries prevailed; or whether the Courtiers, or the Soldiers, ruled the Empire: only we esteemed it our duty, to speak best of that Government under which our Trade thrived most. And though the times of Sultan Ibrahim were the golden days for Merchants, which employed our Navigation beyond the memory of any times, either before, or since; and consumed of our Manufactories (though not in greater quantities yet) perhaps with better advantage and profit to our Nation: Yet I ought not to be so injurious, or ungrateful to Sultan Mahomet the Fourth, as to accuse his Government of Oppression, or Violence towards us, or of any breach of Articles, and Privileges, which he had granted to his Majesty's Subjects; but shall rather applaud, and be ready to own that justice which our Complaints have found, and met at the Ottoman Court, under the protection of those worthy Ambassadors sent by his Majesty to stand Centinel on the Guard of their Country.  
For whereas in the time of Sultan Morat, when the Military men bore the sway; Injustice and Violence, which mingled in all the actions of Rule, had an influence also on the English affairs: And when in the time of Sultan Ibrahim, that the Female Court had gained the predominancy, and that vast Treasures were expended in Riot and Luxury; the prodigality of great persons made it necessary to be rapacious and unjust: But in these more moderate times of this present Sultan, when neither excessive Wars abroad, nor Luxury nor immoderate expense at home, exhausted the Coffers; We may easily imagine, that the disorders of State did not drive the Rulers to a necessity of exercising unjust Arts, which are always most certain Symptoms, either of a bad Government, or a vicious inclination in the Prince.  
The English Trade, according to the Chronicles of Sir Richard Baker, was first introduced into the Country of the Turks, in the Year 1579. but Sagredo an Italian Writer, accounts only from the Year 1583. perhaps before that time Overtures were only made for a Trade, which might be so inconsiderable, as that until than it was not esteemed worthy to be adorned with an Ambassador, or to be opposed by the Ministers of Foreign Princes. For so soon as an Ambassador from England appeared at the Ottoman Court, with Credential Letters from Queen E●izabeth, the French and Venetian Ministers took the Alarm, and opposed his reception, especially the French, who (as Sagredo reports in his History of th● Turks) represented unto the G. Vizier, how much this new Friendship with the English would obstruct that ancient Alliance which was made with his King, and would impeach and l●●sen the Privileges and Trade which they enjoyed in those parts: To which the Vizier answered, according to their usual phrase and stile; That the happy Imperial Seat where his Master resided, was called the Port, because it was free and open to all such who desired to take refuge and sanctuary therein, and therefore the English without just reason ought not to be excluded. That the Sultan ought not to be denied that freedom of love and hatred, which was common to all Mankind; and that he was as well resolved to choose and cherish his Friends, as to prosecute and destroy his Enemies. Whereunto the French Ambassador urged, That since it was the pleasure of the Grand Signior to admit the English; that at least they should be obliged to enter Constantinople under the French Colours. But the English Ambassador replied, that his Mistress who was so potent, scorned all Dependencies on other Nations, and would rather abandon the Friendship of the Sultan, than admit the least diminution of her own honour: And embellishing his Discourses (as Sagredo proceeds) with the representation of that advantage and profit, which the English Trade would bring to the Ottoman Empire; he so ensnared the hearts of the Turks, that they preferred the admittance of new Guests, before the Alliance of ancient Friends. Since which time our Commerce and Trade with the Turk hath been in its increase, and being governed by a Wise and Grave Company of Experienced Merchants, hath by God's blessing brought an inestimable Treasure and advantage to the English Nation, which that it may still continue, increase, and flourish in all Ages and times to come, is the hearty desire, and Prayer of him, who is a true, and faithful Servant to that worthy Society, and a sincere Wellwisher to his Country.  
Farewell.   

THE HISTORY OF Sultan Mahomet IU. THE XIII. EMPEROR OF THE TURKS, Beginning in the NINTH YEAR OF HIS REIGN. The First BOOK.  

Anno Christi, 1661. Hegeira, 1072.  
IT was now the beginning of this Year, when the Earl of Winchelsea arrived at Constantinople, the first Ambassador sent abroad from His Majesty of Great Britain, Charles the Second, after his happy Return to the Glorious Throne of his Ancestors, to Sultan Mahomet, the Thirteenth Emperor of the Turks; it being judged fit, that amongst other Alliances which were to be contracted with Foreign Princes, and States, this of Turkey should not be omitted, but rather in the first place considered: In regard, that as the flourishing Estate and Prosperity of England's richesse depends absolutely on her Foreign Trade, so on none more particularly than on that of Turkey, which consumes great quantities of her most staple and substantial Manufactures, and makes returns in whatsoever Employs, and gives Bread to the poor and industrious of the Nation.  
But before we come to treat of the Successes of this Ambassador, and the various Transactions in the Turkish Affairs; we shall relate some accidents which befell us in our Voyage by Sea to Constantinople. The Earl of Winchelsea and his Lady, with a numerous Retinue being embarked on the Plymouth Frigate, commanded by Sir Thomas Allen, and accompanied with a Catch and two Merchant's Ships, the Prosperous and Smyrna Factor for Turkey, set sail from the Downs on the Twentieth of Octob. 1660. And proceeding with a favourable Gale, and fair Wether, until we were come to the height of the Norward Cape, or Cape Finisterre; we then contended with so severe a storm, that we were forced to bring our Ship under a main course, to fasten our Helm, and lie, and drive. In the Twenty nineth about Five in the Morning, our main Tack flew, which shook and strained our Mass so violently, that it was shivered in two places between Decks: The danger hereof might have proved of ill consequence, had the Mast gone by the Board; for in all probability it would have carried up our Decks, unfixed both our Pumps, and laid us open to the Sea; but the Providence of God, and the diligence of our Seamen was such, year 1661. that we soon struck our Top Mast, boared our main Yard, and so fished the Mast itself where it was defective, that with the help of our foresail, and the benefit of better Wether we safely arrived on the Thirty first in the Port of Lisbon. 
Lisbon.  The Match being then in Treaty between Charles the Second our Dread Sovereign, and Catherine the Infanta of Portugal, now our gracious Queen; all the concernments of England were extremely acceptable to the Court of Portugal; and particularly the Person of the Earl of Winchelsea, a Peer of England, qualified with the Character of Ambassador Extraordinary to the Ottomon Port. For at our first arrival there, I being then Secretary to the said Earl, was employed to carry a Letter to the King, which was received by the Council of State then sitting: After the Letter had been read and considered, I was called in, and an answer given me by the Marquis de Nissa, and D. Gasper Faria de Sevarin then Secretary of State, to this purpose. That they were glad, so grateful an opportunity presented, whereby they might Demonstrate their warm and real affections towards the King of England, by serving his Ambassador in so necessary a piece of Service as that which was required: That Orders were given to furnish the Ship with a Mast, and what she wanted, out of the King's Stores; and that both his Excellency and Lady, with all their Retinue should be welcomed a shore, with due regard to their Quality and Condition. The Day following his Excellency was complemented from the King, by a Maestro de Campo sent to him on Shipboard; and being come ashore, and lodged at the House of Mr. Maynard the English Consul, he was visited by D. Francisco de Melo, (who had before, and was afterwards employed Ambassador into England) and by D. Antonio de Saousa and others. After Eight days his Excellency had Audience of the King, and the Queen Mother, and was received by both, with many demonstrations of a hearty desire to contract a firm Alliance with England. He was afterwards invited by the Conde de Odemira Governor of the young King, and Chief Minister of Portugal, to a Quinta, or Garden-house at Bellain: where were present the Duke of Calaval, the Visconde de castle Blanco, and D. Francisco de Melo; the entertainment was very splendid, with variety of Dishes, and Wine, corresponding rather with the inordinate Tables of English, than with the frugality, and temperate Diet of Spaniards. Our Ship being in this interim refitted, we returned aboard on the Twelfth of November; the Earl of Winchelsea being presented by the King, with several Hampers of sweetmeats, Vessels of Wine, and other Provisions for his Voyage; and his Lady by the Queen Mother, with a Jewel of considerable value, and with divers boxes filled with Purses of perfumed Leather, and Amber Comfits.  
On the Thirteenth we set Sail, being designed by Order of his Majesty for Algiers, 
Algiers.  to settle a Peace with that unsettled People; where arriving on the Tewenty second day about Three a Clock in the Afternoon, we came to an Anchor about Two Miles distant from the Town, which we saluted with Twenty one Guns, but received none again in answer thereunto; it being the custom of that People, not to acknowledge Civilities, but to repay injuries, and not requite benefits. We found that they had already begun to break the Peace: Having brought in thither an English Ship, which lay between hope and fear of freedom, or seizure: So soon as we had dropped our Anchors, a Boat came from that Ship, acquainting us of the State of Algiers, and how near Matters were to a Rupture with them; by this Boat my Lord Ambassador sent a Letter to the Consul, appointing him to come aboard; who the next Day, being the Twenty third, appeared accordingly; to whom his Excellency imparted the Instructions and Orders from his Majesty to renew the Peace on the former Articles; and particularly to insert a Caution, That the Algerines should on no terms search our Ships, but that the Passengers, and goods thereon, whether of English or Strangers, should be free and exempted from all seizure, and Piracy whatsoever. I being appointed to assist the Consul in this Treaty, accompanied him ashore, and in the first place we applied ourselves to Ramadam Bullock-bashee, than the Chief of their Divan, and Head of their Government; whom we acquainted, that on the Ship in the road, was an Earl of England, sent Ambassador by his Majesty our King to the Grand Signior, and in his way thither was appointed to touch at Algiers, and to inform the Government of that place of the happy Restoration of his Majesty to the Throne of his Father, and to confirm the same Peace which was before concluded with usurped Powers, and so delivered him the Letters from his Majesty, which were superscribed in this manner: To their Excellencies the Aga, jiabashees, and rest of the Honourable Council of State and War, in the City and Kingdom of Algiers.  
Ramadam answered us, that he was well satisfied with the Proposal; that there was a Peace already with the English, and that they were Brothers; that the next Day was appointed for a general Divan of great and small, at which we might freely open our breasts, and declare whatsoever was committed to us by our King and his Ambassador.  
But for the better understanding of the State of Algiers, at this time, we must observe, that for many years before, this government was composed of a Divan, the Chief and Head whereof was a Pasha sent every Three years to preside there, and had so continued, until that some few Months before this time one Halil a poor Fellow, who had no better Estate than the Sixteenth part of a Vessel, but bold and desperate, complained one Day in open Divan against the Pasha, accusing him of many miscarriages, with which he so affected the Divan; that he rudely threw him from his Seat, drubbed him, trampled on him, and plucked the Hairs out of his Beard, which is the greatest mark of ignominy and contempt that any Person can offer to another; and having committed him to Prison and Chains, he with the Divan took upon himself the unlimited Power of an Arbitrary Government: And thus for the space of Six or Eight Months this Miscreant tyrannised, and ruled without control: Until an obscure and contemptible Moor, an ordinary Jerbin or Countryman, instigated (as was supposed) by the Aga, or General of the Soldiery, approaching near him in the Streets, under pretence of kissing his Vest, 
Halil killed by a Moor.  struck him with a long Knife between the Ribs; which boldness of the Moor so astonished the Attendants which were about him, that none had power to lay hands on the Murderer, but suffered him to depart, and fly unpursued: Of this wound Halil died in Two days, in which time he nominated Ramadam his Kinsman to be the most proper, and fit Person to succeed him in the Government; and this recommendation so prevailed on the Divan, that he was elected for their Chief: A Person of a most sordid, and Mercenary Soul, immersed in Covetousness, and Gluttony, guided by his Lust and Interest, unless some times restrained by the Authority of the Divan, and the fear of popular Insurrection.  
This Ramadam according to his Promise before recited, summoned us the day following, being the Twenty-fourth to the Divan; which consists in all of Twenty-four Bulluckbashees, 
The Algiers Divan.  who are Officers of the Soldiery, each commanding Twenty-four Soldiers under him, 
* Jiabashees are of another degree; it may be in good Turkish Odabashees, or Captains of the Chambers of Janissaries.  Twenty-four Jiabashees, and Eighteen Ancients or grave Seniors: Though for that present, there appeared no more than Forty-five, the others being at Sea, or abroad; Ramadam was placed in the Chair, or in a Seat at the upper end, and the Aga sat by him, the others stood on their feet, and put themselves into Two Files, or Ranks; and then Ramadam began with a loud Voice to cry, The English are come to treat a Peace with you, and have brought Letters from their King, and from their Ambassador now aboard going for Constantinople; which very words every one distinctly pronounced, and repeated them, carrying the Voice from the lower to the upper end; I fancied, that it was after the manner of our repeating Syllogisms in disputations, that so no mistake might be, and that the Respondent might have time to consider and weigh the argument. Then Ramadam demanded, whether they were pleased to enter into Treaty with the English; which words being repeated as before, and answered in the Affirmative, the Letters were read in the Turkish Translation; with the Articles of Peace proposed, which were as followeth: 

I. THat the English shall be obliged to protect all Passengers belonging to Algiers, aboard their Ships, to the utmost of their power, against any of their Enemies. And in like manner all foreign Passengers, Merchants and others, their goods, and Estates embarked, and laden on English Ships, shall pass free, and be protected from the Ships of Algiers, and be suffered to pass without molestation.  
II. No Shipwreck of English on the coast of Algiers, shall become prize, nor their goods forfeited, nor their men made Slaves, but the People of Algiers shall do their best endeavour to save both them and their goods.  
III. That neither the Consul, nor other Englishman, shall be obliged to satisfy the Debts of another Englishman, unless he hath been bound, or become Security for him.  
IV. That no Englishman in matter of difference shall be subject to any judgement, but that of the Divan.  
V. That the English in differences amongst themselves shall be subject to no determination, but to that of the English Consul.  
VI That either side are to furnish men of War with all necessaries their Ports afford, at the Market rates, without paying custom.  
VII. If any grievance happen, neither party shall break the Peace until satisfaction be denied.    
These Articles being read, were all approved except the first; for they declared, that they would have a Liberty to search our Ships, and take out the Goods and Persons of Strangers; for that otherwise, we having this privilege, might carry away the Trade of the whole World in our Shipping; and that French, Spaniards, Italians, Dutch, and all other Nations, had no need of other protection and safeguard for their Persons and Goods, than to put them under the English colours: And that than their men of War might rove the Seas to no purpose, their City become poor, and their Soldiers starve, when they returned home. We on the other side, being sensible how prejudicial and dishonourable such an Article as this would be, and how ruinous to our Navigation, and having his Majesty's Command to the contrary, absolutely refused to assent, or agree thereunto. Whilst we were thus arguing, a great fat Turk appeared with two young men his Slaves, one a Frenchman, and the other a Dutchman, requesting Ramadam to recommend him to us for passage to Smyrna; and having performed his request to him by kissing his Hand, Ramadam made it his request to us in behalf of that his Kinsman, recommending him to our care and protection, and conjuring us thereunto, by that Sacred league of Peace that was between us: We readily assented thereunto, and at the same time took hold of the Example to represent the reasonableness of that Article on which we insisted. For shall we (said we) protect your People, and will you require, and impose it upon us as a matter Just and Sacred? And shall not the greatness of our King have a Liberty to dispense the like Privilege to other Nations, his Neighbours, and Allies, governed by Kings and Princes, who are Christian, and of his Kindred, and near Relations? But neither this, nor any other argument was Reason, or Sense to them; nor did they care to answer it by other arguments, than that of their own disadvantage thereby; and that if they assented thereunto, their Ships might better rot in the Mould, than to venture them out at Sea with expectation of booty. They told us also stories of English Ships which had delivered some Algerines to their Enemies; and one particularly, who had sold a Hundred Turks to the Venetians. In answer hereunto, we assured them, that upon complaints and proofs made hereof to our King; his Justice was such, as that he would not suffer a piece of such Treachery to escape unpunished. And as to that argument, which they urged, that in this Case none would be employed besides English ships; we largely represented the necessity of employing French, and Dutch, and the Ships of other Nations. But these People being Deaf and Blind to any Reason, but that which agrees with their interest, we concluded nothing; for after a long and loud discourse, and repetition of the same things over and over again, we at length told them, that it was not in our Commission to conclude on these terms; but that we should inform the Lord Ambassador of their desires, and resolution, and that we would return the next Day with his peremptory Answer; not but we knew, that the Instructions from his Majesty extended not so far; but that we might have occasion to leave matters, as it were in suspense, and part fairly from them, at the present. For as to my own particular, I did not like to remain with such Company, not knowing how far the perfidiousness of that People might transport them to a Barbarity against the Laws of Reason and Nations.  
The w●nd blew all this day so hard at West, that our Sh●p drove▪ and a great Sea went; so that there was some difficulty for me to get aboard; howsoever in regard it was necessary to render his Excellency an account of the proceedings of that Day, I eased the Pinnace of all Provisions, and unnecessary Company, and so by God's Providence got safe, though wet, aboard that Evening. I did not fa●l immediately to render an account most exactly, how every thing passed, to the Lord Ambassador, letting him know, what fruit was to be expected by a farther Treaty with this People. Wherefore it was thought fit rather to keep the business in suspense, than to come to an open rupture with them; and rather than to use long discourse to them, or persuasions to little purpose, to write them this short Letter, the superscription of which was to Ramadam their Governor in Chief, and to the rest of the Divan.  
WE are sorry that there should be still one difference in our Treaty, 
The last Letter to the Divan.  relating to the search of Ship●, and delivering up Merchant's Foreigners, and Stranger● goods. This is an Article which the King my Master did not think you would have insisted upon, because it was granted to others, who were Usurpers, and his Subjects, and therefore did not empower me to conclude with you in it. Howsoever, I shall acquaint the King my Master of your earnest Desi●es, and Resolves in this Business, and doubt not, but what is Just and Reasonable, will be assented unto. Wherefore in the mean time we must desire you, whilst his Royal assent is expecting to your proposals, that the Peace may continue on the same Terms that it now stands. Let your Friend and Kinsm●n com● aboard▪ (as is desired) and he shall be welcome, and we shall protect him to the uttermost of our power. And on this Promise and word of ours, y●u may rely on, as of a Christian, and a true Englishman. Our desire also farther is, that the Lord Obryan may remain in the Consul's House until such time as his Ransom comes. And so we wish, that a hearty and long Peace may be continued between the two Nations. Given aboard the Plymouth Frigate, November 25, 1660.  
Winchelsea.  
Upon delivery of this Letter, it was concluded, that the former Articles should stand in force; only that difference about searching our Ships should remain in suspense, and be specified, as not fully agreed on: Howsoever they would search our Ships, and it should not be accounted a breach of our Capitulations, until the King should intimate his dislike thereof. And that when Notice should come from his Majesty to Algiers, that he approved not thereof, than it should be lawful for both sides to break into Acts of Hostility. This moderate course we thought to be less prejudicial to us for the present, than an open, and sudden War: For by this means we gained the releasement of two small English Ships which their Men carried in thither, and had time to give notice to our Merchants in all Ports and places, of the true state of our business with Algiers.  
On the Twentyseventh of November, we departed from the bay of Algiers with a prosperous, and steady Gale, steering N.E. and N. N. E. for Messi●●, from whence we intended to d●spatch Letters unto all places, rendering advices to his Majesty, and the Merchants, of the State and Condition of our Affairs, and Negotiation at Algiers: And whilst we pleasantly sailed with a prosperous wind, on a sudden a cry was made of Fire, in the Ship, which astonished us all with a great amazement. For the Cooper it seems, going into the Steward's Room to stave a Cask which formerly had some Brandy in it, by chance a Snuff of the Candle fell in at the bung, which put the whole Vessel into a Flame: But the same Man immediately stopping the Bung, soon smothered the Fire, and therewith extinguished thatand our fears. As to other Matters, 
Messina.  our Voyage to Messina was speedy and happy, for we arrived there on the Second of December.  
Some Days passed before we could get pratick; for having touched at Algiers, a place always suspected for the Plague, great scruple was made of admitting us to free converse in the Town: Until the Lord Ambassador gave under his Hand and Seal an assurance of the Health of our Ship; on confidence of which we received Pratick, and the Palace called Paradise, where commonly the Vice-Kings are lodged, was appointed to receive his Excellency and his Retinue, and the Furniture thereof ordered by D. Francisco de la Villa Padierna, a Spaniard, who was Stratago, which is as much as Commander in chief of all the Castles and Forts in and about Messina. So soon as his Excellency landed, this Stratago made him a Visit, and at his departure left his Guard with him in a Compliment, but in the mean time the jurati, who were six in number, chose (as I think) every year, or every third year by the Citizens for Government of the City, were wanting in the like civility towards our Ambassador; four of which are chosen out of the Burghers, and two out of the Gentry, for they took no notice of him, nor sent him any message until the hour that he was about to depart, when his Excellency refused to receive their visits, excusing his neglect of attendance to matters of Ceremony, at a time when business urged his departure: whence this omission on the Jurats' side proceeded, may in probability be derived from the antipathy they have to the Spaniards and their Government, always running contrary to that, unto which they find the Spanish Ministers most inclined. During our abode at this place, his Excellency having returned his Visit to the Stratago, accompanied with D. joseppe de Luna a Cavalier of Maltha, and having wrote a Letter to the Conde de Ayala then Vice-King of Sicily, residing at Palermo, he gave advices unto all places of the doubtful state of our affairs with Algiers, that so Ships might be cautious of that people, and how they adventured themselves abroad without Convoy; and having completed these Dispatches, we again returned aboard on the ninth of this Month; when the Stratago, abounding in all points of civility, sent an honourable present of all sorts of fresh provisions aboard Ship, and soon after came himself in person to bid Farewell to his Excellency. At his coming aboard we gave him nine Guns, and at his going off fifteen, and so soon as our Anchors were away, and our Fore-top-Sail filled, we bid adieu to the Town with twenty one Guns more, which they returned by firing all the Guns of the five Castles, under command of the Stratago, which is an honour they seldom pay to any other, than the Generalissimo of Spain, the Vice-King, and the Pope's Admiral.  
We had so fair a Wind, and so prosperous a passage, that we arrived at Smyrna on the 14 th' of December, where we found the Prosperous and Smyrna Factor, the Merchant's Ships which we had lost in the Storm, 
Smyrna.  happily arrived. Here we remained for some days to order and settle several affairs according to Instructions given by the Turkey Company. And on the sixth of january, being Sunday and Twelfthday, we returned aboard to prosecute this Ultimate stage of our Voyage to Constantinople; our Frigate the Plymouth Anchored near the Town within the very Port of Smyrna, from whence sailing with a fresh Easterly Wind from the shore, we were carried without the Port, and out of command of the Castle; where the wind sailing, and being wholly calm, we Anchored until the next morning, when with a gentle gale at Southeast we proceeded forward, and being as high as Cape Caraborno, towards night the Wind came about to the N.E. with so strong a Gale, that with some difficulty we weathered the Cape, and making over for the Island of Mytilene, and bringing our Ship under a main course, we intended to pass the night under the shelter of that Isle: All this night the wind so increased one hour more than another, that in the morning it was grown to a perfect storm, and the Sea into a breach; the sky was so black, and thick, and the Sun so red and louring, as signified the continuance of it; and the spray of the Sea was so forcibly carried by the wind over the Ship, that Masts, Yards, and Decks were querned with a white Salt. This extremity of weather made us think of some Port, or Harbour, wherein to secure our Ship. The Island of Ipsera lying S. B. W. about eight Leagues from Mytilene, was judged by our Master to be the most convenient and safe place, wherein we might spend the fury of this storm; wherefore putting before it with our Foresail, and our Mainsail in the Brailes, 
A miraculous escape from shipwreck  the wind was so forcible, that it carried away our Foresail like Paper from the Yard; and bringing another in the place thereof, it had the misfortune to be foul of the flock of our Anchor, and so became as unserviceable as the former: being thus deprived of the benefit of our commanding Sails, we set our Spritsail, and Main-course, and so steered in between the two Isles of Ipsera the greater, and the less. Being shot within, and keeping as near aluff as we could to the shore, we on a sudden stuck upon a Rock, which astonished us all with a strange amazement; the Ship fetched five Sallies, or Seeles upon it with such violence, that we expected to sink immediately into the deep; and indeed if we consider the forcibleness of the wind, the turgency of the Sea, and the weight of our burden, having four hundred persons aboard, and sixty Guns mounted, it will appear little less than a Miracle, that the Ship broke not into more pieces than our numbers were aboard. I stood then by the Mate, when he fathomed our depth of water by the Lead and Line, and we had then seventeen foot and a half by the side▪ but the Ship drawing eighteen foot, we began to fear a total ruin, and shipwreck, and with cast-up eyes, and stretched out arms, thought now of no other than of our last and ultimate Port. But in the midst of this horrid consternation and distress, it pleased God, who was our best Pilot, and guided us to the edge of the Rock. to bring us clear of it; when we soon espied some of our sheathing to swim upon the Sea; and running down to the Well of our Pumps, we perceived a great increase of water▪ but not so much but that Pumping once every half hour, we kept our Ship in a condition of safety. Being thus by God's Providence come to a convenient place of Anchorage, being well furnished with ground-Tackle, we road ●or two days in a stress of wind, with two Anchors a head, of which our sheet-Anchor was one, and with our Top-masts and Yards stuck. Afterwards the wind abating something of its late fierceness, though continuing in the same quar●er, we had opportunities to go ashore and to make some Provisions of Wine, of which that Island yields an admirable sort, and as rich as any in the Archipelago, though the people 〈◊〉 as poor, or rather more miserable than their Neighbours. In three or four days▪ by the sullage and weeds which the Leak had sucked in, the water began to stop, and our Ship became so perfectly tied, that our Captain judged it not necessary to inquire▪ when we arrived at Constantinople, into the damage which we had received from the Rock; and the Ship afterwards by God's Providence arriving safe in the River of Thames, was brought into the Dock at Woolidg, where upon search was discovered a great piece of the Rock, as big as a man's head, struck into the bilge of the Ship, and so firmly fixed, as if it had been riveted within; which seemed so strange a thing, that the Shipwrights before they would take it from thence, first thought fit to acquaint the King thereof; who was pleased in person to go and see it; which appearing a strange, and almost a miraculous accident, His Majesty commanded it to be taken out, and (as I am informed) it is kept in his Closet. And now for the better description of this Rock, and for the avoiding of it, Seamen may observe, and take notice of it in this manner.  
The shallow water, or the Rock whereon we struck, bore N. N. W. ½ N. from the place where we anchored on the North of Great Ipsera, 
Rocks about Ipsera.  and lies about half a mile from the shore. The mark is, the falling away of the South end of the first gray-cliff▪ with a gall upon the foot of the high hill, on which is a house▪ there is also a white sand by the grey cliff; the longest way of the Rock is N. W. and S. E. and the length not longer than the Ship; the water in the shallowest part thereof is about thirteen or fourteen foo●, with a Northerly wind; and seventeen foot or more in the deepest, which is the place where we struck; yet as the people of the Island report, it hath six foot more with a Southerly wind; so that it is not strange, that our Master, though he had frequented this place with the Venetian Fleet, should not have knowledge of it, for such a depth of water is seldom noted in Waggoners for a place of danger.  
There is also another Rock near the Town about half a mile distant from the shore, bearing N. B. E. of the Point, the neat fluff point E.N.E. the Northermost point of little Ipsera N. W. B.N. the Southermost point of little Ipsera S. W. ½ W. the Southernly point of Great Ipsera S. E. ● S. upon it, there is not above four foot water.  
We, road here until the 14 th' day, when between one and two in the morning, the wind sprang out of the W.S.W. with an easy gale, with which we weighed our Anchors, and put to Sea; the next morning early being the 15 th' day, we were up with the Island of Tenedos, and towards Noon we entered the Hellespont with a fresh gale, which was necessary to stem the strength of the current; and about three a Clock we passed the Castles of Sestos and Abydos; from whence came off a boat with a Druggerman, and Janissaries; bringing Letters from Sir Thomas Bendish, than Ambassador at Constantinople, congratulating the Arrival of his Excellency, and soon returned again ashore to carry the news of our entrance within the Castles.  
On the Seventeenth Day about Noon, being just Three months since the Lord Ambassador with his Family embarked, we came to an Anchor near the Seven Towers, from whence we gave notice to St. Thomas Bendysh of our near approach; and having given Two hours' space for to carry the intelligence, we weighed our Anchors, and stood in for the Port of Constantinople: At this time, a Bostangee, one belonging to the Grand Signior's Garden, came aboard, sent by the Bostangee-bashee or Head of the Gardeners, to discover, and know what Ship it was of such Equipage, and greatness; advising us also, that the Grand Signior was seated in a Chiosk or Summer-house on the corner Wall of the Seraglio. Having thus our Anchor aboard with a fresh and favourablegale, our Flags and Ensigns displayed, and a Streamer at every Yard-arm, our Guns and Wast-clothes out; and being near the Wall of the Seraglio, the same Bostangee came again aboard, acquainting us, that it was the Grand Signior's pleasure, that we should rejoice with Guns, (which was his expression;) the Ship having her Sails swollen out with a gentle Gale, and the swiftness of her motion retarded by the current, gave the Turks an opportunity to take a full prospect of her, the decks being full of men; we fired Sixty one Guns, 
Salutation of the Seraglio.  as we passed, and with that order, that the Vessel could never appear with better advantage, had she been described by the Hand of the most skilful Painter: And thus we came to an Anchor on Toppennau side, where Sir Thomas Bendysh came immediately aboard to congratulate the safe arrival of this new Ambassador: And now here it may be enquired, whether the Seraglio returned any answer to this salute by those Guns which lie under the Garden-wall, of which most, or all are dismounted: I answer, no●, for this having been the first Man of War, or first Royal ship, that ever carried up an English Ambassador to Constantinople; it having been the custom formerly to have them transported thither on some goodly Merchant-ship laden with the rich Commodities of our Country, a return of Guns was never demanded, or expected; and perhaps it was a matter not then thought of; which if it had, and been required, it is probable, in that conjuncture (if ever) it would have been granted; both because old Kuperl●e the Father, then governed, who was a great friend to the English, and Enemy to the French, whose Ambassador was then under restraint, would have in mere opposition and hatred to them, bestowed those honours on our Nation, which at another time could not have been extorted for a great Sum of Money; and so much I collect from the very words of Kuperlee, who after our Lord Ambassador had made his Entrance in a more splendid manner than usual, as we shall understand by the sequel, he demanded of our Chief Druggerman, how the French resented this treatment? He answered, not well, but with an envious Eye, as he supposed; let them burst with malice, replied the Vizier. Of late years since the glory and greatness of France, their Ambassadors have been always transported up to Constantinople in the King's Ships. Monsieur la hay the younger came on a Man of War of the Kings, and a Fireship; Monsieur de Nointel, with Two men of War and a Fireship; and now lately Monsieur the Guilleragues with no less an Equipage than the former. All which before they entered Constantinople, made a stop about the Seven Towers, capitulating first to have a resalute from the Seraglio, before they would pass their Compliment to that place; which being denied, as a thing never practised; the French Men of War have of late passed with silence, without giving, or receiving a salute: Howsoever, as things stand now, I should scarce advise, that English Men of War should insist upon the like, for we having once done it, a custom may be pretended; and that may give a beginning to such a dispute which a new Ambassador ought studiously to avoid, the present circumstances of France not suiting exactly with the sole Interest of Trade which is exercised by England.  
Against the next Day, being the Eighteenth, 
The Lord Ambassador landing at Constantinople.  things were provided for the entrance of his Excellency; and indeed with that state and handsome Equipage, that neither any Ambassador from England, nor yet from the Emperor, passed with greater Splendour and Honour than this: For when his Excellency first descended from the Ship into his Boat, the Ship fired Fifty one Guns, so leisurely, that they so continued, until he set his Foot on the shore; where mounting on Horseback covered with a rich Velvet Foot-cloth, the whole Equipage marched in this Order, on Horseback also; 

First, the Vayvod of Galata, and his Men.  
2. The Captain of the Janissaries with his Janissaries.  
3. The Chaousbashee with his Chaouses.  
4. The English Trumpeters.  
5. The English Horsemen, Merchants of Constantinople, and those of Smyrna, which came to attend his Excellency by order of the Factory, being in number Six, with their Servants.  
6. The Ambassadors, Druggermen and Janissaries.  
7. His Excellency with St. Thomas Bendysh, attended with their Pages and Footmen.  
8. The Secretary and Gentlemen.  
9 The Countess of Winchelsea in her Coach, and Three other Coaches following with her Women, covered with Red-cloth, made after the fashion of Wagons, lying on the carriages unhung.  
10. Which were followed by some Officers, and Reformadoes of the Ship. Such an appearance as this being Extraordinary, the Streets were crowded with People, and all Windows filled with Spectators; and that which made the passage more uneasy, was the Rabble scrambling for Five Sol-pieces, of which sort of Money, 500 were by Order of the Lord Ambassador scattered amongst the People, who regarded not the danger of being trampled under foot, whilst they had the Silver in their Eye.    
His Excellency being thus lodged at his House at Pera, he was immediately saluted from the Emperors Resident by his Secretary; and soon after by Signior Padavino Secretary to their Excellencies Balarino and Capello, of whom we shall hereafter have occasion to name, being those who negotiated the Affairs of the Venetian Republic. And the next Day following, the like Compliment was passed from the French Ambassador, and the Dutch Agent.  
Three days after, the Grand Signior sent a Present to his Excellency of Ten Sheep, Fifty Hens, 
The Grand Signiors present to the Ambassador.  a Hundred Loaves of Bread, Twenty Sugarloafs, Twenty Wax candles, Ten whereof were white, and Ten yellow. This we mention particularly, because it was a Gift anciently bestowed in the times of the first Ambassadors; and though it had not been of late years practised, yet being found in the Old Registers, the custom was again revived, because the Turks were in an humour to gratify, and show all the Honour they could to the English Ambassador.  
On the Twenty eighth of this Month of january, 
His first Audience with the Vizier.  his Excellency had his first Audience of the Great Vizier; and being attended thither, and met by the Turkish Officers on Constantinople side, (in the same manner, as when he first landed) he was conducted to the Viziers' Palace; and being held up under the Arm by Two of his Gentlemen (that being the fashion of great men amongst the Turks) he was introduced to the Presence of the Vizier; who being aged and decrepit, was sitting on Cushions in a little Room with a Fire, and his Feet covered, several Pashaws, Pages, and other Officers standing by him. His Excellency and Sir Thomas Bendysh were seated on Two Velvet stools; where first the Earl of Winchelsea having presented the King's Letters to the Vizier wrote in Parchment, and put into a bag of Cloth of Gold; Sir Thomas Bendysh began to inform the Vizier, that this was that honourable Person, of whom he had formerly acquainted him, was coming to reside for Ambassador in his place: That he was of that Nobility, and relation to our King, that had not his Majesty intended highly, and in an extraordinary manner to Honour, and oblige the Grand Signior, he would not have exposed his Kinsman, and a Person extraordinary, to the hazard of a Voyage so long and dangerous as this. Then the Earl of Winchealsea began to speak, and relate the happy restauration of the King his Master to the Throne of his Ancestors; extolling his Power, Greatness and Clemency in pardoning all, but such, who were engaged in the Blood of his Father. That in his passage to Constantinople, he had by Command of the King touched at Algiers, endeavouring to renew the former Articles of Peace, and release an English Lord (meaning the Lord Obryan) taken Captive by them contrary to the Articles of Peace, but without success, not being able to reduce them to any Terms of Reason, or Justice: And enlarging in his Compliments with assurances of the friendship which the King his Master desired to conserve, and maintain wi●h the Grand Signior, as a token thereof, he acquainted him, that he was the first Ambassador sent abroad by his Master, since his happy return, before he had designed, or appointed any to Christian Princes. The Vizier readily answered: That it was but Reason it should be so; since the Grand Signior was an Emperor, and they but Kings; and he the greatest, and most Sovereign Potentate of the World: And that as to the Business of Algiers, he would take care of it, and do him justice.. This having passed, Two China dishes with Sherbet were brought forth, and given to the Two Ambassadors, and Two larger bowls of the same to their Attendants: Then the Present was brought forth, and laid before the Vizier, consisting of Twenty Vests; Four of them were of fine English Cloth of several colours; Four of several coloured Velvets: Fourof several flowered Stuffs with Gold and Silver; Four of watered Tabbies, and Four of Satins: In recompense hereof both the Ambassadors were vested, with Six others, which Vests are of no great matter of use, or value, more than that they are evidences and badges of the Vizier's favour. After this his Excellency with Sir Thomas Bendysh arose, and departed, wearing these Vests, until they were passed without the Gates of the Viziers' Palace, and then they delivered them to be carried by their Servants, as the others did; and so his Excellency returned to his House at Pera, with an appearance of a fair Correspondency, and with assurances that the Capitulations and friendship should be maintained, and conserved with a strict and inviolate Faith.  
The day of giving pay to the Janissaries drawing near, the Ambassador's Audience with the Grand Signior was deferred until that time, for with that occasion the Court would appear in the most solemn manner, and the attendance of the Soldiery would render all things more great and powerful: In the mean time the Grand Signior often took a view from his Seraglio, of the Plymouth Frigate, and frequently rowed round her in a Boat; and some say, he once came Incognito aboard to see her; at length he was so pleased with her, that he fancied her to be a very proper Vessel to carry Soldiers and Ammunition for Candia; but proposing his Thoughts and intentions to the Vizier, he was dissuaded from the demand, or constraint of the Ship, being admonished, that this was a matter unpracticable, and uncivil towards a Prince, who on confidence of Amity and Alliance with him, had adventured his Ship within his Port.  
The Twenty sixth day of February, 
Audience with the Grand Signior.  being Payday of the Janissaries, the Lord Ambassador had Audience of the Grand Signior, which was performed in this manner. His Excellency, with Sir Thomas Bendysh, departing from his House, with his retinue on Horseback, by break of day in the Morning, was met on Constantinople side by the Chaousbashee, and his Chaouses, and by them conducted to the Seraglio. We road through the first Court which was very spacious, and then we alighted from our Horses, and walked through another Court leading to the Divan, or place of Judicature; at the upper end of which the Great Vizier was seated; on his right Hand sat Five Viziers of the Bench, of which the Captain-Pasha, or Admiral of the Seas, was one; on the left were the Two Kadileschers or Chief Justices, one of Anatolia, and the other of Romelia, and by them the Tefterdar Pasha or Lord Treasurer, with Three other Pasha's: The floar of the Divan was covered with Carpets, and on them a richer covering of Bags of Money, for payment of the Janissaries. The Two Ambassadors with about Six or Seven of their retinue (amongst which I was one) being admitted in, and placed at the lower end, their Excellencies approached toward the Vizier, and were seated near unto him on Two stools covered with Crimson Velvet, and some Discourse and Compliment having passed between them, they retired to another part of the Room, that they might give way to Business. In the mean time the payment of the Soldiers went forward, every Churbagee, or Captain, taking from the heaps, the Pay of his Soldiers, and laying the Bags on their Shoulders, made up to the Viziers, and having kissed the Hem of his Vest on his Knees, he retired with great Humility and haste from him, passing away with his side towards him, it being very unseemly amongst them to turn their backs to Personages of that Dignity.  
The Payment being over, Three small Tables were brought in; the first of which was covered with a Silver Voider, at which the Two Ambassadors sat with the chief Ministers; but the Great Vizier by reason of his Age and Weakness retired into another Room. The other Two Tables were covered with a mixed Metal, which served in the place of a Tablecloth, at which the others sat: We had no Knives, Forks, nor Plate; but only Wooden Spoons were laid for us, which was sufficient in that manner of eating, for their Meats are most boiled, and conveniently received by the Spoon; or are so well roasted, that they are easily parted with the Fingers. The dishes were served in by one at a time, but so fast, that we had scarce tasted of one, before it was snatched away to make place for another; and I think there might be about Twenty several changes, in this manner; at the end of all, to conclude our Feast, a great Bowl of Sherbet was brought in, and we drank of it, as large draughts as we pleased. Being risen from the Table, Eighteen Co●●ans, or Vests, being the usual number given to the English Ambassador, with one extraordinary in favour to the New Ambassador, were brought forth, and bestowed; and in the mean time, the Present from our King to the Grand Signior, provided at the expense of the Turkey Company, consisting of Fifty Vests, viz. Ten of Velvet, Ten of Sa●tin, Ten of Cloth of Gold, Ten of Tabbies, and Ten of fine English Cloth, were brought forth and displayed in the open Court by Fifty men which carried them, and Four English Mastiffs, which were more acceptable to this Grand Signoir than all the rest. The whole body of Janissaries then paid, consisting of about Five thousand, were drawn up in a body, and ranged on one side of the Court-yard; amongst them there was that silence, that the least whisper, noise, or motion was not heard; and as their Janisar Aga, and other Commanders passed, the bowings they made in salute were so regular, and at the same time, as may well testify the exactness of their Discipline, and admirable obedience, which hath in a great measure contributed towards their Conquests and Enlargement of their Empire.  
Being thus Vested, and ranked in Order, the Great Vizier entered into the Presence of the Grand Signior; and then Two Cap●gi-bashes or Chief of the Porters of the Gate, with long Silver Staves, took the New Ambassador under each Arm to conduct him to the Chamber of Audience; those permitted to accompany him were Sir Thomas Bendysh, the Earl of Winchelsea's Brother, Sir Thomas Allen Captain of the Plymouth Frigate, the Interpreter, and myself, who then being Secretary, carried the Credential Letters made up in a Purse of Cloth of Gold. We gently knocked at the first Gate, which was immediately set wide open to us, in the Porch whereof Forty white Eunuches attended, clothed in Vests of Satin, and Cloth of Gold of divers colours, and stood with their Hands before them with marvellous silence, and modesty. Coming near to the Presence door, where the Kapi-Aga or Chief of the white Eunuches attended, we made a pause in the Porch, and trod very softly, so as not to disturb with the least motion, the greatness of that Majesty; and so profound was the silence, that nothing was heard besides the murmurings of a Fountain adjoining hereunto. Just at the entrance of the Chamber, hung a gilded Ball studded with divers precious Stones, the Floar was covered with Crimson Velvet; embroidered with Golden-wyre. The Grand Signior himself sat in a Throne raised a small height from the ground, supported with Four Pillars plated with Gold; from the top hung several gilded Balls twined with Masses of Pearl; the Cushions he sat upon, and those also that lay by, were richly embroidered, and beset with Jewels, and on his right hand stood the Great Vizier. And having made a considerable stop at the Door, the Two Capugibashees, who held his Excellence under each Arm, brought him to the middle of the Room, and laying their Hands upon his Head, made him bow, until he touched the Carpets with his forehead; and then raising him again, they retired backward with him, unto the farthest part of the Room; and in like manner they took all the others singly and in order, placing them behind the Ambassadors. The Credential Letters from our King were then presented, and appointed that they should be delivered to the hands of the Reis-Efendi, or Secretary of State.  
Then the Druggerman or Interpreter, by Order of the Lord Ambassador, read a Paper in the Turkish Language to this Effect.  
First, Declaring how the King of Great Britain our Sovereign Lord and Master, was restored to the Throne of his Ancestors without War, or any Conditions: And the great Clemency of His Majesty in pardoning all, but those who had a hand in the Murder of his Father.  
Secondly, Recommending the Merchants and their Interest to the continuance of his usual Favour and Protection.  
Thirdly, Begging the freedom of all English Slaves, as a particular Testimony of Favour, and Grace to this New Ambassador.  
These Ceremonies being performed, and the Paper read, we immediately departed, passing to our Horses by the same way which we came: And being mounted, we drew up a little out of the passage to see the Soldiers march by us, which indeed appeared to be a very flourishing Militia of young Men, robust, and well clothed; many of them running with Bags of Money on their Shoulders, and all of them cheerful, and glad of the charge they carried with them; after them followed their Commanders exceedingly well mounted: And last of all came the Great Vizier attended with many Pashaes', and a goodly Equipage: And then his Excellency, with Sir Thomas Bendysh, and attendance, proceeded forwards, and returned to their home. After this Two visits were made: Namely, to the Captain-Pasha or Admiral of the Seas, and the other to the mufti; at the first, Six Vests were presented; and at the latter, Five; and both were performed, and accepted with such mutual kindness, that never did the Turkish Ministers cast more serene countenances on the Trade and Concernments of England, than on this conjuncture.  
And thus the Earl of Winchelsea being very successfully, and with signal Demonstrations of Honour, and a good correspondence, seated in the usual residence of Ambassadors, the Grand Signior, as a particular Note and mark of his favour presented him with Three English Slaves, and returned a kind and friendly answer to his Majesty's Letters, by Sir Thomas Bendysh, who embarked on the Plymouth Frigate, and departed the Eleventh of March. And thus having given the Reader a Relation of the State of the English concernments in Turkey: Let us view and consider the Condition of the Turkish Affairs amongst themselves.  
At the arrival of this Ambassador, the important affairs of this vast and still growing Empire, were governed by the Great Vizier Kuperlee; a Person decrepit and infirm in body, by reason of his great Age, but of a solid and subtle judgement; by Nature cruel, and by Years froward; which disposition was singularly well fitted to do service to his Master, against the impetuous storms of the Faction of those times, in which the Pashaws, and Chiefs of the Soldiery (as often it happens in Empires, whose Body is grown too vast to be ruled by a weak Head) became rich and powerful, and by the long Vacations of Peace, insolent and wanton; for as then the Wars with Venice were carried on faintly, only by sending forth an Armata of Galleys in the Spring; and the preparations became rather accustomary, returning with the Year, and made for exercise of the Arsenal, and amusement of the People, than designed with any probable expectation of success or Victory, proportionable to that Treasure and Trouble which maintained them. So that to encounter so many difficulties, and predominancy of Ambition and Avarice, the Prince himself being young, the Fortune of his Empire had more than urgent necessity of such a rough and cruel disposition as was found in Kuperlee; who so seasonably made use of it, to the destruction of all such, who might either endanger his Prince, or himself; that in two or three Years time he became Master of the Lives and Estates of the Grand Mutineers; confiscating their richesses and fortunes to the use and security of his Master; having in his time put to Death thir●y six thousand persons, whom he proscribed in several Countries, and privately strangled in the City, by virtue of his absolute and uncontrollable Authority, without giving the Offenders liberty of Processes, or Pleas for their Lives, or the solemnity of Scaffolds, or applause of a Funeral Oration at the Gallows, whereby to win the affections and compassions of the vulgar, but went through with his bloody and tragical business, without noise, or rumour, or knowledge almost of the Soldiery, or the people; whilst the great Personages, whose rapine and pride had contracted them envy and hatred from their inferiors, stood confused and amazed, not having power to rebel, nor Sanctuary to fly unto.  
Such is the effect of an absolute, and arbitrary power, which is Master of times and affairs, and rather fits and squares Erterprises to Counsels, than Counsels to Erterprises. Reges Hercule non liberi solum impedimentis omnibus, sed Domini rerum, temporumque trahunt Consiliis cuncta, non sequuntur. Liv. lib. 9 The Grand Signior in the mean time applauded the diligence and circumspection of his Minister; and though yet trembling with the memory of late sollevations amongst the Janissaries; yet being young, and active, addicted himself wholly to the delight of Hunting, and to follow the Chase of fearful, and flying Beasts; whilst his Vizier so closely followed his game of Blood, that he left noPerson considerable in the Empire, who was not a Creature made by, or depending on him; unless the Kahyabei, or Lieutenant General of the Janissaries; Mortaza Pasha of Babylon, now called by the Turks Bagdat, and the Pasha of Magnasia; Men, whose bravery, and generous Justice, or else their Guards, or Fortune, had only seated beyond the reach and Sword of this Tyrant. This was then the State of the Turkish Affairs amongst themselves; As to Foreign, and Christian Princes; the Emperor, the King of England, the French King, and the States of Holland, had their Ambassadors and Residents at the Ottoman Court, with whom as yet passed a fair and amicable correspondence, excepting with the French; whose Ambassador had then lately obtained his release from Imprisonment, to which he was confined contrary to the Law of Nations, and the Custom of the wisest, and most generous People of former Ages; and compelled to return into France; an Agent being there settled by the Merchants, to Negotiate their Affairs; the occasions and grounds whereof we have at large signified in another place: which unlawful treatment of a Person Sacred, none will much admire, who considers the humour of supreme Ministers that judge themselves under no restraint or limits of Law, either Civil, or National.  
This Ambassador from France was called Monsieur le hay, the Father, a Person excellently well qualisied▪ having with success passed in that capacity for the space of 25 years, until some misunderstandings passing between him, and this Tyrannical Vizier, he suffered many indignities from him, which being added to the extreme torment of the Stone, under which he laboured, made him willing on any terms to return to his own Counr●ey.  
The Venetians notwithstanding the War, had two Ministers there resident; the E●cellentissimo Capello, Procurator of St. Mark, a right worthy and noble Person; and Signior Ballarino, a Person vigilant, and subtle, who omitted no opportunities to advance his own Fortunes, and with that the benefit of his Republic. The Emperors Resident, called Simon Renninghen, a Person sincere, free, and open hearted, agreeable to the Nature of the Germans; had for some Years, though with some difficulty, continued the Peace, or rather matters from breaking out into an open War; the Incursions on the Frontiers, and other accidents, always adminstring occasions of discontent, and complaints to both parties.  
But that the Series of this History may be continud with an even Thread, 
The history of Prince Ragotzki.  and clear light to the Reader, we must cast back our Eyes to the Year 1657. when the Ambition of George Ragotzki, Prince of Transilvania, began New troubles in his own Principality, and laid the Foundation of a future War between the Emperor and the Turks. For now Poland was so wearied with the incessant Wars of Muscovy (the inveterate Enemy of that Crown) with the frequent Rebellions of the Cossacks, and the invasion of the Swedes, whom the traitorous Vicechancellor, and his Adherents, had invited to the spoils of their own Country; that King Casimirus was reduced to the ultimate extremity of his Affairs; the public Exchequer, and private Treasuries were exhausted, the Villages dispeopled, the Fields uncultivated, Traffic and Commerce ceased; nothing but Wars, Robberies, and Confusion filled the Diurnals with News, and the hearts of the Inhabitants with Sorrow and Calamities: Wherefore Casimer King of Poland, vexed on all sides, and not knowing where or how to apply a remedy, dispatched his Great Chancellor Albertus Pravesmoski, in Quality of Ambassador, to demand assistance from Ragotzki, promising in recompense thereof, to adopt his Son to succeed him in that Kingdom. No Message could arrive more grateful to ambitious Ragotzki, who by so desired a proffer, seemed to arrive to the Zenith of his Prosperity; which like the Land of Promise, being only showed to his Father in a long Prospective, seemed now as it were, by Inheritance, to devolve upon his Son; in order unto which, many days of Treaty and Conferences were held between Ragotzki, and the Polish Ministers; 
Ragotzki joins with the Swedes against Poland.  but Ragotzki insisting on certain particulars, which were not in the Power of the King or his Commissioners to grant without the approbation of a Diet, the Treaty was dissolved, and Ragotzki remained displeased, and angry; pretending himself to have been deluded and slighted, resolved to avenge the Affront, and by his Arms gain to himself the Crown of that Kingdom: so that raising a strong Army, and joining himself in a Confederate League with Sweden, he invaded Poland, wasting all the Frontiers with Fire and Sword. The Ottoman Port growing jealous of the successes of these Affairs, and not so much of the Advance of Ragotzki, as of the growing greatness of the Swedes, with whom unwillingly they would be Borderers, issued an express Command, That without contradiction or delay, he should immediately give a stop to his March, and return with his Army into Transilvania. And though the Emperor of Germany, and the Krim Tartar declared their dislike of his proceedings, threatening to invade his Principality at home, unless he retracted himself, and desisted from this enterprise; yet Ragotski having his understanding blinded with Ambition, and the lust of Rule and Government, stopped his ears to the menaces of his Enemies, and the counsel of his Friends. This Ragotski enjoyed a State most happy, large, fertile, and populous, in Power inferior to few, superior to many; ●o that he might have passed peaceably and honourably with all, could his great spirit have bowed to, and complied with his Potent Neighbours. 
The difficulty of Ra●otski's A●●ai●s.  For on the one side the Puissant power of the Turk threatened him, to whom the least Ombrages of displeasure administer occasion of War; On the side of Hungary the Emperor overawed him: On the side of Valachia, and Moldavia he lay open to the incursion of the Tartars. So that a man might rationally expect, That this Prince should have esteemed it honour enough to have conserved his own without rendering himself obnoxious to the jealousy and suspicion of his Neighbours. But his great spirit was so enamoured of a Crown, and so bewitched with the hopes of obtaining it, that nothing seemed difficult or improbable to the acquisition of his longing desires, which were the occasion of all those calamities and miseries in Hungary, which afterwards ensued.  
In contemplation of all which foreseen evils, his Caesarean Majesty sent a Message to the Ottoman Port, declaring against the temerity and audaciousness of Ragotski; who in the mean time subdued the Fort of Bristia, invaded with Fire and Sword the Province of Russia, plundered Podolia, and advanced as far as Camonitz, a Fortress strong by Art and Nature; and joining afterwards with the Swedes, assisted them in the subjection of Cracovia. About this time the Emperor Ferdinand the third began to send succours into Poland, and to protest against the proceedings of Ragotski, but being surprised by sickness, soon after passed to a better life; which for some time, giving a stop to the assistance of Poland, was interpreted by Ragotski, as a happy Omen of his good Fortune.  
But how vain and deceitful are humane hopes, whose foundations are Ambition and Violence! For Leopold succeeding in the place of his Father to Hungary, and the Empire, immediately prosecuted the design in favour of Poland, and in the first place besieging Turone, one of the chief Cities of Prussia, taken by the Swedes, forced it to a Surrender. The King of Denmark also growing jealous of the increasing greatness of the Swedes, nourished by ancient grudges, and National Emulations, took up Arms in defence of Poland, and being at first, flush of Money, gave constant pay and large donatives to mercenary Soldiers, which increased his Army, drawing great numbers from the Swedish Colours; so that being stoutly recruited, he entered into the Enemy's Countries, possessed himself of the important Fort of Olme in Norway; overthrew the Swedish Army at Vorgast, and obtained a victory over their Fleet in the Baltic Sea. The Poles also themselves, who at first revolted from their Prince, and favoured the Swedish proceedings, perceiving the Wind change, and become contrary to that Party, began to abandon the interest they professed, and by degrees to return to the due obedience of their King. Zerneski also the General, and Lubomiski the Great Chancellor of Poland met the Swedish Forces near Cracovia, where giving them Battle, discomfited the whole Army, killed fourteen thousand upon the place, took all the Cannon and Baggage, and won that day a most signal Victory.  
Ragotski perceiving the face of things thus changed, and being by Command of the Ottoman Port abandoned by his Moldavian and Walachian Forces, began to turn his face towards Transilvania, where now he wished himself and Army lodged in safety. But being overtaken by General Zerneski near the Mountains of Transilvania, he was, though unwillingly, engaged to fight, and was with that fury assaulted by the Polish Horse, that tho according to his usual Bravery, he charged in Person at the head of his Troops, yet he was not able to withstand a violence so disadvantageous in number, but that his men being first put into disorder, then to a Retreat, and then to open flight, his whole Army was defeated, many of them perished by the Sword, others flying through the Woods and Mountains, 
Ragotski overthrown by the Poles.  died with famine; and he himself obliged to buy a shameful Peace, engaging by Word and Oath to the payment of a great sum of Money, was permitted with a mean Retinue to return into his own Country. Nor did these misfortunes end here; but the Tartars commanded by the Turks, in revenge and chastisement of Ragotski's Enterprise without their consent, entered into his Principality with considerable Bodies of Horse, against whose sudden Invasion, an Army under the Conduct of his General Kemenius could not be so soon collected and disciplined, as to be able to resist that fury of Tartars, who at their pleasure burned the Towns and Villages, and carried away multitudes of people of both Sexes, and all Ages for Captives into their own Country, amongst which some were of Quality and Condition. Amidst which troubles came Letters from the Ottoman Port, directed to the Nobles of Transilvania, 
The Turks threaten Ragotski.  declaring Ragotski a Rebel, and commanding that according to the Laws and Privileges of that Principality, they should proceed to the Election of a new Prince, and in case of refusal, all the ruins and calamities were threatened, which they might justly expect in punishment of their disobedience from a severe and angry Emperor.  
Ragotski being well informed what was designing against him at the Ottoman Port; and knowing that his power was not able to oppose so much puissance, 
He deposes himself.  resolved to give way to necessity, and voluntarily depose himself, before he should be engaged thereunto by the Imperial Decree; so that he calmly receded from his Principality, hoping that his humility and submission might procure his pardon at the Court. The Nobility of Transilvania being as well desirous to evidence their affection to their old Prince, as their obedience to the Grand Signior, did immediately appoint a day for Election, but with Proviso, that a general Petition should be made in behalf of Ragotski, that he might be again restored unto ancient Grace and Favour with the Port, who in the mean time swore to live peaceably in a quiet and private condition, without making disturbance, or innovation in the Government, and that when this Grace should accordingly be obtained, then that the new Prince should recede, and suffer things to return to their former and pristine Estate. 
Redeius made Prince o● Transilvania.  For which purpose there was choice made of one Francis Redeius, a Person of a peaceable and gentle temper, who would easily condescend to the terms agreed, and as willingly resign up his Government again, as he unwillingly received it. But though Ragotski had renounced, promised, swore, and in appearance seemed to recede from his Government, and surrender all at the irresistible Decree of a superior power; yet his high Spirit▪ and working Brain could not dislodg that Ambition of his Heart, which at first privately countermined and enervated the Power of the new elected Prince; but afterwards his towering Thoughts swelled too big to be suppressed under the cover of Dissimulation, yielded just Reason to the Ottoman Port to suspect his designs; who not being ignorant of what was past, dispatched Orders to the Pasha of Buda to demand the strong Fort of jancua for Caution and Security of the good Behaviour of the Transilvanians.  

Ragotzki again declares himself Prince.  Ragotzki seeing himself thus discovered, unmasked himself openly, and threw away his Vizard, and wi●h a vigorous Force and Courage reassumed the Rights and Standard of his Principality, forcing Redeius not only to relinquish his Power, but to swear never again to usurp it, though enforced upon him by the Authority of the Turks.  
These Extravagancies so exasperated the minds of the Turks, that whereas before they began to entertain tender thoughts towards Transilvania, they now meditated its entire Ruin and Conquest; and so laying aside Arguments and Treaties, they made Levies of Horse and Foot both in Europe and Asia. Ragotzki foreseeing how unable he was to resist a Force so unequal as the puissance of the Ottoman Empire, without the succour of Foreign Force, resolved, like the Prodigal Son, to throw himself into the compassionate Arms of the Emperor, as his Father, earnestly supplicating, That whereas before, his disorderly and disobedient Life had rather merited Punishment than Favour; yet in this Cause, wherein the Interest of Christend●m was concerned, ●e would compassionate the common Good of the Christian Church, rather than chastise his particular Misdemeanours. With this message Michael Mesces, his Chancellor, being dispatched, was graciously received by the Emperor, and readily assured of powerful Aid and Protection.  
Ragotzki elevated with this courteous Treatment and Promises, had his whole mind inflamed with hopes and desire of Revenge; so that assembling such Forces as he could, he entered boldly into the Field against the Pasha of Buda, who with a considerable Army, was ordered to March before, and enter the Confines of Transilvania, and there unite with the Pasha of Temiswar.  
year 1658. In the Transaction of all these Passages, july was well entered, when both Armies met in open Field; and though the Forces of the Transilvanians were much inferior to those of the Turk, yet Ragotzki full of his wont Courage and Heat, so vigorously assailed the Enemy, that he quickly broke and disordered their Ranks, put them to flight, and killed three thousand upon the place. But little did this advantage benefit poor Transilvania, for the Great Vizier soon after following with the gross of his Army, consisting of little less than an 100▪ thousand Men, provided accordingly with Artillery, and all other Military Ammunition; seconded by the Tartars, and assisted by the Moldavians and Null, and a Rout of other barbarous Nations; laid Siege to the strong Fortress of janova; 
The Vizier besieges janova.  of which and of several others, in a short time he rendered himself Master, laying waste and desolate all the Countries round with Fire and Sword. The Nobles of Transilvania sensible of these imminent and approaching Mischiefs, dispeeded three Persons of considerable Quality amongst them, in an Embassy to the Vizier; viz. Francis Daniel, john Lues, and Acatius Berclay, who greatly laboured by their Oratory to persuade the Vizier, that they were in no wise consenting to the disobedience of their Prince, but did always readily submit to the Ottoman Servitude; imploring his Clemency and Commiseration of their distressed and ruined State. The Vizier inclining his Ear to their Petition, stopped the Progress of his Arms▪ but increased their Tribute to such an excessive rate, that the burden of it became insupportable; and appointed Berclay, 
Berclay made P●●●ce of T●●nsilvania.  one of the Ambassadors, to be Prince; taking thereby from the People, the free Privilege of Election; Commanding them to accept him without farther Dispute or Repugnancy. It is uncertain whether Berclay designed the Principality to himself by any instance he made to the Turks, or whether his Election proceeded merely from the Vizier himself; yet this is certain, that returning home, Berclay applied himself to establish his own Dominion, and to disappoint the designs of his Predecessor, and his party.  
The Turks being satisfied with this Submission, with the Subjection of several places of Importance, with deposing of Ragotzki, and establishment of a new Prince, began to disband a great part of their Forces; and the Great Vizier, with the remainder, returned towards Constantinople; supposing the Fire of this War to be totally extinguished.  
In this condition of Repose, matters continued for about the space of two Years, when Ragotzki impatien● of his losses, and of the exchange of his public State to a private Condition, inveterate in his hate towards his Rival and Competitor, resolved to tempt Fortune once more, and make his ultimate Assay, either to establish himself in his Principality, or at least to render himself equal with other mortal Princes in the Grave; and so relying with much Confidence on the zealous Affection of his Subjects▪ and the promise of powerful Adherents, 
Ragotzki makes new Troubles.  he once again justled himself into the Government, by the Exp●●sion of his Rival; whom he could not behold with other than with an emulous and unpleasing Eye. Berclay perceiving himself thus ensnared, neglected, and persecuted by all Parties, represented these Innovations to the Ottoman Port, with the most aggravating Circumstances imaginable; beseeching them to afford him aid, and vindicate their own Honour in maintenance of him, whom they had constituted a Prince, and was a Creature form by their own favour. The Turks immediately touched with the Sense hereof, Issued out Orders to Ciddi Ahmet, the new Pasha of Buda; Commanded him without delay, to gather what Forces he could to interrupt the designs of Transilvania; and to put matters unto a stand, until a greater Army could second him, under the Command of Ali Pasha, appointed General for this Expedition. The Pasha of Buda readily obeyed, and assembling what Forces he could in Hungary, and joining with the Pasha of Temiswar, passed the Danube, and with a very considerable Army entered Transivania. Ragotzki undaunted at the near approach of his Enemy, boldly entered the Field with his Forces, and joined Battle with them in the Month of May, 1660. between the Cities of Clausenburg, and Giulia Alba. At first the Christians endeavoured to have intercepted the Enemy's passage, by some Ambuscado or Stratagem of War; but the Turks still advancing▪ were at length met by the Vanguard of the Christians; to assistance of which several Bodies following one after the other, it became a general Engagement of both Armies; in which Battle, Ragotzki gave his usual proofs of Valour; declaring by his Actions, that he was resolved to die, or to Triumph. But being at length wounded in ●our parts of his Body, and his Army overpowered with Numbers, he was forced to yield the Fortune of the Day to the Turks; leaving 8. pieces of Cannon, and his Standard in their hands; and the greatest part of his Army being either killed or taken, he himself with a few of his Attendants, recovered Varadin; where after 18. Days distemper of his Wounds, 
The death of Ragotzki.  he expired his unquiet and troubled Soul. This was the end of that vain Icarus, who attempted to fly with ●eigned Wings and borrowed Feathers; this is the fate of ambitious Spirits, whom Pride elevates and exhales like a Vapour, unto that height, until it dissolves them into Showers, or precipitates them into the abyss of all Confusion. 
His Character.  This George Ragotzki was of a tall and well proportioned Stature, black Hair, and a frizzled Beard: his Eyes quick and lively, of an active Body, and healthy Constitution: his Spirit was high and great, which betrayed him to Extravagancies: his Comportment was generous and courteous towards all, which rendered him exceedingly beloved and esteemed by his Nobility: he was free in his Speech, and eloquent in his Expressions, prudent in his Counsels and Erterprises: had not the quickness and vivacity of his Soul made him something rash and violent in his Attempts: he was of the Protestant Religion, leaving behind him a Widow, and a Son of hopeful and happy endowments.  
After the Death of Ragotzki, it might well be expected that these Storms of War should be dispersed, and that Transilvania should at length enjoy the Sunshine, and calmer Wether of Peace and Repose. But Ali Pasha, General of the Turkish Camp, being by this time arrived the Confines with his powerful Army, resolved not to return empty or in vain, without advantaging the Ottoman Interest, and making some Satisfaction towards the Expense and Trouble of so great an Army. Wherefore taking pretence against Varadin, for receiving Ragotzki after his Defeat, abetting his party, and following his Interest, designed to summon that important Fortress to surrender, which is situated at the ●oot of those Mountains which open a Passage into Transilvania.  

The People of Varadin crave aid of the Emperor.  The Inhabitants of Varadin terrified at the approach of this formidable Enemy, dispatched a Messenger to the Emperor, imploring with most effectual Arguments his Sacred Protection and powerful Assistance against the common Enemy to Christendom, representing to his Cesarean Majesty, how that the Turks in their Capitulations with him, had agreed to Build or Erect no new Fort on those Frontiers: and whereas it was the same thing to force and usurp a Fortress already made, as to form a new one; the taking of Varadin was to be esteemed a real Violation of the Articles of Peace. That his Majesty would be pleased to reflect on the fatal Consequences which the loss of Varadin might prove to Hungary as well as Transilvania; being that Gate, which obstructed, cuts off all Intercourse between them and Germany. These Considerations with several others, were exceeding prevalent in the Imperial Council; so that it was resolved, that General Souches should prepare his Army, and put all things in readiness to afford the Assistance which was desired; supposing that with the Germane Regiments, and Hungarian Forces, might be form an Army of about 25. thousand fight men. But in regard in those Instructions given to Souches, there was a Clause, that he should be careful not to engage his Forces in any attempt, where the event might be doubtful, he assembled the principal Persons of that Country, and the Militia, to consult whether succour and relief might be given to Varadin, without hazarding the Army in a doubtful and a dangerous Adventure: in consideration of which point, a true Computation being made of all the Imperial Forces, they were found much inferior to that calculate which was made of them at Vienna; For that since Tockai, Zatmar, Kalo, and other places belonging to the State of Ragotzki, had been Ga●●soned by Germane Soldiers, there remained not of them above 4000 effective Men; the Hungarian Forces which were supposed to have consisted of 2000 Men, could not form 600.; the Haiducks which were computed to be 6000. Men, did not appear in the Person of one; being all dispersed and retired to their own homes. 
The difficulty of making War with the Turks.  The additional Forces from the Princes of the Empire were as uncertain, as the Expectation of them long and tedious; for though the Imperial Forces united are of puissance sufficient to bid Battle, and Defiance to the numerous Troops of the Ottoman Power; yet in regard the Union of that Body depends on the Assembly of Diets, Treaties, and long Debates, which are subject to time and delays, caused by different Factions, (which are impossible to be avoided amongst different States) whose Disunions, Competitions, Emulations and Pretences, always in such meetings abound, and prejudice the common cause and benefit of the Empire; the raising of such a formidable Army, becomes a matter always of time and difficulty. Howsoever the Emperor, whose Hereditary and Elective Possessions bordering on the Confines of the Enemy, is necessarily engaged to be the standing Bulwark of the rest, and a Bank against the Inundation of barbarous Nations; whilst other Princes whose Dominions are more Remote and Secure, apprehend not the Premures and Storms that the Emperor sustains, and is enforced to expel with the loss and diminution of his own People, and impoverishment of his peculiar Treasure: To these Considerations, which rendered these pious Intentions towards Varadin almost impossible, there wanted Money, which is the Sinews of War, and the Soul of all Erterprises: And that which farther retarded those Succours and Prosecution of the design in hand, was the departure o His Cesarean Majesty from his Court at Vienna, on occasion of a Progress as far as Trieste, to take Homage of his Provinces of Stiria, Carinthia and Cragno; which was an Action much against the Counsel and Advice of the Archduke Leopold his Uncle; who foresaw how great disorders would ensue by the Emperor's absence, in this Conjuncture, from his Imperial Court. Upon which Considerations, Count Souches sent a true List of all his Forces, with an account of the strength of his Enemy; remonstrating that it was impossible to convey Forces into Varadin, without hazarding a Battle with Ali Pasha, which would prove an absolute Breach of the Peace; which in this Conjuncture, and want of Preparation, was neither honourable, nor safe for the Empire.  
In the mean time Ali Pasha proceeded and encamped with his Army before Varadin, 
Varadin besieged.  breaking first Ground the 4 th' of july, 1660. and beginning a formal Siege, he soon begirt the Town, and continually labouring in making Trenches, Batteries and Approaches, they arrived in a few days to the Counterscrap of the Wall. But the better to describe the Siege and Assaults on this famous City, it will be necessary first to explain the Condition and Situation of the place.  
Varadin therefore is seated in a Plain, on the Banks of the River Chryse; to the East it is environed with such craggy and rough Mountains, as render it almost on that side unaccessible; to the South the Town extended itself most; to the North it is washed with the River, over which some small, yet fruitful, Hills raise themselves; it is encompassed with a Wall filled with Earth, after the fashion of Modern Fortifications, and strengthened with five main Bulwarks, and a very deep Ditch filled with the River Water: It was well provided both of Victuals and Ammunition, and armed with Ordnance both great and small, as was sufficient to have repulsed a puissant Enemy, & have sustained a long & straight Siege. But the Garrison within consisted only of 850 Soldiers, an inconsiderablenumber, both in respect of the Circuit of the Fortress, & of that gross Army which encompassed it.  
The Enemy being now, as it is said before, under the Counterscarp of the Wall, they perceived that the Ditch was so deep, and filled with Water, that though their great Guns had made open Breaches in the Walls, yet there was no possibility to storm them, or bring the Soldiery to scaling Ladders, or handy blows. The besieged also made such continued Sallies, with success and slaughter of the Enemy, that after Three and Twenty days of vain labour to sew the Ditch, Ali Pasha was at length almost resolved to have raised his Siege, and given over the Enterprise; upon which whilst he considered and ruminated (as ill Fortune would have it) a certain Maid, which formerly had been a servant to the Governor of the Garrison, than a Captive in the Turkish Camp, having observed how on occasion the Citizens used to empty and drain the Ditch, revealed the secret to the Turks, hoping thereby not only to purchase her Liberty, 
Two ill accidents to the Garrison.  but with that also a Sum of Money for price of her Treachery; so that discovering where another Ditch was to be opened, the course of the Water was soon diverted, and the Walls of the Town laid dry and open to the Assailants. As this happened without, so another accident within, equally dangerous, befell the Besieged; for one day an Officer of the Ammunition going into the Stores with a lighted Candle, by chance dropped a spark of fire from his Lantern into the Powder, which taking fire, blew up the Powder, Granades, Fireworks, and all other military Stores, with the neighbouring houses, and above a hundred men; which loss alone was sufficient to have dejected the minds of frail men; yet they so valiantly bore up their courages, that they seemed not in the least abated, but rather animated with the height of anger and despair. The Turks having now free access to the Walls, undermined some small Forts, which they blew up, and thereby made so great a Breach, that with facility hoping to gain the Town, if they made use of the occasion, they poured in such multitudes of People as the Besieged were scarce able to withstand; and the Turkish Soldiery being also weary of their sufferings, and irksomeness of their tedious leaguer, resolved now or never to put an end to their labours; so that advancing with their open Breasts to the top of the Battlements, without fear either of Cannon, or Musket-shot, they entered within the Walls, and planted the Turkish Banners on the Works; but being afterwards received by a resolute Company of the Defendants, they were again thrown from the Walls, and tumbled back into the Ditch with an incredible Slaughter. It is impossible here to describe the anger, the courage, the despair which was apparent in the faces of the Besieged, inflamed by the love of their own Country, and hatred of the Turks; so that three or four sustained sometimes the Assault of a Troop; and a small number united, opposed a whole Sangiack of the Enemy. The Women also forgetting the imbecility of their Sex, renewing in themselves the Courage and Vigour of the Ancient Amazons, exposed themselves without fear upon the Walls, throwing scalding Water, Stones, burning Pitch, and whatsoever came next to hand, upon the Assailants; whom they so valiantly repulsed from the rising of the Sun till twelve at Noon, that after much slaughter on both sides, the Turks growing faint, retreated, and took breathe a while within their Trenches. And now the Soldiery considering the Obstinacy of the Christians, began to mutiny, and resolving not to cast away their lives in vain, motioned to raise the Siege, and be gone; which when the General opposed, they threatened to sacrifice his Life to the Ghosts of their departed Brethren. But see, how many times the Devil ruins the fortune of the Christians! for whilst they were in this deliberation to depart, behold, a certain, Thracian one of the Garrison Soldiers, advised the Turks that there were not above Three hundred sound Men remaining in the whole Garrison, 
A Thracian betrays the weakness of the Town.  that they were now reduced to their ultimate Crisis; so that if they appeared only beforethem and would but terrify them with another assault, the Town was their own, without the least doubt of Surrender. This advice retarded the hasty departure of the Camp; instead of which they again mustered themselves before the Walls, and prepared to assault the Breach, resolving to put all to a second extremity. The Christians within perceiving the resolution of their Enemy, and being sensible how much they were enfeebled by the last Convulsion, and loss of blood, and as yet sore of their wounds, immediately spread a white Flag of Treaty, 
Varadin surrendered.  which was as readily accepted by the Turks, and all Articles agreed on the 17 th'. of August, and on the 20 th'. the Garrison marched freely out with Colours flying, and Drums beating, with liberty to go wheresoever they pleased, without hurt or injury; which Conditions were fully and faithfully performed and maintained.  
Varadin being thus yielded, 
Vienna troubled for the loss of Varadin.  afforded matter of discourse, of discontent, of fear, and apprehensions at Vienna; some argued, That it was but common and natural Reason, when our Neighbour's house is on fire, to look to our own; others blamed the slow and phlegmatic proceedings of the Germane Ministers, who in such urgent emergencies as these, could sit as unconcerned, as Spectators at a Theatre, who regard nothing, which way the prize is carried; and in short, the whole Christian World stood Admirers of this sottishness, esteeming either those Borderers astonished and struck into a stupid timidity, or moved by principles of Policy, which none besides themselves either understood, or penetrated. Only Count Nicholas Serini, a Prince who had a fair and Sovereign Inheritance in those parts, 
Count Serini designs against the Turks.  Commander of Croatia, and the Confines under his Cesarean Majesty, a most mortal and inveterate Enemy of the Turks, could not endure their insults, bravadoes and daily encroachments, but watching his occasion of advantage, when Canisia was almost destroyed by a dreadful fire, and thereby their Ammunition, and Provision for the most part consumed, he gathered what Forces he could possible, and made use of the opportunity to lay Siege unto it, not doubting but in that Conjuncture, and miserable Calamity of all things, to promote the Interest of his Master, and the common cause of Christendom; which as soon as he had done, he wrote a Letter to the Emperor, acquainting him that God had opened him a Gate and Pa●h to his Interest, and to a just revenge of the Ottoman perfidiousness: Who having violated their Faith, and the mutual Peace in taking Varadin, would be justly and gloriously recompensed by the loss of Canisia; which being now, as it were by miracle, put into his hands, it were a neglect of the Divine Providence not to improve with advantage an opportunity so cheerful and so promising: to which, besides other arguments, he added, That if his Cesarean Majesty should not think fit to concur herein with assistance of his Imperial States, yet at least he would be pleased not to interdict him from the Glory of that design, in which he questioned not but to succeed, and in a short time to render not only to his Majesty, but also to the whole Christian World, proofs of his Valour, and a good account of his Enterprise. Howsoever, the Emperor's Council seriously considering that Serini's State could not be engaged with the Turk without involving his Interest; 
— is forbidden by the 〈◊〉  and that the Princes of the Empire, though when assaulted, would willingly contribute their Forces in the defensive part, yet would be backward to be the Aggressors, and engage their States in an offensive and provoking War, did therefore not only deny to second, or abet his designs with Military succours, but positively commanded him to retire, and desist from his resolution against Canisia; with which Answer, the Zeal and Spirit of Serini was so inflamed, that throwing in passion his Cemiter on the Ground, he raised his well-formed Siege, and retired to his proper Residence at Chiacaturno.  

The Transilvanians consult their safety.  The loss also of Varadin moved the Transilvanians to consult their safety in this extremity of their Affairs, which now amidst these dangers and storms which threatened them, appeared in a desperate and languishing Condition, unless remedied by a desperate Cure, and the resolves of some wise and valiant Counsel. Wherefore in the first place, they concluded to depose Acatius Barclay, the Favourite of the Turks; and in his stead they constituted john Chiminianus, or Kem●nius, the late General of Ragotski's Army. In the next place, 
They beg assistance of the Emperor.  they made their Addresses and Applications to the Emperor for assistance, supplicating, as Ragotski, and those of Varadin had done before, the powerful protection, and sacred Patronage of the Imperial Eagles, alleging those Arguments of common safety, and mutual interest, which apparent reason suggested, and which were the present Subject and Theme of all the Courts in Christendom. To this Demand the Emperor assented, promising readily his assistance, but with Proviso, that for his security, the Cities of Zechelhid, Chowar, julia, and other places, should receive Garrisons of Germane Soldiers. The Transilvanians willingly accepted the Propositions, so that soon after those places were supplied with Germane Garrisons. But as yet no effectual Forces came from the Emperor, nay rather the Germane Councils seemed willing to persuade the Turks, that there was no design, but to maintain the ancient, friendly and amicable Correspondence; to which end it is said confidently, that the Prince Gonzaga, 
Pr●nce Gonzaga's Le●ter to th● Pasha of Buda.  wrote to the Pasha of Buda, That those Garrisons sent to possess certain places of Transilvania, were only in appearance, and not to create Dissensions between the Austrian Court, and the Ottoman Prince; which Letters Ali Pasha sent to the Transilvanians, with design, that discovering unto them an evident reason to distrust the Emperor, they should wholly resign themselves to the good will and disposition of the Port. But notwithstanding, these verbal assurances prevailed not so much with the Turks on one side, as the Germane Garrisons administered jealousy on the other: So that the Vizier raged furiously against the Emperor, for encouraging Kemenius, who had treacherously murdered his two innocent Brothers in his Rebellion against Barclay, the only true and lawful Possessor. Nor did the Turks only vent their anger and disdain in words, but also by the sad and calamitous effects of War; passing without farther parley into the Emperor's Dominions in Hungary, 
Count Serini builds a Fortress on the Turks Dominions.  where they put all to fire and sword. Count Serini perceiving evidently hereby that the War was broken forth, and that it was not longer time to stand at a gaze, and not make necessary Provisions for defence; about the beginning of june, year 1661. he laid the foundations of a Fortress on the Banks of the River Muer, within the Dominions of the Turks, about a League distant from Canisia, and in memory of his Family and Name called it Serinswar, a place convenient to assault, and offend the Enemy, and to fix the Bulwark, or Redoubt, of the Province of Stiria, which work was laid with that secrecy, and executed with such expedition, that it was almost finished be●ore it was known, or notice taken thereof by the Turks; but so soon as it was discovered, and the News arrived at Constantinople, the old Vizier Kuperlee stormed with rage, and in his height of passion, signed a Command for strangling the Pasha of Canisia, for not timely preventing the Erection of that Fort in its beginning. In like manner this work was an occasion of disgust at Vienna; for though the Turks were the first who had broken the Peace, and given just cause to the Christians to provide all cautions imaginable for their safety; Yet I know not why, nor wherefore, there wanted not certain persons in the Court either emulous of Serini's Glory, or zealous of the Emperor's Interest, who interpreted the activeness, and forward heat of this Count to be like fire to inflame the Fuel of Controversy between the two Empires; 
The just commendation of Count Serini.  yet certainly we cannot but meritoriously applaud the Heroic Spirit of this Prince, who was provident of his Country's safety, watchful of the Enemy's Motion, soon touched with the sense of the Mahometan infidelity, and in fine, a zealous Champion of the Christian Cause. But now, with what Salve or Balsam soever the Italian, or Spanish Surgeons of Politic Government, imagined to ●bduct a callous over the smarts or wounds of these differing States; the Breaches grew every day too wide to be drawn up, or cemented by artificial compliances, or verbal lenitives; for now the succours promised by the Emperor were arrived in Transilvania, 
The Emperor sends Forces to Transilvania.  under the Command of Count M●ntecuculi, and joining with the Forces of Kemenius, form such a numerous, and well composed Army, as was judged not only sufficient to contend for the interest of the Christian Cause, but also for the entire decision of the World's Dominion: So that both Generals with an unanimous consent, confident of Victory, agreed, not to expect the approach of Ali Pasha, but boldly to meet and provoke him to Battle.  
Ali the Turkish General perceiving the strength and resolution of the Christians, thought it prudence for a while to detract from Engagement, and temper the usual mettle of the Ottoman fury with cooler Counsels of advantage, which delays and opportunities of time would administer: for observing that the Transilvanians were divided into Factions, he humoured the dissenting party, 
The Turks Policy.  by constituting Michael Apaf● their Prince; a person in the flower and strength of his Age, of great parts and abilities; and one who violently affected the Principality, having but lately purchased his freedom from slavery. In this manner Apafi passing from his Prison and Chains, to the gl●ry and trouble of a Throne; poor Transilvania remained divided, and taking Arms against herself, went daily working and contriving her own ruin. This hath always been the Masterpiece of the Turkish Policy, and this disunion amongst Christians hath availed the Ottoman Interest more than their Swords, and confirmed their obstinacy in Religion with a Miracle, as if the division of Christian Princes (which in late Ages have frustrated the holy designs against this common Enemy) had been an effect of their Prayers▪ and a Concession of Divine Providence to their daily Petitions. So now the Transilvanians being divided, great numbers of them revolted from K●menius to Apafi, which not only weakened, 
Kemenius routed.  but discouraged the Christian Army with fear and confusion; amidst of which, Ali Pasha took his time to assault them, not far from Cl●diopolis; and being assisted by the advantageous conjuncture of the present opportunity, so wholly discomfited them, that he killed and took 50000 persons, which was the Issue of the present union, and the exclusion of Kemenius, who was now forced to abandon Transilvania, and seek his refuge in Hungary.  
Howsoever Kemenius could not here rest satisfied, but revolving in his mind certain ways to recover his Principality, obtained from Montecuculi some Germane Troops; with which, and with his own scattered Forces, which at length he had collected into a Body, he resolved to try his Fortune once more with the Turks; and joining Battle with them, not far from Pre●burg, he ●ought with a resolution becoming the desperateness of his design; either that day to Die, or to Triumph. The Fortune of that days conflict remained a long time doubtful; so equal they seemed on both sides to be in their Courage, in their Force, and in their Conduct, until at length the advantage of the Turks number prevailing, Kemenius was forced to a disorderly retreat, 
Kemenius a second put time to flight  and afterwards to a confused flight; in which, being by one of his own Soldiers knocked from his Horse was trampled under foot, & the greatest part of his People remained a Sacrifice to the enraged Weapons of the Turks.  
Apafi's party being greatly encouraged with this success, joining with a body of the Turks, laid Siege to Claudiopolis, the Court of the Transylvanian Princes, 
Claudiopolis besieged.  now Garisoned by Germane Soldiers, and Governed by David Retani, a right valiant and trusty Soldier, who omitting nothing which might conduce to the defence and maintenance of the Town, either by his care or valour, made many successful Sallies upon the Enemy, and tired and wearied them out in their Siege; until at length General Schenidau then in Hungary, gathering what force he could, which were not above 6000 Men, marched with all haste possible to the relief of Claudiopolis; the report of whose approach arriving the Turkish Camp before his Person, or Army, and the common rumour and fear augmenting much their number; the Turks were so terrified hereat, that in haste and disorder they forsook their Siege after three months' continuance; leaving great quantities of Victuals behind for want of Carriages, and Beasts of burden. Schenidau having gained this success and honour with so much facility, he reinforced the Garrison, and returned with Triumph home; carrying with him great Booties of Cattle and other spoils of the Enemy. 
The Siege raised.  The defence of this place was accounted almost miraculous; for besides that the Fortifications were after the Ancient Model, it was unprovided of Cannon and other warlike Ammunition; and therefore we are not to pass by the Governor Reta●i without due Commendations; whose valiant and generous spirit, with courage equal to his diligence, knew how to fortify and to defend his Walls; For out of the Town Bells he founded his Artillery; he daily wearied the Enemy with Sallies, surprised one of their Batteries, which most annoyed the City; composed the Mutinies of the Citizens within; and in short, against the Opinion of all, he defended and maintained it in the possession and right of the Emperor.  
Claudiopolis being thus relieved, the Turks stomached inwardly the disgrace, and yet thought it prudence for the present to dissemble; and therefore upon some addresses made for Peace from Transilvania, and certain Propositions tendered by the Germane Resident; the Vizier counterfeited his inclinations thereunto so far, that he prohibited all farther Acts of Hostility upon the Frontiers.  
Notwithstanding which, the rumour at this time running, of a Combination of all Christendom against the Turk, with Men or Money, 
The Turks jealousy.  forwarded by the endeavours of the Pope, and the contrivances of Venice, increased the former jealousy, and caused the Skirmishes on the Frontiers to be more hot and frequent: And the Vizier being froward and choleric, and by nature jealous; matters had immediately proceeded to an open rupture, had not the Germane Resident, by his Moderation and Prudence, represented affairs in the smoothest guise of Peace, and delayed the War rather than composed it; so that this whole Summer was spent in disputes, messages, and debates on both sides.  
The Vizier designing this War in his Eye, and desirous to comply with the vagrant humour of his Master, 
The Turkis● Court removes to Adrianople.  who was weary of his Seraglio at Constantinople, resolved to transfer the Turkish Court to Adrianople, so that toward the end of june they entered their Tents without the City. But before they could dispose their affairs for to depart, the Plague, which is the Epidemical Disease of this Country, and the common distemper of the Summer Season, began to break forth and diffuse itself through all parts of the City; that in a short time the Keys of many Houses were brought to the Grand S●gnior for want of Pretenders and Heirs surviving to possess them: In greater Houses of Pasha's and others, where have been a Hundred and fifty persons, scarce five have remained alive for burial of the others; what the fury of that Mortality might be, was best conjectured by the daily account was kept of the Corpse carried out of the City, by the Gate only of Adrianople, which for some Weeks amounted (I speak moderately) to Twelve or thirteen hundred a Day; 
A great Plague at Constantinople.  it being observed amongst the Turks, when above a Thousand in a Day are carried forth Dead by that Gate, that then Prayers are to be made to Almighty God to withdraw that heavy judgement. At which time the Greek and Armenian Patriarches are likewise desired to offer up their Devotions, and intercede with God for mitigation of the Pestilence; and the same Day in a Field called Okmaidan, do all assemble, though divided apart, to pray against the common Calamity, it not seeming vain to them, that every one should call upon his God. Nor did the Plague rage only in the City, but the Ships and Turks Saykes were infected in parts remote on the Black Sea, and the Propontis, so that above a Hundred Sail were reported to be lodged at several Ports for want of Seamen to navigate them home. The Camp also where the Grand Signior, and Vizier remained, was not exempted from this common Contagion, for the necessary intercourse between that and the City communicated the evil equal unto both, strowing the ways with dead Bodies, in that manner as represented a passage conducting to a Coemetery, or Charnel-house, rather than to a Martial Camp or Court of a Great Emperor. This mortality hastened the Grand Signior with his Army and Attendances into a better Air, the Vizier was to follow a few days after, but before his departure he settled and constituted his Son Chimacam, or Governor of Constantinople. Things in this con●usion and haste not being well provided for, the Grand Signiors reception at Adrianople caused him to prolong his Journey by taking a compass round by the Castles at the mouth of the Hellespont, and from thence went to Dimotochum, where having lingered out eight or ten days more, he made a solemn entrance into Adrianople, which will for some years following be discoursed in this History as the Seat of the Ottoman Empire.  
The time of this great Mortality was no season for us to move in business or action, we and all other Christians avoiding common conversation, every one consulting his particular safety. Howsoever two businesses brought our Lord Ambassador to Town from his Country Retirement. One was to obtain justice from the Vizier, on two miscreant Turks who had committed a Robbery on his Page and Steward, as they were drinking at a Fountain near a place called Bauchasarai, a Village inhabited by Greeks; the Steward by the swiftness of his Horse escaped, but the Page being sickly and weak fell into their hands, and was grievously wounded by them. 
The G. Viziers' justice towards our Ambassador.  Complaints hereof being made to the Grand Vizier, he seemed much concerned at the evil treatment of the Ambassadors servants; and therefore sent the Nayp of the Kadi of Galata to take notice, and write down the Wounds which the Page had received; and at the same time dispatched Officers into all parts adjacent, to take the Thiefs, and to examine, and torment the people in places where it might be suspected only that they were harboured, and that nothing should be neglected in order to this discovery. It is incredible with what diligence, severity, and violence this command was executed, the people in the Villages where they had lodged or been, or but passed through, were all seized; and the men examined under the Cudgel, with Drubs on their feet; the men, women, and children of Bauchasarai were carried, and some of them in Chains, to our Ambassador's House at Pera; and all the Countries round were so ill treated, that their common safety was concerned in the taking of these Thiefs, and the alarm was by this time so far spread, that it was more pressing and urgent than our Hue-and-Cry; in short, one of the Thiefs was taken▪ and he discovered the abode of his Companion, and both were brought to our Ambassador's House, and there put into the Stocks, laden with Chains, and guarded by the Turkish Officers. The next day they were carried before the Stambol-Efendi, or Recorder of Constantinople, they confessed the fact, and Hoget or Sentence passed upon them, which by Law could reach no farther than to the Galleys; but being brought before the Vizier, he had a mind to stretch the Law, and their necks to a farther extent, and so without other demur calling the Hangman, ordered him to put Ropes about their necks, and to carry them to the Lord Ambassador, following his directions for their execution; and so accordingly one was hanged by the Fountain, and the other on a Tree at the entrance into the Village of Bauche-sarai. This Exemplary justice raised the reverence, and sear of the Countrypeople towards our Ambassador unto that degree, that during the time of the Earl of Winchils●a, nothing of this nature ever passed again, but on the contrary, the Paisants, and the people in the Country's round, honoured and feared him like one of their Pasha's, or great men.  
The other business was of a different nature relating to the Emin, or Customer of Aleppo, who being dismissed of his Employment was now come to Constantinople; before his departure from Aleppo, he had demanded of our Merchants there 16000 Dollars for Arrears of Custom due to him, on Silk and other Goods; his pretence was false and unjust, howsoever it being usual for Turks upon every demand to gain an advantage, the matte● was compounded with the Sum of 2500 Dol●lars, and so the Customer departed with an appearance of perfect satisfactation; notwithstanding which coming to Constantinople he renewed his pretensions again, and by the favour of the Rei●-Efendi or Secretary of State, so proceeded in his business, that the Lord Ambassador was forced to make a second composition with 2000 Dollars.  
The Grand Signior and Vizier, as we said before, being now at Adrianople, the Viziers' Deputy, called by the name of the Caimacam, governed Constantinople, to whom our Ambassador, according to custom made a visit, presenting him with eight Vests.  
Likewise in absence of the Vizier, it being usual for the Ambassador to make a Visit to the Bostangee-Bashee, or Head of the Gardiner's; his Excellency passed that Compliment on him, and presented him with four Vests. This person though entitled Head-Gardiner, is yet of great power, making a considerable figure at Court; for he not only commands all the Gardiner's belonging to the many Seraglios of the Grand Signior, which are very considerable in number, but his Jurisdiction reaches all along the Bosphorus, and commands the Villages, Woods and Countries at a far distance, so that he may in English be compared to the chief Ranger.  
It was now towards the Winter, 
Kuperlee sends for his Son.  when this Vizier Kuperlee, finding himself mature with Age, and ready to fall like Autumn Fruit, sent for his Son from Constantinople to bear a share with him in the Burden of the Empire. This he did with the consent of the Grand Signior, for he alleged, that being now feeble and decayed, he could not make his personal Addresses as formerly, nor attend at the Court to render his Majesty an account of his Affairs; and therefore had need of so trusty a Messenger as his Son, to carry his advices and directions, and faithfully to communicate what he should encharge to his Relation; all others being on some consideration or other suspected, and at least Enemies to him, or to the Grand Signior. The Sultan accepting the proposition and the Person, had often occasions of discourse and familiarity with the Son, called Ahmet, who deported himself with that faith and prudence in the management of all his Affairs, that the old Vizier had no great difficulty to procure a Grant of succession for him in that Office: For though there were many obstacles therein, as the abhorrency of the Turkish Policy from all hereditary succession in places of trust; and the Youth of his Person, not exceeding thirty two years of Age, and some emulous, powerful, and ancient Competitors, who hated the Father; Yet the old Fox had so ingratiated himself with his Master, 
Procures Succession for his Son.  for (to speak truly) he had been the only instrument that had preserved him and his Empire from falling into as many Divisions as there are Pashalicks, or Governments, that the Grand Signior gave credit to him as to an infallible Oracle, 
Procures the Succession for his Son.  assuring him that before any other, who might either pretend Merit, Age, or Precedency, his Son should be preferred to the Succession. The old Man acknowledged the favour with all humility and thankfulness, declaring, that he had now served his Majesty faithfully for the space of five years, a longer proportion than commonly Viziers had managed that Office, in such tempestuous and distracted times, who either for their own offences, or want of Providence, or good Conduct, have made shipwreck of their own lives, and the Charge they piloted: But he had lived in the worst of times, when the spirits of men with discontent were inflamed round about him, and threatened the ruin of their Prince and Empire; and yet had reduced things to composure, and to the obedience of the Ottoman Yoke, that now he that was the Sultan might incline his Head to rest with security, and enjoy his pastimes and pleasures, without being interrupted by those Conspiracies, which destroyed his Father, and endangered him in his years of Infancy. And because the continuance of his Security and Glory depended on the execution of certain Maxims, which he had framed to himself, he was chalking out to his Son such undoubted Rules and Doctrines of Government, as would certainly tend to the glory and prosperity of the Empire, being abundantly satisfied that his Son was faithful, prudent, and active. But three things he particularly recommended to his Majesty.  


Rules given to the Grand Signior.  1. Never to give Ear to the Counsels and Advices of Women.  
2. To amass what Treasure he could possible into his Coffers, though with Oppression, and impoverishment of his People.  
3. To be continually on Horseback, and keep his Armies in constant Action.   

Kuperle● dies.  On the 19 th' of October, Kuperlee having ended his days, whose Disease was Old Age, and a Gangrene in his Legs, his Son by Hattesheriff, or the Grand Signior's Patent under his hand, taking the Seal, was constituted Vizier in the place of his Father, to the admiration and disappointment of the graver Seniors, who were discontented, not only to perceive themselves neglected, but that person also to supplant them, who was judged uncapable of the Office, according to the Canon, and ancient Precedents of this Government.  
The Body of Kuperlee was transported to Constantinople, where in his life time he had erected a very stately and magnificent Structure, and his Monument over the Grave, or Vault, where he designed to be interred. In his life time he had filled it with Corn, which daily was distributed to the poor, and being emptied after his death, received his Corpse, over which a small Mosch was endowed with Oil for Lamps, and maintenance of certain Talismans' and Softaes, to make Prayers and Offerings for his Soul.  

Pasha of Magnasia cut off.  The Father being thus interred, Ahmet his Son began to contrive his own establishment, and to settle his Greatness on the foundation of his Father's Rules of Policy, from whom not to degenerate in cruelty of Nature, or leave his Legacies unpaid to those he had proscribed, he in the first place sacrificed the Blood of the Pasha of Magnasia to his Father's Ghost, with some other petty attendences; so that the World perceived that they had changed the Vizier, but not his tyranny, or at least the same spirit of the Father seemed to be renewed, transmitted again into the Person of the Son. But more difficult it was to obtain the like success against Mortaza, the Pasha of Babylon, and the Kayah-begh, or Lieutenant General of the Janissaries, who were long before (as we have said) marked out for destruction by his Father. For the first was the most powerful Pasha of all Asia, vigilant, and active, and had done and merited great rewards from his Master, and particularly in decoying, and cutting off the Head of the Grand Rebel Asan Pasha, who dared the Sultan at the Gates of his Seraglio; but understanding the ill will of the House of Kuperlee against him, stood always on his Guard, lodging without the Wall of the City, and under the protection of his Arms and Soldiers, who were greatly affected to the generosity of his Person; so that, though many attempts were made upon him, and that Officers, or Executioners came from the Court, openly tendering from the Sultan the Present of a Sword, and Vest of Sables, the usual Signals of the Ottomon Grace, but privately bringing a Bowstring, or a Halter; yet they were all entertained at a distance, and returned again with the same dissimulation they had used in their feigned Addresses. In like manner the Kayah-begh, an ancient, prudent, and experienced Commander, beloved by the Soldiery, and secured by the Privilege of his Office, (for a Kayah-begh cannot be cut off during his Command, without infringement of the honour and order of the Janissaries) preserved still his Station, and Command in despite of the Viziers' hate and endeavours. But what could not be done by mere virtue of the absolute Power, was effected under the appearance of honour and favour of the Sultan, who by his Royal Commission, having made him Pasha of Damascus, he was at the same instant deprived of his Military Power and Privilege, and lay now naked and exposed to the Arbitrary Pleasure and will of his Adversary. Nor could his prayers or tears incline the Grand Signiors mind to reverse his Order, who, together with the Vizier, rather enforced it with the specious pretext of Favour and Grace for his former merits, and with commendation of his Abilities agreeable to the importance of so considerable a Government, increased the just suspicion of Solyman, 
Solyman Pasha in disgrace.  (●or so the Kayah-begh was called) not being ignorant of the Turkish Proverb, A Kayah-begh is like a Fish in the Water, which out of its Element immediately dies. Howsoever, ut finis omnium cum dominante, grates agit, 
Tac. Lib. 14. Ann.  he acknowledges the favour of his Master, and gave thanks for it, according to the Duty of a good Subject, who ought to acquiesce in the sentence of his Prince, which, though never so full of severity, aught to be believed, and called Clemency. The Vizier now hasted Solyman Pasha to depart with all expedition, not allowing him above Four or Five days time to make preparation for so long a Journey, which otherwise he would have prolonged, as one, like the rest of Mankind, desirous to protract the thread of Life, imagining that in his journey, at some distance, where his Death might be most obscure, and least noted, the Edict of the Grand Signior might overtake him, and find a Grave for him in some solitary Desert, or unfrequented Mountain. Wherefore he made one Day an Address to the Vizier, under pretence of taking his last farewell, and freely acquainted him with his apprehension and his fears, desiring that he would deal as frankly with him, in letting him know the utmost of his Fate, for that now he was in his hand, and was so good a Proficient in the Mahometan Religion, as to oppose nothing which was his Destiny, or inconsistent with the Decree of the Sultan. The Vizier reverencing the Years, and pitying the Condition of so worthy a Commander, abased solely by his Power, bid him be of good cheer, assuring him of his Life, so long as he acted nothing contrary unto his, which he confirmed by Vows, and all imaginable Protestations, encouraging him to proceed forward to his Government with those cheerful Words and Assurances, that Solyman Pasha taking his farewell with more ease of mind, and confidence of Life, departed Adrianople in three days after his designment to the new Office: 
He is sent away.  But not many days Journey had he advanced into Asia, before the Grand Signiors and Viziers Commands overtook him, altering his design for Damascus, and instead thereof ordered him a Pilgrimage unto Mecha, and exile into the remote and desert parts of Arabia, until he should be thought worthy to be recalled by that power which banished him. In like manner some few days after, the Mufti being on a Friday seated in his place, in the Mosch of Sultan Selim (a very noble and famous Fabric) and attending there the Grand Signiors entrance, that he might begin his Prayers, was unexpectedly whispered in the Ear, that he should retire and give place to another Mufti; which immediately he obeyed, and in four hours departed Adrianople, being banished to Gallipoli, for his Friendship (as was supposed) to Solyman Pasha, and for not passing the Fetfa for his Death, according to the will and desire of the Grand Signior.  
During the Transaction of these affairs in divers parts, the Wars against the Venetians were carried on faintly; the Galleys had no other design, or employment, than to transport recruits of Men and Ammunition to Canea, that so the Turks might rather keep the ground that they had gained in that Island, than add thereunto by new Conquests, until such time as that being freed from other Wars, they might have leisure and opportunity to attend unto that alone. Accordingly the Captain Pasha set forth at the usual Season from Constantinople; and arrived at Scio with twenty three Galleys, besides his own called the Bastard-Gally, or Admiral; the advice of which, coming to the Captain-General of the Venetians, he hastened thither with all his Fleet to besiege him in the Port: but this seeming after some days a tedious work, and what might lose too much time; he resolved to depart from thence, and so leaving a sufficient Guard before the Port, he set Sail with two Galleasses, thirteen light Galleys, and seven Auxiliaries for the Coast of Rhodes; where his Briga●ti●es advised, that the remainder of the Turkish Fleet were Anchored, and were taking aboard two thousand Soldiers for reinforcing Canea; but before the Venetians could arrive, intelligence was given them by the way, that the Turks were loosed from Rhodes, and were Anchored under the Island of Patmos; wherefore altering their course, they steered for Nio, and there watering their Vessels, sailed near to Nixia, where the Vanguard discovered five and thirty Galleys of the Enemy, which had made prize of a Tartana laden with Provisions designed for the Venetian Fleet, and having taken out her lading, had set her on fire. The Venetians having their Enemy in their Eye, gave them chase until the Evening, when the Night coming on, put an end to the pursuit: but keeping their course towards Candia, they had sight again of them the next Morning, and coming nearer, the Turkish Admiral put forth his Flag of Defiance, as if he intended to come to a Battle; but the Wind blowing hard, and the Sea increasing, both Fleets were separated until the Morning; when the Venetians discovered certain of the Enemy's Galleys to Leeward of Milo, where bearing down before the Wind upon them, five of them ran ashore; one was sunk, and four were taken by the Venetian and Maltese Galleys, three of which fight with great Courage and Valour, killed divers brave Cavaliers of one and the other Country. The men which ran the Galleys ashore at Milo, did it with design to secure themselves in that small Fort which the Turks possessed in that Island; but they were not able to withstand the valour of the Venetians, who having first recovered the Cannon of the Galleys which were ran ashore, with their rigging, and what else was useful, they set the Hulls on Fire; and immediately entering the Port, the Captain-General landed two hundred select men, and veterane Soldiers to besiege the Fortress, giving Orders to one Manolacchi Macchiotti, who was well acquainted with the Turkish Language, to summon them to a Treaty, the which they readily accepted, and were received to quarter at discretion of the General; the next Morning they were brought down to the Sea-Coast to the number of about nine hundred, amongst which there was a Janizar-Aga, a Bey of Rhodes, and three of Constantinople, besides Captains, and other persons of condition and quality. These Prisoners being divided into several Galleys and Ships, the Venetians departed, and cruising about the Coast of Candia, to hinder the importation of all succours, they encountered with Antonio Priuli, with a good Squadron of Vessels under his Command.    

THE HISTORY OF Sultan Mahomet IU. THE XIII. EMPEROR OF THE TURKS. The Second BOOK.  

Anno Christi, 1662. Hegeira, 1073.  
AT the beginning of this Year the People of Algi●r sent Messengers and Presents to the Grand Signiors Court, then at Adrianople, complaining against the Actions His Majesties Flee●, under the Command of the Earl of Sandwich, had done against their Town and Castles, pretending those Forts to be the Grand Signiors, and the Affront offered to him, as willing to interest him in their Quarrels and Piracies. And that their Addresses might be more graciously received, they brought with them certain Presents, which though in former times were Yearly, were now only as their Affairs required, and on this occasion were doubled: for besides their Presents to the Ministers and Officers of State; they brought to the Grand Signior a Ship made in Silver, beset with emrod's, Rubies, and other Stones; fourteen young and handsome Boys, and a Neger Eunuch for the Seraglio. But the Earl of Winchelsea, His Majesty's Ambassador there Resident, being then at Court, had so well prepossessed the Vizier with the Ground and Reasons for the War, that the complaints of Algiers were judged in no wise touching the Ottoman Interest, or the breach of Peace, any Impeachment of the good Correspondence and Friendship which then intervened between the King of England and the Grand Signior. But their Presumption to search English Ships, and take out Strangers Goods, was objected as an Argument of their Disobedience and Rebellion, contrary to the Grand Signiors Capitulations, which also was aggravated by their ill Treatment of the Grand Signiors Pasha, whom they had beaten, imprisoned, and cast out of all Power and Authority; which severe Reprehensions so terrified and discouraged them, that they not only desisted from their Pretensions against the English, but began to fear, lest the Power and Interest of the Ambassador at Court, should contrive some mischief to their own Persons.  
Soon after this the Vizier esteeming it necessary towards his better establishment to gratify the City of Constantinople, 
The Gr. Signior persuaded to return to Constantinople.  and the Grandees of the Empire, by the Grand Signiors return to his Imperial Seat, prevailed with him, (as a matter wholly necessary) to adorn and comfort that place by his Presence; for now he began to declare a kind of abhorrency to it, in regard the memory of those Rebellions which were nourished in that place, to the Destruction of his Father, and to the great hazard and narrow escape after wards of himself, had taken that Impression on his Fancy, that the Chamber of the Seraglio appeared melancholy and dismal, and the Walks of his Garden solitary, and the noise of the Rooks and Daws amongst his Trees, were like the croakings of Ravens or unlucky Birds. Howsoever the Vizier had so far entered into his Affection and Esteem, that his Persuasions were stronger than his own absolute Dominion; and prevailed so with him against the force of his own Fancy, that about the Equinoctial he began his Journey towards Constantinople, year 1662. to the great Joy and Satisfaction of his People: But by the way lingering out his time in Hunting and other Pastimes of the Woods and Fields; it was the 30 th' of March before he made his Entry, for never was Prince so great a Nimrod, so unwearied a Huntsman as this; never was he at quiet, but continually in the Fields on Horseback, rising sometimes at Midnight, to ride up the Mountains, that he might more early discover the Sun in the Morning; by which extravagant course of Life, he wearied out his Court and Attendants, who began to believe the amorous humour of the Father more supportable, than the wand'ring Vagaries, and restless Spirit of the Son. 
The Gr. Signiors extravagant Hunting.  But not only were his Hunt tedious to his Court, but troublesome and expensive to the whole Country, which were all summoned in wheresoever he came, and sometimes thirty or forty thousand men appointed to beat the Woods for three or four days, carrying before them the compass of a days Journey about, enclosing all the Game and wild Beasts within that Circuit, which on the day of the Hunt, the Grand Signior kills and destroys with Dogs, Guns, or any other way, with abundance of noise and confusion; which Pastime, though lawful in itself, and commendable enough in so great a Prince, yet the frequent use of it, was a burden and an oppression to his People, whilst in the Winter they passed many cold Nights in the Woods, and being unused to that hardship, many of them paid for their Emperor's Pastime with their own lives.  

The Vizier endeavours to establish himself.  The Grand Signior being now at Constantinople, the Vizier judged not himself so well fixed in his Government, but that through the Malice of his powerful Enemies, who were familiar to the Grand Signiors Ear, he was then in danger to be shaken; the principal of which was Kuzlir Aga, or chief Eunuch of the Women of the Seraglio, who by means of the Valede, or Queen Mother, was illaffected to him, being both inclined to prefer some Favourites of their own, for the Diminutition and Eclipse of the Viziers' Power, one whereof was the Tefterdar Pasha, or Lord Treasurer, placed in Office against the Viziers' Approbation, which the Vizier understanding▪ made short Work with him, depriving him of his Office, commanded him in a few hours to quit Constantinople.  
But the Queen Mother, and Kuzlir Aga resentting this Affront to their Favourite, resolved to even scores in a piece of the like Nature: Wherefore they obtained for the Viziers Kahya, or Steward, the Pashalick of Darbiquier, a rich and honourable Government, not for any disaffection or hatred they had unto him, but only to deprive the Vizier of the Counsel and Assistance of so knowing and faithful a Servant; for he was a Person, who by his own Estate and Friends had raised the House of Kuperlee, having in the time of his Poverty and Meanness lent him that Sum of Money, which gave him the first Rise to his Richesses and Authority; for Recompense and Interest of which, old Kuperlee made him his Steward, and shared to him his Honours and Prosperity; in which deporting himself towards all People with the same modesty and evenness of Temper which he used in his former Condition, he procured no Enemies to his own Person, and such as hated the Interest he served, only wishing him disobliged from it, so as to be able to dispense their Malice on the Vizier, without concerning him in his Master's ruin. This consideration moved the angry Lady, and the envious Eunuch to vex their Adversary by the removal of his most faithful Creature and Servant.  
Mahomet Kahya now Pasha of Darbiquier, after a reasonable and convenient time allowed him for his Preparations, being very rich, set forward towards his Government, with a very noble and numerous Retinue, having amongst the rest five hundred Persons young, well mounted, and well armed; which notwithstanding were not so strong, but before they were advanced many days Journey into Asia, were encountered by a greater force of bold and desperate Robbers, who engaging with him, 
A notable Robbery.  killed two hundred of his People on the place, rifled his Baggage, and constrained the Pasha himself to fly to the next City. This strange and audacious Robbery produced many Commands and Orders for Seizure and Suppression of Theives in the lesser Asia. And because the custom is, that something must be done in Compliance with the Imperial Commands, many poor innocent Men were taken in the Fields and Mountains, and perhaps without any other Crime against them, than that they were not masters of a thousand Asper's to bribe the Officers, were for want thereof sent as Thiefs to the Port, where without further Conviction or Trial they were executed.  
The Vizier being thus weakened by the removal of his faithfullest Friend, his Condition was given over as desperate by the generality of the World, and several appearances of Troubles arising from the Eastern and Western parts, gave occasion to the Queen Mother, and her Party, to disparage his Abilities in the esteem of the Sultan: Wherefore they exhorted him to imitate the Example of his Renowned Predecessors, who made use of their Viziers only to ease them from the troublesome part of their Government, but did not entirely throw off the Knowledge and Privity of the important Transactions and State Affairs in the whole Empire. This Lesson awakened the Grand Signior a little, so that he declined some days his Sports abroad, and Exercise on Horseback, and instead thereof passed much of his time in a Chiosk, or Garden-house on the Wall of the Seraglio, just opposite to the Viziers' Gate, where his chief Business and Concernment was to observe such as went in, or came out; and when at any time he espied those enter, remarkable for their Attendance, or difference of Habit, he would send to know of the Vizier, what occasion drew those People thither, what their Business was, and the like, by which he gave himself that Satisfaction as to believe that he had now found the true way of inspecting his Affairs, and taking care of his Empire. The Vizier was not insensible from whence this humour of the Gr. Signior proceeded, 
The Queen Mother's Enmity to the Vizier.  nor ignorant what ill Consequences such petty matters might produce; wherefore he resolved, if possible, to reconcile the favour and good will of the Valede, or Queen Mother, but all his Addresses (it seems) were returned fruitless; so difficult was it to appease the Malice of a femin●●e Spirit; and this malice She so ill concealed, that it was often said by Turks of Quality and Judgement, That the Great Viziers' Mother, who entertained a Familiarity with Spirits, as they believed, had by their Enchantments procured the Office of Vizier for her Husband and Son successively, and prevailed still to preserve her Son in the favour of his Master, yet could not by force of Magic get Power or Dominion over the Valede; No Spells, it seems, had virtue enough to qualify the Spirit of that angry juno. Some hereupon judged, that the Vizier might have thoughts to make Resignation of his Office▪ and to content himself with some Pashalick of a higher and more eminent Degree; but Apprehensions and Jealousies of their Dangers, and his own natural Ambition, soon stifled those Considerations, resolving to continue his Charge in Opposition to all the Difficulties and Dangers he might encounter. And perhaps he gave himself the same Counsel which the Vitellian Soldiers did to their General. 
Tacit. Lib. Hist. 3.  Nihil atrocius eventurum, quam in quod sponte ruant, morindum victis, moriendum deditis; id solum refer, novissimum Spiritum, per ludibrium & contumelias effundant, an per Virtutem. Men who must die, whether they yield or are conquered by force, have the same Fate; all the difference is, that the one dies with Valour and Reputation, the other with Reproach and Cowardice. But to execute this stout Counsel with Prudence and Wisdom, he conceived it necessary, if possible, to reconcile the sincere Friendship of Samozade, the Reis Effendi, or Chief Secretary of State, a Person the best practised of any, in the Affairs and Nogotiations of the Ottoman Empire, and one much in the Esteem and Favour of the Queen Mother, and in order thereunto treats him with more Familiarity and Condescension than was ordinary, or by many judged agreeable to the Greatness of a Grand Vizier; for always when he came into his Presence, he arose up, calling him secretly Father, Tutor and Companion, in supporting the Burden of the weighty Government, and such other Compellations, as the Grand Signior vouchsafed only to the Vizier: for though this Reis Effendi was of the greatest Abilities, and this present Vizier the most youthful and unexperienced of later Times, yet it may be accounted one special mark and token of his Prudence, in knowing how to elect so useful a Friend, and of his Policy in procuring his sincere faithfulness towards him, and making him really his own. To which end he conversed much with him, communicated all his thoughts, freely demanded his advice, received his private Entertainments, and in fine, was wanting in no points of affable Courtesy and Compliance, whereby he might create him his own, contenting for some time himself with the name of Vizier, though the other as one, who best knew how to manage it, enjoyed the Power.  

That is, of the Hazoda, or Royal Chamber.  The Chief Officers of the Seraglio, instigated by the Queen Mother to diminish something the Power of the Vizier, put often the Grand Signior in mind, as a matter agreeable to his Dignity, to have a regard to his Government, which caused him more frequently than his humour served, to betake himself to his Choisk over against the Viziers' Gate, to make his usual Observations; and perceiving some Christians to enter the Court with red Calpacks or Caps, and yellow Shoes (prohibited to Christians by orders of inferior Magistrates, but never until now thought worthy the Imperal Observance) immediately called for the Subashee or Constable of Constantinople, and from the Window commanded him with great Fury to enter the Viziers' Court, and such Christians as he should find there with yellow Shoes and red Caps he should first beat, and then send uncovered and barefooted home. The Subashee armed with a Power in this matter as high as the Viziers, entered the House without Compliment or Licence, and encountering first the Kapikahya's or Agents of Moldavia and Valachia negotiating the Affairs of their Prince and Country, he rudely laid them down, and without Respect to their Persons or Office, beat them on the Feet, tore off their red Stockings and Caps, and sent them home with their Heads and Feet bare, derided by the People, 
The Gr. Signiors severe Prohibition of yellow shoes, and red Calpacks to Chri●●ian●.  and lamenting the Affliction of that Tyranny to which they were subjected. This inhuman Treatment of Persons in a manner sacred, was seconded by public Proclamations, strictly prohibiting all Christians from wearing red Caps, yellow Shoes, scarlet Vests, and the like; and janissaries from the use of Hanjars or Daggers, and silk Turbans, upon pain of Death; which Order was so strictly enjoined, that the Corners of every Street were furnished with Officers to observe, and punish such as were found to offend. The Grand Signior himself judged also the Execution of this Order of that importance, as to deserve his own proper Care and Inspection; wherefore walking abroad, as his manner was, in disguise, with his Executioner at hand, encountered in the Streets an unfortunate Bridegroom, an Armenian, who that day, on privilege of his Espousals, had adventured to dress himself with yellow leathern Soks: nothing was, or could have time to be pleaded in his behalf, before the fatal Blow was struck, which sent him to his Grave instead of his Nupital Bed. This fury continued some few days with much rigour, and strict observation, but afterwards growing cold again, all care was neglected, happening herein, as commonly it doth in all things, which have no other foundation than humour and fancy.  
But this inspection into petty matters did not so much disturb the thoughts of the Vizier, as did the power and greatness of Mortaza the Pasha of Babylon, by the Turks called Bagdat, a person of an undaunted Courage, and great Conduct, whom he had hitherto suffered to live, contrary to the true knowledge of his interest, and the Rules his Father had left him: wherefore he resolved to renew his design and attempts against his Life; one I remember was in December of the past Year, when in our Journey to Adrianople, we met a Messenger on the way, who amongst other Discourses informed us, that he was then going to Bablyon for confirmation of Mortaza, and as a testimony of the G. Signior's favour and good will towards him, he carried him a Sword, and a Vest of Sables: we immediately, and that truly, guessed for what Present the Sword was sent; for in some Months after the Chaons-bashee, or chief of the Pursuivants, returned without delivery of his Present. For the wise Mortaza was so justly Jealous, 
The Vizier seeks to cut of Mortaza the Pasha of Babylon.  that he would not so much as admit him to his Presence, but returned him again with his Sword and Sables for those who were more easy and credulous, and who believe to die by Command of the Sultan to be Martyrdom, and the only Crown of all their Merits and Deserts: and knowing that he could not long subsist in Opposition to so great an Enemy; he contracted an Alliance by Marriage with a Daughter of one of the Gordean, or Curdean Princes, and in Dowry had one of the strongest Forts of those Mountains delivered into his hands.  
The Vizier finding himself thus foiled in his occult Artifices, began publicly to profess his Enmity; and therefore in the first place persuaded the Grand Signior, that the long continuance of Mortaza in that Government, beyond the usual term, so Opulent and Powerful, and of a Spirit so Ambitious and Rebellious, could not but prove dangerous to himself, and in time give him Confidence of Competition for the whole Empire; which hazard to prevent with most prudence and advantage, (there being a present occasion of good Soldiers for relief of Candia) Mortaza and his Complices could not be better bestowed than upon that Employment. year 1661. The Grand Signior readily consented to his Counsel, being naturally very apprehensive of Danger, and in his place constituted the Aga, or General of the janissaries, posting him away with all speed possible to his Government; who did not run so fast in his Journey, but that the advices of the coming of a new Pasha, arrived timely the Ears of Mortaza, who judging it an unequal match to contend with the whole Empire, gave way to his Successor, but withal, kept himself so on his Guard, that his Adversary could not reach his Head, and send it as the first-fruits and Tribute of his new Office. For yielding up his command as in an honourable manner of Retreat, he gave out, that with his Army (reported to consist of Forty thousand Men) he was on his March to Candia, but soon after his design was discovered to be otherwise; for believing his own Force unable to contend with his Masters, he retired with his richesses, and some ofthose most faithful to him, unto his Fort on the Mountains, and to the Protection and Country of the King of the Curdi, whose Daughter he had Married, and remained in Epectation of time and opportunity, to take his revenge on the Vizier, hoping that with time this storm would blow over, and that the Beams of his Prince's Favour would again shine upon him. These Curdi are called by some Writers Cordiaei, 
Curdi.  from whence the Province had the name of Gordiene, bordering on Assyria, the Kingdom once of Zabienus, who siding with Lucullus against Tigranes' King of Armenia, was by Tigranes murdered with his Wife and Children. These People inhabit the Mountain Amanus, dividing Syria from Cilicia, which by reason of the difficult access thereunto, was never yet subjected to the Ottoman Yoke; they are said in former times to have worshipped a black Dog, and dare not speak ill of the Devil, not for love, but fear. But some report, that have lately been amongst them, that they have left off that hellish Superstition, and embrace a certain sort of Religion mixed with Christianity and Turcism; but yet without Baptism or Circumcision. In brief, they are a bad sort of gross People at the best, contenting themselves with little Religion, addicted to Blood and Robberies. These Curdi or Gordeenes, being a people retired, keep within their Mountains, are shy in their Conversation and Discourse, and afford us little subject, or opportunity of knowing with any Satisfaction, their Religion or Manners; but from such of our Countrymen, as have lately entertained Society with them, we have this account. They are seated on those Mountains, as we have said before, which of old are called Cordiaei or Gordiai, beginning near Aleppo, but running out as far as Persia; they make show of the Turkish Religion for fear, but have in reality another of their own, which permits them to eat Swine's Flesh, and drink Wine, as the Druses and Kalbeenes; Bacon being esteemed by them a particular Cordial, or Restorative for the Sick. The chief Country and City of those near Aleppo, is called jeumee, where they have a Convent of twelve Priests with a Superior over them, and another of the like sort near Mosul or Nineveth. The two Chiefs of these Monasteries meet at fixed times to consult for the good of the Common-weal. Their Devotions are private in a Cave; they tell us of but one Book, which contains both their Law and their Rituals; being asked what they thought of our Saviour, they answered, he was their Breath, and their Soul; at the name of Mahomet they Spit, and with Nicodemus his Circumspection and Assurance of Secrecy, they declared, themselves and Christians the same, which they would make appear so soon as they were delivered from their fear of Bondage to the Turk. They say that they worship God, and will not curse the Devil, to which no Force or Power can compel them; partly, perhaps because they have heard of our Saviour's Precept, Bless, and Curse not; but rather, because they hold, that the Devil and his Followers shall one day be restored to their former seats of Blessedness and Dignity. When their Priests are together, and Wine brought in amongst them, the Superior makes a sign for Silence, and afterwards a short Admonition, that Wine is the Blood of God. I have heard that a Capuchin Friar was once invited amongst them, with Promise to give him a sight of their Book of Rituals, and being come to jeumee, was detained a day or two in a Cave, on pretence that the other Superior of Mosul was then amongst them, who being a severe Person, if he knew of his being there, would certainly put him to Death, as one who came to alter their Religion; upon which Suspicion the Capuchin forgetting his Curiosity, fled for safety, with all speed possible. Their Priests are said to be Grave, ●earing black throughout; their Garments plaited or quilted; the Vestures of the Commonalty are agreeable to Mountainiers, whose Natures are Rough and Boisterous, addicted to Blood and Robbery, the common Vice of those People. I have heard, that the Son of a Gourdeene Widow being killed by some of that Country, She assembled her nearest Kindred, and required them to bring her the Windpipe of the Murderer, which when they had done, She together with her Friends, eat it in Revenge. In fine, their Religion may have some small Relics of Christianity, but mixed with the dregs of other Religions. 'Tis possible they may be of the Manichee Race. Their Opinion of the Devil's Restoration, was once held in part by Origen: that of Wine (that it is the Blood of God) was the Heathenish conceit of the Egyptian Priests. Their whole Nation, if well united, may compose an Army of thirty or forty thousand Men.  
But to return to our purpose. The news of the Flight of Mortaza to this Ignoble Prince, troubled the Grand Signior, who still retained some Impressions of kindness to his Person, remembering his Generosity, Valour, and former Deserts, the memory of which was increased also by the Friends of Mortaza, who wanted not in the Court to represent them with some Compassion, arguing that his flight was not of Contumacy or Contempt to his Master's Protection, but an effect of natural Preservation; which worked so far on the Grand Signior, that he immediately sent for the Vizier to inquire of him the State and Condition of Mortaza. The Vizier to defend himself, and make good what before he had counselled his Master, aggravated his Adversary's Crimes, and his Disobedience and Flight to an inconsiderable King; with which, and some other light Excuses and Persuasions, that the removal of such a Person was agreeable to the present State of Affairs, and conducing to his own Security, easily pacified the Mind and Affections of the Grand Signior; but no sooner was he returned to his House, but advice was given him, that the Emaum of Mortaza, or his Priest or Chaplain, was then at Constantinople, whom the Vizier immediately sent for, and without any Plea or Indictment, struck off his Head, and▪ threw his Body into the Sea, on pretence that he was sent thither, as a Spy for hisMaster, and to give Intelligence, anda beginning to Rebellion: year 1662. These were his colours and allegations for his deserved Death; for Governors though never so wicked and so absolute, and that have no need to render any other cause to the World of their actions, than their own will, yet esteem it necessary to act under the specious guise of justice, and in the good opinion of the multitude. The Aga of Babylon encountered the same Fortune; for M●rtaza giving place, he thought it fit for himself to do the like; resolving for Constantinople, but being intercepted in his Journey by the new Pasha, his Head was struck off, and his Journey shortened.  
But that which again renewed the trouble and fears of the Vizier, was a report that the late Kahya-begh degraded at Adrianople, was secretly returned to the City, and lived concealed, giving such Orders to the Janissaries as tended to Mutiny and Insurrection, and that the pretences and reports of his being gone to Damascus, and thence in his holy Pilgrimage to Mecha, were but all false stories to conceal his Residence at Constantinople. This set the Vizier all on fire, and made him tremble with the thoughts of it; wherefore search was made for him day and night, but not found; for in reality he was gone on his designed Journey, only it was the misfortune of his Kahya, or Steward, as before it was of Mortaza's Emaum, to fall into the Viziers' hands, who being beaten to confess where his Master was, died afterwards of the blows.  
But notwithstanding that Mortaza was fled, yet the Vizier laid not aside his fears and thoughts concerning him, not knowing how soon he might be recalled home, and seated in his place; ofwhich various Examples are extant in Turkish History; and therefore he sent orders to Mahomet Pasha, his late Kahya, now Pasha of Da●biquier, as General (with the knowledge and consent of the Grand Signior) and to the Pashaws of Aleppo, Erzirum and others near adjacent, to prepare and assemble what Force was necessary to constrain the King of the Curdi, to surrender Mortaza into their hands: But whilst these matters were in agitation, some unexpected troubles in Georgia diverted their Arms, and held them for some time in suspense, not knowing what the issue might be. The Original and Ground thereofwas this: After Sultan Solym●n had taken E●zirum, 
The Provinces of Georgia in disturbance.  it was agreed in the Capitulations between the Turks and Persians, that of the seven Provinces of Georgia (anciently called Iberia, but now as supposed to have received the Denomination from St. George, the Cappadocian Martyr, there had in great esteem and reverence) three should be tributaries to the Turk, and three to the Persian, all governed by Achic-bash as head and supreme Prince, to whom the Seventh should also be subjected, without acknowledgement to either; in payment of which Tribute, they continued most willingly, lest for default thereof, the importation of Salt, of which their Provinces afford none, should I be hindered either from the Turkish, or Persian Dominion. And now it happened that Achic-bash dying, his Wife married again, who to gratify her new Lover, was contented to have the eyes of her Son put out, who was the lawful Heir to the Government. This Fact was so heinously received by the Princes of the three Provinces under the Persian, that with common consent, they elected one to succeed Achic-bash, and extorted the power out of the hands of the Am●rous Traitor. The Princes of the three Provinces under the Turk alarmed hereat, made insurrection, resolving rather than any Foreigner, to set up one of the Kindred of Achic-bash, which the Persian Provinces better understanding, approved likewise, and for confirmation, and maintenance of their choice, assembled an Army of Threescore thousand men. The Pashaws tending towards Curdi, were surprised in their March with the news of these disturbances in Georgia, and not rightly apprehending the causes of these sudden commotions, gave an arrest to the progress of their Arms, inclining towards the parts of Georgia, to be in a readiness to suppress all designs against the Ottoman Dominions, so that the thoughts of War against the Curdi was for some time laid aside. The news of these troubles did also alarm the Port, with which also came a report, That six hundred Tents of the Kuzilbashees (which are the best sort of Persian Horsemen) were pitched nigh the Confines of the Grand Signiors Territories; so that Orders were dispatched to the aforesaid Pash●ws to watch the motion and issue of those Affairs, but those storms blowing over by the establishment of Achic-bash, the Turkish Forces proceeded on their first design against Mortaza, marching to the pass of the Country of the Curdi, which is very steep▪ asperous and rough. The whole Kingdom being, as it were, one Mountain of dangerous and difficult access, hath hitherto preserved the Inhabitants from the Ottomon Subjection. The entrance thereunto being strong by Nature, is also fortified with several Castles, the chief of which, possessed by Mortaza, is called Zizri, and the People there abouts Zezidi. The Turkish Army being arrived at this pass▪ Mahomet, the Pasha of Darbiquier, appointed General, as we have said before, ordered five hundred of his select men to enter within the pass, which the Curdi perceiving, with little opposition, put to flight, being so commanded by the General; the unadvised Curdi eagerly pursuing the enemy, left the pass naked, and undefended, supposing their whole victory and success to consist in the Rout of those few: Whereupon the Turkish Army wisely possessed the pass, and got between the Curdi, 
The Turk● Stratagem against the Curdi.  and their place of Retreat, and laying the Siege to the Castle, required them either to surrender themselves, or else M●rtaza and his Complices into their hands.  
The Curdi perceiving themselves thus hardly beset, and in a manner defrauded, their Garrison which possessed the pass without the Confines, the Enemy gotten possession of the Gate which opened to their Country, their Castles besieged, and in danger to be gained, and an inlet made to an Inundation by their Enemies, caused them to request a three days truce for Consultation, which being granted, they began to consider, whether it were better to hazard the welfare of their Country in a dangerous War, of which the Turks having already compassed the passage, had made half the Conquest; or to surrender up Mortaza to his own King, one in whom they had no part, no interest, nor relation. The latter Counsel was most generally pleasing; wherefore they seized Mortaza, promising at first to conduct him through the Mountains to the Persians; but afterwards being on Horseback, and about a Mile distant from the Camp, they bound his hands behind him, and with his Steward, the Master of his Horse, and a Page, delivered him into the hands of the Turks, who immediately str●ck off their heads, 
The surrender of Mortaza into the Turks hands, and his death.  and sent them to Constantinople, where for three or four days they lay before the Door of the Divan, with Inscriptions on them w●ose they were, and afterwards were thrown into the Sea. And thus ended this famous Mortaza, who had in like cases, by order of this Viziers' Father, been an active Executioner of other Pashaws, and now included in the same Fate, by means of the Son, being proscribed (as we have said before) by Testament, and the most likely of any Pasha in the Empire to stand in competition for the Office of Vizier.  
The Vizier upon this success began to show a more cheerful Countenance than formerly, suspecting less of danger upon removal of so suspicious an Enemy. And truly it was now hard to say where in the whole Empire was a generous, bold, or ambitious spirit remaining, who had Reputation and Authority enough to attempt a priority, such havoc was made by this Viziers' Father of all hopeful and daring dispositions, and such an Addition made to the slaughter by this man in present Office, that whether men's spirits were vanquished, and cowed with former Examples, or that the Age really afforded not such Heroes, it is hard to say: None now appearing other than obsequious to this Vizier, and to fear, and court him.  
The Vizier having thus successfully contrived his Establishment, and security at home, had time to confirm it by his Wars abroad, well judging that foreign Wars alloy Civil Dissensions, and the Prosperity thereof doth both produce reputation and terror of his Person amongst his Enemies, as well as reconcile affections, and increase Authority amongst his subjects at home. Wherefore he meditated on a War against the Emperor, and was glad to embrace the occasion from the late Disturbances made in Transilvania by Kemenius, as we have related in the former Year. But yet like a crafty Politician, who looketh one way, and steers another; so the Vizier, that he might the better lull the Germans into a sleep, and apprehensions of security, he dissembled his inclinations to Peace, and to hearken to such propositions as were tendered him by the Germane Resident, namely, that the Fort of Serini should be demolished; being built against the intention, and without the knowledge or consent of his Imperial Master; that the Garrisons of Zechelhid, Coloswar, and other places should be removed, with other overtures, and the fairest Propositions imaginable, which might give the Turks satisfaction, and by some means or other reconcile the differences, if possible. 
The resolution of War uncertain.  To which counsel the Emperor was the rather inclinable, in regard that a Treaty at that time was on foot between the French King, and the Duke of Lorain for Alsatia, and that the result might prove prejudicial to the Empire, should he at the same time be engaged in a War against the Turk, whilst as dangerous a friend as the other was an Enemy, crept easily into a suspected Neighbourhood. But the other Christian Princes, especially Rome, and the Allies, engaged in the Venetian Quarrel, perceiving the Emperor to detract from his resolutions of War, upon this suspicion, endeavoured to clear him from all jealousy in reference to the French designs, and for better evidence thereof, had their own engagements seconded by Protestations from that King, not only not to molest the Empire during this War, but to afford him considerable aid and assistance both in Men, and Money. These Negotiations and incitements to a War, encouraged the Emperor, and the Germane Princes in that manner, that whilst the Turks expected the return of the Currier from Vienna, as it were with an Olive Branch of Peace, and Confirmation of all Articles, which before were esteemed to be concluded, and agreed; the Scene was wholly changed, and the Letters contained new demands and propositions, and in fine, made all doubtful and unsatisfactory. The Turks penetrating rightly into this Affair, pressed hard to have a speedy Peace, or War; wherefore the Reis Effendi, orSecretary of State, did at a private Conference with the Germane Minister in name of the G Signior, and in few words declare, That three months were allotted to demolish the Fort built by the Count Serini, and for coming of an extraordinary Ambassador to confirm the Articles: Notwithstanding which, the Grand Signior unmindful of the time, and of the Conditions he had given, and prefixed for Peace, ordered the Vizier immediately to prepare for the War, declaring that he would in Person accompany him in part of his March, and remove his Court to Adrianople; for this being a Country, champain, and plain, full of Game of all sorts, so drew the heart and delight of the Grand Signior, that his Seraglio at Constantinople seemed as a Cage, or Prison, in respect of those desired Plains of Thrace: His Women were no pastime or recreation to him, in whose Apartments he spent little time: For this excessive humour in Hunting made him daily to press the Vizier to depart for Adrianople, not that he had so real a desire to the War, as he had to his Game; which gave occasion to that ordinary Saying amongst the Turks, That the Grand Signior had left some Hares behind him at Adrianople, and would return to seek them. At length the Vizier not longer able to resist his importunity without his displeasure, summoned a Council of all the Viziers of the Bench, where also the JanisarAga was present, to consult concerning the time of their departure, at which they unanimously concluded, that for divers Reasons, it was most necessary to defer this expedition until the next Spring. First, Because that three months' time were already given to the Emperor for sending his Extraordinary Ambassador. Secondly, 
The Reason why the Turks deferred the War with the Germane.  Because in so short a time, Provisions could not be sent into those Parts for relief of the Camp. Thirdly, Because the Soldiers which were abroad could not have timely notice to repair to their Colours. Fourthly, Because many Soldiers had begun to rebuild their houses destroyed by the late Fires, which by the Spring they might see finished. And lastly, That the Summer being now almost spent, was not so fit for action, as the Spring, which gives new life and blood to men, as well as sap and moisture unto Vegetables. These Reasons being represented with all humility to the Grand Signior, he seemed to rest satisfied, and his heat of visiting Adrianople▪ for the present allayed. And in the mean time, that the design against Germany might be the more covertly carried▪ it was given out that the preparations were intended against the Venetian Territories in Dalmatia, (viz.) Zara, Sebenico, and Cataro, and Proclamation was made that all Soldiers should prepare themselves for the Wars against the next Spring. In which Interim no accident intervening which might bring matters to an accommodation and better understanding, the daily Skirmishes on the Frontiers made the Controversy every day more difficult to be reconciled, and the breach the wider. The Count Serini also proceeded in finishing the Fortification he had lately raised near Canisia; and the other Commanders of the Cesarean Army seeing the great progress of the Turks in Transilvania, secured Claudiopolis, Somoswar, Sechilhid, Clewar, alias Coloswar, and Betlem, with some other Towns and Fortresses. The Turks on the other side, 
The sad Condition of Transilvania.  under the Command of Ali Pasha, penetrate into the very Centre of Transilvania, and conceiving a jealousy of War from the passages before mentioned, lost no time to take their advantages, so that the Pasha of Varadin not contenting himself with that Country, and limits formerly prescribed for maintenance of his Fortress, adjoined to his Jurisdiction what Villages and Towns he thought fit, the whilst the poor Prince Michael Apafi, though made by the Turks, durst not lift a hand, or interpose the least Obstacle or Impediment to his quiet progress, or peaceable possession, which so harrassed the People of the Country, and wrought that misery and destruction therein, that the Prince, deprived of his power in Government, and disabled by oppression to pay his Annual Tribute, had no hopes of redress, but from the assistance of Divine Providence, governing the hearts of Christians and Turks to compassionate the misery of his Country. Wherefore he craved the assistance of the Emperor, and of the King of Poland, acquainting other Christian Princes more remote of the sad estate of the Christian Cause; he sent also his Ambassadors to the Port with most submissive Letters to the Vizier, complaining against the Pasha of Varadin, and craving his Commands for retirement of his Army, within their due and ancient bounds. Letters were also directed to the Public Representatives of Christian Princes residing at Constantinople, one of which was directed to the Earl of Winchelsea, his Majesty's Ambassador, which being that which may conduce to the more full understanding of the present deplorable Condition of Transilvania, I thought fit to be here mentioned.  
Excellentissime Domine, & Amice observandissime,  

The Prince of Transilvania 's Letter to His Majesty's Ambassador▪  AFflictiones Regni Transilvaniae quibus per complures annos justo Dei judicio castigatur, toti Orbi Christiano manifestae sunt, nec possumus non fateri, inter duos Potentissimos Monarchas adeo indies hoc Reg●um coangustari, ut nisi extraordinaria Dei clementia aliquod subsequatur levamen, vix, immo ne vix quidem, diu duraturum credam●s. Sed ut ad rem proximius collimemus. Potentissimus Imperator per Legatos Regni, & nostros nunc reduces Clementissimum suum patrocinium pollicetur, interim autem Passa Varadinensis non contentus Villis ac Pagis ad dictam Arcem pertinentibus, usque ad meditullium plane Transilvaniae, metu Mortis, integras ad deditionem cogit Regiones, quae nunquam eidem Arci applicatae fuerant, nec possible est Principatum Transilvaniae iis ademptis, ulterius persistere, Tributumque annuum persolvere posse. Qua de re tam Potentissimum Imperatorem quam Supremum Vezirium denuo requirere cogimur, vestram quocirca Excellentissimam Dominationem confidenter rogamus, eo quo convenientius putaverit modo continuo nostro Oratori opitulari, eaque qua pollet Authoritate Ca●sam promovere, ne gravetur rem non saltem Transilvaniae, verum quoque Christianitati perutilem factura, nosque ad vincula amicitiae arctiss●me devinctura, cui felicem vitam precamur, & manemus indubitati.  
Datum in Castris ad Pagum Koozard positis die 26 Septembris, An. Dom. 1662. Excellentissimae Dominationis vestrae Amicus Benevolus, Michael Apafi.  
In English thus.  
Most Exc●llent Lord, and most worthy Friend,  
THe Miseries of Transilvania, with which for many years, by the just Judgement of God, we have been afflicted, are manifest to all the Christian World; nor can we but confess, how between two most Potent Monarches, our Principality is so daily straitened, that unless through the extraordinary Mercy of God, we obtain some relief, we believe not ourselves longer able to subsist. But to come nearer to our Business. The Most Potent Emperor, by his own Ambassadors, and ours now lately returned, hath promised us his most Gracious Protection; yet notwithstanding, the Pasha of Varadin not content with the Towns and Villages appropriated unto his Castle, hath entered into the very middle of Transilvania, and hath compelled, for fear of death, those Provinces entirely to yield themselves, which never before were belonging to his Fortresses, which being taken away, it is impossible for the Principality of Transilvania longer to subsist, and pay its annual Tribute; wherefore we are constrained again to beseech the most Potent Emperor, and the Supreme Vizier, as also we confidently desire your Excellency, in that manner which your Excellency judges most convenient, to be assistant to our Agent, and with your Authority to countenance our Cause, in which your Excelleney will not only perform a matter beneficial to Transilvania, but to all Christendom, and oblige us for ever with the Bonds of friendship; and praying for all happiness of Life and Prosperity to your Excellency, we remain your undoubted Friend.  
Given in our Camp at the Village Koczard the five and twentieth day of September, 1662. Your Excellencies Loving Friend, Michael Apafi.  
This Letter was received by His Majesty's Ambassador with that humanity as was agreeable to his Noble Nature; and with that sense of the Christian Cause as became a Religious Minister of the Faith's Defender, and an Answer returned thereunto full of affectionate Piety and Compassion. But it was feared that the time was elapsed, and the Disease proceeded too far to admit a gentle Cure; for it could not probably be expected, that the Vizier should, upon fair words or persuasions, or by the force of passionate and Rhetorical expressions, be induced to let slip the fair opportunity of an entire and total subjection of Transilvania. And the truth is, herein lay the ground of the great Quarral between these two Emperors; for ever since the Defeat of Chimianus (or as the Transilvanians call him Kemenius) the Turk swallowing in his thoughts the entire subjection of that Country, designed to reduce it to the Government of a Pasha, rather than of a Christian Prince, though elected at the Ottomon Port; and in order thereunto, advanced beyond the Limits of the ancient bounds, and pitched his Camp in the very Bowels of the Country. These proceedings giving matter of jealousy to all the Captains of the bordering Christians; the Count Serini first hastened the finishing of his Fort, as much as was possible; and next, according to his example, the Imperialists in all parts of the Borders fortified their Towns and Castles, and reinforced their Garrisons; which was answered by the Turks in the like preparations. And thus mutual fears and jealousies effected that ill Correspondence, in which the State of Affairs then remained.  
And since Transilvania is the present Scene of Action, it will not be much from our purpose to digress a little in declaring the state of that miserable Principality, and by what ways and means the Turks increased their Tribute, and encroached on their Liberties; the which Relation I received from one of the Transylvanian Agents, to this effect.  

A History of Transylvanian Misery.  In the time of Sultan Solyman, Transilvania was governed by her own Laws, and her natural Prince, paying then only Thirty Thousand Dollars of yearly Tribute. After which Ali Pasha taking Varadin on the Frontiers, had some part of the Country allotted him for maintenance of his Garrison, and at that time solemnly swore, That beyond those Limits allotted to Varadin, the Turks should not farther enter into Transilvania, but that Oath being little regarded, they have since that time possessed themselves of six Provinces, (viz.) Bichar, Doboka, Halnock, Colos, in which is Claudiopolis, and of the best part of Zarand. Nor were the Turks satisfied herewith, but in the year 1658. the Vizier Kuperlee entered Transilvania, and by force of Arms took the strong Town of janova, and demanded the Surrender of Lugas and Karansebes into his hands. Nor could the allegations of the Oath of Sultan Solyman, or of Ali Pasha, or any other persuasions or submission induce him to moderate any part of his severe demands, until first having miserably destroyed the whole Country, and satiated himself with blood, he was contented, upon the sad and humble supplication of the Ambassador from that Prince, to withdraw his Army out of Transilvania, on condition that Fifty thousand Dollars of yearly Tribute should be added to the former Thirty thousand, and that Lugas and Karansebes should be wholly abandoned by the native Inhabitants; and delivered into possession of the Turk: And as a mark of his absolute Dominion over that Country, he forced one Achacius Barcley, employed before as Ambassador to him, to take on him the Government, threatening that if he accepted not of the Charge, he would invest a Carter in the Principality: Notwithstanding all this Treatment; and though the Transilvanians complied with all the propositions offered them by the Turk, yet not long after the Tartar Han passed twice through the Country, miserably harrassing, spoiling, and killing, or making Captives all he met, whose departure also from this Country was purchased with a considerable Sum of Money. And this was the state of the misery of Transilvania, when the troubles rised by Ragotzki and Kemenius added to the other discontents, and administered farther occasion to the ensuing War.  
But whilst the thoughts of the Ottoman Court were intent on their preparation for the next years War in Hungary, advice came that the Turkish Fleet, consisting of Seventeen Ships, and Thirty seven Saiques, lately departed from Constantinople bound for Alexandria in Egypt, and convoyed by six Galleys, which met them at Scio, very rich with Money, and other goods, (whose returns are yearly for the most part made in Sugar, Coffee, Rice, and other Commodities) were encountered near Rhodes by the Venetian Armata, and such ruin and prise made of them, 
The Alexandrian Fleet encountered by the Venetians.  that of the Threescore Sail, Twenty eightSaiques, & 4 Ships were sunk and taken: (viz.) 18 Saiques taken, & 10 burnt, 3 Ships taken, and one burnt, and thereon Two hundred and seventy Slaves, among which there were of note, Arnout Asan Aga, Eunuch of the Seraglio, Mahomet Aga, Bascut Agasey of Grand Cairo, and Emin Reis, Captain of a Ship. When this news arrived, I happened to be at the Viziers' Court, and perceived a strange disturbance and alteration in the faces of all then present; but more particularly the Grand Signior seemed to be heated with fury, and present resolution of revenge; so that he had almost forgotten his designs against the Emperor; and quitting his pastime in Hunting, he began to talk of transporting his Arms into Dalmatia, and thereupon sent Orders to one Beco a Begh of the Morea to cause a survey of the Highways, Passages, and Bridges towards Dalmatia, as if he had intended immediately to march, and either to defer his Hungarian War, or wage both at the same time. But his graver, and more soberCouncil moderated his heat with Reason, knowing that the designs of Princes, though never so absolute, must be subject to times and seasons, until their Powers can extend to Omnipotency, which never yet could exceed the abilities of a mortal man, though some have affected Divine Honours, and by Flatterers have been ranked after death in the number of the Gods. The Venetians lost Seventy men only, or thereabouts, and amongst them Giacomo Semitecolo, a noble Venetian, with other Braves and Soldiers of Fortune. The Turks horribly touched with this loss and disgrace, especially the Grand Signior, who had an Interest in the Caravana had a mind to vent some of their fury on Signior Ballarino, the Venetian Minister to the Port, like those (as we say) who cannot beat the Horse, will beat the Saddle; so that they intended to imprison him again in some dark Cell, or obscure retirement, of which, or of some other rigour Signior Ballarino was so sensible, that he wrote this ensuing Letter to the Senator Nicolo Contarini, which may serve to explain the anguish and sorrowful apprehensions of his Soul.  
IF my Mind were capable of Comfort, I could not in the midst of so much anguish entertain a more efficacious Motive thereunto, than those obliging Expressions which your Excellency uses towards me, who like a Terrestrial Deity is pleased to protect me. But alas, I am too much overwhelmed with Grief to discover any Subject which may cause me to dry my Tears. I find no shelter against that Storm which I foresaw. Nor is it sufficient for me to discover the Tempest before it arrives: It is not sufficient in this darkness to lose my Sleep, disturb my Quiet, tyre my Body, debilitate my Health by a slender Diet, whilst tossed in the Bosom of an inexorable Element, I am denied the enjoyment of a ray of Light. I hold the Helm of the Ship as direct as I can, but the adverse Waves of my Fortune drive me into the midst of those Storms where I apprehend the greatest Dangers: I am here in the midst of the Sea, which is the Nest of Extravagancies, the grand belief of unthought of Accidents, the spacious Theatre of Tragedies, a fierce Giant, a horrible Monster, who with gentle Opiates endeavours to lull asleep, and lead those to Destruction who have too great a confidence in their own Strength. I reproach myself for not having been able to make it sufficiently understood, how one stroke of adverse Fortune is capable to put all into Danger, who are embarked in the same Vessel; And as little able am I to inculcate into the minds of Men, that whilst the Waves of the vast Sea are smooth and calm, the nearer is the raging of the Waters, and the fury of a Tempest. It was therefore necessary that there should have been some more skilful Pilot than myself to conduct this Vessel. I was long since acquainted with my Imperfections, and therefore called aloud for the assistance of an abler Pilot, to direct me in this tempestuous Region; but since I was not heard, I gloried at least to be alone in this Gulf, that being swallowed up by a final Ruin, my Martyrdom may be a means to save the rest. Rains and Lightnings do not affright me, but rather serve to quench that fire of Disdain which I conceive against myself, for not knowing how to perform better, and serve to enlighten me daily to find out that Compass or Cart which may direct me to a course or path of Security. I fear Thunders and Tempests, because the violence of one, and the hardness of the other is able to render a cold Sweat mixed with Blood altogether unprofitable. This miserable School, though of eleven Years continuance, constrains me to study the Disposition of the Stars, the Signs in the Air, the Ebb and Flow of the Waters, concealed Rocks, the Dangers of a long Voyage, and the necessity of recovering a Port. I have studied indeed, but I fear I have not well learned this profound Discipline; for where there is the greatest urgency, there I have gathered the least Fruit; for since the Aspect of the Spheres are become more inauspicious, I am doubtful that I shall see the Ship beaten with swelling Surges, nnd being full of Water, it will be so far from being eased by those opportune Remedies which I bring, that it will rather be increased by my Tears. God grant by his miraculous Providence, the Tranquillity which we desire, and which by humune means will be difficult to obtain. I had not the understanding to take Opportunity by the Foretop when She presented herself unto me with gentle and benign Appearance, showing me the means to save this floating Vessel, and spare our insidious rewards. For this Reason my dejected, but not conquered mind, makes my very Bowels feel an unusual anguish of an over-troubled Estate. May it please the Divine pity, that these my Afflictions may prove the Offspring of my own vileness, but not the means of my Ruin. I trust therein, I confess, and yet frail hope, amidst this Gulf of Sin, induces me to expect doubtful Successes; Yet certainly I will endeavour to avoid a shipwreck on those Rocks of Despair; And so imploring the Patronage of your Excellency here on Earth, I confirm myself. From Pera of Constantinople the 19 of December, 1662.  
This Letter seems to be wrote in the stile of a despairing Person; yet if it be well considered, the meaning is no other than what the Issue of Affairs some years afterwards did evidence; and his Intentions were no other than to describe the ill nature of the Turkish Ministers, and their obstinacy of continuing a War, until they had wearied out the Venetians into an Humour of surrendering the whole Island of Candia unto them. I had the Honour to be well acquainted with the Person of Signior Ballarino, and I always esteemed him in his external Behaviour accomplished with the Excesses of Italian Civility; he was endued with great fluency of Language, both in Discourse and Writing; he was Jealous, Acute and Wary; and in short, was a proper Minister for that Republic, well practised and versed in the manner of Treaty with the Turkish Court. He at first was sent from Venice to Constantinople in quality of Secretary to the Excellentissimo Capello, Procurator of St. Mark, a Person eminent for his Office, and the several great employments which he had exercised in that State; he was sincere, and of a generous Soul; his comely Looks, and grave Habit spoke him to be a Gentleman, and a Senator. In short, he was so well esteemed of at Venice, that he was thought worthy to be employed in this Embassy to the Grand Signior, which is commonly granted to Persons after they have run through all Services of the Commonwealth, as a Consummation of their Honours and Richesses. This Gentleman than had the misfortune to be invested in this Honour in the worst of Times, when the War was broke forth, and being thereby exposed to their cruelty, he was put into Prison, where passing for some time a Life of Sorrow and Sadness, he fell into a Melancholy, which represented all things to him in the blackest manner; so that, I know not why his fancy suggested to him, that he was not only miserable in his Imprisonment and Restraint amongst the Turks, but that he was fallen also into disgrace, and displeasure of his Prince at home. I will not say that Signior Ballarino did nourish the Operation of this black humour in him; but I have heard that he did not administer that comfort to him, as might serve to dispel the thickness of that Vapour which obscured the generous temper of his Soul. In short, he gave such way to this melancholy, that he laid violent hands upon himself (as we have said before); but afterwards by the Care of his Friends and Servants, being cured of his wounds, he lived some years after, by his Sorrows and Repentance for it, to give Satisfaction to God and the World. Howsoever, the Senate being informed thereof, and judging this Act to be the effect of a violent Frenzy, appointed Ballarino to take on himself the entire management of Affairs, reserving only the Title and Honour to Signior Capello. Ballarino now managing all Affairs, Capello looked on himself as neglected and laid aside, howsoever comported his Condition with Submission and Gentleness, never openly resenting the Honours of Ballarino, or to see him preferred before himself; Howsoever, secretly nourishing an inward Discontent, his robustious Nature, upwards of eighty years of Age, was forced to give way to its final Dissolution; and falling Sick, he sent to the Earl of Winchelsea, than Ambassador for his Majesty at Constantinople, to acquaint him of his Distemper, desiring him to send me, who was then his Secretary, unto him. At these Summons I was easily persuaded to go, having always had his Person in get Reverence; and being come to his Bed side, he raised himself upon his Pillows, and embracing me in his Arms, I fancied myself to receive the Benediction of one of the Ancient Patriarches. He began with a weak Voice to say to me, Sir, I am near my end, expecting every Minute to render up my last Breath, and therefore as a dying man, I desire of your Master, the Ambassador, that so soon as I am dead, he would be pleased to deliver this poor Carcase of mine from under the covering of this accursed Roof. For Answer whereunto I did not stand to expostulate the Reasons with him, well knowing the cause of his discontent; but that I would communicate his desires to my Lord Ambassador, and speedily return with my Answer to him. Accordingly I departed from him, and quickly brought from my Lord a Promise to endeavour his utmost to comply with his request; at which he seemed to be much satisfied, and commanded his Servants then present, especially one called Sig. Tomaso Gobbato, his great confident, to be Witnesses thereof. The next day he expired his last Breath, and the day following his Body being embalmed, his bowels were buried, and the Funeral Rites performed with such order and decency as was seemly in a Country where he lived rather like a Prisoner than an Ambassador. All things being thus prepared, the Earl of Winchelsea, according to the Will of the Deceased, sent for his Body, already embalmed, which was immediately without opposition or scruple sent to his house; where it remained for some months, in expectation of a conveyance for Venice. At length a Dutch ship, being bound from Constantinople thither, it was designed that the Body should be thereon embarked; but I know not for what reason, the Customer refused to suffer it to pass; though it may well and rationally be conjectured, That Ballarino, who was sensibly touched to have the care of the Body of his Master, his Countryman and Colleague taken from him, did with Presents prevail with the Customer to put difficulties in the way, which he supposed might vex those who were thought worthy of this employment. This opposition being made, and not to be overcome without much Money, it was contrived that the Ship departing should attend the Corpse at Tenedos, which was without the command of the Castles; and the Body being divided from the Legs, was packed up in a But ofCavear, and so sent down by a boat with Licence of the Customer, as a parcel of Goods and Merchandise; and so safely arriving aboard, the Corpse were separated from their adjuncts; and being laid decently in a Coffin, covered with a Pall of black Velvet, with Scutcheons, and other ornaments appertaining to the Funerals of such great Personages, it arrived safely at Venice, where it was interred with the usual ceremonies, in the Tomb of the Ancestors of that Ancient Family.  
But the heads and thoughts of these Governors were not so employed in their preparations of War, but that the Vizier could lend an ear to the suggestions of some malicious Pharisees, who, under pretence of Religion, informed him, That the Christian Churches, burnt down in Constantinople and Galata by those dreadful Fires in the year 1660, were again re-edified against his command, and the Law of the Turks, which allows the reparation of Churches, and continuance of such which were found standing when Mohometanism was introduced; but not to erect new, or rebuild what are either by time, fire, or other accidents fallen to ruin. And being farther informed, that though those Churches were restored under the notion of Dwellings, or Warehouses, 
The Vizier destroys the Christian Churches rebuilt after the Fire.  yet secretly served for Celebration of Divine Service▪ and thereby his Decrees and Edicts were frustrated and disappointed: Wherefore, furiously transported with a Mahometan Zeal, commanded immediately that the Authors of those Buildings should be imprisoned, the Churches themselves leveled to the Foundation, and the ground whereon they stood confiscated to the Grand Signior. This action, though naturally agreeable to the disposition of the Vizier, who was a perfect Turk, 
The Zeal of a Turkish Preacher.  zealous in execution of all points of the Mahometan Law, being educated after the severest sort of Professors, and one of those whom they called So●taes; yet he was chiefly prompted unto this, and to a greater abhorrency of Christianity, by one Vanni Effendi, a Shegh, or Preacher, one who was as inveterate and malicious to the Christian Religion, as any Enthusiast or Fanatic is to the Rites of our Church and Religion. And thus we may see how troublesome Hypocrisy and Puritanism are in all places where they gain a Superiority; for this Preacher not contented only to ruin the Christian Churches, but persuaded the Vizier that the terrible Fires in Constantinople and Galata in the year 1660, and the last years unparallelled Pestilence, and the inconsiderable advance of the Turks on the Christians for some years, were so many parts of Divine Judgements thrown on the Mussulmen or Believers, in vengeance of their too much Licence given to the Christian Religion, permitting Wine to be sold within the Walls of Constantinople, which polluted the Imperial City, & ensnared the faithful by temptation to what was unlawful: Wherefore a command was issued, That no Wine should be henceforth sold within the Walls of the City. And it was farther intended, that Greeks & Armenians, & all other Christians, who had Dwellings or Possessions within the Walls of the City, should within Forty days sell those habitations, and depart; which otherwise should be confiscated to the Grand Signior; but God who supports the Faithful in ●ryals of Persecution, moderated this Decree, and reserved still ●his Church in the midst of Infidels; not suffering this City to lose the Name nor Religion of that holy Emperor, who both erected, and christened it; as also to preserve most of the Churches, which though again uncovered, yet were redeemed for Money from the possession of the Turks. Nor was the Mohometan Zeal satisfied in Demolishment of the Churches themselves, unless it vented part of its fury against the poor Workmen, which for their hire and days Wages erected them; such as Greek Labourers, Masons, and Carpenters, who were all beaten and imprisoned. But it happening at that time that the Queen Mother building a sumptuous Mosch, and having occasion of many Labourers and Artists to forward so vast a Work, sent to the Maimarbashee (who is the Master workman, or Cape, over all such who are employed in Building) to supply such a number of Carpenters, Masons, and others, as were convenient to carry on that Fabric with expedition; who readily replied, That he would provide all that was possible, but could not promise a sufficient number, unless those Greeks were set at liberty, who were imprisoned by the Grand Vizier for building the Christian Churches; which answer being reported again to the Queen Mother, she interceded with the Vizier in their behalf, who being glad of any occasion to gratify so great a Lady, immediately released them, without any fine or reward, which he designed to obtain for their liberty. Howsoever the Vizier not well brooking such an indignity (as he supposed) put upon him by so mean a Slave, as the Maimarbashee, dealt with some of the imprisoned Labourers to accuse him, as the Author and Licenser of building the Christian Churches. The Greeks easily enough persuaded to please so great a Personage, accused him accordingly, whose Evidence, though nor passable against a Turk by the Mahometan Law, yet served the Viziers' revenge for the present, who immediately commanded his head to be struck off, 
The Viziers' revenge on the Cape of the Builders.  and his Estate confiscated; which was reported to consist of Two thousand Purses of Money, every Purse importing Five hundred Dollars, then found actually in his House, which, if true, is a strange Wealth for so ordinary a Person. But by this, and by many other instances, we may perceive that there is no People in the World more covetous and desirous to amass Wealth than the Turks, nor none more uncertain to enjoy it.  
About this time the French Merchants in the Levant, having advised his most Christian Majesty that the Turks were sensible that the affront to the Person of Monsieur la hay, his Ambassador, was contrary to the Law of Nations, and such an injury as could not but provoke the Choler of so puissant a Prince to a just revenge; and knowing that his Majesty being powerful at Sea, was able to extend his Arms to the utmost Confines of his Empire, whilst the interposition of other Countries limited the Turks march by Land, and their ignorance and inability in Marine Affairs rendered them uncapable to arrive those Banks of France, which the Sea washes: These Considerations the French Merchants having persuaded the King to be the thoughts of the Grand Signior, and that he desired the continuance of the Peace and Traffic with France, and as an evidence of his remorse and displeasure for the injury to Monsieur la hay, the Father, his Majesty was contented in satisfaction thereof to redress this injurious transgression of the Law of Nations, by some extraordinary marks of favour and honour to the Person of Monsieur la hay the Son; that so exceeding the usual method and rule of Ceremony towards this Ambassador at his arrival, the World might be convinced of the real affection, and hearty desire the Grand Signior had to renew his Peace, and preserve his Commerce with France. This is supposed to be what the Merchants of Marseille and Lions, governed by the Interest of their Trade, suggested to their King, to induce him to send an Ambassador to Constantinople; for at this time Monsieur Roboli, a Merchant, 
Messengers from France to introduce a new Ambassador.  remained only as Consul or Agent for the Affairs of Commerce. Things thus represented at the French Court, the King dispatched away two Gentlemen to Constantinople with Letters to the Grand Signior and Vizier, and one to the Sieur Roboli, the Agent, declaring that if the Turk would make amends for the last Affront done to the Ambassador, by some signal notes of Honour in the abused Person of Monsieur la hay, the Son, he would then condescend to confirm the Ancient League and Amity. The Letters translated out of the French Tongue, were as followeth.  
To Our Dear and Well Beloved le Sieur Roboli, Agent for Our Affairs at Constantinople.  By the King· 
Dear, and Well Beloved,  
THe Inclination We have to continue that Amity with the Emperor of the Turks, which hath remained so long between Us, and Our Empires, and maintain the ancient Alliances, hath caused Us to write to Him, and his Great Vizier, to know the Entertainment and Reception that they will give to the Sieur de la hay, the Son, in satisfaction of the violence exercised before on his own Person, and the Person of the Sieur de la hay, the Father, our Ambassador, against the Law of Nations. We write to You this Letter, to give you Order to conduct and present before the Vizier, the Secretaries du Pressoir, and Fontain, which We have sent to carry him our Dispatches, and return with the Answers, which you shall solicit without loss of time, the which you shall bring yourself, in case they be not agreeable to that resolution we have taken not to receive any satisfaction, but in the Person of the said Sieur de la hay, the Son, which is due to Us, for that Insolency and Affront which hath been done them. Willing also notwithstanding, that before you depart, you assemble the French Merchants in Constantinople together, that they may choose amongst themselves one for their Chief; but if the Answers be such as We have cause to expect, We approve that you remain in the Station where you are, in Quality of Our Agent, until the arrival of the said Monsieur de la hay, and that you send them by the said Secretaries du Pressoir, and Fontain, of which you shall not fail, for so is Our Pleasure.  
Given at Paris the Twentieth of january, 1662. Signed, LOVIS. De Lomenie.  
The King of France his Letter to the Great Vizier.  
To the Most Illustrious and Magninificent Lord, the Chief Vizier of the Sublime Port of the Grand Signior.  
Most Illustrious and Magnificent Lord,  
ALthough the Indignity offered to the Person of the Sieur de le hay Venteley, Our Ambassador, and to his Son, which We have designed to the same Charge, have touched Us as far as becomes a victorious Prince, who holds the first rank over Christian Kings, and who hath under his Power one of the most warlike Nations of the World; Notwithstanding after being informed, that the disgrace which the said Gentlemen have incurred, hath proceeded rather from malice, and the ill Offices of some Persons, who have endeavoured to disturb, by this ill Treatment of them, the good Correspondence which hath been between Us, than from any design on the Grand Signiors part to offend Us; and that on the contrary, there continues in His will an intention to maintain the Ancient Friendship which remains between Our Estates and People after so many Ages. We being not desirous to estrange Ourselves, shall send an Ambassador in ordinary to his high Port, and having cast our Eyes upon the said Sieur de la hay, the Son, We are much inclined to dispatch him for this employment; but as We desire to be assured of the good reception that shall be made him, We give You advice of Our intentions by this Letter; that according to the desire You have testified of the continuance of Our friendship, and Our Ancient Alliances with His Highness, shall pray God to have You, Most Illustrious and Magnificent Lord, in His holy and worthy Protection.  
Written at Paris the twelfth day of january, 1662. LOVIS. De Lomenie.  
The King of France his Letter to the Grand Signior.  
To the most High, most Excellent, most Puissant, most Magnanimous, and Invincible Prince, the Great Emperor of the Mussulmans, Sultan Mahomet, in whom all Honour and Virtue abound. Our most dear and perfect Friend.  
MOst High, most Excellent, most Puissant, most Magnanimous, and Invincible Prince, the Grand Signior, Emperor of the Mussulmans, Sultan Mahomet, in whom all Honour and Virtue abound. Our most dear and perfect Friend. May God increase Your Greatness and Majesty with a happy end. We have not known how to impute the ill usage, which hath been offered to the Person of the Sieur de la hay, our Ambassador, and to his Son, designed by Us to the same employment, to any causes and motions in Your Highness, but rather to the Instigation of so me People which would trouble that good Correspondence, which hath been so long established between Us, and our Empires. And as we have cause to believe that Your Highness desires much to continue this friendship and good understanding, upon what hath been wrote Us on Your Part; and to concur with You herein, we desire much likewise to continue to maintain an Ambassador at Your High Port, in place of the said Sieur de la hay. And since We have none of Our People that is more intelligent than the Sieur de la hay, the Son, in what concerns the Affairs and Functions of this Embassy; We have elected him for this employment, to which we We shall willingly dispatch him, if We may be assured of the good usage and kind reception which shall be given him. This is that which We expect from Your Highness, reserving a more particular information to be sent by the Sieur de la hay, the Son, of the good Correspondence which We desire always to have and maintain with You. And hereupon We pray God, That You may be most High, etc. as above, in his Holy and Worthy Protection.  
Written at Paris the twelfth day of january, 1662. Your true and perfect Friend, LOVIS. De Lomenie.  
The Viziers Answer to the foregoing Letters.  
TO the most Glorious amongst the Sublime Christian Princes, chosen amongst the Great and Sublime of the Religion of the Messiah, Mediator of the Affairs of all the Nazarene Nation, Lord of Majesty and Reputation, Master of Greatness and Power, Lovis Emperor of France, the end of whose days be happy. The Salutations which respect Friendship, and are desired from Love and Affection, being premised. Your Majesty shall know that the Letter which was sent to Your Friend, by the Honourable du Pressoir and Fountain hath been delivered me by the Sieur Roboli, Agent and Attorney of the Embassy, at the High and Imperial Port; the Contents whereof We have apprehended to be as Your Majesty gives to understanstand, touching the entire Amity and good Correspondence. Certainly Your Majesty knows, that the Augmentation, and daily Increase of that Amity, proceeds from the protection and honourable Observance of Conditions and Capitulations between both Parties. By the Grace of the Most High GOD, the Sublime and Imperial Port of the most Happy, most Puissant, most Valorous, most Magnificent, and most Strong Emperor, Support of the Mussulmans, My Lord, whose Arms God prosper with double Force, is always open for our Friends, and others, without any Obstacle, as all the World knows, and particularly for Your Majesty, Who is our Friend, and hath been long in Amity with the most Serene Ottoman Family, whom G●d establish until the day of the Balance. It being a most certain Truth, that there hath happened neither on one side or other any Action contrary to the promised Faith.  
And now, since Your Majesty desires for a new Ornament of the Ancient and Good Correspondence, and to the end that the Agreement and Conditions thereof be honoured as they ought, that the considerable Person amongst the Nobles of the Court of Your Majesty, the Sieur Denys de la hay, Son of the late Ambassador, a Subject of Reputation, Your Gentleman of Credit, whose Days may they conclude in happiness, be sent to reside at this Happy and Imperial Port, for Your Majesty, according to the ancient custom; to the end that the Intention of Your Majesty may be performed, We have exposed it at the High Throne of the thrice Happy, most Mysterious, and most Great Emperor, My Lord, Who with an Imperial regard of courteous Demonstration, hath accepted the said Demand with willingness, and therefore in signification of his Pleasure, We write You this Our present and friendly Letter; and if it please God, according to the ancient Custom, when the said Ambassador shall arrive at this High Port with the Letters of Friendship from Your Majesty, he shall be honoured on the Imperial part, and entertained according to the ordinary custom, the Imperial Capitulation shall be renewed, the Ornament of Affection on one side and the other shall be confirmed; and for an efficacious Confirmation of a good Peace between both Emperors, an Imperial Letter shall be sent to Your Majesty, whose health be happy and prosperous.  
From the Imperial City of Constantinople. The Poor Hamet Pasha.  

The Vizier styles himself, The Poor, in respect to the Greatness of his Master.  In Answer to the King's Letters, the Grand Signior made no reply, but only by his Vizier, by reason that in all the Ancient Turkish Registers and Archives, there was no example found, that the Grand Signior ever wrote to any King, who had not an Ambassador actually resident at his Port. But this Negotiation about a French Ambassador took not effect, until some time after, in which other Letters and Messages intervened, as will appear by the following sequel of this History.  
It was now towards the beginning of Winter, when the Season of the Year compelled the Turkish Fleet of Galleys to return according to custom, to the Port of Constantinople. 
The return of the Turkish Armata to winter at Constantinople.  The whole Summer before, they had for the most part passed in some Harbour or Creek amongst the Greek Islands, having afforded nothing of Convoy or succour towards the safe Conduct of the Fleet of Grand Cairo, but suffered them to fall into the hands of the Enemy, as before mentioned, and indeed for several years the Marine Affairs of the Turks have always gone decaying in Fame and Force; and the preparations of the Armata every Spring, have been of Form and Course, rather than with hopes of success correspondent to the expense. In their return home, near Constantinople they encountered a fierce storm, so that three Gall●es were cast away at Ponte Piccolo, (by the Turks called Cucuccheckmage, about four Leagues distant from Constantinople.) Howsoever the Wether clearing, the remainder of the Fleet got into Port, entering with Joy, with Volleys of great and small Shot, with Streamers flying, Pipes sounding, and all other sorts of their Country Music, bringing with great Ostentation a small Flyboat, which had been a ●●gornese Man of War, taken by them as she was cruising singly in the Arches of Pelago; which was brought in with so much Ceremony used in toaing her into Port, decking her with Streamers and Pendants, with such signs o● Victory and Triumph, as if they had led Captive the whole Venetian Arma●a. 
The Slaves make an Insurrection in one of the Begh● Galleys.  But I must not omit●the relation of what befell one of the Beghs Galleys, designed, with the re●t, to rendezvous at Constantinople, whilst she loitered amongst small Isles in the Gul● of N●comedia. It was a Galley, the Commander of which had newly received as the Portion of his Wife, being a Young man lately married, who entertained great thoughts of raising his Fortunes by the spoils and prize he was to make. At these isles several of the Officers, and 
* The Soldiers at Sea called by that name  Levents went on shore; where whilst they entertained themselves with Wine and merriment; the Slaves made an insurrection in the Galley, seized the Captain, cut off his Head, and threw his Body into the Sea; and so becoming Masters of the Vessel, weighed Anchor, and set sail. Those on the shore admiring at the unexpected departure of the Galley, accompanied her with the●r Eyes and wonder as far as they could perceive her in sight, but observing her to steer a different course from the Port, to which they were designed, suspected much of the ●ruth o● what had succeeded; wherefore taking their Boat immediately, they ha●tned to Constantinople to give advice of what had passed, that (i● possible) Order might timely arrive the Castles on the Hellespont, which might obstruct their farther passage. But alas! the poor Slaves were so dismayed with their own action, and so transported with a slavish fear and apprehension of what might succeed, should their escape not be effected; that they knew not what course to steer: All things seemed to contradict their liberty, the Wind proved contrary, their Spirits dejected, their understandings void of counsel and contrivance; so that wand'ring three or ●our days in the Propontis, at last ran their Galley ashore on the Asian side, near Palermo▪ ●rom whence they were brought back to Constantinople, and there by sentence of the Captain Pasha, fourteen of them had their Legs and Arms broken, and so suffered to die in that torture, and afterwards their Bodies were thrown into the Sea, to the terror of all other Slaves, who prefer a miserable Life at the Oar, before the torments of some hours in dying.  
Though the Turks have their Affairs but ill managed at Sea, and their success accordingly fortunate; yet their preparation for Land services are more expedite, and executed with that secrecy and speed, that oftentimes Armies are brought into the Field, before it is so much as rumoured by common Mouths that any designs are in agitation: For though it was now Winter, yet the design against Germany went forward, Forces were daily sent to the Frontiers, Cannon, and Ammunition for War, transported by way of the black Sea, and the Danube. Orders issued out to the Princes of Moldavia and Valachia to repair their Wharves and Keys along the River, 
The Preparations for the Germane War.  for the more convenient landing of Men and Ammunition, and to rebuild their Bridges for the more commodious passage of the Tartars; that Horses should be provided against the next Spring, for drawing all Carriages of Ammunition, and Provisions; their Magazines stored with quantities of Bread, and Rice, their Fields well stocked with Sheep, and other cattle, and that no necessaries be wanting which concern the victualling, or sustenance of a Camp. The Tartars were appointed to have in a readiness a Hundred thousand Horsemen, to make Incursions on the Frontiers; likewise the Pashaws of Darbiquier, Aleppo, Caramania, and Anatolia received their orders; and seven and twenty Letters, accompanied with as many Vests, after the Turkish manner, were sent to as many Pashaws of the Empire, to dispose the strength of their Countries in a Warlike posture, so as to march when the Grand Signiors Commands should require them to attend his designs: And that the occasion of the War might appear the more justifiable, it was resolved, That no Acts of Hostility, or other Breaches of Peace should be pretended, than the Fort built by the Count Serini, being a matter really against the Articles of the last Peace; the Demolishment whereof, the Ottomon Force intended to make the principal end of their first Enterprise, in which if they encountered any opposition from the Emperor, the Cause of their War would be then the more plausible; for as yet the Emperor had not fully declared his approbation of that Work, raised by Serini, as agreeable to his Assent, or Pleasure. On the other side with no less caution and labour did the Christians endeavour to secure their Frontiers, by raising their Militia, and reinforcing their Garrisons, and especially to perfect the new Fort near Canisia, which, as it was thought so considerable, as to countervail the inconveniencies and miseries of a War, so the Turk thought it neither honourable, nor secure, until he had seen it razed, and leveled with the ground.  

An Accident disposing the Christian Affairs to a peace with the Turk.  All things thus growing black and stormy round about, that nothing seemed less probable, and it may be said, less possible, than an accommodation; behold, on a sudden, an Accident fell out at Rome, from whence this War with the Turks received its life and heat, which becalmed much of the fury and storm on the Christian Confines, and inclined matters in Germany towards propositions of Peace, fearing that Italy, who had begotten this War, was not able (as things stood) to contribute towards its maintenance and support. The occasion was this. It happened that in the streets of Rome the French Ambassadors Coach was assaulted by the Corsi Na●ves of the Isl●e of Corsica, which are of the Pope's Guard, the Page killed at the Boot of the Coach, and the Ambassadors Lady wounded; whether this barbarous act was designed against the Person of the Ambassador by any Persons of Eminency, or malice of the People, is little to the purpose I have now in hand; only the King took this Affront so heinously, that for the present no acknowledgements or satisfaction the Pope could make, could allay his just resentment, or any thing be imagined possible to expiate this indignity, besides a War. This News of this Division between the Son, and the spiritual Father, filled all the Ministers of Constantinople with much Joy, and with subject of Laughter, and expectation of the Event, judging now that their daily Prayers for the Discord of the Christian Princes amongst themselves, were heard and granted, since they had so far availed, as to disunite the very Oeconomy of Christendom. And now they imagined that this difference would have a forcible influence on their Affairs in Hungary, and either incline the Emperor speedily to a Peace, or otherwise to undertake a War on disadvantageous terms. Things had an issue accordingly, for in a few Weeks after, advice came by Post from Ali Pasha, then at Temiswar, that is Salam-Chaous, called Chusaein, who had long since been sent to Vienna, with more distinct Demands of what the Turks proposed, and being supposed, through his long stay, to be detained a Prisoner, 
The Baron of Gowez sent to Ali Pasha.  was again returned, and with him had brought the Baron of Goez, as Internuncio, sent to Ali Pasha, to receive a more particular Imformation of the Turks propositions, for that the Emperor pretended, he was not as yet throughly satisfied therein. And thus matters, beyond all expectation, began to incline to an agreement, in regard that Rome being now in danger herself, not by the Turks, but by the Christians, held herself uncapable to administer that Fuel to the Fire of War which she had promised; so that the League treated there beginning to fail, the Emperor grew faint, and the Princes cold, in their Preparations, wishing some Course could be effected, which might bring matters to an accommodation. Such were the Discourses and imaginations of the Turks; in which condition we leave the state of Affairs until the beginning of the next year; and in the mean time it may not be from our purpose, nor tedious to the Reader, to record what befell this year most remarkable to the English Nation, and their Trade in Turkey, which also may be beneficial, by instruction of past examples, to such who shall for the future be concerned in the Traffic and Business of the Levant.  

What Remarkable accidents befell the ENGLISH Nation, and their Trade this Year in TURKEY.  
THE Messengers from Algiers, as before related, having promised better Obedience for the future to the Commands of the Grand Signior, obtained a new Pasha for their City, and Country thereunto belonging; who before his departure, was enjoined by the Grand Signior to dispose Affairs with the Earl of Winchelsea, his Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople, as might demonstrate his dispositions towards a Peace, and his desire that the Algerines should do the like, and accept of that Clause in the Articles, prohibiting the search of English Ships, either for their own or Strangers Goods. The place appointed for the meeting between the Ambassador and the Pasha, was a certain Chiosk, or Garden house, belonging to an Eunuch, the Aga of a Seraglio at Pera; where both parties being met, the Pasha declared that the Grand Signiors desires were, That a Peace should be concluded on the Ancient Capitulations, and that by him these Orders were to be carried unto Algiers, from whence he was advised, that the Algerines were ready to accept those Articles, if one of his Majesty's Ships singly appeared about the Treaty; so that the World might not esteem their condescension to proceed from Force and Compulsion. Hereof Advices being sent into England, a Peace ensued in some Months after; but what faith these Infidels kept will be related in the Sequel of this Story; the Memory of which is engraven with the Point of a Diamond, and the Losses which ensued thereupon to the exchange at London, deserve a particular Treatise, which in the mean time many Families retain in a sad remembrance.  
In May, Advice was brought to the Lord Ambassador, how that the Ann, a Frigate of his Majesty's Royal Navy, commanded by Captain jonas Pool, which had convoyed the general Ships to Symrna, in her passage homewards stopped at the Morea, and came to an Anchor near a place in that Country, called the Black Mountain, commodious to Wood and Water in; to which end were landed threescore men, armed with Swords and Firelocks; these made havoc of the Woods an all sides, loading their Boats away as fast as they could, and not only so, but set great Trees on Fire, which in that dry Season of the Year dispersed itself far and wide; which being seen at a distance in the Night, alarmed the People of the Country, so that the Begh; or Governor came down with some Force to discover the matter, supposing that some M●lteses, or Venetians might be landed. At the approach of this Body of Turks, our Men quitted the Woods, and shifted away as fast as they could to their Boats, of which Thirty eight escaped, the rest falling short were intercepted by the Turks, and Eleven of them were killed, and Eleven taken Captives; and of the Turks, two Aga's, and Two or Three others had the fortune to fall by some Musket-shot from our men, whilst in this confusion they endeavoured to defend themselves. On the news hereof, our Lord Ambassador represented the whole matter to the Vizier, declaring, That it was lawful according to our Capitulations, to take refreshments, and supply our wants in any part of the Grand Signiors Dominions; and that therefore he demanded Justice on the Begh of the Morea, and restitution of the Captives. But the Vizier understanding that some Turks were killed in the skirmish, lent not so ready an ear to these Complaints; howsoever, to be acquitted of the Ambassadors solicitations, referred the business to the Examination and Justice of the Captain Pasha: But it falling out that at that time the Consul and Merchants at Smyrna had an unhappy difference with the Captain Pasha, (which shall in the next place be related) was the Cause that all Applications to his Favour and Justice were suspended, and a slow progress made towards obtaining the liberty of those poor unfortunate men. Howsoever, some months after it happened that the Begh of the Morea being removed from that Government, and coming to Constantinople with his whole Estate, brought with him the Eleven Englishmen, which he had taken, and offered them to sale unto the Ambassador, who considering that they were Englishmen, and such as had been enslaved in actual Service of their King, he esteemed himself obliged both in Charity and Honour to redeem them. But the Case appeared too foul to demand their Liberty by strength of the Capitulations; for besides that, the cutting Wood in places inhabited without permission, is a Robbery and a Crime in its self, not to be maintained by the Law of Nations, the kill of a principal Aga, and wounding others, might sufficiently warrant the Turks, without any Breach of Pe●ce, to detain these men as lawful Captives: Wherefore the Lord Ambassador deeming it unseemly, that those who had served in his Majesty's Navy should be condemned to the Turkish Galleys, disbursed Fourteen hundred Lion Dollars, which was demanded for them, which was afterwards repaid him by his Majesty; and having clothed, and provided them with necessaries for their Voyage, conveyed them with the first occasions into England.  
The difference between the English Nation▪ and the Captain Pasha which impeded the Liberty, for some time, of these Captives, had its Original at Smyrna, where some English Merchant's making Collation one Evening in a Garde● were assaulted and beaten by certain drunken 
* Soldiers belonging to the Sea. The Garden Avania.  Levents, belonging to a Galley then in Port, in whose Company was a Portuguez Slave. The News hereof flying to the Frank Street, put all the Neighbourhood into an uproar, so that divers People with such Weapons as came next to hand, in a fury went in pursuit of the Levents, and unhappily meeting one, drew him into the English Consuls house, where they treated him with such blows as abated much of the heat and fumes of his Wine; during which disturbance and con●usion, the Portuguez Slave found an opportunity to make his escape. The Consul knowing it some advantage in Turkey to complain fir●t, sent to the Kadi, giving him to understand the ill usage of Four of his Merchants (whose names he gave in writing) by the unruly ●events, whilst they innocently, and without injury to any, diver●ised themselves in a Garden; to which, for the present, little more was given in answer, than that on a farther examination of the Business, the Consul should receive Justice In the mean time the Turk, who had been beaten in the Consul's House, resolved not to leave the Ga●e t●ll he had received satisfaction for his blows; and the others that were his Comrades demanded their Slave from the English, which was lost, by whose means and assistance (as they pre●end) he had made his Escape. The matter came now to high Demands on both sides, which the Kadi, either not being desirous, or not of sufficient Authority to compound, the Galley departed without any agreement, and the complaint was carried by the Turks to the Captain Pasha, who then being with his Fleet at My●●line, with little other thoughts or business, was glad of this occasion to get Money, and therefore suddenly returned the Galley again, with Orders to bring before him the Four Merchants, whose names he particularised, to make answer to their accusation of having beaten his Levents, and contrived the escape of the slave. The Consul and Merchants being affrighted by this Message, and Command of so great a Personage, endeavoured with Money to accommodate the Business, by force of which it was at length taken up, costing in all the sum of Two thousand seven hundred Dollars, or thereabouts. The which passage may serve for an example to such as live in Turkey, that all troubles of this nature are best compounded for at first; for at the beginning nothing more was demanded than the price of the Slave, & of the broken pate of the Levent: But being suffered to come under the Cognizance of powerful and covetous Tyrants; as there is no fathoming their unsatiable desires, so there is no prospect into what inconvenient dangers such Affairs will involve, and entagle themselves.  
As Turkey hath been seldom or never without having false Money currant, so the best sort of Silver hath been so clipped by the Jews, Armenians, Merchants, and others; that the Dollar was brought at Constantinople to six Drams, and at Smyrna to seven, which made great confusion in the Trade of these Countries. Wherefore the Vizier as he had already given proof and testimony to the World of his strict observance, and adherence ●o the Mahometan Law, so he was desirous to appear highly careful and sensible of the Public Interest: And therefore as the most necessary work, he began with the Dollars of six Drams, proclaiming that they should no longer pass in payments, and that those in whose hands they were found, 
The Vizier's Edict, against Dollars of six Drams.  delivering them into the Mint, should receive a● 80 in return of every such Dollar, by which means the Mint would advance a Fourth on every Dollar, esteeming every Dram worth Fourteen Asper's, and that for the present no Dollar being currant under seven Drams, it might afterwards be brought to Lions, and Dollars of nine Drams; which regulation, though at first grievous to some particular persons, would afterwards redound to the common advantage and benefit of Trade. To forward which Design the Grand Signior, and Queen Mother sent all their Dollars of six Drams to be new coined into Asper's at the Mint, so likewise did the Vizier, intending to be very strict in prohibition of that Money. But a while after it happened that the Treasurer of the Viziers' Steward having occasion to pay moneys, either for his own or his Master's account, forced some Bags of Six Drams on those to whom payment was to be made; the Receivers denied to accept them; but he being a powerful man, and very urgent, forced the Money upon them, with which laden, as they had received them, they went directly to the Vizier, acquainting him that they were desirous to obey his Commands, as to the six Dram Dollars, but his Steward's Treasurer had forced on them that sort of Money, which if it was his pleasure that they should still pass, they were contented to receive; if not, they desired him to give Command for their payment in other Money. The Vizier being highly enraged, that the first Violation of his Commands should begin in his own Family, immediately ordered, without farther proof or process, that the Offenders Head should be struck off, and his body thrown into the Sea; which Sentence was executed in the same hour for example and terror of others, and to expiate the crime, and take away the scandal from the Fountain of Justice, whose streams can never be esteemed to run clear when the source is corrupted. In like manner the Overseer of the Mint was strangled, and Emir Pasha, formerly Pasha of Grand Cairo, was banished to the Isle of Lemnos, for making the Coin of Asper's 5 per Cent. worse than their true value.  
The Merchants at Aleppo, being far from the Court, are more subject to troublesome Avanias than others, 
Merchants of Aleppo.  who are nearer to the Head or Fountain, from whence Justice should proceed, as may appear by many examples, and particularly by an accident which fell out there this year. For it happened, that a Janisary which served the English Nation, riding abroad with some of the Merchants, for want of heed, or the unruliness of his Horse, chanced to hurt a Youth playing in the streets. Whereupon the Merchants, and the Janisary, not to suffer this business to come within the knowledge of the City's Officers, immediately for some Money quieted the complaints, and stopped the farther demands of the Father; and to make the business more secure, caused the Father to make Hoget before the Kadi, that he was well satisfied, and remained without farther pretence, either on the Merchant, or the Janisary, for the hurt which his Child had received. But the Pasha, who had for a long time attentively watched an opportunity to extort Money from the English, was resolved not to let pass this fair occasion; and therefore sent to demand from the Consul those Merchants, which he called Accessories to this mischief, and the Assassinates of a Mussulman. The Consul appearing in Person before the Pasha, denied to deliver up the Merchants, being guiltless of any crime; and that for hurt to the Child, the Father had received full satisfaction from the Janisary, and given a discharge before the Kadi. Howsoever this reason would not pacific the Pasha, who could acknowledge no other argument available than a Sum of Money; and therefore in prosecution of his design produced Ten false Witnesses, that the Child was dead of its hurt, and that English men had done the mischief. The Consul had now no other answer than a flat denial; for the Pasha had forced by threats the Hoget from the Janisary, and persisting with constancy in defence of his Merchants, the Pasha confined him for an hours time in a Chamber of his House, and beat, and imprisoned his Druggerman. The Consul afterwards returned home; and perceiving a difference between the Pasha and the Mufti, purchased the favour of the Mufti on his side, and procured from him an Hoget of the several proceedings in this business, which was dispatched away with all expedition to Constantinople, that a redress of this injury might be obtained from the Superior Power. Whilst the Lord Ambassador in due manner resented this breach of Capitulations, and prepared to make his complaints to the Vizier, it happened that certain Christians of Aleppo, from whom the Pasha had forced 18000 Dollars by unjust extortion, were then at Court soliciting the restauration of their right. The Ambassador judging this a convenient and opportune preparation to prepossess the mind of the Vizier with a true apprehension of the injustice of this Pasha, encouraged and pricked forward these abused and oppressed Christians in their complaints; and the next day presented his Memorial to the Vizier, containing all the particulars of the late passages at Aleppo: Which with the other Crimes alleged the Day before, so moved the mind of the Vizier, that he promised the Ambassador to send a Kapugibashee of the Grand Signior to inquire into the Truth of these Allegations; and that he might be satisfied of his real intentions to do him justice, he advised him to send a Messenger in company with this Officer, who might witness the reality of his proceedings. The Kapugibashee being in this manner dispatched, and arriving at Aleppo, made the Pasha refund the Money he had unjustly taken from the poor oppressed Christians of that Country; in which good action my Lord Ambassador had been an useful instrument, having encouraged the Agents of those Christians at Constantinople, year 1663. counselled them what Course to take, and introduced them by his Chief Interpreter to the Presence of the Vizier, for which he received the thanks of the Greek and Armenian Patriarches, who gratefully acknowledged to the English Consul at Aleppo, how much they were engaged to the charity and favour of the English Ambassador: But whilst all men's eyes were in expectation what farther proceedings were designed against the Pasha in favour of the English, the Officer denied to have received any instructions therein, and so returned to Constantinople without taking notice of the English Concernment. The Ambassador judging himself herein slighted, sent to the Viziers Kahya to know the mystery of this neglect; for the Vizier and himself having pawned his word and promises to do him justice against the Pasha of Aleppo, it seemed strange that his assurances should vanish into nothing; and that he so meanly esteemed his Quality and Office, as to disparage it with so much disrepute and contempt as must necessarily befall him, should this Pasha escape without exemplary punishment; for then the World might with reason believe his Applications of no prevalency, and his Merchants fear the insufficiency of his protection. To which the Kahya answered, That it was true, that the Kapugibashee was not instructed in the Concernments of the English, in regard a more solemn and eminent piece of Justice was designed for the Ambassador, than any that could be performed by the Kapugibashee, and that in twenty or thirty days at farthest, the Pasha should be deprived of his Office. The next day following the Kahya advised that the Hattesheriff, or Imperial Command for deposing of the Pasha, was signed, and that old Mahomet Pasha of Darbiquier was constituted in his place; which News was highly pleasing to the Lord Ambassador, in regard he had been an ancient Friend to the English, under whom he presaged to our Nation at Aleppo all security and contentment. By which Story it is observable, 
Reflections on the Premises.  That though the Supreme Officers amongst the Turks are willing to satisfy Christian Ambassadors resident with them, in the Care they have of their Welfare, and maintenance of their Capitulations; yet are not desirous to publish to their own People the punishment of their Grand Officers, at the instigation or for the concernment of a Christian: And that though the Turks are apprehended amongst us for a People of great Morality, and singleness in their Dealings; yet it is observable in this, as well as in other their actions, that they have double Tongues and Faces, and know how to act with as fine a Thread, and plausible pretences, as are accustomary in the most politic and refined Courts of Italy.    

Anno Christi 1663. Hegeira 1074.  
THE Baron of Goez, which at the end of the last Year arrived at Buda with several overtures of Peace, had so far proceeded in his Treaty with Ali Pasha of Buda, that all Articles seemed almost concluded, and scarce any difficulty to remain, unless the Surrender of Zekelhyd on the Confines of Hungary; which also was afterwards accommodated by Agreement, That the City should be resigned into the hands of the Prince of Transilvania, as the most equal Condition between the Emperor and the Turk▪ So that, matters thus seeming to be composed, all People talked of Peace with Germany, and that the force and miseries of Wars were to be turned upon Dalmatia: And though the Turks had no design less in their thoughts than this, or any intentions towards a Peace, as will be proved by the Sequel; howsoever, the Germane Ministers, as men credulous of what they desire, gave the Peace for certainly concluded, in wh●ch conceit the Turks so humoured and indulged their fancy, that they persuaded Prince Portia, the Chief Minister of State to the Emperor, in that manner of the reality of their intentions, that he neglected the necessary Provisions and Preparations of War. And though he was often advi●ed by the Resident at the Ottomon Port, that all the●e Demonstrations of Peace were only Art●fices of the Turk, to delude the Emperor's Councils; 
The Turks with words deceive the Germane Ministers.  yet so tenacious was he of this Opinion, that though it be but common reason, and the vulgar Rule of Policy for a Prince to arm, and suspect his Neighbour, who puts himself into a Warlike posture; yet this Great Personage, though in other things profoundly wise, and circumspect, was so deluded, that he replied to the Residents Advices to this effect, That it was the Office of a prudent and experienced Minister to discover with diligence the resolution of the Cabinet Councils of Princes, and not to give ear or credit to what is the common Voice or vogue of the Vulgar.  
The Spring drawing near, the Vizier prepared all things for action, nominating and appointing such, who in his absence were to supply the Offices of State: Ishmael Pasha, than Pasha of Buda, was designed for Chimacam, or Governor of Constantinople, and Mustapha Pasha, Captain Pasha, Brother in Law to the Grand Vizier by Marriage of his Sister (and now the present Vizier) was made Chimacam at Adrianople, near the Person of the Grand Signior. All other preparations for War went forwards, Thirty pieces of Cannon from Scutari, and fifty from the Seraglio, most of a vast bigness and weight, which had served in the taking of Babyl●n, with great store of Ammunition and Provisions of War, were transported up the Danube to Belgrade, and the Princes of Moldavia, and Valachia, had now Commands sent them to quicken their diligence in making their preparations of War, and in providing Sheep, Beef, Rice, and all sorts of Victuals for supply of the Camp; and general Proclamation was made in all places, That all Soldiers, who received one Asper of pay from the Gr. Signior, were to prepare themselves for the War.  
About the middle of February the Horse Tail was set forth at the Viziers' Gate; (which is the usual signal of the Camp's motion within the space of a Month) so that none may excuse himself from the War for want of due and timely intimation. And though the time for departure nearly approached, yet the Grand Signior was so impatient, that he would scarce expect until the Equinoctial, 
The Gr. Signior impatient to leave Constantinople.  which was the Term formerly appointed and published for this expedition; resolving sometimes to proceed before, and leave the Vizier to follow him, letting fall words often, That such as loved and honoured him would keep him company. But this hasty resolution, and eager desire of his Journey, the Vizier, Mufti, and others of his Counselors, did moderate, persuading him to a little longer patience: to which, though with some difficulty, he assented; yet he could not forbear from his Horses back, and constant exercises abroad, nor could he be induced to take one Nights repose longer in his great Seraglio at Constantinople, but lodged at Daout Pasha, a small Palace about four miles distant from Constantinople. Which extravagant manner of living most People attributed to his wand'ring humour, and delights in hunting, riding, and such like exercises, having his sole pleasure in the Woods and Fields: But others, who judged with better Foundation, did conceive, That the Grand Signiors choice of other places of Residence rather than his Imperial Seraglio, proceeded not so much from his own unsettled humour, and course of living, as from an apprehension of some Designs, and mutinous Treasons of the Janissaries against him: For to speak the truth, since the death of Kuperlee, the Militia began again to be corrupted; and if we may believe the opinion of the most principal Turks, the Vizier undertook this War to employ the busy spirits of the Soldiery, which began to grow resty and insolent through idleness, and by that means secure his own life, and establish his Condition and Fortune.  
The Equinoctial being come, the Grand Signior would not have one days longer patience; for though the Season was wet and rainny, yet the Tents were pitched; and though the Wind was so violent and forcible as overturned almost the whole Camp, yet no difficulties and inconveniencies of Wether could give one hour of intermission to the Sultan's desires: Wherefore on the Ninth of this Month, 
March.  the Grand Signior departed from Constantinople, attended with his Court, his principal Officers of State, and with what part of his Army was then a in readiness to march. The magnificence of the show they made, was according to the usual Solemnity, yet worthy the sight of a Stranger, and perhaps not incurious to the Reader in its Relation.  

The Cavalcade which the Gr. Signior made when he departed from Constantinople.  First, marched with a singular Gravity, the several and distinct Orders of Civil and Military Officers in their proper Habits and Caparisons, the Santones in their wild dress followed by the Emirs, or such as are of the Kindred of their false Prophet; the Great Vizier and Mufti road in rank together, the Vizier on the left hand, the most honourable place amongst the Soldiery, being the side to which the Sword is girt, as the right is of greatest esteem amongst such as are of the Law, being that hand which guides the Pen: The Trappings of the Viziers' Horse were pla●ed with Gold, and before him were carried three Horse-tails, called in Turkish (Tugh,) and behind him came about Three hundred and fifty Pages, all Young men well mounted, and armed with Jacks and Coats of Male: Next followed the Minions of the Court, or Seraglio, (viz.) the Paicks with Caps of beaten Gold, and embroidered Coats, the solacs with Feathers, armed with Bows and Arrows; these two last are of the highest degree of Lackeys, which more nearly attend the Person of the Grand Signior; these were followed by Nine led Horses of the Grand Signior, richly adorned with precious Stones, and Bucklers all covered with Jewels of an unknown value. Immediately before the Person of the Grand Signior was led a Camel carrying the Alcoran in a Chest covered with cloth of gold: The Gr. Signior himself was clothed in a Vest of cloth of gold lined with a Sable incomparably black, held up from the sides of his Horse by four Pages; his Person was followed with great numbers of Eunuches, and Pages with long red Caps wrought with Gold about the head, carrying Lances and Mails, with two Locks, one on each side of their Head, which are worn by such only as are of the Royal Chamber: After these crowded great numbers of Servants, with the chief Comp. of Saphees, commanded by the Selictor Aga, in number about 1800. And in this manner and order they marched to their Tents.  
The Tents were raised on a small Hill as may be judged about Four Miles distant ●●om Constantinople, and about Two Thousand in number ranged at that time without order, only the Grand Signior's seemed to be in the midst, and to over-top all the rest, well worthy observation, costing (as was reported) One hundred and eighty thousand Dollars, 
The richness of Turkish Ten●s.  richly embroidered in the inside with Gold, and supported by Pillars plated with Gold. Within the 
* In Turkish Perdé●.  Walls of this Tent (as I may so call them) were all sorts of Offices belonging to the Seraglio, all Retirements and Apartments for the Pages, Chioskes or Summer-houses for pleasure; and though I could not get admittance to view the innermost Rooms and Chambers, yet by the outward and more common places of resort, I could make a guess at the richesse and greatness of the rest, being sumptuous beyond comparison of any in use amongst the Christian Princes. On the right hand hereof was pitched the Grand Viziers' Tent, exceedingly rich and lofty; and had I not seen that of the Sultan's before it, I should have judged it the best that my eyes had seen. The ostentation and magnificence of this Empire being evidenced in nothing more than in the richesse of their Pavilions, sumptuous beyond the fixed Palaces of Princes, erected with Marble and Mortar.  
On the Sixteenth of this Month the Aga of the Janissaries first raised his Tents, 
The Turks begin their March.  and began his march; the next day followed the Grand Signior, Vizier, and other Officers, and Spahees. At which time all Asia was full of Soldiers flocking from all parts of the East, as from Aleppo, Damascus, Arabia, Erzirum, and Babylon: So that for a long time Boats and Barks were continually employed to ferry the Soldiery from Scutari into Europe: And the Highways, Villages, and all parts of the Road towards Adrianople were filled with Soldiers, as if all Asia had issued out to devour and inhabit the Germane Possessions. And for greater expedition in the march of the Army, Proclamation was made of a general Rendezvous at Sophia at the 
* The Turks Feast.  Biram, then within Three week's time, where they designed to soil their Horse, and refresh themselves before they fell in earnest to their business. But before the Grand Vizier departed from Adrianople to prosecute a War in Hungary against the Emperor, he called Signior Ballarino to his presence, as if he would treat with him of matters tending to an adjustment with Venice; when at the same time he had 20000 men in a readiness at Scutari to march into Dalmatia, and to join with other Forces in Bosna and Croatia; but this dissimulation and appearance of Treaty served only to discover on what Terms a Peace might be obtained, in case Affairs in Hungary should be so pressing as to require an application solely of Arms to that Country.  
Not only had Signior Ballarino Affairs of public trouble, but likewise something touched him of private concernment in his own Family; where the Turks, I know not upon what information coming to ●earch, found in his House two figures, one of a man, and the other of a woman made of Linen cloth, stuffed with Wool and Cotton; the which were interpreted by the Turks to be Images of Sorcery and Enchantment; one representing the Grand Signior, and the other his Mother, were designed in a secret manner, by thrusting Needles and Pins into those parts, where the Heart and Liver is, to cause those whom they represent to die with macerations and consumptions, according to the Enchantment of Medea. In jecur urget acus. And this suspicion was augmented by the reports of the Neighbourhood, who hearing the Priest often recite his Litany, and sing Evening-song, avouched that they constantly overheard the Charms muttered in such forms as are used by Magicians and Sorcerers: Wherefore designing to take the Priest, who was the Father Provincial of St. Francis, and punish him for his Witchcraft, the good man fairly fled, and kept himself out of harms way, until Signior Ballarino could quiet the minds of the Turks by some Art, which he more forcibly practised upon them by a stronger charm of Money and Presents than that which was the subject of their complaint.  
In the mean time all fears and dangers of Candia vanished, because the Turks bent their Forces and chief of their strength against their Enemies at Land: To provide against which, the Senate of Venice sent into D●lmatia the Baron Spaar for General, with many other Officers under him, namely the Marquis Maculani, Count Ettore Albano, Carlo Martinengo, and Roverelli, Count of Caudes, the Cavalier Grimaldi, Echenfelt, and others. Into Friuli, Francisco Morosini was dispatched in quality of Proveditor General with supreme Power and Authority, and in this manner all matters were as well provided and secured by Land, as they were by Sea.  
The Biram chanced to happen out this Year towards the end of April, by which time the Vizier, and most of his Army, assembled according to Proclamation at Sophia; where having continued some time, and consulted well in what manner to put their designs in execution, they proceeded in their March towards Buda, and the Confines of Hungary; but in the way the Vizier was encountered by a Messenger from the Emperor, offering all reasonable Propositions of Peace, if possibly a stop might be given to the farther progress of that vast and formidable Army. All matters were proposed which probably might give satisfaction; the Fort of Count Serini (the grand Eyesore of the Turks) was proffered to be demolished, with other Conditions which before the March of the Army were never proposed or demanded. But the Vizier gave little ear to these fair Overtures, but proceeded forwards in his Demands, as he did in his March: Requiring now, not the demolishment of the Fort, but the Surrender of it entirely with all the Strength, Artillery, and Ammunition into the hands of the Grand Signior. Had this condition been granted, it is probable the desires and pretensions of the Turks would not have stopped here, but have risen, as the spirits of their Enemies had condescended, and exceeded all the hopes and advantage which they imagined probable and feasible to be obtained by the War. Wherefore this Message pro●ing fruitless, the Bringer of it was permitted Licence to return into Germany: But the Resident was refused dismission, being detained in the Turkish Camp, as an Instrument to mediate a Peace, when both sides should grow weary of the War.  
About this time the Tartars were greatly infested by the Cossacks, who were then very formidable and strong, approaching near the City of Osac, 
The Cossacks infest the Tartars.  the Key and chief Fortress of Tartary, under the Command of a Fisherman of the Boristhenes, who having had great successes, and collected a considerable sum of Money, became a dangerous Enemy: By Sea also they commanded absolutely, roving uncontrolled, having a Fleet of Saykes and Galleys near an hundred and fifty Sail, against whom the Tartar Han or King of Tartary craved of the Grand Signior forty sail of Galleys that year to oppose them. But this Force of the Cossacks was soon abated; for it pleased God, that passing out of the Palus Moeotis through the narrow passage of Colchos into the Black Sea, the best part of this Fleet suffered shipwreck; with which they were so dismayed, that the twelve sail of Galleys (which was the whole Force the Turks could spare this year for that Sea) gave a check to the remainder, and forced them again to the Banks of ●he Boristhenes. The rest of the Turkish Fleet, consisting, together with the Beys Galleys, in all but of thirty Sail, departed from Constantinople, with design rather to make some appearance of a Fleet, and a noise amongst their own people, and collect the Contributions o● the isles in the Archipelago, than out of hopes of effecting any thing against the Venetians; and so it succeeded; for this Fleet remained the whole Summer at Mytilene, not daring to appear abroad for fear of the Enemy.  
Though the Tartars were so hardly beset by the Cossacks, yet their danger at home was not a sufficient excuse to disengage them from their assistance in the War of Hungary. For the Vizier marching towards the Frontiers, sent one Messenger after the other to hasten the Tartar Han with all speed possible to the Wars. But the Tartars seeming not so willing, or so ready as the Turks expected, more positive commands, and severe threats, were dispatched than before, that laying aside all excuses or delays, they should with all the Force of their Country attend in this present War against the Emperor, 
The Tartar unwilling to go to the War.  or otherwise the Tartar Han was to be deprived of his Government, and his Son constituted in his place. These severe menaces reduced the Tartar to great straits; fearful he was to displease the Sultan, not knowing what ill consequences might proceed from thence; but more apprehensive he was of the approaches of the Cossacks, and of the displeasure of his own People, who were resolved to see this fire of War extinguished in their own homes, before they would attend the designs, or satisfy the Lusts of a stranger Prince. In this Dilemma the Tartar Han finding himself, made use of ●air words and promises, engaging his word, That after the harvest was past, no obstacle should prevent his compliance with the Sultan's expectations; for at present it was impossible, in regard that should their People at this season be diverted from gathering the harvest, the Corn and Fruit would remain on the ground, and so occasion a Famine and destruction of their Country. And herein the Tartar had some reason; for these People go not to the Wars, as other Nations, who leave a sufficient number behind to cultivate their Country, and perform all other Offices and Employments in a Commonwealth: But these making their chief livelihood and subsistence on the prey and robberies they make on their Neighbours; 
The course of life amongst the Tartars.  as many as resolve to eat Bread and live, who are men not old or impotent, able to bear Arms, betake themselves to their Horse and Bow; so that when their Army is abroad, their Towns and Villages are only inhabited, and defended by their Women. But the Turk whose desires are never satisfied with reasons, or withstood by words, or with any thing besides the execution of his Commands, dispatched another Message more full of threats and resolution than formerly, 
They are threatened again.  carried by the Embrahor, or Master of the G. Signior's Horse, menacing nothing but Fire, and Sword, and Destruction to the Han and his Country, if he longer delayed to perform his Duty. But by this time the Harvest being almost gathered, and their fears against the Cossacks partly extinguished, 
They send an Army into H●gary.  the Tartar promised with all expedition an Army of Seventy Thousand men, under the Conduct of the Prince his eldest Son, who whilst they were putting themselves in order, and assembling for the War; reports were murmured, as if the Turks were in a Treaty of Peace with the Emperoor, and matters in a fair likelihood of composure: At this news the common Soldiers amongst the Tartars were not a little startled, fearing that they who are free Booters, and have no other pay than their purchase, should by such a Treaty be forced to return empty; and therefore before they would proceed, sent to advise the Sultan of these their fears; supplicating him, that if he should think fit to conclude a Peace, and so oblige them to return into their own Country, that be would not take it amiss, if upon their march home, they should make themselves good upon his Subjects of Moldavia and Valachia, whose persons and Estates they resolved to carry with them, as a just prey and recompense for their loss of time and labour. The Sultan who sets a small value on the Lives and Estates of his Christian Subjects, judged this Proposition but reasonable, so long as upon these terms he might obtain the benefit of the Tartars assistance, who are the best Horse to forage, destroy, and make desolate a Country.  

The Story of Asan Aga the Mosayp or Favourite, and other instances of the uncertainty of the Turkish Richesses, and Glory  
THE Great Vizier being by this time arrived on the Frontiers with a very considerable Army; the G. Signior at Adrianople continued his usual pleasures in Hunting, Riding, throwing of the Gerit or Dart, and in other pastimes and sports of this nature; at which time casting his Eyes upon one Asan Aga, a sprightly youth of his Seraglio, a Polonian by Nation, to be more forward and active than any of his Court, took an affection to him, so sudden and violent, as might be judged neither well founded, nor long durable; for the Grand Signior having heard, that there were examples amongst the Emperors his Predecessors, not only in the absence, but in the presence also of the Vizier, of maintaining and constituting a Favourite, in Turkish called Mosayp, did own publicly the Election of this person for his Friend and Companion; so that this Minion was on a sudden so highly ingratiated in the favour of his Prince, that he always road equal with him; Clothed as rich, and mounted as well, as the Sultan himself, as if he had been his Coadjutor, or Companion in the Empire. The Queen Mother, the Kuzlier Aga, and other rich Eunuches of the Seraglio, the Chimacams of Adrianople, and Constantinople, with all the Great Officers and principal Ministers, were commanded to make Presents of Money, Jewels, and other Sacrifices, to this rising Sun; whom now every one so courted and adored, that he became the only talk and admiration of the whole Town; no other discourse there was, but of Asan Chelabei, Asan the fine accomplished Gentleman, Asan the only Creature of Fortune, and Idol of the whole World. This high and sudden promotion of this Youth, greatly displeased the Queen Mother, Kuzlier Aga, who had Creatures of their own to perfer, and by their means became the Envy and Emulation of the whole Court, so that there wanted not such who posted the news to the Vizier, as him, on whom the growing greatness of Asan might have the most dangerous reflection: But the Vizier duly considering, that the deep impressions this Youth had made in the affections of his Master, were not to be removed by plain dealing, but by some more occult Artifice and dissimulation, took occasion to write to the Grand Signior, in favour of Asan Aga, extolling the prudence of his choice of so complete and hopeful a Youth for his Favourite; but that it was pity, so pregnant parts as ●hose with which Asan was endued, fit to promote his Master's Service and Interest, should be Encloistred, and Buried in the softness and delights of his Seraglio; and therefore his Counsel was, to have him preferred to some government, and degree of a Pasha, to which his Abilities and Education, in the Nursery and Discipline of the Court, had abundantly accomplished him. Pessimum genus inimicorum, laudantes. 
Tacitus.  Nor were the Queen Mother, and Kuzlier Aga, all this time wanting in their contrivance to undermine him, but not with a design spun with so fine a Thread, professing themselves openly his Adversaries: For which Courtly Policy, the Vizier only received a check, and some few verbal reproofs, for intermeddling with what so nearly concerned his Master's Fancy and Affection: But the Kuzlier Aga, was by one word from Asan (whom he had discovered to be his Enemy) deprived of his Office, 
The Kuzlier Aga banished to Cairo.  and had therewith lost his Life; had not the Queen Mother powerfully interceded for him, and gained an exchange of his punishment from death to banishment in Grand Cairo in Egypt. The Baltagibashee also (who is the Captain of that part of the Grand Signiors Guard, 
As also the Baltagibashee.  who carry Hatchets, and are empyloyed in cutting Wood for the use of the Seraglio) being discovered to be a Confederate in the same Plot against the Favourite, was condemned to the same punishment, and immediately both of them dispeeded away to the place, where they were to spend the remainder of their days. Grand Cairo hath always been the place of Banishment for unfortunate Courtiers, or rather of such who have with much greatness, plenty, and contentment sometimes enjoyed the Fruit of their great Richesses, gained in the Sunshine and summer of their Prince's favour. To this City also was this Kuzlier Aga exiled, who in the enjoyment of his Office for several years, had amassed a most vast Wealth, incredible to be spoken, and much to be wondered, that a Negro, whose hue and person is contemptible amongst all, whom God hath created of a Colour different from those who partake more of Light, and are of nearer similitude with the Sun, and Nature of an Angel; one whose Original was a Slave, and his price never above a Hundred Pieces of Eight, should be loaded with such Goods of Fortune, and enriched with the Treasury of a Prince: His Retinue consisted of about 900 Horse, (besides Camels, and Mules for his Baggage) amongst which a Hundred were led Horses, worth Seven or eight hundred Dollars a Horse, and that he might still seem to live by his Prince's Bounty, a thousand Asper's a day was to be his constant pay, to be issued out of the G. Signior's Revenue in Egypt; by which we may in part calculate the greatness of this Empire, when so vastRichess is accounted but a reasonable proportion for so vile and mean a Slave: Howsoever the Grand Signiors Treasury suffers little hereby, for this wealth and pomp is but lent him to keep, and look on; he is uncapable to make a Testament, or constitute an Heir; the Grand Signior himself succeeding to all the Estate he hath given him, and the improvement of it. This Negro being proceeded as far as to Constantinople, had his Companion the Baltagibashee▪ recalled from him with design to be put to Death, but afterwards by mediation of some powerful Friends, who took advantage of the gentle and benign humour of the Sultan, his pardon was obtained, and he preferred to a small 
* Government of a Pasha.  Pashalick in the lesser Asia. Howsoever the Eunuch proceeded in his Journey to Grand Cairo, where being arrived, after three Days, was by the Imperial Command stripped of all his wealth and greatness, which amounted unto Two Millions of Dollars, to be restored again to their first Master, who uses to lend his Slaves such gaieties and Ornaments, only to afford the World occasion to see and admire the vastness of his Wealth, and contemplate the vanity and unconstancy of Richesses and Worldly glory. This poor Negro thus devested of all, returned to his primary condition of a Slave, in which he was born, and for many years had lived, and was now banished, forsaken, and disconsolate in the upper Egypt; whither going scarce with sufficient to preserve him from Famine and Beggary, the Beyes of Egypt, out of compassion, bestowed on him an Alms of twelve Purses, being Eight Thousand four hundred Dollars, according to the Account of Cairo, now the only support and sustenance of his Life.  
This Victory gained over these great Personages, and foil given to the Queen Mother herself, was not carried by this young Favourite with that prudent equality of mind as was decent; but being puffed up with pride and glory, adventured to a judgement and censure of the deepest matters of State, which touched not a little the jealousy and scorn of the Great Vizier, who therefore wrote to all those grave Sages, to whose Counsel he conceived the Sultan gave any ear or credit; representing with extraordinary passion and fervency the dangers he apprehended might befall his Master, and his Empire, whilst both were subject to the unexperienced Counsels of Asan, a Youth both in years and knowledge. That it was much to the disparagement of the Supreme Office of Vizier, whilst he was with Thousands of Turks on the Frontiers contending for the Glory and Enlargement of the Ottoman Dominions, subjected to millions of dangers and labours; to be supplanted by a Boy, fit only for an attendants in his Master● Chamber; and to have the privacy of the Emperor's State Counsels and policy rifled by a Youth, whose years had not fitted him for the knowledge and continence of an ordinary Secret. These reasonable Complaints of the Vizier's were by some of his wise Friends, whose Age and Gravity had produced something of Reverence towardstheir Persons, not without hazard and fear communicated unto the Sultan, the violence of whose Love being with time moderated and abated, he began to consider the reasonableness of this Discourse, and so on a sudden, to the great admiration of all, cast off his Favourite, creating him a Kapugibashee, or chief Porter, with a hundred and fifty Asper's a day Salary.   

The Ruin of Samozade, the Reis Effendi, or Chief Secretary of State to the Great Vizier.  
AND since we have related a Story which partly represents the unconstancy and tyranny of the Turkish Greatness, it may yet please the Reader, should we add another, tho' a little out of its due order, not less remarkable, and worthy of Record, than the former.  
When Newhausel was besieged, called by the Turks and Hungarians, Oyar, and divers attempts made on it in vain; Samozade the Reis Effendi, with less caution and wisdom than he did usually practise in other matters, wrote a Letter to the Chief Eunuch of the Women, then in the Seraglio at Adrianople, to this effect. That if the Grand Signior desired to have that Fortress taken that was then besieged, he should choose a more able Captain for his Army than the present Vizier, a Person who had only been educated in a Tekeh, or College, and studied in the speculations of Law, and not in the Odas of the Janissaries, or Customs and Exercises of the Camp: And therefore if his Majesty thought fit to choose another General, he could not cast his eyes on any more able and deserving than Ibrahim ●asha his Son in Law, a Person qualified for the Office of Vizier, being skilful in all points both of War and Peace. This Eunuch being the person that had succeeded to the former lately exiled, having received this Letter, immediately without farther Art or Prologue, read it to the Grand Signior, at which though at first he was startled, yet not as yet weary of the Vizier, but still conserving a kindness and esteem for him, took the Letter from the Eunuch, and sent it to the Vizier, permitting him to inflict what punishment he judged most agreeable to his own preservation and vindication of honour. The Vizier, having received this Letter, seemed not in the least to be surprised with the perfidiousness of Samozade, but in a cool temper recollecting all the Applications and Addresses (which we have mentioned before) at his first entrance into this Supreme Office, and judging from thence, that he was not a Person capable of friendship, or a steadiness to his Interest, sent for him, and for Ibrahim Pasha his Son in Law to his presence, and first having upbraided his Treachery, and want of Integrity, in return to all the Caresses and Endeavours he had used to win his Faith, caused both their heads to be struck off by the Executioner.  
This Samozade was one of the most wise and best practised Secretaries of State that ever served the Ottoman Empire, and one whom our English much lamented, being perfectly acquainted with the particulars of our Capitulations, and Constitution of our Trade; and had not his extraordinary Covetousness blemished his other moral Virtues, he might have been esteemed a man rare, and a Minister not unworthy the greatest Monarch of the World. The Richesse he had collected during the time of his State-Negotiations were incredible and immense, for he spared and lost no opportunity of gains, which rendered him the more liable and obnoxious to the stroke of Justice. His Goods were now seized on for service of the Sultan, his Master, as justly confiscated for Treason; his Estate was found to amount unto three Millions of Pieces of Eight in ready Money; he had sixteen hundred Camels, four Hundred Mules, Six hundred Horses of the best sort, besides ordinary Horses of service proportionable to those of value. In his Chests and Stores were found Four thousand Girdles, or Sashes, of the best sort of Silver, never worn; Seven and twenty pounds' weight of Pearl, three hundred Daggers (or Turkish Hanjars) most set with Diamonds and Rubies, besides Ninety Sable Vests, each whereof might be valued at a Thousand Dollars, his Swords and rich Furniture were without number, or account, with a Cartload of the best and finest China; over and above all thi●, remained to his Son a Revenue of about Ten pounds Sterling a day, who being condemned to the torture to confess the hidden Riches of his Father, at his first examination discovered One hundred and twenty five thousand Zaichins of Venetian Gold.   

Of an Avania brought upon the Dutch Nation.  
BEfore we proceed on with the Relation of the War in Hungary, where we for a time shall leave the Great Vizier, it will not be from our purpose ●o digress a little in recounting certain intermedia●e Accidents, which had reference to our own and the Dutch Nations Interest at the Ottoman Court. And first I shall begin with the Dutch, to whom a considerable trouble and misfortune be●el, by means of a Ship of theirs called the Emperor Octaviano, which designing to lad Turk's Goods at Alexandria for Constantinople, had her Licence and Dispatches obtained by means of the Holland Resident, the Sieur Warnero. This Ship being accordingly laden at Alexandria, whereon also the Grand Signior himself had Thirty thousand Dollars Interest, and being ready to depart, was near the Port surprised by the Venetian, and Maltese Corsairs, and so taken. This News was posted over land from Grand Cairo, and the Cargo sent of the Goods, importing Fourscore and ●our thousand Dollars, which in the Month of ●ane arrived at Constantinople. The persons interested in this loss being many, in the nature of a Tumult applied themselves to the Grand Signior, and demanded sentence against the Dutch Resident for reparation, alleging that he had recommended the Ship, and Commander, who had combined with the Corsairs to surprise him, and that the Resident had engaged for the faithfulness of the Captain, who had betrayed their Goods, not endeavouring to defend himself so much as by the shot of one Musket. The Grand Signior being likewise concerned herein himself, was easily persuaded to grant his Order and Sentence. That the loss of all should concern the Dutch Resident, and his Nation, requiring the Chimacam of Constantinople to summon the Resident, and intimate his pleasure therein, exacting a time limited for the payment. The Resident being called to several Audiences thereupon, denied to have had any hand in the employment of this Ship on the this Voyage, and that their Capitulations, to which the Grand Signior had sworn, acquitted him from being responsible for the misdemeanours of any of his Nation, for whose fidelity and good behavivour he had never personally engaged, and thereupon positively refused to make himself liable for payment of this Money, to which he was neither obliged by the Law of Nations, nor his own private Act. Notwithstanding which, the Turks sentenced the Resident to be liable to make satisfaction, in regard that when the Ship was first freighted, he appeared before the Chimacam at Constantinople, and being asked whether the Commander of this Ship was an honest man, and one who might be entrusted with such a concernment of the Turks; his Answer was, That he believed he might, and that he was always esteemed faithful and honest to his Trust: which in the Turkish Law amounting to as much as if he had said, he would become his security, the Grand Signior confirmed the former sentence against the Resident, and with haste and fury dispatched a Kapugibashee to bring his Person to Adrianople; where being arrived, and continuing as yet constant to his first Answer, was committed to custody of the Chaousbashee, or Chief of the Pursuivants, where they gave him time until after the Feast of the little Biram, to consult his own good and security of his Nation within the Turkish Dominions. The Feast was no sooner ended, but the Grand Signior sent immediately to know his ultimate resolution, declaring, That if he continued still obstinate against his Power, he had commanded that he should be committed to that Dungeon which had some few years before been the Lodging of other Christian Ministers. The Resident terrified at the thoughts of such an Imprisonment, declined from his ●ormer constancy, engaging to pay the Money in an Hundred and five days time, for no longer would be granted; so violent and unreasonable the Turks were in their demands, against the Law of Nations, the particular Capitulations, and the common reason and justice of the World. This Money was for the most part taken up by the Dutch Nation in Turkey at Interest, and afterwards the debt extinguished by Money lent them by the States, for payment of which a particular Imposition was granted on all Goods brought from Turkey, until the Debt to them was cleared, with an Interest of one per cent. for the year. By which it may be observed, how little are esteemed the Persons of Christian Representatives in the Turkish Court; who having proved with what tameness some Princes have taken the affronts offered to the Person of their Ambassador in former times, and now observing with what patience the States of Holland have sustained the like insolence and injury in their Resident, they may possibly profess their Function sacred, but yet in matters of their own interest will never be induced to vouchsafe them that respect or just treatment which is due to them.   

In what state the Affairs of England, in reference to the Turkish Court, stood about this time with Algiers, and other Parts of Barbary.  
IN the preceding year we declared how a Peace was concluded between England and Algiers: For better confirmation whereof, and security of our Merchant's Estates in the Levant, upon occasion of a future breach, it was judged necessary by His Majesty's Council, That the respective Articles last made and concluded with Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, should be distinctly described and ratified by the Grand Signior, with this Clau●e at the Conclusion of each▪ viz. That in case ●he foregoing Articles were not kept by these his Subjects respectively, but should contrary to the meaning thereof through Piracy be broken, that then it should be lawful for the King of England to chastise those People by his own ●rms and Force, without Impeachment or Breach of that good Peace and Amity which Intervenes between His Majesty of Great Britain and the Ottoman Emperor: And this was supposed might always be a Plea in defence of the English Nation in Turkey, when at any time His Majesty provoked by the Injuries of those faithless and piratical Nations, should take due Revenge upon them, not only on the Seas, but also on the Land, subverting those very Cities and Fortresses, which are the Nests of Piracies, and the common Chastisement and Gaols of Christendom. When these Articles came to the hands of His Majesty's Ambassador the Earl of Wi●chelsea, with Orders to have them ratified and subscribed in the manner foregoing, the Turkish Court was then at Adrianople, to which place on this occasion the Lord Ambassador made a Journey from his usual Residence at Constantinople; and having acquainted the Chimacam with the whole matter; and the Propositions rightly apprehended by him, they were offered, and the next day communicated in behalf of the Ambassador to the Grand Signior, who readily promised compliance with His Majesty's desires, ordering the Articles and Conclusion of them, to be engrossed and prepared for the Imperial Assent. Howsoever some considerable time ran on before they were delivered out, in regard that being matters of State relating to War and Peace, they could not be fully granted without Privity and Knowledge of the Grand Vizier, who was the supreme Counsellor, and therefore we were forced to attend thirty five days before an Express could go and return from the Frontiers with the Answer expected, which was as easily granted by the Vizier, as before it was entertained by the Grand Signior. On August 5. the Confirmation of the several aforesaid Articles were consigned unto myself in presence of our Lord Ambassador by the hands of the Chimacam, being myself designed in Person to deliver them; for which Service a Frigate of His Majesty's Navy attended at Smyrna: so that very Evening I departed, and arrived at Smyrna the 15 th' of August.  
In my Journey from Adrianople to Smyrna, omitting the Geography of the Countries, and the pleasant view I had from the top of a Mountain between Malagra and Gallipoli, from whence I could survey all the Hellespont, and at the same time take a prospect of the Prop●ntick and Ionian Seas, I shall only relate two passages which be●el me in this Journey, not unpleasant to be remembered.  
The first was at a small Village called Ishecle, at the foot of the Mountain Ida, not far from the Ancient Troy, now named by the Turks Kauzdog, which signifies the Mountain of Geese; the People that inhabit here, are of a rude Disposition, great Thiefs, and of a wild and savage Nature; at my entry thereupon I was advised by those that were with me, that it was necessary to take Mules to carry my Baggage through the Mountains, and to press the People to convoy me to the next Government by Virtue of a Command the Grand Signior had granted me for the security of my Travels; so that arriving at this 〈◊〉 by break of day, I went directly with all my Attendance, being about eighteen or nineteen Horse, to the Kadi's House, where knocking hard at the Door, a Servant looked out at the Window, and spying so great a company, wholly affrighted, ran to his Master, and awakening him with such dreadful news, he had scarce any Soul or Life remaining to render an Answer; for he was one of those, who three times a day was used to take his Doses of Opium, which gave him a strange kind of Intoxication or Drunkenness; during the Operation of which, men have their Spirits violently moved and agitated, that afterwards it leaves them so wearied and languid, that in the morning when they first awake, they remain like dead Stocks, their Members are benumbed, and can scarce turn from one side to the other. In this condition the News of new Guests surprised this Kadi, when wholly feeble he called to his Servant to reach him his Box of Opium, of which when he had taken his usual Propotion, and that it began to work, his Life returned again to him▪ and he began immediately to recover▪ so that he had Courage to open his Gates and receive us in: when he had read the Command, and found no hurt in it, the Man was transported with Joy and Opium, and was so kind, cheerful, and of a good humour, that I could not but admire at the change; he told me, ●●at he lived in a barbarous Country, and was forced to use that for Divertisement and as a Remedy of his melancholy hours. I easily perceived the effect it had upon him, for he seemed to me like a Bedlam; in which humour he called all his Neighbours about him, and after a wise Consultation, they provided me with two Mules, and five Men on foot with rusty Muskets without Powder or Shot, to guide and guard me through the Mountains. I had not traveled two Miles before all my Guard were stolen aside, and taking advantage of the Woods and Mountains, were fled from me, so that I found myself with no other than my own People, in an unbeaten Path, and a way unfrequented; the man excepted who drove the Mules, who for sake of his Beasts was obliged to a farther attendance. We traveled in this manner through the Mountains about four hours, when near a Village called Suratnee, we met one of the Principal men on Horseback, carrying a flayed Mutton behind him, which upon Examination we discovered to be carried for a Bribe to the Kadi of Isheclee, that so he would be his Friend, and favour him in his Cause: And further upon inquiry, finding that our Entertainment was likely to be mean at Suratnee, we forced the Gentleman to return with us, and to sell us his Mutton at the market-price, and so for that time we disappointed our Kadi of his Fee or Reward: and being upon the rise of a Hill descending to Suratnee, so that the People could see us at a distance, they like true Sons of Kauzdog forsook their Habitations, and fled, which we perceiving posted after them, and catched two of their men, whom we brought under 'Sheart, (or the Countryman's Oath, which they account very sacred, and will by no means break) to be true and faithful to us, to serve, and not leave us for so long time as we should remain in their Village; and accordingly these men were not only serviceable, but diligent: so soon as they discovered me to be one who would pay justly for what I took, and was not a Turkish Aga, or Servant of Great men who harrass the People, and take their Service and Meat on account of free Quarter, the whole Village returned again from their places of Refuge amidst the Woods, so that I neither wanted Provisions nor Attendance.  
Another passage happened unto me of better Civility and Entertainment in the Plains of Pergamus, where no● many Miles from that Ancient City. I arrived about six a Clock in the Evening a● certain Tents or Cots of Shepherds, being only Hurdles covered with Haircloth, lined within with a sort of loose Felt, a sufficient defence against the Sun and Rain; the Turks call these People Euruches▪ and are Shepherds who with thei● Wives, Children and cattle, Live and Inhabit, where they most delight, or like the Shepherds of Ancient days, remove their dwellings to those Places where they find most plenty of Water and Pasture. Amongst these Cots so soon as I alighted ●rom my Hor●e, I was received and saluted by the Aga or Chief, with great Humanity and Kindness; for so soon as he understood who I was, and that I was employed in public Affairs, he presently placed me under some neighbouring Trees, and called for Carpets and Cushions to sit on, which were more Fine and Rich, than agreed with the outward appearance of Men wholly unaccustomed to a City-life. After some Discourse had with me, which I remember to have been very Courteous and Inquisitive of my Condition and Business, he provided Provender for our Horses, and in a short time ordered Bread and Eggs to be brought for to stay my Stomach, supposing that hard Travels had sharpened my Appetite. About an hour after that, he invited all my Company, and then we fed very plentifully of several Dishes, which the good Housewives had dressed within the Precincts of their poor Tents; whilst the Shepherds had in the Field killed a fat Kid, and were then roasting it whole at the fuel of a Tree which they had felled; this Roast meat they cut into quarters, and with Bread and Salt put it into a Linen-cloth, delivering it to one of my Servants for our Breakfast the next morning. Having thus well refreshed myself with the Charity of these good Shepherds, I arose with the Moon about eleven a Clock at Night; but before my Departure, I demanded what I had to pay; to which the generous Shepherd replied, That my Acceptance was a sufficient Payment, for that all Men were obliged to be Civil and Hospitable to Men who traveled the World like me for public Service; and withal desired me to speak well, wheresoever I came, of such poor Men who led their Lives in the Fields, who were instructed in these Principles, viz. to hurt none, and to be humane and helpful to all Mankind.  
In a few days after my Arrival at Smyrna, I imbanked on the Bonaventure Frigate, Commanded by Capt. Berkeley, afterwards Sir William Berkeley, 
Tripoli.  and shaping our course first for Tripoli in Barbary, we came to Anchor before the Town the 29 th'; and immediately going ashore, we were conducted to the Presence of the Pasha of that Country, whom I acquainted with the occasion of this Address, delivering into his hands two Copies of the late Treaty of Peace, one confirmed by the Hand and Seal of His Majesty our Gracious Sovereign, and the other of the Sultan; both which he received with singular Respect and Reverence, promising to maintain the Peace sacred and inviolable; and so being dismissed fairly from him, we speedily repaired on Board, and setting Sail again that Night with a prosperous Gale, we anchored in the Bay of Tunis on the second of September; 
Tunis.  and the next day being landed, we in the first place made our Addresses to the Dey, who bears the Office of Prince or Governor in chief, though in the Arabian Language the word signifies as much as Uncle, to whom I tendered the Confirmations of Peace in the same form and manner as before at Tripoli: the D●y received them with Respect and Honour, promising to continue the Peace; that part which was from our King, he received himself; but that which was from the Grand Signior he advised me to deliver to the Pasha; for coming from his Master, it might more nearly concern him than any other; the Pasha having seen and read, the Hattesheriff returned it again to the Dey to be placed amongst the Records and Registers of the Divan, and so making a Visit to all the great Men in Power, giving them notice of our Business, that so none might take Exceptions, or judge themselves neglected for want of Addresses; we the same Night departed from Tunis, and proceeded forward in our Voyage to Algiers. But before we arrive there, I have time to acquaint the Reader of the Pestilential Fever which then affected our whole Ship. When we departed from Smyrna, we had fourteen Sick of the Autumnal Distemper, but before ten Days, we had ninety five out of a hundred and sixty Men, which lay Sick on their Beds and Hammocks; and we feared so general a Weakness, that we should not have had Strength sufficient to have Sailed our Ship; for I think there was scarce any amongst us in perfect Health. But God showed his Strength in our Weakness, so that in ten Days, having buried nine of our Men, he was pleased with the change of our Climate, to renew our Health, and in Answer to our Prayers, as it were by a Miracle, to restore us to all the Health, and Strength, and Comfort, that we could desire.  
At Algiers, that Den of Thiefs, and Harbour of Faithless Men, and all Impiety, we arrived the 10 th' of September, where immediately with assistance of the Consul, we designed to render the Confirmations of the Peace unto the Divan; then the supreme and Absolute Power. But whilst we imagined the Peace firm, and improbable that those Articles which were concluded and agreed but the last Year, should so easily and soon be forgotten; we found the Scene of Affairs greatly altered, and fears of an unexpected Rupture; for the Ships of Algiers roving in the Seas, had lately sent in nine small English Vessels without a Pass from the Duke of York, for want of which, they pretended by a new Agreement they ought to be prize; of which, six by means of the Consul being released, three only remained under Detention at our Arrival; when immediately we applied ourselves to Shaban Aga, a Spanish Renegado, than Cape or Chief of their confused Divan; to him we first disclosed the import of our Message, and showed the Confirmations of our Peace subscribed by the King of England, and the Grand Signior. After he had read them, a Divan was called, and the Confirmations openly published; at which time it was assented and agreed, that the Articles ought to be maintained, and the Peace continued; but to have this established by firm Authority, it was farther referred to the Great Divan, which is a Grand Assembly of the People, who usually meet together every Saturday of the Week. In the mean time, having had an Acquaintance formerly with the Pasha of this Place, sent hither by the Grand Signior, we were desirous to make him a Visit, the better to discover in what nature they Honour and own the Ottoman Port; but before we could be admitted to his Presence, we were obliged to demand Licence of the Divan, which they granted with some unwillingness, and with the caut●on of two or three Witnesses of our Discourse. 〈◊〉 were scarce welcomed into the Room, and the usual Salutations passed, before we were interrupted by the Officers, and not suffered to proceed; so little esteem they made of the Pasha, to whom notwithstanding they allowed twelve thousand Dollars a Year for his Maintenance, so as to carry the fair and specious outside at the Ottoman Court, of receiving a Pasha from thence; but were so far from permitting him to intermeddle in the Government that they confined him like a Prisoner▪ not suffering him to stir Abroad without Permission and Consent of the Livan, and that very seldom, though he often pleaded his Health was much impaired by his Restraint, and craved Enlargement, rather for necessity than his Pleasure.  
The Day of the great Divans Assembly being come, the Confirmations of the Peace was again read, and well approved, and so laid up in the Repository of their Writings: and promise made us for Releasement of our Ships. But let us now observe the levity and unsteadiness of this popular Government; for being the day following appointed to receive our dispatches, and discharge of the three Ships; 
The unconstancy of the popular Government at Algiers.  there arose unexpectedly at the Divan, certain Scruples and Jealousies amongst them, which immediately quashed all our Negotiations, and instead of confirming the Peace, produced a War. For the Divan being met, they were afraid to release the Ships, lest the Soldiers who had sent them in, being then abroad, should call them to question for it at their return; and not to release them, might be an occasion of a War; which not succeeding according to their desire, the cause●s thereof might be called into question, and punished for it; of which still remained the fresh memory of late Examples. In this Dilemma of their Affairs, they resolved to make the Act herein, to be of general and public Assent; and to that end they Assembled a Grand Divan, calling the Captains of Ships and Galleys, then in Port, unto their Council; who without Hesitation, or questioning other Matters, declared, that the three English Ships were lawful Prize; and that it was no longer requisite to maintain the second Article of freeing Stranger's Goods on English Vessels; it neither being the design nor interest of Algiers, to benefit all Christendom by their Peace with England: this Sentence was followed by the whole Rabble of the Divan, with cry and noise; to which the wiser sort, notwithstanding our Plea, and Reasons to the contrary, which la●ted for full two hours, were forced to condescend, and concur in the same Vote. Howsoever by Importunity, and something of the force of Reason, which in the most blind and obscure minds of Men, hath something of forcible Violence; we obtained the release of the three Ships, upon discharge of the Stranger's Goods, and payment of their Freight. But the second Article of Peace, forbidding the search of English Ships for Strangers Estates, or their Persons, was declared null, and no longer to be maintained; nor the Peace likewise, unless His Majesty would accept it upon that Condition, to which end, they wrote this following Letter.   

The Letter of the Government of Algiers to His Majesty.  
GReat and Christian Prince, King of England. After Health and Peace, etc. Since we have made Peace with You, unto this day there have n● Injuries nor Damages been offered by Vs. Your Ships that have been as Prizes, for Your sake we have let free, not offering them the least Injury, n●r diminishing any thing from them in the least, until such time as Your Consul gave Us Cou●ter-passes, that what Ships were found with them, to be let free, and those that are without them, to be brought in: And we have found divers without them, which for Friendship sake which is between Us, We have let go free. Now from henceforth, if that we find any of our Enemy's Goods or Men in Your Ships, we shall take the Goods and Men, paying the Freight to their Port. And we shall desire y●u, as soon as you shall receive this our Letter, that you will send your answer hereunto, for we shall think it long until we receive it from You; and for the future, what Ships shall be brought in without a Passport, we shall take them, and detain them here, until such time as we have an answer from You; which pray send without delay. The end of the Month Sefar, 1074. which was then in the Month of September, 1663.  
In this manner a second War broke forth in the space of two Years, by which a Person may judge of the inconstancy and unsteady humour of this People; who but three days before, gave us all the evidence of fair Correspondence and Friendship; and it is probable, that when they entered the Divan, they came not with Resolutions or Thoughts of War; however accidents and occasional Discourses each with other, following the cry and humour of some rude Savage Person, which leads the rest, carried all things with Violence towards a Breach: So that by what preceded, and from these following Reasons, it may be concluded impossible to maintain a firm and lasting Peace with this People.  
First, Because these People are composed of the worst Sort or Scum of the Turks, and worst of Christians, which are Renegadoes, who have renounced God and their Country, and a Generation of People who have no Religion, nor Honour; Peace cannot be longer expected or maintained, than fear or interest enjoins them to compliance.  
Secondly, The Government of Algiers being popular, and in the hands of a vile Commonalty, who are ignorant Persons, guided by no Rules or Principales; unsteady in all their Councils, not resolving or consulting any thing before they enter the Divan, do commonly follow that Resolution, which they perceive to be carried on with the greatest noise; and therefore are a People not capable of Peace or Friendship.  
Thirdly, This irrational Commonalty is overawed by a heady Soldiery, who are only then affrighted into a Peace, whilst a stronger force compels them into good Manners. But when that Power and Punishment is withdrawn, they again harden their hearts like Pharaoh, and then when the Temptation of rich Merchantmen presents itself, their natural Inclination to Piracy returns, and their Covetousness again prevails, and then they curse the Peace, and the makers of it, and without remorse break their Articles, and their Faith, having neither Honour nor Conscience to restrain them. Wherefore unless the Heads of the chief Cau●ers of the War be given in satisfaction, or Money paid for the expense, and Hostages given for security of it, it can never be expected that a lasting Peace should be maintained with this People; the proof of which, hath been m●de appear by the sequel of affairs, and by those Wars which have ensued since this time. And n●w let us return to the Wars in Hungary, and become Spectators of those Transactions, which were ●hen the general concernment of the Eastern and Western World.   

The Proceedings of the War in HUNGARY.  
WE lest the Grand Vizier on his March towards the parts of Hungary, with an Army, as computed, to consist of Eighty Thousand fight men, and of about Seventy Thousand designed for Pioniers, and other necessary services of the Army. In this march the Vizier out of design to slacken the warlike Preparations of the Christians, 
T●e Viz●●r desi●●s a Trea●y to am●●s●●he Christians.  and to discover the inclinations of the Emperor to Peace▪ desired a Treaty, that if possible, matters might be reduced to terms of accommodation. The Resident of Germany, was then in the Army, but he, not being impowered singly for any such Treaty, the Baron of Goez, then with Ali Pasha at Temeswar, was sent for, and being arrived, were both called into the Viziers' Tent at B●lgrade, to whom it was proposed, That in Case the Emperor desired a Peace, he should resign into the hands and possession of the Sultan Z●●kelhyd, Zatmar, Clausenburg, alias Colosvar, with the late built Fort of Count Serini, without which, no Sacrifice could appease the anger, and give a stop to the progress of the Ottomon Arms. Whilst these Propositions by Post were dispatched to Vienna, the Vizier proceeded in his Journey to Strig●nium, now called Gran, to which place, after▪ sixteen Days time, the Messenger returned with an Answer from the Emperor, which showed a● inclination towards an acceptance of Peace on the terms proposed, but with instructions to his Ministers to moderate by their discreet management (what was possible) the rigour of the demands. For by reason of the disaffection of the Hungarians, whom the Emperor had lately disgusted by demolishing several of their Churches, and discountenancing the Protestant Religion which they professed; and by reason of the Phlegm of the Princes of Germany, whom different interests made slow and unactive in their preparations against the common Enemy; the Emperor was wholly unprovided to oppose the violence of this overflowing Torrent, and bec●me an unequal match for the Ottoman Force. The Tu●ks perceiving that the Germans began to condescend, and yield to any conditions, which might purchase their quiet, started a farther demand of F●fty thousand Florins of Yearly Tribute, 
This Tribute was paid by 〈…〉 to Sultan Solyman.  and two M●llions of Crowns for expense of the War, to be paid by the Emperor to the Sultan. These proud and unex●ed Proposals startled not a little the Baron of Goez, who readily made answer, that he clearly perceived now, that there were no intentions to a Peace, since the Vizier was pleased to make the matter so difficult and impossible, for that it were as easy to bring Heaven and Earth to meet, as his Master to meet the G Signior in the Concession of this particular. These extravagant demands awakened the Imperial Court, who now observing the Turks without their Vizard, to march hastily to surprise them, vigorously roused themselves to make that convenient provision and defence by War, which the straitness of time permitted them: So that in the first place they Assembled a Diet at Ratisbonne, where it was resolved to raise four Armies; the first for the Guard and defence of Moravia and Silesia, under the Command of Count Susa, a Native of R●chel. The second under the Command of Count Raimond Monteculi, for safety of Raab, Newhausel, and Komorra, and the Frontiers of Hungary. The third under Command of Count Nicholas Serini for defence of Croatia. The fourth composed solely of Hungarians, commanded by the Palatine of that Country, which they reported to consist of Thirty thousand fight men▪ Fif●hly, It was ordered that all Garrisons should be well provided of Victuals and Ammunition; and that the Inhabitants of Vienna should take into every House a provision for a years maintenance, and such as were not able at their own Cost, were to abandon their Dwellings. And in the mean time the Villages round about were demolished, to the great amazement and confusion of the People.  
The Turks now bearing in their thoughts nothing but War, began to design and chalk out the best order and method for its prosecution. The principal places then in eye of the Vizier, were Raab, and K●morra, Fortresses of considerable strength, maintained and defended by Soldiers of known prowess and conduct, and provided equally with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions, agreeable to such considerable Bulwarks and Walls, not only of the Germane Empire, but (I may say) of all Christendom. Raab, 
Raab.  called by the Italians, javarin, and by the Turks, Yanick, is situated in a plain, level, and Champion Country; the Town itself very regular and compact, the Fortifications most exact according to the new Model, and much improved in its strength since the recovery of it from the hands of the Turk, by whom it was once taken, in the year 1594. it hath its name from the River Rab, on which it is seated just on the meeting of the Danube. 
Komorra.  K●morra is a stronger Fortress, erected in an Island of the River Danube, called after the same name, which hath often been attempted by the Turks, but with ill success; at both which places I have personally been, and viewed them with much delight. Wherefore the Vizier considering the strength▪ and difficulty of these places, resolved to take due and mature consideration before he engaged himself in any enterprise, and to that end assembled together in Consultation with him the most ancient and grave men, that were Natives of the Country; some of these being such who had lived in Rab, been Slaves ●here, 
The Turks deliberate of the method to be used in War.  and had well marked and observed the strength of that Fortress both as to Nature and Art, assured the Vizier, That the Work was immense, difficult, and dangerous, and not to be accomplished in the space of one Summer; and that the Winters in that Country were very cold and rigid, and ill agreeing with the temperament of the Asiatic Soldiery. The Vizier, though he farther considered that his Soldiers were as yet young and unexperienced, and that a foil encountered at the first Enterprise, might be a discouragement from following the continued Tract and Course of this War, which must be sustained with labour and patience, and that to withdraw his Forces in the Winter would be a dishonour to the Ottoman Arms, a blemish in the beginning to his own Reputation, and an encouragement of the Enemy: Howsoever, having a violent Ambition and Desire to become Master of Rab, he could not rest satisfied in this Counsel before he had consulted with Ali Pasha, and other Pashaws of the Frontier Countries, who duly considering the matter as it stood, concurred in the same judgement that was formerly made of the difficulty of th●s design; and herein they were the more strongly confirmed, by the report of certain Hungarians, whom some parties of Horse, under the Command of Ali Pasha, roving and sallying out near the Walls of Rab, had surprised and taken, who being brought bound before the Vizier, related, That the Town was well provided with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions, and the Garrison reinforced by Count Montecuculi with supply of four Thousand men, and in this manner reported the Work as difficult as the Turk● of the Country had formerly signified. This relation confirmed by so many hands, diverted the Vizier from this Design: ●or before that time imagining it a place which might easily be subdued, he proposed to himself, without any interruption, a clear and undisturbed March to the Gates of Vienna, which he swallowing also in his thoughts, hoped by his own success to repair the shame of Solyman's flight from the Walls of that City, and besides the glory of forcing the Emperor from his Imperial Seat, he should atone for the sin of the Ottomon Cowardice, and be the first who undertook to mend the actions, and outvie the prowess of the most magnificent, and most successful of their Sultan's. But the Ambition of this grand design giving way to necessity, and to those other impediments which obstructed it, 
Newhausel.  after due and mature Consultation, Newhausel, called by the Hungarians Oywar, was fixed upon as the place to be first attempted, and held up to the eye of the Soldiery, as the reward and prize of their valour and hazard. Wherefore Boats were provided, and Planks, and Timbers for a Bridge to pass the Danube, which the Turks in a few days, according to their usual expeditions, had raised; so that the Army both Horse and Foot began to transport themselves as fast as was possible to the other side, but the multitudes crowded over in that disorder and haste, that Three or four Thousand men had scarce passed the River before the Bridge was so broken and shattered, that some time was necessarily required to repair it, before the rest of the Army durst adventure to follow their Companions. The Approach of the Turkish Army alarmed all that side of Hungary, but especially the Inhabitants of Newhausel; who observing the Turks to bend their Course that way, plainly foresaw the Storm of War to be breaking on them: The News also of the fall of the Bridge, and thereby the Separation of about Four thousand Turks from the Body of the Army, was brought in by the Country people, who forsaking their Villages, 
Forcatz the Governor of Newhausel, ill advises a Sally.  fled for succour to the stronger Fortress of Newhausel. Hereupon Forcatz, the Governor of Newhausel, a valiant and experienced Soldier, though esteemed by the Turks unfortunate, taking this Alarm, judged that this occasion of cutting off that part of the Turkish Army which had past the River, was in no wise to be omitted, and therefore assembled a Council of War, which consisted of all the principal Officers and Commanders of the Garrison; (amongst which was Colonel Volter, that commanded the Four thousand men, lately sent to reinforce the Town) he declared that his Opinion was, immediately to make a Sally on that part of the Turkish Army, which had already passed the River, before the Bridge was repaired for Transportation of the others; which endeavours, by God's Assistance, succeeding well, might not only discourage the Enemy, but be a means to divert them from their present design upon their City. This Advice, though he pressed with heat of Argument, and violence of Speech, yet could it not prevail with the rest of the Council, which seemed wholly averse thereunto, especially Volter, who declared, That his Commission was not to fight in the Field, but to conserve himself within the Walls, for maintenance of his Garrison: Some days passed in this Dispute, whilst Forcatz growing more eager and hot on this design, used opprobrious Terms, and expressions of infamy towards the other Officers, accusing all such of Cowardice and Treason, who refused to concur with him in this Enterprise and advantage on the Enemy, which Heaven seemed to reach out to them for their Deliverance, if their wisdom and courage afforded them only will and grace to lay hold on the opportunity. These sharp words and resolution of the Governor provoked the minds of the Officers to a condescension, and thereupon about Eight thousand men of Choice, and approved Soldiers, well armed with stout hear●s, and hard Iron; not suffering themselves to be upbraided with such reproach, in the silence of the Night, under the Conduct of Forca●z, (their own Commander, Volter remaining in the Town) too● their way towards the Turkish Camp. and being armed with Firelocks, marched with all privacy, without lighted Matches, or sound of Drum or Trumpet. But whilst the foregoing Dispute lasted, the Turks had transported the gross of their Army over the River, and then lay on her Banks, resting securely under their Pavilions. The Christians approaching near the Turkish Camp, with the first twilight, 
Fortcatz surprises the Turkish Camp.  and dawning of the Morning, (perceiving the Enemy unprovided, but not discovering their Force) dealt at first onset, their shot most plentifully amongst them, and proceeding amidst the thickest, cutting, shooting, kill, and making havoc of all before them. The amazed Turks having many of their Companions brought to their last sleep, before themselves were throughly awake, and some flying before they discovered the reason or the danger, an Alarm was given by the confused murmur of Allah, Allah, and that the Christians were upon them, reached the farthest Quarters of the Turkish Army, which immediately put themselves into Battalia, and order of fight, whilst this handful of Germans proceeded forwards, dealing their blows amongst their Enemies, cutting the Cords of the Tents, and destroying all before them. But by this time the Turks having put themselves into a posture of Defence, the Horse and Foot came marching in a Body, extending their Wings in the form of a half Moon, so as to enclose this small number, 
The Germans are routed, and fly.  and on all sides to assail them. The Germans seeing this formidable sight approach, and no safety in flight, encouraged each other to sell their Lives at as dear a rate as they could; all hopes of escape seeming desperate, they fought with that courage and obstinacy as amazed the Turks, and yielded not until their Spirits fainted with labour, and their Swords were blunted by the Bodies of their Enemies. The Count Forca●z hardly escaped, but by the help of his Horse, with some few others, fled to Newhausel, which unwillingly received him, wishing that the rashness of his Counsels had only proved his own destruction, and not involved so many brave and innocent Soldiers, who were only unfortunate for being overpowered by his command and persuasions: The rest overwhelmed with multitudes, yielded; for though they behaved themselves beyond the power and courage of men, yet the numbers of the Enemy prevailed▪ at length over these Christian Champions, whose Gallantry was more eminent and conspicuous in being subdued, than the Glory of their Enemies in the Victory. In this Skirmish few escaped, amongst which Four h●ndred Gentlemen were slain, and about eighteen hundred Prisoners reported to be taken, a bad Omen at the beginning of this War. This Rout being given, 
The Vizier dea●s not like a Soldier with hi● Prisoners of War.  the Turks triumphed in Blood, and success, and returned w●th their Captives, and Trophies back to Strigonium, where the Vizier mounting a Throne of State and Majesty, treated these valiant Soldiers, not like men of War, or Captives tak●n in open Field, but as a Judge condemned them to die by the hand of the Hangman or Executioner, passing a formal Sentence of Death upon them, as if they had been Thiefs or Assassinates arrested by the hand of Justice. The Sentence being passed, and the Turkish Army drawn up, these valiant Christians were ranked in order and file to die, who had so lately with Swords in their hands, ranged themselves in Battle against their Enemy; and so soon as the Executioners fell to their work, and the horrid Massacre was begun, the Guns were fired, and the whole Camp resounded with barbarous Music and shouts. In the mean while the most superstitious amongst them triumphed, that God was now destroying the Infidels, manifesting the truth of their Prophet, and doing his own wo●k; not unlike the assertions and doctrines of those Pretenders to Religion, who have always hallowed and excused their cruelties with the Name of God, and sanctified the blood they have shed by making their Enemy's Amalekites, and by pretence of false Lights and Prophecies countenanced their most impious Sacrilege in God's Churches, and Invasions of their Neighbour's Rights. The merciless Executioners had proceeded to bereave of life about Thirteen or Fourteen hundred persons, the Vizier standing a Spectator with zeal to his Sect and Prophet, until the Turkish Soldiery who inhabit the Borders, glutted with so much cruelty towards their Neighbours, began to murmur, and at length to speak aloud, That to destroy Captives in cold Blood was an action against the Law of Arms, and might be revenged by their Enemies with like examples of cruelty, since none there present, being all Soldiers, were secure from the misfortunes and mutabilities of War. The Vizier overhearing these whispers of the Soldiery, gave a stop to the cruelty of the Executioners, and sent such as survived to different Prisons in Buda, Ad●ianople, and Constantinople. I have seen not far from Strigonium the heads of these Wretches thus miserably butchered, thrown up into a heap, the Beards and Hair of those that lay undermost still growing; the Earth which sucked in their blood, became thence stenched up and barren, and the white bones and carcases of their bodies lay dispersed and scattered in a large Field; so that I could not but call to mind the massacred Legions under the Conduct of Quint●lius Varus in Germany; and those albentia ossa, and the barbarous Altars flowing with the Roman blood; and I could as passionately fancy to have seen the angry Germans return to appease the Ghost; of their Countrymen with decent Burial, as I was sensible of Germanicus in zeal, when he adventured to contaminate his Augurs Office by his too forward Humanity and Religion towards h●s Country and Parentage. But t●is cruel●y of the Vizier was recompensed by Count Serini not long after, who having had some success against Arnaut Pasha and his Army, of whom he had slain six hundred men, and such as he took alive, in cold blood he dismembered and tortured, and having of some cut off their hands, and plucked out their eyes, sent them to report the reason of this inhuman and merciless usage to the Vizier.  
In the mean time Forca●z, advised General Montecuculi the Governor of Rab of this de●eat, and how the flower and strength of his Garrison was destroyed; and that if he were not immediately supplied, he should be forced to abandon his Fort, and leave all to the fury and mercy of the Enemy. Hereupon a Thousand Germane were sent for succour with all sorts of Ammuninition and Provisions requisite; 
The Turks approach to Newhausel.  but the Turks after their Triumph before Strig●nium, returned and marched on so fast towards Newhausel, having passed the Danube, that certainly they had intercepted this Recruit, had not Forca●z amused their minds, and for a while stopped their hasty approach, by advancing a white Flag to the top of the Walls, as if he had had a design of Treaty and Surrender of the Town upon Conditions: So that here the Turkish Army made a halt, and for Three or Four hours' time remained with expectation when Conditions for the Surrender should come; every one wondering to see the Flag of Truce erected, and so much silence in the Fort, and yet no appearance of a Message. In this interval and breathing of time, the Succour safely arriving within the Town, the white Flag was changed to colours of defiance, to the great astonishment and anger of the Turks: Whereupon the Vizier drawing somewhat nearer, began to entrench and begird the Town on the 4 th' of August, which was defended by three principal Officers, viz. Count Adam Forca●z, the Marquis Pio an Italian, and one Lucatelli an old and experienced Soldier. But the Vizier, before he would offer any violence to the Town, 
The Turks Summons.  thought fit to summon them in this stile: That through the Grace of God and the Miracles of our Prophet, who is a Son of both Worlds, and by whom there is Happiness and Glory, I that am the first of the Council, and General of the most Mighty Emperor of the Turks, that is the King of all King's ●n the Earth, To you Adam Forca●z that are the Chief among all the Nobility of Hungary, do make known, That through the Command of my most Gracious Lord, the most terrible, the most puissant, and most mysterious Emperor, I am come with his Forces before Newhausel to reduce it to his Obedience. Wherefore if you shall deliver up the place to Us, you shall have liberty to march out with what belongs unto you from the highest to the lowest, and he that would rather stay shall keep his Goods and Estate: But if you will not yield, we will take it by force, and every man of you, from the highest to the lowest, shall be put to the Sword. If the Hungarians did but know the good intentions of the mighty Emperor, they and their childrian would bless God for him. Peace be to the Obedient. The Christians not submitting to these Summons, the Turks continued to make their nearer approaches, and being now at a convenient distance, raised two great Batteries, on which they mounted a Hundred Pieces of Cannon, and from thence made such constant shot as shaked the Churches, and almost leveled the most lofty Buildings with their Foundations. The 14 th'. of August was designed for a general storm, so that before break of day Faggots and Rubbish were brought to fill the Ditches, and scaling Ladders to ascend the Walls; but though the Ottoman Forces were puissant, 
The Turks storm the Town.  and their Assault they made fierce and brisk, yet they were received with that gallantry by the Defendants, that the Trenches early in the Morning were filled with the Carcases of the Dead, and at last the Turks forced to give over the Assault, with the loss of great numbers of their men.  
The Siege still continuing, and the Turks angry, and inflamed with the disgrace of their late ●oil, endeavoured to redeem their Honour by their Attempts, filling up the Ditches with Rubbish, serving themselves therein of the Christian Captives lately taken: The Defendants on the other side, by the dictates of Nature and Reason, were directed to maintain the●r House's, Wives, and Children from the rapine and violence of an unjust Enemy; so that both Parties moving from different Principles, used all the Art and Valour possible for destruction each of other: The noise of Cannon from the Forts raised by the Turks, resounded continually in the Air, and from the Town the shot were often so fortunately placed, that daily, besides great numbers of ordinary Soldiers, many Persons of Note and Quality amongst the Turk● were slain.  
But the Turks having before this Town a greater number of Soldiers than either could come to fight, or what was thought necessary to subdue it the Vizier selected from his Army a very considerable Force to enter and spoil Moravia and Austria; 
The Turks enter Moravia and Austria.  of these were Six hundred Tartars jointed to a strong Force of Turks, who by the guidance of the Natives passing the River Waegh, spoiled and destroyed all the Country round about, carrying men, women, and children into slavery, leaving what was not conveniently portable, in ashes. But in passing the River, they encountered a considerable Body of Germans, both Horse and Foot, and being opposed by them, were at fir●t forced to retreat again over the River with the loss of about Eight hundred Janissaries; but the next Day renewing the Fight with better courage and success, passed the River in despite of the Imperiali●●s, whom they pursued almost as far as Presburg. ●hese Turks were seconded by a greater Body of Tartars, every one after the manner of his Country, leading one or two spare Horses, made Inroads within five miles of Vienna, destroying and laying in ashes all places before them; things there resembling Doomsday, consumed with fire, and not so much almost left as marks or appearance of habitation.  

The confusion of the Germane Councils.  These Troubles and Confusions in Hungary were the talk and amazement of all Christendom, and indeed little more they were than talk, for the Christian Princes farther distant, as less concerned stood at a gaze, expecting the issue of that Treaty which was between the King of France, and the Pope; and the Prince's 〈◊〉 Ge●many (whatsoever was resolved at the ●ier) like men surprised, knew not what Succours to ●fford: ●ome thought it now time to treat with t●e Emperor, and recover the Rights and Privileges t●ey thought their due, and to condescend to ●o Terms o● confederate assistance against the common Enemy, unless with advantageous considerations to their State; and all in general acted with that negligence and coldness, as if only the State of Aust●ia, and not the common Cau●e of Germany had been concerned. The Election of a General for the Imperial Army admitting long debate, was another retardment to the Preparations for the War; the Duke of Brandenburg was nominated, and solicited to accept the supreme Command; but the Title of being General of the Empire, or the Imperial Army, was a dispute undeterminable, and a difficulty not to be overcome: And though the Enemy had passed their Frontiers, and triumphed in their Possessions, and threatened the subversion of all Christendom, yet Jealousies, Niceties, and airy Formalities took up all the time; so that at length their Councils had no other result than an increase of Animosities and Difficulties amongst themselves. 
The Emperor removes to Lintz.  The Emperor al●o ●e●●ified with the Siege of Newhausel, and the near In cursions of the Turks, abandoned his City of Vienna, carrying with him the Records and greatest o● his Richesse to Lintz, to the greater apprehension, discouragement, and fear of the whole Country in general, and was an act which might have produced very fatal effects, had not the Win●er approached, and the progress of the Infidels been interrupted by the Valour, Vigilance, good Fortune, and Conduct of Count Serini, who in requital of those Incursions the Turks made into the Christian Territories, entered the Turkish Borders near Komorra, and there with Fire and Sword destroyed all before him, defeated a Party of about Three thousan● Janissaries, taking from them a good Booty of Money and Provisions designed for Relief of the Leaguer before Newhausel.  
During these varieties of success, the Turks still continued the Siege, and having now made a breach, and almost filled the graft with rubbish, Faggots and other implements, attempted a second storm on the 28 th' and 29 th' of August, but were repulsed with an extraordinary lo●s, by the courageous Gallantry of the Defendants: On the 9 th' of September was given another more furious Assault, 
The Turks make another assault on the Town.  every Pasha leading his men in the Front, so that the Action this Day was so violently and courageously performed, that the Turkish ●nsign was advanced to the top of the Rampire of the Fort Frederick, where both sides coming to handy blows, the dispute continued a long time; but the courage of the Defendants at length prevailing, the Turks were driven headlong ●rom the Walls, and their Colours wrested from them with the loss of about Five thousand men, and Four hundred Christians. Though the Turk● were much abated in their courage by this days work, yet the Vizier obstinately continued the Siege, preparing speedily for another storm, in which he hoped to force the Christians to a Surrender. In the mean time, to facilitate the design of the Turks, on the ●5 th' of Sep●●mber the chief Magazine of Powder (none knows how) took fire, and blew into the Air, by which blow fi●●y Soldiers and several Officers were slain; but the worst was, that the besieged were deprived of all their Powder, unless what remained in private houses, which so dismayed the Inhabitants, that immediately with one voice they demanded a Parley: The Women also began a confused tumult, crying out for a Surrender, in which they were so impetuous and violent, that they threw stones from their windows on the Soldiers. Amidst of this confusion the Turks disposing their Companies to make another storm, the Officers resolved upon a Treaty, which concluded with these following Conditions.  
First, 
Newhausel yielded.  That the Commanders and Garrison should marc● out on the Seventeenth of September, with bag and Baggage, and have safe conduct as far as Komorra: And that for a convenience of the Sick and Wounded, the Vizier should be obliged to provide Four hundred Carts and more, if there should be occasion.  
Secondly, That as such as desire to abandon their dwellings, may have liberty to depart, so such as desire to abide may continue their habitations: And that the Religious and Ecclesiastical persons may perform their Functions as in ●ormer times.  
Thirdly, That upon the Surrender of the principal Works, no Turk shall enter within the Town, until all such as intend to depart have quitted their stati●ns.  
Fourthly, That for performance of Articles, two Aga's should be given f●r Hostages▪ and that until the foregoing Articles were ●ully accomplished, all acts of Hostility should cease.  
Fi●thly, Th●t the Garrison might not be necessitated to march through the Turkish Camp, the Turks themselves were obliged to make them a new Bridge, or repair the old to pass the Niter.  
These Articles, though punctually observed by the Turks, yet the Tartars, who are of a faithless and barbarous nature, upon certain pretences assaulted the Garrison, as they marched out, and had doubtless moved the rest of the Camp Rabble to imitate their example; had not many of the Pashaws at the Head of their Troops, killed the most forward in this Rebellious attempt, whose perfidious insolence and riot could not yet have been restrained, had not the Garrison quickened their pace, more like a flight than an orderly March. But the Vizier on the contrary, distributed Money to the Garrison, and especially to the Hungarians, with design (as is supposed) to allure and attract their minds to a belief of the gentleness of the Turkish Yoke; as if he compassionated the miseries of that Country, which was the Stage whereon the Tragedies of so many miseries and slaughters were acted. This Siege continued about the space of Forty three Days▪ of the Garrison marched out Three thousand five hundred sound men, and about Five hundred wounded, those Inhabitants who would remain, had protection and liberty. The Army which besieged the Town, consisted of Fifty thousand men. In the Town were found Sixty p●eces of Brass Cannon, but most broken and unserviceable, with little Ammunition, but with great provision of Hungarian Wines. The loss the Turks might receive, is computed to have been of about fi●●een thousand men, amongst which was slain, the Spaheelar Agasee, or General of the Horse, Beco Pasha, Beglerbeg of Romalia, Usaff, Pasha of Anatolia, and Ibrahim Pasha of Seyda, with six●een Captains belonging to Buda, and nine to constantinople.  
The loss of Newhausel affected the Austrian Court with so dreadful apprehensions of the O●t●m●n Fortune and Fury, that they hastened the fi●●shing of the Works, and Fortifications of Vi●n●a; cutting down all the Woods and Boscage there●● ou●s, which might benefit or shelter the Enemy▪ and so great an impression did the fear o● the Turks prevalency and power work on the minds of the Germans, that they not only Fortified the Frontiers, but secured the innermost parts of Austri●, which ex●end along the River, as far as within three M●les of Lintz.  
But above all, P●ss●nium, which was upon the Frontiers, 
Possonium garisoned.  though not an open Town, yet of no ●●●e●gth or resistance, was not neglected, but reinforced ●●th a considerable Garrison▪ and the 〈◊〉 ●e●to●ed and repaired, with as many additional Fortifications as time would admit. But the Inhabitants had lost so much of their Spirit and Courage, by the melancholy relation of the fate of Newhausel, and the apprehension of the dreadful advance of the whole Turkish Force, that their constancy to the Emperor began to waver, and to entertain some thoughts of submitting to the mercy and clemency of the Turks, who had newly declared, that such as voluntarily submitted to the Ottoman Obedience, should for Three years be exempted from all Tribute or Taxes. This consideration adjoined to fear, so prevailed on those of Possonium, that they shut the Gates against the Garrison which was sent to recruit and defend them; some publicly declaring the extremity of their affairs had no other safety than in a surrender o● themselves to the mercy and protection of the Vizier. Howsoever the Count Strozzi▪ 
Count Strozzi.  with his Italian Artifices, so wheedled the grosser humour of the Hungarians, that they were persuaded to admit him and his Regiment within the Town, where he disposed all things with that Conduct, and built those Forts, and in a short time so apparently rendered the Town tenable, that the Inhabitants taking Courage, resolved to defend themselves, in obedience to their Prince, to the ultimate point of Estates and Lives. 
Leventz taken by the Turks.  In the mean time the Turks made themselves Masters of Leventz, a Town, though tenable, and not contemptible for its strength, yet was by the People's fears, and allurements of the Viziers' promises and fair Propositions, committed to the mercy of the Turks, and swore in Fealty to them the 23 d day of September.  
By this time the news of the taking of Newhausel, 
Festivals for Victory amongst the Turks.  was arrived at the Ottoman Court, where it was entertained with so much joy, that a Dunelma, or Festival, was appointed for the space of seven days through the whole Empire; which according to the fashion of the Turks, is Celebrated by adorning the Gates, and outward Walls of their Houses, so soon as it begins to be dark, with grate store of Lamps and Candles, during which time the Nights are spent with Music and Banq●ets, as the Days are with Visits and Presents, and Corban, (which is an Alms which rich men make in flesh to the poor sort, and is given either at the little Biram, which is called the Feast of Corban, or upon some public Thanksgiving, which is performed in this manner. 
The manner of Corban. ) He that makes the Corban, first lays his hand upon the head of the Sheep, or Lamb, makes a short Prayer, and then in the Name of God cuts the throat, the Butcher afterwards flaying off the skin, the Corbanist divides the flesh into small pieces, to as many poor as flock to receive it. In the heat of these Revels and Banquets, every one spoke high in praise of their fortunate Arms, and Congratulated each with other, the prosperous beginnings of this War, promising to themselves the following year, rather a time of Peregrination or Travel through the pleasant Countries and Cities of the Christians, than blood and sweat in obtaining the possession of their Enemies. Nor were such imaginations vain or absurd for the Commonalty to entertain; in regard it was evident to the World, in what manner the Ottoman Arms roved through Hungary uncontrolled, without an appearance of any consideraable Force to give them the least stop or interruption; so that under the very Walls of Rab and Presburg, and on the Banks of the Danube near Komarra, Incursions and depredation were made, and great numbers of People of both Sexes, and of all Ages, were carried into slavery, the Country all round laid wa●e, the Corn and Hay burnt; with all other miserable effects and Concomitants of War:  
In this manner all places seemed to fall down and yield at the very rumour of the Turks approach; for not only Leventz surrendered itself, but likewise Ni●ra, though overtopped by a strong and an impregnable Castle, was by the Cowardice of the Commander betrayed at the first Summons of the Turks; for which action, the Captain afterwards, by express Command of the Emperor, suffered Death.  
After all these successes, though no opposition appeared in the Field▪ to obstruct the luxuriant and wanton march of the victorious Squadrons of the Ottoman Army; and not only Hungary, but Austria, and the lower Germany was Alarmed and terrified with the rumour of the Turkish numbers; and though the Vizier (as it is said) began this War with the ambitious thoughts of possessing Vienna itself, and outvying the Acts of Solyman the Magnificent: Yet it seemed strange, that being come thus ●ar, and almost in prospect of his hopes, that he should give a check to his Fortunes, and not advance towards Vienna, to which now the passage seemed wide and open; but it was almost a miracle, that he should not make a Visit to P●ssonium, before which, had he only displayed his dreadful Arms, it had surrendered at his first Summons and Appearance. Instead whereof he attempted Schinta, 
The Vizier assaults Schinta, but beaten off.  the Magazine of the Emperor's Arms and Artillery, but found not the same easy entrance as he did with the Governor of Nitra; but instead thereof, being stoutly repulsed after several Assaults, concluded the enterprise too difficult, and requiring more time and blood than could be countervailed by the acquisition of that place. Wherefore raising his Camp, he employed a considerable Party to take Novigrade, a Castle situated on a high Rock, encompassed with a Ditch of 34 Foot deep, 
Novigrade taken by the Turks.  Garisoned with Six hundred Soldiers, and provided sufficiently with Victuals and Ammunition; howsoever by ill fortune, and worse Conduct, this place also was resigned into the hands of the Turks.  

The Vizier retreats to his Winter Quarters.  By this time the Winter approaching, and the season of the Year beginning to be unfit for action, the Great Vizier retreated as far as Belgrade, to take up his Winter Quarters with the gross of his Army: Where remaining with full satisfaction and glory, contemplating ●he successes of the past Year, and promising ●o himself greater renown, and exaltation of his mighty acts, for that ensuing; he so contemned the Force of his Enemies, that he Licenced great numbers of the Asian Spahees, who came as far as from Bayl●n and Grand Cairo, to return home to their own possessions. Howsoever, to vex the Christians with continual Alarms, the Vizier ordered a flying Body of Turks and Tartars, to the number of 30000. under the Command of 
* P●sha of Temiswar.  Chengiogli, to pass into Stiria and Craotia, the Country of Count Seri●i, and there to burn, lay waste, and depopulate all before them. Count Serini was now newly returned from Hungary, and supposing the season for action finished, had lodged the greatest part of his Forces within their Winter Quarters, and securely laid himself to repose; when an Alarm came of the approach of Thirty thousand Horse; the Count rousing his great Spirit from its ease, collected as many of his People into a Body, as the shortness of time would permit, which were not above 480 men; and with these he betook himself to the River Muer, to give a stop (if possible) to the passage of the Enemy, placing Sentinels in all places where the River was fordable. On the Seventeenth of November, the Christians espied the Turks Encamped on the other side, and at the same time discovered Two thousand of them to have passed the River; on which, 
Count Serini overthrows a Party of Turks and Tartars.  Serini immediately made that furious Assault, assisted with the Courage of Captain Chirfaleas (a Person who had oftentimes given glorious proofs of his valour against the Turks) that he soon put them to open flight, and they seeking to pass the River, and missing the place where the River was fordable, threw themselves headlong into the Water where the most part of those perished who escaped the Sword. The Turks on the other side were so amazed at this stupendious Valour of Serini, that their Courages failing them, they desisted from their farther attempt upon Croatia; so that this poor Country seemed as it were for the present, to be reprieved, by Miracle, from a total destruction.     

year 1664. THE HISTORY OF Sultan Mahomet IU. THE XIII. EMPEROR OF THE TURKS. The Third BOOK  

Anno Christi, 1664. Hegeira, 1075.  
THE Month of january was now well entered with its rigid Frosts, when Apafi Prince of Transilvania, beholding his Soldiers in their Winter Quarters, and all things quiet and still about him, judged it seasonable for his establishment to discover himself with some lustre to the World, seated in the usual Throne of the Transylvanian Princes; which sight appeared so universally grateful to the People, that they began to be enamoured of their Prince, and to applaud his Person, his Prowess and Virtues, and to cast an ill and envious Eye on those Cities which were Garrisoned with Germane Soldiers. About which time the Fortress of Zechelhyd revolted from Obedience of the Emperor unto Apafi the Prince: 
Zech●hyd revolts to Apafi.  For the Soldiery of that Garrison having long Arrears of pay due to them, made a Mutiny, and expelled their Colonel Dempenbal from his Office, and pillaged his House, placing the Quartermaster of Str●zz●'s Regiment in his stead. The news of this Sedition flew quickly to Vienna, from whence immediately a Messenger was dispatched with an Act of Pardon from the Emperor, upon submission, and proffers of full satisfaction of all Arrears; but the Soldiery finding themselves only paid with words, harkened to the more effectual Propositions of Apafi, who taking hold of this opportunity, sent every Soldier ten Dollars with a Suit of clothes, promising larger and more constant Pay than they received from the Emperor, with which the Garrison being satisfied, surrendered up their City on the 20 th' of january. But whilst other Armies remained in their Quarters, and other Commanders gave themselves up to ease, and drowned themselves in Wine and Banquets; and whilst Jealousies, Envies, and Ceremonies, disturbed and confused the resolves of Diets and private Councils; the generous and vigilant Serini, having received advices from Adrianople, that the Turks design in the next Campagna, was to convert the whole heat and fury of the War upon Croatia, and through that Country to open a passage unto Friuli; his active spirit conceived that heat and flame, that the Winter's cold could not i'll his hot and eager desires from entering into the open Field, and commencing some attempt and enterprise on his Enemy. Wherefore on the 16 th' of january, he began his march from Serinswar, with an Army of about 25000 men; and in the first place, marching along the Banks of the Dravus, showed himself before Berzenche; which upon conditions of marching away with Arms, Bag, and Baggage, was surrendered to him. Bakockza was likewise yielded, and a Palancha on the River quitted upon report of the Count's approach, leaving behind them Eight brass Guns in the Fort. From hence he marched towards Esseck, otherwise called Oseck, which is the only pass from the upper to the lower Hungary, having a Bridge of Wood over a Moor or Fen, about six or seven miles in length, which once I remember, with my Horse, I was an Hour and three quarters in passing (as I observed by my Watch), and reported to have been six years in building. This Bridge Serini resolved to burn, 
Oseck.  which cost the Turks 300000. Dollars, and six years' time to bu●ld; imagining that to rebuild it again, was a Work of that time, as could not be repaired in one Summer, and that by this means the Turks would be disappointed of all Action the following Year, 
The Bridge burned.  and the Empire have time to breathe, and assemble the utmost of their Strength and Force together; wherefore taking opportunity of the hard Winter, when the Marsh was frozen, and a strong Wind to carry the Flame; he sent before him 2000 Dragoons, and 3000. Croats, which encountering 6000. Turk's at the foot of the Bridge, set for Guard of that place, were so ill treated by them, that they had been wholly cut off, had not a considerable Force of Horse and Dragoons come in to their assistance, by whose Resolution they not only routed the Turk, but took the Palancha, which was the Defence of the Bridge, and having gained it in hot Blood, put all to Fire and Sword; after which, Fire being set to the Bridge in divers places, in a short time it was consumed, and remained in Ashes. The news of this Exploit was received at Vienna with great Joy; believing that for the following Year, they had disappointed the Turks of a Passage; but by the sequel it will appear, how much they erred in the account made of the Diligence of the Turks, who in forty days repaired that which they esteemed a work of some Years; and as I observed, it was all built of new Timber, and on another Foundation different from the old. From this place Serini marched to Quinque Ecclesiae, 
Quinque Ecclesiae taken by Serini.  or Five Kirk, at whose near approach, the Turks set out a white Flag on one of the Towers, signifying a desire of Parley, as if they had had intentions to surrender on Terms and Articles of Agreement; the Christians with this Confidence marched near the Walls, where the Turks espying their Advantage on their Enemies now under command of their Guns, fired upon them, and did severe Execution, killing amongst others, several principal Officers, of which were General Hammerling, and Count Harberstein; which perfidious Action so transported Serini, that he resolved on a furious Assault, and performed it with that Gallantry, that on the 5 th' of February he took the Town by Storm and Force of Arms, and in Recompense of their treacherous Stratagem, put all the Inhabitants to the Sword, and gave up the Town to the Pillage and Plunder of the Soldiery, and a●tewards setting it on Fire, rendered it the most horrid Spectacle of Fire and Sword that had as yet been seen or known in this present War.  
These Successes of Serini gained him the Reputation of a valiant and fortunate Prince, and his liberal hand in frankly bestowing the Booty and Pillages amongst the Soldiery, invited great numbers to follow his Banner. His active Spirit and Vigilance gained him likewise a Reputation amongst the Turks, that their principal Fear and Dread was of Serin-Ogli, as of a watchful and politic Enemy; for in every place he made great Havoc and Spoil, being reported to have laden two thousand five hundred Carts with Slaves, Goods and Ammunition, and to carry with him an hundred fifty five Pieces of Cannon taken out of small Forts and Palancha's, and to have laid waste all the Country between the Dravus and the Danube. In these Incursions, and victorious and dreadful Travels through the Enemy's Country, the valiant Serini at length arrived at Sigeth, 
Sigeth Besieged.  a Fortress consisting of a new and old Town conjoined by a Bridge which crosses a famous Marsh or Fen, ennobled by the Attempt made thereon by Solyman the Magnificent in the year 1565. with an Army of six hundred thousand Men; in defence of which Nicholas Serini, the great Grandfather of the present Count, immortalised his Fame and Memory with the loss of his Lise, and renowned ●he Place itself by his Feats at Arms. At this place Serini was resolved to revenge the Blood of his Ancestors, and sacrifice great numbers to the Ghost of his Grandfather; to which end he sent the Count Olack before him with part of his Army, to Summon the Enemy, and prepare the way to his own more effectual Force; Olack had ordered all things accordingly, when Serini full of Glory and Spoils arrived him in his Leaguer, and joining together, appointed a day for a general Storm; but whilst these things were meditating, and that Sigeth was reduced almost to the last Extremity, advice came of the near approach of a Body of twelve thousand Turks and Tartars; 
The Siege raised.  to encounter which, the Attempt was accounted difficult, considering the loss and diminution of the Christian Forces, which by continual Actions, and the bitter Sufferings of the Winter Season, were reduced to a number inferior to that of their Enemies; and wanting all sorts of Provision and Ammunition, it was resolved, as most expedient, to raise the Siege, which was the next day performed, and the Soldiery taken into Garrisons to Repose and Recruit themselves. But whilst by the active and zealous Spirit of this great Champion, most matters proceeded successfully on the side of Croatia, the Christian Affairs on the other side, by the negligence of some Ministers, ran into evident Ruin and Disorder. For Claudiopolis, 
Claudiopolis yields itself to Apafi.  which not many years past had defended itself so valiantly against the Turks under the Command of the Governor Retani, did now, wanting pay, (the Sinew and Lise of the Soldiery) ●ollow the late Example of Zechelhyd, and surrendered itself into the hands of Apafi; and though the Complaints and Murmurings of the Soldiers gave a sufficient time of warning to make due Provisions against a Misfortune so imminent and plainly appearing; yet the want of Expedition at Vienna, and the unprofitable Application only of empty Words and Air to feed the penury, and satisfy the Appetite of starving Men, was a Remedy so little available, that the Garrison submitted to Apafi, and yielded to Conditions whereby they might Eat and Live: the Story of which Place, compared with that of Zechelhyd, was so shameful and pungent to Men capable of any impressions of Honour or Duty, that at length it awakened the Germans, and admonished them to provide better for Zacmar and Tockey, and other Frontier Garrisons, lest they also should incur the like Fate and Misfortune with the two former.  
By this time the Actions of Serini were rumoured in the Grand Signiors Seraglio, and the report of them became common in the mouths of the Vulgar; wherefore full of Anger and Disdain, the Sultan wrote severely to his Vizier, reproving him of negligence for suffering Serini so freely to Range his Countries without control, to the great Dishonour of his Empire, and Damage of his People: whereupon the Vizier not as yet having received his Recruits, nor prepared so early for the March of the gross of his Army, dispatched notwithstanding a considerable Force to precede him, with Orders either by stealth to surprise Serinswar, or else to lay Siege unto it. This Army marching by the way of sosna, the news thereof was brought to Count ●e●er S●ri●i, appointed by his Brother to stand Centinal on the Guard of his Country, 
Count P●ter S●●ini 〈◊〉 the Tu●ks in the straits 〈…〉.  whilst he in Per●on was ●●sied in Hungary, who immediately thereupon, with what Force he could collect, ambushed himself at the narrow Pass of a Mountain cal●ed the Morlac, where he had not long a●●ended, before the Turks, without order or care, entered with their whole Body; but being on a sudden surprised by the Count, were wholly de●e●●ed, leaving two thousand dead on the place, with many Prisoners.  
The Month of March being now well entered, t●e Frosts began to thaw, and the Air become more mild and moderate, when Count Nicholas Serini entertained thoughts of laying Siege to Kanisia: But to lay the Foundation of this Design with the better Judgement, it was thought first necessary to view the State and Situation of the Place; 
The d●nger of Serini.  wherefore the Count in Person, accompanied with about fourteen Officers, went one day to t●ke a survey thereof; but he was not so private in his Design, but that it was known to the Turks, who secretly laid five hundred Men in wait to take him, and upon the near approach of S●rini, started from their Holes with Shouts and Outcries; but the Count was so well mounted on his Croatian Courser, that he outran them all▪ and got Refuge in the Thickets of a neighbouring Wood, where three hundred of his own Horse alarmed at a distance by the Echoes of the cry, came in to his Succour, and making Head against the Turks, routed and defeated them, killing and taking many Prisoners; amongst the Slain was found one armed Cap-a-pe, with a silk Twist, or Cord of divers Colours about his Waste, who was, as reported by the Captives, to have been one who resolved to have taken Serini, and with that Cord to have brought him bound to the Feet of the Vizier. S●rini having thus escaped, resolved to Revenge himself of the Affront, and therefore made most dreadful Spoils and Confusion in all Places round Kanisia; so that the People flying thither for Sanctuary, were refused Entertainment by the Pasha, who at that time labouring with scarcity, and expecting a Siege, had no need of unnecessary Guests.  
S●rini having now fully resolved to lay Siege to Kanisia, thought fit first to signify the Design to his Imperial Majesty; for which purpose he dispatched away the Engineer General with Letters to the Council of War of the Lower Hungary, 
Serini ma●e● known to the Emperor his design against Kanisia.  containing a perfect Relation of the Success and Progress of his Arms in that Winter, and how he had laid waste and desolate all that circumference of Land which lies between the River Dravus and Serinswar, by which means Kanisia was already straitened with Famine, and that now was the only Season to recover that Fortress, if the Design were put into immediate Execution, before the Turks arose from their Winter-quarters, or had time to afford a powerful Relief. The Resolution of Serini was so well pleasing to the Council, that by the same Messenger they signified their Approbation thereof to the Emperor, then at the Diet at Ratisbone, humbly desiring, that this Design might proceed, which would undoubtedly take effect, if the Count were provided only with thirteen thousand Foot, and seven thousand Horse; but then the Siege was to be laid before the beginning of April, ●est the early motion of the Turkish Camp should ●last and defeat the too late beginning of this Action. The particular Journal of Serini's Success was not less pleasing to his Caesarean Majesty, than his present Heroical Resolution against Kanisia; who thereupon gave Orders to the General Council to supply him with all Provisions, Ammunition and Men which were requisite for this Siege, and was graciously pleased himself to express in a Letter to the Count, the Sense he had of his Merits and Valour, which he applauded and extolled in the Words following.  POstquam mihi Architectus Militaris de Vassemboij eximios Vestr●s progressus famosique Pontis Essolciensis exustionem, & caetera a Vobis edita Virtutis Militaris singularia specimina longa serie exposuisset, supervenerunt Vestrae de 19 Februarii, & omnia breviori, quam tantorum gestorum magnitudo capit, enarratione confirmantes. Posuit fortunatus iste progressus labescenti rei Hungariae firmum adminiculum, erexit consternatos meorum fidelium animos, & futurorum foelicium successuum non exiguum jecit fundamentum. Proinde haec Vestra egregia facta non minus mihi grata & accepta accidunt, quam in Nominis Vestri perennitatem, & augendam apud Posteros memoriam redundant. Spero omnino per Divinam assistentiam, virtutemque, & experientiam Vestram ejusmodi ultiores foelices successus, atque hostilium armorum debellationem. 
According to this Order of the Emperor, the Resolution of the Council of War was established on the 10 th' of March, and Serini published, That on the 8 th' of April he would begin the Siege; but in regard the Germans in S●iria, 
Kanisia besieged.  and the Forces of the Rhine, by reason of the Absence of their General, the Count Olack, could not be so soon ready, the time of the Siege was deferred until the 30 th' of April, on which, or the first of May, the Town was formally beleaguered, not so much with hopes of Success, as with Design to maintain the Reputation of the Imperial Arms, and to divert the gross of the Enemy's force from the more easy and delightful Plains of Hungary, or the plenteous Confines of Vienna▪ to a Country less happy or fruitful, encompassed with Fens and Marshes, poisoned with bad Airs and Vapours, and made more miserable already by the Desolations of War. But let us leave Serini at his Siege before Kanisia, and travel a while with our thoughts to the Diet at Ratisbone, 
The Die● at Ratisbone  and understand what is there forming and designing towards Preservation of the Commonweal of the Empire. The taking of Newhausel, and the Progress of the Ottoman Arms, had awakened the Germane Princes with that Sense of the common Danger, that a Diet was assembled at Ratisbone to consult of the most effectual means that might give a stop to the uncontrolled Incursions of the Turk. And not to trouble the Reader with the Names of all those Princes and Ambassadors which there appeared, it will be sufficient to signify, That besides his Cesarean Majesty, there were present, as his Plenipotentiaries, the Elector of Mentz, and Archbishop of Saltzburgh: And though many Princes showed themselves with Glory and Splendour; yet none appeared with that Pomp and Magnificence as the Elector of Bavaria, who for number of Coaches, richness of his Liveries, and complete Government of his Retinue, was so neat and polite, that he seemed not only to exceed every Court in particular, but in Elegance and Magnificence to equalise them all together. Upon Debate of matters in reference to this War, the Count of Olack was unanimously chosen General for the Confederates of the Rhine; but the more hot disputes between the Protestants and Papists about Election of other Generals kept matters in longer suspense; yet at length the Marquis of Bad●n was chosen Marshal General in behalf of the League, the Marquis of Durlach, and the Bishop of Munster his Counsellors▪ and Director● of the War; and Count Francis Fucher, General of the Ordnance. 
The strength of the Christian Army.  But in the Levies of their Forces they concurred more freely and willingly; for besides the Imperial Forces, which consisted of 41600 Foot, and 13900 Horse, the Allies and Confederates furnished 13850 Foot, and 3350 Horse; the Auxiliaries of the Empire made up a Body of 16991 Foot and 4037 Horse, besides the Forces of Saxony, and Brandenburg, and the Succours of France; so that, by God's Providence, the Christian Army was this year esteemed equal, if not more numerous than the multitudes of their Enemies.  

Italy.  The next matter under consideration was the nomination of Ministers to be sent abroad to implore assistance from Christian Princes more remote; the Count Picc●lomin● was to negotiate in the Courts of Italy; but having taken a Distemper in his Journeys, died af●er a short sickness at Milan.  

England.  Also the Count Colalto, sent to his Majesty of Great Bri●ain, died in his Journey before he arrived at London; notwithstanding which the generous Piety of His Majesty was not wanting with a liberal Hand to contribute towards the Promotion of the Christian Interest.  

Poland.  From Poland nothing more could be obtained than Terms of Courtesy, and Demonstrations of Good Will and Desires, for that their Forces being employed against the Moscovite to recover the lost Countries of Lituania, could not possibly attend the Service and Command of his Imperial Majesty, though they could not but at the same time reflect on their Premures and Necessities with Shame and Confusion which disabled them from answering with like returns▪ the grateful Memory they still retained of the assistance against Sweden.  
To his Most Christian Majesty Count Strozzi was employed, 
France.  before whose Arrival at Paris the common Report and Vogue was, That that King resolved to contribute an effectual Assistance to the Christian Cause in that present Conjuncture; which pious Disposition Strozzi so happily improved, that he obtained from his Majesty a Grant and Promise of four thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, raised and paid at his own Charge, to be united with the Troops of the Rhinish League: And farther, His Majesty was so gracious herein, that he published a Declaration, That what Person soever would serve the Emperor against the Turk, his Resolution and Action therein should be accepted by him, in the same manner as if the Service were immediately tendered to himself. Upon which many Persons of Quality resolved upon this Expedition, amongst which was the Duke of Buglion, the Marquis de Villeroy, the Abbot of Richeli●u, and many other Heroes, and Persons of Bravery, who ventured their Lives with no other Consideration than that of Honour and Religion. But before I pass from this Embassy, give me leave to report a Compliment which Count Strozzi passed upon this King, which some say did savour a little too much of Flattery and Affectation. The matter was this: Count Strozzi being admitted to his Audience, 
Count Strozzi's Speech to the French King.  so soon as he entered into the Chamber, I know not whether it was feigned or real, he seemed to be struck with such an Amazement and Fear, that for a while he was not able to pronounce a word Articulate or Intelligible; but at length recollecting himself, he began with a trembling Voice to excuse this Hesitation of his Speech, having his Senses dissipated, and his Eyes dazzled with the Rays and Splendour of so much Majesty; and with that, as in a Rapture or Ecstasy, broke out into an Admiration of the French Monarchy, the report of whose Greatness and Glory, though arrived to the utmost Confines of the Universe, came yet far short of that real Majesty which he saw and admired▪ whose dreadful and mysterious Throne was sufficient to revive the dead Ashes of the Sabean Queen to prostrate herself before this new Solomon, much excelling the Wisdom, the Richesse, the Virtue, and Happiness of the former. And thence descending with the like sagacious Obsequiousness, to confute the malicious Reports of malignant Tongues, who, envious of the harmony of Christian Spirits, represented His Majesty as illaffected to the Austrian Family; whereas 〈◊〉 the contrary, he could testify to have found that excess of Affection, and admirable Disposition in H●s Majesty towards the Emperor his Ally, as rendered his Embassy abundantly happy and successful, which joined to the Zeal His Majesty had towards the Christian Cause, was like Friendship united to Charity, and moral Virtues made perfect by spiritual Qualifications. In fine, he compared his Christian Majesty to that Glorious Sun, which communicating his light to the Christian World, affords the most benign Influence to the Catholic Climate; with much better reason therefore ought Germany to participate so great a Circle of those Rays, as may serve wholly to obscure and darken the dim and barbarous Light of the Ottoman Moon. In sum, Strozzi knew so well how to manage his Discourse, and play the Orator, that he obtained considerable Assistances, and returned to his Master the Emperor w●th full Demonstrations of all obliging Terms, and courteous Treatments. And having thus understood what Preparations are making in Christ●ndom, let us pass over into the Turks Quarters, and see what is in the mean time transacting in those Dominions.  
At this time the Rumour of a Rebellion and Mutiny amongst the Great Beghs at Grand Cairo in Egypt, 
Rebellion of the Beghs in Egypt.  afforded matter for Trouble and Consultation at the Ottoman Court; for that those Beghs who have great Possessions and Power in that Country, made Seizure of ●brahim Pasha, and imprisoned him, being about the Expiration of his three years commonly allotted to that Government; and therefore near upon departure. The demands they had upon him was for no less than three thousand Purses of Money, which according to the Cairo Account, are reckoned seven hundred and fifty Dollars a Purse, and pretended to be taken from them against Law and Justice; and that without Restitution thereof they resolved not to restore him his Liberty. This Insolence ●gainst so eminent a Pasha, qualified with such absolute Power in his Government, and one related to the Grand Signior by Marriage of his Sister, compared with the late neglects and disobedience of that People who for some years had ●ai●ed in the full payment of their tribute, were in●er●●●eted as evident Symptoms of Disaffection and Malignancy, which that People entertained against the Ottoman Subjection. Wherefore the Sultan immediately dispatched away the Master of his Horse to Cairo, with full Power to appease this Rebellion, and with Lenitives to moderate the Fury of the People▪ who seemed to be too Licentious and Unbridled to be governed by a Musselim Deputy: Wherefore the Selictar Aga was elected Pasha, and to depart with all Expedition. In the mean time this Messenger, to make greater haste, took post through Asia with thirty in his Company, and in a short time arrived at Grand Cairo, where, with fair terms, and Restitution of some Money from the Pasha, all matters were reduced to an amicable composure, only the punishment of the chief Mutineers, with a fair Countenance, deferred for a Season, was afterwards according to the Turkish Fashion, when time and opportunity presented, remunerated to those factious Spirits with a severe Interest, and Satisfaction to Justice.  
Not long after, Ibrahim Pasha having obtained his Liberty, returned from his Government of Cairo to Constantinople, where refreshing himself some time with the Embraces of his young Sultana, an Imperial Command for immediate payment of four hundred Purses of Money to the Grand Signiors Treasury, disturbed h●s delightful quiet. 
Ibrahim Pasha sinned,  The Pasha made a present payment of one half, but desired time for the Remainder, either for want of that instant supply, or else in hopes of ease of his Fine. But the Sultan, who is impatient of any delay in his Slaves, which favours of obstinacy or disobedience, though never so reasonable, dispatched another Command, enjoining present Compliance, and as a Penalty for the late Neglect, raised the Demand from four hundred to six hundred Purses, which if not as readily paid as required, the Kimacham of Constantinople was impowered to commit him Prisoner within the four Gates of the Seraglio, the fatal Prison, from whence few find other Release than by Death. The Pasha not being able to comply, was there restrained of his Liberty; and yet had the good fortune in a few days to obtain his freedom▪ 
and imprisoned.  by the endeavours (as some suppose) of the Great Vizier, who having by this Act weakened his Power and Treasure, did afterwards as an instrument of his Deliverance, conserve his Life, and obtain for him the Government of Darbiquier, where being remote and obscure at so far a distance, could never be capable to shadow, or by his great popularity and affable comportment endanger the present happy state of the Viziers Office.  
Matters growing now towards Action, by return of the Spring, the Grand Signior, to encourage his Vizier in a continuance of his duty, sent him a Horse and a Sword as a Testimony of his favour and good esteem of his Person; and Orders were issued out through all the Empire for public Prayers to be made some days before the Vizier began his March towards the Enemy. This appointment of public Devotions occasioned matter of argument and dispute between the Mufti, and a Shegh or Preacher, one that was always near the Grand Signiors Person, and therefore on Confidence of his familiar Access to the Presence of the Sultan, and on Presumption of his Sanctity and Privilege of his Office, took Liberty to oppose and contradict the Oracle of the Ottoman Law. 
A Dispute between the Mufti and a Shegh.  The Problem in question was, Whether Prayers appointed for success of the Ottoman Arms, according to the Law of their Prophet, were to be made privately, and in every Mosch or Oratory apart, or in a general Assembly of the whole City. The Mufti maintained the last Position, citing in favour of his Opinion the Testimony of divers Arabic Doctors, and the customs of the present and past times. The Shegh on the contrary was for Devotions to be performed in every Mosch, declaring▪ That the Assembly of all the People of a City into one Body did nothing avail or enforce the Power or Prayer; for they being true Believers, were all illuminated, and had no need of helps to make their Prayers more fervent or more acceptable. The Argument was hot on both sides; and though the Mufti had got another Shegh on his part, who might pretend to as much of Illumination as the other, and joined to the Mu●ti's Opinion, who is the Mouth and undoubted Interpreter of the Law, might seem able not only to resolve the knottiest difficulties, but to impo●e an Assent on them with greater Authority; yet the Shegh having the Grand Signior on his side, presently got most of Reason▪ and forced the Mufti to recant his former Opinion as Erroneous and to banish the other Shegh his Compan●on, pretending that he was now convinced, and had sooner discovered the truth, had not the Impost●r▪ the false Preacher deceived him by his feigned Illuminations. This Victory gained the Shegh much applause and esteem with the Grand Signior, so that he ven●ed what Doctrine he pleased and all he said was taken for Divine Rules and Precepts He was born about Van on the Confines of Persia, so that he is called Vanni Efend●, and is of the Armenian Race: he preached every Friday at Adrianople in one Mo●ch or other, where the Grand Signior was for the most part present; and though the greatest part of his sermons were stuffed up with Praises of the Mah●m●●an Religion, and Invectives against Christians, sentencing all polluted and profane who associate with them, and exclaiming against the Abomination of Wine; yet it is confidently reported▪ that he is no strict Observer of the Law he pro●esses, the which his Disciples and Familiars are ready to excuse in him, saying, That it may be lawful for him to dispense with such matters, in regard his Illuminations and high Prerogatives of Sanctity have enfranchised him from observance of the meaner and less substantial points of the Law.  
The Turks, 
Predictions amongst the Turks.  who are as much given to Predictions and Interpretations of old Prophecies, as ever the Egyptians were, busied themselves this year more than ever, to know the Event of this War. Some, who had studied ancient Arabic Predictions, had extracted certain Astrological Figures, and from thence framed strange Fancies, according to the humour or melancholy of the ginger; one whereof coming to the Grand Signiors ears, mentioning divers things obscurely, and in general of the great Effusion of Blood, but that at last the Advantage and Victory should remain to the Turk, and that the Grand Signior himself should shortly make a Journey; the Grand Signior troubled hereat, as much as ever Pharaoh was about the Interpretation of his Dream, sent for one of the Chief Justice's of the Law, called the Kadilescher, and with him conferred concerning this Prediction: all things pleased him well, but only the latter part of making a Journey. Whither that Journey should be, he could not imagine, his Arms were ●o prosperous in Hungary, that he conceived the Vizier had no need of his Pre●ence either to animate or recruit his Army; and to any other part▪ he knew not what could move him from his delightful and beloved City of Adrianople. The Kad●lescher supposing that he might put that Interpretation thereon which might not be ungrateful, replied, Perhaps, O Emperor, he may mean that you shall again re●urn to your sublime and happy Por● of C●●stantinople. The Grand Signior suddenly touched herewith, 
The Grand Signiors aversion to Constantinople.  burst into choler: How, said he, to Constantin●ple! what joy, what comfort can I have there? Hath not that place been fatal to my Father? What benefit had my Uncle from thence? or any of my Race▪ Have not all my Prince's Ancestors been subject to a thousand mutinies and Rebellions in that place? I shall sooner than return thither, set fire to it with my own hands, and rejoice to see that City with my Seraglio brought to ashes. And that we may farther discover the strange aversion the Sultan had to Constantinople, and his resolution to change the Seat of his Empire, it is observable, that he built a small Seraglio not far from Adrianople, in imitation of that near Constantinople, 
A small Seraglio by that name near Constantinople.  called 〈◊〉 Pasha; the place to which he most frequently resorted after that City fell under his dislike and hatred. The Village where his Palace was built was called Chi●mlichoi, or the Village of Pots where earthen Vessels were made: but the Grand Signior changed the name, and called it O●out Pasha, with which name before the People were well acquainted, and that it was accustomed to their mouths, two poor silly Countrymen mistaking, and calling it simply by the former name, were apprehended by some of the Bostangees, and brought before the Grand Signior as contemners of the Imperial Command, and by his immediate Sentence were put to death.  

A Son born to the Grand Signior.  About the end of May the Grand Signior had a Son born to him of one of his Women, for joy of which seven days of Dunalma, or rejoicing were appointed through all the Ottoman Dominions; but especially at Adrianople the Solemnity was greatest, all sorts of Artisans endeavouring to outvie each other in their Shows and Pastimes to entertain the City. At the Gate of the Seraglio was erected a magnificent Pavilion for the Grand Signior, before whom were shown rare artificial Fireworks invented by the most ingenious Masters thereof amongst the jews; one of which firing a Rocket, which not ascending with usual strength, unhappily fell on the Vest of the Grand Signiors Favourite, standing at the door of the Tent; at which the young Man being surprised, sent to find out him who fired it, which happening to be a poor jew, was condemned immediately by the Grand Signiors Sentence to receive eighty Blows on the Sols of his Feet; but as report went, this young Favourite not appeased with this slender Punishment, obtained the Sultan's command to put him to Death.  
But to return to the Turkish Camp. The Vizier was astonished to understand that Kanisia was besieged, and wondered much at the rashness of Serini, in attempting a Work so difficult without probability of success; 
The Siege of Kanisia.  howsoever being advised, that the Garrison was ill provided of Victuals and Ammunition, he gave order for its supply. In order to which eighty Carts laden with Provisions convoyed by a considerable number of Turks, were conducted by way of Sigeth; but being interrupted in their passage by Serini's Soldiers, were routed, put to flight, and their Provisions taken. In the mean time the Besieged made many vigorous Sallies and some not without los● to the Christians; and to defend themselves the better, uncovered the tops of their Houses, and made their Lodgings under ground, secure from Granades, or shot of the Enemy's Batteries. On the other side the Ammunition and Artillery from the Emperor came not so timely as was expected; nor were the Bomboes' and Granades so artificially made, but that many of them spent themselves in vain: the Succours likewise of men fell very short of the numbers promised; and Soldiery being drawn from their Winter Quarters before the colds were passed, or the pasture grown, began to murmur; but nothing discontented them so much as want of Pay, the just complaint of Soldiers, which discouraged them more than the difficulty of their adven●●●e: against all which Serini provided as much as he was able out of his own Purse, continuing the Siege more out of reputation than probable hopes of success; for his Army was at least diminished two thousand in its number, of which four hundred Hungars, and two hundred Germans were 〈◊〉 the first Assaults made upon the Suburbs, and the rest perished by sickness, and the vigorous and frequent ●●llies of the Enemy. Howsoever Serini seemed not to doubt of the success, if he could but be for some time secured from the advance of the Vizier, who now began to draw his gross and numerous Army out of their Winter Quarters into the open field; and therefore with the other Officers before Kanisia, signified their advice to the Emp●rour and General Council of War, That it was necessary that the Imperial Army should be as early in the Field as the Ottoman; and for the more methodical government of Affairs, that the Army should be divided into three Bodies, one to recruit the Forces before the Town, a second to march to Os●k, and hinder the Enemy's passage over the Dravus, and a third to take the Field, and apply assistance where it was judged most useful. This counsel b●ing we●●●ccepted by the Emperor, Orders were immediately issued forth to General Montecuculi to begin his March, with design to obstruct the Turks passage over the Dravus; for that the success against Kanisia was of that high importance, as might justly require the employment of all the Christian Forces in its concernment. Wherefore one Po●● was dispatched after the other to Montecuculi to solicit his speedy March, and to give a stop to the Viziers' Progress. But he answered, That ●e attended General Sporch, whom he every day expected to join with him; but this Answer proving by the effect to be nothing more than a present excuse, gave occasion of suspicion, and produced that discontent in the minds of the most zealous, as spread a rumour through all Germany much to the disreputation of Montecuculi. Time thus being protracted, and no Forces appearing to recruit the Leaguer, at length advice came to the Generals, when they were just going to dinner, that the Vizier with a most numerous Army was within 
* Fifteen English Miles.  three Leagues of the Town. For the Bridge of Osek was against the common opinion again rebuilt, planked, and completed with new Timbers in the space of forty days, many hands making light work; which when first founded, was the work of six years: which Expedition was the more remarkable, in regard that this Bridge was not form out of the Ruins of the old, nor founded on the same ground, but new framed out of the Woods with as much comeliness and order as befits a Bridge of that nature and length, passing over a wild Marsh or Fen. The news of the Viziers so near approach was strange to Serini, who by the calculation made of his March, did not yet expect him for several days; but the Vizier apprehending the straitness in which Kanisia might be, leaving the gross of his Army, made more expidite Journeys with a Body of twenty thousand Horse, which not being unknown to Serini, his daring spirit was once resolved to give him Battle, in which opinion was also Count Strozzi; but Olach dissenting, and refusing to engage his Forces, the Siege was raised, and all the Forces with good order retreated to Serinswar, 
 where they arrived the day following, leaving to the Enemy a great quantity of Powder, Match, Shovels, 20 Carts of Meal, and Two Iron Guns broken.  

The 〈…〉 ●he 〈◊〉 A●my.  No Pilgrim ever followed his way with more devotion to the sacred Shrine, than the Vizier was willingly led in pursuit of his Enemy to the Walls of Serinswar, being the place to which his intentions inclined, as the beginning and consummation of the War. Over against this envied Fort there is a little Hill strong by Nature, encompassed with a narrow Ditch, yet not so narrow, as that a Horse can leap over it, nor yet so shallow as to be forded. This Hill Serini proposed to the rest of his Colleagues or Coadjutors, viz. Olach and Spaar, as a place commodious to incamp their Army, because lying open to the River, could easily be relieved, and would serve as a Redoubt or Out-work to the Fort, in which upon all extremities they might find Sanctuary and refuge: But the apprehension of the Viziers' Numbers, and his near approach had made that impression of fear in their minds, that no safety seemed to remain, unless they could see the River Mura between them and their Enemy. Nor was Serini more successful in his persuasions to assault the Enemy, whilst they were wearied with their March, and busied in extending their Tents, the other Generals being of opinion, that it was too great a hazard for them alone to venture their Forces in so unequal a Combat, but they ought rather to expect Montecuculi, by the addition of whose Forces the lot of War would be less hazardous, if not wholly certain. In this manner great Enterprises have been disappointed, which have wanted only resolution to make them successful, Fortune being commonly favourable, if not a Servant, to bold and daring Spirits; the disunion also of Generals hath been the overthrow of the wisest Counsels, and Wars have been observed never to have thrived where the Heads of Armies have been of dissenting humours or different interests.  
This timidity on the Christian part raised in that manner the spirits of the Turks, 
 that without stop or opposition passing the River Muer, they arrived at Serinswar, where they immediately fell to their Mattock and Spade, breaking ground for their Trenches, which by continued labour they so diligently attended, that in Seventeen days they arrived at the very Ditch of the Fort: Only whilst the Turks were transporting their Numbers over the River, the generous spirit of Strozzi not enduring to see their passage so easy and open, valiantly opposed himself and his small Force against the greater power of the Enemy, and so resolutely performed the Action, that he killed Five hundred upon the place, till at length being unfortunately shot by a Musket-bullet in the Forehead, 
〈◊〉 S●r●zzi slain  he gloriously, together with one Chi●fareas, a renowned Croatian Captain, ended his days in defence of his Country and the Christian Cause.  
In this interim General Montecuculi arrived with his Army, and was received by Count Serini with all evidences and demonstrations of respect and hearty welcome, and between both passed an appearance at least of friendly correspondence. But as to the present Engagement, Montecuculi was of opinion, That the opportunity was over slipped, which should at first have been performed, rather by way of surprise than open Battle, before the Ottoman Army had arrived to its full numbers, consisting now of an hundred thousand fight men. To which reasons Serini replied, That the Christian Cause, and the States and Confines of the Empire were not to be maintained by men that carry their thumbs at their girdles, 
Serini's Reasons to fight with the Turks.  or by Armies made resty with ease, and wanton with luxury. That those Armies were raised not to consume and exhaust the Revenues of their Princes, and Exchequers of their States, without making satisfactory amends by a valiant defence of that Interest which they owned. That the Enemy had not been before that time attempted, was no fault or neglect of his, who under the very Walls of Kanisia resolved to give them Battle; but that the other Generals supposed it more prudence and caution to protract the Engagement till his Arrival, who being now happily conjoined with them, nothing ought to deter them from a glorious Attempt on the Turks, who not consisting of above Thirty thousand men, ill disciplined, and worse armed, were not able to withstand the prowess of their Veterane Army, which far exceeded them in number, discipline, and courage. These or such like expressions Serini used; and to prove what he averred, he dispatched a confident Person of his own, who spoke naturally the Turkish Language, with a Letter to the Germane Resident, then entertained under custody in the Turkish Camp, to know of him the true state and number of the Turks, which Messenger soon after returned with this short account.  
Nisi memortuum velis, amplius non rescribas, hic vix sunt triginta millia, nec illa satis electa, 
The Germane Residents Letter to Count Serini.  quid vos a pugna deterret? Tormen●a Arcis nimis in altum exploduntur. Which in English is thus. Unless you desire my death, write not back to me again, here are scarce Thirty thousand men, and those ill provided, what then should deter you from an Engagement? The Cannon in the Castle are too high mounted, or shoot over. Serini gave this Letter to Montecuculi, who replied, That so soon as General Sporch came up with his Forces, 
Montecuculi contrary to the opinion of Serini declines the Battle with the Turks.  he would immediately draw up the Army into Battalions; Sporch being arrived, he then resolved to expect Marquis Baden, and so deferred the Battle from time to time, until the Turks advantaging themselves by these delays, had worked themselves under ground to the very Walls of the Castle. At length Montecuculi entering into Serini's Fort (it is not known upon what reasons of jealousy, or discontent) cleared Serini's Forces of the Garrison, and dispossessed the Governor; which when Serini perceived, full of anger and displeasure, he quitted the Camp, and retired himself to his Residence at Chiacaturno, 
Serini retire● from the War●.  with intent to make his just Appeal and Complain● to the Emperor's Court.  
The Turks availing themselves of these delays and discontents, proceeded forward in their work, so that having Mined to the very Walls, on the 9 th' of june, they blew up one of the half Moons, at which the Defendants were so terrified, that with amazement they left open one of their Sally Ports, at which the Turks entering, put the whole Garrison into disorder, consisting of 1900 fight men; so that now no safety remaining, but in flight, they forsook their Fort, and crowding over the Bridge in confused heaps, broke it down with the over-pressure of its burden; by fall of which, many perished in the Waters, and about Three hundred and fifty which remained, were cut off by the Sword; this was the sat of Serini's Fort, built with Art, 
Serins●●ar taken.  and lost by Cowardice and ill Conduct, which the Year be●ore▪ only with Twenty Germans, and One hundred and fifty Hungarians, withstood a most impetuous and fierce storm of the Enemy, but now was less tenable than a Palancha, though Garisoned with 1900 Men, of whom in this last Assault one alone had Courage to fire his Musket, but none adventured to draw a Sword; unless certain Volunteers, and French Officers, whose Courage only renowned their own Deaths, and served to upbraid the Cowardice of their Companions. In the Fort were only found five small Field Pieces, one whole Cannon, a great Mortar Piece, and two small ones belonging to Count Serini; there were also one Mortar Piece, and two small Field Pieces, like to those of Serini, belonging to the Emperor; though other Guns of weight or value, were carried out of the Fort, as being judged not long tenable, and decreed to be abandoned to the Enemy. Serinswar being thus taken was immediately demolished by the Vizier, and razed to the Ground; either because he would seem to maintain his Word or Vow he had made; or because he would not multiply Garrisons, when the present Occasions required rather the active Force of a moving Army.  

Reflections on the disgrace of Serini.  But before we proceed farther, it seems pertinent to our purpose, to declare the Reasons and Grounds of the preceding neglects and discountenance passed upon Serini by the Grandees of the Imperial Army, which not being vindicated by the Emperor, seem to have been cast upon him by his express Order, or at least to have been willing for some private respect, to have the Person of Serini abased, and his Actions obscured. It is therefore to be noted (what before hath been said) That the first pretence the Turks made for this War, was this Fort of Serinswar, raised against the Capitulations and Articles of the last Peace; for which, though the Violence against Varadin may be pleaded as equal, if not exceeding the present Breach, to which this was only subsequent, and seemed to be but a just Recompense or Effect thereof; yet because it was that stone of Scandal and Offence, which drew after it that deadly War, in which the Emperor unwillingly engaged against the Ottoman Power, and caused him freely to intimate unto Serini, his desire rather to see that Fort demolished, than the Peace interrupted; to which Serini yielding no Ear, drew upon himself the deserved displeasure of his most gracious Prince, who permitted the act of his Obstinacy and Disobedience, to become a just Snare to his own Folly. But perhaps, that Displeasure which was Justice in the Emperor, might be Envy, and Emulation in his Ministers, who beholding with jealous Eyes his Actions and Successes the Winter before, which enraged his Enemies, and exalted his Name to that Glory in all the Courts of Christian Princes, that the Pope honoured him with Medals of Gold; the King of Spain, with the Order of the Golden Fleece; the French King as a Demonstration of his Esteem, with a Token of ten thousand Crowns; and Cardinal Francis Barberini▪ with a Pension of eight hundred Crowns a Month; and all other European Princes, at least made the most part Applications to him by Congratulatory Letters, admiring his Virtues, and applauding his Successes; permitting their Gazettes and Diurnals, Weekly to divulge and publish his Praises. From whence may rationally be collected, the true occasion of that Envy, which by cold assistances, and slow succours, obstructed as well the taking of Kanisia, as the valiant defence of Serinswar, which was decried, not only as a Fort erected without due and mature Consideration, but without art, or regular Proportions, which might render it tenable; accusing at the sam● time as well the Rashness and Temerity of Serini's Counsels, as his want of Judgement and Experience in Military Affairs.  
But to leave now the sad subject of the Christian misfortunes, occasioned by their own quarrels and dissensions, which the Grand Enemy of God's Church always endeavoured to sow for advancement of his own Kingdom: Let us cast our Eyes on the other parts of unhappy Hungary. The Siege of Kanisia being raised, and Serinswar taken and demolished, success had swelled and puffed up the minds of the Turks to a height that nothing seemed difficult or impossible to the●r desires. On the other side, controversies and delays gave that advantage to the Enemy, that nothing could be expected, but losses, slaughter, and in the end, a tot●l ruin. But God who pitied the miseries of poor Christ●ndom, cast his Eyes of mercy on the Frontiers of the upper Hungary, granting some more happy successes to the Christian Arms, conducted by the Valour and Fortune of Count Soise, a French Gentleman, who having the Command of an Army distinct from that of Montecuculi, began his ●irst attempt and enterprise upon Nitra, where several Persons of Quality, and Officers of the Turkish Army, 
Nitra t●ken by ●he Christians.  were assembled to consider of the Affair● of War. Soise having taken his convenient measures, and made his due approaches, began to batter the Walls, a great part of which in a short time he shook so shroudly, that he opened a very wide Breach, and continually plying Granades ●nto the Town, so affrighted the besieged, that immediately they offered a Parley, which Soise accepted, (and the rather, upon advice, that Varadin, Solnoc, Temiswar, and the places adjacent, were collecting Forces to raise the Siege, and relieve the Town) entered into Treaty, and concluding upon Conditions, the Town surrendered, and the Turks marched out with the Colours folded, and Muskets under their Arms, leading their Horses, had Convoy as far as Chomar.  
Soise having obtained this success, entered into Consultation about recovery of Newhausel, ●ut having no● Forces judged sufficient to attempt the difficulty of that place, he turned his endeavours and designs upon Lewa or Leventz; but in the way thither▪ he was casually engaged with a Body of fourteen thousand Turks and Tartars, who were marching to the relief Nitra, 
The Turks assault Soise.  and fell in unawares upon his Rereguard; whereupon Soise commanded the Regiments of his Major General Guarni●ri, and of the Colonels Caprara and Zeitsch, and the Horse and Dragoons of Brand●nburgh, then marching in the Van, to face about, and Charge the Enemy, which they performed with that Courage and Vigour, that they rou●ed and pursued them as far as the River Giava. At which place Soise Encamped with his Army, and in an advantageous Situation made a line of Circumvallation about his Camp, strengthening ●t with some Pieces of Cannon. The Turks having recovered a convenient Retreat upon the River, remained opposite to the Christians, and having there reinforced themselves with additional Recruits, returned again to give them Battle, and in three places with extremity of Fury and Despair▪ assaulted the Christian Camp: Fortune for a long time remained doubtful on both sides, till at length the admirable Resolution of the Christians overcame, leaving a thousand Turks ext●●●●d on the place; many were drowned and the ●e●t fled, leaving a rich Booty for reward to the Conquerors.  
The Christians in this manner being successful, resolved not to check the current of their Fortune, but without delay, proceeded to Lewa, 
Lewa taken.  which having been for some time battered with gr●at Guns, surrendered itself to the mercy of the Conqueror; in which was found a considerable quantity of Meal, and twenty great pieces of Artillery.  
In the mean time, the difference between the King of France and the Pope (on occasion of the insult offered at Rome by the Corsi, to the Ambassadors House and Person) being this Year composed; those Forces of the French being in all about 3000. Horse, sent first into Italy to avenge this Affront, under the Command of the Count Coligni, were ordered to pass into Hungary, by way of V●nice, to the Assistance of the Emperor; to which, several Gentlemen, Volunteers of the same Nation, joining themselves, form a Body of 4000 Horse well appointed, Valiant and desirous of Action. The Pope also, whose words expressed and breathed out nothing but holy Zeal against the common Enemy, promised a supply of 10000 Foot, and 3000. Horse, which were to pass by way of T●ieste into Croatia, according to the Promise and Assurance of the Nuntio at Vi●nna: for acknowledgement of which religious and considerable Succour, Count Leisle was dispatched from the Imperial Court, in a private Character, to pass those Offices of grateful Acceptance, as were due to so high a Merit and Sense of the Christian Cause. But scarce was L●isle arrived at Venice, before he understood (to his great Admiration) that the holy Army was by Order of the Pope disbanded, for which no other 'Cause was assigned, 
The Pope recals h●s Forces from assistance of the Emperor.  than only, that at Rome it was seriously debated, and in the end, it was concluded, that the Expense was too great to be charged on the Ecclesiastical State; and that the Soldiery also were themselves unwilling to be so far separated from their own Country; all which at Vienna were understood to be frivolous Pretences, and the causes thereof attributed to the sinister Offices of a Person ill affected to the Emperor's Interest, by which the Pope and D●n Mario his General, falling from their Resolutions and Promises, Count Leisle was revoked from his Employment, and the Imperial Interest, and hopes disappointed of so considerable a Succour.  
Howsoever, that the Pastoral care might not seem to be altogether dormant and careless of the Universal Flock, the Pope having disbanded his Army, could not do le●s than to supply the defect thereof with Money; 
The Pope supplies the Emperor with Money, but not with men.  for raising of which, he charged the Ecclesiastical State through all Italy (the Dominions of Venice only excepted, whose Wars already with the Turks exempted them from farther Taxes) with an Imposition of 6 per Cent. of their yearly Revenue, under the notion of Tenths or Tithes, which in all amounted to the sum of 700. thousand Dollars, which by Bills of Exchange, was remitted by way of Venice ●o the Imperial Court. In the mean time, the ●●ench Troops were arrived in Hungary, under the Command of the Count Coligni, which joining themselves with the General Montecuculi, followed the motion of the Viziers' Army. The Turks designed to pass the Danube, for recovery of L●wa or L●v●ntz, and in their way to destroy and lay desolate the Country of Count Badian, and in virtue and strength of that and former Successes, to pass forward to the Subjection of 〈◊〉 and Vi●nna. But God who disposes the Affairs of this World, and gives Laws and ●ounds to the Licentiousness and unlimited Pride and Avarice of Mankind, took off the Wheels o● the Turkish Chariots, and caused them to move slowly and warily, having an Eye always bar●kwards to the Forces of M●nt●cuculi, who attended them along the Banks of the River Muer, or Mura.  
But whilst these two great Armies marched in view of each other, the Walachian and Moldavian Forces joining with a considerable number of Turks and Tartars, under the Command of Chusaein Pasha, resolved to Assault, and again to recover Leventz, which tho scarce settled, being so lately taken by the Christians, yet valiantly repulsed two fierce Assaults of the Enemy, with that Courage and Bravery, that 2000 were Slain under the very Walls. By which time, 
Count Soise marches to raise the Siege of Leventz.  it being the 〈◊〉 of july, Count Soise passed the Nitra with his Horse and Foot, and thence hastening his March with all Expedition, he first Encamped at the Foot of a Hill called St. B●net, from whence he discovered the Enemy's Body ●rom the Top of a Mountain, and thence approaching nearer, threw up some Earth and Works by the Banks of the River Grava; the next day having found a fordable place of the Water, Soise in less than two hours passed the gross of his Army; which the Enemy observing, left their Siege, abandoned their Trenches, and displayed their Army in open Field, which consisting of 25. or 30. thousand fight Men, appeared much more numerous than the Christians. For to these Forces, under the Conduct of Husaein Pasha of Buda, were joined the Pasha of Anatolia and Cidizade, the Pasha of Temeswar, four Boluchees of Spahees, and a good Force of Tartars, together with the Militia of Moldavia and Valachia, under their respective Princes, which composed an Army, 
The Turks before Lewa.  as was computed, of above 25000. Men. Upon approach of Husaein Pasha, the Christians gave way, and retreated, intending to receive their Enemies in a larger Field, and afford an occasion to them of greater Confidence in Execution of the Design they came to Act. The Turks supposing the Christians to be fled for fear, with more boldness marched forward. And believing this Retreat to proceed rather of Fear than Policy, continued to contemn the Pusillanimity of the Christians; and lest it should argue too much regard and esteem of their Force, vouchsafed not to send Scouts abroad, either to view their Camp, or to prevent surprisal; but some of their Officers wisely considering, that a Soldier ought never to despise his Enemy, they were persuaded to send a considerable Body of Horse, to view and discover the Enemy's Force, who in the way, meeting with a party of the Christians, after a small Skirmish put them to Flight, and taking some Prisoners, brought them before the General; the Prisoners upon Examination confessed, that Count Susa was fully resolved the next Morning to give them Battle, and declared the number and courage of his Army to be such, as altered the Opinion Husaein had conceived of the Cowardice and Weakness of the Christians power; so that that whole Night the Turks passed with watchful and vigilant Guards, their Arms ready, and the whole Camp in a posture of Defence.  
The next Morning being the 9 th' of july, the day breaking discovered the Christian Army at so near a distance, 
The Christian Army put themselves into Battalia.  as that their several Motions might be discerned; and putting themselves in Array for the Battle, made two Wings of Horse; each Wing consisting of 3000. Horse the most armed Cap-a-pe, and well provided; the Foot marched in the Body of the Army, well appointed and fitted with all sorts of Ammunition and Arms, and so raised with cheerful Courages, as rendered them in appearance to the Turks, a Warlike and formidable Army. The Turks likewise drew themselves into Battalia, desirous to try the fortune of the day; the right Wing was Commanded by the Prince of Valachia, and the lest by the Prince of Moldavia. The Body of the Army was composed of Turks and Tartars, almost all Horse, except 2 or 3000. Janissaries, sent as an Auxiliary Force from Newhausel and Strigonium. These two Armies thus ranged in a Posture of Defiance, stood in view each of other, until Husaein Commanded his Men to pass the Marsh or Fen, which was between them and the Christians: but several would have persuaded him the contrary, lest the success of the day not proving to Expectation, the Marsh should be a disadvantage to their Flight, and an occasion of greater Slaughter in the pursuit; to which Husaein Courageously answered, That Men who would Conquer were to look forward, and not behind them; those that would save their Lives by flight, were fit to perish in it; and that for his part, he was resolved to cut off all hopes of safety from his Army, but what consisted in their Swords and Victory over their Enemies. The Turks having thus passed the Marsh, made a halt and faced the Christians until Noon; who moved not a foot from their ground, that so they might obtain the advantage of the Sun; which in the Morning being in their Faces, would upon declining be an offence unto the Turks. In the mean time, no question but both Generals made their Orations to their Soldiers, encouraging them to Fight in Defence of their Faith and Religion; of their Country's Glory and Safety; suggested with those Arguments and Rhetoric, as was agreeable to the Principles and Condition of both Parties; and which we may well suppose according to the Licence of Historians, to have been in these words, or to this effect.  

The Speech of Count Susa to his Army.  
WHen I see, and consider before us (Fellow Soldiers) those Enemies who are the object of our Fury and Rage, I conceive words more necessary to moderate the heat of your Anger, so as to Fight with Discretion, rather than to raise your Spirits to that height of Warlike Courage, in which consists the safety and glory of this days Fortune. For these are they, who lately in cool Blood against the Laws of Arms and Nations, unhumanely butchered our Countrymen and Kindred, and made no difference between Captives of War, and Malefactors; but like Thiefs and Murderers, sentenced brave Men to Death, who had no other crime, than that they unhappily fought in defence of their Country. These are they, who in the very times of Peace, consume your Borders, and rob your Markets; and whose Capitulations of Peace, make yet all acts of hostolity lawful: These are the grand Enemies and Despisers of the Cross of Christ; against whom whosoever dies, is both a Conqueror and a Martyr. This Army before your Eyes, consists in part of Moldavian, and Valachian Christians, forced to this War by compulsion, not of choice; the rest are either Turks educated in the softness of Asia, or Tartars who never made advantage by Battle, but by flight; these are they with whom you have this day to contend before the Walls of Lewa▪ where many of your Wives, and Children, and Friends, are immured, and are Spectators of your Virtue and Courage: Let us therefore valiantly address ourselves to this Battle, on the success of which the fortune of Hungary and Germany depends.   

The Speech of Husaein Pasha to his Soldiers.  
WHilst our General the Grand Vizier is so successful in his Arms abroad, having subdued the strong Fortresses of Oywar and Serinswar, and struck a Terror and Amazement to all the Enemies of our formidable Emperor; let not us be unactive, or want our share in the renown and same of Triumph and Victory. I shall not need to put you in mind of the glorious Exploits of your Ancestors, whose Valour and Virtue, which form this vast Empire round about us, you ought now to imitate, and give the World new proofs, how emulous you are to exceed the Courage and Bravery of former times. The other Divisions of the Ottoman Power have contended hitherto with their Enemies on unequal terms, and droven them forth from their shelters of Trenches and Bulwarks; but here you have an open Field to fight, nothing between you and the naked Breasts of your Enemies; we stand in equal numbers and terms with them; nothing can win the day but only Valour; and nothing lose it but mere Cowardice. These are the shattered Companies we have expelled last Tear from Oywar, and the Companions of those, wh●se Bodies and Heads we have heaped before Strigonium: should we submit to be subdued by these whom our Osmanlees have so often Conquered; we should not only slain ourselves with the highest infamy and shame, but give a turn to the Universal Fortune of the Ottoman Arms.   
By this time it was Noon, and the Sun turning itself from the Christian to the Turkish Army, a warning Piece was fired from the Christian Camp, at which sign their whole Army began to advance, and with cheerfulness to approach the Turks, who stood ready to receive them. At the first onset the Christians poured a plentiful Volley of shot on the Turks and Tartars, 
Husaein Pasha routed and ●●ed.  which composed the main Body; at which immediately they put themselves to Flight, leaving the two Wings to an unequal Battle, who resisted not long before they followed the Example of their Companions, leaving their Baggage and Cannon, with the Honour of the day, unto the Christians; who in the pursuit slew the Turks without Compassion or Resistance; filling the Fields with dead Bodies, and the Rivers with Blood, until Night, which is the shelter of the distressed, gave a stop to their farther Slaughter: 
Ref●ge denied them at S●r●gonium.  such as escaped betook themselves to Strigonium, where they were refused either passage over the Water or Provisions▪ or any other Refuge or Entertainment after their wearisome Flight▪ for Strigonium itself was judged now in Danger, and the next attempt a●ter the foregoing Victory; and therefore there was no Reason or Policy to unfurnish themselves of necessary provisions to supply or relieve a discouraged and cowed Army. 
The Moldavians 〈◊〉 Null return home.  Whereupon the Moldavians, and Null, finding themselves half famished, forced their Princes to return home, being glad of the occasion to acquit themselves of the Turkish Wars, in which they were used more like Slaves than Soldiers. The Princes though sensible of the danger this unlicensed departure, and desertion of the Wars might bring upon their persons, were yet necessitated to yield to the violence and mutiny of the●r Soldiery: In their march homewards they encountered no difficulties or opposition, unless at the Tibiscus, where a small number of Turks would have denied them passage, but were soon dispersed by the Sword of the resolved Soldeiry, who having conducted their Princes to their usual Courts, made an end betimes of this years Campagna. Husaein Pasha in the mean time, being denied entrance at Strigonium, fled to Newhausel, where his presence was most acceptable for reinforcement of that Garrison, which now was in some danger of being recovered by the Christians. Of the Turks were killed in this Fight 6000, of the Christians 150; none of Quality, excepting one Kovari, a worthy and stout Hungarian Captain; 4000 Carts were taken, laden with all sorts of Provision and Ammunition for War; about 100 Colours, and a great number of Tents, and Arms of all sorts; twelve pieces of Cannon, about 1000 Horse, and 140 Camels, straying in the Fields, without care of Keepres, or Riders, with great Droves of cattle of all sorts, and other good booty and spoil, which remained as a reward to the Conqueror. The number of Prisoners was not great, by reason that the Soldiery, in heat of the pursuit, and in revenge of the Turks Cruelty towards the Garrison of Komar the less, whom lately in a barbarous Cruelty they had put to the Sword, were wholly inclined to slaughter and destruction, only about 700 Moldavians, and Null, were spared until they came in sight of Strigonium, where they erected several Gibbets, and hanged them thereupon, with their Muskets about their Necks, requiting (as they supposed) part of the Viziers' Cruelty, and executing part of God's Justice upon those who profess the Name of Ch●ist, and yet sight under the Banner of Ma●●met.  

〈…〉 B●rcan.  Soise animated with the foregoing success, designed to attempt Barcan, a Palancha opposite on the other side of the Danube to Strigonium, and to that end embarked Ten thousand five hundred of his men on Four Galleys, and Forty Galliots, carrying the Teutonick Colours, in regard that religious Order had amply contributed towards the building of those Vessels, when they were on the Stocks in the Arsenal of Vienna. The Soldiers were so fleshed with the former Victory, that nothing seemed difficult or hazardous; so that that Count Marfet, without Orders of the General, rashly in a Bravado fell in upon the Town, without any advantage of Earth, or other shelter, but with open Breasts exposed himself and Soldiers to all dangers; but the attempt being too difficult, he was, in fine, shot through both the Cheeks, and forced to retire with loss and disreputation: This attempt was seconded by the Duke of Holsatia, and his Infantry, who bringing some small pieces of Cannon to the very Palisades, began to batter the houses, during which about a Hundred and fifty Janissaries made a vigorous Sally, but were repulsed with a sufficient loss, so that the Christians making good their ground, year 1684. brought up and planted four Cannons, and two Mortar Pieces, and firing at the same time some Granades, so plied their work, that the Inhabitants looking on their condition as desperate, gave fire themselves to their Wooden Buildings, passed the Bridge, and recovered Strigonium. The Town thus abandoned, the Christians had no difficulty to get possession, but entering quietly in, seized what was remaining of value, and adding to the flames, by other fires, in a few hours reduced all to Ashes; which being done, 
Barcan burnt.  Soise marched back to Komorra, to refresh his men, and take Counsel what ought to be the next design and enterprise to be taken in hand. And here for a while was a pause, or full point of the actions of Soise, who not wanting Adversaries in the Imperial Court, emulous of his happiness and fortune, instilled such suspicions and scruples into the mind of the Emperor and Council, as caused Soise to give up his Commission, that he might seek a life private, and free from the evil Tongues of the envious, until afterwards his Virtues dispersing those malignant Clouds, he was restored to the good Opinion of his Cesarean Majesty, and honoured with the Charge and Command of the strong Fortress of Komorra, where I myself had once the honour to make him a Visit, and was courteously received by him. This ill success of the Pasha of Buda arrived the Viziers' ears, whilst he was attempting to pass the River Rab, in which were many difficulties, in regard the Banks were defended by the Christian Palancha's, which in every adventure cut off considerable numbers of men. At which loss of men, and time, and the ill success near Lewa, the Vizier being greatly moved, made another attempt on the 27 th' of july; advancing with the Gross of his Army as far as Kemend, where the River runs narrow and shallow, but by the valour of the Hungarians, Germans, and French conducted by General Montecuculi, an Italian Born, were repulsed with some Slaughter.  
On the first of August, 
The Turks with part of their Army pass the Rab.  the Turks made another considerable attempt, having planted Guns on the Banks of the River, which shot into the Christian Camp, and passed over in one place Six thousand Janissaries and Albanians, and near a Village called Chiesfalo, where the Water was narrow and shallow, very considerable numbers of Horse crowded over. At which formidable sight, the Christians collecting their Forces together, retreated to a more spacious place, where might be open Field sufficient for both Armies to draw up and join Battle. About half the Army having now passed the Water, the other part, in which was the Vizier, remained still on the other side, intending the next Morning to follow and advance to the Body, which was gone before; but it happened, by God's Providence, that that very Night there sell such a Deluge of Rain, as immediately made the River to swell above its Banks, 
The Rab swells with immoderate Rains.  and become altogether unpassable without a Bridge or Floats; so that the Turkish Army being now divided by the Waters, were uncapable of yielding any sudden assistance each to the other. Howsoever, the Vizier judging that that part of his Army which had already passed, was an equal Match for the Christians, entertained not the least diffidence of good success, at least supposed they might be able to decline a Battle, until by abatement of the Waters (which could not be long at that Season of the Year) he were enabled to pass, and join his main Body with them; and therefore full of hope and confidence, having at first discomfited the forlorn hope of the Christians, year 1664. which consisted of a thousand men, dispatched immediately Messengers to acquaint the Grand Signior of his success and passage, which News he knew would be the more grateful, because the Grand Signior by daily Letters and Commands urged him to proceed in his March, and not to suffer the impediment of a narrow Ditch to be an interruption to the whole. Ottoman Force, which in former times was not restrained by the depth or breadth of the Ocean. The Grand Signior having received this Intelligence, as if the entire Victory and Triumph over the World consisted in the passage over the Rab, was transported with such an extraordinary joy and assurance of Victory, that to anticipate the good News a solemn Festival was ordained for the space of seven days, and seven nights, called by the Turks, D●nalma; in which time the whole nights were made light with Lamps and Candles, and made cheerful with great Guns, 
The Turks vain joy.  Volleys of Muskets, Sound of Drums and Trumpets, revel and what other Solemnities might testify joy and triumph. But scarce three Nights of this vain Dream had passed, before the Grand Signior awaked by intelligence, contrary to his assured expectation, of the Defeat and Destruction of a considerable part of the Viziers' Army, shamefully commanded the Lights to be extinguished, and the remaining four Nights designed for Joy, to be converted to Melancholy and Darkness: And though the rashness and vain fancy of the Governors was the sole cause of this precipitate mirth, yet as great men love always to charge their errors and follies on the shoulders of others, so the Sultan accused the Chimacham, through false Information, to have been the Author of this shameful Decree; and in that fury, calling the Executioner, had certainly taken off his head, had not his young Minion or Favourite, now called Kul Ogli (promoted to the Perferment of Asan, 
Signifies the Son of a Kul, or Slave.  before mentioned) with much earnestness and Prayers interceded for his Life.  
And indeed this Joy and Triumph was so much more ridiculous and shameful, by how much more fatal and destructive was the ensuing Event. For the Turks being now got over the River, had not, at first, time enough given them to cast up Earth, but were forced by the Christians to an Engagement; for the Christian Army was drawn into Battalions to receive them. The right Wing consisted of the Austrian Forces, commanded by Montecuculi himself; the Left was form of the Confederates of the Rhine, commanded by Count Olac, to which was adjoined Forty Troops of the French Cavalry, conducted by Monsieur Coligni, and the main Body was commanded by the Marshal General Marquis Bada, which composed a very formidably Body, and assailed the Turks with extraordinary Valour; the Fight was very furious, and began about Nine a Clock in the morning on the third of August, and continued till Four in the Afternoon with variable fortune; during which time the Waters being abated, the Spahees passed over in several places, and charged the left Wing of the Christians, and in other places they made attempts, only to divert the Army, whilst the Janissaries threw up Earth to secure a passage for the rest; which when the Christians espied, they at first resolved to sound a Retreat, but afterwards perceiving that the Trench was but newly beg●n, Montecuculi drawing up the Body of the Army into a half Moon, attacked the Janissaries on all sides with that fury, ordering the Bodies of Horse to contend with the Spahees; that the Turks now faintly fight began to give ground to their Enemies, at which instant turn of Fortune, an outcry was heard, That Serini on the other side had set on the Viziers' Camp: which so animated the Christians, and terrified the Turks, that the latter began to give back, and put themselves to shameful flight, leaving dead upon the Place Eight thousand of their Companions, and the Glory of the Day to the Christians. The Turks, who always fly disorderly, 
The defeat given the Turkish Army by the River Rab.  not knowing the Art of a handsome Retreat, crowded in heaps to pass the River, the Horse trampling over the Foot, and the Foot throwing themselves headlong into the Water, without consideration of the depth, or choice of Places fordable; those sinking catching hold on others who could swim, sunk down, and perished together; others were carried away by the rapidness of the Stream, and both Men and Horse were carried down the River, and swallowed up in deeper places: The Water was died with Blood, and the whole face of the River was covered with Men, Horse, Garments, all swimming prom●cuously together; no difference was here between the valiant and the Cowardly, the Foolish and the Wise, Counsel and Chance, all being involved in the same violence of Calamity, 
Tac. lib. 1.  Non vox & mutui hortatus juvabant adversante unda, nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens a prudenti, consilia a casu differre, cuncta pari violentia involvebantur; so that the Waters devoured a far greater number than the Sword, whilst the Vizier standing on the other side of the River, was able to afford no kind of help or relief, but as one void of Counsel and Reason, knew not how, nor where to apply a remedy. This defeat though in Christendom not greatly boasted, by reason that the destruction of the Turks, which was most considerable by the Water, was partly concealed to them, yet the Turks acknowledge that Ruin and Slaughter to have been of a far greater number than what the Christian Diaries relate, confessing that since the time that the Ottoman Empire arrived to this greatness, no Stories make mention of any Slaughter or Disgrace it hath suffered to be equal unto the calamity and dishonour of this. On the Turks side were slain that day, Ishmael the late Pasha of Buda, and Kimacham of Constantinople, by a shot from the Enemy passing the Water; the Spaheelar Agasee, or General of the Spahees; the Janisar Aga, the younger Son of the Tartar Han, and several oaths Pashaws, Al●begh, General of Bosna, Thirty Capugibashees, 
The sl●●n on the Turks side.  Five and thirty Pages of the Vizier's, and Three hundred of his Guard, Five thousand Janissaries, Three thousand Spahees, Fifteen hundred ●osnacks, Eight hundred Albanians, Six hundred Croats and Hungarians of the Turks Subjects, Two hundred and fifty Null and Moldavians, Six hundred Tartars, of Anatolia fifteen hundred, and about Four thousand other asiatics, from the farthest parts of the Turks Dominions, Eastward; so that in all we may account Seventeen thousand slain on the Turks side; besides which were taken Sixteen pieces of Cannon, a Hundred and twenty six Colours, with the Standard of the Viziers' Guard, Five thousand Cemiters, most of which were embossed with Silver, and some beset with Jewels, with many Hor●es, of which six were sent as a Present to the Vizier. Of the Christians were slain near Three thousand Men; those of note were, The Count Nassau, Count Charles of Bracond●rf, Captain of the Guards to Count Montecuculi, Count Fuchier General of the Artillery of the Empire, Colonel Pleater, with his Lieutenant Colonel and Sergeant Major, and with many other Gentlemen of the French Nation, who deserve for ever to be chronicled for their Virtue and Valour. For herein the French Nation ought not to lose their just praise, having made proofs of their Valour, as well in this, as in other Battles; it being reported, That Monsieur ●●ligni their General, killed Thirty Turk● with his own hand.  
The News of this Victory b●ing posted to Vienna, it is wonderful to consider with what Ap●plauses, with what Honours, with what Encomium▪ the Fame of Mon●●cuculi was celebrated; for besides the Triumphs▪ with Fires, sounding of Bell's Banquets, and other demonstrations of solemn joy; the Glory of M●●tecuculi was the Theme of every Ballad sung in the corners of streets; which Honours of the Commonalty were seconded by greater and more substantial of the Imperial Court, who conferred upon him the Title of Lieutenant General of the whole Army, a Dignity so eminent as is inferior to none, except the Emperor, in order of the Militia; and was not without some scruple granted to the Archduke Leopold by his Brother Ferdinand the Third; and withheld from Piccolomini Duke of Amalfi, until he had highly merited it, and made his way to it through bloody fields, where Providence first crowned him with Laurels of Success and Victory.  
And here is just occasion for us to doubt, why Montecuculi should be thus admired and loaded with Honours, whilst the services of Serini and Soise were so far from being taken notice of, that they seemed to effect the disgrace and ruin of these Worthies, rather than to produce the favour of their Prince, and the applause of their Country, the natural Rewards of Valour and Virtue. And indeed I cannot but confess, I myself have wondered, when in the Court of Vienna, I have heard the Actions and Zeal of Serini so slightly spoken of, or contemned, when a Stranger took the liberty but to descant on his actions, and to vent any thing which but favoured of his commendations. The reason of which, I adventure to assign unto two causes. The first is, that Antipathy or natural aversion the Germans have to the Hungarians and Croatians, 
Reason's why the Services of Montecuculi were accepted better than those of Serini.  these endeavouring to maintain the Privileges of a People, who have a free liberty of the Election of their Prince; whilst the others desirous to take occasion to weaken and impoverish them, would necessitate them to yield their Kingdom to the Emperor by an hereditary Right. The second is, the fury of Serini and Soise, whose zeal without consideration of irritating the Turk, or fear of moving the passion of the Lion beyond the terms of an easy pacification, transported them to commit all damage and ruin, which are the just concomitants of War; which rage seemed over violent to the Court at Vienna, and not to suit with the present Policy of the War, which was designed to be carried on rather in a defensive than in an offensive posture; imagining perhaps, that the good nature of the Turk might be complemented into Peace, and that gentleness and generosity might have the same effect upon them, as it had upon Saul, when David had his life at his mercy, and yet spared him: according to which counsels of the Court, Montecuculi squaring every particular of his motion, and thereunto adding success, mounted on the wings of Fame, and had his Glory celebrated without diminutions; but the hot and zealous temper of Serini, which Soldierlike understood nothing but downright blows, knew not how to use that moderation and caution, which the Imperial Court judged an ingredient so requisite to the prudent management of the present War, that he was esteemed uncapable of command, who had not discretion enough to practise it: And this was the true reason that Serini was discountenanced, and that his Command was taken from him, and that his Appeal to the Court was without redress: Howsoever in regard that the Fame he had won carried him high in the esteem of all Christendom, he was entertained with hopes and fair promises; and even a●ter the very ●attel of Rab, nothing was more commonly, discoursed than the giving Nicholas 〈◊〉 command independent of any other General 〈◊〉 ●ut in the end it proved nothing but vai● Proposals to humour the fancy of Serini himself, and to satisfy the World, which admired a Person so qualified and deserving as he, should be made a subject of so much disgrace and neglect.  
With this News the Turks remained greatly ashamed and dejected, having but two days before demonstrated excesses of joy, congratulated the happy News one to the other, and after their manner sent Presents abroad, de●ided the Christians upon the News, exprobriated them with a Thousand injuries, and applauded their own Virtue, Valour, and the righteousness of their Cause and Religion: But on a sudden Intelligence coming contrary to their expectations, such a dampness fell upon their spirits, that for some days there was a deep silence of all News at Constantinople; they that the Day before sought for Christians to communicate to them the Miracles of their Victory, now avoided their Company, ashamed of their too forward joy, and the liberty they had taken to contemn and deride the low condition of the Christian Camp. And now the ill News not being able longer to be concealed, Prayers and Humiliation were appointed publicly to be made at all the great Mosches of Constantinople and Adrianople, where all Emaums with their young Scholars were commanded to resort, and sing certain Prayers appointed for such occasions.  
The minds of the Soldiery after this defeat were very much discomposed, 
Sedition in the Turkish Camp.  tending more to sedition than obedience. Every one took licence to speak loudly and openly his opinion, that the War was commenced upon unjust and unlawful grounds. That the total Eclipse of the Moon, which portends always misfortunes to the Turks, should have caused more caution in the Commanders in engaging the Armies this year, until the malignancy of that Influence had been overpassed. All generally accused the first Vizier as the Author and ill Manager of the War, 
Tac. in Vita Agricola.  Iniquissima bellorum conditio est, prospera omnes sibi vendicant, adversa uni imputantur, and calling to mind the solemn Oath with which Sultan Solyman confirmed his Capitulations with the Emperor, particularly vowing never to pass the Rab, or place where the Turks received their defeat, without a solid and reasonable ground of War, concluded that this Invasion was a violation of the Vow, and an injury to the sacred Memory of that fortunate Sultan; and therefore that all Enterprises and Attempts of this War would be fatal and destructive to the Mussulmen or Believers, and the end dishonourable to the Empire.  
This opinion was rooted with much superstition and strength of fancy in the minds of the Vulgar: And the rumours in the Camp that the Vizier upon a false Alarm of the approach of the Enemy towards his Quarters, had commanded the Army to retreat, administered fury and courage to the Christians, and fear and amazement to his own; from which error and timidity was occasioned that slaughter which ensued; on which discourses and reports dangerous discontents daily increasing in the hear●s of the soldiery, it is thought they would have vented their passion and revenge on their General, had he not at a public Assembly of all the Heads and Commanders of the Army cleared himself freely, by charging the miscarriage of all upon the Grand Signior, having acted nothing but with Authority of the Imperial Command; promising with as much speed as honour and safety would permit, by agreement and composition of Peace, to bring the War to a conclusion. And this contrivance and art was that (as is supposed) which for the present secured his life; for the Soldiery were greatly terrified and possessed with a dread of the Christians, and amazement upon every Alarm. For the old and experienced Commanders and Veterane Soldiers were either destroyed by the secret Proscriptions of the Vizier Kuperlee, or slain in the Engagements of this Year; and the Asian Spahees and other Soldiers having Wives and Children, and Possessions to look after, were grown poor, and desired nothing more than in peace and quietness to return to their homes: So that nothing could come more grateful to this Camp, no largesses or donatives could pacify the minds of the Soldiery more than the promises and expectations of a Peace.  

The Grand Signiors hunting at Yamboli.  The Sultan during these disturbances and misfortunes was preparing for a hunting Journey to an obscure Village called Yam●oli, about three or four days travel from Adrianople, designing to drive all those vast Woods along the Black Sea for Game, where he had a small ruinous Seraglio. The Queen Mother, the Chim●cam, with all the Court, were to accompany him▪ The Equipage and Pomp he went in, persuaded many, that the design of that Journey was grounded on other causes of Policy, than what were generally penetrated: Some conceived, that the Vizier contrived his Journey thither, to divert him from opportunities of receiving intelligence from Spahees, and others of the true state of the Camp, and management of Affairs: Others judged it might be to avoid in that obscure place the mutinous seditions of the Soldiery. On what consideration soever it might be, the Grand Signior having spent some time abroad, returned again to Adrianople with all his Retinue, without doing any thing more important than killing great numbers of wild Beasts, and ennobling those Wildernesses and Woods about Yamboli with the fame of his renowned Hunting. Keblelee Pasha being slain (as we have said) before Serinswar, who was Husband to the Viziers' Sister, the Vizier bestowed the Widow on Husaein Pasha of Silistria. And much about the same time the Grand Signior considering that his own Sister, by the death of her old Husband Ishmael Pasha, slain in the last Battle, led a single life, conferred h●● in Marriage upon the old Mahomet Pasha, whom before we have related to have been Kahya to the Vizier, late Pasha of Darbiquier, and now of Aleppo, who as an Honour charged with a weight of troubles and other inconveniences, seemed thankfully to receive her; and though he was a man of Ninety years of age, and had long since forgot the solaces of the bridal Bed, yet according to the custom of Marriage with a Sultana, he was engaged to divorce his former Wife, with whom he had past the Summer and Winter of his age, and as a constant Husband, was still uxorious in his love. So that in the midst of Wars, where some found Graves, others found Marriage-beds, and reason of State found a Vacation to conjoin Mars and Venus without interruption of ruder Enterprises.  
The Great Vizier after his defeat marched to Stultweissenburg or Alba Regalis, to recruit and refresh his Army, and expect the Recruit of the Pasha of Aleppo, who was said to bring with him about Eight thousand Soldiers.  
From S●●●weissenburg the Turks, with the gross of their Army, returned to Strigonium; 
Vizier sends for the Princes of Moldavia and Valachia.  and here the Vizier not unmindful of the shameful flight, and rebellious return of the Princes of Moldavia and Valachia to their own Countries without his order or permission, sent one Messenger after the other in great haste and fury, after the Turkish manner, to recall those Princes to the War; and that laying aside all excuses whatsoever, they should immediately, with what Forces they could collect, repair again to the Camp. 
The Prince's of Moldavia and Valachia recalled to the Wars.  The Prince's weary of the War, and fearful of the Viziers' evil intentions to take away their lives, endeavoured to excuse their flight, alleging, that their People would not obey, or follow them to the Wars in any considerable numbers, and that now it being the end of the Summer, new Levies would be of great expense, and of little benefit, and disenable them from paying their yearly Tribute; of which (notwithstanding their consumption of Treasure in the last Expedition) they were like to find no ease or relaxation, though a burden too great for their harassed and impoverished Country to support. But these excuses were no arguments to resolved Turks; so that Commands came doubled and trebled one after the other full of threats and menaces, to march forward with what Forces they could collect, the Messengers assuring them, That there was no design prepared against them by the Vizier, but what was friendly and of good intention. At length the Princes not able to remain longer without a censure of Rebellion to the Port, with heavy Hearts and light Purses set forwards with about fifteen hundred men a piece, sending before such sums of Money and Presents, as they hoped might mollify and prepare their access to the Vizier, whilst they themselves marched slowly, to afford longer time to the Operation of this Physic. The Prince of Valachia had entrusted about Forty thousand Zaichins to an Officer of his called his Vestiario, or Master of his Wardrobe, whom he had sent before him, therewith to make his access easy and safe to the Vizier: Of whose faith that he might assure himself the better, he made him swear before the Holy Altar, and take the Communion thereupon, that he would be faithful and active in this Negotiation. The Vestiario thus departing, 
Fides Graeca, or the honesty of a Greek.  added to his religious Vows, common promises and protestations; but no sooner was he a few Miles distant from his Master, before he tired in his Vows, and altered his road from the Vizier, to the way leading to Constantinople, declaring as he went, That his Prince was become Rebel, and was fled, and that he, not to be Partner in his perfidiousness, was hasting to Constantinople, there to give evidence of his faith and submission to the Turks. This unexpected news coming to the Prince, caused him to despair of all security and reconciliation with the Vizier, and force him by flight to make good the words of his treacherous Servant; so that taking with him his Wi●e and remainder of his Wealth, passed through Transylvania with much difficulty, and at length arrived within the Emperor's Territories, resolving to exchange an inconstant and dangerous Principality for a more secure and private course of life. year 1684. But this impious Greek did not rest quiet with his ill acquired Estate without receiving disturbance from the Boiars or Nobles of the Country; and Stridia Bei the new-made Prince, justly accusing him for having robbed the Public Treasury, extorted from him the Sum of 150000 Dollars towards his Investment in the Principality, and ease of the Country, which was now wracked for payment of old debts, and the growing charges of the new Prince. And thus much of the Princes of Moldavia and Valachia.  
At Strigonium great were the Consultations, what course was to be taken: The Christians were now Masters of the Field, and the Turks discouraged, and now the Summer was so far spent, that it was too late to think of recovering their reputation that year with the hazard of a Battle. So that at length it was resolved to unite the shattered Forces of Chusaein Pasha, lately defeated by Count Susa, to the Army of the Vizier, and attend to secure Oywar or Newhausel with Provisions, Ammunition, and Reinforcement of that Garrison, whereby this War might conclude with some Trophies of advance, and enlargement of the Ottoman Borders, which in all their Wars is the design and Maxim of the Turks. So that marching thither, they gathered and collected all the Provisions possible, and having supplied the Garrison, they returned again to Strigonium with all expedition, retaining still impressions of terror from the late ill success. And that they might march with less impediment, they sent their Artillery and heavy Baggage down the Danube: Such was the fear of the Turkish Army at present, that it is supposed, had the Christians eagerly pursued their Victory, they had not only defeated the whole Turkish Force with little opposition, but also without any impediment marched to the very Walls of Buda.  
But what infatuation soever blinded the Christian Counsels, little or no advantage was taken, as if the design of the Emperor had only been to repel the Enemy from his Borders, or that he feared to irritate the Turks with a too inveterate and pertinacious prosecution of his Victories-Instead of which, the Vizier making some Overtures of Peace, and evidencing the realty of his intentions by his Presents of a Vest of Sables, and a Horse richly furnished, with which he flattered and caressed the Germane Resident, the Articles were accepted and embraced at Vienna with much greediness, and the Peace almost wholly concluded and clapped up in a moment, to the astonishment of the whole World. But as matters of this nature cannot succeed without just and due considerations, 
The reasons which inclined both Parties to Peace.  so on both sides certain causes concurred which inclined and disposed things to an accommodation. For on the Turks part there wanted not such in the Ottoman Court, who emulous of the Grand Viziers' fortune and charge, endeavoured to remove him from the favour of his Prince, by accusing him in many particulars of negligence, and imprudence in the conduct of his Affairs. To answer which, his return with the Olive-branch of Peace in his mouth, and yet the Laurels of Conquest on his head, having added so considerable a Fortress as Newhausel to the Dominions of the Empire, and demolishment of Serinswar, the Original cause of the War, were a sufficient conviction of the evil accusations of his Adversaries, and an argument irresistible, when enforced by the Authority of his own Presence. On the Emperor's side, the demand of the City of Erfurt by the Elector of Mentz, situated on his Confines, year 1664. at a time of so much exigency as this, and seconded by hopes of assistance from France, and the Hans Towns on the Rhine, whereby it was probable great turbulences might result, inclined the Emperor with much reason to Proposals of Peace; instructions for which, being conveyed to the Resident then in the Turkish Camp, from the Caesarean Court, after a short Treaty the Articles were agreed and concluded, as followeth.  
First, That Transilvania remain with its ancient Limits and Privileges under the Command of Prince Michael Apafi.  
Secondly, That the Emperor of Germany have liberty to fortify both Gutta and Nitra.  
Thirdly, That the Turks shall not alter or innovate any thing on the Confines of Hungary, or any other part bordering on the Emperor.  
Fourthly, That Apafi pay Six hundred thousand Dollars to the Ottoman Port for expenses of the War.  
Fifthly, That all acts of Hostility between the Emperor, and the Grand Signior, and their Subjects, for ever cease.  
Sixthly, That the two Provinces of Zatmar and Zaboli, granted to Ragotzki by his Imperial Majesty during life, return again to the Emperor, to which neither the Prince of Transilvania, much less the Ottoman Port, shall ever pretend.  
Seventhly, That the strong Castle of Zechelhyd, which revolted from the Emperor, be demolished, in regard neither Party will relinquish his Right thereunto.  
Eighthly, That Varadin and Newhausel remain to the Turk, having conquered them by force of their own Arms.  
Ninthly, That for confirmation of this Peace, Ambassadors be interchangeably sent with Presents of equal value.  
On these Terms (of which none seems disadvantageous to the Christian Interest, unless the fourth Article, the dishonour of which seems to be covered with the name of Apafi, though the score was paid by the Emperor) the Peace was established, and the Vizier, as a beginning thereof, gave liberty to many Christian Captives, some whereof were of Quality, and Proclamation was made through all the Confines for a Cessation of Arms. Howsoever, some petty matters remained undecided, which were deferred until the Arrival of an extraordinary Ambassador, who was to exchange with the Turks another Ambassador in the Month of May following; and in the mean time suspension of Arms, and all other Hostilities was confirmed. At which News all sorts of People amongst the Turks were greatly rejoiced, and the Publication thereof the more welcome, by how much the more unexpected. Whereby we may observe the alteration of that ancient Martial disposition, which was natural to this Empire, which whilst it was exercised in War, grew hardy, active and enured to warlike exercise, but now through idleness and want of War (except the Venetian, which affords the Soldiery no considerable employment) their minds became resty, wearied with one year and a halfs labour, and dejected with the unprosperous success of one Summer.  
But what Considerations soever the Emperor might have to conclude this Peace, 
The Hungarians oppose the Peace.  the Hungarians were highly dissatisfied with it, because it was founded on their proper loss; and that Newhausel was given for a price of the common quiet, which none but themselves paid and yet all Germany enjoyed the benefit. That that Town was an appendage to the Kingdom of Hungary, and to which the Emperor having only the claim (a● they pretended) of an Elective Prince, could not dismember any part without consent of the States thereof; and this position they maintained with that heat and fury, that they declared themselves disobliged from observation of the Articles, resolving to vindicate their own right in despite of all opposition whatsoever; and that since the Emperor had undertaken their Protection, he was bound to assert their freedom, and defend their Cities, even with the expense of his own Treasury, and at the hazard of his own hereditary Possessions. But to these exorbitant Demands, the Emperor's Council replied with these following reasons and moderation; That they themselves were the first Beginners and Promoters of this War; That His Majesty at their instance and request condescended to protect them as Subjects, not only with draining of his own Exchequer, and Blood of his Patrimonial Dominions, but with the charge of hired and mercenary Strangers. In the mean time what assistance had the Hungarians brought to this War, or to their own defence? What Contributions did they ever make? What Forces did they ever unite in the Field by a general assent of their whole Kingdom? Notwithstanding his Majesty was r●ady to continue the War, could they themselves propose either a safe way for the maintenance of it, or that the present Conjuncture did not offer honourable Conditions of a happy Composure. Moreover, That the King of Spain, his Uncle, 
The Emperor's Reasons for a Peace.  and Father in Law, being aged and decrepit, leaving no other Heir than an infirm and sickly Child, to support the charge and weight of all his Kingdoms, it was requisite that at such a time as this, he should be free from all encumbrances, either to assist the Infant in Administration of the Government, or to assert his own Rights (if so it should please God) in the Succession. And that now, since a Treaty was on foot for Election of a Successor to the Kingdom of Poland, it was necessary for his Imperial Majesty to bear his part in that Transaction; but above all, it was considerable, That the common Enemy being Rich and Powerful, God had seemed to put his Victory into their Hands to no other end than to improve it unto a Peace, which being at this time neglected, the best that could ensue would be the miseries of War, which turning on the inconstant Wheel of Fortune with variety of successes▪ is always attended with Slaughter, Captivity, Fire, Sword, and a thousand other Calamities. These, and such like reasons, moderated and mollified the exasperated spirits of the Hungarians, so that they seemed to aquiesce and be satisfied, and making a Virtue of Necessity, had patience whe●e there was no other remedy.  
The sudden News of this unexpected Peace did in like manner affect the French King, and the States of the Empire, judging it unreasonable for them to be interested in the War, and yet unconcerned in the Conclusion of the Peace. How soever, things being well represented, and as well received and understood; his Most Christian Majesty accepted of the Reasons as just and satisfactory. In the mean time the French had a free liberty to make choice of their Winter Quarters, 
The French Army march homeward.  which they fixed upon in Bohemia; but their King being unwilling to burden the Country with his Soldiers for a longer time than they were serviceable to them, he ordered them to march, and quarter in Alsatia; but before their departure the Emperor honoured Monsieur de Coligni with his Picture encircled with Diamonds, and the other Officers with Gold Chains and Medals; ordering the Troops not to march above ten miles a day, and every Third to be a Day of repose, and to be entertained all the way at free Quarter, so as to return into France jocund and healthy, as they departed thence. But before they would bid adieu to those Countries, the General and Officers paid their Visit to Count Nicholas Serini, presenting him with a Horse, Furniture, and Pistols, as a small Tribute to that Great Captain, whose Fame was celebrated through the whole World; ingenuously confessing, That the rumour of his name struck more amazement and terror in the Enemy, than the Armies that actually faced them, and was more instrumental in obtaining the Victory on the Banks of Rab, than their weapons or courage which fought against them. But not long after this worthy Hero Serini hunting one day separated from the rest of his Attendants in the Thickets of a Wood, behold, on a sudden was surprised by the rushing forth of a wild Boar, which raging, and m●de furious by some Wounds he had received, first struck him in the Knee, with which falling to the ground, the fierce Beast not giving him leisure to recover himself, ganched him again in the head with his broad Tusk, 
Serini's Death.  which proved so mortal, that in a short time he expired in the Arms of one of his Pages. This was the end of this valiant Captain, who unconquered in many and redoubled Conflicts of his Enemies, was made the prey of an ignoble Beast. Such are the secret and occult Providences of Heaven, which men interpret or reflect on as they are governed by prejudice or interest. And so did the Turks attribute the Fall of this their Grand Adversary to the righteousness of their Religion, and justness of their Cause; as if he had been a Person unworthy to die by the hand of a man, was condemned to be executed by that Beast, which is most abominated and detested by the Turkish Rites. 
The Character of Sirini.  He was a Person as mortal an Enemy to the Turks, as ever Hannibal was to the Romans; in Dangers most courageous, in War valiant, and patient of labour; in Peace courteous, and moderate in his pleasures; his Diet was natural, rather than artificial; in Banquets, or Drinking Meetings, after the fashion of that Country, was sparing in Wine, and rather abstemious than intemperate; Music and Dances were the Entertainment of the softer and effeminate part of his Court, rather than his own Pastimes, whose Recreations were chiefly in the Woods, and in such Hunt as had something in them of similitude with Martial Exercises; his Judgement was profound and deep, and yet his familiar Discourse facetious; his Conversation obliging, his humour affable, and yet severe and majestic; he spoke much, and yet well; his disposition was liberal and generous, especially to his Soldiers, whom he never restrained or defrauded of their Booty and Prey, but contented every one with a just and exact Division. In short, he was one of those zealous Champions of the Christian Cause, who in the Chronicles of past Ages ought to be placed and numbered amongst the worthiest Heroes.  
The Winter now approaching, and a conclusion in all appearance made of the War, the Vizier returned to Belgrade, 
The Vizier sends for his Mother to Belgrade.  designing to remain there until the Germane Ambassador had entered the Turkish borders, and in the mean time sent for his Mother thither, pretending that in an uncertain and changeable estate the Maternal Blessing is of highest Consolation, it being esteemed pious amongst the Turks for a man to die at the Feet of his Mother. Th●s Mother of his was esteemed a cunning or wise Woman, by whose Charms and Incantations his Father and he were supposed long to have conserved the Office of Vizier; and as my own Ears can witness, the common Soldier's Discourse, That his Mother's Art consisted much in Philtrums and Charms, reconcili●g ●ffection and friendship, and had a power over the Grand Signiors Inclinations and Understanding, rendering all things and actions the Vizier had performed in this War full of merit and admiration. This I say was the Discourse of some common Soldiers.  

The Blazing Star.  In the Month of December, that Blazing-star which appeared formidably to most parts of the known World, was also seen within the Turkish Empire, not without a general terror of all, as prognosticating disasters of Sword, Pestilence, and Famine; and set the Turkish Astrologers at work to find out the mystery it portended: from whose Art most commonly was divined the death of some great Person in the Empire, which some would have to be the Grand Signior, others the Visier; others both, as they desired alteration and change of Government.  

The sultan's hat●ed to Co●s●anti●●●●● increases.  The Grand Signior continued all this time at Adrianople, taken up with an extraordinary delight and pleasure in his Court there, with which his aversion to Constantinople so much increased, that he could not endure so much as the name o● t●e place: and if accidentally in his Hunting (〈◊〉 is reported) he chanced to fall into the road which led thither, and remembering himself thereof, would immediately turn thence, as one that corrects himself of some desperate error, or avoids a path which tends to an evitable destruction. The Kadelescher and the other grave Judges of the Law observing this unreasonable hatred of their Prince to his Imperial Seat, considered how prejudicial it was to him and his People to have a City of that renown, antiquity, and commodiousness of living, despised and abandoned: and that perhaps the Soldiery now upon their March from the War, might be impatient of returning home, as all the Dependants on the Divan, and Personages of great Quality, desired to enjoy their Habitations and Ga●dens at Constantin●ple; from which discontents on all sides it was concluded, That there might result dangerous Seditions and Mutinies, and therefore resolved (and as some say also at the instigation of the Vizier) to prostrate themselves before the Grand Signior, and tender him their opinions and sense in that particular, which they accordingly performing and assigning the Kadelescher, or the Chief Justice with all humility to be their Mouth in this Petition, their counsel was received with that indignation, that they were chased from the Grand Signiors presence with fury and high displeasure, and the Kadelescher at that moment deprived of his Office.  
To these other extravagances the Grand Signior would have added another of a higher nature and cruelty, by causelessly putting to death his Brother Solyman, 
The Sultan seeks to destroy his B●other.  whom all the time of his Reign, together with another Brother, he had kept Prisoner in the Seraglio: for now having a Son of his own, he conceived it more secure to remove all competition that might be for the Government, according to the example and custom o● the Ottoman Princes; but suffering some remorse of conscience in the thoughts of imbruing his hands in the blood of his guiltless Brother, conceived it more justifiable to perform the Fact by process of Law, year 1665. and to that end sent to the Mufti for his Fetfa or Sentence, viz. That in such a case, where there is a sufficient provision for continuance of the true Lineage of the Ottoman Family, whether it may be lawful, according to their Law and ancient Precedents, to take off some as superfluous Suckers, that draw not only nourishment from the root, but endanger also the life of the Tree. But the Mufti was not so cruel or unjust as to pass this Sentence, but rather supplicated the Grand Signior to defer this resolution; for having but one Son, and that a Child, which was subject to the common chances of mortality, the Ottoman Family was not so sufficiently provided of Heirs, that he could pass his Sentence for taking away one, who was so necessary a reserve and member of it; with which reply the Grand Signior suffered himself to be overcome, having some touches of Conscience, and perhaps, not being naturally cruel, some sense of compassion towards his innocent Brother.  
But returning now to the Great Vizier, we find him in his Winter quarters at Belgrade, where having taken an affection to the elder Son of the Tartar Chan, or else having conceived some hatred or displeasure against the Father, 
The Vizier offers to depose the Tartar Chan.  frankly proffered to depose the Father, and confer the Government upon him who was the Son. But it seems this young Tartar, though barbarous, had yet so much of filial obedience and reverence instamped on him by nature, that he modestly refused the proffer, and immediately dispatched a Messenger with secret Advices to his Father. The Tartar Chan received this Intelligence with great indignation, and purposing to play that game in reality with the Vizier, which he had passed on him only by way of overture, wrote a Letter to the Pasha of Buda, a man of great abilities and courage, advertising him, that hearing a true and worthy character of his prowess and wisdom, he could not but desire to be his friend; and that he might make demonstrations of his being such, he proffered all the interest he had at the Ottoman Court to promote him to the supreme Office of first Vizier. What Fate soever accompanied this matter, either from the Confidents of the Tartars, or of the Pasha, the substance of the Message came to the knowledge of the Vizier, who obtaining a private Commission immediately from the Grand Signior therein, sent for the Pasha, and without farther process, or evidence of proof, or accusation, struck off his Head.   

Anno Christi 1665. Hegeira 1076.  
THE Peace thus happily concluded with Germany, was a subject of singular contentment to the People, and not less readily embraced by the Grandees, who hastened so much the consummation thereof, 
The Turkish Ambassador departs.  that in the beginning of january one Mahomet Beigh, of the Order of the Mutafaracaes (who are those that attend the Services of the Divan, and are of a Degree somewhat above the Chaouses) a man of considerable Richesses, was designed Ambassador for Vienna, and qualified with the Title of the Pasha of Romelia. In the Month following, being February, this Ambassador having received his Presents and Instructions, departed, with Orders to remain on the Frontiers, until the Emperor's Ambassador met him at the place of Exchange, where according to custom at the same time that one enters into the Dominions of the Emperor, the other passes into those of the Grand Signior. The Presents that one Emperor sends to the other are according to the ancient Canon, and are to be of equal value, and are commonly estimated to be an Hundred thousand Dollars. Those sent by the Grand Signior to the Emperor, were:  
Three Horses with their Furniture adorned with precious S●ones.  
Twelve other led Horses of great price.  
A Royal Tent with all the Apartments, valued at Eighty thousand Dollars.  
A Royal Feather set with Jewels.  
Ambergreese of a considerable value.  
Bezor-stones.  
Twenty Cod of Musk.  
Seventy Coftans or Vests of Three sorts.  
Six Persian Carpets.  
Forty very fine Turbans, with other Persian Commodities of divers sorts of Linen.  
The Spring being now well forward, the time of action, and the Summer at hand, the Turks remained with great expectation of the Germane Ambassador; and with greater impatience, in regard that their Ambassador had for some time continued upon the Frontiers. It was now May, and yet no news from Germany; so that many began to doubt the reality of the Peace, others reflected on the dishonour of the Grand Signior, in having his Ambassador so long on the Frontiers, as if the Peace had been precarious, and desired by the Turks: Some considered the present ill consequences, in case the War should break out again; for that licence was given to the greatest part of the Army to return home, and all such as came as far as from Babylon, Damascus, and Egypt, to the Frontiers in Hungary were departed; 
Rumours of the People on occasion of stay of the Germane Ambassador.  and to recall these again, and other Zaims and Timariot from remote parts, required a considerable time, of which their distress would not admit, should the Christians prove deceitful in their Treaty. Besides which, reports were spread abroad, that the French had intercepted the Ambassador in his passage about Komorra, and had given an interruption to the Peace. Others reported, that the Ambassador was dead in his Journey, and that the Hungarians were again in Arms, as wholly dissatisfied with the Peace. These rumours flying about, all People blamed the facility of the Great Vizier in being too credulous and confident of the Faith and Morality of the Christians; and the Enemies of the Vizier more boldly adventured to accuse his ill management of Affairs, which did not a little tickle the ambition of Mustapha Pasha, than Captain Pasha, and Chimacam of Adrianople, supposing that all the disgraces and ill successes of the Vizier prepared a way for his ascent unto that Office. And to become more popular, being a man naturally of an affable and plausible carriage, insinuated himself into the favour and good opinion of the Great-men and principal Favourites of the Seraglio, overacting his part in some measure by condescensions unbeseeming the degree and dignity of a Chimacam, 
Mustapha Pasha's affectation and popularity.  being observed one day to kiss the Vest of the Kuzlir-Aga, too apparent a piece of adulation and meanness in so great a Subject, who in those parts represents the Person of his Master. These passages were not altogether ●●known to the Vizier; and though at a distance he could not perfectly view, and discover particularly the comportment of this Chimacam▪ yet being by conversation well acquainted with his subtle disposition, guessed at his thoughts, and the rest of his actions, and to deal with him in the same terms, wrote a Letter to the Grand Signior, bewailing the ill success of the War against Venice, and the ill estate and condition of the Fleet; to repair which, and to give courage to their men, and restore the Discipline in Marine Affairs, the presence of the Captain-Pasha was necessary in the Fleet▪ who had now for Two years enjoyed the benefit and the title without personal attendance on that important Charge. The Grand Signior having received this Letter, concurred in the same opinion with his Vizier, and gave Orders to the Chimacam to prepare himself to serve that Summer at Sea; for that now it was necessary he should be in Person there, and less requisite his presence in the City, where his Office would speedily be made void by return of the Vizier. The Chimacam immediately in obedience to his great Master's command, put himself in a posture for his Voyage, and in the first place sent away his Women to Constantinople, and appointed the Fleet not to depart until his farther order: Yet in the mean time so secretly and underhand made use of the friendship of the Court-Favourites, representing as from themselves, how useful the service and attendance of the Chimacam was as yet in the City, by reason that the delays of the Germane Ambassador made the Viziers return uncertain, and that this Office would ill be supplied by any another; they obtained licence for his continuance in Office, and disappointed the intentions and designs of the Vizier.  
About the end of May, after long expectation arrived the Germane Ambassador at Buda, to the great joy of the Turkish Camp. I then was there myself, and observed the general satisfaction at this news: so that now the Ambassador being entered the Frontiers, and his arrival secured, on the Twenty ninth of May, the Vizier began his March from Belgrade with the whole Army, and I kept company with them for thirteen days. On the last of june the Vizier arrived within six hours' Journey of Adrianople, intending in Two or Three days to prepare for his solemn Entrance. But it is reported, That the Viziers' Mother had by her Art so affected the heart of the Grand Signior towards her Son, that he could not longer want his presence, and therefore in the way dispatched frequent Messages to him to hasten him as fast as his convenience would permit. And better to assure him of his grace and favour, sent his young Favourite, a handsome Youth of about Twenty years of age, to meet him with a Present of five Horses richly adorned and furnished, and to feast him plentifully on the way: And being come within a few hours Journey, the Grand Signior could not contain his desire of seeing him, until the day of his Entry; but ordered him immediately to come to him, being impatient of a private Conference. The Vizier accordingly obeying, and being come to the Royal Presence, the Grand Signior kissed him on the shoulder, and honoured him with a 
* It is in the fashion of a Mace, which the Turks wear at their Saddles.  Topoose of Gold studded with precious Stones, with a Sword, a Dagger, and a Horse richly furnished, with which Regal Munificence he returned triumphing to his Tents, being now fully assured of the real grace and constant favour of his Master. The second of july the Vizier made his Entrance with solemn Pomp and Glory through part of the City, passing again into the Field to remain under Tents with the whole Camp, being so ordered by the Grand Signior, in regard the City was neither capable to contain so great a number without dispossessing the greatest part of the Inhabitants of their Houses, nor in this hot season of the Year was it so wholesome and cool as the open air of the Country. Besides, matters would be in a far greater readiness for a departure towards Constantinople, to which place, the Vizier had persuaded the Grand Signior to make a Visit after Audience given to the Germane Ambassador, whom the People now expected with wonderful impatience.  
Not many days after arrived Count Lesly the Ambassador Extraordinary from his Caesarean Majesty to the Grand Signior, who made a solemn Entrance into the City, passing first through the Turkish Camp, where the Grand Signior remained, and thence to the House furnished and appointed for him at the expense of the Sultan. The Cavalcade was as followeth: In the Front of all were the Ten Chaouses which had attended the Ambassador through the whole Journey, 
The Germane Ambassadors Entrance.  these were followed by an Hundred fi●ty five other Chaouses with Muzevege, with some Captains over the Janissaries. The Ambassador had of his own Retinue about a Hundred and fifty Persons on Horseback, well mounted, and clothed after the Hungarian fashion; his proper Guard consisted of Four and twenty Persons armed with Partisans; before him went his Trumpets, and Kettle Drums, but not sounding, with Two Banners of spread Eagles flying, one of them richly embroidered, carried by a Count of the Empire. The Ambassador himself was clothed with a Cloth of Silver Vest, lined with Sables, on his Cap he wore a Feather after the Turkish fashion, adorned with Jewels, which they call (Sargouch) and is only used by the Grand Signior, and his principal Vizier; before him went Eight led Horses richly furnished; immediately after him followed the Pages and Servants of the Spaheelar Agasee, and of the Aga which conducted him from the Frontiers. Next c●me his Litter covered with Violet coloured Velvet, and carried by Mules; then his three Coaches with six Horses a piece, one of which being richly gilded, and made cheerful with Glass Windows after the new mode, the Grand Signior became much pleased with it, and at his request it was presented to him: after these followed four or five other Coaches of Four Horses, in which were Churchmen and unfirm persons; and ●ast of all came the Germane Wagons, and other Carts with those of the Country with Baggage.  
This Ambassador was not long arrived before he was admitted to Audience with the Prime Vizier, 
Audience given to the Germane Ambassador.  who bestowed on him a Vest of Sables, with a Horse and Furniture of considerable value, and a Hundred of his Retinue were vested with Coftans, which amongst the Turks are testimonies of favour and acceptance. About Four days after, the Ambassador had Audience with the Grand Signior himself, at which were only Forty Coftans given out, which coming from so Grand a Personage, were in value multiplied much above the number given by the Vizier.  
The Presents brought by the Amdassadour were as followeth:  

A Looking Glass of about a man's height, in a silver Frame, standing on a pedestal of Silver, ●urning round on every side.  
Two great Basins of Silver, supported with three Pillars at three Corners, a man's Body and a half high, adorned with several Figures; at one Pillar was fastened a gilded Basin, over which was a Fountain Cock for the Water to run through.  
Two great gilded Basins ●ull of holes at the Bottom to make a Passage for the Water.  
Twelve Silver Candlesticks, every one about Two els high.  
Six Silver Flower-Pots.  
Twelve gilded Ewers for sweet Waters.  
Twelve Silver Dishes with Covers made after the form of Turkish Turbans, all gilded within side.  
Twelve gilded Dishes for Confects, set upon Pedestals of Silver.  
One round Table of Silver upon a Pedestal of about half an Ell, after the manner of the Turkish Tables, with many Devices.  
Four Guns with Silver Stocks, and one Cutlash of Silver.  
Two great Writing Desks of Jaspar-Stone, with Prospectives within.  
Two other of Ebony Wood, and Tortoise shell, in-laid with Gold and Silver.  
One great Ice Vessel, and one great Drinking Pot of Silver.  
Four Pieces of Spanish Tapestry wrought with Silver.  
Fourteen Clocks with Turkish and Christian Figures.  
A Grota with a Clock in it, and a Case of Virginals which sound with the motion of Water that runs through it.  
A Cupboard an Ell high adorned with Bosses of Silver, in which was a Salt-box, Candlesticks, and other appurtenances thereunto.  
A large Chest with Figures of Silver gilded.  
A high Writing Desk of Silver gilded, with many Boxes and Drawers, which for the Art and Invention is not to be described.   


Presents to the Valede or Queen Mother.  
An embroidered Cushinet to sow upon, in which was a Looking-Glass, and a Virginal sounding of itself.  
A large Looking-Glass in a Silver Frame.  
Two Silver Candlesticks of an Ell and half high.  
A Basket of Silver rarely worked and engraven.  
Four great Cups.    


To the Great Vizier.  
Twelve Silver Platters with Covers.  
Two Silver Candlesticks ¾ of an Ell high.  
Twelve Silver Plates handsomely worked for Confects.  
One Basket of Silver engraven.  
Fourteen very large Silver Cups.    


For other Ministers to be bestowed as occasion was.  
Thirty two Clocks of several sorts, some with Turkish, and others with Christian Figures.  
Twenty one Watches gilded.  
Seven gilded Basins and Ewers.    
The Weight of the Silver all together amounted unto Three thousand five hundred pound weight. These were the Particulars of the Presents sent from the Emperor to the Grand Signior, from whom he received the live value by the Ottoman Ambassador. And though this Relation may seem impertinent to the Weight of History, yet in regard on such minute things many times greater matters depend, and thereby the curiosity of the Reader satisfied, I thought it not from our purpose to insert a List thereof.  
This year gave the first Beginning to trade between the Ottoman Dominions, and that of Genova. For in Company of the Germane Ambassador, in condition of a private Person, 
The Genoese make Peace with the Turk.  came the Marquis Durazzo a Nobleman of Genova, with Letters from that Republic to the Grand Signior, and Great Vizier, importing their desire of friendship and commerce with the Ottoman Port. This design of opening a door to a new Trade was commenced and carried on wholly by the contrivance and power of the Family of the Durrazzo's, falsely founded on the course allay of Money, than currant in the Turkish Territories, which proved not long durable, as will appear by the Sequel. This Marquis being arrived at Constantinople, declared his Message, which if favourably accepted, an Ambassador or Resident with Merchants should be sent to hold a Trade in the Turkish Dominions. In answer whereunto the Vizier replied according to the usual compliment, That the Arms of the Port are always open to those who desire to entertain a friendship and correspondence with it. But because in former days Ambassadors from Spain and Genova having like promises of admission, were notwithstanding, through the union of the English, and French and Venetians, obstructed in their passage, and forced to return home, though one of them as far as Scio in his way, and the other as Ragusa; therefore this Marquis in remembrance hereof pressed the Vizier farther in his promise, desiring him to give him the assurance, that what opposition might be made to the contrary by other Ministers, he would yet keep firm to that word he had given to his Republic: The Vizier constantly promised that he would; and if any other Ambassadors were not pleased with the friendship and Treaty of that day, they might seek their remedy as they pleased, and if they pleased might have liberty to depart. The Marquis being satisfied with this assurance, took Letters to his Republic in assurance thereof, and Articles were given, and Privileges for Trade signed according to the Tenor of other Capitulations: And being herewith dispatched, 
The Genoese received.  he returned home by Land, and the next year appeared again himself in the Person of Ambassador Extraordinary to the Ottoman Court; where after high and considerable Presents and great Expenses made, chiefly supported by the House of Durazzo, a Resident was seated at Constantinople, and a Consul at Smyrna, where we will leave them for a while, and some years after (God willing) take an account of the profit and loss this progging Nation had made by this Embassy and Trade. But before we leave this point, it will be worth our noting, how heinously the French Ambassador Monsieur La hay took this entertainment of the Genoese, in regard he was so concerned against his admission, that he declared to the chief Ministers of State, how he had received Orders to oppose the entrance of the Genoese Nation, as highly prejudicial and obstructive to their Trade; and in fine, to acquaint the Grand Signior, that in case he resolved to entertain them, his Master would withdraw his Ambassador and Nation; and therefore they ought to consider, whether a new Friend and an inconsiderable Republic ought to be perferred before the known and approved acquaintance of the powerful Empire of France. But whatsoever the French Ministers were able to act to the contrary, the Genoeses kept their stations, in which they were the better secured by those frequent occasions of disgust his most Christian Majesty in defence of the Christian Cause, had given to these Enemies of the Christian Faith.  
The Great Vizier and the Germane Ambassador being now both at the Ottoman Port, the Wars were concluded, and every one began to dispose his affairs to a quiet and a reposed life. But this Empire being still by God's Providence in a condition of growth and augmentation, could not remain long in Peace, nor long in health without exercise and action. Wherefore no sooner was Germany at ease, than the Visier began to move the prosecution of the War in Candia, desiring to obtain the glory of subjecting totally that Island, 
The Turks resolve to prosecute the War in Candia.  which for the space of Twenty five years had been the principal subject of the Ottoman design and exercise, and acquire to himself the Fame in History of being Conqueror of Candia, and Concluder of the Venetian War. Wherefore the Vizier with several other principal Persons, assembled in a Garden near the City of Adrianople, sent for the Signior Ballarino Representative for the Republik of Venice; where being come, at the first word demanded of him the Surrender of the whole Island of Candia. To which he modestly replied, That so great a gift was not in his power to give, and that his office was only to be assistant to that happy hour, wherein all matters might concur towards Peace, and that his Mediation might contribute towards a conclusion of this long and tedious War. In the mean time he should acquaint his Prince with the demand the Vizier was pleased to make. To which the Turks added menaces, with high and insolent words, designing to bend their whole force and power against Candia, the effect of which will hereafter be a material subject of our History. And thus much, to my best remembrance, I received from the mouth of that Venetian Minister.  
In the mean time the Grand signior, though he continued his Sports and Hunting, without regard to the violent heats of the Summer; yet he began to entertain something more of warm affection towards his Women, and to be reconciled to that Sex, in contemplation of hi● little Son, who beginning now to play and prattle, afforded him matter of entertainment in the Apartments of his Women; so that he affectionately doting on his Queen, gave order for increase of her Revenue and Attendance, 
The G. ●i●nior passionately loves his Queen.  and appointed the best Artisans of Adrianople to make her a Crown studded with very precious Stones to adorn her Head, of which he was so impatient, that he ordered the Goldsmiths to work in the Seraglio, permitting them scarce time to eat or sleep until it was finished. In recompense of which affection of her Sultan, this Lady so corresponded, that she appeared passionately in love, practising certain pretty tricks of swooning and of an uneasy condition in his absence, which so endeared him in all respects to her, that it was said the Sultan kept himself constant to this Queen only, and contrary to the custom o● other Emperors, and permission of the Turkish Laws made use of the multitude of his other Women only for Slaves, or Attendants to the greater state and adoration of his beloved Queen.  
And now the Grand Signior, at the persuasion of the Vizier and others of his Council, resolving to winter at Constantin●ple, certain Women of the lower rank were dispatched before, as forerunners of the removal of the Court: And being in the Seraglio at large without observance and awe of their usual Spies, two of the boldest Wenches finding a Cradle, wherein the Royal Infants were usually laid, adventured to pick out the best Jewels, of which some were very good Stones, and afterwards laid it up again in a private place, where it was not easily found. Not many days after the Queen-Mother wanting the Cradle of so much value and antiquity, where many of the young Sultan's had lain, sent to the Seraglio at Constantinople to fetch it thence. But it not being found, inquisition was made into all secret corners, the Wardrobes were searched, but nothing appeared, to the great fear of those to whose care it was committed, one accusing the other to acquit himself. In fine, the matter was so traced, that some whispers there were concerning 〈◊〉 in whose hands the Cradle not long 〈◊〉 was seen to remain. The Women having 〈◊〉 consciences were amazed in being so close●●●●ll●wed▪ and fearing the matter should be 〈◊〉 discovered, entered into consultation what course they should take to save their lives and their honour. In fine, they both concluded, th●● in such an extremity desperate remedies ought to be used, than which none was better than to set ●i●e to the ●eraglio, 
 by which means, either the thing sought for, would be esteemed for burnt and consumed by the fire, or in so great a loss it m●gh● be hoped that matters of smaller moment w●●ld not be remembered. Wherefore the bold Wenches without other consideration gave fire wi●h their Candle to the roof of Ced●r, of which wood most of the women's rooms in the Seraglio are made, which in a moment made such a fl●me, as with the help of a little wind, was carried through all the quarters of the women's Apartments, and thence took its way to the 〈◊〉 Chamber, and other considerable parts of the Court, where many Records and Registers of Law were consumed to af●es▪ together with one of the lesser Treasuries, where much richesse, which endured not the test of ●ire, perished: And the whole Seraglio had run an evident hazard, 〈…〉 the B●●t●ng●es and other Servants of the Court ventured far into the slames, in which many of t●em miserably perished. The fire being quenched, and the Women afterwards (I know not how) detected to have been the Aut●ors thereof, were sent to Adrianople, and being ●he●e accused, were strangled by the immediate 〈…〉 the Grand Signior.  
〈◊〉 the destruction of that considerable part 〈…〉 Seraglio was no impediment to the Grand 〈◊〉 return to Constantinople, being rebuilt 〈◊〉 that speed and industry, equal or excelling 〈◊〉 magnificence of the former, that the day 〈…〉 the Journey thither was not prolonged 〈…〉 ●he●eof. Howsoever the Grand 〈◊〉 aversion to the place made the wheels of 〈…〉 move s●ow, and the quickness of his 〈◊〉 grew slack and cold, observing so 〈…〉 pleasure in their Emperor to the place 〈◊〉 For though he was pressed by the Vizier to 〈…〉 and could not handsomely refuse 〈…〉 with the time appointed; yet to defer 〈◊〉 resolution as long as was possible; he contrived a ●ong way of Meander towards Constantinople, forming his Journey in Company with the Great Vizier by way of the Dardanelli upon the Hellespont, on pretence of viewing the Fortifications of the new 〈◊〉 ra●sed at the entrance of that Straight, and se●ding some Provisions ●rom thence for Relief 〈…〉; wherefore the Captain-Pasha was 〈◊〉 to ●ea with three Galleys, and at 〈…〉 to attend the Grand Signiors arrival, 〈…〉 him thence to the Castles, and 〈…〉. And t●e design being now resolved, 〈…〉 the War in Candia; for 〈…〉 a numerous Army, it was concluded, That the Captain-Pasha should propose to the 〈…〉 ●he Grand Signiors desire of 〈…〉 with consent of our King, 〈…〉 paying what reasonable Ra●es should ●e demanded. But the Earl of 〈◊〉 then Lo●d 〈◊〉, mode●●ly replied, Th●t ●hough ●is Majesty of England did always entertain a good affection and a zealous disposition 〈◊〉 the affairs of the Grand Signior; yet at 〈◊〉 the War with H●lland, and ill understanding with France, made his occasions for his own Shipping more urgent than usual, and the time most unseasonable to press his Majesty in this particular: by which reply and several other excuses of the Ambassador, the Captain-Pasha perceiving an averseness to the Proposition, and that Christians unwillingly arm Turks against the Cross, gave an account of this discourse to the Grand Signior and Vizier, who immediately gave order for the building of sixty Galleys against the next Spring, which with what they had before would make up above an Hundred Sail. The Rendezvous of this Flee●, together with Saykes and other Turkish Vessels, 
The Turks prepare for a War on Candia.  from thence to transport the Vizier and his Army for Candia, was appointed to be made at Malvoisia of the success of which we shall have occasion (God willing) to discourse in the following Year, which gave a beginning (as we may say) to the total loss of that Country, and to that famous Siege, which in History will bear the Fame of one of the most memorable in the World. And as a preparation thereunto, and as a supply of the present urgent necessity's, three Ships, viz. one English, another French, and a third Dutch were laden with Corn, and thirty Sail of Beys Galleys, with all sorts of Arms and Ammunition, with a Recruit of a thousand Janissaries, were dispeeded from Constantinople for Reinforcement and Succour of that Island.  
And now at length the Grand Signior after his long circuit arrived at Constantinople, where he made his solemn Entry the Third of October, but not with that Joy and Pomp, which usually attended other Sultan's in their return from the Wars and labours to their Imperial City; but all things seemed like the Sultan's humour, sullen and displeased; for he seldom lodged in his Seraglio, or slept there, but at a small Palace called Daout-Pasha, 
The G. Signior arrives at Constantinople.  where he for the most part made his abode; only sometimes in the day he passed a few hours at his Seraglio, but rested not there in the Night: The reasons hereof some attributed to the remembrance of those dangers and troubles which he had seen in that Court, and which made so deep an impression on his fancy, that he could never enter within those Gates without some sense of terror for the late disorders.  
The Germane War being thus concluded, the Sultan returned to Constantinople, and Affairs disposing themselves to spend their fury against Candia, all things growing black and tempestuous towards that Coast, the Venetians prudently provided to oppose the storm. And as an able General, and wise and experienced Captains, 
Marquis Villa received into service of the Venetians.  are the supports of an Army; and that the success of War depends much on Martial Discipline, and on the vigilance and wisdom of the Commanders, the Senate gave order to their Ambassador at Turen, called Catarin Belegno, to offer unto Marquis Ghiron Francisco Villa, a Native of that Country, the honourable charge of General of the Foot, with a stipend of 12000 Crowns of yearly Pay; the said Marquis obliging himself to bring with him Four Captains, and two Lieutenant-Generals, for entertainment of whom the Republic allowed Five thousand Ducats, besides Seventy Ducats a Month pay to an Engineer. To this Marquis Villa a power was given to command in chief over all, without subjection to any other than to the Captain-General, and to the Proveditor General in Dalmatia, when he waged War in that Province: And in short, his actions were not to be questioned or examined by any other than the Senate itself, to whom he was immediately subjected, and a Galley was to be allotted purposely to transport him and his Family to Candia. Upon these conditions agreed at Turen, Marquis Villa took his Journey to V●nice about the beginning of April, being accompanied with his Kinsman Francisco Villa, his Nephew Benedetto Count of Lagnasco, Count Lodovico Saluzza, and Count Bernardino Barretta, which Four served in quality of Captains, together with Gio. Francisco Pusserla, and Alessandro Negri, who were Lieutenant-Generals, and Gio. Girolamo Quadruplano Engineer. With these Companions and several other Volunteers, Gentlemen of Quality, the Marquis Villa was received with much honour by the Nobility and People of Venice; and being introduced into the College, with a singular grace and fluency of Language he began to speak in this manner.  

IF thanks, most Serene Prince, and most Excellent Sirs, 
The Speech of Marquis Villa to the Senate.  aught to be equivalent to the benefits we receive, I must of necessity (not to appear ungrateful) refuse those favours, which this most Serene Republic is pleased to confer upon me; or resolve to appear ungrateful, because I am unable to make a compensation. But I satisfy myself in this, That as the mind which receives favours, and returns thanks is the same; so that mind which makes acknowledgements with a due sense of them, doth in some measure equal the benefit, though it prove defective in expressions to declare it. I do therefore confess and acknowledge, that the Election you have been pleased to make of me amongst so many conspicuous Persons, unto a Charge graced by most renowned Predecessors, and in itself most honourable, is a most singular favour, and an effect of your immense Bounty to me; which though it be limited with some subordination, yet it may serve for the ultimate Goal to a glorious Course of Military labours. I must also farther● acknowledge, That as it is the property of this most Serene Republic to receive momentary Services, and to render them Eternal by Records in History; so they have been pleased to adjoin unto my mean deserts a remembrance of the humble devotion which my Ancestors professed towards them: I mean Alfonso Villa my great Grandfather, who in that most glorious Fleet at Lepanto, whose Sails were the wings of Victory, evidenced his Christian Zeal against that People, which issuing from the bowels of Sea-monsters, continue to vent their ancient rage against your most Serene Highness. Nor with less promptness of mind, had my Grandfather Francisco Villa, and my Father Guido Villa, consecrated their Powers to your Command: but that the unparallelled Equity of this most Serene Republic gave permission, that one of them should take the charge of General of the Artillery of the Holy Church under the Pope his Supreme Lord, preferring a natural duty before a voluntary service; and that the other being entertained in service of the most Invincible Charles Emanuel in Piedmont, you were pleased to judge, That the service done to a Prince your Confederate, and Son of this Republic, was a service and duty rendered to yourselves: so that this Election made of me by this most Serene Republic, and approved by the singular goodness of that Charles Emanuel, who now reigns, evidences the Destiny of my Family, and obliges me to satisfy that hereditary debt by performances, which my Ancestors entertained only in their wishes. Hence it is, that to this my Election some celestial influence hath concurred, by which I am clearly assured, that your more than humane Power is desirous to imitate the Divine, which oftentimes makes use of weak means to operate miraculous effects, that to you only the success may be acknowledged, and to you only the thanks be returned: That if the Providence of your Serenity, and of this most Serene Republic will be pleased (as I am assured you will) to imitate the Divine Providence, which co-operates with means, the number and quality of your Troops and plenty of your Provisions, which are the Nerves of War, are those means which correspond with the ends you design: And therefore I dare presage, that I shall not only see the threatening horns of the changeable Ottoman Planet precipitated into the Sea by the Venetian horn of strength; but those glorious Conquests renewed, which rendered your Name more bright and resplendent than the Sun itself in his Oriental parts. With these auspicious Presages, I feel already in my breast an impatient heat to sacrifice my life in so worthy a Cause, fancying that I serve the Universe, whilst I am engaged in the service of the greatest of Republics, which communicates delicious Fruit to all People, gathered from those triumphant Palms, which were planted and watered with her own sweat and labours; and resembles her own generous Lion, which continually stands on the Guard in opposition to the common Enemy, that all other People may rest quiet, and repose secure. And thus much, Most Serene Prince, and Most Excellent Sirs, shall suffice to have been spoken by a Soldier, not acquainted with Eloquence, to whom Courage is more requisite than Words, and to fight well with the hand, is more laudable than to utter florid Speeches with the Tongue.   
According to the preceding counsel and desire of Marquis Villa, the Senate sent by divers Convoys great plenty of Provision and Ammunition to Candia, and fitted their Fleet with all things necessary; and strengthened their Forts both with Horse and Foot drawn out of their Garrisons on the Terra Firma, being assisted with Men and Money from other Princes and States. The Pope gave them liberty to levy Four thousand men out of his Countries, the Emperor al●o furnished them with a considerable Force, to which were made Additions from other parts of Ger●any.  
In this manner the prudent Care of the Venetians provided for their own safety: But at Cons●●ntinople things were more quiet, for it being Winter, the Turks made Entertainments for the Germ●n Ambassador, who was first feasted by the ●him●cham, and twice afterwards, with much Magnificence, by the Great Vizier at his own Garden, seated on the Bosphorus, all difficulties being before overcome, and agreed, unless the deliverance of the poor Captives from the Prison and the Oar, who continued in the torment of expectation between hope and fear, either of liberty or perpetual slavery. Which Treaty though it properly belonged to the Vizier, to whom the absolute power is derived, yet in formality it was reserved for matter of the last Audience with the Grand Signior, who being desirous to attend his Hunting and Pastime abroad, was in p●in, until he had complied with his Office towards this Ambassador, whose departure though not some time after designed, yet being o●ten called upon to receive his Dispatch from the Grand Signior, was admitted on the 30th of October to his Audience with the same formality and feasting as is common to all other Ambassadors in the Divan, or place of Judicature, and received three and forty Coftans bestowed on himself and his retinue, and thence being conducted to the Chamber of Audience, wi●h some of the principal Noblemen of his Company, they presented themselves on their K●●es, with their Faces on the Ground, according to the Custom of the Eastern Courts; with which occasion the Heer R●ningen, who had for six●een or seventeen years been Resident for the emperor, 
 a person grown infirm with Age and the Gout, and his Knees not so active and pliable as the younger sort, coming also to take his turn in this prostrate manner of Worship, was so rudely handled by the Kapugibashees, who assisted on each Arm at the Ceremony, that he not being able to bow his head so easily as others, was thrust down by them with so little consideration or respect, that his Brows and Fo●e●ead were broken on the Flour; which mischance so disordered him, as put him besides that Speech which he had premediated in Turkish to address to the Grand Signior; and though he kerbed what was possible his passion, whilst he remained in the Royal Presence, yet in vain afterwards he ven●ed his Choler with words against th●se unmannerly Officers without other remedy or satisfaction. The Demands of the Ambassador were in writing read before the ●rand Signior, according to the custom of the Court, and principally concerned the freedom of the Slaves, some of which were then in the Galleys, and Banniard, and others of the most principal in the seven Towers. Other Demands there were in relation to the State of Transylvania, that for the future it might be free from Incursions, in which particular the Turks had already violated the Pe●ce; and that a more orderly Government of Affairs might be observed on the Frontiers, than usually had passed, as agreed by ●he last Capitulations. To which the Grand 〈◊〉 gave no Answer, referring all to the Vizier, 〈◊〉 told the Ambassador in short, That he should counsel his Master to beware of invading the Ottoman Dominions, or acting any thing in prejudice of the Peace.  
The Articles of Peace made between the Two Emperors were for the most part a confirmation of the ancient Agreement, only it was provided as a new Addition, That the Armies should depart from the Confines of Transilvania. Secondly, That the Castles and Forts garisoned with Germane Soldiers in that Country should be resigned into the hands of the Prince. And Thirdly, There were other particulars added in reference to Newhausel, and the Country's adjacent lately conquered, and the Limits of both Emperors, as before declared.  
But whilst these things were in agitation, and Ambassadors interchangeably at either Court, the Turks of Varadin and janova made frequent incursions into Transilvania, destroying the Villages, and carrying away great numbers of Captives; and so lately, as about the beginning of August last, those of Varadin conveyed themselves privately under the Castle Cseh, and robbed the Horses belonging to that Garrison, killed some, and carried others into slavery; at which time also Two thousand Turks besieged the Castle Valko, which they took, and razed to the ground; which Complaints of their Country's Aggrievances the Transilvanians intimated to the Germane Ambassador, as matters already acted contrary to the late Articles of Peace, requesting farther to interpose for a moderation and abatement of their Tribute, which Kuperlee had, contrary to Oath and reason, unjustly augmented. But the Ambassador seemed so coldly to interpose in this behalf, as taught the Turks to deny his Requests, acquiescing with this Answer, That it was no breach of Peace then to make incursions on the Frontiers, as also without Cannon to rob, and spoil, and skirmish, not exceeding Five thousand men in number. For it appeared that the Ambssadour was most desirous to secure the main points of the Peace, 
The Reasons why the Germane Ambassador interposed not in behalf of Transylvania.  which concerned most the Interest of the Empire, and not hazard it for such like Concernments of Transilvania; for though it seemed strange to the World to see a Peace hastily clapped up with disadvantageous Terms on the Emperor's side, whilst he was victorious and fortunate in several Erterprises; yet they that penetrated farther into the State and Condition of the Empire, report, That there was a necessity of making a moderate use of these successes by a fair accommodation, rather than to tempt Providence by a too eager and continued prosecution of the War. For it was observed that the Designs of making the Duke of Anguien, Son to the Prince of Conde, King of Poland, proceeded forward; and that there was a Combination of a dangerous League amongst thePrinces of the Rhine. The Divisions between the Germans and the Hungarians increased; the latter of which are known to be an obstinate sort of People. The Army also of the French was feared in the Bowels of the Empire, under the Command of Monsieur la Feuvillade, who under pretence of applying themselves to the assistance of Christendom, were suspected to come with intentions to advance the interest of their King, and force the next Diet to elect him King of the Romans; in order whereunto, and in consideration of farther assistance, they demanded several Towns in Hungary to be delivered into their hands, and made extravagant Propositions for Winter Quarters; all which considered, made the Germane Ambassador more tender how he entered into Disputes with the Turk, which might prejudice the essential points of the Peace, or occasion a new War more destructive to Germany through the dangers before intimated, than by the Arms and Hostility of the common Enemy. These Considerations made the Ambassador less zealous in the matter of Transilvania, 
The Germane Ambassador's Audience with the Vizier.  and in all others which were not really conducing to his Master's immediate service; so that having no other difficulty remaining, than the liberty of the Captives, on the day of his last Audience with the Vizier, being the 8 th' of November, he urged with more earnestness their Release, which was in part granted; those of the Galleys were delivered from their Chains and Oars; but such as were of greater Quality in the seven Towers were detained, until the Emperor had on his part released the Turks of Quality in like manner; and though it was agreed in the Article, That Captives should on both sides be released, yet the Vizier interpreted it to be in respect to Number and Quality, of which I remember to have heard often Complaints, and especially of those poor Gentlemen, then under Irons and restraint, who though afterwards received their freedom, yet for the present endured more torment in their minds, than if they had never been put in expectation to enjoy their hopes. At the end of the Audience the Ambassador proposed something in behalf of the Religious of jerusalem, That certain places of Devotion might be restored them, which were injuriously taken from them by the Greeks; and also that Licence might be granted for re-edification of some Churches, and Monasteries destroyed in Galata by the late Fire: To the first of which, the Vizier answered, That the Franks with the Greeks of jerusalem should have a fair and equal Trial at Law about the possession of those places in difference, and Justice▪ and Right should be done unto the injured; but the latter Proposition he positively denied, for being a matter contrary to their Law and Religion, was not dispensable by his Power, nor ought he to expect a Compliment from him, or Gratuity of that nature, which was inconsistent with the honour and conscience of the Donor; but that in any thing else he was ready to yield to his Desires, whereby he might understand the value he put upon his Person; using this Expression, That he was more satisfied that the Emperor had designed so illustrious and worthy a person to this Embassy, than if he had sent him a Hundred thousand Dollars more of Present, and at the Conclusion of the Audience, vested both the Ambassador and Resident with Sables, which ended with all imaginable satisfaction, and mutual contentment.  
On the 21 th' of the Month of November arrived at Constantinople Monsieur De Ventelay, Ambassador from the French King to the Grand Signior, 
An Ambassador arrives from France.  who was Son to the Sieur De la hay, the former Ambassador, a Person much talked of before he arrived; a generous and an accomplished Gentleman, and one well practised in the Affairs of that Country. To understand which story the better we must look back to the former Year, at the beginning of which during the Germane War, and that the Vizier remained in his Winter-quarters at Belgrade, a Courier with Letters from his most Christian Majesty to the First Vizier arrived, who concealed not the occasion of his coming, nor the contents of his Letters with that secrecy, but that those who were employed in the Translation of the Papers into Turkish, made it publicly known to be no other than a recital of the many provocations his most Christian Majesty had received from the Pirates of Barbary, containing a List of the Ships, Men, and Goods they had from time to time seized and made Prize: in vindication of which indignities to his Honour, and in protection of his People, he could not do less than make a War upon those Pirates (for as yet the advice was not come, that the French had deserted Gigeri) in which for the foregoing reasons the Grand Signior ought not to judge himself concerned. And for the Succour given the Emperor, it was not afforded as King of France, but as one of the Princes of the Empire, in which capacity, by virtue of his Tenure, he was obliged to contribute such Forces on the like emergencies and distresses of the Empire. And if the foregoing reasons were available with the Sultan to induce him (as in reason he ought) to believe he continued in perfect friendship with him, without breach of Articles, he was then ready to send his Ambassador to reside at the Port, provided it might be Monsieur De Ventelay, Son to Monsieur De la hay late Ambassador there, who was the Person that had some time since received indignities from the Vizier Kuperlee, that so his Majesty might receive satisfaction, by having the very Person of Monsieur De Ventelay honoured by extraordinary demonstrations of respect, in reparation of the former affronts. This Messenger having translated his Papers, obtained licence to ride Post to the Vizier, and in the frosts and extremities of the weather in january set forward on his Journey; but in his passage through Adrianople, visiting the Chimacam, and desiring his licence in like manner to ride Post to the Vizier on public affairs, received such a lesson of scorn and disdain, vented with the extremity of choler against the French Nation in public Divan, with terms undecent to be repeated: And that in farther resentment, if he were First Vizier, he would refuse to accept any friendship or alliance with them; but since he was inferior to the Great Vizier, he would dispeed him to the Camp, and grant him a Command for his Post. But it seems this Courier being arrived at Belgrade, was received with better terms, and more courtesy by the Vizier, who had learned by experience of the late Christian Wars, and proof of the Valour of the French Nation, that the Propositions of that King were not lightly to be contemned. And therefore consented that Monsieur De Ventelay might freely come (using their common expression) that the Arms of the Port are always open to receive the addresses of Friends, Allies, and Confederates. With this Message and Letters the Courier was dispatched by way of Rag●si with safe conduct, and what else was requisite for his securer passage. No doubt but his most Christian Majesty was the more urgent, that the Person of Monsieur De Ventelay (who was the subject on whom formerly the Turks had exercised such injurious violence) should be accepted for Ambassador, 
Reflections of the Turks on the ●mbassy of Monsieur De Vent●lay.  and resolved, unless they received him, he would send no other, that so his Honour which suffered before in this Person, might be repaired again by the respect and reverence they were to show to him as Ambassador, as if in repentance of their former unkindness, they should now strive to make amends by extraordinary demonstrations of honour to this Representative. For it was judged in France, and there concluded, That there was no other means to repair the King's Honour than by the Embassy of Monsieur De Ventelay; to which that a greater reputation might be added, he was transported in one of the King's Ships called the Caesar, accompanied with a Fireship, and a small Patach for a Victualler, and for his ●e●ter Equipage was attended by four or five Marquess' and person's of Quality. Being arrive● a● the farther part of the City called the Seve● Towers, the Ships came to an Anchor, from whence the Ambassador sent to advise the Vizier of his arrival, desiring as one mark of the extraordinary honour promised him, that a return might be made to the Salute of his Ship from the Seraglio, by the Cannon which lay under the Wall, a Ceremony before never demanded, or practised with respect to any Christian or Turkish Vessel; and that his landing might be honoured with a more than usual reception by the attendance of Officers, or at least equalled to the Formalities of the late English Ambassador. But the Vizier it seems judged, that the reception of the English, strained on a particular occasion, was not to be brought into example, and that a Salute from the Seraglio was so besides the ordinary custom, that he esteemed the demand to be extravagant, and that such a Precedent would be dishonourable to his Master. And therefore resolving not to exceed the particulars of former customs, offered at his landing to have him accompanied to his House with ten Chaouses, only the Ambassador not accepting hereof, in a discontented manner entered with his Ship the day following, and giving the usual Salutes to the Seraglio, landed at Topenau, a place near to his own Dwelling, from whence with no other attendance than his own Company, privately walked up, and with no farther ceremony took possession of the place of Residence of former Ambassadors from France.  
Notwithstanding this slight treatment, the Ambassador was not so much mortified, but he conceived hopes, that the Turks would at length in contemplation of his Master's greatness, gratify him with some signal demonstrations of extraordinary honour, by concessions of unusual Privileges, and greater facility in his Negotiations: and therefore was induced, though as yet he had not had a personal Audience of the Vizier, to desire a revocation of the Agreement made with the Genoese, (the Marquis Durazzo, of whom we have spoken before, being just upon his departure) protesting against it with all earnestness, as a matter so prejudicial to the French Traffic and Commerce in those Dominions, that if admission were given to the Genoese, they must expect to lose friendship and commerce with France. But notwithstanding this heat and other protestations against it, the Vizier who inherited his Father's spirit, little regarded the discontent of the French, but calmly answered, That the Grand Signior was Master of himself and Country, and might make Peace or War at his own pleasure without licence or permission of the French king; and that such as were envious, or discontented at the Peace, had free liberty to depart and take their remedy as they esteemed most beneficial.  
In this manner matters passed between the time of this Ambassador's Arrival and his Audience. 
A strange ●●●id●nt befallen the French Captain of the M●n of War.  In which interim the curiosity of Monsieur Abermont, Captain of the French Man of War, had like to have proved fatal to him; for whilst he viewed from the Gallery of his Ship the pleasant situation of the Seraglio, and the Prospect of the Bosphorus, behold at a distance appeared certain Galleys gently gliding down the stream, dressed up with Flags and Streamers, which all Ships and Saykes saluted with their Guns as they passed. This Captain being informed that the Grand Signior was there in person, and returned from his Hunting, which he had made in c●rtain Woods not far from the City, saluted him also as he passed with twenty five Guns; but being not able to discover his person, presently fitted his Boat and followed him, hoping to receive that satisfaction at his landing; fo● conceiving, that access to the Ottoman and Eastern Princes is as facile and grateful, as it is to those of Christendom, with all confidence endeavoured to accost the Person of the Grand Signior as near as was possible. The Grand Signior turning his eyes, and seeing a man habited (as he conceived) in a barbarous and extravagant dress, apprehended the Majesty of his Person violated by so near and bold an approach of the curious Stranger; and thereupon, without farther inquiry, being moved with scorn and indignation, called for the Executioner, who is ever ready at his hand; but some persons then present, especially the Bostangibashee, being of more moderation, beseeched the Grand Signior to have a little patience, and to inquire of the Ghaur or Infidel (as they called him) the cause of this his boldness: with which the Grand Signior suppressing a little his passion, and having patience until one was sent to expostulate with the Captain, who all this while, though he perceived some disturbance, was yet ignorant that the matter so dangerously concerned himself; and not being able to understand the Messenger, nor to be understood by him, rendered the business more confused, and less understood: which the Messenger observing; and knowing the danger of this worthy and innocent Gentleman, being perhaps of a compassionate nature, and prudent, framed this excuse to the Grand Signior, That he did not well understand the Infidel's language, but what he conjectured was, That he being Captain of that Vessel, which had newly saluted his Majesty as he passed with twenty five Guns, was now come in confidence of his Royal bounty and clemency to receive a Costan, as a sign of his Majesty's favour, and reward of his own respect. The Grand Signior having by this time his choler somewhat abated, was better pacified with these gentle words; the Bostangibashee also interceding at the same time in his behalf, that he was a stranger, and ignorant of the customs of their Court, and that if he deserved punishment, he might be remitted to the examination of the Vizier, who might chastise him, as he found it reasonable. The Grand Signior contented herewith, the rude Bostangees seized the Captain and hurried him to the Visier, who all this time was ignorant of his error or his danger, more than that he perceived by accent of their words, and by their gestures, that something was amiss, and debated in reference unto him. The Druggermen, or Interpreters of the French Nation being sent for, and the Visier and the Captain both understanding the matter, the crime appeared only to be an absurdity committed through ignorance: yet to please the Grand Signior, and to make an appearance, as if something were done in chastisement of this bold curiosity, the Visier ordered, that the Captain should be conducted by two Chaouses to the Ambassador, there to be put in Chains and in Prison, until satisfaction was made for his fault. The Captain being thus brought before the Ambassador, this honest Gentleman was punished in the same manner as we do those in Christendom, who crowd to see their Prince.  
The Ambassador had his first Audience with the Vizier on the 7th of December, which being insignificant to any other business more than to the delivery of his Master's Letter, and other matters of Form and Ceremony, we shall need to insist the less upon it.  

The French Ambassadors second Audience.  His second Audience before that of the Grand Signior, was in the beginning of january, at which time the Ambassador began to declare what he had in Commission from his King, which principally related towards a satisfaction for those Affronts formerly offered him in the person of his Father, and himself inculcating into the Visier a true apprehension of the greatness of his Master, his force by Land, his powerful Fleet which should that following year be set forth in the Mediterranean Seas, with other arguments which might challenge due respect and honour to so great a Prince. These Proposals and Discourses, though the Vizer seemed not to entertain with that benign and flexible ear as was expected or thought satisfactory, and thereupon several disgusts did afterwards succeed; howsoever in the end all matters cleared up again, and his Excellency was permitted to return to his own House with all imaginable satisfaction, as he was pleased to intimate to the Ambassador for his Majesty of great Britain. Soon after followed his Audience with the Grand Signior according to the usual Ceremonies, so that all things run smoothly with the French for several years after. And here by the way it is observable, That an English Ambassador once arguing hotly with the Vizier on some points of the Capitulations, in which judging himself wronged, threw the Capitulations to the Vizier, telling him, that he might keep the Writing and Paper, since he resolved not to obey the Letter. The Vizier hereupon calmly took the Capitulations, and laid them behind his Cushion, which the Ambassador in a more considerate temper could not again recover under an expense of fifteen hundred Pieces of Eight.  
During the time of these Negotiations the Grand Signior wholly employed his time and thoughts in Hunting, ranging all the Woods for several days journey's round Constantinople in which Exercise twenty or thirty thousand men were employed, collected from the Cities and Villages round about, all which were paid at the public expense and charge of Housekeepers both Turks and christians; 
The Grand Signiors Hunt.  which in one hunt might amount to thirty or forty thousand Dollars. With this burden the people being often opppressed, and many perishing in the Woods with cold and hunger, began to murmur at the excess of Tyranny, cursing their Prince's madness and folly, maintained with the life and ruin of his Subjects. But notwithstanding all these whispered curses and secret menaces the Grand Signior followed his delights with such frequency, and with that heat and eagerness, that the people perceiving no end of their misery, began to speak loudly and plainly, and by some principal Persons gave the Visier to understand, That the people would not longer endure the extravagant Vagaries of their Prince at so dear a rate, of which he that was his chief Counsellor ought to inform and advise him. The Vizier, who was before sensible of the excess of his Master's humour in this particular, and that immoderation, even in lawful▪ and innocent exercises, may become a Vice, and when acted with oppression of the Subject as dangerous as other terms which sound more of Tyranny and Violence, resolved with courage and humility to represent to his Master the danger of such expensive Hunt, especially when over frequent; and therefore assured those who made their Complaints, That for the future all matters should be redressed, and the Grand Signior should not be so prodigal in his Hunt on the Purse of his Subjects. And so sensible was the Vizier of the disorders which might arise from hence, if some remedy were not speedily applied, that he immediately departed Constantinople to find out the Grand Signior, who was lodged in some retired cool place, environed with Woods and Mountains; leaving Solyman Pasha for Chimacham, or Deputy, in his place, in whose former Government many terrible Fires had happened in Constantinople.  
About this time Advice came to Constantinople of certain Addresses the Nogay Tartar had made to the Pasha of Silistria to obtain a Country to live in between the Rivers of Boristhenese and the Danuh●; 
The Nogay Tartar desires Lands of the Grand Signior.  for that their own Country being full, they were forced to abandon and empty it of forty or fifty thousand Families, who lived in Wagons, and had about a hundred thousand head of cattle, all which with their substance, they proffered for Subjects to the Grand Signior, if he pleased to afford them protection, and Land for Pasture and habitation. The Pasha approving hereof, gave them assurance of security under the shadow of his Master's favours, sending information thereof to the Port, who willingly embraced these new-come Guests, and entered into consultation what Country and limits should be assigned them. In the mean time the Krim Tartar jealous of this people, and not knowing what inconvenience such Neighbourhood might produce, fell upon them, and cut off a great number of them, forcing the rest to reurn into their own Country, which though ill taken at first by the Turks, was yet afterwards excused by the Tartar, and dissembled by the Port.  
Though all things appeared quiet at Constantinople after the Peace concluded with the Emperor, and that the Germane Ambassador was returned back to his Master; yet the Turks prosecuted their designs against Venice, and made great preparations in the Provinces of Albania, Bossena, and Licca, which confine on the Venetian Territories; and though in reality those Forces were not intended against those parts, but in order to a more warm prosecution of the War in Candia, whether the Vizier intended to transport himself in Person; yet the Venetian State not fully penetrating the Design, took the Alarm chiefly in Dalmatia, and reinforced their Garrisons of Cataro and other Fortresses. And that matters there might be well provided, and all things acted with due circumspection; Marquis Villa was ordered to visit those Garrisons in his Voyage to Candia; 
Marquis Villa surveys the Forts in Dalmatia.  so that departing from Venice attended with two Galleys, he arrived in a few days at Zara, and thence proceeding to Spalleto, where the Proveditor General, Catarin Cornaro, made at that time his residence; they both joined together to survey the most important places of that Province. They began with the City of Spalleto, 
Spalleto.  which rather seems a place intended by Nature for a Palace of delights, than a Garrison of Arms; being the Seat which Dioclesian (who was born at Salona, six miles' distance from thence) chose for his Garden of retirement, after he had renounced the Empire, and is now turned into a ruder shape of War, since the invasion of the Turk made it necessary to be fortified for security of itself, and the parts circumjacent. Spalleto is now very strong, being secured by divers Redoubts; the chief of which is situated on a little rising, called Gripp●, distant about a Musket-shot from the Town, is strengthened with four Royal Bastions, and with good Artillery; there is also a new Line of Fortification drawn round the Town, which renders it the strongest, and most considerable of all Dalmatia: But to make this place the more impregnable, t●ese Generals laid the foundation for another Bulwark; and as an evidence of their Union, they cast a Medal with a stamp on one side of Ca●naro, and on the other of Marquis Villa, and surrendering thanks to God, the Service ended with firing all the Guns of the Town.  
Afterwards both the General's Embarking, passed that Night to Curzola, 
 anciently called Co●sina Negra, which is one of the greatest and best of the Isles of this Gulf; Thence passing by Ragusi, where the Deputies of that Government, in recognition of that Sovereignty which the Venetians have over the Adriatic Seas, presented the usual refreshments to the General of the Province; and in a particular manner treated Marquis Villa with a Present in name of their Republic. That Night they arrived at the Entrance of the Channel of Cataro, 
〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉  and taking Perasto in their way (which is a strong Fortification about six miles distant from Cataro) they were received there with firing all the Guns of the Town, which were doubly multiplied by an Echo returned from the sound of the neighbouring Mountains. Thence they proceeded to visit Budua, a place well fortified, as also Fort St. George in the Island Liesina, which is the usual Rendezvous of Brigantines, and armed Barks; at length they went to Almissa, where they made a general Muster of all the Forces of the Province; in all which places having viewed and amended the defects in Fortification, and given order for supplying them with Ammunition and Provisions necessary; they returned back to see the famous Fortress of Clissa, 
Cl●ssa.  the Situation of which seems to have been planted when Nature desired to sport, and be wanton; for it issues, as it were, out of the Bosom of two Mountains, which are at an equal distance from the Town, and then drawing themselves at each end into the fashion of a Bow, seem to form a Triumphal Arch. The passage through these Mountains is so narrow and crooked, that it appears like a Labyrinth; and being supplied with plenty of Fountains and Cisterns both within and without the Fortress, the Suburbs demolished, and no encumbrances to c●oy and weaken its strength, is certainly more obliged to Nature for its defence than to Art From hence they proceeded to view Sebenico, 
●●b●nico.  which is another strong Fortress, situated on a rising Hill, and overviews a spacious Port, the entrance to which is secured by the Fort St. Nicholas; and the City itself, besides its own Walls, is guarded by a Citadel, and by the new works of St. john, situated on two Hills: From hence the Generals returning to Zara, the Capital City of the Province, which being encompassed by the Sea, annexed to the Land only by a Bridge, which is also defended by a Fort, is rendered the strongest and most impregnable of all the Fortresses. And here having made a general Muster of all the Forces, and visited the Country of Novigrade, and Possidaria, the habitations of the Morlach Militia, the Marquis returned again to Venice, being called thither by the Senate; for the Year being now well spent, and the Winter approaching too near to admit of any considerable action; the time grew seasonable for Counsels, in which manner the Affairs of Wars might best and most advantageously be directed for the succeeding year. Yet in regard Advices were come from Candia, That the Turks were much afflicted with the Pestilence, and scarcity of all Provisions; it was judged requisite to prosecute the War the more eagerly against them, before the Great Vizier arrived there with such an Army as commonly attends his Person; it being advised from Count Leslie, the Emperor's Ambassador at Constantinople, that the whole force of the Ottoman Arms was to refund itself speedily on that Island. This Intelligence hastened the departure of Marquis Villa from Venice, with such Force as was then in a readiness, being directed with necessary Instructions of what he ought to act in Candia. In his Voyage thither he touched at Corfu, Cefalonia, and Zant, and afterwards happily arrived on the sixth of December at the Isle of Paros or Paresi in the Archipelago, where he met with the Captain-General, and other Chief Commanders of the Fleet, together with Vuertmiller the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance; and here the Marquis reforming several Companies, which were much diminished in their numbers, a general Muster was made of all the Forces, which being ranged in form of Battle, they were accounted to amount unto eighteen hundred Horse, and eight thousand two hundred ninety five Foot. This Army had some want of Fire-Arms, and other Necessaries, of which the Senate being advised, they promised to supply all by a Convoy, then preparing; and congratulating in their Letters to Marquis Villa the good News of his happy Arrival at Paros, raised and prompted him to Achievements worthy his Courage and Grandeur; for being a Person now elevated on the Bulwarks of Candia, he seemed to stand on that Theatre, where he had all Europe for his Spectators.  

The Troubles which the English Trade found this Year in Turkey.  
THE Currant of our Negotiations ran smoothly this year without any considerable interruption in all parts of Turkey, unless at Aleppo, where the Emim, or Customer, according to his usual practice, began a new pretence, not only against former Precedents, but also against the very Letter of Capitulations, demanding 2 1/●; per Cent. Custom at Scanderoon, and 3 at Aleppo; a matter against which our Articles of Peace and Commerce have made many and sundry Provisions: Notwithstanding the Customer (like others of his Predecessors, who have ever at Aleppo made Disputes about their Customs, without being restrained by the most strict Imperial Commands, and plainest Decisions of the Law) resolved to make good his pretence by a sequestration on the whole Cargo of two general Ships, then under his Custody in the Custom-house▪ The Consul hereupon had recourse to the Justice of the Kadi, and there produced the Capitulations, the Hattesheriff, or Royal Signature, under the hand of Sultan Ibrahim, wherein the particulars of Custom were regulated, a Command from the present Vizier, and his Father, and other Commands from Adrianople and Constantinople, all of the same tenor. The Emim on the other side, had no other Argument than his Baratz or Patent from the Tefterdar or Lord Treasurer, which was so prevalent, and of that force with the Kadi, joined with the fear and favour he bore towards the Emim; that it was judged by him to stand in balance with all the other Imperial Signatures; and therefore left the business (which was as much as the Customer desired) undecided, making a Declaration, that the reasons on both sides were so forcible, and the arguments so equal, that he concluded it more proper, that a matter of so great importance should be reserved for the determination of more powerful and eminent Officers. The matter standing thus doubtfully, the Emim conceiving it too great a pawn to detain so great a quantity of Cloth for a difference only in the Custom, delivered to every man his consignation, reserving only fif●y Bales to make himself good on the judgement and commands he expected shortly in his favour. The d●fference being now referred up to the Court, the Lord Ambassador received the just complaints of the Consul and Merchants; for redress of which abuses, his Excellency dispatched myself, than his secretary and Druggerman, to the Vizier at Belgrade, attending the advice of the Germane Ambassadors entrance into the Frontiers. The Vizier having heard the difference, was ready to have passed sentence in our favour, had no● the Te●terdar, the only Advocate for the Customer, from whom the Original of our Evils was derived, put an unhappy obstacle in the course of our Negotiations, pretending that there were ancient Tefters or accounts amongst his Books, which mentioned two and a half per Cent. at Scanderoon, and three at Aleppo; and though it was urged to the contrary, that we never had to do with the Registers of the Treasurers▪ nor had managed any Apalto, or Farm of the Grand Signior; but our Capitulations are our Law and Rule, and our Commands Registered in the Reis Esendi's, or Secretary's Office, than which we never had, nor could ever acknowledge any other Canon: yet the Vizier overruled our reasons, and we were forced to submit, until the Tefterdar took his leisure to examine and consult his Books.  
The Vizier and his Army being then upon their return, we found no opportunity to renew our solicitations, until we came to Nissa, where the Army had two days of repose, and there again as in other places before, we urged the Tefterdar so importunately, that at length we compelled him to acknowledge to the Vizier, that our affairs were not Registered in his Office. So that now we took liberty to declare our Reasons to the Vizier; which we drew from our Capitulations, the ancient Hattesheriff of Al●ppo, the Vizier and his Father's own Commands, and Copies of others of the like tenor, not omitting other Arguments and Evidences, which rendered the business not a little clear and apparent to the capacity of the Vizier: who thereupon reprehended the Tefterdar, for seeking by his Command to introduce an innovation contrary to our Capitulations, and promised us Commands in our favour; but we replied, that we had already Commands, and the Grand Signiors own Royal Signature on our side, and that our Ambassador had not sent us so many days Journey to seek another, which perhaps would as ill be observed as the former; But it was the punishment of the Customer which the Ambassador expected, who against so many clear Evidences, durst proceed to the violation of them all. Many other words were added pertinent and forcible to the present purpose. To which the Vizier answered, that he was now upon his Journey, where business of this nature was ill dispatched. And therefore ordered us to proceed to Adrianople, where he should have more leisure to consider what was fit to be done in order to justice and satisfaction of the Ambassador. Hereupon I left the Army, wherein I was much incommoded, and proceeded with all haste to Adrianople, where the Great Vizier in some days after me arrived, and there we renewed our wont endeavours, and solicitations, that we might come to an end of this business, and that justice might be done us: But the Vizier willing to gratify the Tefterdar, was not forward to pass his Sentence, but put us again off to Constantinople, where the Books should be perused, that were laid up amongst the Registers of the Divan: For that this matter was a concernment of the Grand Signiors, in determination of which, he ought to be tender and considerate. That for sending for Ibrahim Aga, the Customer (which was one of the principal of our demands) to answer for the injuries he had done our Nation, he was already ordered to appear at Court, where he should be ready to stand to judgement for what the Ambassador should object against him: and this had been the answer which was contrived to be given to the Ambassador himself, in case he had (as once he designed) appeared at Adrianople in person on this occasion.  
The Vizier arriving at Constantinople some few Months after; the Lord Ambassador obtained Audience of him on the 15 th'. of October, pressing still for justice against the Customer of Al●ppo: but nothing thereof could be procured, besides a Command for restitution of the fifty Bales of Cloth, detained in the hands of the Emim, upon the pretence before related, and that the payment of Customs should be regulated after the rate of three per Cent. according to the ancient usance. For putting this Command in execution, an Aga was ordered to be dispatched, for whose service herein the Vizier allotted a thousand Dollars should be paid him, which though an extravagant reward, yet to put an honour and authority on the business, and not to displease the Vizier, it was granted to him, and so he was dispatched the 25 th'. for Aleppo. But the troubles of our Merchants at Aleppo ended not here: For the Tefterdar greatly enraged to see his designs against us to have no better issue, thought to trouble us by a new invention of prohibiting the Scale of Scand●ro●n to all English, and other Christian Vessels, and that the Factories should be transferred again over to Tripoli in Soria; a place formerly frequented by our Merchants, but by reason of the danger and inconvenience of that Port, the Trade was transported to the Scale of Scandero●n. This alteration the Tefterdar pretended to have been granted to the Merchants at their earnest Petition, and promise to the Grand Signior, of payment of 13000 Dollars Yearly, for discharge and maintenance of those Guards which were requisite in that place for safety of the Coast, and defence of the Caravans which pass with Merchant's goods to Aleppo; but time and corruption of the Ministers had deprived the Grand Signior of the benefit of that duty. And this he urged with the greater instance and eagerness▪ knowing that the Scale of Scanderoon being prohibited, the Hattesheriff whereon consisted the privilege of the Merchants, and their sole security must consequently fall, and they forced to a new agreement. On this occasion our Lord Ambassador had Audience with the Vizier, and insisted on that point of our Capitulations, which gives us liberty to Trade in any part of the Grand Signiors Dominions; and therefore to consent to be restrained, or confined to any particular place, was to assent to a breach of the Capitulations, which was out of his power, and only to be dispensed with by his Master the King of England, and the Grand Signior, by whom they were established; and to connive or assent to the breach of one particular clause, was to hazard the loss and breach of the whole: year 1666. for that our Capitulations (to use the Turks saying) are like a string of Beads, of which, when one link is broken, the others drop off. To which the Vizier replied, that the Scale of Scanderoon was open, and clear as before for the English Trade; but because the Tefterdar, and Customer, pretended that the Grand Signior was put to great expenses for maintenance of a Watch and Guard at that Port, which was only in respect to the security of the Merchant's Goods; Orders should be given for taking away those Officers, as unnecessary and insignificant to the public Service; no Guards having ever been in that place, the Ambassador judged his business to be granted, and so thanked the Vizier and departed. But not many days after the Tefterdar procured a Command for shutting the Scale of Scande●o●n, and transporting the Factory to Trip●li: which Command was rather intended to affright our Nation into some composition, than really to be put in execution, as appeared by the sequel; for the Tefterdar better considered than to bring so great an Odium upon himself from the whole Country and City of Aleppo, and to enforce the Ambassador to have recourse to the Grand Signiors own person, for redress of an abuse of so high a nature, in derogation of his Imperial Capitulations. Howsoever it is observable in the transaction of all this business, that it is difficult to bring a corrupt Turkish Minister to Justice or punishment, merely for breach of our Cap●tulations, or in respect to any difference or abuse offered to Christians, unless the complaint be accompanied with Presents or Money, which are most prevalent Arguments in the Turkish Court; and in this case I really believe▪ that had three or four thousand Dollars been offered as a reward for bringing the Customer to capital punishment, the complaint had found acceptance, and honourable success: for default of which, the Cause was starved, and naked, and carried no fire or heat in those aggravations with which it was represented. It is likewise observable, that business in the Turkish Court doth not always find that d●●patch, or expedition, as is generally believed in ●h●istendom, unless it come accompanied with the interest of the Ministers themselves, and then it is transacted in a moment, which otherwise languishes with delays, and will never want excuses to defer it.    

Anno 1666. Hegeira 1077.  
WE shall begin this Year with the strange rumour and disturbance of the jews, concerning Sabatai Sevi, their pretended Messiah, which for being most principally acted in Turkey, may properly belong to the History of this time and place; which therefore for delight of the Readers, I shall here insert: for though it may have been elsewhere published, yet being an issue of my Pen, I may lawfully now own it, and annex it to this History, in respect of that near coherence it may have therewith; and that many other particulars have been added thereunto, which succeeded until the Death of this Sabatai.  
According to the Predictions of several Christian Writers, especially ●f such who comment upon the Apocalypse or Revelations, this year of 1666. was to prove a year of Wonders, of strange Revolutions in the World, and particularly, of blessing to the jews, either in respect of their Conversion to the Christian Faith▪ or of their Restoration to their Temporal Kingdom. This opinion was so dilated and fixed in the Countries of the Reformed Religion, and in the heads of Fanatical Enthusiasts, who dreamt of Fifth Monarchies, the down-fall of the Pope and Antichrist, and the greatness of the jews, insomuch, that this subtle people judged this Year the time to stir, and to fit their Motion according to the season of the Modern Prophecies. Whereupon strange reports flew from place to place, of the March of multitudes of People from unknown parts into the remote deserts of Arabia, supposed to be the Ten Tribes and a half, lost for so many Ages. That a Ship was arrived in the Northern parts of Scotland, with her Sails and Cordage of Silk, navigated by Mariners who spoke nothing but Hebrew, and with this Motto on their Sails, The Twelve Tribes of Israel. These reports agreeing thus near to former Predictions, put the wild sort of the World into an expectation of strange accidents this Year should produce in reference to the jewish Monarchy.  
In this manner Millions of people were possessed when Sabatai Sevi first appeared at Smyrna, and published himself to the jews for their Messiah, relating the greatness of their approaching Kingdom, the strong hand whereby God was about to deliver them from Bondage, and gather them from all the parts of the World. It was strange to see how this fancy took, and how fast the report of Sabatai, and his Doctrine flew through all parts where jews inhabited, and so deeply possessed them with a belief of their new Kingdom and Riches; and many of them with promotion to Offices of Government, renown and greatness; that in all places from Constantinople to Buda (which it was my fortune that Year to travel) I perceived a strange transport in the jews, none of them attending to any business, unless to wind up former Negotiations, and to prepare themselves and Families for a Journey to jerusalem; all their Discourses, their Dreams, and disposal of their affairs, tended to no other design but a re-establishment in the Land of Promise, to Greatness and Glory, Wisdom and Doctrine of the Messiah, whose Original, Birth and Education is first to be recounted.  
Sabatai Sevi was Son of Mordecai Sevi, an Inhabitant and Natural of Smyrna, who gained his Livelihood by being Broker to an English Merchant in that place; a person who before his Death was very decrepit in his Body, and full of the Gout and other infirmities: But his Son Sabatai Sevi addicting himself to study and learning, became a notable Proficient in the Hebrew and Arabic Languages; and especially in Divinity and Metaphysics, he was so cunning a Sophister, that he vented a new Doctrine in their Law, and drew to the profession of it so many Disciples, as raised one day a tumult in the Synagogue; for which afterwards he was by censure of the Kockhams' (who are the Expounders of the Law) banished out of the City.  
During the time of his Exile he traveled to Thessalonica, now called Salonica, where he married a very handsome Woman; but either not having that part of Oeconomy as to govern a Wife, or being impotent as to Women, as was pretended, or that she found not favour in his eyes, she was divorced ●rom him. Again, he took a second Wife more beautiful than the former; but the same causes of discontent raising a difference between them, he obtained another Divorce from this Wife also. And being now free from the encumbrances of a Family, his wand'ring head moved him to travel through the Morea, thence to Tripoli in Syria, Gaza and jerusalem, and by the way picked up a Ligornese Lady, whom he made his third Wife, the Daughter of some Polonian or Germane, her Original and Country not being very well known. And being now at jerusalem▪ he began to reform their Law, and to abolish the Fast of Tamuz, (which they keep in the month of june) and meeting there w●th a certain jew called Nathan, a proper Instrument to promote his design, he communicated to him his condition, his course of life, and intentions to declare himself the Messiah of the World, so long expected and desired by the jews. This design took wonderfully with Nathan; and because it was thought necessary, according to Scripture and ancient Prophecies, that Elias was to precede the Messiah, as St. john Baptist was the Forerunner of Christ, Nathan thought no man so proper to act the part of the Prophet as himself; and so no sooner had Sabatai declared himself the Messiah, but Nathan discovers himself to be his Prophet, forbidding all the Fasts of the jews in jerusalem, and declaring that the Bridegroom being come, nothing but joy and triumph ought to dwell in their habitations; writing to all the Assemblies of the jews to persuade them to the same belief. And now the Schism being begun, and many jews really believing what they so much desired, Nathan took the courage and boldness to prophesy, That one year from the 27 th' of 
* june.  Kislau, which is the Month of july, the Messiah was to appear before the Grand Signior, and to take from him his Crown, and lead him in chains like a Captive: Sabatai also at Gaza preached Repentance to the jews, and Obedience to himself and Doctrine, for that the Coming of the Messiah was at hand. Which novelties so affected the jews▪ Inhabitants of those parts, that they gave up themselves wholly to their Prayers, Alms, and Devotions; and to confirm this belief the more, it happened that at the same time that news hereof with all particulars were dispatched from Gaza, to acquaint the Brethren in foreign parts; the rumour of the Messiah had flown so swift, and gained such reception, that Intelligence came from all Countries, where the jews sojourn, by Letters to Gaza and jerusalem, congratulating the happiness of their deliverance, and expiration of their time of servitude by the appearance of the Messiah. To which they adjoined other Prophecies relating to that Dominion the Messiah was to have over all the World, that for nine Months after he was to disappear; during which time the jews were to suffer, and several of them to undergo Martyrdom; but then returning again mounted on a Celestial Lion, with his Bridle made of Serpents with seven heads, accompanied with his Brethren the jews, who inhabited on the other side of the River Sabation, he should be acknowledged for the sole Monarch of the Universe, and then the Holy Temple should descend from Heaven already built, framed, and beautified, wherein they should offer Sacrifices for ever. And here I leave the Reader to consider, how strangely this deceived People was amused, when these confident and vain reports and dreams of Power and Kingdoms had wholly transported them from the ordinary course of their trade and interest.  
This noise and rumour of the Messiah having begun to fill all places, Saba●ai Sevi resolved to travel towards Smyrna, the Country of his Nativity, and thence to Constantinople, the capital City, where the principal work of preaching was to be performed: Nathan thought it not fit to be long after him▪ and therefore travels by way of Damascus, where resolving to continue some time for better propagation of this new Doctrine, in the mean while writes this Letter to Sabatai Sevi, as followeth.  
22. Kesvan of this Year.  
TO the King our King, Lord of our Lords, who gathers the dispersed of Israel, who redeems our Captivity, the Man elevated to the height of all sublimity, the Messiah of the God of Jacob, the true Messiah, the Celestial Lion, Sabatai Sevi, whose Honour be exalted, and his Dominion raised in a short time, and for ever▪ Amen. After having kissed your hands, and swept the dust from your feet, as my duty is to the King of Kings, whose Majesty be exalted, and his Empire enlarged; These are to make known to the Supreme Excellency of that place, which is adorned with the beauty of your sanctity, that the Word of the King and of his Law hath enlightened our faces, that day hath been a solemn da● unto Israel, and a day of light unto our Rulers, f●r immediately we applied ourselves to perform ●our Command, as our duty is. And though we have heard of many strange things, yet we are courageous, and our heart is as the heart of a Lion, nor ought we to inquire a reason of your doings, for your works are marvellous and past finding out, and we are confirmed in our fidelity without all exception, resigning up our very ●ouls for the Holiness of your Name. And now we are come as far as Damascus, intending shortly to proceed in our journey to Scanderoon, according as you have commanded us, that so we may ascend and see the face of God in light, as the light of the face of the King of life: and we servants of your servants shall cleanse the d●st from your feet, beseeching the Majesty of your Excellency and Glory, to vouchsafe from your habitation to have a care of us, and help us with the force of your right hand of strength, and shorten our way which is before us. And we have our eyes towards jah, jah, who will make haste to help us and save us, that the children of iniquity shall not hurt us, and towards whom our hearts pant, and are consumed within us, who shall give us talons of Iron to be worthy to stand under the shadow of your Ass. These are the words of the servant of your servants, who prostrates himself to be trod on by the sols of your feet.  
Nathan Benjamin.  
And that he might publish this Doctrine of the Messiah and himself more plainly, he wrote from Damascus this following Letter to the Jews at Aleppo, and parts thereabouts.  
TO the Residue or remnant of the Israelites, Peace without end. These my words are to give you notice, how that I am arrived in peace at Damascus, and behold I go to meet the face of our Lord, whose Majesty be exalted; for he is the Sovereign of the King of Kings, whose Empire be enlarged. 
* Sabatai w●●te a Letter to el●●t one ma●●ut of every Tribe.  According as he hath commanded us and the Twelve Tribes to elect unto him twelve men, so have we done: and we now go to Scanderone by his Command to show our faces together with part of the principal of those particular friends to whom he hath given licence to assemble in that said place.  
And now I come to make known unto you, That though you have heard strange things of our Lord, yet let not your hearts faint or fear, but rather fortify yourselves in your faith, becamse all his actions are miraculous and secret, which humane understanding cannot comprehend; and who can penetrate into the depth of them? In a short time all things shall be manifested clearly unto you in their purity, and you shall know and consider, and be instructed by the Inventor himself, and blessed is he who can expect and arrive to the Salvation of the true Messiah; who will speedily publish his Authority and Empire over us now and for ever.  
Nathan.  
And now all the Cities of Turkey, where the Jews inhabited, were full of the expectation of the Messiah, no Trade or course of gain was followed; every one imagined, that daily Provisions, Riches, Honours, and Government were to descend upon him by some unknown and miraculous manner. An Example of which is most observable in the Jews at Thessalonica, who now ●ull of assurance, that the restauration of their Kingdom, and the accomplishment of the times for the Coming of the Messiah was at hand, judged themselves obliged to double their Devotions, and purify their Consciences from all sins and enormities; which might be observed by the scrutiny of him who was now come to penetrate into the very thoughts and imaginations of Mankind. For which work, certain Kochams were appointed to direct the people in the regulation of their Prayers, Devotions, and Fast: but so forward was every one now in his acts of Penance, that they stayed not for the sentence of the Kocham, or Prescriptions or Rules, but applied themselves immediately to Fast, and some in that manner beyond the abilities of Nature, that having for the space of seven days taken no sustenance, were famished: others buried themselves in their Gardens, covering their naked bodies with earth, their heads only excepted, remained in those beds of dirt, until their bodies were stiffened with the cold and moisture: others would endure to have melted wax dropped upon their shoulders: others to roll themselves in snow, and throw their bodies in the coldest season of the winter into the Sea, or frozen waters. But the most common manner of Mortification was first to prick their backs and sides with thorns, and then to give themselves thirty nine lashes. All business was laid aside, none worked or opened shop, unless to clear his Ware-hose of Merchandise at any price: who had superfluity in Householdstuff sold it for what he could, but yet not to Jews, who were interdicted from all bargains or sales under pain of Excommunication, pecuniary mulcts, or corporal punishment; for their comportment as to business and employment was esteemed the test or touchstone of their ●aith. year 1669. It being the general Tenent, That in the days that the Messiah appeared, the Jews should become Masters of the Estates and Inheritance of Infidels; until when, they ought to content themselves with matters only necessary to maintain and support life. But because that every one was not Master of that Provision and Fortune as to live without daily labour; therefore to quiet the clamours of the poor, and prevent the enormous lives of some, who upon these occasions would become vagabonds, and desert their Cities, due order was taken to make collections, which were so liberally bestowed, that in Thessalonica only four hundred poor were supported by the mere charity of the richer. And as they endeavoured to purge their consciences of sin, and to apply themselves to good works, that the Messiah might find the City prepared for his reception; so lest he should accuse them of any omission in their Law, and particularly in their neglect of that ancient Precept of Increase and multiply, they married children together of ten years of age, and some under, without respect to richesses or poverty, condition or quality; but being promiscuously joined to the number of six or seven hundred couple, upon better and cooler thoughts, after the deceit of the false Messiah was discovered, or the expectation of his Coming grew cold, were divorced, or by consent separated from each other.  
In the heat of all this talk and rumour came Sabatai Sevi to Smyrna, the City of his Nativity, infinitely desired there by the common Jews, but by the Kochams or Doctors of their Law, who gave little or no credence to what he pretended, was ill received, not knowing what mischief or ruin this Doctrine and Prophecy of a new Kingdom might produce. Yet Sabatai bringing with him Testimonials of his Sanctity, holy Life, Wisdom, and gift of Prophecy so deeply fixed himself in the heart of the generality, both as being holy and wise, that thereupon he took courage and boldness to enter into dispute with the Grand Kocham (who is the head or chief Expositor of their Law, and Superintendent of their civil Government) between whom the arguments grew so high, and language so hot, that the Jews who favoured the Doctrine of Sabatai, and feared the Authority of the Kocham, doubtful what might be the issue of the contest, appeared in great numbers before the Kaddee of Smyrna, in justification of their new Prophet, before so much as any accusation came against him; the Kaddee according to the custom of the Turks swallowed money on both sides, and afterwards remitted them to the determination of their own Justice: In this manner Sabatai gained ground daily; and the Grand Kocham with his Party, losing both the affection and obedience of his People, was displaced from his Office, and another constituted more affectionate and agreeable to the new Prophet, whose Power daily increased by those confident reports of his Enemies being struck with frenzy and madness, until being restored to their former temper and wits by him, became his Friends, Admirers, and Disciples. No invitation was now made in Smyrna by the Jews, nor Marriage, or Circumcision held, where Sabatai was not present, accompanied to the solemnities with multitudes of his Followers, and the streets covered with Carpets or fine Cloth for him to tread on; but the humility of this Pharisee appea●ed such, that he would stoop and turn them aside, and so pass. And having thus fixed himself in the opinion and admiration of the people, year 1666. he began to take on himself the Title of Messiah, and the Son of God, and to make this following Declaration to all the Nations of the jews, which being wrote Originally in Hebrew, was translated for me faithfully into Italian in this manner.  

L'Vnico Figliolo e Primogenito di Dio Sabatai Sevi, il Messiah e Salvatore d'Israel, a tutti li Figlioli d'Israel eletti di Dio, Pace.  
Essendo che set fatti degni di veder quel gran giorno della deliberatione e salvatione di Israel, e consummatione delle Parole di Dio promise per li suoi Profeti, e Padri nostri, per il suo diletto Figlio di Israel. Ogni vostra amaritudine si converta in allegrezza, e li vostri digiugni si faccino feste, per che non piangerete, O miei Figlioli di Israel, havendosi dato iddio la consolation innarabile festegiateri con Timpani, Organi, e Musiche, ringratiando quello chi ha adempito il promessa dalli secoli, facendo ogni giorno quelle cose che solete fare nelle Calende, e quel giorno dedicato all afflittione e mestitia, convertite lo in giorno gi●condo pro la mia comparsa. E non spaventateri niente, per che haverete Dominio sopra le Genti, non solament di quelle, che si vedono in Terra ma quella che sono in fondi del Mare. Il tutto pro vostra consolation e allegrezza.   
Which translated into English runs thus.  

THE only and firstborn Son of God Sabatai Sevi, the Messiah and Saviour of Israel, to all the Sons of Israel, Peace.  
Since that you are made worthy to see that great day of Deliverance and Salvation unto Israel, and accomplishment of the Word of God promised by his Prophets and our Forefathers, and by his beloved Son of Israel, let your bitter sorrows be turned into Joy, and your fast into Festivals, for you shall weep no more, O my Sons of Israel; for God having given you this unspeakable comfort, rejoice with Drums, Organs, and Music, giving thanks to him for performing his promises from all Ages doing that every day which is usual for you to do upon the Calends, and that day dedicated to affliction and sorrow, convert you unto a day of mirth for my appearance. And fear you nothing, for you shall have Dominion over the Nations, and not only over those who are on Earth, but over those creatures also which are in the depth of the Sea. All which is for your consolation and rejoicing.  Sabatai Sevi.  
Notwithstanding the Disciples of Sabatai Sevi, were not so numerous, bu● many opposed his Doctrine, publicly avouching, that he was an Impostor, and deceiver of the people, amongst which was one Samuel Pennia, a man of good Estate and reputation in Smyrna; who arguing in the Synagogue, that the present signs of the Coming of the Messiah were not apparent, e●ther according to Scripture, or the Doctrine of Rabbins, raised such a Sedition and Tumult amongst the jews, as not only prevailed against his arguments, but had also against his life, had he not timely conveyed himself out of the Synagogue, and so escaped the hands of the Multitude, who now could more easily endure Blasphemy against the Law of Moses, and Profanation of the Sanctuary, than contradiction or misbelief of the Doctrine of Sabatai. But howsoever it fell out, Pennia in a short time became a Convert, and Preacher up of Sabatai for the Son of God, and Deliverer of the jews; and not only he, but his whole Family, his Daughter's Prophecy, and fall into strange ecstasies: and not only this house, but above four hundred men and women Prophesy of the growing Kingdom of Sabatai, and young Infants who could scarce yet stammer out a syllable to their Mothers, repeat and pronounce clearly the Name of Sabatai the Messiah and Son of God. For thus far had God permitted the Devil to delude this people, that their very children were for a time possessed, and voices heard to sound from their stomaches and entrails: those of riper years fell first into a Trance, foamed at the mouth, and recounted the future prosperity and deliverance of the Israelites, their Visions of the Lion of judah, and the Triumphs of Sabatai. All which were certainly true, being effects of Diabolical delusions, as the jews themselves since have confessed to me.  
With these concomitant accidents and successes Sabatai Sevi growing more presumptuous, that he might correspond with the Prophecies of Greatness and Dominion of the Messiah, proceeded to Election of those Princes which were to govern the Israelites in their March towards the Holy Land, and to dispense Judgement and Justice after their Restauration.  
In this manner things ran to a strange height of madness amongst the jews at Smyrna, when appeared such Pageantry of Greatness, that no Comedy could equal the mock-shows they represented. And though none durst openly confess any scruple or doubt of this common received Belief, yet for confirmation of the jews in their Faith, and astonishment of the Gentiles, it was judged no less than necessary, that Sabatai should show some Miracles, whereby to evince all the World that he was the Messiah. And as the present occasion seemed to require an evidence and conviction infallible of this truth, so it was daily expected by the Vulgar with an impatience suitable to humours disposed to Novelty, who out of every action and motion of their Prophet, began to fancy something extraordinary and supernatural. Sabatai was now horribly puzzled for a Miracle, though the imagination of the people was so vitiated, that any legerdemain or slight of hand would have passed more easily with them for a Wonder, than Moses striking the Rock for water, or dividing the Red-Sea. And an occasion happening, that Sabatai was in behalf of his Subjects to appear before the Kaddee or Judge of the City, to demand ease and relief of some oppressions which aggrieved them; it was thought necessary a Miracle should be worked now or never, when Sabatai appearing with a formal and Pharisaical gravity which he had starched on, some on a sudden avouched to see a Pillar of Fire between him and the Kaddee, which report presently was heard through the whole room, filled with jews that accompanied Sabatai. Some of whom, who strongly fancied it, vowed and sw●re they saw it; others in the outwrad Yard, ●r that could not come near to hear or 〈◊〉 ●or ●he crowd, as speedily took the Alarm, and the rumour ran, and belief received by the Women and Children at home in a moment▪ So that Sabatai Sevi returned to his house triump●●nt▪ fixed in the hearts of his People▪ who now ne●●ed no farther Miracles to confirm them in the●r Faith. And thus was Sabatai exalted, when no man was thought worthy of communication, who did not believe him for the Messiah: others were called Kophrim, Infidels, or Heretics▪ subjected to the Censure of Excommunication, with whom it was not lawful so much as to eat. Every man produced his Treasure, his Gold, and Jewels, offering them at the feet of Saba●ai; so that he could have commanded all the Wealth of Smy●na; but he was too subtle to accept their money, lest he should render his design ●●spected by any acts of covetousness.  
Sabatai S●vi having thus fully fixed himself in Smyrna, and filled other places with the rumours of him, declared that he was called by God to vis●● Canstantinople, where the greatest part of his work was to be accomplished; in order whereunto he privately shipped himself with some few Attendants on a Turkish Saike in the month of january 1665, lest the crowd of his Disciples, and such who would p●ess to follow him, should end●●●●r him in the eyes of the Turks, who already began to be scandalised at the Reports and Prophecies concerning his Person. But though Sabatai took few into the Vessel w●th him, yet multitudes o● Jews traveled over land to meet him again at Constantinople, on whom all their Eyes and expectations were intent. The Wind proving Northerly, as commonly it is in the H●ll●spont and Pr●p●nti●, Sabatai was thirty nine days in his Voyage, and yet the Vessel not arrived: So little power had this Messiah over the Sea and Winds ●n which time the News forerunning to Constantinople that the Jews Messiah was near, all that people prepared to receive him with the same j●y and impatience as was expressed in other parts where he arrived. The ●reat V●zier then also at Constantinople, (being not ●et departed on his expedition for Candia) having heard some rumours of this Man and the disorder and madness he had raised amongst the Jews, sent two Boats, whilst the Saik was detained ●y contrary Winds, with Commands to bring him up Prisoner to the Port, where accordingly Sabatai being come, was committed to the most loathsome and darkest Dungeon in the Town, there to remain in farther expectation of the Viziers' Sentence. The Jews were not at all discouraged at this ill Treatment of their Prophet, but rather confirmed in their belief of him, as being an accomplishment of the Prophecy of those things which ought to precede his Glory and Dominion; which Consideration induced the Chiefest Persons amongst the Jews to make their Visits and Addresses to him with the same Ceremony and Respect in the Dungeon, as they would have done▪ had he then sat exalted on the sublime Throne of judah. Several of them, with one Anacago by name, a Man of great esteem amongst the Jews, attended a whole day before him▪ with their Eyes cast down, their Bodies bending forward, and hands crossed before them; (which are postures of humility and service in the Eastern Parts) the undecency of the place, and pre●ent subjection, not having in the lea●t abated their high thoughts and reverence towards h●s per●on.  
For the jews in Constantinople were become as mad and distracted, as they were in other places, all Trade and Traffic forbidden, and those who owed Money, in no manner careful how to satisfy it; amongst which wild Crew, some were indebted to our Merchants at Galata, who not knowing the way to receive their Money, partly for their interest, and partly for curiosity, thought fit to visit this Sabatai, complaining, That such particular jews, upon his Coming, took upon them the boldness to defraud them of their right, and desired he would be pleased to signify to those his Subjects, his pleasure to have satisfaction given.  
Whereupon Sabatai, with much affectation, took Pen and Paper, and wrote to this effect.  
To you of the Nation of the Jews, who expect the appearance of the Messiah, and the Salvation of Israel, Peace without end. Whereas we are informed, That you— are indebted to several of the English Nation, It seemeth right to us to enorder you to make satisfaction to these your just Debts: which if you refuse to do, and not obey us herein; know you that then you are not to enter with us into our joys and Dominions.  
In this manner Sabatai Sevi remained a Prisoner at Constantinople for the space of two Months; at the end of which the Vizier having designed his expedition for Candia, and considering the rumour and disturbance the Presence of Sabatai had made already at Constantinople, thought it not secure to suffer him to remain in the Imperial City, whilst both the Grand Signior and himself were absent; and therefore changed his Prison to the Dardanelli, otherwise called the Castle of Abydos, being on the Europe side of the Hellespont, opposite to Sestos▪ places famous in Greek Poetry. This removal of Sabatai from a worse Prison, to one o● a better Air, confirmed the jews with greater confidence of his being the Messiah, supposing that had it been in the power of the Vizier, or other Officers of the Turks, to have destroyed his Per●on▪ they would never have permitted him to live un●o that time, in regard their Maxims enforce them to quit all jealousies and suspicions of ruin to their State by the death of the Party feared; which much rather they ought to execute on Sabatai, who had not only declared himself the King of Israel, but also by Prophecies published fatal things to the Grand Signior and his Kingdoms.  
With this Consideration, and others preceding, the jews flocked in great numbers to the Castle, where he was imprisoned, not only from the Neighbouring parts, but also from Poland, Germany, Ligorn, Venice, Amsterdam, and other places, where the jews reside; on all whom, as a reward of the expense and labours of their Pilgrimage, Sabatai bestowed plenty of his Benedictions, promising increase of their Store, and enlargement of possessions in the Holy Land. So great was the confluence of the jews to this place, that the Turks thought it requisite to make their advantage thereof, and so not only raised the price of their Provisions, Lodgings, and other necessaries, but also denied to admit any to the presence of Sabatai, unless for Money, setting the price sometimes at Five, sometimes at ten Dollars, or more or less, according as they guessed at the abilities and zeal of the Person; by which gain and advantage to the Turks, no Complaints or Advices were carried to Adrianople, either of the Concourse or Arguments amongst the jews in that place, but rather all Civilities and Liberties indulged unto them, which served as a farther Argument to ensnare this poor People in the belief of their Messiah.  
During this time of Confinement Sabatai had leisure to compose and institute a New Method of Worship for the jews, and principally the manner of the Celebration of the Day of his Nativity, which he prescribed in this manner.  
BRethren, and my People, Men of my Religion, inhabiting the City of Smyrna the Renowned, where live Men, and Women, and Families; much Peace be unto You from the Lord of Peace, and from Me his beloved Son King Solomon. I command you, That the Ninth of the Month of Ab (which according to our account answered that Year to the Month of june) next to come, you make a Day of Invitation, and of great joy, celebrating it with choice Meats, and pleasing Drinks, with many Candles and Lamps, with Music and Songs; because it is the day of the Birth of Sabatai Sevi the High King, above all the Kings of the Earth. And as to matters of labour, and other things of like nature, do as becomes you upon a day of Festival, adorned with your finest Garments. As to your Prayers, let the same Order be used as upon Festivals. To converse with Christians on that day is unlawful, though your Discourse be of matters indifferent; all labour is forbidden, but to sound Instruments is lawful.  
This shall be the method of your Prayers on this day of Festival. After you have said, Blessed be thou, O Holy God; then proceed, and say: Thou hast chosen us before all People, and hast loved us, and hast been delighted with us, and hast humbled us more than all other Nations, and hast sanctified us with thy Precepts, and hast brought us near to thy Service, and the Service of our King. Thy Holy, Great, and Terrible Name thou hast published amongst us; And hast given us, O Lord God, according to thy love, times of joy, of Festivals, and times of Mirth, and this Day of Consolation, for a solemn Convocation of Holiness, for the Birth of our King the Messiah Sabatai Sevi, thy Servant, and firstborn Son in love, through whom we commemorate our coming out of Egypt. And then you shall read for your Lesson the first, second, and third Chapters of Deuteronomy to the Seventeenth Ve●se; appointing for the reading thereof Five men, in a perfect and uncorrupted Bible; adding thereunto the Blessings of the Morning, as are prescribed for Days of Festivals. And for the Lesson out of the Prophets, usually read in the Synagogue every Sabbath, you shall repeat the Thirty ●irst Chapter of Jeremiah to your Prayer called the Mussaf (used in the Synagogue every Sabbath and solemn Festival.) Instead of the Sacrifice of Addition at the returning of the Bible to its place, you shall read with an audible Voice, and clear Sound, and with h●ly Harmony, t●e Ninety fifth Psalm. And at the first Praises in the Morning, after you have sung Psalm Ninety one, and just before you sing Psalm Ninety eight, you shall repeat Psalm One hundred thirty two; but in the last Verse where it is said, As for his enemies I shall cloth them with shame, but upon himself shall his Crown flourish; in the place of [upon himself] you shall read, Upon the M●st High; after which shall follow the One hundred twenty sixth Psalm, and then the One hundred and thirteenth, to the One hundred and Nineteenth.  
At the Consecration of the Wine upon the Vigil, or Even, you shall make mention of the Feast of Consolation, which is the Day of the Birth of our King the Messiah Sabatai Sevi, thy Servant, and firstborn Son; giving the Blessing as followeth. Blessed be thou, our God, King of the World, who hast made us to live, and hast maintained us, and hast kept us alive unto this time. Upon the Eve of this Day you shall also read the Eighty one Psalms, as also the One hundred thirty two, and One hundred twenty sixth Psalms, which are appointed for the Morning Praises. And this Day shall be unto you for a remembranee of a solemn Day unto eternal Ages, and a perpetual Testimony between me, and the Sons of Israel.  
Audite audiendo, & manducate bonum.  
Besides which Order and Method of Liturgy for Solemnisation of his Birth, he prescribed other Rules for Divine Service, and particularly published the same Indulgence and privilege to every one who should pray at the Tomb of his Mother, as if he had taken on him a Pilgrimage to pray and sacrifice at jerusalem. The Devotion of the jews towards this pretended Messiah, increased still more and more; so that not only the chief of the City went to attend and proffer their service towards him in the time of his Imprisonment, but likewise decked their Synagogue with S. S. in Letters of Gold, making for him on the Wall a Crown, in the Circle of which was wrote the Ninety one Psalms at length, in a fair and legible Character; attributing the same Titles to Sabatai, and expounding the Scriptures in the same manner in favour of his appearance, as we do of our Saviour.  
Howsoever some of the jews remained in their Wits all this time, amongst which was a certain Cocham at Smyrna, one zealous of his Law, and of the good and safety of his Nation; and observing in what a wild manner the whole People of the jews was transported with the groundless belief of a Messiah, leaving not only their Trades, and course of Living, but publishing Prophecies of a speedy Kingdom, of rescue from the tyranny of the Turk, and leading the Grand Signior himself captive in Chains, matters so dangerous, and obnoxious to the State wherein they lived, as might justly convict them of Treason and Rebellion, and leave them to the mercy of that Justice, which on the least jealousy and suspicion of matters of this nature, uses to extirpate Families, and subvert the Mansion houses of their own People, much rather of the jews, on whom the Turks would gladly take this occasion to despoil them of their Estates, and condemn the whole Nation to perpetual Slavery. And indeed it would have been a greater wonder than ever Sabatai showed, that the Turks took not advantage from all these extravagancies to drain the jews of a considerable Sum of Money, and set their whole Race in Turkey at a Ransom, had not these passages yielded them matter of pastime, and been the subject of the Turks laughter and scorn, supposing it a disparagement to the greatness of the Ottoman Empire, to be concerned for the rumours and combustions of th●s despised People. With these Considerations this Cocham, that he might clear himself of the blood and guilt of his Countrymen, and unconcerned in the common destruction, went before the Kaddee, and there protested against the present Doctrine, declaring, That he had no hand in setting up of Sabatai, but was an enemy both to him and his whole Sect. This freedom of the Cocham so enraged and scandalised the jews, that they judged no Condemnation or Punishment too severe against such an Offender, and Blasphemer of their Law, and Holiness of the Messiah, and therefore with Money and presents to the Kaddee, accusing him as disobedient in a Capital nature to their Government, obtained sentence against him to shave his Beard, and commit him to the Galleys.  
There wanted nothing now to the appearance of the Messiah, and the Solemnity of his Coming, but the presence of Elias, which the jews began to expect hourly, and with that attention and earnestness, that a Dream or Phantasm to every weak Head was judged to be Elias, it being taught and averred, that he was seen in divers Forms and Shapes, not to be certainly discovered or known before the Coming of the Messiah. For this Superstition is so far fixed amongst them, that generally in their Families they spread a Table for Elias the Prophet, to which they make an invitation of poor People, leaving the chief place for the Lord Elias, whom they believe to be invisibly present at the Entertainment, and there to eat and drink without diminution either of the Dishes or the Cup. One Person amongst the jews commanded his Wife, after a Supper of this kind, to leave the Cup filled with Wine, and the Meat standing all Night for Elias to feast and rejoice alone, and in the Morning arising early, affirmed, That Elias took this Banquet so kindly, that in token of gratitude and acceptance, he had replenished the Cup with Oil instead of Wine. It is a custom amongst the jews on the Evening of the Sabbath to repeat certain praises of God, (Haudola) which signifies a distinction or separation of the Sabbath from the profane days (as they call them;) which praises or blessing they observe to perform in this manner. One takes a Cup filled with Wine, and drops it through the whole House in the name of Elias, saying, Elias the Prophet, Elias the Prophet, come quickly to us with the M●ssiah the Son of David. And this, they affirm, is so acceptable to Elias, that he never fails to preserve that Family so devoted to him, and augment it with the Blessings of increase. Many other things the jews avouch of El●as, so ridiculous, as are not necessary to be declared, amongst which this one is not from our purpose, That at the Circumcision there is always a Chair set for Elias. And Sabatai Sevi being once invited at Smyrna to the Circumcision of the first born Son of one Abraham G●●●●re, a Kinsman of Sabatai, and all things re●dy for the Ceremony; Sabatai Sevi exhorted the Parents of the Child to expect a while until his farther order. After a good half hour Sabatai ordered them to proceed, and cut the Prepucee of the Child, which was instantly performed with all joy and satisfaction to the Parents: and being afterwards demanded, wherefore he retarded the performance of that Function; his answer was, That Elias had not as yet taken his Seat, whom as soon as he saw placed, he ordered them to proceed: and that n●w shortly Elias would discover himself openly, and proclaim the news of their general Redemption. This being the common opinion of the jews, and that Sabatai Sevi was the Messiah, being become an Article of Faith, it was not hard to persuade them that Elias was come already, that they met him in their dishes, in the dark, in their Bedchambers, or any where else invisible, in the same manner as our common People believe of Hobgoblins and Fairies. For so it was, when one Solom●n Crem●na, an Inhabitant of Smyrna, making a great Feast, to which the principal jews of that City were invited, after they had eaten and drank freely, one started from his seat, and avouched that he saw Elias upon the Wall, and with that bows to him, and compliments him with all reverence and humility: some others having in like manner their fancies already prepossessed, and their eyes with the fume of Wine ill prepared to distinguish shadows, immediately agreed upon the object, and then there was not one in the Company who would say, he did not see him; at which surprise every one was struck with reverence and awe, and the most eloquent amongst them having their tongues loosed with Joy and Wine, directed Orations, Encomiums, and acts of thankfulness to him, courting and complementing Elias, as distracted Lovers do the supposed presence of their Mistresses.  
Another jew at Constantinople reported, That he met Elias in the streets, habited like a Turk, with whom he had a long communication, and that he enjoined the observation of many neglected Ceremonies, and particularly the Zezit, Lev 15.38. Speak unto the Children of Israel and bid them, that they make fringes in the borders of their garments throughout their generations, and that they put upon the fringe of the border a Ribbon of Blue. Also the Peotz, Levit. 19.27. Ye shall not round the corners of your Head, nor mar the corner of your Beard. This apparition of Elias being published, and as soon believed, every one began to obey the Vision, by fringing their garments; and for their heads, though always shaved according to the Turkish and Eastern fashion, and that the suffering hair to grow, to men not accustomed, was heavy and incommodious for their health and heads; yet to begin again to renew, as far as was possible, the ancient Ceremonies, every one nourished a Lock of hair on each side, which was visible beneath their Caps, which soon after began to become a sign of distinction between the Believers and the Koparims, a name of dishonour, signifying as much as Unbelievers or Heretic, given to those who confessed not Sabatai to be the Messiah. Which particulars, if not observed, it was declared as a menace of Elias, That the People of the jews who came from the River Sabation, as is specified in the 2: Esdras Cap. 13. shall take vengeance of those who are guilty of these omissions.  
But to return again to Sabatai Sevi himself, we find him still remaining a Prisoner in the Castle of Abydos upon the Hellespont, admired and adored by his Brethren with more honour than before, and visited by Pilgrims from all parts, where the Fame of the Coming of the Messiah had arrived: Amongst which one from Poland named Nehemiah Cohen was of special note and renown, learned in the Hebrew, Syriack, and Chaldee, and versed in the Doctrine and Kabala of the Rabbins, as well as Sabatai himself: One (of whom it was said) had not this Sevi anticipated the design, esteemed himself as able a Fellow for to act a Messiah as the other. Howsoever it being now too late to publish any such pretence, Sabatai having already prepossessed the office, and with that the hearts and belief of the jews, Nehemiah was contented with some small appendage or relation to a Messiah; and therefore to lay his design the better, desired a private Conference with Sabatai. These two great Rabbins being together, a hot Dispute arose between them. For Cohen alleged, That according to Scripture and Exposition of the Learned thereupon, there were to be two Messiahs, one called Ben Ephraim, and the other Ben David: The first was to be a Preacher of the Law, poor and despised, and a Servant to the second, and his Forerunner; the other was to be great and rich, to restore the jews to jerusalem, to sit upon the Throne of David, and to perform and act all those Triumphs and Conquests, which were expected from Sabatai. Nehemiah was contented to be Ben Ephraim, the afflicted and poor Messiah, and Sabatai was well enough contented he should be so; but that Nehemiah accused him for being too forward in publishing himself the latter Messiah, before Ben Ephraim had first been known to the World. Sabatai took this reprehension so ill, either out of pride and thoughts of his own Infallibility, or that he suspected Nehemiah being once admitted for Ben Ephraim, would quickly, being a subtle and learned Person, persuade the World that he was Ben David, would by no means understand or admit of this Doctrine, or of Ben Ephraim for a necessary Officer: And thereupon the Dispute grew so hot, and the Controversy so irreconcilable, as was taken notice of by the jews, and controverted amongst them as every one fancied; but Sabatai being of greater Authority, his Sentence prevailed, and Nehemiah was rejected as Schismatical, and an Enemy to the Messiah, which afterwards proved the ruin and downfall of this Imposture. For Nehemiah being thus baffled, and being a Person of Authority, and a haughty Spirit, meditated nothing but revenge; to execute which to the full, he took a Journey to Adrianople, and there informed the chief Ministers of State and Officers of the Court, who (by reason of the gain the Turks made of their Prisoner at the Castle on the Hellespont) heard nothing of all this concourse of People, and Prophecies of the Revolt of the jews from their obedience to the Grand Signior. And taking likewise to his Counsel some certain discontented and unbelieving Cochams, who being zealous for their Nation, and jealous of the ill consequences of this long continued and increasing madness, took liberty to inform the Chimacam (who was Deputy of the Great Vizier then at Candia) that the jew, Prisoner at the Castle, called Sabatai Sevi was a lewd person, and one who endeavoured to debauch the minds of the jews, & divert them from their honest course of livelihood, & obedience to the Grand Signior, and that therefore it was necessary to clear the World of so factious and dangerous a Spirit. The Chimacam being thus informed, could do no less than acquaint the Gr. Signior with all the particulars of this man's condition, course of life, and Doctrine; which were no sooner understood, but a Chaouse or Messenger was immediately dispatched to bring up Sabatai Sevi to Adrianople. The Chaouse executed his Commission after the Turkish fashion in haste, bringing Sabatai in a few d●ys to Adrianople, without farther excuse or ceremony, not affording him an hours sp●ce to take a sole●n farewell of his Followers and Adorers, who now were come to the vertical point of all their hopes and expectations.  
The Grand Signior having by this time received divers informations of the madess of the jews, and the pretences of Sabatai, grew big with desire and expectation to see him; so that he no sooner arrived at Adrianople, but the same hour he was brought before the Grand Signior. Sabatai appeared much dejected, and failing of that courage which he showed in the Synagogue. And being demanded several questions in Turkish by the Grand Signior, he would not trust so far to the virtue of his Messiahship, as to deliver himself in the Turkish Language, but desired a Doctor of Physic (who had from a jew turned Turk) to be his Interpreter, which was granted to him, but not without reffection of the standers-by, that had he been the Messiah and Son of God, as he formerly pretended, his Tongue would have been loosed into Eloquence and perfection of Languages. But the Grand Signior would not be put off without a Miracle, and it must be one of his own choosing; which was, that Sabatai should be stripped naked, and set as a mark to his dextrous Archers; if the arrows passed not his body, but that his flesh and skin was proof, like Armour, than he would believe him to be the Messiah, and the Person whom God had designed to those Dominions and Greatness he pretended. But now Sabatai not having Faith enough to stand to so sharp a trial, renounced all his Title to Kingdoms and Governments, alleging that he was an ordinary Cocham and Jew, as others were, and had nothing of privilege and virtue above the rest. The Grand Signior notwithstanding, not wholly satisfied with this plain con●ession, declared, ●hat having given public scandal to the Professors of the Mahometan Religion, and done dishonour to his Sovereign Authority, by pretending to withdraw from him so considerable a portion as the Land of Pal●stine, his Treason and Crime could not be expiated without becoming a Mahometan Convert: Which if he refused to do, the Stake was ready at the Gate of the Seraglio to impale him. Sabatai being now reduced to his last game and extremity, not being in the least doubtful what to do, for to die for what he was assured was false was against Nature, and the death of a mad man: Replied with much cheerfulness, that he was contented to turn Turk, and that it was not of force, but of choice, having been a long time desirous of so glorious a profession, he esteemed himself much honoured, that he had an opportunity to own it first in the presence of the Grand Signior. And here was the Non plus ultra of all the bluster and noise of this vain Impostor. And now the Reader may pause a while, and contemplate the strange point of consternation, shame, and silence, to which the jews were reduced, when they understood how speedily their hopes were vanished, and how poorly and ignominiously all their fancies and promises of a new Kingdom, their Pageantry and Offices for Devotion were passed like a tale, or a midnight's dream. And all this was concluded, and the jews sunk on a sudden and fallen flat in their hopes, without so much as a line of comfort or excuse from Sabatai, more than in general to all the Brethren, that now they should apply themselves to their callings and services of God, as formerly; for that matters relating to him were finished, and the sentence past.  
The News of Sabatai turning Turk, and of the Messiah to a Mahometan, quickly filled all parts of Turkey; the jews were strangely surprised at it, and ashamed of their easiness of belief, of the arguments with which they had persuaded others, and of the Proselytes they had made in their own Families. Abroad they became the common derision of the Towns where they inhabited, the Boys hou●ed after them, coining a new word at Smyrna (Pouftai) which every one seeing a Jew, with a finger pointed out, would pronounce with scorn and contempt; so that this deceived People for a long time after remained with confusion, silence, and dejection of spirit. And yet most of them affirm, That Saba●ai is not turned Turk, but his shadow only remains on Earth, and walks with a white head, and in the habit of a Mahometan; but that his Body and Soul are taken into Heaven, there to reside until the time appointed for accomplishment of these Wonders: And this Opinion began so commonly to take place, as if this People resolved never to be undeceived, using the Forms and Rules for Devotion prescribed them by their Mah●m●tan Messiah. Insomuch that the Cochams of Constan●●n●ple fearing the danger of this Error might creep up and equal the former, condemned the belief of Sabatai being Messiah as damnable, a●d enjoined them to return to the ancient Method and Service of God, upon pain of Excommunication. The Style and Tenor of the●r Letter was as followeth.  
TO you who have the power of Priesthood, and are the knowing, learned, and magnanimous Governors and Princes residing i● the City o● Smyrna, may the Almighty protect you, Amen, for so is his will.  
These our Letters which we send in the midst of your Habitations, are upon occasion of certain Rumours and Tumults c●me to our ears from that City of your H●linesses. For there is a sort of men amongst you who fortify themselves in their Error, and say, Let such an ●ne our King live, and bless him in their public Synagogues every Sabbath day; and also adjoin Psalms and Hymns invented by that man for certain days, with Rules and Methods for Prayer, which ought not to be done, and yet they still remain obstinate therein. And now behold it is known unto you, how many swelling waters have passed over our Souls for his sake; for had it not been for the mercies of God which are without end, and the merit of our Forefathers which hath assisted us, the foot of Israel had been razed out by their enemies. And yet still you continue obstinate in things which do not help, 
The jews scruple to say the head of Israel.  but rather do mischief, which God avert. Turn you therefore, for this is not the true way, but restore the Crown to the ancient custom and use of your Forefathers, and the Law, and from thence do not move.  
We command you, That with your Authority, under pain of Excommunication and other Penalties, all those Ordinances and Prayers, as well those delivered by the mouth of that man, as those which he enjoined by the mouth of others, be all abolished and made void, and to be found no more, and that they never enter more into your hearts; but judge according to the ancient Commandment of your Forefathers, repeating the same Lessons and Prayers every Sabbath as hath been accustomary; as also the Collects for Kings, Potentates, and Anointed, & and bless the King Sultan Mahomet; for in his days hath great Salvation been wrought for Israel, and become not Rebels to his Kingdom, which God forbid. For after all this which is past, the least motion will be a cause of jealousy, and you will bring ruin upon your own persons, and upon all which is near and dear to you; wherefore abstain from this man, and let not so much as his name proceed out of your mouths. For know, if you will not obey us herein, which will be known who, and what those men are who refuse to conform unto us, we are resolved to prosecute them, as our duty is. He that doth hear and obey us, may the blessing of God rest upon him. These are the words of those, who seek your peace and good, having in Constantinople, on Sunday the 5th of the month Sevat, under-wrote their names.  


Joam Tob, Son of Hanania Ben Jacar.  
Isaac Alnacagua.  
Joseph Kazabi.  
Menasse Barudo.  
Kaleb Son of Samuel.  
Eliezer Casti.  
Eliezer Gherson.  
Joseph Accohen.  
Eliezer Aluff.    
During the time of all these transactions and passages at Constantinople, Smyrna, Abydos upon the Hellespont, and Adrianople; the jews leaving their mercantile course and advices what prices Commodities bore, and matters of Traffic, stuffed their Letters for Italy and other parts with nothing but wonders and miracles wrought by their Messiah. As that, when the Grand Signior sent to take him, he caused all the messengers immediately to die; upon which, other Janissaries being again sent, they all fell dead with a word only from his mouth; and being desired to revive them again, he immediately recalled them to life, but of them only such, who were true Turks, and not those who had denied that Faith in which they were born, and had professed. After this they added, that he went voluntarily to Prison, and though the Gates were barred, and shut with strong Locks of Iron, yet that Sabatai was seen to walk through the streets with a numerous attendance; and when they laid shackles on his Neck and Feet, they not only fell from him, but were converted into Gold, with which he gratified his true and faithful Believers and disciples. Some Miracles also were reported of Nathan, that only at the reading of the name of any particular Man or Woman, he could immediately recount the story of his or her Life, their sins or defaults, and accordingly impose just correction and penance for them. These strong reports coming thus confidently into Italy, and all parts, the jews of Casal di Monferrato resolved to send Three persons in behalf of their Society, in the nature of extraordinary Legates, to Smyrna, to make enquiry after the truth of all these rumours, who accordingly arriving in Smyrna, full of expectation and hopes, intending to present themselves with great humility and submission before their Messiah, and his Prophet Nathan, were entertained with the sad news, that Sabatai was turned Turk; by which information, the Character of their Embassy in a manner ceasing, every one of them laying aside the formality of his Function, endeavoured to lodge himself best to his own convenience. But that they might return to their Brethren at home with the certain particulars of the success of these affairs, they made a visit to the Brother of Sabatai, who still continued to persuade them, that Sabatai was notwithstanding the true Messiah; that it was not he who had taken upon him the habit and form of a Turk, but his Angel or Spirit, his Body being ascended into Heaven, until God shall again see the season and time to restore it; adding farther, that an effect hereof they should see by the Prophet Nathan verified, now every day expected, who having wrought Miracles in many places, would also for their consolation, reveal hidden secrets unto them, with which they should not only remain satisfied but astonished: with this only hope of Nathan, these Legates were a little comforted, resolving to attend his arrival, in regard they had a Letter to consign into his hands, and according to their instructions, were to demand of him the grounds he had for his Prophecies, and what assurance he had that he was divinely inspired, and how those things were revealed unto him, which he had committed to Paper, and dispersed to all parts of the World.  

1662/7.  At length Nathan arrived near Smyrna, on Friday the 3d of March, towards the Evening, and on Sunday these Legates made their visit to him, but Nathan upon the news of what success his Messiah met with, began to grow sullen and reserved, so that the Legates could scarce procure admittance to him; all that they could do, was to inform him, that they had a Letter to him from the Brotherhood of Italy, and Commission to confer with him concerning the ground and foundation of his Prophecies: But Nathan refused to take the Letter, ordering Kaim Abolafio, a Cocham of the City of Smyrna, to receive it; so that the Legates returned little contented, but yet with hopes at nathan's arrival at Smyrna, to receive better satisfaction.  
But whilst Nathan intended to enter into Smyrna, the Cochams of Constantinople, being before advised of his resolution to take a Journey into their parts, not knowing by which way he might come, sent their Letters and orders to Smyrna, Prussia, and every way round, to hinder his passage, and interrupt his Journey, fearing that things beginning now to compose, the Turks appeased for the former disorders, and the minds of the jews in some manner settled, might be moved, and combustions burst out afresh by the appearance of this new Impostor, and therefore dispatched this Letter as followeth.  
TO you who are the Shepherds of Israel, and Rulers, who reside for the Great God of the whole World in the City of Smyrna, which is a Mother in Israel, to her Princes, her Priests, her judges, and especially to the perfect wise men, and of greatest experience; may the Lord God cause you to live before him, and delight in the multitude of Peace, Amen. So be the will of the Lord.  
These our Letters are dispatched unto you, to let you understand, that in the place of your Holiness, we have heard, that the learned man which was in Gaza, called Nathan Benjamin, hath published vain Doctrines, and made the World tremble at his words and inventions. At this time we have received advice, that this man some days since departed from Gaza, and took his journey by the way of Scanderone, intending there to Embark for Smyrna. and thence to go to Constantinople, or Adrianople. And though it seems a strange thing unto us, that any man should have a desire to throw himself into a place of flames and fire, and into the sparks of Hell: Notwithstanding, we ought to fear and suspect it, 
Arab. Prov.  for the feet of man always guide him to the worst. Wherefore, we underwritten, do advertise you, that this Man coming within the Compass of your jurisdiction, you give a stop to his journey, and not suffer him to proceed farther, but presently to return back. For we would have you know, That at his Coming he will begin again to move those tumults, which have been caused through Dreams of a new Kingdom, 
Arab. Prov.  And tha● miracles are not wrought every day. God forbid, that by his Coming, the Pe●ple of God should be destroyed in all places where they are, of which he will be the ●irst▪ whose blood be upon his ●wn head; for in this Conjuncture every little error or fault is made Capital; you may remember the danger of the first Combustion, and it is very probable, that he will be an occasion of greater, which the Tongue is not able to express with words. And therefore, by virtue of ours, and your own Authority, you are to hinder him from proceeding farther in his journey, upon pain of all those Excommunications, which our Law can impose, and to force him to return back again, both he and his Company. But if he shall in any manner oppose you, and rebel against your word, your Endeavours and Law are sufficient to hinder him, for it will be well for him, and for all Israel.  
For the love of God, let these words enter into your ears, since they are not vain things, for the lives of all the Jews, and his also consist therein. And the Lord God behold from Heaven, and have pity upon his People Israel▪ Amen. So be his holy will written by those who seek your Peace.  


Joam Tob Son of Chanania Jacar.  
Moise Benveniste,  
Isaac Alnacagua,  
Joseph Kizbi,  
Samuel Acazsina,  
Kaleb Son of Cocham,  
Samuel deceased,  
Moise Barudo,  
Elihezer Aluf.  
Jehousual Raphael Benveniste.    
By these means Nathan being disappointed of his wand'ring progress, and partly ashamed of the Events contrary to his Prophecies, was resolved, without entering Smyrna, to depart thence; howsoever he obtained leave to visit the Sepulchre of his Mother, and there to receive ●ardon of his sins (according to the institution of Sabatai before mentioned;) but first washed himself in the Sea, in manner of purification, and said his Tevila, or Prayers, at the Fountain, called by us the Fountain of Santa Vene●anda, which is near the Coemetery of the jews, and then departed for Xio with two Companions, a Servant and three Turks to conduct him, without admitting the Legates to audience, or answering the Letter which was sent him from all the Communities of the jews in Italy. And thus the Embassy of these Legates was concluded, and they returned from the place to whence they came, and the jews again to their Wits, following their Trade and Profession of Brokage, as formerly, with more quiet and advantage than the means of regaining their possessions in the Land of Promise And thus ended this mad frenzy amongst the jews, which might have cost them dear, had not Sabatai renounced his Messiahship at the Feet of Mahomet. These matters were transacted in the Years 1665 and 1666; since which Sabatai hath passed his time devoutly in the Ottomon Court, educated at the Feet of the learned Gamaliel of the Turkish Law, (viz) Vanni Effendi, Preacher to the Seraglio, or as we may so term him, Chaplain to the Sultan, one so literate as to be esteemed the Grand Oracle of their Religion; so precise, and conceited of his own Sanctity as a Pharisee, and so superstitious, that nothing seemed more to unhallow his Worship than the touch or approach of a Christian. 
The course of life which Sabatai led after he turned Mahometan.  To this Master, Sabatai was a most docil Scholar, and profited, as we may imagine, beyond measure in the Turkish Doctrine; so that in exchange of such impressions Vanni thought it no disparagement, from so great a Rabbin as his new Disciple, to learn something of the jewish Rites, and rectify those crude Notions he had conceived of the Mosaical Law. In this manner Sabatai passed his days in the Turkish Court, as some time Moses did in that of the Egyptians; and perhaps in imitation of him, cast his eyes often on the Afflictions of his Brethren, of whom, during his life, he continued to profess himself a Deliverer, but with that care and caution of giving scandal to the Turks, that he declared, Unless their Nation became like him, that is, renounce the Shadows, and imperfect Elements of the Mosaical Law, which will be completed by adherence to the Mahometan, and such other Additions as his inspired Wisdom should suggest, he should never be able to prevail with God for them, or conduct them to the Holy Land of their Forefathers. Hereupon many jews flocked in, some as far as from Babylon, jerusalem, and other remote places, and casting their Caps on the ground, in presence of the Grand Signior, voluntarily professed themselves M●h●m●tans. Sabatai himself by these Proselytes gaining ground in the esteem of the Turks, had privilege granted him to visit familiarly his Brethren, which he employed in Circumcising their Children the Eighth day, according to the Precept of Moses, preaching his new Doctrines, by which he hath confirmed many in their Faith of his being the Messiah, and startled all with expectation of what these strange ways of Enthusiasm may produce; but none durst publicly own him, lest they should displease the Turks, and the jews, and incur the danger of Excommunication from one, and the Gallows from the other.  
Howsoever in january 1671/● appeared another bold Impostor amongst the jews in Smyrna from the Morea, as it was said, or not known from whence, who in despite of Sabatai, and his own Governors, pretended to be Messiah; but with so inconsiderable and petty a Deluder as this, the jews thought to make quick work; but being ashamed at first to bring another Messiah on the Stage, by help of money they accused him of Adultery, and procured a Sentence from the Kadi, condemning him to the Galleys; in order unto which, and in proof of his good behaviour he remained some time in Prison, in which Interim he found means to clear himself of that Crime by open evidence to the contrary, and had for the present escaped out of the power of the Synagogue, had not their Authority & money prevailed more than the Friends or Disciples of this Impostor; whom we will leave in prison, and Sabatai in the house of Pharaoh; where he continued until the Year 1676, and then died. And so we return to more important matters of the Turkish Affairs.  
Since that we have so long insisted on the frenzy of the jews, let us return to matters of greater consequence, and more general concernment; & look back to Count Leslie the Emperor's Ambassador, who having departed from Constantinople the 11th of Decemb. of the last Year, we find on the 10th of March of this year on the Frontiers ready to make exchange with the Turkish Ambassador. The night before, Count Leslie was lodged at a Village called Elmas, where the Inhabitants, as in the most parts of upper Hungary, are Calvinists in Religion; and though they live between two Swords, 
The manner of exchange of the Emperors and Turks Ambassador.  do yet in time of War, by paying a Tribute to both Parties, and providing Forage for both, remain more secure than in the Villages subjected to either; which are often burnt, or in some other manner miserably destroyed. The next day the Emperor's Ambassador, conducted by the Pasha of Quinque Ecclesiae, with about three hundred Horse, arrived at the place for many years observed for exchange of Ambassadors, which is about an hour and halfs Journey, or five miles (as we may so say) distant from this Village, where in open Fields upon the Brink of the Danube, are set three Posts; the two Ambassadors meeting at that in the middle, after some Compliments, take their leaves each of other, and so exchange. The Germane Ambassador that day arrived near his Post about seven a Clock in the morning, but the Turkish, not being as yet come from Komara, he could not proceed farther. After some expectation here, advice came, That the Turkish Ambassador was resolved not to depart from Komara until he was satisfied for the allowance of eighteen days, at a hundred Dollars for every day, which he had spent at his entrance into Christendom, between the frontiers and the City of Vienna. But to this was replied, That it had never been the custom to allow the Turkish Ambassador money for his daily provisions, until he entered the Emperor's Court; and in the mean time the expenses and charge of his journey were to be defrayed by the Imperial Officers, who had performed the same in a most ample and plentiful manner: But the Turk was resolved not to be so satisfied, and therefore declared he would not depart without full payment; hoping the more easily to prevail, in regard the Germane Ambassador was already in the Field, exposed to the cold and sharp weather, without provisions either for himself, Attendance, or Horses, whilst the Turk remained warm in his Boat, accommodated with his Stove, and wrapped in his Furs, so that he hoped there might be a necessity of granting what he reserved for the rearguard ofhi pretensions. The matter seemed unreasonable to the Germane Ambassador, as also to the Turks thatattended him, who being in the open and cold Air, judged it in an unseemly time to capitulate. But in fine, the Germane gave him th●s Answer▪ That an Ambassador ought to be conten●ed with that hospitality and entertainment which was accustomary, as he himself had done; for that since his departure. from Buda, which was then seven days, he had not received one Asper of allowance, resting satisfied with the Pasha's word, that from Buda homewards it was not accustomary to receive a farther treatment; so that if he insisted on the first, he was to be allowed the latter, since both Ambassadors are to be used with terms of equality; and therefore to find an expedient to give him satisfaction, he was contented to resign his seven days allowance from the Grand Signior; and if any thing farther was really owing he would engage his parole of honour for the payment. And farther he added, That none but a corrupt Minister would make his private Interest to stand in Competition with a public Design, and make the pretence of a few Dollars an interruption and impediment to the progeess of the great Affairs of the Two Empires; professing that he would have quitted all his right, rather than the least concernment of his Master should have received a prejudice, on confidence of whose gracious favour he depended for reparation of whatsoever he suffered for his service. He thanked God that he had happily managed his Embassy to the satisfaction of the Grand Signior, and the approbation of his Master, and was now ready to perform the last office and ceremony, in which if he did fail, or was impeded, the fault was not his, being ready to return to Buda, so the other in like manner did to Vienna, there to remain until this d fference was decided by their Masters. The Turkish Ambassadour's Kahya or Steward who was present, and heard all this discourse, seeming not pleased to hear of a return to Vienna, immediately replied, That he conceived his Master would not remove from Komara; to which it was answered, That a man who so little understood the office of an Ambassador, as it appeared his Master did, was to be treated with some other kind of stile than was agreeable to the respect due to a public Minister, and should therefore be forced to it in case he should refuse. The Turkish Ambassador having his stomach something taken down with the threats of returning to Vienna, that afternoon loosed from Komara, and between three and four a clock arrived at the place of Exchange; but the wind blowing hard, had put some of his Boats ashore, which were most laden; and fewest men to govern them, which afforded him occasion of farther delay, pretending that his Goods might be arrested at Komara, and until he was satisfied to the contrary, he was resolved not to make the Exchange. The Germane Ambassador was more moved with choler at this humour than at the former; and the Turks that attended, growing more hungry and more cold, bestowed on him a million of curses. The Sun now declining towards its setting, Count Leslie sent word to the Turk, That he was resolved not longer to abuse his own patience, but immediately to proceed forward, giving order to his Coach to drive on, protesting, That if any mischief was derived from this irregular proceeding, the fault was not his, nor would he answer for any of those fatal consequences which might ensue; to which also being added some persuasions of the Pasha of Quinque Ecclesiae, the Turk at length came out from his Boat and went to his Post. The Turks were drawn up on their own Quarter to the number of about three hundred, and the Hungarian Hussars or Horsemen on the other ' to about two hundred; the two Ambassadors making a stand at their respective Poles, proceeded with equal paces to meet in the middle, where some few Compliments having passed between them, and Salutes interchangeably sent to the chief Ministers of each Empire, the Germane Ambassador entered his Coach, and the Turk his Boat, and so both returned to their respective Courts. Such as was the sordid and interessed humour of the Turkish Ambassador in this transaction, so no less dishonourable was his way of living at Vienna, where he sojourned with that miserable famine and penury in his house, as discontented all his family, causing some to leave him and return home; others with better motives (as it is hoped) to the number of thirty became Christians, and embraced the Faith; at the same rate he was generous in his Presents: for to the Master of the House where he lodged he gave two five-Senars or eighteen Pence English, and to the Commissary who conducted him to the Frontiers, he presented a Bag of Rice, which was not accepted but returned with the like compliment, as that with which it was tendered.  
But no sooner was this Peace concluded, 
The ●urks meditate a new War.  and the Ceremonies thereof thus happily finished, but the Turks, attentive to another War, which is the life of their Empire, and their only security against intestine Discords, made all the Preparations and Provisions this Year, that were possible, for the total subjection of Candia, of which this Vizier was highly ambitious, designing thereby to gain unto himself that renown of which his Predecessors had been in pursuit for the space of twenty five years; so that all Ammunition, Victual, and whatsoever was necessary, was in great quantities supplied from all the circumjacent parts of the Empire.  
The City of Candia was some time be●ore governed by the Proveditor Priuli; but afterwards the Venetians, apprehensive of the succeeding War, conferred the Charge on Marquis Villa, a worthy and experienced Soldier, with Ti●le of General of the Venetian Infantry, as we have before intimated; and having left him and his Forces in the month of December last, on the Island of Paros; where having, as is said, mustered his Forces, he embarked them on sixteen Galleys, five Galleasses, and thirty five Men of War; with which sailing in company from Anti-Paros, the whole Fleet on the 12 th' of February made their Rendezvous at Argentiera; during which time the Turks landed eighteen hundred Janissaries at Canea, being transported thither on thirty five Galleys, which having encountered with the Cavalier Hoquincourt in the channel of Scio, received some damage and loss of men in their way, though this Cavalier himself was wounded in the Engagement, and forty of his men slain. The Venetian Fleet departing from Argentiera on the 23 th' of February, came in sight of Candia, when a very great storm arising with Thunder and Lightning, put the whole fleet in danger of shipwreck; but by God's Providence, though tossed with contrary winds, they arrived on the 26 th' in safety in the Port of Suda, being directed thither in a dark night, by those Lights which the Fortress had put abroad, though the Turks on the other side had put out false Fires to deceive them. The Army being landed at this place, and a Muster made of the Forces, Pay was given to the Soldiery; with which being become the more courageous, they marched towards Canea, with hopes to perform some memorable Enterprise at that place. The Lieutenant-General Vuersmiller led the Van, 
An Engagement near Canea.  consisting of sixhundred Foot, and an hundred and eighty Horse, and advancing beyond those bounds which Marquess Villa had prescribed him, was encountered by a more numerous Force from the Garrison, by which being at first put into some disorder, had been entirely defeated, had not the Marquis opportunely arrived to his Succour: howsoever the Venetians lost in this Skirmish three hundred Soldiers, forty Horse, and twelve Officers, amongst which the Murquess C●va was slain up●n the place, and Captain Scot a Scoth man taken Prisone●, whom the English Factory redeemed at Smyrna; of the Turks seven hundred were computed to have been killed, with the Aga of the Janissaries, a stout and a well experienced Soldier. And as this beginning was not very auspicious to the Christians, so neither did the Heavens seem much to favour them, for an unusual rain with few fair days continued almost for the space of three months, which filled all Rivers, Marshes. and Di●ches with so strange an inundation, that the Ar●y beginning to want Forage for the Horses, and all other Provisions for their Men; and the Garrison of Canea being reinforced from R●timo, Chiramo, Armiro, and other places, discouraged the Commanders in that manner▪ th●t they thought it more convenient to retire and incamp in the pleasant and ●ruit●ul Valleys of Sp●●a Longa, until better weather, and other Recruits of their Army should open a way either to make another Attempt on Canea, or new Candia. But Fortune did not favour these designs; for the Captain-general Andr●a C●rnaro arriving with his Fleet, part at Candia, and part at Standia, (which is an Island or Rock about two Leagues distant from this City) a new resolution was taken to remain on the defensive part, and to attend wholly to the guard of the City: for as in the natural body, when it is assaulted by acute and hot humours, the spirits retire to the heart to comfort and secure that from the violence of the distemper; so the Venetians perceiving that their Enemies daily grew more numerous, resolved to contract the●r Force into one Body for de●ence of that City, which was the heart or the most principal instrument of life in that Island: Wherefore Recruits both of Men, Ammunition, and Provisions were daily sent thither; and the Captain of the Gulf arriving at Suda with eleven Galleys and o●e Galleass, carrying fi●teen hundred Soldiers, with three hundred Pionier●, joined his Forces to the Body of the Fleet; and all embarking in divers Squadrons, made haste to land their men in the City of Candia with all possible expedition.  
The Marquis Villa landed here the first of March. 
Marquis Villa lands at the City of C●ndia.  being conducted from the Mole by the Proveditor to the Palace, which was provided for him; where having been complemented, and having received and returned the usual Visits, he in the first place took care to quarter the Horse, and the new Forces lately arrived with due convenience; next he visited the Garrison and every Fort in particular, where he amended what was amiss, and added what was defective. The Captain-General by this time arriving with the remainder of the Militia, a general Muster was made in the Trenches of the Fort Panigra; of which the Turks having advice, fell unexpectedly upon them with a strong Body; the Christians being surprised hereat; and Versama a valiant Colonel being slain, they began shamefully to run, nor could either the Bravery of the Marquis or his Authority stop their flight; howsoever the Musket-shot and great great Guns from the Walls were so plentifully bestowed on the Turks, that few o● those who were overforward in the pursuit, returned to their Companions.  
On the 12 th' of April a Fleet of Galleys arrived with new Recruits, with which the Christians being reinforced, Marquis Villa resolved to take the Field; so that marching out of the City by night with seven thousand Foot and six hundred and fifty Horse, 
The Venetians incamp.  he encamped between that and the Valley of the River Gi●ffiro, drawing his Trenches just opposite to the the Enemy's Camp; in the mean Time two Squadrons of Ships were sent abroad, one towards the Cr●ciere, and the other towards the Coast of Canea, to intercept and hinder such Succours as might be sent to the Enemies Camp. Nor were the Turks less vigilant or valiant on their side; for a Party of about two thousand men sallying from their Trenches, 
The Turks assault them.  and marching secretly under the covert of a Mountain, unexpectedly assailed the Outguards of about fifty Foot belonging to the Regiment of Frischein, commanded by Captain Rades; which after a stout resistance retreated into another Body of fifty Musquetiers, and twenty five Arquibusiers of the Regiment Arborio; who also being assisted by other detachments, recovered their first Post; but being afterwards overpowred by great numbers of Turks, were forced to quit the place, which Marquis Villa observing, ordered fifty Horse under lieutenant-colonel Mattiazzi, and seventy Foot under Blane Sergeant Major of the Regiment Arborio to their assistance, by whom the Post was again recovered with great slaughter of the Enemy: but this advantage was of little other benefit than to inflame the spirits of the Turks, who rallying again their Force with fresh courage and extraordinary valour came to handy-blows with the Venetians, forcing them to another Retreat with the death of Lieutenant Cerusa a Savoyard, and some common Soldiers; but the Turks enjoyed not long this advantage; for the Musquetiers from the line with some small Guns, and the Gross Artillery from the Walls did much execution on them; and at the same time being charged by a Party of Horse under Command of Colonel Rades, the Venetians with glory and encouragement recovered their Post, driving the Turks in disorder and con●usion to their Trenches. This success of the Christians served to heat the spirits of the Turks, and animate them to another Engagement: for having by private ways of hidden Valleys conducted their Men, about four hours before night made another Assault upon the Venetians, I will not say surprised them; 
The Turks make another assault.  because remaining always in apprehension of the Enemy, they kept themselves so watchfully on their Guard that in a moment they were ready to receive them; and that so warmly, not firing until they came within the length of two Pikes, that in a moment the Field was covered with the bodies of Horse and Men; the Turks startled hereat, not knowing whether it were better to stand to it, or fly, until encouraged by their Leaders, they kept their ground for a time: but being galled by the continual Volleys of shot, and charged by a Body of Horse led by Count Sforza Bissaro and Captain C●sick; they were so shaken, that they turned their backs, and began to run until falling in with the gross Body of their Party, they made head again; and mixing both Horse and Foot with the Venetians, they forced them to retreat to the side of their Trenches; and so closely plied them, that the fresh Troops of the Turks on the right and left wing had cut them off, had not the Count Corradini, by order o● Count Sforza with a Regiment of Curassiers, and likewise Colonel Scoppa with his Lieutenant-Colonel Tadeo Motta, with a good number of Archibusiers, assisted by a Squadron of the Regiment of Count Bassaro, sallied from the Line, and being succoured on all sides, forced the Turks at length to sound a Retreat. The night coming on, dissuaded any pursuit of the Enemy, lest unknown ways and darkness should betray their men into ambushes or other snares. The Turks lost a thousand men, with divers Commanders of Quality and Note: Of the Venetians were killed Lieutenant Cerusa, Gio. Tessari, Captain to La Motte, eleven Horse, and some few Foot: Motte, Corradini, Soupe, Count Corbelli, and some others were wounded.  
About this time advice being come to the Captain-General, That the Turks were dispeeding fifty Galleys laden with Men and Ammunition, he resolved to encounter them at Sea with four Galleasses, and twenty Galleys, reinforcing his Fleet with twelve hundred men, which he took from the Camp; which being thereby considerably diminished, as also by the late Engagements: yet Marquis Villa kept his ground, but contracted the compass of his Trenches, and raised a Fort in sight of the Enemy, who had not the courage to give him the least interruption; but rather after this example fortified their own Trenches, shutting all Avenues or passages to Renegadoes, whom they suspected might fly, and give advice to the Christians: howsoever some of them escaped to the Venetian Camp, declaring that the Cannon from the Town did much incommode the Turks in their Trenches; upon which Intelligence Marquis Villa ordered forty eight shot to be made at that place, where they were most offended, which put the Turks into great consternation: after which no considerable Engagements happened, besides some few Skirmishes and Rencounters of no memorable note, in which one Antiquario a Quartermaster, Count Pio Ferretti, and others signalised themselves by particular Acts of Valour, as also Captain Vimes who killed Mehmet Bey, a Turk of great esteem, with his own hand.  
But now the Turks receiving daily Recruits, as of eight hundred Janissaries, and six hundred Spahees, landed at Gira-petra, and seventeen hundred more disbarked at Chissamo; and advices daily coming of great numbers of Galeots and Brigantines providing in the Gulf of Lepanto, and of eighteen Ships of Barbary, all ready to transport Soldiers to Candia, moved the Captain-General to persuade the removal of the Camp for better security of the most important places: 
The Venetian Camp raised.  the which Marquis Villa performed accordingly in the night preceding the first of june, with much order and care; for first he caused the Artillery to be withdrawn, with the Mortar-pieces, Ammunition, and Provisions of War, and placed in the Fort of Mocenigo; then he caused half the Army to work in filling the Trenches, whilst the other half remained in form of Battle, and two hours before day blew up the Fort; which having done, they marched in three Bodies to the City, to the great joy and satisfaction of the Turks, who on that occasion made a day of Festival.  
These particulars of Action having passed under the Conduct of Marquis Villa without any signal Victory or advantage over the Turk, administered subject to such who in the parts of Christendom were emulous of his glory, and envious of his eminent charge, to give liberty to their tongues to disparage the management of his Affairs, as not agreeable to that high expectation of success which the World conceived thereof, when he first entered on this employment: But here it is observable at what rate men who lie soft and warm in their beds at home, unconcerned in the dangers, labours, and hazards of those who live and act abroad, can make their reflections, and pass their censures on active and engaged men, not considering the state of affairs, the uncertainty of Succours in so long and distant a tract of Sea, as passes between Venice and Candia, subjected to Winds, and a thousand Casualties; nor yet the numerous Troops of the Enemy, nor the Puissance of ●hat Empire, which for its Power, Richesse, and the Valour of its Soldiery, may be esteemed the most Potent and considerable of all the Monarchies and known Kingdoms of the Universe. But what conjectures soever envious men might make of the Conduct of Marquis Villa, yet the Senate of Venice appplauded his labours, and owned his services, as being such, which having merited the admiration and esteem of all the World, did in a particular manner challenge their thankfulness and acknowledgements. About this time the Galleys of Malta arrived at Candia, where some dispute arising touching the place of precedence in the Fleet, which the Venetians denied to them: they departed thence with some dissatisfaction. and returned to the Westward to transport the young Empress out of Spain into Italy.  
And now intelligence coming to Candia by divers Letters, that the Great Vizier was departed from Adrianople with a numerous A●my, and was already arrived at Thebes, 
TheGreat Vizier arrives at Thebes.  where a general Rendezvous was appointed of the whole Army, with resolution to be transported from Malvoisin to that Island; the Venetian Generals and Commanders in chief concluded it necessary, if possible, to hinder their passage, and rather to fight them at Sea, which was their more propitious Element, ●han to attend their Landing, where they would be forced to dispute with unequal numbers, and on disadvantageous terms. Accordingly the Captain-General reinforced his Fleet with two thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse under the Command of Count Licinio Martinoni, appointing the Rendezvous to be at Argen●iera, to which place also Marquis Villa repaired, touching by the way at Milo for refreshment of his Horse, it being an Island abounding with Herbage; the Captain General being for some days detained at Standia by contrary Winds, a Consultation was held for the more advantageous management of the War; a●ter which the whole Fleet making Sail, was on August the ninth scattered by a furious storm, and not being able to recover Santoxini, they by good fortune fetched Stampalia, an ●sland abounding with generous Wines, excellent Fruit, Partridges, and other Provisions; at length after various fortunes arriving at And●a, which is a great and populous Island, another Council of War was held, where it was again concluded, That all care was to be taken to intercept the Succours which the Enemy daily sent to Candia; to which end the Cavalier Grimani, Captain of the Galleons, was ordered to cruise about the Coast; and hearing that twelve Turkish Ships were lading Provisions in the Gulf of Velo, he repaired thither, and had the good ●ortune to take them with all their lading; but the other Squadrons miss of the like success; 
Twelve T●rkis● 〈◊〉 ta●en.  for notwithstanding the care and vigilance which was used, all matters seemed to succeed prosperous ●or the Turks, and adverse to the Christians; the designs of the first having an issue agreeable to their intentions, whilst those of the latter were always disappointed either by Nature or by Fortune, or rather by that secret hand of Providence, which had allotted that Island for a Prise to the Ottoman Arms.  
By this time the Turkish Army being at their Rendezvous at Thebes, the Great Vizier prepared to embark; and considering the difficulty of the passage, thought it prudent first to make new Propositions to Signior Ballarino before he entered on this hazardous attempt, supposing perhaps, that the rumour of this March might have affrighted the Venetians to a Surrender of that Kingdom, that they might spare the blood and charge of that War which afterwards ensued: wherefore Ballarino being called from his House at Constantinople, began his Journey towards Thebes on the twenty fifth of August, accompanied by a Capugibashee, and three Janissaries: and in twenty three days arriving at Th●ssalonica, now called Salonica, he fell sick of a violent Fever caused by that agitation of body in his Travels to which he was unaccustomed, and for want of that sleep which he used to take after his slender dinner, passing the rest of the day and night in continual watchings: at first he felt only some little alterations, which he hoping might pass over, resolved to proceed on his Journey notwithstanding the persuasions to the contrary of Signior Patavino his Secretary, with whom I was well acquainted, and ever esteemed for an honest and a worthy Person: but he continued resolute to proceed, fearing le●t his delays by the way should lose him the opportunity of that moment of Treaty, which was impossible afterward to be retrieved; for in his Journey he would often reason in this manner: If I should stop here, what censure would the World pass on me? I may possibly excuse myself; but in the mean time the Vizier may engage too far in his design, and frustrate all those methods and foundations which I have laid towards a Peace: and then if I live, I shall be over-burdened with the reproaches of the World, for having abandoned the grand incumbance in its ultimate necessity, which is charged upon me, which will be a more sensible affliction than the agony of death. My sickness will be esteemed by many to be rather dissembled than real. The dead man lives in the memory of his faithfulness and constancy, and the living man dies in the indelible characters of his cowardice and misfortune. These were his own words.  
And thus ●ravelling forward his Fever daily increased to that excess, that on the sixth day he was forced to stop at a City called Isdino, where having instructed Signior Patavino in what manner he ought to manage affairs, and recommending his services and children to the favour and protection of the Senate, he passed to the other World, being honoured by a solemn Funeral at the public Expense, and Interred in the Church of St. Mark, his Son Dom●nico Ballarino succeeding into the Office and Inheritance of his Father. The Senate understanding by advices from Signior Padavino. That the Vizier desired another Envoy, qualified with the Character of a public Minister to reside with him in Candia, dispatched the Secretary Girolamo Giavarina, a Person of good abilities, to that place. And at the same time the Captain-General Andrea Cornaro pressing the Senate for licence to return to his own Country; his request was granted, and Francisco Morosini was appointed to succeed him in that important Charge, and was accompanied at a time of so great emergency with powerful Convoys, and with Recruits of Men, Provisions, and Ammunition fitting to carry on so pressing a War.  
On the Month of October the Great Vizier in person embarking himself and Army at Malvoisia with many Pasha's, 
The Vizier passes over into Candia.  and men expert and active in the Wa●, passed over to the Isle of Candia, resolving by strength and dint of Sword to force that strong City to obedience, the main Bulwark of Christendom, situated at the Entrance of the Archipelago; of the success of which famous Siege we shall have occasion to discourse more at large and more particularly hereafter; in order unto which the Great Vizier on the last day of this Year, went in Person to take a view of this City, and having surveyed all sides of it, apprehended that the Siege would be long and tedious; and therefore returned again to Canea to take those measures which were requisite for an Enterprise of that weight and consideration.  
In the mean time the Princes of Christendom being for the most part either in that discord amongst themselves, of which the Turks have always made their advantage; or else living in parts remote, did not consider Candia as a Bulwark to their Dominions, and therefore rendered little other assistance to the Venetians than good words, and vain wishes for their success and Victory. The Pope's Forces only under Command of Muzeo Ma●tei which were in Dalmatia, were transported to Candia, and five hundred Foot belonging to the Grand Duke of Toscany, came into their places for defence of that Country. The most Christian King in return to the Embassy of Venice performed by the Cavalier Advice Sagredo, remitted to that Republic an hundred thousand Crowns, and Cardinal Barberini at his expense supplied four thousand Measures of Corn. But the present Conjuncture did not seem to smile on the Venetians, for all the Galleys belonging to Spain and Italy, as well as those of Malta, were employed in the Transportation of the new Empress Margerita of Austria. The Pope was infirm, and distracted with his own Domestic Affairs. The Emperor was a young Bridegroom, and besides the Diversion which a Wife gave him from Cares, he apprehended that he might speedily receive some disturbance from the Princes of the Rhine, and from Sweden in the Dukedom of Bremen. The King of Spain was a Child of five years old, labouring at the same time under a War with Portugal, and threatened by the more powerful Arms of France, on the pretence of Flanders. Besides all which, the Turks were as well in quietness amongst themselves, as they were at peace with all other Princes; so that we may expect that the force and power of the Ottoman Empire should now be turned, like a Torrent, to overwhelm this spot of Land, which seemed to be so situated, as well to resist the Waves of the Seas, as the Inundation of this mighty and Martial People.   

year 1667. Anno 1667. Hegeira 1078.  
AT the Beginning of this year the Winter and Cold which chilled and benumbed the Earth, increased the heat, and gave vigour and action to the Tartars, who made such an unexpected incursion into Poland, that they carried with them near a hundred thousand captived Souls, as they were numbered before jash, in their return home. The Polanders, awakened hereat, but ill advised, resolved on a Treaty where there was more just cause for an open War, and in order thereunto dispeeded an Ambassador to the Sultan, to expostulate the reason of this breach of Peace, and require justice and satisfaction on those his Subjects, who had, contrary to the Articles of Peace, committed such actions, and outrages of open hostility; or at least, that the Turk would not take upon him to abet the cause of the Tartars, whilst the Polanders took just revenge for their late injuries. The Ambassador with this Message put himself in a readiness, and with a retinue of about two hundred and fifty Persons, begun his Journey towards the end of April, and on the second of May crossed the River Niestro, which divides Poland from Moldavia, where he was received by two of the Boiars, or Moldavian Noblemen, and thence conducted to jash, where the Prince of that Country resided. The Ambassador expected the Visit of the Prince, according to Custom and Articles of Peace; but the Prince being either forbidden by the Port, or rather out of an ignorant stiffness and pride, omitted to pass the Civilities of that Office, but yet supplied the Ambassador with Plenty of Wine and Provisions; which the Polanders enjoying freely, dispensed perhaps more easily with other neglects and omissions which concerned Formalities and Ceremonies.  
The ninth of june the Ambassador arrived at Adrianople, and thence was called to Demitochum, a City about a days Journey distant, where the Grand Signior, for the sake of his hunting and divertisement, remained under Tents, as the most convenient Lodging in that Season of the Year; 
By the number of Coftans is to be esteemed the honour the Turks bear to one Prince above the other.  the 25 th' the Ambassador had his first Audience with the Chimacam, at which thirty five of his Retinue were vested with Coftans, nothing passing but the usual Ceremonies and Compliments. The 28 th' he had Audience of the Grand Signior; but first made tender of his Presents as followeth.  

A Crystal Cup in a Case of Gold, adorned with Rubies and Diamonds.  
2 Baskets rarely woven with a very fine Rush.  
A Clock.  
A Cabinet of Ebony supported with four Eagles made of Silver, in which also was a Clock with a perspective Looking-Glass.  
2 Silver Cups of considerable bigness.  
2 Silver Flagons.  
A Gun which discharged twenty times.  
2 Spotted Dogs.  
4 Mastiffs.  
100 els of Holland.   
These Presents preceding, made way for the Ambassador's Audience, 
The Polish Ambassadors Audience.  at which he declared, That the Commission from his Master the King of Poland, was to make Complaints unto his Majesty of the grand Incursions the Tartars had made into Poland without any reason or cause of War; and that therefore his Master did expect from him, as from a just and virtuous Prince, a permission for revenge, and satisfaction of his injuries, to enter Tartary, without assuming it as any ground of Breach or Infringement of that Peace which he held with him; or else that he would by his authority enjoin the Tartars to restore their Captives, and their spoils, and render them a reasonable satisfaction. The Grand Signior returned no reply hereunto, but referred that to be done by his Chimacam, silence being esteemed some part of his Majesty and State, which he seldom breaks but with few and haughty words.  
This Ambassador was a man of a bold and daring Spirit, a fit Orator for such an Embassy, had not his immoderate Covetousness, the Vice and Folly commonly incident to Old Age, much eclipsed many of those Virtues of which he was Master. He was also a Man of a violent temper, feavered to a madness in the height of his Choler, which strangely betrayed him to ●any undecencies in his Language and Comportment. For at his Audience with the Chimacam, when he came to receive the Grand Signior's Answer, his words were vented with that heat, and so like to menaces, that the Turks taking exception thereat, returned his course Speeches with the like Dialect, at which the Ambassador swelled with that indignation and anger, as became not the Moderation and Gravity of his Office; adding in Conclusion, That he was an Aged Man, full of Years and Corporal Infirmities; that nothing could arrive more happy to him than a Death in which he should triumph to suffer for the benefit and glory of his Country. This excess and intemperance of Language moved the Turks to set a Guard upon him, and confine him to his own House in the nature of a Prisoner; which violation of his Sacred Office, so worked upon his Spirits, that he often vented some part of his fury in words and blows on the Officers of his Guard; for which rude behaviour having received some reproofs from the Chimacam, 
The Death of the Polish Ambassador.  his passion not knowing which way to ease itself, feavered him into a desperate sickness, of which in a few days, phrensical and distracted, he departed this life.  
The Secretary of the Embassy, being the next in Office, took upon him the Function and Charge of the Ambassador, and having now nothing to act, but to receive the Answer to the Message of his Master, for which a Day being appointed, he was presented with a Horse and Furniture by the Chimacam, of whom having Audience, he received no other satisfaction to the Complaints against the Tartars than these following, which were related to me by the Secretary of the Embassy, who did me the honour to make me a Visit, when I was on my recovery from a dangerous Sickness, at Constantinople.  
First, That no compensation or pretence be ever hereafter demanded for the late incursions made by the Tartars into Poland.  
Secondly, That the Polanders make not War upon the Cossacks, who had lately renounced their subjection, and were fled for protection to the Ottoman Power.  
Thirdly, That the Poles immediately make War upon the Muscovite.  
Fourthly, That the Turk Merchants have free Trade into Poland, and that the Turkish Merchants receive satisfaction for what injuries and losses they lately suffered.  
With these Propositions and Conditions of Peace, the Secretary was dispatched, which did not so well please the Poles as to return thanks for them, or a Messenger with Advice of their Acceptance or Ratification; and though they could not but be sensible of the scorn and yoke the Turks would impose upon them, yet having still remaining amongst them certain Relics of their former dissensions and diversity about election of a Successor to their King, and there being a certain Spirit of Luxury, Pride, and Sedition which was cr●pt in amongst the Nobility, they considered not the advantage of the present time, but willingly preferred a present ease, and enjoyment of their Feasts and Banquets, before the hazards and uncertainties of benefit, which they might receive by the doubtful lot and fortune of War; and though never any Season appeared more opportune and advantageous to the Pole than this, when the flower of the Turkish Youth and Force was employed in Candia, and all places, in part, dismantled of their usual strength and compliment of Soldiers to defend their Frontiers; yet they seemed resolved to pass by the former Incursions, and Spoils, and Robberies made on their People, so the Turk would but stop here, and permit them, without farther provocation, to enjoy their quiet, and debauched way of living: Only some of the Borderers on the Turks, who had deeply suffered by the late Incursions, moved with the loss of their Estates, and the Captivity of their nearest Relations, joined with a considerable number of the Muscovites, entered Tartary in the months of October and November, and burned about three hundred Villages, carrying away Ca●tives, and other prey, from under the very Walls of Coffa.  
At this time also the Pasha of Balsora began new rumours and an unseasonable Rebellion, 
The Revolt of the Pasha of Balsora.  who being reported to have an Army of Horse and Foot consisting of forty thousand men, gave no small disturbance and apprehension to the Turks; who with their difficulties of War in Candia, and the jealousies of a storm from Poland, remained with some doubts and hesitancy about the way of their proceedings. At length Orders were dispatched to the Pashaws of Erzirum, Aleppo, Damascus, and Darbequier, to unite against the Rebel, to divest him of his Government, and to s●nd his forfeited head to his Master. These Pashaws accordingly joining their Forces, defeated the Rebel; and as all Conspiracies of open Rebellion distant from the Court, have had but ill success in these Countries against the true Prince, so this Pasha was routed, and being forsaken by his Servants, fled with a few Horse to the Protection of the King of Persia. The principal Cause which moved the Pasha of Balsora (as I was informed from the mouth of the Pasha of Damascus) to this Rebellion, was the Confidence he had in his own strength, and the fidelity of his people, to whom of ancient right, that Government was of hereditary Succession, descended to him by his Ancestors for many Generations: by which means he challenged such absolute interest in his Principality, that for many Years he refused to acknowledge the Grand Signior by any other tokens of homage, than in the bare name of his Protector, and in making Public Prayers for his Prosperity and Victories. But at length the Grand Signior coming to impose farther on him, stirred his hot desires into Rebellion, and to an open defiance.  
About the beginning of this Year the Captain-General Cornaro, with the Proveditor of the Armata Francisco Barbaro, returned to Venice, bringing with them one Ramadam a Sa●giack of Egypt, and other Slaves taken by the Captains Grimani and Molini. The manner was this: Ramadam, with three and twenty Ships, laden with Men and Ammunion, endeavoured to enter into Canea, but being charged by the Venetians, and overcome, set sire to their Ship, and leaping into the Schiff to save their Lives, were taken by the Boat of Molino; and though fourteen Galleys came out of Canea to their assistance, yet they could not hinder the taking of five of their Ships, besides several others which were put ashore and strand by four Maltese Corsairs, who entered into the Fight, being called at a distance by the sound of the Cannon. About that time also a Turkish Galley was surrendered by the Industry and Ingenuity of the Slaves, who having secretly boared some holes in the bottom of the Galley, and plugged them up afterwards, so as that they might let in the Water, or stop it when they pleased; it happened that the Galley▪ being near the Rock, which is called Polycandro, they secretly drew out the plug, whereby so great a Flood of Water on a sudden came in, that the Galley being ready to sink, the Turks affrighted forsaken the Galley to save themselves on the Rock, leaving the Slaves in the Galley to shift as well as they could. The Slaves being thus freed of their Masters the Turks, plugged up the holes again, and clearing the Galley of Water, rowed away, and delivered themselves into the hands of the Venetians; upon which advice, the Captain General dispatched the Captain of the Gulf Lorenzo Cornaro with two Galleys to that Rock, where they became masters of all the Turks except two, who threw themselves into the Sea, preferring Death before Slavery.  
In the mean time the Duke of Savoy recalled Marquis Villa, who was his Subject, from Candia; the reasons for which was attributed to an appearance of Breach with Geneva, the Swissers and the Valtelines, who were his Subjects, or rather to the ill Offices of those who envied his preferment, being desirous to have him recalled from a place of so much honour and reputation. In obedience to this revocation Marques Villa taking his leave of General Cornaro, returned from Candia as far as Zant; where meeting the new Captain General Francisco Morasidi, and being by him assured, That the Pope, and Senate of Venice representing the difficulty of Affairs in Candia, and the present urgency and necessity for his presence there, had obtained Licence from the Duke of Savoy for his continuance in that employment; upon which assurance, Marquis Villa took a resolution to return again to Candia, being accompanied with a strong Squadran of Vessels carrying considerable quantities both of Ammunition and Provisions.  

The History of the famous Siege of Candia.  
On the 27 th' of April the Forces from Egypt under the Command of Messir Bey appeared in the field, and on the 5 th' of May N S. the General of the Janissaries encamped on the right side of New Candia, that he might better view and survey the ground near the Lazaretto.  
year 1667. At the beginning of the New Moon of this Year's May, being the 12/22 th' day of the month, public Prayers being first made through the most principal places of the Empire for the success of the Ottoman Arms, and so solemnly continued every Monday and Thursday for the space of a year; the Great Vizier first appeared before the renowned Fortress of Candia, and began the memorable Siege of that City, which for the space of twenty five years preceding had been the subject to which the special care and expense of Venice, and the Art of the most subtle Engineers of the World, as far as humanely was possible, did concur to render it the most impregnable Fortress of the Universe.  
The Town was fortified with seven great Bas●ions, viz. the Sabionera, Vetturi, jesus, Martinengo, Betlem, Panigra, and St. Andrea; these were all encompassed with a large and deep Ditch, of which were the Revelin of St. Spirito, the Revelin of Panigra flanked to the right with the Halfmoon of Mocenigo: next hereunto was the Revelin of Betlem bordering on the Work of St. Mary's, which to the left had the Revelin of St. Nicholas, and this adjoined to the Fortification of de Palma, next whereunto was the Revelin of Priuli, with the Redoubt of Crepa-cuore; and over all was the Royal Fort of St. Demetrio, which commanded the Work of Molino and Sabionera unto the very Sea.  
Marquess Villa at his last return was chiefly intent to strengthen the Fortifications, and repair the Outworks, especially that of St. Andrea which was almost ruined, and the old subterranean Traverses were so full of water, and the old Galleries so high, that the Enemy could easily pass under them, all which he repaired and amended in a short time. In confidence of gaining this strong Fortress, the Turks demolished New Candia, situate about two miles from the Old, which the Vizier now pointed out to them as a better Seat, and encouraged them to win and inhabit it; so that 14/24 th' of May the Turks encamped over against St. Mary's along the Valley of Gioffiro with the sound of their Drums and Trumpets, and firing great Guns and Volleys of Muskets. Their Forces at first consisted of about forty thousand fight Men, and eight thousand Pioniers, but soon afterwards increased to seventy thousand, and so for the most part were maintained during the Siege.  
The first Traverses began from the side of St. Mary's, and were carried to the Sea, the Great Vizier took his Quarters over against Panigra, the Janisar-Aga against Martinengo, and other Pasha's between that and Betlem. 
The disposition of the Turks Camp.  On the other side the Pasha of Romelia encamped against the Lazaretto, and Catirgi-Oglé Pasha of Canea against Sabionera, Achmet Pasha Vizier of the Camp, and Zagargibashee Major General of the Janissaries, who had the reputation of old soldiers and good Engineers, were ord●red to enlarge and lengthen the Traverses on the side of the Half-Moon of Mocenigo. Quarters being thus assigned, they raised three 
The Batteries raised by the Turks.  Batteries▪ the first against the Bastion of Martinengo, and the right side of the Work St. mary's; a second against Panigra; and soon after a third against the Halfmoon and Bulwark of Betlem, from whence they continually thundered with their great Cannons, shooting Bullets of sixty, ninety to an hundred and twenty pound weight.  
Nor were the Besieged within less industrious or wise in the disposition of their Affairs; for Marquis Villa took his Quarters at the entrance of the Bulwark jesus, Proveditor Barbaro at Panigra, the Proveditor General of the Kingdom at Martinengo, the Duke of Candia, Francisco Battaglia, in the Fort of Sabionera, and other Officers between the Curtains of St. Andrea, Betlem, and Sabionera.  
Things thus disposed on both sides, many and various were the valiant Assaults and Sallies, the Traverses extraordinary, the Rencounters bloody, the resistance vigorous, not known or recorded in any Siege before; which though they can never be fully expressed, or particularly denoted, yet I should do injury to the ashes of those Heroic Christians who so freely entered the List, and on this Theatre of the World sacrificed their lives in defence of Christendom, should I not signalise some of them of divers Nations for their Prowess and Valour. And here pardon me, good Reader, if I come short or fail in this relation, where many of unparallelled Valour and Virtue died obscurely and unknown, and the numbers of others so great, that to specify them all, were to swell this Work to a larger Volume than the Book of Martyrs. Here was that Martial field into which remote Nations and unconcerned descended, carried thither by zeal to the Christian cause, or by certain Principles of Valour and Magnanimity; so that though the War bore no other denomination than of the Venetian and the Turk, yet so great was the confluence of both parts of the World to this little Isle, as if it had been chosen by unanimous consent for a Stage to try the Title to the Universal Empire. The Town being thus beleaguered on all sides, but where 
The ●irst Mine blown up.  Neptune the Spouse of Venice kept it open, the Christians endeavoured first to disturb the Traverses of the Turks by a Mine of Powder which they blew up; but through the neglect or little experience of the Engineer, it being the first which they had fired, reverted, and did more hurt to themselves than to the Enemy; the error of which being observed, another Fornello was fired, which taking its due place and measures, so affrighted the Turks, as yet not acquainted with this manner and invention of War, that they began at the first onset to be discouraged, considering that if the ground was unsecure and unstable at that distance what abysses and chasmes must there be prepared to make them graves under the Walls or entrance to the City. To second and justify this Gunpowder Plot the Christians made two Sallies, one by the Savoyards under Command of Colonel Profito Torse, who issued forth from t●e Revelin of Betlem, and made great slaughter of the Turks with Granades on the side of Panigra; another was performed by Colonel Arb●rio and Colonel Marini, accompanied with Count Brurasco Captain of the Guards to Marquis Villa who assaulted two Redouts of the Turks, 
Two Sallies made by the Christians.  and forced them to flight, and afterwards with some loss retreated victoriously to their Works. In like manner Colonel Frigeri Commander of St. Demetrio, made a Sally on Catirgi-Oglé near the Lazaretto, and with some loss returned triumphant.  
About this time arrived at Standi the Captain-General Francisco Morosini, who after some Consultation disarming his Fleet of about a thousand men, 
The Captain-General disarms his Galleys.  entered with that Succour into the Town, and yet fitted out a convenient Squadron of Galleys and Galleasses to rove in the Archipelago to hinder the Enemy's Succours and Recruits, which were designed for Candia. In this interim the Turks repaired the old Battery against the Lazaretto, and laboured continually in their Galleries and subterranean Works; 
Five Mines the Christians sprang.  so that by that time that the Christians had sprung five Fornelli upon them towards the point of the Halfmoon of Mocenigo, the Turks had advanced so well towards the Borders of Panigra, that they sprang two Mines; but these being but the first proofs or essays of this kind of invention, reverted on themselves with the loss of two hundred of their men, and again fired a third with little success: which the Christians answered to better purpose, blowing up sixty or seventy Turks. Wherefore the Turks made a farther trial of two Mines by the Halfmoon, rather to their own loss, than to the damage of their Enemy.  
In all the month of july passed not a day without some considerable action, sometimes to good, sometimes with bad success to both Parties; every day Mines were sprank on both sides, destroying the Lines, and overthrowing the Galleries; but the main force and heat of the War as it were concentring itself towards the Quarters of Panigra, 
Attempts of the Turks on the side of Panigra.  in defence thereof the Engineer Castellan as freely as courageously proffered the use of his Art, and the hazard of his Person. In which whilst he employed himself, and endeavoured to cleanse the Galleries of their rubbish, which the Enemy's Mines had thrown down, the Turks threw such quantities of Bomboes' and Stink-pots into those Caverns, as made the stench thereof so suffocating and noisome, that two Officers were choked or smothered that went to view the place, and Lieutenant-Colonel Cavalli and the Engineer Castellan himself were brought away half dead, poisoned with Sulphur and pestiferous smoke; to purify which Grota, nothing could render the air more wholesome, in expulsion of the preceding vapour, than the smoke of Juniper and burnt Aqua vitae, which being made use of with good success, the Christians fired two Mines, which opened so dreadful an abyss, as served for the grave of great numbers of Infidels.  

Arrival of Galleys from the Pope and Malta.  During this time daily rencounters arrived the Auxiliary Galleys from the Pope and Malta, commanded by Prior Bichi and Bali deal Been, as also the Galleys of Naples and Sicily commanded by Gianettino Doria and the Duke of Ferrandina, of whom the Captain-General would have borrowed some Forces to have served at Land; but their Commissions it seems or their courages were too straight to afford any such Supplies, being designed to cruise in the Archipelago; only the generous Chevalier d'Harcourt with ten other Comrades that were embarked on the Galleys of Malta agreed to enter the Garrison, 
Chevalier d'Harcourt.  having come with no other design from France, than to offer themselves in defence of the Christian cause, and in a time of Peace, when their Prince had no need of their assistance and service, to give the World true evidences and proofs of the value and greatness of their souls. In all Enterprises this Person, worthily descended of the House of Lorraine, was a Companion to Marquis Villa, and one day venturing on a design to disturb the Enemy's approaches, was shot in the face with a Musket-bullet; of which wound recovering some time after, he with his Companions returned to France having like Cavaliers Passant acted the parts of true Chivalry. But neither did the Prior Bichi Commander of the Pope's Galleys, nor Doria Admiral of those of Naples, act agreeable to the bravery of those French Gentlemen; for they not only denied, as we have said, to land a small number of their men, but as if they came only to make them a visit, sent this short Letter of Advice dated the 24 th' of August, in these words. The Auxiliary Galleys are obliged to depart this night and to return to Suda, where they are to remain until the expiration of that time which is appointed for them in these Seas. Prior Bichi likewise sent word to Marquis Villa, That he judged it fit to depart, by reason that no action presented for them to undertake: to which the Marquis replied, That he who seeks may find, and that such opportunities never offer to those who endeavour to avoid them. Doria also, to colour his excuses, said, That his Orders were not to land men, unless the Town were in the extremity of danger of being taken; to which Villa, replied, That he could not well be assured in what condition the Town was, since he never vouchsafed to set his foot ashore, or conceived a curiosity of seeing the greatest and the most famous Siege that ever was in the World. In short, these Holy and Catholic Squadrons departed without contributing any assistance to the Christians, incurring thereby the severe censure of the Commanders in chief, with the anger and disdain of of the Soldiery.  
The Venetians have always thought it Policy to maintain an Agent in the Ottoman Quarters, perhaps with design to afford them Intelligence, or to be ready to apply Terms of Peace in times of most urgent necessities. According to which Rule Signior Giavarina was sent to Candia upon the Venetian Armata, 
An Agent arrives at Candia to treat with the Vizier.  now governed at Sea by one Pasqualino, with Instructions to treat with the Vizier, and perhaps to grant him any thing besides Candia, though without this nothing could come either welcome or satisfactory to the Turks. Howsoever to introduce him into the Camp, a white Flag was displayed on the side of the Lazaretto; which when the Turks perceived, they flocked in great numbers to know the mystery of this Signal of Pacification. And though nothing appeared, besides a Letter directed to the Great Vizier, yet they hoped it might portend something of Treaty, which in the end would produce a Peace, and a conclusion of their labours, before the Winter surprised them in their colder Lodgings. The Vizier having read the Letter, had his thoughts raised as high as was possible in hopes of a Surrender; and therefore most freely ordered, That Signior Giavarina should the Sunday following come to the Valley of Gioffiro with what Attendance and Followers he judged fit, proffering at the same time a cessation of Arms and all acts of Hostility: but the Christians who were not reduced to that extremity as to crave Peace, or a respite from action, kindly refused his gentle proffer, which so enraged the Vizier, that in a fury he gave fire to a Mine on the left side of Panigra, 
The Turks assault Panigra.  which was seconded with that furious assault, that Panigra had been put into great danger, had not the courage of the Defendants been supereminent, and repulsed the Enemy with so great a slaughter, that the earth round about was covered with dead bodies: which action was seconded by a brisk Sally performed by some Knights of Malta, as la Maison Neufve, de Langeron, de Clement, de Monrosier, de Charboniere, and de Blanbuisson, though against the advice and counsel of Marquis Villa, of which the two first were slain, and the rest returned with honour and success.  
At the end of this month of july the Garrison received a Supply of six hundred Foot under Command of Ottavio Abia, a noble Venetian, who likewise made his entry more acceptable by twenty thousand Ducats which he brought with him. At the time of his arrival the Christians fired a Mine with good success, but the Enemy had prepared another in revenge, which took such effect on the right Angle of Panigra, as broke the Counterscarp ten paces, and filled the Ditch with Earth, on advantage of which the Turks came to an Assault, but through the courage of Luca Grandis Serjeant Major, and other gallant Officers, a stop was given to the Enemy's fury, and they beaten off with considerable loss.  
And now for the present all Sallies ceased, whilst both sides carried on their designs under ground, thwarthing and crossing the Mines, each of other; in which subterranean Travels and Passages, the Miners often met, and had frequent and bloody Encounters, those that were strongest rob the Powder and Utensils of the weaker, so that the Scene of War seemed to be transferred ad inferos, and to be carried on with more fury and violence in the Grave, or the other world, than it was in the open Air of the Cydonian Fields. The Turks becoming now as expert as the Christians in their secret and hidden Traverses, 
The Turks fire a dreadful. Mine.  had penetrated so far, that on the 8 th' of August they fired a most dreadful Mine on the side of the half Moon, which made so great a Breach in that work, that eight men could march a breast; which so animated the Enemy with the advantage, that immediately in great numbers they mounted the breach to give an Assault; but supplies being timely afforded in assistance of the Guard, the Enemy was precipitated headlong, and overwhelmed with such showers of Musket shot, that the Retreat into their works was not only disorderly, but the number of those who survived so few and diminished, as gave proof how hazardous it was to attempt other more difficult and better fortified Bastions.  
Nor was the success of the Turks less on the side of Panigra, where having made a Breach, they endeavoured to make good their ground under shelter of Sacks of earth, which the Christians drew away from them with long iron hooks, which was such a piece of sport to the besieged to see their Enemies dismantled of their shelter, and lie open to their shot, that a young Page of Marquis Villa, called du Clos, venturing in this action beyond his years, was shot with a Musket Bullet in the head, and so hastened to the other World covered with glory and renown.  
There was scarce now a day which passed, that was not signalised with the springing of several Mines both on one side and the other; most of those made by the Christians were seconded with Sallies, and those of the Turks with Assaults and Storming of one Fort or other. On the 10 th' of September Signior da Riva, a noble Venetian, arrived with a Recruit of five hundred Soldiers, and a great number of Pioners, and the same day was celebrated, after the usual manner, by springing of Mines; one of which threw a Turk on the Fort of Panigra, and ruined the Galleries of the Enemy; the next day likewise several Fornelli were fired by the Engineer Lubatiers from the parts of the half Moon, and of Panigra, which filled up the Line, and spoiled the Redoub●s of the Turks.  
On the 15 th' the Christians vigorously sallied out with seventy Foot, under the Command of Colonel Vechia, and two other Captains from the Revelin of Panigra, who after a valiant skirmish, orderly retreated under the rampart of the Revelin; to which place the Turks eagerly pursuing them, were entertained with a Mine, and tossed into the Air; which being done, the Venetians returned again, and were in the same manner encountered by the Turks, whereby a very hot fight began; during which time the Captain General, who stood on the Bastion of Betlem to observe the motions of the Enemy, saluted them with a plentiful shower of Musket shot. In short, after the Venetians had for the space of an hour resisted the Force of the Enemy with much slaughter, they retired with good order into the Ditch of the City.  
On the 18 th' Captain Fedeli, with a hundred Soldiers, made another Sally, but being wounded, he retreated with some loss; which was retured again on the Enemy by a Mine which the Engineer Quadruplani sprang with happy success on the Quarter of Panigra; and on the same day the Captain of the Galleasses, called Gioseppe Morosini, arriving with five hundred men, and two hundred thousand Ducats together with good quantities of Ammunition and Victuals, gave encouragement and relief to all the City; with whom also came the Cavalier Gonges and his Brother, in quality of Adventurers for Honour and Religion. There was not one day in all this Month, but divers Fornelli and Mines were fired on one side and the other; and though, the Christians exercised as much military Art, Industry, and Valour, as men were capable to perform, yet the Turks still gained ground, and daily advanced their works upon the Christians; wherefore the Captain General ordered that a Mine and three Fornelli sho●●d be fired; by which a small Fort of the Tu●ks, near the Counterscarp, was overthrown, with divers other works lately raised.  
The Turks had such good success with their last Mines, that a Week after they fired another, which was calculated so well that it ruined the Gallery of Communication between Panigra and its Outworks, and threw the Counterscarp into the Ditch of the Town; For the necessary repair of which Breach, 
The Turks spring another Mine.  and clearing of the Ditch, the Governors gave immediate Order, and appointed a strong Guard for defence and protection of those that laboured; and to make better dispatch, a most ingenious Engine was contrived to remove and rid the Ditch of Earth, which whilst it worked with admirable success, the Turks, by help of a Mine, blew it into the Air, and shattered it into a thousand pieces. Howsoever, the Christians desisted not from their intended work, but still laboured with Baskets, Sacks, and Wheelbarrows to carry away the ●arth; which that they might do quietly and undisturbed, the Savoyards and Sclavonians made a furious and desperate Sally, which continued for the space of two hours; and though in that time the Enemy had opportunity to collect their greater Force into a Body, yet the Christians were not put to flight, but retreated orderly, and in a fight posture, though with the loss of several Officers, of which were Captain Rè, 
Two Mines of the Christians.  and others. To revenge these mines of the Turks, the Christians fired two others as dreadful as the others; the first near St. Spirito, which being under the Enemy's Traverses, performed its desired Effect; the second was on the side of the half Moon, which swallowed up two of their Redoubts; And on the third of October they fired four other mines on the sides of Panigra and Betlem, one of which consisted of six and thirty Barrels of Powder, and another of fourteen, ordering at the same time a furious Sally from divers places; as namely, 
Four Mines and a Sally of the Christians.  Captain Gamba sallied from the Revelin of St. Spirito, Sergeant Major Arasi from under the Bulwark of Panigra. Colonel George Maria was ordered to assault the Redoubts which were opposed to the Breach▪ Colonel Vechia to attaque the Redoubts between Panigra and the half Moon, Colonel Cremasco and Marini to assault the redoubts between the half Moon and Betlem. Count Brufasco defended the work of St. Maria, Colonel Inberti defended the Revelin of St. Nicholas, and Sergeant Motta with thirty able Soldiers advanced to the farthest Lines of the Enemy, killing and putting to flight all before them. Colonel Frigeri Captain of the Fort St. Dimetry, and Lieutenant Colonel Vimes possessed several Redoubts; and in the conclusion all retreated in excellent order with success and triumph, to yield the Turks evident arguments of their fortitude and courage; and that the Town was still so well provided, as not only to be in a Condition of defending itself, but offending the Enemy.  
Yet the Turks were still labouring to countermine the Fornelli of the Enemy, and to revenge the former Plots; to which end they had penetrated to the most inward works of Panigra; but the Pioniers, employed by the Engineer Quadruplani, discovering their Gallery, entered boldly in, and drove away the Turks, from whom they took thirty two Barrels of Powder, and by that means for the present preserved that work, and the Lives of many Soldiers.  
The 17 th' o● October the Christians sprang two Mines, one of thirty, 
Two Mines of the Christians.  and another of five and thirty Barrels of Powder, which did the desired execution upon the Turks; which some brave spirits seconded by a bold Sally, amongst which none was more eminent than a Greek Priest, who moved with zeal to his Country, entered ●ar into the Enemy's Trenches, where having killed a Person of Quality hand to hand, he was returning with the Trophy of his head; but being in the way intercepted by three at once, he was unequally marched, and slain, and died with the highest honour imaginable under the Walls of his Native City.  
Soon after the Cavalier Verneda, 
One Mine of the Christians.  another Engineer, fired a Mine of forty Barrels of powder, which made the very City and Works tremble, like an Earthquake; for whereas this Mine should have taken its effect on the Enemy's Redoubts, Providence ordered that it should take its passage through an old Gallery with so much violence and Smoke that it suffocated the Miners, Carpenters, and Masons, to the number of sixty men.  
Towards the end of this Summer the Turks at Constantinople and Adrianople grew big with the expectation of the happy News and Arrival of that messenger that should declare the taking of Candia, and the end of the Venetian War; to entertain which joy with the more readiness, they had prepared Lights, and Lamps, and artificial Fireworks to solemnize their 
* Which is their Triumph for Victory.  Danalma, and made public prayers and procession of the youth of the City twice a week; but finding their hopes frustrated, and their joys from Month to Month deferred, their expectations became tired and wearied; and growing almost ashamed of their disappointment, began to throw the blame of the miscarriage of their Affairs on the ill Conduct of the Vizier, 
The G. Signior sends a Messenger to bring him certain information of the state of his Camp in Candia.  and the sluggishness of their Soldiery. The Grand Signior also more impatient than the rest, dispatched away a Messenger with Letters to the Vizier, reproaching his cowardice and sloth; that being provided with a most puissant Army, and with all other appointments of War, should suffer the Ottoman Forces to be baffled and entertained in taking a single Fort for longer time, than formerly it had been in subduing whole Provinces and Kingdoms; and moreover charged the Messenger to bring him a faithful and true Relation of the state of all Affairs, and what was the real cause and difficulty that so long obstructed the progress of his Arms; but yet sent the Vizier for his encouragement a Sword, and a Vest of Sables, as tokens of his favour. The Great Vizier moved with this message, resolved to give some certain proofs of his industry and valour, and either to take the place, or else at least to convince his Master, by the knowledge and testimony of his Inquisitor, that the Work was of more hazard and longer time than was apprehended in the Seraglio. Whereupon preparations were made, and the time of assault was appointed chiefly on the side of Panigra, so that pressing valiantly forward, they planted six of their Colours on the ruins of that work; so that now, full of hope and courage, they adventured to descend into the Ditch, but being prevented by three Mines, which contained seventy Barrels of powder; they were mounted in the air with so much noise and violence, that many Bodies were tossed on the Rampire of the Town, many of their greatest Redoubts overthrown, and Graves made for multitudes of the Assailants. This Assault as it began with great fury, so it continued for many hours; in which action Signior Pisani, Proveditor General of the Kingdom, was killed by a Granado. Howsoever, the Enemy was repulsed by the valour of the Christians, insomuch that the Turks growing faint were pressed forward by the Vizier, who, to encourage his Soldiers, promised an extraordinary reward of honour and money to him who should but first touch the Walls with his hands. The hopes of riches and honour so pricked forward all conditions of the Soldiery, that the Commonalty desperately threw themselves at all, and endangered so far the taking of Panigra, that they had certainly possessed themselves of it, had not the Venetians had recourse to their last refuge of Mines, and blown the whole Work into the Air, by which perished three Pashaws, and great numbers of common Soldiers. And this for the present astonished the Turks, and gave a stop to the farther proceedings of this Assault. This proof gave an evident Conviction to the Grand Signior's Inquisitor of the strength of the place, and difficulty of the Work; and having been an Eye-witness of all, returned with dismal Stories of a cruel War, reporting perhaps, and it was related in the parts of Christendom, That this was a place where blood was spilt day and night, where Gallant Men had forgot to sleep, living in perpetual labours, enured to intolerable sufferings and hourly dangers, there being none secure either in the Church, in the house, or in the street; for Granades reigned, Cannons thundered, Arrows flew, with stones like a Tempest; so that there was none in that place, but who quartered on the Brink of the Grave.  
It now grew towards Winter, and yet the Vizier thought of no other Quarters than his Trenches, judging that if he should quit his station, the labours and progress of the former Summer would be lost, and the Work to be again begun in the Spring. Wherefore resolving to keep his Works, provided all conveyances to carry away the Water, and sheds to cast off the Rain, and warmer Tents for the Soldiery, which yet could not so artificially be contrived; but that the Camp was full of mire and dirt, tedious and troublesome to Man and Beast, and the Quarters of the Soldiery, so damp between their Banks of Earth, as caused Catarrhs, Fluxes, Fevers, and other Camp Diseases with much mortality.  

The Winter causes all Action to cease.  It was now the dead of Winter, and yet Martial Exploits were as frequent as they had been in Summer; and though the great rains and floods of water extinguished the fires, and made, as it were, a cessation of Arms, and of all acts of hostility; yet this interval of calmness and tranquillity the Christians made use of to repair the Palisade of St. Andrea, and the Lines of Communication within the Ditch. And because the main Bulwark was also shaken, and in some danger, all the Chiorma or Slaves of the Galleys were commanded a shore to labour in the reparation, and to make an inward retrenchment, which in short time, with admirable diligence, was perfected, and on all sides completed.  
The Turks in the mean time carried their Traverses forward as much as they could, for they were now entered into the very Ditch of the Town; and because there was no possibility to work in the Mines, by reason that the Galleries were filled with water, they attended wholly to employ their great Guns, and fire Granades, so that they raised a new Battery near the Work of Mocenigo, which began to batter the lower parts of St. Andrea, and raised another Battery on the ruins or the Revelia of Panigra, which being lower ground could not much prejudice the main Bulwark.  
The Sultan satisfied with the Relation given by his Messenger concerning the progress his Vizier had made upon the Town, and of the hopes there was in time to gain it, encouraged him with a Letter of Praise, accompanied with a Sword, and Vest of Sables, the magnificent Signal of the Sultan's favour. And now besides the Force of Fire-Arms, the Turks made use of Arrows, shot into the Town, carrying papers written in Italian and French, persuading the Soldiers to fly to their Camp, where they should receive civil treatment, and a secure refuge; which gave that encouragement to those wearied with the labours of the Siege and hard usage, that many of them made Trial of the Turks entertainment, and escaping out of the Works, fled to the Enemy's Camp, where they were clothed, received Conduct Money, and were permitted Licence to embark themselves for what place they pleased.  
About this time the Proveditor General Barbaro and the Lieutenant General of the Artillery Wertmiller having obtained licence from the Senate, returned to Venice; 
General Barbaro and Uvertmiller departed from the Army.  the first was displeased, that Marquis Villa should take the precedence of him; and the other, because his opinion of making a general Sally of all the Garrison on the Enemy was not followed, but rejected by the Council of War, as a design pernicious and over-hazardous; for that the fight with an Enemy more numerous than themselves, fortified in their Redoubts and Works, and hidden under ground in inextricable Labyrinths, was an Enterprise so rash, that no man wishing well to the Garrison, and of sound judgement ought to advise.  
The Turks having in this Campagne fixed themselves well in a formal Siege, and gained ground, and many advantages on the Christians, of which the destruction of the Work of Panigra was none of the least: the Vizier supposed it a seasonable time to enter into a Treaty by the hand of the Secretary Giavarina who was there entertained for that purpose but he falling sick of the Camp-distemper died in a short time, 
The deaths of Secretary Giavarina and Padavino.  whose death was soon after followed by that of Signior Padavino, who finished his days at Canea; the Plate, Money, and Householdstuff of both were carefully inventored, and by the justice of the Vizier duly accounted for, and administered to the Venetians. The Instruments of Treaty being thus taken away, the Captain Pasha was dispatched to Constantinople, carrying with him four thousand wounded and sick men, and a Letter to the Grand Signior and Divan, signifying his resolutions to win the place, or die under the Walls of it; and to that end desired them to send him such Recruits of men and supply of Provisions as were requisite. He complained of the cowardice of those to whom they had incharged the Convoys; that he wanted both Powder and Bullet, for default of which they could neither ply their great Guns, nor go forward in their Mines; that bread was so dear, that no price could be set to it; that his Soldiers by slaughter and sickness did daily diminish, so that his Army was reduced to twenty three thousand Foot, seven hundred Horse, and two thousand Pioniers; and in fine concluded with urgent instances to have Recruits of all dispeeded to him, without which it was impossible to gain the Town, or save himself. Hereupon Recruits came from all parts, both of Men, Ammunition, and Provisions, especially from the Frontiers or adjacent places, which by such vast evacuations were almost dispeopled, more particularly in Albania and Castelnu●vo extraordinary Preparations were making both of Men, Horse, and Camels; and a report was spread, that the Grand Signior intended to pass over in Person to Candia; but this was soon disproved by his residence at Larissa, where he remained to render assistance more easily, and receive advices more speedily than could be performed at Adrianople.  
Great quantities of Corn were also sent from divers places, particularly from Smyrna, where English, French, and Dutch Ships were taken up for that service, to the prejudice of the Trade, and damage of the concerned: some of which Vessels were taken in their passage to Candia, whilst others arrived in safety through the negligence, as was supposed, of the Commanders at Sea. And indeed the Turks plied their business with that industry and diligence, that notwithstanding the Force which the Venetians had at Sea, their Recruits for the most part arrived safe, and Corn began to be so plentiful, that the Vizier gave a prohibition against having more imported; and in short, nothing wanted for prosecution of the War, which was carried on in the Winter, as far as the season or the weather would permit; so that scarce a day passed without something of action, either of storming or blowing up of Forts, overthrowing Galleries, filling Trenches, the particulars of all which are so numerous, that to recount them would fill a Volume, and are more proper to be related in a Journal than a History, in which minute matters ought to be passed by, and nothing but acts of greatest moment be recorded.  
Howsoever great Actions at this season ceased for a while on one side and the other, only continual discharges of great shot and Bomboes' were practised. And the Turks endeavouring with artifice to cover their designs, dispatched a Letter to the Senate of Venice by way of Suda, and thence in a Galley to Candia, touching certain Motives of Peace, supposing that Propositions and Offers of Accommodation would loosen the minds of the Officers, and render them less intent and diligen in their Affairs; on receipt of which Letter, though Marquis Villa replied, That he had as much power from the Senate to conclude a Peace, as the Vizier himself had from his Master, yet the Vizier would not treat with him, but sent a Letter which was consigned by an Aga at the Bulwark of Palma under the caution of a white Flag, year 1668. desiring that it should be forwarded to Venice. About this time arrived to the great comfort of the Besieged the new Proveditor Bernardo Nani with five hundred Soldiers, and Matteo Matheus Sergeant General with some Recruits from the Pope, bringing with him three hundred Medals of Silver to bestow on such as deserved them, with Jubilees and Indulgences without number, and thus ended the Action of this Year.    

Anno Christi 1668. Hegeira 1079.  
THE Spring approaching, toward the end of january the Turks ●ull of hopes to complete their Conquest, vigorously in all maritime Ports of the Empire made provisions of Corn and other Victuals to be sent to the Camp, when occasion should require, and opened a door for Janissaries according to the Turkish phrase, the Formality of which is in this manner: The Chief Officer appointed for that purpose asks severally such as come to be listed, Of what Chamber they desire to be; 
Formality in making janissaries in these days▪  to which they making reply, That they will be of the fifth, sixth, or seventh, or the like, the Officer gives them a blow under the ear with the palm of his hand, and bids them repair to their Chamber, with which they nimbly pass away. But herein the due form and order of Janissaries was corrupted; for in former days Janissaries were educated in that condition from children, and from thence named Yenisheri or Tyrones, or the young Soldiery; but now on this necessity of raising Forces, ancient men, Fathers of Families with long beards were admitted, to the disparagement of that Order, and corruption of the exactness of that Discipline. Considerable Supplies also were sent of Beldargees or Pioniers; so that this year from several parts, according to the best computation, the Forces of Candia were recruited with a Supply of seventy thousand men, for transportation of which and of their Provisions, all Christian Ships were imbarged at Smyrna and Constantinople, several of which in their voyage to Candia, were intercepted by the Maltese Corsaires, and particularly a French Ship called the Arms of France, on which were between four and five hundred Turks, was taken, and in boarding of her about an hundred Turks were killed upon the Deck: some other small Vessels (one of which was a Ligornese under English Colours) were taken▪ the French Barks which had in this manner lost their Corn, unadvisedly returned to Smyrna, supposing the excuse of having done their endeavours, and of being overpowered by a stronger Force was sufficient: But the Turks who judge of nothing well, but by the success, having gotten them into their hands, made them not only return their Freight, but satisfy theloss of the Cargason.  
In the Month of March the Vizier having intelligence of six or seven Venetian Galleys to be at Fodile, not far from Standia, 
A Fight at Sea.  under the Command of the Proveditor of the Armata Lorenco Cornaro, gave order to Regep Pasha of Romelia, who was Captain of the Soldiery, and Durach Begh, who commanded a Squadron of twelve Galleys, to weigh Anchor in the night, and there surprise them: Durach Begh, though sore against his will, doubting the truth of the report, yet readily obeyed and fitted his Galleys for the Enterprise. The Captain-General having intelligence of the design, prepared four Galleys in Port, and embarked that night with a French Regiment and some Italians to the number of six hundred, besides two Companies of the Guards, and one of the Proveditor Nani, under the Command of Colonel Audré Facile and Montalto, accompanied also with the Proveditor Extraordinary Daniel justiniani, Commissary of the Treasury of the Militia, with several other Captains and Officers; and arriving at Sandia, found the Proveditor General Cornaro newly entered there from crusing the Seas with sixteen Galleys, to whom having communicated the design, they immediately loosed from the Port, and arrived at Fodilé before midnight. The Turks having from the place of their Anchorage discovered two Sail, hoped there might be no more, and therefore came forth to fight them; but engaging farther, met such a number as evidenced the danger, and the little hope there was in other than in their Courage and Arms. The night being dark, the Venetians not to mistake each other, carried such great Lights on their Mast-heads, as not only distinguished them from the Enemy, but also directed them to give battle to the Turks, which they prosecuted so home, that they took and sunk five of the Turkish Galleys, of which the Admiral commanded by Durach Bey was one; the rest, though much shattered, and for the present unserviceable, did yet by the help of their Oars, and the darkness of the night, find a way to escape: nor was this Victory gained by the Venetians in a Fight of seven hours without the loss of two hundred Soldiers killed, and about five hundred wounded, besides some Persons of Quality and Command, viz. the Cavalier Arasi justiniani, the Commissary Francisco Cornaro, Foscarini, etc. the wounded were Georgio Greco, Lorenco Bembo, and Marco Balbi. The Turks lost many of their best Seamen and Soldiers, besides Slaves and others, counting on every Galley one with another three hundred persons; amongst the Prisoners which amounted to four hundred and ten, the Beys of Cyprus and Navarine with Mustapha of Anatolia, and the Chiaus of the Pasha of Aleppo were taken, together with eleven hundred Christian Slaves who were all freed, on condition that they should serve the Summer following in the Venetian Armata. Of the Turks were slain Durach Bey, the Bey of Coron, and Hastam formerly Bey of Coron. The Great Vizier from the Camp could all the time behold the flashes of the small and great shot, and by help of the Venetian Lights perceive the success of his own Fleet, not answerable to his expectation. What loss the Turks sustained with Slaves and Soldiers is incertain, only an hundred Christian Slaves were released, and four hundred Turks captivated, and amongst the slain was Durach Bey himself, a stout Seaman, and a known Pirate, who from a small Brigantine had raised himself to be Begh of the Morea, and to command four or five Galleys of his own. In like manner, and not long after, a Squadron of Venetian Ships were forced by sto●m in the night to anchor under Cape Spada, where accidentally six Turkish Galleys were riding. The Sky being very dark and close, the first Ship ran foul of a Galley, and so shattered and crushed her sides, that being ready to sink, the Turks forsook her, and run aboard the Ship to save a life which was to be afterwards miserable and slavish. The others affrighted at the arrival of these unexpected guests, slipped their Cables to seek harbour in a tempestuous Sea; but the weather being too boisterous for Galleys, one of them was cast away, and about an hundred and seventy men lost: the news hereof being brought to Venice by Colonel Vecchia with the Ensigns and Spoils taken from the Enemy, the Senate bestowed the honour of Knighthood on the Captain-General, comforting the families of the slain and wounded with signal marks of Honour and Glory.  
The Captain-Pasha put this year to Sea more early than was usual, designing to make as many Voyages to Candia as was possible, with Succours both of Men and Ammunition; his design and work was wholly to avoid the Venetians, and to steal ashore his Recruits; to which end he made such expedition in every Voyage, 
The success of the Turks at Sea.  that scarce could the Christians have advice of his arrival in any part of the Isle of Candia, before he was well forwarded in his return: yet his haste was not so great, but one time having fifty three Galleys in his Company, he adventured to look into the Port of Nio, where he met four Corsaires or Freebooters under Maltese Colours, commanded by two Brother's Themericort, and by the Knights Verva and Bremont: two of the Ships were on the Careen washing and tallowing their Vessels, whilst the other two, viz. the Themericort Brothers were on the Guard, being at anchor in the narrowest entrance to the Harbour. The Turks supposed at first, that so formidable an appearance of their Fleet would affright the Christians to a Surrender, rather than to contend on those unequal terms. But it seems the Corsaires were more resolute than was imagined; for no sooner did the Turks approach, than the Christians discharged their Cannon and Volleys of small shot so plentifully, as caused the Galleys to dispute at a farther distance, where shooting as it were at rovers with their long Cashee Pieces (not adventuring to come to a nearer Fight) for the space of eight hours made (as reported) about eight thousand shot, with little or no execution; so that the Captain-Pasha made his sign of Retreat, and forsook the Engagement, as being too dangereous and difficult an Enterprise. But better success had the Turks the next month at Sea against Captain Georgio, an old and subtle Pirate, who for many years had vexed and pillaged, no● only the Turks, but Christians on all Isles of the Archipelago: great fortune he had in taking Turkish Saiks and Vessels; and some of them considerably rich, and when that prey failed him, or was scarce, he pursued his game on the shore, from whence he often carried men, women, and children into slavery, and o●t-times had the fortune of considerable Booty. The Islands which lay open and ungarded were his common Rendezvous, where the men attended his service, and the women his lust. In this manner the Pirate passed for several years, have obtained unto himself a fame and terror with the Tur●s, and riches at home: the place which he commonly cho●e to wash and tallow his Vessels, was amongst certain small Isles in the Bay of Edremit, anciently Adrimetum, opposite unto Mytilene, from whence he had as from a Thicket or Wood a view of such Vessels as passed the great Road towards Constantinople: these frequent successes rendered him so confident and secure, that he still continued his station, notwithstanding the Turkish Naval Forces, which in the Summer season made their Rendezvous at Scio. But at length the Captain-Pasha with the whole Turkish Armata being at Scio, and with him three Ships of Tripoli, advice came that Captain Georgio had not forsaken his little Isles, but was there careening his small Fleet which consisted of two Ships and a Brigantine: hereupon the Tripolese were commanded out to encounter the Enemy, whom the next day they found so secure and negligent, that he discovered not his Foes before they were ready to attaque him. The Captain Pasha also fearing that the Tripolese were not of sufficient Force to encounter so valiant and experienced a Commander, both to make the Enterprise the more easy and certain, and to gain the reputation of that business to himself, went out in person with all his Galleys. The Tripolese had began to fire on Captain Georgio before the Pasha came in to their assistance, but it falling calm, and the Ships not able to join in a nearer fight, gave way for the Galleys, which being above fifty in number, overpowered the Christians on all sides; howsoever, the two Ships defended themselves against all this Force, until the Captain himself being killed, his own Ship surrendered, but so shattered, that she was scarce able to swim above water▪ This Ship being oversome, 
Captain Georgio taken by t●e Turks.  the Turks boarded the other, commanded by Captain de Lescases, who seeing no remedy to avoid being taken, he leapt into his Boat, and blew up his Ship; howsoever could not escape his destiny, for having his Arm broke, he became a prey and a slave to his Enemy.  
The News of this Victory was celebrated with so much the more joy, by how much this person was feared and hated, and was not only a subject of rejoicing to the Turks, but also to the Christians, whose Parents and Relations this Corsaire had pillaged and enslaved; so that the Inhabitants of the Archipelago for the most part were pleased with the revenge, and promised more security and quietness to their open Coasts. With no less triumph was this News posted to the Grand Signior, who rewarded the Messenger with two thousand Dollars gratuity, and caused demonstrations of joy to be made through the whole Court; so dreadful was grown the Name of so inconsiderable a person, in respect of the greatness of the Ottoman Empire.  
But the success of this advantage did not heighten the courage of the Captain Pasha to that pitch, as to make him more bold with the Venetian Armata; for in the month of july having great Recruits of Men and Provisions to land, and hearing that the Venetians lay before Canea, having fortified a Rock, called St. Todoro, at the mouth of that Port, he resolved for Retimo; but pursuits, or intelligence of the Enemies being in the way, or his own f●ars still prevented him, until at length he was forced to Gira-Petra, a small and obscure place, far distant from the City of Candia, and the way thither by land rocky, and almost unpassable for Beasts of Burden; howsoever, the Men and Ammunition were there landed with that haste and expedition, that in less than thirty hours' time the Captain Pasha was again upon his return for Scio, leaving the Soldiery, and the Ammunition he had disbarked to find a passage through the Rocks and Mountains: At which the Vizier was so displeased, that he sent the Captain Pasha this Message, That the next time he should forbear to bring farther supplies, until he could find a more commodious Port wherein to land them.  
In this manner the Marine Affairs passed this year at Sea, the Turkish Fleet having, besides other succours, transported Ibrahim Pasha of Damascus with eight hundred Spahees unto Candia, whom we mentioned formerly to have been Pasha of Grand Cairo, and married to the Grand Signior's Sister; and being one with whom I had a former acquaintance, and who was a great friend to the English Nation, I made him a visit as he passed through Smyrna.  
Whilst these matters were transacting at Sea, on the 7 th' of january arrived the new Proveditor General Bernardo Nani, and Sergeant General Muteo Matei with five hundred Foot, sent by the Pope, who gave Licence for destruction of some Monasteries, whose Orders were judged less necessary in the Venetian State, that their Revenue might be applied to the service of this War; after Arrival of which succours, a general Muster was made of the whole Garrison, and the number thereof reckoned to amount unto eight thousand fight Men; though soon afterwards continual action and exploits of War decimated the number, and many of the brave Commanders being taken off, every tenth man perished, and rendered the place in a condition which required continual supplies.  
For many and various were the attempts and actions performed on both sides under the Walls of Candia; and first the Turks began to make appear a Battery which they had raised on the side of the Lazaretto, which so offended though Port, that there was no harbour or access for Vessels. On the contrary to which, by the Fort of St. Andrea another Battery was raised, which offended Tramata very much, which was another small harbour, capable only to receive Boats or Barks; the passage to which was so annoyed now by the Enemy's Cannon, that no Vessel could go in or out, unless in the Night, and that too with some difficulty and danger.  
The Turks gaining advantage on the side of St. Andrea, 
The Turks resolve to make their passage by St Andrea.  applied their whole strength and diligence to that part; and one dark Night passing undiscovered along the Seas, they silently fixed a Cord to the Palisade of St. Andrea, and with an Engine strained it so violently, that they tore away several of the main Stakes of the Work without being perceived by the Sentinels, who paid for that neglect with the price of their lives; upon which success they continued to advance their lines on that side, which Marquis Villa perceiving, resolved to hinder by some valiant sallies. And first two hundred brave men selected out of several Regiments, conducted by Sergeant Major Motta, issued out from Panigra, and taking their way along the Sea, bravely mixed with the Turks, and put them to flight; 
A Sally made by the Christians.  and though the Alarm thereof brought a Concourse of Turks from all parts of the Camp, yet the Christians stood so stoutly to it, that they struck a terror to their Enemies, and once forced them to a Retreat within their Trenches; and at length, after they had overthrown certain Redoubts and Traverses, they gave back with good order, returning with Victory and Glory; which bravery the Captain General acknowledged to all, and encouraged in the common Soldiery with a Present of fifty Zechins. This success gave the besieged opportunity to finish their Platforms which they had raised on the side of the Ditch adjoining to the Bulwark of St. Andrea, on which they planted two pieces of Cannon which carried fifty pound Bullet a piece; which much disturbed the Enemy's Traverses: Howsoever, the Turks with indefatigable pains, and invincible patience battered the little Tower of Priuli, the Curtain, and Revelin of St. Andrea, and employed all their power and attention to fill the Ditch with Faggots, Earth and other Rubbish.  
On the 29 th' of February, after the Christians had first made a Breach on the Enemies Redoubt, which confronted the Revelin of St. Andrea, and sprang five Mines one after the other, a second Sally was made by a considerable Body of the besieged, consisting of two hundred French and Savoyards, three hundred Italians, two hundred Germans, and a hundred and twenty horsemen, who issued forth with that Gallantry, 
Another Sally.  that driving the Turks under Covert, advanced far within their Works, with which Demonstration of honour the Captain-General being satisfied, they made the smoke which was a Signal for their Retreat; so that returning victorious without much loss, that day was remarkable, and numbered amongst the other days which were esteemed successful and fortunate in that Siege.  
Howsoever, the Turks with admirable patience and assiduity crept forward by their Traverses, and help of their great shot on the Bastion of St. Andrea, which whilst A●gustine Rostayne, Adjutant of Marques Villa, considered, he was taken off by a Cannon Bullet; and yet the Turks could not advance so fast, but that the Engineer Maupassan gave some retardment to their progress by firing a Mine, which overthrew two of their Redoubts, and afforded them new work to repair them and the adjoining Traverses.  
This was the present state of the miserable Candia, when the Duke of Savoy recalled his Subject Marquis Villa from his honourable employment; 
Marquis Villa returns into Italy.  and a Ship, called Alexander the Great, by appointment of the Venetian Senate arrived at Standia to transport him and his Family to Venice; so that on the 22/12 of April, accompanied to Tramata by all the principal Officers of the Garrison, he embarked in order to his Voyage, whose place was about two Months after supplied by the Marquis St. Andrea Montbrun, a Nobleman of France, with whom the Venetian Ambassador at Paris, by order of that Republic, had prevailed to take upon him the defence and protection of that deplorable City, reduced now almost to its ultimate Crisis.  
I cannot adventure to assign the reasons that might induce the Duke of Savoy to recall the worthy Governor from this glorious action. Some say, that those who were emulous of his glory procured his revocation; Others, that the Marquis himself desired it; and that finding the Forces of the Town to decline, 
Causes of Marquis Villa 's departure.  and the Turks to encroach and penetrate daily into the innermost parts of strength, he was desirous, after so long a Siege, to return with untainted glory; or perhaps weary of a Siege so tedious and perilous, he might desire to retire, having performed sufficient already in his own person, and enough to make all Christendom his Debtors and Admirers. So that I cannot but reproach those tongues and pens, which in report and writings attribute the cause of Marquis Villas retirement to certain just occasions of discontent given him by the Captain General Francisco Morosini, who, envious of his Fame and actions, and unwilling to have a conshater with him in his honours, did usually thwart his Counsels and Proposals; and more particularly contemned a Redoubt which Marquis Villa had built, and of which he had a singular esteem. Yet that Morosini might evidence the unsufficiency thereof, 'tis reported that he wrote a Letter to the Vizier, to assault that Redoubt; for if he did, he promised to afford him opportunity to take it, by withdrawing all Forces from thence; which Letter it is said, was betrayed to Marquis Villa, and brought to his hands, which he with great prudence and moderation dissembled until the hour of his departure, and then produced it to the astonishment and shame of Morosini. To this particular I give the less belief, because I find it wrote in a Journal of this Siege by a person who was a great Favourer of the French, and willing to share the entire glory to that Nation, and the miscarriages to the Italian. Whatsoever might be the motive to Marquis Villa to persuade his return, is uncertain; howsoever, it is reported, that being arrived at Zant in his way to Venice; and there meeting a strong Convoy bound for Candia, with recruits of Men, and plenty of provisions, he conceived new thoughts of the greatness of the Republic; and beholding also with what vigour and vigilance they attended to the conservation of that place, he began to testify some remorse and dissatisfaction for having abandoned a Charge which rendered his Fame great through the World; and the continuation of which labours being crowned with that success which his courage and conduct merited, might have brought a Blessing to all Christendom, and perpetuated his honour and glory to all posterity. The Marquis being arrived at Venice was received with the usual Ceremonies and Honours from the Public, and being introduced, after private Audiences, into the College, he spoke in this manner.  IF the thanks which I render to your Serenity, 
Marquess Villas Speech.  and to your Excellencies could equal the greatness of those favours which I have received from you, it would have been but an ordinary glory to you not to have infinitely surpassed the bounds of my acknowledgements, as you have infinitely outdone the utmost of my Deserts; Nor could this August Senate have been exalted to the most elevated point of Soveragin Power, had I been able to render Services worthy of that generosity which composed it. For as the affection of the Creatures towards God, makes excuses for their wants and infirmities, so having a zealous desire to contribute to the glories of this most Serene Republic, not only my endeavours, my labours, and my blood, but also my life, and my whole being; I beseech you to accept thereof as an atonement for the weakness of my abilities. This, my Lords, is that desire which I have ever demonstrated in all the wearisome performances of my Charge under the generous Conduct of the Captain General of your Arms, whose Valour I have endeavoured to second and imitate. This is that Desire which would have entertained me in the service of this most Serene Republic to the ultimate period of my life, if the Command of my Prince, concurring with the Assent of your Serenity, had not enjoined my return. I confess, that I should feel in myself an inward Consolation, could I assist at the triumph of Candia, which I hope in a short time to see victorious over all her Enemies; until when, my Lords, the honour which you have been pleased to do me hitherto, cannot but be relished by me as a Comfort of my life. And what greater Glory can I imagine to myself, than to have served a Republic, which may be called the most perfect work of the hand of God, which being founded like the Firmament upon the Waters, communicates happy Tranquillity through all the World? I am able now to boast, That I have seen a City which of itself alone is able to resist the Puissance of all Asia, and that I have proved and tried the valorous opposition which it made against a formidable Enemy. I can (I say) glory that I have awakened in the hearts of your Soldiery, their ancient Valour, and that I have sprinkled your Laurels with my own Blood; and it is but just that I should distil it to the last drop for the service of this most Serene Republic, which after so many Ages resigns itself up a Sacrifice for all Christendom. It is by your Arms (my Lords) and by your immovable Constancy, that the City of Candia, which in former Days was esteemed the weakest of all the Fortresses of Greece, is become at present the most famous Theatre of War. I dare not only hope, that the conclusion thereof will be happy, so long as your Serenity watchfully attends to the conservation of that place, but that also this August Senate will extend their Conquests into the most remote parts of all the East. This would be, most Serene Prince, and most Excellent Lords, the consummation of all my desires, and also that I might finish my days in the Service of this most Serene Republic, towards which I shall for ever conserve a most passionate zeal and an immortal acknowledgement. 
The Senate, that they might testify the esteem they entertained of the person of Marquis Villa, presented him with a Basin of Gold valued at six thousand Ducats, together with a Patent recounting at large the many famous Exploits which he had performed in their Service, which they expressed with a stile so generous and obliging, as may serve for a Record to transmit the Fame of his Merits to all Posterity.  
Marquis Villa being departed from Candia, the Captain-General recalled all his Forces from divers parts of the Archipelago, which he had sent thither with the Soldiers wounded in the last Battle; and being returned, they brought with them great numbers of Pioniers and Workmen to labour in the Fortifications and Mines: at the same time also the Captain-Pasha arrived at Canea, bringing two thousand Janissaries withhim.  
The Marquis St. Andrea Montbrun, 
Marquis St. Andrea visits the Works.  a Gentleman of the French Nation, was transported to Candia by the General Proveditor Cornaro, where being entered into the Charge and Office of Marquis Villa, wanted nothing of the vigilance and circumspection of his Predecessor. And therefore in the first place having visited all the Forts, Outworks, and Retrenchments of the Town, ordered what was necessary for repair of the breaches, and amended what was deficient in the most distressed Fortifications. And though the Turks fired a Mine the 22 th' of August at the point of the Fort St. Andrea, which made a most dangerous breach; yet it was so valiantly defended, and so speedily repaired, that the Enemy gained little or no advantage, and all by the extraordinary diligence of this Marquis St. Andrea, who passed whole months without unclothing himself; and as his nights were without sleep, so his days consumed without repose, applying himself personally to all places where was most of danger, especially at the Fort of St. Andrea, where he took up his constant Quarters.  
The Turks now daily pressing the Town more nearly than before, Skirmishes and Sallies were more frequent and more bloody; so that about this time the Proveditor General Bernardo Nani applying himself with all earnestness in the performance of his Charge, was slain by a Musket-shot in his head; his death was much lamented by all, being a Gentleman who was born (as may be said) in the Fleet, having had his Education there, and passed his youth in Wars and dangers▪ for the safety and honour of his Country. Girolamo Bataglia was elected by the Republic to succeed him in the Office, whose death was also seconded by that of Francisco Bataglia, Brother of the Duke of Candia, being shot in the breast with a Musket-bullet; and though he was sent thither to administer Justice to the People, yet his zeal and courage carrying him to Martial Acts beyond his duty, made a grave for him amongst the other Heroes and Worthies of that place.  
The Turk, approaching daily nearer with their Works, infested very much the passage of Vessels to the Town, and shot so directly into the Port, that no Ship, Galley, or Bark could remain in any security from their Cannon; to remedy which, a small Redoubt was raised at Tramata, which being well and strongly fortified served for a small Port, under the shelter of which the lesser Vessels found some protection, and was of great relief to the distressed City. About this time the Pope's Galleys with those of Malta arrived, commanded by Fra. Vincenzo Rospigliosi, the Pope's Nephew, who having not brought a greater number of people than what served to man their Galleys, they were not able to spare many for defence of the Town.  
The long continuance of this Siege, and the same thereof noised through the whole World, moved the heroic and gallant Spirits of our Age, to descend into this Campus Martius, this Field of War, and give proofs of their Prowess and Valour in defence of the Christian Cause; some being moved by a principle of vainglory, proceeding from the briskness of a youthful and airy Spirit, and others from the sense of Devotion and fervour towards Religion: amongst which none were more forward than some Gentleman of the French Nation, as namely Monsieur La Fueillade, alias Duke of Roanez, with the Count St. Paul, 
Some French Gentlemen, Adventurers for honour, arrive at Candia.  a young Cavalier; to forward which design, taking first the Licence and Benediction of their King, they appointed their Rendezvous at Tolon, where they listed two hundred Gentleman, Cadets or younger Brothers, who went in quest of Honour, and not of Pay, with four hundred ordinary Soldiers who expected their maintenance from the bounty of their Leaders. The chief of whom was Monsieur La Fueillade, and his Lieutenant the Chevalier De Tresmes.  
Their whole Body was divided into four Bridgades.  

The first commanded by Count St. Paul  
The second by the Duke D● Card●●ousse.  
The third by the Count De Villa Maur.  
And the fourth by the Duke De Cheateau Tiery.   
When these Persons of Honour and Courage arrived at Candia, they found the City hardly beset, and reduced to a straight and difficult condition; for the Turks were advanced so near to the Fort of St. Andrea, that the Soldiers within and without could cross their Muskets, and reach Tobaco one to the other: howsoever this breach was so well repaired with a good Palissado fortified with several Bonnets, and a double Retrenchment on the Bastion, itself, and a third Retrenchment of squared stone withal, that the courage of the Besieged being nothing abated by the many and furious assaults of the Enemy, the Town still remained in a defensible posture, and still capable with good Succours and Supplies to yield matter of employment for several years to the Ottoman Forces. These worthy Champions, as I said, being arrived, moved with the sense of Religion, and desire of glory to themselves, challenged the privilege of mounting the Guard of St. Andrea; but that being already prepossessed by the Knights of Malta and other Officers of the place, was refused to them. Howsoever the Captain-General Morosini was pleased to gratify them with the Guard of a small Chapel over that Bastion on the right hand of the breach, a place of no less danger, and therefore of no less honour than the other; with which the Cavaliers being satisfied, Monsieur St. Paul mounted the Guard one day at six a clock in the morning, and continued there ●●til the same hour of the day following; during which time he lost his Major Dupre and Mon●ieur De Marenval, the latter of which had his brains knocked out with so violent a blow of a great shot, that some pieces of his skull dangerously wounded the Sieurs De Chamilly and De Lare, who were near to him: and more maliciously did the Turks ply the stations of these new-come Guests than any others, throwing Bomboes', Granades, Stink-pots, and other sorts of artificial Fire without cessation into their Quarters, notwithstandiug which, this young Prince and Monsieur La Fueillade exposed themselves like common Soldiers, animating their men more with their example than their words.  
And now by this time by so many Works and removals of Earth, by so many Traverses and Mines under ground, and throwing up the caverns and bowels of the Earth into the Air, the soil became so brittle, crumbling, and as it were sandy, and like ashes, that it seemed not capable longer enduring of the Pick-ax or theShovel, and was so porous, that the light of some Mines glimmering into the others Traverses, easily discovered each others Mines, whereby it became equally a trade and custom to steal Powder. 
The Christians overthrow a battery of the Turks.  Howsoever the Venetians so closely worked with those Props and Arts, that they form a considerable Mine, which on the first of December they sprang with so much success, that they wholly overthrew a Battery of the Turks directed against St. Andrea, and buried all their Cannon.  
But these French Gallants intended not from the first of their design to make this War their Trade, or the Town of Candia their place of habitation, but as Passengers or Pilgrims, whose souls are active, and hate idleness, to give the World some proofs of their Valour, and so away: wherefore Lafoy Fueillade their General pressed Morosini to give leave, that he and his Fellow-soldiers might make a Sally, and enter into the Enemy's Trenches, so as to yield a divertisement to those on the Walls, and perform that Action and Enterprise for which they had designed and undertaken this Voyage: of which some of them were so impatient, that they would not expect Orders for their Sally, as the Chevalier De Tresmes, who alone entered into the Enemy's Works, and returned with his Sword all bloody; at which La Fueillade his Commander was so incensed, that he reproved him with this short reprehension, I would as gladly see a Butcher as you. Others by this example scarce refrained from the like; amongst which Monsieur De Ville Franche drew a Turk by force from his Trench, and brought him to the foot of the Bastion; but there he was forced to quit his Prize, for being shot in the Leg with a Pistol-bullet, soon after died of the wound: By these examples the Commanders seeing it impossible to repress or abate the mettle of these vigorous Spirits, their bridle was taken off, and licence given to make their excursion; so that all things being ordered and contrived for a Sally▪ before break of day in the morning they s●●●ntly issued forth, 
A S●ll● made by the French.  and leaping into the Enemy's Quarters, valiantly mingled with them, cutting and hewing down all before them; their Banner was a Crucifix carried in the Front by Father Paul a Ca●uch●n Friar, who little regarding those who followed him, proceeded with his Ensign as unconcerned, as if he had been in Procession; which so animated the Soldiery, that like men conducted by miracle, they broke through the gross Body of the Enemy's Force: and so violent they were in their combat, and so intent to their business, that they neither observed the multitudes of the Enemy which came upon them, nor the signal of their Commander for a Retreat; until at length discovering their danger, they made speed with some disorder to return, having lost an hundred and twenty Gentlemen in this rencontre, whose heads being cut off (as the custom of the Turks is) were pitched upon the Pikes end, and ranked before the door of the Viziers' Tent, amongst which the head of the Marquis Doradour did beyond all the others draw the eyes of the Turks, who admired the clearness of his complexion, and fairness of the hair; which being breaded in tresses for the more convenience in fight, made death itself beautiful, and was at the same time both his Enemy's glory and their compassion. The French having thus evaporated their fury with this Phlebotomy, there not remaining above two hundred and thirty after this Sally of all those six hundred brought into Candia, Monsieur La Fueillade with his relics departed: at which time the whole strength of the Town consisted of about seven thousand stranger Soldiers, four thousand Inhabitants, and two thousand Savoyards, which was too weak a Garrison to resist so potent an Enemy, so formally and strongly encamped, unless supplied with new Recruits. Wherefore the Dukes of Brunswick and Lunenburg mindful of their Christian Brethren in this distressed Siege, contributed three Regiments towards their relief, consisting in all of three thousand three hundred men. 
The Dukes of Brunswick ●nd Lunenburg sent ●orces to relieve Candia.  The first under Count Waldeck; the second under Molleson, and the third under Count Radesfeld. They made their Muster first at Verona, and embarking at Venice the 28 th' of March, on the 12 th' of May 1669. they arrived a● Candia. These valiant Soldiers desiring to ease the long besieged Companies, demanded the Guards of Sabionera and St. Andrea; which being by this time become hot and dangerous stations, were not disputed with that heat of honour as formerly, but were easily yielded to the fresh and new-come Soldiery. Many now and various were the assaults which the Enemy made upon the Town, hoping to carry it by dint of Sword; but the Christians unweariedly maintained their valour and courage, and particularly the Lunenburghers, whose gallantry deserved its due praise and reward. Their General Count Waldeck whilst he undauntedly encouraged his men, 
Count Waldeck 〈◊〉 ●f his wou●d●.  and openly exposed himself on the Works, received a mortal wound, of which soon afterwards he died; but before he expired, he assembled together his F●llow Soldiers, and encouraged them in the Holy cause they were come to maintain, giving them as a Farwel-Sermon, instructions, and persuasive arguments to a godly life, and having confessed his owns sins in the presence of them all, he resigned his spirit into the ●ands of his Creator, leaving not only his own Forces, but the whole Town disconsolate for the loss of so able a Commander.  
And now the time of year approaching, wherein the Town expected its ultimate Relief, and the Union of all the Princes of Christendom for raising the Siege, which had continued for the space now of about two years; the valiant Christians full of hopes, daily animated each other, casting their eyes to Seaward, promised a reward to the first Descryer of the long desired Fleet. The Turks also being advised of the expected Succours, resolved if possible to perform the business designed before their arrival; and thereupon made one of the greatest assaults that ever was yet given to the Town, in which though the Christians behaved themselves with all valour imaginable, yet the Turks still gained farther footing and advantage. And now it fared with the Town after every storm, as it doth with a physical body after every accession of a Fever, which though it intermits for some time, yet it leaves the Patient always more weak and debilitated than before. Wherefore the Christians increasing in care and diligence, the Captain-General disarmed several of his Galleys to supply the Town with what Force he could possibly contribute, and the Engineers employed their brains for destruction of the Enemy, so that they fell again to their Mines, and sprang one which took good effect; soon after they sprang seven others, after which four more near the Revelin of St. Spirito, 
A Mine of an hundred and sixty Sacks of Powder fired by the Chrians.  which blew up many Turks, ruined their Lodgings, and buried one of their Batteries: these also were followed by another. Mine of an hundred and sixty Sacks of Powder, which took its way between St. Andrea and the Revelin of St. Spirito with extraordinary execution and violence, throwing up that vast quantity of Earth and Timber, that it not only overwhelmed the Enemy in the neighbouring Trenches, but overthrew a Battery of three Pieces of Cannon, which the Turks had raised on the Revelin of St. Andrea: yet all this served to increase the heat and ●ury of the Enemy rather than abate it; for they imagining this to be the ultimate force and the last blast of the expiring Fortress, plied their assaults with the more fury and madness, pressing forward the crowds of the Soldiery collected lately in Villages, and the Janissaries newly created taken from the Plough to be matter and fuel for the Christians Powder.  
Winter now approaching, and the Vizier resolving to quarter a second year under the Walls of Candia, began to provide against the weather, and resolved to lie still until the Spring should renew the time for action, but never intermitted his employment of plying constantly his Batteries, and shooting Bomboes' into the Town. In the mean time the Besieged being animated by their new additional Forces, whose spirits also were high, and desirous of action; the Commanders thought it not policy to suppress the heat and mettle of their courage at the beginning, but gave way to the Soldier's proposition of a Sally, which was effected in the month of December with no bad success. 
The Christians sally on the side of Sabionera.  For the Christians surprising the Turks unawares, little dreaming of any such design, fell in amongst them on the side of Sabionera, where they took a Battery, dismounted and spiked the Cannon, with the loss of the Duke of Candia, being shot in the breast with a Musket-bullet; of the Turks near three thousand were killed, amongst whom was Benglee the Sampsongibashee or Major General of the Janissaries, and Katirgi-Oglé▪ Pasha of Canea, whom we have already mentioned, and so returned with Triumph into the Town. This Katirgi Oglé which signifies the Son of a Mulatier, was formerly a common Thief, who rob on certain Mountains near Antioch in Pisidia, called Ock-shaher, which now have their names from him: 
Katirgi-Oglé his original and life  and being a courageous man and fortunate, drew a considerable number of Miscreants from all parts to follow him in his Enterprises. His profession was not to rob Caravans or Merchants travelling in their honest employment; but Knight-Errant-like pretended to revenge the injuries and abuses of his Country by the unjust and corrupt Ministers, whom for robbing and oppressing the people, he esteemed it Justice and Virtue to deprive of their ill gotten Wealth. In which Trade he gained such Riches and Power, that at length he came to Scutar●, from whence acquainting the Grand Signior of the abuses of his Officers, and his own course of living was upon promises of duty and submission received into Grace and Favour, and not only obtained pardon, but preferment. For the Grand Signior discovering in him a spirit of much resolution and bravery sent him unto Candia, and conferred on him the Pashaluck of Canea, in which on all occasions he comported himself with much bravery, dying at last before the Walls of Candia.  
Various were the Sallies and Conflicts the Christians made upon the Turks towards the end of this Year▪ one of which, after that foregoing, was made by Marquis Villa, who with a thousand two hundred men fell in upon the Turks Trenches, where he had so good success, that he brought back with him a hundred Turks heads, which he planted on the Walls.  
The Turks also as they had made strong Assaults, and gained on the Fort of St. Andrea to the East, so they undauntedly pressed forwards on the Bastion of Sabionera to the West, with a Force of ten thousand men, having the advantage of three Batteries, each consisting of ten pieces of Ordnance. The next Night the Turks gave a general Assault with all their For●es to the Bastions of Panigra, 
The Turks storm three Bastions at once.  Sabionera, and St. Andrea, and the great Fort St. Demetrius; but the Besieged were armed with all caution and vigilance against surprise, and with that Conduct and Valour, that they gave the Enemy three Gallant Repulses with much slaughter and confusion; but yet this succss was diminished by the loss of the Count de Mare, an experienced Venetian Soldier, who, after proofs of an invincible Valour, lost his life in defence of the Christian Cause. But not long after the Marquis Cornaro, and the Baron Spar arriving with a Recruit of three thousand Men, as if they intentled to requite the Turks last Assaults, made so resolute and so successful a Sally, that they left above two thousand Infidels dead upon the place, with a considerable number of their Officers.  

The State of Affairs in the Turkish Court, and other Parts of the Empire during the War in CANDIA.  
BUT whilst we are in relation of the Wars abroad, we must not forget the proceedings of Affairs at home. The Grand Signior now weary of his repose and abode in his Seraglio at Adrianople, and impatient of the delays in his Affairs at Candia, judged it as well agreeable to the present convenience of his Empire, as to his own humour, to seat himself in some place of nearer distance from Candia, than his present abode; from whence by his presence and authority, his Army might with better expedition be supplied with all necessaries of War and provision. After various Arguments about the choice of the place, Larissa was fixed upon, a City anciently renowned for Antiquity and Plenty.. 
The Female Court sent to Constantinople  And that the Court might not abound with unnecessary Attendants; the Queen Mother, and Hasaki Sultana, with all the Ladies of their Retinue, were sent to Constantinople, a policy perhaps to amuse the minds of the people, and afford them an occasion of discourse, and hopes that the Grand Signior himself might shortly follow. But before the departure of this Female Court, 
The janissaries jealous of the safety of the Sultan's Brothers.  the disposal of the Grand Signior's Brothers was moved and questioned by the Janissaries, who having long since been jealous and doubtful of their safety, did demand, that the protection and custody of them should be committed to the Queen Mother; who willingly received the Charge, and gave security by Hoget to defend and preserve them from all private Treachery, or public Attempts with the same tenderness and care as she should her own life, or the life of her Son. In this manner these Princes and Princesses departing, made a solemn and magnificent entrance into Constantinople. The chief of the Cavalcade was Kulogli, the Grand Signiors Mosayp, or Favourite, attended with a hundred and fifty Pages in Coats of Male, and Satin Vests; in one Coach was the Valedé Sultana, or the Queen Mother, in the next was the Hasaki Sultana, or the Grand Signior's Queen, in the third were the Brothers, in the fourth was the young Prince, or the Grand Signior's Son, after came the Coaches of more ordinary Ladies attended with about a hundred and fifty black Eunuches, in Vests of white Satin.  
The Grand Signior also preparing for his journey to Larissa, pitched his Tents without the City; from whence one day viewing round the Camp from a Jardac, or Tent, elevated above the rest, he espied with a Prospective Glass a certain person taking Tobacco in his Tent, whilst a Slave rubbed his Legs: His Attendants not able or willing upon his Demands to inform him who he was, 
The Grand Signior displeased with Tobacco.  he sent an Officer to make Enquiry, who returned with Answer, that it was Ibrihim Aga, the Kahya or St●ward to the Chimacam, and in effect Chimacam h●mself, having a great share in the mannagement of Affairs; but the smoke had like to have smothered him and all his Fortunes; for this Grand Signior, who is as great an Enemy to it as King james was, or Sultan Morat, would have made him the Sacrifice to that Incense, had not those present interceded for him; who with the Chimacam's own mediation, and the cost of fifty Purses, or five and twenty thousand Dollars, ransomed his Life.  
The Sultan being arrived at Larissa, News came of the near approach of the Excellentissimo Alvise de Molino, 
An Ambassador sent from Venice.  Ambassador from the Venetian Republic, with propositions of peace. But the Turks before they would admit the Embassy, or the person which brought it, to a nearer approach than a Days Journey from the Court, would be resolved first whether he brought with him the Keys of Candia; To which it was replied by the Interpreter, That he was not able to give them satisfaction in that particular, being but a mean and ordinary servant, to whom the Secrets of State, and resolutions of great men were not committed; his Office being only to render faithfully the words and sense of his Masters, and not to enter into the private thoughts and Cabinet of their Counsels. To which the Chimacam proudly and barbarously made answer, Go tell thy Master, that unless he brings the Keys of Candia, thy head shall pay for it. And that he presume not in person to approach nearer unto this Court. So the Ambassador remained at a distance for some weeks, and at length was transferred over to the Vizier at Can●ia; who being more ready to hearken to propositions, in hopes by some overture or other to hook in Candia, gave an easy Audience to the Ambassador, and controverted several Articles and Propositions with all freedom and patience. So that on the Venetians part, the Surrender of Suda was offered, and a Sum of money, in compensation of the War. The Vizier on the other side would be contented with nothing less than the Surrender of Candia; and in lieu thereof to grant a Licence to rebuild Paleo-Castro, an ancient Fortress. But the Fortress itself of Candia being the prize and aim of both, nothing could be concluded without that; so that, the Ambassador in fine, declared plainly, That the City of Candia was maintained and defended by the Arms of Foreign Princes, without whose consent it could not be resigned; all the rest of the Island should be the reward of their blood and labour, only Candia was capable of no Conditions, but what were imposed on it by force of Arms.  
The Vizier, whose honour could be salved, and the glory of the Ottoman Empire maintained, at no other rate than the subjection of Candia, would hearken to no other terms or proposals; so that the Treaty broke off, and the Ambassador returned to Canea, there to remain until farther Overtu●es of an Accommodation should present.  
It was now towards the depth of Winter w●en th●●● men of War and a Fireship, 
French 〈◊〉 ●f 〈◊〉 sail to Constantinople.  sent by the most Christian King, steered up the Hellespont with words and boastings as full of Wind as their Sails; and being arrived at Constantinople, vaunting of their Force, as if sufficient to subdue the Turkish Dominions, they uttered certain rumours, that they were come to revenge the late affront offered to their Merchants, to cause that money to be repaid, which in late and frequent Avanias had been extorted from their Nation; and to renew their Capitulations with more advantageous terms. As namely, That their Customs from 5 be reduced to 3 per Cent. as the English, Dutch, and Genoeses pay. That their King be treated by the Sultan with the equal Presents and Gifts, according to the Custom used with the Emperor; and that at all times interchangeably Ambassadors be sent to reside in each others Dominions; with other propositions which seemed as extravagant to the Turks, as they appeared to others vain, and to have no foundation but in the report of the Vulgar.  
But that which was reported by the most judicious concerning these Ships, was, That his most Christian Majesty being made to understand perfectly the affronts put on his Nation by the Turks; and not fully satisfied (as is supposed) with the respect they had shown to his Ambassador at Constantinople, made it the chief Design of his Ships to withdraw him from thence, supposing it a less diminution to his honour, to have the person of his Agent subjected to affronts, than of his Ambassador, to which (it was imagined) he might be obnoxious, in consideration of those great supplies, which were in the following year designed for Candia. In what manner soever the Turks deemed of this appearance of Men of War to hector and brave them at their Imperial City, they did yet for the present cunningly dissemble the matter, giving the French fair Words, and what plenty of Provisions their occasions did require. In what manner this Affair was transacted, I shall not adventure to relate, nor is it well or certainly known; Yet not long after came Orders for the Ambassador to repair to the Court at Larissa; and that until the Grand Signior's pleasure was farther known, the Ships of War were to be detained. The Commander in chief, called Monsieur d' Almeras, was not a little troubled to have his Ships thus embargued, and labouring in his thoughts between the time limited in his Instructions by his Master and the restraint by the Turks, he once bravely resolved to hazard his passage through the Castles; but protracting the execution thereof from day to day, even until the end of April; at length Licence came for their departure, and Orders to repair unto Vola, near Larissa, there to take an Ambassador, or Agent, or Envoyé from the Sultan to their King. For it seems, the Vizier had intimated to the Grand Signior, That it was not time to disgust the French King, and to bring him under the notion of a declared and public Enemy, or at least to irritate him so far as might provoke him to send greater Forces, than perhaps he designed the next year, for Candia: and that he ought to comply with the present conjuncture, and salve that up for a time, which he might afterwards open at his pleasure. 
The Grand Signior sends a Messenger to the French King.  This counsel seeming reasonable to the Grand Signior, and agreeable to the present necessity, he ordered (as I was credibly informed) a thousand Dollars only to adorn his Ambassador; so pitifully do the Turks esteem of Christian Princes, and so highly do they value themselves, as if a Message from them would be reverenced in Christendom as a favour, though brought by a Porter or a Slave. But the French Ambassador considering this allowance too mean a provision for a person qualified to appear before his Master, did (as it is said) out of his own Purse and generous Soul contribute a far greater Sum, with two Vests of Sables towards his better Equipage. In this manner the Sultan dissembling an appearance of good correspondence with his Christian Majesty, dispatched away his Envoy● on the Ships of War, being a Person in quality of a Mutafaraca, one of the same degree with a Chaous, to expostulate with the King concerning several Particulars, and especially his Reasons for sending for his Ambassador, without sending another according to ancient custom to supply his Office, wondering much at this sudden alteration of friendship, without any cause given on the Ottoman side: and with these smooth and fair words the Turks imagined they might charm the Spirit of the King for a while▪ and suspend his Succours from Candia, until at last it were beyond his power and wisdom to relieve. In the mean time the Ambassador from the most Christian King was detained as an Hostage for the other, of whose return we shall speak in its due place.  
year 1668. Towards the end of this year Sir Daniel Harvey Lord Ambassador from His Majesty of Great Britain arrived at Constantinople, 
Sir Daniel Harvey Ambassador from his Majesty.  succeeding in the place of the Earl of Winchelsea, who could not obtain Audience with the G. Signior until the end of the following year, by reason of the Sultan's unsettled abode and far distance; who at length coming to Salonica, summoned the Ambassador thither, and there conferred on him the usual Ceremonies and Honours due to the Ambassador at first Reception.  
Candia was now hardly assailed in four places, 
A Relation of the state of Candia toward the end of this year.  viz. on the side of Betlem, Panigra, St. Andrea, and Sabionera. These places being twice stormed, in which the Turks lost thirty thousand men, so many Mines and Forn●lli were fired, that the ground lay open like a vast abyss, with strange hea●s of confused and undigested Earth, and hindered the Enemy from approaching to the Wall; but Sabionera and St. Andrea being esteemed the most weak, because they were not fortified by any considerable Outworks, or compassed with any depth of Ditch, were pressed and forced upon by the Turk with more violence than any parts of the City. The Enemy having by their great number of Pioniers elevated the confused Earth, they form some Batteries, fortifying them, and sheltering their people with Sacks of Wool, and a Labyrinth (as we may say) of Redoubts, they advanced foot by foot upon the Revelin of St. Andrea, being destitute of all Mines to stop their proceedings; and having at length blown up the Revelin, and with fire and earth having taken the Out-work, they penetrated into the Ditch (which was not deep) with four Traverses, and came now to the very foot of the wall of the Bulwark, fortified with eighteen pieces of Cannon, six of which carrying fifty pound Bullet shot into the Ditch, eight flanked that side which was opposite to Panigra, and four on that part towards the Revelin of St. Spirito, notwithstanding which they stormed the Walls in nine places. And beginning to make a breach by firing certain Mines, which opened a wideness of forty two paces at the point of that Bulwark; year 1669. and continuing their breaches towards the Sea, breaking in their way the Front of the Fort Priulo, they proceeded almost to the Gate of St. Andrea, and opened forty eight paces more, in all ninety paces. Afterwards they ruined the remainder of the Wall, and that which was called the Scotch Fort to the very Sea; so that the Christians were forced to retire from their Outworks, and contract their Precincts to the Walls of the City.  
To add unto the misery of this place, an unfortunate shot from the Turks Camp entered that Magazine which was near St. Peter's Church, where the artificial Fires were made; and meeting several shells of Granades already charged, with thirty Barrels of Powder; all took fire and blue into the air, and burned all the houses which were near thereunto. At this unlucky accident the Besieged fearing a general assault, and seeing the Turkish Horse draw into a Body near Sabionera, the whole Garrison ran to the Walls; but no farther Attempt being made, towards evening they blew up a Lodge of the Enemy, with all the people that were therein.    

Anno Christi 1669. Hegeira 1080.  
TOwards the end of the last Year, and at the beginning of this the Turks began to open their eyes, and find themselves defrauded with the grossest cheat that ever was imposed on a people who had either reason or humanity. For now three or four years had run on, that the French, Dutch, Italians, and other Nations had introduced into all parts of the Turkish Dominions (unless in those Eastward, as Aleppo, and farther) a sort of small Money called by some Luigini, 
The story of the false Reaux or Temins.  by others Ottavi, and by the Turks Temins, worth about five pence English; which appearing pleasant and bright to the eye, and commodious for change, and common expenses, so bewitched the Commonalty, that Pieces of Eight, Zaichins, and other merchantable Money were laid aside, as neither curran● or valuable. At first about nine years passed they were of good and warrantable Silver, but afterwards with time by little and little grew worse and of base alloy: at length the people doting more and more upon them, they came coarser every day than other; and being still currently passable, every person that was failed, and of bad reputation entered into the Trade, who knowing no bounds of honesty or of gain, composed their Money wholly of Copper of coarser Metals, with a fair gloss and resemblance of Silver, buying therewith the Commodities of the Country; and at length amassed up all the Gold, Silver, and whatsoever came to hand was the price of their false and bastard Coin, with which they filled and abused all Asia: nor was this Money only of one Mint, but of divers Stamps and Mottoes reproachful to the Turks, and it is pity they had not wit enough to understand them, as namely, Voluit hanc Asia mercem. De procul pretium ejus, and such like; which were so various, that many who had the curiosity to make a collection of them, found no less than an hundred and twenty several Stamps. The Commonalty still enamoured with the brightness of their colour, and commodiousness of their change, little reflected on the ill consequence to the generality, having seldom more than to supply their daily wants. And the Officers of the the Customs finding a benefit extraordinary to themselves upon the vast Sums of Money imported, little cared how it fared with the public. In the mean time the whole currant of Merchandise in the Levant was dispossessed of its ordinary and true channel; for vast quantities o● a glut of Turkish Goods filled all Christendom, the prices low and cheap, and no profit to any Merchant dealing upon the square, or up●n the old and legal way of Traffic. At Lig●rne and other parts of Italy complaints were made, That the Silver and Bullion of the Country were melted down to make a composition with base Metals for Turkey, and exchanged for decaying and perishable Commodities. In short, no man seemed satisfied with the Trade, and yet the World, like their sins, which they disapprove, pursued it with all heat and violence imaginable. This Trade being thus over-laid, and vast heaps of adulterate Money imported daily worse and worse, caused the Jews and other Merchants at first to except against some sorts, and admit of others. This scruple, together with the prohibition of them two years before by the English Factory at Smyrna, obliging themselves unto the Levant Company under a considerable penalty not to receive this money for Cloth or other Commodities of the growth of England, together with the circumspection and contrivance of the English Consul, awakened first the blind minds of the Turks, who having long been infatuated with this beloved money, began now to reject and abhor it like the false and farded countenance of a Courtesan: so that from eleven they fell to twelve, and so to thirteen and fourteen to the Lion-Dollars. In which conjuncture a Dutch Convoy arrived at Smyrna, importing vast Sums thereof; which for a Bribe to the Officers of the City, or what the Customer would ask, were permitted Licence to be landed; which overflowing in great abundance, and rather of a worse than better alloy, went declining to eighteen, and so to twenty, at which Rate for a short time they passed currant. And now at this price the Officers did what was possible to keep them up, conceiving it impossible, in a time of so much scarcity of all sorts of other Coins, that the Countries could subsist, or that Trade in buying or selling could proceed, if this money should wholly lose its esteem and value: nor were the people so much the care of the Governors, though for many years they had known no other price or reward of their labours, as were the vast damages of the Sultan, in whose Coffers were considerable Sums, which were never known to have been placed unto the loss of the Exchequer; for it is a Proverb amongst the Turks, That the Grand Signiors Lead cannot sink. But that which raised most of tumult was the rigour of the Tax-gatherers, who refused to take that money from the people for their Duties to the Grand Signior, but demanded of them Lion-Dollars, Sevil and Mexico Pieces of Eight, or the like; which they not being able to find, beat and imprisoned them in all places, where this question came into dispute: the people hereupon, though patient, and accustomed to violence and burden, could not yet support longer an oppression so unreasonable, but that Insurrection was made in all places where this came into dispute: and as injured patience turns to fury, at Prufa and Angora the torrent of the people's rage was not appeased without the blood and lives of some of their Officers, alleging with good reason, That their Ministers and Governors having introduced or permitted this money amongst them, and allowed it as currant in that manner, as that they had for some years known no other, nor received other for all the fruits of their labour or possessions, they ought not now to refuse to receive that which they themselves had made passable: which argument and reason was pressed in sundry places with that violence, that the Officers were forced to submit to the necessity of the times, and the fury of the multitude. And now this money had wholly lost its reputation, and began to be refused generally at any rate whatsoever; so that though the Government thought fit to licence them at thirty to the Dollar; yet the people prosecuting the abasement of it with a hate and disaffection equal to their former desires, refused generally and absolutely to accept them in payment. Wherefore the Sultan perceiving that the power of his Officers was not sufficient to render this money longer passable at any rate, at length he commanded, that every one should bring in his money of these sorts into the Mint where it should be melted down, and the Silver it produced should be delivered to the Proprietor. At which Summons several Great men voluntarily brought in their money, others had it seized and condemned to the Furnace, amongst which was a French Merchant engaged to the import of sixty thousand Dollars. As yet the News of this alteration not having reached Christendom, divers Ships arrived at Constantinople with vast Sums of this money, which were all seized and forced to the Mint. In like manner other Ships arrived at Smyrna with the same Commodity, which myself would not suffer to be landed, and some of them having no other foundation of Stock of Freight, returned empty, to the great loss of the Employers. It was strange to see, how on a sudden all Trade ceased, no money being left in the Country, few Bargains were made but by Barters; and though all this ruin might wholly be attributed to the ill Government, yet the people were contented, and sat down with the loss. And thus concluded this extravagant Trade of false Money, being supposed to have wrought more of destruction and loss at the end, than it brought of benefit at the beginning; memorable for nothing more than for expiring so quietly, though it had the chief part of the Turkish Empire to support and defend it.  
During these Troubles the Grand Signior passed his time in hunting near Larissa, where he ruined the Country round about, and tired the people with beating and driving the Woods for Game and wild Beasts to divertise him, in which, as formerly, he continued so excessively immoderate, that without consideration of the heats, or colds, or moisture of the season, he compelled the people, but especially the Jews (of which great numbers inhabit that Country) to continual labours in the Woods and Fields; by which many died through the rigid Frosts of the Winter and Calentures of the Summer. But yet notwithstanding these Divertisements, the Grand Signior could not easily cast off the melancholy apprehensions and fears he had for the state of his Affairs, imagining that the long delays and ill success at Candia, and defaults in Government had begotten in his Subjects a hate towards his Person, and a desire of alteration. Wherefore the Spring approaching, he retired into a solitary but pleasant shade amongst the Mountains, where sprang cool and crystalline waters, about sixteen hours' Journey from Larissa. In this solitude his melancholy thoughts again disquieted him with a jealousy and suspicion, 
The Grand Signior designs to cut off his Brothers.  lest his Brothers now at Constantinople should take their advantage, and one of them be by the People's consent and assistance placed in his Imperial Seat: which imagination made that impression in him, that he immediately dispatched away a trusty and valiant Officer with all secrecy, without making any noise, to bring him their Heads, directing his Commands to his Mother, in whose custody they were; not doubting of her help and assent, as being most nearly concerned in his interest, expected every hour the return of his Messenger with that grateful Present, which could only cure the torture of his jealousy, and alleviate his cares. But no sooner was this fatal Command arrived at the hands of the Queen, but she trembled so much, that she could scarce hold the Paper. At length considering, that (as hath been said before) she had given in caution to the Janissaries for the lives of these Princes, and that to her care they were committed she immediately disclosed and published the design of the Grand Signior to the Janisar-Aga, craving his help and protection, protesting that she was resolved to maintain the faith she had given to those Princes, whose life she tendered equal with her own. This advice and resolution of the Queen-Mother being brought to the Janissaries, was heartily approved, and protestations, given that they would never abandon her, nor the lives she preserved. The rumour hereof in an instant flew through the streets; but with such variety of reports, that nothing of certainty was known, only in general some great ruin was apprehended to threaten the City; whereupon a strange outcry was made to shut up the shops, and every one to consult the safety of the Public. But some few hours after, it being more distinctly known, that the Grand Signior had sent for the Heads of his Brothers; the People of Constantinople, whose sole hopes of seeing the Royal City restored to its ancient Honour, was by the conservation of these Princes, were in a greater combustion than before; for every one than betook himself to his Arms: so that in a short time were assembled forty thousand men at Okmedon well appointed, where confiding in the strength of a general Cause, in which they were engaged, they vented many opprobrious speeches against the Government, calling the Chief Ministers Orsysler, which is unfortunate Fellows, a term amongst the Turks, of the greatest ignominy, especially to a Governor, and loudly exclaimed and wished for a reformation. In the mean time the Queen-Mother desired aid from the Janissaries, and Guards about the Apartments of the Princes, lest the Bostangees, who are the Creatures of the Grand Signior, should assault their Quarters. The Consultations also amongst the Janissaries were long and secret, and the Queen-Mother dispatched several Messages to the Grand Signior, advising him to forsake the Mountains, and repair to one of his Imperial Cities, as became the Majesty of so great a Sultan, being the only means to secure to him the establishment of his Crown. And now the Reader will with impatience attend the conclusion and issue of so great rumours and disturbances; but it is now, as it hath been experienced in other Commonwealths, a●ribus, ut fermè talia, initiis, 
Tac. Lib. 6.  incurioso fine, matters violent in their original, spend themselves at first, and produce nothing remarkable in their end. And so was the effect of these recesses, and mutiny of the people at Constantinople, whose humour of novelty and change venting itself, and in four of five days tired with expectation; at length every one began to return to his dwelling and employment. The face likewise of things at Constantinople seemed quiet and appeased, carrying with it, as it were, a still modesty and shame for the late disorders; and nothing was heard or murmured for the space of twenty or thirty days after, until the Grand Signior trembling with the fears of this confused Rebellion, kept more strict Guards than ordinary within his mountains, and after being better recollected, entered into Consultation, and being advised of the Heads and Leaders of the late Insurrection, proscribed such as were the prime Actors, and having dispatched away two or three Messengers on this Errand, they entered secretly in the Night to their Lodgings, where they quietly, and without noise, took off the heads of four or five of them, and banished as many without the least noise, or notice taken thereof by the Vulgar. And because this disorder happened at Constantinople, for which the chief Commander ought to answer, the Chimacam passed not without a jealousy either of negligence or consent; wherefore the Vizier sent for him and the Janisar-Aga to Can●ia, as if he had occasion of their service, though not without their own ●ears and suspicion of others, to answer and make satisfaction for the late mutiny. And thus for a while this Flame is extinguished, and the fire raked up in the Embers. We must expect a while and observe when and where it will again burst forth.  
The Spring now approaching, which supplies new Spirits, and warm and fresh blood into the Veins of Man, as well as sap in Trees, and life in other Vegetables; let us return again to the Wars, and survey the Camp, and posture of Affairs before the walls in Candia. The Turkish Army, which, like worms benumbed with the Cold of Winter, had lain immured between their Banks of Earth, did not play their Assaults so frequently as they had done in Summer, only for a Winter's exercise, battered the inward Works of St. Andrea's Fort, which as we said before, they had hardly beset. And now the time for action being again come about, 
The Turks storm again the Fo●t of St. Andrea.  they renewed their storm on that side so violently, pressing forward the least esteemed of their Soldiery, that with the help of Spade and Mattock, and blowing up of some Mines, they penetrated forty paces within the Walls of the City. But the Christians having long since foreseen the weakness of that side, made it part of their winter's labours to draw another Wall from the Fort Panigra (whose Revelin or Out-work was before blown up) crossing over almost to the Tramata, which they fortified as well as could be expected; and made constant and bold resistance against the Enemy. Notwithstanding which the Turks pressed so constantly and boldly forward, tha● though the Christians were strong within, and provided with all sorts of provisions both of war and sustenance, yet nothing supported their Courages and Spirits more than the expectation of promised Succours from France and Italy; it being reported, and generally believed, that they would be so numerous as might be able to give Battle in the Field unto the Turk, and force them out of their Trenches; for by no other means was it possible for this City to be relieved: for it might far with this place, as it did formerly with Rhodes and Ostend, which, though wanting neither men nor provisions, were yet taken by palms and inches of ground, till not so much was left, as would hold men to defend them. A pregnant example (as Sr. William Temple well observes) how impossible it is to defend any Town that cannot be relieved by an Army strong enough to raise the Siege. Whilst the Christians were entertained with these hopes, the Turks fortified themselves without as strongly as the besieged had within, heaving like Moles with their numerous Army of Pioners, whose lives being not valued, they were wholly intent unto Mines, blowing up all before them, in that manner that every day they gained a pace of ground within the City. So that in effect (as will be seen by the Sequel) this most impregnable Fort of the World was forced and taken by the Spade and Shovel, and by a Crew of unarmed Labourers, who understood nothing more than the Plough and Harrow. So that now this Town seemed to be reduced to its utmost Crisis, either of being taken, or for ever freed of this malignant Enemy. And indeed the Turks had so far advanced upon the Bulwark of St. Andrea, that now nothing remained of it, more than ruins, and undigested heaps of Earth and stone, in defence of which the chief Commanders applying themselves in person with all diligence, the Marquis St. Andrea Montbrun was wounded by a stone in the face, the Cavalier de Bret was buried in the ruins to the very Neck, and with difficulty drawn out of the Earth by Assistants about him; two other Cavaliers were wounded with Granades, and the Cavalier Fuillere, who carried the Standard of Malta, was shot into the Eye with a Musket. The Proveditor General Carnaro serving at the repair of the Breach, was so wounded in the Belly by a Granado, that his Bowels burst, of which he died in three hours; and with a piece of the ●ame Granado the Count Vignole, a French Gentleman of great Valour, was likewise slain: And so hotly the Turks plied this Breach, that from the 28 th'. of May to the 2 d of june they sprang five Mines, which broke all the Palisades of the Christians; the which the Turks seconded with that fury and mettle, as if they intended to win the place and make an end of their work, before the arrival of the Forces expected from Christendom. And this Post was now grown so dangerous and weak, that the Captain-General, the Marquis of Montbrun, and all the chief Officers took up their Quarters at this place, where his Excellency kept an open Table, and the Marquis took up his Lodgings at Night, that so the other Officers might have no excuse on account of attendances or orders to abandon these Quarter's.  
The Princes of Christendom all this time forgot not their besieged Brethren in Candia. Pope Clement the IX. pressed the most Christian King to make ready his succours in due time, who had already himself prepared all things, 
Succours sent out of Christendom.  and elected the Duke of Beaufort his General of all the Forces by Sea, whether of French or other Nations. This Duke, like a courageous and brave Prince, thinking it little glory to command at Sea, where the Enemy was of an inferior and unable Force to encounter him, did therefore desire Licence from his King to make trial of his Fortune in the Field, where he might evidence his Valour in the face of the Infidels, and signalise his ●ame either by Death or Victory. The King, unwilling to hazard so worthy a person of his blood out of his due Command in the rank of an ordinary Soldier, at first denied his requests; but the Pope interceding for him, whose General he was, with holy Arguments, and devout Contemplations of Martyrdom, and glory of dying for the Christian Cause, at length obtained a concession from the King, who of himself was flexible to so pious a request, esteeming it unholy to deprive his Kinsman either of the Palm of a Martyr, or the Laurel of a Conqueror.  
The Summer being come, 
The French Fleet loose from Tolon.  and all things provided, the Duke ascended his Ship at Tolon a City in Provence, the 6 th'. of june, Nen-style, with about seven thousand Land Soldiers, commanded by the Duke of Navailles, with the Marshals Lebret and Colbert, and several other Worthies and Heroes of undaunted Courage, and arrived before the Town of Candia the 19 th'. of the same Month, having casually encountered together in the Seas on the 17 th'. with fourteen Sail of Venetian Ships, laden with Horse and Ammunition to mount the Troops, and relieve the Town: which happy encounter and speedy passage, seemed a happy Omen of the future success. The appearance of this succour seemed to the Besieged as sent from Heaven, and administered unto them new hopes and courage; and the salutes passed between the Town and the Fleet with the usual Ceremonies, and all the imaginable testimonies of joy and triumph.  
No sooner were they arrived than the two Generals, with other principal Officers, 
They arrive at Candia.  immediately in their Shallops took the best view and survey they could of the Enemy's Camp, and the Condition of the Besieged; in which whilst they entertained themselves, they espied a small Vessel making towards them with St. Mark's Colours, in which was the famous Engineer Signior, Castellano, dispatched by the Captain General Morosini with an axact plat of the Town, and disposition of the Turkish Camp, which being particularly viewed and considered, it was evident, That if the Turks should make some very forcible Attempt before the new Forces could be landed (as it was very probable they might) they would put all in hazard of being lost; wherefore the Captain General pressed to have some succours immediately supplied to be assistant in that case of extremity; To which the Duke of Navailles immediately consented, and landed himself that Night in person with sufficient Force to mount the Guard on the Breach of St. Andrea, whose first Retrenchment was continually battered by the Turks; and though there was a second Retrenchment in hand, yet time being required for completing thereof, that part of the Town would be reduced to its ultimate hazard; for should the Enemy spring a Mine (which they feared was already form under the present Work) it would lay all open and naked, without other Fortification. The Duke being ashore, was received by Morosini with all demonstrations of Civility and Respect due to a personage of his Quality and Employment; and with a welcome suitable to the present extremity of his Affairs: all Ceremonies and Compliments were soon passed over, the urgency of matters not permitting them time to be long impertinent; 
The French Forces landed.  so that falling into the Discourse of the common safety, it was resolved that the succours should be immediately landed, which was performed with that diligence and expedition, that in two days the whole Army came safe on shore, excepting only some few, cut short by shot from the Enemies Camp.  
On the 23 d. the Generals and other Officers, held a Council of War, 
A Council of War held in Candia.  amongst whom was also the Marquis of St. Andrea; and did unanimously conclude, that the Town was no longer tenable, or to be maintained unless by some extraordinary enterprise attempted on the Enemy▪ and by some furious Sally performed with resolution, and stratagems of War, in order unto which it was resolved, That the 27 th'. should be the day of sally both with Horse and Foot, and that the Fleet not to lose their part in this action, should play with their great Guns on that side of the Turkish-Army which lay encamped on the Quarters of St. Andrea. 
The order of the Christian Army to make their Sally.  All the Forces were landed on the 26 th'. and the whole night following was spent in preparations for the next days sally: the Army being drawn up made four Batalions, the first called the Admiral's commanded by the Sieurs Martel, Vandre, and Gravier; the second was the Vice-admirals' commanded by the Sieurs de la Monthe and Planta; the third was the Rere-admirals' under Command of Chevalier de Bovillion, Garbaret, and the Chevalier daily; the fourth was the Battalion of the Sieur ● Almeras' commanded under him by the Sieurs Panetier, de la Rogue, Fontier, Bitault, and the Chevalier de Nemond; and on the left hand of these aforesaid Batalions, the Guards of the Duke of Beaufort were disposed. The Duke of Beaufort unwilling to be a Spectator in this glorious Action, without bearing a part in his own person, after he had given order to the Fleet to accost the shore on the side of St. Andrea, as near as consisted with their security, and from thence with their great Guns to annoy the Enemy's Camp as much as was possible, came that night on shore, resolving to fight in the Head of the Forlorn Hope, from which hazardous adventure no entreaties or counsel of his friends could prevail to dissuade him.  
The Forlorn consisted of 400 men, on the head of which marched fifty men with hand Granades, flanked with three Troops of Horse, Commanded by Count Dampire: the Regiments of Guards, with four Troops of Horse for their Wings, flanked also with three Regiments of Forth, followed the Forlorn. The Reserve consisted of the Regiments of Harcourt, Conti, Ligniere●, Rosan, Montpesat, and Vendosme, flanked with four Troops of Horse under Command of the Count Choiseul, which placed themselves on a rising ground, to hinder all Communication between the Vizier, whose Camp was before St. Andrea, and the Janizar Aga, who lay before Sabionera. Between the first and second line, were placed fifty Musketeers of the King, to be assistant on occasion; and the other Troops of Horse were to take the left hand along the Trench leading to the Sabionera: the Regiment of Montpeyrous was to mount the Guard on the Fort of St. Demetrius to secure the Retreat, if occasion should require. In like manner five hundred Pioniers were ordered to levelly the Trenches of the Enemy on the Quarter of St. Andrea, whilst the Body of the Turks Army was employed in repulsing the violence of the Sally.  
Things being disposed in this manner, and the morn approaching, the Forces marched out by the Gate of St. George with all silence possible; covering their Marches, that the fire might not alarm the Enemy; the Onset was to begin with the dawning of the day, and the Signal was to be given by firing of the chief Mine Royal; 
The Christians sally at the Gate St. George  which being large, and furnished with a great quantity of Powder, might (as was supposed) make way to the slaughter of the Turks whom the Christians might find terrified and disordered by such an unexpected accident. This Mine was reserved for the last extremity, but being low was full of water; so that the Powder was stowed on floats and rafts to support it, but yet received so great a damp and moisture, that when they came to spring it, the Powder took not fire, which was the first disappointment of this Enterprise. Though some are of opinion, that the Mine was so vast, and contained such a quantity of Powder, that the Engineers were timorous to spring it, lest it should reverse on the Besieged, as well as take effect on the Enemies Camp. But be it how it will, a quarter of an hour before day the General's expecting no longer, the Forlorn Hope which lay within half a Musket-shot of the Enemy, assaulted two Redoubts, took them, 
The Christians fall upon the Turks.  and put them all to the Sword: with the like courage the other Regiments entered the Line, and making themselves Masters of the Trenches after much blood and slaughter, and storming a Fort on which was the Battery directed against St. Demetrio, possessed themselves of it, and therewith of a great Magazine of Powder belonging to the Enemy, spiking all the Cannon that were found therein.  
The day by this time being clearly broken out, discovered the action; so that the Turks with all expedition put themselves into a Body on the Hill near New Candy, from whence observing and contemning the small number of the Christians, came thundering down in great numbers to regain their Trenches. The Duke of Navailles perceiving his Forlorn hardly beset, came in to their assistance with two Regiments of Foot, and two Troops of Horse, which behaved themselves with that gallantry, as engaged the Turks again to quit their Trenches. But whilst success seemed thus to smile on the Christians, the Magazine of Powder which was newly won, containing an hundred thirty four Kintals of Powder (by what accident is not known) took fire, and blew up all into the air, by which many were destroyed and wounded, especially of the battalion of the Guards, with many Officers. This fatal blow quite turned the Scale of Fortune. For the Soldiers hearing the dreadful clap, and feeling as it were the Earth to tremble under them, supposed it to be the eruption of some Mine near them, 
The Christian Army in confusion.  with which they were so amazed, that they began with confu●ion to disperse to the right and left, and put themselves into shameful flight. In like manner the Forces near the Sea sensible of the blow, began to retreat, and abandon their design, which no persuasions of their Officers, or other encouragement could animate them to prosecute; but that the faintness of a second Attempt (an infirmity accorded of ancient Times to be incident to the nature of the French Nation) prevailed upon their spirits, beyond any possibility of arrest, so that in a disorderly manner they fled into the Body of the first Battalion, where being now united with the Reserve, they for some time sustained the shock of the Enemy; until other Bodies of the Turks from New Candia and St. Andrea overpowered them with greater multitudes, so that then they wholly abandoned the field, and every one as well as he could, sought his Sanctuary and refuge within the Precincts of the Fortifications. Howsoever Choiseul and Leb●et, each of which had a Horse killed under him, encouraging their Troops, disputed the case yet longer, and still with other Officers made head upon the Enemy; but at length with the Duke of Navailles, and several other Gentlemen, who made their way through the Enemy with their Swords, they were forced to retreat honourably ●nto the Town. The Duke of Beaufort was said to have laboured much in resisting the shameful flight of his men, and venturing his Person into danger, from whence he resolved never to retreat, was overwhelmed with unequal numbers, and so fell amongst the common heaps but his body, though much sought after, being not found, it was believed rather, that he perished by that fatal Magazine of Powder, which blowing up, affrighted and disordered the whole Christian Army.  
But not only did misfortunes attend the Land-Forces, but the Fleet at Sea shared in the disasters. For some few days after the wind blowing hard from the Sea, caused the Ships to ride at a distance from the shore. The whole Fleet consisted of eighty Ships small and great, fifty Galleys, and six Galleasses, being the whole Force of that Year from France, Italy, and Malta. All which being at Anchor in due order as near the shore as was safe or convenient, made many shot into the Turks Camp, but with little execution: during which Action, the Santa Teresa, a French Ship of seventy Brass Guns blew up, and her whole Company lost, being about three hundred men, of which seven only were saved; the Admiral of France being near to this Ship, received five shot from her which passed through her, and by the Splinters and fall of Timbers; the Vessel called La Real had six Cavaliers killed, and forty Soldiers Slaves were killed and wounded. After this it was proposed in Council, That another Sally should be made of ten thousand French; to which the Duke De Navailles assented, on condition that they might be preceded in the Van by four thousand Venetians, who were well acquainted and versed in the nature of the place, and knew the several Redoubts, Galleries, and Trenches of the Enemy. But the Captain General being desirous to reserve his own experienced Soldiers to the ultimate and last occasion of emergency, refused to assen● thereunto.  
The loss the Turks sustained that day was uncertain, of the French were only an hundred thirty five heads brought in by tale, as I was informed from one who was present when they were counted, amongst which were many principal Officers. 
French Officers slain.  For besides the Duke of Beaufort were slain the Count Rosan, the Chevalier di Villarceaux, the Chevalier de Quelas, the Sieur de Guene gaud, Marquis de Fabert Major of the Regiment of Lorraine, the Sieurs de Montre●il Captain of the Guards, de Beauvais and Do, Garnier, La Paneterie Touvenin, Lanson, Bellebrune, Hantefage, d' Avenne, Maran de S. jean de Chauveniere, Goindreville Captain of the Regiment of Bretagne, Forcan, du Boulet Captains of the Regiment of Harcourt, Chaselet, Martin●al de Bossemoat, de la hay, de Bourneuf, de Vandre Martel Captain of a Ship, the Chevalier Lodev● with nine Captains and eight Lieutenants▪ Reformades of the Brigade of Picardy, Navarre, and Normandy. The Sleur Lebret was shot through the Buttocks with a Musket-bullet; besides whom were wounded the Sieurs de Montagne Colonel of a Regiment, de Castelan Major of the Guards, de Cavison, Croiselles, de Montigny, and de Moissac by the Battery which blew up: the Chevalier d' Ailleurs; was hurt with an Arrow through the Arm De la Marliere Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment of Lorraine with five or six Officers of that Body, and Villiers Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment jonzac were all wounded. The Marquis of Lignieres had his Thigh broken and a Finger shot off, and his Lieutenant-Colonel had his Arm broken. The Marquis of St. Vallier Colonel with five or six of his Officers, the Chevalier de Novion Colonel with several Officers of the Regiments of Bretagnie, Montpezat, Harcourt, and Conti were all wounded, with four other Captains of Horse, and four Lieutenants; also the Marquis of Vxelles, the Chevalier de la Haugette, the Count de Loss Captain of the Guards to the Duke of Navailles, the Count de Montbrun Commander of the King's Musquetiers, and the Sieur de Tagni Quarter-master-General were wounded: who being Persons of great Quality as well as Courage that left their Country, and exposed themselves to dangers, with no other motive than their own gallantry or defence of the Christian Cause, ought be numbered amongst the Heroes and Champions of our Age. Of Prisoners there were not above seven or eight taken, amongst which were the Sieur de Bois-Dauphin a Norman, and Son of a Marshal of France, and the Sieur de Chateau Neuf, the first for his Youth, Beauty, and Courage greatly esteemed by the Turks, and both entertained by the Vizier with more generosity than usually possesses the Nature of Turks: who after this success, having gathered and thrown the heads of the slain according to their manner into a heap, did one day in merriment pitch them upon the points of their Lances, and ranking them in file and order, with Hats and Feathers on them, beat the French March amongst them with shouts and Volleys of Muskets.  
Matters succeeding in this manner unhappily, and the Enemy already almost in the midst of the Town, being come to the last Retrenchment, beyond which could be raised no more inward Fortifications; the Officers as in like cases of misfortune began to throw the blame upon each other, and the contest between the French and Italians grew as hot within the Town, as the War was without; so that the Duke of Navailles appearing discontented, 
The French leave the Town.  though in reality he might▪ well be discouraged, and might be apprehensive with due reason that the Town was in a desperate condition; howsoever he pretended, that the time was almost expired, which the King had prefixed for the continuance of his Forces in Candia and that therefore he could not think of any other design for them, than that which was in order to their embarking. The Captain General being greatly surprised at this resolution, endeavoured to persuade him to the contrary, and being accompanied with the General of Candia, and the Proveditor General waited on the Duke at his own Quarters, where he represented to him in the most efficacious terms possible the present dangerous condition to which the City was reduced; until which time, under the Providence of God, they acknowleged the preservation thereof to the magnanimous Arms of their religious King; and therefore in such a conjuncture of misfortunes and extremity they knew not unto whom they might have recourse for assistance, but to the Generosity of his Excellency, and of those Gentlemen, who for no other end but that of Religion and Honour, had undertaken so great a Voyage, and had voluntarily cast themselves into the hourly dangers of this Siege: That the Succour they demanded was really great and most important for defence of the place, in regard that thereon their whole safety depended. Howsoever it might have cost some labour, though not much blood to the French Forces, if they would have worked on a new Retrenchment with the same celerity and diligence, as they formerly used, whereby the Siege might be prolonged until the the Winter, or till the Christian Princes might take new measures, and send greater Recruits Hereunto Navailles gave answer, That the zeal which the King his Master conceived for the conservation of Candia, was evidenced by better effects, than the empty promises without fruit of other Princes; and that accounting the present number of Forces and Gentlemen of considerable Quality which were engaged in this War, together with the great expense and charge his Majesty had been at in maintenance of a Fleet to transport them, his Majesty's affection to the Republic was unquestionable: and that both he and his Officers who had the honour to command those Forces had undertaken a long Voyage, and entered into dangers with constancy and readiness of mind, and had assaulted the Enemy almost before they saw them, and given relief to the Town before they set their foot in it: but if the issue of affairs did not correspond with a success agreeable to their good intentions, and the primary design of this Enterprise, they must have patience, seeing that it cost no other than the slaughter of Frenchmen and that there had been a large effusion of the Noble and Illustrious as well as of the common blood. It was a species of ingratitude not to remain contented with such forcible arguments of friendship; and it was a breach of modesty to pretend, that because his King had lent them eight thousand men, that therefore they should continue in Candia so long as one remained alive. It was true, that besides the King's service he was acted by some inward motives of Religion, but that he could not transgress the Commands and Instructions of his Majesty, which enjoined him to embark his Forces in order to their return about the 20 th'. of that present month of August. In reply to which, though the Captain-General and the other Venetian Officers, and also Bali Rospiglios● the Admiral of the Pope's Galleys urged his stay with all the instances and arguments imaginable, yet nothing could prevail to detain him until the arrival of other Forces, only he was contented to leave six hundred men in the Town during the time that he continued at Standia: so that by this time having embarked his Forces, and lastly the six hundred men left on the Works, the Duke took his farewell and departed: so that the Town being as it were deserted and forsaken of its chief hopes, all things were given for desperate, and men began to be weary of their lives, as well as of the War and of their labours; and whereas with the assistance of the French, (as it was said in the Council) the Town might have held out until the next Spring, it was now by this grand revulsion reduced to its last Crisis, and so weakened, as that no possibility of preservation remained but in honourable terms of Surrender. And though the French in their Voyage home about Malta encountered positive Orders to remain on the place, yet judging the Town might already be surrendered, and so the return disgraceful and in vain, proceeded notwithstanding in their course for France, for which default and want of constancy the Duke of Navailles being arrived at Tolon, sustained the punishment of his Prince's disfavour, and ordered for some time not to approach the Court.  
The Turks, by departure of the French, increasing in hopes and courage, 
The Turks make an assault.  made an assault on the Quarters of Sabionera and St. Andrea; and first attaquing some Soldiers to the number of about thirty, who were placed on the Guard at the Post of St. Pelagia, they cut most of them off, and put the rest to flight; with which the Turks being more animated, advanced to the Palisade of the New Rentrenchment; but Volleys of Cannon, and showers of Musket-shot, and stones pouring on them, gave some stop to the fury of their career. Grimaldi observing that the Enemy was at a stand, brought up his Volunteers and Cavalry which served on Foot, and together with the Forces from Brunswick so plied the Turks with stones, Granades, and shot, that the Fight was confused, bloody, and horrid; howsoever the Enemy so persisted, that the Commanders gave Order, That the gross of the Army should fall on; but the Soldiers were so broken and torn, that they refused to advance, though thrust forward with the point of Sword and Spear. The Captain-General in the mean time taking his course along the Marine, on which part also the Turks were far advanced, caused a Mine to be sprung under the thickest crowd of the Turks: which consisting of an hundred Barrels of Powder, made such a destruction, as abated much of the storm, and induced the Enemy to retire within their Redoubts. The Marquis St. Andrea, in like manner performing the office of a valiant and experienced Soldier, applied himself to all places where danger most required his presence, and recovered certain Breast-works which the Enemy had gained in the Skirmish.  
Nor was the storm less furious and bloody on the part of Sabionera, nor was the success and advantage on the Christians side less considerable, in all which the Soldiery deserved great commendations and renown; the two French Regiments of Perasi and jonsac under the Command of the Sieur Choiseul did wonders; as also those few which remained of the Regiments of Savoy commanded by Signior Arborio: Signior Rados, Micolo Polani a Noble Venetian, the Proveditor Cornaro, the Colonels Gabriel, Givii, and the Sergeant Major of the Troops of Brunswick, and Sergeant Major Bellegarde, as also the Commander in chief of Malta gave honourable testimonies of their Bravery and Valour. In short the Captain-General praised them all, which was the best reward he could bestow on such generous Souls; and then sent Orders to Standia, That the Forces arrived with the Duke Mirandola should immediately be landed: these Forces, which when they were first embarked, amounted to the number of a thousand five hundred men, were now by Calentures and other sicknesses caused by the excessive heats of the season reduced to six hundred; and though they were unhealthy and unexperienced Soldiers, yet the extremity of Affairs was such, as called them to immediate service, and to be placed on the Guard of the new Retrenchment.  
But all this could give little relief to the perishing condition of this miserable Town; which was not only weakened by departure of the French, but by at least five hundred others, such as Swedes and Germans, and other Nations, who notwithstanding all care and endeavours to the contrary, crowded under the French Banner. Likewise the Battalion of Malta embarked, which though reduced to a small Body, was yet very considerable for the Quality and Valour of the Cavaliers; which example all the Volunteers followed, and thereby reduced the Town to a condition beyond all possibility of defence; for that in actual service not above four thousand men remained, and of these at least an hundred a day being killed, the Town must necessarily in a short time become a prey to the Enemy; wherefore the Captain-General called a Council of the most eminent Officers; 
A Council for to consider of the slate of Candia.  and because the matter was of great importance, he judged fit also to have the opinion of the Commanders of the Galleasses, and of the other Captains of the Fleet. At this Council were present.  

Francisco Morosini Captain General.  
Giacomo Contarini Duke of Candia.  
Girolamo Battaglia Proveditor General of Arms.  
Daniel Morosini Proveditor of the Kingdom.  
Giacomo Cornaro Proveditor of the Kingdom.  
Alvise Minio Commissary of the Ammunition and Provision.  
Marquis St. Andrea Montbr●n General of the Army.  
Marquis of Frontenac Lieutenant General.  
The Baron Frederick de Spaar General of the Tramontani.  
The Cavalier Bartolomeo Varisano Grimaldi Sergeant General.  
Baron Chilmerseck Serjeant General.  
Count Francis Salvatico Governor of the Arms of the City.  
Cavalier Verneda Chief Engineer, and Superintendent of the Artillery.  
On the other side sat the Commanders at Sea, which were as followeth.  
Lorenzo Cornaro Proveditor of the Fleet.  
Alvise Magno Captain in Extraordinary of the Galleasses.  
Iseppo Morosini Captain in Ordinary of the Galleasses.  
Georgio Benzoni Captain of the Gulf.  
Ascanio Giustiniano's Governor of the Gulf.  
Angelo Morosini Paymaster.  
Gio. Batt. Calbo Commissary of the Ammunition and Provisions.  
Alexandro Locattelli Cancellier.   
All which having taken their places, the Captain General began to declare, That the extremity of the place was so well known and evident to them all, that there was no need for him to inform them of the particulars; only that he had called them together to know their opinions and counsels in what manner the defence of the Town might be best prolonged, and what advice they would give him touching the present premures and emergency of Affairs. He added further, That he had by good experience proved them to be as well judicious and wise in their Counsels, as they were valiant in the Execution; and that now was the time to lay aside all ostentation of speech, and to attend unto that which was solid reason and advice, which he desired every one to deliver freely with a clear and real sense and affection towards the grand Concernment. Then he ordered the Cancellier to read a short preamble of the matter on which they were to deliver their opinions, desiring every one to express his judgement in Writing; But after some few had subscribed their Declaration, so much time was spent therein, that it was conceived more expedite for every person to declare his opinion by word of mouth.  
As to the first point all generally concurred, that considering the small number of the Defendants, the Town could not hold out much longer; for that the Enemy on the side of St. Andrea was arrived to the last Retrenchment, which being low, weak, and composed of bad matter, could not long resist their power; that on the side also of Sabionera they were so far advanced by the lower grounds towards the Arsenal, that in a short time they would block up the Port, and cut off all provisions and succours from the Town; and that if the Enemy were resolved to adventure the loss of two or three thousand men by a general storm; there would remain no possibility of withstanding their Force. This being generally assented unto, and concluded on all hands, another Question was propounded; namely, That considering the premises, what was to be done which might render the most effectual service to the Republic; it was well known how important that place was to the Public, and what vast Treasures of Gold and Silver, and what plentiful Effusions of blood had been expended and poured forth in defence thereof; and that therefore it ought to be maintained to the utmost and last gasp of strength; but that it ought also to be considered, That the Town being either taken by assault, or the Port blocked up, there would certainly ensue such deplorable Consequences as every person may imagine; and the Republic be damaged by losing all that which is now in a possibility of being saved. It was therefore put to the Vote, beginning on the side of the Inferiors, as the custom is, and so ascending to the chief; and it was resolved that they should capitulate, and enter into a Treaty with the Turks. When it came to Grimaldi's turn to speak, he confelled clearly, That the Town could not hold out for many days, and though it was more glorious to the Defenders to die on the Walls of it, yet it would be of worse service to the Public; howsoever he was of opinion, that rather than surrender, it would be better to burn it, or blow it up with Mines; in execution of which, the wounded and unserviceable people should in the first place be shipped away, then taking the opportunity of a dark and quiet Night, the Infantry might be all embarked; it was true, as he confessed, that the action was difficult and full of hazard; howsoever, two things moved him to this Counsel; One was, The little assurance he conceived of the faith of the Turks; and the other was, The gloriousness of the action: for as this City had been in an extraordinary manner defended, and of which the World cannot give the like example; so the end thereof would not be less renowned and famous, it not being a greater triumph to drive the Enemy from the Walls, than being vanquished to leave a bloody Victory, and instead of a Palace a heap of stones and ashes. Many of the Council, and amongst them Marquess St. Andrea Montbrun was of the same opinion, and the Commissary Minio endeavoured to second it with efficacious Arguments; But in fine, after a long Discourse, they all concluded that the resolution was more generous than practicable; by reason that so many people could not be embarked without knowledge of the Enemy, who was not only quartered near, but within the very Walls of the City.  
The Captain General was of a different opinion; for that besides the difficulty of embarking the Soldiery, there were also some other considerations which might dissuade this resolution, and render it more prejudicial to the Public than a Surrender of Composition. After some short debate, al● at length concurred in the same sentiment, from which also Grimaldi did not much dissent, confessing that the proposition he had made would prove difficult in the Execution; howsoever, considering the little faith which the Turks observe, he thought it more secure to confide their safety to Fortune and their own Swords, than to the engagements and moderation of a perfidious and enraged Enemy. In short, he submitted wholly to the better judgements of the Council, and more particularly to the Captain-General, and the Marquis of St. Andrea, who were best acquainted with what more nearly concerned the service and interest of the Prince.  
In fine, the conclusion was, That they should enter into a Treaty with the Vizier, and endeavour to obtain the most advantageous Conditions possible. Howsoever, it was thought fit to advertise first this their determination to the Auxiliary Forces at Standia; and to renew the instances they had formerly made to them for three thousand men, 
Result of the Council.  with which, and with two thousand Galley Slaves they would endeavour the making of another Retrenchment, whereby the Town might be conserved for some time longer. Howsoever, in this Interim the Captain General being willing to touch the Viziers' pulse, that he might better discover in what manner he stood affected towards a Treaty, dispatched one Colonel Thomas Anand, an Englishman, of courage, and of able Parts, and of entire honesty, together with one Stefano Cordili, an intelligent young man to the Vizier's Camp; and that his design might not be discovered by those of the Town, they were ordered to pass from Standia with a white Flag up the River Gioffiro; and that being come to a Treaty, they should only discover the mind and inclinations of the Turks, without making known their intentions, or entering into particulars.  
Being come in this manner prepared to the Vizier's Camp, they told the Turks, That they were come to renew the Treaty begun by Signior Molino, which had been broken off by the Arrival of the French and Pope's Forces to which a Turk, then come from the Vizier's Tent, resolutely answered, That they should think of no Articles nor Treaty without a Surrender. To which Anand replied, That they would do well to acquaint the Vizier so much, for that perhaps he might be of another opinion; and so not urging farther they departed; but returning after Dinner the same Turk came down again, called Achmet Aga, a Confident of the Vizier's together with Panaiotti the Vizier's Interpreter; and then with more earnestness declaring, That nothing would be heard, unless in the first place they were resolved to deliver the Town, and threatened them in case they returned without this Proposition: The Captain General being advised hereof, the next morning Anand and Scordili went again on the same message; and meeting the Turks under Paleocastro, they acquainted them that they had orders to treat about a Surrender; but first desired to know what Articles they would give them, and what Town in exchange for this. In this manner a Treaty being begun, it was resolved for better expedition to erect Tents nearer to the Town for the place of Conference, where the Plenipotentiaries on both sides were to meet. Ibrahim Pasha, late Pasha of Aleppo, Achmet Aga, the Kahya-begh of the Janissaries, the Spahyler Agasi, and the Interpreter Panaiotti, were the persons chosen by the Turks: on the part of the Christians, after some Debate, no other persons were chosen besides Anand and Scordili, who meeting the Turks at the time and place appointed, demanded of them some other place in exchange for that of Candia. To which the Turks with some heat replied, That it was against their Law to deliver Towns where Mosches were built, into the hands of Christians. To which the others answered, That this could not be their Law, since that in a Treaty some months passed begun by the cavalier Molino, they had offered to deliver up into the hands of the Christians Candia Nuova, Sitia, and Girapitra, all places where Mahometan Mosches were erected; and though the Turks m●ght now imagine it easy to win the Town by force, they assured them that greater difficulties remained; and that if they remembered what blood, what labours, and what Treasures their small acquests and advance had cost them, they might thence calculate what Force still remained to conquer, and that the last gasp of this dying Fortress would spend itself with more ruin and destruction than they had felt in all the other approaches and assaults thereunto. In fine, the Turks seeming resolved to be sole Masters of the whole Kingdom of Candia, the Venetians began to condescend to receive some compensation in another manner.  
Howsoever, the difficulties were not yet ended but greater appeared, for the Turks demanded satisfaction for the charge of the War; and the Haratch or head-mony, which for all those years of the Wars they had not received from the people of the Isles of the Archipelago; they demanded also a Tribute for the Forts and Islands of Cerigo, Tino, and Clissa, and the other Conquests in Dalmatia; all which points caused new Disputes, which were maintained with those heats, and with that obstinacy, as if it had been impossible for both parties ever to meet in a conclusion. Notwithstanding, after long Debates, on the fourth of September they came to agree of giving hostages, and to certain proposals concerning the manner of surrendering the place. The Turks demanded to have the Outworks put into their hands, with one of the Gates of the City, and the Palisade of the new Retrenchment: To which Anand and Scordili answered. That this was not a proposition to be made to the Captain General, for that they were assured, the Garrison would sooner suffer themselves to be cut in pieces, than to commit themselves to the mercy of the Turkish Soldiery; whose faith is recorded in the History of Famagusta, and may serve for a true example and mirror of their treachery and faithlesness to all Ages. In this manner the Treaty had like to have been broken off; but at length they concluded, That it was necessary to render an account to the Vizier of the particulars of this Conference, adjourning the Treaty until the next Morning.  
Notwithstanding all which, the Turks did not abate in the least point their progress in the War, labouring in their Works, and fight with more heat than ever. The Venetians on the other side were not less active, firing continually their Cannon and Granades, and making some little Sallies, endeavoured as much as they were able to cover the weakness of their Forces. The Turks had raised a new Battery which broke a great part of the Palisade of the new Retrenchment, upon which it was expected that they should make a strong attempt, for whose better entertainment two Mines were prepared to receive them; but they deferring the assault, the Captain General gave orders to fire both the Mines at once, which consisting of a hundred and fifty Barrels of Powder, made the ground to tremble both in the City and in the Camp, overthrowing several works with miserable slaughter of the Enemy.  
The Turks observing this resolution in the defendants, became more tractable, and less severe in their demands; so that Ibrahim Pasha with the rest contented themselves with no other security for performances of Conditions than Hostages; of which three were consigned mutually on both sides. After which, other Articles were, with less Difficulty, concluded; so that in the morning of the 6 th' of September the Turks demanded that the Christians should give all their Articles in Writing; whereupon the Council ordered Grimaldi to draw them up; which were in substance as followeth.  
First, 
The Conditions of Peace.  That for obtaining a good and lasting Peace, it is agreed, That the City of Candia, with all its Cannon which were planted there before the time of the War, be consigned into the hands of the Vizier.  
Secondly, That quiet possession be given to the Republic of Suda, Carabusa, and Spina Longa, with the Territories thereunto belonging, with the Fortress of Clissa in Dalmatia.  
Thirdly, That the Venetians may carry away all the Cannon which have been brought into the Town since the beginning of the War.  
Fourthly, That for embarking the Soldiery, Pionieers, and Inhabitants of all Qualities and Conditions, with their Arms, Provisions, and Baggage twelve days time shall be granted and assigned.  
Fifthly, That what shall remain unshipped at the end of the twelve days aforesaid, the Vizier shall, with his own Boats, assist to the lading thereof.  
Sixthly, That during this time of truce, no person whatsoever shall transgress his Limits, or pass the bounds of his Station or Quarters; and that he who doth shall be treated as an Enemy.  
Seventhly, That so soon as these Articles shall be subscribed under the white Flag, all Acts of Hostility shall cease both on one side and the other.  
Eighthly, That for security of performance of these Articles, three Hostages be mutually given on one side and the other.  
Ninthly, That for better assurance, that the Venetians will use all their endeavours to embark their Men and Goods, the Turks may employ two Officers for Eye-witnesses of the same.  
Tenthly, That for better effecting hereof, all Ships, Galleys, and other Vessels may freely approach near unto the shore, and enter into the Port both by Day and Night.  
Eleventhly, That the Venetian Fleet may remain at Standia, or at any other Island in the Archipelago, until such time as they are dispatched, or that things are duly prepared for their departure.  
Twelfthly, That all Commissions given by one side and the other be revoked, and that whosoever shall after the space of forty days commit any Act of Hostility against the tenor of these Articles of Peace, shall be punished with capital punishment.  
Thirteenly, That so soon as an Ambassador from Venice shall arrive at the Port, all Slaves or Prisoners of War taken under the Venetian Colours shall be freed and released.  
Fourteen, That what depredations shall be made at Sea or Land after these Articles are subscribed, and before the publication thereof, shall be faithfully made good and restored.  
Fifteenthly, That a general pardon be given to the Subjects of both sides, who have acted contrary to their Faith and Allegiance, during this War.  
Sixteenthly, That in Virtue of these Capitulations the former Articles be likewise confirmed which were made in the Year 1571, and that no Tribute or Present be demanded from the Port, unless as hath formerly been paid for such Islands as the Venetians hold in the Archipelago.  
Seventeenthly, That of these Articles two Copies be made, one in Turkish with its Translation into Italian, subscribed by the Vizier, and sealed with the Grand Signior's Signet; and the other in Italian underwrote by the Captain-General, and sealed with the Seal of the Republic.  
These Articles being signed, the Hostages were given both on one side and the other. Those given by the Venetians were Faustino da Riva Lieutenant-General, Giovanni Battista Calbo Commissary, and Zaccaria Mocenigo who had been Duke of Candia. Those given by the Turks were Belin Assan Pasha, Mahomet Aga of the Janissaries, and Gi●gi Bei Tefterdar of Treasurer.  
During this Siege, of the Venetians side there were killed and wounded thirty thousand nine hundred eighty five, of the Turks one hundred eighteen thousand seven hundred fifty four.  
The Batteries which the Turks raised against Sabionera and St. Andrea, consisted of fifty nine Pieces of Cannon, carrying from fifty to an hundred and twenty pound weight of Bullet.  
The Storms which the Turks made upon the Town were fifty six.  
The Combats under ground forty five.  
The Sallies made by the Venetians ninety six.  
The Mines and Fornelli sprang by the Venetians eleven hundred seventy three, by the Turks four hundred seventy two.  
The Venetians spent Battles of Powder fifty thousand three hundred and seventeen.  
Bomboes' of all sorts by the Venetians of fifty to five hundred weight, were forty eight thousand an hundred and nineteen.  
Granades of Brass and Iron an hundred thousand nine hundred and sixty: Granades of Glass eighty four thousand eight hundred seventy four.  
Cannon shot of all sorts two hundred seventy six thousand seven hundred forty three.  
Pounds of Lead eighteen millions forty four thousand nine hundred fifty seven. Of Match pounds thirteen, millions twelve thousand five hundred.  
What quantities the Turks might consume of Ammunition is not certain; only it is observable, That the Brass taken up in the streets which came from the Enemies Bomboes' was so much, that whole Warehouses were filled with the Metal, and so much sold as yielded many thousands of Crowns.  
The Articles being subscribed, and Hostages given, the Captain-General attended with all application of mind and industry imaginable to embark the Men and Ammunition, committing in the mean time the care of the City to Cornaro the Proveditor of the Fleet.  
During these days that all things were providing in order to a Surrender, there was great silence in the Turkish Camp, and no disorder in the City; the Soldiers on the Ramparts, and the Turks in their Trenches saluted each other with civility, and entertained communication and discourses together with friendship and freedom of several passages relating to their War, nothing of quarrel, or s●●ffle, or rude words happening out between them in all the term of the twelve days. The Vizier sent divers times civil Messages and Presents of refreshment to the Captain-General and Marques St. Andrea, which they returned with equal respect and generosity; and so excessive were the Turks in these offices, that the Venetians began to be jealous, lest under this mark and guise of courtesy some sraud or design should be covered according to their own Proverb: Chi ti fa piu carezze che suole, o ti ha engannato o enganar ti vuole.  
In short, all things were dispatched with that diligence and care, that on the 27 th' of September the City was consigned; all the Inhabitants departed thence, not one remaining in the City, except only two Greek Priests, a Woman, and three Jews.  
In this manner the Whole Isle of Candia, 
The War began in April 1645.  the cause and occasion of all that Blood and Treasure that was spilt, and exhausted in twenty five years' War, fell at length to the fortune and increase of the Turkish Empire with its most impregnable Fortress of the World, strengthened with as much Art and Industry, as the human Wi● of this Age was capable to invent, after a straight Siege of two years, three months, and twenty seven days. For the space of twelve days allotted for the Surrender being expired, 
Candia delivered.  on the 27/17 th'. of September being Friday, the great Cross erected on the Wall was after midnight taken down, and advice given to the Venetians, so soon as the morning dawned, that the Turks did that day attend the Surrender, which was accordingly performed by the Principal Citizen about nine of the clock of the same morning who offering the Keys of the City to the Great Vizier in a Basin of Silver on the breach of St. Andrea, was by him presented with a Vest of Sables, and five hundred Zechins in Gold, and to his Servants were given two hundred. To Morosini also a Present was offered worthy his Quality; but he refused it, saying, That he would never give a seeming occasion to the malicious World to slander him with the least appearance of having sold his important Charge. Whilst these things were transacting on the breach, some of the most cowardly and disorderly amongst the Janissaries pressed forward to have entered by force, in violation of the Articles so lately agreed and confirmed; but some of the Garrison not yet embarked, keeping themselves still on the Guard, repulsed the most forward in the Riot by killing three or four of their Companions: which disturbance and insolence of the Soldiery, when made known to the Vizier, he assembled the disorderly together; and first upbraiding their cowardice, who durst not enter in the time of War, would now counterfeit Valour in the time of Peace, sentenced fifteen of them to be impaled on the breach, which piece of Justice and Gallantry was immediately executed. This rumour being appeased, the Topegibashee and Cebegibashee, or the Generals of the Ordnance and Arms took quiet possession of the Forts and Cannon of the City, and whilst the Turks entered over the breach, the Christian Army withdrew and embarked themselves as fast as convenience and decency would permit, who after the departure of the French, and of such who accompanied them, were not computed to be above two thousand five hundred men, and those sickly, ill accoutred, and half naked; and thus this City and whole Island became subject and a prey to the Ottoman Arms. Amongst the Officers which took possession of the Town were the Tefterdar and the Aga of the Janissaries. The Tefterdar as he passed over the breach of St. Andrea, and observing how low and weak the Works were on that side, turned to the Aga of the Janissaries, and with some disdain said to him, We have here spent ten days in the Surrender of this Town which we might have taken in two hours.  
The Turkish Army taking possession on Friday the 2●/17 th'. of September, the Vizier made his Entry on Friday the 4 th'. of October; in which time they had erected a triumphant Bridge over the breach of St. Andrea, on which the Vizier entered into the Town, and passed directly to the Church of St. Francis, which was converted to a Mahometan Mosch, where having said his Namaz or Prayer, he went to the house where the Marquis St. Andrea was lodged, which was prepared for him, with a sumptuous Entertainment of five hundred Dishes at the expense of the Grand Signior.  
This City in four parts of five was ruined and demolished in the time of the Siege, all the Bells and Ornaments of the Churches and Houses to the very Locks of the doors were carried away; the Arms remaining were old and rusty, and not above three hundred and fifty Pieces of Cannon left on the Walls, and those for the most part very small: the Inhabitants remaining were only five, as we have said before, unless some few decrepit Jews and Greeks, which might make up the number of about thirty; so that never could be a more sad spectacle of desolation, nor a more clear Mirror of the miseries of War.  
The Great Vizier being possessed of the Town, dispatched away an Express with the good News thereof to the Sultan, who posted as fast as wind and weather would permit. And here the Reader may easily apprehend what joy possessed the minds of the Turks in all places where the rumour flew of this City's Surrender, which had for so many years baffled and put a stand to the Ottoman Sword, And though the joyful tidings added wings to the Messengers hast, yet the uncertainty of the Grand Signiors abode retarded some days the arrival of the News: which will seem very strange to him that considers, that the motion of so great an Emperor in the Glory of his Fortunes should be less obscure that the light of the Sun, perceptible by all conditions, who inhabit that side of the Globe, where his rays are visible. At length the Messenger found the Sultan within the Woods and Mountains of Negropont where he had passed the heats of the Summer, 
The News brought to the Grand Signior at Negropont.  and some part of his discontent in those solitary retirements: it being now towards the end of September, and the Winter approaching, the Isle was incapable to entertain so great a Court, year 1679. and to return back seemed as dishonourable as it was dangerous, the Soldiery and People being equally discontented, the one by the ill success and government of Affairs, and the other by oppression of Taxes: but this joyful News cleared all those clouds and ombrages of doubtful and disconsolate thoughts, which the Grand Signior received like a dream, being at first so surprised with such an unexpected happiness, that he could scarce believe it; but at length recollecting his scattered spirits, without delay returned the Messenger again with his Embrahore or Master of his Horse to the Vizier with the Present of a Sable Vest, a Dagger, and a Sword, being the usual signals of the Sultan's favour, and with a Letter freighted with Encomiums and Praises of his Valour and Fortune▪ And whereas the Vizier had persuaded him to return to Constantinople, he answered, That he was resolved to winter at Salonica, where with the Spring he expected his presence, and from thence in company with him, should be ready to choose any Seat, which in his judgement the Vizier apprehended most conducing to the benefit of the Empire.  
The Captain-General Morosini having in the mean time embarked his Forces, sailed to Suda to provide and fortify that place, Spina Longa and Carabusa, poor Rocks and Appendages to the greater Isle of Candia, with all necessary supplies of Victuals and Ammunition: which only serve for a Prospect into Candia, and to keep alive the Title of the Venetian Republic to that Kingdom. Suda is the most considerable of the three, but yet not strong, the Sea being for dabble between that and Candia, 
The Venetians as Suda.  and not of long resistance, whensoever the Turk shall think it worth his time to subdue. Here Morosini attended the Ratification of the Peace from Venice, and the disbanding of the Turkish Army, in which time four French Ships with Succours of Men and Ammunition arrived at Candia, but coming late were disappointed of their design, and so returned back into their own Country.  
The Turks having now finished their work, dispeeded a way their Janissaries and Pioniers by all occasions of shipping: those that remained were employed all the Winter in filling the Trenches without the City, and many Slaves taken out of the Galleys to repair the breach of St. Andrea▪ in which work, whilst they threw up the disordered rubbish, so poisonous a stench evaporated from the bodies of the slain, which lay buried in those ruins, as begat a Pestilence and other diseases in the City and in the Galleys; but labouring continually on that work, they soon acquitted themselves of the contagion, by help of the Winter's cold which then approached.  
In this manner expired the Action of this Year, fortunate in its success to the Turks; for though they gained but thirty Acres of Land with expense inestimable of Blood and Treasure, yet the Glory and Fame which attended it, being the consummation of twenty five years' Wars, and the Theatre where the whole World were Spectators, was of greater value to the Turks than any other consideration, and may with time prove a place of advantage to the farther increase of their Western Empire, unless God Almighty by his Mercy and Providence give a stop to the progress of this Grand Oppressor. year 1669.  

Serini and the Nobles of Hungary offer themselves to the Turk.  But before this Year ended, behold the misery of Christendom, by reason of discontents and animosities in the Imperial Court, the Count Serini Prince of Croatia, the Marquis Frangipani and Count Nadasti, joined with other Nobles of Hungary, sent Messengers to the Grand Signior offering themselves Subjects and Tributaries to the Turk, desiring his Protection of their Religion and Liberties, designing to act the part of Bethlem Gabor.  
The Great Vizier employed himself this whole Winter passed in repairing the Fortifications of Candia, regulating them in some measure according to the Turkish Model, and in repairing and beautifying the Town, which was done with such admirable expedition, that in a few months most of the houses demolished in the time of the Siege were again erected, and the Churches converted into Mosches and adorned, three of the principal whereof took the Names of the Grand Signior, Great Vizier and Captain Pasha, and were endowed by them with an honourable Revenue, sufficient to maintain them in Reparations, Lamps, and Talismans'. But the Turks were not more pious towards their Mosches than the Christians were careless and cold towards their Churches; for the Venetians inserted not one Article in favour of a Christian Church or a Religious House, which would have been granted as soon as demanded, only a Greek who was Interpreter to the Great Vizier called Panaiotti, a Person of Parts and Learning, at the expense of two thousand two hundred Dollars; and an Armenian Merchant called Apro Chelabei at the charge of a thousand four hundred purchased two Churches for their respective Nations.  
The Grand Signior in the mean time returned to Salonica to pass the remainder of the Winter, which place being famous for multitude of all sorts of Game, 
The G. Signior returns to Salonica, and ●unts.  drew is heart, and made him impatient till he arrived those Plains, more desired by him than the Elysian fields; for having made his Entry into that City, the next day he designed to hunt: but being put in mind that the English Ambassador Sir Daniel Harvey, 
Sir Daniel Harvey, his Majesty's Ambassador, hath his Audience of the Grand Signior.  who (as we said) arrived at Constantinople the year before, attended his Audience, he was contented to grant it to him the next morning. But yet not to lose his hunting, at midnight he sent Officers to the Ambassador to prepare for the next days Audience very early; and to gain time, ordered his Horses to be all ready, that so having dispatched that Ceremony, he might immediately mount into the Saddle and pursue his Game. Howsoever he was not in so much haste, but he testified due respect to His Majesty of Great Britain, and the esteem he had of the English Nation, ordering the Capitulations to be renewed; and commanding the Chimacam, that if any one should break or infringe them, that he should cut him off without farther argument. But as to renewing the Capitulations, the Chimacam falling at the Grand Signiors feet, beseeched him, That that particular might be deferred until the arrival of the Great Vizier, whose proper power and act it was to make War and Peace; and therefore for him to intermeddle about Capitulations was to invade the Viziers, Authority, which he durst not do without putting his life in danger, or at least rendering his Person obnoxious to his irreconcilable displeasure; with which the Grand Signior being satisfied, ordered that the renewing of the Capitulations should be deferred until the return of the Visiier, and so dismissed the Lord Ambasasadour from his Presence; but this work of renewing the Capitulations was reserved for the care and conduct of Sir john Finch, who succeeded in the Embassy after the death of Sir Danil Harvey.  
The Grand Signior arising from his Throne mounted into his Saddle to follow his excessive delight in Hunting, which now he pursued every day without respect of cold or wet, or Horses or Attendants; but like an impetuous Nimrod raged amongst the timorous Hares and flying Hearts, overspreading the Woods with vast numbers of poor Jews and Peasants, which he had commanded forth to drive for Game, not respecting the extreme rigour and Frosts of Winter, by which many of those poor Wretches lying abroad in the nights, were benumbed, and died. And so far did his humour transport him in this Recreation, that he was discouraged at no inconvenience or labours which attended it; for one day appointing his Hunting at a certain place, which to pass on Horseback was a great circuit, but a nearer cut over a Gulf or Arm of the Sea, he ordered his Horses round, whilst he in Person attended with the Chimacam and several of his Grandees, passed over to the other side in a Galley. But being impatient of his Sport, and not able to give time to his Horses to make their way, ascended his Galley, commanding them to row away with all speed; and arriving at the other side some hours before His Horses could come, would yet land: and being weary of expectation, resolved to meet them on foot through all the dirt and mire of a low and rich soil: where whilst he traveled heavily, and almost tired, by good fortune they espied a Miller driving his Horse laden with two Sacks of Meal; whom when they had called, and made him to lighten his burden, and take off the Packsaddle, the Chimacam himself stripped off his own Sables Vest, and covered the Horse with it, on which the Grand Signior mounting in great state, rode like a Prince till he met his own Retinue, which passage served to fill the discourse at night of that days Hunting, and deserves to be chronicled with our English Dialogue between the Miller and the King: howsoever we make use of it here to demonstrate the strange and passionate humour which possessed this Sultan in his Hunting.  
Little other recreation did this Grand Signior take, 
The G. Signior delights solely in his Queen.  unless it were in the Company of his chief Sultana, called the Hasaki Sultana, by whom having had a Son, which beginning now to play and speak, reconciled much of his affection to the Female Sex, but yet with that moderation and well regulated love, that he confined himself wholly to this one Woman, having sent for her to be his Companion in all journeys and adventures of Errantry, whilst the other Ladies as encumbrances and impediments to the speedy motions of the wand'ring Court, were dispeeded to Constantinople under the Government of the Queen Mother, as we have before declared; of which privilege this Sultana beginning to be sensible, endeavoured to increase and conserve the Affections of her Lord by all the arts and tricks of love imaginable; for she was really, or else feigned to be, so enamoured of him, that she pined and macerated away herself for his absence; and when he was indisposed in his health, or intended a long Journey from her, she would fall into Swoundings, and Paralytical Fits, or something else, which was an undoubted symptom of true affection, such as commonly intervenes amongst us in the chaste embraces of single marriage; that the Grand Signior, whose love to Women were not naturally as vagrant as his delights after the chase of wild Beasts, was so much satisfied in her alone, that he could be no more without her than she without him; so that, like Diana, or some Mountain Nymph, she became a Huntress after her Prince, as he a Ranger after his Game.  
And now in this place it may be pertinent to add; that on the 30 th'. of December of this year 1669. Sir. Daniel Harvey his Majesty's Ambassador, being then on his departure from Salonica, Mr. Willam Hedges who was with him there, being the Treasurer to the Levant Company in Turk●, and Signior Antonio Perone, the Druggerman or Interpreter, having occasion of business attended that day on the Keis-Efendi, or chief Secretary; who so soon, as they came into his presence he called out to them, I hope said he, that you are come to turn Musselmen, or believers; for your great Champion Serini Ogly, (for so they call Serini) is become Feudatary, having submitted, and put himself under protection of the Grand Signior. It was but the night before, that certain Messengers from Count Serini, and his adherents arrived at this Court, proffering to accept the Standart from the Grand Signior, and pay him Tribute, so they might obtain the power and protection of the Ottoman Arms against the Emperor. This proposition though in appearance so advantageous, that it might seem to admit of no doubt in the acceptance; yet both the Grand Signior and the Chimacam were so ready after the late success at Candia to join in their Compliment to the Vizier, that they would neither conclude, nor give answer to these Messengers, until first they had consulted his sense, and opinion on the proffer, wherefore to lose no time according to the usual expedition of the Turks, two galleys were the very same night dispatched with these Messengers to the Vizier at Candia, to give him notice of this tender, and to demand his counsel, and assent thereunto: with like speed the galleys were returned with the Viziers' approbation, though afterwards on better considerations the Turks touched this cause so tenderly, that Serini and his complices being detected, the plot Miscarried and the Conspirators brought to condign punishment, as shall hereafter be related; what suspicion the Counsel at Vienna might have of this design is uncertain, yet this is out of all doubt, that they had no assured knowledge thereof, until it was first brought them by Mr. Hedges; and yet so much time was taken up herein, as that he travailed from Salonica to Constantinople, where he arrived the 13 th'. of january, and there remaining some time for the better Setlement of his affairs before his journey thence for England, by Land he departed on the 14 th'. of Feburary, and on the 29 th'. of March following, year 1670. was by Leiutenant General Esterhas' received in to Raab, to whom giving this first Intelligence about Serini, and his adherents, was courteously treated, but yet detained, until advice was given hereof to General Montecuculi then at Vienna, and his licence, and pass given to Mr. Hedges for his farther proceedings in his journey. Answer hereof being returned, he had licence given him to depart, and a guard to conduct him safe to Vienna, which is very necessary on those Frontiers. At Vienna Mr. Hedges being examined upon Oath by Count Capelliers to the truth of the foregoing Relation, Troops were immediately dispatched to the Castle of Serini, where they so seasonably arrived, as to take possession of it for the Emperor some few hours before the Turkish Forces, (having received a stop by cutting of the bridge) came to seize it for the Grand Signior: Count Serini perceiving by this Act, that his design, was discovered, fled with Frangipani his Father-in-law towards Transilvania, but being on his way thither overtaken by the Emperor's Edict, he was together with Frangipani seized at Colonel Careis' House, and thence brought to Vienna, and lodged at the Convent of Father Nicholas Donilard an Irish Friar in the Suburbs of that city; where Serini having seen, and discoursed personally with Mr. Hedges, he declared to him, That if the Turks had been, as good as their words, he had not been there a prisoner at that time. In this particular two things seem strange, and unusual. First on the Turks side, that a matter of this secrecy should be so openly divulged and discoursed by them at Salonica: And secondly, on the Emperor's part, that a business of this Importance commonly known at the Grand Signor's Court, should want a person to advice, and transfer it to Vienna; until it came accidentally to be published by a stranger, who having taken a circuit with it by way of Constantinople, and his leisure there to accommodate his own affairs, vented it rather as a Subject of discourse, than a new discovery. 'Tis true, the Turks are very commonly open in their counsels, and have a quality to keep nothing secret though recommended to them under never so many Injunctions of privacy: yet that the Emperor who commonly maintains a Minister tending at the Ottoman Court, should have no other intelligence hereof, than such an accidental, and unexpected conveyance, is a matter which affords occasion to upbraid the Negligence of the Germans, and at the same time to admire and praise the divine Providence and Justice.   

Anno Christi 1670. Hegeira 1081.  
THE Spring coming forward, the Great Vizier declared, That after St. George's day, which is the 2● d day of April, (called by the Turks Cassim gheun) he resolved to depart from Candia; and therefore ordered, That all Ships, Saiks, Brigantines, and other Vessels, which were found in any Port of the Grand Signior's Dominions, should be sent to Candia, to transport him and the remainder of his Army to Rhodesto in Romelia, from whence he designed his March to meet the Grand Signior at Adrianople. 
The Vizier takes a survey of the whole Isle of Candia.  But before his departure he took a view of the Island, taking his progress through the whole circumference of it, and numbering all the Inhabitants which paid Harach, or Pole-mony, found them not to exceed two and twenty thousand persons. For though in the time of Dellee Mehmet Pasha, who was the first that brought the Ottoman Sword into that Country, there were listed fifty five thousand, who paid duties of Harach; yet now the Plague, the Sword, and other miseries of War had reduced them to that small number, of whom ten thousand (as is reported) perished in the Mines, and before the Walls of their own City; and great numbers of Olive-Trees being cut down and burned by the Soldiery in time of the War, is the reason that that Island yields not half the quantity of Oils as in former times.  
The Ambassador of Venice Signior Alivisé Molino, before mentioned, was now at Candia, designing to accompany the Vizier in his Voyage to the Grand Signior; for adorning which Embassy the Republic had appointed a Ship to carry the Presents and several Persons of Quality for attendance of the Bailo (for so their Ambassador is called;) and in regard in that passage the ship was to touch at Zant, they laded on her a hundred thousand Zechins for payment of that Soldiery, which with the Captain General were returned from Candia to that place, with Presents for the Grand Signior and his Court; but it pleased God, that this Ship sailing down the Gulf, met with so furious a storm of Wind, that she suffered shipwreck on the Coast of Italy, where not only the ship and goods were lost, but every soul upon that ship perished; amongst which was Lorenzo Molino Son of the Ambassador, and Ottavio Labia, another noble Venetian.  

The Vizier departs from Candia, and arrives at Scio.  The Great Vizier entertained himself so long in Candia that the month of May was well entered before he departed thence; and by the way touched at Scio, where he was met by all the Officers and Governors of the adjacent Jurisdictions, who came to make tender of their Presents and Services; but the Vizier in a plausible manner, accepted of their courteous Offers, but returned their Gifts, saying, That he was so sensible of the great oppressions and expenses the neighbouring Countries had suffered by reason of the War, that he was resolved to superinduce no new Charge by Victory and Peace.  
In like manner from all parts was a confluence of poor oppressed people, who came to petition for justice and relief against the corruption and tyranny of their Governors in the respective Countries. But the Vizier admitted no Audience for Complaints, whether it were to maintain an apprehension of his clemency and gentleness, by acting nothing that was cruel or severe, or to enjoy himself after his cares and turmoils in the War; he almost for fourteen days continuance entertained himself in private by the cool and crystalline Fountains of Scio. Some report, that he gave himself at that time so excessively to Wine, being overjoyed at his success, and conclusion of the War, that he was never capable, during his abode there, of serious thoughts or counsels; so that his Kahya, or Secretary, could never be admitted access, unless he were called, though on the most urgent occasion of business. Others interpreted his retirements to be in order to serious considerations about the management of Affairs at his return; as how to satisfy the expectations of the Grandees, who patiently attended an amendment of abuses in the Government; how he might pacify the minds of the Soldiery, who were jealous of Conspiracies against the lives of the Royal Brothers, and how to steer in an even course at Court between the security of his Master, and satisfaction of the Vulgar; for all the World lived in hope that alteration of times would amend abuses, and that the last remedy of all was the return of the Viziers' Authority. Howsoever, it is certainly reported, That the Vizier was become exceedingly intemperate in wine, and drowned much of his cares in the fumes and vapours of it, supposing himself, as Tiberius did in Caprea, exempt from the eyes of the World, whilst he remained in Scio, which the Sea had separated from the greater Continent. 
The Great Vizier persuaded to drink wine.  And yet the Vizier, is believed, never to have tasted Wine, or known whether it was bitter or sweet, till the pride of his success in Candia transported him to make his joy extravagant, to which the Officers about his Person invited him, as that which cheered the spirits, strengthened the Nerves, and induced a strange kind of delight and pleasure in the fancy, beyond any thing of Poppies, or Opiate Compositions, or Biram-Pasha's Pills, or Berse, or a thousand other inventions, fit only to confuse men's reason, and stupefy the brain, and benumb all the senses, in which some, as I have heard, had so practised themselves by degrees, that they could swallow five drams in twenty four hours, though I never knew any, unless one Turk, whom I saw eat above three; but then they could eat nothing else, nor were they fit afterwards to receive or digest any other nourishment, Nature being used to that poison, rejected all other sounder nutriment. But Wine (they said) cheered the heart in that manner, and comforted the stomach, that the Turks began now generally to drink it, unless he were some Pharisaical Hypocrite of the Ulamah, or some superstitious aged and ignorant Professor. 
The Soldiers and other Turks drink Wine to excess.  So that the vice of drunkenness became more common amongst the Turks, than amongst the Germans, or ourselves: I am sure more intolerable, and administered to more mischiefs, by how much the Turks being unaccustomed to Wine, knew less how to comport the heats of Intemperance.  
And here I shall make a little digression from my purpose in hand to acquaint my Reader of the effects which I have observed to be produced in those who accustom themselves to the use of Opium. 
A digression about Opium.  In all the Country Villages amongst the Turks, the more aged sort of men who have most leisure, and least necessity to work, addict themselves to Opium for alleviation (as they say) of their cares, and to forget their sorrow, for pleasure in the taste there can be none, being very bitter to the palate; which being taken in a morning in a small quantity, about the bigness of a Tare, superinduces at first a strange cheerfulness about the heart, and thence raises a more pleasing vapour to the head, than any can proceed from the spirits of the best and the highest Wines: but afterwards as it begins to digest, the vapour becomes more gross, and consequently a kind of stupefaction is induced over the brain and nerves, which with drowsiness and sleep passes away like a drunken fit. The Youth amongst them which drink Wine abhor Opium, until growing into years, and to the care of a family (as a sign of which they suffer their beards to increase) they are taught by their Imaum, and more by example of others, that Wine being against their Law, is only dispensable in wild and unbridled Youth, but in those of riper age is a vice to be reproached by all sober and well-governed men. In the place of which they take up the lawful and innocent Pill of Opium, which makes men serious and settled (as they say) because that it operates not like Wine, which m●k●s men mad, and rash, and violent, but disposes them to be Sots, and to sit grave and quiet without doing hurt to any man, which is a qualification accounted very laudable amongst them, and is one of the greatest Virtues which they endeavour to acquire in their Tekeés or Monasteries. This being the reason for which it is taken and allowed, it is grown a common custom almost amongst all the Countrypeople, who in the morning before they go to work take first their Opium, and upon it three or four dishes of Coffee; for it is observable, that none eats Opium but who accompanies it with great quantities of Coffee, which is doubtless a kind of Opiate in itself, and partakes very much of a Narcotick Quality; by this means and constant use some arrive to take strange quantities; the most that ever I knew any man take was three drams in twenty four hours, viz. a dram and a half or thereabouts in the morning, and as much an hour afternoon: the which for more exactness I had the curiosity to see weighed. The same person offered for a small reward to take five drams in twenty four hours; but then he said, it required a long time to digest, and did not doubt but to overcome it: but I was too scrupulous to put a man into a sleep, from whence I feared he might n●v●r awake. This person was of a thin and l●vid complexion, his skin shrivelled, no more beard than a few hairs, his mouth commonly open, because his chap was fallen; his countenance putting me often in mind of the Picture I have seen of the Gorgon's head; for had it been encompassed with Snakes instead of his Turban, it might have served for a perfect Original. He had arrived to the years of forty eight, and from the years thirty he had entered into Opium from great excess of Wine: in which condition he found that his stomach requi●ed littled other nourishment, being content with a small quantity of bread and water for his other Diet, Opium supplying him with all the other Delicacies he could desire: he was the father notwithstanding of two or three children, which he confessed to have begot in the strength of his Opium, having no desire to accompany with his wife, until he was first invigorated with his usual Doses, being till then like a Trunk or Log, wanting spirits almost to turn his body. For his Opium was that only which could revive all, which about a quarter of an hour after it was taken began to operate, and then we discovered in his eyes, which before were dull and heavy, scarce opening, a certain quickness and sparkling, and then soon after he was fitted for the work of the day, and could labour as others, and take a journey on foot of seven or eight miles to Market, and return home at night: his body was always bound, or his belly constipated with the hardness of his excrement, and yet he was subject to no other sickness, unless his vitiated desire to this Poison which can nourish no wholesome or healthful body. The Turks, as I have learned, make little other use of Opium than this; yet sometimes they will put it into their Camel's ears, and the nostrils of their Horses, when faint and weary, wherewith they revive again, and soon recover their strength and force to travel.  
The Vizier having thus passed some days of Entertainment as Scio, entered again his Galley, and passing through the straits of the Hellespo●t arrived at Rodesto, where having landed many of his Janissaries and such of the Army as remained with him, after a few days continuance he marched to Adrianople, where he was received by the Grand Signior with all evidences of satisfaction, and entered the City triumphant after the manner of the Turkish Allai.  
The Ceremonies and Compliments being past, which usually intervene between Great Personages after a long absence, the grand Consultation was, In what manner to prevent the seditious eruptions of the Soldiery, and how to reconcile the Jealousies between the Grand Signior and his Brothers. For the former, two things were concluded necessary. First, to divide the Militia of the Janissaries, which was immediately executed, and eight thousand of them, under pretence of Incursions, were sent through Moldavia to remain on the Frontiers of Poland. Secondly, being observed, that most of the Soldiery drank Wine, from whence in ancient times arose many Mutinies and Seditions of the Soldiery, dangerous to the Ottoman State, as namely in the time of Mahomet III. when the Janissaries in the heat of drunkenness entered the Seraglio by force, and demanded the Heads of the chief Favourites: And as than it was judged the best Expedient to cool the hot brains of the Janissaries, to proclaim a Prohibition of Wine at Constantinople, and to command upon pain of death, That those who had any Wine in their Houses should bring it forth, and stave it; so now the use of it was universally forbidden in all the parts of the Grand Signiors Dominions, and a special Command was sent to all places respectively under the penalty of death, and a thousand maledictions, cursing Wine as come from Hell, and as a Liquor produced by the Devil to ensnare men's souls, and inebriate their heads, and confound States. And so generally was this Prohibition enjoined, that his Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople with long solicitation and charge obtained licence for his Family, and the Merchants there to make Wine; but for the Merchants at Smyrna there was more difficulty, and this year Wine was not made in their Houses according to custom, and not without scruple permitted to be imported from the Greeks Islands, and other parts where the Command extended not its force; for the Prohibition was to all places where Mosches or Turk's Inhabitants, the Villages or Isles where Christians only lived were not included. To this Prohibition were added on every Friday Sermons to the People inveighing against Wine, and cursing the Drinkers of it, in which affair Vanni Efendi the Grand Signiors Preacher was much concerned, from whom the Original of this Counsel was judged to proceed. And now to please the Reader, who perhaps may be curious to know the stile of this Prohibition, I have here inserted the Command verbatim as translated out of the Original, and directed to the Kadi of Smyrna.  
TO the most perfect of the judges amongst Musulmin (or Believers) the most worthy amongst those Powers which profess one God, 
●he Command against Wine.  the Mine of Virtue and Wisdom, the Exemplar of justice to all People, the Inheritor of the Sciences of the Prophets and Apostles, the Ornament of his Office and (through the Grace of God assisting) our Precedent in Smyrna, whose Virtues may they ever be augmented. At Receipt of this my Royal Command know, That Wine and Games at Dice, and figured Cards, and of Arrows without feathers, which are Lotteries, are the filthiness of Diabolical work (according to the testimony of the miraculous Revelation) are Fomenters of malice and wickedness, and are the ferment of that Faction and Sedition which corrupt and seduce the Servants of God, which being prohibited by Authority, and yet used, provokes the anger and disdain of Almighty God against us: And whereas by this Mother of all wickedness (that is, Wine) the Musulmin Kingdoms are defiled, there appears an evident alteration of the Musulmin Law and Faith, and an inlet to actions of foul impression. Praised be the high and most great God, that in the days of my years abounding in Felicity, the observation of lawful Precepts hath been confirmed, and unlawful things have been prohibited; and now I know that this is the sum of the most important Affair conducing to my Kingdoms and my own Felicities, and in general the principal and greatest care, and the best and most necessary Canon of my Empire: so that being desirous to satisfy the Creator of the World, my Royal and immutable Will resolves to cleanse and purify the Musulmin Kingdoms of this prohibited and filthy abomination; wherefore when this Royal Command comes to your hands, wheresoever there are Taverns of Wine, let them be razed and thrown down in all Cities and Towns ennobled with Musulmin Mosches, let the buying and selling thereof be prohibited, with all drinking and use of Wine; and likewise I command, That in Constantinople, Brusa, and Adrianople the Imposition thereupon be wholly taken off. And that in all other Cities and Towns adorned with Musulmin Mosches, there be not a drop of Wine suffered or admitted in; and that Musulmins neither privately nor secretly drink Wine; and whosoever is or shall be Author of this sin, and to alter my Command in this particualr, either now or hereafter, may he be punished by the Universal Lord of all the World. Likewise when this my Command of high Reputation appears, which is a Royal Writing, let it be annexed to the Decretal Rolls, and be put in execution according as it is obligatory. And when this Command comes to your hands, you are to have all due care of this enjoined particular, That it operate according to the Tenor of this Royal Injunction, participating of Prosperity and Majestic Power▪ by virtue of which you are to reprove, reprehend, hinder, and prohibit, according to the Law of God, the drinking of Wine; and that it may be wholly taken away, let the Tax and Revenue which proceeds from thence be taken off, and in all guarded and governed Cities and places of my Kingdoms, let the Taverns be ruined and overthrown. And therefore you are to make known and publish to all Citizens and Inhabitants the force of this my Royal Command, as well in the City of Smyrna, as in other Cities and Towns ennobled with Musulmin Mosches, and you are to ruin the Taverns which are found there. And you are to take away the Houses of Entertainment amongst the Franks which are in Smyrna that sell Wine, nor shall they sell Wine in their own houses, but you shall hinder and prohibit them: and if those Taverns shall be the Possessions of private men, you shall advise the Owners of them; or if they be bequeathed by Testament to the Deputies of the Muteveli, you shall admonish them with earnestness and threats, That in the place of Taverns they raise other more profitable and lawful Buildings, and that they re-edify them in a different form from the first. And the Taverns being ruined and demolished according to my Royal Command, and the Butts and other Utensils thereof taken away, you shall make a public Arz thereof, and send it to my Royal Stirrup; and you being admonished thereof by my Royal Admonition, you are to have a care that neither in the City nor Suburbs thereof, nor in Cities adorned with Royal Mosches any person whatsoever bring in Wine, or one drop thereof, or that the buying or selling thereof be admitted, and that no Musulman drink Wine. For if after this I come to understand, That any person have brought in Wine, though it be but one drop, I swear by the Holy Souls of my Grandfathers, and great Grandfathers that those who bring it in, or sell it, or drink it, shall be punished with such tortures, as were never inflicted on any before. In short, this being a business so important as to the Faith, as to my Empire, my strong intention and firm resolution is to cleanse and purify in the highest degree as well the Frontiers, as the Royal Seats of my Empire from so foul a sink of so much filthiness and dissension; year 1671. and therefore do enjoin this Royal Writing of high felicity so far, that nothing shall be able to change or alter it, or rovoke this Command of Majestic Reputation. And for the future, let him be who he will, that shall offer to oppose, or alter, or change this my Command declared by these Presents, or have intention or design to the contrary, may the curse of God be upon him. In conformity hereunto know you, that are judges, that this being my Will and Pleasure, and ultimate Resolution, you are to register this noble Command in the Book of public A●ts, and Decrees, that so it may be preserved; and for execution thereof, you are to use all your diligence and power, and therein to take due care; for if after these Admonitions, Confirmations, Menaces, and Rigours, Wine be either bought or sold in the Cities or Suburbs, or other places, as before; or that there remains any Tavern not ruined, or if in any wise a drop of Wine be bought or sold, you shall receive due punishment, and yourself suffer the same torments which are threatened against those who are publicly guilty of the transgression of this Law. Therefore know this, and knowing it, give credit to my noble Firm.  
Dated in the Month Rabiul, Evel Hegeira 1081. in Adrianople.  
And now one would imagine that this Command being a Hartesheriff signed with the Grand Signior's own hand, would have been of durable and perpetual Force and Authority. But experience hath showed us the contrary, that in one Year after, Licence being first given to Franks, to make Wine in their own houses, and especially to all Christian Ministers; in one year more the indulgence became universal, and Taverns were again admitted, and still continue as common and free as in former times.   

Anno Christi 1671. Hegeira 1082.  
THE Ship which carried the Presents for the Turks and designed to transport the Ambassador, being cast away, new preparations were made, and the Galley Brazzana, commanded by Alexandra Zeno, a noble Venetian, was dispatched with them, being ordered to transport Signior Molino the Ambassador to the Port, who was received with the usual honours due to his Quality and Character; all which Ceremonies and Offices being past; several matters occured which were not so well expressed in the Capitulations, but that they needed an explication; and new Orders and Models for redress of Affairs in Dalmatia: For the Morlacches, who in the time of the War had submitted themselves to the obedience of the Venetians, began now to infest the Country, and to enter into those places, which in the first years of the War they had destroyed and abandoned; the Turks on the other side opposed them, and the Country being open, many skirmishes happened, and as many troubles ensued as in the time of the War. For adjusting these differences Mahomet Pasha of Bosna was dispatched into those Countries with Authority and Instructions; where on the other side he was met by Antonio Barbaro, Proveditor General of Dalmatia and Albania, appointed by the Senate to accord and settle the differences of the Confines; and the place designed for meeting of the Commissioners was appointed to be between Climno and Clissa; but such was the fury of the people, and the passion that both parties had to recover their ancient possessions, that the Turks in the Month of November by force of Arms made themselves Masters of Obronzo and Dernis, which were surrendered without much opposition, by reason of the small numbers of the Morlacches, who neither having Garrison nor Fortifications were easily surprised, under the pretence of peace. But it succeeded otherwise at Scardona, where by the assistance of a Galley and some Brigantines, the Turks, who were the Aggressors, were repulsed; and in like manner at Risano they were beaten off, and put to flight with much confusion and slaughter, with the death also of Vsuff Bey, their chief Commander, and Author of all these troubles.  
The Relation of these disturbances was carried to the Port by the Bosnacs, who were concerned in these Affairs, with all circumstances of aggravation which might incense the Grand Signior, and move the Vizier to take part in their Quarrel; But he being desirous to maintain that Peace which he himself had concluded, moved the Grand Signior to dispatch a Hasachee, or one of his Royal Officers, to render him an exact account of the true state of the Affairs of the Country. In which Interim Mahomet Pasha of Bosna, the Commissioner happening to die, the Vizier moved, That the Morlacches should surrender up those places which they had lately possessed, and that new Commissioners should be again sent for adjusting the Limits of the Confines, and the Possessions of the Inhabitants. The Senate of Venice accepting this proposition, gave Orders to their General Barbaro to withdraw the people from the places in dispute, and in the Month of May 1671. made and constituted the Cavalier Nani Procurator of St. Mark, their Plenipotentiary, with full authority to compose all differences touching the Frontiers. On part of the Turks one Mamut, once Pasha of Buda, and late Chimacam of Constantinople, was nominated and empowered with like faculty; he was a person with whom I was well acquainted, and of whom we have had occasion to discourse, when he was Kahya to old Kuperlee. He was a Native of the Country of Bosna, who are reputed for men of much more affable and courteous disposition, and of more pleasing Conversation, than the common temper of the Turks who are for the most part of haughty, sullen, and saturnine Complexions.  
These Commissioners, with Thomas Tarsia Interpreter, met about the end of july, in the plains of Island between Zara and Sebenico under Tents erected for that purpose: At this meeting were present also the Mufti, and Treasurer of Bosna, and all the Kadi's and Military Officers of that Province, which might make a Body of four or five thousand men, ill armed, and badly accoutred: With Nani the Commissioner for Venice, were present, Alberto Magno Captain of Zara, Farsetti Proveditor of Clissa; divers military Officers, such as the Cavalier Varisano, Grimaldi Sergeant General, Count Rados, the Count Scorto, Vimercato, Cesarini, with divers other Colonels, and Persons of Quality, and Nobles of the Province, some of which were Representatives for their principal Cities, such as Zara, Sebenico, Spalleto, and Trau. His Excellency the Comissioner N●ni had three Troops of Horse, and as many Companies of Foot, for his Guard, and at Possidaria were two Galleys and four Brigantines to attend him: so that his Equipage appeared as well Martial, as agreeable to a place ordained for a Treaty of Peace.  
On the 27 th'. of july the Commissioners had their first Conference in the Pasha's Tent, the Debate continued many hours with much heat; which did not only relate to the late Conquests, but new difficulties arose in regard that Ferat Aga, appointed Commissioner for the Port, had in the year 1573 assigned Bounds and Limits to the Confines, according to his pleasure and arbitrary will, which not being assented unto by the Venetians, a new regulation was made by the said Ferat, together with Cavalier Soranzo in the year 1576. Time afterwards, and the turbulent spirits of the Inhabitants had altered these Limits, and by reason of the long War the Landmarks and Bounds of the Confines were removed or wholly destroyed. The original Copies of the Writings of Agreement were rotten, and much defaced, the names of the places and the situations being wrote in divers Languages, were confused, and the reports of the people were so different, proceeding from the diversity of their Interests, that little of judgement could be founded on their relations. At length, as to the Confines of Zara, it was agreed, That they should be regulated according as they were limited by Soranzo and Ferat; for better settlement of which, and to avoid all doubtfulness or mistake, the Commissioners took the pains to travel several days journey in person to erect the bounds and Limits of each people; in which though many contests and differences arose between particular persons, yet at length personal interests were forced to give way to public determinations.  
In like manner the Confines of Sebenico were determined, being bounded by the River Checa, and being arrived at Scardona, the Pasha Mamut desired that he might have the convenience of passing in the Galley, and accordingly he was received aboard, and treated with that generous entertainment which is agreeable to the magnificence of the Republic; and landing at the River of Belulla on the Banks of the Valley Daniel, where the Pasha had placed his Tents, the Turks who with a greedy eye swallowed in their thoughts the possession and enjoyment of all these Plains, would have enlarged their Confines to those marks which Ferat Aga had singly placed according to his own arbittary pleasure, including also Verpogly within their Limits. 
The difference about Verpogly.  This Verpogly was a small Redoubt on the top of a Hill once belonging to the Venetians, which at the beginning of the War they abandoned, as costing more to maintain and defend, than the value or consideration of it; the Turks afterwards possessed it, when they had a design to besiege Sebenico, but afterwards forsook it, and retired; upon this place Mamut much insisted, producing a Command from the Grand Signior, ordering that it be taken in, fortified, and garrisoned. But Nani with more force of Argument insisted on the cont●a●y, producing ancient Writings, and undeniable Testimonies to prove that this place did really, and of right belong to the Republic; by which though the Pasha was fully convinced in his own mind; yet being overawed by the insolent importunities of the Inhabitants, he was cautious and fearful of declaring his true sense in the case; but rather endeavoured to overcome the Venetians sometimes with flatteries, and anon with menances, having to that purpose, besides his own Forces, ordered the Beglerbey of Greece to approach those Confines with an Army of about ten thousand men. But all this did not move the steady Constancy of the Venetian Commissioner from his reason and right; for maintenance of which he appeared firm and resolute, and being necessitated for convenience of Water to remove his Quarters to the Lake Rebenich, gave some jealousy to the Pasha by this retirement of an intention to break the Peace; howsoever, Nani declared his meaning to the contrary, and that there might be no interruption to their proceedings, proposed that these differences might be remitted to the Supreme Powers; and that in the mean time, until answers came, they might proceed in the adjustment of other parts of the Confines. But the Pasha assented not hereunto, but desired rather the dispute should be referred to the Port, and that in the mean time he himself should retire to Cettina, and the other to Spalleto. Scarce were the Messages sent, and the Dispatchesmade (by Isaac Aga, 
Mamut Pasha dies.  a Person whom I well knew) before Mamut Pasha, after a short indisposition ended his days: he was a man of about ninety two years of age, at which years I have admired to see him ride abroad, and transact his affairs with great dexterity, with a strong memory, and a sound judgement. And here it is admirable to observe with what constancy and patience the Turkish Officers do usually support their laborious employments; they contemn all difficulties and incommodiousness of living, as if they did not feel them, inuring themselves to colds and hearts, to watchings and labours, being abstemious in their diet, and as occasions require, not indulging to sleep; and no question but this aged man travelling in the scalding heat of the Sun, and suffering much for want of plenty, as well as of good water, dried up that little radical moisture which remained, and caused this Autumn-fruit to fall, which perhaps might have continued a short time longer on the tree, had it not been desiccated by drought, and shaken too hard by the motion of travels and labour.  
The News of Mamut Pasha's death being arrived at the Port, a Commission was immediately granted to Chusaein Pasha Imbrahor, or Master of the Horse to the Grand Signior, to succeed in his government and business of Treaty concerning the Limits of the Confines; with which Authority and Instructions Chusaein posted away, and being well informed by Isaac Aga of the ill nature and rapacious disposition of those Borderers, arrived with intentions to agree, and with courteous and benign thoughts towards-Cavalier Nani, who had gained a great esteem and repute amongst the Turks of a generous and noble disposition.  
On the ● of Octo●er the Commissioners 〈◊〉 in the Valley of St. Daniel, showing a courteous and kind aspect each towards other. Wherefore ●●ying all considerations concerning the Limits assigned by Forat Aga, and the Contests about Verpoglie, 
A new Conference of the Come missioners.  the Line drawn from the Mountain Tartarus was agreed, and determined to be the true and undoubted Confines of Sebenico. The Valley of St. Daniel, for the pleasure and fruitfulness of it, administered more of difficulty; but at length the Arguments of Nani prevailed, and induced the Pasha to assent to those Bounds, which had been assigned by Soranco in the year 1576. giving, to avoid future mistakes, the true names to those places, which the Turks for their advantage, and to confuse things, had altered and disguised, that they might not be known. Thence proceeding to the Teritory of Trau, where was less of difficulty or trouble; for the Wars not having made much alteration in that place, the Lines were evidently described by Soranco, according to whose description the Fields, Plains, Rocks, and Mountains were measured out an, d allowed.  
Lastly, They came near to Spalleto, where before the War there was little of any Territory assigned; bu● now by the Conquest of Clissa there was assigned unto it a spacious and fruitful Country, extending itself to the foot of the Mountains. As to Clissa there was no difference at all: howsoever the Turks would on no means admit, that the Venetians should keep Salona and Vragnizzo, because by that they would cut off all communication between Clissa and Spalleto, and thereby render it a place useless, and of more charge than benefit; and because those two places of Salona and Vragnizza had been the Dowry of a Sultana Wife of Russen Pasha, and by her given to endow a Mosch, which therefore according to their Religion could not be given away, nor alienated. But Nani insisting as vigorously on this, as on other points, showed himself resolute to maintain this particular, as being that, which if not granted, would certainly in a short time be occasion of those quarrels and dissensions, which must necessarily break forth into an open War: for that there could be no security of Peace to the Inhabitants of Salona, whilst they lived amidst their Enemies, and just on the Skirts of Clissa, Spalleto, and Sasso. Chusaein having well comprehended this consideration, and being desirous to dispose matters towards a durable Peace, slighted the opinion and sense of the Borderers, and so concluded all matters, and in presence of Nani subscribed the Agreement on the 24 th'. of October in open Divan held in the Campagne of Salona; the which was also mutually subscribed, and Copies interchangeably given. And in this manner the difference about the Confines was concluded, and the long War between Venice and the Turks had an end.  
Whilst all things were reducing themselves into a posture of Peace, the Timariot disbanded, and the Janissaries retired to their Chambers, in the month of October returned the Turks Envoyé from France, bringing with him an Ambassador from that King called Monsi●ur De Nointel, a Person of an excellent temper, grave and serious in his Treaties and comportment; and to give this Embassy the greater reputation, he was attended with three Men of War and a Fireship, which sailing along the Hellespont and Propontick without opposition, came to an Anchor near seven Towers, from whence sending advice of their arrival to the Chimacam demanded to be resaluted by the Seraglio, they promising as they passed to show the first demonstrations of courtesy; but that being denied, as not usual or customary, the French Ships passed the Seraglio silently without firing a Gun, or any significations on either side, whether of Friendship of Hostility: the Ships came to an Anchor at Fonduclé, where the Ambassador remained aboard unsaluted and unacknowledged by the public Ministers of the City; until the Great Vizier, who supposed that a breach with France ought to have better foundation than a mere Punctilio of Honour, seemed more to despise than take notice of the affront. For he who knew so well to dissemble, after he had seen the French Troops ranged both in Hungary and Candia, against the Ottoman Forces, and yet politicly connived thereat, and acepted an excuse, did not esteem it prudence to ground a War for want of the smoke of a few Guns; but on the contrary ordered▪ That the Ambassador should be received with the usual Form and Solemnity of Reception. The French having the advantage by this success, the Soldiers and Seamen belonging to the Ships committed many insolences in Pera and Calata, which never were revenged or accounted for; and when the Ships departed, above an hundred Slaves escaped from the Galleys and parts of Constantinople, and gained Sanctuary aboard: amongst the rest one Monsieur De Beau-jeu a Knight of Malta, who had for a long time been Prisoner in the seven Towers; but at length knocking off his Irons, and by help of a Cord letting himself down from one of the highest Towers in the night, recovered the Ships, and regained his liberty. Nor yet did this nor other affronts, whereby the French did really brave the Turks, administer sufficient subject of choler to the Vizier; for passing all by, as if nothing had been done, or nothing worthy his notice, frankly gave his Orders to let the Ships pass the Castles, which upon the foregoing causes and pretences had been before detained: adding, That it was natural, as well for men as for birds, to endeavour to procure their liberty, and therefore were not unblamable but that those to whose care they were committed, wanting due circumspection and vigilance in their Office, should pay for the escape of their charge by the price of their own lives or liberties.  
The French Ambassador in the mean time proceeded in his Journey to Adrianople, where the Court resided; and having passed through the several degrees and Punctilios of Visits and other Ceremonies, at length descending to matters of business, proposed the renovation of the Articles of Peace, with an addition of thirty two Particulars to be altered or adjoined. The Vizier who all this time kept more in his heart than he evidenced in his countenance, refused to condescend to a concession of the most easy and reasonable of their demands, offering only to renew the Capitulations verbatim according to the Tenor of the ancient Cannon, without other alteration than the Name of the present Sultan, and the Date of the Month and Year, and herein he was so constant and fixed, that no arguments or colours of reason could seem to move him in the most minute and less important points of circumstances; and this perhaps lest the World should imagine, that the Turks were affrighted into Terms and better Treatments of Friendship, or that Immunities and Privileges in the Ottoman Court were acquired rather by rude usage adjoined with menaccs and neglects, than by more candid and fawning Addresses.  
In this manner the French Affairs rather went back than forwards in the Ottoman Court, and it seemed that the Turks late Embassy into France and of the French to the Port served to augment the differences more than alloy them. For the new Ambassador falling short in his expectation, having obtained nothing of those many Particulars▪ which he demanded, retired malcontent from Adrianople to his usual Residence at Constantinople, where he resolved to attend what farther Instructions should be given him from France; and supposing his Master would ill resent his usage so contrary to what was promised in general terms, did suppose, that his next Orders would be of revocation, and that those frequent disgusts and disrespects so often received, and given on one side and the other, would at length burst out into an open defiance. The Turks apprehended so much themselves, and as their affairs and designs proved afterwards with Poland, they were displeased that they had given the most Christian King so just an occasion of quarrel: for understanding towards the latter end of the Year 1671. that great Preparations for War were making in France both by Sea and Land, they were conscious that their demerits had justly deserved the chastisement of the French Arms, in revenge of the many injuries they had offered that Nation, and therefore paused a while, and observed the motion of these Enemies, before they would engage themselves in a War with Poland. But at length the beginning of the Year 1672. having discovered the designs of France to be only intended against Holland, the Turks reassumed their purposes so long premeditated against Poland, with an arrogance natural to Turks, and with a scorn not only of France, but of all Christendom. For his most Christian Majesty judging perhaps, that the rude treatment of an Infidel Prince so far remote, entrenched not so much on his Honour and Interest, as the quarrel he had with the neighbouring States, seemed to contemn for the present, or rather to defer the revenge of former injuries until a more fit and commodious season; wherefore in the mean time his Ambassador upon new Instructions from France brought purposely by a Man of War, repaired a second time to Adrianople, where he intimated unto the chief Ministers the great desire his Master had to maintain that League and Friendship, which for above an hundred years had continued inviolate and uninterrupted: and therefore waving all other former Particulars of demand, declared himself satisfied, only to renew the Capitulations, with that single alteration of their Customs from five to three in the hundred, according to that Privilege which the English and all other Christian Merchants enjoyed, whose League and Friendship was subsequent to that of others. The Great Vizier being now freed of that suspicion and fear he apprehended of the French Fleet, and being assured that their Arms were not now probable to disturb him in his designs intended, he seriously smiled in his sleeve at these Addresses, and with a kind of scorning neglect bid the Ambassador welcome to the Court, saying, That he should have what he desired. Wherefore the Capitulations were transcribed, and the alteration made in the value of their Customs; but the Vizier who meant nothing less than to yield them this Privilege, deferred the signing thereof from day to day, pacifying the daily importunity of the Ambassador with dilatory excuses, until at length having protracted the time to the very day that the Grand Signior and he began their March towards Poland, without so much as granting the Ambassador a personal Audience, did then with soft and gentle words signify to the Interpreters the grand pressures of his Affairs at present, that would not permit him time to perfect all matters with the Ambassador, whom they should assure, that at his return with Glory and Victory from the Erterprises in hand, those requests should be granted, and his promises performed; and in the mean time his Nation should remain secure in these Dominions, as in former times, and the League and Friendship continued and maintained. The Ambassador was strangely surprised at this last Farewell; but being a Gentleman of great Morality and Virtue, knew, no doubt, how to bear such a disappointment with an equality of mind agreeable to the greatness of his Soul; and therefore with a due resentment of the injury received, he returned to Constantinople, whilst the Sultan and his Vizier proceeded in their March towards the Confines of Poland.  
But before I enter into a relation of the motives of that War, and the success thereof, which is the Subject of the following Year, let us return to the place from whence we have digressed, and observe in this Year of Peace and repose of this Empire, what the Sultan contrived for security of himself by the death of his Brothers.  
We acquainted you formerly in what manner the Sultan was disappointed in his designs against his Brothers, by means of his Mother, to whom the Janissaries had committed the care of their safety, which she according to her promise had maintained, and tendered equally with her own. But now the Vizier being returned from the Wars, and the most seditious amongst the Janissaries withdrawn from Constantinople, it was thought fit to make a new attempt on the Princes still residing in the old Seraglio, which was performed with those due preparations and secrecy, that it took effect on Sultan Orchan, the eldest of the two, who in the Month of September, 
Sultan Orchan put to death by his Brother.  1671. died by a draught of poison, which was administered to him as a Present from his courteous Brother; some say he was strangled, and that before he submitted his neck to the Bowstring, he killed one of the Executioners with his Hanjarre. This Prince was reported by the people to be a comely Person, of a strong and robustious body, of large and black eyes like Sultan Morat: his death was lamented by all, and presaged as fatal to the Empire, in regard that that very night that he was murdered the Moon suffered a greater Eclipse than it had done for many years before, which happening out in this conjuncture was interpreted as ominous, and served to increase the maledictions and evil speech's, which the Turks in all places cast out upon those who gave this counsel to the Sultan.  
About this time the State of Genova desirous to change their Officers in Turkey, 
A n●w Resid●nt s●nt ●rom Genova.  sent a new Resident to Constantinople, and a Consul to Smyrna, which change was principally obtained at the request of the old Ministers, who weary of an employment so tedious, without a benefit corresponding to their melancholy life, and perceiving their Trade decline before it was arrived to any tolerable state or degree of reputation, by the assistance and mediation of friends solicited their Letters of Revocation. For the Trade of Genova being chiefly founded on hopes of those advantages which they expected from a coarse or base alloy of money, did instantly decay so soon as the Turks discovered themselves to be abused by the vast quantities of Temins imported, as we have before related: after which their profit ●ailing, the Consulage consequently decayed, which is the only subsistence and encouragement of such Officers as are necessary to reside for the continuance of that Peace, which but a few years before they unadvisedly made with the Turk. The new Resident had no sooner arrived at Constantinople, and considered the poor and mean estate and ill foundation of their Trade, the growing charge of the Residency, and the great debts thereof that were to devolve upon him from his Predecessor; but he perceived into what a Labyrinth of troubles he had ingulfed himself, instead of being preferred according to his hopes into a place of Honour and happy retirement. In which confusion of thoughts arising one morning before day from his bed, and sitting on his Close-stool (as the servants of the house report) reached at a Towel, which being entangled within the Lock of a Carbine that hanged always charged near his bed, unfortunately drew the Trigger too hard, which with that gave fire, and shot the poor Gentleman into the belly with a brace of Bullets, of which being mortally wounded, after Confession and some Prayers in a few hours he passed to another life: unhappy mischance, if it may be called a chance; for I have understood from a sober person of that Nation, that the anguish of mind which he conceived at the evil condition of his Affairs, wrought in him a deepness of melancholy and despair, under which languishing some days, did at last most miserably lay violent hands upon himself.  

The Conspiracy of Serini, Frangipani, and Nadasti.  And now it is time to recall to mind the Conspiracy of Count Serini, Marquis Frangipani, and Count Nadasti, Persons of Quality and of great Power in Croatia and Hungary, who (as we said before) had sent their Messengers to the Great Vizier then remaining in the Leaguer of Candia, with overtures of submission to the Ottoman Power. It was strange News to the World to hear that the House of Serini should abandon the Christian Party, and those renowned Defenders of their Country should apostatise, though not from Christianity, yet from that Cause and Liberty which their Ancestors and themselves had defended with Blood, Treasure, Valour, and Constancy. But dissensions and animosities sown by Satan, the Enemy of the Christian Church, did strangely corrupt the minds of those famous Persons, and raise in them a Spirit resolved to avenge the neglect and injuries put upon them by the Ministers of the Imperial Court, though at the expense and hazard of their fortunes and lives, and ruin and shipwreck of their Honour and Consciences: For the neglects and affronts undeservedly cast on Nicholas Serini during the late War (as before related) and the contempt and scorn put on the Croatian and Hungarian Nobility, was supposed to have fited the hot and ambitious Spirits of these Persons, who could more easily endure the slavery of the Turkish yoke, than condescend to the Government and prevalency of a contrary Party. Wherefore in prosecution of their design, the complices of Serini being resolved to submit to the Turk, dispatched two other Gentlemen to the Ottoman Court (besides those which were sent the year before to Salonica) who arrived at Adrianople the 11 th' of February 1670/1 demanding the protection of the Sultan, for which they promised a Tribute of thirty Purses, or fifteen thousand Dollars every year for those Lands they held in Croatia. To make Answer hereunto a Divan or Council was called, in which were weighed all the Arguments and Reasons on one side and the other. The mufti opposed their receiving into protection, as being against the Capitulations and Agreement so lately concluded with the Emperor, wherein the receiving or abetting of Rebels is expressly forbidden, and provided against by one side and the other; but Vanni Efendi the Preacher who used to be always of a different opinion to the mufti, urged to have them received, because that the advancement of the Mahometan Cause, and enlargement of their Empire was more sacred than the conservation of their League with an Infidel Prince. And that the Ottoman Court was no longer to be termed the Refuge of the World, if it could not yield that protection which oppressed Kingdoms and distressed Princes petitioned to obtain. In this manner the matter being controverted without Agreement, it was in fine resolved to refer the matter to the determination of the Grand Vizier, who was now a few months passed returned triumphant from Candia. But by this time Intelligence being come by way of Bosna, that the Emperor had already entered Croatia with thirty thousand men, that he had taken Chiacheturno in Cotoriba, and that Serini and his Associates were taken already or fled, either to Vienna to beg pardon of the Emperor, or Transylvania, or to some other place, that the Marquis of Bada had fortified Sequas and other Castles of Serini with Germane Garrisons; the Turks esteemed it too late to administer help to this desperate cause, and therefore refused to own the Patronage of a People, to whom they could neither pretend by Reason, nor defend by Arms. The Vizier also like the Fox, contemned those Grapes which he could not reach, and with an abhorrency as it were of the Revolt or the Rebellion, as a zealous Hater of all perfidiousness, refused to afford protection to any of the Complices in the late Confederacy, which he politicly designed in reference to the Emperor, whose friendship he would seem to conserve most faithfully, lest he should interrupt him in the carrying on of that War, which he then meditated against Poland. But what became afterwards of these Conspirators is the subject matter of the Germane History, it is sufficient to acquaint the Reader here that their design being seasonably discovered, year 1672. they were interrupted by the hand of Justice, and met that Fate which is due to Traitors and Rebels to their Country, having abused the goodness of their Prince, to whom clemency and mercy are connatural. We shall therefore leave these men to render the next account to the Judge of all things, and prosecute our Relation of the Wars of Poland, which now was the next prize held up to the Turkish Militia, and was that adventure which was to consummate the glories of the Great Vizier. Howsoever, this gave beginning to that Rebellion in Hungary, which to this Year 1679 hath been continued, without prospect how far it may proceed, and what may be the issue of such direful Effects.   

Anno Christi 1672. Hegeira 1083.  
WE have formerly acquainted you how coarsely the Chimacam of Adrianople had in the year 1667 treated the Ambassador of Poland, who came to complain of the incursions made into their Country by the Tartars; desiring that not only satisfaction might be made for the late spoils, but that that unruly and savage people might be restrained from the like Attempt for the future. But the Vizier being now returned in person it was thought necessary, That to preserve this gross Body of Empire from corruption, it should be exercised with motion, and the vigorous agitations of a new War. 
The Turks deliberate of a War.  To what place they should now convert or employ their Arms, was the important subject of a grand Consultation; they had lately made up a peace with the Venetians, so that on that side it was too early to make an irruption▪ the parts of Persia were too remote and distant to carry on a War with success and pleasure; the fields of Hungary had been lately traced, and they were satiated with the blood of Austria and Germany; something now of novelty must be proposed, and the forgotten ways of Poland must be again opened, there being something, it seems, of wantonness in prosperous Arms, which delight in variety, and abhor as much to fight often in the same Country, as Travellers do to see the same place twice. The Polanders had unto this day so preserved the Limits of their Country with honour and gallantry, that the Turks could never secure to themselves one palm of Land within their Territories, until the civil and most detestable Discords of that Country laid them open to the fury of their Enemies, who embraced this most grateful opportunity, which facilitated their Design, and made that easy which they had so long desired, and with care studied and contrived. But for the better understanding of these Affairs it is convenient for us to take the Thread of History at some distance off, that so we may with better light comprehend the Causes, Original, and Occasions of this War.  
The hatred and jealousies which the Ottoman Port hath always nourished and conserved against the Kingdom and Dominions of Poland, are ancient and inveterate, having their rise from the valiant opposition and successful repulses it always made against the various attempts of the Turks; whereby the Poles were animated to treat always at equals with them, and with terms agreeable to that vain glory and swelling pride, which are natural to their Nation. 
The C●u●●s of the W●r wit● Poland.  But that which renewed the memory of past actions, and raised an expectation in the Turks to avenge the injuries by subjugating the Cosacks, was o●e Bogdan Chimilniczki General of the Co●acks, who growing powerful in that Country, with the strength of a numerous Army, abhorring the Pride of the Polish Nobility, denied obedience to their Kingdom, resolving to make himself the absolute Prince of that Province, from whence various fortunes of War succeeding, he was at length forced to join himself to the Tartars, and crave the protection of the Turkish Arms. In the mean time, Poland, invaded by the Swedes, Moscovites, and Transilvanians, was dismembered of Livonia, and a great part of Litu●nia and Verania, the first possessed by the Swedes, and the latter by the Czar of Moscovy, and the Rebel Cosacks; which confusions rejoiced the Turks, and gave them the first hopes, not only to free themselves from the frequent Piracies the Cosacks committed on them in the Black Sea, but to impose upon them the Ottoman Yoke; to which end they maintained a secret correspondence with the Generals of that people, promising them the assistance of Men, Money, and Arms, but yet with that caution, that they would not seem unprovoked to quarrel with the Poles, or without just cause to violate the peace of Choccin, to which they pretended a most religious and reverend regard.  
Wherefore, that they might not appear causeless Actors against that solemn League, they secretly encouraged those Incursions, which in the Years 1666 and 1667 we have already mentioned to have been made by the Tartars into Poland, as far as the Walls of Leopolis; which action, that the Tartars might not have occasion to abett and maintain, the Poles resolved to send a most splendid Embassy to the Turks, desiring that the Tartar Han might be deposed, for having unjustly violated the sacred peace of Choccin. For that as the Poles were obliged to restrain the Piracies and Depredations of the Cosacks in the Black Sea, so the Turks were become security against the incursions of the Tartars. Scarce had the Ambassador Radiowski delivered this message, before he unhappily died at Adrianople (as we have before signified;) to who●e Complaint and Demand, after many delays, no other answer was given, than that the Poles should first break their League which they had contracted with Moscovy for thirteen years, without the consent, and against the pleasure of the Port, and then after that they might expect and promise themselves all due satisfaction.  
In this manner Affairs stood wh●n King Casimir, weary of the Factions and Discords of the Nobility, resigned up his Crown to retire unto a private life. And now it being necessary to proceed to a new Election we may consequently expect various Commotions and Disturbances in this State, sufficient to attract the eyes of the Turks, and encourage the Cosacks in their intended Revolt. At length Prince Michael Korebut Wisnowieski being elected King, it seemed agreeable to reason, that all Verania should have returned to obedience of him, to whom the best part of that Country did by right of patrimony, year 1662. and natural inheritance belong; but the success thereof fell out contrary to all expectation, for Dorosensko, than General, designing to usurp that Government, proposed the project of uniting Verania to the Body of Poland, as a member of the Crown, by which means that Province would not only become free from its Vassalage to the Nobility, but obtain equal suffrages in the Diet, with all the other more free and privileged Countries; and in this manner he might not only compel Poland to condescend to his designs, but confirm himself in the absolute and supreme Authority of the Cosacks: This proposition therefore seemed so insolent, and savouring of Rebellion to the Polish Court, that a severe and menacing Message was dispatched to Dorosensko, threatening to take from him his Bulava, or Truncheon of General, if ever he entertained any such imagination so highly derogatory to the Majesty of the Polish State; he therefore thought it his time to cast himself wholly into the Protection of the Sultan, and accordingly dispatched Ambassadors to the Port to signify their submission, begging to be received into the Arms of the Ottoman Power; and as an assurance thereof, that he might receive the (Tough) which is the Ensign of Authority, carried by Pashaws. The Vizier at the first motion hereof, reflecting on the evil consequences, in case the Grand Signior's honour should be foiled in this action, suspended a while a complete answer thereunto; but at length being instantly solicited, and perceiving the Disorders and Factions of Poland to increase, the Cosacks were received for Subjects of the Empire, and obliged to wage War against all Enemies to the Ottoman Power.  
Duke Michael being elected King, the first Act he performed was to send an Ambassador extraordinary to the Grand Signior, with no other Design than to acquaint him of his Election to the Crown, only in case an opportunity presented, then to move for a ratification of the Articles concluded at Choccin. This Ambassador, called Wisozki, being of a haughty and proud spirit, became the Author of all the mischief which ensued; for being of a temper which could not equally bear the honour of his important Office, launched out into matters beyond his Commission, and instead of imparting his Message, would become sole Arbitrator of all the differences between those two powerful Princes; for he being unacquainted with the Power or Affairs of the Turks, supposed nothing in this World comparable to the number, riches, and valour of his own Nation, and therefore gave himself that liberty of arrogant Language, that by way of Command and Menaces he rather seemed to act the part of a Governor or Umpire in the differences of State, than of an Orator or Suppliant for peace. In his conceit the Turks wanted both courage and power to invade Poland, and therefore supposed he might safely brave them into a ratification of former Articles, especially when he mentioned a hundred thousand Horse, which he undertook before the Vizier to be able on his own accounted to conduct as far as the Walls of Adri●nople. It was a strange humour of Rodomontado that inspired these two last Ambassadors, year 1672. and if from them we may take a pattern of the disposition of the rest of the Polish Nobility, it will be no wonder to hear and read the Distractions that are amongst them, that they carry themselves with disrespect to their Prince, are emulous and factious amongst themselves, and that their pride and ignorance, which have flattered their humour, and triumphed amidst their Tenants and Vassals, should betray them to all those evils which we may fear may be the consequences thereof.  
The Great Vizier, considering the confidence which this person used in his Discourse, imagined that the differences in his Country might be composed, and therefore in compliance with his desire, offered in general terms to confirm the peace made at Choccin, without Addition of any new Article in reference to the Cosacks, being a business of that nature which admitted of no present determination; this, he said, was his ultimate resolution, which if the Ambassador approved not, he might then advise it home, and expect a farther result of their Counsels. Wisozki being really possessed in his fancy of the Turks weakness, gave way to his passion, and with little judgement replied, That he approved not of the Proposition, nor needed he to transmit any such advice into Poland, he himself being a Plenipotentiary of as full a Power as the King and Council; for being a Nobleman, he was by consequence that necessary Member of the Republic, that nothing could pass without his Suffrage.  
The Vizier amazed at this extravagant way of discourse, the which he supported with moderation and contempt, dispatched away a Chiaus into Poland with Letters, desiring that this Ambassador should be recalled, as being a Person unable to manage matters of the least concernment; and if they supplied his place with an other, he should be received with due respect, and a plain way laid open to conclude his Negotiations to the satisfaction of both Parties.  
Wisozki abounding in his own sense and humour, represented matters in a far different manner into Poland, alleging, That the Law of Nations was impeached by the violence offered to his Person, being imprisoned, and the usual Tain or Allowance of Ambassadors withheld from him; both which were not absolutely true: for the maintenace he refused as too mean for his Quality and Office; and for his Imprisonment, it was no other than Confinement to the City of Constantinople, with a prohibition only from passing over unto Pera, where formerly in a house he had taken, he committed a thousand irregularities and disorders, which caused the Vizier to recall him again over to Constatinople, denying him the liberty of passing more to the other side. These were the injuries which he complained of into Poland, still fancying, That if the Nobility were assembled to consider of these matters, the Turk would be so affrighted at it as to condescend unto any terms he should propound. These reports of Wisozki took that impression with the Court, that esteeming all authentic which he said or wrote, without farther examination issued out Orders for a general Insurrection, and that all people should prepare for the War, rendering the Vizier no other answer, than that when their Ambassador was set at liberty, and had licence to depart, the like should be permitted unto theirs▪ and in the mean time the Chia●s was committed to safe custody, The Grand Signior highly angered at this obstinate misunderstanding, immediately ordered that Wisozki should depart, and at the same time commanded his whole Militia to rise and follow him to the War; and so much the rather was he animated by the reports sent him from Dorosenzko, seconded by the Vayvods of Moldavia and Valachia, whose Letters declared the miserable confusions in Poland, divided into divers Factions and Parties, their want of money, and the mutiny of the Soldiery inclined rather to betray than defend Verania. And now a Sword and other Presents usual in these cases, being sent to the Tartar Han, he was ordered to unite with the Cossack's, and to invade Poland, where being encountered near Batoma, by a Body of Horse under the Command of Luzecki Governor of Podolia, the Poles were defeated, and was the first bad Omen of the ill success of this unhappy War.  
To second these beginnings, the Grand Signior having raised an Army of an hundred and fifty thousand men, marched towards Poland already sick and languishing with its own intestine distempers, and unable to contend with a Body united within itself, wanting neither internal vigour, nor nourishment to maintain its strength; the first Enterprise was the impregnable Fortress of Caminiecz, which had often in former times baffled the Ottoman Arms; but now being ill provided, destitute of Arms, Ammunition, Provisions, and but weakly manned, and what was worst, despairing of any Relief, after eleven days Siege surrendered itself to the pleasure of the Conqueror. Hence the Turks had an open passage through all Podolia and Volhinia to the very Walls of Leopolis, which they passed over like Travellers rather than Enemies, there not appearing one person in Arms to oppose them, delighting and sporting themselves in these most fruitful and delicious Countries of Europe: thus had private animosities and civil rancour possessed the minds of the Poles one against the other, that they had rather yield themselves to the servitude of an Enemy, than condescend to the humour or counsel of a Citizen. Thus had the Turks passed all this Summer in the Plains and Cities of Poland, where it seemed rather Peace than War, all places submitting without difficulty unto the Grand Signior as to their true and natural Lord and Soveragin, by which means the Inhabitants redeemed their Lives and Estates; for the Sultan willing to demonstrate his clemency, and to spare those who voluntarily yielded, and encourage others to submit to so gentle a yoke, forbade all the common outrages of Soldiers, not permitting Plunder or Booty to be brought into the Camp; nor greater Spoils to be committed, than if his Army had passed through his own Dominions; whether this obliging or winning manner of proceedings overcame the stout hearts of the Polanders more than blows, will be experienced in the sequel of this story; it is certain the Militia returned home poor and weary, and more broken by this years' Expedition than by the long and tedious March to Persia, and hazardous Battles during the Siege of Babylon; but the Sultan was desirous to return home, and give this first proof and testimony to the World of his warlike and invincible Spirits, of his clemency and of his success in Arms, that at his first appearing in the Field, all Armies and Fortresses submitted to his Power. The Poles on the other side being of an opinion and temper far different to that of their Ambassador Wisozki, resolved to purchase the departure of their new Guests on any terms; so that the●e following Articles were agreed and concluded.  
That the King of Poland should quit all Claim to ukrain, Podolia, and Rusland.  
That for Leopolis and the Country thereabouts should be paid a Tribute of seventy thousand Dollars a year; all other Capitulations formerly made were to stand in force and virtue.  
These Articles being signed, the Grand Signior committed the Government of Verania and Podolia to Dorosenzko, and the defence of Caminiecz to Chusa●in Pasha with a Garrison of twelve thousand Janissaries; so that now being returned home, the Militia was permitted to repair to their several Countries and Dwellings, the following year being dedicated to the repose and ease of the Soldiery.  
Towards the end of this Year, when the Ships of Barbary returned home, those of Tripoli conceived a certain discontent against their Pasha named Osman for his covetous behaviour towards his Soldiers; for having that Summer taken very rich Prizes from the Venetians and other Nations, the Soldiers expected at their return home to receive a division of their Spoils according to their just and equal shares. But the Pasha grown old and covetous, getting the whole into his hand, appropriated the greatest part to his own Coffers, distributing to the Soldiers an inconsiderable proportion of what they had gained the year before. Hereupon the chiefest Commanders amongst them becoming greatly enraged began to incense the Soldiery, which for interest or want of Pay, being always ready to mutiny, took fire immediately, and easily were blown into a Rebellion; so that first making Parties, and retiring into secret Juntoes and Councils, they resolved to destroy the Pasha, and alter the Government, and thereby make themselves Masters of all the Treasure and Riches which Osman Pasha had in the space of thirty years amassed together: The Pasha having notice of all that passed, and apprehending the Conspiracies of this unbridled People to be dangerous, began to provide for his safety, and getting together so many as he supposed of his Party, and that were, or might be faithful to him, which joined with his Slaves and Servants, made up a small Garrison, wherewith to defend and preserve himself within his Castle, which being well provided of Ammunition and Victuals, he shut his Gates, denying access or admittance unto all persons upon pretence and account whatsoever. Hereupon the Mutiny appearing, the Soldiery drew into a Body in the open field, against whom several shot were made from the Castle; so that now the Civil War was begun, and the whole Force of Tripoli raised against the Pasha and his Castle, which being straight besieged the Defendants who were for the most part Servants and Slaves, failing in their courage, resolved to make Conditions f●r themselves to the best advantage; wherefore conspiring against their Master, entered his Chamber and strangled him in the night; year 1662. and the next morning opening the Castle-gates, received the Enemy within the Walls, making manifest the death of their Master and their own Treachery. Osman Pasha being dead, every one acted for a time what the wildness of an unruly multitude could suggest, till such time as the Heads of the Rebellion could frame themselves into some form of Government, which for the present was resolved to be by a Dei, as most convenient for commanding of the Soldiery, intending for the future to take the Algiers Government by a Divan for their Pattern and Model of Rule, under which the people of that place had found and experienced the sweetness of liberty, riches, and success. These matters being agreed upon, some of their Men of War were sent to give advice unto the Grand Signior of the revolutions of their City, supplicating him to pardon the violence used against their Pasha Osman, whose Covetousness and Tyranny forced them for self-preservation to precipitate that Authority, which they knew on their complaints, his Majesty would have granted them; and that he would be pleased to receive them into his protection and favour, as his faithful and humble Subjects and Slaves, and as an evidence thereof would grant them a Pasha confirmed by his Royal Signature. The Sultan, though at first showed himself much displeased with this manner of proceeding against Osman Pasha; yet seeing that there was no remedy, suffered himself to be mollified by their Presents and submission, granting them a Pasha for their Governor, whose power proved as unsignificant as his doth, who bears that Title at Algiers. Matters being thus reduced to some tolerable condition amongst them, they concluded, That the most beneficial course of life to render them considerable, as well as to amuse and divert the minds of their rude people from innovations against their Governors, was to grant free liberty to whomsoever pleased to arm out Ships of War; which Privilege Osman Pasha reserved to himself and his Confidents; and finding at present that they were able to set out six Sail from fo●ty to fifty Guns, and four more from twelve to thirty, intending to accomplish in all the full number of fifteen Sail; those who traded in the Levant Seas began to apprehend, that this faithless and heady people would at a time, when they found their advantage and the temptation of a rich Prize, break their Peace with his Majesty our King, the which Osman Pasha had notwithstanding conserved for several years without violation, moved perhaps thereunto out of an apprehension, that in such troubles which a War with England might bring upon them, he might lose or impair his riches, and bring the like confusion on his people, as he had lately heard of in Algiers on the like occasion: but how and in what manner these matters succeeded, and how at length this people broke their Peace and Faith, we reserve to be recounted at the end of the Year 1674.  
Towards the end of the month of August it pleased God to take out of this life unto a better Sir Daniel Harvey his Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople: a man whose person being comely, was extremely grateful to the Turks; and for the experience he had at the Ottoman Court, was equal in the happy management of Affairs to any of his Predecessors.   

Anno 1673. Hegeira 1084. year 1672.  
BUT it seems the Turks had made too much haste in their return to digest a Conquest of so large Extent; so that they were scarce well warmed by their Winter-fires, before they were alarmed again with Jealousies of Poland, and the Seditions amongst the Cossack's, whom Dorosenzko wrote he could not keep in subjection, unless he had some Succours sent him from the Port. The rumours likewise that the Muscovite armed, and was resolved to Assist the Poles in recovery of their lost Country, increased the apprehensions of the Turks, who too late perceived the error they had committed in so soon disbanding their Army, which before some were scarce got home, they were forced to recall. But now the year was well begun, and no grand preparations made; so that it was impossible to collect an Army in so short a time considerable enough to be honoured with the Conduct of the Sultan; wherefore it was resolved, that all things this year should be disposed in a readiness against the next. But the Grand Signior had a project of his own to depart speedily with his Court, and to pass the heats of the Summer in the Mountains of Zegna about five or six days Journey on his way towards Poland, which being reported to be a place well planted with Trees, watered with cool and fresh Springs, and abounding with all sorts of Game, made him impatient to take up his Summer-quarters in a Country so agreeable to his humour; and that he might cover the design of pleasure with that of profit and policy, he pretended that the report of his proceeding so far would both hasten the Army, and give a terror to the Enemy. But the Great Vizier and his Council who weighed all things better, were of another opinion, judging it neither honourable for the Court to be retired into Woods and Mountains, nor the advantage of such a surmise able to countervail the expense and inconveniences of that Journey; and therefore it was concluded to stand unto the first resolution, That the Grand Signior with the main Body of his Army should not move until the following year, but that in this interim all preparations should be made for Provisions and Ammunition, in order unto which three thousand Janissaries were already sent away to Keminiecz under the Command of the Sampsongibashee and six thousand more under the Zagargibashee were to be landed on that Isthumus, which joins the Crim Tartar unto the Main, from whence they had a short March to the assistance of Dorhsenzko. Chasaein Pasha lately come from Damascus, was nominated for General to be sent into Silistria, and there to command in Chief over the Militia of Dobriza, Bosna, and Rumelia in case of any alteration and disturbance in Poland: this Person was always accounted a stout and valiant Soldier, though seldom fortunate, and was the same that lost the Battle before Lewa in the last Germane Wars, as we have before intimated: he was about this time grown infirm by a hepatical Dysentery, which reduced him to a weak condition of body, with little hopes of recovery.  
In the mean time arrived at Adrianople an Ambassador from the great Czar of Muscovy, bringing Letters dated in April of the preceding year, year 1673. which was before the time that the Turks had entered Poland, the contents of which were, That the Grand Signior would do well to desist from his design against that Country; 
The unseasonable Address of the Moscovite Ambassador.  for that if he did proceed and invade those Dominions, he should find himself obliged to make War upon him, and with his mighty and puissant Power to drive him back to his own Jurisdiction. This Message appeared very unseasonable, and caused much laughter at first; for that the Turk had since the Date of that Letter invaded Poland, and possessed himself of vast Countries, and yet neither encountered any opposition from the Muscovite, nor so much as heard any rumour of his Motion. Wherefore the Turks with scorn forbade the Ambassador any farther Addresses, and commanded him to be gone speedily, saying, That his Master had neither courage nor force to maintain his word of War, nor wisdom to manage a Treaty of Peace.  
The Reports now from the parts of Poland spoke matters to be in a quiet posture, and not likely to concern the Turks much for this year; wherefore the Grand Signior began again to renew his purposes of pastime and pleasure in the Mountains of Zegna; but because no true or perfect account could be given of the delights, refreshments, and situation of that place, the Olack Celebi or chief Postmas●er was sent to survey the Country, and to return with a relation of all matters: but in the interim the design was altered; for the Grand Signior having begun a Fabric in which he had expended about eighty thousand Dollars, at a small Village about nine or ten miles from Adrianople; the place and novelty of the Building so well pleased him, that he found in himself an inclination to pass the whole Summer there; and becoming likewise enamoured of a young Lady in his Seraglio, notwithstanding his former tenderness to his Queen, and late aversion to all other Women, he judged it was possible to divertise his time well in those parts, and more to his contentment, than in wild woods and uninhabited mountains. Whereupon the intentions of Zegna were laid aside, and nothing thought of but the rest and quietness of the Court for this year.  
But because it was reported, That the Czar of Muscovy made great Preparations for War, it was judged necessary to command the Crim Tartar to be watchful of his motion by Land, though the natural slothfulness of that people gave them no apprehension of their Arms for this year; howsoever it being probable, that they might prove more active and forward in the Black Sea, than they were capable to do by Land, by sending forth their small Boats down the Volga to take and pillage the Saiks and Vessels belonging to Constantinople and other parts; the Captain-Pasha was ordered to pass into that Sea with thirty five or forty Sail of Galleys for defence of the Coast, and for fortifying and repairing Asac, and the Fortresses thereabouts: but whilst these Preparations were making for the Euxine or Black Sea, the other Seas were neglected and undefended; for the Alexandrian Fleet consisting in all of eight Sail, 
The Alexandrian Fleet taken by the Malteses.  were encountered not far from Rhodes by some Maltese and Ligornese Corsaires: the Ships of the Turks were most of them very great and potent Ships, one of them was at least fifteen hundred Tuns, and was capable to carry an hundred Guns, the others of eight hundred or a thousand Tuns, able to have resisted and overcome, had they been well armed, double the force that assaulted them; but being now engaged with an Enemy, though not so strong, yet better experienced in marine Affairs than themselves, they fought with them stoutly the first day; but the next day six Galleys coming to the Christians assistance, (which had been harboured in some Port not far distant, and led thither by the noise of the Cannon, to which also a calm giving the greater advantage) the Turks began to faint in their courage, so that four Galleons and two Saiks yielded to mercy, which was a Prize of so great value, that it was supposed never to have been equalled since the time of Sultan Ibrahim, when the loss of the grand Sultana and other Ships gave the first occasion of War with Venice. This great Ship which was reported by those who saw her to be both longer and broader than the Sovereign, carried only sixty Guns, and was manned accordingly only with about an hundred Seamen, and about two hundred more which were Land-men, wholly unacquainted with the Sea or with Naval Fights: the biggest Ship amongst the rest was belonging to the Queen-Mother, and the others to the Grand Signior, being freighted principally with Sugar, Coffee, Rice, and other Provisions for the proper maintenance of their Courts, which we may suppose will highly inflame these grand Personages, with anger and disdain, when they reflect on their own proper losses which touch them so nearly as their peculiar Goods and the Furniture of their Kitchens.  
The Turkish Court now angered with this loss, was more moved in the midst of May, when a Messenger from Poland arrived with Letters from the Grand Chancellor, declaring with modest terms, 
The Poles refuse to pay their promised Tribute.  That their Kingdom was unable or unwilling for many respects to pay the promised Tribute; so that if they did not judge fit to wave or lay aside those pretensions, they should be forced to take up Arms in defence of their Honour, Safety, and Privilege of their Dominions. The Turks surprised with this unexpected Message, too late perceived the error of the last years proceedings, which were carried on with a clemency and confidence not agreeable to the disposition and humour of such an Enemy, as is unacquainted with servitude, and so far from being able to support a Foreign Yoke, that they cannot endure subjection to their own Civil Government, every Nobleman (of which there are many in Poland) being ambitious to be a Prince, judges himself better than his elected King. Hence proceeded all those dissensions which laid them open to the late invasion of their powerful Enemy, the apprehension of whom having obducted for a while those sores of Faction which festered amongst them, and that principle of self-conservation, which by a forcible nature inclined them to Union, at length armed them with a resolution to avenge the Liberties of their Country, and assured them of the Truth of that Saying, That a Kingdom divided against itself cannot stand.  
The Turks now wished that they had either made a true use of their Victory, and the opportune Conjuncture of the last years Affairs to have settled and secured their Conquests, or that they had never begun the War; for now finding themselves engaged in it, they were in honour obliged to proceed, 
The Rebels in Hungary renew their Petition to the Turks for assistance.  and lose the fair opportunity which presented to make their advantage in Hungary; to which place they had been, and were still invited by the Rebleses of that Country, who to revenge the Cause of Serini, Nadas●i, and some other Discontents and Aggrievances of which they complained, and to defend the Protestant Religion, in which by the zeal of some Churchmen, they were disturbed, resolved to abandon their Allegiance to their natural Prince, and rather seek a protection for their Estates, and allowance for their Religion under the Turks, than remain beholding for either to a prevailing party at the Imperial Court. The chief Authors of this Rebellion were Petrozy, Sepesi, Tende, Gabor, Sutrey, and other principal persons amongst the Hungarians, who having on their own strength opposed themselves against the Emperor the last year were defeated in divers engagements, and at length reduced to a very low and miserable▪ condition. Wherefore they renew again their Petitions and Presents to the Sultan, sent by their Agents about the beginning of this Month of April, begging his assistance and protection, representing the easiness of the Conquest, and how large a Gate they were able to open to his Armies, and make a plain way for him into the most fertile and opulent Countries of the World, of which he seemed already half possessed by reason of those Discontents and Factions that were amongst them.  
The Turks though well satisfied of the reasonableness of the design, yet being engaged in honour against Poland, knew not how to retract, and therefore dispatched away the Messengers for the present with fair hopes and secret promises, well treated in private, though they received rather a Denial than Encouragement in public. For the expedition against Poland was that which employed solely the wisest heads of the Empire, who as it were in fury issued out immediate Orders, 
The rage of the Turks against Poland.  That all those who eat the Grand Signior's Bread, should without farther delay prepare themselves for the Wars against Poland; and that Provisions and Ammunition should be supplied in all places according to the usual proportions; The Tugh, of Horse-Tail, (the Signal for departure) was set forth, the Tents ordered to be carried into the Field, and such baste made in all parts, as if the raising of an Army were the business, but of one day; resolving immediately to proceed against their Enemies, to whom the Sultan returned a most dreadful and menacing Letter, full of expressions agreeable to the Turkish Style, which threatened Confusion, Sword, Famine, Fire, Destruction, and a thousand other more direful Judgements: but the Collection of this great Army, and the appendages belonging thereunto, were not so suddenly provided as to admit of such a dispatch as the Sultan's fury pretended; wherefore in cooler blood it was concluded, That for this Summer they should not pass much beyond the other side of the Danube, that the Winter Quarters should be designed in Silistria, from whence they might more effectually threaten and affright their Enemies with their near approach.  
About this time the French found an opportune season to accommodate all their Affairs with the Port, and to put a period to the several Articles and particulars they had for many years demanded. For now the French King not only appeared very formidable by reason of his success against Holland, but likewise instrumental to promote the designs of the Port, whilst he kept the Brandenburghers employed, and diverted the whole Armies of the Empire; and now also that they might engage him not to contribute assistance to the Poles, they judged it reasonable policy to evidence to that Ambassador more external demonstrations of kindness, and strain their courtesy beyond the terms which they could cordially, and in reality afford them. Wherefore, at length the Capitulations were renewed, and some Articles and Privileges superadded, which are these that follow.  

FIrst, That all religious Persons and Bishops of the French Church shall remain and continue quiet and unmolested in their respective Habitations and Dwellings, with liberty to perform all their Ecclesiastical Rites and Ceremonies.  
Secondly, That the Religious of Jerusalem and of Bethlem shall conserve those religious places which they have anciently possessed, and there may continue to celebrate their Worship of God, and all their Devotions, without any disturbance.  
Thirdly, That if these Religious of Jerusalem or Bethlem have any difference or dispute with the Officers thereof, it shall be remitted to the decision of the Port.  
Fourthly, All Frenchmen, and all under their Banner, shall safely at all times go to Jerusalem, and return without molestation.  
Fifthly, The two Churches in Galata belonging to the jesuits and Capuchins, and anciently possessed by them, are now again confirmed by these Presents; one of which belonging to the Capuchins having been burnt, free liberty is given for the rebuilding thereof, and to remain as formerly in the hands of the French; and in the Hospital in Galata, if they will read the Gospel after their fashion, none shall give them disturbance or hinder them.  
Sixthly, Whereas the French Nation formerly paid 5 per. Cent. Custom, now in regard they have been ancient friends to the Port, and that they have renewed their Capitulations, they shall pay no more than 3 per Cent. and accordingly let no more be demanded.  
Seventhly, All Portugueses, Sicilians, Catelans, Messineses of Ancona, etc. that have no Ambassadors at the Port, if they come under the French Banner, shall pay no more than 3 per Cent. according as the French pay.  
Eighthly, In payment of their Customs, they shall pay the Currant Money such as passes in our Treasury, and the Farmers of the Customs shall not refuse the same.  
Ninthly, The Mesteria they shall pay according to what the English Merchants pay, and no more.  
Tenthly, All the Merchandise they bring, or shall bring, shall be valued according to the present estimation, and no more pretended of them, and if the Customers will notwithstanding raise the esteem of the Goods above the value, then if the Merchant will pay his Custom in specie, it shall not be refused.  
Eleventhly, The Custom of Silk being paid— a new Custom ought not to be demanded.  
Twelfthly, The Custom being once paid, the Customer shall not refuse to give his Teschare, and the Merchant being willing to transport his Goods to another Scale, another Custom shall not be demanded.  
Thirteenthly, The Officers and Customers at Sidon, Birut, Aleppo, or Cairo shall not compel the Merchants to take Goods by Force, not under any pretence whatsoever take one Asper from them, nor demand money to be lent unto them.  
Fourteen, The French Vessels may bring Goods from the Indies, by way of the Red Sea, unto the Port Suucis, and having paid their Custom once there, whatsoever Goods they cannot sell in that Country, they may have liberty to transport over land to Alexandria, and there relade them again on their own Vessels without paying another Custom, or receiving molestation from any person. Howsoever, this Capitulation is to be understood with this condition, that this point shall be signified to the chief Officers of Cairo, who having called a Council of the most knowing and experienced persons to consider hereof, and they concluding that this point is in no wise prejudicial to that Country, nor to the Interest of the Believers than this Article to be of force, but if they advise the contrary, than this to be of no effect.  
Fifteenthly, If the Friars, or Merchants, or Druggermen will make Wine, and transport it abroad, none shall hinder them.  
Sixteenthly, The French Consuls, and all under their Banner, having a difference with any of or above, four thousand Asper's, it shall be decided at our public Divan.  
Seventeenthly, If any man slaughter shall happen in the street where French dwell, they shall not be liable to pay the price of the Blood, unless it be proved before the justice that a Frenchman was guilty thereof.  
Eighteenthly, The Druggermen in service of the French Nation shall enjoy the same privileges, as before specified.   
Nor was the French interest only available at that time to obtain the foregoing Articles, and renew their Capitulations with such Additions: but likewise to procure Licence for the Ambassador to travel into the rem●test parts of the Ottoman Dominions; 
The French Ambassador obtains licence to travel.  for though it were a thing never practised before, and denied (as is well known) to other Christian Ambassadors; yet it was granted to Monsi●ur de Nointel with so much freedom, that first in a Brigantine he went to Scio, thence visited the chief Isles of the Archipelago, thence cr●ssed to Rhodes, and so proceeded to Satalia, Cyprus, and jerusalem: so much confidence had the Turks, contrary to their custom, in this Ambassador: for as they style all Representatives from Foreign Princes their pawns or pledges of Peace, so had not the Turks in that conjuncture thought the interest of France worth the obliging, they would never have deviated from their ancient Custom, and given an example for other Ministers to demand a privilege of the like nature.  
But to return again to the designs against Poland, 
The Turks resolve on a war against Poland.  the Sultan about the end of july marched with such Forces as were then in a readiness towards the Confines of that Country; and though he had not with him above fifteen thousand men, yet it was concluded that the Fame and terror of the Grand Signior's motion would either abate and bring low the spirits of the Poles, and induce them to dispatch an Ambassador with terms of Peace, or at least this readiness of the Turkish Camp would be an early preparation for the designs of the next year, and put the whole Empire into a timely motion, and that uniting with the Forces of the Frontiers, they might make a Body sufficient to resist any sudden Incursion. This resolution being taken, the Great Vizier led the Van, and encamped on the Banks of the Danube near a place called Isacgee, where he with all diligence built a Bridge of Boats to pass his Forces with the greatest facility to the other side, on which lies the Country of Moldavia. The Sultan about a days journey short of the Vizier, fixed his Court and Camp at a place called Babadog; with intention after some days to cross the River, and proceed as far as Kemenitz, that by the influence of his powerful Presence he might encourage his Army there, and provide all things necessary for security of that Garrison. But in the mean time advices coming that the Polish Army, consisting of about twenty thousand men, was roving about the Confines of Leopolis, under the Command of General Sobieski, and that a reconciliation was passed between the King and him; and that Zircha, Commander of the Cosacks, joined to considerable forces of the Moscovite and Calmuck Tartars, had made incursions into the parts about Osac, caused the Sultan to desist from his designed progress to Kemenitz, and to pass no farther than over the River into Moldavia for hunting or other pastimes. By these matters the Turks being fully convinced, that the Poles resolved not to pay their promised tribute, nor to send an Ambassador with propositions, which were condescending or supplicating for Peace; the Sultan himself dispatched away an Aga with Letters into Poland full of threats, menaces, and protestations of bringing all that ruin, misery, and destruction on their Country, which always attends the most cruel and bloody War, if they did not retrieve their error by a speedy submission and compliance with those Articles which were the last year accorded. And this was the last motion the Turks made towards a Peace, which they were desirous to embrace on any terms honourable, that so they might have opportunity to divert their Arms to the more mild Climates of Hungary, where, besides the entertainment they expected to receive from friends, who invited them, they should not be liable to half those inconveniences of Cold, Frosts, and Famine, as they were probable to meet in the parts of Poland.  
But the Poles were so much in earnest, and so little esteemed the menaces of the Sultan, that they anticipated his threats by some acts of hostility, and showed that they so much scorned his anger that they were resolved to be the first Aggressors. 
The Poles pass the Neister.  For the great Marshal Sobieski with his Lieutenant General Wisnowitzki marched forward, and boldly passed the Niester with fifty thousand select Soldiers. The General of the Turkish Army, Chusaein Pasha, alarmed hereat, immediately issued forth such Orders for preparing and fitting his Camp as were agreeable to a speedy Battle; and that he might understand the state of his Camp, he called the Prince or Vayvord of Moldavia to examine him concerning the state and condition of his Forces; the answer he gave proving not satisfactory to the expectation of the Turk, who was enraged at the approach of the Enemy, with high and proud words insulted over the Prince, giving him no better terms than Dog and Infidel, and at length struck him over the head with his Pole-Axe; notwithstanding which, and the disgrace he put upon him, imprudently that night committed unto him, and to the Prince of Valachia, the care of the Guards, which consisted of three thousand Men. The Null as near Neighbours and Associates with the others, 
The Prince of Valachia ●●rried by ●is own Soldiers to the Poles.  seemed at first more grievously to resent the affront, than did the Moldavians, and therefore that Night took their Prince by force and carried him to the Polish Army. The Prince, that he might make a Virtue of Necessity, complained of no force or violence offered unto him by his Soldiers, but as if he had voluntarily revolted, showed outwardly a fair and serene countenance towards the Poles, until such time as with forty of his Men, he found an opportunity to escape; but being by next morning at break of day overtaken by five Troops of Polonian Horse, his whole Retinue was slain by them, expecting five of his men, who with himself, saved themselves by the swiftness of their Horses; Howsoever, the Prince received a wound on his left hand with a Sword, with which presenting himself before the Great Vizier, and by that testimony boasting of his Faith and Loyalty to the Ottoman House, was conducted by him to the presence of the Sultan, who, in reward of his fidelity and valour, vested him with a rich Coltan, and restored him again to his Principality with addition of three hundred Asper's a day pay. His Wife and Children which remained as Hostages at Constantinople, being upon the News of the Princes Revolt clapped into the seven Towers, were again released, and conducted to their house with all imaginable honour and magnificence.  
But the Moldavian Prince was more in earnest, and heartily disdained the affront offered him by Chusaein Pasha, towards whom, and the other Turks, though he carried a serene and calm countenance, yet he nourished a secret flame and storm within himself; to vent which, and revenge the affront, he maintained a correspondence with Sobieski, giving him intelligence of all matters in the Turkish Camp, 
The Prince of Moldavia revolts.  how he might most easily surprise the Forces of the Pasha of Sivas, and the four Generals of the Spahees of Alchaholick.  
The Christians made use of this intelligence accordingly, by making their assault on the Enemy on the weakest side, when the Prince having reserved his anger until an opportune Season, turned his face against the Turks, and with a courage agreeable to his spirit and command, he entered the Tabor, or Entrenchment of Chusaein Pasha, and wounded him with his own hand. The heat of the Fight continued fourteen hours, in which none behaved himself more valiantly than did Solyman Pasha the Beglerbeg of Bosna, who though he was as brave and fought as stoutly as any man could having six Horses that day killed under him, 
The Turks overthrow.  he was at length forced to fly and abandon the field, following Chusaein Pasha, of Sivas and Ciddi-ogla, who made better use, in saving themselves, of their horses heels, than their own Arms; But in this Flight his Horse pitching his foot into the hole of a wooden Bridge, which he was to pass, was there stopped until he was overtaken by a Soldier with a Hat, who shot him through the Body; so that continuing his flight more faintly than before, he was overtaken by a Polonian Hussar, who with a Lance bore him to the Ground, where he was trod under foot, and cut in pieces by the Enemy: The other three Pashaws were wounded; the Generals of the Green and Yellow Sangiacks of the Spahees were taken Prisoners, and two other principal Commanders of the Spahees were killed. The Zaga●geebashee, who commanded eighteen Chambers of Janissaries, was taken prisoner, the Standard of the Janissaries taken, and they wholly cut in pieces and destroyed, consisting of eight thousand five hundred men; all the Troops and Attendants of those Pashaws, with four Sangiacks of Spahees, were slain upon the place, which in all were computed to be about twenty five thousand men. The booty taken was very considerable, for besides the ordinary Baggage they took two thousand purses of money, then newly brought for payment of the Soldiery, and twenty five thousand Wagons of Provisions and Ammunition.  
After this success and important Victory the Poles became Masters of the strong Fortress of Chotin, and other smaller Palanchas', on the Banks of the Niester, making their Incursions into Moldavia, as far as jash, which is the principal City of that Country. And thus far was Kaplan Pasha proceeded with the Recruits of about four thousand men, when the News came of the fatal Rout, and the fame thereof increasing by the fearful Relations of such as fled from the Battle, alarmed the Turks with such frightful apprehensions, that they retreated back again to the other side of the Danube, and united themselves to the Forces of the Vizier. But Chusaein Pasha, though he saved his life, yet could not conserve the Air of the Sultan's favour; for so soon as he arrived at the Court, he received an ill welcome; for according to the manner of Turks, 
Chusaein Pasha imprisoned.  who punish the ill success of a General equal to Crimes committed, he was immediately put into Chains, deprived of his estate and honours, and sent prisoner with the attendance only of two servants unto the Castles of the Dardanelli, where the disturbance and unquietness of his mind reduced him to an infirmity of Body; so that being sick, and without Friends or Physicians, he sent to Sir john Finch, his Majesty's Ambassador, as he passed up the Hellespont, to afford him the use and assistance of his Physician; but the Ambassador excused himself, letting him know, that his Retinue being passed before on another Vessel, he was sorry it was not in his power to accommodate him in the manner he desired.  
The Winter being now well entered, which is very wet and cold in those Countries, caused the Armies on both sides to draw into their warmer Quarters, there to meditate and contrive their designs for the more active season. During these Affairs the King of Poland died; so that the Election of a new Prince, the manner of reconciling their intestine Differences, 
The King of Poland dies.  and the means to defend their Countries, were Subjects of important Consideration, and matters more than sufficient to employ the wisest heads of that Nation for a longer time than their common Enemy was resolved to afford them. The Turk on the other side though full of revenge and anger for their last misfortune, yet patiently took this loss as the paring only of his Nails, that his Claws might grow the longer, and was so roused with this blow, that he summoned all the Nations of his large Empire to come in to his assistance, towards which forty thousand Carts laden with Provisions were appointed to rendezvous on the Banks of the Danube towards the end of the month of March. Yet in the mean time the Turks not having patience to see their perfidious Prince avail himself of his Revolt, and in Despite of the Ottoman Power to to seat himself in his Principality of jash, were resolved to drive him thence; and in order thereunto not expecting a milder season, immediately dispeeded some Troops of Tartars, and two thousand Spahees under the Command of a new Prince, to drive him out of the Country. In the mean time the Poles, since their late Victory, kept the Fortress of Kemenitz straight▪ blocked up on all sides, and thereby reduced them to such a want of food and other provisions, as might probably cause them to surrender before the Summer could open a way to their ●elief.  
But before I conclude this Year, I must not omit to acquaint the Reader, that in the month of▪ September an English Factor at Smyrna descended of good Parents, and educated under a severe and religious Master, one who had a reasonable Estate of his own, and in good business and employment, did notwithstanding in the absence of his Partner, with whom he was joined in Commission, carry out of the house 215½ fine clothes belonging to several Principals of England, with a considerable Sum of ready Money, Jewels, and things of value: of which having possessed himself, he went before the Kadi, and there in presence of divers Officers of the City turned Turk, 
1674:  hoping by the Privilege of the Mahometan Law, whereby no Christian testimony can pass against a Turk, to appropriate unto himself that whole Estate, which he had thus treacherously got into his sole custody. And it being impossible for Turks to attest the Marks, Numbers, or know the Estates of Persons being in England, he judged himself out of the reach of any Power or Art to dispossess him of his unjust and wicked acquests. Howsoever the Consul did so closely pursue him both at Smyrna and at the Turkish Court, that in the space of seven months he regained all the Cloth, and the best part of the Money and Jewels out of his hands: and in fine reduced this Renegado to so low a condition, that he humbly supplicated the Consul to contrive a way for his passage into England: at which time His Majesty's Frigate the Centurion being then in Port, he was embarked thereupon, and so returned into his own Country.  
The Particulars of all which having been amply related in Writing and Letters to private Friends, I purposely omit the same in this place, that so I might cast a veil over the nakedness and shame of our Nation in that City. Howsoever I judge it requisite to recount this Story in brief and in general heads, That men may know there is a God who rules above, who rejects impious and licentious persons, confounding the designs of those who betraying their Trust, deviate from the common Rules of Morality and Honesty.   

Anno 1674. Hegeira 1085.  
THis Year began at Smyrna with the happy Arrival of Sir john Finch, sent by His Majesty for Ambassador to the Grand Signior in the place of Sir Daniel Harvey, who died in August 1672. at his Countryhouse not far from Constantinople. His Excellency entered the City on the first day of january 1673/4. rejoicing the English Factory with the sight of their new Ambassador, (that Office having been now void for the space of sixteen months) who was welcome also to people of the Country, judging him fortunate for arriving at the Feast of their great Biram: nor less pleasing was the News thereof to the Court, especially to the late Pasha of Tunis, whose Goods and moneys taken by one Dominico Franceschi, out of an English Ship called the Mediterranean, in her passage from Tunis to Tripoli, this Ambassador had recovered from Leghorn and Malta; which being an action without example, was greatly admired and applauded by the Turks, and esteemed an evident demonstration of that great Interest and Power which the Glory of our King hath acquired in Foreign parts, and of the singular dexterity of such a Minister.  
About the 18 th' of March, Sir john Finch arrived at Constantinople being transported to the Dardanelli on his Majesty's Fregat the Centurion; and thence on a Galley hired at Smyrna for that purpose. Some few days after his arrival, the Grand Signior and Vizier being at Adrianople, the Lord Ambassador had audience of the Chimacam whom he saluted with this speech.  I am come Ambassador from Charles the Second King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, sole Lord and Sovereign of all the Seas, that environ his Kingdoms, Lord and Sovereign of vast territories, and possessions in the East and West-Indies, Defender of the Christian Faith against all those that Worship Idols or Images. To the most Powerful and mighty Emperor of the East, to maintain that peace, which hath been so useful, and that commerce which hath been so profitable to this Empire: For the continuance, and increase whereof I promise you in my station to contribute what I can, and I promise to myself, that you in your will do the like. 
But to proceed to the Wars. The P●landers being thus prosperous, made use of their success, and the sharp cold of the Winter-season to make their Incursions, and Winter-quarters through all the Principalities of Moldavia; for they being born in cold Countries, and accustomed to the Snows and Frosts, were more patient and enduring of extremity of weather than were the Turks, who were brought forth from more mild and moderate Climates: so that neither could the Poles be driven out from those Countries, nor Keminitz be relieved by them, until such time, that the Sun getting high, and thawing the Snows, and warming the Earth, prepared a season fit for return of the Turks who marching according to their custom with an Army composed of great multitudes, quickly compelled the Poles to retire. For the Grand Signior and Vizier having both seated their Winter-quarters on the Banks of the Dan●be, were ready at the first opening of the Summer to enter their Arms into the Enemy's Countries; and having called the Tartars to their assistance, did according to the usual custom make Incursions for depredation of Slaves, cattle, and whatsoever else was portable in a running March.  
The Chan or King of this People was at that time greatly indisposed in his health, of which he advised the Great Vizier, as if he intended thereby to obtain a release from his personal attendance that year in the War: But the Vizier, who either supposed this excuse to be only a pretence, or that he had a kindness for his Person, immediately dispatched away his own Physician called Signior Masselini, an Italian born, a worthy Learned man, a good Christian, and my intimate Friend: with whom maintaining a constant correspondence by Letters, 
A journey into Tartary.  he wrote me, That from the Grand Signiors Quarters which were at Batadog near the Banks of the Danube, he arrived after seventeen days Journey in Chrim, where (he said) he was received with singular honour and kindness by the Great Chan, whom he found to be a Prince of admirable prudence, gentleness, and generosity, but greatly afflicted with a Hypochondriacal Melancholy; which being an infirmity of some years standing, was with the more difficulty removed; howsoever he was so far from being uncapable to follow his Army, that he advised him to divert his mind with the thoughts of War: which counsel having taken, after thirty days abode in the Camp, he found himself much more cheerful than before, and greatly relieved of that pressure of Melancholy and caliginous Vapours which offended his Brain. We are now (said he) at Vssia at the Mouth of the Boristhenes, which we have passed from the other side unto this, where the River is nine miles' br●ad, from hence we are marching towards Bender upon the Niester to pass into Moldavid, and there to join with the Ottoman Army. The Poles have sent to demand Peace, but with condition, that Kemenitz be restored to them; which Proposition was with great disdain rejected, and will never be granted whilst this Emperor reigns. These people greatly desired a Peace with Poland, which the Election of Sobieski for King may probably facilitate; for not only they, but the Turks also dread a March into Poland, and are so inveterately bend to take revenge on the Muscovites and Cosacks, who lately became their Subjects, that they could accept of any reasonable Terms of Accommodation with Poland. I for my part found Tartary a very pleasant Country, plentiful of all Provisions, and the people much more courteous and obliging to the Strangers and Christians, than those Turks with whom you and I have conversed. Thus far Masselini writes in commendation of the Tartars, and in farther confirmation hereof, I have read in some Books, That as to their Morals, there are very few Nations to be found less vicious, they are extremely severe and faithful, they have no Thiefs or false Witnesses amongst them, little Injustice or Violence, and live in union and great tranquillity: the marvellous fidelity of the Captive Tartars in Poland is every day to be observed, who never fail to return at the time appointed, when they are licenced upon their word to go and procure their Liberties by the exchange of Polish Prisoners, which they execute punctually, or return themselves, not failing a minute. And it is observed, That the Polish Gentlemen do rather trust the young Tartars, which are in their Service, with the keys of their Money and Jewels, than any of their Household.  
The time for Armies to draw out of the Winter-quarters, and take the Field being now come, the Grand Signior and Vizier, with great numbers both of Horse and Foot passed the Danube, and prosecuting their March to the Confines of Poland, 
Kemenitz relieved.  they relieved Kemenitz in the first place, the Poles at the News of their approach rasing the Siege. Thence they proceeded to Chu●zim, a strong Fortress on the Niester, taken from them in the last year by the Christians, after the defeat given to Chusaein Pasha, as before related, the which was surrendered without much difficulty on Articles, which were ill observed, the whole Garrison being afterwards put to the Sword. Nor had they worse success against the Muscovites, who retreated backward as the Turk advanced, leaving Asac, after it had been sacked and almost destroyed, to be again rebuilt, which was speedily effected by the assistance of the Captain-Pasha, who was that year with thirty nine Galleys dispeeded into the Black Sea, and with great numbers of Slaves and Soldiers repaired the ruins which the Muscovites had made. In the mean time, whilst the chiefest strength of the marine Force was thus employed, a small Squadron of about ten Galleys were ordered for the Archipelago and the Levant, under the Command of one Mahomet Pasha, a Person that managed sundry great Employments; but his prodigality and profuse way of living was the cause that he could thrive in none, only he thereby gained so much interest and credit with the Grandees and Moneyed men of the Court, who are the Pages and Eunuches, as served him to contract a debt of a thousand Dollars without any ability of his own to give them satisfaction: of which these Creditors being assured, made it their Petition to the Grand Signior to grant him the Command of that Squadron of Galleys, which was that year designed for the Archipelago, 
Mahomet Pasha sent with a Fleet of Galleys into the Arches.  supposing that he in this Expedition being to pass unto many Islands and Conutries, knew how to make such use of his time, and the advantage of his Employment, as would gain him a sufficient benefit whereby to satisfy and clear all scores and accounts with them. This Office being accordingly conferred, Mahomet Pasha prepared himself to depart, whilst the Creditors remained in full expectation of a profitable Voyage and speedy returns; which to improve to the best advantage, the Pasha first visited the open and undefended Isles, from whence with the greatest severity and rapine imaginable he pillaged and plundered what he was able, making some of them to ransom their whole Country with money. Thence he proceeded to Scala Nova, called by the Turks Koush-ad●see, a place on the Coast of Asia, not far from Ephesus, where he demanded of the people (though all Turks) the Sum of five thousand Dollars, which they not finding to pay, were treated with all kind of force and violence, till at length paying down 1500, and engaging to pay the rest in a month's time, the Pasha departed, leaving an Aga, a Servant of his, to receive the money at the time agreed. In that interim, the Kadi coming to be changed, and another of more courage and spirit succeeding in his place, believed that the best service at his beginning and entrance into Office which he could perform towards the people, was to relieve them from the oppression of the Pasha, and persuade them positively to refuse the payment; who taking courage from their Chief, drove the Aga out of Town, with a thousand menaces and reproaches, Upon this News Mehmet Pasha returned again full of anger and indignation, but found not that easy reception nor kind entertainment, as before; but on the contrary, the Gates were shut against him, and the people abandoning their Habitations, with common consent resolved to make a Journey, to the Grand Signior: and to show they were▪ in earnest, proceeded so far in their way as to Ephesus, which is about ten miles distant from thence: the prejudice and danger of which complaint Mahomet Pasha greatly fearing, sent Messengers to pacify them with good words and promises to relinquish his pretensions, in case they would return; but the uproar was so great, that they found as much difficulty to quiet it, as the Town-Clerk in ancient times had to appease the Tumult raised by the Silversmiths about Diana of the Ephesians. Being thus baffled at Koush-adasee, he vented his fury on some poor Islands which he could more easily master, and thence proceeded to Napoli di Romania, where the people being already alarmed with his behaviour, and violence of his actions in other places, and encouraged by the example of Ko●sh-adasee, upon his arrival there, without farther ceremony shut their Gates, and appeared armed against him upon the Walls; at which entertainment and unexpected opposition, the Pasha fearing some evil consequences, set sail from thence, and crossing again the Seas into Asia, made Rhodes his next Port. Thence he passed to Satalia, to Cyprus, and Scanderone, and so again returned for Constantinople, taking Smyrna in his way, committing most extreme rapine and violence on the people, whose complaints having gone before him to the Court, he was immediately cut off at his arrival; but in the first place, his gains and ill gotten goods were seized on to satisfy the Grand Signior, and his Creditors of the Seraglio, who being sent to fish for Wealth, was served like the Cormorants in the Indies, which being made tame, and taught to fish for the benefit of their Masters, have a Ring clapped about their necks to prevent them from swallowing the prey they take.  
But to return to the Actions at Land, which were matters of the greatest importance. The Turks had no sooner relieved Kemenitz, recovered Choczim, and caused the Muscovites to retreat, and draw their Forces into their Country; but being Masters of the Field, 
The Turks seclude●heir Conquest.  and having the choice of acting according to their own pleasure, resolved to secure the places they already possessed, esteeming it more wisdom to make sure their late acquisitions, than to add thereunto new conquests, which they could not maintain. And therefore considering the inconstancy of the Cosacks, who having abandoned their subjection to Poland, had submitted themselves to their yoke; and also how unable Dorosenzko their Governor was either to keep them in obedience, or else to defend them from the Polonian Incursions; they resolved for prevention of these inconveniences, and for a secure remedy against any sinister accidents of this nature, to make seizure of that Party of the Cosacks, who had not submitted to them, and transport them into other parts, which they accordingly put into execution, and sweeping all the Countries as they passed, carried away men, women, and children into Captivity: part of which, such as belonged to the Grand Signior, had some Lands assigned them along the Coast near the Black Sea; the Armenians, who were a Trading people, and lived at Kemenitz, were transported to Philipopoli; of the Jews some were carried to Adrianople, and others to Constantinople; but the younger sort of both Sexes were permitted to the Soldiery to carry them for Slaves to their own homes, and were in great numbers dispersed through all parts of the Empire: a Policy anciently used by Pharaoh to his Egyptian Subjects, who having bought their Lands of them, did afterwards transport them from one end of the Land unto the other, that so he might keep them in the greater servitude and subjection, Gen. 47.21. And as for the people, he moved them from one end of the borders of Egypt to the other. And in this manner the success concluding the year, without any great Enterprise or Feats of Arms, the Sultan returned to his Court at Adrianople about the end of November, licensing all the Asian Horse and Soldiers of remotest parts to return to their own Countries, with liberty to appropriate the the following year to their repose and care for their peculiar concernments.  
To these Wars amongst secular Persons and men of Arms were added Differences, and never to be decided Controversies between the Religious of the Roman and Greek Churches at jerusalem, 
The difference between the Latins and Greeks at Jerusalem.  who contending for the possession of the Holy Sepulchre of the King of Peace, rend that seamless Coat of Christ, and managed their Controversy with more malice and rancour each against other, than Princes do, who invade one the other with Fire and Sword. For the Franks or Western Christians subjected to the Pope's Dominion, had possessed for several Ages a right to the Holy Sepulchre, and enjoyed the honour of the custody thereof, notwithstanding the pretences of the Greeks thereunto, who for many years in vain attempted at the Ottoman Court to obtain that Privilege; for the Franks being ever more powerful by charitable contributions brought from Christendom, besides large Sums of Money from the King of Spain, did always outbid the Market of the Greeks, and consequently made use of stronger arguments, than the adverse Party could produce in defence of their cause. Until such time, that one Panaioti, a Greek born in the Island of Scio, having by his parts and excellent address arrived to the honour of being Interpreter for the Western Tongues to the Great Vizier, at length obtained that favour with his Master, that he seldom refused whatsoever he with reason and modesty requested; and being a great Zealot in his Religion, and esteemed the chief Patron and Support of the Greek Church, he secretly begged in behalf of his Country, the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre at jerusalem out of the hands of the Franks; which the Vizier would not deny him, both to reward him for some services already performed, and likewise because he knew that a concession of this nature would again raise the spirits and animosities of Christians; the allaying and appeasing of which being an office solely in the power of himself, and the supreme Authority, would certainly prove beneficial to the Ottoman Court. Panaioti having obtained this Command, and considering that the defence thereof would be a trouble to him, for that thereby he should create Enemies which were no less than Kings and Princes to contend with, and perhaps should live to see it reversed, wisely laid it by him, there to remain dormant until the time of his death; which happening the year past, the Command was produced and brought to light, and was before the Easter of this year set on foot at jerusalem, and by virtue thereof the custody of the Sepulchre sentenced by the Pasha and Kadi of that place to belong unto the Greeks, the which was occasion of so great trouble and confusion, as disturbed the Holy Feast, and polluted the Sacrifices with the blood of one or two persons, who most earnestly contended for the Privilege of their Nation and Religion. Nor could this difference he decided here, but both sides appealed to the Court above; which being heard and debated in public Divan, the possession of the Sepulchre was adjudged in favour of the Greeks; the Franks being only to enjoy a● precarious use thereof, as Pilgrims and Strangers to the Country. Howsoever the Friars of jerusalem would not tamely yield up their Right, but again resolved to try their Fortune at the Court, having by means of F. Canisaries their Commissario with expense of a great Sum of Money obtained a review of the case, but without success; for all these endeavours and charge proved fruitless, the former sentence being confirmed in favour of the Greeks; and the Franks having no other Expedient, applied themselves to the assistance of the French Ambassador, to whose protection the Holy places are assigned by Capitulations. But neither the power of the French Ambassador, nor of any other Christian Representative was available; for the Vizier either mindful of his promise to Panaioti, or being resolute to maintain the Command he had given, would on no terms be persuaded to revoke it; the which intention of the Vizier being made known to the Greeks their Patriarch earnestly pressed a hearing of the case; but the Friars not willing to abide the shock, retired to Constantinople, lest the Greeks forcing them to Justice, they should be condemned in judicio contradictorio, and a Hoget or Sentence passing, they should be condemned in Law as well as by Authority of the Hattesheriff. Which to put in execution, the Patriarch took out a Command whereunto was added, That the Friars in token of their subjection, should pay a Drachm of Silver a head to the Patriarch, and hold all their places of them. This was the issue of the present controversies, which is certainly determined for the time of the Vizier without revocation, yet perhaps in the time of another, it may admit of a review for money, especially being received when as yet the new Minister hath not satiated his covetous desires; howsoever, the expense will always be chargeable, and the success uncertain. Thus have I seen and observed in this particular the effect and experience of two things; viz. The covetousness and pride of Friars, and the conclusion of their Lawsuits before Infidels. The Franks, or the Western Christians, had until this time the custody of the Holy Sepulchre, and the Greeks that of the Chapel of Bethlem, but the use was free to both; but the Franks not being able to enjoy the Sepulchre with contentment, whilst with envious eyes they beheld the Greeks in possession of Bethlem, were always contriving designs by force of money, and power of Christian Ministers to eject them from that Right; until that now in these contentions they have lost both; being neither able to recover the one, nor conserve the other.  
Before we end this year of 1674: and begin that of 1675; it will be necessary for us to discourse of the cause, and original of that War which England had with the Government of Tripoli in Barbary, and the success and conclusion thereof.  
In the year 1672. Old Mahomet boar at Scio and of the Greek race who for many years by Baratz or commission from the Grand Signior had boaren the Office, 
War with Tripoli.  and Title of Pasha of Tripoli; and being grown very rich, and covetous by the Piracies his Ships made on the Christians, and oppression of his people, not dividing amongst the Soldiery, that just proportion of the prey, which of right belonged to them, so incensed the minds of that people, that conspiring against him they murdered him in his Castle, and seized all his riches, to the use of the Public. The Pasha being dead all his creatures, and persons that boar Office in his time were displaced, and others of more justice, and bravery (as they imagined), put in their places, and a New Governor being set up, he began to make a through Reformation, and to alter and change every thing according, to his own humour, and pleasure. In the first place he gave leave to all people to Arm in Corso, or to set out Private Men of War, as every one pleased, and was able; different to the practice of the former Pasha, who reserved that benefit, and privilege to himself; and next it was proposed to constitute a Divan after the manner of Algiers in whom the supreme power of all should be lodged. In order hereunto they immediately, set forth to Sea six Sail of Ships from forty to fifty Guns, excellent Saylors, and armed them with the best and stoutest of their Men, together with four more from twelve to thirty Guns; with these Ships they took many prizes belonging to French, Venetians, and other Nations; and though they had long desired to taste also of the sweetness of English Estates; yet not encountering a prize worthy the trouble and evil consequences of such a breach; they for some time deferred the design which they had long meditated. Till at length about the Month of August 1674. they unhappily encountered the Martin, a rich Ship bound from Venice to Cadiz, which they carried to Tripoli; and on the 17 th' of September following, they seconded this outrage, by other of the like nature, committed on the Hunter Fregat, Thomas Parker Commander bound from Lig●rne to Smyrna; whom the Tripolines meeting with six Men of War at the entrance into the Archepelago, they brought her into the Port of Tripoli; where having plundered all the stranger's goods laden upon her, to the import of forty thousand dollars, the particulars of all which were given under Oath of the Commander, the Ship was dismissed, and dispeeded on her Voyage to Smyrna with no other damage to the English, than the embezelment of 726 dollars, robbed, or pilfered by the Soldiery, together which such charge, as the Consul of Tripoli challenged for his service therein. This news being advised into England, as a breach of Peace, his Majesty out of his usual and gracious care of the welfare of Trade, was pleased to order Sir john Narbrough his Commander in chief in the Mediterranean Seas, to demand satisfaction from that people; who accordingly Sailing thither, and requiring restitution of the goods injuriously taken, received a denial, and denunciation of War. Whereupon Sir john Narbrough wrote to the Consul of Smyrna in this manner.  
These are to advertise you, that the people of Tripoli have broken the peace with his Majesty; they are resolved to take all the English Ships they can meet, and overcome. I have been there with a Squadron of his Majesty's Ships to demand restitution of the goods taken out of the Martin: ●nd Hunter: they refuse to make any, so that now it is open War with those people: I am now at Malta taking in water, I intent to fit at Leghorn; I suppose his Majesty will have a Squadron of Ships to look after these people of Tripoli this Summer. Sir, I pray signify this to my Lord Ambassador at Constantinople, and to all others his Majesty's Subjects where you converss, that they may prevent falling into their hands; in haste I conclude, and kiss your hand, and I remain  
Your Humble Servant john Narbrough. On board his Majesty's Ship Henrietta at Malta. March 15th. 1674/5.  
Sir john Narbrough having fitted himself at Leghorn, and recruited with an additional Squadron of six or seven Men of War he departed for Tripoli, taking under his Convoy, the Vyner, Bristol Merchant, and Mediterranean for Smyrna; and now appearing before the Port of Tripoli in a formidable manner, the Pirates began to repent of their late violation, knowing that they must now either disgorge their ill got goods, or prove the evil effects of War; their hearts began now to fail them, so that they unrigged all their Ships, laying them up close in the harbour, and with them for the present all thoughts of roving on the Seas; for supposing, that the English Ships could not lie always in that Station, but that bad weather or want of provisions would enforce them some time to retire, they hoped in that interval to find an opportunity to launch into the Seas, where being clear, and good Sailors, they might have room enough to escape. Howsoever Sir john Narbrough with his Squadron, continued with such diligence of the coast, plying them with continual alarms, standing off to sea at night, and towards the land in the day; that they found not the heart, nor opportunity to adventure abroad; until one of their Ships, which had formerly been their Rere-Admiral, bound with Negroes for the Morea; resolved to hazard an escape; but not being able to make her passage good, she was forced ashore, and burnt by our Ship, most of the Negroes falling into the ●nglish hands; some few days after Sir john Narbrough fired three of their Galeots, burned a Satee, took a fisherboat and a Sambechin; with which success being encouraged, and the Enemy affrighted, their Ships were blocked up in Port for some months, whilst ours found free passage on the Seas; until that at length growing weary of so long a demorage, necessity drove them to adventure abroad, which two of their best Men of War successfully effected on the 8 th' of September in despite of the English Squadron, year 1675. being assisted with calm weather, and help of their Oars: four others observing the success of the former in a few days after attempted the like, and escaped in the same manner. And now the Commanders of English Ships in divers Ports, taking false measures, on confidence that the Tripolines were blocked up in their Ports, trusted themselves with unadvised security into the Seas; amongst which none was so unfortunate, as a Ship called the Bristol Merchant one Plummer Commander, laden with eighty two Bales of Silk, besides other rich commodities bound from Smyrna to Leghorn, whereon were several Merchants, some of which having lived many years in Smyrna had acquired plentiful Estates: namely Mr. john Foley, Mr. Thomas Laxton, Mr. jacob Turner, year 1674. Mr. Philip Gell, and Mr. Tison Nephew to Mr. Foley; Persons who expected a prosperous Voyage, and a happy arrival in their own Country: But observe here the course of humane disappointments, for being embarked on the Ship aforesaid they set Sail from Smyrna the 10 th' or 11 th' of September in company with the Vyner which happened to be about two or three days after the Tripolines had first broken out of their Port; these two Ships by bad weather, or want of due care lost company each with other in the Archepelago, which proved a happy fortune to the Vyner; for the Bristol Merchant, some few days after being off of Cape Sapientia encountered the two Tripolines which first came out of Port, and being Vessels of forty to fifty Guns, soon made themselves Masters of a Merchant-ship laden, and of mean force. The Tripolines were greatly elevated with this rich prize which they immediately carried to a place called Derno; and there landing their goods, and men; for better security transported them over land to Tripoli. The Persons we mentioned before, were forced for the most part to walk all the way a foot, being thirty four days journey, unless some times, they were favoured to mount a Camel, which is such an unpleasant way of riding, that walking is much more easy; and travailing in a sandy, dry Country, water was very scarce, the days journeys being commonly proportioned according to the distance of the Wells of Water; which they drank with better Appetites, and Pleasure, than they formerly relished the most pleasant Wines. Being arrived at Tripoli they were ill welcomed by the severe looks, and hard diet which they received from their H●sts; and the Plague raging greatly in the City, added to the miseries, and dread of the place.  
The Tripolines encouraged with this prize, and with the expectation of the farther success of their Ships abroad, hoped to weary out the English Squadron, which still continued to infest and trouble their coasts taking their Corn, Boats, and interrupting all Commerce which that Town had with the Sea. At length the English resolved to make an attempt on the Ships in Harbour which they resolutely performed in the night, and with great success according to this relation which Sir john Narbrough gave under his own hand.  
Friday the 14th of January 1675/6.  
I Being before Tripoli, in Barbary with his Majesty's Ships under my command, namely these, 



Frigates  
Harwich  
Henrietta  
Portsmouth    


Fire ships.  
Anne and Christopher Holmes.    


Merchant's Ships attending for Convoy.  
Guinny  
Martin      
And seeing four of the Tripoli Ships of War in the Port of considerable force preparing to go out, and cruse, I fitted a fireboat out of the fireships; and commanded, that all the boats of my Squadron being twelve in number, should be manned, armed, and fitted with Fireworks also; I ordered a considerable Officer to be a Commander in every boat, and my Lieutenant Cloudisly Shovel to be Commander in chief of them all; for being resolved by God's permission to attack the Enemy that night in Port, I gave instructions requisite for such a design. About twelve a clock in the night my boats resolvedly entered the Port, took and seized the guard boat, and killed the people in her, boarded the Ships, and fired them, and utterly destroyed them all, some Turks and Moors slain, the rest fled to save themselves. These four Ships lay under the Dey's Castle Walls, which was all that were in Port, except a Tunis Merchant Ship, which I ordered should not be meddled with and so escaped firing. This Action was performed in less than an hours time without sustaining the least damage on our side, than the expense of some Ammunition, Fireworks, and Fireboat, which were effectually bestowed, as designed, to the great astonishment of the Turks, who endeavoured to impede our design, by plying several great and innumerable small shot at our boats, and men, which were within Pistol-shot of the Dey's own Castle, and Palace. Such was the wonderful mercy of God towards us, that not one man of ours, was killed, wounded or touched; nor a boat any way disabled, but all returned in safety, bringing the Guard boat, two Moors, and the Turkish Colours of the four Ships in triumph along with them to my Ship. Our men employed in the boats on this occasion were one hundred fifty and seven, they all behaving themselves, as became Englishmen.  
To God alone be the Glory.  

Names of the Tripoli Ships of War that were burnt with their Guns.  
White crowned Eagle— 50 Guns  
Looking-Glass— 34 Guns  
Sta Chiara— 24 Guns  
French Petach— 20 Guns   
Guard boat brought off with one Peterero, and two Moors in her.  
I verily believe that in case I had landed at that time with five hundred men only I might have carried the City, for the Turks were so amazed, that they fled out of it, they fired several great and small shot all at random, without hurt to any of our men, God being pleased so to direct it.  
The 26th of January I fired about one hundred shot into the City of Tripoli amongst the Inhabitants.  
The first and third of February I took and destroyed five Corn boats twenty Leagues to the Eastward of Tripoli, and landed and burned a Stack a wood and Timber, which was for building their new Ship, and some small Masts, and Yards, and some bags of bread brought off, and two Guns spiked, which could not be got off; it beginning to blow, and likely to be bad weather; so I was constrained to leave them, and repair on board, and leave the coast. The tenth of this Month the Portsmouth took a Sambechees in her ballast thirty Leagues to the Eastward of Tripoli, she belonging to that Government, the Moors got all ashore but the Sambechee was brought to Malta.  
From aboard his Majesty's Ship, Harwich March the 18th 1675/6. John Narbrough.  
The Tripolines being discouraged, and affrighted with this boldness and diligence of the English, and apprehending that they would always infest their coast, which would be an utter ruin, and destruction to them; and being touched in the most sensible parts of their interest, and welfare; they generally concluded, that there was now no safety, but by making a peace with the English: To ●arther which, and to assist in the Office of Mediation; it happened, that there was at the same time at Tripoli, one Haffse obey, a great man of Tunis, who had been Dei of that Country; but being droven from thence by his Nephews, was come to Tripoli with an immense treasure, intending afterwards to Transport himself to Constantinople, to make his aggreivances known at the Grand Signiors Court. Of this person we shall discourse more at large hereafter; but in this place it is pertinent to relate, how instrumental he was to effect this peace in which he laboured with the greater zeal, that so by assistance of the English, he might find a speedy and safe conveyance on their Ships of his Pe●son, Goods, and Servants into the Morea, from whence he designed by land to Constantinople. The Treaty being thus began; a peace was concluded between his Majesties of Great Britain, etc. and Halil Pasha, Ibrahim Dey, Aga, Divan and Governors of the Noble City, and Kingdom of Tripoli, Dated the fifth of March 1675/6. Being the last day of the Moon Zelhedga, and Hegeira 1●86. By this instrument all the former Articles were again confirmed with addition of two others.  
First, that all Persons taken under English Colours should be delivered to Sir John Narbrough and set at liberty without payment of any ransom for them▪ under which notion, Mr. Foley, Mr. Laxton, Mr. Turner, Mr. Gell, and Mr. Tison, with the Captain and Seamen taken on the Bristol Merchant were freed; whose ransom otherwise might have coast dear, and perhaps almost the value of their private Estates.  
Secondly, That eighty thousand Dollars (which was the account made of the value of goods, and Money taken on the Martin and Hunter) should be made good to Sir John Narbrough, in Money, or Goods, and Slaves. To which was adjoined such a submission, recantation, and acknowledgement for their late offence, and outrage, as testified the sorrow of their true repentance, as we shall see more at large in their following Articles.  
And now the peace being concluded; Sir john Narbrough returned to Malta; and soon after came back to Tripoli to receive the remainder of the moneys, and goods agreed for, the Slaves being delivered already. In this interim the six Ships which had formerly broken out of the harbour, and sailed to the Levant, hearing of the peace, returned to Tripoli; where great feuds and dissensions arose; the Soldiery accusing Ibrahim Dei, nick named Misser ogli as the beginner and Author of the War, and for continuing it so long with obstinacy, until they were reduced to their last extremity. In fine they threatened to cut him in Pieces; but at length they were contented to cashier him only from his Office; after which he fled into the Morea and their Vice-Admiral Mustapha Grande was made Dei in his place; with whom, and with the Soldiers in general now returned; Sir john Narbrough renewed the Articles of Peace, and dated them the first of May 1676; which are these that follow,  
Articles of Peace and Commerce between, etc.  

Articles of Peace, and Commerce Between the most Serene, and Mighty Prince Charles the Second by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France and Ireland Defender of the Christian Faith, etc. And the Most Illustrious Lords Halil Bassa, Ibraim Dei, Aga Divan, and Governors of the Noble City and Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary concluded by Sir john Narbrough Knight, Admiral of his Majesty's Fleet, in the Mediterranean Seas.  
I. IN the first place, It is Agreed, and Concluded, That from this day and for ever forward; There be a true, firm and Inviolable Peace, between the Most Serene King of Great Britain France and Ireland, Defender of the Christian Faith, etc. And the most Illustrious Lords, The Bassa, Dai, Aga Divan, and Governors of the City and Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary, And between all the Dominions and Subjects of either side; And that the Ships, or other Vessels, and the Subjects and Peace of both sides, shall not from henceforth, do to each other, any harm, offence, or Injury in word or Deed, But shall Treat one another with all possible respect and Friendship?  
II. That any of the Ships, or other Vessels, belonging to the said King of Great Britain, or to any of his Majesty's Subjects, may safely come to the Port of Tripoli, or to any other Port or Place of that Kingdom, or Dominions thereunto belonging; freely to buy, and sell without the least Disturbance; paying the usual Customs as in former times hath been paid, for such goods as they sell; And for the goods they sell not, they shall have free Liberty to carry on Board their own Ships without paying any Duties for the same; And when they please they shall freely Depart, from thence without any stop, hindrance or molestation whatsoever.  
III. That all Ships and other Vessels, as well those belonging to the King of Great Britain, or to any of his Majesty's Subjects, as also those belonging to the People and Kingdom of Tripoli, shall freely pass the Seas, and traffic where they please without any search, hindrance, or molestation from each other; And that all Persons and Passengers of what Country whatsoever; And all Monies, Goods, Merchandise and Movables, to whatsoever People or Nation belonging; being on board any of the said Ships or Vessels, shall be wholly free, and shall not be stopped taken or Plundered, nor receive any harm or Damage whatsoever from either Party.  
IV. That the Tripoli Ships of War, or other Vessels thereunto belonging, meeting with any Merchant Ships, or other Vessels of the King of Great Britain's Subjects, not being in any of the Seas appertaining to his Majesty's Dominions may send on board one single boat, with but two Sitters, besides the ordinary Crew of Rowers, and no more but the two Sitters to enter any of the said Merchants Ships or any other Vessels; without the Express from the Commander of every such Ship or Vessel; And then upon producing them a Pass under the hand and Seal of the Lord High Admiral of England, the said Boat shall presently Depart; And if the Merchant, Ship or Ships, Vessel or Vessels produce no Pass from the Lord High Admiral of England, yet if the Major part of the said Ships or Vessels Company, be Subjects to the said King of Great Britain, The said Boat shall presently Depart, And the Merchant's Ship or Ships, Vessel or Vessels, shall proceed freely on her, or their Voyage, And if any of the said Ships of War, or other Vessels of his said Majesties meeting with any Ship or Ships, Vessel or Vessels belonging unto Tripoli; if the Commander or Commanders, of any such Ship or Ships, Vessel or Vessels, shall produce a Pass, Signed by the chief Governor of Tripoli and a Certificate from the English Consul, living there, Or if they have no such Pass or Certificate yet if the Major part of their Ships Company or Companies, be Turks, Moors, or Slaves belonging to Tripoli, Then the said Tripoli Ship or Ships, Vessel or Vessels shall proceed freely.  
V. That no Commander, or other Person, of any Ship, or other Vessel of Tripoli, shall take out of any Ship or Vessel of his said Majesty's Subjects, any Person or Persons whatsoever to carry them any where, to be examined, or upon any other pretence, nor shall use any Torture or Violence to any Person of what Nation or quality whatsoever, being on Board any Ship or Vessel, of his Majesty's Subjects upon any pretence whatsoever.  
VI That no Shipwreck belonging to the King of Great Britain or any of his Majesty's Subjects, upon any part of the coast belonging unto Tripoli shall be made or become a Prize. And that neither the goods thereof shall be seized, nor the Men made Slaves; But that all the People of Tripoli, shall do their best endeavours to save the said Men and their Goods.  
VII. That no Ship or any other Vessel of Tripoli shall have permission to be Delivered up, or to go to any place in Enmity with the said King of Great Britain, to be made use of as Cosairs or Sea Rovers against his said Majesty's Subjects.  
VIII. That none of the Ships or other smalller Vessels of Tripoli shall remain Cruising, near his Majesty's City and Garrison of Tangier or in sight of it, nor any other way Disturb the Peace and Commerce of that place.  
IX. That if any Ship or Vessel of Tunis, Argier, Tittuan, or Salli, or any other place being in War with the said King of Great Britain, bring any Ships or Vessels, Men or Goods belonging to any of his said Majesties▪ Subjects to Tripoli, or to any Part or Place within that Kingdom; The Governors there shall not permit them to be sold within the Territories of Tripoli.  
X. That if any of the Ships of War, of the said King of Great Britain do come to Tripoli or to any other Port or Place of that Kingdom, with any Prize, they may freely sell it, or otherwise dispose of it, at their own pleasure, without being molested by any; And that his Majesties said Ships of War, shall not be obliged to pay Custom in any sort; And that if they want Provisions, Victuals, or any other things they may freely buy them at the rate in the Market.  
XI. That when any of his said Majesty's Ships of War shall appear before Tripoli, upon Notice thereof given to the English Consul, or by the Commander of the said Ships, to the chief Governors of Tripoli; Public Proclamation shall be immediately made, to secure the Christian Captives, And if after that any Christians whatsoever make their escape, on board any of the Ships of War; They shall not be required back again, Nor shall the said Consul, or Commander, or any other his Majesty's Subjects, be obliged to pay any thing for the said Christians.  
XII. That if any Subject of the King of Great Britain, happen to die in Tripoli, or its Territories, his Goods or Monies, shall not be seized by the Governors or any Ministers of Tripoli, but shall all remain with the English Consul.  
XIII. That neither the English Consul, nor any other Subject of the said King of Great Britain's shall be bound to pay the Debts of any other of his Majesty's Subjects; Except that they become surety for the same by a Public Act.  
XIV. That the Subjects of his said Majesty in Tripoli, or its Territories in matter of Controversy, shall be liable to no other jurisdictions but that of the Dai, or Divan, except they happen to be at Difference between themselves; In which case they shall be liable to no other Determination, but that of the Consul only.  
XV. That in case any Subject of his Majesty, being in any part of the Kingdom of Tripoli, happen to strike, wound or kill, a Turk or a Moor (if he be taken) he is to be punished in the same manner, and with no greater Severity, than a Turk ought to be (being guilty) of the same offence; But if he escape, Neither the said English Consul, nor any other of his said Majesty's Subjects, shall be in any sort questioned or troubled therefore.  
XVI. That the English Consul, now or at any time hereafter living in Tripoli shall be there at all times, with entire freedom, and safety of his Person and Estate, and shall be permitted to choose his own Druggerman, and Broker, And freely to go on board any Ship in the Road, as often, and when he pleases; And to have the Liberty of the Country; and that he shall be allowed a place to pray in; And that no Man shall do him any Injury in Word or Deed.  
XVII. That not only during the Continuance of this Peace and Friendship, but likewise (if any Breach or War) happen to be hereafter between the said King of Great Britain, and the City and Kingdom of Tripoli, The said Consul and all other his said Majesty's Subjects, shall always and at all times, both of Peace and War, have full and absolute Liberty to Depart and go to their own, or any other Country, upon any Ship or Vessel of what Nation soever, they shall think fit, and to Carry with them, all their Estates, Goods, Families, and Servants, (although born in the Country,) without any Interruption or hindrance.  
XVIII. That no Subject of his said Majesty being a Passenger, from, or to any Port shall be any way molested or meddled with, although he be on Board, any Ship or Vessel in Enmity with Tripoli.  
XIX. That whereas a War hath lately happened, between the most Serene King of Great Britain, and the most Illustrious Lords Halil Bassa, Ibraim Dai, The Aga Divan, and Governors of the Noble City and Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary; by reason of the Injuries done unto the King of Great Britain and his Subjects, by the Government and People of Tripoli contrary to the Articles of Peace; We Halil Bassa, Ibraim Dai, Aga Divan, and Governors of the Noble City and Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary, do acknowledge the Injuries done; And that the Breach of the Peace, between his most Excellent Majesty of Great Britain, and Us of Tripoli was committed by our Subjects, for which some are banished and some fled from our justice; And for further Satisfaction to his most Excellent Majesty for the Breach of Articles we are sorry for the same, and do by these engage to set at Liberty and Deliver unto the Right Honourable Sir John Narbrough Knight, Admiral of his Majesty's Fleet, in the Mediterranean Sea; All English Captives, Residing in the City and Kingdom of Tripoli, and Dominions thereunto belonging, without paying any Ransom for them; And likewise by setting at Liberty and delivering unto the said Sir John Narbrough Knight, all other Persons taken under English Colours without paying any Ransom for them, And by paying eighty thousand Dollars in Money, Goods, and Slaves, to the aforesaid Sir John Narbrough Knight: And moreover we do engage ourselves and successors, That if any Injuries for the future be done, contrary to these Articles, by the Government and People of Tripoli, to the King of Great Britain and his Subjects, if upon demand of satisfaction from the Government, and people of Tripoli; We, or they refuse, or deny to give satisfaction therefore, so that a War be occasioned thereby, between the King of Great Britain, and the Government and people of Tripoli; We do engage ourselves and successors to make restitution for the Injuries done, and likewise to make satisfaction to the King of Great Britain for the full charge and damage of that War.  
XX. That no Subject of the King of Great Britain, etc. shall be permitted to turn Turk or Moor in the City and Kingdom of Tripoli, being induced thereunto by any surprisal whatsoever, unless he voluntarily appear before the Dei, or Governor with the English Consuls Druggerman three times in twenty four hours space, and every time Declare his Resolution, to turn Turk or Moor.  
XXI. That at all times, when any Ship of War of the King of Great Britain, etc. carrying his said Majesty's Flag at the main-top-●ast-head, appear before the City of Tripoli, and come to Anchor in the Road, That immediately after notice thereof given, by his said Majesty's Consul or Officer from the Ship, unto the Dei and Government of Tripoli; They shall in honour to his Majesty cause a Salute of one and twenty Cannons to be shot off, from the Castles and Forts of the City, and that the said Ship shall return an Answer by shooting of the same Number of Cannons.  
XXII. That presently after the Signing and Sealing of these Articles, by us Halil Bassa, Ibraim Dei, Aga Divan, and Governors of the Noble Kingdoms and City of Tripoli, all Injuries, and Damages sustained on either part, shall be quiet taken away and forgotten, and this Peace shall be in f●ll force and virtue, and continue for ever, And for all Depredations, and Damages, that shall hereafter be Committed, or done by either side, before Notice can be given of this Peace, full satisfaction be immediately made▪ And whatsoever remains in kind shall instantly be restored.  
XXIII. That whatsoever shall happen hereafter, that any thing is done or committed, by the Ships or Subjects of either side contrary to any of these Articles (Satisfaction being Demanded therefore) shall be made to the full, and without any manner of Delay, and that it shall not be Lawful to break this Peace, unless such satisfaction be denied, and our Faith shall be our Faith, and our word, our word, and whosoever shall be the Cause of the breaking of this Peace shall assuredly be punished with present Death.  Confirmed and Sealed in the Presents of Almighty God, the fifth day of March Old Style, and in the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, one thousand six hundred seventy five, Being the last day of the Moon Zelheldga, and the year of the Hegeira on thousand and eighty six. 
WHereas there were several Articles of Peace and Commerce, between the most Serene and Mighty Prince Charles the Second, by the Grace of God King of Great-Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Christian Faith, etc. And the most Illustrious Lords Halil Bassa, Ibraim Dei, Aga Divan, and Governors of the Noble City and Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary, lately made and concluded by the said Lords, on the one part; And by Sir John Narbrough Knight, Admiral of his said Serene Majesty's Fleet in the Mediterranean Seas, on the other part, and by them confirmed and Sealed in the Presence of Almighty God, the fifth day of March, Old Style, And in the year of our Lord jesus Christ 1675/6 being the last day of the Moon Zelhedga, And the year of the Hegeira 1086.  
Since which time of Confirming and Sealing the aforesaid Articles of Peace, and Commerce, The aforesaid Lord Ibraim Dei, being fled away from the Government, of the City and Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary.  
Now we Halil Bassa, Aga Divan Governors, Soldiers and People of the aforesaid City and Kingdom of Tripoli, have chosen and Elected Vice Admiral Mustapha Grande to be Dei of the aforesaid City and Kingdom of Tripoli to succeed Ibraim Dei, in the aforesaid Government.  
And now we Halil Bassa, Aga Divan, and Governors, Soldiers and People of Tripoli aforesaid, having seen the aforesaid Articles of Peace and Commerce which were lately made and concluded as aforesaid; And having seriously perused and fully considered all particulars therein mentioned, Do fully approve of all and every the aforesaid Articles of Peace, and we and every one of us do now by these presents, consent and agree to and with Sir John Narbrough Knight aforesaid, for the just and exact keeping and performing of the said Articles; And do accept, approve, ratify, and confirm all and every of them in the same manner and form as they are inserted and repeated in the preceding Articles aforesaid; hereby firmly engaging ourselves, and successors, assuring on our faith sacredly to maintain and strictly to observe, perform, and keep inviolably all and every the aforesaid Article and Articles of Peace and Agreements for ever. And to cause and require all our Subjects and people of what degree or quality whatsoever, within the City or Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary; or Dominions thereunto belonging, both by Sea and Land punctually, inviolably, carefully and duly to observe, keep, and perform all and every the aforesaid Article, and Articles, thereof for ever: And our Faith shall be our Faith, and our word our word, and whosoever shall at any time violate and break any part of the said Article, or Articles of Peace, they shall be assuredly punished, with greatest severity, and his or their heads shall be immediately cut off; and forthwith be presented unto any Officer whom the most Serene King of Great Britain, etc. shall Authorise, to make Demand thereof.  
It is further agreed that the Subjects belonging unto the most serene King of Great Britain etc. Trading unto the Port of the City and Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary aforesaid, or to any Port or Place of the Dominions thereunto belonging; in any Merchant's Ship or other Vessel belonging to the said Serene King's Subjects shall not pay so much Custom by one per Cent. for whatsoever Goods or Merchandise they sell or buy; as other Nations do for the Customs of the like Goods, or Merchandise, notwithstanding whatsoever is Specified in the Second Article aforesaid to the contrary.  
And that the most Serene King of Great Britain's Consul residing in Tripoli aforesaid, shall have Liberty at all times, when he pleaseth to put up his said Serene Majesty's Flag, on the Flag-staff on the Top of his House, and thereto continue it spread as long time as he pleaseth; likewise the said Consul to have the same Liberty of putting up and spreading the said Flag in his Boat, when he passeth on the Water, and no Man whatsoever to Oppose, Molest, Disturb, or Injury him therein either by Word or Deed.  
These and all other preceding Articles are to remain firm for ever, without any alteration; and in all other particulars not mentioned in any of these Articles, the Regulation shall be according to the Capitulation general with the Grand Signior.  
Confirmed likewise and Sealed in the Presence of Almighty God, at our Castle in the noble City and Kingdom of Tripoli in Barbary, the first day of May Old Style, and in the year of our Lord jesus Christ 1676, being the twenty sixth day of the Moon Zaphire, and the year of the Hegeira 1080.  
Halil Bassa's Seal, Mustapha Dei's Seal, Aga's Seal, Ally Admiral's Seal.  
A True Copy Examined out of Sir John Narbroughs.  
Thomas Fowler.   
HAving thus related the original cause, proceedings, and conclusion of our War with Tripoli. Let us Travel to Tunis; which though since the year 1655 hath ever maintained Peace with England, yet the civil dissensions among themselves have administered unto us Subject of discourse, and more especially, since it hath some relation to Hoffse-bey, whom formerly we named, as Mediator of the Peace between Us, and Tripoli.  
On the sixth of September 1675. Morat Bei General of all the Land Forces in the Kingdom of Tunis died, the most Politic, 
Civil War at Tunis in Barbary.  and Popular Person, that ever managed that Office, his Sons Ciddi Mehmet and Ciddi Ali by the general approbation, and consent of the Soldiery jointly succeeding him in that charge. But the ambition of these two young Gallants would admit no union in the Government; the Elder would know no equal, and the younger no superior, so that it was necessary for one to govern, or both to be laid aside: the decision of which was referred to a full Assembly of the Turks. In the mean time Hoffsey-bey Brother to Morat deceased, and Uncle to the two Competitors, taking advantage of these divisions, offered himself a Candidate for the place; and so operated with the force of money, and with assistance of the younger Nephew who would rather yield to an Uncle, then to a brother, that he clearly carried the election by the common suffrages of the people. The Elder Son Ciddi Me●met not enduring the indignity to be thus degraded took the field and set up his standard; After him followed all his Father's Old Spahees and the Moors abroad came into him, so that in a few days he became so formidable as to give Laws to the Dei and People of Tunis; obliging them immediately to banish his Uncle, and to receive him as sole, and absolute General of all the Land Soldiery in those Dominion▪ Hoffse-bey not being able to resist this force, posted away with such expedition that he adventured to embark himself, retinue and treasure (which as was reported being modestly calculated, amounted to three millions of Dollars) on no better a Vessel, than a French Satee for Tripoli; where he was honourably received by that Government; and Letters sent from them to the young Bei at Tunis, mediating for the return of his Uncle, with promise, that he should live quietly, and give no interruption to the course of his Government; but Ciddi Mehmet resolving not to trust him, positively declared against his readmission, as not consistent with his Government, and Safety.  
It happened at this time that the English had War with Tripoli, and blocked up the Port; and that afterwards a Peace ensuing; (Hoffse-bey) (as we said before,) showed himself very forward, and zealous in the Mediation; which taking effect; he was afterwards together with his retinue transported on the Bristol Fregat Commanded by Sir john Berry to Modon in the Morea, from whence he went by Land to carry his Complaints to Constantinople; whilst the Bristol Fregat proceeded to Smyrna, to receive the Turkey Companies Ships under Convoy for England.  
Hoffse-bey being arrived▪ at the Grand Signiors Court prepared an easy and ready access to the Grandees, by the great Presents, he sent them; which being the only means to mollify and make tender the hearts of Turks; he found upon all his addresses such resentments, and compassionate feelings of his aggreivances that if assurances in words, and promises would do his work, he might be ascertained of engaging the entire power, and puissance of the Empire for his re-establishment. The news of Hoffse-bey; being gone to address himself to the Turkish Court for relief much perplexed the Government at Tunis; and at the same time the plague desperately raging there, made them sick, and infirm both in body, and mind: wherefore after serious considerations and debates hereupon; it was concluded necessary, to Fight Hoffse with his own Weapons; and immediately to dispatch away four Ships for Constantinople with Messengers, and Presents to the Grand Signior and his Officers being the only means to open the reasons and understandings of the Turks, and make them as well capable to comprehend the justice of their cause, as to reconcile their affections. The four Ships arriving at Constantinople, were seized on, at the instance of Hoffse-bey; and he declaring, that those Ships were belonging to him, and his own proper Estate, easily procured a judgement in his favour; and the Captains of them being called to the Divan, were Commanded to own Hoffse-bey for their Master, and to obey him as their Pasha, and absolute Lord under the Grand Signior. It was too late, when at Tunis they apprehended the Error they had Committed, in sending these four Ships to Constantinople; which now upon more serious consideration than the former they expected to return freighted with armed Men, and Imperial Commands to re-establish Hoffse-bey in the Government of which, and of what was farther preparing at the Ottoman Court, that they might have good advice; they dispatched two Messengers for Constantinople on a French Setee, which they had freighted for that purpose, to Land them at Smyrna; where being arrived they addressed themselves to me, than Consul there, bringing me Letters of recommendation from friends at Tunis to assist and help them in all their occurences. I was well informed in all particulars concerning the success, and motions of Hoffse-bey at Constantinople, and I did not omit to relate all matters distinctly to them; for not long before, I had occasion to be acquainted with Hoffse-bey himself having at his earnest request found means to furnish him with the Sum of three thousand Dollars, upon a good Pawn of Gold, and Jewels; amongst which there was a Fetlock of Gold enamelled, and set with Diamonds, just in the form and fashion of those, which we put on our horses, when they go to grass; and this, I understood, was one of the Ornaments, which they put on the Ankle of the Bride on the marriage day; I know not whether it were to grace her legs, as bracelets do our wrists, or to put her in mind of her servitude, so soon as she submits to Wedlock. I acquainted them, as I said, with all matters. That the Grand Signior, and his Officers, had greatly resented the sufferings of Hoffse-bey and that they owned his cause, having stopped the four Ships of Tunis at Constantinople; and had promised to furnish him with a whole Chamber of Janissaries, with a Licence to raise such Volunteers on the Sea-coast of Asia, as would willingly, and of their own accord follow his Colours. I had not many days given them this intelligence, which others confirmed in like manner; before Hoffse-bey himself with his four men of War and two other hired Ships arrived in the Port of Smyrna: where having stayed some days to take in provisions, and embark those who had listed themselves for his service in those Parts; they departed for Tunis, touching at Scio, Navarine, and Tripoli, in their Way, reinforcing themselves with such, as voluntarily followed their Standard. The Messengers posted back with all speed, on a Vessel hired at Smyrna; and arriving some time before Hoffse-bey; rendered an account of the treatment which he had found at Constantinople, with the particulars of the forces he brought with him. The Tunesines being prepared with this intelligence, took courage to oppose a handful of men, to whom they refused Licence so much as to one man of them to land; only out of respect to the Grand Signior's Commands, they were willing to admit Hoffse-bey to a treaty; and to receive him ashore with three or four Servants and Companions; They slightly perused his Papers, rather to discover his strength, and the progress of his negotiations, then with intentions to condescend in the least to his desires; which having done, and given permission to see his house, and visit his wife, and children; they hastened him again aboard; and all the Country being in Arms, they threatened to treat him and his People, as Enemies, if they adventured to make a descent. Hoffse-bey being discouraged with this rude Treatment, and with the Union, and general Confederacy of the people against him contrary to his expectations; returned to Navarine; where he landed, discharged his Ships, and Soldiers, which lay too heavy upon a Private Purse, and retired himself for some time with much melancholy and discontent; at length he traveled again to Constantinople, where the Turkish Officers attended his coming with open mouths, year 1675. expecting to share once more in the recruits he had brought with him from Tunis. But his stock being low, he was not able to dispense his money, and presents so generously, and plentifully as before; which the Turks perceiving fell much in their respects for him, and strangely on a sudden lost wholly the zeal and compassion for his cause; suffering him to live at Constantinople in the Condition of a private Aga. In the mean time the disturbances, and civil dissensions ran high at Tunis: the two Brother's waging War with various and interchangeable success, caused such agitions in the State, that in three months' time four Deys were cut off. At length the younger Brother Ciddi Ali gaining the Victory, and always inclining towards his Uncle, consented that he should be recalled from Constantinople; whereupon four Ships were fitted at Porto Farina, to carry presents of atonement to Constantinople, and to bring Hoffsey-bey from thence with Title of Pasha; whom the people now, expected with great impatience, as the only Person, whose Presence and Authority was able to settle, and restore them to their ●ormer quietness and union. This happened in the year 1677; when the Country was so harrassed with Civil Wars, that a miserable Famine ensued; so that a Cafficé of Wheat which was ten Bushels, was sold for twenty eight Dollars, and of Barley for fourteen: and the scarcity of this Country which is commonly the Granary of Italy, had such influence on those parts and Spain, in the years 1677 and 1678 that the State of the Grand Duke of Tuscany suffered much thereby; and had more, had not the State of Luca out of Friendship, and on the score of Neighbourhood relieved their necessities.   

Anno 1675. Hegeira 1086.  
PRopositions of peace not being so earnestly pressed, nor so advantageously proffered by the Poles, as the pride of the Turks did expect, the War still continued, but not prosecuted either on the one side or on the other with the same violence with which it began. For the Sultan designing this year to circumcise his Son, the young Prince, now about twelve years of Age, and to marry his Daughter of seven to his Mosayp, or Favourite, Pasha of Magnasia, commonly called by the Name of Kulogli, which signifies the Son of a Slave, he resolved to dedicate this whole Year to quiet repose, mirth, and jollity at home, only two thousand Janissaries were sent to Ibrahim Pasha to recruit the Soldiers on the Frontiers of Poland, and the Tartars were reinforced with some Turkish Troops under Vsuff Pasha to assist Dorosensko against the Poles, who were with a considerable Army fallen into Vkrania; And the Captain Pasha, with twenty eight Sail of Galleys, was dispeeded into the Black Sea for carrying of such Provisions and Ammunition for War as was necessary for supply of the Army: Besides which, no preparations of War were designed, these being judged sufficient, though not to conquer, yet at least to repress the Incursions, and amuse or keep the Arms of the Enemy employed.  
For at the Ottoman Co●rt the face of all things was become serene and calm, no Seditions of great men, nor discontents of the people, nor black and cruel designs of State disturbed or clouded the splendour of the Solemnities, 
The happy state of the Ottoman. Court.  or the brows of the great Statists, but all matters ran in an uninterrupted course of Joy and Festivity. The Sultan, who in his action showed himself a most benign Prince, sparing and compassionate of the blood and misery of his Subjects, hath, since his arrival to a mature Age, exercised a wise manner of Governmwent, severe and just, and yet void of the cruelty and tyranny of his Ancestors; under whom the trading Christian enjoyed the privilege of their Capitulations with more justice, and less srequent Avanias. The Vizier also, and other great Officers, being sensible of the benefit which Trade begat, treated Merchants with more gentleness and respect than in former times, their Ships not being forced on every occasion into the Grand Signior's service, but rather persuaded to it by rewards and fair promises, otherwise than in the times of former Viziers; and it is to be wished also that the like might be said under the Government of those which are to succeed; though if we look forward to the years 1678 and 1679 we shall find the Scene of things altered, and not only Merchants, but even Ambassadors, and the Representatives themselves, remain under sad discouragements. Amongst these joys and gentle ways of Government; the manner of this Court was much altered; the Divan had not for two months' space been opened for business, to the great prejudice and interruption of Justice; Wine, that great abomination to the Turkish Law, which four years past was by the Imperial Decree forbidden under pain of Death and a thousand Execrations and Curses, was now the common Drink, and divertisement in fashion, used immoderately by all, excepting the Grand Signior, the Mufti, and Reis Effendi; the Vizier himself having been excessively intemperate therein, had extinguished the natural heat of his stomach, which could be warmed by no less heat than what proceeds from Aqua Vitae; by which debauchery and indisposition all Businesses were slowly and negligently dispatched, and according to his example the Officers and Ministers acted in their Affairs, which in former times being always dispatched by nine a Clock in the Morning, that became now the time and hour of rising.  
The Grand Signior himself, though not taught by his Attendants to drink Wine, l●st it should perhaps betray him to some actions dangerous to them, gave himself to Amours; for ●alling in love with a Polish Woman, lately captivated at Kemenitz, he made her his Second Hasak●e or Sultaness; for having had the good fortune to bring him a Son, that honour was the reward of her fruitfulness; and that he might give other testimonies of his favour, he cast his eyes on a poor Chingan●e, or Gipsy Boy, who with singing and dancing so pleased him, that he gave him six purses or money containing three thousand Dollars, with Horses and Servants, and took him into the Seraglio. Amidst these Delights the Grand Signior gave order to the Vizier not to speak to him of three things: Neither of returning to Constantinople, nor against his Favourite, nor against his Hunting; in other matters he might use freedom.  
Another alteration of a better nature, with reference to Learning and Knowledge, seems also remarkable in this Court; for the Grand Signior having been some years passed presented by the Dutch Resident, with twelve large Volumes of the new Atlas, upon an accidental sight thereof was so pleased, that he commanded it should speedily be translated into Turkish; to which Work Dr. Alexandro Mauro Cordato, the Viziers' Interpreter, who succeeded in the place of Panaioti deceased, was nominated; but he finding it too unwieldy for him, desired the assistance of a French Jesuit, then at Scio, skilful in the Turkish and Arabic Languages, who was immediately sent for, and therein employed; and though it is thought, that this business is above their Element, and that it will soon cool and be neglected, yet it seems to be the first step which the Turks have made unto Learning, and therefore is the more observable.  
And now the Festivals beginning on the 16 th'. of May, 
The great Festivals in what manner celebrated at the Turkish Court.  we must for some days lay aside all business, and observe with what order and form these Solemnities were performed. In the first place. On this day the Grand Signior, with the young Prince his Son, went to their Tents, which were pitched very sumptuously in the Plain near the City, and indeed were truly stately and magnificent; all the great men, as the Vizier, Mufti, and others, having their Pavilions erected; amongst which was raised a very stately Throne, with a Canopy of Cloth of Gold, extended under the shady leaviness of two tall Elms, which, set off with many Lamps, in the Night represented a very pleasant and glorious Scene. On this Seat of State the Sultan placed himself in the morning, being accompanied thither by all the Pashaws then present, and by the Rrepresentatives of those who were absent; who according to their Degree, in order kissing his Vest, delivered in a Silk Purse, a Note or Schedule of their Presents, which were afterwards put into the Tefterdar's or Lord Treasurer's hands to see and compare them with the particulars received; which were so great and considerable, that they far surpassed the Charges and Disbursments of the Solemnity. Opposite to the Tents were several poles fixed, between which at Night were hung Lamps of several shapes, which being varied every Night made a very pleasing and magnificent Object; by light of which in the Evening were exercised several tricks of Activity, as Wrestle, Dancing, and Singing, and sometimes were acted Turkish Comedies, which consist only of Farces, and some ridiculous Dialogues, and at last the divertisements of the night concluded with Fireworks, which were so many, that (as reported) 240 men were employed for four months' time in the making of them, and yet there are better made in Christendom; only one seemed to excel the rest, being a sort of Rocket, which went up very high, without any tail of fire, like the common ones, carrying only a small compacted Globe of red fire like a Star, and making no noise in mounting, but raised to its height, breaks. These were the pastimes of the Night; in the day time all the several Arts and Trades, some one day, and some another, passed before the Tents, every one offering their Presents, as they passed, representing by some kind of Pageant and Procession their diversities of Trade: this continued for fifteen days. On the 25 th'. of this instant May, was a solemn Cavalcade, in which marched the Janissaries with all their chief Officers, Chiauses, and Mutafaracas, etc. And of the Great Men, the Vizier, Mufti, and Kulogli the Favourite, the first on the right hand, and the second in the middle; after them followed the young Prince who was to be circumcised, extraordinary rich in the Furniture of his Horse, and the number and largeness of the Diamonds, which were on his Tulban● and Breast. In this Cavalcade were carried twenty four small Nachils, and two large ones, as high as the Mast of a Ship, which were carried by a hundred Slaves, and set before the Seraglio, which are in form of triumphant Pyramids, adorned with Tinsils in thirteen Divisions, according to this following Form or Description.  
On the 27 th'. being the day of Mahomet's Birth, the Grand Signior road publicly to the Mosch of Sultan Selim, having no other attendance than the Retinue of his own Court; his Pages were very rich in Cloth of Gold, each carrying a Feather studded with a rich Jewel on his Head; after the Grand Signior road the young Prince, who that Night was circumcised. During this Festival, a vast number of people was fed at the charge of the Grand Signior, and about two thousand circumcised, every one of which had a Quilt given him, with a small pay of three Asper's a day for his Life.  

The manner of the Marriage of the Grand Signior's Daughter.  This Solemnity for the Circumcision being ended, on the 10 th' of june began the Feast for the Marriage. The Kuzlir Aga, who is the black Eunuch of the Women, was Bridegroom or Comparé to the young Princess, and the Tefterdar or Lord Treasurer to Kulogli, both which in the name of the Bride and Bridegroom went before the Lord Chief Justice called the Kadelescher, and by him had the Articles of Marriage wrote, and passed into public Act; which being done, the Presents were sent, and first those from the Bridegroom to the Bride, which were these, a great number of Beasts and Birds illfavouredly made in Sugar, thirty Mules laden with two Chests of Sweetmeats a piece, and about their necks each carried a Vest of Satin for the Muleteers, than were carried a great many Pots of Sherbet, than an hundred and twelve men carrying Vests of Silk, Cloth, Velvet, and Cloth of Gold, some had three, some five or six at least wrapped up in Linen; then went five Horses, one with rich Furniture; then followed a noble Vest of Cloth of Gold lined with Sables and nine Buttons and Loops on a side embroidered with large Pearl, on the top of which on the one side was a very large. Diamond, and on the other a Saphire, with Shoes, Boots, and Patents for the Bagno, all covered with Pearl; likewise two Dressing-boxes, with Looking-glasses, and a Cap in form of a Crown, a little Cabinet embroidered all over with Pearl, eight Girdles set with Emeralds, Rubies, and Diamonds, a large Diamond-ring, a pair of Pendants of two great Emeralds, with many other particulars, which in passage were impossible to be remembered.  
These Presents being thus performed on the part of the Bridegroom to his Bride, the next Presents concerned the Grand Signior to his Daughter, which were in place of her Dowry according to the custom of the Eastern Countries: wherefore the 19 th'. of this month the Presents were ushered with a most solemn Cavalcade of all the Grandees of the Court to the House of the Bridegroom, which were two Gardens made of Sugar, forty little Nachils, eighty six Mules ladèn with Householdstuff, ten men with her Dress, as Boots, Shoes, etc. embroidered with Pearl as the former; then were carried her Jewels set in Girdles, Bracelets, etc. promiscuously together, not in that rule as those were which were sent her by the Bridegroom. The Householdstuff was made up with coverts, yet howsoever some parts were left open on the sides, to show that the Cushions were embroidered with Pearl, and others were of Velvet embroidered with Gold. At last came twelve Coaches with Slaves and thirty six black Eunuches. The 23 d. the Bride was conducted to her Bridegroom's Palace with a solemn Cavalcade, with two great Nachils of the same form and bigness as those carried at the Cavalcade of the Prince, with two smaller ones of Silver. The Bride was seated in a handsome Coach drawn with six Horses, and covered with Plates of Silver, and the sides adorned with long Streamers of Tinsel: before which went the Kuzlit Aga or chief black Eunuch of of the Women: after followed four Coaches, with Six Horses apiece, and twenty one more with four Horses, each carrying two Eunuches: than at some distance off came the Hasakee or Queen-Mother to the Bride in a Coach all covered with Plates of Silver, and attended with ten other Coaches more: the night following the Bride was conducted to the Nuptial Chamber in ceremony only, she not being yet ripe for consummation of Marriage: all which Solemnity was attended at the Bridegroom's Court, with the same Sports and Fireworks which were made at the Tents, with an addition of dancing on the Ropes, and sliding down a Rope fastened to the top of the Steeple of the Mosch of Sultan Selim, which had like to have proved fatal to one who came down with a Boy at his back; for when he was about twenty yards from the ground, the Rope broke, but falling on a tree first, and then on a man, he was taken up with little hurt. The most remarkable of all these Shows was a man that walked up a Rope as high asthe second Balcony of the Mena●eh or Steeple of Sultan Selim, which is as high as commonly our Spire-Steeples are in England: And another hanging on a Rope with his hands, with his body extended, turned himself twelve times round with his hands: at all which Sights the Grand Signior was a constant Spectator. In this manner these Solemnities ended, the Mosayp or Favourite rich in the esteem of his Prince, and in high honour with all, had yet some allay to attemper and moderate his joy; for the Princess not yet fit for consummation, in case she died before that time, all her Jewels and Goods must return to the Grand Signior, notwithstanding which he would be obliged to pay her Dowry, which was said to be the Sum of two years' Revenue of Grand Cairo, but let it be what it will, he will be insolvent, being, as reported, three hundred Purses already in debt. And now to demonstrate the uncertainty of the Courts of Princes, as well as of all other places and conditions of the World, the Great Tefterdar or Treasurer, who had for the space of thirteen years managed this Office with singular industry and advantage, was now removed from thence, and under a specious show of Preferment, was advanced to the Dignity of Pasha of Grand Cairo: this change was the more wondered at, because he was a Person so acute and so proper for the Office, 
The Te●terdar put out of his Office.  that no man that held the place did ever manage it with greater reputation, nor with greater benefit to the Interest of his Prince; for besides his good husbandry in other matters, he was so skilful in knowing the price of Commodities, and so near in making his Bargains, that the Merchant could scarce live by him, which in that consumption of Goods made in the Seraglio, will produce a considerable abatement, when all things are bought at the best hand; considering which, many reasons were alleged, and conjectures made of his removal: some said, That the Grand Signior having a liking to a young Man of his, to prevent his being taken into the Seraglio, the Tefterdar gave him a Wife, and thereby greatly displeased the Grand Signior, as if he had purposely contrived it, to defeat his desires: others said, That the Grand Signior would have borrowed money of him to pay the Arrears of the Spahees, which he refused to lend: but others talked, and that with best reason, That Kara Mustapha the old Chimacam, who is always with the Grand Signior, had found an opportunity to represent him amiss, suggesting, that the Tefterdar should say, That want of money in the Treasury was caused by the vast Sums consumed in the fooleries of the late Feasts: 
Ways for raising Money.  and the Vizier, though he entertained no personal animosity against him, yet was willing to sacrifice him to the friendship of Kara Mustapha. And so being dispossessed of his Office, thereunto succeeded the Janisary Efendi or Judge-Advocate of the Janissaries, a great Drinker of Wine, and one not to hold any comparison with the parts and abilities of his Predecessor. Money now wanting greatly in the Treasury, several ways were sought to bring it in, and to save expenses. The first of which was, that a review be made of all Otoraks, such as Milites emeriti, who are excused from the War, and yet receive their pay; from which number those were excluded who had bought it, or were not come legally by it, which would save the Grand Signior a vast Sum of Money yearly: and to help at this time of need, the late Treasurer must refund and ease himself of money, before he enters on that rich and important Office of Grand Cairo. And Chusaein Aga the chief Customer, who was a man that had enriched himself by many bad ways and arts, was displaced from his Office, and caused to disgorge great Sums of Money to add unto the Supplies of the Treasury. He was a Person of a subtle disposition, raised from the mean degree of a Shoemaker, and being well acquainted both with good and bad ways of gaining money, was a proper Instrument for the Turkish Government, it being his fortune to fish riches rather for others than himself. And now being deprived of his Office and the best part of his Wealth, he resolved, like all other dicontented Ministers, to take a Pilgrimage to Mecha, and to that end made a solemn Visit to the Pasha of Cairo, then in his Tents near Scutari, acquainting him of his intentions to wait on him, and perform his Respects in his passage to the Holy Keblech or Mecha.  
The Turks have not of late years been very prodigal of the blood of their Subjects, nor have those Executions been done of late on any Officer, unless his Tyranny and Oppression of the people did justly draw due punishment upon himself. And such was the case of the Kahya or Secretary of the Chimacam or Governor in the Viziers' absence of Constantinople, who taking on himself the management of all the Affairs of his Master, acted every thing according to his own pleasure; for finding that whatsoever he did or propounded, was always confirmed and assented unto by his easy Lord, he assumed a boldness to undertake any thing upon the proffets of money, so the Sum was in any manner agreeable to the greatness of the matter required, 
The Chimacam of Constantinople his Steward cut off.  or to the danger he incurred; by which means he involved his careless and unwary Master in such intrigues, as could have no excuse besides his own supineness, and the corruptness of his Servant. At this manner of administering Justice, the people being discontented, hastened the removal of the Chimacam: and now another entering on the Office, the Kahya remained exposed to the malice and complaints of all his Enemies, amongst which none was of greater force than an accusation laid against him, for having granted leave to the Armenian Christians at Constantinople for a Sum of Money to erect a Church; for which, though a Command was granted by the Great Vizier, obtained at a good price, to build one there of Timber, but of a low and mean Fabric; yet the Kahya for a greater Sum of twenty Purses of Money, or ten thousand Dollars, improved this Command, and changed their Materials from Timber to Stone and Mortar: the which Building beginning to rise with some magnificence, offended the neighbouring Turks which so much scandal, that great numbers of them carried the Complaints thereof to the Grand Signior; who calling the Vizier, and examining the Case, the Vizier would own no other Command, than for repairing of an old Church, but not building one new. Whereupon Sentence of Death being passed on the Kahya, an Officer was sent to execute it. And in his way to Constantinople, at a place called Selebrea, meeting with the Offender, he caused him to return again with him to Constantinople, where having strangled him, his Body was thrown into the Sea.  
We have thus far discoursed of the Affairs at home, which consisted for the most part in jollities and divertisements; let us now look on the erterprises and attempts abroad, and we shall find no great matter of action this year performed against Poland, more than some incursions made into Vkrania by the Turks and Tartars under the Conduct of Ibrahim Pasha, in which we have no Battles, nor great Skirmishes to recount, only a seizure or surprise of those Cosacks, which were not under the jurisdiction of Dorosensko, who like sheep were driven from their pastures, and Men, Women, and Children carried away into Captivity, and transplanted into Countries, where they might better serve the purposes and designs of the Turkish Empire; to which ends also vast numbers of Tartars with their Families, were called to inhabit the circumjacent parts of Kemenitz, for better security of that Conquest, to which the Tartars most willingly concurred, esteeming it a happy Bargain to exchange the Soil of Tartary for the fruitful Plains, and more gentle Air of Poland. And thus we may consider what the intestine Discord of the Poles hath brought upon themselves; that they, who in former days maintained their honour and reputation with the Turks, beyond any of the bordering Nations; not having ever suffered them to continue in their Country, much less to sojourn or possess one palm of Ground therein; can now more easily see them before the Walls of Leopolis or Cracovia, and planted in the very Bowels of their Country, rather than a King of their own Country set over them not agreeable to their own humour and fancy; or perhaps rather than behold the envied exaltation of some persons to dignity, or some little disorders in their Government; of which the Turk knows well to make use, it being no new Lesson for him, to profit himself of the Discord and Animosities of the Christians.  
In like manner the Marine Affairs of the Turks this year afforded little worthy of observation, unless it were, That the Captain Pasha was employed with about thirty Sail of Galleys into the Black Sea, for transporting of Ammunition and Provisions to those Forces in Vkrania; but he returned not with an equal number of Galleys, with which he departed, having lost have of them by storm, and then arrived at Constantinople on the 26 th'. of October, called by the Greeks the Feast of St. Demetrius, and by the Turks Cassin-gheun, a day which is commonly remarkable for Storms at Sea; of which the Turks and Greeks are so aprehensive or superstitious, that on that day or near that time, either before or after, until the storm hath vented its fury, and taken its course, they will not adventure themselves unto the Sea, upon the most pressing occasion, or hopeful inducement whatsoever.  
And here I judge it requisite to conclude this Year with two matters very observable relating unto Trade: The first is with reference unto the Genoveses, who in the Year 1666. first sent their Ambassador Signior Durazzo, with many Presents and great Magnificence to conclude a Peace with the Ottoman Empire, with the sole design and intention of Trade; which having been established on no other foundation at the beginning, 
The Trade of Genova.  than that of their Temins, and the Fabric of their own Cloth, when the first failed, as it did in two years after, and that their Cloth turned not to account, but was outsold by the English and Dutch, than their Trade began to decay, or rather never came to perfection, like the fruit of a young tree, which buds fairly, and produces fruit, but hath not strength to digest or bring it to maturity: Even so it was with the Genoveses, who having been at the charge of an Ambassador Extraordinary, and settled a Resident at Constantinople, and a Consul at Smyrna, and all the other Formalities of Trade, wanted that nourishment thereof from their own soil, which produces the true and natural fruit of Commerce, which is gain and profit; and being outdone by other Nations in shipping, there could little or no benefit be expected from their own Navigation in the Levant. For these reasons, their Trade failing, the Duties of Consulage on Goods appointed to maintain the Officers, and defray the public Expenses, were consequently wanting; so that the Count Fieschi Resident for that Republic at Constantinople, finding himself in great distresses and necessities, and unable to maintain himself and his Attendants agreeable to his Character and Quality, often advised his Prince and the Senate of the unhappy state of their Affairs, desiring from them either to provide a Supply agreeable to the occasions, or to recall him from that Office, where he could no longer live in that Honour required. This importunity produced the exchange of Officers, and the Mission of Signior Giustiniano to reside at Constantinople, and Signior Gentile at Smyrna; the first of which, some few days after his arrival, being unfortunately killed with a Carabine in his Chamber at Constantinople, as before related, the Office of Resident came to be still continued in the person of Fieschi, who remaining without provisions necessary to maintain his degree, and the annual Presents expected by the Turks, which they esteem as due as their Income, and as part of their Revenues, was forced to take up money on Pawns, and his own Credit at the Interest of 20, 25, or 30 per cent. according as h●s necessities increased; and the apprehensions men conceived of an insufficiency and hazard in their security, was the cause that the debt, which in the beginning was inconsiderable, increasing with Interest upon Interest, came at length to the Sum of sixty or seventy thousand Dollars, which the Republic of Genova, attributing in a great measure to the ill Conduct of Fieschi, and judging the greatest part of this debt to be feigned, sent another Resident called Signior Spinola to succeed him in his Office, who arriving at Smyrna in the month of May of this present year, year 1675. on a stout Ship hired of the Venetians, and under the notion of a Man of War accompanied with a Merchant Ship, and a new Consul (the old one dying the year before) settled there such Orders, as were judged necessary for the government of their Affairs. But before these Genoveses arrived, a report had foreran them from Leghorn and other parts, that their Ships brought great quantities of false Gold and false Pieces of Eight: the which coming to the ears of the Turks, Commands were provided against their arrival to search their Ships, and try their moneys; to which the Genoveses not condescending, Arz or testimony was made thereof by the Kadi unto the Grand Signiors Court. In the interim whilst this Arz went up, and the answer expected, the Genovese Resident designing to proceed forward on his Voyage to Constantinople, demanded the Kadi's Moraselau or Ticket of Licence for the Man of War on which he came, to pass the Castle, (for that Ship had entered within the Port.) The Kadi judging it necessary, that both the Resident and Ship should attend the arrival of the answer from above, refused to grant this Licence; whereupon the Resident all in a rage embarked himself, and immediately set sail, and having a fair Breeze out of the Port, gently slided along by the side of the Castle without any stop or interruption.  
This affront being put upon the Kadi, greatly displeased him; so that calling the Lieutenant and Gunner of the Castle into question, and not admitting of their Plea, that the Ship was a Man of War, and the person thereon a Resident, both which were privileged, and both going up to the Grand Signiors Court, were to answer there for what was laid against them; but this I say, not being admitted for reason, the Kadi committed them both to Prison, from whence with some charge afterwards they released themselves.  
The new Resident being arrived at Constantinople, the Creditors of Count Fieschi demanded payment of the debts owing to them, which was given in, to amount to sixty thousand Dollars, and so much was to be paid before Fieschi should be permitted to depart, or at least that part thereof being satisfied in hand, the new Resident Spinola should give security for payment of the remainder: the which he refusing to do, as not owning the accounts which Fieschi had given in, in regard he judged them to be composed of extravagant Interests, and to arise on charges not allowable by that Republic, who after the death of Giustiniano's disowned Fieschi for their Minister; hereupon great disturbances and commotions arose amongst the Creditors, some of which being in great Power, as the Janisary-Aga and others, Sequestration was laid on their Man of War; so that she was toaed away to the Arsenal, and there laid up, and attached for payment of the debt: which arising on the account of the Public, the Goods of the Commonwealth was justly esteemed liable to the Sequestration: during which time the Pestilence, the Epidemical disease of that season at Constantinople, affecting with its contagion the Ships company, about eighteen or twenty of them died thereof, and all their affairs reduced to a strange consternation.  
In this interim many and various were the disputes and contests between the two Residents; sometimes they proposed to refer their differences to the decision of the English, French, and Venetian Ministers; sometimes again, finding the distance so wide and spacious between them, they resolved to have their matters determined by Turkish Sentence. At length the new Resident perceiving no end of this business, and that the Ship lay engaged at a great charge, and as it were captivated to the great dishonour of the Republic, came to an agreement to pay thirty three thousand Dollars, one third whereof was to be paid in hand, and the other two thirds by equal portions in the space of one year; the first payment to be made after six months, and the other six months after; to which not only the Resident, but their Merchants also entered personally into obligation. In this manner the Ship being cleared, and taking such Lading as offered for Genova at Constantinople sailed for Smyrna; where taking another Ship of the same Country into her company, departed with the Dutch Convoy for Christendom. But having remained six months in Port, subjected to much charge and trouble, and not finding a Freight equal to the time and expense, was no great encouragement to the Genoveses to continue this Trade; which by good experience appears in no manner agreeable to their Country, nor yielding success answerable to the long expectation of ten years past.  
In this Year it was, that the Grand Signior and Great Vizier at the instigation of Chusaein Aga the chief Customer (whom we have before mentioned) casting their eyes on Smyrna, and finding it a place of a great Trade, and a convenient Port, for which in ancient times it was always famous, and for the same cause was frequented by Merchants both from the Eastern and Western parts of the World; so that it was become the only great and considerable Mart or Scale within the Precincts of the Turkish Empire: considering it (I say) in this manner with a benign eye, as bringing great profit and advantage, they began to think it worthy the Ornament of some public Edifices, founded with that Magnificence as might endure long, and renew the ancient Honour and Reputation of Smyrna: 
A Besasleen and new Custom-house, and a Royal Chan built at Smyrna.  Hereupon they erected in the first place a Besasteen, which is in the nature of our Exchange, where several Shops are made, and variety of Goods sold; and to make the better Front towards the Sea, it was founded therein on vast Stones and Piles, f●t to support a weighty Building.  
The next Edifice erected was a Custom-house built into the Sea only on Piles of Timber, with a handsome Front towards the Sea; and this the Great Vizier judged to be a work not only necessary, but also agreeable to the Majesty of his Master; for until this time the Customer lived in a hired House not unlike the others which Merchants inhabit. And now this House being completed, a Hattesheriff or Royal decree came down from the Court, commanding that all Ships that came into that Port either to lad or unlade, should lay their sides to that Custom-house Scale, and thereon discharge their Goods, and receive others.  
And now whereas the Merchants enjoyed at all times in former days the convenience of having their Goods landed on, and laden from their own Keys or Scales, they greatly resented this innovation; and as they unwillingly quit any Privilege, so they judged this not unworthy to be contended for with singular constancy and resolution: the commodiousness of which was thought so considerable, that it not only caused this place in former days to flourish, and to be distinguished from all the Marts in the World; but also the enjoyment thereof invited the Inhabitants from the more elevated parts of Smyrna (where was health and pleasure) to the lower Bogs and Marshes, exchanging health and cheerful air for profit and convenience of Commerce. Hereupon applications were made by all the Consuls of the Frank Nations to their Ambassadors and Ministers at the Grand Signiors Court. In the mean time Trade by common agreement was interdicted, at least as to the lading or unlading of Ships, which continued for several days, and touched somewhat grievously the English and Dutch Nations: the first having two Ships, and the latter six Merchants-ships in Port. The English Ambassador being then personally at Adrianople, was the first who without the assistance of any other Minister, moved in this affair, but found great opposition in it from the Turkish Officers; who with some resentment of the present reluctancy of the Merchants, declared not without passion, the resolution the Grand Signior had to conform the honour of the Custom-house in some semblance with those of Christian Princes; and therefore did wonder that the Christian Merchants could so easily condescend to the rules of those Custom houses in their own Countries, where they were Natives, and yet could not support the same in these parts where they were Aliens and Strangers. And as a farther evidence of the Turks resolution to maintain this point, it was said by the Vizier's Kahya, that the Grand Signior was resolved to blow up both Port and Town, rather than not be obeyed in his own Dominions; with this Answer, Merchants despairing of the success, began to unlade their ships at the Custom house, or to give an account there of the Goods in their Boats; for the Customer was become sensible, there was not sufficient Water for ships to ride at the Key of the Custom house, and did also indulge unto the Merchant's several other particulars herein, that so the innovation might sit the more lightly on them, which he perceived was so ill resented and taken to heart. And this was the first beginning in the Months of August and September, when this privilege was taken from the Merchants. And in this Year also the Great Chan next to the Besasteen was in Building, and the first Foundation thereof laid, and the great Aquaduct brought from the Plains of Bogiaw, and little Harchi-bonar.  
At the end of the year 1674, we have related the beginning proceedings, and conclusion of the War, which our Gracious King was pleased in defence of his Subjects, and Commerce to make on Tripoli; which we brought down to this year 1676; when Sir john Narbrough Sailing home for England, touched in his way at Algiers, for better understanding of the State of all matters with that Government. Things had for some time remained in a doubtful condition between England, and that people; who having lately proved the smart effects of War with us, were not very forward to make a breach. Howsoever it being that time, when by means of a General Peace, which we enjoyed with all the World, and of a War in which the rest of Christendom was involved, that our navigation flourished, and that few other Ships besides English passed the Seas; the Algerines grew weary of a Peace with us. And herein they seemed to have some more reason then usual, because that when it was their fortune to meet with strangers, they were so disguised with English Colours, and Passports surreptitiously, and fraudulently procured, that they could not distinguish their Friends from Enemies, whereof they made frequent Complaints, and addresses to his Majesty. The King out of a sense of Justice, and a tender care of his Subjects welfare, knowing that such indirect practices must necessarily produce a War was pleased by a Letter to that People, to signify his care in that particular, and recalling all Passports formerly given, promised a better regulation of them for the future; as appears by the Proclamation here following, which was enclosed, and se●t in the Letter to Algiers.  

By the King. A PROCLAMATION. Relating to the Articles concluded between His MAJESTY, and the Government of Algiers.  
CHARLES R.  
WHereas by the late Articles of Peace concluded between His Majesty, and the Government of Algiers, His Majesty out of His Royal Care of the Persons and Estates of His Subjects, did agree and provide, That none of His Subjects employed or trading in any English Ship or Uessel, should for the future be taken and sold as Slaves, or his or their Goods made Prize. by any of the Subjects of the said Government of Algiers; And also, that any of His Majesty's Subjects going in foreign Ships, as Passengers only, and having Authentic Passports testifying the same, should have the like freedom for their Persons and Goods aboard such Foreign Ships: And whereas His Majesty is informed, that divers of His Subjects, contrary to the effect and true meaning of the said Treaty, do take upon them to colour and conceal the Ships of Foreigners, with whom the said Government of Algiers is in War, and to that end do either wholly Navigate the Ships of such Foreigners, or otherwise serve in the same as Mariners or Soldiers: Which way of proceeding, as it doth for the present administer just cause of Complaint from the said Government of Algiers, so will it in a short time (if not prevented) endanger the Security intended by the said Articles for the Ships, Persons and Estates of His Majesty's Subjects: His Majesty doth therefore by this His Royal Proclamation, strictly forbid all His Subjects, that they do not for the future Navigate the Ships or Vessels of any Foreigners in War with the said Government, nor presume to serve in the same either as Mariners or Soldiers. And His▪ Majesty doth hereby further Declare, That if any Offenders contrary to this His Royal Proclamation, shall be taken, His Majesty will not require any release of their Persons or Estates from the said Government of Algiers; but that they must expect to be excluded (as they were intended) out of the benefit of the said Articles; His Majesty also strictly charging such persons as shall hereafter go as Passengers in Foreign Ships or Uessels, to take care that they have Passports with them, signed by His Majesty's proper Ministers in England, or His Ministers or Consuls abroad, expressing the Names of their Persons, and the Contents and Qualities of their Goods, at their perils.  
Given at our Court at Whitehall, this Two and twentieth day of December 1675. in the Seven and twentieth year of Our Riegn. God save the King.   
year 1676. This Care and just Expedient of his Majesty to prevent Fraud and Abuses in this business, was otherwise construed by the Algerines, and made use of, in a contrary sense, than was intended by his Majesty. For now whatsoever Ships they met with, without these new Passes, they began to send to Algiers, and make prize of their goods; not considering that the meaning of the King was by these Passes to determine doubtful cases about Ships; and not to make a snare to entrap Ships English built, manned with English Men, and freighted with the goods of his Subjects. But these Pirates, and ungracious Villains would find a knot in a Bulrush, and a scruple where none was; for now they seized most English Ships they met with; for few had been so cautious, as to procure the new Passport; so that by this pretence having made themselves Masters of a considerable Estate belonging to English Merchants; and denying to restore the same, a War was the necessary consequence of their refusal, which broke out in the year 1676, the success of which we may perchance have occasion to relate in the following years.   

Anno Christi 1676. Hegeira 1087.  
THis Year began with joyful News to the whole Turkish Empire, all Places and Cities of less renown rejoicing to hear the intentions of the Sultan to refresh and adorn again his Capital Throne of Constantinople with the Imperial Presence; for that City (which is the most proper Situation of the World, to be made the head of a great Empire) having now almost for sixteen years wanted the Rays of Majesty, and the Countenance of the Sultan, became almost abandoned and forsaken of its Inhabitants, so that the spacious Seraglios or Palaces of the chief Ministers and Officers of the Empire began to decay and run to ruin, and the Artisans and Shopkeepers to leave their dwellings, and to follow their Trade at Adrianople, or in the Camp. But now the News of the designed return of the Grand Signior to his ancient Seat, 
The G. Signior returns to Constantinople  filled all places with joy and triumph, especially at Constantinople, which was not more satisfied with the consideration of the benefit and advantage it was likely to receive by the Royal Presence, than that those suspicions and jealousies which formerly possessed the mind of the Sultan with a prejudice against this place, did seem now to vanish, and that he reassumed a confidence of his Royal City equal to that love and esteem which his Ancestors had of it; so that the humour which then possessed Constantinople appeared like that of London at our King's Restauration, all joy, even to transport, for this unexpected Return; the people in the streets congratulating their mutual happiness, thanked God, that they had lived to see that happy day and blessed hour.  
The occasion of this unexpected and sudden resolution caused many roving guesses and opinations of the reasons of it. Some said a Dream which the Grand Signior had, and which gave great disturbance to his thoughts, until he resolved for Constantinople. Others said, the revolt a●d troubles at Cairo, of which we shall presently have occasion to discourse, and some added certain Commotions at Bagdat, or Babylon; some reported, that Xeriff of Mecha wrote him a Letter, that he could not acknowledge him the Head and Protector of the Mussulmin Faith, 
Conjectures concerning the reasons of the Grand Signiors return to Constantinople.  so long as he had abandoned his Imperial City, and lived in the mountains and unknown places. Others said, that the Janissaries and Militia murmured, and that his Coming to Constantinople was forced and not to be avoided; and that the Sultan being now out of love with Adrianople, had cursed it, and sworn never more to set foot in it, having ordered the materials sent for the building of the Great Seraglio at Adrianople, to be stopped on the way, and returned back again. At this rate all the World talked and discoursed, joy and hopes made the people fancy every thing according to their wishes. The Grand Signior being approached near to Constantinople, fixed himself in his Camp in the Fields, near a small Seraglio of his own, called Daout Bassa, from whence the people for many days expected, that he should, according to the Custom of his Ancestors, make a solemn Entry; instead whereof he made some Sallies with a small Company through the Streets, as it were incognito, taking his pastime on the Water, and on the sides of the Bosphorus in his Galleys and Boats, but most commonly frequented his Place of Scutari on the Asian side, where with much delight and confidence he lodged and reposed his Court, but made no solemn Entry through the City, nor frequented his great Seraglio; where though he might perhaps dine, and pass certain hours, yet he slept not one Night there; of which the people took especial notice, and thereby received confirmation of the jealousy their Sovereign had of them, to their extraordinary grief and dissatisfaction; however it was some contentment to the people, and renown unto the City to have their Emperor so near, though it was rumoured as if the Court towards the approach of Winter intended again to return unto Adrianople. In the mean time the Grand Signior took his chief delight and divertisement on the Water, passing in his Galleys and Pleasure-Boats up the Bosphorus to the mouth of the Black Sea; and thence returning, much frequented the Gardens, and Houses of Delight upon the Banks of the River; and visiting all places, a Country House called Therapea, belonging to the Dutch, Resident, received the honour of his Presence, which he liked so well, that he took it from the Proprietor, and conferred it without any consideration of money on one of his Courtiers, giving out a Proclamation, That no Christian Minister should possess any Seat or Habitation on the side of the Bosphorus, A strange thing, and what is not to be paralleled in any part of the World.  
About the beginning of this Year the Captain Pasha died, and Zaid Ahmet Pash-ogli, then at the Camp, succeeded him; his Father was a famous Man, and in the same Charge, but cu● off by old Kuperlee. Soon after Ibrahim Pasha, General of the Army at Keminitz, likewise died, and his Office was conferred on Ibrahim Pasha, that was Pasha of Candia, of whom we have had often occasion to speak, being a great friend to the English Nation. The Great Vizier also was not far remote from the Confines of Death, being now fallen, by reason of immoderate drinking of Wine, and chiefly of hot Cinnamon Waters, into a form Dropsy and Jaundice.  
In the preceding year we touched on the removal of the Testerdar or Treasurer from his Office to the Government of Grand Cairo, and the reasons for it, which though it might be a preferment (being the richest and most important Charge of the Empire) to which the esteem the Sultan had of his parts and abilities, might probably advance him; yet the employing of him at a distance so remote, was certainly an effect of some displeasure, whereby he or his Favourites judged him a Person not fit to remain longer near the Royal Presence. Wherefore having commenced his Journey (as before mentioned) he arrived at Grand Cairo, where he had not long continued before he began, according to the natural acuteness of his mind and hugstering manner, to pierce with a narrow inspection into all Affairs of that Government, and particularly into the Revenue and Treasure of the Country, contriving with himself by what means the disorders might be corrected, and the Revenue and Tribute improved; for he had an excellent Genius or Spirit in the matters of Money, nothing in advantage of Interest could ever escape him; so that he began to lay a new foundation in all proceedings; he would not be contented with the old Taxes and Impositions, and where he found Lands improved, or the Customs augmented, he would put in for a share of the Benefits, and would reform every thing wherein he judged his Master to have been abused. But though he was acute and sharp-sighted in such matters as these, yet he wanted experience in the Government of Egypt; for these great Beghs of this Country being alarmed with the innovations, began to stand upon their Guard, and to enter into private Consultations, in what manner to oppose themselves to this new way of Government, which looked like slavery, and designs of bringing them into servitude, and a subjection unknown to them and their Forefathers. For indeed the Government of Egypt, if well considered, is rather Aristocratical than Monarchical; for though they acknowledge the Sultan to be their Head, and accept his Pasha for Ruler, and pay a yearly Tribute, yet the Beghs which are great Lords in their respective Countries, carry the sway and Dominion in all other matters, and will endure nothing with favours of oppression or innovation; so that these persons grown jealous by the proceedings of the new Pasha, flew into open Sedition, and immediately to Arms, with force of which they assaulted the Pasha's Palace, took him and threw him into Prison. The News whereof flying with all haste to the Ottoman Court, appeared at the first apprehension or surprise as if all Egypt had revolted, and gave the World occasion to discourse, That the Wars were to be carried Eastward, and that the sudden resolution of removing the Court to Constantinople, was in order to a farther March into those parts. But frequent Messages with time making the business to be better understood, caused the Grand Signior to dispeed with all haste another Pasha, with Commission to remove the former, and to continue all the ancient Customs and Privileges from the beginning indulged to the Beghs of Egypt: with which Message and gentle words of grace and favour from the Sultan, all discontents being pacified, the former Pasha was released from his Imprisonment, and suffered to depart, and thence proceeded to the Island of Candia, where he entered on that Pashaluck, s●ceeding Ibrahim Pasha in Charge, who (as before related) was sent to Kemenitz to be General of the Army, in place of the Pasha lately deceased.  
But here I must not forget a story which happened during the time of this Summer, whilst the Grand Signior had his abode and enjoyed his Recreations in the circumjacent parts of Constantinople; there was a certain Sultana which had been a cast Wench of Sultan Ibrahim, who after his death, having been married to some Pasha, obtained her release from the old Seraglio, and being also a Widow by the death of this Husband, had liberty to take her habitation on the Banks of the Bosphorus, or where she thought fit. This Lady was called Soltana Sporcha, in Turkish Modar: how she came to be so nominated I cannot tell, 
The History of Soltana Sporcha.  perhaps some Italian Pages of the Court might in respect to her way of living impose this Name upon her, for she was no other than a Bawd, or something worse, making it her Profession to buy young Girls, and to educate them in singing, dancing and in all the ways which best accomplish Courtesans. Amongst this Train of Scholars, she had one more brisk and airy than the others, which could sing; and dance, and prate incomparably, and was so quick in her Repartees, that she greatly delighted the Pasha's and Lord's, whose pleasures she attended, bringing from them considerable Gifts and Presents to the enriching of herself and Mistress; and became so much the talk of the Court, that at length the report of her arrived the cars of the Grand Signior, who being also desirous to enjoy some divertisements by the pranks of this witty Girl, sent to the Sultana one of the black Eunuches for her: which Imperial Command she not daring to disobey, consigned her with great submission into the hands of the Messenger; but with this caution, that she humbly desired the Sultan not to make any attempt on her Chastity, in regard she was both a Virgin and Freewoman. The Grand Signior having pleased himself with the wantonnness of this Wench, began to take a fancy to her, and resolved to take her into the Seraglio; but she showing a kind of nicety and coiness, the Grand Signior, who perhaps was better accommodated, sent her back again to her Mistress, reflecting (as was supposed) with some disgust on the caution which accompanied her. It happened not long after, that this Girl exercising her Art in the presence of some great Persons, one Chesmés Aga, a Bosnian by Nation, Captain of the Great Viziers Guard, a stout and valiant man, happening to be a Spectator one night, became unfortunately enamoured of her, and from that time not being able to remove the impression she had made in his heart, resolved, if possible, to make her his Wife, and to that end made his affections known and his intentions of Marriage, both to her and to her Mistress. The Girl was well enough pleased to become the Wife of so honourable a Person; but the Sultana unwilling to lose the profit and benefit she daily brought her in, refused the March, declaring, That she was a Slave, and not at her own disposal, and therefore in no capacity of bestowing herself any way without her consent. This impediment giving a stop to the Marriage, put the two Lovers on plots and contrivances in what manner to enjoy each other, and Love being ingenious, quickly found out a means to bring them together; for the Girl escaping from her Mistress, lodged herself in those Chambers which her Lover had found for her. And being now miss, none but Chesmé Aga was charged with her, of whom she complained to the Grand Signior, and cited him before his Master the Great Vizier to answer for her; but he denying to know any thing of her, and no witness appearing against him, all farther proceedings were superseded for the present: But Soltana Sporcha keeping watchful spies upon all the motions of Chesmé Aga, at length found him and his Mistress together, and by the Authority of Officers brought them both before the Vizier: to whom the Sultana sent a rude message, That Chesmé Aga should be punished, and that her Slave should be returned. The Visier hereof acquainted the Grand Signior, and gave him to understand the message which the Sultana had sent him, desiring to know what punishment he was pleased should be inflicted on them. In which interrim Chesmé Aga told the Visier, That he expected no other than a sentence of death from the Grand Signior, only he desired that his beloved Mistress might be spared, for he was sure he should live in her. It was not long before the fatal Decree came for putting Chesmé Aga to death, and sending the Woman to the Seraglio, which was immediately executed; which act might seem to denote a natural cruelty in the Sultan, being in reality very severe, though the whose course of his Reign hath been more gentle and mild than of any of the Ottoman Emperors; only this fact proceeded rather from disdain than thirst of blood, being angry that this Girl should prefer the Love of one of his Vassals before the Honours of the Seraglio, and that her Mistress the Sultana should charm him with a lie of her being free, when she was no other than a slave, and not long before bought for an inconsiderable price.  
Not long after this, and towards the 11 th', or 12 th', of September, when the Sun was come to the Equinoctial, the Grand Signior prepared to depart. The rumour of which displeasing and making sad the people's hearts, 
The Grand Signior returns again to Adrianople.  as much as his presence before comforted them, it was given out, That the Grand Signior intended to return with the Spring, and divide the consolation, which his residence produced, between the two Regal Cities, and for an evidence thereof, he ordered a Platform to be laid for erecting a new Seraglio at Scutari, and the Visier designed another at Bezick-rash, and the Palaces of the Pasha's and great Men were all putting into a way of Reparation, which for some time amused and contented the minds of the Commonalty.  
About the beginning of October the Grand Signior set forward towards Adrianople, being accompanied with the Mosayp, which is his Favourite, and Kara Mustapha who was his Chimacam, taking his recreation by the way in Hunting; but the Great Vizier Achmet Pasha continuing still sick of his Dropsy and Jaundice, took his Journey by Water as far as Selebra for his better ease, and thence proceeding in a Horse litter to Churlu, which is the halfway to Adrianople, 
The Death of the Vizier Achmet.  on the twenty third of October expired his last; his Disease, though heightened by Wine and hot Spirits, yet was in some part hereditary, his Father dying of the Dropsy. His Body was on the twenty fifth brought back again in a Coach to Constantinople with a small Attendance, and buried in the same Sepulchre with his Father. He was a Person (for I have seen him often, 
His Character.  and knew him well) of a middle stature, of a black beard, and brown complexion, something unbiased, which caused him to knit his brows and poor very intently when any strange person entered to his presence: he was inclining to be fat, and grew corpulent towards his latter days. If we consider his age when he first took upon him this important Charge, the Enemies his Father had created him, the contentions he had with the Valede Sultana or the Queen-Mother, and the Arts he had used to reconcile the affections of these great Personages, and conserve himself in the unalterable esteem of his Sovereign to the last hour of his death, there is none but must judge him to have deserved the Character of a prudent and politic Person. If we consider how few were put to death, and what inconsiderable Mutinies or Rebellions happened in any part of the Empire during his Government, it will afford us a clear evidence and proof of his gentleness and moderation beyond the example of former times; for certainly he was not a Person who delighted in blood, and in that respect of an humour far different from the temper of his Father; He was generous, and free from Avarice, a rare Virtue in a Turk! He was educated in the Law, and therefore greatly addicted to all the Formalities of it, and in the Administration of that sort of Justice very punctual and severe; He was very observant of the Capitulations between our King and the Grand Signior, being ready to do Justice upon any corrupt Minister, who pertinaciously violated and transgressed them, of which I could give several instances, but these being improper for this place, are only in general to be mentioned with due gratitude in honour to his Memory. As to his behaviour towards the neighbouring Princes, there may, I believe, be fewer examples of his breach of Faith, than what his Predecessors have given in a shorter time of Rule. In his Wars abroad he was successful, having upon every expedition enlarged the Bounds of the Empire; He overcame Newhawsel or Oywar, and laid thereunto a considerable part of Hungary, which to this day continues subject, and pays contribution to the Turk.  
He concluded the War with Venice after twenty seven years' continuance, by an entire and total subjection of the Island of Candia, having subdued that impregnable Fortress, which by the rest of the World was esteemed invincible.  
He won Kemenitz, the Key of Poland, where the Turks had been frequently baffled, and laid Vkrania to the Empire; reducing the Cosacks, those mortal Enemies, to subjection, and to a desire of taking on them the Ottoman Yoke: and finally, he imposed a new Tribute on all Poland. After all which Glories he died in the 47 th' year of his Age, and 15 th' year of 8 th' day of his Government; a short time, if we consider it, for such great actions; howsoever, if we measure his triumphs, rather than count his years though he might seem to have lived but little to his Prince and People, yet certainly to himself he could not die more seasonable, nor in a greater height and eminency of Glory. Vtcunq●e Principi, & Reipublicae parum, sibi certè satis suaeque Gloriae vixisse videbitur.  
The Great Vizier having in this manner expired his last breath, the Seal was immediately carried by his Brother to the Grand Signior, who upon Receipt thereof, according to common expectation, conferred the same on Kara Mustapha Pasha, who had for so many years formerly exercised the Office of Chimacam, 
Kara Mustapha ●●de Vizier.  which is as much as Deputy to the Great Vizier, of whom in other places we gave a Character of being a wise and experienced Person, of a smooth behaviour, and a great Courier; agreeable to which temper of mind, so soon as he attained this promotion, he sent an obliging and courteous Message to the Servants of the deceased Vizier, condoling with them the death of their Master, promising to take them and their Concernments into his Care and Protection; according whereunto he advanced Solyman Kahya (who was the late Vizier's Substitute,) and for some years had managed all Affairs to the Office of Embrahore, which is chief Master of the Grand Signiors Horse, and is a place not only of honour, but of great security. He that was his own Kahya he made a Vizier of the Bench, and Chimacam in the same manner as he was to Achmet Vizier; by which point of policy he seemed to have strengthened himself against all Enemies, for having two Creatures of his own so well disposed; one near the Person of his Prince, who would be able to do him all good Offices; and the other (whensoever the Wars or other occasions should cause him to be absent from the Royal Presence) might supply his place without attempting to supplant him. The Kapisler-Kahyasee, or Master of the Ceremonies to the late Vizier, he made his own Kahya, and all the other Agas which depended on that Court, he received into his own service; so that in effect there seemed, by this great chance of Mortality, to be little other alteration in the Court, than of the single person of the deceased Vizier; of whose Memory, that the Grand Signior might evidence the love and esteem that he retained, he did not intermeddle or appropriate unto himself any part of his Estate, or disannulled his Testament; but resigned all into the hands of his Relations, challenging no share or proportion thereof: And whereas the Vizier left no Children, the Estate fell to his Brother and Sisters, who to evidence their Devotion to Religion, and good will to the Public, and to please the eyes of the envious World, conferred on Mecha the Rent of the new Custom house, the Besasteen, and new Chan built at Smyrna, and finished in the year 1677.  
At this first change there were rumours, that the new Vizier had begun his Government in blood, having cut off several Heads lately in Authority; but all was false, and only grounded on a displeasure which he was known to have conceived against certain persons. Only one act he performed rather of justice than severity, having cut off one of the Paymasters of the Exchequer for false Money. The occasion was this: Certain Muleteers having received money from Exchequer in Venetian Zechins, and finding several of them false, returned them again, but could not prevail to have them changed; whereupon having made their Memorial thereof, they carried them to the Vizier, and upon examination, the Paymaster declared, That he received them from the Great Ibrahim Hari-ogli, who being for that Cause sent for and accused, was put into a fear, which proved as dangerous to him as a Disease, the apprehensions of Death being worse than the reality; but the Great Tefterdar soon cleared him of this Accusation, having attested, That to his knowledge the money received from him was good, and disposed on other occasions; so that the whole blame lying now on the Paymaster, and upon farther search more of the same stamp being found in his hands, he deservedly suffered the punishment of Death, the which had likewise been inflicted on another Officer of the same rank, but not being found so culpable as the other, he was permitted to redeem his life with forty Purses of Money, or twenty thousand Dollars.  
Thus far we have seen the gentle and smooth behaviour of the present Vizier towards the Friends, Relations, 
Alterations with the new Vizier.  and Servants of the deceased, and with what Acts of Justice he began his Government. But, behold, on a sudden the face of the whole Court was changed, every Officer thereof putting on a Countenance of fierceness, pride, and arrogance, beyond the manner and custom lately practised. For the Great Visier took on himself the State and Grandeur of the Sultan, (the access being as difficult to him as to his Master) his Kahya that of the Visier, and so every inferior Officer advanced himself into a fancy of possessing the next and immediate Degree above him. This haughty behaviour had a more particular influence on the Ministers and Representatives of Foreign Princes, whose Interpreters were not admitted, as formerly, to private Audiences or Conferences about their Affairs, but only at the Public Divan, where their Arzes or Memorials were to be preferred in the same manner as was practised by the Subjects of the Country, and those of conquered Nations▪ who petition for Justice. The which abasement was not only cast on the Interpreters, but on the Persons of the Representatives themselves▪ an example of which we have in the French Ambassador; who coming at the time appointed to receive his Audience of the Visier, was forced to expect a long time before he could have admittance, and then entering into the Chamber of Audience, was rudely clouded, and rushed upon by a Crew of unmannerly Chaouses, who no otherwise regarded the Person of the Ambassador, than if he had been one of the Grooms or Lackeys. Being come to the Seat of Audience, the Ambassador observed, That the Stool for the Great Visier was set upon Soffrá, and that for Him below, or at the foot of it; the which being an unusual and unpractised diminution of the ancient honour given formerly to Ambassadors, he ordered one of his Servants, To set it again on the Soffrá equal with that of the Visier's; the which being done, was again brought down by one of the Viziers Pages, and placed as before; whereupon, the Ambassador seizing the Stool with his own hand, carried it on the Soffrá, and sat upon it; which being reported to the Visier, then in his retiring Chamber, he sent twice to him to remove, letting him know, That unless the Stool were returned into the Place appointed by him, he would not appear in the Chamber of Audience. Whereunto his Excellency returned this prudent Answer, That the Visier might dispose of his Chair as he pleased, but not of his Person. In which Interim the Chaousbashee came in, roa●ing out, Calder, Calder, which is, Take it away, Take it away, (meaning the Stool) at which noise the Ambassador arising to see what the matter was, had the Stool taken from under him; whereat being greatly enraged, he threw out of the Room in a high passion, and causing the Presents which he brought to be again returned with him, he mounted his Horse, and departed.  
Afterwards it was intimated unto the English Ambassador, That he might, if he pleased, receive Audience of the Great Visier; But his Excellency understanding in what manner the French Ambassador had been treated, excused his going, on pretence of an Indisposition of health. Howsoever, the Venetian Bailo, and the Residents of Holland and Gen●ua were contented to be admitted unto Audience on those terms which the Visier was pleased to allow. And though during the time that he was Chimacam, and bore other inferior Offices, and Charges of Trust, his behaviour was gentle, affable, and civil; yet I fear, that now having changed his Office, he will have altered his humour, and that his Greatness will have increased his Pride, Avarice, and Fierceness: thus, no man knows what another will be, when he shall enter into power.  Dic mihi si fueris tu Leo, qualis e●is. 
And as Magistratus indicat Virum, so in the actions of his management the temper and constitution of this great Person will be discovered. And thus having given a short Account and Character of this present Visier, his future Acts and Monuments must be the Subject of other Pens.   
FINIS.   

THE HISTORY OF THE TURKISH EMPIRE CONTINUED, From the Year One thousand Six hundred Seventy six, to the Year One thousand Six hundred Eighty six.  
By Sir ROGER MANLEY, Knight.   

THE HISTORY OF THE TURKISH EMPIRE CONTINUED, From the Year of Our Lord, 1676, to the Year 1686.  By Sir Roger Manley, Knight. 
year 1676 THE History of the Turkish Empire, having been transferred to us by Mr. Knolles very methodically and well, and continued by the deserving Pen of Sir Paul Rycaut, to the Year 1676, being the Twenty eighth of Sultan Mahomet the Fourth, now reigning: We have, as well by inclination, as to satisfy the desires of some Friends, thought fit to prosecute so landable a Design, by extending the History of that great Monarchy to our present Times. And though we may be defective in skill for so Eminent an Undertaking, we shall notwithstanding add Industry to our Endeavours, and compensate our Failings by the candour and ingenuity of our Narrative.  
Achmet, the great Visier, being dead in his way to Adrianople, was succeeded by Kara Mustapha, his Brother-in-Law, aged about fifty, and who had exercised the Office of Caimacan for many years. The Grand Signior, to endear him the more to him, married him to one of his Daughters, though very young, not exceeding five years of age, according to the custom practised by the Sultan's, to be rid of their Daughters betimes, which are always numerous, by reason of the multiplicity of their Concubines, and by this means to ease themselves of the Expense which they are obliged to be at in maintaining them according to their Quality.  
In the same Month of january, the strong Garrison of Canisia, having drawn out a Party to attack the Isle of Sexin, alarmed all Croatia, by their Military Executions exacting Contributions, and pillaging and burning such places as did not submit to their tyranny. The Turks of Newhausel did also ravage the Country on their side as far as Frystat. But before we enter upon this stage of War, it may be requisite to say somewhat of the Troubles of Hungary which preceded, and their causes, and how the Infidels came to be Principals in a War of Religion between Christians.  
The Kingdom of Hungary, being subdivided into Counties, as in England, or Communities, have right to send their Deputies to the Diets or Conventions of the Estates, which ought to be summoned every three years, according to the Laws of the Kingdom. year 1676 This Assembly is composed of the Clergy, the principal Lords, the Gentry, and the said Deputies of the Counties. In hath the right of choosing a Palatine, who ought to be an Hungarian according to the privileges of the Nation, and to have the entire direction of War and Justice. The great Lords have ●o great Authority over their Vassals, that they are looked upon as so many lesser Sovereigns in their several Territories. They have also great Revenues, which enables them upon occasion to raise considerable Bodies of Men, the People in general being strong, active, and valiant, but covetous, vindicative, and inconstant.  
The great Employments of the Kingdom were also invested in the Natives, and no Strangers were to be imposed upon them, or Foreigners enquarrered amongst them; all which the Emperor, upon his Election to the Crown, was obliged to observe by the solemnity of an Oath. But on the other side, there being very many Arrians, Calvinists, and Lutherans in the Country, they added to the aversion the Natives have to the Germans, having been, as they thought, too severely used by them; complaining, that they were hindered in the free Exercise of their Religion, their Churches violently taken away from them, and their Ministers forced from their Duty. It was farther complained, that the Grandees of the Kingdom were not permitted to enjoy their Privileges, of which one was, That none of them should for any Crime whatsoever be convened before any judges but those of their own Nation.  
Notwithstanding all this, as the Emperor had sworn to maintain their Privileges, he had likewise promised to defend their Country, which could not be done against the Insults of so powerful an Enemy as the Turk, without an Army; and those strangers living ill with the Inhabitants, and they again shutting their Towns against them, occasioned infinite Violences and Disorders on both sides, which Repugnancy was the source of all the Troubles in Hungary.  
The Emperor, beginning to suspect the fidelity of the Hungarians, by reason of the obstinacy wherewith they refused to lodge his Troops, began seriously to think of securing the Kingdom to himself, which being perceived, he augmented by that Precaution the hatred which the Nation had conceived against him; which was re-doubled by the refusal of his Generals to withdraw their Troops out of their Fortresses. These Grievances did so far agitate these Spirits, already jealous and dissident, that they at length resolved to shake off a Yoke that seemed so insupportable. Many great Lords by their particular Interest were glad to entertain this aversion, which might serve for the Execution of the Designs they had already form. And thus the Spirit of revolting did insensibly diffuse itself through the whole Kingdom, and the general aversion grew to that height, that they of the Religion said openly, that they would rather live under the Domination of the Turks than the Tyranny of the Germans, whilst one of their Preachers did dare maliciously to insinuate, That these Infidels would at least grant them the liberty of their Religion, whilst the Dutch would rack their Consciences, under pretence of reforming them.  
The Emperor being informed of these murmurings, thought it expedient to secure the Lower Hungary, and so strangle the Rebellion in its birth. Their reiterated pressing to have the Germane Troops removed out of the Kingdom, gave him just cause of jealousy: and besides, he would not lose the expense of all his toils, and those vast charges he had been at in fortifying the Frontier places, and entertaining Armies capable to oppose the Invasions of the Turks. Finally, he judged it absolutely necessary, to reduce a Nation to their duty, that gloried in their disobedience to his Orders: being a King is no farther a Sovereign, than whilst he obliges his Subjects to pay obedience to the Laws, and his Commands.  
And thus in short we have showed the cause of this Revolt (which yet lasts) on both sides, and though perhaps this digression may seem foreign to some, yet, being the Turks have been so mainly concerned as to become Parties in it, we thought it reasonable to subjoin it to their History.  
And now to come nearer to the matter in hand, we will say somewhat of the Maxims of these Infidels, which will give us some light into their Policies; And first, it is a fundamental one to keep their Men perpetually employed; for Idleness engenders indigested Humours in the Politic, as well as the Natural Body, which renders it infirm. Another Maxim is, that they do never employ their Forces more than in one War at one time, unless against weak Princes; Nor do they desire to continue long in Arms against the same Enemy, unless constrained by their constancy, to the ●nd they may not grow too warlike and expert; but leaving them by Treaties and Pacifications to their ease, keep themselves still employed, and consequently disciplined, and their Sables from rusting, by continual managing of them. They moreover never break out into a distant War, before they have composed Affairs with their Neighbours. Thus when they transport their Armies toward the Frontiers of Persia, they make Peace with the Princes of Europe, and so on the contrary. But the unhappy Europeans, giving them more opportunities by their dissension to enlarge their Empire than any other, they, as well out of Ambition, as an irreconcilable Enmity to the Name of Christ, pursue the same with equal violence and hate. Hence it was, that though they had a Peace with the Emperor, they did not cease to countenance and assist his Rebels in Hungary underhand with their Forces and Protections, receiving them, when closely pursued, into their own Quarters, where, being followed by the Imperial Troops, several Hostilities were committed by them, which produced in some time an open rupture between the two Nations. The Emperor, to hinder this Commerce betwixt them, dispatched Meninsky, his Interpreter for the Oriental Languages, to the Port; with instructions to discover whether the Hostilities which were committed upon his Subjects, were done by command of the Ministers at that Court? But he could effect nothing. He had indeed had Audience of the Visier at Adrianople, who only told him, That the Grand Signior would send a Chiaux of his own to his Imperial Majesty, who should inform him of his Intentions.  
The Emperor hereupon dispatched an Express to Count Schaffgots, his Envoy in Poland, with orders to endeavour to break the Negotiation of Peace betwixt that Crown and the Sultan, though this Precaution proved of no effect, the Treaty betwixt those Potentates being signed presently after, and very seasonably on the Poles side, who, having an Army scarce of 15000 Men, were surrounded near Zorawno, by well nigh 200000 Turks, who yet gave them Peace when they least expected it, tho' upon Conditions then not ungrateful, tho' afterwards quarrelled at. The Transilvanians did also join with the Malcontents, for Prince Abaffi, having discovered a Conspiracy against his Life, in April, year 1677. and suspecting the Germans to have designed it, it contributed much to engage him against them. About the end of this Month the Bassa of Buda was strangled by order of the Grand Signior, perhaps by reason of his immense Riches; for they found two Millions of Money, which was brought into the Sultan's Treasury.  
In the beginning of August, there happened an Encounter betwixt the Malcontents and the Croats, where the first were worsted; but the Turks at the same time pillaged a Town near Raab, putting all the Inhabitants to the Sword; and 4000 of these Infidels, having gained the Passage of the River Hydrousk, upon the Frontiers of Croatia and Styria, ravaged the Country even to the Gates of Papa, of Vesprin and of Legrat, driving away a great number of cattle, and burning a great many Houses.  
Prince Abaffi, finding that the Grand Signior did approve of the assistance he gave the Hungarians, sent them fresh Troops, with twenty pieces of Cannon. Their Army being commanded by Count Wesselini, their Palatine, amounting to 16000 Men, designed to besiege Zatmar and Kalo, which Major General Smith, who commanded the Germans, perceiving, he sent a Convoy with Artillery and Ammunition to the first of these places, which was defeated and taken by the Malcontents. But my design not being to describe this War, I shall only mention it, as far forth as I find the Turks, whose History we write, concerned in it. Upon conclusion of the Peace in Poland, the Hungarians had sent thither to engage part of the Troops which that King had disbanded, to their Service, and obtained 6000 of them, commanded by the Count of Boham, who joining with the Hungarian Horse, defeated Smith, with part of the Imperial Army, who designed to obstruct their Conjunction with Wesselini; which however being effected, they could scarce suffice to withstand General Kops, in so much that being assured that the Peace was not only concluded betwixt the Poles and the Turks, but that the Palatine of Culm was sent to Constantinople to see it ratified, they also deputed one of their principal Officers to endeavour to oblige the Grand Signior to turn his Arms against the Germane Empire. But being the Turks were in actual War with the Great Duke of Muscovy, they would not (being already engaged against so powerful an Enemy) entangle themselves in a new War: And yet this Envoy obtained so much, that Orders were sent to the Bassas of Buda, of Belgrade, Waradin, and other Places in Hungary, to assist them with all their Power. And they were assisted by them, for these Infidels, not content to send Troops to join with them, they themselves made several Incursions in their favour. Four hundred Men of the Garrison of Nieuhausel took several Prisoners by Neutra, and beat the Hussars of Comorra who would have opposed them; two thousand Turks entered into Croatia, and having spoiled the Country about Zaklholm, they defeated a party of Imperialists near Carlstat. And thus these Infidels made War without declaring it, pretending they did not violate the Peace by these particular Encounters. But the Emperor being of another opinion, year 1678. dispatched Hoffman, his Secretary of State and War, to complain to the Grand Signior, how his Bassas did daily assist his Rebels, against the purport of the Peace betwixt the two Empires. Being admitted to audience by the Grand Visier, that Minister made him some propositions for the renewing of the Peace, but so disadvantageous to his Master, that it seemed apparent, that the Turks sought for nothing more than a pretence to break. And yet the Secretary effected so much for the present, that the Bassa of Waradin was arrested, and afterwards strangled by order of the Grand Signior, who yet would give that satisfaction to the Emperor upon the pressing Instances of his Secretary, who also had made rich Presents to all the Ministers of the Port.  
Whilst Hoffman negotiated with so little success at Constantinople, the States of Hungary assembled at Altemburg, where it was resolved, that the Churches which had been taken from the Protestants, should be restored to them, and many other points remitted in their Favour, in hopes these concessions might oblige them to return to their Duty, and break those Engagements they had entered into with the Infidels. But this passed no farther, for the Ministers endeavoured to elude the said Article, though the most important of all, and therefore the more insisted upon by the Malcontents. This gave the Deputies of the Diet subject to believe that though the Ministers of the Emperor seemed to desire an Accommodation, yet they did not search the means to effect it. And now the Malcontents, instead of conforming to the Emperor's Intentions, resolved to elect another King, and some of them proposed one of the House of Frangipani; though it did not take, being they could not agree upon the choice of their Sovereign.  
The Truth is, the Palatines and great Men of the Kingdom, being weary to see the Crown as it were Hereditary in the House of Austria, made use of the pretence of Religion to stir up the People, and oblige them to take Arms for defence of their Liberty, both Spiritual and Civil. And this aversion was the true Cause of the War.  
The Emperor was no less dissatisfied with the Turks; for General Kops, having sent complaints to the Bassa of Waradi●, for that he had given Quarters to the Hungarians in Places which depended on his Government; the Bassa told him, That he looked upon them as Passengers, who paid for what they took for their subsistence, and that consequently he could not look upon their Reception into his Territories as any violation of the Peace.  
The Hostilities betwixt the Imperialists and the Turks did still continue notwithstanding their Negotiations. Five hundred Christian Horse, commanded by Azos Benas, advancing towards Erlaw, were cut in pieces by the Infidels. Another Party, commanded by Colonel Wolping, was likewise defeated by a Detachment from the Garrison of Newhausel, with the loss of above 200, the Commander being also much hurt. A few days after this Encounter the Bassa of that City died, which occasioned an Accident which did well-nigh make a rupture betwixt the Emperor and the Port. The Imperialists had unadvisedly attacked the new Bassa which the Grand Signior did send to Newhausel, and defeated his Convoy consisting of 200 Horse, by way of Reprisal, as they gave out, for the Damages which had been done them by the Garrison of that Place, without considering that this new Governor had had no share in these Violences. The Bassa of Buda sent his complaints of this Affront to the Imperial General, with threats that he would acquaint his Master with it, and exact satisfaction by all the ways imaginable. And they did so, for, drawing out strong Parties from the Garrison of Erlaw and Waradin, they resolved to revenge the Insult done to the Bassa of Newhausel, and marching towards Sando near Butrac, which they pillaged, they returned with above 200 Prisoners. Count Wourmb, the Emperor's General, demanded Justice for this Violence from the Bassa of Buda, but received no other answer, but that what was done was by way of Reprisal.  
During these Traverses Count Paul Wesselini died, who had Commanded the Army of the Malcontents with great success, but is succeeded by Count Tekeley, young, yet wary and brave; who, to this day heads the however broken discontented Party. The Emperor, who knew that the greatest force of Tekeley's Army came from Transilvania, would divert Abaffis by re-establishing the Party of Pedipold, who had formerly contested for the Sovereignty of that Principality. To this end he obliged that Prince to send four Deputies to Constantinople, to implore the protection of the Grand Signior, but the Visier caused them to be put into the Castle of the seven Towers, which extremely surprised the Emperor's Resident, who had orders to Negotiate that Affair jointly with them. The Emperor being informed hereof, sent Monsieur jullies with secret Instructions to the Port, but he died by the way, which did not a little trouble his Imperial Majesty, being all this Envoy's Papers fell into Count Tekeley's Hands, who drew no small advantage from the lights he received by them. Hoffman, Secretary of State, returning from Constantinople, was stopped at Belgrade, being the Bassa of that Place refused to furnish him with necessaries for the continuation of his Journey. But the Emperor, having dispatched an Express to the Bassa of Buda to complain of this incivility, he obtained what he desired. Being upon his departure from Belgrade, he was informed that the Great Visier was arrived upon the Banks of the Danube with a great Army, and design to enter into the Province of ukraine to fight the Muscovites; he sent to demand Audience of him, but this Minister returned him for answer, That he should have it at Constantinople, when the Campaign was ended. Many and great were the Encounters betwixt the Imperialists and Malcontents, the latter being for the most part successful, who also ravaged Moravia, being assisted by 2000 Tartars, and Austria itself, under the Command of Colonel josua, sometimes a Priest, known by the Name of Father of joseph, who turning Protestant, raised 6000 Men at his own Charges, and joining with the Malcontents, grew formidable even to the Gates of Vienna. But the Imperialists had also their turn, and Count Esterhasi, Governor of Papa, attacked 2000 Janissaries and 500 Spahies, near Ves●ren: He took several Prisoners, and amongst them some Agas. As this Action might cause a Rupture, if misrepresented betwixt the two Empires; his Imperial Majesty dispatched a Courier to the Port, to inform the Grand Signior with the particulars of this Combat.  
year 1679. The constancy of the Malcontents, and their Intelligence with the Turks did not a little disquiet the Emperor, but he was more troubled when he heard that these Infidels were upon the point of agreeing with the Muscovites, which would put them into a Condition to turn all their power against him. He thought he could not do better than to divert them by obliging the King of Persia to break with them, and therefore sent the Baron of Meierburg to His●ahan to negotiate that Affair.  
The Diet of Transilvania being held at Clausenburg, the Grand Signior, as well to secure his own Interest, as being dissatisfied with Prince Abaffi's Conduct, sent the Bassa of Waradin with a strong Army to preside at that Assembly. But things being accommodated betwixt them, to the satisfaction of the strongest; the Transylvanian and the Bassa's bordering upon his Principality, who had been at the Diet, had no other thoughts but of deliberating with the Deputies of the Hungarians, of the means how to assist them. The Emperor being advertised hereof, sent Doctor Ferling to Constantinople, to endeavour to penetrate into the Intentions of that Monarch, and hinder that the Bassas should not succour the Rebels. There was also some underhand dealing with the great ones of the Party, to make their particular Peace with the Court. Amongst others, the Proposition being made to Palaffi Imbre, he found so little security in it, that to show his Companions he would never accommode himself with the Emperor, he treated with the Bassa of Buda, to deliver all the Places that were in his power, into his hand and possession, the which also he put in Execution, tho' his Castle of Devin was in the mean time invested by Count Strasoldo, before the Turks could enter it, and together with the City forced by him, 500 of the Garrison being made Prisoners.  
The Grand Signior, to show the esteem and satisfaction he had of the Person of Abaffi, sent him a Sable as a token of his Favour; and gave Orders at the same time to all the Bassas of Hungary, to send Troops and Forces as oft as he should require them, being absolutely resolved to assist the Malcontents, which he also effectively did.  
There had happened a great Battle between the Turks and Muscovites near Czecherin, which the first had besieged. The Turks had been worsted at first, but rallying their Forces, they came before Czecherin again, where, after playing eight or nine Mines, they so furiously assaulted the Place, that they carried it, with the slaughter of the Garrison, which was great; for all that, after many Skirmishes, they were forced to retire for want of Provisions. Hereupon the Great Duke of Muscovy, knowing that the Emperor, not without reason, apprehended that the Turks would declare War against him, sent him a solemn Embassy, with offer of making a League Offensive and Defensive with him against the Infidels; but the Emperor, contrary to the advice of Montecuculi, who offered to Command the Army in Person, tho' his great Age might justly dispense with the Fatigues of War; did not think it advisable to break with the Port. The Bassa of Buda, being informed of the arrival of the Ambassador, sent a Chaoux to Vienna, under colour of complaining of some Inroads which the Imperialists had made into the Grand Seignior's Territories, but indeed to observe the motions of the Muscovites. Nor were they the only motives that exhorted the Emperor to Arm against the Turks. The King of Poland sent Prince Radzivil to assure his Imperial Majesty, that he would willingly enter into a League against the Infidels, if he could resolve to declare War against them: And however, two Nuntios of the Pope's, who were then at Court, did press this Prince to determine to prevent the Enemy, who would not fail to attack him, when a favourable Occasion presented itself; they could not persuade him to embrace a Proposition so favourable for the repose of Hungary.  
The Emperor, not finding himself in a Condition to reduce the Malcontents by force, resolved to grant what they demanded, provided they would permit him to levy in Hungary the same Contributions and Taxes which were exacted in the Hereditary Country. Count Lesley had several Conferences with Colonel josua thereupon; and having discussed this Affair, the principal points were agreed upon, which being communicated to Keski and Tekeley, they promised to procure the consents of the other Chiefs to agree to them. Upon this favourable disposition, Lesley had orders to send his Troops into Winter Quarters; but the precipitate departure of the Emperor to Mazianzel, and thence to Prague, by reason of the Plague at Vienna, this Affair was interrupted, and all the measures taken in it changed.  
The Plague spread also into the Turkish Countries, and constrained 500 Families to quit Newhausel. These were scarce got a League from the Town, but they were surprised by five hundred Hussars or Haiducs, who took from them all they had, of which the Turks made great complaints, which seemed the more reasonable, being they were so civil to Count Lesley's Troops; for he being obliged by the Contagion to change Quarters, encamped betwixt Chemnitz and Strigonium, for the better subsistence of his Army. The Bassa of this last place, to show the Count that the Grand Signior did not approve of his Subjects joining with the Malcontents; permitted him to buy such Provisions as he wanted in the Territories of his Jurisdiction, and also presented him with several refreshments himself.  
The Muscovites pressed the King of Poland to conclude a League Offensive and Defensive with them against the Grand Signior; year 1680. this Price being not averse to the proposition, commanded his Resident to represent to the Emperor, that being he would not engage in this Union, he ought at least to keep a standing Army in Hungary of 30000 Men, to oppose the Malcontents, and keep the Turks in suspense on that side, year 1681. and his Majesty promised to do it; but the want of Monies hindered him to execute a Design so honourable for himself, and so adventageous for Christendom.  
However, he endeavoured by the Baron of Kaunitz, his Resident at the Port, to negotiate a Continuation of the Trevis; but the Grand Signior would not consent to it but upon condition, that he should be at liberty to assist the Malcontents at pleasure; which indeed had been to augment the Evil, not heal it. This Prince was at the same time advertised, that the Port had concluded a Peace with the Poles and the Muscovites; which gave him occasion to judge that he had a Design to turn his Arms against him.  
Many were the Treaties betwixt the Emperor and the Malcontents, and his Majesty's concessions such, that the Grand Signior began to apprehend, that Tekeley had some inclinations to return to his Obedience to his Sovereign; to prevent which, he sent a Bassa to divert him, by offering him the Principality of Transilvania, after the decease of Abaffi. This Bassa had several Conferences with him and with the other Chiefs of the Faction, and did so well manage them, with the pretended advantages that they would find by putting themselves under the Protection of the Port, that eighty of them did promise, in the name of all the Kingdom, to pay to his Ottoman Highness a Tribute of eighty thousand Crowns, provided he would powerfully assist them. This Intrigue being made known to the Emperor, he received it with much Indignation, commanding, that none of the contrivers of it should appear at the Diet. In the mean time he ordered the Marquis of Baden, and the Count of Staremburg, to cause Raab and Vienna, whereof they were Governors, to be fortified, to prevent any Designs of the Turks upon those Places. And now his Imperial Majesty did no more question but that the Infidels would transport the War into Hungary, especially, being informed by his Resident Kaunitz at Constantinople, that the Port, after many and long Disputes, had at length concluded a Cessation with the Muscovites for twenty years, upon Condition, that besides Kiovia, they should enjoy Tripol, Staiki and Vasik●w, which had always been dependants upon Kiovia. The Grand Visier received these Propositions with joy, and writ to the Czar thereupon, with very extraordinary Praises and Titles, assuring him in the name of the Grand Signior, that he would ratify the Conditions agreed upon, and that he might send his Ambassador to finish the Treaty. In the mean time, the Visier, to prevent the Czar's refusal of sending another Minister before his, which resided at the Port, (who had been kept under restraint for some time) was returned into Muscovy, he forthwith dismissed him, with magnificent Presents for his Master. The Grand Signior, who seemed resolved to invade Hungary, staying his removal to Adrianople but till the return of this Ambassador, did emit a Manifest or Mandate directed to Prince Abaffi, in these following terms.  
Forasmuch as those of Hungary, who have received the Emperor of the Nazarien Nation to be their Lord, year 1681. have been spoiled of their Country and Castles by the Germans, and have therefore had recourse to our Clemency for Protection; it is Our pleasure, in regard of their long and piteous miseries, and being thereunto moved by their reiterated Prayers and Supplications, graciously to affranchise them from the Yoke of that Nation. 'Tis therefore that We communicate this Design to you, as Our faithful Minister, by the Bassa Caput, and the Aga Starra, with express Command, that you make yourself forthwith ready to deliver the Hungarians from the Oppression of their Enemies, with all the Forces of Transilvania, which shall be immediately reinforced with those of Valachia, and of the Bassa of Silistria, 13003 janissaries and 20000 Horse; for We have promised them Our Imperial Protection in consideration of the Fidelity which they have manifested to Us, which We have since had experience of. And therefore We Command you yet again to neglect nothing that may tend to the Execution of Our Pleasure and good Will, to the end, that by the Assistance of the most High and most Mighty God, this People, so cruelly oppressed, may be forthwith delivered from the Bondage of the unmerciful Germans. In the mean time, you shall from time to time inform Our great Ottoman Mightiness with what shall happen, and what you shall have done pursuant hereunto. And you are farther enjoined to take heed that you do nothing that may be disadvantageous to Our Incomparable Greatness.  
Abaffi, animated with this Mandate, and having received the Orders that were necessary, drew his Troops together, and joined with Tekeley, with the Turks, the Null and the Moldavians, emitting withal a Declaration, That he did not Arm against the Interest of Christendom, but only to deliver the Protestants of Hungary from the Oppression they laboured under, by restoring them in their Possessions and their Churches, and re-establishing them in their ancient Privileges. He added, that the Grand Signior had expressly commissioned him for this Expedition, which he also undertook with the consent of all the States of Transilvania. He had besieged Zatmar, and pressed the place vigorously, to show the Defendants that he was in a Condition to force them if they would not voluntarily Surrender. A few days after, he received a recruit of 8000 Men, which the Bassa of Buda sent him, who had already assembled an Army of 40000 Men, which he encamped near the place of his Government.  
Whilst Abaffi was engaged in the aforesaid Siege, 3000 Turks made an Inroad into Styria near Gratz, where they took a 1000 Prisoners, which they made Slaves, and very much Pillage. And now the Grand Signior resolves not only to assist the Malcontents, but jointly with them to force the Places of Hungary; until they were in a condition to pay him the Tribute they were engaged to do. In the mean time, Abaffi, having made his Circumvallation about Zatmar, divided his Army into four Bodies: The first was composed of the Transilvanians, the second of the Moldavians, the third of Turks, and the fourth of the Malcontents, and he forced the City, but could not take the Citadel; which obliged him to raise his Siege. Many were the Discourses of this Action, and some gave out, that Abaffi had no mind to take the Place, upon a Surmise, that the Grand Signior pretended it should be delivered into his Hands upon Surrender. However it was, it is certain that the Bassa which commanded the Ottomans at this Siege, sent great Complaints to Constantinople against this Prince, which obliged him to return into his own Country, lest his Enemies should take advantage by his absence. Thus this great Army vanished, as well by the misintelligence of the Chiefs, and the rigour of the Season, the Winter approaching; as by the Vigilancy of Count Caprara, the Imperial General; who, tho' he was not able to fight the Enemy, did notwithstanding perpetually incommode them with Parties and Detachments. Tekely hereupon having pillaged and burnt Kalo, except the Citadel, which he garrisoned, put his Troops into their Winter quarters. But the Turks, to finish their Campania would surprise the Castle of Pettinia, upon the Borders of Croatia, but their design being discovered, the Militia of the Country drawing into a body, forced them to retire.  
On the side of the Christians, the Winter was spent in fruitless Treaties and Contestations betwixt the ecclesiastics and Seculars; save that the Empress was crowned Queen of Hungary, which was effected with great Magnificence and Pomp. On the other side, the Turks having agreed with the Muscovites, year 1682. the Grand Signior resolved by the Council of his great Visier, to carry his Arms into Hungary; in order to which, vast Magazines were made at Belgrade and other places of his Obedience. He sent such Bodies of Men thither, that the Soldiers were forced to lie in Tents and Baracks. Hali Bassa, being sent thither in the Spring with Monies to pay these Forces, behaved himself with so little Prudence, that he had well nigh occasioned a great Mutiny amongst them. In his review of them he caused the Spahies to pass before the janissaries, who being extreme jealous of their rank, mutinied, and threatened to kill him. To repair this fault, he would restore them to their Precedence, but the Spahies took also their turn to mutiny; nor did he appease them but by a considerable gratuity above their pay. Besides these, the preparations for War through all the extent of the Otthoman Empire were so vast, that they did not suffice only to protect the Malcontents, but to attack that of Germany, and now they lay a Bridge over the Danube, and another at Zolnock, over the Teys or Tibiscus, capable of bearing their great Cannon.  
Tekely, however well informed of the Designs of the Port, did notwithstanding agree to a prolongation of the Trevis with Count Caprara, which was ended the last of March, to the first of july; but the Malcontents slighting the Treaty, did in the beginning of May seize upon all the Corn which the Emperor had bought upon the Frontiers of Poland to furnish his Magazines withal. The Turks also attacked and forced a Commissary who conducted many Wagons loaden with clothes for the Imperial Army.  
Tekely, being to act as soon as the Treaty was ended jointly with the Turks, judged it proper for him to take his measures from the Bassa of Buda, in order to which he went to wait upon him with a Convoy of 3000 Horse; the Bassa being advertised of his arrival, gave his Son orders to go and receive him at the Gate of the City, at the Head of the Spahies, or Horse, to compliment him in his Name, and to regale him with refreshments according to the Custom of that Nation. Being entered the City, he was received by the Bassa at the head of all his Janissaries, and after reciprocal Civilities, he assured him of the Protection of the Grand Signior when ever he had need of it. His Troops in the mean time were lodged near Pesth along the River side in Tents. The Bassa, causing Tekely's Bonnet to be taken off, put another after the Turkish fashion upon his Head, enriched with precious Stones and a Heron's Feather. He further made him a Present from his Otthoman Highness, of a Sable, a Pole-ax, and a Colours. He gave him also upon his own account, some Horses richly harnessed; some affirmed that his Civilities passed further, and that Tekely was declared King of Hungary by the Bassa, who put the Crown upon his Head, and clothed him in Royal Habiliments, in presence of all the Officers of the Garrison, and several Bassas, who had been expressly commanded thither to assist at the Ceremony.  
Tekely having satisfied his Ambition, would now content his Love. He had sent his Secretary to Vienna to obtain the Emperor's Permission to espouse the Princess Rogotski. His Imperial Majesty, thinking he ought to manage this Count in a time wherein he endeavoured to make him break his Engagements with the Port; and further perceiving that it was but a Civility done him, and that if he did not consent, they would effect it without him, granted his Envoy what ever his Master had desired. Tekely gave immediately advice hereof to the Princess, and prayed she would not defer his Happiness any longer. She, who as she had not desired to see him a King, but to prevent her descent into a lower rank than that wherein Prince Rogotsky had placed her, sent him word that he might come to Montcatz, where, after his return from Buda, their Marriage was celebrated with great Pomp. This Lady was Sister to Count Serin, a Roman Catholic, but in some few Weeks after her espousals with Count Tekely, she turned Protestant, and thereupon discharged all her Catholic Servants. This gave so much suspicion to the Imperial Court, that no more good was expected from that Alliance; nor were they deceived, his Attachments to the Port being too strict, and his jealousy of the Germans too great. He for all that treated still with Count Saponara the Emperor's Envoy, but it was to amuse him, in expectation of the Turks taking the field to second his Designs. The Emperor did also employ Count Serin to his new Brother-in-Law, but he, instead of serving his Sovereign, entered into new Engagements, as shall be declared hereafter.  
In the beginning of july, the Tartars made inroads as far as Trinchein, from whence they brought more than 18000 Slaves, killing all the old men, from whom they could expect no Service. The Palatine would have raised the Militia of the Country to oppose them, but the Protestants refused to obey his Orders, until the Emperor would give them Satisfaction upon all the points that had been proposed in their Name the last Diet. About the end of the same Month his Imperial Majesty received Letters from Count Albret· Caprara, which signified to him that he had received Audience from the Great Visier, and that he could not obtain a prolongation of the Trevis, but upon the following Terms, viz.  

That Hungary should be put into the same state that it was in the year 1655;  
That this Kingdom should pay his Otthoman Highness a Tribute of 50000 Florins yearly;  
That the Fortresses of Leopolstat and Gratz should be demolished;  
That Neutra, Schults, Eckof, and the Isle of Schults near Presburg, with the Fort of Muran, should by a formal session be delivered to Count Tekely;  
That a general Amnesty or Act of Oblivion should be granted to the Malcontents, and that they should be reestablished in all their Good● and Privileges.   
These Conditions seemed so harsh to the Emperor, that he rejected them, preferring a War before such a sordid accommodation.  
The Cessation betwixt Tekely and the Germans being ended, he joined Forces with the Turks near Pest, consisting of 40000 Men. He passed near Caschaw or Cassovia, and turning suddenly, surprised the Castle of Zatmar, and in a few days after took the City. Cassovia and other considerable Places ran the same fate: And now the Turks act by themselves, Tokai rendering itself to them as soon as they appeared before it. The Emperor sent to complain to the Bassa of Buda of these Acts of Hostility; but he answered, that he did not pretend to break the Cessation in attacking these little places, which were but receptacles of Robbers, the Inhabitants thereof daily pillaging his Highness' quarters. Thus the strongest seldom fail of pretences to oppress the weakest.  
On the other side, the Bassa of Waradin having besieged Fileck, pressed it hard. He had already assaulted the place thrice, and though Strazoldo, Caprara, Staremberg, and the Palatine advanced with design to relieve it; yet all these Generals, however brave, durst not attempt the Enemy's Lines; and it might be said, that they were come so far but to be witnesses of the Victory, by the loss of the place which surrendered itself. The sixteenth of September, the Hungarians entered into the Turkish Service, but the Germans and all the Officers were made Prisoners, because they refused to sign the Capitulation, and the Women were made slaves, the Turks lost 2000 Janissaries in this siege, which obliged them to treat the Officers with so much Rigour, and perhaps the place which they demolished was therefore razed, or rather to prevent the Malcontents (who demanded the possession of it) from enjoying it.  
The said Bassa, after the forcing of Filek, went with 40000 Men and invested Lewentz and Neutra, which surrendered to him upon demand: And Tekeley, taking advantage of the absence of Strasoldo, rendered himself Master of the High-land Cities. The Bassa of Buda advanced also towards Gran, with design to make a Bridge there over the Danube, to the end he might open a passage into upper Hungary.  
Tekeley, seeing himself Master of the upper Hungary, especially of the Cities thereof, which by their Mines of Gold made up a great part of the Revenues of the Crown, and now having refreshed himself in these rich Quarters, he caused Moneys to be coined, representing on one side his Effiges with this Inscription: Emericus Comes Tekeley Princeps Hongariae; and on the reverse these words: Pro Deo, pro Patria & pro Libertate. The Winter being now advanced, he sent his Secretary to Vienna to offer a Cessation of Arms. This proposal was not disagreeable to the Imperial Court, but they could not resolve to leave the said upper Cities in his possession; his Deputies represented thereupon, That their Master could not part with them without the consent of the Bassa of Buda, but that he would favour the Imperial Workmen, and suffer them to labour for his Majesty's profit, provided he might be allowed a Compensation for his Protection, if not, he threatened to destroy the said Cities, worth 200000 Crowns yearly to his Imperial Majesty; after some altercation the Cessation was again agreed upon, and the Directors of the Mines were obliged to pay Tekeley six hundred Crowns every Week; this Trevis did not hinder several Encounters betwixt the Christians and Turks. A Party of Hussars in November defeated a Detatchment of the Infidels, commanded by an Aga, who was killed there. There were found in his Pockets nineteen Letters of the Bassa of Budas, writ to Officers of that Nation, ordering them to cause the Grand Seignior's Subjects to pay the Extraordinary Tribute, which his Highness was not accustomed to exact, but when he undertook some great War. Thus the Emperor was ascertained that the Turks design was to draw together all their Forces to attack him the next Summer. He was confirmed in this Opinion by Letters from his Ambassador at the Port, who writ to him, that the Grand Signior was gone from Constantinople on the twenty eighth of October to Adrianople; that the great Visier followed him the next day; that Count Tekeley had complained at the Port of the Bassa of Buda, accusing him for having separated his Troops too far from his, and so hindered him from making such considerable progresses in Hungary as he might otherwise have done; and finally, that the said Bassa was summoned up by the Grand Signior to answer this Accusation.  
The great Visier, being expected at Belgrade, the Emperor sent Saponara to meet him, to obtain more favourable Conditions than those proposed to Count Albret Caprara. He sent also Count Martinitz to the Pope, and to the other Princes of Italy to solicit for Succours in this extremity. Count Kaunitz was likewise sent to Bavaria, and many other principal Men to the other Electors and Princes of the Empire, to invite their assistance in so pressing an Exigence. To these Count Wallestein, a Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece, was deputed into Poland, to be present at the Diet of Warsaw, to negotiate a League with that Crown; and the Emperor commanded all his Regiments to be completed and augmented, his Garrisons to be fortified, and his Magazines to be filled for the better opposing so powerful an Enemy.  
Whilst both parties are preparing for a War with great Vigour, it will be conducible enough to the design of our History, to subjoin an Accident which had like to have made an absolute breach betwixt the French and the Ottoman Port. Monsieur du Quesne, having given chase to seven Corsairs of Tripoli, 
The French force the Tripolins into the Haven of Chio.  forced them into the Haven of Chio, placing themselves under the Cannon of the Fortress, to cover themselves from the Enemy, but to no purpose, although the Governor of the Place sent the French Admiral word, that they were under the Protection of the Grand Signior; for Monsieur du Quesne, in prosecution of his Design, when he was come up with them, fired upon them, the Governor did the same upon the French, but to no great purpose, being they were so ill treated, that three of their Vessels were disabled, and all of them forced under the very Walls of the Fortress, one of the Bastions of the same being likewise almost ruined. Du Quesne not yet satisfied, blocked them up there, until the News thereof was come to Constantinople. The Alarm was great there, and they were upon the point of falling upon them of the French Nation, until their Ambassador there declared, that what was done, was in no wise acted against the Ottoman Port, but only against the aforesaid Corsairs, who took the Vesse●s belonging to his Master's Subjects, and therefore ought not to be received into the Grand Signors Ports. Though this did for the present in ●ome sort appease them, yet the Captain Bassa was sent to Chio with eight and forty Galleys, to make a Peace betwixt the French and the Tripolins; much time was spent before it could be effected, which being concluded, they of Tripoli had liberty to repair their Vessels.  
For all this the Ottomans were highly offended with the damage Du Quesne had done at Scio, 
The Grand Signior highly offended thereat.  and demanded reparation from the Ambassador of France at Constantinople, who at first would give no hearing to such frivolous Complaints, but fearing the French Merchants in Turkey might be incommoded by it, he since offered to make them a Present of his own accord, not by any order from the King his Master. The Turks judging the said Present too small, were in no wise satisfied with it; so that the Ambassador thought fit to make some addition to it, which did as little satisfy them. In the mean time Du Quesne being sailed out of the Archipelague, there came an Officer to the Ambassador, telling him, that the Grand Signior was in no wise satisfied with his Offer, as being in no wise proportionable to the damage committed at Scio, adding, that the whole Empire was offended at it: But yet in consideration of the ancient Amity betwixt the two Nations, they would pass it by, provided the damage were repaired, alleging by way of similitude, that if our party sued a Thief into a Friend's House, and that something were broke in it, the Pursuer would be obliged to pay it. The Ambassador replied, that the harm which was done at Scio might be repaired with less than what he had already offered of his own, which was more than he could well bear, and that the Grand Signior and Great Visier ought to be satisfied, that he ruined himself to conserve the Peace betwixt the two Empires, bacause he much feared, left the Present he had offered might not please the King his Master, to whom he never had made any mention of it. The Turkish Of●●●er hereupon being angry, told him in the Name of the Grand Signior and Great Visier, that they were resolved to put him into the seven Towers, and the French Merchants in Prison; the Port knew very well that the French King did never disapprove of what his Ambassadors did. The Grand Signior and his Visier were not to be mocked by a present of a few Clocks, Watches, Stuffs, and Diamonds of small value, in compensation of damages of seven hundred Purses, arising for the murder of 400 Turks, the ruin of a whole City, the destruction of many Mosques, and the Castle. The Ambassador replied, that he was not at all surprised at his Choler, but that he should have been afraid if he had spoke in these Terms to the Chiaux, whose substitute he was; that the lives of Turks had never been valued so high; that the number of the slain at Scio was not so great, and that there had not been one man killed, if they had not received the Pirates there with the French Prizes; and finally, if they would put him into the seven Towers, he would not come out of it but by express order from the King his Master, and that he was ready to follow him thither. The Officer being moved with the Resolution of the Ambassador, assured him, he should not fail to be conducted thither the next Morning, whereupon he replied, he could not believe it, because he knew the Sultan was just, the Visier prudent, and his King a powerful Prince. The Turk interrupting him here, told him, that he talked as if he had 100000 men with him, to whom the other added, that his Master had 400000 men, and always victorious, and as for him, he spoke like one that would be as good as his Word. The Visier, highly offended with the Ambassadors Discourse, caused him to be told by a Kiaia, that he must add to his Present, or that he should be obliged for his Reputation to send him to the seven Towers: but the Ambassador continued positive. Sometime after, it was signified to him, that the Visier had obtained a considerable abatement of the 700 Purses, and that he would be content, if besides the Clocks and rarities, he would yet give 40000 Livers in Diamonds; but the Ambassador returned answer, that in complizance to the Great Visier, he would yet add 1200 Crowns, and no more. Some time after, the Visier let him know that he would speak with him himself, which the Ambassador denied, because he had already refused him the Sofa. However he did so far comply as to go to him about the end of May, 
But is appeased.  where after many Contestations about increasing the Present, the Turks descended to 350000, and afterwards to 100000 Crowns, to 10000, and finally agreed upon 15000 Livers. The Turkish Officers having had the most trouble in the World so to content the Grand Visier that the French Ambassador should not be displeased. A few days after, the Moneys, together with the Presents, consisting of a small thread of Diamonds, two— a Venice Looking-glass, 
Fau●evil.  five Chamber Clocks, one Carpet, ten embroidered Habits, some pieces of Cloth, Satins, and other Stuffs were exhibited, whereby this affair of Scio was accommodated, but not the difference about the Sopha, which continues still.  
The Emperor being sufficiently satisfied of the Designs of the Mahometans upon Hungary and Austria, year 1683. ordered all his Colonels to complete their Regiments by the first of May, and gave out new Commissions for six Regiments of Horse, and several of Foot to be raised with all imaginable speed. These Levies were not only designed to reinforce the Army of Hungary, but also to incamp near Vienna, to cover that City and the Neighbouring Countries from the Invasion of the Turks. He further commanded the Peasants of all the Neighbouring Villages to cut down Oaks to make Pallizadoes, and to carry them to Vienna for the repairing of the Fortifications of that City. The Inhabitants of the Suburbs had likewise order to empty their Cellars, that they might be filled with Earth, but deferred the pulling down of the Houses until they were assured that the City should be besieged. Ambassadors being also sent to the Electors, the Circles, and Princes of the Empire, to invite them to join with his Imperial Majesty for the Preservation of Hungary. Conte Albret Caprara received likewise order to return from his Embassy, unless he could obtain a Prolongation of the Trevis; but the Grand Signior would not suffer him to depart, but obliged him to follow him to Adrianople, and thence to Belgrade, causing him to be observed with much exactness. In the mean time, as also the whole Winter, the Citizens of Vienna had been trained and exercised with great diligence, the better to enable them to resist, in case of a Siege, which their fears and the Enemies braggings gave them just occasion to apprehend. They also were commanded to lay up Provisions for twelve Months; and not only they, but all the frontier Places were stored with Magazines, the Isle of Schut was also fortified, where it was exposed to the Enemies Surprises, and a Regiment of Foot added to defend the entry against the Infidels. There was also a great Redoubt made on the further side the Danube to cover the Bridge lately made, and to favour a retreat in case of necessity. At the same time there happened a Skirmish betwixt the Hussars of the Garrison of Comorra, Papa, Vesprin, and Raab, against a Detachment of the Army of the Turks, who lost 1200 men in the Encounter. 
The Plague rages in Hungary.  But if the Wars caused great ruins in Hungary, the Plague laid it well nigh desolate; it raged in Cassovia about Papa, and in many places possessed by the Turks; insomuch that Tekely was obliged to retire to Montcats to his Wife, and to choose another Place than Cassovia to convene the Diet which he had summoned. He had by Cessations and Treaties kept the Imperial Court in suspense, proposing his Mediation at the Port for a Prolongation of the twenty years Trevis, for which end he sent Schirmay his Secretary with others thither. Nay, the Propositions he made were thought so reasonable, that the Baron Zaponara was sent with new instructions to carry on this Peace as well with Tekely, as with the Visier of Buda; but whether Tekely, instead of advancing this Affair, did not retard it, or that the Turks would not consent to any further Prolongation of Peace with the Emperor, this commerce vanished. This last Obstacle was sooner believed than the other, by reason of the detention of Caprara in Turkey, and the vast Preparations of the Ottomans, who would listen to no Cessation but upon Terms so disadvantageous that his Imperial Majesty could in no ways assent to.  
Zaponara, who had spent much time with Tekely, being returned the beginning of january to Vienna, reported, that the Count Tekely having been sick at Montcatz, he had entertained many fruitless Conferences with him, and now he was well, and seeing no hopes of an accommodation with a man who was entirely engaged with the Turks, as was visible by all his advances, he could continue there no longer. And this gained credit by the appearing of a certain project granted by the Grand Signior to the Hungarians, which we will also insert, to satisfy the curious, though we dare not assure them that it was exactly such: 

1. That the Count Emmeric Tekely of Ritsmark, of the Illustrious House of Gabriel Bethelem, shall be installed King of Hungary, and in case he come to die, the Grand Signior will take the Queen his Wife, as well for her Person as Goods, into his Protection.  
2. That after the Death of Count Tekely and his Children, the Hungarians shall choose such a King as shall seem good to them, provided they acquaint the Ottoman Port with it.  
3. That the Present, which the Hungarians have promised to give to the Ottoman Port, shall never be raised in any manner whatsoever.  
4. That they shall entirely enjoy their Privileges, Liberties, Immunities, and Franchises for ever, without any diminution.  
5. That they shall be protected by the Turks from all their Enemies, who, or whatsoever.  
6. That the Turks will religiously observe the Conditions of Peace made with the Germans at St. Gothard, so far as they concern Hungary.  
7. That the jesuits, as disturbers of the public Repose, shall be driven out of Hungary, and never received there again.  
8. That the Tributes of the surrendered Places shall never be raised; but that what they have contributed to the Turks and to the Hungarians hitherto, shall continue to perpetuity in the same state.  
9 That the Treasurers of Hungary shall have free passage through all the parts of the Ottoman Dominion.  
10. And when they carry to the Port the Present of Honour which they have promised, or shall come there upon any other occasion, they shall be received magnificently.  
11. And finally, the Present of 40000 Crowns, shall, as is already mentioned, never be augmented.    
These and several other Passages filled the Imperial Court with diffidence, notwithstanding Tekely's fair words, and yet the Negotiations were still continued, the Emperor having proposed to an Officer that Tekely had sent him, to grant to his Master the Sovereignty of all he possessed in upper Hungary, with several other Demeanes, so willing they were to have detached this subtle and brave Enemy from his intelligence with the Turks, who at length declared, that he could not separate his Interests from the Port, which obliged Hoffman and Saponara to retire.  
The 18 of january, 6000 Turks entered into Canisia, most Janissaries, and the Garrisons of Belgrade and Newhausel were also augmented with great numbers of this Militia. The 25 th' of january, 5000 Tartars arrived at Buda, who were sent to Newhausel, and 12000 Foot came in their place, who by reason they could not lodge in the City, encamped at the foot of the Walls.  
Upon this News order was given to break the Ice round the Isle of Schults to keep the River open, the better to oppose the eruptions of the Turks and Malcontents. The Ice, which was of an extraordinary thickness, broke the wooden Bridge at Vienna, with the loss of three Charets loaden with Wine and Oates, which fell in. The Inhabitants of the aforesaid Isle of Schults were by reason of the oppression of the Imperialists forced mostly to abandon it; the noise whereof being spread through the Kingdom, had like to have caused a general Insurrection.  
The beginning of February, the Turks entered into the Isle of Serin in Croatia, where they committed great disorders. One of their parties defeated a Convoy with Munitions of War, and other provisions designed for Zendra, Lossenhilts who commanded the same, being slain.  
The Turks, who provided all things necessary to attempt the siege of Vienna, laid in at Buda vast stores of Ammunition and Materials to make Bridges of; nor were they less vigilant on the other side, the Suburbs were demolished round within a hundred paces of the City, and the great Island was fortified and put into a Condition to lodge a whole Army. Redoubts were built at both ends of the wooden Bridge, which is on the side nearest the City, and the Bridge which traversed the great Arm of the Danube was taken down to build another on the other side of the Favourites, with several other small Forts for its security. Two hundred thousand pallizadoes were sent from Newburg to serve for the Fortifications of Vienna, whereof every Citizen undertook to maintain a Soldier well armed in case the City should be besieged. All Boats were also stopped at Vienna, being designed to transport Provisions and Ammunition into Hungary.  
However Tekely continued to block up the Places which remained in the Emperor's Obedience in upper Hungary, and to shut up the Passages that no relief might be sent to them; he did not cease howsoever to testify to the Deputies of the Loyal Countries, that he did desire with Passion that his Imperial Majesty would grant him reasonable Conditions, that might restore him to the obedience which he owed him; and to make it appear to all the World, that he had not taken Arms against him out of any animosity, he released an hundred Germane Prisoners without Ransom, and sent to assure the Emperor, that he had dispatched Fagou and Sirmay, his two chief Ministers, to the Port to endeavour to obtain a prolongation of the Trevis. He spoke to the same purpose at the Diet he had convened, and released yet again eighty Prisoners which he had taken at Tokay, and gave Count Herberstein his Liberty upon his parole.  
The Turks, about the later end of February, made a new attempt upon the Isle of Schults with 1000 men of the Garrison of Newhausel, conducted by an Hungarian Renegade; but the Ice, which was not strong enough, breaking, a great number of them were drowned: the Imperialists took many Prisoners, and amongst others the Sub-governour of Newhawsel's Son. A Turkish Officer that offered ten thousand Dollars for his Life had his Head chopped off. At the same time several new Troops of the Infidels arrived, who lodged at Essek, and along the Rivers Savus and Dravus. They armed several Brigantines, which vogued upon the Danube, to hinder the Imperialists to send any Succours or Ammunition to their Garrisons. The Bassa of Belgrade received orders to repair an ancient Palace seated upon a Hill near the Town, to lodge the Grand Signior there, who designed to stay there during the Campania.  
In March, Tekely, with a considerable body of the Turkish and his own Troops, endeavoured to Surprise Tirnaw, to cut off the Communication of the Fortress of Leopolstat, with the River Waagh. But this Enterprise failing, this Count summoned a second Diet in upper Hungary, though those of the Loyal Counties were admonished not to appear there. At the same time Colonel Albert Caprara advertised the Emperor, that the Grand Signior offered to prolong the Cessation if he would surrender to him the Isles of Schults, of Serin, and of Raab, with the Fortresses of Raab and Comorra; but his Imperial Majesty did not think it expedient to accept of such disadvantageous Terms, which rendered the Turks entire Masters of Hungary, and gave them an open passage to the very Walls of Vienna. After that, it was impossible for this Minister to write any more to his Master, for the Turks kept so strict a Guard about him, that he was suffered to have no Communication with any, for fear of informing the Emperor with the vast preparations of War which were made in all the extent of the Ottoman Empire.  
The Turks at the same time surprised a Quarter of the Dragoons, killed forty, and took many Prisoners; they lodged 15000 men in the Neighbourhood of Essek, to hinder the Imperialists from burning the Bridge, and by that means hinder their Passage into the lower Hungary. The Emperor on the other side caused all his Forces on the side of the Rhine, except four Regiments which he left for the Frontiers, to march towards Vienna and Hungary. His Troops also that were in Bohemia under the command of Count Taff, were commanded that way.  
In the beginning of April, the Grand Signior sent the Bassa Zanko, who, though he had but one hand, was one of the best Officers in the Turkish Army, to Cassovia, to command under Count Tekeley. At the same time the Emperor made a great Detachment of all the Regiments that were in Hungary, to march toward Treinschin, under the Command of the Count of Schults, to go meet a great Body of Succours which came out of Poland under the Conduct of Lubomirski. The Count Herberstein had Orders to pass into Croatia with all the Troops of the lower Austria, to oppose the Enemy, who pretended to make an Irruption into that Province.  
The Grand Signior showed so much passion for the War of Hungary, that to compliment him, all the Ministers of the Court would particularly contribute to it. Every one offered to entertain a certain number of Soldiers at their proper charge, and did. 
All the Ministers of the Port contribute to the War of Hungary, as also the Ladies.  The Great— himself raised 400 men. And the Ladies no less forwards, raised great sums for the Expedition, especially the Asseki or Sultan Queen. His Highness being resolved to march in the beginning of the Spring to Belgrade, sent the Emperor according to the Practice of the Sultan's, 
Mass d'armes.  a— to mark that he declared War against him. The Great Visier being ready to move, sent 1200 Camels loaden with Powder to Belgrade before him, together with Orders to the Bassa of the said place, to build a Bridge upon the Savus, which was immediately put in Execution.  
The Emperor received at the same time an express from Count Wallestin, 
March 31.  his Ambassador in Poland, 
The Emperor and King of Poland make a League Offensive and Defensive.  which informed him that he had concluded with that King a League Offensive and Defensive against the Turks. This News did most sensibly affect the Imperial Court with Joy, because they had doubted much of the Success of this Negotiation, the King of Poland having showed some Dissatisfaction, in that the Emperor would never assist him, nor enter into any concert with him, whilst he alone supported a War against the Turks; but Interest took place of Passion. The King of Poland, like a prudent Prince, foresaw, that if the Turks conquered Hungary and the German Neighbouring States, he should be scarce able to resist so powerful a Neighbour; which made him resolve to oppose his Designs, and to join his Arms with the Emperors. The Conditions of this mutual alliance briefly were, that the Alliance should be not only defensive, but also offensive against the Turks, and last till both found their assured repose; neither should make Peace without consent of the other; his Imperial Majesty should entertain 60000 Men, whereof 40000 should keep the Field, and the rest be put in Garrisons; the King of Poland will lead 40000 under his own Conduct: he shall be also obliged to recover his Places in Podolia, Wallachia, and Vkranis, whilst the Imperialists shall do the same by those Places they left in Hungary; The Poles shall furnish 6000 men to act against Tekely. Other Articles not immediately regarding the present War, are purposely omitted.  
There had been ill observed Treaties and Cessations continued betwixt the Tekelists and Germans▪ and now the first besiege the Castle of Donavisth in the County of Sepusa in upper Hungary, C. Caprara having by message represented to Tekely, 
Tekely breaks the Cessation.  that it was a violation of the Trevis; He answered, that he only did it because C. I●anelli▪ to whom the Place belonged, had refused to come to the Diet of Cassovia, so frivolous an excuse made it apparent to the Emperor's Ministers, that they were not too much to confide in the Promises of this Count, and that he would take his advantages as often as occasions presented themselves. Some few days after, he had News that his Princess was brought to bed of a Son at Montcats, whereupon he sent one of his chief Officers to Prince Abaffi, to invite him to christian the Babe, which he accepted of, and sent one of the principal Lords in Transilvania to supply his Place.  
In the beginning of May, 
May 3.  the great Visier came to Belgrade with the Van of the Ottoman Army, and more than 300 pieces of Cannon, besides Mortars to throw Granades of a prodigious bigness. At the same time the Troops that were to compass the Imperial Army, began to draw towards Presburg, where Count Rabata encamped them as they came, according to the orders he had received from his Imperial Majesty, who had chosen the great Plain of Kirtzer, joining to that City to take the general review of his Army, which being drawn into Battalions in two Lines, extended four Miles in length; seventy two pieces of Cannon, with the General of the Artillery, Count Starenberg, were placed at the head of the Infantry, which was ranged in Batalions, and in such order that they might be perceived on both sides; they were numbered 20000, and the Horse in two Wings amounted to 12000, besides 5000 Hussars drawn up on the Right of the Germane Horse with fourteen field pieces.  
The Emperor arrived in the Camp about Ten of the Clock, preceded by his Guards, and riding between the Dukes of Bavaria and Lorraine, being followed by many other Princes and Lords, and saluted with three Volleys of all the Cannon and Musqueteers of the Army. After Mass, the Archbishop of Strigonium read with a loud Voice the Bull of Indulgence, accorded to such who should fight against Infidels, and having given his Benediction to their Imperial Majesties, who received it on their Knees, and consequently to all the Army, this Prince caused 500000 Livers to be distributed amongst the Soldiery, which was no less acceptable to them. The Command of the Forces being given to the Duke of Lorraine Generalissimo, the Right wing was conducted by the Duke of Sax-Lawenburg, the Left by General Caprara, and the Infantry and Cannon by the Count of Starenberg. With this Army thus composed most of the emperor's old and best Soldiery, and under so expert a General as the Duke of Lorraine; the Court hoped for somewhat extraordinary, though as it will appear they were disappointed in their Expectation. In the mean time a Council of War was held to see what might be done before the arrival of the Turks, and after what manner they should act upon the Defensive when the Enemy did appear. All agreed that for the Offensive there was nothing to be attempted but Gran or Newhausel, and that, as they ought to avoid those Enterprises which would cost much Blood, and weaken the Army, so they seemed to point at Gran as most easy, though others were for Newhausel for several Reasons. For the Defensive, it was concluded they must endeavour to defend the Passages of the Rivers Raab and Waagh. The result of this Council being referred to the Emperor, he judged, that for the Reputation of his Arms, and other important Reasons, not to suffer his Army to lie idle the space of two months' time, which they had before the Enemy could take the field, but left the choice to the Duke, whether he would attempt Gran or Newhausel? He only recommended to him, that when the Turks advanced he should take care for the security of the Garrisons, and oppose as much as in him lay the Enemies ravaging of the Hereditary Countries.  
The Army being advanced near Comorra, the Duke having no certain Intelligence of the condition of Gran, resolved in person to take a view of the Place, which he did, but being upon the point to resolve its Siege, he was advertised that the Turks were forming a Camp at Buda, and judging that they might from thence relieve Gran by Water, (as the Bassa of Newhausel had already done upon the news of the Christians Design to attempt the place) and perhaps cut off the Communication betwixt him and Comorra, by posting themselves betwixt this Place and Gran, he quitted the thoughts of that Enterprise, resolving upon the Siege of Newhausel as the only choice left him.  
This Resolution being taken, 
june 3.  he sent some Foot towards Gran, and armed Boats down the River, as designing to burn the Bridge, to gain a belief of his intent to besiege that City, but wheeling about with his Horse, he marched all that Night and invested Newhausel the Day following. The Turks seeing this, set the Suburbs on fire to prevent the Christians approach▪ who notwithstanding planted their battery, and were advanced within an hundred paces of the body of the Place, with little loss save that of Count Taxis, and might probably have given a good account of the Siege, if the Court, which disapproved the Enterprise, had not sent orders for them to retire. This command was immediately obeyed, and not without some Precipitation, the Army returning to their old Camp betwixt Raab and Comorra. The sudden raising of the Siege seemed strange to some, being the Turkish Army was not yet ready to appear, and that the Christians were so forward in their approaches. But the more discerning thought otherwise, because this Town, being strong and well furnished with all things, the obstinacy of the Besieged might have wearied the Imperial Troops, and have reduced them to an Inability of being able to oppose the Ottoman Army when they came into Hungary, and that therefore it was better choosing the certain, than the hazard of that which was not so, as was the taking of Newhausel, and to keep upon the Defensive, the rather being the Polish Army was not ready, nor yet raised; and therefore the Imperial Army, upon whose Valour depended the Preservation or Hungary and Austria, was in no wise to be weakened or baffled.  
The Duke of Lorraine, having refreshed his Army for some time, advanced with all his Forces on the side of Raab, having given orders to hasten the Works at Leopolstat, and repair the Fortifications of Raab and Comorra.  
In the mean time, the Turkish Army, composed of all the Nations under their Obedience, consisting of 200000 Men, advanced into Hungary on the side of Alba-Regalis, sending 4000 Pioners before them to dig Pits and Wells in their passage to furnish all the Army with Water; and the Grand Visier himself having passed the Bridge of Essek with the body of his Army, moved towards the Christian Camp by Raab, with a Resolution to attack it instantly, and oblige them to a general Battle; his Army was so numerous that they covered the whole Country from Alba even to the Mountains of Raab, and being come within a League of the Imperialists, he detached a great number of Tartars to spoil and ravage the Country out of which the Christians could receive any Subsistence or Forage, which extremely augmented their wants, which were already but too great.  
The Grand Signior arriving at Belgrade the Third of june, the Sultan Queen would not stay behind, but accompanied his Highness in his Voyage of Hungary. At Belgrade he received an Express from the Caimacan, of a great fire at Constantinople, which had entirely consumed one of the quarters of the City, and that the Grand Visier's Seraglio had been quite burnt if the neighbouring Houses had not been pulled down to save that sumptuous Building.  
Tekely having taken his measures from the Grand Visier, upon whom he had waited, and concerted with him concerning the following Campania, being returned to Cassovia, published a Manifest in the Grand Seignior's and his own Name, that all the Hungarians that would embrace his Party, should be maintained in their Privileges, Liberties, Goods, Laws, and Religion; but that such who refused to submit, should have no quarter. This Manifest had the desired effect, for the Cities of Papa, Tota, and Vesprin, the most remote, immediately opened their Gates to the Tekelists. The Emperor, fearing that Neutra would follow the Example of these three Places, commanded Count Schults the Governor, to draw forth the great Guns, the Arms and Stores, and to quit the Place. The same Orders were given to the Hilly Cities, and to the Officers of the Silver Mines, who all obeyed; a Conduct so extraordinary alarmed all Hungary. The Cities and Counties declared to the Emperor's Commissioners, that they would open their Gates to Count Tekely, to prevent Fire and Pillage, being there was no hopes of Succours. To all this, the Hungarians, under their Palatine Esterhasis Command, who guarded the Passages of the River Waagh, about 15000 in number deserted likewise, putting themselves under the Protection of Tekeley, and the Turks, so that this Palatine with scarce a competent Guard, was forced to retire to Vienna, because he would not violate his Faith sworn to the Emperor.  
Whilst the two Armies did nothing material, but observe each other, a great Body of Tartars under the Conduct of their Cham, who was there in Person, animated with the hopes of Pillage, having examined the Avenues and Fords of the River Raab, by following it towards its source, passed over by swimming their Horses, and guided by some Hungarians, they came to Kerment and St. Godthard, a place famous for the memorable Victory which the Christians gained from the Turks nineteen years past, far from finding any Obstacles to hinder them, every thing seemed to favour their Passage. Count Badianis abandoned his post upon the River, joining with Tekely those Hungarians he commanded; so that the Enemy entered the Country like a torrent, putting all to Fire and Sword; and passing the Rabwitz, continued their Devastations. The Duke of Lorraine, finding the Enemy on both sides, and fearing lest they might cut off his way to Vienna and the Hereditary Countries, having reinforced the Garrisons of Raab and Comorra, resolved to retire with the rest not exceeding 24000. And to the end the march of the Horse might not be retarded by the Foot and Artillery, they were separated, the Infantry and Canon marching along the Isle of Schut, the way on the left side of the Danube, being exposed to little Danger; from thence they came safe to Presburg and Thebes, and passing the River Mark, arrived happily at Vienna. The Duke, having passed the Bridge of Raab with the Cavalry, marched to Altembourg, where he rested some time, exposing this little Town to the Pillage of his Soldiers, as being loath to let their cattle and Provisions fall into the Enemy's Hands, which would infallibly happen. The Inhabitants however seemed very dissatisfied to be so used by their Friends, though the Cruelty of the Enemy, who ravaged all with Fire and Sword, effaced the other ill, as wholly disproportionable: from thence having passed the Straight there, they marched towards the Plains of Kitz or Kitzer, where two Months before the general review of the Army was made.  
Cara Mustapha, the Great Visier, attributing this retreat of the Christians to their fear, called a Council, where it was deliberated whether he should pursue th●m, or undertake the Siege of Raab? But judging, according to the appearances, that their retreat was no b●tt●r than a running away, it was resolved to pursue them; whereupon he presently raised his Camp, and followed the way the Christians were gone, leaving a body of 12000 near the said Raab, to secure his Convoys and Provisions.  
The Duke perceiving their design, and not judging himself in assurance in the Plains of Kitz against so formidable a power, resolved to march towards Vienna. He sent Count Aeneas Caprara, General of his Horse, to acquaint the Emperor with it, and inform him of all things. The Duke following, had sent his Baggage before, but it happened, that a Troop of Tartars, mingled with Turks, and conducted by Hungarians, to the number of 3000 in all, having swum over the River Leithe, and hid themselves in a Wood betwixt the Villages of Petronel and Elend, fell suddenly upon them, and attacking some Regiments on the left Wing, which followed the Baggage, with dreadful cries and howl, did so surprise them with the terror of so unexpected an irruption, that it brought them all into confusion, and by reason of the Dust, which was so thick that they could not distinguish Friend from Foe, not knowing which way to turn, they broke their Ranks, and communicated their Disorder to the very Regiments that followed. In the mean time these Barbarians, taking the ordinary Advantages of their impetuousness, flew some of them upon the Pedees', Carters, and Servants, which they sacrifice to their Cruelty and Fury, whilst the rest plunder the Chariots and Baggage. Many Officers lost there their Equipages, and amongst others the Duke of Saxon-Lawenburg, the Prince of Croy, and Aeneas Caprara, all General Officers, had all their Plate taken away.  
This Accident put the Army into a prodigious Consternation, it could not be comprehended, that the Duke having left the Enemy behind him, this same Enemy should possibly have got before them, and by ways nearer and shorter intercept, and so boldly attack their Baggage, which was thought secure under the Convoy that guarded it. As soon as they had recollected themselves, and that the Duke had considered the disorder part of his Army was in, he sent fresh Troops to second the first, and to assist them to repel the Barbarians; yet so as to avoid a general Engagement, which he greatly apprehended. The Tartars seeing the Christians rally, began likewise to draw to a head; but the fear to see themselves deprived of their Prey, obliged them to retire, and to run away with no less precipitation and speed than they used in their Onset. The Duke caused them to be pursued by his Light-Horse, who took some Standards, being unwilling to engage with the gross of their Troops, as well being this Detachment was supported by the Avantguard of the Army, as not to retard his march to Vienna, the which he continued afterwards without any Interruption. The Chevalier of Savoy, Brother to the Count of Soissons, was lost in this Confusion, for being too far advanced with his Dragoons that followed him, a Tartar knocked him from his Horse with his Sable, and thinking him dead, did alight, and heaving him cross his Saddle, with his Breast upon the Pommel, pressed him so there, that he bruised his Stomach. A little after, this Prince being relieved and conducted to Vienna, and however his Wound in his Head was not mortal, his dislocated Stomach could not be re-set, so that he died in a few days. Prince Thomas of Aremberg, and Count Mellini were slain in this scuffle, though the common loss of either side was not great.  
The Emperor, being informed of the present State of Affairs by Count Caprara, was greatly irresolved, not knowing what to do upon so important and pressing an Occasion. He immediately caused his chief Ministers to be summoned to know their Sentiments, and all unanimously counselled his Majesty to retire from Vienna. They now only deliberate what road or way he ought to take, some advised he should go over the Mountains without passing the Danube, and so straight to Campililium, being the shortest and easiest way to Lintz; but the Enemy being on the same side of the River, the other was preferable, as less subject to Danger, and the violent pursuits of the Enemy's Cavalry, who would make more way in a day, winged with the hopes of such a purchase, than the Court could make in four. This last advice being approved, was ordered to be put in Execution, and all things, as far as was possible in such Confusion, prepared for the Journey.  
The Noise of this retreat was quickly made public. The Wagons which arrived in Confusion to carry the Baggage sufficiently published it, and at the same time filled the City and Neighbourhood with so much Terror, that it might be thought no body would stay when the Emperor was gone. All the Horses and Carts that could possibly be found, were hired to fly away with, many Ladies of Quality being forced to put themselves into despicable Carriages, little conformable to their Condition. Houses stored with rich moveables, and furnished with Wine, Corn, and all sort of Provisions, were abandoned, nothing but what was precious and most portative being saved. The Air was also filled with the Sighs, the Tears, the Lamentations and the Cries of the Multitude, as if the Enemy had already rendered themselves Masters of the City.  

july 7.  The same day, being the seventh of july, about eight at Night, their Imperial Majesties with the whole Court passing through the Palace Gate, went over the Danube, and lay that Night at Cronenbourg, a pleasant Town two or three miles distant from Vienna, being guarded by 200 men, who returned to Vienna the next Morning. The next day there followed such a prodigious number of Coaches, Carts, Chariots, Horsemen, Foot, etc. as if they had designed to render the City a Desert. They were thought to amount to 60000, so pressing they were to avoid the danger that so eminently threatened them. And yet it was computed, that no fewer stayed behind fit to bear Arms, besides the Garrison, the Women and the Children. This flight continued several days, but those that went last, fell for the most part into the danger they would avoid, the hands of the Tartars. Many others did so overload their Chariots, that they had scarce passed the Bridge over the Danube, but their Wheels or Axeltrees breaking, they were left in the way in the Night, not knowing whither to turn themselves.  
Count Aversberg, having been dispatched by the Duke of Lorraine to the Emperor, to inform him of the success of the Battle of Petronel, found him at Cronenbourg, and greatly rejoiced the whole Court. Upon the first News of the Regiments that had been baffled, they had published at Vienna that the General had been slain, the Horse defeated, and the Tartars at the Gates of the City. Thus all were greatly revived, that the Evil was less than they had believed it to be.  
Whilst their Imperial Majesties continued their Journey to Lintz, Lorraine entered Vienna, where his first care was to pacify the Disorders and Confusion there. 
july 8.  Count Sterenberg arrived there the same day, and immediately fell to work with the Counterscharp, fortifying the whole Works, and to plant Palisades. As they had not apprehended a Siege, the Generals found the more to do. Lorraine endeavoured however to provide for all things before the arrival of the Enemy, 
11.  who began since the 11 th' to show their most advanced Troops near the City. The same day Starenberg's Regiment arrived, as also a thousand commanded Men, who advancing swiftly before the rest of the Army, entered the City.  
And now they burn the Suburbs, 
12.  which was continued the day following, the Citizens themselves carrying Fire into their own Houses; and in the Evening there was a great Skirmish near the Palace called the Favourite, where the Turks advanced to discover. All the Infantry arrived the 13 th', 
13.  and Lorraine made them all march into the Counterscharp, except eight Batallions which he retained in the Tabor, the better to defend that Post where he resolved to stay until the Powder and Bullets expected from Lintz were arrived; which being effected, and the Ammunition conducted into the Arsenal, 
14.  he caused the rest of the Foot to be removed into the Town, together with Dupigni's Regiment of Horse, the whole composing a Body of twelve thousand Men.  
The Tartars had committed infinite Ravages and Cruelties in that vast extent of Country's round Vienna for several Leagues. It is their custom to run before the Army, armed only with a Javelin, and to burn and sack, and spread Terror over all where they find no resistance. They kill such as fall into their Hands, or traffic them away as Slaves with the Turks. No place escapes their Inhumanity, not the most retired Places of Forests, the impenetrable Dens of wild Beasts, or the most obscure retreats of Valleys. There is nothing these Barbarians do not discover by means of their Bloodhounds, the use whereof is common amongst them.  
But now the gross of the Enemy's Army approaching, a great number of Wagons, some with four Horses, and others drawn with Oxen, and very many Camels laden with Baggage, began to range themselves in form of a Croysent or half Moon about the City, extending from the Danube behind St. Mark, along the Suburbs of Leopolstat, and the neighbouring Villages, even to Neudorf. At the same time the Turks opened their Trenches on the side of the Imperial Gate, and lodged there in spite of the Cannon of the Town that endeavoured to hinder them.  
The Duke of Lorraine, having ordered Affairs at Vienna, retired with his Horse and Dragoons over the Bridges, and camped there; he would gladly have kept some Foot with him, but having considered the greatness of the Enemy's Strength, the Works that were to be made, the distance of Supplies, and the diminution which the continuance of a Siege would make in the Garrison, he resolved to leave all his Infantry with the Governor, who most earnestly desired it.  
The Duke, before he left Vienna, had designed to continue in the Tabor, (or Isle of St. Leopold) and so conserve the Communication with the City. Tabor is an Island of a League and a half long, environed with the Danube. This Isle is full of Houses of Pleasure, Gardens, and Groves. But upon a true Survey of the Place, his Highness could not think it defensible, the Waters being so low, that the Arm of the River which form this I●le was almost every where fordable, so that whole squadrons might pass at once without breaking their Ranks: for this and other Reasons, the Isle being likewise exposed to the Enemy's Artillery, they were obliged to repass the Danube.  
The Turks by this time had pitched an infinite number of Tents about the City, and making a lodgement in Rottenhoffs Garden, where they had first opened their Trenches, and raised a great Battery, they thundered without ceasing to favour their Works, which they continued winding and turning. The besieged on their side covered themselves with Gabions and sacks of Earth to hinder the effect of the Enemy's Cannon; they also raised a good Battery on that side, and all the Engineers and most knowing Officers being distributed into the several Posts, were continually employed to render their Cannon serviceable, and fortify the Places the most exposed to the Enemy's Fire, which cost many of them their Lives,  
The Turks, moved to see that the Christians were Masters of the Bridges, made an attempt to force Conte Schultz who had the guard of them. This General seeing his forlorn and advanced Guards pressed, he sent other Troops to sustain them; but the Infidels having already a great body in the Isle of Tabor, the Christians were forced to fly over the Bridge. The Enemy planted their Standards there, but the Cannon loaden with Cartrages flanking that place, and the swift firing of the Dragoons, ranged along that Arm of the Danube, constrained them to retire, though themselves were exposed to the Enemies great and small shot. The Dragoons pressed them with so much violence in their retreat, that they took their Colours. The Turks upon this occasion lost a Bassa, and many of their Janissaries. General Schultz himself was wounded here, as also the Conte of Salsburg, and a Polish Major slain. In the mean time the Turks, having possessed themselves of St. Leopold's Isle, shut up the City on all sides. They made Bridges upon that Arm of the Danube which runs next the City, not only to communicate with their Camp, but to hinder the descent of Boats. They burned the Favourite, and reduced all the Palaces of the Grandees to Ashes. As soon as the heat of firing began to cease in the Suburbs, the Turks filled them with Janissaries, so that none could enter or go out of the City; which much troubled the Duke of Lorraine, who could no more give or receive Intelligence from the besieged, though so near and in sight of them.  
The Camp of twelve thousand Men which the Grand Visier had left near Raab to favour the Convoys, continued there still under the command of the Bassa of Buda; but he was relieved by Prince Abaffi, being himself obliged to go to the Siege of Vienna. There was also a Camp almost always betwixt Fickem and Altembourg, upon the same account, that is, to keep open and assist the Passage of Convoys which came from Buda, and the Neighbouring Parts.  
The Turks being posted in St. Vlrick's Suburbs, run their Trenches within fifty paces of the Counterscharp and Batteries. They also advanced their Cannon there, but before they discharged them, they caused a little Bag of Linen, carried upon the Spur by two Spahies, to be thrown into the Counterscharp. This contained a Letter from the Grand Vizier, written in the Latin and Turkish Languages, the Explication whereof follows.  
TO You, Generals, Governors, and Noble Citizens of Vienna, We make known by these Presents, according to the Orders we have received from the most Serene, most Mighty, most Redoubted, and the Mightiest Emperor of the Universe, our Master, the true Image of God upon Earth, who, by the Grace of the most High, in imitation of our holy Prophet Mahomet Mustapha, to whom be Honour, Glory, and Benediction, hath rendered himself, by the multitude of his Miracles, the greatest of all the Sovereigns of the one and th'other World, and most August of Emperors, who, having caused our innumerable Armies, protected always by Divine Providence, to come hither, We are resolved to take Vienna, and establish there the Cult of our Divine Religion; 'tis therefore, that before we draw our fatal Scimitars, as our chief End is the Propagation of the Musselman Faith, and that is expressly commanded us by the Laws of our Holy Prophet, first and before all things, to exhort you to embrace our Holy Religion, we do hereby advertise you, that if you will cause yourselves to be instructed in our Mysteries, you will find the Salvation of your Souls therein: If you will deliver up your City without fight, whether you are young, or more advanced in years, Rich or Poor, we assure you that you may all live there peaceably. If any desire to quit the place, and go live elsewhere, no harm shall be done him in his Person or Goods, and he shall be conducted with his Family and Children whither he pleases. For such as will rather stay, they shall live in the City as they did before. But if you suffer us by your Obstinacy to take the City by force, we shall then spare no Body; and we swear by the Creator of Heaven and Earth, who neither hath, nor never will have his equal, that we shall put all to the Sword, as is ordained by our Law. Your Goods will be pillaged, and your Wives and Children will be carried away Slaves. We shall pardon only such who shall obey the Divine Orders.  
Given at the Emperor's Camp before Vienna, the 8th of the Moon Regeb, in the year of the transmigration of the Prophet, 1094.  
The Turks continued to deepen their Trenches to four foot, and shot many Bombs, but without any considerable effect, most of them bursting in the Air, except some few, which falling near the Walls, burned an old Playhouse, which being of Wood, it was feared lest the Flames should reach the Convent and Church of the Augustine's, which occasioned its sudden demolishing.  
There happened also another Accident, but more dangerous. The Fire having seized upon the Scots Church, consumed that stately Building, as also the House of Frendorf, lately perfectioned by the Bishop of Heliopolis, Suffragan to the Archbishop of Vienna. The flame proceeded to the Arsenal, full of Powder and Munitions of War, which would have proved fatally ruinous, if Conte Serin had not caused the Gate, which they had in vain attempted to unlock, to be broken open, and immediately removed the Powder, which a few moment's delay would have rendered impossible. But on the other side, they could not hinder the Fire to consume the Palaces of Aversberg, Traun, and Palfi, which were reduced to Ashes. A Boy of sixteen years old, habited like a Girl, was accused as guilty of this burning, being found thereabouts, who was by the enraged People immediately pulled in pieces, so that the truth by this precipitated death could not be made known. This Fire continued three days, which if it had seized the Powder in the Arsenal, as in the year 1629, the Turks might easily have entered that way into the City.  
Since this Accident, the Infidels shot that way that they saw the flame appear, and endeavoured to ruin the Court and the Lion Bastions, with the Ravelin betwixt both; but the Besieged bravely opposed them with their Sallies and Countermines. They wanted good Engineers in the City, insomuch that Hasner, a Captain of the Garrison, who from a private Soldier was by his Virtue come to that degree, being observed to note all the faults the Miners committed in their Works, the conduct of them was committed to him, wherein he acquitted himself with good Success.  
Count Starenberg, who was Governor General, was all this while busy in repairing the Walls, deepning and palizadoing the Ditches, and in raising the Earth which was drawn out of the Ramparts and Retreats, to cover themselves when the first Posts and Parapets were thrown down, which afterwards contributed much to the defence of the Place.  
The Turks advanced their Works on the Court and Lebel Bastions side, carrying them on within thirty paces of the Counterscharp, notwithstanding the continued fire of the Besieged. They also discharged their Cannon and Mortars without ceasing, and entirely ruined the Emperor's Palace, the Houses and neighbouring Churches.  
Count Starenberg, who neglecting the danger, visited every moment the Posts, to see if his orders were faithfully executed; upon his going out of the Court-Bulwark was hurt in the Head with a Brick-bat, which a Cannon bullet had forced. He was immediately carried to his Lodging, and so happily cured, that in three days he found himself able to quit his Bed and his Chamber; during his hurt, the Count of Daun was also incapable of acting, being dangerously sick of a violent Fever, which reduced him to extremity; so that he was not out of danger before the fourteenth Day of his Malady. But the Counts Serin, Souches, and Schaffenberg, Brigadiers of the Garrison, applied themselves with so much care for the defence of the Place, that the Enemy drew no advantage from this misfortune.  
In the mean time, the Duke of Lorraine, finding himself obliged to remove farther from the City, his first care was to molest the Enemy. Count Dunewald, Lieut. Marshal of the Field, was sent to Krembs with his Regiment, the two Rements of Lodron; and Keri, Cravats, Kemgsegs Regiment of Polish Dragoons, were likewise dispatched thither, not only to keep the Bridge, which was of great Importance, but to hinder the Enemy's Foragers, and oppose the Parties of Tartars which ravaged about. And here we may wonder at the Politics of these Miscreants, who burn and ruin all the Forages, and all the Victuals, which should make them subsist, and which would have very much accommoded their Army in the distresses they afterwards found themselves.  
Lorraine likewise sent Orders to Count Hermestein, who was in Styria, to advance to the Frontiers on the side of the Mountains, to attempt the Enemies. He gave also the same Orders to the Garrisons of Raab and Comorra, and to Castel's Dragoons who were at Newstat. He sent likewise to survey Closterneubourg, which is an Abbey upon the Danube. The Turkish Camp was but two Leagues off, and according to the report made to him of the Place, he judged it necessary to conserve this Post, which ●e did, by putting Foot into it, the which might descend the Danube upon occasion, if the Enemy came to attack them with Cannon.  
He dispatched an Officer to Raab, 
17.  for the Regiments of Grana and Baden, which the Duke of Croy brought him with so much diligence, that parting from Raab at Midnight, they came in 24 hours to Presburg, and the next day to the Camp.  
Count Lesley was sent to Krembs to conduct the Artillery thither, and to expect the Bavarians Auxiliaries, those of Saxony and Franconia, and some other loose Regiments in the Empire.  
After these first Dispositions, which depended on the Duke's care, his thoughts more nearly regarded the Court, and the relief of Vienna. He judged the safety of this Place of such Importance, that he thought it not fit it should be pressed, and reduced to Extremity, to search the means of saving it. He knew that the tediousness of Negotiations, and the distance from whence he was to expect things necessary for this grand Enterprise, would make him lose much time, whence he concluded that he could not begin too soon. He was not of the Sentiment of others, who imagined that the Garrison of Vienna was capable of defending itself against such extraordinary Troops, and cause the Grand Visier's Army to perish, without any Succour. But he knew that the want of Necessaries do sometimes produce great Changes in the best Resolutions, that no body could answer for the governor's Life; nor for the principal Officers, nor for the constancy of the People, accustomed to an easy Life, and who had never seen the Wars but in paint. He knew that the Maladies inevitable in Sieges might occasion untoward Accidents. He saw the Desolation of the emperor's Hereditary Countries, which did daily augment. He heard no other Discourse but of Places sacked, and People carried into slavery. In this Continuation of Cruelties and Violences, he judged it reasonable to use all means to stop the Rapidity of this Torrent. He persuaded himself, that being at the head of the Army, he ought not to defer representing all these Particulars to the Emperor by some Person of Merit and Trust. He gave this Commission to Count Taff, whom he dispatched to Hassau, and he continued the same Offices during the Siege, for all the Obstacles and Oppositions which he Encountered, whether by the Difficulties of Passages, or the slender success of his Negotiations.  
The Besiegers, who had drawn two parallel Lines, the one on the Court Bastion, and the other on the Lebel side▪ joined them with another of Communication, and placed above thirty pieces of Battery against them. And though Vienna was environed with eleven Bastions, the Enemy attacked and battered but three during the whole Siege, which obliged the Governor to use all his care for their defence.  
The Grand Visier took his Post on that side that regarded the Ravelin, abovementioned, with the Aga of the Janissaries, called as he was, Cara Mustapha, his Kiaia, and the Bassa of Romelia; this last was slain with a Cannon bullet. The Attack on the right side towards the Court Bulwark was committed to Hussan, the Bassa of Dam●s, who, though brave, had been beaten by Prince Ragotzki in Transilvania, by Count Souches at Lewentz, and by the King of Poland at Cocczin. This Bassa was seconded by the Serasquier, Janisary Aga, or Colonel of all the Foot.  
Achmet, Bassa of Temiswar, commanded the left Attack towards the Lebel Bulwark. He had been Tefterdar, and died the Third of September of a Dyssentery. Hussan Bassa, who had also been his Highness' Treasurer, was put in his Place.  
I shall designedly pretermit the particulars of this Siege, as to the Approaches, Trenches, Batteries, Mining, Countermining, Attacks, Sallies, and Contests, though carried on with admirable Valour and Constancy on both sides, as being particularised in the Journals of that Siege in all Languages, and of little or no use to my Countrymen: And yet I shall omit no great Action, nor any thing that may be required of a just Historian.  
Great was the firing on both sides, and a Granado falling on the Spanish Ambassadors Palace, reversed all his Stables. It would have done yet more harm without the Governors' Precaution, who had commanded 250 men, under their particular Officers, to march incessantly through the Streets to quench the artificial Fires occasioned from their Bombs or otherwise.  
Being, as we mentioned, close shut up, Count Starenberg was the more desirous to communicate Councils with the Duke of Lorraine; for which end he offered 100 Ducats to any that would but carry him a Letter, without the hazard of a return, but no man presented himself upon this occasion; and yet a Spy sent by the Duke arrived happily in the City, having traversed the four Branches of the Danube with his Letters hanged in a Bladder about his Neck; by these the Governor was informed, that he should certainly be relieved, and that the Troops of the Circles of the Empire, and the Hereditary Countries with which the King of Poland, who was at ●lmitz, was to join, did daily arrive. In the mean time some Deserters brought News, and it was seen from the top of St. Stevens Steeple, that the Infidels were making a Bridge of Boats over the Danube, a League off, to the end they might pass when they pleased into the Isle of Prater. 
Leopolstat.  They knew also that this Commission was given to the Vayvods of Wallachia and Moldavia, who employed 6000 of their Nation in the Work; but being the Turks suspected them, as being Christians, and that they were forced, the Visier ordered Achmet, Bassa of Magne●ia, a City in Anatolia, who was camped in this Isle, and Chider, Bassa of Bosna, who had been Kiaia to the Sultana Asseki, to attend their Actions, and second them with six thousand Egyptians.  
The Baron of Kunitz, who was the Emperor's Resident with the Port, being then in the Camp, sent one of his Domestics with a Letter to Count Starenberg, which was not very hard to do, though the Turks kept a very strict Guard, by reason that the Officers and Servants of all the Ministers which resided with the Grand Signior, are habited as Turks, and speak the Language of the Country. The business was kept so little secret, that the News became the next day the subject of every Conversation. This Indiscretion was the cause that they could no more profit by this Advantage, the Turks being advertised of this Commerce by their Spies. Kunitz's Servant being seized upon in his return, was brought to the Visier, and seen no more, but without his Letters, which being wrapped in wax, he prudently let slip into a Ditch, when he saw the Turks come towards him.  
An Order was published by sound of Trumpet, 
25.  commanding all Proprietors of Houses, to keep every one a Man in his Cellar, to hearken if they could not discern any thumping or removing of Earth, because it had been noised abroad, that some Traitors had promised to bring the Enemy through Subterranean Passages into the City. The same day the Turks passing some great Pieces into Leopolstat upon Boats and Floats, were discovered by the besieged, who played upon them with their Cannon from the Ramparts so lukily, that they sunk two of their largest, with a Mortarpiece▪ which yet did not hinder the rest to arrive at Neudorf and Erdorf.  
The Cannon on both sides, together with the Mortars, played without ceasing, and though they ruined the prime Buildings in the Town, they hurt or killed but very few. The 24 th', Nitiski, one of the Engineers, came in great haste to the Governor, to tell him, that he had seen in one of the Shores of the City, somewhat that had the Figure of a Man, and that it was to be feared, that the Turks had found a Passage, and were entered through this Vault, which disgorges itself in the Danube, and that they designed to surprise the City that way. The Governor, not being yet well recovered of his hurt, sent Nitski back, with the Baron of Wells, his Son-in-Law, and Colonel Rumblingen, who was present, to examine the matter with care; but being they stayed somewhat long, the Governor, weak as he was, mounted on Horseback. Being come to the place, he alighted, and entered himself, notwithstanding the infectious smells, into the hole, having s●arched all about with Torches, he found that they were Carcases that the Executioners men had flayed. He very sharply reproved the Authors of this Inhumanity, having accidentally met some of them, and returned to his Palace, pleasantly rallying this Panic fear with those that accompanied him.  
The Duke of Lorraine had continued in his Camp by the Bridges of Vienna to refresh his harassed Cavalry, from the 16 th' to the 25 th' of july. He had there News of the defeat of 800 Tartars by a party of a Detachment which Count Dunewald Commanded, which rendered these Barbarians more reserved.  
The Count de la Tour, the Emperor's Envoy in Poland, came to the same Post to him, to assure him, that that Prince promised to come to the relief of Vienna, but that he could not be there before the beginning of September.  
At the same time the Duke of Lorraine was advertised that Tekely having assembled his Troops near Tirnau, designed to march to Presburg, that the Governor of that Castle wavered, and that the City was much solicited to receive a Garrison of the discontented Hungarians; which obliged him to march along the Marck to oppose this design, and in the interim he sent 200 men with Major Okelby, to endeavour to put them into the said Castle with a Convoy of 300 Horse for his Security.  
The Duke discamped from the Bridges of Vienna, having burnt them, leaving notwithstanding the Regiments of Savoy and Ricardi to preserve the Forts. Being arrived at the Mark, he was informed that Okelby with his Convoy were beaten by a party of the Malcontents; that the City had received a Garrison; that they were by order of the Grand Visier preparing a Bridge for the Communication of both Armies; that Tekely had 20000 Hungarians, and 8000 Turks, commanded by the Bassa of Waradin and Pest; and that he prepared to come and besiege the Castle of Presburg. This design appeared to the Duke of that consequence, that he believed himself obliged to march thither notwithstanding all the Obstacles that seemed to oppose him. This resolve was however a great while contested. He considered the difficulty of the ways, the Enemy's Forces much superior to his; the danger of receiving a check, in a time when the Emperor's Forces were to be preserved for relief of Vienna. On the other side, he foresaw that the Communication of the two Armies at Presburg did put the Enemies in a Condition to join their Forces to pass where they pleased, and to hinder the Conjunction of the Arms of Poland, or oblige them to tedious Circuits. These Considerations made him determine to oppose the Designs of Tekely. He traversed the Marck the 28 th' of july with his Horse and Dragoons, being in all eight thousand Horse, and two thousand Poles, commanded by Lubomirsky. A party that appeared a League from the River, was forced back, the Imperialists continuing their march to the Lanes that descended to Presburg. Night being come on, Prince Lewis of Baden, and the Baron Mercy were detached with all the Dragoons to force the narrow Passages, and gain the tops of the Vineyards, which they did without any Opposition, having a sight of the Enemy in the plain below. The General upon notice came speedily there, from whence he observed two Camps posted at some distance from each other. He caused his Horse to advance, which he had left behind the narrow Passages, to be ready upon Occasion, and in the mean time caused Okelby to enter the Castle with two hundred Men, commanded anew for this Enterprise.  
At break of day, the General commanded Prince Lewis of Baden to inspect the Suburbs, where some Malcontents did appear. Upon his advance, the Enemy retreated into the City, and abandoned the said Suburbs without resistance.  
This happy Success, and that in sight of the Enemy, seemed an Argument of their Weakness, and occasioned the summoning of the Town, which, in the Surprise it was, seeing the Imperial Army at their Gates, and the Garrison of the Castle reinforced, immediately surrendered, deliberating no longer than was necessary to give means to the Garrison of the Malcontents to retire to their Camp; which did not happen, for one part of them was cut in pieces when they were out, and the other made Prisoners in the Town.  
After this advantage, the Duke was resolved to attack the Enemy, who were advanced in Battalions within three quarters of an hour of the City. He gave Prince Lewis of Baden Orders to seize with his Dragoons the Vineyards and Gardens at the head of the Suburbs, and to extend on both hands from the Danube to the foot of the Mountain; whilst the Horse, commanded by Count Caprara, descended by the same Vineyards to embattel themselves.  
The Enemy on their side made some motions of coming up to the Imperialists, and detached some Parties to begin the Skirmish; but the Duke would not Engage them before all his Troops were in Battle-array. As soon as the second Line was form, they began to advance; which occasioned the Malcontents to change their Countenance, for whereas they had appeared, as if designing to bring the business to a Battle, much Dust appeared in the Rear of their right Wing, as also the left, and removed farther off, which seemed to be occasioned by retiring Troops, which also proved so; all the Line which stood opposite to the Imperialists, wheeling and separating into a perfect Retreat.  
Those who were on the Lorrainers' right, and had a Party of Polanders in opposition to them, finding themselves pressed by their Avantguard were entirely routed, being chased with considerable loss, until they had gained a Wood, and passed a Brook two miles off, they there rallied on the other side, and obliged the Troops that had pressed them to a stand. On the left, another detachment of Poles, seconded by some Germane Squadrons, and the Regiment of Palfi, charged the Enemy with so much Vigour, that having broken them, they killed and took betwixt five and six hundred of them. They seized on above a thousand Wagons with Baggage, and pursued them towards Tirnau with so much heat, that they forced some of them with great Confusion into the Woods, and others into the Danube. The fear was such, that they fled on all sides until they had passed the Waagh.  
Tekely, upon the Advice he had of the march of the Imperialists, by the Party he had beaten the Night before, he retired in the Night with the greatest part of his Horse and all his Foot, leaving but few of his Men with the Turks, who would retire as he did, resolving to expect the Germans. This Action produced some misunderstanding betwixt the Tekelists and the Infidels, who separated with little satisfaction from each other; but they reunited since by order of the Grand Visier, as was found by their intercepted Letters. The Duke in the mean time caused the Timber, the Planks, and the Boats prepared for the Construction of the designed Bridge to be destroyed; and afterwards returned to the Marck.  
The Siege, in the mean time, 
26.  as also the defence was bravely carried on; one Day the Turks divertised themselves with a consort of Flutes, Cymbals, and other Instruments of their Fashion, and the terrible howl of the Assistants, which they account Melodious, denoting, as was supposed by their joy, some extraordinary Feast. The Besieged that were in the Counterscharp, but ten Paces off, could not forbear rallying these Barbarians, and ask them in scorn to give them part in the Divertisement of their Ball, being they had given them that of their Music. And the Ball did truly follow, but the Lepers were on the Christians side: For these Infidels having sprung a Mine, which they had newly dug, under the Posts and Pallizadoes of the Counterscharp, the Earth, with a good part of the palizado, and about ten of the Defendants were blown up. The Turks taking advantage of the Opportunity, used all their might to render themselves Masters of the Counterscharp, by the breach they had made in it. The Fight was hot, and the Slaughter great. The Confusion and Disorder grew high, but most amongst the Christians, which being perceived by Count Serini, and St. Croix, Lieutenant Colonel to Dupigni, they ran with a hundred Men to their Aid, and employing them to throw hand Granades, and other artificial Fires upon the Enemy, so encouraged their Friends, that they fell with revived Courage upon the Enemy, bea● them back and killed a great number of them, planting the Heads of the slain in rows upon their Pallizadoes, letting these Barbarians know that Christian Walls would not tumble with noise of Instruments and shouting, as the Walls of jerico once did.  
A Messenger being sent to the Duke of Lorraine a second time with Letters in cipher, was unhappily taken by the Turk, and his Letters being tied to an Arrow, were shot again into the Town, with Latin lines affixed to them, intimating, that they sent this Letter to the Besieged, being it was to no purpose to send it to Lorraine; being assured, that in the ill Condition on the place was in, it would be taken before the Succours could arrive.  

27.  The Governor published an Ordinance, whereby all Persons, of what Quality or Condition soever they were, being able to bear Arms, and had not yet listed themselves in the Companies of the University, or those of the Magistrates, should appear at the Newmarket upon the noise of the Bells, to be enrolled, and form a fourth Body, which was done; In the mean time, many Christians taken by the Tartars, being shaved, and in Turkish habits, found means to save themselves, and escape into the City.  
The Turks continued their Labours, and the Advancement of their Works; and to hinder the Effect of the Bombs which were continually thrown out of the City, they covered their. Trenches with great Beams and Trees, upon which they threw Sacks of Earth in abundance, which not only closed the chinks, but rendered it proof against Granades, as also Musket shot. When this Work was finished, not only the principal Bassas, but the Visier himself came to view the Trenches, and lodged in them, having their separate Apartments, paved with Brick, and divided into Chambers, with all the conveniencies of great Houses.  

Aug. 1.  There arrived an Express in the Camp, which informed the Duke, that the King of Poland would not part from Cracovia till the 16 th' Instant; that the Troops of Saxony would have their Rendezvous at Dresden the 4 th', and that those of Frankonia, would not begin to march before the 11 th': These Succours appearing remote, and the duration of the Defence of Vienna incertain, his Highness resolved to approach the Enemy's Quarters. He thought that he should be able by the Twentieth of August, with his Forces, as well Imperialists as Bavarians, and the Troops of Polanders which should enter into Silesia; to pass the Danube at Krembs, and advance with that Body towards the Heights near the Camp of the Enemies, with design to maintain himself there till the arrival of the Allies. During this, he might weary out the Infidels, animate the Besieged in their Defence, and hold himself in a Condition to force a Post for the relief of the Place, according to the necessity of Affairs. He sent Count Palfi to Court, to acquaint ●is Imperial Majesty with the Design, and press the march of the Troops, which might be got together by that time; and some other disposal of Boats and Provisions necessary for that Expedition.  
After he had dispatched the Count, he was informed, that Count Tekely had sent Boats to the Turks, that he had passed the Danube, and that they were seen from Entserdorff, a little Town seated upon that River where the Imperialists had some Magazines. The Duke marched thither with four Regiments, and thence to the Bridge of Vienna, where, having learned that the Enemy had possessed themselves of a small Island, and that they had taken Boats from the Peasants, who had retired into the said Isle, he ordered the Baron of Mercy to dislodge them thence, and returned to Entserdorff. Mercy caused his Cannon to advance upon the opposite shore to the Isle, with the Dragoons of Savoy which guarded the Bridge, and having broken these Boats with his great Shot, he reduced the Turks to an Inability of being able to get out of the Tabor or Leopold's Isle.  
As soon as Tekely understood that the Imperialists were returned towards Vienna, he summoned Moravia to pay him Contribution. The Duke being advertised of it, returned to Ancren upon the Mark, to defend that Province against the Malcontents. He was informed upon his arrival there, that a party of them had repassed that River that day, and burned some Villages. He detached presently 500 Polanders to pursue them, seconding them with some Horse and Dragoons, who encountering them two Leagues from Ancren, loaden with Spoil, they attacked them so briskly, though far inferior in number, that they killed 500, released the Prisoners, recovered all the Booty, and took ten or twelve of their Standards.  
The Siege was carried on with no less bravery than it was sustained; and being several who were out of Employment were necessitous, an Ordinance was published, intimating that moneys and Provisions should be given to all such who would enrol themselves, with assurance they should not be obliged to serve after the Siege. Many accepted of the Condition, received three Patacoons each advance Moneys, and were regalled with Bread and Wine, by the care of the Prince of Swartzenberg, and by the Liberality of the Religious and the Citizens. Wine never failed, nor indeed fresh Meat for the sick, store of cattle having been twice brought in by sally during the Siege. The Magistrates had by the Governors Order taxed the ecclesiastics, the Cloisters, the Citizens, and the Peasants, who were refuged in the City, to furnish for the use of the Soldiers the hundredth Pint, which was punctually executed, there being none that refused to pay this Imposition: the greatest Lords and the Emperor's Officers not exempting themselves upon this Occasion.  
St. Stephen's Steeple, being very obnoxious to the Turks by reason of its height, and the great extent of its Discoveries, was much shot at by them, though Solyman, when he besieged Vienna, had declined ruining so noble a Fabric, upon no other Terms, but that they should put a a Half Moon, the Arms of that Empire, upon the Spire of it, which was still up. The Centinel that was there the 7 th', perceived betwixt the River Mark and Moravia, on the other side the Danube, Fire and Smoke, which lasted till eight a Clock; C. Starenberg judged they were C. Tekely's Troops, who in passing the Waagh, had skirmished with the Imperialists, and it proved so, as he found by the return of one of h●s Spies, which he had sent to the Duke. The account he gave was, that the Turks having detatched ●000 Horse to discover the Succours which were arrived in the Prince's Army, out of Saxony, Bavaria, and the Circles, these Infidels fell into an Ambuscade which was laid for them, and where most of them were cut in pieces; that an Aga, Count Tekely's Secretary, and an Hungarian Count, since dead of his Wounds, were taken Prisoners; that the Imperialists had taken a great number of the Enemies▪ Wagons with Baggage, and that since this▪ Advantage, many of the chief of the Malcontents were come in to the Duke.  
Colonel Heister having passed the Danube at Closternewburg, took four hundred of the Enemy's Horse. On the other side, the Malcontents continued to send small parties into Moravia, who set fire by Night on the Houses and Villages; and as it was a hard matter to remedy these Disorders by force of Arms, the Duke judged that the best way to repress them was by that of Reprizals. He caused Tekely to be advertised, that he would send Orders to Zatmar, and to all the Emperor's Garrisons, to burn the Palaces and Houses of all them of his party. This threatening put a stop to these Incendiaries; for he thereupon sent a Person to Chevalier Labormiski, under pretext of an Envoy to the King of Poland, to the end he might inform the Duke of Lorraine that he had not commanded those burnings, and that they should hear no more of them.  
About this time, Count Albret Caprara, the Emperor's Envoy at Constantinople, had Permission given him by the Grand Visier, to return to his Master, and having passed by Tuln, he had in charge to propose to his Imperial Majesty, that upon the Session of Raab he would abandon the Siege of Vienna.  
Kotlinski, a Lieutenant, upon promise of the first vacant Company, had been dispatched from Vienna to the Duke, one from the Deputies of the Council of State, and the rest from the County Caplier and Starenberg. The first, for they were of several dates, marked the danger the Counterscharp was in, others gave an account of the state of the Siege, minding him of the Necessities of the place, and the Accidents that might happen, and praying him to hasten the Succours, and these were writ by the Governor. Caplier's Letters particularised the slain and wounded, finishing with earnestness for Relief, praying him to consider the Officers, their want of Granados, their stock being near spent, and the Disposition of the Citizens not to be relied upon. The last Letter marked, that C. Starenberg was sick of a bloody Flux, and could answer for nothing, unless the Succours were great and quick.  
The Duke, who was careful in informing the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the Elector of Saxony, of all he could learn of the state of the besieged, failed not to quicken the Auxiliaries, to communicate his Intelligence and Letters to them. He dispatched Count Caraffa to the King of Poland with them, and hastened the march of General S●nariski, who was come into Silesia six days since. This Count had also in charge, to pray his Majesty of Poland to come with the first Troops, as well for the esteem he had of his Merits, as because he believed that upon the Kings advance the gross of his Army would follow with more diligence. After he had dispatched C. Caraffa, he sent the Count Schaffenberg to the Elector of Saxony, to provide Wagons and Carriages for the Auxiliary Troops by the way as they should pass. As he did not doubt but that these pressing Letters would quicken the advance of the Troops, he thought he was obliged to provide also for the passage of the Danube, and in order to it resolved to go to Krembs, whereof he advertised the Emperor by an Express. About the same time C. Starenberg had News from his Highness of the defeat of C. Tekely near Presburg, as also of the taking of a great Convoy that was going to the Ottoman Army, and that the King of Poland was upon his march to succour the Place. This good News infused Joy into the whole City, and was welcomed with all the Artillery, and the ringing of all their Bells. As every little Success encourages Soldiers at least to hope, so it fared here. A Scholar having killed a Janisary, and ripped open his Stomach, found ten ducats in Gold in it; and a Soldier having after a stiff Combat disarmed a Janisary, cut off his Head with his own Sable; Searching him afterwards, he found a Girdle about him full of Moneys, which he hid so well that his Comrades did not discover it: Being returned into the City, having unstitched his purchase, he found an 100 Sequins of Gold. He was so transported at the sight with Joy, that he ran like a Madman through the Strees, clapping his Hands, and showing his Gold to every body, making it appear by his Extravagancies, that he thought himself happier than the Emperor. His good Fortune gave Courage to his Companions, upon hopes o● the like Adventure, making them good Anatomists and diligent Waiters.  
The Duke of Lorraine left Anneren encamped at Volgerdorp. He there received Letters from the Count Caplier and Starenberg. The first pressed strongly for Relief, by reason of the Diminution of the Garrison, and the Ammunitions of War. The Style of the second Letter was upon the brave, and seemed of a Person not greatly concerned; but in the three last Lines, being in cipher, he besought the Duke for speedy Succours, because the Retrenchments and cuttings off in the Lebel Bastion were very slight; that his Ammunitions and Officers failed him, and that he every day lost many of his Men. His Highness returned him answers full of comfort, advertising him of the state of the advance of the Auxiliaries, and the certitude of his Relief. In order to it, he quits Volgerdorp, and marched to Stokerau, the better from thence to discover the Isles of the Danube, and choose a place for making a Bridge for his Passage.  
Some of the great ones were of Opinion, that Vienna ought to be relieved by the Plain, passing the Danube at Presburg, this Opinion found many partisans, their reason was, that the Army posting itself above the City, would cut off the Communication of the Besiegers with those Countries from whence they drew their Provisions; which being done, they judged the Turks would retire, without the Christians hazarding of a Battle. This reasoning did not want appearance, if it could be done before the Besieged were too much pressed; but the Enemies main force consisting in Horse, that of the Imperialists in Foot, the Duke thought Enclosures preferable to the Plains; besides, the Allies not being able to meet at Krembs before the Month of September, many days would be spent in marching thence to Presburg, and laying a Bridge over the River there, in a time when the condition of the Siege demanded all their haste. Moreover the Construction of a Bridge in that place was difficult, especially if the Enemy detached any strong Parties to oppose them, as they might easily do; insomuch that the Duke, who had in the beginning of the Siege looked upon the Mountains of Kalemberg as the surest way for the Relief of Vienna, without any farther amusing himself, resolved to pass the Army at Tuln and Krembs, disposing all things accordingly for the Execution of this Design. He did not believe the Enemy would come thither to oppose him, not only because part of his Army, and of that of the Bavarians was already on the other side of the Danube, and maintained themselves there, without attempts of the Turks to dislodge them; but also because it would be dangerous for these Infidels to engage themselves with a great Body of Horse beyond the straits or narrow Passages of the Forest of Vienna.  
Many were the Messengers and Spies which passed betwixt the Duke and Besieged, his Highness being careful to encourage and inform them. He now again assures them, that the Army composed of Bavarians, Saxons, Poles, and the Imperial Troops approached Krembs; That the King of Poland Commanded it in Person, and that he was accompanied by the Electors of Bavaria and Saxony; That the Emperor was removed from Passaw to Lintz, to be nearer Vienna, so that now there was nothing more required for the saving of Christendom, but a little more resistance, being all the Troops were ready to march. He added, that he himself was going to Krembs, to prepare the Bridges and every other necessary thing, to the end that nothing should retard the Succour of the Place, assuring moreover the Governor, that he would expose himself to all dangers to force the Enemy from the Siege. Fortune did begin now to favour them, being Tekely had been defeated at Presburg, and by the River of Marcka with great loss. This News caused a sensible Joy in all the Inhabitants, and particularly the ecclesiastics, whereof many were troubled with bloody Fluxes, and very many considerable Persons had been dead of it. The cause of this Disease may well be attributed to the ill Diet, the richest sort being forced to eat salt meats, differing from the Delicacies of their former feeding, besides the Meal they made their Bread of was neither clean nor well ground.  
The Duke in the mean time caused some Troops of the Regiments of Grana and Baden to secure Tuln, 
Aug. 22.  where there was a stone Wall and a Ditch, for he designed to preserve that Town, and make it one of the heads of his Bridge: the next day he went to discover the ●lets of the Danube, and having found them useful for his Design, he commanded ways to be made in them, and Boats to be brought thither. Upon his return he found Count Palfi arrived from Lintz, with orders from the Emperor, that it was necessary he should expect the arrival of all the Allies before he approached near the Enemies.  
About this time a noise was spread in the City, that the Turks, who incessantly mined and moved the Earth, had made a Subterranean passage which should open into the Emperor's Cellars, by which they pretended to surprise the Town. The Governor, howbeit he believed nothing of it, ordered the Emperor's Guards which were left for the Guard of the Palace, to keep watch and Sentinels in the Cellars, which they did with no great regret. The same day there happened an accident, which for the rareness of it may well be recorded. Kimpler, an able Engineer, working in a Countermine under the Castle-Gate, encountered, deep in the Earth within a walled Vault, 
Estani.  a Coffin of Tin, wherein he thought to have found a dead Corpse, but opening it, he was dazzled with the lustre of a great many pieces of Gold and Silver, wherewith this Coffin was filled; he saw moreover rich Jewels enriched with precious Stones. Having secured this Treasure, he found in the bottom a Box of Tin, wherein was a Parchment where the following words were traced in ancient Characters.  
GAUDEBIS SI INVENERIS, VIDEBIS, TACEBIS, SED ORABIS, PUGNABIS, AEDIFICABIS, NON HODIE, NEC CRAS, SED QUIA UNIVERSUS EQUUS, TURRIS ERECTA ET ARMATA, DIVERSA ORDINATA ARMA SUBSCRIPTIO ROLLANDT HUNN. MOG. POSUIT.  
Those who would divine the Sentiments of Rowland Hun of Mets, who had deposited this Treasure in the Earth, pretended he had some Knowledge of the future, and that by this Inscription he would manifest that he knew this Treasure would be found during the Siege of Vienna, and that the Infidels should be obliged to abandon it. Their Sense of the words follows. Rowland speaking to Kimpler, says to him. Si inveneris, If thou dost find what I have hid from all others, videbis, tacebis, thou wilt consider these words, and discover thy good Fortune to no body, sed orabis, pugnabis, but thou shalt render thanks unto God for reserving these Riches for thee, and, as obliged in gratitude, thou shalt fight against the Enemies of his Name; aedificabis, non hodie nec cras, Thou shalt employ the moneys I designed for thee to build Churches; but it shall not be when thy Native Country is desolated by War; it shall not be neither to day nor to morrow, sed quia universus equus, thou wouldst ill take thy time whilst the Ottoman Cavalry surround the Walls of the City; Turris erecta & armata, but fear nothing, the Ramparts raised for the defence of the City, and the brave Soldiers that Garrison it, will preserve it from the vain attempts of the Enemy. Diversa ordinata Arma, The Arms of the different Nations that thou seest arrayed in these Plains, shall only serve to render the Victories more glorious, their Triumph more splendid, and the flight of the Turks more infamous.  
Count Starenberg received new assurance by his Spies from the Duke, 
Aug. 24.  of being relieved in eight days, which caused an universal Joy, redoubled the Care, and augmented the Courage of all men. On the other side, the Infidels prepared for a general assault, whilst the Governor on the contrary did every day invent new Engines, as Freeze Horses bearded with Iron, turned Pikes, and the like, to oppose in the Breaches. Five hundred Horse of the Besiegers passing the River, burned some Villages, but they were encountered and defeated by a party of the Imperialists, commanded by Colonel Heister, who cut in pieces the greatest part of them, the rest endeavouring to save themselves by swimming being drowned in the River.  
We left the Duke of Lorraine marching towards Tuln, but upon advice that the Malcontents were designing to make Incursions into Moravia, he detached Lubomirski, and two Regiments of the Emperor's Horse to march towards the Frontiers of that Province. This Report was grounded upon the Grand Viziers Order, who upon the Knowledge he had that the Imperialists and Auxiliaries took the way of Tuln and Krembs, had commanded Count Tekely to enter into the Hereditary Countries with Fire and Sword, thereby to oblige the Imperialists to return back to their defence. But the Malcontents having no mind to engage with the Duke, Tekely was contented to encamp upon the Mark; however, in obedience to the Grand Viziers Order, he caused the Tartars and Turks that were with him to enter into Austria, having promised to follow and second them with his Army.  
The Duke being advertised that the Infidels were burning the Villages towards Eversdorf, changed his march, having sent orders to Lubomiski, who was in the Avantguard to halt, and instead of marching towards Tuln, he went to meet the Turks, leaving his Baggage at Stokareau with the Regiment of Rokondi, leaving to Count Lesley the Care of the Execution of those things which he had resolved in order to the Passage of the Danube, and the Conjunction of the Auxiliary Forces. The Duke being come to the height of Pisemberg about two of the Clock, he could see the continuing of the Fires; he thereupon sent Parties out, who made some Prisoners. They were questioned, and answered, that the preceding Night they had passed the Marck with a Body of twenty five thousand Turks and Tartars; that Tekely followed them, and their Camp was but half a League from the Bridges of Vienna.  
The Duke hereupon immediately commanded Baron Mercy, with some Troops, to the top of the height to discover the Enemy. Upon his report he put the Army in Battalia, extending his right Wing towards the Wood, under the command of the Counts Caprara and Rabotta, posting the Dragoons there, and some small Field-pieces; and the left Wing was extended along the Plain under the Conduct of Prince Lewis of Baden. He drew the whole into two Lines, and a reserve, on the right whereof Lubomirski's Poles were placed. The Imperial Army was composed of thirteen Regiments of Horse, and five of Dragoons, besides Lubomirski's two thousand Poles. Whilst the Imperialists form their Squadrons, the Turks likewise ranged theirs, leaving the gross of their Troops in the bottom of the Plain. They began a line upon the heights extending to the left, as if designing to gain the flank of the Imperialists. As soon as they were approached each other, they began to skirmish, and as the Armies grew near, the Infidels detached two great Troops, the one of Turks, which moved easily, and the other of Tartars, who advanced towards the left. Some Volleys of Cannon which the Emperor's Dragoons had on their right, did somewhat disorder the Turks whilst they advanced, but did not hinder them to charge the Poles with much firmness. They immediately routed two squadrons, and with a surprising Vigour, or rather Temerity, passed even to the second Line, as well by the way they had made, as by the interval which the Imperial Horse had left, receiving in their Passage the fire of all the Neighbour squadrons which flanked them in this charge. Notwithstanding that, some of them penetrated even to the Reserves, and endeavoured to return by the same way they came, and after the same manner, but few of them came off.  
On the left Wing, the Tartars having endeavoured by small Troops to gain the flank of the Christians, were not more luckey, for those that past were cut in pieces by others that were sent against them, or obliged to return to their main body; after which, the Imperialists advancing always in good order to attack the whole front of the Turks, the Enemy separated before they could come up to them. One part took the way towards the Marck, and the other towards the Bridges of Vienna. They were followed some time without being overtaken. Those that took on the Danube side, finding themselves pursued, that the Poles were not far off, and that the whole Army marched that way, betook themselves to the only expedient for their escape, which was to cast themselves into the River, and endeavour a Passage by the remaining Posts and Pillars of the burnt Bridge, leaving their Arms, their Horses, and their Equipage on the brink of the River; but most of these were drowned, and the rest all killed or taken. The Night being come on, the Duke camped where he was. On the morrow he was presented with several Standards, Timbals, and Drums, and some Prisoners of note were likewise brought to him. The Turks lost, as was discovered by their own intercepted Letters, from a thousand to twelve thousand Men, many were killed upon the place, but many were drowned. The Chams Son was hurt, but saved himself by swimming upon his Horse. The Bassa of Erlaw was slain, with many Officers. The next Morning some Prisoners were taken, found hid in the Hedges and Bushes. Their Army consisted of near fourteen thousand Turks and Tartars, all Horse, but that of the Malcontents stayed at the Marck.  
The Duke came the same day to Cronenberg, to refresh his Horse which had been upon Service twenty four hours, with design to go and fight the Malcontents if they continued in their Post. He sent, for this purpose, to General Siema●iski, who was come to Nekelburg with a body of Horse, being the King of Poland's Avaunt-Guard, to meet him the next day upon the way to Volgersdorff; but being upon his March, he had News that the Tekelists were retired to Tirnau; that the King had sent order to his General to attend him at Nekelburg, and that his Majesty would be at Krembs the first of September. The Duke hereupon returned to his Camp at Cronenburg, to expect the arrival of the Polish Army.  
They seemed in the Town in much distress, for the Governor had caused forty Rockets to be fired from the top of St. Stephen's Steeple, to advertise the Duke of the straits they were in, and the necessity of being suddenly relieved. The Grand Visier seemed to scorn these signs, answering them with two hundred Cannon shot. And yet it was observed, that the Infidels sent many Camels laden with Baggage and several Servants towards Presburg, probably to secure them in case they should be forced to raise the Siege.  
The same day, the Duke sent the Chevalier Lubormiski to compliment the King of Poland, who had also orders to inform his Majesty of the measures they had taken for the relief of Vienna: and that it seemed to require all their has●e, as the Count's Capliers and Starenberg signified by their Letters, the Place being reduced to Extremity, but writ in such Terms which made it evident they would defend it with their Lives, but could answer for nothing else.  
The Grand Visier did in the mean time order the Walachians to endeavour to rebuild the Bridges of Vienna, to the end that they might, by a diversion that way, retard the march of the Imperialists, or employ a considerable body by that means. As the Waters were grown extreme low since the Bridges were ruined, insomuch that the Pillars which had been then burnt level with the Water, appeared now three or four foot above Water which gave room for this Enterprise. They were furnished with Timber out of the Neighbouring Villages, and the Work was carried on by the Walachians and Moldavians with so much diligence, that near a third of the great Bridge was laid in two Nights.  
The Duke having notice hereof, caused Boats to be prepared for the retaking of those Posts which he had quitted in the Isles. The Count Archinto and Colonel Heyster were employed herein, who on the Night of the 31 th' of August re-entered their old Retrenchments, planting there some Pieces of Cannon. Upon break of day they began to play upon the Turks, who were so greatly incommoded by the continual firing of great and small shot, that they were obliged to quit their Enterprise. They afterwards applied Pitch and Tar Barrels to the Pillars that remained, and so burnt them. The same day the Turks sent away many Camels, Wagons loaden with Baggage, and part of their Artillery, which ●●ey conducted towards the Forest of Vienna. After Noon, those who were upon the Ramparts heard several Musket shots the way that these Infidels marched, which made them guests that they were skirmishing with the Pickeerers of the Christian Army, and that consequently the Succours were near hand.  
At the same time, the Duke of Lorraine being advertised that the King of Poland lay at Heilbron, left the command of the Army to Count Caprara, and went to give this Prince a visit. He met him at the Head of his Hussars, and alighting from his Horse, when he was come within twenty five paces of him, moved towards him, which his Majesty perceiving, he likewise descended, met him and embraced him, and after some obliging discourse, he presented the Prince his Son to him, saying, he would have him to be his Servant, as he was, and that he had brought him with him to teach him betimes to serve the Emperor. The Senators, the Palatines, and the principal Officers of the Crown, did likewise compliment the Duke. The King and Duke mounted on Horseback▪ and having passed the Troops, continued their march, discoursing the whole time together. When they arrived in the Camp, they entered the King's Tent, together with the Prince and the Grandees of Poland, where the Duke entertained his Majesty with the main Discourses that tended to the Affairs in hand.  
The Prince of Waldeck, who had no Opportunity to speak with the Duke in the King's Tent, went to attend him at Stokarcau, where he communicated all his Thoughts, and agreed with him of the Manner and Method they were to use in relieving the Place.  
The Duke dined that day with the King, sitting at the upper end on the Right-Hand of the King, the Prince being seated on his left, all three in Chairs with backs. Some Palatines and Officers of the Imperial Army were also placed at the Table by the King's Order. After this repast the Duke returned to his Camp very well satisfied with the Civilities done him by his Majesty, who likewise approved of all what this Prince had proposed to him, and upon his reiterated Instances he made to him for hastening the Conjunction of his Forces, he sent Orders to his Great General, who was stayed behind, to hasten his march: The King himself resolved to be at Krembs the second of September, where the Emperor was to come to agree about the Conjunction and Passage of the Armies.  
In the mean time the Emperor, who should have come to Krembs, not only to animate and authorize the Expedition by his Presence, but also to allay the infinite Difficulties which the Competition of so many Princes would occasion, was retained at Lintz by an Indisposition of Health. Thus the Care of all was left to the Duke of Lorraine; as also to regulate the Pretensions of the Auxiliary Armies. Having at length found Expedients for all these Difficulties, he went and acquainted the King of Poland with what he had designed, which being highly approved of, he went thence to Otelsdorff, where at his entreaty the Duke of Saxony, and all the Generals met him. After some Contestations, the Passage of the Danube, and the Conjunction of all the Auxiliaries was resolved upon, which was to be September 5. in the Plains of Tuln. It was determined that the Polish Army, with that of the Emperors, should pass where they were. That the Saxons should traverse the River upon the Bridge at Krembs, and whereas the Bavarians with some Germane Troops camped there under the Command of Coun● Lesley, they should all march in body to Tuln, to join the Imperial Army, and that of Poland.  
The Princes upon Consultation deferred the Execution of this Design till the seventh. The King began to pass the sixth, in the Evening. The Duke of Lorraine, after having detached the Contes of Lodrox, Riccardi and Herberwiller, with their Regiments, and two Batalions of Lorraine, to join 3000 Poles, which the King ought to add to them to form a Body to cover Moravia; he sent Colonel Heyster with 600 Horse to Closterneuburg, with orders to make Fires upon the heights of Khalenberg, to advertise the besieged by this sign, which was concerted betwixt them, of the approach of their relief.  
The besieged had been extremely pressed, for the Turks had finished their Galleries, and attacked the two Bastions of Lebel and the Court, so that the besieged did daily by Messages and Rockets advertise their Friends of the extremity they were reduced to, the Enemy being now attacked to the very body of the place, having made a great breach in the Court Bastion. The sixth at Night they were greatly encouraged by the firing of five Fusees or Rockets upon the Mountain of Kalenberg, which made them judge their help near hand, and which they answered by the like Signal.  
The Grand Visier, not ignorant of the Christians motion, on the seventh commanded a review of his Troops to be made, which upon enquiry were represented to him by his Officers to amount to 168000 Men; a List whereof was found in his Tent, as also in that of Reiz Effendi, or chief Secretary, the which we have omitted here, not to puzzle the course of History with hard Names: but shall however, to satisfy the more curious, subjoin not only that, but an exact account of the Christian Army that raised this celebrious Siege, and also of those Worthies who deserve to have their Memories transferred to Posterity, for defending their City with so signal Bravery and Constancy.  
It did not seem that the Christian Princes in the Turkish Army did serve them with any great good will. Tekely, who had been but once in the Camp to salute the Grand Visier, left but a thousand Hungarians with him upon his departure; and Abaffi, though often invited to the Port, excused his attendance by manifold Pretences. However the Visier being entered Hungary, he could not dispense with his waiting upon him at javarin, though but with few Troops. He was notwithstanding well received by this Minister, and sent back to guard the Passages betwixt Raab and Ramnitz, and the Bridges which the Turks had built upon those two Rivers, to secure a retreat in case Fortune proved their Enemy. The Vayvod of Walachia, already mentioned, caused a Cross of Oak of a prodigious bigness to be planted before his Tent in the Camp at Vienna; it is seventeen foot in length, with this Inscription in Latin upon it;  

Crucis exaltatio est conservatio Mundi. Crux decor Ecclesiae. Crux custodia R●gum. Crux confirmatio Fidelium. Crux Gloria Angelorum, & vulnus Demonum.  
Nos Dei Gratia servamus, Canthacuzenus, Valachia Transalpinae Princeps, ejusdem perpetuus haeres & Dominus, etc. Ereximus Crucem hanc in loco quavis die devotione Populi, & sacro honorato in perpetuam sui suorumque Memoriam, Tempore obsidionis Mahometanae à Vizirio Kara Mustapha Bassa Viennensis inferioris Austriae. Mense Sept. die 1. Anno 1683.  Viator Memento mori.  
The Infidels, upon the approach of the Christians, were in no little disorder, their whole Camp being in a tumultuous Motion, their Horse moved confusedly, and the Servants were seen to load their Camels with Baggage, which made the Besieged judge, that they designed to march to meet the Succours; notwithstanding this Disorder, they did not discontinue their Approaches, and the following day redoubled the firing of their Cannon and Mortars. That Morning, a Prisoner being taken, reported, That the Turks were in a great Consternation, because the Christians were already upon the Mountain of Kalemberg. Those who were upon the Rampart saw their Enemies pull down their Tents, and go and join their Companions, who were advanced to oppose the Passage of the Christians, and about Noon they saw a great Body ranging themselves in Battalia at the foot of the Mountain, whilst others joined them, carrying with them all their Baggage and Provisions upon Wagons and Camels, as if they designed to change their Camp, where they also planted their Pavilions in the same manner, as if they intended a long stay there, probably to refresh themselves, to be more brisk, and in a condition to fight the Succours when they should descend from the Hills. During all these motions, the attack was carried on with redoubled vigour, and though the defence was yet braver, yet at Night they fired many Rockets to advertise their friends that the place was reduced to the last extremity, and that they could hold out no longer.  
But now the Christians were seen to cover the Mountain of Kalemberg, and to salute their Enemies with several volleys of Cannon. To comprehend well the joy of the besieged at so charming a spectacle, we need but represent to ourselves, how they had been close shut up the space of nine Weeks, being every hour, indeed moment, in cruel apprehensions for their goods, their lives, their Wives and their Children; and to see themselves now upon the point to be delivered from these terrible alarms.  
The Christian Army being assembled, as is already said, at Tuln, and that the Duke of Lorraine had put an end to several difficulties which were again started about the Rank, and the command of so many Princes and Generals, he brought it to a conclusion, that they should march the next day, being the 9 th', towards Vienna. As soon as this resolution was taken, he sent Baron Mercy to Morbach with 2000 Horse, to observe the countenance and motions of the Turks. The 9 th', at the point of day, he marched with all the Germane Army, and came and encamped betwixt St. Andrew and Koningseck. In this Post he received advice of the Cities being reduced to its last extremity, and that they fired with nothing but Muskets. He sent to advertise the King of Poland, who was yet at Tuln, with the news, and caused the Prisoners to be conducted to him, who confirmed the advice. He writ also to him, beseeching him to advance and join with him.  
The 10 th', the Duke caused the Germans to enter the Mountains by three several avenues, and left a fourth for the March of the Poles. He camped at Wilbleng, and the Poles rested an hour behind to the right. The King himself came to discover the heights where the Imperialists were camped. The Duke showed him Kalemberg from thence, whither he would march next morning; and his Majesty returned to his Camp. By favour of the night the Duke went in Person to discover the passage of Kalemberg, and to take possession of those Posts he judged necessary to assure their march. He also seized the Chapel of St. Leopold, and having put 300 men into it to secure it, returned to his Camp, having sent to inform the King 〈◊〉 what was done; after this the Army was 〈◊〉 in Battle-array to possess Kalemberg by five differing ways, according to the directions given by the Duke, and consented to by the King. The way on the right was left to his Majesty, as the day before.  
The Prince of Sax-Lawenburg, General of the Horse, took the next passage to the Poles, conducting by that way the Right Wing, consisting of eight Regiments of the Emperor's Horse, two of Dragoons, and one of Cravats, of all the Horse and all the Dragoons of Bavaria and Francony.  
The Infantry of Franconia and Bavaria took the third way, which was the middlemost, being commanded by the Prince of Waldeck. The Elector of Bavaria placed himself with the said Prince that day, and continued there all the day following, advancing with much firmness in places of most danger, but without any Fonction or command, he having declared at first, that he would only serve as a Volunteer.  
All the Emperor's Infantry, and that of Saxony, took the other two passages to the left, whereof one was that of St. Leopold's Chapel, being the highway, and the other went along the Danube. Prince Herman of Baden and Count Lesley General of the Artillery were at the head of the Foot. Count Caprara General of the Horse followed immediately by the same ways with the left Wing, which contained seven Regiments of the Emperor's Lubomirski's Poles, to which the King had joined some Squadrons of his, and all the Cavalry and Dragoons of Saxony. The Elector of Saxony commanded the Auxiliary Troops, which, however of differing tempers and Bodies, marched in Battalia, in as much as the ground would permit it, and were computed to amount to 65000 men. About eleven of the clock, the first Squadrons had gained the tops of Kalemberg, without any opposition at all. They there extended the Front of the Army above a league and a half, camping on the declivity of the Mountain towards Closternewburg, in three lines, and some places more, as the ground would permit them, seizing thereby seven or eight Avenues, by which they might descend and range themselves for the combat.  
They brought at the same time some small Field-Pieces to St. Leopold, and to the Monastery of Camaldoli. The remainder also of the day and all the night was spent in advancing the Train, which was not effected without great trouble, the Mountain being so steep, that none but small Field-Pieces could be brought up, nor they but in some time doubling and tripling the draught Horses.  
The Turks seeing the Christians appear about the Chapel of St. Leopold, and the aforesaid Monastery, drew out on their right, advanced to the foot of the Mountains and extending thence to the brink of the Danube, they seized the Hedges, hollow-ways and heights, from whence they might incommode the Enemy at the descent of the hills and first filings out of their straits.  
The Cannon being arrived at St. Leopold and Camaldoli, they quickly obliged the Turks to quit the Posts which they had taken, and remove out of their shot. The Troops which they had advanced, consisted in Horse, and another sort of Militia, which fights like our Dragoons on Horseback and on foot. Of these the number was great, and they had brought but few Foot out of the Camp, and without Cannon in all this detachment which they opposed against the Christians.  
The space betwixt Vienna and the 〈◊〉 of the Wood is reckoned a League and a half, the Country being very difficult, trenched with Vineyards, Ravines and hollow ways. The Vineyard was enclosed by a great Dike which covered the Turks Camp on the side of Helgstat. The Duke of Lorraine had chosen this march, to make use of the advantage of the heights, and judging that in a situation of this nature, he might secure his Flanks. His design was the next day to coast the Danube, and to attack the Turkish Camp on their right. It was for this reason, and because of the cuts in the ground, that he placed a great Body of Foot to the left, this Wing being designed first to charge the Enemies.  
The King of Poland, who stayed an hour behind, having encamped, came to St. Leopolds Chappel, from whence the Duke showed him the descent of the Mountain, the Camp of the Turks, and the Troops which were advanced to oppose the descent of the Christians. Their Countenance made his Majesty of opinion, that they would dispute all the passages, and that the Duke should do well if they could the next day seize the first heights at the entry of the Wood He moreover desired some Germane Foot to join with his in the descent of the Mountain. Having obtained four Battalions, he caused them to advance on that side, whereby the Poles were to descend. Towards the evening of that day, the Duke having surveyed the ground at the foot of Camaldoli, ordered Count Lesley to command some Troops to take post at night at the going out of the Wood, and to raise a Battery there, the better to secure the passage of the Army the next day. At first there were but two Battalions sent Count Lesley, deferring to send any greater number till it was with the Artillery. They laboured all Night at this work; but the Turks being aware of it, before it was finished, they sent some Troops very early to hinder the Labourers, and posted themselves near them behind a Curtain, and behind Planks which well-nigh shut the descent from the Mountain before the Christians Battery. Count Fontaine, who commanded the Post, was quick in opposing their effort, and having called the men from their work, and got his two Battalions together, he posted them betwixt his Battery and their Barricado, yet so as not to be encompassed by them, who at the same time began to stretch to the right and left, to gain the Christians Flanks.  
The Duke, who observed from St. Leopolds' Chapel the Turks motion, sent some Battalions of the Regiments next hand to the relief of his men. These being commanded by the Duke of Croy, arriving in time, the Imperialists extended their line, and took a resolution to attack the Infidels in their Post behind their blind. This was executed with so much vigour, that the Enemy were forced to give way. They abandoned their Post, and retired to another, where the gross of their Body remained. The Duke of Croy having his shoulder pierced with a Musket-shot in this action, was obliged to retire, leaving the command to C. Fontaine, who disposed all things for the defence of the Post, which the Enemy seemed forward to attack again, but they contented themselves with shooting out of their own station, the fire continuing brisk on both sides.  
The Duke perceiving that the Turks made all that Body move which had camped beyond Neudorff to support their advanced Troops, he first commanded all the left Wing to march, and presently after he gave order to Prince Waldeck, and to the Duke of Sax-Lawenburg, to rush out of the Woods upon the Enemies, who were at the head of their Camp. He sent to advertise the King of Poland of all this, and understanding that his Majesty came to St. Leopolds Chappel, he went to meet him there, and showing the motions the Armies were in, he acquainted him with all the orders that he had given upon this occasion. After they had agreed upon all things, the King having performed his devotion at the Chapel, mounting on Horseback, he went from Rank to Rank, exhorting his Officers and Soldiers to do well, and spoke to them after this manner.  
Generous Polish Cavaliers, It is not only to defend the glory which your Ancestors, and your courage have acquired to you, of being esteemed the invincible Bulwark of Christendom against the Ottoman Power, It is not the defence only of your own Country, which the loss of Vienna by an infallible consequence will expose to the cruel Invasion of those against whom you are going to fight; but it is the cause of God, and to save the Empire of the West which does us the honour to have recourse to our Arms; an honour which our Ancestors did never presume to hope for, and which is reserved for your valour. Think then of nothing but conquering, or to die nobly in this occasion, to which the glory of Martyrdom is concomitant. Think that your King fights in the head of you, to partake with you of your perils and your victories, and rest assured that the God of Battles, whose cause we are going to defend, will not fail to fight for us.  
Whilst this Prince endeavoured by his discourses to inspire his Troops with that generous ardour he was himself agitated; the Citizens of Vienna, who had been advertised of the approach of their relief, saw with inexpressible content, the Army of the Christians descend from the Mountains of Kalemberg, being ascertained by the noise of the Cannon which was s● ot against the Turks, who had parapetted the Passages with earth and stone, though to no purpose, that their deliverance was near. And they would also contribute all they could to it, by the discharge of all their Artillery from the Bastions and Curtains of the wall. There was also an infinity of small shot discharged on both sides, with many Granades. The Turks had not as yet shot so many Bombs since the beginning of the Siege, as they did this day, to retard the Christians that descended into the Plain, and to annoy those who crowded upon the heights of the City, to observe the descent of their friends and the combat.  
Whilst the King of Poland continued his march at the head of his Army, the Duke of Lorraine caused Heisters' Regiment of Dragoons, and another of Saxony, which Count Caprara posts to the left at the foot of St. Leopolds Chappel, to descend. That of Heister received orders at eight of the clock to go and attack the Enemies, who had possessed a place to the left, from whence they troubled the Imperialists, and the Infantry had likewise order to advance upon the Turks, who were retired behind their courtains and hollow ways. This motion was made on both sides at once. The Turks made some resistance at first, but not with Vigour enough to hinder the Christians advance, who obliged them to retire behind another blind.  
Count Lesley, who had brought down some Cannon, planted it at the head of the Infantry. The Duke of Croy was also returned, for having used the first Applications to his hurt, he had force enough not to quit the fight the whole day. This advantage gave both time and room to extend the front of the left Wing, as it descended and issued out of the straits. In the mean time, the first Line of Infantry, which in their march against the Infidels gave continual fire with their Muskets, mingled with that of Field-pieces, beat them out of another Post, and a Line or Curtain which reached from the Danube Hill over against the Carthusians. The Duke about ten a Clock made a halt, and whilst the rest of the left Wing filled the ground which the first Troops had taken, and that Count Caprara extended it to the Banks of the Danube; he sent orders to the Prince of Waldeck, who began to appear upon the first heights to the right, and to the Duke of Saxon-Lawenburg, who was also got out of the Wood, to continue their march until they were equal with the front of the Troops commanded by the Duke of Croy, and to advance extending to the right, until they came within shot of the Poles, upon their issuing out of their Avenues which were on the right hand of all.  
These Orders being given, the Duke returned to the head of the left Wing, to make the great Body of the Germans move at once. The Great Duke of Saxony came and joined him, and continued always near him in the places the most exposed. At Noon they saw the King at the Head of his Troops, who came and joined the right Wing of the Imperialists. The Duke in the mean time took care that in marching to the Enemy, the Subaltern Generals should rally and re-establish any Disorders which might have happened by the Difficulty of the Passages, and that all should advance with equality, firing continually with their great and small shot.  
The march was in this order, though slowly, by reason of the roughness of the way, and the opposition of the Enemy, the left moving along the Danube as far as the Village of Neudorff, carried it, after a considerable resistance. To the right, upon the same Line, there was another Hill guarded by the Turks, at the attack whereof a Dutch Batallion being disordered, was succoured by Stirums Dragoons, ordered by Count Dunewald. This Batallion recovered, took the Post, and continued to advance.  
The justness of this march, the Christian Armies order of Battle, and the situation of the Place, which made the Imperialists appear as in a kind of Amphitheatre, presented a great and formidable object to the sight, which astonished the Turks, and did not a little contribute to the Victory.  
The King of Poland being yet behind, the Army halted near Newdorff, until he was advanced upon the same Line, after which they continued their march. The Imperialists carried, without very great resistance, the Post the Turks had at Helgstat, and the Prince of Waldeck obliged those that opposed him to retire.  
In the mean time the Infidels, who were in Battalia in their Camp, moved as if they had designed upon the left Wing, but perceiving the Army of Poland upon the heights, they moved that way, so that the Poles and Turks faced each other almost in the same order, making more depth than front. The Poles seemed backed by the Wood, and the Turks by their Camp.  
The King, who was in the head of his Troops, detached some squadrons of his Hussars, who charged the Turks, being all Lanciers, with great Vigour they bore before them those that opposed them; but engaging themselves too far, they drew so many Enemies upon them, that they were forced to run. The Turks followed them to a Place where Prince Waldeck had opportunely posted two Batalions of Bavarians. The fire of these Foot cooled the pursuit of the Enemy, and gave the King of Poland time to cause his first Line to advance to re-establish the Disorder of his Hussars. Count Rabata, at the King's desire, joined the Emperor's Dragoons with them. But this body of Turks detached from their Troops, did not dare to stand the shock of the Christians, but retired to a height where they had Foot and Cannon, with more diligence than they were come.  
After this advantage, the King continued to march with all his Army, and the Turks endeavoured to obstruct their Passage from the several Posts they had. The fire of their Artillery and Muskets did some harm to the Poles, but did not break them, and so they advanced still gaining Ground insensibly upon the Enemy.  
In the mean time, the Duke being far advanced towards the left of the Enemy's Camp, to divert their Endeavours upon the right, the Turks put themselves in battalia upon the Ravine or— before their Camp, and planting some great Guns against the Christians, they made many shot, and seemed by their mien to resolve to defend that Post which was the strongest of all, and served for a Retrenchment for their Camp, but their firmness did not last long. The Imperialists being advanced within Musket shot, they abandoned their Station about five in the Evening, and left them the convenience of passing it without disorder, and entering into their Camp.  
It was then that the Duke, making use of this Advantage, wheeled all his left Wing, and instead of continuing his way by the Danube, he caused it to march to the right, to enter into the Enemy's Camp, no Soldier quitting his rank to pillage their Baggage which they had abandoned, and their Tents standing. This motion being perceived by the Turks who were engaged against the Poles on the right Wing, quite dismayed them, and they began to retire for fear of being charged in the Flank. The King thereupon passed the Ravine with his Troops, notwithstanding the firing of some Janissaries that defended it, and pursued the Enemies. About seven a Clock he entered their Camp some little time after Prince Waldeck, who passed into it with his Bavarians and Franconians. Half an hour after, the Duke having gained the Suburbs and Counterscharp, commanded Prince Lewis of Baden to advance towards the Trenches of the Turks with some Troops that the Baron of Mercy conducted, but this Prince could not come there so soon, but that the Janissaries that were in guard there had leisure to make their retreat by favour of the Night that came on. They had begun it as soon as they saw the Christians approach their Camp. They retired with no great loss, having had the bravery before they abandoned their Trenches to attempt another attack against the City, and to turn and fire the Cannon of their Batteries against the Army. The Night suspended the Victory, and obliged the Troops to make halt in that part of the Camp which was betwixt the Danube and the City, the Turks being retreated on the other side of the River.  
The Duke of Lorraine sent to compliment the King, upon the happy success of that day, which was owing to his presence. This Prince returned his compliment, confessing that every body had a share in it, but that all the honour was due to his Conduct, and to the valour of the Germane Troops, who first entered the Camp, and the Enemy's works.  
During the Night the Turks passed the River at Schunket, making their retreat by the Rear of their Front, and quitted their Camp with so much precipitation, that they left behind them in the great Visier's Quarters the Standard of the Ottoman Empire, and the Horse Tail, the ordinary Ensigns of their dignity. They left also all their Tents, and the greatest part of their Equipage, all their Ammunition and Provisions, which they had in great abundance, all their Artillery, amounting to 180 pieces of Cannon and Mortars, and they hastened their retreat with so much diligence, that their foremost Troops had the next day passed the Raab.  
The Christians lost no body of consideration except Prince Thomas of Croy, the Count of Transmandorff, young Poloski Captain of a Company of Hussars; and the wounded, besides the Duke of Croy, the Counts Fontaine, Tilly, and Schalemburg, were inconsiderable.  
The 13 th' early, the Duke having appointed his Army to be ready, went to wait on the King of Poland to regulate their march, and the immediate pursuit of the Victory. But finding him little disposed to it, he omitted no instances to persuade him to it, proposing to him to march with all the Army, or with all the Horse only, or else with a great detachment; but the King opposed the weariness of his Troops, and the necessity of refreshing them some hours. The King thereunto being unwilling, the Duke entered into the City.  
The Grand Visier, before his flight, caused the Heads of five of the Women of his Seraglio to be cut off, for fear they should fall into the hands of the Conquerors. The Baron of Kaunitz the Emperor's Resident at the Port, who was at present in the Visier's Quarters, was in danger of being killed by the Christians in the heat of the Battle, as being habited after the Turkish fashion. By day there was not a Turk left, though they were traced during the obscurity of the Night by the Villages on fire, the Infidels having marked their retreat with this last cruelty, after they had first burnt their Camp, as far as the precipitation of their flight, and the fear which obliged them to be gone would permit them. They retired also out of the Isle by favour of their lower Bridge, the upper Bridge which they had laid being possessed by the Christians upon their arrival. The same evening many Cavaliers and Soldiers entered the City with great Droves of cattle, which they found in the Camp and near it, which continuing the following days, Beef became so cheap that they were sold for five and six Florins each.  
The Duke of Lorraine being now assured that he had no more Enemies to combat, dispatched the Count of Aversberg, Son to the Prince of that name, to the Emperor, to inform him with the happy success of that day.  
On the morrow of the fight, being the 13 th', the fire took in the Powder which the Turks had left a League from the City, and consumed an infinite number of Bombs, Granades, and other artificial fireworks. This accident was attributed to the negligence of some Christian Soldiers, and yet there were prodigious quantities of Powder, Bullets, etc. left behind. It was observable that many of the Cannon which the Turks had abandoned were marked with the Arms of the Emperor's Ferdinand the first, and Rodolf the second.  
After the Soldiery had pillaged the immense Riches of the Camp, which amounted to many Millions, the King of Poland entered into the City, accompanied with Count Starenberg the Governor, many Commanders, and a great number of the Polish Nobility, where Te Deum being sung, he, the Duke of Bavaria, and several Grandees, were sumptuously treated by the Governor, the People by their joyful acclamations echoing the praises of their Deliverers.  
In the mean time, the Duke of Lorraine was employed in giving the necessary Orders for the Army, part of it beginning to discamp, and all together with the Poles, designing to go in pursuit of the Enemy, which favourable conjuncture was omitted in expectation of the Emperor, who also arrived that evening at Vienna, where he was received coming out of his Boat, by the two Electors, and the principal Officers of War and Justice. Having taken a view of the Enemy's works, He caused Te Deum to be sung with all the solemnity possible in the Church of St. Stephen. That done, he caused the Crescent and Star, the Ottoman Arms, to be taken down from the Spire of that Steeple, placed there since the time of Solyman, being these last Turks did not cease shooting at it, and raised the Cross in their place.  
Wednesday being the 15 th', the King of Poland sent his Grand Chancellor to the Emperor with a numerous Train to compliment him, and offer him a part of the booty which he had found in the Grand Visier's Tent, and amongst other things, the Standard which was always carried before him when he marched. It was made of Horsehair worked with the Needle, and embroidered with flowers, the staff of it was guilt, as also the Apple which was of brass. They call it Tugh in their Language, which is to say Horse Tail. The Chancellor made a very elegant Latin Speech, and the Emperor answered it with Sentiments of esteem and acknowledgement for his Majesty of Poland. After a quarter of an hours conversation with this Envoy, and hearing Mass in our Lady of Loretto's Chapel, he took Horse to ride to the Camp, where he was to visit the King of Poland. There was some difficulty about the upper hand. This Prince pretended it, and there were examples contrary to this pretention. In the mean time what he had done deserved particular consideration. To conclude, it was resolved, for the removing of these obstacles, that the Emperor should go see the Troops, that they should be ranged in Battalia, and that these two Sovereigns should advance within twenty steps of each other, which was performed in the manner following. The Emperor, having seen the Bavarians in Battalia, continued his way to Ebersdorff, where the first Squadrons of the left Wing were drawn up, and thence he went to Swech where the right Wing was posted, and where the King of Poland expected him. Being within Pistol-shot of each other, the King, with the Prince his Son, upon a little gallop moved forwards, and then both Princes uncovered at once, saluted and covered again in a moment. The Emperor spoke first, and told the King, That he was extremely obliged to him, for leaving his Country, and undertaking a long and painful voyage, to come and combat his Enemies and deliver Vienna; that all Christendom shared in the obligation, and that he had covered himself with glory by so generous an action. The King of Poland answered him, that it was to God alone that we ought to render our thanks for this Victory; that he had done nothing but what every Christian Prince was obliged to do upon the like occasion; and that he would endeavour for the future to do yet more for the Interest of Religion, that all his displeasure was, that he was not in a condition to pursue the Enemy upon their defeat, but that his Troops after a march of three days required some rest, especially his Cavalry, the Horse being extremely tired. Prince Alexander, who by order of his Father was clothed that day after the Germane fashion, kissed the Emperor's hand, whothereupon returned into the City, and the King further into his Camp. His Imperial Majesty in his return observed that all the Villages and Palaces were burnt around, except the place where Solyman had formerly camped, when he besieged Vienna; in memory whereof the Emperor Rodolf had caused a house of pleasure to be built in that place, with Towers, which were covered with guilt Copper in the same symmetry or figure that the Sultan's Tents were; so that the Turks being informed that this building had been made after the Model of Soliman's Camp, would not ruin it during the Siege, but had made a Magazine of it, where was also found a great quantity of Bread and Biscuit.  
The Emperor employed the rest of the time that he stayed at Vienna, in visiting the Retrenchments and Fortifications which Count Starenberg had made behind the Bastions and the Walls, to defend the Ground foot by foot. The Prince Elector of Saxony parted the fifteenth with all his Troops. His retreat seemed precipitated, and supposed to be upon account of the Protestants of Hungary, thinking perhaps he had done enough in saving of Vienna, whereto he nobly contributed. The Emperor, willing to recompense Count Starenberg's Services, made him Marshal General of the Field, and of his Privy Council; he gave him 100000 Florins, and writ to the King of Spain to send him the Order of the Golden Fleece. He also conferred the same Employments and Honours upon Count Capliers, and having presented Prince Alexander, the King of Poland's Son, with a Sword richly adorned with Jewels of great value, He returned back to Lintz. The greatest part of those who fled upon the approach of the Turks, returned to the City when they knew the Siege was raised. They began to rebuild the Houses that were ruined, and amongst others the Emperor's Palace and Scots Church,  
During these Triumphs at Vienna, the Grand Visier, sensible of his misfortune, and the malice of his Enemies, and knowing that the Bassa of Buda would render him no good Offices at Court, upon the raising of the Siege of Vienna, resolved to prevent him, and informed the Grand Signior, by an express he dispatched to him to Belgrade, that he had disposed all things to check the first onset of the Christians, and engage them in Battle, which would undoubtedly have been accompanied with Success; but that he was forced to change design, because the Bassa retired with his Army, the Walachians, the Moldavians, and the Hungarians, which did so mainly abate the Courage of his Troops, that it was afterwards impossible for him to bring them to fight; that so he had been obliged to retire to conserve the rest of the Army, and not to hazard the Person of his Highness. Nevertheless the Grand Visier, having well examined the Consequences which the ill Success of his Enterprise might have, did scarce believe himself secure by this precaution, and he persuaded himself that he must immolate the Bassa of Budas Life to preserve his own. He caused him immediately to be arrested, together with the Bassas of Erfeck and Poslega, who he knew were of Intelligence with the former, and caused them all three to be strangled. These proceedings furnished his Enemies with Pretexts to destroy him, chiefly the Kisler-Agasi, a Creature of the Sultana Valide, to whom she had recommended upon her Deathbed, to revenge her upon this chief Minister, which he also did.  
After the Death of these three Bassas, the Grand Visier continued his march, but in his Passage by Raab, that Garrison fell upon his Rearguard, and killed near 600 of them. At Gran he was joined by a body of 15000 Turks, who were going to Belgrade. The remains of the Ottoman Army were dispersed some at Gran, some at Newhausel, at Buda some, and the rest entrenched near Altemburg.  
On the other side, the Christians discoursed of the rest of the Campania; but as part of the Allies did think they had done enough in contributing to the relief of Vienna, thought of returning home, many Councils were held to examine by what means they might be stayed. The Duke of Saxony continued inflexible in his Resolution, and was marched for his Country. The Elector of Bavaria consented to leave his Troops with the Emperors, but the Prince of Waldeck gave them to understand, that he should want new orders for the undertaking of new Enterprises with the Troops of Franconia, which he commanded. But the Duke of Lorraine persuaded himself that these Difficulties had not happened, if by a quick engagement they had hurried the Allies to pursue the Victory, and this was one of the chief reasons that moved the Duke to press the King in it.  
Several Projects were made to divide the Army for different Occasions, many Conferences were had with the Allies, and all the time was consumed in Councils. In the mean time, the Duke, who thought of nothing but improving the rest of the Summer, proposed every thing that he thought favourable, either for the Reduction of Hungary, for the Siege of Newhausel, or that of Gran, or to take the Posts of Barcam, and that of Pest for the settling of their Winter Quarters, and made it appear that nothing of all this could be done without great Forces, the Army of the Turks not being wholly defeated, however routed, and that the Rebel's Army was still entire.  
He determined nothing, because he knew not what measures the Turk would take. He only affirmed, that they ought to march forthwith into Hungary with all the Dispositions necessary to act as the Enemies should direct.  
The Emperor having approved his Propositions, and the King of Poland conforming to them, they marched the 18 th' towards Presburg, and they encamped the same day with all the Imperial Troops near Fichen; from thence they went to Heinburg, and the 20 th' they approached Presburg, where the Duke expected the Boats from the Bridge of Tuln according to orders. However the Bridge could not be finished till the 25 th', by reason of the great Winds, and the Difficulty of getting Boats in a desolate Country. The Franconians continued camped near Vienna, and the Bavarians came the 19 th' to Fichen.  
The 22 th', news came that Count Budianis, who upon the arrival of the Turks had abandoned the passages which he kept upon the Raab, and embraced the party of the Malcontents, after having warred against the Emperor's Troops with a Body of Turks and Hungarians of his Generality, burnt and pillaged a great number of Villages upon the frontier of Styria, had surprised and cut in pieces those same Turks to which he was united, and had afterwards joined with the Count of Aspremont, to endeavour to incommode them of the great Army in their retreat towards Buda.  
The Bridge upon the Danube, to pass into the Isle of Schuts, being finished the 25 th', the Poles began to file over the same day, and being followed by the Emperor's Army, they encamped the 27 th' at Gersdorff. The Marquis of Barch, who in the Prince of Waldeck's absence, now sick at Vienna, commanded the Troops of Franconia, advertised the Duke that he could not follow him with the Troops of his Circle, and sent him the copy of an Order from Prince Waldeck, dated the 26 th'. He received at the same time another Letter from the Elector of Bavaria, dated the day following, from his Camp at Ort, two Leagues from Vienna, which gave him notice that the Franconians would not leave their Camp before they had received Orders from the Princes of their Circle, which he judged would be rather to recall, than cause them to advance. He added, that his Infantry being extremely weakened and diminished by bloody Fluxes, and his Cavalry ruined, his Troops could not so soon follow the Army of the Emperor; And yet if they would undertake any great action, where they should be necessary, he would cause such as were in condition to serve immediately to march.  
The Duke apprehending that this separation might put him out of condition of undertaking any thing considerable, sent Prince Lewis of Baden to the Elector, who was gone to Been, to change Air, by reason of some indisposition of health; he was charged to persuade him to let his Troops follow, remonstrating to him, that it would be a great matter, now that the Forces of the Christians were diminished, to hinder the Turks to take heart to oblige part of Hungary to submit themselves, to take Post for Winter Quarters in the Enemy's Country, and thereby encourage the Franconians to follow their example.  
In the mean time the Season advanced; these Negotiations consuming much time, and the Duke could make no stay upon command of the Troops he was not sure of, and willing not to lose the season, he persuaded the King of Poland to continue the march of the Army towards Komorra, without the Allies. The King advancing always an hour before the Imperialists, they arrived near that City the second of October; they camped at Wismar, and a Council of the Generals of the Army was held there, to know what the Imperialists might undertake, independent without the Allies, in case of delay or being abandoned.  
Intelligence was brought, that Tekely with his Army encamped at Lewentz; that the gross of the Turkish Army lay about Buda; that the Grand Visier had sent a Detachment towards Gran, that he had put 4000 men into Newhausel to fortify that Garrison, but that there were in the Enemy's Army a great many discontented Persons at the conduct of the Grand Visier, by so much the more dissatisfied, because that upon his return near Raab, he had caused the Visier of Buda to be strangled, as also some other Bassa's, and more than fifty Subaltern Officers, whom he accused of not having done their duty in the late Battle; besides that, he had also sacrificed a great number of those Runaways, who had preceded his retreat.  
After the Council held at Wiswar, they were not of opinion to attempt the Siege of Newhausel in a season so advanced, and in a Country full of Marshes, the Garrison being strong, and a great Army in the Neighbourhood; neither was it thought reasonable to propound the King's going against the Enemy, because the Troops of the Empire had not followed, and that they should be obliged to pass through a Country where Forage would be wanting.  
The attack of Gran seemed but little feasible before they were Masters of Barcam, that the communication might be cut off. This inclined the Duke to attempt the Fort of Barcam, which is the head of the Bridge of Gran, after which they would further deliberate to pass to Pest, or besiege Gran, according to the countenance of the Enemy. The Duke acquainted the King of Poland with what had been resolved, whereunto his Majesty assented.  
On the 3 d of October, the King began to pass that branch of the Danube at Komorra, called the Waagh. The Emperor's Horse followed, and all the Cavalry marched to Mose, where the Count of Starenberg was to be on the 7 th' with the Infantry, the King having promised to stay for him there. The 7 th' day, which should have been a day of repose, to give the Infantry time to join the rest of the Army, the King sent to tell the Duke of Lorraine, that he would march towards Barcham, desiring him that he would do the same. The Duke, surprised with the change, having thereupon sounded to Horse, sent Count Dunewald to his Majesty, to represent to him the necessity of expecting the Foot, and the danger there was in separating in the neighbourhood of the Armies of the Turks and Rebels, and in the middle of their Garrisons. The Count found the King already on Horseback, who answered him, that having advice that the detachment of the Turks towards Barcam was not great, he saw no inconvenience to continue his march. They seeing the King's resolution followed him, leaving but one Company of Crawats to accompany the Infantry, which that daw were to be at Mose.  
The King being come within a League of Barcam, was advertised by his advanced Parties, that some Squadrons of the Enemy did appear. He ordered a detachment to charge them. They did not stand, but being relieved by a greater Body, the Poles who attacked them were repelled.  
The King commanded other Squadrons to second them, which being engaged, he advanced himself with all his Horse. The gross of the Turks Cavalry, which had continued hitherto covered by a great hill, unexpectedly appeared six or 7000 strong, and briskly charging the Poles in Flank and Front, put them to flight. The Turks charged them hotly in the disorder they were, and killed above 2000 of them, and amongst the rest, the Palatine of Pomerania. They took Tymbals and Standards, and some Baggage, which by being intermingled with the march of the Troops, did somewhat contribute to their defeat.  
The Count of Dunewald, who had marched all day with the King, seeing the encounters of the first Squadrons, sent to tell the Duke, that the Poles and the Enemy were engaged, whereupon he marched swiftly, and filing through a narrow passage betwixt him and the Plain, he saw upon his arrival that the Polish Horse was quite broke, and that the Turks were close in their pursuit. At this sight, his first care was to put the Emperor's most advanced Troops into Battalia, leaving room for the flying Poles, to avoid their running upon him. As soon as he had some Squadrons of his first Line form, seeing the Poles still in disorder, he advanced upon the Enemy with his first Squadrons, leaving Prince Lewis of Baden to embattel the rest. This motion stopped the Enemy's career, after which they retired with some speed under Barcam, to avoid the Imperialists charge; whilst the Duke advanced, the Queen of Poland's Brother came to him, and told him, that he believed the King was lost, because his Majesty was in the head of all in the places the most exposed, to animate his Men by words, and inspire courage into them by his example. The Duke seeing the Enemy retired, advanced towards the Poles. He found the King, who having advanced with the first, would be the last in retiring. He told the Duke how affairs had gone, and it being near Night, they thought of nothing but encamping.  
Fear and Terror had seized upon the Poles, as is usual in such Encounters, they could scarce be persuaded to keep the Right, because of the Neighbourhood of Barcam, whither the Enemy was retired; insomuch that the King, for the greater security of his Troops, made them take the Left, desiring the Duke to march into the right with the Emperor's Troops, which these last had always pretended to; before they discamped, the Duke sent Orders to Count Starenberg to make haste and come and join him with the foot. The next Morning he was advertised that the Poles continued disquieted; that the loss they had suffered was extremely sensible to them, that they would persuade the King not to advance any further, but to retire to the Places designed for their Quarters; that the principal Officers were much divided, and finally that many Difficulties were alleged to the King to hinder the Execution of the Resolutions which had been taken.  
The Duke, who knew the Consequence of retaining the Polish Army, and in case it separated, they should lose the Fruit and Honour of the Campania, the which he desired to see finished with some handsome Action, and not upon a loss, went to the King's Quarters, and having found things as they had been represented, he endeavoured to persuade his Majesty to continue in the Terms they had agreed upon. He demonstrated to him and his Generals, the unlucky consequences that were to be feared if they changed design, how easy it was to force this detachment if they did not delay to attack them, the importance of doing it suddenly, for fear all the Forces of the Enemy might rejoin them, and he insisted that they should advance and charge them as soon as the Foot were come up. The King explained this Discourse to the Senators and Officers of the Army that did not understand the Language, and in order to it agreed to march the next Morning, irresolute only upon the ordering of the Battle.  
The Duke, who had been visiting the Ground, made a Description to the King of it, and the Condition of Barcam, and afterwards discoursed of several forms of embattelling. He proposed that which they had held at Vienna, offering the right to his Majesty, or to march as they were camped, and divided the Poles into the two Wings, which last proposal was accepted of, and the Resolution to march was taken.  
The Army being put into Battalia with the Day, Prince Lewis of Baden commanded the right Wing, and under him Count Gondola and Baron Mercy, Count Dunewald was in the left, and with him the Counts Palfi and Taff. Count Starenberg, Marshal of the Field, conducted the Infantry, with the Prince of Croy and Count Serin. This done, the Duke went to the King for the dividing of his Army. His Majesty having been informed that the Enemy's detachment had been augmented by several Troops conducted by Haly Bassa of Aleppo, and by the Bassas of Sylistria and Cairo; and apprehending that these Troops were followed by the rest, deliberated anew upon the Enterprise; but the Duke represented to him many motives which made him believe the Army could not yet be come thither. He added, that if it were, he believed the Ground whereon they stood was so advantageous, that they ought not to change their Design, being the Imperial Army possessed all the Plain, the Danube on the right, and the Mountains on the left, and that the Ground growing narrower towards the Enemies, they could not make use of a great body, though they had it; these reasons being approved, the Polish Army was divided. The King with a party of his Hussars, of his Foot, and of his best Horse, placed himself in the right, betwixt the Emperor's Horse and his Dragoons. The Great General jabloriski did the same in the left, and the rest of the Polish Army made a third Line; they marched for half an hour in this Order. About nine a Clock they saw the Turks drawn up in the Plain before them. They moved justly, and by their firmness their Forces were judged equal with those of the Christians. Being come near the Troops that appeared, made a motion, putting themselves into three Lines, leaving only two great squadrons on their right. They then came and charged the left of the Christian Army with much fierceness, and searching the Poles, they attacked the Hussars, which the Great General Commanded.  
At the same time the gross of the Turks, who were in the middle of the height, advanced towards the adverse Foot, as if they would have charged them, and being come within half Musquet-shot, they declined to the le●t of the Christians, exposing their Flank to relieve their own men. The Duke, who was gone towards his Infantry, seeing this motion, ran along the Line of the Horse of the left Wing, and with all the party 〈…〉 first Line, which had not yet charged, he himself advanced at the head of the Squadrons, and charged the Enemy in flank, which put them to a general rout, incapacitating them to make head again. He ordered Dunewald to pursue with the whole first Line, and with all the Poles of the same Wing, who followed them Pell-Mell to the very Gates of Barkam, and the Marshes of Gran, where many of them were slain.  
Whilst Count Dunewald chased the Enemy, the Duke caused the Army to advance in Battalia towards Barcam. The King having seen the flight of the Turks, was come from the right Wing to the left, to compliment the Duke; the Generals and Senators who accompanied him, did the same. Amongst the rest jablorisky, the Grand General of Poland, in presence of all, avowed, that his People refusing to advance to sustain the Hussars, the readiness of Count Dunewald to succour him, and the Vigour of the Emperor's Horse had repaired that fault, and could not be sufficiently commended. And now in the disorder the Enemy was in, they resolve to attack Barcam.  
The King caused some of his Cossacks to advance, and the Duke added five Battalions of Starenberg, of Grana, and Baden, all under the conduct of Count Starenberg. This detachment was scarce ordered, when the Duke, who was approached to the Fort to inspect it, was advertised, that the Bridge upon the Danube was broken by the precipitate flight of the first Runaways, and that the crowding in Barkam, and upon the side of the River, were so great, that they seemed to be packed upon each other. He hasted thither, and would lose no time upon such an occasion. He gave Prince Lewis of Baden orders to dismount the Regiments of Dragoons, of Schults, Comfettein, and Castle, and to march to the Fort on that side to make a second Attack. The command was instantly executed, and having sent some parties of Foot by Water, and five pieces of Cannon charged with Cartrages; he ordered that the Fort should be assaulted, whilst the great and small shot plied their Volleys upon the Banks of the River. The Turks seeing themselves thus pressed on all sides, could not withstand the Attack, the place being forced, the Foot and Dragoons entering at the same time by the ways they attempted it.  
The slaughter was terrible, though most of the defendants, to save themselves from the fury of the assailants, precipitated themselves into the Danube, some leaped in with their Horses, others tried to pass by swimming, holding by the Mane and tails of their Horses, or some plank or piece of the broken Bridge, and there were some who crept over the dead bodies which were held by the cordage and pieces of wood remaining where the breach was. This slaughter continuing long, the number of the dead was very great, all that part of the Danube near the shore, not being very rapid, being filled with them; all the surface of the River, where largest, being covered with clothes, and the equipage of Men and Horses, and there did not escape above seven or 800 of all this multitude, who found their preservation in the kind of a Redoubt which was at Barcam, where they had put themselves, and from whence they demanded quarter, and had it.  
The Town being garrisoned with Dutch and Poles, Count Staremberg, seeing these two Nations were ready to murder each other for the booty, removed the Imperialists, having only the Poles there, who awhile after burnt Barcam, and all the Pallisado's that ●●●losed it, because the Turks had placed the ●●ads of the Poles slain in the late Engagement upon the tops of them.  
Count Tekely, who had orders from the Grand Visier to join with the Bassa of Buda at Barkam, was advanced upon the Mountains within two miles of it, but being informed by those he sent to discover what the Christians did, of what was passed, he retired with much diligence.  
By Letters from Gran, as also by the relation of Prisoners, there were not 3000 men of all this detachment of 14000 Horse, and 1200 Janissaries saved. They were the flower of their Army, commanded by the Bassa of Buda, Haly Bassa of Aleppo, the Bassa of Silistria, and some Aga's. The booty was great, above six thousand Horses being taken, and the Tymbals and the Baggage which the Poles had left, were recovered.  
This Victory did not only re-assure the Poles, but put the Malcontents into a despondency, and did so strongly increase the disorders in the Turkish Army, that the Grand Visier, unable to master them, was obliged to retire.  
The next thing the Christians undertook, was the Siege of Gran, though the Duke had need of all his Reasons and elocution to persuade the King of Poland to it, but having at length consented, and the Bavarian Forces being come up, three Batteries were forthwith raised; and ten great Guns were by force of men, as also eight Mortars drawn up the Mountains of Martin and Thomas, deserted by the Enemy. The Castle was strongly battered on the Gate, on the Buda side great quantity of Bombs were thrown in, and the shooting lasted all day. The Imperialists advanced to the Ditch, and lodged there on the side of the Bavarian approaches. They advanced to the foot of the Wall, which looked towards Barcam, and about five in the evening, some commanded Battalions of the Imperialists attacked the City on the other extremity, and carried it without resistance; for as much as the Enemy having retired, contented themselves to defend it by their great firing from the Castle, from whence the very sills of the Houses are discovered.  
The Imperialists being masters of the City, the Bavarians in the Night gained the foot of the Castle, where they fell to Mining, whilst the Imperialists leapt into the Mote, and lodged there. Several men were lost there by the defendants Bombs, Granades, Stones, etc. which they continually threw amongst them, whilst they were covering themselves. The Cannon beginning to make a breach about Ten a Clock, and the Miner at work, a Summons was sent in by a Turkish Prisoner, with offer of goods and life, if they would surrender the place before the day was ended. The besieged demanded till the morrow, which being refused, the firing of the Artillery, Muskets, and Bombs were redoubled. They passed the Moat, made two Lodgments, by favour whereof they attacked the Miner in a second place on the Martinberg side. This advantage obliged the Turks to send an Officer about Eleven at Night to declare, that they accepted the offer which had been made them, demanding Hostages whilst the Capitulations were a making, and offering theirs.  
The 27 th', the Hostages being delivered, it was agreed, that the Garrison should march out with Arms and Baggage, and that it should be conducted in safety to Buda and Vicegrade; that the Artillery and Munitions of War and Victuals should remain in the place, and that the Turks should deliver up their Christian Prisoners.  
The impression that the battle of Barcam had made; the vigour and readiness wherewith they had gained the foot of the Walls, the Grand Visier's retreat, the Bombs which were thrown without ceasing, into a place so full of People as this, had caused so much terror and so much confusion, that though there were above 4000 effective men in the Garrison, commanded by two Bassa's, a Bey, and many Officers, we have seen a place reduced in five days, which in the two former Sieges had held out several Months, with weaker Garrisons, against more numerous Armies.  
The season being too far advanced for further action, the Allies returned home, and the Poles, together with the Imperialists marched into their Winter-Quarters.  
In the mean time, the Grand Visier being come to Court, told the Grand Signior the same things he had writ to him against the Bassa of Buda, and persuaded him to approve of the rigour wherewith he had treated him. He also accused Count Tekely of having ill seconded him; and finally, he knew so well to justify his conduct with his Master, that he hindered the Widow of that Bassa, who was his Highness' Sister, to complain against him for so barbarous an action, and procured an Order to be sent her from the Sultan to go immediately to Adrianople without seeing him. When this Princess arrived there, she found the Sultana Valide dead, which caused her a sensible displeasure; because she had relied much upon the credit of this Princess, who having a great aversion for Cara Mustafa, would not have been wanting in countenancing the vengeance she would take of this Minister; but she learned from Kisler Agasi, or the chief of the black Eunuches, that Sultana Valide had charged him upon her Deathbed, to tell the Grand Signior upon his return to Adrianople, that Cara Mustapha had a design to make himself Emperor of the West, grounded upon a Prediction told him, that he should one day be Master of one of the greatest Empires of the World. But whether this Prediction were true, or that the Sultana Valide had invented it to destroy the Visier, the news of it did extremely comfort the Bassa of Budas Widow, who waited the return of the Sultan with impatience, to execute the design which she had against this Minister, and revenge the loss of her Husband by his death.  
The season being far advanced, the Grand Signior, leaving Kara Mustapha at Belgrade to take care of his Army, and the places in Hungary, during the Winter quarter, returned to Adrianople.  
As the Christians got everyday some new advantages over the Turks, and that the Grand Visier did nothing to repel them, his secret Enemies, and principally the Kisler Agasi, and the Kaimacan, who was jealous of his greatness, took occasion hence to decry the conduct of the Grand Visier unto their Master. At this time Count Tekely, who was accustomed to receive great Subsidies from the Port, and who had his Spies near his Highness, by whom he was faithfully advertised of all that happened, knowing that he had been rendered suspect to his Highness, and that there was no more mention of sending him Supplies as usual, did by his Letters omit nothing for his justification, but to no purpose. His Letters did not disabuse the Grand Signior, who entirely believing what he had received from Kara Mustapha at Belgrade, was persuaded that this Count was of Intelligence with the Imperialists. Tekely seeing no middle betwixt his ruin and his justification, took the most dangerous Party. He went Incognito to Adrianople, and having by the credit of Kisler Agasi, who was his particular friend, found means of admission to the Sultan's presence, before whom, prostrated with his face upon the Earth, he declared to him that he brought him his Head, and that he would rather lose it, than be exposed to the calumny ofhi Enemies, and to the disgrace of his Protector. Tekely's boldness looked well. The Grand Signior gave ear to his reasons, and judged by the relation that he made him, that all the misfortunes that happened at the Siege of Vienna, and since, aught to be imputed to the ill conduct of his Visier. He permitted Tekely to return, assuring him of the protection he demanded, and engaged himself to send him such powerful Succours, that he should in a little time be in a condition to repair with advantage all the losses he had suffered.  
And now they begin to make complaints against the Visier, and the loss of Gran did not a little contribute to his ruin. The Janissaries, that the Visier's secret enemies had caused to assemble tumultuarily, and demand his Head, under pretence that he had abandoned their Companions in the Trenches at Vienna; and this was a kill blow, so that the death of Kara Mustapha was resolved in a Divan, which the Grand Signior had caused to be assembled to that purpose.  
This fatal Commission was given Chiaoux Bassa, and to Kapiglier Kiaia, who immediately took Post for Belgrade. They arrived there the 25 th' of December, and addressing themselves to the Aga of the Janissaries, they communicated the Emperor's Orders to him, which implied that he should give them all necessary assistance. The Aga disposed such as depended on him to obey, and went with these two Officers into the Grand Visier's house. Cara Mustapha, who perceived them from his Chamber, did quickly suppose that his Enemies had taken advantage of his absence to ruin him, and those that he saw coming were to execute the Arrest of his death. Some Officers, who owed him their fortune, being then with him, and having heard him say what he thought, proposed to him to refuse the Door to the Aga, and them that accompanied him: they represented to him that he was beloved by the Soldiers, and if he appeared but in his defence, he would instantly see a number of brave men for his defence.  
But this great Minister, whose life seemed odious to him after the affront which he received before Vienna, and who knew well, he could but defer his death for few days, being encircled with the Enemies of his Religion, who would not fail to profit by the division of his Troops, believed that by his last submission to his Highness' orders, he ought to disabuse those who believed ●him little attached to the Law, or rather he found himself so irresolute in so pressing a danger, that the Sultan's three Officers entered his Chamber before he had taken his last resolution. He endeavoured to hide the disorders of his Soul, and after he had returned them their civilities, he asked the cause of their coming. The Aga taking the word, told him, that his Highness had sent for the Seal of the Empire, which he had entrusted him with, and showed him the order in Writing. At the same time the Visier opening his bosom drew it out, which he presented to him with respect, ask whether they had any thing else to require from him? he was obliged to render the Standard, which he did in the same fashion; and having yet again demanded, whether they would have any thing else, the three Officers answered him only with tears, letting him at the same time see in writing the Buyurds or Command, whereby the Grand Signior would have his Head. Kara Mustapha was not affrighted, being already prepared for it. He only asked, if he might not be permitted to say his Prayers. The Officers answered him, that they had no orders to refuse him that consolation. He ordered his People to retire, that he might pray with less distraction, and when he had finished, they re-entered again. He then drew a Paper out of his bosom, which he gave to the Aga, to render it to his Highness. It is believed that it was a Billet, by which the Sultan promised him never to put him to death, which he would make no use of, judging it useless, being he was too far from the Grand Signior to understand his intentions▪ He than sat upon the brink of the Sofa, whereof he lift up the Carpet, to the end to be only upon the Plank, demanding he might be strangled by his own Executioner, which was granted. After a few Moment's to dispose of himself, he called the Executioner, and told him he should be quick, and not let him languish; he said also, that the Grand Signior would think on him after his Death. The Executioner having put the string about his Neck, he himself disentangled it, saying, it was not necessary they should hold his hands. As soon as he was dead, the Executioner cut off his Head, and flayed it, filling the Skin with hacked Straw, which was put into a Box, and carried to Adrianople, and given to the Sultan, who received it without any great Emotion, as he was coming from hunting.  
The Viziers Corpse was carried out of his Chamber, and exposed under a Pavilion to be seen of all Men. At the same time they seized on his principal Officers, who were brought to Adrianople. Of these the Reiz Effendi was hanged, Mauro Cordato his Interpreter put in the Castle of the seven Towers at Constantinople, having first been spoiled of his Money and Jewels.  
There were found in the Treasury of this Minister, ten or twelve Million in Money, Movables and Jewels, which is very considerable, if the prodigious Expenses of Presents be considered; these Spoils, and those of some of the Viziers Officers, and of the Testerder, who was likewise strangled, amounted to fourteen Millions, which came all into the Grand Signors Purse. He refused to consent that this Moneys should be employed to pay the Troops, and re-establish the Affairs of Hungary, although all the Divan was of that Opinion. The Sultan would neither suffer them to open his Treasury, which is the great resource of the Ottoman Emperors, and replied to them that represented to him the necessity of doing it, that they must make use of the accustomed Revenues, and if that did not suffice, it was for his Council to search out other ways to supply it. And yet he was pleased to give all the Viziers immovables to his Children. This Humour of his Highness, and the Difficulties which were foreseen to settle the Affairs of the Empire, diminished the heat of such who might pretend to the Employment of Grand Visier. The Kisler Agasi, who was always in great Credit, and who fancied, though without any ground, that the Grand Signior had thoughts of placing him in this Post, declared before hand, that he would not accept of this Office, knowing that he had not Capacity enough to bear the weight of it.  
Solyman Aga Selietar, who was his Highness' true Favourite, and who judged he should be always powerful enough whilst he had his Master's Favour, signified to the Sultan, who offered to make him Grand Visier, that all his Ambition was to please him, and that he esteemed more the waiting upon his Person, than to divide his Cares betwixt his Prince and the State, as he should be obliged to do, if he accepted the charge wherewith he would honour him. So obliging a denial augmenting the esteem and affection which the Grand Signior had for him, disposed him to name Ibrahim Aga, who was Kaymacan, and formerly called Kara Kiaia, for this high Employment.  
The Christians continuing their Progress in Hungary, obliged this new Grand Visier to assemble the Divan very often, to find a way to re-establish their Affairs. He proposed the making of a Peace with the Emperor, and to continue the Trevis which Kara Mustapha had violated without any lawful pretence, and to carry the War into Poland, to revenge themselves on King john, for the ill success of the Siege of Vienna. But the Sultan, who had promised Count Tekely that he would not abandon him, was of a contrary sentiment. Kara Kiaia urging his Opinion with too much heat, the Sultan grew so angry with him, that he was judged lost, which gave room to that false report that ran of him that he was strangled, and that Kara Houglou Camaikan of Constantinople was put in his place.  
Most of the Officers of the Garrisons being changed, the new Visier employed all his diligence to raise such Forces against Spring, as might salve the disgraces of the last Campaign, which yet they could not compass, the People being dejected even to Consternation at so many losses.  
On the other side, the Christians having happily finished their Campaign, and taken their Quarters in Hungary, used great diligence to procure Moneys, to separate the Hungarians from the Port, and to make new Alliances.  
There was but the Pope that could travel effectually in the first of these things, seeing the other Princes of the Empire had enough to do for themselves, as long as the differences with France were not accommodated, besides the Protestants could obtain no advantage for their Religion.  
To effect the second point, a general Act of Oblivion was published by the Emperor's command, with pardon to all that would return to their Obedience, and Commissioners being sent to Presburg to receive their Submissions, very many of the Nobility, Counties, and Towns were restored to their Duty as at the beginning, though Tekely would not, and the chief Towns in upper Hungary for fear of him, did not as yet dare to declare themselves.  
But the third design had better Success, for however the Czars of Muscovia would not give ear to the Emperor's Invitation and Propositions of Alliance made him by his Ambassador Blomberg, yet the Venetians, showing a great Inclination to be revenged of the losses they had suffered by the Wars of Candy, easily consented to the accomplishment of the League between the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the Venetians.  
This Alliance was to be offensive; none of the concerned should treat separately upon any Conditions whatsoever; that this League shall tend to no other thing but to make War against the Turks; the Emperor and the King of Poland shall act by Land with all their Forces, and the Republic of Venice with a Naval Army at Sea, and a Land Army in Dalmatia; that the War be made by diversion, the Emperor shall endeavour to recover Hungary, the Poles Kaminiec, and all the Ukraine, and Venice all she has lost, etc.  
Whilst this was in concluding, there came News to the Imperial Court, of a very great defeat the Cossacks had given the Turks and Tartars, the Chieftains of the Tartars being both slain, and Haly Beg, who commanded the Turks▪ taken Prisoner, who, though he offered a hundred thousand Crowns for his Ransom, was slain by the quarrelling Cossack in the heat of their contest about him.  
But now the Season did invite both sides into the Field, where the Christians were chiefly Aggressors. The Christian Army in the beginning of june assembled at their general Rendezvous betwixt Schinta and Shella, to the number of thirty thousand Men, from whence; after some stay, they passed the Danube near Gran; it was believed that the design was form against Newhausel, and the rather, because it had been so greatly straightened by General Mercy, who had blocked it up all the Winter, and reduced it to the Condition, as was supposed, of a voluntary surrender. But it was at length discovered that Buda was at the bottom of the Design, as a thing of greater Consequence, being therefore to leave no Place behind them, the Army was transported to Vicegrade, a place situate upon the Danube, having left their Baggage under the Cannon of Gran; and having without much labour rendered themselves Masters of the City, the Turks that were in the Castle surrendered the next day, marching out to the number of seven hundred and forty men. In the mean time, the Turks of Alba Regalis, and the Neighbour Garrisons, to the number of six thousand, unexpectedly attacked the Baggage at Gran, but were so rudely received, that having lost two hundred of their Men, and four Colours, they were forced to give back. Major General Halloweil of the Imperialists was slain in this Fight.  
But the Turks, solicitous for Newhausel, and finding they could not sufficiently relieve it with small Parties, resolved to attempt it with an Army, and being advanced as far as Vacia, the Duke resolved to oppose them. To this purpose he set forwards, and found them drawn up in Battalia upon the heights near the Town. The place was of difficult access, having on the left the Danube, and a large Morass, and the right secured by a Wood The Duke having embattelled his men, moved directly towards the Enemy, and about Eleven of the Clock passed the Morass, without any great opposition, till being come upon the heights, they were then charged with great fury, but the Turks not being able to break them the first time, they bravely attacked them the second, and third time; but with like success, still repelled, especially the third time with great loss, and forced to save themselves by flight. The Foot saved themselves in the Castle, but were forced to surrender at discretion, after three hours' resistance. Novigrade was hereupon quitted by the Turks, and as soon possessed by the Imperialists.  
This Victory animated the Christians to prosecute their march to Pest, 
jun. 27.  whither being come, they cast a great number of Bombs into the Town, with that success, that the fire taking in several places of it, frighted the Garrison so, that taking their best moveables with them, they fled into Buda, after they had also reduced some Houses in the Town to ashes, and fired the Bridge behind them. But the Christians taking possession of Pest, quenched the fire, repaired the fortifications, and battered Buda with the Artillery they found in the place.  
Hitherto fortune had been so favourable to the Imperialists, 
The Siege of Buda.  that they began to think nothing insuperable to their courage. This opinion made them pass the Danube again, and undertake the Siege of Offen, or Buda, the Capital of the Kingdom, sometimes the Residence of the Kings of Hungary, and now of the Bassa's, that govern that wealthy Kingdom with no less authority. After some ruffling and skirmishes, the City was invested, and the Suburbs taken without any great opposition. The Turks likewise quitted St. Gerard's Hill, and the besiegers began to batter the Walls with their Artillery.  
The Turks abroad were not idle, for having got twenty thousand Men together, they were resolved to attempt the relief of Buda. But the Christians having left all their Foot, with what Horse was necessary to continue the Siege, they marched with the rest of the Cavalry, one thousand Foot under the command of Count Aversberg, and two thousand five hundred Hussars of Count Esterhasis. The Duke marched all Night to find out the Enemy, who, though well trenched, at sight of the Christians came out of their Camp, and embattell'd themselves for their defence. The dispute lasted near four hours, the Turks making several motions to gain the Flanks of the Enemy, which being perceived, the Christians used all possible diligence to prevent them, and engaging at length, after a sharp fight, the Infidels being disordered, were put to flight, and so closely pursued, that not only their Camp and Cannon were taken, but at least four thousand of them slain, and the great Standard, the badge of the Grand Visier's dignity also surprised.  
After this Victory, the Duke returning to the Siege, summoned the place, but received for answer, that the Governor had in the presence of his Messengers caused forty Christian Slaves to be hewed in pieces, saying▪ he wished he could do as much to all the Christian Army. In revenge of this, the Christians assaulted the place, but in vain, though upon a second attempt they carried the lower Town, with their Swords in their hands, notwithstanding the opposition they found was great. They raised a Battery there of twenty four Cannon, and seventeen Mortars, from whence, as also St. Gerard's hill, they battered the City. Nor were the besieged idle, who made a brave sally upon the Besiegers, wherein they slew some hundreds of them, with several considerable Officers, besides the wounded.  
The Christian Army beginning to want Forage, they made a Bridge to pass to the Isle of St. Margaret, from whence they might be the better provided with all things. Many were the attempts, the batteries, the sallies, had endeavours on both sides. The Christians endeavoured to hinder the Turks, though in vain, from watering at the Danube. The Christians sprung a Mine by the great Tower, which did indeed take effect, but it was found that the Turks were too well provided to hazard an assault. About mid- August, the Governor, or Visier of Buda, Kara Mehemet, was killed with a shot he received in his face, a Person very brave, and very knowing. Ephraim Bassa succeeded him in the Government; but did not enjoy it long, being likewise slain with a Cannon Bullet, so that the Chief command was devolved upon the Aga of the Janissaries.  
As the attack was vigorous, so the defence was brave, the Turks continually vexing the Christians with their Alarms and Sallies, who on the other side continued their approaches with great resolution, but their Foot being much spent, it was judged advisable not to hazard a General assault, before the Bavarian Forces, which were daily expected, were come up.  
In the mean time the Serasquier Bassa form a design to make a diversion some other way, in order to which he marches towards the frontiers of Croatia, where General Lesley was camped, who had besieged Virovitza in july, beaten the relief designed for their succour, and thereupon had the place surrendered to him upon composition. Having now notice of the Serasquier's design, he went and posted himself within half a League off his Camp, near a Bridge that was laid over the Danube at Turanowitz. A while after the Turks approached, who charged with great fury eight hundred Croats, newly come to the Imperial Camp, but with their accustomed misfortune. They however returned immediately to the fight, and forced the Croats to retire, leaving them three Standards for prize, so that being animated with this advantage, they would attempt more, and attacked the Imperialists in their Post; but they were so ill received, that they were obliged to retire with the loss of five hundred men, which were killed upon the place. The Christians lost two hundred.  
Though this Siege, for the Greatness and Fame of it, deserves to be described in all its particulars, the Approaches, the Attacks, the Mines, the Battles, the Batteries, the Breaches of the Christians being carried on with so much Valour and Constancy, that it amazed the wondering World; yet the Greatness of the Garrison, the Situation and Strength of the Place, the reiterated Succours that were brought in, a potent Army commanded by a Seraskier, within the noise of their Guns, yea, ofttimes their view; a vigorous and intrepid Courage in the Defendants, frequent and furious Sallies. Countermines, and the advance of a wet Season so favourable to them, rendered all the Endeavours of the Besiegers fruitless, and forced them to a Retreat.  
The Duke of Bavaria had indeed brought with his Person, a considerable recruit to the Imperialists, and they performed all that Courage could suggest; but being the fatal moment of the reducing of this Capital City of the Kingdom was not yet come, we will transmit the History of it till then, when the same great Achievements were in a manner acted over again, and indeed by the same Generals on the side of the Christians, but with better fortune.  
The Siege had lasted from the fourteenth of july, till the first of November, at which time the Christians having transported their Baggage, their sick, and some pieces of Artillery to the Isle of St. Andrew; the Army sending their great Cannon, their Ammunition, and the rest of their Baggage by Water, for want of draught-Horses, though well convoyed, followed themselves in a Body uninterrupted, and marched to their Winter Quarters, the Bavarians into upper Hungary, and th● Imperialists into both the upper and lower Hungary, Bo●emia, Silesia, etc. according to their Repartitions.  
The Turks attempted nothing upon the Army in their retreat, but brought near a thousand Prisoners, which were left in the Isle of St. Margaret, into the City, not singly triumphing for so signal a deliverance.  
Such was the end of this bloody Siege, where, following the common Opinion, the Emperor lost twenty thousand Men, and amongst them a great number of Officers. Of those of most note were the Counts of Altheim, two of the Starembergs, james and Lewis, Carlowitz, Richtari, Hoken-Zollern, Furstenburg, Nassau, Durheim, Chriminz, and the young Counts of Harrah, and great quantity of others.  
The Turks recovered their Garrisons of Pest and Vacia, without any great difficulty, but in exchange the Count of Zober took the Castle of Suran near Newheusel.  
The Republic of Venice had a more fortunate Campaign. 
The Venetians declare War against the Turks.  Their Doge or Prince being dead, Marco Antonio justiniano's being elected Duke in his place, the Senate sent orders to their Secretary Capello, at the Ottoman Port immediately after the conclusion of the Alliance made with the Emperor and Poland, to declare War against the Turks, and to save himself as well as he could, which he did; for having scarce finished his Declaration, he retired from Constantinople in the habit of a Seaman, and embarked himself upon a French Ship. But two of his Domestics, and six other servants, had the misfortune to be taken, whilst the Merchants of his Nation took Sanctuary in the French Embassadour's Palace. The Kaimacan of Constantinople would search whether Capello was not there also, but the Ambassador answered him, if he came to re-search there without express orders from the Grand Signior, he should repent it, which so discomposed him, that after some excuses, he proceeded no further.  
The Council choosing their great Officers, made Morosini Captain General, Mocenigo Procurer General of Dalmatia; the Prince of Parma General of the Infantry, etc. General Strozoldo passed out of the Emperor's service, to that of this Commonwealth.  
The morlacs did likewise, for the most part, embrace the Party of the Venetians, holding the Turks in perpetual Alarms, making ofttimes very considerable Booty, perpetually pestering them with their ravagings and excursions.  
The General Rendezvouz of the Venetian Fleet was at Corfu, where the Galleys of the Pope, of Maita, and of Tuscany joining with them, consisting in all of forty-six Galleys, six Galliass, thirty-three Men of War, besides other smaller Vessels, manned with above twenty thousand Foot; and five or six hundred Horse. A General Council of War being held in presence of all the Chief of the Auxiliary Squadrons, it was resolved to attempt the Island of St. Maure, in pursuance whereof▪ arriving before the Island about the 20 th' of july, the Army entered the Port of Dameta, on the East side of the Island, where also they made their descent. Signior Monetta landed first with one hundred and fifty Men, being followed by General Strozoldo, with two Venetian Regiments, the Popes, and the Infantry of Malto, the rest of the Venetian and Duke of Tuscany's Forces landing on the West side. Having taken their Posts, the Generalissimo sent a Summons to them in the Fort, to surrender it, which they with contempt refusing, the Christians began to batter the Town from theirGallies and Galliass, whereby the houses and fortifications of the City were greatly endamaged, as also a Mosque, which was ruined; and however the Turks were not wanting in their defence, yet they would hinder the Christians to lodge in the Suburbs, and to raise Batteries, which did greatly prejudice the Walls, besides that the Bombs did very great harm in the City. The first of August, a great Breach was made in the Wall, one of their Bulwarks being much ruined; and four of their Pieces of Cannon rendered useless to the Besieged; besides, the Town flamed in several parts, being fired by the Bombs; by favour of which advantages the Venetians advanced their approaches so well, that they began already to fill the Ditch, and making every thing ready for a general assault. Things being at this pass, General Morosini, by an unaccustomed kind of Clemency, sent them a second Summons, which they accepting off, hung out towards evening a white Flag, and about one in the Morning, sent three Deputies, to notify they were content to surrender, upon condition they might carry all their goods with them, but they could obtain no more, than to march out with their Families, and what they could carry. Hostages were next Morning delivered on both sides, and all the Slaves were released, save that they were obliged to serve as Seamen in the Galleys of the Commonwealth for a year. The Garrison with their Army, seven hundred in number, marched out that evening by the West Port, and the Venetians entered by the breach into the City, where they found store of Provision, and eighty Pieces of Ordinance, 
St. Maura taken.  twenty whereof had the Arms of St. Mark upon them. During the time of the Siege, which lasted seventeen days, the Christians lost four-hundred men, and the Turks near three hundred.  
And thus this Nest of Pirates, (the Leucade of the Ancients) about seventy miles round, and well peopled, and in the possession of the Turks ever since Mahomet the second's time, was retaken in less than three Weeks, with so inconsiderable a loss. The General caused the Mosques forthwith to be reconsecrated, and Te Deum to be sung in them for so happy a Victory, which was also celebrated in Venice with great magnificence.  
After the fortifications of this place were repaired, and the Garrison provided with all necessaries, the Government of it being given to Laurence Venier, as extraordinary Provider, and to Philip Parictz in ordinary, both Gentlemen of Venice, the General chose two thousand Venetians, the remainder of those which were in a condition to march, by reason of the manifold sicknesses that reigned amongst the Soldiery, and dispatched them with Colonel Angelo, to assemble all the Grecians he could get together▪ and transported himself to the haven of Pettala, in expectation of the said colonel's enterprise. He went thence, and anchored in the haven or Port of Dragomestro, where landing with two thousand Venetians, and one thousand of the Auxiliaries, he joined himself with fifteen or sixteen hundred Grecians. These Troops ravaged the Country, chased the men which Saban Bassa, Governor of Prevezza, had posted to observe the Christians. Having alured the said Bassa into the field, burned some Villages, and pillaged the Country five days together, they re-imbarked at Pettala, and sailed thence to the Haven of Dameta. There, at a Council of War, the resolution of attacking Prevezza was taken, it being the only place that covered the Island of St. Maur, being some twelve miles distant from it. In order to this design, the General sent five Galleys, and six Galliass towards the Castles called the Gomenizzes, within sight of the Fortress, to oblige the Turks to divide their Forces, which also happened; for upon a supposition that the Christians would attempt the Towers, they sent most of their Men thither: The Army parted from Dameta the 20 th' of September, and came to anchor that evening at the mouth of the Gulf of Arta or Ambracia, that City being famous for the Residence of King Pyrrhus, and its Gulf, for the Victory of Augustus against Marc Anthony.  
The next day the Captain Monetta, who was come with twenty four Barks and Brigantines, landed his Troops, being assisted by the approach of the Galleys, which hindered the Turks from daring to appear upon the shore, before the Venetians were drawn up into Battalia by General Strozoldo, and had forced five hundred Spahis, who came to charge them, to retire. They took the Castle without difficulty, and posted themselves upon a height which commanded the City. The General thereupon summoned the place, but the Officer who commanded in chief in the absence of Saba Bassa, refused the Letter and Messenger, shooting at the later, upon confidence of being relieved by his Governor. Several Mortars and Cannon were landed, and Batteries being raised, the place was sorely canonadoed, in so much that all the Enemy's Pieces but one were dismounted. The twenty fourth, they carried their Approaches into the Moat, and by Favour of the Obscurity of the Night, carried their Mine under the great Tower. The twenty eighth they made a Lodgement in the Ditch, and the Breach being very large, Order was given for the Assault as soon as the Mine had played; but the Turks, 
As also Prevez●.  sensible of their Danger, prevented it by hanging out a Flag of Truce. They demanded the same Conditions with them at St. Maur, though but thirty of the principal were suffered to go out with Arms and Baggage, the rest being only allowed what they could carry about them. There were found in this place forty six pieces of Cannon, and much Provision. The Winter advancing apace, the Auxiliaries returned to their several Homes, and the Venetians to their Isles to pass the Season there.  
In Dalmatia the Venetians happily ended their Campania with the taking of Narenta. 
And Narenta in Dalmatia.   
The King of Poland did not take the Field this year before mid- August, after the Troops which had been last year in Hungary, and a party of brandenburg's had joined his Army. He took a review of his Army near Buzac, fr●m whence he sent a strong detachment to invest jastowitz but two miles off, whither he also came towards Evening with the rest of his Army, 
The Poles take the Field.  and summoned the place; but the Commander having answered, that the place being entrusted to him by the Grand Signior, he would keep it to the last Extremity; but he was not as good as his word, for after having been battered two days, the Turks demanded a Parley. Hostages were given on both sides, and the Articles quickly signed, according to which the Garrison marched out with their Arms, to the number of five hundred men. The King turned hence towards Swaniec, near the Niester, over which he caused a Bridge to be laid, and his Army to pass it. But he quickly repassed it again, upon the advice he received, that thirty thousand Tartars had passed this River, with design to make an irruption into Poland. His Majesty going in quest of them, had the luck to cut four hundred of them in pieces, but he could not engage them in a formal battle, being they stayed no where, for this reason, and the season being passed, 
Go into Winter Quarters▪  he resolved to send his Army into Winter-Quarters.  
The successes of the Cossacks last year in December, which we have already mentioned, encouraged them with their General Kunincky, betimes in the Spring, to go in quest of new Adventures, and being reinforced with Moldavians and Walachians, they marched towards Stravico, where the Danube disgorges itself into the black Sea, but being assailed by the Hospodar Duka, they were obliged to retire, and their General fled out of the Field with the Horse, but the Infantry standing firm, recovered the day, routed the Turks and Tartars, took jas, 
The Cossacks assassinate their General.  the Hospodar's Residence, and himself Prisoner. But not being satisfied with their General Kunicky, they deposed him, and put Mohila in●o his place; and however that afterwards the old General was restored by the intercession of the King of Poland, and that the new had but a subaltern command under him, yet the Cossacks mortally hating him, they at length assassinated him, and gave the entire command to Mohila, after which they still continued their excursions, without engaging before any strong Place.  
year 1685. The Ottoman Empire had been in no small distraction before the relief of Buda, and that seeming in some sort to compensate their loss at Vienna, 
The state of the Ottoman Empire.  they at least made use of it as an incentive to raise the well-nigh desponding spirits of their People. It had been given out that the Grand Signior himself would in Person come into the field, at least to Belgrade, to countenanee his Armies, though he was pleased to remain at Adrianople; and being the Forces he had ordered from the several Provinces of the Empire were defective in the numbers he expected, he caused several of their Leaders to be strangled. The Troops of Asia did likewise mutiny, which so retarded his preparations, that the Christians got into the Field be●ore him, and necessitated him to a defensive War. The Rendezvouz of his Forces was at Belgrade, from whence they passed by the Bridge of E●seck to Buda, whose fortifications they took care to repair, for fear lest the Enemy might attempt a second Siege, placing twelve thousand men there in Garrison, with Victuals and Ammunition for its defence. The numerous Hoards of the Tartars, which never failed to attend their Conquests, refused now to march, the Cham having sent the Grand Signior word, that he could spare none of his Troops this Summer, having himself need of them, to secure his Country against the invasion of the Cossacks.  
Newheusel had been blocked up all the Winter by the Christians, under the command of Colonel Heusler, so that most of the attempts for its relief from Buda, Agria, and other of their Garrisons, proved fruitless. The Turks seeing no good to be done with small Detachments, drew a great Body of Men together, betwixt Pest and Vicegrade, and having provided a great Convoy of Provisions, resolved to attempt the relief of the place, which occasioned▪ Colonel Heusler to be daily reinforced with new Troops; who, ten thousand strong, posted his Men along the River Gran, having taken care to secure all the Fords and passages of it. His numbers daily increasing, the Ottomans who were gathered together betwixt Pest and Vacia, having intelligence of it, retired, having sent the Provisions, designed for the relief of Newheusel, back to Buda, fearing they should be attacked by the Imperialists, if they stayed there.  
The Christian Army, composed of the Imperial Troops, and their several Allies, being much more forward than the Turks, had rendezvouzed, and were now encamped betwixt Newheusel and Barcam, where, upon the Duke of Lorrain's arrival, it was resolved at a Council of War to attack Novigrade, to cut off by that means the communication betwixt Buda and Newheusel, and afterwards formally to besiege Newheusel. But he afterwards altered his mind, being it might take up too much time to besiege Novigrade, by reason of the distance, and would but little contribute to the Siege of Newheusel. Besides, this last place was represented very defective, through their wants and distempers.  
Newheusel the Oywar of the Hungarians, is a large Hexagon, 
Newheusel besieged by the Christians.  well bulworked and moated, the Plain about being Moorish and Fenny. The River Newtra runs within Pistol-shot of it, furnishing the Town-Ditch with its Water, by a cut or trench, which conveys it into it. The resolution of attacking this important place being taken, 
jul. 7 th'.  it was invested by the Imperial Army, the lines of Circumvallation were made, and a resolution was taken to attack the place with vigour and conduct. Two lines of approaches were advanced towards two Bastions; that to the right by the Imperialists, and they of Lunebourg; and the other by the Imperialists, and the Bavarian Troops; the one commanded by the Princes of Hanoure, and Croy, byturns, and the other by Count Serini, with each three Master Generals to assist them. The same night the Trenches were opened by three thousand Foot, and the Approaches carried on seven hundred paces. Those on the Bavarian side towards the Mosque were enlarged and deepened, so that three Men might pass abreast, and be covered. On the Imperialists side, the Duke caused two Batteries to be raised, both on the right of his Approaches, whereon they worked the whole Night; and though the Enemy continued to shoot their Cannon without ceasing, there were but very few killed or wounded. In short, the Approaches on both sides were carried on with such care, and industry, and courage, the Duke seldom leaving the Trenches till very far in the Night, but assisting and encouraging the Soldiery by his presence and authority, that maugre all the brave opposition of the Garrison, and their perpetual firing and sallies, the works were continued to the very Mote on both sides, strengthened not only with Lines of Communication, with Redoubts, and with multiplied Batteries, but the Water also began to be drained out of the Ditch, by a Canal made for the purpose. The Besieged seeing themselves so sorely pressed, amongst others made a Sally about three a Clock, with two hundred Men, and surprised a Redoubt, wherein there were three hundred of the Suabian Troops, who together with their Officers were all cut to pieces. The Turks were so joyed with this success, that th●y testified it by a consort of Music, after their mode, that Night. The Besiegers had endeavoured to pass the Ditch in Boats, and so carry over their Minery, but the said Boats were sunk by the Defendants, and many slain; and now they begin to fill the said Moat with Faggots, and Sacks of Wool, and several Galleries were in making for the securer passage, but they were o●ten burnt and broke by the Besieged, who omitted nothing in their defence. They set fire on the Bavarians Gallery with their Arrows, at the sharp ends whereof they had fastened a mixture o● Sulphur and Pitch, which did not only burn it, but communicating its flames to the neighbouring Battery, burned it quite down, with the Carriages of ●our of their battering Pieces, notwithstanding all the diligence and care to the contrary.  
It was now the beginning of August, when the Besieged made a brisk Sally upon them that worked in the advanced Posts over against the Gate of Gran, killed fifty and hurt many, among which was Gallenfels Lieutenant Colonel, Pugerelli a Captain, and several other Officers. The disorder was so great, that the Dukes of Bavaria and Lorraine ran thither, the latter wounding some of the Runaways to stay them, and ill treating their Officers for their negligence. Colonel Burgstorf was killed the Night following in the Approaches, and Count Souches dangerously wounded in his Neck. The Besieged had filled up the Canal which the Christians had made to drain their Moat, but it was opened again. And now the Approaches, the Galleries, and filling the Ditch had been carried on with such violence, that the Cannon of the Town were well-nigh all dismounted, and the infinite numbers of Bombs and Carcases which had been thrown into it, had well-nigh consumed it. The Besieged had indeed made new Retrenchments in the attacked Bastions, where they had remounted their Cannon, and used them with success: but,  
The Breach which the Christians had made was great, and the Gallery was carried over. The Moat was filled equal with the largeness of the Breach, and the Mines were a completing, the Traverses of the Ditch were much enlarged, so that the Soldiers might go in a large front to the assault. And yet they finish another Battery upon the brink of the Moat, where they planted twenty-four Pieces of Cannon of twenty four pound Ball, to make the Breach yet larger and easier. And now all things being prepared for the assault, they were hindered for two or three days by the great Rains.  
In the beginning of this Month, the Bassa had desired a Parley, but demanded, in case of surrender, that he might march away, not only with their Arms, but all sorts of Ammunition and Cannon, and take with him all the Christian Slaves, etc. which conditions the Duke would not hearken to. The Bassa was indeed animated by hopes of relief from the Seraskier, who, he knew, was preparing for it, and had already in order to a diversion besieged Gran, which obliged the Duke of Lorraine with the Elector of Bavaria, and forty thousand men, to rise and go and meet him, leaving eleven thousand Foot and five thousand Horse, with fifty-eight Pieces of Cannon, and eighteen Mortars, to continue the Siege under the command of Count Caprara, Marshal General of the Field, and the Prince of Croy, General of the Artillery.  
But to return to Newheusel, the fatal 19 th'. of August being come, a resolution was taken to assault the Town at Eleven of the Clock, to which end two Mines were sprung that morning, one at the North Bastion, and the other upon the neighbouring Curtain, which, though they had not their wished effect, which was to ruin some retrenchments of the besieged, yet they did much facilitate the passage, rendering the ascent more easy, so that it was resolved to assault the place at eight a clock, to this purpose three thousand were ordered for the attack in two places, to each fifteen hundred, which were supported by a Reserve of two thousand. The Imperialists, had the Van on both sides. Count Sherffenberg commanded the right, being followed by them of Lunenberg and Suabia, and Lieutenant Colonel Samoraski the left, with the Troops of Colen, Bavaria and Franconia. Being thus prepared, they fired from all their Batteries, and showered in their Granado's and Bombs from nineteen Mortars, with that impetuousness, that they put them within into such a consternation, that for some time they durst scarce appear. During this Tempest, Count Sherffenberg first entered, and posting himself upon the Bastion, the Sieur Rummel about the same, pushing at the new breach; the besieged were forced to give way on all sides, and retreating upon a Cavalier of their Retrenchments, did now the second time lift up a white Flagg, demanding quarter, but in vain; for the Christians rushing on, put all they met to the Sword; this rendered the rest so desperate, that four hundred of them precipitated themselves into the Town-Ditch, who were all destroyed by the Horse, so that of all the Garrison which was y●t twelve hundred at the beginning of the assault, scarce two hundred were saved. Hassan Bassa the Governor, desperately wounded in the head and breast, was brought to the General, and some ten more of the chief Officers were saved; but the Governor died two days after of his wounds. This Hassan was a Renegade, 
Is taken by Assault.  Native of Bohemia, though a man of extraordinary great parts and resolution.  
There were found in the place eighty Pieces of Ordnance, and a great quantity of Ammunition and Provision, so that the perpetual noise of their wants was a fable, the Governor having always a great Magazine of Victuals, as well as Ammunition, which he did not think fit to expose before the Siege. Of the Christian Slaves there were but forty remaining, the Turks having consumed the rest in their works, exposing them still where the greatest danger was. And although the Besiegers did scarce lose one hundred in the storm, yet it is supposed, that during the whole Siege, the number of their slain did at least equal; if not surmount that of their Enemies, yet with this difference, that the Turks lost all, and they but an inconsiderable part of a potent Army: excepting the Prince of Wirtemberg, greatly lamented by the good and brave, and some other considerable Officers.  
The Seraskier, not imagining the fate of Newheusel so near, having with great industry gathered a considerable Army, estimated betwixt fifty and sixty thousand strong, resolved to attempt the relief of it, in order to which he would try the way of diversion, as less hazardous, and upon that account marches to Gran, 
jul. 30.  and though that very day of his arrival an additional reinforcement of five hundred men, 
Gran besieged.  sent thither by the Duke of Lorraine, got into the Garrison, yet he caused the Trenches to be opened, and b●gan to attack the place with his Cannon and Mortars, from Batteries raised on St. George and St. Thomas hills. They also attacked the lower Town, but were repulsed with the loss of two or three hundred men. Several other attempts were made upon the Outworks, but with loss to the Undertakers, who understanding that the Enemy advanced, grew more remiss, possessing themselves of all the Hills by which the Christians might attack them, and thereupon quitted the Siege.  
On the 7 th' of August, the Duke of Lorraine, with forty thousand men, passed the Danube, upon a Bridge near Comorra, and arrived the 12 th' at a Village that was burnt, where he found the Turks, who had abandoned the Siege of Gran, very advantageously posted, having Mountains on eash side, covered with thick Woods, and a Morass before them, which reached to the Danube. Upon the arrival of the Christian Army, they skirmished near the Morass, where several were killed and hurt on both sides. The following Night the Christian Army camped in Battalia, and continued so the 13 th', but the Turks alarmed them about noon, and skirmished all the day with the Christians right Wing, where the Hungarians were, many being slain and wounded on both sides. About noon the Duke commanded some Pieces of Cannon to be planted on a Hill behind his Men, from whence they shot, and the Turks did the same with two great Pieces, from a height where the Janissaries were. The 14 th', the Turks advanced their Camp to the very Morass, upon Mountains opposite to our advanced Guards, where they made three Batteries with great Cannon, shooting into our very Camp.  
The 15 th', a Polish Slave escaped out of the Turkish Camp, and gave advice, that the Seraskier, Ibrahim Bassa, was persuaded, that the Christian Army did not exceed twenty thousand, and thought of a retreat, so that he might easily rout them, if he suddenly fell upon them with his that was sixty thousand strong. Upon this advice, the Duke and the other Generals resolved to feign a Retreat, and then, by drawing the Enemy beyond the Morass, find a place to fight with them in a pitched Battle.  
The same day the Turks advanced towards a place in the Morass where they might pass with the Horse, and took Post also in another, where they might make a Bridge for the Foot. As the Christians had already re●olved to march the day following very early, towards the Bridge of Boats at Vyfali, they let fly some Guns only to amuse the Enemy. In the mean time the Orders for the march of the Army were given in the following manner. First, that the Baggage should part that evening. The left Wing having the Avaunt-Guard, followed by that of the right. Secondly, that the Army should be ranged in Battalia before day, and march as the place would permit; the two Wings each in two Lines, but if the way would oblige them to file, that then they should begin by the left Wing, and enlarge themselves as the ground did permit, into their first order of Battle.  
That the second line should have the Avaunt-Guard commanded by Count Dunewalt, which was to be followed by the first line in the same manner. At the right of the first line Count Styrum was to march upon the Mountains (which he had viewed the day before) with his Regiment, the Dragoons of Luneburg, and all the Hussars, except those of Zoborra, with some Field-pieces. That the Fauconets should march before the first line, and every Regiment with its Field-pieces, as usual. And finally, that the Squadrons and the Battalions posted on the little Mountain on this side the Morass, as also those on the Mountain to the right, commanded by Major General Tungen, should march at the sound of the Tymbals.  

The Battle of Gran. Aug. 15.  About ten at Night they had News that the Turks were passing the Morass, whereupon all the Generals took Horse, Lorraine in the right, and the Elector of Bavaria in the left, and all being in order, they began to march at the sound of their Trumpets, Tymbals, and Drums, which was continued till the Turks by Favour of the Night charged their left Wing, whereupon the whole Army facing about, they marched to succour their engaged Troops, which done, they continued advancing, notwithstanding the cries and howl of the Turks, and their continual Skirmishing till it was break of day, when a great Mist covered the whole Field, that nothing could be discerned. Both side made use of this accident, ranging their Armies to their uttermost Advantage.  
After seven in the Morning, the Sun having dispelled the Mist, the Turks advanced upon the Christians, with the noise of their Drums and horrible Cries, discharging some Cannon upon their right Wing, charged it with great fury, but they were repulsed; the same happened on the Mountain where Tungen commanded, who was hurt there. At the same time the Turks attacked with their greatest force, and principally their Foot, the heights on the Christians right where Count Styrum was, but he was so seasonably succoured by some Imperial Battalions and other Troops of the second line, that the Turks were forced to retire, being indeed chased and repelled in all the parts of the Army. Being fled by the Morass, the way they came, they seemed to make head again in their Camp, but upon the advance of the Christians, who passed the Morass with their Foot and Horse, the terror and consternation was so great amongst the Turkish Soldiers, that it was impossible for the Serasquier, 
Gained by the Christians.  notwithstanding all his endeavour to persuade his Men to oppose the passage of the Morass. They also abandoned their Camp, Arms, Cannon, and other Instruments of War to the Pursuers, besides forty Ensigns and some two hundred Prisoners which were taken. The Serasquier was hurt in his Leg, and having left five thousand upon the place, secured the rest by a timely retreat. The two Armies separating after the fight, the Christians went back to Comorra, in order to their prosecution of the Siege of Newheusel: and the Serasquier having rallied his Forces, and punished with strangling some of his chief Officers, who had not well behaved themselves in the Battle of Gran, and passed the Danube, declaring he would relieve Newheusel whatever it cost, but soon after he received the news, as the Christians had at Comorra, that the place was taken by assault.  
The Serasquier however having form a new train of Artillery of twenty Pieces, which he took out of Buda, and being reinforced with several fresh Troops, he marched towards Vaccia, encamping betwixt that place and Pest, but hearing of the approach of the Christian Army, he abandoned Novigrade and Vaccia, taking the Cannon and Ammunition with him that was there, demolishing the said places, and setting fire to them when he left them. He also ruined the Country about Pest, and having sent a Detachment to reinforce the Garrison of Agria, he repassed the Danube with the rest of his Army at Buda.  
And now the Turks do not seem averse from Peace, the Serasquier having sent an Aga to the Duke of Lorraine with a Letter, wherein he acquainted his Highness, that he had full power from the Grand Signior to treat and conclude a Peace, which he conjures him to promote by offers of great advantage, as abandoning Count Tekely, and delivering of the three Hostages, which were in the Grand Seignior's hands. But the Duke answered him, that he had no Orders to treat of Peace, and that a Victorious Army was not to be amused with such Proposals, but that he would acquaint his Imperial Majesty with the Serasquier's desire.  
The Serasquier having passed the Danube, the few Tartars he had, not exceeding six thousand, left him and returned home. The Bassa's of Agria, Temiswar and Waradin were sent back, with the Troops under their command, and went home to their respective Governments, the Serasquier with the rest of his Army posting himself betwixt Buda and Alba-Regalis to observe the Christians motion.  
The Imperial Army had advanced in quest of the Turks as far as Vaccia, but hearing that the Ottoman Army was separated in several Bodies, and marched as above, as also towards the Frontiers of Styria and Croatia; the Duke resolved likewise to send four thousand men to reinforce Count Lesley, and being the Forage was destroyed, to return, having ordered a Detachment of five Regiments of Foot, one of Cuirasiers, and two of Dragoons and Croats, to march unto upper Hungary, where Count Caprara was to command in Chief.  
The Serasquier had made several other Attempts for Peace, but the Emperor refusing passports to his Aga, those overtures vanished. There had also been an Armenian sent in the beginning of this year with overtures of Peace, but he was sent back with this Answer; That the Emperor will not enter into any Negotiation of Peace, but jointly with the King of Poland, and Republic of Venice; insomuch that finding all his Endeavours for a Treaty fruitless, he repassed the Bridge of Esseck, sending part of his Forces towards Zigeth, and the rest towards Slavonia and Bosoria, whereby he also defeated Count Lesleys Design upon Possega.  
To all the Miseries of War was added that of the Plague, which raged much at Constantinople, which, together with the account they had of the loss of Newheusel, and the other ill Successes of the Ottoman Army in Hungary, Morea, and indeed every where, had filled not only that City, but the Empire with Consternation and Tumult; for the Janissaries, as is usual in all great Misfortunes, mutined, threatened not only the Grand Visier, but the Grand Signior himself, and were not to be appeased without considerable Distributions amongst them; it being also given out, that his Highness would himself command the Army in Person next Summer.  
The Principal Armies of these potent Adversaries being in Winter Quarters, we will leave them struggling there to enlarge their Accommodations, and transfer our Pen to such Actions as have been remarkable in other Parts.  
The Contests in upper Hungary were various betwixt the Imperialists and Tekelites, General Schultz commanded the former, who had order to attack Vngwar, and afterwards to besiege Esperies and Cassaw. Count Tekely thereupon passes the Tybiscus, assembling what Troops he could together, sending to the Neighbour Countries to cause their Militia to march and to join him, which Schultz endeavoured to hinder, especially his joining against the Turks. And now he lays close Siege to Vngwar, which was defended with no less Valour than Obstinacy, insomuch that after the loss of several Officers, and a considerable number of Men, he was obliged to raise the Siege. Some time after he laid siege to the City of Esperies with eight thousand men, where he found no less Opposition than at Vngwar, the besieged seeming resolved to defend the Place to the last extremity, notwithstanding the offer made to the Rebels of a general Pardon, which was intimated to the Magistrates and Citizens of Esperies by an Officer sent from the General, but they, instead of taking advantage of the Emperor's Clemency, barbarously killed the said Officer, which the General resented so highly, that he caused a general assault to be given the place, but in vain, being beaten off with the loss of several hundreds of their Soldiers. The place had already held out six Weeks, but General Caprara being ordered to command in chief in upper Hungary, and a Detachment of ten thousand men being sent to reinforce the Siege, it made them stoop, and desire a Parley, which produced a Treaty, and then a Surrender, such of the Garrison as would being entertained in the Emperor's Service, 
Esperies surrendered.  and the Magistrates and Citizens to enjoy their ancient Privileges, and the Places and Employments th●y at present possess.  
General Schultz marched from Esperies to Caschaw, and beleaguered it, and General Caprara towards Tokay, with a Resolution to take that place what ever it cost, being it opened a passage betwixt Transilvania and Zatmar, nor did it make any remarkable Opposition, but with other lesser Places surrendered without resistance upon Conditions.  
Count Caprara being come in Person before Caschaw, 
October 6.  Peterhasi, one of Count Tekelies chief Officers, being sent with six hundred horse to reinforce the Garrison, made a show of accepting the general Pardon, and entering into the Emperor's Service; but being come near the Town, put himself into it, with the six hundred men he had with him, which mainly encouraged the besieged to defend the Place. Caprara sent to summon them, but in vain, so that he was forced to use all theFormalities of a Siege. The Garrison consisted of four thousand, commanded by Count Tekeli's best Officers, who defended themselves with great bravery, making very many sharp Sallies into the Enemy's Quarters. The Imperialists notwithstanding carried their Trenches to the Town Ditch, and began to thunder upon the place from three Batteries. One of the Attacks being commanded by the Prince of Wirtemberg, who was slain there by a Cannon Bullet. But this Siege did not last long, though the Capital of upper Hungary, and provided with all things necessary for a long defence. But the Reasons of their surrender, which happened by a very surprising accident, is very excusable. Count Tekely, solicitous for this Capital of this part of the Kingdom, 
Novem. 25.  having writ to the Bassa of Waradin of the Consequence and Danger of the Place, and to press him for speedy Succour in order to relieve it. The Bassa admitting of his Reasons, assured him he would give him all the assistance he could, only he had received some Orders from the Grand Signior of great Importance to the common Cause, which it was not convenient to communicate to him by Letter, therefore desired he would repair to him to Waradin, that he might inform him of the se●●et by word of Mouth. And for his greater Security the Bassa sent him a passport. 
Count Tekely betrayed by the Bassa of Waradin.  Upon this Invitation he resolved to go thither, accompanied with Petrossi, and some others of his principal Adherents, and five hundred Horse. The Bassa met him without the Gate, and received him with all the appearance of Kindness and Esteem, and conducted him into the Town with some few of his Attendants, causing all the Cannon of the Place to be discharged, with other marks of Respects, and entertained him at Supper; but that being ended, an Aga with his Janissaries entered the Room, and having told Tekely he had Orders from the Grand Signior to seize him, and carry him to Adrianople, caused Irons to be put upon his Hands and Feet. At the same time, the Bassa told Petrossi, that the Grand Signior gave him the Principality and Commands which Tekely had had, and that he would assist him with all his Forces. Petrossi, who was next to Tekely in Power, seemingly accepted of the Honour, but being got out of the place and Danger, he informed Tekelies' party of what had happened, exhorting them to return with him to their Duty to the Emperor, which they consenting to, Petrossi marched directly to the Camp before Caschaw. Being kindly received by General Caprara, he was sent into the Town, where he easily persuaded the Garrison to accept with him of the General amnesty, so that the place was immediately delivered up upon Articles. 
Caschaw surrendered.  After this the General sent also to the Princess Ragotzki, Count Tekely's Wife, to surrender her strong Castle of Mongatz to the Emperor's Service, which, contrary to expectation, she absolutely refused to do. And this put an end to the Campaign in those parts, except their Excursions, beating up of Quarters, and Surprises, which were frequent on both sides.  
Nor were the Turks more fortunate on the side of Croatia, 
july 28.  where Count Lesley commanded the Imperialists, for he burned the Suburbs of Canisia, and destroyed the Country four Miles round; and now understanding that the Turks had left but three or four thousand men to guard the Bridge at Esseck, the Serasquier having taken the rest with him to fight the Imperialists, he decamped from the Place of his Rendezvous near the Drove, with a Resolution, if possible, to burn the said Bridge of Esseck. In order to this he left his Baggage at Turanowitz with a Guard of two thousand Men, 
Aug. 9 Count Lesley burns part of the Bridge of Esseck.  discamping with four thousand Germans, and two thousand Croats, all choice Men, each one being ordered to carry Provision with him for ten days, by reason of the scarcity of Victuals by the way. Michalovitz being surprised, expecting no Enemy, surrendered to his Avantcurrers upon his further advance, the Country being alarmed, some Turkish Horse appearing, skirmished with the Avantguard of Croats, and had treated them ill, if they had not been succoured by the Germane Dragoons and Cuirasiers who had the Guard; they however left a Captain-Lieutenant with near thirty Soldiers. They marched on, but no Turks opposed, scarce appeared before they came to the Plains of Esseck. Then there appeared a thousand Turkish Horse with some Foot at a distance behind them, which obliged the Christians to range themselves in Battalia, and the Turks suffered them to advance till they came within Musket shot; they then begun to stir, and being charged on both Wings by the Croats, they were wholly broke and routed, and many of them slain in the pursuit. The Infantry saved themselves in the Town, and afterwards in the Castle. The Christians advanced in order to th● Suburbs, which they took at first onset, and afterwards the City, both which they miserably pillaged and plundered.  
The City of Esseck is great and populous, having at least five hundred shops of Merchants of in it, many Mosques and Hacars, which are great Inns for Passengers. All was crowded with Rice, Flower, Bread, Biscuit, Salt, etc. as also ●arley, Oats, and Forage in abundance, enough to furnish an Army. As soon as they were Master of the City, they placed a Guard against ●●e Castle, whilst the General went to see the bridge, the like whereof is not in the World. On this side the Drove from Esseck to the said ●iver, it is about eleven hundred paces long, and on the other side more than eight thousand, all of Oak Wood It is twelve paces broad. The Drove is not large in this place, the Bridge being supported by only sixteen Boats. The Turks broke it the preceding day, letting the materials vogue with the stream into the Danube. Count Lesley caused thirteen fair Mills upon the Drove to be burnt, and having in vain attempted to burn the Bridge on the other side, consumed that on this with Fire in few hours. The Imperialists knowing that the Inhabitants had saved their best goods in the Castle, they would also attempt that, but having lost several Captains and other Officers, they desisted, and Lesley returned back to his Camp at Tura●●●it●.  

The Affairs of Poland.  The Wars against Poland were carried on with more Success, at least Equality, by the Ottomans, who, together with the Tartars▪ made perpetual Incursions into the ukrain, and the confining Provinces, burning and ravaging the Villages and Country, carrying the alarm to the very Gates of Leopol. Not were the Poles forward in their Preparations, moving but very slowly to their general Rendezvous, so that the King not going to the Field in Person, it was very late in the year before they were come together, however, entertained in the mean time with a very sad account from Podolia, Volinia, and the lesser Russia, of the miserable Devastations of those Countries by the continued Incursions of the Infidels.  
The Grand Signior had appointed Solyman Bassa, now Seraskier, to command his Army against the Poles, year 1683. which he endeavoured to raise and form with all imaginable Industry, being solicitous for Caminiec, which he took care by reiterated Convoys, though some sometimes miscarried, to provide for. He hearing of the Christians advance towards the Niester, the Cham of Tartary being joined with him, and both near forty thousand strong, posted himself near the River to hinder the Poles from passing it.  
And now the Armies drawing near, it was supposed they would not separate without a Battle. The Poles passed the Niester with theirs, consisting of betwixt twenty and thirty thousand men, on a Bridge they had made for that purpose, advanced into Moldavia, where they encamped; and now the whole Army being come up, the Crown General having summoned a Council of War, it was determined to go and find the Enemy, and force him to fight. The Army marched accordingly, and were three days passing the Woods and straits of Boucovisia without any Intelligence of the Enemy. Being come into a Plain, their Vanguard was presently charged by a Body of Tartars. Ten Troops of Horse were sent to support the Christians, but being overpowered, were forced to give way. The Prince of Courland advancing with three Battalions, and some Field-pieces, gave the Christians Opportunity to rally, and returning to the charge, obliged the Tartars to retire to the Hill from whence they came. The next Morning the two Armies stood in view of each other, only some slight Skirmishes passing betwixt them. The third, the Seraskier designing to fall upon the Enemies right Wing with his main force, charged it briskly, but finding it strengthened from the main body, retired and fell upon the main body itself, but with the like success. The Poles left Wing was charged by the Tartars with some advantage at first, but in the Conclusion were forced to retire. That day the Turks had been incommoded by the opposite Artillery, composed of thirty pieces of Ordnance, and the following day, having received Cannon from Camineck, they repaid them in kind. The Christians continued encamped the two following days, securing themselves with Trenches and Redoubts. On the ninth day, the Christian General being informed that a great Detachment was sent to fall in the rear of the Army, and shut up the Passages of the Forest, he resolved to retire; and that he might do it with less trouble, he caused all their Wagons that were not absolutely necessary, to be burnt. It was next Morning before the Turks were aware of their march, when, descending into the Plain, they charged three Battalions of foot which had not yet entered the Wood, but they being well covered with turn Pikes, and each two Field-pieces, they received the Enemy with so great a Fire, that they forced them to retire. And yet they escaped by their Courage and Resolution the danger that threatened them, forcing their Passage back to the Niester, by a very orderly retreat, which they likewise passed, tho' the Turks were much stronger than they, and so were dispersed into their Winter Quarters.  
Nor were the Turks very unsuccesful in Dalmatia. The Christians had besieged Singn, but were forced to retire by the joint Forces of the Turks in those quarters with loss of some hundreds of their men, two pieces of Cannon, and most of their Baggage. But the Wars being rather defensive in those parts, on both sides, than otherwise, nothing of any very great Consequence, besides Incursions and mutual Ravages, worthy of Memory did happen.  
year 1685. The traverses at Sea were of more noise and consequence. The Turkish Fleet was affirmed to consist of sixty Galleys, and twenty men of War, who were at Sea, though supposed not well manned. On the other side, the Venetian Fleet was stronger, full of Sea-m●n, besides thirteen thousand Land-Forces of several Nations, all commanded by their General Morosini, who sailing for the Levant, landed his Forces in the Morea, at the Fortress of Calamata, which he took, and afterwards sat down before Coron, where, having made large Breaches, and extremely annoyed the place with their Bombs, the Bassa hung out a white Flag, but all Conditions, except surrendering upon discretion, being refused him, he put out a black Colours, intimating he would defend it to extremity, which he also did.  
The Bassa of Petrasso marched with eight thousand Men to his relief, but upon consideration of the strength of the Christians, he durst not attempt it; but contenting himself to reinforce the Garrison of Modon, and with falling upon the Greeks (that favoured the Venetians) he made a great slaughter of them. The Visier of Morea, Kalil Bassa, having got together a competent Army of near ten thousand, would re-attempt the relief of Coron; in order to which, he sent a Party to attack a Redoubt somewhat distant from the Line of the Besiegers, but were repulsed, but assaulting it again, they took it at the second storm. Hereupon the Chevalier de la Tour, a Knight of Malta, hastening thither with twelve hundred Men, recovered it from the Turks, with the loss of his own life, and many of his Men. A while after, the Visier made an attempt upon the main Camp, but was beaten off with mutual loss. In the mean time, the Christian General finding the neighbourhood of the Turks troublesome, and foreseeing that his Troops would not be able to subsist, unless they had the Country open, resolved to attempt their removal; in order to which, drawing ten Men out of a Company, to which were joined fifteen hundred Volunteers, with one of the Regiments of Brunswick, and that of Malta, they, marching before day, surprised, and fell upon the Enemy on all sides; the action was so sudden, that the Turks before they could recollect themselves were driven out of their several Posts, pursued, and quite dispersed. Of the Enemy there were near a thousand killed in the action and pursuit, of which number was the Visier Kalil and Mehemet Bassa. All their Cannon and Baggage were taken, with nine pieces of brass Cannon, seventeen Colours, and the great Standard, with three Horsetails hanging at it. This Victory was some days after completed by the taking of Coron, where the Christians, forcing the way into the Town, through their very large Breaches, 
Aug. 11.  put all they met to the Sword. There were above three thousand of the Turks slain in this storm, and four or five hundred of the Christians, among which were two Knights of Malta, Prince Philip of Savoy, the Prince of Brunswick, the Marquis of Courbon and St. Paul, besides thirty Knights of Malta, with several other Persons of Quality wounded. There were seventy-six Pieces of Brass Cannon, besides great store of Ammunition and Provision, with Plunder, reckoned at above two Millions, found in this place.  
These Successes encouraged the Greeks to submit to the Venetians, and the Province of Maina being also disposed to cast off the Ottoman Yoke▪ were greatly encouraged to it by Morosini, who sending a Detachment with such Maynots as were entered into the Service of the Republic▪ gave them orders to attack Zarnata, a Fortress built to keep that People in awe. In the mean time the Christian Fleet sailed towards Calamata, near which place the Forces landed.  
The Captain Bassa, hearing of the ill successes of his Countrymen in Morea, came with his Fleet to Napoli di Romania, where securing the Ports with great Chains, he landed what Men he possibly could, and joining with a great Body of Horse and Foot, he marched towards Calamata, to keep the Mainotes from revolting to the Venetians. Zarnata had been threatened into surrender, six hundred Men that garrisoned it marching out with their Arms and Baggage, though the Aga that commanded it, distrusting his conduct, stayed in the Christian Camp.  
The Captain Bassa being advanced, Morosini being reinforced with three thousand Saxons resolved to fight him. Being met, the Turkish Horse fell upon the Christians left Wing, and at the same time a great Body of their Foot advanced towards their right; but found such brave resistance, that they were forced to retire. They returned to the charge again, but with the same success, and being pressed, fell into disorder and were defeated, though the loss was not very great on either side. The Garrison of Calamata nearing of this rout, fired their Magazine and quitted the place, leaving eleven Pieces of Cannon behind them, which was immediately garrisoned by the victorious. The Maynotes thereupon besieged Porto Vitulo, the which with Chielifa and Passavia are the only places of strength that the Turks possess in that great Province, but these likewise, as also Porto Vitulo, being forced by the Inhabitants to surrender, came all under the dominion of the Venetians, from whence, General Morosini having put good Garrisons into those places, marched towards Navazino. But the season being too far advanced, having razed Calamata and Passava, as not very defensible, he dispersed his Army into Winter Quarters, sailing himself with his Galleys to Santa Maura.  
A Fleet under the command of the Signors Molino and Delfino, had cruised the whole Summer in the Archipelago, putting those Islands under contribution, though no material action at Sea had passed betwixt the two Fleets of the Christians and Turks.  
The Captain Bassa, after these misfortunes, showed a great inclination to peace, signifying his desire to set a Treaty on foot for that purpose, to which end he signified the same to General Morosini by a particular Messenger, 
Novem.  who referred him to his Superiors.  
There had likewise been an Aga some time at Comorra, who declared, that the Grand Signior did desire to re-establish a Peace or Truce betwixt the two Empires, 
Attempts for Peace prove fruitless.  desiring that Commissioners might be appointed on both sides for that purpose; that he had ordered the Bassa of Buda to cease from all Hostilities, and that he caused Count Tekely, the Author of the War, and the Evils that attended it, to be seized upon by his command. But all the answer he could get was, that the Emperor would enter into no Negotiation of Peace, without the participation of his Allies. And yet some Propositions were obliquely made in their names. The Emperor demanded restitution of all the Places that are possessed by the Turks in the Upper and Lower Hungary, and in Croatia. The Poles demanded Caminiec, and the whole Province of Podolia; and the Venetians the whole Country of Morea. To conclude, the Aga was sent back with this answer, That the Emperor and his Allies will receive no Proposals, but such as come immediately from the Grand Signior himself.  
The Cham of Tartary had also offered the King of Poland his Mediation by an Embassy, and at the same time made Proposals of Peace, but his Majesty answered roundly, that he would hear of no Overtures of accommodation without his Allies, the Emperor of Germany, and the Commonwealth of Venice.  
And now all thoughts of quiet being laid aside, all the great Parties made all imaginable preparations, 
jan. 1686.  by Leagues, by Levies, by amassing of Moneys as well as Men for the future Campain.  
Thus ended this year 1685, and the following was no less active or turbulent. The Imperialists, as a prelude to their future Successes, beat a Party of the United Garrisons of the Turks, consisting of about six thousand near Arach, which place they also took, with eleven Colours, and three Kettle Drums, besides much spoil.  
This success was followed by others, St. job being surrendered to Count Caraffa, the six hundred Men which composed the Garrison of it, 
Feb. 12.  being conducted to great Waradin, and a Party from Comorra, Raab, Papa and Vesprin, took the Castle of Sehwar, betwixt Vesprin and Alba Regalis, which had much incommoded those Garrisons, upon as easy terms; the besieged being only allowed what they could carry upon their backs.  
Great were the disorders and consternation at Constantinople, and throughout the whole Ottoman Empire, for the late ill Successes of their Arms in Hungary and Morea; 
Disorders at Constantinople. jan. 23.  and being to be unfortunate, is to be criminal in that Court, Cheitan Ibrahim, Seraskier, was condemned to lose his head, the defeat at Gran, the loss of Newheusel, and the burning of the Bridge of Esseck, being laid all to his account. His eminent services in the former Wars against the Crown of Poland, and his valorous defending of Buda in 1684 against the united powers of the Germane Empire, could not obtain his pardon, being he was likewise blamed for having discontented the Soldiers in defrauding them of their pay. Several other of the Chief Officers being accused of not having done their duty at the Battle of Gran, were strangled with him; and Solyman Bassa, who had so successfully commanded the Army last year against the Poles, was by the Grand Visier recommended to the Grand Signior, as a Person very fit for that Employment in Hungary, which his Highness also approved of, but the Bassa being surprised at the choice was made of him, sensible of the fate of his Predecessors, and the danger of the Employment, taking his opportunity, threw himself at the Grand Seignior's feet, and humbly prayed to be excused from so difficult a Province, being the Campaign would not probably end, under the circumstances he was to undertake it, but with the loss of his Head, which he would rather now sacrifice at his majesty's command, than die hereafter in his displeasure. The Grand Signior wondering at what he heard, and that he should scruple at so eminent a command, demanded his reasons: He replied, that the misfortunes of the last Campaign were occasioned by the ill payment of the Troops, many other things of great importance to his service having been likewise omitted, not obscurely hinting at the Grand Visier, he would notwithstanding take the command upon him, if his Majesty, according to the example of his Predecessors, year 1686. would himself appear at the head of his Forces. The frankness of his discourse wrought so much upon the Grand Signior, that he immediately sent to the Visier, who was, or pretended to be indisposed, and consequently kept his bed, to know, whether he was in a condition of health to attend him into Hungary, where he purposed to go himself? But the Visier excusing it, by reason of his indisposition, his Majesty sent to him for his Seal, which being delivered, he immediately gave it to Solyman Bassa, making him by that eminent mark of dignity Grand Visier in the others room, who yet had his life granted him, and part of his Estate to subsist upon, being now in his House on the Canal of the black Sea, near Sc●tary.  
The Treasure of the Seraglio was opened, Officers were sent into all the extent of the Empire, and the utmost diligence was used to raise men, not only to recruit their shattered Armies, but to make new Levies, but with the usual fate that attends unsuccessful Arms. 
The Christian Army Rendezvouz's at Barkam.  So that notwithstanding all their endeavours, the Christians were in the Field before them, not only with the Imperial Troops, but the united Forces of all the Germane Princes. The genral Rendezvouz was appointed on the 30 th' of May in the Plains of Barkam, though the Saxons, the Bavarians, the Brandenburgers, and them of the Circles could not get thither so soon by reason of their distant Marches. 
May 30. 1686.  The whole Empire seemed to move, and the Danube was so covered with Barks and Barges full of men, provisions, and all sorts of Warlike Instruments, that it yielded a prospect of terror and pleasure.  
The Forces being come together, the Sentiments of the General Persons that composed it were very differing. Some proposed the Siege of Alba Regalis, as being a place that had much annoyed them, by protecting the Seraskier under the Cannon of the place, when they besieged Buda two years ago. Others would have Agria and Montgatz, the remains of Tekely's rebellion in Upper Hungary, attempted, and the rest were for marching directly to the Bridge of Esseck, for securing that important passage, and then to besiege Buda. Others were of opinion, that these three designs should be enterprised at once, by dividing their Army into two parts, for the two first Enterprises, and that General▪ Schults should with the Army of Croatia attempt the Bridge of Esseck. But they were very few that concluded positively for the Siege of Buda, which had already been absolutely resolved upon by the Emperor and the Duke of Lorraine, upon a certainty that the taking of that place would vastly enlarge their Quarters, and a supposition (though not so well grounded) that all Hungary would follow the fate of their Capital City.  
But this design was kept very secret, nor was it discovered until the arrival of Count Straatman, 
jun. 10.  Great Chancellor to the Emperor, who having in a Council of War prudently composed the punctilios and differences between so many General Officers about their commands, to all their satisfactions; he showed them the Emperor's Commission and Orders to begin the Campaign with the Siege of Buda, exhorting them to do their duty in an enterprise of such great importance, whereon depended not only the conservation of his Highness' Conquests, the security of his Crown, and the good of Christendom, but also the ruin of the Ottoman Empire, being the loss of this considerable place would be attended on with the surrender of the other Cities and Fortresses of Hungary, which would return to the Obedience of their natural Sovereign.  
The Generals, who expected to begin with the Siege of Agria or Alb-Royal, were overjoyed to understand that the design was upon Buda; and this News being spread amongst the Officers and Soldiers of the Armies, they all testified their Satisfaction by their forwardness, and their desire to see themselves before a Place where they might signalise their Valour, and revenge the Death of their Comrades, who had been interred in the Trenches of the former Siege.  
The Volunteers, to the number of six thousand, of all Quality and Conditions, which were come thither out of Germany, France, England, Spain, the Low-Countries, and other parts of Europe, to seek Honour in so pious a War, showed much Ardour and Zeal to signalise themselves in so glorious an undertaking. The Troops of the Circles were not yet come, and they of Brandenburg, who marched through Silesia, and the Straits of jabluncka, advanced but slowly by reason of the difficulty of their way, and could not come so soon as desired. But the Armies, to lose no time, discamped on the twelfth of june by break of day, the Duke of Lorraine taking his way by the Bridge of Gran, had passed it the thirteenth, the Troops of Saxony having the Vanguard. The Elector of Bavaria marched on this side the Danube to possess the City of Pest. Whilst the two Armies were thus marching on both sides the River, Count Rabatta, who was Commissary General, had caused a prodigious quantity of Gabions and Faggots, which the Soldiers had made as they came to the general Randezvouz, to keep them from Idleness, to be embarked and sent by Water towards Buda, together with the Artillery, Ammunitions, Provisions, Forage, and other necessary things for the subsistence of Armies. The next day the Armies advanced, the great one near Vicegrade, and the other by Vaccia.  
The fifteenth, the Imperial Horse, followed by the Foot, and their Cannon and Baggage, passed Vicegrade, some Prisoners having been made by a party that the Duke had sent to make Discoveries. These unanimously declared, that they of Agria and Alba Regalis fearing a Siege had refuged all their best Movables in Buda, and that this Capital City was, as well as the other Places, furnished with Troops and necessary Provisions to sustain a long Siege, in expectation of Relief.  
Being come within an hour of the Town without any encounter, the Horse made halt, as well to repose themselves, as to expect the coming up of their Infantry and Artillery, and now they begin to lay a Bridge of Boats at the Isle of St. Andrew for the Communication of the two sides of the Danube.  
On the eighteenth, the Baron of Diependal, General de Battalia, invested the City of Buda, whilst the Infantry were marching up, 
The Siege of Buda.  and taking up their Posts half a League from the place, they began to break Ground, and work at their Line of Circumvallation. A great party of Horse and Foot appeared out of the Garrison at the Vienna Port, but they returned again upon the advance of a Detachment of Imperial Horse, who had Orders to charge them, contented to welcome the Assailants with eight Volleys from their Cannon, though they killed but one Pioneer, by reason of the too great distance.  
The nineteenth, the Duke advanced with the Army as far as the hot Baths, the Turks having abandoned that Post the day before. The general Quarters were taken up within a quarter of a League of the Town. The same day the Elector of Bavaria seized upon the City of Pest, which the Turks had quitted, retiring with their Cannon, Ammunitions and Provisions into Buda, after they had broken part of the Bridge behind them. The Croats, who scouted about the Country, took a Turkish Chiaux, with a Convoy of forty Spahis, who was sent with Letters from the Port to the Visier of Buda. Being brought to the Camp, his Letters were examined, which contained rigorous Orders to the Visier, to be very careful of the Places which depended on his Government, and to assure him of a quick and powerful relief in case he were attacked.  
On the twentieth, the Bridge over the Danube was finished. The same day a party of Horse sallied out of the Town with design to surprise the Christians advanced Guard, but the Duke being advertised of it in time, sent four squadrons, to which many Volunteers joined themselves, with orders to charge them; but they upon their approach retired without any engaging. The Artillery being arrived, two Batteries were raised against the lower Town, where the Duke of Lorrains Attack was, and at Night the Trenches were opened. A Janisary who deserted, reported much after the same manner that the Prisoners already mentioned had done; that there were but eight thousand men of form Troops in the Town. The Visier having some time before sent two thousand Soldiers to Agria, and as many to Alba-Regalis, upon a supposition that the Christians would not think of besieging Buda, which had been so fatal to them but two years ago. This Runaway affirmed further, that the Place was abundantly furnished with all manner of Provisions and Ammunitions to sustain a very long Siege, that the Visier Abdi Bassa was no great Warrior, and therefore the less considered by the Soldiery; that he had assembled all the Officers and Soldiers of the Garrison together, had exhorted them to do their Duty, and to support with Honour the Glory of the Turban, adding, that he had Orders from the Grand Signior to defend the City with his Life, which he was resolved to do, and expect the Succours which the Grand Visier would infallibly bring them. To this the janissaries and Spahis replied, that they were ready to sacrifice their Lives in his Highness' Service, and for defence of their Laws, upon Condition however, that the Visier would immediately give them ten Crowns a Man, that the Soldiers and Officers that were detained in Prison for what Crime soever should be set at Liberty, and that he would not suffer things to come to the last extremity, lest the same misfortune might happen to them, as did to those of Newheusel, all which the Visier promised them to oberve exactly.  
I must acknowledge I am entering into a tedious Narrative and somewhat against my Humour, which affects lucid brevity; but the History of this Siege, perhaps circumstantially the greatest upon Record, full of such strange Events; of Emulation in the pursuit of Glory; of successful Temerity, and an invincible Resolution on the one side; as also the Fidelity, the Constancy, and the unfortunate Valour of the other, hurries me on to a description of it in all its particulars, which I will do with that Candour, that the very indifferent Reader shall find nothing that may justly shock him, and the curious wherewith to content him.  
The Elector of Bavaria, having left a Garrison at Pest, and passed the Bridge of Boats at the Isle of St. Andrew, came with his Army before the place, and took his Post in the same place where he had commanded in the preceding Siege, that is, on the Castle side, and the upper Town, to form the second attack, the third being reserved for the Brandenburgers, who were expected in a few days, and were to be reinforced with the Troops of Suabia and Franconia. That Night the Turks fired mightily upon them that worked in the Approaches and Batteries, whereof several were killed and hurt in the Lorraine Attack.  
The Duke sent all the Imperial and Bavarian Horse, under the command of the Generals Palfi, Gondola, and others, to camp in the Neighbourhood of Alba Regalis, on purpose to consume the Forage, and keep that Garrison in continual alarms, there remaining in the Camp but three thousand Imperial and fifteen hundred Bavarian Horse to secure the Trenches and Pioners. The Night passed, the Battery against the lower Town was brought to perfection, and twelve Pieces of Cannon mounted upon it, which played all the following day with the loss of five men slain, and several wounded, from break of day the Cannon continued firing with such success, that they made a breach in the Wall of the lower Town, which was found to be twenty paces large. In the mean time the Bavarians on their side carried their Approaches on with great diligence, and had also some killed and wounded.  
The day following, the breach being enlarged, was assaulted towards evening, the Walls being easily gained, for the Defendants retired into the upper Town after the first discharge. The Christians lost a Captain of Foot, a Lieutenant of Granadiers, some Soldiers, and six Volunteers in this attempt, besides seven or eight hurt; and from that time they began to attack the Town in form, it being resolved that the Trenches should be relieved every day by a Lieutenant General, and a Major General, as well in the Duke of Lorrain's attack, as in the Elector's. The 25 th' Count Souches and Diependal relieved the Trenches, but nothing was done besides assuring the Lodgement upon the Wall of the lower Town, and opening the Gate which the Turks had shut up on the right, far enough from the breach where they took Post, and that the Labourers might be less incommoded, General Souches caused fire to be put in the neighbouring Houses, where some Fuseliers did lurk, who were burnt with them. The Bavarians finished the same day a little Battery upon St. Gerard's Hill, which the Turks had abandoned, from whence they threw some small Bombs into the City to try experiments. They also finished another great Battery to beat the great Rondel which joins the Castle to the upper Town. The same day Count Budianis presented some Standards to the Duke of Lorraine, taken from a party of Turkish Horse, which convoyed fourteen or fifteen Barks loaden with the Wives and Children of the Officers of Buda, who retired with all their riches to Belgrade, and which his Heyduques and Hussars, reinforced with some Imperial Dragoons, had surprised and beaten at the Island of St. Margaret. The booty was great, and ninety-tw● Women and Children taken, amongst which was the Visier of Budas Wife.  
The 26 th', they made several traverse Lines, and laboured to complete the Approaches to secure their Quarters in the lower Town, which was furnished with two thousand Soldiers, and a good number of Pioners. The Earth being rude and stony, did much obstruct the Labourers. The great Master of the Teutonick Order, which commanded the Trenches, observing that the Pioners in the lower Town might be easily insulted and beaten by the Besieged, had upon his demand six Battalions sent him, which were posted along the Wall to countenance them. Two fugitives, who said they were Hungarians, rendered themselves, and confirmed that the Garrison was but eight thousand Combatants, who by order of the Visier had begun to untile the Houses, and unpave the Streets, to hinder the effect of the Bombs. In the evening betwixt six and seven a Clock, the Turks sallied out with great Cries, to intimidate them who were posted in the Rondel by the Water side, but they were so well received, that they retreated confusedly. Marshal Starenberg hastened thither seasonably with two Battalions of them that had been posted the day before behind the Wall, without which Succour the Turks would have made a great Slaughter amongst the Labourers. The Enemy was pursued, and the Soldiers cut off some Heads▪ which they presented to the Duke, who gave them a golden Ducat for each Head. A Captain was hurt in this scuffle, and ten or twelve Soldiers killed, and as many wounded.  
The Bavarians raised two Batteries for Bombs on the two sides of their great Battery. They carried on their Trench above one hundred paces, and ran three traverse Lines, with a place of Arms for the defence of their Battery. The Turks fired much with their Artillery, but killed only two Soldiers.  
The 27 th', the Christians completed the works they had made in the Night, new traverses were made, some Musketeers were placed in the Mosque of the old Town, a Post was taken on the right near the Gate which makes the Angle of the Upper Town, the Lines were enlarged, and deepned, and the great Battery was well-nigh finished, with the loss only of one Man, and some few wounded. This Morning the Enemy appeared where they had been yesterday, seemingly disposed to skirmish, but seeing that the Christians were ready to receive them, they retired without attempting any thing. About Eleven a Clock they sallied out, Horse and Foot, with design to dislodge the Besiegers posted on the right, but having stood a Volley, and seeing Count Hoffkirchen, Lieutenant Colonel to D. ●ewald, advancing with the Guards of Horse, they returned into the City, leaving twenty of their men dead behind them. Of the Christians there were but two killed, and five or six hurt. Another Deserter came out of Town, who reported, that the Governor was greatly perplexed, in that he saw the inevitable fall of the City, which the Grand Signior had committed to his charge, and that he lost in the Sallies his best Soldiers, without being able to ruin the Enemy's works; but that he resented nothing equally with the captivity of his Wife, and those of the Principal Officers of the Place, taken when they thought them past danger. In the Bavarian attack they finished a battery to play upon the Castle, and the Rondel that joins it to the City.  
The 28 th', in the Lorraine attack, a Line of Communication four hundred paces long was drawn from the Post at the Angle on the right to the middle Gate, and another Line was made to go to the new battery, upon which they planted twelve pieces of Cannon. A little one was likewise in hand for four Mortars which were carried thither that Night, with some Cart loads of Bombs. The besieged began to shoot Bombs and Stones out of Town. A Captain and sixteen Soldiers were wounded that Night, and some killed. The Duke of Lorraine, foreseeing that Forage would grow scarce in the Camp, sent most of the baggage Horses to the Meadows assigned them betwixt Gran and Newheusel. General Dunewald, who commanded the Horse, camped near Alb-Royal, advertised the Duke, that the Turks having abandoned the Castle of Bathyan upon the River of Zarvis, he had put men into it, and that he was going to make a tentative upon Palotta, a place of good strength near Alb-Royal.  
The twenty ninth, they continued to complete their Works, and the Duke augmented the number of the Labourers with an addition of six hundred more. The besieged made no Sallies these two days, but they plied their Artillery more furiously than ordinary to ruin the Christians great Battery. About five a Clock they sallied upon the Bavarian attack, with two thousand Horse and Foot, with so much Success, that they put the Besiegers into much disorder, and the Janissaries leaping into the Approaches, were busy in throwing of them down, when Count Hoffkirch flying thither with the Guard of Horse from the Duke of Lorrain's Quarter, and the Bavarian Generals with their reserves, the fight was rude on both sides, till the Turks were forced to retreat, being pursued even to the Gates of their City, notwithstanding the continued fire from their Cannon and Muskets from the Walls. Prince Eugenius of Savoy had his Horse killed under him. Prince Lewis of Baden, and the Generals Fontaine and la Vargne signalised themselves in this Action, as also the Volunteers, and particularly the Prince of Commercy. Switterdael, a Bavarian lieutenant-colonel was slain, as also six Volunteers, with thirty seven Soldiers, besides sixty two wounded, one Captain, two Lieutenants, and an Ensign. The loss on the Turks side was greater, being the Christians brought away sixty of their Heads, besides what a fugitive Rascian reported, that the Turks had had near two hundred killed and wounded. That Evening the four Mortars placed by the great Battery began to play into the besieged Works. Six Culverins were also planted upon the old Battery, wherewith they designed to shoot into the Town Gate, to incommode the Sallies of the besieged.  
The thirtieth, the Troops of Suabia and Franconia arrived in the Camp, and took the Posts designed for them; all the Night and Day were employed to advance the Works, which are so numerous, that they are scarce distinguishable. Count Souches, who commanded the Trenches that day, having sent three Granadeer to discover the distance betwixt the Approaches and the Rondel, they brought word that it was no more than three hundred paces, and that the Turks were making a Ditch at the foot of the said Rondel. Every Night great store of Gabions, Faggots, Munitions, and Provisions, arrived in the Camp, by the care of the Commissary General, Count Rabatta. Count Caprara parted from the Camp with the Suabian Horse, to join those encamped near Alb-Royal, and to command the whole in chief. Five Rascian Shepherds, feeding their Sheep without under the Walls, slipped insensibly into the Bavarian Quarters with at least four hundred, where they were well received and gratified. All they could say was, that the Consternation was great amongst the besieged, who were yet resolved to defend themselves, in expectation of the Succours they were in hope for. They added, that the Bombs and Carcases had fired the Town in several Places, though it had been luckily enough extinguished.  
The first of july, Count Starenberg showed General Schoning, who commanded the Bradenburg Auxiliaries, and arrived in the Camp the Night before, the Approaches and the Attacks which were reserved for his Troops, which was on the Water side on the left of the Imperialists, after which he was magnificently treated by the Duke of Lorraine, from whence he went to join his Troops which were expected the next, or the following day. This Morning the Imperialists began to shoot out of their new Battery, out of four Pieces which shot twenty four pound Bullets. The five Mortars by the great Battery continued to play upon the Rondel on the right, with such Success that the Defendants durst not show themselves there. The Works were completing, and there were two Redoubts made to secure the Communication with the great Battery. This Night there were but five hurt, and one killed, and this Morning an Adjoutant General was hurt in the Head with a Musquet-shot, as he was carrying Orders into the Approaches. There happened nothing in the Bavarian Quarters, where they only continued their Labour and their Batteries, made a Breach in the outward Rampart. The rest of the Troops of Franconia, consisting in fourteen hundred Foot, arrived there, who were placed near the rest of the same Circle.  
The second, the Lorraine Attack advanced within two hundred Paces of the Walls of the City. The battery of twelve Guns of twenty four pound Balls was finished, and four other Mortars that played without ceasing all the last Night, fired the Town near the great Church, which lasted till Morning; the Cannon was plied all this day against the two first Rondels, which are in a manner defenceless. Two Battalions more were sent to reinforce those who were camped under the Wall of the old Town. The besieged threw again many Bombs and Stones, but with little prejudice to the Besiegers, killing them not above three or four Soldiers. The Troops of Suaben began to work at their line of Circumvallation, and purposed the following Night to raise a Battery upon a height which they possessed. The Bavarians thundered furiously against the Castle and upper Town, and had thrown many Bombs which had kindled a fire that was not yet extinguished. The Duke apprehending that the Turks might when it was dark, put, by the help of small barks, Men, and Ammunition into the Town, went in Person to discover the suspected Places about Pest, commanding the Prince of Savoys Regiment of Dragoons to post themselves there, to assist the Hungarians who were already there, and had Orders to raise some Sconces along the River side for their Security.  
On the third of july, the Brandenburg Troops were seen to march on the other side of the Danube. The Duke of Lorraine went to visit them, where he was received by General Schoning with a triple Salvo of all the Foot, ranged in battalia, with their Cannon at the head of the Infantry. His Highness was treated there with much Gallantry, and afterwards returned to his Quarters extremely satisfied to see such a fine body of Men, so brisk, so well disciplined, and provided with such a good Train of Artillery. The Imperialists finished another line for to defend their Approaches. They made such great fire with their Cannon and Mortars, that they did not only make a notable breach in the Wall, but ruined also the batteries upon the two first Rondels, so that there was no more shooting thence. The Bavarians carried their lines to the very Castle, and made a new battery on the right towards the Danube, upon which they placed nine Mortars with success. They shot also three days together from another battery of seven Demi-canon upon the Rondel; whilst they played from another with four Guns upon the Flanks. They moreover worked at another of eight Cannon to batter the left of the Rondel. In the Lorraine attack there were seven slain, and several hurt. Amongst the rest of the Deserters, there was an Ensign of the Janissaries, who quitted the Town for having (as he said) killed a Turkish Officer. He affirmed that there was but fifteen hundred real Janissaries in the place, but that counting the spahis, Albamans, and other Troops, they amounted to seven thousand Combatants; He added, that the Bombs and Carcases had already ruined many buildings, and occasioned a great loss of Men and cattle. He further said, that the besieged were busy in making Mines behind the breach on the Lorraine side, and that no body had hitherto entered into the place. General Dunewald had desisted from his design upon Pallotta, because the place was provided with a good Garrison. The Turks there killed some of those who were sent to discover. Those of Alb-Royal attacked and disordered also some Foragers of Horse quartered in their Neighbourhood, and amongst others killed Count Papenheim, a Captain of Horse in the Troops of Bavaria.  
july 4 th', The Approaches of the Lorraine attack were run within one hundred paces of the breach in the Rondel to the right. The besieged began to run a Line out of the said breach, which they lengthened till within fifty paces of the Christians, to render their approach more difficult; and however, they fired continually with their small shot, and threw a multitude of stones, yet they killed and wounded but thirteen men. The besiegers had now fourteen Mortars mounted, out of which they perpetually tossed Bombs and Carcases. There was nothing done at the Bavarian attack, but securing the works, and heightening the batteries. A Pole, who had served amongst the Turks, came over this morning, and reported that the besieged were resolved to surrender, if they were not relieved in a Month's time. Another Runaway came this Afternoon, and declared, that five Turkish Cavaliers were by the means of a little Bark landed on Pest side, who were by several ways to endeavour to arrive where the Seraskier was, and press the Succours which had been promised them. The Duke of Lorraine dispatched some Horse towards Voitfar to consume the Forage there, and watch the Enemy's motion. A party of Tartars fell upon the Foragers on the other side the Danube, and took some Horses, and two Grooms belonging to the Prince of Baden, out of the Island of St. Margaret: the following Night, sixty Granadiers with some Workmen were sent to ruin the Line which the besieged had begun before the breach of the Rondel, which lucked so well, that they filled the Ditch with the loss of two Soldiers only. The breaches were every day enlarged, as well on the Lorraine as the Bavier attack, and what the Turks repaired in the night, was thrown down by day. All the Troops of Brandenburg are at present arrived in their Quarters. The Turks made a sally upon them in the Night, who, though they were well received, and pursued even to the Town Gate, yet they killed many brave men of the besieged, and amongst the rest Field-Marshal General Dorfeling's Son, two Lieutenants, and twenty-seven Soldiers, with the like number wounded.  
jul. 6. A line of communication was made from the Lorraine attack to that of Brandenburg, which is but fifty paces from the Rondel of the middle Gate, and about sixty from the breach on the right. This morning they shot the Cannon with that fury, that they quite threw down the two Rondels, and the Curtain, and at night throwing Bombs and Carcases without ceasing, they caused a fire to burn on the right of the Rondel, that could not be quenched in less than three hours' time. The Brandenburgers advanced their works briskly, their Generals of Battalia's keeping alternatively in the Trenches. They had eight slain and six wounded, besides a Captain of Granadeer, Lieutenant Colonel Fonk was also hurt in the Leg, and six more of the Lorraine attack, besides two killed.  
jul. 7. The Night preceding, very many Bombs were thrown with success, being they fired the Town in two places, but upon the arrival of the Engeneer Gonzales, it was presumed the Town would be thundered with greater violence, he is expected in two or three days in the Camp, where the Cannon, Mortars, Bombs, Carcases, and other artificial fireworks of his invention are already arrived: The besieged made this morning a sally upon the Brandenburgers with Horse and Foot, but to their prejudice, being beaten back with disorder. Yesterday the Miners began to work in the Lorraine attack to widen the breaches, and this Night the same will be done in that of Bavaria, where they have finished two new Batteries, one of ten, and the other of seven Cannons, besides a third on the Water side, to better the attacked Rondel, and a Post by which the besieged used to creep out into a covered way which they had made before the Rondel. Yesterday the Bavarians had carried their approaches to the very foot of the Castle, so that they could come no nearer before the breach was enlarged. The works in the Lorraine attack were so near the Wall, that they could advance no further, but by lodging in the breach. There were about fifty killed and hurt in the three attacks. The besieged shot a Bomb, which falling upon one of the out-Batteries into a Barrel of Powder, killed nine Cannoneers that attended there.  
The 8 th', Two new Batteries, each of three Demi-canon, were raised in the Lorraine attack nearer the Walls, and on the left, where they were equally advanced with the right, the approaches were advanced to the Wall of the Rondel; and as these Works were so near, there were twenty-five hurt and wounded, most with Stones and Granades, amongst whom Major General Thungen was one, Major Bischosshausen had his Arm broke with a Musket, and some other Officers wounded. The Miners which were attacked to the right of the Rondel, had not yet encountered the Enemy's Mines. At night they will plant others to the left of the middle Rondel. Some Peasants having found means to escape out of Town, came to the Camp, affirming, that there were still above three hundred men which worked continually at the Mines and Retrenchments which the besieged made behind their Walls, for their retreat in case of necessity.  
july the ninth, the whole Night was spent in shooting of Bombs and Carcases into the City, to keep the besieged in Action, and take away their desire of repose, but these perceiving at break of day that the Enemy had made a Gallery of Planks to pass the Miners to the middle Rondel, they rolled down many Bombs, threw many Granados, and other artificial Fire, with combustible stuff in such abundance, that the Planks were burnt, and the Gallery reduced to Ashes. At five in the Morning the besieged sprung a Mine some Paces from the Wall, betwixt the middle Rondel, and that at the Gate with Success, being it overturned one of the Christians Mines, with the loss of seven or eight of the Miners. They seconded this with a sharp Sally, disordered the Workmen, ruined their Labours, and posted themselves betwixt the Imperialists and Brandenburgers, but the reserve coming to their Aid from their place of Arms, they forced them back into the Town. There were above eighty of the two Attacks killed and wounded in this Adventure, one of their chief Cannoneers slain, and several subaltern Officers. The besieged lost as many; Notwithstanding this check, the Works were continued with the same Vigour in the Approaches, Lines, and Galleries. On the Bavarian side they ruined the little Port from their Battery with ten demi Cannons, and the breach there was very spacious.  
july the tenth, At the Lorraine Attack they worked all Night to repair the Batteries and the Approaches which the besieged had ruined in the former Sally, and to redress the Gallery which they had burnt, and the Miners were again fired that Night. At the Bavarian Attack the Miners worked under the Palizade of the Rondel, and under the Wall, with hopes of completing their Mines in three days; several were slain, amongst whom was Lieutenent-Collonel Wachtenheim. The Christians had Intelligence by their Spies, that the Turks, to the number of seven thousand, reinforced with some Tartars who ravaged the Country, had a design to introduce a new Commander, with a recruit of Troops into Buda, which obliged the Duke of Lorraine to command some Foot to post themselves on the other side of the Danube, and upon occasion to join with the Horse that were there already, and meet and fight the Enemies.  
july the eleventh, This evening five demi Cannons were mounted on the two new Batteries in the Lorraine Attack, and two Mortars planted in a little Fort, with the loss only of two killed, and five hurt. The Brandenburgers placed three pieces in battery, and would plant more the Night following to shoot glowing Bullets into the City. The Bavarians fortified their Attack by two Redoubts. Yesterday in the Evening four hundred Foot were ordered to raise some Defences on Pest side near the Danube, to hinder lest any thing should pass that way into Buda.  
july the twelfth, All the Batteries of Lorraine and Brandenburg were completed, and the first lines of these two Attacks were so joined, that men could pass from the one to the other undiscovered, by the Enemy's Fire. And now they were so near the Walls, the besieged did perpetually throw hand Granades and Stones to incommode the Workmen, but without any great harm: The Miner on the left found himself much advanced under the Wall, but they met with more difficulty on the right, and so they would enlarge the breach by force of their Cannon. The Count the Souches inspected the breach by order of the Field Marshal Starenberg, and it was found spacious enough to be assaulted. The Brandenburgers began to shoot their inflamed Bullets and Bombs out of twenty two Cannons, and two Mortars, but with no great Success, being the Besieged had uncovered all their Houses. The Bombs and Carcases invented by the Franciscan Friar were highly esteemed. They now only plained and enlarged the Breaches, and prepared themselves for the assault. There were nine hurt and three slain with Granades and Stones. The Breach in the great Rondel on the Bavarian side was large enough, and the Miner was at work under the Pallizade of the Ditch. The Duke having Intelligence that the Seraskier was advanced with some thousands of Turks near Hatwan, commanded 3000 Horse, and six Battalions of Foot, Imperialists, Brandenburgers, and Bavarians, under the Conduct of General Mercy, to pass the Danube, and post themselves on the other side of the Bridge, to hinder the Turks to put a recruit of Troops into the City, with the new designed Commander, Achmet Bassa, who had the Reputation of being one of the best Officers that the Grand Signior had in his Service.  
july the thirteenth, This morning the besieged sprung a Mine under the middle Rondel near the Christians Mine, which was already finished, which Mine did what the besiegers designed, by throwing down part of the Rondel, where they had no breach as yet. There were two hundred Turks ready to fly into the adverse Works as soon as the Mine took, but seeing it had a contrary effect to what they designed, they retired. All things being disposed for an assault, thereby to make a lodgement upon the Wall, Count Starenburg directed the attack in the manner following. Count Guydo Starenburg commanded on the right of the Rondel, Count Herberstein the middle of the Curtain, and Count Aversberg, all three field Officers, on the left. They had each of them two hundred and eighty Soldiers; the Engineers, Granadeer, Fuseliers, Carpenters, and Pioners, were posted betwixt two, and the rest, to the number of two thousand, were divided into three bodies of Reserves to support the Assailants: the Volunteers who had demanded the point, mingled themselves with the first. Betwixt seven and eight a Clock the signal for the Assault was given, by a discharge from all the Batteries, and a shower of Bombs and Carcases which were discharged upon the City, and the Retrenchments which the besieged had made behind the breach; and notwithstanding all the resistance of the besieged, the Christians mounted the breach, where the Combat was very rude and obstinate on both sides for three quarters of an hour, with all possible bravery. The besieged sprung a Mine under the Assailants first line, which buried Captain Kalkreiter, and some Soldiers. But seeing they could not take post for want of Earth, that they could not force the Pallizadoed Retrenchment behind the breach, and that the chief Officers were already all hurt or slain, by the continual fire of the besieged; it was thought expedient to make a retreat; five or six leaped over the Turks Retrenchment, but being ill followed, got off with the rest. The Regiments of Souches and Mansfeld suffered most in this Action, and that of Starenburg was also ill treated. There were more than four hundred killed and wounded, but the loss of so many brave Officers and Volunteers who lost their Lives there, were particularly deplored: but few that were hurt escaped, which begot a belief that the Turks shot with envenomed Bullets. Amongst the dead were Count Herberstein, Count Kuffstein, and another Captain of the same Regiment, the Baron roll, three Captains more, and eight Lieutenants and Ensigns. Of Volunteers that were slain there, or died of their Wounds, the Duke of Vexar, a Grandee of Spain, who was one of the first upon the breach, was one, a Son of Prince Roberts, with another English Lord, the Baron of Scheyffer, the young Count of Courmaillon, a Conte of Dona, and seven or eight more of Quality. Amongst the wounded, as well Officers as Volunteers, were reckoned Count Guydo Starenburg, Count Aversperg, the Prince of Veldens of the House of the Palatinat, Prince Picolomini, two English Lords, the Duke of Escalona, a Grandee of Spain, the Marquis of Valero, Brother to the Duke of Vexar, the Prince of Commercy, and more than thirty other Persons of mark. The Spaniards and the English distinguished themselves by a noble Emulation, opposing the greatest Fury of the Turks. The English were so ill treated, that of twenty of them, all Persons of Quality, there were but six of them that were not slain or wounded. The loss of the besieged was also great, for they had two hundred of their bravest men wounded and killed. The Duke of Lorraine, and Marshal Count Starenburg were present in this Action, giving Orders every where as occasion required. It was believed that the Brandenburgers would have attempted somewhat on their side, but they excused it because their breach was not large enough. On the Bavarian side there was a notable breach made in the Rondel and in the Wall that covers the Castle, which the besieged repaired by Night with Gabions, Pallizadoes, and Faggots.  
july the fourteenth, The whole Night and Day were employed in inhuming the Dead, and repairing the Approaches, in planting more Cannon upon the Batteries, and in advancing the Mines. Two Galleries were likewise framed betwixt the second and third Rondel. The Duke of Lorraine having also sent for three Regiments of Horse from Alba-Regalis to reinforce General Mercy, they passed the Bridge this Morning to go on Pest side. The besieged sprung a Mine in the Bavarian Attack on the left of the Castle Rondel, which succeeded ill. His Electoral Highness having caused eight Parapets of thick Oaken Planks to be made, shod with Iron, of a new Invention, each capable of securing a hundred armed Men, they were thought proper to be used in Attacks and Assaults. The same day the Bavarians discovered and disappointed two Mines of the Enemies.  
july 15 th', They continued to work in their Lines, and being lodged close to the Wall, the Besieged were heard to work under the Breach. Gonzales the Spanish Engineer being now come, Bombs and Carcases were thrown into the Town, which did great Execution. Upon the Advice that the Duke of Lorraine had, that the Turks that had passed the Tibiscus near Segedin, were still encamped under the Cannon of Hatwan, he caused two Regiments of Horse more to join Mercy to oblige the Enemy to repass the Tibiscus.  
july 16 th', A new Battery was raised in the Lorraine Attack without the Wall of the lower Town to the right against the great Rondel, the which was also battered on the other side to render the Breach larger, and themselves Masters of it. A Rascian, with Letters which the Governor of the Place had entrusted him to carry to him of Alb-Royal, came and delivered them to the Duke; but they being writ in the Armenian Language, and no Interpreter in the Camp, they were sent to Vienna to be deciphered. Some Peasants got out of the Town reported, that the Janissaries had begun to murmur against the Bassa, as designing to hold out to the last extremity, but that he had by the Punishment of the most mutinous, by his Liberality, and the assurance he had given them of speedy relief, reassured them to that degree, that they promised to hold out with their Lives. This Evening the Elector of Bavaria commanded 150 men, seconded by a greater number to go and attack the Palizado which was in the Ditch at the foot of the Rondel of the Castle. Lieutenant-General Count Fountain was on the right of the Attack, and General Count Aspremont at the left. They used three of the above mentioned wooden Parapets for the first time with Success, and they attacked this Post so vigorously, that they carried it with their Swords in their Hands, cutting in pieces all them that defended it, but they sold their Lives dearly, being the Assailants lost Count Fountain and 35 Soldiers, and Volunteers. Count Aspermont received a Contusion in his Head by the stroke of a Musket which knocked off his Steel Cap. The Captains Gottalinsky and Vaubon were dangerously hurt, with divers others. This Post gave access to the Rondel.  
july 17 th', Yesterday the Besieged began to fire from a new Battery of four great Guns, which they had raised upon the inward Wall; but General Starenberg having commanded all the Cannon that could bear to shoot that way, they were quickly silenced and disabled. About Noon twenty or thirty Janissaries appeared upon the Breach of the Rondel to the right, as if they had designed a Sally, but those in the Trenches having given them a Volley, they quickly retired. The Brandenburgers and Bavarians did nothing but complete their Works, besides their continual firing from their Batteries.  
july 18 th', A new line was advanced to the right, the better to cover the Miners, and be of use in the subsequent Assault. The Brandenburgers augmented their great Battery with three pieces of Cannon. Nor were the Bavarians idle, their Miners working under the Wall behind the palizado Moat, of which they were in possession. The Besieged did not much appear by day, but in the Night time kept continual firing, killing a great many of the Besiegers with their Stones and Granades, which they threw into their Works.  
jul. 19 The Cannon was mounted upon the new Battery, and the Line was strengthened with two small Forts. Last night the Besieged sprung a Mine behind our Miners, who worked under the Wall, which endamaged our Mine, into which a new entry was to be made to make it serviceable. Some of the Christian Miners were covered with earth, most of which were pulled out again, except Libert their Captain, who could not be found. Mr. Kerry, a Scotch Gentleman, with seven or eight Soldiers were killed in the approaches, besides others wounded. The Duke of Lorraine, assisted by the General persons of his Army, held a Council of War this morning, but the result was kept secret. Some Deserters assured the Duke, that the Besieged resolved to make no composition, but to expect the Relief which the Grand Visier would bring them.  
jul. 20. The new Line in the Lorraine attack was completed. There were three false alarms given to harass the Besieged, by causing some Granadeer to run up the Breach, and throw their Granado's into the place, upon which the Turks hastening to the defence, they were saluted with Volleys of Cannon, Bombs, and Carcases, not without execution. These kind of attacks were frequently used to keep the Enemy in continual alarms, and in ignorance of the time of the real Assault. In the mean time the Mines were vigorously carried on, and a certain Germane undertook a new one, which he undertook to finish in two or three days. In the attacks of Brandenburg and Bavaria, the Miners hoped to be the following Night under the Rondels, continuing to batter the Walls with great fury, and to shoot glowing Bullets, Bombs and Carcases into the City, which produced much disorder. Upon advice that the Turks disposed themselves to attempt to put relief into the Town, the Ditch of the Circumvallation was deepened, and fortified with certain Redoubts, the better to secure the Besiegers, to which purpose 200 Heyducks were added to the number of Pioners.  
jul. 21. The principal working was now at the Mines, which were made in three several places, and would suddenly be ready. Captain Libert, notwithstanding all the diligence that had been used to dig and remove the earth to seek him, had not been found. He was a Wal●on by Nation, and was regretted by all the Generals, and such who had skill of his knowledge in conducting of Mines. The Miners were now within hearing of each other. A Battery was also raised for four Mortars, near the three Spanish Pieces which beat upon the Rondel on the right, and they resolved to approach all the Cannon and Mortars nearer the Breaches, to batter them with more force, that they might enlarge them with more ease, and ruin the Enemy's Defences, which were behind the said Breaches. There were twenty-seven slain and wounded only at the Lorraine attack; amongst the dead were Major Bacneburg a Dane, and Captain Lerneux the 5 th' of Starenberg's Regiment. Gonzales' Bombs and Carcases had the Success expected, and by report of a Fugitive, one of those Bombs sunk into a House where a hundred Persons of both Sexes were retired, who all miserably perished in the Ruins of it. The Bavarians finished their Battery near the Rondel, and began another on the Water side, to canonade the Flanks of the City on that side. At present, being the three Attacks were advanced as far as the Breaches, which were large enough, all things were disposed for a general Assault, two thousand Ladders being got ready for false and seeming Attacks by scaling the Walls, whilst others mounted the Breaches.  
july 22 th', There happened nothing at the Lorraine or Brandenburg Attack, the Turks sprung two Mines this Morning, which did nothing but ruin a part of the Curtain, where there was no Breach. The new Battery of four Guns upon the brink of the Ditch of the Rondel in the Bavarian Attack being finished, the Turks came there at break of day, and gave them a bloody Serenade, for a strong party of them having slipped out by the Bridge on the right, they crept into the Ditch along the Palisade, and being come to the Battery, before they were discovered, by favour of the Darkness, they began to howl and make terrible cries, nailing up three Cannon, and a Mortar, and ruining part of the Battery: The Saxons of the neighbouring Posts ran to the noise, but were disordered. The Regiment of Prince Lewis of Baden, which was upon the Reserve, arrived seasonably, and repulsed the Turks with the loss of thirty men, which was but a sorry compensation considering the loss on the other side, where above one hundred were killed and wounded, the most Saxons and Bavarians. Amongst the slain, Colonel Lebel, a Saxon was one, besides several Subalterns, and Geschwint, Colonel of the Artillery, was dangerously wounded with a Scimitar. The Turks got no great advantage by this Sally, for the Nails being easily drawn, they began in a very little time to play again, as if they never had been nailed. And the revenge which was returned was sudden and fatal, for a Bomb of the Bavarians falling into the Magazine of Powder in the Castle, 
The Castle is blown up.  blew it up with such a terrible destruction and noise, that the whole City did not only tremble with the blow, but also the whole Camp, and, as was afterward reported by some fugitives, more than one thousand persons of all ages were buried in the ruins, the stones being thrown up with the violence of the Powder in such abundance, that they fell like Hail into the approaches, that many of the Besiegers were hurt by them.  
jul. 23. The Duke of Lorraine, his Mines being now all ready, and all things ready for an assault, sent the Count of Koningsec with an Interpreter to the Besieged to summon them to surrender. In this interval there was a cessation of Arms on both sides, which was employed in burying the slain. The said Count, after two hours stay, returned into the Camp with a Letter from Abdi Bassa, in a Purse of Crimson Damask, which he delivered the Duke. The answer was fierce and arrogant, implying, that not being necessitated to surrender, he could not be capable of so abject a thought, that he fought for the glory of his Prophet, and the honour of the Musselmen; that he and his Garrison were resolved to try the utmost extremity, and to defend the place with their latest breath. That the Government had been entrusted to his care by the Grand Signior, which he would preserve for him, or lose his life; that when the Duke should come to wrest it from him, he should find him upon the Breach to dispute his entrance, and that he might order the assault when he pleased, he would expect him there without stirring a foot. The Duke having read this brave answer, caused all the Batteries to fire with more fury than formerly, and all the preparatives for a general Assault to be made ready, for which purpose he sent for some thousands of Hungarian Foot, who had voluntarily offered to be the first that should mount the Breaches.  
So fierce an answer, and so brave a defence, makes it apparent, that the impressions which the Runaways had at the beginning of the Siege given of Abdi Bassa's conduct, were very false, affirming he was despised by the Soldiery, as being more a Merchant than a Man of War; and the Serasquier was in the wrong in designing to remove him, for it is to be presumed that scarce any other would have eluded the efforts of so great an Army so long time. A Pole was observed by the Guards in secret conference with two Turks, but upon his return to the Camp was seized upon, visited and examined, and being found to be a Spy, he was immediately hanged. This evening a Bavarian Gunner was apprehended, as he was going over to the Enemy.  
jul. 24 th', This morning about eight a Clock a great Mine was sprung in the Lorraine attack, and 300 men were commanded to lodge upon the Breach, together with some hundreds of Hungarians, but the Mine had a contrary effect to what was designed, for it ruined and overthrew part of their own Approaches, and filled their Lines with Earth, besides the slaughters of 100 men killed and wounded. The Duke upon this ill success, caused the firings of the Batteries to be redoubled to enlarge the Breaches, year 1683. to render them in a Condition to be mounted without any new Mines. The new Battery which the Bavarians raised by the Water side would be ready at Night, and that which they had already raised upon the brink of the Ditch, had made a great gap in the Wall on the right. By intercepted Letters he was also informed, that the Great Visier highly encouraged the Besieged to defend themselves, assuring them that by the eighth or tenth of August he would come to their relief with a formidable Army. General Caraffa who commanded the Imperial Troops upon the River Tibiscus, sent an Officer to the Duke of Lorraine, and the Elector of Bavaria, with an account of a great Advantage which he had had over the Garrison of Agria by the means of two Ambushes which he had laid for the Turks, which lucked so well, that having drawn six hundred of the Garrison into them, he quite defeated them, killed three hundred upon the Place, with Osman Bassa the Commander of Agria, and took forty Prisoners, together with the Vice Bassa, who was dangerously wounded.  
july 25 th', The whole Night was spent in repairing the Works ruined by the Mine, which had been sprung with so much disadvantage. The Duke pressed forward the Preparatives for the General Assault with all possible Vigour, having ordered the making of Places of Arms, or Parades, as were necessary, within the Lines and Approaches. Betwixt four and five the Besieged put fire to a Mine on the right of the Rondel, in pursuance whereof they sallied with two hundred Men, but were repulsed by the Guard that were in readiness with the loss of fourteen men. A little after, they sallied again in greater numbers to the left, where the Brandenburgers were, who likewise repulsed them. They returned yet the third time with more Troops, and put the Brandenburgers Guards into disorder, which obliged the Duke of Lorraine to order the Reserve which was posted at the Wall of the lower Town to advance, which General Souches, who commanded the Trenches, had divided into three parts, whereof one was placed to the left on the Water side, another in the Approaches, and the third was commanded to keep by the Mosque. The Duke moreover caused the Battalions of Mansfelt, Salm, Souches, and Lorraine, to advance to the right. The Skirmishing lasted a good time, the Turks retiring often, and as soon returning with great fury and outcries. The Hayducks after the first discharge did also charge the Turks, but gave way, occasioning much confusion amongst them upon the left of the Mosque, from whence the Besieged gave brisk fire with their Cannon, though without any great harm, so that seeing they could profit nothing by a longer stay, they retired into the Town. Count Starenberg, who had singalized himself, lucked better than his Adjoutant, who had both his Legs shot off. The Battalions of Souches and Mansfelt were ill treated, and had most dead. The Baron of Asthi was hurt in the Foot, and the Baron of Hoghenworth slain, and several subaltern Officers killed and hurt, besides above a hundred private Soldiers. But the loss on the Enemy's side was much greater, as was reported by a Dutch Boy who run out of Town, where he had been since the Siege of Vienna, having been sold by a Tartar to a Citizen of Buda. This Boy said further, that the Turks made great Retrenchments within the Place, and that the Garrison consisted still of at least five thousand fight men.  
july 26 th', Never was more Diligence used since the Siege began in carrying on the Lines and Approaches, than last Night, year 1685. and all this Day to make the Places of Arms, which are finished, and at present every thing is disposed of for the general Assault, and posting themselves upon the Breaches, the Rondels, and the Walls, and consequently to render themselves Masters of this important Place, which had cost the Christians so much Blood. The Besieged made a little sally on the Bavarian Attack, but having stood the first discharge, were forced to retreat as fast as they came.  
july 27 th', Every thing being disposed for the general Assault, and the Troops that were to be employed in it at their Rendezvouzes in all the three Attacks, it was resolved that the Onset should be given at five a Clock in the Evening, to which end the Duke had distributed his Orders to all the Officers high and low, how they were to act. The Faggots, Gabions, Spades, Mattocks, Hatchets, and Sacks with Earth, were there in great abundance, as well to break the Enemy's Retrenchments, as to cover the Assailants when they should be Masters of the Breaches. The signal was given from Pest by some Cannon shot, and the Assault was carried on in manner following. Forty Granadeer under the command of a Captain, one Lieutenant, and one Sergeant; were at the head of the Rondel to the right hand, they were followed by fifty Fuseliers and Soldiers, with Hatchets, commanded also by a Captain-Lieutenant, and a Sergeant, with a hundred men carrying Spades and Mattocks, supported by two Captains, two Lieutenants, two Sergeants, and two hundred Musqueteers, all under the Conduct of the Prince of Newburg, Great Master of the Teutonick Order, who had the Direction of this Attack. That of the middle toward the Curtain was directed by Lieutenant General Souches; there were fifty Granadeer under a Captain, Lieutenant and Sergeant, a hundred Fuseliers, two hundred men with Hatchets, and to second them two hundred Musqueteers, divided into two squadrons, which were followed with a hundred and fifty more, with Shovels and Mattocks: The Attack on the left of the little Rondel was ordered by the Brandenburgers a●ter the same manner. Behind the Sacks filled with Earth, Wool, and the like, in the second line were posted a party of choice Harquebusiers, who were not to stir thence, but fire continually upon the Turks, who stood there themselves in the Breaches. The Heyducks, commanded by the Lieutenant Governor of Raab, were posted on the Water side, where a great part of the Wall had been thrown down by the fire of the Magazine already mentioned; they were only to make a false Attack, being seconded by a Major with some select Companies. The chief Officers were dispersed into several Posts to execute the functions of their Employments; and thus Nigrelli, General of Battalia, Colonel k, Lieutenant Colonel Rederer, and the Major of Staremberg assisted the grand Master of the Teutonick Order. General Souches had for Assistants Diependal, Count Octtingen, Lieutenant Colonel jorger, and the Major of Crop's Regiment. There were above 1200 men of reserves in the covered way, commanded by General Thungen, under twelve Captains, twelve Lieutenants, and other subaltern Officers, with all the other Lieutenant Colonels and Majors, to succeed in the place of those that should be slain or wounded. The 1200 Musqueteers were to advance in small parties in the Lines as the other gained ground; the rest of the Foot were at their Arms ready to engage, and all the Generals in the Trenches. year 1686. In this order the Soldiers full of Hopes and Courage went to the Assault, and mounted the Breaches. They found great Opposition, particularly at the great Rondel where the Breach was high, and the Defendants very numerous and resolute. The Christians were beat back two or three times, but returning still to the Assault, they at length took possession of the Breach, and posted themselves in it. The Brandenburgers took the Wall of the little Rondel. The Combat lasted from five till nine a Clock with great effusion of Blood, not so much by the Turks Arms as their Mines, and Powder which they had strewed in great quantities in several places, which they successively fired as they were forced from their Posts. There could be nothing more lamentable than to see two or three hundred men at once tossed up by force of the Mines, which were most killed, or grievously wounded. And yet the Besieged could not terrify the Christians, nor hinder them by their obstinate resistance to lodge upon the Rondels and the Curtain. The Hayducks apprehending the fire, failed in their false alarming on the Water side. The Duke and General Staremberg were near the Great Master with their Swords in their Hands, encouraging the Officers and Soldiers to do well, and the Prince of Croy was in the middle near the Curtain, where he was hurt. The Night being come put an end to the fight, and it was spent in securing their Lodgments with two Lines of Communication from the Approaches to the possessed Rondels, and the Miners were fastened to the inner Wall of Retrenchment, where the Turks fortified themselves. This Assault was one of the bloodiest, the most hardy, and best disputed that ever was seen, whether we consider the bravery and intrepidness of the Assailants, or the obstinate Valour of the Defendants. The number of the slain, amongst whom was Adjoutant General Attein, was not very great, but that of the wounded very surprising, of which Catalogue were the Prince of Croy, the P●●nce of Comme●cy, General Diependael, General Thungen, the Baron of Asti, the Major of Starenberg, Lieutenant Colonel Redere, Major Pini, Conte Schlick, Baron Gera, and many other Captains and subaltern Officers. On the Brandenburg side, Count Dona, Colonel of Foot was slain, Major Marwitz, and the Prince of Curland grievously wounded, with very many others.  
At the Bavarian Attack the Elector had ordered the Assault in this manner. The Palizades upon the Breach having been burnt the day before by forty choice Soldiers, the Elector commanded a Lieutenant with 20 Fuseliers, a Sergeant, six Volunteers, and ten Granadeer, and a Corporal, with six Carpenters to cut the Palisades, an 100 Musqueteers with their Officers were ordered to post themselves at the Enemies Palizade, and to shoot without ceasing to favorise the Pioners to make the Lodgement upon the Rondel, amongst which there were twenty five with Spades and Pickaxes and 75 with Hatchets commanded by a Captain, and seconded by a lieutenant-colonel, a Major and a Captain, with fifty men armed with half Pikes, Halberds, and Partisans, by a Lieutenant with thirty Granadeer, and by 200 Musqueteers under two Captains and two Lieutenants. Things being thus disposed as well on the right as the left, the two Neighbouring Redoubts were furnished each with thirty Harquebusiers, and three Battalions of Imperialists, Bavarians and Saxons, were to second the Assailants. The Gunners had order to fire from all the Batteries, and to throw Bombs and Carcases without ceasing into the Castle, and betwixt the two Walls on the Water side, as also to point their Cannon against the high Walls and Windows of the Castle. All things being thus ordered, and the signal given from Pest, they advanced towards the Breach, however difficult to mount on the right and left of the Rondel, as also the Curtain, and that with so much Vigour, that they became Masters of the Post, driving out the Besieged for all their incessant firing, and a shower of Stones which they threw from their Castle Windows. They also took the Swingher, which is a great Place in form of a retreat betwixt the Walls and the Houses, but this Place being commanded by the said Walls, whence the Turks annoyed the Aggressors with Granades, Stones, and Bombs which they rolled down; the Elector caused those that were there to retire, being content to secure the Lodgments upon the Rondel, and the Wall of the Castle by a Line of Communication from the Gate of the Bridge to that of the Swingher, so that the Bridge remained in their Power, which was further secured by traverse Lines, and two Redoubts. The Elector eminently appeared in all this Action, and the Generals signalised their Courage, as did also the Volunteers, Officers and Soldiers, who sought with all the bravery that was to be expected from men of Courage. Nor were the Turks less commendable for their Constancy and Fidelity, doing every thing that oppressed Valour could be capable of. They who defended the Rondel and the Swinger were for the most part killed and hurt. There were eight pieces of Cannon found there, and two Mortars turned now against the Besiegeds second Wall and Retrenchments. In this Assault, of the Bavarians there were slain two Majors, two Captains, four Lieutenants, one Ensign, but the wounded were many; one Colonel, two lieutenant-colonels, two Majors, 25 Captains, 16 Lieutenants, thirteen Ensigns. The Generals Lavergne, Rummel, and Aspr●mont were of the number of the wounded, as also the Duke of Escalona, a Grandee of Spain, and some other Volunteers of Quality, making up with the Officers and Soldiers the number of 117 slain, and 972 wounded. Of the Troops of Saxony, a lieutenant-colonel, and some under Officers were killed; one lieutenant-colonel, two Majors, two Captains, one Captain-Lieutenant, and three Ensigns were hurt; of the Soldiers there were seventy slain, and a hundred ninety nine wounded; so that the number of the slain and wounded in this Assault amounted to above three thousand men.  
july 28, In the three Attacks they were only employed in burying their dead, and securing their Lodgments upon the Breaches. The Duke of Lorraine did also apply the Miner to the second Wall, which was done in three several Places, as did also they of Bavaria and Brandenburg.  
july 29. The three Mines in the second Wall were sprung with that Success that they made a new Breach there, and filled part of the Ditch with the Ruins. The Bavarians advanced to the right of the Rondel, and seized two Mortars there, which they turned against the Besieged. The great Cannon was advanced, and they pretended to batter the City with an 100 pieces of Ordnance, and forty Mortars, if the Turks continued in their Obstinacy. The Besieged howsoever made several Cuts and Retrenchments behind the second Wall. The Duke seeing that well nigh all the Generals of the Infantry were hurt and in no Condition to act, ordered for the future that the Generals of the Horse should serve in the Approaches, to wit, the Count of Stirum, and the Conte of Lodron, and so the first mounted the Guard that Night with General Souches, and was to be relieved on the morrow by the grand Master of the Teutonick Order, and the Count de Lodron. A Battery of three Demi-canon, and another of four were finished. Some Rascians come out of the place, reported, that the besieged were resolved to defend themselves to the last extremity, but that some began to waver, saying, the further effusion of blood ought to be prevented. A Council of War was held thereupon, and the result was, that the Duke should send a second Summons to the Commander of the place, to surrender whilst it was time, and that he might do it upon honourable conditions, which if neglected he would not be answerable for the blood that should be spilt, if they came to the last extremity, being in that case they should spare neither Sex nor Age. Abdi Bassa civilly received his Highness' Letters, and demanded a Day to consult with the other Officers of his Garrison, which was granted him, with a cessation of Arms. The Deserters, who escaped in great numbers, affirmed that the Besieged lost in the last Assault, in the Bavarian attack, only 300 slain, and 700 hurt. They had that Night notice that 4000 Turkish Horse were seen within four Leagues of the Camp, to inquire into the state of the place, but fearing a surprise they presently retired.  
jul. 31. At nine in the Morning the Count of Launberg, Adjoutant General, was commanded by the Duke of Lorraine to go with an Interpreter, and receive the Besieged's answer, which was to this purpose, That he neither could nor would so easily surrender the City, it being the Key of the Ottoman Empire; but if they would make a general peace, they would give another equivalent. After noon the Besieged demanded a suspension of Arms at the Bavarian attack, and sent two Aga's in Hostage to the Elector, who sent the Baron of Creuz Lieutenant Colonel of Baden's Regiment with an Interpreter. The Turks received them with great ceremony, and all imaginable civilities. He was not immediately conducted before the Bassa, but to another House, the streets as he passed along were lined with Soldiers in very good order, though no great number. Being entered into the House, he was presented with Rice, a roasted Pullet, little Pies, Coffee and Wine. The Bassa excused himself, That he could not yet speak with him, being he consulted the other chief Officers upon the propositions he was to make to him. In this interval of time many Turkish Officers came to salute the Baron: half an hour after the Bassa sent him word, That he would take it for a favour if he would come over to him. Which he immediately did, accompanied with a great number of Turks, being taken by the arms by the two chiefest of them, according to the custom of the Ottomans, who led him thus before the Bassa, who was in a Lodge of Wood over-against his House, very well furnished and hung with rich Tapestries. Having caused the Baron to sit down, he used this discourse to him, That he was sorry to find himself in a place of that importance, that had been so often besieged without success, and was now so long abandoned without relief. On the contrary, that he found himself pressed by the Emperor's Son-in-law, and the grand Visier, that he wished he were able to give his resolution concerning the surrender, but that being an affai● of the last importance, and as much as his life was worth, it was impossible for him to resolve upon a surrender. Adding however, That if they would demand any other place in Hungary, he would cause it immediately to be evacuated for them: The Baron replied, That he had no Commission to discourse of conditions, but only to know from the Bassa himself whether he would surrender or no. That he might please to consider that the Christians were already Masters of the Walls of the City, that it would be too late to capitulate, if he stayed till another assault, that it would not be in the power of the Generals to restrain the fury of the Soldiers, or prevent this Siege from being as Tragical as that of Newheusel. At this discourse the Bassa only lift up his shoulders, but the Baron being upon the point to take his leave, he desired him to enter with him into his Cabinet, where, calling the Mufti and three other Turks of the first rank, he remonstrated to him again, That he could not upon any consideration do so great a prejudice to the Grand Signior, as to surrender a place upon which depended two hundred Leagues of Country, and which is the Key of Turkey, but offered again any Town in Hungary with its Appendances and Dependencies. Yet declaring finally, That if they would give him assurances of a general peace with the Port, he would yet resolve to surrender Buda. The Baron having no Orders to treat, took leave of the Bassa, telling him he would make report to the Elector and Duke of Lorraine, of the Declaration he had communicated to him, but that he could not assure him that things would be so concluded. The Bassa desired this Declaration might be published in Writing through the Camp, and invited him to stay all Night in the City: But the Baron excused the later, desiring to be reconducted to the place from whence he came, which was done with great ceremony, he being accompanied with many Turkish Officers to the Gate. Nor the Baron, nor his Interpreter could sufficiently demonstrate the ruins occasioned in the City by the Bombs and Carcases which had beaten down the greatest part of the Buildings. The Cessation which had been observed during this Parley was broke towards Evening, the Cannon beginning to fire with more fury than formerly. The Besieged sprang a Countermine in the Lorraine attack, to ruin the Christians Mine made under their Battery, opposite to the great Rondel, but without success. A while after, two of the Besiegers Mines, which were designed to fill the Ditch, were fired with execution. Count Starenb●rg looking betwixt two Gabions was hurt with a Musket-shot, but without danger, 20 or 30 more were hurt and killed in this and the Brandenburg attack.  
Aug. 1. A Battery was finished in the Lorraine attack upon the Rondel, upon which two pieces of Cannon were planted. A Mine was sprung in the Morning near this Rondel, and though it succeeded well, there was no other attempt made, because the Moat was not sufficiently filled, and so it was resolved to fill it with Faggots, with Sacks of Earth, and the like Materials, which were carried in abundance upon the place. The Workmen perceived so great a stink in this Mine, that they could scarce endure it, two of them, who were suffocated with it, being carried out of it. About Noon, intelligence came that 7000 Turks were posted at Sexaritwan thirteen Leagues from Buda, and that the Grand Visier had begun to pass the Bridge of Esseck with the Army that he had form out of the Garrisons of Hungary, and the Neighbouring places, and with other Troops which he had got together, amongst which there were 7000 men drawn out of Bossina. It was further assured that the defection amongst the Turks was very great, and that of 8000 Janissaries, which the Grand Visier had brought from the middle of Turkey, 3000 had deserted upon the march: and yet he pretended his Army consisted of 50000 Combatants, resolving to attempt the relief of Buda. General Dunewald returned this afternoon to the Camp, with the Regiments of Horse with which he had been on the side of the Bridge of Esseck, to inform himself of the march of the Enemy. The Generals Caraffa and Heusler arrived also from Zolnock in two days, with 5000 Horse and some Hungarians.  
All things were disposed for to assault the second Wall. The Bavarians had thrown down a great part of the Wall with their Cannon, and a Mine, rendering themselves Masters of the second Zwinger, where they at the same time seized upon the Enemy's Cannon and Mortars, which they turned against the City.  
Aug. 2 d. They continued to fill the Ditch: every thing was ready for the assault, which was deferred, because of the continual rains. Upon the reiterated news brought in by Scouts of the Grand Visier having passed the Bridge at Esseck, all necessary preparations were made to receive him well, in case he attempted to relieve the Town.  
Aug. 3. A Runaway, who pretended to be a Domestic of one of the most considerable Officers in the Town, declared, that the Besieged had prepared a Mine, and begun a second in the Brandenburg attack: That they expected with great impatience their Succours, and that of all those which the Bassa had sent out, not one had returned, which rendered him very uneasy and chagrin, and that the number of serviceable Soldiers exceeded not 2000 besides the Inhabitants. The Besiegers could not finish their great Mine because of a Rock they met. Some small Banks and Parapets were made upon the Breach to secure the Soldiers firing during the assault, which was ordered in the manner following. At noon the Trenches were relieved, and those that went off were appointed for reserves. The first attack was to the right of the Rondel. Fifty Granadeer with a Captain, and Lieutenant, and a Sergeant followed by 20 men preceded, these were followed by 50 Fuseliers Officered as the first, and 50 men which followed them with Hatchets. The same method was held by the Brandenburgers on the left, and the Hungarians fell upon the Curtain in the middle, preceded by 30 Germans, and followed by 60 with their necessary Officers. The assault began betwixt 5 and 6 a clock in presence of all the Generals, the Great Master of the Teutonick Order commanding the Trenches. The design, by reason the Mine had not the desired effect, was but feigned, but the Duke of Lorraine being advertised by an Adjoutant, that the Elector of Bavaria had already effectively began the assault, did also command the false attack to be converted into a real one. The Fight lasted two hours. There were 1000 Troopers on foot, 300 whereof were employed in the assault, who behaved themselves well, as the Hungarians also did; but the Breach being of difficult ascent, the Besieged very well covered with Palisado's, and defending themselves like desperate men, the Duke would not risk more of his people, contenting himself to make a Lodgement at the right of the angular Rondel, where 40 men immediately entrenched themselves. There were not many killed by the Besieged's fire, but about 200 wounded by Stones and Arrows, which were shot in such abundance that it resembled a shower of Hail. Count Leopold of Herbersteyn, a Lieutenant Colonel, Major Bischophawsen, etc. were of the number of the hurt. The Bavarians were not exempt from the same Artillery of Arrows and Stones, besides Bombs which were rolled upon planks out of the windows of the Castle. The Prince of Savoy was hurt in the hand with an arrow, together with 3 Captains, some subaltern Officers, 7 or 8 Volunteers, and 90 Soldiers as well killed as wounded. Prince Lewis of Baden going in the morning to view the approaches, was shot with a Musket-bullet which burned his Coat, and made a great contusion upon his Breast, but his Arms being of proof saved his life.  
Aug. 4. The firing from the Batteries was redoubled from the three Attacks to enlarge the breaches, and ruin the Defences of the Besieged. The Line of Circumvallation was strengthened, being furnished with many Redoubts and Forts to flank the whole work. All the heights and eminences about the place were entrenched and possessed by the Besiegers. The Heyducks took their Post along the inner Wall of the lower Town, and so the attacks were continued with the same vigour as before. The Bavarians raised a Battery of nine Guns of 24 ball upon the Rondel of the Castle, wherewith they beat the Flanks and widened the Breach, but the Earth being very narrow and straight, so that but few could pass a breast, the Besieged might the better dispute the access of the Assailants.  
The Scouts brought advice that the Grand Visier had effectively passed the Bridge of Esseck, and that he had 20000 men with him, which with the Troops by Alba Regalis amounted to 40 or 50000, most old Soldiers, taken out of their Garrisons and Fortresses, into whose places they had put their new Levies. There came also advice, that the Bassa of Agria, having assembled some thousands of Turks out of the Garrisons of upper Hungary, was advanced near Hatwan, where he had commanded a great many Charets out of the Neighbourhood, to carry Pontoons to the Danube side, by means whereof he pretended to put relief into the Town, at the same time that the Grand Visier should attack the Lines on the other side. This advertisement obliged the Christian Generals to use such necessary precautions which might secure them on Pest side.  
Aug. 5. In the Lorraine attack the approaches were advanced from the great Rondel towards the second Wall, where they had posted themselves in the assault of the 3 d. instant. The Miners were busy at the right of the Breach, the better to attack the Enemy in flank, as also under the Curtain, to blow up the Besieged's Retrenchments behind the Breach. A Gallery was begun on the right of the Battery, to go into the inward Ditch, and the better to assure the attack the Flanks were pallisadoed. The besieged spent the whole Night in throwing of Bombs, Granado's, and Stones, to incommode the contrary Workmen, but without much harm, save the kill of 3 Heyducks, and wounding 5 or 6 other Soldiers. This afternoon one of their Bombs falling into a Barrel of Powder upon the Besiegers Battery, killed five, and hurt three.  
Aug. 6. A new Battery of two Demi-canon was raised in the Lorraine Attack behind the great Rondel, by means whereof the Defence of the little Rondel was ruined, which the besieged had hitherto used with great advantage. The Christians continued to fill the inward Moat with Faggots, Tuns, Sacks with earth, and the like, and made a Redoubt behind the great battery to secure the Workmen. The Brandenburgers and Bavarians continued their attacks with vigour, nothing else considerable intervening.  
Aug. 7. Last Night several false alarms were given, as if the Turks were come to attempt succouring the place. The Christians continued to deepen the Ditch about their Lines, and to fortify their Posts to make the Enemy despair of forcing their Camp. The Mines were also carried on with great industry, and would in 3 or 4 days be ready for execution. The Heyducks undertook to fill the Ditch of the second Wall in 48 hours' time, upon the assurance of a recompense of 4000 livers, which was promised them by the Generals. The breach which was made in the second Wall was very spacious, and as soon as the Mines were finished, they will again assault the second wall. They found much difficulty in the Bavarian attack to render themselves masters of the Castles, by reason of the various Walls and Defences which were to be forced, and of the obstinacy of the Defendants. This obliged the Elector to redouble the fire of his Cannon to throw down these Walls, and in effect they did little else, besides beating the Castle from their several batteries, which played upon the Flanks and Curtains with so much fury, that they hoped in a few days to see them quite down. Thirty Hussars meeting with as many of the Turks, killed one of them, and took 4 Prisoners, which they brought with them to the Camp. Amongst these was an Aga, who four years since was ransomed out of Raab, where he had been Prisoner, for 8000 Crowns. These reported that the 6 th' instant the Serasquier should arrive at Alb-Royal with 26000 Horse, and was to be followed by the Grand Visier, who assembled his Army about Esseck, which was not to be inferior in number to that which was last year employed at the Siege of Gran. They added, that the Seraskier had express Orders not to hazard a battle with the Christians, for fear of losing the City and Army at once, but to endeavour to put Supplies of Troops in the besieged Town one way or other, or to perish in the attempt.  
Aug. 8. Four thousand Turkish and Tartarian Horse appeared upon a Hill near the Bavarian quarter, and retired after some light Skirmishes with Count Budiani's Hussars, reinforced by some commanded Men and Volunteers. The Prisoners taken there deposed, that the Seraskier was camped under the Cannon of Alba-Regalis with 20000 Combatants, and that the Grand V●●ier with the Grand Army was expected th●re; but the Duke, by the report of his Spies and Scouts knew that the Grand Visier was uncertain whether he ought to proceed with all the Army, or continue about the bridge of Esseck, with a great part of his Forces, capable to oppose the C●oats, which might ruin the said bridge, if he abandoned it, and so cut off his retreat. The mines in the Lorraine attack would be ready in two da●s. The fortification of the Camp was continued, as also the perpetual discharge of the Cannon and Mortars against the besieged.  
Aug. 9 Some thousands of Turks posted themselves not far from the Camp, in an advantageous place, as if they designed to prepare themselves there for some attempt; but the Generals had taken such good measures, they apprehended nothing, and the Soldiers seemed full of courage. All the retrenchments about the Camp were near finished, but being the Turks did frequently alarm them, the Duke ordered, that all the Foot that were not in the Approaches, should be placed in the Lines, and particularly in the Spurs. This morning, a Bomb from the Town falling unhappily into a reserve of Granado's, fired them, killing 3, and wounding 13. This evening some Turks did again appear upon an eminence to the right behind the Bavarian Camp, towards which two Squadrons of them did move in good order, to brave the Besiegers, but some Volunteers riding out to pickeer with them, they retired with the loss only of one man slain.  
Aug. 10. The Imperialists continued the finishing of their Mine, the two others of the two other Attacks being ready. The Duke caused the Hungarian Foot to be posted along the Wall of the lower Town, from the Water Rondel to the very quarters of the Germans, where they entrenched themselves with a Ditch and a good Parapet to secure them against surprises; and as the Danube is deep there, they sunk two Barks full of stones, and made several Spurs of Palisado's along the brink of the River, to take away all hopes of the Turks relieving of the Town that way. This morning the Infidels gave another alarm on the Bavarian quarters, whereupon all the Cavalry was commanded to Horse, but the Enemy retired at the same time. It seems that their design was to make a passage that way, but the Bavarians were sufficiently entrenched to hinder them. The Prince of Croy being recovered of his wounds, did reassume the exercise of his charge in the approaches. Four Hussars very well mounted, advancing against some Turkish Horse of the place, made as if they would charge them, but being come up with them they discoursed them and shook hands together, which being observed by the Musketeers of a neighbouring Redoubt, they sallied out and gave fire upon the Hussars, who ran away, hurt one, which they took, as also another of them, the third got away, and the fourth entered into the City. The Prisoners were examined, who said they did nothing but inquire of the Turks, if they would not yet surrender the place, but they were to be interrogated more strictly.  
Aug. 11. Some Turkish Troops did again show themselves upon the Mountains on the Bavarian side towards the way of Alb-Royal. The precise number of the Turks is not yet known, some Spies certify that there are 40000 Ottomans, and 20000 Tartars. In the mean time every necessary prevention is put in practice to receive them, if they will attempt to force the Camp. Preparations are made for a vigorous assault upon the second wall, if the Mines will answer expectation.  
Aug. 12. All things being ready for the assault, the three Mines on the Lorraine attack were fired, which had no other success than the turning up of a few Palisades, the Miners not having pierced deep enough under the Wall of the second Rampart, which made it evident that they did not well understand their trade, although they had been sent for from all quarters, to have good ones, for they were the Mines that contributed the most to the reducing of this important place. The assault that was designed if the Mines had taken, was deferred, and new ones were gone in hand with, in hopes of more favourable success. In the skirmishes of this day, there was an Officer of the Turks killed, who doubtless had engaged himself to enter into the place, being they found Letters about him to the Bassa of Buda, marking the order the Turks were to observe to relieve the besieged; by which it appeared, that the Grand Visier's design was to force a quarter, and so put in a Supply into the place without hazarding a battle; and that 8000 Tartars should harass the Country as far as Gran, to cut off provisions from the Besiegers, and infest them with continual courses. Upon this advice the Duke called a Council of War, where it was resolved, to leave part of the Army in guard against the Town, and to march with the rest of the Imperial and Auxiliary Forces against the Enemy, who according to the said Letters were above 60000 strong, although they had it from good hands, that they did not exceed 40000 Combatants.  
Aug. 13. The whole Army marched out of the Lines the night past, except 20000 left there for the Guard of the Works, and to hinder the Enemy from putting Supplies into the Place. Oats and Forage were distributed for three days for the Horse, and the Volunteers were form into a fine Body under good Officers. The Duke of Lorraine posted himself out of the Camp in sight of the Enemies, 4000 Hussars and Heyducks having the Avantguard. This night the Spies and some Deserters assured them, that the following night they would be attacked in Battle-array upon break of day, which obliged the Christians to dispose of all things for the Battle.  
Aug. 14. The Turks before Sunrising form a Body of more than 8000 janissaries and spahis, the most brave and most resolute of the Army, who being divided into divers Troops, marched from 6 in the Morning till 8 a clock, curvetting behind the Mountains on the side of Alba Regali●, and entered into a Plain the better to approach the Camp by the favour of a Valley. The Duke of Lorraine having observed the Enemy's countenance, commanded Count Dunewald, General of the Horse, to take possession of the ground to the left with nine Imperial Regiments, Cuirasiers, Dragoons, and Groats, to which he added some Companies of Hussars; and General Heusler had order to post himself with his Detachment upon the height on the right. The Hussars who were with General Dunewald charged first, and tho' they fought with all imaginable bravery, they were notwithstanding forced to give way, but seeing themselves supported by the Germans, they took heart and returned to the Charge again. The Turks seeing they had routed the Hussars, thought to have had the others as good cheap; upon these hopes, they advanced with great fury and horrible cries against the Christians, who received them without moving. Heusler, who had placed himself upon the height mentioned, charged them smartly, so that the fight was rude and bloody, and however the Turks saw themselves charged in their Flanks and Front, they did not desist to make use of several efforts to break through the Enemy, and have room to execute their design, but all was in vain, being every time repulsed, until they were at length broke and forced to fly. The execution was bloody. The Janissaries being abandoned by the Spabis, and environed by their Enemies, throwing away their Arms, sought to save themselves by flight, but were most of them slain. The Turks had above 3000 dead, most of them Janissaries, all chosen men, who had undertaken to force a quarter, and enter into the City, or perish. The Grand Visier had promised 20 Ducats to every one that should enter into the City, whereof he gave each undertaker 5 in hand: every one carried besides his ordinary arms 3 Hand-Granado's, a Mattock and Spade, to break the Retrenchments and fill the Ditches. The Prisoners were 500, there being also taken 30 Ensigns and Standards, 11 Pieces of Cannon, and 10 Wagons loaden with Ammunition. This great action cost the Christians but little, the slain not exceeding 60, and the wounded but 33. After this fight the Turks made several movements, and drew up in a Plain which looked towards the Bavarian quarter, and keeping their Wings upon heights, they made mien as if they would come to a decisive battle, or relieve the Place with all their Forces. Hereupon a Council of War was called, where it was resolved to follow the Enemy, which was done by the Elector of Bavaria in the head of his Army, but the Turks apprehending an Engagement, retired. The Generals Dunewald and Heusler pursued them beyond the Mountains, and the Hussars had another skirmish with a great Party of Turks which stayed behind to amuse the Christians, and favour the retreat of their Army. The booty the Christians got was considerable, for they had all the spoil of the Enemy, whereof there was not one that had not the 5 Ducats which the Grand Visier had given him besides his own moneys. The Besieged thinking they were already relieved, made great fire upon them that kept the Approaches, and supposed they might ruin some of the Enemy's works, but in vain, for they were so briskly received, that they lost the desire of risking further. They however made a very furious sally on the Bavarian attack, which was fatal to them, for they were not only repelled by the Regiments of Baden and Aspremont, but the retreat being cut off, there was great slaughter made of them. The Turks being retired without coming to a decisive battle, the Army returned into their Lines, and immediately dispatched young Count Palsi to the Emperor with the news of this great advantage, and to lay 28 Colours and Standards at his feet, that were taken in the late engagement. The rest, for some were taken in the pursuit, were planted upon the great Rondel, to make the Besieged comprehend the defeat of those Succours that they had expected with so much impatience.  
Aug. 15. The Germans and Hussars scouting abroad brought some Prisoners in, who all agreed in this, that the Grand Visier notwithstanding this check, would not desist making other attempts to put relief into the Town, tho' with the hazard of his whole Army. And in effect, however he was retired, he did not cease to alarm the Camp every night. This Afternoon a signal was made to the Besieged for a Parley, to inform them by the Janissaries Prisoners of the rout of their Succours; but whether they perceived this within or not, they answered by the fire of their great and small shot.  
Aug. 16. The works of the three Attacks were pursued with vigour, and in the Morning the Besieged's Palisades and Defences of Wood upon the Breach were fired in the Lorraine Attack, and partly consumed by the Flames, notwithstanding all the diligence of the Turks to extinguish them. In this Action they threw a prodigious quantity of Stones, Granades, Sacks with Powder, and other combustible matters upon the Assailants, insomuch that four of them who fired them were burnt, twelve Crowns a man being given to each of those who engaged themselves in this Service as a recompense, and yet they could not clear the way for an Assault, the Besieged having taken their time in the Night to plant other Palisades and repair their Defences. In the Bavarian Attack, the Castle and the great Tower were incessantly beaten, which were as it were overturned by the force of the Cannon.  
Aug. 17. All things were ready for the Assault in the Lorraine Attack, but the Besieged having repaired their Defences, and planted double rows of Palisades behind those that were burnt yesterday, they were obliged to defer it. The Prisoners that the Hussars brought to the Camp reported, that the Grand Visier was extremely in choler against the Commander of the spahis, for not having done his duty in the fight on the 14 th' instant, by abandoning the janissaries, and added, that of the ten thousand men which were appointed for that enterprise, but very few returned to the Camp.  
Aug. 18. The two great Mines in the Lorraine Attack were fired, but neither with that Success that the Miners had promised, which extremely retarded the Reduction of this important Place. The Duke seeing they advanced but little by Mining, resolved on Sapping, for which end, preparation of Faggots and Sacks of Earth were made to fill the Ditch, and certain Engines were devised to approach the Enemies with less peril, and drive them from their Post. A new Battery was raised on the right to beat down the Besiegeds flanks of Palisades on the Breach; and to do it more effectually they were to shoot from the Battery on the Curtain with chained Bullets. A Fugitive from the Turkish Army reported amongst other things, that the Grand Visier was encamped at present at Ertschin, 4 Leagues from the City, but that he would not desist from attempting the relief of the Place, being only removed to that distance for want of Forage. The Bavarians seized a Country Fellow who had swum the Danube, having Letters from the Governor to the Grand Visier and the Aga of the janissaries, in which he conjures them by the Law of Mahomet to succour him, adding he would expect the last extremity.  
Aug. 19 The Besieged defending themselves with obstinate Valour, spent this whole day in thundering with their Artillery upon the new Lorraine Battery, which had been raised to beat upon the flanks of the Palisades, and whereon they had mounted 4 great Guns, which they so ruined that it was rendered useless for the present. The Detachments from the Grand Viziers Army continued to alarm the Christians Camp every Night, who to prevent Surprises, were continually upon their Guard. General Scherfenberg was expected in few days with those Troops he commanded in Transilvania. As soon as this body was arrived, they pretended to go and attack the Grand Visier in his Camp, who by report of Prisoners and Runaways, did not exceed 46000 men, whereof half were new raw Fellows without Discipline or Order. Strong parties were every day sent out to observe the Enemy's Countenance, who often shock with theirs, but always with Advantage.  
Aug. 20. The Grand Visier resolved to make another attempt to introduce Supplies into Buda, would do it with fewer Troops than before, the better to pass undiscovered, and be able to approach the Christian Camp. He chose for this purpose the bravest Officers in his Army, who promised to execute his order or perish. They began their march in the Night with 2000 Spahis, and the like number of janissaries, who were mounted for the greater Expedition, and this Morning at break of day they appeared in the Valley of St. Paul, where having been put in order without being perceived, rushed, as their manner is, with great Cries upon the first Guard, which they defeated easy enough, and forced upon two squadrons of Horse of Caprara and Heuslers, who received them courageously, giving others time to hasten to their assistance, and chase the Turks, who fled. The janissaries, whereof part had quitted their Horses with design to traverse the Trenches, and get into the City, were ill treated, they were pursued by General Heusler to the very Gate, and met by the Guard of Bavarian Horse, who hastened to the alarm, so that their slaughter was there very great, and few had the fortune to enter into the City; and though some make them amount to 150, they were scarce 100 that got in, which may be easily judged by the abandoned Horses, which did not surpass the said number, so that this feeble supply was of no great use to the Besieged, and if those of the advanced Guard had done their duty, not one of them had passed the Trenches. The Turks had 400 slain, and the Christians not above 15; and 26 hurt. General Heusler, who behaved himself with his accustomed Gallantry, was hurt in the foot, but not dangerously. General Maigret was handled worse, being severely sabled, and Marquis Santini, a Knight of Malta, was taken Prisoner in the first heat of the fight. The Besieged, to testify their Joy for the arrival of these Succours, flourished three red Colours in token of Victory, and fired three Salvos with all their Artillery and small shot, which gave the Besiegers a guess at the smallness of their number, which the Renegadoes yet affirm surpass the number of 2000 serviceable men. During the late shock, some squadrons of those of the Grand Visier, who had ●ollowed the other to second them, appeared in Battalions towards the Bavarian Attack, as if designing to try their fortune that way, but they retired without engaging: and yet they returned about ten at night to the same place they had attempted the passage that morning, but they were repelled, and retreated in disorder. In the Bavarian attack there was a new Battery raised of four Pieces: and the besieged mounted a great Gun upon the high wall of the Castle▪ with which they beat all the covered way, as also the Battery of the Bavarians upon the great Rondel.  
Aug. 21. Notwithstanding the Grand Visier caused 5000 Tartars to pass the Danube, who ravaged the other side of the River, and incommoded the adverse Foragers by their courses; All things are in abundance in the Camp, and the Convoys arrive there securely by Water. General Scherfenberg is expected in 7 or 8 days with 10000 men, having orders to mount his Foot in Charets, for fear of tiring them with so long a march. Twelve hundred Suedish Foot are likewise expected, being the remainder of the Troops which the King of Sweden is obliged to send, to assist the Emperor against the Infidels, upon account of his quota for those Fiefs which he possesses in Germany. This morning a Redoubt was built in that place which the Turks forced yesterday; it was further fortified with two pieces of Cannon, and Troops capable to defend the passage. There was also another Redoubt built on the Mountain on the left, where the Regiment of Lodron was camped. This day the Besieged did yet give some Volleys of rejoicing, whereof the reason is not known, unless it be some particular feast. The Sieur Rummel, General of the Bavarian Troops, being in the approaches, was slain there with a Musket bullet. He is much regretted, having distinguished himself in all the occasions where he might acquire glory.  
Aug. 22. The Elector of Bavaria caused the great Tower to be assaulted, which is in the middle of the Castle, and for the most part ruined by his Cannon. He took it with the loss of 73 Soldiers, and the like number wounded, amongst which, the Duke of Saxe-Mersburg was hurt in two places. Whilst this assault lasted, there was a false alarm given on the Lorraine side to divert the enemy, and much firing there was with Cannon to ruin the Defences which they had made upon the breaches of the inner Wall. This evening about 10 a clock, a Turk, who had swum the River, was taken near the Isle of St. Margaret, he had thrown his Letters into the water, and yet confessed that he had been sent by the Bassa, to give advice to the Grand Signior of the state of the place, and press for relief: adding, that another was also gone with the same condition.  
Aug. 23. The besieged made an attempt upon the Bavarian Attack, to recover the great Tower of the Castle, which they had yesterday lost by assault, but they were repelled and beat back to their Retrenchments. At the Lorraine Attack four pieces were planted upon the great old Battery, wherewith they began to batter the new Palisades upon the Breach of the inner Wall. The Night past the Besieged sallied upon the Saxon's quarter, but they were so well received and repulsed by Lieutenant Colonel Pletze, who was upon the Guard with 100 horse, that they had much to do to recover their second Wall, where this Officer was slain with two Musket-shot, and the Turks had yet the leisure to drag his Corpse into the City.  
Aug. 24. The Turks appeared in two separate Bodies, the one at the Lorraine, and the other at the Bavarian attack, but without attempting any thing, and retired about noon into their Camp, which they had advanced a League nearer the Christians than they were before. A Renegado out of Town reported, that the Besieged began to speak with more licentiousness against the Bassa, who endeavoured to keep them to their duty, telling them, that the Grand Visier expected one of the first Ministers of State from the Port, with full power from the Grand Signior, to treat and conclude a Peace with the Generals of the Christians, and that upon his arrival there would be a suspension of Arms; exhorting them not to degenerate from the bravery and virtue of true Musselmen, whose glory they had hitherto so generously supported, but to expect yet some few days before they talked of surrendering.  
Aug. 25. The Duke of Lorraine being advertised, that the Turks might contrive a passage on the Danube side, behind the hot Baths, to put Succours into the Town, ordered some Squadrons of Horse to second the Guards, which were at the same time reinforced, and to the end the access might be rendered the more difficult for the Turks, he caused Palisado's to be planted in the most weak places, and caused some Squadrons and Battalions of Germans and Hungarians to be posted in such manner, that if the Turks would make some other attempt, they might easily be transported and hasten to the Alarm. Some change was also made in two Batteries, the better to incommode the Besieged, and destroy their Parapets, Palisado's, and other defences which they had raised upon the breach of the inner Wall. In the Bavarian attack they got ground foot by foot, so that they will in a little time be Masters of all the Castle, notwithstanding the opposition of the bravest Enemy imaginable, who never lose an inch of ground without disputing it, and endeavour to recover it by often reprisals, making use for this purpose of Bombs, Granado's, Stones, Sacks with Powder, Stink-Pots, and other arts which courage and despair are capable of inventing to break the measures of the Aggressors, and obstruct their violence; and as they have made divers holes and caverns under the places, in possession of the Christians, by which they play these sorts of inventions, the other were constrained to fill them with earth, stones, and the very ruins of the Castle, to damp and hinder their operation, without which they could not maintain themselves, but with great difficulty.  
Aug. 26. The Prisoners brought in the Camp by Parties, and the Deserters which ran away reported, that one of those which was sent to the Grand Visier by the Bassa of Buda with Dispatches, in which he gave him an account of the state of the place, which he can no more defend at present, that the Castle is well-nigh all in the hands of the Christians, who on the first assault cannot fail to carry the place. That in the last assault of the Castle he had lost more than 100 of his best Soldiers, that the Recruits that were sent him were but little considerable, not mounting to 200 men, amongst which, more than half were wounded, and consequently unserviceable. That for his part he had acquitted himself of his duty, by letting the Christians see, that after a defence so obstinate, during so long a Siege, pushed on with so much fury and bravery both on the one side and the other, that the Musselmen knew well how to support the cause of their Sultan, in doing whereof he pretended to his share of glory, professing finally that the Grand Visier ought to give an account of the ill success of the Siege, and be responsible for a loss so considerable, which he could not avoid, if the Imperialists attempted another assault, no more than the blood of his valorous Soldiers, and his own, if he delayed their relief any longer. The Bassa did further mark the places in his Letter, which appeared to him the most proper to attempt the relief by, and if he took his measures well, that he would succeed in his enterprise. Upon this advice the Duke visited in person the place marked to the Grand Visier, and gave orders for every thing to hinder the introducing of supplies. The Spies which were sent to the Enemy's Camp, reported, that the Grand Visier had again promised 40 Crowns a man to all them who would undertake to put themselves into the place, promising moreover that they should be exempt from the War during their lives, and enjoy their ordinary pay without the obligation of any service. At noon advice was given that the Turks advanced with 12 great pieces of Cannon, and a while after they were perceived in sight of the Camp ranged in order of Battle, but as the Duke of Lorraine disposed his Army to fight, they retired.  
Aug. 27. The Lorrainers having finished their work in form of a Bridge, it was extended to the adverse Palisades to be made use of in the assault. It was covered with earth to secure it from the fire, as had been done the day before in the Bavarian attack, which had obliged the said Bavarians to retire, but this morning they recovered their Post again, and to secure them from the fire, they made use of Planks covered with Tin, and yet when they thought themselves safe from this devouring Element, the Besieged, who want no industry to their valour, threw towards evening an immense quantity of artificial and combustible matters with that success, that they pierced even to the said Planks, and reduced them to ashes; they also flung such a vast quantity of Granado's, Stones and Arrows upon the Bavarians, that they forced them to abandon this Post with the loss of twenty Soldiers.  
Aug. 28. In the Lorraine attack, they thundered with extreme violence from their Cannon upon the Flanks of the great Breach, as did also the Brandenburgers to overthrow the Besieged's defences. The Bavarians regained their Post, and covered themselves so well in it, that the Enemy would be much troubled to dislodg them. Major Staben, who commanded the Assailants, was killed there, the slain and wounded not otherwise exceeding 20. Upon the Report of some Renegadoes that the Grand Visier was resolved to come this Night with all his Forces, the Duke ordered all things for his reception, and all the Army stood in Battalia, but to no purpose, for no Enemy did appear.  
Aug. 29. Being the Decollation of St. john Baptist, and a day which the Turks have always superstitiously observed as fortunate to their Empire, 1000 spahis and 2000 janissaries commanded by two Bassa's, and seconded by 1500 Tartars, came at break of day to make another trial on the Water side, but seeing the Post too well provided on that quarter, having received a discharge from the Musketeers that kept the Walls, they retreated, and judged it easier to try the passage by the same way that the last Supplies entered; they went by the Valley of St. Paul, and charged fiercely with their accustomed shouts upon the Regiments of Mercy, Heusler, and Newburg, who received them with so much bravery, that they killed a great number of them, whereof some of the most determined were rash enough to push through to the very Lines, where they were all slain except 4, who were lucky enough to get into the City. The number of the dead in this action amounted to 600, besides the Prisoners, which were not many; and there were taken 25 Standards and Colours which were red, intimating thereby, that they would enter the City or perish. On the other side some 30 were killed and wounded, Mercy was of the number of the last, but without danger, and his Adjoutant of the first. During this Tentative the Besieged made a sally upon the Bavarians, but the Heyducks attacking them in Flank, they had much ado to retire, leaving 17 dead upon the place. The Grand Visier showed himself with his Army all day on the Bavarian side, ready to engage, but seeing 3 Regiments of Cuirasiers, and two of Dragoons, being the Avantguard of General Scherfenberg's Army, he quickly retreated back to his Camp.  
Aug. 30. Scherfenberg arrived this day with the rest of his Body, proper men, who seemed eager to signalise themselves. The Deserters reported, that the want was great in the Grand Visier's Army, and that the famished Soldiers had plundered some Barks which had brought Provisions, the Officers not being able to hinder them.  
Aug. 31. The Lorrainers took a new Post in the Ditch before the Breach in the inner Wall, but 3 fathom distant from the Palisade, and the place being very deep, the Turks could not much hurt them, where they had but 2 Soldiers wounded. This Morning the Duke of Lorraine went, accompanied with most of the Generals, to the Elector's quarters, where they held a Council of War, and having dined there, the Duke returned to his Quarters, after which, the Works were ordered to be enlarged and deepned for the easier ascent to the Assault, which was resolved upon in a day or two.  
Sept. 1. Three thousand Turks appeared before day by Moonlight on the Bavarian side, but seeing the Christians in good order and ready to receive them, they retired without any Engagement. The Great Chancellor, Count Straatman, being arrived yesterday at the Camp with a secret Commission, called a Council of War, in which the Duke of Lorraine, the Elector of Bavaria, and all theImperial and Auxiliary Generals did meet. The Chancellor exposed his Commission, which contained his Imperial Majesty's desires to put an end to this bloody Siege, and that they should consult on the means the most proper and expedient for the terminating of it. Two points were chiefly deliberated upon, whether they should go with the greatest part of the Army, leaving a sufficient number to guard the Lines, to force the Grand Visier, or should make a General assault upon the place, and that with more Forces than had hitherto been employed. The lat●r was approved by most of the Generals, and it was resolved to assault the place the next day, for which purpose every thing that was necessary was prepared, that the enterprise might not fail: and lest the Enemy might know it, it was given out, that they would the next day go and fight the Grand Visier, which caused great joy amongst the Officers and Soldiers, desirous of signalizing themselves. The Cannon of all the attacks were in the mean time employed to enlarge the Breaches, and cast down the Enemy's fences.  
Sept. 2. All the Generals mounted on Horseback, and the Troops put themselves in order to quit the Lines, and go to their place of Arms, and march towards the Grand Visier, making as i● they would go and attack them in their Camp. The Duke of Lorraine, and the Elector of Bavaria, visited th●ir Quarters, encouragaing the Officers and Soldiers to maintain the cause of God, and the Glory of the Emperor. The Infantry was ranged into Battalions whilst the firing in the three attacks was redoubled, and a vast quantity of Bombs and chained Bullets were shot against the besiegeds defences, which were for the most part thrown down; and as the Troops were put in order to march towards the Grand Visier, the motion o● the Vanguard was instantly changed, and at three in the Afternoon the Infantry that composed the Rearguard was commanded to mount to the assault, which was done in the three differing attacks of Lorraine, Brandenburg, and Bavaria, besides which there were two false attacks to divert the Enemy. And however that all imaginary precautions were put in use to render the assault easy, they encountered so brave a defence in the besieged, that they had much ado to surmount them; they defended themselves for three quarters of an hour with Halbirds, Half-Pikes, Partisans, and threw such a vast number of Stones, Arrows, and Granades, that they repulsed the Assailants more than once, until the Christians, encouraged by the presence of their Generals, returning with greater force, rendered themselves at length Masters of the Breach in all the three attacks. The Turks defended themselves by retiring from Retrenchment to Retrenchment, so that the slaughter was very bloody; and to conclude, the besieged being beaten from all their fences, the Assailants entered by force into the City, ran through the streets, killed all they met with, sparing neither Sex nor Age, so that all was filled with the dead bodies of these Infidels. The Bavarians, in pursuit of their point, attacked 1000 Turks, who retired into a Redoubt at the foot of the Castle, where they defended themselves with extreme Obstinacy, until despairing of their safety, they hungout a white Flag, and demanded quarter; but as they had slain many of the Aggressors, and had resisted two whole hours without submitting, the Duke of Lorraine▪ and the Elector of Bavaria were of Opinion they should have no quarter given them; but considering their number, that they might yet do much harm, that the Night was coming on, and that the Soldiers were wearied, and aught to rest, that the Grand Visier was not far off with a formidable Army, and that the fire was in several parts of the City, reducing all to Ashes; it was resolved they should have their Lives given them; which being notified to them, they, miserable Bravoes, threw down their Arms. There were about 1000 more, who being retired into Cellars and Caverns obtained the same grace. The number of the slain amounted to 3000 besides the wounded, who were but a few, so that the Garrison was stronger than it had been reported by the fugitives to have been.  
Abdi Bassa died bravely in the Breach, where he fought valiantly with his Sable in his hand, without giving back or demanding quarter, not to degenerate ●rom the glory and heroic Virtue of the ancient Ottomans, nor falsify the Oath which he made to the Grand Signior to preserve him the place, or to end his days gloriously in it. The Vice Bassa is also an Officer of great reputation, he had defended the Castle, and seeing that all was lost, retired fight into the already mentioned Redoubt at the foot of the Castle, where he thought to hold it out, and give the Grand Visier liesure to come and relieve him; but seeing that all was desperate, he chose rather to implore the Clemency of the Conquerors, than suffer himself and those that were with him to be massacred without any advantage to his party, and so he was made a Prisoner with those with him, by the Bavarians. The Aga of the janissaries, and some chief Officers fell to the Duke of Lorrains share, so that the number of Prisoners did not exceed 2000, of 13000 brave expert Soldiers, and the very Nerves of the Ottoman Empire, which were in the place at the beginning of the Siege. The Christians loss in this assault was inconsiderable, not above 400 slain, and half as many wounded, in which number were many Volunteers, but few Officers. Colonel Spinola, an Officer of good merit, was killed at the head of the Assailants, and Baron Asti, who had been twice already hurt during the Siege, received now a third, which was feared would prove fatal.  
The plunder which the Soldiers got was extraordinary, the riches of this City were vastly great, which those of the other Cities of Hungary under the domination of the Turks brought thither, as to a place of refuge and impregnable. There were found Ammunition and Provisions sufficient for two Months longer. The Arsenal was full of all sorts of offensive and defensive Arms to arm 30000 men, Harnesses, Saddles, Boots, and other equipage for Horses, besides 400 pieces of Cannon and Mortars, whereof 170 were mounted, and no way prejudiced. It is impossible to particularise every thing, it may suffice to say, that a City could not be better furnished to support a Siege vigorously than this was, nor defended by a more brave Garrison. But if the opposition hath been surprising, so much greater is the glory of those brave Officers, Volunteers, and Soldiers that signalised themselves there in the forcing of it.  
The Duke of Lorraine having put a stop to the slaughter, and ordered the Soldiers to return to their Colours, commanded the fire to be extinguished, gave the command of the place to Baron Beck, till the Emperor's pleasure was known, with a Garrison of 5000 Foot and 1000 Horse. He farther commanded 10000 Horse and Dragoons with Badiani's Hussars to pursue the Grand Visier, who having seen the taking of Buda, discamped instantly with all his Army, to go cover the rest of the Turkish Fortresses, put good Garrisons into them, and so secure the Bridge of Esseck, where it was resolved to go and attack him, if they could not overtake him, for which end the Infantry was embarked upon the Danube for their easier transport, whilst the Cavalry marched by Land.  
And thus this great and strong City, after 145 years of Bondage under the Turkish Yoke, was now at length, after having been six times besieged in vain, taken, and restored to the dominion of the Emperor. It had been of great service to the Ottomans, as being their principal place of Arms, from whence they sent their Forces and Munitions of War into the other Cities and Fortresses of their obedience, for they still kept there a numerous Garrison of 8 or 10000 Janissaries and spahis, as in a Nursery, and ready upon all occasions.  BVDa SeXto IneXpVgnabILIs SeptIMo FIt Caesar Is. 
A Detachment, as we said, of 10000 Horse being sent in pursuit of the Grand Visier by Land, and 12000 Foot, with 30 Cannon, Mortars, Ammunition, and all sort of Provisions, were sent down the Danube in large Boats, with order to fortify themselves in some convenient Post near the Bridge of Esseck, whilst orders were sent to the Forces in Croatia to join them, in order to cut off the Enemy's retreat. The main Army did also follow, but the want of Forage in a wasted Country forced them to separate, and to pass the River some 12 Miles below Buda, with design to besiege Segedin, whilst the rest continued their march towards Esseck, and join with the Croatian Forces, a Party of which had insulted and burnt the Town of Quinque Ecclesiae, or five Churches, forcing the Turks into the Castle.  
The Duke of Lorraine having caused a Bridge of Boats to be laid over the Danube at Paxi, several Parties of Horse were sent out, who met with no Enemy, the Turks having abandoned the small places they were possessed o● on both sides the River, after having removed their Cannon and store, and laid these places in ashes. Count Caprara is designed to besiege Segedin, but the design upon the Bridge of Esseck could not be executed at this time, the Country being so extremely ruined, that the Troops were not able to subsist in their march thither. The Turks had likewise abandoned Tuln and Hatwan, the Garrison of the last being removed to Erlaw or Agria, after it had been most miserably destroyed. The Duke, upon fresh advice that the Grand Visier had not passed the Bridge of Esseck as was reported, but had posted himself very strongly and advantageously on this side, with 20000 men, seemed to alter his mind, and to go and beat up his Quarters, before he were further recruited from Belgrade. He had put 8000 of his best men into Alba Regalis, having given a Horse to every Janisary, the better to make excursions upon the Christians in the Winter. Prince Lewis of Baden was detached from the main Army, with 12 Regiments of Horse and Foot, to go and besiege Five-Churches, but the measures were so taken, that he might join his Forces to the Duke's in case it were requisite, or that the Grand Visier might be brought to a battle. He was encamped near the Bridge of Esseck, having the Fortress of Darda behind him▪ the Danube on his right, and the Hills on his left, and hisFront covered with the River Sarwitz, over which the Duke of Lorraine had caused Bridges to be laid, to oblige the Turks to repass the Bridge of Esseck, or to stand a Battle. But the season being too far advanced, he encamped at Tuln, and passing no farther, leaving part of the Army under Caprara, to pass the Danube in order to the Siege of Segedin, he returned towards Buda, and being encamped with 10 Regiments not far from Pest, sent a Party to possess themselves of Hatwan, entirely ruined, tho' the Turks had left 17 Pieces of Cannon, which they wanted time and conveniencies to carry away. The residue of the Foot were put into Buda to reinfore that place, weakened by the departure of the Brandenburg and Saxon Troops, whilst the Duke himself after so glorious a Campain returned into Germany. The remaining Horse and Dragoons were sent under General Veterani to reinforce the Imperial Forces before Segedin, upon advice that Achmet Bassa was marching with a Body of Turks and Tartars to relieve it. General Wallis, who commanded the Imperialists, hearing the Infidels advanced towards him, ordered Major General Veterani to march towards night with 7 Regiments of Horse, the Croats of Lodron, and the Dragoons of Castelli and Magne, which they did, and at break of day surprising the Tartars, 
Oct. 20. 1686.  easily routed them; nor did the Turks make any considerable resistance, the spirit of that People formerly so martial, being actuated by such a current of misfortunes into despondency. The Christians, being upon their return to their Camp with their spoil, were attacked by the Grand Visier himself at the head of above 12000 Turks, but with equal success, these being likewise utterly defeated, without any extraordinary combating. Twelve pieces of Cannon, and all their Baggage, with 3000 Horses were taken. The slain were estimated above 2000 Segedin, seeing their relief defeated, capitulated, being admitted to march with what they could carry, except their Arms, to Temeswar.  
But the strong Castle of Five Churches had not so good quarters. 
Oct. 22.  They had quitted the Town upon the arrival of the Christians, and retired into the Castle, but after 4 days battery, surrendered it at discretion, the Women only and Children being conducted to Valpo, whilst the Bassa, 600 Janissaries, and 2000 others fit to bear arms, were made Prisoners of War. The Prince of Baden, having put a good Garrison into the place, divided his Army into two Bodies, one marched with General Scherffenberg towards Syc●os, designing, after having made himself Master of that place, to march towards the Bridge of Esseck. Nor did they of Syclos defend themselves much better than the rest, they only burned the Town, not to keep the Castle scarce to terms of discretion. The Prince marched thence to Darda, which he, although it were strong, being seated upon the Danube, and covering the Bridge on one side, found abandoned, the Turks being retired into Esseck, leaving only a few Horse to observe the Enemy, who, upon their advance, fled immediately. The Prince, having taken possession of Darda, scent Parties out to burn the Bridge of Esseck with artificial fires, which they so happily executed, notwithstanding the Turks played upon them all the time with their Cannon from Esseck, that they quite destroyed the Bridge from Darda to the Drove, as likewise the Bridge of Boats which the Turks had over that River.  
The Prince of Baden, after this exploit, marched back towards Capeswar, 
No. 3.  with 1200 Prisoners of both Sex's and Age's, which place he purposed to possess, and had delivered upon demand, after which he resolved for his Winter Quarters. The Croats also that had hitherto joined him, did likewise return home with Booty, and store of Prisoners.  
And this was the end of this famous Campain in Hungary, so glorious to the Christians, and so unfortunate to the Ottomans, so that these who used to give and sell Peace at pleasure formerly, became now earnest Solicitors themselves for it, thinking themselves in such a condition, that nothing but a speedy Peace could restore them. The Grand Visier, being sensible of this, made several efforts to effectuate it. He had lately made Overtures to General Caraffa, who commanded the Imperial Forces in upper Hungary, but now Letters are sent to Prince Herman of Baden, Precedent of the Council of War, telling him how desirous the Port was of Peace, and with what advantage to the Emperor it might be concluded in this Conjuncture; proposing further, that a Place might be appointed for Plenipotentiaries on both sides to meet, and that Passports might be dispatched for that purpose.  
And 'tis no wonder the Turks were so earnest for Peace, having been so unsuccessful in War, and the disorders it produced. 'Tis scarce imaginable what confusion and terror the taking of Buda, and the slaughter of that Garrison did produce through the whole Empire, especially Constantinople. The People began to murmur, and the Chief of them to Cabal, 
Disorders at Constantinople.  which so startled the Grand Signior, that after having doubled his Guards, he sent to them to know the meaning of their unusual meeting; they answered, that seeing him and his Empire in such danger, they thought it their duty to consult together how they might preserve both. They blamed the Mufti as an ill man, who had fomented the War, not without some reflection upon his Highness himself, as too intent upon his sports, and too little mindful of this his chief City. The Grand Signior thought it best to comply with these Reformers, in order to which he immediately deposes and banishes the Mufti, choosing Hussan Effendi Codilisk●r in his Place; and putting off a general hunting which he had appointed, caused all his Greyhounds, the best his Empire afforded, to be turned loose, a Prey to any that pleased; he daily now frequents the Mosques instead of the Campain, giving out that he will himself take the field next Spring against the Germans. This change, and the certainty of the Visier Azems coming to assist at the great Council for regulating the next Campaign, did at present quiet the discontents of the People, tho' their fears seemed incurable. There was also a great Reform made in the Seraglio, with a Retrenchment of the salaries and perquisites of the principal Officers of it. There was also an extraordinary Council held in the presence of the Grand Signior to consider of the way to put the Ottoman Forces, which are now extremely broken, into a condition to oppose the further progress of the Christian Arms. And being Money is the principal ingredient, the Grand Signior made of●er of all his Treasure to be employed in the War. The Sultana Queen gave 4000 Purses of 500 Crowns each, and the chief Officers of the Seraglio presented great sums. And yet all this cannot cure their fears, nor remove the Plague, sweeping away 1000 a day in Constantinople and Galata, to which Calamities the scarcity of Provisions may be added, occasioned by the Cossacks disturbing the Commerce of the black Sea, and the Christians that of the Alexandria and the Arches.  
Nor was it with these hardships only that the Turks were to contend, they had yet no less powerful Enemies, the Poles and the Venetians, whose Histories we have for method sake referred to their proper Classes. What they did the last year, is distinctly related, and we shall be no less particular in the actions of this, which are of more noise, and no less lugubrious consequence to the Ottoman Empire, especially the latter.  
The Poles were much earlier in the field this year, and stronger than the last. 
The Affairs of Poland.  Their Forces consisted of 20000 Poles 15000 Lituanians, and 10000 Cossacks with a great train of Artillery, and being met at their general Rendezvouz at Trembowla, marched toward the Niester with the King at the head of them. The Turks being interior in their Preparations, 
july 14.  had abandoned Bar and Miedzibos, sending those Garrisons with all their stores to strengthen Caminiec, where the Tartars had likewise lately conducted a Convoy.  
The King being come to the frontier of Moldavia, expected that the Hospodars of that Country and Walachia should, 
july 24.  as they had promised, join their Forces to the Army of the Crown, which they were inclined enough to do, but that they dreaded the Turkish Power. The Poles having past the River, they advanced to the Forest of Bucovina, where they had been engaged with the Turks last year; but to secure their passages now, the King caused several Redoubts to be built to guard the avenues of the Forest, and consequently secure his retreat. These being finished, he marched towards jassi, the Capital City of Moldavia, to give the Hospodar an opportunity to join his Forces with him, as he had promised. But this Prince, thinking it too soon as yet to declare, retired upon the News he had of the Kings approaching, notwithstanding the assurances his Majesty had given him of his Friendship and Protection. The King being come as far as Pererit in Moldavia, caused a Royal Fort to be built on the side of the River Prutti, to secure a Retreat, and the passage of Convoy, for it was very difficult to subsist in those harrassed Countries, which the Turks and Tartars had near ruined. Whilst the Army was upon its march, the Hospodar sent Deputies to the King to excuse his retiring from jassi, and his not joining Forces with those of his Majesty, seeing he could not now openly declare without exposing his Children to certain destruction, having been forced to deliver them as Hostages to the Turks. The King replied, that he could never meet with a more favourable conjuncture to shake off the Ottoman Yoke than now, 
Aug. 8.  being he was come in Person to deliver him from it; he expected now the performance of his reiterated Promises, which if he did not make good, he should be necessitated to treat him as a declared Enemy. The King continuing his march, came to jassi, which he found not only abandoned by the Prince, but also the Garrison and principal Inhabitants. Those that remained opened their Gates to the Troops his Majesty sent thither, and furnished them with some Provisions.  
Some Tartars taken by a party, reported, that the Seraskier had passed the Danube near Axiopolis, with 15 or 16000 men, that he expected 6000 more, which when come up, he intended to march towards Bessarabia to join the Tartars commanded by Sultan Nuraden, reported to be 30000 strong. The Armies approaching each other occasioned many encounters. The King continued his march on this side the River Prutti as far as Falfyn. The Court Marshal, who commanded the Vanguard of the Army, encountering with a party of Tartars of 8000, engaged them, both fight with great Courage, but the Tartars being stronger, pressed hard upon the Poles, and had worsted them if they had not been succoured by some fresh Troops, who adding new Vigour to their Companions, turned the Scales, forcing the Tartars to a disorderly retreat, some hundreds of them were killed, and amongst others a near Relation of Sultan Nuradons, for whose body he offered the liberty of 3 Polish Gentlemen; some Prisoners were likewise taken, and one of the Chams Standards, nor was this success bloodless, divers of the Polish Officers and Soldiers being killed and wounded.  
The King having caused a Bridge near that Place to be laid over the River, passed it with his Army, advancing into a great Plain with a Resolution to enter into the Country of Budriac. But the Troops suffered much by excessive heat, which had caused a great drought, and burnt up all the Grass, so that the Horses were in great want of forage. Chevalier Lubormiski had likewise an advantageous onset against the Tartars, but the News of the Moldavians having contrary to their promise joined the Tartars, did not please. These were also reinforced with further Detachments of Turks which had passed the Danube at Ken and Smil. These Tartars had likewise taken a Convoy of 200 Wagons that were going to the Army, and together with the Turks made an attempt upon the Christian Camp itself, but finding the Troops in a condition to receive them, they made what haste they could to retire, tho' not without some loss.  
Octob. 4. The Poles obtained a Victory against the Turks and Tartars, of whom some thousands were said to be killed upon the place, and 300 taken, with several of their principal Officers, for which success Te Deum was sung at Lemberg. The Poles also had 1500 slain, and amongst them divers Persons of Quality. After this, the King, weary of Moldavia, most commonly fatal to the Poles, repassed the Forest of Buckovina, in order to put his Troops into Winter-Quarters. He had not only quitted jassi, which had been in part destroyed by an accidental fire, but had also caused the several Forts which he had built to secure the Passages of the Forest to be demolished; from whence People concluded, that the King had no design to return in haste that way again, but rather attempt Caminiec, so ruinous to that side of his Kingdom, and into which the Turks had newly put 500 Wagons laden with Provisions, the Detachment of Horse that was sent to obstruct their Passage coming too late. The Christians being gone to quarters, the main body of the Tartars did so too, but some parties of them had lately made an incursion into the ukrain and Podolia, where they did much mischief. The Turks who served this Campaign against the Poles, repassed the Danube and the Hospodar of Moldavia returned to jassi, from whence he had fled.  
The Poles had been highly animated with the League Offensive and Defensive which they had made the beginning of this last Campaign with the Muscovites, which, though it had been published with great solemnity on both sides, the Muscovites have not yet performed any one thing that was stipulated on their side. The Great Dukes were obliged by this Treaty to employ their Forces this last Summer against the Tartars, to divert them from joining with the Turks; nor did they advance a step in it, though they now (the Campaign being passed) send Ambassadors to assure the King of their firm Resolution to observe the Treaty of Confederacy so lately concluded at Moscho, and yet they start new points which do so far perplex the Court, that they begin to have a great Jealousy that the Czars do not seriously mean to enter into the War.  
Great were the Preparations the Venetians had made to carry on the War this Summer against the Ottomans, 
The Wars of Venice. March 26.  which they had been so successful in the last; and the fleet being now ready, sailed from Corfu under the Command of General Morosini towards the Levant. In the mean time the Turks having got an Army together composed of 10000 foot and 1500 Horse, sat down before Chielefa, a Fortress of importance, tho' tamely delivered by them last year to the menaces of the Christians. They now batter it with six great Guns, and had lain 10 days before it when the Army of the Venetians hastening to its relief landed at Porto Vitulo, not far from it, and sending a Detachment of 3000 Men, with 2000 Maynotes, the Garrison which consisted of 1200 having orders at the same time to sally in their favour; the Enemy, intimidated with the report of their advance, raised the Si●ge and marched silently away in the Night, yet not so, but that being pursued by the Christians, they left their Cannon behind them, the 500 men that conducted them being also most slain and taken Prisoners. After this Defeat General Morosini reinbarked his Forces at Porto Vitulo, and sailed towards the Gulf of Calamata, and thence to Porto Clinno, where he was to join with General Koningsmark, Commander of the Land Forces, lately arrived there with a great Convoy that went from Venice. They had expected the arrival of the Auxiliary Galleys to open the Campaign, which being at length come, and a review of the Forces taken by General Morosini, which were estimated at 25000 men, they sailed the 25 of May from Porto Trepana with a fleet of above 100 sail, consisting in 80 Ships, 14 Galleasses, and several Galleys and Galliots, taking their course towards Lepanto, feigning a design to attack that Fortress, near which the General caused 1000 men to be landed to alarm the Country, and leaving some Ships there to countenance the faint, sailed the Night following towards Modon, then ill manned, the Turks having drawn most of their Forces towards Lepanto. But the Captain General thought fit to attack old Navarin, the Pylus of Ptolemy first, which he did, 12000 foot, and 1500 Horse being landed for that purpose. This Town is built upon a height, at the foot whereof the Haven is capable of any number of Ships. The Garrison of this place was weak, not exceeding 200, so that affrighted with the Fleet, the numbers, and the summons of the Christians, they immediately surrendered, capitulating to march out with their Arms and Baggage, which they did, leaving behind them 20 pieces of Brass Cannon, 23 of Iron, and 7 Mortars, besides 200 Christian slaves, who obtained their liberty.  
Count Coningsmark marched from thence to New Navarino, seated on a Rock, and of very difficult access. He circled it by Land as well as the place would permit, whilst it was beaten from Sea with 20 pieces of Cannon and 18 Mortas. The Seraskier of Morea, being solicitous for this place, advanced with 10000 men for its relief, destroying all the Countries as he passed. The Christians, to prevent his advance, leaving a body of men behind them to maintain the Works, marched to meet him, and endeavoured several times to engage him to a Battle, which he avoided by passing a River, and retiring to a very advantageous Ground. Count Koningsmark being reinforced thereupon to 14000, it was resolved they should pass the River in two Places, and charge the Turks in Front and Flank, which was performed accordingly. The Victory was obstinately contested for at least two hours, but then the Turks being disordered fled, leaving 1000 of their men slain, wounded, and Prisoners, with all their Tents, Cannon, and Baggage. The Christians had scarce 100 killed and wounded. Triumphing with this Victory they returned to the Siege, where, upon a second summons, the Besieged seeing their hopes of Succour defeated, and their Bassa slain, being blown up, with 150 of the Garrison by a Bomb falling amongst Powder, they likewise being 1200 Foot, 
june 17. Navarino surrendered.  and 200 Horse, surrendered upon Conditions to march away with their Arms, Bag, and Baggage, which they did, leaving behind them 64 pieces of Cannon, and thirteen Mortars, with great store of Provisions.  
After the taking of Navarin, the General resolved to besiege Modon, tho' he knew the Seraskier had reinforced the Garrison, and provided it with all things necessary for a just defence, with promise of certain Succours by a day. Modon is seated upon a Promontory of the Sea of Sapienza, Art and Nature having concurred to make it strong, tho' it held out but a Siege of 13 days. It was indeed miserably torn with Bombs and Carcases, and the relief not appearing at the day appointed, 
jul. 7.  the Bassa thought fit to capitulate, and marched out with near 3000 men, which were to be transported to Alexandria. There were taken in the Castle and Town 90 Brass Guns, 8 Iron ones, with 13 Mortars, and a great quantity of Ammunition and Provisions.  
Morosini having stayed some time at Modon, as well to repair the Fortifications as to refresh his wearied Troops, having held a great Council of War, it was resolved to besiege Napoli di Romania, the better to secure the conquests which the Republic had already made in Morea. All things being made ready for so important an Enterprise, the Captain General sailed from Modon with the Venetian Fleet and the Auxiliary Galleys, and at the same time sent orders to the Captain Extraordinary of the Ships to approach towards that Coast with the Squadron under his command, that he may join the Fleet if there be occasion. As a prelude to this enterprise, 8 Turkish Ships that had carried Men and Provisions to Napoli de Romania, endeavouring to escape by night out of Port Malvasia, were taken. 
july 30.  In the m●an time the General landed his Army at Ciara, six miles from Napoli, the Nauplia of the Ancients, and possessed himself the next day of the Hill Palemada, within Musket shot of the Town. The Seraskier of Morea being encamped not far off with 8 or 10000 men, did put 300 Soldiers into the Town, the Garrison before consisting of 2000 under the Command of Mustapha Bassa, and advanced himself towards the Christians Camp; upon notice whereof, General Coningsmark marched with his Forces to meet him, 
Aug. 6.  leaving some to guard the works against the Town; After some light Skirmishes the Bodies engaged. The Turks scarce standing their Ground, retired in much disorder, leaving 400 of their men behind them. The loss on the Christians side was inconsiderable, not exceeding 50 men. General Konin●smark returning to the Siege, sent some Troops to force the Castle of Argas which they found abandoned, and had that of Tenioni delivered upon demand. In the mean time the Siege was vigorously carried on, the Bombs and Carcases occasioning great Confusion in the Town. But the Seraskier being reinforced with 3000 fresh men, raised their dejected minds, who at the same time that the Seraskier approached the Christian Camp, made a great Sally upon the Besiegers, though they were beaten back with loss, and the Seraskier so warmly received by the Cannon from the Hill of Polameda, that he retired without making any attempt upon the Lines. The Besiegers by this were lodged in the Town-Moat, so that the Seraskier being reinforced out of the neighbouring Garrisons to 12000, resolved to make another attempt to relieve the place, by forcing the Camp. At the same time 1500 of their best men sallied out of the City, so that the Christians being hardly put to it, the Slavonians being overpowered, were forced to give way, but General Koningsmark coming opportunely to their assistance with a strong Party, rallied them, and beat back the Turks. In that instant of time, General Morosini having landed 3500 men, charged the Enemy so seasonably in Front and Flank, that they disordered them, and forced them to retire, but they being much stronger in Horse, were not pursued far. The Turks lost in this action 1500 of their best men, 
Napoli di Romania surrendered. Aug. 31  besides 120 that were taken Prisoners, and on the Christians side near 400. The Garrison upon this defeat, upon consideration of the Mines and Breaches, and danger of standing out an Assault, surrendered upon the same terms as had been given to Navarino and Modon.  
The Christians lost a great many Men by a Flux contracted by the heat, and eating too much fruit, and among others, a Nephew of General Koningsmark, the Captain of his Guards, and Count Bernabo Visconti a Milaneze Colonel.  
The Bassa of Napoli di Romania, whether out of a consciousness of not having done his duty in defence of the City, or out of a resentment that to be unhappy is to be criminal, thought it securer to put himself into the protection of his Vanquishers, than to expose himself to the candour of his Compurgators at home. He therefore, with about eighty Turks more, having obtained leave of the General, were shipped for Venice, where they were honourably received by the Senate, presented, and permitted to take two fine Houses, with very fine Gardens belonging to them, where they and their Families live at present. After the taking of Napoli, above sixty small Towns and burgh's put themselves under the protection of the Venetians; and the General having settled affairs there, and dismissed the Auxiliary Galleys with their shares of the Booty to return home, sailed himself with the Galleys of Venice towards the Archipelag to put those Islands, which he also in a great measure did, under contribution. The Garrison and Inhabitants of Napoli being numerous, exceeding 10000, besides the jews and Greeks who were made Tributaries, were by Articles to be transported to the Isle of Tenedos, which was also done in 12 Ships, commanded by Signior Venier. This Fleet did not only alarm those parts, but Constantinople itself, affrighted with the report of a Venetian Armada so near the Dardanels: But upon their return they were met, and fought by the Captain Bassa, who had 20 Galleys and 10 Ships, but seeing he could do no good upon them, was obliged to quit the fight. The Seraskier, in the mean time, was retired to Corinth, from whence he sent some Troops to reinforce the Garrison of Petrassa, and very strong Parties, who by their incursions, keep the Greeks in continual alarms, and hinder them from openly declaring for the Republic. To this end, he hath seized upon divers of the Principal of them, keeping them as Hostages, but exercises all kinds of cruelty against such as he suspects to have any correspondence with the Christians.  
Cara Ibrahim, the late Visier, being stripped of his Estate, 
Mar. 18.  was sent to Rhodes, where, within the compass of the year, he was strangled, by command of the Sultan, the Caimacan of Constantinople being at the same time put into the seven Towers, 
Apr. 28.  to satisfy the People.  
Nor was the Venetian War confined only to Morea, and the Sea, though nothing extraordinary happened in the later, that wise Republic having sent Cornaro to command in Dalmatia, with such Forces as might endeavour to divert the Turks from sending Succours either to Hungary or Morea, which they also in some measure did. And yet scarce any thing worthy a place in History, which is only pleased with great events, did intervene, the Forces indeed of neither side being sufficient for great undertake. Some inconsiderable Places were intercepted on both sides, and the incursions of Parties into each others Quarters were frequent; wherein the Morlaques, like the Tartars on the Frontiers of Poland, did signalise themselves. The Bassa of Scutari had drawn together 7 or 8000 Men, with a Resolution to attack the City of Budna, but they were ordered to march towards Hungary, so that that design vanished. But General Cornaro, and the Prince of Parma, who was Lieutenant General of the Foot, having drawn together 1000 Horse, and 3000 Foot, and 5000 Morlaques, commanded by the Chevalier janco, with the Artillery and Ammunition necessary for a Siege, resolved to attack Sign, situated upon a Rock, and fortified with a good Wall and strong Castle, 
Sept. 23.  but the Cannon opening a Breach, it was assaulted and carried by force, the Garrison which consisted but of 250 Turks, being cut in pieces. By taking of this place, the Venetians are become Masters of the fertile Province of Zettina.  
The Grand Visier, upon his repassing the Bridge of Esseck, had sent home the Troops of Bossina, so that the Bassa of the said Province, thinking himself with this reinforcement, in a condition to make some attempt upon the Enemy, was accordingly preparing for it, tho' watched narrowly by Cornaro. The Bassa of Erzegovina had likewise got a competent Army together, and having burnt some Villages, retired towards Clin, to put a Convoy of Provisions into that place, Cornaro at the same time having taken his march towards Zsbenico and Sardona, to cover those places. And thus this year, and the Campain, were finished, except the usual excursions, both here, in Morea, in Poland, and in Hungary, where the Parties are always busy, and infest each other according to their power.  
The desires of the Port for Peace were great. It was against their Maxims to wage War with so many powerful Adversaries at once, nor could they tell how to extricate themselves out of it. They had often attempted separate Treaties, but the Allies were not to be disjoined, they therefore offered them Concessions they durst not have hoped for at the beginning of the War. They would yield to the Emperor all Hungary, as far as the Drove, to the King of Poland, Caminiec and all Podolia, and restore to the Venetians the Kingdom of Candia, on condition they would part with what they had gained in Morea.  
FINIS.   

THE PRESENT STATE OF THE Ottoman Empire.  
CONTAINING THE MAXIMS OF THE Turkish Polity;  
The most Material POINTS of the MAHOMETAN RELIGION;  
Their SECTS and HERESIES;  
Their Convents and Religious Votaries;  
Their MILITARY DISCIPLINE:  
With an exact Computation of their Forces both by Sea and Land.  
In Three Books.  
By Sir PAUL RYCAUT, late Consul of Smyrna, and Fellow of the Royal Society.  
LONDON, Printed by I. D. Anno, MDCLXXXVII.   

To the Right Honourable HENRY Lord Arlington His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State.  
MY LORD,  
AFTER five Years residence at Constantinople, in Service of the Embassy of the Earl of Winchelsea, (my ever honoured Lord) and this my second Journey from thence by Land into my own Country, I judged it a Point of my Duty, and of my Religion too, to dedicate this following Treatise, as the Fruits of my Travels, Negotiations, and Leisure in those remote Parts, to the Noble Person of your Lordship; as that Votiva Tabula, which many both in Ancient and Modern Times, after some signal Deliverance, or happy Arrival at their desired Port, use to offer to their Gods, their Saints, or their Patrons. And truly, my Lord, this Discourse treating chiefly of the Turkish Polity, Government, and Maxims of State, seems naturally to appertain to the Patronage of your Lordship, whose Faculties of Wisdom and Virtue have given you the Blessing of your Prince's Favour, and the Reputation, as well Abroad as at Home, of an Eminent and Dexterous Minister of State.  
It were a great presumption in me to offer any Observations of my own in the Courts of Christian Princes, to the Test of your Lordship's Experience and Judgement; who not only is acquainted with the Customs and Manners, but penetrates into the Designs, and knows the Cabinet-Councils of Neighbouring Principalities, with whom our divided World may possibly be concerned; but perhaps, without disparagement to your Lordship's profound Wisdom, or over-value of my own Abilities, I may confidently draw a rude Scheme before your Lordship, of the Turkish Government, Policies, and Customs; a Subject which Travellers have rather represented to their Countrymen, to supply them with Discourse and Admiration, than as a Matter worthy the Consideration or Concernment of our Kings, or our Governors.  
It hath been the happy Fortune of the Turk to be accounted Barbarous and Ignorant; for upon this Persuasion, Christian Princes have laid themselves open and unguarded, to their greatest Danger; contending together for one Palm of Land, whilst this Puissant Enemy hath made himself Master of whole Provinces, and largely shared in the rich and pleasant Possessions of Europe.  
This Contempt of the Turk on one side, caused the Emperor to be so backward in opposing that Torrent of the Ottoman Force, which in the first Year of the late War broke in upon him; and the suspicion of Designs from France on the other, altered the Resolutions and Councils of the Emperor for prosecution of the War; which then running favourably on the Christians part, was no less than with the astonishment of the whole World, and of the Turks themselves, on a sudden understood to be clapped up with Articles of a disadvantageous Peace; admiring to see the Emperor give a stop to the Current of his Victories, and relinquish the Game with a lucky Hand.  
But this will seem no Riddle to those who penetrate Affairs with the same Judgement that your Lordship doth, and consider the unfirm Condition the House of Austria was in, by a daily expectation of the Death or fall of so main a Basis of it, as the King of Spain, and the Division amongst the Princes of the Empire; the League of the Rhine; the Freneh Practices to make the Duke of Enguyen King of Poland; and the extravagant Demands of the French and Rhinish League for Winter-quarters, and places of Strength, not only in Hungary, but also in Styria, and the adjacent Places, and at the same time look on the Factions in Hungary, and a considerable Army of French in the Bowels of Germany, who were supposed in those Parts to have rather come with Design to overawe the next Diet, and force the Germane Princes to elect the French King for King of the Romans, than with sincere and simple Intentions of opposing themselves to the Enemy of the Faith: For than it will appear, that the best use the Emperor could make of his good Success, was Moderation in Victory, and Reconciliation with his powerful Enemy. And hereupon Earl Lisle being dispatched for Extraordinary Ambassador from his Imperial Majesty to the Grand Signior; though the Turk was elevated with the thoughts of the Necessity the Christians had of a Peace, did yet so happily manage his Charge and Employment, as created in the Turks an extraordinary Reverence towards his Person, and obtained such Honours and Treatments from them, as the Turkish Court never bestowed before on the Emperor's, or an other Christian Ambassador; extorting this Compliment from the Great Vizier, That he was more satisfied the Emperor had sent so brave and illustrious a Person, than if he had sought to reconcile his Affections with an hundred thousand Dollars more of Present. And to do justice to this worthy Person, he hath brought a Reputation to the British Nation, above any in our Age, whose Virtues and Industry have acquired the highest Trusts and Preferments in Foreign Parts; and done the same Honour to his King, under whom he was born a Subject, as to the present Emperor and his Ancestors, under whom he is, and hath always been a faithful Minister; having deserved so eminently for saving the whole Germane Empire from the Treason of Wallestein, by hiw own single Act of Bravery, (a Story notoriously known to all the World) as can never in gratitude be forgot by that Nation, nor want its due Record and Place in the History of that Country.  
The Speculation of what is contained in this following Discourse, may seem unworthy of your Lordship's precious Hours, in regard of that Notion of Barbarity with which this Empire is styled; yet the knowledge hereof will be like a Turquoise, or some other Jewels set within the Rose of those many Gems of your Lordship's Wisdom and Virtues.  
This Present, which I humbly consecrate to your Lordship, may be termed Barbarous, as all things are which are differenced from us by diversity of Manners and Custom, and are not dressed in the Mode and Fashion of our Times and Countries; for we contract Prejudice from Ignorance and want of Familiarity. But your Lordship, who exactly ponderates the Weight of Humane Actions, acknowledges Reason in all its Habits, and draws not the Measures of Oeconomy, or Policy, from Eternal Appearances or Effects, but from the Fundamental and Original Constitutions; so that your Lordship will conclude, that a People, as the Turks are, Men of the same Composition with us, cannot be so Savage and Rude as they are generally described; for Ignorance and Grossness is the Effect of Poverty, not incident to happy Men, whose Spirits are elevated with Spoils and Trophies of so many Nations.  
Knowing (my Lord) that this Work which I have undertaken is liable to common Censure, I have chosen to shroud my Name under the Patronage of your Lordship, to protect me from the ill-understanding and misconceptions of our Countrymen, both at Home and Abroad: against which I doubt not but to be sufficiently armed in all parts where I travel, when the Countenance your Lordship affords me, is joined to the Authority of his Excellency the Earl of Winchelsea, His Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary, now actually Resident at Constantinople, my ever honoured Lord; to whom I read, a long time before published to the World, the greatest part of this following Treatise; and as I received his favourable Approbation and Assent to the Verity of most Matters herein contained; so I must ingenuously confess to have been beholden to that quick and refined Genius of his, who often rectified my Mistakes, supplied me with Matter, and remembered me of many material Points, which I might otherwise have most unadvisedly omitted: And his Excellency knowing that in his absence this Book might want a favourable Patron, left me to myself to seek out one, who might concur with him in the same Innocent Defence. And as, my Lord, you are a Public Person, and under our Gracious Sovereign, are one of those Generous Spirits which have espoused the common Interest of the Nation; so I presume, on this present Occasion, not to want your Protection also in a single Capacity: For which excess of Favours, I shall ever pray for the Exaltation of the greater Glory of your Lordship, and for ever acknowledge myself,  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most Humble, most Faithful, and most devoted Servant, PAUL RICAUT.   

TO THE READER.  
Courteous Reader,  
I Present thee here with a true System or Model of the Turkish Government and Religion; not in the same manner as certain ingenious Travellers have done, who have set down their Observations as they have obviously occured in their journeys; which being collected, for the most part, from Relations, and Discourses of such who casually intervene in Company of Passengers, are consequently subject to many Errors and Mistakes: But having been an Inhabitant myself, at the Imperial City, for the space of five Years, and assisted by the advantage of considerable journeys I have made through divers parts of Turkey, and qualified by the Office I hold of Secretary to the Earl of Winchelsea, Lord Ambassador, I had opportunity, by the constant access and practice with the chief Ministers of State, and variety of Negotations which pased through my hands in the Turkish Court, to penetrate farther into the Mysteries of this Polity, which appear so strange and barbarous to us, than hasty Travellers could do, who are forced to content themselves with a Superficial Knowledge.  
The Computations I have made of the Value of their Offices, of the Strength and Number of their Soldiery, according as every City and Country is rated, are deduced from their own Registers and Records. The Observations I have made of their Polity, are either, Maxims received from the Mouth and Argument of considerable Ministers, or Conclusions arising from my own Experience and Considerations. The Articles of their Faith, and Constitutions of Religion, I have set down as pronounced from the Mouth of some of the most learned Doctors and Preachers of their Law, with whom, for Money, or Presents, I gained a familiarity and appearance of friendship. The Relation of the Seraglio, and Education of their Youth, with divers other matters of Custom and Rule, where transmitted to me by several sober Persons, trained up in the best Education of the Turkish Learning; and particularly, by an understanding Polonian, who had spent nineteen Years in the Ottoman Court.  
If (Reader) the Superstition, Vanity and ill foundation of the Mahometan Religion seem fabulous, as a Dream, or the Fancies of a distracted and wild Brain, thank God that thou wert born a Christian, and within the Pale of an Holy and an Orthodox Church. If the Tyranny, Oppression and Cruelty of that State, wherein Reason stands in no competition with the Pride and Lust of an unreasonable Minister, seem strange to thy Liberty and Happiness, thank God that thou art born in a Country the most free and just in all the World; and a Subject to the most indulgent, the most gracious of all the Princes of the Universe; That thy Wife, thy Children, and the Fruits of thy Labour, can be called thine own, and protected by the valiant Arm of thy fortunate King: And thus learn to know and prise thy own freedom, by comparison with Foreign Servitude, that thou mayst ever bless God and thy King, and make thy Happiness breed thy Content, without degenerating into Wantonness, or desire of Revolution. Farewell.   

THE MAXIMS OF THE Turkish Polity. BOOK. I.  

CHAP. I. The Constitution of the Turkish Government, being different from most others in the World, hath need of peculiar Maxims and Rules whereon to establish and confirm itself.  
I Have begun a Work which seems very full of Difficulty and Labour: for to trace the Footsteps of Government in the best form and moulded Commonwealths, (such as are supported with Reason and with Religion) is no less than to unriddle and resolve a Mystery. 
O navis referent in mar● te novi fluctus. Hor. 14. Ode. Lib. 1.  For as a Commonwealth, by many Authors, hath not been unaptly compared to a Ship, in divers respects, and proper Allegories; so principally the small Impression or Sign of Track, the floating Habitation leaves behind it on the Sea, in all the Traverses it makes, according to the different Winds, to attain its Port, is a lively Emblem of the various Motions of good Government, which by reason of Circumstances, Times, and multiplicity of Changes and Events, leaves little or no Path in all the Ocean of Humane Affairs.  
But there must be yet certain Rules in every Government, which are the Foundations and Pillars of it; not subject to the Alteration of Time, or any other Accident; and so essential to it, that they admit of no change, until the whole Model of Polity suffer a Convulsion, and be shaken into some other Form; which is either effected by the new Laws of a Conqueror, or by intestine and civil Revolutions. Of such Maxims as these, (obvious to all who have had any practice in the Ottoman Court) I have made a Collection, subjoining to every Head some Reflections and Considerations of my own, which at my leisure Hours I have weighed and examined, b●●nging them (according to the proportion of my weak Judgement and Ability) to the Measure and Test of Reason and Virtue; as also to a Similitude and Congruity with the Maxims of other Empires, to which God hath given the largest extent of Dominion.  
But indeed, when I have considered seriously the Contexture of the Turkish Government, the absoluteness of an Emperor, without Reason, without Virtue, whose Speeches may be Irrational, and yet must be Laws; whose Actions Irregular, and yet Examples; whose Sentence and Judgement, if in Matters of the Imperial Concernment, are most commonly corrupt, and yet Decrees irresistible: When I consider what little rewards these are for Virtue, and no Punishment for profitable and thriving Vice; how Men are raised at once by Adulation, Chance, and the sole Favour of the Prince, without any Title of Noble Blood, or the Motives of Previous Deserts, or former Testimonies and Experience of Parts and Abilities, to the weightiest, the richest, and most honourable Charges of the Empire; when I consider how short their continuance is in them, how with one Frown of their Prince they are cut off; with what greediness, above all people in the World, they thirst and haste to be Rich, and yet know their Treasure is but their Snare; what they labour for, is but as Slaves for their great Patron and Master, and what will inevitably effect their Ruin and Destruction, though they have all the Arguments of Faithfulness, Virtue, and moral Honesty (which are rare in a Turk) to be their Advocates, and plead for them.  
When I consider many other things of like Nature, (which may more at large hereafter be discoursed of) one might admire the long continuance of this great and vast Empire, and attribute the stability thereof without change within itself, and the increase of Dominions and constant progress of its Arms, rather to some supernatural Cause, than to the ordinary Maxims of State, or Wisdom of the Governors; as if the Divine Will of the All-knowing Creator, had chosen for the good of his Church, and chastisement of the Sins and Vices of Christians, to raise and support this mighty People. Mihi quanto plura recentium s●u veterum revolvo, 
Tacit. l. 3. An.  tanto magis ludibria rerum mortalium cunctis in negotiis observantur.  
But that which cements all Breaches, and cures all those Wounds in this Body Politic, is the quickness and severity of their Justice, which not considering much the strict division and parts of distributive and commutative, makes almost every Crime equal, and punishes it with the last and extremest chastisement, which is Death; I mean those which have relation to the Government, and are of common and public Interest. Without this Remedy, which I lay down as a principal Prevention of the greatest Disorders, this mighty Body would burst with the Poison of its own ill Humours, and soon divide itself into several Signories, as the Ambition and Power of the Governors, most remote from the Imperial Seat, administered them hopes and security of becoming Absolute.  
In this Government, Severity, Violence and Cruelty are natural to it, and it were as great an Error to begin to lose the Reins, and ease the People of that Oppression to which they and their Forefathers have, since their first original, been accustomed, as it would be in a Nation freeborn, and used to live under the Protection of good Laws, and the Clemency of a virtuous and Christian Prince, to exercise a Tyrannical Power over their Estates and Lives, and change their Liberty into Servitude and Slavery. The Turks had the original of their Civil Government ●ound●d in the time of the War: for when they ●ir●t came out of Scythia, and took Arms in their Hands, and submitted unto one General, it is to be supposed, that they had no Laws but what were Arbitrary and Martial, and most agreeable to the enterprise and Design they had then in hand, when Tangrolipix overthrew the Persian Sultan, possessed himself of his Dominions and Power, and called and opened the way for his Companions out of Armenia; when Cutlumuses revolted from him, and made a distinct Kingdom in Arabia: when other Princes of the Seleuccian Family in the infancy of the Turkish Power had by Wars among themselves, or by Testament made division of their Possessions; when (Anno 1300.) Ottoman, by strange Fortunes, and from small beginnings swallowed up all the other Governments into the Ogusian Tribe, and united them under one Head, until at last it arrived to that greatness and power it now enjoys. 
M● Esperati che gli hanno, each cominciano ad effere in veneratione, etc. Machi. c. 6. deal Prencipe.  The whole condition of this People was but a continued state of War; wherefore it is not strange, if their Laws are severe, and in most things arbitrary; that the Emperor should be Absolute and above Law, and that most of their Customs should run in a certain Channel and Course most answerable to the height and unlimited Power of the Governor, and consequently to the Oppression and Subjection of the People, and that they should thrive most by servitude, be most happy, prosperous and contented under Tyranny, is as natural to them, as to a Body to be nourished with that Diet which it had from its Infancy or Birth been acquainted with. But not only is Tyranny requisite for this People, and a stiff reign to curb them, lest by an unknown Liberty they grow mutinous and unruly, but likewise the large Territories and remote parts of the Empire require speedy preventions, without Processes of Law, or formal Indictment: jealousy and suspicion of Misgovernment being Licence and Authority enough for the Emperor to inflict his severest Punishments; all which depends upon the Absoluteness of the Prince; which because it is that whereby the Turks are principally supported in their Greatness, and is the prime Maxim and Foundation of their State, we shall make it the Discourse and Subject of the following Chapter.   

CHAP. II. The Absoluteness of the Emperor is a great support of the Turkish Empire.  
THE Turks having (as is before declared) laid the first foundation of their Government with the Principles most agreeable to Militay Discipline, their Generals or Princes, whose Will and Lusts they served, became absolute Masters of their Lives and Estates; so that what they gained and acquired by the Sword, with Labours, Perils and Sufferings, was appropriated to the use and benefit of their Great Master. All the delightful Fields of Asia, the pleasant Plains of Tempe and Thrace, 
The largeness of the Turkish Empire.  all the Plenty of Egypt, and Fruitfulness of the Nile, the Luxury of Corinth, the Substance of Peloponnesus, Athens, Lemnos, Scio and Mitylene, with other Isles of the Aegean Sea, the Spices of Arabia, and the Riches of a great part of Persia, all Armenia, the Provinces of Ponius, Galatia, Bythinia, Phrygia, Lycia, Pamphylia, Palestine, Coelosyria and Phoenicia, Colchis, and great part of Georgia, the Tributary Principalities of Moldavia and Walachia, Romania, Bulgaria, and Servia, and the best part of Hungary, concur all together to satisfy the Appetite of one single Person; all the extent of this vast Territory, the Lands and Houses, as well as the Castles and Arms, are the proper Goods of the Grand Signior, in his sole Disposal and Gift they remain, whose Possession and Right they are; only to Lands dedicated to Religious uses, the Grand Signior disclaims all Right or Claim; and this he so piously observes (to the shame of our Sectaries in England, who violate the penetralia of the Sanctuary) that when a Bashaw, though afterwards convicted of Treason, bestows any Lands or Rents on any certain Mosch or Temple, that Grant or Gift is good and exempted from any Disposal or Power of the Grand Signior. The Lands being thus originally in the Grand Signior, after the Conquests were made, and the Country secured, and in condition to be distributed, Divisions were made of the Houses, Manors and Farms among the Soldiery, whom they call Timars, as the Reward and Recompense of their Valour and Labour; in consideration of which, every one proportionably to his Revenue and Possession, is obliged to maintain Horse and Men to be always ready when the Grand Signior shall call him forth to serve him in the Wars; by which means the whole Country being in the hands of the Soldiery, all places are the better strengthened, and the conquered People more easily kept from Mutiny and Rebellion; not muc● unlike our Tenure of Knights-service in England, and Lands held of the Crown, but with this difference, that we enjoy them by the Title of a fixed and settled Law, never to be forfeited but upon Treason and Rebellion; they enjoy them also by Inheritance derived from the Father to the Son, but yet as usufructuary during the pleasure of the Emperor, in whom the Propriety is always reserved, and who doth often, as his Humour and Fancy leads him to please and gratify a Stranger, dispossess an ancient Possessor, whose Family hath for many generations enjoyed that Inheritance. Sometimes I have heard, with the Sighs of some, and the Curse of others, how the Grand Signior heated in his Hunting, and pleased with the refreshment of a little cool and crystal Water, presented him by a poor Peasant, hath in recompense thereof freed the Tenant from the Rent of his Landlord, and by his sole Word confirmed to him the Cottage he lived in, the Woods, Gardens and Fields he manured, with as sound a Title, as our long Deeds and Conveyances secure our Purchases and Inheritances in England; and this the former Master dares not name Injustice, because this Tenant is now made Proprietor by the Will of the Grand Signior, which was the same Title and Claim with his; Prescription, Tenant-right, and Custom availing nothing in this Case. For if the inheritance hath been anciently derived from Father to the Son, the more is the Goodness and Bounty of the Emperor to be acknowledged, that hath permitted so long as Succession of his Favours to run in one Family, in whose Power it was to transfer it to others.  
The absolute and unlimited Power of this Prince is more evident by the Titles they give, as God on Earth, the Shadow of God, Brother to the Sun and Moon, the Giver of all Earthly Crowns, etc. And though they do not build and erect Altars to him, as was done to the Roman Emperors, when that People degenerated into a fashion of deformed Adulation, wherein Italy is at present corrupted; yet the Conception they have of his Power, the Ray they conceive to be in him of Divine Illumination, is a kind of imagery and idolatrous Fancy they frame of his Divinity. It is an ordinary saying among the Turkish Cadees and Lawyers, That the Grand Signior is above the Law; that is, whatsoever Law is written, is controllable, and may be contradicted by him: his Mouth is the Law itself, and the Power of an Infallible Interpretation is in him; and though the Mufti is many times, for custom, formality, and satisfaction of the People consulted with, yet when his Sentences have not been agreeable to the Designs intended, I have known him, in an instant, thrown from his Office to make room for another Oracle better prepared for the purpose of his Master.  
Some maintain that the very Oaths and Promises of the Grand Signior are always revocable, when the performance of his Vow is a restriction to the absolute Power of the Empire. And I remember when my Lord Ambassador hath sometimes complained of the Breach of our Capitulations, and pleaded that the Grand Signior had no Power by single Commands to infringe Articles of Peace, to which he had obliged himself by solemn Oaths and Vows; the Interpreters have gently touched that Point, and been as nice to question how far the Power of the Grand Signior extended, as we ought to be in the subtle Points of the Divine Omnipotence, but rather in contemplation of the Grand Signior's Justice, Wisdom, Faith and Clemency, insinuated Arguments of Honour, Convenience and Justice in maintaining the League inviolate with the King of England. It was Iustinian's Rule concerning the Prerogative of Princes, Etsi legibus soluti sumus, tamen legibus vivimus: That is, although the Majesty of Princes, and the necessity of having a Supreme Head in all Governments, did free and privilege them from all Punishment, and exempt them from the Censure and Correction of the Law, that no earthly Power could call them to account for their Errors or Disorders in this World; yet it is necessary to the being of an absolute Monarch, to be a severe Executioner of the Laws of his Country; and it is more his Interest and Security, than to act without Rule, and always to make use of the Power of Absolute Dominion, which is to be applied like Physic, when the ordinary force of Nature cannot remove the malignancy of some peccant Humours.  
The Grand Signior himself is also restrained by Laws, but without impeachment to his Absolute Jurisdiction. For when there is a new Emperor, it is the custom to conduct him with great Pomp and Triumph to a place in the Suburbs of Constantinople called job, where is an ancient Monument of some certain Prophet, or Holy Man, whom the Turks, for want of knowledge in Antiquity and History, style that job, who was recorded for the mirror of Constancy and Patience. For they confound all History in Chronology, saying, That job was Solomon's Judge of the Court, and Alexander the Great, Captain of his Army. At this Place solemn Prayers are made, that God would prosper, and infuse Wisdom into him, who is to manage so great a Charge. Then the Mufti embracing him, bestows his Benediction, and the Grand Signior swears and promises solemnly to maintain the Musleman Faith, and Laws of the Prophet Mahomet; and then the Viziers of the Bench, and other Bashaws, with profound reverence and humility, kissing the Ground first, and then the Hemm of his Vest, acknowledge him their lawful and undoubted Emperor: And after this Form of Inauguration, he returns with the like Solemnity and Magnificence to the Seraglio (which is always the Seat of the Ottoman Emperors.) And thus the Grand Signior retains, and obliges himself to govern within the compass of Laws; but they give him so large a latitude, that he can no more be said to be Bound or Limited, than a Man who hath the World to rove in can be termed a Prisoner, because he cannot exceed the Enclosure of the Universe. For though he be obliged to the execution of the Mahometan Law, yet that Law calls the Emperor the Mouth and Interpreter of it, and endues him with power to alter and annul the most settled and fixed Rules, at least to wave and dispense with them when they are an Obstacle to his Government, and contradict (as we said before) any great Design of the Empire. But the learned Doctors among the Turks more clearly restrain the Imperial Power only to the observation of that which is Religious in the Mahometan Law, saying, That in Matters which are Civil, his Law is Arbitrary, and needs to other Judge or Legislator than his own Will. Hence it is that they say, the Grand Signior can never be deposed or made accountable to any for his Crimes, whilst he destroys carelessly of his Subjects under the number of an hundred a day. And in like manner hence it is, that though the Mahometan Law determines the Testimony of two Witnesses of that Faith to be valid for the determation of all Cases of Difference, yet by our Capitulation it is provided, that no Turkish Witnesses, of what number or quality soever, can avail any of the English Nation, by reason that the Case being Civil, is dispensible by the Imperial Power; but I doubt, were any Matter in question Criminal (as we have never, God be praised, had occasion to put it to trial) the Capitulations would be forced to yield to the Mahometan Law, as being both Religious and Divine, with which the Sultan hath no power to dispense.  
Of what Consequence and Benefit this Absolute Power hath been to the Turks, is evident by the extent of their Empire, and success of their Arms. For if the Sultan pleases the Soldiery, no matter how the People in this constitution is contented; and this was the conclusion of Machiavil upon this Government, in the 19 th' Chapter of his Book del Pincipe. And it must needs be a great advantage to a Commander, when the Vtile and justum are reconciled and made the same, and that he meets no contradiction or opposition at Home, which may retard or cross the great Designs Abroad. The Emperor of Germany had doubtless sooner encountered the Turks, and given a stop to his free entrance the first Year of the late War into Hungary, had he been Absolute of the whole Empire, and not necessitated to expect the consent of his several Princes, and the result of a Diet, when the Turks were even ready to enter Germany. For when many Heads or Hands are required, all Business moves slowly, and more Time is spent in agreement of the manner of Action, in Arguments and Debates (which are most commonly carried on by Faction) than in the most difficult Point of execution. It would seem a great Clog to the Grand Signior to be obliged to depend on the Bounty of his Subjects, when he would make a War, or on the Judgement of a Lawyer that should contradict and censure the Actions of his Prince as irregular, and exceeding the Privileges of his Prerogative. It is very difficult to understand how it is possible with these Fetters for any Country or City ever to arrive to that height, as to be termed the Mistress of a great Empire, or a Prince be said to have a long Arm, or embrace a large Compass of the Globe, who is pinioned with the Bands of his own Laws. But I confess it is a Blessing, and wonderful Happiness of a People, to be Subjects of a gracious Prince, who hath prescribed his Power within the compass of wholesome Laws, acknowledged a right of Possession and Propriety of Estate as well in his Subjects as himself, who doth not punish the Innocent with the Guilty, nor oppress without distinction, nor act the part of that King whom God gives in his Wrath. But then they must content themselves with their own Borders, or some neighbouring Conquest, and this is better, and a greater Glory and Content, than the Honour of being Slaves to the Lust of a Monarch, whose Titles comprehend the greatest part of the World.   

CHAP. III. The Lesson of Obedience to the Emperor is taught by the Turks, as a Principle of Religion rather than of State.  
THE absolute Power in the Prince implies an exact Obedience in the Subjects; and to instil and confirm that Principle, no Art or Industry is wanting in the education of those who are placed in the Seraglio, with design of preferment to Offices and great Charges; so that even the Oath of Obedience, which Friars and other Religious Men vow to their Superiors at their first initiation into Ecclesiastical Orders, is not more exactly or devoutly observed or professed by them, than this Doctrine of Submission to the Will of their great Master, is carefully taught to his Young Scholars who stand Probationers and Candidates for all the Government of the Empire. To die by the hand or command of the Grand Signior, when the blow is submitted to, with entire resignation, is taught to be the highest point of Martyrdom; and whose good Fortune it is so to suffer, is immediately transported to Paradise. Kara Mustapha Passaw (a great Visier) after he had been so successful in all Matters of his Charge, and proved so excellent an Instrument of Victories and Services to his Master, that he was applauded by all to be a most happy and fortunate Minister, was so sensible of his own Condition, and the favour of his Prince, that he confessed he was now arrived to the greatest Glory and Perfection he could in this Life aspire to, and only wanted the Holy Martyrdom, to die by the Order and Sentence of the Grand Signior, as the Reward of his Faithfulness, and the Consummation of all his Honours.  
Such as receive any Wages or pay, coming from the Exchequer, or any Office depending on the Crown, have the title of Kul, which is, the Grand Signior 's Slave: such is the great Vizier and all the Bashaws of the Empire, and it is more honourable than the Condition and Name of Subject; for they have a privilege over these, and can revile, beat and abuse them with Authority; but the Subject cannot offer the least injury to the Slave, without danger of severe punishment. Slavery amongst the Turks denotes a condition of entire resignation to the Will and Command of the Emperor, to perform whatsoever he signifies; or, if possible, what he conceives: though he command whole Armies of them to precipitate themselves from a Rock, or build a Bridge with Piles of their Bodies for him to pass Rivers, or to kill one another to afford him pastime and pleasure. They that have been where they have seen and known the manner of this blind Obedience, may well cry out, O homines ad servitutem paratos! And doubtless the flattery used in the Seraglio towards the Prince, by those that are near his Person, is proportionable to this condition of slavery they profess, and cannot but fancy a strange kind of projected baseness in all the deportment within the Walls of the Seraglio, when there appears so much condescension Abroad to all the lusts and evil inclinations of their Master; so that a generous Prince (as some have been found among the Ottoman Emperors) though he desired not the public Liberty, would yet be weary of this slavish compliance, and seek other counsel and means to inform himself of the true state of his own and other King's Dominions, 
Qui libertatem publicam nollet, eum projects servientiu●● patientiae tedebat. Tac.  than such as proceed from Men unexperienced in any other Court or Country than that they live in. This flattery and immoderate subjection hath doubtless been the cause of the decay of the Turkish Discipline in the Time of Sultan Ibrahim, when Women governed, and now in this present Age of Sultan Mahomet, whose Counsels are given chiefly by his Mother, Negro, Eunuches, and some handsome young Mosayp or Favourite; seldom any from without being permitted, or have their Spirits emboldened to declare a Truth, or are called to give their counsel in Matters of greatest importance. So that this Obedience which brave and wise Emperors have made use of in the advancement of noble Exploits, and enlargement of their Empire, is with effeminate Princes (delighted with flattery) the Snare of their own Greatness, and occasion of weak Counsels and Means in the management of great Designs. If a Man seriously consider the whole composition of the Turkish Court, he will find it to be a Prison and Banniard of Slaves, differing from that where the Galley-slaves are immured, only the Ornaments and glittering outside and appearances: here their Chains are made of Iron, and there of Gold and the difference is only in a painted shining servitude, from that which is a squalid, sordid and a noisome slavery. For the Youths educated in the Seraglio (which we shall have occasion to discourse of in the next Chapter) are kept as it were within a Prison, under a strange severity of Discipline, some for twenty, thirty, others forty Years, others the whole time of the Age of Man, and grow grey under the correction of their Hogiaes' or Tutors. The two Brothers of this present Grand Signior are also imprisoned here, restrained with a faithful and careful Guard, and perhaps are sometimes permitted, out of Grace and Favour, into the presence of their Brother, to kiss his Vest, and to perform the offices of Duty and Humility before their Prince. The Ladies also of the Seraglio have their faithful Keepers of the Black Guard to attend them, and can only have the liberty of enjoying the Air, which passes through Grates and Lattices, unless sometime they obtain licence to sport and recreate themselves in the Garden, separated from the sight of Men, by Walls higher than those of any Nunnery.  
Nay, if a Man considers the Contexture of the whole Turkish Government, he will find it such a Fabric of slavery, that it is a wonder if any amongst them should be born of a free ingen●ous Spirit. The Grand Signior is born of a Slave, the Mother of the present being a Circasian, taken perhaps by the Tartars in their incursions into that Country. The Viziers themselves are not always freeborn by Father or Mother; for the Turks get more Children by their Slaves than by their Wives, and the continual supply of Slaves sent in by the Tartars, taken from different Nations, by way of the Black Sea, (as hereafter we shall have occasion to speak more fully) fills Constantinople with such a strange Race, Mixture, and Medley of different sorts of Blood, that it is hard to find many that can derive a clear Line from ingenuous Parents: So that it is no wonder that amongst the Turks a disposition be found fitted and disposed for Servitude, and that is better governed with a severe and tyrannous Hand, than with sweetness and Lenity, unknown to them and their Forefathers: as Grotius takes this Maxim out of Aristotle, Quosdam homines naturâ esse servos; i. e. ad servitutem aptos; & ita populi quidem, eo sunt ingenio, ut regi quam regere norint rectius. But since it appears that Submission and Subjection are so incident to the Nature of the Turks, and Obedience taught, and so carefully instilled into them with their first Rudiments; it may be a pertinent question, How it comes to pass, that there are so many Mutinies and Rebellions as are seen and known amongst the Turks, and those commonly the most insolent, violent and desperate that we read of in Story. To let pass the Mutinies of former Times in the Ottoman Camp, and the usual, though short Rebellions of ancient Days: I shall instance in the Causes and Beginnings of two notorious Disturbances, or rather Madnesses of the Soldiery, not mentioned in any History, which being passages of our Age, deserve greatly to be recorded.  
This Obedience then that is so diligently taught and instilled into the Turkish Militia (as to the Spahees in their Seraglios, or Seminaries; 
Spahees. the Turkish Horse.  the Janissaries in their Chambers) sometimes is forgot, when the Passions & Animosities of the Court (by which inferior Affections are most commonly regulated) corrupt that Discipline, which its Reason and Sobriety instituted. For the affections of Princes are endued with a general Influence, when two powerful Parties aspiring both to Greatness and Authority, allure the Soldiers to their respective Factions, and engage them in a Civil War amongst themselves; and hence proceed Seditions, destruction of Empires, the Overthrow of Commonwealths, and the violent Death of great Ministers of State.  
And so it happened, when ill Government, and unprosperous Successes of War, caused Disobedience in the Soldiery, which some emulous of the Greatness of those that were in Power, nourished and raised to make place for themselves or their Party. For in the time of Sultan Mahomet, the present Grand Signior, when the whole Government of the Empire rested in the hands of one Mulki Kadin, a young audacious Woman, by the extraordinary Favour and Love of the Queen-Mother, (who, as it was divulged, exercised an unnatural kind of Carnality with the said Queen) so that nothing was left to the Counsel and Order of the Vizier and grave Seniors, but was first to receive Approbation and Authority from her; the black Eunuches and Negroes gave Laws to all, and the Cabinet-Councils were held in the secret Apartments of the Women; and there were Proscriptions made, Officers discharged, or ordained as were most proper to advance the Interest of this Feminine Government. But at length the Soldiery (not used to the Tyranny of Women) no longer supporting this kind of Servitude, in a moment resolved on a Remedy, and in great Tumults came to the Seraglio, where commanding the Grand Signior himself to the Kiosch, or Banqueting-house, they demanded, without farther Prologue, the Heads of the Favourite Eunuches; there was no Argument or Rhetoric to be proposed to this unreasonable Multitude, nor Time given for delays, or consultation; but every one of the accused, as he was entered into the Soldier's Roll or Catalogue, and required, being first strangled, was afterwards thrown headlong from the Wall of the Garden, and committed to the farther satisfaction of their Enemy's Revenge, by whom from thence they were dragged to the Hippodromo, and before the new Mosque cut into small pieces, and their Flesh roasted and eaten by them. The day following, they apprehended Mulki, and her Husband Schaban Kalfa, both whom they put to Death; nor ended this Tumult here, until by means of dissension between the Spahees and Janissaries, the principal Ministers found means and opportunity to interpose their Power; and having executed several of the Spahees, and performed other exemplary parts of Justice, reduced Matters to some kind of quietness and composure; and thus Order results often from Confusion, and Tumults in corrupted Commonwealths have operated good Effects to the redress of several Evils. But besides this Insurrection or Mutiny of the Janissaries, have succeeded divers other; but because there hath been no disorder amongst them so notorious and memorable, as that which occasioned the Death of Kiosem, Grandmother to the present Sultan, we have thought fit to record the certain Particulars of it to all Posterity.   

CHAP. IU. A True Relation of the Designs managed by the old Queen, Wife of Sultan Ahmet, and Mother of Sultan Morat, and Sultan Ibrahim, against her Grandchild Sultan Mahomet, who now Reigns; and of the Death of the said Queen and her Complices.  
AFter the murder of Sultan Ibrahim, by conspiracy of the Janissaries, Sultan Mahomet, (●ldest Son of the late deceased Emperor, a Child of nine Years old) succeeded in the Throne of his Father; and the Tuition of him, and Administration of the Government (during his minority) was committed to the old Queen, the Grandmother, called Kiosem; a Lady, who through her long experience, and practice in Affairs, was able, and proper for so considerable an Office; and so the young Sultan was conducted to the Mosch of Eiub, where with the accustomed Ceremonies, his Sword was girt to his side, and he proclaimed Emperor through all the Kingdoms and Provinces of his Dominions.  
For some time this old Queen governed all things according to her pleasure, until the Mother of this young Sultan, as yet trembling with the thoughts of the horrid Death of her Lord; and fearing lest the subtle and old Politician the Grandmother (who had compassed the Death of her Husband) should likewise contrive the Murder of her Son, grew hourly more jealous of his Life and Safety; which suspicion of hers was augmented by the knowledge she had of the ambitious and haughty Spirit of the Grandmother, and the private Treaties, and secret Correspondence she held with the Janissaries, which compelled her to a resolution of making a Faction likewise with the Spahees, and Pashaws, and Beyes, who had received their Education in the Seraglio, being a party always opposite to the Janissaries. These she courted by Letters and Messages, complaining of the Death and Murder of the Sultan her Husband, the Pride and Insolence of the Janissaries; and small esteem was had of her Son, their undoubted Prince; adding, that if they provided not for their own Safety, the old Queen would abolish both the Name and Order of Spahees. The Asiatic Spahees awakened hereat, with a considerable Army, marched to Scutari, under the conduct of Gurgi Nebi, and demanded the Heads of those who had been the Traitors and Conspirators against the sacred Life of their late Sovereign; all which were then under the protection of the Janissaries, and supported by the powerful Authority of the Queen Regent. Upon this Alarm the Grand Visier, (called Morat Pashaw) who had had his Education among the Janissaries, being adored by them as an Oracle, and engaged with them in the late Treason against the Sultan, speedily passed over from Constantinople to Scutari, with an Army of Janissaries, and others of his Favourites and Followers, transporting likewise Artillery and all necessaries for entrenchment; some Skirmishes passed between the Vanguard of the Spahees and the Deli (which are the Visier's Guard) and thereby had engaged both the Armies; but that the two Chief Justices of Anatolia and Greece interposing with their grave and religious Countenances, preached to them of the Danger and Impiety there was in the effusion of Musselmens' or Believers Blood; and that, had they any just Pretences, their Plea should be heard, and all Differences decided by the Law. These, and such like Persuasions made impression on Gurgi Nebi and other Spahees: and the posture they found their Adversaries in, to give them battle, made them inclinable to hearken to Proposals for accommodation; but especially their Courages were abated by what the Justices had declared, that in case they repaired not to their own Homes, the Vizier was resolved to burn all the Rolls, and proclaim a general Nesiraum through the whole Empire: which is an Edict of the King and Mufti, commanding all the Turks of his Kingdoms, from seven Years old and upward, to arm and follow him to the War.  
The Spahees hereupon dispersed themselves; and from their Retreat, increased the Pride of the Janissaries Faction, and of their chief Commanders, viz. Bectas Aga, highly favoured by the Queen Regent; Kul Kiahia Lieutenant of the Janissaries, and Kara Chiaus a follower of Bectas, who now esteemed themselves absolute Masters of the Empire. These three now governed all Matters, contriving in their secret Councils the destruction of the Spahees; especially those famed for Riches and Valour; and as one of the first Rank, gave order to the Pasha of Anatolia, to take away the Life of Gurgi Nebi; whom accordingly he one day assaulted in his Quarters, and being abandoned by his So●ldiers, shot him with a Pistol, and sent his head to Constantinople.  
The Spahees exasperated hereat, entered into private Councils and Conspiracies in Anatolia against the Janissaries, drawing to their party several Beyes and Pashaws of Asia (and particularly one Ipsir a Circasian born, but educated in the Seraglio, a Person of a courageous Spirit, and powerful in Men and Treasure) assaulted many Quarters of the Janissaries in Asia, and cutting off their Arms and Noses, miserably slaughtered as many as fell into their hands.  
On the other party Bectas Aga, secure in his condition, amassed Wealth with both hands, by new Impositions, Rapine, and other Arts; causing to be coined at Belgrade three hundred thousand Asper's, one third Silver, and two of Tin; these Asper's he dispersed amongst the Tradesmen and Artisans, forcing others to exchange his false Metal for Gold, at the value of 160 Asper's for the Hungarian Ducat. The people sensible of the Cheat, began a Mutiny in the Quarter of the Saddlers at Constantinople, which encreas●d so fast, that the whole City was immediately in a general Uproar: This Tumult was violently carried to the place of the Mufti, whom they forced with the Seigh (who is the Grand Signior's Preacher) and the Nakib Esrif, a Primate of the Mahometan Race, to accompany them to the Seraglio; where at the inward Gate of the Royal Lodgings, with Clamours and Out-cries, they made their Complaint. In this Danger the Grand Signior was advised by the Capi Agasi, and Solyman Aga, the Kuzlir Aga or chief Eunuch of the Women, that this happy Conjuncture was to be embraced for the destruction of Bectas and his Complices; but fear, and too much caution hindered that Design for the present; only it was judged fit, ●or satisfaction of the Multitude, that Melek Ahmet Pashaw (than Prime Vizier, and yet a Slave to the Lusts of the Janissaries) should be deprived of his Office; which was immediately effected; and the Seal taken from him, was delivered to Siaus Pashaw, a stout and valiant Person. This Vizier being jealous of his own Honour, and jealous for the safety of the Empire, cast about all ways to suppress the arrogance of Bectas and his Adherents; lest the like shame and misfortune should befall him, as did to Murad Pashaw one of his late Predecessors in the Office of Vizier; who for dissenting from Bectas in Opinion, had lost his Life, had he not escaped his Fury by flying into Greece.  
The times were also troublesome, and full of danger; the Janissaries kept Guard in the Streets, not suffering so much as two Citizens to walk together, for prevention of secret Consultations: many Artisans, or Handycraftsmen, were imprisoned, as principally in the late Tumult, against the Consent and Order of the new Vizier; the Court was also divided; The Sultan's Party contrived to surprise and kill the rebellious Commanders of the Janissaries, and that the day following, the Lieutenant of the Baltagees, or Hatchetmen, should encounter Kul-chiachia as he came according to custom to the Divan, and slay him; but the Old Queen being of a contrary Faction, with Threats and Menaces frighted that Officer from his design. The two Queens were exasperated highly against each other; one to maintain the Authority of her Son, and the other her own: in the City the confusion grew greater; the Janissaries were not pleased with the election of Siaus Passa, knowing him to be averse to their Faction; but yet considering the state of the Times, they endeavoured, with fair Promises, to allure him to their Party. The old Queen, by Letters, advised Bectas of all Matters that were discoursed in the Seraglio, intimating that the young Queen was Author of all these Disturbances, and that therefore, as a remedy of all these Evils, it was necessary that Sultan Mahomet should be deposed, and his younger Brother Solyman placed in his stead, who having a Mother, would be absolutely subject to her Tuition: she added likewise that Solyman was a lusty Youth, corpulent and Majestical, whereas Sultan Mahomet was lean, weakly and unable for the Crown. Bectas having received this Message from the Queen Regent, assembled a Council at Orta-giami (that is the Janissaries Mosch) where was a great and solemn appearance both of the Soldiery and Lawyers, (which latter are of the Spiritual Function amongst them) some out of friendship to their Party, and others for fear of their Power; only the Vizier was wanting, whom they sent to invite, out of an Opinion that he might be drawn to their side; and in case they found him opposite, than not to suffer him to escape alive from their Councils. It was then two hours in the Night, when this Message came to the Vizier; and though it was against the State and Gravity of a Vizier to go to any, but his Master; yet he thought it now time to dissemble, and overcome the greatness of his Mind; and so with a private Retinue went to the Mosch, where the first he encountered, was a Guard of Ten thousand Janissaries, armed with their Muskets and Matches lighted, which at first so dismayed him, that he had some thoughts of returning, but afterwards recovering himself, and taking Courage, resolved to proceed; and coming to the Mosch, Bectas vouchsafed not to meet him, but sent another to perform that Ceremony; at which neglect, though the greatness of his Spirit could scarce contain itself, yet suppressing his choler, he addressed himself to the Feet of Bectas, who scarce arising, gave him a faint welcome; and setting him on his left hand (which is the upper hand with the Turkish Soldiery) began to propound to him his new Designs; and first, That it was necessary, that the present King should be deposed, and Solyman Crowned in his place. That the Canons of the Imperial Seraglio should be reform; and that whereas the Children of divers Nations were yearly collected for the Service of the Grand Signior, none should for the future have admission there, but the Sons of Janissaries. The Vizier consented to all that was proposed, professing a sincere affection and reality to them and their Party, swearing upon the Koran, with the most horrid Imprecations on himself, and his Family, if he were not faithful to Him and his Designs; which gave Bectas that satisfaction, that he began to persuade himself that the Vizier was really a confiding Person, and one affectionate to their Interest; and so partly from this consideration, and partly out of a confidence of his own strength, and inability of the Vizier to hurt him, fairly took his leave of him, and so dismissed his Kalaba Divan, or his confused Council.  
But the Chiachia Bei (or Lieutenant-General of the Janissaries) and Kara-Chiaus reproved very much Bectas for permitting the Vizier to escape with his Life, saying, he had done ill in suffering the Bird to escape out of the Cage; that he had released one, and permitted him to carry his Head on his Shoulders, who would shortly take off theirs; with many words of the like effect. But Bectas slighted their Reproof, as proceeding from want of Courage, and the Ignorance of their own Power; and that the time until morning was so short, that should the Vizier intent to countermine them, he was wholly unable, being unprovided both of Power and Council. The Vizier being got free, went apace to the Seraglio, with two Men only, thanked God as he walked, that he was freed from the Hands of those Tyrants and Villains; and coming to the Iron-gate, intending to pass through the Garden, he found it open, contrary to the custom; and enquiring of the Bostangees, or gardiner's, the reason, he could learn nothing farther from them, than that it was the order of the old Queen: who (as it appeared afterwards) expected her Confidents who might withdraw her that Night into some retirement where she might remain secure from the Dangers of the ensuing Day. The Vizier being entered, went softly to the Sultan's Apartments, and in his way, by good chance, met with the Kuzlir Agasi, Solyman Aga, the chief Eunuch of the Women, who in the dark was making his rounds about the old Queen's Lodgings; by the Vizier's voice Solyman knew who he was, but was amazed at his unseasonable visit; yet understanding the Business, thanked him for his Vigilance; adding, that he had also observed that the old Queen, contrary to her custom, was not yet gone to Bed, who did at other times at two hours in the Night dispose herself to rest, only this Evening she had entertained herself in company of her Eunuches, and Favourites, with Music, sing, and other unusual Delights. Wherefore, after some short deliberation, the Vizier, Solyman Aga, and others of the King's Eunuches, went to the quarters of the old Queen, and offering to enter forcibly, were repulsed by the Queen's Eunuches; but Solyman Aga being a stout Man, drew his Dagger and struck the chief Chamberlain Bash Kapa Oglar on the Face; upon which the other Eunuches who accompanied Solyman entered furiously with their Daggers, at which the Eunuches of the Queen f●ying, she remained alone in the Chamber, where she was committed to the custody of the King's Eunuches. The fugitive Eunuches would immediately have escaped out of the Seraglio, but the Gates were first shut by order of Solyman Aga, so that they, with all other Favourites of the said Queen, were taken and secured in safe hands. This Victory was so secretly obtained, that they received no Alarm in the Royal Lodgings, though near adjoining; so that the Vizier and Solyman Aga went to the Chamber where the King slept, and lifting up the Antiport, made a sign of silence to the Ladies of the Guard, commanding, by dumb motions, that the young Queen should be awakened (for it is the custom in the Grand Signior's Court to speak by signs, to prevent noise, and as if there were some point in it of Majesty and Decency, they have practised this mute Language so fully, that they are able to recount Stories in it.) The Lad●es hereupon gently rubbing the Queen's Feet, raised her out of her sleep, and gave her to understand the Solyman Aga would speak with her; whereat the Queen surprised, leapt from her Bed to speak with him, and was scarce informed of the Business, before she became so affrighted, that she could not contain herself within the Bounds of Moderation or Silence, but with great Cry ran to take her Son as one distracted, and catching him up in her Arms, cried out, O Son! thou and I are dead; the Grand Signior likewise as a Child bewailed himself, and falling at the feet of Solyman Aga, said, Lala, Lala Kurtar-beni, which is, Tutor, Tutor save me: He not without Tears took his Lord into his Arms, and with the Vizier encouraged the Child and his Mother, protesting that they would rather die, than live to behold so horrid a ruin; and so accompanied him, (some Ladies carrying before Torches lighted in their hands) to the Hozoda, which is the Presence Chamber, or place where the principal Officers of the Court attend. Upon the approach of the Torches, the Guard which watched in this Chamber was amazed, and walking towards the light to discover what there was, perceived that the Grand Signior was coming thither, and thereupon returned again with all haste to awaken their Companions, and calling them immediately to repair to their due service.  
The Grand Signior being seated on a Throne, which is always remaining in the Presence Chamber; the Officers hereof (which are in number forty) presented themselves before him, desiring to know if his Majesty had any thing wherein to employ their Fidelity and Service. Hereat Solyman Aga said, He that eats the King's Bread, should apply himself to the King's Service; we suffered the Traitors to destroy Sultan Ibrahim, and now they would also take this out of our hands; To you it belongs, who are his Majesty's Principal Servitors, to afford him your utmost assistance. Eigiusi Mussapha Passa, Sword-bearer to the Grand Signior, and chief of the Presence Chamber, a Man of a Lion's Heart, and undaunted Resolution, understanding something formerly of the Bad inclinations of the old Queen towards the King, readily replied, Great Master, be not troubled, to morrow you shall see (God willing) the Heads of your Enemies at your Feet. The Vizier and others in the mean time after a short Consult fell to act, the exigency of their Affairs admitting no delays; and in the first place, Pen and Ink being brought, an Order was presented to the Grand Signior to be subscribed for the arresting the Bossangi-Pasha as a Traitor, for having, against the rule of the night, kept open the Gate of the King's Garden. This was done in an instant, he removed from his Office, and another constituted in his place; and at the same time the Oath of Allegiance was administered to him, who calling together the gardiner's, in number, about 500, caused them also all to swear faithful Obedience to the Grand Signior, and to remain all that Night, keeping good Guard at the Gates and Walls of the Gardens. In the next place the Ichoglans were called up (who are the Grand Signior's Pages) and to proceed with the more privacy and least confusion, they went first to the Chamber of the Capa Agasi (who by his Office is over all the Youth of the Seraglio) and knocking gently at the Window, the Guards came at the noise, and demanded what the matter was? they answered, Awake the Capa Aga, and let him speak to us at the Window. But the Capa Aga would first know who they were that would speak with him: and when it was told him that it was the Vizier and the Kuslir Aga, he answered, I am indisposed and cannot rise, but utter what you have to say at the Window; so they said, By his Majesty's Order, go and raise all the Ichoglans in the Seraglio, upon an important occasion; and yet the Capa Agasi would not stir, so that some believed him confederate in the Conspiracy; but the truth was, he was an ancient Man of 90 Years, and unhealthful in his Body. Wherefore Solyman Aga cried out with a loud voice, Aga raise the Ichoglans, our King is ready to be taken out of our hands; but the Capa Aga persisted that he would not raise the Ichoglans or Pages, unless he brought a Command in writing from the King. In the interim the Servants of the Capa Aga awakened, and hearing this discourse, could not contain themselves, but with without farther Order ran to both the greater and lesser Chamber of the Pages; the Butler came to that which is called the greater Chamber; it was then five hours in the night when he entered in, and running to the middle of the Chamber, which was 80 Paces in length, he made a stop and clapped his hands together; (To make such a noise in the Seraglio at night was a high Misdemeanour) at which some being awakened, raised up their Heads, and startled at such an unusual Alarm, enquired the reason of it; at which he again clapping his hands, and crying out, Arise the Grand Signior is like to be taken out of our hands, the whole Chamber was raised; so that you might have seen all the Ichoglans in number above 600 to arise and run in a confused manner, some without clothes, some without Arms to fight, some supposing the Janissaries were already entered the Seraglio. In this amaze came a Guard of Black and White Eunuches to the Door, advising them to arm themselves with what Weapons were next at hand, and there to remain until they received farther Orders. All the other Chambers of the Pages and Officers were in the same confusion, and were commanded in the like manner to arm themselves.  
The Grand Signior fearing all this while he should be put to death as his Father was, could not be pacified until Mustapha Pasha his Sword-bearer taking him by the hand showed him his Attendants all armed, and ready at his command; and passing by one of the Windows of the Lodgings, was descried by a young Man, who cried out with a loud voice (God grant our King Ten thousand Years of Life) at which all the Chamber shouted, 
* A Shout used by the Turks when they fight.  Allah, Allah; this Acclamation rang through all the Seraglio, so that it reached the more remote quarters of the Drogists, Cooks, Pole-axe-men, Falconers, and others; who being ready and armed as the others, answered with the like shout.  
These Preparations were not only in the Seraglio, but likewise without; for the Vizier had given order to all the Pashaws and Beglerbegs, and other his Friends, that without delay they should repair to the Seraglio with all the force they could make, bringing with them three days Provision, obliging them, under pain of Death, to this Duty. In a short space so great was this concourse, that all the Gardens of the Seraglio, the outward Courts, and all the adjoining Streets, were filled with armed Men: from Galata and Tophana came Boats and Barges loaden with Powder and Ammunition, and other Necessaries; so that in the morning, by break of day, appeared such an Army of Horse and Foot in the Streets, and Ships and Galleys on the Sea, as administered no small terror to the Janissaries; of which being advised, and seeing the concourse of the People run to the assistance of the King, they thought it high time to bestir themselves; and therefore armed a great company of Albaneses, Greeks, and other Christians, to whom they offered Money, and the Title and Privileges of Janissaries, promising to free them from Harach, or Impositions paid by the Christians; which Arguments were so prevalent, that most taking Arms, you might see the Court and City divided, and ready to enter into a most dreadful confusion of a Civil War.  
In the Seraglio all things were in good order, the Morning Devotions being finished, the Baltagees, (who are a guard that carry Pole-axes) called to the Pages to join with them, and accompany them to the Presence Chamber. These Baltagees were in number about 200, strong, of large stature, and of admirable agility; at whose beck the Pages ran with all alacrity to the door of the Chamber, where they at first received a repulse from the Master of the Chamber who was an Eunuch, and one faithful to the old Queen's Interest, who to yield all possible furtherance towards the protection of her Person, reproved the insolence of the Rout in coming so boisterously to the Royal Lodgings; to which they unanimously answered, that they would speak to his Majesty, that it was their desire to have the old Queen (Enemy to the King, and the Mahometan Faith) put to Death; at which words he being enraged, and relying on his Authority, reproved them with Terms of Rebels and Traitors to their Master. What have you to do with the Queen, said he? Are you worthy to open your Mouths against ●er serene Name? He reiterating these and the like words, one of this Rabble said, Kill that Cuckold, for he also is an Enemy of the Faith. And whilst one lifted up his hand to strike him, he fled by the way of the Terrace into the Garden, whither being pursued by five or six of them, he was overtaken, and catching him by the Collar, would have cut his Throat, but that at his earnest entreaty, they gave him so much liberty as first to cast himself at the Feet of the Sultan: whither being dragged, he delivered to the King a Seal and a Key of secret Treasure, and being about to say something in his own behalf and defence of his Life, a bold Youth of these Baltages, called jalch-leferli struck him on the Head with his Axe, and cloven it in two pieces; the others seeing this first blow given him, fell on him with their Scimiters and cut him to pieces; his Blood and Brains were dashed on the rich Carpets, which moved fear in many, who were secretly of the Conspiracy with the old Queen. The young King himself, ignorant of the good Intentions of his Servants, at the sight of bloodshed, being yet tenderhearted, cried, and closely embraced the Selihtar who then held him in his Arms; but upon the removal of the Corpse out of his sight, and some smooth words, as that it was a Sacrifice of Love to him, and the like, his childish Tears were soon wiped away.  
In this interim the new created Mufti, and Kenan Pasha, one of the Viziers of the Bench, and Balyzade Efende, who was formerly Lord Chief Justice, and well affected to the Spahees Party, entering the Hazoda, or Presence-Chamber, perceiving a Tumult in his Majesty's presence, with different Voices and Languages, for some cried in Georgian, others Albanian, Bosnian, Mengrelian, Turkish and Italian, remained in great confusion how to proceed with Order and Reason in this important Affair; for the Mufti, and others, were of Opinion, that the Sentence against the old Queen was not rashly to be pronounced, and so the Matter might calmly be debated, and if possible, an expedient might be found for saving her Life, and securing the Sultan: But the Rabble impatient of Delay, cried out, defer not the Sentence; for otherwise we shall esteem thee as one of her Adherents.  
By this time news was come to the young Queen, that there had been a Fight in the Streets; who as yet doubtful of the success, and fearing if the Janissaries should gain the Advantage, Bectas would revenge the Blood of the old Queen by her Death, came covered with a Veil into the Presence-Chamber, saying, as she passed, Is this the Reverence you owe to the King your Lord? Do you know the place where you are? What would you have of a Woman? Why do you busy yourselves in the King's Affairs? Some presently apprehended that this was only a Plot of the young Queen to make the World believe she would rather assist the Grandmother, than contrive against her; which made the Pages the more importunately to persist with the Mufti for the Fetfa or Sentence against her. But one of the Pages suspecting that this Woman so veiled, might be the old Queen herself, cried out, This is she you seek for, she is in your Hands, take your Revenge upon her. At which some bestirring themselves to seize her, she ran to the Feet of her Son, and laying hold on him, cried out, No, no, I am not the Grandmother, I am the Mother of this his Majesty; and wiping the Tears from the Eyes of her Son with her Handkerchief, made signs to keep back, which restrained the forwardness of some who pressed to lay violent hands upon her. The Mufti, who observed the carriage of the Rout, and their earnest desires which could not be resisted, feared, if he gave not his concurrence, he himself should be killed, and the rather because he overheard the old Kenan Pasha discourse with the Vizier to the like effect. So that after some pause and consultation with the other chief Ministers, it was resolved to supplicate his Majesty for his consent; which was done in these words; Sir, The Will of God is, that you consign your Grandmother into the hands of justice, if you would have these Mutinies appeased; a little Mischief is better than a great One; there is no other Remedy, God willing the end shall be prosperous. Pen and Ink being brought, the Mufti wrote the Sentence, and the Grand Signior subscribed it, which was, that the old Queen should be strangled, but neither cut with Sword, nor bruised with Blows. The Writing was delivered into the hands of one of the Chamberlains, to whom, by word of Mouth, it was ordered that they should carry the Queen out by Cushana, (or the Gate of the Birds) so as she might not die in sight or hearing of the Grand Signior. The Ichoglans advancing the Royal Command on high with their hands, went out of the Presence with a great shout, crying, Allah, Allah, to the Door of the women's Lodgings, where they met some black Eunuches keeping Guard, who upon the sight of the Imperial Firm, and the command of Solyman Aga, gave them admittance, upon condition that twenty Persons only should enter the Chambers. Those who were best armed went in, and passing through the Chambers of the Virgins, were met by the Queen's Buffone with a Pistol in her hand, who demanded what they would have? they answered, the King's Grandmother; she replied, I am she, and with that offered to discharge her Pistol, but it took fire only in the Pan; with that the Ichoglans laid hold on her, supposing her to be the Queen; but being better advised by Solyman the Kuzlir Aga, and directed to the Chamber where the Queen was; the Door being opened, they perceived the Room to be dark (for the women's quarters in the Seraglio for the most part are made obscure and close, and Lights are burnt in them Day and Night) and the old Queen had at the approach of these Officers extinguished her Candles and got into a great Press, and there covered herself with Quilts and Carpets; but Torches being brought in, they looked all about and descried nothing; at which they were enraged against Solyman, and would have killed him, saying, That he was the cause the Queen had escaped. But Solyman advising them to search more narrowly, one called Deli Dogangi, got upon the Press, and removing the Clothes, discovered the Queen, who had thrust herself into a corner; at which she shortly thus entreats him, O brave Man be not cruel unto me; and promised she would give to every Ichoglan five Purses a Man (each Purse consisting of 500 Dollars) if they would save her life. It is not the time of Ransom, Traitor, said he; and taking her by the Feet, drew her forth: the Queen rising up, put her hand into her Pocket, and threw out handfuls of Zaichins, hoping that whilst they were scrambling for the Gold, she might have an opportunity to escape; some of the young Men gathered up the Money, but the Dogangi, like a Dog of the Game, left her not, and at length, though she were heavy, cast her down. The others offered at her Life, and particularly an Albanese, called Ali Bostangi, who seeing two great Jewels at h●r Ears, immediately catched at them, and tore them thence. They were two Diamonds of the bigness of Chestnuts cut angularly, and beneath each Diamond was a Ruby to set it off. Those Earring were given her by Sultan Achmet in the time of her most flourishing Age, and his greatest affection. 'Tis said, that such Jewels cannot be found in all the Great Turk's Treasure, and were esteemed by the most skilful Jewellers, worth a Years Revenue of Grand Cairo. This Ali showed the Jewels to his Comrade, demanding the value of them, and his counsel whether to reveal or conceal them: but the Comrade prized them at that rate that the stout young Man could not sleep Day nor Night, being always in fear lest the Jewels should not be kept hid; and apprehending that they became none but the Grand Signinor to wear, went and delivered them to Solyman Aga, who in recompense thereof, presented him with sixteen Zaichins, which he accepted, desiring also to be admitted into the Chamber of the Treasury, which was granted him. Others also plucked her, some by the Hands, others by the Feet; some rifled her Clothes, for she was furnished throughout with things of great value sewed in her Garments, and especially in her Sable Furs, which contained also certain Magic Spells, by which she conceived she had tied the Tongues of all the Emperors living in her Time. The person who gave me this Relation, informed me, that he had seen a certain Lock admirably made, and engraved with the Names of Murad and Sultan Ibrahim; it was made by a famous Gindgi, a very ignorant Fellow, but a superstitious crafty Liar, by which Arts finding access, in short time he became a chief Favourite of Sultan Ibrahim, and from a poor Student called by the Turks a Sof●a, he grew so rich in two Years that none in Constantinople was comparable to him.  
But to return to the Queen now assaulted by furious young Men, greedy of Riches; she was in a moment despoiled of her Garments; her Furs were torn off into small pieces; and being stripped of her Rings, Bracelets, Garters and other things, she was left naked without a Rag to cover her, and dragged by the feet to the Chushana: and being at the Place of her execution, the young Officers found themselves unprovided of a Cord to strangle her, so that crying out for a Cord, one ran to the Royal Chapel, and thence took the Cord that upheld the great Antiport of the Mosch, which being twined about the Queen's Neck, the aforesaid Dogangi getting upon her back, pitched her neck with his hands, whilst the others drew the Cord. The Queen, though she were by this time besides her Senses, and worn out with Age, being above 80 Years old, and without Teeth; yet she 〈◊〉 Gums only did bite the Thumb of his left ●and, which by chance came into her Mouth, so hard, that he could not deliver himself until with the haft of his Poniard he struck her on the Forehead near her right Eye. There were four that strangled her, but being young Executioners, laboured long to dispatch her, till at length the Queen leaving to struggle, lay stretched out, and was supposed to be dead, and so crying (Vldi, Vldi) she is dead, she is dead, ran to carry the news thereof to his Majesty; but being scarce out of sight, the Queen raised herself up, and turned her Head about; upon which the Executioners being again called back, the Cord was a second time applied, and wrung so hard with the haft of a hatchet, that at length she was dispatched, and the News carried to the Royal Chamber. The black Eunuches immediately took up the Corpse, and in a reverend manner laid it stretched forth in the Royal Mosch, with about 400 of the Queen's Slaves encompassing it round about with Howling and Lamentations, tearing the Hair from their Heads after their barbarous fashion, moved compassion in all the Court.  
This Work being over, the Vizier having given thanks to the Ichoglans, or Pages, for their pains, gave order to produce the Banner of Mahomet, which is carefully and reverently kept in the Treasury; which being produced, obliges all of that Faith, from seven Years and upward, to arm and come under it. The Banner being brought forth, with a rich Covering, was advanced with great shouts of Allah, Allah: and carried by the Ichoglans out of the chief Gate of the Seraglio, where it was shown to the People, who with wonderful admiration and devotion, beheld their glorious Standard; order was also given to proclaim, through the whole City, the Procession of the Heavenly Banner; for they say, that the Angel Gabriel brought it to Mahomet in the time of a great War made against the Christians, as an infallible Sign and Evidence of Victory.  
The opinion of this superstitious Flag so prevailed, as it brought, not only the Young and Healthful to fight under it, but Sick and Old; and Women judged themselves obliged to run to the defence of this Holy Ensign. The news hereof, and the death of the old Queen coming to the old Chamber of the Janissaries; several of them, and those also of the principal Heads, began to murmur, that it was now necessary to lay aside their private Interests, and have a respect to their Faith and their Souls; for should they oppose the Heavenly Banner, they should run themselves into the State of Gaurs and Infidels, and become liable to the same censure or punishment which is inflicted upon unbelievers. But in the new Chambers Bectas endeavoured to remove this apprehension from the mind of his Soldiers, by large Presents both of Gold and Silver, persuading them to uphold their Fame and Reputation; for that the Grand Signior and his Mother were Enemies to their Name and Designs, and resolved to abase or destroy the order of that Militia; and with assurance of Victory and encouragement against a People unarmed and undisciplined, animated them to fight; and to make the business more easy, advised them to fire the City in several parts, that so the People might be diverted and divided for safety of their own Goods and Dwellings. But this proposition took not with the Officers and Soldiers, who had many of them Houses and Possessions of their own in Constantinople, but put them into great Distractions and Divisions in their Counsels. In this pause, came an Officer from the Grand Signior (who to venture his life, had the promise of a good Reward) with a command in Writing which he threw in amongst them, and galloped away as fast as he could; crying out as he road, He that comes not under the Banner of the Prophet, is a Pagan, and his Wife divorced. The Writing was taken up and carried to the presence of the principal Officers, which being opened and read, was to this purpose; Bectas Aga, I have made Pasha of Bosna, Kara-chiaus I have made Captain-General of the Sea; Kulkahya I have made Pasha of Temiswar; and Kara Hassan Ogle I have made Janisar Agasi; and I require, at sight of these Presents, that every one of you, upon pain of Death, and ruin of his Family, repair to his Duty and Station.  
In this instant came news that the old Chamber of Janissaries had left their station, and were run under the Banner without Arms, and had refused Bectas' Money, and deserted his Cause; and that the Spahees in great Troops, and the Jebegees (who command the Ordnance) approached with Artillery to beat upon their Chambers. The Spahees came thundering in upon the Janissaries in remembrance of their past Injuries, and had certainly cut them off, had not the Vizier, with his Sword in his hand, by good and bad words, restrained them, and appeased their Animosity. The Janissaries of the new Chamber proclaimed their new Commander, and visited him with their usual form of Congratulation, running afterwards confusedly ●nder the Banner. Kara Hassan the new elected Aga of the Janissaries, went to the Seraglio to thank the Grand Signior for the Honour done him, and with ten of his principal Friends was admitted to the Grand Signior's Presence; who humbly kissing the Ground, received the accustomed Vests, and with some Admonitions, was fairly dismissed, and ordered to reduce his Janissaries to better Obedience.  
By this time Bectas, Kuskahya, and Kara Chiaus, with some of their Favourites, remained wholly abandoned, looking one upon the other, full of Complaints and Rail, each at other, for the miscarriage of the Action. But since it was not now time to condole, but to save their Lives, every one made to his House. First, Bectas fled to his Home, where having ordered his Affairs, he clothed himself in the Albanian fashion, and escaped to the House of a poor Man formerly his Friend and Confident; but the next day being discovered by a Youth, was taken, and being set on a Mule, was with the scorn and derision of the People conducted to the Grand Signior's Seraglio, and there strangled. This Person was held in so much detestation by the common People, that after his Death, the Cooks and inferior sort of Servants, run Spits and Pitch-forks through his Body; and plucking the Hairs out of his Beard, sent them for Presents to their acquaintance through all Constantinople, saying, These are the Hairs of that Traitor, who gloried, that before he would lose his Head, there should be raised a Mountain of Heads as high as St. Sophia. But Kulkahya being come to his House, filled his Portmantles with Gold and Jewels, and accompanied with sixty Horse, resolved to fly to the Mountains of Albania, places so inaccessible, that they have never yielded to the Turkish Yoke: but finding himself hotly pursued in his Journey, and that it was impossible to escape with so great a Number, freely distributed a great part of his Gold upon his Retinue, and thanking them for their Affection, and good Intentions, dismissed them all excepting one Servant, with whom he journied with four laden Horses, with Gold, Jewels, and other Riches; and perceiving that this also was too great an encumbrance, they buried a Treasure to the value of 600 thousand Dollars in the Country as they traveled; which was afterwards found out by certain Shepherds, who disagreeing about the division thereof, the Matter came to be known to the Judge of that Country, who seized upon it all, and sent it to the Grand Signior's Treasury. But Kulkahya travelling still farther with his single Page, came to a Town, where wanting Bread, and forced for the Payment of it to exchange Gold, fell into a suspicion of being one of those Rebels lately escaped from Constantinople; which news being brought to a Captain of Horse that Commanded the place, he came immediately with some Men to take him; but Kulkahya resolving not to fall into their hands alive, resisted them until he was killed by a Musket-shot, and so his Head being severed from his Body, was sent to the Grand Signior.  
Kara Chiaus in this interim being with two hundred Men retired into his Garden, was assaulted by an Aga of the Spahees (called Parmaksis) with 500 Men; but that this Enterprise might be acquired with a little Blood, a Person was sent secretly to advise that Party, that if they opposed the Royal Command, they should every one be put to death; at which the People fled and dispersed themselves. At that instant came in this Aga and took him, and yet comforted him with the Clemency and Mercy of the Grand Signior, promising also himself to intercede for him. And so bringing him to the Seraglio by the Garden Gate, his Majesty had notice of it, and looking out of the Window, and seeing him upon his Knees begging pardon, the Grand Signior gave a Sign to the Executioner to strangle him, which was accordingly performed. The new janisar Aga who knew all the Officers, formerly affected to the rebellious Party, for several Nights caused some or other of them to be strangled, to the number of thirty eight Persons; which struck such a terror into the Janissaries, that for a long time after they kept themselves within the bounds of Humility and Obedience. And thus concluded this Tragedy, remarkable, as well for the Dispatch, as for the Action itself, being but the work of fourteen Hours. And in this manner it is apparent, how the lessons of Obedience which are so carefully taught, and instilled into the Minds of those who serve and depend upon the Grand Signior are corrupted; and by the Pride, Discord, and Faction of the Governors, seduced from their natural Principles.  
By the Premises we may consider more generally, that it hath always been the misfortune of unlimited Powers to be subject to Dangers and Violence, arising from the Discontents and Unconstancy of the Soldiery: for they coming to be sensible of their own Strength, and knowing that the Power of the Emperor is but fortified with their Hands and Heart, like unruly Beasts throw their Riders, and show that the Principles of Obedience taught them, are easily corrupted and defaced by evil Persuasions, or Sedition in a Commander or common Soldier. Thus we see in the time of the latter Roman Emperors, who usurped Power unknown in the days of the pure and happy Constitution of that Commonwealth, and governed all by the Sword and their own Lusts; few of them ended their days fortunately, or died in their Beds in Peace, without becoming a Sacrifice to the same Power that first proclaimed them Emperors. And though the Mutinies and Rebellions in the Turkish Militia can hardly operate any durable alteration in the State (as we shall more at large hereafter discourse) yet doubtless the Tyranny in the Ottoman Emperors, had provoked the People long since to have proved the benefit of another Race, but that there is a strange kind of Devotion and Religion in their Minds as to the Ottoman Blood, which having been the Original of their Empire and Greatness, will ever be maintained in high Reverence and Honour. Nor is it likely that the fair Speeches and Allurements of a rebellious Slave, will ever prevail to persuade this People from their Religion to this Prince, or that their Arms can ever be prosperous under the Ensign and Conduct of an Usurper.  
And may all Christians learn this Lesson from the Turks, and add this Principle to the Fundamentals of their Religion, as well as to their Laws. None can more experimentally preach this Doctrine to the World than England, who no sooner threw off her Obedience and Religion to her Prince, but (as if that Virtue had been the only bar to all other Enormities and Sins) she was deprived of all other Ecclesiastical and Civil Rights, and in all her Capacities and Relations deflowered and profaned by impious and unhallowed Hands.  
And thus having given a Relation of the Turks Religion, and first Principles in order to their Obedience to their Prince, let us proceed a little into the penetralia of the Seraglio, and there see what farther care is taken of the Youth, in all Points of their Education, to fit and prepare them for the management and performance of the highest and weightiest Offices of State; which I judge to be one of the chiefest of the Turkish Polities, and is certainly an extraordinary Support and Security of the Empire.   

CHAP. V. The Education of young Men in the Seraglio, out of which those who are to discharge the great Offices of the Empire are elected. It being a Maxim of the Turkish Polity, to have the Prince served by such whom he can raise without Envy, and destroy without Danger.  
IT is a special point of Wisdom in Princes, to provide and prefer Men of deserving Parts and Abilities, to the discharge of the great and important Offices of State, not such whom Chance and Fortune casually throws on them, because they will not take the pains of a narrow and severe Scrutiny to seek Men able and fit for Trust; nor such whom Flattery, Riches, Gifts or Nobility promote, but those whom the Prince, by his own experience of their Wisdom, Virtues, and Diligence, or the Testimony of his Councillors and other Confidents, judges capable to improve their Advancement to the Honour of the King, and the Blessing of their Country: and not like vast Mountains which hide their Heads in the Clouds, and yet remain without Fruit or Herbage; whose barrenness makes their height accursed. Some wise Princes, and great Ministers of our Modern Times, 
Bolzac de la Cour, leur sterlle●e fait manudire leu● elevation. Cardinal Rich●●●u.  have kept Rolls and Registers of the most eminent Men famed for their Virtue, and Knowledge in any parts, with an account of their Family, Lineage and Condition, out of which (if in their own jurisdiction) they culled and elected such, proper for their Occasions and vacant Offices.  
The Turk is no less careful in the choice of his Officers, and loves to be served by his own, such as to whom he hath given Breeding and Education, and are obliged to employ those Parts in his Service which he hath bestowed, whose Minds he hath cultivated with Wisdom and Virtue, as well as nourished their Bodies with Food, until they arrive to a mature Age, that renders the profit of his Care and Expense; such as these he is served by, whom he can raise without Envy, and destroy without Danger.  
The Youths then that are designed for the great Offices of the Empire, called by the Turks Ichoglans, must be such as are of Christian Parents, taken in War, or presented from remote parts; as I have observed that the Algierines', always amongst other Gifts, present some Youths whom they have taken by Piracy; the Policy herein is very obvious, because the Sons of Christians will hate their Parents being educated with other Principles and Customs; or coming from distant Places, have contracted no acquaintance, so that starting from their Schools into Government, they will find no Relations or Dependences on their Interests than that of their great Master, to whom they are taught, and necessity compels them to be faithful.  

Magnaque est comitum aemulatio, quibus primus apud principem su●s locus, & Principani cui plurimi & ac●rrimi comets. Haec dignitas, hae vires, Magno semper electoru● juvenum globo circundari, in pa●● decus, in bello pr●sidium.  In the next place, these Youths must be of admirable Features, and pleasing Looks, well shaped in their Bodies, and without any defects of Nature; For it is conceived, that a corrupt and sordid Soul can scarce inhabit in a serene and ingenious Aspect; and I have observed, not only in the Seraglio, but also in the Courts of great Men, their personal Attendants have been of comely lusty Youths, well habited, deporting themselves with singular Modesty and Respect in the presence of their Master: So that when a Pascha, Aga, Spahee travels, he is always attended with a comely Equipage, followed by flourishing Youths, well clothed and mounted in great numbers, that one may guests at the greatness of this Empire, by the Retinue, Pomp, and number of Servants which accompany Persons of Quality in their Journeys; whereas in the parts of Christendom, where I have traveled, I have not observed (no not in Attendance of Princes) such ostentation in Servants as is amongst the Turks, which is the Life and Ornament of a Court. And this was always the custom in the Eastern Countries, as Q. Curtius' reports, Lib. 6. Quip, omnibus barbaris in corporum Majestate veneratio est, magnorúmque operum non alios capaces putant, quam quos eximiâ specie donare natura dignara est. But these Youths before they are admitted, are presented before the Grand Signior, whom according to his pleasure he disposes in his Seraglio at Pera, or Adrianople, or his great Seraglio at Constantinople, which is accounted the Imperial Seat of the Ottoman Emperors. For these are the three Schools or Colleges of Education. Those that are preferred to the last named, are commonly marked out by special designation, and are a nearer step to Degrees of Preferment, and are delivered to the charge of the Capa Aga, or chief of the White Eunuches.  
The Eunuches have the care of these Scholars committed unto them, whom they treat with an extraordinary severity; for these, being the Censores morum, punish every slight Omission or Fault with extreme Rigour. For Eunuches are naturally cruel, whether it be out of envy to the Masculine Sex which is perfect and entire; or that they decline to the disposition of Women, which is many times more cruel and revengeful than that of Men; they will not let slip the smallest Peccadillo without its due chastisement, either by blows on the sols of the Feet, or long Fasting, Watchings, or other Penance; so that he who hath run through the several Schools, Orders and Degrees of the Seraglio, must needs be an extraordinary mortified Man, patient of all Labours, Services and Injunctions, which are imposed on him with a strictness beyond the discipline that Religious Novices are acquainted with in Monasteries, or the severity of Capuchins, or Holy Votaries. But yet methinks these Men that have been used all their lives to Servitude and Subjection, should have their Spirits abased, and when licenced from the Seraglio to places of Trust and Government, should be so acquainted how to obey, as to be ignorant how to Rule, and to be dazzled with the Light and Liberty, and overjoyed with the sense of their present Condition and past Sufferings, passing from one extreme to another, that they should lose their Reason, and forget themselves and others. But in answer hereunto the Turks affirm, That none know so well how to govern, as those who have learned how to obey; though at first the sense of their freedom may distract them, yet afterwards the Discipline, Lectures and Morality in their younger Years, will begin to operate, and collect their scattered Senses into their due and natural places.  
But to return from whence we have a little digressed; These young Men, before they are disposed into their Schools, which are called Oda, their Names, Age, 
Oda signifies a Chamber.  Country and Parents are Registered in a Book, with their allowance from the Grand Signior of four Asper's a day; the Copy of this Book is sent to the Tefterdar, or Lord Treasurer, that so quarterly they may receive their Pension.  
Being thus admitted, they are entered into one of the two Schools; 
The two Odaes.  that is to say into the Bojuck Oda, which is the great Chamber, or the less; the former commonly contains 400, and the other about 200 or 250. These two Schools may be said to be of the same Form or Rank; and what is taught in one, is likewise in the other, neither of them hath the precedency, all of them equally near to Preferment: Their first Lessons are Silence, Reverence, humble and modest Behaviour, holding their Heads downwards; and their Hands across before them▪ Their Masters the Hogias, instruct them in all the Rights, Discipline and Superstition of the Mahometan Religion, and to say their Prayers, and understand them in the Arabic Language; and to speak, read, and write Turkish perfectly. Afterwards having made proficiency in the former, they proceed in the study of the Persian and Arabic Tongues, which may be of benefit to them if their Lot chance to call them to the Government of the Eastern parts, and is a help to the Improvement of their Knowledge in the Turkish▪ which being of itself barren, is beholden to those Tongues for its copiousness and enrichment.  
Their Clothing is good English Cloth and Linen, 
Clothing and other necessaries.  neither fine nor course; their Diet is chiefly Rice, and other wholesome Meats which become the Table of Scholars, where there is nothing of superfluity, as there is nothing of want: Their Manners and Behaviour are strictly watched by the Eunuches their careful Guardians, so as they cannot be familiar one with another at any time, without Modesty, and respect to the Presence they are in: If they go to perform the necessary Offices of Nature, or to the Bath, they are never out of the Eye of an Eunuch▪ who will admit none of their nearest Relations to speak with them, or see them, unless special Licenee be obtained from the Capa Aga, or chief of the Eunuches. Their Bedchambers are long Chambers, where all Night Lamps are kept burning; 
Their Retirement. Bedchambers:  their Beds are laid in ranks one by another, upon Safrawes or Board's raised from the Ground; and between every five or six lies an Eunuch, so as conveniently to see or overhear if there be any wanton or lewd behaviour or discourse amongst them.  
When they are arrived to some proficiency, and almost to Man's Estate, and strength of Body, fit for Manly Exercises, they are trained up in handling the Lance, throwing the Iron Bar, drawing the Bow, and throwing the Ge●i● or Dart. In all these Exercises they spend many hours, being constant in all or some of them, and are severely corrected by their Eunuches, if they seem to be remiss or negligent therein: Many of them spend much time principally in drawing the Bow, in which they proceed from a weaker to one more strong, and by continual exercise and use, come at last to draw Bows of an incredible strength, more by Art and Custom, than of pure Force; and thus by constant bodily Exercise, they become Men of great Strength, Health, and Agility, fit for Wars, and all active Employments. Amongst their other Exercises, Horsemanship is a principal Lesson, 
Horsemanship.  both to sit in a handsome posture, and to manage their Horse with dexterity; to draw the Bow on Horseback, forwards, backwards, and on either side; which they learn with that agility and pliantness of their Joints, in the full career or speed of the Horse as is admirable. They learn also to throw the Gerit or Dart out of their hands on Horseback; 
T●● Dart or G●rit.  which because it is a Sport or Recreation the present Grand Signior delights in above all others, every one in hopes of Preferment, and in emulation one of the other, endeavours to be a Master in it; and most are become so dextrous, that they will dart a Stick of above three quarters of a yard long, with that force, that where it hits, it will endanger breaking of a Bone. The Grand Signior every day passes his Time with seeing his Pages exercised in this Sport, in which ordinarily one knocks another from his Horse; and seldom a day passes, in which some receive not Bruises or desperate Wounds. This Sultan doth many times appoint days of Combat between the Black Eunuches, and some of his White Pages on Horseback, in this manner with the Gerit; and then happens such a Skirmish with such emulation, each side contending for the honour of his Colour, Race, and Dignity, with that Heat and Courage, as if they contended for the Empire; this Pastime seldom concluding without some Blood. But it is to be noted, that none of these Exercises are performed by any of those that belong to the two Chambers, unless within the Walls of the Seraglio: the other Pages who accompanied the Grand Signior abroad, are such as are preferred to farther and higher Chambers, as hereafter we shall discourse.  
To the former Lessons of School-learning, and Exercise abroad, are added some other accomplishments of a Trade, Handicraft, or Mystery, in which a Man may be useful to the Service of the Grand Signior, as to sew and embroider in Leather, (in which the Turks exceed all other Nations) to make Arrows, and embroider Quivers and Saddles, and make all sorts of Furniture for Horses; some learn to fold up a Turban, others to fold up, clean and brush Vests; to wash and clean in the Bath, to keep Dogs and Hawks; others to excel in the Turkish manner of Music, and all other Services which may keep them from Idleness, and wherein they may be of future use to their great Master. And according hereunto Pashaes' and great Men have been denominated and surnamed after their departure from the Seraglio, to their places of Office and Trust.  
Such as have before made good proficiency in their Studies, and attained to a dexterity in their bodily Exercises, are transplanted to the first step of Preferment, which is the washing the Grand Signior's Linen; and here they first change their Cloth for Satin Vests and Cloth of Gold, and their Pay and Salary is augmented from four or five Asper's a day, to eight or more; thence they pass, as places fall, to the Hazna-Oda, or Chamber of the Treasury, or to the Kilar or Dispensatory, where the Drugs, Cordials, and rich Drinks for the Grand Signior's Service are kept; out of those two Chambers they are elected, in order to the highest and supreme place in the Seraglio, which is called the Has Oda, which consists of forty Pages; these attend immediately on the Person of the Grand Signior, and amongst them twelve hold the chief Offices of the Court, viz. 

1. The Selictar-Aga, the King's Sword-bearer.  
2. The Chiohadar-Aga, he who carries his Cloak or Vest for rainy Wether.  
3. The Rechinthar-Aga, he that holds his Stirrup.  
4. The Ebrictar-Aga, he that carries his Water to drink or wash.  
5. The Tulbentar-Aga, he that makes up his Turban.  
6. The Kem Husar-Aga, he who keeps the Wardrobe; and oversees the washing the Linen.  
7. The Chesneghir Bashee, the chief Sewer.  
8. Zagergee Bashee, the chief over the Dogs.  
9 Turnackgee Bashee, he who pairs his Nails.  
10. Berber Bashee, chief Barber.  
11. Muhasebegee Bashee, the chief Accountant.  
12. Teskeregee Bashee, his Secretary.    
There are also two other Officers in the Court of great respect, which are the Dogan Bashee, or chief Falconer; and the Humaungee Bashee, or chief over the Baths; but these have their Offices and Lodgings apart, and not entering into the Royal Chamber, are not capable of higher Preferment.  
There are nine also are called Ars Agalar, who have the privilege of presenting Petitions; like Masters of the Requests; of these, four are of the Hasoda, as the Shiletar-Aga, Tcohadar-Aga, Rikiabrar-Aga, Tulban Oglanii; and the others are of different Offices, as the Hazna Kiahaiasi, who is the second Officer of the Treasury; Kiler Kiahaiasi, who is Overseer of the Provisions of Sherbets, Sugar, Sweetmeats, etc. Dogangi Bashi, or chief Falconer; the Hazodabaschi, or principal Commander of the Royal Chamber; and Kapa Agasi, or chief Commander of the Pages; all which are first and nearest to Preferment, and to be employed Abroad, in the Office of Pacha, as Places are void.  
Those that are thus, through the Grace and Favour of the Sultan, arrived to the Dignity of being of the Royal Chamber, where they enjoy the Honour and Privilege of being constantly in his Eye and Presence, are often presented by him with Swords, Vests, Bows, and the like; and are permitted to take Rewards, for the Intercessions and Applications they make in behalf of others. Sometimes he sends them on Message to Pashees; sometimes for the confirmation of the Princes, either in Transilvania, Moldavia, or Walachia; sometimes to carry Presents to the Vizier and great Men: In all which Employments they are greatly entertained, both with Money, Jewels, and rich Furniture for Horses; so that very few of these Forty, but in a short time gain Estates of their own, sit to equippe and furnish them to enter into any Office of the Empire.  
As Offices fall in order, Supplies are made out of these, 
The degrees of Successions greatly observed.  others arising from lower Chambers successively in their places; whether it be to the four most considerable Governments, which are Cairo, Aleppo, Damascus, and Buda; or if none of these Places be void, to be Beglerbegs of Grecia, or of Anatolia; to be Aga of the janissaries, Spaheeler Agasee, or General of the Horse; or to some small Pashalicks or Governments scattered in several places of the Empire.  
But we shall not here need to discourse of the particular Offices and Dignities within the Power and Gift of the Grand Signior, intending to make a distinct Chapter of the several Offices, Governments, Dignities and Places, from whence the Grand Signior's Profits arise, that so we may the better describe the Wealth of this Empire, and the Importance of those Offices, for discharge of which young Men are educated with the care beforementioned.  
But before the conclusion of this Chapter, it will be necessary to add, that none, unless by special Grace, are advanced from the Seraglio, until the Age of about forty Years, by which time they are ripe and mature for Government, and the wantonness and heat of Youth allayed. Before their departure to their places of Trust, they are courted and honoured by all with Presents; the Queen-Mother, the Sultanaes', the rich Eunuches, the Great Vizier, and Officers Abroad, concur all to adorn them with Gifts and Riches at their Advancements, as undoubted Consequents of the Grand Signior's Favour. And at the farewell, with much submission they visit the Capa Aga, or chief of the Eunuches, and other principal Officers of the Seraglio, recommending themselves, in the time of their absence, to their good Grace and Favour, desiring to live in their good Opinion and Friendship; and this is done with as much Ceremony and Compliment as is exercised in the most civil Parts of Christendom. For though the Turks, out of Pride and Scorn, comport themselves to Christians with a strange kind of barbarous haughtiness and neglect, they are yet among themselves as courtly and precise in their own Rules of Compliment and Civility, as they are at Rome, or any other parts of the civilised World.   

CHAP. VI Of the Method of the Turkish Studies and Learning in the Seraglio.  
WE have rather showed in the foregoing Chapter, the Education of young Scholars, in reference to exercise of Body, and dexterity in Arms, than the method of their Studies and Speculations, according to the manner of our Seminaries and Colleges, which more respect the cultivation of the Mind, with the Principles of Virtue and Morality, and the Notions of sublime Reason, than the Improvements of the Body by assiduity of Exercise, which makes them become active, and begets an agility in the management of Arms. And though the latter is a Business most attended to by sprightly and ingenious Spirits, who know Preferments in the Ottoman Court have always depended, and still do, on the virtue of the Sword; yet Speculation and Knowledge in Sciences are not wholly estranged from their Schools, which we shall in brief touch upon to satisfy the curiosity of our Academies, who I know would gladly be resolved what sort of Physical or Moral Philosophy, what Tongues and Sciences fall within the contemplation of that barbarous Ignorance of the Turks. To dilucide which the most clearly as I can, according to the best information of the Learned Turks; it is reported by the Kalfaes, or Pedagogues of the Seraglio, that their chief Design is to instruct their Scholars in reading and writing, so as they may have some inspection into the Books of their Law and Religion; especially the Koran, whereby may be produced in their Minds a greater reverence to them. For being once passed from the first form of their A, B, C, and joining Syllables, they are then instructed in the Arabian Tongue, wherein all the Secrets and Treasure of their Religion and Laws are contained, and is a necessary accomplishment of a Pasha, or any great Minister, in relation to the better discharge of his Office, being thereby enabled to have an inspection into the Writings and Sentences of the Kadees, or other Officers of the Law within his Jurisdiction, as well as furnished with Knowledge and Matter of Discourse concerning Religion. And to adorn these young Candidates of the Grand Signior's Favour, with more Polity and ingenious Endowments, the next Lesson is the Persian Tongue, which fits them with acquaint Words and Eloquence, becoming the Court of their Prince, and corrects the grossness, and enriches the barrenness of the Turkish Tongue, which in itself is void both of Expression, and sweetness of Accent. It teaches them also a handsome and gentle deportment, instructs them in Romances, raises their thoughts to aspire to the generous and virtuous Actions they read of in the Persian Novellaries, and endues them with a kind of Platonic Love each to other, which is accompanied with a true Friendship amongst some few, and with as much gallantry as is exercised in any part of the World. But for their Amours to Women, the restraint and strictness of Discipline, makes them altogether strangers to that Sex; for want of Conversation with them, they burn in Lust one towards another; and the amorous disposition of Youth wanting more natural Objcts of Affection, is transported to a most passionate admiration of Beauty wheresoever it finds it, which because it is much talked of by the Turks, we will make it a distinct Discourse by itself.  
The Books they read commonly in the Persian Language, are Danisten, Schaihdi, Pend-a●tar, Giulistin, Bostan Hafiz, and the Turkish Books called Mulemma, or a mixture of the Arabian and Persian words, both in Prose and Verse, facetious and full of quick and lively Expressions. Of these sorts of Books, those most commonly read are called Kirkwizir, Humaiunname, or delile we Kemine, El fulc●ase, Seidbatal, and various other Romances: these are usually the study of the most airy and ingenious Spirits amongst them. Those others who are of a Complexion more melancholic, and inclinable to contemplation, proceed with more patience of Method, and are more exact in their Studies, intending to become Masters of their Pen, and by that means to arrive to Honour and Office, either of Rest Efendi, or Secretary of State, Lord Treasurer, or Secretary of the Treasury, or Dispensatory, etc. or else to be Emaums, or Parish Priests of some principal Mosches of Royal Foundation, in which they pass an easy, quiet, and secure Life, with a considerable competency of livelihood. Others aim in their Studies to become Hazifizi, which signifies a Conserver of the Koran, who get the whole Koran by Heart, and for that reason are held in great esteem, and their Persons as sacred as the place which is the Repository of the Law.  
Those who are observed to be more addicted to their Books than others, are named by them Talibulilmi, or lovers of Philosophy; though very few amongst them arrive to any Learning really so called, yet they attain to the degree of Giuzchon, or Readers of the Koran, for Benefit and Relief of the Souls of those departed, who for that end have bequeathed them Legacies. At certain Houses, they read Books that treat of the Matters of their Faith, and render them out of Arabic into Turkish, and these Books are, Schur●t, Salut, Mukad, Multcka, Hidaie, etc. which they discant upon in an Expository manner; instructing the more ignorant and of lower form, by way of Catechism. They have also some Books of Poetry; written both in Persian and Arabic, which run in Rhyme and Meeter, like the Golden Verses in Pythagoras, containing excellent Sentences of Morality, being directions for a Godly Life, and contemplation of the Miseries and Fallacies of this World, which many of them do commit to memory, and repeat occasionally as they fall into discourse.  
For other Sciences, as Logic, Physic, Metaphysic, Mathematics, and other our University Learning, they are wholly ignorant; unless in the latter, as far as Music is a part of the Mathematics, whereof there is a School apart in the Seraglio. Only some that live in Constantinople, have learned some certain Rules of Astrology, which they exercise upon all occasions, and b●sy themselves in Prophecies of future Contingencies of the Affairs of the Empire, and the unconstant Estate of great Minister●, in which their Predictions seldom divine grateful or pleasing Stories. Neither have the wisest and most active Ministers or Soldiers amongst them, the least inspection into Geography, whereby to be acquainted with the situation of Countries, or disposition of the Globe, though they themselves enjoy the possession of so large a proportion of the Universe.  
Their Seamen, who seldom venture beyond sight of Land (unless they be those of Barbary, who are Renegadoes, and practised in the Christian Arts of Navigation) have certain Sea-Charts ill framed, and the Capes and Headlands so ill laid down, that in their Voyages from Constantinople to Alexandria, the richest place of their Trade, they trust more to their Eye and Experience, than the Direction of their Maps; nor could I ever see any Chart of the Black Sea, made either by Turk or Greek, which could give the least light to a knowing Seaman, so as to encourage him, according to the Rules of Art, to lay any confidence thereon in his Navigation.  
The Art of Printing (a Matter disputable whether it hath brought more of Benefit or Mischief to the World) is absolutely prohibited amongst them, because it may give a beginning to that subtlety of Learning, which is inconsistent with, as well as dangerous to the grossness of their Government, and a means to deprive many of their Livelihood, who gain their Bread only by their Pen, and occasion the loss of that singular Art of fair Writing, wherein they excel or equal most Nations: The Effect of which is evident amongst the Western People, where Printing hath taken footing. And though there be few Historians among them who have any knowledge of past Times, or the being of other Empires before the Ottoman, mixing all Stories in confusion together (as we have said before) without distinction of Persons, or respect of Chronology; yet as to the Successes and Progress of Affairs in their own Dominions, they keep most strict Registers and Records, which serve them as Precedents and Rules for the present Government of their Affairs.  
And thus the Reader may sound the depth of the Turks Philosophy; who though they reach not those Contemplations of our profound Sophies, have yet so much Knowledge, as neither to be overreached in their Treaties with the Wits of the World, nor for want of good Conduct of Affairs lose one inch of their Empire.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Affection and Friendship the Pages in the Seraglio bear each other.  
SInce in the foregoing Chapter we have made mention of the amorous Disposition that is to be found among these Youths each to other; it will not be from our purpose to acquaint the Reader, that the Doctrine of Platonic Love hath found Disciples in the Schools of the Turks, that they call it a Passion very laudable and virtuous, and a step to that perfect Love of God, whereof Mankind is only capable, proceeding by way of Love and Admiration of his Image and Beauty enstamped on the Creature. This is the colour of Virtue, they paint over the deformity of their depraved Inclinations; but in reality this Love of theirs, is nothing but libidinous Flames each to other, with which they burn so violently, that Banishment and Death have not been Examples sufficient to deter them from making Demonstrations of suchlike Addresses; so that in their Chambers, though watched by their Eunuches, they learn a certain Language with the motion of their Eyes, their Gestures, and their Fingers, to express their Amours; and this Passion hath boiled sometimes to that heat, that Jealousies and Rivalties have broken forth in their Chambers, without respect to the severity of their Guardians, and good Orders have been brought into confusion, and have not been again redressed, until some of them have been expelled the Seraglio, with the Tippets of their Vests cut off, banished into the Islands, and beaten almost to death.  
Nor is this Passion only amongst the young Men each to other; but Persons of eminent degree in the Seraglio, become inveigled in this sort of love, watching occasions to have a sight of the young Pages that they fancy, either at the Windows of their Chamber, or as they go to the Mosque, or to their Washings or Baths; offer them Service and Presents, and so engage them, as to induce them to desire to be made of the Retinue of him that uses this Courtship towards them, which they many times obtain; and being entertained in the Service of a Master who so highly fancies and admires them, they become often sharers with him in his Riches and Fortune.  
The Grand Signior's themselves have also been Slaves to this inordinate Passion. For Sultan Morat became so enamoured of an Armenian Boy, called Musa, as betrayed him, though otherwise a discreet Prince, to a thousand Follies; and at another time preferred a Youth for his Beauty only from the Novitiate of Galata, to be one of the Pages of his Has Oda, or Chamber of his Royal Presence, and in a short time made hime Silahtar Aga, or Sword-bearer, one of the greatest Offices in the Seraglio. And this present Sultan became so enamoured of a Constantinopolitan Youth, one of the Pages of his Musician's School, called Kulogli, or Son of a Slave, that he made him his chief Favourite, never could content himself without his company; clothed him like himself, made him ride by his side, commanded all to present and honour him, in the same manner as if he had made him Companion of the Empire.  
This Passion likewise reigns in the Society of Women; they die with amorous Affections one to the other; especially the old Women court the Young, present them with rich Garments, Jewels, Money, even to their own impoverishment and ruin; and these Darts of Cupid are shot through all the Empire, especially Constantinople, the Seraglio of the Grand Signior, and the Apartments of the Sultan's.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the Mutes and Dwarves.  
BEsides the Pages, there is a sort of Attendants to make up the Ottoman Court, called Bizebani, or Mutes, Men naturally born deaf, and so consequently, for want of receiving the sound of words, are dumb: These are in number about forty, who by Night are lodged amongst the Pages in the two Chambers, but in the day time have their Stations before the Mosque belonging to the Pages, where they learn and perfect themselves in the Language of the Mutes, which is made up of several Signs, in which by custom they can discourse and fully express themselves; not only to signify their sense in familiar Questions, but to recount Stories, understand the Fables of their own Religion, the Laws and Precepts of the Koran, the name of Mahomet, and what else may be capable of being expressed by the Tongue. The most ancient amongst them, to the number of about eight or nine, are called the Favourite Mutes, and are admitted to attendance in the Has Oda; who only serve in the place of Buffoons, for the Grand Signior to sport with, whom he sometimes kicks, sometimes throws in the Cisterns of Water, sometimes make fight together like the Combat of Clineas and Dametas. But this Language of the Mutes is so much in fashion in the Ottoman Court, that none almost but can deliver his sense in it, and is of much use to those who attend the Presence of the Grand Signior, before whom it is not reverend or seemly so much as to whisper.  
The Dwarves are called Ging●; these also have their Quarters among the Pages of the two Chambers, until they have learned, with due Reverence and Humility, to stand in the Presence of the Grand Signior. And if one of these have that benefit, as by Nature's fortunate Error, to be both a Dwarf and Dumb, and afterwards, by the help of Art, to be castrated and made an Eunuch; he is much more esteemed, than if Nature and Art had concurred together to make him the perfectest Creature in the World; one of this sort was presented by a certain Pasha, to the Grand Signior, who was so acceptable to him and the Queen-Mother, that he attired him immediately in Cloth of Gold, and gave him liberty through all the Gates of the Seraglio.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Eunuches.  
THis libidinous flame of depraved Nature, is so common a Disease among the Turks, and so ancient a Vice, that both for State, and prevention of this unnatural Crime, it hath not been esteemed safe or orderly in the Courts of Eastern Princes, to constitute others for the principal Officers of their Household than Eunuches: The like is observed in the Seraglio of the Grand Signior, where two Eunuches especially have the principal Command, and are Persons of the highest and eminentest esteem, viz. the Kuzlir-Agasi, who is Superintendent over the Women, and is a Black Eunuch.  
The other is Capa Agasi, or Master of the Gate, who is White, and commands all the Pages, and White Eunuches residing in the Court; under him are all the Officers that are Eunuches; as first the Has Odabaschi, or Lord Chamberlain, who commands the Gentlemen of the Bedchamber.  
2. The Serai Kiahaiasi, Lord Steward of the Household, who oversees the Chambers of the Pages, and the Seferli Odasi, or the Chambers of those Pages who are designed to follow the Grand Signior upon any Journey, and of these he hath care to see them provided of clothes and all other Necessaries for the Service they undertake.  
3. The Haznadar Bashi, or Lord Treasurer of the Seraglio, who commands those Pages that attend the Treasury; I mean not that which is of present use, as to pay the Soldiery, or serve the public and present Occasions of the Empire, for that is in the Hand of the Tef●●rdar; but that Riches that is laid apart for the Expenses of the Court, and that which is amassed and piled up in several Rooms of the Seraglio, of which there have been Collections and Additions in the Time almost of every Emperor, distinguished and divided by the Names of the Sultan's, through whose industry and frugality they had been accquired; but this Wealth is conserved as Sacred, not to be used or exposed, unless on Occasions of extreme Emergency.  
4. The Kilargi Bashi, that is, the chief Commander over the Pages, to whose care the charge of the Dispensatory is committed, or Expenses for the daily Provisions.  
Other Officers there are of Eunuches, as he that is first Master of Scholars for their Books, called Ikingi Capa Oglani, and his Usher; the chief Miergidgi or Priest of the Grand Signior's Mosque; under whom are two other Assistants, for cleansing and well ordering of the Mosques.  
These are the only Officers of the White Eunuches, the others are of Commonalty, which are in number about fifty, and have ordinarily twelve Asper's a day pay, which also are augmented according to the Wakfis or Legacies of the Deceased.  
Those that are Curates of the Royal Mosques, and have Pluralities of Benefices of that nature, have sometimes a Revenue of 100 Chequins a day: among these also due order is observed, the Younger, or Juniors in the Seraglio, always giving respect and reverence to Seniority.  

Of the Black Eunuches.  
THE Black Eunuches are ordained for the service of the Women in the Seraglio; as the White are to the attendance of the Grand Signior, it not seeming a sufficient Remedy by wholly dismembering them, to take the Women off from their inclinations to them, as retaining some relation still to the Masculine Sex; but to create an abhorrency in them; they are not only castrated, but Black, chosen with the worst Features that are to be found among the most hard-favoured of that African Race.  
The prime Officer of them all, as we have said before, is the Kuzlir Aga, or Master of the Maids or Virgins.  
2. Valide Agasi, the Eunuch of the Queen-Mother.  
3. Schahzadeler Agasi, or the Eunuch to whose charge is committed the Royal Progeny, and in whose custody at present are three Sons of Sultan Ibrahim, Brothers to the present Emperor, viz. Solyman, on whom the Turks at present found their principal Hopes and Expectation; Bajazet and Orchan, the Mother of which two last is still living, and confined to the old Seraglio in Constantinople, which is the Monastery of the decayed Wives and Mistresses of former Grand Signiors, from whence there is no Redemption, until either their Sons die, or by good fortune one becomes Emperor.  
4. Is Fazna Agasi, or the Eunuch that is Treasurer to the Queen-Mother, and commands those Damsels that are Servants in the said Chamber.  
5. Kilar Agasi, or he that keeps the Sugar, Serbets, and Drugs of the Queen-Mother.  
6. Bujuck Oda Agasi, Commander of the greater Chamber.  
7. Kulchuk Oda Agasi, Commander of the lesser Chamber.  
8. Bash Capa Oglani, the chief Porter of the women's Apartment.  
9, & 10. Two Mesgidgi Barchi, or the two Emaums or Priests of the Royal Mosque belonging to the Queen-Mother, ordained for the women's Prayers.   

The Apartments of the Women.  
AND since I have brought my Reader into the Quarters of these Eunuches, which are the Black Guard of the sequestered Ladies of the Seraglio, he may chance to take it unkindly, should I leave him at the Door, and not introduce him into those Apartments, where the Grand Signior's Mistresses are lodged: And though I ingenuously confess my acquaintance there (as all other my conversation with Women in Turkey) is but strange and unfamiliar; yet not to be guilty of this discourtesy, I shall to the best of my information write a short Account of these Captivated Ladies, how they are treated, immured, educated and prepared for the great Achievements of the Sultan's Affection; and as in other Stories the Knight consumes himself with Combats, Watching, and Penance, to acquire the love of one fair Damsel; here an Army of Virgins make it the only study and business of their Life to obtain the single nod of invitation to the Bed of their great Master.  
The Reader than must know, that this Assembly of fair Women (for it is probable there is no other in the Seraglio) are commonly Prizes of the Sword; taken at Sea and at Land, as far fetched as the Turk commands, or the wand'ring Tartar makes his Incursions, composed almost of as many Nations as there are Countries of the World, none of which are esteemed worthy of this Preferment, unless Beautiful and undoubted Virgins.  
As the Pages before mentioned are divided into two Chambers, so likewise are these Maids into two Odaes, where they are to work, sew and embroider, and are there lodged on Safawes, every one with her Bed apart, between every five of which is a Kadun or grave Matron laid to oversee and hear what Actions or Discourse passes either immodest or undecent. Besides this School, they have their Chambers for Music and Dancing, for acquiring a handsome Air in their carriage and comportment, to which they are most diligent and intent, as that which opens the Door of the Sultan's Affections, and introduces them into Preferment and Esteem.  
Out of these the Queen-Mother chooses her Court, and orderly draws from the Schools such as she marks out for the most Beauteous, Facetious, or most corresponding with the harmony of her own Disposition, and prefers them to a ●ear attendance on her Person, or to other Offices of her Court. These are always richly attired and adorned with all sorts of precious Stones, fit to receive the Addresses and Amours of the Sultan: over them is placed the Kadun Kahia, or Mother of the Maids, who is careful to correct any Immodest or light Behaviour amongst them, and instructs them in all the Rules and Orders of the Court.  
When the Grand Signior is pleased to dally with a certain number of these Ladies in the Gar●en; Helvet is cried, which rings through all the Seraglio; at which word all People withdraw themselves at a distance, and Eunuches are placed at every Avenue, it being at that time death to approach near those Walls. Here the Women strive with their Dances, Songs, and Discourse, to make themselves Mistresses of the Grand Signior's Affection, and then let themselves loose to all kind of lasciviousness and wanton Carriage, acquitting themselves as much of all respect to Majesty, as they do to Modesty.  
When the Grand Signior resolves to choose himself a Bed-fellow, he retires into the Lodgings of his Women, where (according to the Story in every place reported, when the Turkish Seraglio falls into Discourse) the Damsels being ranged in order by the Mother of the Maids, he throws his Handkerchief to her, where his eye and fancy best directs, it being a Token of her election to his Bed. The surprised Virgin snatches at this Prize and good Fortune, with that eagerness, that she is ravished with the Joy before she is deflowered by the Sultan, and kneeling down, first kisses the Handkerchief, and then puts it in her Bosom, when immediately she is congratulated by all the Ladies of the Court, for the great Honour and Favour she hath received. And after she hath been first washed, bathed, and perfumed, she is adorned with Jewels, and what other Attire can make her appear Glorious and Beautiful; she is conducted at Night with Music and Songs of her Companions chanting before her to the Bedchamber of the Sultan; at the Door of which attends some Favourite Eunuch, who upon her approaching, giveth Advice to the Grand Signior, and permission being given her to enter in, she comes running and knelt before him, and sometimes enters in at the Feet of the Bed, according to the ancient Ceremony, or otherwise, as he chances to like her, is taken in a nearer way with the Embraces of the Grand Signior.  
This private Entertainment being ended, she is delivered to the care of the Kadan Kahia, or Mother of the Maids, by whom she is again conducted back with the same Music as before, and having first washed and bathed, hath afterwards the lodging and attendants that belongs to Hunkiar Asa-kisi, that is, the Royal Concubine: if it be her good Fortune to conceive and bring forth a Son, she is called Hasaki Sultana, and is honoured with a solemn Coronation, and Crowned with a small Coronet of Gold beset with precious Stones. Other Ladies who produce like Fruits from the Grand Signior's Bed, have not yet the like Honour, but only the Name of Bash Hasaki, Inkingi Hasaki, the first and second Concubine, and so forward.  
The Daughters that are born from the Grand Signior, are oftentimes at four or five years of Age wedded to some great Pasha, or Beglerbeg, with all the Pomp and Solemnities of Marriage, who from that time hath care of her Education, to provide a Palace for her Court, and to maintain her with that State and Honour as becomes the Dignity of a Daughter to the Sultan. At this tenderness of Age, Sultan Ibrahim, Father of the present Grand Signior, married three of his Daughters; one of which called Gheaher Han Sultan, hath had already five Husbands, and yet, as is reported by the World, remains a Virgin; the last Husband deceased was Ishmael Pasha, who was slain in the passage of the River Raab; and is now again married to Gurgi Mahomet Pasha of Buda, a Man of 90 Years of Age, but rich and able to maintain the greatness of her Court, though not to comply with the youthfulness of her Bed, to which he is a stranger like the rest of her preceding Husbands.  
After the death of the Grand Signior, the Mothers of Daughters have liberty to come forth from the Seraglio and marry with any Person of Quality; but those who have brought forth Sons, are transplanted to the old Seraglio, where they pass a retired Life without Redemption; unless the Son of any of those Mothers, by death of the first Heir, succeeding, release his Mother from that Restraint, and make her sharer with him in all his Happiness and Glory.    

CHAP. X. Of the Agiamoglans.  
WE have hitherto spoken of the Ichoglans, or Pages, Mutes, Dwarves, Eunuches, and the Feminine Court; it will now be necessary to speak of the under Officers and Servants called Agiamoglans, who are designed to the meaner Uses of the Seraglio: These are also Captives taken in War, or bought of the Tartar, but most commonly the Sons of Christians taken from their Parents at the Age of ten or twelve Years; in whom appearing more strength of Body than of Mind, they are set apart for labour and menial Services: These are, 

1. Porters.  
2. Bostangies, or gardiner's.  
3. Baltagies, or Hatchetmen, who cut and carry Wood  
4. Asgees, or Cooks, with all the Offices of the Kitchin.  
5. Paicks and solacs.  
6. Butchers.  
7. Holvagees, or Confectioners.  
8. The Attendants of the Hospital of sick Pages.    
And all other set apart for servile Offices.  
These are seldom the Sons of natural born Turks, but yearly collected (as I said) from the increase of poor Christians in the Morea and Albania; by which means those Countries are greatly dis-peopled; the yearly number of those thus collected, amount most commonly, as I am given to understand, to about 2000, which being brought to Constantinople, are first presented before the Vizier, who (according as his Humour directs him) are placed in divers Stations, either in the Seraglioes of Galata Okmedon, or Adrianople; others are put forth to learn divers Trades in the City; others to be Seamen, and learn Navigation; others especially are placed in the great Seraglio, where they are made to serve in the Stables, in the Kitchen, to dig in the Gardens, to cleave Wood, to row in the Grand Signior's Barge, and to do what other Services they are commanded by the Superiors set over them, called Odahashees, who are Men of Ancienter standing than the rest, having about fifteen Asper's a day Salary, two Vests of Cloth a Year, and two pieces of Linen Cloth for Shirts and Handkerchiefs, etc. and these are subject to the Bostangi Pasha, who is the Head and absolute Commander of all those who have the Name of Bostangees, or gardiner's, of which there may be 10000 in and about the Seraglioes and Garden of the Grand Signior.  
Of these Bostangees, some are raised to a higher degree, and called Hasaki, which signifies Royal, and attend only to Messages sent by the Grand Signior himself, and are Men of special Authority. Their Habit or Clothing nothing differs from the Bostangees, unless in the fineness of their Cloth.  
The Power of the Bostangi Pasha is very great; for though he himself arose but from the Agiamoglans, and wore a felt Cap, yet he hath the command of all the Grand Signior's Gardens and Houses of Pleasure; oversees all his Water-works, and hath Power and Jurisdiction along the Bosphorus, unto the Mouth of the Black Sea; commands also the Country at a large distance from Constantinople; having power to punish all Debaucheries and Extravagancies in and about the Country Villages, and is capable, by the Grand Signior's Favour, to become Pasha of Grand Cairo, Babylon, Buda, etc. and of the first degree, which is Vizier Azem.  
The Agiamoglans who are designed to the Grand Signior's Seraglio, are of the choicest amongst the whole number, the strongest Bodies, and most promising Aspects, and are distributed into several Companies as they want to make up their Compliment. This Discipline is very severe and strict, so that they are taught Obedience, and readiness to serve, with Watchings, Fast, and other Penances.  
Their Clothing is of course Cloth made at Salonica, anciently called Thessalonica; their Caps of Felt, after the form of a Sugar-loaf, of a Hair colour. Some of them are taught to Read and Write, who are esteemed the most acute and fit to receive ingenious Learning: but the most part are exercised in activity of Body, in Running, Leaping, Wrestling, throwing the Iron Bar, and other Agility, wherein the strength and activity of Body is best practised. Their Lodgings are under several Penthouses or Sheds, built under the Walls of the Seraglio; their Diet is Flesh and Rice, sufficient, though not luxurious.  
Out of these belonging to the Seraglio, none are drawn out for Janissaries, but are sometimes preferred to service of Pashaes' for their Fidelity or good Deserts, and by those Masters arise to considerable Riches, and commodious manner of Livelihood; others of these, in great numbers, are made use of for attendance on the Grand Signior's Tents, when he gooes to the Wars, and in other Journeys are useful for the management of the Grand Signior's Carriages and travelling Necessaries. Such Agiamoglans (as we have said before) that are distributed into other Quarters besides the Royal Seraglio, are principally designed, as they grow ripe, and of strength of Body, to be made Janissaries in the place of the deceased; so that their principal Education is in order thereunto, of whom we shall speak more largely when we treat of the Militia.  
The Names of the Agiamoglans are written in a Book, with the Places where they are distributed, their several Pays of two, three, or five Asper's a Day, which Book is under-written by the Grand Signior, and consigned to the Tefterdar, or Lord Treasurer, who pays their Salaries every three Months, being obliged at that time to inquire who is dead or removed, and so accordingly to make a true report to the Grand Signior.  
And thus I have given you a brief account of the Grand Siginor's Seraglio, and the Regiment of it, which, if well considered and weighed, is one of the most Politic Constitutions in the World, and none of the meanest Supports of the Ottoman Empire: which Relation I had from the Mouth of one who had spent nineteen Years in the Schools of the Seraglio. I must confess I have not treated so amply thereof as the Subject might require, because the Rules and Oeconomy observed among the Women, Mutes, Eunuches, and other of the retired Apartments, I conceive to be a kind of digression from my purpose, my intention being principally to describe the Government, Maxims, and Polities of the Turk. And therefore I proceed to treat of the diversities of Offices, and Places of great Riches and Trust, which remain in the power of the Sultan to confer on those Favourites, Minions, and Creatures, whom thus at his own Charge he hath nourished, like a Father, from their Infancy, to invest in their riper Years with great Honours, for security of his own Person, and flourishing Estate of his Dominions.   

CHAP. XI. Of the Vizier Azem, or Prime Vizier, his Office, the other six Viziers of the Bench, and of the Divan or place of judicature.  
THE Prime Vizier, called in Turkish Vizier Azem, is as much as chief Counsellor; he is sometimes termed the Grand Signior's Deputy or Representative, or Vicarius Imperii, because to him all the Power of the Sultan is immediately devolved; there is no other Solemnity, as I know of, in the creating a Vizier, than the delivery of the Grand Signior's Seal, which he always carries about him in his Bosom, on which is engraven the Emperor's Name, by which he becomes invested in all the Power of the Empire, and can, without the formality and process of Law, remove all Obstacles and Impediments which hinder the free sway of his Government. It hath always been the Policy of the great Princes of the East, to erect one as Superintendent over all the rest of their Ministers; so Daniel was constituted by Darius over the Precedents and Princes, 
Dan. 6.  because of the admirable Spirit and Wisdom that was in him: and joseph was made chief Governor and absolute Commander over all Egypt; and by this means those Princes who gave themselves much over to softness and luxury, could with more ease demand account of Miscarriages in the Rule of their Empire, it being their Policy to constitute one on whom all the blame of Miscarriages in Government might be thrown.  
The first constitution that we meet with in History of the first Vizier, was in the time of Amurath the third, King of the Turks, who pasing into Europe with his Tutor called Lala Schabin, he made him his chief Counsellor, and committed to him the Charge of his Army, with which he won Adrianople, formerly called Orestias, and ever since the Grand Signior hath continued to maintain that Office of Vizier, using that common appellation of Lala, which signifies Tutor, whensoever in familiar Discourse he speaks to him.  
There are besides the first, commonly six other Viziers, who are called Viziers of the Bench, that have no Power nor Authority in the Government, but only are grave Men, that have perhaps had Charges and Offices, and are knowing in the Laws, and sit together with the first Vizier in the Divan or Court where Causes are tried, but are mute, and cannot give their Sentence or Opinion in any Matter, unless the first Vizier please to demand their Counsel or Judgement in point of Law, which he seldom does, not to disparage his own Reason and Experience. Their Pay proceeds from the Grand Signior's Treasury, and is not above 2000 Dollars a Year: any of these six can write the Grand Signior's Firm or Autogra upon all Commands or Decrees that are sent abroad; and because their Riches are but moderate, and the Office they are in treats not much with the dangerous Parts of State, they live long without Envy or Emulation, or being subject to that inconstancy of Fortune and Alteration, to which greater degrees of Place are exposed. And yet when any great Matter is in consult, and of considerable Importance, these six, with the first Vizier, the Mufti and Caddeelescheers, or Lord Chief Justices, are admitted into the Cabinet-Council, and are often permitted freedom to deliver their Opinions on the matter of Question.  
The State and Greatness the Prime Vizier lives in, is agreeable to the Honour of him whom he represents, having commonly in his Court about 2000 Officers and Servants; when he appears in any solemnity or public Show, he carries on his Turban before two Feathers, as the Grand Signior wears three, set on with a handle of Diamonds, and other rich Stones; and before him are carried three Horse Tails, called the Tugh, upon a long Staff, upon the top of which is a gilded Knob; the like distinction of Honour is permitted only to the three other principal Pashaes' within their Jurisdiction, viz. the Pasha of Babylon, of Cairo, and of Buda; the other inferior Pashaes' have only one Horse Tail carried before them, without other Distinction or Badge os Authority; and these three forementioned Pashaes' have a right to be Viziers of the Bench, and can take their places in the Divan, when the Time of their Offices are expired, and any of them found at the Court in entire Grace and Favour.  
The Prime Vizier, as he is the Representative of the Grand Signior, so he is the Head or Mouth of the Law; to him Appeals may be made, and any one may decline the ordinary course of Justice, to have his Case decided by his Determination, unless the Vizier, through the multiplicity of his Affairs, and a small consideration of the Case, thinks fit to refer it to the Law. And that he may evidence his care of the Public Good, he is always present at the Divan, four times a Week, that is, Saturday, Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and the other days (excepting Fridays) keeps Divan in his own House; so diligent and watchful are these Men to discharge the Acts of Justice, and their own Office.  
He is attended to the Divan, which is the Chamber of the Seraglio, by a great number of Chiauses, and their Commanders in chief, who are a sort of Pursuivants, and other Officers, who only serve to attend him to the Divan, called Muta-faracan, and may be termed Sergeants or Tipstaffs; as he descends from his Horse, and enters the Divan, or upon his return goes into his House, he is with a loud Voice of his Attendants, prayed for, and wished all happiness and long Life; not unlike the Salutations the Roman Soldiers used to their Emperors; Cum sub auspiciis Caesaris omnia prospera & felicia precabantur. When he is set upon the Bench, all Causes are brought before the Caddeelescheer, who is Lord Chief Justice, and by him all Judgements pass, unless the Prime Vizier shall think the Cause proper for his Cognisance, or shall disapprove at any time the Sentence of the Judge; and then by virtue of his unlimited Power, he can reverse the Verdict, and determine as he pleases. All Officers in the Divan wear a strange sort of dress upon their Heads, called in Turkish Mugevezee.  
The Lord Chief Justices which sit with the Grand Vizier, are two of Romelia and Asia, called Kadilescher, or Judges of the Army. And this shall in short serve for what is necessary to speak of the Divan in this place, in regard we only touch upon it for the better explanation of the Vizier's Office.  
The Prime Vizier hath his Power as ample as his Master who gives it him, except only that he cannot (though he is the Elder Brother of all the Pashaes') take off any of their Heads without the Imperial Signature, or immediate Handwriting of the Grand Signior; nor can he punish a Spahee or Janisary, or any other Soldier, but by means of their Commanders, (the Militia having reserved themselves that Privilege, which secures them from several oppressions) in other Matters he is wholly Absolute, and hath so great a Power with the Grand Signior, that whomsoever he shall think fit of all the Officers in the Empire to proscribe, he can speedily obtain the Imperial Hand to put it in execution.  
Whatsoever Petitions and Addresses are made, in what Business soever, ought first to pass through the Hands of the Vizier: but yet when a Party hath suffered some notorious Injury, in which the Vizier is combined, or hath refused him Justice, he hath liberty then to appeal to the Grand Signior himself, which is permitted by an ancient custom; the aggrieved Person putting Fire on his Head, enters the Seraglio, runs in haste, and can be stopped by no Body until he comes to the presence of the Grand Signior, to whom he hath licence to declare his wrong. The like was done by Sir Thomas Bendysh, when Ambassador at Constantinople, putting Pots of Fire at the Yard-Arms of some English Ships then in Port, and came to an Anchor near the Seraglio. The reason thereof was, the violent seizure of the Merchant's Goods, as soon as arrived in Port, for the Service of the Grand Signior, without Bargain or Account of them; which being taken up by those Officers and great Persons who were out of the reach of Law, forced the worthy Ambassador at that time Resident to represent his Grievances with much resolution, signifying them to the Grand Signior, by Fire on the Yards of eleven English Ships then in Port, which were drawn off from the Scale, where they usually lay, to the side of the Seraglio; which coming to be discovered first to the Vizier, before the Grand Signior had notice thereof, he immediately extinguished those Fires by a fair Accommodation, before they burst into a more dangerous Flame, by the knowledge of the Grand Signior, who might justly destroy him for suffering such notorious Injustice to run to that public and known extremity.  
The Persians in like cases put on a Vest of white Paper, signifying, the aggravation of their Injury is not to be described in as much Paper as can cover their Bodies.  
This great Office of Charge and Trust, as it is the highest, so it is the nearest to Jove's Thunderbolt, and most exposed to Envy and Emulation; strange Stories are read and confirmed by Eye-witnesses in our days, concerning the unexpected rise and ascent of unworthy Men, on a sudden, without degrees, steps or approaches, to this mighty Power and Glory, and as soon have been thrown down, and been the Subject of the People's Cruelty and Revenge; some have been the Sons but of a few days growth, and the Sun hath scarce set, before their Greatness and Glory hath declined; others have continued but a Month, some a Year, others two or three; and withal, even in those who have lived longest and happiest, Fortune sports with that wantonness and inconstancy, ●hat it may serve to be the Mirror and Emblem of the World's Vanity, and uncertain Riches: It is the Fate of great Favourites, with barbarous Princes, to be but short-lived. For either the Prince delights to exercise his Power in debasing some, and advancing others, or hath bestowed so largely, that his Bounty is at a stop, and begins to be wearied with heaping of Favours, as the other is glutted and satiated with receiving them; Fato potentiae raro sempiternae, an satias capit aut illos cum omnia tribuerunt, aut hos quod nihil reliquum est quod capiant. Tacit. Lib. 3. Emulation and Flattery are likewise great, and the Factions are commonly many in the Ottoman Court, whereby the State of the first Minister is endangered. Insita mortalibus natura recentem aliorum felicitatem aegris oculis introspicere, modumque fortunae à nullis magis exigere, quam quos in aequo vident. Tacit. Lib. 3. Sometimes the Queen-Mother rules, sometimes the Kuslir Aga commands; perhaps a beautiful Woman is Mistress of the Power, as well as of the Affections of the Sultan; every one of these have some Favourites, some or other who watch Preferments, and are intent to observe all Miscarriages of State, which may reflect on, or question the Judgement or Honesty of the first Author, by which means the unhappy Vizier, either by the Sultan's immediate Command, or Tumults of the Soldiery raised by the powerful Factions aforementioned, yields up his Life and Government together; whose Power and Greatness being only borrowed from his Master, and depending on another's Pleasure, by its short continuance and mutability, verifies that true saying of Tacitus, Lib. 12. Nihil rerum mortalium tam instabile & fluxum est, quam fama potentiae non suâ vi nixae.  
But it doth nor always happen that the Prime Vizier, because he is deprived of his Office, should therefore lose his Life; for many times, especially if he be a Man whose Disposition is not greatly suspected of Malice or Revenge to the Contrivers of his Fall, or be not of a generous Spirit, and great Abilities and Popularity, whereby he may be venturous and capable of raising Rebellion or Mutiny, he is permitted calmly to retire, and quietly to descend from his high Throne of Honour, to enter into a lower Region and Air of a small and petty Government of a Pasha; as not many Years past the Predecessors of Kuperli, Father of this present Vizier, being degraded, had the Pashalick of Kanisia (which is accounted one of the meanest of all the Governments which are subject to a Pasha) conferred on him; and here I cannot tell whether such a Vizier hath not more reason to bless and congratulate his Fortune, than accuse it; for in this condition he is more free from Cares and Dangers, and much more happy, if his Ambition and greatness of Spirit render not his Repose and Ease less pleasing, because it is not in the highest Lodgings of Honour and Command. But it is seldom so among the Turks, for with them it is esteemed no disgrace to be transplanted from the Mountains to the Valleys; they know their Original and Composition partakes not much of Heavenly Fire, and that the Clay they are framed of, is but of common Earth, which is in the Hand of the Grand Signior, as the Pot to frame and mould, as is most agreeable to his Pleasure and Will. And as it is no disparagement to decline and go backward in Honour amongst the Turks, so it is no new thing, or Absurdity in their Politics, to see Menrise like Mushrooms in a Night, and from the meanest and most abject Offices, without Degrees or convenient Approaches, at once leap into the Seat and Quality of the Prime Vizier: I shall instance in one Example worthy of Record, which was of late days, and as yet that I know of, hath had no place in History. It happened that in Constantinople, there was either great scarcity of Flesh, or the negligence of the Butchers had made it so; so that they who were not so early abroad as to watch their usual time of making their days Provision, or came any thing late, were necessitated to pass that day with a Lenten Diet; among those who had miss one morning their common proportion of Flesh, was one Dervise, a Cook of a Chamber of Janissaries; this Man knew the Blows and Punishment he was to suffer from the chief of the Chamber; that through his sloth and want of care, the whole Company should that day pass without their Dinner, which caused him in great passion, with loud Exclamations, as he passed the Streets, to accuse the ill Government, and little care was had to rectify these common Abuses: It fortuned that at that time that Dervise was lamenting his Case to all the World, and cursing the principal Officers, that the Grand Signior in disguise passed by, and seeing a Man in such disorder of Mind, came in a courteous manner to demand the Reason of his Passion; to whom the Dervise replied, It was vain for him to be inquisitive; or for me, said he, to inform you what you are able to afford no Remedy unto; for none but the Grand Signior himself is of sufficient Power to redress that for which I have so much cause to be troubled. At last, with much importunity, he told, what great Abuse there was in the Butchery, that the Shambles were ill served, that he had miss the usual proportion of Flesh that morning for his Janissaries Chamber; and what Punishment he was likely to suffer, for having come short only one moment of his due time. He added further, That the Vizier, and other Officers, were negligent in rectifying these mean and low Disorders, being wholly taken up in enriching themselves, and intent to their own Interest: But if I were first Vizier, I would not only cause great plenty of Flesh in this City, but at all times of the day it should be found by those who wanted it. And now, what benefit have either you, said he, by hearing this Story, or what release am I like to have of Punishment by repeating it to you?  
The Grand Signior afterwards returning Home, and considering of the Discourse the Janissaries Cook had made him, whether to prove the Abilities of the Man, or because he conceived Providence had offered this Encounter; or that Prince's delight to exercise their Power in creating great Men from Nothing, he sent immediately for the Dervise; who being come into his Presence, and sensible of the familiar Discourse he had made him, trembling, cast himself down at his Feet, supposing that the free Language he used of the Vizier and the Government, was the cause he was now to lose his Life. But it happened quite contrary, for the Grand Signior encouraging him to lay aside his fear, told him, he was resolved to make him first Vizier, to try an Experiment, whether he was able to amend those Abuses he complained of. And that herein he might not transgress the Degrees whereby he was gradually to pass, he first made him chief of his Chamber, the next day Captain, the day following Aga or General of the Janissaries, and thence with one step to be great Vizier, who not only remedied the Abuse in the Shambles, according to his promise, but proved a famous and excellent Minister of State. And though Examples of the like nature are frequent among the Turks, yet this may serve at present to show in part the Fortune and Fate by which Men are raised, and the unconstancy of Greatness and Glory amongst the Turks, above any other part of the World besides.  
It was a hard Problem in the Turkish Policy, which as a wise Prime Vizier proposed to certain Pashaes', amongst other Questions, What courses were possible to be found out for a first Vizier to maintain and continue his Office, and acquit this so dangerous Charge, from the hazard and uncertainty to which it is liable; For you see, Brothers, said he, how few enjoy or grow Old herein; their Virtue, their Care, and their Innocence, are no protection; some remain a Day, a Week, a Month; others protract the Thread to a Year or two, but at length they are (to use our own Proverb) like the A●t, to whom God gives Wings for their speedier destruction. The Pashaes' were for a while all silent, not knowing what Reply to make, or how to resolve so difficult and knotty a Point, until Kuperli (who was then the most ancient, and perhaps the wisest Pasha, as the Actions of his following Life have sufficiently testified) first replied, That in his Opinion, the only and most probable Means for a tottering Vizier to fecure himself, is to divert the Mind of the Grand Signior, and other working Brains, upon some Foreign War; for Peace is that which corrupts the Dispositions of Men, and sets them on work to raise themselves with Intestine and Civil Evils; when War busies their Spirits, and employs them to gain Renown and Glory by Martial Actions, by which means Plots and Treachery are droven from our own Homes; Consiliis & astu res externas moliri, arma procul habere. Tacit. Lib. 6. And it is possible that Achmet the Son of Kuperli, who began the last War with Germany, might go upon this Maxim of his Fathers; for in all Matters of his Government, he is observed to walk by the same Rules and Directions, which were bequeathed to him as well as his Inheritance.  
And yet for all this doubful Estate of the Prime Viziers, some have been known to manage this Office eighteen or nineteen Years, and afterwards wearied with Care and Pains, to acquit it by a natural Death; from whence this Question may arise, Whether the Favour or Displeasure of the Prince depends on the Destiny or Fortune we are born to, or whether humane Counsel can assign a way between Contumaciousness and Flattery, wherein to steer free from Danger and Ambition? Vnde dubitare cogor, fato & sort nascendi, ut caetera, ita Principum inclinatio in hos, offensio in illos, an sit aliquid in nostris consiliis, louse atque inter abruptam contumaciam, & deform obsequium pergere iter, ambitione & periculis vacuum. Tacit. Lib. 4. But we find but few Examples of this kind; for if Viziers have been Evil, their own Cruelty and Covetousness have hastened their Fate; if Good, their Merits have been their Ruin; lest the great Benefits their Merits have procured to their Prince should seem to want Reward, or be dangerous or difficult to requite; Beneficia eousque laeta, dum videntur exsolvi posse; ubi maltum antevenere, pro gratia odium redditur. Tacit. Lib. 4.  
The Revenues of the first Vizier, which issue immediately from the Crown, and are certain appendages to the Office, are not great, being not above 20000 Dollars yearly, which arise from certain Villages in Romelia; the rest of the Immense Riches which accrues to this Charge so full of Cares and Danger, flows from all the Quarters of the Empire. For no B●shaw, or Minister of Trust, enters his place without his Present and Offering to the first Vizier, to obtain his Consent, and purchasea continuance of his Favour. Those that have Governments abroad, have always their Agents at Court, who with Gifts continually mollify the Vizier's Mind, entreating him to represent their Service to the Grand Signior in an acceptable and grateful manner. And though at the Equinoctial in the Spring, all Pashaes', and any that have Governments of note, are obliged to make their Presents to the Grand Signior of considerable value, at which time the first Vizier neither will not want his own acknowledgements, he is yet farther treated by all Persons with Sums of Money, as the Nature of their Business is, which is not secretly, but boldly and confidently demanded, and the Bargain beaten as in matters of Merchandise and Trade; and Justice and Favours made as vendible, and set as public to sale, as Wares and Commodities are in the Shops and Places of common Mart; so that if the first Vizier proves covetous, (as commonly they do who are raised from nothing, and used always to thrift, and resolves to lose nothing of what he may get) his Income is incredible, and may equal that which is the Rent of the Grand Signior, and in a few Years amass immense Riches and Wealth. But of this the Prince and the Turkish Policy is not ignorant, and accordingly provides Remedies to drain the Inundations of the Vizier's Coffers; at first, by extorting great Sums of Money from him at his entrance to the Charge; then, under colour of Friendship and Favour, the Grand Signior makes him Visits, in requital whereof, rich Presents are made him, as gratitude for so much Honour; next, he many times sends to him for a Gift of 100000 Dollars, for Jewels, Horses, and other things of great value; and in this manner several Contrivances are used to turn these Rivulets to pay their Tribute to the great Ocean; amongst which this present Grand Signior Mahomet the Fourth, hath found out one way amongst the rest, putting the Vizier often to the charges of his Dinner, sending to his Kitchen for twenty Dishes of Meat, which is the usual proportion of the Grand Signior's ordinary Table, and by inviting himself to a Banquet many times at the Vizier's Expenses; and this being done so frequently, gives the World occasion to believe, that he demands it out of no other Design than narrowness of Soul to save the Charges of his own Dinner; and the rather it is so believed, because this Emperor is reputed of a covetous Disposition, and of no affinity with Solyman the Magnificent. But the Ways and Means by which the Grand Signior comes in the end to be possessed of the Gains and Profits collected by his Vizier, and other Officers, requires a particular Discourse apart, which shall in its due time and place be treated of; and this shall for the present suffice to have spoken concerning the Prime Vizier and his Office.   

CHAP. XII. The Offices, Dignities, and several Governments of the Empire.  
HE that will describe the Polities of a Country, must endeavour, especially in the most exact and punctual manner possible, to declare the several Offices, Dignities, and Riches of it, that so a more easy computation may be calculated of its Strength, numbers of Men, Fortifications, Forces by Sea, where best defended, and where most easily vulnerable and exposed.  
The next to the Vizier Azem, or the first Vizier, are the several Beglerbegs (which may not unaptly be compared to Archdukes in some parts of Christendom) having under their Jurisdiction many Sangiacks or Provinces, Beyes, Agaes, and others: To every one of these, the Grand Signior in honour bestows three Ensigns (called in Turkish Tugh) which are Staves trimmed with the Tail of a Horse, with a Golden Bull upon the top, and this is to distinghish them from Bashaws who have two Ensigns; and the Sanziach-beg, who hath also the name of Pascha, and hath but one.  
When a Pascha is made, the Solemnity used at the conferring his Office, is a Flag or Banner carried before him, and accompanied with Music and Songs by the Merialem, who is an Officer for this purpose only, for investiture of Pashaes' in their Office.  
The Government of Beglerbegs, who have several Provinces called Sangiacks under their Command, are two sorts; the first is called Has isle Beglerbeglik, which hath a certain Rent assigned out of the Cities, Countries, and Signiories allotted to the Principality; the second is called Saliane Beglerbeglik, for maintenance of which is annexed a certain Salary or Rent, collected by the Grand Signior's Officers with the Treasure of the whole Government, out of which are paid also the Sangiack Beglers, that is, the Lords of the several Counties, Towns, or Cities, and the Militia of the Country.  
It is impossible exactly to describe the Wealth and ways of Gains exercised by these potent Governors to enrich themselves; for a Turk is ingenious to get Wealth, and hasty to grow Rich; howsoever we will succinctly set down the certain Sums of Revenue which are granted them by Commission from the Grand Signior, assigned them out of every particular place of their Government; besides which, they have the Profits of all Wefts and Strays, goods of Felons, sale of vacant Church-Offices, Mules, Horses and cattle, which by Mortality, or other Accidents, have no certain Master; to which may be added the benefit of their Avanias or false Accusations, whereby they invade the Right and Estates of their Subjects; as also of the Robberies of their People and Strangers, by their own Slaves and Servants, whom they send abroad with that design; and having committed the Robberies themselves, under pretence of discovery of the Crime, and doing Justice, they seize the Innocent People, torture and imprison them, and perhaps put some to death for expiation of their own Offences.  
To come nearer to this purpose; The Beglerbegs of the first sort are in number 22, who have their Revenue allotted them in the places that they Govern, collected by their own Officers according to Commission, of which the first is of Anatolia, anciently called Asia Minor, afterwards Anatolia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from its more Eastern situation in respect of Greece; the yearly Revenue of which, in the Grand Signior's Books, called the Old Canon, is a Million of Asper's, 
An Asper is about the value of an Halfpenny.  and hath under its Jurisdiction 14 Sangiack Kiotahi, where the Beglerbeg resides, in Phrygia Major▪ Sarahan, Aidin, Kastamoni, Hadanendighiar, Boli, Mentesche, Augora, otherwise Ancyra, Karahysar, Teke ili, Kiangri, Hamid, Sultan Vghi, Karesi, with the command of twenty two Castles.  
2. Caramania, anciently called Cilicia, and was the last Province which held out belonging to the Caramanian Princes, when all places gave way to the flourishing progress of the Ottoman Arms; The Revenue hereof is 660074 Asper's, and hath under its Jurisdiction seven Sangiacks, viz. Iconium, which is the Court of the Beglerbeg in Cappadocia, Nigkde, Kaisani, otherwise Cesanca, jenischeheri, Kyrschehri, Akschehri, Akserai: And in this Principality are three Castles, at Iconium one, at Larende and Mendui, under the Pasha's immediate Command, and 17 others in several Sangiacks.  

Which signifies a free command.  3. Diarbekir, otherwise Mesopotamia, hath a Revenue of a Million two hundred thousand and six hundred and sixty Asper's, and hath under its Jurisdiction 19 Sangiacks, with five other Governments called Hukinmet in Turkish; eleven of which Sangiacks are properly belonging to the Ottoman Royalties, and eight are Curdian Countries, or of the People called Kurts; for when Curdia was conquered, the Country was divided, and distinguished into the Nature of Sangiacks; but with this difference, of right Inheritance and Succession to the Goods and Possessions of their Parents, and succeed as Lords of Manors, or to other petty Governments by Blood and Kindred. And as other Lords of Sangiacks, Timariot, or Barons, pay the Grand Signior's Duties, and hold their Lands in Knight's Service, or other Tenure, whereby they are obliged to attend and follow their Commanders to the Wars, whensoever they are called thereunto by the Grand Signior's Summons: these that are registered for Hukiumet, have no Timariot or Lords to command them, but are free from all Duties and Impositions, and are absolute Masters of their own Lands and Estates. Those Sangiacks which are properly belonging to the Ottoman Royalties, are C. Harpu, Ezani, Syureck, Nesbin, Chatenghif, Tchemischekrek, Seared, Mufarkin, Aktchie, Kala, Habur, Sangiar, otherwise Diarbekir, which is the place of residence of the Beglerbeg. Those Sangiacks which are entailed upon Families, are Sagman, Kulab, Mechrani, Tergil, Atak, Pertek, Tchifakichur, Tchirmek.  
4. Of Scham, otherwise Damascus, the certain Revenue of which is a Million of Asper's, and hath under it Sangiacks seven with Has, where the Contributions by the Beglerbeg's Officers are collected upon the Country, and are Kuddescherif, alias jerusalem, Gaza, Sifad, Nabolos, alias Naples in Syria, Aglun, Bahura and Damascus, the City where the Beglerbeg resides. He hath farther three with Siliane, for account of which he is paid by the King's Officers, and those are Kadmar, Saida, Beru, Kiurk, Schubeck, where are no Timariot, but the Inhabitants are true and absolute Masters of their own Estates, in the same manner as the Curdi are, which we have beforementioned; the Castles here are for the most part demolished, and scarce worthy our notice.  
5. Is of Siwas a City in Armenia Major, hath a Revenue of Nine hundred thousand Asper's, and hath under his Dominions six Sangiacks, viz. Amasia, Tchurum, Buradick, Demurki, Gianick, Arebkir, the Castles of which are nineteen.  
6. Is the Government of the Pascha of Erzram, on the Confines of Georgia, hath a Revenue of a Million two hundred thousand six hundred and sixty Asper's, and hath under his Government 11 Sangiacks, viz. Karahizar, Schàrki, Kieifi, Pasm, Esber, Hanes, Tekman, Turtum, Mayenkerd, Mamervan, Kyzutchan, Melazkerd, and hath 13 Castles.  
7. Is the Government of the Pascha of Wan, or Van, a City in Media, hath a Revenue of a Million one hundred and thirty two thousand two hundred and nine Asper's, and commands 14 Sangiacks, viz. Adilgiwar, Ergisch, Musch, Barkiri, Kiarkian, Kisani, Espaird, Agakis, Ekrad, Benikutur, Kalaibaierid, Berdea and Edegick.  
8. Is the Government of the Pascha of Tchildir on the Confines of Georgia, hath a Revenue of Nine hundred twenty five thousand Asper's, and commands nine Sangiacks, viz. Olti, Hartus, Ardnug, Erdehamburek, Hagrek, Pusenhaf, alias Pusenhal, Machgil, Igiare, Penbeck, Pertekrek.  
9 Is the Government of Scheherezul in Assyria, the Pascha of which hath a Revenue of a Million of Asper's, and commands 20 Sangiacks, viz. Suruikuk, Erbil, Kiuschaf, Schehribazar, Chahkiule, Geblhamrin, Hezurd Merd, Dulchuran, Merghiave, Haninudevin, Agiur, Neitutari, Sepeuzengire, Ebrwan, Tawdan, Badeberend, Belkas, Vicheni, Garikalo, Renghone.  
10. Is the Government of Halep, or Aleppo, hath Eight hundred and seventeen thousand seven hundred and seventy two Asper's Revenue, and commands seven Sangiacks with Has, and two with Saliane: Of the first sort are Adana, Ekrad, Kelis, Beregek, Mearre, Gazir, Balis: Of the other are Matick and Turman which is Turcomania, of these at this day the Revenue is farmed, and are not called Sangiacks, but Agalik, for in them are no Timariot, but every Man is Lord and Master of his own Lands. This Government hath five Castles.  
11. Is the Government of Marasch near the River Euphrates, situated between Mesopotamia and Aleppo, otherwise called by the Turks, Zulkadrie, hath a Revenue of 628450 Asper's, and commands four Sangiacks only, viz. Malatia, Asab, Kars, and Samsad, and hath four Castles.  
12. Is the Government of Kibros, otherwise called Cyprus, hath a Revenue of Five hundred thousand six hundred and fifty Asper's, and commands seven Sangiacks, viz. four with Has, and are Itchili, Tarsus, Alaine, Schis; the other three with Saliane, are Kenine Baf Mausa, Lefkuscha or Larnica, the place of the Pascha's residence is Nicosia.  
13. Is the Government of Tarabolos Scham, otherwise Tripoli of Syria, hath a Revenue of Eight hundred thousand Asper's; at this place the Pascha resides, and hath under him four Sangiacks, viz. Hams, Hama, Gemele and Selemie, and hath only one Castle in the Sangiack of Hams called Faslulekrad.  
14. Is the Government of Terbozan, otherwise Trabezond, encompassed with a ridge of Mountains, according to a Poet born in that place, Vertice Montano Trapezus inclusa recessit. Formerly the Imperial Seat of the Comneni reigning over Cappadocia, Galatia, and the parts of Pontus founded by Alexius Comnenus, who upon the taking of Constantinople by the Western Christians f●ed to this place, which flourished until taken by Mahomet the Great; it is situate on the Euxine or Black Sea, and still a place of considerable Traffic, especially made rich for the Fishing, out of which and the Customs, the Pascha, though he hath no Sangiacks under his Government, hath yet a Revenue allotted of 734850 Asper's, with fourteen Castles to defend the City, and the Dominions belonging thereunto.  
15. The Government of the Pascha of Kars, a City near Erzrum, hath a Revenue of Eight hundred twenty thousand six hundred and fifty Asper's, and commands six Sangiacks, viz. Erdehankitutchuk, Gingewan, Zaruschan, Ghegran, Kughizman, Pasin.  
16. The Government of the Pascha of Musul, otherwise called Nineve in Assyria, hath a Revenue of Six hundred eighty one thousand fifty six Asper's, and commands five Sangiacks, viz. Bagiwanlu, Tekrit, Zerbit, Eski Musul, or old Nineve, and Hurun.  
17. The Government of the Pascha of Rika hath a Revenue of 680000 Asper's, and commands seven Sangiacks, viz. Ghemasche, Chabur, Dizirhebe, Banirabue, Serug, Biregek Ane.  
These are all the Governments which are in Asia with Has; let us now pass into Europe.  
18. Is the Government of the Pascha of Rumuli, otherwise Romania, which is the most honourable Turkish charge in Europe, hath a Revenue of a Million and one hundred thousand Asper's, the seat of the Pascha is Sofia, and commands 24 Sangiacks, viz. Kiostendit otherwise justiniana, Mora otherwise Morea, Skenderi, Tirhala, Silistra, Nigeboli, Vchri, Awlona, jania, Ilbrazan, Tchirmen, Selanik otherwise Salonica, Wize, Deluniia, Vskiup, Kirkkelisa, Dukakin, Wedin, Alagehizar, Serzerin, Waltcharin, Bender, Akkerman, Ozi, Azak; But it is to be observed, that though Morea, according to the ancient Canon, was under the jurisdiction of the Pascha of Romania, yet now it is divided and made part of the Revenue of the Valede or Queen-Mother, where a Farmer of her Rents and Incomes now resides.  
19 Is the charge of the Kupudan, otherwise Captain Pascha, or as the Turks call him General of the White Seas, hath a Revenue of 885000 Asper's; he is Admiral of the Grand Signior's Fleet, and commands as far as the Turkish Power by Sea extends; and commands 13 Sangiacks, viz. Galipoli, which is the proper place of the Pascha's residence, Egribuz otherwise Negropont, Karlieli, Ainebahti, Rhodes, Midillu or Metilene, Kogia Eli, Betga, Sifla, Mezestra, Sakis, or the Island of Scio, Beneksche or Malvatia; some others add Nicomedia, Lemnos, and Nixia.  
20. Is the Government of the Pascha of Budun, otherwise Buda in Hungary, hath a Revenue and commands 20 Sangiacks, viz. Agri, Kanysia, Samandra, Petchui, Vstunubilgrad or Stultwissemberg, Ostrogon or Strigonium, Sekdin, Chatwan, Semutum, Sirem, Kupan, Filek, Sekitwar, Sektches, Setchre, Novigrad, Seksard, Belgrade or Alba Regalis. And now lately in the Year 1663., that Wiwar or Newhawsel was taken, a new Sangiack is since added.  
21. The Pascha of Temeswar in Hungary, hath a Revenue and hath under his command 6 Sangiacks, viz. Lipona, Tchanad, Ghiola, Mundava, Waradin, to which also janova is added, conquered in the Year 1663.  
22. Is the Government of the Pascha of Bosna, which is part of Illyrium, divided formerly into Liburnia and Dalmatia, now called Sclavonia; his Revenue is a and commands 8 Sangiacks, viz. Hersek, Kelis, Ezdernick, Puzga, Feraigne, Zagine, Kirka, Rahvige.  
There are other Paschas of Coffa, Theodesia in Taurica Ch●rsonesus, which having no Sangiacks, no Timariot, nor Ziamets' under them, but only a few beggarly Villages which we shall purposely omit, as not worthy the notice. And so much shall be said for the Paschaes or Beglerbegs with Has, or with the Revenue imposed upon Countries under their command, collected by their own Officers.  
Those that are with Saliane, or paid out of the Grand Signior's Treasury, are:  
1. The Pascha of Grand Cairo, called by the Turks Misir, hath a Revenue of Six hundred thousand Scheriffs or Zechins a Year, which he may justly and honestly pretend to; as much is the Tribute yearly paid the Grand Signior from that place; which is most commonly brought since the War with Venice upon Camels backs by Land, with a guard of 500 Men, not to expose it to the danger of being intercepted at Sea; another Sum of Six hundred thousand Zechins yearly goes to the payment of the Turks Forces in Egypt; besides the vast Sums of Money this Pascha extorts with insupportable Avarice and Tyranny from the Natives of the Country, during the space of his three Years Government; by which means he grows excessive rich, and able to refund a good stream into the Grand Signior's Coffers at his return, as hereafter shall be the subject of our more large discourse; he commands 16 Sangiacks as is reported, but not being registered in the King's Book, I let them pass without naming them.  
2. Is the Government of Bagdat, otherwise Babylon, and hath a Revenue of a Million and seven hundred thousand Asper's, and commands 22 Sangiacks, viz. Dertenk, Gezan, Gewazir, Renk Aidiie, Gelle, Semwat, Remaliie, Beiare, Derne, Debare, Wasit, Gebkiule, Gedide, Kesend, Kasrschirin, Ghiilan, Karag, Anne, Asebah Demarkapn, Deirberhiie, Karaniie.  
3. Is the Government of the Pascha of Yemen, which is in Arabia Faelix, whose place of Residence is at Adem upon the Red Sea; which Place and Country being recovered for the most part again from the Turk by the Arabians, it is neither needful to mention the Revenue, nor the Sangiacks it formerly commanded.  
4. The Pasha of the Abyssines hath his Residence at Saquen, a small Isle in the Red Sea, and commands the Ports of Mesauna and Erkiko, which the Turks lately took from the Abyssines, but this Pasha being very poor, and far distant from the Succours of the Turks, we cannot assign any Sangiacks, or render any thing certain of his Estate.  
5. In the Government also of Bosra, on the Confines of Persia, were reckoned 26 Sangiacks, but now not held by the Turk, who hath no other Power there, nor Benefit thence, excepting only that Prayers are made constantly for the Sultan.  
6. In the Government of Lahsa, on the Confines of Ormus in Persia, are accounted six Sangiacks, viz. Aiwen, Sakul, Negniie, Netif, Benderazir, Giriz; but these Countries are poor, and have scarce any place in the Grand Signior's Registers.  
To these we should add the Governments of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli in Barbary; but that being much fallen off from the Turks Obedience, and become almost independent of them, we shall pass by the Discourse of them, especially because of late Years the mutual Treaties with Barbary, and interchanges of War and Peace with those Countries, hath made the State and Condition of that People well known and familiar in England.  
The use of the particular Catalogue foregoing, is to demonstrate the Greatness and Power of the Ottoman Empire, which hath so many considerable Governments and Principalities in its Possession, wherewith to encourage and excite the endeavours of Heroic Spirits to an ambition of great and noble Erterprises, whereby to merit the Rewards which remain in the Power of the Sultan to gratify them with. And also to help in the just computation of the number of Men the Turk can bring into the Field, every Pascha being obliged, for every 5000 Asper's ●●●nt, to bring a Soldier to the War; though notwithstanding, they often appear, for ostentation and gain of the Grand Signior's Favour, with more Men than their own Compliment: as in the last War with Germany, the Beglerbeg of Romania brought 10000 effective Men into the Field.  
Of these Beglerbegs, five have the Titles of Viziers, which signifies as much as Counsellors, viz. the Pascha's of Anatolia, Babylon, Cairo, Romania and Buda; which are charges of the greatest Riches, Power, and Fame; the others have their pre-eminence, rank or order, according to the priority of Conquest, and Antiquity in the possession of the Turks.  
These are all the great Governments of the Empire, in whose respective Jurisdictions are always three principal Officers, viz. the Mufti, the Reis Efendi, otherwise called Reis Kitab, which is, Lord Chancellor, or Secretary of State, or rather those two Offices united into one; the third is T●fterdar Pashaw, or Lord Treasurer. These three Officers are near Councillors and Attendants on their Pashaws; and so also they are on the Prime Vizier, whose Mufti, Reis Efendi, and Tefterdar, have a Superiority and dignity above others, and are to them as the Original to the Copy.  
Of the Mufti we shall speak in due place. The Reis Efendi, which signifies chief of the Writers or Bookmen; (for the Turks call always Men of the Law, and Professors of the Pen, and Parochial Priests by the Title of Efendi) is always present and attending on the Vizier, for passing Orders, Decrees, Patents and Commissions into all parts of the Empire; which are daily dispatched in those Numbers into all Places, as is incredible; for the Turks governing more by their Arbitrary Power, and according to the Exigencies of Affairs, than by a set Rule or Form, every Business requires its distinct Order; and the very Courts of Justice are moderated according to the Commands and Directions they receive from Above; by which means the Reis Efendi's Hands are filled with such a multitude of Business, as employs great numbers of Writers; and consequently brings in Riches flowing to his Coffers; some in which Office, who by their Parts, Industry, and Courage, have gained Authority and Respect, have amassed Wealth, which might compare with the Riches and Treasure of Princes; We shall here instance in one of late years, famous in Turkey, for his Knowledge and Riches, called Samozade; one who had piled those heaps of all things that were rich and curious, as were too tedious and long to insert in a Catalogue in this place. It may suffice, that being executed in the time of the last Wars against the Emperor of Germany, for some Conspiracy against the Great Vizier, such a Treasure was found appertaining to him (all which was confiscated to the Grand Signior) as was sufficient to have enriched and raised his Prince, had he been impoverished, and in a declining condition.  
The other great Officer, is the Tefterdar or Lord Treasurer, who receives the Revenue of the Grand Signior, and pays the Soldiery, and makes other public Disbursements; this Office is different from the Treasurer of the Seraglio (of whom we have already spoken) who attends to nothing else but the Expenses of the Court, and to gather in the accidental Profits and Presents paid to the Grand Signior; which is so considerable, that every Sultan (for the most part) amasses a particular Treasure of his own, which after his death is enclosed in a certain Chamber, and shut with an Iron Gate, and the Keyhole stopped with Lead; and over the Port is writ, in Golden Letters, The Treasures of such a Sultan. And this shall suffice to have been spoken of the Offices and Dignities of the Empire.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the Tartars and Tartar Han, and in what manner they depend upon the Turks.  
THE Tartars may very well be accounted amongst the other Prince's subject to the Ottoman Power; I mean not the Asiatic Tartars, or the Tartar of Eusbeck (though so much Mahometan as to wear green Turbans, and to deduce their Race from the Line of Mahomet himself) for having conquered China, and possessing a greater Empire than the Ottoman, they are far from acknowledging any subjection or degree of Inferiority to the Turk: nor are all the European Tartar's Subjects to the Sultan; for the Kalmuk and Citrahan Tartar's (Men of strange barbarity, and countenance different from all the other Race of Mankind) though Professors of the Mahometan Religion, are yet faithfully and piously obedient to the Duke of Muscovy their lawful Prince.  
But the Precopentian Tartar, which inhabits Taurica Chersonesus, now called Crim, the principal City of which is Theodosia, now Cafa, and the Nagaentian Tartar, which inhabits by the Palus Meotis, between the Rivers of Volga and Tanais, are the People which may be accounted amongst the Subjects, or at least Confederates of this Empire; though only the City of Cafa, of all those Dominions, is immediately in Possession and Government of the Turk, which in my opinion appears to be a cautionary Town and Pledge for their Obedience; and though the Han, or Prince of the Country, is Elective, yet he is chosen out of that true Line, and confirmed by the Grand Signiors, who have always taken upon them a Power to depose the Father, and in his place constitute the Son, or next of the Lineage, when found remiss in affording their Auxiliary helps to the War, or guilty of any disrespect or want of Duty to the Ottoman Port.  
This present Han which now governs, called Mahomet Ghirei, (for that is the Surname of his Family) remained, during the Life of his Father (according to the custom of the eldest Son of this Prince) a Hostage to the Turk in janboli, a Town in Thrace, four days journey distant from Adrianople, situate on the Euxine or Black Sea; but from thence, upon jealousy of too near a vicinity to his own Country, was removed to Rhodes, where he passed an obscure and melancholy Life until the Death of his Father; and then being recalled to Constantinople, had there his Sword girt on, swore Fealty to the Grand Signior, with all other Formalities performed according to their Custom of Regal Inauguration: But being settled in his Kingdom, and mindful of his Sufferings at Rhodes, he had ever stomached the Pride of the Ottoman Emperor; by which, and the dissuasion of the Polonians, and the other Neighbouring Tartars, as a thing dishonourable to so ancient and powerful a People, to resign the Heir of their Kingdom a Hostage to their Neighbours; this present Prince hath refused this part of Subjection, which the Vizier Kupriuli often complained of; but not being in a condition to afford a Remedy unto it, thought it prudent to dissemble.  
But yet these People are esteemed as Brothers, or near Allies with the Turk, to whom, for want of Heirs Male in the Ottoman Line, the Empire is by ancient Compact to descend; the expectation of which, though afar off, and but almost imaginary, doth yet conserve the Tartar in as much observance to the Turk, as the hopes of an Estate doth a young Gallant, who is alured to a complacency and obsequiousness, with the petulant Humour of a Father that adopts him, who is resolved never to want Heirs of his own Family. And thus the Tartar is as obedient as other Subjects; and though the Turk exercises not his Power there by Commands, as in other places of his Dominions, but treats all his Business by way of Letters; yet these Letters serve in the place of Warrants, for the signification of the Grand Signior's Pleasure, and are as available as the 
* The great Character of the Emperor's Name affixed at the top of every Command.  Autogra, and other Formalities of the Imperial Edict, are in other places (in subjection to the Turk).  
When the Sultan writes to the Cham of Tartary, he uses this style,  
To the Government wherein flourishes the Mass, and Original of Regency, on which Fortune depends, and by which Felicity is obtained. Possessor of Excellent Power, and Established Glory, elected by the Favour of that King from whom Succours are to be demanded. The King of Grim, Gian, Begh, Ghirai Chaw, whose Height be for ever maintained.  
After respect had to those Blessings, which are freighted with Amber, and Salutations perfumed with Narcissus, proceeding from the Imperial Grace. Be it known unto you, etc.  
By ancient Compact between the Empire and the Kingdom of Tartary, it is agreed, that whensoever the Grand Signior goes in Person to the War●, the Tartar Han is to accompany him in Person, with an Army of one hundred thousand Men; but if the Vizier, or some other General be in the Field, then is he only obliged to send forty or fifty thousand under the command of his Son, or some principal Officer of his Kingdom, who are paid and maintained out of the Booty and Pillage they acquire.  
In the Year 1663., the Tartar called on occasion of the War in Hungary, to the assistance of the Turk, they made such Incursions into that Country, Moravia and Silesia, sacking and burning all Cities and Towns, that they carried away One hundred and sixty thousand Captive Souls in one Year; which precise number I am informed from those who had received good information of the Pengick or Certificates that were given upon every Head; for the Tartar being an absolute Free-booter, makes prize of all that comes within his Power; and lest he should pray on the Subjects of the Turk, they are bound to take out Attestations from certain Registers, of the Names, Countries, and Age of their Captives, lest they should deceive the Turk with the sale of those, who are already their own Subjects and Slaves.  
The Tartar is to the Turk, as the Giacal to the Lion, who hunts and finds the Prey for the Lion to overcome and feed: And so the Tartars make Incursions into the Neighbouring Countries round about, and pass in great Bodies, sometimes ten or twelve days, without doing the least damage or spoil in their Journey outward; but as soon as they turn their Faces Home, they rob, spoil, burn, and carry all the Inhabitants, of what Age of Sect soever, like a Torrent before them; and every one of them leading three or four Horses apiece, on which they mount their Captives, and load their Prey, make a running march Day and Night with few hours intermission for natural Repose, too fast for any orderly Army to overtake; and any other, that is not so, is not able to give them Battle. Such of their Slaves as in their journey are wounded and infirm, and not able to accompany the Camp, they kill; those which they bring safe into their own Country they sell to the Turks, who come thither to trade for this Merchandise, which is the most profitable Commodity that Tartary affords. Young Boys and Girls are rated at the highest Price, the latter of which being beautiful are like Jewels held at an unknown value; but few of them escape the lust of the Tartars, who deflower them even in the Years of their very infancy. This sort of People were by the Ancients called Sarmati, and were always famous for their exploits on Horseback, but heavy and ignorant of Foot-service; which Character Tacitus gives of them, Lib. 1. Hist. Omnis Sarmatum virtus quasi extra ipsos, nihil ad pedestrem pugnam, tam ignavum ubi per turmas advenere, v●x ulla acies obstiterit, iners videtur sudore acquirere, quod possis sanguine parare, mirâ diversitate naturae cum iidem homines sic ament inertiam, & oderint quietem: They live very hardly, and feed especially on Horseflesh, which dying in their march, they never examine his Diseases, whether surfeited or overheated; but distributing his Flesh amongst their Companions, place it under their Saddles: and thus baked between the heat of the Man and the Horse, chafed with that day's labour, is a night judged sufficiently prepared, as a Dish fit for the Table of their Prince.  
And as the Men are nourished with a Diet of raw Flesh, Herbs and Roots, or such as the Earth naturally produces, without the concoction of the Fire to prepare it for their Stomaches, so also their Horses are of a hardy temperament, patient of Hunger and Cold; and in the sharp Winter of those Countries, when the ground is covered with Snow, nourish themselves with the B●rks of Trees, and such Herbage as they can find at the bottom of the deep Snow.  
Their Towns or Villages consist of Huts rather than Houses, or Hurdles made with Sticks and covered with a course haircloth; of which Villages there are accounted Two hundred thousand, so that taking one Man out of every Village (as their custom is when they go to the War) they speedily form an Army of Two hundred thousand fight Men. But now having carried great Riches out of Poland, and gained a considerable Wealth by the Market of their Sla●es, some of them throw off their homely Plads to wear Sables, and some more frugal, employ their Money for building Houses; the riotous and dissolute are addicted to strong Waters, and a drink called Boza made of a certain Seed (which drank in a great quantity doth intoxicate, and is now much in use amongst the Turks) and give themselves up to a gluttony, as brutish, as that which is natural unto Swine, having no art of Sauces to provoke their Appetite, but rest delighted with the mere contentment of Idleness and a full Stomach.  
But this shall be sufficient to have spoken of the relation the Tartars have to the Government of the Turk, and their subjection to this Empire, their Customs and Manners being more amply and fully described in other Books.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Tributary Princes to the Grand Signior, viz. Moldavians, Walachians, Transylvanians, Raguseans, etc.  
THE Power and Puissance of an Empire is not more judged of by the many Governors, the rich Offices it can dispose of, the multitude of Provinces it contains in Obedience, and the necessity it can impose on other Princes to seek its confederacy (which we have already treated of) than it is by the many Tributaries which to redeem the remainder of their worldly Goods, willingly sacrifice the best part to appease his Fury, in whose Power it is to master all: and so these distressed Nations, long wearied out with tedious Wars, oppressed between the Emperor of Germany, the Polander, and the Turk, and more damaged by their own Civil Dissensions, and Domestic Perfidiousness, than vanquished by the Force of Arms, were forced at last to surrender up their fruitful Provinces to the devotion of the Turk, which are now harassed and oppressed beyond all expression, and are the merest Slaves to the Turk of all other his Subjects; and may well be compared to the industrious Bee and profitable Sheep, whom he cares for and maintains alive for the sake of their Honey, and the interest of their Wool; and as if all this were too little, when it shall be so thought fit, he opens the Gate to the Incursions of the Tartar, who having gained a considerable booty of Goods and Captives, sells to the Turks for Slaves, those which were before his Subjects. These three poor Provinces formerly called the Daci, which withstood so long the Roman Arms, were always esteemed a valiant and warlike People, according to that of Virgil, lib. 8. Aen.  
Indomitique Dacae, & pontem Indignatus Araxes.  Et Juvenal. Sat. 5. 
Dacius & scripto radiat Germanicus antro.  
Which Countries have been the Graves and Cemeteries of the Turks, and in these modern Times been the Stage on which so many Tragedies of War have been acted, being defended with as much valour and variety of Successes, as could humanely be expected in so unequal a Match as was between those Provinces singly and the Ottoman Empire. But now at last they are forced to yield, and become not only Tributaries, but Slaves and Subjects to the Turk, who having deprived them of the true Line of their natural Princes succeeding in a lawful Inheritance, place over them some Christians of the Greek Church, without consideration of their Conditions or Riches, or Qualifications; nay rather choose to give the Standard (which is the sign of the Grand Signior's Confirmation of the Prince) to some inferior Person, as Taverners, Fishmongers, or other meaner Professions, purposely to disparage the People with the baseness of their Governors, and expose them to the oppressions of Men of no Worth or Dexterity in their Office. It hath several times been under the consideration of the Turks, at length to reduce these three Provinces to the command of so many Pashaws; contrary to the Original Capitulations agreed on at the time that these People first submitted to the Ottoman Yoke: but as yet it hath been carried to the contrary, as more profitable, and better serving the Ends of the Empire; for hereby Christians become the Instruments of Torment to their own Brethren; Outrages and Spoils may be the more boldly acted; more Turkish Officers employed on every slight Occasion on gainful Messages; and the People, by long Oppressions, living under the Jurisdiction of a Prince, who can rather spoil than protect, may be reconciled more willingly to the Turkish Government, and learn to value the Gentleness and Power of a Pasha, compared with the remembrance of their former Aggrievances. But of this Government they will rather let them imagine the Ease and Sweetness, than enjoy it; for were a Pashaw the Governor, the Power of a Turk would be concerned for their Protection, he would esteem himself their Patron, and his Honour engaged in their Defence, by which Means these Countries would be relieved in a great measure of Extortions and Violences, which is not so beneficial to the Turk, as the present miserable Estate in which they remain.  

Moldavia.  Moldavia called by the Turks Bugdan, was first made Tributary to the Turks by Mahomet the Great, but under the small Tribute of 2000 Crowns per Annum; 
The word Vayvod signifies as much as Praefectus Militiae, or the General of an Army.  afterwards Bogdanus, Vayvod thereof, Anno 1485, fearing to become absolute Vassal to the Turk, taking to his Association the Kingom of Poland, took up Arms against Selimus the Second, by whom being drawn out from his Country, john a Moldavian born, but one who had embraced the Mahometan Superstition, was preferred by Selimus to the Principality; but no sooner was he settled therein, but he returned to his former Religion, for which cause the Turk taking into his assistence the Province of Walachia, made War upon Moldavia; but john the Vayvod by treachery losing his Life, this Province fell totally into the Power of the Turk, and was united to his Empire in the Year 1574. The Tribute in those days of this Province is recorded in the Turkish History to have been 40000 Zechins, or 80000 Dollars; but now whatsoever may be reported, the Tribute of these Countries is, or was, the Reader may take this following Account for what is certainly paid, being related to me from one who had many Years been employed for Vayvod, both in Moldavia and Walachia by the Turk, viz. the yearly Tribute of Moldavia is, 


Its Annual Tribute.  1. To the Grand Signior, 120 Purses of Money; each Purse containing 500 Dollars, makes 60000 Dollars.  
2. Ten thousand Oaks of Wax, each Oak being two pounds and a half English weight.  
3. Ten thousand Oaks of Honey.  
4. Six hundred Quintals of Tallow for the Arsenal.  
5. Five hundred Ox Hides.  
6. Five hundred Pieces of Canvas for Clothing, and Shirts for the Slaves, and others Services for the Galleys.  
7. One thousand three hundred and thirty Oaks of Wax, for the service of the Arsenal.  
8. To the chief Vizier ten Purses of Money, or 5000 Dollars, and a Sables Fur for a Vest.  
9 To the Viziers Kahija, or chief Steward, one Purse, or 500 Dollars.  
10. To the Tefterdar, or Lord Treasurer, the same as to the Kahija.    
This is the ordinary and annual Tribute this Country acknowledges to the Supremacy of the Sultan; and it were well and happy for this People were it all; but there are so many accidental Expenses, Pretensions, and Artifices of the Turks, framed and contrived Messages merely to extract Money and Presents from this oppressed and harassed People, as do more than equal, and sometimes double the charge of their yearly Tribute.  
To which you may add the Price paid for the Principality, which is every three Years set to sale, and is,  

The Price of the Principality.  To the Grand Signior 150 Purses, or 75000 Dollars.  
To the Valede or Queen-mother 50 Purses, or 25000 Dollars.  
To the Grand Signior's Favourite, who is commonly some handsome young Youth, 10 Purses, or 5000 Dollars.  
And to the Kuslir Aga or chief Black Eunuch, who is Superintendent over the Ladies in the Seraglio, 10 Purses of Mony.  
And lastly, To the Prime Vizier and other Officers, for as much as they can beat the Bargain.  
All which Money is taken up at Interest at 40 or 50 per Cent. and sometimes on condition to be doubled; and this is done by Men, who having no Estates of their own, the Debt comes to be charged on their Country, which is pillaged and poled for it to the very Bones, first to satisfy the Price of the Principality with the Interest-money, for what it is valued, then to pay the annual Tribute, then to satisfy the multitude of covetous Turks, who like so many Vultures pursue after the Skeleton of this consumed Carcase.  
And lastly, the Prince himself must take his Accounts, and take his Measures to be capable for the future, after he hath laid aside the Ornament of his Office, to live in some proportion agreeable to his past Condition; and this is neither done moderately nor modestly, but with a covetousness and greedy Appetite, commonly incident to the nature of Men born of mean Parentage, and educated with the parsimony of a scanty House; who also thereunto add many grains of allowance to the limits of their Gains, in consideration of the yearly Gratuities they must make to reconcile the Friendship of the Turkish Ministers, whereby they may enjoy protection for their Persons and Estates.  
The State and Condition of the Province of Walachia is not better, but rather worse, and more afflicted than that of Moldavia; for this Country, is now equally with the former in the sole and entire disposal and possession of the Turk, to whom it became first Tributary under their own Princes in the time of Sultan Bajazet: Afterward in the Year 1462, Mahomet the Great undertook the entire Conquest of it, then governed by its Vayvod Wladus, whose younger Brother supported by the Turks, and Factious Party in that Country, possessed himself of the Principality, contenting himself to be Vassal to the Turkish Empire; afterwards in the Year 1595, Michael and Vayvod thereof joining himself with Sigismond of Transylvania, and with the Vayvod of Moldavia, waged a long and terrible War against the Turks, until Revolutions, Unquietness and Factions have so spent them, as that they are at length become another addition to the Empire of the Turks, who now impose on them a heavy Yoke and straight Curb, not to be imputed to any thing more than to Divine Justice, which takes occasion to exercise a hand of Severity against the unseasonable negligence, Sedition, and Variance of Christians amongst themselves, at a time when the common Enemy to their profession attended only the opportunity of their own Dissensions, to enter and devour them.  
The Tribute of Walachia to the Grand Signior was formerly 120 Purses of Money, or 60000 Dollars yearly, according to that of Moldavia, and so still continued, had not lately Matthew the Vayvod about the Year 1655, grown rich, and therefore forgetful of his Condition (having by Friends and large Presents at the Port, procured a continuation of his Office for the space of nineteen or twenty Years) rebelled against the Turk, taking false measures of his Wealth and Power, as able to encounter with the puissance of the Ottoman Empire; but being soon put to the worst, and forced to yield, his Life was spared and the safety of his Country redeemed upon the augmentation of their Tribute; so that now, that which was yearly paid, being 120 Purses of Money, 

1. Is become to the Grand Signior 260 Purses, 
Every Oak is two pounds and an half English.  or 130000 Dollars.  
2. There is paid 15000 Oaks of Honey▪  
3. Nine thousand Oaks of Wax.  
4. To the Prime Vizier ten Purses of Money, or 5000 Dollars, and a Vest of Sables.  
5. To the Tefterdar, or Lord Treasurer, one Purse of Money, or 50 Dollars, and a Vest of Sables.  
6. To the Kuslir Aga, or chief Eunuch of the Women 12000 Asper's.  
7. To the Vizier's Kahija or Steward 500 Dollars, and a Vest of Sables.    
The other Charges and Value set on this Province, when triennially sold, is no less than that of Moldavia; the Method and Art used for extorting Money from thence are the same, the Oppression in every point equal, unless the remembrance of the extravagant disorder of Matthew the Vayvod still kept in mind, emboldens the Turk, with more confident Pretences, to work more Desolation and Impoverishment in this Province.  
Now lately a Prince was settled there by Order of the Grand Signior, in the Year 1664, called Stridia Bei by the Greeks, which signifies a Lord that had gained some Fortune from selling Oysters and Fish; this Person succeeded Gregorasco the late Prince, who fearing the Anger of the Prime Vizier for returning Home with his Army without Licence, defeated by General Susa near Lewa, fled for safety of his Life into the Dominions of the Emperor. The Turks, who always avenge the Crimes of the Governors on the People, or of the Subjects on the Governors, raised the Price of the Principality to a higher value, causing Stridia Bei (as I am confidently informed, who was contented to accept it at any Rate) to pay for it 800 Purses of Money, or 400000 Dollars; to which being added the Interest beforementioned, the Sum may easily be computed that this new Vayvod engulfed himself in; and I leave the Reader to imagine with what glad Hearts and Blessings the People of that Country went forth to receive their Bankrupt Prince.  
Nor is Transylvania wholly exempted from the Oppression of the Turk; for after several Revolutions, from the time of Huniades made Vayvod by Vladislaus the fourth King of Hungary, Anno 1450, a great Defender of his Country against the Infidels, until the time of Stephen the Seventh, surnamed Ragotzki, Patronised by the Turks, Anno 1450. This Principality remained sometimes at the Devotion and Disposal of the King of Hungary, of Poland, of the Emperor, and sometimes of the Turk; until by the growing greatness of the Ottomans, the Turks became Masters of the best part of this Country. But yet Transylvania is more tenderly and more honourably treated than the other two Provinces, their Tribute being much less, and their Princes chosen for the most part more regularly from the ancient Line, or at least from the honourable Houses of the Boyars or Nobility, who have an affinity or alliance with the true Blood of the former Vayvods. Their ancient Tribute was only 6000 Zechins yearly, but afterwards were added 9000 more annually, for acknowledgement of certain Castles which Ragotzki had taken from Poland, which the Turk demanded to have resigned into his possession, were for that Sum redeemed, and still detained in the Hands of the Transylvanians; over and above which they only pay 300 Dollars and two Silver Bowls to the seven Viziers of the Bench: And this is all the acknowledgement they make to the Turk, who demonstrates more respect always to this Prince and his Messages, than those of the Neighbour Provinces, by reason that that Country is not totally in his Power (certain strong Fortresses being in the hand of the Emperor of Germany) for whose sake this People is more gently dealt with, lest too much severity should occasion them to revolt; and this consideration induced the Turks to treat modestly with Michael Apafi the Prince of this Country in the late Wars in Hungary, by trusting much to his Conduct, by using him like an honourable Confederate, by permitting him freely to possess Zekelhyd after its voluntary Surrender in a Mutiny, without the controlment or superintendency of a Turk as his Superior; and for his farther encouragement, gave out, that when the Sultan had totally subdued Hungary, those parts which were not subject to Pashaws, should be annexed to his Dominions, and he honoured with the Title of King of Hungary.  
These Princes of the three foregoing Provinces, are farther obliged to serve the Grand Signior in his Wars, whensoever summoned thereto; but with what number, and in what manner, we reserve for its due place in the Treatise of the Turks Militia and Auxiliaries.  
The City and small Dominion of Ragusi, is also another Tributary to the Turk; which is a petty Commonwealth, not vouchsafed the Title of a Republic, neither by the Venetians, nor the Pope, and only styled la Communità di Ragusi, which is a Town in Dalmatia, commanding over a narrow and barren Territory of a few Villages, which for the space of 150 miles extends itself along the Sea Coast, and some little Islands of no great consideration: It was anciently called Epidaurus (of which name there were two other Cities in Peloponnesus) but that being razed by the Goths, the Inhabitants after their departure rebuilt again this City of Ragusi, giving it a new Name, as well as a new Foundation. The Government of it, in the nature of a Commonwealth, is more ancient than that of Venice, having preserved itself more by Art and Submission to some powerful Protector, than to its own Force; which caused them to court the Friendship of the Turk, before he was Master of any part of Europe; and as their Records report, it was upon the Advice of a Holy Nun, esteemed a great Saint amongst them, who prophesying of the future greatness of the Turkish Empire, assured them, That the only Means to preserve, for many Ages, their Commonwealth free and happy, was, to submit themselves to one of the most prosperous of Princes, to whose Dominion the best part of the World should be subdued. Whereupon two Ambassadors were dispatched to the City of Prusa, (than the Regal Seat, before the utter ruin of the Grecian Empire) with Presents to the Sultan Orcanes, desiring to become his Tributaries; and in consideration thereof to strengthen their weak Commonwealth with assistance, under the shadow of his prevalent Protection. There is no doubt, but the Sultan than received them the more courteously, and promised the maintenance of a former League, by how much the distance they were at as yet, gave them the less cause to fear his Arms; wherefore the Tribute being agreed on, of Twelve thousand and five hundred Zechins yearly, they were returned Home with all demonstrations of Courtesy, and assurances of Defence: Orcanes entered into Articles with them, bestowed on them a Grant of all the Immunities and Privileges they desired, the which he signed with the form of his whole hand wetted in Ink, and clapped on the Paper, which was all the Firm and Seal in those days, and is now reverenced amongst the Turks with the same esteem, as the jews do the Tables of Moses, or we the most Sacred and Holy Relics; ever since that time this Tribute hath yearly continued, and been brought always in the month of july by two Ambassadors, who reside at the Turkish Court for the space of a Year, the former returning Home; these are relieved at the same Season of the following Year, by the accession of two others with the like Tribute; which with the Presents they also bring to the Prime Vizier, chief Eunuch of the Women, the Queen-Mother and other Sultan's, with the Charges and Expenses of the Embassy, is computed to amount yearly to the Sum of twenty thousand Zechins.  
They were in Times past, before the War between the Republic of Venice and the Turk, very Poor, and put to hard Shifts and Arts to raise the Turkish Tribute; but this War hath opened their Scale, and made it the Port for transmitting the Manufactures of Venice, and all Italy into Turkey, which yields them such considerable Customs, as thereby their Tribute is supplied with Advance, and other Necessities provided for: So that now the old Ornaments of the Ambassadors, as their black Velvet Bonnets, and Gowns of Crimson Satin, lined heretofore with Martin's Fur, but now with Sables, are not laid up in the common Wardrobe for the Ambassadors of the succeeding Year, but a new Equipage and Accoutrements are yearly supplied at the common Charge: and thus they pass honestly and in good esteem at the Ottoman Court, being called the Dowbrai Vendick by the Turks, or the Good Venetian.  
This petty Republic hath always supported itself by submission, and addresses for Favour and Defence to divers powerful Princes, courting the Favour of every one, never offering Injuries, and when they receive them, patiently support them; which is the cause the Italians call them le set Bandiere, or the seven Bannerers, signifying that for their Being and Maintenance of the name of a free Republic, they are contented to become Slaves to all parts of the World. And it is observable on what a strange form of jealous Policy their Government is founded; for their chief Officer, who is in imitation of their Doge at Venice, is changed every month, others weekly; and the Governor of the principal Castle of the City, is but of 24 hours' continuance; every night one is nominated by the Senate for Governor, who is without any Preparation or Ceremony taken up as he walks the Streets, having a Handkerchief thrown over his Face, is led away blindfold to the Castle, so that none can discover who it is that commands that Night; and by that means all possibility of Conspiracy or Combination of betraying the Town, prevented.  
These People, in former Times, were great Traders into the Western Parts of the World; and it is said, that those vast Caracks called Argosies, which are so much famed for the vastness of their Burden and Bulk, were corruptly so denominated from Ragosies, and from the Name of this City, whose Port is rather forced by Art and Industry, than framed by Nature.  

The Tributaries of Georgia and Mengrelia.  Some of the Provinces also of Georgia, formerly Iberia; but now supposed to be called from St. George the Cappadocian Martyr, and the poor Country of Mengrelia, are also Tributaries to the Turk, who every three Years send Messengers with their Sacrifice to the Grand Siginior of seven young Boys, and as many Virgins apiece, besides other Slaves, for Presents to great Men; this People choose rather this sort of Tribute than any other, because Custom hath introduced a forwardness in the Parents, without remorse, to sell their Children, and to account Slavery a Preferment, and the miseries of Servitude a better Condition than Poverty with Freedom. Of the whole retinue which these Beggarly Ambassadors bring with them, (for so the Turks called them) being about seventy or eighty Persons, a crew of miserable People are all set to sale, to the very Secretary and Steward, to defray the Charge of the Embassy, and bring back some Revenue to the Public Stock; so that the Ambassadors return without their Pomp, reserving only the Interpreter as a necessary Attendant to their Voyage home.  
The Emperor of Germany may also not improperly be termed one of the Tributaries to the Ottoman Empire, (whom for Honour's sake we mention in the last place in so ungrateful an Office) being obliged, according to the Articles made with Solyman the Magnificent, to pay a yearly Tribute of 3000 Hungars; but it was only paid the first two Years after the conclusion of the Peace; afterwards it was excused by the Germans, and dissembled by the Turks; until taking a resolution to make a War on Hungary, made that one Ground and Occasion of the Breach: for upon the Truce made for eight Years, between Sultan Solyman, and the Emperor Ferdinand, as Augerius Busbeck reports in those Capitulations, that the Tribute is made the Foundation of the Accord. Cujus concordiae, pacis ac confoederationis hae conditiones sunto primè ut tua dilectio quotannis ad aulam nostram pro arra induciarum 30000 Hungaricos Ducatos mittere teneatur, unà cum residuo, quod nobis proxime praeterlapsum biennium reservetur.   

CHAP. XV. The Desolation and Ruin which the Turks make of their own Countries in Asia, and the Parts most remote from the Imperial Seat, esteemed one cause of the conservation of their Empire.  
THIS Position will appear a Paradox at first sight to most Men who have read and considered the Roman Conquest, whose ●urisdiction and Dominions were far larger than this present Empire; and yet we do not find that they so studiously endeavoured to dispeople, and lay waste the Nations they subdued, but rather encouraged industry in Plantations, gave Privileges to Cities meanly stored, invited People to inhabit them, endeavoured to improve Countries rude and uncultivated, with good Husbandry, and Maritime Towns with Traffic and Commerce; made Citizens of their Confederates, and conferred on their conquered Subjects oftentimes greater Benefits than they could expect or hope for under their true and natural Princes; and certainly the Romans thrived, and were richer and more powerful by their Policy; and therefore why the Turk might not proceed in the same manner, and yet with the same advantage, is worth our consideration.  
For the Solution of which Difficulty, it will be necessary to consider, that these two Empires being compared, there will be found a vast difference in the Original, Foundation, Progress and Maxim● each of other. For the Romans built their City in Peace, made Laws, by which the Arbitrary Will of the Prince was corrected; and afterward, as their Arms succeeded, and their Dominions were extended, they accommodated themselves often to present Necessities and Humours, and Constitutions of the People they had conquered, and accordingly made Provision, and used proper Arts to keep them in Obedience; and next, by their Generosity and Wisdom, won those Nations to admire and imitate their Virtues, and to be contented in their Subjection.  
But the Turks have but one sole Means to maintain their Countries, which is the same by which they were gained, and that is the cruelty of the Sword in the most rigorous way of execution, by Killing, Consuming, and laying desolate the Countries, and transplanting unto parts where they are nearest under the Command and Age of a Governor; being wholly destitute and ignorant of other resined Arts, which more civilised Nations have in part made to serve in the place of Violence. And yet the Turks made this course alone answer to all the Intents and Ends of their Government.  
For the Subjects of this Empire being governed better by Tyranny than Gentleness, it is necessary, that courses should be taken, whereby these People may remain more within compass and reach of Authority; which they would hardly be, were every part of this Empire so well inhabited to afford entertainment within the Fortifications of its vast Mountains and Woods, to the many unquiet and discontented Spirits that live in it. And this may be one cause, that so rarely Rebellions arise amongst the Turks, though in the remotest parts of Asia; and when they do, are easily suppressed. This also is one Cause, why great Men so easily resign themselves up the Will of the Grand Signior to Punishment and Death, whether the Sentence be according to Law, or only Arbitrary: This is the reason that Fugitives and Homicides cannot escape; for having no place for flight, neither the inhabited Cities, which are immediately under the Eye of a vigilant Commander, will afford them refuge, nor can the desolate Countries entertain them; and Christendom is so abhorred by them, that they will never take it for their Sanctuary. And thus deprived of all means of Safety, they wholly attend to please and serve their Great Master, in whose Favour and Hands alone is the Reward and Punishment.  
Another Advantage, and that not inconsiderable, that this manner of dispeopling the Country brings to this Empire, is the difficulty an Enemy would find in their March, should they with a Land Army attempt to penetrate far into the Country; for without great quantities of Provision they could not possibly be sustained; from the Country none can be expected; what little it affords, the Inhabitants will conceal or carry away, and leave all Places as naked and barren of Food for Man as the Sea itself.  
And though it is known often, that in Asia the Troops of some discontented Bei or Aga, to the number of three or four hundred Men, in the Summertime, having their retirements in the Woods and Mountains, assault Caravans, and rob all Passengers from whom there is any hope of Booty; yet in the Winter they are dispersed, because they have no Quarters against the Wether, nor Provisions for humane Sustenance, every one shifting for himself in some place where his Condition is the least known or suspected.  
And it may not be here from our Purpose to admonish the Reader, that as the Turks account it one good part of their Policy, to lay a considerable part of their Empire desolate; so on the contrary, they observe in their new Conquests to fortify, strengthen and confirm, what they have gained, by numbers of People, and new Colonies of their own; and when they have reduced any considerable Country to their subjection, they commonly are inclined to make Peace with that Prince from whom they have won it, so as to have time to settle and secure their new Conquests; for Countries overrun in haste, are almost as speedily again recovered, and are like Tempests and sudden Storms, which are the sooner dispersed for being violent. Augustus Caesar, who was a wise and judicious Prince, considering the extent of the Roman Empire, wrote a Book, saith Tacitus, which was published after his Death, wherein he described the public Re●enue, the number of Citizens and Confederate, listed for the War, the Fleets, Kingdoms, Provinces, Tributes, Customs, etc. Addideratque insuper Consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii, incertum, (saith that Author, Tac. Lib. 1. Annal.) metu, an per invidiam: Which doubtless this wise Emperor meant of a moderate, and not a precipitate progress of their Arms, as well as of prescribing fixed limits to the ultimate Confines of the Empire, beyond which a Statute should be made of Non plus ultra, notwithstanding the most promising Designs and Incitements that could offer.   

CHAP. XVI. All Hereditary Succession in Government, as also the preservation of an Ancient Nobility, against the Maxims of the Turkish Polity.  
HAving formerly entered into Discourse of the several great Officers of State, it will be necessary to declare what care the Turks take to preserve the Body of their Empire free of Faction and Rebellion: for there being many Provinces in the Sultan's Gift, which are remote, rich, and powerful, and so administer temptation to the Governors to throw off the Yoke of their Dependence, and make themselves and their Posterity Absolute; great care is taken to prevent this Mischief by several Arts, none of which hath been more effectual amongst the Turks, nor more sedulously practised, than the destruction of an Ancient Nobility; and admitting no succession to Offices of Riches, but only in the direct Ottoman Line, as my Lord Verulam says, Essay 14. A Monarchy, where there is no Nobility at all, is ever pure and absolute Tyranny, as that of the Turks; for Nobility attempters Sovereignty, and draws the People somewhat aside from the Line Royal. By which means it comes to pass, that Pashaws' Education in the Seraglio, (in the manner as we have said before) without knowledge of their Blood or Family, and without the support of powerful Relations or Dependencies, being sent abroad to Foreign Governments, where they continue but for a short season, have no opportunity or possibility of advancing any Interest of their own above that of the Sultan.  
And though some have, out of an aspiring and ambitious Spirit, assumed a blind Confidence of renting away part of the Empire; as Asan Aga Pashaw of Aleppo of late Years, with a strong and powerful Army marched as far as Scutary, threatening the Imperial City; and the Turkish History tells us of the revolt of several Pashaws; yet all these Rebellions have been but of short durance; the Grand Signior never designing, by open Force and Dint of Sword, to try his Title to the Empire with his own Slaves, but only by some secret Plot and Stratagem, getting the Head of the Rebel, he is assured of the Victory without other hazard or dispute of War: for immediately thereupon the whole Army disperses, and every one shifts by flight to save himself from the Sultan's Anger. Nor is it imaginable it can be otherwise; for these Men are but Strangers and Foreigners in the Countries they ruled, have no Relations there, or Kindred, to second or revenge their Quarrel, have no ancient Blood or Possessions which might entitle their Heirs to the Succession, or out of Affection or Pity, move their Subjects to interest themselves in their behalf; but being cut off themselves, and falls with them, which affords the strangest Spectacle, and Example of Fortune's unconstancy in the World; for a Turk is never reverenced but for his Office, that is made the sole Measure and Rule of his Greatness and Honour, without other considerations of Virtue or Nobility. And this is the Reason the Turks value not their great Men when taken by the Enemy; for not otherwise looking on them than on ordinary Soldiers, they exchange them not with Commanders and Persons of Quality on the Christians; for the Favour of the Sultan makes the Pashaw, and not the Noble Blood or Virtues; so that the Pashaw imprisoned, losing the influence of his Sovereign's Protection and Greatness, loses that also which rendered him noble and considerable above other Persons.  
There are notwithstanding some Pashaws of petty Governments, who have obtained to themselves, through some ancient Grace and Privilege from the Sultan, an Hereditary Succession in their Government, and as I can learn, those are only the Pashaws of Gaza, Cordistan, and three Sangiacks formerly mentioned under the Pashaw of Damascus and Matick, and Tur●man, under the Pashaw of Aleppo.  
And since I have mentioned the Pashaw of Gaza, it will be but requisite to recall to mind the Memory of one lately of that place, with much Honour and Reverence, being one whose Actions and Devotion to the Christian Worship might conclude him not far from the Kingdom of God: for besides his favourable inclination in general, to all who professed the Christian Faith, he was much devoted to the Religious of jerusalem, to whom he often made Presents, as Provisions of Rice and other Supplies for their Monastery; and when once the Father Guardian of the Holy Sepulchre came to make him a Visit, with great respect and reverence, he met him at a good distance from his House, giving him a reception much different from what the Turks usually bestow on any, who profess other than the Mahometan Faith: and might deserve the Character that Tacitus gives of L. Volusius, that he was, Egregia fama, cui Septaginta quinque anni spatium vivendi, praecipueque opes bonis artibus, inoffensa tot Imperatorum malitia fuit. And yet this good Man having for Seventy five Years lived Innocently in that Government, and received the Inheritance from his Father, was by promise of fair Treatment alured to the Port, where without farther Process, or any accusation, his hoary Head was severed from his Body, for no other Reason, than lest the Permission and Indulgence to this long continuance and succession in Office, should prove too ample a deviation from the Rules of the Turkish Polity.  
And that all means of attaining ancient Riches, which is the next degree to Nobility, may be cut off, the Turk observes this Maxim of Machiavelli, à reprimere la insolensa di uno, non vie piu sicuro, emeno scandoloso modo, che preoccupargli quelle vie, per le quale viene quella potenza. And so the Grand Signior suffers no possibility of arriving to ancient Wealth; for as eldest Brother to great Men, he makes seizure of the Estates of all Pashaws that die, who having Children, such part is bestowed on them for their maintenance as the Grand Signior shall think fit and requisite. If a Pashaw dies that is married to a Soltana, which is the Grand Signior's Sister, Daughter, or other Relation, her Kabin or Dowry is first deducted from the Estate (which is commonly 100000 Dollars) and the remainder accrues to the Sultan, as Heir to the rest; and by this means all ancient Nobility is suppressed, and you shall find the Daughters of ancient Greek Houses espoused to Shepherds and Carters, and the ancient Relics of the Noble Families of Catacuzeno and Paleologi, living more contemptuously at Constantinople, than ever Diionysius did at Corinth.  
But not only in Pashaws and great Men is care taken to clip their Wings, which may hinder them from soaring too high, but also in the Ottoman Family itself greater severity and strictness is exercised than in others, to keep them from growing great in Offices or Wealth, whereby to have possibility of aspiring to the Supreme Power; and therefore by the Original and Fundamental Laws of the Turks, the Children of a Soltana married to a Pashaw are not capable of any Office in the Empire, and at most cannot rise higher, than to be in the quality of a Capugibashee, which is one of the Porters of the Grand Signior's Gate. They that are of this Race never dare vaunt of their Pedigree, it is a contumaciousness and almost Treason to name it; nor have I learned that there is any Family amongst the Turks of this Line, of any account or esteem, but one alone, who is called Ibrahim Hun Ogleri, or the Offspring of Sultan Ibrahim, their Father being a Son of the Grand Signior's Sister, and married to a Sultana (and are said to be of the Race of the Tartars) so that proceeding by the women's side only, the less notice is taken of their Blood: their Rent or Revenue is yearly about 70000 Dollars, Quibus magnae opes, innocenter partae, & modeste habitae, which they manage with prudence and discretion, live honourably without Ostentation, seek no Office, or intermeddle in the Affairs of State; by which means they hitherto have preserved themselves from envy and suspicion in the revolutions of the Turkish Government.  
The Grand Signior, many times, when he fears the Greatness of any Pashaw, under colour and pretence of Honour, prefers him to the Marriage of his Sister, 
The Marriage of a Pashaw with a Sultana.  or some other of his Feminine Kindred; by which means, instead of increasing Power and Glory, he becomes the miserablest Slave in the World, to the Tyranny and Pride of an insulting Woman: For, first, he cannot refuse the Honour, lest he should seem to neglect and contemn the Sultan's Favour; then before the Espousals, he must resolve to continue constant to Her alone, and not suffer his Affections to wander on other Wives, Sla●es, or Distractions of his Love: If he hath a Wife whom he loves, whose long Conversation and Children she hath brought him, have endeared his Affections too far to be forgotten; he must yet banish Her and all other Relations f●om his Home, to entertain the embraces of his unknown Sultana. Before the Espousals, what Money, Jewels or rich Furs she sends for, he must, with compliment and cheerfulness, present, which is called Aghirlick; besides this, he makes h●r a Dowry called Kabin, of as much as Friends that make the Match can agree; when the Kabin is concluded and passed before the Justice in form or nature of a Recognisance; the Bridegroom i● conducted to the Chamber of his Bride by a B●ack Eunuch, at whose entrance the custom is, for the Sultana to draw her Dagger, and imperiously to dem●nd the reason of hi● bold Access, which he with much submission replies to, and shows the Emmeri Podeshaw, or the ●mperial Firm for his Marriage; the Sultana than arises, and with more kindness, admits him to nearer familiarity. The Eunuch takes up his S●ippers and lays them over the Door, (which is a sign of his good Reception) than he bows with all reverence before her to the ground, and retires a few paces back, making some brief Oration to her full of Compliment and Admiration of her Worth and Honour; and remaining afterwards a while silent, in an humble posture, bowing forward with his hands before him, until the Sultana commands him to bring her Water, which he readily obeys, taking a Pot of Water provided for that purpose, and kneeling before her, delivers it to her hand; then she takes off her red Veil from before her Face, embroidered with Gold and Silver Flowers, and so drinks; in the mean time her Serving-maids bring in a low Table, on which are set a pair of Pigeons roasted, and a Plate of Sugar-candy; the Bridegroom than invites his coy Spouse to the Collation, which she refuses, until other Presents are brought her, which lie prepared in the outward Room; with which her Modesty being overcome, and her Stomach brought down, she is persuaded to the Table, and sitting down, receives a Leg of a Pigeon from the hand of her Bridegroom; tastes a little, and then puts a pi●ce of Sugar-candy into his Mouth; and so rising up, returns to her place. All the Attendants than retire, and leave the Bridegroom a●one with his Soltana for the space of an ho●r to court her singly; that time being past, the Music sounding, he is invited forth by his Friends to an outward Room where having past most of the Night with Songs and Sports, at the approach of the Morning, the Soltana weary of her pastime, retires to her Bed, which is richly adorned and perfumed, sit to entertain Nuptial Joys: The Bridegroom advised hereof by the n●d of the Eunuch, creeps silently into the Bride-chamber, where stripping himself of his upper Garments, he knelt awhile at the fe●t of the Bed, and then by little and little turning up the Clo●ths, gently rub● her feet with his hand, and kissing of them, ascends higher to the embraces of his Spouse, which she willingly admits him to, and wishes herself and him a happy Bedding: in the morning betimes the Bridegroom is called by his Friends to the Bath; at whose call arising, he is presented by the Bride with all sorts of Linen to be used in Bathing. After these Ceremonies are past, they are better acquainted, yet in public she keeps him at a distance, wears her Haniarre or Dagger by her side, in token of her Superiority; and so frequently commands Gifts and Riches from him, until she hath exhausted him to the bottom of all his Wealth.  
Nor is this esteemed sufficient to mortify these poor Slaves by women's Tyranny, but they are always put forward upon desperate attempts, as lately Ishmael Pashaw, who was killed passing the River Raab, in the overthrow given the Turks by the Emperor's Forces under Montecuculi: and others I could name in like manner; lest the honour of their Marriage in the Royal Family, without the crosses and mortifications which attend it, should puff them up with the ambition and proud thought, which is not lawful for them to imagine.  
But it may well be objected how it came to pass that the present Prime Vizier, called Ahmet, 
The reason why Ahmet Pasha late Vizier, suc●eded his Father Kuperlee in the Government.  should succeed his Father Kuperlee in the Government of the Empire. 'Tis true, it was a strange deviation from the general Rule of their Policy, and perhaps su●h a Precedent as may never hereafter be brought into Example; but Accidents concur oftentimes to the Fortune of some Men without Order or Reason; and yet Kuperlee the Father, had so well deserved of the Sultan, and his whole Dominions, for having by his own Wisdom and Resolution saved the Empire from being rend in pieces by the Faction and ambition of some aspiring Persons, and by the Blood of thousands of Mutinous and Rebellious Heads, had cemented and made firm the Throne of his Master, that no Honour could be thought sufficient to be paid to his Ghost, unless it were the succession of his Son in his place; which the more unusual and irregular it was esteemed, the greater Glory it was to that Family; and herein also this subtle Fox played his Masterpiece, by representing the state of Affairs to remain in that posture, as was necessary to be carried on with the same Method as begun; which he had entrusted to the knowledge of his Son; and this was the Reason why this young Vizier then scarce arrived to thirty Years, and but an ordinary Kadee or Justice of the Law, was both, as to his Age and Relation, thus irregularly preferred to the Office of Vizier.  
Nor hath Hereditary Succession, nor long continuance in Authority, been only avoided amongst the Turks; but we find that the Romans often changed their Governors, and never suffered them to continue long in one Province. And so the King of Spain doth at present in the Government of Flanders, the Indies, the Kingdom of Naples, and other parts, the space of three Years being commonly allotted them for their Residence.  
But amongst the Turks there is no fixed term of Time appointed to their Pashaws, but only they remain as Tenants at Will of the Grand Signior; who, according to his Pleasure, and as he sees Reason, cuts them off, recalls them, or transplants them to another Province; only the Pashaw of Grand Cairo in Egypt, hath a certain space of three Years appointed, to which his Government is confined; and there may be very good reason for it, for it being a place of great Trust, Riches, and Power, in which Pashaws grow in a short time vastly wealthy, it cannot be wisdom to continue them long there; the Revenue of which we have had occasion already to discourse of. And therefore the Grand Signior doth often, not only abbreviate their time, but also at their return shares in the best part of the Prizes they have made.  
The Romans had that Opinion of the Wealth and Power of Egypt, that Augustus made a Decree, and held it inter alia dominationis arcana, that it should not be lawful for any, without particular Licence to enter Egypt, and expressly forbids Senators and Gentlemen of Rome, without Order from the Prince, or for the Affairs of State, 
Lib. 1.  to visit those Parts. And Tacitus gives this reason for it; Ne fama urgeret Italiam quisquis eam Provinciam, clustraque terrae ac maris, quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentes exercitus insedisset.  
Another Danger to the Empire, which the Turks sedulously avoid, besides Hereditary Succession in Office, is Rivalry among Princes of the Blood, during the time of their Father's Life; for afterwards the Successor takes care to secure his Brethren beyond possibility of competition. The Story of Selimus and Bajazet, the Sons of Solyman the Magnificent, is a perfect Experiment of the Feud and Dissension which is bred in the Desires of Barbarous Princes; so that when they arrive to any maturity of Age, they are always transplanted to different Seaglios Abroad, where they keep their Courts distinct, and cannot enter within the Walls Constantinople, during the Life of their Father; lest by interview with each other, their Minds should be moved with Emulation, or inhabiting in the Imperial City, should be provided with Means before their Time to attempt the Throne of their Father. And for this Reason the Grand Signior hath scarce performed the Ceremonies of his Inauguration, before he hath seasoned his entrance to his Throne with the Blood of his Brothers; which barbarous custom began in the time of Sultan Bajazet.  
But if the Brothers are but few, and the Grand Signior of a disposition more naturally inclined to Clemency than Cruelty, he secures them in the Seraglio, under the tuition of Masters, and care of a faithful Guard; differing nothing from Imprisonment, but in the Name, prohibiting them the Socity and Conversation of all: and thus the two Brothers of this present Sultan Mahomet, live in as much obscurity and forgetfulness, as if they had never been born, or having past a private Life, were departed to the place where all things were forgotten.  
It is no great digression from our purpose here, to take notice of two sorts of Governments purely popular; the one hath already had its Period, and the other is of late beginning, and at present flourishes; and those are the Commonwealths of Egypt under the Mamalukes, and the other in our days in the Dominions of Algiers: The first not only deposed the whole Family of their Prince from having Power in the Government, and from all Succession, but also made it an immutable Law, that the Sons of the Mamalukes might succeed their Father in the Inheritance of their Estates, as Lands and Goods, but could not assume the Title or Government of a Mamaluke; nor not only so, but that all that were born in the Mahometan or jewish Faith, were uncapable, ipso facto, of the Order of a Mamaluke; and only such preferred thereunto, who had been Sons of Christians, and become Slaves, instructed and educated in the Mahometan Superstition; or else Men of mature Age, who having abjured God and their Country, were come thither to seek Preferment in that Kingdom of Darkness. And this slavish and strange Constitution of Government, flourished for the space of two hundred sixty seven Years, until overthrown in the Year of our Lord 15●7, by the Arms of S●limus that victorious Emperor of the Turks.  
The persent Government of Algiers is but of a few Years; the first Original of which was by one Barbarossa a famous Pirate, and afterwards by the accession of great quantities of Turks out of the Levant, the Protection of the Grand Signior was craved, and a Pasha received from the Port; but now the Pasha remains without any Power: the whole Government being transferred to the Scum of the People, who fearing lest the Power should at last become subject to the Natives, have made it a Law, that no Sons of a Turk born in that Country, whom they call Cololies, can be capable of an Office in their Commonwealth, but only such, who having been born Christians, are perverted ●o the Turkish Sect, or else such who come from parts of the Turkish Dominions, to be Members of their Republic.  
And thus much shall serve to have declared how much the Turks are jealous of all Successions in Office and Authority, which may prejudice the Absolute Monarchy of their great Sultan.   

CHAP. XVII. The frequent Exchange of Officers, viz. the setting up of one, and degrading another, a Rule always practised as wholesome, and conducing to the Welfare of the Turkish State.  
HE that is an Eye-witness, and strict observer of the various changes in Greatness, Honours, and Riches of the Tu●ks, hath a lively Emblem of Contemplation before him, of the unconstancy and mutability of Humane Affairs; Fortune so strangely sports with his People, that a Comedy or Tragedy on the Stage, with all its Scenes, is scarce sooner opened and ended, than the Fate of divers Great Men, who in the Daytime being exalted to high Sublimity, by the powerful Rays of the Sultan's Favour, in the Night fall, or vanish like a Meteor.  
The Reason hereof, if duly considered, may be of great use as Things stand here, that is, to the Power of the Grand Signior; for in this Constitution, the Health and Benefit of the Emperor is consulted, before the Welfare of the People: And the Power of the Emperor is in no Action more exercised and evidenced, than by withdrawing and conferring his Favours; for by these Means, having many whom he hath educated and prepared for Offices, and stand Candidates to receive them, his Power would seem to be at a Nonplus, and appear like an inconsiderable Father, who had spent more Money in the breeding of his Sons, than the Patrimony amounted to he had to bestow upon them: and therefore the Grand Signior, to imitate the Sun, benights some part of the World to enlighten others, that so, by a general influence and communication of his Beams, he may be acknowledged the common Parent of them all.  
And this Course doth not evidence the Power of the Grand Signior, but likewise increases it; for none are advanced in these times to Office, but pay the Grand Signior vast Sums of Money for it, according to the Riches and Expectations of Profit from the Charge; some pay, as the Pashaws of Grand Cairo and Babylon, three or ●our hundred thousand Dollars upon passing the Commission; others one, others two hundred thousand, some fifty thousand, as their Places are more or less considerable: and this Money is most commonly taken up at Interest, at forty or ●ifty per Cent. for the Year, and sometimes at double, when they are constrained to become Debtors to the Covetous Eunuches of the Seraglio; so that every one, upon his first entrance into Office, looks on himself (as indeed he is) greatly indebted and obliged, by Justice or Injustice, right or wrong, speedily to disburden himself of the Debts, and improve his own Principal in the World; and this Design must not be long in performance, lest the hasty Edict overtake him before his Work is done, and call him to account for the improvement of his Talon.  
Think then (taking all Circumstances together of the covetous Disposition of a Turk, the cruelty and narrowness of Soul in those Men commonly that are born and educated in want) what Oppression, what Rapine and Violence must be exercised to satisfy the Appetite of these Men, who come famished with immense Desires, and strange Considerations to satisfy! Diu sordidus repent dives mutationem fortunae male regit, accensis egestate long a cupidinibus immoderatus. Tac. Lib. 1. Hist. So that Justice in its common course is set to sale; and it is very rare, when any Lawsuit is in Hand, but Bargains are made for the Sentence, and he hath most Right who hath most Money to make him rectus in Curia, and advance his Cause. And it is the common course for both Parties at difference, before they appear together in presence of the Judge, to apply themselves singly to him, and try whose Donative and Present hath the most in it of temptation; and it is no wonder if corrupt Men exercise this kind of Trade in Trafficking with Justice; for having before bought the Office, of consequence they must sell the Truth. Vendere jure potest, emerat ille prius. Add hereunto a strange kind of Facility in the Turks, for a Trifle or small Hire to give false Witness in any case, especially, and that with a word, when the Controversy happens between a Christian and a Turk, 
●us●eque Ep. 4. de Leg. Tur.  and then the Pretence is for the Musselmanleck, as they call it; the Cause is Religious, hallows all Falseness and forgery in the Testimony; so that I believe in no part of the World can Justice run more out of the Current and Stream than in Turkey, where such Maxims and Considerations corrupt both the Judge and Witnesses. Turcae magnae pietatis loco ducunt dicere falsum testimonium adversus hominem Christianum; non expectant ut rogentur; injussi adsunt seque ultro ingerunt.  
This Consideration and Practice, made an English Ambassador, upon renewing the Capitulations, to insert an Article of Caution against the Testimony of Turks, as never to be admitted nor pleaded in any Court of Turkish Justice, against the English Interest; and nothing to be admitted as evidence in that Case, but only a Hoget, which is the Nature of a Recognizance made before a Judge, or a Bill or Writing under the Hand of him on whom the Demand is made; which Article, as it was very advisedly, and with great Prudence and Wisdom obtained, so it hath proved of admirable Consequence and Security to the Traffic, and Merchants Estates; which before being liable to the Forgeries and false Pretences of every dissolute Turk, hath now this Point as a Defence and Fo●ification, by which false Pretences and Suits for considerable Sums of Money, and Matters of great value have been blown away, and decided with great Facility and little Expense.  
In the time of Bajazet, 
Turkish History in the Reign of Bajazet the fourth King of the Turks.  the fourth King of the Turks, the Courts of Justice were in like manner corrupted, as at present; for reformation of which, the Prince resolved to execute a great Number of the Lawyers, until it was pleasantly represented by his Jester, (to whom, between Jest and Earnest, he had given liberty to speak the Truth, which soberer Men durst not) that all the cause of Bribery and Corruption in the Judges, proceeded for want of Stipends and necessary Maintenance: Whereupon Bajazet growing cooler, and sensible of the Cause of that Evil, applied a Remedy, by granting their Pardon, allowing them Salaries and Stipends, with additional Fees of twenty Asper's in all Causes exceeding a Thousand; and twelve Asper's for every Writing and Instrument out of Court.  
And in the Times of the best Emperors, when Virtue and Deserts were considered, and the Empire flourished and increased, Men had Offices conferred for their Merits, and good Services were rewarded freely and with bounty, without Sums of Money, and Payments, to be a foil to the lustre of their better Parts: But now it is quite contrary, and all Matters run out of course; a manifest Token, in my Opinion, of the declension and decay of the Ottoman Empire, as Livy saith, Omnia prospera sequentibus Deos, adversa autem spernentibus. Howsoever in part this serves the great End of the Empire, for Pashaws and great Men, having a kind of necessity upon them to oppress their Subjects, the People thereby lose their Courages; and by continual Taxes and Seizures on what they gain, Poverty subdues their Spirits, and makes them more patiently suffer all kinds of Injustice and Violence that can be offered them, without thoughts or motion to Rebellion: And so the Lord Verulam says in his Essays, That it is Impossible for a People over-laden with Taxes, 
Essay 29.  ever to become Martial or Valiant; for no Nation can be the Lion's Whelp, and the Ass between Burdens: By which means the Turk preserves so many different sort of People, as he hath conquered, in due Obedience, using no other help than a severe hand joined to all kind of Oppression: but such as are Turks, and bear any Name of Office or Degree in the Service of the Empire, feel but part of this Oppression, and live with all freedom, having their Spirits raised by a Licence, they attain to insult over others that dare not resist them.  
But the Issue and Conclusion of the Spoils these great Men make on Subjects, is very remarkable; for as if God were pleased to evidence his just Punishment more evidently and plainly here, than in other Sins; scarce any of all those Pashaws who have made haste to be Rich, have escaped the Grand Signior's Hands, but he either devests them of all, or will share the best part of the Prey with them. Amongst which I have observed none passes so hardly as the Pashaws of Grand Cairo, because it is the richest and most powerful of all the Governments of this Empire; and so either in his Journey home, or after his return, he loses his Life by public Command, or at least is rifled of his Goods as ill got, which are condemned to the Grand Signior's Treasury: And it is strange to see, yet with what heat these Men labour to amass Riches, which they know, by often Experiences, have proved but Collections for their Master; and only the Odium and Curses which the oppressed Wretches have vented against their Rapine, remain to themselves; Rebus secundis avidi, adversis autem incauti. Tac. And this is like the Policy that Caesar Borgia used, otherwise called Il Duca Valentine, who the better to reduce Romagna, lately subdued to Obedience, made one Messer Romiro d' Orco his Deputy, a Man of a cruel and tyrannical Disposition, who by Rigour and Force reduced Affairs to the Will and Order of his Prince: And the Work now done, and the People remaining extraordinarily discontented, the Duke thought it time to purge the Minds of his People of the ill apprehension they had of his Government, by demonstrating that the former hard usage proceeded from the bad Inclination of his Minister; commanding the same Romiro d' Orco, at Cesanna to be cut in pieces, and exposed to the public view of the People, with a piece of Wood, and a bloody Knife by his side. This saith Machiavil, Lib. del Principe, cap. 7. Fece aquelli popoli in un tempo remanere stupidi & sodisfatti; and the Turk understands well how profitable in the same manner it is for the constitution of his Estate, to use evil Instruments, who may oppress and poll his People, intending afterwards for himself the whole Harvest of their Labours; they remaining with the hatred, whilst the Prince, under colour of performing Justice, procures both Riches and Fame together.  
If it be suspected that any great Man intends to make Combustion or Mutiny in his Government, or that his Wealth or natural Abilities render him formidable; without farther inquisition or scrutiny, all discontent of the Grand Signior is dissembled, and perhaps an Horse, a Sword, or Sables Vest is reported to be presented, and all fair Treatment is counterfeited, until the Executioner gets the Bowstring about his Neck, and then they care not how rudely they deal with him: 
Lib. 6. Apoth.  just like the Birds in Plutarch, who beat the Cuckoo, for fear that in time he should become a Hawk.  
And to make more room for the multitude of Officers who crowd for Preferments, and to act the cruel Edicts of the Empire with the least noise; times when a great Personage is removed from his place of Trust, and sent with a new Commission to the Charge, perhaps, of a greater Government; and though he depart from the Regal Seat with all fair demonstrations of Favour, before he hath advanced three days in his journey, triumphing in the multitude of his Servants, and his late Hopes, the fatal command Overtakes him; and without any Accusation or Cause, other than the Will of the Sultan, he is barbarously put to death, and his Body thrown into the Dirt of a foreign and unknown Country, without solemnity of Funeral or Monument; that he is no sooner in the Grave, than his Memory is forgotten. And this methinks is somewhat agreeable to the crafty Policy of Tiberius, who sometimes would commissionate Men for Government of Provinces, to whom beforehand he had designed not to permit licence to depart the City; Postremò eò provectus est, ut mandaverit quibusdam provincias quos egredi urbe non erat passurus.  
Hence are apparent the Causes of the decay of Arts amongst the Turks, of the neglect, want of care in manuring and cultivating their Lands; why their Houses and private Buildings are made slight, not durable for more than ten or twenty Years; why you find no delightful Orchards and pleasant Gardens and Plantations; and why in those Countries, where Nature hath contributed so much on her part, there are no additional labours of Art to complete all, and turn it to a Paradise; for Men knowing no certain Heir, nor who shall succeed them in their Labours, contrive only for a few Years enjoyment. And moreover, Men are fearful of showing too much ostentation or magnificence in their Palaces, or ingenuity in the pleasures of their Gardens, lest they should bring on them the same Fate that Nabal's Vineyard occasioned to his Master: and therefore Men neglect all application to the Studies of Arts and Sciences, but only such as are necessary and conducing to the mere course of living; for the very Fear and Crime of being known to be Rich, makes them appear outwardly Poor, and become naturally Stoics and Philosophers in all the points of a reserved and cautious Life. And here I am at a stand, and cannot conclude this Chapter without contemplating a while, and pleasing myself with the thoughts of the Blessedness, the Happiness, the liberty of my own Country; where Men, under the protection and safe influence of a gracious and the best of Princes in the World, enjoy and eat of the Fruit of their own Labour, and purchase to themselves, with security, Fields and Manors, and dare acknowledge and glory in their Wealth and Pomp, and yet leave the Inheritance to their Posterity.   

CHAP. XVIII. The several Arts the Turks use to increase their People, is a principal Policy, without which the greatness of their Empire cannot continue nor be increased.  
THere was never any People that laid Foundations and Designs of a great Empire, but first thought how to make it populous, and by which means they might best supply them with People, not only sufficient for the Sacrifice and Slaughter of the War, but for the Plantation of Colonies, Possession and Security of what the Sword hath conquered. We never underderstood how one People alone that was Martial, and by successes in War had framed a large Empire, was able, from the mere original of its own Stock, to abound with issue of natural Subjects, to bear proportion with the stronger Nations; nor how a handful of People, with the greatest Policy and Courage in the World, was able to embrace a large extent of Dominion and Empire: It is true, that Alexander did with an Army, for the most part, composed of Macedonians, as it were in a Rant, make a Conquest of the best part of the Eastern World; but this Empire, like a Ship that had much Sail, and no Ballast, or a fair Tree overcharged with Boughs too heavy for its Stem, became a Windfall on a sudden.  
The Turks therefore, during the continuance of their Empire, have not been ignorant of this Truth; for no People in the World have ever been more open to receive all sorts of Nations to them, than they, nor have used more Arts to increase the number of those that are called Turks; and it is strange to consider, that from all parts of the World, some of the most dissolute and desperate in Wickedness, should flock to these Dominions, to become Members and Professors of the Mahometan Superstition; in that manner that at present, the Blood of the Turks is so mixed with that of all sorts of Language's and Nation's, that none of them can derive his Lineage from the ancient Blood of the Saracens.  
The Romans, who well knew the benefit of receiving Strangers into their Bosom, called this freedom they gave Ius Civitatis, whereby Foreigners became as lawful Possessors of Estates and Inheritances, and had as much right to the common Privileges, as any that were born in the Walls of Rome; and this Ius Civitatis was given to whole Families; 
Essays.  so that as Sir F. B. says well, that the Romans did not overspread the World, but the World itself. The English call it Naturalisation, the French Enfranchisement, and the Turks call it Becoming a Believer; for they joining with it a point of Religion, not only the Proffers of the Goods of this World, but also of Delights in the World to come, make the Allurements and Arguments the more prevalent; and it being an Opinion amongst them, as over all the World, that it is a Meritorious Work to create Proselytes, scarce any who hath Money to purchase a Slave, but will procure one young and fit for any Impression, whom he may name his Convert, and gain Reputation amongst his Neighbours of having added to the number of the Faithful. Of all this Number, which yearly are added to the Professors of Mahomet, none can retreat on lower Terms than Death and Martyrdom for Christ; which causes may whose Consciences, though touched with the sense of the denial of their Saviour; yet having not Grace or Courage to assert their Faith on so hard a Lesson, grow desperate or careless, and die in their Sin. This sort of People become really Turks, and some through Custom and their own Lusts, are really persuaded of the truth of this Profession, and have proved more inveterate and fatal Enemies to Christianity, than the natural Turks; which will appear, if we consider, that all the Successes they have had, and Exploits they have done at Sea, have been performed by such who have denied the Christian Faith, as namely Chigal Ogli, and others.  
It was the custom formerly amongst the Turks, every five Years, to take away the Christians Children, and Educate them in the Mahometan Superstition; by which means they increased their own People, and diminished and enfeebled the Force of the Christians; but now that custom, in a great part, is grown out of use, through the abundance of Greeks, Armenians, jews, and all Nations where the Iron Rod of the Turks Tyranny extends, who flock in to enjoy the imaginary Honour and Privilege of a Turk. And indeed it is no wonder to humane Reason, that considers the Oppression and Contempt that poor Christians are exposed to, and the Ignorance in their Churches, occasioned through Poverty in the Clergy, that many should be found who retreat from the Faith; but it is rather a Miracle, and a true verification of those words of Christ, That the Gates of Hell shall not be able to prevail against his Church, that there is conserved still amidst so much Opposition, and in despite of all Tyranny and Arts contrived against it, an open and public Profession of the Christian Faith; which next to God's Providence; considering the stupid Ignorance of the Greek and Armenan Churches, their conservation of their Faith is not to be attributed to any instance more, than to the strict observation of the Feasts and Fasts of their Churches; for having rarely the helps of Catechisms or Sermons, they learn yet from these outward Ceremonies, some confused Notions and Precepts of Religion, and exercise with severity and rigour this sort of Devotion; when through Custom, Confusion, and scarcity of knowing Guides, all other service is become obsolete and forgotten amongst them.  
The Turks have another extraordinary supply of People from the Black Sea, sent them in by the Tartars, who with their light Bodies of Horse make incursions into the Territories of the neighbouring Christians, and carry with them a Booty of whole Cities and Countries of People, most of which they send to Constantinople to be sold, and is the chief Trade and Commodity of their Country (as we have already discoursed.)  
It is sad to see what numbers of Saykes, or Turkish Vessels, come sailing through the Bosphorus, freighted with poor Christian Captives of both Sexes, and all Ages, carrying on the Maintop a Flag, either as a Note of Triumph, or else as a Mark of the Ware and Merchandise they carry.  
The number of the Slaves brought yearly to Constantinople is uncertain; for sometimes it is more, and sometimes less, according to the Wars and Successes of the Tartars; but as it is apparent in the Registers of the Customs at Constantinople only, one Year with another at the least 20000 are yearly imported; amongst which the greatest part being Women and Children, with easy Persuasions, and fair Promises become Turks; the Men being ignorant, and generally of the Russian or Moscovite Nation (who are reported not to be over-devout, or of famed constancy and perseverance in Religion) partly by Menaces and Fear, partly by good words and allurements of Reward, despairing of Liberty, and return to their own Country, renounce all Interest in the Christian Faith.  
Of this sort of Metal most of the Turks are in these days composed, and by the fecundity of this Generation, the Dominions of this Empire flow; for the Turks of themselves, though they have the liberty of Polygamy, and freer use of divers Women allowed them by their Law, than the severity of Christian Religion doth permit, are yet observed to be less fruitful in Children, than those who confine themselves to the chaste embraces of one Wife. It is true, we have heard how in former Times there have been particular Men amongst the Turks, that have severally been Fathers to an hundred Sons; but now, through that abominable Vice of Sodomy, which the Turks pretend to have learned from the Italians, and is now the common and professed shame of that People, few fecundio●s Families are found amongst them; especially amongst the Persons of the greater Quality, who have Means and Time to act and contrive their filthiness with the most deformity. And in this manner the natural use of the Women being neglected amongst them, as St. Paul saith, 
Rom. c. 1.  Men burning in lust one towards another; so little is Mankind propagated, that many think, were it not for the abundant supplies of Slaves, which daily come from the Black Sea (as before we have declared) considering the Summer-slaughters of the Plague, and destructions of War, the Turk would have little cause to boast of the vast Numbers of his People: and that a principal Means to begin the ruin of this Empire, were, to prevent the taking of so many Captives, or intercept those numbers of Slaves which are daily transported to nourish and feed the Body of this great Babylon; by which means, in time, they would not only find a want of Servants, but a decay and scarcity of Masters; since as it is beforementioned, these Slaves becoming Turk●, are capable of all Privileges, and being commonly Manumised by their Patrons, through the help of Fortune, arrive equally to Preferments with those who are of the ancient Mahometan Race: This is the true Reason the Turk can spend so many People in his Wars, and values not the lives of Ten thousand Men to win him but a span of Ground, and yet almost without any sensible diminution of his People; and on the contrary, the invention, of an Inquisition, and the distinction between Christianos vieios, and Nuevoes in Spain and Portugal, have caused that decay and scarcity of People in those Countries, as hath laid the best part of those fruitful Soils desolate, and forced them both to a necessity of entetaining a mercenary Soldiery.  
It is no small inducement to the vulgar People, who is most commonly won with outward Allurements, to become Turks; that when they are so, by a white Turban, or such a particular Note of Honour, they shall be distinguished from other-like Sects, (all People amongst the Turks being known by their Heads, of what Religion or Quality they are) and so may the better be directed where they may have a privilege to domineer and injure with the most impunity.  
If we consider how delightful the Mode is in England and France, especially to those who are of a vain and gay Humour, and that nothing seems handsome or comely, but what is dressed in the Fashion and Air of the Times; we shall not wonder, if the ignorant and vain amongst Christians, born and educated in those Countries▪ should be catched and entrapped with the fancy and enticement of the Turkish Mode, and be contented to despoil themselves of the Garment of Christian Virtues, to assume a dress more Courtly and pleasing to the Eyes of the World; for so the Britain's, and other Nations, after Conquered by the Romans, began to delight themselves in their Language and Habit, their Banquets and Buildings, which they accounted to be Humanity, and refinement of their Manners; but Tacitus saith, Pars servitutis erat, a signal Symptom of their subjection. 
De Vita Agric.   
And it is worth a wise Man's observation, how gladly the Greeks and Armenian Christians imitate the Turkish Habit, and come as near to it as they dare; and how proud they are, when they are privileged, upon some extraordinary Occasion to appear without their Christian distinction. And thus the Turk makes his very Habit a bait to draw some to his Superstition; Riches to allure the Covetous; Rewards and Hopes, to rule the Ambitious; fears and terrors of Death, the cowardly and timorous; and by all means works on the Dispositions and Humours of Men, to make additions to his Kingdom. Such as adhere to the Christian Faith, the Turk makes no account of, and values no otherwise in the place of Subjects, than a Man doth of his Ox or Ass, merely to carry the Burdens, and to be useful and servile in slavish Offices: they are oppressed, and are subject to all advantages and Pretences; and their Goods and Estates gained with Labour, and the Sweat of their Brows, liable to the Rapine of every great Man; they are disarmed, and never exercised in War, by which means they become Effeminate, and less dangerous in Rebellion: only the People of Transylvania, Moldavia and Walachia, under the conduct of their respective Princes, that the Grand Signior sets over them, serve him in their Persons in the War, and are the first thrust forward in all desperate Enterprises; so that the oppression of the poor Christians under the Turk, is worthy our compassion, how poor they are become, how their former Wealth is exhausted, how the fatness of their rich Soil is drained, and made barren by poisonous Suckers; so that it is evident that the Turks Design is no other, than by improverishment and enfeebling the Interest of Christianity, to draw Proselytes and Strength to his own Kingdom.  
Wherefore some sort of poor Christians, either actually Subjects to the Turkish Tyranny, or Borderers on them, who often feel the misery of their Incursions, being fearful of their own constancy in the Faith, have contrived ways to preserve themselves from any other Profession: wherefore in Mengrelia, the Christians, at the Baptism of their Children, make a Cross on their Hands; and in Servia their custom is to make it on their Foreheads, with the Juice of a certain Herb, the stain of which never wears out; so that some of these Nations, who become Renegadoes to the Christian Faith, bear always a Badge and Note of designation about them to a Holy Profession, which may serve to upbraid their Perfidious desertion of the Faith; the Cross on their Forehead appearing for a shame and discountenance to the White Turban on their Heads. By which pious Art, many of these distressed Christians have, notwithstanding fear and despair of Liberty, and promises of reward, through the apprehension of this incongruity between the Cross and the Banner of Mahomet, preserved themselves firm to their first Colours.   

CHAP. XIX. The manner of Reception of Foreign Ambassadors amongst the Turks, and the esteem they have of them.  
THere was no Nation in the World ever so barbarous, that did not acknowledge the Office of an Ambassador Sacred and Necessary. Sanctum populis per soecula nomen. And Cicero saith, Sic enim sentio jus legatorum cum hominum praesidio munitum, 
De H●rusp. responsis.  tum etiam divino jure esse vallatum; the Koran itself calls this Office inviolable; and it is a Turkish Canon, Elchi zaval yoketer, Do not hurt an Ambassador; so that the Turks do confess themselves obliged by their own Law to Rules of Civilities, Courteous Treatment and Protection of Ambassadors.  
The greatest honour they show to any Foreign Minister, is to him who comes from the Emperor, because his Confines are contiguous with theirs, and have had occasion more frequently, than with other Christian Princes, to try the Power of the Imperial Sword.  
An Ambassador coming from the Emperor, as soon as he enters the Ottoman Dominions, hath his Charges defrayed by the Sultan, according to the importance of the Business and Negotiation he is designed to, until the time of his return; and a Resident continuing in ordinary, hath in like manner his constant Allowance. As it hath always been a Custom amongst the Eastern Princes to send Presents each to other, as Tokens of Friendship and Amity; so the Emperor is, by an ancient Custom and Agreement, obliged to accompany his Ambassador to this Court with Presents and Gifts, as Offerings of Peace: and on the contrary, that the Emperor may not remain with the Disadvantage, the Grand Signior is bound to recompense the Embassy with another from himself, and adorn it with Presents of equal value with those that were sent him.  
But Ambassadors and Representatives, from other Princes, who have their Dominions more remote, and whose principal Design is esteemed for the promotion of Trade and Commerce, as the English, French and Dutch, are always admitted with their Presents, which the Turk by custom calls his right, and judges not himself obliged to return the like, esteeming his Capitulations and Articles he makes with those Princes, Privileges and Immunities granted their Subjects.  
The Ceremonies they use at the Audience of every Ambassador are acted (as in all parts of the World) most to set off the Glory of the Empire; and represented with such Advantages, as may best afford a Theme for an Ambassadour's Pen to describe the Riches, Magnificence, and Terror of the Ottoman Power.  
The Audience with the Grand Signior (having first passed a Compliment with the Prime Vizier) is commonly contrived on days appointed for payment of the Janissaries, which is every three Months; and with that occasion, the Order and Discipline of the Militia, the Money and Stipends that are issued forth, are there exposed to the observation of the public Minister. The Money is brought into the Divan, and there piled in heaps, where the Ambassador is first introduced, and seated on a Stool covered with Crimson-velvet, placed near the first Vizier, and other Viziers of the Bench: as soon as the Money is paid out to the chief of every Oda or Chamber, who afterwards distribute it amongst their Soldiers▪ a plentiful Dinner is prepared for the Ambassador; who together with the first Vizier, and other Viziers of the Bench, and Teftardar, or Lord Treasurer, are seated at the same Table, which is not raised as high as the Tables we use, but something lower, covered over with a capacious Voider of Silver, in which the Dishes are set, without ceremony of Tablecloth or Knives. In the same Room are two other Tables for the principal Attendants of the Ambassador, and other Personages amongst the Turks of chief Note and Quality: the Dishes are served in by one at a time, which as soon as touched, or tasted, are taken off to make room for another; and thus there is a succession of threescore or fourscore Services, all the Dishes being of China, worth about an hundred and fifty Dollars a piece; which are reported to have a virtue contrary to Poison, and to break with the least infusion thereof, and for that reason esteemed more useful for the Service of the Grand Signior; 
Nam nulla aconita bibuntur  
Fictilib●s, etc. Juvenal.   
The Banquet being ended, the Chaousbashee, or chief of the Pursivants, conducts the Ambassador, with some of his Retinue, to a place apart, where several gay Vests, 
The Audience of Ambassadors.  or long Garments, made of Silk, with divers Figures, are presented them (as a sign of the Grand Signior's Favour) which the Ambassador first putting on, and then the others, to the number of eighteen or nineteen, attended with two Capugibashees, or chief of the Porters, Persons of good esteem in that Court, with Silver Staves in their Hands, he is conducted nearer towards the Grand Signior's Presence; then follow the Presents brought by the Ambassador, which are carried to the best advantage for appearance, and are delivered to Officers appointed to receive them. The Courts without are filled with Janissaries, amongst whom is observed so profound a silence, that there is not the least noise or whisper understood; and the Salutation they give their principal Officers as they pass, bowing altogether at the same time, is warlike, and yet courtly, and savours of good Discipline and Obedience.  
The Ambassador is then brought to a great Gate near the Audience, the Porch of which is filled with white Eunuches, clothed in Silks and Cloth of Gold; farther than this, none is suffered to proceed, besides the Secretary, Interpreter, and some other Persons of best Quality: at the door of the Chamber of Audience is a deep silence, and the murmuring of a Fountain near by adds to the melancholy; and no other Guard is there but a white Eunuch: and here a pause is made, and they tread softly in token of fear and reverence, so as not to disturb with the least noise the Majesty of the Sultan: for access to the Eastern Princes was always difficult, and not permitted with the same familiarity as hath been practised amongst the Romans, and at present with us, where the sight of the King is his own Glory, and the Satisfaction of his Subjects: For it is with the Turks, as it was with the Parthians, when they received Vonones their King, educated in the Roman Court, who conforming to those manners, saith Tacitus, Irridebantur Graeci Comites, prompti aditus, obvia comitas, 
Lib. 2. ann.  ignota Parthis virtutes; the affability and easiness of address to their Prince, was a scandal to the Nation.  
At the entrance of the Chamber of Audience, hangs a Ball of Gold, studded with precious Stones, and about it great Chains of rich Pearl; the Floor is covered with Carpets of Crimson-velvet, embroidered with Gold-Wire, in many places beset with Seed-pearl. The Throne where the Grand Signior sits, is raised a small height from the ground, supported with four Pillars plated with Gold; the Roof is richly gilded, from which hang Balls, that seem to be of Gold; the Cushions he leaned upon, as also those which lay by, were richly embroidered with Gold and Jewels: In this Chamber with this occasion remains no other Attendance besides the first Vizier, who stands at the right Hand of the Grand Signior with modesty and reverence. When the Ambassador comes to appear before the Grand Signior, he is led in, and supported under the Arms by the two Capugibashees beforementioned; who bringing him to a convenient distance, laying their hands upon his Neck, make him bow until his Forehead almost touches the Ground; and then raising him again, retire backwards to the farther parts of the Room: The like Ceremony is used with all the others, who attend the Ambassador, only that they make them bow somewhat lower than him: The Reason of this Custom, as Busbequius saith, was, because that a Croat being admitted near to Amurath, to communicate something to him, made use of that opportunity to kill him, in revenge of the Death of his Master Marcus; but the Turkish History saith, That this was done by one Miles Corbelitz, who after the defeat given Lazarus the Despot of Servia, rising from amongst the Dead, had near access to the presence of Amurath.  
The Ambassador, at this Audience, hath no Chair set him, but standing, informs the Grand Signior, by his Interpreter, the several Demands of his Master, and the Business he comes upon; which is all penned first in Writing; which when read, is, with the Letter of Credence, consigned into the Hands of the Great Vizier, from whom the Answer and farther Treaty is to be received.  
This was the manner of the Audience given to the Earl of Winchelsea, when Ambassador there for his Majesty, and is (as is there said) the Form used to others, who come from a Prince equally honoured and respected.  
But though the Turks make these outward Demonstrations of all due Reverence, and Religious Care to preserve the Persons of Ambassadors Sacred, and free from Violence; yet it is apparent, by their Treatment and Usage towards them, in all Emergencies and Differences between the Prince they come from, and themselves, that they have no esteem of the Law of Nations, or place any Religion in the maintenance of their Faith. For when a War is proclaimed, the Ambassador immediately is either committed to close Imprisonment, or at least to the custody of a careful Guard, confined within the Limits of his own House. In this manner, the Representative of Venice, called there the Bailo, by name Sor●nzo, in a straight Chamber of a Castle, situated on the Bosphorus, endured a severe Imprisonment, having his Interpreter strangled, for no other cause than performing his Office in the true Interpretation of his Master's Sense.  
Afterwards this Bailo (for so they call there the Ambassors from Venice) was removed to another Prison at Adrianople, where he continued some Years; and in fine, by force of Presents, mollifying the Turks with Money, (with which their Nature is easily made gentle and pliable) he obtained liberty to remain in the House appropriated to the Representatives of Venice, but under a Guard, whose Office was to secure him from escape, and observe his Action's and yet with Liberality and Presents, which overcome the Turks more than any Consideration in the World, he enjoyed, as he pleased, licence for his Health to take the fresh Air, and use what freedom was reasonable.  
Nor less injurious to the Law of Nations, have been the Examples of Violence and Rage, acted on the Persons of the French Ambassadors; first on the Sieur Sensi, accused upon suspicion of having contrived the escape of Konispolski, General of the Polish Army, taken Captive in a Fight, and sent Prisoner to the abovesaid Castle on the Bosphorus; the means was, by a silken Cord sent in a Pie, with Limbs and Files to cut the Iron Bars; and having first secured his Guard with the strength of Wine, in the dead of the Night, let him down by the Cord from the highest Tower; where finding Horses ready, he got safe into Poland. The contrivance of this Stratagem, and the Instruments of the Escape, was laid to the Charge of the French Ambassador; who was committed, for that Reason, to the Prison of the Seven Towers, where he remained for the space of four Months, until his Money, and the French King his Master mediated for him, promising to send another speedily to succeed him; he was delivered from his Imprisonment, and returned home by the way of Poland.  
The Successor of this Ambassador was the Count Cesi, a Man too generous and splendid, to live amongst covetous and craving Turks, exhausted most of his Wealth in Gifts an● Presents; to which adding a vanity and ambition to court the Grand Signior's Mistresses in the Seraglio (as is said) he paid such vast Sums of Money to the Eunuches for his admittance, that in few Years he became so indebted, and importuned with the Clamours of his Creditors, as wholly discredited and lost the Honour and Authority of his Embassy; so that the French King thinking it dishonourable to continue his Minister, in that Charge, who was failed and undone in the reputation of the World, sent his Letter of Revocation to recall him Home; but the Turks gave a stop to his return, pretending, that their Law which was indulgent to the Persons of Ambassadors, did not acquit them from payment of their Debts, or privilege them with impunity to rob the Believers, and other Subjects of the Grand Signior, contrary to that Rule of Grotius, who not only exempts the Persons, but the Servants and Movables of Ambassadors from Attachments; and no Law can compel him to the satisfaction of Debts by Force, but by friendly persuasion only, till being returned to his own Country, and put off the quality of a public Person, he becomes liable to common Process; Si quid ergo debiti contraxit, & ut fit, res soli eo loco nullas possideat, 
Grot. lib. de Jure Belli & Pac.  ipse compellandus erit amice, & si detrectet, is qui misit, ita ut ad postremum usurpentur ea, quae adversus debitores extra territorium positos usurpari solent.  
Nor less remarkable was the barbarous usage of the Sieur la hay, Ambassador also from the French King to the Port, under the Government of the great Vizier Kuperli.  
The Court being then at Adrianople, and the Treaty in hand between the Grand Signior and the Republic of Venice, through the Mediation of the French Ambassador, by Consent and Command of his Master, certain Letters of his wrote in Characters, were intercepted by the Turks; by what Means, and upon what Information, the Matter was too evident then, to be apprehended other than an Italian Contrivance. The Cipher, as containing Matter prejudicial to the State, was carried to Adrianople; and being known, by examination and confession of the Messenger, to have been delivered to him by the Secretary of the French Affairs, immediately in all haste, the Ambassador then at Constantinople was cited to appear at Court; but being ancient, and indisposed in his Health with the Gout and the Stone, dispatched his Son as his Procurator, with Instructions and Orders how to answer what might be objected; hoping by that means to excuse the Inconvenience of a Winter's Journey.  
The Son being arrived there, immediately was called to Audience, accompanied with the Chancellor, or Secretary for the Merchants (for the other Secretary of the Private Affairs of the Embassy, apprehending the Fury and Injustice of the Turks, had timely secured himself by flight). Discourse was first had concerning the Contents of the Characters; the Turks insolent in their Speeches, provoked this Sieur La hay the Younger, to utter something tending towards a contempt of that Power the Turks had over him, encouraging himself with the thoughts of the protection of the King his Master; who was soon sensible, and moved with the least Injuries offered his Ministers. The Turks who can endure nothing less than Menaces, and Kuperl●, through natural Cruelty, and choler of old Age, and particular Malice against the French Nation, moved with this Reply, commanded the Caousbashee, who is chief of the Purse●ants, to strike him on the Mouth; which he did with that force, being a rude robustious F●llow, that with a few blows of his Fist, he struck out two of his Teeth before, and in a most undecent and barbarous manner, dragged him, with the Secretary for the Merchants, to a Dungeon so loathsome and moist, that the ill Vapours ofttimes extinguished the Candle. The old Ambassador the Father, was with the like Turkish Fury sent for, the Turks executing all they do with strange haste and violence, Barbaris co●●atio servilis, 
Tac. lib. 6.  statem exequi regium videtur; and being arrived at Adrianople, was also committed to Custody, though not with that rigour and severity of Imprisonment as the Son, until the space of two Months passing with Presents and Solicitations, they both obtained their Liberty, and returned again to Constantinople; where scarce were they arrived, before News coming of a French Ship, which had loaded Goods of Turks, and run away with the Cargason, the Ambassador was again committed to another Prison in Constantinople, called the Seven Towers, where he remained, until with Gifts and Money, the Anger of the Turks was abated.  
And still the Malice of Kuperlee persecuted this Sieur la hay, until after his Embassy of 25 Years continuance, unfortunate only at the Conclusion, he was dispatched Home obscurely and in disgrace, without Letters of Revocation from his Master, or other intimation to the Grand Signior, which might signify the desire of this Ambassador's return.  
The Reason of this irreverent Carriage in the Turks towards the Persons of Ambassadors, contrary to the custom of the Ancient Romans, and other gallant and civilised People, is an apprehension and Maxim they have received, that an Ambassador is endued with two Qualifications▪ one of representing to the Grand Signior the Desires of his Prince, the Breach of Articles or League, the Aggrievances and Abuses of Merchants trading in his Dominions, that so Satisfaction and Amendment may be made: And the other, that he remains in nature of a Hostage, called by themselves Mahapous, or Pledge; by which he becomes responsible for what is acted by his Prince, contrary to the Capitulations of Peace, and remains for a Pawn for the faithful and sincere carriage of his Nation, and as Security to ins●re what Goods belonging to Turks are loaden on their Vessels.  
As the Resident from Holland was in the Year 1663., imprisoned at Adrianople, for miscarriage of a Ship belonging to his Nation, taken by Maltese Men of War, whereon at Alexandria were Goods loaden belonging to the Grand Signior, and other considerable Persons of State, and was not released, until he engaged to Eighty five thousand Dollars, in the space of One hundred and twenty days, which was the full import of the Turkish Interest.  
Nor hath this Law of Nations, to the Sacred esteem of Ambassadors, found better observation towards the Representatives of the Germane Emperor, who have, upon all conjectures of Discord, and breaches of Peace between those two powerful Princes, been subject to Con●inements and Custody of a Guard, nothing differing from formal Imprisonment: or else, as it happened to the Germane Resident in the last War, are transported from Place to place, according to the motion of the Armies, as a barbarous Trophy in the Time of their prosperous Successes, and as a Means at hand to reconcile and mediate when evil Fortune compels them to composition.  
What ill Fate soever hath attended the Ministers of other Princes in this Court, the Ambassadors from his Majesty of Great Britain, our Sacred King, have never incurred this Dishonour and Violation of their Office; the Negotiations and Differences since the English Trade hath been opened in Turkey, have been various and considerable, and Matters as to the security of the Ambassador and Merchants, have been often reduced to a doubtful Condition, as far as Words and rude Speeches, full of Menaces and Choler, might make a sober Man suspicious of a greater Ruin: And yet through the Constancy, Prudence, and good Fortune of Ambassadors▪ the Turkish Rashness hath not drawn upo● themselves the guilt of violating their Persons, but have either prevented Troubles in the beginning, or wisely compounded them before they made too far a Breach.  
It is worth observation, that the Turks make no difference in the Name, between an Ambassador, Resident, Agent, or any petty Messenger, sent or residing upon a public Affair; the Name Elchi serves them to express all; though they have the Name of Kapikahya, which signifies an Agent at Court, and is commonly attributed to those who reside at the Port, for the Princes of Transylvania, Moldavia, and Walachia, and also for the Agents of Pascha's, every one of which hath his Minister at the Court, to send ●●m Advices, and to answer for him, if any thing should be amiss represented. And though the Turks, on occasion of Ruptures, and other Discontents, lose their Respect towards the Person of Ambassadors, yet still it is commendable in them, that they commonly abstain from the Spoil and Plunder of the Merchant's Estates, with whose Prince they are at Enmity; for they look on Merchants as Men, whose Profession is best advanced by Peace; and as their own Comparison is, like to the laborious Bee which brings Honey to the Hive, and is innocent, industrious, and profitable, and therefore an Object of their Compassion and Defence.   

CHAP. XX. How Ambassadors and Public Ministers govern themselves in their Negotiations and Residence amongst the Turks.  
AMbassadors in this Country, have need both of Courage and Circumspection, wisdom to dissemble with Honour, and discreet patience, seemingly to take no notice of Affronts and Contempts, from which this uncivilized People cannot temperate their Tongues, even when they would seem to put on the most courteous deportment and respect toward Christians.  
The French Ambassador, Monsieur le hay, sent once to advise the great Vizier Kuperli, that his Master had taken the strong City of Arras from the Spaniard, and had obtained other Victories in Flanders, supposing that the Turk outwardly have evidenced some signs of Joy, and return an Answer of Congratulation; but the Reply the Vizier gave, was no other than this, (What matters it me, whether the Dog worries the Hog, or the Hog the Dog, so my Master's Head be but safe?) intimating, that he had no other esteem of Christians, than as Savages or Beasts, and with no other Answer than this, due to an officious Courtship towards a Turk, the Messenger returned.  
There is no doubt, but of all those means wherewith Kingdoms and States are supported, there are two more principal and chief of all others: The one is the substantial and real Strength and force of the Prince, which consists in his Armies and Interest; and the other is the Honour and Reputation he gains Abroad, which hath sometimes proved of that Authority and Consequence, as to make the State of the weaker Prince to appear more considerable, or at least, equal to the greater Forces of the other.  
This Reputation is principally maintained by a prudent manner of Negotiation, and depends on the discretion of the Representative, in which, for many Years, the Republic of Venice had great Advantages in the Turkish Court, through the Caution and Policy of their Ministers, who nourished in the Turks an opinion of their strength of Arms, and force of Wisdom, beyond the reality thereof; that before the War broke forth, no Nation in Amity with the Turk had their Affairs treated with more honour and respect than this Commonwealth.  
An Ambassador in this Court ought to be circumspect and careful to avoid the occasion of having his Honour blemished, or of incurring the least violation of his Person; for afterward, as one baffled in his Reputation, he becomes scorned, loses his Power and Interest, and all esteem of his Worth and Wisdom; for having endured one Affront, their Insolence soon presumes farther to trespass on his Patience: For certainly Turks, of all Nations in the World, are most apt to crush and trample on those that lie under their Feet. As on the contrary, those who have a Reputation with them, may make the best and most advantageous Treaties of any part of the World; according to that of Busbequius, Ep. 1. Sunt Turci in utramque partem nimii sive indulgentia, cum pro amicis se probare volunt, sive acerbitate cum irati sunt. To reply, according to the Pride and Ignorance of a Turk, is properly to blow up Fire into a Flame; to support with submission, and a pusillanimous Spirit, his Affronts and Indignities, by negotiating faintly or coldly, is to add Fuel and Wood to the burning Piles; but solid Reason and Discourse, accompanied with cheerful Expressions, vivacity and courage in Argument, is the only manner of dealing and treating with the Turks.  
That which is called good Nature, or flexible Disposition, is of little use to a Public Minister in his Treaty with Turks: A punctual adherence to former Customs and Examples, even to Obstinacy, is the best and safest Rule; for the concession of one Point serves to embolden them to demand another, and then a third; and so their Hope's increase with the Success, having no Modesty nor Wisdom to terminate their Desires; one Act or two of Favour is enough afterwards to introduce a Custom, (which is the chiefest part of their Law) and to make that which is merely voluntary, and of Grace, to become of Obligation.  
But a principal Matter, which a public Minister ought to look to, is to provide himself of spirited, eloquent, and intelligent Interpreters; spirited, I say, because many times the Presence is great they appear before, and the Looks big and sour of a barbarous Tyrant; and it hath been known, that the Ambassador hath been forced to interpose his own Person, between the Fury of the Vizier and his Interpreter, whose Offence was only the delivery of the words of his Master; some of whom have notwithstanding been imprisoned, or executed, for this Cause, as we have partly intimated in the foregoing Chapter: The reason of which Tyranny and Presumption in these prime Officers over the Interpreters, is, because they are most commonly born Subjects of the Grand Signior, and therefore ill support the least word misplaced, or savouring of Contest from them, not distinguishing between the Sense of the Ambassador, and the Explication of the Interpreter; and therefore it were very useful to breed up a Seminary of young English Men, of sprightly and ingenious Parts, to be qualified for that Office, who may, with less danger to themselves, Honour to their Master, and Advantage to the Public, express boldly, without the usual mincing and submission of other Interpreters, whatsoever is commanded and declared by their Master.  
The French Nation hath taken a very good course, in breeding up Youths to make their Druggermen or Interpreters; some few Years past, twelve were sent to Smyrna, where being a while instructed in the Convent of Capuchins, and there taught the Turkish and Vulgar Greek, they are afterwards dispersed to the several Factories; such as were of most pregnant Parts, being placed with the Ambassador at Constantinople. Such a provision of young Druggermen, at least twelve, aught to be allowed, for some of them die, some grow weary of the Country, and are desirous to return Home; others not having a sufficiency of Parts, nor Health, answer not Expectation; so that if two or three of such a Number happen to succeed well, they are a great help to the Ambassador, and the Consul where they serve.  
The English Ambassador had once three Youths sent Aboard on this Design, but they are now all three dead, and one alone came into Employment.  
It is certainly a good Maxim for an Ambassador in this Country, not to be overstudious in procuring a familiar Friendship with Turks; a fair comportment towards all in a moderate way, is cheap and secure; for a Turk is not capable of real Friendship towards a Christian; and to have him called only, and thought a Friend who is in Power, is an Expense without Profit; for in great Emergencies, and Times of Necessity, when their Assistance is most useful, he must be bought again, and his Friendship renewed with Presents, and farther Expectations: howsoever this way of Negotiating by Presents and Gratuities, is so much in custom amongst the Turks, that to speak truly, scarce any thing can be obtained without it; but is the Wisdom of the Minister, to dispose and place them with Honour, Decency, and Advantage. For there are, and have been always, two or three powerful Persons in this Court, which in all Times carry the principal sway, and command of all; these must necessarily be treated with Respect, and often sweetened with Gratuities: He that hath Money, may doubtless make Friends when he needs them, and with that secure his Capitulation and his Privilege, purchase Justice, and if his Stock will hold out, act any thing that can reasonably be imagined; yet it is the most profitable and prudent way, to refer something to Friendship and good Correspondence, and not all to mere force and strength of Mony.   

CHAP. XXI. How Foreign Princes in particular stand in the Esteem and Opinion of the Turks.  
THE Turks, as we have occasionally instanced before, are naturally a proud and insolent People, confident, and conceited of their own Virtue, Valour, and Forces, which proceeds from their ignorance of the strength and constitution of other Countries; so that when the Danger which may arise from the Conjunction and Union of Christian Princes to the Mahometan Interest, is discoursed of, they compare the Grand Signior to the Lion, and other Kings to little Dogs, which may serve (as they say) to rouse and discompose the quiet and Majesty of the Lion, but can never bite him, but with their utmost peril.  
They say farther, as by an ingenuous Confession, that they are unable to encounter the Christians at Sea, to whom God hath given that unstable Element for Dominion and Possession; but that the Earth is the Lot and Inheritance of the Turks, which is demonstrable by that great Circuit of Empire, obedient to the Mahometan Arms.  
These are the Thoughts and Apprehensions of the Commonalty concerning Christendom in general, (which I have heard often discoursed amongst them) but the Opinion and Esteem wh●ch knowing Men and Ministers frame of Foreign Kingdoms and States distinctly, is for the most part according to these following Particulars.  
Of all the Princes so for remote as England, none amongst this People stands in better account than his Majesty of Great Britain; not only for the convenience of the Trade, which provides the Empire with many necessary Commodities, but for the fame of His Shipping, and Power at Sea, which makes him, though divided from all parts of the World, yet a Borderer on every Country, where the Ocean extends: And this Esteem and Honour the Sultan bears towards His Majesty, hath been evidenced in several Particulars, and by none more than by the security and freedom his Merchants live in in these Dominions, and a readiness always in every reasonable Request, to gratify His Majesty's Ambassadors.  
As for the Emperor, the Turk knows that his own proper and peculiar Force in itself, is inconsiderable, but that with the conjunction and assistance of the Germane Princes, they are assured, and have proved it to their experience, in the Year 1664, that his Strength is equivalent to the Ottoman Power; but yet they are not ignorant, that the diversity of Religions and Sects in Germany, abate much of that vigour and coalition amongst themselves, which is requisite to the vigorous opposition of so potent an Enemy.  
And it is evident, that the Emperor's unseasonable Severity against the Protestants in Hungary, disobliging his whole Dominion there, by depriving them of their Churches, and exercising other courses for suppression of the Reformed Religion, ripened the Turk's Design of War, first laid in the Year 1663., conceiving in that conjuncture, holding forth the specious pretence of Liberty in Religion and Conscience, the Hungarians would either wholly desert the Emperor, or very coldly and faintly apply themselves to his Succour: The Effect of which was in the succeeding Wars plainly verified, and known, that the Hungarians were not only sparing in their Contribution and Supplies of Men in the Service of the Emperor, but held secret Juntoes and Councils, Whether it were not better to accept the Turk's Sovereignty, on the Conditions proposed, with Liberty of their Religion, rather than to continue in Allegiance to the Emperor, who neither afforded them freedom of Conscience, which is the Destruction of their Spiritual Estate, nor was able to withstand the Turk, which argued insufficiency to yield them Protection in their Temporal.  
The Emperor sends his Ambassador to the Turk, under Notion of the King of Hungary, because at his Instalment as Emperor, he swears to make a perpetual War with the Turk; and indeed their Peace is little better than a War, considering their frequent Incursions into each others Territories; and that to skirmish or fight in Bodies, under the number of five thousand, not taking Forts, or bringing Cannons in the Field, is no Breach of the Capitulations.  
The French King, though the first Christian Prince, that having no Confines bordering on these Dominions, entered into Capitulations with the Turk for a free and open Commerce and Traffic; and obtained the Title of Podeshaw, which signifies as much as Emperor, and is denied to all other Christian Kings, and even to the Germane Emperor himself, being adjudged an Honour amongst the Turks, proper and peculiar only to the Grand Signior: Yet their esteem of the French is not so great as some would persuade the World it is, having (as we have at large declared in the foregoing Chapter) given ample Testimonies in the Persons of the Ambassador, of their scorn and neglect of the Prince he represented.  
I have heard the wise Lord Chancellor Samosade say, That the French gained that Title of Podeshaw to their King, by Craft and Subtilty, and was never fully examined nor considered: and in that Business there is a strange Romance told of a fair French Lady, preferred to the Seraglio, whom the Turks were willing to receive for a Princes, and thence challenging Affinity with the King of France, was the more profuse in the honour of his Titles.  
It is true, there was a time when the French Ambassadors was called to secret Councils, and admitted within the Walls of the Seraglio, to private Meetings and Debates of the Turk; but it was when the French plotted, and openly assisted in transportation of the Turks, for the Invasion of Italy; but since that time, and especially in the Year 1664, through the Force given the Emperor, and the Bravado upon Barbary, the French hath always (and that not without some reason) gone declining in the good Opinion and Esteem in the Ottoman Court.  
The Pope is more esteemed, as a Prince able to blow the Coals, and excite other Princes to the Damage of the Mahometan State, rather than by his own Power or Force to effect any thing himself; and having no Confines bordering on the Turks, his Riches, Power, or Greatness, seldom falls as a Subject for their consideration.  
As little account would they make of the King of Spain, but that the Granadine Turks, of which there remains in Constantinople a considerable number since their Expulsion, through an extreme Affection, naturally inherent in them to Spain, discourse of it with a Passion, not altogether free of a little Rodomontado, and Vainglory, Vices incident to their Country; whereby they create in the Turks a conceit of the Greatness, Riches, and Force of Spain, according as it flourished in the Time that the Moors possessed their Seat and Habitation there.  
But yet the Turks, though a People injurious and negligent of the accurate state of other Places, besides their own, are not altogether ignorant of the decay of Spain, the Wars in Portugal, and the Menaces from France, which makes them aim at one of the Venetian Ports in Dalmatia, to have the better prospect and easier passage into Sicily, or the Kingdom of Naples.  
The esteem the Venetians are in at this time amongst them, is greater than when the War first began, for than they entertained an Opinion of their Force, much inferior to the real estimation thereof; as they do now the contrary beyond their true Strength, making always calculates from the Effect and Success of Things.  
Yet the Turk knows, that the Venetian Power is not comparable to his by Land, and that nothing but Friuli stands between him and the mastery of Venice; which makes him ashamed and angry, that after so many Years Wars, no greater Additions should be acquired to the Empire, than his footing in Candia, the whole possession of which was imagined at the beginning of the War, would, upon a bare Demand, been quietly presented as the Price and Purchase of the Peace.  
The King of Poland is none of the least amongst the Christian Princes esteemed at the Ottoman Court, by reason of his great Power, consisting chiefly in Horse, which in the Opinion of the Turks, is the most Warlike; and looks on the People as Martial, and with much difficulty brought under their subjection.  
But by reason of the great Combustions and Intestine Troubles of that Country, the Polanders apply themselves with much Dexterity and Caution in their Treaties with the Turks; and especially, being Borderers with them, and subject to their Incursions and Robberies of Men and cattle, they endeavour all means of fair and reasonable compliance. And on the other side, the Turk is well inclined to the Polander, and desires his prosperity beyond others of his Neighbour-Princes; because he looks on him as the only Curb, upon all Occasions, of the Muscovites, and whom they may make use of, to give some stop and arrest unto the progress of his Arms.  
The Moscovite hath yet a greater Fame and Renown with the Turks, being reported to make One hundred and fifty thousand Horse; so that he treats with the Turk on equal Terms, and fills his Letters with high Threats and Hyperbolical Expressions of his Power, and with as swelling Titles as the Turk.  
The Greeks have also an inclination to the Moscovite beyond any other Christian Prince, as being of their Rites in Religion, terming him their Emperor and Protector; from whom, according to the ancient Prophecies and modern Predictions, they expect delivery and freedom to their Church.  
But the greatest dread the Turk hath of the Moscovite, is from the Union with the Soffis, or Persian, which two uniting together, would be too unequal a Match for the Ottoman Empire.  
But above all the great Potentates of the World, the King of Persia was most feared and esteemed by the Turk, not only by reason of his great Force, and that the Borders of his Dominions run a long space on the Confines of the Turks; but because it is almost impossible, by reason of the vast Deserts, and uninhabited Places, to carry a War into his Country, without the cumbersome carriages of all necessary Provisions, which with how much difficulty and incommodity were performed in the last Wars between these two great Princes, the History sufficiently relates; but since the Conquest of Babylon, and decay of their Riches, they are now the subjects of the Turkish scorn and contempt.  
The nearness of their Faith, though derived from the same Founder, but afterwards receiving some difference by the interpretation of Haly, is in no-wise a reconcilement of their Affections; but rather a ground and matter of their Fear and Jealousy, lest at any time, waging a War against the Persian, that Heresy should begin to be set on foot amongst the People, which, like a Spark that causes the Conflagration of a whole City, may breed those inte●tine Civil distractions, which may prove of more danger and ruin than the former War.  
It will not be necessary to speak much of the Hollanders, in regard, that though they have a Resident there, they are scarce taken notice of as a Nation different, but depending on the English.  
These foregoing words of Holland, have been liable to censure amongst the Dutch; but for my Apology therein, I have thus much to say, That though the Assertion may seem strange in these our Times, yet when it was first wrote, which is now above seventeen Years past, it might have passed for Current Truth; Distingue tempora & bene doces.  
When I came first into Turkey, which was in the Year 1660, there were very few of the Dutch Nation then in Turkey, and their Trade very inconsiderable.  
At Aleppo they had no Consul, till some Years after my arrival Levinus Warner, Resident at Constantinople, sent his Brother first to that place; but before that time, they always lived under the English protection.  
At Smyrna they had no other for their Consul, than one Evan Ogle a Greek, of whom either the Dutch or Turks took little notice, having recourse very often to the English Consul for his Advice, and Assistance.  
At Constantinople, for many Years, the Dutch lived under the English Ambassador, which was the occasion of those differences debated in the Divan between ours, and the French Ambassador. Likewise Levinus Warner, a Germane born, lived for some Years in the House of the English Ambassador, until afterwards, that by the Lords the States, he was promoted to be their Resident at the Port.  
All which happening in so short time after my arrival in Turkey, it will not appear strange to considering Men, that the Dutch Nation should not at that time, by the generality of the People (though the Ministers of State might know otherwise) be distinguished from ours, or their Puissance, and Greatness so well understood as it is at present. The Heer Colyer, formerly Resident, but now dignified with the Title of Ambassador at the Port, and the several Consuls in their respective Factories being much respected and esteemed.  
And these are all the Nations considerable, with whom the Turk hath occasion to Treat, or that fall under his Cognisance of Business.  
When the Grand Signior hath occasion to write unto any of the Christian Princes, he commonly uses these Expressions, at the beginning of the Letter.  To the Glory of the great Princes of JESUS, Elected by the Reverend Senators of the Religion of the Messiah, Composer of the Public Affairs of the Christian Nation. Patron (or Master) of a Courteous and Modest Train, Lord of those Ways which lead to Honour and Glory, whose End may it be happy, etc.  

CHAP. XXII. The regard the Turks have to their Leagues with Foreign Princes.  
AS the Christian Religion teaches Humility, Charity, Courtesy, and Faith towards all that are within the Pale of Humane Nature, to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; so the Turkish Superstition furnishes its Followers with Principles, not only to abhor the Doctrines, but also the Persons of such whom they term not Believers. The sordidness of their Blood, and ungentleness of their Education, makes them insolent and swelled in Prosperity; and their Victories and Spoils upon Christians, render the Arms and Force of other parts contemptible in respect of theirs.  
Upon these Considerations of the vileness of Christianity, and scorn of their Power, they assume this into a Maxim, That they ought not to regard the Leagues they have with any Prince, or the Reasons and Ground of a Quarrel, whilst the Breach tends to the enlargement of their Empire, which consequently infers the propagation of their Faith.  
Many and various are the Examples and Stories in all Ages, since the beginning and increase of the Turkish Power, of the Perfidiousness and Treachery of this People; that it may be a Question, Whether their Valour and Force hath prevailed more in the time of War, or the little care of their Faith, and maintenance in their Leagues hath availed them in the time of Peace?  
Thus Didymotichum in the time of Peace, under Amurath, third King of the Turks, whilst the Walls and Fortifications were building, was by the Asian Labourers, which were entertained in the Work, and the help of other Turks which lay near in Ambush, surprised and taken.  
So also 
* Now called Rodesto.  Rodestum, in the time of Peace, by command of Amurath, was by Eurenoses assaulted and taken by strategem.  
So Adrianople in the Reign of the same Emperor, after Peace made again, and Assurances given of better Faith, was by the Art and Disguise of Chasis-Ilbeg, pretending to be a discontented Captain, and a Fugitive from the Turks, by fair Speeches, and some Actions and Skirmishes Abroad, gained such confidence amongst the credulous Greeks, as enabled him afterwards to set the Gates open to Amurath's Army, which after some Conflict, was taken, and never recovered again by the power of the Greeks.  
It is an old and practised Subtlety of the Turks, immediately after some notable Misfortune, to entreat of Peace, by which means they may gain time to recollect their Forces and Provisions to prosecute the War.  
It is notable and worthy of Record, the Treachery of the Treaty used the Year 1604, begun in the time of Mahomet the Third, and broken off by Achmet his Successor. The Overtures for a Treaty were first propounded by the Turks; and Commissioners from the Emperor appointed, and met the Turks at Buda; twelve days Truce were concluded for consideration of the Articles, and Presents sent by the Turks to the Emperor, to persuade of the reality of their Intentions. Mahomet dying, Sultan Achmet renews his Commission to the Bassa of Buda to continue the Treaty; whereupon the Christian and Turks Commissioners have another meeting at Pest; where whilst the Christians were courteously treating the Infidels in Tents near the Town, and they to create in the Christians an assurance of their faithful Dealings, were producing Letters from their Sultan, and Prime Vizier, filled with Oaths and Protestations, as by the God of Heaven and Earth, by the Book of Moses, by the Souls of their Ancestors, and the like, that their Intentions for Peace were real, and meant nothing but what was honourable and just: At that very time the Turks of Buda, conceiving, that in the time of this great Jollity and Confidence, the Walls of Pest were neglected and slightly manned, issued out in great numbers to surprise it; the Alarm of which ended the Banquet, and the Turks finding Matters contrary to their Expectation, returned only with the shame of their Treachery.  
It is no wonder the Disciples should, in a Point of so great Liberty and Advantage, follow the Example and Doctrine of their Master; for the like Mahomet did when overthrown, and repulsed at the Siege of Mecha, made a firm League with the Inhabitants of strict Peace and Amity: but the next Summer, having again recruited his Forces, easily surprised and took the City, whilst that People relying on the late Agreement, suspected nothing less than the Prophet's Treachery.  
And that such prefidiousness as this might not be Chronicled in future Ages, in disparagement of his Sanctity; he made it lawful for his Believers, in Cases of like Nature, when the Matter concerned those who are Infidels, and of a different Persuasion, neither to regard Promises, Leagues, or other Engagements; and this is read in the Book of the Institutions of the Mahometan Law, called Kitab Hadaia.  
It is the usual Form and Custom, when a noble Advantage is espied on any Country, with which they have not sufficient ground of Quarrel, to demand the Opinion of the mufti, for the lawfulness of War; who without consulting other Consideration and Judgement of the reasonable Occasions, than the utility of▪ the Empire, in conformity to the foregoing Precedent of his Prophet, passes his Fetfa, or Sentence; by which the War becomes warrantable, and the Cause justified and allowed.  
It is not to be denied, but even amongst Christian Princes, and other the most gallant People of the World, Advantages have been taken, contrary to Leagues, and Faith, and Wars commenced upon frivolous and slight Pretences; and the States have never wanted Reasons for the breach of Leagues; though confirmed by Oaths, and all the Rites of Religious Vows: We know it is controverted in the Schools, whether Faith is to be maintained with Infidels, with Heretics, and wicked Men; which in my Opinion were more honourable to be out of Question.  
But we never read that Perfidiousness, by Act and Proclamation, was allowable, or that it was wholly to be Faithless, until the Doctors of the Mahometan Law, by the Example of their Prophet, recorded and commanded this Lesson, as a beneficial and useful Axiom to their Disciples.  
And here I cannot but wonder at what I have heard and read in some Books of the Honesty and Justice of the Turks, extolling and applauding them, as Men accomplished with all the Virtues of a Moral Life; thence seeming to infer, that Christianity itself imposes none of those Engagements of Goodness on men's Natures, as the Professors of it do imagine. But such Men, I believe, have neither read the Histories, nor consulted the Rules of their Religion, nor practised their Conversation: and in all Points, being ignorant of the truth of the Turks dealing, it is not strange, if through a charitable Opinion of what they know not, they err in the Apprehension and Character they pass upon them.    

OF THE Turkish Religion. BOOK II.  

CHAP. I. Of the Religion of the Turks in General.  
THE Civil Laws appertaining to Religion amongst the Turks, are so confounded into one Body, that we can scarce treat of one without the other; for they conceive that the Civil Law came as much from God, being delivered by their Prophet, as that which immediately respects their Religion, and came with the same Obligations and Injunctions to obedience. And though this Polity was a Fiction of some, who first founded certain Governments, as Numa Pompilius, Solon, and the like, to put the greater Engagements and ties on Men, as well of Conscience, as through fear of Punishment; yet in the general that Proposition is true, That all Laws which respect Right and Justice, and are tending to a Foundation of Good and Honest Government, are of God; For there is no Power but of God, and the Powers that be, 
Rom. 13.  are ordained of God. And then if God owns the Creation and Constitution of all Princes and Rulers, as well the Pagans as Christians; the Tyrants, as the Indulgent Fathers of their People and Country; no less doth he disallow the Rules and Laws fitted to the Constitution and Government of a People, giving no Dispensation to their Obedience, because their Prince is a Tyrant, or their Laws not founded according to true Reason, but to the humour of their corrupted Judgements or Interest.  
It is vulgarly known to all, that their Law was compiled by Mahomet, with the help of Sergius the Monk (and thence this Superstition is named Mahometanism) whose infamous Life is recorded so particularly in many other Books, that it were too obvious to be repeated here: and therefore we shall insist, and take a view of the Rites, Doctrines, and Laws of the Turkish Religion, which is founded in three Books, which may not improperly be called the Codes and Pandects of the Mahometan Constitutions.  
The first is the Koran; the second, the Consent or Testimony of Wisemen, called the Assonah, or the Traditions of the Prophets; and the third, the Inferences or Deductions of one thing from another.  
Mahomet wrote the Koran, and prescribed some Laws for the Civil Government: the other Additions, or Superstructures, were composed by their Doctors that succeeded, which were Ebbubecher, Omer, Ozman and Haly; the Califs of Babylon and Egypt were other Doctors and Expositors of their Law; whose Sentences and Positions were of Divine Authority amongst them; but their esteem of being Oraculous failing with their Temporal Power, that Dignity and Authority of Infallible Determinations, was by force of the Sword transferred to the Turkish Mufti. And though there is great diversity amongst the Doctors, as touching the explication of their Law, yet he is esteemed a true Believer, who observes these five Articles or Fundamentals of the Law, to which every Turk is obliged.  
The first is, Cleanness in the Outward Parts of their Body and Garments.  
Secondly, To make Prayers five times a day.  
Thirdly, To observe the Ramazan or Monthly Fast.  
Fourthly, To perform faithfully the Zekat, or giving of Alms according to the proportion prescribed in a certain Book, wrote by the four Doctors of theirs, called Asan, Embela, etc.  
Fifthly, To make their Pilgrimage to Mecha, if they have means and possibility to perform it.  
But the Article of Faith, required to be belived, is but one, viz. That that there is but one God, and Mahomet his Prophet.  
Other Rites, as Circumcision, Observation of a Friday for a Day of Devotion, Abstinence from Swines-flesh, and from Blood, (as they say) amongst the five pincipal Points, because they are enjoined as Trials and Proofs of Man's Obedience to the more necessary Law.   

CHAP. II. The Toleration that Mahometanism in its infancy promised to other Religions; and in what manner that Agreement was afterwards observed.  
WHEN Mahometanism was first weak, and therefore put on a modest Countenance and plausible Aspect to deceive Mankind, it found a great part of the World illuminated with Christianity, endued with active Graces, Z●al, and Devotion, and established within itself with purity of Doctrine, Union, and firm profession of the Faith, though greatly shaken by the Heresies of Arius and Nestorius; yet it began to be guarded, not only with its Patience, Long-suffering, and Hope, but also with the Fortifications, Arms, and Protection of Emperors and Kings: so that Mahometanism coming then on the disadvantage, and having a hard Game to play, either by the lustre of Graces, and Good Example's of a strict Life to outshine Christianity; or by a looseness and indulgence to corrupt Manners, to pervert Men dedicated to God's Service; or by Cruelty or Menaces to gain those who accounted Martyrdom their greatest Glory, and were now also defended by the Power of their own Princes; judges it be●t policy to make proffers of Truce and Peace between the Christi●n and its own Profession: and therefore in all places where its Arms were prevalent and prosperous, proclaimed a free Toleration to all Religions; but especially in outward appearance, courted and favoured the Christia●, drawing its Tenants and Doctrines in some conformity to that Rule, confessing Christ to be a Prophet, and greater than Moses; that he was born of a Virgin; that Mary conceived by the smell of a Rose; that the blessed Virgin was free from Original Sin, and the Temptations of the Devil; that Christ was the Word of God, and is so styled in the Koran, and cured Diseases, raised the Dead, and worked many Miracles; and by his Power his Disciples did the like: and I have heard some speak of him with much reverence, and with heat to deny Christ's Passion; saying, it were an impiety to believe that God, who loved and had conferred so much Power, and so many Grace; on Christ, should so far dishonour him, as to deliver him into the Hands of the jews, who were the worst and most scorned of Men; or to the Death of the Cross, which was the most infamous and vile of all Punishments.  
In this manner they seemed to make a League with Christianity, to be Charitable, Modest, and wellwishers to its Professors; and Mahomet himself says in his Koran thus: O Infidels, I do not adore what you adore, and you adore not what I worship; observe you your Law, and I will observe mine.  
And for a farther assurance of his Toleration of Christianity, and evidence to the World, that his Intention was neither to persecute nor extirpate their Religion; he made this following Compact, the Original of which was found in the Monastery of Friars on Mount Carmel, and, as it is said, was transported to the King's Library in France; which because it is Ancient, and of Curiosity, it will not be impertinent to be inserted here.  
Mahomet sent from God to teach Mankind, and declare the Divine Commission in Truth, wrote these things. That the Cause of Christian Religion determined by God, might remain in all parts of the East, and of the West, as well amongst the Inhabitants, as Strangers, near, and remote, known, and unknown: to all these People I leave this present Writing, as an inviolable League, as a decision of all farther Controversies, and a Law whereby Justice is declared, and strict observance enjoined. 
Mosselman signifies a ●eliever, and so t●e Turks call t●●ms●lv●s.  Therefore whosoever of the Mosselman's Faith shall neglect to perform these Things, and violate this League, and after the manner of Infidels, break it, and transgress what I command herein, he breaks the Compact of God, resists his Agreement, and contemns his Testament, whether he be a King, or any other of the Faithful. By this Agreement, whereby I have obliged myself, and which the Christians have required of me, and in my Name, and in the Name of all my Disciples, to enter into a Covenant of God with them, and League and Testament of the Prophets, Apostles, Elect, and Faithful Saints, and blessed of Times past and to come. By this Covenant, I say, and Testament of mine (which I will have maintained with as much Religion, as a Prophet Missionary, or as an Angel next to the Divine Majesty, is strict in his Obedience towards God, and in observance to his Law and Covenant) I promise to defend their Judges in my Provinces, with my Horse and Foot, Auxiliaries, and other my faithful Followers; and to preserve them from their Enemies; whether remote, or near, and secure them both in Peace and War: and to protect their Churches, Temples, Oratories, Monasteries, and Places of Pilgrimage, wheresoever situated, whether Mountain or Valley, Cavern or House, a Plain, or upon the Sand, or in what sort of Edifice soever: also to preserve their Religion and their Goods in what part soever they are, whether at Land or Sea, East or West, even as I keep myself and my Sceptre, and the faithful Believers of my own People. Likewise, to receive them into my Protection from all Harm, Vexation, Offence and Hurt. Moreover, to repel those Enemies which are offensive to them and me, and stoutly to oppose them, both in my own Person, by my Servants, and all others of my People and Nation. For since I am set over them, I ought to preserve and defend them from all Adversity, and that no Evil touch them before it first afflict mine, who labour in the same Work. I promise farther to free them from those Burdens which Confederates suffer, either by Lones of Money, or Impositions; so that they shall be obliged to pay nothing but what they please, and no molestation or injury shall be offered them herein. A Bishop shall not be removed from his Diocese, or a Christian compelled to renounce his Faith, or a Monk his Profession, or a Pilgrim disturbed in his Pilgrimage, or a Religious Man in his Cell: Nor shall their Churches be destroyed, or converted into Mosques: for whosoever doth so break this Covenant of God, opposes the Messenger of God, and frustrates the Divine Testament. No Impositions shall be laid upon Friars or Bishops, nor any of them, who are not liable to Taxes, unless it be with their own consent. And the Tax which shall be required from Rich Merchants and from Fishermen of their Pearl, from Miners of their Precious Stones, Gold and Silver; and all other rich and opulent Christians, shall not exceed above twelve shillings yearly; and it shall also be from them, who are constant Inhabitants of the place, and not from Travellers, and Men of an uncertain Abode; for they shall not be subject to Impositions or Contributions, unless they are Possessors of Inheritance of Land or Estate; for he which is lawfully subject to pay Money to the Emperor, shall pay as much as another, and not more; nor more required from him above his faculty and strength. In like manner, he that is taxed for his Land, Houses, or Revenue, shall not be burdened immoderately, nor oppressed with greater Taxes than any others that pay Contribution: Nor shall the Confederates be obliged to go to the War with the Mosselmen against their Enemies, either to fight, or discover their Armies, because it is not of duty to a Confederate to be employed in Military Affairs; but rather this compact is made with them, that they may be the less oppressed; but rather the Mosselmen shall Watch and Ward, and defend them: And therefore, that they be not compelled to go forth to fight, or encounter the Enemy, or find Horse or Arms, unless they voluntarily furnish them; and he who shall thus willingly contribute, shall be recompensed and rewarded. No Mosselman shall infest the Christians, no● contend with them in any thing but in kindness, but treat them with all courtesy, and abstain from all oppression or violence towards them. If any Christian commit a crime or fault, it shall be the part of the Mosselman to assist him, intercede and give caution for him, and compound for his miscarriage; liberty shall also be given to redeem his life, nor shall he be forsaken, nor be destitute of help, because of the Divine Covenant which is with them, that they shall enjoy what the Mosselmans enjoy, and suffer what they suffer: and on the other side that the Mosselmans enjoy what they enjoy, and suffer what they suffer. And according to this Covenant, which is by the Christians just request, and according to that endeavour which is so required for confirmation of its Authority, you are obliged to protect them from all calamity, and perform all offices of goodwill towards them, so that the Mosselmans may be sharers with them in prosperity and adversity. Moreover, all care ought to be had, that no violence be offered to them, as to matters relating to Marriage, viz. That they compel not their Parents to match their Daughters with Mosselmen: Nor shall they be molested for refusal either to give a Bridegroom or a Bride; for this is an act wholly voluntary, depending on their freewill and pleasure. But if it happen that a Christian Woman shall join with a Mosselman, he is obliged to give her liberty of Conscience in her Religion, that she may obey her Ghostly Father, and be instructed in the Doctrines of her Faith without impediment; therefore he shall not disquiet her, either by threatening divorce, or by solicitations to forsake her Faith: but if he shall be contrary hereunto, and molest her herein, he despises the Covenant of God, rebels against the Compact of the Messenger of God, and is entered into the number of Liars. Moreover when Christians would repair their Churches or Convents, or any thing else appertaining unto their Worship, and have need of the liberality and assistence of the Mosselmen hereunto, they ought to contribute, and freely to bestow according to their ability; not with intention to receive it again, but gratis; and as a goodwill towards their Faith, and to fulfil the Covenant of the Messenger of God, considering the obligation they have to perform the Covenant of God, and the Compact of the Messenger of God. Nor shall they oppress any of them living amongst the Mosselmans, nor hate them, nor compel them to carry Letters, or show the way, or any other manner force them: for he which exercises any manner of this Tyranny against them, is an Oppressor, and an Adversary to the Messenger of God, and refractory to his Precepts. These are the Covenants agreed between Mahomet the Messenger of God, and Christians. But theconditions on which I bind these Covenants on their Consciences, are these, That no Christian give any entertainment to a Soldier, enemy to the Mosselmen, or receive him in his house publicly or privately; that they receive none of the enemies of the Mosselmen, as sojourners into their Houses, Churches, or Religious Convents; nor underhand furnish the Camp of their Enemies, with Arms, Horse, Men, or maintain any intercourse or correspondence with them, by contracts or writing; but betaking themselves to some certain place of abode, shall attend to the preservation of themselves, and to the defence of their Religion. To any Mosselman and his Beasts, they shall give three days entertainment with variety of Meat, and moreover, shall endeavour to defend them from all misfortune and trouble; so that if any Mosselman shall be desirous, or be compelled to conceal himself in any of their houses or habitations, they shall friendly hide him, and deliver him from the danger he is in, and not betray him to his Enemy: and in this manner the Christians performing Faith on their side, whosoever violates any of these conditions, and doth contrarily, shall be deprived of the benefits contained in the Covenant of God and his Messenger, nor shall he deserve to enjoy these privileges indulged to Bishops and Christian Monks, and to the Believers of the contents of the Koran. Wherefore I conjure my people by God and his Prophet to maintain these things faithfully, and fulfil them, in what part soever of the World they are. And the Messenger of God shall recompense them for the same; the perpetual observation of which he seriously recommends to them, until the day of Judgement, and Dissolution of the World. Of these conditions which Mahomet the Messenger of God hath agreed with the Christians, and hath enjoyed, the witnesses were, 
" Abu Bacre Assadiqu, O mar ben-alcharab.  
" Ithman ben Afaw, Atiben abi taleb,  with a number of others; the Secretary was Moavia been abi Sofian, a Soldier of the Messenger of God, the last day of the Moon of the fourth Month, the fourth year of Hegira in Medina. May God remunerate who are witnesses to this writing. Praise be to God the Lord of all Creatures.  
This Covenant or Articles with Christians (howsoever denied by the Turks to have been the act and agreement of Mahomet) is yet by very good Authors taken for real, and to have been at that time confirmed when his Kingdom was weak, and in its infancy, and when he warred with the Arabians: and fearing likewise the enmity of the Christians (not to be assaulted by two Enemies at once) secured himself by this Religious League, made in the Monastery of Friars, in Mount Carmel, from whence that strict Order have their denomination. But mark how well Mahomet in the sequel observed this Law: As soon as his Government increased, and that by Arms and bad Arts he had secured his Kingdom, he writes this Chapter of the Sword, called so perhaps because the first words are often engraved on the Turks Cymeters made at Damascus, and other their Bucklers and other sort of Arms: And another Chapter in the Koran, called the Chapter of Battle (which is always read by the Turks before they go to fight) and therein his modest words (If you adore not what I adore, let your Religion be to you, and mine to me) and other promises of toleration and indulgence to the Christian Religion, were changed to a harsher note; and his Edicts were then for blood and ruin, and enslavement of Christians; When you meet with Infidels, saith he, cut off their heads, kill them, take them Prisoners, bind them, until either you think fit to give them liberty, or pay their ransom; and forbear not to persecute them, until they have laid down their arms and submitted. And this is that sort of Toleration the Turks give to the Christian Religion; they know they cannot force men's Wills, nor captivate their Consciences, as well as their Bodies; but what means may be used to render them contemptible, to make them poor, their lives uncomfortable, and the interest of their Religion weak and despicable, are practised with divers Arts and Tyranny, that their toleration of Christianity is rather to afflict and persecute it, than any grant of savour or dispensation.  
The Mahometan Religion tolerates Christian Churches and Houses of Devotion, in places where they have been anciently founded, but admits not of holy Buildings on new foundations; they may repair the old Cover and Roofs, but cannot lay a Stone in a new place Consecrated to Divine Service; nor if Fire, or any accident destroy the Superstructure, may a new strength be added to the foundation, wherewith to underprop for another Building; so that at last the Christian Churches in those Dominions must necessarily come to ruin, as many already have submitted to the common fate of time. And as it happened in the great and notable Fires of Galata first, and then of Constantinople, in the year 1660, that many of the Christian Churches and Chapels were brought to Ashes; and afterwards by the Piety and Zeal of Christians scarce re-edified, before by public order they were thrown down again into their former heaps, being judged contrary to the Turkish Law, to permit Churches again to be restored, of which no more remained than the mere foundation.   

CHAP. III. The Arts wherewith the Turkish Religion is propagated.  
THE Turks though they offer the specious outside of the foregoing toleration, yet by their Law are authorized to enforce men's Consciences to the profession of their Faith; and that is done by various arts and niceties of Religion: For if a man turn Turk, his Children under the age of 14 years, though educated with other Principles, must be forced to the same persuasion. Men that speak against the Mahometan Law, that have rashly promised at a time of distraction or drunkenness to become Turks, or have had a carnal knowledge of a Turkish Woman, must either become Martyrs or Apostates; besides many other subtleties they have to entrap the Souls of Christians within the entanglements of their Law.  
It is another Policy wherewith the Mahometan Sect hath been increased, the accounting it a Principle of Religion, not to deliver a City or Fortress by consent or voluntary surrender, where Mosques have been once built, and Mahometanism professed. And therefore the Turk no sooner enters a Town by Conquest, but immediately lays foundation for his Temples, thereby imposing an obligation of an obstinate and constant resolution on the conscience of the defendants, which many times hath been found to have been more forcible and prevalent on the spirits of men, than all the terrors and miseries of Famine, Sword or other calamities.  
It is well enough known upon what different interests Christianity and Mahometanism were introduced into the World; the first had no other enforcements, than the persuasions and Sermons of a few poor Fishermen, verified with Miracles, Signs and Inspiration of the Holy Ghost; carrying before it the promises of another life, and considerations of a glorified spirituality in a state of separation; but the way to it was obstructed with the opposition of Emperors and Kings, with scorn and contempt, with persecution and death; and this was all the encouragement proposed to Mankind to embrace this Faith: but Mahometanism made its way with the Sword; what knots of Argument he could not untie, he cut, and made his spiritual power as large as his temporal; made his precepts easy and pleasant, and acceptable to the fancy and appetite, as well as to the capacity of the vulgar: representing Heaven to them, not in a spiritual manner, or with delights unexpressible, and ravishments known only in part of illuminated Souls; but with gross conceptions of the beauty of Women with great Eyes, of the duration of one act of Carnal copulation for the space of sixty years, and of the beastly satisfaction of a gluttonous Palate; things absurd and ridiculous to wise and knowing Men; but yet capable to draw multudes of its professors, and carnal defenders of its verity. And this Doctrine being irrational to the better sort of judgements, causes the Lawyers, who are men of the subtlest capacities amongst the Turks, to mistrust much of the truth of the Doctrine of Mahomet; especially the assertions relating to the condition of the other life. For the representation of the delights of the next World, in a corporeal and sensual manner, being inconsistent with their reason, leads them to doubt the truth of that point; and so wavering with one scruple, proceed to a mistrust of the whole System of the Mahometan Faith. One would think that in such men a way were prepared for the entertainment of a Religion, erected on more solid principles and foundations; and that the Jews might gain such Proselytes to their Law, from which a great part of the Mahometan superstition was borrowed; or that the Christians might take advantage in so well disposed subjects, to produce something of the Mystery of Godliness. But the first are a people so obnoxious to scorn and contempt, esteemed by the Turks to be the scum of the World, and the worst of men; that it is not probable their Doctrine can gain a reputation with those, to whom their very persons and blood are vile and detestable; nor is it likely the Christians will ever be received by them with greater Authority, and more favourable inclination, until they acquit themselves of the scandal of Idolatry, which the Images and Pictures in their Churches seem to accuse them of in the eyes and judgement of the Turks, who are not versed in the subtle distinctions of Schoolmen, in the limitations and restrictions of that Worship, and the evasions of their Doctors, matters not only sufficient to puzzle and distract the gross heads of Turks, but to strain the wits of learned Christians to clear them from that imputation.  
But to return to our purpose. The propagation of the Mahometan Faith having been promoted wholly by the Sword, that persuasion and principle in their Catechism, that the Souls of those who die in the Wars against the Christians, without the help of previous acts of performance of their Law, or other Works, are immediately transported to Paradise, must necessarily whet the Swords and raise the Spirits of the Soldiers; which is the reason that such Multitudes of them (as we read in History) run evidently to their own Slaughter, esteeming their Lives and Bodies at no greater price than the value of Stones and Rubbish to fill Rivulets and Ditches▪ that they may but erect a Bridge or Passage for their fellows to assault their Enemy's.  
The success of the Mahometan Arms produced another argument for the confirmation of their Faith, and made it a Principle. That whatsoever prospers, hath God for the Author; and by how much more successful have been their Wars, by so much the more hath God been an owner of their Cause and Religion. And the same argument (if I am not mistaken) in the times of the late Rebellion in England, was made use of by many, to entitle God to their Cause, and make him the Author of their thriving Sin, because their wickedness prospered, and could trample on all holy and humane Rights with impunity. And I have known that the Romanists have judged the Afflictions and almost Subversion of the Church of England, to be a token of God's desertion and disclaim of her Profession; forgetting the Persecutions and Martyrdoms of the Primitive Saints, and that the Church of God is built in Sorrow and established with patience and passive Graces: but these men rather than want an argument, their malice will use the weapons of Infidels to oppugn the truth. And on this ground, the Turks so horribly detest and abhor the jews, calling them the forsaken of God, because they are Vagabonds over all the World, and have no Temporal Authority to protect them: And though according to the best enquiry I could make, that report is not true, That they permit not a jew to become a Turk, but by turning a Christian first, as a nearer step and previous disposition to the Musselman's Faith; yet it is certain they will not receive the Corpse of a Renegado jew into their Cemeteries or place of Burial: and the jews on the other side disowning any share or part in him, his loathed Carcase is thrown into some Grave distant from other Sepulchers, as unworthy the Society of all Mankind.   

CHAP. IU. The Power and Office of the Mufti's, and of their Government in Religious Matters.  
THE Mufti is the principal head of the Mahometan Religion, or Oracle of all doubtful questions in the Law, and is a person of great esteem and reverence amongst the Turks; his Election is solely in the Grand Signior, who chooses a man to that office always famous for his Learning in the Law, and eminent for his virtues and strictness of Life; his Authority is so great amongst them, that when he passes Judgement or Determination in any point, the Grand Signior himself will in no wise contradict or oppose it.  
The Title which the Grand Signior gives unto the Mufti, when he writes to him, is, To the Esad, who art the Wisest of the Wise, instructed in all Knowledge, the most Excellent of Excellent, abstaining from things Unlawful, the Spring of Virtue, and True Silence, Heir of the Prophetic and Apostolical Doctrines, Resolver of the Problems of Faith, Revealer of the Orthodox Articles, Key of the Treasures of Truth, the Light to Doubtful Allegories strengthened with the grace of the Supreme Assistour, and Legislatour of Mankind. May the most High God perpetuate thy Virtues.  
His power is not compulsory, but only resolving and persuasive in matters both Civil and criminal, and of State: his manner of resolves is by writing; the question being first stated in Paper briefly and succinctly, he underneath subscribes his sentence by Yes, or No, or in some other short Determination called a Fetfa; with the addition of these words, God knows better; by which it is apparent that the Determinations of the Mufti are not esteemed infallible. This being brought to the Cadee or Judge, his Judgement is certainly regulated according thereunto, and Law Suits of the greatest moment concluded in an hour, without Arrests of Judgement, Appeals, or other dilatory Arts of the Law.  
In matters of State the Sultan demands his opinion, whether it be in Condemnation of any great man to Death, or in making War or Peace, or other important Affairs of the Empire; either to appear the more just and religious, or to incline the People more willingly to Obedience. And this practice is used in business of greatest moment; scarce a Visier is proscribed, or a Pashaw for pretence of crime displaced, or any matter of great alteration or change designed, but the Grand Signior arms himself with the Mufti's Sentence; for the nature of man reposes more security in innocence and actions of Justice, than in the absolute and uncontrollable power of the Sword. And the Grand Signior, though he himself is above the Law, and is the Oracle and Fountain of Justice, yet it is seldom that he proceeds so irregularly to contemn that Authority wherein their Religion hath placed an ultimate power of Decision in all their Controversies.  
But sometimes perhaps Queries are sent from the Grand Signior to the Mufti, which he cannot resolve with satisfaction of his own conscience, and the ends of the Sultan; by which means affairs important to the well being of the State, meet delays and impediment; In this case the Mufti is fairly dismissed from his infallible office, and another Oracle introduced, who may resolve the difficult demands with a more favourable Sentence; if not, he is degraded like the former and so the next, until one is found apt to Prophesy according to what may best agree with the interest of his Master. This Office was in past times esteemed more sacred by the Ottoman Princes than at present; for no War was undertaken, or great Enterprise set on foot, but first like the Oracle or Augur, his Determination with great Reverence was required as that without which no blessing or success could be expected; but in these days they are more remiss in this manner of Consultation; sometimes it is done for formality; but most commonly the Prime Visier conceited of his own Judgement and Authority, assumes the Power to himself, and perhaps first does the thing, and afterwards demands the Approbation of it by the sense of the Law.  
And herein the Mufti hath a spacious Field for his Interpretation; for it is agreed that their Law is temporary, and admits of Expositions according to times and state of things: And though they Preach to the People the perfection of their Koran; yet the wiser men hold, that the Mufti hath an expository power of the Law to ●●●rove and better it, according to the state of things, times and conveniences of the Empire; for that their Law was never designed to be a clog or confinement to the propagation of Faith, but an advancement thereof, and therefore to be interpreted in the largest and farthest fetched sense, when the strict words will not reach the design intended.  
So it was once propounded to the Mufti, what rule should be observed in the devotion of a Turk carried Slave into the Northern parts of the World, where in Winter is but one hour of day, how he might possibly comply with his obligation of making prayers five times within the twenty four hours; viz. Morning, Noon, Afternoon, Sunset, and at an hour and half in the Night; when the whole day being but of one hour, admitted of none of these distinctions; for resolution of which, the Mufti answered, that God commanded not things difficult as it is in the Koran, and that matters ought to be ordered in conformity to time and place, and making short Prayers once before day, than twice in the hour of light, and twice after it is dark, the duty is complied with.  
Another question of the same nature was proposed to the Mufti, concerning the Kiblah or holy place of Mecha, to which they are obliged to turn their faces in their Prayers; how at Sea where they had no mark, especially bad Geographers as commonly the Turks are, it is possible to comply with that necessary formality required in their devotion; the Mufti resolved this doubt almost like the former, prescribing a kind of circular motion in prayers, by which means they cannot miss of having at some time their faces towards the holy City, which in a case of so much difficulty is a sufficient compliance with the duty.  
Many cases of this nature are proposed to the Mufti; and many particular rules of Conscience required, one of which is remarkable, that Busbequius relates, that occurred in his time during the Wars between the Emperor of Germany, and Sultan Solyman: Whether a few Christians taken Captives by the Grand Signior, might be exchanged with many Turks in the hand of the Emperor. It seems the Mufti was greatly perplexed and puzzled in the resolution; for sometimes it seemed a disesteem to the value of a Turk to be rated under the price of a Christian; on the other side, It appeared want of charity and care of the interest of the Mosselmen to neglect real terms of advantage on such airy and subtle points of formality. In fine, he consulted his Books, and declared that he found two different Authors of great Authority of contradictory opinions in this controversy; and therefore his Judgement was to incline to that which had most of favour and mercy in it. The Mufti whilst qualified with that title, is rarely put to death, but first degraded, and then becomes liable to the stroke of the Executioner; but in cases of notorious crimes or conviction of Treason, he is put in a Mortar for that intent remaining in the Prison called the Seven Towers at Constantinople, and therein beaten to death, and brayed to the contusion of all his bones and flesh.  
The next Office to the Mufti is Kadeleschere or Judge of the Mili●ia, otherwise Judge Advocate, who hath yet power of determination in any other Law Suits whatsoever; for this privilege the Soldiery of this Country enjoys, to have power extensive over all other conditions of people, but to be only subject themselves to the Government of their Officers; this Office of Mufti must necessarily pass through, and discharge with approbation before he ascends the top and height of his Preferment.  
The next inferior degree is a Mollah; and there are of two sorts, one of Three hundred Asper's, and the other of Five hundred Asper's, so called for distinction sake; the first sort are principal Judges in petty Provinces, containing under them the command of Kadees of poor and inconsiderable places; the others have their jurisdiction over the whole dominion of a Beglerbeg, and have the Kadees of several rich and renowned places under their Government: these rise often to the Mufti's Office, but proceed by several degrees and steps, and must first gradually command where the Imperial Seats have been, as first to be Mollah in Prusa, then in Adrianople, and lastly in Constantinople, at which time he is next to the Office of Kadeleschere, and thence to that of the Mufti.  
The Sultan, when he writes to any of his Mullahs, or Kadees of the first degree, he uses this following style, To the most perfect judge of the Faithful, the best Precedent of Believers in God, the Mine of Virtue and True Knowledge, the Distributer of all just Sentence to all Humane Creatures, Heirs of the Prophetic, and Apostolic Doctrines, elected by the singular Grace of God for our Governor and judge, of whose Virtues may they ever flourish.  
These and Kadees, which are the lower and ordinary sort of Judges, are as much to be reckoned in the number of religious men as the Mufti himself: for as I have said before, the Civil Law of the Turks is conceived by them to be derived from their Prophet, and the other Expositors of their Law with as much engagement and obligation as these which immediately concern the Divine Worship: and therefore are to be treated and handled together.  
The Emaums or Parochial Priests, must be able to read in the Koran, and be counted men of good fame and moral lives amongst their Neighbours, before they can be promoted to this Function; and must be one of those who have learned at the appointed times of prayer to call the people together on the top of the Steeple, by repeating these words, Allah ekber, Allah ekber, Esehedu enla Ilahe ilallah we esehedu enne Mahammed ewesul: tuah Fleie ala Selab hey ala Felah Allah ekber, allah ekber, la Ilahe ilallab, that is, God is great, God is great, I profess that there is no Deity but God, and confess that Mahomet is the Prophet of God; in this manner the people of a Parish recommending any to the Prime Visier, declaring that the former Emaum is dead, and the Office vacant, and that this person is qualified in all points to the Function or better and more knowing than the present Incumbent; he receives immediate induction and establishment in the place; but for better proof or trial of the truth of the testimony that accompanies him, he is enjoined to read in presence of the Visier some part of the Koran, which being done, he is dismissed and approved, and takes the Visier's Teschere or Mandamus for the place.  
This is all the Ceremony required in making an Emaum; for there is no new Character or state of Priesthood (as they hold) conferred upon them, nor are they a different sort distinguished from the people by holy Orders or Rites, but merely by the present office they manage; when being displaced, they are again numbered with the Laity: their Habit is nothing different from others, but only that they wear a large Turban like the Lawyers, with some little variety in folding it up, and put on a grave and serious Countenance. Their Office is to call the People to Prayers, and at due hours to be their Leader in the Mosque, and to read and repeat upon Fridays certain Sentences or Verses out of the Koran; few of them adventure to Preach, unless he be well conceited or r●ally well gifted, but leave ●hat office to the Soigh, or him that makes Preaching his Profession, who is one commonly that p●sses his time in the Convents, that we shall hereafter treat of.  
The Mufti hath no Jurisdiction over the Emaums, as to the good order or government of the Parish●s▪ nor is there any Superiority or Hierarchy as to rule amongst them; every one being Independent and without control in his own Parish, excepting his Subjection in Civil and Criminal Causes to the chief Magistrates; and considering the manner of their Designation to the Religious Office, the little difference between the Clergy and the Laity, and the manner of their single Government in Parochial Congregations, may not unhappily seem to square with the Independency in England, from which Original pattern and example our Sectaries and Fanatic Reformers appear to have drawn their Copy.  
The Churchmen and Lawyers are greatly in esteem amongst them, as is apparent by the Title they use towards them in their Writings and Commands, directed to them in this manner; You that are the glory of the judges and Sagemen, the profound Mines of Eloquence and Excellence, may your Wisdom and Ability be augmented.   

CHAP. V. Of the Mufti's Revenue, and from whence it doth arise.  
AFter the Mufti is elected, there is no Ceremony used in his Investure than this: he presents himself before the Grand Signior, who clothes him with a Vest of rich Sables of One thousand Dollars price, and one thousand more he presents him with in Gold made up in a Handkerchief, which he delivers with his own Hand, putting it in the fold of his under Garment doubled over his breast, and bestows on him a Salary of Two thousand Asper's a day, which is about Five pound Sterling money; besides which he hath no certain Revenue, unless it be the power of Preferment to some Prebendaries or Benefices of certain Royal Mosques, which he sells and disposes of as is best to his advantage without the scruple of corruption or Simony.  
By the sentences he gives which they call Fetfas, he receives not one Asper benefit; though every Fetfa costs eight Asper's, yet the Fee thereof goes to his Officers; that ●s, to his Musewedegi, or he who states the question, is paid five Asper's; to his Mumeiz, or he who Copies or Transcribes the question fair, two Asper's; to him that keeps the Seal, one Asper.  
Other benefits the Mufti hath little, excepting only that at his first entrance to his office, he is saluted by all Ambassadors and Residents for foreign Princes; as also the Agents of several Pashaws residing at the Port, none of which come emptyhanded but offer their accustomed Presents, by which he collects at least Fifty thousand Dollars.  
When any Mufti is deprived of his Office without any other motive than the pleasure of the Grand Signior, he is gratified with an Arpalick, which is the disposal of some judicial Preferment in certain Provinces, and the superintendency of them, from which he gathers a competent Revenue for his maintenance.  
And because he is a person whose advice and counsel is of great Authority with the Grand Signior and Visier, and that his word and candid report of matters is considerable, and his favour in sentences very estimable; he is therefore courted by all the Grandees of the Empire, who know no other way of reconciling and purchasing the affections of a Turk, than by force of Presents, which have more of power in them, than all other obligations or merits in the World.   

CHAP. VI Of the Emirs.  
WE may here bring in the Emirs, otherwise called Eulad Resul, into the number of the Religious men, because they are of the Race of Mahomet, who for distinction sake, wear about their heads Turbans of a deep Sea-green, which is the colours of their Prophet; out of reverence to his esteemed holy Blood, many privileges are indulged by the secular Authority, that they cannot be vilified, affronted or struck by a Turk upon forfeiture of his right Hand; but lest they should be licentious by his impunity, they have a chief Head or Superior amongst them, called Nakib Esehref, who hath his Sergeants or Officers under him, and is endued with so absolute a power over them, that as he pleases it extends both to Life and Death; but he never will give the scandal to this holy Seed, to execute or punish them publicly. And though few of them can derive his Genealogy clearly from Mahomet: yet those who can but only pretend to it, are often helped out in their Pedigree; as often as the Nakib desires to favour any Person, or can have any colour to acquire a new Subject; and then to clear all scruple from the World, he gives him a Tree of his Lineage and Descent. The Turks being well acquainted with this abuse, carry the less respect to the whole Generation; so that as often as they find any of them drunk or disordered, they make no scruple to take off their Green Turbans first, Kissing them and laying them aside with all reverence, and afterwards beat them without respect or mercy.  
Their second Officer is called Alemdar, who carries the Green Flag of Mahomet, when the Grand Signior appears with any Solemnity in public; they are capable of any Offices; few of them exercise any Trade, unless that which is Esirgi, or one who deals in Slaves, to which sort of Traffic this Sainted Off spring is greatly addicted, as being a holy Profession to captivate and enslave Christians. These a●e the mos● abominable Sodomites and abusers of Masculine youth in the World, in which sin against nature they exceed the foulness and detestable Lust of a Tartar.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Endowments of Royal Mosches, and in what manner Tithes are given for Maintenance of their Priests and Religion.  
THE Turks are very magnificent in their Mosches and Edifices erected to the honour and service of God▪ and not only in the Buildings, but in the Endowments of them, with a Revenue which Records the Memory of the Donor to all Posterity, and relieves many poor who daily repeat Prayers for the Souls of such who died with a persuasion that they have need of them after their decease; for those I say who die of that belief; for the condition of the ●oul, until the day of Judgement is controverted amongst the Turks, and the question not decided as a matter of Faith, or as revealed or determined by the Koran. For so large benevolence is given to places destined to God's service, that as some compute, one third of the Lands of the whole Empire are allotted and set out to a holy use; much to the shame of those who pretend to the name of Christians, and yet judge the smallest proportion to be too large a competence for those who serve at the Altar.  
The principal Mosches and those of richest endowment (as in all reason ought) are those of Royal Foundation, called in Turkish Selatin Giameleri; over which the Prime Superintendent is the Kuzlir Aga, or the chief Black Eunuch of the Sultan's Women: and in his power it is to distribute all considerable offices of Ecclesiastical Preferment relating to the Royal Mosches, which office makes a considerable addition to his Power and Revenue: for there are many of those Mosches in divers places of the Empire; but especially where the Sultan's do or have resided, as Prusa, Adrianople and Constantinople.  
The Royal Mosches of Constantinople are Santa Sophia; Sultan Mahomet, who Conquered this City, Sultan Bajazet, Sultan Selim, Sultan Solyman, Sehezade, or the Son of Sultan Solyman, Sultan Ahmet, and three other Mosches built by the Queen-mothers', one of which was lately erected and richly endowed by the Mother of this present Sultan.  
I shall scarce adventure to acquaint my Reader with the particular Revenue belonging to all these Royal Edifices, but certain it is they have Rents as noble and splendid as their Founders; for example of which, I shall instance only in that of Santa Sophia, built by justinian the Emperor, and rebuilt by Theodosius, and was the Metropolis of old Byzantium, and the Mother-Church belonging to the Patriarchal See of Greece, is still conserved sacred and separated for use of Divine Service; of the Revenue of which, Mahometan Barbarism and Superstition hath made no Sacrilegious Robbery, but maintained, and improved, and added to it in that manner, that the Income may equal any Religious foundation ●f Christendom; for when I had the Curiosity of procuring from the Registers of that Church distinctly all the particular Gifts, Benefices, Lands, moneys at Interest, and other Endowments belonging thereunto, and offered according to my ability something considerable, to have a true Copy of the Riches and annual Rent of the place; the Keepers of those Lists would persuade me (whether out of ostentation, or scruple of sin to make one of my Faith acquainted with the particulars of their Religious offerings) that the Wealth, Rent, and Account of all those Royal Endowments are so many, that as they are distinctly set down, fill a Volume, and the knowledge of them is the study alone of those who are designed to this service; but in general I am given to understand, by those who magnify not matters beyond their due computation, That the Revenue amounts to about One hundred thousand Zechins a year: which proceeds not from any Lands or Duties raised without the Walls of the City, but all from within: the Sultan himself being a Tenant to that place; paying or acknowledging a Rent of One thousand and one Asper a day for the ground which the Seraglio stands on, being in times of the Christian Emperors some part of the Sanctuary or Gardens dedicated to the use of that stately Temple, which the Turks esteemed Sacrilegious to separate entirely from the holy service to which it was assigned; though the admirable situation thereof rendereth it unfit for other habitation, than the enjoyment of the Sultan; and did therefore think fit to oblige the Land to a Rent, adding the odd Asper as a signification, that the thousand Asper's were not a sufficient consideration for the use of the Church Lands; and might therefore be augmented as the piety and devotion of succeeding Emperors should move them.  
It is reported by the Turks, that Constantinople was taken upon Wednesday: and that on the Friday following (which is their Sunday or Sabbath, as we call it) the victorious Sultan, than first entitled Emperor, went with all Magnifieent pomp and solemnity to pay his thanksgiving and devotions at the Church of Sancta Sophia; the Magnificence so pleased him, that he immediately added a yearly Rent of 10000 Zechins to the former Endowments, for the maintenance of Imaums or Priests, Doctors of their Law, Talismans' and others, who continually attend there for the education of youth teaching them to read and write, instructing them also in the principles of their Law and Religion.  
Other Emperors have since that time erected near unto it their Turbem or Chapels of Burial, in one of which lies Sultan Selim, surnamed Sarbose, or the Drunken, with his one hundred Children, and therewith have conferred a maintenance of Oil for Lamps and Candles which burn day and night, and a provision for those who attend there in prayer for their Souls departed; to which opinion the Turks (as I have said already) are generally inclinable, though not preached or enforced on any man's belief as an Article of Faith. Over and above this expense, there is daily provision made for relief of a multitude of poor, who at certain hours appear at the Gates of the Temple, and receive their daily sustenance; whatsoever advances, as yearly great Sums are laid up in the Treasury, is numbered with the Riches of the Mosch, and remains for the service of that place, as for the reparation or building thereof, in case of fire or other accidents.  
Besides the sumptuous Edifices of the body of the Royal Mosches, there are annexed unto them certain Colleges for Students in the Law called Tehmele, outhouses or Kitchens where the poors Meat is dressed, Hospitals called Timarhanelar, Hans, or Houses of Lodgings for Strangers or Travellers, public Fountains, Shops for Artisans, and whole Streets of low Cottages for habitation of the poor, whose stock reaches not to a higher Rent.  
All these Appendages bring some Revenue to the Mosch, which is constantly paid in to the Rector or Precedent thereof, called Mutevelli; but because this is not a sufficient maintenance, there are divers Lands, Villages, Mountains, Woods, and whole Countries assigned to this use, called Wakfi, which are hired out at certain Rents for the behoof and benefit of the Mosches; some Rents being paid in Corn, others in Oil, and all sorts of Provisions; and out of every new Conquered Country, some part thereof is assigned to the use of Mosches of modern Fabric; as now from the Country gained lately about Newhausell (which as I am informed from those who gave in the account to the Grand Signior, there are 2000 Villages which pay Contribution to the Turk) are assigned certain Lands for increase of the Rent of the Mosches built at Constantinople by this present Queen-Mother: which Rents are sometimes raised by the way of Tenths or Tithes, not that the Turk makes Tithes a duty or Rule for the maintenance of persons, places, and things consecrated to Divine Service, but as they find it a convenient and equal expedient in some Countries for leviation of their Rents. Such Countries and Villages as these which are called Wakfi, are greatly blessed and happy above others, in regard that the Inhabitants enjoy not only particular privileges and immunities from thence, but freedom likewise from oppression of Pashaws and the Turkish Soldiery in their march, or of great Persons in their journey or passage from one Country to another, who out of reverence to that lot to which they are separated, abstain from all kind of disturbance and abuse towards that people.  
Other Mosches of inferior quality, founded by private persons and the consents of Dervishes and other Orders, which cannot have their Revenues in Land like the Mosches of Royal Foundation, have their Estates in Money bequeathed by Testament or by Gift of the Living, which being lent out at eighteen in the hundred per annum, produces a constant Rent; and though Interest for the most part is forbidden by the Mahomitan Law, yet for the uses of Mosches and support of Orphans it is allowed; in all other cases is Haram and abominable. And because the taking up of Money upon Loan is in some manner necessary and conducing to the better subsistence and being of Trade, and that men will not lend without a consideration or benefit; the usual manner is to borrow Money for a certain time, and in the Writing or Obligation to acknowledge the receipt of as much as the Principal and Interest may amount unto, and oftentimes double of the Capital sum; which being delivered before witness in a Bag or in Gross, the Creditor declaring the sum to be so much therein contained, and the Debtor acknowledging it, the Testimony is valid when the Debt comes to be demanded. And thus much shall serve in brief to have declared concerning the Endowments and Manner of enriching the Turkish Mosches, from whence the Constitution of others of the like nature may easily be collected.   

CHAP. VIII. The Nature of Predestination according to the Turkish Doctors.  
THE Doctrine of the Turks in this point seems to run exactly according to the Assertion of the severest Calvinists; and in proof hereof their Learned men produce places of Scripture, which seem to incline to the same Opinion. As, shall the Vessel say to the Potter, Why hast thou made me thus? I will harden the heart of Pharaoh; Jacob have I loved, and Esau have I hated, and the like. For the Turks attribute no small Reverence and Authority to the Old Testament, as wrote by Divine Inspiration; but that the Koran being of later date, and containing the Will of God more expressly and perfectly, the former is now abrogated, and gives place unto this.  
Some are so positive in this assertion, that they are not afraid to say that God is the Author of Evil, without distinction or evasions to acquit the Divine Purity of the foulness of sin according to the Doctrine of the Manichees. And all in general concur in this conclusion, That whatsoever prospers, hath God for the Author; which was the reason they destroyed not Bajaset's Children during the time of his War against his Brother Selimus, expecting to receive an undoubted argument of the Will of God therein, from the good or bad fortune of the Father. And from the same rule they conclude much of the Divine approbation and truth of their Religion, from their Conquests and present Prosperity.  
They are of opinion, that every man's destiny is writ in his forehead, which they call Nasip, or Tactir, which is the Book writ in Heaven of every man's fortune, and is by no contrary endeavours, counsels or wisdom to be avoided; which Tenet is so firmly radicated in the minds of the Vulgar, that it causes the Soldiers brutishly to throw away their lives in the desperate attempts, and to esteem no more of their bodies, than as dirt or rubbish to fill up the Trenches of the Enemy: And to speak the truth, this received assertion hath turned as much to account to the Turks, as any other their best and subtlest Maxims.  
According to this Doctrine, none ought to avoid or fear the Infection of the Plague; Mahomet's precepts being not to abandon the City-house where the Infection rages, because God hath numbered their days, and predestinated their fate; and upon this belief, they as familiarly attend the Beds, and frequent the company of Pestilential persons as we do those that are affected with the Gout, Stone, or Argue. And though they evidently see that Christians, who fly into better Airs, and from infected habitations, survive the fury of the years Pestilence, when whole Cities of them perish and are depopulated with the Disease; yet so far is this opinion rooted amongst them, that they scruple not to strip the contagious shirt from the dead body, and to put it on their own, nor can they remove their abode from the Chambers of the sick; it being the custom in the families of great Men to lodge many servants on different Palates in the same room, where the diseased and healthful lie promiscuously together, from whence it hath happened often, that three parts of a Pashaws' Family, which perhaps hath consisted of Two hundred men, most youthful and lusty, have perished in the heat of july and Augusts Pestilence. And in the same manner many whole Families every Summer have perished, and not one survivor left to claim the inheritance of the house; for want of which the Grand Signior hath become the Proprietour.  
Though the Mahometan Law obliges them not to abandon the City, nor their Houses, nor avoid the conversation of men infected with the Pestilence where their business or calling employs them: yet they are counselled not to frequent a contagious habitation, where they have no lawful affair to invite them. But yet I have observed in the time of an extraordinary Plague, that the Turks have not confided so much to the precept of their Prophet, as to have courage enough to withstand the dread and terror of that slaughter sickness hath made: but have under other excuses fled to retired and private Villages, especially the Cadees and men of the Law, who being commonly of more refined wits and judgements than the generality, both by reason and experience have found that a wholesome Air is a preserver of life, and that they have lived to return again to their own house in health and strength, when perhaps their next Neighbours have through their brutish ignorance been laid in their Graves, And this is the opinion most general and current with the Turks, who are called jabare: There is another sort amongst them called Kadere.   

CHAP. IX. The difference of Sects and disagreement in Religion amongst the Turks in general.  
THere is no consideration more abstruse and full of distraction, than the contemplation of the most strange variety of Religions in the World: how it is possible that from the rational Soul of man, which in all Mankind is of little difference in itself, and from that one principle, which is the adoration of a Deity, should proceed such diversities of Faiths, such Figments and Ideas of God, that all Ages and Countries have abounded with superstitions of different natures: And it is strange to consider, that Nations who have been admirably wise, judicious and profound in the Maxims of their Government, should yet in matters of Religion give themselves over to believe the Tales of an old Woman, a Pythoness, or the dreams and imaginations of a melantholy Hermit. And it is as strange that men who embrace the same Principles in Religion, and have the same true and infallible Foundation, should yet raise such different and disproportionate Fabrics, that most should make their Superstructure of Straw and Stubble, and but few of a substantial and durable Building, without uniformity, harmony or agreement each to other. For resolution of which difficulties, nothing can be said more than that the God of this World hath blinded the hearts of them that believe not, 
2  lest the light of the glorious Gospel of Christ who is the Image of God, should shine unto them.  
The Mahometan Religion is also one of the prodigious products of Reason's Superfetations, which hath brought forth nothing good, nor rational in this production, more than the Confession of one God. And yet even herein also are diversities of Sects, Opinions and Orders, which are maintained in opposition each to other, with Emulation and Zeal by the Professors, with heats, disputes and separations, terming the contrary parties profane and unholy; the particulars of which Sects and diversity in their Tenants, I shall as far as I have seen or could learn, set down and describe, having with the more curiosity and diligence made the stricter Enquiry, because I have not read any Author which hath given a satisfactory account of such Sects as are sprung up amongst them in these latter and modern times.  
It is a common opinion, that there are seventy two sects amongst the Turks, but it is probable there are many more, if the matter were exactly known and scanned. The Turkish Doctors fancy that the seventy two Nations which they call (Yesmish skee Molet) into which the World was divided upon the Confusion of the Languages of Babel, was a Type and a Figure of the divisions which in after-Ages should succeed in the three most general Religions of the World. In this manner they account seventy different Sects among the Jews, seventy one amongst the Christians, and to the Mahometan they assign one more, as being the last and ultimate Religion, in which, as all fullness of true Doctrine is completed, so the Mystery of iniquity, and the deviation of man's judgement, by many paths from the right rule, is here terminated and confined.  
The Turks have amongst themselves as well as in other Religious, Sects and Heresies of dangerous consequence, which daily increase, mixing together with them many of the Christian Doctrines (which shall in their due place be described) and in former times also a sort of Fanatic Mahometans which at first met only in Congregations under pretence of Sermons and Religion, appeared afterwards in Troops armed against the Government of the Empire.  
So one Scheiches Bedredin Chief Justice of Musa, Brother to Mahomet the Fifth King of the Turks; after the death of his Master, was banished to Nice in Asia, where consulting with his servant Burgluzes Mustapha, by what means they might raise Sedition and a Second War; they agreed, the readiest course was by broaching a new Sect and Religion, and by persuading the people to something contrary to the ancient Mahometan superstition. Whereupon Burgluzes masking his villainy under a grave and serious countenance, took his journey into Aydinin, otherwise Caria, where he vented Doctrines properly agreeing to the humours of the people, preaching to them Freedom and Liberty of Conscience, and the Mystery of Revelations, and you may believe he used all arts in his persuasions, with which Subjects used to be alured to a Rebellion against their Prince, so that in a short time he contracted a great number of Disciples beyond his expectation. Bedredin perceiving his Servant thrive so well with his Preaching, fled from his place of Exile at Nice into Valachia, where withdrawing himself into a Forest like a devout Religious man, gathered a number of Proselytes composed of Thiefs, Robbe●s and Outlawed people; these he having instructed in the principles of his Religion, sent abroad like Apostles to preach and teach the people that Bedredin was appointed by God to be the King of Justice, and Commander of the whole World; and that his Doctrine was already embraced in Asia: The people taken with these Novelties, repaired in great numbers to Bedredin, who conceiving himself strong enough to take the Field, issued from his des●rt with Colours displayed, and an Army well appointed; and fight with his deluded multitude a bloody Battle against those Forces which Mahomet sent to suppress him under his Son Amurath; the deluded Rebels were overthrown, Bedredin taken Prisoner, and his pretences of Sancti●y and Revelation were not available to save him from the Gallows.  
And thus we see that the name of God's cause, revelations, liberty, and the like, have been old and common pretences and delusions of the World, and not only Christians, but Infidels and Mahometans have wrote the name of God on their Banners, and brought the pretence of Religion into the Field to justify their cause.   

CHAP. X. Of the two prevailing Sects, viz. Of Mahomet and Hali; that is, the Turk and the Persian; the Errors of the Persian recounted and confuted by the Mufti of Constantinople.  
THE two great Sects among the followers of Mahomet, which are most violent each against other, the mutual hatred of which diversity of Education and Interest of the Princes have augmented, are the Turks and Persians: The first hold Mahomet to have been the chief and ultimate Prophet; the latter prefer Hali before him; and though he was his Disciple and succeeded him; yet his inspirations they esteem greater and more frequent, and his interpretations of the Law most perfect and Divine.  
The Turk also accuses the Persian of corrupting the Koran; that they have altered words, misplaced the Commas and Stops, that many places admit of a doubtful and ambiguous sense; so that those Alchorans which were upon the Conquest of Babylon brought thence to Constantinople, are separated, and compiled in the great Seraglio, in a place apart, and forbidden with a Curse on any that shall read them. The Turks call the Persians, Forsaken of God, abominable and blasphemers of the Holy Prophet; so that when Selimus the First made War in Persia, he named his Cause, the Cause of God, and proclaimed the occasion and ground of his War to be the Vindication of the cause of the Prophet; and revenge of the blasphemies the Persians had vented against him; and so far is this hatred radicated, that the Youth of what Nation soever is capable of admittance into the Schools of the ●eraglio, excepting only the Persian, who are looked upon by the Turk as a people so far Apostatised from the true Belief, and fallen into so desperate an Estate by a total corruption of the true Religion, that they judge them altogether beyond hopes or possibility of recovery, and therefore neither give them quarter in the Wars, account them worthy of life or slavery.  
Nor are the Persians on the other side endued with better nature of good will to the Turks, estranging themselves in the farthest manner from their Customs and Doctrines, rejecting the three great Doctors of the Mahometan Law, viz. Ebbubecher, Osman and Omar, as Apocryphal and of no Authority; and have a Custom at their Marriages to erect the Images of those three Doctors of Paste or Sugar at the entrance of the Bridal Chamber, on which the Guests first casting their looks, leave the impression of any secret Magic which may issue f●om their eyes, to the prejudice or misfortune of the Married Couple; for in the Eastern parts of the ●orld they hold that there is a strange fascination innate to the eyes of some people, which looking attentively on any, as commonly they do on the Bridegroom and the Bride in Marriages, produce macerations and imbecility in the body, and have an especial quality contrary to procreation: and therefore when the Guests are entered, having the Malignity of their eyes Arrested on these Statues, they afterwards cut them down and dissolve them.  
And that it may the more plainly appear what points of Religion are most controverted amongst them, and what anathemas and Curses are by both sides vented each against the other, this following sentence passed by the Mufti Esad Efendi, upon Schah Abbas Tutor to the King of Persia, called Sari Halife, and all the Persians, will be a sufficient testimony and evidence of the enmity and hatred that is between these two Nations; an Extract of which is here drawn from the Book itself, licenced and approved at Constantinople.  
If you had, says he, no other Heresy than the rejection of those elevated familiars of Mahomet, viz. Omar, Osman and Ebbubecher, your crime would notwithstanding be so great as were not expiable by a thousand years of Prayer of Pilgrimage in the sight of God; but you would be condemned to the bottomless Abyss of Hell, and deprived ●or ever of Celestial bliss; and this sentence of mine is confirmed by the same opinion of the Imams, viz. Imam Az●m, Imam Schasi, Imam Malick and Imam Hambeli, and therefore I friendly admonish you to correct this error in yourselves, and likewise in your Scholar King Abbas.  
Nor are you contented to pass with this single error, whereby you have gained the name of Kyzilbaschi, that is, Persian Heretics, but you are become as abominable as the Durzi (a people that lives about Mount Libanus) o● bad esteem and reputation, corrupted in all points of Doctrine and Manners; so that I cannot but pass this black sentence upon you, that it is lawful in a Godly Zeal to kill and destroy you for the service of God; your Tenants being refuted by Giafer Efendi, who hath branded the Persian, for Pagans, and in seventy several places of the Koran, and the very words of Mahomet demonstrated the clearness of their error.  
If the Christian only for saying there is a Trinity in God is condemned for Life and Estate, why should the Persian expect better quarter, who is stigmatised for Heresy in seventy places of the Koran? And one of your detestable opinions of the first rank is,  
That you esteem yourselves obliged to assemble at the Mosches, but not to Prayers: for what signifies your meeting, if not to Prayers? Mahomet himself says, That he who repairs to the Congregation without a design of P●ayer, is a Hypocrite and a Dissembler, is accursed of God; nor shall be blessed in his House or Estate, the good Angels shall abandon him, the Devils shall attend him, nor shall he ever prosper in this World, or in the World to come.  
In answer hereunto you say, that the ancient Order of Priests is extinct, that you have none whose pious lives enable to preach and instruct you, or to be your leader to holy prayer in the Public Assembly. Do there want pious and holy persons of the Race os Mahomet? if there do not, why do not you imitate and follow them? but you are Enemies, and in open Hostility to the Mahometan Family, and excuse yourselves from the use of Priests or Imams, because their innocence cannot equal that of Infants. In this point (it is true) you have something of reason; for your Imams are not only Infidels in Doctrine, but defiled in their conversation; and your King is your High Priest, frequents Stews, and the Sties of deformed Lust, ravishing fair and chaste Wives from the embraces of their Husbands; and that publicly in the face of the World, maintaining Concubinage with them. And where the example of a Prince makes such things lawful, his Subjects, whether Soldiers or Lawyers, will make no scruple to imitate his actions.  

Chapter so called The Wise of Mahomet so called.  You deny the Verse called the covering in the Koran, to be authentic; you reject the eighteen Verses, which are revealed to us for the sake of the holy Aische.  
At the Abdest or Washing, you hold it not lawful to wash the bare feet, but only lightly struck them over.  
Your Mustachios or hair on the upper Lip you never cut, but the Beard on the Chin, which is the honest Ornament of a man's countenance, you cut and clip into what form you please.  
That holy Colour of Green appropriated to the Banner of Mahomet, which ought only to adorn the nobler parts, you in despite of the honour of the Prophet, with an irreverent negligence, place it on your Shoes and Breeches.  
Wine, which is an abomination to the true observers of the Law, you drink freely of, without scruple of Conscience; as also in Meats you make no distinction between clean and unclean, but use all with a like indifferency. In short, should I mention all those seventy points wherein you err, and are without all comparison corrupt and erroneous, I should swell my writing to a Volume, and not attain my end, which is brevity.  
Another sinful custom you permit amongst you, which is, for many Men to be joined to one Woman; for to whom of them can be appropriated the Offspring that is born? What book have you, or Law, or example of any Nation to produce in approbation of this vile and unnatural custom? How vile must those Children be who are the issue of such Parents? that it is no wonder there be none found amongst you worthy the holy Character of a Priest or a Judge.  
But you cannot be so irrational, as to deny that the Assembling in Mosches to prayer, is necessary to Divine Service; Mahomet himself prayed together with the people, and sometimes preferred Ebbecher to celebrate the Divine Service, following him as others of the people did.  
Why do not you ask your Pilgrims who came from Mecha, what mean these four Altars in the Mosch, which are the places of prayer designed to the four several Orthodox Sects? Why take you not example from these? But you are still perverse and obstinate, haters of God and his Prophet; What will you answer at the day of Judgement before Mahomet and his four Friends? who long since being dead▪ you revive their Ashes with ignominy, erecting their Statues at your Marriages in vulgar, and afterwards in contempt hew them down to yield pastime and occasion of laughter to the Spouses and their Guests.  
Was not the first converted to the Faith, Ebubecher?  
Was not Omar the bravest Champion of the Mahometan Religion against the Christians?  
Was not he who disposed and distinguished the Chapters of the Koran, the chaste Osman?  
Was not the bravest and most Learned bearer of the Zulfekar, or the Sword with two points, was it not Hali? And were not Imam Hassan, and Imam Husein, Martyrs of the Faith in the Deserts of Kerbela?  
Did not Mahomet say with his own mouth, O Hali, for thy sake there are two sorts of people predestinated to Hell, one that loves thee, and one that loves thee not? Are not you then that wear red Turbans much to be condemned, being of evil life and conversation, and not well inclined to the house of the Prophet, nor the family of the faithful, as it is written in the Book called Aadick? The Christians couserve the hoofs of that Ass on which Christ road, and set them in Cases of Gold and Silver; and esteem it an extreme honour to have their Faces, 
That is, when the people are called to Prayers from the Steeple.  Hands, or Heads, touched with so holy a Relic. But you who profess yourselves Disciples of the Prophet of God, and derived from the blood and family of his Friends, despise so glorious a Title; comm●nding after the repetition of your Prayers, that is, after the Ezan, that Curses and Blasphemies be proclaimed against these holy Friends and Associates of the Prophet.  
Besides this, your Books maintain and avouch it lawful to pillage, burn and destroy the Countries of the Musselmen, to carry their Wives and Families into slavery; and from a principle of malice and reproach to carry them naked through your Markets, and expose them to sale to any Chapman; Pagan's themselves esteem not this honest nor decent, by which it is apparent that you are the most mortal and irreconcilable enemies to us of all the Nations in the World, you are certainly more cruel to us than the Sezidi, the Kiafirs, the Zindic●s, than the Durzians; and in brief you are the Kennel of all uncleanness and sin; a Christian or a Jew may hope to become true Believers, but you can never.  
Wherefore by virtue of that Authority I have received from Mahomet himself, in consideration of your misdeeds and incredulity, I pronounce it lawful for any one of what Nation soever, that is of the Believers, to kill, destroy, and extirpate you; so that as he who slays a rebellious Christian, performs a meritorious action in the sight of God; much rather he who kills a Persian, shall obtain a reward seventy-sold from the fountain of Justice. And I hope that the Majesty of God in the day of Judgement will condemn you to be the Asses of the Jews, to be rode and hackneyed in Hell by that despised people; and that in short time you will be exterminated both by us, the Tartars, the Indians and Arabians, our Brothers and Associates in the same Faith.   

CHAP. XI. Of the Ancient Sects and Heresies among the Turks.  
THERE are four Sects into which the Mahometans of the esteemed Orthodox belief are divided; and those are these.  
The first is called Haniffe, which is professed in Turkey, Tartary, Eusbee, and on the other side of jehun, Bactorus and Oxus.  
The second is Shaffe, whose Customs and Rules the Arabians follow.  
The third is Malechee, to which Tripoli, Tunis, Algiers, and other parts of Africa devote themselves.  
The fourth is Hambelle, of which are but few, and is known only in some parts of Arabia.  
These four are all accounted Orthodox, and are followers of certain Doctors (as we may say amongst Christians, Scholars of Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, Dominicus, or the like) and have only differences as to ceremonies, postures in their prayers, washings, diversities in some points of their Civil Laws; and each maintains a charitable opinion of the other, as true Believers, and capable of entering into Paradise, if their life and conversation be regulated according to their Profession and Tenets.  
All Mahometans according to the Countries wherein they live, come under the notion of one of these four preceding Professions; but yet are nominated with other names and differences of Sects, according as they follow the opinions which some superstitious and Schismatical Preachers amongst them have vented; and those commonly known and marked with the names of ancient Heresies by the respective Opponents, which may properly be called so, because they are conversant in their Doctrines concerning the Attributes and Unity of God, his Decrees and Judgements, his Promises and threatenings, and concerning the prophecies and gifts of Faith, are especially these which stand in opposition each to other, viz. 

Moatazali To Septhatii  
Kadari To Giabari  
Morgii To Waidi  
Shii To Chawarigi.    
From each of these Sects, as from so many roots arise several Branches of different Doctrines, as according to the Tenets of the Turkish Doctors complete the number of seventy two.  
Moatazali signifies as much as Separatists; the reason of which denomination, was from Alhasan the Scholar of Wasel Ebw At●, the Author and Master of this Sect, to who the question being proposed, Whether those who had committed a gross sin, were to be adjudged condemned, and fallen from the Faith? the Scholar Alhasan instead of expecting the resolution of his Master, withdrew himself, and began to interpret his sense thereof to his other Fellow-Disciples, from which withdrawing of himself they were afterwards denominated Moatazali, which is Separatists. But the name they give themselves is the Defenders of the Equity and Unity of God, in declaration of the manner of which they so differ among themselves, that they are divided into two and twenty Sects, which are maintained with that passion on all sides, that every party accuses his opposites of Infidelity. But the principle in which their wrangling Sophisters accord in common, is this, That God is eternal, and that Eternity is an Attribute most properly agreeable to his Essence; but yet they reject the attribute itself, saying, that God is eternal, wise, powerful, and the like, by his own entire and single essence; but yet they say he is not eternal by his eternity, nor wise by his wisdom, nor powerful by his power, for fear of admitting any multiplicity in the Deity, or incurring the like error as they say of the Christians, who divide and dishonour the Unity of God, by the conceptions they frame of the three persons in the Trinity. And if the Christians are to be blamed for introducing three Eternals, how much more are those who frame as many Eternals as there are Attributes to the Deity?  
Another sort derived from this Sect called Haietti, hold that Christ assumed a true and natural body, and was the Eternal and Incarnate, 
Haietti.  as the Christians profess; and in their Creed or Belief have inserted this Article, That Christ shall come to judge the World at the last day, and for proof hereof allege an Authority out of the Koran in these words, Thou Mahomet shalt see thy Lord return in the Clouds: which though they fear expressly in plain terms to interpret of Christ, yet they confidently affirm it to be prophesied of the Messiah, and in discourse confess that that Messiah can be no other than Christ; who shall return with the same humane flesh again into the World, Reign Forty Years on Earth, confound Antichrist, and afterwards shall be the end of the World.  
Another sort of the Professors of the Sect of Moatzali, are Isi, 
Isi.  whose first Author was Isa Merdad; these maintain that the Koran was created, contrary to the express word of Mahomet, who Anathematizes all who are of this persuasion, saying, let him ●e reputed an Infidel who believes the Koran created; for solution of which difficulty, and to concur with the words of their Prophet, they say, that the Koran delivered by Mahomet, was but a Copy transcribed out of that wrote by God and laid in the Library of Heaven, and that when their Prophet denies the Creation of the Koran, he hath no reference to the Original, but to his own hand-writing which he had Copied, and extracted from the first, and infallible exemplar.  
These also farther proceed to deny against the common Tenet o● the Mahometans, the incomparable and Matchless Eloquence of the Koran; asserting that were it not prohibited, other Arabians might be found, who could far transcend every line of it in Wisdom and Rhetoric; which in my opinion is a strange kind of Impudence in the very face of their Prophet, who seems to be too proud of the exact disposition, and full signification of every word, that he judges it not less charming for the sweet sound of its Eloquence, than it is convincing for the purity and truth of its Doctrine.  

Sephati.  The great Antagonists to the Moatazali, are the Sephatis, who Assign in God Eternal Attributes of Knowledge, Power, Life, etc. And some of them proceed so far, and grossly herein, that they frame conceptions of corporeal Organs of Sense, as of Hearing, Seeing and Speech, to be in God; affirming that those expressions of God's sitting in his Throne, Creation of the World by the work of his Hands, his Anger against Sin, Repentance for man's Conversion, which we call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, are to be taken in the literal and plain sense, and have no need of farther fetched interpretations to clear the true notion of them: But yet herein their Doctors seem not to agree, some defining a body to be the same as, per se subsistens, denying it to be an essential propriety of a body to be circumscribed and finite; others conclude that it is enough to say that God is great, without argument of his circumscription, or determination to any particular place, with many other strange conceits, whereby are made apparent the roving Fancies of Ignorant Men, without the Rules or Grounds of Philosophy or Metaphysics. But the soberer sort amongst them, who would appear more moderate and wiser than the rest, forbid their Scholars to make Comparison of the Senses in God, with those of the Creature, who being more subtly urged by their severe opponents the Moatazali, they were forced to declare themselves more plainly, in this manner, That the God which they worshipped was a Figure, Visible, and an object of the Sight, consisting of parts Spiritual and Corporeal, to which local Motion might be agreeable, but that his Flesh and Blood, his Eyes and Ears, his Tongue and Hands were not of any similitude with created substances, but were of another Crasis and Mixture which subjected them to no Distemper or Corruption▪ in proof whereof they allege the words of Mahomet, That God created Man aft●r his own likeness: And all other of those examples drawn from the Holy Scriptures with which the Koran is filled, and where in familiar expressions, the Divinity is pleased to condescend to the infirmity of humane Capacity.  

Kadari.  The next Sect is that of the Kadari, who deny wholly the Divine Decree or Predestination, affirming that every man is a free Agent, from whose will as from the first principle all good and bad actions flow and are derived; so that as with just reason God crowns man's good Works with the Rewards of Bliss and Felicity; so on the other justly punishes his evil Actions in this World and in the next to come; and this they style the Doctrine of Equity, and define it to be a measure of man's actions, according to the rectitude and disposition of that right line, which the prime Intellect hath drawn out of wisdoms proportions. This opinion is absolutely rejected as heterodox in the Mahometan Religion; and yet it is not fully determined how Mahomet moderated in the dispute between Adam and Moses, 
Ebnol Athir, Mr. Pocock de Moribus Arabum.  whom an Arabian Doctor comically introduced, pleading and justifying themselves before God. Moses beginning first, reproached Adam, that he was one immediately created by the proper hand of God, in whom the Divine Nature breathed the Breath of Life, whom Angels were made to adore, placed and seated in Paradise, and fortified with actual graces against the enormities and crooked irregularities of inferior affections; from which happy state that he should fall and precipitate Mankind, together with himself, his crime was aggravated with all the degrees of his former perfection. Adam to excuse himself, replied in this manner. Thou Moses whom God hath called to a familiar parley, revealed his Will and Pleasure unto in those engraven Tables, where all Morality and Virtue is contained, resolve me this one Quere and difficult Problem, How many years before I was created, dost thou find that the Law was wrote? Moses answered, Forty. And did you find, replied Adam, that Adam rebelled against his Lord and sinned? to which Moses answering in the affirmative. Do you blame me then, said he, for executing that which God forty years before predestinated and designed me unto? and not only forty years, but many Myriads of Ages before either the Heavens or Earth were framed. Mahomet confounded, as the Kadari report with this Argument, left the question undetermined, though his followers, as Men are most prone to error generally, entertain the contrary Tenent.  
The great Enemies diametrically opposed to these are the jabari or Giabari; 
jabari.  who maintain that a man hath no power over his Will or Actions, but is wholly moved by a Superior Agent, and that God hath a power over his Creatures, to design them to Happiness or to Misery, as seems best to his Divine pleasure; but in the explication of this opinion they proceed in the most rigorous manner, and say that man is wholly necessitated and compelled in all his actions; that neither his Will, nor Power, nor Election is in himself; and that God creates in him his actions, as he doth in Inanimate and Vegetable creatures the first principle of their Life and Essence; and as the Tree may be said to produce Fruit, the Water to run, the Stone to move downwards, so are the Actions in Man, for which yet there is a reward and a punishment properly and necessarily allotted. This point is very subtly controverted by the Arabian Doctors, to which how the Turks are addicted, we shall farther discourse in the Chapter of Predestination.  
The Sect of Morgi, 
Morgi.  are the great Favourers and Patrons of the Mahometan Religion, maintaining that a Musselman or Believer, though guilty of the grossest sins, is not punished for them in this World, nor receives his absolution or condemnation after death, until the day of Resurrection and Judgement: and farther, that as impiety with the true belief shall never be punished; so Piety and good Works proceeding from a false and erroneous Faith, is of no validity or power conducing to the fruition of the joys of Paradise. And to these may not improperly be compared some Sectaries in England, who have vented in their Pulpits that God sees no sin in his Children; and that the infidelity of Sarah, being of the house of the faithful, is more acceptable to God, than the Alms, Prayers and Repentance of an erroneous Believer, without the Pa●e and Covenant of grace.  
The opposite Sect to these are the Waidi, 
Waidi.  who esteem that a man fallen into any great or mortal sin, is put into the condition of a deserter of his Faith; and though ●e be a professor of the true Belief, shall yet without recovery for ever be punished in Hell; but yet that his torments shall be in a more remiss degree than that of Infidels: But that opinion which in this point is esteemed Orthodox amongst the Turks, is this, That a sinner in a high nature going out of this world without repentance, is wholly to be committed to the pleasure of God, either to pardon him for his mercy, or for the intercession of the Prophet Mahomet, 
Chap.  according to what he saith in the Koran, My intercession shall be for those of my own People who have greatly sinned; that being first punished according to the measure of their iniquity, they may afterwards in compassion be received into Paradise; for it is impossible they should for ever remain in the eternal flames with the Infidels; because it is revealed to us, that whosoever hath but the weight of an Atom remaining in his heart of Faith, shall in due time be released from fiery torments; for which cause some sects amongst the Turks use Prayers for the dead, and place their Cemeteries always by the side of Highways, that Passengers may be remembered of their own Mortality, and pray for the Souls of those departed; of which we shall have occasion to discourse hereafter. The fictions the Mahometans frame of Hell, are as ridiculous as those they fancy of Paradise; For they imagine when they shall be called by Mahomet from this Purgatory at the day of Judgement, the way to him is over Iron Bars red hot with Fire, over which they must pass with naked Feet; only the Paper which they in their life time have taken from the ground and conserved from being trampled on by the Feet of Men and Beasts, shall at that day be strewed on the Bars of this hot passage, that they may pass that fire Ordeal with less torment; which is the reason the Turks see no small piece of Paper on the ground, but they immediately stoop for it; and place it in some secret corner of a Wall, to redeem that (as they say) from the dishonour of men's feet, on which the name of God is or may be wrote, and with expectation to enjoy the benefit promised, when the soles of their feet shall try the intense heat of this burning Iron. The same respect also they show to Rose-leaves, in consideration (as they believe) that a Rose was produced from the sweat of Mahomet.  
The Shii are the Sect spoken of before, opposed by the Subjects of the whole Ottoman Empire, as the most heretical of any of the rest, in regard they prefer Ali before Mahomet in the Prophetical Office, and restrain the Prophetic gift to the natural line derived from Ali, and that none is worthy of the Title of a Prophet, who is guilty of sin though of the lower nature; some of which Professors called Alnosairi, affirm that God appeared in the form of Ali, and with his Tongue proclaimed the most hidden Mysteries of Religion; and some have proceeded yet farther, to attribute to their Prophet's divine honours, asserting them to be elevated above the degree and state of the Creatures: these expect the return of their Prophet Ali in the Clouds, and have placed that belief as an Article of their Faith, from whence may seem to be grounded that mistake amongst our vulgar, that the Turks believe Mahomet shall again return into the World.  

Chawarigi.  To the foregoing are opposed the Chawarigi, who deny that there is or hath been any such Function as that of a Prophet, allowed by God in any particular person; nor any ever sent into the World endued with that power of Infallibility, to resolve doubts, and teach and impose a new Law on Mankind; but if at any time such an Office should be necessary, it can never be restrained to one Lineage: for the person being faithful and just, no matter whether he be a Servant or Free, a 
* One of the vulgar or r●de sort amongst the Arabians.  Nabathean or a 
† One of a noble family amongst the Arabians.  Koraschite.  
These are ancient Sects amongst the professors of the Mahometan Religion, out of which arose so many others as by the confession of the Turkish Doctors complete the number of seventy three. But because the accurate search into so many is of little delight or profit to the Reader, I shall content myself with having given him a taste of these foregoing premises; and shall now give an account how busy these modern times have been at Constantinople in hammering out strange forms and chimaeras of Religion, the better to acquit England from the accusations of being the most subject to religious innovation, the World attributing much thereof to the air and constitution of its Climate.   

CHAP. XII. Concerning the New and Modern Sects amongst the Turks.  
ALL Ages and times have produced their Sects and Heresies in every Religion; and therefore we shall proceed in declaring some few that are of a fresher date than those in the foregoing Chapter, and so shall continue to descend to others which this present Age hath begot.  
Zeidi maintains that God will send a Prophet of the Persians with a Law by which shall be annulled the Law of Mahomet. 
That called Zeidi is one of, the latter edition.   
A second to this is derived from the Moatazeli, that denies any man can be styled a Saint in this World, excepting the Prophets, 
Derived from the Moatazeli.  who were without sin; and that the true Believers shall in the next World see God as clearly as we see the Moon at full; against the Doctrine of Mahomet, who says God is invisible either to us in this world, or the next.  
There are also those called Malumigee, 
Malumigee.  who maintain God is perfectly to be known in this World: and that by the Doctrine of C●gnosce teipsum, the Creature proceeds to the perfect knowledge of his Creator.  
The Opponents to these are Mezzachulia, 
Mezzachulia.  who hold that they which know God only in this World by some glimmerings and rays of his Glory and Essence, is sufficient to lead them into Paradise, and rank them in the number of the faithful.  
Another sort there are called jabaiah, 
jabaiah.  which denies God's Omniscience, affiming That God governs the World by Chance and Accidents, not comprehending from Eternity or at the Creation of the World, a perfect certainty of the particular Affairs that were to be transacted in it, and that God improves in knowledge by time, as men do by constant practice and experience.  
We shall not insist here to multiply many of these Sects, who have almost as many diversities amongst the Turks, as there are Schools and Masters; every Hogia that is but a Form above a mere Pedagogue, and reads a few Books of the Arabian Fables, esteems himself of mean account, if by some singular opinion which he instills into his Disciple, he distinguishes not his Gymnasion from the common and inferior Schools. But these men in framing their particular fancies, and venting their follies, have a special care that none of their principles oppugn those five points of practice, and one of faith, mentioned in the first Chapter of this Book, which are the essential points that constitute a Mahometan; or derogate from the Authority of their Governors, or produce factions or disturbances in the State.  
But these modern times have produced other Sects amongst the Turks, some of which seem in part dangerous, and apt to make a considerable rupture in their long continued union; when time changes, and revolutions of State shall animate some turbulent spirits, to gather Soldiers and Followers under these Doctrines and other specious pretences.  

Kadezadeli.  One of which is call Kadezadeli, a Sect sprung up in the time of Sultan Morat, whose chief Propagatour was one Burgali Effendi, who invented many Ceremonies in praying for the Souls departed, at the burial of the dead. Those that are of this Sect cause their Imaum to cry loud in the ears of the inanimate body, to remember that God is one, and his Prophet one. Those who are principally devoted to this Sect, are the Russians and other sort of Renegado Christians, who amongst their confused, and almost forgotten notions of the Christian Religion, retain a certain Memory of the particulars of Purgatory, and Prayers for the Dead.  
But the opinion esteemed Orthodox, and most generally allowed amongst the Turks, is, That no Mahometan gones eternally to Hell, but after a certain space of years is delivered thence, and passes into Paradise; After death they assign two sorts of punishments; the first is called Azab● Kaberi, or the punishment of the Grave which being the bed of wicked men, binds with its Earth so fast as it crushes their bones, and shuts the pores and crevices through which they should see into Heaven; but the bodies of good men enjoy the comfort of having a window from their dark enclosure, to behold the Vision of God's glory. The other is the pain of Hell, where the souls remain until their torments are accomplished, and Divine Justice satisfied.  

Chupmessahi.  There is an opinion of late years principally maintained amongst the Gallants of the Seraglio, and common in Constantinople, the professors of which are called Chupmessahi, or the good followers of the Messiah; these maintain that Christ is God and Redeemer of the World; the young Scholars in the Grand Signior's Court are generally devoted to this Tenent, especially those which are the most courteous, affable, and best disposed; that it is grown into a Proverb amongst them, when they would commend and praise gentleness and courtesy of each others nature, they do it with the expression of Chupmessabisen, as if they would say, You are gentle, accomplished and excessive in your favours, as becomes one who professes the Messiah. Of this sort of people there are great numbers in Constantinople, some of which have so boldly asserted this Doctrine, that they have suffered Martyrdom under this denomination, which is still maintained, and secretly professed by such multitudes as wear white Turbans, that upon some notable opportunity were this Cause and Religion made the ground of some Toleration and Insurrection amongst its Disciples and Professors, it might take an unexpected footing, and prepare a ready way for the Plantation of the Gospel: but of this we shall speak more hereafter in its due place.  
And because it is our intent here to declare the several Religions amongst the T●●ks, it will not be from our purpuse to mention how far Atheism hath spread itself into the Countries; and as Logicians illucidate one contrary with another, and Painters set off the Whiteness of their Colours with a foil of Jet, or other Blackness; so the privation of all Religion is not unaptly placed in the same Chapter with the various and different professors of it.  
These than give themselves the Title of Muserin, 
Muserin.  which signifies, The true secret is with us; which secret is no other than the absolute denial of a Deity, that nature or the intrinsical principle in every individual thing directs the orderly course which we see and admire; and that the Heavens, Sun, Moon and Stars have thence their original and motion, and that man himself rises and fades like the grass or flower: It is strange to consider, what quantities there are of men that maintain this principle in Constantinople, most of which are Kadies and learned men in the Arabian Legends, and others are Renegadoes from the Christian Faith, who conscious of the sin of their Apostasy, and therefore desirous that all things may conclude with this World, are the more apt to entertain those opinions which come nearest to their wishes. One of this Sect called Mahomet Effendi, a rich man, Educated in the knowledge of the Eastern Learning, I remember was in my time executed for impudently proclaiming his blasphemies against the being of a Deity; making it in his ordinary discourse, an argument against the being of a God, for that either there was none at all, or else not so wise as the Doctors preached he was, in suffering him to live who was the greatest enemy and scorner of a Divine Essence that ever came into the World. And it is observable, that this man might, notwithstanding his accusation, have saved his life, would he but have confessed his error, and promised for the future an assent to the principles of a better: but he persisted still in his blasphemies, saying, That though there were no reward, yet the love of truth obliged him to die a Martyr. I must confess until now, I never could believe that there was a formal Atheism in the World, concluding that the principle (of the being of a God) was demonstrable by the Light of Nature; but it is evident now how far some men have extinguished this light and lamp in their Souls.  
This poisonous Doctrine is so Infectious, that it is crept into the Chambers of the Seraglio, into the Apartments of the Ladies and Eunuches▪ and found entertainment with the Pashaes' and their whole Court; this sort of People are great favourers and lovers of their own Sect, courteous and hospitable to each other; and if any by chance receives a Guest within his Gates of their own judgement, besides his Diet and Fare with much freedom, he is accommodated with a handsome Bedfellow of which Sex he most delights: they are very frank and liberal, and excessive in their readiness to do each other service; It is said, that Sultan Morat was a great favourer of this opinion in his Court and Militia, desirous withal to propagate that of Kadizadeli amongst the vulgar, that they being a severe, morose and covetous, people, might grow rich, and spare for the benefit of his Exchequer; for the Sect of Kadizadeli beforementioned, is of a melancholy and Stoical temper, admitting of no Music, cheerful or light discourses, but confine themselves to a set Gravity; in public as well as private they make a continual mention of God▪ by a never wearied repetition of these word● Ilahe ila Ellah; that is, I profess there is one God: There are some of these that will sit whole nights bending their bodies towards the Earth, reciting those words with a most doleful and lamentable Note: they are exact and most punctual in the observation of the rules of Religion, and generally addict themselves to the study of their Civil Law, in which they use constant exercises in arguing, opposing and answering, whereby to leave no point undiscovered or not discussed. In short, they are highly Pharisaical in all their comportment, great admirers of themselves, and scorners of others that conform not to their Tenants, scarce affording them a salutation or common communication; they refuse to marry their Sons with those of a different Rite, but amongst themselves they observe a certain Policy; they admonish and correct the disorderly, and such who are not bettered by their persuasions, they reject and excommunicate from their Society. These are for the most part Tradesmen, whose sedentary life affords opportunity and nutriment to a melancholy and distempered fancy.  
But those of this Sect who strangely mix Christianity and Mahometanism together, are many of the Soldiers that live on the confines of Hungary and Bosna; reading the Gospel in the Sclavonian Tongue, with which they are supplied out of Ragusa; besides which, they are curious to learn the Mysteries of the Koran, and the Law of the Arabic Tongue; and not to be accounted rude and illiterate, they affect the Courtly Persian. They drink Wine in the month of Fast cal●●d the Ramazan; but to take off the scandal they refuse Cinnamon or other Spices in it, and then call it Hardali, and passes current for lawful Liquor. They have a Charity and Affection for Christians, and are ready to protect them from injuries and violences of the Turks: They believe yet that Mahomet was the Holy Ghost promised by Christ; and that the descending of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost, was a Figure and Type of Mahomet, interpreting in all places the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to signify their Prophet, in whose Ear the white Dove revealed the Infallible directions to happiness. The Potures of Bosna are of this Sect, 
Potures a people of Bosna.  but pay Taxes as Christians do; they abhor Images and the Sign of the Cross; they circumcise, bringing the Authority of Christ's example for it, which also the coptics, a Sect of the Greek Church, imitated; but have now, as I am informed, lately disused that custom.  
Another subtle point about the Divine Attributes hath begot a Sect amongst the janissaries, called Bektaschi, from one Bektash, which seems an improper subject so deep in the Metaphysical speculation to trouble such gross heads as theirs; they began (as it is said) in the time of Solyman the Magnificent, and are called by some Zerati; that is, those who have Copulation with their own Kindred, and by the vulgar Mumsconduren, or extinguishers of the Candle. This Sect observe the Law of Mahomet in Divine Worship, with a strictness and superstition above any of the Precisians of that Religion: but hold it unlawful to adjoin any Attributes to God, by saying that God is great, or God is merciful, by reason that the nature of God being infinite and incomprehensible, cannot fall under the weak and imperfect conceptions of man's understanding, which can imagine nothing applicable to his Nature. Of this Sect there was a famous Poet amongst the Turks, called Nemisi, that was flayed alive, for saying, when the Emaum called the People to prayers, at the ordinary hours from the Steeple with the usual word, Allah Ekber, God is one, That he lied, upon the supposition that no Epithet can be predicated of the Divine Essence. Amongst the janissaries are at present many principal Commanders of this Sect; but formerly were more in the time of Becktosh Aga, Kul Kabya, Mahomet Aga, and others, who for their Rebellion in Constantinople (as we related before) were put to death under the Historical Pillar in the time of this present Emperor's minority. These people against the instinct of nature use Carnal Copulation promiscuously with their own Kindred, the Father's mixing with their Sons and Daughters, without respect to proximity of blood or nearness in the degrees of relation, suffering themselves to be transported contrary to the abhorrency of Nature, by a weak and illogical comparison of the lawfulness and reason, that he who engrafted the Tree, and planted the Vine, should rather taste of the Fruit, than resign the benefit of his labours to the enjoyment of others; and in this Argument act against the inclination of innate modesty, according to that of Seneca, 
Ferae quoque ipsae Veneris evitant nefas,  
Generisque leges inscius servat pudor,   
These people are easily induced to give false witness or testimony in the favour of their Sect, without consideration of Equity or reasonableness of their cause; by which means invading the right of others, they became rich and powerful, until they were debased by the deprivation of Becktashes' Authority, and Power of other potent favourers of their Sect: and though afterwards upheld by Sudgi Beker, a Standard-Bearer of the janissaries, a rich and learned man, they received a second blow by his death, he executed by a Visier Kupriuli Mahomet, for his diversity in Religion and Wealth together; but farther animosity against this Sect was dissembled at that time, by reason of the multitude of those professors in Constantinople, and because reason of State saw it at that time necessary to draw blood in many parts of the Empire for other causes than for errors in Religion.  
The Sect called Sabin, though Mahometans in profession, seem yet to run contrary to the stream and general consent of all its professors, who give themselves commonly the Title of Enemies and Confounders of Idolatry, and yet these notwithstanding seem from the influence the Sun and Moon have on sublunary bodies, of all living sensitive Creatures to conclude a certain Divinity in those common Lights of the World. In Constantinople there are some few Astrologers and Physicians of this Sect, but in Parthia and Media they are numerous, the Men commonly worshipping the Sun, and the Women the Moon, and others the Arctic Pole; they are not strict in a severity of life, or in the conformity to the prescriptions of their Law, but govern themselves with morality and prudence. They are not apt to believe the immortality of the Soul, nor the reward of Virtue, or punishment of Vice in the next World; nor prone to vindicate themselves from injuries reproachful language, or other evil actions, of men, but regarding them as the natural effects of the Celestial influences, are no more provoked by them than we are with a shower of Rain for wetting us, or the intense heat of the Sun in the Summer Solstice.  
Munasihi, is a Sect purely Pythagorical, which believes the Metempsychosis or Transmigration of Souls, of which there are some in Constantinople, one Albertus Bobovius a Polonian by Nation, but educated in the Seraglio▪ and instructed in all the Learning of the Turkish Literature (from whom I freely confess to have received many of my observations) related to me a pleasant discourse that passed between him and a Dorgist at Constantinople touching this subject. This Dorgist being Learned, was the occasion that Albertus frequented his Shop the oftener; and once being after some familiar acquaintance at a Collation together, it chanced that a black Dog giving them interruption at their Banquet, that Albertus kicked him to drive him to a farther distance; at which the Dorgist growing pale and disordered, Albertus guessed by his countenance that he was displeased at this unkindness towards the Dog; and therefore desired his pardon if thereby he had given him any subject of offence: the Dorgist being thus pacified with the courtesy of his Guest, advised him to ask pardon of God, for that it was no small crime and sin that he thereby committed. This happening at the same time that the Funerals of a Mufti called Behai Efendi, were then solemnising, afforded an occasion of discourse concerning the Soul of the Mufti and Dog together; the Dorgist demanding the opinion of his Guest whether he conceived the Soul of that Mufti was predestinated to remain within the confines of the Grave, until the day of Resurrection? in the knowledge of which question Albertus seeming wholly ignorant, and desirous to understand the solution from him: the Dorgist began freely to declare that the Souls of men deceased enter into the Bodies of Beasts, which are in temperament most agreeable to the dispositions of those whom before they animated: as the Soul of the Glutton enters into the Swine, the Soul of the Lascivious into the Goat, of the Generous into the Horse, of the Vigilant into a Dog, and so the like; in proof of which he producing a Book treating of all the distinctions of Nature, and the proper assignments for their habitation after death: Adding moreover, that of this opinion it was pity there were so few in Constantinople, some there were, and those all of his own Trade and Profession, but that at Grand Cairo were great numbers, strict adherers to this Doctrine: that for his part he prayed to God with the rest of his Brothers of the same Trade, that their Souls may hereafter be so honoured as to inform the body of the Camel, because they are Beasts that are laborious, abstemious, patient and meek, and bring their Dorges from the remotest part of the East: and that he did not doubt but after the Circle of 3365 years, that his Soul had traveled for several Ages through the World, and wandered from the body of one Camel to animate another, it should with the vicissitude of time return again to a humane body, more purified and refined than in its first Principles. And this was the Credo of the Dorgist, to which opinion it is said all China is greatly devoted.  
Eschraki, which signifies illuminated, is a Sect purely Platonical, contemplative of the Divine Idea, and the number in God; for though they hold the Unity, yet they deny not the Trinity, as a number proceeding from the Unity; which conception of theirs they usually illustrate by three folds in a Handkerchief which may have the denomination of three; but being extended, is but one entire piece of Linen. T●●se men are no great admirers of the composition of the Koran; what they meet therein agreeable to their principles, they embrace and produce as occasion serves in confirmation of their Doctrine; other parts which with difficulty are reconciled they reject, and style abrogated: and because they apprehend that the true beatitude and bliss of Paradise consists in the contemplation of the Divine Majesty, they contemn all the fancies and gross conceptions of Heaven, which Mahomet hath framed to allure and draw the mind of rude and gross men. Of this Sect are all the Scheghs or able Preachers that belong to the Royal Mosches or Churches; who are men constant in their devotions, abstemious in their diet, of a cheerful countenance, and taking behaviour, great lovers of Harmony and Music, of an indifferent strain in Poetry, whereby they compose certain Songs in Metre, for entertainment of their Auditory. They are likewise generous and compassionate of humane frailty; and are not Covetous, Stoical, or Conceited of themselves, by which means their behaviour is rendered extremely taking through all Constantinople; they are greatly delighted with an ingenious Aspect in youth, and from thence gather matter of contemplation on the comeliness of the increa●ed beauty: they are addicted to entertain a charitable affection for their neighbour, because (as they say) he is a Creature of God, from whom our love is converted to the Creator. Their Disciples they procure, as much as possible, to be men of comely and pleasing countenances, and Majestic presence, whom they instruct in all the rules of abstinence, gravity, and other virtues most appropriated to their Sect. And these of all sorts of Turks seem worthy of the best Character, whom I compassionate, for not being born within the Pale of a Christian Church, nor duly instructed in the Mystery of Christianity, to which they seem by their morality and virtues already to have prepared many previous dispositions.  
A Sect much different to that immediately foregoing is the Haireti, signifying amazed, and doubtful in determination of all controversies, who can endure any thing rather than to controvert opinions, and dispute one question in chase of truth: they will neither undertake to persuade or dissuade, but like the Academics affirm that falsity may by the wit and contrivance of man be dressed in a habit as not to be distinguished from truth itself; and on the contrary, truth may be so disguised with Sophistry and Delusions as to be rendered as deformed and ugly, as falsehood, and therefore they conclude all questions to be merely probable, and no ways admitting of certain demonstration; so that in points of dubious controversies their common sayings are, Allah Bilur, God knows, bise karanuk, it is unknown to us, and such like expressions savouring of negligence and a brutish want of curiosity to search into the Studies of Arts and Sciences. Of this Sect some notwithstanding are Preachers, and from that degree are promoted to the Office of Mufti, in which they behave themselves according to their affected carelessness, with a readiness and facility to subscribe all sentences to the satisfaction and in favour of the demandant; adding for the most part these words, Well ahu ealem bissenah, God knows that which is best. As to the manner of their life and practice, they are punctual observers of the Rites of the Mahometan Religion and Constitutions of their Civil Law, but much incline to yield to the course of their own nature, and the force of passion; they drink Wine not to appear Cynical or unsociable, but more generally addict themselves to Electuaries composed of Opium, which tends to augment their natural stupefaction; and when they are overcome with the obscurity of this vapour, whatsoever you affirm, though never so contradictory, they readily assent to, not so much (as they confess) from a persuasion to one proposition more than another, but of a pleasing compliance to their companions, which humour the nature of their Sect allows of. And though they style the Eschraki Dogmatical and obstinate Opiniators, yet by experience it is observed that the Muftis Educated in the Eschrakian Schools have been much more fortunate than those of the Hairetian Sect; because the former having a certain foundation of principles, have been cautious in signing Fe●fas, or delivering their Sentence in the resolution of weighty Matters of State, choosing rather to renounce their Office, than their reason. But the others b●ing negligent and incurious in their determinations, as if fortune did direct them more to the true part than solidity of judgement; have been always free and open in their Sentences; by which means events of State falling out unhappily, and the miscarriage attributed to the counsel of the Mufti, they have been oftener subject to the punishment of banishment or death than their Opponents.  
We shall not proceed to swell this Work with a longer Catalogue of these Sects, lest we should seem over-tedious to the Reader, and instead of pleasing his Palate, should over-charge his Stomach; otherwise we might proceed to recite as many Sects as there are Towns or Schools in the Empire, in every one of which some pragmatical Preacher or other have always started a new opinion, which can never want Disciples. And certainly the diversity of opinions in Turkey is almost infinite, and more numerous than in England, or other parts of Christendom, though commonly not proceeding from the same malice, nor laid with the same design to the prejudice of the State: the reason of this variety amongst the Turks I attribute to the many Religions which voluntarily, and for interest or by force have entered into the Mahometan superstition, many of which being Grecians, and instructed in the Arts and Sciences with which that Empire once flourished, which was the Mine and Treasury of Philosophy and Learning, did afterwards mix with their new Religions (not being wholly satisfied with the Koran) certain Traditions and Opinions of the ancient Philosophers: And several other Nations, as Russians, Moscovites, Chircossians, and the like, retaining some few remembrances of their first Notions and Principles, make a farther addition to this ill compounded medley, which also receiving some difference and variety as they increased and were propagated, have multiplied into a number both unprofitable and tedious to search farther into.   

CHAP. XIII. Of the Dervishes.  
It is commonly known and received, that the Turkish Religion is an absurd Composition of the Christian and Jewish Rites; in imitation of the former of which doubtless their Monasteries and Orders of Religious men were introduced; most of which incline to a pretended mortification and strictness of life; to Poverty, and Renunciation of the World's enjoyments, according to the devotion of Christians a thousand years past, whose piety and exemplary lives drew Infidels to extract a rough Copy of their elevated virtues.  
I have been the more curious in making an exact enquiry into the Customs, Institutions, and Doctrines of the Mahometan Convents, because I find relations hereof sparingly scattered in other Books, and that obscurely without punctuality or certainty: But I shall promise my Reader to deliver nothing herein, but what I have good Authority for, and taken from the mouth of the most Learned of their Seighs or Preachers, which are the Heads or Superiors of these Societies.  
The Doctors of the Mahometan Law inform me, that their Religious Houses and Institutions, are as ancient as Mahomet, from whom general orders and instructions were derived from their oeconomy, first to his Disciple Hali; but our Turkish History and other Records make no mention of these Monasteries, till within these Three hundred and fifty years, in the time of Orcanes' second King of the Turks, who is famed to have been the first Founder of Houses of these Orders.  
Those of the Mahometan Faith, who first framed Rules and Institutions for these Religions, were two, viz. Calve●●ee and Nacksbendee, which after Mahomet are esteemed the two Fountains from whence other Orders are produced, which are these following; from Chalvettee are derived.  

The first Founders and Masters of these Orders.  
Nimetulahi from Nimetula  
Kadri from Kadri  
Kalenderi from Calendar  
Edhemi from Edhem  
Hizrevi from Hizr  
Bektasse from Bektass.   
From Nacksbendee proceed only two, viz. 

Their Original Founders.  
Ebrbuharee from Ebrbubar  
Mevelevee from Mevelava    
These several Orders we shall distinctly touch upon, beginning with the Mevelevee, which though set down here last, yet because for fame amongst the Turks, they are the first, we shall most largely and particularly treat of them.  
The Mevelevee, 
Their Superivor.  otherwise and most commonly named Dervise, which word signifies Poor and Renouncers of the World, have their chief and superior Foundation in Iconium, which consists of at the least four hundred Dervishes, and governs all the other Convents of that Order within the Turkish Empire, by virtue of a Charter given them by Ottoman first of the Mahometan Kings, who out of devotion to their Religion once placed their Prior or Superior in his Royal Throne, because having been his Tutor, and he who girted on his Sword (which is the principal Ceremony of Coronation) he granted him and his Successors ample Authority and Rule over all others of the same Profession.  
They pretend to great Patience, Humility, 
Their Postures.  Modesty, Charity, and Silence, in presence of their Superior or others; their eyes are always fixed downwards, their heads hanging towards their breast, and their bodies bending forwards.  
Their Shirts are of the coursest Linen can be made, 
Their Clothing.  with a white Plad or Mantle about their shoulders: but most wear a loose kind of Garment made of Wool at Iconium or in Anatolia, of a dark colour; their Caps or what they wear on their heads is like the Crown of a Hat of the largest size, made of a course Felt of a whitish colour, their Legs are always bare, and their Breasts open, which some of them burn or sear in toke● of greater devotion: they wear also a Leather girdle with some shining stone upon the Buckle before, either of Marble or Alabaster, Porphyry, Ivory, or something that makes a great show or lustre; they always carry with them a string of Beads, which they call Tesbe▪ and oftener run them over, than our Friars do their Rosary; at every Bead repeating the name of God. When the Prior of this Order dies, they commonly set a Hearse for him in a Chapel, and upon it lay a long string of Beads as big as Walnuts. It is also common amongst other Tutor ks to carry Beads in their hands to play with; and they say that when they have no other employment, that kind of divertisement drives away idle and evil thoughts.  
Besides their Fast of Ramazan, they keep a weekly Fast on every Thursday, 
Their Fasts.  on which day, none unless for some indisposition of health, or other lawful cause, hath licence to eat, until after Sunsetting.  
Every Tuesday and Friday the Superior of the Convent makes a Sermon or Exposition of some Verses in the Koran, or out of the Books wrote by the Founder, or some other prime Doctor of the Mahometan Law; 
Their turning round.  after which is done, the Dervishes with marvellous modesty and reverence bowing to their Superior, begin to turn round, some of them with that swift motion, that their faces can scarce be seen, a certain Pipe made of a Cane, sounding all the time of this motion; and on a sudden, when the Music ceases, they all stop with that exactness and firmness, showing no symptoms of a disordered or swimming Brain; to which having accustomed themselves from their infancy or youth, in some years that motion becomes as natural, with as little disturbance to their head or stomach, as to walk forward, or to use any other exercise which nature is delighted with. This custom (they say) they observe with great devotion in imitation of their first Founder Mevelana, who for fourteen days together, and without taking any nourishment, used this Virtiginous motion by a miraculous assistence (his Friend Hamze, or Companion, all that time sounding by him with his Flute or Pipe) until at last falling into an ecstasy, he received strange Revelations, and Divine commands for the institution of this his Order: The Pipe they play on, they esteem for an ancient sanctified sort of Music, and to be that on which jacob and the other holy Shepherds in the Old Testament praised God.  
It hath a doleful melancholy sound; but their constant exercise and application thereunto makes it as Musical as can be imagined in such an Instrument: the best of those Canes are esteemed to come from Iconium, and are of twenty five Dollars price. But this sort of devotion with instrumental Music, is by Turks themselves disputed against, denying that their Founder, who was so spiritual a man, did ever institute, or himself use Music in his turning round, because the Koran expressly forbids all devotion and service of God with Music, but only with the natural and living Voice; And that is the reason why in calling their people to prayers they use no Bells, but only the Voice of a Man; and for this cause I remember, that in my time prohibitions have been made by public Authority against this practice of the Dervishes. But they on the contrary, alleging David's example, and his Dancing before the Ark, as arguments for their Music and Giration, have by the help of several persons in power, many of them being greatly affected with their devotion, maintained from time to time this custom and institution of the first Founder of this Order notwithstanding that one Vanni Efendi, a great Seigh or Preacher, esteemed as a knowing person by the Grand Signior, and all the Court, hath by his Authority endeavoured to Reform this Corruption as he calls it) amongst them.  
They profess Poverty, Chastity, 
Their Profession.  and Obedience, like Capuchin Friars or other Orders of St. Francis; but if any have not the gift of Continence, he may obtain licence to leave his Convent and Marry; but of these, they observe that none ever thrived or lived happily with contentment, that renounced this Dedication to God's Service.  
The Novices serve in the most servile Offices, 
Their Employment.  and in time others supply their places; they lie as Companions two together in a Cell, some of which employ their time in Learning to Read and Write in Turkish, Arabic and Persian, but most yield to the slothful temperament to which they are naturally addicted: but because the nature of Man is restless, and mus● employ itself either in good or bad actions; most of these associates exercise some kind of Legerdemain, or tricks to amuse the minds of the common people; and some really apply themselves to Sorceries and Conjurations by help of familiar Spirits. Busbequius tells strange stories of one with whom he was acquainted, and he would strike a stone of great weight and bigness against his bare Breast with that force and violence as were sufficient to knock down an Ox, or break the bones of the sloutest Giant; and that the same man he hath seen take an Iron Bar red hot from the Fire and hold it in his mouth, and though the spittle and moisture of his mouth hissed with the heat, yet he seemed to take it thence again without the least hurt or burning Imaginable.  
This sort of people of all other Turks, addict themselves to drink Wine, Strong Waters, and other intoxicating Liquors; and eat Opium in that quantity, by degrees using their bodies thereunto that no Mountebank or Mithridates himself who was nourished by Poison, are capable to digest half that proportion that these men will do; the effect of which is at first, like men drunk or mad, to raise their spirits to a sort of distracted Mirth, and afterwards when the subtle vapours are consumed and spent, and a dull stupefaction overcomes them, they name it an ecstasy, which they account very holy and divine in imitation of their first Founder, who was often observed to put himself into this condition; and therefore what helps may be found to excite mirth or distraction, is lawful and allowable in this Order.  
There is a famous Monastery of these in Egypt, invoking for their Saint one Kederl●●, which by the Stories they tell of him should be S. George, in conformity with whom all other Dervishes maintain a reverend esteem of this Saint, affirming that in his life time he was a valiant Horseman, killed Dragons and all sorts of venomous beasts; and now being departed this life, God for preservation of good men, hath given him power to deliver such as being in distress, invoke his assistence; especially those who are at Sea, and at the point of shipwreck; and that he with an extraordinary swiftness of motion flies from one part of the World to another in the twinkling of an eye, and seasonably comes in to their succour. These by virtue of that blessing Kederlee confers upon them, pretend to charm Serpents and Adders, and handle them as familiarly as we do the most innocent, and domestic Creatures; which art, as I have heard from good Authority, is not peculiar in Egypt only to Dervishes, but to other men who are said to be naturally endued with a virtue against the poisonous bites of Vipers and other venomous Beasts; who putting great numbers of them into a Bag together, do cull and sort them out with their hands, as one would do Worms or Mussels; and others wi●h a word charm Serpents from moving as they crawl along the Banks of Nile, which Gifts these men pretend to inherit from their Parents, and others to possess in reward of their Virtue and Sanctity. This sort of Egyptian Dervishes have Sainted the Horse of St. George, and have seated him in Paradise with the other three beasts in high respect and esteem amongst the Turks, viz. the Ass on which Christ road, the Camel of Mahomet, and the Dog of the seven Sleepers.  
These Dervishes have Monasteries in the most famous places of the Turkish Empire, which serve the travelling Pilgrims of this Order for Inns and places of entertainment: for they above all other Religious Turks, journey and travel from one place to another, where the Mahometan Religion is professed, under pretence of preaching and propagating their Faith; and thus they travel upon Charity of their Monasteries and Alms of others, into Persia, China, and the Dominions of the Mogul, by which means they become the best spies and intelligencers of any that are found in the Eastern parts of the World.  
I remember at Adrianople to have seen the ruin of one of these Monasteries situated on a pleasant Hill, and in good Air▪ that oversees the whole City and Plains round about; which upon enquiry I understand was demolished by the famous Visier Kuperli; because it was discovered to be a Rendezvous of the lewd Women of the Town, and a Stew where the young Gallants debauched the Wives of the richest Turks, to whom their Husbands had given liberty in honour to the Sanctity of the place, to be often present at the devotion of the Dervishes; but their way of practice being too public and scandalous, the Foundation of their House by the order of the Visier was razed to the ground.   

CHAP. XIV. Of the Order of Religious Turks called Ebrbuharee.  
THis Order of Ebrbuharee was first instituted by their Founder and Institutor Ebrbuhar, from whom they have their denomination, who herein followed the Precepts and Rules of his Master Nacksbende, from whom in like manner the Order of Mevelevee or Dervises are derived: for the better understanding this sort of people, the Reader may take this following, as an authentic discourse relating to their Manners and Original, which I shall deliver Verbatim as given me in writing by one esteemed Learned amongst the Turks, and was a Hadgi or Pilgrim, and made it his business to inform me of this Sect. Sultan Bajazet, said he, in the year of Mahomet Nine hundred and eleven, erected a Mosch and Convent in Constantinople, dedicated to this Holy Emir Ebrbuhar (that is the Race of Mahomet) upon whom rests the mercy of the Creator. This man both extrinsecally as to appearance in the World, and intrinsically as to his devout Soul, was famous and renowned for the Miracles he worked; on which Fabric Sultan Selim afterwards bestowed a Fountain of Water.  
This Ebrbuhar Scholar of Nacksbende, 
Ilahi.  taking into his company the assistence of Abdulla and Ilahi and Vefa, Preachers and Heads of other Convents, came out of Asia to propagate their Doctrine in Europe.  
Their actions were governed with Meekness, Gravity and Silence, and laying aside all superstitious Worships, they exercise themselves in pious actions; their discourses amongst themselves were nothing in relation to the things of the world, but of Matters relating to a future life.  
These poor Religious fast for the most part on Mundays and Thursdays; and both they and those devoted to their order abstain from all Meats that carry with them any fetulent or ungrateful smells, and in this manner these devout people exercised in abstinence and a moral life, and swallowed up or transported with the illumination of God, and attending to their daily prayers, Commemoration of God's mercy, and other offices of devotion, acquire a holy disposition and preparation for Celestial glory.  
As to the Holy Emir Ebrbuhar, whose Mysterious life may God sanctify to us, he was nourished with Bread made of Barley, Oil of Olives, Honey and Grapes, and abstained from all things of a strong scent or savour; he eat but three times a year, giving himself continually to Fasting and Prayer; he was a man of great Sanctity, full of Divine Revelation, his attractive virtue was grateful to all, to his Feet from divers Countries were many diseased persons brought, which afterwards returned sound and healthful to their own homes; all which is the relation of my Doctor and great admirer of the Mahometan Religion.  
In commendation of the Religious of this Order, are these Verses in the Persian Tongue, 
Gher hakikis iahi der ge●an bulendi  
Nakschibendi Kiun Nakschibendi;  that is, If thou wouldst find in the World one accomplished as a true Hero, make thyself a Nakschibendi, who is the true pattern of a Servant of God.  
And notwithstanding this great pretended purity and sanctity of these men, they are yet by the generality esteemed Heretics in the Mahometan superstition, because they judge themselves not obliged to the Pilgrimage of Me●ha, by reason of their pretended purity of Soul and Seraphic Raptures, which elevate them above the World, and enable them in their very Cells to be present or have a clear Prospect into their Holy Mecha.   

CHAP. XV. Of the Nimetulahi.  
ONE of those who are accounted in the number of Chalvetti ●s the Nimetulahi; they had their beginning in the Hegi●a or year of Mahomet 777, and their denomination from one of that name, famous for his Doctrine and severity of life in the time of Sultan Mahomet, Son of Bajazet, called by the Turks Ilderim, or the Son of Thunder, He was an excellent Physician, and renowned for his virtues amongst the vulgar; for better knowledge of his Life and Doctrine, the Reader may take notice what one of this Order related to me in admiration of his Master.  
He was one, said he, who preached and published the Truth, mortified his Body, followed not the affections of the carnal Appetite, knew the intrinsic nature and quiddity of all Creatures, rendered continual Prayers and Praises to his Creator; and so long resigned himself entirely to speculation, until he arrived to the ravishment of Ecstasies and Raptures, in which he oftentimes obtained the happiness to discourse with God.  
He eat of all those things which God made lawful for humane nourishment, without observation of Fasts or strictness in Diet, but day and night continued his Prayers and Devotions: while he slept he extended not his feet like the Beasts of sense, who eat Corn and Hay in the Stables; sometimes the fear of God made him tremble, and his countenance became melancholy and affrighted with the apprehension of his Majesty. And to this perfection none ever arrived, nor to that intimate knowledge of the Divine Secrets.  
The Professors of this Order assemble every Monday night to praise the Unity of the Divine Nature, and Celebrate the name of God with Hymns and Songs.  
Those that would initiate themselves into this Order, are obliged to make a Quarentine first, remain fequestred in a Chamber for the space of forty days, with twenty four drams of Meat a day, during which time they see the Face of God, the sublime Paradise, and praise the Creator and Framer of the Universe; at the expiration of their term, they are taken forth by the rest of the Fraternity, who taking hands Dance in a Morris, in which Vagary if any Vision appear to the Novices from God, they throw th●ir clothes behind them, and fall flat with their Faces on the ground, like men astonished or struck with an Apoplexy, until such time as their Prior or chief of their Order coming and making Prayers for them, they return by degrees to their sense again, and taking them up with their eyes red and distorted, they remain a while like men drunk, distracted or stupid; but afterwards their scattered spirits being better collected, the Prior demands in secret their Visions and Revelations, which they communicate to him, or some other serious and grave person well instructed in the Mysteries of their Profession.   

CHAP. XVI. Of the Kadri.  
THis is another of those six Religions which are derived from Chalvetti, which had one Abdul Kadri Ghilani for its first Founder, a man greatly admired for wisdom and abstinence, whose Sepulchre is found without Babylon, to which place many of those who enter into the Regular Orders of those Convents make their Pilgrimages.  
Those who enter into this Religion, must perform their Novitiate with degrees of abstinence and fasting; wherefore when first they take the profession upon them, there is bestowed upon them a small cudgel made of the Wood of a Willow, weighing when fresh and green four hundred Drams, which they are always to carry about them hung at their Girdle; by the weight of this they take their daily allowance of Bread, until such time as the wood becoming exceeding dry, is also much the lighter, and so according as the weight thereof lightens, their proportion of Bread diminishes.  
Besides their prayers of five times a day, to which all Mahometans are bound, they are obliged to spend the whole or best part of the night with turning round at the sound of a little Pipe, and to utter this word Hai, Hai, which signifies Alive, being one of the Attributes of God: and this they do in imitation of the Custom used by their Founder, who is said to have pronounced this word Hai so often, and with that vehemency, that the vein of his breast bursting, the blood gushed out upon the Wall and made the word Hai. Wherefore all his Disciples to follow the Example of their Master, taking hands together in a ring, repeat this word Hai, Hai, with so much violence, and so often, until they fall on the ground without breath or life; those who last ou● longest carry off the dead from the Chamber, and lay them to recover their Spirits after their strained Exercise: and this they do every Friday night. Every one of th●se are obliged once in the year to a retirement of forty days, in a little Cell free from all company or conversation, during which time they are wholly to give themselves to Meditations, and to observe their Dreams, and recount them to their Superior, who Studies the interpretation of them, and from them Divines of future things.  
They have many times licence from their Superior to be drunk or intoxicate themselves with Aquae vitae, Opium, or any stupifying Drugs, to be better able to perform with more spirit and vehemency their mad Dance.  
These fellows are of a refined Wit, notable Sophisters and Hypocrites; their secrets they reveal to none but those of their own Profession, by which means they are subtle to cheat those of other Religions.  
They are not debarred from the liberty of Marriage; but if they do marry, they are excluded from the Covenant, and may wear any sort of Habit, yet for distinction sake they wear black Buttons; those that live in the Convent, carry a certain white Plad of a course Cloth, their heads with hair unshaven, without Caps or other covering, and their Feet bare. These are called Kadri, and have a Convent at Tophan● in Constantinople.  
The Founder of this Order, called, as we have said before, Abdul Kadir Ghilan, was born in the Hegira or year of Mahomet Five hundred and sixty one, and died in the year Six hundred and fifty seven; he was esteemed both a Lawyer and a Philosopher; his Master or Instructor was Abdul Mumin Gazeli, who composed two Books, one called Mugrib, or the Arabian Grammar, and another called Andalus. At that time that Helakin Son of Genghiz Han came to Babylon, he caused him to kill one Alkami than Vice-King of that City, for being of the Persian Sect, called by the Turks, Rafizi or Heretics, because they reject Abubecher, Omar and Osman, as Apocryphal Writers, and attribute not to them that honour of Holy men, which is given by the Turks.  
The Prior or chief of the Convent of th' isOrder, teach their Disciples a certain Prayer, which they whisper in their Ears, that it may not be overheard or known by others; this they are obliged to repeat every moment with little intermission, unless at times set apart for the offices of nature; and boast that it hath so much of efficacy in it, that by virtue thereof, they obtain the enjoyment of Divine Visions and Revelations.  
Their posture is like other Religious Mahometans, to sit with their heads hanging down, and their Noses in their Breasts, which they call Murakab●; the better to keep them from distraction, or wand'ring thoughts, during their contemplations of Heaven, and the vanity of satisfying the carnal appetite.  
Amongst the many Miracles that the followers of this Order recount of their Master, one is this, That coming once to Babylon to inhabit amongst the other superstitious persons and Santones of that City, they hearing of his approach went forth to meet him, one of them carrying in his hand a dish filled with water; from whence they would infer, that as that dish was full to the brim so as to be capable of containing no more, so their City was so replenished with Learned and Religious persons, that there was no place to receive him: Whereupon this subtle Sophister studying to confute this Hieroglyphic, whereby they would excuse the courtesy of due Hospitality, stretching his Arms first towards Heaven, and then bowed down gathering a Rose leaf which he laid on the water, which before had filled the dish; by which piece of ingenuity, he not only confuted the Parable of the Churlish Babylonians, but also so took with them, that they registered it as a Miracle of Wisdom, and bringing him into their City with triumph, made him the Superior of all their Orders.   

CHAP. XVII. Of the Order of Kalenderi.  
THis Order may rather be termed the Sect of Epicureans, than men retired to mortify their appetites, and deny the world, as all other of the religious and regulated Turks pretend; but yet this sort of fanatics pretend to Religion by a different way of Libertinism and looseness in their Conversation; which they act so publicly, that they are not ashamed to profess their institution and customs to be after this manner.  
In the time of Mahomet Mansur, Son of Melkaziz Ohoma the Son of Silahdin, being ready to resign up his last breath, bequeathed to his Son Mahomet Melik Kiamel, the Government of Cairo, and all the other parts of the Kingdom of Egypt; Damascus and jerusalem to his Son Isa Melick Muazin and Diarbekir, to his third Son Escbrefmusa; There lived a certain Santone, who always mentioned the name of God with the sound of his Pipe; and with that Music recreated himself day and night, not after a cheerful and merry humour, but with sad and melancholy Tunes, accompanied his Pipe with Tears and Sighs. He was an excellent Musician, and a deep Philosopher, endued with those supernatural virtues as enabled him to work Miracles clear and notorious to all the world; he was an Hermit, called in Arabic Abdal; went with his head bare, and his body full of wounds, without a Shirt or other Clothing, besides a Skin of some wild Beast thrown about his Shoulders; at his Girdle he wore some fine polished Stone; on his Wrists, instead of Diamonds and Stones of value he wore counterfeit Jewels, which carried a lustre and fair appearance with them; this man was called San●one Kalenderi, who was continually singing Arabic Sonnets, and according to them Musical Airs, making also harmonious compositions so artificially, that he seemed another David. But how strict and sober this Santone was, his Disciples or Proselytes are of another temper, being wholly given up to jollity and delights, they banish all kind of melancholy and sadness, and live free of cares, passions or torments of the mind, and have this saying amongst them, This day is ours, to morrow is his who shall live to enjoy it; and therefore studiously attend to lose no moment or least part of their pleasure, but consume their time in eating and drinking; and to maintain this gluttony they will sell the Stones of their Girdles, their Earring and Bracelets. When they come to the house of any rich Man or person of Quality, they accommodate themselves to their humour, giving all the Family pleasant words and cheerful expressions to persuade them to a liberal and free entertainment. The Tavern by them is accounted holy as the Mosch, and believe they serve God as much with debauchery or liberal use of his creatures (as they call it) as others with severity and mortification. And the Turks say, That in the Hegira 615, the Christians became Masters of jerusalem, by reason that the institutor of this Order of the Kalenderi, who had a chief hand in the Government of the City, was found drunk when it was assaulted.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of the Edhemi.  
THE original Founder of this Order was one Ibrahim Edhem, concerning whom the Disciples themselves, or Followers, recount things very obscurely, and tell us Stories that his Father was a Slave and Abasme by Nation, and went one day under the Fort Horanan to discourse with Ibnim●lik King of Cairo; that he was a man very comely, facetious, and sober in his carriage, always desiring to please God, continued in the Mosches reading the Koran, and in prayer day and night with his face prostrate on the ground, and often repeating these words; O God, thou hast given me so much Wisdom, as that I know clearly that I am in thy direction; and therefore scorning all Power and Dominion, I resign myself to the speculation of Philosophy and a Holy Life.  
His Servants seeing this his devout way of living, applied themselves to the imitation of his Austerity, and abandoning all greatness and vanities of the World, applied themselves to solitude and mortification, their superfluous Garments they bestowed upon the Poor, giving to those whose necessities required them.  
Their food is Bread made of Barley, and Pray frequently with Fasting, and their Priors apply themselves to a faculty of Preaching.  
Their principal Convents are in Cities of Persia, especially Chorasan.  
Their Clothing is of a course thick Cloth, upon their heads they wear a Cap of Wool, with a Turban round it, and about their necks a white Linen Cloth striped with red. In the Deserts they converse with Lions and Tigers, salute them and make them tame, and by the miraculous power of Divine assistence entertain discourse with Enoch in the Wilderness; This and many other wild discourses they make of this Edhem; but because there are but few of this Order in Constantinople, being most appropriated to Persia; I could not receive so particular an account of their Rule and Institutions, as I have done of others.   

CHAP. XIX. The Order of Bectash.  
THE original Founder of this Religion, is of no ancient memory or standing, nor had his Birth or Education amongst the Santones of Arabia, from whence most of these superstitious pretenders have had their beginning; but one of those that was an Army-Preacher, that could fight as well as pray, of whom my Learned Hogia gives me this account.  
In the time, says he, that the Warlike and Victorious Sultan Amurath passed with his Army into Servia, 
Vid. Chap. 20. l. 1.  and overcame Lazarus, the Despot of that Country, and slew him in Battle, Bectash was then a Preacher to Amurath, who amongst other his Admonitions forewarned him of trusting the Servians; but Amurath out of his courageous spirit relying on his own Wisdom and Force, admitted a certain Nobleman called Vilvo, upon pretence of doing him homage, to approach near him and kiss his hand, who having his Dagger ready and concealed, stabbed Amurath to the heart, and with that blow made him a Martyr. Bectash knowing that this treacherous death of his Prince, must needs also be the cause of his, for being so near his person, and prophesying of this fatal stroke, sought not to prevent it, but made preparations for his own death. And in order thereunto provided himself with a white Robe with long Sleeves, which he proffered to all those which were his Admirers, and Proselytes, to be kissed as a mark of their obedience to him and his Institutions; from this action the custom hath been introduced of kissing the sleeve of the Grand Signior.  
The Religious of this Order wear on their heads white Caps of several pieces with Turbans of Wool, twisted in the fashion of a Rope; they observe constantly the hours of Prayer, which they perform in their own Assemblies; they go Clothed in White, and praise the Unity of God, crying, Hu, (which is, may he live) and by these means obtain the Grace of God.  
This Santone hath many millions of Disciples and Followers; now all the Janissaries of the Ottoman Por● are professors of the same Religion. This Bectash at his death cut off one of his sleaves, and put it upon the head of one of his Religious men, part of which hung down on his shoulders, saying, After this you shall be Janissaries, which signifies a new Militia; and from that time begun their original institution; so this is the reason why the Janissaries wear Caps falling behind after the manner of Sleeves, called Ketche. This Hagi Bectash was a person exceedingly attractive in his conversation, holy to admiration, a Man of great Worth, and Majestic in his comportment; he was buried in the City Kyr, where they have many Convents and Religious followers, who always praise and adore God: and thus far my Hogia informs me.  
But whatsoever he says, this Order is the most abhorred in the World by the Kadizadeli, because that Bectash left it to the free will of his Disciples, either to observe the constant hours of prayer, or not; by which great liberty and licentiousness is entered amongst the janissaries, who are Soldierlike, not over zealous or devout in their Prayers, little attendant to the Offices of devotion. In some Songs which this Bectash is said to have composed, it is often repeated, That none hath known God, because none hath seen him: And for this reason the most zealous Mahometans call the janissaries Keferesis, which signifies without Faith; and a certain Mufti called Ebusnud delivered his Sentence or Fetfa, to the question demanded him; If a Musselman or Believer should say to a janisary, thou art a Pagan, what punishment he should merit by the Law; he replied, that a man is an Infidel, who holds a janisary for a true Believer.  
Some Friars of this Order of Bectash do in all public Shows and Solemnities march near the person of the janizar Aga, crying continual, 〈◊〉, but, with their Daggers drawn. They are a most licentious sort of people, much given to Sodomy, for which the ignorant and loose sort of janissaries are willingly their Disciples; and are now grown into that vast multitude, as is almost impossible to extirpate them or their Vices; though corrosives are laid to eat away this Gangreen in the Militia, which goes creeping on with an unsensible pace; as we shall discourse more largely in the next Book of the Turkish Militia.   

CHAP. XX. Of the Order of Herewi or Hizrevi.  
IN the time of Orcanes the second King of the Turks, who Governed thirty five years, and Reigned eighty three, and died in the Hegira of Mahomet seven hundred and sixteen, there lived in Prusa, than the Regal Seat, a famous Santone called Herewi, who used to walk up and down, and as an act of charity to buy the Livers and Lights of Beasts to feed Cats and Dogs; he professed poverty and severe mortification with Tears and Sighs, and he acted with that fervency that the Angels leaving Heaven, came to be witness of his holy Penance.  
The fame of which moved Sultan Orcanes to discourse with him, and to know the story of his past life; which he smiling began to recount, and told him, that he formerly was a King derived from the Line of Mahomet, had compassed with his Arms the Rivers of Nilus, Euphrates, and Tigris, had governed Provinces with his Sword and Sceptre, had been triumphantly adorned with precious Stones and glittering Arms, and had made the World tremble at the very mention of his name. But at last considering the vanity of this world, he resolved on a solitary life, and to renounce all the follies and small satisfaction of Riches and empty Honours. At which saying, Sultan Orcanes was amazed, and said, We ought not to despise those who under the guise and appearance of mad and distracted persons wander through the World, for their Virtues are rare; and in this man particularly I discover so much of sanctity, that I judge myself unworthy of the name of one of his Servants. And this is the reason why Fools and Frantic people have ever since been had in honour and reverence amognst the Turks, as those whom Revelations and Enthusiasms transported out of the ordinary temperament of humanity.  
This Herewi was very Learned and experienced in Chemistry; and to those who professed his Order▪ and entered into the regular life of his Religion, instead of Asper's he bestowed Gold; he wore a Green Vest, and lived very abstemiously; he mended his own clothes, and dressed th● Diet for his Convent. He endowed many M●s●hs, and several Hospitals of Charity at Grand Cairo and Babylon. His Sepulchre is at Prusa, which is greatly visited by Pilgrims, and adorned by the B●unty and Munificence of those who reverence the Memory of this holy Santone.  
This is the best relation I could procure from one of the Seighs or Preachers, and one that was Prior of this Order, whose example, as the original Copy, others of this Order imitate. They have a Monastery in Constantinople, as all the others beforementioned; besides which in this Capital City nor ●n any parts of the Turkish Dominions in Europe, have I observed any Teke or Monastery, where Turks profess to lead a religious Life, but is one of the Orders beforementioned; some others there may be about Babylon and Egypt, and remotest parts of Asia, whose names and constitutions I have not repeated here, who have (as I am informed) somewhat more of ridiculous and superstitious work amongst them than I have declared in the account I have given of those I have been acquainted with in the parts I have traveled; yet it is observable they all of them pretend to Poverty as the nearest way to arrive to the happiness of Paradise, but with their Poverty (as I have seen in some of their Tezes where I have been, especially those removed from Cities) they mix so much negligence in their living, not caring for ●eatness in their Houses, but leave things in a disorderly and confused manner, as testifies their laziness as well as poverty; and are not like the Cells of Capuchins, who having nothing to attend to besides their Prayers and Gardens, improve all things with that advantage, as grace's Poverty, and convinces the World that in a moderate enjoyment of it there is more satisfaction, than in those vexations which attend the disposal and government of riches, and the satiety of opulency and plenty. It is worth noting also, that on the Monuments of Santones and in the Gardens, or before the Gates of these Religious, there is always some ridiculous adornment, such as agrees with the fancy of Bedlams; as Crowning the Hearse of the Dead with Beads and Horns, and Ribbons, and pieces of Tinsel, etc. and their doors with the like; accounting it a chief disposition to Divine Service to have a mind endued with an humour inclining to the fancy of Hypocondriacal or distracted Heads; so that I shall not enlarge farther in this Discourse, nor glut my Reader with so insipid and fulsome a subject.   

CHAP. XXI. Of Marriages and Divorces, and how far Concubinage is indulged amongst the Turks.  
THE state of Marriage is accounted both honourable and holy amongst the Turks, by which the Race of Mankind is best increased and maintained; yet the Priest, as I may call him, or their Churchman, hath the least hand in the Solemnity; the matter, as an action wholly Civil, is performed before the Caddee or Judge; not unlike the manner practised in England for some few years, according to that absurd Act of Marriages by a Justice of Peace▪ and is in the nature of a Recognizance, whereby the Husband doth personally oblige himself before the Judge to take such a Wife, and in case of his death or divorce, to endow her with a certain Estate to remain to her own disposal. The Woman is not there present, but appears by her Father or some of her nearest Relations, and is afterwards by a great attendance of Women brought covered, sitting astride on horseback under a Canopy to the Habitation of her Bridegroom, who remains at the Gate with open Arms to receive her; there is great rejoicing and feasting hereat, the night before she is brought to the company of her Husband; but when the precedent ceremonies to the Marriage are performed and completed, the House is all silent, and she is brought into the Bride-Chamber by an Eunuch (if the be of Quality) if not, by some Women of near Relation, and delivered to her Husband, who is himself to untie her Drawers, and undress her for his bed, not unlike the custom amongst the Romans of Zonam Solvere.  
Polygamy is freely indulged to them by their Religion as far as the number of four Wives, contrary to the common report, that a Turk may have as many Wives as he can maintain; Though Mahomet had nine Wives, and Hali had fourteen, as being men more spiritual, and of a more elevated degree, had greater privileges and indulgences for carnal enjoyments.  
This restraint of the number of their Wives is certainly no Precept of their Religion, but a rule superinduced upon some politic considerations, as too great a charge and weakening to men's estates, every one that takes a Wife being obliged to make her a Kabin or Dow●y, as we have said before; or else for better regulation of the Oeconomies, and to prevent and abate somewhat of the Jealousies, Strifes and Embrollments in a Family, which must necessarily arise between so many Rivals in the affection of one Husband who is obliged by Law and Covenants to deal and bestow his benevolence and conjugal kindness in an exact proportion of equality. And lest this confinement to a certain number of Wives, should seem a restriction and impeachment of that liberty and free use of Women which they say God hath frankly bestowed on Man, every one may freely serve himself of his Women Slaves, with as much variety as he is able to buy or maintain; and this kind of Concubinage is no ways envied or condemned by the Wives, so long as they can enjoy their due maintenance, and had some reasonable share in the Husband's Bed, which once a week is their due by the Law: for if any of them have been neglected the whole week before, she challenges Thursday night as her due, and hath remedy in that case against her Husband by the Law: and if she be so modest as not to sue him for one week's default, she is yet so ingenious to contrive a supply of her wants: And whereas the Women are Educated with much retiredness from the conversation of men, and consequently with greater inclinations towards them, and with no principles of virtue, of moral honesty or Religion, as to a future Estate relating to the rewards or punishments of their good or bad actions; they are accounted the most lascivious and immodest of all Women, and excel in the most refined and ingenious subtleties to steal their pleasures; And as in Christendom the Husband bears the disgrace and scandal of his Wife's incontinency, here the Horns are by the vulgar adjudged to the Father, Brother, and Wives Kindred; the Blood of her Family is tainted and dishonoured, and the Husband obtaining a Divorce, quits himself of his Wife and dishonour together.  
No question but the first institutor of this easy Religion, next to the satisfaction of his own carnal and effeminate inclination, and this taking freedom amongst his Disciples; his main consideration was the increase of his people by Polygamy▪ knowing that the greatness of Empires and Princes consists more in the numbers and multitudes of their People, than the large extent of their Dominions. This freedom (if it may be called so) was granted at the beginning of the World for the propagation and increase of Mankind; and the Jews had that permission and indulgence to their loose and wand'ring affections; and we read that the Eastern parts of the World have abounded with Children of divers Mothers, and but one Father; and that ordinarily a Great Personage in Egypt hath been attended with an hundred lusty Sons in the Field, proceeding from his own Loins, well Armed, and daring in all attempts of War. But yet this course thrives not so well amongst the Turks as formerly; whether it be thought their accursed Vice of Sodomy, or that that God blesses not so much this State of life, as when the paucity of Mankind induced a sort of a necessity and a plea for it.  
But chiefly through the irreconcilable emulation, and rivalry which is amongst many Wives, those Witchcrafts and Sorceries (which in this Country are very frequent) are prepared against the envied fruitfulness each of other, that either they make an Abortive Birth, or otherwise their Children pine, and macerate away with secret and hidden charms, by which means they are now observed not to be so fruitful and numerous, as is the Marriage bed of a single Wife; nor is the family so well regulated, and orderly, as under the conduct and good Housewifry of one Woman, but contrarily filled with noise, brawls and dissensions, as passes the Wisdom of the Husband to become an equal Umpire and arbitrator of their differences; which consideration restrains many, though otherwise inclinable enough to gratify their Appetites, from encumbering themselves with so great an inconvenience; and I have known some, though childless, have adhered to a single Wife, and preferred Quiet and Repose, before the contentment of their Offspring.  
The Children they have by their Slaves, are equally esteemed with those they have by their Wives; Neque vero Turcae minus honoris deferunt natis ex concubinis aut pellicibus quam ex uxoribus, neque illi minus in bona paterna juris habent, Busbeq. Ep. 1.  
But yet with this difference in esteem of the Law, that unless the Father manumisses them by his Testament, and confers a livelihood upon them by Legacy, they remain to the Charity of their Elder Brother that is born from the Wife, and are his Slaves, and he their Lord and Master; and it is with them, as in the Civil Law, Por●us ventrem sequitur; So that from the Loins of the same Father, may proceed Sons of a servile and ignominious condition.  
There is also another sort of half Marriage amongst them, which is called Kabin, when a man takes a Wife for a Month, or for a certain limited time: and an agreement is made for the Price before the Cadee or Judge: and this Strangers oftentimes use, who have not the Gift of Continency, and are desirous to find a Wife in all places where they travel, and is the same which they term in Spain to be Emancibado, or Casado de Media Carta, only the act there is not made allowable by the Laws as in Turkey.  
There is another sort of Marriages commonly used amongst the Turks (if we may give it that honourable Title) which is the conjunction of an Eunuch with a Woman; such as are wholly disarmed of all parts of virility, do notwithstanding take many Wives, and exercise Lusts of an unknown and prodigious nature.  
There is also one point or restriction of Matrimony in the Turkish Religion which is observable; that is a Mahometan may marry himself with what Woman soever, though esteemed an Infidel, as a Christian, Jew, or any other different profession, so it be of those who are of a Learned Religion of which Books are wrote to defend and maintain it; but such Women as are of a Religion which hath nothing in it of Learning o● of written Law, as the Sect of Meiuzee, who adore the Fire, conserving it always burning in their Temples, and are to be found in the parts of Persia, but principally in some Countries of the Mogul; and also the Gipsy Women are prohibited (of which great numbers are amongst the Turks:) a Vagabond people without Religion, but what is fabulous and ridiculous; and having no Literature or knowledge amongst them, are reputed as abominable amongst the Turks.  
And here the Turks upon occasional discourses of the severity and strictness of the Christian Discipline in matters of Concupiscence, telling them that no Copulation is allowable but in the Marriagebed, and that restrained and confined to one Wife, without the additions of Slaves to satisfy with variety the corrupted fancy; that the very thoughts of Lust and Concupiscence pollute the purity of the Soul; And that whosoever looks on a Woman to Lust after her, commits Adultery in his heart; They presently deride these our Precepts and our Laws, which Christians not only by their actions and corrupted lives contemn as invalid, but Authority itself not by a simple coonivence only, but by indulgence and privileges, foments and encourages persons walking contrary to that which is confessed to be an indispensable Law. For proof whereof they mention the Stews of Italy, Whoredom made an allowable Trade and Profession in Venice, Naples and the City of Rome, and the Gantoneras in Spain, and framed into a Politic Body (as it is related and apprehended by the Turks) from whence Taxes and Impositions are raised: The Turks comprehend not the Politic grounds hereof, with which in Italy this Maxim is defended; nor is it fitting to produce the reasons, or argue it with them; since the benefit which accrues to the Roman Church, and the Profits that arise thence, being employed in maintenance of Galleys and Forces against Infidels, is the best can be said to hollow this permission; but 'tis an improper argument with a Turk to excuse this Licence and Authority to sin upon considerations of being better able to War against the Professors of his Religion. And therefore the Turk will hardly be convinced but that this manner of Concubinage hath much more of Sanctity, Order and Policy in it, as being fee from Diseases and Foulness, than the wand'ring Lusts of Stews, or impudence of Cortesans, made bold and hard-fore-headed by concession of Authority.  
Pudet haec opprobria Nobis  
Et dici potuisse, etc.  
Amongst all the privileges that the Sultan enjoys above his Subjects, this one hath less than they, that he cannot marry; but yet he hath as many Women as serves his use, though never so libidinous, or are requisite for the Ostentation and great Magnificence of his Court▪ according to the custom of the Eastern Princes, who placed a great part of their Pomp in the multitude of their Women. This disuse of Marriage in the Sultan, hath been a Mixim of state, and reckoned amongst the Turks, inter Arcana Imperii, from the time of Bajazet until this very Age: the reasons hereof are diversely related, Busbequius saith, That Bajazet after the great Victory obtained against him by Tamerlane, to his other great misfortunes and disgraces, had this one added, of having his Wife Despina, whom he dearly loved, to fall into the hands of the Conqueror, whose ignominious and undecent treatment before the eyes of her Husband, was a matter of more dishonour and sorrow, than all the rest of his afflictions: So that eversince that time, the Sultan's to free themselves from being capable of that disgrace on occasion of like fortune, take no feminine companion of their Empire in whom they may be more concerned than as in Slaves, or the loss of Goods, Riches, or Estate. But in my opinion, this Policy is of a deeper reach and design, than the considerations of matters so merely possible; for as I have heard, the only sign and ceremony of a Sultan's making a Wife, is the endowing her with Riches agreeable to her condition and quality, not called Kabin, which is Dowry, but Pashmaluck or Money for her Shoes; which besides Presents, Jewels, and rich Garments for herself, and great attendance, her Revenue ought to be equal to that of a Valede or Mother of the Grand Signior, which is four or five hundred thousand Dollars yearly Rend; so that were this custom in use, and meeting with the disposition of some Princes that are Amorous and Prodigal, the chief Revenue of the Empire would be expended in the Chambers of Women, and diverted from the true Channels in which the Channel ought to run for nourishment of the Politic body of the Commonwealth. Besides, were it the custom for Sultan's to take Wives, it would contradict that main principle of Policy amongst them, of avoiding Alliances and Relations of the Grand Signior abroad. And this was the principal reason of the murder of Sultan Osman, tenth Emperor of the Turks, contrived by the Rebellion and Toleration of the Soldiery: it being objected that he had married a Sultana, whereof he had contracted Alliances, contrary to the fundamental Constitutions of the Empire.  
The tye and solemnity of Marriage, and the nature thereof amongst the Turks, is as before related: from which the Woman hath no ways to unloose herself, whilst the Husband maintains her with Bread, Butter, Rice, Wood and Flax to spin for her Clothing; the Law supposes her so industrious a Housewife as with her own labour to supply herself: there are some other points pleadable in Law for Divorce in behalf of the Woman, as impotency, or frigidity in the Husband, and the like, but the man hath divers means to acquit himself, and can do it by several allegations; and may upon as easy terms, and on as light grounds sue out his Divorce, as was permitted to the jews in cases of dislike, or that she found no favour in his eyes.  
There are amongst the Turks three degrees of Divorce, every one of which is made before the Kadee or Justice, and by him drawn out and registered. The first separates the Man and Wife only from the same House and Bed, the maintenance of a Wife being still continued; The second not only divides them in that manner, but the Husband is compelled to make good her Kabin, which is a Jointure or Dowry promised at her Marriage, so as to have no interest either in him or his Estate, and to remain in a free condition to marry another. The third sort of Divorce which is called (Ouch Talac) is made in a solemn and more serious manner, with more rigorous terms of separation, and in this case the Husband repenting of his Divorce, and desirous to re-take his Wife, cannot by the Law be admitted to her without first consenting and contenting himself to see another man enjoy her before his face; which condition the Law requires as a punishment of the Husband's lightness and inconstancy, and as an evidence to show that though the Turkish Law is very indulgent and open in the free choice and enjoyment of Women, yet that it punishes such as unadvisedly frustrate the solemn points thereof, with remarkable notes of infamy and disgrace. Notwithstanding some afterwards repenting of their Divorce, have been contented with the condition, and have chosen some handsome Youth to enter into the Bed of their Wife. It is a merry Story that is told of one, who in this case being put to a great straight, resolved to call the first man he conveniently met, to this Office, that so as one unknown, his reputation might be the less concerned: the man he first lighted on, happened to be a Kaickgee or Boat-man, who it seems so well satisfied and pleased the Wife, that she afterwards renounced all interest in her Husband, and resolved to adhere to her new Lover, of whom she supposed she had sufficient proof and acquaintance with already to esteem a better Husband than her former. There are but few amongst the Turks, though some are found, who so heartily repent of their Divorce, and so fond of their separated Wives, as to be contented to take them with the foregoing Condition: for it is reputed a kind of an Abomination; and when they would signify any matter far alienated or estranged, they call it (Ouch Talac) something so divided and separated as to be a Sin and Profanation so much as to covet or desire it.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the other parts of the Turkish Religion.  

Of Circumcision.  
CIrcumcision is not reckoned amongst one of the five Points which constitute a true Mahometan believer, but 'tis only (as we have said before) proposed as a trial and proof of man's obedience to the more necessary parts of the Law. This Rite of Circumcision is not received by them as an Article or Precept delivered expressly from the Koran, but by tradition and ancient practice and use amongst the Arabians, before the time of Mahomet, derived originally from Ishmael or Esau, whose Progeny they are, and from thence give themselves the name of Ishmaelites. The Arabian Doctors affirm that Mahomet himself was born with his Navel cut, and naturally circumcised; perhaps to equal the same Story which the Jews report of Moses, and some others of the Patriarches; and it seems in those Countries where Circumcision is in practice, that it is not unusual for Children to be so born; who are therefore called Sons of the Moon, on whom the virtue of the Moon hath more than ordinary manner of influence. 
Pocokii nota de Arabum moribus.  Credebant siquidem Arabes, quod ille qui sub lunae radiis nasceretur, contrahi perinde ac circumcisum praeputium.  
The Turks never circumcise their Children until the age of seven years and upwards; and then they do it by a Barber or Chirurgeon, it not being esteemed a matter appropriated to the Office of the Emaun▪ or Priests; for (as we have said before) they make no such distinction as Clergy and Laity; I mean as to any spiritual Character of Priesthood; for a man may cry upon the Steeple to day, and like their Pastor be the first to lead his Congregation to their Prayers, and expound the Koran in the Pulpit; and next day be expelled his Parish, and become free to any other secular Employment or Profession: They observe some Ceremonies amongst them on this occasion, often differing according to the Country and place; but commonly the child is set on Horseback in his best clothes attended with his Schoolfellows and Companions, who with loud shouts repeat some words in the Koran; 
Ceremonies at the Circumcision.  and being brought home, and the act of Circumcision performed, he is carefully attended for his Cure, and in the mean time there is a Feast or Banquet prepared for the Guests; those who of riper years become Mahometans in some places are carried about the Town on Horseback, with a Dart in their left hand pointing to their heart, signifying that they will rather suffer themselves to be passed through with that Instrument, than renounce that Faith they then profess. And this Circumcision is an admission and introduction of them into the number of the Faithful, as it is amongst the Jews, and Baptism with the Christians.    

CHAP. XXIII. Of the five necessary Points which are required to constitute a true Mahometan.  

Of their Washings.  
THough Mahomet saith in the Koran that his Religion is founded in Cleanness, and that it is half of his Law; yet much before Mahomet's time Washings were observed according to the same prescriptions by the Arabians, who descending from Ishmael, maintained by tradition the practice of Washings: and he had no other share in this invention, than that it was enforced by his Authority on the Professors of his Sect. The Turks are certainly a very cleanly people in their exterior manner of living; as in their Washings relating to their holy exercises and duties, they are very precise and superstitious: some of them believing that the very water purifies them from the foulness of their sins, as well as from the uncleanness of their bodies: There being three sorts of Washings observed by them.  
The first is called Abdest, which is a preparation for their Prayers, entering the Mosch, or reading the Koran; they first wash their hands and arms, than their neck, their forehead, the crown of their head, their ears, their teeth, the face, under the nose, and last of all their feet; but if the weather be cold, not convenient to uncover them, it is sufficient, if they make some evidence thereof by any other outward signification.  
The second is called Gusul, which is the cleansing of the Bath after copulation or nocturnal pollutions; until which time a man is called Giunub, that is, his prayers are accounted abominable before God, and his Society to be avoided by Men.  
The third is Taharet, which is a Washing after the ease or evacuation of nature; to this homely office they design the three last fingers of the left hand; and upon this account they call Christians Taharatsis, which is as much as one defiled and impure for want of this manner of cleansing. And washing is so usual and frequent amongst them both before and after Meat, as hath caused a common Proverb amongst them, That God hath created Meat, that men may have occasion often to wash their hands.   

Secondly, Of their Prayers.  
After their Washing follow their Prayers, which Mahomet to recommend to his Disciples the force and virtue of Prayer, calls it in his Koran the Pillar of Religion, and the Key of Paradise, and enjoined the performance five times in the space of twenty four hours, viz. between the day breaking and Sunrising, called Sabanamesse. Secondly, at Noon, called Vlemanasee. Thirdly, at the middle hour, between the Noon and the setting of the Sun, called Kindinamasee. Fourthly, at Sunsetting, called Acshanamasee. Fifthly, at an hour and half in the night, called Tachinamasee; this action they perform with very much reverence and devotion, and hold that they ought to be so intent and fixed in their thoughts on this religious act towards God, that no business of the World, though the execution of the Sultan's Decree should in the same moment be commanded, or fire should burst forth in the very Chamber where they remain, or an armed Enemy within their Gates or Camp, they ought not yet to be diverted, or break abruptly off their Prayers, to extinguish or oppose themselves against their inevitable Destruction; nay, if they do but Cough, or Spit, or Sneeze, or rub any part of their Face, or Hands, where a a Fly bites, during their Prayers, they must begin them again, for they are void, and esteemed to be of no effect. It is much in my opinion that Infidels should be possessed with that awe and sense of the Divine Majesty in the time of their Audience with him; and yet that Friars and others of the Roman Church obliged to their Office, as the Turk to his Namas, should perform it so perfunctorily, as to mix the discourse of business with the Repetition of their Breviary, and join with their Responsals Answers and Resolutions of questions are made them; and so satisfy themselves in the Opus operatum, as if it were more important to comply with his command who imposed the Office than with his who primarily enjoined the sacrifice of prayer.  
The form of their Prayers is not extracted out of the Koran, only the Collections of Sentences, as in the Name of God, God is Great and Merciful, and the like, are deduced from thence (as Christians do from the fountain of the Holy Scriptures) the rest is compiled by the four Doctors we have before mentioned, viz. Ebbubecher, Omar, Ozman and Ali; whose names are wrote in golden Characters on the Walls of most Mosches: Herein they observe many postures and gestures of their Body; as placing their hands one on the other before them, bending the body, kneeling, touching the Ground with their forehead, moving the head to each side, and the like; in which it is difficult to make distinction of those merely invented and ordained by Mahomet, from those which were primarily in use amongst the ancient Arabians: But that the orderly Ceremonies in their Prayers may be better described, it will be to our purpose to hear what Busbequius relates of the whole Turkish Army, whom he had seen drawn up orderly in the Field at their Devotion. I saw (said he) in that Plain, 
Epist. 3.  a great multitude of Heads folded up in Turbans, who with profound silence attended to the words of a Priest their conductor; all of them being drawn up in rank and file, and covering with their extended Orders the whole Plain, seemed to have framed a Wall or Bulwark by the regular disposition of their Bodies: their Cloathings were of light colours, and their Turbans comparable to the whiteness of the Snow, and the variety of the different colours of their Garments, fed the eyes with a strange pleasure: in this manner so immovable they stood, as if they had grown in the place where their feet were fixed, no coughing, hemming, nor voice was heard, nor so much as any motion was perceived of their heads; every one at the name of Mahomet pronounced by the Priest, bowed his head to his knees; and at the name of God reverently prosterated himself, and kissed the Earth; and thus the Turks with devout ceremony and profound attention perform their whole Duties; supposing that Prayer to become fruitless, which is interrupted by scratching the Head, rubbing the Hands, or any other gesture not essential to their Prayers. But of all Nations and Religions that I have known, they are the most hypocritical; they are those who love to pray in the Marketplace, and in the Corners of the Streets, to have praise of Men; for it is observable with the Turks, that where they find the most Spectators, especially of Christians, to choose that place how inconvenient soever, to spread first their Handkerchief, and then begin their Prayers. The substance of their Prayers consists for the most part in praises of the Divine Power and Attributes; mixing therewith Petitions for the safety of his Prince and his Dominions, and for Dissension and Wars amongst Christians, which part they conceive God hath greatly gratified them in, and rejoicing upon the rumours of Wars and disturbances in Christendom, as an effect of the Divine facility and concession to their Prayers: They know well by experience, what Tacitus reports of the Roman Policy; That, 
Lib. 12. Hist.  Omne scelus externum cum laetitia habendum, semina etiam odiorum incende; and as the Romans destined Armenia to be a prize held up, and the Stage also, on which the Tragedy of the ruin of the Eastern Nations were to be acted, Eandem Armeniam specie largitionis turbandis barbarorum animis praebuerint; so the Turks forbore for several years the total Conquest of the Provinces of Transilvania, Moldavia and Valachia; reserving them for the Cadmean Fields, wherein the Hungarians, Germans, Polonians, and the People of those Countries themselves might destroy one the other, and make his entrance to the possession of them the more facile, and less bloody.   

Thirdly, Of their Ramazan.  
The third necessary point of their Religion, is the observation of the Month of Ramazan, or a Fast in that whole Month, in which time they can neither eat, drink, or take any thing in their Mouths, whilst the Sun is above the Horizon; afterwards▪ upon shutting in of the Evening, that the Emaum lights the Lamps, which in that Month are exposed round the Steeple of every Mosch, they have liberty to eat: most part of the night they spend in Feasting, reserving commonly their greatest Delicacies and best provisions for the consolation of that Fast; their business and employments they attend most to in the night, passing the day as over-tedious in sleeping, so that their Fast is nothing but a changing the day into night. This Month they call sacred and holy, and the time when the Gates of Paradise are opened, and of Hell are shut: and so strict is the imposition of this Fast, that it is no less than Death for a Turk to be accused of the breach thereof. In this Month to drink Wine is esteemed an inexpiable crime; and such who give themselves that liberty at other times, do yet, not to give scandal, abstain from it fourteen days before the beginning of this Month: and Women, and other of the more superstitious ●ort, begin fifteen days their Fast before it is enjoined by the Precept of their Prophet. But such as are sick, or have any infirmity, or are travellers in their journey, have a permission to eat; but with that condition, as to remain obliged at other times of their health and convenience to make good those days of the Ramazan, of which they remain indebted to the performance of their Law.  

Mr. Poco●k▪ Notae de Arabum mo●ibus.  The Institutions of this Month of Ramazan, proceeded from Mahomet himself, in the second year of his Prophetic Office, which he did not assume until he fully had completed forty years, having before in imitation of the Jews Fast of Ashura, Levit. 16. ver. 29. in memory of the overthrow of Pharaoh and his Host in the Red-Sea, enjoined to the Arabians the same time of Abstinence: but afterwards apprehending it dishonourable to be beholding to the Jews for the invention of a Fast, instituted the Ramazan, the time of which is governed by the course of the Moon, and falls out commonly ten days sooner than in the preceding year, so that this Fast with time comes to run through all the Months, and is more easy to the Turks when it happens in the short days of the Winter, rather than in the Summer, when the days are long and hot, which become tedious to the ordinary sort of people, who for necessity are forced to labour, and yet for the quenching thirst dare not refresh their mouths with a drop of water.   

Fourthly, Of their Zacat.  
Which is another necessary point to the constitution of a Mahometan, which is the bestowing Alms according to certain rules prescribed by four principal Doctors of their Law: the word Zacat signifies as much as Increase, because the Alms procure the blessing of God, and multiply the store of the Merciful. According to this command every man is obliged to give one in a hundred of all their Estate to the relief of the poor; and though this Precept is enjoined as an ingredient to constitute a true Mahometan, yet covetousness and Policy so much prevail with the Turks, that the Rich are both unwilling to part with so much of their Estate, and fearful to evidence their Wealth by a true calculate according to the Zacat; so that the Poor are the best observers of this injunction, the Rich conceiving it superfluous, and never intended by God to make the performance of Religion a snare to their Estates.   

Fifthly, Of their Pilgrimage to Mecha.  
Which is enjoined to every one who hath Riches and Freedom from great Offices and Charges of Government, to perform it; being a Type or signification of their passage out of this world into the next. The number of those who yearly undertake this Pilgrimage is uncertain, though most commonly are registered from divers parts where the Mahometan Religion is professed, above Fifty Thousand Souls; these Pilgrims depart about the latter end of May from Constantinople, and meet with those from Anatolia, Caramania, and others of that quarter of the World at Damascus: those from Persia assemble at Babylon: those of the parts of Egypt at Grand Cairo, and all unite upon a Mount not far distant from Mecha, where they observe divers Ceremonies, as making Corban or Sacrifice, which they do by kill Sheep, and sending part thereof as Presents to their Friends, and distribution thereof amongst the Poor. They also here strip themselves of their Garments, and being covered only with a Blanket, go in procession through the Mountains, in signification that they must now leave all their sins and affections of the World behind them. Here also they leave their Christian Slaves, that so they may not profane the Holy City with the Uncircumcised.  
The chief Commander over the Pilgrims (for amongst so considerable a number of people, there must be rule and Government) is appointed by the Grand Signior, and is called Sur-Emini, by whom he sends 500 Zechins, an Koran Embossed with Gold, carried on a Camel, and as much black Cloth as serves for Hangings for the Mosches at Mecha; and this is yearly presented from the Sultan to that place: when the new Hanging is set up, that of the former year is pulled down, and is by the Pilgrims torn in pieces: some getting more and some less, carry any rag of it home, as a Relic and token of their Pilgrimage, which serves them in place of the Caabe, to which they turn their faces at the time of Prayers. The Camel which carried the Koran, at his return home is decked with flowers and other ornaments, and having performed this holy Journey, is ever after exempted from all labour and service.    

CHAP. XXIV. Of the Bairam and Ceremonies used at that time by the chief Officers to the Grand Signior.  
THE Bairam is the Feast of the Turks, of which there are two in the year; one immediately following the Fast of Ramazan, as our Easter doth the Lent, which is called the great Bairam, the other is the little Bairam, which happens about seventy days after the former; at which time the people for three days cease from their labour; present one the other, rejoice and take greater liberty than at other times; which no question but was invented by Mahomet, for relaxation of the bodies and minds of his Followers, as well as in imitation of the Christian Feasts.  
The Bairam is then conceived to begin at the first appearance of the new Moon after the Ramazan; which is sometime deferred a days time, if the weather prove cloudy, that the Moon is not visible; if longer the Sky be obscured, according to the course of nature, it is presumed that the Moon is begun, and so their Feast begins also; which is published at Constantinople by the discharge of the great Guns at the point of the Seraglio upon the Seashore, at which time the Lights or Lamps on the Steeples of the Mosches are extinguished or omitted to be lighted, and Drums and Trumpets are sounded in all public places of the City, and Courts of great Persons: so that every one betakes himself to Mirth or Pastime as his own inclination or convenience leads him.  
But that which will be most curious to the observation of the judicious Reader, is the relation of the Ceremonies used in the Seraglio at this Feast by the several Officers of State to the Grand Signior, and to one another; which are so formal, precise, and constant to the least motion of every Member of the Body, as will clear the Turks: from that opinion which passes of them in the World, of being rude, uncivil, and void of all Ceremony or Courtship in their comportment and behaviour; which according to the best information I could procure, is for the most part in this manner.  
The Antiport leading to the Lodgings of the Kapa Agasi (or chief Eunuch who commands the Pages) being adorned with rich Carpets, Cushions, and other Furniture after their fashion, on the Vigil or Eve before the Bairam, all the Prime Officers of State belonging to the Empire then at Constantinople, assemble themselves at the Grand Signior's Seraglio three or four hours before day, where as soon as day breaks, the Grand Signior mounted on Horseback, passes through the midst of them, and goes to the Mosches of Santa Sophia, where having said his morning Prayer, he returns again to the Seraglio.  
Being returned, he enters the Hasoda or Royal Chamber, and setting himself in his Seat of State, having the chief Eunuch of the Pages on his left hand, the Sons of the Tartar Han (which remain for Hostages in the Turkish Court) upon signs made to them, are the first who present themselves before him to wish him a happy Festival; whom (as I have heard reported) he walks three Paces to meet, and they prostrating themselves, say, Eiamischerif, which is, May these days be happy; and arising kiss his hand, and so retire. The next who makes his address, is the Prime Visier, who standing on the right hand of the Grand Signior in the front of all the Beglerbegs, Pashaws, and other great Officers, Compliments the Grand Signior upon one knee, and nearer approaching, kisses his hand, and then arising takes the station of the Kapa Agasi, or Eunuch of the Pages. The next who follows in this Ceremony is the Mufti, who on the left hand fronts the Officers and principal Heads of the Law, as the Kadelescheres or Lords chief Justices of Anatolia and Gre●ce, the Nakib Eschref, principal Head or Primate of the Kindred of Mahomet, the Mullahs, Preachers called Seighs, and others. Then the Mufti bowing his head to the ground, holding his hands on his Girdle, kisses him on the left shoulder, and the Grand Signior steps one pace forward to meet him, and so retires to his place; then all the others in their several Orders take their turns to pass this Ceremony, who are treated according to what the Prime Visier informs the Grand Signior; for some kiss his Hand, others the hem of his Vest, some his Sleeve, others his Breast, thereafter as their Quality and Authority is, which is so full of variety and formal niceties, that there is a Book wrote expressly treating of all the particularities of this Ceremony. The last of all who is called to perform his Compliment, is the janizar Agasi, or the General of the janissaries.  
This part being thus far passed, the Grand Signior enters into a more retired Chamber of the Seraglio, where the Arz Agalar, or the four principal Pages are the first of the Court to do their obeisance as before: then follow the Eunuches and other Pages; In the mean time a Dinner is provided in the Chamber of the Divan, where the Officers of State having complied with their obligation, take a plentiful repast at the Grand Signior's charge; after which the Grand Signior makes a present to each of the sixteen principal Officers of Sable Vests, with which the Ceremony concludes.  
Then is way made for the Coaches of the Sultana's who having been Cloistered in the old Seraglio the whole year before, are glad at the Feast of Bairam to have occasion to make their Visits to the Grand Signior in the first place, as being of his Kindred and Relations, and then to the Queen or Queen-Mother, and to the other Sultana's and Lady, with whom they use variety of Ceremony according to their Condition and Quality; and there have liberty to remain for the space of three days in Banqueting, and other divertisements of Music and Discourse.  
It may well be observed from the premises, how generally the World is mistaken in the opinion is conceived of the Courtship used amongst the Turks, commonly reputed by Travellers to be rude, coming much short of that quaintness, bowings, cringings, and reverend postures used in Christendom. It is true the Turks deportment even in the most vile and mechanic vulgar, though never so mean, is carried with a strange kind of barbarity and rudeness towards the best of Christians in those parts; which proceeds rather from a sort of pride and detestation taught them by their Religion, than from any want of being instructed in their duty of due reverence to their Superiors; for in their carriage one towards the other, they observe the rules and niceties of Compliment with as much variety and exactness, as is exercised in Rome, or the most civilised Courts of Christendom; and amongst the chief Ministers ' there is much preciseness and caution used not to exceed the limits of that Ceremony which inferiors owe the superiors, lest they should disparage their own quality, or give occasion to the World to believe their disorderly submission to be a part of adulation. And therefore it is worthy the study of Christian Ministers employed in Embassies in the Ottoman Court, to be well informed in the rules and manner of their carriage in the presence of the chief Ministers of State; for uncovering the head, as in Christendom, is amongst them esteemed ridiculous and affrontive, and the manner of little bowings and often inclinations of the body, taken as acknowledgements of the great distance there is between the Masters they represent; and therefore a little Ceremony at the entrance, and the like at departure, with a steady and constant behaviour at the time of the Treaty or Discourse, is the best rule for a Christian Minister; which is interpreted amongst Turks as the effect of gravity and estimation of themselves; it being certain, that the contrary hath caused many Christian Ministers to fall lower in the reputation of the Turks, than they had deserved for their wisdom and dexterity in the management of the more substantial points of Affairs.   

CHAP. XXV. Of the Prohibition of Swine's Flesh and Wine.  
THE five foregoing Principles already treated of are (as we have said before) the essential points required towards the constitution of a true Mahometan; other matters are proofs and trials of their obedience; amongst which none is more enjoined than the prohibition of Swine's flesh and Wine: which are called Haram things abominable and forbidden. The first in reality abhorred by them, and as displeasing as the Flesh of a Man to civilised People, or a Dog's thigh to such as have been used to Delicacies and wholesome Viands. But Wine of late years, though forbidden by the Law, hath gained a better reputation; and though accursed by them, is yet accounted of so strong a temptation, that the sin is the more excusable; and though the Koran positively inhibits the use thereof, and the Expositors of the Law have so far removed it from all possibility of becoming lawful, that they have determined that if Wine be spilt on the ground, and in that place Grass grows, and with that pasture a Sheep or an Ox is nourished, those cattle become Haram, and are as abominable as the Flesh of Swine.  
But notwithstanding the severe Prohibitions hereof by their Religion, Wine is so commonly used, that it is publicly drank without cautions or fear of giving scandal; the great Men, because in Office, are more careful how the World discovers what delight they take in that liquor, lest the miscarriages of their Office should be attributed to the excess of Wine; or their knowledge of the use of that which deprives them of their reason, render them uncapable of their Trust and Dignity. For the Turks account it impossible to drink Wine with moderation, and are ignorant of the benefit of it for Concoction of crude humours and indigestions of the stomach; and wonder to see it by English, French, or Italians tempered with Water; for unless they may drink it with full Bowls, and have sufficient thereof, to give them their Kaif, (as they call it) that is to transport them into a dissolute mirth, or the ridiculous actions of drunkenness, or to a surfeit or a vomit, they esteem it not worth the drinking, and a provocation to the appetite and palate to remain with a desire of demanding more.  
But such as would appear Religious amongst them, and are superstitious, morose, and haters of Christians, abstain wholly from Wine, and are of a Stoical pride, melancholy temper, and censorious of the whole World. These men who drink only Water and Coffee, enter into Discourses of State matters, censure the Actions, and pass Characters on the Grandees and great Officers; Assumta Stoicorum arrogantia, Sectaque quae turbidos, & negotiorum appetentes faciat. Tac. lib. 14. And this was the reason why the great Visier Kuperli, put down the Coffeehouses in Constantinople, and yet privileged the Taverns; because the first were melancholy places where Seditions were vented, where reflections were made on all occurrences of State, and discontents published and aggravated; but Wine raised the spirits of men to a gay humour, and would never operate those effects to endanger his condition as the Counsels which were contrived in the Assemblies of those who addicted themselves to a more melancholy Liquor.  
The drinking Wine in young Men is esteemed amongst the extravagancies of Youth, but in old men is crime a more undecent, and scandalous in a higher degree. But why Mahomet should so severely forbid the use of Wine to his Disciples, is recounted in a Fable on this occasion; That their Prophet being once invited by a Friend to an entertainment at his house, changed in his way thither to be detained a while at a Nuptial Feast, where the Guests raised with the cheerful spirits of the Wine, were merrey, embracing, and in a kind temper each towards other; which pleasing humour Mahomet attributing to the effect of the Wine, blessed it as a sacred thing, and so departed. But it happened that in the evening returning again, and expecting to see the love and caresses he had before blessed, to be augmented, he found the house to the contrary, full of Brawls and noise, fightings, and all confusion; which he also having understood to be another effect of the Wine, changed his former Blessing into a Curse, and for ever after made it Haram, or an abomination to his Disciples.   

CHAP. XXVI. Of their Morality, Good Works, and some certain of their Laws worthy of observation.  
THough according to the preceding Discourse, the Character that may thence result from the nature and temperance of the Turks, doth not promise any long Treatise concerning their deep Morality, Virtues, and elevated Graces: yet in the minds of all Mankind, though never so barbarous, God having wrought the Law of Nature, and made that impression of doing right to our Neighbour, which tends towards conservation of the World; we may well expect to find the same Principles in the Turks; especially their Victories and Spoils abroad, having procured them conversation with other Nations, and their Wars and Treaties with Christians, having refined their minds in a good part of that rude temper they brought with them out of Scythia, it will not be strange for us to find amongst them, men whom Education hath made civil, polished in all points of virtuous deportment, and made Heroes of their Age; though I must confess I cannot applaud the generality of this people with so high encomiums, as I have read in the Books of some ingenious Travellers, and do believe without partiality that they come short of the good nature and virtues are to be found in most parts of Christendom. Howsoever, wherein they conceive a great part of charity is placed, and meritorious Works, it will not be unworthy nor unpleasant to consider.  
And in the first place, they esteem it a good work to build Houses, though from thence they obtain a Rent, because it is a habitation for those who have no Lands or Estates, to have them of their own. But especially such as are Princes and great Men, who build Chans or Inns, which are receptacles for Travellers at night, are ranked in the first Order of sacred Benefactors, and are blessed and prayed for by the weary Guests, who have found repose and refreshment through their Munificence: and in these Buildings the Turks are extraordinary Magnificent in most parts of the Empire, having united to many of them a stately Mosch, Baths, and Shops for Artisans and Tradesmen to supply all the necessities of the Travellers; and some of them are so endowed, that every night the Guests are entertained at free cost with a convenient Supper, be their number more or less according as the Chan is capable to receive. The form of these Buildings is for the most part according to the model of the highest and stateliest of our Halls, covered with Lead, though not altogether so high Roofed; yet some I have observed for their breadth and length very Magnificent; yet by reason they have been somewhat lower, have only in that come short of the pride of the stateliest Fabrics: though in few of them are Apartments for different Companies, yet every one is sufficiently retired, having at a convenient distance different Chimneys for all parties of Guests to dress their Meat, and in the Winter for their Fire; the greatest inconvenience to Men of watchful spirits, and used to quiet retirements, is the want of sleep, which until I have been overtired with labour, and accustomed thereunto by divers days Journeys, hath been always a stranger to my eyes, by reason of the molestation of various Companies, some of which are always awake, some mending their Carts, others dressing Meat, others upon their departure, that in those public places never want noise to disturb those who sleep but of one ear: These stately Chans or Inns, which with the Mosches are the only durable and magnificent Buildings of the Empire, are the Edifices of certain great Men, who fearing to be deprived of their Riches by a hasty death, should they endeavour to continue them to their Family, choose to perpetuate their Names, and secure their conditions by these public Works.  
Those who would appear of a compassionate and tender nature, hold it a pious work to buy a Bird from a Cage to give him his liberty; and hold it a merciful action to buy Bread and feed the Dogs, of which there are a great number of diseased Curs in all Streets appropriate to no Master, but are mangy and foul, and no small causes of breeding the Plague, so frequent in all the Cities of the Turks. And this care of Dogs is accounted so charitable, that there are certain Laws made for the protection and maintenance of them: and it is a lighter offence to deny Bread to a poor Christian who is famished in his Chains, than to the Dogs of their Street, which are fit for nothing but to breed Infection; and some bind themselves by a Vow to give such a quantity of bread a day to the Dogs of such a Street, others bequeath it by Testament; for they maintain their quarters from other wand'ring Curs, and join together in a strange manner to preserve certain limits free from others that are not whelped and bred amongst them.  
The Camel is another sort of Beast to which the Turks bear not only a love, but a religious reverence, accounting it a greater sin to over burden and tyre them with too much labour, than the Horse, because it is the Beast most common to the holy parts of Arabia, and carries the Koran in Pilgrimage; that I have observed those who have the government of the Camels, when they have given water to them in a Basin, to take off the foam or froth that comes from the Mouth of the Beast, and with that, as if it were some rare Balsam, with a singular devotion to anoint their Beards, and thereat with a Religious sigh, groan out, Hadgi Baba, Hadgi Baba, which is as much as, Oh Father Pilgrim! O Father Pilgrim! And thus having run through the most observable points of the Turkish Religion, it will be now time to take a view of their Host and Militia, being that by which their Empire is more supported, than either by their Policy in Civil Government, or Profession in Religion.    

THE THIRD BOOK, Wherein is Treated of The Turkish Militia.  

CHAP. I. Of the present state of the Military Discipline in general amongst the Turks.  
WHoever is acquainted with the state of the Turkish Empire, and hath duly considered the premises of this foregoing Treatise, will easily judge that the main Sinews of the Ottoman Kingdom consist in the force of the Spahees, janissaries, and the other Auxiliaries; and that this Government being wholly founded upon Martial Discipline, and the Law of Arms, is most obliged to the Constitutions, and supported on the Props related in this following Discourse: for this People having neither entered into the Possession of this Empire, as into an uninhabited and desert Land, as Colonies of other Nations have done into Country's new found or discovered; nor got admittance precariously from the Grecian Princes for the benefit of their Neighbourhood and Commerce; but have opened their way to Possession and Government by mere force and power of the Sword; whereby their Constitutions, Laws, Customs and Manners of living are wholly agreeable to the warlike Discipline of a Camp, and to the quickness and ready execution of Martial Law. And if it be true in Morality, as it is in Nature, that things are conserved by the same cause by which they are produced; it will necessarily follow, that this Ottoman Empire, which was begot by Arms, and had Mars its only Father, will never be nourished by softness, and the arts and blandishments of Peace.  
But he that takes a view of the Ottoman Armies, as described in various Histories, renowned for their Chivalry and Discipline in the times of Sultan Selim, or Solyman the Magnificent, and designs thence to extract a draught, or Copy for his present speculation, will find himself much at a loss in framing true conjectures of the puissance of the Turks, or the Rules of their Government, by comparison of former times with this present age. For that ancient sublimity and comely Majesty in the Empire is much abated; the Forces by Land decayed, and the Maritime power by ill success and unskilful and slothful Seamen, reduced to an inconsiderable condition; the Countries are dispeopled, and the Royal Revenue abated; nothing remains of those plenteous stores and provisions of War, nor that Regiment and Discipline continued in peace, none of that ancient observation of their Laws and Religion, nor that love and respect to the Militia, which is now become degenerate, soft, and effeminate; nor is the Ottoman Court so prone to remunerate the services, and exalt the interest of the Cavalry, or maintain the reputation of the janissaries. In brief, there are no Relics of ancient Justice, or Generosity of discreet Government, or Obedience to it, of Courtesy or Concord, of Valour or Counsel, nor yet of Confidence, Friendship, or generous Fidelity.  
But though this Empire hath many of these distempers, and begins to grow factious, and yet slothful, and desirous to avoid the occasions of War, as all Governments have been which in their youth and first beginnings were eager, active, and provoked through Poverty, in their riper years grown Rich, and Luxurious with Plenty, have declined afterwards as from the Meridian of their Greatness and Power; yet the Turks maintain still the extent of their Dominions, and if they have lost ground in one place, like the Sea, they have recovered it in another; if in Asia the Persians have taken from them Rivan, Schirvan, Tiber, Lyris and Ghenge, it is but a recovery of their own Dominions; if they are dispossessed in Ethiopia of Eden, and other parts of Arabia Felix, they have recompensed themselves in Europe, by their footing in Candia; and in Hungary, by the late Conquest of Newheusel and Novigrade; and in Transilvania, by the additions of janova and Waradin.  
But this Empire, as vast and large as it is, is yet dispeopled, the Villages abandoned, and whole provinces as pleasant and fruitful as Tempe or Thessaly, uncultivate and turned into a Desert, or Wilderness: all which desolation and ruin proceeds from the Tyranny and Rapine of the Beglerbegs and Pashaws; who either in their Journeys to the possession of their Government, or return from thence, expose the poor Inhabitants to violence and injury of their Attendants, as if they had entered the Confines of an Enemy, or the Dominions of a Conquered People.  
In like manner the insolence of the Horse and Foot is unsupportable, for in their marches from one Country to another, Parties of 20 or 30 are permitted to make excursions into divers parts of their own Dominions, where they not only live upon free quarter, but extort Money and clothes from the poor Vassals, ●aking their Children to sell for Slaves, especially the Bulgarians, and Servi●ns, and the people of Bosna and Albania, which being ignorant of the Turkish Tongue, and sold for Russians, Hungarians or Moscovites, so that rather than be exposed to much misery, and licence of the Soldiery, the poor people choose to abandon their dwellings, and wander into other Cities, or seek for refuge in the Mountains, of Wood's of the Country. In fine, though generally the Military Offices are in the same form, and the Soldiery disposed according to the ancient Rule and Canon, yet licentiousness and negligence have so prevailed in the Officers, as to introduce that corruption which renders them wholly altered and estranged from their first Discipline: For the Commanders upon every light occasion are contented to make Otoracks or Stipendiaries, such as enjoy the pay and privileges of a Soldier, and yet are excused from the Wars; which they easily purchase with a small Sum of Money, for a scratch, or a flesh-wound gained in the Wars; wholly against the Original Institution, which designed that benefit only for maimed and disabled Soldiers; so that now there is so great a number of Soldiery lusty and healthful, under the title of Dead men's pay, as disfurnishes the Grand Signior's Treasury, and weakens his Forces.  
The janissaries also marrying freely, and yet dispensed with as to the absence from their Duty and Chambers, apply themselves to Trades and other Studies besides the War, by which means having Children and Dependencies, they are forced by other Arts than their few Asper's of daily pay, to seek the provision and maintenance of a Family; and their minds growing estranged from the War, are solicitous with the care and anxiety for a Wife and Children; and in my time, have so abhorred the thoughts of the War both in Candy and in Hungary, that many have offered great Presents to be excused; and so general hath been the dislike of all kind of Martial action for the reasons before mentioned, that at first the very rumours and discourse of War, and afterwards the reality thereof, caused so general a discontent, as had, if not prudently prevented and timely suppressed, burst into a Mutiny of the Militia; whose mere enquiry but into the reasons and grounds of the War, is little different from a Sedition.  
Another Corruption hath the Covetousness of the Officers produced for small Presents and Donatives, in owning many under the title and name of Spahees and janissaries, which have no name or place in the Rolls, or Registers of the Soldiery; by which means many Offenders, and outlawed persons are defended by the Military Privileges; and the ancient honour due to Arms is prostituted for the maintenance and protection of the rascalities and scum of the World.  
And this shall serve to have spoken in general of the present state of the Turkish Soldiery: we shall now proceed to the particularities of the force and numbers of the Turkish Militia, and from whence and how they are raised.   

CHAP. II. Of the Turkish Militia.  
IN the twelfth Chapter of the first Book we made an estimate of the Revenue and the Riches of all the Beglerbegs and Pashaws of the Empire, be which might-by collected the number of Soldiers which these great men are able out of their own Families to furnish unto the Wars; it will be now time to make a just computation in its due place, of the Forces in particular, the numbers, the Countries from whence they are raised, the several Military Orders, and the true puissance of the Ottoman Empire; which is indeed so incredibly great and numerous, That with good reason they have form it into a Proverb, That no Grass grows there where the Turkish Horse hath once set his foot. This speculation is absolutely necessary to a true description of the Regiment of a Country; for the Martial Constitutions are the best part of the Political Science, and Civil Laws have no vigour unless they receive their Authority by the enforcement of the Sword: This consideration is also necessary to the Art of a Statesman, that he ill studies the Geography of his Enemy's Provinces, who knows not the utmost strength it contains by Land and Sea, and is ill prepared to ga●n a perfect knowledge of the prudent Art wherewith a Nation or People is conserved in Peace, who is ignorant of their Force, and Constitutions appropriated to the time of War. Wherefore we shall discourse as succinctly of this Subject as the matter will permit, and with the same certainty that one of the principal Mustermasters of the Turkish Rolls, long practised and accurate in his Office, hath deciphered, from whose Report itself I profess to derive my Authority in this following Relation.  
The whole Turkish Militia than is of two sorts; one that receives maintenance from certain▪ Lands or Farms bestowed on them by the Grand Signior; others that receive their constant pay in ready money. The great nerve or sinew of the Turkish Empire is that of the 
* Called in Turkish Mal-Mukarele.  first rank, which are of two sorts, viz. Zaims, which are like Barons in some Countries; and Timariot, who may be compared to the Decumani amongst the Romans. Those of the second sort, paid out of the Grand Signior's Treasury, are Spahees, janissaries, 
† Gebegi.  Armourers, 
* Topzi.  Gunners, and Soldiers called Levens, who have no pay for life, or are enroled amongst the Military Orders; but only make an agreement for five or six thousand Asper's for their Voyage, which being ended, they are disbanded.  

Of the Zaims and Timariot.  
The nature of these two, and their Institution is the same; the only difference is in their Commissions or Patents, or rather we may call them the Conveyances or Evidences for their Lands, which they have from the Grand Signior: For the Rent of a Zaim is from 20m m of Asper's to 99999, and no further; for adding one Asper more, it becomes the Estate of a Sangiackbeck called a Pashaw, which is from 100000 Asper's to 19m999; for adding one Asper more, it becomes the Revenue of a Beglerbeg.  
The Timariot are of two sorts; one called Tezkerelw, who have their Evidences for their Land from the Grand Signior's Court, whose Rent is from 5 or 6000 Asper's, to 19m999; for then with the addition of one Asper they enter the number of Zaims: The other sort is called Tezkeretis, who hath his Patent or Writing from the Beglerbeg of the Country, whose Rent is from 3000 to 6000 Asper's.  
The Zaims in all Expeditions of War are obliged to serve with their Tents, which are to be fur●ished with Kitchins, Stables and other necessary Apartments agreeable to their State and Quality; and for every 5000 Asper's of Rend received from the Grand Signior, they are to bring a Horseman into the Field, which is called Gebelu; as for example▪ one of thirty thousand Asper's is to come attended with six, one of ninety thousand with 18 Horsemen, and so pro●portionably: every Zaim is entitled Kulitchgee, or Swordman; so that when the Turks calculate the strength or numbers that a Beglerbeg is able to bring into the Field for the service of his Prince, they make a computation upon so many Zaims and Timariot themselves, which they call so many Swords, not numbering the people with which they come accompanied.  
The Timariot are obliged to serve with lesser Tent, and to be provided with three or four Baskets for every man that attends them; for th●● Office is, besides fight, as also of the Z●●ms and spahiss, to car●y Earth and Stones for making Batteries and Trenches, whilst the janissaries are in sk●rmish with the Enemy. And for every three thousand Asper's Rent the Timariots ●re sessed at a Man and Horse, as the Zaim is for every five thousand: And both one and the other of these Soldiers little differ from those in England which hold their Lands in Capite, or the ancient Tenure of Knight's Service.  
Both Zaims and Timariot are disposed into Regiments under command of Colonels, called Alai Begler, who march with Colours and the 
* In Turkish Tabl. Al●m.  Kettledrum: these Colonels are again under the command of the Pashaws, or Sangiack-beg, and he under the Beglerbeg; which Forces being united into one body, repair to the Rendezvous appointed by the 
† In Turkish Seratker.  General, who is either the Grand Signior in Person, or the Visier Azem, or some other eminent person qualified with the Title of Visier.  
These two Orders of Soldiery are not only appropriated to Land-service, but some also are destined to the Sea, who are called Deria Keleminde, and are under the command of the Captain Pashaw or Admiral: but the Zaims are most commonly dispensed with as to the Sea-service in their own persons, upon the payment of so much Money as they are esteemed at in the Signior's Book, out of which Levends are raised, and enroled in the Registers of the Arsenal; but the Timariot can never be excused from their personal duty and service with their attendance of Soldiery, according to the value of their Lands.  
Neither the one nor the other of these can be dispensed with from their service at Land; no excuse in time of the Grand Signior's Wars is lawful or pleadable: if sick, they are carried in Horse-Litters or B●ds; if Infants in Hampers or Baskets, and in the very Cradles accustomed to the hardship, hazard, and Discipline of War. And thus much shall s●rve in brief to have spoken in explication of the Nature of the Zaims and Tima●iots, which come under the general denomination of Spahees, and compose the best part of the Turkish Armies; we shall now proceed to declare, as far as can probably be computed, the number of these Horse which fill up the vast Host that hath overspread so large a proportion of the World.    

CHAP. III. A Computation of the numbers of the Forces arising from the Zaims and Timariot.  
IT were a work of too great labour considering the little satisfaction and delight it would afford the Reader, to proceed accurately in describing the just numbers of those which follow these Zaims and Timariot; it will be sufficient to denote, that the smallest number of a Zaim is four Men, and is the greatest of a Timariot, whose lowest condition is obliged to maintain a single Man, and the highest of a Zaim to serve with Nineteen; so that whosoever will survey this Turkish Host, must make his Calculate a little more or less by conjecture and judgement.  
And this difficulty is the more augmented, when I consider the fraud is used by the Accomptants, Registers, and Mustermasters of the Grand Signior's enrolments who are as well acquainted with the arts and sweetness of making false Musters as they are in the most ingenious places of Christendom; and perhaps Policy may afford a connivance to this Fraud, for the sake of a superlative face of their Armies; which they love to express by this usual similitude, Asker reml deria misal, As innumerable as the Sands of the Seashore: but in effect the noise is greater than the reality, and he that will sum up their number, may find Arithmetic to make the Account▪ which by the vast extent of Tents, confusion of Baggage, train of Servants, and Attendants of the Camp, appears infinite in the popular estimation. Besides the Turkish Army admits of great increase and decrease by the many interlopers, as we call them, which the Zaims for their own honour introduce to fill up their numbers on a day of Muster, or Appearance; so that one would admire to see, in so short a time so apparent a decay in the Turkish Camp: which abuse, the great and famous Visier Mahomet Kiupruli with cruelty and extraordinary severity endeavoured to remedy upon his expedition for recovery of Tenedos and Lemnos; and conquest of janova in Transilvania; but it is impossible for one man to know, and see, and remedy all disorders, and is amongst the Turks called Aain oin a secret fraud, as difficult to be totally remedied as it is to be throughly discovered.  
But that which makes the principal difference and various change herein, is the death of Zaims and Timariot; some of which holding an Estate only for life, and others dying without Heirs of their Bodies, their Lands revert to the Crown: Which Estates being improved by the Industry of the Possessors, above the primary valuation in the Records, and afterwards falling into the hands of the Prince, are bestowed again on others according to their true estimate, which is oftentimes double of the former. 
Note.  By which means, the number of the Grand Signior's Soldiery is increased; and it is a point very observable, that as other Princes lose by the fall, and death of their Subjects, the Grand Signior is the only gainer; for of the most that are slain in the day of Battle, the Estates accrue to him, in disposal again of which he observes this Rule, to gratify many with that which was before the proportion of a single person.  
But to come now to the express and distinct account of the Ziamets' and Timariot in every part and Government of the Empire, this Computation is extracted out of the Imperial Rolls, and Registers of the Grand Signior.  
In the Government of Anatolia are reckoned as follows; in the 
Zaims is the person, and Zaimets the Land for maintenance of the Zaim.  ●angiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Of Kiotahia 39 948 So that computing at the lowest rate, 4 Gebelues to every Zaim with them and their followers, must make 1180 Of Sarhan 41 674 Of Aidin 19 572 Of Kastamoni 24 570 Of Hudawendighiar 42 1005 Of Boli 14 551 Doubling the number of Timariot at the lawest rate makes 14880 Of Mentesche 52 381 Of Angura 10 257 Of Karahisar 10 615  Of Tike ili 7 257  Of Riangri 7 381 In all 16060 Of Hamid 9 585 For maintenance of which Army the Rents in the Ottoman Statutes are Asper's 37310700 Of Sultan Vghi 7 390 Of Karesi 7 242 Of jenige hisar 7 12 
80 Asper's makes a Dollar or a Piece of Eight.  Total of Ziamets' are 295 and 7440 Timariot.  
There was farther in past times allotted to the attendance of this Army about 6900 men for mending the Ways, bringing Provisions, and service of the Artillery; there was also an allowance for 1280 Sutler's, or Victuallers of the Camp, and for 128 Trumpeters and Drummers, which were Gypsies; but this was when Anatolia was a Frontier Country to the Christians, and was therefore better fortified and accommodated; but since it is become one of the innermost parts of the Empire, that Rent is converted into the possession of Zaims and Timariot, so that there is a farther addition of 330 Ziamets' and 1136 Timariot.  
In the Government of Caramania are reckoned, Sangiacks 7. Ziamets' Timariot  Iconium 18 512 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the lowest rate are 292 Nighde 11 355 Kaisari 12 144 jenischeher 13 244 Of Timariot at the same account 4900 Akscheber 6 122 Kyrscheher 4 430  Akserai 9 358 which makes in all 4892 Which make 73 2165 The Rent according to the Ottoman Statute is, Asper's 1050175  
In the Government of Diarbekir are reckoned 12 Sangiacks, besides those of Kiurdistaw and Gurdia, which are computed to make 1800 Men; but I find only 9 denoted for the Ziamets' and Timariot, viz. Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Amed 9 167 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the lowest rate will make 424 Charpu●t 70 163 Ezani 10 122 Sipurek 0 1 Timariot Gebelues at the same rate will make Nesbin 1 5 Chasonghif 5 30 1080 Tehemescherek 2 7  Kuleb 3 24 1504 Sangiar 6 21 The Rent is not described of this Country in the Ottoman Statutes. Which make 106 540  
In the Govern. of the Beglerbeg of Damascus, called in the Turkish Scham, are 7 Sangiacks.  
Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Damascus 87 337 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate jerusalem 9 161 Aglum 4 61 512 Bahura 9 39 The Gebelues of Timariot 1746 Sifad 5 123 Gaz● 7 108  Nabolos 7 44 In all 2258 Which make 128 873   
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Liwas.  
Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Liwas 48 928 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate Amasia 19 249 Tehurum 16 310 432 Buzadick 15 731 The Timariot 6058 Demurki 1 310  Gianik 7 348 In all 6490 Arebkir 2 153 The Rent for maintenance hereof 13087327 Which make 808 3029   
In the Govern. of the Beglerbeg of Erzrum ar●, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Frzrum 56 2214  Karahizarseharki 32 904 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate Kiefi 8 229 Pasin 9 654 488 Hanes Esber 3 435 The Timariot 1026 Tortum 10 491  Mamervum 4 96 In all 11584 Melazkerd 0 272  Tekman 1 253   122 5548   
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Wan are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Wan 48 147  Adilgewar 29 101 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate make 740 Ergisch 0 14 Senurighiul 32 203 Tehobanlu 2 36 The Timariot 1652 Ghibokiche 30 160  Derekgher 27 79 In all 2392 Ghiorluk 7 61  Faniiazi 4 25   185 826   
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Marasch are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Marasch 10 118 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate make 108 Malatia 8 276 Asab 9 118    The Timariot 1027  27 512     1135   The Rent for maintenance, Asper's 9420317  
In the Government of Cyprus are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Itcbili 16 60 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate make 160 Alaine 0 115 Cyprus 9 308 Schis 2 156 The Timariot 2134 Tarsus 13 428     2294  40 1067   
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Tripoli in Syria are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Tripoli 12 87 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate make 250 Hams 15 169 Gebele 9 91 Selemie 4 56 The Timariot 1140 Hamaz 23 171     1390  63 570   
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Rika are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot.  Rika 30 143 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate make 240 Serug 9 291 Biregek 15 109 Ane 9 123 Of the Timariot 1332  60 666 1572  
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Trabezond are no Sangiacks as is declared in the first Book; yet within the Jurisdiction of the City its self are 56 Ziamets', and 398 Timariot; so as the computation of that place is of 920 Men.  
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Aleppo are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Aleppo 73 295 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate make 468 Adana 11 191 Kelis 17 295 Azir 2 91 Of the Timariot 2088 Balis 7 86  Mearre 7 86 2256  117 1044   
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Tehilders are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Olti 3 123  Erdehamburek 9 86  Hagreek 2 23  Hartus 13 39 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former rate make 424 Ardnug 4 149 Pusenhaf 11 18 Penbek 8 54 Of Timariot 1318 Tarchir 2 4  Luri 9 10 1742 Vstucha 1 7  Achankiulk 11 37  Achtala 6 6  Asin 4 14  Penbeck 14 89  Pertekrek 9 0   1●6 659   
In the Government of the Captain Pashaw, or Lord-Admiral, are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Negropont 12 188 The Gebelues of the Zaims at the former proportion make 500 Mytilene 4 83 Kogia isle 25 187 Sifla 32 235 Of Timariot 2304 Karliili 11 119  Galipoli 14 32 2804 Rhodes 5 71  Be●gai 5 146 For maintenance of which the Rent set down in the Ottoman Statutes is Asper's 10800000 Mezestra 16 91  124 1152  
In the Government of the Beglerbeg of Rumeli, otherwise Romania, are, Sangiacks Ziamets' Timariot  Sophia 337 1788 The Zaims with their Gebelues at the former proportion make 4300 Kiostendill 48 1017 Morca 100 242 Alexandria of Epyrus 19 205 The Timariot 16388 This is the lowest rate Thirbala 26 525  Silistra 75 432 20688 Nigheboli 60 344  Vchri 60 342 But the ordinary computation of the Zaims and Timariot in this place with their Gebelues, is of about 30200 fight men, or thereabouts; to which is added the Soldiers of the Beglerbeg, Sangiacbegs, and other Officers, which commonly amount to 2500. The Militia maintained with the Land of the Country may be computed at 32700, or 33000 men. Aulona 68 489 jania 62 345 Ilbasan 18 138 Tchirmen 20 130 Solonica 36 262 Wize 20 79 Delunia 20 165 Vskiup 20 344 Kerklesa 1 18 Dukakin 10 53 Widin 17 225 Alagehizar 27 509 Serzerin 17 225 Waltearin 10 317  1075 8194   
Besides this Militia in Romania, there is another sort called jureghian or jerukler, who have their Estates in Fee from Father to Son, of which there are accounted about 1294 Families: There is also another sort in the Province of Dobridge, called Ogiacks of which there are about 4000 Houses: Of the same kind in the Province of Kizlige are 200 Houses: In Tchirmen 351 of Cingani, which are the same as amongst us the Race of the Gypsies; in Wiz● 170: So that the whole sum of Ogiacks may arrive to the number of 4721, or at the most to 5000. These are obliged every year to draw out of every thirty, five persons, called Eschkingi or Volunteers▪ who are to join themselves with the Tartars for making Excursions into Russia, Poland, or other parts; and so yearly they interchangeably take their course. The other twenty five remaining are called jamak and are not obliged personally to serve when the Grand Signior's Wars call them to employment; but then for every 5000 Asper's Rent they possess of the Grand Signior's Lands, they are se●●ed at one man, who are assigned to serve out of those whose turn it was that year to have accompanied the Tartars in their Robberies. The Principal Office of these is to attend the Artillery, Baggage and Provisions, to mend the Ways and Bridges for passage of the Army. To the like service are obliged certain Families of Bulgarians, for carriage of Hay, and cutting Grass, according to the season of the Year.  
The number of the Zaims and Timariot in the Governments of the Beglerbegs of Buda, Temswar and Bosna, I find not particularly described in Ottoman Books; but however according to the best information, that Militia on the Confines of the Empire called Serhadly, amount to the number of about 70000 fight men paid out of the Rents of the Sangiacks of that Country. But though the Militia of Buda be not set down in the Registers of more ancient date at Constantinople, because it is as it were a principality independent both for its Eminency, Revenue, and large extent of Dominions: yet in that City itself is strict order observed, and the Rolls of their force most exactly known and computed; to which the Turks have a strict eye it being a frontier Garrison of much importance and the Key of Hungary; the Militia of which, as I learned from Officers of Note, during my residence in that place, was according to this precise Account; Of 
janissaries 
12000  Spahees 
1500  Zaims and Timariot 
2200  Azaps, which are the meanest sort of Soldiery 
1800  Belonging to the Castle of Buda 
1200  jebeges, or Armourers 
1900  The Guard of the Gate called Cuchuc Cap 
500  Topgees, or Gunners 
500  Martoloes, a sort of Foot Soldiers 
300  Soldiers belonging to the Powder-house 
280  The Soldiery who are Servants to the Pashaw 
3000    
In all 22180; to which adding the Militia of Bosna, and other parts of Selavonia, and all along the Frontier Countries, which extend for above 800 English miles, the number may amount to no less than 70000 fight Men. But we here discourse only of the number of the Zaims and Timariot, which whole sum amounts to, of Zaims 10948, and of Timariot 72436, which makes in all 83380; but this is calculated at the lowest rate, they may very well be reckoned to be one third more, be●ides other Militia's of Cairo, or other Orders of Soldiery to be treated of in the following Chapters.  
These Partitions or Divisions were ●irst made by Solyman ●he Magnificent, as the best Rule and Method for an orderly disposition of his Militia, and as the strongest nerve of the Ottoman Force: but as with time in the most exact compositions of Discipline, co●ruptions through covetousness and ambition of Officers are introduced; so also in the just disposal of these Rents according to the ancient Institutions: for the Beglerbegs, Pashaws, Treasurers, and other Officers, instead of bestowing this maintenance to the Soldiers, according to their merits of Valour or long Service, reserve it to prefer and gratify their Servants and Pages, obliging them in recompense thereof under various Services; some that live at Constantinople, or near the Sea, to defray the Charges of all Boats and Vessels which carry their Household Provisions; others that live in the Inland Countries agreeing with the Teasurer of the Soldiery, without regard to the true Heirs, or any other consideration, set to sale these Rents to them who proffer most; so that in time of Harvest the Pashaw sends abroad his Officers to gather his Profits from the poor Timariot, with that oppression and violence as causes disturbances, differences and Law-Suits amongst them, which being to be decided by Judges partly interessed in the quarrel, the Sentence is certainly determined on their side who have most Power and most Money.  
The foregoing account of Zaims and Timariot is the most reasonable one can be given: And because we have reckoned them at the lowest rate, making some allowance to the 83380, this Militia may amount to an hundred thousand Men, which, as I have heard, is the utmost number of this sort of Soldiery.   

CHAP. IU. Of certain Customs and Laws observed amongst the Zaimets and Timariot.  
AMongst these Forces of Ziamets' and Timariot, are in time of War and Action mixed certain Volunteers or Adventurers called by the Turks Gionulli, who maintain themselves upon their own expense in hopes by some signal Actions of Valour to obtain the succession into a Zaims or Timariot Lands, as places are made void by the slaughter of the War. These Men are often very hardy and ready to attempt the most desperate Exploits, moved by a desire of the Reward, and by the Persuasion, that at worst dying in a War against Christians, they become Martyrs for the Mahometan Faith. It is reported, that in one day, upon the assaults given to Sorinswar, or the new Fort of Count Serini, one Timariot Farm was bestowed eight times; one being slain it was conferred on another, and so on a third, and so the rest; all which had the misfortune to fall, until it rested on the eighth, the others dying with the Title only of Timariot.  
The Zaims or Timariot being aged, or impotent, have in their life-time power to resign up the Right of their Estates to their Sons, or other Relations.  
It is not lawful for a Peasant or Clown to mount his Horse, or gird his Sword like a Spahee, until first he hath had part of his Education in the Service or Family of some Pashaw, or person of Quality; unless it be on the Confines of the Empire, where having given evident testimonies of his Courage, he may then become Competitour for the vacant Farms of a Zaim or Timariot.  
It is the Custom of Romania, that a Zaim or Timariot dying in the Wars, his Zaims Rents are divided into as many Timariot Farms as he hath Sons; but if a Timariot hath no more than 3000 Asper's Rent, it descends entirely to his eldest Son; but if it be more, it is proportionably divided amongst the rest of his Children.  
But if they die of a natural death at their own homes, the Lands fall to the disposal of the Beglerbeg of the Country, either to confer them on the Heirs of the deceased, on any of h●s Servants, or sell them at the best advantage.  
But in Anatolia there are many Zaims and Timariot whose Estates are Hereditary to them and their Heirs; and are not obliged to serve in Person in the War, but only to send their G●b●lues, or number of Servants according to the value of their Estates; of which duty if they fail in the time of War, the years Rent is confiscated to the Exchequer; and this Estate descends to the next of Kin, whether derived from the Male or Female Line.   

CHAP. V. The state of the Militia in Grand Cairo, and Egypt.  
THE guard and protection of the Kingdom of Egypt is committed to the charge of twelve Begs, some of which are of the ancient Race of the Mamalukes, confirmed by Sultan Selin upon the taking of Cairo; these have the command of the whole Militia in their hands, whereby they are grown proud, powerful, and ready upon every discontent to rise in Rebellion; every one of these maintains 500 fight men, well appointed for War and exercised in Arms, which serve but as their Guard, and for Servants of their Court; with which they go attended in Journeys, in their Hunt, and public Appearances; under the command of these twelve Captains are 20000 Horse, paid at the charge of the Country, whose Office is by turns to convey yearly the Pilgrim's to Mecha, and the annual Tribute of 60000 Zechi●s to the Ottoman Court, whether it be judged requisite to send it either by Land or Sea; these are the standing Militia of the Country, out of which, unless upon the foregoing occasions, they are not obliged to other service; their principal duty being to prevent the invasion of the African Mountaineers, who often make incursion from the barren Rocks, into the fat and fruitful Soils of Egypt. Besides this Militia are computed 80000 Timariot, out of which they yearly transport about 2500 or 3000 men to the Wars of Candy; but to more remote Countries, or the late Wars of Hungary, I did not hear that this Soldiery hath usually been called.  
These twelve Begs of Egypt are noble by blood, enjoying an hereditary Estate descending from Father to Son; which richness joined with the command of a powerful Army, hath rendered them so formidable and insolent, that oftentimes they take upon them an authority to imprison and depose the Pashaw from his Office, and spoil him of all the Riches he hath collected in his three years' Government: by which means are always great jealousies, and enmities between the Pashaw and these Begs; Dissensions and Rebellions to that high degree, that many times it hath been little different from an absolute Revolt. Ibrahim Pashaw was in the year 1664. imprisoned by them, and obtained his liberty for 
* About 100000 Dollars at Cairo.  600 Purses of Money; after whose departure the Brother of the said Ibrahim upon some certain pretences on the Pashaw's score, falling into their hands, was imprisoned also, but shortly after obtained his releasement by the Grand Signior's 
† Called Embra borc.  Master of Horse, who was sent expressly to compose the disorders of Egypt, which were now proceeded to that degree, as without some satisfactory atonement could not be 〈◊〉 otherwise than a total defection; and therefore th●y resigned up one called Sulficar Bei to justice, who 
* In the month of Feb. 1664.  being brought to Adrianople, was immediately in presence of the Grand Signior put to death. But the Turk hath always on occasion of these disturbances and insolences, dissembled and connived at the disorders, perceiving the distemper of that Kingdom to be such, as can with much difficulty be redressed fearing that were forcible remedies applied, they would cause so violent a commotion of humours, as would absolutely rend it from the body of the Empire.  

The Auxiliary Forces to the forementioned Militia of the Turks,  
Are the Tartars, Null, Moldavians and Transilvanians, under the command of their respective Princes. Who are obliged to serve in person whensoever called by the Sultan's command. The Tartars, I mean of Crim, are to furnish one hundred thousand men; the Tartar han, or Prince, in Person to lead them, when the Grand Signior himself appears in the Field: but if the Army is commanded by the Visier only, than the Son of the Tartar han is to serve, or having no issue, the Army to the number of Forty or fifty thousand fight men, is to be conducted under the chief Minister. But the Princes of Valachia, Moldavia and Transilvania are never excused from personal attendance in the Camp, each of which respectively are to be attended with Six or seven thousand Men apiece. And though the Prince of Transilvania called Apasi, was in the last War against the Emperor not called out of the Confines of his own Country; it was with design that he should keep that station free from the irruption of the Enemy, not that he was disobliged from his personal attendance on the Viziers Camp.    

CHAP. VI Of the Spahees.  
HItherto we have treated of the Turkish Horse that are maintained by Farms and Rents of Lands: now It will be necessary to discourse of those that receive their constant pay from the Grand Signior's Treasury; and these are called Spahees, who many not improperly be termed the Gentry of the Ottoman Empire, because they are commonly better educated, courteous, and refined than the other sort of Turks, and are in number 12000. Of these there are two Orders, one called Silachtari, who carry yellow Colours; and the other Spahanglari or the Servants of the Spahees, and have their Colours red; these Servants have now obtained the precedency above their Masters; for though the Silachtari are very ancient, and deduce their institution from Ali their first Founder, who was one of the four Companions of Mahomet; yet Sultan Mahomet the Third, on a day of Battle in Hungary, seeing the Silahteri ro●●ed and put to flight, with violent passion and earnestness endeavoured to stop their course; and perceiving the Servants of these Spahees to remain still in body, incited them to revenge the shameful cowardice of their Masters, who immediately encouraged with the words of the Sultan, clapping up a red Flag, gave so bold an onset on the Enemy, and with that success as wholly recovered the glory of the day: in remembrance of which service and notable exploit, the Sultan as disposer of all Honours and Orders, gave ever after the pre-eminence to these Servants before their Masters; since which time this new institution of Spahaoglary hath always been continued.  
These Light horsemen are armed with their Scimitar and Lance, called by them Mizrak, and some carry in their hands a Gerit, which is a Weapon about two foot long, headed with Iron, which I conceive to be the same with the Pila amongst the Romans, which by long exercise and custom they throw with a strange dexterity and violence, and sometimes darting it before them in the full career of their Horse, without any stop recover it again from the ground: they also wear a straight Sword named Chaddare, with a broad Blade fixed to the side of their Saddle, which, or the Scimitar, they make use of when they arrive to hand-blows with the Enemy; many of them are armed with Bows and Arrows, and with Pistols and Carbines; but esteem not much of Fire-Arms, having an opinion, that in the Field they make more noise than execution; some of them wear Jacks of Male and Headpieces painted with the colour of their Squadron; in fight they begin their onset with Allah, Allah, and make three attempts to break within the Ranks of the Enemy, in which if they fail, they then make their retreat.  

Comparison of the Spahees of Asia and Europe.  The Asian Spahees are better mounted than commonly those of Europe, though these being Borderers on the Confines of the Christians, having learned much of Discipline by constant skirmishes and combats, are trained in the Art of War, and become the more valiant and experienced Soldiers.  
But the Asiatic Spahees were formerly the more rich, many particular Men of them bringing into the Field thirty or forty men apiece, besides their Led-Horses, Tents, and other accommodations proportionable to their Retinue; but these Cavaliers seemed too great and proud to the Visier Kuprinli, for the condition of common Troopers, and infected with the Epidemical Spirit of Faction and Mutiny, which raged at that time amongst all the Grandees of the Empire; which caused him to strike off their heads with as little remorse as one would do the tops of Popples, until he had absolutely made a destruction of them. Those now which remain are poor and inconsiderable, contented to comrade ten or twelve in a company, for maintenance of a poor Tent, and two or three Horses and a Mule for Baggage and Provisions; these are more tame, and subject to the Cudgel, and can take a beating patiently on the soles of the feet, which is their punishment, as the janissaries is to receive the blows on the Buttocks (that so this chastisement may neither incommode the seat of the Horsemen, nor the marches of the foot) but if the crime be great and capital, they are sent for by Chiauses, or Pursuivants to appear before the Visier, by whom being condemned and strangled near the Walls of the Grand Signior's Seraglio, their bodies are afterwards, about two or three hours in the night, thrown into the Sea, without other solemnity than the firing of one of those great Guns next the Sea, which are planted under the Walls of the Seraglio, which serve for so many warning pieces for others Example.  
Their pay is divers, 
Their Pay.  but in general it is from twelve to one hundred Asper's a day: those who proceed from the Seraglios of Pera, Ibrahim, Pashaw and Adrianople, which are so many Nurseries and Schools as well of the principles of War, as Literature; or have been Cooks Mates (for the Cook of these Societies is principal Officer of respect) or Baltagees, that is, Hatchetmen, who cut Wood for the Grand Signior's Seraglio, and are licenced to live abroad with the title of Spahee, have the lowest pay of twelve Asper's a day; but those who are extracted from the less, or greater Chamber of the Grand Signior's own Seraglio, called Seni serai, have 19 Asper's pay; and if they are favoured with the title of an Office, they receive two or three Asper's augmentation. But such as are elected to the War out of more eminent Chambers, as the Landery, the Turban Office, the Dispensatory, the 
* Killer Odasi.  Treasury, the 
† Hazna Odasi.  Falconers Lodge and others (which we have mentioned in the description of the Seraglio) have at first thirty Asper's daily pay: an 
‖ Called Taraki.  increase of which is obtained sometimes by the Viziers, or Registers favour unto two Asper's more; sometimes by services in the War, by receiving two Asper's augmentation for the head of every Enemy he brings in; two Asper's more for 
* This is done, that the Grand Signior may not be cheated by having the Pay continued to those who are dead.  intelligence of the death of any Spahee, out of the pay of the deceased; as also, at the Incoronation or Instalment of every Grand Signior, five Asper's increase is given as a donative general to the whole Army of Spahees: and thus many of them by art, industry, and good success, go augmenting until they arrive to an hundred Asper's, and here is their non plus ultra, they can rise no higher. They are paid quarterly from three months to three months; which they may omit to receive for nine months, but if twelve pass, they can only demand the nine, the other quarter or more is confiscated to the public Exchequer: Their place of payment is now in the Hall of the Visier, which formerly was in the Houses of the Paymasters, and Treasurer, but changed by the Visier Cupriuli, on occasion of the disorders and abuses of the Officers which caused Mutinies and Disturbances amongst the Soldiery. For the rich Spahees living far distant, to excuse themselves from a long journey to the City, agreed with the Paymasters that they for some certain part of their Income, should without farther trouble to themselves, take up their Deuce, and make it over quarterly to their Countries of abode; these men thus tasting the benefit of this trade, agreed with others for some little gains to dispatch them before the rest; by which means and the payment only on Wednesdays and Saturdays, those Spahees that came from remote parts, making so long attendance, had with their excesses in Constantinople spent as much as the principal sum they expected; of which growing sensible, at first they began to murmur, then to threaten the Paymasters, and at last proceeded to open Mutiny, by forcing the doors, breaking the windows of the Officers, with many other insolences and disorders, until Kupriuli, to remedy these abuses, ordered the money to be given out in his presence, and the Payment to be continued every day until the Pay was ended.  

Sons of Spahees.  The Sons of Spahees, presenting themselves before the Visier, may claim the privilege of being enroled in the Grand Signior's Books; but their Pay, which is the lowest rate twelve Asper's a day, is to issue forth from their Father's proportion, but then they are in the road of preferment, and are capable by their services and merits to make additions upon foundation of their own industry. Besides the foregoing ways by which the Spahees gain their increase of pay, I am given to understand that formerly they had another benefit, 
Accidental gains to the Spahees.  called Gulamiie, or safe Conduct Money, which was one per cent. of all moneys to those whom the Collectors of the Grand Signior's Revenue summoned to convey the Treasure for more security to the Capital City, besides the maintenance of themselves and their Horses in the Journey; but this as too chargeable a deduction from the Imperial Revenue, was with time taken off, to the great discontent of the Spahees in general.  
The Grand Signior going in Person to the Wars, according to the ancient custom of other Sultan's, bestows a largess on the Spahees, of Five thousand Asper's a Man, which they call Sadak Akchiafi, or a donative for buying Bows and Arrows; as also to the janissaries, as we shall hereafter mention.  

Their Discipline.  This Army of Spahees is in the War a mere confused multitude without any Government, or distribution into Troops or Regiments, but march in heaps, fight without order, little account kept of their presence or absence from the Camp; only at the pay in the month of 
* Called in Turkish Kassem Vlofast.  November whosoever appears not, unless favoured by the Officers, hath his name razed from the Grand Signior's Register.  
Their duty in the War is to stand Centinel with a janisary at the end of every Cord at the Grand Signior's Pavilion, as also at the Visier's, armed with his Cimitar, Bows, Arrows, and Lance, mounted on Horseback; as the janisary on foot with a Sword and Musket; and also the charge of the Treasure for payment of the Militia, is committed in the Field to their custody.  

How they have lost their honour.  This Order of Soldiers was in ancient times in great esteem and honour in all parts of the Empire, by reason of their accomplishments in Learning, refined Education in the Imperial Court, their nearness to Preferments, and acquaintance and Interest with the Grandees of the Empire: The place of the Selibtari in their marches to the War, was to flank the Grand Signior on the left hand, and the Spahi Oglani on the right, and were always the ultimate reserve of the Battle, as the Lifeguard to the Sultan: But like men not knowing how to comport themselves in prosperity, growing mutinous and ambitious to have a hand in the Government, became Confederates with the janissaries in conspiracy against the Life of their true Sovereign Sultan Osman; to which Treason adding other Insolences, they justly were deprived of the favour of Sultan Morat, and Sultan Ibrahim; the terrors also of their late Sedition remaining freshly still impressed in the memory of this present Emperor Sultan Mahomet, when they complotted against his own and his Mother's Life, is the cause they have gone still declining from the degree of their pristine honour and esteem; for the Prince as he is the Fountain of Honour, so is his countenance and favour the spirit and life which gives a lustre and sparkling to those Titles and Riches he hath conferred; other Seditions hastened the ruin of their reputation, and in the year 1657. when the Visier Mahomet Kupriuli, on occasion of his Expedition against janova, summoned the Asian Spahees to the Rendezvous in Hungary, who instead of yielding obedience to the command of their General, elected a new Captain, a Spahee of their own rank, called Hassan Aga, preferred to be Pashaw of Aleppo: whose name at that time, I remember, upon the hopes of the dissensions he might create amongst the Turks, was greatly famed and celebrated over all Christendom. These Combustions in Asia headed by the chief Enemy to the Visier, caused Kupriuli to leave many of his designs against Transilvania uneffected, and to clap up a Peace on reasonable and moderate terms of honour, that so he might hinder the progress of a dangerous evil which now threatened and approached the Capital City; for by this time Hassan Pashaw being arrived near the Walls of Scutari, began to treat by way of Petition to the Grand Signior, and represent that out of his zeal to the good of his Majesty and his Empire, he had undertaken a long march to inform him of the corruption of his Ministers, and the miscarriages of Government; his tender years as yet not having ripened his judgement to penetrate these evils, which with time his understanding would discover to be too inveterate and incurable. All the oppressions and aggrievances of the Soldiery he seemed to object to the cruelty and oppression of Kupriuli, and in appearance, had nothing but thoughts of the honour and safety of the Grand Signior's person; and doubtless this man was unfit to manage such a design; for he entertained scruples of Conscience, and a remorse and tenderness in spilling Mahometan Blood, considerations which are incomptable with the condition of a Rebel; for who hath the impiety to draw his Sword against his Prince, must stop at no bars either of Divine or humane right to maintain it. This gave advantage to Kupriuli to effect his design upon his Enemy; for in the interim of this Treaty, Mortaza Pashaw of Babylon, was commanded to possess the City of Aleppo, and Hassan, after many fair messages and promises from the Grand Signior and the Visier, was persuaded to return again to Aleppo, to capitulate with Mortaza concerning those points and aggrievances he sought to have redressed; it being alleged to him, that Mortaza had received instructions to treat, and a Plenipotentiary power to grant and firm as far as should be reasonable and honourable for the Grand Signior to condescend. Hassan with this easy answer returned toward Aleppo; near which place he credulously committed himself into the hands of Mortaza, who no sooner had him within his Tents, but he concluded all controversies and capitulations by the decision of his head from his body: The whole Army of Spahees immediately, with the fall of their General, was scattered, and divided themselves; but about three hundred of them being apprehended by Mortaza, were sent to Constantinople, where, in the presence of the Grand Signior, within the Walls of the Seraglio at Scutari they were all executed; since which their pride hath ever been declining, and their name become so odious amongst the people, that upon the very nominating a Spahee, the vulgar were ready to run upon them with stones, or other Weapons that came next to hand; so that now the Spahees are much eclipsed in their ancient fame and honour.  
There are besides these two foregoing sorts of Spahees, other four, the first called Sag Vlefigi, that is appointed to march on the right hand of the Spahaoglani, and carry white and red Colours. The second is Sol Vlefigi, whose place is on the left hand of the Selahtari; which carry white and yellow Colours. The third Sagureba, that is Soldiers of Fortune that are to march on the right hand of the Sag Vlefigi, and carry green Colours. The fourth is Sol Gureba, whose place is to march on the left hand of the Vlefigi, and carry white Banners: but these four sorts of Spahees are raised and listed according to necessity and occasions of War, and are obliged to all services and duties; their pay is from 12 Asper's to 20 a day, and are capable according to their merits, of being promoted to one of the superior Orders. There is also another sort of more elevated Spahees called Mutafaraca, who issue out from the Seraglio with more favour than the ordinary sort of Spahees, and are four or five hundred in number, their pay is forty Asper's a day, and have always the obligation or duty on them to serve and attend the Grand Signior when he goes in progress for pleasure from one Village to another.  
And thus much shall serve to have declared in brief concerning the institution and discipline of the Spahees, also of the Militia of the Turkish Horse; we shall now proceed to declare something of their Infantry.   

CHAP. VII. Of the Janissaries.  
THE next main sinew of the Ottoman Power is the Order of janissaries, which is as much as to say, the new Militia, and their Antiquity may be deduced from Ottoman the first King of the Turks; but because they received honours and privileges from Amurath their third King, our Turkish History accounts that to be the time of the first Original: 
Their beginning.  it is certain that in his time they were modelized, and certain Laws prescribed both for their education and maintenance; when by the counsel of Catradin, otherwise called Kara Rusthenes, Amurath's Prime Visier, it was ordained that for the augmentation of this Militia, every fifth Captive taken from the Christians, above the age of fifteen years, should be the deuce of the Sultan, who at first were to be distributed amongst the Turkish Husbandmen in Asia, to learn and be instructed in the Turkish Language and Religion.  
Their number at first was not accounted above six or seven thousand, now with time they are increased to the number of twenty thousand effective men: 
Their number.  but were there a list taken of all those who assume this title of janisary, and enjoy their Privileges, though not their Pay, there would be found above 100000; six or seven go under the name of one janisary, for gaining by this means a privilege of being free from all duties and Taxes, they bestow a certain sum of Money or annual Presents on the Officers, in consideration of which they are owned and countenanced as janissaries. 
Their Habit.  Their Habit is as the Picture represents, wearing always the Beard on the Chin and under Lip shaved, which some say they learned from the Italians; but certain it is, that this custom is more ancient, than since the time of their Neighbourhood unto Italy: this manner of their shaving being generally used as a token of their subjection, and so all the Pages and Officers in the Seraglio of great Men, Orders of Gardeners, Baltages or Hatchetmen, and others, are distinguished by this mark to be in service, and obliged to the attendance of a Master: But when they are either licenced from the War, or promoted to Office, or freed to their own disposal, they immediately suffer their Beards to grow as a sign of their liberty and gravity.  
In former times this Militia consisted only of the Sons of Christians, 
The janissaries of whom composed.  educated in the Mahometan Rites; but of late that Polltick custom hath been disused, the reason of which some attribute to the abundance of people the Turks have of their own to supply all their occasions: but I am induced rather to another opinion, having not observed the multitude which Histories and Travellers tell us, that the Turks swarm with; and rather assign the neglect of this practice so prejudicial to Christian Interest in these parts, to the corruption of the Officers, and carelessness in their Discipline.  
And though this election of janissaries, 
The Novices.  out of the eldest and lustiest Sons of Christians that inhabit Europe (for Asia was exempted) is now disused; yet such as enter into this Order, whosoever they are (unless the necessity of the present state of the War be over urgent) are obliged to perform their Novitiate like Tyrones Romani, before they can be enroled in the Register of janissaries, and are called Agimoglas. The chief Officers of these are called Stambol Agasi, in whose care and charge it is to enure these men to all labours, pains, and fortifications, as to cut wood, carry burdens, endure heats, colds, and other sufferings, which may render them obedient, temperate, vigilant, and patient of all the inconveniences and miseries of War.  
The quarters many of these have in the Garden-Lodges of the Grand Signior's Seraglios (whereof there are many in and about Constantinople) to manure and dig the ground, 
Their Quarters.  learn the Art of Plantations, and Husbandry, and practise, as occasion requires, meaner Offices of labour and servitude: others of them are placed in the three Seraglios (we have beforementioned in the Chapter of Spahees) viz. of Pera, Ibrahim, Pashaw, and Adrianople, where their principal art is the Mystery of Plantation and delicious disposal of Gardens into the variety of Knots, Walks, Groves, and Fountains; and though there are many of this Profession who have no other thoughts to employ their minds, few of them are acquainted with any part of polite Husbandry, or know more than the season to plant their Artichokes or Colworts; as to the rules and symmetry of setting Trees, ordering the Labyrinths of Knots, making pleasing Walks, Fountains, and Groves; it is strange a people that delight so much in Flowers, in Fields, and Arbours, and have themselves or Ancestors ruined many of the delightful Paradises of Christians, should be so wholly ignorant and dull in the contrivance of what they love, as not to be able to borrow one example or model, which amongst all the Grand Signior's Gardens in Constantinople may deserve a better name than of a Wilderness.  
Others of these Agiamoglans are made Baltages or Hatchetmen to cut out wood for the Seraglio; others are made Cooks and Officers in the Kitchen, such, I mean, as can already speak the Turkish Language, for those that are ignorant in that speech, or in the Mahometan Religion, are disposed into remoter parts of Anatolia, where the janissaries have Possessions and Authority; as to Ciotahia, where the 
* Called Kiahaia-Begh.  Lieutenant General of the janissaries hath a Revenue; to Karabizar and Angura, where the Stambol Agasi hath principal power; to Mentesche, Sultan Vghi and Karofi, where the Turnagibatch and jaiabatchi, who are chief Officers of the janissaries, have Rents and Profits belonging to their Offices, and here they are employed in ploughing and sowing the Ground, or other laborious exercises, until such time as supplies for the Wars give them occasion to draw out these men from their several stations; 
The manner in making janissaries.  and then being called to the Chambers of janissaries, they orderly march one after the other according to their seniority, one holding the end of his fellows Garment, appear before the Muster-master, who having enroled their names in the Grand Signior's Register, they run as fast as they can by their Odabasche or Master of their Chamber, who gives every one as he passes a blow under the Ear, to signify their subjection to him: and this is the Ceremony observed in creating janissaries.  
At their first Enrolment some have but one Asper a day, 
Their Pay.  others four or five, unto seven and a half; and so with time and favour of their Officers, increase to twelve Asper's a day, which is the highest pay of any janisary, and can have no other advance, unless good Fortune promote them to the degree of a Kiahaia Begh, which is as much as Lieutenant-General of the janissaries, or any other eminent Office.  

Their Diet & Clothing.  Besides this Pay, they have their daily Provision and Diet from the bounty of the Grand Signior, and their Table ordered at constant hours, where they find their Rice, fifty drams of Flesh, and one hundred of Bread their ordinary Commons, and eat in their respective Refectories like Monks in Convents, or Scholars in their Colleges; they receive also one Soldiers Coat yearly, of Cloth made at Salonica of a course thread, but warm and convenient, which in every Month of Ramazan is distributed to each Chamber; so that their Bellies are full, and Backs are warm, and in all points are better provided than the tattered Infantry which are to be seen in most parts of Christendom. And thus this people being pampered without cares of seeking their Bread, grow often querulous and apt to take the fire of Sedition with every spark of discontent in their Officers▪ the beginnings of which they commonly make known at their Assemblies of the public Divan, whither four or five hundred of them are obliged four times a week, that is Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, to accompany the janizar Aga, or their General; at that place they have their Commons from the Grand Signior's Kitchen: which when they have any subject of discontent they evidence by slighting, kicking down their Plates of Rice, and showing better stomaches to be revenged, than to their Entertainment; which Mutinies the Grand Signior and principal Ministers having found oftentimes fatal, endeavour by fair promises and satisfactory compliance with their desires to pacify in their first motion. 
Mutinies.   
The General of this Militia is called janizar Agasi, 
Hazoda.  and is always elected from the Royal Chamber of the Seraglio; 
The janizar Aga.  because it being an Office of great charge, it is thought necessary to be entrusted to one whose Education and Preferment hath made a Creature of the Court; which Policy hath been the suppression of divers Mutinies amongst the janissaries, the discovery of their Combination, and an engagement to a stronger dependency on the favour of the Seraglio. When this General either dies by a natural death, or the Sword of the Grand Signior's Justice or Authority, his Riches, like that of other Pashaws, is not confiscated to the Sultan's Exchequer; but the Inheritance accrues to the public Treasury of the janissaries; 
The public Treasury of the janissaries.  which how dangerous it is to a State to have a Militia endowed with Revenues appropriated to their Officers (as already we have declared they possess in some parts of Anatolia) and a Bank of Wealth united to the maintenance of a licentious Sword, the Ottoman Princes have by sad effects rather felt, than able by virtue of their absolute Power to remedy.  
The second chief Officer is the Kirbaia Begh, 
Officers.  Lieutenant-General.  
The third is Seghban baschi, the Overseer of the Carriage of the Soldiers Baggage.  
The fourth is the Turnagi Bashee, or Guardian of the Grand Signior's Cranes.  
The fifth is the Samsongi Bashee, chief Master of the Grand Signior's Mastiffs.  
The sixth is the Zagargi Bashee, Master of the Spaniels.  
The seventh is the Solack Bashee, Captain of the Archers, or of such of the janissaries who go armed with Bow and Arrows.  
The eighth is Subashi and Assasbashi, who are chief of the Sergeants and Bailiffs, and attend always at the Grand Signior's Stirrup when at any time on solemn occasions he shows himself to the people.  
The ninth is the Peikbashi, or Commander of that sort of Pages which are called Peiks, who wear Caps of beaten Gold, of which there are 60 in number, who march at Solemnities together with the solacs near the person of the Grand Signior.  
The tenth is Mezurga, or the head Baily of the janissaries.  
These eight last arise from the order of the janissaries, and have their several Commands in the Army, though the Grand Signior, to augment their Power and Honour the more; bestows on them Titles and Wealth in other Offices.  
The janissaries Chambers of which there are no others but in Constantinople) are in number 162, 
The janissaries Chambers.  of which 80 are of ancient Foundation, and are called Eskai Odalar; and 82 called jeni Odalar or of the new Chambers; over most of which is a Tchorbagis or Captain. In these Chambers those that are not married enjoy their Lodgings and Habitation; and twice a day find their Repast, as we have beforementioned: And thus instead of Monasteries of Friars, the Turk maintains Convents and Societies of Soldiers, who are trained up with all modesty and severity of Discipline.  

Officers of the Chambers.  The principal Officers of these Chambers are, 

First, the Odabashee, or Master of the Chamber, who in the Wars serve as Lieutenants of the Company.  
Second is Wekilbarg, or Expenditour for maintenance of the Chamber.  
The third is Bairackter, or Ensign-bearer.  
Fourth is Ashgee, or the Cook of the Chamber.  
Fifth is Karakullukgee, or the under-Cook.  
Sixth is the Saka, or the Water-carrier.    
The Cook is not only an Officer to dress the Diet and Provision of the janissaries, but is also a Monitor or Observer of their good behaviour; so that when any one of them commits a Crime, the Cook is the Officer that executes the punishment. The under Cook serves also for an Apparitor, and is he who summons the married janissaries at their several Dwellings in Constantinople, when their Officers command their attendance.  

janissaries married.  The greatest part of the janissaries consists of Bachelors or single Men; for though Marriage cannot be denied to any of them, yet it is that which determines their Preferments, and renders their Seniority uncapable of claiming a right to Offices, or Military Advancement; for being encumbered with Wife, and other Dependencies they are judged in a condition not capable to attend the Discipline of the War, or service of the Grand Signior; and therefore as to other duty in the times of Peace, besides their appearance every Friday in their Chambers, and presence of their Officers, they wholly are dispensed with.  
In the Wars this Militia is considered as the most valiant and best Disciplined Soldiery of the Turkish Camp, and therefore are kept as a Reserve, or march in the main Body of the Army. In times of Peace their Quarters are many times changed, to keep them in employment, from one Castle or Garrison to another, as to Buda, Kanisia, Temeswar, to Rhodes, Canea, and other parts: some of them are appointed to keep Courts of Guard at all Gates and Avenues of Constantinople, to prevent the Insolences and Injuries their Companions are apt to offer to Christians, Jews, and others in the Streets, who at some times, being heated with Wine, have in open Market forced Women whilst their Comrades have with their 
* Called Haniarres.  Daggers drawn stood over them to defend them from the people; to prevent which disorders, the janizar Agasi accustoms to ride the Streets attended with about 40 Mumigies, or Bailiffs of the janissaries, where meeting any guilty of such like Crimes, or other Enormities, he seizes them and carries them to his Court, where after examination of their fault, he order them to be beaten, or if their Crime be great, to be strangled, or sowed in a Sack and thrown into the Sea; but always their punishment is inflicted privately, perhaps because they are jealous of a Mutiny.  

Serdars.  In every Province the janissaries have their Serdars, who are Colonel or chief of all the janissaries within that Jurisdiction, who greatly abuse their Office by taking into their protection any that present or pay them for this Privilege; by which means they have grown so powerful and rich, that some time past the Command of the whole Ottoman Empire hath reposed in the hands of this Militia.  
Their Arms are Muskets and Swords, they fight confusedly in the Field, and with no more order than the Spahees; only sometimes they draw themselves up into Cunei, oberved amongst the Romans.  
And thus much shall serve to have spoken of the Institution and Discipline of the janissaries: We shall now proceed to declare how this Militia is decayed, and upon what grounds it is not maintained in its ancient honour and flourishing Estate.   

CHAP. VIII. Whether the maintenance of an Army of Janissaries according to the Original Institution, be now agreeable to the Rules of Polity amongst the Turks.  
THIS Problem I find first moved by Busbequius, 
Epist. 3. de Legatu Turcico.  once the Germane Emperor's Ambassador to Constantinople, who pretends to speak the Grand Signior's sense in this particular, on occasions of difference which the insolent rudeness of the janissaries had caused between themselves and his Family: For Rusan Pashaw then Prime Visier, admonished him friendly to condescend to any terms of composition, for that Law could not avail where Soldiers ruled; and the powerful Soliman himself, who then reigned, trembled at nothing more than the apprehension of some secret Ulcer of perfidiousness, which might lie concealed within the reretiement of the janissaries.  
But as there is no question, but a standing Army of veterane and well Disciplined Soldiers must be always useful and advantageous to the Interest of a Prince; so, on the contrary, negligence in the Officers, and remissness of Government, produces that licentiousness and wrestiness in the Soldiery, as betrays them to all the disorders which are dangerous, and of evil consequence to the welfare of a State.  
And so it hath fared with the Ottoman Empire, which rifing only by the power of Arms, and established on the blood of many valiant and daring Captains, gave Privileges, Honours and Riches to the Militia, and at all times encouraged their prowess and forwardness by Rewards, and Connivance at their Crimes; by which indulgence and impunity, these men ill-principled in rules of Virtue, and unequally bearing prosperity, and the favour of the Prince, have for a long time been gathering a stock of ill humours ready to receive any contagion of seditious design, and to maintain it with an impudence contrary to the janissaries for some ages, which may equal the levity of the Roman Soldiery, until they shamelessly set their Empire to sale, and forgot both their old obedience to the Senate, and reverence to their new Emperors.  
The death and ruin of many Grandees, and of the Sultan himself by such like Seditions, hath at length by dear experience taught the principal Ministers how unsafe, it is to permit an Army lodged in the bowels of the Capital City, of a disposition favourable to itself, envious, and impatient of any other, jealous, and always at enmity with the Court, rich and powerful, with Possessions and Rents appertaining to its Commanders in Anatolia, and a Treasury of unknown sums, which have descended to the common Bank by the decease of their Generals or janizar Aga's; and therefore have by degrees, and as prudently as might be, begun to diminish the strength of this Militia by the destruction of the veterane Soldiers, and ruin of their reputation by various arts, in the estimation of the world.  
The particular means whereby the janissaries have been studiously destroyed, are by many ways evident; for first they are exposed upon every obscure Service, and drawn forth to encounter every Assault of the Empire; as the Wars of Candy have exhausted the flower of this Militia, the Battles at Sea buried vast numbers, who were formerly reserved for times of eminent exploits and glory.  
Secondly, Which destruction of the veterane Soldiers hath created other mischiefs to this Order, in point of Discipline, as prejudicial as the former; for as the Agiamoglans were obliged to perform six or seven years Novitiate, now by reason of the constant necessities to supply the Wars, they overskip the orderly formalities of the first Institution, and create them janissaries after a year; or half a years service. And others I have known educated in Mechanic professions, and from framing Timber and carrying Burdens in the Arsenal, have at once for the service of Candy been created janissaries, who neither know how to manage a Musket, nor are otherwise Disciplined to any exercise of Arms.  
Thirdly, That Europe may not be dispeopled by the triennial seizure of Christian Children for the Grand Signior's service, which in Turkish is called Deuschirme, the politic Custom and principal conservation of the Discipline of janissaries is, as we have said before, wholly forgotten, and instead thereof election is made of Vagabonds, that proffer themselves out of Asia, or other parts, who having passed five or six months like Novices, are afterwards made janissaries; and being ignorant in the use of Arms, and unaccustomed to labours and sufferings, run from their Colours, and renounce their Order, which has been in times past one of the most honourable in the whole Empire.  
Fourthly, The old veterane Officers, which had by degrees and steps proceeded to honour methodically from inferior Soldiers, have either by their own seditious spirits, or jealousies of the Prince, been dispeeded from this World, and in their places the Sons of Constantinopolitan janissaries succeeded, who have been bred up with softness and effeminacy; and their Tchorbagees or Captains have not obtained their Commands by time by valour, but Buy their Places with Money and Presents to their Prime Officers.  
Fifthly, And to forward the decay of this Militia, and to take off their warlike and haughty Courages, the confinement to their Chambers is not severe, but liberty given upon colour of Poverty, and impossibility of livelihood on their mean Pay, to attend other Trades and Services, whereby the exercise of Arms and thoughts of the War is converted to Mechanic Arts, and an intention to ways of maintenance of themselves and Families.  
Sixthly, Hope of reward and fear of punishment, which are the incitements to worthy actions and restrictions from the vilest crimes, are rarely help up to the janissaries in these times for their encouragement or terror; for without Money to the superior Officers none of them obtains Preferment; nor can any worn out with age and wounds procure dismission from the War with the enjoyment of the usual stipend, who are called by the Turks Oturak, and by the Latins Exauctorati; and on the contrary the Children of Officers born in Constantinople are often made Oturaks in their Cradles, and lusty Youths are with favour and Money exempted in the flower of age from the labours of War, and yet enjoy the benefits due to a tollesome Militia.  
And yet, as if all the connivance at these various disorders and subversion of the good institutions of the Soldiery were not sufficient to impoverish their spirits, to mould them into a more effeminate temper, and cause them to lose their interest and reputation: it is the common opinion that the Visier Kupriuli laid the designs for the late War with Germany before his death, and enjoined it to his Son to prosecute, with an intention, amongst other expectations of benefit to the Empire, to complete the final destruction of the ancient Spahees and janissaries, so as to be able to lay a foundation of a new Discipline, which may more easily for the future restrain the Turkish Militia within the compass of better modesty and obedience: which design hath taken so severe effect in the War of Hungary, in the year 1664. that the bloudlest part of slaughter in the Battles fell on the janissaries and Spahees, and by how much more any were more bold and forward in their attempts, by so much more fatal and hasty was their ruin; so that it is reported, that the valiantest Soldiers of the Confines, the veterane and best disciplined of the Spahees and janissaries, and the best number of their skilful Commanders and expert Captains perished promiscuously together, to the great damage and weakening to the Ottoman Power; so that now it is not probable that a new Militia succeeding, capable of receiving other Customs and Laws, and neither remembering nor concerned in former Mutinies, will adventure to follow the seditious practices of their Predecessors; for men are commonly modest at their first entrance into any condition; and unless debauched by corruption and Government, are easily contained within the bounds of reasonable moderation. And yet notwithstanding that the pride of the Turkish Religion is reduced to so low an abatement of their power, and to a condition easily for the future with with good management to be ruled; yet this present Sultan Mahomet still retaining the memory and impression of the amazement he suffered in his infancy on occasion of a dangerous combination and conspiracy of the janissaries, will never confide himself to their guard, nor be reconciled to Constantinople, in consideration of the many Chambers it contains of that loathed Militia, which have been so many Nurseries and Seminaries of Treasons complotted against himself, and his other Progenitors.   

CHAP. IX. Of the Chiauses.  
THESE having both offensive and defensive Arms assigned them, may be reckoned in the number of the Militia, though their Office being chiefly in relation to Civil Processes and Laws, they may deserve rather the name of Pursuivants or Sergeants. They are in number about 5 or 600, their pay is from 12 to 40 Asper's a day; and chief Officer is called Chiaus Baschee, to whose custody Prisoners of Quality are committed; their place of Attendance is the Palace of the Prime Visier, to be ready on all occasions to carry Letters and Commands to any part of the Empire; such Christian Renegadoes as become Turks, they most commonly for their Encouragement and subsistence in the Mahometan Superstition, admit into this Rank; because having commonly an endowment of other Languages besides the Turkish, are most serviceable on messages into foreign Countries; and sometimes are sent with the Title of Ambassadors, as one was once into England, France, and Holland. Their Arms are a Scimitar, a Bow, and Arrows, and a Truncheon with a knob at the end, called in Turkish Topous; those of these Officers that are Servants to the Visier or Beglerbegs carry this Truncheon covered with Silver, called in Turkish Tcheugbian; but the Chianses of simple Pashaws only of Wood: their Harvest they make upon the occasions of Law Suits and Differences between one party and another, being Apparitors or Sergeants to call the guilty person to justice; or if the business comes to composition, they commonly are in the midst to persuade both sides to reason, in which action they want not their Fees or acknowledgement of labour from both Parties.   

CHAP. X. Of the other parts of the Turkish Militia, the Toptchi.  
THESE are Gunners, called so from the word Tope, which in Turkish signifies a Cannon; and are in number about 1200 distributed in 52 Chambers; their Quarters are at Tophana, on the place of Guns in the Suburbs of Constantinople; few of these are expert in their art, and are ill practised in the Proportions and Mathematical part of the Gunners Mystery; for were they as skilful as many Ingeneers in the World, they might doubtless with that vast Train of Artillery they either march with in their Camp, or found in their Trenches, give much more annoyance to the Christian Forces: And therefore knowing their own imperfections in this exercise, when Christian Gunners are taken in the War, they entertain them with better usage than other Captives, quartering them in the Chambers appropriated to that Profession, allotting them with others a pay from 8 to 12 Asper's a day; but because this is too inconsiderable a maintenance to allure men who are otherwise principled, most of them as occasion offers, desert the service of the Turk, and fly to their own Country.  
Their Officers are, 

1. The Topgibaschi, or General of the Ordinance.  
2. The Dukigibaschi, or the Chief of them that found the great Guns.  
3. The Odabaschi, the Chief of all the Chambers of the Gunners in the Suburbs of Constantinople.  
4. Is the Kiatib of their Muster-Master, who is always a Spahee.    
Their Guns are the biggest, and as well cast and moulded as any in the World; for the last Expedition in Hungary there were 40 Pieces of new Cannon cast and transported by way of the Black Sea, and thence by the Danube unto Belgrade and Buda. Their Gunpowder is made but in small quantities about Constantinople, but comes from divers places of Europe; but that from Damascus is most esteemed. The biggest size of their Bullets are from 36 to 40 Inches Diameter, but these are most commonly of Stone, which they make use of in the Castles or Blockhouses situate on the Sea, as at the Castles upon the Hellespont, called anciently Sestos and Abydos, and at the Forts at entrance of the Black Sea. Once an English Man, Gunner of a Ship which lay at Constantinople, had the curiosity and confidence to measure the dimensions of these Bullets; but being apprehended in the very act, was imprisoned for a Spy; but by the intercession of our Ambassador then Resident, with much labour and some expense was at length released.  

Of the Gebegees.  
These are Armourers; so called from the word Gebees, which signifies in Turkish as much as Arms of Back and Breast; they are in number 630 distributed into 60 Chambers, and have their Quarters near the Church of Santa Sophia in Constantinople; their Office is to conserve the Arms of ancient times from rust, by cleaning and oiling them, so as to remain as Trophies for ever of the Turkish Conquests: Their pay is from 8 to 12 Asper's a day; their Officers are first the Gebegibaschi, who is their Commander in chief. 2. The Odobashees, who are so many Masters of the Chambers. On all expeditions these Armourers are necessary Officers; and oftentimes in days of Battle distribute forth the antique Arms, of which they have a care, into the hands of the janissaries: but of these, men that are indifferently rich, and have favour and friends, enjoy their pay with ease at their own homes; and like other 
* Ogiacks signifies a Family, as also a Military Family; so Spahi Ogiagbi, the Order of the Spahees; Sovischeri Ogiagbi, the Militia of janissaries, etc.  Ogiacks are capable of being made Oturacbs, or retaining their Pension with a dispensation from the War.   

Of the Delees.  
Delee signifies as much as a mad fellow, or a Hector; these are the Prime Visier's Lifeguard, and are in number from 100 to 400, more or less, according as the Visier is more or less rich and splendid in his Retinue; their Pay is from 12 to 15 Asper's a day; they are by Nation of Bosna, or Albania; their Habit is very ridiculous according to this Picture; they are men chosen for their great stature and stomaches; they speak big, talk of nothing but k●lling and adventurous exploits, but in reality their heart and courage is not esteemed proportionable to their bulk and bodies: in the City they march before the Visier on foot, and make way for him to the Divan; o● journeys they are too heavy and lazy not to be well mounted; they have a Captain over them called the Delibaschi, their Arms are a Lance after the Hungarian fashion, a Sword, and Pole-Axe, and some of them carry a Pistol at their Girdle. This sort of people being naturally more faithful than the Turks, and more inclinable to the Visier Kupriuli, for being of the same Country, he maintained 2000 of them for his Guard: which was so great a curb to the janissaries and the other Militia, that they were never able to execute any Conspiracy against him. The same course his Son the present Visier follows, and is doubtless next the Grand Signior's favour, his principal security.   

Of the Segbans and Sarigias.  
It is not to be omitted that the Beglerbegs and Pashaws maintain always a Militia called Segbans, to whose custody the charge of the Baggage belonging to the Horse is committed; and a select number called Sarigias, to whose care the Baggage of the Infantry is entrusted; these serve on foot with Muskets like janissaries, and the others on Horseback like Dragoons in Christendom; their Pay besides their Meat is 3 or 4 Dollars a Month. The Beglerbegs have oftentimes on occasion of their Rebellions enroled many of this sort of Militia to encounter the janissaries; the which was practised in these late times by Ipchir Pashaw, Hasan Pashaw, and Murteza Pashaw, who having lifted great numbers to fight under this denomination, the Visier Kupriuli for terror and more easy destruction of this people, proclaimed through all Asia, that strict inquisition should be made after the Segbans and Sarigias, and that it might be lawful for any one to kill and destroy them without mercy; by which means many were butchered in several places, and 30000 of them revolted to the Sofis of Persia.   

The Muhlagis and Besli,  
Are the Servants of Beglerbegs and Pashaws; the first make profession of a principal art in Horsemanship, and exercise themselves in throwing the Gilid, which is a Dart much used amongst the Turks, in the true management of which there is a great dexterity; and because there are considerable rewards bestowed on those who are expert herein, the Turks practise it on Horseback as their only exercise and study: very much delight herein the Grand Signiors have always taken, and to be Spectators of the Combats between the servants of several Pashaws born in different Countries and Nations, who from a Principle of honour to their Nation, and hopes of Preferment, contend with that heat and malice one against another, as surpass the cruelty of the ancient Gladiators; and not only limbs or eyes are lost in the skirmish, but oftentimes sacrifice their blood and life for the pastime of their Prince. Such as are observed to be bold, active and dextrous at this Game, are preferred to the degree and benefit of a Zaim or Timariot. The Beslees are Footment, who for their great abilities in walking and running, attain oftentimes to be made janissaries.  
And thus we have now, with as much brevity as may be, run through the several Degrees, Numbers, Institutions, Laws, and Discipline of the Turkish Militia by Land: whose father progress into Christendom, and damage to the Christian Cause, may the Almighty Providence so disappoint, that his Church corrected and grown more pious by this chastisement, may at length he relieved from the Rod and Yoke of this great Oppressor.    

CHAP. XI. Certain Observations on the Turkish Camp; and the Success of the last Battle against the Christians.  
IN the year of our Lord 1665. the Earl of Winchelsea, our Lord Ambassador for certain Affairs of His Majesty and the Company of Merchants, having commanded me to meet the great Visier in his return from the Wars in Hungary; through ill, or rather uncertain information of the Visier's motion, I was forced to proceed as far as Belgrade in Servia, on the Confines of Hungary, 23 days Journey from Constantinople, where finding a good part of the Turkish Army encamped near that City, for better convenience and expedition of my business, I entered within the Quarters of the Spahees, and pitched my Tent as near the Visier's and the other principal Officers as consisted with due respect; in which place I remained seven days, until the Army removed towards Adrianople; and not having fully completed my business there, I marched and remained other 13 days together with the Army: in which time I had leisure to make some reflections on the Order of the Turkish Camp.  
In the front of the Camp are quartered the janissaries, and all others destined for Foot-service, whose Tents encompass their Aga or General: In the body of the Camp are erected the stately Pavilions of the Visier, of his Kabiia or chief Steward or Counsellor, the Reis effendi, or Lord Chancellor, the Tefterdar Pascha, or Lord Treasurer, and the Kapisler Kahiasee or Master of the Ceremonies; which five Pavilions take up a large extent of ground, leaving a spacious Field in the midst, in the centre of which is raised a lofty Canopy, under which Offenders are corrected or executed, and serves to shelter from the Sun or Rain such as attend to the Divan, or other business with the Officers of State. Within the same space of ground also is the Hasua or Treasury, in small Chests one piled on the other, in form of a Circle, for guard of which 15 Spahees every night keep watch with their Arms in their hands. Near these quarters are the Tents of Pashaws, Beghs, Agaes, and Persons of Quality, who with their Retinue solely make up a considerable part of the Turkish Army. In the Rear are the quarters of the Spahees, and others that attend the Horse service as Segbans, Sarigias, and others. On the right hand of the Visier without the Camp are placed the Artillery, and Ammunition, which in the time I was there was inconsiderable, the great Cannon remaining in Buda and in the City of Belgrade, only 40 or 45 small Field-pieces of Brass (as I reckoned them) each drawn by four Horses, marched with the Visier, more at that time for state and ostentation, than for real service. The Pavilions of the great Visier, and other Persons of principal Office and Quality, may rather be called Palaces than Tents, being of a large extent, richly wrought within, adorned beyond their Houses, accommodated with stately Furniture, with all the convenience of the City and Country, and in my opinion far exceed the magnificence of the best of their Buildings; for being but for few years' continuance, the maintenance of them is beyond the expense of Marble and Porphyry, or the perpetual Edifices of Italy, durable to many Olympiads and Myriads of years. With these Houses and movable Habitations▪ which with the Posts that support them, are of that great weight and bulk, the Turkish Army marches daily, four, five, and sometimes six hours' Journey; all which Baggage is carried on Horses, Mules, and Camels; The great Persons are furnished with two sets of Tents, one of which as the Visier rises, is advanced the Conack or days Journey beyond; so that in the morning leaving one Tent, another is found at noon ready furnished and provided at arrival; which is the reason why the Turkish Camp abounds with such multitudes of Camels, Mules, and Horses of Burden, with so many thousand Attendants on the Baggage, which are of a vast expense, and if duly considered, is a matter of the greatest state and magnificence in the Turkish Empire  
Though it is reported by those who are Soldiers, and have experienced the Valour of the Turks in fight, th●t their Victories are obtained by multitudes of men, rather than by Art, or Military Discipline; however the Conquests they have made on the parts of Christendom, is a demonstration undeniable of some supereminent Order in their Army, which recompenses the defect of Knowledge in the Mystery of War; and this Regulation (in my opinion) proceeds from nothing more than the strict prohibition of Wine upon pain of death (two Men being executed during the time of my Residence there for bringing a small quantity of it in the Field) for hereby men become sober, diligent, watchful and obedient. In the Turkish Camp no brawls, quarrels, nor clamours are heard; no abuses are committed on the people by the march of their Army; all is bought and paid with money, as by Travellers that are Guests at an Inn; there are no complaints by Mothers of the Rape of their Virgin-daughters, no Violences or Robberies offered on the Inhabitants; all which order tends to the success of their Armies, and Enlargement of their Empire. As on the contrary, the sloth of the Germans and other Nations in their Counsels against the Turks, the liberty given to the Christian Soldiery, or rather the difficulty to correct, proceeds from nothing more than the intemperance in Wine, which moves in the Soldiery a lust and promptitude to all evils, and is occasion of the horrid outrages they commit, quarrels among themselves, and disobedience to their Officers, and betrays oftentimes a whole Army to ruin by surprisal; for how can those men be watchful, whose heads are charged with the fumes of Wine, and not yield opportunity of sad advantages to so awakened an Enemy as the Turk? Busbequius who had been Ambassador from the Emperor to the Grand Signior in two several Embassies, and had known and seen the vigilance of the Turkish Camp, attributes much of their success against the Germans to the ancient Vice of Intemperance of his Country: Neque vero, saith he, graviore imperio Turcae Graecos premant, quam nobis dominantur vitia, luxus, crapula. And so sensible are the Turks of the abuses and disorders which arise in their Camp by the use of Wine, that they endeavour all that is possible to debar their people from it, and therefore two or three days before the Army arrives at any place, Officers are dispatched before to seal all Taverns, and make proclamation against the sale of Wine: for though it be against their Law to drink Wine, yet Drunkenness is now become so common a Vice amongst them (as we have already declared in the second Book) that scarce one in ten but is addicted to a brutish intemperance therein.  
The Camp is always free from ordure and filth; there being holes digged near every Tent, which are encompassed about with Canvas for the more privacy and accommodation in men's necessary occasions; and whensoever these places become noisome and full, they are covered with Earth, and the Canvas removed; so that the whole Camp is clear of all excrements of men, as also kept more free from other stench (which may cause putrefaction) than the most orderly Cities of the World. If the march be in the Summertime, and the weather hot, the Beasts of Burden and Baggage begin to travel about seven a clock in the evening, and the Pashaws and great Visier presently after midnight; who are accompanied with so many Lights as equal almost the brightness of the day. Those that carry these Lights are Arabians from the parts of Aleppo and Damascus, Men used to travel on foot, who are in Turkish called Massalageeler, over whom is a superintendent or chief, called Massalagibashee, whose Office it is to govern and to punish these people, and is liable to answer for their disorders: the Lights they carry are not Torches, but a bituminous oily sort of Wood, which they burn in an Iron Grate, carried on a Staff made in the form of our Beacons; and of the same fashion with those Lights we see drawn in ancient Hangings and Pictures which represent Night-pieces of Roman Stories.  
And since I have discoursed something of the Turkish Camp in this return homewards, it will not be much from my promise to acquaint the Reader with what cheerfulness and alacrity the Army marched this way after their ill success: and also to declare the occasion that put a Hook into the Nostrils of this great Oppressor, and diverted him for the present from the farther spoil of Christendom. After the taking of the Castle called Serinswar by the great Visier, built by Count Serini (the which was the first original and occasion of the War) and the defeat of the Pashaw of Buda near L●wa by Count Susa Governor of Gomorra; the Visier made many and various attempts to pass the River Raab, to make some Conquests in the parts of Croatia and Styria, but by reason of the Forts the Christians had made along the Banks of the River, in every adventure lost considerable numbers of Men; at which loss of Men and time, and the ill success near Lewa, the Visier being greatly moved, made another adventure on the 27 th' of july, 1664. advancing with the gross of his Army as far as Kerment, a place between the River Raab and Terne; endeavouring there to make his passage with better success; but by the valour of the Hungarians and the assistence of the General Mon●ecuculi, were repulsed with extraordinary slaughter.  
On the first of August following the Turk made another considerable attempt, and passed over in one place 6000 janissaries and Albania, and in another where the River was fordable and not above ten paces broad, the whole body of the Turkish Horse crowded over in vast numbers, which caused the Christians to join their Forces into one Army, and retreat farther into the Country, and put themselves into a posture of giving Battle to the Enemy.  
As soon as the Turkish Army had thus waded over the water, the night following fell so much Rain, and such a Deluge came pouring down from the Mountains, that the River which was fordable the day before, did now over-swell its own Banks, and not passable without Floats and Bridges. As soon as the Army had thus passed the River, the great Visier dispatched immediately Messengers to the Grand Signior to acquaint him of his progress and passage; which news he knew would come very grateful; because in all Letters from the Grand Signior he was urged by threats and positive commands to proceed forward in his march, and not to suffer the impediment of a narrow ditch to be an interruption to the whole Ottoman force which was never before restrained by the Ocean. The Grand Signior having received this intelligence, as if the whole Victory and Triumph over the World consisted in the passage over the Raab, was transported with such an extraordinary joy and assurance of Victory, that all Hungary and Germany were already swallowed in his thoughts; and when by a second Message he received intelligence, that a Forlorn Hope of the Enemy, consisting of 1000 Men, was cut off, the Ottoman Court was so transported with the joy and assurance of Victory, that to anticipate the good news, the Grand Signior commanded that a solemn Festival should be celebrated for the space of seven days and seven nights, called by the Tur●s, Dunalma; in which time the whole nights were spent in Fireworks, shooting great Guns, Volleys of Muskets, sound of Drums and Trumpets, Revelling, and what other Solemnities might testify their joy and triumph. But scarce three nights of vain dream had passed, before the Grand Signior awakened by intelligence contrary to what was presaged and expected, of the defeat of the best part of his Army, shamefully commanded the Lights to be extinguished; and the remaining four nights appointed for joy, to be turned to melancholy and darkness. And indeed this rash joy was the more shameful and ridiculous, by how much more fatal and destructive the loss was to the Turks. For they being now got over the River, and the Christians drawn up in Battalia, a most furious Fight began, which from nine a clock in the morning, until four in the afternoon, continued with variable fortune; at length the Turks assailed by the extraordinary valour of the Christians, which were now of equal number to them, began to give back and put themselves into a shameful flight, leaving dead upon the place about 5000 men, and the glory of the day to the Christians: the Turks who always fly disorderly, knowing not the art of a handsome retreat, crowded in heaps to pass the River, the Horse trampling over the Foot, and the Foot throwing themselves headlong into the Water, without consideration of the depth, or choice of places fordable after the great Rains; those sinking, catching hold of oaths that could swim, sunk down and perished together; others both Men and Horse through the rapidness of the stream were carried down the River and swallowed up in the deeper places: The water was died with Blood, and the whole face of the River was covered with Men, Horse, Garments, all swimming promiscuously together, no difference was here between the valiant and the cowardly, the foolish and the wise, counsel, and chance, all being involved in the same violence of calamity: Non vox & mutui hortatus juvabant, adversante unda, nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens à prudenti, consilia à casu differre, cunc●a pari violentia involvebantur; so that the waters devoured a far greater number than did the Sword; whilst the great Visier standing on the other side of the River, was able to afford no kind of help or relief, but as one void of all counsel and reason, knew not where to apply a remedy. This defeat, though in Christendom not greatly boasted, by reason that the destruction of the Turks, which was most by water, was partly concealed to them; yet the Turks acknowledge the ruin and slaughter to have been of a far greater number than what the Christian Diaries relate, confessing that since the time that the Ottoman Empire arrived at this greatness, no stories make mention of any slaughter or disgrace it hath suffered to be equalled to the calamity and dishonour of this. On the Turks side were slain Ishamel Pashaw, lately of Buda, and Chimacam of Constantinople, by a shot from the Enemy in his passage over the River, the Spahee lar Agasee or General of the Spahees, and several other Pashaws and Persons of Quality fell that day, 15 pieces of Cannon were taken, with some Tents and other rich Spoils: Of the Christians were slain near 1000; those of Note were Count of Nassau, Count Charles of Braconstorf Captain of the Guards to Montecuculi, Count Fucher General of the Artillery, with many other Gentlemen of the French Nation, who deserve ever to be chronicled for their virtue and valour.  
The Turks were with this news greatly ashamed, and dejected, having but two days before demonstrated excesses of joy, congratulated the happy news one to the other, sending Presents abroad after their manner, derided the Christians living amongst them with the news, exprobriated them with a thousand injuries, applauded their own virtue and valour, and the righteousness of their Cause and Religion. But on a sudden, intelligence coming contrary to their expectations, such a dampness fell upon their spirits, that for some days there was a deep silence of all news at Constantinople; they that the day before sought for Christians to communicate to them the Miracles of their Victory, now avoided their company; ashamed of their too forward joy, and the liberty they had taken to contemn and deride the low condition of the Christian Camp. And now the ill news not being able to be longer concealed, Prayers, and Humiliation were appointed publicly to be made at all the Roayl Mosches both at Constantinople and at Adrianople, where all the Emaums or Parish Priest's with their young Scholars were commanded to resort, singing some doleful Chapter of the Koran.  
The minds of the Soldiery after this defeat were very much discomposed, tending more to Sedition than to obedience, every one took licence to speak loudly and openly his opinion, that the War was commenced upon unjust and unlawful grounds; that Comets lately seen to fall were prodigious foretelling the ill success of the War; that the total eclipse of the Moon, which portends always misfortunes to the Turks, should have caused more caution in the Commanders of engaging the Army, until the malignity of that influence had been overpassed; and calling to mind the solemn Oath with which the Sultan Solyman confirmed his Capitulations with the Emperor, particularly vowing never to pass the Raab or Places where the Turks received their defeat, without a solid or reasonable ground of War; all concluded that this Invasion was a violation of the Vow, and an injury to the sacred memory of that fortunate Sultan, and that all endeavours and attempts of this War would be fatal and destructive to the Musselmen or Believers, and the end dishonourable to the Empire. This opinion was ●ooted with much firmness and superstition in the mind of the vulgar, and the rumours in the Camp (that the Visier had been cause of the Soldiers flight, by commanding them to retreat after they were engaged, upon a false alarm that the Enemy in great numbers were coming to fall on the quarters where the Visier's person remained; and that this error was the first original of the slaughter that ensued) augmented their discontents and animosities against the Government. The Soldiery besides was greatly terrified and possessed with the fear of the Christians, and amazed upon every alarm; the Asian Spahees and other Soldiers having Wives and Children, and Possessions to look after, were grown poor, and desired nothing more than in peace and quietness to return to their home; so that nothing could come more grateful to this Camp, no largesses nor hopes could pacify the minds of the Soldiery more than the promises and expectations of Peace. And this was the true cause that brought on the Treaty of Peace between the Emperor and the Turk in such an instant, contrary to the opinion of most in the World; and gave occasion to the Visier to embrace the Propositions offered by the Rheningen, than Resident for the Emperor (who was carried about according to the motions of the Turkish Camp, to be ready to improve any Overtures of Peace that might be offered;) the Visier to show his real intentions, flattered and caressed this Resident with the Present of a Horse richly furnished, a Vest of Sables, and a commodious Tent, whilst the Propositions and Condescensions on the Turkish part were dispeeded to Vienna; which were returned again with an entire assent to most of the Articles; and those wherein there might be any difference, were to be referred until the arrival of the Extraordinary Ambassador, who was supposed might reach the Ottoman Court by the end of April. The Asian Spahees were overjoyed at the news hereof, and immediately obtained licence to depart, and most of the Militia was dispersed, every one with joy betaking himself to his own home. But this Ambassador missing of his time allotted for his arrival, above a month later than he was expected put all things into a strange combustion. I was then in the Camp when it was whispered, that the Treaty was at an end, that the Christians had deluded them, and caused them to disband their Army, that so they might fall upon them with the greater advantage; the misfortune of which (according to the custom of the Commonalty) was charged on the heads of the Governors; and the too much credulity of the Visier. Bu● at length on the 28 of May 1665 news coming that the Ambassador from the Emperor was arrived at Buda; the Visier the next day departed from Belgrade with his whole Army. which I accompanied as far as Nissa about nine days march towards Adrianople; and there having put an end to my business, and wearied with the slow pace, and heats, and other inconveniences of an Army, I took my leave of the great Visier, and proceeded farther by longer journeys to attend the Court at Adrianople: and that I may give my Reader an account of these Countries, and the nature of the people that inhabit them, I hope it will not be judged much besides my purpose if I entertain him a little with a Relation of some part of my Journey to Belgrade.  
On the 29 th' of April 1665. I departed from Adrianopole towards Belgrade; and on the first of May I lodged at a Village called Semesge, the first Town I came to, inhabited by Bulgarians who are Christians, that day being a Festival; the Women upon the arrival of Guests came running from their Houses with Cakes of dough bread which they called Toga●●h, only laid upon the Coals between two Tiles, which they soon kneaded and prepared for the stomaches of Travellers; others brought Milk, Eggs, and Wine to sell, and what else their homely Cottages afforded, which they pressed on us with much importunity, the younger and handsomer challenging a priority in the sale of their Provisions before those who were ancient and more homely: These Country Lasses had that day put on their holy Garments, which put me in mind of those dresses I have seen in Pictures of the ancient Shepherdesses in Arcadi●, being a loose Gown of various colours with hanging Sleeves; their Arms had no Sleeve but that of their Smock, which though it were of Canvas of some very course Linen, was yet wrought with many works of divers colours; their hair was braided, hanging down at length behind, which some had adorned with little shells found upon the Sea shore, tied at the end with fringes of Silk, bobs, and tassels of Silver; their heads were covered with pieces of Silver Coin of different sorts strung upon thread, and their Breasts were in the same manner decked; those being most honoured, and esteemed most rich, who were best adorned with these Strings of Coin, and Bracelets on their Wrists, with which every one, according to her ability, had dressed and made herself fine. Amongst these we passed with plenty of Provision, and a hearty welcome; for these people called Bulgarians inhabit all that Country to the Confines of Hungary; they Till all that ground, Pasture vast numbers of cattle, and are industrious and able Husbandmen, by which means, and the liberty they enjoy by the small number of Turks which live amongst them, they pass their time with some reasonable comfort, and are more commodious in Wealth than they suffer to appear outwardly to the envious eyes of the Turks. Their Language is the old Illyrian or Sclavonian Tongue, which hath much similitude with the Russians; because this people is said to come originally from beyond the River Volga, and so by corruption are called Bulgarians or Volgarians. On the third of May we arrived at Philippolis, where we were civilly entertained at the House or Monastery of the Metropolite, or Greek Bishop of that place. By this City runs the River Hebrus, having its original from the Mountains Rhodope, in sight of which we traveled towards Sophia, of which Ovid thus speaks, 
Qua patet umbrosum Rhodope glacialis ad Haemum,  
Et sacer amissas exigit Hebrus aquas.   
The City of Philippolis is situate in a large and open Plain, and levelly, whereon are great numbers of little round Hills, which the Inhabitants will have to be the Graves of the Roman Legions slain in those Fields. A certain Greek had once the melancholy dream of much Treasure buried in one of these Hills, and this fancy so often troubled him in his sleep, that it took a strong impression in his mind whilst he was waking, and so far troubled him, that he could take no rest nor contentment until he had eased his mind to the Nasir-Aga, who is he who oversees the Waterworks, and places of Pleasure belonging to the Grand Signior in that Country. The Turk, though he had a great mind to the Treasure, durst not yet open the ground, until he had acquainted the Grand Signior with the mind of the Greek, who upon the first intimation dispatched away Officers (so apt the Turks are in matters of Profit to catch even at a shadow) to open this Hill; to which the Country Villages were summoned, and whilst they digged very deep, not well understanding the manner and art of Mining, the Earth broke from the top, and buried seventy persons in the ruins; and so the work ended, and the Greek awaked from his dream. This Town hath one part of it built on the side of a Hill; two others are also near it, which appear like Bulwarks or Fortifications on that side the City; all the rest of the Country thereabouts being a dead Plain or Level. At this place remains no other Antiquity besides the ruins of two ancient Chapels, built of Brick, in the form of a Cross, one of which the Greeks hold in great devotion, and report to be the place wherein St. Paul preached often to the Philippians; and with that opinion they often resort thither, especially on the Days of Devotion, to say their Prayers: The Walls of the City are likewise very ancient, over the Gates of which is writ something in the Greek Character; but Time hath so defaced it, that to me it seemed no longer legible; And so ignorant are the Greeks also, even such as were born in that City, and are Priests and Colories (which are the strictest sort of Religious Men amongst them) who have nothing more to do than to attend to their Office and Studies, that they cannot give any reasonable account of the original of that City, who it was built by or any thing else of the History of it, and with much admiration they harken to us, when we tell them any thing what our Books relate concerning it.  
From hence I departed towards Sophia, passing in this Journey the Montes Haemi, called by the Turks Capi Dervent, which is as much as the Gate of the narrow way; the ascent thereunto is rugged and sharp, commodious for Robbers, who there have such Caves and places of refuge, that they defy very considerable Forces that are sent against them. On the top of this Hill is a Village of Bulgarians, where the Women used to the diversity of Travellers, are become free in their discourse, and only entertain strangers, whilst their Husbands are in the Field, or with their cattle, or fly away for fear of some injury from the Turks. Descending hence is a very narrow enclosure, on both sides being environed with high Mountains and Woods, which is a shady and melancholy Journey for the space of two hours; to this place the Heydouts, or Heyducks (as that people call them) frequently resort in great numbers out of Transilvania, Moldavia, Hungary, and other parts, which taking advantage of these close Woods, discharge Volleys of Shot on the strongest Caravans, and rolling Stones from the Mountains in the narrowest passages, do as much execution as with Cannon; for, as I have understood, in one of those Dervents (for there are many of this nature in the Journey to Belgrade) 18 Thiefs only killed above 300 merchant's, who far security united together, and their whole Baggage and Goods became a prey to the Robbers. In these places, thus fortified by Nature, the Inhabitants resisted the force of the Grecian Emperors, and killed Baldwin Earl of Flanders after he had subjected the City of Constantinople. Amongst these Bulgarians is a sort of people which they call Paulines, who had in former times strange confused notions of Christianity, pretending to follow the Doctrine of St. Paul, used Fire in the Sacrament of Baptism, and preferred this Apostle before his Master Christ: but there being some Roman Priests in those parts, that observing the ignorance of these poor people, and their willingness to be instructed, took the advantage, and reduced them all to the Roman Faith, to which now they are strict and superstitious adherers.  
Through those narrow Dervents before spoken of, we arrived after three days of weary Journey at Sophia, a place so wholly Turkish, that there is nothing in it that appears more antic than the Turks themselves; it is situated in a pleasant Plain or broad Valley, between two high Mountains, the highest of them wearing a snowy head in the heat of the Summer Solstice, which is the reason that that City is cool and wholesome, but of a subtle penetrating Air, being supplied with admirable waters of easy digestion, which come pouring down in great abundance from the Mountains, and supply the Town with plentiful streams in all parts of it, and are said to be waters of those Fountains which Orpheus delighted in. There are besides these cool Waters, certain Baths naturally hot, to which the Turks resort very frequently, being of the same nature and virtue with ours in England. From this place we made nine long days Journey to Belgrade, in which passage there is nothing more memorable than the desolation of the Country; and being there arriv●d, we pitched our Tent in the Camp, where after six days we marched back with the Army, to whom nothing could come more joyful than their return home, and the conclusion of the War; by which may be observed in some manner, how far the nature of the Turks is degenerated from the ancient warlike disposition of the Saracens.   

CHAP. XII. Of the Turks Armata, or Naval Forces.  
HAving particularly run over the Force of this formidable Enemy and scourge of Christianity by Land, we are now to take a view according to the true method of this Discourse, of the strength of their Fleets and Maritime Forces; which though to a Nation situated on the Continent, are not so necessary or prevalent to defend themselves from their Neighbours, or transport their Power and Conquests into other Dominions, as they are to a People whose Habitation is encompassed by the Sea; yet certainly a Prince can never be said to be truly Puissant, who is not Master in both Elements; for not to expatiate on the common Theme of the Riches and Power which arise from Navigation, it is sufficient, considering how often the mighty force of the Ottoman Empire hath been foiled and baffled by the small Republic of Venice, for want of true knowledge or success, or application of their minds to Maritime Exercise, to demonstrate of what efficacy in most designs is a well provided and regulated Fleet.  
The Turks are now very much weakened in their Naval Forces since the War against Candy, and are so discouraged in their hopes of success at Sea, that Ships and Galleasses, called by them Mahumes, are wholly in disuse amongst them; whether it be that they want able Seamen to govern them, or that they despair of being able to meet the Venetians in open Sea (for which those Vessels of Battery are only in use) they are fallen into a fancy of light Galleys, a sign that they intent to trust more of their safety to their Oars than their Arms; of which in the year 1661. (after the loss of 28 well-provided Galleys wrecked with their Men in the Black Sea) the Visier Kupriuli built thirty others for reparation of that loss, but of that green and unseasoned Timber, that the first Voyage many of them became unserviceable for the Leaks; and the rest, at the return of the Fleet in the month of October following, were laid up amongst the old and worn Vessels.  
It may seem a difficult matter to assign the true reason why and by what means the Turks come to be so decayed in their Naval Forces, who abound with so many conveniencies for it, and with all sorts of materials fit for Navigation, as Cordage, Pitch, Tar, and Timber, which arise and grow in their own Dominions, and are easily brought to the Imperial City with little or no danger of their Enemies. For Timber, the vast Woods along the Coast of the Black Sea, and parts of Asia, at the bottom of the Gulf of Nicomedia supply them: Pitch, Tar, and Tallow are brought to them from Albania and Walachia; Canvas and Hemp from Grand Cairo; and Biscuit is in plenty in all parts of the Turks Dominions. Their Ports are several of them convenient for building both Ships and Galleys; the Arsenal at Constantinople hath no less than One hundred thirty seven Voltas, or Chambers for Building, and so many Vessels may be upon the Stocks at the same time. At Sinopolis near Trapesond is another Arsenal: at Midia and Anchiale, Cities on the Black Sea, are the like; and many parts of the Propontis, the Hellespont, and the Bosphorus, are such Ports and Conveniencies for Shipping, as if all things had conspired to render Constantinople happy, and not only capable of being Mistress of the Earth, but formidable in all parts of the Ocean: and yet the Turk for several years, especially since the War with Candia, and their defeats at Sea have not been able at most to Equippe a Fleet of above 100 Sail of Galleys, of which 14 are maintained and provided at the charge of the Beyes of the Archipelago, for which they have certain Isles in that Sea assigned them.  
The Turks do neither want Slaves to bogue at the Oars of the Gaillies; for Tartary supplies them with great numbers; besides, divers persons in Constantinople make it a Trade to hire out their Slaves for the Summer's Voyage for 6000 Asper's running the hazard of the Slaves life, who returning home safe, is consigned to the possession of his Patron: and if want still be of the Chiurma, as the Turks call it, or Slaves for the Oar, a collection is made in several Provinces of the lustiest and stourest Clowns, called by the Turks Az●bs, but by the other Slave's Chakal; these are chosen out of certain Villages, one being elected out of every 20 houses, the hire of which is 6000 Asper's, for payment whereof the other 19 Families make a proportionable Contribution; upon receipt of their Pay they give in security not to fly, but to serve faithfully for that years Expedition: But these Men unused to the service of the Sea, unskilful at the Oar, and Sea sick, are of little validity; and the success of their Voyage may be compared to that in the Fable of the Shepherd, who sold his Possessions on the Land to buy Merchandise for Sea-negotiations. The Soldiers which are destined to Sea service are called Levents, who come voluntarily and enter themselves in the Registers of the Arsenal, obliging themselves to serve that Summer's Expedition for 6000 Asper's, and Biscuit for the Voyage; the stoutest and most resolute of these fellows are those called Cazdaglii, who are a certain sort of Mountainers in the Country of Anatolia, near Troy, whose Country I once passed through, with some apprehension, and more than ordinary vigilance and caution to preserve my life; for being all Robbers and Free booters, we admitted no Treaties or Discourses with them but with our Arms in our hands. Others there are also obliged to Sea service, who are Zaims and Timariot, and hold their Lands in Sea-Tenour; but being not bound to go in person themselves, they bring or send their Servants (called in Turkish Bedel) to supply their place, every one providing one, two, or more, according to the value of his Lands, as we have before declared in the Chapter of the Zaims and Timariot. Some janissaries are also drawn out for Sea-service, and some Spahees of the four inferior Banners, and not to make too bold with the Veterane Soldiers, command only such to Sea as are new and green Soldiers, lately registered in the Rolls of the Spahees.  
The Auxiliaries of the Turks Forces by Sea, are the Pirates of Barbari, from those three Towns of Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers; but these of late years have disused the custom of coming into the Turks assistence; yet oftentimes they ply towards the Archipelago, and to the Levant, but it is to supply themselves with Soldiers, and recruits of people for increase of their Colonies.  
The other part of Auxiliary Forces is from the Beyes of the Archipelago; being 14 in number, every one of which commands a Galley, and for their maintenance have the Contribution of certain Islands in that Sea allotted to them; the which are better manned and armed than those of Constantinople, but these neither, are not willing too much to expose their Vessels to fight or danger, in regard that being built and maintained at their own charges, and their whole substance, they are the more cautious how they venture all their Fortune in the success of a Battle: These Beyes also give themselves up much to their delights and pleasure, and employ more thoughts how to please their Appetites, than to acquire glory and fame by the War; what they gain in Summer, when joined with the gross of the Turkish Fleet, is the Prize of the Grand Signior; but what chance throws upon them in the Winter, is their own proper and peculiar Fortune.  
The Gunners of the Turkish Fleet are wholly ignorant of that Art, for any person who is either English, French, Dutch, or any other Christian Nation, they design to this Office, whether he be skilful or unskilful in the management of Artillery; having an opinion that those people are naturally addicted to a certain proneness and aptitude in Gunnery; in which they find their error as often as they come to skirmish with their Enemy.  
The chief Admiral or Generalissimo of the Turkish Armata, is called the Captain Pashaw; his Lieutenant-General is called Tershana Kiahiafi; the next Officer is Tersane Emini, or Steward of the Arsenal, who hath the care of providing all necessaries for the Navy; but this place being bought, as almost all other Offices, occasions a necessity in these persons to rob Mails, Anchors, Cables, and other Provisions of the Fleet to satisfy the Debts they contracted for the Purchase of their Places: In the like manner doth every Reis or Captain of a Galley keep his hand in exercise as often as convenience offers; these are all for the most part Italian Renegadoes, or the Race of them born and educated near the Arsenal. The Officers command their Chiurme or Slaves in corrupted Italian, which they call Frank; and afford them a better allowance of Biscuit than is given to the Slaves in the Venetian Armata.  
The Turks now despairing of being equal to the Christian Forces by Sea, and to be able to stand with them the shock of a Battle, build light Vessels for robbing, burning, and destroying the Christian Coast, and afterwards to secure themselves by flight, and also to transport Soldiers, Ammunition, and Provisions, for succour of Candia, and other places of their new Conquests near the Seashore.  
The Arsenal at Venice is so greatly esteemed by the Turks, that they seem not to desire the conquest of that place for any other reason more than the benefit of the Arsenal; as a person of great quality amongst them said once, that had they made a Conquest of Venice, they would not inhabit there, but leave it to the Venetians▪ in regard that the City affords not fresh Water, which is necessary for the use of their Mosch●, and their Washing before Prayer; but that the Arsenal, and a Tribute would satisfy the desires of the Grand Signior.  
But the Turks are not likely to be Masters of this Sea of Neptune, whilst they so unwillingly apply their minds to Maritime Affairs, who being conscious of their former ill success at Sea, and how little use they make of those advantages they have for shipping, acknowledge their Inabilities in Sea Affairs, and say, That God hath given the Sea to the Christians, but the Land to them. And no doubt the large Possessions and Riches they enjoy on the staple Element of the Earth, is that which takes off their minds the deep attention to matters of the Sea, which is almost solely managed by Renegadoes amongst them, who have abandoned their Faith and their Country. And it is happy for Christendom that this faintness remains on the Spirits of the Turks, an aversion from all Naval Employment, whose numbers and power the Great God of Hosts hath restrained by the bounds of the Ocean, as he hath limited the Ocean by the Sands of the Seashore.   

THE CONCLUSION.  
BY the Discourse made in the three foregoing Books, it will evidently appear what sort of Government is exercised amongst the Tur●s, what their Religion is, and how formidable their Force; which ought to make the Christian World tremble to see so great a part of it subjected to the Mahometan Power, and yet no Mean thought of to unite our Interests, and compose our Dissensions, which lay us open to the inundation of this flowing Empire: To which I shall add this one thing very observable, That the Grand Signior wages his War by Land without any charge to himself, an advantage not to be paralleled by the Policy of any Government I ever heard or read of before; for his Spahees and janissaries are always in Pay, both in War and Peace; his Zaims and Timariot have their Lands to maintain them; and other Militia's enjoy the fixed Revenue from their respective Countries: and yet notwithstanding through the expense of the Naval Forces, the building Galleys, and the like, matters not provided for those who laid the first foundation of this Government, the Revenue of the Empire hath been bankrupted, and by the corruption of the Officers, or ill management, been sold for 3 years to come, until all was redeemed and restored again by the wisdom of that famous Vis●er Kuprinli, whom we have occasion so often to mention in the foregoing Treatise.  
We cannot now but pity those poor Borderers in Hungary, Styria, Croatia, and other parts subject to the Incursions of this cruel Enemy, since we know in the last War not three English miles from Vienna, many poor people have been surprised and fallen into the hands of the Tartar and Turk, and sold afterwards into perpetual slavery; this consideration ought to move us, who are barricadoed and fortified by the Seas from the violence of our Enemies, to bless God we are born in so happy and so secure a Country, subject to no dangers but from ourselves, nor other miseries but what arise from our own freedom and two much felicity; we ought to consider it is a blessing, that we never have felt any smart of the rod of this great Oppressor of Christianity, and yet have tasted of the good and benefit which hath proceeded from a free and open Trade, and amicable Correspondence and Friendship with this People▪ which have been maintained for the space of eighty years, begun in the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH of blessed memory, preserved by the Prudence and admirable Discretion of a series of worthy Ambassadors, and daily emproved both in business and reputation by the excellent Conduct and Direction of that Right Worshipful Company of the Levant Merchants, hath brought a considerable benefit to this Kingdom, and gives employment and livelihood to many thousands of people in England; by which also His Majesty without any expense, gains a very considerable increase of His Customs.  
The sense of this benefit and advantage to my own Country, without any private considerations, I have as a Servant to that Embassy, or the obligations I have to that worthy Company, cause me to move with the greatest sedulity and devotion possible to promote and advance the Interest of that Trade: And as some study several ways, and prescribe Rules by which a War may be most advantageously managed against the Turk; I, on the contrary, am mo●e inclinable to give my judgement in what manner our Peace and Trade may best be secured and maintained; knowing that so considerable a welfare of our Nation depends upon it, that a few years of Trade's interruption in Turkey will make all sorts of people sensible of the want of so great a vent of the commodities of our Country. And therefore as I am obliged to pray for the glory and prosperity of His Majesty our gracious Sovereign: so likewise, as that which conduces to it, for the continuance of the Honour of this Embassy in Turkey, and the profitable returns of the Levant Company.   
FINIS   

THE CONTENTS Of the several CHAPTERS.  


The First Book.  
Chap. I. THE Constitution of the Turkish Government, being different from most others in the World, hath need of peculiar Maxims and Rules whereon to establish and confirm itself, Page 1  
Chap. II. The absoluteness of the Emperor is a great support of the Turkish Empire. 2  
Chap. III. The Lesson of Obedience to their Emperor is taught by the Turks as a Principle of Religion, rather than of State 4  
Chap. IV. A True Relation of the Designs managed by the old Queen, Wife of Sultan Ahmet, and Mother of Sultan Morat, and Sultan Ibrahim, against her Grandchild Sultan Mahomet, who now Reigns; and of the Death of the said Queen and her Complices 6  
Chap. V. The Education of Young Men in the Seraglio, out of which those who are to discharge the great offices of the Empire are elected; it being a Maxim of the Turkish Polity, To have the Prince served by such whom he can raise without envy, and destroy without danger 12  
Chap. VI Of the Method in the Turkish Studies and Learning in the Seraglio 15  
Chap. VII. Of the Platonic Affection and Friendship the Pages in the Seraglio bear each to other 16  
Chap. VIII. Of the Mutes and Dwarves 17  
Chap. IX. Of the Eunuches ibid. Of the black Eunuches, and Apartments of the Women 17, 18  
Chap. X. Of the Agiamoglans 19  
Chap. XI. Of the Visier Azem, or Prime Visier, his office; the other six Viziers of the Bench; and of the Divan, or place of judicature 20  
Chap. XII. Of the Offices, Dignities, and several Governments of the Empire 23  
Chap. XIII. In what manner the Tartar Han depends on the Turk 26  
Chap. XIV. Of the Tributary Princes to the Turks, viz. the Moldavians, Null, Transilvanians, Raguseans, etc. 28  
Chap. XV. The desolation and ruin which the Turks make of their own Country in Asia, and the parts most remote from the Imperial Seat, esteemed one cause of the conservation of the Empire 31  
Chap. XVI. All hereditary Succession in the Government, as also the preservation of an Ancient Nobility, against the Maxims of the Turkish Polity 32  
Chap. XVII. The frequent exchange of Officers, as setting up one, and degrading another; a Rule always practised as wholesome, and conducing to the welfare of the Turkish State 35  
Chap. XVIII. The several Arts the Turks use for increase of their People, is a principal Policy, without which the greatness of their Empire cannot continue nor be increased 37  
Chap. XIX. The manner of Reception of Foreign Ambassadors amongst the Turks, and the esteem is had of them 39  
Chap. XX. How Ambassadors and public Ministers govern themselves in their Negotiations and Residence amongst the Turks 43  
Chap. XXI. How Christian and other Foreign Princes in particular stand in the esteem and opinion of the Turk 44  
Chap. XXII The regard the Turks have to their Leagues with Foreign Princes 46    


The Second Book.  
Chap. I. OF the Turks Religion in general 49  
Chap. II. The Toleration in that Mahometanism in its Infancy promised to other Religions, and in what manner that agreement was afterwards observed ibid.  
Chap. III. The Arts wherewith the Turkish Religion is propagated 52  
Chap. IV. The Power and Office of the Mufti, and the Turkish Government in Religious Matters. 53  
Chap. V. Of the Mufti's. Revenue, and from whence it doth arise 55  
Chap. VI Of the Emirs ibid.  
Chap. VII. Of the Endowments of the Royal Mosches, and in what nature Tithes are given for maintenance of their Priests and Religion 56  
Chap. VIII. Of the nature of Predestination according to the Turkish Doctors 57  
Chap. IX. Of the difference of Sects, and disagreement in Religion amongst the Turks in general 58  
Chap. X. Of the two prevailing Sects, viz. of Mahomet and Hali, that is, the Turk and the Persian; the Errors of the Persian recounted, and confuted by the Mufti of Constantinople 59  
Chap. XI. Of the ancient Sects and Heresies amongst the Turks 61  
Chap. XII. Of the new and modern Sects amongst the Turks 63  
Chap. XIII. Of the Dervishes 67  
Chap. XIV. Of the Order of Ebrbuhare 69  
Chap. XV. Of the order of Nimetulahi 70  
Chap. XVI. Of the order of Kadri ibid.  
Chap. XVII. Of the order of Kalenderi 71  
Chap. XVIII. Of the order of Edhemi ibid.  
Chap. XIX. Of the order of Bectasse 72  
Chap. XX. Of the order of Hizrevi, or Herewi ibid.  
Chap. XXI. Of the Marriages, Divorces, and how far Concubinage is indulged amongst the Turks 73  
Chap. XXII. Of other parts of the Turkish Religion, and first of Circumcision 76  
Chap. XXIII. Of the five necessary Points which are required to constitute a true Mahometan, viz. 1. Washings. 2. Prayers. 3. Observations of the Ramazan. 4. The Zacat. 5. Pilgrimage ibid.  
Chap. XXIV. Of the Feast of Bairam, and the Ceremonies used at that time by the chief Officers and Ministers towards the Grand Signior 78  
Chap. XXV. Of the Prohibition of Swine's Flesh and Wine. 80  
Chap. XXVI. Of their Morality, Good Works, and some certain account of their Laws; worthy observation ibid.    


The Third Book.  
Chap. I. OF the present state of the Military Discipline amongst the Turks 81  
Chap. II. Of the Turkish Militia in general. 82  
Chap. III. A Computation of the Forces arising from the Zaims and Timariot 83  
Chap. IV. Of certain Customs and Laws observed amongst the Zaims and Timariot 86  
Chap. V. Of the state of the Militia in Grand Cairo and Egypt, and the Auxiliary Forces to the forementioned Militia of the Turks 87  
Chap. VI Of the Spahees 88  
Chap. VII. Of the janissaries 90  
Chap. VIII. Whether the maintenance of an Army of janissaries according to the original institution, be now agreeable to the Rules of Polity amongst the Turks 92  
Chap. IX. Of the Chiauses 94  
Chap. X. Of the other parts of the Turkish Militia, viz. the Toptchi, Segbans, and Serigias, Gebegee, Muhlagi, Besli, and Delees ibid.  
Chap. XI. Certain Observations on the Turkish Camp 97  
Chap. XII. Of the Turks Armata, or Naval Forces of Sea 102  
The Conclusion 104    
FINIS.   

A TABLE TO THE Turkish History, Written by Mr. RICHARD KNOLLES; wherein note that [a.] signifies the first Column of each Page, and [b.] the second.  


A  
AARON Vayvod of Moldavia suspected by the Transylvanian Prince to have Intelligence with the Turk, with his Wife and Son sent Prisoners unto Prague, 745, a.  
Abas Mirize by the practice of Mirize Salmas brought into suspicion with Mahomet his Father the Persian King, 669, a. by his Ambassadors purgeth himself of the supposed Treason, 680, a.  
Abdilcherai with his Tartars cometh into Siruan, 664, a. taketh Ares Chan, ib. b. spoileth Genge, is himself overthrown and taken Prisoner by the Persian Prince, 665, a. beloved of the Persian Queen, ib. b, slain in the Court, ib. b.  
Abedin Bassa with a great Army sent by Amurath to revenge the death of Mesites, spoileth Valachia, and so entereth into Transilvania, 184, a. encourageth the Turks, 185, b. in a great and mortal battle overthrown by Huniades at Vascape▪ 187, a.  
Abraham, otherwise called Pyramet, last King of Caramania, slain by Bajazet, 304, a.  
Abraham Bassa his description, 435, a. his bringing up in Court, ib. b. his great credit with Solyman, i. he persuaded him to make war upon the Persians, ib. b. maligned by Soliman's Mother and Roxolana, 436, b. sent before by Solyman with an Army into Syria; ib. b. hath the City of Tauris yielded unto him, 437, a. in disgrace with Solyman, 440, a. shamefully murdered in the Court by the commandment of Solyman, ib. a.  
Abydus surprised by the Turks, 127, b.  
Acanzii, what they be, 283, a.  
Achmetes Bassa Governor of Cyprus slain by the janissaries, 690, a.  
Achmetes the great Bassa his notable speech to Mahomet, to dissuade him from any more assaulting of Scodra, 289, a, b. landeth with his Army in Apulia, 295, a. by Bajazet made General of his Army against his Brother Zemes, 298, a. his death contrived by Isaac Bassa; 301, b. in danger to have been put to death, delivered by the janissaries, 302, a. suddenly slain, ib. b.  
Achmetes Bassa with his Army overthrown by the Mamaluks, taken and sent Prisoner unto Caytbeius at Cairo, 305, a.  
Achomates politic and valiant, but too much given to Pleasure, 326, a. discontented, 332, a. threateneth the Cadelescher sent unto him by his Father, 332, a. entereth with his so●s into Rebellion, ib. b. killeth his Father's Ambassador, proclaimed Traitor, 333, b. secretly favoured by divers great men in Selimus his Army, 341, b. overthrown in battle, taken, and by the commandment of his Brother Selimus strangled, 542, b.  
Achomates the great Bassa appeaseth the Soldiers, up in Arms for the unworthy death of Mustapha, 516, a. his miserable end, 517, a.  
Achmat the great Sultan crowned, 837, b, his disposition, 839, a. sick of the small pox, 845, a. contemneth good counsel, ib. b. his first son born, 857, b. seeketh in vain to make peace with the Persian, 881, a. makes Gambolat General of his Army into Asia, and suddenly commandeth him to be slain, 897, a. his extreme severity, 905, b. beats his Sultana, 907, b. in danger to be slain by a Deruice, 908 a. cometh in state to Constantinople, 912, a. admonisheth the Transilvanians to obey Gabor, 920, b. commands all the Christians to be slain, 933, b. entertains four Armies, 942, b. his death and disposition, 943, b.  
Adom Castle abandoned by the Haiducks, 820, b.  
Agria in vain besieged by the Turks, 511, b, yielded unto Mahomet the Third, 767, a.  
Aladin the son of Kei-Husreu of the Selzuccian Family driven out of Persia, seizeth upon Cilicia, 54, a.  
Aladin his Modesty about the division of his Father Othomans' Inheritance and Goods, with his Brother Orcanes, 125, a.  
Aladin the Caramanian King hanged, 144, a.  
Aladin, Amurath's eldest Son, slain with a fall from his Horse, 197, a.  
Alba-Regalis yielded to King Ferdinand, 472, b. besieged by Solyman, 500, a, b. the lake and ditches with incredible labour filled up by the Turks, ib. b. the suburbs won, ib. b. the miserable slaughter of the Christians in their ●light, 501, a. yielded unto Solyman, 501, b. besieged by Duke Mercury, 793, a. the suburbs of the City surprised by Lord Russworm, ib. b. the City taken by the Christians▪ ib. b. besieged by the Turks, 799, b. terribly assaulted, 800, a. won by the Turks, ib. b.  
Alba-Regalis, the suburbs by the Christians sacked and burnt, 820, a.  
Aladeules his Kingdom, 353, a. the battle betwixt him and Selimus, ib. b. he flieth into the Mountains, ib. b. taken by Sinan Bassa, and brought to Selimus, is put to death, 354, a. his head sent to Venice for a present, and his Kingdom brought into the form of a Province, ib. a.  
Albuchomar discovereth unto Selimus the power of Tomombeius, and the treason intented by them of Cairo, 372, a.  
Aleppo in Syria betrayed and taken from the Christians by Saladin Sultan of Damascus, 43, a. by the Tartars taken from the Turks, and by them sacked and razed, 79, b. by Cayerbeius the Traitor delivered to Selimus, 361, a.  
Alessandro the Georgian submitteth himself unto Mustapha, 660, b.  
Alexius, the great Precedent of Constantinople committed to Prison, 32, b. his Eyes put out by the commandment of Andronicus, ib. b.  
Alexius Comnenus, otherwise called Prophyrogenitus, succeedeth his Father Emanuel in the Empire, 30, b. by the practice of Andronicus is deprived of his Empire, and strangled, 35, b.  
Alexius the young Prince craveth Aid of Philip the Emperor, and the Latin Princes against his Uncle the Usurper; 54, a. cometh to the Army of the Christian Princes going towards the Holy Land, 55, a. arriveth with a great fleet of the Latins before Constantinople, ib. b. taketh land, and after a hot skirmish forceth the old Tyrant Alexius to ●lie out of the City, ib. b. seeketh to bring the Latins again into the City, 56, b, is betrayed and strangled by Murzufle, 57, a.  
Alexius Philantropenus by Andronicus the Emperor made Governor of the frontiers of his Empire in Asia against the Turks, 103, a, aspireth, ib. b. betrayed, hath his Eyes put out, ib. b.  
Alexius Strategopulus with a small power sent into Graecia by the Emperor Michael Palaeologus, by the treason of two Greeks taketh the City of Constantinople from the Latins, 80, b. 81, a.  
Alexander proclaimed Prince of Moldavia, 930, a. sendeth Ambassadors to Sultan Achmat, ib. a. another to Prince Michna, 931, a, a third to Bethlem Gabor, ib. b. 800 of his Soldiers slain by their hosts for their Insolency, 932, b. he receiveth new Aids, some whereof are defeated, 932, b. 933, a. treacherously forsaken by his General, 936, b, he and his confederates environed by the Turks Army, 937, b. taken Prisoner and carried to Constantinople, 938, b.  
Algiers described, 486, a. in vain besieged by Charles the Emperor, ib. a.  
Aliculi Chan taken, 668, a. in hope of liberty conducted Hassan Bassa through the strait passages of Georgia, ib. b. cast in prison at Erzirum, ib. b. escapeth from Ferat, 685, b. by the Persian King (to the great discontentment of the Turcomans) made Governor of Tauris, 686, a. killeth the Bassa of Maras, and doth the Turks great harm, and so flieth from Tauris, 698, b. conspireth with Abas Mirize against the Persian Prince, 704, a. being by the Prince sent against the Turks, performeth nothing, 705, a.  
Alis Bassa with a great Army overthrown by Scanderbag, 196, b.  
Alis Bassa sent by Bajazet with an Army ou● of Europe against Techellis, slain, 323, a.  
Alis Beg and his four Sons treacherously slain by Ferat Bassa, 404, b.  
Alis Bassa of Buda by the commandment of Amurath strangled, 706, b.  
Alis Beg, Governor of Strigonium coming down into the lower Town, is there stayed by the janissaries, 748, a. his resolute answer unto the Message sent him from the Lord Palfi, 750, a. slain with a great shot, 757, a.  
Almericus Earl of Joppa after the death of his Brother Baldwin chosen the sixth King of Jerusalem, 39, a. with a puissant Army entereth Egypt, and in plain battle overthroweth Dargan the Sultan, ib. a, aideth Sanar the Sultan against Saracon, Noradins General, whom he overthroweth in Egypt, ib. b. taketh Alexandria, 40, a. winneth Pelusium, ib, a. dieth, 41, a. b.  
Aloysius Grittus the Duke of Venice's Son sent by Solyman as his Lieutenant into Hungary, to oversee King John, 426, a. contemned by Americus, causeth him to be murdered, 427, b. besieged by the Transilvanians, 428, a. taken and beheaded, ib. b. the great Riches found about him, ib. b.  
Alphonsus' King of Naples sendeth aid unto Scanderbag, 252, a. with Alexander Bishop of Rome craveth aid of Bajazet the Turk against Charles the French King, 307, a.  
Alphonsus resigneth his Kingdom of Naples unto his Son Ferdinand, 309, a.  
Alphonsus Davalus Vastius, Lieutenant-General of the Emperor's Land-forces in his Expedition for Tunes, 441, a. his Speech unto the Spanish Captains, 443, b. commandeth the Emperor, 448, a. with Hannbaldus sent Ambassadors from the Emperor and the French King, to the State of Venice, for a confederation betwixt that State and them to be made against Solyman, 468, a. his Oration in the Venetian Senate, the Answer of the Duke, the Senators diversely affected towards the Confederation, 466, b.  
Alteration of Religion in the Greek Church the cause of great troubles, 100, b.  
Althems Regiment in mutiny, 841, a.  
Altensol yielded to the Hungarian Rebels, 873, a.  
Amesa with his Turks overthrown, and taken prisoner by Scanderbag, 249, a.  
Amesa employed by his Uncle Scanderbag for the recovery of Croia out of the hands of the Turks, 183, b, corrupted, ●lyeth to Mahomet the Turk, 255, b, his first speech to Mahomet, 256, a. honourably entertained, ib. b. by Isaac Bassa created King of Epirus, 258, b. taken prisoner by Scanderbag, 260, a. sent prisoner into Italy, 260, a. enlarged, returneth to Constantinople, and there dyeth, ib. a. b.  
Amurath the First succeedeth his Father Orcanes in the Turkish Kingdom, 131, a. invadeth Europe, ib. a. taketh Hadrianople, ib. a. maketh his royal seat in Europe, 132, b. beginneth the order of the janissaries, 132, b. 133, a. returneth into Asia, 133, a. marrieth his Son Bajazet unto Hatune the daughter of the Prince Gyrmean, with a great dowry, 134, a. purchaseth the Principality of Amisum of Chusen Beg, ib. a. invadeth Servia, and taketh Nissa the Metropolitan City thereof, ib. a. imposeth a yearly tribute upon the Country of Servia, ib. a. in a great battle overthroweth Aladin the King of Caramania's Son in Law, with the other Mahometan Princes his Confederates, 135, b. by his Captains winneth and spoileth a great part of Bulgaria, 137, b, in a great and mortal battle overthroweth Lazarus the Despot of Servia with his Confederates in the Plains of Cossova, 139, a. slain, ib. a. buried a● Prusa, 139, b.  
Amurath the Second placed in his Father's seat, 173, a. afraid to go against the Rebel Mustapha, ib, b. in vain besieged Constantinople, 175, a. strangleth his Brother Mustapha, ib. b. winneth Thessalonica, 176, b. taketh unto himself the greatest part of Aetolia, 176, b. enforceth the Princes of Athens, Phocis, and Beotia to become his Tributaries, ib. b. falsifieth his faith with John Castriot Prince of Epirus, and poisoneth his three eldest Sons his Hostages, 177, a. oppresseth the Mahometan Princes in Asia, ib. a. b. spoileth Hungary, ib. b. contrary to his faith invadeth Servia, and subdueth it, 178, a. putteth out the Eyes of the Despots Sons, his Wives, Brethren, ib. a, besiegeth Belgrade, 179, a. dealeth subtly with the Ambassadors of King Uladislaus, 179, notably encourageth his Soldiers to the assault of Belgrade, ib. b. shamefully repulsed, 181, a. his sullen answer unto the Ambassadors of King Uladislaus, ib. a. sendeth Merits Bassa to invade Transilvania, 182, a. grieved with the loss of Mesites and his Army, sendeth Abedin Bassa to revenge his death, 184, a. in despair, about to have slain himself, 197, a. by the mediation of the Despot of Servia obtaineth Peace of King Uladislaus for ten years, ib. a. in●adeth Caramania, ib. a. weary of the World, committeth the Government of his Kingdom to his Son Mahomet, and retireth himself unto a Monastical Life, ib. b. At the report of those preparations of the Hungarians, and request of his Bassas, forsaketh his solitary Life, and raiseth a great Army in Asia, 202, a. by the Genoese transported with his Army into Europe, ib. a. joineth battle with King Uladislaus at Varna; ib. b. about to have fled, reproved of Cowardice by a common Soldier, ib. b. prayeth unto Christ, 203, a. in danger to have been slain, ib. a. wisheth not many times so to overcome as he did at the battle of Varna, ib. b. to perform his Von, resigneth his Kingdom to his Son Mahomet, which he shortly after resumeth again, 204, a. his crafty Letters to Scanderbag, 205, b. his passionate speech in his rage against Scanderbag, 206, a. breaketh through the Hexamylum, and imposeth a yearly tribute upon them of Peloponesus, 507, b. after three days hard fight with great slaughter of his Men overcometh Huniades in the Plains of Cassova, 211, a. invadeth the Despot, 212, a. his grave Letters of advice to Mustapha, concerning his invading of Epirus, 312, b. cometh with a great Army to Sfetigrade, 216, a. in vain with great fury giveth many a desperate assault unto the City, 218, a. in one assault loseth seven thousand of his Turks, 218, b. by great promises seeketh to corrupt the Garrison of Sfetigrade, 219, a. by the practice of one man hath the City of Sfetigrade yielded unto him, ib. b. having lost thirty thousand of his Turks at the Siege of Sfetigrade, returneth to Hadrianople, 220, a. with a great Army cometh again into Epirus, and besiegeth Croia, 221, a. in two assaults loseth 8000 of his Soldiers, 223, a. content to buy the Life of one Christian with the loss of twenty of his Turks, ib. b. seeketh by great gifts to corrupt Uranacontes the Governor of Croia, 224, a, b. overcome with Melancholy, tormenteth himself, 225, b. by his Ambassadors offereth Scanderbag Peace, ib. b. his last speech unto his Son Mahomet concerning such things as at his death grieved him most, 226, dieth, ib. b, buried at Prusa, 227, a.  
Amurath the Son of Achomates slieth unto Hysmael the Persian King, 343, a. marrieth his daughter, ib. a. spoileth Capadocia, and for fear of his Uncle Selimus retireth, ib. b.  
Amurath the Third taketh upon him the Turkish Empire, 651, a. pacifieth the janissaries and augmenteth their privileges, ib. a. strangleth his five brethren, ib. a his Letters unto the Nobility of Polonia in the behalf of Stephen Bathor Vayvod of Transylvania, ib. b. attentive to the stirs in Persia, 654, a. informed thereof by Ustref Bassa of Van, ib. b. resolved to take the Persian War in hand, 655, a. by Mustapha advertised of the success of the Persian Wars, 663, b. consulteth of his proceeding therein, 666, a. dischargeth Mustapha of him Generalship, and calleth him home to Constantinople, 669, b. appointeth Sinan General for the Persian Wars, 671, a. in despite of Sinan appointeth Mahamet Bassa General for those Wars in his stead, 675, b. circumciseth his eldest Son Mahomet, ib. a. displaceth Sinan Bassa, and casteth him into exile, 679, a. appointeth Ferat General for his Wars in Persia, 681, a. sendeth for Osman Bassa into Siruan, 686, b. maketh him chief Visier, and General of his Army into Persia, 688, a. in disporting with his Mutes taken with a fit of the falling sickness, 689, a. causeth great triumph to be made throughout his Empire for the winning of Tauris, 701, b. maketh choice again of Ferat Bassa to succeed Osman Bassa, dead in the Persian Wars, 703, b. concluded a Peace with the Persian King, 707, b. his answer to the Letters of Sigismond the Third, King of Polonia, 706, a. glad himself to yield unto the insolency of the Janissaries. 707, b. his Letters to Elizabeth Queen of England, 708, b. persuaded by his Visier Bassa's too take some new War in hand, 709, a. in doubt whom first to begin withal, 710, a. b. resolveth to make War upon the Emperor, with the reasons leading him thereunto, 713, b. giveth leave to Hassan Bassa of Bosna, as it were without his knowledge, to pick quarrels with the Emperor, and so to disturb the Peace, 714, a. sendeth home the body of the Persian Hostage dead in his Court, ib. b. proclaimeth War against the Emperor, 720, a. the proud and blasphemous manner of his denunciation of War, ib. a. he dreameth, 723, b. sick of the Falling sickness, 736, a. dieth, 740, a.  
Amurath Raise, his Galleys fight with a Flemish Ship, 825, b.  
Andrew King of Hungary maketh an Expedition into the Holy Land, 62, a. bathing himself in the River of Jordan, returneth with all his Power, ib. a.  
Andronicus aspireth to the Empire, 30, b. overthroweth Angelus, sent against him with a great power by Alexius the great Precedent, 31, b. encampeth over against Constantinople, 32, a. taketh upon him the Government, and tyranniseth, 33, b. causeth Mary the daughter of Emanuel the Emperor, with her husband Caesar to be poisoned, ib. b. causeth Xene the fair Empress to be unjustly condemned and strangled, 34, b. by his favourites and flatterers joined in the fellowship of the Empire with Alexius the young Emperor, ib. b. depriveth Alexius of the Empire, and causeth him to be strangled, 35, b. destroyeth the Nobility to establish his Estate, 35, b. 36, a. seeketh in vain to appease the people in a tumult risen up against him, 37, a. forsaken of his flattering favourites, flieth, is taken and brought back in chains to Angelus, ib. b. committed to the fury of the people, who with extreme cruelty put him to most shameful death, 38, a.  
Andronicus Palaeologus the younger, exceedingly beloved by old Andronicus, his grandfather, 110, a. by the persuasion of Syrgiannes' conspireth against his aged Grandfather, 111, b. being sent for, cometh unto him secretly armed, with purpose to have slain him, 112, a. secretly flieth out of Constantinople, ib. b. proclaimed Traitor, and proscribed, ib. b. stirreth up the people of Thracia to rebellion, 112, b. reconciled to his Grandfather, 114, b. crowned Fellow in the Empire with his Grandfather, 115, a. again conspireth against his Grandfather, ib. a. his crafty speech unto his Grandfather's Ambassadors, 116, b. seeketh in vain by night to have been received into Constantinople, 118, a, b. is received into Thessalonica, 118, b. taketh in the greatest part of Macedonia and Thracia, 119. a. by Treason entereth into the City of Constantinople, ib. b. forbiddeth his Captains and Soldiers to violate the Majesty of the old Emperor, or any about him, 120, a. humbleth himself unto his Grandfather, ib. b. evil persuaded, committeth him to straight keeping, 121, a, b. wounded in the battle with Orcanes at Philocrene, 126, a. by his own departure from his Camp, discomfiteth his whole Army, ib. a, b.  
Andronicus Palaeologus, the old Emperor, in restoring again the Greek Ceremonies, by his Father bofore altered, falleth into great troubles, 101, b. sparing to maintain his Navy, weakeneth his Empire, 102, a. suspicious of his brother Constantine, ib. a. by taking him away, leaveth the East side of his Empire to be spoiled by the Turks, 102, b. reposing more trust in foreign aid than in his own Subjects, greatly hurteth his State, 104, a. immoderately favoureth his Nephew Andronicus, 110, a. setteth Syrgiannes' to observe his doings, 111, a. sendeth Ambassadors unto him, 112, b. in his trouble, as of an heavenly Oracle, asketh counsel of the Psalter, and so maketh peace with his Nephew, 114, b. informed of the evil meaning of his Nephew, forbiddeth him to come into the City, 115, b. his notable Speech unto the Patriarch and the rest of the Bishops and Nobility concerning the young Emperor his Nephew, 117, b. forsaken of the Patriarch and some others of the Bishops, 118, a. reposeth his whole trust in God, ib. his pitiful request unto the young Emperor his Nephew, 120, b. by him deprived of his Imperial Dignity, 121, a. falleth blind, ib. b. against his will made a Monk, and called Anthony, ib. b. his notable answer unto the catching question of the proud Patriarch, ib. b. enforced to swear, Never again to resume unto himself the Empire, 122, b. dieth, ib. b. his death by many Prodigies foreshown, 123, a.  
Antioch described, 13, a. by the Patriarch betrayed to Saladin, 45, b.  
Apulia spoiled by the Turks, 452, b.  
Ares Chan hanged, 664, a.  
Artillery of exceeding greatness made by Mahomet at the siege of Scodra, 285, a.  
Articles by Botscay propounded to the Emperor's Commissioners, 886, a. of the Emperor to be considered in th● Diet of Ratisbone, 883, b. etc. of pacification betwixt the Emperor and his brother Mathias, 888, b. by the Hungarians preferred unto King Mathias at Presburg. 890, b. of the Pacification in Austria, 892, b. touching the differences of Peace betwixt the grand Signior and the Emperor, 939, b. etc. propounded by the English Ambassador to the Grand Signior, 966, b. etc. of peace between the Grand Signior and the King of Poland, 978, a. b. etc. between the English Nation and the Inhabitants of Tunes and Algiers, 1440, etc. between the Emperor Ferdinand and Bethlem Gabor, Prince of Transilvania, 7. etc. betwixt the Grand Signior and the Emperor, ib. b.  
Asam Beg with his Army overthrown, and taken Prisoner by Scanderbag, 261, b.  
Assan Aga derideth the Messengers sent unto him from Charles the Emperor, 485, a. taketh the Spaniards to mercy, 489, a.  
Auria with his fleet doth the Turks great harm in Peloponesus, 422, a. besiegeth Corone, and hath it yielded unto him, 423, a. taketh and ransacketh Patras, with the Castles of Rhium and Molycreum, ib. a. returneth to Genoa, ib. b. troubleth the Turks Fleet, and taketh twelve of their Galleys full of janissaries, and Solyman's other best Soldiers, 453, a. braveth Barbarussa in the Bay of Ambracia, 463, b. shamefully flieth with his Fleet, 464, b. dieth, 532, b.  
Austria spoiled by the Turk, 415, a. Altenburg taken, ib. b.  
Austria sore wasted by Cason, 418, b.  
Axalla a Christian in great favour with Tamerlane, and his Lieutenant General in his Wars against the Turk, 148, a. takes Bajazet the great Turk Prisoner, 152, a. without resistance taketh Prusa, 153, a. overthroweth one of the Turks Bassas with the slaughter of thirty thousand Turks, 162, a.    


B  
BAbylon taken and sacked by the Tartars, 79, b. with the Countries of Mesopotamia and Assyria yielded to Solyman, 438, a.  
Bajazet the First why surnamed Gylderun or Lightning, 135, b. succeedeth his Father Amurath in the Turkish Kingdom, 140, a. invadeth Servia, ib. b. by Ferises his Lieutenant spoileth Valachia, ib. b. oppresseth most of the Mahometan Princes, the Successors of Sultan Saladin in the lesser Asia, 141, a. invadeth Valachia, overthroweth the Vayvod, and causeth him to become his Tributary, ib. a. besiegeth Constantinople eight years, ib. b. In a great Battle at Nicopolis overthroweth Sigismond King of Hungary with his Confederates, 142, a. returneth again to the siege of Constantinople, 142, b. marrieth Despina the fair Daughter of Lazarus the Despot, 143, a. prettily reproved by his. jester, ib. a. in a battle overcometh Aladin the Caramanian King, and delivereth him Prisoner to Temurtases his Lieutenant, 144, a. subdueth the Caramanian Kingdom, ib. a. hath the great Cities of Amasia and Sebastia yielded unto him, ib. a. oppresseth the Mahometan Princes of the lesser Asia, ib. b. uncivilly entertaineth the Ambassadors of the mighty Tamerlane sent unto him in the behalf of the poor Princes by him oppressed, 145, b. accounteth a Shepherd more happy than himself, 149, b. joineth a great and mortal battle with Tamerlane, 151, a. forsaken of his own Soldiers, ib. b. overthrown and taken Prisoner by Axalla, 152, a. brought to Tamerlane, ib. shut up in an Iron Cage like a beast, ib. b. dieth miserably, 157, a. his issue, as also his immediate Successor uncertain, 159, a. his true posterity, 159. b.  
Bajazet the Second excluded from the succession in the Turkish Empire by his Son Corcutus, cometh to Constantinople, 297, b. by the mediation of the Great Bassanes obtaineth the Kingdom of Corcutus, 298, a. goeth against his Brother Zemes, up in Rebellion against him, ib. a. in doubt to have been betrayed by his Soldiers, 300, a. reviled by the janissaries, 302, a. putteth some of them to death, 302, b. purposeth their utter destruction, 303, a. glad to dissemble his purpose, and to reconcile himself unto them, ib. a. sendeth Dautius his Ambassador to Alexander Bishop of Rome, 307, a. glad to hear that divers of the Christian Princes had combined themselves against the French King, 310, b. in danger to have been slain by a Deruislar or Turkish Monk, 315. b. Bajazet by nature peaceable, ib. b. his Children, 324, b. sendeth Ambassadors with presents unto his Son Selimus, 327, a. seeking to prefer Achomates his eldest Son to the Empire, himself yet living, is mightily withstood by the Soldiers of the Court, before corrupted by Selimus, ib. b. he forbiddeth Selimus to come unto him, and threateneth him, 328. b. fearing to lose Constantinople, departeth from Hadrianople, ib. b. his resolute speech unto the janissaries and other Soldiers of the Court, 338, a. in plain battle overcometh his Son Selimus at Tzurulum, 331. a. willing the second time to have resigned his Empire to Achomates, is again withstood by his men of War, 332, a. his resolute answer unto Mustapha and the other traitorous Bassas after that Selimus was, by their practice, by the Soldiers of the Court saluted Emperor, 337, a. poisoned by Hamon, his Physician a jew, ib. b. dieth, 338, a.  
Bajazet, Solyman's younger Son, seeketh to aspire unto the Empire, his Father yet living, 519, a. setteth up a counterfeit Mustapha to make an head to his intended rebellion, ib. a. the subtle and crafty dealing of the supposed Mustapha to deceive the People, ib. a. forsaken of his followers, is taken and brought to Solyman at Constantinople, 520, a. secretly with his complices drowned, Bajazet sent for by his Father, goeth unto him in fear, ib. b. in few words comforted by his Mother, 521, a. sharply for his disloyalty reproved by his Father, and so by him pardoned, ib. a. returneth again to his charge, ib. b. after the death of Roxolana his Mother raiseth new stirs, ib. b. admonished of his duty by his father, 521, b. unwilling to go to Amasia the Province appointed him by his Father, seeketh delays, 522, a. by a Chiaus requesteth his Father not to intermeddle betwixt his Brother and him, 523, a. making show as if he would go to Amasia, stayeth at Ancyra, and there raiseth his forces, ib. b. his quarrel generally favoured of the Soldiers, 524, a. his purpose, ib a. he goeth against his Brother towards Iconium, ib. a. fighteth a bloody Battle with his Brother Selimus, wherein were forty thousand Turks slain, ib. b. put to the worse, retireth, and so goeth to Amasia, ib. b. more commended by the Soldiers in his overthrow than was his Brother in his Victory, ib. b. seeketh again for his Father's favour, 525, b. despairing thereof flieth into Persia, deceiving by the way the Basa of Sebastia and Erzirum, 526, a. at the first well entertained by the Persian King, 527, a. his Followers by the cunning of the fearful Persian dispersed and slain, ib. b. he himself with his Sons imprisoned, ib. b. his miserable estate in Prison, 528, b. with his four Sons at the instance of his Father by the Persian strangled, 529, a.  
Bajazer Bassa sent by Amurath against Mustapha the Rebel, forsaken of his Soldiers, yieldeth, 173, a. upon a false surmise executed, ib. b.  
Baldwin County of Edessa, and Brother to Godfrey second King of Jerusalem, 18, a. winneth Caesaria from the Infidels, ib. a. overthroweth the Turks hard by Rama, ib. a. besiegeth Ptolemais, and in retiring thence is mortally wounded, ib. b. besiegeth it again, and hath it by composition yielded unto him, ib. b. after many sharp Assaults winneth Berythus, ib. b. taketh Sidon by Composition, and in vain besiegeth Tyre, ib. b. maketh an Expedition into Egypt, and near unto Laris, dieth, 19, a.  
Baldwin surnamed Brugensis, County of Edessa, besiegeth Carras, and there taken Prisoner, after five years' Captivity redeemeth himself, 18, a. after the Death of Baldwin the First, chosen King of Jerusalem, and called Baldwin the Second, 19, a. overthroweth the Turks, and joineth the Principality of Antioch to his own Kingdom, 19, b. by Balac the Persian Sultan overthrown and taken Prisoner; after eighteen months' Captivity, for the ransom of 100000 Ducats set at liberty, 20, b. in three notable Battles overthroweth the King of Damascus, 20, b. Dieth, 21, a.  
Baldwin the third of that name crowned King of Jerusalem, 22, a. hardly distressed by Noradin the Turk, ib. a. he fortifieth Gaza, and taketh Ascalon by Composition, 24, b. in a set Battle overthroweth Naradin the King of Damascus at the Castle of Sueta, 25, b. falleth sick and dyeth, ib. b.  
Baldwin the fourth of that name seventh King of Jerusalem, 41, b. with a great slaughter overthroweth Saladin invading his Kingdom, ib. b. putteth him with his great Army again to flight, 42, b. resigneth the Government of his Kingdom to Guy Lusignan County of Joppa and Ascalon, 43, a. sendeth Ambassadors unto the Christian Princes of the West, and immediately after dyeth, 443, b. 444, a.  
Baldwin the fifth of that name, yet but a Boy, was crowned eighth King of Jerusalem, and within seven Months after dyeth, 44, a.  
Baldwin County of Flanders and Henault, chosen by the Latins Emperor of Constantinople, and so solemnly crowned, 59, a. subdueth Thracia, and besiegeth Hadrianople, ib. b. overthrown in a Battle by the Scythians, and taken Prisoner, is by the commandment of their barbarous King most cruelly put to death, 60, a.  
Baldwin the second of that name, fifth and last Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople, 68, a. pawneth his Son unto the Bruges Merchants for money, 79, a. flieth out of the City of Constantinople, being surprised by Alexius Strategopulus sent from Michael Paleologus the Greek Emperor, 81, a.  
Balabanus sent by Mahomet against Scanderbag, 269, b. put to flight, taketh divers of Scanderbegs best Captains Prisoners at Alchria, 270, a. with his Army overthrown at Oronicheum, the third time overthrown in the Battle at Sfetigrade, 270, b. overthrown by Scanderbag the fourth time in the Battle at Valcha, 271, b. left by Mahomet to continue the Siege of Croia, 273, a. slain, ib. b.  
Barbarussa succeedeth his Brother Horruccius in the Kingdom of Algiers, 429, b. his wonderful success, ib. sent for by Solyman, ib. b. envied in the Turks Court, 430, a. by Solyman himself rejected to Abraham the great Bassa, ib. a. traveleth by land unto him into Syria, and by him commended to Solyman, i a. his Speech to Solyman to persuade him to invade the Kingdom of Tunes, ib. b. he is made Solyman's great Admiral, 341, b. spoileth the coasts of Italy, ib. b. passeth over into Africa, and hath Biferta yielded unto him, 433, b. cometh to Guletta, deceiveth the Citizens, and is received into Tunes, 434, a. discomfiteth the Citizens risen up against him, ib. b. hath the City of Tunes yielded unto him, ib. b. is much discouraged with the coming of Charles the Emperor into Africa, 441, b. in his rage executeth Aloysius Presenda, ib. b. encourageth his Soldiers, 442, a. his chief Captains, ib. a. the County of Sarne his Head and right Hand by Salec sent unto him for a Present, 443, b. his Fleet taken by Charles the Emperor at Guletta 445, a. he rageth, ib. a. calmed by Sinan the Jew, ib. a. in field with his Army against Charles the Emperor, 447, b. slayeth to Tunes, 448, a. dissuaded by Sinan the Jew from killing the Christian Captives; who shortly after breaking Prison, drive the Turks out of the Castle of Tunes, ib. b. flieth to Hippona, and there comforteth his Soldiers, 450, a. escapeth to Algiers, ib. b. sent by Solyman against the Venetians, 463, a. repulsed in Crete, ib. a. reproved of Cowardice by one of the Turks Eunuches, ib. b. jesteth at the flight of Auria, 465, a. braveth the Christians at Corcyra, ib. a. suffereth Shipwreck upon the Acroceraunian Rocks, ib. b. with a great Fleet sent by Solyman to aid the French King against Charles the Emperor, 496, b. burneth Rhegium, and taketh the Castle, ib. b. becometh amorous of the Captain of Rhegium's Daughter, ib. b. maketh them afraid in Rome, 497, a. cometh to Marseilles, ib. a. for lack of Employment groweth discontented, 502, a. with the French besiegeth Nice in Provence, ib. a. rageth against the French, and threateneth Polinus, 503, a. giveth over the Siege of the Castle of Nice, and setteth fire on the City, ib a. derided by the Turks Captains, sharply answered their Taunts, ib. b. rewarded and discharged by the French King, departeth out of Provence, 506, b. requesteth of Appianus Governor of Elba, to have a Son of Sinan the jew's, there Prisoner, delivered unto him, 506, b. 507, a. spoileth the Island, and hath the young man delivered unto him, 507, a. in his return to Constantinople doth much harm upon the Coast of Italy, 507, b. dieth, 508, a.  
Barbadicus the Venetian Proveditour, a notable Man, 592, b. slain in the Battle of Lepanto, 596, a.  
Barbarous cruelty, 616, b.  
The Barbarous manner of the Turkish Sultan's to murder their Brethren in the beginning of their Reign, when and by whom first begun, 139, a.  
Bare shift for Money. 235, a.  
The Bassa of Bosna and his Brother slain, 705, b.  
The Bassa of Temeswar overthrown by the Rascians and slain, 730, a.  
The Bassa of Buda taken Prisoner, 776, b.  
The Bassa of Bosna slain, ib. b.  
The Bassa of Anatolia taken Prisoner by the Prince of Sarcan, 150. b. his stout answer to Tamerlane, ib. b. by Tamerlane set at liberty and rewarded, ib. b.  
The Bassa of Buda slain, 794, a.  
The Bassa of Agria with 10000 Turks overthrown by Ferrant Gonzaga, and chased to the Gates of the City, 797, b.  
The Bassa of Trebezond with his Army discomfited by the Persian King, 871, b.  
The Bassa of Damascus, Tripoli, and Gazare overthrown by the Bassa of Aleppo, 872, a.  
The Bassa of Tripoli again overthrown by the Bassa of Aleppo, and the City of Damascus taken and rifled by him, ib. a. who after three notable encounters with the Visier, flieth, 881, a. by the Great Sultan pardoned, and again received into favour, ib. a.  
The Bassa's reward that brought the Egyptian Caravan safe to Constantinople, 904, b.  
The Bassa of Arzitum in rebellion, 904, b.  
Basilicus a faithful man unto his Prince, 118, b.  
Basta (the Emperor's Litutenant in Transilvania) besiegeth the Castle of Solomose, 816, a. which is yielded unto him, ib. b. his admonition to the States of Transilvania, ib. b. their answer, ib. b. besieged in the Castle of Somosinner, 117, b. sendeth Presents to the Emperor, 819, b. pursueth the Turks Army departing from the siege of Strigonium, 853, a. goeth against Botscay, 855, a. discomfiteth certain Companies of the Rebels, ib. b. and putteth to death one of their Captains, ib. b. distressed by the Rebels, and yet overthroweth them, ib. b. contemned by the Citizens of Cassovia,, 856, a. recovereth Eperia, ib. a. taketh one of Botscay's Spies, 857, a. being in a strait, publisheth a general pardon for all the Rebels, 859, a. his Proclamation, ib. b. his Soldier's mutiny for their pay, 860, b. and spoil all the Country betwixt Eperia and Presburg, 862, b. his notable exploit, 803, a.   

Battles.  
A cruel Battle fought betwixt Solyman the Turk and the Christian Princes going towards the Holy Land, 12, a. an hundred thousand Turks slain in the battle near unto Antioch, betwixt Corbanas the Persian Sultan's Lieutenant, and the Christian Princes, 14, b. 100000 Turks and Saracens slain in the great battle not far from Ascalon, fought betwixt Godfrey of Buillion and the Turks and Saracens, 17, b. the great battle betwixt Amurath the First, and Lazarus the Despot, fought in the Plains of Cassovia, 138, b. 139, a. the battle of Nicopolis betwixt Bajazet the First, and Sigismond King of Hungary, 142, a. the great and mortal battle betwixt Bajazet and the great Tamerlane, 151, a. the battle of Vascape betwixt Huniades and Abedin Bassa, 186, a. the woeful battle of Varna betwixt King Uladislaus and Amurath the Second, 202, b. the great battle of Cassova fought three days together betwixt Amurath and Huniades, 209, b. 210. a. the battle betwixt Usun-Cassanes the Persian King and Mahomet the Great, 279, b. 280, a. the battle of Tzurulum betwixt Bajazet and his Son Selimus, 330, b. 331, a. the great battle between Selimus and Hysmael, 347, a. the battle of Singa betwixt Selimus and Campson, 360, a. the battle betwixt Sinan Bassa and Gazelles, 363, b. the great battle of Rhodania betwixt Selimus and Tomombeius, 366, b. the great and dreadful battle of Cairo fought two days together betwixt the Mamalukes and the Turks, 370, b. the battle of Mohatzch betwixt Solyman and King Lewis, 405, b. the battle of Tockay betwixt the Armies of King John and King Ferdinand, 408, a. the memorable battle of Lepanto betwixt Haly Bassa and Don John, 595, a. the battle of Sancazan betwixt the Persian Prince and the Turks, Osman their General then lying sick, 700, b. the battle of Alba Regalis betwixt the Imperials and the Turks, 721, b. the battle of Strigonium 749, a. the battle of Agria, betwixt Mahomet the Third, and Maximilian the Archduke the Emperor's Brother, 767, b. a great battle in Tartary, 900 b. another betwixt Alexander and the Vayvod of Stephano, 929, b. another between the Turks and Persians, 950, a.  
Battori, his Practices, 901, b. demands Succours of the Turk, and is betrayed, 909, a. killeth Nage, 910, b. is envied by his own People, ib. b. sends an Ambassador to the Emperor Mathias, ib. b. his cruelty, 911, a. slain by his own Soldiers, ib. b.  
Bedredin the counterfeit Prophet hanged, 171, a.  
Begum the Persian Queen made away, 665, b.  
Beged Bassa thinking to surprise Basta, is himself overthrown, 831, a.  
Belgiosa goeth against the Rebels in Transilvania, 854, a. in a great battle overthrown by Botscay, ib. a. besieged by the Rebels in the Castle of Zipze, 855, a.  
Belioiosa Author of the great Rebellion in Hungary, 857, b.  
Belgrade besieged by Amurath the Second, 178, b. notably defended by the Christians, 180, b. again besieged by Mahomet the Great, 251, a. won by Solyman, 382, b.  
Belgrade in the Confines of Epirus besieged by Scanderbag, 252, a.  
Bethlin Habor chief of the Rebels in Transilvania, surprised and overthrown by the Count of Tambier, 851, a. again defeated by the said Count, ib. b.  
Bloody precepts left by Selimus unto his Son Solyman, 380, b.  
Bodo constant to King John, 408, b.  
Bosna of a Kingdom converted to a Province of the Turks Empire, 248, b.  
Bosna with some part of Servia taken from the Turks by Mathias King of Hungary, 275, b.  
Botscay raiseth Rebellion in Transilvania, 853, b. dealeth treacherously 854, a. countenanced by the Grand Signior, and styled Prince of Transilvania, ib. a. his Lieutenant's policy, ib. b. Cassovia yielded unto him, ib. b. his unreasonable demands for Peace, 858, a. refuseth to receive the Emperor's Ambassadors, 861, b. sendeth Ambassadors into Polonia, and is there denied Aid, 866, b. causeth his Chancellor to be beheaded, 877, b. dieth, 879, b.  
Bragadinus Governor of Famagusta, encourageth his Soldiers, 585, a. yieldeth unto the request of the Citizens of Famagusta, in time to deliver up the City, not now longer to be defended, 586, b. entereth into Parley with the Turks, ib. b. coming to the false Bassa Mustapha unto his faith, for his safety before given, is by him most shamefully and horribly murdered, 587, a.  
Buda distressed for want of Victuals, 805, b. victualled, 806, b. a breach made in the walls by the negligence of the Cannoneers, 807, a.  
Buda besieged by the Lord Rogendorff, King Ferdinand's Lieutenant, 473, b. surprised by Solyman 479, b. besieged, and the lower City taken by the Lord Palfi, 773, a. the Castle by him battered, undermined, and in vain assaulted, ib. a. the lower City of Buda again taken by the Christians, 801, b. the upper City and Castle besieged, 802, a. in vain assaulted, ib. b. the Siege for fear of the Tartars given over by the Christians, 803, b.    


C.  
CAffa with the Country of Taurica Chersenesus subdued by the Turks, 281, a.  
Cairo described, 368, b. taken by Selimus, 371, a.  
Calo Johannes after the dea●● of Alexius his Father, succeedeth him in the Empire, 19, b. he taketh Tarsus in Cilicia, besiegeth Antioch, and upon Composition raiseth his siege, 21, a, b. wounded with a poisoned Arrow, dyeth, ib. b.  
Calcis the chief City of Euboea besieged by the Turks, 276, a. taken by the Turks, ib. b.  
Callipolis taken by the Turks, 129, b.  
Caly Bassa dissuadeth Mahomet from the siege of Constantinople, 234, b. Caly Bassa cruelly executed, 238. a.  
Calybeius Bassa and Cherseogles after a long and mortal battle taken by Usbeg, and sent Prisoners to Caytbeius, 306, a.  
Campson Gaurus with what causes moved to fall out with Selimus, 355, a. his moderate and happy Government, 357, a. his answer unto the Ambassadors of Selimus, ib. a. perplexed, 358, b. slain, 361, a. his dead body laid out to be seen of all men, ib. a.  
Canalis the Venetian Admiral doth the Turks great harm, 275, b. with his whole family exiled, 277, a.  
Canisia besieged by the Turks, 790, b. cowardly yielded, 791, a. besieged by Ferdinand the Archduke, 794, b. the siege by reason of tempest and extremity of weather given over, 795, b.  
Capcapus Governor of Damascus revolteth from the Tartars to the Turks, 88, b.  
Capi-Aga with some others executed, 811, a.  
Carasina yielded unto Orcanes, 128, b.  
Caragusa a Turk offereth a challenge unto any of the Soldiers in Scanderbegs Army, 213, a.  
Caragoses Bassa Beglerbeg of Asia in a great battle overthrown by Techellis, 321, b. taken prisoner, 322, a. horribly empaled by the highways side, ib. b.  
Caramania by Bajazet united to the Ottoman Empire, 304, b.  
Caracoza the famous Pirate slain, 597, a.  
Carazies Bassa slain, 243, b.  
Cardinal Bathor taketh upon him the Principality of Transilvania, 776, a. in a great battle overthrown by Michael the Vayvod, 778, b. his head sent for a Present unto the Emperor, ib. b.  
Cassovia in danger to have been burnt by the Turks, 842, b.  
Cassan Bassa slain, 347, a.  
The Castle of Buda by the Garrison Soldiers without the consent of their Captain yielded to Solyman, 411, a.  
Cassanes the Tartar invadeth Syria, 87, b. in a great battle overthroweth Melcenaser the Egyptian Sultan's Lieutenant, ib. b. repaireth Jerusalem, and giveth it to the Christians, hath Damascus yielded unto him, 88, a.  
Castronovum taken from the Turks, and by the Imperials unjustly detained from the Venetians, 465, a. recovered again by Barbarussa, 466, a.  
The Catalonians entertained by Andronicus the Emperor for want of pay, spoil his Subjects, 105, a. take the spoil of Calipolis, and there fortifying themselves, do great harm both by Sea and Land, ib. b. aided by the Turks, overthroweth Michael the Emperor in plain battle, 106, a. spoil a great part of Thracia, ib. b. seat themselves in the Cities of Athens and Thebes, 107, b.  
Causes of the Troubles in Bohemia, 898, a.  
Caytbeius the Egyptian Sultan sendeth Ambassadors to Bajazet in the behalf of Zemes, 299, b. dieth, 306, b.  
Cayarbeius Governor of Comagena bearing a grudge to Campson, hath intelligence with Selimus, 359, b. playeth the cunning Traitor, 360, a. by Selimus made Governor of Cayre and Egypt, 376, a.  
Cazianer General of King Ferdinand's Army against the Turks, 456, b. besiegeth Execke, 458, a. to retire with more haste, would have broken his great Ordnance, 459, a. a general fear in his Camp, ib. b. his dishonourable slight, 460, b. breaketh Prison, 462, a. shamefully murdered, and his Head sent to King Ferdinand, ib. b.  
Cephalenia taken from the Turks by the Venetians, 313, b.  
Ceremonies of the Turks at the first audience of Ambassadors, 901, a.  
Chamuzes Bassa and Catabolinus the Turks Secretary hanged by Wladus, 246, a.  
Charles the French King invadeth the Kingdom of Naples, 308, b. received into the City of Naples, 310, a.  
Charles the emperor's great preparation against Solyman, 415, a. his power at Vienna, 419, b. after the departure of Solyman returneth into Italy, 422, a. his great preparation for the Invasion of Tunes, 440, b. he passeth over into Africa, 441, b. landeth his Army at Guletta, 442, b. deserveth the Oaken Garland, 446, b. he marcheth towards Tunes, 447, a. content to be commanded by his Lieutenant, 448, a. putteth Barbarussa to slight, ib. a. hath Tunes yielded unto him, 449, b. res●oreth it to Mulcasses now become his Tributary, 451, a. returneth into Italy, ib. a. with the Venetians and the Bishop of Rome entereth into a Confederation against Solyman, 462, b. invadeth Algiers, 484, b. sendeth a Messenger to Assan Aga Governor of Algiers for Batbarussa, 485, a. his Messenger and Message scorned by Assan Aga the Eunuch, ib. b. his notable courage in staying in the flight of his Army, 487, a. most part of his Fleet lost by Tempest, ib. b. the misery of his Army, 488, a. Horses good meat in his Camp, ib. b. raiseth his siege and departeth from Algiers, 488, b. drowneth his Horses of great price, to make room for his common Soldiers, 489, a. after many troubles, arriveth at length at new Carthage in Spain, 489, b. resigneth his Empire unto his Brother Ferdinand, and shortly after dyeth, 529, b.  
Charles County Mansfelt sent by the King of Spain out of the Low-Countries with 2000 Horse and 6000 Foot to aid the Emperor in his Wars against the Turk, 744, b. by the Emperor appointed Lieutenant General of his Army in the Lower Hungary under Mathias the Archduke, and created one of the Princes of the Empire, ib. b. with severity appeaseth the mutinous Germans, 746, a. removeth suddenly with his Army from Dotis to Strigonium, 747, a. in a great battle overthroweth the Bassa of Buda coming to the relief of Strigonium, 749, a. dieth at Comara, 750, b.  
Chars in three and twenty days fortified by the Turks, 667, b.  
Chasan Chelife and Schach-Culi two hypocritical Persians, Authors of the sect of the Cusel-b●ssa's or Red-heads among the Turks, 317, stir up a great rebellion, 319, b. Chasan Chelife slain, 323, a.  
Chendemus Bassa by many grave reasons dissuadeth Selimus from invading the Persians, 344, a. he is by the commandment of Selimus unworthily slain, ib. b.  
Cherseogles Bassa what he was, and why he turned Turk, 329, b. a favourer of Learning, ib. b. the only of great men faithful to Bajazet, persuadeth him to give battle unto his rebellious Son Selimus, 329, a.  
Chios taken by the Turks, 554, a.  
Chiroche dissuadeth the Bassa's Partau and Haly from giving battle unto the Christians at Lepanto, 592, b. encountereth with Contrarenus 596, b. slain, and his Galley taken, ib. b.  
Christians fight against Christians, to the Confusion of themselves, and benefit of the Turk, 231, b. in seeking too greedily after the spoil, overthrown and discomfited in the battle at Karesta, 768, a.  
A notable Exploit done by a Christian fugitive, 813, b.  
The Christians great Army, 819, b.  
A rich booty lost through the negligence of certain Christians, 823, a.  
The Christian General layeth a great Ambush to intercept the Turks, 824, a. which ambush overthroweth them, ib. b. they pursue the Turks flying Army, 826, a. resolve to give the Turks battle, ib. b. they offer the Turks battle, 828, a. who eat it, ib. a. take some booties from them, 840, b.  
A Chiaus sent from Constantinop●e to Paris, and the cause why, 942, b.  
Cicala Bassa with his Army overthrown by the Rebels in Asia, 844, b. discomfited the second time, ib. b. again made General of the Turks Army in Asia, 846, a. his evil success against the Persian, 858, b. overthrown by the Persian, 871, a.  
Cicala Bassa by the appointment of Osman the Visier Bassa, commandeth the Turks great Army after his death, in the return thereof from Tauris, 701, a. dischargeth the Army at Van, ib. b. afraid to give Aid to Giaffer Bassa at Tauris, 703, a. restoreth the battle before lost at Karesta, 768, a. with a great fleet cometh to see his Mother the Lady Lucretia at Messina, 774, a.  
Columnius the Pope's Admiral interposeth himself as a Mediator betwixt Don John and Venerius the Venetian Admiral, and so well appeaseth the matter, 592, a.  
Colonitz a valiant Captain in arms against the Turks, 805, a. lieth in ambush for them, ib. a. in vain besiegeth Babotz, 808, a. retireth to Comara, ib. b. his noble resolution, 809, a. he opposeth the Tartars, 813, a. defeateth two thousand Turks, 814, a. besiegeth the Castle of Loqua, 814, b. and taketh it, 815, a. his notable enterprise upon the avantguard of the Turks Army, 822, a. seeking to surprise the Turks, is himself endangered, 827, a. wisely appeaseth his discontented Soldiers, 856, b. craveth aid from Vienna, 857, a. overthroweth the Haiducks, 867, b.  
A Combat fought betwixt the Lord Tischevich and the Turks General, 937, b.  
A Comet seen over Constantinople, 950, a.  
Commissioners of the Turk, the Emperor, and Hungarians meet together to entreat a Peace, 877, b.  
Commissioners appointed to appease the new Troubles in Hungary, 885, a.  
Comparison betwixt Bajazet and Tamerlane, 157, b.  
Confederation hard to trust upon, 568, a.  
Conrade Marquess of Montferrat slain by two desperate Ruffians, 50, a.  
Conrade the Third, Emperor of Germany, taketh upon him an Expedition into the Holy Land, 22, a. cannot be suffered to enter into Constantinople, but is treacherously dealt withal by the Greek Emperor, 23, a. with a notable speech encourageth his Soldiers to adventure the River Meander, 23, b. with a great slaughter overthroweth the Turks, 24, a. besiegeth Iconium, and so returneth, ib. a.  
Constantine Prince of Bulgaria, with the Tartars invade the Territories of Paleologus the Greek Emperor, and spoileth Thracia, 82, a.  
Constantine the Despot sent by the old Emperor Andronicus his Brother, against young Andronicus his Nephew, 113, b. taken Prisoner at Thessalonica, and miserably used, 114, a.  
Constantine the Greek Emperor in vain craveth Aid of the other Christian Princes, 231, a. at the winning of Constantinople by the Turks trodden to death, 236, a.  
Constantinople built by Pausanias, destroyed by Severus, re-edified by Constantine the Great, 231, b. how seated, ib. b. taken and spoiled by the Latins, 57, b. 58, a. recovered from the Latins by Alexius Strategopulus, 81, a. betrayed unto the young Emperor Andronicus, 119, b. in vain besieged by Amurath the Second, 175, a. again besieged by Mahomet the Great, 231, b. assaulted by the Turks, 235, b. 〈◊〉, 236, a.  
Constantinople again troubled by Fire, 877, a. fired the third time, 882, b. violent rain in the City, 904, b. afflicted with Grasshoppers, 910, a. the People much wasted by the Plague, 920, a. all the Dogs sent from thence, ib. a. the situation thereof described, 956, a.  
Constantine Son of Jeremy enters the Government of Moldavia, 909, a. his answer to the Turks Aga, ib. b. he and Potosky taken Prisoners by the Turks, ib. b.  
Contarenus the Venetian Admiral slain, 282, a.  
Corcutus saluted Emperor before his Father Bajazet, 297, a. kindly resigneth the Empire to his Father, ib. b. given to the study of Philosophy, and therefore not beloved of the janissaries, 326, a. cometh to Constantinople, 335, a. his notable speech unto his Father to persuade him to resign unto him the Empire before the coming of his Brother Selimus, ib. a. comforted by his Father, and put in hope of the Empire, ib. b. flieth to Magnesia, 337, a. sought after by Selimus, hideth himself in a Cave, 341, a. is found and taken, ib. a. by the commandment of Selimus strangled, ib. a.  
Coresky a Prince of Polonia marrieth the Princess Alexandrina, 934, b. a challenge sent unto him by the Turks General, 937, b. taken Prisoner by the Turks, 938, a. his Wife carried Prisoner into Tartary, 941, a. his generous resolution, 946, a. he escapes out of Prison, 947, a. and also out of Constantinople, 948, a. strangled in Prison, 974, a.  
Corinth taken and spoiled by the Knights of Malta, 906, a.  
Cortug-Ogli the Pirate persuadeth Solyman to besiege the Rhodes, 383, a.  
Corone, Pylus, and Crisseum, Cities of Peloponesus belonging to the Venetians, yielded unto the Turks, 313, a.  
Corone besieged by the Turks, 423, b. relieved by Auria, 424, b. abandoned and forsaken by the Spaniards, 426, a.  
Cornea and Serbellio, two ancient Spanish Captains persuade the giving of battle unto the Turks at Lepanto, 590, a.  
Costly dishes, 504, a.  
Cossacks, they mutiny and leave Prince Alexander, 936, b.  
Count Solmes surprising Wiscenburg is taken Prisoner, 819, b.  
Cowardice punished; 765, a.  
Crete described, 588, a.  
Croia besieged by Amurath the Second, 221, a. in vain assaulted, ib. b. besieged by Mahomet the Great, 273, a. relieved, ib. b. again besieged by Mahomet, 274, b. the third time besieged, 382, a. yielded to the Turks, 284, a.  
Cubates Selimus his Ambassador cometh to Venice, 568, a. but homely entertained there, ib. b. his speech in the Senate of Venice, ib. b. for fear of the People secretly conveyed away, 569, b.  
Curzola forsaken by the men, defended by Women, 588, b.  
Cusahin Bassa of Caramania riseth up in Rebellion against Mahomet the Third, 779, a. overthroweth the Sanzacks sent to have oppressed him, ib. b. at the coming of Mehemet the Visier Bassa sent against him, flieth, ib. b. forsaken of his followers, is taken and tortured to death at Constantinople, 780, a.  
The Cuselbassa's when and how they begun amongst the Turks, 317, a.  
Cydan King of Fez with his Army overthrown, 915, a.  
Cyprus described, 570, b. how that Kingdom came to the Venetians, ib. b. taken from them by Selimus the Second, 587, b.  
Cyrene yielded unto the Turks, 576, b.  
Czarnieviche corrupted, giveth the Turks passage over the Danubius, into Valachia, 617, b. revolteth unto the Turks, 618, b.    


D.  
DAmasco betrayed to Saladin Sultan of Egypt, 41, b. taken and sacked by the Tartars, 79, b. yielded to Selimus, 361, b.  
Damiata and the description thereof, 62, b. taken by the christians, being before unpeopled by the Plague, 65, a.  
Dampiere a valiant Commander, 869, b.  
Dandalus Admiral of the Venetian fleet, 59, b.  
Daout Bassa his death conspired by the Great Visier, 976, b.  
David and Alexius Comneni, Nephews to Andronicus the Emperor, erect unto themselves a new Empire in Trapezond, 59, b.  
David the last Emperor of Trapezond put to death by Mahomet the Great, and that Empire subverted, 245, b.  
Daut Chan for his good service rewarded by Amurath the Third, 701, b.  
Dearth in the Turks Army at Triala, 684, b.  
Death of the French Ambassador at Constantinople, 901, a. of Amurath Seider, 905, a. of Sultan Achmats' Daughter, 907, b. of Sigismond, sometime the warlike Prince of Transilvania, 919, b.  
Debreus slain, and his Army overthrown by Scanderbag, 250, a.  
Dedesmet the Georgian Widow, with her Son Alexander submit themselves to Mustapha the Great Bassa, 663▪ b.  
Delimenthes with five thousand Persians pursueth the Turks Army, 439, a. assaileth their Camp by Night, and maketh of them a great slaughter, ib. a.  
Demetrius submitteth himself unto Mahomet the Great, 241, b.  
Description of the Town of Arrache or Allarche, 900, a. of the Grand Signors Chamber, 901, b.  
Desdrot Governor of Stellusa, to the terror of the Turks in Sfetigrade, before their Faces executed 195, b.  
Didymoticum yielded unto the Turks, 131, a.  
Diogenes the Emperor discomfiteth the Turks, 6, a. himself by the treason of John Ducas by then again overthrown, 7, a. taken Prisoner, 7, a. honourably used by the Turks Sultan, 7, b. overthrown and taken Prisoner by Andronicus, hath his ●yes put out, whereof he dieth, 8. a.  
Discourse of the magnificence of the Turks Court and Empire, 955, a, b.  
Dissension among the Turks, about the succession, after the death of Mahomet the Great, 297, a.  
Dissension betwixt Don John and Venerius the Venetian Admiral, 591, b.  
Dium a Castle of the Venetians in the East-Indies, in vain assaulted by the Turks, 451, b.  
Doganes Aga of the janissaries whipped and displaced, 230, b.  
Dotis taken by the Turks, 769, a.  
Dragut a most famous Pirate of the Turks, by Auria driven out of the City of Africa, in the Kingdom of Tunes, 508, b. cometh to the siege of Malta, 538, b. his Soldiers enforced shamefully to retire, 540, a. slain, 541, a.  
Dracula, Vayvod of Valachia dissuadeth King Uladislaus from farther proceeding in his Wars against Amurath, 201, b. aideth him with his Son and 4000 Horse, 202, a. his last farewell unto the King, ib. a.  
The Drusian People what they are, 692, a.  
A Drunkard severely punished, 920, b.  
Dulcigno, Antivari, and Budua, strong Towns of the Venetians upon the Coasts of Epirus, and Dalmatia, yielded to the Turks, 588, b.  
The Duke of Muscovy his Letters and Presents sent unto the Emperor, 751, a.  
Duke Mercury General of the Emperor's Forces in the lower Hungary, cometh in vain to relieve Canisia, 790, b. in retiring loseth three thousand of his men with certain pieces of great Ordnance and his baggage, 791, a. bisiegeth Alba-Regalis, 793, a. winneth it, ib. b. enforceth Hassan the Turks General with the loss of 6000 of his Turks to retire, 794, a.  
Dyrrhachium, now called Durazo, taken by the Turks, 314, a.    


E.  
EArthquake most terrible in Constantinople, 324, a.  
Edward eldest Son to Henry the Third, King of England, taketh upon him an Expedition into the Holy Land, and arriveth at Tunes 83, b. arriveth at Ptolemais, 84, a. taketh Nazareth, and putteth the Turks to flight, ib. a. by a desperate Saracen dangerously wounded with an envenomed Knife, ib. b. cured of his wound, maketh Peace with the Sultan, and returneth into England, ib. b.  
The Egyptians diversely affected towards the Mamalukes, 368, b.  
Eivases Bassa hath his Eyes burnt out, 175, b.  
Elpis the Egyptian Sultan besiegeth Tripoli, and taketh it by force, 86, a. winneth Sidon and Berythus, and raseth them, taketh Tyre by Composition, and winneth all the strong Holds in Syria and Palestine from the Christians, except only the slrong City of Ptolemais, ib. a. maketh Peace with the remainder of the Christians, ib. a.  
Emanuel the Greek Emperor with a great power invadeth the Dominions of the Sultan of Iconium, 27, a. loseth a great part of his Army, 28, a. in danger to have been taken, notably defendeth himself, ib. b. in his greatest distress hath Peace offered him by the Sultan, which he accepted gladly, 30, a he vanquisheth Arapacke the Sultan's General, ib. b. falleth sick and dieth, ib. b.  
Emanuel the Greek Emperor upon hard Conditions obtaineth Peace of Bajazet the Great Turk, and becometh his Tributary, 142, b. by his Ambassadors offereth his Empire unto Tamerlane, and so to become his Vassal, 153, a. cometh himself unto him at Prusa, ib. b. honourably entertaineth him, coming in private over to Constantinople, 154, a.  
Ambassadors sent from Tamas the Persian King to Selimus, 565, b. hononourably entertained by the Turks at Hadrianople, 566, a. the Persian Ambassador in going to visit Muhamet the Visier Bassa, in danger to have been slain, ib. b the rich Presents by him given to Selimus, ib. b.  
Ambassadors From the Emperor to the Archduke Mathias at Zname, 887, a. from the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, for appeasing the Troubles betwixt the Emperor and Mathias his Brother, ib. b. from Mathias to the Emperor, 888, b. from the Elector of Saxony, in behalf of the Protestant States of Bohemia, 894, b. from the Persian to the Germane Emperor, 897, a. to the Grand Signior, 905, a, another, 908, b. the Polish Ambassador arrested at Constantinople, 911, b. an Ambassador from the Turk to his Majesty of Great Britain, and his Speech unto him, 958, b. from Bethlem Gabor arriveth at the Port, 974, a. from the King of Poland to the Turk, ib. b. his Oration to the Grand Signior, 975, a. his Remonstrance to the Great Visier, 977, a. from the Duke of Muscovy to the Turk, 976, a. from the Prince of Transilvania to the Great Sultan, 980, a. the English Ambassador arriveth at the Port, 765, b. his Oration to the Grand Signior, ib. b. delivereth his Letters of Credence, 966, a. his advice to Delavir Bassa, and the Bassa's reply, 972, b.  
Emir-Hamze the Persian Prince cometh into Syruan, 664, b. killeth Caitas Bassa, and recovereth Eres, ib. b. overthroweth the Tartars, and taketh Abdilcheray, 665, a. recovereth Sumachia, ib. a. returneth to Casbin, ib. a. overthroweth the Vayvod of the Turks Army, 679, b. in a great battle overthroweth Cicala Bassa and the Bassa of Caraemit, 699, b. dareth Osman the Turks General to battle, ib. b. with his own hand killeth the Bassa of Caraemit, 700, a. killeth also the Bassa of Trapezond with twenty thousand turks more, 700, b. overthroweth 20000 of the Turks at the battle of Sancazan, 701, a. overcometh the rebellious Turcomans, and executeth their Leaders, 703, a. sacketh Salmas, 704, a. putteth the Bassa of Reivan to flight, ib. b. slain by one of his Eunuches, 705, b.  
Emir Chan having his Eyes put out, dieth miserably in Prison, 686, a.  
The Emperor, the French King, and the King of Polonia entangled in their Leagues with the Turk, refuse to give Aid unto the Venetians against him, 570, a.  
The Empire of Trapezond overthrown and subverted by Mahomet the Great, 245, b.  
The Emperor makes fair weather with the Protestant States of Bohemia, 894, b.  
The English Ambassador, Sir Tho. Glover makes intercession at the Port, for the restoring of a deposed Prince of Moldavia, 902, b.  
An Enterprise of the Christians upon Albania, discovered by the Turks, 903, a.  
A notable Enterprise of four Christian Slaves, 916, a.  
Eperia by the Rebels distressed, 875, a.  
Ertogrul with his Brother Dunder, and four hundred Families of the Turks, stay in their return towards Persia, 93, a. by his good service obtaineth of Sultan Aladin a place at Suguta for himself and his Turks to dwell in, ib. b. taketh the Castle of Cara-Chisar from the Christians, ib. b.  
Euboea taken from the Venetians by Mahomet the Great, 277, a.  
Euremoses his rich Present unto Amurath at the marriage of his Son Bajazet, 133, b.  
Eudocia the Empress contrary to her Oath, desirous to marry, dealeth cunningly with the Patriarch to dispense with her Oath, 5, b. marrieth Diogenes Romanus, a Prisoner condemned to die, and maketh him Emperor, 6, a. she is deposed by the Traitors John Ducas, Psellus, and others, and thrust into a Monastery, 7. b.  
Eustace Governor of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, discomfiteth the Saracens in a great battle near unto Ascalon, and not long after dieth, 20. a.    


F.  
FAcardin Emir of Sidon abandons his charge, and retires to Florence, 921, a. is received courteously of the Duke, ib. a.  
Falsehood of a Turk justly punished, 905, b.  
Famagusta besieged by the Turks, 576, b. hath a new supply put into it by Quirinus, 578, b. described, 584, a. the number of the defendants in it, ib. b. twice assaulted and notably defended by the Christians, ib. b. undermined, 585, b. furiously by the Turks assaulted, and valiantly by the Christians defended, ib. b. great part of the wall blown up, and the City again assaulted, 586, a. yielded up to the Turks, ib. b.  
Famine in Scodra, 290, b.  
Falconers and Huntsmen in great number in the Turks Court, 230, a.  
Ferat Bassa sent by Solyman against Alis-Beg the Mountain Prince, 404, a. treacherously murthereth him and his four Sons, ib. b.  
Ferat Bassa by Amurath chosen General of his Army against the Persians instead of Sinan, 681, a. in the space of fiteen days buildeth a Fort at Reivan, as he was by Amurath commanded, ib. b. breaketh up his Army at Erzirum, 682, a. raiseth a new Army, ib. b. fortifieth Lori, 683, a. buildeth a Fort upon the strait of Tomanis, ib. a. reproveth Veis Bassa of Aleppo, 684, a. is himself reviled by the janissaries and Spahi, ib. b. by them disobeyed and threatened, 685, a. his stout answer to his mutinous Soldiers, ib. b. his Tents overthrown and he again threatened, ib. b. disgraced, breaketh up his Army at Ardachan, ib. b. grievously complained of to Amurath, 686, b. by Amurath again made General against the Persians, 703, b. cometh to Van, 704, a. putteth Succours into Tauris, 705, a. taketh Genge, 707, a. sent by Mahomet General of his Army into Hungary, 744, a. disgraced at his first coming to the Army, ib. a. overthrown in Valachia, 745, a. sent for to Constantinople, and there strangled, 572, b.  
Ferdinand King of Bohemia layeth claim to the Kingdom of Hungary, 407, b. taketh Buda, ib. b. crowned King of Hungary, 408, b. seeketh for the favour of Solyman, 409, b. is by him rejected and threatened, ib. b. persuaded by the Hungarian fugitives to invade Hungary, 470, b. dissuaded by Lascus, 471, a. sendeth Lascus to Solyman, and other Ambassadors to the Queen of Hungary, to demand of her that Kingdom, ib. b. he invadeth Hungary, 472, a. taketh Pesth and Vacia, and besiegeth Buda, ib. a. dieth, 534, b.  
Fileck taken by the Christians, 722, b.  
Filek yielded unto the Haiducks, 961, a.  
The Florentines take the Castle of Lango, 908, a.  
Folly of the Turks, 901, a.  
Fortgatsie Lieutenant to King Mathias entereth Transilvania with an Army, 902, a. expelled by Battori, ib. a. his miserable retreat, ib. a.  
The Fort of Cochina yielded to Prince Alexander, 928, a.  
Foscarus a grave Senator, 467, b. unworthily disgraced by the multitude, ib. b.  
Fourteen Wagons loaded with the heads of the slain Christians, 715, b.  
Fran●●s the French King, the more to trouble the Emperor, soliciteth Solyman to invade his Territories, 489, b.  
Francis Acciavol, Duke of Thebes, by the Commandment of Mahomet murdered, 241, a, b.  
Frederick the Emperor taketh upon him an Expedition into the Holy Land, 46, b.  
Frederick Duke of Suevia, the Emperor's Son, in his Father's stead chosen General of the Christians Army, 47, a. hath Antioch delivered unto him, ib. b. dieth of the Plague, and is buried by his Father in the Cathedral Church at Tyre, ib. b.  
Frederick the Germane Emperor undertaketh on Expedition into the Holy Land, 69, b. crowned King of Jerusalem, which is by him repaired, 70, a.  
The Frenchmen and Walloons in mutiny at Pappa, 780, b. compact with the Turks to deliver to them the Town, ib. b. seeking secretly to have fled, are most of them slain, and the rest that were taken put to most horrible Tortures, 782, b.  
A French Ambassador feasted by the Turks, 901, b.  
The French Ambassadors men tortured by the Turks, 947, a. he himself imprisoned, ib. b. set at liberty, ib. b.  
Friuli part of the Venetian Territory miserably spoiled by the Turks, 282, b. again spoiled by Scander Bassa and the Turks, 311, b.  
The frontiers of the Emperor's Territories grievously spoiled by the Turks, 803, a.  
The frugality of the Turks, 481, b.  
Fulke County of Turin, Maine, and Anjou, taketh upon him an expedition into the Holy Land, 20, b. 21, a. dieth of a fall off his Horse in hunting, and is buried at Jerusalem, 22, b.  
Funeral of the Lady Glover, the English Ambassadors Wife, 908, a.  
Fuscarinus in his absence, by the general consent of the Venetian State chosen Admiral, 602, b. encourageth the Confederates to give the Turks battle, 603, b. in vain persuadeth the Confederates to take the advantage of the Turks dispersed Fleet, 605, a. earnestly dissuadeth Don John, and the Spaniards from returning without giving the Turks battle, 609, a.    


G.  
GAbor and the Turk oppress Battori, 911, a.  
Gabor made Prince of Transilvania by the Turk, ib. b. his design upo● divers places, 924, a. receiveth Aid from the Turk, and besiegeth Lippa, ib. b. undertakes to succour the Bohemian Protestants, 952, a. taketh many Towns in Hungary 952, b. makes a League with the Bohemians and Hungarians, 953, a. proclaimed King of Hungary, ib. a.  
The Galleons of Malta defeated by the Turks, 898, a. they set upon the Turks Caravan, ib. a. go to surprise them of Biserta, ib. b. sink a Gallion of Tunes, ib. b.  
The Galleys of Florence take a Turkish Ship, ib. b. win the Town of Bisquerre, ib. b. take divers Turkish Vessels, 899, a. make a second Voyage against the Turks, 903, a. meet with the Turks Fleet, ib. a. assailed by the Turks, ib. a. sink five Turkish Galleys, ib. b. put their Fleet to flight, and take a rich Ship from them, ib. b. make an enterprise upon the Town and Castle of Agliman, 917, b. after a bloody fight take the place, and raze it, 919, a.  
The Galleys of Malta and Naples, their Exploits, 903, b. take a Venetian Ship, ib. b. force the Island of Langa, 904, a.  
The Galleys of Sicily sail into the Levant, 919, b. assail the Turks Galleys, ib. b.  
Certain Galleys of the Turks taken by them of Florence, 898, b.  
The Galleys of the Turks surprise Manfredonia, a Town in Naples, 918, a.  
Galilee spoiled, and the Castle of Bury taken by the Turks, 42, b.  
Garzias of Toledo Viceroy of Sicilia after long delay at last setteth forward with his fleet to relieve the besieged at Malta, 550, b. by Tempest driven into the Island of Aegusa, 551, b. arriveth at Malta, and landeth his men, 552, a.  
Gazelles his wholesome counsel unto Campson, for protracting the war against Selimus, 358, b. coming to have oppressed Sinan Bassa at Gaza, is by him himself overthrown, 362, b. 363, a. his notable speech in submitting himself to Selimus, 371, b. by Selimus made Governor of Syria, 379, a. rebelleth against Solyman, 382, a. slain, ib. a.  
Gaza yielded unto Sinan Bassa, 362, b.  
George the Despot of Servia, a Man of no Religion, 242, b. driven out of his Kingdom by Amurath, 177, b. restored by King Uladislaus, 197, a. denieth passage unto Scanderbag through his Country, 201, a. glad to crave Aid of Huniades, whom he had before evilly entreated, 212, a. his death, 242, b.  
George Bishop of Veradium a notable man, 470, a. murdered in his own house, 511, b.  
Geordiron the Physician notably deludeth the janissaries and Spahi of the Court, 171, b.  
George Basta by the Emperor appointed Lieutenant General for his Wars in the upper Hungary, 772, b. commanded by Mathias the Archduke, to give Aid unto Michael the Vayvod against the Transilvanians, aideth them against him, 785, b. in a great battle overthroweth the Vayvod, 787, a. his stout speech to the Chiaki and the rest of the Nobility of Transilvania, 789, a. his error, ib. b. received by the Transilvanians as the Emperor's Lieutenant, until further order were by him taken for the Government of that Province; 790, a. suddenly taken Prisoner by the Transilvanians, 796, a. set at liberty, and aided by Michael the Vayvod, overthroweth Sigismond the Transylvanian Prince with a great slaughter, and driveth him out of his Country, ib. b. conspireth the death of Michael the Vayvod, 797, a. taketh in most part of the Country of Transilvania for the Emperor, ib. b. for fear of Sigismond and the Transilvanians, flieth, ib. b. in battle overthroweth Zachel Moses the Transylvanian Prince's Lieutenant, and bringeth that Country again under the Emperor's Obeisance, 798, b.  
Georgians, their manner of Salutation, 925, a.  
The Germans in Tyrna forced to wear Hungarian Garments, 863, b.  
Gervaise Rogers an English man commended for his good Service at the Siege of the Rhodes, 293, b.  
Gerasimus the Patriarch dealeth unfaithfully with the old Emperovor Andronicus, 112, a.  
Giaffer Captain of the Janissaries slain, 444, a.  
Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of Tripoli by Osman Bassa with a Garrison of twelve thousand Soldiers left Governor of Tauris, 700, a. besieged by the Persian Prince, 702, b. prayeth Aid of Cicala Bassa, 703, a. put to flight, 767, b.  
Godfrey Duke of Lorraine, with other the Christian Princes with an Army of 300000 fight men undertaketh the first expedition into the Holy Land, 10, b. concludeth a League with Alexius the Greek Emperor, 11, a. besiegeth Nice, and taketh it, 11, b. in a great battle overthroweth Sultan Solyman with his Turks, taketh Antiochia in Pisidia, Iconium and Heraclea, winneth Cilicia, Armenia, and Capadocia, 12, a. putteth the Turks to slight at the River Orantes, 13, a. after long siege taketh Antioch in Syria, 14, a. winneth Jerusalem by assault, 16, b. chosen King of Jerusalem, 17, a. his Letters to Bohemund King of Antioch, ib. b. in a great and mortal battle overthroweth the Turks at Ascalon, 17, b. crowned King of Jerusalem, and dieth of the Plague, ib. b.  
Gokara surprised by the Haiducks, 858, b.  
The Governor of Alba-Regalis taken, 557, b his sharp answer unto a Spaniard, ib. b.  
Grasshoppers spoil the Country about Constantinople, 910, a.  
Great treasure found by the Turks at the winning of Constantinople, 236, b.  
A Greek Priest his notable Speech persuading the Great Master of the Rhodes to yield up the City, 400, a. with the most resolute answer of a common Soldier to the contrary, ib. b. and that his Speech notably refelled by a Greek, and the yielding of the City urged, 401, a.  
The Greek Chorch by Michael Palaeologus the Greek Emperor subjected to the Church of Rome, and why, 80, b.  
The Greeks careless of the Turks first small footing in Chersonesus, jest thereat, 129, b.  
The Guise Lord Grand Prior of the Knights of St. John's in France, Admiral of Malta taketh certain of the Turks Galleys, 519, b.  
Guletta how situated, 442, b. besieged by Charles the Emperor, ib. b. furiously battered, 443, b. assaulted and won, 445, a. besieged by the Turks, 620, a. taken from the Christians, ib. a.  
Guy County of Joppa and Ascalon the ninth and last King of Jerusalem, 44, a. in a battle overthrown and taken Prisoner by Saladin, 45, a. set at liberty besiegeth Ptolemais, and fighteth a great battle with Saladin, 46, a.    


H.  
HAalon Brother to Mango the Great Cham of Tartary, with a great Army invadeth the Turks, 79, a. his great Victories against the Turks, ib. b.  
Hadrianople yielded unto the Turks, 131, b. by Amurath the First made the Royal seat of his Kingdom in Europe, 132, b.  
Haider marrieth Martha the Daughter of the great King Usun-Cassanes by Despina, and hath by her Hysmael afterwards King of Persia, 316, a.  
Haider murdered by Jacup the Persian King, 330, a.  
The Haiducks surprise the Turks, 847, b. what manner of Soldier they are, ib. b. take the Castle of Reovin, 848, a. and divers other places, 856, b. slay Copell and Pettinger, two of the Emperor's Captains, and spoil their Companies, 857, a. ransack the Isle of Strigonium, 867, b. do, great harm in the upper Hungary, 874, b. incensed against the Turks and Tartars, trust neither of them, 876, a. raise new stirs in Hungary, 879, a. conspire against the Germans, 882, b. six hundred intercepted by Humanoius, ib. b. refuse to allow of the Pacification made at Vienna, 886, a.  
Haly Bassa slain, 597, a. the Greek that slew him honourably rewarded, 599, a.  
Hamon the jew for his Treachery justly rewarded by Selimus, 338, b.  
Hardeck Governor of Rab corrupted, yieldeth the City unto the Turks, 734, a. executed at Vienna, 735, a.  
Hassan Bassa honourably received at Constantinople after the winning of Alba-Regalis, 809, a. in great danger of his Life, 809, b. persuadeth the Grand Signior to humour the mutined Soldiers, 810, a. his excuse to the Mutineers, ib. b. appointed General in the Turks Wars in Hungary, 845, b. sent for to Constantinople, 846, a. continued General, and cometh into Hungary, 850, a.  
Hassan Bassa relieveth the distressed Turks in Garrison at Teflis, 667, b. breaketh promise with Aliculi Chan, 668, b. rewarded for his good Service, 669, a. sent by Ferat Bassa to the relief of Teflis, 682, a. again rewarded by Amurath, ib. a. left by Ferat with a Garrison of 8000 Soldiers in the new Fort at Tomanis, 684, a. General of Sultan Mahomet's Army in Hungary, cometh out of season to relieve Alba-Regalis, 794, a.  
Hassan Bassa the Queen's Eunuch sent Governor to Cairo, 690, b. cast in Prison at Constantinople, and his evil gotten Goods confiscated, 691, b. his life spared at the intercession of the Queen, and he himself set at liberty, ib. b.  
Hassan Bassa of Bosna inciteth Amurath to make War upon the Emperor, 713, b. taketh Wihitz the Metropolitical City of Croatia, 714, b. loadeth six Wagons with the heads of the slain Christians, ib. b. spoileth Turopolis, 715, a. deceived by the Abbot of Siseg, 718, a, b. his threatening Letters unto the Abbot, ib. b. besiegeth Siseg, ib. b. in a great battle overthrown, 719, b. drowned, ib. b.  
Hatwan besieged by the Christian, 765, a. taken by assault, ib. b. again forsaken by the Christians, ib. b.  
Hatwan taken and dismantled by Maximilian the Archduke, 829, a. again fortified by the Turks, ib. a. besieged by the Christians, ib. a. yielded unto them, ib. b. abandoned by the Christian Garrison, 851, a.  
Henry Brother to Baldwin chosen second Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople, 60, b.  
Henry Duke of Saxony with a great Army sent into the Holy Land by Henry the Sixth, Emperor of Germany, goeth accompanied with many great Princes, 51, b. falling sick of a fever, dieth, 52, a.  
Henry the French King by his Ambassador soliciteth Solyman to invade the King of Spain's Territories, 518, b.  
Heraclius the Greek Emperor by the help of the Arabians recovereth Syria and the Holy City from Chosroe the Persian King, 16, a.  
Hoccata the Tartar by his Captains subdueth Armenia the greater, Colchis, and Iberia, 53, b. succeeding his Father Zingis, invadeth the East and West parts of Asia, subdueth the East-Indies, and buildeth Cambalu, ib. a. driveth the Turks out of Persia, and subdueth many Countries, ib. b.  
Horruccius and Hariadenus how they of base Pirates aspired to the Kingdom of Algiers, 428, b. Horruccius his success, 429, a. slain, and his Head in triumph carried about in Spain, ib. a.  
Hungary divided into two factions upon the choice of Uladislaus King of Polonia, 113, b. again divided upon the dissension betwixt King Ferdinand and King John, 407, b. becometh a prey unto Solyman, and by him converted into the form of a Province of the Turkish Empire, 481, a.  
Hungary, the Hungarians misery, 841, a. upper Hungary by the Turks and Tartars spoilt and burnt, 853, b. great Towns taken and rifled by the Rebels, 864, a.  
Huniades by King Uladislaus made Vayvod of Transilvania, 181, a. in a great battle overthroweth Isa-Beg, Amurath's Lieutenant in Servia, ib. b. overthroweth Mesites Bassa, and killeth him with twenty thousand Turks more, 183, a. of the spoil of the Turks sendeth a Present unto King Uladislaus and the Despot of Servia, 183, b. his most Christian speech to encourage his Soldiers against the Turks, 184, b. in a great and mortal battle overthroweth Abedin Bassa with his Army at Vascape, 186, b. with ten thousand Horsemen overthroweth a great Army of the Turks by Night, 189, a. eight times repulseth the Turks pursuing him in his retreat down the Mountain Hemus, 190, a. with a great slaughter discomfiteth Carambey the Bassa of Romania, and taketh him Prisoner, 191, a. flying out of the battle of Varna, taken Prisoner by Dracula, Vayvod of Valachia, 203, a. by general consent chosen Governor of Hungary in the minority of King Ladislaus, 207, b. goeth against the Turks, 208, a. with a notable speech encourageth his Soldiers against the Turks, 209, a. fighteth three days together with Amurath in the Plains of Cossova, 209, a. 210, b. overcome, flieth, 211, a. falleth into the hands of two notable thiefs, 211, b. in doubt of a Shepherd, is by him relieved, 211, b. taken Prisoner by the false Despot, ib. b. set at liberty, revengeth himself upon him, ib. b. requested, giveth him aid against the Turks, 212, a. his most Christianlike death, 244, a.  
The Hussars most traitorously spoil their Friends, 856, b.  
Hysmael after the death of his Father Haider flieth to his Father's Friend Pyrchales, 316, b. his behaviour in the time of his exile, 317, a. recovereth his Inberitance, ib. b. taketh Sumachia, ib. b. obtaineth Tauris, 318, a. overcometh Elvan the Persian King, and killeth him, 318, b. peaceably received into Scyras, ib. b. preacheth his Father's Doctrine, ib. b. putteth Moratchamus to flight, and obtaineth the Persian Kingdom, 319, a. b. the Inscription of his Coin, ib. b. cometh to his Army at Coy, 345, b. sendeth an Herald unto Selimus, 346, a. with 30000 Persians giveth battle to Selimus with 300000 Turks, 346, b. wounded, retireth, 348, b. the cause why he came with so small an Army against Selimus, 352, a. his large Territories, ib, a. the reason why he invaded not Selimus wholly busied in the Egyptian Wars, ib. b.    


I.  
JAcup Arnaut slain, and his Army discomfited by Scanderbag, 272, b.  
Jacain supposed Brother to Sultan Achmat, 926, a. becometh a Christian, ib. b. joins with the Rebels of Asia, ib. b. is defeated and wounded, ib. b. sendeth to Constantinople, and corrupteth the Visier, ib. b. his Life in danger at Cracovia, 927, a. retireth to Prague to the Emperor, ib. a. comes to Florence, and is honourably entertained, ib. a. goeth to Naples and Milan, ib. b. cometh to Rome, ib. b.  
Jagenrenter his Cowardice, 849, a.  
The Janissaries first instituted by Amurath the First, 132, a. 133, b. stand upon their Guard, and reviling Bajazet their Emperor, refuse to receive him among them, 303, a. in mutiny against Selimus, 348, b. up in arms against Solyman for the unworthy death of the noble Mustapha, 516, b. unwilling to go in the quarrel of Selimus against his Brother Bajazet, 523, a. their insolent and threatening speech unto Ferat Bassa their General, 684. b. in a Tumult at Constantinople, 707, b. in an uproar with the Spahi, 772, b. threaten the deposing of their Emperor, 779, b. in mutiny at Constantinople, 798, a.  
Janissaries, they murder Mahomet Bassa, 811, a. mutiny against the Vister, and the cause why, 852, a. again in mutiny, 871, b. mutiny against the Bassa of Buda, 880, b. against the Grand Signior, and the great Vister slain by them, 969, b. they demand Mustapha, 970, a. assault the Houses of the Christians, 976, a.  
Jathatines' Sultan of Iconium succeedeth his Father Aladin, 60, b. besieging Antiochia, is slain by Theodorus Lascaris the Greek Emperor, 61, a.  
Jathatines' the second of that Name, Sultan of Iconium, maketh great preparation against the Tartars, 76, b. overthrown, flieth to the Greek Emperor Theodorus for Aid, 77, a. maketh Peace with the Tartars, and yieldeth them a yearly Tribute, ib. a. again by them oppressed, flieth to Palaeologus the Emperor at Nice, 80, a. dyeth in exile, 82, a.  
Ibrahim Bassa by Amurath made Governor of Cairo, 690, b. oppresseth the People, and enricheth himself, 691, b. goeth against the Drusians, 692, a. spoileth the Country of Man-Ogli the Drusian Lord, 694, b. with Fire and Sword destroyeth the Country of Seraphadin, 695, a. createth Aly-Ebne-Carfus Bassa of the Drusians, ib. b. the rich Presents by him given to Amurath and the Ladies of the Court, 696, a. in danger to have been taken, 666, b. flieth out of the battle of Agria, 768, a. sent again General into Hungary, 772, b. cometh to Buda, 777, b. purposing War, entreateth of Peace, ib. b. with a great Army besiegeth Canisia, 790, b. hath the Town yielded unto him, 791, a. his Letters unto County Serinus, ib. b. returneth with his Army to Belgrade, 792, a. dieth, 793, a.  
Jerome Vayvod of Valachia, dieth, 886, a.  
Jesuits, certain of them go to Mengrelia, 924, b. Shipwreckt, 925, a. entertained by a Prince in Asia, ib. b. Jesuits accused at Constantinople, 933, a. imprisoned, ib. a. set at liberty, ib. b.  
Illi●haschius abused by the Hungarians, 875, b. chosen Palatine of Hungary, 891, a. dieth, 893, a.  
Imailer what men they be amongst the Turks, 325, a.  
Imirza stirreth up Solyman against his Brother Tamas the Persian King, 508, a. betrayed to his Brother Tamas, and by him murdered in Prison, 508, b.  
Innocency of great force, 529, a.  
John Batazes made Emptrour of the Greeks in Asia, 68, b. taketh in many Islands of the Aegeum, and forageth the Country of Thracia even to the Gates of Constantinople, being very aged dyeth, 75, b.  
John County de Brenne by Innocentius the Pope appointed King of Jerusalem, 61, b. in derision called Roysauns ville, ib. b.  
John Castriot Prince of Epirus for fear giveth his four Sons in Hostage unto Amurath, 177, a.  
John Sepusius, Vayvod of Transilvania, chosen and crowned King of Hungary, 407, a. after the battle of Toccay flieth into Polonia, 408, a. by Lascus his Ambassador craveth Aid of Solyman, 409, a. cometh to Solyman at Belgrade, 410, a, by him restored to the Kingdom of Hungary, 414, a. in his old years marrieth Isabel the Daughter of King Sigismond, 469, a. dieth, ib. b.  
Don John of Austria General of the confederate Prince's forces, 584, b. in a terrible fight encountreth with Haly Bassa in the battle of Lepanto, 597, a. killeth him, ib. a. in doubt whether to send them Aid or not, 602, b. sendeth word unto the Confederates to meet him at Zacynthus, 605, b. faileth them, 606, a. meeteth them at Corcyra, ib. b. offereth the Turks battle, 607, a. refuseth to follow the Counsel of the Venetian Admiral, 607, b. breaketh promise with him, and returneth to Messana, 610, b.  
John the Vayvod of Moldavia falleth into suspicion with the Turks, 614, a. his notable speech unto his Nobility and Subjects, concerning the Turks demand, ib. b. in vain craveth Aid of the King of Polonia, 616, a. with a great slaughter overthroweth the Palatine and the Turks, 616, a. giveth the Turks a second overthrow, ib. b. betrayed by Czarnievich, 617, b. overthrown by the Turks, 618, a. shamefully and perfidiously by them murdered, 619, a.  
Jonimas, Ballabanus his Brother, and Hither his Son taken Prisoners by Scanderbag, 273, b.  
Jonuses' Bassa sent against Techellis, putteth him to flight, 234, a. hurt at the winning of Cairo,, 371, a. envieth at the unworthy preferment of Cayerbeius, 376, a. is himself secretly hated of Selimus, ib. b. put to death, 377, b.  
Irene the fair Greek beheaded by Mahomet the Great, 240, a.  
Isa after the Captivity of his Father Bajazet, seizeth upon the City of Prusa, 159, b. overthrown in battle by his Brother Mahomet, 162, b. with a great Army sent by his Brother Solyman against Mahomet, 164, a. burneth Prusa, ib. b. dieth in Obscurity, 165, a.  
Ishmael last of the Isfendiars yieldeth his Principality of Castamona and Sinope to Mahomet the Great, 245, a.  
Ishender Bassa overthrown by Aladules, taken and sent Prisoner to Caitbeius to Cairo, 551, b.  
Islan of a Prisoner made a King, 688, a.  
Ishmael the Son of King Tamas saluted King of Persia, 653, a. murthereth eight of his younger Brethren, altereth the Persian Religion, and tyranniniseth, ib. b. by the device of his Sister Periaconcona himself murdered, ib: b.  
The Italians left by the Emperor for the Aid of King Ferdinand in his Wars in Hungary, arise in mutiny, 420, b. eight thousand of them forsake their Captains, and return into Italy, 421, b.  
Julia Gonzaga a fair Lady of Italy put in great fear by Barbarussa, 432, a.  
Julian the Cardinal sent by Pope Urban to appease the dissension in Hungary, and to stir up the Hungarians against the Turks, 187, b. his effectual speech in Parliament to persuade the War, 187, b. cunningly persuadeth King Uladislaus to break the honourable and solemn League he had before made with Amurath, 198, a. disannulleth the League, absolving the King and the rest from their Oath before given to Amurath, 199, a. himself slain, 203, b.    


K.  
The KIngdom of Hungary by Solyman converted into a Province of the Turkish Empire, 481, a.  
The King of Spain's Edict for the banishment of the Morisques or new Christians, 899, a.  
The King of Fez besiegeth Morocco, and is defeated, 914, a.  
The Knights of Malta crave Aid of Garzias the Viceroy of Sicilia, 543, a. his cold answer, 544, b.  
Komara besieged by Sinan Bassa, 734, b.  
Koppan surprised by the Christians, 706, a.    


L.  
LAdislaus a Child crowned King of Hungary at Alba-Regalis, 177, a.  
Lazarus Despot of Servia becometh tributary unto Amurath the First, 134, a. purposing to make war against Amurath, craveth Aid of the King of Bosna, 136, b. in a mortal battle overthrown in the Plains of Cossova and slain, 139, a.  
League betwixt the Turks and Hollanders, 916, b.  
Leopold the Archduke, his proceedings in Bohemia, 897, b.  
Lepanto yielded to the Turks, 312, b.   

Letters.  
Of Achmet Bassa to Collonitz concerning a Peace, 821, b. of the Bassa of Buda to Colonel Althem, 835, a. another, 844, a. of Hassan the Visier, and of Begedes Bassa, to the Germane Soldiers besieged in the Castle of Vicegrade, 859, a. of Collonitz to a certain Nobleman, concerning the Troubles in Hungary, 861, a. of Botscay to the Nobility and States of Hungary, 862, a. from a Citizen of Vienna, declaring the miseries of Hungary, 864, b. of the Germane Emperor to the Persian King, 873, a. from the Persian to the Spaniard, 881, a. of Confederation betwixt the States of Austria and Hungary, 885, b. of the Emperor to the Reformed States of Bohemia, for the free exercise of their Religion, 894, b. from Sultan Achmat to the Emperor, and his answer thereunto, 923, a. from Sultan Osman to the French King, 949, a. to the King of Great Britain, 951, a. from Halil Bassa to the English Ambassador, ib. b. from the King of Great Britain to Sultan Osman, 966, a. from the Grand Signior to the King of Great Britain, 968, a.  
Lewis the Eighth of that Name, the French King, making an Expedition into the Holy Land, is by the malice of Emanuel the Greek Emperor therein much hindered, 24, b. he besiegeth Damascus, where by the envy of the other Christian Princes he was enforced to raise his siege, and so to return home into his Country, 25, a.  
Lewis the Ninth, the French King, making an Expedition towards the Holy Land, arriveth 〈◊〉 Damieta, 71, b. 72, a. taketh the City forsaken by the Turks, 72, b. with his whole Army overthrown, and himself taken Prisoner, 74, a. undertaketh a second Expedition toward the Holy Land, with his Sons and most of his Nobility, 83, a. overthroweth the Moors, and besiegeth Tunes, ib. b. falleth sick of the bloody flix, and dieth, ib. b.  
Lewis the Eleventh, the French King, giveth Aid unto the Venetians against the Turks, 314, a.  
Lewis King of Hungary, with an Army of five and twenty thousand, fond goeth against Solyman, being two hundred and sixty thousand strong, 405, a. overthrown in his flight, drowned in a ditch, 406, a.  
Liscanus the covetous Spaniard dealeth uncourteously with Perenus, 495, a. himself in like sort served, and merrily stripped of his wealth by Halis Captain of the janissaries, 499, a.  
Lissa taken by the Turks, and the bones of Scanderbag digged up, and by them worn for jewels, 290, b.  
Lodronius encourageth his Soldiers, 461, a. jested at by an old Soldier, ib. a. ●lain, and his Head, with the Heads of two other Captains in a Silver Bason presented to Solyman at Constantinople, 462, a.  
Losses of the Turkish and Polish Armies in Sultan Osmans' Expedition against them, 963, a.  
Lugaze, a strong place delivered to Basta, 828, a.    


M.  
MAhomet the First sendeth spies into Tamerlane's Camp, 160, a. becometh famous in Tamerlane's Court, 161, a. in battle overthroweth his Brother Isa, 162, a. honourably buried the body of his Father Bajazet at Prusa, 163, a. again overthroweth his Brother Isa supported by his Brother Solyman, 163, b. giveth him a third overthrow, together with the other Mahometan Princes his Confederates, 164, a. besieged by his Brother Solyman in Amasia, 165, a. upon report of his Brother Musa's evil Government, goeth against him into Eutope, 167, a. overthrown, flieth back again into Asia, ib. b. cometh again into Europe, 168, a. besiegeth Hadrianople, ib. b. overthroweth his Brother Musa in battle, and causeth him being taken Prisoner to be strangled, 169, a. wholly possesseth the Ottoman Kingdom both in Europe and Asia, ib. b. oppresseth Orcanes his Brother Soliman's Son, and putteth out his Eyes, 170, a. taketh the Caramanian King and his Son Prisoners, ib. a. enforceth the Valachian Prince to become his Tributary, ib. a. dieth at Hadrianople, 171, a. his death cunningly concealed by the three great Bassa's, ib. a. he worthily accounted the restorer of the Ottoman Kingdom, almost quite overthrown by Tamerlane, ib. b.  
Mahomet the Second, surnamed the Great, an Atheist, of no Religion, 229, a. murthereth his Brethren, ib. b. reformeth the Turks Commonwealth, ib. b. subdueth Mentesia, 230, b. winneth Constantinople, 236, a. solemniseth his Feasts in Constantinople with the Blood of the Grecian Nobility, 237, a. notably dissembleth his hatred against Caly Bassa, ib. b. first Emperor of the Turks, 238, a. amorous of the fair Greek Irene, ib. b. with his own hand striketh off her Head, 240, b. besiegeth Belgrade, 243, a. wounded and carried away for dead, 244, a. falsifieth his Faith with David the Emperor of Trapezond, 245, b. seeketh to entrap Wladus Prince of Valachia, ib. b. in danger to have been slain by Wladus Dracula his Ganymede, 247, a, b. his Letters to Scanderbag, 262, a. sueth to Scanderbag to have the League renewed betwixt them, 266, a. cometh himself in Person to the Siege of Croia, ib. forsaketh the Siege of Croia, 274, b. breaketh his faith with Paulus Ericus, Governor of Chalcis, 276, b. he is no less troublesome unto the Mahometan Princes than to the Christians, 278, a. cometh himself to the Siege of Scodra, 284, b. notably encourageth his Captains and Soldiers to a general assault, 285, b. melancholy for the repulse of his men, 287, a. blasphemeth, 289, a. curseth Epirus, and so returneth to Constantinople, 290, b. by Mesites Palaeologus one of his great Bassa's besiegeth the Rhodes, 291, b. invadeth Italy, and by Achmetes his great Captain taketh Otranto, 295, a. going against the Caramanian King, dieth by the way at Givisen, in Bythinia, not without suspicion of Poison, and lieth buried at Constantinople, ib. b.  
Mahomates one of the Visier Bassa's by the mutinous janissaries slain, 297, a.  
Mahomates the Son of Caytbeius, with four Sultan's more, one after another slain by the Mamalukes, 306, b.  
Mahomates Soliman's Son disguised, goeth to see his Brother Achomates, 325, a. as a Sea-fairing man cometh disguised to Constantinople, and so into his Father's Court, ib. a. by the commandment of his suspicious Father poisoned, dieth, 325, b.  
Mahomates, Governor of Belgrade, aided by the other Sanzacks, maketh head against Cazzianer, General of King Ferdinand's Army, 456, b. wisely refuseth battle offered by Cazzianer, and by temporising distresseth the Army of the Christians, 458, b. troubleth the Christians in their retreat, 459, b. giveth them a great overthrow, 461, b. cometh to the relief of Belgrade, 476, a. his vehement Oration unto Solyman to persuade him to take the Kingdom of Hungary into his own hands, and so to unite it unto his own Empire, 480, a.  
Mahomet the Tartar King with his two Sons, strangled by Osman Bassa, 688, a.  
Mahomet Bassa in despite of Sinan sent General of his Army for the relief of his Garrisons in Chars and Teflis, 675, b. discomfited by the Georgians, and his provision of Money and Victuals taken from him, 676, b. with his discomfited Army arriveth at Teflis, ib. b. his heavy Oration in the Castle of Teflis, 677, a. maketh a Purse for the relief of the distressed Garrison, ib. b. plotteth the death of Manucchiar the Georgian, ib. b. himself in danger to have been by the Georgian slain, 678, a.  
Mahomet the Third saluted Emperor of the Turks, 741, a. murthereth his Brethren, and causeth certain of his Father's Wives and Concubines to be drowned, ib. a. with much ado appeaseth the mutinous janissaries, ib. b. sendeth Ambassadors unto the Transylvanian Prince, 745, b. careful of Strigonium besieged by the Christians, 747, b. perplexed, 761, a. causeth the continuance of his Wars against the Emperor and the Transylvanian to be proclaimed at Constantinople, 762, a. cometh to Buda with an Army of two hundred thousand men, 765, b. besiegeth Agria, 766, a. furiously assaulteth it, ib. a. hath it yielded unto him, 767, a. with Ibrahim the Great Bassa flieth out of the battle of Karesta, 768, a. by the Transilvanians and Null troubled in his return to Constantinople, ib. b. his Ambassador evil entreated by the Persian King, 792, b.  
Mahomet the Grand Signior showeth himself to the mutinous Soldiers, 810, a. with mild words seeketh to appease them, ib. b. his cruelty, 811, a. in danger of being deposed, 812, a. causeth his eldest Son with divers others to be strangled, ib. b. seeketh to pacify the Rebels in Asia, but cannot, 821, a. and therefore offers Peace to the Christians, ib. a. troubled in his Affairs, 824, b. dieth, 834, b. reasons why he was not regarded of his men of War, 835, b. his Issue, ib. b. the manner of his Monument at Constantinople, 835, b.  
The Mahometan Princes of the lesser Asia oppressed by Bajazet, disguised, fly unto Tamerlane for relief, 145, a.  
Malta described, 737, a. invaded by the Turks, 538, a.  
Mamalukes, the beginning of their Kingdom in Egypt, 356, b. their Imperious Government in Egypt, Judaea, and Syria, ib. a. their Kingdom utterly subverted by Selimus, 375, b. the Mamalukes in Prison at Alexandria, by the commandment of Selimus murdered, ib. b.  
Manto cruelly slain by her jealous Husband Jonuses, 378, a.  
Man-Ogli his Letters to Ibrahim Bassa, 693, a. sendeth him Presents, 694, a.  
Manucchiar his speech to Mustapha the Visier Bassa 659, b. with his Brother Alexander by Mustapha sent to Amurath, 663, b. turneth Turk, and hath his elder Brother's Principality given him, 666, b. in danger to have been betrayed by Mahomet Bassa, 677, b. notably revengeth himself of the Treachery by the Bassa intended against him, 678, a. revolteth from the Turks, and doth them great harm, 682, a.  
Marquis S. Crucis taketh one of the Turks Galleys in sight of their whole fleet, 608, a.  
Marriage Rites with great Pomp solemnised by the Turks, 907, a, b.  
The Massagets entertained by Andronicus against the Turks, spoil his Countries in Asia, 104, a. in their return homeward, themselves spoiled by the Catalonians and Turcopuli, 106, b.  
Masut the Sultan of Iconium divideth his Kingdom among his three Sons, 26, a.  
Mathias the Archduke, the Emperor's Lieutenant taketh Novigrade from the Turks, 724, b. besiegeth Strigonium, 726, b. raiseth his siege, 729, a. shamefully put to flight by the Turks, 733, a.  
Mathias Coruinus of a Prisoner chosen King of Hungary, 269, a. at the request of the Senate, taketh a great part of the Venetian Territory into his Protection against the Turks, ib. a. relieveth the Vayvod of Transilvania, 291, a. no less dreadful unto the Turks than was his Father Huniades, 275, b.  
Mathias the Archduke cometh to Presburg, 885, a. prepareth for an Expedition into Moravia, 886, b. cometh to Zuame, 887, a. hath the Crown of Hungary delivered unto him, 889, a. departeth with his Army out of Bohemia, ib. b. royally received at Vienna, ib. b. crowned at Presburg, 891, a. sends an Ambassador to Constantinople, 913, b.  
Maximilian the Archduke sent to the Pope to crave Aid against the Turks, 146, b.  
Maximilian chosen King of the Romans, and after crowned King of Hungary, 533, a. he and Solyman both desirous of Peace, 560, a. he sendeth Ambassadors to Solyman, 561, a. Presents given by the Ambassadors unto the Bassa of Buda, ib. b. his Ambassadors honourably received by the Turks at Constantinople, 562, a. Presents given by the Ambassadors unto the Great Bassa's, ib. a. Presents sent to Selimus, ib. b. a homely Feast given to the Ambassadors Followers in the Turks Court, 563, b. the Ambassadors brought in unto Selimus, with the manner of the entertainment of them and their Followers, 564, a. ● Peace concluded betwixt Maximilian and Selimus, 565, a.  
Maximilian the Archduke by the Emperor his Brother appointed General of his Army in Hungary, 765, a. marcheth but slowly to the relief of Agria, 766, b. flieth out of the battle of Karesta, 768, b.  
Maylat treacherously taken Prisoner by Peter the Moldavian, 483, b.  
Meligalus a notable Traitor persuadeth Mahomet to besiege the Rhodes, 291, b. his worthy death, ib. b.  
Meledin Sultan of Egypt,, and Corradin Sultan of Damascus, send Ambassadors for Peace to the Christian Princes at the Siege of Damiata, recovereth Damiata, before taken by the Christians, 63, b. overthroweth the Christians, and raseth Jerusalem, 71, a. dieth, 72, b.  
Me●e●hsala Sultan of Egypt overthroweth Robert Earl of Arthois the French Kings Brother, 73, b. taketh Lewis the French King Prisoner, and overthroweth his Army, 74, b. maketh Peace with the French King, and is suddenly slain by two Mamalukes, ib. b.  
Melech the Egyptian Sultan invadeth Syria, and winneth Damascus from the Tartars, 80, a.  
Melechsares the Egyptian Sultan determining to root out all the Christians in Syria and the Land of Palestine, is by sudden death taken away, 86, a.  
Melechsala Sultan of Damascus by the Treason of his Nobility dispossessed of his Kingdom, 41, b.  
Mesites Bassa sent by Amurath to invade Transilvania, 182, a. he with 20000 Turks more slain by Huniades, 183, a.  
Meysberg's Regiment in mutiny, 841, b.  
Michna's Soldiers defeated by Prince Alexander's Troops, 935, a. flieth, ib. a. sends an Ambassador to Prince Alexander, ib. b. proclaimed Prince of Moldavia, 936, b.  
Michael Ducas the Greek Emperor by Nicephorus Botoniates deposed of his Empire, after he had reigned six years and six months, 8. b.  
Michael Palaeologus flieth to the Sultan of Iconium, 76, b. called home again by the Emperor Theodorus, and made Great Constable, 77, a. aspireth, and by common consent made Tutor unto the young Emperor, 78, b. himself proclaimed Emperor and crowned, ib. b. by Alexius Caesar his Lieutenant surpriseth Constantinople, 81, a. repaireth the decayed City, ib. b. causeth the young Emperor's Eyes to be put out, 82, a. his Army overthrown by the Turks in Paphlagonia, ib. b. submitteth the Greek Church unto the Latin, and for what cause, 100, b. persuadeth his Subjects to accept of the alteration of their Religion and Ceremonies, 101, a. raiseth Persecution in the Greek Church, ib. a. hindered by domestical trouble, hath no leisure to attend unto the danger arising from the Turks in Asia, ib. a, b. obscurely buried, ib. b.  
Michael Cossi by Ottoman taken Prisoner, by him again set at Liberty, 95, a. Father of the honourable Family of the Michael-Oglies among the Turks, ib. a. discovereth unto Osman the Treason intended against him, 98, a. enforced rather than persuaded by Ottoman, turneth Turk, 100, a.  
Michael the young Emperor overthrown by the Catalonians and Turks, in danger to have been taken, 106, a. again overthrown by the Turks at Chersonesus, 108, b.  
Michael Horwat by Amurath created Vayvod of Valachia, 738, a. persuaded by the Transylvanian Prince, revolteth from the Turks, and killeth all the Turks and jews in his Country, 739, a. killeth one of the Turks proud Emirs with all his followers, ib. b. doth the Turks great harm, ib. b. suffereth the Turks Ambassadors unto the King of Polonia by his Subjects to be slain, 744, a. spoileth the Turks Frontiers, ib. a. yieldeth his obeisance again unto the Turks, yet refuseth to aid him against the Christians, 669, a. weary of the Turk, submitteth himself with his People to the Emperor's protection, 770, a. sacketh Nicopolis, 774, b. with a great Army entereth into Transilvania, 778, a. in a great battle overthroweth the Cardinal Bathor, ib. b. sendeth his head for a Present to the Emperor, ib. b. hath the Government of Transilvania by the Emperor confirmed unto him, 783, a. receiveth Presents from the Turk, ib. b. in a great battle overthroweth Sigismond the late Transylvanian Prince, with the Vayvod of Moldavia, 784, b. tyranniseth in Transilvania, 785, a. enforced by the Transilvanians to fly▪ craveth Aid of George Basta the Emperor's Lieutenant in the upper Hungary, ib. a. by Basta and the Transilvanians in a great battle overthrown at Mirislo, 787, a. reconcileth himself to Basta, ib. b. for fear of being betrayed unto the Polonians, taketh his flight into the Mountains, 788, a. by Zamoschie the Great Chancellor driven out of Valachia, and another Vayvod there placed in his stead, ib. b. submitteth himself unto the Emperor, 796, a. returning into Valachia, giveth Aid unto Basta against Sigismond the Transylvanian, 796, b. having with Bas●a driven the Prince out of Transilvania, with great insolency useth his Victory, ib. b. his presumptuous speech to Basta, 797, a. suddenly slain in his own Tent, ib. a.  
The Mingrelians manner of feasting, 925, b.  
The Misery of the Captive Constantinopolitans, 236, b.  
Mitylene yielded unto the Turk, 248, a.  
Modon taken by the Turks, 313, a.  
Moldavia invaded by the Turks and Tartars, 908, b.  
Monsieur Laval a valiant Gentleman slain, 867, b.  
Morat, who then reigned, by the Visier attempted to be made Sultan, and Mustapha again deposed, 974, a.  
Moravia spoiled by the rebellious Haiducks, 863, a.  
The Morisques chase the jews out of Pera, 917, a. practice against the Christians, ib. a.  
Moses' the Transylvanian Rebel overthrown by Basta, flies with his Wife and all his Family to the Turks, 815, b. entereth Transilvania with an Army, 817, a. besiegeth the Town of Wisceburg, and taketh it, ib. b. winneth Claudinople, 818, a. deceived by the Turks, ib. b. putteth to flight the Null, 818, b. by them overthrown and slain, 819, a.  
Moses' Golemus corrupted, revolteth unto the Turk, 253, b. with an Army of the Turks by Mahomet sent into Epyrus against Scanderbag, 254, a. overcome and put to flight by Scanderbag, 255, a. contemned of the Turks, flieth from Constantinople, and again submitteth himself to Scanderbag, ib. b. he with divers others of Scanderbegs best Captains by Balabanus taken Prisoners, and by Mahomet slain quick, 270, b.  
Muhamat and Partau, two of the Visier Bassa's, by the insolent janissaries foully entreated, 559, b. Muhamet for fear of them for a time refraineth to come into the Divano, 559, b. dissuadeth Selimus from the invading of Cyprus, 567, b. as a secret Friend unto the Venetians, putteth them in hope of Peace, 580, a. cunningly dissuadeth Selimus from the massacring of the Christians, by filling his Head with more necessary considerations, 100LS, b. strangely murdered, 670, b.  
Muleasses King of Tunes cruel and unthankful, 433, a. for fear of Barbarussa flieth out of Tunes, ib. b. sumptuous in his fane, 504, a. cometh to Charles the Emperor, 445, a. his speech unto the Emperor, ib. b. his behaviour, ib. b. his Opinion concerning the present War, 446, a. three things by him especially lamented in the spoil made by the Christians in the Castle of Tunes, 450, a. fearing the coming of Barbarussa, departeth from Tunes into Italy, to crave aid of Charles the Emperor, 503, b. shut out of his Kingdom in the mean time by his Son Amida, 504, a. returneth into afric to Guletta, ib. a. going to Tunes, is by the way overthrown, taken Prisoner, and hath his Eyes put out by his own unnatural Son, 505, a. at the request of Tovares is sent to Guletta, 506, a. by Charles the Emperor se●t into Sicily, there to be kept of the common charge, ib. b. refuseth to kiss the Pope's Foot, ib. b.  
Murzufle by the tumultuous People created Emperor, attempteth to burn the Venetian Fleet, 57, a. with his own hands strangleth the young Prince Alexis, ib. b. encourageth his Soldiers, ib. b. being in despair flieth, 58, a.  
Musa Son to Bajazet the First, his speech unto his Brother Mahomet, 165, b. marrieth the Prince of Valachia's Daughter, 166, a. in the absence of his Brother Solyman received at Hadrianople as King, ib. a. goeth against his Brother Solyman, ib. a. fighteth with his Brother Mahomet, 167, b. his chief Captains revolt to Mahomet, 169, a. taken and strangled, ib. a.  
Musachius a Christian Captain contendeth with a Turk his Prisoner for his ransom, 250, a. is afterward slain, 252, b.  
Mustapha the supposed Son of Bajazet raiseth Rebellion against Amurath, 173, a. being in fear, flieth, 174, a. is shamefully hanged, ib. b.  
Mustapha the younger So● of Mahomet raiseth new Troubles against Amurath, 175, b. is betrayed and strangled, ib. b.  
Mustapha Bassa sent by Amurath against Scanderbag, 206, b. being assaulted in his Camp, flieth, ib. b. desirous to redeem his former disgrace, craveth leave of Amurath to enter into Epirus, and obtaineth it, 212, b. Amurath's Letters of advertisement to Mustapha, ib. b. fighteth with Scanderbag the second time, 213, b. is overthrown and taken Prisoner, ib. b. and afterwards ransomed, 214, a.  
Mustapha Bassa persuadeth Solyman to the besieging of the Rhodes, 383, a. upon the evil success of the siege falleth into disgrace with Solyman, 393, b. in danger with Pyrrhus' Bassa to have been executed, 396, a. made Governor of Cairo, ib. b. by Solyman sent as General of his Army to Malta, 536, b. landeth at the Port Marza-Siroc in the Isle of Malta, 538, a. besiegeth the Castle Saint Elmo, ib. a. assaulteth the Castle, ib. b. in vain giveth a second assault, 539, a. with loss assaulteth it the third time, ib. b. in most furious manner battereth it by the space of eighteen days, and assaulteth it the fourth ●ime, 540, a. with great fury giveth the fifth and most terrible assault unto the Castle, 541, a. with all his Army giveth the sixth and last assault, 542, a. winneth the Castle, ib. b. exerciseth most barbarous cruelty upon the bodies of the slain Knights, ib. b. in vain assaulteth the Castle Saint Michael, 546, b. at one time assaulteth the new City and the Castle Saint Michael, 547, b. he by Messengers certifieth Solyman of the success of the siege, 548, a. leaveth nothing unattempted, 549, a. at once assaulteth the Towns Saint Angelo and Saint Michael, and in both places notably repulsed, ib. b. giveth a fresh assault and entereth the new City, 550, a. with a great slaughter driven out again, ib. b. desperately assaulteth the Town of Saint Michael, 551, a. repulsed, raiseth his siege, 552, b. put to flight by the Christians, ib. b. having lost above four and twenty thousand of his Turks at the siege, departed from Malta, ib. b. he with Pial Bassa impugneth the Counsel of Muhamet the chief of the Visier Bassa's, and persuadeth Selimus to invade Cyprus, 567, b. for his hatred against the Christians made general of his Army for the invasion of Cyprus, 572, a. his Letters unto the Venetians in the Isle of Cyprus, ib. b. he landeth his Army in Cyprus▪ 573, a. besiegeth Nicosia, 572, a. in vain persuadeth them of Nicosia to yield, 575, a. he encourageth his Soldiers, and giveth a most terrible assault, ib. b. winneth the City, 576, a. besiegeth Famagusta, 576, b. raiseth his siege, 577, a. returneth again to the siege, 584, a. after many assaults hath the City by composition yielded unto him, 586, b. shamefully and contrary to his faith before given, murthereth the valiant Governor Bragadinus, 587, a. tyrannizeth upon his dead body, ib. b. by Amurath made General of his Army against the Persians, 657, b. cometh to Erzirum, 658, a. mustereth his Army in number an hundred and ten thousand strong, ib. a. relieveth his Soldiers distressed by the Persians, 659, a. maketh a Bulwark of the Heads of the slain Persians, ib. a. he surveyeth his Army at Archicheleck, and lacketh forty thousand of his men, 660, a. fortifieth Teflis, ib. a. loseth ten thousand of his foragers, 661, a. revengeth their deaths, ib. b. his notable answer unto his mutinous Soldiers, ib. b. loseth eight thousand of his men in passing the River Canac, 662, a. famine in his host, ib. b. he fortifieth Eres, ib. b. sendeth Osman Bassa to take in Sumachia and Derb●nt, ib. b. relieveth his distressed Garrison at Teflis, 663, a. his Army in great misery in passing the straits of Georgia, ib. a. cometh to Erzirum and dischargeth his Army, ib. b. maketh preparation for the next years Wars, 666, b. assembleth his Army at Erzirum, 667, b. in three and twenty days fortifieth Chars, ib. b. sendeth succour to Teflis, ib. b. returneth to Erzirum, and there dischargeth his Army, 668, b discharged of his Generalship, and called home to Constantinople, 669, b. maligned by Sinan, ib. b. dealeth warily with the Messengers sent of purpose to have strangled him, 670, a. appeaseth the displeasure of Amurath, ib. b. dieth suddenly, 672, a.  
Mustapha Solyman's eldest Son in great estimation with the People, 512, a. sent Governor into Caramania, ib. b. maligned by Roxolana, ib. b. in danger to have been poisoned, 513, b. sent for by his Father, and warned of his present danger, 514, a. conferreth with his Doctor, ib. b. troubled with his melancholy dream, 515, a. cometh to his Father's Tent, ib. b. in the sight of his Father most cruelly strangled, ib. b. his Son Mahomet strangled also, ib. b. a Proverb taken from his death, 517, a.  
Mutius Tortona a Spanish Captain raiseth a mutiny in the Christian fleet at Paxo, 591, b. Tortona and his Ancient hanged, ib. b.  
Muzalo by Theodorus the Emperor appointed Governor to his young Son John, 77, a: envied by the Nobility, is traitorously murdered in the Church▪ 78, a.    


N.  
NAdasti his great Virtues, 
Lord  834, a.  
Nassuf (the Great Visier) his fall foreshowed, 921, b. the whole course of his Life and Fortune described, 922, a. his Throat cut, ib. b. his great Treasure, 923, a. another discourse of the manner of his death, ib. a.  
Naupactum, otherwise called Lepanto, in vain besieged by the Turks, 281, b. yielded to Bajazet, 312, b.  
Neapolis the first Regal Seat of the Ottoman Kings, 99, b.  
Negligence severely punished, 529, a.  
Neocastrum built by Mahomet the Great, 230, b.  
Neritos, now called S. Maura, taken by the Venetians, 315, a.  
Neuhuse hardly assaulted and valiantly defended, 865, b. distressed, ib. b. yielded to the Rebels, 872, b. restored to the Emperor, 880, a.  
Neusol surprised by, and recovered from the Haiducks, 860, b. by them again taken, 863, a.  
Nice taken by the Turks, 99, a. recovered again by the Christians, 125, b. again surprised by the Turks, 126, b. by Orcanes made the regal Seat of his Kingdom, 128, a.  
Nicholaus Catalusius Prince of Mytilene turneth Turk, and is executed, 248, a.  
Nicholas Karetschen corrupted, betrayeth Giula to the Turks, 557, b. the Traitor justly rewarded, ib. b.  
Nicephorus Botoneatus displaceth his Master the Emperor Michael Ducas, and taketh upon him the Empire, 8, b.  
Nicomedia yielded unto the Turks, 127, b.  
Novigrade yielded unto the Christians, 724, b.    


O.  
ODenburg besieged by the Rebels, and by Basta relieved, 165, a.  
Osman proclaimed Sultan, 949, a. his Oath to Bethlem Gabor, 952, b. greatly enraged at the Emperor, 964, b. taketh a Wife contrary to the will of his Council, 965, b. desirous of Peace with the Polack, 969, a. strangled by Daout Bassa, 970, b. discourse of his Life and Actions, 971, a.  
Ottoman of greater Courage and Spirit than his other Brethren the. Sons of old Ertogrul, 90, a. amorous of Malhatun, a Country of Muid, 94, b. in danger for his Love, 95, a. by general consent chosen Governor of the Oguzian Turks, ib. b. surpriseth the Castle of Calce, 96, a. fighteth a battle with the Christians at Opsicium, 96, b. winneth the Castle of Cara-Chisar, and killeth the Captain, ib. b. setteth in order his little Commonwealth, 97, a. killeth the Captain of Cupri-Chisar, ib. a. his death contrived by the Captain of Bilezuga, 97, b. turneth the treachery devised against him, upon the head of the Captain that devised it, whom he killeth, and surpriseth his Castle, 98, b. surpriseth the Castle of Jar-Chisar, ib. b. taketh the Castle of Einegiol, and cruelly executeth the Captain, ib. b. by the good administration of justice strengtheneth his Government, 99, a. taketh the City of Nice, ib. a. taketh upon him the Honour of a King or Sultan, ib. b. maketh Neapolis his Regal Seat, ib. b. in a great battle overthroweth the Christians, 99, b. besiegeth Prusa, 100, a. whilst the Greeks are at discord among themselves, layeth the foundation of the Great Ottoman Empire that now is, 113, a. 116, a. dieth, and lieth buried at Prusa, 123, b. the Wealth he left unto his Sons Orcanes and Aladin, 125, a.  
Orcanes, his Father Ottoman yet living, manageth the Turks Kingdom, 125, b. surpriseth the Castle of Tzupri-Chisar, 125, b. fighteth a doubtful battle with Andronicus the Greek Emperor at Phylocrene, 126, a. surpriseth Nice, 126, b. hath Nicomedia yielded unto him, 127, b. committeth the Government thereof unto his Son Solyman, 128, a. first of the Turks that built Monasteries, ib. a. subdueth the Country of Carasina, ib. b. dieth, 130, b.  
Orcanes and Mahomates, two of Bajazet's Nephews overthrown by Chelife and Techellis the Rebels, 321, a.  
Osman Bassa by Mustapha made Governor of Siruan, taketh Sumachia, 662, b. hath Derbent yielded unto him, ib. b. by the Persian Prince driven out of Sumachia, flieth to Derbent, 665, a. kills Sahamal his Wife's Father, 666, a. is by Amurath sent for into Siruan, 687, a. laid in wait for by Mahomet the Tartar King, ib. b. overcometh the Tartars lying in wait for him, ib. b. by Amurath made chief Visier, and General of his Wars against the Persians, 688, a. raiseth a great Army, 697, a. wisely appeaseth his mutinous Soldiers unwilling to go for Tauris, ib. b. cometh to Tauris, 698, a. taketh the City, ib. b. in thirty days buildeth there a strong Castle, 699, a. giveth the City to be spoiled by his Soldiers, ib. a. leaveth Giaffer the Eunuch Bassa of Tripoli with a Garrison of 12000 Soldiers, Governor of Tauris, 700, a. dieth, 701, a. much lamented for at Constantinople, ib. b.    


P.  
PAleapolis by Sultan Aladin given to Ottoman, 96, a.  
Palotta yielded to the Turks, 721, a.  
Pallas Lippa beheaded by Botscay his Master, 860, a.  
Pantogles with the Turks fleet cometh to the siege of Constantinople, 233, a. displaced, 234, a.  
Paphlagonia and Pontus, with a great part of Cappadocia won by Mahomet the Great, 245, b.  
Partau the Visier Bassa sent by Solyman against the supposed Mustapha, brought him to Constantinople, 520, a. sent by Solyman to have brought Bajazet to Amasia, is by him with good words sent back again, 522, b. standeth indifferent for giving or not giving of battle unto the Christians at Lepanto, 593, a. encourageth his Soldiers, ib. a. flieth himself out of the battle, 595, b.  
Paradiser executed for yielding up of Canisia unto the Turks, 792, a.  
The Patriarch of Graece ●layed alive, 904, b.  
Peace concluded betwixt King Uladislaus and Amurath the Second, 197, a. by the persuasion of Julian the Cardinal unfortunately broken by Uladislaus, 198. a.  
Peace concluded betwixt Mahomet and Scanderbag, 263, b. betwixt Bajazet and Caytbeius, 306, b. betwixt Bajazet and the Venetians, 315, a. betwixt the Venetians and Solyman, 468, b. betwixt the Venetians and Selimus the Second, 613, a. betwixt Amurath the Third, and Mahomet the Persian King, 707, b.  
Peace concluded betwixt the Emperor and his discontented Subjects in the upper Hungary, 876, b. between him and the Turks, 878, a. betwixt the Georgians and Turks, 925, a. between the Turks and Persians, 950, a.  
Peloponesus described, 240, b. made tributary to the Turk, 241, a. subdued by the Turks, 242, a.  
Pera yielded unto the Turks, 237, b.  
Perenus the noble Hungarian, upon the suspicion of aspiring, apprehended, 494, b. matters surmised against him, 495, a. He, Valentinus and Maylat, three of the chief of the Hungarian Nobility, unworthily kept in perpetual Prison, 496, a.  
Persecution in the Greek Church for matters of Religion, 101, a.  
Persians better Horsemen than the Turks, 351, b.  
The Persian King's Success, 845, a. he enters into the Province of Babylon, 897, a. his cruelty against the Armenians, ib. b.  
Pesth distressed for want of Victuals, 806, b. victualled, 820, a. again victualled, ib. b. shamefully abandoned by the Christians, 849, a. taken by the Turks, ib. b.  
Pesth taken by Cason Admiral of the Turks fleet upon the Danubius, 478, b. besieged by the Marquis of Brandenburg, 493, a. in vain assaulted, 494, a. the siege given over, ib. b. taken by the Christians, 802, a.  
Peter a French Hermit going on Pilgrimage to Jerusalem, observeth the miseries of the Christians under the Turks and Saracens, 9, a. in the Council of Claremont delivereth his message in the behalf of the poor distressed Christians, 10, a. he with Gualther Sensavier the first that set forward in the great Expedition of the Christians into the Holy Land, ib. b. loseth greatest part of his Army, 11, a. discouraged, about to have stolen home, brought back, and enforced to take a new Oath for his fidelity and perseverance in that War, 13, b.  
Peter Damboyse, Grand Master of the Rhodes, a careful Governor, 291, b. his cheerful speech unto the rest of his Knights and Soldiers, 292, a.  
Peter Emus for his barbarous Cruelty beheaded at Venice, 689, b.  
Petralba yielded to Scanderbag, 194, b.  
Petrella yielded, ib. b.  
Petrinia taken by the Christians, 753, a.  
Petrinia in danger to have been betrayed to the Turks, 848, a.  
Philaretas the Greek Emperor's Lieutenant put to flight by the Turks, 6, b.  
Philadelphia taken by Bajazet, 140, b.  
Philes a devout man, but no Soldier, undertaketh the defence of the Greek Empire against the Turks, 109, a. in plain battle overthroweth them, 109, b. 110, a.  
Philip the Second of that Name, the French King, in going towards the Holy Land, suffereth Shipwreck upon the Coast of Sicilia, 48, a. arriveth at Ptolemais, 48, b. his speech unto Richard King of England, and the other Christian Princes, in his sickness, ib. b. he sweareth unto King Richard, not to invade his Territories in France, and so returneth home, 49, b.  
Phocas by killing of Mauritius the Emperor with his Children, possesseth himself of the Greek Empire, 15, b. slain afterwards by them of his own Guard, 16, a.  
Pial Bassa, Solyman's Admiral sent to remove the Christians out of Zerbi, 530, a. in disgrace with Solyman, shuneth to come to Constantinople, 532, a. by Selimus the Second sent against the Venetians, 572, a. in vain attempteth the Island of Tenos, ib. a.  
Pisaurius the Venetian Admiral doth very great harm unto the Turks, 313, b.  
Plague and Famine among the Turks, 744, a.  
Plague in the Venetian Fleet, 574, a.  
A great Plague at Constantinople, 901, a.  
Polinus the French Ambassador with Presents from Francis the French King, meeteth Solyman coming from Buda, 490, a. his request to Solyman, ib. a. returneth into France, ib. a. sent back again to Solyman, by the way soliciteth the Venetians to take up Arms against Charles the Emperor, ib. a. grieved, not to find the Turk so ready to send his fleet in the Aid of the King his Master, as he had before hoped, 490, a. is sharply shaken up by Solyman Bassa, ib. a. brought to the speech of Solyman himself, 492, a. by him rejected until the next Spring, ib. a. setteth forward with Barbarussa and the Turks Fleet, 496, b. by his Letters from Ostia comforteth the Pope's Legate in Rome, 497, a.  
Podolia and Russia invaded by the Turks, 311, a.  
The Pope and the King of Spain fearing lest the Venetians should make Peace with the Turk, hasten their Confederation with that State, long before by them delayed, 581, a: a perpetual League concluded betwixt the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Venetians, 582, a. the League proclaimed, ib. b.  
The Pope's Letters unto the King of Polonia, to dissuade him from invading of Moldavia, to the trouble of the Transylvanian Prince, 756, b.  
A Practice to murder the Brethren of Sultan Osman, 973, a.  
Prejanes cometh to the Rhodes, 391, a.  
Presents given by the Turks to the Emperor's Commissioners, 833, b. sent to the Grand Signior by King Mathias, 890, a. from the Persian to the Emperor, 897, b. from the Persian to the Turk, 912, b. from the united States to the Turks, 916, b.  
Presents of great value sent by the Persian King unto Selimus, 566, b.  
Prince Ciarcan slain, 151, b.  
Princes of Germany join their Forces with King Ferdinand against the Turk in Hungary, 492, a.  
Processions of the Turks, 915, b.  
The Protestant States of Austria take Arms in defence of their Religion, 892, a. swear obedience unto King Mathias, 893, a.  
The Protestant States of Bohemia assemble in the new Court at Prague, ib. b. raise their forces in defence of their Religion, 894, b.  
Prusa yielded unto the Turks, 123, a. burnt by Isa, 164, a. repaired by Mahomet, ib. a. again burnt by the Caramanian King, 164, b.    


Q.  
QVeen Isabel with Child, 469, a. delivered of a Son, ib. b. that Son by the Name of Stephen crowned King of Hungary, 470, a. her answer unto the Ambassador of King Ferdinand, demanding of her the Kingdom of Hungary, 471, b. invaded by King Ferdinand, craveth Aid of Solyman, 473, a. by the commandment of Solyman departeth with her young Son out of Buda, 481, a. yieldeth up to King Ferdinand all the right she had in Transilvania and Hungary, 571, b.  
Quinque Ecclesiae yielded unto the Turks, 497, b.  
Quinsay on the Province of Mangi, of all the Cities of the World the greatest, 53, b.    


R.  
RAB besieged by Sinan Bassa, 731, a. battered and assaulted, 733, b. by Treason yielded unto the Bassa, 724, a. notably again surprised by the Christians, 771, b.  
Rab attempted by the Turks, 875, a.  
Radul the Valachian aideth Basta against the Turks, 818, a.  
Rama forsaken by the Turks, ib. b.  
Ramadan Bassa slain by the insolent janissaries, 690, a.  
Rayschachius for sorrow of his Son slain by the Turks, suddenly dieth, 476, b.  
The Rebels of Asia appeased by the Visier, 881, a.  
New Rebels in Asia, 887, b.  
Rhodes by the Knights Hospitallers recovered from the Turks in the year 1308, 113, a. besieged by Mesites Palaeologus, 291, b. for fear of the Turks the Rhodians destroy their Suburbs and Places of Pleasure without the City, 389, a. the Rhodes described, 391, a. besieged by Solyman, 392, b. in five places at once by the Turks assaulted, 395, a. the distressed estate of the Rhodians, and their Resolution therein, 398, a. the Rhodes yielded unto Solyman, 404, a.  
Richard the First, King of England, setteth forward toward the Holy Land, 48, a. revengeth the Injuries done to him by the Cypriots, and taketh Prisoner Isaac Comnenus their King, ib. b. arriveth at Ptolemais, ib. b. causeth all the Turks his Prisoners, in the sight of Saladins Army to be executed, 50, a. giveth Cyptus to Guy in exchange for the titular Kingdom of Jerusalem, ib. b. with great slaughter overthroweth Saladin in plain battle, ib. b. returning homeward, taken Prisoner by Leopold Duke of Austria, 51, b.  
Rodolph the Emperor prayeth Aid of the Germane Princes against the Turk, 715, b. his Ambassador shut up close in his House at Constantinople, 716, b. his Letters to Amurath, ib. b. his Letters to Sinan Bassa, 717, a. presented with the spoil of the Turks overthrow at Alba-Regalis, 723, b. requesteth Aid of the Great Duke of Muscovia, the King of Polonia, and of the Prince of Transilvania, 725, a. holdeth a Diet of the Empire at Ratisbone for the withstanding of the Turks, 750, a. receiveth Aid from the Pope, the King of Spain, and the Princes of Italy, 792, b.  
Robert Duke of Normandy by general consent chosen King of Jerusalem, which honour he refuseth, 17, a.  
Robert Son to Peter, fourth Emperor of the Latins in Constantinople, 68, a. goeth to Rome and in his return dieth in Achaia, 68, a.  
Rogendorf, his Name terrible unto the Turks, 413, b. with King Ferdinand's Army entereth into Hungary, and besiegeth Buda, 473, b. threateneth the Queen, derided by the Bishop, 474, a. in vain assaulteth Buda, ib. b. in raising of his siege by Night, receiveth a great overthrow, 478, a. conveyed up the River to Comara, there dieth, 478, b.  
Ronzorius, sometime a notable Pirate, entertained by Andronicus the Emperor against the Turks, 104, b. relieveth Philadelphia, 105, a. for lack of pay spoileth the Emperor's Territories in Asia, ib. a. suddenly slain, 105, b.  
Roscetes riseth against his Brother Muleasses King of Tunes, 433, a. flieth to Barbarussa, and by him carried to Constantinople, ib. a.  
Roverius robbeth Dautius, Bajazet the Great Turk's Ambassador to Pope Alexander, 307, b.  
Roxolana conspireth with Rustan Bassa against the noble Mustapha, and feigneth herself religious, 512, b. sent for by Solyman, refuseth to come, 513, a. plotteth the confusion of Mustapha, ib. a. bringeth him into suspicion with his Father, ib. a. she with Rustan put Solyman in fear of his Life and Empire by his Son Mustapha, ib. a. loveth her younger Son Bajazet better than her eldest Son Selimus, 519, a. comforteth him, going in fear unto his Father, 520, b.  
Rustan Bassa, a man of a mischievous Nature, 512, b. farthereth the devices of Roxolana, for the destruction of the noble Mustapha, 513, b. sent by Solyman with an Army into Asia, to have taken or slain Mustapha, 514, a. returneth in haste, and with false suggestions stirreth up Solyman himself against his Son, ib. b. his exceeding Treachery at the coming of Mustapha to his Father's Camp, 515, a. disgraced by Solyman, flieth to Roxolana at Constantinople, 516, b. ●y her means restored again unto his former Honours, dieth afterwards of a dropsy, 517, b.  
Russeworme a great Lord beheaded, 867, a.  
The Russians and Tartars make Incursions upon the Turks, 908, b.    


S.  
SAcmar yielded to the Haiducks, 860, a.  
Sahib after the death of Sultan Aladin by Master, taking upon him the Government, is by the Nobility thrust out, and the Turks Kingdom in Asia, rend in sunder amongst them, 89, a.  
Sahamal the Georgian cutteth off the Head of Aider, 659, a. submitteth himself to Mustapha the Great Bassa, 662, b. slain by Osman Bassa his Son-in-Law, 666, a.  
Saladin the Turk chosen Sultan of Egypt, killeth the Calyph and all his Posterity, 40, b. invadeth the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and by Baldwin suddenly sallying out of Ascalon, overthrown, 42, a. besiegeth Berythus both by Sea and Land, taketh Edessa and Carras, 42, b. 43, a. spoileth the Holy Land, 43, a. in vain besiegeth Ptolemais, 44, b. besiegeth Tiberias, and by the Treason of the County of Tripoli overthroweth Guy the King, coming to the relief thereof, and taketh him Prisoner, 45, a. winneth Jerusalem, with all the other Cities and Towns in the Holy Land, except Tripoli, Tyre, and Antioch, ib. a. besiegeth Tyre, and with the loss of his best Soldiers, and of his Tents, retireth, ib. b. taketh Antioch with all the Provinces and Towns thereunto belonging, ib. b. putteth to death the Christian Captives, 50, a. dieth, and forbiddeth any funeral Pomp to be used at his burial, 51, b.  
Salvagus a worthy Knight, 538, b.  
Salazar a Spanish Captain goeth as a spy into the Turks Camp at the siege of Malta, 548, b.  
Sauguin the Turk overthroweth King Fulke, coming to the relief of the Castle of Mont-ferand, and hath the Castle yielded unto him, 21, a. taketh Edessa, and there useth all manner of Cruelty against the Christians, 22, a. besieging Cologenbar, is there stabbed by one of his own Friends, and slain, ib. a.  
Sarmentus slain, 466, a.  
Sarugatin, Osmans' Brother, slain, and accounted of the Turks for a Saint, 96, b.  
Scanderbag with his Brethren by their Father John Castriot given in Hostage to Amurath, 177, a. wisely dissembleth his desire for the delivery of himself and his Country, 193, a. by great policy recovereth the City of Croin out of the hands of the Turks, 193, b. hath the strong Cities of Epirus yielded unto him, 194, a. spoileth Macedonia, 195, b. in a great battle overthroweth Alis Bassa with two and twenty thousand of his Turks, 196, b. going to the Aid of King Uladislaus, is by the faithless Despot denied passage through Servia, 201, a. spoileth the Despots Country, and so returneth into Epirus, 204, a. his resolute answer unto Amurath's melancholy Letters, 205, b. putteth Ferises to flight, 206, b. overthroweth Mustapha the second time, and taketh him Prisoner, 213, b. carefully setteth all things in order against the coming of Amurath, 214, b. his effectual speech unto the Soldiers and Citizens of Sfetigrade, to encourage them against the coming of the Turk, 215, a. cunningly entrappeth some of the forerunners of Amurath's Army, 216, a. troubleth his great Army, 217, b. with his own hand killeth Feri Bassa, 218, b. troubleth Amurath's great Army at the Siege of Croia, 222, a. in danger to have been slain or taken, ib. a. deceiveth Mahomet the young Prince in his own device, 223, a. flieth by night into Epirus, 259, a. his answer by Letters unto the Letters of Mahomet, 262, b. his answer unto Mahomet's Letters concerning the renewing of the League, 265, b. in danger, 271, b. Scanderbag dieth, 275, a. buried at Lissa, ib. a. his bones digged up by the Turks, and of them greatly honoured, ib. a.  
Scodra besieged by Solyman Bassa, 280, a. relieved by Mathias King of Hungary, 281, a. a yearly fee appointed by Mahomet to one, to put him daily in mind of the siege of Scodra, ib. a. Scodra the second time besieged by Mahomet the Great, 283, a. sore battered, 285, a. the fourth time assaulted, 286, a. twelve thousand Turks slain in this last assault, 287, a. most furiously the fifth time assaulted by the Turks, 287, b. by composition yielded unto the Turk, 291, a.  
The Scrivano rebelleth against the Turk in Caramania, and giveth Mehemet Bassa a notable overthrow, 792, b. in a great battle overthroweth him again the next year with an Army of fifty thousand Turks, 797, a. having overrun a great part of the Turks Dominions in Asia, dieth, 804, a. his younger Brother steppeth up in his stead, and in a great battle overthroweth Hassan Bassa, and killeth him, ib. a.  
Selimus' ambitious, and of a turbulent spirit, and therefore of the janissaries and men of War better beloved than his other Brother, 326, a. aided by Mahomates the Tartar King, riseth against his aged Father, 326, b. coloureth his rebellious purpose with the Invasion of Hungary, 327, a. marcheth with his Army towards Hadrianople, 328, a. in a great battle overthrown and put to flight by his Father Bajazet at Tzurulum, 331, a. by the persuasion of the Bassa's, by his Father sent for home, 335, a. chosen General by his Father, to go against his rebellious Brother Achomates, is by and by after by the janissaries saluted Emperor, 336, b. causeth his Father to be poisoned, 337, b. putteth three of his Father's Pages to death for mourning for their Master, 338, a. bountifully rewardeth the Soldiers of the Court, 339, a. murthereth five of his Brother's Sons, ib. b. causeth Corcutus his Brother to be strangled, 341, a. Treason intended against him, discovered, 342, a. craveth Aid of Aladeules and the other mountain Princes against the Persians, 345, a. Selimus perplexed, ib. b. receiveth great loss in passing the River Euphrates, 349, a. he and Hysmael compared together, 350, b. Selimus with a great Army entereth into Armenia, and taketh Ciama●fum a City of the Persian Kings, 352, b. vanquisheth Aladeules the Mountain King, putteth him to death, and converteth his Kingdom into the form of a Province, 354, a. invadeth Hungary, ib. b. sendeth his Ambassadors with Presents to Campson the Egyptian Sultan, 357, a. encourageth his Soldiers to go against the Mamalukes, 358, a. passeth the Mountain Amanus, and cometh into Comagena, ib. b. in the battle of Singa overthroweth the Mamalukes, 360, b. in doubt lest Sinan Bassa had been lost, becometh exceeding melancholy, 364, b. meeteth with Sinan Bassa at Gaza, 365, a. passeth the sandy Deserts, and meeteth with Tomombeius at Rhodanus, 365, a. giveth him battle, and putteth him to flight, 367, a. encourageth his Soldiers to the winning of Cairo, 370, a. fighteth a great and mortal battle with the Mamalukes in the City of Cairo, 370, b. causeth the City to be set on fire, 371, a. putteth Tomombeius and the Mamalukes to flight, and so taketh the City, ib. a. his Ambassadors sent to Tomombeius slain by the Mamalukes, 372, b. overthroweth Tomombeius again at the River Nilus, 374, a. causeth him being taken, to be tortured and put to death, ib. a cunningly reduceth the Arabians to his obedience, 375, a. purposing to turn his Forces upon the Christians, is struck in the back with a Canker, 379, a. his death concealed by Ferat Bassa, 381, a.  
Selimus the Second by the janissaries saluted Emperor, 559, a. appeaseth the tumultuous janissaries, ib. b. sendeth Cubates his Ambassador to Venice, to demand Cyprus of the Senate, 569, a. rageth to have it denied him, 570, a. he invadeth the Venetians, 572, a. in his rage about to have put to death all the Christians in his Dominions, 600, a. sendeth out Uluzales his Admiral with 200 Galleys against the Christians, 602, a. desirous of Peace, concludeth the same with the Venetians, 613, a. by his Bassa's taketh Guletta from the Spaniards, and the City of Tunes, 620, a. dieth▪ ib. b.  
Serinus Governor of Sigeth, 555, b. his comfortable and resolute speech unto his Soldiers, ib. b. burneth the new Town, not now to be longer defended, and retireth into the old, 556, a. his last speech unto his Soldiers, ib. b. slain, and his head sent to County Salma, 557, a.  
The Servians in mutiny against themselves, are with a great slaughter overthrown by the Turks, 133, a.  
Servia becometh tributary unto the Turks, ib. a. wholly yielded unto the Turks, 243, a.  
Sfetigrade besieged by Amurath, 216, a. in vain divers times by the Turks assaulted, 218, a. by the working of a Traitor, Amurath hath the strong City yielded up unto him, 220, a.  
Sigismond King of Hungary, with the Christian Princes his Confederates, with a great Army invadeth the Turks Dominions, 141, b. his proud speech upon the greatness of his Army, ib. b. in a great battle overthrown by Bajazet at Nicopolis, 142, a. hardly escapeth himself by flight, ib. a.  
Sigismond Prince of Transilvania in danger by his own Subjects to have been betrayed unto the Tartars, 735, b. the Conspirators apprehended and executed, 736, a. giveth his Subjects leave to spoil the Turks, ib. a. entereth into a Confederation with the Emperor, ib. b. persuadeth Michael the Vayvod of Valachia, and Aaron the Palatine of Moldavia, to revolt from the Turk, 737, b. sendeth Aaron the Palatine with his Wife and Son Prisoners to Prague, 745, a, b. marrieth Maria Christina the late Archduke Charls' Daughter, 752, a. overthroweth thirty thousand Turks coming as unbidden Guests to his marriage, ib. a. in a great battle overthroweth Sinan Bassa with his Turks, ib. a. receiveth the Zaculians into his Protection, and hath from them great Aid, 753, b. putteth Sinan Bassa to flight, 754, a. by force taketh Tergovista from the Turks, ib. a. taketh also Bucaresta, ib. b. goeth unto the Emperor at Prague, 761, b. besiegeth Temeswar, 764, a. with 18000 men cometh to the Aid of Maximilian the Archduke going to have relieved Agria, 767, a. doubting the tower of the Turk, resigneth his Principality of Transilvania unto the Emperor, 769, b. repenting himself, returneth again into Transilvania, and taketh upon him the Government, 773, b. by his Ambassadors offereth again his Principality unto the Emperor, 776, a. in a great battle overthrown, together with the Moldavian, by Michael the Vayvod of Valachia, 784, b. by the favour of the Nobility recovereth his state again in Transilvania, 796, a in battle overthrown by Basta and Michael the Vayvod, flieth out of Transilvania, ib. b. by the favour of his Subjects, and countenance of the Polonians, recovereth again his state, 797, b. doubting him to be able to hold it against the Imperials, yieldeth it by composition unto Basta the Emperor's Lieutenant, and goeth himself unto the Emperor, 798, b.  
Sigismond King of Polonia's Letters unto Amurath, 706, b.  
Sigismond Ragotsie chosen Prince of Transilvania, and resigneth to the Emperor, 880, a.  
Silistra spoiled by the Null, 807, a.  
Simon County of Montford sent by Philip the French King into the Holy Land, represseth the fury of the Turks, and so concludeth a Peace with them for ten years, 52, b.  
Sinan Bassa the Eunuch overthrown by Achomates, 342, a. restoreth Selymus' battle against Campson, before almost lost, 360, b. by Selimus sent before into Judea, 362, a. hath Gaza yielded unto him, ib. b. discomfiteth Gazelles, coming to have oppressed him at Gaza, 363, b. slain in the Battle at Rhodania. 366, b.  
Sinan the jew his short Answer to Barbarussa, 445, a.  
Sinan Bassa by Amurath chosen General for the Persian Wars, 671, a. relieveth Teflis, 673, b. loseth seven thousand of his Soldiers, 674, a. derided of his own Soldiers, ib. b. his proud Answer to Amurath, 678, b. displaced and cast into Exile, 679, a. again received into favour, 706, b. overthrown in the Upper Hungary, 708, a. his Letters unto the Emperor, 717, b. sent General of the Turks Army against the Emperor, 720, a. taketh Vesprinium, 721, a. hath Palotta yielded unto him, ib. a. with an Army of 150000 men cometh again into Hungary, 731, a. taketh Dotis and S. Martin's, ib. b. besiegeth Rab, ib. b. in assaulting thereof loseth 12000 of his men, 733, b. by corrupting of the Governor, hath the City yielded unto him, 734, a. besiegeth Comara, ib. b. raiseth his Siege, and breaketh up his Army, ib. b. craftily seeketh to try the Emperor's mind concerning Peace, 742, b. sent for home to the Court, 744, a. by Sultan Mahomet appointed General of the Wars against the Emperor, 752, b. invadeth Valachia, ib. b. in a great Battle overthrown by the Prince of Transylvania, ib. b. in flying in danger to have been drowned, ib. b. with a great Army cometh again into Valachia, 753, b. seeing the general Fear of his Army upon the coming of the Transylvanians, flieth, 754, a. for fear delayeth his coming to Constantinople until his peace were made, and there, shortly after, dieth, 761, a.  
Siseg by the Turks besieged, 718, b. notably relieved, 719, b. again besieged and taken by the Turks, 720, b.  
Skinder Bassa invadeth Prince Alexander, 932, a. his Kinsman taken Prisoner, 932, b.  
Soldier● Insolency justly punished, 830, a.  
Solyman, Orcanes his Son, by his Father made Governor of Nicomedia, 127, b. 128, a. taketh the Castle of Zembeny in Europe, 129, a. he the first that brought the Turks over into Europe, with purpose there to conquer and inhabit, ib. a. taketh the Castle of Maditus, ib. b. winneth Calipolis, ib. b. dieth, 130, b.  
Solyman the unfortunate, Bajazet's eldest Son, by the great Bassa's set up in his Father's stead at Hadrianople, 153, a. goeth over with a great Army against his Brother Mahomet, 164, b. by policy taketh the Castle of Prusa, 165, a. besiegeth his Brother in Amasia, ib. a. returneth into Europe to appease the stirs there raised by his Brother Musa, and recovereth Hadrianople, 166, a. in his excess regardeth not the approach of his Brother Musa, ib. b. forsaken of his Soldiers, flieth, ib. b. taken Prisoner, is by the commandment of his Brother Musa strangled, ib. b.  
Solyman the Eunuch Bassa dealeth treacherously with the Kings of Arabia, 451 b.  
Solyman hardly persuaded that his Father was dead, 581, a. saluted Emperor by the janissaries, ib. b. his Letters to Villerius, Great Master of the Rhodes, 384, a. his Oration to his men of War, declaring his purpose for the besieging of the Rhodes, ib. b. he maketh great preparation for the siege, 385, a. his threatening Letters unto them of the Rhodes, 388, b. cometh himself in Person to the siege, 392, a. his choleric Oration to his Soldiers, ib. b. displaceth his Admiral, and punisheth him like a slave, 396, a. about to have forsaken the siege, ib. b. comforteth his discouraged Soldiers, persuading them with patience to continue the siege, 397, a. his Letters to the Great Master and the Rhodians, sent by their own Ambassadors, 399, b. his speech unto the Great Master, at his coming to yield up the City, 403, a. he entereth into the Rhodes upon Christmass-day, in the year 1522, 404, a. Solyman upon the discord of the Christian Princes, and disordered State of Hungary, taketh occasion to invade that Kingdom, ib. b. cometh into Hungary against King Lewis with an Army of two hundred thousand men, 405, a. overthroweth him in battle at Mohatz, ib. b. cometh to Buda, 406, a. Solyman in the quarrel of King John, against King Ferdinand cometh into Hungary with an Army of 150000 men, 410, a. without resistance entereth into Buda, and besiegeth the Castle ib. b. layeth siege to Vienna, 411, a. without ransom releaseth certain Christian Prisoners, 412, a. loseth his great Ordnance upon the Danubius, ib. b. burieth 8000 of his Turks in the Mines, 413, a. having lost 80000 of his Turks, raiseth his siege, and returneth to Buda, 414, a. he restoreth the Kingdom of Hungary unto King John, ib. a. returneth himself to Constantinople, ib. b. maketh great preparation for the subduing of the Territories belonging to the House of Austria, as also for the Conquest of Germany, with the short time he prefixed unto himself for the performance thereof, ib. b. Solyman with a mighty Army cometh again into Hungary, 416, b. besiegeth Gunza, ib. b. his proud Letters to Charles the Emperor, 417, a. shuneth to meet him at Vienna, and so turneth out of the way into Carinthia, 418, b. the causes moving him so to do, ib. b. returneth towards Constantinople, 420, a. Solyman, persuaded by Abraham Bassa, resolveth to go against the Persians, 436, b. cometh with his Army to Tauris, 437, a. followeth Tamas the Persian King into Sultania, ib. a. his Army strangely distressed by Tempest, ib. b. hath Babylon with the Countries of Mesopotamia and Assyria yielded unto him, 438, a. he ransacketh Tauris, ib. b. discouraged by the harm done him by Delymenthes, giveth over his Wars in Persia, and returneth to Constantinople, 439, b. he with a wonderful charge prepareth a great Fleet at Suetia against the Portugals in the East-Indies, 451, a. Solyman by the French Ambassador incited to invade Italy with an Army of two hundred thousand men, cometh to Aulona, 452, a. sendeth Lutzis Bassa and Barbarussa with his Fleet before him into Italy, ib. a. converteth his Forces prepared for Italy, against the Venetians, 453, b. in danger to have been slain in his Tent in the midst of his Army, ib. b. invadeth Corcyra, ib. b. carrieth away above sixteen hundred Prisoners, and doth good justice upon such Turks as had violated their Faith at Castrum, 454, b. Solyman angry with the secret Consederation between King Ferdinand and King John, 468, b. promiseth to protect the Queen and her Son, 473, a. with a great Army cometh to Buda, 478, b. sendeth for the young King into his Camp, 479, a. courteously receiveth him, ib. a. craftily surpriseth the City of Buda, 479, b. detaineth the Nobility of Hungary, ib. b. diversely persuaded by his Bassa's for the disposing of that Kingdom, ib. b. he sacrificeth after the Mahometan manner in Buda, 481, a. pronounceth the doom of Hungary, and converteth it from a Kingdom into a Province of his Empire, ib a. his proud answer unto King Ferdinand's Ambassadors, 482, a. he returneth to Constantinople, ib. b. sendeth his Fleet to Barbarussa his Admiral, to aid the French King against the Emperor, 496, a. Solyman with a great Army cometh again into Hungary, 497, a. taketh Strigonium, 498, b. entereth into the City, and there setteth up the Mahometan Superstition, 499, a. winneth Alba-Regalis, 501, b. returneth to Constantinople, ib. b. by the Instigation of Dragut the Pirate, sendeth out Sinan Bassa with a great Fleet to revenge the wrong done unto him by Auria, 509, a. Solyman amorous of Roxolana, 512, a. manumiseth her, 513, a. marrieth her, ib. a. by her persuaded, resolveth to put to death his eldest Son, the noble Mustapha, ib. b. goeth himself with a great Army into Asia to kill his Son, 514, b. sendeth for Mustapha, who coming, is cruelly strangled in his sight, 515, b. his stout Speech unto the janissaries up in Arms, for the unworthy death of Mustapha, 516, b. he glad to yield unto the janissaries, ib. b. Solyman desirous, with as little stir as might be, to appease the grudges betwixt his two Sons Selimus and Bajazet, sendeth Partau and Mehemet, two of his Visier Bassas, to bring them to the Provinces by him appointed for them, 322, b. maketh preparation against Bajazet, and sendeth Aid to Selimus, 323, a. for countenancing of Selimus, goeth himself in person with his Army over into Asia, 525, a. dissembleth with Bajazet, 526, a. seeketh to stop his flight into Persia, deceived of his purpose, procureth to have him and his four Sons strangled in prison in Persia, 529, a. Solyman by his Ambassador Abraham Strotza, confirmeth his League with Ferdinand the Emperor for eight years, 533, a. his proud Letters unto the Emperor Ferdinand, ib. a. his Presents sent unto the Emperor, 534, b. he maketh preparation against the Knights of Malta, 535, a, b. his Oration unto his Captains for the Invasion of Malta, ib. b. his Fleet arriveth at Malta, 537, a. with shame returneth, 552, b. Solyman purposing now the seventh time himself in person to invade Hungary, causeth a Bridge of a mile long with incredible labour to be made over the great River Savus, and the deep Fens toward Sigeth, 555, b. besiegeth Sigeth, ib. b. cometh himself with a great power into the Camp, 556, a. winneth the old Town, ib. a. falleth sick and dieth of the bloody Flux at Quinque Ecclesiae, ib. b. his Death by Muhamet the Visier Bassa concealed, and the Siege continued, ib. b. his body with great solemnity by his Son Solymus buried at Constantinople, 559, b.  
The Spahies and janissaries mutiny, 809, b. their proud Speech to Sultan Mahomet, 810, a. their Insolency justly punished, 807, a.  
The Spaniards rejoicing at the Overthrow of the Italians by Salec, are themselves foiled by Tabacces, 443, b.  
The States of Bohemia their Requests to the Emperor, 888, a.  
Stellusa, with Desdrot the Governor thereof, delivered to Scanderbag, 194, b.  
Stephen Rozwan, instead of Aaron, by the Transylvanian Prince placed Vayvod of Moldavia, 745, b. thrust out by Zamoschy Chancellor of Polonia, 756, a. taken Prisoner and put to death, ib. b.  
Stephen, Vayvod of Transylvania, upon the commendation of Amurath chosen King of Polonia, 652, a.  
Stephen made Vayvod of Moldavia, 910, a. his Tyranny and troublesome Government, 927, b. etc. turneth Turk, 936, a.  
Strigonium in vain besieged by King John, 415, b. besieged by Solyman, 497, b. divers times by the Turks in vain assaulted, 498, a. the strength thereof by a fugitive Christian discovered, ib. a. yielded unto the Turk, ib. b. besieged by the Christians, 726, b. five times in vain assaulted, with the loss of five thousand men, 727, b. the Siege by Mathias the Archduke given over, 729, a. besieged by County Mansfelt, 747, a. twice in vain assaulted, ib. a. the lower Town taken, 750, a. yielded unto the Archduke Mathias, 751, b.  
Strigonium besieged by the Turks, 850, a. shameful Treason of the Haiducks there in Garrison, 852, b. the Siege given over, 853, a. again attempted to be surprised, 858, b. again besieged, 867, a. the insolency of the Garrison-Soldiers enforce the Governor to yield the Town, 870, b.  
Styria and Austria spoiled, 864, a.  
Styria foraged by the Turks, 791, a.  
Suguta, by Sultan Aladin given to Ertogrul, 93. b.  
Samuchia taken by Osman Bassa, 662, a. recovered by the Persian Prince, 665, a.  
Swartzenbourg, by two Italian Prisoners flying out of Rab, informed of the state of the Town, 770, a. consulteth with the Lord Palfi, 771, a. surpriseth that strong Town, ib. b. in vain attempteth to have surprised Buda, 776, a. cometh to Pappa to appease the French and Walloons there in mutiny, 780, b. besiegeth the Town, 781, b. slain, 782, a.  
Syrgiannes' appointed by Andronicus the Emperor to observe the doings of young Andronicus his Nephew, treacherously discovereth the same unto him, 111, a. cunningly coloureth his Treason, ib. b. contemned of the younger Andronicus, revolteth again unto his Grandfather, 113. b. apprehended, imprisoned, and his House razed, 115, a.    


T.  
TAmas, the Persian King, hearing of the coming of Solyman to Tauris, flieth into Hyrcania, 438, b. in fear of Bajazet, killeth his Followers, and imprisoneth him with his Sons, 527, b. sendeth Ambassadors with Presents to Solyman, 528, a. the cause why he would not by any means let Bajazet go out of his hands, ib. b. his Answer unto the Venetian Ambassador, persuading him to take up Arms against the Turk, 584, a.  
Tamerlane his reasonable and modest Answer unto the other Mahometan Princes, craving Aid against Bajazet, 145, a. in their behalf sendeth Ambassadors with Presents to Bajazet, ib. b. provoked by the proud answer of Bajazet, the solicitation of the oppressed Princes, and the persuasion of Axalla, resolveth to make War upon him, ib. b. his honourable Parentage and Ancestors, 146, b. the causes why some report him to have been a Shepherd or Herdsman, 147, a. he himself not delighted in Blood, ib. a. marrieth the Daughter and Heir of the Great Cham of Tartary, the ground of his Greatness, ib. a. setteth forward against Bajazet, 148, a. his great Camp still like unto a well governed City, ib. b. the number of his great Army, 149, a. he taketh Sebastia, and burieth all the People quick, 194, b. stayeth the coming of Bajazet, 150, a. disposeth of the order of his battle, 151, a. fighteth a great and mortal battle with Bajazet, 151, b. taking him Prisoner, causeth him like a wild Beast to be shut up in an Iron Chage, 152, b. refuseth the Empire of Constantinople, offered him by Emanuel the Emperor's Ambassador, 153, a. goeth privately himself to Constantinople, 154, a. much delighted with the situation and Pleasures of that City, ib. a. spoileth the Turks Dominions in Asta, ib. a. restoreth unto the poor Mahometan Princes oppressed by Bajazet all their ancient Inheritances, ib. b. in a great battle overthroweth the Sultan of Egypt near unto Aleppo, ib. b. winneth Damascus, ib. b. cometh to Jerusalem, 155, a. taketh Damiata, ib. a. assaulteth Cairo, 155, b. driveth the Sultan out of Cairo, 156, a. pursueth him to Alexandria, ib. b. chaseth him into Lybia, ib. b. leaveth Calibes to govern the Countries of Egypt and Syria, 157, a. conquereth Mesopotamia and Babylon with the Kingdom of Persia, ib. a. returneth to Samarcand, 158, b. the great power he continually kept, 162, a. his death, ib. a.  
Tangrolipix the Turk sent to aid the Persian Sultan, 3, b. by consent of the Soldiers chosen Sultan of Persia, ib. b. first Sultan of the Turks, ib. b. having slain Pisasiris Calyph of Babylon in battle, joineth his Dominions unto his own, ib. b. invadeth the Greek Emperors Dominions, 4, a. putteth to death his Brother Habramie, ib. b.  
Tancred created Prince of Galliley, winneth Apamea and Laodicea, 18, a. after the death of young Bohemund created King of Antioch, 19, a.  
Tarsus in Cilicia yielded unto Bajazet, 304, a.  
Tartar-Han's Letters unto the King of Polonia, 758, a.  
Tartar-Cham, why so ready to serve the Turk in his Wars, 846, ib. dieth, 887, b.  
The Tartars spoil many places in Hungary, 813, a. repressed by Count Serini, 813, b. defeated by the Hussars, 814, a. defeated by the Cossacks, 928, b. defeated by the Troianoski, 935, b.  
Tauris taken from the Turk by the Persian, 825, a.  
Tauris yielded to Selimus, 548, b. who, contrary to his promise, exacteth a great sum of Money from the Taurisians, and so departeth, ib. b. sacked by Solyman 438, b. taken by the Turks, 698, b. hath a new Castle therein built by the Turks in six and thirty days, 699, a. miserably spoiled, ib. a.  
Taurica Chersonesus, with the Tartar's Praecopenses and Destenses subdued by the Turks, 281, b.  
Techellis invadeth the Turks Dominions, 319, a. overthroweth Orcanes and Mahomates, Bajazets Nephews, 321, a. discomfiteth Caragoses the Viceroy of Anatolia, ib. b. killeth Alis Bassa, 323, a. flieth into Armenia, 324, a. robbeth a Caravan of Merchants, and therefore burnt at Tauris, ib. a.  
Temeswar taken by the Turks, 511, a.  
Temurtases, Bajazet's Lieutenant in Asia, taken Prisoner by Aladin the young King of Caramania, 144, a. again set at liberty, hangeth the Caramanian King, ib. a.  
Teuffenbach taketh Sabatska, 722, a. winneth Fileck, ib. b. besiegeth Hatwan, 725, b. overthroweth the Bassa of Buda, ib b. giveth the same Bassa a second overthrow, 729, b.  
Theobald King of Navarre maketh an unfortunate Expedition into the Holy Land, 70, a. with Lewis the French King goeth against the Moors, 83, a. in his return dieth of the Plague in Sicilia, ib. b.  
Theodorus Lascaris flieth into Bythinia, and possessing himself of many Countries, taketh upon him the Name of the Greek Emperor at Nice, 59, b. he killeth Jathatines' the Turkish Sultan, 61, a.  
Theodorus Lascaris, Son to John Batases, chosen Emperor, 76, b. aideth the Sultan of Iconium, 77, a. falleth sick and dieth, ib. a.  
Theupulus Earl of Paphos unworthily hanged by the faithless Bassa Mustapha, 587, b.  
Thracia spoiled by the Turks, 173, b.  
Tockai taken by the Rebels, 875, b.  
Tomombeius by the general consent of the Mamalukes chosen Sultan of Egypt, 362, a. maketh great preparation against the Turks, and seeketh to entrap them, 365, b. his devices discovered, ib. b. he fighteth a great battle with Selimus, and is put to the worse, 367, a. raiseth new Forces at Cairo, ib. b. fortifieth Cairo, 368, b. fighteth a great battle in the City, 370, b. overcome, flieth, 371, a. driven out of Cairo, raiseth new Forces in Segesta. 372, a. distresseth the Turks in passing the Bridge made over Nilus, 373, a. giveth a notable attempt to have gained the Bridge, ib. b. repulsed and put to ●light, 374, a. taken and brought to Selimus, ib. a. tortured and shamefully put to death, ib. a.  
Totisa yielded to the Turks, 865, b.  
Transilvania miserably distressed, 840, a. the troubles secretly maintained by the Nobles, ib. a. new Troubles, 843, a. the Rebels surprised and slain, ib. a. the miserable State of that Province, 843, b. new Troubles raised, 901, b.  
Transilvania given by Solyman to the Child King John's Son, 483, b.  
Trapezond yielded to Mahomet the Great, 245, b.  
Treachery of the Polonian General, 936, b.  
Tripoli in Barbary besieged by Sinan Bassa, 509, a. battered, ib. a. the weakest places thereof, and fittest to be battered, by a fugitive Christian discovered to the Turks, ib. b. upon hard Conditions yielded to the proud and faithless Bassa, 511, a.  
Troubles in Moldavia, 902, a. new Troubles, 908, b. in Transilvania, 910, a:  
Tumult at Pera, 933, b.  
Tunes besieged by Lewis the French King, 83, b. yielded to Charles the Emperor, 449, b. by him upon an easy Tribute again restored to Muleasses, 451, a. again yielded to the Turks, 620, b.  
Turks, their original Beginning diversely reported, 1, a. descended from the Scythians; 2, a. the causes why they left their ancient and natural Seats in Scythia, to seek for other in Countries more Southerly, ib. b. where they first seated themselves in Asia after their departure out of Scythia, ib. b. their first Kingdom erected in Persia by Tangrolipix their first Sultan, 3, b. the Turks first called into Europe by the Catalonians, 106, a. they differ not from the Persians about the Interpretation of their Law, but about the true Successor of their false Prophet Mahomet only, 314, b. They raise an Army, 804, b. cowardly retire for fear of the Christians, 805, a. carrying a Convoy of Victuals to Buda, overthrown by the Christians, ib. b. the Convoy recovered by the Turks, 806, a. again taken from them by the Christians, ib. a. overthrow the Garrison of Pesth, ib. a. bathing themselves at Buda, by them of Pesth surprised and slain, ib. b. seeking to surprise Palotta are overthrown, 807, a. three of their Spies taken, ib. b. overthrown by Collonitz, ib. b. together by the ears among themselves, 811, b. defeated by Colonel Sultze, 823, b. again overthrown, 825, b. their Army stealeth by night out of Hungary, 828, b. overthrown by the Vayvod of Valachia, 834, a. the manner of their burials, 836, b. treacherously seek to surprise Pesth, 838, a. seek in vain to surprise Lippa, 842, a. overthrown by them of Pesth, 843, a. their unreasonable demands for Peace, 848, b. troubled with Civil Wars, 857, b. betrayed by the Haiducks, 864, a. thinking to surprise others, are themselves surprised, 877, a. repair to Buda in Multitudes, 882, a. their Army for Transilvania, 917, a. threaten War in Hungary, 920, a. their courses there, 923, b. defeated at Vasselloy, 932, a. the Greatness of their Empire, and their beginning, 955, a.  
Turqueminus chosen Sultan of Egypt, 111, b.  
Tzihanger refuseth the noble Mustapha his Brother's Wealth and Treasure offered him by his Father Solyman, and for sorrow killeth himself, 516, a.    


V.  
VAcia shamefully betrayed by the Haiducks, 558. b.  
Valachia spoiled by the Tartars, 847, a. the Vayvod expelled his Country by Battori, 901, b.  
Valachia when first spoiled by the Turks, 140, b. invaded by Mahomet the Great, 247, b. oppressed by the Turks, 737, b. in great Troubles, 798, b.  
Valmes fortified by Mahomet the Great, 274, a.  
Valetta the Grand Master of Malta advertised of Solyman's purpose for the Invasion of him and his Knights, 536, a. his effectual speech unto his Knights, ib. a. his great preparation against the Turks coming, ib. a. his whole strength, 537, b. he certifieth Garzias of Toledo, Viceroy of Sicilia, of his Estate, 538, a. sendeth a new supply into the Castle of S. Elmo, twice before assaulted by the Turks, 539, a. disappointed of a supply to have been brought him by his own Galleys, ib. a. his Letters to Garzias the Viceroy of Sicilia, 540, b. he sendeth three of his Knights to know the s●ate of them in the Castle S. Elmo, 541, b. encourageth his Soldiers after the loss of the Castle, 542, b. his Christianlike Letters to the Governor of the City of Melita, 543, a. his resolute answer▪ to the Messengers sent unto him from the Great Ba●sa, ib. b. he receiveth a small supply from Sicilia, 544, b. maketh hard shift to send News of his distress to the Viceroy of Sicilia, 546, a. his comfortable speech unto his Soldiers at such time as the Turks were entered the new City, 550, a. his great carefulness, 552, b. his Letters to the Grand Prior of Almain, concerning the manner of the Turks proceedings in the Siege of Malta, 553, a.  
Venerius the Venetian Admiral, and Barbadicus their Proveditor persuade the rest of the Christian Confederates to give battle unto the Turks at Lepanto, 590, a. coming to the relief of Don John, is encountered by Partau Bassa, 595, b. in danger, ib. b. at the request of the Spaniards displaced, but not disgraced, 601, b.  
The Venetians with a great Fleet spoil the Coasts of Lycia, Pamphilia, and Cilicia, 13, b. in the division of the Greek Empire amongst the Latins, had for their share all the rich Islands of the Aegeum and jonian, with the famous Island of Candy or Crete, 59, a. enter into Confederation with other Christian Princes against the Turk, 265, b. they with their Confederates do the Turks great harm, 277, b. receive a great overthrow from the Turks at the River of Sontium, 282, b. their Merchants in Syria imprisoned by Campson Gaurus the Egyptian Sultan, 321, a. their Senators diversely affected towards the Confederation with the Emperor and the French King against Solyman, 467, b. they refuse to yield up Cyprus unto Selimus, demanding the same, 569, a. make great preparation for their own defence, and crave Aid of the other Christian Princes, 570, a. what Princes promised them Aid, ib. a. weary of the delays and cross dealings of the Spaniards their Confederates, conclude a Peace with Selimus without their Knowledge, 613, a.  
Veradinum besieged by the Turks, 773, b. relieved by the Lord Basta, 774, a.  
Vesprinium taken by the Turks, 721, a.  
Vesprinium yielded to the Rebels, 864, a.  
Ufegi Bassa taken Prisoner, 340, a. put to death, ib. b.  
Vicegrade taken by the Christians, 752, a.  
Vicegrade yielded to the Turks by the Haiducks, 859, a.  
Victor Capella with a notable speech persuadeth the Venetians to take up Arms against Mahomet the Great, 264, a.  
At Vienna a strange Accident of two Citizens, 842, a.  
Vienna by Solyman besieged, 411, a, b. badly fortified, ib. b. the Walls blown up, 413, a. thrice assaulted, ib. a. worthily defended, 413, b. Solyman glad to forsake the siege, 414, a.  
Villerius chosen Great Master of the Rhodes, 382, b. his Letters to Solyman, 384, a. his careful provision for defence of his City, 385, b. 387, a. his notable speech unto the Rhodians, ib. a. his worthy Commendation, 390, a. in vain craveth Aid of the Christian Princes, ib. b. recovereth the Spanish Bulwark from the Turks, 395, b. his resolute Opinion concerning Solyman's demand for the yielding up of the Rhodes, 399, b. his answer unto Solyman, offering unto him most honourable entertainment, 403, a. he departeth from the Rhodes with his Knights upon New-years-day, 404, a.  
Visnovisky a valiant Prince poisoned by a Priest, 932, a.  
A Vision in the Air at Modina Talnobi, 953, b.  
Uladislaus King of Polonia chosen also King of Hungary, 178, a. sendeth Ambassadors unto Amurath lying at the siege of Belgrade, 179, a. goeth himself in Person against the Turks, 188, b. taketh Sophia, ib. b. spoileth Bulgaria, 189, a. highly commendeth Huniades for his good Service, ib. b. enforced with the Difficulty of the pa●●age of the Mountain Hemus, retireth with his Army, 190, a. by the persuasion of Huniad●s and others retireth, and in vain seeketh to have opened the Mountain passage, 191, b. in his retreat much troubled with the Turks, 192, a. in great Triumph returneth to Buda, ib. b. upon most honourable Conditions concludeth a Peace with Amurath for ten years, 197, a. by solemn Oath confirmeth the League he had made with Amurath, ib. a. absolved of that his Oath by Julian the Cardinal of S. Angel, resolveth for the prosecution of his Wars against the Turks, 199, a. by his Ambassadors and Letters craveth Aid of Scanderbag, ib. b. setteth forward against the Turks, 201, b. fights the great and unfortunate battle at Varna, 202, b. is there himself slain, 203, a.  
Ulusales in the battle of Lepanto taketh twelve of the Venetian Galleys, 590, a. seeing the rest of the Turks fleet discomfited, flieth himself, ib. a. is by Selimus the next year sent out with two hundred Galleys against the Venetians and their Confederates, 602, a. meaning nothing less, maketh show of battle, 604, b. cunningly retireth, ib. b. flieth from Navarinum into the Bay of Modon, 607, a. returneth with his weak Fleet to Constantinople, 612, a.  
Uranacontes by Scanderbag appointed Governor of Croia against the coming of Amurath, 220, b. with cheerful speech encourageth his Soldiers, 221, a. rejecteth Amurath's Presents, and threateneth the Bassa by whom they were sent, 225, a.  
The Uscoques what manner of People they are, 943, a.  
U●trof Bassa of Van inciteth Amurath to make War against the Persians, 654, b. by Amurath commanded to begin the War, which he readily performeth, 655, b.  
Usun-Cassanes the Persian King sendeth Ambassadors with Presents to Mahomet the Great, 344, b. marrieth Despina the Daughter of Calo Johannes, Emperor of Trapezond, 278, b. in a great battle overthroweth Zenza the Persian King, and killeth Cariasuphus his Son, the last of the Posterity of the Mighty Tamerlane, 279, a. in a great battle overthrown by Mahomet the Great, 280, a. his death, ib. a.    


W  
WAlpo treacherously yielded unto the Turks, and the Traitors justly rewarded, 497, a.  
The Walloons overthrow the Turks and Haiducks at Presburg, 864, a.  
War betwixt the Grand Signior and the King of Poland, and the cause why, 963, a.  
War in Barbary, 900, a.  
Wars by Amurath the Third proclaimed against the Emperor Rodolph, 86, b.  
Waswood an old janissary, his presumptuous speech unto Mahomet the Great Sultan, 745, b. taken out of Prison by the rest of the janissaries, 746, a.  
Water dear sold, 447, b.  
The Wife of Prince Coresky, being Prisoner in Tartary, sendeth a Messenger to seek her Husband, 941, b. who brings her Tidings of him, 942, a. and ransoms her, ib. b.  
Wiglase in vain attempted by the Haiducks, 861, b.  
Wihitz the Metropolitical City of Croatia taken by the Turks, 714, b.  
William King of Sicilia invadeth the Tyrant Andronicus' Dominions, taketh the City of Dyrrhachium, passeth through Macedonia and spoileth the Country, meeteth with his Fleet at Thessalonica, which he also taketh by force and spoileth, 36, a.  
William Long-Espie Earl of Sarisbury, with a band of tall Soldiers goeth into the Holy Land, 72, a. his stout answer unto Earl Robert the French Kings Brother, 73, b. valiantly fight is slain, ib. b.  
Wladus Prince of Valachia putteth Mahomet the Great in fear, 246, b. Wladus cruel, 247, a. dieth in battle against the Turks, ib. b.  
Wine for a space running down the Streets of Constantinople as if it had been Water after a shower of Rain, 798, a.  
Wolfgangus Hoder upon the Danubius doth good service against the Turks, 412, b.    


X.  
Xaycus' Paymaster of the Rhodes entrapped by the Turks, and sent Prisoner to be tortured at Constantinople, 386, b.  
Xene the fair Empress, the young Emperor Alexius' Mother, maliciously accused of Treason, and so wrongfully condemned, 34, a. by the commandment of Andronicus strangled in Prison, and so poorly buried, 34, b.  
Xerif troubleth the Kingdoms of Fez and Morocco, 914, a. his beginning, ib. a. his Children grow potent, ib. a. they kill the King of Morocco, ib. a. f●ared by the King of Fez, ib. a. dissension between the Brethren, and eldest taken Prisoner by the younger, ib. b.  
Xerif Mahomet assaults the King of Fez, ib. b.  
Xiphilinus by Alexius sent over to Andronicus, dealeth unfaithfully in his Message, 32, a.    


Y.  
YOland Daughter to King John crowned Queen of Jerusalem, and after by her Father given in marriage to Frederick the Emperor, 67, b.    


Z.  
ZAcharias Groppa fighteth a Combat with Alhemaze a Turk, 254, a.  
Zachel Moses the Transylvanian Prince's Lieutenant, in battle overthrown by Basta, 798, b. flieth unto the Turks, 800, a.  
Zacynthus, Neritus, and Cephalenia taken by Achmetes Bassa, 291, a.  
Zamoschie the Great Chancellor of Polonia stayeth the Tartars from the invading of Moldavia, 755, b. invadeth Moldavia himself, 756, a. his Letters unto Clement the Pope in defence of himself and of that he had done in Moldavia, 759, a. driveth Michael the Vayvod out of Valachia, and placeth another in his stead▪ 788, b.  
Zanius the Venetian Admiral with a Fleet of 117 sail, cometh to Corcyra, 574, b. he with the Confederates setteth forward towards Cyprus, ib. b. upon the foul disagreement of the great Commanders returneth, 577, b. discharged of his Office, and sent in bonds to Venice, 878, a.  
Zeffer Bassa recovereth the Government of Bosna from Zellaly, and shortly after die●h, 841, a.  
Zellaly formerly a Rebel in Asia, reconciled to the Grand Signior, cometh into Bosna, 832, a. defeateth Zeffer Bassa the Governor of that Province, and seateth himself therein, ib. a. by the Grand Signior sent for to the Port, 832, b. refuseth to come, ib. b. made Governor of Temeswar, 841, a.  
Zembenic Castle the place where the Turks began first to settle themselves in Europe, 129, a.  
Zemes riseth in Rebellion against his elder Brother Bajazet, 298, a. overthrown in battle by his Brother, flieth to Caytbeius the Sultan of Egypt, ib. b. he with the Caramanian King goeth against his Brother Bajazet, 300, a. flieth to Sea, ib. b. delivered unto Pope Innocent the Eighth, 303, b. by Pope Alexander delivered to Charles the French King, 307, b. dieth within three days after, being before by the Pope poisoned, as is supposed, ib. b. his dead body sent to Constantinople, and honourably afterwards buried at Prusa, 308, a.  
Zenza the Persian King in a great battle overthrown and slain by Usun-Cassanes, 279, a.  
Zerbi Island invaded by the Christian Fleet, set forth for the recovery of the City of Tripoli in Barbary, 529, b. the Castle of Zerbi yielded unto the Spaniards, 530, a. a great part of the Christian Fleet oppressed at Zerbi by the sudden coming of Pial Bassa the Turks Admiral, ib. b. the Castle of Zerbi besieged by the Turks, 531, a. yielded unto the Turks, ib. a. the Turks in Triumph return with Victory to Constantinople, 531, b.  
Zingis passing over the Mountains Caucasus and Tauris conquereth the Turks Dominions, 53, a.  
Zoganes Bassa by the device of a wicked Christian bringeth seventy of the Turks Galleys eight miles over Land into the Haven of Constantinople, 233, b. persuadeth Mahomet to continue his siege, 234, a.  
Zolnoc a strong Fortress of the Christians in the upper Hungary taken by the Turks, 511, a.     

October the 4 th'. 1687.  
ADVERTISEMENT.  
IN Michaelmass-Term next will be published Mr. MIEGE'S large Folio DICTIONARY, in French and English, and English and French.  

Lately Reprinted.  
THE History of Philosophy; containing the Lives, Opinions, Actions, and Discourses of the Philosophers of every Sect. Illustrated with the Effigies of divers of them, by Thomas Stanley, Esq the Second Edition.  
THesaurus Brevium, containing Forms of Writs in the Kings-Bench, the Second Edition, very much enlarged, in Folio.  
REgister of Writs, the Fourth Edition, very much enlarged; to which is added Thelloals Digest of Writs, Folio.    

A TABLE To the Continuation of Mr. Knolles' Turkish History; Written by Sir PAUL RYCAUT, etc.  
Note that [a] signifies the first Column of each Page, and [b] the second.  


A.  
ABaffi's Conduct not satisfactory to the Grand Signior, 280, a. Afterwards sends him a Sable in Token of his Favour, ib. a. He receives a Mandate from the Grand Signior to assist the Rebels in Hungary, 281. a. He discovers a Conspiracy against his Life, suspected the Germans, and thereupon revolts, 278▪ b.  
Abassa Pasha of Erzirum his Rebellion, 1, b. he advances towards Constantinople, 5, b. is reconciled to the Grand Signior, 11, b. and mad● Pashaw of Bosna, 12, a. made General in the War with Poland, 24, a. ●e is strangled by command of the Grand Signior, 26, b.  
Abermont, the Captain of the French Man of War, whereon Monsieur de la hay arrived at Constantinople, incurs great danger of his Life, and wherefore, 170, a.  
Achmet Great Vizier deprived of his Office and strangled, 78, b.  
Aleppo, the Merchants thereof more subject to troublesome Avania's than others, and an Instance given, 130, a. b.  
Alexandria, a Plague there, 54, b. the Alexandrian Fleet encountered by the Venetians, 122, b. taken by the Malt●ses in 1673, 235, a.  
Algierines' infest the Seas casting off their Reverence to the Sultan, 9, b. land at Scanderone and rob the Warehouses, and then set them on fire, ib. b. infested the Gulf of Venice, 38, b. are blocked up by the Venetian in Valona, 39, a. make Complaints at the Port of the English Fleet commanded by the Earl of Sandwich, but find no Encouragement, 115, a. they make a Peace with the English, 129, a. the Articles signed by the Grand Signior, 136, b. they are carried by the Author to Algiers, with a Relation of two pleasant passages in his journey, 137, a. they except against an Article of the Peace, and s●nd a Letter to His Majesty, whereupon the War breaks out afresh, 139, a. the inconstancy of their Government, ib. a.  
Ali Pasha slain in Mesopotamia by the Persian, and his Army routed, 6, a.  
An Alliance entered into between the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the Venetians, 308, a.  
The French Ambassador threatened to be sent Prisoner to the seven Towers, 284. b.  
Sultan Amurat advanced to the Throne at fourteen years of age, 2, a. described, ib. b. his lewd debauched life, 14, a. 15, b. like to have been killed by Lightning, which works some Reformation in him for the present, 17, a. he sends an Ambassador into Persia, ib. b. A Peace made with the Persians, but quickly broken, 20, b. several Acts of his Tyranny, 23, a. he destroys Taverns, ib. b. makes War on the Poles, ib. b. sues to them for Peace, 24, a. more Acts of his Cruelty. 28, a. forbids all Houses of Entertainment, ib. a. goes in person with his Army into Persia, ib. b. musters at Erzrum three hundred thousand fight Men, 30, a. his Patience and Labours, ib. a. causes his two Brothers Bajazet and Orchan to be strangled, ib. a. he returns from Persia to Constantinople, 31, b. his aversion to Tobacco, 32, a. more Instances of his Cruelty, ib. a. & 37, 38, a. he resolves again to march in person into Persia, 37, a. he begins his March in May 1638. 38, a. the History of his March, 41, b. 42, a. the whole Army arrives before Babylon or Bagdat, 42, b. he takes it, 43, b. his braving Letter to be King of Persia, 44, a. he returns to Constantinople, ib. b. he dies of a Fever contracted by a Debauch, 47, b. his Character, 48, a.  
Colonel Anand, an Englishman, and one Stefano Cordili made Plenipotentiaries to treat with the Great Vizier about the surrender of Candia, 217, b.  
Michael Apa●i constituted Prince of Transilvania by the Turks, 110, b. his Letter to the Earl of Winchelsea, English Ambassador at the Port, 121, a. b. he is beloved of his People, 146, a.  
Prince Thomas of Aremberg slain, 289, a.  
Asac besieged and taken by the Moscovites and Cossacks, 35, b. besieged by the Turks in the year 1641. but not taken, 52, a. again besieged in 1642. and then taken, being abandoned by the Inhabitants, 53, b. After it had been sacked by the Moscovite in 1674. the Turk rebuilds it, 240, b.  
Asan Pasha of Aleppo, rebels and marches towards Constantinople, 91, a. he joins Battle with the Great Vizier, and discomfits him, ib. b. he is treacherously strangled by Mortaza Pasha. 92, a.  
Asan Aga, the Mosayp, or Favourite, his Story, 134, a.  
Austria spoiled by the Turks in the Year 1663. 143, a.    


B.  
BAbylon or Bagdat taken from the Turks by the Persians in 1626., 6, a. the Turks laying siege to it to recover it are beaten off, ib. a. likewise the second time, 9, a. a third time, 16, a. the Grand Signior himself commanding the Army takes it, 43, b.  
Bakockza taken by Count S●rini, 146, b.  
Ballarino, Secretary to Signior Capello the Venetian Bailo, supplies his Office, 88, a. his sorrowful Letter to Senator Nicolo Contarini, 122, b. his Character, 123, b. he is suspected by the Turks to use Sorcery, 132, b.  
Balsora taken by the Persian, 6, a. its Pasha rebels in 1667. and is forced to flee into Persia, 194, a.  
Baltagibashee, what, 134, b.  
Cardinal Barbarini bestows a Pension of eight hundred Crowns a Month upon Count Serini, 153, a. he supplies the Venetians with four thousand Measures of Corn in their Wars in Candia, 194, a.  
Barcan taken by Count Soise, and burnt, 156. b. besieged by the Christians, 305, b. taken, 306, a. the grand Slaughter there, ib. a.  
The Bassas of Bu●a, Erseck, and Poslega strangled, 303, a. The Bassa of Buda strangled by the Grand Signior's Order, 278, b. The Bassa of Waradin strangled by the Grand Signior's Order, 279, a.  
Girolomo Bataglia, and Francisco Bataglia, Proveditors General, both killed at the Siege of Candia, 204, b.  
Duke de Beaufort, the Pope's General at Sea desires of the King of France, his natural Prince, leave to try his Fortune by Land at the Siege of Candia, 212, b. he is killed there, 214, b.  
Bechir Pasha of Babylon joins with Abassa in his Rebellion, 3, a.  
Beker Pasha of Rhodes strangles the Pasha of Cyprus, 54, a. made Captain Pasha, 55, a. put to death by Order of the Grand Signior, 56, b.  
Belgrade; here the Great Vizier had his Winter-quarters the first Year of the Hungarian War in 1663. 145, a. resides there the second Winter after the Peace made, 161, b.  
Signior Bembo obtains a Victory over the Turks at Sea, 90, a.  
Sir Tho. Bendish, Ambassador at the Port, his Expedient for obtaining redress of Wrongs offered to the Merchants, 58, a. he opposes the forcing of English Ships into the Turks Service against Candia, but without effect, 83, a.  
Berclay made Prince of Transilvania, 107, b. the Transilvanians depose him, 110, a.  
Berzenche taken by Count Serini, 146, b.  
Bethlem Gabor, vid. Gabor.  
Biram Pasha made Great Vizier, 34, a. is slain at the Siege of Babylon, 43, a.  
A Blazing-star seen in most parts of the known World in 1664. and particularly in Turkey, with their opinion what it portended 162, a.  
Dukes of Brunswick and Lunenburg assist Candia with three thousand men, 206, a.  
Buda, the Garrison their mutiny, but upon surrendering four of the Ringleaders to punishment, and craving pardon, things are quieted and passed by, 19, b. The Siege of Buda, 309, a. 319, a. some Standards taken and presented to the Duke of Lorraine, with 15 Barks loaden with the Wives and Children of the Turkish Officers of Buda, with great Riches, 320, a. an Account given by a Deserter of the Condition of the Besieged, ib. b. General Schoning arrives with the Brandenburg Auxiliaries, 321, b. Several Mines sprung by the Besieged, 323, a. b. An Assault made with great loss on both sides, 323, 324. Letters from the Besieged discovered, 324, a. another Mine sprung, and several Miners in danger of being covered by the Earth, ib. b. several false Alarms, 325, a. Captain Libert an excellent Miner lost, ib. a. Two Mines sprung by the Turks with little harm, ib. a. Preparation for a general Assault, ib. a. The Castle blown up, ib. b. The Bassa summoned to surrender; but refuses, ib. b. A general Assault, 326, b. The Generals of the Infantry being most wounded, they of the Horse were ordered to supply their places, 327, b. A second Summons sent, 328, a. The Bassa's Answer, ib. a. Another Assault, 329, a. The Besieged expect Succours, ib. a. their Succours defeated, 331, a. Another Attempt of the Grand Vizier's to relieve the Besieged, 332, a. The Sieur Rummel slain with a Musket Bullet, ib. a. Another Attempt to relieve tke Besieged, 333, a. Upon the Chancellor's ' arrival from the Emperor a Council of War called, and a general Assault made, the Besiegers enter the City, 334, a. Abdi Bassa, the Governor, slain, ib. b. The great Treasure taken, ib. b. The Grand Vizier decamps immediately upon the taking of Buda, ib. b. pursued by the Duke of Lorraine, 335, a.    


C.  
CAffa taken by the Tartars from the Turks, but soon restored, 11, a.  
Cairo, a Rebellion of the great Beghs there, 149, b. another, 259, a.  
Caminiec taken by the Turks in eleven days, 233. a. blocked up by the Poles, 239, a. but the Siege raised by the Turks, 240, b.  
Candia, its General fights a Turkish Galley belonging to the Archipelago (mistaking it for a Pirate) commanded by Dervis Bei, which had like to have broke the Peace, but the Venetian Ambassador at the Port makes up the business, 10, a.  
Candia (the Isle) how it became the Possession of Venice, 61, a. what the occasion of the Turks making War against it, 55, b. the beginning of the War, 59, a. The Turks Sea and Land Forces at first employed in it, what, ib. b. what the preparations of the Venetians, 60, b. the Turks land in this Isle, 61, a. what supplies the Venetians had towards this War from Christendom, ib. b.  
Candia (the City) first besieged in 1647. by the Turks, who were then forced to raise the Siege, 75, b. besieged a second time in 1650. and again beaten off, 83, b. besieged a third time, when the Turks losing 3000 Men at one Assault again drew off, 84, b. this War carried on faintly by the Turks for several years, 114, a. prosecuted afresh in 1666. 185, b. what aid the Venetians than had from Christian Princes, 188, b. the Fortifications of the Town described, and what Quarters were possessed by the Besiegers and Besieged, 195, a. the History of the Siege continued (uninterruptedly) from 195 to 207, and from 211 to 219. its Duke killed, 206, b. large Succours sent thither from France, 212, b. the Garrison makes a notable Sally, but with bad success, 213, b. French Officers slain in this Sally, 214, b. the French depart, 215, a. a Council held to consider of the state of the Town, 216, a. the result of the Council to enter into a Treaty with the Vizier, 217, b. the Conditions of Peace, 218, b. the Town delivered to the Turks, 219, b. an account of the number of the slain on both sides, the Batteries, Storms, Sallies, etc. ib. a. what a sad spectacle of Desolation at its Surrender, 220, a.  
Canea taken by the Turks, 61, b. they land here forty thousand fight Men, 74, b.  
Cantemir, a Tartar, makes a new-Colony, 34, b. being driven out of it by the Tartar Han, he is strangled at Constantinople, 35, a.  
Marin Capello takes the Algierine Galleys in the Port of Valona, 39, b.  
Antonio Capello, Commander of the Venetian Galleys, 60, b.  
Gio. Capello made Doge General of the Sea, 62, a. what his Armata, ib. a.  
Siguior Capello Bailo at the Port imprisoned, 85, b. his ill usage casts him into a deep Melancholy, 86, b. his Commission taken from him, 88, a. he dies at Constantinople, but his Corpse conveyed to Venice, 124, a.  
Cara Mustapha. See Kara Mustapha.  
Caramosauls', what, 22, b.  
Carrisia, a strong Garrison, alarms all Croatia, 277, a.  
Caschaw surrendered, 315, a.  
Casimir King of Poland resigns his Crown, and how Affairs then stood there, 231, b.  
Count Ces● French Ambassador at the Port, 27, b.  
Che●tan Ibrahim, Seraskier, condemned to lose his Head for the Defeat at Gran, Newheusel, etc. 318, a.  
Chirfaleas, a courageous Captain, 145, b. is slain near Serinswar, 152, a.  
Chusaein the Great Vizier advances Sultan Amurat to the Throne, who soon deposes him from his Office, and afterwards causes him to be strangled, and why, 2, 3.  
Chusaein Pasha, General of the Turks in Candia, 82, a. is made Great Vizier, but to reside still in Candia, 84, a. is discharged from the Office of Great Vizier, 86, a. is put to death by the Great Vizier Kuperlee, 92, b.  
Chusaein Pasha of Buda besieges Leventz, 154, b. is routed by Count Soise, 155, b.  
Another Chusaein Pasha is made Governor of Caminiec, 233, b.  
Claudiopolis besieged by the Turks, but not taken, 111, a. yields itself to Apafi, Prince of Transilvania, 147, b.  
Clissa taken by Foscolo, the Venetian General, 76, a. the Turks endeavour to regain it, but are beaten off, 82, b. it is described, 172, a.  
Count Coligni, Commander of the French Troops in Hungary, joins Montecuculi, 154, b. his Valour at the great Battle with the Turks on the Raab, 158, a. having received Honours of the Emperor he returns homewards with his Army, 161, a.  
Constantinople, a terrible Fire there in 1634. 25, b. a great Plague there in 1661. 111, b. an Insurrection there on the account of the Grand Signior's Brothers, 211, a. another Plague there, 315, a. Great Disorders there, 315, a. 318, a.  
Corban, what, 2, a. the manner of it among the Turks, 144, b.  
Andrea Cornaro, General and Inquisitor in Candia, 60, b. is slain in the defence of Retimo, 61, b.  
Another Andrea Cornaro, Captain-General of the Venetians, 186, a. being made Proveditor General, he is slain at Candia with a Granado, 212, a.  
Coron taken by the Venetians, 317, a.  
Cosacks, their Boats described, 4, a. in them entering the Bosphorus they make great spoil on the Turkish Coasts, ib. a. they infest the Black Sea, 11, a. again more numerously, 14, b. their Country described, 36, a. the ground of the War betwixt them and the Poles, 36, a. b. they again infest the Black Seas, 82, b. they infest the Tartars, 133, a. great numbers of them carried into Captivity by the Turks, 241, b. they assassinate their General, 311, b. they give the Turks and Tartars a great Defeat, 308, a.  
Cross. The Vayvod of Valachia caused a prodigious Cross to be erected before his Tent in the Camp at Vienna, 298, b.  
Sir Sackvile Crows difference with the Turkey Company, 62, etc.  
Curdi or Cordiaei their Country described, their Religion and Manners, 118, a.  
Cyrillus the Patriarch strangled at the false and malicious suggestions of the jesuits against him, 38, b.  
Czecherin, a great Battle there between the Turks and Moscovites, where the Turks being worsted, after rallied, assaulted and took the Town, at last are forced to retire for want of Provisions, 280, a. b.    


D.  
DAlmatia one seat of the War betwixt the Turks and Venetians, 75, a. after Candia was surrendered, Commissioners are sent hither by the Turk and Venetian for determining the differences of the Confines, 227, b. all the Particulars adjusted, and the War between the Turk and the Venetian ended▪ 228, a.  
Damascus' revolts to the Persian 6, a.  
Clipped Dollars called in by the Great Vizier, 130, a. his Steward's Treasurer put to death for disobeying this Command, ib. a.  
Dorosensko, General of the Cosacks revolts to the Turks, 232, a.  
Dunelma, or a Festival among the Turks, how celebrated, 144, b.  
The Dutch Resident unjustly sentenced to make satisfaction for Goods belonging to Turks on board a Dutch Vessel surprised by Venetian and Maltese Corsairs, 136, a.    


E.  
EGypt, the Government there at present rather Aristocratical than Monarchical, 259, a.  
Elia Pasha rebels in Anatolia, but being first beaten in the Field, and then besieged in Magnesia, surrenders himself upon fair promises, but at his arrival at Constantinople is strangled, 19, b.  
Elmas, a Village in the Upper Hungary, near which the Germane and Turkish Ambassadors use to be exchanged, 184, b.  
Embrahore, that Office what, 263, a.  
The Emperor sends an Envoy to the Port, who disputes with the English Ambassador for Precedence, 47, a. He craves aid of several Princes against the Turks; 283, b. He and the King of Poland make a League Offensive and Defensive, 286, b. He comes to the head of his Army, 287, a. He leaves Vienna, and retires to Lintz, 289, a. His Army retires to their Winter Quarters, 306, b. He publishes an Act of Oblivion, 308, b. His Army with the Confederates rendezvouse at Barkam, 318, b. The Empress Crowned Queen of Hungary, 282, a.  
English Trade first introduced into Turkey, when, 96. what befell the Nation and Trade in Turkey in the Year 1662., 128, b. the Custom endeavoured to be raised at Aleppo and Scanderone in 1665. by the Custumer, 172, b. the Scale also threatened to be removed from Scandarone to Tripoli in Soria by the Lord Treasurer, but both without effect, 173, b. An English Factor in Smirna, designing to cheat several Principals in England of 215 fine clothes, and a considerable Sum of Money, turns Turk, but without succeeding in his Knavery, 239. b.  
Ephraim Bassa killed by a Cannon, 309, a.  
Francisco Erizzo elected by the Venetians Doge General of the Sea at the beginning of the War in Candia, 60, b. but hindered by Death from executing that Office, ib. b.  
Erzirum siding with the Rebel Abassa is besieged by the Turks who are beaten off, 10, b. but is surrendered voluntarily upon Abassa's Reconciliation, 12. a.  
Esperies surrendered, 115, a.  
Esseck, Part of the Bridge burnt by Count Lesly, 316, a. the City of Esseck taken, ib, a.    


F.  
FAcardin an Arabian Prince his History, 21, b. 22, a.  
Festivals, how celebrated among the Turks, 252, a. b.  
Filek taken by the Turks, 283, a.  
Sir john Finch English Ambassador at the Port, 239, b.  
Fire happening in Vienna at the time of the Siege much endangered the Magazine of Powder, 290, b.  
Five-Churches taken by the Imperialists, 335, b.  
Count Forgatz overthrows a Party of Turks making Incursions into Hungary, 82, b. being Governor of Newhausel at the Turks invading Hungary in 1663. advising a Sally is with his Party routed, 141, b.  
Leonardo Foscolo his success against the Turks in Dalmatia, 75. b. his success in Bosna, 82, b. he is sent into Candia with the Title of Generalissimo in the room of Mocenigo, 84, a.  
Marquess Frangipani, with others offer themselves to the Turk in 1670. 221, a. they find not the protection desired, but are overtaken by the hand of justice, 230, b.  
The French force the Tripolins into the Haven of Scio, 283, b.  
French Ambassador inprisoned, 20, a. his Interpreter impaled, ib. a. another Interpreter of theirs hanged, 27, b. their Ambassador Marcheville forcibly sent away, ib. a.  
French Ambassador at the Port imprisoned contrary to the Law of Nations, 105, a. that King remits an hundred thousand Crowns to Venice to assist them against the Turks, 188, b. three French Ships of War arrive in the Hellespont, 208, a. an Ambassador from the Grand Signior to the French King, ib. b. the King sends seven thousand Men to the Relief of Candia, commanded by the Duke of Navaille, etc. 212, b. after having suffered great loss there, 214, b. they depart, 215, a· a French Ambassador accompanies the Turks late Envoy to France in his Return to Constantinople with three Men of War, who bear themselves very insolently at their arrival, 228, b. what Success he had in his Embassy, ib. b. he obtains some new Privileges for his Nation, 236, b. and Licence to travel in the Turks Dominions, 237, b.  
Count Fuchier General of the Artillery of the Empire killed at the great Battle betwixt Montecuculi and the Turks on the Raab, 157, b.  
La Fueillade with two hundred French Gentlemen, Adventurers for Honour, and four hundred common Soldiers arrive at Candia, 205, a. having had above half of his Men slain in a desperate Sally, he with the remainder returns home, 206, a.    


G.  
GAbor Prince of Transilvania makes War on the Emperor, 4, b. the reason of it, 5, a. he obtains Aid of the Turks, 4, b. a Truce made, 5, a. the Turks not keeping it are in several places discomfited by the Emperor's Forces, 5, a. the Truce ended, being aided by Duke John of Weymar and Count Mansfelt, as also by Morteza Pasha of Buda, he fights Wallestein the Emperor's General, and routs his Army, 6, a. whereupon a Peace is made betwixt the Emperor and Prince, ib. b. he dies, 13, a. his Character, ib. a. b. leaving no Children his Widow for a while keeps the Government, but is persuaded to resign it to Stephen Gabor, who yet keeps it not but resigns it to George Ragotski, ib. b.  
Genoese make Peace with the Turk, 164, b. they settle a Trade in Turkey, 165, a. they send a new Resident, who through the bad success of Affairs falling into a melancholy, kills himself, 230, a. their Trade turns to very small account, 255, a. b.  
Georgia, some troubles there, 119, a.  
Captain Georgio a famous Pirate taken by the Turks, 202, a.  
Germans continue their Truce with the Turks, 21, a. deluded by the Turks pretences of Peace, 131, b. their Preparations for War with the Turks in 1663., 140, a. what Confusions then in their Councils, 143, a. they send Ministers to implore aid of Christian Princes, 149, a. their Forces in 1664. what, ib. a. their great Inclination to Peace, notwithstanding their good Success, whence, 160, a. a Peace concluded between them and the Turks, ib. b. they send an Ambassador to the Grand Signior, 164, a. what his Presents were, ib. b. his Embassy ended with mutual Contentment, 169, a. the Controversy between him and the Turkish Ambassador at the place of Exchange, 184, b.  
jembeg Gheray succeeds Mehmet in the Kingdom of Tartary, 12, b. 13, a. dispeeds 40000 H●rse into Podolia and Russia to Ravage the Country, who are intercepted by the Poles and Cosacks in their Return, and almost all cut off, 13, a. he is treacherously slam, 35, a. B●chir Gheray his Brother ordained King in his stead, ib. b.  
Signior Giavarina sent to the Great Vizier at the Siege of Candia to make Proposals of Peace, 196, b. he dies there of the Camp Distemper, 199, b.  
Gran besieged and taken by the Christians, 306, b. besieged by the Turks, 313, b. The Battle of Gran, 314, a.  
Gregorians, a great Slaughter made of them by the Turk, 9, a.  
Grillo, the Venetian Bailo's Interpreter, strangled, 82, a.  
Proveditor Grimani made Captain-General in the room of Capello, 75, a. he suffered Shipwreck and was drowned at the Isle of Psara, ib. b.  
Emir Gumir betrays Revan to the Turks, 31, a.  
Emir Gumir a Persian Traitor strangled, 52, b.    


H.  
HAlil Pasha made Great Vizier, 2▪ b. made General in the War with Persia, 8, b. is recalled, 9, a. is put out of his Office, 10, b.  
Hammerling, slain before Quinque Ecclesiae, 147, a.  
Count Herberstein slain before Quinque Ecclesiae, ib. a.  
Chevalier d' Harcourt his Gallantry at the Siege of Candia, 196, b.  
Sir Daniel Harvey, Ambassador from His Majesty to the Port, 209, a. has his Audience of the Grand Signior at Salonica, 221, a. he dies at Constantinople, 234, a.  
Hasaki the Queen-Mother takes on her the protection of her Sons, 207, b.  
Monsieur la hay (the Father) Ambassador at the Port imprisoned contrary to the Law of Nations, 105, a.  
Monsieur la hay (the Son) proposed by the French King to the Grand Signior and Great Vizier to be sent Ambassador to the Port, in a Letter to each of them, and the Vizier's Answer thereto, 125, b. 126, a. b. he arrives as Ambassador at the Port, but slightly treated at his first arrival, 169, a. b. his first Audience, 169, b. his second Audience, 171, a.  
Hossman sent Ambassador to the Grand Signior, 279. a. stopped at Belgrade in his Return from Constantinople, ib. b.  
An Horse's tail set forth at the G. Vizier's gate is h: signal of the Camp's motion within a month, 131, b.  
Husaein Pasha of Silistria marries the G. Vizier's Sister, 159, a.  
Hungarians assisted by the G. Signior in their Revolt from the Emperor, 279, a. The occasion of the Hungarians Revolt from the Emperor, 278, a.  
Hungary, the War begins there betwixt the Emperor and Turk in 1663. 140, a. the Hungarians unsatisfied with the Peace made by the Emperor with the Turk, and why, 160, b. but through the Emperor's Arguments brought to acquiesce in it, 161, a. what gave occasion to the Rebellion there, 231, a. they petition to the Turks for assistance, 236, a.    


I.  
JAmbolat Ogli strangled, 33, b.  
Janissaries unruly, 1, a. 2, b. they are kerbed, 12, b. they again grow more insolent, 18, a. b. but are soon tamed by the Sultan's severity, 19, b.  
Janissaries, the formality of making them in these days, 200, b. they mutiny, 315, a.  
Janova in Transilvania taken by the Turks, 107, a.  
Sultan Ibrahim succeeds his Brother Morat in the Throne, 49, b. his luxurious and effeminate way of living, 50, b. 58, a. 76, a. complimented by foreign Ministers, 51, a. seized with an Apoplexy, ib. b. has a Son born, viz. Sultan Mahomet that now reigns, 53, a. a second and a third Son, 54, a. a fourth and a fifth, 55, b. his lascivious fancy for a big Woman, 58, b. h● falls in love with his Brother's Widow, but is rejected by her, 76, b. he falls also in Love with the Mufti's Daughter, who is taught by her Father to reject his Love, 77, a. he takes her by force, but after a few days Enjoyment returns her to her Father, 78, a. by the Mufti and his Accomplices he is deposed and afterwards strangled, 79, a. his Description and Character, ib. b.  
Ibrahim Pasha of Caro imprisoned there by the Beghs, but soon obtains his Liberty, 150, a. is deeply fined by the Grand Signior, ib. a. is made Pasha of Darbiquier, ib. a. arrive; at Candia with 800 Spahees, 202, b.  
Ibrahim Bassa made Vizier instead of Kara Mustapha, 308, a.  
Jerusalem, a great Controversy betwixt the Religious there of the Latin and Greek Churches about the holy Sepulchre, 242, a. the Possession of it adjudged by the G. Vizier to the Greeks, ib. b.  
Jews how treated in Turkey, 12, b. strangely deluded by Sabatai Sevi the pretended Messiah in 1666. 174, 175, 176. they flock from all parts to him, 178, b. their ridiculous fancies concerning Elias, 180, a. b. they receive a new form of Worship from Sabatai Sevi, 179, a. but are enjoined, upon his turning Turk, to return unto their old Method, by the Cochams of Constantinople, 182, a.  
Illay near Babylon Garisoned by the Turks, 16, a. retaken in an Assault by the Persians, ib. b.  
Ishmael Pasha of Buda made Chimacam of Constantinople, 131, b. killed at the great Battle upon the Raab, 157. b.    


K.  
KAnisia besieged by Count Serini, 148, b. the Siege raised, 152, a.  
Kara Mehemet killed by a Shot, 309, b.  
Kara Mustapha made Great Vizier, 263, a. his kindness to the Servants of Kuperlee his Predecessor, ib. a. his Pride and Insolence to foreign Ministers, 262, a.  
Kara Mustapha succeeds Achmet the G. Vizier, 277, a. he is strangled, 308, a. his great Treasure, ib. a.  
Katirgi Oglé Pasha of Canea his Original and Life, 207, a.  
Kemenius made Prince of Transilvania, 110, a. he is routed by Ali Pasha and slain, 111, a.  
Kemenitz. See Caminiec.  
Kiosem the Queen-mother her Artifice to advance her Son Ibrahim to be Emperor, 49, a. she is imprisoned by him, but by submission soon obtains her Liberty, 76, b. she consents to his being deposed, 78, a. she with the G. Vizier and twelve Pasha's govern during Sultan Mahomet the Fourth's Minority. 79, b.  
Komorra, where situate, 140, b.  
Kulogli the Grand Signior's Favourite, 157, a. he marries the Grand Signior's eldest Daughter, 253, a.  
Kuperlee (the Father) Pasha of Damascus made Great Vizier, 88, b. his Disposition, 104, b. he gets his Son joined with him in the Office, and procures the Succession therein for him, 112, b. his Rules given to the Grand Signior, 113, a. he dies, ib. a.  
Kuperlee (the Son) succeeds his Father in the place of Great Vizier, ib. a. endeavours to establish himself, 116, a. his Cruelty to the Germans of Newhausel, 142, a. his Artifice to quiet the Minds of his shattered Army after their great Defeat on the Rab by Montecuculi, 158, b. he sends for his Mother to Belgrade, who was esteemed a cunning Woman, 161, b. he offers to the Son of the Tartar Cham to depose his Father, but the Son accepts not the proffer, 162, b. he returns to Adrianople to the Grand Signior, 163, b. he arrives with his Army in the Isle of Candia, 188, b. sits down before the City of Candia, 195, a. his justice on some disorderly Soldiers at the Surrender of Candia, 219, b. he drinks Wine excessively, 223, b. he is brought thereby into a Dropsy whereof he dies, 262, a. his Character, ib. b.    


L.  
LEmnos taken by the Venetians from the Turks, 89, a. retaken by the Turks, 90, b  
Count Leslie German Ambassador to the Turks. See Germane.  
A Letter sent from the Vizier to the Besieged in Vienna, 209, b.  
Levents, who so called, 127, b.  
Leventz, or Lewa, a Town in Hungary, taken by the Turks, 144, b. retaken by the Germans under the Command of Count Soisé, 154, a. again besieged by the Turks, but not taken, ib. b.  
Lewentz surrendered to the Turks, 283, a.  
Lintz, the Emperor removes from Vienna hither at the beginning of the Hungarian War in 1663. 143, b.  
Lorraine, his great Care at the Siege of Vienna, 291. a. he meets the King of Poland with his Son at the head of the Army, 298, a. he opposes the parting of the Armies, 305, a. His Conduct at Buda. See Buda.  
Dukes of Lunenburg and Brunswick assist Candia with 3000, 206. a.  
Lupulo Prince of Moldavia desires the Sultan to confer the Principality of Valachia on his Son, etc. 45, b.    


M.  
MAhomet IV. born 53, a. succeeds his Father at seven Years of age, 79, a. removes his Court to Adrianople, III, b. returns again to Constantinople, 115, b. his extravagant hunting, 116, a. & 171, a. 221, a. he concerns himself about Affairs of the Government, 116, 117. again removes his Court to Adrianople, with a description of his Cavalcade, 132, a. his Aversion to Constantinople, 151, a. 162, a. he has a Son born, 151, a. he seeks to destroy his Brothers, 162, a. he passionately loves his Queen, 165, a. 221, b. he returns with the Great Vizier to Constantinople, 166, b. he resides at Larissa during the Siege of Candia, 200, a. 207, b. his Antipathy to Tobacco, 207, b. a second Attempt to destroy his Brothers, 211, a. the News of the Surrender of Candia brought to him at Negropont, and how he received it, 220, a. he resides the Winter following at Salonica, 221, a. then returns to Adrianople, where he receives the Great Vizier with great Respect at his Return from Candia, 224. b. a third Attempt to destroy his Brothers, which takes effect on the elder of the two, 229, b. he circumcises his eldest Son, and marries his eldest Daughter to Kulogli, 253, a. his Government commended, 251, b. he returns to Constantinople, 258, a. the Reasons of it, ib. b. he goes back to Adrianople, 262, a.  
Mahomet Pasha made Great Vizier, 78, b. he with the Mufti and other Accomplices conspire the death of Sultan Ibrahim, 79, a. he is deposed from his Office, and afterwards murdered, 82, b.  
Mahomet Pasha of Aleppo marries the G. Signior's Sister, 159, a.  
Mahomet Pasha of Romelia sent Ambassador to Vienna, 162, b. what his Presents to the Emperor were, 163, a. his sordid way of living at Vienna, 185, a. his Controversy with the Germane Ambassador at the place of Exchange, 184, b.  
Malta, the Gallantry of the Knights of Malta at the Siege of Candia, 197, a. the Malteses with six Galleys take the Fleet designed for Alexandria, which had on board the Kuzlir Aga, with his Slave and her Son, and all his Treasure, 56, a.  
Marcello, a General of the Venetians slain in a Sea-fight with a Cannon-bullet, but dies a Conqueror (in 1656.) 89, a.  
Count de Mare killed at Candia, 207, a.  
Marquess of Marcheville, French Ambassador at the Port, for his Complaints against the Captain-Pasha, is forcibly sent away, 27, b.  
Vicenzo della Marra Governor General of the Arms of Candia killed there, 75, b.  
Matthew Prince of Valachia obtains a Victory over Lupulo Prince of Moldavia, 45, b.  
St. Maura taken by the Venetians, 311, a.  
Maxims of the Turkish Policy, 279, a.  
Medina taken by the Persian, 6, a.  
Mehmet elected King of the Tartars by the people, overcomes his elder Brother Gherey, whom the G. Signior would have imposed on them, 3, a. he defeats him a second time, though assisted by the G. Signior, 10, b.  
Mehmet Pasha of Cairo made Great Vizier, 19, a.  
Count Mellin slain, 289, a.  
Michael Korebut Wisnowieski elected King of Poland, 231, b. he dies, 239, a.  
Mocenigo General of the Venetians gains a great Victory at Sea over the Turks in 1651. 85, a. another in 1655. 87, b. in another his Ship blown up and himself slain, 90, a.  
The G. Mogul promises to assist the Turk, if he will break with the Persian, 10, b.  
Moldavia, troubles there, 19, b. the Prince Revolts to the Poles, 238, b.  
Francisco Molino Proveditor General to the Venetians, 60, b. made Doge General of the Sea, ib. b. dismissed from that Charge, 61, b.  
Alvisé de Molino sent Ambassador to the Port, but is transferred to the Vizier at Candia, 208, a. after the Siege ended he passes to the Court at Adrianople, 227, a.  
Mongatz refused to be surrendered by Teckely's Wife, 315, b.  
Marquis S. Andrea Montbrun made Governor of Candia, 203, a. his diligence in his Charge, 204, b.  
Count Montecuculi, Governor of Rab, made a General at the beginning of the War in Hungary in 1663. 140, b. puts a thousand Men into Newhausel, 142, b. joins with Count Serini, 152, a. clears Serinswar of Serini's Forces, ib. b. repels the Great Vizier at Kemend endeavouring to pass the Rab, 156, b. gives a second great Defeat to the Turks at Chiesfalo on this River, killing seventeen thousand, 157, b. for which he is highly applauded and made Lieutenant-General of the whole Army, 158, a. Reasons why his Services were more acceptable than those of Serini or Soisé, ib. a.  
Morat, vid. Amurat.  
Moravia spoiled by the Turks in 1663., 143, a.  
Morlacks' revolt from the Turks to the Venetians, 76, a.  
Girolamo Morosini Commander of the Venetian Galleasses, 60, b. braves the Turkish Fleet, 74, a. killed by a Musket-bullet shot through his Head, 75, a.  
Francisco Morosini made Captain-General for the Venetians, 194, b. he obtains a Victory over the Turks and is Knighted, 101, b. he refuses a Present from the Vizier at the Surrender of Candia, and why, 219, b.  
Gioseppo Morosini Captain of the Venetian Galleasses, 197, b.  
Morosini the Venetian General takes great part of the Morea, 333, a.  
Mortaza Pasha treacherously strangles the Pasha of Aleppo, that formidable Rebel, 92, b. for which piece of Service, etc. being made Pasha of Babylon, and removed from thence, he flees to the Curdi, whose Kings Daughter he had married, who deliver him into the Turks hands, and they strike off his Head, 117, b. 119, a· ib. b.  
Morteza Pasha of Buda joins with the Prince of Transilvania against the Emperor, 6, a. b. he with the Prince make Peace with the Emperor, 7, a.  
Mosul taken by the Persian, 6, a.  
The Muscovites press the King of Poland to conclude a League Offensive and Defensive against the Turk, 280, b.  
Music in the Turks Camp at the Siege of Vienna, 293, a.  
Sultan Mustapha his incapacity for the Government, 1, a. is deposed, 2, a. commanded to be slain by Sultan Morat, 44, b.  
Mustapha Great Vizier strangled by Command of the Queen-Mother, 55, a.  
Mustapha, Captain-Pasha, loses his Head, 50, b.  
Mustapha Pasha of Grand Cairo in Egypt, 53, a. made Pasha of Silistria, ib. a,  
Mustapha, Captain-Pasha, made Chimacam of Adrianople, 131, b. his Affection and Popularity, 163, a.  
A Mutafaraca, what, 162, b.    


N.  
NAdasti with others offer themselves to the Turk in 1670, 221, a. they find not the Protection desired, but are overtaken by the hand of justice, 230, b.  
Bernardo Nani made Proveditor General, and arrives at Candia with five hundred Foot, 200, b. he is killed by a Musket-shot in the Head, 204, b.  
Napoli di Romania surrendered to the Christians, 338. b.  
Narenta in Dalmatia taken by the Venetians, 311, a.  
Count Nassaw killed in the great Battle betwixt Montecuculi and the Turks on the Rab, 157, b.  
Nathan, a jew, an Accomplice with Sabatai Sevi, the pretended Messiah, gives out himself to be Elias, 175, a. his Letters to Sabatai Sevi, and the jews of Aleppo, ib. a. b. he arrives near Smyrna, 182, b.  
The Duke de Navaille Commander of the Succours from France in Candia, in 1669. 212, b. after having lost many of his Men he departs from thence, 215, a. for which he incurs the disfavour of his Prince at his Return home, ib. b.  
Navarino surrendered to the Christians, ib, b.  
Nehemiah Cohen a Rival of Sabatai Sevi in his Messiahship, 179, a.  
Newhewsel besieged by the Turks in 1663., 142, b. it bravely defends itself being stormed, 143, a. the Turks storm it a second time, and are repulsed, ib. b. it is yielded upon Conditions, ib. b. its new Bassa assaulted by the Imperialists whilst on his journey, 279, a. besieged b● the Emperor, 287, b. he suddenly raises his Siege, ib. b. again besieged, 312, a. Taken by Assault, 313, a.  
Nitra, by the Cowardice of the Commander, betrayed to the Turks, 145, a. taken again by the Christians under the Command of Count Soisé, 153, b.  
The Nogay Tartar desires Lands of the Grand Signior, for which they are fallen upon by the Crim Tartar, 171, b.  
Monsieur de Nointel Ambassador at the Port from France, 228, a.  
Novigrade surrendered to the Turks, 145, a. taken by the Imperialists, 309, a.    


O.  
OPium its Operation with the Turks, 137, b, more fully described, 223, b.  
Oseck and the Bridge adjoining to it of six or seven Miles long taken by Serini and burnt, 147, a. the Bridge is built again in forty Days by the Turks, 151, b.    


P.  
PAdavini dies at Canea, 199, b.  
Count S. Paul, together with la Fueillade, etc. arrive at Candia, 205, a. their Valour, ib. b.  
Peace offered in vain by the Turk, 314, b. 317, b. 318, a. The Emperor sends an Ambassador to the King of Persia to break the Peace, whereby to divert the Grand Signior from a War with Hungary, 280, a.  
Persia, the King enters the Turks Dominions with a powerful Army, 5, b. his Success, 6, a. sends an Ambassador to the Port with Proposals of Peace, but without effect, 9, b. sends another likewise without effect, ib. b. the Persians receive a Defeat by the Turk, 14, b. Peace made with the Turk, but quickly broke, 20, b. the King again sends an Ambassador to the Port with Proposals of Peace, 34, a. who not succeeding in his Errand is forced to accompany the Turkish Army into Persia, 38, a. After the loss of Babylon they send another Ambassador to the Port, 45, a. who obtains a Peace, ib. a.  
Pest taken by the Christians, 315, a.  
Signior Pisani, Proveditor General of the Kingdom, killed by a Granado at Candia, 199, a.  
Plague at Constantinople, 315, a. The Plague at Hungary, Newheusel, and several parts in the Turkish Countries, 280, b. 285, a.  
Poland, that King offers to enter into a League with the Emperor if he would declare War against the Turks, 280, b. he and his Son met by the Duke of Lorraine at the head of his Army, 298, a. his Speech to his Soldiers at the Siege of Vienna, 300, b. his Son presented with a rich Sword by the Emperor, 303, a. he retires to his Winter-Quarters, 306, a. he takes the Field, 311, b. the manner of the marching his Army from Kalemberg to Vienna, 299, 300. their skirmishing with the Turks, 301, b. the Turks Flight, 302. a. the great Treasure lost in their Camp, ib. b. the K. of Poland enters Vienna, ib. b,  
Poles make Peace with the Turks, 16, b. but the Turks soon break it, taking part with the Moscovites, 24, a. they send an Ambassador to the Port, ib. b. give a great Defeat to the Moscovites, who proffer an advantageous and honourable Peace to the Poles, which is accepted, 26, b. they are sued to for Peace by the Grand Signior, and at last consent, ib. b. the Peace confirmed by the Turk, 33, a. they fruitlessly complain at the Port of the Incursions of the Tartars, 51, a. kill ten thousand of them returning from spoiling the Countries of Moscovia, 55, a. upon another Incursion, wherein the Tartars carried away an hundred thousand Captives, they again send an Ambassador to the Port, who being disgusted with his ill Treatment falls into a Fever and dies, 189, a. b. the Turks deliberate a War against Poland, and the Causes of it, 231, a. the War breaks out in 1672, 233, a. the distracted Condition of the Poles at this time, ib. a. they accept very dishonourable and disadvantageous Conditions of Peace, ib. b. refusing to pay their Tribute the War breaks out afresh, 235, b. 237, b. they obtain a considerable Victory over the Turks, 238, b.  
Polish Army in a great fright, 305, a. forced to retire, 336, a. the Affairs of Poland, 316, a. 336, a.  
Possonium garrisoned, 144, a.  
Presbourg receives a Garrison of Hungarian Malcontents, 292, b.  
Prevesa taken by the Venetians, 311, b.  
Psara, a great part of the Venetian Fleet cast away there, 75, b.    


Q.  
QUinque Ecclesiae stormed by Count Serini, who put all the Inhabitants to the Sword for their Treachery, and burned the Town, 147, a.    


R.  
RAb (the Fortress) the Turks seek to take it by Stratagem in 1642. 53, b. the Description of it, 140, b.  
Rab (the River) the great Defeat of the Turk by Montecuculi here, 157, b.  
Ragotski elected Prince of Transilvania, 14, a. he refuses Aid from the Turks, 17 a. he instates one Mathias in the Principality of Valachia, and ejects one constituted by the Grand Signior, called Stridia Bei, or Lord Oysters, 21, a. Stephen Bethlem, that had been his Competitor for the Principality, stirs up the Turk against him, whom he defeats in several Battles, 28, b. 30, a. b. whereby he is confirmed in the Principality, and obtains also from the Port a Confirmation of the same for his Son, ib. b.  
Ragotski, Prince of Transilvania, raises Troubles in Hungary, 54, b. his ambitious Spirit, 105, b. he invades Poland, 106, a. beaten by Zerneski General of the Poles, 106, a. deposes himself, ib. b. reassumes the Principality, 107, a. beats the Pasha of Buda, ib. a. is again deposed, ib. a. and again assumes the Principality, ib. b. joins Battle again with the Pasha of Buda, but is beaten and dies of his Wounds, 108, a. his Character, ib. a.  
Ramadam, a Sangiack of Egypt, taken Prisoner in a Sea-fight by the Venetians, and most of his Fleet consisting of twenty three Ships taken or stranded, 194, b.  
Redeius made Prince of Transilvania in the stead of Ragotski, 106, b. forced by Ragotski to relinquish his Power, 170, a.  
Count Remorantino killed at the first Siege of Candia by the Turks, 75, b.  
David Retani his Diligence and Courage in defending Claudiopolis, 111, a.  
Retimo taken by the Turks, 61, b.  
Revan betrayed by the Governor Emir Gumir to the Turks, 31, a. recovered by the Persian, 32, a.  
Aug. Rostayne Adjutant of Marques Villa at Candia killed with a Cannon-bullet, 203, a.    


S.  
SAbatai Sevi the pretended Messiah of the jews in the Year 1666, 174, a. his Parentage and Education, ib. b. his Declaration, 175, a. he arrives at Constantinople, and is cast into a Dungeon, afterwards imprisoned in the Dardanelli, 178, a. while he remains there he institutes a new Method of Worship for the jews, 179, a. he is accused to the Chimacam of Adrianople by Nehemiah Cohen, a Rival of Sabatai in the Messiahship, 181, a. being threatened with Death he turns Turk, 181, b. his Death in 1676. 184, a.  
Samozadé, the Great Vizier's Secretary, his Ruin, 135, b. his vast Estate, ib. b.  
The Chevalier de Savoy killed, 288, b.  
Schinta assaulted by the Great Vizier, but he is beaten off, 145, a.  
Sebenico besieged by forty thousand Turks, who were forced to raise the Siege, 75, b. the City described, 172, a.  
The Island of Schultz attempted by the Turks, 285, again taken, 286, a.  
Segedin taken by the Christians, 335, b.  
Selictar Aga who, 10, b. he is made Great Vizier, ib. b. gains a Victory over the Persians, 14, b. besieges Babylon, but is beaten off, 16, a. he returns to Constantinople, and is deprived of his Office, 18, a.  
Seraglio at Constantinople in a great part burnt, 166 a.  
Searches Pasha, vid. Selictar Aga.  
Count Nicholas Serini Commander of Croatia besieges Canisia, but commanded by the Emperor to raise the Siege, 110, a. he raises a Fort on the Turks Dominions, and calls it Serinswar, ib. b. he is made General of an Army in Croatia in 1663. by the Emperor, 340, b. his just Cruelty to some Turkish Prisoners, 142, b. his Fortune and Conduct, 143, b. a notable Instance of his Valour, 145, b. his incomparable Diligence and Success, 147, a. b. he escapes a great Danger, 148, a. upon a Disgust from Montecuculi he retires from the Wars, 152, b. Reflections on his Disgrace, 153, a. the Presents sent him and Honours done him by Christian Princes, ib. a. he is slain by a wild Boar, 161, a. his Character, ib. a.  
Count Peter Serini defeats the Turks in the straits of Morlac, 148, a.  
Serini Prince of Croatia, Count Nadasti, and others offer themselves to the Turks in 1670, 121, a. they ●ind not the Protection desired, but are overtaken by the hand of justice, 230, b.  
Serinswar taken by the Turks and razed, 152, b.  
'Sheart, what, 137, b.  
Shecher Para, a Pander for Sultan Ibrahim's Lust, 76, b.  
Sigeth besieged by Count Serini, but not taken 147, a.  
Smyrna, a Besasteen or Exchange and a Custom-house built there by the Turks, 256, a.  
Sobieski great Marshal of Poland obtains a great Victory over the Turks in 1673, 238, b.  
Count Soisé his Success in the Upper Hungary against the Turks, 153, b. he beats a Body of fourteen thousand Turks, ib. b. he routs Chusaein Pasha of Buda with twenty five thousand Turks, 155, b. his Commission taken from him, but afterwards he is made Governor of the strong Fortress of Komorra, 156, b.  
Solyman Pasha, Kayah-begh of the janissaries, banished into the Deserts of Arabia, 113, b.  
Solyman Bassa made Vizier, 318, a.  
Soranco, the Venetian Ambassador at the Port, imprisoned at the beginning of the War in Candia, 60, b. he is sent home, 83, b.  
Priest Sorich Captain of the Morlaches his undaunted Spirit, but hard Fate, 76, a.  
Baron Spaar sent General into Dalmatia, 133, a. arrives at Candia, 207, a.  
Spalleto in Dalmatia described, 171, b.  
General Sporch joins Montecuculi and Serini near Serinswar, 152, b.  
Sultana Sporcha her History, 259, b.  
A Spy brings a Letter from the Duke of Lorraine to Count Staremberg to assure him of a Supply, 292, a. A Spy taken returning from Vienna to the Duke of Lorraine, ib. a. another sent by the Duke of Lorraine taken by the Turks, 293, b. Another informs Count Staremberg of Relief designed within eight Days, 296, b.  
Staremberg, C. Governor of Vienna, his Care in Defence thereof, 291, a. his Service requited for the Defence of Vienna, 303, a.  
Styria near Gratz, an Inroad made thereinto by Abaffi, and a thousand Prisoners carried off, 281, b.  
Count Strozzi by his smooth Arguments is received into Possonium with his Regiment, 144, a. is sent Ambassador to the French King to implore aid against the Turks, 149, a. his Speech to the French King, ib. b. he is slain by a Musket-bullet near Serini's Fort, 152, a.  
Sultan Queen follows the Grand Signior into Hungary, 287, b.  
Sweeds conquer Cracovia, 106, a. totally routed afterwards by the Poles, ib. b.    


T.  
Tartars' their kind of Life, 133, b. join with the Turks in their War against Hungary, 134, a. invade Poland in 1667, and carry away near one hundred Thousand Captives, 189, a. their Disposition, 240, b. they make Inroads as far as Trinchein, and carry away eighteen thousand Slaves, 282, b. a great Body of them make an Incursion into Hungary, 288, a, swimming a River they surprise the Baggage of the Emperor's Army on their Retreat to Vienna, ib. b. the Tartars the Forerunners of the Turks Army commit great Outrages about Vienna, 289, b. They deny Assistance to the Turks, 312, a.  
Tartary, the King thereof treacherously slain, 35, b.  
Tauris taken by the Turks from the Persian, 8. b. utterly destroyed by them, 31, b.  
Tekeley succeeds Wesselini in Command of the Malcontents in Hungary, 279, b. being supposed to be inclinable to return to his Obedience is offered the Principality of Transilvania after the Death of Abaffi, 281, a. he receives great Favours from the Bassa of Buda and Presents from the Grand Signior, 282, a. Some affirm he was declared King of Hungary, ib. b. he marries the Princess Ragotski, ib. b. he causes Money to be coined, 283, a. he makes Proposals of Peace, but upon too disadvantageous terms to the Emperor, 285, a. he breaks the Cessation between him and the Emperor, 286, b. has a Son born at Mongatz, ib. b. he publishes a Manifesto in the G. Signior's Name and his own, whereupon many Places revolt to him, 288, a. he is suspected by the Grand Signior, 307, a. his bold Resolution to justify himself, ib. a. the Contests in Upper Hungary between him and the Imperialists, 315. a. betrayed by the Bassa of Waradin, ib. a. sent in Irons to Adrianople, ib. b.  
False Temins, the Story of them, 209, b.  
Tenedos taken by the Venetians, 89, a. quitted again by them, 90, b.  
Transilvania invaded by the Turks in 1661., 107, b. again in 1662., 121, a. a History of its misery, 122, a. the Turks make frequent Incursions into it in 1665. yet the Germane Ambassador then at the Port would not interpose in their Behalf, 168, b.  
A Treasure found in a Vault at Vienna, 296, b.  
Tripoli, Peace made by the English with the Tripolese in 1663., 138, a. they rebel against their Pasha Osman, besiege him in his Castle, and procure him to be strangled, assuming the Form of Government of Algiers, 234, a.  
Pirates of Tunis infest the Seas, 9, b. See Algierines'. Peace made by the English with Tunis, 138, a.  
Turks keep no Residents in foreign Courts, the Reason thereof and the Consequence, 50, a. esteem Ceremony to be Submission, 51, b. the Richness of their Tents, 132, b. the little Respect they bear to foreign Ministers, 136, b. superstitious Admirers of old Prophecies, 150, b. their usual Compliment to foreign Ambassadors, 165, a. 169, a. difficult to bring a Turkish Minister to Punishment, 174, a. they fall to drinking Wine excessively, 223, b. but it is soon forbidden them by the Grand Signior's special Command, which is recited, 225, a. The Turks conclude a Peace with the Poles and Moscovites, 281, a. they make great Preparation for the War against Hungary, 282, a. the Turkish Court and Ladies contribute for the carrying on the War in Hungary, 286, b. the Turkish Army composed of 200000 Men advance into Hungary, 287, b.    


V.  
THE Prince of Valachia, by the Treachery of his Servant is forced to flee his Country, and to retire into the Emperor's Territories, 159, b. another Prince of Valachia is carried by his own Soldiers to the Poles in 1673. but makes his Escape from them. 238, a.  
Valona, the Venetian Admiral takes fourteen Algierine Galleys in this Port, 39, a. b. which boldness the Venetians are glad to make amends for to the Port, 46, a. b.  
Van besieged by the Persian, 33, b.  
Vanni Effendi, a Shegh, a notable Dispute between him and the Mufti, 150, a.  
Varadin besieged by the Turks, 108, b. the Inhabitants crave aid of the Emperor, but obtain none, ib. a. the Fortress described, 109, a. it is surrendered, ib. b.  
Vayvod of Valachia caused a prodigious Cross to be erected before his Tent in the Camp at Vienna, 298, a.  
Venice, the Wars of Venice, 337, a. The Venetians declare War against the Turks, 310, a.  
Monsieur de Ventelay. See la hay.  
Vienna, what Provision it made for itself at the beginning of the War with the Turk in 1663., 140, b. 144, a. abandoned by the Emperor who removes to Lintz, 143, b. it is fortified by the Emperor, 284, b. 285, b, it is besieged, 289, 290, etc. A Fire happening at Vienna during the Siege much endangered the Magazine, 290, b. Signs given to the Besieged in Vienna of Relief at hand, 298, b. The Grand Signior leaves the Siege of Vienna, 302, a. Causes the Heads of five of his Women to be cut off, lest they might fall into the hands of the Christians, ib. a.  
Marquis Villa received into th● Service of the Venetians as General of the Foot, and made Governor of Candia, 166, b. 186, a. his Speech to the Senate, 167, a. he surveys the Forts in Dalmatia in his passage to Candia, 171, b. he lands at Candia, 186, a. he takes the Field, ib. b. but after an assault or two of the Turks retires again into the Town, ib. b. 187, a. he is recalled by the Duke of Savoy his natural Prince, but by the intercession of the Pope and State of Venice licence for his continuance is obtained, 190. b. he is again recalled and departs, 203, a, b. his Speech to the Senate at his return, ib. b.    


W.  
WAldeck General of the Lunenburg and Brunswick Forces in Candia slain there 206, a.  
Earl of Winchelsea sent Ambassador to the Port, 97, a. his Answer to the Captain-Pasha proposing to him to hire some English Ships to serve in the Wars against Candia, 166. a.  
Wirtemberg slain at the Siege of Newheusel, 315, b.  
Wisozki Ambassador from Poland to the Port, his insolent behaviour there, 232, ●▪    


Y.  
YAmboli, a famous Hunting of the Grand Signior there, 159, a.    


Z.  
ZAtmar besieged by Abaffi, 281, b. Forced the City, but could not take the Citadel, ib. b. Taken by Tekely, 283, a.  
Zechelhyd revolts from the Emperor to Apafi Prince of Transylvania, 146▪ a.    
The End of the TABLE.   


S. Paul Rycaut many years' Consul of Smyrna, now his Brittanique Maj ties. Resident at Hamburgh, and Fellow of the Royal Society   portrait   

THE HISTORY OF THE TURKS.  
BEGINNING With the Year 1679.  
Being a full Relation Of the Last Troubles in Hungary, with the Sieges of Vienna, and Buda, and all the several Battles both by SEA and LAND, between the CHRISTIANS, and the TURKS, until the End of the Year 1698, and 1699.  
IN WHICH The Peace between the Turks, AND THE Confederate Christian Princes and States, was happily Concluded at Carlowitz in Hungary, By the Mediation of His Majesty of Great Britain, and the State's General of the United Provinces.  
With the Effigies of the Emperors and others of Note, Engraven at Large upon Copper, which Completes the Sixth and Last Edition of the History of the Turks.  In Two Vol. in Folio. 
By Sir PAUL RYCAUT, Kt. Eighteen Years Consul at Smyrna, now his Majesty's Resident at Hamburg, and Fellow of the Royal Society.  
LONDON: Printed for Robert Clavell, in St. Paul's Churchyard, and Abel Roper against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. M DCC.   

TO THE King's Most Excellent MAJESTY WILLIAM III. King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc.  
Great SIR,  
THE Dedication of this following History of the Turks, may most justly be Addressed to the Clemency and Patronage of Your Majesty for Two Reasons. First, Because the greatest Part of this Treatise was Writte● at Hamburg, whilst I was actually employed for the space almost of Eleven Years in the Service of Your Majesty, the which, I hope will not be looked upon as a Point of my Demerit, or Neglect in my Duty, to have taken out so many Hours as this Work might Require from the Service of Your Majesty. For I can safely say, and that Your Majesty's Secretaries also in England, and Abroad, can Attest for me, that I have been diligent in my Office, and have neglected nothing therein, which my Duty and Services to Your Majesty might require, and expect from me; for it was Written at my Vacant Hours, when nothing of my other Services could give me the least Avocation.  
But what may chiefly oblige me farther to this Dedication, is the Healing, Powerful, and Successful Hand which Your Majesty hath Applied by Your Ambassadors, in making that Peace at Carlowitz, between the Christians and the Turks, which will ever be remembered in Future Ages, and which (as Your former Actions showed the World You were a great Captain in the Arts of War) so this will give good Proof You were a Wise and Prudent Governor in the Exercises of Peace; And may deserve to have that Motto inserted in Your Escocheon, Beati sunt Pacifici.  
And so may Your Majesty be always Blessed and Prosperous in this Life, and Your Great Good Works Rewarded in Heaven. Which are the most Devout Prayers of  
Your MAIESTY's Most Obedient Subject, and most Humble, Devoted, and Dutiful Servant, Paul Rycaut. Hamburg Jan 15. 1700.   

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.  
Courteous Reader,  
I Would not have Thee entertain a worse Opinion of this History, by Reason of the Place where it was Wrote and Finished, being at a far distance both from Constantinople and Vienna: Though perhaps it might have been more lively, had its Colours been laid on in the Places themselves, where the Actions were performed; and at a time when the Humour of the Turks, and the Idea I conceived of their Actings, had taken so strong an Impression in my Mind, that whilst I was upon the Place, I could suffer nothing to pass my Pen, without its due Observation. Being thus accustomed to such Contemplations as these, in my more Youthful Days, I could not let pass the continual News, and the constant Intelligences I received from Hungary, and other Parts which were the Seats of War between the Christians and the Turks, without making some Reflections thereupon.  
After which, I might justly challenge the Privilege of an Exauctorate, or of a Miles Emericus: And I think I need not Blot any more Paper for the future on any Subject relating to the Turks; for having arrived, at that great Period of the last Wars, concluded between the Emperor of Germany, and all his Allies against the Turks; It may appear how much the Ottoman Force is able to avail, when it is put into the Scale and Balance against all Christendom.  
It hath been an ancient Custom, and Policy amongst the Turks, in the time of their prosperous Successes by which their Empire was enlarged, never to continue a War longer than for three Years, in which time they always advanced considerably, and would make no Peace with their Neighbours, until their Triumphs and Acquisitions would answer the expenses, and effusions of their Blood, and Treasures: After which they commonly fixed Twenty Years for the Settlement, and Security of those new Conquests and Plantations; in which time many young Soldiers being Born and Bred up in Arms, they not only took those Habitations for their Native Soil, but esteemed them also to be by the Mahometan Religion obliged ever to defend and maintain them. But these last Wars, have quite put the Turks out of their Ancient Methods; for instead of maintaining a War no longer than Three Years, they have been forced to continue it for more than Twenty, to the great Ruin and Destruction of their Empire. I have always been of Opinion, That the Turks could never maintain a War for longer than Three Years, I mean with benefit, and profit to the advancement of the Ottoman Empire, of which I once made very perspicuous Observations. Whilst I was in the Camp with them, I found the Timariot very poor, and wanting at the end of that Term, so that they stoal from each other their Bridles and Saddles, Lances, and all other necessaries of War, and would excuse themselves by saying, that they could not do otherwise in so long a War of more than their Three Years: And in like manner the Janissaries by their ancient Constitution might challenge a Privilege to quit the Service at the end of the Month of October, and in case they were not called, they might then Disband themselves, on St. Demetriu's Day, which is the 28th Day of October, at which time the Janisar Aga, could not without danger of his own Life in some mutiny deny them dismission for that Year's Campaign: Which the Janissaries esteemed always a Privilege due to their Order, but the Asiatic Timariot called Timar Spahcelar were always sooner dismissed, in consideration of the long journeys they were to make to their Winter-quarters, some of them being as far distant, as Bagdat or Babylon, as Damascus or Scham, as Aleppo and Iconium, and other Parts, which to Travel backwards and forwards would take up commonly four or five months' time: After which to pass a Summer's Campaign, was very Laborious for the Asiatic Forces to undergo, (who commonly are esteemed a soft People) which yet they were obliged to do on Forfeiture of all their Hereditary Estates; in which the Turks by their ancient Constitutions were so Rigorous, that they would admit of no excuses for their absence, even of Death itself; for in case the Father died lealeaving an Infant Son of a Year old, even than he was obliged to the War, though he was carried in the Arms of his Nurse. The Hungarians consequently, being always in Action, and obliged to a perpetual Duty against the Enemy, were never excused from a strict vigilance over all the Motions of their Neighbours, whom in the times of Peace we might properly call Enemies; for they Fought very often, and yet without War so called; for in case they met, and engaged in the Field with a less number than Five thousand Men on a side, and without Cannon, it was not called War, but a Martial Exercise in the times of Peace; and that is the reason, why we find so many Palancas raised over all Hungary on one side, and the other, which are designed to give a stop to any sudden Irruption of an Enemy, within which Palancas (so called) the Poor Inhabitants on either side, Shelter their Wives and Children, their Horses and Cattle, with all their Faculties and Substance, it being not lawful for the Enemies on either side to possess them.  
Besides, on their Highways and Roads to a Market, every thing was to be secured, and neither side could touch the same without justice performed upon due Complaints made to the Pasha, or Christian Governor of the Province. This was the Ancient Constitution whilst the Turks prevailed in Hungary: But since the last War and Peace concluded, things no doubt have been set upon another Foot, and other Provisions have been made to secure the Christian Cause and Interest; for before this time the Turks were become the most Insolent People in the World, and would never do justice to a Christian; for unless it were consistent with their own Interest and Design, they would show themselves Proud, Haughty and Supercilious, expecting Gifts, and returning none, expecting for a Flower a piece of Gold, or some piece of Cloth of the finest Dye and Spinning we have in England; and to this Pass were the Turks come, that they called the Presents made to them by the Christians to be their Tribute, and the Ambassadors sent to them, they acknowledged for no other, than for Mahapous (as they called them) which signified Hostages given for Peace, and the Security of the Good-behaviour of their Masters towards the Port: Their Pride was also so extraordinary, that they would never vouchsafe, to require any Counterpart from the King, or Prince with whom they Treated, or Copies, unless such as were conserved amongst their Archives, or Office of the Reis Effendi, or Chief Secretary; inferring that the Power of the Grand Signior was able to make good, whatsoever he should require on the Score of the Royal Signature; which no Sovereign Prince will now receive from a Proud and Insolent Turk: For praised be that God of the Christians, who hath brought down that Imperious Spirit of the Turks to such a Degree, That they can now own their Weakness and be ashamed of their former Follies, which rendered them insupportable in their Conversation with Christians.   


Mahomethes Quartus Magnus Turcarum Imperator Qui Requat, Anno 1687.    

THE HISTORY OF THE TURKS From the Year 1678, to the Year 1699.  

Anno 1679.  WE have in our preceding History represented the Ottoman Empire for several years passed, under many Circumstances of Happiness and Glory. The Turks had been successful in their Wars abroad, having increased and enlarged their Empire by adding Newhausel in Hungary thereunto, with the Country belonging to it. They had gained and conquered all the Island of Candia, with that invincible Fortress, and thereupon had put an end to a War with the Venetians, which had continued for the space of Twenty six Years. After which they carried their Conquering Arms into Poland, where they took the strong Fortress of Caminiec, which is the Key of that Kingdom; and thence marched into that Country as far as Leopolis, which they brought under the Tribute of Eighty thousand Crowns a-year, and so returned back again into their own Dominions without any Opposition, or so much almost as the Appearance of an Enemy: And to render this Action the more observable, it was attended with the least Expense of Blood and Treasure, of any Enterprise of so bold and daring a Design; and proved an Expedition so profitable and beneficial, that scarce a janisary or Horseman returned without Spoil, or Plunder, or Slaves of both Sexes. All which Wars were acted within the space of Thirteen Years, during the Government of Achmet Kuperli, with such Intervals also of Peace, that War seemed but an Entertainment to exercise the Soldiery, and amuse their Minds, lest they should fall into Mutiny and Sedition; all the Particulars of which we have already at large related. And here I cannot but observe, and say, That Justice is the proper means to render a People flourishing and happy; an Instance whereof we have through all the Government of Kuperli, 
Anno 1679.  who being a Person educated and skilful in the Law, administered Justice equally to the People; his Eyes were not blinded with Avarice, which might bias or thwart him in giving Judgement; he was not cruel, or bloody, or inclined to take away men's Lives for the sake of their Riches; nor more ambitious than what served to make him jealous of his Honour, and zealous to conserve and keep up his Fame and Reputation in the World; which is necessary for Ministers in his sublime Station. Wherefore let us look on those Times which were as quiet, calm and peaceable as any that ever had smiled on the Ottoman State, and justly attribute those Blessings to the Favour of Heaven, which was pleased in those Days to behold so much Justice and Equity dispensed to a People unaccustomed thereunto, and perhaps in Reward thereof, to make the Government more easy and pleasant, than either before or since those Halcyon Days. But now that Kara Mustapha comes to succeed in the Place of so just and equal a Governor, a Person of Violence, Rapine, Pride, Covetousness, False, Perfidious, Bloody, and without Reason or Justice; we have nothing to represent at the beginning of his Government, besides his Oppression, Extortion, Cruelties and Acts of Injustice beyond any thing that was ever practised before in the Reign of the most Tyrannical Princes: and in Process of time becoming vastly Rich with the Spoils and Ruin of many thousands of Families, he accomplishes the full Measure of his Iniquity by the perfidious Breach of the Truce between the Emperor and his Master the Sultan: For tho' it wanted only three Years of being expired, yet trusting to the Power and Force of his illgotten Wealth, he had not Patience to expect so long a Term, being pushed forward by his own Destiny, and incited thereunto by covetous and ambitious Desires, joined to a Scorn, and a mean Opinion of the Christians, to whom he would scarce allow either Understanding, or Courage, or Conduct in War: In which vain Confidence and Presumption of his invincible Power, he precipitated the whole Ottoman Empire into a dismal and direful Condition and State, from whence proceeded nothing but Slaughter, and Tragedies, fatal both to his own self, and to his Master, as will appear in the Progress of this History. But before we enter on those greater Matters, let us first consider this Grand Vizier in his Behaviour towards the Turks, and others who were Subjects to the Sultan. It is certain, that he had his first Rise from Kuperli the Father, and married his Daughter, and was afterwards on the score of that Alliance, favoured by the Son: he was made Capitan Pasha, or Admiral of the Fleet; but being as it were out of his Element, and not pleased with the Sea, he was constituted Chimacam, and placed with the Grand Signior, and at all times next his Person when the Vizier was absent, and employed in the Wars: In which Capacity and Condition (as we have before related) he behaved himself with that gentle and affable Behaviour towards all Persons, as gave Hopes and Expectations of better and more temperate Government when he should come to be Vizier. But being raised to that sublime Station, he soon changed his Humour, and began to show the Fierceness of his Nature, which he had long suppressed. In Evidence of which, we have so many Instances and Examples of his Cruelty and Injustice to produce, that had we no other matter than his Management of Affairs in the time of Peace, without Regard or Reference to Foreign Wars, his Proceedings were so irregular and unreasonable, as might for the Extravagancy of them, deserve to be kept in Memory: But they are too many to be recounted, and therefore we shall content ourselves with some few which have relation to the English Nation, and to the Subjects of other Princes in Peace and Alliance with the Turk.  
The Case of Mr. Samuel Pentlow, who lived about Thirty Years a Merchant at Smyrna, will never be forgotten by the English Factory of that Place: The matter is so extraordinary as might deserve to be related at large, with all the Circumstances of it; but I shall confine myself to a short and brief Narrative, which was this.  
Mr. Pentlow had by a long Trade, in tract of time, gained very considerable Riches, besides an Estate in Land left him by his Father in England; to inherit which, being desirous to have Heirs of his own Body, he married a Greek Woman of mean Extraction. The Grand Vizier having received intimation thereof, and of the Riches of Pentlow, which were magnified to him, according to the Account made on Rich Men, whose Fortune it is to have their Estates always overvalued; he immediately swallowed in his Thoughts all his Wealth and Estate, as if he had been a Pasha, or some other Subject who had grown fat and wealthy to a degree worthy the Grand Seignior's Notice and Acceptance. And to bring him within the compass of such a Seizure, he declared, That whosoever had married a Woman, who was a Subject to the Grand Signior, did by Virtue of such a Match become, ipso facto, a Subject, and yield himself to the same Condition with his Wife; which being a Law never before made or declared, was leveled only at Pentlow to hook in his Estate; having never before been practised, and perhaps will never be again, unless the same Circumstances concur of such a Vizier, and such a Person as this our Merchant was.  
Pentlow had notice of this new Law which the Vizier had promulged, and was not unsensible that it was leveled at his Estate: But yet I know not what Star guided him, or what Charm affixed, or wedded him to the Country, he provided not against the Snare laid for him, which he might easily have avoided by exporting his Estate, as Merchants commonly do, into other Countries; but instead thereof, he keeps all about him, and finding himself sickly and decaying, he made his last Will and Testament in a formal manner, 
Mr. Gabriel Smith and Mr. john Ashley.  and constituted two Merchants to be his Executors, without Reflection or Thoughts how the Vizier had decreed the Grand Signior to be his Heir, which accordingly succeeded in a short time afterwards: For Pentlow being dead, the News was speedily carried to the Chief Customer at Adrianople, who had laid the Plot to seize his Estate; and by him the Grand Vizier was informed of the great Wealth fallen to the Sultan by the Death of his English Subject. The covetous Desire of so vast Riches, which was magnified five times beyond its real Value, caused the Vizier with all Expedition to dispatch a Capugi-Basha to Smyrna to take all the Estate of the Deceased into his Hands, for the Use of the Grand Signior; and in case the Executors refused to make a free and clear Resignation accordingly, then to bring them up Prisoners to Adrianople. The Executors not complying as the Officers required, were carried up by him to Adrianople: Where to extort from them a confession of the whole Estate, they were threatened with the Galleys, with the Rack, the Wheel and other Tortures. In fine, after an Imprisonment of some Days, with a Collar of Iron about their Necks, to which a Chain was fixed and riveted to a Post with Manacles on their Hands; and after a thousand menaces of farther Punishment, they were forced so far to comply, as to Promise, and give Obligation to pay unto the Vizier, or his Order, the Sum of Ninety thousand Dollars within a certain time after their Arrival at Smyrna. To raise this Money against the Term prefixed, such haste was made, that the Goods of the Deceased were Sold at such low Rates, that they amounted not within Five or Six thousand Dollars of the Sum, for which the Executors had Engaged; which they refusing to pay out of their own Estates; were again Imprisoned at Smyrna, where they lay for the space of five or six Months, until such time as a Composition was made, and Expedients found for their Enlargement. Many other, passages occurred of the like injustice, through the whole course of this matter, which for brevity sake we purposely omit: In regard that what we have said already, is sufficient to give the Reader an instance of this Vizier's avarice and injustice: Of which the Turks, 
He was afterwards Grand Vizier, and cut off with the Grand Signior.  as well as the Christians were so sensible; that Solyman, the late Vizier's Kiaja, or Steward, and then Imbrahor or Master of the Horse to the Grand Signior, demanding one day concerning the Avania of Pentlow, could not suppress his Thoughts (tho' much a Courtier) but said, In this Man's time the Musselmin or Believers, cannot expect better Usage or Treatment than the Gaurs or Christians. But this single instance is not sufficient to express the unjust, and rapacious Humour of this Vizier; who in an unparallelled manner of proceeding did ever incline to the Plaintiff; in whose favour having given Sentence against the Defendant to the utmost Asper demanded, his method was to cause the Money immediately to be paid; and took it to himself, giving the Plaintiff some small share thereof, not worthy the Trouble or Expense of the Suit: In this manner he dealt with another Merchant of our Nation, on whom one Pizzamano an Italian made a false pretence of Six thousands Dollars, which Cause being brought before the Vizier, he readily condemned our English Merchant; and having forced the payment by a rigorous Imprisonment, he appropriated the whole Sum to his own Use; giving the Plaintiff about Thirty Dollars, as a gratuitous Reward for turning Turk; he having in compliance with the Vizier, and to gain his favour, renounced his Faith, and Sold his Religion at so vile a Price. In a short time after which the Vizier extorted from our Turkey Company Fifty thousand Dollars, and demanded an increase of the usual Presents which at certain times were made to him, and to all the Officers of the Court: The which, and the like manner of Proceedings, tho' they gained him the hatred of all Men, yet the constancy of the Grand Signior to his Ministers, and his method in making his Master sharer with him in all his Rapines, seemed to secure him from all apprehension of Danger: For when the Grand Signior upon Complaints made to him, told him of the ill Reports he had received; The Vizier answered, That his Majesty might be pleased to weigh the Benefits he had received by his Administration of Affairs, which would appear by the Increase of his Treasury; and that if he desired to have his Empire well Governed, he must suffer him to use the means proper for that end; otherwise his Head was at his Command, which he might take off, and supply the Office with a better Minister.  
Many and frequent were the Examples of his unheard of injustices, as well to the Turks as to the Christians.  
The Valide Kiajan, or the Queen Mother's Steward, whose place was always esteemed quiet, and free from danger, and Independent of the Meri, or the Grand Seignor's Treasury; and their Estates permitted to go to their Children without any Interruption: Yet dying very Rich by the benefit of his Office, which he had enjoyed 18 Years; The Vizier was desirous to partake of the Estate, and taxed his Heirs at 1200 Purses, for Payment of which the Grand Signior at the Instigation of the Vizier caused a Vakuf, or an Estate given to the Church to be seized; which was such a piece of Sacrilege, as was never known, or heard of before in that Empire.  
Draco Bey, a late Prince of Moldavia, 
Draco Bey tortured.  falling short in the Payments he was to make to the Grand Signior for Tribute of that Principality, had the Torture given him in Prison at least six times with Fire, and other ways, which cause the acutest pains; during which, they forced his Son to stand by him, and threatened to put him into his place, in case the Father died under the Torture.  
But more hard and severe than all this, 
The Ragusean Ambassador Imprisoned.  seems the Case of the Ragusean Ambassadors, from whom, besides the Annual Tribute demanded of that Republic, the Vizier required 300 Purses as a Fine for what they had received on account of Customs, which the Turks Trading into their Ports had paid them during all the time of the Venetian War; the benefit of which was esteemed so great, and their Town so much enriched by the grand acquisitions of Trade, that 300 Purses, or 150000 Dollars, seemed a mean exaction from a People so well improved and enriched as the Raguseans were adjudged to be. It is true, their City being advantageously Situated in the Gulf of Venice, did for a long time during that War reap a considerable benefit by Trade, it being made the chief Mart or Scale for all the Commodities which Bulgaria, Hungary, Transilvania, and the Countries thereabouts, yielded for the supply of Italy: To advance which, the Raguseans had erected a Factory at Sophia, which as I remember, (for I was at that Place three times) consisted of about 30 Merchants, whose Employment was to buy Hides, Tallow, Wax, and the like, and send them by Caravan to Ragusa, from whence they were transported to other parts of the World. The Vizier hereupon making up an account of the Profit which this little Republic could, or might have gained in so many years, esteemed it reasonable, that the Grand Signior, by whose Wars they had gained, should partake of a share in their Profits, which by a Computation he made out of his own head, or with the help perhaps of his Jew-Broaker, or of the Customer of Constantinople, he valued at so high a Rate, that 300 Purses were esteemed a moderate allowance to the Grand Signior out of such vast Riches which they had acquired. With this notion of the matter the Vizier called the two Ragusean Ambassadors to his presence, Commanding them immediately to write unto their Principals to provide with all speed the 300 Purses which the Grand Signior required from them in return of the favour and protection he had given them, during his Wars with Venice. The Ambassadors who were well acquainted with the Poverty of their State, which had for several years passed laboured under great difficulties to pay the Annual Tribute which the Turks exacted from them, endeavoured to possess the Vizier with a true sense of the impossibility of raising such a Sum within the compass of their narrow Dominions; alleging that in the Year 1666. their whole City had been subverted by an Earthquake, in which all the Inhabitants perished, excepting 5000 Persons only, who by God's Providence being directed to the Fields, or Streets, were conserved from this Universal Ruin: The which Desolation was so grievous, that two Ages could not repair their Losses, nor increase their People to their former numbers. But the Vizier who could endure no contradiction, nor excuses in opposition to his covetous desires, Commanded the Ambassadors immediately to write to the Government to send the Money, for payment of which no more than 3. Month's would be allowed; at the expiration of which, the Raguseans being in no Capacity to comply, the Ambassadors were sent Prisoners to the Seven Towers, and threatened with Tortures, and drubbing on the Feet, unless speedy payment were made. After more than a Years Imprisonment, at the beginning of the Year 1680. by the Mediation and Interposition of Friends, the Business was Compounded for 120 Purses, but broke off again upon the time of payment; which the Vizier required to be satisfied, together with the Annual Tribute in one Payment in August following: But they alleged the impossibility thereof, by reason of the extreme poverty of the Place, which had now for two years been deprived of all Commerce, and the benefit of the Saline, from which their chief Revenue did arise, and therefore humbly desired to pay it at thrice; that is, 40 Purses the next August, and as much the Years following, with the usual Tributes. But the Vizier not contented with these Conditions, commanded them in his rage to be cast into a Dungeon of the Prison, and threatened to have the Torture given them. The Mufti interceded in their behalf, and laid before the Vizier the injustice of the Act, but in vain: The Kadilescher or one of the Chief Justices refused to Sign a Hoget, or Sentence in the Case, without positive command from the Grand Signior. Howsoever they were remanded to Prison without other legality of Sentence than the Vizier's Boyardi and Command, where they remained until the time that the Vizier marched into Hungary, when with some mitigation of the Sentence, together with some drubs, they were set at Liberty.  
We shall only add one instance more to demonstrate the manner and method of this Vizier in his Judicial Proceedings, 
The Secretary of Holland drubbed.  which was in the Case of Monsieur Debrosses Secretary to the Ambassador of Holland, who having a Demand on the Metropolite, or Greek Bishop of Scio, for a Debt of one thousand Dollars, upon nonpayment of the Money called his Debtor to Justice; the Patriarch appeared at the Divan to defend the Cause, with several other Metropolites, some of which might resemble the Debtor; Debrosses being asked whether he knew his Debtor, he not having seen him in several years, made answer, That perhaps he did, or perhaps he did not, and pointed to a wrong Person; whereupon the Vizier called him Telbis, or Robber, to which he replied, That Franks were not Men of that Profession, or who made false Pretences: The Vizier enraged with this Answer, ordered him immediately in his presence to have 300 drubs given him; of which having received 193, he lay stunned, and for dead; and then upon the humble intercession of the Bostangibashee a remission was granted of the remainder. Nor did the Patriarch and his Bishops carry off their Cause so clear and easy, but were forced to pay unto the Vizier a good part of that Sum which the Plaintiff demanded, in reward and acknowledgement of that justice which was done them.  

The Character of Kara Ki●ja.  He that made at this time the greatest Figure at Court next to the Vizier, was Kara Kiaja, of whom, to know him, we need give no other Character, than that he was the Vizier's great Confident, and intimate to all his Counsels; for having all the ill qualifications, and mischievous Arts of the other, he was the most likely Person to succeed the Vizier, which we shall find verified some years hereafter. He was Capitan-Pasha, or Admiral of the Galleys, which is esteemed one of the greatest Places of Trust and Honour in the whole Empire; but he was removed from that Station, not in disgrace, but by favour of the Vizier, who knowing him to be a Person like himself, and of his Humour and Principles, placed him near the Person of the Grand Signior, with Title of Chimacam; and in recompense for the Commission which he had laid down, he was gratified with the Revenue of three Passalicks in Anatolia, which had been given to the late Vizier after his return from Candia in his Place. Capitan Passa (of whom we have formerly made mention) was made Capitan Pasha, and this year dispatched with Sixty Galleys into the Black-Sea, for building the two Castles upon the Boristhenes: Other Preparations were not made this year for the War of Muscovy, for the Turks intending for this Campaign to remain on the defensive part, designed only to build those Forts which were to Command the passage of that River, and for the future to stop the Excursions and Piracies of the Cossacks into the Black-Sea. The Muscovites, tho' desirous of a Peace with the Turk, yet out of dulness, or ignorance, made faint applications for it, by the means of a single Letter only, which was sent from Moscow by the hands of an Armenian who was turned Russee, that is, one who had reconciled himself to the Russian Church, and had no other business than only to deliver this Letter; the Contents of which was, That the Turks should quit Verania, and desist from Building their Forts on the Boristhenes, both which Proposals were rejected, and no Answer returned unto the Letter.  
So that now the Thoughts and Preparations for War giving no disturbance at the Port, the grand Signior applied himself to the most soft Pleasures. He was not now so eager in his Hunt as formerly, but attended to the more common Delights of the Seraglio; he had gotten together a parcel of Dancing and Singing Girls, which had been presented to him, for he would not be at the expense to buy them; tho' he was so kind to them, as to have three of them at the same time with Child by him, and kept in the Seraglio; where hereafter they may prove a reserve to the Ottoman Line, when the Soldiers shall become more wantonly profuse of the Blood of their Emperors. At this time likewise Kulogli, Favourite to the Grand Signior, who (as we have before related) had in the year 1675. Married the Grand Seignior's Daughter at Adrianople, a Child then of 7 years of Age, being now become ripe for her Husband, he Bedded her at the beginning of this year.  
And farther to increase the Pleasures of the Court, 
Pleasures of the Court.  the Grand Signior for his Divertisement caused a Dunalmah or Triumph to be made, which was represented on the Water by multitudes of Boats hanging out Lights, and Fire-Works on the Walls of the Seraglio; and a Float was made in the Sea, representing the Island of Malta, which was battered on all sides by a Fleet of Galleys.  
But for all these Triumphs Constantinople, 
Fire in Constantinople.  which hath ever been infested by Pestilence, and grievous Incendiations, was greatly afflicted this year by many Fires; the greatest was on Christmas-Eve, which, by common compute burnt down 2000 Houses, all that quarter called the Fanar, with part of the Greek Patriarches Church, the remainder being with much difficulty saved. After which, another Fire happening near the Old Palace of Constantine, a Boy found in the Rubbish a Diamond that weighed 96 Carats, which he sold for 3 Paraws, or about two pence halfpenny; and the Buyer resold it again for a Zealot, or about half a Crown, to one of those Shops near Sultan Bajazet's Mosch, which sell Stones for Seals, and pieces of Crystal for Rings; and there it lay for some time unregarded, until at length the Owner not finding a Chapman, brougth it to an Armenian to set in Silver. The Armenian being a Jeweller, soon apprehended the nature of the Stone, but the largeness of the size causing him to mistrust his own judgement, he Consulted two others, and upon Trial, it proved to be a real Diamond; so when the Owner came for his Stone, it was pretended to be lost, and with a Dollar and half they contented him. But the Jeweller's disagreeing in the division of so great a Purchase; and one fearing to be betrayed by the other, he that had it in Possession discovered it, and sent it to the Grand Signior. 'Twas said to be the most perfect, and best Water that ever was seen. It was very old, and given to be new Cut. It was judged to have been a Jewel belonging to the Greek Emperors; it not being entered into the Register of the Seraglio, where all Jewels of value are Recorded.  

ANNO 1680.  
year 1680. THis year began with the most solemn Council that was ever known to have been held at Constantinople, 
 within the memory Man. Those present at it, were all the Pashaes' of the Bench, the janizar-aga, Topegibashee or Master of the Ordnance, the Chief of the Spahees, the two Kadileschers, or Chief Justices; in short all the Great Men, then present, of the Empire. The Council was summoned at the motion of the Grand Vizier, who having a Breach with the Christian Emperor then in prospect, had a desire to feel the Pulse and try the Inclinations of the great Men, how they stood affected to such an Enterprise. But it seems the Proposal did not very well relish; for that a Moscovite Ambassador being on his Journey to the Port, the Issue or Event of his Negotiation was first to be expected: And in the mean time, it was concluded most safe, and prudent not to Engage in another War. Besides, the Emperor was then actually in Treaty to renew the Truce with the Grand Signior, which in few Years terminated; and to that end, had sent an Envoy extraordinary to the Port, but he died before his Negotiation was accomplished, as did also three other Residents in less than the compass of one Year, year 1680. who were all employed to conserve, and renew the Peace.  
The preparations for War this year being thus laid aside. The Vizier was at leisure to Marry his Daughter to the Grand Seignior's Hazna-Kajasee, 
The Vizier Marries his Daughter.  or Privy-purse, who thereupon was promoted to be a Pasha of the Divan, or Vizier of the Bench; he was esteemed the Richest Man in the Empire; which the Grand Vizier soon found to his high Advantage; for he dying 40 Days after his Marriage, the Vizier in right of his Daughter entered into a vast Inheritance. The Widow remained not long in her desolate Condition, before she was promised to Osman then Pasha of Grand Cairo, who had formerly been Bostangibashee, or Chief of the Gardiner's, and Chimacam of Constantinople.  
By these means the Vizier was grown so Rich, and Great, and Insolent, 
Faction against the Vizier.  that he created many Enemies; but the most dangerous to him, was a Faction at Court, the Chief of which were the Kuzlir-Aga, or Prime Eunuch of the Women, and Solyman the Imbrahor, or Master of the Horse, the which made it their business to cross the Vizier, in all his Proceedings; and disappointed him of preferring a favourite of his, to the place of second Master of the Horse, which was lately become vacant by the death of that Officer; and one preferred thereunto at the recommendation of Solyman Pasha, who was his Friend, and had been Treasurer to the late Vizier. Upon which defeat the great Vizier fearing that he lost ground, and decayed in his power and interest, thought fit to hasten his own Marriage with the Grand Seignior's Daughter, a Child of 8 years of Age; who like other Sultanaes' was Married to no other end, than that her Husband might have the Honour to maintain her a Court, and Equipage agreeable to a Lady of her Degree and Quality.  
This near Alliance to the Ottoman Blood, and familiar Conversation with the Sultan, could not be procured and maintained without a vast expense to the Vizier; who was commanded by the Grand Signior to Treat him once, and sometimes twice a Week, and at every Meal, it cost him 25 Purses of Money, besides other presents to the Valide, or Queen Mother, and other powerful Persons at Court to an incredible value: To support which Charge, Rapine and Violence were necessary, and nothing but a share in the Booty and Pray could stop and fortify the Ears of the Sultan, and Ministers of the Court against the Cries, and Groans of oppressed Wretches.  
One of the ways to Raise Money, (and that esteemed none of the meanest) was by Avanias, or false pretences to be made on the Ambassadors, or Residents of Christian Princes, then actually residing at the Port; the violation of whose Character and Office the Vizier esteemed to be no Sin or Offence; being in his Opinion but Gaurs and Infidels, and such as were sent for Pledges, and Pawns for the Fidelity of their Masters to the Turks: Besides which, he conceived so mean an esteem of all Christian Princes, and undervalved their power and courage in War; that he believed no Indignities or Dishonourable usage could provoke them to a Resentment, or a Revenge for any injuries received: And so far had this belief generally prevailed, that the Pashaes', and Governors who lived at a distance from the Port, would tell the Merchants, that in case their Estates were seized, and one of their Hands cut off, and expelled the Country; yet so wedded were they to their own Interest, and to the Delights of the Turkish Air, that the next Year they would return again, and adventure the like Treatment rather than forego the hopes, 
The Vizier Treats the Christian Ministers with Scorn.  and sweetness of that profit, which they had tried, and expected in the Dominions of the Grand Signior. The Vizier had certainly thoughts like these, and the same poor and contemptible esteem of Christian Princes in comparison with the Ottoman Force, which was no doubt one of his chief Motives to commence that fatal War, which in a few years afterwards he unhappily begun. And in the mean time acting on these Principles, he treated all the Christian Ministers at the Port with equal Scorn and Contempt.  
To begin with the French, he denied to that Ambassador the Privilege of Sitting on ●he Soffra, when he admitted him to Audience; an Honour formerly allowed to Christian Representatives; but now out of the height of Pride overlooking all the World, and not enduring to see a Christian to sit either so near or equal to him, the Vizier made it a standing Rule, That no Ambassador whatsoever should have his Stool placed on the Soffra: But his most Christian Majesty, who was always tender in Points which concerned his Honour, gave positive Commands to his Ambassador: Not to accept of Audience on any Terms derogatory to the ancient respect; and the Vizier as Resolute on the other side, procured the Grand Seignior's command, to confirm that method of receiving Ambassadors, so that it was no longer an act of the Vizier's but of the Sultan's Determination: In which resolves on both sides the Vizier went to Adrianople, intending never to retract his Words; which afterwards proved true; for greater Thoughts, and Employments diverted him from other Treaties on that Matter. But before things proceeded thus far, the Vizier called this Ambassador to an Account for what the Frenchmen of War had acted against the Tripolins, by violating the Grand Seignior's Port of Scio, for that People having committed many Piracies on the French Nation, and then actually in War with them, were Roving in the Seas of the Archepelago, and there unhappily meeting with their Enemy, the French, they took Refuge and Shelter under the Castle of Scio: The Frenchmen of War being animated against their Enemy, and tempted with the sight of their Prey so near, and within their view, entered the Port and made several Shot at the Tripolins, some of which coming a Shoar and doing some little Damage to the People; it was interpreted as a Breach of the Peace, and Violation of the Grand Seignior's Port. Complaints whereof being brought to Constantinople, 
the French Ambassador imprisoned.  the Vizier sent for the Ambassador to his Seraglio, and without seeing him, committed him Prisoner to the Custody of the Chaousbashee; Demanding Two hundred thousand Crowns for reparation of the Damages which the French Ships had done at the Port of Scio, and also in satisfaction for the affront which they had done to the Grand Signior in the Violation of his Port, which amounted unto no less than an absolute Breach of the Peace. The Ambassador remained some Nights under this restraint with menaces, and threats of being removed thence to the Seven Towers: During which time the Customer (Husaein-Aga, (who was always made the Agitator between the Vizier, and the Frank Nations) pressed the Ambassador with much earnestness, to an accommodation with the Vizier: And indeed there was Reason for it, because it was the first time, that ever the Vizier had right in his demands; for certainly the Actions of the French Ships at Scio were not to be justified, nor otherwise to be judged than as Acts of Hostility. The Agreement was carried so privately between the Ambassador and the Customer, that after a confinement of three Days and Nights, the Ambassador was set at Liberty, with a Rumour over all the Town of being acquitted and cleared without any payment, or engagement whatsoever. But time, which brings all things to light, did by the event discover about three or four Months afterwards, that the great Sum demanded was to be paid tho' in such a manner, that the Payment seemed notional and figurative only, by which a tenth part was taken for the whole. And not to concern the King's Honour therein, the tender of this Satisfaction was not to be made in Presence of the Ambassador, but by the Secretary and some Merchants; who were to give it out to the World, as an Act of their own, and as if they had paid the price at their own expense, rather than their Trade should be obstructed by an open Rupture. But whatsoever was rumoured abroad, and what Tricks were juggled under Hand, the Grand Signior took it for granted, that the Money or the value thereof in Goods was to be laid down, and that the King by his Ambassador or Agents under him, was to be concerned in the Atonement which was offered in Satisfaction for the late Trespass: And that he might not be deceived herein; the Grand Signior contrary to his usual Custom, which was to refer all such Negotiations as these to the management of the Vizier, would himself be present at this submission; perhaps because he would fancy that Great King actually at the foot of his Throne, offering his Presents and Sacrifices for a Reconciliation. And indeed the Scene opened not much unlike it, for when the Curtain was drawn up, behold the Grand Signior seated in Majesty on his Throne, and beneath him the Secretary and Agents of the French Nation, prostrating themselves with their Presents before him; and then the Usher of the R. Presence Proclaimed with an audible Voice, Behold the Agents sent from the King of France to humble themselves before our Mysterious Emperor, and in the Name of that their King to offer their Presents in satisfaction for that Assront and Insult which the French Ships offered at the Port of Scio. After which the Presents were produced according to the List, and an Estimate set upon them. As namely, Here is a Piece of Satin value so much, a Piece of Cloth of Gold so much, a Clock at such a Rate, all Prized and Estimated at ten times more than their worth; 
Matter; juggled between the Turks, and Fran●e.  which the Grand Signior did either little understand, or at least was willing to oversee; having perhaps other more secret Intrigues then in agitation between himself and the Court of France, things at that time tending to a Breach between the Turks, and the Emperor of Germany. Or perhaps the Grand Signior was well enough satisfied in gaining his Point, which was to see Agents from France humbling themselves before him in that submissive Address.  
Nor did the English Ambassador receive much better treatment, for besides several proceeding Avanias, one whereof was cast on the Turkey Company in general, on occasion of a vast Sum of Lion Dollars imported to Aleppo, which at that time was the most hopeful Trade. Upon notice of the Importation of so immense a Sum in ready Money, the Vizier's heart was enlarged, so that he swallowed down a great share thereof within his imagination and desires; 
Troubles on the English Merchants.  and to bring the substance nearer to him, he pretended that they were false Money, and brought into the Grand Signors Dominions to Cheat and Defraud his Subjects with Coin of a low and base Alloy. To prove the truth of this Allegation, Commands were sent to Aleppo to try the Money, which accordingly was done, in the presence of the Chief Officers; and tho' they received a full demonstration of the true intrinsic value, according to the legal Standard of that Money, yet there was need of Presents to obtain such a favourable Report as might satisfy the Vizier, and make the Money currant in the Country. But be the Hoget or Report what it would, it could never content the Vizier, who insisted that the Certificates were false, and gained by Bribery and Corruption; and therefore for his better assurance, he would send for the Money to Constantinople, or at least for a great part thereof, that an assay or proof of its goodness might be made in his presence. In short, to avoid so great a loss and mischief to the Merchants, 17000 Dollars were presented to the Vizier and his Officers to take offfarther pretences from that Money; which, with the Presents and Charges at Aleppo; amounted to more than 20000 Dollars.  
Some Months after this, the Visier, wanting a new Pretence to draw more Money from the English Nation, he signified to the Ambassador, Sir john Finch, his desire to have the Capitulations sent to him by the hand of his Interpreter, on pretence of reading some particular Articles therein for his own Information, and Instruction. The Vizier accordingly having them in his hand, detained them, saying, 
A Trick put on the English Ambassador.  That there were several Articles therein, which being contrary to the Turkish Law, and prejudicial to the Grand Seignior's Power and Revenue were to be made void and null, which he would take care to expunge, and would afterwards return unto the Ambassador another Capitulation. This new Method of proceeding was very surprising to Sir john Finch, than Lord Ambassador, and the whole English Nation; who being divested of their defensive Arms, and of those Articles on which all their security in that Country was established, looked on themselves and their Estates as exposed to the will and arbitrary pleasure of the Turks. It seemed now as if our Nation remained in a state of War, or in a Condition of Outlawed People, being deprived of our Law and Privileges. The Consuls did usually carry the Authentic Copies of the Capitulations with them, whensoever they appeared before the Kadies, or Justices; but the Original Exemplar being taken away, the force of the Copies ceased, and those Articles could not be produced, in Plea for us, as formerly they were. This Matter relating to a state of War and Peace, was transmitted home to his Majesty's Consideration; who was humbly entreated by the Turkey Company to take notice thereof in Letters directed to the Grand Signior, and the Vizier. But in the mean time the inconveniences were so great, and the obstructions to Trade so insupportable, that it was thought fit to ransom our Capitulations out of Captivity at any rate, rather than to hazard all our Interest by the want of them. So that a Treaty being commenced, it was agreed, that upon payment of 50 Purses of Money, being 25 thousand Dollars, the Capitulations should be restored, which was accordingly performed.  
In this Condition things stood, when the Lord Chandois, another Ambassador from his Majesty, arrived at Constantinople, bringing, besides his Credentials, Letters to the Grand Signior and Vizier, containing no other matter than Complaints of that unworthy Seizure of the Capitulations, and of the Price and Ransom paid for them; an Action so strange and new, that an Example of the like nature was never known, or heard of in the World. The Vizier, contrary to his usual Custom, being touched with a sense of shame for so mean an Action; did desire that the Letter of this Tenure from our King to the Grand Signior might be smothered, and not delivered; promising to make restitution of the Fifty purses, he had taken on that occasion. This offer from the Vizier seemed a thing incredible, and as impossible to redeem a Soul out of Hell, as a Purse of Money out of his Coffers: Howsoever, so touched he was with the sense of this Act, of which the Grand Signior had as yet no knowledge, nor taken any share in the Booty, that he ordered Twenty nine purses of the Money to be restored; but with so ill a Grace, and so unpleasant a Countenance, that our Merchants apprehended some other Contrivances, and Machinations to be repaid again with a severe interest; which might probably have been expected, had not the Vizier been diverted from these low acquisitions to matters of higher concernment in Hungary: Howsoever, before his departure he left those menacing promises behind him, which threatened no less than Ruin and Destruction at his Return. We might here recount several other Acts of injustice passed on our Nation: As the encouragement of the Pasha of Tunis, to make demands on our Ambassador for what Goods the Corsaires, or Pirates had taken from him, on one of our English Ships: And tho' out of the respect and deference which the Great Duke of Tuscany, and the Great Master of Malta bore to the Majesty of our King, and by the industry and good management of Sir john Finch, than Ambassador at Constantinople, the greatest part of the Goods and Money taken were restored, for which the Pasha declared himself satisfied; yet this Pasha receiving countenance and encouragement from this Vizier in his pretensions, demanded 450 Purses to be paid him by the Ambassador, for the remaining Goods which were not recovered. And tho' this pretention in the late Vizier's time, (a Man of more Justice and Reason than this present) was cast out, and quashed; yet the Pasha looking on this conjuncture, as the most seasonable of any, when the most extravagant demands would be heard and favoured, renewed his Suit, and pleaded it before the Vizier with as many Lies, and false Testimonies as were required, or could be invented to give colour to an evil Case. The Vizier harkened most devoutly to all the Allegations, and with a bended Brow, and a stern Countenance told the Ambassador, That he was to answer for the Blood and Estates of the Turks, which were lost Aboard our English Ships: And again turning to the Pasha told him, That his Demands were too unreasonable and extravagant; and so mediating, as it were, sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other, with design to take on both hands, he at length fairly dismissed the Audience: And in the Afternoon made a proposal by his Kaja or Deputy absolutely to supersede the Cause, provided that Fifteen purses, were given to him, and Seven to his Kaja, and Reis-Effendi, who is Secretary of State. In short, after divers Treaties on this Subject, an Accommodation was made with a great Sum, other businesses being entered and passed in the same Agreement.  
The next which comes into play is the Venetian Bailo or Ambassador, who about the beginning of this Year 1680, was sent by that Republic to reside at Constantinople, his name was Ciurani, a Noble Venetian, and one who had formerly been General in Dalmatia; he was esteemed an Avaricious and a self-interessed Person, a great Merchant, and a great Politician, and one made up of Intrigues and Designs. His first Enterprise, which was to Cheat the Turks, proved unlucky: For having brought a great quantity of Cloth of Gold with him, which was his own Merchandise and Adventure, 
The Venetians in trouble.  he endeavoured to save the Custom by Landing it under the notion of Presents, which were to be made to the Grand Signior, and the Officers of his Court. The Goods were privately conveyed a Shoar in the Night by Boats belonging to the Ships of War, which had brought the Ambassador, and defended by a Guard of Albanians, who are a company of lusty Fellows, to the number of Thirty, maintained by the Republic only to carry Letters to Zara, or Cataro in Dalmatia, from whence by a Felucca they are Transported to Venice: A Party of these Men I say conducted these Goods, and in despite of the Customer's Officers carried them to the Bailaggio, or House belonging to the Venetian Ambassadors. The Customer Usaine Aga, who had notice of all that passed, dissembled at first his knowledge thereof, and contrived with the High Treasurer to send one of his Servants to Buy a considerable parcel of the Cloth of Gold for the use of the Seraglio: And in regard different Sortments and Colours were demanded, it was necessary to open and unpack divers Chests; by which means they came to a full discovery of all those Goods, which had privately been conveyed away by Night. When these Chapmen had concluded their Bargains, and agreed on the Prices, which amounted unto 3500 Dollars, they gave an Assignment for the Money on Usaine Aga the Chief Customer; who willingly accepted the Bill, but to abate it out of the Customs due for those Goods, making up the Account after his own fashion: But not content herewith, he obtained a Warrant from the Vizier directed to the Judge of Galata, to examine the manner of carrying these Goods ashore in the Night by Force and Violence; which being made out by several Witnesses, a report thereof was sent to the Vizier, who immediately thereupon gave Orders to the Vaivod, and Captain of Galata to make Search in the House of the Customer for those Goods, which had not paid the Custom. Signior Ciurani Alarmed at this manner of Proceeding, and not willing to give an occasion to the Turks to violate the respect due to the House of Venice, (which until that time was ever esteemed a Sanctuary, and place of Refuge) seasonably compounded for his unjustifyable miscarriage by the Payment of 30000 Dollars.  
But this trouble was no sooner ended, before another of worse Consequence began, arising from certain Slaves to the number of about Fifty, which had saved themselves aboard the Venetian Men of War which had brought the Ambassador, of which Complaint being made by the Masters unto the Vizier, Orders were given twice to make search aboard the Ships for them; but by help of a little Money, Inquisitions were made so superficially, that Returns were given of none to be found. But the Complaints daily increasing, new Orders were given to renew the Search, the execution whereof was committed to a Capugee and a Hasakee, who are Officers belonging to the Seraglio, together with a Naip or Kadee's Notary, who was to write down and record the proceedings. These persons being come aboard, and rudely making search after their manner, the Soldiers arose against them, and beat them off, wounding some and throwing the Naip and others into the Sea. Upon report whereof the Vizier was so enraged, that he would have had the Ships brought to the Arsenal, there to be laid up and confiscated to the Grand Seignior's Service. The two Venetian Ambassadors fearing also some violence to their Persons from these disorders, betook themselves to their Ships, there to remain until Matters were a little pacified; and to make the business more easy, the Slaves (about whom was all the controversy) were privately conveyed ashore: And a Search of the Ships submitted unto by consent, and Proposal of the Ambassadors themselves. The Vizier being a little mollified with this compliance, the Chiausbashee (or Chief of the Pursuivants) with 200 Men were sent aboard the Ships to make a search, where being received without opposition, they left no corner of the Ships unsought and unlooked into, and none being found, the Chiausbashee gave them a favourable report upon payment of 300 Chequins: After which the Bailos or Ambassadors returned ashore, referring a farther Accommodation of their Matters to Usaine Aga the Customer, who was a most dexterous Person, both in raising Avanias or false Pretences, and in the Ways and Arts of composing them. And he accordingly so managed the matter, that with payment of Seventy purses to the Vizier, and Ten to the Kaja, with other petty rewards to Usaine Aga himself, and other inferior Officers, which might in all amount to about 50000 Dollars, all Displeasures were reconciled, the new Bailo was Friendly admitted to Audience, and the old one suffered fairly to depart: The Masters lost their Slaves, and the Vizier got the Money. But the Troubles of the Venetian Ministers did not end here: For not long afterwards, some Desturbances arose in Dalmatia between the Turks and the Subjects of that Republic, in which above a Hundred Turks, as was reported, 
The Venetian Bailo Imprisoned.  being Cut off, the Vizier in a Rage sent the Bailo Prisoner to the seven Towers, Threatening to put him to Death; but with the Atonement of 200.000 Dollars, the Vizier's gentle Heart was melted, and all things salved up and reconciled again once more. But the Republic of Venice to whose expenses the Sum of 300.000 Dollars was charged, could not so easily digest this Extortion; and knowing that with the Turks there was no other remedy but patience until such time as opportunity happened to revenge it, did in the interim show their resentment, by their displeasure against Signior Ciurani their Ambassador, whom they recalled speedily from his Employment, and constituted the Secretary in his place; and afterwards levied a great part of the Money paid unto the Turks out of his Estate, and out of the Estate of Morosini the old Bailo. Foscari formerly Consul at Aleppo was made Inquisitor to examine the matter, who upon enquiry thereinto found, that the Goods which Ciurani brought were to the value of 60.000 Dollars, and others which had not paid Custom at Venice, were in pena di contrabanda, condemned in 30.000 Ducats; such success as this have such old Politians, who pretend to a craft and cunning above other Men. And thus we have given a Relation of the Treatment which the Vizier used towards the Venetians, in which we have been the more large, to inform the World of the beginnings and grounds of the War, which soon afterwards ensued, and the Reasons which moved the Venetians to join themselves in League with the Emperor against the Turk.  
The next Foreign Minister which must taste of the Vizier's kindness, was the Genoese Resident. And tho' neither the Business, nor the Actions of that Nation did Administer any ground of pretence to extort Money from them; yet, the Vizier made an Avania of 5000 Dollars upon them, for what cause no Man knows, nor do the Genoese themselves declare any. It is conjectured he would not suffer their Resident Signior Spinola to depart without payment of that Sum, upon pretence that during all the time of his Residence, he had never seen the Grand Signior.  
The new Resident who succeeded to Spinola, had been the Sopra-cargo of a Ship, and was rather a Factor than a Public Minister; for the State of Genova had refused to have any concernment in Turkey: Howsoever, they lent their name to certain Merchants for 6000 Dollars a year, who in Consideration of the Consolage to be confirmed to them, were to maintain a Resident at Constantinople, and a Consul at Smyrna. After which the Camera was to know nothing of any expense, but all sorts of Charges and Avanias were to be born by the Undertakers; who allowed their Resident 1500 Dollars per annum, which with the benefit of making Strong-waters, and selling of Wine in his House, and with ways of Thrifty living, was esteemed a good subsistence for a Person of his quality.  
The Dutch Minister which had for a long time escaped Troubles, 
The Dutch in Troubles.  and Avanias rather by good fortune than any good cunning, did at length, on occasion of an unavoidable Dispute with Usaine Aga the Customer, fall within reach of the Vizier's Hand: And tho' the Resident foresaw the Mischief, and would have avoided the Blow by submitting every thing to the Judgement of the Customer himself; yet, to gain the Merit of bringing such a Client before the Vizier, who could never depart from before his Tribunal without paying roundly for his Justice, he immediately preferred his Memorial against the Dutch Resident; saying, That he would not be judge and Party, lest he should be over-partial to himself, but would rest content and submit to any Sentence which the Vizier should pronounce in public Divan. Accordingly a Boiardee, or Warrant was sent by a Chiaus to cite the Dutch Residents Druggerman, or Interpreter to appear in Divan with the Capitulations; which being brougth thither, were there detained after the manner of the English, on pretence that the Vizier would peruse them; tho' as appears by the sequel, his Intentions were to make them pay their Ransom as our Capitulations had done before; which the Dutch objected against us, as a leading Card to them, and that our easiness in yielding to such an unparallelled Extortion, had given the Vizier Encouragement to enterprise the like upon them. It was in the year 1610, when the Dutch first made their Capitulations with the Turks; since which time they were but once renewed, about Forty six years ago in the time of Sultan Morat; and then their Articles were not described at large in many Points, only in general it was declared, That they should extend to all the Particulars as largely, and in as ample a manner, to all Privileges and Immunities, as did the English. The Vizier upon Consideration of the matter, was not willing to find particulars in generals, nor to interpret Articles with such vast Comprehensions as divers & caetera's would imply; and therefore told the Dutch, That they must either receive their Capitulations back, with such Concessions only, as were expressed in open Terms; or otherwise be contented with the expense of renewing of them, in such an Explicite manner as might refer nothing to an interpretation out of Generals. The Dutch who were contented with their old Capitulations, and affrighted with the Charge of new ones, knowing how apt the Vizier was to inflame the Reckoning, kept off at a distance for some time, Arguing the unreasonableness of such a Constraint, and the validity of their present Articles, than which they desired no others. Howsoever, the Vizier kept the Capitulations, and the Customer interpreted them after his own Sense, and in his own Favour. The Dutch had at that time several Ships under Convoy of their State's Men of War arrived at Smyrna, to which they gave Orders not to enter the Port, but to lie off without the Castle, as if they intended to break off all Commerce; and in case their Capitulations were not restored, to cause their Fleet to return back to the Ports from whence they came. But the Vizier and the Customer were not moved with this Bravade; for tho' they were not very well versed in Maritine, or Mercantile affairs, yet they were not ignorant how far a Master of a Ship was obliged to deliver the Goods laden on his Vessel at the Port, to which they were designed; nor did they unreasonably calculate the Charge of returning the Convoy, with the loss and overthrow of their Voyage, to be far greater than the Bargain which was to be made for Restitution, or renewal of their Capitulations. Howsoever, the Dutch were of Opinion, That this Suspension of Trade would mortify the Customer, and incline the Vizier to better Terms; when after Fifty days hanging off, and that divers great Ships of their Convoy had lain almost all that time upon an expensive and heavy demorage; at length the Resident being sooner weary thereof, than the Turks were sensible of the failure of Trade, became desirous to Treat about an Accommodation. The person employed herein was the Vizier's own jew Broker, (for all the great Men in Turkey have one of this Race depending on their Families, who serve them for Setters and Panders to their interest and pleasures.) This jew being dexterous in his mystery of making Bargains, concluded with the Dutch to have their Capitulations renewed; and to have all the dubious Points explained and distended at large, in the same manner as the English are: And then in satisfaction, and return for so favourable an Indulgence, Fifty purses of Money were to be paid to the Vizier, Ten to his Kaja, Three to the Reis-Effendi, or Chief Secretary, and Eight to Usaine Aga the Customer: After which Orders were sent to the Convoy to enter within the Port of Smyrna, which might have been done at first without expense or loss of time; for certainly the detention of the Convoy served nothing to the easier, and more ready Accommodation of this Affair. I have known many Examples of this nature in my own time in Turkey; and could never find that the stopping Ships from entering into Port, did ever Operate upon the Turkish Officers, and only served to increase our Expense, and add to the Afflictions of our other Aggrievances, which we received from the Turks.  
Thus did the Vizier Treat all the Ministers of Foreign Princes with a Scorn, and Contempt as became such as were his Vassals, or Tributaries to his Master, neither showing them Respect or Honour, nor affording them Justice: And when at any time an injured Ambassador asked of him the Reasons why he was so severely used, and what Crime he had committed, he would readily answer, Do you not Breath in the Grand Signors Air, and will you pay him nothing for it? Wherefore we may not wonder, that the Venetians on the Provocations beforementioned, should in so few years after the Conclusion of a long War, break out again with the Turk, and join with the Emperor against this Common Enemy, whom neither Articles, nor Solemn Promises could keep within the Bounds of Common Humanity. And when we consider, how the just God doth humble the Proud, we may not wonder to see how manifestly, the Divine Providence hath appeared in Defence of the Christian Cause, even to a Miracle against the Turks, who at that time had exalted themselves to such a pitch of Pride, and Opinion of their own Force, as if they had been Omnipotent and Invincible, and were minded to verify their own saying, That God had made the Earth for their Dominion, and Enjoyment, and the Sea only for the Christians.  
Thus had Pride, Rapine and Avarice arisen to their Zenith and highest Sphere unto which they could reach, and all those Corruptions and Irregularities in Justice, which usually overthrow Kingdoms and Empires seemed now to be consummated, and the Governors to have fulfilled the measure of their Iniquity. Luxury and Lasciviousness may weaken and enervate a People, but Tyranny and Injustice most commonly Subvert the whole Fabric of Government. Avarice, which is the root of all Evils, and which provokes and incites to Tyranny and Violence, was the ruin of the Ottoman Empire; of which we shall produce a most pregnant Example in the Conduct of this Vizier, when we come to Treat of his Conduct in the succeeding War, before he laid Siege to the City of Vienna.   

ANNO, 1681.  
WE are entered now into another year, 
A. D. 1681.  and still the Visier continues unchangeable in his violent Resolutions of getting and amassing vast Sums of Money. He had for some time given a little respite to the Christian Ministers, from whom he had diverted his exactions to exercise them on the Turks themselves; he laid an Imposition of two Asper's upon every Oak of Flesh eaten within the City; 
An Oak is 2. l. ¾ English.  of which an Old Man complaining, who was employed to buy Flesh for the janissaries, as being dear and bad, the Vizier turned him out of his Office, with a Reward of 300 blows on the Soles of his Feet.  
The Grand Signior having built a Seraglio on Galata side, near the Bosphorus, many of the Workmen, and poor Labourers, both Turks and Christians not being paid, gave a Petition to the Grand Signior for their Money; the Grand Signior readily gave them an Assignment under his own hand for their Payment, directed to the Tefterday or Lord Treasurer; but he sent them to the Vizier, who clapped twenty three of them into Prison, and next day in public Divan, ordered them to be drubbed; telling them, That if he heard more of their Complaints, he would send them to the Galleys.  
But all these were petty Matters in Comparison with that greater Design he had of raising Money; which was by laying a Tax on all Lands throughout the Empire, called the Sorsat, whereby it was proposed to levy at least fourteen thousand Purses, of which the Vizier made an account of at least two thousand for his own share; (the Sorsat is the greatest Tax the Turks impose on their People, being laid on every Acre of Glebe Land where the Blow goes.) The pretence for which was, the Grand Seignior's Removal to Adrianople, for adjusting the Limits of Poland. But this Design was disappointed by the contrary Faction of the Kuzlir Aga, and Solyman Kaja, who by the Queen Mother represented to the Grand Signior, that this Journey being only of Pleasure, and not designed in order to a War, he could not without an oppression of his People raise such a Tax, which in former times was never Levied by their Wisest Emperors, but on great Emergencies, and on occasion of pressing Exigencies; so the Grand Signior, like a good Prince, gave answer to the Vizier, That he would spare his Subjects for the present, in regard that he, and the Valide Sultana, had sufficient in the Treasury wherewith to defray their own Expenses.  
Howsoever the Vizier still insisted on this Point, arguing that the intent of removal to Adrianople was not a Journey of Pleasure; but (if the Grand Signior so pleased) in order to a War against the Emperor of Germany; for never was there a Conjuncture more favourable than at present, when the Rebels under the Command of Count Teckeley invited them to a Conquest of all that Country; and particularly of Raab, which having been formerly under the Dominion of the Turks, could not without dishonour to the Empire, and scandal to Religion be relinquished, and suffered to remain in the hands of the Christians, when it might without much blood or expense be recovered. To which the Grand Signior made answer, That Raab had not been lost in his days, nor in the Reigns of his Father, or Uncle, and therefore that the recovery thereof did less concern him; and that for his own part, he had sufficiently enlarged his Empire by the addition of Newhawsel, Candia, Caminiec, Ukrania, and the appurtenances thereunto belonging; the which Conquests had so harassed his Soldiers, and burdened his People, that he was resolved to put an end unto his Wars, and give repose and ease unto his Dominions.  
At present there was neither Peace with the Moscovites, no● open Wars; the Treaties were in a manner ended, no great Preparations were making for the following year, 
Things doubtful with Moscovy.  but every thing remained in a kind of suspense; and in this Condition of Affairs the Vizier advised the Grand Signior to remove with his Court unto Adrianople in a Warlike posture, which might alarm the Moscovites, and incline them to better Terms and Articles of Peace. The Grand Signior assented thereunto, and about the beginning of November arrived at Adrianople.  
But before the Vizier was well settled in that City, he was forc d for his own safety to cut off his belov'd Kaja, a Creature of his own, who was admirably fitted for his purpose; for he was grown so scandalously avaricious, and so publicly rapacious, without any fear or shame, that he was hated and detested by all Mankind. And here, if ever, the Curse of David was really fulfilled of him and his Master; Let a Wicked Man be set over them, and let Satan stand at his right hand. And tho' the Vizier had no great need of a Tempter to provoke or incite him to catch at his Prey, yet this Devil being most excellently Sagacious in finding out and starting Game, and skilful in all the Arts of Intriguing, he was most intimate and dear to his Master, and esteemed the more useful Instrument, because he was so bold as to be content to bear the disgrace, and to stand between the Vizier, and the Clamours of the People; which were now become so common, and general by the out-cries of the multitude, that the Vizier to save himself, was forced to offer him a Sacrifice to their tumultuous rage. The occasion was this.  
The last Summer the Grand Signior at the instigation of the Mufti, and of other Zealots of the Mahometan-Law, had issued out divers severe Edicts against Taverns, and Boza-Shops. This Boza is a certain sort of Liquor made of that Grain which by us is called Millet, which is fumatick, 
The Cause that moved the Vizier to cut off his K●ja.  and as inebriating as our strongest Ale; and with which the Turks would be as drunk, and more quarrelsome and mutinous than if they had drank of the juice of the Grape; and therefore the Ulamah, or Expositors of their Law, gave their Opinions that it was as unlawful as Wine; for that since it was their Prophet's intention to prohibit Drunkenness, it was an illusion of his Precept to forbid Wine, and at the same time to allow of other more intoxicating and inebriating Liquors; wherefore as often as the Grand Signior renewed his Decrees against Wine, he enjoined the same Penalties against drinking Boza, which was a very heavy and grieuöus Lesson to the People; for Boza-shops were become almost as common in Turkey, as Alehouses are in England, and to suppress them, would be a like inconvenience. Wherefore upon return of the Grand Signior last year unto Constantinople, the Boza-Housekeepers made their Addresses to the Vizier for a Dispensation with the Sultan's Decree and Licence to sell Boza publicly as before; the Kaja boldly enters into a Treaty, and concludes with them for sixty Purses, which so soon as the Grand Signior was departed were paid, and the Licence given, and the Cape, or Chief of that Trade was with Ceremony vested by the Chimacam, who came also into a share of the benefit. But this matter could not long remain a Secret before it was made known to the Sultan by the contrary Faction to the Vizier, who having the good fortune to have Kara Kaja his Friend then present when the Complaint was made; at which he observing the Grand Signior to grow very angry, immediately interposed in behalf of the Vizier, excusing him as ignorant in the matter, and that none was guilty therein besides Hassan the Vizier's Kaja, who was the sole Actor and Contriver of the Offence. The Grand Signior, who had always been constant to his prime Minister, was willing to see him covered with such a screen, and without farther delay Signed a Command to take off the head of the Kaja, which was dispatched away by the Salahor, or Chief of the Querries belonging to the Stables. Kara Kaja a very bad Man, who was Friend to the Vizier, dispatched with all expedition this Advice unto him; which he having received, and fearing lest his Kaja should be carried away alive to the Grand Signior, and betray the whole truth of their Combination, not staying for the Command, immediately ordered him to be strangled. It was early in the Morning when the Letter came, and at the same moment the Vizier sent for Ali Aga, who had been Talkishgee to the late Vizier, (that is the Officer who carries Messages to the Grand Signior) and then Agent at the Port for the Tartar Han, and bid him go to Hassan Kaja and take his Place. Ali Aga surprised and confused with this direction, went as he was ordered, and whilst he was speaking to Hassan, and telling him that he did not well understand the Vizier's Pleasure, in came the Master of the Ceremonies with a Vest, with which (after the Turkish fashion) he Clothed Ali Aga, bidding Has●an to retire into the inward Chamber; where being entered, 
The Viziers Kaja strangled.  two lusty Arnouts, who were selling Cimnels in the Streets, were brought up and ordered to strangle him; the Cord was thrown down before him, which seeming stiff, and not prepared to slip easily, he desired his Executioners to make use of his own Girdle. But before he died, he instantly urged that it might be permitted him to see the Vizier, to whom he had many things of Importance to Communicate. But it would not be granted; and as the Cord was putting about his neck, he Cursed the Vizier, saying these last words; O Treacherous World, now I know thee! Being a strong Man he was long in dying; and some few hours after his Execution being observed to move, the Vizier ordered the Principal Gaoler to watch him until he was Interred. And so was the Grand Seignior's Sentence forestalled, for he was in his Grave before that arrived.  
After his death, the next thing was to ransack his Houses, where great Riches were found, both in Furniture, Clothing, Jewels, and Money; he had four hundred and twenty Horses in his Stables; to the Meri or Exchequer fifteen hundred Purses of his Money were brought, but his Houses and Lands were assigned to pay his Debts, all which he had gained in the space of three years. In one of his new Houses he had enclosed forty thousand Chequins within a Wall, which his Steward discovered, and that he had murdered the poor Masons whom he had employed in the Work. When this Vizier was Chimacam, (as he was for several years) this Man was once his Kaja, but he was so shameless a Villain, that his Master drubbed him, and turned him out of his Service. Howsoever, being now Vizier, and knowing that he had need of such an Instrument, he took him again into the same Office; and calling to Mind that when he was Pasha of Silistria, in the time of Old Kuperlee, he saved himself by cutting off another Kaja, he reserved this Rogue for the same purpose.  
The new Kaja was a much better Man, and therefore little confided in by the Vizier, and consequently made no great Figure at his Court; his Chief Confident now was the Reis-Effendi, or Principal Secretary, by whose hands all Treaties and Negotiations passed. In short, by these Arts and Means the Vizier kept up his Credit with his Master, and in despite of the Faction which was against him, he stood firm on his Basis, such was the favour and constancy of the Sultan to his prime Ministers.  
On the twenty third of November, Caplan Pasha, who had for some years been Capitan Pasha, and of whom we have had occasion to make mention often in our former History, died at Smyrna, being grown almost to a Dotage; he had just such another Kaja as the Vizier had, who miserably pillaged and oppressed the poor Islanders in the Archipelago, from whom he extorted two hundred Pur●es; such another Sum would totally have ruined them.  
A Page of the Grand Seignior's, who was Selictar-Aga, or Sword-bearer succeeded in the great charge of Capitan-Pasha, or High Admiral of the Naval Forces, he was a Creature of the Viziers, and Born in the same Town with him; by whom his Party was strengthened against the contrary Faction.  
At this time the Vizier was meditating a War against the Emperor; but having differences with Poland and Moscovy on his Hands, as yet not decided, there being neither an open War nor a declared peace as yet with either, 
The Vizier designs a War on the Emperor.  he resolved so soon as possible to bring Matters unto an Accommodation with them both: And having made Peace with all the World, and super-induced a calmness over the Face of all the Ottoman Empire, he might then have a pretence to break out into a new War against the Emperor; to which tho' he might meet an aversion in the Grand Signior for the Causes before mentioned, and in the Mufti, and Viziers of the Bench, upon the Truce which wanted Two years of being expired; yet having such a favourable conjuncture of Affairs to offer, than which nothing could be more inviting, he assured himself that he should prevail with the Grand Signior and his Chief Ministers; and herein he miss not his aim, for laying before them the Successes of the Malcontents in Hungary, who were powerful and strong, and had of themselves worsted the Emperor's Forces in all their Battles and Skirmishes: And that these People declared their intentions to throw off their Obedience and Allegiance to the Emperor, and offered themselves Subjects, and Tributaries to the Grand Signior, on the easy and reasonable Condition only of affording them his Assistance, and granting them his Protection: So that to let slip this favourable opportunity, on the Nice point of a Truce not yet expired, were, said he, to give up the Mahometan Cause; the advance and increase of which were a sufficient ground to hollow any thing, which may stand in opposition to it. There were other things also alleged, in reference to secret Encouragements given from France, which tho' they carried not such weight with the Council, so as to depend on them, yet they served for probable inducements to incite forward unto a War. With which Reasons the Grand Signior and the Council being convinced, a War was determined, and great preparations made in order thereunto. And now in regard we are come to a Crisis of time, which gave a turn to the successes of the Turks, and hath shaken and almost subverted the whole Fabric of the Ottoman Empire; it may not be an impertinent digression to look back to the Troubles of Hungary, which were the Causes and Original of that War, which hath proved fatal to the Turks, and brought the Kingdom of Hungary under the entire and absolute Dominion of the Christian Emperor: We shall therefore give a succinct Account of the beginning of those Troubles, as reported by the Author of that Tract called Vienna Oppugnata, adjoined at the end of the History of Isthuanus formerly Vice-Palatine of Hungary, whose words are to this purpose.  
The Turks having in the Month of August 1664. received an Overthrow with the Slaughter of 10000 Men near St. Gothards', 
The Original of the Troubles in Hungary.  a Town in Hungary, by the Imperial Army, under the Conduct and Command of Raymond Montecuculi, a Peace or Truce rather was immediately concluded thereupon, to continue for the space of Twenty years: During which time the Kingdom of Hungary long harassed with War, might have recovered ●ts pristin happy Estate, had not certain Miscreants, the barbarous and degenerate offspring of that Country, disturbed the Tranquillity and Quiet thereof; and by Machinations and Plots against the Life of their Sovereign, drawn upon themselves that destruction which they designed for others. But God be praised, their Treason was detected, and the chief Conspirators, namely, Francis Count Nadasti, Chief justice of Hungary, Francis Marquis of Frangipani, and Peter Serini a Count of Croatia, all of them Eminent both for Arms and Letters, were taken, arraigned, and being found Guilty were put to Death, and their Goods and Estates confiscated to the use of the Emperor. But so soon as this Rebellion was suppressed, another of more dangerous consequence was raised, being fomented by the Nobility, and Persons most considerable for their Estates and Power in Hungary, of which Emericus Count Tekeli was declared the Chief; the Causes and Grounds of which they delivered under these Heads.  
First, That contrary to the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom, a Palatine had not been constituted to supply the vacancy of the former deceased.  
Secondly, That the Hungarians were excluded from all Offices and places of Trust, and Strangers introduced into their stead.  
Thirdly, That the Germane Troops were forcibly quartered upon them, and the numbers daily increased: And all the Forts, Castles, and places of defence garrisoned by Germane Soldiers, and no Trust or Confidence reposed in the Hungarians, to the great oppression and discouragement of that People.  
Fourthly, That by the Counsel and Advice of the jesuits, the free exercise of their Religion was not only taken from them, but they were also ejected out of their Churches and places where they worshipped God: For which Reason they desired, that the jesuits might be banished out of Hungary.  
And tho' the Emperor did in his Wisdom foresee all the mischiefs which did ensue, and with a gracions Clemency endeavoured to apply those Lenitives, which might appease the Spirits of his discontented Subjects; and in order thereunto called a Diet to be held at Cassovia, where he offered to condescend unto all the Propositions which the Malcontents did demand: And afterwards summoned another Diet to be held at Presburg, at which, before the Coronation of the Queen, he assisted and presided in Person, and there made new offers to grant Liberty of Conscience, and a free exercise of Religion to all Protestants, and to restore to them their Churches taken from them, with as many other Privileges and Favours as could be desired: So that there was all appearance imaginable of Peace and a fair Accommodation. But matters were permitted to go too far before they received a Check: For the Malcontents were engaged with the Turks beyond any power of retractation: And having received Assurances from them of Assistances which were daily expected, and Promises (as it is said) of Money from the French, all thoughts of accommodation were laid aside, from whence that terrible War hath ensued, fatal to the Turks and pernicious to Christendom.  
All this is a short Epitome of the Troubles and Unquietnesses in Hungary, for the space of about Eighteen years, which having been the occasion of the great War, which hath altered the state of the whole World; We shall not content over selves with this short Relation, but shall proceed to render an Account of the rise of these Troubles, the continuance of them, with the several Successes, until the Entire conquest of Hungary by the Emperor.  
The People of Hungary are naturally of a mutinous and unquit Temper, complaining of War, and not well contented with Peace. The Emperor towards the end of the Campaign 1664. had gained a Victory (as is said) over the Turks, and made the good use thereof, as with that opportunity to clap up a Peace. The Hungarians who before that time, and even during the War with the Turk, bade been unseasonably incensed by many Insults and Outrages committed on them by the Germane Soldiers; but more sensibly touched by having their Churches taken from them by the Counsel, and advice of the Jesuits and Clergy of Rome; were not content with the Peace made by the Emperor with the Grand Signior: Alleging that they ought to have been made Parties to the Treaty, it being their Country which was chiefly concerned: That after so Signal a Victory, better and more advantageous Articles might have been obtained from the Turk, and perhaps Newhawsel itself might have been Surrender'd and Restored, but by default hereof their Condition was rendered far worse than before, for by virtue of the new Articles lately concluded: The Pasha of Newhawsel pretended to bring all the Villages on the Frontiers of Moravia under Contribution; and to add unto the new Conquests all the Country and places on this side the Danube, which are nearly adjoining to Gran, Alba-Regalis and Kanisia, wherein was comprehended the greatest part of the lower Hungary: Which they exclaimed against as Terms so disagreeable unto them, that a War had been much better; and therefore to prevent and disappoint all farther proceedings thereon, they seized on the Secretary of the Imperial Resident then remaining with the Vizier, on the way as he was carrying the Articles of Peace to be Ratified by the Emperor, and took from him his Horses and Money with his Dispatches, which they for some time detained, and restored not without much difficulty.  
The Emperor being informed of this Affront, cited the Chief Lords of Hungary to appear at Vienna: Where the Prince Lukovitz Precedent of the Imperial Council told them, That the Conditions of Peace which his Master the Emperor had concluded with the Turk, were not so disadvantageous as they imagined; for that the first overture of Peace came from the Turks themselves, with whom it was agreed and concluded, that Transilvania was to continue in its ancient Liberty, and not subjected to the Government of a Pasha in nature of a Mahometan Province. That the Counties of Zatmar and Zambolish, which were anciently esteemed dependencies on Transilvania, were to be transferred into the power of the Emperor. That the better to secure the Frontiers of the upper Hungary, and to prevent the Incursions of the Turks on the other side of the Danube, It was provided in the Capitulations, that the Emperor might Build Forts on each side of the River Waagh; which would very much annoy and restrain the Turks of Waradin and Newhawsel from making Depredations, or Incursions on that side of the Country. Now considering that this Peace was thus advantageous, as well to Hungary as to the Hereditary Dominions; his Imperial Majesty judged it convenient to embrace so fair an opportunity; expecting that the Hungarian Lords would likewise concur with him in Confirmation of the Treaty, and restrain their Soldiers from committing farther Outrages on the Frontiers. That his Imperial Majesty as to his part, was resolved to withdraw all his Germane Regiments out of Hungary; Provided, That they themselves would take care to furnish, and supply those Garrisons with Soldiers of their own, and at their own charge repair the Fortifications of Levents, Schentra, Neutra, Schella and Gutta, which are Neighbouring places to Newhawsel, and to furnish them with all sorts of Ammunition, and Provisions necessary for their Maintenance and Defence.  
The Hungarian Lords returned no present answer to this Discourse; having not Authority so to do, until they had first consulted with the Nobility of the Upper Hungary, who had often protested that they would never agree to any thing, which was concluded without their consent, and revenge themselves on their Palatine, in case he should engage them in matters without their Privity or Concurrence first obtained.  
In fine, after Consultations had with the Estates, an answer was giving in Writing to this effect. That to conclude a Peace without the Privity and Concurrence of the Estates, was against the Statutes, and Privileges of the Kingdom. That in case they could flatter themselves so far, as to believe that true Tranquillity and Ease would be the effect, and consequence of the late Truce made with the Turk, which would be the greatest blessing that coul● befall a Nation, (which above all the People in this World had been harassed with War:) Yet it was difficult, and almost unpracticable for them to build the Fortresses intended upon the Waagh, and in the mean time restrain the Turks from their Incursions; and let them do what was possible for them, yet still Hungary would lie open, and exposed for at least 60 Leagues spa●e to the Incursions of the Turks, and to the extortions and insolences of the Germane Soldiers: In short ●herefore, they resolved to Ratify nothing; they would neither exchange the Garrisons nor Buil● new Forts, nor Repair old ones; but leave every thing to his Majesty to provide what was necessary for the defence, and conservation of that miserable and unfortunate Kingdom.  
This memorial being given in with a kind of sad and a discontented behaviour, despairing (as it were) of the welfare of their Country; the Hungarians were retiring from the Emperor and his Council, when the Prince Lubkovitz reassumed in a calm and sober manner his former Discourse, which he pressed on them with new and persuasive Instances: Telling them, That he could not imagine upon what Grounds or Reasons they did desire a continuance of War, the Stage and Theatre of which was to be their own Country. That out of a sense of those Miseries which were to ensue, and from a pious and gracious regard he conceived for the repose of Hungary, the Emperor had concluded a Peace with the Turk, which he was contriving to secure against all violences and eruptions of the Enemy. And that entire satisfaction might be given to the Hungarian Lords, his Imperial Majesty declared, That he would build those Forts upon the Waagh, which were designed to restrain all Incursions from the Garrison of Newhausel, 
The Emperor's Grant to the Hungarian●.  at his own expense and charge: That he would withdraw the Germane Troops from burdening the Country, and quarter Hungarians in their places; That whilst these Forts were in Building, the Guards thereunto belonging should consist of Hussars and Heydukes: That all places of Trust and Profit, both Civil and Military, should be put into the Hands of Hungarians. And that they might at their own will and pleasure, put what Forces and Commanders they pleased into the Garrisons of the Mountain Towns and other places.  
These Concessions from the Emperor being so gracious and free, as nothing could be desired more ample and satisfactory; the Hungarian Lords acquiesced and signed the Treaty with the Turks: So that all things began to put on a Face, and clear aspect of Tranquillity and Repose, as well in reference unto Foreign Wars, as to civil and intestine differences: And thereupon the Crown, wherewith the Hungarian Kings were usually Crowned, and which the Lords had removed from Presburg, to prevent the Emperor from taking it upon him with Right of Inheritance, was again returned by them, and restored to its former place.  
But these fair promises and assurances given by the Prince Lubkovitz in behalf of the Emperor, proceeded no farther than to words, for neither were their Churches restored; Nor the Germane Forces recalled out of the Country; Nor the Towns of Nitria and Levents, lately taken from the Turks delivered into their Hands, as was promised: But instead thereof, Germane Garrisons were put into Tokai, Zatmar, Kalo and Onod, Towns which are bordering on Transilvania, and were belonging to Prince Ragotski.  
In short, nothing being performed as was promised, the Spirits of the Hungarians were so exasperated, that they desponded of any good from the Imperial Court, but rather beheld it as a Cabal, contriving and meditating only to bring them under an Arbitrary power, and an unsupportable Slavery. And this general Humour of discontent, so spread itself in the Minds of the People; that they grew Sullen, and Angry in an Instant; and both the Roman Catholics and Protestants, and all sorts of Religions in that Nation became so concerned for the Liberty and Privileges of their Country; that they freely and openly declared, That they would rather subject themselves to the Turks, than become the Slaves of the Germans.  
The consequences of which War have been so dismal, and even the Imperial Victories gained at the expense of so much Blood and Treasure, as all Germany as well as Hungary, has felt the fatal effects of it: So that Men are apt to look back with Indignation on the Authors of these Troubles, and to think them worthy of the extremest Punishments, that have brought their Country to such Ruin and Desolation. The greatest part of which Censures will without doubt fall upon the Protestants, whose Arms have wanted even Success; that popular justification, and whose Cause labours under two such fearful appearances, as a defection from their Prince, and the joining with the Common Enemy of Christendom, tho' perhaps a considering Man will be apt to re●lect on that Cruel severity, which forced them to take shelter in the Arms of an Infidel; at least he will see a fatal instance, of the unhappy Consequences of driving Men to Despair, by subverting their Laws, Liberties and Religion. I shall therefore give an impartial Account of the Causes, that exasperated the Protestants of Hungary to this degree; and leave them to the Readers judgement, either to be condemned or acquitted. And therefore let us hear what Account the Protestant Writers give of this matter; when the Protestant Religion began first to insinuate itself into Hungary, under the Reign of King Lewis, 
Anno. 1523.  it met there with the same fate it did in other Countries, (viz.) Opposition and Persecution. But this King unhappily engaging himself in a War against the Turks, fell in Battle, and leaving no Heir Male, the Hungarian Nobility were divided in the choice of a Successor; one part Electing john Zapolya Vaivode of Transilvania, and the other Ferdinand the first. But john dying soon after his Election, Ferdinand remained in sole possession of that Kingdom; who the better to gain the affection of his Subjects, granted free exercise of Religion to Cassovia, Bartphia, Eperias, Leuchenia and Libinia; the five free Towns of upper Hungary, and afterwards to several of the Towns of lower Hungary, besides the same Priveleges which he gave to divers of the Nobility. Notwithstanding which, there being several Commotions and Disturbances on account of Religion, still remaining in the year 1606. at the Pacification of Vienna, made between Rodolph Emperor and King of Hungary, and Stephen Botscai-Kis-Maria; in the first Article it was said, That as to the business of Religion, that notwithstanding the first Constitutions, and the last Article of the year 1604. according the Resolution taken by his Imperial Majesty: All the Inhabitants and Persons of what Order or Condition soever within that Kingdom, as well the great Lords, as the Cities and Privileged Towns immediately belonging to the Crown, or upon the borders of that Kingdom; as likewise all the Soldiers of Hungary, shall have free and entire Liberty of Conscience, without being troubled or molested: Nevertheless without prejudice to the Roman Catholic Religion, so that that Clergy, the Churches, and the Temples of the Catholics may remain in the State wherein they are, without Violation or Molestation: And that those which had been taken by one side or other, should be restored to their lawful owners. Afterwards the Emperor Mathias himself explained that Clause, (nevertheless without prejudice to the Rom. Cath. Religion) by assuring them, That it was put in upon a good design, and that it only meant that neither Party should be disturbed in the exercise of their Religion. This liberty was afterwards often confirmed, as you may see in the Grievances presented to the Emperor, which are affixed to the end of this History. The now Reigning Emperor Leopold solemnly confirmed this Article at his Coronation; Vide the sixth Condition in the Imperial Patent running thus: Ordered, That the exercise of Religion granted to the States of Hungary, according to the Constitution of Vienna, and those Articles established before our Coronation shall remain entirely free, as well for the Barons, Lords, Gentlemen, as free Cities, and all Orders and States of the Kingdom of Hungary; as likewise for the Towns, Villages and Hamlets that will accept of it, so that no Person of what Condition soever, shall be hindered in the exercise of his Religion, in what manner, or under what pretence soever. Given in the Royal Citadel of Posonium, june the 25 th', 1655.  
In despite of all these Edicts made in favour of the Protestants; the Clergy, especially the Jesuits, had so much interest in the Court of Vienna, as to get a Manifest published there; and Entitled, Truth declared to all the World, or a Treatise wherein is proved by three Argument, that his Caesarean Majesty is not obliged to tolerate the Lutheran, or Calvinist Religion in the Kingdom of Hungary: Writ by George Barzon titular Bishop of Waradin, Priest of the Society, and Councillor to his Sacred Majesty. The first Argument was drawn from three Conditions, under which the liberty of Religion was granted at the Pacification of Vienna. The first, That it should be without prejudice to the Protestant Religion, which Condition being impossible aught to pass for nothing. The second, That the Clergy, and the Catholic Churches should remain in their former Condition without being touched, which was violated by Bethlem and Ragotski. The third, That what was taken either by one side or the other should be restored, which the Protestants had not performed. To this was answered, That it did by no means follow, that if one Condition or Clause was looked upon as impossible, and so null, that the whole Treaty should be so also; and besides, that the Emperor Mathias himself had explained the Condition by declaring, that it was not to be made use of for the ruining of that liberty which was granted. That whatsoever Bethlem or Ragotski had done, this Liberty was notwithstanding confirmed by the Edicts and Ordinances of the Emperor: That if it had been so, that Protestants, who being daily provoked by the Papists, had gone a little too far, yet the innocent ought not to suffer. That the Destruction of Temples, which were made use of during the Troubles only regarded those, that Botskai had taken in the War, and not such as had been for a long time in their Hands. The second Argument is, That this liberty was not established by the unanimous consent of the States of the Kingdom, to whom it belongs to make Laws with the Consent and Approbation of his Majesty, and consequently that those Articles ought to be abolished. But it was urged, that this was extremely injurious to those Kings, who had confirmed and ratified them, and who no question were not so ignorant of the rights of the Kingdom of Hungary. That when this Affair was managed at Lintz 1645. Tho' the Archbishop of Strigonium, George Lippai, and some seculars opposed it, yet Count Palfy Precedent of the Chamber, and divers Catholic Lords consented, notwithstanding that opposition; so that the Affair, being extremely hindered by that Archbishop and his adherents, the Protestants were upon the point of complaining to his Majesty, had they not been stopped by the Declaration that was made, that they voluntarily subscribed to the Articles of the Pacification of Vienna, which they called the Foundation of the Kingdom: So that this Edict of Lintz was ratified and inserted in the Articles of the year 1647 with this Clause, Notwithstanding the opposition of the Clergy and other Seculars, which shall have no force or vigour for the future. Besides the Subscription of the Pacification of Vienna, made by all the States both Ecclesiastic and Civil, runs thus: We underwritten do, with common consent, in the name of all the States and Orders of the Kingdom of Hungary, and the places annexed to it, promise freely and voluntarily, etc. The third Argument was, That if the Lutherans and Calvinists must be tolerated, than those only must be tolerated, which are of the Confession of Ausbourg, and the Confession of the Swisses: But both one and the other had abandoned those Confessions; and they instanced in several Articles from which they had deviated. But this last seems only a frivolous shift, and shows the Resolution the Clergy had taken to oppress the Protestants; and indeed this they had always done, when they thought themselves the stronger, and notwithstanding, that this Liberty was often confirmed, as particularly in the Treaties with Botskai, Bethlem and Prince Ragotski; yet the Roman Catholic Lords and Gentlemen, and especially the Arch-Bishops and Bishops, persecuted them with Fire and Sword, massacred them in their Churches; and used all manner of Cruelties towards them, as far as their Power and Authority could reach; so that there remained scarce any place of Rest, or Security for the Protestants, but in the free Cities, and those too quickly after were involved in the same misfortune: For Nadasti, Serini, Frangipani, and other Catholic Lords taking part with Prince Ragotski against the Emperor, in the year 1670. the Austrian Troops entr'd Hungary and carried all before them, and with them Troops of Bishops, Arch-Bishops and Jesuits, whose Actions outdid the Fury of the Soldiers; and took this opportunity of dispoiling the Protestants of their Goods, Churches, Ministers, and constrained a great part of the People to change their Religion: The Protestant Lords were taxed at immense Sums, Soldiers quartered upon them, and by these means several forced to turn Catholics. In short, all Upper and Lower Hungary with all the Free Towns, fell into the Hands of the Catholics, whose Severities and Cruelties, as they found nothing to oppose them, so they suffered nothing to escape them: And this miserable Kingdom laboured at once under the Licence and Rapine of the Germane Soldiers, and the Rage and Fury of the Jesuitical Converters. The Protestants were hanged up at their Church Gates, and several of their Towns burnt. One john Backi a Minister, was burnt a live at Comarin, and the Widow of Laurent le Sur, who was of the same Profession, had her Head cut off in the same Town: And multitudes of both Sexes, and all Ages and Conditions were banished.— To Authorise these Cruelties, at least to give them a fair gloss, they constituted a Chamber of Justices at Poson, composed of ecclesiastics and Seculars, all sworn Enemies to the Protestant's; where it was first ordered, That the most considerable Persons should be cited to appear, and clear themselves of the Crime of Rebellion laid to their charge. They began with those of the Nobility, which they thought the easiest to be wrought upon. They which made their appearance were thrown into Prison, without being judicially heard, condemned to great Fines, and were each minute solicited to change their Religion. A Declaration was presented to those whom they found most firm and constant, whereby they were required, that to satisfy his Imperial Majesty of their Loyalty and Obedience, they should no longer protect their Ministers, and should promise not to hinder the Priests from saying Mass in their Churches, or performing other Ecclesiastical Functions, till they were enlightened from above, saw their Errors, and were converted to the Catholic Church.  
But the greatest Storm fell upon the Ministers, at whom they chiefly aimed; and that they might get rid of them the better, they established three Courts of Judicature: One at Tirnavia for those of Poson, and two of Poson for the rest of Hungary: Nor were they all cited for fear of making too much noise, but a few and those of the Ausbourg Confession, to try what success they were like to expect from the Prosecution of the rest: And, because they chiefly designed to ruin the Protestant Religion, under pretence of Rebellion, they presented those that appeared these following Articles to sign. 1st, That all the Ministers of both Confessions, Schoolmasters, Readers, Students, etc. to escape the Punishments which they had incurred for their Rebellion, should promise under their Hands to renounce all their Functions both poublick and private, and pass the rest of their Lives peaceably and quietly, upon pain of Death if they disobeyed. Or 2 lie, That they should be banished for ever, with promise never to return to their Country, or to any of the Hereditary Lands, or other dependencies on the Empire, nor ye● to go over to their Enemies. Or 3 lie, That they should change their Religion, which his Majesty chiefly wished and designed, and which would be most agreeable both to him and to the Courts of Justice.  
The 25 th' of September 1673. Some Ministers to the number of 32 or 33 appeared, and being threatened to be sentenced to die, if they signed not the foregoing Articles; some consented, others chose to be banished, and one changed his Religion. This lucky beginning encouraged them to proceed, and finding fear to be the strongest motive to work upon them; they cited all the Ministers, Regent's, Schoolmasters, etc. of Hungary to appear before them, which caused a strange consternation amongst them, and produced very different effects; some of them the Nobility would not suffer to appear, others fled, some again abandoned themselves to the care of Providence, made their appearance at Poson, to justify their Innocence from these horrible Calumnies, with which they were blackened, to testify their obedience and submission to the Magistrate, and to satisfy their Churches, who earnestly begged of them not to forsake them in that calamitous Condition. There were 250 Ministers that appeared, and by their Trials (two long to repeat) it appears, That their Religion was the chief Crime, and tho' other things were laid to their Charge; yet all was but pretence; they used all means to intimidate them, and to shake that great constancy which they showed for their Religion; they sentenced them to death, imprisoned them, threatened them with the Galleys, and employed all the pernicious arts of torment and vexation, that a persecuting spirit could contrive, to shake or surprise the Frailty of Man; dragged them into their Churches, forced them upon their Knees to adore the Host and their Images, let lose the fury of the Soldiery upon them, and encouraged them to torment them; in the midst of this barbarous usage, they would sometimes pretend to show a glimpse of Pity, and endeavour to allure them by the promises of the Imperial favour and protection, offering them preferments, upon Condition they would change their Religion; at length finding them proof against all their arts, they stigmatised several and sold them to the Spanish Galleys, from whence afterwards they were redeemed by the famous Ruyter, Admiral of Holland; others were thrown into vile, loathsome Prisons in which some perished, the rest who outlived their misfortunes, were released by the importunities of the State's Ambassador at the Imperial Court. These matters of fact are too public to be denied, and the Reasons that are given, seem by no means sufficient to palliate such Barbarities. Those Letters in cipher which were produced against them, to prove them Guilty of Treason are justly suspected; but grant them true, they were but from particulars, and one or two men's Gild cannot render a whole body of Men liable to punishment. As for those Accusations which were laid upon them of being Murderers, Robbers, Ravishers, etc. they were only alleged, not proved, and consequently likely to be mere Calumnies. To conclude, that they were Rebels because some fled from the Persecutions they saw pouring upon them, seems to be no very good consequence, and to show not so much their guilt as their fear; at least, this cannot be urged against those that made their appearance; and that there were several which signed the Paper that was presented them, argued, they indeed weak but not criminal; and the rigours that were used to bring them to sign it, do extremely diminish, if not absolutely take away all the force of that Argument: So that I doubt not, but it will appear to the impartial Reader, that the conduct of the Popish Clergy has had too great an influence on these last Troubles, and that their persecuting Maxims, are as ruinous to the interest of a State, as contrary to the Spirit of our Christian Religion.  
And from this Original began that War, which ha●h ever since continued with great effusion of Blood, and strange vicissitudes of Fortune; which not only reduced Hungary to the pit of despair, but even Germany itself to the brink of Destruction; until God was pleased to take the Cause into his own Hands, and avenge Christendom from their Enemies, whose Sins (it seems) were more ripe for the Divine vengeance, than those of the Christian people. The discontents on both sides grew so high, that the Emperor resolved to perform nothing on his part, of what he had promised to his Hungarian Subjects, nor they any thing on theirs, which respected Duty and Allegiance to their Prince. Both Parties stood in defiance to each other; the Emperor would not lose the benefit of the charge and expenses he had been at, to fortify the frontier Garrisons against the Turks: Nor would the Hungarians restrain themselves from their usual Incursions, notwithstanding the Treaty so lately signed by them: By which the Emperor received frequent complaints from the Turks. So all was now private Machinations and open Defiances.  
It was now in the Month of September, That the three years were expired, year 1665. at the end whereof according to the Statutes of that Kingdom a Diet was to be Assembled at Presburg, for redress of those aggrievances of which the Subjects complained. It was usual for the Emperor to be present there, but some jealousies being whispered of a Plot to seize his Person, his Majesty refrained from making his appearance at that Diet; which being by that means put off, the Sovereign Chamber of the Kingdom, taking all matters into their Consideration, 
The Hungarians complain.  sent their Deputies to complain unto the Emperor, That Colonel Spaar Governor of Zatmar, had extorted Money from the Citizens, upon pretence of paying his Soldiers, tho' in reality to appropriate it to his own benefif and service. That the Germane Soldiers were s●ill quartered in the Countries, notwithstanding all the Promises and Engagements given to the contrary; the which aggrievances together with that of taking away their Churches, was such a Scandal and block of Offence, as caused great Commotions in that Kingdom, whensoever that matter came into dispute. Hence it was, That the Protestants chose three Leaders, or Chiefs of their Faction and Party; against which Prince Ragotski, and Apafi opposed their Forces in favour of the Palatine Wesselini; year 1666. and Count Palaffi Imbre appeared as one of the Chief of the Malcontents; but having not sufficient Force to sustain his party and interest, he craved assistance and succour from the Turks, to whom he offered his Son for a Hostage, and the Town of Debin, with the dependences thereunto belonging, as a farther security for performance of Articles.  
All was now divided into Sects and Parties: Count Peter Serini, of whom the Emperor had not the least jealousy, entertained secret consults with the Malcontents; and with Nadasti raised Forces upon pretence of giving a stop to the Turks, in their passage to Dalmatia; but with real design to seize the Person of the Emperor at Puttendorf, a place appertaining to Count Nadasti; as he was Riding post with Prince Lubkovitz, Chief Steward of his House, and with about 12 Gentlemen of his Retinue to meet the Empress; but that Plot took not effect, for their Ambuscade missing the Emperor, he happily met the Empress on her Journey out of Spain.  
This Conspiracy being thus disappointed, Count Nadasti desired the Emperor, year 1667. that he might be made Palatine of Hungary, in the place of Wesselini lately deceased: But the Emperor not being well satisfied of the Faith and Integrity of that Person, refused to confer it upon him or any other, until he saw the Tranquillity and Peace of that Kingdom better secured: At which Nadasti being enraged, corrupted a Carpenter in revenge to set fire to the new Apartment, which was building in the Palace for the Empress Eleonora: In expectation that in such an affrightment and confusion, the Conspirators might seize on the Person of the Emperor: But God conserved his Imperial Majesty, tho' that Plot was not detected until Nadasti received the reward of his demerit.  
The Deputies of the upper Hungary made new Addresses to the Emperor, year 1668. to have the Office of Palatine supplied according to the Constitutions of the Kingdom; but in those times of Sedition and Discontent, his Imperial Majesty not finding a Person equally grateful to the Hungarians, and loyal to himself, to whom he could confide that Important Charge; did for some time keep the Office in his own hands; which with the refusal made to restore the Protestant Churches, was so generally displeasing, that the Nobility denied to be present at the Coronation of the Empress, until they were a little mollified and appeased, by having the Revenue and Rents of their Churches released to them.  
Besides the Office of Palatine, the Government of Carelstadt became vacant by the decease of the Count Aversperg, which being in Croatia, and lying commodious for Serini, he immediately made applications for it, by means of his Lady; who with her good air and address, and the vivacity of her Spirit, and fluency of her Language, thought nothing difficult for her to obtain; but missing thereof, for Reasons best known to the Emperor, who judged it not good policy to add greater Authority to a person who was Vice-King of Croatia, and possessed already more Power and Interest than he could willingly afford him, the Lady was forced, much against her Nature, to acquiess in a denial; 
C●unt Serini 's Lady disgusted.  but not being able to suppress the violent commotions of her Spirit, she openly breathed out her menaces against the Emperor; and finding an humour in the People generally inclined to a Revolt, easily persuaded her Son-in-Law Prince Ragotski, and the other principal Nobles of Hungary to enter into an Association and Conspiracy against the Emperor.  
The first thing they did, was to complain of the Germane Garrison in Tokai; 
The Deputies make their Complaints to The Emperor.  and being assembled at Zemblin, they fent their Deputies to represent unto the Emperor, that according to the Laws and Privileges of that Kingdom, all their Forts and Places of Strength ought to be Garrisoned with no other than Soldiers of their own Country. That the Protestants received all sorts of ill treatment and discountenance, their Churches were taken away, and not restored, as was promised and agreed; besides several other Aggrievances which they laid before the Emperor, supplicating his Imperial Majesty to grant them ease and redress therein, according to the Constitutions and Privileges of that Kingdom, which his Majesty at his Coronation had Sworn to maintain. To all which, the gentle and sweet temper of his Imperial Majesty, and the sense of his Conscience was inclined to yield a benign and gracious Answer, had not Father Emeric a Jesuit, 
Emetic a Insult hinders an agreement with the Hungarians.  and his Confessor, instilled other Principles and Motives into his Mind; giving him to understand, that it had always been the Prerogative of the Kings his Predecessors, to dispose Garrisons in all places of that Kingdom, consisting of such Nations as he should judge most for the safety and security thereof. And that whereas at present the Hungarians were inspired with an humour of Rebellion and Revolt, there was no reason to trust or confide in them, but in the Germans only, whose Loyalty and Duty was sufficiently known, and approved by his Majesty. Farther he added, that the Hungarians had in the late War against the Turk suffered Waradin to be lost; and at the Battle of St. Gothards' upon the River of Raab, had appeared in such small numbers for defence of their Country, as if they had intended to have betrayed it; had it not been for the Germane and other Foreign Forces, the whole Kingdom had become a Prey to the Turks.  
With such Discourses as these the Deputies were entertained, 
The Deputies return with dissatisfaction. The Evils thereof.  and dispatched away without other satisfaction; at which the Nobles and People were so displeased, that they gave a stop to the Payments they had begun to make towards building the Forts, and cut all the Germans in pieces which they found quartered about the Country; and particularly they killed forty Soldiers of the Regiment of Spaar near Xants; the which piece of Blood and Slaughter was again returned by the Germans, and Force repelled again by Force. So that now all was open defiance, War, and Massacre.  
To carry on the Great Designs in hand, 
The Malcontents assemble at Kivar.  the Malcontents assembled at the Castle of Kivar, upon the Frontiers of Transilvania, about two Leagues distant from Ghibania, where the Gold and Silver Mines arise. The Principal Persons there present, were Ladislas Giulaf, Gabriel de Kende, Benedict Seredey, jonas Veradt, the Calvinist Minister of Cassovia; also Derus Bansi General of the Transylvanian Forces; janos' Betlem the Chancellor, Michael Talha Governor of the Frontiers, with some others; where a League was formed between the Hungarian and Transylvanian Protestants, to drive and expel the Germans out of the Kingdom, to demolish Zatmar, and to arm themselves in defence of their Religion. In this accord the Wife of Prince Apafi appeared extremely zealous, being a Woman of a Masculine Spirit, a fierce Protestant, and one who had a hand in all Matters, whilst her Husband applied himself to Hunting, and to the Conversation of Learned Men.  
In the mean time Count Nadasti having failed in his late Treason against the Emperor, 
Count Nadasti Plot● how to Poison the Emperor.  contrived to Poison him at a Magnificent Banquet, which he had prepared for him; at which the Persons present, were the Empress, the two Imperial Princesses, Prince Charles of Lorain, with all the Court. The fatal Dish prepared for the Emperor was a Pigeon Pie, which he extremely loved; but God preserved his Sacred Person, by means of the Lady to the Count; who being endowed with greater Sentiments of Honour and Religion than her Husband, beseeched him on her knees to desist from so black and so detestable a Wickedness; but not being able to prevail upon him, she Ordered the Cook to set another Pie of the same fashion before the Emperor, in the place of that which was poisoned; of which he having eaten without any hurt, Nadasti apprehended the dealing of his Wife therein; and lest the Cook should discover the Secret, he killed him the same day with his own hand.  
Count Serini, tho' he was contriving all this time, yet it was not in Matters of so black a nature as these. He entertained several Conferences with Count Tassembach, a Person of as Ambitious and unsettled an humour as any whatsoever, year 1669. and ready to enter into any League and Conspiracy with the other Malcontents. And in fine, after many Consultations, he concluded it necessary to engage the Turks▪ with them in the whole Enterprise. 
A Treaty held with the Turk.  But lest it should come to be discovered to the Emperor's Resident at Constantinople, by the openness of the Turks, who can keep no Secret, it was resolved that the Matter should be Negotiated by the Transilvanians; who being already Subject to the Turks, and under their protection, might with less suspicion propose this Treaty.  

The Turks harken to the Hungarians.  This Overture being made to the Turks, they immediately embraced it, being an Offer which at the first sight appeared very advantageous; but then the next Condition required by the Chimacam, who was Kara Mustapha, (the Grand Vizier being then at the Siege of Candia) was, That in Consideration of the aid and protection which the Grand Signior was to give unto the Hungarians, they were to become his Tributaries, in the same manner, and on the same Conditions as the Transilvanians were. This Demand, though it seemed hard to the Hungarians, yet they resolved to pursue their Design; and accordingly sent their Agents to the Vizier at Candia, hoping by the lenity and moderation of his Nature to obtain more easy terms than those demanded by the Chimacam; and in the mean time to notify their intention of Revolt unto all the World, they caused a Standard to be erected, with two Scymeters died with Blood, and a Crescent or Half Moon over them.  

The Grand Vizier at Candia dismisses the Agents from the Rebels.  The Grand Vizier being then labouring at the Siege of Candia, and in a doubtful Condition of Success, was not willing to entertain thoughts of a new War, until he had put an end to that which he had then in hand, and in which he was daily engaged. Howsoever, not to se●●m diff●●●nt of his own Successes, or negligent and cold in the entertainment of Propositions so apparently advantageous to his Master's Interest, thought not fit to dismiss them wi●h a slight Answer; but causing their Propositions to be taken in Writing, and examined, he dis-speeded the Messengers with fair Words and Promises, referring their Matters to be farther debated by the Officers actually present with the Grand Signior, who had more time to consider their Affairs than he had, who was daily engaged in Batteries, and continual Assaults upon the City.  
The Transylvanian Messengers being come to the Port, 
Conditions demanded of them by the Tu●ks.  the Conditions required of them by the Turks were very severe. For in the first place, they demanded of Ragotski, who was Chief of the League, that the five Towns in Hungary which belonged to him should be delivered up into their hands; That Count Serini should cause Copranitz, an impregnable Fort in Croatia to be surrendered to them; and that an Annual Tribute should be paid for the Kingdom of Hungary.  
The Commissioners for the Malcontents, who thought these Proposals very hard, did yet endeavour to come as near an accord as was possible; for though they were unwilling to surrender up their own Towns and Demesnes to the Turks, yet they promised to fight for them, and deliver such Towns and Fortresses as they should take from the Emperor into their hands.  
The Grand Vizier Kuperlee was by this time returned Triumphant from Candia, 
1670,  having with the entire subjection of that City, and the whole Kingdom, put an end to the War with the Venetians. Howsoever tho' the Propositions offered by the Malcontents were of such advantageous Consequence as the like could not be expected, yet they were rejected by the Vizier; for whether it were out of a sense of Faith to the Emperor, 
Kuperlee unwilling to break with the Emperor.  with whom he had concluded a Peace but five years before, and which he had no cause given him to break, or by reason of a War designed against Poland; and some umbrages and Clouds of discontent, began with the Moscovites; he was not of a mind to enter into a War so soon with the Emperor; howsoever he underhand encouraged it, and gave private Instructions to the Pasha's on the Frontiers to aid the Malcontents in such sort, as that their union and actings with them might not amount unto a Rupture, or breach of the Peace.  
During all this time the Imperial Court had only suspicions and jealousies of what was Plotting, rather than any certain advice or knowledge thereof. And the emperor's Resident at Constanstinople had as yet received but some obscure Notions; of what was treating by the Transylvanian Agents, which afterwards came to a clearer Light, by the means of an English Gentleman as we have before declared in our preceding History: And which being once made known, other things appeared to put the matter out of all doubt or question. and as a particular Evidence to discover this Truth; the principal Servant of Count Tassembach, and one in whom he had reposed the greatest confidence, having been put in Prison by him for Robbing him; this Traitor that he might be revenged on the Count and obtain his Liberty, discovered much of the Plot, by producing one of the original Papers, all written with the proper Hand of Tassembach, which contained a Scheme of the whole method of their intended proceedings, as agreed and concerted between him and Count Serini, dated the 11 th' of September 1667. This Paper being Read in the Council at Vienna, served to open the Eyes of the Emperor, and of the Government, and caused them to watch all the motions of Tassembach, and of Serini and the other Accomplices.  
To evidence and farther confirm that there was a Plot, advices came from Schaketorno in Croatia, that Count Serini was in Arms and had levied several Troops. 
A Plot discovered.  The original Letter also appeared which Serini wrote to Frangipani, giving him an account of the Resolutions and Proceedings of Tassembach; the which Letter (by what means is not known) was found with a Soldier belonging to Frangipani, who carelessly made use of it, for a stopper to his Powder-horn: Another Letter was intercepted from Frangipani, directed to one of his Captains in whom he reposed his greatest confidence: Signifying the offers which he had made to the Turks of subjection to them; that the Germans intended nothing more than to ruin their Country; and therefore, that he should keep his Forces in a readiness to oppose them in case of necessity.  
These and several other Evidences were a clear conviction of a Plot designed; and a ground sufficient for the Precedent of the Council of Grats, to seize the Person of Count Tassembach, and commit him to safe Custody. After which his House was searched, where was found a considerable quantity of Powder and Ammunition: And his Papers being also seized and examined, it thereby appeared, that the Arms and Ammunition were designed to furnish therewith 6000 Men, which he intended to raise: and upon farther enquiry into this matter, several questions being put to him; Tassembach owned the whole Design and Conspiracy, and the Engagements which were between him and the Count Serini. Whereof Copies with the Process being sent to the Emperor, the whole Plot was discovered, and no further doubt or question made of a Rebellion, and General revolt of the whole Kingdom.  
This discovery was seconded by advices of the constant intercourse and correspondences held between Serini, and the Pasha's of Buda, Bosna and Kanisia: And more particularly by a Letter, which Marquis Frangipani Brother-in-Law to Count Serini wrote to Captain Tscolnits, containing the whole secret of the business, and served to demonstrate the inveterane Malice, which the Marquis had conceived against the Emperor, and the whole Germane Nation. Tscolnits, had at first entertained a correspondence with the Malcontents, but making reflections afterwards on the persons, with whom he was to engage; that they were rash and heady, and Men of no solid Foundation or good Temper, he retracted from his former Engagements, and showed the Letter to the Emperor.  
But matters were proceeded too far, to be wholly suppressed or defeated: For those in the upper Hungary appeared openly in the Field under Ragotski, who threatened to take Mongatz, where his Mother held her Court of Residence, and to seize on the Treasure, which his Father had amassed during the time, that he was Prince of Transilvania. year 1670.  
The time being come in which the Malcontents had appointed to draw their Forces into the Field, on pretence of enterprising something against the Turks: For we must note, that in times of Peace, it is allowable for both sides either Turks, or Christians to make Incursions upon each other, to Rob and drive away Cattle, and to fight in the Field with strong Parties both of Horse and Foot, provided that the numbers of them do not exceed 5000, and that no Cannon be brought into the Camp. Such is the miserable Condition of that unfortunate Kingdom: The Malcontents, I say, having with this pretence drawn their Forces into th● Field; convened a Diet at Cassovia, without the knowledge or authority of the Emperor; 
A Diet a● Cassovia:  where the Nobility and the Deputies of the several Towns, and Cities in the lower Hungary were Assembled; to the end, that they might have an understanding together, how to raise Money, and how to manage the War.  
The Emperor, tho' not ignorant of all these Motions and Consults; yet wanting a sufficient force to suppress these first beginnings of Rebellion, thought fit to temporize and use Lenity for a while; tho' in the mean time he declared against the illegality of the Diet; which the Malcontents excused, 
The Emperor declares against it.  and disguised under the colour of an Assembly, in which nothing more was intended, than only to raise 8000 Foot and 4000 Horse, to oppose the continual Depredations and Incursions of the Turk. But the Emperor saw farther into the manner of their actings, than to believe their words; for Princes have just cause to suspect the Loyalty of their Subjects, year 1670. who take up Arms without the Privity and Consent of their Sovereigns: And therefore to try, and prove the Sincerity of their intentions, the Emperor cited the Chief of the Malcontents to appear at Newsol, 
The Chiefs are cited to Newsol.  there to render an account of their Actings to his Commissioners appointed to examine those matters, namely the Count of For●atz, the Archbishop of Strigonium, Zitzchi, who was Precedent of the Royal Chamber, and Nadasti, who had not as yet declared himself of the contrary party, which he underhand encouraged and countenanced. The Malcontents yielded no obedience to this Citation, and refused to make their appearance; and instead thereof 13 Countries entered into an Association, and raised Soldiers, which were commanded by Ragotski, who thereunto joined 2000 Men of his own, whom he levied and maintained at his own expense.  
Ragotski, who thought it now time to cast off his Disguise, 
Count Staremberg Imprisoned.  invited Count Staremberg to Dinner, and in the mean time invested the City of Tokai, of which he was the Governor, with 8000 Hussars; but the place was so well defended by the watchfulness and valour of the Lieutenant Governor, that his Men were repulsed with a considerable loss. Nor was he more prosperous in his attempt upon Mongatz, which, at the news of his approach, was defended by his Mother, who caused the Bridges to be drawn and the Cannon leveled against him, preferring the Loyalty towards her Prince before the natural tenderness to a Son, to whom she sent those Reproaches of his Treachery, as became a Lady of that great and generous Virtue.  
In the mean time the Malcontents in despite of the Emperor held their Meeting, year 1670. which they called a Diet at Cassovia; 
The Malcontents offer their aggrievances to the Emperor.  and having concerted all their matters, and agreed on a Scheme of their Affairs, they drew up a Remonstrance of their chief Aggrievances, which they offered to his Imperial Majesty, desiring that the Churches taken from the protestants might again be restored to them: That all their Towns and Fortresses might be freed and eased of Germane Soldiers, and that in place of them, their Garrisons might be supplied with Hungarians: And Lastly, That they might have liberty to make War on the Turks, with their own Men, and at their own expense. These Propositions were rejected by the Emperor at the instigation of his Chief Officers and Ministers of State, who swallowing in their desires all the Riches and Possessions of the Hungarians, hoped to force them into a Rebellion, by which their Lands and Estates might be forfeited to the Emperor, that they might beg them for their own benefit and enjoyment.  
The Emperor communicated all these matters to the Diet at Ratisbon, giving them to understand how necessary it was to suppress these Disturbances and Insurrections in their beginnings: And immediately before he sent his Forces into the upper Hungary, he thought fit to cause Major General Spankau to March into Croatia against Serini with 6000 Men. Upon the news of the approach of these Forces, 
Sere●● unresolved.  Serini was greatly surprised, and in such a consternation that he knew not what to resolve. He was disappointed of Money to pay his Army, with which Ragotski had promised to supply him out of his Father's Treasury at Mongatz, but that failed as we have showed before. The Null had likewise deserted him, and adhered to Count Herberstein Governor of Carolstadt. Nor was the time as yet come, that the Malcontents had appointed to stir in the upper Hungary; in the mean time his own Forces were weak and inconsiderable, not exceeding 2000 Morlaques in his City of Chiacatorno, and those ill provided either with Money, Ammunition or Victuals to maintain a Siege. What then was to be done? Why, nothing but submission to the Will and Clemency of the Emperor; which being resolved, Father Forstal an Augustin Friar, and an intimate Friend of Serini, was employed to Vienna to manage this Accommodation: Where being arrived, 
He submits to the Emperor.  he applied himself to Prince Lubkovitz, the Emperor's principal Minister of State, to whom having imparted his Message; it was received by him with much kindness and joy; and was the more acceptable, because Serini was his Kinsman, and nearly allied to him: And therefore frankly told him, That two things were expected from Serini. First, That he should send his Son for a Hostage to Vienna: And Secondly, That he should subscribe a blank Paper, signifying, that he would accept of such Conditions as the Emperor should be pleased to impose upon him: Both which being performed, (as is here proposed) Prince Lubkovitz did promise in behalf of the Emperor, year 1670. that Serini should not only receive a General Pardon, but should also conserve his Liberty, Places and Offices of Trust, Dignities and Privileges; only in case the Emperor should think fit to remove him from the Office of Vice-King of Croatia, 
O●●●rs made 〈◊〉 Prince Lubkovi●z to ●●●ini.  he promised that in lieu thereof he should have the Government of Carolstadt conferred upon him, or some other of equal importance. And farther, this Prince, to demonstrate his concernment and respect to this Family (of which he was a Member) offered out of his own Estate to pay the Debts thereof, which amounted to 400000 Florins, and for ever to espouse the interest of Serini, and of those related to him. Farther Forstal returning with this Dispatch, received at the Hands of Count Serini, his only Son to be carried for an Hostage to the Emperor, with a blank Paper signed, promising to receive Germane Soldiers into all his Garrisons.  
But before Forstal could finish his second Journey to Vienna, Spankau arrived with the Imperial Army before Chiacatorno. And tho' Serini sent him forth a Message, acquainting him of his Accommodation with the Emperor, and his Treaty now in hand negotiated by Forstal; yet General Spankau, ha●ing received no such advices or directions from the Emperor, pursued the Tenure of his first Commission, and accordingly besieged Chiacatorno, and so straight pressed it, that Serini and his Brother-in-Law, the Marquis Frangipani, were forced to escape and abandon the City, and leave it with all that was dear and precious to them for a Prey to their Enemies. And so issuing forth by a secret Sally Port, year 1670. with about 30 other Persons of quality, 
Serini es●pes out of ●hiaca●●rno.  with intention to submit, and lay themselves at the Feet of his Imperial Majesty, they unfortunately committed themselves to the guidance and direction of Count Keri, who pretending great Friendship to them, received them into his Castle with 5 or 6 Servants, pretending that he could not receive, or entertain a greater number for want of Furniture, or Conveniences fit for their better Accommodation. So soon as these two Lords with their Servants were within the Walls of the Castle, Keri caused the Bridge to be drawn up, and his Soldiers to stand to their Arms, and placed Guards in all parts and avenues of the Castle. The two Counts tho' very sensible of the Treachery of Keri; yet dissembled their resentments thereof, and suffered themselves to be carried Prisoners without any resistance to Vienna; 
Are made Prisoners.  where they were at first Lodged in the Suburbs, in the Convent of Augustin Friars, from whence they were carried to the Swan Inn, where they stayed until towards night, and then were separated, and carried to divers places; Serini was conducted to the House of Baron Ugart▪ Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment then in Garrison at Vienna; and Frangipani to the House of Count Daun Major of the Town, where they were both so civilly treated, that they were not sensible of being under any restraint; ●eing visited by all the Persons of Note and Quality in Town; but by degrees the crowds of Visitants became thin, and addresses faint and cold, which were sure Indications of some thing evil intended against them. For tho' his Imperial Majesty, out of his natural Clemency, was graciously disposed to have pardoned them; yet having his Spirit exasperated by such as had a mind to enter into their confiscated Estates, Process was made against them, and things carried on to the highest Severity.  
In the mean time Count Herberstein Governor of Carolstadt, seized on all the places belonging to Serini and Frangipani without much difficulty or opposition; only at Coade, the Governor refused to surrender upon Summons, but instead thereof displayed two Bloody Flags on the top of a high Steeple; and returned answer, That he would be buried in that place before he would tamely yield it up, and betray the charge committed to him; which accordingly followed the same Evening, for by that time Herberstein had by Force of Arms made his Entry into the Town and Castle, where taking the Governor and seven other Officers, he hanged them up wrapped in the same Red Flags, which they had so lately displayed.  
Thus were the measures of the Malcontents broke for some time, 
Preparations for a War made by the Emperor.  and the whole Party discouraged. The Emperor on the other side prepares for War, and raises a considerable Army. The Duke of Brandenburg offers himself to serve in Person against the Rebels; the Duke of Saxony had already Commanded 600 Horse, 400 Dragoons, and a thousand Foot to march for the Service of the Emperor, under the Command of the Great Marshal Christian Ernest, a Captain in those days of great Reputation. The Count de Vaudemont offered moreover to contribute to his assistance with several Troops of Lorrainers; but his Imperial Majesty being provided with a sufficient force of his own Subjects, civilly refused their offers, intending to reserve the same for times of extreme and more pressing difficulties; for 'tis the policy of Wise and Cautious Princes never to admit Stranger Forces into their Dominions, without a violent necessity; to which the Emperor was not reduced, because as yet the Turks had not joined their Forces with the Armies of the Malcontents. Howsoever both sides were in motion, and big with Design one against the other. Ragotski was preparing to Besiege Tokai and Zatmar, and the Imperialists were making a Bridge of Boats near Presburg, to open a passage into the upper Hungary. Count Sporke in the mean time with some Troops of Horse defeared a Party of 2000 Hungarians, killing 300 on the Place, and taking ten Colours, with the loss only of nine Men.  
Ragotski also received a Repulse before Tokai and Zatmar, which tho' blocked up by him for some time, yet having received late Recruits both of Men and Provisions, they refused to surrender at his Summons, which put him out of all hopes of prevailing against those Places. And with these, and the like Successes, the Spirits of the Malcontents becoming more low and debased, Ragotski the Chief of the Association entertained thoughts of submitting to the Emperor; 
Ragotski labours to make his Pea●e with the Emperor.  and to make his way more easy thereunto, he freely set Count Staremberg at Liberty, wi●h the other Officers whom he had detained Prisoners, desiring them to interceded with his Imperial Majesty for his Pardon. And farther, to evidence a true Repentance for his late defection, and real in●entions to return to his due obedience, he raised the Siege from before Tokai, and caused his Forces to march into Transilvania; and particularly he employed Count Colonitz, who had been his Prisoner, with others, to Negotiate in his behalf at the Court of the Emperor. But this Count not being able to obtain other than ambiguous and general Answers from the Emperor's Council, it was not thought safe for Ragotski to rely on those terms and methods which had before failed in the Cases of Serini and Frangipani. And therefore the Princess his Mother, to play a surer Game, and to take off all jealousy, engaged, in the name of her Son, that he should receive into all places of his jurisdiction such Garrisons as the Emperor should please to impose upon him, and maintain them at his own Charge.  
Thus did the Troubles of Hungary seem to incline towards a Composure, caused indeed by the evil directions of the Emperor's Council, who to introduce an Arbitrary Power into a Free Kingdom, and to make that Crown Hereditary which was Originally Elective, and to force a Religion on them contrary to their Principles, and Consciences, had taken away their Churches and places where they assembled to serve God, and compelled them to receive Germane and Foreign Garrisons into all places and Fortresses of strength within that Kingdom. So that if any thing may be said in defence and excuse for a People who rebel against their Prince, year 1670. certainly the Hungarians had all those Arguments which might be deduced from the Topics of Law, Natural Liberty, and Self-preservation to plead for them.  
But notwithstanding this submission of Ragotski to the Emperor, by which the Troubles seemed in some measure to abate, and the Malcontents to lay their Arms and Pretensions down, yet still the Animosities were high, and the minds of those who were Loyal and well-affected to the Emperor, grieved and afflicted to see their poor Country overrun and harassed with Germane and Foreign Soldiers; 
The Loyal Hung●●ians Petition the Emperor.  wherefore in a sense thereof, they sent their Deputies to the Emperor, representing their Fidelity and constant Allegiance to his Majesty, from which they had never suffered themselves to be seduced; and therefore they humbly prayed that they might not be numbered with the guilty, nor their Towns and Lands made a prey to the Liberty and Licentiousness of Soldiers. In case any of their Countrymen had offended, they ought to be legally Cited before the Tribunals of Justice; but to make his Loyal Subjects equally noxious with the Disobedient, was a Severity unagreeable to the known Clemency of his Imperial Majesty. But all the moving Language which the Deputies could use in behalf of their Principals availed little; for General Sporke being recruited with a considerable Army which General Heister had brought out of Bohemia, was Commanded with all expedition to march into Hungary; the appearance of which not only troubled the Hungarians, but alarmed the Turks, 
The Turks alarmed at the coming of Germane Forces on the Frontiers.  who assembling in great numbers about the Quarters of Kanisia, dispatched several Messengers one after the other to Vienna, to know and to be satisfied of the Reasons and Causes which moved the Emperor in a time of Peace, to send so considerable an Army to lodge and encamp on the Frontiers of the Grand Seignior's Country. In like manner the Pasha's of Newhawsel and Agria being alarmed with the near approach of this Christian Army, prepared for a Defence; and withal sent a Chiaus to General Sporke to assure him, that the Grand Signior had resolved not to assist or afford Aid unto the Malcontents, nor to enter on the Emperor's Lands, or to do any thing to the infringement, or violation of the Truce some few years before concluded: And on the other side, the Chiaus told General Sporke, that the Grand Signior did conjure him to let him know the Causes, and design which moved the Emperor to appear with a Force so considerable, and in the times of Peace so unusual on the Frontiers. To which the General returned answer, 
General Spo●ke 's Answer to the Tur●●▪  That the Emperor his Master had no design, or intention to pass the Limits of his Dominions, or to act any thing towards a Rupture, or to the Infringement of the Peace between him and the Grand Signior; and that the Commission he had received from the Emperor, was only to suppress the Rebellion of his own Subjects, who had taken up Arms against him: And thus much he supposed to be lawful, without any concernment of the Grand Signior therein. With these assurances the Chiaus departed, and Suspicions and Jealousies seemed to clear up on the side of the Turks. And herewith did the Clouds in all quarters seem to disperse for a while: For Ragotski, 
Rago●ski Par●oned.  who was chief of the League being brought into favour by the intercession of his Mother, and all things accommodated by a Treaty which he held w●●h the Prince of Holstein and General Heister, a Passport or Writing of Safe Conduct was sent him by the Emperor, and all the Offences and Crimes which were passed, were pardoned and forgiven to him. And Ragotski on the other side, that he might make a Return agreeable to so much Goodness and Clemency of the Emperor, published his Edicts in all parts of his own Dominions, forbidding his Subjects to Rise in Arms, or to favour the Cause of the Malcontents, either directly or indirectly, upon pain of losing their Noses or Ears, or being more severely proceeded against, by Punishment of Death.  
year 1670. Ragotski had thus wisely made his peace with his Sword in his Hand; whilst poor Serini, and Frangipani had partly by their own Fears, ill Conduct and Treachery of others, fallen into the power of their Enemies: With whom at first they received a kind Treatment, and hopes of being set at Liberty with restitution to their Estates, Dignities and Privileges: But afterwards, time discovering many private Practices, which at first were unknown and lay concealed, the Chief Ministers of State, for the Reasons before mentioned, and to make some Examples of the Emperor's Indignation for the late Revolt, persuaded his Caesarean Majesty to proceed against them by Impeachment of High Treason; which when Serini perceived, he wrote an Expostulatory Letter to the Emperor to this purpose.  
That tho' the Hungarians had much to say for themselves in regard to their Laws, 
S●rini justifies himself.  and their Country, which Nature and Religion obliged them to defend: And tho' the Provocation was high, when the House of Austria laboured to make that Kingdom Hereditary, which was originally Elective; and to subvert the Laws and Liberties of the People, who were by their Constitutions free as any Nation of the World▪ and to introduce upon them Tyranny and Oppression, with the loss of their Privileges and Religion; yet he would not justify himself upon any of those Topics, but rather insist on his Innocence, and Avow that he did never Enter into any League with the Turk, nor take up Arms against his Sovereign; against whom, neither by himself, or his Subjects he had committed any act of Hostility; but to the contrary had blindly obeyed the Commands of his Imperial Majesty, the which appeared by the Negotiation of Father Forstal in his behalf; by whom he sent his only Son for a Hostage, and with him a blank Paper, that the Emperor might inscribe therein what Articles and Conditions he judged fit; moreover, that he had enjoined his Son-in-Law, Prince Ragotski, to submit unto the Emperor, at a time when he was at the Head of an Army, and possessed the Narrow passes leading to the Mountains, and other advantageous places of great importance. He denied all Intercourse and Correspondence with the Turks, unless it were with intention to betray them; and that when they tempted his Faith and Fidelity to the Emperor with large offers of reward, he discovered all to the Count of Rothal, to whom he Read the very Letters which were sent to him; and held no Treaty with any, but what he had made known to his Imperial Majesty. He highly insisted on the promises made him by the Baron Ochre Lord Chancellor, who assured him that the Disgrace into which he was fallen, should serve to raise him to higher Dignities; and that Prince Lubkovitz had, in the presence of Baron Ochre, promised him great rewards, in case he could take off Prince Ragotski, his Son-in-Law, from the disaffected Party: Which he had accordingly done, and so well succeeded therein, that immediately upon the Receipt of his Letter, Ragotski had set Count Staremberg at Liberty, and entirely submitted himself with all his Forces to the Will and Devotion of his Majesty: After all which and much more, that he could allege in justification of himself, he might reasonably hope, that his Majesty, who was a Prince of unparallelled Clemency, would deal with him after the generous Example of Julius Caesar, who burned the Letters of Pompey and Scipio without Reading, tho' thereby he might have discovered the Names, and Plots of all the Conspirators against him: And tho' he could not hope for, or desire such an implicit manner of proceeding; yet he expected so much justice, as to have his Cause tried before Wise and Impartial judges.  
This Letter had much availed with the Emperor, had not Count Nadasti, 
Nadasti betrays Serini.  Brother-in-Law to Serini, insinuated to the Council, the Fictions and false Colours contained therein: To which discovery even Prince Ragotski his Son-in-Law much contributed, by resigning into the hands of the Emperor's Ministers, all those original Letters written to him by his Father-in-Law, by which all the methods and measures of the Design were plainly laid open and exposed: And his Enemies supplied with sufficient Crimes to lay unto his Charge, and to fill an Endictment against him. Such is the falsity of this World, in which there is no Faith either amongst Friends or Relations. In the mean time the General of the Imperial Army advanced his Forces against the Malcontents, who still stood out, and entertained thoughts of Retiring with their Families into the Dominions of the Turks: To prevent which he marched with 15 Regiments against Padock, Mongatz and Erschet, places belonging to Ragotski: In the first of which the Princess Ragotski, going before, prepared a Magnificent Banquet for General Sporke, to whom, after the Entertainment, she delivered the Keys of the place, and presented him with a Horse and Furniture rated at the value of about Eleven thousand Roman Crowns: And having here placed a Garrison, as also in Padock, Czalos, Serentz and Mongatz, Lieutenant General Heister Marched to Erschet, where many and the most considerable of the Malcontents were retired, and refused to receive any Garrison, either from the Emperor or the Prince Ragotski, 
Erschet stands out.  until first a Pardon or act of Oblivion were given them in due form and manner; and herein they so resolutely persisted, that they leveled their Cannon against the Imperial Forces, by which the Landtgrave of Hesse had his Horse killed under him; and would have maintained their Post to the last extremity, but that General Sporke being more willing to use Lenity than Rigour, sent to the Besieged a blank Paper, promising, on Condition of Surrender, to yield unto all the Articles that they should write therein; which being accepted, 
Surrend●rs on Conditions.  and the Capitulations drawn, the Town was delivered. The City of Cassovia following the Example of Erschet, opened their Gates to the Imperialists, and promised to give Free quarters to the Soldiers, 
Cassovia yields.  provided they might have and enjoy a free exercise of their Religion: This City of Cassovia, since the time it had acknowledged the Austrian Family for their Sovereigns, had never been violated, or saw entrance forcibly made thereinto: For which Reason, the General was pleased to make a Triumphant Entry; and to pass with his Army through the midst of its Street with Trumpets, Hautboys, and all sorts of Warlike Music; and having left a sufficient Garrison therein, he proceeded to take in other Towns and Countries, which for the most part submitted to the prevailing Power; tho' with much Regret and Displeasure to see themselves subjected by Foreign Forces, and by Garrisons stronger than the Inhabitants; especially the County of Zemplin highly contended, and seemed resolved to oppose themselves against such masterless Guests, 
Zemplin refus●s to take G●rman Garrisons.  until General Sporke threatened to give them no Quarter, and in case of resistance, to enter their Country with Fire and Sword.  
Bassory, and other Chiefs of the discontented Party, being affrighted with these Menaces, desired Apafi, Prince of Transilvania, to grant them Protection and Refuge within his Dominions: 
The Malcontents fly in o M●lda●i●.  But he being forbidden by the Turks to receive their Persons, or own their Cause, absolutely refused to grant them quarters or safety within his Country: Upon which denial they fled into Moldavia and Valachia, where they dispersed and concealed themselves, until a more proper time presented to assert their Liberty.  
Thus was all Hungary entirely subjected to the Command and Power of the Emperor; excepting only Muran, which was the City and Seat of the late Palatine Wessellini, and which was then guarded and defended by his Widow; and was, as believed, the place where the Consultations were held, and where the Plots and Factions were carried on. 
Mur●n ●ielde●.  To take in this place Prince Charles of Lorraine appeared before it, with a considerable party both of Horse and Foot, against which the Countess being not able to make any long resistance, yielded the place upon honourable Conditions. Amongst other Malcontents which were there seized, Nagiferents who had been the Chief Confident of the late Palatine Wessellini, 
Nagi●eren●● 〈◊〉.  and Secretary of the League, was there secured with all his Papers, which made a discovery of the whole Plot, and of the Names of the principal Actors therein. These Papers were contained in five Chests, consisting of Letters, Instructions, Treaties, Acts, etc. which being sent to Vienna and there examined, it plainly appeared thereby, what part Count Nadasti was to perform, and how far he was engaged: It discovered farther, all the proceedings both of Serini and Frangipani, 
Nada●ti discovered to be in th● Plot.  and furnished their Enemies with Articles against them: and several Letters were intercepted, which made the Countess of Wessellini to be one of the Complices, and concerned in the Conspiracy. Nadasti had all this time dissembled his Party, and seemed zealous for the Emperor against the Malcontents; keeping himself quiet, and retired within his Castle of Puttendorf. But so soon as he understood, that the Secretary with his Papers was seized, his Conscience smote him, so that he provided for his Escape, intending with 500 Horse to make his way for Venice; but before he could prepare to be gone, his Castle was Invested by the Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Heister, and he himself seized in his Bed and carried to Vienna; where by order of the Emperor, he was lodged in the Common House belonging to the Nobility of Hungary, where after he had remained 3 days he acknowledged his Crimes, and humbly begged the mercy and pardon of the Emperor; but his Crimes were too black, and wrote in too large and plain Characters to deserve a remission. 
〈◊〉 Pardon denied.  And besides, he was possessed of vast Riches, having eight Millions of Livers in ready Money by him; which being a Prey that the Chief Ministers of State might vouchsafe to stoop unto, they coloured his Actions with a die more black than those Accusations which were objected against Serini, or Frangipani. Whilst these things were in agitation, and the Indictments drawing up against these three great Personages, 
 the Assembly of Hungarians met at Leusch, represented unto the Emperor, That it was their undoubted Right according to the Constitutions of that Kingdom (to the observation of which the Emperor had religiously Sworn) to be the Judges themselves of the Nobles, and others of their Country who were accused of Treason, or other Crimes; and therefore they desired that a speedy day might be fixed for the Trial of those three Counts, whose Cause was only to be heard before the Palatine and Deputies of that Kingdom. Moreover they presumed to represent unto his Imperial Majesty, That it was one of the Fundamental Laws and Constitutions of their Country, to have the Office of Palatine supplied soon after the vacancy; which having now been void for a considerable time, all those Acts which have passed since, aught to be esteemed null, and of no effect.  
The Emperor who was well enough satisfied within himself that what was here alleged, was the true and undoubted Right of the People of that Kingdom (to observe which he had Sworn at his Coronation) was inclinable to gratify his People with a concession of these just Privileges; 
The Reasons why the Emperor den●es to allow them.  but his Chief Ministers and Councillors dissuaded him from it, alleging that such a Condescension as this, would raise again the Spirits of the Malcontents to such a degree, as would blow up the fire of Rebellion into a flame: That it was improper and incongruous to put the Trial of the three Counts into the hands of those who were Conspirators and Complices in the same Plot with them: That the People of Hungary had forfeited all their Charters and Privileges by their Rebellion and Revolt, having sought for aid and protection from the Turks, who are mortal Enemies both of ●he Emperor, and all Christendom. That Serini, and Nadasti, were actually Officers and Servants of the Emperor; the first being Vice-King of Croatia, and the other Precedent of his Majesty's Privy-Council; and for that Reason could not decline the Jurisdiction of that Court, which his Imperial Majesty should erect for their Trial.  
These Reasons being given to the Assembly at Leusch, little reply could be made thereunto, nor knew they well how to proceed in other Matters; in regard that being composed of different Religions and Interests, their Meeting broke up abruptly without any Conlusion.  
It will not be necessary in this place to enlarge upon the several Trials of the Counts, Serini, Nadasti, and Frangipani; as also of Count Tassembach, and Nagiferents Secretary of the League; let it be sufficient for us, 
The three Counts are put to death.  to say that they were all Judicially Arraigned, and received Punishments agreeable to the blackness of their Crimes; only we shall add, that Nadasti was Executed at Vienna, and the same day Serini and Frangipani at Newstadt. year 1670. The Emperor out of his innate Clemency and Mercy restored their Estates in Land to their Children, with Orders only to change their Arms, and Names. And accordingly, 
Their Children change their Names.  the Children of Nadasti, which were eleven in number, took the Names of Creuzemberg, and the Son of Serini was called Gadé, who was a Gentleman of such Integrity, and of that Loyalty to the Emperor, that when his Father was living, and would have given him for a Hostage to the Turks, he refused to submit unto such a dishonourable Character, protesting that he would continue uncorrupt in his Allegiance to his Prince. Howsoever afterwards being provoked, and resenting highly the death of his Father, he deserted those Principles, and in revenge joined himself with the Malcontents in their defection. Tassembach used such Arts and Subterfuges, supported by the interest of powerful Friends, as conserved his Life for seven Months after the death of the aforesaid Lords, tho' afterwards he was forced also to submit unto his Fate.  
Notwithstanding all this Care and Severity of the Emperor, the fire of discontent could not be smothered, but in other places under different Heads and Leaders burst forth into a flame. 
Count Tekeli the Father Rebels.  Count Tekeli the Father was one of those who appeared openly in the Field; declaring, That tho' he had ever owned all Fidelity and Allegiance to the Emperor, yet he desired to be numbered amongst those good Patriots, who were obliged both in Honour, Conscience, and Religion, to maintain and defend the Rights, Privileges and Liberties of their Country.  
Count Tekeli to maintain this Cause, fortified himself in his Castle of Kus, with a Garrison of 800 H●ssars, and caused all his Subjects with the Morlaques to take up Arms for his defence. Col. Heister with a considerable Force was dis-speeded to suppress this Party, which was the only open Enemy then appearing in the Field; but whilst preparations were making to Besiege this Castle Count Tekeli died therein, 
Old Tekeli dies.  and resigned up his Cause and Country to be maintained by his Son; who afterwards was the grand Incendiary that again kindled the fire of War, which continued for many years; and in conclusion miserably wasted the Kingdom of Hungary, and proved fatal to the Ottoman Empire. And tho' in course of time the Turks were driven out of that Kingdom, and the Emperor gained an absolute Dominion therein, as of a Conquered Country, yet it was done with such an effusion of Christian blood, and with the loss of so many brave Captains, and valiant Soldiers, that the price or purchase thereof seems to have been gained at a dear rate.  

His Castle is surrendered.  In fine, I say, Count Tekeli the Father died in his Castle, which being hardly pressed by the Germane Forces, was Surrender'd to Count Paul Esterhasi General of the Kingdom. But young Tekeli, together with his Kinsmen, Kizir de Paragozi, and Petrozzi, made their escapes, and retired to Licoüa; but being also pursued unto that place, which could not long stand out, these young Lords made a second escape from thence by night, and fled to hus a very strong Castle in Transilvania, but Paragozi was taken Prisoner in his way thither, and carried to Vienna, and Licoüa was Surrender'd.  
year 1671. Thus whilst all Commotions seemed to have been appeased and quieted in Hungary, and that Esterhasi, the General, with Colonel Heister, were returned to Vienna, fresh Advices were brought to the Emperor, that the Chiefs of the Malcontents with great numbers of People were fled into Transilvania, under protection of the Turks, and that Prince Apafi by Order of the Port, had given them assurance of Safety within his Dominions; upon condition that as Subjects, they should pay Carach, or Pole-Money, to the Grand Signior. But what Administered the greatest apprehension, 
Fears from Apafi.  was the rumour that Apafi had been at Constantinople, and there concerted and agreed upon the methods of War; and that upon his return the Malcontents had held long Conferences with the Pasha of Varadin, and with the Ambassadors of Tartary, and the Agents from Moldavia, and Walachia; and that all the Troops which were in their Quarters near Adrianople had Orders to march into Hungary, where the Garrisons were to be reinforced, and the Stores and Magazines replenished. 
Apafi maintains the Cause of the Malcontents.  'Tis certain that Apafi being of the Protestant Religion, was affected with much compassion towards the poor Hungarians, who for that Reason, and for maintaining the Liberties and Privileges of their Country, year 1671. were forced to yield up their Lands, and abandon their Habitations; and therefore it will not be strange, in case we find him abetting that Party, and using all his endeavours and interest with the Turks to engage them in this Quarrel.  
The Emperor on the other side alarmed with these Preparations, 
The Emperor alarmed hereat, treats his Subjects more mildly.  sends strict and severe Orders, enjoining all the Officers and Commanders of his Forces on the Frontiers, carefully to abstain from Incursions within the Dominions of the Turks: And a little to assuage the exasperated Spirits of his discontented Subjects, he resolves to treat them with more kindness, and gentle usage than formerly. And in the mean time, for fear of the worst, and to provide against the dangers so imminently hanging over their heads, he gave Orders that a Survey should be made of all the Magazines and Arsenals on the Frontiers, and an account taken of the Cannon and Arms. But the Emperor remained not long in these doubtful apprehensions, 
The Tu●k● refuse to assist the Malcontents.  before he received Intelligence from his Envoy, lately dispatched to Constantinople to found the minds and intentions of the Vizier, year 1671. that the Grand Signior did not design a War against the Emperor, and that he had refused to hear or receive any Propositions made by the Malcontents. 
The Reasons why.  For whether it was, that this Vizier out of a Principle of Justice denied to side or join with Rebels against their own Prince, or out of a sense of Honour to that Peace which he himself having made, did esteem Sacred. Or whether it was, that he thought a War against Poland at that time would be more Honourable and Advantageous to the Empire; or perhaps all these Considerations together might divert him from designs against Hungary. The War was reserved for another Vizier, and until the space of ten years afterwards, of which dismal effects we shall discourse in their due places.  
In the mean time the Emperor dispatched Secretary Perez with Presents to the Grand Signior, and Grand Vizier, 
The Emperor sends Presents to the Grand Signior.  to confirm the Peace, and renew the Truce (for so it may be called, rather than a Peace) of twenty years, longer; the which Presents were accepted, and all matters established to the satisfaction of both Princes.  
Now had the Emperor time to seize on the forfeited Estates of the three Counts, who were lately Executed for High Treason, so their Jewels and Plate which were very valuable, together with the Treasure of Nadasti, 
The Estates of the thre● Counts converted to the use of the Emperor.  who was Richer than all the others, were carried on 8 Wagons to Vienna, and the Castle of Puttendorf, with the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure belonging to Nadasti, were given to General Montecuculi. Nor were the moveables of Tekeli the Father lately deceased, year 1671. together with his Rich Furniture, Jewels, Plate, and Horses of high price, less considerable than those of the aforementioned Lords, all which were converted to the use of the Emperor.  
The Prince Ragotski, who (as we have said before) proceeded more warily than his other Associates, 
Conditions made with Prince Ragotski  had seasonably made his peace with the Emperor, and obtained his Pardon, on Condition that he should renounce his right of Sovereignty over the Town of Trenschin; That he should send 200000 Florins to that Town for payment of the Garrison there, and should send a like Sum to the Emperor's Coffers at Vienna, and that he should out of his own Revenue maintain 500 Soldiers in the upper Hungary, and supply them with Ammunition, and all things necessary for the War.  

The Inhabitants and Soldiers of Cassovia Fight.  About this time the Inhabitants and Soldiers of Kalo, and Tokai, fell at variance together about their Quarters and Provisions; and at Cassovia the Citizens Conspired to make a Massacre in one Night of all the Germane Soldiers; but the Plot being discovered, both sides came to an open Fight together, which continued long; but at length the Soldiers gained the advantage, having killed and made Prisoners almost all the Citizens.  
This Accident made but an ill preparation for a Diet, 
A Diet at Pre●burg.  which the Emperor had Summoned to meet at Presburg on the first day of the ensuing year, and called thereunto by especial Writ all the Nobility and Deputies of the upper and the lower Hungary. But when the time came, there was but a small appearance; most of the Deputies declaring that they absented themselves, by reason that they would not concur with their own consents to the abrogation of their ancient Laws and Privileg1es of their Country, which the Emperor designed to reduce to the same Constitution with that of his Hereditary Dominions.  

The Deputies afraid to meet.  Other Deputies refused appear without Letters of Licence, or safe Conducts and Pardons from the Emperor for what was formerly done by them in the late Commotions. But this Act of Grace and Clemency being denied, by reason of that constant Correspondence which the Malcontents held with the Turks; the Emperor's Commissioners, namely the Count Rothal, who was Chief Plenipotentiary, the Archbishop of Gran, and others, proceeded to open the Diet upon the 24 th' of january, to which time the Assembly was adjourned; but neither then, nor on the 3 d of February, to which time a farther adjournment was made, not one of the Deputies of the upper Hungary making their Appearance, his Majesty being desirous to provide for the safety of his Subjects, even against their own wills, made this following Declaration; which we have thought fit to insert, for better understanding of this History, and contracted for brevity thereof.  
LEOPOLD, by the Grace of God Emperor of the Romans, etc. This is to make known unto all Men, that having happily extinguished the Fire of Rebellion in this Our Kingdom of Hungary, and punished those ungrateful Persons who were the Chief Incendiaries; and who growing wanton with those Benefits which We had heaped upon them, violated their Bonds of Allegiance to Us, and seducing to their Party many of the Nobility, with divers Towns, and all the Estates of this Kingdom, called Strangers to their aid and assistance, and raised an Army to oppose Our Power and Dominion. In pursuance whereof, they Besieged Tokai, where We had placed a Garrison, killed great numbers of Our Soldiers, taken the Convoys which we had sent for supply of Zatmar; fought against that Army which We had sent to suppress the Troubles of Hungary; and to abate and diminish. Our Authority, several-unlawful Assemblies were held for contriving and carrying on a War against Us; by which Counsels Our good Subjects being disturbed, the Turks Invited into Our Dominions, Our Royal Treasury pillaged, Incursions made into Austria, Stiria, Moravia, and other Our Hereditary Dominions, and at length a Conspiracy was made against Our Life, which was prevented by the Divine Providence of God Almighty. And now whereas it is a Duty incumbent on Us to provide for the safety of those People which God hath committed to Our Charge; and that Christendom and Hungary may not for the future be exposed to the like Disorders, We have by Our Absolute Power and Imperial Authority made an exact Regulation of the Military Quarters; allotting the number of Soldiers which every County is to maintain; and the Orders and Decorum which Soldiers are to keep, that they may not molest or trouble the Inhabitants where they are Quartered. And We require all Persons concerned, without Excuse, Delay, or Conditions whatsoever, to submit unto that power which God hath given Us over them; which We have been compelled to maintain by force of Arms, and which We shall continue so to do. And therefore We give notice to all Our Subjects, that they peaceably submit unto Our power, lest Our Clemency be turned into Severity; and that contrary to Our Nature, being provoked by so many Injuries, Treasons, and Rebellions, We be enforced to execute Our Wrath on those who have abused Our Indulgence, and cause them to taste the direful effects of Our Rigour.  
Given at Vienna the 21st of March, 1671.  

The Declaration enforced.  The Emperor to establish and confirm this his Remonstrance by force of Arms, caused his Regiments which were in Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia and Austria to march with speed into Hungary, with Cannon and all the Train of Artillery: Which when the Malcontents perceived, and considered their ill Fortune and Successes, having in every place been worsted in all the Fights and Reencounters against the Emperor's Forces, and that the Grand Vizier had forbidden Apafi Prince of Transilvania, and all the Pashas of Hungary to yield Assistance or Protection to them: They began then to think they had taken false Courses against their Sovereign Prince; and resolved for the future to submit with blind obedience to the Commands and Decrees of the Emperor, serving themselves only of Prayers and Petitions to obtain his Pardon, 
The Hungarians repent, but too late.  and a remission of his Rigours and Oppressions. But it was now too late, for his Imperial Majesty being highly provoked by their frequent Rebellions, was so far from granting their Requests; That besides their usual Taxes and Impositions, he laid a farther charge on them of maintaining an Army of 30.000 Men, which were quartered in their Cities and Towns, and upon their Lands and Estates of Inheritance.  
With these Successes, and the Destruction and Death of the Chief Leaders of the Malcontented Party: Hungary was considered by the Imperialists as a Conquered Kingdom, year 1672. and therefore to be subjected unto such Laws, as the Emperor should please to impose upon them. 
The Emperor altars the Government of Hungary.  The great Office and Dignity of Palatine, who was always a Person of the noblest Descent and highest Degree; was by the ancient Privileges of that Kingdom elected at a Diet, consisting of the several Orders of the Nation: But now the Emperor assumed this Power unto himself, pretending that the same was forfeited to him by the Revolt of the People; and so in the lieu of Palatine, he thought fit to Govern by such a Person as he himself should choose, and impose without the Concurrence of the States, by the Name and Title of Vice King: And in lieu, and by way of resemblance of a Diet, he erected a Sovereign Chamber, o● Council co●sisting of a Precedent, Chancel●●r, and two Secretary's, one a Germane and th● other a Hungarian, with about six or seven Councillors▪ or so many as his Imperial Majesty should think fit to add, to whom the Administration of all the Affairs of that Kingdom was committed. The Person destinated and appointed for this considerable charge, was john Gasper Ampringhen Prince o● the Empire, and Grand Master of the Teutonick Order, which was an Office so considerable, that the late Archduke Leopold, Uncle to the present Emperor, did not disdain to own; this Prince being an Hungarian by Birth, and qualified with many Virtues, and having performed many brave Actions and Achievements, was esteemed worthy of this August honour. His zeal for Religion, and advancement of the Christian Cause was well known to all the World; 
The character of the Grand Master of the Teu●onicle Order.  having in the year 1664 brought two Regiments, one of Horse and the other of Foot to the Imperial Army, commanded by the Cavaliers of his own Order, and maintained at his own expense during all the time that that War lasted. After which, and that the Turks renewed their War again in Candia, he sent a considerable body of Foot, Commande● by several Cavaliers of his own Order, into the Service of the Venetian Republic; and afterwards went himself in Chief to Command them within the besieged City, where he performed such noble Actions of Chivalry, as obtained the acknowledgement of the Senate, and procured likewise a Brief from the Pope with such obliging Expressions, as denoted the singular esteem he had of his Person and Merits. In fine, such were the deserts and qualifications of this Grand Master, that the Emperor remained entirely satisfied with his Abilities, as being agreeable and every ways suiting with this Honourable Promotion; to which being called, he appeared at Vienna, attended with a great and an expensive Equipage, and with many Knights of his own Order.   

ANNO 1673.  
This new Vice-King having taken his Instructions, and Leave from the Emperor departed from Vienna, and made his Entry into Cassovia on the 22 dray ●ay of March, with Acclamations and universal Contentment of the People. Great was the expectation which the World conceived of the wisdom and good conduct of this new Vice-King, as the only person who was able to appease the Disturbances, and compose the Disorders of that Kingdom. And indeed he so well behaved himself, together with the Sovereign Council over which he presided, that Justice took its course, the Poor were relieved from the Oppression of their unmerciful Lords, and a stop given to the proceedings of those wickednesses, 
The good Government of the Vice-King.  which in the Licentious times of War had passed without punishment: All orders of Men began now to yield due obedience to their Superiors, Innocence was protected and Offences punished; the Soldiers lived under the good Discipline of their Officers, and the Citizens in good Correspondence with the Soldiers. Many wholesome Laws were made for the benefit of the People, and for their Security from the violence of the Army, especially in their Marches. And above all the Vice-King endeavoured to reconcile the affections of the Malcontents by his gentleness, and moderation towards them.  

The Clergy disturb the quiet of the Country.  But what the Civil Magistrates acted in order to a composure and setlement, was disturbed and overthrown by the Ecclesiastical Courts, whose business being to extirpate Heresy (as they called it) thy proceeded by methods agreeable thereunto, which were to take away their Churches, Seize and Imprison their Pastors and Teachers, and prosecute the People with the severity of their Courts: The which Persecutions so exasperated the Spirits of the Protestants against the Emperor and his Government, that the Fire of War, which had for some time been covered with Embers, was ready to break out into a more violent Flame than before: 
A War breaks out.  For now the Protestants were encouraged by an Alliance they had made with the Transilvanians, and by the Protection which the Turk had promised to give them within his Dominions, notwithstanding the assurances formerly made to the Emperor by the Vizier to the contrary. The Transilvanians pretended a quarrel for recovery of the Counties of Zatmar and Zambolich belonging to their Principality, which the Prince Ragotski had without right yielded to the Emperor. The Turks declared themselves offended, by the daily Hostilities committed by the Imperialists, who pursuing the Malcontents within their Dominions, did not abstain from those Violences, which are usually practised in an Enemy's Country; and by such Actions as these, both Nations were ready to break forth into an open Rupture.  
With these hopes and encouragements, the Malcontents betook themselves again to their Arms under the Command of Erdedi, Petrozzi, Succhai, Kende, Zepeti, and several other Lords, and Persons of power and interest in their Country. The time appeared favourable and advantageous to their enterprise, for the Walls of most of the Towns we●e then beaten down, and the old Works slighted, with design to Rebuild, and make them stronger according to the new way and manner of Fortifications. 
The time chosen for the War.  Provisions were also wanting in most of the Garrisons, and the Germane, as well as the Hungarian Troops were in Mutiny for want of pay. And this was the time, which the Malcontents chose to put themselves in Arms, and renew the War.  
At the beginning whereof being 12000 strong, they gained the Passage of Teyllas', year 1673. 
Colonel Soyer defeated.  and advanced as far as Cassovia, which they blocked up, and Defeated five Troops of Dragoons, under the Command of Lieutenant Colonel de Soyer, and by the advantage of a dark and a rainy Night cut them to pieces, the Lieutenant Colonel only with some few of his Soldiers making an escape into Cassovia. After this Success they proceeded to Esperies and took it without much loss, by the Cowardice of the Officer which Commanded it; and in divers other Skirmishes worsted the Imperialists.  
The Emperor having received advices of this new Insurrection, 
The Imperialists revenge themselves.  immediately dis-speed-General Kops with an Army of 10.000 Men into Hungary, to which were 4 or 5000 Men more joined under the Command of Count Esterhasi, and Valentine Balassi, composed almost all of Horse, and of Men true and loyal to the Emperor's interest. Such an Army as this could not remain long without Action, both Parties desiring to come to an Engagement, which soon afterwards happened at the Passage of Branitza; where Colonel Smith and Count Palfi, who led the Vanguard charged the Malcontents who defended some narrow Passes with so much valour, that they killed a 1000 of them on the place, besides many others who were wounded and taken Prisoners, with the loss only of 15 or 16 Soldiers.  
After this Defeat, the Malcontents marched by the way of Serentz, year 1673. about two Leagues distant from Tokai, and invested Zatmar; but a Sally being made out of the Town by Lieutenant Colonel Staremberg, who Commanded there in Chief, they were forced to raise their Siege, with the loss of several Colours and many Prisoners: Likewise General Kops and Spankau pursued them so closely at the Heels, that with great loss and difficulty they were enforced to pass the Theyss. Divers places at the same time surrendered, as the Castle of Meges, and the Town of Nagibania, the which places were dismantled, and their Walls thrown down: And as the Imperialists were towards the end of the year, returning to their Winter quarters, they met a party of 500 Horse belonging to the Malcontented party, of which they killed 300 on the place, and took divers Prisoners, one of which was the Son of Succhai, one of the Chief Leaders of the Rebel party.  
Thus whilst it went ill in all places with the Malcontents, the Popish Clergy took courage to assert their right to divers Churches and Chapels, 
The Roman Clergy seize on the Protestant Churches.  which they pretended to belong unto them, and to those of their Religion, and by force of Arms took possession of them, which they held until such time, year 1673. as that the Protestant party became strong enough to eject them, and executed this design without much opposition in all the Countries of Nitria, Trenschin, Turoz, Stranian, Lippovia, and in several Towns and Villages of the Mountains; where they set up and exercised the Popish Religion, with all the Rites and Ceremonies, to the great Scandal and Displeasure of the Hungarians. Particularly in the Month of june, at a Town called Senetz, the Curate of the Parish was zealous to celebrate in a public, and solemn manner the Festival of Corpus Christi, 
A Bloody Ou●rage committed.  and to carry the Sacrament in Procession: Which Feast happening to be on a day, when a Fair was held at that Town, which brought a great concourse of People thither, the Priest fearing some affront from the Multitude, desired the Governor of Branitz to afford him a Sergeant and 12 Soldiers to accompany the Sacrament, and defend it from the violence and profaneness of the Heretics. Which being granted, as the Priest was carrying the Sacrament in Procession, he was assaulted by the People, and killed by them, together with the 12 Soldiers which were sent for his Guard. So soon as Count Staremberg had news of this Sacrilegious Murder, he marched to the Town with his own Regiment, and several Troops of Germane Horse, for punishment of the Authors of this abominable wickedness; 
It is revenged.  which he executed with all the Rigour and Severity imaginable, for the pillaged and burned their Houses, and put every one to the Sword, excepting those who saved their Lives by escaping into the Woods.  
After all these Defeats and many others given to the Malcontents, and this vast effusion of Blood, it might well be imagined, that an end would have been put to this War, 
The obstinacy of the Malcontents.  which had neither a settled Council, nor a Fund of Money, nor an Interest of great Men to support it. Howsoever, such was the force and power, which the Preachers used in their Sermons to the People, inciting them to a Defence of their Religion, the Exercise of which the Emperor (as they said) had determined to take from them, that they resolved to die in the maintenance thereof; being persuaded that their Friends and Companions, who had already sacrificed their Lives in that Cause, were real Martyrs, and had obtained the Crown which was laid up in Heaven for them. Nor were the Protestants only in the mind to Wage a War, but even the Roman Catholics also, who being moved by another Principle of defending the Privileges and Freedom of their People, thought it their Duty to rise up and assert the Cause of their native Country and Nation. For tho' they owned all Duty and Obedience to the Emperor, yet being but an Elective King, and one to whom the People had sworn Allegiance on Condition that he should maintain them in the ancient Rights, and Prileges of that Kingdom, they held themselves no longer obliged thereunto, after he had violated all their Laws, and absolutely subverted the ancient Fabric of their Government, which he had apparently done in three instances. 
The aggrievances of the Hungarian●.  First, In quartering Germane Soldiers in the Country and Towns, with intent to over-awe and govern them by an absolute and an arbitrary Power. Secondly, By imposing a Vice-King upon them, constituted solely by the Imperial Commission, in lieu and place of a Palatine, who according to the ancient Constitutions was to be elected by a Diet, composed of the several Estates of that Kingdom. And Thirdly, Instead of such a Diet the Emperor was pleased to erect a Sovereign Council consisting of such Members, as he himself did think fit to nominate and appoint, over which the Vice-King was as Chief Commissioner to preside. And thus the Parties of both Religions being disgusted and animated to Fight pro Aris & Focis, for their Laws, their Country and Religion; Fury and Despair served them in the place of Counsel, Money, and other Nerves and Sinews of War: So that when one party was cut off, another arose in greater numbers, and like Hydra's increased the more by being destroyed.  
Amongst which appeared a bold Fellow named Stri●iniski, who pretended to be sent by the Governors foe the Mountain Towns, calling himself Duke john, and with his own name signed and issued out Commissions, and dispersed them every where, as if he had been the Sole and Sovereign Prince of that Country. Many persons adhered to him, and followed his Standard, looking on him as a bold and a daring Fellow, who seldom gave quarter to any, much less to Jesuits and Priests, to whom he never showed mercy, 
Cruelties exercised in both sides.  whensoever any of that character fell within his Power. The which was again revenged by Count Strazoldo, 
1673▪  in such cruel manner without distinction of persons, either of guilty or innocent, that the Imperial Council taking notice thereof, sent their Orders to him to u●e better moderation in his future actings, and to treat the Hungarians with more gentleness; which tho' he observed in respect to the Sword of his own Soldiers, who were forbidden to Massacre, or shed their Blood; yet being directed to take and bring them before the Courts of Justice, by which a speedy Sentence was passed, and some were condemned to be hanged, some be quartered, others to be empaled, this way of process seemed much more cruel and severe, than a speedy Execution by the Sword of the Soldiery.   

ANNO, 1674.  
Tho' the Grand Signior had not as yet publicly owned the cause of the Malcontents; 
T●● Turks understand as●i●t ●●e Malcontents.  howsoever the Pasha's and Officer's had received private Instructions to countenance and favour their Caus●, without open ●e●unciations of a War, and many Turks in hopes of Plunder and Booty habited themselves in the Hungarian fashion, and joined with their Troops; and several parties of Turks in great numbers, pretending that the Christians in a Hostile manner had made Incursions within their Territories, came openly to revenge them, and marched as far as Schentha, from whence they carried away an Hungarian Gentleman with 7 Soldiers. Upon this Advice, Lieutenant Colonel de Soyer with his Dragoons, and Hussars, Sallied out of the Town to the rescue of the Prisoners; but being surprised by 5 Companies of Turkish Foot, who issued out of an Ambuscade, where they had concealed themselves, Soyer himself was killed, with 2 Lieutenant's, 1 Ensign, 4 S●rjeants, and 80 common Soldi●rs.  
The Garrison of Newhawsel encouraged with this Success, continued their Incursions along the River of Waagh, and made some d●predations; but being pursued by the Hussars, and Heydukes of Comorra, they were forced to surrender 200 Head of Cattle, together with all the Booty and Plunder they had taken.  
Thus whilst Matters succeeded with various Successes, 
O●●er Cruelties performed.  but most commonly in favour of the Emperor, both Parties acted their Cruelties upon each other, the Malcontents as often as the Priests fell into their hands, they used them but very scurvily; they buried one of them alive, of others they cut off their Noses and Ears, and hanged or strangled others. In punishment of which, the Emperor Ordered the Vice-King to drive the Protestant Ministers out of his Dominions, and to seize upon all their Churches to the use of the Catholics; and not to suffer them to meet or exercise their Religious Worship therein. In pursuance of these Orders, the Bishops of Colonitz, 
The Popish Bishops seize the Livings of the Hungarian Clergy.  and javarow seized upon all the Churches, Schools, Livings, and Benefices whatsoever belonging to the Protestant Clergy within their Dioceses. And the Archbishop of Strigonium, Primate of that Kingdom, cited all the Protestant Ministers to appear before him, and put many of them to the Question, forcing them to confess who those were who for the two last years were the chief Incendiaries of Seditions, and Authors of the Rebellion.  
Nor were the smaller sort of the Malcontents only persecuted, but some of the great Men and chief Ministers in the Emperor's Court were suspected, and accused of correspondence and intelligence with the Rebels. 
The Prince Lubkovitz suspected, and his Estate seized.  The Prince Lubkovitz Precedent of the Council was suspected and accused; but whether that jealousy arose from the near alliance in Blood he had with the Family of Serini, or from malicious Informations is uncertain; howsoever his Secretary by Order of the Emperor was put to the Torture; and tho' therein he confessed nothing which could accuse or reflect on his Master, yet he was treated as a guilty person, and all his Estate real and personal in Austria and Bohemia were seized, and confiscated to the use and benefit of the Emperor.  
Count Souches had the like misfortune to have his Fidelity and Loyalty suspected, but in regard nothing could be proved against him, he was commanded to leave the Court, and retire to his Government of Waradine, or some other part of his Estate. The Son also in resentment of this hard usage of his Father, abandoned the Court, and all the Offices he enjoyed therein.   

ANNO, 1675.  
At the beginning of this year the Turks began more openly to assert the Cause of the Malcontents, 
The Tu●ks join with the Malcontents.  making their Incursions as far as Freystadt within the Neighbourhood of Presburg; forcing the People to do Homage, and pay Contributions to the Grand Signior; and for default thereof, they burned many Villages, and committed other acts of Hostility. The Malcontents at the same time defeated a great part of a Croatian Regiment, under the Command of Colalto. By which, and the Advices that the Turks were assembled in a Body of 14000 Men, within the Neighbourhood of Newhawsel, the Emperor fearing lest they should join with the Malcontents, convened the chief Lords and Gentlemen of Hungary at Presburg, 
The Emperor assembles a Diet a● Presburg  to which place he sent Count Siaki to tender them Conditions of an accommodation, of which Prince Apafi frankly offered himself to be the Mediator.  
At this Assembly some of the more moderate Men, who were desirous to bring Matters to a good understanding, represented unto their Companions the ruin and destruction which must necessarily ensue from a Civil War; and tho' the exercise of their Religion ought to be dearer to them than their Lives, and to be preferred before all earthly benefits; yet the same Religion taught them not to rebel against their Prince, or make Wars for the sake thereof, whose foundation and design was peace; much less could they justify the engaging the Turk therein, unless whilst they professed themselves Protestant's, they acted like Mahometans.  
But these and many other things were spoken in vain to Men who were possessed with a Zeal for their Religion, year 1675. and with an Opinion that they were Martyrs who died in defence thereof. 
The People possessed with Zeal to their Religion.  And in regard those of them who were in Hungary were not able to keep the Field, they were forced to fly and seek refuge in Transilvania, to the number of 5000. from whence they sent one Fabian to Constantinople to Solicit for assistance from the Grand Signior; but the Affairs of the Turks not being as yet in a state for answering such demands, Fabian returned with fair words, and with Orders to Prince Apafi to give protection, and to assign Quarters to as many Malcontents as should seek for refuge within the Principality of Transilvania, to which Country tho' the chief Heads and Leaders of that party were retired, yet there were several flying Troops in Hungary which infested the Country, and drove away Cattle from parts near unto the Gates of Zatmar, and burned all the Villages round, which would not assent to pay the contributions they demanded of them.  
In the mean time the Grand Master of the Teutonick Order, now Vice-King of Hungary, together with the Archbishop of Gran, and other Chiefs of the several Estates, having had divers Conferences about the Condition of that Kingdom, and of the manner how they might raise a considerable Sum of Money towards maintenance of the Troops which for conservation of the Peace were sent into that Country; but not being able to agree thereupon, nor upon what Fund the same might be levied, they went to Presburg with design to renew the Treaty with the Malcontents; 
A Treaty renewed at Presburg.  that coming to a good understanding with them, a Tax or Imposition might be equally charged by the common consent and agreement of the Estates; and which coming with that Authority would be paid frankly without scruple, or opposition of the People. To bring Matters to this happy condition, the Vice-King offered in the Name of the Emperor, to grant a General Act of Pardon unto all those who would lay down their Arms, and submit to the Emperor's Authority; promising that they should be restored to their Lands and Estates, and to a free exercise of their Religion; but in regard they were obliged to receive Germane Soldiers into all their Fortresses and Towns; all offers seemed grievous and of no force, in respect of the oppression they must find by such unruly Guests, under whom they could promise themselves no enjoyment or security; and being by these proposals become more bold and desperate, they appeared before Zatmar with about 7000 Men; year 1675. upon whom the Governor of that place adventuring to make a Sally, was beaten back with great loss.  
Prince Apafi who had at all times underhand favoured the cause of the Malcontents, 
Apafi seeks a quarrel.  and granted them protection within his Dominions, did now begin openly to seek a quarrel on his own score with the Emperor, demanding the Counties of Kalo and Zatmar to be delivered to him, with the Fortress of Tokai, to which he pretended a Right by a grant from Prince Ragotski his Predecessor. To which Answer was made, That those Counties were of the Ancient Demesnes belonging to the Kings of Hungary, and since confirmed to the Emperor by several Treaties; and particularly by the last made with the Ottoman-Port.  
Howsoever, not to irritate Prince Apafi overmuch, and to keep Matters from an open rupture at a time when the Emperor had many Enemies to deal with, it was Ordered that these Demands should be referred to the Examination of Commissioners; and in the mean time an Envoy was sent to the Vizier at Adrianople, to complain of those exorbitant pretensions. But Apafi not attending an Answer, entered with a formidable Force into Hungary, and having defeated General Spankau, he laid Siege to Zatmar; but the Season of the Year being far spent, and a Valiant Resistance made, they were forced to raise the Siege, and retire.  
About the 15 th' of September, the Winter approaching, 
The Malcontents hold a Conference together.  the Malcontents held a Conference at Sombro, a place in Transilvania, to resolve in what manner to manage the next Campagne, and how they might best engage the Turks in their Defence and Quarrel, without which they could not hope for any great Success. After which meeting they entered the County of Zipt, and there s●t Fire to many Towns and Villages, and took above 500 Prisoners; About the same time the Garrison of Newhawsel, both Horse and Foot made an Incursion as far as Presburg, year 1675. 
〈◊〉 Ho●●●●y.  and burned several Villages depending thereupon, and surprised a Castle guarded by the Heydukes, whom they put to the Sword, without sparing so much as one Person. 
A n●w Vizier arrives at buda.  Whilst these things were acting, a new Vizier arrived at Buda, where the Turks were making great Stores, and laying in Provisions both of Victuals and Ammunition: On which occasion the Emperor sent Messigni, his Interpreter, to Compliment the Vizier upon his happy arrival at Buda, and to carry him the accustomed presents; with instructions to discover underhand the designs and intentions of the Turks, who every day under pretence of Contributions committed a thousand Acts of Hostility: Of which, tho' complaints were made, and no satisfaction given thereunto; yet the Emperor thought fit to se●k redress for these violences, rather by applications to the Port than by Reprisals, 
 lest the Turk should be provoked thereby, and furnished with just Causes to commence a War. To prevent which, all caution and tenderness was used towards the Turks, and endeavours made by Cardiati one of the Emperor's Council, 
An● to Prince A ●a● without ●f●ect.  who was sent to Prince Apafi to Treat, and propose ways of an Accommodation: But these labours were all fruitless, for notwithstanding the regard was had not to molest, or provoke the Turk, a Chiaus arrived at Vienna from the Pasha of Buda, to complain of the Fort of Schella, which the Emperor was making on the Banks of the Waagh, to ruin which the Turks had raised a Battery just over against it, on the other side of the River; 
〈…〉 S●h●●la and Schei●●● 〈…〉 to the Tu●ks.  but in despite thereof the Work went on, and the Fortification was finished: And so was the Fort of Scheina●, upon which a thousand Men were daily employed, guarded with a considerable party of Horse and Foot, sufficient to repulse the Enemy that should attempt to disturb the Work: Of which when complaints were made by the Pasha of Buda, requiring that they should be demolished; and that a new Assignment should be made of the Limits of the Empire, in which all the places as far as Presburg should be included, and the Inhabitants thereof now Subjects to the Emperor, commanded to pay homage to the Grand Signior: To which unreasonable demands, general answers were only given, with intent to prolong the unhappy day, and stave off the Turks, as long as was possible from an open War.  
But neither this, nor other Acts of Grace nor the Orders given to the Governor of Raab, 
The Turks grow proud with concessions.  to set several Turkish Prisoners at Liberty without Ransom, (which the Garrisons of this place, and the Heydukes of Vesprin had taken) did not soften or satisfy the Turks, who at the same time kept many of the Emperor's Subjects in Prison, without thoughts of making the like generous Returns: And likewise the Malcontents proceeding in their usual Hostile manner, defeated some of the Emperor's Troops, and plundered many Wagons laden with Merchandise coming from Molda Fair, and killed all the Guard which convoyed them: And thus ended this troublesome year.   

ANNO 1676.  
The Heats and Troubles of the People of Hungary increased with some; and as years passed, so the quarrel grew higher. Blood had been drawn so frequently, that one would think the Spirits of Hungary might have been evacuated by such vast effusions. The Malcontents had provoked their Sovereign beyond hopes of Pardon; and had no expectations of safety but in the Turk; with whom tho' the Emperor had no mind to break, nor yet the Turks on the other side, during the Government of the Vizier Kupriogli, who being as yet engaged in a War against Poland, thought it not seasonable to come unto an open Rupture with Germany: Yet so unhappily were the Affairs of the Malcontents interwoven with the concernments of the Turks, that it was impossible to be avenged of one, without irritating and disturbing the other. For so it was at the beginning of this year, when the Count Strazoldo took Debrezin, 
Deb●●zin taken by Count Strazoldo.  a Town into which great numbers of the Rebels were retreated, and there held their Cabals: But in regard it was a place which paid Tribute to the Port; 
The Tu●k● much enraged thereby.  the taking thereof put all the Turkish Governors and Officers into an Alarm, and to so loud an Outcry of an open breach of the Peace, that tho' this Act was performed by Order of the Emperor; yet he was forced to disown it, and cause Strazoldo to Surrender up the same into the hands of the Turks, and to take away all jealousy, to retire over the Theysse with his Forces; 
Disowned by the Emperor.  and after all this to divert the Storm, a Gentleman was dispatched to the Pasha of Buda, to excuse the matter, and testify the high displeasure of the Emperor for this Action, declaring that it was performed wholly without his Order. Tho' the Pasha of Buda seemed indifferently well appeased with this address, and satisfaction which was given; yet the Pasha of Newhawsel continued his Displeasure; and on the pretence of De●rezin, grounded his Reasons, why he would not set divers Prisoners at liberty, notwithstanding the Ransom which was paid for them, and treated very scurvily and unworthily many Persons of considerable quality, who were in the number of those Prisoners.  
The Malcontents being much encouraged, by these misunderstandings between the Imperialists and the Turks, fell upon a body of 600 Cuirasiers and cut them to pieces: 
The Rebels refuse to Trea●.  And after another Fight between a party of Hussars commanded by Count Esterhasi, and the Turks near Carolstadt in Croatia, in which the Turks were worsted; and after many other Acts of Hostility, being well assured that the Peace could not continue long, refused to hearken unto any Terms or Conditions whatsoever, tho' again offered to them with advantage by Count Palfi, and the Bishop of Agria. And indeed the Vizier himself, tho' inclinable in his own nature to conserve the Truce which he himself had concluded in the year 1664, 
The Vizier makespeace with the Poles.  until the full Term of 20 years, had been expired according to the usual Customs and Constitutions of both Empires: Yet finding how impossible in a manner it was, to remain unconcerned, 
The Reasons for it.  whilst the Emperor pursued his Rebels within his Dominions; and that the Soldiers and Inhabitants of neither side being bred up to War, could be kept within any Rules or Government; he than clapped up a Peace with the Poles, that in case he should be induced to declare War against t●e Emperor, and march into Hungary, he might have but one business, and one War on his Hands at the same time to manage.  
The state of these Affairs animated the Malcontents in such manner, year 1676. 
The Malcontents have success against the Imperialists.  that they adventured to fall into the Head quarters of Colonel Colalto near Zatmar, where they cut three Companies to pieces, and took some Prisoners. And in the Month of june, a party of them consisting of 4000, encountering with the Regiment of Colonel Smith near Kalo, gave them a total Defeat, killing 300 upon the place. In the Month of july, two Parties of the Malcontents, one of 1500, and another of 600, pillaged and burnt all the places, and Villages near Zatmar and Caschau, and defeated a Croatian Regiment under the Command of Count Palfi, with a Detachment from the two foregoing Garrisons. Another party of them burned two Villages in the Upper Hungary, killed most of the Inhabitants, and carried away great plunder and booty with them: And being met by Count Strazoldo, who was desirous to intercept them in their Retreat, he was defeated by them, and forced to fly with considerable loss▪ Another party of them surprised the Castle of Balac in the Morning, just at the moment when the Gates were opened, and killed, and made Prisoners all the People that were in it. The same party defeated Colonel Scheveling, and killed many of his Hussars upon the place; they took and pillaged the little Town of Newtra, and intercepted all the Merchandise, which was carrying to the Fair of Stoez. And with such Successes as these, 
They grow proud therewith.  the Malcontents being greatly puffed up and exalted, they demanded a Contribution of 14000 Florins from the Inhabitants of the plain Countries, and took Hostages, as a security for payment thereof.  
Nor were the Turks in the mean time idle, or unactive on their side, for from the Garrison of Buda, they sent a very strong party to join with those of Newhawsel, with design to take and demolish the Fort of Schella; whilst the Malcontents attended the motions of the Imperialists with 8000 Men, and the Transilvanians marched towards the Frontiers of their Country with 10000; but by the care and vigilance of the Emperor's Soldiers, the design was prevented.  
These misfortunes were followed by others of worse consequence, for the Generals, Smith and Baragotzi, 
Smith and Bar●gotzi defeated.  were defeated by the Malcontents in divers Encounters. The Towns of Oedembourg, Zaltach and Dowar were plundered and burnt by them; and so greatly they increased in their numbers, that Strazoldo with 3000 Men durst not appear in the Field against them.  
And now that the fate of War might be determined, 
Advices of the Death of the Grand Vizier Achmet Kup●●ogli.  advices of the Death of the Grand Vizier Achmet Kupriogli were brought to Vienna, by which all expectations of Peace failed: For by the Answers he had made to the Malcontents, who solicited for assistance, and to the Imperial Ministers, who laboured to continue a good understanding, he evidenced an aversion to this War, for Reasons which we have formerly declared: And perhaps because at that time becoming Sick and Crasy, his Spirits were low and his Thoughts rather inclining to Ease and Quietness, than to the bustles and business of an active and raging War. 
Kara M●stapha mad● Vizier resolves upon ● War.  But now Kara Mustapha succeeding into his place, a Person of that Temper, which we have before described, the Imperialists despaired of a Peace, and accordingly provided for a War; and indeed, considering the Temper of the Man, and the conjuncture of the present Times; being invited into Hungary, and the way opened into Germany by the Malcontents; and (as the Common Rumour will have it) pushed on by Encouragements and Promises from the French Court, but more especially by their own Fate, the Dice of Fortune were cast, and a War determined, tho' contrary to the Inclinations of the Grand Signior, the Mufti, and other Councillors of State.   

ANNO, 1677.  
But to carry on a War of such weight and consequence, 
War not as yet denounced, and why.  preparations were to be first made; Money was to be provided, which was amassed, and gathered by such means as we have before related; Forces were to be called from the most remote parts of the Empire, and great stores of all sorts of Provisions and Ammunition were to be lodged in Belgrade, Buda, and the Frontier Garrisons, all which required some years to effect. And in the mean time, as a prelude to this devouring War, the Malcontents were to be encouraged, 
The Pashas of Hungary Ordered to aid the Malcontents.  their hopes kept up, and the Pashas of Hungary allowed to succour them as occasion required; which they acted with so little regard to the Peace, that nothing was heard over all that Kingdom, but daily Slaughters, Battles, Plundring, Firing of Towns, and all the other direful effects of War.  
Accordingly, to begin this Year, six thousand Turks passed the Raab over the Ice near Furstemberg, 
Incursi●ns made by the Turks.  which gave an alarm to all the Province of Stiria. About the same time another party of them belonging to the Garrison of Canisia, made a Sally from thence, with design to surprise the Island of Serini; but being disappointed in that Enterprise, they put all the Country of Croatia into a confusion, and forced Contributions from the People by Military Executions; burning and plundering all those Towns and places which refused to comply with the payment of such Taxes as they imposed upon them. And likewise another party from Newhawsel, made Incursions to the very Gates of Freystadt.  
These ill Successes, and the fears of a more dreadful War impending, moved the Imperial Council to thoughts of Accommodation with the Malcontents on any terms whatsoever, being almost droven to a necessity of making peace. In pursuance of which Resolution, 
New Overtures made to the Malcontents.  General Baragotzi, who for his Services was lately made a Count of the Empire, and one of the Lieutenant Generals of the Armies, was dispatched to the Malcontents with new Overtures of Peace, the sum of which was this: That besides the Act of Oblivion, and Pardon formerly offered, the Emperor was pleased farther to condescend, that in every County the Protestants should have two Churches allowed them, one for the Lutherans, and another for the Calvinists, with full Liberty to exercise the Religion they professed; and that they should be indifferently admitted into all Offices and Places of Trust either Civil or Military, together with the Roman Catholics, without any distinction whatsoever, unless with respect to the ability and quality of the person. This Generous Offer, tho' it affected and inclined about 1500 of that party to abandon the interest of their Associates, yet there were above 10000 others whose Spirits were exasperated and heated above the virtue and power of any lenitive, 
Their Obstinacy.  whom nothing could appease nor soften but revenge, tho' at the dear price of their Country's ruin, and the loss of their own Lives. And this Opinion was fostered and kept up by some ill Men, who persuaded the Commonalty that there was no security nor Faith in the Emperor's promises; which would no longer continue, than until such time as he saw them disarmed, and his Enemies at his feet. Howsoever, not wholly to reject the terms of peace, Commissioners were appointed on both sides to meet at Esperies, to offer and receive the Propositions; which Treaty continued during the whole Month of March, and at last concluded without any considerable effect; only Count Palaffi Imbre became so touched with a sense of his Duty, that he embraced the Pardon, and accepted the gracious Offers made him by his Imperial Majesty; and afterwards had a Command given him in Hungary, under Major General Baragotzi; in expectation that by his Example others would be brought to Obedience.  
But in Transilvania the displeasure of that Prince grew higher, 
A Plot against Apafi.  upon discovery of a Plot against his Life, carried on by those who had more Zeal than true Understanding of the Emperor's Interest; which caused Apafi, not without some reason, to declare himself more than formerly in behalf of the Malcontents. And so high were the Spirits of both Parties exasperated against each other, that the Hussars pursuing a flying party of the Malcontents as far as Rima, now a Town belonging to the King of Poland, in the Palatinate of Cracovia, could not contain their fury against their Enemy with any respect to the Prince or Dominion unto which they were fled; but in the heat of their pursuit set fire to the Town. Which rash Act was so far resented by the King of Poland, that it had caused a War between the two Crowns, had not some other Considerations cemented the difference, and the common safety united the two Princes against their powerful Enemy, as will appear some years after. Howsoever▪ in the mean time, the King of Poland ●uch'd with a sense of this Disgrace, gave Licence to some of his Troops (of whose assistance he had not much farther occasion; 
The King of Poland gives leave to some of his Troops to serve the Malcontents.  after the Peace concluded with the Turk) to join with the Malcontents, and serve against the Emperor, under the Command of Count Boham.  
These Polanders to the number of 6000, departed from Seratin on the 25 th' of September, 
The Poles March into Transilvania.  taking their March directly towards Transilvania; to which Country this Count Boham had dispatched his Major General Frebual before, to advise the Prince and Nobility of his coming. The which News was so welcome, that 500 Horse, and 800 Foot were Ordered from a Castle appertaining to Wessellini to meet them on their way, and join in a Body with them. These Troops conducted by Frebual, met the Polish Forces at the Village of Nemet, on the Banks of the Theysse, about four Leagues distant from Mongatz; and having passed that River, they Encamped near the Village of Nimelsi, about 2 leagues from Zatmar, where they attended the coming of Wessellini, the Hungarian General, with his Forces, to join with them. Whilst they remained in this post, the parties which they sent abroad had taken several prisoners; by whom they were informed, that Major General Smith was advancing from Zatmar, with a considerable Body of the Imperial Army, much stronger than that of the Poles, and that he marched with Cannon; upon this Intelligence Boham called a Council of War, at which it was agreed to re-pass the little River Battor, and the enclosed Country adjacent, and to post themselves on a Ground of more advantage, that they might the sooner join with their own Troops not as yet come up, and also attend the Attack of the Enemy in a fast and a securer place.  
But before the Camp removed from Nimelsi, 
Two Polish Gentlemen Revolt.  two Polish Gentlemen, with a Servant, revolted over to the Enemy; and informed Smith then at Zatmar, that the Polish Forces, together with the Tartars of Lipka were inconsiderable, very much harassed with a long March, and weakened with want of Food and Necessaries to sustain them; in which straightened Condition they were ready to Mutiny, and would soon change their side, in case Letters were wrote to some of the Chief of them, giving them assurance of good Quarter, and a kind Reception. Letters were accordingly wrote, and dispatched by the Servant of the Polish Gentlemen who arrived the same Night at Nimelsi, where the Treachery of the two Gentlemen was discovered, and the Letters intercepted, and publicly read, 
Their Treachery discovered.  the substance of which was this; That Smith had a strong Army well resolved, and provided of all things necessary, against which in all probability their Forces were not able to stand: 
The substance of Smith's Letter to the Poles.  That therefore they should in time provide for their own security and safety, by passing over to the Imperial Party, where they might assure themselves of a kind Reception, and a hearty welcome; and it would make their Merit much the greater, in case they would seize the Papers, Money and Plate of all the Officers, and particularly of the person of Uladislaus Wessellini, Son of the late Palatine of Hungary, and Nephew to the present General of the Malcontents. Farther advising such, that were thus well disposed, to bind Straw about their Caps, which should be a Signal at the beginning of the Fight of their good Intentions. And that Smith might give them security that these promises should be performed, he affixed his Seal upon the Letter, with this Motto;  
Per hoc assicurantur Domini Poloni.  
No News being as yet come of Wessellini, 
A Fight between the Imp●rialists on one side, and the Poles, and Ta●t●rs, a●● Hungarians on the other.  Boham had no sooner provided for his own security, and well posted his Forces, and put them in Battalia, before the Vanguard of the Enemy Charged the advanced Troops of the Poles so fiercely, that they put them to a Retreat, and wounded Koreski Colonel of the Tartars of Lipka; with which the Imperialists being encouraged, pressed the Hungarians and Tartars with such fierceness and vigour, that the Tartars began to give ground and fly; and were pursued by some Troops of swift Croats, who knew very well in what manner to make use of such advantages, killing many, and taking some Prisoners. In the mean time Smith made such haste to come in to the succour of his advanced Troops, that he left all his Infantry some Leagues behind, and Marched in the Front of 20 Squadrons of Horse, much more strong and numerous than the Poles; Testifying by his Countenance the great assurance he had of Victory. But when he was come near, and had received the fire from a Regiment of Dragoons Commanded by Major Zefold, and drawn up amongst the Bushes on the right hand of the Line; and observed the good Order and Resolution of the Poles, he began then to be sensible of his temerity, and the Snare into which he was drawn, by the false Report of the two Fugitives.  
The Hungarians and Tartars which were newly put to slight by the Vanguard of the Enemy, 
Th● Tartar's Ra●y.  seeing at a distance the valour of their Companions, rallied again, and Charged with new Courage: so that the Imperialists being astonished and dismayed by the Clouds of Arrows, the continual Fire from the Infantry and Dragoons, and the redoubled Blows of the Cut-lashes and Scimitars, and the Multitudes of their dead Companions which covered the Field with their Bodies, 
The Imperialists overthrown.  began to give ground, and breaking in one upon the other, betook themselves to Flight in the most confused, and shameful manner that can be imagined, and were pursued by the Enemy near two Leagues from the Field where the Battle was Fought.  
The number of those Slain were a Thousand, besides those, who endeavouring to save their Lives by Swimming were Drowned in the River. The Officers Slain were Count Hermestin, Colonel of Foot, and Governor of Zatmar, Colalto Colonel of the Croats, besides many other Captains and Officers of Foot, whom Smith had persuaded to leave their Companies, and attend him in this Enterprise, in which he judged himself most secure of Victory. Smith himself was wounded in the Hand, and was forced to quit his Horse to save his Life, which was afterwards the prize of a Tartar, with the Saddle, Holsters and Hoofing embroidered with Gold. The Poles took four Kettle-Drumms, and the greatest part of their Trumpets, with all their Colours, and 800 Prisoners: And had not the night favoured them, very few had escaped.  

The praises of Boham and other Officers.  On this occasion Boham Signalised himself very greatly, and evidenced unto the World by his Valour and Conduct, how much he deserved the chief Command of those Troops: And indeed, all the Officers, as well Tartars as others, behaved themselves like Soldiers and able Commanders: But Major General Smith, tho' inferior to none in any thing which appertains to Martial Exercise; yet being betrayed by his own Credulity, was blamed much at Vienna for his Rashness and Precipitation. After this Success, Boham having Refreshed for two days his Forces in the Field where the Battle was Fought, repassed the River of Battor, and the Enclosures, and joined the Army of the Malcontents, which was 16000 strong, 
The Poles and Malcontents join.  under the Command of Count Wessellini: So that now being a formidable Army, the Chief Officers at a Council of War agreed to Besige Tokai; to prevent which General Kops, upon advice of the Enemy's Motion, departed from Caschau with the Imperial Army, intending to Attack the Enemy with the first Advantage: Which Wessellini avoided until he had first secured a place of Retreat in case of any Sinister fortune or disgrace: But Howsoever, sending Parties abroad, they Burnt and Plundered seven Villages near to Mongatz; and in regard the Imperial Army was marched at some distance from Caschau, adventured to Burn several Villages also near to that Town; and had the Fortune to intercept a Convoy which carried both Money, 

A Convoy with Money and Provisions taken by the Malcontents.  
1500 of the Imperialists revolt to the Enemy.   Victuals and Ammunition from Vienna, for Payment and Maintenance of the Army under General Kops.  
This loss of Money and Provisions proved of ill Consequence to the Emperor's Army, which wanting Pay and necessaries for subsistence, many of them, to the number of 1500, upon the Promises of Wessellini to bestow on every Officer 26 Ducats, with a command agreeable to his quality, and 10 to every private Soldier, who should relinquish the Emperor's Service, were easily induced to Revolt, and take up Arms in favour of the Malcontents. Kops being highly incensed hereat, resolved on a quite contrary method of Action, supposing that he might effect the same with Rigour and Cruelty, 
Kops his Cruelty.  which the Enemy had done by Allurements and Rewards; and that it was possible to terrify, and affrighten the contrary party into their Duty and Obedience: Wherefore, to make an experiment hereof, he killed all the Prisoners he had in his hands, and impaled several others: This piece of Cruelty against the Law of War and Nations, was in like manner retaliated by Wessellini; who put the Prisoners to death, to the number of Sixty, which the Polanders had taken in the late Battle, together with Lieutenant Colonels, Majors and Captains, which occasioned great Desturbances, and Murmurings in the Imperial Army: 
For which he his blamed at Vienna▪  And at Vienna this Conduct of Kops was highly blamed, and Orders sent him never more to exercise the like unhuman Practices; for that many Officers of good Note and Reputation, had absolutely refused to serve the Emperor in a War, where no Quarter was to be expected.  
About this time, Smith with his shattered Troops joined with General Kops near to Butrack; two Leagues from whence the Malcontents were Encamped, and Reinforced by 2000 Transilvanians, conducted thither by Count Tekeli, 
Count Tekeli appears in the War.  who after the death of his Father (as before mentioned) had served Prince Apafi in the nature of his Secretary, or one who had a chief hand in the management of his Affairs; and now making this first entrance on the Stage, we shall have occasion to mention him often hereafter, being the Person who is to make the greatest Figure in this following History, and to prove the most active General, after the destruction of many before him, and after various Successes, of good and bad Fortune, and Honours and Disgraces received from the Turks; we shall find him still Boyant and above Water, even at the last extremity, when the Turks themselves were beaten out of all Hungary.  
The Imperial Army having been much diminished in numbers by the Sword and Sickness, was again in part recruited by some Additional Forces, under the Command of Count Warbenoren, and by 600 Men out of a Regiment in Silesia: Howsoever, such was the Misfortunes of those Times, and the inauspicious Stars which then reigned, that the Imperialists were worsted in all Fights and Skirmishes, to the destruction almost of their whole Army: Whilst the Forces of the Malcontents increased double to the numbers of the Emperor's Army. 
The Malcontents increase in their Forces.  And the Turks still forwarded these Mischiefs by their frequent Incursions from Buda, Newhawsel, and all their Garrisons; which was a Course and Practice which this Faithless People used, to make War without declaring it.   

ANNO 1678.  
The Emperor being sensible of his own weak and decaying Condition, 
The Emperor sends to treat with the Malcontents, and with the Turks.  and of the Strength, and increasing Power of his mighty Enemies, laboured to cure and remedy the imminent evils and dangers by Treaties, which could not be done by Arms: And in order thereunto he offered three Churches to the Malcontents in the Upper Hungary, with other Propositions more large, and extensive than formerly: And Hoffman, the principal Secretay of State and War, was sent to the Grand Signior to make Complaints of the Succours, which the Pashas of Hungary daily afforded to his Rebellious Subjects: But neither the one, nor the other of these Negotiations, had the success desired: For the Malcontents were so far from harkening to any Accommodation with their Sovereign Prince, that they were contriving the manner, how they might absolutely throw off his Authority, and acquit themselves of their Allegiance: 
The Malcontents propose to Elect a King of their own.  And to that end, they proposed to Elect a King of their own Nation, and many cast their Eyes upon a certain Count, who was of the House and Family of Frangipani: But the different Interests, and variety of Opinions, obstructed the Election, so that nothing was agrreed, or concluded in that affair. Nor could much more be expected from the Negotiations of Hoffman at Constanstinople; for the Vizier was so extravagant in his Demands, and so unreasonable in his Proposals, that it plainly appeared, how far he was from any intentions of renewing the Peace, or any other designs than that of War. Only by force of the rich Presents which Hoffman brought, he prevailed with the Vizier to strangle the Pasha of Waradin.  
Howsoever, things ran not so smoothly in Transilvania, nor with the Malcontents, but that they met with other difficulties and Enemies, besides the Emperor. For a certain Person, a Boyar of that Country named Pedipol, 
Pedipol procures a Commission to be Prince of Transilvania.  being ambitious of Government, offered Money to the Grand Vizier for the Principality of Transilvania, alleging that Apafi had Ruled there much beyond the time of other Princes: The Vizier, whose business was Gain, entered into a Treaty with Pedipol, made the bargain, took his Money and sold him the Principality; and procured the Grand Signors Hattesheriff, or Royal Signature to constitute him Prince, and to divest, or depose Apafi. When Pedipol came with this Authority to take Possession of the Government, the People refused to receive him, and Apafi to Surrender: Whereupon Pedipol with his Party endeavoured to make good his Title, 
He is opposed by Apafi and overcome.  and Establishment by Force of Arms. The Vizier upon the news hereof, to prevent those Divisions, dispatched an Officer into Transilvania to decide the Difference, by taking off the Head of that Person, who should be found disobedient and averse to the Grand Seignior's Commands: But before this Order could arrive, the dispute was determined by the Fortune of War; for the Malcontents being sensible of the Obligations they had to Apafi, and of what concernment his continuance in that Station would prove to them, offered him all the aid and assistance they were able, to which the Poles likewise joining their Forces, overthrew Pedipol in the Field, and caused him with some of his Adherents to Fly into Valachia: Where raising new Forces, he marched again towards Transilvania, with intention to make a second Attempt: But being met in his way by the Pasha of Waradin, he was commanded by him in the Grand Signors name, to quit his Pretensions to the Principality, and to content himself in a private Condition: For the Vizier having got his Money, little cared what became of Pedipol, whether he were a Prince or Peasant; only he thought it necessary at that time to conserve Peace between the Friends, and Allies to the Port, which was more easily done by supporting the interest of Apafi, who was old and experienced in that Government, rather than by setting up Pedipol, whose Circumstances were very disagreeable, both to the Transilvanians and the Malcontents.  
Howsoever, these differences contributed little to better the Condition of the Emperor, who of late had been worsted in all the Conflicts, and Engagements against the Enemy: As for Instance, a Party of Five hundred Horse, under the Command of Azos Benas, being advanced as far as Erlaw, 
The Emperor's ill Successes.  belonging to the Lands and Demesnes of Count Tekeli, were assailed by the Turks, and their whole Body defeated, and cut in pieces. Another Party also consisting of two hundred Men, Commanded by Colonel Wolping, were overthrown by a Detachment of Turks belonging to Newhawsel.  

Representments of the Assembly at Altembourg.  These ill Successes in War, inclined the States of Hungary, then Assembled at Oedembourg, to consent that all the Churches taken from the Protestants, should with many other advantageous Propositions be consigned and granted to them. And another Assembly at Altembourg did represent unto the Emperor, that the Change made in the Government of Hungary, was the cause of all the late Troubles and Wars in that Kingdom; to appease which, they were of Opinion that it was absolutely necessary to re-establish the Charge and Office of Palatine, according to the Ancient constitution of that Nation; and that a General Diet should be convened to that purpose. But when the Imperial Ministers of State, as well Ecclesiastic as Civil, came to Debate upon these Points, they offered many Qualifications: 
The Emperor's Council qualify them.  As that the the Authority of Palatine should be limited, and restrained: That the Emperor's Writs or Letters should be Imperative, rather than Mandative; that is, that they should be penned in such a Style, as that they might appear rather Assertive of the Absolute and Imperial Power, than to condescend unto more moderate Terms anciently used in that Kingdom. And when they came to the Article about restitution of the Churches (which was the main point on which the Malcontents insisted) they Treated with such Niceties, and with so many Prouisoes and Save, that the Deputies believed that the Imperial Ministers came to speak for Colours, and Subterfuges, to evade and illude an Accommodation, rather than with true and sincere affections to heal the breaches, and compose the differences of the Nation.  
Whilst these Matters were in Negotiation, 
Wessellini ●is death.  Count Paul Wessellini, who was Brother to the late Palatine, and General of the Malcontents, died, and then the Command of the Army was committed to Count Tekeli; 
Is succeded by Tekeli.  who (as we have said) had gained such great Reputation in the Court of Prince Apafi, that he made him his principal Minister of State; and tho' he was a young Man, of about twenty four or twenty five years of Age, yet he so distinguished himself by his Valour, Prudence, and Industry, that the eyes of all Hungary were upon him, as a Person in every respect agreeable to the present great Undertake.  
Tekeli being now at the head of twelve thousand Fight Men, well appointed, and fitted with all Necessaries, and a Train of Artillery of about twelve pieces of Cannon, and four Mortars, looked on himself as in a Condition to undertake some great Enterprise. 
Tekeli 's first designs.  And having joined with the Forces of his Cousin Count Tekeli, and supplied himself with some of the Emperor's Money out of the Mint at Nagibania, he held a Council of War, and proposed to Besiege either Caschau, or Kalo.  
Howsoever, 
He is in Love with the Princess Ragotski.  the Inclinations he had for the Daughter of Count Serini, Widow of the late Prince Ragotski, directed him in the first place towards Mongatz, that he might (if possible) come to a sight of that Lady for whom he had so great a passion. But upon the approach of these Troops, her Mother-in-Law, who was zealous for the Interest of the Emperor, gave Orders to the Forces which were raised within her State, to fall upon Tekeli, whose Quarters were not far distant from Mongatz. 
Tekeli defeats the Troops of the Princess Ragotski Dowager.  The Fight was bravely maintained on both sides; till at length the Troops of the Princess were forced to give way, and 200 of them being slain on the place, and many Prisoners taken (amongst which the Count Serini was one) the rest were put to flight, being entirely defeated. With these Successes the Army of the Malcontents daily increased; to which an additional Force of eight or nine thousand Tartars being added, the Emperor thought it necessary to recruit his Army with a Regiment of Horse, under the Command of Count Stirum, and with some other Troops which were in Bohemia, and Stiria.  
EMERIC COMTE DE TEKELI  
The Emperor perceiving that he was very unable to resist the Forces which were now in open Field, and in defiance against him, had his Recourse to the Old Project of making New Propositions, and Offers of Peace to the Malcontents. But this was always so unluckily managed, and with so ill a grace, that it was no wonder if it found no better Success. But now, as if it were intended to make things more plain and satisfactory to the World, without Disputes, or Qualifications, a Manifesto was published by the Emperor's Command, Granting and Indulging unto all a General Act of Pardon and Oblivion, 
The Emperor publishes a Manifest.  a Restoration to their Estates, a Free Exercise of Religion, and a Right and Privilege of being equally admitted into Places of Trust, and Offices of Court with the Germans, and others of the Roman Catholic Religion; provided that within the space of three Months they lay down their Arms, and submitted to the Clemency of his Imperial Majesty. And as to those who should still stand out, and obstinately persevere in their Rebellion, he required the States of Hungary, and all his Loving Subjects of that Kingdom, to join their Forces unto his, for the subjection of such Rebellious Persons, who were Enemies to himself, and to their own Country.  
But least these fair Offers should Operate any thing on the Minds of the People, 
Tekeli offers new Aggrievances.  Tekeli at the same time, to make the Embroils more confused, sent a List to the Emperor of fresh Aggrievances, for which he desired some Remedies might be considered. All which the Emperor referred to the Examination of a Diet, which was suddenly to Assemble. And in Order thereunto, the General Baragotzi sent Passports to the Chief of the Malcontents, 
Passports given to meet at a Diet.  that they might freely come to the Diet, and return without molestation; Insinuating unto them, that their Government by a Palatine should be restored, and whatsoever they could expect to gain by force of Arms, should now be more easily yielded, and granted by Covenants of an Amicable Agreement. But all these Hopes and Expectations were overthrown by the heats which arose between the Emperor's Ministers at Vienna, and the Deputies appointed by the Malcontents to Treat and prepare Matters against the Meeting of a Diet. For one day, 
The D●et disappointed, and how.  when the Differences were in debate, it happened that the Chancellor Ochre unadvisedly said, That the Hungarian Nation had always been Faithless and Rebellious against their Prince. Which words being immediately catched at by the Great Chancellor of Hungary. It is unjust (said he) to Charge the Crime of some particular Persons on the whole Nation. To which Ochre with more passion than before, made this Reply; That it would be happy for the Emperor, if one in twelve were found that truly and sincerely adhered to his interest. At these words, Count Palfi the Treasurer of Hungary, not being able to contain himself longer, burst out into a passion, and called the Chancellor Traitor, Knave, and Rascal. And Count Harcani, another of the Deputies, as Gouty as he was, made a shift to get upon his Legs, and persuade his Companions to break up the Assembly and be gone, to avoid the noise of such Ribaldry, and affrontive Language. And as they were going out of the Room, the Chancellor of Hungary, and Count Forgatz added, Know (said they) that we have never betrayed our King, nor pleaded for our Kindred, who were found guilty of base and perfidious Actions. Consider that we have not forgot how far you Countenanced the Governor of Freibourg. To all which Ochre made no Reply, but returned to the Emperor, to give him an account of what had passed at this Conference.  
In the mean time Tekeli thinking of nothing less than Peace, 
The Preceding and Actions of Tekeli.  or means of Accommodation, burned the Suburbs of Cassovia; and having received a Recruit of four hundred Horse, which the Brother of Baragotzi, who Revolted to his Party, had brought over to him, he seized on the Citadel of Zeilaverd, where were found sixteen pieces of Ordnance. He then designing to pass the River of Tourna, to re-take the Fortress so called, which the Enemy had lately gained, he found the Passage obstructed by a Party of the Imperialists on the other side; but bringing four pieces of Cannon to play on the Enemy, they cleared the way, and kept them at a distance; by which means a Regiment of the Poles first passed, and after them the whole Army. Thus Fortune favouring the Malcontents, a hundred Soldiers of the Imperial Troops revolted over on this Occasion to the Enemy, such prevalence hath Success always on the Minds of Mankind; 
Some of the Imperialis●s revolt.  the which facilitated also the taking of Tourna, which was Surrender'd at discretion.  
After this, Tekeli Marched towards Chiacatorno, and in his way he took Zerenetz, and Melkasso, which yielded also at discretion, without any resistance; but Podrach standing out was taken by force, and all the Garrison put to the Sword, except some Officers, who were conserved, and made Prisoners of War.  

Tekeli Master of the Field.  Whilst these Successes attended the Malcontents, Tekeli remained Master of the Field; so that the Count de Wourmb neither durst remove his Encampment from before Esperies, nor Count Lesley adventure on a March to join with him; until Tekeli removing from those parts towards Strigonium, and to make himself Master of Leventz, the Imperial Forces found an opportunity to March as far as the River of Waagh, where they joined with the Regiments of Dunewald, Holstein, Massigni, Caraffa, and Strazoldo, which came lately out of Silesia; and tho' these Forces were joined together, with those also of Count Lesley, yet they were not sufficient to withstand the Army of Count Tekeli, which consisted of at least twenty thousand effective Men, besides Garrisons, and several Detatchments.  

Tekeli writes Letters.  Tekeli being thus strong, and having made himself Master of Leventz, Wrote circulary Letters in his own Name to all the Inhabitants of that Country: Representing before them the ill Treatment, which all Hungary had received from the Germans, and the Slavery they lay under by a Foreign Yoke. That he was resolved with the chief of his Party, to defend the Liberties and Privileges of Hungary with his Life and Estate: Exhorting all others to join with him in this good Cause; and Threatening such, who either out of Cowardice, or Coldness towards the welfare of their Country, or favour to the Emperor, should place themselves in the Condition of a careless Neutrality.  
No sooner had Count Wourmb raised his Camp from before Esperies, to join with the Silesian Troops; 
Tekeli takes Esperies, and A●va.  but Tekeli observing his motion Invested the place, and took it in three days: The like he did to the Castle of Arva, which Surrendered even in the sight of Count Lesley, his Forces not being sufficient to give assistance or relief thereunto. At this time Wessellini falling Sick and Dying, the Command of the Hungarian Troops was given to Tekeli; Boham was Chief of the Auxiliaries, and Tekeli himself Generalissimo of all; so that the whole management of the War, was now in the Hands of these three Leaders. The Tartars as Flying, and Independent Troops acted by themselves; 
The Tartars Plunder, and Burn.  they pillaged Newstadt, and burned all the Country round within three Leagues of Leopolstadt; and afterwards made their Passage over the River Waagh near Trenschin, which the Counts Forgatz and Esterhasi being not able to oppose, the People of Moravia were so affrighted, that taking what Goods with them they could, in so sudden and distracted a fear, they fled to the Mountains for refuge.  
Boham and Tekeli understanding that Count Lesley was quartered near to Zatmar, they marched to Attack him; which when Lesley understood, he divided his Troops into three Bodies, 
Count Lesley 〈◊〉 thrown.  with a seeming resolution to Engage the Enemy; but so soon as they came near, they showed some signs of Irresolution, and a desire as it were to make a handsome Retreat: But being pursued by Tekeli with six Battalions, he engaged them near Leutsch, and Killed, or made Prisoners the greatest part of that Body. Boham in the mean time totally defeated another Party, of which Four hundred Horse only escaped. The third Body saved themselves in the Mountains, and other fast places. After this Victory Tekeli. sent a Detachment of his Forces to join with the Tartars in Moravia, who took Barin, 
Tartar's in Moravia.  the capital City thereof; which gave an Alarm to all the Hereditary Countries: And at the same time one Colonel josua, otherwise called Father joseph, who had been a Friar, but now turned Protestant, and a Soldier, such another kind of a daring Fellow as Duke john before mentioned, 
Duke John.  joined with the Malcontents, and entered Austria with Six thousand Fight Men, raised at his own Charge, which put all those Countries into such a Consternation, that the People abandoned their Towns, and Villages and fled unto Vienna, for their place of Refuge. The courage and experience of this Colonel josua, 
Colonel Josua.  was so well known to the Archbishop of Strigoniam, that he persuaded the Emperor, to take him off from the Malcontents, and engage him by Promises of reward to his own Party: This Office was committed to the Management and Conduct of Count de Wourmb, because Count Lesley remained Sick at Cassovia; but such was the constancy of this Martial Friar to his Cause and Principles, that nothing could avail with him to change his Party: Suspecting perhaps, that when once the Archbishop should get him into his Power, he would immure him within the Walls of his Convent, and oblige him to the performance of his Vow: But he rejected all the offers, which were made him, and reserved himself for greater Exploits, which happened the year following.  
Such is the fury of Civil Wars, much more active and violent than Foreign, that few days passed without Fights, or Skirmishes in one place or other. Count Wourmb, having received all the Recruits that he could expect, marched directly towards Tekeli and Boham, 
A Fight near Alsol.  and engaged with them early in the Morning, in a Fight which continued until three a Clock in the Afternoon, with such equal Fortune, that the Malcontents being sensible of the valour, and resolution of the Imperialists retreated with good order under the Cannon of Alsol, a Town Situate on the River of Gran, between Newsol and Kremnitz. In the mean time twenty Squadrons of the Rebels endeavouring to pass the Mountains, were repulsed by Colonel Reyters, who at the Head of his Regiment defended the Passages, and drove them back to their Camp, having killed Five hundred of them on the place. But this loss was the next day revenged by Tekeli, who took Bistrick by force of Arms, with much Blood and Slaughter of the Inhabitants. 
Bistrick taken.  This Bistrick is a Town Situate in a Plain, encompassed about with little Hills, famous for the golden Mines, and the Country well planted about it with pleasant Vineyards; the Governors thereof would neither declare themselves at first either for the Emperor, or for the Malcontents: But when the Imperialists with their Army drew near to them, they could no longer conceal their Affections, and good Wishes, but broke their Neutrality, and declared for the Emperor: Soon after which Tekeli making himself Master of the place, put six of the Chief Inhabitants to death, in punishment of their Infidelity, and breach of Promise.  
But before the end of this year, the Imperialists had their changes of good Fortune, as well as the Malcontents, a Party of which the Garrison of Filek entirely defeated: 
Filek.  Filek is Situate in the Roadway from the Mountain Towns in Hungary leading to Transilvania and Cassovia, and lies about five Leagues Northward from Agria. This Success was seconded by another Rout, which Count Esterhasi the Pope's General gave to a party of Five hundred Spahees, 
Esterhasi defeats a Body of the Turks.  and Two thousand janissaries near Vesprin, who were designed to make Incursions into the Emperor's Countries. But least this Action should be ill represented to the Grand Signior, and become the Cause of a Rupture, the Emperor dispatched away an Express to Constantinople, to give a true account of the Cause, and Reasons for this Engagement. And now being come to that Season of the year, when Armies draw into their Winter-quarters. Both Parties being in cooler temper began to Treat; so that a Cessation of Arms was agreed, 
A Cessation o● Arms, and a Trea●y.  and the place appointed for the Conference was Oedembourg, where all the Chief Lords of Hungary had agreed to Assemble. The person who was to preside for the Emperor, was the Prince of Swartzembourg, and Count de Nostiz managed the Treaty, applying himself with much Zeal and Diligence that this Negotiation might be happily concluded.   

ANNO 1679.  
This Treaty with a Cessation of Arms continued till the end of the year, with hopes that the beginning of the next would make that poor Kingdom happy with a Peace. But the Emperor having as it were secured a Peace with France (which was one of the greatest fears he had upon him, in case of a War with the Turks) refused to yield unto the same terms which he had frequently offered in former times to the Malcontents. 
The Emperor falls off from his former Offers.  It was now resolved that the Office of Palatine should for ever hereafter be extinguished and made void, year 1679. and that Kingdom governed by a Viceroy, who was solely to be constituted by Commission from the Emperor. 2dly, The Protestants were not to have Churches in Towns or Cities, but to content themselves with such as should be allotted them in Villages. 3dly, As a Preliminary to all the rest, the Malcontents were to dismiss the Foreign Troops entertained in their Service, before the Treaty upon any other Conditions and Articles should commence. The very noise of this alteration in the Emperor's Councils, 
An end put to the Truce.  put a stop to all proceedings of a Treaty, and an end to the Truce and Cessation of Arms. And indeed the Malcontents were by this time so engaged with the Turks, that on their part also they had put themselves out of all possibility of Accommodation without their concurrence, and concernment in the Treaty.  
The Assembly at Oedembourg being dissolved, 
A Diet at Coloswar.  the Malcontents held a Diet of their own at Coloswar, alias Claudiopolis, whereunto Prince Apafi, and the Neighbouring Pashas resorted, to treat and agree upon the measures which were to be taken for the ensuing year, in order to carrying on the War. Whilst they were upon this Treaty, a Messenger arrived from the Grand Signior, who brought a Scymitar to Prince Apafi, which was a certain Signal of the Sultan's favour, and acceptance of his Services, which was much to the joy of all Persons there present; for that it was doubtful before, how far the Grand Signior would ab●tt the Cause of Pedipol, to whom (as we have mentioned) he had given his Commission to be Prince of Transilvania, with exclusion of Apafi. Nor was the News of less concernment to them brought at the same time, that the Grand Signior was upon conclusion of peace with the Moscovites, by which the whole Ottoman Empire would be at leisure to employ all their Troops against the Germans. 
The Turks you w●th the Malcontents.  And with the same occasion the Pashas of Hungary were Commanded to join with Apafi, and to assist the Malcontents with such Forces as they should desire; of all which the Emperor having certain Intelligence from his Resident at Constantinople, Ordered three Regiments to be sent into Hungary, for recruit of the Forces under Count Lesley, of which the Malcontents having Advice, took the Field, and passing the Theysse, pitched their Camp near Debrezin, to cover and relieve as occasion served the Castle of Kovar. 
Debrezin.  This City of Debrezin, or Debrechim is situated between Tokai, and great Waradin, and is very Rich and Populous. It was a Free Town, and conserved itself in a Neutrality during the late Revolutions; but after Zolnock and Cassovia were reduced, the Magistrates thereof desired his Imperial Majesty to take them under his protection; with which, and by payment of a Tribute to the Port, the Inhabitants lived quiet and free, until the year 1676. when it was taken by Count Strazoldo, upon pretence that it was become the place of Sanctuary and common Refuge of the Malcontents; tho' afterwards, upon complaints from the Turks, the Emperor withdrew his Forces from thence, leaving them free, and in their former Condition of Neutrality.  
In the mean time Tekeli falling in love with a Daughter of the Princess Ragotski Dowager, who was extremely zealous (as we have mentioned before) for the Emperor's Cause, refused to bestow her Daughter upon him, unless he would first Relinquish the Interest to which he had adhered. 
Tekeli revolts to the Emperor.  The passion which Tekeli had for the young Lady, was more powerful than his Inclinations to the discontented Party; so that first seeming cold in his Old pursuits, and declaring his Mind freely in open Discourse, his Troops began to suspect his Fidelity, and left him, and put themselves under the Command of Wessellini. Tekeli endeavoured to persuade Palfi Imbre to join with him in his Revolt; but not prevailing, he singly with some few Servants went over to Vienna. Coming thus alone to the Emperor without his Troops he was the less welcome; and indeed he was so little regarded, and his Merit so ill accounted on, that when he made applications to the Emperor for Restitution of his Estate which was Confiscated to the value of two Millions, those who enjoyed the benefit of so great Riches, obstructed his Request; 
Is slighted.  Representing unto the Emperor, that the return to his Duty after a long continuance in Rebellion, only in his own Person, and without his Troops, deserved nothing, nor was it to be judged a satisfaction or an atonement for the many mischiefs and disservices that he had already done; and that to recover the Emperor's favour, there was something else to be done besides a bare surrender of his Person: Howsoever fair words were given him for some time; of which, and of tedious Addresses and frequent Applications, Tekeli growing weary, 
He returns again to the Rebels.  he returned to his Old Friends again, with whom he was received, and admitted to the Command of his deserted Troops.  
About the same time the young Count Serini, Son of Nicholas Serini, who was killed in Croatia, and not of Peter Serini who was Beheaded for High-Treason, being now of years able to bear Arms in Service of the Emperor; made his humble Petition that he might be restored to the Estate of his Father, 
Young Count Serini restored to his Estate.  which was seized and sequestered by the Collectors of the Emperor's Revenue, for the Lands and Demesnes of Peter Serini the Uncle, whose Goods were confiscated for High-Treason. The which Request being considered in the Privy-Council, it was judged highly reasonable, and just that this young Count should be restored to his Estate, and so it was accordingly Ordered.  
Tekeli being now returned, to his former Command, that he might both assure his Associates of his Fidelity towards them, and reproach the Imperialists for so lightly esteeming a Person that was able to serve them, 
Tekeli takes Kremnitz.  he surprised Kremnitz with three hundred Men under his Command, and ruined and burnt all the Works and Storehouses belonging to the Silver-Mines, which with much Charge had been erected by the Emperor; and afterwards retired into the Turkish Dominions.  
Count Strazoldo having received Intelligence that Colonel josua was advanced with eighteen hundred Men, to ruin certain Powder-Mills, pursued after him with four thousand Horse; and had the fortune to attack him, 
A Fight between Count Strazoldo, and Colonel Josua.  just at the time that he was thinking to draw off. Howsoever josua according to his usual Bravery Charged the Enemy, and Disputed the Fight for several hours; until at length having his Horse killed under him, he was forced to retreat, which he did in good Order; being again remounted, tho' he was much incommoded by a Wound which he had received in this Engagement.  
But soon after this loss, Colonel josua to revenge himself, 
Col. Josua revenges himself.  taking the Opportunity whilst General Dunewald (who Commanded in the Place of Count Lesley, then lying Sick at Cassovia) was in his Quarters, surprised two hundred Men belonging to those Recruits which were brought out of Silesia, and cut th●m to pieces, allowing Quarter unto none, but only to a Lieutenant, and four other Officers.  
Thus when the Imperialists observed the ill Successes which daily for the most part attended the War, they began again to change their Measures, and to esteem Peace much more eligible than an unfortunate War. And notwithstanding the late refusal to grant any thing that was formerly offered; the Emperor was resolved now to condescend unto any thing that the Malcontents should demand, 
The Emperor makes new Offers to the Malcontents.  and that no heavier burdens should be laid upon them, than such Taxes and Duties only as were imposed on the Subjects of his Hereditary Countries. Count Lesley being recovered of his Indisposition, found an Opportunity to Discourse these Matters Personally with Colonel josua; and so affected him with the Justice and Reasonableness of the Propositions; that being absolutely convinced how much a Peace made on such Conditions, was to be preferred before a War in Conjuncton with the Turks; 
Col. Josua falls off to the Emperor.  he Wrote unto Tekeli, signifying his full and entire satisfaction in what was offered by the Emperor, and that those Conditions were a sufficient ground for a secure and a lasting Peace. But the Answer hereunto was retarded, by reason of a Plague which beginning to rage at Vienna, 
A ●lague at Vienna.  caused the Imperial Court to remove thence with much fear and haste unto Prague; and the Negotiation being then laid aside for some Months afterwards, time had so altered the state of things, that neither the Emperor was willing to stand to the former Offers, not the Malcontents to receive them. Howsoever Colonel josua remained firm and fixed to his point; and upon a Pardon granted to him in ample form and manner, he took a New Oath of Fidelity to the Emperor, and engaged his own Troops to follow him in his Dutiful Allegiance; 
Col. Josua gives testimonies of his Loyalty  and that he might give some undoubted Testimonies of his true Conversion, by some Acts of Loyalty and Bravery, he persuaded Semey the Governor of Tourna to Surrender up the Castle, and adhere unto the Cause and Interest of the Emperor. And afterwards Enterprizing farther with a Party of his own Horse, he unfortunately fell into an Ambuscade, which a Famous Officer of Tekelis had prepared for him. After which escaping to a small Fortress not far from 〈◊〉, he defended himself therein for the space of two days; and being not able longer to maintain the place, he with much boldness set fire to the Powder, and blew himself up, with all thereunto belonging. 
His death.  And thus this Valiant one ended his days; whose Humour was much more agreeable to a Soldier than a Friar, and better fitted for a Camp than a Monastery.  
Nor did the Pestilence only Rage within the Emperor's Dominions, 
A Plague at Newhawsel.  but the Infection dispersed itself with such violence and rage within the Territories of the Turks, that five hundred Families fled out of Newhawsel, to breath in a more free and healthful Air; but scarce were they removed a League from the Garrison, before they were surprised by a party of five hundred Hussars and Heydukes, who killed some of them, 
The People forsake the Town, and are cut off.  and pillaged and robbed the others of all the Goods and moneys which remained to them for a poor support, and maintenance of Life. Such was the unhappy State of that miserable Kingdom, where Men could neither be secure within the Walls of their fortified Towns, nor permitted to breath in the open air of the Country; but whilst they fly from the Judgements of God, they fall into the cruel hands of merciless Men.  
And yet notwithstanding these daily provocations given the Turk (I know not by what Fate) the Emperor was of Opinion, 
The Poles and Muscovites send ●n Embassy to the ●●●eror.  that it was still possible so to salve up Matters with the Grand Signior, that a War might be avoided. Upon which Opinion and Conceit so deeply rooted and fixed in the Imperial Councils, the Emperor refused to join with the Moscovites and Poles in a League offensive and defensive against the Common Enemy.  
There had been of late a great talk in the World of a Peace concluding between the Turks, and the Moscovites, 
The Moscovites send an Ambassador into Poland▪  grounded upon an Embassy which the latter had dispatched to Constantinople; when at the same time another Ambassador was sent by them into Poland, and there Treating with that King to enter into a League offensive and defensive with them; offering to defray a great part of the Charge of the War, provided that the Armies of the two Nations might join and act together in the next Campaign. The Poles neither seemed to accept nor refuse the Offer, but referred the Agreement and Conclusion to the ensuing Diet. In the mean time another Ambassador of theirs arrived at the Port, 
And another Ambassador to Constan●●nople.  to try and discover the intentions of the Turk towards them. The Grand Vizier, who had already been advised of their Embassies, dispatched into Poland, and Germany; was desirous to discover the substance and intent of the Message before he would admit the Ambassador to his Audience; to get a knowledge whereof, he employed some Grave Kaloires or Greek Monks (for whom he knew the Moscovites had great reverence and respect) to fish out if possible the meaning and purport of the Commission; 
Their Negotiations with the Turk.  but the Ambassador kept his Business secret, and with some Indignation told the Kaloires that the Embassy from the Czar his Master was not to them, but to the Grand Signior; and that the substance of his Business was contained in the Letter, which he hoped to present unto the Sultan with his own hands. When the Letter was opened, and read, the Contents thereof was to this purpose. That the Great Czar of Moscovie did offer to make Peace with the Grand Signior, provided that the Turks would Surrender Czechrim unto him, with all the other Places in the Ukraine, which the last year they had taken from him.  
Thus had the Moscovites three Treaties on foot at the same time; one with the Turk for Establishment of a Peace; and in case of such failure, than they proposed to provide themselves with two such strong Allies, as the Emperor of Germany, and the King of Poland. Such was the Policy of this Northern People.   

ANNO, 1680.  

Treaties between Turks, Poles, and M●scovites.  The greatest part of this Year passed in Treaties and Negotiations between the Poles, the Moscovites, and the Turks; none of the three remained in perfect good understanding with each other. The Poles had not as yet ratified their Peace with the Turk, having according to their usual Custom deferred it to the determination of a Diet, which was purposely delayed, until it appeared how Matters would succeed in Hungary. The Moscovites entertained a Treaty with the Poles, proposing a League Offensive and Defensive with them, with design to create a Jealousy in the Turk; in expectation thereby to Conclude their Peace on better Terms; and when they found the Turks inclining and condescending towards them, they then seemed cold towards the Poles, and more remiss and indifferent in their Negotiations with them. The Turks likewise played their Game between both these Parties; not determining with which to close, because Matters did not in all Points agree with their expectations. The Moscovites acted doubly, and with reserve, but the Poles were more open and free in their Proposals, and Action; they were sensibly touched with the loss of Caminieck, which was the Fortress and Bulwark to their Kingdom. Nor were the Dependences or Country thereunto belonging as yet set out or limited, which were at present as large and extensive as the Turks were pleased to make and assign them; they were Judges in their own Cause, and had power sufficient in their own hands to make good whatsoever they should determine.  
The Poles during these Negotiations, 
The Moscovites make a Peace with the Poles.  Treated with the Sword in their hands, and prepared for War; and so far pressed the League with Moscovy, that in fine it was concluded, which had been a great security for Poland, in case the Moscovites had kept their Faith with any regard, and respect to their League so lately agreed.  
But whilst Couriers with Dispatches passed and repassed between the Courts of Poland and Moscovy, the Turks having got notice of this Negotiation, presently made such Offers to the Moscovite Ambassador residing at Constantinople, that the Terms were accepted, 
They fall off from it, and agree with the Turk.  and a Peace clapped up between the Czar, and the Grand Signior, which might have tended to the utter ruin of Poland, had not the Design against Hungary (which the Turks had meditated for a long time) diverted the storm and fury of a War so much expected and dreaded by them. Nor was the Moscovite Ambassador in Poland much out of Countenance, when he was reproached with the breach of Faith; for that Nation was never esteemed in the World to have been easily touched with a tender sense of Honour, or scruples of those Matters which are called Faith, or Honesty; but rather have made such inconsiderable Trifles as those to become subservient to their greater interest and advantages.  
But lest the Turks should repent them of the Bargain they had made, and strike up with the Poles, who had just reason to leave the Moscovites in the lurch, 
An Ambassador sent to ratify the Peace.  the Czar dis-speeded with all hast an Ambassador Extraordinary to the Port, together with the usual Presents; such as two thousand Sable Skins, twelve Hawks, and other Curiosities; signifying by his Letters, that his aim and intention of that Embassy, was only to ratify those Articles of Peace which were offered and agreed in a late Treaty. The Ambassador was received with such an unusual welcome, that he was surprised at the strange Caresses which were shown him; which not only assured him that the former Conditions would most certainly be granted; but he wished his Master had given him Instructions to demand something of a higher and more important Nature from the Turk. In short, when the Ambassador came to Treat upon Particulars, 
The Turks fall off from the Moscovites  he found that this extravagant kindness was like the Embraces of a Strumpet, false and vain; and that the Turks were so far from an Agreement, that they would scarce grant or make good any one of those Propositions which they so lately promised; so the Ambassador was obliged to return as he came, without ease in any thing, unless of his Presents, of which the Turks took care to take off the burden from him. With this piece of Policy had the Turks out-witted the Moscovites, and exposed them to the disdain and reproach of the Poles; who could not very speedily be persuaded to believe that either their Faith or Friendship was worth the trouble of another League or Contract. Nor could the Moscovites, as dull and stupid as they are, have the face to offer at another Treaty with the Poles, which they had so lately rejected and violated for the sake of their false Friend.  
When the Ambassador was returned to Moscow, he found all that City and Country in great Combustions, caused by the two Brothers contending for the Government, after the Death of the Czar their Father: But so soon as those Troubles were appeased, by agreement of the Brothers to participate equally of the Sovereign Power, and jointly to Rule, 
Other Ambassadors sent from Moscow to the Port.  they dispatched other Ambassadors to the Port with new Instructions. Where being arrived, their Presents were again kindly received, and their Persons Treated in such a soft and gentle manner as the Turks commonly practise, when they intent to delay and protract the issue of an Affair to an uncertain time. For tho' the Turks were resolved to carry on the War in Hungary, yet the time was not fixed when the same should be denounced; the term thereof depending upon preparations and provisions of vast Sums of Money, and other Uncertainties necessary thereunto. And for that Reason the Moscovite Ambassador was still kept in hand, and detained at the Port.  
But in fine, when it was resolved that the War should be carried into Hungary, (which Resolution was first taken in the Year 1681.) then the Vizier concluded a Truce with the Moscovites for twenty Years, upon Conditions which the Czars sent by way of their Ambassador residing at the Court of the Tartar Chan, called Baucha Sarai, whose chief Business there, was to Redeem and Exchange Prisoners; the which Letter directed to the Grand Vizier, was to this effect.  
AT the instance of the Tartar Chan We have wrote to the Czars, that he would be pleased to grant you a Peace, as desired by you. In answer unto which, he hath given us to understand, that he will consent thereunto; provided, that besides Kiovia, you renounce all Title and Pretence to Tripol, Staiki, and Vasikow, which have always been Dependences thereupon. And that you farther promise, that your People shall not Inhabit, nor hold Fairs, Commerce, or Markets on our side of the Nieper; but that all that Country shall remain desert, and waste as it is at present. And that from the Towns of Tripol, Staiki, and Vasikow, to the Isles of the Cosacks Zoporoges, you renounce all your pretensions unto us. This is what we demand, and without these terms we shall conclude nothing with you.  
The Vizier having resolved on a War against the Emperor, 
The Vizier accepts of the Condition, offe●● by the Moscovites.  received these Propositions with full satisfaction; and immediately returned Answer thereunto, in a Letter wrote to the Czars, full of their usual sublime Expressions, and of high and fulsome praises of their Wisdoms and Grandeur. Signifying that in the Name of the Grand Signior he did accept and confirm all the Conditions proposed; desiring him to send an Extraordinary Ambassador to confirm the Treaty. But lest the Czars should refuse to send a new Ambassador, before the other then residing was returned; the Vizier about six Weeks afterwards gave Licence for his Departure, and accompanied him with Presents of greater value, than those which the Grand Signior had formerly bestowed upon the Czar.  
Of all these Particulars, Kaunitz, who Resided at Constantinople, in the Place of the Secretary Hoffman lately there Deceased, gave Intelligence to the Emperor; signifying also, that after the Moscovite Ambassador was arrived with Ratification of the Peace, the Grand Signior would soon afterwards remove to Adrianople; in Order as was most probable, and in all appearance to a War against Hungary.  
This Matter was acted in the year 1681, which we have anticipated, that we might not abruptly break off the Treaty with Moscovy, the nature of which may be best understood, when it is carried forward in one Piece; which having done, we must look back again to the year 1680. and to the Actions of the Malcontents.  
Tekeli was very active all this time in Recruiting his Army, and preparing for War; and having composed a Body of four thousand Transilvanians, he marched with them to the General Rendezvous, intending as he had done the year before, to take upon him the Command of the Army. But when he came thither he was strangely surprised to find the same refused to him by Count Wessellini, Son of the late Paul Wessellini deceased; 
Tekeli and 〈…〉 Command.  who so resolutely contended for the Chief Command, that nothing could decide it but the Sword. In short, both Parties drew out into the Field, and charged each other; and after a long Dispute Tekeli got the Victory, and put Wessellini and his Forces to the Rout; and having pursued them with a Detachment of his Forces, the Competitor Wessellini was taken, and brought Prisoner to Tekeli; who causing him to be tied on his Horse, sent him to Prince Apafi in Transilvania; after which, Tekeli without a Rival took upon him the sole Command of the Army.  
The Emperor besides a War against his R●b●l Subjects, was under great Mortifications, and Troubles; his Imperial Palace at Vienna was burnt, the Plague Raged violently in his Hereditary Countries, and in his Army, of which the Baron de Kaunitz, year 1680. and other principal Officers died. 
The Pa●sarts in Bohemia r●se in 〈◊〉.  And at the same time nine hundred Paisants of the Circle of Braslaw in Bohemia arose in Arms against the Counts Galas, and Bredaw their Lords, pretending that they were treated like Slaves, and refused to pay the Contributions which were demanded for the Emperor.  
Howsoever, to make the Justice of their Cause appear, they sent four Deputies to Prague, to make known unto his Imperial Majesty their many Aggrievances, which were so Tyrannical and Burdensome as could not longer be sustained; and therefore they desired that Council might be assigned them to plead their Cause against their Lords at the Bar of Justice. But instead of harkening to the Petition of these distressed Paisants, the Deputies were Imprisoned; and to stifle this Tumult in the beginning, two Regiments under the Command of Count Piccolomini were sent to reduce them; upon the appearance of which, the Mutineers dispersed, and fled every Man to his own home.  
But this Combustion was not long suppressed, before it burst forth again in a more violent and outrageous manner than before; for four thousand of these discontented Paisants were got together in a formidable Body, Conducted by several Reformed Officers, with Colours flying, and Drums beating, and with Mottos on their Ensigns, which served to incite others to join in their Rebellion. They at first attempted a Castle belonging to the Count de Thun, (who was Envoy about that time in England, for the Emperor) where they expected to find Arms; but missing thereof, they proceeded on other Designs, but were interrupted, and stopped by Count Piccolomini, who was sent with Forces to reduce them to Obedience. Whereupon these Rebels made a second Experiment, of sending their Deputies to represent their Aggrievances, who were as before clapped into Prison. But Advices coming, that some other Counties were up in Arms in like manner, and for the same Cause, the Deputies were set at Liberty; 
The Emperor accommodates the Matter between the Lords, and their Tenants.  and a General Pardon Granted to all those who would lay down their Arms, and remit their Pleas to be Treated at the Tribunals of Justice. Upon this Declaration, five thousand submitted, and returned to their own Habitations. And the Emperor himself, upon hearing the Cause between the Lords, and the Paisants, did determine that the Paisants should be obliged only to Labour three days for their Lords, whereas formerly they were constrained to the Service of five Days in the Week; having but one single Day allowed them for the Care and Support of their Family.  
In the mean time, 
The Poles press to have a Treaty signed.  the Resident for the King of Poland, at Vienna, pressed very instantly to have the League between his Master, and the Emperor against the Turk to be Completed, and Signed; to which at length this Answer was given. That so soon as the Poles had drawn the Muscovites into an Union with them; and that the Turks had also declared a War, that then the Treaty which was already drawn, should immediately be Signed.  
Tekeli on the other side, offered New Propositions of Peace, and in the mean time desired a Cessation of Arms. Upon which, the Emperor having called his Council, it was Resolved by them, that all Treaties with him for the future, should be absolutely denied; in regard, that by experience he had always been found false, and perfidious in every Treaty, having broken his Faith and Promises whensoever it served his turn not to perform them. Besides, it was well remembered in what manner he had formerly made use of Cessations of Arms, 
The Emperor refuses to Treat with Tekeli.  to debauch the Minds of the Emperor's Soldiers, and to seduce and divert them from their Loyalty, and Allegiance. Moreover, the Propositions now tendered, were of the same nature and temperament with those which had been so often rejected, and which rended to the diminution of his Imperial Majesty's Authority. As namely, 
And the Reasons why.  the Emperor was to suffer the People to make Choice of a New Palatine, according to the Ancient Constitutions: That the Estates of the Malcontents which had been Confiscated for their Rebellion should be restored; and that the Germane Garrisons should be withdrawn out of all the Towns of Hungary, and Troops of that Nation admitted into their Places. These being the Old and Stale Points so often controverted and rejected; it was concluded that Tekeli did not again repeat and make offer of them, in hopes of an accommodation, but to amuse the minds of the People, and to serve some purpose, which he desired to conceal.  
At the same time Count Serini, to whom his Estate Confiscated had been lately restored; had by some secret Informations fallen into suspicion of keeping a Correspondence with the Malcontents; for which Reason he was taken into Custody, 
Count Serini suspected, and Imprisoned.  and his Papers seized; and several other Hungarian Gentlemen committed to Prison for Complices with him in the same Plot; and were all afterwards carried to Prague, where Orders were given to take the Informations, and draw up the Indictment against them. Accordingly the Examinations were made, and a close inspection into certain Letters wrote in Characters to Count Tekeli, which gave just Cause of Jealousy and Suspicion of an unlawful Correspondence. Howsoever, when the Letters came to be Deciphered, and nothing found to be therein contained, but Arguments and Persuasions unto Tekeli to accept the Offers made by the Emperor; the which he urged and enforced by assurances in such Case, of being instrumental in the Marriage with his Sister the Princess Ragotski (for whom he knew that Tekeli conserved a Passion) Serini was then acquitted, and restored again to his Estate, 
He is cleared, and set at liberty.  after a Month's Imprisonment; and Licence given him to Visit his Sister the Princess at Mongatz. At his Arrival at this Court, he was joyfully Welcomed by all those who had a tenderness for that Family; and the Princess herself received a seasonable Consolation from the Company of her Brother; being then in Mourning, and in Affliction for the Death of her Mother-in-Law, the Princess Dowager; which Occasion Count Tekeli took to pass the Compliment, by an express Messenger of Condoleance with her.  
Tekeli being now Recruited with considerable Numbers both of Turks, and Tartars, 
Tekel● ●●vides his Army into three Bodies.  divided his Army into three Bodies; the one Commanded by himself, and the other two by Petrozzi, and Palaffi-Imbre, with intent to enter into the Hereditary Countries by three several ways. Against which Forces the Emperor sent Count Staremberg Governor of Vienna, and Major General Haran, with all the Troops belonging to Moravia, Stiria, and Austria. Staremberg had the fortune to Encounter one Party of them as they were breaking into Moravia, and gave them a Repulse; howsoever in their Retreat they took a Redoubt, which was built upon the Waagh, in which were three hundred Soldiers, whom they totally Defeated. In Revenge of which, Count Dunewald Routed another Party of the Malcontents, 
The Imperialis●s have several Succ●sses.  consisting of five hundred, of which, three hundred were killed upon the place, and fifty Officers and Soldiers taken Prisoners, with four Colours, on which was this Inscription.  Comes Tekeli qui pro Deo, & Patriâ pugnat. 
Count Caprara with ten thousand Men advanced as far as Erlaw, to observe the motions of Tekeli; Count Staremberg attended Palaffi-Imbre, whose Design was to enter into Moravia, and by a Detatchment from his Army, overthrew three thousand Men Commanded by Petrozzi▪ who with much difficulty made his escape.  
The Emperor being sensible that his Enemies increased, and that frequent losses enfeebled and abated his Army, caused several New Regiments to be raised, the Officers of which were all chosen and put in by Father Emeric the Emperor's Confessor, and Abelé the Chief Secretary of State, by which two the good Emperor was entirely directed, and governed, which General Montecuculi having observed, and how Men were preferred by favour only to Great Commands, who were neither Soldiers, nor capable of those Trusts, he took the freedom to advise the Emperor, 
Montecuculi 's Counsel to the Emperor.  that in the choice of his New Officers, respect was had to Favour, rather than unto Merit; and that little good Success could be expected from such unable and improper Instruments. The Authority of so Wise a Minister of State, and so Old a Captain, prevailed so far with his Imperial Majesty, that the former Commissions granted by Recommendations of Father Emeric were called in, and others issued, unto such who we●e Warranted and Vouched by more competent Judges of Military Affairs.  
Towards the end of this Campaign, Fortune seemed to favour both sides with various Successes; 
Various Su●cess●s, and Chances of ●ar.  what the Emperor gained in one Place, the Malcontents recovered in another; so that all Countries were filled with Blood, and Ruin, and Destruction of the People, without any hopes or prospect of coming to a conclusion. Upon consideration of which, the Pious Emperor commiserating the Afflictions of his People, 
Overtures of Peace made by the Emperor.  resolved to make one Trial and Essay more, to see if it were possible to bring Matters to an end, by way of an Amicable Agreement; and to that purpose, he convened a Diet at Oedemburg, where the Malcontents gave in these Grievances, made in Transilvania, and Written Originally in Latin.  

GRAVAMINA Binarum Superioris Hungariae Regiarum ac Liberarum, Cassoviensis & Epperiensis, Civitatum Articularium, quibus ibidem degentes Universi Cives & Incolae Trium Nationum Evangelici, partim in negotio Religionis Evangelico, partim Libertate Civili-Politica, contra 25, 26, & 41 Articulos Diaetae Soproniensis Anni 1681. graviter injuriati essent, cum adjunctis eorum Postulatis.  
Quoad Negotium Religionis.  

1681.  PRIMO, Nemo ibit inficias, praeattacto 26 Articulo Soproniensi speciali suae Majestatis Serenissimae Gratia, per expressum hisce formalibus verbis, In aliis vero locis, juxta benignam suae Majestatis Resolutionem loca pro aedificandis Templis, Scholis, & Parochiis erigendis, pro commoditate eorundem Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictorum, per certos Commissarios designanda decernuntur, Sancitum esse, ut Evangelicis, ademptorum templorum, scholarum, & parochiarum loco, per suae Majestatis Serenissimae destinatos certos Commissarios, loca commoda, & congrua, & quidem citra aliquam locorum exterorum restrictionem, in ipsis civitatibus superioris Hungariae, juxta genuinum & literalem dicti Articuli itae sonantis Clausulae sensum, Ac tandem in liberis ac Montanis Civitatibus, etc. ac in Superiore Hungaria omnibus itidem civitatibus similiter loca pro aedificandis templis, scholis, & parochiis assignanda conceduntur, Designentur & assignentur; tantum tamen abest ut initio mensis Ianuarii Anno adhuc, 1687. dudum transactis in superiorem Hungarian clementissime ordinata Excelsa Commissio Regia huic suae Majestis pientissimae resolutioni expressissimaeque & clarae menti ejusdem articuli satisfecisset, ut potius maximo horum cum abusu perplacentique sua interpretatione, & evidentissima liberi ejusdem Exercitii Evangelici, è meditullio memoratarum civitatum, eliminatione, loca incommoda & dedecorosa, extraque dictas civitates, nulla suburbia habentes, adeo remota existentia campestria, iisdem Evangelicis designasset.  
Proinde & sanctissimae eatenus declaratae suae Majestatis resolutioni, & expressissimis allegati Articuli verbis; Firmiter insistentes, virtute horum commemoratorum designatorum inconvenientium locorum totalem Cessationem, aliorum verò commodorum & congruorum à quibuslibet censibus & contributionibus Civilibus ad mentem Articulorum 8, 1647. & 12, 1649. Annorum, eximendorum in memoratis civitatibus, earundemque maeniis, ita citra ullam ambiguitatem sensus, 
1681.  innuente Artic. praecitato 26. interiora Civitatum loca, non verò exteriora involvente, sibi, ceu veris legitimis Patriae civibus, tam immerita è meditullio Civitatum relegatione haud dignis designandorum justissimam concessionem, & benignissimam assignationem humillime exorarent.  
Secundo: Innegabile etiam est articulo antecedenti 25 aeque ad benignissimam suae Majestatis Serenissimae Resolutionem Clarissimis his verbis, Omnibus & ubique per regnum (nullis scilicet Regnicolis Evangelicis, cujuscunque tandem status & conditionis existentibus, sed nec ullo regni loco exceptis) juxta artic. 1. Anni 1608, ante Coronationem editum, liberum Religionis suae exercitium in genere permissum; ac insimul ut nullus regnicolarum in libero religionis suae exercitio in posterum quoquomodo (sub severa alioquin poena attacto 26 Artic. Soproniensi expesse allegata) turbetur, Cautum esse: Eo tamen nihil pensi ducto, ubi iidem Evangelici Cassovienses & Epperienses diplomatico hoc eorundem exercitii jure, quo ab antiquo semper publice usi fuissent, de caetero quoque intra easdem civitates earumque moenia (tanquam loca, ut praemissum, articularia primitusque etiam solita & consueta) vel in privata etiam domo ritu suo cum actibus suis ministerialibus, congrua item juventutis Scholastica informatione, aliisque libere uti & frui idemque continuare voluissent; per magistratum & clerum locorum, nullatenus sunt admissi, verum severe prohibiti & interdicti; iisdem ceu alienigenis, communiumque regni libertatum incapacibus, ad supra specificata incompetentia loca, impraesentiarum usque relegatis & amandatis.  
Quare hic quoque nixi benignissima suae Majestatis Serenissimae Resolutione & Articulari indultu legalem omnino liberi religionis Evangelicae exercitii, ad mentem citati articuli 1. An. 1608. priori suo statui, intra moenia nimirum dictarum civitatum fiendam reductionem & restitutionem stabilemque & firmam conservationem: ad usque verò commodam & opportunam erectionem & aedificationem novorum templorum, scholarum, parochiarum (cum iisdem pro nunc ob summam pauperiem, & graves portionum, bellicarumque contributionum pensiones non sufficerent,) ejusdem exercitii ibidem interea in certis privatis commodis aedibus ex integro cum convenienti juventutis scholasticae hactenus imperturbata institutione, imperturbati usus & fruitionis aequissimam permissionem, & gratiosissimam facultatis attributionem dimississime implorarent.  
Tertio: Certum pariter campanarum & sepulturae praeprimis communem & indifferentem usum saepe attacto 26 Articulo Soproniensi, expressis verbis, Usu Campanarum & Sepulturae pro Catholicis ibidem degentibus, aeque ac ipsis (scil. Augustanae ac Helveticae Confessioni addictis) libero relicto, aeque Evangelicis atque Catholicis ubilibet liberum esse admissum & relictum: Evangelicis nihilominus Cassoviensibus & Epperiensibus per Magistratum Catholicum, & clerum locorum simplicissime est denegatum, denegaturque adhuc dum Funerum porro eorundem intra moenia praefatarum civitatum cum solitis suis cantibus, aliisque consuetis ceremoniis, condecens & publica deductio & sepultura, aeque contra clementissimam suae Majestatis Serenissimae inclytis statibus & ordinibus Regni, publica in Diaeta Soproniensi, 1681. die decimo mens. Decemb. gratiosissime alias datam resolutionem, iisdem severa cum comminatione cavetur, & plane non admittitur.  
Hinc, in eo etiam Articularem Campanarum communem usum funerumque Evangelicorum tam intra, quam extra civitatum moenia, juxta pientissimae suae Majestatis Serenissimae Diaetaliter, ut attactam datae Resolutionis confirmitatem, publice & imperturbate deducendorum, antea quoque solitam & consuetam admissionem instantissime paterent.  
Quarto, Manifestum quoque vi similiter saepius citati Artic. 26. ad finem adjectae generalis clausulae, Salvis semper eatenus legibus Regni Diplomate Regio firmatis, Quoad ulteriores Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictorum legitimarum praetensionum suarum promovendarum Acquisitiones, ablatorumque repetitiones, conditas leges Regni, salvas & illibatas relictas, consequenterque quoslibet Potentiarios actus prohibitos esse, adeoque nullo etiam (lege jure naturae, 206. A. de Reg. jur.) ut contra ductum naturae, cum alterius detrimento & injuria fieri debeat locuples, admitti his nihilominus non curatis, praeattactorum utrorumque locorum Civilis Magistratus Catholicus & Clerus, propria duntaxat licentia omnia Cassoviensium & Epperiensium Evangelicorum pia legata, & certa dona possessionaria, ex pio Evangelicorum zelo ad Ecclesiarum & Scholarum suarum necessitates & usus testamentaliter ordinata & collata, caetum praecise Evangelicum concernentia, (Cassoviensibus siquidem quatuor domos, intra moenia ejusdem Civitatis situatas, quarum unam dictus loci Magistratus egregio Michaeli Dómeczki judicatus sui in Officio jam vendidisset, & abalienasset: Unum adhaec hortum, & certas terras arabiles in territorio ejusdem Civitatis existentes; prout & unam vineam, alias Varghaszóló dictam, in promontorio Tokayiensi adjacentem: Epperiensibus vero certas itidem vineas, diversis in promontoriis partium superioris Hungariae situatas, una cum reditibus & proventibus) via facti & potentiae occuparant, & ad se pertraxerunt, quae de facto violenter tenerent, usuarent, & majori ex parte in prophanos usus contra sensum Articulorum 11 & 14 Anno 1647. summa cum Evangelicorum injuria & damno converterent, nec ipsi restituerent.  
Quocirca hoc in casu etiam ad praescriptam legem & Constitutiones Regni provocantibus, praemissorum violenter ademptorum, occupatorum, & tentorum omnium piorum legatorum & bonorum possessionariorum Evangelicorum, (sua, non aliena, repetentium) cum suis reditibus, & proventibus, ex dictamine etiam communis justitiae, unicuique suum tribuentis, effectivam & realem rehabitionem & restitutionem jure merito impense sollicitarent.  
Quinto: Constat similiter, quoad solutionem Catholicorum Plebanorum & Ministrorum Evangelicorum non solum saepedicto 26. Artic. Clarissimis verbis, Interea nec Catholici Ministris Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictis, nec vero horum sequaces Plebanis Catholicis solvere obligentur: Sed ad mentem etiam ibidem citati 11 Artic. 1647 anni, Ne Evangelici status Catholicis Plebanis, & è converso status Catholicus Evangelicis Ministris ad ullas solutiones pendendas sint obligati, Satis evidenter provisum esse, Immo subsequenti 12 Artic. dicti Anno 1647, quoad Actuum Ministerialium quoslibet usus expressa per haec verba, Ubi vero parochias non haberent Auditores Evangelici, solutionem pendant suae Religionis Ministris, cujus videlicet Ministerio, seu opera, usi fuerint, sicut & Catholici parochis Catholicis: Ubi autem hactenus auditores Evangelici non solvissent plebanis Catholicis, imposterum etiam ad nullas solutiones praestandas ullo sub praetextu cogantur ad solvendum, prout nec Catholici Evangelicis.  
Quoad stolarium vero proventuum solutiones, vigore ejusdem Artic. 11, subsequentium verborum tenore, Stolares autem proventus, seu solutiones, in quibusvis locis Plebani Catholici & Ministri Evangelici à suae Religionis auditoribus totaliter percipiant.  
Positivam exstare legem & constitutionem, ut Evangelici Evangelicis, & Catholici Catholicis solvant: His tamen non obstantibus, ad solvendum praecise Catholicis Plebanis aliisque, inviti coguntur Evangelici: Dum non solum salarium hebdomadale cum aliis accidentiis, ex publico civitatum aerario, (in quod Evangelici numero & frequentia Catholicis triplo Majores ac plures, ut plurimum inferunt) per Magistratus locorum Catholicis Plebanis continue penditur, sed & stolares etiam proventus praecise pro iisdem vendicati & attracti ipsis solvuntur: Evangelicis vero Ecclesiae Ministris & Scholae docentibus maxima cum injuria denegantur.  
Eapropter quoad aequalitatem & aequitatem salariorum hoc in passu quoque non citra legalem rationem, uti Catholicis Plebanis, aliisque, ita etiam Evangelicis Ministris & Scholae docentibus, ex communibus proventibus, publicoque civitatum aerario, parem & coaequalem, citra ullam difficultatem pendendam exsolutionem: Secus●e utri partium administrandam solutionem, verum ad mentem praecitatorum articulorum, ut quilibet status suos interteneat & exsolvat sibi servientes, iisque etiam suos pendat stolares proventus, clementissimam, justitiaeque & juri consonam Constitutionem efflagitarent quam subjectissime.  
Sexto: Cuilibet in propatulo publicum est, vi Artic. 25 Praedicantibus & Scholarum Magistris non solum liberum in regnum reditum, liberamque in Regno mansionem, sed & liberam Religionis suae professionem & exercitii functionem concessam: Adhaecque in partibus Hungariae superioribus vi subsequentis 26 Artic. inter ceteras Regias ac liberas Civitates Cassoviensem quoque & Epperiensem Civitates pro locis Articularibus, libere & publice ibidem Religionem Evangelicam exercendi, constitutas, & stabilitas, adeoque, ut posthac nullae exercitii turbationes ab utrimque, sub poena in Artic. 8 Uladislai Decret. 6. expressa fiant, definitum esse. Civitatis nihilominus Epperiensis Magistratus eo processit licentiae, quod omnes trium nationum Evangelicos Ministros, citra alicujus promeritae caussae significationem, vel alicujus benigni suae Majestatis Serenissimae mandati productionem praetextuoso solum ut inauditum, titulo Dominii terrestris (quod nullum omnino vel in civiles, semper pari cum eodem Magistratu communi civili libertate gaudentes, nedum spirituales, speciali libertate exemptas Ecclesiasticas personas haberet, sed nec etiam quoquomodo sibi vendicare posset, anniversario, eoque ambulatorio Officio gaudens) ausa proprio & privato, maxima suae Caesareo Regiae Majestatis Serenissimae Authoritatis cum diminutione, praespecificatorumque articulorum vilipendio, eadem Civitate, ejusdemque territorio ipso festo S. Bartholomaei Apostoli Anni praeteriti 1688, summo cum dedecore expulerit Articularemque ecclesiam Epperiensem Evangelicam suis Ministris, maximo ejusdem in spiritualibus exercitiis cum defectu & damno orbaverit & privaverit.  
Ob id insontium & innocue exturbatorum exulantium Ministorum Evangelicorum Epperiensium ad priora eorundem defungenda munia Ecclesiastica, realem & effectivam restitutionem, nullamque amplius quorumcunque admittendam expulsionem: Quin, qua horum Epperiensium, qua Cassoviensium etiam Ecclesiasticorum Ministrorum Scholae docentium Evangelicorum, uti praesentium, ita & futurorum, vi juris patronatus semper vocandorum, in domiciliis & residentiis suis, sive propriis, sive conductitiis, intra moenia earundem civitatum habentibus & habendis, secure & imperturbate semper permanendi & habitandi, benignissimam concessionem, eorundemque perpetuam protectionem, devotissimis supplicarent precibus. Quoad libertatem porro Civilem-Politicam.  
Septimo: Nemo nisi legum expers negaverit, initio specificato 41 Artic. Diaetae Soproniensis, gratiosissima Regiarum ac liberarum Civitatum Communium libertatum ac privilegiorum Confirmatione, desuperque ibidem allegatarum, ac passim etiam conditarum legum & Articulorum Regni renovatione expresse constitutum esse. Ut eaedem leges & articuli tam per Cameras, quam Officiales bellicos, ac alios quoscunque strictissime observentur; neque (eaedem scil. liberae ac Regiae Civitates) in libero Electionis Magistratus Civilis jure ac aliis Privilegiis, ipsorum longo usu roboratis, à quopiam quoquo modo turbentur.  
Adhaec tamen moderans memoratarum Civitatum Magistratus, ingessione inclytae Camerae Scepusiensis Artic. 83. 1647 anni, alias prohibita, tantam sibi vendicavit pro lubitu agendi licentiam, ut jam omnes Cassovienses & Epperienses Senatores, aliosque Officiales Evangelicos ad publica officia & dignitates civiles gerendas bene meritos & aptos, ex mero duntaxat privato affectu erga Religionem, contra manifestas praefati Artic. ibidemque citatorum signanter vero Artic. 13. 1608 ante Coronationem 44. 1609 & 12. 1649. annorum constitutiones, apertissimo, communium libertatum & privilegiorum civilium cum praejudicio, notabili verò Evangelicorum civium oppressione à publicis dignitatibus & honoribus, officiisque civilibus degradaverint & removerint: horumque loco aut minus idoneos aut negotia civitatum nihil intelligentes, magisque privata curantes cives Catholicos, summa dictarum civitatum cum ruina damnificatione, & interitu, surrogaverit & constituerit. Quamobrem Primo: Liberi Magistratum & Communitatem civiles eligendi juris, hactenus diversimode, contra praespecificatas leges Regni positivas, per inclytam Cameram Scepusiensem interturbati, ac ex parte Evangelicorum penitus eversi, unice & mere penes easdem Civitates, earundemque utriusque Religionis Catholicae & Evangelicae juratos cives permanendi priori suo statui admittendam reductionem solidamque conservationem, nulloque amplius modo ejusdem, à quopiam sub poena alioquin renovatorum, superiusque annotatorum Articulorum intentandam interturbationem.  
Secundo: Civilis mutuae concordiae conservandae, nocivarumque dissensionum & simultatum fomitum reprimendarum gratia eorundem Magistratuum & Communitatum civilium, absque ullo Catholicae & Evangelicae Religionis discrimine, ex honestis, benè meritis, iisque aptis juratis civibus, fiendam liberam Electionem officiorumque, & quarumvis aliarum dignitatum civilium, ad mentem praespecificatorum Articulorum 13. 1608. ante Coronationem, & 44. 1609. annorum indifferentem & coaequalem collationem & distributionem, mutuamque ad honores civiles publicos promotionem.  
Tertio: Observandae alternatae aequalitatis, bonique civitatum publici caussa, judicatus & Tribunatus officiorum, juxta praecitatorum & 12 Artic. 1649. anni sensum, alternatim & mixtim annualiter gerendorum, gratiosissimam annuentiam & permissionem, profundissima animorum cum humilitate rogarent & postularent.  Praerepetitarum Liberarum ac Regiarum Cassoviensis & Epperiensis Civitatum Universi Cives & Incolae trium Nationum Evangelici. 

Gravamen Regiae Liberaeque Civitatis Carponensis Evangelicorum.  
NOn sine gravi animi dolore suae Majestati Serenissimae repraesentandum quoque duxerunt Regiae ac liberae Civitatis Carponensis universi Nobiles pariter & ignobiles, Praesidiarij item, seu Confiniarij utriusque ordinis stipendiarij milites, incolae simul & cives Evangelici: Quod dum juxta benignissimam suae Majestatis Serenissimae resolutionem, Artic. 26, Soproniensis Diaetae Anni. 1681. clementissime insertam, inter alia inclyti Regni Hungariae loca, pro aedificandis novis Templis, Scholis, & Parochiis erigendis, pro commoditate Augustanae & Helveticae confessioni addictorum per Commissarios designanda, per expressum nomine tenus his verbis: In Generalatu Antemontano, Levae, Carponae, & Fulekini, etc.  
Eadem civitas pro Articulari loco, libere, & ex integro ibidem Religionis Evangelicae exercitium usuandi & fruendi fuisset, essetque declarata, & stabilita; excelsa, nihilominus Commissio Regia anno praeterito 1688, ad montanas Civitates ordinata ad memoratam quoque civitatem deveniens, nescitur quibus ex rationibus, ubi ad mentem praecitai Articuli & clementissimae suae Majestatis Serenissimae ibidem contentae resolutionis & declarationis loco ademti templi, scholae, & parochiae Evangelicorum pro commoditate praespecificatorum ibidem existentium & commorantium Augustanae Confessioni addictorum, alia loca omnino commoda & apta ad mentem Articuli 19 1647. designare & ordinare, eosdemque in pacifico usu ejusdem exercitij imperturbatos relinquere debuisset, remotis potius in contrarium ab Officio ejusdem Ecclesiae Evangelicae Ministris, & Scholae docentibus, universos nobiles pariter & ignobiles, quae praesidiarios, qua incolas & cives Evangelicos à continuo libero eorundem usu & exercitio, à memoria hominum ibidem practicato & habito, in eodemque usu reali, ut praemissum, articulariter relicto, certo licet cum respirio; ad ulteriorem nimirum suae Majestatis Serenissimae benignissimam resolutionem, & gratiam, maximo tamen exercitij spiritualis, nullam moram patientis, cum praejudicio, optimique ejusdem juris Articularis verbo & indultu Regio firmati cum derogamine, severa sub comminatione inhibuit, & penitus abstinere coëgit. Inhaerendo proinde firmissime Regio huic & articulari indulto, peterent instantissime, sibi in eadem civitate, ejusdemque moeniis, non solum loca aedificandor. Templi, Parochiae & Scholae commoda & idonea per quos interest, designari, & exscindi, verumetiam articulare eorundem liberum Religionis exercitium cum communi & indifferenti Campanarum & sepulturae usu, ita dictante etiam praeallegato 26 Artic. Soproniens. suo pristino statui & ordini reddi, reduci & restitui.   

Gravamina regiarum & liberarum Veterozoliensis, Breznobaniensis & Libethbaniensis Civitatum Evangelicorum.  
AEQue lamentabili cum querimonia exponunt quoque earundem Regiarum & liberarum Civitatum universi Evangelici afflictissimam & infelicissimam suam in negotio Religionis suae sortem, ut qui tenore genuini & sani ensus Articulorum Soproniensium libero Religionis suae exercitio omnibus & ubique per Regnum degentibus, juxta claram & evidentissimam Artic. 1. ante Coronationem 1608. editi, inque 25 Artic. Sopron. confirmati explicationem (nullo Regni statu, minus quarto, qui Regiae & liberae Civitates Regni, qua peculia sacrae Coronae, indifferenter essent Excluso) benignissimo indulto & resolutione Regiis, alias concesso & admisso, vel in privato saltem peragendo, privari minime potuissent, sed nec debuissent; immo vero virtute subsequentis 26 Artic. Sopron. generaliter de civitatibus loquentis, ac non nisi in exemplum ex utroque ordine tam Montanarum binas, quam liberarum civitatum similiter binas adducentis & denominantis, pro se quoque erigendorum novorum templorum, Parochiarum & Scholarum, loca commoda & convenientia, ab ordinata Anno 1688. Regia Commissione obtentum & assignatum iri, certo sperassent; horum tamen nihil consecuti, in majorem sui aggravationem, & Religionis suae apertissimum exterminium, amotis, & exturbatis per eandem Commissionem Regiam, omnibus ordinariis Evangelicae Ecclesiae ●orundem Ministris, totali libertate exercitij Religionis privati & prohibiti essent: Universis actibus Ministerialibus Ecclesiasticis alibi locorum apud Evangelicos uti volentibus, severe interdictis; è converso omnibus stolaribus Proventibus, sicut & aliis solutionibus Evangelicos Ministros praecise concernentibus, pro introductis Plebanis, paucos omnino in Veterozoliensi & Breznobaniensi, Libethbaniensi vero Civitatibus nonisi unum cives & incolas Catholicos habentibus contra expressam annuentiam Articulorum 11 & 12. Anno 1647. invitis Evangelicis, inconsuete, viaque facti vendicatis & attractis, adhaec quoque Inhabitatores & cives, sine discrimine, ac potissimum opifices & Mechanicos Evangelicos ad Caeremonias Religioni ipsorum contrarias compellere omnimode conantibus, nec de facto desistentibus. Ob id, pro Articulari liberi exercitij beneficio, pariterque ceu aliis ita his quoque civitatibus, pari libertate cum iisdem gaudentibus, nec hoc in passu deterioris esse conditionis valentibus, locorum novis templis, scholis, & Parochis erigendis, & aedificandis omnino commodorum & idoneorum gratiosissima admissione & per quos interest excisione, sicque integrali eorundem restitutione, quam demississime instarent.   

Gravamina Liberarum ac Regiarum Civitatum Sancti Georgij. Bazingae, Tyrnaviae, Szakolizae, Kú●zegh, & Ruszt.  
LAmentabiliter deplorant & exponunt istae liberae & Regiae Civitates afflictum & turbatum Religionis suae statum, adeoque infelicitatem, ubi quamvis juxta genuinum sensum articulorum Soproniensium in hac Religionis Materia conditorum libero Religionis exercitio omnibus & ubique per Regnum degentibus, etc. concesso & admisso existente, eo magis clariori hujus Articuli 25. explicatione in confirmato ibidem Anno 1608. Artic. 1. ante coronationem contentae, ne quidem hae Civitates libertate hac exercitij vel in privato saltem peragenda, privari possent ac deberent: imo beneficio articuli subsequentis 26. Sopron. generaliter de Civitatibus loquentis, loca templis, Parochiis & Scholis apud se erigendis sibi assignatum iri omnino sperassent, nihil tamen praemissorum obtinuerunt: quin potius pro majori sui aggravatione, & extrema Religionis suae internecione totale exercitium Religionis suae inhibitum: Ministri ipsorum amoti & exturbati, ita ut ne Civitates quidem istas iis ingredi liceat. Frequentatio talium locorum, ubi adhuc Religionis exercitium vigeret, Baptismatumque, & aliorum Ecclesiasticorum rituum ibidem usus & acceptatio absolute gravissimis sub poenis inhibita, adeoque ad infirmos suos, & in agone constitutos admissio Ministrorum Evangelicorum in totum vetita, generaliter vero totale exercitium Religionis suae contra sensum praescriptorum articulorum denegatum, ex adverso vero Inhabitatores Evangelici ad caeremonias contrarias compelluntur. Pro cujus exercitij liberi articulari beneficio, simulque ad instar aliarum Civitatum locorum erigendis Templis, Parochiis, & Scholis commodorum admissione & excisione (cum una libertate gaudentes cum aliis, ne in hoc quidem sequior ipsorum conditio esse debeat) humillime supplicant.   

Gravamina Liberarum ac Regiarum Trenchiniensis & Modrensis Civitatum.  
DOlenter sane conqueruntur hae duae liberae & Regiae Civitates, quod quidem beneficio Articuli 26 diaetae Soproniensis, loca aedificandis templo, Parochiae & Scholis iisdem excisa & assignata per Dominos Commissarios essent, atque liberum exercitium Religionis suae permissum; circa hujus tamen nonnulla Essentialia requisita & necessaria ipsos plane extra articulariter, imo contra genuinum sensum eorundem articulorum per eosdem Commissarios esse circumscriptos & coarctatos. Et primo quidem circa Ministros suos, seu praedicantes, qui ad certum numerum essent restricti: imo ut defuncto, & è vivis excedente eorundem aliquo, expost alterum in ejus locum introducere non liceat. Vicinorum & circumjacentium locorum Evangelici (quibus etiam v● praecedentis 25 Artic. generalis clausulae, Omnibus & ubique per regnum degentibus, etc. liberum etiam exercitium concessum fuisset) ne Ministerio & sacris eorum uti audeant & talia loca frequentent serio interdictum. Ipsis denique Ministris visitatio infirmorum extraneorum & in agone constitutorum, strictissime inhibita. Opifices & Mechanici contra similiter mentem dicti Artic. 25. ad caeremonias sibi contrarias, processiones quippe, & ad has consuetorum vexillorum comparationem sub gravi mulcta compelluntur. Baptismata, & alij ritus Ecclesiae circumjacentibus Pagis administrari vetiti. Plebano catholico ex publico proventu Civitatis salarium ordinatum, Evangelico vero ex propria auditorum pecunia, sicut & Scholae Rectori, ut solvatur. Scholae similiter triviales tantum, id est, aliquantum legere & scribere tradentes concessae: super cujusmodi circumscriptionibus, siquidem praescripti Articuli omnino silerent, singulas tales difficultates & gravamina sua ad genuinum sensum eorundem articulorum & aliorum per hos confirmatorum, accommodanda & reducenda, humillime instant.   

Gravamina superioris Regni Hungariae, Zempliniensis, Abavyvariensis, Unghvariensis, Saarossiensis, Thornensis, etc. Comitatuum insimulque oppidorum submontanorum, in Dominio Rákocziano existentium Nobilium & Ignobilium Incolarum Evangelicorum.  
CUm maxima sui oppressione repraesentare coguntur iidem Evangelici suae Majestati Serenissimae, quod quamvis sua Majestas Serenissima, in Artic. 26. Soproniensis diaetae, duobus in locis, primum quidem tenore subsequentium expressissimorum verborum, In aliis verò Comitat. veluti in Szalodiensi, Vespriniensi, Jauriensi, Comaroniensi, Abavyvariensi, Saarossiensi, Zempliniensi, Ugocziensi, Bereghiensi, Thornensi, Honchensi, Neogradiensi, Szolnock & Heves, nec non Pesth, Pilis & Soldt unitis, item Szubolczensi, Ungh & Szath mariensi, siquidem de praesenti essent in actuali usu omnium fere templorum ibidem habitorum, ideo eadem pro actualibus eorundem possessionibus usuanda relicta sunt. Expost verò subsequentis similiter Articularis clausulae; Templa demum, in quorum actuali possessione iidem Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addicti de facto sunt, modo praevio prae manibus eorundem, una cum Parochiis & Scholis, proventibus que eorundem propter bonum pacis, ut nimirum quietè & pacificè vivant, relinquuntur, sese benignissime resolvere dignata fuerit, praeviis in comitatibus universa Templa, Parochias & Scholas cum suis proventibus propter bonum pacis, unionis, iternamque tranquillitatem Regni publicam prae manibus ibidem existentium & degentium Evangelicorum actualiter relinquenda & pacifice usuanda, positiva lege clementissime constituerit: eo nihilominus non obstante, in Comitatibus signanter Abavyvariensi, Saarossiensi, Zempliniensi, Thornensi & Ungh existentia Evangelicorum templa potiori ex parte per eosdem Evangelicos aut fundamentaliter erecta, aut ex imis ruderibus re-aedificata, Scholae item & Parochiae, una cum eorundem proventibus, similiter per Evangelicos testamentaliter collatis & applicatis, nec unquam per dominos Catholicos possessis, contra apertissimum ejusdem articuli Soproniensis sensum, gratiosissimamque suae Majestatis Serenissimae, occasione etiam & beneficio novissimae Posoniensis diaetae in consolationem status Evangelici renovatam & ratificatam resolutionem, in dominio praesertim Rakocziano, oppidis Comitatus Zempliniensis, nominanter Szantho, Thallia, Mód, Keretzthur, Tarczal, Liszka, Benye, Tolescua, Ughelly, Patak, Borssy, (quae quidem oppida tum tempore conditi praespecificati Articuli Soproniensis, quam expost etiam in actuali pacifico dominio Templorum, Parochiarum & Scholarum suarum fuissent, ac ulterius etiam vigore ejusdem articuli imperturbate persistere debuissent) prout & confinio Tokay (alias per eundem articulum in dominio sui templi per expressum relicto & denominato,) pagisque quamplurimis in eodem dominio existentibus, ipsis Evangelicis per inspectores eorundem bonorum Manifesta vi adempta sunt.  
His accederet, quod contra apertissimum Soproniensis similiter Articuli 25 sensum, praespecificatorum oppidorum in attacto comitatu Zempliniensi existentium Incolae tam nobiles, quam alterius etiam conditionis post memoratam occupationem templorum, apud privatas domos quoque continuatum Religionis suae exercitium, alia virtute Artic. 1. Anno 1608. ante Coronationem editi, ad quem se idem 25. Soproniensis diaetae articulus manifestè referret, tam in Fisci Regij, quam aliorum Dominorum Baronum ac Magnatum bonis liberum relictum, severissimis sub minis seponere tam hactenus coacti sunt, quam de praesenti etiam coguntur.  
Praedicantes verò eorum benignissima suae Majestatis Serenissimae resolutione, vigore praescripti 25. Artic. ab exilio revocati, intra praefixos jam aliquot vicibus terminos, sub amissione bonorum & capitis, è dominio eodem aut exire, aut reversalibus ad nulla umquam munia Ecclesiastica ibidem exercenda sub eadem cautione sese obnoxios reddere coguntur.  
Praeter haec, quamvis praecitati Articuli Soproniensis, & quidem 25. ne Augustanae & Helveticae confessioni addicti ad caeremonias religioni suae contrarias quoquo modo compellantur: Articulus verò 26. ne Catholici Ministris Augustanae & Helveticae confessioni addictis, nec verò horum sequaces Plebanis Catholicis ad mentem Artic. 11. 1647. solvere obligentur, manifeste declararent; tamen in utroque, & praesertim in solutione Plebanis Catholicis fienda, militari quoque brachio assumpto, in contrarium coguntur.  
Quin utut tenore saepius allegati Artic. 26. usus sepulturae & campanarum indifferenter, uti Catholocis ita & Evangelicis esset liber relictus, nihilominus exsanguia Evangelicorum corpora contra ipsum jus Christianitatis in solito sepulturae loco terrae mandari impediuntur. Sed nec usus campanarum per Evangelicos licet comparatarum, & fieri curatarum, ipsis admittitur. Imo, quod manifestam omnino persecutionem Evangelicorum saperet, ipsis quoque Nobilibus certa bona quamvis exemptitia, & jure etiam Regio confirmata intra corpus praeattacti dominij Ragotzkiani possidentibus, ac alterius etiam conditionis hominibus, nisi professioni suae Evangelicae resenserint, ac renunciaverint exterminatio & exclusio de Bonis iisdem, in eodem dominio habitis, per inspectorem bonorum Rakotzkianorum identidem minitatur. Non absimiliter in Comitatu Abavyvariensi provisor bonorum Regeczianorum in bonis iisdem per certas suas literas Evangelici exercitij cultura interdixit, ac intra quotuordecim dies Parochis Evangelicis migrationem è bonis iisdem sub amissione bonorum & capitis intimavit, vel si ad modum privatorum secularium ibidem, remanere vessent, strictissimis Reversalibus ad nulla umquam munia Ecclesiastica ibidem sub amissione pariter bonorum & capitis exercenda sese adstrictos reddere desideravit, ac actu etiam templa in possessionibus Fony & Bodokáuyfalu una cum appertinentiis occupavit.  
Pariter in ejusdem Comitatus Abavyvariensis oppido Sepssy dicto, ubi nullis sub praetextibus templum à possessoribus Evangelicis occupari potuisset, proventus decimales ex territorio ejusdem oppidi Parocho Evangelico provenire soliti, ad intimationem inclytae Camerae Scepusiensis per Tricesimatorem Sepssiensem sunt occupati, qui de facto etiam in sequestro tenentur.  
Aeque in Comitatu Unghvariensi in oppido Nogymihali, pagisque Vinna & Sztara: sicut & in Comitatu Saarossiensi, in possessionibus Tolczeck, Asguth & Soovar, Evangelicorum templa, Parochiae & Scholae, cum universis appertinentiis praeallegato Articulari modo actualem in usum & possessionem Evangelicis relicta, per dominos Catholicos via facti sunt adempta.  
Denique in Comitatu Thornensi, in possessione Somogy, medietas proventus, per certam conventionem jampridem initam Parocho Evangelico cedens, pariter adempta est.  
Quae omnia contra benignissimam suae Majestatis Serenissimae mentem & articularem resolutionem adversus supramemoratos Evangelicos, maxima optimorum jurium suorum Articularium cum injuria & eversione actu ipso attentata exstitissent, eadem uti firmissime crederent, cum reali & effectiva violenter ademptorum restitutione, suique redintegratione, adhaec introductorum ahusuum sublatione clementissime remedenda, in paternum suae Majestatis Serenissimae sinum humillime effuderunt.  
jidem praecitatorum Comitatuum superioris Regni Hungariae ac Oppidorum in dominio Rakocziano existentium incolae professionis Evangelicae.  
Par ratio est Comitatuum Articularium Szalodiensis, Vespriniensis, jauriensis, Comaroniensis, Bereghiensis, Szolnock, & Heves, Szatmariensis item ac Pesth, ac Soldt unitorum.   

Gravamina Universitatis Evangelicae Nobilium in Comitatibus Lyptoviensi, Thurocziensi, Arvensi, Trenchiniensi, Zoliensi, & Honthensi existentium, pro evidenti remonstratione eorum, in quibusnam iidem contra Articulos Sopronienses in Negotio Religionis laesi & turbati essent: Quibus immediate subjunguntur etiam humillima Postulata eorundem, aeque pro dictis Articulis conformitalium Gravaminum suorum mitigatione, reductione, & complanatione.  
ET siquidem Lyptoviensis, & Thurocziensis, Arvensis, Trenchiniensis & Zoliensis Comitatuum Gravamina & querelae in omnibus fere punctis ac difficultatibus conciderent, ac aequaliter procederent, brevitatis ergo hic etiam conjunguntur. Et hi quidem Comitatus manifeste & merito in eo se injuriatos & turbatos querulantur, quod per illustriss. D. Comitem Georgium Ardody, qua Commissarium, & reliquos penes se habitos, contra genuinum sensum & tenorem dictorum articulorum Soproniensium Ministri, seu Praedicantes eorum Evangelici, qui post occupationem in his Comitatibus universorum templorum vi articuli 26. Soproniensis libero exercitio Religionis ad Residentias & Domos privatas Nobilium translato existente, vocationem & munia sua taliter longo tempore peragebant omnes (praeter duos inarticulariter denominatis locis relictos) extra Comitatum & locum, ubi tum mansissent, sub quindena sunt proscripti & relegati; vel si eorum aliquibus emigrare non placuisset, talibus Reversales super simplici abdicatione Ministerii contra expressam in Artic. 25. similium cessationem subscribendae propositae, nec secus tolerandos stricte & sub incaptivatione eorundem demandatum esset.  
Scholae non aliae quam triviales vel sicuti eadem Commissio explicaret, aliquantulum legere & scrilere docentes, ac eae quoque in locis saltem duobus Articulariter, ut praemissum denominatus permissae: Caeterae omnes clausae & interdictae, ac Rectores passim exturbati, cum interim Artic 25. tam Praedicantes, quam hos Officiis suis in integrum rstituisset. Cultus & exercitium Religionis in domibus & residentiis Nobilium, oratoriis item & capellis, quales plurimae darentur in dictis Comitatibus per Ministros Evangelicos peragendus strictè prohibitus, miraque sane circumscriptione ita limitatus, ut siquis Nobilium in aedibus suis cultum Dei peragere velit, non alium quam unum ex duobus illis relictis Ministris accersere, & eorum opera uti praesumat, idque pro sua solum & famulitij sui necessitate.  
Solutiones qualescunque (extra stolares duorum saltem in quovis Comitatu assignatorum locorum) omnes Plebanis Catholicis exsolvendae decretae: Imo jam passim ubique militari assistentia mediante per Plebanos ab eo tempore extorquentur.  
Villani, seu rustici, ab exercitio suae Religionis, Baptismatum, Copulae, Introductionum, Sepulturae, ac Sacramentorum suo ritu percipiendorum usu, frequentatione item Articulariter assignatorum locorum absolute arcentur, & inhibentur: E contra verò ad Caeremonias sibi contrarias per vina & fortia compelluntur.  
Insuper in Comitatu Thurocziensi erunt templa in possessionibus Bella, Zaturcza, & Pribacz, Evangelicorum sumptibus aedificata, & ante conditum Articulum non reconciliata, non habito tamen respectu articularis exceptionis sub initium Artic. 26. appositae, indiscriminatim omnia sunt occupata. Campenarum item & sepulturae usus, nisi cum praescitu & exsolutione Plebanorum permittitur.  
In Comitatu Honthensi verò, qui juxta Artic. 26. Soproniensem Universa Templa (tamquam quae tempore conditorum eorundem Articulorum prae manibus Evangelicorum fuissent, ac vi illius Articuli de caetero etiam usui relinquenda innueretur) libere & pacifice possidere debuissent illustrissimus D. Comes Volffgangus Kohary ejusdem Comitatus supremus Comes ex delegatione (uti se declaravit) illustrissimi D. Comitis praefati Georgij Erdodi, adjuncto sibi vicecomite Comitatus, occupavit, excepto unico exili in contemptissimo pago Drieno dicto, non pridem per Evangelicos aedificato. Ministris praeterea Evangelicis omnibus serio praecepit, ut Parochiis ac locis, ubi hactenus mansissent, actutùm excedunt, nisi incaptivari velint. Nobilibus quoque inhibitum, ipsos vel in privato quoque tolerare ullo modo audèant. Cum tamen Comitatus iste nomine tenus in Articulo praescripto in eo tum actualiter habito usu templorum adtunc possessorum, ulterius etiam confirmaretur, ac stabiliretur.   

Humillima eaque Articularia praementionatorum Comitatuum Postulata haec sunt.  
QUandoquidem sua Majestas Serenissima tam per Confirmationem dictorum 25. & 26. Artic. diaetae Soproniensis, in novissima diaeta Posoniensi Artic. 21. 1687. editam, quam etiam rursus in personali audientia Ablegatis praescriptorum Comitatuum elargitam resolutionem, praedictos Artic. in omnibus punctis & clausulis se observaturam, & per alios quoque serio observari facturam verbo suo Regio resolvisset, juxta simplicissimum proinde & clarissimum eorundem Articulorum sensum in sequentibus sese accommodandos, redintegrandos, restituendos, & per expressam expeditionem, seu decretum, confirmandos praefatorum Comitatuum Evangelici humillime implorant.  
Ut juxta mentem 25 Artic. dictae diaetae Soproniensis omnes ipsorum Ministri, seu Praedicantes, & Rectores, libere in medio sui remanere, ac professionis suae exercitium, atque munia extra quamvis limitationem peragere valeant: Cum hoc upsum idem Articulus (tam Praedicantes, quam Scholarum Rectores, illos etiam qui ante proscripti fuerunt, cassatis ipsorum Reversalibus priori libertati & vocationi restituens) per expressum permitteret, ita ut siquidem omnes tales Praedicantes ad duo loco excisa, & in Artic. 26. denominata restringi & collocari non possint, relaxata & sublata juxta uberiorem ejusdem 26. Artic. sensum & indultum, in oratoriis Arcensibus & Residentialibus Dominorum, Magnatum & Nobilium exercendi Religionis exercitij inhibitione, similes extra parochiales Praedicantes ibidem in privato accommodari valebant.  
Templa & Capellae non reconciliatae, perque Evangelicos aedificatae, ex ment similiter dicti Artic. 26. pro exercendo cultu Religionis nostrae, ubicunque in dictis Comitatibus reperirentur, nobis relinquantur, & restituantur.  
Similiter ex Constitutione & decreto toties fati Artic. 26. quatenus praescriptorum Comitatuum Evangelici ab omni prorsus solutione (juxta expressa Articuli verba, & aliorum ibidem confirmatorum) Parochis Catholicis praestanda liberi maneant, & immunes, ac tantum suos Mnistros exsolvere sint obligati.  
Ultimate, ut omnibus sui in medio existentibus cujuscunque status & conditionis hominibus Religionis suae exercitium maneat & sit liberum, non exclusis etiam Rusticis juxta paragraphum Artic. 25. Omnibus & ubique, etc. & aliorum ibidem confirmatorum; nec ullus ad contrarias caeremonias compelli praesumatur. Generaliter verò quatenus in omnibus dictorum Articulorum beneficiis & indultis conserventur, nec una pars alteram sub poena ibidem apposita quoquomodo turbare expost audeat.  
Comitatus porro Henthensis extra praemissa cum ceteris Comitatibus sibi Communia Postulata peculiari, eoque Articulariter per expressam sui denominationem eidem attributo jure, pro restitutione etiam occupatorum templorum, in quorum videlicet actuali usu & dominio tempore conditi Artic. fuisset, humillime instat.   

Gravamen Oppidi Gyongyôs.  
QUerelatur idem oppidum in eo, quod dum juxta Artic. 26. Soproniensis Diaetae expressam concessionem, ad verba: In aliis verò Comtatibus, veluti Szaladiensi, Veszpriniensi, etc. & Heves (in quo oppidum hoc situm esset) siquidem de praesenti, etc. Item, Templa demum, in quorum actuali possessione iidem Augustanae & Helveticae confessioni addicti de facto sunt, etc. in actuali possessione & dominio Templi, Parochiae & Scholae, suorom Helvetico Evangelicorum, (ex quo in horum actuali etiam usu & possessione ante, sub, & post Diaetam Soproniensem usque ad infrascriptum tempus pacifice perstitissent) imperturbate relinqui debuissent, maximo regij & Articularis hujus indulti, optimique juris sui cum praejudicio ex mandato & Commissione Rev. D. Archiepiscopi Strigoniensis Georgij Szechenti, & illustrissimi D. Comitis Georgij Erdody, per egregios johannem Almassy. Hevestiensis, & Franciscum Schútter Pesthiensis Comitatuum judices Nobilium, violenta assumtorum armatorum plebeiorum hominum invasorum manu, primum Templo, perrupta medio Zingari ejusdem fenestra, eodemque immisso, ac sic ab intus violenter penetrato, adaperto, & potito, ex post Parochia & Schola, in nobilitatibus alias fundis per Evangelicos propria pecunia comparatis, aedificatis, tandem verò omnibus horum appartinentiis, undecim nimirum vineis, quinque molendinis, uno macello, domo similiter una partim testamentaliter per Evangelicos collatis, partim propriis eorundem pecuniis conquisitis, exindeque resultantibus proventibus, omnino Evangelicis, die 21 Maij 4. proxime praeterito 1688. via facti occupatis, privatum, Praedicante adhaec & Scholae Rectore in exilium pulsis, libero Religionis exercitio, vel in privata etiam domo Articulariter usuando, severissime inhibito, sepultura in locis competentibus, & campanarum propriarum usu insimul interdictis: funeratione verò demortuorum Evangelicorum (nisi Plebani Catholici eatenus, prout & Baptismatum, Copulationum, & Sacramentorum Officio, ritu, & opera uti vellent) ad disrepectuosa quadriviorum & compitorum campepestrium loca amandata totali & integro actuali Articularis Ecclesiae Helvetio Evangelicae beneficio esset orbatum: quare plenariam sui, praemissorumque occupatorum, ablatorum, & prohibitorum omnium realem restitutionem & redintegrationem vi praespecificati Articularis indulti, jure merito expeterent. Par ratio  
Oppidi Jafzbrinij. Oppidi Comarom.  
Non sine animi dolore conquererentur quoque cives & incolae, stipendiarij item Milites Hungarici Confinij Comaromiensis Augustanae & Helveticae Confessionis: Quod posteaquam vigore Articuli 26. Diaetae Soproniensis, ubi idem Confinium perexpressun denominaretur tam liberam publicae Religionis exercitij praxin, quam Templorum etiam ac Scholarum & Parochiarum pacificam adepti fuissent, ac in iis imperturbate, & fine laesione Catholicae Religionis perstitissent, utque dum Artic. 1683. ob fatales belli tumultus, & insperatam Oppidi Conflagrationem Ministris eorundem Evangelicis una cum civibus hinc inde dispersis tale liberum Religionis exercitium quodammodo intermitti contigisset; jamnunc annis & fatis clementioribus supervenientibus, ubi virtute praescripti Articuli 26. idem publicum Religionis suae exercitium reassumere, & Ministros suos Ecclesiasticos reducere voluissent, intervenientibus Excellentissimi D. Comitis à Hoffkircher, dicti Confinii Commendantis, & loci Cleri contradictionibus id effectuare in praesens usque nullatenus permissi, imo de die in dies gravioribus minis absterriti totali Religionis suae exercitio inhibiti, privati sunt, pro uti talem inhibitionem ulterius quoque praeattacti D.D. Catholici practicaturi tribus abhinc mensibus circiter ad pulsum tympani per plateas Confinij factum, etiam ad circumjacentia▪ loca egressum Evangelicis pro peragenda devotione sua, sub incaptivatione, & aliis gravibus poenis, severissime interminati sunt, prohibitis etiam precibus in privatis alias aedibus peragi solitis. Hinc non absimiliter pro Articulari sui, praemissorumque restitutione & redintegratione supplicarent. His Accederet,  
Inferioris Hungariae Possessionis Hodos nuncupatae Praedicantem Evangelicum Samueleni Riczkey dictum, non obstantibus Protectionalibus ex intimo Consilio Bellico eidem Possessioni gratiose elargitis, hinis vicibus, per homines Celsiss. & Rever. D. Archiepiscopi Strigoniensis esse expoliatum & omni supellectili domestica privatum, ultimum etiam in prsona 22 praeteriti mensis Martij captum, Posoniumque ad aedes Archiepiscopales in carceres deductum, ubi dire & dure tractatur, & nonnisi sicco pane & squalida aqua emaceratur.  
Similiter superioris Hungariae Possessionis Totthfalu Praedicantem Evangelicum per Naghybaeniarensis Residentiae Patrem jesuitam, Ravasz vocatum, captum, vinctumque ad carceres Szatthmarienses deduci curatum, ubi etiamnum detineretur, & miserrime tractaretur.   

Diaetae Posoniensis, Ann. 1687. Articulus XXI. In negotio Religionis renovantur Articuli 25 & 26 Ann. 1681. cum interjecta Declaratione.  
LIcet quidem in Negotio Religionis Augustanae & Helvetiae Confessioni addicti Articulis 25 & 26 novissimae Diaetae Soproniensis oppositam iisdem per reclamationem suam abutentes ipso facto eorundem beneficij participes esse desiissent: propter bonum nihilominus domesticae unionis & pacis, internamque Regni tranquillitatem, cum sua Majestas Serenissimae ex gratia & clementia sua praecitatos Articulos adhuc ratos fore benignissime resolvisset, eosdem status quoque & ordines ad mentem Paternae resolutionis (Cleri & aliorum secularium Catholicorum contradictione non obstante) pro renovatis & priori firmitati restitutis censendos, acsi & in quantum hactenus ineffectuati, vel verò per aliquos abusus ab una aut altera parte medio tempore introductos, violati fuissent, suae debitae executioni, & tempore eorundem conditorum Articulorum, vel expost occupatorum, aut reoccupatorum impendendae restaurationi, utprimum demandandos esse statuerunt.    

THE GRIEVANCES Of the two Imperial and Free Cities of Upper Hungary, Cassovia, and Epperies; wherein are Contained the Injuries done to all the Protestant Citizens and Inhabitants of the three Ranks, as well in their Civil Liberties, against the 25th, 26th, and 41st Articles of the Diet of Sopron, An. 1681. together with their Demands.  
FIRST, It must be allowed that in the 26 th' Article of that Diet, year 1681. by the Special Favour of His most Sacred Majesty, 'twas expressly Ordained in these very Words: But in other parts 'tis Ordered according to His Majesty's Gracious Resolution that Places be appointed for the Building of Churches and Schools, and Erecting Parishes for the Conveniency of those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg.  
That instead of the Churches, Schools, and Parishes taken from the Protestants, there should be Assigned them by Commissioners appointed from His Majesty, commodious and convenient Places, and that without any Restriction, even in the Cities of upper Hungary, according to the literal and genuine sense of the Clause of the said Article, which saith, Furthermore in the Free and Mountain Cities, as also in all the Cities of upper Hungary are Places to be allowed for the Building of Churches and Schools, and Erecting Parishes.  
Nevertheless in the beginning of january, in the year 1687. His Majesty's High-Commissioners appointed with so much Clemency in upper Hungary, were so far in their proceedings from satisfying either His Majesty's pious Resolution, or the true and clear intent of the Article, that even in contempt of them all, and in compliance with their own false Glosses, they did assign to the Protestants inconvenient and undecent places without the said Cities, which have no Suburbs, and consequently very remote in the Fields, to the evident exterminating of the free Exercise of our Religion from the said Cities.  
Wherefore we do constantly insist on the most Holy Resolution of His Majesty, as it is declared in the expressed words of the Article before alleged, and by virtue thereof, do humbly implore, that instead of the inconvenient appointed Places such others (as shall be both commodious and free from all Civil Taxes or Contributions, 
1681▪  according to the intention of the 8 th' Article, An. 1647. and the 12 th', An. 1649. in the abovementioned Cities, and within the Walls of the same, without any Ambiguity, since the before-cited 26 th' Article includeth the inward, not the outward parts of the Cities) be granted and assigned to us the true and lawful Citizens, and in no wise deserving so unjust a Banishment from the midst of the Cities.  
Secondly, 'tis also undeniable, that in the 25 th' Article, immediately foregoing, the Gracious Resolution of His Most Sacred Majesty is declared in these very words: To all and every one through the Kingdom (no Protestant Inhabitant of whatsoever State and Condition, or in whatever part of the Kingdom excepted) according to the 1st Article in the year 1608. published before the Coronation, a free Exercise of their Religion in general is granted, and also that none of the said Inhabitants shall any wise be disturbed for the future in the free Exercise of their Religion, on the severe punishment that is expressly set down in the 26th Article of the Diet of Sopron.  
Notwithstanding which, when the said Protestants of Cassovia and Epperies would have freely used and enjoyed their Right Established by His Majesty's Warrant, and continued their way of Worship, as also the Instruction of their Youth within the said Cities, and their Walls (as places provided by the abovementioned Articles, and formerly used and allowed) they were not only not admitted, but severely prohibited and hindered by the Magistrates and Clergy of these Cities, nay sent away and Banished till this time, to the fore-specified places in no wise convenient for them, as if they were Strangers and wholly incapable of the Common Liberties of the Kingdom.  
Wherefore in this Point also Relying on the Gracious Resolution of His most Sacred Majesty, and the Articles he has been pleased to make with us, We do most Humbly implore a lawful Restitution and firm Establishment of the free exercise of our Religion in its former State, according to the said Article 1 st Anno 1608 (viz.) within the Walls of the said Cities. We also submissively beg, that till we have a convenient opportunity of Building and Erecting new Churches, Schools and Parishes (which by reason of our great Poverty, and the vast Taxes and Contributions to the present War, we are not able now to perform) it be graciously granted to us, that we may anew freely enjoy the said exercise of Religion in certain private and convenient places, and have Schools for the Instruction of Youth.  
Thirdly, Though the indifferent and common use of Bells and Burials was every where permitted, as well to the Protestants as Catholics by these express words, of the 26 th' Article of the Diet of Sopron: The free use of Bells and Burials is left to the Catholics of those places, as well as to those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg.  
Which nevertheless, the Catholic Magistracy and Clergy of Cassovia and Epperies have fully denied, and do still deny the said free use of Bells and Burials to the Protestant Inhabitants of the said Cities, forbidding them with most severe Threats, to perform the usual Ceremonies of Burials, within the Walls of the said Cities; notwithstanding the gracious resolution of His most Sacred Majesty, made to the illustrious States of the Kingdom, in the Diet of Sopron, December the 10 th', Anno 1681.  
So that we earnestly desire the common use of Bells and Burials for the Protestants, as well within, as without the City Walls, free from any molestation or disturbance, conformable to the Pious Grant of His most Sacred Majesty.  
Fourthly, It is evident also, that by Virtue of the general clause inserted in the end of the so often mentioned 26 th' Article in these words: Provided always, That the Laws of the Kingdom confirmed by the Royal Charter be not hereby prejudiced.  
The standing Laws of the Kingdom concerning the Ecclesiastical Revenues of those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg were left in force, and consequently any Arbitrary proceedings forbidden, especially such as against the instinct of Nature, tend to the enriching of some Persons, to the Damage and Wrong of oaths.  
Nevertheless, the Roman Catholic Magistrate and the Clergy of Cassovia and Epperies, by their own Authority, and by Force have taken and appropriated to themselves, all the pious Legacies and Gifts left by Will, through the pious zeal of the Protestants, for the use of Protestant Churches and Schools, (viz. in Cassovia, four Houses standing within the Wall of the said City, one of which the Magistrate has sold, and alienated to the illustrious Michael Domeczki; a Garden and certain Blow Lands lying in the Territory of the same City; as also a Vineyard formerly called Varghaszóló, lying in the Territory of Tokai. And in Epperies certain Vineyards likewise lying in several Territories of Upper Hungary, together with their Revenues) actually retaining the same for their own use, and for the most part turning them into profane uses, against the 11 th' and 14 th' Articles of the year 1647, to the great injury and damage of the Protestants.  
Wherefore in this Case also, the Protestants appealing to the aforesaid Laws, and Constitution of the Kingdom, do lawfully require, that all the pious Legacies and Church Lands (violently taken away and retained from them, who are the right Owners) be restored together with their Revenues, according to that Rule of Common Justice, Render to every one his own.  
Fifthly, It is certain likewise, that for the paying of the Protestant Ministers, and of the Catholic Curates, it was evidently enough provided, not only by the often mentioned 26 th' Article in these words: Nevertheless, the Catholics shall not be obliged to pay any thing to the Ministers of the Protestants, nor the Protestants to the Curates of the Catholics.  
But also by the 11 th' Article of the year 1647 in these words; Let no Protestant be obliged to pay any thing to the Catholic Curates, nor the Catholic to the Protestant Ministers.  
Nay, in the following 12 th' Article of the said year 1647, are contained these words: Concerning any use whatever of the Ministerial Functions; but where the Protestants have no Parishes, let them pay the Ministers that they employ, as the Catholics are to pay their Catholic Curates; and where hitherto the Protestants did pay nothing to the Catholic Curates, they shall not be obliged hereafter to pay any under any pretence whatsoever, nor the Catholics to the Protestant Ministers.  
Which words, together with these of the same 12 th' Article concerning the Revenues of Schools; but in any place whatsoever, the Catholic Curates, and the Protestant Ministers shall receive the Revenues of Schools, from their respective Followers only. Establish this positive Law and Constitution, that the Protestants pay the Protestants, and the Catholics the Catholics: Notwithstanding this, the Protestants are forced maugre themselves, to pay the Catholic Curates, whilst not only a Weekly allowance, together with other perquisites, is constantly paid to the Catholic Curates by the Magistrate out of the public Purse (wherein the Protestants put most, being three for one Catholic;) but also, the Revenues of Schools are adjudged, and paid to the same Catholic Curates, and with the greatest injustice denied to the Protestant Ministers and Schoolmasters.  
Therefore they demand with all Submission and Justice, that the Protestant Ministers and Schoolmasters, be allowed out of the public Purse, a Salary equal with that of the Catholic Curates, or that neither of the Parties be paid out of that Fond, but each by their respective Followers, according to the intention of the before mentioned Articles.  
Sixthly, Every body knows that by Virtue of the 25 th' Article, not only a free return and stay in the Kingdom is granted to the Banished Ministers and Schoolmasters, but also a free exercise of their Religion and Profession, and by Virtue of the following 26 th' Article it is Ordered, That amongst the imperial and free Cities of Upper Hungary, Cassovia and Epperies shall be appointed, and established places for the public and free exercise of the Protestant Religion; and that hereafter, no Subject shall be disturbed in the free exercise of his Religion, under the pain expressed in the 8 th' Article, of the 6 th' Decree of Uladislaus. Nevertheless, the Magistrate of Epperies, on the very Festival Day of St. Bartholomew the Apostle, in the Year 1688 last past, dared deprice the Protestant Church of Epperies, established by the Articles of their Ministers, and with great dishonour expel all the Protestant Ministers of the three Nations, out of the said City and its Territory, without letting them know any cause of so injust an usage, or showing them any Warrant of His most Sacred Majesty for it; pretending only an unheard of Title of Lord of the Manor, (which cannot be admitted among Civilians, since they enjoy equally with the Magistrate the common civil Liberty, nor amongst Clergy Men, who enjoy a special Liberty, nor can it in any wise be taken by Magistrate, whose Office is but for a year) to the great diminishing of His most Sacred Majesty's Authority and the Contempt of the before mentioned Articles.  
Wherefore they humbly beg, that the innocent and unjustly Banished Protestant Ministers of Epperies be restored, and may perform as before their Ecclesiastical Duties, and that both the Protestant Ministers of Cassovia, and those of Epperies, employed either in Preaching, or in Teaching Schools, present or to come (being always presented by the right Patrons,) may live quietly and safely in their own or hired dwelling places, which they have, or shall have within the Walls of the said Cities.  
Seventhly, No body that knows the Law will deny, but in the beginning of the aforesaid 41st Article of the Diet of Sopron, where the Common Liberties and Privileges of the imperial and free Cities are confirmed, and besides the there mentioned Laws, and Articles of the Kingdom made in several places are renewed, it is expressly ordained: That the same Laws and Articles be strictly observed, both by the Chambers and the Officers of the Army, and by any other person whatsoever, so that they (viz. the same imperial and free Cities) be no way disturbed by any one, in their free right to choose a Civil Magistrate, nor in any other Privilege.  
Nevertheless, the modern Magistrate of the said Cities, against the Prohibition contained in the 83 th' Article of the Illustrious Chamber of Scepusium, in the year 1647; out of mere private hatred against our Religion; was pleased to take upon him such a Power, as to degrade, and turn out of their public Dignities, and Civil Employments all the Senators of Cassovia and Epperies, and several other Protestant Officers well deserving, and qualified for public Offices and Civil Dignities, against the evident Constitution of the aforesaid Article, and of those that are cited in it; but especially of the 13 th', before the Coronation in the year 1608, of the 44 th' in the year 1609, and of the 12 th' in the year 1649, to the most evident prejudice of the Common, Liberties, and Civil Privileges, and to the considerable oppression of the Protestant Citizens; and in the room of the said Senators and Protestant Officers, the said Magistrate has put Catholic Citizens either less fit, or wholly unacquainted with the Affairs of the said Cities, and more minding their private concerns, to the damnifying and even undoing of the said Cities. Wherefore we require with the deepest Humility,  
First, That the free right of choosing the Civil Magistrate, and other Officers (which hitherto has been so disturbed, and wholly taken away from the Protestants, against the positive Laws of the Kingdom, made in the Illustrious Chamber of Scepusium) belonging properly and only to the Sworn Citizens of the same Cities, and as well to the Protestants as to the Catholics, be restored and maintained in its former State, and in no wise any more disturbed by any one, under the pain mentioned in the renewed and aforesaid Articles.  
Secondly, That in order to maintain a Civil mutual Union, and put out any Fuel of Division and Hatred, a free Election be made of the same Magistrate, and other Officers out of the well deserving, and well qualified Sworn Citizens, without any difference of the Catholic and Protestant Religion; and that the Employments, and any Civil Dignities whatsoever be indifferently, and equally conferred and bestowed, so that the Catholics and Protestants promote mutually one another to public, civil Honours, according to the intention of the aforesaid 13 th' Article, of the year 1608 before the Coronation, and of the 44 th' of the year 1609.  
Thirdly, That in order to observe a just equality of Turns, and procure the public good of the Cities, it be graciously granted, that the Offices of Judged and Tribune be by Turns, and promiscuously exercised for a year, according to the intention of the aforesaid Articles, and of the 12 th' in the year 1649.  All the Protestant, Citizens, and Inhabitants of the three Nations, of the Free and Imperial Cities, Cassovia and Epperies. 

The Grievance of the Protestants of the Free and Imperial City of Carpona  
IT is not without a great deal of Grief, that all the Noblemen and Gentlemen, all the Auxiliary Forces, and hired Soldiers of both sorts, and all the Protestant Inhabitants, and Citizens of Carpona, think it their Duty to Represent to Your most Sacred Majesty; that altho' according to Your most Sacred Majesty's Resolution, inserted in the 26 th' Article of the Diet of Sopron, Anno 1681. Among the places of the Kingdom, which were to be appointed for the Building of new Churches and Schools, and Erecting Parishes for the conveniency of those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg; the same City of Carpona is particularly named, and established to be one of the places, where the free exercise of Religion should entirely and quietly be enjoyed, as it may be seen in these words: In the Division before the Mountains at Leva, Carpona and Tulekin.  
Nevertheless, Your Majesty's High Commissioners appointed in the year 1688 last passed in the Mountain Cities, being come to that of Carpona (whereas, according to the intention of the aforesaid Article, and of Your Majesty's Gracious Resolution, and Declaration contained in it, instead of the convenient Churches and Schools and Parishes which were from the Protestants of the Confession of Ausbourg, they should have appointed other convenient and fit places, and left the Protestants in the quiet Possession of them, according to the intention of the 19 th' Article in the year 1647,) did on the contrary turn the Protestant Ministers and Schoolmasters out of their Offices, and with severe Threats forbid both all the Protestant Noblemen and Gentlemen, all the Soldiers of the Garrison, as well as all the Inhabitants and Citizens, to continue the Exercise of Religion (which had been enjoyed in the same place from time out of Memory, and was confirmed by the Articles as we have already said) till your Majesty's further Resolution were known, to the great prejudice of a Spiritual Exercise, which suffers no delay, and to the diminishing of the Right granted to the Protestants by the Articles, and confirmed by Your Majesty's Favour.  
Therefore they do wholly Rely on the Articles, and Your Majesty's Grant, and Humbly beg, that not only convenient and fit places, within the Walls of the said City be appointed to them, for the Building of Churches and Schools, and Erecting Parishes; but also, that they may have a Free Exercise of Religion, together with the common and indifferent use of Bells and Burials, according to the aforesaid 26 th' Article of Sopron, and as they had formerly.   

The Grievances of the Imperial and Free Protestant Cities, Veterozolium, Breznobania and Libethbania.  
ALL the Protestants of the same Imperial and Free Cities, set forth their most lamentable Case in respect of Religion, that whereas they should noy be hindered to enjoy at least in private the free Exercise of Religion granted by the Articles of Sopron, to all and every where in the Kingdom (without excepting any part of it, and less the fourth State, which comprehends all the Imeprial and Free Cities of the Kingdom, belonging properly to the Crown) through His Imperial Majesty's Favour, according to the clear and evident explication of the 1st Article made before the Coronation, in the year 1608. and confirmed in the 25 th' Article of Sopron, but rather by virtue of the following 26 th' Article of Sopron (which speaks in general of the Cities, and by way of instance names only two of each sort; viz. of the Mountain Cities, and of the Free Cities) His Majesty's High Commissioners appointed in the year 1688. should also have appointed them commodious and convenient places for the building of new Churches and Schools, and erecting Parishes, yet they have obtained nothing: On the contrary, the Ministers have been turned at and expelled by the High Commissioners, and the Protestants have been most severely forbidden by the same to exercise their Religion in private, or to go to any Neighbouring place where their Religion is Exercised Moreover against the express grant of the 11 th' and 12 th' Article in the year 1647. maugre the Protestants and by force, the said High Commissioners have assigned and appropriated all the Proper Revenues of Schools and Churches to the Catholic Curates which they have brought in, and have very few Followers in the Cities of Veterozolium, and Breznobania, and but one in Libethbania. In fine, the said High Commissioners did by all means, and do still compel without distinction, all the Protestant Inhabitants and Citizens, especially the Trades and Handy-craft-men to Ceremonies contrary to their Religion; therefore the said Protestants humbly beg the same Liberty of Religion as is granted in the Articles, and enjoyed in other Cities, since these in no wise deserve a worse case; and that there may be assigned them convenient places for the building of new Churches, and Schools, and erecting Parishes.   

The Grievances of the Free and Imperial Cities St. George, Bazinga, Tyrnaw, Szakoliza, Kussegh, and Rust.  
THese Free and Imperial Cities do also lament and set forth their desolate Case, and great Unhappiness in respect of Religion; that (whereas according to the genuine Sense of the Articles of Sopron, made in the behalf of Religion, its free Exercise is granted to every one, and every where in the Kingdom) they should not be hindered to enjoy, at least in private the said free Exercise of Religion; but by Virtue of the 26 th' Article of Sopron, which speaks in general of the Cities, Places should have been appointed them for the Building of Churches, and Schools, and Erecting Parishes, yet they have obtained none of the premises; but on the contrary, have been forbidden to exercise any way their Religion, their Ministers have been expelled, and forbidden to come any more into the said Cities; it is prohibited under the sorest punishment to frequent the places where there is Exercise of Religion, to go thither, to have Children Baptised, or to receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and to send for Protestant Ministers to Sick and Dying Persons; in a word, the whole Exercise of the Protestant Religion is forbidden, against the sense of the aforesaid Articles, and the Protestants are compelled to Ceremonies contrary to their Religion; therefore they humbly beg that they may enjoy the same Benefit as is granted in the Articles, and have places appointed them for the Building of Churches, and Schools, and Erecting Parishes, as well as the other Cities; since that Privilege is equally granted to all; and therefore the case of some, ought not to be worse than that of others.   

The Grievances of the Free and Imperial Cities, Trenschin, and Modra.  
THese two Free and Imperial Cities complain with a great deal of Sorrow, that by Virtue of the 26 th' Article of Sopron, the Lords Commissioners did indeed assign to them places for the Building of Churches and Schools, and erecting Parishes, and grant them the free Exercise of their Religion; but with such Limitation and Restraint as take away many things essentially requisite and necessary for the said exercise of Religion, and are directly contrary to the genuine intention of the Articles; as,  
First, The Lords Commissioners did lessen the Number of the Protestant Ministers, and forbid others to be put in their room after their Death.  
Secondly, They did forbid all the Protestants (to whom a free Exercise of Religion is granted, by Virtue of that General Clause of the 25 th' Article, to every one, and every where in the Kingdom) to frequent the Neighbouring Churches, and perform in them any duty of Religion.  
Thirdly, They did forbid the Ministers to Visit the Estrangers, were they never so Sick.  
Fourthly, They did Order that the Handy-craft-men, and common sort of People should be compelled under severe punishment to Ceremonies contrary to their way, viz. To walk with the Catholics in Procession, and carry processional Trophies.  
Fifthly, They did forbid the Protestant Ministers to go and Administer Baptism, or perform other Ceremonies in the Neighbouring Towns.  
Sixthly, They did appoint that there should be no petty Schools, but such where Children could Learn only to Read, and to Write.   

The Grievances of the Counties of Upper Hungary, Semlin, Abavivar, Unghwaar, Saraz, Tornaw, etc. and of all the Protestant Noblemen and Gentlemen living in the Mountain Towns of the Principality of Tokai.  
THe same Protestants are forced to Represent to Your Most Sacred Majesty, that although in the following words of the 26 th' Article of Sopron, but in other Counties, as in those of Salawar, Vesprim, Saraz, Moramoruss, Abavivar, Sellia, Semlin, Ugoza, Bodrogh, Tornaw, Komarra, Barzod, Sachsag, Novigrad, Zolnock, Hewecz, Pesth, Pelicz and Soldth united, Chege, Unghwar, and Zatmar, since the Protestants are in possession of almost all the Churches there, the same Churches are left for the use of the actual Possessors of them.  
And in the following Clause of the said Article: Finally the Churches which are actually possessed by those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg, shall be still for their use as before, together with the Parishes, and Schools, and their Revenues, that they may live in peace, and quiet.  
Your most Sacred Majesty tending the peace and general quiet of the Kingdom, has been Graciously pleased to Ordain, that in the foregoing Counties, all the Churches, Parishes, and Schools, together with their Revenues, should be left for the use of the Protestants. Nevertheless, the Churches standing in the Counties of Abavivar, Saraz, Semlin, Tornaw, and Unghwar, (which for the most part have been built from the foundation, or repaired from the lowest ruin by the Protestants) as also the Schools and Parishes, together with their Revenues (left to them by the Protestants in their Wills, and never before possessed by the Roman Catholics) have been taken by force from the Protestants, as well as the Churches, Parishes, and Schools, standing in the Dominion of Rakocz, in these Towns of the County of Semlin, Zantho, Thalia, mod, Kerethur, Tarazal, Liszka, Benny, Toleswa, Ughelly, Patak, Borssy, (which at the time of the Articles of Sopron, and after, were possessed by the Protestants, and left to the same by the said Articles) in several Towns of the Principality of Tokai, and in Tokai itself; altho' the Church of Tokai was left, and expressly confirmed by the Articles in the possession of the Protestants.  
To this may be added, That against the evident sense of the 25 th' Article of Sopron, the Protestant Noblemen and Gentlemen of the aforesaid Cities of the County of Semlin, have been, and are still forced to forbear exercising their Religion in private; which Liberty they had enjoyed since the seizing of their Churches, and was granted to them by the first Article made before the Coronation, in the year 1608. and confirmed by the same 25 th' Article of the Diet of Sopron.  
Likewise the Ministers (called back from their Exile through Your most Sacred Majesty's Favour, by Virtue of the aforesaid 25 th' Article of Sopron,) are forced to oblige themselves under pain of death, and the forfeiture of all their Goods, to go out of the same County, or by strict Deeds of reversion to renounce for ever under the same Penalty, to perform any Ecclesiastical Duty in the said County.  
Moreover, although the 25 th' Article of Sopron evidently declareth that none of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg shall be compelled to any Ceremony contrary to his Religion; and the 26 th', that the Catholics shall not be obliged to pay any thing to the Ministers of the Protestants, nor the Protestants to the Curates of the Catholics, according to the intent of the 11 th' Article, in the year 1647. yet they are forced even by Military Execution to do both, and especially to pay the Catholic Curates.  
Although by virtue of the often-mentioned 26 th' Article, the free use of Bells and Burials is equally left to the Catholics, and to the Protestants, nevertheless the Protestants are not suffered to bury their Dead in the usual Burying-places, which is against Christianity itself, they are not permitted neither to use the Bells though made through their care; nay the Noblemen and Gentlemen of the aforesaid Dominion of Rakotz are threatened to be dispossessed and exterminated out of their Estates, if they do not abjure and renounce the Protestant Religion, which is a down right persecution of the Protestants. In the like manner the Protestants of Abavivar are forbidden by the Purveyor of that County to exercise their Religion; and the Ministers are commanded under pain of Death, and the forfeiture of all their Goods to go out of it, or (if they be willing to continue there as Secular private persons) by most strict deed of reversion to renounce for ever under the same penalty to perform any Ecclesiastical Duty; consequently the Protestant Churches, together with all their Appurtenances have been seized upon by the said Purveyor.  
Likewise in a Town called Sepssy of the same County of Abavivar, where the Church could under no pretence be taken from the Protestants, the Tithes of the Territory of the said Town which used to belong to the Protestant Minister are seized, and kept in Sequestration by the of Sepssy, by virtue of an Order of the Illustrious Chamber of Scepusium.  
In the Towns of Nogymihali, Vinna, and Iztara, in the County of Unghwar, and in the Towns of Tolzeck and Asgath, in the County of Saraz, the Churches, Schools, and Parishes left by the Articles for the use of the Protestants, are by force taken and kept from them by the Catholic Lords of those Manors.  
Lastly, In the Town called Somogy in the County of Torna, a moiety of the Revenue belonging to the Protestant Minister by a Convention made formerly is taken from him.  
All which having been attempted against Your Majesty's Gracious Resolution, and the Articles made in the behalf of the Protestants, they present the same to Your most Sacred Majesty's Consideration, with strong persuasion that it will be Graciously Remedied; and that not only they shall be resettled in the possession of what is taken from 'em; but also that all the introduced abuses shall be taken away.  
The same Protestant Inhabitants of the aforesaid Counties of Upper Hungary, and of the Towns standing in the Dominion of Rakoczia.  
The same is done by the Counties of Salawar, Vesprim, Saraz, Moramoruss, Novigrad, Zolnock, Hevecz, Pesth and Soldth, united, which are all comprehended in the Articles.   

The Grievances of all the Protestant Noblemen of the Counties of Liepze, Thurocz, Arva, Trenschin; Zolnock, and Sachsag; wherein are contained the Injuries and Troubles they have sustained upon the account of Religion, against the Articles of Sopron; together with Humble Request for the Redressing of the same.  
SInce the Grievances and Complaints of the Counties of Liepze, Thurocz, Arva, Trenschin, and Zolnock agree in all respects, for shortness sake they are put together here; the same then justly complain that they have been injured and disturbed, in that the Protestant Ministers (who performed the Duties of their procession in the Nobleman's places of Residence, where the free Exercise of Religion was transferred, by Virtue of the 26 th' Article of Sopron, since the seizing of the Protestant Churches in these Counties) have all been Banished (except two, left in two places named in the Articles) within a fortnight, out of the County and place where they lived; or if any desired to continue in it, he was required to oblige himself by strict deed of Reversion never to perform any Ecclesiastical Duty, and forbidden to remain on any other term, under pain of Imprisonment.  
No Schools are permitted but the Petty (or as the Commissioners term it, such where Children learn only to Read and to Write) and but in two places mentioned in the Articles; all the others are generally shut, and prohibited, and their Masters turned out, although the 25 th' Article had restored both these, and the Ministers in their respective Offices.  
It is strictly forbidden that the Divine Service and Exercise of Religion be performed by Protestant Ministers in the Houses and places of Residence of Noblemen, or in the Oratories and Chapels belonging to them, but with this admirable Limitation; That if any Nobleman will have the Divine Service done in his House, he shall employ no other Minister than one of the two left in the County, and that only for themselves, and their Family.  
All the Payments whatsoever (except those which belong to the two Schools appointed in each County) are adjudged to the Catholic Curates, and are generally wrested by the same with the help of the Soldiers.  
The Peasants are absolutely forbidden to Exercise their Religion in the use of Baptism, Marriage, Confirmation, Burials, and of the Lord's Supper, as also to frequent the places appointed by the Articles for the Divine Service, and are compelled with all possible violence, to Ceremonies contrary to their way.  
Moreover, in many Towns of the County of Turocz, as in Bella Zatureza and Pribocz, there were Churches Built at the Charges of the Protestants, whose Members had not reconciled themselves to the Church of Rome, before the Article was made; yet without any regard to the Exception contained in the beginning of the 26 th' Article, all those Churches have been seized upon, and the use of Bells and Burials is granted no more to the Protestants, unless they ask and pay the Catholic Curates for it.  
In the County of Sachsag, the Protestants should freely and peaceably have enjoyed all the Churches, which were in their Possession when the Article was made, and were left for their use by the same Article; yet the Illustrious Wolffgang Earl of Kohary, (Supreme Earl of the said County, by Deputation (as he has declared) of the Illustrious George Earl of Erdedy,) with the assistance of the Viscount of the same County, has seized the same Churches, except a very small one, which stands in a most despicable Village called Drieno, and has not been Built by the Protestants: Commanding withal all the Protestant Ministers to go out of their respective Parishes, and places of abode under pain of Imprisonment, and forbidding all Persons of quality to entertain them any way even privately; altho' the Protestants of this County had been established, and confirmed in the free use of all the Churches, which were in their Possession when the Article was made.   

The most Humble and Lawful Demands of the aforesaid Counties are these.  
SInce His most Sacred Majesty both by the Confirmation of the 25 th' and 26 th' Articles of the Diet of Sopron, made in 21st Article of the Diet of Presburg, in the year 1687, and by the Resolution declared to the Deputies of the said Counties in their Audience, has engaged his Royal Word, not only to observe the aforesaid Articles in all their Points and Clauses, but also to cause the others to observe the same; therefore the Protestants of the aforesaid Counties Humbly beg, that according to the most simple and evident Sense of the same Articles, they may be Redressed, re-established, Restored, and by an express Decree confirmed in the following particulars.  
That according to the intention of the the 25 th' Article of the Diet of Sopron, all their Ministers and Rectors may live freely among them, and perform the Duties of their Procession, without any Limitation, since the same Article Grants thus much, restoring both the Ministers and Schoolmasters, even those which were Banished, annulling their Deeds of Reversion.  
That as many Churches and Chapels, (whose Members are not reconciled to the Church of Rome, and have been Built by the Protestants,) as stand in the said Counties be restored to us, to Exercise our Religion in them, according to the intent of the aforesaid 26 th' Article.  
That according to the intention of the so often mentioned 26 th' Article, the Protestants of the said Counties, be discharged from paying any thing to the Catholic Curates, and obliged only to entertain their own Ministers.  
Lastly, That any Protestant of whatsoever State and Condition, not excluding the Peasants (according to these words of the 25 th' Article, to every one and every where,) may freely Exercise his Religion without being compelled to contrary Ceremonies; and that neither of the Parties perfume to disturb any way, the other under the pain mentioned in the said Article.  
Besides, the foregoing Demands wherein the County of Sachsag joins with the other Counties, by a particular Right granted in the Articles, the same County of Sachsag, requires, that all the seized Churches be restored to the Protestants, which were in their Possession when the Article was made.   

The Grievance of the City of Gyongyos.  
THis City complains, that whereas according to the express Grant of the 26 th' Article, of the Diet of Sopron in these words: But in other Counties, viz. in those of Salavar, Vesprim, etc. and Geves (in which this City stands) since the protestants are actually in Possession of almost all the Churches there, etc. Item, Finally the Churches, which are actually possessed by those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg, shall be still for their use, etc.  
It should have been left in the actual Possession, and use of all the Protestant Churches, Parishes and Schools which were quietly possessed by the Protestants, before and after the Diet of Sopron to the Date underwritten; yet to the great Contempt of His Imperial Majesty's, and of the Article's Grant, and to the great prejudice of the Protestants Right, by Order and Commission of the most Reverend Archbishop of Gran, and of the Right Honourable George Earl of Erdody, not only the Churches, but also the Schools and Parishes with all their Appurtenances (consisting in Eleven Vineyards, Five Mills, One Butcher's Stall, and a House which had all been given by Protestants in their Wills, or Purchased with the Protestants Money,) were seized by force on the 21st of May, in the year 1688 last past, by the Honourable jean Almassy of Heves, and Francis Setuitter of Pesth, Judges of the same Counties; moreover the Protestant Ministers and Schoolmasters were Banished, the Free Exercise of Religion even in private Houses is forbidden, as well as the use of Bells and Burials in proper places, the Protestants being strictly Commanded to Bury their Dead in remote Highways and Commons, where all the Filth of the Towns is carried: Therefore they lawfully Demand a full Restitution of all that has been taken from them, and an exact Execution of the aforesaid Article.   

The Grievance of the City of Moramoruss.  
THe Protestant Citizens and Inhabitants, together with the Militia of Moramoruss complain, that altho' by Virtue of the 26 th' Article of Sopron, (wherein the same City of Moramoruss is expressly, named,) they had obtained the liberty of exercising publicly their Religion, and of having Churches, Parishes and Schools; and have quietly enjoyed the same without giving any offence to the Catholics, until the fatal breaking out of the Wars in the year 1683, and the unexpected Burning of the Town, which occasioned an interruption of the said Exercise of Religion, the Ministers and their Parishioners having been forced to disperse themselves up and down; yet since the Troubles are appeased, they desire in vain to reassume their public exercise of Religion, and to call back their Ministers, being hindered from the same by the Earl of Hoffkirchen Governor of this Territory, who every day growing severer, forbids with greater Threats, the total Exercise of the Protestant Religion: Nay, three Months ago the Roman Catholics did Proclaim with the Beat of Drums, that no Protestant should presume to go out of the Territory of Moramoruss, to any Neighbouring, to perform the Duties of his Religion; nor Exercise it in his private House under pain of Imprisonment, and of other severe Punishments. Therefore they Humbly beg, That this their Grievance may be redressed, and they reestablished in the Privilege granted by the Article.  
It may be added to the foregoing Grievances, that one Samuel Bizkey, a Protestant Minister of a place of Lower Hungary called Hedes; notwithstanding the Protection granted to him by the Council of War, has been Plundered twice of all the means of Life, Clothes, Books and Furniture, by some Emissaries of the Archbishop of Gran; and at last on the 22 d of the last Month of March, was taken and carried to Presburg, into the Prisons of the Archbishop, where he has nothing allowed him, but dry Bread and dirty Water.  
Likewise, the Protestant Minister of Tot●falu in Upper Hungary, has been taken by, a Jesuit called Father Ravasz, residing at Naghybania, and carried in Fetters into the Prisons of Zatmar, where he is still detained and most barbarously used.   

The XXI. Article of the Diet of Presburg, in the year 1687, in the business of Religion, the 25th and 26th Articles of the year 1681, are renewed with the inserted Decleration.  
ALthough they of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg, by their protesting against the 25 th' and 26 th' Articles, of the late Diet of Sopron, have unworthily abused the same, and thereby forfeited ipso facto, the benefits granted in them; nevertheless since His most Sacred Majesty tending the Union, and the general quiet of the Kingdom, through his great Favour and Clemency, has most Graciously resolved, that the said Articles shall yet be in force; the States have Ordered, That the same shall be looked upon as renewed and reinforced, (notwithstanding the opposition of the Catholic Clergy, and other secular Persons,) and that as far as they have hitherto been infringed through Abuses, introduced by the one, or the other party, they shall forthwith be put in Execution.  
To these Aggrievances the Emperor returned a very Gracious Answer, and made several Proposals tending to a Peace.  
And First, He offered a General Pardon unto all, even to Tekeli himself, provided he would personally appear to make his Submission.  
Secondly, That every Person should be restored to his Lands, and Goods confiscated again restored.  
Thirdly, That free exercise of Religion should be allowed; but the manner how, and the Regulation thereof should be determined at a General Diet, which was judged of absolute necessity for the repose, and quiet of Hungary.  
Fourthly, That all the vacant Offices, Governors and Balliages of that Kingdom, should be indifferently conferred upon Hungarian Gentlemen, who were capable by their Natural parts, and Abilities to Merit and Discharge such Preferments.  
And Lastly, That his Imperial Majesty would vacate the Office of Vice-King, and return to the ancient constitution of a Palatine, whose Election should be free according to the usage of former times.  
The Plague which still Raged in Austria, and Hungary prevented the proceedings of this Treaty, which might have taken effect some time before, and answered all the Demands of the Malcontents; 
How the Treaty w●s broken o●f.  but now so much Blood had been drawn in all Parts, and Corners of that unhappy Kingdom, that it was passed the Art of Man to staunch the Bleeding: And besides, Tekeli and his Malcontents were so nearly adjoined, and engaged in secret Leagues, and Alliances with the Turk, that it was almost impossible to destricate, and disentangle themselves from the invitations they had made, and from the Assurances, and Pledges they had given to the Turks. Howsoever, the Emperor not to leave any means unattempted, until all was become desperate, dispatched Count Esterhasi into Hungary in quality of his Plenipotentiary, to put those Overtures into Execution which had been framed, and debated in the Emperor's Council. But whilst these things were in agitation, they received another Impediment, by a discovery made of a Correspondence, which several Principal Officers held with the Maleconts; upon which Filek, and two other Councillors, and Managers of the Revenue of Hungary were Arrested, and accused of having moved, and promoted an Insurrection in divers Counties.  
Towards the end of this year, when the Armies were drawn into their Winter quarters, new Treaties were set on foot. The Baron de Kaunitz the Emperor's Resident at Constantinople laboured to continue, 
Kaunitz Trea●● with the Grand Signior.  and renew the Truce; but the Grand Vizier would not agree thereunto on any other Terms, than that it might be allowable for the Grand Signior to afford aid, and assistance to the Malcontents: But this was to cure a Soar with a greater Evil, and what was inconsistent with Reason, to make a Peace, and yet to continue a War.  
When the Emperor believed all Accommodation with the Malcontents impossible, at least far distant; Behold on a sudden, and much unexpected, the Counts Tekeli, Pestrozzi and Wessellino in despite of their Engagements to the Turks, 
Tekeli and others offer Conditions.  offered to make Terms by themselves; and to abandon their People and their Cause, in case they assented not thereunto; The Conditions were to have all their Churches restored, with their Goods and Estates, which had been Confiscated: To which the Emperor readily assenting, there never appeared at any time a greater probability and likelihood of an Agreement, than upon this overture: But whereas to establish and confirm such an Accommodation, it was necessary to convene a Diet, which by reason of the present Contagion could not be done, a Cessation of Arms was in the mean time concluded: But whilst in order thereunto a Conference was held at Tokai, Count Caprara unluckily marched out of his Quarters with a considerable force towards that place; 
Is again broken.  upon which the Malecontens were so Alarumed, that they Sallied out of their Winter quarters in great numbers, leaving the Treaty imperfect, and the Cessation of Arms broken and violated.     

ANNO 1681.  
Notwithstanding the unlucky Accidents which had happened to hinder, and disappoint the Progress of the aforesaid Treaties; Yet at the beginning of this year new overtures were made to the Malcontents by the Bishop Sebestini: And tho' some of the most considerable Persons of the Hungarian party, refused to hearken to any Offers which the Emperor should make them; yet Tekeli, and others, 
Tekeli and other chiefs send Deputies to Lintz.  formerly the most averse to all Accommodation, did now at least in a seeming manner favour the Methods which tended towards Peace; and in order thereunto, did not only dispatch Deputies as far as to Lintz, to Treat thereupon with the Imperial Ministers; but likewise entertained a personal Conference with Count Caprara, and agreed with him to continue a Truce until the resultof a Diet should be known, which was to convene in the Month of Febuary.  
That which in all appearance was most probable to administer the greatest difficulty, and cause of dispute, when a Diet should assemble, was the restitution of the Churches, Schools, and other Foundations which the Malcontents challenged as their own, and upon the Right, and Title of having Erected, and Built them at their own charge and expense. They were also very positive to have their ancient Government by a Palatine restored, and all the Germane Garrisons withdrawn out of Hungary, at least, that the Officers placed over the Germane Forces should be Hungarians, the better to keep the Soldiers within some Terms of Moderation, and Good Behaviour towards the People of the Country.  
The time appointed for the Diet to meet being come, the Emperor removed to Newstadt, to be nearer to the place of Treaty. But it being the Fate of that poor Kingdom to be unhappy, something or other still intervened to prevent and disappoint the Endeavours of Peace; 
A Pl●● to seize Tekeli during the Truce.  for whilst some laboured in that good Work, others made it their business to impede and divert it. And so it was at present; for whilst Tekeli was delighting himself at a House of Pleasure, a Plot was laid to surprise and take him during the Truce; of which Tekeli having notice, he countermined the Plot by an Ambuscade; 
How it w●s prevented.  which being opportunely disposed in the way where they were to pass, the Party which came to seize him was totally defeated. This, and other Artifices of the like nature, fomented jealousies and diffidences between the Parties, that nothing was acted clearly, and with a free Spirit, but with such Caution and reserves, as easily presaged the little hopes of an accommodation by way of Treaty. Howsoever, some Zealous Men, such as Esterhasi, and Forgatz, who were passionate for the peace of their Country, travelled from County to County, exhorting the People to lay aside all Animosities, 
Esterhasi and ●orgatz make offers of Peace.  and return again unto that Allegiance and Duty which they owed unto their Prince; upon assurance that the Emperor would restore the State of Hungary to the same Condition in which it was in the year 1662. and grant almost all the other Propositions which the Malcontents did demand; provided that the States of that Kingdom would declare the Archduke joseph, Son to the Emperor, King of Hungary.  
To this Proposal the Malcontents were ready also to condescend; on Condition, that at the same time the Kingdom were declared Elective, and some Acts repealed, which in the year 1664 had made it Hereditary.  
Notwithstanding this difficulty, and divers others which were daily started, displeasing to the Emperor, the Meeting of a Diet at Oedemburg was so warmly pressed, that the Emperor's Commissioners, and fourteen Deputies from the Malcontents Assembled in the Month of February, as was agreed, tho' Tekeli refused to be there present, alleging that the late Treacherous Design against his Person, was a sufficient and a just Excuse for his Absence. This, and some Dispute about the place of Meeting (which the Imperialists desired might be at Presburg) occasioned a Prorogation of the Diet until April next following. 
The Diet prorogued until April.  In the mean time the Malcontents held their Consultations in Transilvania, concerning the Measures and Methods they were to take in the next Campaign; and made use of the cessation of Arms, to fortify their Garrisons, and supply them with Provisions▪  
The Clergy of Hungary finding in the Emperor a Spirit so inclined unto Peace, that he was ready to condescend unto all the Demands of the Malcontents; and with the rest, to grant and yield unto them all the Churches, of which they had been deprived; they being touched with a sense of the mischief which might accrue to themselves thereby, 
The Clergy endeavour to disturb the Di●●.  sent their Deputies to Vienna before the Convention of the Diet, to represent unto the Emperor the great prejudice, damage and scandal he would cause to the Catholic Religion, by delivering up the Churches, which were already Consecrated, and Hallowed to the Service of God, to be profaned by Impious and Heretical Worships. This, and such like Speeches served to trouble and distract the Mind of the good Emperor with a thousand new Scruples. Howsoever, being desirous to appease the Troubles in Hungary, and not disappoint that August Assembly, His Imperial Majesty (a full Month before the Convention) removed to Newstadt, to be near, and on all Occasions to be assistant to the Diet; which, notwithstanding the former Disputes to the contrary, was to be held at Oedemburg. 
The Deputies jealous of the Emperor's Guards.  But whereas the Emperor was attended with three Regiments for his Guard, the Appearance seemed so extraordinary on such an Occasion, that the Malcontents refused to send their Deputies, fearing to be overawed in their Debates and Votes by a Military power; unless the Archbishop of Strigonium, and other Germane Lords were first delivered into their hands for Hostages, and Security of fair and faithful Dealings▪  
But to remove this difficulty, the Emperor discharged his Regiments; and with a Guard only of six hundred Hungarians, 
The Emperor enters into Oedemberg, and holds the Diet.  made his Entry on the two and twentieth of May into Oedemburg, where he was received between the double Files of Hungarian and Germane Soldiers, and Conducted to the Lodgings prepared for him by the Commissioners and Deputies there present.  
The Diet, over which Count Swartzemburg presided in the Name of the Emperor, had sat several days before his Majesty's Arrival. And on the first day of the Session, before they would enter upon any other Business, the Election of a Palatine was proposed, and three Persons were Nominated thereunto, viz. Esterhasi, Palfi, and Erdedi; and accordingly were offered to the Emperor to make choice of the Person which he thought most worthy, 
A Palatine offered.  and agreeable to that high Employment, and Office of Trust. But whereas this Prince was entirely in the hands, and possessed by Father Emeric, lately made Archbishop of Vienna, and Abelé the Secretary, he refused to determine the Choice, until such time as he had consulted with these two Confidents thereupon.  
By this Retardment, all other Matters moved slowly, tho' the Diet sat eight hours every day. The least point Administered matter of Dispute, 
 and what at the first appearance seemed easy and of little importance, was rendered difficult and intricate, by reason of the Spirit of Dissension and Bitterness with which that whole Assembly was possessed. And moreover Father Emeric excepting against every Person which the Diet proposed for Palatine, gave a stop to all Proceedings, that the Assembly was upon dissolving; and Prince Swartzemburg became so tired and wearied with the many unprofitable and fruitless endeavours, that he delivered up his Commission to, Count Capeliers, Superintendant of the Council of War, to preside in his Place.  
And so restless were the Soldiers, and difficult to be restrained from breaking out into Acts of Hostility, that during the Cessation of Arms, a Party of the Malcontents fell upon a Regiment of the Imperialists and cut them in pieces.  
Howsoever the Diet still continued, and the Emperor at length, with the Advice of his two Favourites, 
Count Esterhasi 〈◊〉 Palatine.  pitched upon Count Esterhasi to bear the Office of Palatine in Hungary; to whom having administered the Oath of Allegiance, and Fidelity, he returned back again to Newstadt. The next day following, the Diet received a Letter Signed by Count Tekeli, and six others, signifying their Resolutions to accept the Pardon, and submit to the Emperor: Provided that they might have a free exercise of their Religion granted, their Churches and Estates which were confiscated, restored; and the Money which they had engaged to pay the Turk, supplied, and paid for them by the Emperor. And that for performance of the Articles, 
A new Proposition made by Tekeli.  some means and expedients should be found out for a satisfactory Security. This Letter was immediately dispatched to the Emperor, who with his Council, considering thereupon, absolutely rejected the new Article relating to the Turks, to whom it was resolved to make no payments of Money: Of which answer Tekeli being informed, he dispatched a Message immediately unto Count Caprara, giving him to understand, that he was no longer able to contain his Soldiery within the Rules, and Laws of the Truce, and so without farther delay seized upon two Passes between Cassovia and Tokai: And to put Matters yet more backwards; the Deputies who represented the Malcontents at the Diet, made a Petition to the Emperor, requesting him, that he would be graciously pleased, to remove out of his Councils and Offices of Trusts all such, as have had any hand, or been instrumental in promoting those Troubles and Civil dissensions, which had now near the space of Twenty years' infested and oppressed that unhappy Kingdom: But to this Demand the Emperor made no other answer, Than that he would consider it. By these motions and steps in the Diet towards a Peace, the Turks conceived a Jealousy, that Tekeli was disposed and inclined to an Accommodation with the Emperor: To prevent which a Pasha was ordered to discourse and tamper with him, 
1681. The Turks jealous of Tekeli.  and offer him the Principality of Transilvania after the Death of Apafi: And entertaining also frequent Conferences with him and other Leaders of the Malcontents, the Pasha so managed his Discourse with them, by declaring the many advantages, they would receive by covering and shrouding themselves, under protection of the Grand Signior; that he prevailed upon them to make an offer of Eighty thousand Crowns, 
Their offers to him.  in case the Grand Signior would promise to assist them with a Puissant and Royal Army. The Emperor upon notice of this private and perfidious Treaty with the Turk, was highly incensed, and commanded that neither Tekeli, nor any of those who were concerned in this Conference, 
Tekeli forbid the Diet.  should be admitted as Members into the Diet: And giving it now for granted, that a War would ensue with the Turk, the Marquis of Baden was ordered to Fortify Raab, and Count Staremberg to finish the Fortifications of Vienna, from the Arsenal of which place great quantities of Granades, Bombs, Powder, with Arms, and heavy Cannon were transported down the Danube, to supply that Important Fortress of Raab.  
Notwithstanding all which, the Deputies continued to labour in the Diet, and to examine the Aggrievances of the Malcontents; and the Palatine Esterhasi made frequent Journeys between Oedemburg, and Newstadt to render an Account of all Passages, and Transactions to the Emperor: And that a conclusion might be put to all matters in question; the Archbishop of Vienna went to the Diet, to agree certain differences arisen between the Clergy and the Laity of Hungary, touching the Title to some Lands and Demesnes, which was still depending in a Law Suit between them. 
Acts made at the Diet.  After this Point was agreed, the whole Result of the Diet was drawn up in Writing, and sent to Tekeli; the Substance whereof was this, That all the Churches which the Protestants had Built at their own charge and expense should be restored; with free Licence to Erect and Build more, in any part of the Kidgdom, and therein to exercise their Religion, and publicly to Preach. That a considerable Sum of Money should be paid to the Turks for once and no more, but not by way of Tribute: Provided that the Truce made in the year 1664, be again renewed for twenty years longer, under the same Articles and Conditions: And farther, several expedients and means were agreed for raising moneys for payment of the Troops, and defraying the charges of the Kingdom, during these times of trouble. To confirm all which Tekeli was desired to appear at the Diet (notwithstanding the late Prohibition) and to concur with the other Deputies by Signing these Articles: 
Tekeli called to the Diet.  And lest he should make the insecurity of his Person an excuse for his Non-appearance, the Son of Count Esterhasi the Palatine, was offered for a Hostage. These Proposals were carried to Tekeli by the Secretary to the Palatine, year 1681. who returned from him in the Month of july, unto the Diet still Sitting at Oedemburg; with an answer to this effect; That Tekeli would not be satisfied with less, than an entire restitution of all the Churches: That one single Sum of what value soever would not content the Turks, 
Tekeli's answer.  who required an Annual Tribute of 40.000 Rix Dollars, without which they refused to restore to the Malcontents their Wives, and Children which they had given in Hostage: And moreover, this Messenger gave them to understand, that Tekeli absolutely refused to appear at the Diet, and that He, and his Party were not satisfied with the Election of Esterhasi to be Palatine. This answer was the cause of much Debate and Division in the Diet; and their Minds and Councils were farther disturbed upon the News, that the Forces of the Malcontents being joined with a considerable Body both of Turks and Transilvanians, were become 15.000 strong; that the Pasha of Waradin kept so close a Correspendence with the Malcontents, that it was more than probable, that their interest and alliances were so firmly united, that neither Party was at liberty to make Terms, or Articles of Peace without the Assent, or Concurrence of the other. The truth of which soon appeared; for Tekeli not long afterwards marched near the Confines of Belgrade, 
 where he joined with a Body of 20.000 Turks; and thereby gave evident Demonstrations of his Resolution to maintain the War, and that his former proposals, and steps towards Peace, were all false and feigned, with design to Amuse the Minds of the Emperor and the Diet. The Turks had not as yet declared a War, for their Forces and Troops from the remote parts of Asia were not in a readiness, nor on their March; till which time the Emperor was to be amused with Treaties, and the appearance of that great Body of Turks near Belgrade, was with pretention only to restore Tekeli to the Possession of his Lands, Houses, and Estate, of which he had been unjustly deprived by the Emperor, and his Favourites.  
The Emperor finding it now absolutely necessary to conclude an Accommodation with the Malcontents, amongst whom new difficulties daily arose, returned in Person from Newstadt to the Diet at Oedemburg, where the Malcontents thought it reasonable, that the Tribute which they had engaged to pay unto the Turks, should be charged and levied on the Estates of those, who had been the causes of the Troubles, and Confusions in that Kingdom. This motion had so little ground, and was so unlikely to succeed, that it put all things backwards; and induced the Emperor to limit the Session of the Diet to the 16 th' of August, hoping within that time to agree on all Points with such, who continued constant in their Loyalty and Allegiance to him; and for particular Aggrievances, they were to be composed by a Select Committee appointed for that purpose. But all this while most of the Protestants refused to come to the Diet, by reason that the Points about Religion were postponed, by the endeavours of the Archbishop of Strigonium, which they in the first place, and before all other Matters desired to have decided.  
This Point being laid aside, the Diet fell to debate on the Proposition sent by Tekeli, relating to a Tribute demanded by the Turks; and as an expedient, and by way of Equivalent for that, it was proposed to resign into the Hands of the Turks three Counties, viz. Kalo, Zatmar and Liptpow; to which the Turks seemed with some reason to claim a Title, in regard, that no longer than since the year 1660, they had been disjoined from the Principality of Transilvania. But an end was soon put to this Controversy; for both the Hungarians themselves were unwilling to have a Peace purchased from the Turk at the price of their Country, by dismembering three Counties from that Kingdom; at the mentioning only of which the People were so enraged, that fearing lest the Emperor should privately conclude some Article with the Turk in reference thereunto, they would not be satisfied until he had permitted them to join one of their Confidents with Caprara, the Emperor's Resident at Constantinople, who might be privy to all the Treaties, and Negotiations with the Turk; nor would the Turks accept thereof in satisfaction for renewing the Truce, but raised new and greater Demands, as they found the Emperor inclinable to yield and condescend: For now the Grand Vizier required to have Leopolstadt demolished, 
The Turks rais● their Demands.  on pretence that it had been Built, and Fortified contrary to the Articles of the late Treaty: And declared likewise the Grand Seignior's resolution, to give aid and assistance to the Malcontents, until such time, as he had put them into a capacity of paying the Annual Tribute, for which they were engaged.  
New difficulties were every day started at the Diet, so that the Emperor was desirous to dissolve it, so soon as was possible; but yet he thought not fit to do it abruptly, or to break it up in discontent; but that something might be done in matters of Religion, 
The Emperor Grants several matters.  on which the Protestants most insisted: In order unto which it was agreed, to grant them a hundred Churches, with Money to build others, in places most convenient.  
That all Cities and Towns, should enjoy a free exercise of their Religion: And that all Hungarian Soldiers in the Frontier Garrisons should do the like.  
That all Churches which since the year 1670, had been in the Possession of either Party, should so remain.  
That Lutherans and Calvinists might build Churches in any Town, or City where they were wanting, and Lords and Gentlemen might build Chapels, or Oratories in any of their Houses, or Castles.  
That in case any Points of Difference should arise relating to Religion, or the Matters preceding, they were not to be decided by the Sword, but by the Sentence of the King of Hungary. And that all People of what Persuasion soever might live amicably, no Person was to Revile the other on account of his or their Religion, or to utter injurious or unhandsome Terms thereof.  
These particulars with some additional Regulations, being at last agreed in the Diet, and signed by the Emperor; The next great work was, in what manner the Malcontents might be restored to their Estates, and to their Goods which had been confiscated: And how the Germane Troops, 
Aggrievances considered.  and stranger Soldiers might with safety and ease be removed out of their Garrisons, and all parts of Hungary; which next to the business of Religion, was the greatest concernment of the Diet. The next Aggrievance was the Chamber of the Kingdom, which Office, contrary to the will and approbation of the Deputies of the States, was executed by the Bishop of Newstadt, whom they considered as the Chief Author, and Fomenter of all the Troubles of that Kingdom: But herein, the Emperor was not willing as yet to gratify the Diet. Nor could the Deputies agree amongst themselves of the manner, how to make those things practicable, which they in the most erarnest manner desired: And such were the Divisions amongst them, that what the Seculars agreed upon in the Morning, was disturbed, and undone by the Clergy in the Afternoon; which the Emperor well considering, and how Men of such different interests perplex all Councils; was pleased to dismiss the Archbishop of Strigonium, and the Bishop of Newstadt, as also the Count Capliers, a great stickler for the Rights of the Church, from their attendance on the Diet; so that the Imperial Commissioners were reduced to three Persons, namely the Prince of Swartzemburg, the Count of Nostiz, and Ochre the Chancellor. And farther, 
The Emperor satisfies the Malcontents.  to satisfy the Malcontents in their pretensions, the Bishop of Newstadt, was put by his Office of Vice-President of the Chamber of Hungary, and the same was conferred on Count Erdedi, a Person much more acceptable to the People. This gracious Clemency and Compliance of the Emperor, was so satisfactory to the Protestants, that they wholly submitted that point about the confiscated Goods to the favour, and benign inclinations of his Imperial Majesty, who not to abuse that confidence which his Subjects reposed in him, did freely, and of his own accord, give order, that the Goods, and Estates of the Counts Serini, Nadasti, and Frangipani, with those of several other Lords, that had been confiscated for High Treason, should be restored again to their Children or Heirs. And the States on the other side to demonstrate the Gratitude and Duty which they professed unto their Prince, did in Testimony thereof, make a Present unto the Empress of a Purse of Gold, containing 2000 Ducats, which her Majesty graciously received; and bestowed the same towards Reparations of the Catholic Churches, which by reason of the Wars, and other Troubles of the Kingdom, were become ruinous and decayed: Which if the Protestants had fore-seen, 'tis probable, they would have employed the Money rather for Reparation of their own Churches, than to those of their Adversaries. Thus the chief Points of Difference being amicably concluded, and signed by the Emperor, 
The Diet dissolved.  the Diet was dissolved the 29 th' of December 1681. after which the Emperor with his Court returned to Vienna.  
But these Treaties and Agreements were so imperfect and so little observed, by reason of the Wars with the Turks, Parties and Factions breaking out every day, and continual Skirmishes disannulling the Arcles concluded; nothing could be built hereupon, nor the Agreement take the least effect, nor so much as regarded, until the year 1689. when the Turks Suing for a Peace, the Protestants made the following Address to His Imperial Majesty as followeth, The which I have inserted here for the sake of the Reader, and the easiness in understanding this History.  

Sacratissima Caesarea Regiaque Majestas Domine Domine Clementissime.  
LIcet firmiter omnino supponeremus ab Anno jam integro & medio Articularem medeiam Gravaminum Religionis nostrae Evangelic● humillime supplicantibus, & subinde plenius ac plenius tam injurias contra Articulos Sopronienses 25 & 26. Anno 1681. nobis illatas, quam etiam claras, & omni obscuritate carentes eorundum Articulorum Concessiones pro basi & fundamento legitimae Instantiae nostrae adducentibus nobis, justiam Causae & Postulatorum nostrorum Majestati Vestrae Serenissimae, ac passim omnibus Augustissimae Aulae suae Ministris usque adeo innotuisse, ut ulteriori dictae instantiae nostrae recrudescentia & commemoratione non nisi rem ●ctam agere videamur.  
Quia verò non raro id circumferri nunc etiam intelligimus, vel quod Commissiones Regiae per Hungariam anno praeterito, ac ante institutae, nihil contra dictamen praescriptorum Articulorum Soproniensium instituerint, vel quod plura nos petamus, quam iidem Articuli nobis permitterent.  
Pro utriusque proinde praemissae dubietatis sublatione, ac item clare satis instantiae nostrae placidatione (vel eo magis, quod saepe saepius per meritissimos Majestatis Vestrae Serenissimae Augustissimae Aulae Ministros desuper assecurati fuerimus, quod, quae in praescriptis Articulis Soproniensibus clara essent, circa ea nos citra quamvis difficultatem & procrastinationem expeditos & comservatos iri:) Operae pretium existimavimus nos facturos si membratim tam dictorum Articulorum formalem Contextum, ac in iis radicatam, immediateque verbis Articulorum subnexam instantiam nostram, quam praedictarum Commissionum Regiarum, vel & eorundem hominum, aliorumque ingerentium, sub schemate praetextu effectuationis Articulorum praejudiciosas & exquisitas interpretationes, ac desuper institutas decisiones, hic, seu in Tabella quapiam è diametro sibi ad invicem opposuerimus, hacque ratione & praescriptorum Articulorum per nonnullos factam Convulsionem, & articulariter luculentae Instantiae nostrae aequitatem, simulac, multiplices injurias, ad oculum quasi, profundissima Homagialis fidelitatis cum subjectione demonstraverimus. Et quidem  

ARTICULUS XXV. Haec formalia habet.  
ET quia propter bonum Pacis, tranquillitatemque Regni publicam in Negotio Religionis quoque sua Majestas sese benigne resolvere dignata esset: Ideo eandem etiam Resolutionem Articulis Regni Status & Ordines inferunt▪  
I. Ac imprimis quidem, cum liberum Religionis exercitium jam antea in Anno 1606. vigore Pacificationis Viennensis concessum, his motibus à parte nonnullorum interturbatum fuisset: Ideo confirmato hoc loci Articulo 1. dictae Pacificationis, idem Exercitium omnibus & ubique per Regnum, (salvo tamen Jure Dominorum Terrestrium) juxta Articulum primum Anno 1608. ante Coronationem editum, liberum permittitur.  
[Hinc ex his Articuli verbis legitime instamus, ut idem exercitium quod Annis prioribus, seu sub iis motibus, à parte nonnullorum turbatum fuisset, nec aliter ante dictos motus, quam per Ministros Evangelicos, seu Praedicantes, exercebatur, Omnibus & ubique per Regnum (quod ex vi praecitati Articuli 1. Anno 1608. ante Coronationem editi, per expressum omnes etiam Liberas Civitates, qua quartum Statum in se comprehenderet, adeoque ad Oppida & Villas etiam evidentissime se extenderet) liberum permittatur.]  
II. Ac Praedicantibus quoque & Scholarum Magistris, alias vel proscriptis, vel propter certas Reversales munia suae professionis exercere non valentibus, liber in in Regnum reditus, liberaque Religionis suae Professio & Exercitium, cassatis eatenus etiam ipsorum Reversalibus, conceditur.  
[Hinc quoque legitime lucidissimeque sequitur, Praedicantes, & Scholarum Magistros ab exilio ad Professionis suae munia & exercitium restitutos, libere in Regno, universis item Civitatibus, Oppidis, & Villis subsistere, & Religionis suae professione Exercitium ac munia peragere posse: Neque ulterius aliquas Reversales jam taliter Articulo tenus damnatas & cassatas ab iis exigi convenire.]  
III. Et nullus Regnicolarum in libero suae Religionis Exercitio à modo impoposterum quoquomodo turbetur.  
[Ista nullitas clarissime concludit, nec Ecclesiasticas, nec seculares Personas, adeoque nec Nobilem, nec Civem, nec Rusticum in libero Religionis suae exercitio turbandum. Id verò ut dicatur Exercitium Liberum caussas & instrumenta, per quae exercetur, Ministros videlicet denecesse requiri, nemo negabit.]  
IV. Sed neque Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addicti ad Caeremonias Confessioni suae contrarias compellantur.  
[Haec generalitas quoque confirmat priora, id est, nec Nobiles, nec Ignobiles, nec Cives, nec Rusticos quoque compelli debere.   

ARTICULUS XXVI.  
V. AD haec Templa quoque per Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictos aedificata, & ritu Catholico necdum reconciliata, per certos Commissarios eisdem assignanda.  
[Hinc quoque legitimè instamus Capellarum & Templorum non reconciliatorum, quales Capellae darentur complures in Lyptoviensi, Thurazensi, & aliis Comitatibus, nobis fiendam Cessionem & Assignationem.]  
VI In aliis verò locis juxta benignam suae Majestatis resolutionem loca pro aedificandis Templis, Scholis, & Parochiis erigendis, pro commoditate eorundem Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictorum per eosdem Commissarios designanda decernuntur.  
[In hoc etiam legitime & legaliter instamus pro locorum commodorum & congruorum, & vel maxime Liberis & Regiis Civitatibus Cassoviensi, & Epperiensi in superiore Hungaria, quibus contra hujus Articuli expressum tenorem, in locis inconvenientibus, incommoda ac minus decentia designata essent loca intra moenia Civitatum (innuentibus id memorati Articuli subsequenter Puncto 9 allegandis clarissimis verbis,) ubi commoda & capacia haberentur loca, adeoque etiam aliis omnibus simili jure gaudentibus Civitatibus, gratiossime impertienda excisione.]  
VII. In aliis verò Comitatibus, veluti in Szaladiensi, Weszprimiensi, Jauriensi, Comaromiensi, Abavyvariensi, Saarossiensi, Zempliniensi, Ugocehens●, Bereghienfi, Thornensi, Gómóriensi, Korsodiensi, Honthensi, Neogradiensi, Szolnock & Herves, necnon Pesth, Pilis & Soldth unitis: Item Szabolczensi, Ungh & Szathmariensi; Siquidem de praesenti essent in actuali usu omnium fere Templorum ibidem habitorum, ideo eadem pro Actualibus eorundem Possessoribus usuanda relicta sunt.  
[Hic etiam legitimè petimus, quod, siquidem tempore conditi Articuli in enarratis Comitatibus Evangelici omnia fere Templa, quae jamnum iisdem majori ex parte contra sancitum violenter ademta essent, prae manibus habuissent, ac expost Articulariter in Possessione eorum relinquendi decelarati essent, ita eosdem imperturbatos debuisse ac debere relinqui.  
VIII. Praeterea in Confiniis Regni, & quidem in Generalatu contra Canisam in Szenegroth: In Generalatu Jauriensi, in Tihany, Vasony, Papa, Veszprim, Jaurini & Comoarmij. In Generalatu Antemontano, Levae, Carponae & Fúlekini. In Generalatu superioris Hungariae in Putnok, Onod, Szendró, Thokay, Kalo & Szathmar.  
Vi concessionis istius Comaromij, Carponae, & Thokaini Confiniis sicut & aliis determinatis, exercitium liberum una cum Templis ibidem habitis, & eo tum possessis, relictum fuisse, evidentis est sequelae.]  
IX. Ac tandem in liberis & montanis Civitatibus, utpote Trenchiniensi, Modrensi, Cremniczensi & Novizoliensi, ac in superiore Hungaria, omnibus itidem Civitatibus similiter loca pro aedificandis Templis, Scholis & Parochiis assignanda conceduntur.  
[Quid ex his verbis directius & clarius inferri potest, quam quòd in liberis Civitatibus, quales sunt Cassovia, Epperies, Leuschovia, Bartpha, Cibinium, Kesmarkimera, Nagybanya, Posonium, Tyrnavia, Szakoliza, Bazinium, Modra, Sancti Georgij, Kúszegh & Rust, & Montanis, quales itidem sunt Novizolium, Veterozolium, Carpona, Schemniczium, Cremnizcium, Libethbanya, Bresznobanya, Bakabanya, Belabanya, Uybanya, & aliae, (pro quarum modalitate praemissa quapiam distinctione, & diversitate, proque exemplo ex utroque ordine tam videlicet Montanarum binae, & Liberarum similiter binae recensentur,) similiter loca commoda, & quidem citra aliquam locorum exterorum restrictionem in ipsis Civitatibus, id est, in medio ipsarum Civitatum, juxta genuinum & literalem sensum praeallegatorum verborum dicti Articuli, pro aedificandis Templis Scholis & Parochiis assignanda venirent.]  
X. Templa demum, in quorum actuali possessione iidem Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addicti de facto sunt modo praevio, prae manibus eorundem una cum Parochiis & Scholis, proventibusque eorundem, propter bonum Pacis, ut nimirum quiete & pacifice vivant, relinquuntur usu Sepulturae & Campanarum pro Catholicis ibidem degentibus aeque ac ipsis libero relicto.  
[Hoc quoque membrum clarissimè confirmare comperitur, praescriptum punctum 7. & innuere id, quod in quorum Templorum possessione actuali protunc Evangelici erant, ulterius etiam illis, unà cum proventibus, parochiis & scholis relinqui debere, usu insuper Campanarum & Sepulturae communi utrimque manente.]  
XI. Interea verò nec Catholici Ministris Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictis, nec verò horum sequaces Plebanis Catholicis ad mentem Articuli 11 An. 1647. solvere obligentur.  
[Clarissima sunt haec verba Articuli, & ex superabundanti elucidantur per confirmationem 11 Artic. 1647. qui sic habet: Nec Evangelici Status Catholicis Plebanis, & è converso Status Catholici Evangelicis Ministris ad ullas solutiones pendendas sint obligati. Et per subsequentem Articulum 12. ejusdem Ann. explicatius per haec verba: Ubi verò parochias non haberent Auditores Evangelici, solutionem pendant suae Religionis Ministris, cujus videlicet Ministerio, seu opera usi fuerint, sicut & Catholici Parochis Catholicis: Ubi autem hactenus Auditores Evangelici non solvissent Plebanis Catholicis, imposterum etiam ad nullas solutiones praestandas ullo sub praetextu cogantur ad solvendum; prout nec Catholici Evangelicis. Ad haec, quoad Stolarum proventus & pensiones, tenore expressarum allegati 12 Articuli 1647. continentiarum: Stolarum autem Proventus, seu solutiones in quibusvis locis Plebani Catholici & Ministri Evangelici à suae Religionis auditoribus totaliter percipiant. Quorum Articulorum evidentissima constitutione ab omni prorsus solutione Catholicis Plebanis fienda Evangelici liberantur & eximuntur, huicque tamquam positivae legi firmiter inhaerere volumus.]  
XII. Omnibus porro Magnatibus & Nobilibus in Regno degentibus in Arcibus & solitis Residentiis suis, pro ritu cujusvis Professionis, Oratoria & Sacella aedificare & donare liberum sit.  
[Hac in parte legalis est nostra instantia, ut in solitis Residentiis Nobilium pro ritu cujusque professionis Oratoria & Sacella habere liceat, prouti post factam Templorum occupationem id in usum & praxin in Compluribus Comitatibus deductum, fuerat.]  
XIII. Posthac verò nullae Templorum, Scholarum & Parochiarum occupationes, vel Exercitij turbationes ab utrimque, sub poena in Articulo 8. Uladislai decreti 6. expressa, fiant.   

Processus, seu Conclusiones, Commissionum Regiarum Articulis Soproniensibus omni ex parte adversantes.  
COntra membrum ex adverso positum Primum Excelsae Commissiones Regiae, vel per se, vel per homines privatos in compluribus Liberis ac Regiis, Montanisque Civitatibus; signanter in Sancto Georgio, Bazini●, Tyrnaviae, Szakolizae, Schemnizij, Veterozolij, Carponae, Libethbanyae, Breznobanyae, Bahabanyae, Belobanyae, Vibanyae, Kúszeghini & Ruszt, quae alias essent Liber idemque quartus status, tale liberum exercitium (quod nimirum consisteret in cultu divino per verbi Dei praedicationem, Cantionum, Orationum, Baptismatum, sacoae Eucharistiae, Copulae, Sepulturae, & aliarum pro ritu suo susceptarum Ceremoniarum usum & administrationem, adeoque per Ministros Ecclesiasticos fieri & exerceri assoleret) non admittendo, imo severe inhibendo: Patet ex eo, dictas Commissiones in praescriptis locis taliter totale Exercitium contra dictum Articulum sustulisse. Siquidem ubi haec talia non exercentur, id nec exercitium dici posset. Non absimiliter Oppida, Villas, & Rusticos (vi praejudiciosae illius in apertissimum exterminium Liberae Religionis Evangelicae, ac etiam Evangelicorum tendentis adjectae & insertae Clausulae: Salvo jure Dominorum Terrestrium) contra tenorem confirmationis allegati Articuli 1. Ann. 1608. in omnibus Comitatibus libero Exercitio taliter privasse.  
Contra II. Dictae Commissiones passim ubique per Regnum & Comitatus duobus solum Praedicantibus in singulo Comitatu, ac uno vel altero in quibusdam liberis Civitatibus permissis, reliquos omnes alibi intra quindenam, alibi intra triduum, uti in Comitatibus Lyptoviensi, Arvensi, Thuroczensi, Hówhensi, Zoliensi, aliisque, extra Comitatum relegare praesumserunt: Vel si quibus in Comitatu manere placeret, ab iis strictas Reversales super Ministerij renuntiatione eo facto exigendas praeceperunt. Scholas etiam Triviales, solum aliquantum legere & scribere instituentes permitti determinarunt. Qualiter porro libera illa Religionis Juae Professio & Exercitium Ministris nostris per nonnullos servata sit, testantur tam scripta complurimorum extra Comitatus relegatio, quam Ministrorum quoque Evangelicorum Epperiensium è Civitate, loco alias Articulariter denominato, per Magistratum Catholicum praetexentem, hane fuisse Majestatis Vestrae Serenissimae seriam voluntatem ac Mandatum, licentiose sane intentata exturbatio, adeoque Praedicantium & Scholarum Rectorum, etiam in Dominio Rakocziano superiorum Regni Hungariae partium, misere alias degentium, aut sub amissione bonorum & capitis è Dominio eodem migrandorum, aut severissimis Reversalibus sub eadem cautione ad nulla umquam munia Ecclesiastica ibidem exercenda semet obstringendorum, per Officiales ejusdem Dominij intimata violenta Compulsio: & magis quatuor Praedicantium per Emin. Principem Cardinalem à Kollonich in Arce Ledniezensi facta incarceratio, à quibus similiter praejudiciosae Reversales subscribendae in sui eliberationem exiguntur.  
Contra III. Isthoc est, super quo cum gemitibus conquerimur, nos tam per ipsas Commissiones, quam privatas quasque personas, passim turbatos esse: Nec verba suffuciunt exprimere, quot modis subinde turabati fuerimus, tam nos, quam Ministri nostri, ac etiamnum turbantur, ac turbamur. Pro exemplo solum brevitatis caussa (ne reiterare videamur praememoratos Comitatus, & plurima Comitatus Zempliniensis in attacto Dominio Rakocziano superioris Hungariae existenti● Oppida, horumque Ministros) praememorata Civitas Epperies in superiore Hungaria, & in inferiore, praeter Posonium, Sopronium, Modram, Cremniczium, Neozolium, omnes caeterae Civitates cum suis Evangelicis Ministris, sicut etiam Praedicans Hodossiensis in Insula Czalokóz, qui omnibus vitae mediis, vestitu, libris & supellectili per Secretarium D. D. Archiepiscopi Strigoniensis, & milites penes se assumtos privatus est: quam sortem alij quoque quamplurimi patiuntur, & aut speciali Dei providentia, aut mulctarum pensione, vel verò medio Reversalium, eliberationem sui consequi poterunt, in continuis vicissitudinibus miseram ac inopem vitam ducentes.  
Contra IV. Commissiones Evangelicos in Civitate Trenctriniensi, & aliis passim ad vexillorum Processionalium comparationem ac ipsas Processiones cogendos, uti & in confinio Comaromiensi pronuntiarunt, adeoque & Rusticos Evangelicos ubique ad frequentationem Templorum Catholicorum compellendos jubent. Imo omnes liberas Civitates Exercitio Evangelico carentes ad Actus Ministeriales ritui ipsarum contrarios adigere mandant.  
Contra V. Nullo habito respectu praescriptae Articulariter decretae locorum non reconciliatorum nobis fiendae assignationis, eaedem Commissiones omnia Templa & Capellas in Lyptoviensi, Arvensi, Thuroczensi, Zoliensi & Honthensi Comitatibus occuparunt; licet quidem in Thuroczensi per Evangelicos aedificata, & ritu Catholico non reconciliata in Pribocz, Bella & Zathuriza fuerint. In Comitatu verò Lyptoviensi Capellae similiter per Evangelicos & Dominos terrestres talium sundorum aedificatae in Kiraly, Lehota, Potornya & Vicbicze; ac alibi reperirentur, ab harum tamen usuatione, ingressu & ibidem peragendo cultu strictissimè inhibiti, ac ad duo saltem loca, ubi Templa aedificari permissa sunt aliquot mille hominum incapacia, imo propter distantiam, incongrua, periculosa, & dissicilia, relegati.  
Contra VI In Liberis & Regiis Civitatibus Partium Hungariae superiorum alibi Commissio Regia, alibi verò Officiales Cameratici, imo privati quoque homines, sicut Cassoviae, & potissimum Epperiessini plane extra deserta ac desolata suburbia in locis longe dissitis Campestribus, iisque Contumeliosis, erigendis Templis, Parochiis & Scholis pro qualibet trium Nationum Communitate incommoda & obscaena loca, (quo ab sacrum etiam finem sanctissimo Deo dicanda Templa Christianis hominibus aedificare nefas ac piaculum omnino esset) maximo Evangelicae Religionis cum despectu designarunt.  
Contra VII. Commissiones Regiae tamen in Comitatibus plurimis, uti etiam Honthensi, qui unus esset ex praescriptis enumeratis, omnia Templa mediante Vicecomite illius Comitatus occupari, & Praedicantes amoveri fecerunt. Pariter fecerunt in Abavyvariensi, Zempliniensi, Bereghiensi Comitatibus, in Bonis, ut praememoratum, Universis Rakoczianis Officiales ejusdem Dominii, ac in Oppido Gyóngyós, quod ipsum potiorem partem Comitatus Heves constitueret, nonnullae privatae personae Templum Helveticae Confessioni addictorum occupare, Ministros removere, imo totale exercitium Religionis suae iisdem serio inhibere praesumserunt: Nec absimiliter etiam in Oppido jaszbreny & confinio Legrad processum. Esto, quod hi recensiti Comitatus essent de numero illorum, qui juxta Articulum in possessione omnium prae manibus habitorum Templorum relicti sunt.  
Contra VIII. Comaromij interim privati saltem homines Exercitium Evangelicum totaliter inhibuerunt, prouti talem inhibitionem ulterius quoque practicaturi proximè ad pulsum Tympani, non solum intra Confinium illud, sed etiam ad circumjacentia loca egressum pro peragenda devotione sua Evangelicis sub incaptivatione eorum, & aliis gravibus poenis severissimè interminati sunt. Similiter Carponae per Regiam Commissionem, & Thokaini per Deputatos, locis licet Articularibus nomine tenus specificatis inhibitum exercitium, & Templa occupata.  
Contra IX. Commissiones Regiae, vel & Deputati homines ejusdem extra Trenchinium, Modram, Cremniczium, & Novizolium, in reliquis inferiorum partium Regni Civitatibus, nulla loca excidissent, quae siquidem omnes una eademque libertatis praeragatiuâ gauderent, Conditio etiam unius prae alterius deterior esse non deberet. In superiori porrò Hungaria qualianam loca excisa forent, ac ubi contra sanam mentem evidentissimi hujus Paragraphi, in Civitatibus, adeoque earum moeniis, non verò extra easdem excisionem locorum fiendam apertissimè declarantis, ad punctum 6. ubi commoda & convenientia, obque sacrum finem Deo dicanda loca exscindenda innuerentur, isteque Paragraphus eo se reflexiuè haberet, remonstratum.  
Contra X. Commissiones vero, uti praemissa 7. difficultate attactum, in nonnullis Comitatibus, qui omnino tempore conditi Articuli in actuali Templorum possessione fuerunt, contra dictamen hujus Articuli Templa talia una eum omnibus appertinentiis occuparunt, uti in Comitatu Honthensi & Oppido Gyógyós. Praeterea in eodem Oppido Gyóngyós nonnullae privatae personae omnes proventus, & pia legata ab Evangelicis abstraxerunt, Sepulturas in locis competentibus inhibuerunt, adeo ut complures in Cellariis demortuos suos longo tempore asservare necessitati fuerint, ad funerationem despectuosam quadriviorum & compotorum relegati existentes. Campanarum etiam liberum usum fere ubique per Regnum eaedem Commissiones Evangelicis interdixerunt. His similia aeque in Comitatu Zempliniensi, ac signanter in praementionatis Dominij Rakocziani Oppidis, Thalia, Mad, Szantho, Kereszthur, Tarczel, Liszka, Bennye, Tolezva, Patak, Vyhally, Borssy & Tokai, nominatis, Officiales ejusdem Dominii patrarunt, quippe qui Universis dictorum oppidorum Templis (in quorum actuali Dominio tam tempore conditi hujus Articuli, quam expost etiam fuissent, de caeteroque prae possessione eorundem ad mentem Articuli imperturbatè relinqui debuissent.) cum eorundem proventibus per Evangelicos collatis, Parochiis item ac Scholis violenter occupatis liberum Religionis eorundem exercitium, vel in privata etiam domo usuandum severissimis sub minis inhibuerunt, ac etiam Campanarum per eosdem Oppidanos Evangelicos fieri curatarum, prout & Sepulturae communem usum planè non admittendum interdixerunt; sic Epperiensis & Cassoviensis civitatum Evangelicis quoad proventus Ecclesiasticos omnia pia legata per Magistratum loci & clerum sunt via facti erepta; quibus insimul Campanarum & Sepulturae communis usus absolutissimè denegatur. Funerum porro intra moenia Civitatum cum solitis cantibus & ceremoniis conveniens & publica deductio severa cum comminatione cavetur & non admittitur.  
Contra XI. Commissiones verò ubique in Comitatibus Plebanis Catholicis omnes solutiones addixerunt. In Civitatibus autem, ut ex Fisco, seu Communi Civitatis a●rario (ad quem respectu pluralitatis & majoris numeri Evangelicorum Catholici minimum quantum contribuerent) Plebanis solutio fiat, praescripserunt Nos, ut nostratibus tam Ministris, quam Scholae docentibus, extraordinariè ex propriis prospiciamus, manifestè tam contra praescriptos Articulos, quam etiam mentem Sacrae Scripturae, laborantibus solum mercedem tribuentis; non laborantibus verò nec manducare debere inventis, invitos cogendo. Officiales identidem saepe allegati Dominij Ragocziani in superiori Hungaria, assumto quoque brachio Militari, ad solutionem Plebanis Catholicis in eodem dominio pendendam citra discrimen, Nobiles pariter & ignobiles incolas Evangelicos omni conatu adigunt.  
Contra XII. Commissiones verò in plerisque Comitatibus, signanter autem Lyptoviensi, Thuroczensi, Zoliensi, Arvensi, & aliis (licet à tempore occupatorum Templorum in usu & praxi talis exercitij in Residentiis Nobilitaribus Articulariter permissi longo tempore praefuissent) abrogarunt, & sub poena militaris invasionis residentiae similis nobilis, inhibuerunt. Prouti expost in Comitatu in Lyptoviensi Domini Plebani ibidem per milites Likavienses aliquot talium Nobilium domos invadi & expilari fecissent. Et proximè in Trenchimiensi Comitatu Nobiles familiae Nosdroviczky Praedicantem in residentia sua pro administratione exercitij sui intertenentes similiter per milites Regiminis Morssiani damnificati, & idem Minister ad carceres Arcis Lednicze raptatus nunc quoque ibidem detinetur. In insula Czalokóz Nobiles Hodossienses & circumjacentium locorum similiter à residentiali Religionis suae cultu prohibiti sunt, & Ministri ibidem existentis eo tum omnes res direptae sunt. Quam injuriam inferiorum quoque Hungariae partium Nobiles Evangelici non sine lamentis querulantur.  
Utinam Conclusio haec observaretur, & ad desumtionem à Contravenientibus designatae poenae Articularis procederetur, pacificam omnino & imperturbatam nostri in libero Evangelico Exercitio permansionem nobis polliceri possemus, tollereturque formidine poenae omnis fomes discordiarum. Quod ut fiat concordibus apprecamur votis & animis.   
Ex quorum Articulorum Soproniensium, & per eos confirmatorum modalitate praevia membratim facta Deductione, siquidem, & eorum claritas, & huic innixa Instantiaenostrae aequitas, econtra verò Excelsarum Commissionum, aliorumque in effectuatione eorum admissi abusus & deformitates luce meridiana elucescunt, palpabilesque redduntur. Majestatem Vestram Serenissimam per pretiosissimam Christi mortem, & gloriosissimam Resurrectionem humillimis exoramus precibus, ut cognitis jam tandem ac Regio cordi admissis legitimis Postulatis nostris, eadem per quoscunque ulterius retardari non patiatur; quin potius (siquidem ea post tam longum tempus unà cum aliis tractatibus hic eatenus istitutae Commissionis jam Majestatis Vestrae Serenissimae & intimo Consilio reportata, imo certum Punctum dictorum Tractatuum, uti informamur, non tamen nostrum, per D.D. intimos Consiliarios revolutum & examinatum esset, verendum verò nobis veniret ne fors expost etiam aliud diversum, & huic Instantiae nostrae ina●stimabilem moram nectens, reassumatur, sicque nos eo majori adhuc tèmporis cum protractione, & jam exhaustorum gravium sumtuum dispendio, animi pendentes ulterius adhuc detineamur,) juxta Majestatis Vestrae Serenissimoe ante jam de anticipando & eximendo puncto Religionis Celsissimo Principi supremo Aulae Praefecto gratiosissimè praebitum, ac nobis etiam per suam Celsitudinem significatum, benignissimum Regium assensum, prae aliis hanc animarum salutem tangentem Religionis instantiam per D.D. intimos Consiliarios reassumendam, tractandam, & determinandam, quam propensissime ordinare & committere, ac taliter cum numquam intermoritura Regalis sui Regiminis ad normam gloriosorum Praedecessorum suorum fama, Nos in hac libertate Religiosa stabilire, stabilitosque & expeditos primo quoque tempore ad Principales nostros dimitti curare clementissimè dignetur. Gratiam hanc Caesareo-Regiam Deus ex altis Majestatis Vestrae Serenissimae omnigena felicitate retribuet, Majestatis Vestrae Serenissimae.  
Exhibita suae Majestati Serenissimae ad Capellam Arcensem prodeunti Vienna die 24 Mensis Aprilis Ann. 1689. Humillimi perpetuoque fideles subditi, Comitatuum, Civitatum, Oppidorum & Confiniorum Partium Regni Hungariae Superiorum & Inferiorum à parte Evangelicorum in Negotio turbatae Religionis suae Ablegati Nuncij.  

Diaetae Posoniensis, Ann. 1687. Articulus XXI. In negotio Religionis renovantur Articuli 25 & 26 Ann. 1681. cum interjecta Declaratione.  
LIcet quidem in Negotio Religionis Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addicti Articulis 25 & 26 novissimae Diaetae Soproniensis oppositam iisdem per reclamationem suam abutentes ipso facto eorundem beneficij participes esse desiissent: propter bonum nihilominus domesticae unionis & pacis, internamque Regni tranquillitatem, cum sua Majestas Sacratissima ex gratia & clementia sua praecitatos Articulos adhuc ratos fore benignissime resolvisset, eosdem Status quoque & Ordines ad mentem Paternae resolutionis (Cleri & aliorum secularium Catholicorum contradictione non obstante) pro renovatis & priori firmitati restitutis ●●ns●ndos, acsi & in quantum hactenus ineffectuati, vel verò per aliquos abusus ab una aut altera parte medio tempore introductos, violati fuissent, suae debitae executioni, & tempore eorundem conditorum Articulorum, vel expost occupatorum, aut reoccupatorum impendendae restaurationi, utprimum demandandos esse statuerunt.   

Pacifications Viennensis Ann. 1606. Articuli Primi Continentia haec est.  
QUantum itaque ad Religionis Negotium attinet, non obstantibus prioribus pro tempore Constitutionibus Publicis, sed neque Articulo postremo Anno 1604. (cum is extra diaetam, & sine Regnicolarum assensu adjectus fuerit, & propterea etiam tollitur) deliberatum est; Ut juxta Serenissimae Caesariae, Regiaeque Majestatis priorem Resolutionem, ad quam se Regnicolae in sua Replicatione referunt, nimirum: Quod omnes & singulos Status & Ordines intra ambitum Regni Hungariae solum existentes, tam Magnates, Nobiles, quam liberas Civitates, Oppida Privilegiata, immediatè ad Coronam spectantia: Item in Confiniis quoque Regni Hungariae Milites Hungaros in sua Religione & Confessione nusquam & numquam turbabit, nec per alios turbari, aut impediri sinet; Verum omnibus praedictis Statibus & Ordinibus Regni liber Religionis ipsorum usus & exercitium permittetur, absque tamen praejudicio Catholicae Romanae Religionis, & ut Clerus, Templa & Ecclesiae Catholicorum Romanorum intacta & libera permaneant, atque ea quae hoc disturbiorum tempore utrimque occupata fuere, rursum eisdem restituantur.   

Anno 1608. Articuli Primi ante Coronationem editi de Ne Negotio Religionis tenor talis est:  
QUantum itaque ad Primum Constitutionis Viennensis Articulum attinet, deliberatum est per Status & Ordines Inclyti Regni Hungariae, ut Religionis Exercitium tam Baronibus, Magnatibus & Nobilibus, quam etiam Liberis Civitatibus ac Universis Statibus & Ordinibus Regni, in suis & Fisci bonis, item in Confiniis quoque Regni Hungariae Militibus Hungaris sua cuique Religio & Confessio, nec non Oppidis & Villis eam sponte ac libere acceptare volentibus, ubique liberam relinquatnr, nec quisquam omnium in libero ejusdem usu ac exercitio, quoquam impediatur. Quin imo ad praecavenda inter Status & Ordines aliqua odia & dissensiones, ut quaelibet Religio suae Professionis superiores seu superintendentes habeat, statutum est.   

N. B.  
Ut utposterior hic Articulus primus Ann. 1608. Ann 1618. Articulo 77. renovatus, Ann. 1622. tempore Ferdinandi 11. Imperatoris Regio diplomati, per Generales Regni Constitutiones, Conditione 6 clariori sensu insertus, Ann. 1625. Artic. 22. Ann. 1630. Artic. 33. Ann. 1635. Artic. 29. identidem tam idem Articulus, quam etiam praedeclarata Conditio sexta, suo vigori restituti, Ann. 1638. memorata Conditio 6. diplomatis Regij Ferdinandi 11. similiter diplomate Regio Ferdinandi III. Imperatoris, aeque Conditione 6ta per expressam de verbo ad verbum confirmata, Ann. 1647. Artic. 5to novo diplomate Regio Pacificationis cum Illustrissimo Principe Transylvianiae Domino Georgio Ragoczy conditae, diversisque aliis subsequentibus, uti, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13 & 14. Articulis, quod ad diversos casus, stabilitus, Ann. 1649. Artic. 10. & Ann. 1655. Artic. 18. qua praeattacta pacificatio Rakocziana, qua praespecificati Articuli Anno 1647. pariter ratificati. Denique Anno 1659. moderni Imperatoris Leopoldi Regio insimul diplomate, Publicis quoque Regni Constitutionibus Articulo 1. indito, Conditione similiter 6ta per omnia, ut in prioribus Ferdinandorum TWO & III. Imperatorum diplomatibus, Verbo Regio ratihabitus esset, his nihilominus non obstantibus, omnes praevij hi Articuli & Conditiones diplomaticae omni sua firmitate privati sunt, Exercitio Religionis Evangelicae contra omnes Sanctiones Articulares & publicas Regni Constitutiones, sacra item Regia diplomata, in ipssisimo Exterminio jamnum effectiuè versante.    

Most Sacred, Imperial, and Royal Majesty:  
Most Gracious Sir,  
ALthough we have already made it appear to Your most Sacred Majesty, year 1681. and to the Ministers of Your most Imperial Court, year 1681. that many Injustices were done to us in the Year 1681, against the clear and evident Grants of the 25 th' and 26 th' Articles of Sopron, Humbly soliciting this full Year and a Half the Observation of the same, and the Redressing of the Grievances of our Evangelical Religion; yet, because it is daily Reported, that by Virtue of Your Majesty's Commissions appointed last Year, and before through Hungary nothing was Ordered, against the full intent of the said Articles, and that we desire more than is granted in them: We thought it our Duty to justify both our Complaints and our repeated Requests, (the reather because the Worthy Ministers of Your Imperial Court have often assured us, that without any delay or difficulty, we should be maintained in the clear Grants of the said Articles of Sopron,) in order to which we shall set down here, as in a kind of Table, the very words of the said Articles, together with our Requests, against the Misintepretation of the said Articles, either by Your Majesty's Commissioners, or by other Persons under pretence of fulfiling the same, and the Decisions made thereupon, by that means we shall show Evidently that the said Articles were Infringed to our great prejudice, and that our Requests are most Just.  

The XXV ARTICLE runs thus:  
AND because his Majesty intending the Peace and general Quiet of the Kingdom was pleased also to come to a Gracious Resolution upon the business of Religion, therefore the States of the Kingdom insert the said Resolution in the Articles.  
I. And Principally, whereas the free exercise of Religion (granted in the year 1606. by virtue of the Peace of Vienna) has been disturbed in part during these Troubles; therefore (the first Article of the said Peace being hereby confirmed) the same free exercise of Religion is granted to every Person, and every where in the Kingdom; according to the first Article made before the Coronation in the year 1608. Provided that the Privileges of Lords of Manors be not hereby prejudiced.  
Hereupon we require in the Article's own words, that the same free exercise of Religion (as was disturbed in part during the Troubles, and before the Troubles did include Evangelical Ministers or Preachers) be granted to every Person, and every where in the Kingdom, not excepting the free Cities, Towns and Villages, which make the fourth State, since they are expressly comprehended in the aforesaid Article made before the coronation in the Year 1608.  
II. A free Return in the Kingdom, and a free exercise of Religion is granted also to all the Ministers and Schoolmasters, that are either Banished or Kept out of their Employments, by reason of certain Deeds of Reversion, the same Deeds being hereby made void and of no effect.  
From thence it follows evidently, that the Ministers and Schoolmasters are to be restored from their Exile to their respective Professions, and may live freely in any City, Town or Village of the Kingdom, performing the Duties of their Religion and Profession, and that no more Deeds of Reversion can be required from them, since such Deeds are condemned in the Article.  
III. And no Hungarian Subject shall be disturbed any way hereafter in the free Exercise of his Religion.  
These words, no Hungarian Subject exclude undoubtedly any Exception; the meaning plainly is, that no Ecclesiastical or Civil Person, no Nobleman, no Citizen, nor Peasant ought to be disturbed in the free exercise of Religion, and no Body will deny, but that an exercise of Religion can in no sense be termed free, unless there be Ministers that officiate in it.  
IU. None of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausburg, shall be compelled to any ceremony contrary to his Religion.  
The generality of these words, confirms the foregoing i.e. that no Nobleman, nor Gentleman, no Citizen nor Peasant ought to be compelled.   

The XXVI. ARTICLE.  
V. MOreover the Churches (that have been Built by those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg, and whose Members are not yet reconciled to the Catholic Church) shall be assigned to them by certain Commissioners.  
Hereupon we require, that those Chapels and Churches be delivered and assigned to us, whose Members are not yet reconciled to the Catholic Church, of which sort many would be found in the Counties of Lypcze, of Owar, etc.  
VI It is ordered also, according to his Majesty's Gracious Resolution, that in other places the same Commissioners, assign places to build Churches and Schools, and erect Parishes for the conveniency of those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg.  
Hereupon we require, that instead of the inconvenient and undecent places, which are assigned out of Cassovia and Esperies in Upper Hungary, others be appointed within the Walls, as also in all the Free and Royal Cities, where there is convenient and large espaces, since thus much is signified by the words which will be set down lower Fig. 9  
VII. But in other Counties, as in those of Salawar, of Vesprim, of Saraz, of Moramoruss, of Abavivar, of Sellia, of Semlyn, of Ugoza, of Bodrogh, of Tornaw, of Komorra, of Barzod, of Sachsag, of Novigrad, of Zolnock, of Hewecz, of Pesth, Pelicz and Soldth united, of Unghwar, of Chege and of Zatmar; since the Evangelicks are actually in possession of almost all the Churches there, the same Churches are left for the use of the actual possessors of them.  
Hereupon we require, that the Evangelicks may recover and undisturbedly possess all the Churches, which were possessed by them in the aforesaid Counties when the Article was made, and which for the most part are now taken from them against the said Article.  
VIII. The same is granted in the Frontier Towns of the Kingdom, viz. to those of Zentgrod in the division near Canisa; of Tyhany, Vasony, Papa, Vesprim, Raab and Comorra, in the division of Raab; of Leva, Carpen and Tuletin, in the division before the Mountains; and of Putnock, Onod, Zendro, Tokai, Calo and Zatmar, in the division of Upper Hungary.  
By virtue of this Grant, the Evangelicks that live in Maromaruss, Carpen, Tokai, and in any other abovementioned Frontier Town, aught to enjoy the same free exercise of Religion, and use the same Churches as they did in those Towns when the Article was made.  
IX. Furthermore, in all the free and Mountain Towns, as in Trenschinmodra, Cremnicz, Novizolium, and in all the Cities of Upper Hungary, places shall be assigned likewise for Churches, Schools and Parishes.  
What more direct and clear can be concluded from these words, but that in the free Cities, such as are Cassovia, Epperies, Leuschovia, Bartpha, Cibinium, Kesmurkim, Nagybania, Presburg, Tyrnaw, Zakoliza, Bazinium, Modra, St. George Kussegh, Rust, and in the Mountain Towns such as are Novizolium, Veterozolium, Carpen, Schemninizium, Cremniczium, Libeten, Breznow, Baka, Bela, Vibania, etc. (for the modifying of which, two of each sort, viz. of the free Cities, and of the Mountain Towns, are brought as instances with a certain distinction, or specification used before) convenient places for Churches, Parishes and Schools, must be assigned not out of the Walls which were to restrain the Article, but in the very middle of the Cities and Towns, according to the genuine and literal meaning of the words of the aforesaid Article.  
X. Finally, the Churches which are actually possessed by those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausburg shall be still for their use as before, together with the Parishes and Schools and their Revenues, that they may live in peace and quiet; but the same free use of Bells and Burials is left to the Catholics in those parts as to them.  
This confirms evidently the above written seventh Point, and signifieth that the Churches which the Evangelicks were actually possessed of, should remain for their use, together with the Revenues, Parishes, and Schools; the Bells and Burials remaining common for the use of both Parties.  
XI. Nevertheless the Catholics shall not be obliged to pay any thing to the Ministers of the Evangelicks, nor the Evangelicks to the Curates of the Catholics, according to the meaning of the 11 th' Article Ann. 1647.  
This cannot be clearer, nor better Commented upon than by the confirmed 11 th' Article which runs thus: The Evangelicks shall not be obliged to pay any thing to the Catholic Curates, nor the Catholics to the Evangelic Ministers: And by the following 12 th' Article, yet more plainly in these words; But where the Evangelicks have no Parishes, let them pay the Ministers that they employ, as the Catholics are to pay their Catholic Curates; and where hitherto the Evangelicks did pay nothing to the Catholic Curates, they shall not be obliged hereafter to pay under any pretence whatsoever; Nor the Catholics to the Evangelic Ministers. Add to this the words of the aforesaid 12 th' Article in the year 1647, concerning the Revenues and Pensions of the Schools; But in any place whatsoever the Catholic Curates, and the Evangelic Ministers shall receive the Revenues of Schools, and Pensions from their respective followers; by which most evident constitution of the Articles, the Evangelicks are freed and discharged from paying any thing to the Catholic Curates; and to this positive Law we desire to adhere.  
XII. All the Peers and Noblemen that live in the Kingdom have Liberty to Build and Endow Oratories, and Chapels according to their respective profession of Religion in their usual places of Residence.  
Hereupon we require, that Noblemen may have Oratories and Chapels according to their respective professions of Religion in their usual dwelling places, as the same was practised in many Counties after the taking of our Churches.  
XIII. Hereafter no Churches, Schools and Parishes shall be seized, nor Exercise hindered on either side, under the pain expressed in the 8 th' Article of the 6 th' Decree of Uladislaus.   

Proceedings of the King's Commissioners contrary in every particular to the Articles of Sopron.  
AGainst the opposite first Article. The King's high Commissioners, or other private Persons employed by them, have forbidden such a free exercise of Religion, as could consist in the Service of God through Preaching, Singing, Praying, Administering the Sacraments, blessing Marriages, making Burials, and using other wont Ceremonies, which were performed by Ecclesiastical Ministers, in many free Royal Cities and Mountain Towns, namely in St. George, Bazinium, Tyrnaw, Zakoliza, Schemnizium, Veterozolium, Carpen, Libeten, Breznow, Bakaw, Bela, Vibania, Kusseghin and Rust; whereby it appears, That in those places the said Commissioners have suppressed the whole exercise of Religion against the opposite Article; for where there is no Liberty for the above mentioned Acts of Religion, there can be no exercise of Religion at all. They have likewise deprived the Inhabitants of all the Towns and Villages in the Counties, of the free exercise of their Religion, by Virtue of that Clause inserted for the destroying of our Religion, and of the Gospel too (provided that the Privileges of the Lords of Manors be not hereby prejudiced) against the Confirmation of the Article made in the Year 1608.  
Against the II. The said Commissioners have Licenced but two Ministers in each County, and but one or two in some Free Cities all over the Kingdom, Banishing all the rest out of the Counties, some within a Fortnight and others within Three days; as in the Counties of Lypeze, of Orowa, of Owar, of Sachsag, of Zolnock and in others, or requiring strict Deeds of Reversion from the same, if they would continue in the said Counties. They have also appointed, that there should be no petty Schools, but such where Children could learn only to Read and to Write. But what kind of Liberty it is, that hath been granted to our Ministers to profess their Religion; appears 1st, By the Recorded Banishment of a great many of them out of the Counties. 2ly, By the Case of the Ministers in Eperies, that have been turned out by a Roman Catholic Magistrate, under pretence that it was Your Majesty's Pleasure and Command, altho' that Town be particularly named in the Articles. 3ly, By the violence that the Official has done to the Ministers and Schoolmasters, that lived but miserably in the Dominion of Tokai in Upper Hungary, intimating to them under pain of Death, and the Forfeiture of all their Goods, to go out of the said County, or by most strict Deeds of Reversion, to renounce for ever under the same penalty to perform any Ecclesiastical Duty in the said County. 4ly, By the Confinement of several Ministers, who are kept Prisoners in the Fort of Ledniche, by Order of his Eminence the Cardinal of Kolocza, and can obtain their Liberty on no other Condition, but that of subscribing pernicious Deeds of Reversion.  
Against the III. Here our Sighs interrupt our Complaints, nor can we find words to express how variously and miserably our Ministers and we have been, and are still disturbed every where, either by the said Commissioners, or by other private Persons. As for instance in short, (not to repeat the abovementioned Counties, and many Towns of the County of Semlyn, in the aforesaid Dominion of Tokai, and their Ministers) the abovementioned City of Epperies in Upper Hungary, and in the Lower all the Cities besides Presburg, Sopron, Modra, Cremnicz and Neozolium, with their Evangelical Ministers. As also the Minister of Hodossia in the Isle of Shut, who had all the means of Life, Clothes, Books and Furniture taken from him by the Secretary of the Archbishop of Gran, and by the Soldiers which he brought along with him, which is the Fate of a great many others, that lead a most miserable Life in perpetual Changes, owing their Liberty to a Special Providence of God, or having obtained it after they had paid great Fines, or made pernicious Deeds of Reversion.  
Against the IV. The said Commissioners have Ordered, that the Evangelicks should be made to bring their Processional Trophies, and to Walk in Processions, that the Evangelic Peasant should every where be forced to frequent Catholic Churches; and that in all the Free Cities where there is no public exercise of our Religion, the Evangelic should be obliged to Ministerial Offices contrary to their way.  
Against the V. The said Commissioners having no regard to the Assignation appointed in the opposite Article, have seized upon all the Churches and Chapels in the Counties of Lypcze, of Arva, of Turocz, of Zolnock and and of Sachsag, although the Churches of Pribocz, Bella and Zathuriza, in the County of Turocz have been Built by the Evangelic, who were never reconciled to the Catholic Church; there are likewise Chapels in Kiratilehota, Potornia, Vicbicz, etc. in the County of Lypcze, that were Built by the Evangelicks and the Lords of those Manors; nevertheless, they are severely forbidden to make any use of them, either Ecclesiastical or Civil, being sent to two very remote inconvenient and dangerous places, where they have only liberty to Build such Churches as cannot contain the Congregation by several Thousands.  
Against the VI No Convenient places for Churches, Parishes and Chapels have been assigned in any free Royal Town of Upper Hungary, but here the Commissioners, there the Officials of the Chamber, and elsewhere private Persons, as in Cassovia and Epperies, have appointed places for Churches, Parishes and Schools, which are at a great distance in the Fields, out of Desert and Desolate, Suburbs; and which are for any Common use of the Three Nations, which rendereth them so inconvenient and nasty, that to dedicate Churches to the most Holy God in such places, were a most detestable Crime for any sort of Christians.  
Against the VII. In many Counties as also in that of Sachsag, (which is one of the aforenamed) the King's Commissioners have caused all the Churches to be taken from the Evangelicks, and their Ministers to be turned out by the Viscount of that County; the Officials have done the like in the Counties of Abavivivar, of Semlyn, of Ugoza; and in all the Towns of the Dominion of Tokai, as we have already mentioned; and some private Persons have presumed to seize upon the Church belonging to those of the Helvetian Confession, and of that of Ausbourg in the Town of Gyongyos, (which Gyongyos maketh the most considerable part of the County of Hewecz) to put out their Ministers, and even forbid the Evangelicks to exercise any way their Religion in that place. The like has been done in the Town of Jaszbreny, and the Frontiers of Legrad, although the abovementioned Counties be named in the Article, whereby the Evangelicks are left in the Possession of all those Churches, which they had in the said Counties when the Article was made.  
Against the VIII. In the Town of Maromaruss, and in the places round about it, private Men have forbidden the whole exercise of Religion, charging with Beat of Drums all the Evangelicks, to go and exercise their Religion out of that Frontier under pain of Imprisonment, and other severe Punishments. After the same manner the King's Commissioners in Carpen, and the Deputies in Tokai have forbidden the exercise of Religion, and seized upon the Churches, although both these places be particularly named in the Articles.  
Against the IX. The said Commissioners, or their Deputies have appointed places for Churches, Schools and Parishes out of Trenschin, Modra, Cremnicz and Novizolium, and none at all in the rest of the Towns of Lower Hungary; now why should the Case of some be worse than that of others? since all have the same Privilege of Liberty in Upper Hungary. They have likewise appointed some places for Churches, Schools and Parishes not in, but out of the Cities, against the true meaning of the opposite part of the Article, which most evidently declareth, that those places must be appointed within and not without the Walls of the Cities, or else they could not be such as are appointed Fig. 6. i.e. convenient and fit to be consecrated for the publiek service of God.  
Against the X. In many Counties, and particularly in that of Sachsag, and the Town of Gyongyos, the King's Commissioners have taken such Churches together, with their Appendages as were possessed by the Evangelicks, when the Article was made, which we have hinted in the foregoing fifth Grievance. Moreover in the aforesaid Town of Gyongyos, many private Persons have taken all the Ecclesiastical Revenues, and Pious Legacies from the Evangelicks, forbidding them withal to Bury their Dead in the usual places, which has made many keep Corpse in Cellars a long time, rather than Bury them in Carfax and Cross-ways as they were appointed. The Commissioners have also deprived the Evangelicks of the use of the Bells almost every where; the Officials have done the like in the County of Semlin, and particularly in these Towns of the aforesaid Dominion of Tokai, Thalia, Mod, Zantho, Kerethur, Tarezal Liszka, Benny, Tolezva, Patak, Veyelly, Borzi and Tokai seizing upon all the Churches, Schools and Parishes, (which at the time of and after the Treaty were possessed by the Evangelicks, and left to the same by the said Article) together with the Revenues that have been given to them by the Evangelicks, forbidding with most severe threatenings the free exercise of our Religion even in private Houses, and hindering the Evangelicks from the common use of Burials and Bells, though made at their own care and charge. Likewise the Magistrates and Clergy Men of the Town of Cassovia and Epperies, have taken by force all the pious Legacies left to our Churches, and forbidden absolutely the common use of Bells and Burials, Threatening with the most severe Punishments those that would make public Burials within the Walls, with the usual Singing and decent Ceremonies.  
Against the XI. Every where in the Counties, the Commissioners have adjudged all the Payments to the Catholic Curates, and Ordered in the Cities that they should be paid out of the common Purse, wherein the catholics could contribute but little, they being but few in number in comparison of the Evangelicks; thus they have forced us maugre ourselves, to be at extraordinary Charges out of our own States, for the maintaining of our Ministers and Schoolmasters, not only against the right intention of the aforesaid Articles, but also against the plain Sense of the Holy Scripture, which allows a Salary for such as Labour, and even nothing to Eat for such as Labour not: After the like manner the Official of the abovementioned Dominion of Tokai in Upper Hungary, do all their endeavours to make both Noble and Ignoble Evangelicks, pay without distinction the Chatholick Curates.  
Against the XII. In many Counties, viz. in that of Lypcz, of Turocz, of Zolnock, of Arva, etc. the said Commissioners have suppressed and forbidden, under pain of Military Execution the exercise of Religion, which is granted to Noblemen in their places of Residence, and which they had enjoyed long since the Churches were seized accordingly in the County of Lypcze, the Clergy Men have caused some such Nobleman's Houses to be assaulted, and plundered by the Garrison of Likavia, and in the County of Trenschin, the Noble Family of Nosdrovisky which did keep a Minister, for the Exercise of Religion in its place of Residence, has been much damnified also by the Soldiers of Mersia's Regiment, and the Ministers put into the Prison of the Fort of Ledniche, where he is kept to this day; likewise the Noblemen of Hodossia, of the places round about in the Isle of Shut, have been deprived of the free exercise of Religion in their places of Residence, and the Ministers that lived there then, have been Plundered of all their Goods, which Injustice the Evangelic Noblemen of Lower Hungary do also complain of.  
Would to God that this Conclusion were observed, and the Punishment hinted in the Article inflicted upon the Opposers thereof; then we might promise ourselves to enjoy quietly, and undisturbedly the free exercise of our Religion, and then the fuel of Divisions would be extinguished, and taken away for fear of being Punished, which, that it may be done is our Hearty Prayer and Desire.   
Now having laid before Your Sacred Majesty the Articles of Sopron, and the Abuses committed in the executing of them, it is as clear as the Sun, that we require nothing but what is granted in them; We humbly beseech Your most Sacred Majesty, through Christ's Precious Death and Glorious Resurrection, that having known and laid up in Your Royal Heart our lawful Requests, Your Sacred Majesty suffer no longer the same to be hindered by any Person whatsoever, but rather (since after so long time they have been Reported before Your most Sacred Majesty, and before Your Privy Council, together with some Treatises of the appointed Commission; Nay, being informed that a certain Point of the said Treatises (that doth not concern us) has been examined by the Lords of the Privy Council; it makes us fear, lest something else be taken into consideration, whereby an Answer to our Requests may be occasioned, and we yet longer detained here under the inconveniency of Doubt, of Delay, and of continuance of the vast Charges we have already been at) according to Your most Sacred Majesty's Gracious Consent (given to the most High Prince Precedent of the Court, and intimated to us by his Highness) to dispatch first the Business of Religion, that Your Sacred Majesty be graciously pleased to appoint and commit our Requests, which so narrowly concern the Salvation of our Souls, to be considered again, and determined by the Lords of ●he Privy Council, so to Establish us in the Liberty of Religion, to the Immortal Fame of Your Royal Government, after the Example of Your Glorious Predecessors; that being relieved We may speedily Return to our Principals, and God will recompense this Imperial, Royal Favour with all sort of Happiness from above.  
Delivered to His Sacred Majesty at Aix la Chapelle, upon his going to Vienna, the 24 th' day of April, in the year 1689. Your most Sacred Majesty's most Humble and Faithful Subjects, the Deputies of the Evangelicks in the Counties, Cities, Towns and Frontiers of Upper and Lower Hungary, about the Business of their distressed Religion.  

The First Article of the Peace of Vienna in the Year 1606.  
AS to the Business of Religion, notwithstanding the former public Constitutions, and the last Article of the Year 1604, (which was made without the Diet, and the consent of the Subjects, and therefore is annulled,) it is granted, That (according to his Imperial Majesty's former Resolution, to which the Subjects refer themselves in their replying) all and each State of the Kingdom of Hungary, as well the Peers and Noblemen, as the free Cities, and the Privileged Towns belonging immediately to the Crown, and all the Hungarian Soldiers in the Frontiers, shall any where, and at any time profess and exercise their Religion without any Disturbance, either from His most Sacred Majesty, or from any Person whatsoever; a free exercise of Religion being hereby granted to all the said States of the Kingdom. Provided always, That the Roman Catholic Religion be not thereby prejudiced, That the Roman Catholic Clergy, Churches and Chapels remain free and unmolested, and that what has been taken from them in these Troubles be restored.   

The First Article made before the Coronation in the Year 1608. concerning Religion.  
COncerning the first Article of the Treaty of Vienna, it is resolved by the States and Orders of Hungary, that the Exercises of Religion shall be left free, not only to the Noblemen, and to the Inhabitants of the free Cities, but also to the Hungarian Soldiers in the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Hungary, and to all the Farmers and Peasant that will freely accept the same; nor shall any of 'em be disturbed in the free Exercise of Religion, but to prevent any effect of hatred and dissension between Roman Catholics and Protestants, It is Ordered, That each Party shall have a Superior, or Surperintendant of his own Profession.  
Although this last first Article of the Year 1608, was renewed in 77 th' Article of the Year 1618., inserted in the General Constitutions of the Kingdom by Order of the Emperor Ferdinand the Second, in the Year 1622, restored to his Force by the 22 d Article of the Year 1625, by the 33 d Article of the Year 1630, and by the 29 th' Article of the Year 1635, confirmed in the 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13 and 14 th' Articles of the new Treaty of Peace made with George Ragoczy, Prince of Transilvania in the Year 1648; Ratifyed both in the aforenamed Articles of 1649, and in the 10 th' Article of the Year 1649, and in the 18 th' Article of the Year 1655 made at Rakocziâ; and lastly, confirmed again and inserted in the Constitutions of the Kingdom, by Order of Leopold the present Emperor, in the Year 1659.; yet notwithstanding all these, the said Article remains without Force, and the Exercise of the Protestant Religion is wholly exterminated against the Articles, and the public Constitutions of the Kingdom, as well as against the Sacred Imperial Letters Patent.  
And yet all this contributed little towards a Peace, for the Results of this Diet concerned none but the good and quiet Men, and such as were zealous for the Settlement and Peace of their Country: Whilst Tekeli and others of that Spirit, whose Minds were possessed with virulent Malice and Ambition, were plotting and contriving the means to set up their own Authority, and give themselves into the Hands of the Turks, rather than to the Power of their Sovereign Prince, of whose natural Clemency though they were well assured; yet they suspected and feared his Councils, which being chiefly influenced and directed by Jesuits, and the Spirit of the Clergy could never be reconciled in any tolerable manner to the Protestant profession. Thus whilst things were Negotiating in the Diet Tekeli besieged Kalo, 
Tekeli besi●ges Kalo.  which surrendered at discretion with little or no resistance; and Prince Apafi joining with some Parties of the Malcontents laid Siege to Zatmar, with an Army composed of Transilvanians, Moldavians, Turks and Malcontents of Hungary, all which acted in four separate Bodies, being well provided with Cannon, and all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions; so soon as Apafi had formed his Siege, he put forth a Manifest or Declaration, which he caused to be privately stolen into the Town, and there dispersed, signifying, that out of Christian piety, and compassion to the miserable state of that Kingdom, 
Apafi's Declaration.  he had left his Country and Dwelling with no other intent, than only to cause their Churches to be restored to them, with a free Liberty of Conscience and Exercise of Religion; and that their Estates which had been confiscated for the sake of their Religion, and defence of their Rights, and Privileges might be again restored to them: To which he added many Solemn Protestations, that he had no other end, nor intention than the welfare and happiness of the Kingdom. Farther also he said, that he had a power sufficient for this Enterprise, being well seconded by the Grand Signior, and acted by his Commission, and that the Succession to the Principality was promised unto his Son; to whom, besides the Forces with him, he had left a Guard of 20.000 Men. Having made thus much known to the Inhabitants of Zatmar, he vigorously proceeded in the Siege, having received a Recruit of 8000 Men from the Pasha of Buda, 
Apafi inv●s●s Zatmar.  being a Detachment from 40.000, which were Encamped before the place whereof he was Governor: And though with these Forces the Town of Zatmar was taken; yet Serini who Commanded the place retiring into the Castle or Citadel, he so well defended the same, that Apafi was forced to raise the Siege and march away; burning several Towns, year 1682. and taking a Thousand Prisoners in his Retreat. 
The Siege raised.  The raising of this Siege was variously interpreted, and so ill taken by the Turks, that Complaints were made thereof against Apafi at the Port. But it was no time now to make alterations, or disturbances in Transilvania.  
Towards the end of this year, the Emperor being desirous to Crown the Empress at Oedembourg, sent a Convoy of 500 Hu●sars, 100 Heyduks, and 500 Cuirassiers to fetch the Crown of St. 
The Empress Crowned Queen of Hungary.  Stephen from the Castle of Presburg, where it is always lodged, which being brought thither the Empress was Crowned Queen of Hungary with great Solemnity: And that this Ceremony might be performed with the more order and security, a Cessation of Arms was agreed with Tekeli for six Moths. And to make appear, how propitious this day of Coronation was like to be, Count Caprara fell on the Rear of Apafi's Forces, as they were retiring into their own Country, took all their Baggage, and entering into Transilvania burned five Castles and divers Villages; and thus ended the Campagne of this year.     

ANNO, 1682.  
year 1682. WIth this year the Scene of War began to open, and the Turks to declare their Resolutions bend all their Forces against Hungary. Nor would t●e Malcontents maintain the Truce made by Tekeli, or be restrained from committing many Acts of Hostility. For though the Cessation of Arms was again confirmed and renewed, yet in despite of this Treaty, and contrary to the Faith given, the Malcontents seized on all the Grain, 
The Malcontents and Turks intercept the Corn and Soldiers clothes belonging to the Emperor's Army.  which the Emperor had bought on the Frontiers of Poland, as it was carrying to the several Stores and Granaries, where it was to be lodged: And about the same time the Turks took many Carts laden with Soldiers Coats, as they were carrying to the Imperial Army. Howsoever, Tekeli pretended to keep and conserve the Faith and Promises which he had given; and during that Vacation made a Journey to Buda with a Guard of 3000 Men, where he was received by the Pasha of that Place, 
Tekeli received at Buda.  at the Head of his janissaries, and conducted with great Magnificence and State to the Palace; where the Pasha took off Tekeli's Cap, and placed on his Head another after the Turkish fashion richly Embroidered, and beset with Precious Stones and Herons Feathers, which some call a Diadem; and say, that with that Ceremony he was by the Turks created King of Hungary. Howsoever it was so carried, that the Emperor understood it not in that manner, or at least would not so interpret it; for at the same time he received a Messenger from Tekeli, who came to desire his Majesty's consent, that he might take the Widow of Prince Ragotski to Wife; 
The Emperor assents to the Marriage of Tekeli with the Princess Ragotski.  to which the Emperor readily assented, knowing that the Marriage would succeed in case he refused, and so making a Virtue of necessity, he hoped by such a Gracious condescension, to regain the Heart of Tekeli, unless it were become obdurate beyond all possibility of being won, either by Generosity or Compulsion. Having thus gained the Emperor's Assent, he speedily made a Journey to Mongatz, where he consummated the Marriage with the Princess with great Joy and Solemnity, and took Possession of all the Towns, and Castles belonging to that Lady.  

Their Marriage.  She was bred up by her Mother in the Roman Catholic Religion, but her Husband converted her, and made her a Protestant. During the Life of her Mother she was restrained from this Marriage, but after her Death, she became an admirer of Tekeli's Bravery, year 1682. and yielded to the Ambition and Flatteries of being a Queen, which was whispered to her by her Husband; who told her, that the Cap which the Pasha of Buda had put upon his Head, was no other than a Diadem after the Custom and Fashion of the Turks. The Emperor, who was a Stranger to these Matters, believing that some use might be made of this Alliance, whereby to gain the Mind of Tekeli, employed Count Serini to his Sister the Princess, to compass this Design; but so far was Serini from answering the expectations of his Imperial Majesty, that he entered into the Combination and Conspiracy with Tekeli himself.  
About the beginning of the Month of july, year 1682. Count Albert Caprara, Brother of General Caprara, who resided for the Emperor at Constantinople, 
The Turks offer Conditions shameful for the Emperor.  advised, That at length he had been admitted unto Audience with the Grand Vizier, who declared, That he would neither continue the Truce longer, nor yet renew it, but on these following Conditions.  
That Hungary should be restored unto the Condition, in which it was in the year 1655.  
That the Kingdom should pay the Annual Tribute of Fifty thousand Florins every Year unto the Grand Signior.  
That the Fortifications of Leopolstadt, and Gratz should be demolished.  
That Neutra, Schultz and Eckof, with the Island of Schultz near Presburg, and the Fortress of Muran be delivered, and surrendered up into the Hands of Count Tekeli.  
That a Ge●●●al Pardon be given to the Malcontents, and that they be restored to their Goods and Estates, and to all their Privileges and Immunities, in such manner as if none of these Wars or Disturbances had happened. But these Conditions were so hard, and shameful to be imposed on any but a conquered People, that it was adjudged by the Emperor's Council, that an honourable War, was much rather to be preferred, before such an Ignominious and Scandalous Peace.  
The time for the Cessation of Arms being expired, to which the Malcontents had yielded only to gain time, whilst the Turks were preparing their formidable Army, 
Success●s ●f T●keli at Za●m●r.  Tekeli surprised the Castle of Zatmar, and put all the Garrison consisting of Eighty Men, to the Sword; and turning afterwards his Cannon on the City, it was Surrender'd to him at Discretion. Thence he Marched to Cassovia, 
Cassov●a and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and tak●n  and laid Siege to it, and at the same time the Transilvanians and Moldavians joining with the Pasha of Buda, laid Siege to Filek. Whilst Tekeli lay before Cassovia, he received a Recruit of Fourteen thousand Men, which were supplied to him by his Wife the Princess, out of those Troops which were levied in her own Country; and the Pasha of Agria came with Four thousand Horse more to his assistance. The Town was notwithstanding bravely defended for several days by Lieutenant Colonel Lamb; but being out of hopes of all Succours it Surrendered at Discretion: Many of the Garrison revolted to the Malcontents; but Four hundred of them endeavouring to Retire, and having given no intimation of a Mine, which afterwards was Sprang with great loss and hurt of the Besiegers, they were all put to the Sword: The Governor was made a Prisoner of War, and the Inhabitants to save themselves from Pillage and Plunder, paid the Sum of 50.000 Crowns. The Inhabitants of Esperies being affrighted at the misfortune o● Cassovia, 
Esperies yield s.  Surrender'd itself on Conditions without striking one Stroke; the Germane Garrison being Two hundred in all, were permitted to March out with their Baggage, and had a safe Conduct as far, as to the Frontiers of Poland, and from thence Licence to March into Silesia, nor were the Priests and Roman Catholics permitted to remain in the City. After which, Tekeli by advice of the Pasha of Buda demolished the whole Town, 
And is demolished.  not being obliged to maintain a Garrison for its defence. In the mean time the Pasha of Waradin laid Siege to Filek, and took it in despite of Strazoldo, who left the Villages of the Mountains, and marched with Three thousand Horse and Four thousand Foot for its Relief; as also to the same end, Count Caprara passed the River Waagh with Six thousand Men, whilst Count S●aremberg defended the Passage with Four or Five thousand Men, and the Palatine Esterhasi was coming on the other side with Six thousand Men more; yet notwithstanding the Art and Bravery of so many Generals, the Town was taken in th●ir own Sight, as if they had only come with design to be Spectators of the Success, and Victory of their Enemies. The Hungarian Soldiers, who were in the Garrison took part with the Turks; but the Germans were made Prisoners of War, and all the Women and Children were carried away Captives, and the place itself was razed and demolished. Leventz and Neutra followed the like Example, and Surrendered to the Turks; of all which Acts of Hostility, when Complaints were made by the Emperor to the Pasha of Buda, no other Answer was returned, Than that those Actions were not to be esteemed as Breaches of the Truce, in regard they were only made in pursuit of Thiefs and Robbers who had Infested the Countries, and took Refuge and Sanctuary in those Cities.  
year 1682. After these Successes, Tekeli made Incursions into the County of Seposo, where he Plundered and Burnt Sobora and Saftzin, Towns belonging to Prince Lubomiski Great Marshal of Poland; which was the Cause (as we shall afterwards understand) why Six thousand Polish Horse joined themselves to General Schultz, under the Command and Conduct of that Prince   

ANNO 1683.  
ALL hopes and expectations of Peace being now laid aside, year 1683. the Vizier being advanced with his Troops as far as Belgrade, the Emperor notwithstanding to leave nothing undone which might tend to a Peace, 
Sa●o●ara s●nt to B●lgrade.  dispatched Saponara to Belgrade, to Solicit once more for more easy Conditions than what had been offered to Count Albert Caprara at Constantinople: But because Matters were gone too far, year 1683. to expect any fruit, or benefit from such Negotiations; and because it was not probable, but rather impossible that the Vizier, who would not accept of the Conditions offered him by the Emperor, before he removed from the Port, would now after a long March to Belgrade, and after he had raised all the Militia and Power of Asia, and been at a vast expense in the Preparations of War; should now condescend, or remit these Demands which had formerly been required: Wherefore as I say, The Emperor expecting no farther benefit from a Treaty, than only to satisfy himself and the World, that he had done every thing in his Power, which might produce a Peace; he provided for War, and in the first place employed Count Martinitzion on an Embassy to the Pope, and other Princes of Italy to obtain from them Aid, and Succours both of Men and Money.  
The Emperor's Forces towards the end of the last year, 
Forces raised.  and at the beginning of this, consisted of 20.000 Men; to increase which, Orders were given to all Colonels, and Officers fully to Complete their Regiments, and Troops against the end of May. Commissions were also given out to raise Six Regiments of Horse, and one of Foot, besides Four Regiments of Croats: And the Regiment of Prince Charles of Lorraine, year 1683. being fully recruited was divided into two Bodies: 
Money raised.  And to raise Money for maintenance of these new Levies, and for the War, the Hundreth Penny was laid on all Rents of Lands, and Revenue or Income from Offices, by which it was supposed, that a vast Sum might be raised: And moreover Four Millions were borrowed; for security of which a Mortgage was given to Count Swartzemberg, and other Ministers upon the Demesnes of the Duchy of Trinchin and Silesia. The Fortifications of Vienna were continued with greater diligence, 
Vienna fortified.  and numbers of Men than formerly; and the Suburbs were ordered to be demolished, and the Cellars to be filled up with Earth; though the Inhabitants being desirous to continue in their Dwellings, so long as was possible, deferred to abandon their Houses, until such time as they were assured of the certainty of a Siege intended.  
The Emperor being by this time farther assured, that the Turks designed nothing less than a Peace, having made all the Steps and Preparations necessary towards a War, dispatched his Orders to Count Albert Caprara, to take his last Audience of leave, 
Count Albet Caprara recalled.  and so depart from the Ottoman Court: But that Licence would not be granted to him; it being the Custom of the Turks in all their Wars, to carry the Person of the Ambassador of that Prince with them in their Camp, against whom they wage War, with intention to make use of his Service, in case the Success of Affairs should at any time incline them to a Treaty. The Baron of Kaunitz was sent to the Elector of Bavaria, and Count Windisgratz to the Princes of the Circles of Lower Saxony and Westphalia, moving them to enter into such Measures and Councils with the Emperor, as might tend to the Conservation of Hungary,  
All Christendom now Alarumed by the vast preparations of the Turks, 
Germany alarmed by the Turks.  whose Force appeared sufficient, not only to overspread Hungary, but to overrun all Germany in one Summer; so that the Common safety seemed now to be in danger: The Diet at Ratisbon was then Sitting, and Consulting for the Common Welfare and Security, for which the Emperor was so much concerned, that he resolved once to hav● been present there in Person; but that his Deputies who resided for him, gave his Imperial Majesty such assurances of the zeal, and care the Diet had for conservation of the Empire; that were his Majesty there in Person, nothing could be more done than what was resolved, and then acting by that Diet.  
Saponara not being able to Prevail any thing upon the Vizier at Belgrade, 
Saponara privately Treats with Tekeli.  was Ordered to try what he could work upon Tekeli, to draw him off from the Turks. In pursuance of which he went to Mongatz, where Tekeli lay Sick of a Fever, and being his ancient Friend and Acquaintance, was some time during the intermission of his Fits admitted into his Chamber, where in the Emperor's Name, he offered to him a Sovereignity over all those Places of which he was Master in the Upper Hungary, with several other Demesnes appertaining thereunto, and to hold the same on the very Conditions which were given to Boscai, who raised Arms against the Emperor in the year 1605. Besides which, such Conferences passed, as are usual with Sick Men, who are commonly relenting, and desirous of God's Glory and the public Peace: But when Tekeli grew better, and returned to his perfect state of Health, he then confessed plainly, that his Circumstances were such, and his Union with the Turks so Knit and Engaged, that it was impossible for him to separate, or destricate himself from their Interest and Party. With which Answer Saponara being convinced, that nothing was to be done on this side, returned to Vienna to give his Majesty new assurances thereof. Wherefore now to proceed in the provisions for a War, Alliances were to be cultivated; and in the first place, the Treaty with Poland was rather to be renewed than begun, for (as we have before mentioned) the Poles had pressed the Ratification thereof with much earnestness; but in regard the Emperor was entertained constantly with hopes and a prospect of Peace, he deferred the Conclusion thereof for the last Reserve, to help and conserve him, after all other Negotiations proved vain and fruitless. Count Wallestain was the Person appointed to perform, and complete this great Work; and accordingly having received a Commission, and Instructions for so great a Management, he made a Journey to Warsaw in Poland, 
〈◊〉 Wa●lestain 〈…〉 P●●la●d.  where he found the Diet then Sitting, but embroiled in a thousand difficulties, and differences amongst themselves, (as is usual in all such great Councils and Assemblies,) representing Aggrievances, and accusing great Men. The business of the high Treasurer of that Kingdom was then in Agitation, and his Accounts and Administration of that Office were under Examination; upon which many of the Nobility were so intent, that when Count Wallestain arrived with Instructions, and Plenary Power from the Emperor, to conclude a League offensive and defensive with Poland; they opposed his admission to Audience, until such time as they had composed their own intestine Differences, and provided in the first place, for the safety of their own Kingdom: And so far had some angry and turbulent Spirits pressed this Matter, that the Diet was in danger of being Dissolved without any Conclusion, either in reference to their own Affairs, or League with the Empire. But the King, and principal Nobility joining their endeavours with those of Cardinal Pio, Nuntio of Pope Innocent the 11 th', 
His N●●●tiations there.  and of the Emperor's Ambassador, represented unto the Diet in General, the necessity of a speedy Union against the Common Enemies; declaring the Turks and Tartars, were ready on the very Confines to overrun all Poland, Hungary and Germany: And because, that notwithstanding all that could be said, there were still certain Spirits unsatisfied; it was the care of the King, and of the others to deal with them in private, and conjure them to give no stop, but to concur with them in this important Negotiation: Thus whole Nights were spent in pacifying the Spirits of the Polish Nobility, who love to exert their Authority, and to have Applications and Addresses made to them; and at length they were so prevailed upon, that remitting the Affairs of the Grand Treasurer, and of other Aggrievances to the consideration of the next Diet; they resolved to Treat on no other for the present, than what related to the making such Confederacies, as tended to the security and safety of the Kingdom. And in regard the several Points, and Articles with Moscovy were intricate, and required time to debate; it was agreed, without descending to other particulars in that Treaty, to renew the Truce for three years longer, and during that time to enter into a League Offensive and Defensive with the Emperor and King of Poland, against the Common Enemy of Christendom. Thus with much Labour and Assiduity, 
〈◊〉 L●agu concluded 〈◊〉 the Emperor and King of ●ol●nd.  the Providence of God assisting the Christian Councils, as he did afterwards their Arms; the League was concluded and signed on the 18 th' of April, being the Day of the Festival of Christ's Resurrection; year 1683. with which the Diet was Dissolved to the General satisfaction of that whole Assembly: The News hereof which filled all Christendom with an Universal Joy, was immediately dispatched to Vienna by an Express, who moving with the Wings of Messengers, who carry such pleasing Tidings, arrived in a very short time at the Emperor's Court, to the unexpressible Joy of the whole Empire.  
The Chief Heads of the Treaty were these.  

First, That the League Offensive shall continue until such time, as that the Emperor, and King of Poland shall make Peace with the Common Enemy, but that the Defensive shall continue for ever.  
Secondly, That this Alliance shall be sworn unto by Cardinal Pio in behalf of the Emperor, and by Cardinal Charles Barberini at Rome, in the name and behalf of the King of Poland.  
Thirdly, That the Emperor shall Renounce, and quit claim to all Debts and Sums of Money which were due to him from Poland, on occasion of the Succours, and Assistances he gave unto that Kingdom, when it was Invaded by the Swedes: And that the great Seal whereby the Emperor is empowered to nominate, and make choice of a new King be Canceled and Surrendered.  
Fourthly, That no Peace be made with the Turks without the privity, consent, and concurrence of both Parties; and that the Heirs and Successors of them be equally obliged to maintain, and confirm the present League.  
Fifthly, That this League be limited, and understood of a War against the Turk only, and not against any other Prince or Potentate whatsoever.  
Sixthly, That during this War, the Emperor be obliged to maintain 70.000 Men in the Field; besides 20.000 in Garrison: And that the King of Poland shall conduct an Army of 40.000 Men, and March at the Head of them in Person.  
Seventhly, That the Emperor shall act with the gross of his Army in the Lower Hungary against the Turk; and with another Army in the Upper Hungary, consisting of Six thousand Germans, and as many Auxiliaries, whose business shall chiefly be to subdue the Rebels, and recover the places which they have taken: And that the King of Poland shall endeavour to recover Caminiec, year 1683. and other places unjustly usurped by the Turk in Podolia, Ucrania and Volhinia.  
Eighthly, That the Emperor shall lend unto the King of Poland 300.000 Dollars, and the payment thereof to be secured on the Tithes of that Kingdom, which the Pope hath lately granted to the King for carrying on this present War.  
Ninethly, That in case other Christian Kings, or Princes shall desire to enter into this Alliance, their admission thereinto shall be with the knowledge and approbation of both Crowns; and that the Czars of Muscovy be particularly induced to join in this Alliance.   
On these Terms was this League concluded, so much the more to the comfort and satisfaction of all Christendom, by how much it had been uncertain and doubtful before; in regard the Divisions in the Diet itself were grown so high, that it was believed no place could be allowed for the Debates of Foreign Matter, which did not immediately concern their own differences; and that the resentment which the King of Poland conceived against the Emperor, for not closing with the Alliance formerly offered, and importunately urged, would have been invincible obstacles against this Union, of which all the World despaired: But God who directs all things to that end which he designs, had so tempered and qualified the Animositis of the Poles one against the other, that to the Joy of all Christendom, that necessary and happy Alliance was concluded.  
The Grand Vizier (as we have said) being arrived at Belgrade, year 1683. where he attended the Asiatic Troops, and with him Count Albert Caprara the Emperor's Resident, (whom he reserved according to ancient Custom in the Camp, 
Count Capara licenced to return to Vienna. ) for an instrument to move and forward Treaties, in case any sinister success should befall the Ottoman Forces: But this Vizier fearing nothing less than ill fortune, and reposing a confidence in his Arm of Flesh, which he thought impossible to be subdued, did easily and with some scorn comply with the instance which Count Albert Caprara made to him for Licence to return to his Master at Vienna: And in order thereunto he was committed to the care, and conduct of the Bei of Alba Regalis, who was then Marching with his Men towards those parts. Howsoever, a stop was put to his departure for some few days, to the end, that he might be Spectator of the magnificent reception of Count Tekeli by the Vizier, which when he understood, he pressed his departure with more earnestness, that his Eyes might not be offended with the scandalous sight of a Rebel promoted to Honour and Grandeur, for Treason and Persidiousness to his Sovereign. And when he heard that he came accompanied with many of the Hungarian Nobility, 
He refuses to behold the Reception of Tekeli, and others.  who were Roman Catholics, and particularly with the Count of Homonai, to the great scandal of the Gospel, and the Christian Profession, he was so transported with Disdain and Indignation, that he openly declared, in case the Vizier delayed to grant him Licence to depart, only because he would give him the Mortification to behold an Object so ungrateful to his Eyes, that he would close them rather, or shut himself up in some Retirement, where he might neither see or hear any of these Matters: Of which the Vizier having notice he gave him free liberty to depart, and accordingly he set forward on his Journey on the 12/2 of june, in company with the Bei of Alba Regalis, who having attended Caprara as far at Moatz, he was thence recalled by the Vizier; and the Bei of Albania appointed in his place, with a Guard of about a Hundred Men, who continuing their Journeys from day to day, happily arrived at Buda on the 20th. of june, not without great danger of falling into the hands of Tartars, who not considering the Persons, or Offices of Ambassadors, nor yet the Subjects of the Grand Signior, whether Christians or Turks, put all to Fire and Sword, which they could not carry with them, not regarding either Age or Sex, but miserably destroyed all, wheresoever they could become Masters.  
Tho' C. Albert Caprara was well treated at Buda, as to his own Person, yet he was uneasy and impatient of his stay in that City, fearing lest the Barbarity of the Turks, upon any ill Success, should vent their Rage and Revenge upon him and his Attendants; but more sensibly was he affected with the daily sight of poor Christians enslaved, and led before him in Chains; and with the news of the Surrender of divers Cities and Towns by Tekeli into the Possession of the Turks, according to the Articles made between him and the Grand Signior; and which were so to remain, until a total Conquest was made of all Hungary, and were afterwards to be restored again to Tekeli with the absolute Sovereignty and Dominion of that Kingdom. But how uneasy soever C. Caprara was in his abode at Buda, year 1683. he was constrained to continue there in regard to his own Safety, all the Ways and Passages being obstructed by Tartars and Freebooters, who had no respect to any thing but themselves and their own Prey and Benefit; so he remained there until the coming of the Vizier, and with him followed the Camp to the Siege of Vienna, from whence he was permitted to depart, and attend his Imperial Majesty then at Lintz, as we shall declare hereafter.  
But before we proceed farther, let us look back to the Preparations, and Forerunners made in the Winter to the bloody War, which was shortly to ensue. 
Preparations for War.  The Turks in the Month of February, entered into the Isle of Serino in Croatia, and committed great Disorders; in Buda vast stores were making of all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions for War, with such Timber and Materials as were fit and proper for making Bridges: And in the mean time, Tekeli's Forces besieged or blocked up all the Emperor's Towns in the Upper Hungary: And yet for all this, Tekeli sent to acquaint the Deputies of those Counties, which remained firm and loyal to the Emperor, with the earnest Passion he conceived to conserve the Peace of his Country, which he should certainly have done, 
T●keli 's P●o●esiations.  had his Imperial Majesty granted him any tolerable Conditions, and should have given undoubted Testimonies to the World of his Loyalty and Obedience to his Sovereign, against whom he took not up Arms out of any Animosity, but only to free his Country from Tyranny and Oppression; and in this good Humour he gave liberty unto 200 Germane Prisoners, and to Count Herberstein upon his Parole, and protested unto the Emperor, that he had dispatched two of his principal Ministers; namely Fagon and Sirmai, unto the Grand Signior, to continue and prolong the Truce, and gave the same Assurances to the Diet, which he had convened at Cossovia. In the mean time, the Imperial Troops being ill paid, daily deserted the Service, and revolted to the Malcontents, with whom they hoped to improve and better their Condition.  
Toward the end of this Month, the Turks, by a Detachment out of the Garrison of Newhausel, made an attempt to pass ov●r the Ice to the Isle of Schults, under command of an Hungarian Renegade; but the Ice breaking, many of them were drowned.  
In the Month of March the Turks placed a Guard of 15000 Men to defend the Bridge of Esseck, 
The Emperor's Camp.  from being burnt by the Christians: And the Emperor on his side caused his Troops, which were quartered near the Rhine, to march towards Hungary, as also the Regiment of Count Taaf then in Bohemia; and all the other Troops were ordered to draw towards Presburg; and were near thereunto encamped in the Plain of Kitzee by Count Rabata, that the Emperor might there make a Review of all his Forces, designed that Year against the Turk.  
On the 7th. of May, the Emperor entered into the Field, attended on the Right-hand by the Duke of Bavaria, and on the Left by P. Charles of Lorraine, 
He takes a review of all his Army.  and followed by a numerous train of Nobles and principal Ministers: The Army was all ranged in Battalions, at the front of which, was Count Staremberg, General of the Artillery, with 72 great Pieces of Canon, and 15 Mortar pieces for throwing Bombs, all guarded by the Gunners, and Attendants on the Train of Artillery. The main Body of the Army was composed of 14 Regiments; namely, Staremberg, Mansfelt, Diepenthal, Baden, Grana, Strasoldo, Souches, Heisser, Bech, Wallis, Schaffemberg, Newberg, Thime, and Wirtemberg: The which Body was flanked on each side with a Regiment of Cuirassiers, and 12 Regiments of Horse; namely, Rabata, Gondola, Halleweil, Palsi, Dunevalt, Caprara, Montecuculi, Saxolunemburg, Taaff, Goz, Dupigny, and Mercy, with 3 of Dragoons, Stirum, Castelli, and Herbeville, and 4 Companies of Croats commanded by Riccardi; all of them well armed, and mounted, and most of them select and veterane Soldiers: To these were adjoined a Body of Hungarians and Hussars, being Horse and Foot, under the Command of Count Hesterhasi, Palatine of that Kingdom, to the number of about eight Thousand with 14 Pieces of Cannon; 
The number of the Forces.  about a Thousand whereof were armed with long Lances, the number of all which, as some Author's report, amounted unto 70.740; though as yet the Forces of Alsatia, with those of the Circles of the Rhine, were not come up; but others perhaps with more reason make this whole Force to consist of no more than forty three Thousand Men in all, besides six Thousand Polish Horse, which the Emperor had hired with his own Money, under the Command of Prince Lubomiski, to which were adjoined great numbers of Gentlemen, and younger Brothers, who came to adventure and make their Fortunes in this War.  
After the Emperor had heard Mass, which was celebrated by the Archbishop of Strigonium, and sang with Music, the Archbishop read with a loud Voice the Bull of Indulgence, which the Pope had given unto all those who should fight the Christian Battles against Turks and Infidels; after which, he gave his Benediction to the Emperor, and the Nobility, and to all the Army, who received it with much Humility, and Devotion on their Knees; which Ceremony being ended, the Emperor took a View of the whole Army, greatly to his satisfaction: After which he was conducted to a magnificent Tent, 
Duke of ●oraine feasts the Court.  raised on the Banks of the Danube, where he was splendidly treated by the Duke of Lorraine, together with the Empress, the Arch-duchess, the Elector of Bavaria, the Prince of Newbourg, (Coadjutor of the Grand Master of the Tutonick Order) the Prince Lewis of Baden, and the Duke of Saxelawemburg. After which magnificent Entertainment, the Emperor and the Court returned that Night unto Presburg. Such being the force of the Emperor's Army; let us also take a View of the formidable numbers of the Turks, which were sufficient, like Locusts, to overspread the face of all Hungary. But first we shall observe the Motions of the Emperor's Army, which being now in its Vigour and Strength, and encouraged with fifty Thousand Florins, which his Imperial Majesty was pleased as a Donative to distribute amongst the Soldiers; it was agreed by the Generals of the Army, for the Reputation of their Forces, that some Enterprise should be undertaken, before the Grand Vizier, with the gross of his Army, was advanced farther, which according to their Conjectures, was believed could not be in less than in the time of two Months. The Places nominated for to be attacked, were Gran and Newhausel; the first seemed the most easy in respect to the weakness of the Fortifications; but Advices being come that the Turks were forming a Camp of 40.000 Men near Buda, whereby the Imperialists might be cut off from all Communication with Comorra; it was resolved to change the Design, and to march towards Newhausel. year 1683. Accordingly the Troops were commanded to march, and on the second of june, some Battalions of the first Brigade posted themselves near the Neker, about Canonshot distant from the Town; in two or three days afterwards the whole Army being come up, they too possessed themselves of the Suburbs, and of a Palanca, which covered the Gate towards Buda side, and lodged within a Hundred Paces of the Ditch; and on the 6th. and 7th. of this Month the whole Town was surrounded, 
Newhausel besieged.  and the Platforms raised to receive the Cannon for Batteries, and all things put into a condition of a formal Siege. But whilst Matters were carrying on in this posture, the Duke of Lorraine received Orders from the Court of Vienna to desist from that Enterprise, for that the Turks were far advanced into Stiria, and the Grand Vizier, with a vast Power of the Ottoman Force, as far as Esseck: Hereupon a Council of War being called, and the Orders communicated to them, the Siege which was laid the 3d. of june, was raised on the 10th, and the Army marched towards Raab and Comorra, to reinforce those Garrisons, and from thence to observe the Motions of the Enemy. Many were the Reflections on the Enterprise of Newhausel; it seeming strange, that so wise a Captain as the Duke of Lorraine, should commence so difficult an Enterprise at the beginning of a most perilous War, in which it was hardly possible for him to succeed, there being at the same time an Army of 40.000 Turks encamped under the Walls of Buda, which was not many days March distant from Newhausel; and the Gross of the Turkish Power, not inferior to the greatest of their Armies, (of which Histories recount such prodigious numbers) were then marching under the command of the Grand Vizier, between Esseck and Alba Regalis, or Stultwessemburg. But we ought not to impute any thing to the ill Conduct of so great a General, whose Successes having crowned all his Actions; nothing can seem Rash or void of Council, where Fortune hath always led him by the hand, and made him Victorious, as we shall (God willing) make appear in the sequel of this History.  

The Grand Signior at Belgrade.  But before we proceed farther, we must add what before was omitted, that about the beginning of April, the Grand Signior being desirous to show himself in his Army, began to move towards Belgrade, year 1683. where he arrived with his beloved Soltana, (who would not leave his Company) and with a splendid Court, on the 2d. of june. The grossest part of the Army being by this time come to that place appointed for the general Rendezvous, the Grand Vizier, was willing to give the Grand Signior a Survey of all his Forces, to let him see how he had employed his Treasure, and with what hopes of being repaid with Kingdoms, and with Spoils of the richest Dominions in Christendom: And so the Grand Signior being placed in a high Scaffold erected for that purpose, all the Soldiers in their several Ranks and Degrees, according to their Countries and Nations, passed in their several Orders before him. And in the first place, 
The Forces of Mesopotamia all on Horseback. 
Numb. 13000  Those of Assyria and Babylon, as far as Balsora, 
14000   

Other Asiatic Troops, comprehending the Provinces  Of Sias, Amasia, Maras, Bussia, etc. 

Numbers of the Turkish Army.  30000  The Militia of judea, Egypt, etc. 
18000  The Militia of Caramania, 
8000  Turks out of the parts of Greece, 
16000  The Militia of Armenia▪ Capadocia, etc. 
24000  The remaining Asiatic Troops were from Georgia, and the conquered Countries thereabouts, all which were the Forces out of Asia, and Horse, 
28000  After these marched the Janissaries of Europe, 
12000  Next followed the Tartars, ill Armed and worse Clothed, 
14000  Last of all marched the most flourishing part of the Turkish Army, consisting of the Sons and Servants of Pashas; also of the richest Spahees, and other young Men, all richly clothed and armed, 
35000  Pioniers and others with Shovels, Spades, etc. 
12000  Gunners, and other Attendants on the Train of Artillery, 
13000  Attendants on the Wagons of Ammunition and Provision, 
14000  Other Attendants on the Tents and Baggage, 
13000  All which formidable Forces amounted unto, 
264000    
According to a Calculation made by several Italian Writers; but as to my own Opinion, I cannot believe that Asia could furnish half those numbers, and therefore do rather follow the Computation of the asiatics, according to this Account: 

Mustapha Pasha, Grand Vizier; 15000  
Emir Pasha of Adana, 500  
Husaein Bassa of Bolu, 330  
Kara Mahomet Pasha of Diarbeker, 1500  
Mustapha Pasha of Silistria, 1080  
Halil Pasha of Sivas, 530  
Ahmet Pasha of Maras, 710  
Husaein Pasha of Aleppo, 950  
Osman Pasha a Sangiac under him, 510  
Husaein Pasha of Damascus, 2300  
Hassan Pasha of Armit, 500  
Bei of Gran Cairo, 3000  
Bassa of Tokai on the Borders of Persia, 340  
Bekir Pasha, 500  
27750    
This Computation may very well agree with the Forces of the first Year's Expedition out of Asia; to which being adjoined the several Chambers of Janissaries, with all the European Forces both Horse and Foot, as also the Tartars, Transilvanians, Moldavians and Null, with the Hungarian Rebels; we may without Romance account the Ottoman Force to consist of a Hundred eighty Thousand effective fight Men, besides Miners, Pioniers, Sutler's, Gunners, Attendants on the Train of Artillery, Attendants and Servants belonging to the Tents, with a vast number of Rascals, and Rabble following the Camp, which may very well be Calculated to amount▪ unto at least 40 000 more▪ For the Turks above any Nation in the World have their Camp pestered with the Encumbrances of Baggage; so that if we consider this vast number of 220.000 Men, it will not seem incredible what we find reported, that they spread the Country eight Leagues in length.  
The Report of this formidable, and as to human Appearance, invincible Army, caused the Duke of Lorraine to hasten with all speed possible the Fortifications of Raab, which he designed to enlarge on some rising Grounds near to the Town, and to defend them with the whole Body of the Army, or at least by the Infantry, which having a Communication with the Garrison, might be able to oppose that great force of the Enemy, and weary them out by a lingering Siege in a Country, which was already become desolate, and without Forage for above twenty Miles round.  
But the Duke of Lorraine having received Intelligence, 
The Grand Vizier at Alba Regalis.  that the Grand Vizier on the 1st▪ of july was entered into Alba Regalis, and certainly resolved to Besiege Vienna, and to stop at no other place on their March thither; He than changed his Measures, and having reinforced Raab, with the three Regiments of Baden, Grana and Souches, and given the command of the Place to Colonel Wallis; and having also reinforced Comorra and other Places with strong Garrisons, his whole Field-Army became reduced unto 24.000 Men only: And fearing lest with so small a number, he should be surrounded by the multitudes of the Enemy, he once resolved to encamp himself under the Cannon of Vienna.  
In the mean time Tekeli having made a Visit to the Grand Vizier in his Camp at Alba Regalis, persuaded him to publish a Manifest, 
He publishes a Manifest.  signifying unto the People, That the Grand Signior did take under his Protection all the Hungarians, who should join themselves to the Malcontented Party, and that he would maintain them in their Privileges, Liberties, Estates, Laws, and Religion: And that such, who refused to accept this gracious Offer, were to expect no Quarter, but to be punished with Fire and Sword. This Manifest being divulged by Tekeli at his return from the Vizier to Cassovia, so operated on many of the Hungarians, that the Towns of Papa, Tota and Vesprin accepted of the same, and opened their Gate to Tekeli and his Party: And such was the Consternation of all Hungary, that many other Counties and Towns, declared to the Emperor's Commissioners, that they would open their Gates to Tekeli at the first Summons, rather than expose themselves to Fire and Sword, where was no hopes or expectations of Relief. This Declaration of the People, giving the Emperor just cause to fear, lest Neutra and the Mountain Towns should follow the same Example, Orders were given to Count Schultz, Governor of Neutra, to demolish that Fortress, 
Neutra demolished.  and bring the gross Cannon, with all the Ammunition from thence; and the like Command was given to the Officers of the Mountain Towns, where the Mines of Silver were, it being impossible to relieve them, because Tekeli was Master of all the Passes which led thither; which Orders were readily obeyed by the Officers, Priests and Religious Men, who fled to the Camp of General Schultz on the Banks of the River Waagh: Where Schultz having joined with the six Thousand Polish Horse, under the Command of Prince Lubomiski, he had the fortune to meet a Party of the Malcontents joined with some Tartars, and to give them a total Defeat, killing and taking two Thousand of them, with several Colours, and all their Baggage.  
In the mean time, whilst the Duke of Lorraine was in this dubious Condition, not knowing what course was best to be taken, he resolved once to retire under the Cannon of Vienna, and there to govern himself according to the Motion of the Enemy; but the Turks came on so fast, their Van appearing on the Banks of the River Raab, followed by the whole Body of their Army Marching in Battalions, that there was no time for any thing but a Precipitous Flight; nothing was now to be put to a hazard, for the least Defeat might cause the absolute loss of Vienna, and open the Enemy's way into the Hereditary Countries. In this exigency, all the Foot was Transported over into the Island of Schultz, under the Command of the Count de Zely; and all the Horse being about Nine thousand five hundred in number, Marched away about Midnight, and pitched their Camp near to Altembourg. The Infantry being in the Isle of Schultz, 
The Christian Infantry in the Isle of Schultz.  Marched without danger of the Enemy, and were in the way either to Communicate with Raab, or to give Succour to Vienna, according as they saw the Enemy bend their Course, for they were in a Condition to move faster than the multitudes, and gross Bodies of the Turks. In a few Days it appeared, that the Turks aimed at the Capital City of Vienna, and to leave all the other Fortresses behind them, as being places which would fall of themselves, and follow the Fate of the Imperial Court. The News of all which being carried from the Duke of Lorraine by Count Caprara to the Emperor; and also, that the Baggage of the Duke of Saxelawenburg, of Prince Lewis de Baden, and of the Counts Caprara, and Montecuculi were all taken by the Turks, and their Convoy defeated; and that the Horse in great disorder had abandoned the Infantry, and left them to shift for themselves in the Isle of Schultz, and were Marching with great Disorder to Vienna: No sooner was this Intelligence arrived, than the Tartars appeared at the same time within two Leagues of the City, 
The great consternation at Vienna.  and set Fire to all the Villages round about, the Smoke of which ascending upwards, gave visible demonstrations of the truth of these Reports, and put all the Court and City into a distracted Consternation. The Emperor after the coming of this News, made no delay to depart away with the Empress, the Arch-Duchess, and all the Court for Lintz: There was now no time to spare; and Fear added Wings as well to the Poor as to the Rich; the great Personages whose Offices obliged them to an attendance on the Court, were to be excused from remaining behind in Defence of the City, the Duty they owed their Master disengaging them from showing their Bravery in the Face of the Enemy: And indeed such were the Preparations of all sorts of People to hasten out of the Town, as if none had intended to stay in Defence of it: 
The Emperor and Court remove to Lintz.  The Court which at other times would have required at least fifteen Days preparations for such a removal, was now confined to five or six Hours; so that without a larger Description of this Affrightment, we may imagine and figure to ourselves, the Confusion there was in Vienna upon this Departure. Every Man before he could leave his Home, had something or other to order and dispatch; for which Reason the Emperor at Night had very few, or none to serve and attend him; and what will be thought most strange in times hereafter, he had no Guard, or Convoy to Defend his Person, through the many Perils and Hazards he was to pass, it being necessary to leave all the Soldiery behind for Defence of the City. We may then conceive with what Terror this sad and trembling Court did travel, being continually alarumed by reports of Tartars, who had Plundered and Pillaged, and Burnt all the Parts round, the terrible Marks of which appeared in the Night, and served by the Flames to direct them in their way: And had not the Providence of God, carried that rude and barbarous Nation into Parts more Remote, the Emperor and all his Court, with the Ladies, and Chief Nobility had fallen as a Prey into their rapacious Hands: But God having diverted so great a mischief and shame to all Christendom, the Imperial Court arrived at Lintz, more terrified with the continual Alarms, then tired with the Journey; the Attendants followed the Court so fast as they were able, as did the Women, Citizens, and those who were not Men of the Sword; the ways were filled with Coaches, Carts, Wagons and Horses, the present trembling condition adminished unto the flying Multitude, matter of discourse, so that as they journied along their Talk was concerning the ill management of the public Affairs, which were reduced to that unhappy State by the evil Councils of the Jesuits, who had too great an Interest, and prevailing Power in the Cabinet of the Emperor: Had it not been for them, said they, and for the Clergy, the Protestants had not been divested of their Churches; nor deprived of their Liberties and Properties, whereby they were provoked to take up Arms against the Emperor: Nay, how often was the Imperial Clemency well inclined to grant Pardon, and Terms of Peace to Tekeli, and his Malcontented Subjects; which would have diverted this Storm from the Turks, which now pursues us, but that the governing power of the Clergy still cherished, and fomented the Differences, until they had brought them to this ultimate precipice of our Destruction? Some there were, who being well disposed towards the French Faction, blamed the Councils of the Emperor, for not accepting the Propositions of France made for relief of the Empire: For though such a remedy might be dangerous, yet it could not be worse than the Disease, nor nothing so bad as the present impending Evil; it were better to put ourselves into the Hands of the French, than into the power of Turks and Infidels.  
The Court continued not long at Lintz; for so soon as Intelligence came that Vienna was Besieged, the Emperor removed to Passau, which is a City ab●●t 30 or 40 Miles farther into Germany; and was a Bishopric, which with Strasbourg was once in the Hands of the Arch Duke Leopold William. Two days after the departure of the Emperor from Vienna, the Confusion still continued day and night, caused by Carts and Horses, employed to carry away the Goods and Householdstuff of those who as useless Persons were permitted to remove out of the City.  
At length, upon arrival of the Duke of Lorraine the Confusion ceased, and the Inhabitants and Soldiers affrightned before by the timorous multitude which were fled, began to return again into their▪ Wits, 
Good Orders and Rules established.  and become capable to receive Orders, and solid Councils for the better defence of their City, Estates and Lives. The Courage and good Conduct which appeared in the Generals, operated the like effect in the Minds of the Soldiery, who now with undaunted Resolution attended the approach of the Enemy, who had in their March received a Repulse before the Fortress of Raab, which gave no little encouragement to the Garrison. The same day that the Duke of Lorraine and Count Staremberg entered into Vienna, year 1683. being the 13 th' of july, the Infantry which were before passed over into the Island of Schultz, were come up to the rest of the Army: The first thing ordered by these Commanders was, to repair the Palisadoes, and finish some Works as well as could be possible in so short a warning; and the Inhabitants of the Suburbs being retired within the Town, were willingly employed with their own Hands, to set Fire to their own Dwellings, to divest the Enemy of all Succour, or Shelter therein.  

The Forces put into Vienna.  The same Night the Duke of Lorraine caused all the Foot, excepting only eight Batalions, which he reserved to defend his Camp, to enter into the Counterscarp of the Town; and in two Nights after being the 14 th' and 15 th', the Powder and Bullet, which was expected from Lintz were brought in, and lodged in the Arsenal of the City. After which the other eight Batalions were also brought into the Town, which with those in the Counterscarp made Twelve thousand Men. But for better understanding the State and Condition of the Garrison, 
T●e num●●● of the Forces brought into Vienna.  we have here set down the particulars of all the Forces therein, that those worthy Persons, who have so signalised themselves by their Bravery in this Famous Siege, may not be forgotten in future Ages.  

Count Staremberg Governor. Regiments of  Starem●erg Commanded by Geo. Maurice of Ketlin. 
2000 Men.  Half of Keiserstin's Regiment under Wolfargschenek, 
1000  Mansfeld Commanded by C. Alex. Lesly, 
2000  Souches by Charles Lewis Colonel of Souches, Son of the Famous General Radwight, 
2000  Schaffemberg, and Bercks' two Regiments, 
4000  Seven Companies of Newbourg, 
1200  Half of Heister's Regiment, under Baron Heister, 
1000  The other half of this Regiment was sent to Lintz, for Guard of the Emperor's Person. 
  Five Companies of Dimik, an ancient Commander, 
0600  Dupignis Regiment of Horse, 
0600  Three Companies of the Garrison belonging to the City, 
1200   
These Regiments when full amounted in all unto 15600 Men; but so many of them had been Killed and wasted with Sickness, that scarce Ten thousand of them entered into Vienna; to which being added the Trained-Bands of the City, consisting of 2717, the whole Garrison might be well computed with Volontiers, and Officers at near 13000 Men.  

The Chief Officers were.  
Count Staremberg Governor, Count Daun, Lieutenant Governor, Marquis Ferdinand Obizzi Major, john Count Serini Assistant to the Count Daun; The Count's Souches and Schaffemberg Assistants to the Lieutenant Governor and Major.   

Volontiers were  
Count Trotmandorf, who had been a Colonel many years in Flanders, Count Five-Kerk Captain of the Provincial Circle of Austria, the Count of Salzbourg, who was Colonel of a Regiment of Croats, but being come to Vienna to be Cured of a Dissentery, which he had got in the Army, and the Siege happening before his perfect Recovery, he offered to serve in nature of a Volontier. The Baron of Kilmensec Great Forester to the Emperor, defended the Court-bastian for three days with eighty of his Foresters, who being excellent Marks-Men, and used to their Guns, which they charged with an exact proportion of Powder and Bullet, did great Execution upon the Turks, seldom missing their Shot, and the Baron himself killed a Turk at 300 paces distant; who was afterwards known to have been one of the Turks principal Canoniers. The Count Vignacourt a French Gentleman, formerly employed by his most Christian Majesty, in quality of an Ambassador to Ferdinand the Third, Father of the present Emperor, and to other Princes of Germany, was, an other of the Volontiers: As were also the Count de St. Micaele a Venetian, Ernest Sigismond de Zeternz, of an ancient Family in Silesia, Cornelius Rummingken, a Person of Sixty two years of Age, and tho' much afflicted with the Gout, yet being an experienced Soldier, his Councils were more available to the Governor than his Bodily Services. And lastly, There was Sigismond de Reitoffar a Gentleman of Moravia, who had formerly been a Major General, who showed himself at all times daring, and active in the Execution of such Orders, as he received from Count Staremberg the Governor.  
This was all the Force which was lodged in Vienna, to defend it against that Formidable Army, then ready to encompass it on all sides: But whom God will save are always well protected, and then there never want Provisions nor Councils, nor Courage in the Soldiery.  
The Count of Kollonitz, who was Treasuerer of Hungary, did most seasonably furnish the Bishop of Newstadt, 
The Bishop of Newstadt's Treasure.  with Five hundred thousand Florins for supply of the Garrison during the Siege, with Three thousand Measures of Wine; which this Bishop, who was a Knight of the Great Cross of Malta, and had been in the Siege of Candia, did with good mannagement lay up in several Cellars in the Town, and distributed to the Soldiers in time of the Siege; as also the Money, which was paid out with such order, and on such occasions, as were requisite and necessary, to appease all complaints which might arise for want thereof. But above all, care was taken to establish a Council in the Town during the Siege: The Persons thereunto nominated and appointed were,  
Count the Capliers Counsellor of State, and General of the Ordnance; 
The Council appointed for Government of Vienna.  Count de Molard, Grand Marshal of Austria, Baron de Belchamp, Councillor of the Emperor's Household, and the Chancellor Hoffman. The Governors under Count Staremberg were the Counts of Thun and Serini; and after them Souches and Schaffemberg, Baron de Beck, the Prince of Wirtemberg, and Baron Heister, who were all Colonels of Regiments which served in Vienna.  
By this time being the 14/4 of july, the Duke of Lorraine having given all the necessary Orders for conservation of the City; year 1683. the Turks began to descend by the Hill of St. Mark with their Horses, 
The first appearance of the Turks.  Wagons and Camels laden with Baggage, ranging themselves in form of a Crescent or Half-moon round the Town: Upon appearance whereof, and the News of the near approach of the Great Vizier; the Duke of Lorraine on the 15 th' at night drew off all his Horse, and Dragoons to the other side of the Bridges, and there Encamped: He had once entertained some Thoughts of conserving a part of the Foot in his Camp; but considering the great Force of the Enemy ready to surround the City, 
The Duke of Lorraine puts all his Foot into Vienna.  the largeness of the Works which were to be maintained, the distance of the Forces which were designed for its Relief, and the daily decay, and diminution of Soldiers in a long Siege; were sufficient inducements to this Wise Commander, to supply the City with all the Infantry without any reserve unto himself. Howsoever, he had once some Thoughts of posting some of his Cavalry in the Tabor, to keep a Communication with the Town; but upon a true survey thereof, the Water was found to be Shallow in many places, and Fordable that Man and Horse could March into it in Rank and File, so that the Water being of no security to a Camp, the place was deserted: 
The Tab●r▪  The Tabor is an Island in the Danube, of about a Mile and half in length, planted with Trees and Orchards, and full of Gardens, Fountains and Houses of Pleasure.  
The Tabor being judged no place for the Cavalry to Lodge in; the Duke of Lorraine passed the Danube, leaving the Bridges to be defended by the Dragoons of General Schultz. By this time the Vanguard of the Turks were advanced, and great numbers of Tents pitched round the City: And the Vizier with the Gross of the Army was Marching to the Siege, having left the Pasha of Buda with Twelve thousand Men to block up Raab, where he remained until such time as he was Relieved by Apafi Prince of Transilvania, with some of Tekeli ●s Forces, and then he proceeded to the Siege of Vienna. 
The Vizier in the Camp before Vienna.  On the 16 th' the Vizier entered the Camp, highly raised, and puffed up with assurances of finding the Gates of Vienna opened unto him, or at least to run over the Walls without much Opposition. His numerous Force gave him a confidence of Success, and his natural Pride suggested to him an Impossibility of being Overcome: The Country People nourished this Opinion in him by Reports, that all the Christian Infantry were shut up in the Isle of Schultz; that there was no force in the City, and the disorder and Confusion so great therein, that upon the first Summons they would open their Gates: Nor was the Report ill grounded; for at that time the whole Garrison of Vienna did not consist of above Six hundred Men, of which the Vizier was well advised, and knew, that if he made but some more than ordinary haste with his Army, o● detached a formidable Body to appear in sight of the Town, before the Duke of Lorraine had reinforced the Garrison, and put all things into a Posture of Defence, the Gates might easily have been opened, and the City become the Prey and Reward of the Ottoman Soldiers. But this was not the Vizier's business, his desire was to gain and appropriate all the Riches unto himself, which was to be done only by Articles and Conditions of Surrender drawn, and agreed in the time of a formal Siege; and therefore he would neither hasten his Troops to take Possession of the City, before it was Reinforced, nor yet encourage his M●n to Enter the Town by mere Force and Dint of Sword; which in the Opinion of the Soldiery, he might have done if when he Stormed the Works, he had pushed forward his Men to the utmost of their Mettle; so that here we may observe, that his accursed Avarice, which had been the Ruin of so many Persons, was now the Cause of his own Destruction.  
The Vizier began to open his Trenches, about fifty Paces distant from the Counterscarp in the Suburbs of St. Ulric, or the Garden of Madam Spina, where the rising of the Walks by the obscurity of the Night, gave them an advantageous ground for raising some Batteries; and in the Morning two Spahees were commanded to throw a Writing in a Linen Bag into the Counterscarp, which they performed, 
 running full speed with their Horses. The substance of which was this.  
These Presents are to make known unto you, the Generals, Governor, Soldiers and Noble Citizens of the City of Vienna, That according to the Orders, we have received from the most Happy, most Powerful, most Invincible and most Mighty Emperor of the Universe, our Master, who is the true Image of God living on the Earth, and who by the Grace and Favour of the Almighty, following the Example of our Prophet Mahomet Mustapha, to whom be Glory and Honour, and Blessing, is by a Multitude of Miracles become the Greatest Sovereign both of one, and the other World, and the Supreme Emperor of all Kings and Princes; hath sent hither his Armies which are without number, to the intent that they shall take Vienna, and there Establish the Worship of our True Religion. And whereas it is a Principle of our Religion, above all things to Propagate the Musselmin Faith, as is expesly Commanded by the Law of our Holy Prophet; We do instantly exhort you, before we Unsheathe our Terrible Cymiters to Embrace our Holy Religion, and to suffer yourselves to be instructed in the Mysteries thereof, by which you will find Salvation to your Souls. And in case you will Surrender up the City, whether you be Young or Old, Rich or Poor, We assure you, that you shall with all security Live therein: And in case any of you shall desire to go forth, and Live in any other place, he shall have Permission and Licence so to do, and shall be convoyed forth with his Goods and Substance, with his Wife and Children. And as to those who shall desire to remain behind, they may Live in the Town in such manner as they did before. But in case you are obstinate, and constrain us to take your City by Force, then will we spare no Person whatsoever: And we Swear by the Creator of Heaven and Earth, who never had nor never shall have an Equal, that we will put all to the Sword, as is Commanded by our Holy Law, and will take your Goods and Estates, and carry away your Wives, and Children into Captivity. Pardon is only for them, who obey the Divine Ordinances.  
Given at the Emperor's Camp before Vienna, the 8 th' of the Moon Regeb, and in the Year of the Prophet's Transmigration, 1094.  
To these Summons no other Answer was Returned, than by Cannon and a Vigorous Defence, and by a Bloody Conflict in the Suburbs in which the Turks were greatly worsted. The Courage of the Besieged, which was evidenced during all the time of the Siege was most eminently Signalised at the beginning thereof; when the Scotch Convent of Benedictin Friars, (which was a very stately Edifice) took Fire, 
A Fire in Vienna.  and endangered the Arsenal, which was near adjoining thereunto, and where Two thousand Barrels of Powder were lodged; but by the diligence of Young Staremberg, and the Officers of the Artillery, the Powder was all carried to some Remoter place: And it pleasing God by his Gracious Providence, to causeth Wind to blow the Flames to other Quarters, the Arsenal was preserved and all the Ammunition therein, tho' several great Edifices, and Palaces thereunto adjoining were consumed before the Fire was extinguished. The Original of this Fire was attributed to the Treachery of a Youth of 16 Years of Age habited in Girls Clothing; whom the People in their Fury tearing to pieces, prevented the Discovery of this Treacherous and Horrid Plot. The Turks all this while with much Joy beheld the Flames ascending from the City, and plied their Cannon and Bombs towards that part, which at first broke in the Air without other Execution; and the better to prevent the accident by Fire, Count Staremberg ordered the Roofs off all those Houses to be taken off which were covered with Shingles, and apt to take Fire with the least Spark. This was a terrible beginning of a Siege, and such as was sufficient totally to dismay the Spirits of the Defendants, but that they were supported with more than ordinary Courage inspired into them by the Providence of Heaven.  
All this while the Cavalry maintained their Stations at the Foot of the Bridges, to keep a Communication so long as was possible with the Town, and hinder the Passage of the Turks into the Isles of Leopolstadt, the which Action the Duke of Lorraine committed to the Care and Conduct of General Schultz, and Prince Lubomiski, whilst he with the greater part of the Army retired to Langenzendorf: But the Turks, and Tartars with a very great number coming to force the Pass, carrying the Foot on their Horses behind them, and Wading over the Water, which was Foardable on all sides, were received with such a Welcome as cost the Lives of most of those, who were the most forward to gain the Pass; 
The Christians forced from the Bridges.  but the numbers of the Enemy increasing, the Christians found themselves not able to sustain the shock, and therefore having burnt and destroyed all the Houses thereabouts, they orderly retired to the Army, having broken the Bridges to prevent the more hasty pursuit after them.  
The Turks having by this time encompassed the whole City with their numerous Camp, 
The Turks batter the City.  and Tents of divers colours, advanced their Trenches within thirty Paces of the Counterscarp, on the side of the Bastions of the Court and the Lobel, and continually so plied that Quarter with their Cannons and Mortars, that they entirely ruined the Emperor's Palace, with the Houses and Churches thereunto adjoining. Whilst Count Staremberg was busied in all places to give necessary Orders, and provide against every Misfortune which might happen, 
Staremberg wounded.  he was unluckily wounded by the Blow of a Brick upon his Head, which had been carried by the stroke of a Canonshot, which confined him to his Chamber for three Days, and the Count Daun, one of the Deputy Governors was sick at the same time of a Fever: However the care of the Counts Serini, Souches and Scaffenberg was such, that the Enemy gained no advantage by the absence of those Governors.  
Whilst Matters were thus acting in the City, 
C. Leslie sent to Krembs.  Count Leslie was sent to Krembs to convoy the Train of Artillery thither, and attend the coming of the Auxiliary Troops of Bavaria, Saxony and Franconia, and the Regiments which were marching from several other Places of the Empire; and also to restrain the Incursions of the Tartars into Austria, who with much Violence and Cruelty laid all Places, wheresoever they came, in Blood and Ashes, though many of them were cut to pieces in divers Conflicts, there being a Hundred and fifty of them killed by the Peasants, who were felling the Trees about Vienna, to hinder and disturb the March of the Enemy. But why the Tartars should destroy all the Villages and Provisions near to Vienna, whereby they deprived the Turkish Army of all Provisions and Subsistence from parts near unto their Camp, and caused their Horse to fetch Forage at twenty Miles distance, no sound Reason can be given, unless it be, that those People having always been used to Spoil and Destruction, have it not in their Power, and nature to leave any thing unblasted, and not consumed in the Country of an Enemy wheresoever they pass. Some Troops belonging to General Schultz had the fortune at the same time to take a considerable Convoy of the Turks, consisting of above three Hundred Wagons, killing on the place about six Hundred and fifty, and taking two Hundred Prisoners.  
The Turks had drawn two parallel Lines, one on the side of the Court-Bastion, 
T●e Disposition of the Turkish Force.  and another on the Lobel-Bastion, with a Line of Communication between both; and here they raised their Batteris of thirty Pieces of Cannon: And though Vienna was fortified with eleven Bastions, yet three of them only were attacked, so that the whole Force of the Town was drawn that way for its Defence. The Grand Vizier took his Station on the side of the Ravelin, and with him the Janisar- Aga, or General of the Janissaries, named Kara Mustapha, and his Kahia or Lieutenant, and also the Pasha of Romelia, who was killed with a Canonshot. The Attack of the Court-Bastion on the Right-hand of the Vizier was committed to Chusaein, Pasha of Damascus, who though he was a stout Man, and a good Soldier, yet he had been unfortunate, having formerly been beaten by Prince Ragotski in Transilvania, by Count Souches, at Leventz (as we have at large described in the former part of our History) and by the King of Poland at Coczim. The Bastion of the Lobel on the Lefthand of the Vizier was committed to Achmet, Pasha of Temeswaer, who died on the 3d. of September of a Dissentery; he had formerly executed the Office of High Treasurer, and after his decease, Husaein Pasha, who also had been Treasurer, was promoted to his Place. In describing this Siege, it will not be necessary to recount all the particulars of the Traverses, Mines, Countermines, and other minute Actions, provided (as we intent) we do not omit any considerable Passage, or Fears of Arms, which were most memorable through the whole course of this Siege.  
Count Starembergh observing that the Turks worked continually in their Lines, resolved to obstruct them by a vigorous Sally, 
The Besieged make a Sally.  for which the Besieged having now lost all their Fears, were very forward to do: The Sally was managed by one Samson Steimbach, a Captain in the Regiment of Mansfeldt, and Count Guy of Staremberg, who signalised themselves with such Valour and Success, that they killed many of the Miners, and brought in a Prisoner alive, who discovered many Particulars then acting by the Enemy.  
On the 23d. of july, the Turks taking the advantage of a strong Gale of Wind, which blew towards the City, to throw divers Bombs thereinto, one of which beat down the Spanish Embassador's House, with little other damage to the Town. The same day in the Afternoon the Turks sprang a Mine near the Lobel Bastion, but it taking vent, reversed on themselves, damaging only a corner of the Bastion, and overturning some Palisadoes, which were repaired again in the Night; howsoever the Turks took this opportunity to make a furious Assault upon that Bastion, but were valiantly repulsed, with the loss of two Hundred Men killed, and three taken Prisoners.  
About the same time, a Messenger from the Duke of Lorraine having swum four times over the Water, 
A Mes●●nge● 〈◊〉 the Duke of Lorraine.  with his Letters in a Bladder hanging about his Neck, with much difficulty got into the Town, which brought them the happy and encouraging News of being speedily relieved; for that all the Troops of the Circles, and of the Emperor's hereditary Countries, came daily to the general Rendezvous at Krembs; and that the King of Poland with his Army was come as far as Olmutz. Nor were the Troops of the Duke of Lorraine idle all this time during the Siege, but making Incursions and enterprizing some Design or other every Day, brought many Prisoners into the Camp with their Horses and other Booty: But the joy of these Successes were not a little damped by the News that the City of Presburg with Timavia, Emdemburg, Prekalla, Leita and Haisentat, being dismayed by the formidable Force of the Vizier, had submitted themselves to Tekeli, and to his Protection. Howsoever considering Men reflected, that such Accidents as these were to be expected, where a mighty Army predominated; and were as easily reversed by the turn of a contrary Fortune, and that they would follow the Fate and Success of Vienna.  
The 25th. of this Month, the Duke of Lorraine receiving Intelligence, that Tekeli had form an Army of 20.000 Malcontents, and eight Thousand Turks under the Command of the Pashas of Waradin and Pest, and designed to Besiege the Castle of Presburg; 
Debates about the Relief of Presbourg.  which being a Place of considerable Consequence, was a Matter of long Debate, whether in that Conjuncture it was to be relieved in despite of all the Difficulties and Obstacles which appeared to the contrary. For in the first place it was alleged, that the Ways thither were rocky, woody, and enclosed, that the Forces of the Enemy were much superior to theirs in number; and that the Army ought not to be put into any hazard of being Defeated, at a time when the Relief of Vienna was the main and ultimate Design. To these Arguments it was urged, that in case the Castle of Presburg was surrendered to the Enemy, it would facilitate a Communication between their two Armies, and hinder the conjunction of the Polish Army with the Imperial, unless they took a large compass about, which would both harrass the Men by a long March, and defer the Relief of Vienna; the Extremities of which required nothing more than Hast and a speedy Succour. These last Reasons prevailed above the former, it being esteemed of absolute necessity to conserve the Castle of Presbourg, the which was wavering, and ready with the other Towns to accept and embrace the Protection of Tekeli. 
The Duke of Lorraine secures Presbourg.  In pursuance of this Resolution, the Duke of Lorraine passed the Danube with his Horse and Dragoons, namely, the Regiments of Palsi, Caprara, Rabata, Gondola, Taff, Merci, Hallewiel, Montecuculi, Veterani and Gets, which were all Horse, to the number of eight Thousand; and of Dragoons, those of Stirum, Schultz and Herberviller, making in all an Hundred thirty six Troops and Companies, besides the Poles under Lubomiski, which made about two Thousand Men more. In the Night Prince Lewis of Baden and the Baron of Merci, were Commanded in the Van to secure the narrow Ways and Passages; and being come upon certain Hills, where they see round about, they discovered the Enemy's Fires and Lights below in the Plains, and two Camps at some little distance one from the other; of which, Advice being given to the General, Prince Lewis of Baden was ordered to Attack the Suburbs of Presbourg, where some of the Malcontents were quartered; upon this Surprise, the Malcontents flying into the Town, made way for the Imperialists to enter without much Resistance: The City being in a sudden consternation, upon sight of the Imperial Army at their Gates, surrendered upon Summons, as did also the Castle; the Garrison whereof, whilst the Town was in Treaty, escaped out to seek for Refuge in the Camp; but many of them were intercepted in their Passage, and cut to pieces.  
This happy success in sight of the Enemy was an evidence of their Weakness and want of Courage, and animated the Christians to give them Battle: The Prince Lewis of Baden with his Dragoons, was hereupon as ordered, drew up in the Vineyards and Gardens adjoining to the Suburbs, and extended his whole Body to the right and left, along the Danube to the foot of the Hill, the better to secure C. Caprara, whilst he with his Horse descended down by the Vineyards, and had drawn up in Battalions.  
The Enemy made a show as if they intended to fight, and detached some Parties to begin a Skirmish, but the Duke of Lorraine would not Engage, until all his Forces were drawn up; upon appearance whereof the Malcontents changed their Minds, 
The Malcontents are put to flight.  and instead of advancing, the Imperialists perceived, by a great Dust rising on one side and the other, that the Enemy retired: The advanced Parties of the Enemy, which were to begin the Battle, finding themselves abandoned by the main Body, turned their backs and fled; and were hardly pursued by the Imperialists and Poles, with much loss and slaughter, until they came to a great Wood, with a stream of Water running by it, where they made a Stand; but a detached party of Poles, with some Squadrons of Germans, and some of the Regiment of Palsi charged them with such Vigour and Bravery as put them to a Rout, so that they killed about five or six Hundred of them, and took about twelve Hundred Wagons of Baggage, and pursued them so hotly towards Tirnau, that many of them saved themselves in the Woods, and others threw themselves into the Danube; the Affrightment and Disorder was so great through the whole Army, that they recovered not themselves until they had passed the Waagh.  

Discontent between the Turks and Tekeli.  Tekeli having Intelligence of the March of the Imperialists, by the Party which had been beaten the Evening before; he retired in the Nighttime, with a great Body of his own Horse and Foot, (leaving very few of his Men with the Turks) and resolved to attend the Duke of Loraine's coming, and to fall upon him; which occasioned that Quarrel and Misunderstanding between the Malcontents and the Turks, that they separated each from other, and acted apart, until they were reconciled, and again united by Mediation of the Vizier, as appeared by certain Letters, which were intercepted.  
But to return again to the Siege: In the mean time, whilst these things were acting abroad, there was continual firing and shooting on both sides; and on the 26th. the Turks designing to make a furious Assault, caused all their warlike Music, such as Flutes, Cymbals, and brass Trumpets, which give a shrill Sound, to play with their highest Notes, to encourage their Soldiers to make the Onset; but just as they were beginning, the Besieged gave Fire to a Mine, 
A Mine sprang by the Besieged.  which made many of the Turks to take capers and frisks in the Air, according to the Measures of their Music. But the Turks not dismayed hereat, pressed hard to gain that Ground which the Mine had laid open, but were valiantly repulsed by those who had the Guard of that Place: Howsoever, the Matter was long in dispute, until Count Serini, and St. Croix Lieutenant Colonel of Dupigni's Regiment of Horse came in with some Granadiers to their Relief, and forced the Assailants back again into their Trenches, leaving many of their Companions dead upon the place, whose Heads the Christians afterwards fixed upon Poles, and exposed 'em to the View of the Turkish Camp. Howsoever, this Action was not performed without some loss and hurt to the Besieged, for Count Guy of Staremberg and Count Souches were wounded: George Misnier, 
Several of the Christians killed.  General of the Artillery, had his Arm broken by a Shot, of which he died in a few days afterwards, to the great Sorrow of the whole City, which could not but miss a Person so excellent in his Art, having been Ingenier at the Siege of Philipsbourg, in the Troops of the Marquis of Baden: In this Action also were killed Baron Walter, Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Wirtemberg, and William Schemnitz, a Captain in the Regiment of Staremberg; as also Baron Dubski, who was shot through both his Buttocks with a Musquest Bullet; and the Governor, Staremberg himself, was again wounded in the Hand with the stroke of a Stone, as he had before been in the Head.  
The Turks having this Day intercepted a Letter, which the Governor had sent by an express Messenger to the Duke of Lorraine, to give an account of the state of the Town; the Vizier, that he might give notice thereof unto Staremberg, he caused the same Paper to be fastened to an Arrow, and shot into the Town, with an additional Letter from the Vizier, wrote in Latin to this Effect: That it was to little purpose for the Besieged to write in Characters unto the Duke of Lorraine to render him an account of the ill Condition of their Town, 
A Letter shot into the Town.  since the same is sufficiently known to the Besiegers, without any Key or Explanation of the cipher. Howsoever the Grand Vizier, out of compassion to the Creatures of God, had already offered them his Mercy; but that being rejected by the Besieged, he thought fit to let them know, that the time was now come, in which they were to feel the rigour of the Divine Indignation, which would cause them, tho' late, to repent of this their inflexible Obstinacy. This Letter being read among the Officers, moved Laughter, rather than occasioned Fear.  
As the Besieged continued still in good heart within the Town, so the Duke of Loraine's Camp received a double Encouragement from two happy Successes: The first was, That the Bano, or Lord Lieutenant of Croatia, had conserved that People in their Loyalty and Devotion towards the Emperor, and for Security thereof, had made them to enter into a solemn Oath: But that of a greater Importance, was, That General Dunewald had again defeated a Body of two or three Thousand Tartars, 
A Body of Tartars defeated.  with the slaughter of about thirteen Hundred killed upon the place, and many Prisoners, taken, besides all their Baggage and Booty which they had plundered in Hungary and Austria. Within the Town they were forming and contriving all Ways and Instruments for their Defence; and amongst the rest, they had forged a certain Weapon in manner of a saith of about six Foot in length besides the Handle, which proved of excellent Use and Effect against the Scymeters, and would cut off a Man at the middle without much difficulty, and some times take off four or five Heads at a stroke.  
The 28th. the Turks attempting to make themselves Masters of the Counterscarp, on the side of the Court-Bastion and Lobel, sprang a M●●e, 
A mine 〈◊〉 by the Turks.  which they had prepared on that Quarter; but it being not far enough advanced, it reached not the Palisadoes, howsoever, about twenty Soldiers were killed, besides several wounded.  
The 29th. about five a Clock in the morning, the Besieged fired sixty Pieces of Cannon upon the Enemy, which they modestly answered with one single Gun; but in the Afternoon they stormed the Palisadoes with great fury, 
The Turks repulsed.  but were repulsed with much loss; in which Action, the new-invented scythes were very serviceable, and did great execution on the Assailants, amongst which Kara Mahomet Pasha of Mesopotamia was wounded in the Thigh, as also the Gebegee Bassa, who is chief of the Armourers, and the Vizier's Kahya or Deputy was killed and buried at the entrance into his own Tent.  
On the 30th. Count Staremberg fired a Mine, which as believed did great execution on the Enemy, for that they employed the whole Day following in repairing the Damage which that Mine had caused.  
The 31st. the Turks advanced their Trenches so near to the Counterscarp, that the two Parties could speak and discourse one with the other, and fight at Arms end, and with the Stakes of the Palisadoes, which they had plucked up; but the Defendants with their long iron Crooks, such as we use for pulling down Houses, in the time of Fire, caught up the Bodies of Men, and drew them over the Walls, and with one cut of their scythes would Mow off three or four Heads at a stroke.  
The Turks finding themselves greatly incommoded in their Trenches by the Bombs and Granades, which were shot from the Town, contrived ways to cover them with Beams of Timber, 
The Turks cover their Trenches.  over which they laid Sacks of Earth, which kept off all Fireworks, Cannon and Musquet-shot; and in many places of the Trenches they made Pavements of Brick, which were so commodious and secure, that the Grand Vizier, and many of the principal Officers and Pashas lodged therein, with as much convenience as in their own Houses. 
August 3d.   
On the 3d. of August the Turks having raised their Trenches much higher than the Counterscarp, began a Fight against the Defendants with Muskets and Arrows, which they continued for a long time, and relieved their Men often, with new Supplies, but were always bravely repulsed by the Christians. Towards the Evening, the Turks endeavoured to gain the Counterscarp of the Court Ravelin by Assault; and with much Blood, after a vigorous Defence, they took it: The Pasha of Damascus was killed in this Action.  
The Turks, encouraged with this Success, the next Day pursued their Fortune with redoubled Force, 
4th.  and attacked the Counterscarp, at the Gate of the Lobel-Bulwark, with such fury, that with the loss of four Hundred of their Men, they became Masters of it.  
And then on the 5th. they threw into the Ditch of the Ravelin, 
5th.  such quantity of Faggots and Sacks of Earth, as served to fill it up; but yet the Turks possessed not long this spot of Ground, for that very Night they were driven from that Post with great loss by the Valour of the Defendants, and Diligence of the Governor, who was all that Night upon the Works, and took no repose until four a Clock in the Morning.  
On the 6th. about nine a Clock in the Morning, the Turks sprang a Mine, 
6th.  which opened the Earth very much in the Counterscarp, towards the Court-Bastion, and therewith began a terrible Fight, which continued for the space of five Hours; during which time the Christians lost about a Hundred Men killed and wounded, amongst which was Count Leslie, Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Mansfelt, 
C. Leslie the younger Slain.  and Brother of General Leslie, who at first being wounded in the Arm maintained his Ground, not retiring so much as to be dressed, but still continued the Fight, until being shot in the Breast with a Musket Bullet, he died under the Walls of the City with much Glory; but notwithstanding all this Valour of the Defendants, the Turks crowded on their Soldiers in such multitudes with continual Supplies, that like a violent Torrent, 
The Turks gain the Counterscarp.  not being to be withstood, they became Masters of the Ditch of the Counterscarp of the Court Ravelin, at the cost of the Lives of six Hundred and Seventy of their Men, and that Day in all were a Thousand Turks killed, and about a Hundred and eighty Christians.  
On the 7th. the Centinel, 
7th.  that was placed on the top of the Steeple of St. Stephens, gave notice, about five a Clock in the morning, that he discovered a great Smoak arising on the farther side of the Danube, which continued until eight that Morning, and afterwards vanished; the Governor rightly conjectured, that the Smoke was caused by some Fight between the Christians and Turks: The truth of which was the next day brought by a Rascian, (who was of that Province which produces excellent Spies) and he related, That the Turks having detached a Party of about Three thousand Horse, to make a Discovery of the State of the Duke of Loraine's Camp, and see what numbers were come in from Saxony, Suabia and Franconia. Upon advices of their March an Ambuscade was laid for them, into which they unwarily falling, the greatest part of them were slain, and an Aga, and Tekeli's Secretary, an Hungarian Count, were made Prisoners: And also, That they had taken many of the Enemy's Wagons laden with Ammunition and Provisions, 
A Party of Turks defeated.  and that upon this Success, divers of the Malcontents had deserted their Party, and were gone unto the Emperor. The same day the Turks Sprang a Mine on the side of the Lobel Bastion, which reversed on themselves, with the same loss and hurt which they designed for the Christians.  
On the 8 th', the Christians thundered their Cannon from the Curtain of the Carinthian Bulwark, 
8th.  which ruined some of the Works of the Besiegers, and Dismounted their Cannon: Howsoever, the same Day the Turks Sprang a Mine, just at the Point of the Court Bastion, by which twenty three Christians were killed. But what in this matter is strange and worthy to be remembered, a certain Gunner was tossed up into the Air by force of this Mine, and thrown into the Ditch of the Town without any hurt, to the great wonder of all those who were Spectators thereof. The Turks seconded the Mine with an Assault, and began to remove the Earth under the Ravelin, and to cover the Galleries with Beams and Earth, by which they descended into the great Ditch, without receiving any damage either by Cannon or Granados; so that the Governor judging it impossible to defend that Ravelin, 
A Sally from the Town.  caused the Cannon to be withdrawn from thence: Howsoever, the Counts of Daun, and Souches (the Governor being Sick of a Dyssentery) made a Sally that Night at the Head of Three hundred Men, and Charged the Enemy so Vigorously, that they drove them out of their Galleries, and burned all their Works.  
On the 9 th', the Turks fired a Mine on the side of the Ravelin, 
9th.  which killed five Soldiers, and over-turned some Palisadoes; but a greater damage was thereby done to the Turks, who by a reverse lost Thirty two of their own Men, and the Palisadoes were again repaired in the Night.  

10th.  On the 10 th', a strong Party of Horse under the Command of the Count Sara● their Colonel, de●●ated Two thousand Malcontents belonging to Budianis, near Fristenfelden, 
 killed Four hundred and eighty upon the place, took above Three hundred Prisoners, with five Colours. In like manner a Party of Germans belonging to the Garrison of Raab, under Colonel Heisler, meeting with a Body of Turks and Tekelites near Altemberg, which were Convoying Wagons laden with Ammunition and Provisions to the Turkish Camp before Vienna, Charged them so furiously that they totally Defeated them, and put them to Flight, and in the Pursuit killed them with great Slaughter; an Hundred and eighty Wagons were taken; but those which were laden with Powder, and Fireworks were blown up, rather than they should become a Prey to the Enemy, and be made use of against themselves. The same Day the Turks Sprang a Mine at the Point of the Lobel Bastion, which tossed three Christia● Soldiers into the Air; and set them down again in the same place upon their Legs without any hurt: But it proved of much greater mischief to the Turks by its reverse upon themselves. All that Day many Cannon shot were fired on both sides; and the Besieged thr●w many Bombs out of their Morter-pieces into the Enemy's Trenches, which did considerable Execution.  
The Scholars of the University in Vienna, whose Motto might be Tam Marti quam Mercurio, finding this no time for Books, applied their Minds to the War, for preservation of their Lives, City and Christian Religion, against the Common Enemy of the Faith: And forming themselves into a Body, 
The Scholars and 〈◊〉 become Soldiers.  made two or three very good Companies. The Merchants also of the Society of Netherlanders following their Example, raised a Company of Two hundred and eighty Men, all Armed with Firelocks, which they maintained at their own cost and charge; and being used in their Common exercises to shoot with Guns, they became excellent Marks-men; and from the upper Rooms of the Emperor's Palace, where they were commonly Quartered, they did good Service, annoying the Turks greatly with their Shot; nor were the Scholars less expert than the Merchants, for one of them having shot a janisary dead with his Musket, he drew his Body within the Palisadoes with one of the long Hooks, and cut off his Head, which at the end of a Pike he carried through the City; and having ripped open his Stomach, he found there six Ducats in Gold, which he had swallowed: supposing that part to be the most secure, and the most private Purse, free from the Robbery either of his Friends or Enemies: It seems, it was known afterwards, that this was the Common way of Concealment of Gold amongst the Turkish Soldiers; which when the Imperialists discovered, they made it a common practice to dive into the Entrails, of as many as they took: Examining their Bowels like the ancient Augurs, who Inspected the inwards of Beasts, to make their presages of good, or bad Fortune.  

11th.  On the 11 th', the Turks Sprang two Mines without any great effect; howsoever it served them for a Signal to make an Assualt; but the Defendants making use of their smaller Guns, or Field-pieces planted on the Walls, charged with Chain and Partridge shot, with Spars and pieces of old Iron, which together with Hand-Granadoes made such a Slaughter amongst the Turks, as caused them to Retire. Howsoever, Forty of the Defendants were killed and wounded.  

12th.  The next day the Turks about Noon fired another Mine, which blew up one of the Flankers of the Ravelin, with so much noise and thunder, as gave an Alarm to the whole Town, and caused the Officers, who were than sat down at Table to arise and leave their Dinner, to see what the matter was. The Turks were ready hereupon to have made the Assault, but finding that the Breach was not wide enough, they retired again within their Trenches.  
Howsoever, still continuing their Works, they at length on this day blew up the whole Ravelin; 
13th.  howsoever the quantity of Powder being very great, the Mine reversed upon themselves with such Execution, as abated the Courage of the most bold Assailants.  
On the 14 th', having sunk their Trenches nine Foot deep, 
14th.  they endeavoured to penetrate a Way into the Ditch, and about a six a Clock in the Evening they Sprang another Mine on the right Hand of the Ravelin, with as little success as the Day before.  

The Christian Camp increases.  In the mean time the Christian Camp daily increased to such numbers, as were judged sufficient to give Battle to the Ottoman Army; but to make the Game more secure, it was judged necessary to attend the coming of the King and Army of Poland: To hasten which, divers Messengers were sent, to desire his Majesty to expediate and quicken his March, lest he should come too late for the Relief of Vienna, whose Forces every Day diminishing by continual losses, could not possibly hold out long, though they were well assured, that the utmost Extremity would be sustained, before the Defendants would yield to a Surrender. The Polish King being sensible hereof, promised to hasten his March, so as to be at Krembs on the 28 th' of the Month.  
The 15 th' and 16 th', the Turks continued to Batter, and to throw Bombs into the Town, and Sprang several Mines, 
15th. and 16th.  though not with much Execution; and were in divers Assaults vigorously repulsed. Howsoever, all this was done at the expense of much Blood, and with the diminution both of the numbers and strength of the Garrison, which by hourly losses on the Breaches, on the Works, and by Sicknesses caused by the want of good Diet, was much decayed, and the Defendants were reduced to that low Condition, that they could not long sustain the violence of so forcible an Enemy. And though the Turkish Camp was not free from Diseases and Mortality, yet they were less sensible of their losses by their numbers, and the daily Recruits which they received. To make known the true state of the City to the Duke of Lorraine, some crafty and bold Men undertook to be the Messengers, 
A Messenger sent to the Duke of Lorraine.  some of which were intercepted, and others escaped; amongst the rest one Francis Koltchizki alias Kotlenski, who was Interpreter to the Levant or Eastern Company, being perfectly practised in the Turkish Language, undertook to carry unto the Duke of Lorraine, not only Letters but also by word of Mouth, to inform him of the true State and Condition of the Town. Accordingly Kotlenski having disquised himself in the Turkish Habit, silently passed through the Palisadoes, and entered into the Camp, where with much Confidence he set up his Throat, and began to Sing with the highest Notes of the Turkish Air; no Man suspected him in the least kind, and an Aga observing a Fellow pass so merrily by his Tent, called him in, and for his good Humour entertained him with Coffee. After which without any Examination he proceeded on his way, and passed the Mountain of Kulemberg; and being descended down to the side of the Danube, some of the Christian Soldiers Fired at him from an Island, but having made it known to them by certain Signs, that he was a Messenger sent from Vienna, he was kindly received, and conducted with expedition and safety to the Duke of Lorraine, to whom with great sincerity, he gave a true and exact Relation of the State of Vienna; and delivered his Letters, one of which of the 4 th' of the Month, was from the Deputies of the Council of State; 
The Duke of Lorraine receives Letters from Vienna.  two of the 8 th' from the Counts de Staremberg and Capliers; and one of the 12 th' from Capliers; all which gave an Account of the Siege, and of the advances of the Enemy upon them, and the necessity of the place, with a List of those who were killed and wounded, concluding with earnest desires for speedy Relief; that Count Staremberg was very Sick, and weakened by a Dissentery, and that they began to be in want of Granades.  
The Duke of Lorraine was very careful to inform the Emperor, the King of Poland, the elector of Saxony, and all Persons concerned, of the Condition of Vienna: And dispatched Count Caraffa to the King of Poland, praying him to order the March of General Sinariski, who with some advanced Troops had been six days in Silesia. And that Vienna might not in the mean time languish for want of hopes, and information of the care which was taking to Succour and Relieve them; the Duke of Lorraine having commended the resolution of the Messenger, 
Answers returned.  and promised him a Reward agreeable to the hazard of such an undertaking, so soon as the City should be delivered from the Siege, he dispatched him away with a full Answer to all Demands. Kotlenski returned with the same Confidence, as before to the Turkish Camp; and privately stoal into the City through the Palisadoes, where he was received with all the Joy, which distressed Men could express to one, who brought them the comfortable hopes of a speedy Deliverance. Many Questions (we may believe) were put to him by all sorts of People, and in all places and Companies where he was; and in all of them he infused Heart and Spirit, by the Relations he gave of the increase of the Germane Army, of the Preparations which were making, and of the near approach of the King of Poland. Kotlenski was not absent above four Days before he returned; and what Intelligence he gave, was confirmed by the Letters he brought from the Duke of Lorraine to Count Staremberg, signifying that he had defeated Tekeli near Presbourg; and taken a Convoy with all sorts of Ammunition, and Provision designed for the Ottoman Camp, and that the King of Poland was upon his March for Relief of the City. This News was entertained with a General Joy, certified by Ringing of Bells, and Firing all the Cannon of the Town, and Volleys of small shot upon the Enemy; and for a Signal to the Duke of Lorraine that his Letters were come to Hand, Three Rockets were fired from the top of St. Stephen's Steeple.  
The Tartars had destroyed all the Countries round, 
The Turkish Camp in want of Forage.  that the Turkish Horse were almost Famished for want of Forage: Nor was there any to be procured within two or three days Journey of the Camp; but the necessity was such, that the Vizier detached a Party of Four or five thousand Horse, to fetch in Provender from Parts far Remote: And it is said, That so great was their want, that they were forced to strip the Trees of their Leaves, for the present nourishment and sustenance of their Horses, for which they were beholding to their Friends the Tartars.  
On the 17 th', the Turks raised a new Battery of three Pieces of Cannon, 
17th.  against the Bastion Lobel, but they were soon dislodged: Howsoever, between seven and eight a Clock in the Evening, the Turks fired a Mine under the Breach of the Ravelin, 
A Mine fired.  intending to make an Assault, but it was too hot work, the resistance being great, they were droven back into their Trenches.  
On the 18 th', 
18th.  the Defendants consulted how to dispossess the Turks, of the Quarters they had taken at the Foot of the Ravelin: But whilst they were considering thereof, the Turks Sprang a Mine under the Ravelin, 
Another Mine sprung.  which carried away all the Front of it towards the side of the Town; and immediately planted twelve Colours on the Ruins, with Resolution to make an Assault: To prevent which Count Dupigni with Sixty Men made a Sally, but pressing too forward into the Enemy's Works, he was shot into the Belly with a Musket Bullet, of which he died on the place, with Twenty four of his Soldiers and eight wounded, and also the Marquis of Chauville was killed. The Governor to relieve this small Party, appointed a Sally of Three hundred Men; which having passed without the Works, perceived a formidable Body of Turk's ready to Attack them, at which being dismayed they refused to advance, and crowding back at the Sally Port, where but one Man could enter abreast, they were in such disorder that the Turks killed many of them, and had made a far greater Slaughter, had not Count Schaffemberg with those few that were with him, covered and defended the Retreat; in this Action the Turks lost Four hundred Men, and the Defendants about Forty five.  
On the 19 th', the Defendants Sprang a Mine, 
19th and 20th.  which totally overthrew all the Enemies Works on the side of the Ravelin, and buried many Turks in the Ruins. 
A Mine sprung by the Defendants.  The same day the Duke of Lorraine received other Letters from Vienna, written by Staremberg, and Capliers giving an Account of the decaying State and Condition of the Town. To which Answers was made on the 20 th', informing them, that the Auxiliary Troops were advancing towards Vienna; and that the next day, he would take a view of the Coutry, for ordering the March of the Army; that they should speedily be relieved, and in the mean time, that they should be of good Courage▪  
The 21st, very early in the Morning the Turks plied all their Cannon very hotly upon the Town, 
Ot●er M●●●s S●r●ng.  and about eight a Clock, they set Fire to a Mine under the Lobel Bastion, but with little effect; and in the Evening about six a Clock they Sprang another with like Success.  
The next day the Defendants to make an agreeable return to the Turks for their kindness the day before, 
22th.  Sprang a Mine under the Ruins of the Ravelin; which threw so much Earth into the Traverses of the Enemy, as buried many of their Labourers and others, who being sunk up to the very Shoulders in Earth, were drawn out by their Companions: All the remainder of the day was spent in Fight, the Turks labouring to gain the Ravelin, and the Christians to defend it. Towards the Evening, the Besieged threw divers Earthen Pots filled with Pitch, and Sulphur into the Ditches of the Court-Bastion, and of the Lobel, to burn the Enemy's Traverses; the Flame of which could not be extinguished, until the Matter was totally consumed, and in the mean time it served the Christians for a Light, to see the Enemy when they approached near the Palisadoes.  
Whilst the Relief of Vienna was delayed, the Imperial Troops not to remain Idle and without any Action, Colonel Huseler with Two thousand Horse, and Schultz with as many more, 
A Part● of the Tu●ks defeated.  with several other Troops under other Captains, fell upon some Auxiliaries coming to Reinforce the Camp before Vienna, and defeated them, and likewise a Party of Turks endeavouring to pass the Danube were repulsed. At length Three thousand five hundred of them having Ferried over the River in Boats, were attacked by the Imperialists, and beaten back with the loss of Eight hundred and seventy Men; and many of them endeavouring to save themselves escaped in Boats, but others trusting to the Waters, and to Swim over, were drowned, to the number as is supposed of Fourteen hundred Men, amongst which were two Pashas, and the Son of the Tartar Han was there wounded. Next Morning were brought in unto the General's divers Colours and Standards, with Turkish Drums and Timbrels, and many Prisoners of Quality and Note. The Grand Vizier having received this News, Ordered Tekeli to repair immediately to the Siege of Vienna with all his Forces: But Tekeli having received Information of the great Army which was almost in a readiness to March to the Relief of that place; 
Tekeli refuses to come to the Turkish Camp.  and fearing lest upon ill Success, the Vizier should Reek part of his Revenge upon him, he excused himself by pretence of the great urgency of Affairs, which required the utmost of his Force, and attendance in the Upper Hungary.  
The Turks this day having carried on their Galleries to the very Foot of the Ravelin, 
23rd.  Assailed it with all their Fury, and after a long Fight they possessed themselves of a third part of it, and lodged therein: But the Christians who were Entrenched and Fortified behind the Breach, kept still Possession of the other two thirds of that Work. It being observed from the Town, that the Turks were very busy in removing Earth, the Christians feared, as it was their common Discourse, that the Enemy was making their way Underground into the Cellars of the Emperor's Palace: And though the Governor gave not much Credence to this Report, yet he Ordered the Yeomen of the Guard, who were armed with Halberds, and left behind for preservation of the Court, to set their Sentinels in the Cellars, and to relieve them from time to time; and to be very Vigilant, and Attentive to hearken to the noise of Workmen, labouring under Ground. The same day one Kimpler a very ingenious Ingenier, working at a Countermine under the Gate of the Castle, chanced to open his Way into a large Vault encompassed with Walls; and therein he found a round Box of Tin, which he at first took for some Urn, or Coffin of a Dead Body; 
A Treasure found.  but having opened it, he was suprized with a Treasure of Gold and Silver, and searching farther into it, he found a Parchment at the bottom with these words, written in Old Characters.  
Gaudebis  
Si inveneris, Videbis, jacebis,  
Sed  
Orabis, Pugnabis, Adificabis.  
Non Hodie  
Nec Cras, sed Quia.  
Universus Equus.  
Turris Erecta & Armata.  
Diversa Ordinata Arma.  Subscribed Rolland. Hung. Mog. posuit. 
Or, Rowland Hunn an Inhabitant, or Citizen of Mentz, who was the Person that had deposited it in that place. Some are of Opinion, That this Rowland had buried this Case or Box, with a certain Spirit of Divination, as if he had Prognosticated that this Treasure should be found during the Siege of Vienna: And as if this Rowland Hunn should say to Kimpler, if it prove thy fortune to find this Treasure, thou shalt rejoice, behold it and say nothing; but give Thanks and Pray to Almighty God, and Fight. Thou shalt Build, but not to Day, nor to Morrow, but hereafter; thou shalt Erect Churches, when thy Country is freed from its Enemies, but not now while the Ottoman Horse encompass you, and that the Towers are Armed, and a Formidable force Besiege you. This was the Interpretation, which some passed on this Writing.  

24th.  The 24 th', the Turks Sprang another Mine, but with little effect, more than the casting up of great quantities of Earth: But that which administered the highest Comfort, and Joy imaginable to the Defendants, 
The Besieged com●orted with hopes of Relief.  was the entrance of a Messenger into the Town with the News of the great preparations making, and assurance that the Town would be relieved in eight hours' time. The same day the Great Vizier detached a Party of Five hundred Horse to pass the Danube, to Spoil and Burn some Villages on the other side; but being encountered by Colonel Heisler, they were defeated, and many of them in their Flight drowned in the River.  
The 25 th', the Christians made a Sally with such Resolution and Fury, 
25th.  that they drove the Turks out of the Ditch, overthrew their Galleries and Gabions, spiked six Pieces of their Cannon, and discharged one of their Mines of the Powder, which was ready to be fired, which a Germane Miner had luckily discovered in the Ditch.  

26th.  The 26 th', the Turks fired two Mines under the Ruins of the Ravelin, with Resolution to make an Assault; but were still bravely repulsed by the Defendants, one Cannon shot having carried away five Turks Heads at once.  

27th.  The Turks fired their Cannon and Mortar-pieces with continued Peals for some hours; during which time in the Morning, Three hundred Musquetiers, and Fifty Horsemen of the Regiment of Dupigni, descended by certain Subterranean Vaults into the Ditch of the Court Bastion, where they ruined the Traverses of the Enemy in such manner, that they required three days time to be repaired; which was of highest concernment to the Defendants, to whom nothing was so necessary and important, as to put the Enemy backwards in the Approaches, and Pressures they made upon them. In this Action one of the principal Officers of the Turks was slain, as appeared by the Conflicts, that were made to regain his Body, for which there was a Dispute that lasted a whole hour; the same day the Turks fired two Mines, one on the left side of the Ravelin, and an other under the Counterscarp which joins to the Court Bastion; and immediately mounted on the Ruins, intending to possess themselves entirely of the Ravelin; but they were repulsed by Count Scaffemberg with great Slaughter. At the close of the Evening, Forty Rockets were fired from the top of St. Stephen's Steeple, to give notice unto the Duke of Lorraine of th● great distress of the City, and of the daily advances the Enemy made upon them, and the hourly diminution of the Garrison.  
The nex day to confirm these Signals, the Duke of Lorraine received Letters from Staremberg and Capliers, 
28th.  representing the sad and extreme misery of the City, which could not hold out much longer, but must (if not speedily relieved) be yielded to the Besiegers: Howsoever, they concluded with a Resolution to defend themselves to the last drop of their Blood.  
The 29 th', the Turks fired the greatest Mine of any they had yet done, 
29th.  but to so little purpose, that they durst not adventure to second it by an Assault, as they had formerly done.  
This day about three a Clock in the Afternoon, 
30th.  a Mine of the Turks overthrew a great part of the right Flanker of the first Retrenchment of the Ravelin, which was still defended by the Imperialists, though the outward Retrenchment was possessed by the Turks. The Christians lost only two Men by this Mine, who were buried in the Earth; but the Turks pressing forward, were repulsed with loss of twenty of their Men who were killed.  
The Turks to conclude this Month, fired their Cannon and Mortars so incessantly, 
31t●  that it was believed a General Storm would follow: And having fired a Mine in the Morning, they hoped to have become Masters of the Ravelin, now as it were at its last gasp, and Assaulted it with such Fury, that it seemed ready to yield: But the Christians fought with so great Resolution, that they killed Sixty janissaries upon the Ruins, and recovered all the third, and part of the first Retrenchment. And though the Defendants were well assured that they should be Relieved in very few days; yet not knowing what Accidents might occur which none could foresee, they with all diligence made another Retrenchment at the Foot of the Court Bastion, and at other places. Towards the Evening it was discovered, that the Turkish Miners were at work under the Ravelin; in which to disturb them, it was agreed the next day to make a brisk Sally, and to burn the Galleries by which they passed to the Mine.  
The next Day being the first of the Month, 
Spit 1st.  the Sally was accordingly performed by three Hundred Men, who descending into the Ditch of the Court-Bastion, advanced as far as to the Galleries, intending to burn and destroy them with Granades and divers sorts of Fire-balls; but the Works being deep, and the janissaries pressing on them in great numbers, the Defendants were forced to retire with the loss of about twenty Men, though with many more on the Enemy's side. Towards the Evening, the Fight was again renewed by a fresh Assault of the janissaries, purposing with full resolution to become entire Masters of the Ravelin; but the Christians being spirited with the hopes of speedy Succour, so valiantly opposed them, that at length they were forced to retire with great Slaughter: Immediately after which, the Besieged made another Sally with about four hundred and fifty Men, burnt their Galleries, and ruined those Works, which they could not repair again in less than three Days. In this Action the Citizens behaved themselves with much Bravery and Dexetity in the execution of their Fireworks; and though this Sally cost them Ninety Men, yet it was attended with the death of above three Hundred janissaries.  
The Day before was remarkable for the Encounter of the Duke of Lorraine and the King of Poland; the first going to Olbrun to meet his Majesty: 
〈◊〉 D●●e 〈◊〉 Lo●aine ●●●ts with t●● King of Pol●nd.  So soon as they came in sight of each other, about the distance of twenty five Spaces, the Duke descended from his Horse, as did also the King; and coming near they embraced. The King in very affectionate Terms demanded after his Health, and commended his Valour and Conduct, by which he had sustained so long the force of such powerful Enemies. Then he presented to him his Son, Prince Alexander, whom, he said, he had trained up betimes in War, to serve the Emperor; and did not doubt but he would improve much more by the Guidance and Example of so great a General. To which the Duke returned answer, That his Majesty had not only amazed him with the heroic and generous Act of so long and tedious a March, but had astonished him with the excess of his Favour and obliging Expressions towards him: That next to the Service of the Emperor, he desired to live, that he might perform something acceptable to his Majesty, and to all his Relations: That as to the Forms and Rules of War, no Person alive was so well versed in them as his Majesty, from whom all the Generals and Captains of the World might without discredit not be ashamed to learn the Lessons of Military Discipline: After which, the Generals of the Army, the Nobility and Vicechancellor of that Kingdom, came and paid their Respects to the Duke of Lorraine. And then, being mounted on Horseback, the King having the Duke on the Right-hand, and the Prince on the Left; 
The order of their Supper.  they entered into Discourse concerning the State of the War, and continued the same, until they came to the Camp, where, in the King's Tent, a sumptuous Supper was prepared at a long Table; the King sat in the middle; on his Right-hand the Duke was placed, and on his Left the Prince of Poland; after which the King ordered all the Nobility, who came with the Duke of Lorraine to sit also. The Supper being ended, at which various Discourses passed, but most relating to the present Enterprise; the Duke of Lorraine returned to his own Camp, much satisfied with the Courtesy and Resolution of the King, who dispatched Messengers with all diligence to the General, who brought up the Rear, to hasten the March of the Army, with all convenient speed. And the next day the King dining with the Duke of Lorraine at his Tent, resolved to meet the Emperor at Krembs on the second of September, where the Interview was appointed, and there it was where all things were to be concerted about the Passage over the Danube, and Conjunction of the Armies. Whilst these things were projecting, Count Sciamburg came from Nayburgh, bringing Advice, That the Elector of Saxony, with his Forces, could not be at Krembs until the third or fourth of this Month, upon which it was computed, that the Relief of Vienna could not possibly be until the 12th.  
Intelligence of all these Matters being carried to the Emperor, the Presence of his Imperial Majesty was judged necessary at Krembs, where the place of general Rendezvous was appointed, both to animate and inspirit the Army, and to accommodate, compose and silence such Quarrels and Punctilios as might arise amongst so many Princes of different Countries, concerning Place and Precedency; but the Emperor in his way thither, being taken ill of some Indisposition in his Health, proceeded no farther than Lintz, where he remained until he received the happy News of the Relief of Vienna, and the Confusion of his Enemies.  
In the mean time, a general Council of War being held at Edendorf, at which the Elector of Saxony was present; the Duke of Lorraine, by his Prudence, so ordered and disposed Matters, that no Questions about Place or Precedence came into competion. 
A meeting at Edendorf.  For so it was ordered, That at a long Table the King of Poland should sit in the middle, on his Right-hand the Elector of Saxony, and next to him all the Generals of the Empire; and on the Left, the general Officers of Poland: Over-against the King, the Duke of Lorraine took his Place, who was to be chief Speaker at that Assembly, in regard he was best able to render a true Account of the State of the War. 
A Council of War held there.  The Council being sat in this form, it was laid down as a general Rule, That all Colonels, with the Concurrence of their General Officers, should give in writing to the King of Poland a true State of their respective Regiments, and of the Places where they were Quartered; and that from his Majesty they should receive Rules and Instructions for their March to the Relief of Vienna. It was farther agreed, after some debate, That the Conjunction of the Army, with the Auxiliary Troops, should be on the 5th. of September in the Plains of Tuln: That the Army of Poland should pass the Danube at the same place with the Emperor's Army: That the Forces of Saxony should pass the River, by way of the Bridge at Krembs: And that all the Bavarian Forces which lay encamped with some Germane Troops, under the Command of Count Lesly, should March directly towards Tuln, to join with the Imperial and Polish Forces.  
The execution of these Designs was deferred until the 7th. when the King towards the Evening began to pass the River, and was forthwith followed by the Duke of Lorraine at the Head of the Imperial Army; having first made a Detachment of three Regiments, which were to join with three Thousand Poles to cut off all Communication of the Turks and Malcontents, with the Vizier's Camp. Colonel Heisler with his Regiment of six Hundred Horse was ordered to take his March by the way of Clossen-neuburg, and to make Fires upon the Hills of Kalemberg, to give notice unto the Besieged of their approaching Relief, which was the Signal agreed between them. But before we come to this glorious Achievement, let us see what was acting for Defence of the Town, and Difficulties to which the Besieged were reduced.  
In the Morning of this second day, the Point of the Court-Bastion was overthrown, 
Sept. 2.  which gave the Turks occasion to carry their Galleries farther, to the utter ruin of that Fort. Count Staremberg believing that the remaining part of the Bastion could not be longer defended, gave Order to Huiternian, a Captain of his Regiment, whose turn it was to mount the Guard that Night, to abandon the Ravelin in case he found himself over-pressed by the Turks, and under covert of the dark Night to make his Retreat. But this stout Captain having taken this Post with fifty Men, so bravely defended the remains of the tottering Fortress, that though the Turks burned the Palisadoes which were his chief Fortification, yet he repulsed them by the Fire of his Muskets, with loss of twenty of his Men, and remained on the place until the Morning, having killed two janissaries with his own Hands.  

3d.  Next day the Governor finding it impossible to maintain that Post any longer, gave order to the Guards to retire, and abandon it to the possession of the Turks, who had little more to boast of, than the acquist of that Ravelin, after an Attempt of six Weeks continuance made thereupon.  
The fourth was a bloody day, 
4th.  both to the Christians and to the Turks; for the latter had sprung a Mine under the Court-Bulwark, which not only opened a Breach of seven Geometrical Paces, but shook the whole City with the violent concussion of the Air. Five thousand Turks, 
A bloody Fight.  immediately with Cemysters in their Hands, mounted the Breach, and sheltering themselves under some Sacks of Wool, which they carried before them, they mounted the Breach with their Cries, Allah, Allah, and planted four of their Standards thereupon. But not withstanding all this Fury of the Turks, they were repulsed with equal Bravery by the Christians. The Fight continued the whole day, in which the Generals, Captains, and common Soldiers performed the Offices and Parts of valiant and stout Defendants, who fearless of the Enemy's Cannon, small Shot, Bombs, Granades and Mines, though twenty of them were killed that day by one Bomb, and thirty by the Mine, yet still they remained resolute not to grant one Palm of Ground to the Enemy; but what they gained with the Lives of thousands. The Christians lost in this day's Conflict one Hundred fifty four common Soldiers, besides some Officers; but this Loss was recompensed with the slaughter of twelve Hundred Turks, whose Bodies filled up the Ditch, amongst which 'twas believed that divers were Men of Quality, because their Corpse were carried off with much diligence and hazard by those, who attended them at their fall.  
The Turks, enraged with these Repulses, 
5th.  fired their Batteries incessantly against the Walls of the Town; and towards the Evening a terrible Fight began in the Ditch, at the foot of the Court-Bastion near the Breach, in which the Turks were beaten off with much Bravery by the Defendants, who not only repaired the Breach, but retrenched themselves so strongly, that the Turks durst attempt them no more on that side. This day Arms were given into the Hands of four Hundred Inhabitants, who had not as yet been engaged on the Walls, having been employed in other Services.  
On the 6th. the Turks fired two Mines, 
6th.  one of which was under the Lobel-Bastion, and being extremely deep, it overthrew a great part of the Wall, opened a Breach of nine Paces wide, 
A Mine fired.  and blew up twenty four of the Defendants. Howsoever, the Turks did not immediately proceed to an Assault, because the Mines had thrown up such vast quantities of Stones and Earth, as had almost filled up their Trenches, and buried many of their Soldiers. Howsoever, having breathed and considered a while, they advanced to an Assault with their usual Multitudes, which continued for two Hours; till at length the Turks finding it impossible to prevail, with drew from the Breach, and fled with such fear, that not regarding the way they took to avoid the Enemy's Shot, many of them came within reach of the Ravelin, called Molk; where they were so received by Cannon and Granades, filled with Nails and old Iron, and by small Shot from behind a Redoubt placed in the Ditch, 
Tw● t●●usan● Turks killed.  that whole Chambers of janissaries were destroyed in the Fight, and greater numbers killed than had been in any of the Assaults; the Loss having been computed at the least two Thousand Men. With this Success, and with the daily hopes and expectations of Relief, the Spirits of the Defendants were raised and exalted; as the Courages of the Enemy, with the many Slaughters sustained in the Siege, and apprehensions of the approach of a vast and formidable Army against them began to abate and decline. And as a forerunner of the expected Succour, 
Signals of the Succours coming.  five Rockets were discovered that Evening in the Air, from the Mountain of Kalemberg, which was the Signal agreed upon in that case; and as a Token, that they were so understood by the Town, five Rockets more from the top of St. Stephen's Steeple were returned in answer. This day was the last that the Turks made their fiercest Attacks, being well assured, that what was not then obtained could not afterwards be effected, but by a total defeat of the Christian Forces; so that the Vizier did little more the day following being the 7 th', than continue their Batteries without hope of much execution; and expecting every day to be Assaulted by an Army not much inferior to his own, he drew out his Troops to take a review of them, and to see in what Condition they were to encounter so formidable an Enemy. The Army being drawn out, every Beglerberg, Pasha or Sangiac gave in a List of the Men which remained under his Command; the numbers of which being cast up into one total Sum, 
Account of the Turk's Forces.  amounted unto One hundred sixty and eight thousand Men; which probably might have been the full account of the whole Army, when they first surrounded the Walls of Vienna: Afterwards during the Siege, those which were slain or died by Sickness were computed at Forty eight thousand five hundred and forty four, 
What were killed at the Siege.  as appeared by a List found in the Grand Vizier's Tent after the Siege was raised; so that then the Turkish Army was reduced unto One hundred and nineteen thousand four hundred and fifty six fight Men, besides Camel-drivers and Attendants on the Camp; and with this vast Force the Turks shamefully turned their Backs and Fled, as we shall shortly see in a few days following.  
On the 8 th', 
8th.  there was an appearance of Smoak ascending from Mount Kalemberg, which gave an undoubted assurance to the Besieged, of the approach of some advanced Troops designed for their Relief: And with this joyful Spectacle the Defendants beheld the Turks loading their Camels, and preparing to pack away with their Baggage. Howsoever, they continued still to fire great quantities of Bombs, and Granades into the Town, and to dig their Mines; of which they fired this day under the Bastion of the Lobel: By which they blew up part of the Wall, which as believed would be seconded by a General Assault; and accordingly expected by the Defendants, who in fear thereof remained all day in Arms on their Guard, and with them the Regiment of Horse commanded by Dupigni, all serving on Foot, armed with their Helmets and Coats of Mail; but instead hereof the Turks only made a small Attempt with about Three hundred Men, with which they had the fortune to beat the Christians out of the Trenches of the Palisadoes, which united the Communication between the Lobel and Town: But Santa Croce, Lieutenant Colonel to Dupigni, with Fifty of his Regiment, armed as aforesaid, coming into their assistance, repulsed the Turks from those Trenches, and again possessed themselves thereof: In which Action the Lieutenant Colonel was wounded in the Leg, as was also one of his Captains called Grove, and Sixteen of his Soldiers killed and wounded, besides Twenty five Foot Soldiers belonging to other Regiments; but still good fortune so favoured them, that they met with a Mine of the Enemy furnished with Twenty eight Barrils of Powder, which was ready to have been fired that Night, had they discharged it, and filled the vacancy again with Earth.  
The Turks having News of the near approach of Relief, 
9th.  resolved to make their ultimate Effort on the Town, which they thought was now reduced to the last Gasp and Extremity, and that they must carry it now or never: Upon which accordingly they fired their Cannon, and Mortars double to what they had done on other days: But this was but like a lightning (as they say) before Death; for presently in the Afternoon the Turkish Camp bagan to move, and their Cavalry to Ride from one side to another in a confused manner: Their Servants and Attendants were taking down their Tents, and loading their Camels with their Baggage; all which was in order to the removal of their Camp, and pitching it in another place more commodious for Engagement, and Fight with the Enemy. Howsoever, those who were left behind to secure the Trenches, and make good the Siege, still proceeded in their Subterranean Works, and this day fired nine several Mines under the Curtain, which was between the Court and Lobel Bastion, without much execution.  
On the 10 th', a Discovery was made of three other Mines, 
10th.  which the Enemy had opened under the Curtain between the said Bastions; to defend which, all the Cannon on that side were brought to that place, and behind them so many Trenchments, Retrenchments and Palisadoes were made and erected, that it was almost impossible for the Enemy to advance ten Paces, without meeting some difficult Pass, or Fortification to overcome: And indeed the Turks had already found by good experience, that one span of Earth had cost them the lives of a Thousand Men to purchase it. Notwithstanding which the place was reduced to its last extremity, and to a sensible want of all Provisions and Ammunition; and nothing could keep up their Courage and Resolution, but the hourly expectation of Relief, which they signified to the Duke of Lorraine, by the continual firing of Rockets and other Fireworks; giving him thereby to understand that the Town was in its last Agony, and the saving thereof, and of all their Lives depended only on some few Moment's of time.  
On the 11 th', the Turks plied their Cannon and Mortar-pieces, 
11th.  as violent as at any time before, tho' the Fury of them continued not above three Hours; for the noise of the approach of the Christian Army began to silence the Roaring of Cannon, and turned their Thoughts from the offensive part, to a care of providing for their own security. In the Afternoon appeared three several Smokes on the Mount of Kalemberg, which was the certain Signal of the approaching Succour; at the sight of which, the Defendants full of Hopes and Courage, prepared to make a Sally on the Enemy: The People full of Joy run to the Ramparts which were least exposed to danger; the Women and others who were Feeble and Sickly left their Beds, and betook themselves to the Tops of Houses, to behold the pleasant Spectacle of their long desired deliverance; some of which were still desponding with fear, and conceiving that the numerous Troops of the Turks so Valiant, and so well Entrenched were almost invincible: Others presaged some wonderful Slaughter to ensue; others of more sanguine and cheerful Temperament, beheld the Turks as lost, and figured unto themselves their shameful and igniminious Flight. In short, all People were full of Prayers and Vows to his Divine Majesty, that he would be pleased at length to Rescue, and Deliver them from the many Dangers with which they were encompassed: Their Prayers were heard, and towards five a Clock in the Evening, some advanced Troops appeared on the Mountain near the Monastery and Castle of St. Leopold, between whom and the Turks some Shot were exchanged; but Night coming on, the darkness put an end unto a farther Engagement, which was reserved for the day following.  
This being the day appointed by Heaven for Relief of this expiring City, 
12th.  which could not have held out twenty four Hours longer, the Imperial and Polish Army with the Auxiliaries joined at the Foot of the Mountain of Kalemberg, which before the Armies began to ascend, it was judged fit in the first place to take a Survey of the Ground, and the several Posts therein. The Marquis Parella, a Gentleman of illustrious Birth and clear Courage, represented the Ground in an exact Map to the Generals, and offered with his own Person and Followers to possess himself of the Castle Leopold, and the Monastery, which were very advantageous Posts on this occasion. The Enterprise seemed so hazardous to the Duke of Lorraine, that he commended the generous offer, which the Marquis had made, but judging it a more fit undertaking for Soldiers of less note, he drew out a Party of Sixty Granadiers under the command of a Lieutenant, to whom he committed this dangerous Service: The Duke having also in Person by night taken a more exact Survey of the place, and judging it to be of great importance, reinforced it with Three hundred Soldiers more; after which he returned back to the King of Poland, to inform him of the disposition of the Army. After which all the Forces were ranged in form of Battle, and began to March over the Mountain of Kalemberg: The utmost part of the right Wing was committed to the Conduct of the King of Poland.  

The Numbers of the Christian Forces were as follow.  
Imperial Horse in Twelve Regiments consisted of, 8200 Men  
Imperial Infantry in Forty two Companies, 6400  
Dragoons of the fame in Forty Companies, 2400  
Cravats Nine hundred, Poles under Lubomiski, Fifteen hundred, 2400  
In all 19000  
Poles Twelve thousand Horse and Two thousand Foot, Commanded by himself in person, and under him by his Great General jablonski, 14000  
The Bavarians Commanded by Baron de Gonfeld, were Three thousand Horse, and Seven thousand five hundred Foot, in all 10500  
Duke of Saxonies' Forces Commanded by himself, were Two thousand Horse and Dragoons, and Seven thousand Foot 9000  
Franconia, Commanded by Prince Valdeck, Horse Two thousand five hundred, and Foot Six thousand five hundred, 9000  
61500   
To which being added the several Princes, Volonti●rs with their several Attendants which followed them; this whole Army was computed to amount unto Sixty five thousand Men, which were now Marching to Engage the Turkish Army, which after after all their losses, had still remaining (as we said before) 119456 fight Men; in this March over the Mountain of Kalemberg, 
Order of the Christian Army.  the Prince of Saxelawemburg General of the Cavalry, with eight Regiments, of Horse, two of Dragoons, and one of Cravats belonging to the Emperor, with all the Cavalry and Dragoons of Bavaria and Franconia, were placed on the Right Wing, next to which Marched the King of Poland with his Army. The Infantry of Bavaria and Franconia were drawn up in the third place or middle, Commanded by Prince Waldeck; near unto whom all that day was the Elector of Bavaria, who pretended to serve as a Volunteer, it being his first expedition in the War. All the Emperor's Foot, and that of Saxony commanded by Prince Herman of Baden, were drawn up on the left Hand, and Marched directly along the Danube, and towards the Monastery of St. Leopold. Next to these on the left Wing marched Count Caprara with seven Regiments of the Emperor's Horse, to which the Poles, under Lubomiski were joined, with all the Cavalry and Dragoons of Saxony, commanded by the Elector himself in Person. In this Order the Army mounted the Hill, with a slow pace, to attend the Motion of the Artillery, which though consisting of small Pieces; yet the Ways were so Rough and Rocky, that with double Teams of Horses, they ascended slowly to the Top of the Hill. And now both Armies with opening of the Morning began to take aview of each other: 
The Turkish Camp opened.  The Stars were not with drawn from the Sky, when the Christians heard the Alah, Alah sound from the Turkish Camp, which are the laud's or Praises which they sing to God in their Prayers. The Fires and Lights in their Camp discovered the excellent symmetry, and order in the disposition of their Tents and Troops; which had been the most pleasing Spectacle in the World, had it not been of Enemies and Infidels, who came to destroy the Christian Religion, and the Germane Empire. From hence it was that the King of Poland, and the Duke of Lorraine taking a view of the Enemy's Forces, did conceive that the orders in which they were placed, did look as if they intended to dispute every Foot of Ground between each Army; which they might have done with great advantage, in case they had possessed themselves of the Woods in the Forest of Vienna, and of Ambuscades, which according to the nature of the Ground might be pleaced to hinder the descent from the Mountain. Wherefore the King desired of the Duke of Lorraine Two thousand Germane Foot to Flank his Horse at the entrance out of the Wood, and to support them in the descent down the Craggy Hill, and accordingly four Batalions were granted for that service.  
Count Lesly, who was General of the Artillery, had received Orders to Raise a Battery at the coming out the Wood, for better security of the Army in their March over the Hill, which he almost effected with one night's work; but before he had quite finished it, the Turks made a discovery of what was there doing, and were put in mind thereby of what they themselves should have done to impede the Enemies passage that way: But certain it is, they were so confident of their invincible strength, that they thought it too mean for them to take the advantage of Posts, or Situations against an Army, of which they conceived so low an Esteem: But finding themselves at last deceived in those imaginations and Councils, they detached early in the Morning some Forces to demolish the Work, which Troops came very near, and posted themselves behind certain Trees which were felled, and Planks, which served for Barricadoes against the Shot of the Battery.  
The Duke of Lorraine observing from the Monastery of St. Leopol, the motion of the Turks against the advanced Troops, Ordered several Batalions under Command of the Duke of Croy to support them, which coming seasonably to their Assistance caused the Imperialists to enlarge their Front in that Line, and gave them Resolution to Attack the Enemy, who were drawn up behind certain Banks, and charged them with so much Gallantry, that they forced them to retire into their main Body. In this Action the Duke of Croy being wounded in the Shoulder by a Musket Shot, 
The Duke of Croy wounded.  was carried out of the Fight, and his place of Command supplied by the Count of Fountain.  
The whole Body of the Turkish Army beginning now to move, the Duke of Lorraine gave Orders to his left Wing to advance, and to Prince Waldeck, and to Duke Saxelawemberg to Sally out of the Woods, and fall upon the Enemy's Front at the Head of their Encampment. In the mean time the King of Poland was advanced as far as to the Chapel of St. Leopold, where he heard Mass with great Devotion, which was celebrated by Father Mark Aviano, a Capuchin and Confessor to the King, which being finished, the Blessing was given to him and all his Army: And then the King Cried with a loud Voice, Now we may March with entire assurance that God will give us Victory; And then mounting on Horseback, he Road in amongst the Ranks of his Army, and made this Speech to them as follows.  
Generous Polish Cavaliers: 'Tis not only the Work of this Day to maintain the Glory which your Ancestors have acquired, and your own Courage hath Achieved by passing to the Succour of the Invincible Bulwark of Christendom against the Ottoman Troops: Nor is it our Aim only to Defend our own Country, which in case Vienna were lost, would lie miserably exposed to the Invasion of those Enemies against whom we Fight at present. But our chief design is, to defend the Cause of God, and save the Western Empire which hath done us the Honour to have recourse unto our Arms; an Honour which our Ancestors never durst to hope for, and which is reserved, as a Reward of your Valour: Wherefore resolve to Conquer, or to Die nobly in this Cause, in which Martyrdom is held out for the Prize and Recompense. Behold therefore your King, who Fights at the Head of your Battalions: And be confident that the God of Hosts, whose Cause we are going to maintain, will Fight on our side.  
The Mountain of Kalemberg, and the Woods of the Forest of Vienna resounded by this time with the Echoes from the Peals of Cannon, and Volleys of small Shot, which called the Inhabitants of Vienna to the Tops of their Houses, and of the Rampires to behold the long wished for Sight of their approaching deliverance: Howsoever they were not so much taken up in seeing, and admiring, as to neglect their Guards and Watches on their Fortifications; but on the Contrary, they plied all their Cannon, Small shot and Granades, against the Enemy in their Trenches, 
T●e Turk● play with their Cannon on th● Town.  with much profuseness, knowing that the time of their deliverance being come, they might the more lavishly bestow their Ammunition on their Enemies: The like quantities of Cannon, Fireworks, Bombs, etc. were returned from the Turks on the Town, and in greater abundance than had been at any time since the beginning of the Siege; and all the Mountains, Plains and Places round the City were filled Fire, Smoak and Noise: In the mean time the King of Poland continued his March down the Hills, as did the Regiments of Dragoons of Heisler and of Saxony, which were posted on the left Wing, near the Chapel of St. Leopold: The like Orders were given to all the Imperial Army to advance towards the Enemy, who began now to shelter themselves under Rocks, and behind Trees, and in rough places: The right Wing also moved at the same time, and all with equal paces. 
The Tu●k● give 〈◊〉  The Turks made some resistance as yet, but so faintly as was not able to withstand the Fury of the Christians; and the several Shelters unto which they began to have recourse, showed plainly their intentions to quit the Field. The Devotions which the King of Poland used this Morning, retarded his March for the space of a full hour, during which the whole Christian Army made a Halt near to Neudorf, until the Poles were come up into the Line equal to the rest of the Forces. The left Wing of the Imperialists without much resistance, possessed themselves of the Post which the Turks possessed at Holstadt, and the Prince Waldeck caused the Enemy on the other side to give way. The appearance of the Poles on the Top and on the side of the Hill, looked very formidable to the Turks. The King, who marched at the Head of his Army, detached several Troops of his Hussars to Skirmish with the Front of the Enemy; but being overpowered, were forced to Retire to a place where Prince Waldeck had very seasonably caused some Batalions of Bavaria, and of the Regiment of Merci to advance, which gave a stop to the pursuit which the Turks made after them. 
The Po●●● charge the Turk●.  The King upon this disorder of the Hussars caused the first Line of his Army to advance, which charged the Turks with so much Fury, as caused the Gross of their Body to Retire unto the Top of a Hill, where some of their Foot were drawn up, and several Batteries of Cannon planted. And now all the Polish Army moved, the Enemy opposing them in divers scattered places, from whence they fired Volleys of Muskets, with much damage to the Poles; but as yet they were not broken, but still advancing gained Ground on the Enemy.  
In the mean time The Duke of Lorraine being far advanced with the left Wing towards the Enemy; the Turks to avoid the Effort which was making on their Right, drew themselves into Battalions before their Line of Circumvallation, and fortified themselves with some Pieces of Cannon, as if they intended to have made a strong resist●nce; but their Resolution continued not long before they gave way, and abandoning that Post, opened a way to the Christians into their Camp, without any opposition. Then it was, that the Duke of Lorraine commanded all the left Wing to Wheel about unto the Right, taking in the whole compass of the Turkish Camp, without breaking their Ranks, or falling upon the Plunder of the Enemy's Baggage, or Tents which they had left Standing. The King of Poland, 
The King of Poland enters t●e Turkish Camp.  and Prince Waldeck with their several Troops, entered the Turkish Camp about seven a Clock in the Evening: And the Duke of Lorraine about half an hour after made himself Master of the Counterscarp, and Suburbs of the City; the janissaries who were lodged in those Quarters escaping by favour of the Night, with much less Slaughter than if it had been Day; and indeed they behaved themselves with much more Valour, than others of the Turkish Militia: The Darkness put an end to the Battle, in which the Christians had gained a complete and an undoubted Victory. And now the Duke of Lorraine had leisure to send to compliment the King upon this fortunate Success, a great part of which Glory, he attributed to the Valour and good Conduct of his Majesty and his generous Cavaliers: The King returned an Answer on the other side, with like obliging expressions, confessing, that though every Nation and Battalion in the Army did their parts; yet much of the Honour of the Success of this Day, was due to the Bravery of the Germans, who were the first to enter into the Camp and Trenches of the Enemy.  
Thus were the Christians become Masters of the Turkish Camp, where they lodged that Night in the same Form and Order, as the Turks had done the Night before, with Fires and Lights in all the Tents; only it was a more grateful Spectacle to the Besieged, which they could behold with more Comfort and Security, than ever they had done the Nights before; for this was of Joy, and the others of Terror.  
In the Night the Turks passed the River at Sweker, 
The has●y Flight of th● Turks.  with so much Fear and Precipitation, that they not only left their whole Camp standing, but even the Standard of the Empire, which is the Sacred Banner of their Religion, with the three Horse Tails, which are the Ensigns of the Vizier's Authority. Moreover, they abandoned to their Enemies all their Tents, Baggage, Ammunition and Provisions, with all their Cannon and Artillery, being One hundred and eighty Pieces; and so speedy were they in their Flight, that before the next Day in the Evening, the Van of their Army had passed Raab.  
Next day early in the Morning Count Staremberg attended with his Son, and several of the principal Commanders of the City, went out to return Thanks to his Benefactors for so great deliverance, and to Congratulate with them their Fortunate Successes and Triumph, which would appear Glorious over all the World: But the first thing which the Duke of Lorraine did that Morning by break of Day, was to Order all his Army to put themselves into a readiness to March, whilst he consulted with the King of Poland, how, and in what manner they might pursue the Enemy, and improve the Victory. But the King seemed so well satisfied with the advantage already gained, and with the Prey and Booty of which he was possessed, 
The Vizier's Tents fall to the l●t of the King of Poland.  sitting Master in the Vizier's Tent, with all the Appurtenances and Accommodations thereunto belonging, that he excused all farther Proceedings at present; saying, That his Army was much Harassed, and required Repose, and not in a Condition to pursue an Enemy, whom they beheld at a far distance advanced in their way before them, by the Fires and Smoke which ascended upwards; for as the Turks fled they burnt all the Villages through which they passed. And now in the Christian Camp, and in the City was time for Joy and Triumph. Count Staremberg having paid his Respects, and made his Compliments to the King of Poland, and the Duke of Lorraine, he conducted them into the City, with a numerous attendance of Nobility and Gentry, who had served in the late Siege; all the Forces were drawn up on both sides of the Streets, between which they passed with loud Acclamations of Joy, unto the Church of the Augustin Friars, where in the first place, as was most just, Te Deum was Sung, and Thanks returned to God with Sincere Devotion: Thence they went to the House of the Governor Count Staremberg, where he received the Applause and Praises of the King of Poland, and the Duke of Lorraine, which were due to his Conduct and Valour; and the like Commendations were bestowed by them upon all the Officers and Soldiers of the Garrison, who had every one signalised themselves during this Siege, by some Action, or piece of Service or other which was Remarkable and worthy of Observation: Afterwards these welcome and long-desired Guests were entertained with a sumptuous Feast at the governor's House; 
The joy at Vienan.  after which, towards the Evening, with the like Joy and Festivity they returned to their respective Quarters and Tents in the Camp. In the mean time, the Besieged Inhabitants, who had long been penned up and enclosed within the Walls of the City, were not only desirous to breath in a more open Air, but were carried with a Curiosity to see the Approaches, which the Enemy had been making on them, and how near they had entered to the Heart of the City, that it may be doubtful, whether it was more pleasant to Men, lately delivered from the extremity of a perishing Condition, to behold how near they were to the devouring Enemy, and yet to escape; or to survey, with an amazed Curiosity, the Tents, Batteries, Trenches and Approaches, which the Turks had form against them with wonderful Art and Industry.  
The Face of all things, was now changed, Want and Famine into Plenty, Fears and Anguish into Joy, and War into Peace: In the Vizier's Tent, 
The Vizier's Tent allotted to the King of Poland.  of which the King of Poland was possessed, the rich Vestments, Jewels, and Money there found, were valued at a Million, and became the Prey and Booty allotted to his Majesty, which no Man envied considering the generous and heroic Action of that Prince, for whose Merit no Reward seemed too great: Amongst other things in that Tent the Standard of Mahomet was found, which the King sent to Pope Innocent the XI. by his Secretary Tulenti.  
On the 14th. the Emperor, with the Electors of Bavaria and Saxony, entered into the City of Vienna, 
The Emperor's Entrance into Vienna.  which he beheld with Eyes of Compassion and Tenderness; for seeing the Desolation, which the Enemy had made, and considering the Slaughter of many of his trusty Citizens and valiant Soldiers, he could not refrain from Tears of Sorrow, mixed with Joy for the Deliverance and Safety of the superviving Party. Being entered within the Gates, he went directly to the Cathedral of St. Stephen's, not on Horseback, or on a Triumphal Chariot, but humbly and meekly on Foot, carrying a Taper in his Hand, in a kind of penitential manner, went to the great Altar to pay his Duty, and offer up his solemn Thanks to Almighty God, according to his usual Devotion, for the wonderful and miraculous Deliverance of that City. And having thus in the first place complied with his Service towards God, he went in the next to visit the King of Poland, whom he overtook at Sweket, a Village about a League distant from Vienna, as he was proceeding on some farther Enterprise against the Enemy: Upon notice of the Emperor's Approach, the King, whose Army marched in the Van, 
Interview between the Emperor and King of Poland.  made a stop; and the Germane Army being in the Rear, the Emperor placed himself at the head of them; and the Polish Army facing at the same time about, the King appeared at the head of his; and so between the two Armies these two great Princes, attended with a numerous Train of the chief Nobility and Gentry belonging to each Court, met and embraced each other, and with very affectionate Compliments, and Expressions of Kindness and Friendship; having entertained Discourse together for the space of near half an Hour, after second Embraces, they departed. Never was there a more heroic and generous Action performed in the World, than was this of the King of Poland, who, after a long and tedious March, so valiantly exposed his own Person to Hazard, and his Army in the face of an Enemy, which to human Appearance was Invincible; and all this to bring Relief and Succour to an Ally, and to maintain the Bulwark of Christendom against Infidels, and Enemies to the Christian Cause; 'tis such a piece of Bravery as cannot be parallelled with all its Circumstances in any History of past Ages; and therefore with much Reason and Justice were his Praises celebrated over all the Christian World; and the Poets, and other refined Wits in divers Countries, and different Languages, exercised their Pens in Panegyrics and Eulogies, striving to outvie and surpass each other in the Excesses of Praise, which how Hyperbolical soever could never reach to the imputation of Flattery. We shall repeat one, which was composed at Rome by Guicciardin Procur. Gen. of the Celestines: 

ELOGIUM JOANNI SOBIESCO  
Dominatione Polonico, Lituanico,  
Liberatione Austriaco, Pannonico,  
Profligatione Ottomanico, Tracico,  
Religione Christianissimo,  
Pietate Cattolico,  
Zelo, & obsequio Apostolico,  
Inter Reges Praestantissimo,  
Inter Duces Invictissimo,  
Inter Imperatores, citra fabulos,  
Solo nomine tremebundo,  
Solo aspectu Hostes profliganti  
CUI  
Gloria Militaris Regnum peperit,  
Clementia firmavit,  
Meritum perennabit.  
QUI  
Raro Probitatis, & Religionis exemplo,  
Propria deserens, Aliena defenden●,  
Docuit, quo pacto, sacra Foederum jura  
Incantur, Colantur, Perficiantur.  
Ottomanicam Lunam fulgentissimo Crucis Vexillo,  
Aeternam Eclypsim Minitantem,  
Adeo proprie, fortiterque è Christianorum finibus eliminavit.  
Ut unum, & idem fuerit;  
VENISSE, VIDISSE, & VICISSE.  
Inter, igitur, Christiani Orbis plausus,  
Inter vindicatae Religionis, & Imperii laetitiam,  
Inter cruentatae Lunae extrema deliquia,  
Agnoscant Praesentes, credant Posteri,  
Non tantum nascenti Evangelio, quo promulgaretur,  
Sed & jam promulgato, ne profligaretur;  
Utrobique fuisse missum à DEO Hominem  
CUI NOMEN ERAT JOANNES.  
Del P. Maest. Guicciardini Procur. Gener. Dei Celes●ini in Roma.   Which Noble and Heroic Action would have remained on the Records of History to all Posterity in honour of this King, had he not afterwards sullied and tarnished the Glory thereof, by condescending and stooping to Actions as low, and mean, as this was Sublime, and only worthy of the Dignity of a Hero, as we shall show in the following Year.  
But to return again from whence we have digressed; the Emperor and King having passed their Compliments, Prince Alexander, Son of the King, whom his Father presented with the Compliment of having Enlisted himself early into the Service of his Imperial Majesty. The young Prince, by order of his Father, had habited himself in the Germane Fashion, and was admitted to Kiss the Emperor's Hand, as were all the Persons of Quality belonging to the Army, and Court of Poland.  
The King after having viewed the Riches taken in the Vizier's Tent, which he assumed to himself as the Reward of his own Achievements: Out of Compliment, he sent to the Emperor to make tender of one half of the Booty, accompanying the Message with the Tugh, or Horse-tail on a Staff, with a brass Knob on the top, which was one of the three Staves of Authority carried before the Vizier: Such another kind of Present like this, being Mahomet's Standard, he sent to the Pope; which being Gifts of no great Value, more than for the Curiosity of them, he frankly and really offered; but as to half the Prey, it was generally believed, that his Majesty was well informed beforehand, that the Emperor was of too generous a Nature to accept thereof; and would not have been so prodigal of his Offers, had he imagined he should have been taken at his word.  
But it is not here to be forgotten, that after the Bishop of Newdorf had sung Te Deum before the Emperor, and performed the other Ceremonies, which lasted for the space of four Hours; at the Conclusion of all, when the Emperor was come out of the Church, the Archbishop of Vienna turned him about, and pointed to the Spir● of the Cathedral Steeple: Behold, Sir, said he, that Spar which issues from the Spire, at the end of which is a Star within the Crescent or Half-moon; and consider that that Monument was there fixed in the Year 1529, when Soliman Besieged the City, and was so to remain by Compact with the Citizens, conditionally, 
The Cross erected in place of the Halfmoon.  That the Turks should not batter the Steeple with their Cannon: And now whereas that Article was broken, by the continual Shootings, which the Enemy had made against it at the last Siege, it is but reason that the Crescent should be taken down; and in Memory of the present Deliverance, that a Cross should be erected in the place thereof; for which the Emperor having given present Orders, they were accordingly executed.  
On the 10th. the Duke of Saxony returned home with his Troops, 
The Duke of Saxony returns home.  which speedy departure so soon after the raising of the Siege, (which seemed too short a time for Refreshment of his Soldiery) was interpreted for a Sign of Discontent, perhaps to see the Poles Rewarded with the greatest Spoils, and the Auxiliaries neglected, as if they had no Share or Merit in the Victory.  
The Emperor finding his Palace much ruined and unfurnished at Vienna, stayed but few days there before he returned to Lintz, where he intended to remain until the Repairs of Court and City were made, and the Walls and Trenches cleared of the dead Bodies, which rendered the Air Unhealthful and Infectious: During the time of his stay at Vienna, he took delight to visit the Retrenchments and Fortifications, which the Defendants had made behind the Walls and Bastions, to dispute every Foot and Inch of Ground, as occasion had required: He also surveyed the Batteries, Trenches and Approaches of the Enemy, and saw the Stores of Ammunition and Provisions which they had left behind them, which served again to recruit and replenish the Arsenal at Vienna. The List and Account whereof was as followeth: Six Thousand five Hundred Tents, four Thousand five Hundred Barrels of Powder, six Thousand weight of Lead, 20.000 Granado Shells, eight Thousand Hand-granadoes, 11.000 Shovels and Pickaxes, one Thousand six Hundred weight of Match, two Thousand five Hundred Fire-balls, 52 Hundred weight of Pitch, eleven Hundred weight of Oil of Petolium and of Tar, and five Hundred Thousand of Lincet-oyl, Ninety five Hundred of Saltpetre, five Thousand one Hundred Pieces of corpse Linen, two Hundred Thousand Hair Sacks for carrying Earth and Sand, eighty one Hundred weight of Barrs of Iron and Horseshoes, an Hundred Ladles for melting Pitch, two Hundred weight of Pack-thread, and Thongs made of Camels Hides, and Buffoloes' Leather for binding, four Thousand Sheeep-skins, two Thousand Halberds, four Hundred Scytheses and Scycles, five Hundred and sixty Barrels of Guns for use of the janissaries, Fifty two Sacks of Cotton and Cotton-yarn, one Thousand five Hundred Woolsacks empty, two Thousand Plates of Iron for covering Targets, an Hundred and twenty three Hundred weight of Greese and Tallow, two Hundred thirty Powder-horns, two Thousand six Hundred Bags for Powder, four pair of Smith's Bellows for a Forge, twenty one Instruments, or Engines for raising Carts when overturned, eight Thousand Carts for carrying Ammunition and Provisions, all empty, one Thousand great Bombs, eighteen Thousand Cannon-bullets, great and small, an Hundred and ten Pieces of Cannon of all sorts, as Culverin, Demyculverin, demi and whole Cannon, Sakers, etc. thirteen Mortar-pieces, mounted for shooting Bombs, six great Anvils, divers Sacks for use of the Ordnance, and many Ladders made of Cords. All which, as we have said, were carried into Vienna, and laid up amongst the Stores of that Arsenal.  
After this Work was done, the next was to employ all the Labourers belonging to the City, with the captivated Turks, whom they made to assist in filling up the Trenches, Holes and Vaults which the Turks had made; some of which were so deep, that they seemed rather to be Caves and Dens than Trenches for covert and shelter for Besiegers: So that had not the Turks busied themselves in such fruitless Labours, they might have compassed that in half the time, which was not effected in the space of sixty two Days. Amongst these other Works, several Vaults were found filled with dead Bodies, putrified and stinking, and all the Country round for many Leagues were strewed with dead Carcases; for Burying of which, or Burning, or casting into the Danube, strict Orders were given, and which with much diligence were executed, to prevent a Pestilence, the Putrefaction of which began already to infect the Air. Amongst the dead, the Bodies of many Women and Children were found, who had been made Slaves and Captives by the Turks, and Massacred by them, either out of Revenge, or because they were an Encumbrance to them in their Flight; but to these Bodies some Respect was shown, being carried to Cimeteries, and there interred after the Rites of the Christian Burial, with Crosses erected over their Graves. Howsoever some Turks, who were Men of more tender Bowels than the others (for we must not figure them all to be of the like fierce and cruel Disposition) did qui● the Possession of their Slaves with more gentleness, and set them at liberty with their Lives, of which most were Women and Children, the which the Germans and Poles took up and brought them back again to Vienna.  
By this time, that the Trenches were filled without the City, and the Walls and some Houses repaired, the News of the happy Deliverance of Vienna had spread itself over all the Countries, from whence Provisions of all sorts came, and Boats laden with Corn, Wine, Fruits and Herbs arrived daily in, to supply the Wants of the City; the Face of which was totally changed, from Famine to Plenty, from War to Peace, and from Terror and dismal Apprehensions to Joy, Triumph and Festivals.  
The Spirits of the Imperialists and Poles being highly raised by these Successes, some Parties pursued the Turks, who were as much dejected as the others were elevated; and though they hastened in a precipitous Flight, apprehending an Enemy just at their backs; yet many of them in the Arrear, appointed to conduct twelve Pieces of Cannon, and some Baggage were over-taken in the Pursuit; and brought back to Vienna, where these Captives, with their other Brethren, were ordered to work in Chains for filling the Trenches, which they had before opened, and repair of the Walls and Bastions, which they had battered down with their Cannon, and blown up with their Mines.  
The Grand Vizier hastening his March, or rather his Flight, for (as we said before) he actually Run away and shamefully turned his Back with near 120.000 Fight Men; meditating (as we may believe) of the Disgrace, 
The Grand Vizier complaining to the Grand Signior against th● Pasha of Buda.  Ruin and evil consequences of this Misfortune, sought and endeavoured to clear his ill Conduct, and want of Courage by casting it upon others, as is common to the Nature of Mankind. Accordingly he dispatched away a Letter to the Grand Signior, giving him an account of the unfortunate Success before Vienna, caused by the Cowardice, or Treachery of several great Officers and Generals of his Army: Particularly he named the Vizier of Buda, to whom having given command to Charge the Enemy with a Body of Twelve thousand Men, as they descended the Hill of Kalemberg: he, and his Soldiers instead of obeying these Orders, shamefully turned their Backs and put themselves unto Flight; which when the rest of the Army saw, they were struck with a common Consternation and Fear, suggested to them to secure their safety by following the Example of their Fellow-Soldiers: So the whole misfortune of the Day was attributed to the ill Conduct, and Cowardice of the Vizier of Buda, which was sent to the Grand Signior, then residing at Belgrade, and in hourly expectation of better News.  
The Vizier of Buda, who had received Information by several Hands of the Discourses with which the Grand Vizier entertained all the Officers concerning him, laying to his Charge the Loss and Ruin which had happened; thought fit to disculpate, and clear himself by a more faithful Relation of Matters in a Letter to the Grand Signior; 
The V●●er o● 〈…〉 to the Gr●nd 〈◊〉.  wherein he set forth, That by the unskilfulness of the Grand Vizier, and his want of Resolution in Military Affairs, this important matter had miscarried: For had he fortified the Forest of Vienna, and erected some few Redoubts on the descent of the Hill of Kalemberg, the City by all the Force of the World, could never have been Relieved: Or had the Vizier spent that time, which he employed in sinking Vaults and Caves for shelter, in bold Storms and Attempts, though with loss of half the Army, the importance of the place, and the consequences of the Success, would have largely paid for the effusion of Blood; but using unnecessary cautions of Mines, and formal Approaches, by which he hoped to have constrained the City to Surrender upon Articles, and hereby assumed to himself the Riches and Plunder of the place, which taken in Heat of Blood, and by Dint of Sword, would have become the Prey and Booty of the Soldiery; he gave occasion to such delays, as served the Christian Army, and turned to the Ruin and Miscarriage o● this whole Enterprise.  
The Grand Vizier being weary of such Complaints as these, 
〈◊〉 Grand Vizier 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and other Pashas.  resolved to Sacrifice the Life of the Pasha of Buda to his own Folly and Destiny; commanding him to be Strangled, together with the Pashas of Essek and Possega, and the Aga of the janissaries, great Friends and Confidents of the Vizier of Buda, and the best and most experienced Officers of the whole Army, with above Fifty Officers and Soldiers more, whom he accused of Cowardice; but this Execution of Justice (as they call it) could not secure his own Life, but rather furnished his Enemies at Court, such as the Kuzlir Aga and others, with instances wherewith to aggravate his Crimes to the Grand Signior; and indeed there now offered a surprising occasion to wreak their Malice on the Vizier, since it is almost impossible, for a Man to be unfortunate and yet to be esteemed Innocent. Nor did the Vizier escape clear, with the remainder of his shattered Army to Buda; for being Attacked in the Rear by the Garrison of Raab, he lost Six hundred Men more: Howsoever, he proceeded in his March, and Reinforced the Garrisons of Newhausel and Strigonium. The Death of these Pashas, by which the Vizier hoped to have saved his own Life, raised such Mutiny amongst the Turks, 
Mutiny in the Turkish Army.  as caused a greater Fluctuation of Rage in the Minds of the Soldiery, than they had lately endured of Fear from the Enemy; between which two Passions, there was nothing but Confusion, Discontent and Discouragement in the whole Army: For the Pasha of Buda was popular, and well beloved by the Soldiery, and esteemed the most Martial Man in the whole Camp: And the Aga or General of the janissaries was so well affected by that Militia, that they highly resented his Death; for at no time, (much less in this) can they endure to have their General punished or cut off, unless it be by themselves, and in their own Mutinies.  
In this confusion were the Turks, when the Chief Captains of the Christian Army considered, that the present Relief of Vienna would be of little benefit ●o the Christian Empire, unless the Victory were pursued, 
A Council of War.  and improved by succeeding Enterprises: All the Princes and Commanders agreed hereunto, (except the Elector of Saxony, who as we have said before returned home) and wisely judged, that the Turks having made a Retreat with a Body of near 120.000 Men, entire and whole, they might reasonably be expected the next year to return again unto the Siege, unless advantage were taken of their present Consternation, to break and confound them beyond a possibility of Recovery: At this Council, it was proposed to Besiege Newhausel or Gran, and for enlargement of Winter-quarters, and Annoyance of Buda and Gran, that Pest and Barcan should be taken: In fine, after some debate it was concluded, That nothing could be resolved at present concerning the manner of Proceedings, for that the Actions of War, were to be regulated according to Motions of the Enemy; but that something was to be undertaken speedily, whilst the Iron was hot, and the Spirits of the Turks cold, and still under their late Consternation: The King of Poland being of the same Mind, Commanded his Troops to advance towards Presbourg, which on the 18 th' Encamped near Ficken, together with the Imperial Forces, and came thither on the 19 th' where they were forced to continue until the 25 th' for want of a Bridge, which could not be finished until that time.  
Whilst the Bridge was framing, 
Tekeli sends a Letter to the King of Poland.  and the Army detained on the Banks of the River; a Messenger from Tekeli brought a Letter to the King of Poland, containing certain Proposals in order to an Accommodation. The King having received a Character of Tekeli to be a Man of Intrigue, and False, and who had frequently made Offers of Peace, but never observed any; admitted his Messenger to Audience in a manner of Coldness and Jealousy, and yet with respect due to the Person from whom he was sent: But before he would receive the Letter, he asked, Whether it was Dated before, or since the Raising of the Siege of Vienna: To which the Messenger making answer, That it was Wrote two days before that Success: The King thereupon Replied with an angry Frown, Go said he, and return the Letter to your Master again, and tell him, That he should correct and amend the Style, and change the Substance and Sense thereof, according to the alteration of Times and Affairs.  
Such is the force of Success and Prosperity of a Prince, that so soon as the News of the Relief of Vienna was divulged in the Upper Hungary, many Counties declared for the Emperor; and the Fortresses of Papa and Totis, 
Some City's Revolt.  were the first to give Examples of Obedience and Duty to other Cities. News also came at the same time, that the Count of Budianis, who upon the formidable appearance of the Turks, 
Budianis changes his side.  had deserted the Post he maintained on the Passage over the Raab, and had taken Party with the Malcontents, and joined with a Body of Turks and Hungarians, and had Fought against the Imperial Troops, and Burnt and Plundered several Villages on the Frontiers of Stiria; Had now with the turn of Fortune, changed his side and interest; and having Surprised, and Cut in pieces those very Turks with whom he was Associated, had united his Forces with those of Count Aspremont, and therewith troubled and infested the Turks in their Retreat.  
The Bridge over the Danube being finished, the Poles were the first to March over it into the Isle of Schultz; and were followed by the Imperial Army: But the Troops of Bavaria and Franconia, remained still Encamped near Vienna, for want of Orders to advance farther; but Letters were sent to the Princes of that Circle, to continue the Aid of their Forces for some farther design; and a Messenger was dispatched to the Elector of Bavaria, who by Reason of some indisposition of Health, was advised by his Physicians to go to Brin, for benefit of the Air, which was esteemed more wholesome than that of Vienna.  
But the year being now far advanced towards the end of September; to stay for such Orders, and the March of these Auxi●liaries, the Season would be too far spent, to undertake any Action of great moment; wherefore the King of Poland, and the Duke of Lorraine resolved to advance with their Army to Comorra without the Reinforcement of the Allies. Being come to a place called Wismar, within an hours March of Comorra, Advices were brought, that Tekeli had dispeeded a Detachment from his Camp before Levents to Bergstadt, that the Vizier was at Buda, from whence he had Reinforced the Garrison of Newhausel with Four thousand Men; but that in the Turkish Army were such Discontents caused by the late ill Successes, and by the Cutting off of the Pasha of Buda, and other great Men well effected by the Soldiery, that there was nothing but Mutiny and Confusion in the Camp. Upon this Intelligence, it was resolved at a Council of War to attempt Gran, 
〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 G●an.  and which to make the more Feasible, it was concluded necessary in the first place, to take the Fortress of Barcan, which is a Palanca opposite to that City, and covers the Foot of the Bridge over the Danube, which makes a Communication between the two places. By this time Four thousand Swedish Infantry and One thousand Horse, with some other Auxiliaries (which by reason of the distance of the places, from whence they came, could not Arrive in time to partake in the Honour of relieving Vienna,) were all sent with what expedition was possible down the Danube to Reinforce the Army, which was thereby become more numerous and flourishing, than before the Fight at Vienna.  
The first to pass the Arm of the Danube, which is called the Waag, was the King of Poland with his Army; which was the work of the 4 th' and 5 th' of Octob. the Imperial Cavalry 
The Chri●stians pos● the River.  followed, but the Foot could not pass the same day: The 6 th' they Marched to Mose, two Leagues distant from Comorra, where Count Staremberg had Orders to March the Foot; and on the 7 th' to join the Army, which would stay and attend them at that place. But the King of Poland impatient of delay, contrary to expectation immediately mounted on Horseback, and sent to advise the Duke of Lorraine that he was Marching towards Barcan. 
The 〈◊〉 advance before the Imp●ri●lists.  The Duke being surprised at this sudden Resolution, returned Count Dunewald to his Majesty, to represent unto him the necessity of taking the Foot with them, and the danger of dividing the Army, in a place so near to the Enemy's Quarters, being between the Turks on the one side, and the Malcontents on the other. But the King being already mounted on Horseback, when Dunewaldt came to him, he answered, That he knew no Reason which might cause him to defer his Proceedings, having certain Intelligence, that the Detachment of the Turks near Barcan was very inconsiderable, and desired that no time should be omitted in following with the rest of the Army. The Duke leaving only a Regiment of Cravats to support the Infantry, Marched away with all the Horse to attend the Poles: The King being come within an hour's March of Barcan, understood from the advanced Troops of his Vanguard, that they were in sight of some Squadrons of the Enemy; which they having orders to Charge, the Turks gave ground, but being supported by a greater Body, the Van was forced to Retreat; to Succour and Support which, other Troops were commanded to Charge the Enemy; and at length, the King in Person with all his Cavalry was engaged. The Turks, who until now had concealed Seven or eight thousand Men under covert of a Hill, began to appear, and Sallying forth, 
Th● Poles put to ●light.  Charged the Poles both in the Front and Rear with such Bravery, as that they killed Two hundred of them, with the Palatine of Pomerania, and put the rest unto Flight, taking several of their Colours, Kettledrums and some Baggage. Count Dunewaldt, who had Marched with the King of Poland, observing the Skirmish of the first Troops, sent to advise the Duke of Lorraine, that the Poles were Engaged with the Turks; upon which News he hastened his March with all the diligence that was possible; and having passed certain narrow Ways and Bushes, he espied at the opening of the Plain, the Turks in hot pursuit of the Poles: At the sight whereof, he immediately took care to draw up his advanced Troops into Battalia, and gave order to Prince Lewis of Baden to do the like with those Marching in the Rear. The appearance of the Germane Regiments, which stood firm and entire before the face of the Turks, caused them to desist from their pursuit, and to return under Barcan. The Duke of Lorraine thought not fit to follow them that Day, but rather to Rally and Fortify the Poles, and to inquire after the King, who was said to be lost; but atlength his Majesty appearing and found in safety, it alleviated something of the ill Success of that Day; which by that time that the Story was told, and Matters related in what manner things had passed, it grew towards Night, when it was thought sit to Encamp until the Morning.  
All that Night there was great disturbance in the Polish Camp; the loss sustained by the Slaughter of so many of their Friends and Comrades, was such a Grief and Discovargement to them, that they were desirous that Night to yield the Quarter on the right Wing, which was nearest to Barcan, unto the Germans, who had formerly challenged that place as their due: And towards Morning the principal Officers insinuated unto the King the many Circumstances, which presented to render the Success difficult, alleging that their Army was Galled, and soar of their Wounds and much Discouraged, and the Enemy flushed with Yesterday Fortune, and more numerous than was believed. 
The King of Poland unwilling to adventure another Engagement.  The news of this Discontent and Wavering in the Polish Camp being brought to the Duke of Lorraine, he immediately went to the King to keep him steady to the former Resolutions and Measures; and so well managed his Discourse with him, producing many Reasons why the Enemy could not be very strong, and arguing the Probability and almost Certainty of Victory; that in fine he prevailed upon the King, his Senators, and chief Officers to make Trial of next Day's Engagement.  
The Duke of Lorraine having taken a full Survey of the Ground, and of the Situation of Barcan, gave a description thereof unto the King; and offered the Honour of the right Wing unto the Poles, for which they had formerly contended; but being much taken off of their Mettle, they desired to change their Station, and mix some of their Troops with those of the Imperialists.  
An hour before Day the Duke of Lorraine caused to sound to Horse, and with the dawning of the Morning the whole Imperial Army was drawn into Battalia, consisting of Horse and Foot, to the number of Sixteen thousand two hundred Men, besides the King of Poland's Army, and the Fifteen hundred Polanders under the Command of Lubomiski. Prince Lewis of Baden Commanded the right Wing, and under him Count de Gondola, and the Baron of Mercy. Count Dunewaldt Commanded the left, 
The Orders of the Christian Army.  and under him the Counts of Palfi and Taaff; and the main Body of Infantry was conducted by Count Staremberg, the Duke of Croy and Count Serini. The Poles being expected in their Station, seemed still tardy and backward to draw out, by Reason that the King had in the Night received Intelligence, that the Enemy was greatly recruited by a strong Body, Commanded by Hasly Pasha of Aleppo, and the Pashas of Silistria and Grand Cairo; and that it was much to be doubted, 
The Poles deliberate again about fight.  whether the whole Turkish Army were not joined with them. But the Duke of Lorraine opposing unto these Doubts undeniable Reasons, why it was not possible for the Gross of the Turkish Army to be joined with these Forces before Barcan; and yet on supposition, that they were yet considering the advantageous Ground on which the Army was drawn up, they needed not fear the whole Ottoman Force; of all which he made such clear Demonstrations, that the King was again confirmed in his former Resolutions, and so with a Party of his Hussars, and of his Infantry, and of the Flower of his Cavalry, he posted himself on the right Wing, between the Imperial Cavalry and the Dragoons: And the great General jabloniski, with some of the Hussars Foot and Cavalry marching on the left Wing, between the Germane Horse and Dragoons, and the rest of the Polish Army made a third Line. In this order they marched about half an hour, when about nine a Clock they discovered the Enemy drawn up in Battalia upon the Plain, marching very slowly, and in such manner, as that their Force seemed equal to that of the Christians: The Armies being come very near, the Turks of the right Wing charged the left of the Christians with much fierceness, as if they had had a particular spite, and aimed chiefly at the Poles: 
The Fight begun.  And at the same time, the Turks who were on the rising of a Hill advanced, as if they intended to Charge the main Body of the Christians. But being within half Musket shot of them, they on a sudden Wheeled about, and fell upon the left Wing; which when the Duke of Lorraine observed, he crossed the Line of the Cavalry on the left Wing; and with all the party of the first Line which had not been engaged, he in Person charged the Enemy in the Flank with so much Courage and Bravery, as put them to a General Rout, and into that Confusion, 
The Turks routed.  that they were never more able again to Rally: Dunewaldt was Commanded to Pursue them, and with the Poles of the left Wing entered pell-mel with them at the very Gates of Barcan, at which place many of them were killed, and perished in the Marshes of Gran.  

And pursued.  Whilst Dunewaldt pursued the flying Enemy, the whole Army advanced in Battalia towards Barcan; and in the way thither it was resolved by all Parties to Assault the place in this heat of Action, whilst the Enemy was Affrighted and in Disorder; the King accordingly drew out some Troops of his Cosacks, and the Duke of Lorraine five Battalions of Staremberg, Grana and Baden, which were appointed for that Service: Which Detachment was no sooner ordered, than Information came, that the Bridge over the Danube by the Crowds, and Multitudes of the Turks pressing over it was broken; and that Barcan itself was so filled up with People, that they had scarce room to stir, and were ready to trample one another Underfoot. Prince Lewis of Baden with these Forces, and three Regiments of Dragoons, and three Pieces of Cannon assaulted the Fort, and took it by main force. The Slaughter which was there made by Fire and Sword was very Cruel and Bloody: But most, 
Barcan taken.  to avoid the Fury of the Enemy, threw themselves headlong into the Danube; some endeavoured to save themselves by Swimming, others by their Horses, hanging on their Mains and Tails; others on Planks and Board's of the broken Bridge; in which Passage though many saved themselves, yet the greatest part perished in the Waters; as appeared by the Bodies of Men and Horses, together with their Garments, which covered the Surface of the River, in places where the Current ran not so rapid on the Sides and Banks, as in the middle of the Water. In fine, of these great numbers in Barcan none escaped, unless Seven or Eight hundred Men, who having betaken themselves to a Redoubt belonging to that Fortress, obtained Quarter for their Lives on Condition of quiet Surrender. In this Action the Turks lost their best Captains, and the Bravest of their Soldiery, and so fatal was this Fight to them, that they never recovered their Courage and Spirits again, but suffered themselves for several years afterwards to be beaten, and baffled by their enemies: After which we shall find them still decaying and giving Ground; and at length falling into Discords and Civil Dissensions, the Ottoman Empire had nearly expired, had not the Christians falling into Wars amongst themselves, (which have always proved advantageous to the Turks,) given new Life and growth again unto that People.  
This Victory obtained, the King of Poland with his General and Senators, justly applauded the Wisdom and Conduct of the Duke of Lorraine, and Valour of the Germane Troops, to whom he acknowledged the whole Success of that day was to be attributed: In the Quarters of the King Te Deum being sang, and Thanks returned to Almighty God for so signal a Blessing; the Duke of Lorraine took a Survey of the Fort of Barcan, to see in what manner it was possible to be put in a condition to offend Gran, which was Situate on the other side of the Water, just in opposition to it: But such was the Fury of the Soldiers, that they burned almost all the Palisadoes, and set fire to part of the Town; and so ravenous were they after the Plunder of the Place, that the Germans and Poles had fallen into Civil Wars amongst themselves, had not Count Staremberg put an end to the Scuffle, by commanding the ●ermans to withdraw▪ and leaving the Poles Masters of the Place, they made all the Spoil they were able, in revenge of the Loss they had suffered the day before. Nothing could come more seasonable, nor more advantageous to the Christian Arms than this Victory; for besides the Loss (as we have said) of the best of their Men, there remained not above two or three Thousand alive of all that Army, which consisted of Fourteen thousand of their best Horse, and Twelve hundred janissaries, commanded by the new Pasha of Buda, Haly, Pasha of Aleppo, and six other Pashas. Twelve hundred or One thousand Prisoners were taken, and amongst them the Pashas of Aleppo and Silistria, with several other Agas. The Consequences of which Victory were very happy to the Christians; for besides, that it administered new Courage to the drooping Spirits of the Poles, it totally dismayed the Malcontents, and produced such Disorder in the Turkish Army, that the Great Vizier, 
Mutiny against the Great Vizier.  with all the Authority with which he was clothed, was not able to contain them within any bounds or limits of Duty; but rather fearing to be Murdered by them than hoping to Appease them, was forced to abscond himself from their Rage in obscure Retirement. By this Overthrow the Grand Vizier lost all the remainder of his Baggage, which had been saved at the Battle of Vienna, with Twelve Pieces of Cannon, which had been advanced some Hours on the way before the Siege was raised, and was employed by the new Vizier of Buda for the Service of this Camp.  
The Duke of Lorraine pursuing the course of his good Fortune, was desirous to conclude this Campaign with the taking of Gran, which was the glorious period to which the Emperor directed him, if possible, to advance his Affairs. 
The Siege of G●an intended.  In order hereunto the Duke of Lorraine taking first (according to his usual Methods) a judicious Survey of the situation of the Place, and the way thereunto; observed, that in the middle of the River, something below Gran, there was an Island, in which was not only good Forage for the Horse, but also an ancient Entrenchment, which, with some little Labour, might be made useful and defensive against the Cannon of the Town: And from the farther side of that Island, with the help of a few Boats, the whole Army might find an easy Passage. The King of Poland approving this Design, Boats were ordered down from Comorra, for framing the Bridge: But whilst this was doing, the late Successes which had brought great Reputation to the Emperor's Affairs, had moved Tekeli to send the Count de Humanay in Behalf of the Malcontents, to offer Terms of Peace and Pacification. The Duke of Lorraine, who had been long versed in the Practices of Tekeli and his Associates, was of opinion, 
Tekeli sends Deputies to the Duke of Lorraine.  That the Malcontents were not as yet reduced to such Terms, as might render them fit and disposed for a Treaty: Howsoever, at the desire of the King of Poland, being admitted to Audience, they proposed a Cessation of Arms, and an assignment for Winter-quarters: To which the Duke of Lorraine replied, That such Concessions at present were not agreeable to the Interest and Dignity of the Emperor, and took from hence occasion to make some Discourse of the Laws and Constitutions of their Kingdom, and to reproach them for their Rebellion, and want of Faith towards their Sovereign. In short, he told them, That if they would hope to taste of the Emperor's Clemency, they must without any previous Conditions lay down their Arms, and renounce all Alliance with the Turk, which was the first Preliminary or Step to a Treaty. With this answer the Deputies being retired, in a few days afterward, 
Several Towns and Counties Submit.  not only Papa and Totis (as we said before) submitted, but Wespring and Levents received Germane Garrisons; and the Counties of Trinschin, Tirnaw, Nitria and Levents declared against the Cause and Interest of the Malcontents, and received the Garrisons into their Castles and Fortresses, which were sent thither by order of Count Caraffa to take Possession thereof.  
The Bridges being finished by the 16 th' of this Month of October, and the Bavarian Troops come up to join with the Army; the Duke of Lorraine desired the King of Poland, according to his Place of Precedency, to lead the way with his Troops; but the King made some difficulty thereof, 
The King of Poland proposes inquiries concerning the State of Gran.  alleging, That a Survey ought first to be taken of the situation of the Place, and Inquiries made how well it was provided with Men and Ammunition, and how far the Vizier, with his Forces, was retired from affording it Relief, or disturbing the Siege. Accordingly Two thousand Horse being appointed to take a View of the Country, they passed the Bridges without opposition or disturbance, and so dismayed the Turks, that they deserted Thomas-burg, a Palanca not far from Gran, and set it on Fire, but was soon quenched, and Possession taken by the Imperialists. Upon the appearance of a Party on this side of the River, two Hungarians of Totis brought Intelligence, that the Vizier was marched with his Army towards Esseck, having left a small Force encamped near unto Buda. This News hastened the Passage of the Christian Army over the River, (tho' the Poles remained in their Camp, and moved not as yet) and gave Encouragement to the Generals to hope, that the Siege would not be of long Continuance, or of much loss of Time, or Men. The Horse and Foot marched apace over the Bridges into the Island, and so by a short cut, crossed over another Bridge to the Banks of the Danube, something above Cannot-shot below Gran. In the mean time, the Duke of Lorraine, with the Chief Officers of both Armies, took a particular Survey of the Town, and of the Ground and Country thereabouts.  
Gran is situate about six Hungarian, or thirty English Miles below Comorra; it was anciently called Strigonium, but now by the Hungarians it is named Gran; from the River Gran, which comes out of the Upper Hungary, and empties itself in the Danube, just over-against the City. Under the Name of Strigonium, four Cities are comprehended, together with the Castle which is situate on the pitch of a high Rock hanging over the Danube, 
The Description of Gran.  and over-tops the Cathedral Church, where Stephen the first, King of Hungary, a holy and devout Prince, lies interred. In the Year 1543, this City was first brought under the Turkish Dominion, by Solyman the Magnificent. In the Year 1594 it was Besieged by Mathias, Arch Duke of Austria, but was not taken until the following Year by Count Mansfield, who in a bloody Fight totally defeated the Ottoman Force. The Turks esteeming this Place of necessary Importance to the Conquest of Hungary, returned before it in the Year 1604; but finding a vigorous Resistance, were forced to raise the Siege after Twenty three Days continuance. Howsoever, in the Year 1605, investing the Place with a more formidable Power, it yielded itself into the Hands of the Turks, who have since that time remained Masters thereof until this happy Year 1683.  
The Imperial Army continuing its Passage over the Bridges, the Two thousand Men of the advanced Troops took their Post on the 21st and 22 d at Night, not doubting but that the King of Poland would follow with his Army in the Rear, 
The King of Poland declines the Siege.  as was before resolved; but, contrary to all expectation, the Duke of Lorraine received Advice, that the King, by persuasion of his Senators, had changed his Mind, and designed not to pass the River, letting him know, that he should continue his Camp for three or four Days longer; but after that he should be constrained to March away. This alteration in the King of Poland's Counsels, was strangely surprising to the Duke of Lorraine; for though he doubted not but in a short time to become Master of the Place with the Imperial Forces only, without the Assistance of the Poles; yet considering that the News of the Separation of the two Armies, might encourage the Grand Vizier with his Army (which as yet was not far distant) to return to the Relief of the Town, and the Besieged to a more vigorous Defence; and that the Malcontents might be induced to Post themselves on the Danube, to intercept and interrupt all Communication between Comorra and the Camp: Which Matters were of such high Importance, that the Duke of Lorraine thought not fit to form the Siege, until such time as he had first fixed the King in his former Resolutions; unto which he sent the Counts of Staremberg and Rabata, to press him with all the earnestness imaginable, giving him to understand how difficult it was for the Imperial Army to retire from an Enterprise, to which all the Methods and Forms were already laid and prepared; and of which the Design appeared so promising, that in a few Days they might with good reason expect a happy Success and Event thereof. Moreover the Emperor had given his Orders for investing Gran, and was already in expectation to hear that t●e Siege was laid, esteeming i● of high Advantage to the Reputation of his Affairs, 
He is persuaded to it by the Duke of Lorraine.  to have the Campaign concluded with the success of so glorious an Action: Yet whatsoever was or could be said by these Officers did not prevail on the King, until the Duke of Lorraine himself went in Person, to represent the great Inconveniences, and even Subversion of the late happy Successes, which would b●●he necessary Consequences at this time o● the Separation of the two Armies. In fine, he so managed his Discourse with those Reasons, and in such obliging Terms, that the King concurred with him, desiring him to hasten the execution of this Enterprise, in which there was no time to be ●ost, considering how near the Winter-season was approached.  
The Siege being now in good earnest resolved, the Polish Army passed the Bridges with all the Artillery, Ammunition and Baggage; and the Duke of Lorraine with the chief Officers taking a second S●rvey of the Town, and the Ground round about it; the Approaches were ordered to be made, and the Army began to take their several Quarters, as directed by the General Officers. The Foot were encamped on the tops of some rising Hills; 
The Disposition of the Christian Army in the Camp before Gran▪  the Croats and Dragoons, with a Party of Horse on the side of the Danube. The Bavarians were posted on the River above the Town, at the foot of the Bridge which passes over to Barcan, where a Battery was raised: The rest of the Infantry was divided into two other Squadrons towards St. Thomas' Mount, where other Batteries were raised, all things proceeding with such expedition, as the Season of the Year, and other Circumstances of the Army required. The Lines being drawn, which extended three Miles in compass, the Cannon, of which ten Pieces being twenty four Pounders, and eight Mortars were by force of Men drawn up and planted on the Top of the Hills of Marinberg, and Thomasberg, and on the 25 th' by break of Day in the Morning, they began to play upon the Town, and much Battered the Castle on that side of the Gate, which looks towards Buda, and all that Day Bombs were thrown, whilst the Imperialists in despite of the Enemies Fire advanced to the very Ditch, 
The●r Approaches.  and there lodged near to the Quarters of the Bavarian Troops. On the other side, which looks towards Barcan, about five a Clock in the Afternoon the Imperialists stormed the Lower Town, and without much resistance made themselves Masters of it, with the loss of the Major of Staremberg's Regiment, and seven Soldiers. The Inhabitants retired into the Castle, from whence they fired incessantly both small and great Shot: Howsoever, that very Night the Christians gained the Foot of the Hill, on which the Castle is Built, and began to undermine the Place, there being a wide Breach already opened in the Wall of the Castle, so that every thing seemed in a readiness for an Assault; but before things were put upon that Extremity, the Duke of Lorraine thought fit with the consent of the King of Poland, to send a Summons to the Castle in his Majesty's name, which was done by a Turkish Prisoner, offering them Conditions of safety for their Goods and Lives, provided that a Surrender were made that very Evening: But the Defendants desiring until next Day to give their Answer it was denied them, and Attacks were made and the Ditch passed, and two Lodgments made on the side of the Hill, and another Mine began; of which the Defendants being sensible, and fearing to be taken by force of Arms, 
The Besieged accept Conditions.  they returned an Answer by Eleven a Clock that Night, how that they accepted the Conditions.  
In the Morning early, being the 27 th', Hostages were exchanged for securing the performance of the Conditions, which were these.  
First, That all the Cannon, Ammunition, Provisions, and all offensive Arms, (excepting those hereafter excepted) should remain in the Castle.  
Secondly, That those of the Garrison might carry with them, as much Bread, Flesh and other Victuals, as would serve them for two Days Provision.  
Thirdly, That the Duke of Lorraine should provide them with Carts, for carrying their Baggage to the Water side.  
Fourthly, That Boats should be granted them for carrying away their Persons and Goods, and that in case they could not be cleared away at one time, that then they might have Liberty to fetch them off at twice: And that in case the Boatmen were not sufficient to carry away all the Goods, that the Proprietors might have Liberty to perform the same.  
Fifthly, That so soon as these Capitulations were Signed, that the Garrison shall immediately quit the place, and resign it into the Hands of the Christians, who were to take entire Possession thereof; and that the Carts and Boats being in a readiness, they should without delay lad their Goods and Householdstuff.  
Sixthly, That the Prisoners taken during the Siege, be forthwith released and set at Liberty.  
Seventhly, That the Defendants shall have Liberty to March away with their Wives, Children and small Arms, and also with their Horses, Camels, and other Beasts of Burden. In fine, That these Articles be kept, and observed inviolably on both sides.  
On the 28 th' of this Month of October, all the Garrison, being in number about Three thousand five hundred Soldiers, marched out of the Castle between the Regiments of Grana and Lorraine drawn up in double Files; but before they would suffer them to depart, a search was made after the Mines, which the Turks discovering to them, they were discharged of their Powder: 
The Castle Surrendered.  The Garrison marched forth without any Order, but mixed together with their Wives, Children and Families: Those who designed for Buda, were embarked on Boats provided for that purpose; and such as were willing to go unto other Parts by Land, which were about Eight hundred Persons, were conveyed by Colonel Heisler with One thousand six hundred Horse.  
After all the Matters were passed, and the Christians in possession of the Fortress, the late Governor thereof called Beker Pasha, and Oslan Pasha his Deputy, the Commander in chief of the janissaries, the Sagargibashee and Samsongibashee, who are Major Generals of the janissaries, with many other Agaes and others, who had escaped out of the Battle of Barcan, desired greatly to salute the Duke of Lorraine; who willingly admitted them to his Presence, and treated them with much Humanity: In their Discourses with the Duke they told him, That the defeat which the Turks had received before Barcan, was seen from the Top of the Castle of Gran, by the Garrison and Inhabitants therein; which sad Spectacle made such impressions of fear in their Minds, that they had no power or life remaining to resist the Vigour, and speedy proceedings which the Christians showed in the Prosecution of this Siege: The Arms and Ammunition found in this Fortress, were Sixty Pieces of Cannon, besides Twenty two belonging to the City below the Castle, Six thousand Barrels of Powder, Three Mortars, Match, Bullets, Granades, Bombs in great quantities, as also Flour, Barley, Salted Flesh, Rice and all sorts of Provisions sufficient to sustain that Fortress in a Siege for many Months.  
Thus was this City reduced in a far shorter time, and with much less loss than was expected by the King of Poland and his Senators; for which Te Deum was Sung, and Thanks rendered to God Almighty in the Cathedral Church of that Archbishopric, 
Thanks returned to God.  after it had remained a Mahometan Mosch, in possession of the Turks for above One hundred and forty years: The Command of the place with a Garrison of Two thousand Men, was committed to the charge of one Carlovitz, Serjeant Major to the Regiment of Staremberg.  
The Elector of Bavaria, who for the sake of his Health, remained at Brin to take the Air by the prescription of his Physicians, hearing of the Siege of Gran, hastened thither to partake in the Triumphs of it: And coming into the Camp on the 26 th' of October, early in the Morning with a part of his own Cavalry, which was not employed in the Siege; he had the good fortune within the space of Twenty four hours, to behold the form and manner of the Siege, a Treaty offered and the place Surrendered. Soon after which the Imperialists making their Incursions into the Country, took two Castles, one called Scombeck Situate between Gran and Buda, wherein were Four hundred Turks, and four Pieces of Cannon with much Provisions: And also another Castle called Sordeck, lying towards Alba, wherein were six Pieces of Cannon mounted, with abundance of Ammunition and Provisions of all sorts. The news of these happy successes were posted to the Emperor by the Count of Auspurg, to the great Joy and Triumph of the Imperial Court.  
In this manner the Campagne being gloriously concluded to the great Reputation of the Emperor's Affairs, and to the Disgrace and Discouragement of the Turks; The next care and incumbence of the Generals was to provide Winter-quarters for the refreshment and welfare of the Army, 
The Christian Army drawn into Winter-quarters.  which had been much harassed by the Fatigues of many and great Actions. The Elector of Bavaria desirous in like manner to provide for his own Troops, hastened their march out of Hungary, together with the Marquis of Dorlach, who with Three thousand Men which he had conducted out of Suabia, accompanied the Elector, having remained but one day in conjunction with the Imperialists. To regulate and assign the Quarters of the two remaining Armies, Commissaries were appointed: And though according to the Articles of Treaty, the Emperor was not obliged to allow Winter-quarters to the Army of Poland, intending to reserve all the upper parts of Hungary for the accommodation of his own; yet in regard Conditions were not too strictly to be insisted on, with persons unto whom great acknowledgements are due, Quarters were assigned unto the Poles on the other side of the Tibiscus, in Parts near adjoining unto Transilvania, which were the Quarters that the King declared he had desired, from the time he first entered with his Forces into Hungary. Howsoever, when his Majesty was on the place, the Prince of Transilvania paid unto him a Sum of Money on Condition, that his Army should be removed from thence, after payment of which they marched into the three Counties of Esperies, Cachan and Tokay, which were appointed to receive them, five of the Imperial Regiments being dislodged from thence.  
But as the Germane and Polish Armies were marching towards their Quarters, on the Banks of the River Gran in sight of Leventz; they sent their Summons requiring the Governor to Surrender the place into their Hands, 
Leventz taken.  which in few hours time was yielded, and the Garrison permitted to march out. In the place were twelve Pieces of Cannon well mounted, and Provisions and Ammunition in great quantities.  
The Croats found the like good fortune, having in their march taken the Castle of Raboniz, about six English Miles distant from Kanisia, and the Town of Probenz, Situate on the River Drove; as also the Castle of Esseghet, 
Esseghet, Probens, and other places taken.  and the City and Castle of Brevenitz, which was so near to Kanisia, that it seemed already blocked up, if not almost besieged: And here these generous Soldiers thought fit to fix their Winter-quarters, which they had conquered and won, as if they had scorned to abide in any place which was not opened to them by their own Swords.  
The Duke of Lorain being at Sequi, about an hours march from Leventz, and busied in assigning Quarters for Twenty seven Regiments, 
The Forc●● of Lituania with the Duke of Lo●ain●.  was visited by the General of Lituania, accompanied with the principal Officers, who gave him to understand, that they were come with an Army of Ten thousand Men, which were Quartered in the Neighbouring Towns and Villages, and that they were marching to join with the other Troops of his Majesty of Poland, and to follow his Orders and Instructions. The Duke after having courteously received them, prescribed them the Roads which they were to take, and delivered into the Hands of the General a Letter for the King, persuading him to employ that Army which was fresh, and not harrassed with the Fatigues of War, upon some Enterprise, it seeming somewhat absurd, and perhaps of ill report in War, for so considerable a Body of Soldiers, to take a long march out of Lituania into Hungary, and to perform nothing, but to return again. To this Letter the King made no other Reply, Than that for maintenance of his Winter-quarters, he should have occasion of those Troops.  
The King of Poland in his march towards Cackaw, (which with Esperies and Tokai, were appointed for the Quarters of his Troops) passing near to the City of Setzin, sent his Son Prince Alexander with Summons to Surrender, which being refused, the Poles made an Attack in two places, with which the Defendants being affrighted, offered to Capitulate, and in that Amazement before the Articles were agreed, 
S●tz●n t●ken 〈◊〉 the Poles.  they opened their Gates and let in the Enemy, who being obliged by no Terms, made a miserable slaughter of the poor Inhabitants, of which there were Two thousand Turks, besides Twelve hundred janissaries and Spahees; and on the Walls were twenty Pieces of Cannon mounted. A Garrison of Germans being put into the Town, the King continued his march towards the Quarters designed for his Troops, where having refreshed himself for some few Days, he passed on towards Cracovia, 
The King of Poland and ●is A●my return home.  attended only with the Servants and Officers of his Court: And not long afterwards was followed by his whole Army into Poland; where we will leave them to their own Fortune, which seemed favourable to them abroad, whilst they were directed by the auspicious Conduct of the Duke of Lorraine, and other the greatest Captains in the World. But looking on them in their own Country, as we shall hereafter do, we shall find their Successes much different from their late Triumphs and Glories: For being left to themselves, and inspired with French Councils and Interests, we shall hear of no great Achievements afterwards gained upon the Turks, nor attempts made to recover Kaminiec, the Bulwark and Fortress of their Kingdom on that side: Of which the Turks being sensible, made but weak Preparations against them, leaving them to the Tartars, who (as things were then governed) proved a sufficient match for their Neighbours the Poles. Notwithstanding this separation, and that the Polanders were withdrawn into their own Country; 
Several Castles belonging to the Malcontents submit.  yet the Reputation of the Emperor was highly exalted, and his name terrible to his Enemies, so that every small Castle and Fortress Surrendered upon the first Summons; as the Castles of jasem, Zalabstat, Sumst●m and Seramz, with other places all belonging to the Malcontents, of which divers Persons of Quality returned to their Duty and Allegiance, and particularly the Count of Zabbor, the Commander in Chief under Tekeli, who by the Count Esterhasi, being introduced to the Presence of his Imperial Majesty, he was with his usual Clemency received, and a gracious Pardon granted to him.  
These Triumphs in Christendom increased the Troubles, Discontents and Commotions in Turkey, which are always attended with Tragedies and Destruction of their Chief Ministers and Rulers. We shall begin with the fate of Kara Mustapha the Grand Vizier, the Chief Author and Cause of all the Evils which are past, and those which for many years following are to ensue. We have in the beginning of this History, made mention how that the Valide Soltana which is the Queen Mother, the Kuzlir-Aga, who is the black Eunuch of the Women, and the Embrahore, who is Master of the Horse to the Grand Signior, were all mortal Enemies to this Vizier, and attended only an opportunity to destroy him, which was now very practicable, under the present Circumstances of Affairs, especially having the Widow of the Pasha of Buda, whom the Vizer had lately put to Death, and who was Sister to the Grand Signior, to join with them in their methods of Revenge. The Grand Vizier being sensible of his Danger from these Enemies, and from the ill success of Affairs, which usually prove fatal to the Generals or Commanders in Chief, marched away towards Belgrade with a great part of his Army, esteeming it a Matter of higher Consequence to his own safety, to purge himself from blame in the Opinion of his Master, than to return back to the Relief of Gran, being already advanced as far on his way to Belgrade as the Bridge of Esseck, where he received the first intelligence of the Defeat, of the several Pashas before Barcan, and the Siege of Strigonium. These misfortunes hastened his proceedings to Belgrade, 
The Grand Vizier excuses his Misfortunes before the Grand Signior.  where being admitted to the presence of the Sultan; he described the admirable order of the Siege before Vienna, and how near he was to have been Master thereof, and even of all Austria, and the Emperor's Hereditary Countries, as Appendages thereunto belonging, had not these fair hopes been defeated by the Cowardice, and ill Conduct of the Pasha of Buda, and several other Officers whom he had justly punished with Death for their Treachery, and want of Courage. He also laid much blame upon Tekeli, and on the Princes of Transilvania, Moldavia and Valachia, for not performing their Duty, either out of Treachery or Fear, or some secret Correspondences or Reserves for the Christian Interest, In fine, he so well managed his Discourse, and justified all his Actions with such Colours and appearances of Truth, that the Grand Signior who was naturally constant to his Ministers, and particularly favourable to this Vizier, 
And is acquitted.  who had often feasted and treated him with Presents, and brought great Sums into his Treasury (no matter by what means) did accept of the Excuses he had made as justifiable, and acquitted him of all the Crimes of Misgovenrment which were laid to his Charge; and having received him to Pardon, and Grace, the Sultan bestowed the usual Presents on him in such Cases given, and bid him do better the next year, and so returned to Adrianople, leaving the Grand Vizier at Belgrade; but notwithstanding this new Re-establishment in the favour of his Master, and tho' as some say, in Confirmation thereof, he obtained a Writing under the Hand of his Master, Promising and Engaging never to take off his Head upon any Instances and Addresses that could be made him: yet his Enemies were busy in Contrivances to take him off; amongst which the most irreconcilable of any was a Woman, the Grand Seignior's Sister, Widow of the late Pasha of Buda, who perceiving that her Letters were not prevalent enough to obtain her desired Revenge; she undertook a Journey from Buda to Adrianople in Disguise, not being known on the way, until she discovered herself at her Arrival at the Court; where being come, 
The Queen Mother Dead.  she was entertained at the Entry into the Seraglio with the unhappy News of the Death of the Valide or Queen Mother, a Person much lamented by all, for her Piety and good Works, but especially at that time by this Sultana, who hoped to have used her as the chief Instrument of her Revenge: Howsoever, she was not a little comforted by the Kuzlir-Aga, or chief Eunuch of the Women, when he told her, that the Valide upon her Deathbed, had charged him to tell her Son the Sultan, that his Affairs could never prosper, so long as they were in the Hands and Mannagement of so vile, and unfortunate a Person as this present Vizier▪ But whilst they and others of the same Faction, were meditating of these Matters; Tekel●; who had heard of the Complaints made against him by the Vizier, and that he was in part charged with the miscarriage of the late Successes; fearing his own safety, 
Tekeli comes to the G●and Signior.  came and boldly presented himself at the Feet of the Grand Signior, and in discharge of himself, solely laid all the blame upon the Vizier, which he confirmed by so many particular Instances, and by such Reasons, that the Grand Signior assented to all his Allegations: But howsoever, not thinking it seasonable at present to stir greater Commotions by change of Officers, (to which he was never much inclined) he favourably dismissed Tekeli with new assurances of his Protection, and of sending him very considerable Forces, and Recruits against the next Spring.  
This Address of Tekeli had a little prepared the Grand Seignior's Mind to receive different Impressions, than what he had hitherto conceived against his Grand Vizier; which were soon afterwards ripened by new Commotions raised by the industry of the Faction amongst the janissaries, 
The Janissaries demand the Head of the Vizier.  who Tumultuously assembling ran to the Grand Signior, and crying out, that the Vizier had Treacherously forsaken their Companions, and suffered them miserably to Perish in their Trenches before Vienna, and had Unjustly and without any Reason put their Aga or General to Death; for which Crimes, and many other Miscarriages they demanded the Head of the Vizier. The Sultan (to whom nothing was so terrible as the Toleration of the janissaries) entertained them with fair Words and Promises, and by distributing Money amongst them, for that time dispersed this Tumultuous Meeting. But fearing the return again of the Rabble and this unruly Soldiery, a Divan or Council was called, at which the Mufti and all the Viziers of the Bench, with other Grandees of the Court were present: After a mature Consideration of the State of Affairs in the Empire, it was concluded of absolute necessity for appeasing the Minds of the Soldiery, that the Grand Vizier should Die, 
His Death resolved.  who had been the Cause and Author of all the late Misfortunes. Nothing could be more grievous to the Grand Signior than this advice; but being again terrified with the Threats of next days Commotions, the Imperial Command was signed for the Vizier's Death, and the Execution thereof committed to the care of the Chiaous Bashee, or Chief of the Pursuivants, and to the Kapigeelar-Kajasee, who is Master of the Ceremonies; which two Officers; with some few Servants were dispatched away Post to Belgrade. These Ministers of Death being near to the City, sent privately a Messenger to inform the Aga, year 1684. or General of the janissaries of their Business, requring him in the Name of the Grand Signior to be aiding and assisting to them in this Work, that it might be performed with all the quiet, peace and silence imaginable. All things being disposed by the Aga accordingly, both he and the two Executioners went directly to the Vizier's Apartment, who, so soon as he had cast his Eyes on these new-come Guests, though they were really his Friends, and had been his familiar Confidents formerly, yet he suspected much the Import of their Message; but being nothing surprised at what he had some time expected, he cheerfully gave them the usual Salams or Salutations, demanding of them their Business, which brought them to Belgrade: To which the Janifar-Aga made answer, That the Sultan demanded the Seal from him. To which the Vizier replied, Most willingly; and putting his Hand into his Bosom, he took the Seal out, and resigned it. What more, said he, is it that you require? The Standard, said the Aga; which was immediately produced and delivered. At last they produced the Command for his Head, which he having read, he said, Oh Deceitful World! After my Death the Grand Signior will remember me, and the whole Empire too late lament my Fall. He then after their usual manner washed, kneeled down and prayed, and yielded his Head to the fatal Cord: Being dead, the Executioner cut off his Head, 
TheVizier's Death.  and the Skin being flayed off, it was stuffed with Straw, and put into a Bag, and carried away in post to the Grand Signior, and laid before the Gate of the Divan, on the 7 th' day of january, 168●/4;.    

ANNO, 1684.  
IT is very seldom that a Grand Vizier falls into Disgrace, or is put to Death alone, but all his familiar Friends, Confidents and Creatures, incur the same Fate, and either attend him to the next World, or are banished into remote Parts; 
The Mutability of the Turkish Court.  and sometimes the whole Set of Officers and Ministers of State are changed with him. This Man had a corrupted Court, and was served by Instruments of the same Humour and Temperament like himself, and which were either naturally ill-inclined, or made so by his Example. With him died the Testerdar or Lord Treasurer, and several other Engines of his Rapine and Violence. The Estates of these Malefactors were seized and converted to the Grand Seignior's Coffers, which were esteemed in all to amount unto 14 Millions of Dollars: to which Sum, and a far greater, it was believed, that Estate only of the Vizier would have amounted unto; but it is most certain he had disbursed vast Sums of Money in this Expedition out of his own Treasure, hoping to have had a return tenfold out of the Estates and Spoils of the Christians, instead whereof his own Riches became a Prey to his Enemies; all the Money (which as some Report) amounted to above two Millions found in his Tent, were all his own, and as they had been Acquisitions obtained by Force and Rapine, so they became the Booty and Spoil of the King of Poland, passing from the possession of one Covetous Man into the Coffers of another. The sublime Office of Great▪ Vizier being now vacant, the difficulty of the present Affairs required to have it supplied with a Person of Valour, Wisdom and Experience; this Office, for which many Candidates pretended in former times, did now appear so weighty and full of Thorns, that the most ambitious amongst the Turks were willing to decline it, or at least not seem to seek or affect it. The Selictar Aga, or Sword-bearer to the Grand Signior, called Soliman Aga, 
Soliman Aga.  an accomplished Person in Mind and Body, a Man of good Sense, being always in the Eyes of his Master, and a Favourite, was pitched upon, as the most fit and proper of any for this Employment: But he excused himself to the Sultan with this Compliment, That though nothing in this World could be more desirable to him than this Office, yet since the execution thereof must necessarily carry him from the adorable Presence of his Master, under the Shadow whereof he desired always to live, he could not withdraw himself from thence without much Reluctancy and Discomfort, and therefore desired that the Seals might be conferred on some other Person, more worthy than himself. The Grand Signior judging, that these Expressions proceeded from a Heart truly devoted to him, accepted of the Excuse, and resoved to constitute Ibrahim Pasha, than Caimacam with him at Adrianople, commonly known by the Name of Kara Kaia, in the Vizier's Office: 
Kara Kaia made Vizier.  He had formerly been Kaia, or Steward to Kuprioglee; and after his Death was made Embrahose, or Master of the Horse: He was afflicted with a Distemper called a Serpentine or Cancer, which some Years since was caused by an Erysipelas; some said it was a politic Disease to excuse himself from going to the War. He was a close politic Man, and become very weary and cautious by the Dangers and evil Fate of his Predecessors: As one means to secure his Condition, he frequently called and assembled all the Officers of the Divan, and with them consulted all of the Methods in what manner the declining Condition of the Empire might be recovered; concerning which, speaking his own Sense, he often declared, That the Errors of the late Vizier were to be retrieved, and a quite different Course to be steered; for whereas he had contrary to the public Faith broken the Truce with the Christians, without just Reasons, before the time was expired, for which the Mussulmen had tasted the Displeasure of the Divine Vengeance: They were now to appease the Anger of God, 
The Vizier proposes Peace.  by renewing the same Truce, which had been injuriously violated with the Emperor, and observing it for the future, with such Faith as becomes the common Honesty of Mankind. 
Disliked by the Grand Signior.  But this Proposal was in no manner agreeable to the Mind of the Grand Signior; for though he was naturally a gentle and a peaceable Prince, and disliked this War at the beginning: Yet like an unlucky Gamester, he was unwilling to give over with an ill Hand, hoping that the Wheel of Fortune might once again turn in his Favour: He had also promised Tekeli considerable Aid and Assistance against the next Campaign, and was unwilling to forfeit his Promise and Reputation with him.  
The Vizier finding a Disposition in the Grand Signior to continue the War, desired to be released from his Office, which the weakness of his Body rendered him uncapable to discharge; to which the Sultan replied, That he was one of those, who had opened the Gate, by which much Dishonour and Mischief was entered into the Empire, and now would withdraw his Neck out of the Collar; but if he did not shut the Gate again, he would hang him in all his Divan Robes.  
The Turks indeed were then very low, and reduced to such distress for want of Soldiers, that from Selibrea, which is about thirty Miles from Constantinople, in all the Country of Romania, (except the Sea-coast) all that were capable of bearing Arms were sent to the War; but being raw Country People, proved of little Force against a Veterane Army.  
The Vizier finding himself disappointed in this Contrivance, and sensible of the present Disadvantages, proposed that the War should be managed on the defensive part, rather than to adventure the whole Concernment of the Empire on the Hazards and Chances of War, 
A defensive War intended.  which seemed to be governed by some evil Influences of the Stars, which at that time were not very propitious to the Ottoman Cause. This Council being generally well approved, it produced two Resolutious, one was to divert the intended Design of the Grand Seignior's going in Person to the War; for in that Case nothing could become the awful presence and appearance of the Sultan, but Fire and Slaughter, and direful Vengeance wheresoever his terrible Sword was drawn; it being agreeable to the Opinion which the Turks fancy and conceive of their Emperor, That he is Omnipotent, and that in one Hand he carries all the Riches and Honours of the World, and in the other Victory, and all sorts of Delights for ever. But to draw this Case a little nearer to the Person of the Vizier himself; it was farther resolved, That in case a defensive War were to be managed, it were neither consistent with the Reputation of the Grand Vizier, who was the Sultan's Deputy and Representative; but more becoming a Sardar, with Title of Seraskier, or General to wage a War, in which the chief Art is to decline a Battle and all Engagements, Thus had this old and politic Vizier obtained his Point by sitting at Home, and seeing others play the Game, which he could approve or disapprove without danger, according to the Successes: The Person appointed to be Seraskier, 
ASerask●e● appointed.  or General, was Kara Oglou Chiamacam of Constantinople, who had formerly been Captain Pasha, or Admiral of the Seas.  
The Grand Vizier remaining at home, had time to consider and reflect, That the cause of the general Toleration of almost all Christendom against them, did proceed from the Neglect, Contempt and ill Usage which the late Vizier had put upon all the public Representatives of Christian Princes, some Instances of which we have given at the beginning of this History: To redress which, it was thought fit to cajole and soften a little the Foreign Ministers from Christian Princes, whom the late Vizier had so contemptuously used, and treated with Disgrace, as had raised all Christendom about their Ears; and so with much Compliment the Ambassadors of England and France were invited to Adrianople by the Vizier, to sit with him upon the Soffraw, 
The Soffraw granted to the Christian Ministers.  according to the usual Custom and Privilege of Ambassadors, which the Pride of the late Vizier would not allow them. The Lord Chandos, than Ambassador from his Majesty of Great Britain to the Ottoman Port, being at that time Sick, excused his going, and perhaps also was desirous to spare the Money of the Turkey Company, and not lavish it out in an empty and fruitless Journey: But the French Ambassador, Monsieur de Guilleragues, for the Glory (as he thought) of his Master, made splendid Preparations at the Cost of the Merchants, to enter Adrianople; where, being arrived, he was in a short time received to Audience on the Soffraw, which Privilege hath been restored to all other Ambassadors since that time.  
That which hastened this Favour and Indulgence to Foreign Ministers, was the apprehension of a War just then breaking out with the Venetians; for the Doge of Venice being newly dead, and his Place supplied by Signior Marco Antonio Gustiniani, the Senate sent Orders to their Secretary at the Ottoman Port, 
The Venetians declare War against the Turks.  called Signior Capello, to declare War against the Turk, and their League and Alliance with the Emperor and Poland; and having so done, to make his Escape in the best manner he was able. Signior Capello having complied with these Instructions, conveyed himself away in the Habit of a Seaman, upon a French Man of War called the Faithful, which was come to Constantinople for Convoy to some other Ships.  
The Moscovites, who had for a long time played fast and loose (as we have formerly mentioned) in their Treaties of Peace with the Turks, became now more fixed and resolved on a War, being animated thereto by the strong Alliance and Confederacies made against them, and the cross Fortune of the Turks, which seemed every day to decline. This Union and strong Combination, 
The Moscovites inclinable to enter into the League.  as it made the Turks tremble, so the Sense thereof softened their Minds, and rendered them much more pliable and gentle to those Christian Ambassadors, who remained in Peace and Amity with them; and gave just occasion to the English, and others trading in their Dominions, to applaud and own the Justice, Moderation, and easy Access of the Turks, much different from that, which they practised in the time of their Prosperity, so that though our English Merchants, in all their Letters, complained of the badness of Trade, and ill Markets, yet they praised and commended the present Security in which they lived, and the readiness of the Turkish Ministers to afford them redress upon all Complaints.  
The Treaty of Confederacy and Alliance being vigorously carried on at Vienna, by Signior Contarini, the Venetian Ambassador to his Imperial Majesty, by and with the Consent and Assistance of the Pope's Nuncio, these following Articles were agreed between the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the Republic of Venice, and afterwards Sworn unto at Rome, at the Feet of the Pope, by Cardinal Pio in Behalf of the Emperor, by Cardinal Barbarini in the Name of the King of Poland, and by Cardinal Ottoboni for the Venetians.  

The Articles are these.  

1st.  THat a League offensive and defensive be concluded between the Emperor, the King and Republic of Poland, and Republic of Venice; the which shall continue until the end of this War, and to be defensive for ever.  
The Protector and guarantee, 
2dly.  whereof shall be this Pope Innocent the XI. and his Successors; and the Apostolical See shall ever be Moderator to judge and determine which of these Parties falls from his Faith, and fails in a due Performance.  
That during the time that this League continues in Force, 
3dly.  none of the Parties shall enter into Treaty, or accept of any Condition, though never so advantageous without the Consent, Privity and Concurrence of the other Allies.  
That his Imperial Majesty shall enter into this League, as King of Hungary, 
4thly.  Bohemia, and Archduke of Austria; as doth also the King, as King of Poland and Great Duke of Lituania, binding these their Dominions and Inheritances; as doth also the Republic of Venice, bind and oblige their Dominions and Territories to the performance of these Covenants.  
By this League is understood only a War against the Turks, 
5thly.  and against no other Prince or Potentate whatsoever.  
The Emperor for his part, 
6thly.  and the King of Poland for his, do promise to wage War against the Turks with very powerful Armies by Land; and the Venetians with a powerful Fleet at Sea, and with their Troops in Dalmatia to the utmost of their Force, until a Peace be concluded.  
That in case either of these Parties be hard pressed by the Enemy, 
7thly.  so that the Aid and Assistance of the others be necessary, they shall leave their present Designs, and apply themselves to the Relief of the Party oppressed.  
That this War be carried on by way of Diversion, that is, 
8thly.  That the Emperor endeavour to conquer and subdue all the Forts and strong Holds in Hungary, the King of Poland to recover Kaminiec, Podolia and Ukrania; and the Venetians the several Towns, Fortresses and Islands which they have lost.  
That so soon as these Articles are signed, 
9thly.  that the several Covenants herein contained, be put into immediate Execution.  
That all Christian Princes be invited to enter into this League, 
10thly.  and especially the Czar of Moscovy.  
That this League shall not be understood to prejudice any other League made with any other Prince; particularly, 
11thly.  That lately concluded between the Emperor and the King of Poland.  
Thus did the Senate of Venice, after Mature Deliberation, (for that Republic did never act rashly) enter into the Confederacy with the aforesaid Allies against the Turks.  
The many Insults and Avanias with which the Grand Vizier, and others did daily oppress them (of which at the beginning of this History we have given some Instances) and the difficult Circumstances they lay under by these hard Taskmasters, 
The Reasons which the Venetians had to make a War.  who were continually drawing, and forcing Money from them upon false pretences, without which they always threatened War, were just Grounds and Reasons for breaking that Peace, which was concluded with them after the loss of Candia in the year 1668. This happy League was farther improved by Applications to the Czars of Moscovy, who had not long before signified unto the Court of Poland, their inclinations to enter into this Alliance; to forward which the Baron of Zerowski was dispatched into Moscovy, and in his way thither, by Poland to take Blumferg with him, being both Commissionated to Solicit the Czars for their Assistance and Union with the other Confederates. The like Addresses were made to the Princes of Italy, who being encouraged, and warmed by the late prosperous Successes, were ready to contribute all the Force and Aid within their Power. The City of Rome moved by the Exhortations, and Examples of the Pope, did cheerfully Concur, and the Cardinals, Princes and Prelates did all Contribute immense Sums for carrying on this Holy War: And the Pope did not only Issue forth liberally Monies out of his own Coffers, but sent Forces which were raised in his own Dominions and Territories, to join with the Imperial Army in Hungary: 
Aids from Italy.  Thus did all things, according to the usual course of Nature, Concur towards the Prosperity of the Christian Affairs; for Mankind naturally sides with the uppermost and strongest side, and are ready to depress, and beat down the weak and dejected Party.  
Nor did the Emperor only endeavour to fortify, and strengthen his side by united Interests and Alliances; but to weaken his Enemies, by withdrawing from them the Malcontents, who were their Associates, and the first Incentives to this War: The Successes of the Emperor had damped the Spirits of the Malcontents in such manner, that they began now to believe the Turks were vincible, and that they had put their Trust in a feeble Arm of Flesh, which could not Defend them, and engaged their Interest with a Party; from which they could promise themselves no Security or Redress: Wherefore, 
Some of the Malcontents fall off to the Emperor.  seriously laying aside their former ill Principles, many of the Counties and Cities began to Capitulate, and desire to have their Aggrievances redressed, upon which they promised to submit unto the Emperor's Pleasure, and return to their Obedience▪ But this good Humour being not general amongst all the Malcontents, but confined to some few Cities and Counties, no Capitulations or Articles were Signed or Concluded, so that notwithstanding their good Intentions, the Imperialists made Havoc of them in all Places; and the Turks hearing of their Inclinations to return again to their Obedience to the Emperor, and of the Steps they had made towards it, 
Their ill Condition.  Treated them in all Places like Enemies, with Fire and Sword; so that miserable was the State of this poor People, who were become Obnoxious to both Parties; they had been the Original causes of the Mischief, and were likely to Perish in it.  
But the Clemency of the Emperor Commiserating their unhappy Condition, Published an Act of General Pardon to all the People of Hungary, who had been misled, 
A General Pardon.  and debauched from their Duty and Allegiance to their lawful Sovereign, Dated at Lintz in the Month of january 1684; whereby a Door was opened to a Treaty, and Pardon offered to all such who were desirous to return to the Protection of his Imperial Majesty, and to renounce their dependence on the Turks: This Edict was affixed in all public Places, as Church-doors, and the Market Crosses, and dispersed in all the Frontier Garrisons, being Written in the Latin and the Hungarian Tongues, that none might pretend ignorance thereof. The direction was in this manner▪  
To all the States and Orders, as well Prelates, Barons, Nobles, as to all Free and Royal Cities, Counties and People, and to all Persons whatsoever (none excepted) within the Kingdom of Hungary.  
In the first place, The sad and deplorable Condition of that Kingdom being bewailed, caused by civil and intestine Discords, which evil and perverse Spirits had raised, and by their evil Persuasions had deluded many Thousands of poor Innocent Men, to Sacrifice their Lives and Fortunes to their Lust and Revenge, and even to join and unite themselves with the Turks, who were the ancient▪ and irreconcilable Enemies to the Kingdom of Hungary, and the Christian Religion. And tho' His Imperial, Majesty having been, thus highly provoked by the Rebellions and Outrages of the People, and by the Power of his Victorious Arms might justly exempt, and reject them from all Pardon: Yet his gracious Clemency prevailing, he doth once again offer his Mercy, to as many as before the end of▪ February next ensuing, shall renounce and abandon the interest and party of the Malcontents, and union with the Turks, and repair to Presburg, where Commissioners shall be appointed to receive them, and to deliver out Pardons to them, taking a new Oath of Allegiance to their King, with assurances to remain for ever as good Subjects, in perfect Loyalty and Obedience to his Majesty, which being performed, such as are of the Nobility shall be restored to their Honours, Dignities and Estates: And in case any such have formerly enjoyed Honours, and Places of Trust, their Case shall be considered by the Commissioners, who are to make Report thereof unto the Emperor, who will be ready in such Cases so to Act, as shall be most suitable to the Royal Service. Such Soldiers as having been seduced by their Commanders to leave and relinquish the Imperial Army, shall return again to their Duty, and to their Colours, shall have the same Post allotted to them as formerly, and shall be received again into the Garrisons, or Regiments respectively. All Counties and Cities, who by their Deputies shall appear before the Commissioners, in order to such Reconciliation, shall have safe Passports to go, and return with all security. As to matters of Religion, the Worship of God, and Restitution of Churches, all the particulars agreed unto, and promised at the last General Diet held at Edemburg, shall be performed and inviolably maintained. As to the Statute made in the year 1655, concerning the Coronation of the King of Hungary, on which various Glosses and Interpretations have been put, which have caused great disorders and disturbances; the same shall be referred to the next Convention of the States to consider thereof, and Decrees therein, what shall be most agreeable to the Fundamental Constitutions of the Nation. So that a true, and impartial Interpretation being put on all things as well in Religious, as in Temporal Matters, a good and lasting Peace, and right understanding may pass between the King and his People. And as to those, who shall not take hold of this Golden Sceptre now held forth unto them with this opportunity, and within the time limited: It is declared, That they are excluded from Mercy, and are guilty of all the Miseries, which shall fall upon themselves and their Country; and shall be Prosecuted as Rebels, Outlawed and Felonious Persons, and such as are never more to be received into Grace, or Pardon.  
To put this Commission into Execution were appointed the Duke of Lorraine, the Count Kinski Chancellor of Bohemia, the Baron of Abele, and Count Vinceslat of Altheim, who were to open the same at Presburg, on the 15 th' day of February. But in regard nothing was declared explicitly in this Decree, touching Liberty of Conscience, the Exercise of the Protestant Religion, and the Conservation of Privileges, it seemed so short and narrow, and incomprehensive of the Cause, for which the Malcontents had so long contended, that very few thought it worthy the acceptance: Howsoever some there were, who being convinced by the Success of the Emperor, that they had engolfed themselves in a desperate Interest, embraced the offers of the Imperial Pardon, such were the Baron of Baragotzi, who abandoning Tekeli's party, 
Several revolt from Tekeli.  Fled with Three hundred Hussars into his Castle of Zakwar. The Count Humanai, and some other Hungarian Lords followed his Example, and fortified themselves in the Castle of Angwar: The Barons Ladislaus, Francis Baragotzi, Schienissi, Clebai and Malkai, intending a like Revolt were seized, and by Order of Tekeli were put to Death.  
With all these Misfortunes the Spirit of Tekeli being nothing abated, but rather raised with Rage and Despair; he Issued out a Proclamation of his own, in Imitation of that of the Emperor's, 
Tekeli puts forth an Act ●f Pardon.  in which with an Imperial Style, he declared Pardon to all such as should within a time limited, return to the defence of the Malcontented party, of which he had owned himself the Head and Protector: And for their better Encouragement he laid out a Project of constituting a Republic, by which all the Nobility, and many of the Commonalty should come to bear a share in the Government: And to punish those who had Revolted from him, he marched with a Body of 10.000 Men of his own, and a considerable force of the Turks under the Command of the Pashas of Buda, and Agria to Besiege Count Baragotski in his Castle of Zakwar, of which Count Rabata having advice, he presently marched with all his Forces against them, which Tekeli fearing, declined an Engagement, in a Season when the Winter was scarce passed; but on a sudden, turning his design on the Castle of Angwar, which was defended by the Count of Humanai, 
Count Humanai put to Death.  he took it by force in three Days time, and carried away the Count himself to Cassovia, where he cut off his Head.  
To revenge these Insults, the Lituanians, whom the King of Poland had left behind him in their Winter-quarters, made frequent Incursions upon the Countries of the Malcontents, especially into the County of Sepusa, burning their Villages, and carrying away their Cattle. But this Militia remained not long in those parts, before they were recalled by the King of Poland out of Hungary, either because he was informed that his Soldiers deserted daily, or else out of some pique, or discontent of being refused to be Mediator, 
The King of Poland recalls his Forces.  and Guaranty for the Peace with the Malcontents, for which Reason he declared, That he would not concern himself in a War against Tekeli and his Complices, but against the Turks only, to which the Articles of Alliance did oblige him, and to no other.  
The Spring being now advanced, and Tekeli at Cassovia, he Wrote a Letter from thence to the Pope, Dated the 12 th' of April, wherein he represented; That ever since the last year he was very desirous to put an end to the Troubles of Hungary, 
Tekeli Writes to the Pope.  upon those Terms and Conditions, which were agreed with the Baron Saponara. And being not able to obtain from the Emperor a Grant to constitute the King of Poland Guaranty of this Treaty, he was forced to take new Measures, and to support Himself and his Interest under Protection of the Turks, which his Enemies interpreted to be a Renuntiation of his Christianity. But he sacredly protested to his Holiness, that he took up Arms for no other Reason and Cause, than the Defence of his Country, and to conserve himself from entire Ruin, having had the experience of many years, that the Emperor was in no State or Condition to defend him. That He and his Party did not deserve the Odious Name of Rebels, considering that the Arms they took up were in Defence only of the Liberties, and Privileges granted unto them by the ancient Kings of Hungary, and particularly by King Andrew the II. whose Letters are conserved amongst the Archives of the Vatican; which if his Holiness would be pleased to inspect and examine, he would easily find, that those Articles have been so far from being performed, that they have been wholly laid aside, and violated in every particular. That as to his own Person, he hath been despoiled of his Estate, and made an Exile in the very tender years of Youth, with others of the Hungarian Nobility, who could never obtain redress upon their complaints, but instead thereof received Sentence of Death by corrupt and partial judges, without any regard to the formalities prescribed by Law. And tho' in this Cause not only Protestants, but great numbers of Catholics were concerned, amongst which George Lippa Archbishop of Gran was one, a Person very Zealous for Restoration of those Liberties, which the Emperor had Sworn to maintain, when in the year 1655 he had received the Crown of Hungary at Presburg; yet nothing could avail towards moderating the violent Proceedings of that Council, by which the Emperor was governed; so that having no other remedy, they were enforced as their last Refuge, to have recourse unto their Arms, not with design to act against the Catholic Religion, or to the prejudice thereof, either in Hungary or elsewhere, but only to maintain those Liberties which were established by Law, and confirmed by several Diets. In fine, He beseeched his Holiness to judge of his Intentions by this Declaration, rather than by the Sinister Reports of his Enemies, to whom he wished a long Life, and a happy Pontificate.  
The Pope having received this Letter assembled a Congregation of the Cardinals, at which the Ministers of the Emperor, and the King of Poland were present to deliberate, and consider what Answer was fitting to be returned thereunto.  
The Season of the year being now far advanced, both sides prepared for War. The Seraskier, called KaraI brahim, 
The Seraskier comes to Belgrade  having taken his Farewell of the Grand Signior and Great Vizier, departed from Adrianople in the Month of May, and arrived at Belgrade where he found a Body of 60.000 Men, of which he sent one half to the Army designed for Poland, with which Recruit they became a Hundred thousand strong, and lay Encamped near the City of Nicopolis: With the remainder the Seraskier marched to Buda, where he joined with 20.000 more, and expected the Auxiliary Troops of Asia, which amounted unto 30.000 effective Men; 
The Turkish Army.  so that the whole Force this year of the Ottoman Army in Hungary only, amounted unto 80.000 Men, besides 15.000 which were appointed for the Guard of the Bridge of Eseck.  
Nor were the Preparations less considerable at Vienna, though a diversion was much feared of the Imperial Forces, by the Jealousies which the Arms of France gave in Flanders and upon the Rhine, and the Pretensions which the French Ministers were daily making at Ratisbon, 
Fears from France.  and in other Courts of the Empire, by which there was some appearance, as if a Check would be given to the smooth and prosperous proceedings of the Imperial Forces in Hungary. This surmise was cherished by those, who were desirous to clap up a Peace with the Turk, alleging that it was impossible to carry on a War in Hungary, and at the same time resist the formidable Force of France in Alsatia, and on the Confines, and perhaps in the very Heart of the Empire. But God, who by his Divine Providence Governs all things, was pleased out of his Compassion to Christendom to incline the Heart of that King to be Christian, and to Accord a Truce with the Empire for some years, that so he might take off the Scandal of being a Friend to the Turks, and of interrupting the Progress of the Christian Arms against the Common Enemy to the Faith of Christ. In fine, 
That King makes a Truce with the Emperor.  The dread of a French War being vanished, the whole Gross of the Imperial Army came to refund itself upon the Turks, and was in number and quality as follows: 
The Infantry were in all Twenty seven Regiments, 
55080  The Cavalry all armed with Back and Breast, 
12800  Dragoons, 
5600  Polanders hired and paid by the Emperor, 
4000  Croats who were Horse, 
3200  One Regiment in Vienna, 
1200  Twenty Independent Companies in Rab, Gran and Comorra, 
3000  In all 
84880  Besides the Confederate Army under the Duke of Bavaria, which made about 20.000 Men, so that the whole Christian Army this year composed a Body, In all 
104880 Men    
But how numerous soever this Army seemed to be, yet after the Garrisons were out of it supplied, and Forces sent into Alsatia, and to the Rhine; and considerable Detachments into Croatia and Stiria, and Parts of the Upper Hungary, the main Body remaining with the Duke of Lorraine, did not amount to above Forty thousand Men, with which he designed the Siege of Buda. 
The Siege of Buda intended.  This was an Enterprise becoming the Valour of so great a Captain, for the Town was Defended by a Garrison of Forty six Chambers of janissaries, each consisting of One hundred and fifty Men, besides Spahees and the Militia of Rascia, which in all composed a Body of Twelve thousand effective Men. The City of Buda itself is raised on a Hill, and is naturally very strong; under it there is another Town Built by the Turks, which is called the Lower Buda. But before Approaches could be made hereunto, it was judged necessary to secure the Navigation down the Danube, for carrying the heavy Cannon, and Provisions necessary for maintenance of the Siege, which could not be done but by taking the strong City of Vicegrade with the Castle, which so far commanded the River, that no Boats, or Vessels could pass down the Current without being infested by the Cannon of the Place. For Vicegrade is Situated on a Rock on the side of the Danube between Gran and Buda, 
Vicegrade.  but much nearer to the latter, and is fortified by a Castle erected upon a small Hill. This place hath been so considerable in former times, that it was the Residence of the Hungarian Kings, of which there remain great Ruins to this day of sumptuous and magnificent Palaces. The Crown of the Kings of Hungary was anciently conserved in this place; but as the Turks advanced in their Conquests, for better security it was removed to Presburg. This Crown is of a different Figure from that which other Prince's use; for it is very low, with a Cross on the Top, encompassed with four Leaves, of which one is larger than the other three. 
The Crown of Hungary.  This Crown is held in great estimation by the Hungarians, being, as they say, brought down from Heaven by an Angel, and planted on the Head of their King St. Stephen. It being necessary (as we have said) to take this place to make the way clear, and open unto Buda, the Duke of Lorraine caused a Body of Horse to pass the Bridge of Gran; and because the Country was full of Woods and Enclosures, all the Baggage and Encumbrances of the Camp were left under the Cannon of Gran, with a Guard of four Regiments of Foot, and a Detachment of Six hundred Horse, besides four Battalions of Count Kaiserstein, Commanded by General Hailewell; 
Hailewell.  with the rest of the Army the Duke of Lorraine marched away, and having pitched his Camp about an hour's distance, or three English Miles from Vicegrade, he with some other Officers took a view of the place: And on the 16 th' day of june by break of day in the Morning, 
Vicegrade battered.  he raised his Camp, and by nine a Clock the same Morning the Foot and Dragoons had taken their Post upon a Hill, where they brought up some Mortar-pieces and Cannon, and began to Batter the Town: But it being considered, that this would be a long work, an Assault was resolved, as the shortest and most expedite course to put an end to this Action. Count Ernest of Staremberg disposed and directed in what manner the Attack should be made; and the Duke of Newburg commanded during the time of its Execution. The Cavalier Rosne in despite of the Enemies Fire broke in at the first Gate, and being come to the second, the Baron of Asti with his Granadiers threw himself over the Walls into the City, 
And is stormed and taken.  by which time Rosne having broke in at the second Gate, the Defendants began to give ground, and retreat into the Castle, but so precipitous was their Flight, that before they could crowd into the Gate, many of them were cut off, and killed by the Enemy; after which the City was Sacked, and delivered up for a Prey into the Hands of the Soldiery. The next day by three a Clock in the Morning, the Duke of Lorraine took a view of the Castle, and designed to raise divers Batteries against it, for that the Bombs by Reason of the Figure of the Castle which was long and narrow, could not easily take place: But whilst these Batteries were raising, the Duke sent a Herald with a menacing Summons, that in case they should refuse to Surrender, he would deliver them up into the merciless Fury of the Soldiers. The Turks being astonished at the Resolution and Bravery of the Christians, were affrighted into a Treaty; and Hostages being given on both sides, it was agreed, That the Besieged should have Liberty to March out with their Arms, Bag and Baggage, Wives and Children, leaving behind them all the Artillery and Ammunition belonging to the Place. 
The Cas●l. is also surrendered.  The Soldiers were no more than Six hundred in all, who were transported in Boats into the Island of St. Andrew's, to pass from thence to Walt: In the Castle were only six Pieces of Cannon, (on four of which were the Arms of the Emperor Rodolfus;) the Provisions and Ammunition also was very small and inconsiderable, which might be the true Cause of this sudden Surrender; for otherwise the Castle was very capable of making a longer Defence.  
As things were passing in this manner before Vicegrade, News was brought to the Duke of Lorraine, 
The Turks fall on the Baggage before Gran.  that the Turks had made an attempt on the Baggage which lay under Command of the Guns at Gran, and that the Regiment of Rabata had been worsted; upon which News the Duke of Neuburg with his Horse took the Alarm, and hastened to their Assistance, and was followed also by the Duke of Lorraine; but in their way thither, they received Letters, that the Dispute was already decided in favour of the Christians; for though they lost Eighty Men, which were killed, together with Major General Hailewell, who was run through the Body in two places with a Lance, and Baron de Kery, with a Lieutenant of the Regiment of Taff; yet the Turks having at length been beaten out of the Field in disorder, and with a loss of One hundred and twelve Men which lay dead in the Field, 
Are put to flight.  the Victory clearly appeared in favour of the Christians: Count Rabata, Nephew to the General of that Name, was taken Prisoner, but was afterwards rescued by two Horsemen, whom he well Rewarded for that great Service.  
The Death of Major General Hailewell, a Soldier of long Experience and undaunted Courage, being lamented with such Grief and Sorrow as Soldiers usually express in the time of War for each other; The Duke of Lorraine supplied Vicegrade with a Garrison of Five hundred Men out of the Regiment of the Duke of Neuburg, the Command whereof was given to the Baron d' Ambouche, Sergeant Major of that Regiment: The Duke of Lorraine having refreshed his Army for some short time near unto Gran until the Troops were come from Vicegrade, he raised his Camp on the 20 th' of june, and traversed the Danube over the Bridge at Strigonium, and by next Day in the Evening the whole Army, Cannon, Baggage, and every thing being passed over, they continued their March towards Pest, where the Recruits of the Silesian Forces were expected: The March thither was difficult through Woods and narrow Places, so that on the 27 th' they encamped near Witzen, in sight of Fifteen thousand Turks, under the Command of ten Pashaes', and Eight thousand Tartars, with their Officers, 
A Fight near Witzen.  who were drawn up in Battalia on the side of a Hill; the Access unto which was very difficult over Rocks and Bushes, and broken Ways: On their right Wing they had the Danube, and on the left a Bog or Morasse; the Imperialists immediately upon this appearance, put themselves into a Posture of Battle, with as much speed as the difficulty of the Place would permit, having their right Wing towards the Danube, and their left towards the Mountain, extending very largely their Front, they marched close and slow to pass the rough and broken Ways, which though the Turks defended with four Pieces of Cannon, yet Prince Lewis of Baden forced through, as did also Count Staremberg, and gained the Pass, bringing some Pieces of Cannon to make good their Post. The Turks began now to move, and to charge the Regiment of Taff, which was in the middle of the Line, with their usual Cries of Ala, Ala: The Duke of Lorraine who was in that part of the Army, which was the middle, so as to be more ready to relieve those Troops, which he perceived most in distress, had his Horse killed under him by a Pistol-shot, as had also two other Cavaliers, who road near his Person; but they being again remounted, the Christian Troops moved with a regular Order, keeping themselves close and firm like a mighty Wall: The Turks charged them three times, endeavouring to break into their Body; but being every time repulsed with some loss, they began to give way and to retreat; but Rallying again, they made another Charge; but failing in the Attempt, and not able to break into the Enemy's Ranks, the Christians pressed them so hard, and put them into such Disorder, 
The Tu●k● are defeated.  that they fled and trampled one upon the other, leaving their Cannon, and the janissaries which guarded them, to shift for themselves, who being surrounded with several Regiments, were all cut to pieces.  
In this Battle about Six or Seven hundred janissaries were killed, great numbers endeavouring to swim over to the other side were drowned in the Danube, and about Three hundred Prisoners were taken: The Turkish Cavalry for the most part saved themselves in Pest, by the swiftness of their Horses, which though not so strong in Battle as the Germane, yet more nimble and useful in Flight. There were no more than six Pieces of Cannon taken, without other Spoil either of Tents or Baggage; for this Force being only a Detachment sent from Buda to give some Interruption, and stop to the Progress of the Enemy, they carried no Encumbrances with them, which commonly cause Camps to move slowly.  
The Garrison of the Fortress of Witzem, beholding from the top of the Castle the Success of this Fight, were put into such Consternation, that upon Summons from Count Schaffemberg, they surrendered without Terms or Conditions, but at Discretion; all the Persons therein, to the number of Fifteen Hundred, were made Captives, and put into the Emperor's Galleys, which row on the Danube, for the Service of the Army. The Duke of Lorraine having in this manner secured the Passes, which obstructed the Navigation of the Danube, he caused the whole Army to march towards Pest, and upon the 30 th' of june, he encamped about three English Miles distant from that City; over which, in the Evening about Sunset, appeared a great Fire and Smoak, which was judged to arise from the Town, 
Pest set on Fire by the Turks.  and that the Turks themselves intended to Burn it to the ground: By break of Day in the Morning, the Duke mounting on Horseback at the head of his Cavalry, (ordering the Foot to follow him at leisure) he approached near the Walls, and gave orders to a Detachment of Dragoons to make discovery of the State and Condition of the place, which was soon found to have been set on Fire and abandoned by the Turks, only a few remained, who had not time with the rest to pack up their Baggage and be gone; these endeavouring to make some little Opposition were killed, and three Colours taken; those who escaped fled over the Bridge, and broke off Fifty of the Boats to prevent the Pursuit of the Enemy, which floating down the Current, were taken up by the Christians. The Duke of Lorraine being come to Pest, caused the Fire to be extinguished, which had as yet Burnt but one third part of the Town, all the Stores of Ammunition and Provision being saved: The Works and Fortifications were ordered to be repaired, and Cannon to be mounted on the Walls; but the Place proved too hot for them, being so much incommoded by incessant shooting from Buda, that there was no abiding for them there; for Pest lies in a beautiful Plain, and gives Denomination to the Country round about, which is called, Comitatus Pesthiensis: From Buda is hath a sumptuous Prospect, by the appearance of the Towers on the old Walls, and Spires of the Mosches, but is so overtopped by Buda, that all the Cannon there can shoot into it; so that the Imperial Army quitted the Place, until it should fall into their Hands, and follow the Fate of Buda, as an Appendage or Dependence thereof.  
The Troops being with-drawn from Pest, they marched back to Witzen, where two Bridges of Boats were making to pass the River at the Island of St. Andrew's, where the River divides itself in two Branches, and makes the Ferry over much more short and easy. 
The Christian Army repasses the Danub●.  The Passage over the first Branch or Arm was not very difficult; but that on the farther side of the Island was much more hazardous, by reason that the Stream was broader and more rapid; and the Turks with 20.000 Men encamped within three Miles from the Banks of the River; but nothing seemed now too hard or dangerous to a victorious Army, and an invincible Captain; for whilst the Bridge was finishing with incredible Expedition, some Soldiers for Spies swum over to the other side, where having observed, 
July  that the Turks lay with much Security within their Camp, and without any motion; (which was a strange thing, considering that they might easily have defended the River, and made the Passage over impossible) Five thousand Foot, with some Pieces of Cannon were ferried over in Boats, where being landed without any disturbance, they entrenched themselves, and raised a Battery, from whence they could shoot into the Enemy's Camp, and secure the Passage of the Water for the rest of the Army. On the 10 th' of this Month, the Bridge being finished, the whole Army passed over the same Day, and joined themselves with the other Body already on that side.  
The Seraskier being informed, that only a part of the Army was got over, he advanced against them with all his Horse, and eight Hundred janissaries, 
The Seraskier Assaults the Christians.  and two small Field-pieces; with him were the Pasha of Buda, and thirteen other Pashas, leaving the rest of the janissaries, and all other his Foot, with the Cannon about the distance of an Hour's March: The Attack which the Turks made was so sudden, that the Christians had scarce time to put their Forces into order of Battle; but howsoever such was the readiness of this Army, and the good Discipline of it, that every Regiment and Troop at the first sound of an Alarm took their Places without the least Confusion. The Duke of Lorraine, at the head of his Cavalry, undertook to lead the Van, and therewith sustained the first shock of the Enemy with Carbine-shot only, standing so firm and resolute, that no breach could be made into their Ranks; in which time, the rest of the Army had opportunity to put themselves into posture of Battle, which, upon their Motion, appeared so formidable, that the Turks began to make a disorderly Retreat, and to fly as fast as their Horses could carry them, 
He is repulsed and flies.  until they came to the Place where the janissaries and Cannon remained: Howsoever, being closely pursued by the Polish Horse, many of them came short home, and several Colours were taken; nor was this Action without some loss to the Christians, and particularly of some Persons of Note and Quality, as namely, The Count de Velheim, Bernardino Scotti, a Gentleman of Milan, with some other Volunteers of Heroic Courage, who pressing too forward to signalise their Valour, ended their days with much Honour and Glory. The next day being the 11 th', 
July  the whole Christian Army advanced towards Buda, between which, and a Party of the Turks there happened a Skirmish, to the disadvantage of the latter; with which, and with a constant Train of other ill Successes, the Turkish Army being cowarded and dismayed, withdrew themselves out of the open Plains, to seek shelter under Hills and Mountains, and lodged themselves near St. Gerard ●s Mount; whilst Major General Staremberg, advancing near the City, began to prepare Matters necessary towards a Siege.  
The 13 th' the Turks set fire to the lower Town of Buda, and retired into the upper, which was situate on a Hill, and defended by a strong Castle. The Fortifications hereof were not very regular, but made of old Towers without Bastions; but the Garrison consisting of Eight thousand Men, was the best of its Strength, Commanded by five Pashaes', and well supplied with all sorts of Ammunition and Provision; the Governor was the Vizier of Buda, and under him, as his Deputy-Governour, was Shitan Ibrahim, of whom we shall hereafter have occasion to give a more particular Character.  
The 14 th' a small Attack was given, and designed purposely as a good Omen to the Soldiery, who still retained in their Memories, that the same Day of the Year past, the Turks had form their Siege before Vienna; 
The Siege of Buda form.  and this very Day the Duke of Lorraine had brought his heavy Cannon to the places of Battery, and had now perfected a formal Siege against the capital City of Hungary: The next day the Cannon beginning to play, they made themselves Masters of the Ditch, and of St. Gerard's Mount, which Commands the Town, and thereon a Battery was raised. The Seraskier finding that his Army was dismayed, and neither for their Courage, nor Numbers, a competent Match for their victorious Enemy, retired three Leagues distant from Buda, intending often to trouble and infest the Besiegers with continual Alarms.  
Whilst these things were thus acting, the Duke of Lorraine received Advice, that the Pasha of Maroz, who was appointed to guard the Bridge of Esseck, was advanced with Two thousand Five hundred Men to Vitrovitz, 
The P●s●● of Mar●● ov●rt●r●●●  a Place about a League distant from the Camp, expecting Four hundred Men more under Command of the Bei of Gradisca, with design to force their way into Buda: To prevent which, the Duke detached Four thousand Croats under the Command of Count Transmandorf to march against them, and ordered the Germane Forces to stand all Night to their Arms to avoid a Surprise. Transmandorf marched until seven a Clock in the Morning always a-trot; and having about that time met the Pasha of Marotz, he immediately engaged with him, and charged him so furiously, that after some small Resistance, the Turks fled; of whom about a Hundred were killed in the Pursuit, and several Prisoners taken. After which Success, Transmandorf returning back to the Camp, fortunately Encountered the Governor of Gradisca with his Four hundred Men, who, going to join with the Pasha of Marotz, (of whose ill Success he had as yet received no Intelligence) was engaged and defeated by him upon the first Charge or Onset, and had all been cut in pieces, had they not been favoured by the shelter and thickness of some neighbouring Woods. On this Occasion the Croats took fourteen Colours, with several of their Cymbals and Trumpets, and twenty Prisoners: They lost only fourteen of their Men, and had the Pillage of the Camp, with great store of good Provisions, with which they feasted themselves, and nourished their Horses.  
And now let us leave the Duke of Lorraine for a while before this City, employed in an Enterprise, which could not be effected until two Years afterwards, though all that time a constant course of ill Fortune ran against the Turks: And let us see what Preparations were making at Venice, and recount the Actions and Achievements which this Republic carried on this Year against the Turks, pursuant to the Proclamation of War lately published.  
The Doge of Venice, called Marco Antonio Gustiniano, who entered upon the Governmernt the 26 th' day of April of this Year, year 1684. together with the Council, made choice of these General Officers for carrying on the War: Namely, 
The Venetians prepare for War, and nominate their Officers.  Francisco Morosini Captain General, Dominico Mocenigo Proveditor General of Dalmatia, the Prince of Parma General of the Infantry, Alessandro Molino and Antonio Bembo Captains extraordinary of the Ships, Paulo Michiel, Matthew Pisani and john Morosini Commanders extraordinary of the Galleasses; and General Strazoldo quitted the Imperial Service for that of the Republic.  
The whole Venetian Fleet consisted of Sixteen Galleys, six Galleassas, and sixteen Sail of Ships; to them were joined five of the Pope's Galleys, and seven of Malta, and four Galleys belonging to the Great Duke of Toscany. With part of this Fleet the Captain General Morosini put to Sea from the Coast of Italy, on the 10 th' of june, for the Island of Corsu, where the general Rendezvous for the whole Fleet was appointed: 
Rendezvous at Corsu.  At this Place a Council of War was called, where all the General Officers were present, together with the Proveditor General Cornaro, and General Strazoldo; and by them it was unanimously resolved to Attack the Island of Santa Maura.  
This Island of Santa Maura was formerly joined to the Continent of Greece, and reckoned amongst the Western, as those of the Archi-pelago were amongst the Eastern Islands; it was anciently known by the Name of Leucas, 
Santa Maura.  and was part of the Kingdom of Ulysses. It was once a Peninsula, adjoining to Epirus by a narrow Isthmus of Land, but at the great Charge and Labour of the Inhabitants of Corinth, it was cut off from the Continent, and made an Island: It is near the Morea, at the entrance into the Gulf of Lepanto, where was fought that famous Battle in the Year 1571.  
Sultan Mahomet, the Son of Sultan Amurath, took this Island from the Venetians in the Year 1457. But with the Aid and Assistance of some Vessels from the Pope, King Lewis the 12 th' of France, and the Knights of Rhodes, it was, after a bloody Fight, recovered out of their Possession, in the Reign of Bajazet the TWO, in the Year 1499, Benedetto Pesaro being General. But the Year following a Peace being made, it was restored to the Turks, conditionally, That the Island of Cephalania should remain to the Venetians for ever. This Island being the chief Harbour at present, and Refuge of all the Pirates and Corsairs of Barbary, which much infested the Gulf, and rendered the Navigation very unsecure, and which hindered the Venetians from being the absolute Masters of those Seas, this Enterprise was resolved to be the most necessary and methodical in order to more important Adventures.  
Accordingly, on the 19 th' of july, the whole Fleet, together with Tartanas and Felucas carrying Land-forces, set Sail from Corfu, and the next day arrived at Little-more, than Canonshot distant from Santa Maura, where they cast Anchor, and landed their Forces, which consisted of two Battalions of the Pope's, and of Malta Six hundred Men each, and Eight hundred Men drawn out of other Troops: Amongst those of Malta were a Hundred Knights, who, clad in their Coat-armours of red Satin, with the white Cross of their Order, made a splendid Appearance. The next day the whole Fleet entered the Port of Demata, which lies to the Eastward of the Town, and is capable to receive great numbers of Vessels, and the Captain General Moronsini went in Person on shore, taking a view of the several Posts, in which the Forces had lodged themselves, and of that particularly called Chiche, which was a House of Pleasure belonging to the Aga's Son, possessed by Captain Manetta. But before Morosini thought fit to commit any Act of Hostility, 
Summons sent to Santa Maura.  he sent to Summon the Place; and in a Writing set forth the Cause and Reasons which moved the Venetians to raise a powerful Army against the Turk, who had violated the Peace, by harbouring the Corsaires of Barbary, and practised other Hostilities against the Subjects of that State: And that in case they did not Surrender up their Town and Island, the next Morning he would proceed to force them, and make use of the Privilege and Power of a Conqueror. To which the Governor returned no other Answer, Than that God would punish the Venetians for violating the Peace, and making an unjust War upon the Grand Signior. Whereupon, the Admiral-Flag being spread, which was the Signal of Battle, the Galleys and Galleasses made above Twelve hundred Shot against the Town, 
The Batteries.  which did great Damage to the Houses and Fortifications, and entirely ruined one of the Mosches. Nor were the Turks idle, but fired continually, though with no great hurt; for their Cannon being mounted too high, did not hinder the Forces of the Pope, Malta and Toscany from possessing themselves of the Suburbs, nor the Batteries from raising, which by direction of Lorenzo Venier, played on the Walls with good Success, and did great Execution, and the Bombs which were thrown into the Town put all the Defendants into a Consternation. For, on the first of August, the Batteries had razed a Bulwark to the Ground, and widened the Breach, and dismounted four Pieces of the Enemy's Cannon, and the Bombs had set Fire to several parts of the Town; and so far was the Siege carried on, in order to a general Assault, that on the 6 th' of August the Turks hung out a white Flag, as a Signal that they would Capitulate: Accordingly a Treaty was had, and Hostages given, and at length an Agreement was concluded, That the Turks with their Families might have Liberty to leave the Town, with so much, 
The Turks parley and surrender.  and no more than they could carry on their Backs. The Garrison being Seven hundred Men, towards the Evening marched forth with Sword and Musket, and were shipped and carried on the farther Shoar of an Arm of the Sea; all the Christian Slaves were set at Liberty, on Condition to serve on Ships and Galleys of the Republic, in the Quality of Seamen and Soldiers. The Venetians entered the Town at the Breach; the Plunder whereof, which was considerable, was given to the Soldiers: In the Place great store of Provisions were found, with Eighty Pieces of Cannon: The Venetians lost about Two hundred Men in the Siege: Morosini immediately caused the principal Mosch to be Blessed, in which Te Deum was sung, and dedicated to St. Saviour, because it was the 6 th' of August, on which day is the Feast of the Trasfiguration, when the Turks hung out the white Flag of Surrender. The Command of the Place was given to Lorenzo Venier, a noble Venetian, one of whose Ancestors was Commander in chief of the Venetian Army, when Selimus was entirely defeated at the Battle of Lepanto.  
The Fortifications of Santa Maura being repaired, and a Garrison left in it; General Morosini set Sail to the Port of Petula, and thence to the Port of Dragonetta, where he cast Anchor, and landed his Army, which consisted of Two thousand Venetians, about One thousand of the Pope's Auxiliaries, and about Fifteen or Sixteen hundred Greeks. This Army advanced on the Plains; upon approach of which, several Turkish Troops, which were employed to defend Passages, retired without any Resistance, which gave opportunity to the Christians to Burn four or five Villages; which having done, they returned to the Fleet and re-embarked themselves. At the same time General Morosini with his Galley got sight of Patras and Lepanto; and thence Sailing to the Port of Damata, a Council of War was called, and there it was resolved to Attack Preveza, without which Santa Maura could not be secured: Preveza is a Fortress which now stands in the place of the ancient Nicopolis of Epirus, the Situation of which is very Commodious, for it Commands the entrance into the Gulf, and was anciently the Royal City of Pyrrhus. This Enterprise being resolved, General Morosini dispeeded five Galleys and six Galleasses to approach the Castles of the Gomenizzes, which being discerned by the Turks from Preveza, they sent back those Soldiers which they had lately drawn from thence, on supposition that the Venetians would make all their Attempt upon Preveza; which happened according to the Desire and Intention of Morosini, whose Aim it was to divide their Forces. The Army in the mean time having left Damata, came to an Anchor on the 20 th' of September, at the entrance into the Gulf; and the next day Captain Manetta, with Twenty four Barks, and some Brigantines, entering the Gulf, landed part of his Forces, 
Preveza attacked.  which the Turks in vain endeavoured to hinder by great and small Shot; and next Morning, by break of Day, the Galleys (which had anchored under the Hill of Mahomet Effendi) appeared within Musquet-shot of the Place, which gave a Diversion to the Turks, who having drawn all their Forces to that side, gave opportunity to the Christian Forces to land on the other without much Annoyance, under the Conduct of General Strazoldo, which Error, so soon as the Turks discovered, Shaban Pasha the Governor immediately ordered Five hundred Spahees to ride full speed to Attack the Forces before they were landed; but before they could come, they found the Christians already drawn up in Battalia, upon whom having made some slight Charge, they retreated again in disorder with the loss of several of their Men.  
Thus did the Christians advance, without much difficulty, and make themselves Masters of the Out-town, and of the Hill of Mahomet Effendi, which Commands the City; and at the same time the Galleys and Galliots approached yet nearer to Preveza, when Morosini thought it seasonable to Summon the Town, letting them know, that in case they deferred the Surrender, until the last extremity, he would grant no Quarter, nor any Conditions whatsoever: But the Officer who commanded in chief under Shaban Aga, (who was gone to head Four thousand Men without the Town, and observe the Motions of the Enemy) refused to read or receive the Letter, but barbarously shot the Messenger who brought it, having a Confidence the Governor, whose Deputy he was, would speedily return and raise the Siege. Whereupon Morosini having viewed the Posts and Situation of the Place, caused his Cannon and Bombs to be landed, and raised his Batteries, which played with so good Success, that several parts of the Town were fired, and most of the Enemy's Guns dismounted; and those which remained on their Carriages were so ill managed, that they did little or no Execution, for there was as yet of the Christians but one Soldier killed, and five wounded. The Breach by this time was found very considerable, and on the 28 th' a Lodgement was made in the Ditch, and a Mine being ready to be Sprung, Orders were given to prepare for an Assault; which the Turks fearing to expect, hung out a white Flag, and offered to capitulate, and to accept the same Conditions, which were given to Santa Maura: But at length it was concluded, that Thirty only of the most considerable persons amongst them, might march out with their Arms and Baggage, and the rest without Arms, and with no more than they could carry about them; and that all the Christian Slaves should be set at Liberty. Accordingly the Day following the Turks to the number of Two hundred Men marched out at the Gate towards the Sea; 
Preveza Surrendered.  and were Embarked on some Grecian Boats with a Convoy, and were Landed within four Miles of Larta, about Two hundred of the Inhabitants remaining in the place. The Town being taken the Standard of St. Mark was set up on the Walls, and all the Turkish Colours and Banners taken down, and sent to the Admiral Gally. In the Town were found Forty six Pieces of Cannon, Eighteen of which were Brass, and carried Fifty five pounds of Ball. The place was well Stored with all sorts of Provision, and with Muskets and Bullets, and Six hundred Quintals of Powder. This Town was very beneficial to the Venetians, for it put them into an entire Possession and Dominion of the Gulf, and the places of that Coast, the Fishing Trade whereof is so considerable, that it yielded to the Turks a Thousand Crowns every year arising on the Customs thereof.  

T●e Auxiliary and Venetian Forces return to their Winter quarters.  Thus ended this Campagne to the Honour and Reputation of the Venetian Arms: And the Auxiliary Galleys and Forces returned home, having been more diminished by Fatigues, and making Incursions into the Land, than by slaughter or loss sustained from the Enemy. The Venetians took their Winter-quarters in several Isles belonging to the Republic. Molino, Captain extraordinary of the Ships, brought back his Squadron to Corsu; but General Morosini wintered at Preveza, with design to render that place impregnable, and to engage the Greeks, who are a People of an unconstant Humour, to remain steady in that Duty and Faith, which they caused them to Swear to the Venetian Republic; whilst these things were carrying on, some matters of less moment were acted in lighter Skirmishes near Clissa, from whence the Turks carried away seven Prisoners; but being pursued by the Morlaques, they were again rescued by them, and forced to quit their whole Booty, with the loss of Fifty of their Men killed on the place. Signior Antonio Zeno, Proveditor extraordinary of Cataro came to Perasto, and pillaged, and burned all the Towns and Villages near castle Nuovo, and hindered the Turks from carrying in their Harvest, and seized great Stores of Wheat, and other Corn which he carried to Clissa. To complete the Successes of this year a Galliot of Dulcigno was taken, Commanded by Solyman Reis a famous Corsaire: In the Fight Solyman himself with Twenty of Men was killed, and Twenty two Christians were Released and set at Liberty, whom this Pirate was carrying into Slavery.  
And now having given a Relation of the Venetian Successes of this year, it will be time to return to the Germane Camp, which we left at the Siege before Buda.  
The Siege, as we have said, being completely form, on the 12 th' of july a Mine was sprung near the great Tower, which though it had done great effect, yet it plainly appeared, That the Turks were too strong as yet in the Town to be assaulted at the entrance of any Breach, until such time as their numbers were more diminished by a longer Siege. 

The Vizier of Buda slain.  
He is succeeded by Shitan Ibrahim.   On the 14 th' the Vizier of Buda, called Kara Mahomet, died of a Wound, which he had received on his Face; he was one of the best Officers amongst the Turks. Shitan Ibrahim succeeded him in the Government: He was a Person very well known to the English Nation, which had lived in Turkey, to which he bore a signal kindness and respect, and particularly to that worthy Person Sir jonathan Dawes, with whom he cultivated a Friendship, which was extraordinary and unsual for a Turk towards a Christian. When I came first into Turkey he was then Testerdar, or Lord Treasurer; whom I have seen when he was giving out the Pay to the Army to bestow Money on the Earl of Winchelsea's Pages and Servants, who being then Lord Ambassador Extraordinary to the Grand Signior, was returning from an Audience which he had had with the Grand Vizier: He was afterwards Married to the Grand Seignior's Sister, and was sent Pasha to Gran Caro, which is an Office of the highest Degree amongst the Turks; having remained three years in that Employment, which is the usual time allowed to that Government, he was then recalled, and taxed at Six hundred Purses of Money; he was forced to lay down one half in ready Money, and to pay the other Moiety in a few Days afterwards, upon Penalty of being committed to a Prison, from whence he had never been delivered but by Death. He was afterwards made Pasha of Damascus, 
The Character of Shitan Ibrahim.  then of Aleppo, and with his Forces was engaged to pass by Sea to the Siege at Candia. I remember him at Smyrna; when he embarked there, and then he told me, how grievous it was for him and his Men to leave their Horses, (than which nothing was more pleasing and dear) and to Embark on a Galley, and pass the Seas to which he and his Soldiers had never been accustomed. Afterwards he was employed in many great Offices, to which he had been bred from his Youth, and in which he had deported himself with singular Reputation and Esteem, being naturally of a frank and a generous Temper: He was then about Eighty years of Age, and nothing declined, but still as Robust and Vigorous as if he were but Forty, when he defended Buda, and succeeded the Pasha who was killed on the Walls; and in this Condition we shall leave him for a year or two, until being involved in the Common Fate and Misfortunes of the Turks, he yielded to the Destiny which was provided for him.  

Sallies from the Town.  On the 16 th' of August the Besieged made a Sally, and were beaten back with some loss; but the next day they had better Fortune, and killed many of the Christians, as they did also in several other Sallies. But to encourage the Christians in this Siege, several Deserters escaped out of the Town, and to flatter the Party into whose Hands they were fallen, they told a thousand Falsities concerning the distresses and wants of the Town. But notwithstanding all their Reports, it was concluded necessary, to open the Breach in the Wall of Buda much wider than it was before; to which end the Cannon played continually upon that part of the Town, where the Assault was to be made. But in the mean time to disturb these proceedings, the Seraskier Pasha with all the Force of the Ottoman Army, appeared often times in sight of the Camp, which gave such frequent Alarms, that the Duke of Lorraine thought fit to draw out a great part of his Army to engage them, leaving all the left Wing in the Approaches, under Command of Count Staremberg, General of the Artillery, and with the remainder of the Infantry, and all the Cavalry he marched between the upper City, and Mount St. Gerard, to meet the Seraskier; and so soon as the Way opened into the Valley between Buda and Strigonium, he discovered a great Body of Turkish Horse upon a Hill opposite to the Army, upon view of which the Christian Army drew into Battalia; 
A Fight before Buda.  and though the way to an Engagement with the Enemy was rough, craggy and very steep; yet such was the Spirit, which by frequent Victories had possessed the Christian Soldiery, that with incomparable Valour, their right Wing moved over all the difficulties of the Ground against the left Wing of the Turks; but they fearing to stand the Shock, made their Retreat to another Hill within Canonshot of Buda, where their right Wing was drawn up: The Imperial Troops still continuing to advance against the Enemy, detached Two thousand of their choice Horse, who making as if they intended to form another Line before the Front, posted themselves under the Walls of the City; during which time the main Body of the Turks stood firm, and kept their Ground, until the Christians were come within Musquet-shot; and then their foremost Troops fell violently into the Trenches on the right Hand, 
A Sally from the Town.  whilst a Sally was made out of the City by the janissaries on the left: And so Furious was the Charge they made, that they gained the first Post, which was maintained by Count Furstemburg, Captain the Regiment of Grana, and passed to the second Guard, defended by a Captain of the Regiment of Baden, and proceeded even to the third Post under one of the Batteries. But Count Aspremont, and Colonel Bek, with two Battalions coming to their assistance, as did also the Battalions of reserve under Staremberg and Souches, the Enemy was so vigorously repulsed by them, that they not only recovered the several Posts which they had lost, but gained a Fort from the Enemy, which was Situated on the Danube, and took four Standards from them, with the Slaughter of many janissaries.  
At the same time the Enemies left Wing of Horse was so warmly charged by the Imperialists, that they were put into a disorderly Flight, and run over and trampled down their Foot; howsoever Rallying again they made a stand, as if they had intended to renew the Fight: But observing the right Wing of the Christians to advance towards them, and the left Wing to come into their assistance, they durst not adventure to stand the Shock, but fled in full Career; but such as were worse mounted, and trusted not to the Swifness of their Horses, in a desperate manner made their way into the City for Refuge. This enterprise of the Turks cost the Christians Three hundred Men; those of Quality killed were the Counts of Fustemberg and Carlovitz, and the Counts Guido Staremberg, and Scalemberg were wounded, for which the Turks paid most dearly, leaving Seven thousand of their Companions slain upon the place.  
The Seraskier, 
An Assault on lower Buda.  and his Army being thus repulsed with great slaughter and much dismayed; the Duke of Lorraine resolved to attempt the lower Town by the Breach which was made: The which was accordingly executed by the Baron of Asti, who in despite of the Granades, and continual Volleys of the Muskets surmounted the Ruins, and took possession of the Breach; and being seconded by other Forces, he proceeded and made himself Master of the more inward Retrenchments, destroying the Palisadoes and the Works in such manner, that the Defendants had no other Shelter than their Houses remaining to them By this time Count Tulli and a Captain of the Regiment of Mansfield were come to their assistance, and together with Asti advanced to the Gate which opens to the Danube; where after a sharp Fight, with much effusion of Blood on both sides, they forced open the Gate, and gave entrance to Colonel Culemfels with Five hundred Men, who being also followed by great numbers of Hayducks, they so overwhelmed the the Turks with their power, 
The lower Bud● and Castle taken.  that they fled for refuge to the Castle: But being closely pursued by the Christians, who were now mixed with them, those in the Castle feared to open theirGates, lest by giving entrance to their Friends they should receive their Enemies; so that as many as were excluded out of the Castle fell by the Germane Sword; others betaking themselves to their Houses, barred their Doors, and hid themselves in Vaults and Cellars: But there being no protection for the miserable, Fire was applied to the Houses, whereby those who had escaped the Sword, perished in the Flames.  
In this Glorious Action it is said, That 12.000 janissaries were Slain, with the loss only of Seventy five or Eighty Christians killed and wounded; after which the several Posts, and Gates of the Town were well secured; and Order given to Attack the Palanca and Castle of St. Gerard's; which at the first sight, and appearance only of an Attempt, the Defendants abandoned, carrying away with them all their Cannon and Ammunition. The lower Town being thus subdued and possessed by the Christians, the very same Night Batteries were raised on St. Gerard's Mount, and Trenches and Approaches made on that side, whereby the upper City of Buda was more closely Besieged, and the Enemy reduced within a more narrow Compass. Whilst these matters were Acting, Count Lesly with a Body of Fifteen thousand Men, made an Attempt upon the City and Castle of Virovitz, which is in Sclavonia, Situated on the Frontiers of Croatia, and is sometimes called Berseck. To Secure this place the Seraskier caused several Troops to advance, who encountering a Detachment of Eight hundred Croats, they put them into Disorder, and caused them to Retreat unto their main Body, with the loss of three of their Standards; but pursuing them too far, their Career was stopped by the Army of Lesly, who vigorously repulsed them, 
Two parties of Turks Defeated.  and put them to Flight with the loss of Five hundred of their Men, and Two hundred killed on the side of the Christians. This good Success was seconded by another happy Encounter which Count Trotmansdorf, with a Party of Four thousand Croats, had over a Party of Two thousand Turks, designed by the Pasha of Marotz (who was appointed to Guard the Bridge of Esseck) to Succour the Town and Castle of Virovitz; for they were all defeated by him, as was also another Party of Fifteen hundred Horse, who were marching with all diligence to join with the Two thousand lately routed and dispersed. Thus the Town and Castle having lost all their hopes of Succour and Relief, they spread a white Flag on the Walls, which demonstrated their intentions to Capitulate. 
Virovitz Surrendered.  Accordingly a Treaty being had, several particulars were agreed, and the places Surendered: The Turkish Garrison, which consisted of about One thousand Soldiers, were permitted to march forth without their Arms, unless Fifteen of the principal Officers, who had liberty to go forth with their Horses and Arms; the rest were to have no more than what they could carry on their Backs. The Turks having quitted the City and Castle, the Christians supplied it with a Garrison of Two hundred Men, under the Command of the Baron of Schelardt. The News of the loss of Virovitz, put all the Country thereabouts into such Consternation, that several places were abandoned by the Turks, and a way opened to General Lesly to march without any impediment to the Bridge of Esseck.  
In the mean time the Approaches, and Works before Buda proceeded with infinite diligence and labour, so that by the 26 th' Day of july, they were advanced within Sixty Paces of the Counterscarp: 
The Proceedings at the Siege of Buda.  Likewise other Batteries were raised of Twenty five Pieces of great Cannon, and Twelve Mortar-pieces, which fired continually; and on the side of Pest, they annoyed the Turks with long Guns, and small Pieces of Ordnance, that they were not able to approach near the River for Water, of which there was great scarcity and want in the Town. The Batteries not doing the Execution which was expected, by Reason that the Walls were filled with Earth, endeavours were made to Under-mine a corner of the Counterscarp; and on that side towards Strigonium to advance the Works within Sixty Paces of the Tower: 
The illCondition of the Besiegers.  In which Attempts One hundred and twenty six Germans were killed in one day and night. Within the Town they were industrious and brave, every janisary behaving himself, with Resolution and indefatigable Labour: And on the other side, Without the Town the Soldiers were harassed, and tired with continualwatching and Pains; and the Pioners and Labourers working beyond their strength, in the excessive heats fell into Malignant Fevers, and Diseases of the Camp, by which the numbers of those People being greatly diminished, the Mines and Works advanced very slowly. On that side towards Strigonium, the impediments and hindrances were as great, as on the other; for the Defendants continually Fired upon the Labourers, which obstructed them in such manner, that it was impossible to join their Trenches to the Wall of the Bastion which Flanked the Curtain; and such showers of Granades, and Volleys of small Shot were thrown amongst them, that they were forced to desist from their Work, and to proceed by Mining the Earth, which required much time, and retarded the Conquest of the place.  
On the 30 th' of August, about Sunrising the Turks made a Furious Sally into the Trenches of the Germans, causing them to Fly, with the loss of Forty or Fifty Men; but other Troops coming to their Succour, they were forced to Retire in much Confusion and Disorder, and endeavouring an Escape by the Breaches in the Walls, and narrow Avenues, they exposed themselves to the Swords and Fire Arms of their Enemies, who destroyed them with great Slaughter.  
At the beginning of September, the Rains fell in such abundance, 
Sept.  that the Soldiers in some of the Trenches remained a whole Day up to the middle in Water, which increased the Diseases of the Camp, from which some of the Commanders were not freed; and particularly the Duke of Lorraine, who became so indisposed in his Health, that he was constrained to Retire unto Old Buda for ease and remedy, where he continued not above four or five Days, before he returned again to the Camp; during this time the Turks made other Sallies upon the Christians, 
Sallies from the Town.  for several Days, to their great loss and discouragement; for besides Three hundred Common Soldiers, many principal Officers were killed and wounded; amongst which those of chief Note were the Marquis Cavalieri, Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Gran, Count Tirheim a Captain of the Regiment of Baden were slain, and Major General Schaffemberg, and the Marquis of Parella, with several other Officers were wounded. But to support the Spirits of the Christians, which were not a little dismayed by these losses, and the great difficulties which were yet to be overcome; the Bavarian Infantry fortunately came to their Succours, (though those of Franconia were Countermanded) which so enlivened, and cheered up the Hearts of the drooping Camp, That the Duke of Lorraine sent a menacing Message to the Governor of Buda, 
Summons sent to the Town.  giving him to understand, that in case he stood out longer and refused to surrender, until he was forced thereunto by a General Assault, which he was preparing to make, that then he would put all to the Sword, giving Quarter to none, nor sparing Age nor Sex: To which Summons he returned this answer, That in such Case he would neither demand Mercy, 
The Vizier Answer.  or Quarter for his own Person, nor for any of the Soldiers, or Inhabitants of that place: And on the other side he declared, That he would give no Quarter to the Besiegers, but when they fell into his Hands, would treat them with the same usage, which was threatened unto them: And to show how much he was in earnest, he caused Forty Christian Prisoners to be brought before him on the Walls, and in Presence of the Person who brought the Summons, he commanded them all to be put to Death; saying, 
His Cruelty.  That if it were in his Power to Massacre the whole Christian Army, he would do it with as little Remorse, as he executed his present Rage on those miserable Wretches: And it being farther told this Vizier, that the Duke of Bavaria had in Person, and with 30.000 Men reinforced the Army which encompassed the City: He made answer, That he knew very well what a Petty King of Germany meant, and that his Three thousand Men which he had brought with him, could not terrify him who commanded a Place, where the Soldiers were many and brave, and where was no want of Ammunition and Provisions.  
On the 8 th', The Christians Sprang a Mine under one of the Towers, where the Turks had placed their principal Battery; and at Night Sprang three or four more under the Curtain, but not with so good effect as was expected: Howsoever, they had brought their Attacks to the very Ditches of the Town and Castle, and had made a Lodgement upon one of the Breaches.  
On the 9 th' and 10 th', Several other Mines were fired with such Success, that they overthrew a great part of the Wall, and opened so wide a space, that four of five Carts might enter abreast: Howsoever, it was not thought advisable to make an Assault, by Reason that the Defendants had form several Retrenchments within, and guarded, them with many Troops and Batteries: And besides, the Infantry were so weakened by Dissenteries, and other Sicknesses, that it was not thought fit to hazard them upon so desperate an Attempt. Howsoever, having fired a Mine at Kulakupee with good effect, 
The Christians make an Assault and are repulsed.  they seconded it with a furious Assault, but were again repulsed with much loss, and great slaughter of the common Soldiers; and the Counts of Harach and Nassau, and the Major of the Regiment of Mansfeldt were all killed; and the Counts of Staremberg and Aversberg were amongst the number of the wounded. Amongst these Disorders and Discouragements, five Christians found means to make their Escape out of the Town, and informed the General, that the Turks had raised two Batteries each of five Pieces of Cannon upon a Horn-work which was palisadoed, and was guarded by another Tower behind this Work, and joined to a more inward Wall made of Earth above nine Foot thick: That there was also a Ditch and Palisadoes behind the Breach, and that there were still 20.000 Men within the Town, who were capable to bear Arms; and that the principal Officers upon hopes of being relieved by the Seraskier (as was assured them by some Soldiers lately come from Belgrade, and the Bridge of Esseck) had resolved to maintain the Town to the last and utmost Extremity: Howsoever that there was some division amongst them; for though the Inhabitants seemed resolute to stand out unto the last drop of their Bloods, fearing lest they should be treated like the Garrison of Virovitza, yet the janissaries (who had no other Concerment in the Place, than their own Lives) protested that in case they were not speedily relieved by the Seraskier, they would constrain the Governor to surrender upon Capitulations.  
If the Garrison of Buda were in a bad Condition, the Imperial Camp in the Leaguer was not in a much better; for most of the Officers were either killed, sick or wounded; 
The ill Con●ition of the League●.  and such was the scarcity of all Provisions, caused by the Obstructions which the Seraskier had laid in the way to intercept the Convoys, which fetched them from far distant Places, that the proportion of Meat, and weight of Bread, distributed to every Soldier, was much diminished; so that the Siege had then been raised had not the Duke of Bavaria (as we have said) come to the Camp on the 9 th' of September, with his Infantry, which gave new Hopes and Encouragement to continue the Siege; though the Death of General Dunewaldt in his Tent, who had the Reputation of a valiant and an experienced Soldier, did very much add to the Sorrow and Discouragement of the Camp.  
Still did the Turks continue to make their Sallies with much Bravery, in one of which they spiked or nailed three Pieces of Cannon. The Prince of Saxony Eisenach had his Leg taken off with a great Shot, 
Sallies made by the Turks.  and General Kops fight valiantly at the Head of his Men was wounded, and died shortly afterwards in his Tent. But it was very observable, how Forty stout Turks, naked to the Wast, behaved themselves with two-handed broad Swords, hewing and cutting down all before them; they advanced as far as to the Riverside, and having covered the Ground with dead Bodies, they returned with the loss of few of their number into the Town.  
The Reinforcement which the Duke of Bavaria brought to the Christian Camp, put the Turks into an Apprehension that the Town would certainly be taken, unless it were relieved by some signal Success of the Seraskier's Army within the Lines of the Christians; which the Turks speedily designed so soon as they were reinforced by some Troops, which were daily expected. After some time, the Seraskier received a Letter from the Grand Vizier, that it was impossible for him to send any considerable Recruits; 
The Vizier's Orders to the Seraskier.  having been obliged to dispeed such Troops, as were with him, to the Dardanelles, Tenedos and Morea, to prevent the Landing of the Venetian Army, which had already made themselves Masters of Santa Maura. And that therefore he should supply the want of numbers by his extraordinary Vigilance and Art, and to hazard every thing rather than suffer Buda to fall into the Hands of the Enemy. The Seraskier accordingly marched with about 25.000 Men, or at most 27.000 to Alba Regalis, and encamped before the Town, with intention very speedily to disturb the Siege; but hearing that the Duke of Bavaria was come thither with a very considerable Force, he altered his Design, and marched towards the Bridge of Esseck, to fight those Troops which were sent thither under the Command of Count Erdedi, the General of Croatia, and to hinder them from burning the Bridge, or taking the Forts which covered it. Count Leslie in the mean time followed the Seraskier to observe his Motion, and assist Erdedi; which the Duke of Lorraine conceiving not of Force sufficient to oppose themselves against the whole Turkish Army; 
The Duke of Lorraine Marches after the Seraskier.  he recalled all his Cavalry from the Frontier Towns, and those which blocked up Newhausel, and with three Regiments of Foot lately come from Moravia, and some of the Bavarian Forces, he departed from the Camp on the 16 th', with resolution to Engage the Seraskier, leaving the whole Conduct of the Siege to the Elector of Bavaria. But the Seraskier fearing to hazard the whole Affair on the fortune of a Battle, retired under the Cannon of Alba Regalis. Whereupon five Regiments of Horse, and a Thousand Foot, were ordered to Post and Forrify themselves on certain Hills, by which the Turkish Army was necessarily to pass, and could not move without being observed by them.  
In the mean the Batteries, 
The Bavarians advance their Works.  which the Bavarians had raised, had begun to open a wide Breach; and on that side by the Water, their Works were advanced one third in length of the lower Town; and several Redoubts were perfected to impede and disturb the Seraskier in his March from Alba Regalis, towards the Siege of Buda: The Expectations were great of the coming of the Bavarian Horse, and other Cavalry from the parts near Presburg, under the Command of Count Caraffa, and also of the Swedish Infantry, which were now much wanted at this Siege.  
The Rains which fell in such great abundance on the 18 th' at Night, did greatly retard the progress of the Works which the Bavarians were making, though their Batteries had good effect upon that Angle, which was contiguous to the Tower on the Castle side; but the Approaches appeared daily more difficult than before, and the Works on the Riverside proceeded slowly, and on the side of the Curtain, the Miners were not able to advance above three Pikes in length.  
The Duke of Lorraine being returned to the Camp, the Bavarians who had the Attack by the Riverside, sprang a Mine under the Tower with so good Success, that it overthrew a great part of the Wall, with one of the Gates: They also made a Line of Communication, which joined their Attack with that of Count Maximilian de Staremberg: The Defendants at the same time made several Attempts to enter the Lines of Bavarians, but could not prevail, by reason that the Entrance was strongly fortified; and farther, to defend themselves, they made several Retrenchments within the Town, and pulled down several Houses, covered the Streets with Beams to cast off Granades, and hinder the Bombs from doing hurt and damage to the Houses. The 20 th' of this Month the Defendants had the good fortune to seize a Boat laden with Provisions, 
The Besieged take a Boat with Provisions.  as it was going to the Imperial Camp, which caused much Joy in the City, whereby the Report which some Fugitives made of the scarcity and want of Provisions in the Place, was clearly confirmed: And the same day a Party of Fifteen hundred Turks attacked some Foragers sent from the Leaguer, of whom they killed several, and took some Prisoners, with the laden Wagons, the rest making their Escape as well as they could.  
In fine, the Seraskier being resolved once more to attempt the Relief of Buda, raised his Camp on the 21st from under the Walls of Alba Regalis, and began his March; of which the Duke of Lorraine having Advice by a Polonian, 
The Seraskier endeavours to raise the Siege.  who was escaped out of the Hands of the Turks, immediately drew out his Forces into the appointed Places, and with such Order, as was lately agreed at a Council of War, where they attended all day for the coming of the Enemy; which not appearing, the Forces drew off towards the Evening into their several Quarters, having been greatly incommoded by the Rains, which had continued all that day to fall in such abundance. Howsoever, the day following, Two thousand Turks attacked the Lines in two places with much Resolution, endeavouring to force their Passage into the Town; but finding great Resistance, 
A Sally ou● of the Town.  they were beaten off with considerable loss, leaving two Standards in the Hands of the Imperialists. Whilst this Attack was made, Fifteen Hundred Horse and Foot made a Sally out of the Town, and cleared all the Trenches before them, and advanced to the very Batteries, killing about Two hundred Men; but some Squadrons coming to their Relief, forced them back with the loss of Four hundred Men.  
The Seraskier, who was retreated to his Camp about two Leagues distant from the Siege, kept the Christians in a continual Alarm, and on the 23 d made as if he would have attempted the Lines once more; but the Mettle of the Turks was not so warm and hot as formerly; howsoever, Four hundred of their Men wading over a marshy Ground, up to the Armpits in Mire and Water, found a Way, which before that time, was esteemed unpassable; and got into the Town, except some few, who, sticking in the Mire, were birded off and killed with Musquet-shot.  
By this time the Bavarian Troops being come, with three Germane Regiments from Bohemia, the Duke of Lorraine esteemed himself in a Condition able to engage the Turkish Army, and so marching out of the Lines with a considerable Body, he followed the Enemy, and provoked them to a Battle; but the Seraskier having already performed his Design, by putting some Men into the Town, he declined the Fight, so that the Duke of Lorraine without other Action returned again to the Siege; but before they entered the Lines, the Garrison made a desperate Sally both with Horse and Foot, and with such Success, that they drove the Besiegers out of their Trenches, filled up some of their Works with Earth, leveled one of their Batteries, and killed above Three hundred Men upon the Place; 
A Sally out of the Tow●.  and after having routed the Bavarians, they fell in upon the Quarters of the Imperialists, who being less harassed than the others, gave them a Repulse with equal loss.  
On the 25 th' the Seraskier appeared a third time in sight of the Leaguer, showing as if he intended to offer Battle; upon appearance of which, the Christians drew out, of their Lines; but whilst they were ranging themselves into a posture of Battle, a Detachment of Four thousand Horse were dispeeded under covert of the Hills, and before they were discovered, assailed a Quarter of the Imperialists, which was defended only by two Regiments of Horse, and two Battalions of Foot, whom charging by Surprise, they totally defeated, and killed above a thousand Men, 
 amongst which were Count Tilly and several other Officers of Note. During this Consternation in the Christian Camp, a Thousand Turks sheltering themselves under the shadow of the Hills, ●ound a Passage into the Town.  
The Elector of Bavaria, and the Duke of Lorraine being much heated and incensed with these Successes of the Enemy, resolved with some Hungarian and Polonian Horse, and some Regiments of Foot, to Attack the Turks in their Camp; 
Th● Seraskier ●e●ires.  but the Seraskier having done his Business by sending Relief and Recruits into the Town, retired under the Cannon of Alba Regalis, and there fortified himself so well, having a moorish or fenny Ground before him, that it was impossible to force his Camp, or hinder the Alarms which several Parties detached from the Turkish Army, appearing sometime on the Hills, and then again in sight of the Leaguer, did daily give them, and disturbed much the proceeding of the Mines and other Works. 
The Difficulties of the Siege.  The Town itself was raised in an advantageous Situation; the Walls were so strong, and ●illed with Earth, that notwithstanding the many Batteries, they could not make a Breach wide enough for four Men to enter abreast; nor could it well be expected, that they should be starved or constrained by Famine to make a Surrender, during the short remainder of this Year's Season; for indeed this Governor of the Town, had so well husbanded the Provisions, that there was no scarcity as yet of any thing necessary for Human Sustenance; and besides, the Defendants had some times the fortune to seize certain Boats laden with Provisions, designed for the Christian Camp; for it was not possible wholly to debar them from all Communication with the River: Wherefore there seemed no other way left to win the Town, but by a vigorous Assault, the which also had so much difficulty and hazard in it, that it seemed neither prudent nor reasonable to be lavish of the Lives of Men, in an Attempt so desperate, that there seemed little or no hope of the Success thereof. The Garrison within, notwithstanding their frequent Slaughters consisted of Ten thousand janissaries and others, all resolute and approved Men, as had been evidenced by many Proofs: 
The ill Condition of the Christian Camp.  On the other side, the Imperial Army was greatly diminished; the Horses for the most part were dead, or unfit for Service for want of Forage; all the Troops were harassed, weak and sickly; the Duke of Lorraine himself ill disposed in his Health, and in danger of a Relapse; the best Officers for the most part were either killed or wounded; so that considering all these Matters together, it was not to be expected that the Siege could long continue; besides all which the Rains fell in such extreme abundance, that the Trenches were filled with Water, and all the Mines and Works ruined and destroyed. Howsoever the Bavarians being but lately come, and not so much harassed as the other Soldiers, on the 24 th' at Night advanced their Post near to the Wall at the Foot of the Castle-ditch. On the same day a Body of Two thousand of the Enemy appeared in sight of the Leaguer; who, though they retired again without any Action, yet they caused an Alarm in the Camp, and several Troops were drawn out against them, which made a Diversion, and retarded the Proceedings which were advancing against the Town.  
The Bavarians being the most active of any, had made a Breach in the Wall near the Castle, which they stormed, and made themselves Masters of a Redoubt or Bulwark on the Wall; but the Turks being very strong on that side, gave them not sufficient time to shelter and ward themselves, but forced them to dislodge with the loss of Three hundred Men.  
On the 2 d of October a Battery of Sixteen Pieces of Cannon of Twenty six Pound Bullet, 
Octob.  on the side of the Imperialists, had entirely razed and beaten down a little Tower belonging to the Castle, and next day they endeavoured with Four thousand Men to make a descent into the Ditch, and possess the Breach; but the Turks having with great industry and diligence Repaired it again with Earth, Faggots and Palisadoes, defended it with such vigorous Resistance, 
The Christians receive a great Loss.  that after a most bloody and desperate Fight the Christians were droven thence with the loss of Fifteen hundred Men, amongst which was a Major, and several Captains and Officers belonging to the Bavarian Troops.  
Howsoever the Imperialists and Bavarians not being dismayed with all these Losses, continued to advance their Works at the Gate towards the River, and to make their Batteries on the Breach, which as yet, was not wide enough for two Men to pass abreast; but being a little more opened, the Bavarians stormed it for the space of five Hours; and though they were several times repulsed, yet they lodged themselves on part of the Breach, from whence they discovered a Fort-Royal with four Bastions, which the Turks had built in the middle of the Town, 
A Sally from the Town upon the Bavarians.  with intent to fly thither for Sanctuary, in case of the last Extremity; but that Hour was not yet come; for the Defendants, animated with their late Successes, made another Sally on the 14 th' instant with such numbers, that they dislodged the Bavarians from the Breach, drove them out of their Trenches, filled up part of their Works, and killed Two hundred of their Men; to Succour which the Elector coming himself in Person, repulsed the Enemy with a great Slaughter, and caused his Soldiers and Labourers to open their Works again, and repair to their former Stations. The Miners still continued to Labour, but received considerable impediments by Springs of Water, which overflowed their Works.  
The Seraskier kept the Christian Camp in a continual Alarm until the Raising of the Siege: And whensoever he came so near as to engage with the Enemy, the Defendants at the same time Sallied from the Town, and retired again with different Successes, sometimes with advantage and at other times with loss. On the 24 th', a general Alarm was given over all the Camp, 
Alarms given.  that the Seraskier with all his Cavalry, and Eight thousand janissaries drawn out from Alba Regalis and other parts, and Fifteen Pieces of Artillery, was come within two Leagues of the Lines; upon which Report all the Germane Cavalry mounted on Horseback, and drew themselves up into a Posture of Defence; but it proved a false Alarm, and served only to increase the Fatigues and wearisomeness of the Soldiery. As the Spirits of the Besiegers were Drooping and Fainting without, so the many Successes of those within, filled them full of hopes of a speedy delivery; for they had lately taken so many Boats laden with Provisions designed for the Christian Camp, that their wants of necessary Sustenance were supplied. And on the 29 th', Some Deserters from the Christian Camp discovered to them several Mines which were preparing against them, by which intimation they opened the Earth, found and disarmed them of their Powder, which was so great a disappointment and discouragement to the Christians, that it was esteemed by the most experienced Commanders almost impossible to gain the Town, 
The difficulties of gaining the Town.  in regard the Season of the Year was spent, and the Winter already entered.  
In Consideration of which, the Duke of Lorraine assembled a Council of War to deliberate concerning the Resolutions, which were to be taken in the present Exigency and Conjuncture of Affairs: At which time Prince Erman of Baden, Precedent of the Council of War at Vienna, arrived in the Camp, having been dispatched by the Emperor, with Commission to Command the Germane Infantry, during the Sickness of the two Counts of Staremberg; and with Instructions and Orders also to the Duke of Lorraine to raise the Siege, in case there was not a certainty, or at least some probable hopes of reducing the Town in a very short term of time; for that his Imperial Majesty desired not to consume his Forces in a desperate and fruitless Enterprise. The arrival of this Prince was very seasonable at this time, both for the Message he brought, as also for his ability and knowledge in War, being a wise Man and an experienced Officer: 
Consultations about raising the Siege.  In whose Presence matters were again taken into Consideration, and the State of the Town within, and of the Camp without, was laid before the Generals and Field-Officers; some few advised to continue the Siege, until the Success was tried and seen of certain Mines, which were still forming in the Bavarian Quarters: But the greatest part, representing the ill Condition of the Troops, the want of all necessaries in the Camp, the extremity of the Season, and the apparent hazard of a total Destruction to the whole Army, in case of a general Assault, were of Opinion, That the securest way were to raise the Siege in the best order possible, for saving and securing the Army from Sallies from the Town, and Attacks by the Seraskier and his Army: But before this Point was concluded, the Duke of Lorraine, the Elector of Bavaria and Prince Erman with sevetal other Chief Officers, took a Survey of all the Lines and Quarters of the Camp, and having considered, that the Defendants were still Ten thousand strong, and well provided with Victuals and Ammunition, and that it was impossible without greater Force to debar them from all Communication with the Danube, from which they received daily Supplies; and that the Mines in which they had placed their greatest hopes, had either been discovered by the Enemy and disarmed, or by the inexperience of the Workmen and Engineers, had taken vent, and reversed without any Execution; It was then concluded, and fully resolved to raise the Siege: A farther Motive whereunto were the Rains which continued to fall without intermission. In the first place therefore, the Winter-quarters were agreed and assigned by the Council, so that the Troops might know, unto what Towns they were to march; then all the Heavy Cannon, Mo●ter-pieces and Bombs were ordered to be carried away and secured.  
On the 1st of November the Siege was raised, 
Nou.  in which the Christians had lost 25.000 Men: 
The Siege raised.  And now to bring off the surviving part, and to fortify the Rear against the Sallies of the Garrison, and defend the whole Army in their march against the Seraskier, who being well informed of their weaknesses, and loss of numbers, attended their Motion, was an Action wherein to employ the Art and Conduct of the wisest, and most experienced Captain in the World. Wherefore all imaginable care, and caution was used in drawing off; the lighter Cannon and Field-pieces were placed so as to defend the Rear, as also the Flank and Wings; because that most of the Horse being Dead for want of Forage, the Men were forced to walk on Foot, in the Ranks of the Infantry which lay exposed, and naked to the Cavalry of the Enemy. The Imperial and Auxiliary Troops, to the number of 30.000 took their march towards Gran: The heavy Artillery and Baggage, with Eight thousand sick and wounded Men, were embarked on several Boats to be carried up the River against the Stream; and such as were most Sick and Weak, were with a small Guard Transported to the Island of St. Andrews, which was designed for an Hospital to receive and Cure them: But the Tartars entering into the Island, 
The Tartars take the Island of 〈◊〉 Andrews.  killed above a Hundred of the wounded Men, before they could be removed, and pillaged the Baggage with the Equipage of Colonel Piccolomini, and so much as they could not carry away they burned and destroyed: A like Accident happened to some other Boats laden with the Bavarian Troops, which by some accident or other, being by the Winds, or breaking of their Ropes, or Cordage put on Shoar were suprized and taken by the Enemy, 
Ill Accidents after raising the Siege.  which to observe their Motion had lain concealed in the Flags and Osiers, which grew by the Banks of the Danube. Great were the Murmurings and Discontents which arose upon these two unhappy Accidents, occasioned as they talked by the neglect and ill Conduct of the Officers: Nor was the Resolution of abandoning the City of Pest less approved, though the Fortifications were demolished, the Walls and Gates Blown up, and the most considerable Bulwarks demolished: Howsoever, those who conceived another Opinion, alleged, That the Masters of the Field would be able to maintain that Fortress, in despite of the ill Neighbours on the other side: And that it would be difficult, and a great loss of Men and time to recover that place, whensoever a fairer opportunity presented to renew the Siege of Buda: Others of a contrary sense produced opposite Arguments, all People blaming each other, as is usual in Sinister events, when matters succeed in an unlucky manner, different to the first conceived hopes.  
The Duke of Lorraine before he would leave the Army, 
Winter-quarters assigned.  saw the several Troops disposed in their respective Winter-quarters. The Imperialists were lodged in Comorra and the Parts adjacent, and as many as these places could not contain were sent to Silesia, Moravia and Bohemia. The Bavarians advanced into the Counties of Arva, Czepus, Lipze, Saraz and other places appointed for them.  
The Seraskier having information of the several Quarters, and of the Troops which were lodged in them; gathered what Forces he was able, to the number of 18.000 Men, with which passing the River, he Sat down before Wazia or Vualtz; a place defended by Five hundred Soldiers belonging to the Regiment of Thaun, and Commanded by the Lieutenant Colonel only: The Fortifications were chiefly the Breasts of the Soldiers, 
Vu●zia Attacked.  there being only an old Wall in many places Ruinous, and a few weak Palisadoes unable and unfit for the least Defence. The Turks encouraged with these advantages, stormed the place on all sides; the Imperialists repelled their Force with Force, and defended themselves with as much Bravery, as was possible to do, with such unequal numbers: But finding it at length impossible, unless by Miracle, to sustain so mighty a Force, without hopes of Relief; they agreed to Capitulate, and sent Propositions of Surrender: The which being accepted, and the Articles signed, the Gates were opened, with intention that the Christians might march out, and leave the Town to the Possession of the Enemy; but instead thereof the Turks rushed in, and with their drawn Cymiters killed and massacred all before them: It was then to no purpose to call out, and revile them with the breach of Faith and violation of Articles, having the Seraskier's Commands not to observe them, or lend an Ear; nor did it much avail to use resistance, the Enemy being already in the midst of them; all that could be done, was to sell their Lives at the dearest rate. In fine, 
Five hundred Christians put to the Sword.  This Tragedy ended with the Slaughter and Butchery of this whole Party, which was much lamented at the Court of Vienna, as a loss of the highest concernment, that Regiment consisting of old experienced and veteran Soldiers, Men of approved Valour, and long enured to Labour and Sufferings: This Misfortune also was become the common Discourse of the Army, blaming the Officers for assigning Quarters at so far distance from other Succours, which was to sacrifice the Lives of so many brave Men, without any regard to the Fury of the Enemy; and if Pest which was a Walled and well Fortified Town, and capable of making Resistance was to be Demolished and Dismantled only, because it was esteemed too far distant from Succours and Relief; how much rather should Vualts, or Vualtz have been judged an improper and dangerous Quarter, which was but an open Town without other defence, than the naked Breasts of the poor Soldiery?  
Thus ended this Campagne unluckily in respect to the Siege of Buda, and the Successes which followed, though in other Parts Fortune smiled on the Christian Arms; for General Schultz took Barsfeldt, 
Barsfeldt taken.  Situated on the Frontiers of Poland, after a Siege of three Days, though it be a place encompassed with a deep Ditch full of Water, and good Walls, and Fortified with Towers, Redoubts and Ramparts. The Garrison consisted of Four hundred Men belonging to Tekeli, of which Three hundred after the Surrender took up Arms for the Emperor, and One hundred which refused, were Convoyed as far as Ragowitz. Likewise General Schultz took the Castle of Stropko belonging to the Malcontents, 
A●d Stropko.  by Surrender upon Composition; therein were Eleven Brass Guns, with Ammunition and Provisions for War: He took also the Castle of Makovitz. Count Zober, who Commanded the Hungarian Troops at Neutra, Surprised the Castle at Suram, whilst the greatest part of the Garrison was gone out to seek for Forage. But these small advantages made but a poor amends for greater losses; the sense whereof served to move Anger, and desire of Revenge in the generous Breasts of the Soldiery, and to quicken the Imperial Councils to make Preparations against the next Campagne: And in regard Newhausel was in the first place aimed at, as a Prize for the ensuing Year, General Heysler was Ordered to enlarge his Quarters in all parts round the City, that so keeping it continually Blocked up, the Conquest thereof might be rendered much more easy, at that time, when the Season of the Year should make it convenient for an Army to make a nearer approach.  

The King of Poland 's Actions this year.  But before we conclude the Successes of this Year, we must not omit and pass by the Actions of the King of Poland, of whom we have Wrote, and declared such Heroic and generous Enterprises and Achievements in the Relation of the last Year's Wars: For being one of the Allies of the Empire, we are not to be silent of him; but give him a place in this History, as well, as we have already done unto our Confederates the Venetians: Tho' we shall not need to be very Prolix in our Relations of his great Prowess and Deeds, which fell very Flat, and in no manner agreeable to his first beginnings.  
The King of Poland entered not the Field this Year until the middle of August, when on the 22 d of that Month, he took a Review of his Army near unto Budziack; and the next Day he Detached a considerable Party to Invest jaslowitz, a Town about two Leagues distant from the Camp; and towards the Evening marched thither in Person with the rest of his Army. The next Day Summons were sent to the Town commanding them to Surrender; To which the Governor made this reply, That the Town was committed to him by the Grand Signior, and accordingly he would defend the same unto the last Extremity: Hereupon Batteries were raised, 
Jazlowits' taken.  and the Cannon having played upon the Town for the space of two or three Days, the Defendants thought fit to Capitulate; and Hostages being given, the Town was Surrender'd on the 26 th', when the Garrison, to the number of Five hundred Men, marched out with their Arms and Colours Flying. After this the King marched to Swaniec, Situate on the Niester, over which having made a Bridge, he passed his Army; but having received intelligence, that 30.000 Tartars had made their way into Poland, he returned again back to the other side. And though the Tartars are a sort of People, who stay not long in a place, but are in continual Motion; yet the King had the good Fortune to meet with a Party of them, and Cut Four hundred of them in pieces; the rest not being willing, 
A party of Tartars defeated.  as is their Custom to adventure on a Battle, returned into their own Country, as did also the King of Poland into his Winter-quarters, the Season of the Summer being already spent.  
At the Actions and Successes this Year of the Poles, the Turks at Constantinople made an open Scorn and Laughter; (and indeed their slothfulness in doing nothing deserved no better) and made it their common talk and discourse, 
The Turks censure of the Pole●.  That the French King, who was their only Friend amongst the Christian Princes, had with his Money and Presents blunted the Sword of Poland, and laid all the Spirits of that Kingdom into a Sleep; and that the young Prince, the eldest Son was Enchanted, and led away Captive by a French Lady: So that the Turks seemed to apprehend nothing of danger from Poland; against which they made no Preparations for the ensuing Year, making it the common Subject of their politic Reasonings, and giving it, as it were for granted, That the Poles, Turks and Tartars had for some time entertained a friendly understanding between each other.  
The Turks always made slight of the Venetians, 
And of the Venetians.  as of an Enemy whom they could at all times, and at their pleasure crush and suppress; they regarded little, what they had done this Year at St. Maura, or in the Morea, or Dalmatia; the Venetians having been more beholding for those Successes to the Albanians, and others of the Grand Seignior's Subjects, who revolted to them, than to the Power and Conduct of their own Arms; and whensoever Fortune shall but a little change her Hand, they doubt not but to recover their Losses from the Venetians, without much Blood, or perhaps but with ask for them. And indeed (if it be well considered) the Venetians, have trifled much in their Proceedings, amusing themselves, and the World, in taking small and inconsiderable Places, in comparison of greater Enterprises, and with dislodging some Nests of Pirates, when as they might have a stroke at the very Heart of the Ottoman Empire, by entering the Dardanelli with a Fleet, against which the Turks were not capable to make any Resistance, with less Force than that which was used in taking Santa Maura and Preveza; the Venetians improving the Advantage of the present Fear and Consternation of the Turks, might have made themselves Masters of the Castles on the Hellespont, and sailed to Constantinople itself, and destroyed or burned it without any considerable Opposition. They might with this Opportunity have destroyed the whole Turkish Fleet of Galleys, which would have made them Masters of all the Islands in the Archipelago, the yearly Tribute of which is very considerable. They might in all probability have taken twenty Sail of Ships coming from Alexandria, with janissaries and Merchandise to a considerable Value; which whilst the Venetians were peddling about Santa Maura, arrived at Constantinople to the great Joy and Encouragement of that City.  

The Pasha of Candia put to Death.  About this time the Pasha of Candia's Head was brought to Adrianople, and exposed before the Gate of the Divan; all his Treasure, which was considerable, according to the Custom of the Turks, was confiscated to the Grand Signior; he was a bad Man, and unmerciful to all sorts and Sects of People; he had strangled the Metropolite or Bishop of Candia, and miserably tyraunized over the poor Christians there; and yet for all that, the Crime alleged against him was, That he was too indulgent to the Christians; that he had sold them Corn, and held a good Correspondence with the Venetians. The Pasha of Damascus called Ibrahim Pasha, incurred the like Fate; he had been janisar-aga, and one of the greatest Men in the Empire; but his Enemies taking advantage of his absence from the Court, upon bare Suggestions, without fairer process, took away his Life.    

ANNO 1685. year 1685.  
BEfore we enter upon the Martial Affairs of this ensuing Year, let us take a short View of the State of things in Christendom, and in Turkey, and the Preparations that were making on both sides for carrying on a more bloody War (if it can be possible) than that of the preceding Years. The Eyes of all Christendom, 
The State of Christendom.  and I may say, of the World too, were at a gaze to behold the Successes of this important War; and yet Europe for the most part was either engaged actually in War, or at least in Fears and Jealousies one with another. The Plenipotentiaries of France and Spain were at Variance concerning the Confines and Dependencies, and the Encroachments which the French King made on the Rhine; and Motions in Alsatia, caused such Fears and Jealousies in the Minds of the Germane Princes, that they withheld much of that Force, which they designed as Auxiliaries to be employed in Service of the Empire, which was then the common Cause and Interest of all Christendom. Howsoever, the generous Elector of Bavaria, a valiant and active Prince, who had in the two last Campaigns improved his youthful Years with the Exercises of War and Military Discipline, was resolved to employ his own Person, Armies and Fortune in prosecution of this Religious War against the Enemy of Christendom. 
The Elector of Bavaria Marries with the Emperor's Daughter.  The Affections he had to the Welfare of the Imperial Hereditary Countries, and of all Germany were elevated and rendered more zealous and warm by the Love he professed to the Arch-Duchess Maria Antonia, eldest Daughter of the Emperor, a Princess of great Virtues, whom he afterwards espoused, and with her all the Interest of the House of Austria in so zealous a manner, that he seemed to have contracted the same Desires and Passions with the Emperor himself.  
Tho' the last two Years Wars had consumed both Men and Money, 
The Emperor's want of Mony.  yet had not the Emperor's Coffers been exhausted, the warlike People of Germany would not have wanted Soldiers to fight in defence of their Country, nor the respective Princes a readiness to complete and recruit their Troops beyond the numbers, that, during this War, had appeared in Hungary. The Pope Innocent XI. had already contributed in so liberal a manner, that his Treasure was sunk to a low Ebb, and could not furnish such large Sums as formerly: The Archbishop of Strgonium, Primate of Hungary, an opulent Prelate, who had made large Contributions, died about this time, aged Ninety three Years; he had also supplied the Imperial Army with vast quantities of Corn out of his own Granaries, which gave a seasonable Relief to the Soldiers before Buda, who were ready to famish in their Trenches for want of Provisions.  
But to promote the common Cause, Consultations and Treaties were assiduously and warmly held at the Diet at Ratisbone, 
Treaties with the Princes of the Empire.  by the Commissioners and Plenipotentiaries from the Emperor, and by the Agents sent from the Duke of Bavaria to the other Electors, and by the Convention of the Circles held at Norimburg. Moreover, the Emperor dispatched the Count de Thaun, and the Baron of Meyershein for his Envoys extraordinary, to represent unto all the Courts and Princes of Germany the pressing exigency of Affairs, which did not only concern the Emperor and his Hereditary Countries, but did involve likewise the common Interest, Welfare and Safety of the whole Empire, and all Christendom. These Matters being well inculcated, and circulary Letters wrote, and dispatched to the Cities of Saltzburg, Passaw, Ausburg, Cologne, Ratisbone, Norimburg, Ulm and Francfurt, desiring their Assistance with Men and Money, with the use of their great Cannon for Service of the Army; in Compensation for which, the like weight of Metal, was offered, with so much Money as should pay the Charge of new Casting the Guns, in regard that in the two las● Years of War, most of the Emperor's Artillery had been consumed, and the Touch-holes widened and blown, and to New-cast the Metal again, there was not time sufficient before the Commencement of the following Campaign.  
These Matters were so well represented and negotiated in the Courts and Councils of the respective Princes, that nothing almost was denied which was demanded. The Houses of Brunswick and Lunenburgh furnished an Army of Ten thousand fight Men, 
Auxiliaries of the Emperor.  all select and veterane Soldiers, under the Command of experienced Generals and Officers; and what was of high Importance, they were so early dispeeded, that they arrived at the Camp about the beginning of the Campaign. The Duke of Saxony was not less forward with his Army, which, though inferior in number, were yet well-disciplined Soldiers, and conducted by Officers of approved Valour and Experience. The Archbishop of Saltzburg sent unto the Emperor a Hundred thousand Rixdollars in lieu of his Quota, and of the Troops which he was obliged to send. The Elector of Brandenburg had promised to send an Army of 12.000 Men into Hungary, with a considerable Train of Artillery, and so to march with them in Person; but the Appearance of Troops from France on the Rhine, and in the Dukedoms of Cleves and juliers, the Numbers of which still increasing, gave such an Alarm to that Prince and his Neighbours of the Circle, that a stop was given to the Proceedings of his and their Forces; and a supply only sent of Men and Money according to the Quota in such cases agreed, and established by the ancient Constitutions of the Empire: Notwithstanding which, the Emperor's Forces in Hungary, contrary to the expectation of all Europe, much exceeded the general Calculation, and composed a better Army, than had during this War appeared on the Plains of Hungary. The Pope was not less solicitous than the other Princes in this Christian Cause; 
The Pope gives Assistance.  towards the Advancement and Maintenance of which, as he had formerly, so also this Year he sent supplies of Money from Rome to Vienna, and granted unto the Emperor a full third of the annual Rents of all the Ecclesiastical Benefices within his Hereditary Dominions; to exact and raise which, Cardinal Bonvisi, Apostolical Nuntio, and the Bishop of Newstadt, were fully authorized and empowered by the Pope; with Instructions to Erect a particular Office, wherein it was Registered how much was paid, and how the same was particularly employed and expended for the sole Use and Advancement of this War.  
Nor were the Turks less solicitous and active on their side, in their Preparations for the War, 
The Turk● prepare for War.  which they still resolved to continue on their defensive part; under which Notion, neither the Grand Signior nor Vizier Azem were obliged to go in Person. Shitan Ibrahim Pasha, late Governor in Buda, during the Siege, (of whom we have already given a Character) was appointed Seraskier, or General of the Army. And though the Grand Signior minded nothing so much as his Sport of Hunting, to which he was so immoderately addicted, that he was scarce persuaded to omit and decline it upon Fridays, and spent two whole Months entirely in it, within the Countries between Adrianople and Constantinople; yet the Grand Vizier, who was esteemed one of the wisest and most experienced Ministers that ever had been in that Place, closely attended and followed the main Concernment, both for raising Money, and levying Soldiers. As to the first, The Grand Seignior's Treasury had already this Year been twice opened▪ and at each time, the Value of Four hundred thousand Pounds Sterling had been taken out of it, all which came far short of the necessary Provisions which the War required.  
The Naval Forces were very inconsiderable, consisting only of some few poor Galleys, commanded by the Mosaip or Favourite to the Grand Signior, a Person of no great natural Talon of Understanding, and of no Experience in Maritime Affairs; 
〈◊〉 Tu●ks Fo●ces at Sea.  nor were the ten Men of War, which they had for the two Years passed been labouring to Equip, in any Posture or Condition to make Sail this Summer; so ignorant and averse are the Turks to all Matters, which belong unto the Seas, and so unable for any Naval Fight, that it seems a Compliment or Compassion in the Venetians, not to have destroyed them long before. This Mosaip or Favourite, 
The Mosaip Admiral.  who was Captain Pasha or Admiral of the Seas, had for a long time enjoyed the Air of his Master's Favour; his Privilege was to be clothed in the same Habit with the Sultan, to Ride always on his Right-hand, to Converse intimately with him, and sometimes to sit and Eat with him; and yet I never heard, that he was ever esteemed for a Man of extraordinary Shapes or Beauty, or to be charming in his Discourse, or to have had any great Talon of Wisdom or Prudence: And therefore if Enquiry should be made on this Occasion into the Reasons, Why Princes elect such and such for their Favourites, no true Cause in my Opinion can be assigned, unless finding in that Person, of whom they make choice for their Companion, a certain Harmony of Affections and Humour, they love him by Sympathy, and adore their own Image in him, without which, all other Qualities would be mean and contemptible.  
But to return to the Vizier, his greatest Study and Application was to make Levies by Land, both in Europe and Asia: Commands were dispatched to that Purpose to Aleppo, Damascus, Diarbiquier and Gran Cairo, the remotest parts of the Empire; but those being Countries ill Peopled, Levies were made with much difficulty; 
Levies made in Europe and Asia.  and such as were constrained to go by reason of the far distance from the Rendezvous, came late; many sickened in the March, and some ran away and deserted; and divers of the European Troops, which had been harassed the last Year, retired into the Mountains, where they passed the whole Summer; and in the Winter came out from thence, and returned home, where they told Stories, as if they had been engaged in all the Sieges and Battles, which had happened that Year. The Grand Vizier finding the numbers allotted to be raised, to fall much short of the Quota, and of a reasonable Calculation, attributed the Default thereof to the negligence of the Musselims' or Deputy-Governours to the Pashas, for which some of them were punished with Death; and others being affrighted, hereby used all the Tyranny and Force imaginable to compel the poor People unto the Wars; to which many of them going, with much unwillingness, stole aside, and never came so far as the Camp. Howsoever, it was impossible, but that, out of so vast a Tract of Ground, as is the Ottoman Empire, consisting of many Kingdoms and Principalities, there must be some out of every part, who having Courage enough to sacrifice their Lives for their Religion and Country, came in, and united themselves with the Camp; and these, though inferior to the numbers designed and expected, yet composed an Army very formidable, and such as was able to bid defiance to the Forces of Germany. Howsoever the Turks did not think fit to trust so much to their Arms; but that they would first assay and try, if it were possible, to put an end to the War by a fair Accommodation: The Person appointed to manage this Treaty, was Shitan Ibraim, as yet Vizier of Buda, a Person (as we have beforementioned) of refined Parts, and good Address, 
The Turks propose a Treaty.  and a Courtier fitted for such a Negotiation. In pursuance of this Design, this Vizier wrote Letters of Compliment to the chief Ministers of State at Vienna, acquainting them of the Grand Seignior's Inclinations to a Peace. And though it had never been the Custom of the Sultan's to be the first Promoters of Peace, or to ask it before it was offered or begged; yet such was the Clemency and Compassion of this Emperor, and his desire to stop the Effusion of Human Blood, that contrary to the Dignity of his Sublime Station, raised above the Throne of earthly Kings, he would now condescend so low, as to be the first who should make this Religious Motion; in order unto which, he desired, that a Passport should be sent him for a Chiaus, who was an Armenian by Nation, and (as I think) by Religion a Christian, freely to pass and repass, and to carry the Proposals, and to Treat thereupon: The Passport was accordingly sent, 
A Chiaus sent to Vienna.  and the Armenian conducted to Comorra, where, being taken rather for a Spy than an Ambassador, he was so closely confined and guarded, that he complained of his Restraint to be contrary to the Laws of War and Nations; at length he was guarded to Vienna, where he was detained under Custody, with as jealous and watchful an Eye, as when he was at Comorra: Howsoever, the reception of this Chiaus became the Subject of much Discourse and Talk in the City, and gave occasion to the World to censure, as if the Emperor had designed to make a Peace underhand, without the Privity and Concurrence of the Allies. The Audience of this Chiaus was deferred for some time, until it was promoted and hastened by the Envoy from the Prince of Transilvania, then residing at that Court, and by him at length conducted to the presence of the Precedent of the Council, to whom he delivered the Propoposals and Articles of Peace: The which after mature Examination, seemed to be projected with such Sagacity and Subtlety, without sincere and open Terms, that they were generally concluded to be Fallacious, and not to be Grounds for a faithful and lasting Peace: And so in fine, the Armenian was dispeeded back with this Answer only, That the Emperor could not conclude a Peace without the Concurrence of the King of Poland, 
He is sent back.  and the State of Venice, the true Allies and Confederates with the Emperor; by which Answer, the Minister from Apafi Prince of Transilvania being assured of the Emperor's Resolutions to continue the War, changed the Tenure of his former Memorials, and in his Master's Name, proposed that he might remain in a Condition of Neutrality, thinking it more secure to remain as a Friend to both sides, rather than by adhering to one, to rise or fall according to the dubious fortune of War.  
But if we look into the Winter-quarters before we Treat of the Feats of War, which were Actions most fit for the Summer Season; 
A miserable Plague and Famin.  we shall find the Imperialists and Bavarians so miserably in want of all Provisions, and of things necessary for the sustenance of Human Life: That one would wonder, how it were possible for these Men to be so soon recovered, and made fit for new Services and Fatigues. For such was the Famine in the Lower Hungary, that the Inhabitants were forced to Abandon their Dwellings, and Fly for Bread into the Town of Buda; where they were entertained for Day-labourers to Repair the Fortifications, with the Wages of eight pence a Day, two pounds weight of Bread, and a pint of Wine. In the Emperor's Country, a Bushel of Wheat, which in the times of Peace, was worth no more than ten Groats, was now advanced in price to Eighteen shillings. In Presbourg the Streets were covered with famished and dying People; the Soldiers were either Dead or Languishing, or had deserted their Colours: A Pestilence, as is natural, followed the Famine, and Cattle died of the Murrain. The Island Schultz, which used to be the Granary of the Upper Hungary, was now in a Starving condition, and the Inhabitants forced to Eat Roots and the Barks of Trees: Nay, this Misery and Desolation extended even to Vienna itself, where in the Garden of the Archbishop, two Women were seen to Eat the Raw-flesh of a Horse lately Dead. But for a remedy to this Epidemical Calamity, the Emperor, who is the Common Father of his People, caused great quantities of Corn to be brought from all the Neighbouring Countries round about; but the Ways were so broken by the great Rains and Marching of Armies, and heavy Carriages, that the People were brought to the last extremity before the supplies arrived. Notwithstanding this great want of Provisions, even to a Famine, and the Snows and Rains, which fell in abundance, with Cold Wether of the Winter; General Schultz with a Body of Four thousand Germane Horse and Dragoons, and some Companies of Hussars, maintained a Blocade round Newhausel. To Relieve which, Count Tekeli, 
〈…〉 Newha●s●l.  and the Pasha of Agria were particularly encharged with the Commission: Tekeli had 6000 Men which he had drawn from the Frontier Garrison, and the Pasha had Four thousand, which were all his own Troops. General Schultz being informed of their motion fell upon them with such bravery, that he put them to a total Rout, without much loss or fight, and took most of their Provisions and Baggage, which were designed for the Relief of that place. Howsoever, Tekeli made a second adventure for the Succour of Newhausel, and with a Party of Three thousand Horse, he made way for a Convoy of Three hundred Carts, 
A Convoy brought thither.  laden with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions, with as many Horse, each carrying a Sack of Meal to enter into the Town: In the strength and encouragement of which, the Garrison made Incursions at four and five League's distance, Plundering and Destroying all before them, which caused the poor Inhabitants to abandon their Dwellings, and seek for Succour and Refuge in fortified places. Not long afterwards a second Convoy brought Two thousand Sacks more of Meal into the Town, which with the former were good Preparations against a Siege; but to prevent the like for the future, Count Palfi, who commanded the Hungarian Troops, was ordered to join with Colonel Heusler, who having but Two or Three thousand Men, was so unable to guard the Avenues to Newhausel, that the Blocade seemed of no importance: But Heusler being thus considerably reinforced, he defeated a thi●d Convoy which the Turks were sending to the Town, consisting of Eighty Wagons, 
Other Convoys.  which carried Ammunitions and Provisions, and Sixty more of Timber for Building and Repair of the Fortifications. A fourth attempt was again made to carry Succours into Newhausel, of which General Schultz having intelligence, he lay in the way and intercepted them, killing Three hundred of the Enemy upon the place, and putting the rest to Flight. Tekeli having notice of this Defeat, pursued after Schultz with a Reinforcement of some Turks, and having overtaken him in the Mountains between Soniati and Rozenau, he Charged him with such Success, 
Successes of Tek●●●.  that he killed Nine hundred of his Men, and took Four hundred Prisoners with all their Baggage. Afterwards meeting with a Regiment of Bavarians in their Winter-quarters at Neudorf, he entirely defeated them, and so returned to Newhausel, which he again Relieved with another Convoy.  
The Spring coming forward with the time for Action; the Emperor's Council calling to mind the Miscarriages of the last Year, caused for the most part by extreme Famine, and want of necessary Provisions for the Soldiery, all possible care was taken to prevent the same for the succeeding Year; and such quantities of Corn from the more remote parts of Germany, and from Poland itself, which is a Country abounding with Wheat, and all sorts of Grain, were brought and laid up in Magazines, as were judged sufficient to sustain the Army for the whole Year without such wants, under which it lately laboured.  
All the remaining part of this Winter was spent about Esperies, or intercepting Convoys designed to Newhausel. Esperies is a Town of Hungary in the County of Sarax very well fortified, 
Espe●ies.  Situate upon the River of Tarbez towards the Mountains, and on the Frontiers of Poland; it hath always belonged to the Emperor as King of Hungary, until such time as in the Year 1678, it fell into the Hands of Tekeli, from whom it was recovered by force of the Imperial Arms in the Year 1685. Howsoever, at the beginning thereof, the attempt of General Schultz was fruitless, and of evil consequence; for laying Siege to it in the Winter, the Cold and extreme Wether, and want of all things necessary, enforced him to Rise again with the loss of Five hundred Soldiers killed and wounded, with several Captains and other Officers, who were all slain by the many brisk and desperate Sallies which the Defendant made from the Town: And being upon his Retreat, Tekeli in person Charged him in the Rear at the Head of his own Men with such Success, that he defeated the whole Party, and Schultz with much difficulty saved his Cannon.  
Towards the end of February Five hundred janissaries, and Three hundred Spahees belonging to Newhausel, possessed themselves of the Fortress of Gutta, 
Gutta taken.  after a Fight of ●ine Hours; the Garrison consisted only of One hundred and fifty Hussars, under the command of a Lieutenant, who with two Soldiers only escaped to Commorra, all the rest being put to the Sword. This Town is Situate on the River Waagh; it was Built during the late Wars in a Moorish or Fenny place, between the Danube, the Waagh and Swartz; it is but 
* Five English Miles.  a Mile from Newhausel, and may be seen from the Top of the Steeple of the great Church. The Turks having made themselves Masters of Gutta, were carrying away the Plunder with two pieces of Cannon to Newhausel. Two thousand Spahees, and Six hundred janissaries were giving Convoy unto Sixty Wagons laden with Ammunition for the same place, when Colonel Heusler with several Detachments from Comorra, Papa, Vesprin and Leventz, endeavoured to obstruct their Passage by Ambuscades which he had laid in their way: Of which the Turks having had notice, they altered their Course, and endeavoured to fortify themselves in some advantageous Ground; but Heusler joining with Count Zabor, allowed them not time to secure themselves, but attacked them near Weitzen with such Bravery, that he put them all to Flight, and seized on their Wagons, 
Successes of Colonel Heusler.  with the Provisions in them, which he burned, because he knew not in what manner to carry them off safe: He afterwards took Weitzen, and put all the Garrison to the Sword; which having done, he received information that a Pasha with Five hundred janissaries appointed for Convoy to Five hundred Wagons, drawn by Five Oxen apiece, were retired within a little Fortress not far distant, where they concealed themselves until the Enemy was retired; he immediately went and invested the place, where he killed the greatest part of the janissaries, took the Pasha with many Prisoners, and all the Wagons, which he carried to Leventz.  
About the same time the Marquis Doria, and the Baron of Soyes having passed the Tibiscus with a strong Detachment of Bavarian Troops, 
A party of Malcontents defeated.  and a Hundred Horse belonging to the Regiment of Caraffa, defeated a Party of Five hundred Horse belonging to the Malcontents, killed Four hundred of them, took twenty Prisoners with eight Colours, and a considerable Booty. But General Schultz was not so successful in his Attempt upon Ungwar, being forced to Retire from thence with considerable loss.  
The Successes of General Heusler much troubled the Thoughts of the Vizier of Buda, and the Seraskier, in what manner to defend themselves against the Complaints which Tekeli and the Pasha of Novigrade had made against them to the Grand Signior: To prevent which, and stop these insinuations from receiving credit, 
The Pasha: Erla and Novigrad strangled.  they caused the Pasha of Novigrade to be Strangled, with the Pasha of Erla, after which they dispatched two Agas to the Port with all expedition to be beforehand with their Complaints against Tekeli, and the Pashas, representing that they had put the two Pashas to Death for their Cowardice and evil Conduct, with some Reflections upon Tekeli, as if he entertained a secret Correspondence with the Christians. The Grand Signior and Grand Vizier, being prepossessed with these first advices, applauded the care and justice of the Vizier of Buda, and Seraskier, advising them to be careful in the chocie of such Men, who were to succeed them in those Offices of Trust.  
Notwithstanding the advantage which Tekeli had gained over General Schultz before Esperies, and given it some Relief; yet the Town laboured under great want of necessary Provisions, 
A Convoy sent to Relieve Esperies, taken.  to supply which Tekeli sent a strong Convoy to support the place with Grain Flesh, Pulse and all things required for a Siege: But Schultz recovering his Forces, and animated with desire of Revenge, watched his opportunity to fall on the Convoy, which he charged with such Vigour and Bravery, that he killed Three hundred on the place, took all their Carriages, with great quantities Tokay Wine.  
Thus did all matters proceed with various Successes on both sides; the Imperialists having it in their intentions, to open the Campaign with the taking of Newhausel, made a Preparation thereunto by cutting off all Convoys, and Succours which were designed for its Relief: The Turks laboured to support it, and lost many Men this Winter in the Enterprise; and more particularly remarkable was that Defeat which Colonel Heusler (after having destroyed all the Country to the Gates of Newhausel) gave unto a Party of Five hundred Spahees and Three hundred janissaries, 
Another Convoy defeated.  assembled in the Neighbouring Villages, to give Convoy to great numbers of Wagons laden with Provisions for supply of the Garrison; the Fight was very warm, and doubtful for some time; but the Spahees at length turning their Backs, left the janissaries exposed, who still maintained their ground under the shelter of the Trenches, which they had hastily cast up, and the Covert of their Wagons with which they had encompassed themselves: But being at length overwhelmed with numbers, they were entirely overthrown, Two hundred of their Men were killed with an Aga, and about Forty Prisoners taken, with all their Wagons to the number of Forty, laden with Provisions: To complete this Victory, the Imperialists lost not above ten Men, and freed above Fifty Christians out of Slavery; and of all this Detachment not above Two hundred Re-entered the Garrison, the remainder being either dispersed, or else had made their Escape to Novigrade.  
The Great Vizier being informed of these Successes, and thereby made apprehensive of the danger of losing Newhausel, resolved to bend the main Force of the Ottoman Empire against Hungary. The War on the Frontiers of Poland seemed not so formidable, as to need much Aid; the Tartars, 
The Turks slight the Poles.  who in times past were considered as Freebooters, and like Locusts and Caterpillars, fit only for Rapine and Spoil, and to lay a Country Desolate, were not ranked in the number of Martial and Welldisciplined Troops, and esteemed a match sufficient for that Warlike Kingdom of Poland. The Tartars, who availed themselves much on this late Opinion, which the World had conceived of them, began to stand on their Terms with the Polish and Ottoman Courts: The first offered them considerable rewards to accept of a Neutrality; 
The Polo● and Tartars Treat.  and the latter fearing lest this Mercenary People should fall from their dependence on the Port, overcame their Minds with greater Sums, than what had been offered by Poland, together with a Concession of all the Ukrain, to which the Grand Signior would resign his Title unto them, and annex it to their Dominions, provided they would recover it again by force of their own Arms. The Proposals of the Sultan being accompanied with a certain Harmony of Affection and Religion, which is between the Turks and this People, were more charming than the faint Offers from Poland, and fixed them in their Resolution to Live and Die, Stand and Fall with the Ottoman Interest.  
The Season of the Year being now well advanced, and the Wether become mild and fit for Action; the Imperial Troops from the Hereditary Countries, with the Auxiliaries and Bands of Volunteers, composed of divers Nations, began to descend from Moravia, and with their Officers to march towards the place of General Rendezvous, 
The plac● of General Ren●●rvo●●.  appointed in the Plains between Newhausel and Barkan, being esteemed the most convenient Situation for Achieving any Enterprise, according to the Resolutions of a Council of War. The Imperial Army consisted of Twenty four or Twenty five thousand Men, but the Auxiliaries were above double the number: The House of Brunswick furnished 10.000 Fight Men, Commanded by Prince George William, eldest Son of the Duke of Hanover, who marched in the Head of them. General Chauver commanded the Troops of the Prince of Zell. The Elector of Cologne sent Six thousand effective Men, and the City Six hundred, composed in all of Forty five Companies of Foot, Twelve of Horse and Ten of Dragoons: All the other Electors and Princes of the Circle complied with their Quotas according to Agreement, 
The Forces o● the Circles.  Commanded by Officers of Experience and Bravery. The Archbishop of Saltzburg over and above the Money already mentioned, contributed to this Summer's expedition, a considerable Train of heavy Cannon: So that the Quotas of the Empire according to the true Calculation, amounted unto Forty thousand Men, besides 16.000 Bavarians, all veterane and experienced Soldiers, which were added as Recruits to the other Forces, already employed in the War of the last Year. Count Rabata was appointed Commissary General for raising and amassing Provisions wherewith to supply the Army; and for the more effectual performance thereof, it was recommended as a particular Charge to every Circle, to furnish their Men respectively, 
Care taken to supply t●e Army with Provision.  with a sufficiency of Victuals for the Campaign; by which means there was an abundance of all things in the Camp, and the Army freed of the misery of Famine attended with Pestilence; which two evils ruined all the designs of the last Year.  
About the beginning of May General Palfi was ordered to march into Hungary, and join with Colonel Heusler at the Blocade of Newhausel; which they so straightened, that the Pasha Governor of that place, turned out all useless Persons out of the Town, who were not capable to bear Arms, and so many of the Christian Slaves, 
May.  as served only to consume and lessen the Provisions, and not defend the Town: By these Persons the Commanders received information, that the Garrison consisted only of Two or Three thousand janissaries, of which a great number was Sick and Infirm.  
The better to reinforce the Blocade, and straighten the place in such manner, that it might receive no Relief either of Men or Victuals, 
Newhausel straightened.  three thousand Horse, and as many Foot were sent to join with Heusler and Palfi, and with them many Carts and Wagons laden with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions, by which there was no want of any thing necessary for the comfort, and encouragement of the Soldiery, that so with the more Strength and Vigour they might be ready to oppose a strong Party which was preparing at Pest, to Convoy Eight hundred Carts with Victuals, and to make way for them into the Town by Force of Arms.  
At this time that Palfi and Heusler were employed in Blocking up Newhausel, General Lesly departed from Vienna to Gratz, from whence he drew his Forces into the Field in order to march into Croatia, where he was to Command this Year, with a Reinforcement of Seven thousand Men more than he had the last.  
General Schultz, who had newly distributed a Hundred thousand Florins amongst his Soldiers, finding them Courageous and in good Heart, was resolved to begin the Campaign with the notable Exploit of laying Siege to Ungwar, a small, but the Capital City of the County of Ung, in which Tekeli had placed a strong Garrison. So soon as he invested it, he took a Redoubt, and began to make his Approaches, and raise his Batteries, and throw Bombs into the Town; and having by his Cannon opened a sufficient Breach in the Walls, he Stormed it, and with great slaughter and loss of Men, 
Ungwar taken.  he entered and took the Town; and without giving the Enemy farther respite, he Invested the Castle, and lodged his Soldiers in the Ditch, where in the space of three Days he lost Three hundred Men, besides Twenty Officers killed and wounded. Upon this News, the Malcontents, with a great Body, came to relieve the Place; but General Schultz bravely encountered them, gave them a Repulse, and took three of their Standards; and returning with this Success back to the Siege, he was ready to give Fire unto a Mine, when News came that Tekeli having joined himself to a strong Body of Tartars, was marching against him, 
Schultz forced to leave the Town.  he raised the Siege with so much Hast and Precipitation, that he was constrained to leave the greatest part of his Artillery behind him, after he had lost Nine hundred Men, which were killed, and Two hundred wounded; amongst which was Count Strafoldo, who was shot through the Arm with a Musquet-bullet, and Baron Arti his Lieutenant Colonel, was wounded likewise.  
It was now the beginning of june, when the Duke of Lorraine, appointed General of the Imperial and Confederate Forces, with absolute Power and Authority from the Emperor, came to the Army, which was encamped near unto Gran, where a Council of War was held, and therein diversely debated, 
A Council of War called.  whether they should begin this Campaign with the Siege of Novigrade, which would interrupt all Communication between Buda and Newhausel; or return again to Buda, where the Fortifications were not as yet fully repaired, nor the Inhabitants totally freed from the dread and fear of their late Danger; but upon farther examination of this Matter, it was made to appear, that Buda was in a much better Condition than it was before the Siege; 
June.  for that the Fortifications were all finished, and made better and stronger than they were formerly; that the new Governor had demolished all the Houses, which had been ruined and defaced by the Bombs, and totally destroyed the Suburbs; that the Garrison consisted of Ten thousand Men, all stout and brave Soldiers; that the Seraskier, with the like number of Men, 
The state of Buda.  had encamped between Buda and Alba Regalis, and 12.000 more had passed the Bridge to join with a Body of Ten thousand Tartars, so that impossible in a manner it was to lay a Siege, which was daily in hazard of being disturbed by such potent Armies. The Enterprise upon Novigrode seemed much more feasible; but before any Resolution would be taken therein, the Duke of Lorraine, with General Souches, Scaffemburg, Colonel Beck, and several Officers belonging to the Artillery and Ingineers, thought fit to take a view of the Works and Situation of the Place. The Duke at the head of Three thousand select Horse, commanded by Count Caprara, on the 25 th' passed the River Grana, on a Bridge of Boats, and forded over the River Hippol, which, at that Season of the Summer, was not deeper than the Bellies of the Horses. The next Day before Noon they came in sight of Novigrode, and by their Appearance, gave an Alarm to the Town and Castle, from whence they fired many of their Cannon, for a Signal to those who were abroad, labouring in their Vineyards, or keeping watch over their Cattle in the Field, to hasten back and retire under security of the Fortress: The Report of the Guns warned every one of the Danger, so that the Guardians of the Cattle, as well as others, drove in their Herds from their Pastures as fast as possible; but could not make such speed, as to get them all into Security, before the Hussars, a People used to that kind of Prey, came up with them, and seized a great share of the Cattle, driving them away for Service of their own Camp: And though a Party of Horse sallied out of the Garrison upon them, endeavouring to regain the Spoil, yet being supported by a stronger Body, they retired within the Palisadoes, where they were received by several Chambers of janissaries.  
Novigrode is raised upon a high craggy Rock, 
Novigrode.  fortified by Nature, and the Way so narrow as is not capable to receive above one Man abreast, and encompassed with a Ditch of about Thirty four Foot deep; this Place was taken from the Christians in the Year 1663. The Duke of Lorraine, and the other Generals and engineers, having well observed the Situation of the Place, and all the difficult Accesses thereunto, sounded a Retreat, and began their March back again to the Camp; the Rearguard being committed to the Care and Conduct of the Count de Ofkirk, with whom were several Princes in Quality of Volunteers, as the Prince de Conti, de la Roche Suryon, de Commerci & de Turenne. Upon this Retreat, a Party of the Turkish Cavalry sallied out of the Town, seeming as if they resolved to fall on the Rear, with design only to draw them into an Ambuscade of janissaries, who lay hid in certain Hedges and Bushes, not far distant from the open Road. The Stratagem succeeded in part; for these young Gallants thirsting after Glory; and desirous of an Engagement with the Enemy, could not refrain from pursuing the Turks to the place of Danger, where in all probability they had most certainly been destroyed, had not the Duke of Lorraine sent some Troops seasonably to their Relief. The next Day this Party being returned from Novigrode to the Camp, General Caprara, who lay confined in his Bed by a Fever, delivered into the Hands of the Duke of Lorraine a Letter from divers poor Christian Slaves, Greeks, Hungarians, and others in Newhausel, miserably complaining of their Servitude, and of the Famine of that Place, which was so great, that they were ready to Perish for want of Food; so that in case he would only appear with his Army before that Place, the Distress of it, 
Filse Letters delivered to the Duke of Lorraine.  by reason of Famine, was such, as would cause them to Surrender without farther Violence or loss of Time. The Particulars of the State of this Place, was again confirmed by a Turk, who carrying Letters from Newhausel to Buda, was intercepted in the way, and brought to the Camp; where being examined before a Council of Officers, he there confirmed the Truth of what was related in the Letter, and that the Garrison did not exceed Twelve hundred Men; so that the Pasha, an ancient Soldier, did much lament the Miseries of the Place, which he could not maintain, and must either be forced to make a Surrender of it, or else Sacrifice his own, and the Lives of all the Inhabitants, to the Fury of the Enemy. This Report seconding the Letter wrote from the Christian Captives, the Truth thereof was no longer doubted, so that without farther dispute or demur, it was resolved, at a Council of War, to open this Campaign with the Siege of Newhausel; though in reality both the Letter was feigned, and the Report given by the Turk false, as will appear hereafter, before we make an end of the Siege of this Place: Howsoever, it served for the present to alter the design from Novigrode, 
The Siege of Newhausel resolved.  and turn it on Newhausel, against which all Preparations were making, and Orders sent to the Prince of Hanover to advance towards the Town, and cause his Men to provide themselves with Faggots and Timber to make Gabions, with other Materials necessary for this Enterprise; and all the Boats, and Floats for Bridges, which lay below Comorra, were ordered to be drawn up against the Stream: And lest in the mean time, during this Siege, 
Preparations thereunto.  the Seraskier thinking to make a Diversion, should lay Siege either to Strigonium or Vicegrade, the latter Garrison was reinforced with Three hundred Men, and the former with Fifteen hundred, under the Command of Count Mansfeld, besides several Troops of Hussars, who were appointed to scour the Country round, and observe the Motion of the Enemy.  

July.  All things being prepared in order to a Siege, on the third of july the Duke of Lorraine Commanded the whole Army to raise the Camp, and March towards Newhausel; and on the 6 th' they pitched at a Bog or Fenny place in sight of the Town, being hindered from proceeding farther by the Storms and continual Rains, which gave great retardment and stop to their March: But to lose no time, General Heusler was appointed with a Party of Horse to survey the Fens, and give an account of the Ways and Passages over it; and meeting with a Party of Horse belonging to the Garrison, 
Heusler beats A Party of the Enemy's Horse.  which was commanded to prevent and stop his Passage, he charged them with such vigour, as caused them to fly back to the Town, pursuing them to the very Gates thereof. After which, having well observed that the Fens were not to be passed by the Infantry, it was ordered, That every Horseman should mount a Footman behind him; so that the Day following all the Army passed, and encamped by the Banks of the River Nitria or Neutra, about Canonshot distant from the Town.  
At the appearance of the Christian Army, the Turkish Garrison being greatly dismayed, they quitted the Palanca, which was raised at the Gate of Strigonium, and broke the Island-Bridge, causing all their Forces to be dispersed without the Town in little Forts and Redoubts, to retire within, that being gathered into a Body, they might be the better enabled to make a valiant and an obstinate Resistance. The same Day the Pasha opened the Storehouses of the Place, where Provisions were laid up in such abundance, that, being distributed with Frugality, and managed with good Husbandry, were sufficient to conserve and maintain the City for many Months without Famine.  
But before the Siege was form, the Duke of Lorraine, 
The Town Surveyed.  with other Officers and Persons of Note and Quality, took a View or Survey of the Town, to discover the parts and places where the Attacks might be carried forward with the best Advantage, and tried where the River Neutra was fordable, as it was at that Season of the Year in divers places. In the mean time, the Troops of Hanover and Zell, Commanded by the Prince of Hanover, and his Lieutenant General Chauvet arrived in the Camp, against whom the Turks spent many of their Canonshot without any Effect; which Troops being drawn up in open Field, made so good an Appearance in all Respects, as gave great Satisfaction to the Duke of Lorraine, and the other General Officers.  
On the 9 th' about Noon, the Bavarian Infantry advanced forward, commanded in chief by Count Serini.  
On the 10 th' the Imperial Generals, with the Elector of Bavaria, and the Prince of Hanover, designed the place where the Town should be first attacked; and Horses were sent, and Wagons to draw up the heavy Cannon which were arrived in Boats near to the Camp, and the places chalked out and designed where the Batteries were to be raised.  
On the 11 th' a Council of War was held, 
The Form of the Siege resolved▪  and there resolved by all the General Officers to open the Trenches, and to make the main Attack at the same place and side on which the Turks had done, when they took the Town in the Year 1663.  
Great Labours were used on the 12 th' to enlarge the Trenches, joining unto which there was a Valley, which served for a Parade, wide enough to draw up Two thousand Men, and therein to remain under Covert, and out of danger of the Enemy's Shot. Two Lines also were drawn, 
and described.  one towards the Point of the Bastion adjoining to the Port of Strigonium, and another leading to the Bastion which was contiguous to it; and on this part of the Town the chief Effort was to be made. The Bavarians maintained the Attack on the Gateside, and the Imperialists the other; and a third Attack was intended on the side towards Vienna, on the Banks of the River Neutra, which was to be committed unto the Swedes, 
The Swedes come to the Siege.  so soon as they entered into the Camp, as they did the Day following; and having form their Trenches, they cut a Drain from the Town Ditch, where being a kind of declivity, the Water fell in abundance, and ran with a full Channel into the Neutra. To these several Attacks Three thousand Men were every Day appointed to relieve each other, under Command of the General of the Artillery, two Sergeant-Majors or Battalions, two Colonels, and other subordinate Officers, which the Prince of Croy, Count Serini, and the Duke of Hanover were successively to Command, according to their turns.  
All the Day following was spent in opening and enlarging the Trenches, 
The Trenches enlarged.  which were broad enough to contain three Men abreast, and advanced unto Five or Six hundred Paces in length; and sufficient Ground secured to lengthen them about One hundred and fifty Paces more, which would reach unto the side of the Ditch; all which was performed without any considerable loss, notwithstanding the continual Firings from the Enemy, both of small and great Shot. At the end of every Line a Redoubt was raised, and a Parallel Line of Communication drawn from one Attack unto the other, with a place of Parade in the middle, about which three Batteries were raising, one behind the Line of Communication, which was to be the biggest, containing Seventeen or Eighteen Pieces of Cannon, because it was to front and succour the other Batteries on each side; the other two were to the right Hand, and to the left of five Pieces of Cannon, each to Flank the main Battery.  
On the 14 th', the Redoubts, the Parallel Lines of Communication, the Parade, and the Trenches were all perfected and sufficiently opened, so that now the Siege was completely form; and an Allodgment prepared on the brink of the Ditch; which though the Besieged did endeavour to disturb by constantly Shooting on the Workmen, 
The Siege form.  yet nothing hindered to perfect the Allodgment which was made wide; and extremely well fortified on all sides.  
The City of Newhausel is Situate on a Plain with some little rising Hills about it, and on the Banks of the River Neutra; it is not far from Comorra, and about a Days Journey from Strigonium; it is encompassed by six Bastions, 
Newhausel  according to the manner of the modern Fortifications; the distance of the Curtains, and of the Flankers are of an exact equality, and the Form is a Sex-Agon, or Six-Angles. After the Turks had taken it in the Year 1663., they brought the Neutra round the Town and filled the Ditch with Water, and made it so Deep, that it was almost impossible to form any Mine under it.  
The presence of the Duke of Lorraine, who was always an Overseer and director in making the Trenches, in which he for the most part remained until after Midnight, did very much contribute to the dispatch of that Work: So that between the 14 th' and 21 th' all matters requisite for the Siege were finished, the Allodgment on the brink of the Ditch was more enlarged than before, the Water whereof being Fathomed, was found to be seventeen or eighteen Foot in Depth; and sometime increased, notwithstanding the Drain, by the excessive Rains, which not only supplied it with Water, but much incommoded the Soldiers in their Trenches. The Batteries continually played with good Success, 
The Batteries make a Breach.  and not only had beaten down a great part of the Parapet, but had made a considerable Breach in the Bastion itself; which they intended to widen, and open yet more by the help of another. Battery newly raised, consisting of eighteen Pieces of Cannon; but whilst these things were in agitation, News was brought to the Duke of Lorraine, that the Turkish Army began to march towards Buda and Alba Regalis, and that Six thousand Turks and Tartars were advanced towards Vicegrade. Upon this intelligence General Lesly, who was appointed to watch the Motion of the Enemy, was Ordered to endeavour unto the utmost of his power to hinder and obstruct the Passage of the Seraskier over the River Sava and Drove; 
Leisly attends the Motion of the Seraskiers.  and Colonel Heusler with Two thousand Horse was dispeeded towards Pest, to get intelligence of the Designs of the Vizier: Soon after this Advices came, That the Seraskier was advancing with all his Forces towards Buda, and had made a Bridge not far from thence over the Danube; but that it was not yet known, whether he intended to attempt the raising of the Siege, or to Sat down before some Town whereby to make a diversion: But to be better provided, and in a readiness either to meet the Seraskier in the Field, or to defeat his Attempt against any fortified Place; The Duke of Lorraine ordered a Detachment of a Regiment of Savoiard Dragoons, to join with some of the Bavarian and Lunenburg Troops, to the number of Three thousand Men, and therewith to Reinforce those Regiments, which guarded the Bridge of Comorra.  
During the time that a considerable Force was employed to observe the Motion of the Seraskier, the Siege was carried on with all imaginable Courage and Resolution; the Cannon continually fired from the several Batteries, and the Bombs and Carcases were thrown into the Fortress with such good Success, that on the 22 d, 
The Town on Fire.  the Town appeared to Smoke and Flame in three several places, which continued all Night, to the great Terror and Labour of the Defendants: But at length by the great Rains which fell, the Fires were not only extinguished, but the Christians very much incommoded in their Trenches, and the Waters of the Ditch increased, as fast almost as they were sunk by the Drain: So that it seeming a long and tedious Work, before the Ditch could be emptied of its Water, a contrivance was made to pass a Miner over the Ditch in a Boat, and fix it to the Breach in the Wall; but the Boat receiving a Shot from the Town, was ready to sink, and those therein were so incommoded with showers of Stones from the smaller Guns, and Petreras planted on the Walls, that they were forced to Retire, and give over that Design.  
On the 24 th', the Defendants made a Sally on that side, where a Guard was appointed of Swedes and Suabians to defend the Drain, which was made to sink the Water of the Ditch; and surprised them at a time, when they were overcharged with Wine, 
A Sally from the Town.  which they had unfortunatly gotten, and laid for the most part in so profound a Sleep, without so much as a Match lighted, that a Hundred of them with their Lieutenant Colonel, two Captains and two Lieutenants did never awake from their natural Sleep, but insensibly passed from it, into the last Sleep of Death. The Turks returned back again into the Town without much harm; but with great Joy and Triumph, which they testified by the Music, which was heard from the Walls into the Trenches.  
But on the 25 th', greater care was taken with the Guards on that side, and endeavours used to enlarge the Channel, which being performed, the Water in the Ditch sunk eight Foot, 
The Ditch filled with Rubbish.  so that the Faggots, Stones and Rubbish were prepared to fill it up; and that Labour so closely followed, that in one Night the Ditch was half filled up on that side, where the Imperialists were lodged: But on that of the Bavarians, they advanced little, by Reason that the Defendants fired so continually from the Parapet of the Bastion, which was opposite to them, as disturbed the Work, and hindered them very much in carrying Faggots and Rubbish, so freely as was done on the other side.  
The Work was now to fill the Ditch on each side, as well where the Imperialists, as where the Bavarians were Quartered: To prevent which, the Turks on the 27 th', about Noon made a Sally by the Port of Strigonium; and stopped the Channel, by which the Water vented itself out of the Ditch and ran into the River; but being opposed by Three hundred Bavarians they received a Repulse, and made their Retreat back into the Town; the Bank being again opened, 
The difficulty of draining the Ditch.  the Water fell so low, that the Imperialists discovered a secret Passage, by which the wet and moorish Ground kept a Correspondence with the Ditch, and supplied it with some Waters from thence; the Christians endeavoured to stop this Conveyance, and the Turks to open it, so that what one did by Day, the other destroyed by the Night.  
The increase of the Waters in the Ditch, caused the Besiegers to despair of being able to effect any thing by their Mines; 
Galleries prepared.  but finding that their Batteries opened the Breach more and more, they resolved to perform their work by the two Attacks, on the right and on the left Hand: The two Galleries were in a short time advanced; that to the right, went drawing near to the Wall, being well covered, and flanked with Baskets, Barrels and Gabions filled with Earth, in which Action the Lieutenant Colonel of Count Souches was killed: The Turks laboured with all possible Industry to keep off the Approach of these Galleries, which most certainly threatened the Ruin of the Town; to effect which, they threw certain artificial Fireworks upon the Galleries, 
They are burned.  composed of Sulphur and Bituminous matter, which burned so violently, that it was impossible to extinguish it, until it had laid all in Ashes; and so forcibly did it burn, that it took hold of the next Battery, and set Fire to the Powder in it, with which divers of the Gunners, to the number of Forty Men were Blown up. Nor did the Gallery on the left Hand fare any thing better, for the Turks shot such numbers of Arrows with artificial Fires into it, that nothing could resist the violence of the Flames: All the Gallery took Fire, with the Parapet and Neighbouring Battery, 
The Galleries and Batteries burnt.  and burned with such fierceness, that it became too hot for the Guards, and dismounted four Pieces of Cannon. The Duke of Lorraine came immediately in Person to the assistance of the place, and remained where the Fire was most impetuous, commanding the Officers to march their Troops to that place; and in the mean time employed all his Servants and Attendants, who were about him, even his very Pages to stop and extinguish the Fire. The Example of the General was so prevalent, that every one gave a helping hand, with such diligence and vigour, that the Fire was extinguished, and a great part of the Battery was saved, with the Cannon and Powder: Whilst this Action was doing, all those who worked about the Fire lay open to the shot of the Enemy, of which about Sixty Soldiers were killed, and twelve of them near to the Person of the Duke, who exposed himself without fear to the utmost Peril of his Life.  
The Fire being extinguished, Order was given to repair the Damage which the Fire had done; which accordingly was executed with such diligence, that on the next Night following the Parapet was repaired, and the Cannon being remounted began again to Batter the Town; new Galleries were also making of such matter, as should not be so easily combustible as the former.  
The Disorders being composed which were caused by these Fires, 
The Elector of Bavaria comes to the Camp.  the Elector of Bavaria entered the Camp; and immediately repaired to that part where his Soldiers were lodged. The Duke of Lorraine having made him a Visit, and passed those Compliments which are due to his Person, and Character; he attended him abroad and showed him all the Attacks, the Approaches, Batteries, and the whole Form of the Siege.  
Whilst matters were thus in Action at the Siege, Advices were daily brought of the Seraskier's motion, that his whole Army consisted of 60.000 Men, including the Tartars, and lay Encamped at the Foot of St. Gerard's Mount near Buda, with Twenty five Pieces of Cannon, small and great.  

The Turkish Army near Buda.  On the 26 th' it was certainly advised, that they had passed the Danube, and that the Vanguard bended towards Vaitz, and the Rearguard towards Vicegrade and Strigonium. Upon this intelligence it was almost certainly concluded, That the Turks intended with one part of the Army to lay Siege to Strigonium, and with the other to attempt the Relief of Newhausel; to confirm which two Hussars about the close of the Evening, brought News, that the Turkish Army about Noon of the same Day, had pitched their Camp in sight of Strigonium, and had made a Bridge at the Isle of St. Andrew, for better Communication of their Troops. It being now out of all doubt, that the Turks would either Invest Strigonium or Novigrade; the Duke of Lorraine with the concurrence of his Electoral Highness the Duke of Bavaria, resolved to leave 16.000 Men under the command and conduct of Count Caprara to continue the Siege; and with the Gross of his Army to march against the Seraskier; but before their departure they had the satisfaction to see the four Regiments of Infantry belonging to the Elector of Cologne, 
Their motion observed.  to come and join with them, all brave and stout Men well Armed and well Clothed. Colonel Heusler, who with Fifteen hundred Horse watched (as we have said) the Motion of the Enemy, gave certain intelligence, that on the 30 th' of july, the City and Castle of Strigonium were Invested by the Seraskier, which caused the Duke of Lorraine to hasten his march towards the Relief of that place, leaving all things belonging to the Siege in very good order. The News sent by Colonel Heusler, was confirmed on the 4 th' of August, 
Strigonium besieged.  by Report of the Cannon, which being carried by a favourable Wind, were heard at the Siege before Newhausel: The Duke of Lorraine being on his march, passed his Army consisting of 40.000 fight Men over the Waagh on a Bridge of Boats, bending towards Comorra: On their way thither intelligence was given them, that the Night before, the Turkish Army had been Alarmed by a Party of Hussars which had fallen in upon their Baggage: Howsoever, they continued still to force the Place, having given a fierce Assault upon the lower Tower Town, but were bravely repulsed. This News quickening the march of the Army, the next Day they passed the D●●nube upon two Bridges near to Comorra, and afterwards Ranged the whole Army into order of Battle: The Imperial Troops were divided in the first and second Lines of the two Wings; with them joined some Dragoons, and some Battalions of the Allies; the Elector of Bavaria Commanded the left Wing; 
The Order of the Christian Army.  the main Body of Bavarians and Swedes were comprehended in this Wing, and that of Franconia and Lunenburg in the Right; the Prince of Hanover and General Chauvet, Commanded at the Head of their own Troops, as the Marquis of Tutriac, and other Generals of the Allies at the Front of theirs. Count Rabata General of the Horse, the Commissary General, Count Palfi and Baron Mercy, and other Chief Officers were of the left Wing; Prince Lewis of Baden, Count Dunewaldt, Count Taaf and Stirhaim, Major General, were added to the right Wing. Prince Waldeck and Count de Fontana, one of the Major Generals marched at the Head of their Troops, and Prince Lubomiski commanded the Cannon: In this order the Army marched, and on the 10 th' of August they Encamped within three hours march of Strigonium: And the next Day approaching yet nearer, the Report of the Cannon, and all Noise towards the Town seemed to cease; so that it was concluded, that either the Town was taken, or the Siege raised. Whilst they were in this suspense, the Garrision of Vicegrade came in sight of the Camp, to the great surprise of the Generals, 
They are met by the Garrison of V●c●grade.  who until that time, had never been informed that the place had been Invested by any part of the Ottoman Army: It seemed a little strange to meet that Garrison in the open Field, marching with their Arms and Baggage, with their Matches Lighted, their Drums Beating, and their Colours Flying; but this Wonder ceased, when the Officer in Chief acquainted the Generals, how that the Fortress of Vicegrade, had sustained a Siege for the space of sixteen Days, against all the Force of the Ottoman Army; that the Tower which was adjoining to the Castle was Blown up, which made so wide a Breach, that it was impossible to sustain another Assault of the Enemy, having endured two Assaults before: And therefore, after a loss of the greatest part of the Garrison, which was reduced from Three hundred and fifty to One hundred and thirty Soldiers, the Surrender thereof seemed excusable, and not to be imputed to the Cowardice, or want of Conduct either in the Commander, or in the Soldiers. There was also something more than ordinary in the behaviour of the Turks towards the Garrison, when this place was Surrender'd: For they out of a Principle of hatred to the Christian Religion, and of scorn and indignation against all People, but those of their own Profession, were commonly provoked to use their Victories with Pride and unlimited Insolence; and to break their Faith and Engagements, to which they had obliged themselves by Articles and Capitulations; 
The Turks Civility to that Garrison.  did now contrary to their usual practice, Treat the vanquished of this Fortress with due respect and kindness; and lest any thing should happen, which might seem disagreeable to their Capitulations in their march by Land, care was taken to Transport them in Boats, and to Land them as near as was possible to the Christian Camp; and for the better security on the way, they were accompanied by three Turkish Officers, whom the Duke of Lorraine treated with a Civility, corresponding unto which they had used towards the Garrison.  
The next Day being the 11 th' of August, the Christian Army pitched their Tents at Almatz, about a League distant from Strigonium: From whence an Officer was sent to Compliment the Duke of Lorraine, and the other Generals, with a Relation of what the Turks had acted in the late Siege: He told them, 
A Relation of the Siege of Strigonium.  That one the 30 th' and 31st of the last Month their Approaches were begun (as were to be seen) on the side towards Comorra, at the Foot of St. Thomas his Mount, and were in two Days time, carried on to the Counterscarp of the lower City, where they Sprang four Mines, and seconded them with as many Assaults, in which so many were killed, that the Ditch seemed to be leveled, and filled up with the dead Bodies of the Slain, and made equal with the Border of the Counterscarp. In fine, About two Days before, the Turks having received certain Intelligence of the Approach of the Christian Army for their Relief, had raised the Siege with so much haste and precipitation, as gave Courage to the Defendants to make a Sally upon them at their departure; and falling on their Rear, took a Bloody Farewell of them, with the Slaughter of Three hundred of their Men. The Success of Strigonium made some amends for the loss of Vicegrade, and gave undoubted proofs, that where is any equality in Force, the Christian Valour and Conduct, challenges Fortune to be of their side, and to favour and assist them.  
The Duke of Lorraine having recruited the Garrison of Strigonium with Five hundred Foot, and succoured it with Ammunition, and Provisions necessary for its Defence; raised his Camp on the 13 th', and marched away in quest of the Seraskier, with resolution to give him Battle, in case the moorish and fenny Grounds, which interposed between the two Armies, did not prevent the Engagement. 
The two Armies in sight of each other.  The Day following, with rising of the Sun was opened a clear Scene, representing the whole Turkish Army, which having passed the Danube to join with some Tartarian and Turkish Troops, were Encamped on the farther side of a fenny of moorish Ground, which lies between Newhausal and Senan, extending itself from the Banks of the River to a certain rising Ground, on which they had planted their whole Train of Artillery; the Appearance of which seemed very formidable, and not consisting of less than 55 or 60.000 fight Men, which for the most part were experienced Soldiers, who had tried the Dint of the Enemy's Sword, and often without fear beheld Death in the Face.  
The fenny and moorish Ground, which interposed between the two Armies, was the Bar which restrained the Courage and Mettle of the Christians; who otherwise, in despite of all disadvantages, where had been any possibility of Engagement, would have broke through all to have closed and mixed with their Enemy. To perform which, the boggy Ground was tried and assayed on all sides; but being found unpassable, the Generals feigned a kind of fear, and unwillingness to Engage, in expectation thereby to draw the Enemy to remove; so that raising their Camp, as if they had feared a Battle, the Turks carried on by their own Destiny, followed after them, leaving the place of a more advantageous Ground. The Christians retreating at the distance of an hour's march, 
The Christians Retreat.  drew up in the Form and Order before mentioned, extending their left Wing towards the Danube, and their right towards the Hills of Saran. The Seraskier animated with this Retreat, as if it had been caused by his more formidable Force, which much exceeded the Christians in their numbers, 
And are followed by the Turks.  raised his Camp and followed the motion of the Christians; and leaving a great part of the Infantry, with the heavy Cannon behind, on the rising of the Hill; on the 15 th' and 16 th' Instant, he passed the moorish Ground, and marched towards the Enemy. At break of Day in Morning, so great a Fog or Mist arose, that for some hours neither Army could discover the motions of the other; during which time the Christians had the advantage to draw up their Army undiscerned into a posture of Battle, and to reinforce the left Wing with some Regiments, which were not as yet disposed. No sooner was the Army drawn up in its due Order, than the Fog dispersed, and a bright Day appeared, which showed the two Armies each to the other, both moving with a slow and regular Pace to join Battle. The Turks, who are of the more fiery and fierce Temper, caused their left Wing to March with some haste to charge the right Wing of the Christians; 
A Battle begun.  upon which they three times made an Attempt, but the Germans, who stood firm and unshaken like a Rock, three times repulsed them with great Slaughter: The Duke of Lorraine perceiving that the Turks pressed the right Wing with their main force, caused his left Wing to move with a slow pace to their Succour: The Germane Foot were conducted by their Captains at the head of their respective Companies, with their Artillery in the Front; which being charged with Musquet-bullets, were fired upon them so opportunely, and seconded by Volleys of small Shot, that the Turks began to draw back at some distance. The Seraskier observing the disorder of his left Wing, advanced with a strong Body of Turks to charge the utmost part of the right Wing of the Christians; to sustain which, the Duke of Lorraine redoubled the firing of the first Line, and commanded Count Dunewald to reinforce the first Line with such Squadrons and Battalions of the second Line, as were nearest unto it. The Elector of Bavaria coming at the same time to their Assistance, put the Turks into a disorder and confusion, and afterwards forced them to make a Retreat, and draw a little off. The Hungarian Troops which were accustomed to the Turkish manner of Fight, were ordered to charge them in the Rear; which having done, they wheeled about and made a stand. So soon as the Turks were out of reach of the Germane Muskets, they rallied again, and made another Charge as furiously as they had done the first; but the Imperialists maintaining their Ground, and not giving one Foot backwards, many principal Officers amongst the Turks fell in this Charge at the head of their Squadrons, which caused a second Disorder amongst them, and to turn their Backs; and being pursued slowly by some Troops, which continually fired upon them, they were put to the rout and fled. 
The Turks defeated.  The right Wing of the Turks observing the Disorder of the left, wheeled about towards that side, not only to Succour the flying Party, but to join with them to make a second Effort and trial of their Fortune: To this Purpose a considerable Detachment advanced to charge the Christians in the Flank; but being repulsed, the whole Army was put to flight, and being pursued by the Hungarians, Croats, and some Troops of Dragoons, fear so possessed many of them, that they took their Way, without any consideration, over the Moorish or Fenny Grounds, where, sinking up to their Middles in the Water; and their Horses plunging in the Boggy places, above Two thousand Men were lost and perished in the Quag-mires. In the mean time, the right Wing of the Christian Army having knowledge of the Passage over the Marsh, by the Turks, who led them the Way, pursued them beyond the soft Ground; and perceiving that the Turks began to rally on the top of the Hill, where they had left their Cannon with some Chambers of their janissaries; they made a stand until the Duke of Bavaria was come up with the left Wing. So soon as these two Bodies were joined on the other side of the Moorish Ground, the Turks durst not stand another shock; but leaving their Camp, Tents, Cannon, Baggage and Ammunition, they all betook themselves to a shameful flight: Such was the general Fear and Consternation amongst them, that they fled by three several Ways; and the janissaries to Revenge themselves on the Spahees, for exposing and abandoning them upon the Hill, killed many of them to get their Horses. Thoô the Turks in the first Action did not lose above Four thousand Men, yet double the Number perished in the Fenny Ground, and in the Pursuit the Seraskier himself was wounded, and Osman Pasha of Gran Cairo, and two other Pashas were killed. The Christians lost not above Two hundred Men, and took but few Prisoners, because that giving Quarter was almost out of Fashion: The Pursuit continued not far, 
The loss which the Turks s●staine●.  by reason that the Turkish Horse were more nimble than the Christian, and fled to Buda and Alba Regalis; the Foot saved themselves in the Woods and in the Mountains: Howsoever, afterwards in more cool Blood, many were hunted out, who had lain hid amongst the Reeds and Ofiers which grew in the wet and marshy Grounds, so that about Four hundred Prisoners might be taken, and many Christian Slaves obtained their Freedom. The Turks lost Thirty eight Colours, Twenty three Pieces of Cannon, two Mortars, and great store of all sorts of Ammunition. After the Battle was ended, Te Deum was sung, and Thanks publicly rendered in the Camp to Almighty God for so signal a Victory; and the Prince of Neuburg was dispatched with all diligence to render an account unto the Emperor of the happy Success of that fortunate Day.  
Whilst the Turks were engaged in Battle▪ and their Army routed and totally defeated▪ their Garrison in Newhausel declined, and the Besiegers daily advanced upon them. The Galleries were again refitted and repaired, and the Soldiers lodged at the Foot of the Breach, 
All ●●ing● ready for an Assault upon Newhausel.  so that all things were ready for a general Assault, only Count Caprara thought fit to demand first the Orders of the Duke of Lorraine, not knowing whether he might be desirous to be present at this great Action, to add the Subjection of this Place to the Glory of his late Victory: But the great Mind of the Duke, which was zealous for the Service of the Emperor, and the Christian Cause, gave orders not to defer the Assault for one Moment; but first to advise the Besieged of the defeat of their Seraskier, and to verify the same by some Prisoners taken in the late Battle, which were sent into the Town, that being informed of their desperate Condition, they might be induced to accept Terms of Mercy for their Lives. The 18 th' was the Day appointed for this Attempt, but the Rains were so violent, that it was thought fit to expect more favourable Wether, and to break some Palisadoes with the Cannon, which were newly erected within the Breach. The next Morning being the 19 th', at break of Day, the signal of the Assault was given by the discharge of Thirty six Pieces of Cannon, upon which, 
An Assault made.  immediately Three thousand Men were appointed to make the Assault. Count Scaffemberg, at the head of his Men, Commanded the Attack in face of the right Bastion, and mounted thereupon without the loss of one Man, and was followed by the Troops of Lunenburg and Suabia; the Turks now losing their Courage, did not dispute the Breach with such Resolution as was agreeable to the Resistance they had made at first, and thereby gave opportunity to Scaffemberg to possess himself of the Bastion without much difficulty. The Baron of Asti, and Colonel Kaletz, who Commanded the other Attacks, with the Troops of Cologne, Bavaria and Franconia, were in like manner successful, and planted the Imperial Standards on the Breach, where a Pasha which Commanded it was killed; he was a Native of Bohemia, and of the Family of Garasba. In the Bastion Eight hundred Men were slain, excepting Two or Three hundred, who cast themselves over the Wall into the Ditch, where they met the Sword of the Bavarians, and under that, ended their Days. All this time Seventy Pieces of Cannon continually played upon the Town, and Twenty Mortar-pieces which threw Bombs and Carcases, and Three thousand Men already upon the Walls and within the Town, in which Amazement the Turks spread a white Flag, which was the signal of a Parley or of a Surrender: But alas it was too late; for the Christians being already Masters of the Town, they killed all without remorse, or distinction of Age or Sex, either of Men, Women or Children. The Governor of the Place died the next Day of his Wounds which he had received on the Breach; the Garrison which consisted of Three thousand Men, was reduced to On thousand Seven hundred, most of which also were killed on that fatal Day. 
The Town is taken.  At length the Town being taken, Orders were given to stop the effusion of Blood, which came only in time to save the Lives of about Two hundred Persons.  
In the Town Eighty Pieces of Cannon were taken, with great quantities of Ammunition. About Forty Christian Slaves were set at liberty: The Plunder of the Town was esteemed to amount unto two Millions, besides Plate, good Furniture, and Movables belonging to the Houses. There were Fifty Horses of Price taken, which were distributed amongst the General Officers; all which was performed with the loss of Fifty Soldiers only, and one Lieutenant. So soon as the Place was taken, Count Scaffemberg took Post to carry the joyful News thereof unto the Emperor, who was graciously pleased, in Reward of his Services, to confer upon him the Government of that Place. The News of two such Achievements, as the defeat of the Turkish Army, and taking Newhausel filled all Christendom with Joy and Wonder, and Thanks to Almighty God for such glorious and unexpected Successes; which also being accompanied with the taking of Esperies, by General Schultz, and the burning of the Town and Bridge of Esseck, by Count Lesly, increased the Jubilee of that Year in Christendom; as on the contrary, never was there such a Damp on the Spirits of the Turks, nor such Sorrow and Grief as at that time: For the Loss having been Universal through the whole Empire, the Death of Friends and Relations was lamented, as far as to Bagdat or Babylon itself, and to other remote parts of the East.  
The Advice of taking Newhausel was brought to the Duke of Lorraine, whilst he was in Discourse with the Elector of Bavaria, and the other Generals, of carrying on the Wars with such other Enterprise, as might conclude and terminate this Campaign with the greater Glory. Upon the News hereof, the Generals moved with a desire to see the Place, entered into it on the 20 th', 
The dismal Condition of Newhausel.  and there beheld the most horrid Spectacle of Slaughter and Desolation in the World. To cover which, immediate Orders were given to bury the Dead, and to repair the Breaches which the Cannon had made in the Walls, and, with the Labour of Turkish Slaves, to fill up the Trenches and Approaches which were made without the Town during the Siege. The Christian Slaves, which, on occasion of the late Defeat, had escaped out of the hands of the Turks, came in great numbers to Newhausel, and there related, how that the Seraskier was come to Buda with a slight Wound in his Leg; that the Confusion amongst the Turks was so great, 
The illCondition of the Turkish Army.  that they killed and robbed one the other, in the Flight; that in the Sieges of Strigonium and Vicegrade, they had lost at least Four thousand Men; and that the latter place was so weakened by blowing up the Tower, and required so much time and labour to repair it, that they expected Orders from the Seraskier to demolish and abandon the Place. And in fine, That the Turkish Forces were so scattered and divided, that after all these losses and discouragements, they were scarce able to Rally an Army of 30.000 Men.  
We having not thought fit to interrupt the Relation of two such great Matters, as the Fight near Strigonium, and the Siege of Newhausal, with a Digression unto other Actions; which being now past, let us look back, and behold the Progress which Count Lesly, and General Schultz were making against the Common Enemy in different Places. Lesly being advanced into the Country near Kanisia, had the good fortune to meet a Party of Turks, belonging to that place, which he defeated, and with the Slaughter of several hundred of them, caused the rest to Fly into their Fortress. After which with an Army of about Eight thousand Men, composed of Croats, Hungarians and Germans, he resolved to render himself Master of the Bridge of Esseck: In order whereunto, 
The Expedition of Count Lesly to the Bridge of Esseck.  having left his Baggage at Turnawitz, under the Custody and Guard of Two thousand Men, he marched away on the 9 th' of August, which Four thousand Germans and Two thousand Croats, all choice and experienced Soldiers towards Esseck, taking with them Provisions for ten Days, in regard the Country was so wasted and destroyed by the War, that it yielded neither Food for Men, nor Forage almost for Horses. The same Day a Detachment was made of Five hundred Croats, under the Command of an Officer to Invest Michalowitz, which upon the first Summons Surrender'd, before the Body of the Army appeared, without making any Terms, or Conditions for their Liberty. The Guard of this Fort was committed to the defence of Two hundred Foot and One hundred Heyduks; and the Prisoners taken, both Men, Women and Children were secured in a Tower belonging to the Fortress. After which the Army marched with all diligence towards Esseck: Upon sight hereof, the little Forts and Palancas on the way, fired their Guns to Alarm the Country round about; and passing by Carafina, which is a Town fortified with strong Walls, and a double Ditch, the Turks Sallied forth with Horse and Foot, and Skirmished with some of the Troops, without any great hurt or damage on either side. After three or four Days of hard march, Lesly drew up his Forces on the 13 th' of the Month, into order of Battle in the Plains of Esseck, expecting to meet the Enemy in those Parts: But finding no opposition, they pitched their Tents, and Huts so much to advantage, and which took up so much Ground, as if they had contained an Army of at least 30.000 Men: Soon afterwards, a Thousand Turkish Horse came and took a view of the Camp, with some Infantry marching in their Rear. Whereupon the Army Commanded by Siaus Pasha, drew out into order of Battle, and marched softly against the Enemy, who stood firm, neither advancing nor retiring, 
The Turks near Esseck defeated.  until the Christians were come within Musquet-shot; and then they began to give Ground, which the Croats perceiving fell upon both their Wings; and gave them a total Rout and Defeat. The Horse fled by the way of Belgrade, but being hotly pursued by the Croats, several of them were killed; but the Foot found a nearer Refuge in the Town and Castle of Esseck. The Germane Horse and Foot, advanced still in good Order to the Suburbs of the Town, which at the first Assault they took, and Plundered; and thence found an easy entrance into the City itself; from whence the Turks had the Day before sent their Wives and Children by Water towards the Danube, into which the Drove falls not far from the City: Those who remained, were with their Goods and Movables retired into the Castle.  
The City of Esseck is not very large, but well peopled and well fortified; and as I remember, after the modern fashion; it hath about Five hundred Shops belonging to Tradesmen, 
Esseck.  and adorned with many Mosques and Caravasaries, or Inns built for the Reception of Travellers, which are commonly stately Structures. It is very strange, that this place which was esteemed so strong, and well fortified by the Turks, that they made it their Granary, and Store-House for all sorts of Provisions for supply of those Parts of the Country, should so easily be abandoned, and opened to the Enemy, which was capable of sustaining a Siege of many Months against an Army of far greater Force, than that of Count Lesly's which did not exceed Six thousand Men; 
Taken by Count Lesly.  especially being well provided with quantities of Rice, Bread, Biscuit, Salt and powdered Flesh; and with Barley and Oats; all which served greatly to refresh, and feed the Men and Horse of Count Lesly's Army, which were languishing before for want of Victuals, the ten Days Provisions which they had taken with them being almost consumed. So soon as Lesly became Master of the Town, Guards were set to oppose any Sally from the Castle, whilst the Soldiers were Ransacking the Houses, unto whom all the Plunder and Pillage was given. In the mean time, Count Lesly went to take a view of the Bridge, like which there is none in the World, and of which we have already given a Description in the former part of our History: The River Drove is not very broad in this place, there being only Sixteen Boats to sustain the Bridge, which the Turks had broken down the Day before, losing them that they might drive down the Stream; the Christians endeavoured to recover them the next day following, but could not get aboard for want of smaller Boats; nor could they for want of this Bridge, pass over the Drove to burn the Bridge of Esseck, which on that side is Eight thousand Paces long, and all built of Oak. 'Tis true, Money and good Rewards were offered to some French Soldiers, of the Regiment of Erbeville, who with certain Germans and Croats undertaken to pass the River, and burn a great part of the Bridge; but the Boats on which they endeavoured to pass were so small and leaky, that they sunk under them, and saved themselves only by Swimming. Howsoever, That part of the Bridge which was on the Town side, being Eleven hundred Paces in length, was in a very short time reduced to Ashes: Whilst these things were acting, a Rumour was spread amongst the Soldiers, that all the Riches of the Pasha, and Movables of value belonging to the Citizens, were conserved within the Castle; which so animated the Soldiers to make an Assault up it, that Count Lesly could not restrain them from running the utmost hazard of Storming the place with open Force: But whilst they were preparing Faggots, and other combustible Matter, to fix at the Gate which looks towards the City, a furious Fire took in divers Houses, caused by the Rabble of the Soldiers, which burned so violently, by reason that all the Houses are built with Wood, and the very Streets Planked with Board's and Timber; the Ground being a Clay, 
Esseck burnt.  and sort of Owsey Earth, not capable of a Stony Pavement; that there was no possibility to quench it, or to Approach near to the Gate of the Castle on that side, so that in a few hours the whole Town was utterly consumed: Wherefore they fixed some artificial Fire to the other Gate, on the Bridge side, with which both the Gate and the Bridge burned together, without much offence to the Defendants within the Castle; but rather, the Fire and the Retrenchment made within, served to secure them from an Assault: Wherefore General Lesly thought fit, not to Attempt any thing further upon the Castle, but having left all the Town in Ruins, he returned back the next Day to Turanowitz, where he had left Two thousand Men to Guard and Secure the Baggage. With the good News of this Success, Prince Deichtrestein was dispatched to the Emperor, and for Confirmation thereof, he carried with him five Colours of the Fourteen, which were taken from the Turks.  
Whilst these matters were acting to the advancement and Glory of the Christian Arms, General Schultz on the 19 th' of july, 
Schultz before Esperies.  began to lay Siege to the Town of Esperies, and by the 8 th' of August had form all his Works, Trenches, and raised his Batteries, and threw such quantities of Bombs and Carcases into the Town, that it took Fire in divers places. Esperies is a City of Hungary, in the County of Sarax, very well fortified, Situate on the River of Tarbez towards the Mountains, and on the Frontiers of Poland; and hath always been considered by the Malcontents as a strong place, and of great importance to them: The Garrison consisted of a Thousand Soldiers, all stout and brave Men, and more resolute than the Turks; for the Malcontents having been provoked by the ill usage, which the Emperor guided by his evil Council had put upon them, were always more obstinate and fierce in Fight; either, because they were made Angry by Oppression, or became desperate, and out of all hopes to obtain Pardon from the Emperor: Some Attempts were made by Tekeli to Reinforce the Garrison with Six hundred Men, but they were prevented and beaten back; and the Besieged made their Sallies, but with ill Success, which moved them on the 16 th' to display a white Flag in token of a Parley; but so soon, as some Soldiers and Officers came near to receive their Offers, they withdrew their Flag and Fired upon them, killing a Lieutenant and four Soldiers. Schultz being justly incensed with this Treacherous Action, omitted nothing which might destroy the Enemy: He continually threw Bombs into the Town, and Battered the Walls; and having opened a Breach, an Assault was made, but his Soldiers were repulsed with considerable loss. After which a Mine being form, and ready to Spring, the Malecontes on the 10 th' of September desired a Parley; but their late act of Treachery made the Imperialists more cautious in their Dealing with them, and to give them no answer, until they had sent two Officers for Hostages; those in the Town refusing so to do, the General more furiously plied his Cannon and Bombs than before. But at length, the Governor being made sensible of the impossibility of defending the Place much longer; 
Capitulations made.  desired to Capitulate, and sent Hostages for assurance of the Treaty, which was concluded on the 18th of September, on these following Articles.  
First, That the Commander, and several of the Officers and Soldiers being Germane, should be received into the Service of the Emperor, and be advanced a Month's Pay.  
Secondly, That such as were not willing to enter into the Emperor's Service might have liberty to return to Tekeli, and to have safe Conduct into his Quarters.  
Thirdly, That the Inhabitants should have a free Exercise of their Religion, and that the Churches and Schools should remain in the same Condition, as before, and enjoy the like Freedom and Liberty, as those did, which had on the same Agreement and Articles submitted to the Emperor.  
Fourthly, That the Nobility might be restored to their Estates, and having taken a new Oath of Fidelity to the Emperor, might quietly enjoy the Privileges belonging to Noble Persons.  
Fifthly, That the Magistrates of the Town, and judges shall continue in their respective Offices, and Places of Trust.  
Sixthly, That the City shall be conserved and exempted from the Plunder of the Soldiery. And finally, That these particulars shall be approved and ratified by the Emperor.  
These Articles being agreed, a Surrender was made; but with much difficulty could General Schultz, and the Duke of Wirtemberg restrain the Germane Soldiers, 
The Germane Soldiers belonging to the Garrison endeavour to Plunder.  who belonged to the Garrison, and had taken part with Tekeli, from Plundering the Town: For they being informed of the many Successes of the Imperial Arms, were desirous to show their Zeal to the Cause of the Emperor, and so signalise the Return to their Duty and Allegiance, by opening the great Gate of the City to the Soldiers of the Duke of Wirtemberg, with liberty to Plunder and Spoil together with themselves; but General Schultz and the Duke of Wirtemberg being resolved to maintain the Articles, Ordered two Officers with a Thousand Men to Enter by the Breach, and at the Postern Gate; whilst the Duke of Wirtemberg with Two hundred Men joined with the Germans of the Garrison, and together marched into the Town. These Germans were so Zealous to testify their Loyalty and Kindness to their Country Men, That they invite them to fall upon the Spoil, and to Plunder with them; but by the care and good conduct of the Generals a stop was put thereunto, and the Town preserved from Pillage, according to the Tenure of the Capitulations.  
The Day following General Schultz entered the Town, and caused the Ditch to be cleared of the dead Bodies, and the same to be decently Interred; and the Breach with all possible speed to be repaired. On the Walls were found Thirty Pieces of Cannon mounted, with a Mortar-piece carrying Sixty pounds' Weight, and several Thousands of Cannon Bullets, the greatest part of which were Cast by the Imperialists in the time of the late Siege; 
Provisions and Ammunition i● the Town.  when the Town was taken by Tekeli in the Year 1678. There was no want of Provisions in the Town, nor of Powder, of which there was One hundred and twenty one pounds weight. The Germans who were Two hundred and seventy in number, of which Thirty were Dragoons, were Listed into the Emperor's Service, as also the greatest part of the Talpazzi, a sort of Hungarian Soldiers under their Hadnag or Captain. The others which were but Eleven, Swore never to Fight more against his Imperial Majesty, but to return home, and live quietly and in peace amongst their Neighbours. Such virtue and power hath good fortune, and success in War, that it not only subdues by Force of Arms, but converts the Minds of Mankind, making them wise and gentle, free from Passion and Masters of Reason.  
The taking of Esperies was followed by that of Cassovia, which contrary to the Expectation of the Court at Vienna held out a formal Siege, and made a Vigorous Resistance. Cassovia called by the Hungarians Caschaw, is the Capital City of the County of Abanwivar; it is very well fortified, 
Cassovia.  being Situate on the River of Kunnert, which empties itself into the Tibiscus. Tho' it be a Town which enjoys great Privileges, yet it hath long acknowledged and submitted to the Emperor, as King of Hungary; but in August 1682, it was unhappily taken, and possessed by Tekeli and his Party, and continued firm to them until this Year 1685.  
When on the 6 th' of the Month of October, Count Caprara appeared with his Army before Cassovia, 
Caprara Besieges Cassovia.  and immediately raised two Batteries, from which he warmly plied his Cannon and Mortars upon the Town; the like was returned from thence upon the Besiegers with much more Damage. The Garrison within the Town, consisted only at first of Four hundred Soldiers besides the Citizens, who were resolved to hold out unto the last Extremity. The Count Peterhasi, who was a valiant Man, and the best Soldier of all those belonging to Tekeli, had made some overtures of returning to his Obedience, and to the Allegiance which he owed unto the Emperor; but all proved nothing but a mere Plot, and design to convey himself with Seven hundred Men into the Town: 
Peterhasi relieves Cassovia.  The which having succeeded according to his desire, the Defendants were greatly thereby Reinforced, and animated to make a more Vigorous Resistance than could be expected.  
For on the 8 th' the Besieged made a Sally and passed far within the Trenches; and though they were forced at length to Retire, yet above Eighty Men were killed on both sides. On the 14 th', Count Caprara Summoned the Town, and received a fierce and disdainful Answer; and the same Day three or four Sallies more were made, in which many were Slain, and amongst the rest the Prince of Wirtemberg, with several other Persons of Quality. In the mean time General Schultz took the Castles of Kalo, Ibrano and Vihel belonging to Tekeli; as the Generals Heusler, and Mercy had done of all the small Places about Erla, for better convenience and enlargement of Winter-quarters.  
Count Caprara continued still to Batter the Town, but with little effect, in regard the Garrison within was strong and resolute: And the differences which happened between General Schultz and Caprara, were great obstructions to the Surrender of that place: But at length an accommodation, and good understanding being made between those two Generals, Schultz came to the Siege, and joined his Army with that of Caprara, with which united Force a vigorous Attack being made, the City came to Terms of Treaty, 
Cassovia surrendered.  and Surrendered on the 25 th' Day of this Month of October.  
Thus have we related the particulars of all the most Glorious Successes, with which the Imperial Arms were blessed this Year in Hungary; which we have done so Amply, that we shall not need to add much more thereunto, until we have given an Account of the Progress of the Venetian Arms, which though very prosperous and considerable this Year in the Morea; yet we thought not fit to interrupt the Story of the dreadful Wars in Hungary, by a Digression to any other Action.    

THE Venetian Successes AGAINST The TURKS, 1685.  
year 1685. WHILST the Morlaques retained in the Service of the Republic of Venice, made frequent Incursions and Spoils on the Turks in Dalmatia; The Mainiotes, (who are another sort of People, much like the Morlaques) being animated with the Venetian Successes, began to take up Arms against the Turks: But for better understanding of what is to follow, we will describe a little Countries and Humours of these two People. The Morlaques are a People who inhabit the Mountains of Croatia, on that side which looks towards the Adriatic Sea. In the Year 1647, the Pasha of Bosna and Tekeli, 
The Morlaques.  Father or Grandfather of the famous Tekeli of these Times, committed a Massacre upon many of these poor People at Knin; in resentment whereof, at the instance of a certain Priest called Stephen Horien, who could manage his Sword as well as his Crucifix, wholly submitted themselves to the Venetians, and desired to live under their Protection: They receive no Pay from them, but have the Reward of a Sequin (which is Nine Shillings sixpence English) for the Head of every Turk which they bring to the Venetian Officers; for Lucre of which, they have made such constant Enterprises upon the Turks, and such cruel Slaughters, as have rendered them irreconcilable Enemies to the Port. They are a sort of Militia always on the Wing, under no Discipline but their own, encamp on the Plains, but live with their Families in the Mountains, avoiding the Licentiousness which much Conversation brings, and the Luxury of Cities: They have no Learning amongst them, nor understand much what belongs to keeping Faith or Promises with an Enemy, as appears by their dealing with the Turks of the Garrison of Cl●ssa, which in the Year 1648, year 1685. having surrendered itself up to the Venetians on Capitulations, as the Soldiers were marching out of the Town, they fell upon them, and killed Twelve hundred Men; and not one of the rest had escaped, had not the Venetian Officers interposed their Persons and Authority to save those who as yet survived.  
The Mainiotes are in their Manners and Honesty not much differing from the Morlaques, though much distant from their Country. They are called Mainiotes from Braccio di Maina, or an Arm of Land in the Morea, stretching itself out into the Sea, so called by the Venetians, but anciently part of the Country of the Lacedæmonians▪ 
The Mainiotes.  These People by their nearness to the Sea, and ruggedness of their Mountains, have in despite of the Turkish Arms, conserved themselves after the manner of the Ancient Greeks, in form of a Republic, whereby they had some kind of Government and Justice amongst themselves, though they entertained a Turkish Aga or Lord, rather out of Respect to the Turks, than Subjection; but as to other People, they lived upon the Spoil, keeping no honest Intercourse with them, unless with the Venetians, whom they feared, because of their Galleys which frequented their Ports. In the Isle of Cervi, which belongs to them, and about Cape St. Angelo, which is opposite to the Isle of Cerigo, they maintain several Brigantines; with which, when thy take Christians, they transport them over to Tripoli in Barbary, where they find a Market for them; and when they have the fortune to seize Turks, they sell them to Venice, or to Malta; and so are Freebooters on all sides: I could of my own Knowledge, give divers Instances of their way of Trading, and of their Treatment used towards some Englishmen of my own Company, who unadvisedly and without due regard, set footing on their Land; but because it is not material to our present Discourse, and would be too great a Deviation from our present History, we shall wave all that, and proceed to show, That the Mainiotes hearing of the ill Success of the Turks in all places, and that their Fortune was changed, declared for the Venetians, to whom they were more inclined on account of the Christian Religion, professing to be of the Greek Church, and to follow that Party and Interest which they observed to be in the most thriving Condition. The Turks to prevent the Revolt of the Mainiotes, 
The Mainiotes wors● the Turks.  sent some Forces to reduce them; but they being supported by Venetian Succours, under Signior Delfino, withstood the Turks, and charged them with so much Vigour, that of Three thousand five hundred Men, there escaped but an Hundred and Forty, all the rest being either killed or taken. The News hereof encouraged the Greeks of Monte Nero, which is a Mountain in the Morea, to descend and Combat with the Turks on the Plains, in which Fight many were killed and wounded on both sides.  
In the mean time Paulo Michiel, a noble Venetian, with a Thousand Horse and some Foot joined with Three thousand Morlaques, made Incursions into the Country round about. The Pasha of Bosna, who with Seven thousand Men was on his March towards Hungary, alarmed by these Forces, returned back to Clin, for Conservation of his own Country: And having altered the Design and Expedition of that Year, he resolved to wage War nearer home in Dalmatia, and accordingly sent Eight thousand Men to lay Siege to the Fortress of Duare. 
Duare besieged and relieved.  The Place defending itself with great Resolution, gave time and opportunity to the Generals, Valier and Michael, to come to its Relief; which they performed so effectually, that in less than an Hour's time the Turks were obliged to raise the Siege, with the loss of Two hundred and fifty Men killed, and Seventy Prisoners taken; and on the Christians side no more than six were slain, and about thirty wounded. The Morlaques continued the Pursuit, and routed the Pasha of Bosna himself, who with a Body of Four thousand Horse was marching towards Duare, to maintain the Siege. These were Preludes to greater Matters, which were then acting by the Venetian Fleet, and gross of the Army under the auspicious Conduct of Francisco Morosini, Captain General of the Venetian Forces both by Sea and Land: For the Fleet being completely equipped and furnished with all Necessaries, both for the Services of Land and Sea, joined with the Galleys belonging to the Pope, to Malta, and to the Duke of Florence; all which together composed a Fleet consisting of Five Galleasses, Thirty seven Galleys, Twelve Galliots, Twelve Men of War, Four Petaches, Three Pinks, 
The Venetian Fleet and Auxiliaries.  and Three Tartans; besides, Twenty two stout Ships of War, which triumphantly Sailed into the Archipelago, under the Command of Alexander Molino, and Girolamo Delfin, two Noblemen of Venice. The Galleys of Tuscany were four, Commanded by Admiral Guidi, on which were Three hundred Land Soldiers, under Prior Vandomi. The Pope's Galleys were five in number, which carrying no Flag, joined to the eight Galleys of Malta, and composed one Squadron together, under the Command of Prior Brancaccio, who had the Title of General, under whom was Cavalier Malaspina, Director of the Ecclesiastical Galleys: Upon the Pope's Galleys were Three hundred Land Soldiers; and on those of Malta were a Thousand, including the Knights themselves, Commanded by their General Le Tour, who by many brave Actions had signalised himself in the last famous Siege of the City of Candia. The other Land Forces, were Three thousand Italians, One thousand Sclavonians, and about Two thousand Four hundred Germans, under Command of Prince Maximilian William of Brunswick; all which together made up Eight thousand Foot, besides Horse, and besides several Persons of Quality, who were Volunteers, and amongst the rest Prince Philip of Savoy, a valiant and a generous Prince; all which Land-forces were Commanded by Count St. Paul, a General of great Ability and Experience, having for a long time served the King of Denmark and the Duke of Newburg. These Forces being joined in the Port of Dragomestre, which was the Place appointed for their general Rendezvous; a Council of War was held, where it was resolved to Sail to Cape Sapienza, both to make a Diversion of the Turkish Forces, which in great numbers were assembled about Patras, and to confirm the Mainiotes to continue firm to the Venetians; but it seems their Successes were different to their first beginnings, for the Venetians having with-drawn their Forces from them, they were overpowered by the Turks, and compelled to give Hostages for their future Faithfulness and Alliance to them.  
The Guard and Care of Santa Maura and Preveza, being committed to Giacomo Cornaro, Proveditor General of the Islands, the Fleet, as was agreed, sailed for the Waters of Sapienza, from whence a Messenger was dispatched to the Mainiotes, encouraging them once more to make a Defection from the Turks, which they promised, to do in despite of their late Agreement and Hostages given, being resolved upon any Terms whatsoever to free themselves from their Servitude to the Turks. In the mean time, a Council of War being called, it was put to the Question, Whether they should Besiege Modon, Coron or Navarin; after some Debate thereupon, 
The Fleet Sails to Coron.  it was unanimously concluded, that Coron should be the Place first to be invested, being the most feasible Enterprise of any, and the most probable to succeed; and being nearest to the Mainiotes, was the more commodious for keeping them firm and constant to the Republic: So soon as this Matter was resolved, the Fleet weighed Anchor, and steered their course directly to the Place.  
Coron is a Fortress situate in Messenia, one of the Provinces of the Morea; 
Coron described.  it is built in a triangular Form, after the ancient Fashion, on a Promontory of Land, and is fortified with six Towers and a Castle. The Walls are high and thick, made of large square Stones; the lower Town is inhabited by Greeks and jews, and the Castle by the Turks: It is distant about twelve Miles from Modon, which together with Coron, belonged anciently to the Venetians; but were taken from them by Bajazet, in the Year 1499: After which, Prince Doria of Genova, Commander of the Spanish Fleet, retook it from the Turks in the Year 1533; and having left one Mendoza therein Governor, with a mean Garrison of Spaniards, it was in some few Years afterwards surrendered to the Turks, who knowing the Importance of the Place, have ever since that time conserved it in their Hands until this Year 1685. When on the 25 th' of june, the Captain General Morosini, in the Morning, landed his Forces almost within Canonshot of the Place, without any Opposition from the Turks, and approached the City under the shelter of some Olive-trees.  
On the 26 th' they began to open the Trenches, 
The Venetians land their Men, and open their Trenches.  and to straighten the Enemy on the side towards the Land: The Battalion of Malta, those of Brunswick, and the Pope's Forces; were posted on the Right-hand towards the Sea, and the Venetians and Sclavonians on the Left towards a Suburb or Out-town, of which they made themselves Masters without opposition: The Works also went forward without much Interruption; and two Batteries were raised, each of four great Pieces of Cannon, with four Mortars for Bombs. In the mean time the Captain General kept the Place blocked up by Sea, that no Relief or Succours could come to it; and dispeeded the Squadrons of Tuscany, with that under the Captain of the Gulf, to Cruise towards the Levant: And because the Tower of the Fort erected to the Sea, incommoded the Fleet, Order was given to Andrea Navager and Agustin Sagredo, the Captains of two Galeasles, with four principal Galleys to approach near, and to Batter the Tower, which was performed with good Effect and great Execution. The Works were continued with great Industry and Labour, and the Completing of them hastened with the more expedition, by reason that News was brought to the Camp, that the Pasha of the Morea, with a Body of Three or Four thousand Horse and Foot were assembling together to raise the Siege; to oppose which with the more advantage, all the Olive-trees near the Town were cut down, and a large Field and Campaign opened without any shelter for the Enemy. Notwithstanding which, they were much encouraged in the Town, by Letters privately conveyed therein, giving them hopes from the Pasha of Speedy Relief; in expectation whereof, they returned an obstinate and a rugged Answer to the Summons which the Captain Pasha had sent them, signifying that the Fortress belonged to the Grand Signior, which they were resolved to defend, so long as one Stone thereof remained on the other. Nor were the Besieged therein deceived; for the Captain General by most certain Intelligence was informed, that in the parts near to Lepanto and Patras Three thousand Turks were got into a Body; and that some few Days before, Twelve hundred were upon the March under Mustapha Pasha, and that the others commanded by Halin Pasha were following them with all expedition, and already on their March.  
On the 7 th' of july in the Morning, a considerable Body of Turks appeared about two Miles distant from the Trenches, 
The Turks march to relieve thy Place.  advancing slowly and with Circumspection on their Way thither; the Number and Quality of which (as was advised by a janisary, who was a Fugitive from the Enemy) were Five hundred Horse, One hundred janissaries, Four hundred Segmen, besides Two hundred more who were supplied from Modon, and gathered from the adjacent Villages, besides a Thousand more not far distant; and the Three thousand Turks, who had lately mustered near Lepanto and Patras, were also on their March with the same Design of Relieving the Town. As these Forces advanced nearer to the Venetians, Skirmishes daily happened, in which the Turks were for the most part worsted; and in regard Siaus Pasha found himself much weaker than the Christians, 
Siaus Pasha.  he issued his Commands into all Parts near to Calamata and Misitra, and the Parts adjacent, requiring them to send a Man out of every House, with Mattock and Shovel, to levelly the Ways, and render them more passable and commodious for Transportation of Cannon, which he intended to plant on a Battery, designed to annoy the Venetian Fortifications: To Countermand which, the Christian Engineers projecting where to erect another Battery to offend that which the Turks were designing, raised one in a very short time, with three Pieces of Cannon on the highest Port, where the Forces of Brunswick were lodged, which did great Execution, not only offending the new Battery of the Turks, but likewise the whole Camp.  
The Pasha being come up with all his Forces very near to the Venetian Leaguer, fortified himself with a good Retrenchment; and with the Battery he had raised of four Pieces of Cannon, 
T●e Pasha of the Mo●●● fortifies his Camp.  he played crosswise, which much incommoded the Christian Camp, and the two Armies lying so near each to the other, it was impossible but Alarms must be continually given on both sides, and daily Skirmishes must happen with various Successes. The Besieged being herewith encouraged, redoubled their Fire, and seemed neither to fear Assaults, nor the Springing of Mines, which being to be penetrated through a hard Rock, took up no less than three Weeks time to perfect. The Fortifications of the Place, though much ruined by the Batteries, and much Damage caused by the Bombs, yet the Situation thereof was advantageous, being placed on a Rock, flanked with great Towers, defended with eighty Pieces of Cannon, with store of Ammunition and Provision of all sorts, and a good Garrison within of Eight hundred Men, besides many others fit to bear Arms; it seemed impossible to become Masters of the Town, but by opening a wide Breach with Batteries and Mines, entering thereat with a vigorous Assault; during which they were to expect an Attack from the Turkish Army, which lay near them, and in a manner Besieged them.  
This posture of Affairs gave some Trouble to the Christian Generals, in what manner to offend the one, and at the same time to defend from the other; for the Mines were all ready, one under the great Tower, contrived and managed by the direction of the Ingenier Bassignani; 
Mines prepared.  and the other opposite unto it, near the Attack of Brunswick and Malta by Ingenier Verneda. And now to put these Matters in Execution, the Captain General Morosini came on shore, and having called a Council of War, it was thereat agreed, That the Day following being the 24 th' of july, a general Assault should be made, and the Mine of Verneda should in the first place be fired: All things were accordingly prepared; Segres a Knight of Malta, was to begin the Assault at the head of Sixty Granadiers, seconded by a Detachment of Fuseliers and Sclavonians: Lafoy Bar Lieutenant General of the Battalion of Malta, was to follow the Chevalier de Refuge, at the head of the Pope's and Venetian Forces; 
Orders for an Assault.  these were to be seconded by the Prince of Brunswick, with a Hundred and thirty Men, and afterwards followed by Monsieur de la Tour Maubeuge, General of Malta, with a Body of Knights carrying the Standard of that Order. All things being thus prepared and ordered, the Mine charged with a Hundred Barrels of Powder was fired, which threw up some of the Earth, and part of the Wall, but had not force sufficient to move the Rock, but recoiled and vented itself another way. The Turks taking this to be the Signal for an Assault, immediately invested the Redoubt and Battery, which (as we have said) was erected on a certain Eminence of rising Ground for security of the Lines, and stormed it so vigorously, 
The Turks take a For● from the Venetians.  that the Venetians and Sclavonians, who had the Defence thereof, were forced to give way and quit the Station, and the Turks remaining Masters thereof, planted twenty of their Colours thereon, to the great Encouragement of the Besieged. Monsieur de la Tour, who with his Knights was posted nearest to the Redoubt, considering that the Turks could not be permitted to remain in Possession thereof without great Annoyance to the whole Camp; and that the same was not to be recovered without some extraordinary and signal Action; he without farther delay, called his Men about him, and with much Hast and Bravery, which was natural to him, advanced towards the Enemy, and was the first who leapt into the Redoubt, and with his own Hand killed two Turks, who opposed him; a third coming behind him, threw off a light Helmet which he wore, and gave him a cut over the Head with his Scimitar, with which he fell to the Ground; and having received two other Wounds, from whence much Blood issued, 
La Tour killed,  his Companions designed to have carried him off, but were prevented by a Barrel of Powder, which accidently taking fire, carried him nearer towards Heaven, a Place designed for him in Reward of his Religion and Virtues. He was followed close by several Knights, namely, by the Terms, 
with many other Knights of M●lta.  a most valiant Person, who was also slain, as was Michon by a Musquet-shot: Gramont received two Wounds with a Scimitar and a Musquet-shot; Bourgon, de Galliard, & de la Motte, were mortally wounded, besides many others, who so signalised themselves in this Action, that they drove the Enemy headlong from the Redoubt, 
They regain the Fort.  took eleven of their Colours, and in place thereof planted the Standard of the Order of Malta, at the sight whereof all the Army with a loud shout cried, Viva Malta, or May Malta live. The Venetians and Sclavonians, animated with this Success returned to their wont Courage, and killed Three hundred Turks, who had lodged themselves in the Redoubt, suffering none of them to Escape. The Fight being ended, the Venetians exposed the Banners they had taken from the Enemy, with One hundred and thirty Heads in view of the Besieged, who being nothing affrighted herewith continued still with much Valour and Resolution to maintain their Fortress. The Death of General de la Tour, was lamented by all the Army, and especially by the Captain General Morosini: His Funeral Rites were celebrated with all the decency, and ceremony belonging to a Commander, whose Merits and Valour had made a deep Impression in the Minds of his Soldiery; for the Sweetness of his Temper, with his modest and engaging Deportment, had made his Conversation agreeable to all that knew him. His Heart and Bones were Embalmed, to be carried to Malta, where afterwards they were Interred. The Cavalier de la Bar being the next in place, was preferred to his Command of the Battalion, a Person qualified in all respects to succeed so worthy a Predecessor, having acquired a general esteem by the bravery of his Actions, and long experience in the War.  
Notwithstanding the repulse which the Turks had received from the Redoubt, they returned again to make fresh Attempts upon the Lines, and with redoubled Force, having their Cymeters in their Hands they cast themselves once more into the Fort, 
The bravery of the Forces of Malta.  which was called St. John's Fort, by reason that it had been preserved by the Valour of those Knights, who had the good Fortune to drive them once more from thence; by which and several other Actions of Chivalry, they became so formidable to the Turks, that they would Fly before them, so soon, as they saw the Standard of St. john advance. The Mine of Verneda, having (as we have said) recoiled without much effect; Considerations were had of Firing the other of Basignani, charged with Two hundred Barrels of Powder, and thereupon to proceed to a General Assault: But in regard the Turks in the Camp, who were now grown to Six thousand Men, were ready on such an occasion, immediately to fall upon the Assailants; it was agreed as absolutely necessary to give them Battle, and drive them out of their Works, before it could be safe, or possible to Storm the Breaches.  
Whilst these Matters were under Consideration, two of the Rulers of the Mainiotes, or grave Councillors (called by them Vecchiardi) happily came to the Captain General on the 5 th' of August, 
1685. Aug.  to offer to him in the name of their People a Recruit of Fifteen hundred Men, which were kindly accepted, and the Messengers treated with all imaginable Civility, and the next Day the Captain of the Gulf, with four Galleys was sent to Transport them to the Camp. In the mean time, the Turks daily receiving new Recruits and Refreshments, from divers parts of the Morea, infested continually the Christians in their Works: The Defendants also let down small Parties by Night from the Walls of the Town, who covering them under the Rocks, and in Holes, Fired upon the Guards; and being good Marks-men, and shooting with Art, 
The Venetians annoyed in their Trenches.  seldom miss the Man they aimed at; and being nimble and active Men, skipped over the Rocks and made their Escape. By Night they threw their Artificial Fires from the Walls into the Trenches, which easily seized the Beams and Cover, made of Olive-tree and Rafters of old Houses, taken from a Neighbouring Village, which burned so impetuously, that with great difficulty the Fire was quenched; in doing which the Christians were exposed to the small Shot from the Walls, which by the light of the Fire they poured upon them. Their numbers thus daily decreasing by those who were Slain, Sick and Wounded, there seemed a kind of necessity of performing speedily some considerable Feat of Arms, before they languished, and consumed away in their Trenches; and before the new Reinforcements were come from the Captain Pasha; who, as it was said, was already arrived with his Fleet in some part of the Morea. This Council being agreed, as necessary by all the Chief Officers; 
An attempt resolved on the Turkish Camp.  The Captain General selected out of the Venetain Galleys and Galliots Fifteen hundred Levents, or Soldiers belonging to the Fleet, who were stout and robust Fellows, under Command of Lieutenant Colonel Magnanin, whom he commanded silently to Land after Midnight; Twelve hundred whereof were to take their way towards the Enemy's Trenches on the left Hand, at the opening into a Valley, and the remaining Three hundred to the right Hand; and to confound the Enemy the more, the Fleet was ordered to weigh Anchor, and move from their usual Station. At the same time Three thousand choice Soldiers under command of General St. Paul, were appointed to march out of their Line; and on the 7 th' of August by break of day in the Morning to Attack the Enemy in their Trenches, who were more numerous in their Men than the Christians, and had much the advantage over them by their Horse: All things were punctually observed, and executed accordingly; And on the 7 th' Day, with the dawning of the Morning, year 1685. the Signal was given by Firing two Barrels of Powder under the Breach, which was immediately followed by all the Cannon of the Fleet and Camp; and with such thick Volleys of small shot in the Front from the Three thousand Men, which had Sallied out of the Line, and from the Levents, who had placed themselves both in the Rear and Flank; that the Enemy believing the Venetian Camp to be much augmented by the accession of the Mainiotes, 
The Turks defeated.  and other Auxiliaries, affrighted with a panic fear, put themselves generally to Flight: Those who were more courageous and stood the Brunt, were not able to resist long, but either were beaten, and trampled down by their Fellows, or killed by the Venetians, who pursued the Flying Enemy, as far as they could without Horse, leaving the Ground covered with dead Bodies and with Blood.  
This Victory was the more remarkable, because it was obtained on the 7 th' of August, which was the same Day of the past Year, on which Santa Maura was taken. The Booty was very considerable; for besides the Artillery, Arms and Ammunition of all sorts, with store of Provisions, the Turks left Three hundred Horse behind them, 
The Bo●ty taken.  which they had not time to mount with their Tents and Colours, and two Horse Tails, which are the Ensigns of Siaus Pasha, who also fell in this Action: All the Artillery was taken, amongst which were six Pieces of Brass Cannon, three whereof were marked with the Arms of the Republic.  
The Day following the Captain of the Gulf ●mploied (as we have said) to bring Fifteen hundred Mainiotes to the Camp, arrived with Three hundred only: And on the 9 th', the Commander in chief of the Forces belonging to the great Duke of Toscany, alleging that the Term of his Commission was expired, and that he was not authorized to remain longer at the Siege, he was licenced by the Captain General to depart, and a Farewell taken with all expressions of kindness and civility. And now to complete and consummate these Successes by taking the Fortress, which was the chief and principal design of this Campaign; all industry and care was used to clear the Passage of the Rocks, Rubbish and other impediments which lay in the Way, on the side of the Attack of Brunswick and Malta. 
Preparations for a new Assault.  And on the other side towards the Venetian Attack, to lay open, and widen the principal of the three Chambers of the Gallery, which was form by the Engenier Bassignani, and thereby to make an entrance so far, as was possible under the chief Bulwark: This work was so industriously carried on, that on the 10 th' of this Month of August the Mine was finished, and charged with Two hundred and fifty Barrels of Powder, which were found in the Turkish Camp. And that Evening at a Council of War, at which the Captain General, and all the principal Officers were present, it was agreed next Morning by break of day to give Fire to the Mine and make a General Assault: 
Aug. 11th.  Accordingly on the 11 th' the Troops being drawn into Battalia, the Mine was fired, which had its due effect, overthrowing the Bulwark, 
A Mine sprung.  and widening the Breach, and blowing up all the Garrison which defended that part, into the Air, and not without hurt to many of the Venetian Soldiers, who were nearest to the Mine, and ready to second the Mine with an Assault.  
So soon as the Blow was given, the Italian Troops commanded by Sergeant Major jovij, with much Courage and Resolution proceeded to the Assault, 
a Attack on the Venetian side.  in the Front of which was Captain Marco Ferri, a Person who had greatly signalised himself at the Siege of Candia; and from thence, and from other places had brought many Scars and Wounds, which were so many Signs and Marks of Honour. The Assailants were received with Bravery by the Defendants: Howsoever, an opportunity was given them to Enter the City at that time, had they not instead of improving the advantage, contented themselves with a Lodgement on the Breach. At the same time, so soon as the noise of the Mine was heard, 
a Attack on the side of Malta.  the Forces of Malta, who were at the Head of the other Attack, seconded by the Pope's, and those of Brunswick, with great Vigour gained the Top of the Breach, which had been some Days open, though it was of very difficult access, and had been repaired in some manner by the Defendants: Here now began a very furious Fight, in which the Knights behaved themselves with as much Manhood, and Prowess as became their Order, endeavouring to force the Retrenchment; but it being well Flanked and furnished with Artillery, they fired so terribly upon them, that four of them were killed on the place, and above thirty wounded. The Cavalier de la Bar, who commanded that Battalion, behaved himself with all the Courage imaginable, and though seconded with like Resolution b● the Pope's Officers, and those of Brunswick, yet they were repulsed and forced to Retire. But the Knights having heard how great a Breach the Venetian Mine had made, they resolved to give a fresh Assault in the Afternoon; and in the mean time the Levents were Landed from the Galiots, to give better Countenance to this Enterprise. All things being prepared accordingly, and the Troops Marching out of their Lines to attempt the ultimate Assault, gave the Besieged cause to believe, that it was not possible longer to resist, 
A Parley offered.  their Commander in Chief with many others of their principal Officers being buried in the Ruins; they spread a White Flag in token of a Parley.  
The General St. Paul upon sight hereof, gave a stop to the Assault; but the Captain General refused to accept any Treaty, unless the main Tower were in the first place delivered into their Hands. But whilst they were Capitulating on this Preliminary, it unfortunately happened out, that two Soldiers quarrelling together a Pistol was shot off, and the Bandeliers of another Soldier took Fire, which gave such an Alarm to the Besieged, that they cried out Treachery, and therewith fired one of their Cannon planted at the entrance of the Breach, laden with small shot, which killed several that were mounted thereon: This Accident was sufficient to put an end to the Treaty, 
Coron taken by Storm.  and incense the Soldiery, who transported with Fury, broke into the middle of the Town, and with miserable slaughter put Men, Women and Children to the Sword, without any respect either to Age, or Sex.  
Thus ended the Siege of Coron, on the 11 th' of August, which was Seven and forty Days after the Trenches were opened. It was a Bloody Day to both sides. The Christians lost about Three hundred Men, but the Turks near Three thousand; all the Inhabitants, as well as the Soldiery being miserably slaughtered, and the Town committed to the Plunder and Pillage of the Soldiery. After which Te Deum being Sung, with other Hymns of Praises, and Thanks to Almighty God, the Captain General embraced all the Chief Officers with much affection and kindness, as namely the two Princes of Brunswick and Savoy, and all the others in their several Degrees: He declared, That Count St. Paul with his Venetians had gained much Honour; That the young Count of Brunswick had signalised himself in a particular manner; That the Forces of Florence had given good proofs of their Valour, to the time of their Departure, which was some Days before the end of the Siege. That the Battalion of Malta, which were always joined with the Pope's Forces deserved immortal Glory, as did all the Knights, who so bravely had sacrificed their Lives in defence of the Christian Faith; and that the Cavalier de la Bar, by many brave Actions had maintained the the same Honour which the la Tour had gained. He also particularly applauded the two Sergeant-Majors of Battalia, jovii and Alcenago, the Marquis of Corbon, Colonel of Dragoons, with the Ingenier Bassignani, on whom he bestowed a Gold-chain and a Medal in Reward of the great Service he had done, 
Morosini applauds the Valour of his Officers.  by well contriving and fortifying the Mine, which gave the ultimate and fatal Blow to the Town. In fine, he bestowed due Praises and Commendations on the inferior Officers and common Soldiers, amongst whom the Booty of the Town being distributed, every one remained entirely satisfied. In the Town and Fortress thereof were an Hundred twenty eight Pieces of Cannon, of which Seventy were of Brass, of which, some were buried in the Ruins; in digging for which, there was a Stone found with this Inscription: Hoc opus fieri fecerunt Magnifici Et Clarissimi D. D. Bernardus Donato Castellanus Et Ludovicus Contareno Capitaneus Et Provisores Coroni M. CCCCLXIII. Before the Departure of the Captain General, the Government of this important Place was committed to the Care of Georgio Benzon, to be Proveditor in extraordinary, and to justin de Riva in ordinary. The Super-intendency over the Arms was committed to Count Alexander Vimes, and his Brother was declared Governor.  
The Siege of Coron being thus honourably concluded, the Prior Brancaccio, General of Malta, and the Cavalier Malaspina Antiano, Commander of the Pope's Galleys, 
The Pope's Galleys, and those of Malta return home.  declared, that the time allotted them for their continuance Abroad by Commission and Instruction being expired, they desired leave to return to their respective Countries. The Captain General, who was desirous to add one brave Action more to the Glories of this Campaign, showed himself unwilling to lose so good Company, and so great a Diminution of his Forces, instantly desired their Aid and Assistance for prosecution of a farther Design; but they urging that the term of their Commissions was already expired, and therefore against their own Inclinations, they were obliged to depart, and more-especially that their Forces were more than half diminished, and most of their Knights either killed, sick, or wounded, they at length prevailed with the Captain-General to grant them a Release; from whom having received the Visits and Compliments of Farewell, they set Sail on the 22 d of August at Night; with whom also departed General St. Paul, a Person very aged, and tired with the Toils of the Campaign, had Licence given him to ease himself in the Island of Zant, as also to the Colonel his Son, who had for some time laboured under the Indispositions of a malignant Fever.  
The Captain Pasha having received Intelligence of the loss of Coron, sailed with his Fleet of Galleys in sight of Cerigo, hoping thereby to divert the Venetians from attempting farther any Design for that Year: But this Sally was only in Bravade, rather than in earnest; for the Venetians were become so terrible to them by the late Successes, that the Captain Pasha with fear retired into the Port of Napoli di Romania, where, 
Th● Captain Pasha retires to Napoli de Romania.  so soon as he was entered, he drew the Chain cross the Mouth of the Harbour for Security of his Galleys, and landed the most choice and select Men of his Militia on the Shoar; where he form a Camp, as well to receive the scattered and dis-spirited Troops, which were fled from before Coron, as to give Life and Courage to the affrighted People of those Provinces, and restrain the Mainiotes from their intended defection from the Ottoman Empire; promising to remit unto them all the Money they owed for Charatch or Pole-mony, and to free and exempt them from all sorts of Taxes and Impositions for the three ensuing Years. This Captain Pasha was chief Favourite. The Captain General who was still at Coron, repairing those Fortifications with great diligence, set Sail to the Coast of Zarnata, being recruited with the Forces of Saxony, which (as we have said) were lately arrived in the Island of Corfu.  

Zarnata  Zarnata is a Fortress almost of a round Figure: It is naturally strong, being situate on a high Hill, but rendered much more considerable by Art The Captain General sent a Detachment to Summon the Place, which began at the first Overture to entertain a Treaty; and though the gross of the Venetian Army was not within five Miles of them, and had not as yet made any descent; and the Turkish Forces, under the Captain Pasha, were much at the same distance from them: Howsoever, the Aga which governed the Place, whether out of fear or affection to the Christians, Surrendered it at the first Demand on the 11 th' of September. 
is yielded.  The Garrison, which consisted of Six hundred Men, was embarked, and guarded by a Convoy within a small distance from Calamata; but the Aga fearing Death for his Cowardice or Treachery, remained in the Venetian Camp, where he was entertained by the Captain General with a Pension of Thirty Pieces of Eight a Month, after he had received Baptism, with Twenty other Turks, who were consenting to the Surrender. In this place were fifty one Pieces of Cannon, Two hundred Quintals of Powder, with great store of Bullets, Ammunition, and other Provisions: After which, Signior Morosini put into the Town Two hundred and fifty Foot Soldiers, under Command of the noble Venetians, Bartholomeo Contareni and Angelo Emo.  
Whilst these things were acting, the Captain Pasha, who was encamped about five Miles distant from Zarnata, with Seven thousand Foot and Three thousand Horse; upon News of the Surrender of the Fortress, withdrew his Forces under the Cannon of Calamata. This fear which the Turks showed, animated the Christians to adventure a Battle, without which, it was concluded at a Council of War, that nothing could be enterprised either towards Subjection of Calamata, or any other Town in the Maina; upon which Resolution the Venetians landed their Forces on the Shoar of Agiasio, which is situate at the entrance of the Province of Maina, 
The Venetians land their Forces.  a Place secure and advantageous, having on the Right-hand Mountains, on the Left Woods and Ditches, and on the Front several little Hills and Torrents of Water. So soon as some of the Venetian Troops appeared on the Shoar, the Turks advanced to the tops of the Hills, on which they planted forty or fifty Colours or Banners, and about Five or Six hundred of their Horse placed themselves under the Hills in the Valley: To dislodge these, and secure their own Camp, the Venetians had raised two Batteries of three Pieces of Cannon each, at the appearance of which, both the Horse marched away, and the Colours were withdrawn. The Christians taking this for an Instance of the Enemy's fear, the Captain General put his whole Army into Battalia, with the Troops of Saxony, conducted by General Deghenfelt, an old and experienced Commander, and marched towards the Enemy; and at the same time, about a Thousand Mainiotes flanked by Two hundred Morlaques, appeared on the top of a Hill to the Right-hand. In this posture the Christians remained all Night, and the next Morning being the 14 th' of September, which was the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, the General gave Orders to the Army to move and attack the Enemy: But the Turks not thinking themselves safe under the Walls of Calamata, set fire to their Magazines, and quitted the Town, making a Retreat with some small Skirmishes, without much Damage to one side or the other. 
The captain Pasha put to Flight.  This Retreat or Flight rather, was so shameful, that the Christians believed it at first to be some Stratagem, and were cautious either to pursue the Enemy, or enter the Town; but at length a Party of Sclavonians and Mainiotes being commanded to advance to the Town, they observed it to flame in divers Places; for the Inhabitants finding themselves abandoned by the Captain Pasha, despaired of all Relief, quitted the Town and set fire to their Houses: And thus did the Christian Army enter Calamata, without any opposition. The News of these Successes encouraged the Mainiotes that they repaired to the Venetian Camp in great numbers; 
Calamata taken,  a Party of which was presently sent in pursuit of the Enemy. In the Castle were only found nine Pieces of Cannon, and those nailed and rendered unserviceable; the Ammunition was equal to the Arms, and the Place of itself being esteemed inconsiderable and unfit for a Garrison, 
And demolished.  was dismantled, and the Walls demolished.  
Calamata is situate on the River anciently called Pamissus, or Panissus, in the Province of Belvedere, now Spirnazza: The Town is not environed by Walls, but defended by a Castle, which was only tenable against some present Incursion, and for that reason, both the Turks abandoned it, and the Christians demolished it.  
After Calamata was taken, the Venetians seized on Porto Vitalo, in which were fifty Pieces of Cannon, ten of smaller Artillery, with store of Ammunition. After which the Captain General appearing before Chielifa, the Garrison therein conceiving themselves in no Condition to make defence Surrender'd upon Articles. 
Chielisa Surrendered.  Asan Pasha, who was Governor of that place, and of all the Province round, was the first to lead the way out of the Town, and being accompanied with a Thousand People, carried the Keys to the Admiral Galley; Three hundred and fifty of which were Transported to the Island of Cervi, with their Goods and Movables.  
During this Summer Signior Molino Commander of Twenty Sail of Ships, employed (as we have said) to Cruise in the Archepelago, 
The Captain Pasha droven into Rhodes.  Chased the Captain Pasha from place to place, and at length drove him into Rhodes, where he secured himself and his Fleet, with a strong Chain drawn cross the Harbour, not daring to adventure abroad, thoô the Venetians came often to brave him, and challenge him to an Engagement.  
Thus ending this Campaign with great Reputation and Glory to the Venetian Arms, the Captain General Morosini Sailed for Corfu, 
The Captain Geneal draws into Winter-quarters.  to take his Winter-quarters there: The Troops of Brunswick were sent to Zant, those of Saxony with the Dragoons to Santa Maura, and other independent Regiments to Corfu, all due care being taken to make Provisions for their expected Guests. Whilst these Forces were drawn into their Winter-quarters, to enjoy some ●ase after the labours of War; the Signior Molino Captain extraordinary of the Ships, was appointed for a Guard to the Coast, and with his Squadron to Cruise near Cape Sapientia, and the Gulfs and Narrow straits in those Seas.  
But before the Captain General thought fit to lay up his Fleet until the next Season in Corfu, he touched at Santa Maura and Prevesa, to take a View and Survey of the State of those Places; but in his way thither, accidentally putting into the Port of Gomenizzes with some Galleys, he ordered the Proveditor with the rest of the Fleet to pass to the other side, and bestow a few Shot upon the Castle; which being done, some Troops were landed, and marched in Military form towards the Castle; 
The Venetians take Gomenizze.  upon sight of which the Turks were become so Cowardly and Timorous, that they fired one Gun and abandoned the Castle, and fled into the neighbouring Mountains and Woods for Refuge. So the Venetians took immediate Possession of the Fortress, in which were Twelve Pieces of Brass Cannon.  
This place of itself was of no great consideration; but in regard it was the Nest, and Sanctuary for Pirates and Robbers, who in the times of Peace continually infested Corfu, Parga and Pazò, the News thereos was satisfactory and pleasing, to all the Inhabitants of that Coast: So that when the Captain General on the 13 th' of November entered into Corfu, he was there received with loud Acclamations, extolling the Glory of his constant and continued Successes, with joyful remembrance, and with particular Thanks for having reduced the Castle of Gomenizzes, which had long been an ill Neighbour, and had much annoyed and infested their Seas.  
Thus were the Affairs of the Turks ruinous as well at Sea as at Land, in Hungary and in the Morea; the Pasha overthrown at Esseck was called Siaus, and so was the Captain Pasha, or Admiral of the Galleys, 
A Character of the Captain Pasha.  as if there had been something of Misfortune in the Name. Siaus, who was Admiral of the Fleet had formerly been Mosaip, or Favourite, and in his younger Years being a comely Person, was much beloved by the Grand Signior; he was always in his Presence, and ever had the Honour to be Familiar with him in Conversation; to be Clothed like his Master, and to Ride equal with him on the right Hand, which is the inferior place with the Turks. But he that had always been educated in a Court, was upon the trial found unfit, and unable to perform the Office of an Admiral at Sea; and therefore was ordered to leave the care and conduct of the Fleet to Mazzamama, so called because he had killed his Mother, but he was a good Sea Officer, bred up in the Galleys from his youth, and one of the Beys of the Archipelago, 
Mazzamama takes the Command of the Turkish Fleet.  of which there are Twenty four in number, who are obliged to Arm, and Man their Galleys at their own Cost and Charge, having in Consideration thereof the Haratch or Pole-money of the Islands, settled on them for their Maintenance. He was the Son of a Captain Pasha, killed by the English in Fight at Sea; for which cause he hath ever since declared his Hatred and Malice against our Nation: He was a very fat and corpulent Man, afflicted much with a Fistula in Ano, which he cherished by excessive Eating and a Sedentary Life, using no other Exercise than what he received by the motion of his Galley.  
Siaus Pasha being discharged from his Office of Admiral, was made Generalissimo of all the Land Forces in the Morea, but he was as unfit to Command an Army, as he was a Fleet; for he was no Soldier, nor of any experience in a Camp; and besides he was affected with an incurable Lameness in one of his Knees, whereby he could neither Walk, nor mount on Horseback without help. His Success was agreeable to his Abilities; for (as we have said) his Forces were defeated, his Kaya or Lieutenant killed, and he himself with difficulty escaped.  
When the News of these ill Successes came from the Morea, Hungary and other parts, the Court at Adrianople used all imaginable Arts to conceal the losses; the Curriers were ordered to come privately by Night into the Town, and none durst to Cabal or Discourse of News, 
The Grand Vizier's Caution.  which was the cause that nothing but Lies were whispered about the Town. Upon these Emergences frequent Councils were held, at which the Mufti, Kadileschers, or Chief Justices, Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State, and janizar-aga, all firm and entire Friends to the Grand Vizier, were always present and assistant to him; by which unusual method of proceeding in this Court, he gave the World to understand, that acting nothing of himself, he was not to be blamed or censured for the Success, or to be accountable for the miscarriages of the War. And whereas there were several Murmurings amongst the People, and in the Army especially, against the Vizier for not going to the War; he publicly desired the Grand Seignior's leave and commands to go; to which when the Sultan seemed inclinable, the Council unanimously opposed it, representing that it was never accustomary, nor decent for the Emperor, to send his Representative with his Seal and Authority without a Royal Army, or without expectation of performing some Signal Enterprise: And that on any other Terms or Circumstances than these, his going would be Prejudical and Dishonourable: It was farther alleged, 
Excuses for not going to the War.  That the attendance on the Vizier would consist of many useless Mouths, and the occasion of business draw many Followers to his Court, who must necessarily consume a great part of those Provisions, which would be more usefully employed for the use and sustenance of the Camp.  
But the best Excuse of all, was the ill state of the Vizier's health; concerning which there were various Reports; sometimes it was said, that he was desperately ill, then again that he was recovered, then that he was relapsed; some said, that he was Sick in Policy, others in Reality; but what seemed most probable was, that he was afflicted with the Spleen, by reason of which all kind of ill News made a sensible alteration in him: The Cares which constantly tormented him, kept his Mind always bend, and increased the pain in his Side, which kept him from Repose: These matters with Sixty six years of Age, were Afflictions sufficient to weary out, and harass a Body much more strong and robust than his. Tho' formerly he had the Report, and that not without reason of a bad Man; yet after his being Vizier, his Comportment was with all Justice and Moderation; and though naturally he was Passionate, yet striving with his Temper, he became mild and easy in his Conversation. Our English Nation in Turkey were sensible of this great change of his Humour; for he became kind to them (which is extraordinary in a Turk) without other advantage to himself, than his usual and regular Presents.  
It was impossible, 
The ill state of the Turks.  but that the whole Empire, even as far as to Basora, to Babylon or Bagdat, and the most remote parts of the East, should feel the dire effects of this unfortunate War; little Money was stirring and Trade interrupted, the want of which affects the Public, as much or more than private Members. The Grand Signior was forced at the beginning of the last Campaign, to disfurnish his Coffers in the Seraglio of all the ready Money in Cash; for the Riches there consists for the most part in Jewels and rich Furniture, rather than in Banks of Money: After which about the middle of the Summer, they ransacked the Treasury of the Stables, and took out from thence in Silver and Gold Stirrups, and other Horse-furniture, which they caused to be Coined with 30 l. per Cent. Alloy, to the value as was reported of Two thousand Purses, which made just a Million of Dollars. Misfortunes and Scarcity made the Soldiers mutinous upon every small occasion, and averse from going to the War: The Lord Treasurer was removed from his Office, and made Pasha of Damascus, and sent to supply the place, and charge of Siaus Pasha killed at Esseck, and ordered to repair the Bridge and defend that Pass: A Party of about Two thousand five hundred Spahees then at Adrianople, were commanded to follow him upon this Expedition. But Five hundred of these, 
A Mutiny amongst the Spahees.  withdrawing themselves from the rest demanded their Pay, and refused to March; saying, That by the original constitution of their Order, they were not obliged to go to the War, but with the Vizier, or Standard of the Prophet, which it was their Profession and Office, to Guard and Defend. But to give a stop to this Sedition, and Nip it in the Bud, the Vizier immediately sent his Kaiah with all his Retinue, and janizar-aga to the place where they were assembled, not far distant from the City; Twenty of them were taken and sent to the Grand Signior, who caused four of their Heads to be cut off, and the other Sixteen were sent to the Galleys; and two of their Chief Officers were Banished to Cyprus, for keeping no better Order amongst their Men; all the rest were dispersed, and in an hour's time the whole Business was over; and in a few Days afterwards, those who were banished, and those who were sent to the Galleys were recalled and restored to their places, and all of them contentedly, and in good order marched towards Hungary. But they had not proceeded far on their way before advices came, that after Ibrahim Pasha's defeat near Strigonium, there had arose differences and disturbances between the Spahees and janissaries, to suppress which Ibrahim had cut off several of them: Whereupon it being not thought fit to suffer these Mutinous Spahees, to join with the discontented Parties, a stop was put to their March; until such time as Agiemzade, a grave and wise Person, one who had formerly been Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State, was sent to the Army in Hungary, with a Sum of Money to appease the Mutinies, and soften the Minds of the Soldiery. These little disturbances caused the People to talk, and brought the Vizier's name upon their Tongues: And those who pretended to be Politicians discoursed, That this Empire had been raised, and supported by the Soldiery; and that from them deserving Persons had been promoted, and advanced to the high Degrees of Viziers and Generals; and not from Parasites and Syphcoants, or from effeminate Courtiers and Favourites: And that the Grand Signior, who diverted himself wholly in Hunting and with Women, neglecting the main concernments of the Empire was not like his Progenitors, who in Person marched at the Head of their Armies, and encouraged their Soldiers by their Presence and Personal Valour: From such Discourses as these amongst the Commonalty, who reported much worse of their Affairs, than perhaps they were in reality, we may expect some greater Changes for the ensuing Years: For the Army was become Cowardly and Mutinous, and running from the War more willingly than coming to it; and the Common People affected with a strange Superstition, that Fortune will change with exchange of Officers.  
But before we put an end to this Year 1685, let us a little return once more into Hungary, and take a view of what was acting in the Upper parts of that Kingdom; where the Success of the Imperial Arms had produced such Dread and Terror in the Minds of Turks and Malcontents, that many places yielded at the first Summons, or at the appearance of an Army before them: In this manner Potak, Regentz, Ungwar and Serau, all Garrisons belonging to Tekeli, 
Several places belonging to Tekeli surrender.  yielded without one Blow, and received the Imperial Troops, which being welcomed with real Joy by the Inhabitants, the Military Parol was maintained, and not the least injury or damage offered to the People. The Surrender of these Places were leading Cards to Senetz, Valdachin, and to the Castles of Sonna, Annoin, Pallotz, Duron, Spadiz, joram, Hinghen, Zatmar and other places, which submitted to Count Caprara, and willingly received German Garrisons, and being pardoned and absolved from their Rebellion by this General, they took a new Oath of Fidelity and Allegiance to the Emperor.  
But that which chiefly facilitated the defection of these Places, was a report that Tekeli was seized by the Turks, and lay chained at Waradin; the Fame of which had some Foundation; for the Seraskier Shitan Ibrahim having had very ill Success the last Summer, knew not where to charge the Fault, 
Tekel● in Disgra●e.  and excuse himself better than by laying all the blame upon Tekeli; and to evidence his Resentment, caused him to be imprisoned at Waradin, until his Crimes were notified to the Court, and Orders given by the Grand Signior for his Punishment. But Tekeli by his Agents had so well managed his Cause before the Divan, that he was fairly acquitted from all Blame, and the Seraskier disgraced for his rash Judgement, as will hereafter be discoursed more at large: And indeed the Grand Signior and his Council did wisely consider the great Interest of Tekeli in Hungary, 
And received to 〈◊〉.  and what Influence his present Disgrace had already had over the many Towns and Castles which belonged to him, and which had Surrender'd upon the Report only of the Imprisonment of their Prince; wherefore the Grand Signior and his Council hastened, with all possible speed, Orders to the Pasha of Waradin for his Release, and at the head of his Army to proclaim his Innocence, and repair his Honour; the which was accordingly performed, as appears by a Letter from Tekeli himself, dated the 4th of December 1685, from Alba Regalis, directed to his Wife, the Princess of Ragotzki, wherein also he signified his Intentions to return with the Spring into Hungary, with a Body of Fifteen thousand Turks and Tartars, and endeavour to recover those Places which were revolted from him. These Advices so encouraged the Princess, that she bravely refused to receive an Imperial Garrison into Mongatz, though her Town was blocked up by Count Caprara during the whole Winter, of which we shall speak more at large at the beginning of the ensuing Year; and we shall conclude this, with the taking of Arad by Colonel Heusler, a Place situate upon the Banks of the River Maroz, between Temeswar and Giulia, distant twelve Leagues from Temeswar, and about as far from Sigeth. Heusler being not far from Arad, detached a Party of Hungarians before, to provoke the janissaries, and draw them forwards to an Engagement: Upon sight of the Enemy, 
Arad ●ak●n.  the janissaries made a Sally, supported with Fifteen hundred Spahees, Commanded by the Pasha of Soffia, which were newly come thither from Constantinople: These Forces in the vigour and briskness of their Courage, pursued the Hungarians, who made an orderly Retreat until they came to their main Body, at which the Pasha nothing dismayed charged with much Bravery; but Colonel Mercy coming up with his Germans, fell in upon them with such fury, that the Turks in a confusion and disorder endeavoured to make their Escape by flight into Arad; but were so closely pursued at the heels by the Germans and Hungarians, that they entered into the Town in mixture with the Turks, killing and destroying them with such a Slaughter, that a Thousand of them, together with the Pasha, were slain at the Gates and within the Town, which remained a rich Booty and Prize to the Conquerors; for these Spahees lately come from their Homes, were well furnished with Money, scarce any of them had less about him than Two hundred Hungarian Ducats in Gold, with good Vests of fine Cloth, well lined with Sables or other Furs, and their Horses of the best Breed of Asia, 
A rich Booty taken at Arad.  well adorned with the Accoutrements belonging to them, all which became a Prey to the victorious Army; besides, the Town was well supplied with all sorts of Provisions in great abundance, with which the Soldiers refreshed themselves, year 1686. and for the space of four Days sacked, plundered and weltered in all sorts of Bestiality and Debauchery; at the end of which, they set fire to the Town, and in a few hours reduced all to Ashes. Those few Turks who escaped the Slaughter fled to Temeswar, whereupon, this News was so great a Consternation, that the Pasha to prevent the like fate on his Town, thought fit to burn the Suburbs, to the great damage and ruin of the Inhabitants.  
We have formerly mentioned, that the ill Success of the Turks in Hungary had caused Mutinies in the Army, and that one Aremzade, a grave and wise Person, was sent with a Sum of Money to appease the Soldiery, and inquire into the Cause of these Disturbances: The Matter being examined, a Report was made much to the Prejudice of Shaitan Ibrahim, by reason of the disaffection of the Soldiers and Commanders to him; for it seems impossible for a General to be unfortunate and beloved: When the Report was come to the hands of the Grand Signior, the Capelar-kiasee, or Master of the Ceremonies, was speedily dispatched, with a Command to take off the Head of Shaitan Ibraim, and to make Apti, then Pasha of Buda, Seraskier or General in his place, and Osman Pasha, Ogli Pasha of Buda; but Osman's Head was cut off by Ibrahim three Days before the Order came: In return for which, 
Shaitan Ibrahim put to Death.  Shaitan Ibrahim's Head was brought to Adrianople the 6 th' of December. He had been in the greatest Employments of the Empire for the space of forty Years, and rendered considerable and signal Services thereunto: One might have thought that his brave and valiant Defence of Buda, would have attoned for future Misfortunes; or that his Marriage with the Grand Seignior's Sister deceased, and afterwards with his Aunt, would have been Interests sufficient for his Protection; but the Grand Vizier feared him, and therefore was willing to wreak upon him all the Misfortunes of an unhappy Campaign, laying it to his Charge, that he had converted the Soldiers Pay to his own Profit: And so he fell about the Eightieth Year of his Age, commiserated by all, and according to the Character we have formerly given of him, he might have deserved a milder Fate. And so we shall put an end to the Martial Enterprises, Wars and Confusions of the Year 1685.  

ANNO 1686.  
THE Grand Vizier being of a melancholy pensive Nature, 
The Grand Vizier's Distemper.  and much afflicted with hypocondriacal Distempers, made his Thoughts more burdensome by suppressing them, and not communicating his sad Apprehensions to other Friends. At the Siege of Buda he was ill for the space of a Month; but when good News came, he recovered again, and his political Disease had its cold and hot Fits, according to the changes and vicissitude of Times. About the end of the last Year, or beginning of this, Soliman Pasha, who was General of the Army against Poland, had not only defended the Confines, but worsted the Poles, and returned to Adrianople with much Applause; for it was now no less Glory for a General amongst the Turks to save his Army, and not be Overcome, than it was formerly to Conquer. This was the Fortune and Honour of Soliman, for having brought off his Army entire and unbroken; which was a piece of Service so highly esteemed, 
Soliman Pasha's reception.  that the Grand Vizier received him upon his arrival, with all Honour and Appearances of real Friendship, sending the Chiausbashee and Chaouses to conduct him to his Presence, where at the same time were the Mufti, the Generals of the janissaries and Spahees, and other great Ministers of State assembled, and all congratulated the Honours and Glories he had acquired; which Ceremonies being ended, all these great Persons (except the Mufti) attended Soliman to the Seraglio, where the Grand Signior received him with much Kindness, clothed him with a rich Vest of Sables, entertained him with a splendid Banquet, and presented him two Horses richly furnished: According to which Example, as is accustomary, all the great Men made him their Presents; for whom the Sultan will Favour, the inferior Officers are obliged to Honour. The next Day Soliman came to the Vizier's Palace, held a Divan, and acted all public Business, and in the Mouths of the Commonalty, he was cried up for Vizier Azem. And though what Soliman Pasha acted was only as an Assistant or Coadjutor to the Vizier, during his Weakness and Infirmity; yet Soliman got so much ground in Esteem of the Sultan, and of the People, that the Vizier thought it time to rouse up his Spirits, and to act every thing by his own Person. 
The Grand Vizier jealous of Soliman.  And to secure himself from the danger of being supplanted by so powerful a Rival, he addressed a Memorial to the Grand Signior, wherein he represented the Virtues and Abilities of Soliman in an eminent manner, that he was a faithful, experienced, and a fortunate Minister, and the only Person in the World fit and able to be General in Hungary, and to conduct an Army in this dangerous and difficult War. The Grand Signior entertaining a like sense of the Abilities of Soliman, inclined thereunto, and would have given him that Employment, had not some Accidents intervened to prevent it. For the Embrahor, or Master of the Horse, the Kuzlir Aga, or Eunuch of the Women, and the Sultana or Empress herself, being all Friends and Confidents to Soliman, advised him of the Plot, which might bring upon him the like Fate, which had befallen Shaitan Ibrahim; and that the best way to avoid it, would be to push at the Office of Vizier, and demand the Seal. Soliman encouraged by such powerful Abettors, boldly cast himself at the feet of the Grand Signior, and told him, That he was ready to lay down his Life either at Home or in Hungary for the Service of him his Master, and sacrifice all to his Pleasure and Glory; but to go into Hungary without the Seal (which was without the power of Vizier) would be of Prejudice and ill Consequence to the whole Empire, for which he alleged many Reasons, and being an eloquent or a well-spoken Man, was seconded by others, who represented the present Vizier to be a Person infirm and unfit for War. The Grand Signior was prevailed upon, and agreed to constitute Soliman his Vizier; 
Soliman made Vizier.  but the Execution thereof, at the desire of Soliman was deferred until next Morning; and in the mean time, the Matter was carried so secretly, that the Vizier had no Intimation or Jealousy of the Resolution. Next Morning being the time, when the Pay of the Spahees was to be delivered out, Soliman came to the Vizier's Chamber, and pressed him very instantly, that since he was now in better Health, that he would be present at giving out the Pay unto the Spahees; and that in case he were wearied or uneasy, he would perform the remainder of the Trouble for him; but the Vizier excused himself, and would not come, but desired Soliman to take the trouble upon him of that Day's Office; which as he was performing, and had half done, the Bostangibashee to the Grand Signior, or he who is Master of the Wardrobe, came to the Vizier and demanded the Seal, showing him a Warrant for it, under the Hand of the Grand Signior: The Vizier was so struck with the Surprise, that he had scarce power and strength to put his trembling Hand into his Bosom to give it to him; and Nature being weak in him, he fell in a Swoon, and so was left. So soon as Soliman had finished the giving out the Pay, a Capigibashee came to call him to the Grand Signior, to whom being come, he had the Seal conferred upon him, with the Character of the Supreme Vizier, and so was conducted to the public Palace belonging to that Office; from whence the former Vizier, without other Ceremony or Warning, was in a moment removed, and being by his Servants put into a Coach, was carried to a private House, and four Days afterwards was ordered to retire unto Constantinople, with a Pension of an Hundred and fifty Asper's a Day, which may be about eight Shillings English Mony. This Ibrahim (for so we must now call him) having a House and Garden of his own upon the Bosphorus, 
The late Vizier sent to Constantinople.  obtained leave to retire thither, but not to go to Mecha, as he instantly desired: But he had not long continued there, before a Command was issued to seize his Estate, which was executed early one Morning by the Janizar-Aga and Bostangibashee, who surrounded his House, the latter of which went in to him, and told him that he must go with him; Ibrahim apprehending that his End was near, asked him, If he came for his Head; and when he told him no, he could not believe him, until he had Sworn by his Law and by his Prophet; being herewith a little comforted, he was carried Prisoner to the Middle-gate of the Seraglio; in the mean time his House was rifled, and all his Servans and Pages of any fashion were taken into Custody, and Examined for better Discovery of his Estate. All the Money found, did not amount unto more than Five thousand Purses, besides his Jewels, and his great Revenues in Lands and Houses. Being thus stripped of all his Estate, 
His Estate seize●.  he was on the 18 th' of March put into a Galley, and sent to Rhodes, there to remain a Prisoner in the Castle. Soliman Pasha, now Vizier, compassionating his Case, and not knowing how soon it might be his own turn, sent him Five thousand Dollars, with a Vest of Sables, and obtained a small Allowance for him from the Grand Signior.  
Nor was this Change only of the Vizier, but attended with others at the Court; for the Janizar-Aga, or General of the janissaries was put out, and one Hassan Aga, Lieutenant General of the janissaries at Buda was put in his stead: Zulficar Aga a vast rich Man, 
Changes of Officers in the Turkish Court.  one of the Pashas of the Bench, was sent to command in the place of Mustapha, Brother to the late Vizier Kupriogli, who was recalled to Court and made Chimacam at Constantinople. Ahmet Pasha named for Captain Pasha last Year, was made Seraskier, or General in Hungary, in the place of Shaitan Ibrahim, and Apti Pasha (whom we have formerly mentioned) was returned again to his Province of Pasha of Buda. The Reis Effendi, or Secretary of State was displaced, the Reason not known, and that Office supplied by a Relation of the late Vizier's, who wrote his Letters for him, a raw and an unexperienced Man. The Mosaip was continued General in the Morea and Missir-ogli was made Captain Pasha in the place of Mazzamama, to whom as we have said, the care of the Fleet was committed the last Summer.  
These were the Changes with which this Year began in the Ottoman Court, after which care was taken to Recruit the Army, and make all Warlike preparations in Hungary, for which the new Vizier Solyman was preparing; and all the Court and People were full of hopes, and expectations of mighty Successes under the auspicious Conduct of Solyman, whose very Name had been Fortunate to the Turks.  
Tekeli (as we have mentioned before) being set at Liberty, 
Tekeli receives Aid from th● Turks.  and restored to his Command with Honour; received Money from the Vizier to Raise Two thousand Men, and was recommended by the Vizer to the new Seraskier, to give all the encouragement and assistance he was able, that so he might once more try his Fortune in the Upper Hungary.  
Amongst the many ways and contrivances to raise Money, one was to discover the hidden Riches of the Imprisoned Vizier, for which, whilst they made diligent Search in his Seraglio, or Palace at Constantinople it came to be known, that Three hundred Purses belonging to the Vizier Kara Mustapha, who was Strangled at Belgrade, were found in a secret conveyance of the House, the Chimacam and Embrahore, or Master of the Horse, would be present at Sealing of the Bags, and had counted out Two hundred, when it proving dark and late, 
The Viziers' Palace Burnt.  they deferred the remainder until the Day following; but that Night, by what Accident is not known, the Palace took Fire and was Burnt to the Ground.  
At Adrianople, where the Court resided, an Envoy arrived from Muscovy, and another from the General of the Cosacks, with Complaints against the Tartars and Governor of Asac, a Fortress of the Turks on the Tanais, for Incursions made upon them: The Muscovites remained until this time in suspense, whether to make War, or confirm a Peace with the Turks; 
Addresses to the Ottoman Court.  but the Success of the Emperor, and the Provocations received from the Tartars, put that Business beyond all doubt, and brought the Muscovites into a League with the Emperor and Poland, as will shortly be made manifest by the Capitulations between them. Amongst other Applications to the Ottoman Court, a new Ambassador from France arrived at Adrianople, to assure the Sultan of his Master's Friendship, and his Resolution to stand Neuter in this present War: But the Turks, who rely not with much confidence on the Word and Stories of the French, gave them an ordinary Reception, without Favours, or any unsual Concessions, denying to them the Guardian-ship of the Holy Sepulchre at jerusalem, which had formerly been granted to them.  
This was the State of the Ottoman Court, in the beginning of this Year 1686; when Count Caprara kept the Town of Mongatz Blocked up, which is strongly fortified with a Castle, Situate on the River Turza, between Ungwar and Zatmar, 
Mongatz Blocked up.  near the Mountains. The place belonged to the Countess Tekeli, in right of her former Husband Prince Francis Ragotski; She was Daughter of Count Peter Serini, and Married to Tekeli, as we have formerly mentioned. Caprara having all the Winter his Quarters not far from Mongatz, sent frequent Messages to this Lady to Surrender the Town and Castle to the Emperor, promising in the name of his (Caesarean Majesty, to conserve both herself and her Son, in the same Condition of Greatness, and Estate as at present; adding thereunto many Compliments, which are commonly given to a young and beautiful Lady. The expressions he made to her, were so full of tenderness and respect, that she could not refuse to return an Answer, agreeable to so much concernment as he testified for her; assuring him, That nothing so grieved her, as to see herself embarked in a Cause against the Emperor; and that nothing could be so uneasy to her and difficult to determine, in what manner she was to behave herself, between the Duty and Faith she owed to a Husband, and Allegiance to the most gentle and gracious Prince of the Universe: But as to the Surrender of the Town and Castle, it was not in her Power, but depended entirely on the Secretary and Deputy of her Husband, who was there constituted Governor, with all the Riches and Wealth of the place; and that the Citizens and Chief Magistrates thereof, were joined in the same Resolutions with him, to defend and maintain the Place to their utmost hazard of their Lives and Fortunes; and that herein they were the more encouraged, by Advices lately received from Count Tekeli, whereby he not only gives them the good News of his Liberty, and the great Honours and Aids, which the Turks had bestowed upon him in recompense for the Affront, which the late Vizier had cast upon him; but promised them very speedily a Relief sufficient to drive their Enemies from their Doors, and at a distance from their Country, and would bring Rewards in his Hands for those, who should in the mean time remain true, and constant to his Interest.  
Count Caprara rightly judging, that by such delays and excuses as these, 
A Sally from the Town of Mongatz.  the Princess intended only to gain time, and to illude his designs, began to draw his Forces nearer, with a Train of Artillery, Mortars and other Engines proper for a Siege: But the Garrison nothing dismayed thereby, made a Sally with Six hundred Men, and gained a Redoubt which the Imperialists had raised near the lower Town, with the slaughter of Four hundred Soldiers therein; and having taken out the Arms and Guns, they demolished the Fort, and razed it to the very Ground. Howsoever, Caprara having received a Recruit of Two thousand Men, possessed himself of a Post, whereby he hoped to bar the Town of the Water, which supplied both that and the Castle: But matters happened quite otherwise, for the Rains fell in such abundance, as filled the Cisterns with Water, which were anciently made to supply the wants of the Inhabitants on such occasions.  
In the mean time Apafi Prince of Transilvania, laboured with all his power to gain a Neutrality for himself between the Turks and the Emperor; by the first of which he was pressed with all imaginable instances, to serve in this War both with Men and Money, according to agreement and obligations of his Investiture, when he received the Standard from the Sultan: And by the other, That is, by the Emperor he was threatened to declare himself either a Friend, or an Enemy, for that no sort of indifferency would be admitted in this Case: And the better to compel him thereunto, Count Caraffa advanced into his Country with Eight thousand Men, Two thousand whereof were Hungarians, and took up their Quarters on the Frontiers of Transilvania, which was now in a Condition under such a Force rather to receive Laws, than to give them. 
Apafi desires a Neutrality.  The Prince Apafi being much incommoded by Quartering of Soldiers, dispatched three Agents to Vienna, to Treat of those matters, to which he was altogether averse in former times, and readily offered to give free Quarter to those Troops which were sent into his Country; but as to an open Declaration of nearer Alliance he desired to be excused, considering that his Country was environed by the Turks, and their strongest Garrisons bordering on his Confines, so that until the Emperor had driven the Enemy at a farther distance, it could not be advisable for him to make a more public Declaration.  
The City of Debrezin, Situate between Tokay and Great Waradin, 
Debrezin redeems it s●l● from free Quarter.  is Populous and Rich, and had voluntarily desired to be received into Protection of his Imperial Majesty, after Zolnock and Cassovia had been reduced, having conserved themselves in a Neutrality during the late Revolutions of Hungary, without taking part in any Engagement with the Malcontents. This City I say, was received into Protection▪ upon promise to maintain with free Quarter Five thousand Germans, and One thousand Hungarians; but finding themselves overburdened and harassed with Quartering these Soldiers, they agreed to pay Eighty thousand Florins per Month, for the space of six Months, in lieu of their free Quarter, by which Sum of Money they eased themselves from the inconvenience and insolence of Soldiers, as did also many parts of the upper Hungary, the main burden of Quarters being cast upon the Country's bordering on Transilvania, which was of great relief to the Hereditary Countries.  
This Year began early with Action; for the General's Mercy and Heusler having their Quarters at Zolnock, made frequent Incursions upon the Turks with great Success and Advantage: And having intelligence, that in Transilvania a Convoy of about an Hundred Wagons was providing laden, with Money, Ammunition and Provisions for the subsistence and relief of Buda, they made a Detachment of Five thousand choice Horse, with some Auxiliaries from Count Caprara, and ordered them to march towards Segedin, and to Waylay them in their Passage over the River. Heusler being advanced about a League from Segedin, gave Orders to Peterhasi, with a strong Battalion to embosk himself within the Woods, which grew very thick in that Country; and when the Garrison of Segedin should Sally forth to the assistance of the Convoy, That he should then with his Battalion arise from the place of Concealment, and seize upon the Town, which might perhaps be left naked, and void of all defence. Matters did not in all things answer expectation; for the Convoy being Guarded with a strong party of Turkish Soldiers, they Fought with such Valour and Resolution, 
Heusler Attacks a Convoy of the Turks.  that though the Imperialists remained Masters of the Field, and of the Convoy; yet the Action cost so much Blood, that it could not properly be called a Victory; for a Victory may be too dearly bought, when it is purchased with the Lives of so many brave Men, as are not to be estimated by any advantage whatsoever: And so it happened now; for though Three thousand Turks were killed on the place, 
The Victory dearly bought.  yet they were not to be valued with the Blood of Two thousand Germans and Hungarians, all choice and select Men, who lay dead in the Field. But as it happens commonly amongst Soldiers, those who live and survive, have little sense or regard for such as are slain; unless that being made Mad, and more Furious by the death of their Companions, they breathe nothing but Revenge; as did this remaining Party, which exasperated by the difficulty of the late Fight, fell upon the Lands of Seudin, Geset, Bahatz, and the Parts adjacent, or not far from the place of Battle, destroying and consuming all with Fire and Sword. The News of these Successes were not very pleasing at Vienna, where they esteemed the Victory too dearly obtained; and though they publicly applauded the bravery and resolution of the Officers and Soldiers, yet in their private Councils, they could not but secretly blame the rashness of the Commanders.  
As all places in the upper Hungary were filled with Slaughter and Confusion; so no less Damage was caused in Croatia, by the vast Floods and Inundations, 
Floods of Water in Croatia.  which for some time drowned all that Country, and carried away whole Towns and Families, Castles and Provisions down the Torrent: And not only hindered all Commerce and Correspondence of one Town with another, but prevented the intended Incursions on the Enemy, destroyed the Provisions necessary for support of the Army, and superinduced a grievous Famine over the whole Land. Count Nicolas Erdeody, who was then Ban or chief Commander at that time of Croatia, being much affected with the Common Calamity of his Country, assembled a Convention of all the Estates at Zagrabia, to consider of the said Condition and Desolation of their Province, where after divers Conferences, they concluded it necessary to represent unto the Emperor, the State and Condition of Croatia, and the Confines and Militia thereof, and how necessary it was to defend and guard those Frontiers, from the Forces then gathering between Belgrade and Esseck.  
Nor were these Advices ill grounded; for the Turkish Forces were daily on their march from Belgrade to the Bridge of Esseck, which they had received Commands to Repair and Defend, being the most important Pass of all Hungary. Apti Pasha now Seraskier, or General of the Turkish Army, was extremely diligent and active to provide every thing necessary against the next Campaign; 
The Seraskier Reinforces several Garrisons.  and with admirable Sedulity, as well, as the shortness of time would admit, he succoured all the Frontier Garrisons with Provisions, and reinforced Waradin, Agria, Segedin, Temiswar, Buda, Alba-Regalis and Kanisia with Recruits, and all necessary supplies, being places most exposed to the Enemy; and such as might with Reason be believed, would all or some of them be attempted, and become the Enterprise and Design of this Years Campaign. This Apti Pasha, was a Man of some experience in the War, but being of a sour and morose Temper, was ill beloved by the Soldiery.  
Tekeli being intent to Relieve his Countess and City of Mongatz, and raise the Siege which Caprara had laid, and now completely form; departed from Great Waradin about the beginning of February, with Seventeen Standards, and took his march by way of Hongland into Transilvania, about two Leagues from Clausemberg, where understanding that several of his Troops, 
Tekeli marches towards Mongatz.  which the last Year had made a Defection from him, were Quartered in the Parts thereabouts, he hoped either to surprise and cut them off, or else to regain them back to his Party; but these Hungarian Troops having advice of his near Approach, changed their Quarters, and marched away to join with the Croatian Regiments of Lodron, and six Companies of the Regiment of Spinola; of which Tekeli being advised he altered his design, and resolved to pass the Tibiscus, and march with all expedition towards Mongatz. This Motion of Tekeli Alarmed all the Countries, and caused Caraffa to endeaver to Waylay him, and take some convenient Post to intercept him in his march; but Tekeli upon this intelligence directed his Course towards Giulia, to join with the new Pasha of that place, and to concert other Methods, in order to their future proceedings. In the mean time Caraffa not to remain idle, having a Force of Four thousand Germans and Three thousand Hungarians, with four Pieces of Cannon and four Mortars, sent to Summon the Fortress of St. job, about three Leagues distant from Great Waradin, Situate in the middle of a great Marsh or Fen, 
The Fortress of St. Job.  which rendered it naturally very strong; and was form by Art in a Quadrangular Figure, encompassed by four Bulwarks, joined by strong built Curtains, and encompassed by a very deep Ditch: Upon one side of this Fortress there is a great wide open place, in which many Houses are erected, and is called by the name of the Little City; which also is fortified in the nature of a strong Palanca, encompassed with a convenient Ditch, by which it is joined to that of the Castle, and hath communication therewith by a Draw-bridge: Notwithstanding the strength of this place, Caraffa invested it on the 9 th' of February, raised his Batteries, 
Invested by Caprara.  threw Bombs and Fired instantly upon the Town, which was reteturned in like manner from thence. But so it happened by the Divine Providence, that one of the Bombs fell directly into a Tower in the middle of the Castle, where the Powder and Ammunition was conserved; with which all blowing up, not only tore and rend the Tower in Pieces, but shook the whole Castle and the neighbouring Town, and put all the Soldiers and Inhabitants into such amazement and consternation, that they knew not which way, nor how to apply themselves for their defence and safety. This fatal Blow gave advantage to the Christians to Attack the Fortress in three several places; for which when the Turks perceived, that preparations were making, they spread a white Flag on the Walls, and demanded Terms of Surrender, which were readily granted and allowed to the Garrison, and to all the Inhabitants to march forth with their Arms, with their Wives and Children, and with as much of their Baggage, as every person could carry. Possession being taken of the Gates and Entrances by the Germane Soldiers, Six hundred Turks of the Garrison marched out, besides Women and Children, 
And Surrendered.  which were according to the Faith given, safely conducted within a League of Great Waradin; only an unlucky accident happened, that as the Garrison passed forth, about Twelve Persons were discovered amongst them, to have been Hungarian Christians, and such as had become Renegadoes, and denied the Faith of Christ: Upon the sight of which the Christian Soldiers became so scandalised and incented, that forgetting the Capitulations agreed, they violently seized upon them, with intention immediately to Hang them up, or by some other way to put them to Death as Apostates: This Bustle caused great disturbance, and made the Turks to Cry aloud, that the Conditions and Articles of Surrender were broken: But the Officers applying themselves with their Authority, to restrain the Licentiousness of the Soldiery, the Tumult was appeased: After which due care and diligence being used to extinguish the Fire, which still raged both in the Town and Castle, it was at length overcome, and much of the Ammunition and Provisions conserved; what Goods remained were given to the Soldiery. In the Castle were eight Pieces of Cannon, without other Arms; about Two hundred and seventy Christian Slaves were set at Liberty. The taking of this Place was esteemed of much importance, by Reason, that thereby the Countries of Zathmar and Zobolesch were freed of all Contributions, and the Towns and Boroughs in all Parts round, as far as Waradin were bridled and kept under some restraint, by a Garrison of an Hundred Musquetiers, and Two hundred Heydukes and a Hundred Hussars, which Count Caraffa had put into St. job, which were esteemed sufficient to resist any sudden Incursion of the Enemy until Relief came, which could not be long wanting from the neighbouring Places.  
In the mean time (as we have said) Count Caprara had drawn his Line of Circumvallation before Mongatz, and laid a formal Siege: Against which, the Besieged wanting no resolution to defend themselves, fired continual Volleys of great and small shot: 
Monga●z Besieged.  And on the 10 th' of March made a Sally to ruin the Batteries of the Imperialists, but were vigorously repulsed with some loss: Tho' not long afterwards they made another Sally with more success, 
Sallies made.  having overthrown a Battery, and made the Cannon unserviceable: But in regard the Defendants found by experience that frequent Sallies cost the Lives of many Soldiers, which they could ill spare, they resolved to conserve themselves within their Walls, on the Defensive part, without other hazards of offending the Enemy. On the other side, the Imperialists pressed forward with much Resolution, played with their Cannon on the Palanca, and threw Bombs and Carcases into the Town; but what damage was done thereby was soon repaired by the diligence of the Besieged, returning their Shot with fiery Bullets of a new invention, which did great execution within the Lines. This and other Successes, raised their Spirits within the Town to a steady defence; to secure which, the Princess Ragotzki imposed a new Oath of Fidelity on all the Soldiers, which they cheerfully took, and to express their readiness thereunto, they fired all the great and small Shot round the Town, with resolute Protestations never to hearken unto any Offers or Conditions for Surrender of the Place: To confirm the Soldiery in this good Humour, it was noised in the Garrison, that there were sufficient Provisions in the Magazines, for the subsistence of a whole Year; that the Princess had received Letters from her Husband Tekeli assuring her, that he would very suddenly appear before the Town, with an Army sufficient to raise the Siege and restore their Liberties, 
Reports of Tekeli 's March.  and reward all those, who had continued firm and constant in their Faith and Allegiance unto him. Nor was this Report confined within the Walls of Mongatz, but it was spread over all the Imperial Camp, that Tekeli had joined the Seraskier's Army, with a Force of Eight thousand Turks and Tartars, and shortly resolved to attempt the raising of the Siege before Mongatz, and to Reinforce the place with considerable Recruits. To prevent which, Count Caprara dispeeded General Piccolomini, with a strong Detachment to join with Mercy, Caraffa and Heusler, and with united strength to oppose the Enemy's passage, and watch some favourable opportunity to engage them: But the Report of the Turks numbers, and Tekelis design soon vanished, there being no such apparent Force in the Field to give them opposition.  
In the mean time the Siege proceeded vigorously, Bombs and Carcases being daily fired and thrown into the Palanca and Castle; one of which fell into the very Room, where the Princess Ragotzki was at Dinner, which without any disorder, or affrightment of the Lady was soon extinguished. Howsoever, the Besiegers made such a Breach into the Palanca, that they lodged a strong Party upon the brink of the Ditch. The Besieged on the other side had raised a great Battery behind the Breach, which dismounted several of the Imperialists Cannon, and made divers Retrenchments, and fired continually Bombs and Carcases into the Lines, which often times did considerable execution. But when the Officers of the Garrison considered, that the only means to preserve the place, was to prevent the Draining of the two Ditches of the lower Town, which were extremely deep, they cut a passage for several streams of Water, by secret and hidden Channels to fall into the Ditch, which being increased by the melting of Snow from the Mountains, and continual Floods of Rain, which fell in that Season of the Year, the Ditches were not only filled, but the Earth made so soft and moist, that it was impossible to maintain their Works; so that Caprara could do nothing more than Batter the Town with his Cannon, and throw some Bombs and Carcases with little or no Execution. In fine, the Season coming on for Action, which required an application to something more profitable and promising than this difficult Work; 
The Siege of Mongatz raised.  the Siege was raised by Order of the Emperor about the end of April, after five Months had been unprofitably spent before that place.  
But before the great and most considerable Actions of the following Campaign began, there were certain Preparations or Preludes thereunto represented in Fights and Skirmishes between certain Parties detached from the main Bodies, in all which the Imperialists gained the Advantage, and sometimes had the fortune of a clear Victory: On the 14 th' of March, some Imperial Troops having their Winter-quarters in Croatia, routed Fifteen hundred Turks drawn up in open Field, and put them to flight; Achmet Aga their chief Commander was killed, and his Son taken Prisoner: 
Achmet Aga defeated.  This Engagement happened near a little Town called jalonne, which the Croats stormed, and took and pillaged it, and set at liberty Eight hundred Christian Slaves, of which Three hundred were in a condition to take up Arms. Another Detachment of Croats possessed themselves of the Castle of Clanitz, where they found a considerable Booty; as also of the Town of the great Cladussa, about four Leagues from Strediclo, from whence they were enabled to make Incursions into the Territories of the Turks without any opposition. year 1686.  
About the beginning of this Month, other Detachments from the Garrison of Vesprin, 
April.  and Places in the Lower Hungary, took the Castle of Palotta, about two Leagues distant from Alba Regalis, and put all to the Sword. 
Other Successes.  About the end of this Month, Count Baragotzi with a Regiment of Germane Horse, and some Hungarian Troops, intended to surprise Tekeli in Giena, a little Town belonging to the Turks; but the Design failed, Tekeli being retired a little before the coming of the Enemy: Howsoever his March was not altogether fruitless, for in his return he took forty Turks, whom he made Prisoners.  
The Turks on the other side, with Three thousand Horse and Foot, under the Command of Fonduck Pasha, designed to surprise Wirowitza in Croatia; but the Governor of that Place having notice thereof, got together about One thousand Seven hundred Horse and Dragoons from the neighbouring Garrisons, with which he surprised the Enemy in their Camp, before Day in the Morning, and charged them so briskly, that they killed about an Hundred and Seventy on the Place, took Thirty seven Prisoners, amongst which were two Agas, and several Officers of Note with three Standards, Drums, Timbrels, and a considerable Booty.  
The Imperialists were still within their Winter-quarters, which were so well disposed, and in that Military Order, as if the Army had been drawn in Battalia, by which means they kept the Seraskier in continual Alarms, 
The orderly Disposition of the Christians in their Winter Quarters.  on both sides of the Tibiscus. The Hungarian and Germane Troops possessed a vast Tract of the Country; for General Barkotzi, with Four thousand of his Countrymen, acting jointly and by agreement with Piccolomini, and the Regiments of Schultz and Dunewald, extended themselves all along the Upper Hungary, as far as to the Confines of Poland, to hinder the Incursions of the Tartars, who were used to make that Way their common Road to Pillage and to Infest those Countries. The Quarters of these Forces reached so far as to be near, or (as we may say) in call of General Caraffa, who with the Counts Getz and Terzi, extended their several Bodies of Horse and Foot all along the Confines of Transilvania, and the Counties of Chege and Debrezin, even to the neighbouring Jurisdiction of great Waradin. In like manner General Marcy and Heusler, extended their Quarters from the Province of Zolnok, beyond the Tibiscus, into the very Heart of the Turks Country, bringing all those Parts under great and heavy Contributions, and still maintaining a mutual Correspondence with the other Generals: By which means the Turks were so locked up on all sides, that they could not come to the Relief of any one Place without fight, unless it were Pesth and Buda. The Prince of Transilvania was environed on one side by Caraffa, 
Prince Apa●i in distress.  who laid grievous Impositions on his People; and on the other, by many Troops that Quartered on the Confines, which so humbled him, that he became much more pliable and submissive in his Language towards the Emperor, than he had formerly practised in all the Treaties held with the Imperial Ministers. In this straitened Condition, the Prince Apafi acquainted the Ottoman Port, and the Seraskier, that it was impossible for him to answer the Expectation of the Turks either with Men or Money, unless he were relieved from the Oppression of the Christians, who levied those moneys on his Subjects, which were designed for his own and the Turkish Forces. To remedy which, the Seraskier drawing forth a Detachment from the Garrisons of Buda and Agria, marched in two Bodies; one by way of Giulia and Lippa, and the other passed the Danube at Pesth, by which Marshal Marcy and Heusler being greatly Alarmed, drew out their Forces into the open Field, with resolution to give Battle to the Seraskier, who considering that the Success of War was hazardous, and that the ill event thereof might prejudice the Turks in all the Enterprises of the ensuing Campaign; he thought fit to draw off and return back to his former Quarters: Howsoever, lest he should seem to act nothing, he detached a Body of Fifteen hundred Men to advance forward, and make a discovery of the Forces and Disposition of the Enemy's Camp; but being met by a Party belonging to Marcy, were treated so ill by them, that about an Hundred and fifty were killed on the Place, and Fifty taken Prisoners, the remainder in a disorderly manner betaking themselves to flight. This Victory opened a free Passage for the Cavalry as far as Wesserhasel, a Country abounding with Provisions for Man, and Forage for the Horse, which the Inhabitants freely bestowed upon them. The Garrison of Schonot much offended at this Kindness of Wesserhasel to their Enemies, 
The Cruelty of Sc●●not.  sent Commissaries to examine the Matter, and without much Dispute, impaled divers People, plundered and burned their Houses and Mills, threatening greater Destruction in case they continued to afford Relief to the Christians. Marcy on the other side being greatly enraged at this manner of Proceedings, resolved to revenge the same on Schonot; and to that end, joining with Heusler, they attempted the Town, and were proceeded therein so far, as to enter the Ditch, the News whereof so alarumed the Turkish Camp, that they resolved with all their force to endeavour the Relief of Schonot; which Mercy not being of sufficient strength to oppose, 
Schonot relieved by the Turks.  drew off from the Town, and possessed himself of a Pass at the Bridge of Arath, where he hindered the Turkish Forces from joining; and with a party of Hussars and Dragoons so charged the advanced Troops of the Turks, that they defeated a great number of them, and took the Bey of Lippa, and the Aga of jiena Prisoners.  
But all these were petty Actions, and inconsiderable Preludes to what was to follow in the succeeding Campaign, which was now in its beginning. year 1686. The general Rendezvous of the whole Army was appointed to be on the 15 th' of May, between Gran and Barkan. The main Body of the Army, which was to act under the Command of the Duke of Lorraine, was to be composed of 14.000 Germane Foot, 
Preparations for the Campaign.  and 12.000 Germane Horse, drawn out from the Troops of Saxony, Brandenburg and Suabia, to which Three thousand Hungarians were to be joined, with other Troops, so far as would make up an Army of Fifty five thousand Men; Count Caprara and Count Staremberg were to be Major Generals; the Duke de Croy was created General of the Foot, Prince Lewis of Neubourg, and Count de Susa Lieutenant Generals; the Barons of Tinghen, Thun, and the Marquis of Nigrelli were made Sergeant Majors of Battle. There was likewise another Army preparing under the Command of the Duke of Bavaria, 
Officers appointed.  consisting of Thirty five thousand Men; of which Eleven thousand were to be Foot, Eight thousand Germane Horse, to which the Bavarian Troops were to be added, with those of Franconia, and Two thousand Five hundred Hungarians. Of these Count Leslie was nominated for Major General, Count Serini for General of the Infantry; the Marquis of Vergne and Count Schaffemberg for Lieutenant Generals; the Barons of Walis and Berk, and the Count de Apremont for Major Generals. Prince Lewis of Baden was made General of the Horse, the Counts Caraffa and Gonda Lieutenant Generals, and the Counts Piccolomini and Veterani, and Baron Heusler Major Generals.  
In this manner all things being prepared and disposed in Martial Order, for carrying on the War for the present Campaign; a Council of War was called to consider and determine the Proceedings and Methods thereof, and to resolve of the Enterprise which was first to be undertaken; upon Debate whereof, two different Opinions arose; one proposed the Siege of Agria, or Alba Regalis, and the other that of Buda. The first urged the difficulty and hazard in the Attempt of Buda, which was much better fortified than in the former Siege; for that several new Works were raised on the Banks of the Danube; 
A Council of War called.  and that on the other side, the Ditch had been made much more deep and large than it was before: That the Turks had prepared divers Countermines in those places where the Christians had lately made their Mines: That they had made divers new Sally-ports: That they had unpaved all their Streets, uncovered the tops of their Houses to prevent the Mischief which was feared from Bombs and Carcases, 
Arguments against the Siege of Buda.  against which they had fortified the large Cistern of Water, which was built in the middle of the City: That they had furnished the Town with such quantities of Provisions and Ammunition, and Stores of all things necessary for War and support of Human Life, as were sufficient without other Supplies or Recruits to maintain a Siege for six Months: That the Garrison consisted of Twenty five thousand select Men at least, chosen out of the janissaries and Spahees, and were all resolute Men and good Soldiers: That the Governor in chief was a stout and valiant Man, a Renegado, and one who was learned and experienced in all the Military Arts of the Christians: That under him six Agas were subordinated, all Men of Conduct and Bravery to succeed in the Government, as one or the other of them should fail. And lastly, That the Town was discharged of all useless and unnecessary Inhabitants, such as Women and Children, and jews and Armenian Merchants, who were permitted to withdraw themselves, with all their Goods and Estates, out from the City.  
Notwithstanding this Discourse maintained and urged by divers, the contrary Opinion prevailed for the Siege of Buda; as if the Difficulties thereof served rather to inflame, than to discourage so many valiant and generous Spirits: Such an Enterprise as the taking a Capital City, 
The Siege of Buda resolved.  with the Conquest of which, the whole Kingdom would follow, and fall a Prey into their Hands, seemed an Adventure and an Exploit worthy the undertaking of so many brave Soldiers, who were certainly the greatest Captains of this Age, and perhaps we may speak it without injury to past times, that they were the best Soldiers that ever the World had produced. Indeed, the whole Army of this Year was in a most Flourishing Condition, well Provided and Accoutred, Fleshed with Blood and Victory, and so Courageous that nothing seemed too hard and difficult for them. And this was one Reason, to persuade the Military Councils to the Siege of Buda, not knowing whether the next Year would produce such an Army as at present; which as it was capable to undertake any thing, so it was pity to have it wasted and employed in trivial matters, and taking in of Fortresses from whence no Important Consequences could be expected. There was moreover one thing more especially urged, that by the last Siege the Defects and Errors, and false Attacks were all seen and discovered, the which might now easily be rectified, and provisions made against the mischiefs, which cost the Lives of many Men; and the Ground and nature of it, and Situation being perfectly known, the subjection of this place would become much more easy than the time before, notwithstanding all the Provisions the Turks had made. In fine, with these Arguments, as I said, the Siege of Buda was resolved, and every thing prepared in order thereunto: In the mean time, the Turks were not idle on their part; every Day Olacks or Curriers were dispatched in all haste from Buda to Belgrade, and thence to the Port, to expedite the coming of the Ottoman Army, and Succours for Re-inforcement of their Garrison; 
Provisions made by the Turks for the War.  giving them advices of the Motion, and Approach of the Imperial Troops against them, which if not prevented would quickly surround their Walls, and intercept their Advices and Relief. The Turkish Officers and Soldiers in all their Quarters in Hungary amassed, and gathered what Forage and Provisions they were able, which they laid up, and disposed in those Garrisons which were most exposed to the Enemy; and reinforced them with Troops drawn from other places, which were in the least danger of the Enemy, and at farthest distance from them.  
The Tartars were urged and solicited, not only to hasten their march to the Confines of Poland, to keep that Country in Awe; but also to send another Body to join with the Ottoman Camp in Hungary. In the mean time, Skirmishes daily happened between several Hussars and Dragoons belonging to Raab and Strigonium, and detached Parties from Buda; to which place Reinforcements were so constantly sent, that the Garrison was calculated to amount unto above Nine thousand Men, year 1686. besides the Citizens and Inhabitants, tho' in reality the numbers were much greater. And in regard, the Grand Signior was not well satisfied with the Valour and Conduct of the present Pasha, another was sent to supply, the place, 
The Pasha of Buda changed.  who incessantly laboured both Day and Night about the Fortifications; for tho' it was not certain, whether the Imperialists would make that Siege the business of this Year; yet it was greatly feared, and too much labour and caution could not be used, for the Defence of a place of such Importance.  
In the mean time the Grand Signior removed from Adrianople to Constantinople, 
The Grand Signior goes to Constantinople.  to pass his Summer there, in hopes that his Presence would bring some Trade to that City; but the War had drained all the Money in such manner, that the Merchants found little benefit, or alteration in the quickness of their Trade. The Grand Vizier intended at the same time to have moved from Adrianople towards Belgrade, but the great Fire which had happened lately there, caused him to retard his March for some Days, in order to rebuild the public Edifices consumed by the Fire. Besides the Fire and Sword, 
Scarcity o● Corn amongst the Turk●.  there was great Scarcity of Corn in all the Ottoman Dominions; by the two first, the Rich were the greatest Sufferers, but the latter was an Aggrievance which most affected the Poor. Howsoever, they supported these Troubles and Losses with Patience, without Murmurings amongst the Citizens, or Mutinies as yet in the Camp.  
The Moscovites were all this time playing a double Game, having sent an Envoy to the Court to complain of the Incursions, which the Tartars had made into their Country, 
The Moscovites treat with the Turk●.  and of the Depredations which the Turkish Governor of Asac, had made upon them at the Mouth of the Tanais. The Envoy found a kind Reception, and Orders were sent both to the Tartars, and Governor of Asac to abstain for the future, from all such Acts of Hostility, and maintain a good Correspondence with the Moscovites, who were become Allies and faithful Friends to the Port: And more to engage the Envoy, some few Russian Slaves were given him, with Licence to rebuild an old ruined Greek Church in Constantinople; with which to outward appearance, the Envoy returned with entire Satisfaction.  
The Polish Internuntio, who from the beginning of the War had been kept under restraint at Constantinople, was now upon exchange for a Turk of quality, again set at Liberty; and being upon his return into Poland, was on the Confines met by a Polish Jesuit, who had some Months before been sent by the late Vizier with Letters to that King, containing a Project for making a Peace; and was now returning with Answers to those Letters, and Instructions to the Internuntio, in what manner to manage a Treaty with the Turks. The Internuntio returned herewith, 
The Poles make proposals.  and made Proposals, That in case the Turks would Surrender Caminiec, with all they had taken in Podolia, That then the Polish King would become a Mediator for Peace with the other Confederates: But the Turks were not as yet sufficiently humbled, to give up any Places they had in Possession, especially that important Fortress of Caminiec, which was the very Key of Poland; and tho' an Expedient was offered to Demolish the same, it would not be accepted by the Turks, who had a greater value and esteem for that Place, for having been the only Conquest, which this Grand Signior had made in Person. And the Turks having no great value of late for the Poles, either as to their Prowess in War, or Conduct in Peace, gave a proud Answer to the Demand; resolving this Year to stand on the Defensive part, and to tyre out the Christians with a long, and an expensive War: For though they had lost some of their Towns, and been often beaten in the Field; yet they kept up that Pride and fierceness, which is agreeable to their nature and former successes in War.  
The French Ambassador, who had for a long time maintained a Controversy about the Safraw, (as formerly mentioned) did now conceive that it might be a very proper Season, after such various revolutions and change of Officers, by which the Pride of the Turks might be abased, to obtain those Demands which were formerly denied. The Grand Vizier at the desire of the Ambassador admitted him to Audience, 
The French Ambassadors Audience with the Grand Vizier.  and treated him very civilly: But howsoever, at the beginning of their Discourse, he gave him a caution not to demand any thing, which was not warranted by the Capitulations: And when the Ambassador moved, That some Alterations should be made in the Ceremony of his Audience, that when he arose to put on the Vest, which the Grand Vizier or Chimacam had given; that they also should rise up at the same time, until he was Clothed, and that then they should sit down together. The Vizier provoked a little with this new Demand, believing that it proceeded from a meaner Opinion conceived of their Power, by Reason of their late Misfortunes, readily Answered with some quickness, and said, That the first Turks, who came over into Europe, passed the Bosphorus but with Forty Men only, and that they would return again by the same Way with the like number, rather than condescend to any thing tending to a Diminution, or Abasement of the Honour of the Empire. In fine, Tho' the French were treated at this Audience with more than usual Civility and Respect; yet could obtain nothing more than a Confirmation of the Privileges they had formerly enjoyed, and a Liberty to rebuild a burnt Church.  
But whilst Preparations were making on both sides for the War of the succeeding Year; It was adjudged in the Councils at Vienna, to be a matter absolutely necessary, to engage the Moscovites in the Confederacy, for that thereby, the King of Poland would not only be freed from all Jealousies, of being Invaded by the Moscovites, whilst his Arms were otherwise diverted; but the Tartars restrained from their Incursions, in case the Czars would take that Incumbence upon them, to give a stop to their Depredations. The benefit thus doubly considered, Ministers were sent from Vienna and Cracow to Moscow, and many Arguments offered to induce the Czars to enter into the League; the which Work found the greater difficulty and opposition, by reason that a Treaty was so lately concluded with the Turks, and their Ambassador returned with a favourable Grant, and Concession of all their Demands: year 1686. But the Moscovites in reality, could easily dispense with such Articles and Agreements, provided their Interest was advanced, and their Territories enlarged; in pursuance of which, a League Defensive between Poland and Moscovy was concluded for ever, and an Offensive so long as the present War with the Turks should be continued; the which League was Dated the 24 th' of April, according to the following Articles.  

First, That a perpetual Peace be concluded, and established between the two Powers.  
Secondly, To avoid all Differences and Disputes, arising about the Titles to be given to the Czars and the King of Poland, the same was agreed by both Parties.  
Thirdly, That the Poles shall Deliver and Surrender up to the Moscovites, the Palatinates of Kiovia and Smolensko, with some other Places specified in that Article.  
Fourthly, That the Cosacks of those Countries, shall be mutually discharged of the Oaths of Allegiance, which they had taken to either Crown.  
Fifthly, That the Rebels and Revolters, who had submitted to the Turks, should find no Protection or Refuge from either Party.  
Sixthly, That the Czars should pay 1500.000 Florins of Polish Money, to the Government of Poland in two equal Payments; the first to be made at the Signing and Sealing of the Articles, and the second at the Meeting of the next Diet.  
Seventhly, That the Towns and Fortresses, Situate on the Banks of the Boristhenes, from Kiovia to the River of Tasmin, which runs by Czekrim, shall not be Rebuilt or Repaired, but that all that Country should remain Waste and Depopulated, until such time, as the Differences arising thereupon should be decided by more Ample Authority: The Plenipotentiaries of Poland declaring, That they had no Power nor Instructions in that particular.  
Eightly, That to avoid all Differences, which might arise about the Cities and Places, which were to be Surrender'd by the Moscovites into the Hands and Possession of the Poles, shall be particularly nominated and mentioned: And accordingly they were afterwards nominated in this Article.  
Ninethly, That free Liberty be given to the Roman Catholics, to Exercise their Religion in the Suburbs of Kiovia and Smolensko: Notwithstanding any endeavours or opposition, which the Patriarch shall make thereunto.  
Tenthly, That their Majesties the Czars, being desirous to introduce and establish the Christian Religion within the Mahometan Dominions, at the Instance and Request of the King of Poland, and in pursuance of the League Offensive and Defensive concluded with His Majesty; do Promise and Oblige themselves immediately to make War upon the Turks, and with a numerous Army to Invade his Dominions this Summer, by such Ways and Roads, as the Tartars have usually Invaded Poland, and thereby give a stop to their Incursions: And that Commands be immediately dispatched to the Cosacks of the Tanais, That they forthwith Equip their Fleet for the Black Sea, and Trouble and infest those Cities and Countries belonging to the Turks, which are Situate on that Coast.  
Eleventhly, That in case the Turks shall lay Siege to Kiovia, or any other place appertaining to the Dominion of the Czars, That then the King of Poland shall send an Army for the Relief and Succour of such place Besieged: And in like manner, in case the Turks shall Besiege Leopolis, or any other City in Poland, the Moscovites shall endeavour the Relief and Succour thereof.  
Twelfthly, That the Czars shall forthwith give Advices to the Ottoman Port of the League concluded with Poland, and their Intentions to make War upon the Grand Signior: And tho' the Turks upon such intimation shall offer to give satisfaction to either, or both Parties; yet no heed shall be given thereunto, or Conclusion made without the Approbation and Consent of all the Confederate Christians.  
Thirteenthly, The Moscovites engaged to send their Ambassadors into divers parts of Christendom, as, England, Denmark, Holland, and other Princes to crave their Assistance▪ and Union against the Mahometan Armies.  
Fourteen, That after a Peace shall be concluded by common Consent of the Confederates with the Turks; And that afterwards one of them shall be desirous to commence a new War, That then the other Confederates shall not be obliged to join therein.  
Fifteenthly, That whereas some Disputes remain still undecided, touching the Limits and Bounds of Poland and Moscovy, That Commissioners shall forthwith be authorized and dispatched for accommodation of that Matter; especially about the Dependencies on Kiovia.  
Sixteenthly, That Security of Trade and Commerce be established between the two Kingdoms.  
Seventeenthly, That the Debts which are owing from the Subjects of one Kingdom to those of another, shall mutually be accounted for, and satisfied by one to the other: And that what Suits do or shall arise between the Subjects of either Kingdom, shall be determined by the ordinary Courts of justice, where the Defendant abides.  
Eighteenthly, Those Points which remain undecided, and cannot be agreed by the Commissioners, the same shall be remitted to the Determination of the Sovereigns.  
Nineteenhly, That the People on each side, who live on the Borders, shall pass friendly and peaceably one with the other; and in case of Differences arising between them, the smaller Causes shall be determined by the Palatines, and the greater by Commissioners.  
Twentiethly, Neither side shall give Succour or Assistance to the common Enemy, nor entertain any of their Subjects in the War, or in any Office or Employment.  
One and twentieth, That their Majesties the Czars shall Swear to the Observation of these Articles in presence of the Polish Ambassadors. And the like shall be performed by the King of Poland, at a meeting of the Diet, in presence of the Ambassadors from the Czars; and in the mean time, the Ambassadors shall mutually engage, that all these Articles shall be observed and maintained.  
Two and twentieth, That whilst these Articles are interchanging, and before the Ratifications are made, It shall be lawful for the Merchants of each Country and Nation to Trade and Traffic without any trouble or interruption of Commerce: Only Tobacco and Brandy shall not be brought into Moscovy, but remain Contrabanda, as by ancient Articles.  
Three and twentieth, In case the Poles or Moscovites shall have occasion to dispatch Messengers to Persia or other Parts, no molestation, let, or hindrance shall be given them, nor Passports denied.  
Four and twentieth, And in regard a good Understanding and Communication is necessary in this War, the King of Poland obliges himself to maintain and defend the Confines and Country of the Dukedom of Solensko, and the Czars so far as Kohzin: And that private Letters shall pay Postage on both sides; but the Public and Royal Letters shall go free without Charge.  
Five and twentieth, That both Parties shall give Advices to all the Allies and Confederates of this happy League and Agreement.  
Six and twentieth, That this Contract shall as well oblige the Heirs and Successors as the Princes, who are Parties thereunto. And in case this Original Instrument of Accord should be lost or embezzled in the Chancery, or Paper-Office of either side, yet the Agreement shall not be Rescinded thereby, but stand in full Virtue and Force.   
The League being in this manner agreed, signed, and ratified on both sides, the News thereof soon spread itself over all Europe, and was particularly received at Vienna, and in the Confederate Camp, with as much Joy and Triumph, as it was at Constantinople with Trouble and Confusion. And now it was expected by all the World, that this Agreement should be executed, 
How the Treaty was put in execution.  and that the Moscovites should in the first place, to give a beginning, have made Incursions into the Enemy's Country, and without farther delay, have invested those Places, which lay upon the Frontiers; but instead thereof, their first Exploit was to take Possession of the Dukedom of Smolenzko, and of Kiovia, and of about Fifty Leagues of Country, which lies along by the Banks of the Niester; but as to other Acts of Hostility, unless it were by some ranging, and confused Incursions made by their own Cosacks, with design rather to Pilfer and Pillage, than to Offend and Damage the Enemy, nothing of Moment was performed; by which means the Tartars, against whom the Moscovites were obliged to oppose their Arms, found an opportunity to join with the Cosacks of Poland, who with united Forces, not only disputed the Passes with the Polanders, but likewise recruited and reinforced the Grand Vizier's Army in Hungary.  
After this Agreement was finished, the next Treaty in hand was to deal with Apafi, Prince of Transilvania, to draw him off from his Adherence to the Turk. This Prince finding himself between two great Powers, 
Treaty with Apafi begun.  the least of which was able to crush him to nothing, kept and maintained his Agents at both Courts, only to protract time, and divert a Storm. Count Caraffa quartering with a strong Party of Horse and Foot, on the Confines of that Principality, was appointed by the Emperor to treat with Apafi, and to join Menaces and Force to fair Words; but little Satisfaction could be extorted from him, more than a Desire to live in a kind of Neutality; for though the Imperial Forces were not far distant from him, yet the Turks were not as yet beaten out of the Field, nor their Garrisons taken, but all things seemed to remain in a doubtful state and change of War. Thus Apafi feared both, and demanded Protection and Assistance from both sides, hoping that whilst he was wavering and seemed unfixt, he should preserve both his Friends, or at least not provoke them to be his Enemies. But what Count Caraffa could not obtain by Treaty, he forced by two Regiments, which procured the Contributions, which were then exacted; to which Apafis more easily yielded, because such a Compliance seemed rather an effect of Violence and Necessity, than of Choice. Howsoever, the Turks were not so very well assured of the Constancy of the Transilvanias, 
The Turks jealous thereof.  but that just cause of Jealousy remained of their Inclinations towards the Emperor; to prevent which, the Turks ordered a strong Body of Men to march and quarter on their Confines, there to attend and observe the Motions both of the Germans and the Transilvanians; the latter of which seeing the Sword over their Heads, continued still in a state of Irresolution: So that the Emperor esteeming, that nothing was to be done by Treaty, commanded the Agents to quit his Court: Howsoever, for a while a stop was given to their Departure; for that the Brother of the Prince of Valachia, called Catachuzeno, 
Catachuzeno sent from his Brother Prince of Valachia to the Emperor.  (of which Family and Name were the last Greek Emperors) being privately dispatched to Vienna, to enter into a Treaty and League with the Emperor, in the Name and Behalf of his Brother, did insinuate many fine and hopeful Projects, for gaining without Blood or Treasure the three Principalities. In order unto which, a Dispatch was sent to the Count Scaffemberg, under the Imperial Signature, immediately to march with his Forces to Cassovia, where he should find Orders for his farther Proceedings; the Count accordingly obeyed, and immediately upon his arrival, received a positive Commission to join Seven thousand Germans to Four thousand Hungarians, detached from the Troops quartered in the Upper Hungary; and with that Army▪ 
His Promises.  without any farther delay, to march to the Confines of Transilvania, situate on the River Maros, where Catachuzeno had given Assurances, that Twelve thousand Transilvanias, well provided and armed, would there be ready to meet Scaffemberg, and join with his Forces at their first appearance; and with these, proceeding farther to Valachia, he should there on the Confines have his Numbers increased by an addition of Sixteen thousand Null and Moldavians, with which formidable Force composing a most powerful Army, it was not to be doubted, but that after the Example of their Soldiers, the three Provinces would revolt, and yield to the Emperor; and with such a Force, which nothing could oppose, Incursions might be made with Fire and Sword into all Towns and Quarters of the Turks, from the River Danube to the Confines of Poland, and whereby an intercourse of Arms, and other intelligences would be obtained. This had been a rare design, and a happy project, had allthings corresponded with the like Success, and in such a manner as they had been promised, and insinuated by Catecuzeno: But tho' all things did not answer these expectations; yet in other matters, the March of these Forces came very opportunely into those Countries, and served to obstruct the Tartars passage into the upper Hungary, where they were speeding to join with Tekeli, and to waste and destroy all those Counties.  
By this time the Sultan had received a new Confirmation of the Advice, That Apafi had sent Commissioners to Treat with the Emperor at Vienna; 
Orders sent to the Grand Vizier to relief Prince Apafi.  and tho' the Turks were well assured of the inclination of Apafi towards them, yet not knowing how far the fear and dread of the successful Arms of the Imperialists might prevail, Orders were dispatched to the Vizier then at Belgrade, immediately to send Succours into Transilvania, to fix and confirm the wavering Mind of that Prince: Accordingly a very considerable Force being on the march thither, they were encountered on the way by Count Schaffemberg, who charged the Ottoman Troops sent to secure Transilvania with such Bravery and Success, that he killed and routed that whole Party, and made himself Master of that important Pass of Hermansburg: After which he pressed the Estates of Transilvania once more to declare, but they seeking new pretences and excuses of delay, endeavouring so long as they could to maintain their Neutrality, 
The Transilvanians join with the Imperialists.  were so distressed at length by Oppression and Free quarters, and Insolence of the Soldiers, that seeing no other remedy they joined their Troops with the Imperialists, year 1686. and in a Body charged a party of the Tartars and put them to Flight.  
In the mean time the Season coming on for laying (as was resolved) Siege to Buda, the Duke of Lorraine departed from Newstadt, with intention to go to the place of General Rendezvous; but being seized by some Indisposition, he stopped at Odemberg and came not unto the Muster, and Review of the Army until about 19/29 of May: At which time the Elector of Bavaria, and Prince Lewis of Baden, Count Staremberg, and Count Bielk with a Regiment of Swedish Curassi●rs, raised for the Service of the Duke of Bavaria, together with the Auxiliary Troops of Saxony came to the Camp at Newstadt upon the River Waagh; but the Brandenburghers, and the Troops of Suabia being not as yet come; the Duke of Lorraine marched toward Raab, Comorra and Gran, and put off the Review and Muster of the Army until the 5 th' of june: But on the first of that Month, 
A Council ●el● for directing the Siege of Bud●.  a General Council of War was held to agree upon such Measures, as were to be taken for carrying on the Siege of Buda. At that assembly of Officers, all the miscarriages and defects in the mannagement of the last Siege of the Year 1684 were examined; and Plaits brought of the place drawn by divers Hands. In fine, After long Discourses thereupon it was resolved, That every one should possess the same Post, which he held before at the last Siege; and that some false Attacks should be made at first, until the Lines were form, and secured in such manner as to hinder all Succours from being brought into the City. After the Council was risen, several small Parties of Horse were detached to scour about the adjacent Parts of Buda, Alba Regalis and Erlaw, to make discovery of the State and Condition of the Enemy. The same Day the Commissary Generals brought unto the Duke of Lorraine a List of the Forces, which were form and in a readiness to be employed in the Siege of Buda, 
A Li●● of the Force● designed for Bud●.  the which was composed of Thirty thousand Foot, and Twenty thousand Horse, besides the Hungarians and Brandenburgers, which were not as yet come to the Camp: The Artillery consisted of Sixty Pieces of heavy Cannon, Forty Mortar Pieces, besides a great number of Bombs, Carcases and Granades, with vast Stores of Ammunition and Provisions.  
The greatest part of the Army was by this time advanced as far as Gran, which is about Forty English Miles distant from Buda; the Imperial Troops with those of Saxony passed the Danube over a Bridge at Gran, whilst the Bavarians continued their march on the other side; that place being designed for the General Rendezvous, and where the Feast of Corpus Christi falling out on the 13 th' of june was to be celebrated; the Solemnity thereof caused so great a Concourse of People, that the City not being capable to contain them, the Procession was made without the Walls, and within the compass of the Camp. Some Writers say, That the People flocked in greater numbers to perform the Festival in that place, where it had been interdicted by the Turks, for the space of One hundred and twenty Years; which now they were joyful to see restored: These Writers had said more properly, if instead of the word Restored, they had used the word Introduced; for that it is scarce an Hundred Years, as yet, since that Feast was first ordained. After this Day of Devotion was past, the Duke of Lorraine leaving his Infantry under the Cannon of Gran, marched with his Cavalry without any Opposition as far as Marotz, a place near to the Isle of St. Andrew; he caused the Ways to be enlarged, which were Narrow, and full of Woods and Bushes, and then took a full Survey of all the places Situate near the City.  
In the mean time the Turks were not idle to secure and defend themselves; and for encouragement of the Garrison of Buda, an Aga arrived there from Constantinople, 
Recruits br●u●ht to Buda.  with a great Sum of Money to pay the Soldiers all their Arrears; and being assured now, that the Siege of Buda was certainly designed, great numbers of Boats freighted with Ammunition and Provision, were with a strong Convoy sent up the River; which so drained all the Countries round of Victuals, that there was almost a Famine in the adjacent Provinces. Several Troops of the most select and choice Soldiers were likewise sent to Buda, which increased the Garrison to 12.000 effective Foot and Three thousand Horse, besides which the Vizier kept an Army by him of Forty five thousand Horse and Foot, which he thought a sufficient Body to oppose any Force, which could be spared and detached from the Christian Army, and to disturb them in their Trenches and Works before Buda. And because the Jealousies which the Turks conceived of the three Provinces of Transilvania, Moldavia and Valachia grew higher every Day, and more cause to fear their inclinations towards the Emperor, some Forces were sent against them; but considering that there was great need of an united Force, a great Detachment from the main Body could not well be spared; 
The Turks demand Hostages of the three Principalities.  and therefore it was contrived, that Hostages composed of the Noblest, and most considerable Persons of those three Principalities, should be sent to the Port, for better securing the Faith and Allegiance of those Provinces unto the Sultan: But whilst things remained in this doubtful Condition, the Turks could avail little either by fair Terms, or rude Menaces.  
But the time now approaching for the Siege of Buda, the Troops of the Hereditary Countries, hastened their march from every Province. The Auxiliaries were already advanced to the Confines, and having quitted their Winter-quartes, marched towards the large Campaign of Barkan, which was appointed for the place of General Rendezvous. The Military Stores and Ammunition, with the Train of Artillery being all in readiness, were dispatched away, part by Water and part by Land, besides the Provisions which accompanied the Regiments and Troops in the Field: 
Councils held about the Siege of Buda.  In the mean time, frequent Councils of War were held at Vienna, at which the Emperor, the Dukes of Lorraine, Bavaria and Newburg were present, the Results of all which tended to the Siege of Buda; towards which place Orders were given to all the Army to march, and to the Officers to repair unto their respective Commands; for though all the Forces were not as yet come up, yet seeing the Year was so far advanced, it was thought necessary to lose no longer time before the Siege was form. The Forces immediately under the Command of the Duke of Lorraine, to whom the Counts Caprara and Staremberg were Major Generals, consisted of Forty seven thousand and seven hundred Horse and Foot; 
The Force of the Christians.  the Troops under Command of Maximilian Elector of Bavaria consisted of Thirty four thousand Horse and Foot. The Forces under Count Schultz appointed to guard Croatia, and the Banks of the Drove made a Body of Twelve thousand Men; which in all made an Army of Ninety three thousand and seven hundred Men, besides the several Garrisons in Hungary, and the two Bodies of Schaffemberg and Caraffa, which were appointed to act apart on the Frontiers of Transilvania, and along the Tibiscus; besides a great number of Volunteers, which flocked from all places, to gain Honour and Renown in so Signal a Conquest, amogst which were several Persons of great Quality; as one of the natural Sons of King james the II. called then Mr. Fitz-Iames now Duke of Berwick, year 1686. with many other English Gentlemen of good Quality: Also two Grandees of Spain, namely the Dukes of Vejar and Scalona, with about Three hundred Spanish reform Officers and Gentlemen of that Nation.  
Apti Bassa▪ Late governor of Buda who haunig defended the place to the last Extremity was killed upon yᵉ Place and the Place  
On the 19 th' of june, the whole Army appeared before the City to the great Consternation of the Turks; year 1686. and Orders were given to form a regular and close Siege: And to make the Communication between the Armies the more easy and expedite, a strong and spacious Bridge was built over the Danube, by the Island of St. Andrew, 
The Turks abandon Pesth.  which was Situate in the middle of the River. The Bavarian Troops approaching towards Pesth, entered it without any opposition, for that the Turks finding it to be a place not to be defended without a greater Force, than what could well be spared from the Walls of Buda; had Demolished the greatest part of the Works, carried off the Cannon, their Ammunition and their Stores, leaving the Town dismantled and desolate: Howsoever, before they had wholly demolished every thing as they had intended, they were surprised by the Bavarian Troops, and forced to quit their Work and fly to the Bridge; but when they came thither, they found it broken down by some of their Companions, who had passed before, fearing to be pursued by the Enemy; so that terrified and amazed, many leapt into the Water, of which divers were Drowned, and about Thirty with an Aga were taken Prisoners; the Boats of which this Bridge was Built, floating on one side and the other of the River, were taken up by the Bavarians, and brought to the Isle of St. Andrews, where they served, and contributed much to the speedy finishing of that Bridge which was there in Building.  
Pesth being in this manner possessed; It was agreed at a Council of War, That those Fortifications which were the least damaged should be repaired; 
A Fort raised at Pesth.  which was accordingly done, and a Platform made in a Triangular Figure, and surrounded with a deep Ditch, and fortified with some Cannon, and a sufficient Garrison left to defend it, whereby they cut off from the Enemy all Incursions and Communications on that side of the River.  
Apti Pasha was then chief Commander in Buda: He was an aged Man, but a good Soldier and of great experience in the War: He had repaired all the Bastions, 
Apti Pasha Governor of Buda.  and Curtains, and Walls, which had been battered down and blown up in the last Siege; and that those Repairs might be the less seen and discovered by the Enemy, he had caused all the Walls to be new whited, that it might not appear where the Repairs had been lately made, and the Earth brought, which could not be so close and binding and solid, as the old Works: Moreover he had erected a strong Wall descending from the Castle to the River, to secure the Water and Communication with the Danube.  
The Duke of Lorraine passed over the Water in a little Boat, to Visit and hold a Conference with the Duke of Bavaria then in his Quarters near Pesth; where after some Discourse, the Aga taken at the Bridge was examined; and a Turk, 
Examination of Turks taken.  who had voluntarily escaped out of the Town was brought before them, and declared, That there was not above Eight thousand Men in all the Garrison, accounting janissaries, Spahees and Segmen (which are a sort of Foot Soldiers, properly belonging to those Countries) and most of them of the new Levies; and that Apti Pasha himself, had not gained so much Reputation and Esteem amongst the Soldiery, as Shaitan Pasha had done, who had so bravely Defended the City in the Year 1684; and though the wise Generals gave little or no credence to such Relations as these, coming from affrighted Prisoners and Captives, whose business it was to flatter, and mollify the Minds of their Conquerors; yet such Reports proceeding from Witnesses that were come from the City, served to encourage the Soldiery, who were ready to believe what they desire, and what may render their Enemies Low and Contemptible.  
Count Staremberg received Orders from the Duke of Lorraine to perfect the Bridge with all possible speed, which being finished, the Elector of Bavaria, 
Proceedings of the Duke of Bavaria.  with all his Forces, (except those which were left for the Guard of Pesth) passed and encamped his Men at the Foot of the Mount St. Gerard, and took possession of ●he same Posts and Places which he had possessed two Years before; and on the side of the Mount he raised two Batteries against the upper Town, and made his own Head-quarter, at the Baths of hot Waters, to be nearer to that Place, which his Forces were to Attack; and there raising a Battery of six Pieces of Cannon, he thence drew two parallel Lines of Communication; to which another was added very large and deep extending to the lower Town, into which the same day Two thousand Men were entered to attack that Place. Next hereunto were the Quarters of Count Staremberg, 
The Qu●●ters of the Army.  to which were united the Troops of the Prince of Saxony, having their Lines in a circular Form: Next hereunto the main Body of Horse was lodged, being as it were in the middle, and in the most commodious place to oppose the Sallies of the Enemy's Cavalry; on the other side of which Prince Lewis of Baden had made his Allodgement. Next hereunto were the Quarters of the Duke of Lorraine, opposite to the Breach, which they were labouring to lay open. Next in order were placed the Troops of the Circles, which with the Volunteers reached to the brink of the River, making a most formidable Body encompassing the Town: And to surround it on all sides, Trenches and Lines were made on the side of Pesth, guarded and defended by Heydukes and Hungarians. Thus was this City again encompassed with the Christian Arms, on the 22 d of this Month, which about two Years ago, 
June.  was accounted the impregnable Fortress, and the Sanctuary, and Place of Refuge for the Turks, where Fortune had made its Ne plus ultra, and set Bounds to the Progress of the Imperial Arms. But these brave Captains and Soldiers being returned again to their old Quarters, remembering the Disgrace they had received by being foiled, and beholding the Places where their Comrades and Fellow-Soldiers had breathed out their last, and where some of them had received such Wounds, as were still smarting, and scarce healed, became more enraged and animated to avenge themselves, of which they conceived greater hopes by Experience and Acquaintance with the Situation of the Place, and thereby better enabled to amend the Errors of the last Siege, having made Provisions of all things in great abundance, for want of which, Armies commonly suffer more in their Trenches, than they do from the Efforts, and Violences, and Sallies of the Enemy.  
The provident and wise Duke of Lorraine being well advised and aware hereof; and observing that very little Rain had fallen that Spring, so that the Grass and Forage for Horses was very short; and that the great Heats and Drought had burnt up the Pasture in all parts round the Leaguer: He drew out from every Troop ten Men only, to lodge within the Trenches, which made a Body of two Regiments, or Two thousand Horse, 
The Horse Quarters.  under the Command of Count Taff, which were esteemed sufficient to repulse any Sallies of Horse which the Enemy could make from the Town: But the main and great Body of Horse were ordered to march towards Alba Regalis, under Command of the Counts Palfi and Gondola, and other Generals; and taking their Quarters upon the Banks of the River Saruvitz, they might there not only find plenty of Forage for themselves, but deprive the Enemy thereof, and diminish their Stores; besides, the Place was commodious both to interrupt the Vizier in his March, and all other Succours designed for the Relief of Buda.  
The parallel Lines of Communication being finished, by which the Soldiers might pass under shelter to the lower Town, and the Batteries raised on the side of the hot Waters, where (as we said) the Duke of Bavaria had his Head Quarters; Six Pieces of Cannon of Twenty four pound Ball, began first to play on that Wall, where two Years before a Battery and Breach had been made, 
Batteries raised.  and an Assault given; the Place was called the Burg of Wasserstadt, in English, the Water-Town; and here it was thought fit to renew the Battery; for that the Earth having been lately laid, and the Work repaired, it could not be ●o well settled, and so firm as the ancient Fortifications, the which was manifested by a plain and open Proof; for being for one whole Day continually battered, so great a Breach was made, and so wide, as to open a Way to a formidable Assault: On the other side the Turks plied their Cannon very hard upon the Camp, which did not much damage, though lodged within Musquet-shot. And though the Breach was made, yet it was thought necessary to defer the Assault until the Approaches were perfected, 
June.  which before Morning were almost finished, under the darkness of the Night.  
On the 24 th' all things being prepared, and a Breach opened of above twenty Paces wide, a Signal for an Assault was given by firing three Pieces of Cannon; upon which the Troops appointed for that Service, 
The lower Town assaulted  advanced with such Bravery and Resolution, that the Enemy yielded up that Station with little Resistance; and a Party of them descending from the upper Town, gave only a single Volley of Shot, and so again retired with some Disorder. 
and tak●n.  This being the first Action of this Siege, there was scarce a Volunteer or Gentleman-Adventurer in the whole Army, but who presented himself in this Enterprise, being desirous to signalise his Valour in the first beginning. The Night following the Turks kept continually firing, which did not hinder the Christians from lodging themselves to the right and left on the Breach of the lower Town; in the taking of which, they lost but Eight Soldiers in that Day and Night's Service, which being so cheaply obtained, the Generals suspected that the Enemy had abandoned the Place with Design, and with Intention to Blow up the Assailants with some Mines prepared for them; and for that reason they gave a stop to the Advancement of the Troops; but the next Day, having searched and examined those Places, and finding all secure, they proceeded to make a new Lodgement in the Angle of the Wall of the lower Town, which answered in a right Line to the main Tower of the upper City, under wh●●h they lay secure from the Enemy's Shot. This Exploit being performed with the loss only of Sixteen Men; there was but little Plunder found therein, besides some Horses and Oxen, and some few Field-pieces upon one of the Works; for all the Houses were beaten down by the Turks themselves, and consumed by Fire, and the Inhabitants either fled or retired into the upper Fortifications; which shows evidently that the Turks looking on that Place as not tenable, had drawn their Force into the higher Town, in which they placed all their Security, hoping to make a most vigorous Resistance, both by the advantageous Situation, and the goodness of the Fortifications: 
Lines drawn in the lower Town.  But the Christians finding the Advantage of the lower Ground, whereby to offend the upper City, employed immediately Two thousand Men, with divers Labours to draw the Lines, and deepen the Approaches from one Gate to the other.  
In the mean time the Turks, who lived in the parts adjacent to Buda, being put into great Consternation by the concourse of the Christian Arms, 
The Turks near Buda fly to the Isle of St. Margare●.  prepared themselves to fly, and seek Refuge in remote parts; so that many, with their Wives, and Children, and Servants, having taking with them the best of their Householdstuff and Goods, passed over to the Island of St. Margaret's, which is situate in the Danube, and of a very great length; but finding this Place of too near Neighbourhood to the Christian Army, and very unsecure; having got about thirty large Boats and Barges, they had laden their Goods and embarked their Persons thereon, with design to pass down the River to Belgrade; when a Body of Hungarians, Hussars, and Heydukes, under Command of Count Budianis, having Advice thereof, 
Are attacked by the Christians and plundered.  armed out a good number of Boats and Barges, and with Three hundred Dragoons by Land, boarded their Vessels, and having killed the Boat-men, and the chief amongst them, easily made themselves Masters of the rest, and of all the rich Householdstuff, Money, and Goods, in such abundance, that every Common Soldier had a Suit and Vest of Silk for his own Share, with other good Booty and Plunder, which they carried away, and departed; but being informed afterwards by some Rascians, that the Inhabitants of that Island had committed many Cruelties and Outrages upon the Christians, they returned again to the Island, which is about seven Hungarian or Germane Miles long, 
Many of them killed.  (which make about Twenty eight English) and there put all to Fire and Sword, year 1686. with the Slaughter of about a Thousand Men. After which, Count Budianis went purposely to the Duke of Lorraine, 
June.  in the Camp, to render an account of his late Achievements; and in testimony thereof, he presented him with seven Turkish Standards, which he had won in that, and in an other Rencounter, in which he had defeated a Party of the Enemy near Erscin, together with some Prisoners of Quality and Condition, amongst which there was an Aga and a Chiaus.  
The Christian Soldiers animated with these daily Successes, 
26●●▪  some few of them, with more Temerity than Prudence, made an attempt to Lodge themselves nearer to the Upper City, without those due Precautions of Defence, which are commonly used by throwing up of Earth, and making some little Blinds as is practised in all Military Approaches; 
The Boldness of the Christian Soldiers.  but these bold Men adventured with open Breasts to enlarge their Lodgments on that side of the City which looks towards Strigoniam; which when the Turks observed, a great number of them flanked on one side by the round Tower, and on the other by a Party of Musqueteers, throwing Stones and Hand-granadoes, assailed the Germans, (who were not above Fifty in all) with so much Fury as forced them to make their Retreat; the which notwithstanding they did with good Order, being assisted by their Comrades, who came to their Help, and repulsed the Enemy, and made them with some loss to retire back into the City: Howsoever, in a short time after, 
Sa●●●e● made by ●●e Turks, an● are repulsed.  about the Close of the Evening, the Turks made a more vigorous Sally on the Lefthand of the ●ound Tower of the old City: The Count of Ausberg and the Cavalier Rohne having the Command that Night of those Quarters, with great Bravery received the Enemy, and engaged with them for above an Hour's space; when the Prince of Commarcy, and the Prince of Vaudemont having their Quarters near thereunto, came seasonably into their Succour with many Gentlemen, who were Volunteers, and Soldiers of Fortune, and forced the Turks back into the City, with the loss of about Fifty janissaries: Of the Christians were about ten killed in this Action, which was well paid by the advantage then gained; for whilst the Parties were engaged in this manner, they opened the Trenches on both sides of the old City, with two large Parades or places of Arms, and extended the Lines of the Approaches towards the two Bulwarks of the upper City. And because it was necessary to Batter the City on that side, a Battery was raised, without the old Wall, of Sixteen Pieces of heavy Cannon, from which many Shot were made at the round Tower, and several Bombs thrown into the City.  
The Turks nothing disanimated herewith, made a vigorous Sally on the Quarters of the Bavarian Forces, with Three thousand Horse and Foot; and though the Elector was at that time indisposed in his Health; yet his Bravery prompted him to mount on Horseback, 
The Turks made a Sally and were repulsed.  and with the assistance of the Horse, under Command of Lieutenant Colonel Hofkerken, which were Quartered in a Valley on the Way towards Strigonium, he with a steady Foot opposed the Turks, and forced them to Retire with Disorder into the Town. In this Action Twenty four of their Officers were Slain, with many janissaries, and many Wounded. Of the Bavarians about Forty were Killed, caused by a Surprise at the first beginning of the Sally: The Prince of Savoy according to his natural Courage and Valour, pressing into the thickest of the Enemy's numbers, had his Horse Killed under him; but mounting another, pursued the Enemy to the very Gates of the City.  
Whilst these things were acting, it was a matter of great encouragement to the Camp, to find their Forces daily augmenting by new Recruits. 
The Swedes and others come to the Camp.  For the Swedes were then newly arrived under the Command of the Marquis of Turlac, and took their Station on that side, which leads to Alba Regalis. These were followed by Lieutenant General Schoning, Commander in Chief of the Brandenburg Forces, whose arrival at the Camp sooner than was expected, was a cause of much Joy and Satisfaction to the whole Army. About the same time also came Prince Lewis of Newburg, Great Master of the Knights of the Teutonick Order, with Count Dunewalt, and many Knights of that Order: As also divers famous engineers, together with Count Rabata, who brought with him many Bombs, Mortar-Pieces, with a new Train of Artillery, abundance of Ammunition, and all Warlike prepararions: With which, and with the Addition of new Forces, they were enabled to draw a new Line of Communication, without that which was next to the City, extending from one Encampment unto the other; which they supported with small Redoubts raised and fortified with Cannon, which proved to be of great use against the Sallies of the Turks, which were very frequent, and performed with Resolution and Courage: Besides all which Recruits, the Auxiliary Troops of Suabia and Franconia, to the number of Five or Six thousand Men, with two Companies from Passau and Ratisbone arrived in the Camp; and on the first of july they took those Stations which were appointed for them. 
July.   
The Town was now Battered on all sides, and particularly by a Fort raised by the Swedes, which on the third of this Month, began to make a Breach on three Towers which defended the upper Wall. 
The works of the City battered.  The Cannon on the side of the Lorraine Quarters, had in four Days time absolutely demolished two Bulwarks, which flanked the Wall on that side, and ruined the Wall itself, having made a very large Breach; to discover which, and to know in what manner it lay open to an Assault, four Musquetiers were Ordered to mount thereupon, and see in what Posture the Turks remained on that side; so soon as these adventurous Men appeared at the Mouth of the Breach, the Turks cried out and took a general Alarm, running immediately to drive them from thence, but they being succoured by another Party of Musquetiers, and by continual Peals of Cannon, and Fourteen Mortar-Pieces, which threw Bombs, the Turks were worsted and lost many Men; and being not able to endure the constant Firings, were forced to Retreat, as also did the four Musquetiers with some Wounds received by Stones and Granades. By two or three Inhabitants, who for fear had deserted the Town; informations were given, That by the many Bombs, and the continual Firing of great Cannon, the Consternation was so great, 
The Turks uncover their Houses▪  that both the Inhabitants and the Soldiers esteemed themselves in as much danger within the City, as those were who mounted the Guards, and were actually employed in Defence of the Walls: Wherefore, to secure themselves the better, the Tops of the Houses were uncovered, and Caves and Vaults made under Ground, to Lodge both the Citizens and the Soldiers; and for the better safeguard of the Garrison, 
Mines and Countermines.  which was always exposed on the Walls, it was contrived to make some Mines without at every Bastion, well charged with Powder, that upon any Attack might be ready to be Fired: Of which the Duke of Lorraine having intelligence from these Fugitives, he ordered Countermines to be made, which hindered the Turkish Labourers something in their Works; but either by the looseness of the Ground, or the unexperience of the Miners, the Success did not answer Expectation: For though the Miners had proceeded a great way under Ground, by which it was believed, that the Springing of one Mine would widen the Breach and facilitate the Assault; that Project had little effect, for the Mine being fired did not cast up much Earth: Howsoever, 
An Assault given.  It was followed by an Assault on that side of the Duke of Lorraine, of which the Turks being aware made a most vigorous resistance, throwing great quantities of Bombs, Stones and Hand-Granadoes amongst the Besiegers. In this Action above Sixty Musquetiers were killed and wounded; the General Tingen, 
To the damage of the Christians.  and Major Besancon were wounded with Stones, and the Cavalier de Rosne was shot through the Shoulder. Howsoever, the Imperialists keeping their Ground in their Trenches, about Two hundred Paces from the Wall, did at length repulse the Enemy; and with continual Batteries the Walls were so plied, that from the Tower in the Corner of the City, to the first Bulwark, they were almost ruined and beaten down, as were also the three Towers which were opposite to that Attack.  

July.  On the 9 th' of this Month about break of Day, 
The Turks make a Sally on the Bran●denburg side.  the Turks made another Sally to the Lefthand, where the Brandenburg Troops were lodged, which was performed with such Fury, that the Brandenburgers being surprised, quitted their Posts, and were beaten out of their first Line, with the loss of about Two hundred Men killed, amongst which there was one Captain, one Lieutenant and an Ensign: And the Enemy firing at the same time a Mine, in which four or five Miners were buried, had caused much more disorder, had not a Body of Reserve, and the Main Guard come in to their Assistance, which so bravely Charged the Enemy, as to force them to Retire in great Confusion. The Imperialists lost in this Action, besides the Brandenburgers above One hundred and fifty Men, amongst whom was a Lieutenant Colonel, who was a Swede, a Captain of the Regiment of Mansfelt, two Lieutenants and many other subaltern Officers.  
In the mean time the Bavarians advanced their Approaches, and from a new Battery began to Fire, and shoot at a small Tower, which notwithstanding did little execution, the Walls being very good on that side. The same Day a Deserter from the Town brought News, That the Besieged expected in Twenty four Hours time a Reinforcement of Three thousand Men; 
Secure sent to Pest.  upon which intelligence Three hundred and fifty Men were immediately dispatched over the Water unto Pesth, to strengthen the Redoubt at that place, and to prevent the Turks in their design of cutting off all Communication between that Fort and the Camp. And upon farther intelligence, that the Turks assembled in great Bodies about Segedin, the Duke of Lorraine dispatched away the Baron, Marcy, with Three thousand Horse, and six Battalions of Foot over the Danube, with Orders to advance as far as Hatwan, and to Engage the Turks in what place soever it should be his Fortune to meet them: Accordingly Baron Marcy passed the River, and posted himself near the Bridge of Pesth, 
Marcy sent to oppose the march of the Turks.  there to attend the Enemy who were coming upon him, as was reported, with a Body of Ten thousand Men, under Command of Achmet Pasha: Upon which Advice, the Duke of Lorraine dispeeded away three Imperial Regiments, to join with and reinforce the Detachment under Marcy, left the Enemy should seize the Passage over the Teysse. In the mean time, the Christians working hard upon a Mine on the Bavarian side, which they designed should make the Breach wider and larger than it was, were discovered by the Turkish Miners, who were preparing a Mine near thereunto; and had almost completed it, when fearing lest the Christians should be beforehand with them, they precipitated matters so fast, that due care was not taken to hinder a Reverse; but on the contrary, 
The Turks Fire a M●n● to their hurt.  the Turks giving Fire to their Mine, it recoiled back on themselves, and buried many of their Men, and so shook the Walls and Fortifications of the Tower, that by the help of a Battery of eight Pieces of Cannon, which were leveled and played upon it, the Breach was made considerably wide, and so enlarged, that at a Council of War held on the 13 th' of this Month, it was resolved not longer to defer the Assault on the Bavarian side: 
July.  The Orders for which were no sooner Issued, and the Signal given, than all the Volunteers and brave Adventurers in the Army, Transported with Ambition, 
An Assault made on the Town.  and Desire of Glory, pressed to be the first that should mount the Breach. In this Action Count Guy of Staremberg, Count Herberstein, and Count Aversberg were Commanded each with Two hundred and twenty Men to make the Assault in three several places; the first of which was to enter in the middle of the Curtain, the second on the right Hand, and the third on the left; amongst which some Granadiers were mixed, and Pioniers to prepare and levelly the Ground to make an Allodgment; and a Reserve of Two thousand Men was appointed to sustain, and second the Assailants. The Ascent unto the Breach was very difficult, and the Turks had repaired it in many places with Palisodoes'; howsoever to brave Minds spirited with a desire of Glory, such as were the Volunteers, who were Gentlemen of principal Quality, from divers Parts and Nations of Europe, nothing seemed so difficult and hazardous, but what they were able and daring to surmount. The Onset was made about seven a Clock in the Evening, and the first thing attempted was to force up the Palisadoes, which being done, they found the Besieged posted behind in their Trenches with good Order; the Christians Attacked them with great Vigour, and the Turks made an equal Defence, pouring whole Volleys of shot with great numbers of Granades, and discharging a prodigious quantity of Stones from their Mortar-pieces upon them; on each side likewise was a round Tower filled with Musquetiers and Granadiers, who bestowed their Shot liberally upon them; so that the Assailants being between Firings on each side, as also on the Front were killed and wounded in great numbers; howsoever they made themselves Masters of the Breach, 
An Assault giv●n with l●ss to the Christians.  which they maintained and defended above the space of an hour; but at length the heat of the Fight was so great, as had put things into much Disorder, and caused the Pioners and Labourers to disperse; and a Provision of Faggots, and Sacks of Earth not being at Hand, sufficient to cover the Assailants, they lay naked and exposed to the Shot of the Enemy; and at the same time a Mine being prepared, and fired under the Breach, it did great execution; so that many Persons of great Quality and Valour were killed and wounded in this Action; and the Turks making a Sally in another place at the same time, the General caused a Signal to be given for the Troops to Retreat, which was done in very good Order. The Regiments of Souches, Mansfelt and Staremberg, were those which suffered most in this Action.  

The Persons Wounded were:  
The Prince of Commarcy.  
The Duke of Bejar, a Grandee of Spain.  
Marquis Blancfort, Son of Marshal Crequi.  
Count Staremberg.  
Count Dona.  
The Duke of Escalona, a Grandee of Spain.  
Two Captains of Souches' Regiment.  
The Baron Chifler, the Natural Son of Prince Rupert.  
My Lord George Savil, Second Son of the Lord Marquis of Halifax.  
Count Maldeghen.  
Mr. Fitz james, Natural Son of King james the II. of England.  
Count Urse, three Spanish Gentlemen.  
Monsieur Sulpice, a Gentleman belonging to the Prince of Commarcy.   

Persons Killed were:  
Prince Palatine of Veldens.  
Prince Piccolomini.  
Count Hortemback, Page to the Duke of Lorraine.  
The Cavalier of Courmaillon.  
Count Ermestein, Major of Schezfemberg's Regiment.  
Six English Noblemen, amongst which was that Worthy Gentleman Colonel Robert Forbus, Second Son to the Earl of Granard.  
Three Spanish Gentlemen, belonging to the Duke of Bejar.  
The Turks had about Two hundred Men killed, and One hundred wounded.   
The Besieged thinking hereby to have gained a great advantage over the Christians, and thereby to have put them into some Confusion and Disorder, made a Sally that Night on the Brandenburgher's Quarters; but were vigorously repulsed back again into the Town, with the loss of many Heads, which the Brandenburghers carried into the Camp, to receive the usual Rewards promised thereupon.  
For several Days there happened nothing but Batteries, and Firing Mines on one side and the other; but the Mines on the Christian side did not so much execution, as did those of the Turks: Howsoever, the Bombs were much available, and did great damage within the Town; 
Terrible effects of Bombs to the Turks.  especially those of a new Invention made by an Ingenier called Gonzales, which not only killed, but set all on Fire wheresoever it fell. One of this sort of Bombs happening within the Walls of a great Edifice, (for as we said before, all the Roofs and Cover were taken off) produced most terrible and direful effects, not only beating down the Walls, but Killed above One hundred Men, Women and Children. The Turks to Revenge themselves for all these Slaughters, were very diligent and active in Springing their Mines, 
Of Mines to the Chrians.  which they had prepared with great Art; by which many Soldiers and Officers of note were destroyed, to the great diminution in number of the Besiegers: In the mean time the Christians plied their great Guns, and Sprang the Mines to widen the Breaches, in order to make a General Assault, for which Preparations were daily made, and Ladders brought, and all Instruments provided in order thereunto.  
On the 20 th' Day of july, 
July.  about seven a Clock in the Morning, a strange hollow Noise was heard under Ground, and the Earth trembled both in the Town, 
The great Magazine of the Turks Blown up.  and under the Feet of the Soldiers in the Camp; and a dark Cloud of Smoak and Ashes covered the City, so thick and black, that for the space of an hour, scarce any thing of the Walls themselves could be seen; which caused a Terror in the Minds of the Besiegers, notwithstanding their Resolution and Bravery; for whole showers of Stones were cast up, and thrown into the Bavarian Trenches, whereby many Soldiers and Officers of Quality were Wounded: And whilst the Elector of Bavaria, and the Prince of Baden were busily employed in Riding about to confirm their Soldiery, a Stone of considerable weight and bigness fell between them: All which Convulsion happened by blowing up of the chief Magazine of the City, whether by Bomb from the Camp, or any other Accident is uncertain: But such were the dreadful effects thereof, That it shook down one Wing of the Castle, and that side of the Wall towards the Water; threw vast quantities of Stone and Rubbish into the Danube; and Killed above Fifteen hundred People, who were useless and unfi● for Service, and had for their better safety hid themselves in Vaults and Cellars: By this unexpected Blow, the City being much weakened towards the Water, Giavarino Lieutenant General of the Heydukes, was Ordered with a Party of his Soldiers to take the advantage of this Accident, and to post himself in the best manner he could, to hinder all Sallies of the Enemy by that way, and to make that side more easy and fit for Storm.  
But whilst the Duke of Lorraine thought of these things, and how much his Forces were diminished by Assaults, by Sallies of the Enemy, by Mines, by Sickness and various other Accidents; and how much Blood it might still cost, before the Town could be forced to Surrender by dint of Sword, he resolved to make use of this opportune Misfortune, whilst the Turks remained in their Terror and Amazement to try the Pasha with Capitulations and good Conditions in case of Surrender, and to send him a Summons in Writing, by the Hand of Count Coniseck, who according to his Instructions, represented the State and Condition of the Affair to the Pasha Governor, that the Christians were very strong without, 
Summons sent to the Pasha.  and resolved to take the Town, the Walls of which were almost demolished, and their Garrison laid open and exposed; and that a General Assault was determined; and that since they could not reasonably expect any Relief or Succour, the Pasha would do better Service to his Master the Ottoman Emperor by saving the Blood of his People, than by a desperate defence to sacrifice the Lives of so many by his wilful obstinacy; nor hereby could he give occasion to any to tax him, either for want of Valour or Conduct, since he had given such fair Evidence of both unto the World. The Pasha received the Messenger with much more Humanity, than they did ever practise in the times of their Prosperity, and heard him with great attention; and Read the Letter sent him by the Duke of Lorraine several times over: But before he would make any Reply thereunto, he called a Divan or Council, in which the Business being debated for the space of about three hours; at length this Answer was returned in Writing, and put up in a Purse of White Satin, according to the Custom of the Turks; which was to this effect. That he did wonder much from which of his Actions during this Siege, he could ground any Hope upon these Summons, that he should, or could be prevailed with to make a Surrender, not having been guilty as he imagined of such mean and Cowardly behaviour, as might merit so great an Affront to his Valour, as to be tempted with Conditions and Terms how Honourable soever unto a Surrender. But in case He, and his Soldiers had appeared in the least manner Timorous and Base, 
The Pas●a▪ Answer.  That they would amend that fault by a more vigorous Defence, and by such Actions as should make it appear to the World, that, that City was conserved with a Bravery equal to the Importance thereof; That God would punish the Pride of the Christians, for daring so much as to conceive a thought of bringing low the Ottoman Emperor, from whom having received the Command of that Place, he was resolved to deliver it unto no other, than unto him only.  
Whilst this Treaty continued, which was for the space of three Hours, a Cessation of Arms was granted, during which time, the Soldiers on each side discoursed friendly, and jested together, and reached to one another their Pipes, and their Tobacco; from whence it may be seen, how natural Love and Friendship is to Mankind, and how unnatural and violent is Hatred, War and Cruelty.  
From this Haughty and Resolute Answer of the Turks many did conjecture, That they had received promises of a speedy Relief; which caused some Reports and Discourses in the Camp, That the Vizier was marching with a very numerous and puissant Army for their Succour: Of which though the Besieged had no intelligence; yet considering that the thing was not improbable, the Turks conceived some hopes from thence, and the Christians prepared to receive and engage them. Nor was the expectation of Relief by the March of the Turks without some ground; for at Hatwan in the Upper Hungary great numbers of them joined in one Body, 
A stop given to the progress of the Turks.  which with much advantage might descend with the Current down the River, and give trouble and disturbance at the Siege of Buda: To prevent which, some Bridges were sent, for passing the Regiments of Horse under Caprara, and the Prince Charles of Neuburg over the Rivers, unto such Commodious Passes, as were advantageous to restrain those Forces from farther proceedings. In the mean time some comfortable News was brought to the Duke of Lorraine from Count Caraffa, who advised, that upon intelligence of a very considerable Convoy sent from Segedin, for the Relief and Reinforcement of Agria; he with General Heusler resolved to make an Assault thereupon; which design failing, gave an occasion howsoever to give a Defeat to a great part of the Garrison of Agr●a; in which Action Caprara posted himself in a close, and deep Valley, covered on both sides with Hills; and about half a League beyond Peterhasi with some Hungarian Troops well Armed, was ordered to lie in Ambush; from whence he detached about Fifty Hussars to March towards the City, and in their Way to take up all the Horses and Cattle they could find in the Pastures, with Orders that in case the Garrison should Sally out upon them, that they should feign a seeming Flight, and draw them on until they came near the Camp: The which being accordingly performed by the Hussars, Osman Pasha of Agria pursued them close with a select number of his best Soldiers, until unwarily he fell into the Ambuscade which was laid for him; from whence the Hungarians Sallying forth renewed the Fight, 
The Pasha of Agria de●●ated.  being seconded by General Heusler's Dragoons, who kept the Enemy in play until the Foot were come up to their Assistance: And then Osman Pasha being sensible of the Snare into which he was fallen, encouraged his Men bravely to defend themselves, and to make an orderly Retreat, but he was then too far engaged; for after a hot and desperate Conflict, above Two hundred and fifty of the Garrison were killed, and about One hundred Prisoners taken, and amongst the rest Osman Pasha himself was slain: Howsoever this Victory was not gained without some loss on the Christians side; for Baron Bur a Captain of Dragoons, and the Captain Lieutenant of the Regiment of Castelli, with above Twenty Common Soldiers were, killed, besides many wounded; this Engagement being towards the Evening, the remainder of the Garrison by covert of the Night, made their Retreat back and recovered the City.  
Whilst these things were acting, the Siege of Buda proceeded with various Fortunes; and the wise Generals were not only intent thereunto, pressing forward with the greatest Bravery imaginable; but also were wary, and vigilant to observe the Motions of the Turkish Army designed to raise the Siege: For by certain intelligence it was advised, That the Seraskier was on his March, but that he moved slowly, to give time unto the other Troops, which were Quartered along the Banks of the Rivers Save and Drove to come and join, 
Advices that the Seraskier approached  for that the Forces of the Turks were not so numerous, as to admit of any Detachments, but rather to Fight in one Body only: It being necessary to secure the Passage by the Bridge of Esseck, Eight thousand Men were order d to possess it; but News coming, that the Imperialists were already Masters of it with a far greater Force, the Seraskier passed the River by a Bridge at Peter Waradin, and stayed at Segedin; from whence he ordered a Flying Army of Horse composed of Turks and Tartars, to March unto Alba Regalis▪ from whence they were ordered by frequent Sallies and Alarms to offend and amuse the Christian Camp before Buda; until such time as the Grand Vizier being enforced by the Asian Horse, and by the Tartars, might be able to join with them at Alba Regalis; from whence it was designed to make all their Sallies upon the Camp. 
Schultz watches his Motion.  Of which General Schultz having advice, whose business it was to observe the Motions of the Enemy, he pitched his Camp along the Drove, from whence he observed the March of the Enemy, and narrowly watched the Garrisons of Kanisia and Zigeth. The Leaguer being thus secured from outward Assaults, every Quarter of the City was attacked by several turns, sometime by the Bavarians on their side, by the Brandenburgers on theirs, and by the Imperialists, and others in their several Stations, with Mines and Countermines, with Cannon and Batteries, Bombs and Granades, and all other Instruments of Death, which cost much Blood on one side and the other. At length, to bring Matters to a more sure and speedy Issue it was resolved, to prepare all things against the 27 th' of july for a General Assault, which was to be performed by Fifteen thousand Men; That is, Five thousand at the Attack of Lorraine, Five thousand of Bavaria, and as many of Brandenburg, besides Two thousand Talpatsi, which are a People of Hungary; 
A General Assault prepared.  and that the Besieged might be attacked on all sides, and their Forces divided thereby, the Lieutenant General Giavarino Commander of the Haidukes, was ordered to make a seeming Attack by the Water-gate, where part of the Wall near the Castle was thrown down by the Magazine which was lately fired: For this General Storm all things were well prepared; the Officers of most experience, and bravery were appointed to lead the Assailants unto the respective Attacks, and Labourers placed in a readiness to carry Faggots, and Sacks of Earth to cover the Men, and make good the Lodgments, and others with Mattocks and Spades, and such like Instruments to dig and throw up the Earth.  
The Duke of Lorraine intending to begin the Assault at break of Day in the Morning, passed that Night in the Trenches; but when they were ready for that Enterprise on the Bavarian side, all the Palisadoes were on Fire, and burnt with so violent a Flame, caused by a certain mixture of bituminous stuff, that the Attack was deferred until towards the Evening; before which time some Rains falling, served to extinguish the fierceness of the Fire, and the Duke of Lorraine and Bavaria after some Consultations together resolved forthwith to proceed unto the Assault; 
The Assault made.  the Sign for which was given by firing three Pieces of Cannon: Upon which Signal the Imperialists, Bavarians and Brandenburgers drew out of their Lines, and advanced against the Breaches: The Imperialists soon made themselves Masters of the great Tower, but were quickly droven thence by the Turks; which when the Duke of Lorraine observed from the place where he had posted himself, for to give out his Orders; he immediately in Person advanced with fresh Troops to sustain and support the first; the Presence of the General, who was engaged in a dangerous place, with the Sword in his Hand and Casket on his Head, 
The Example of the General encourges the Soldiers.  did so animate the Soldiers, that inflamed with a desire to imitate the bravery of their General and preserve his Person, they all returned to the Fight; and tearing out the Palisadoes all on Fire, in despite of the Enemies shot and resistance, they bravely lodged themselves upon the Breach of the first Wall, and presently made themselves Masters of the great Tower, with two other small Bastions on the Right and on the Lefthand; driving the Turks into the Retrenchments, which were lately cut behind the new Palisadoes: But the Christians so plied them with small Shot and Granades, that they were forced to quit that place also, with great loss and slaughter of their Men: But while they were labouring to secure that Ground and the Lodgement there; the Enemy gave Fire to four Mines, which tossed up many of those into the Air who were the farthest advanced: 
The Turks Fire four Mines.  Howsoever, the Presence of the Duke of Lorraine so encouraged the Soldiers, that in emulation of each other, they pressed forward, and made themselves Masters of that Ground, which their other Fellows had newly quitted with the loss of their Lives. At the same time, the Brandenburgers were so successful in their Enterprise, that they took the Tower which they attacked, whereon were Seventeen Pieces of Cannon with some Mortars. The Elector of Bavaria also succeeded in his Enterprise, leading on his Men in Person, and possessed himself of the great Tower which fronts the Castle, whereon were seven Pieces of Cannon, and two Standards of the janissaries.  
On that part of the City allotted to the false Attack of the Heydukes, no great matter was performed, nor nothing expected; for the place was strong, and the Party appointed for the Assault was to make a diversion of the Forces, rather than in good earnest to gain a Lodgement.  
During these Attacks the Turks made a Sally, and charged the Christians in the Flank, but being watched by some Squadrons of Horse, were repulsed back into the Town with great loss; and finding that the Christians were pressing forward, as far, as to the second Wall, they set Fire to a sort of sulfureous and bituminous matter, 
Sul●ureous Fir●s much a●no● the Christians.  composed on purpose to suffocate and poison the Lungs, which being thrown into the Ditch, gave a stop to the Progress of the Assailants: But a Wind arising soon afterwards, which carried the Fire and Smoke towards the Town, annoyed the Defendants in such manner, that they were forced to quit their Station, and suffer the Christians without farther resistance to keep, and make good the Ground they had taken.  
This Assault continued for the space of four hours, with a vast effusion of Blood on one side and the other; but the Imperilists, Bavarians, Brandenburgers and all other the Assailants, with unparallelled Valour fight amidst the Fire and Smoke, Granades, Stones, 
A cruel Assault▪  Swords and Lances without any regard to their Lives, and animated by the Bravery of the Conmmanders, who were as forward to expose themselves to danger, as the meanest of the Common Soldiers, possessed at length, and lodged themselves on all round Bulwarks, and Walls made with Earth, reaching from one side of the City unto the other. About Sunsetting the Attack ceased, and both sides as it were by mutual consent gave over the Fight, which ended with the great advantage of the Christians, who had penetrated to the second Retrenchment of the Wall and Ditch: 
Which ends at Night.  And Night coming on, those who were tired with that Day's Labour, were relieved by others, who were all Night long employed in raising Earth, and fortifying the places which they had gained, on which they mounted Cannon, and turned those on the Enemy which they had taken from them; and the next Day began therewith to Batter the inward Wall. It is impossible to express the Bravery and Resolution, with which this Attack was maintained: For besides the Gallantry of all the Officers in general, the Duke of Lorraine, and Count Staremberg gave undeniable Proofs of their Courage, of their indefatigable Industry, and of their Zeal for the Glory of the Emperor, and the Christian Religion; not only attending unto their own Quarters, but hazarded their Persons in all places, where their Presence and Directions were necessary or useful. In this Enterprise many brave Soldiers and Officers were slain, who were ready to Sacrifice their Lives, being pushed forward with an Ambition to signalise themselves in the Presence of their Generals; the numbers of them were so great, that to make the Victory look more cheerful, it was thought fit to conceal them; only such as were of principal note, were acknowledged as followeth.  

Killed.  
Monsieur Artein Agitant General to the Duke of Lorraine.  
Sergeant Major Pini.  
Count Schlik.  
Baron Geta, with many other Subaltern Officers of great experience.   

Wounded.  
The Duke of Croy.  
The Prince of Commercy.  
Sergeant General Diepenthall.  
Baron de Asti.  
The Sergeant Major of Staremberg, with two Captains.  
Sergeant General Dingen.  
The Lieutenant Colonel of Neuburg's Regiment.   

Killed of the Brandenburgers.  
The Count of Dona.  
Sergeant Major Maruvitz.   

Wounded.  
The Duke of Curland, with many other inferior Officers.   
The Elector of Bavaria and Prince Lewis of Baden, with incomparable Conduct and Bravery, exposed their Persons to danger and hazard in all places which required their Presence, 
The Elector of Bavaria secures the Works which he had taken.  and remained all Night upon the Watch, giving directions in what manner the Labourers were to work, nor did they Retire, or take any Rest or Repose, until the Lodgments were secured: For during the Darkness of the Night, they had form a strong Trench round the Tower, which is under the Wall of the Castle; and made smooth the heaps and ruins of Stones and Rubbish, by laying thereon an innumerable number of Sacks of Earth, whereon the Troops could with a large Front march up to relief of the Guards. And now whereas the innermost Gate of the Castle was possessed by the Bavarians, so that it could not longer hold out; the Turks thought fit for saving their Men to abandon it wholly, the Garrison being much diminished, and their numbers abated in the late Attack.  

Officers and Soldiers killed and wounded.  In which of the Regiment of Bavaria were killed, A Captain, and wounded a Sergeant Major, a Captain and three Lieutenants.  
Of the Regiment of Baden were killed two Lieutenants, and wounded five Captains, one Lieutenant and three Ensigns.  
In the Regiment of Aspremont, Killed one Ensign, and wounded the Colonel, the Lieutenant Colonel, Count Nicholas Palfi, Sergeant Major, Count Zacco, a Cavalier of Malta, and six other Captains, five Lieutenants and two Ensigns.  
In the Regiment of Rummel killed, A Captain and a Lieutenant; wounded a Captain and an Ensign.  
In the Regiment of Gallenfels, killed the Lieutenant Colonel; wounded two Captains and a Lieutenant.  
In the Regiment of Furstemberg, wounded a Captain, a Lieutenant, and an Ensign.  
In the Regiment of Beck, wounded the Lieutenant Colonel, the Baron of Welsberg, five Captains, five Lieutenants, and five Ensigns.  
In the Regiment of Steinau, killed a Sergeant Major and a Lieutenant; and wounded a Captain, two Lieutenants and an Ensign.  
In the Regiment of Seibolstorff, killed a Sergeant Major; and wounded a Captain and two Lieutenants.  
In this Attack, of the Imperialists and Bavarians, were killed Common Soldiers an Hundred and seventeen; wounded Nine hundred seventy two.  
Of the Saxons, were killed a Lieutenant Colonel, two Corporals, and seventy Common Soldiers; wounded a Lieutenant Colonel, two Sergeant Majors, two Captains, a Captain Lieutenant, three Ensigns, two Sergeants, two Corporals, and a Hundred Ninety nine Common Soldiers.  
Having in this manner, with a vast effusion of Blood, entered as far as to the inward Wall, all Art and Industry was used to blow that up with new Mines, at which they laboured with so much diligence, that in a Day and a Night's time they were finished and fired; the third of which did such great Execution by opening the Breach, 
Another Assault.  as invited the Besiegers to make an Assault; to the performance of which, Twelve hundred foot Soldiers, and Four hundred Dragoons were appointed; but their Officers being for the most part killed or wounded, the Duke of Lorraine was forced to make use of the two Generals of Horse, the Counts of Lodron and Styrum, to Command the Attack; and in the mean time that they were coming, a Battery of three Pieces of Cannon was raised on the Curtain lately possessed, with four Mortar-pieces, both to widen the Breach, and offend the more inward parts of the Town. But whilst this was doing, the Besieged were making a new Retrenchment behind the Breach, which was an evident Proof, that they resolv●d to defend the Place unto the last extremity.  
But not to drive Matters to that ultimate Period, the Turks sent on their part two Agas to the Duke of Lorraine to enter on a Treaty; and the Duke on his side sent his Adjutant General, the Count of Lamberg, with his Interpreter, into the Town; where he was introduced to the Presence of the Pasha, 
July 31st.  with such Respect, Ceremony and Honour, as was agreeable to the ill Circumstances under which the Turks laboured; 
A Treaty begun.  but he returned again with no other satisfactory Answer than this: That the Officers and Commanders of that Government could not, nor would not so easily yield and surrender up that City, which is the Key of the Ottoman Empire: But when it should be thought fit to conclude, and establish an universal Peace, that they would then oblige themselves, that an Equivalent should be given to the Emperor, by the Delivery of two other Places: And that they were ready to give up the same, and conclude a Peace, for making which, they had received a sufficient Power from the Grand Signior, provided that the Siege be immediately raised. With this Answer the Generals not being pleased, they began on both sides to fire with the usual Fury, 
Batteries raised and Mines fired.  and that Night they finished two Batteries, which were raised for enlargement of the Breaches, and three Mines were fired, which filled a great part of the Ditch with Earth; but one of them recoiling back, buried a hundred Men of the Brandenburger Troops, who were advanced too far, and were not advertised, when the Mine was to be fired.  
The next Day following, about Nine a Clock in the Morning, the Turks beat again a Parley towards the side of the Breach of the Bavarian Quarter, and sent the two Agas, which had been employed the Day before with the Duke of Lorraine, unto the Elector, 
Another Parley  desiring that two Hostages might be returned in their Places, which being done accordingly, one of the Agas offered in the Name of the Vizier of Buda, To yield and surrender up the Place, with all the Dependencies, which he avowed to be very great, and to contain no less than a Hundred and Fifty Leagues of Land thereupon depending, or otherwise to deliver up any other two places within the Kingdom of Hungary, being under the Turks Dominion, at the Will and Choice of the Emperor, provided that a general Peace might thereupon be concluded and ensue: But in regard the Elector was sufficiently informed, 
Which is broken off.  that it was not in his own nor yet in the Emperor's Power to make a Peace without the common Consent of the Allies, for which there was no time at that critical Season: The two Agas were remanded back, and the Hostages returned, and then the old Trade proceeded, and they began again to fire on all sides as before. But this Cessation of Arms was made use of by the Christians, for discovery of the Breach of the Castle, and the entrance thereunto by way of the Town; of which a Lieutenant Colonel belonging to the Regiment of Baden, took a particular Observation.  
The same Day a Mine was fired by the Imperialists at the Attack of Lorraine, which made a Breach in the second Wall, and shaked the third, which so alarmed the Defendants, that in great numbers they came running to that place; 
The Bavarians enter the Castle▪ but are repulsed.  by which such a diversion was made of their Forces, as gave the Bavarians an opportunity to enter the Castle; but being not able to make good their Ground, they were constrained to abandon the Lodgement which they had already begun. 
August▪   
During these Actions, Count Staremberg applying himself to all places, where his Presence was required, 
Count Staremberg wounded.  without any regard to the hazard and danger of life, he received a Musket Shot on his Lefthand, which carried away his Thumb; and with another Shot he was both wounded in the Cheek, and in the Shoulder; but the Wounds were so slight, 
Duke of Lorain● sick.  as did not constrain him to withdraw from his Care and Command. The Duke of Lorraine was at the same time indisposed in his Health by the accession of a Fever; which though not very violent, yet it gave some cause of Fear and Discouragement to the whole Camp; howsoever the Spirit of this Hero was so great, that he still continued to prosecute his Enterprise, and give direction for perfecting the Mines, which were now necessary on that side; for that little thereof could be effected at the Bavarian Attack, where the Labourers were stopped by Rocks and Quarries of Stone: 
The Difficulty of th● Mines.  And whilst the Miners worked at the Breach of Lorraine, they were forced to withdraw themselves from the pestilential Air, caused under Ground by the noisome Stench of dead Bodies. Howsoever, the Mine under the third Wall was finished, and sprung with good success, though the Ditch was not so filled, that the Soldiers could pass to the Assault; yet bringing Sacks of Earth, and other defensible Matter, they lodged and covered themselves at the foot of the Breach.  
Whilst the Siege proceeded with all this heat and vigour, certain News was brought, that the Grand Vizier had composed a Body of Seven thousand Horse, drawn out of divers Garrisons in Hungary, 
News of the Grand Vizier's Marc●.  and caused them to advance as far as Sarowitz, which is within Thirteen Leagues of Buda, and that other Troops had passed the Bridge of Esseck, and that the Seraskier was appointed to guard that way, until the Vizier in Person had made his Passage, who with 40▪ 000 Men was marching to the Relief of distressed Buda; and that he would be shortly Reinforced wi●h a very great Body of Tartars and Asiatic Horse, which were already on their March, and had passed Adrianople. But the Generals, who had received more certain Advices of the Strength of the Vizier, were well assured, that neither the Number of his Soldiers was so great, nor the Quality of them so formidable, being for the most part composed of soft asiatics, of Countrymen and People inexpert and unaccustomed to War; and for that Reason it was not to be imagined that the Grand Vizier would put all to the hazard of a pitched Battle. Howsoever, 
The Christians prepare to receive them.  not to despise an Enemy, the General's considering hereof at a Council of War, dispatched immediately express Orders to the Cavalry, quartered in all parts of the Upper Hungary, where was no apprehension of any Enemy, to march unto the Camp; and accordingly General Dunewaldt, with several Regiments of Horse under his Command, and Count Caprara, and General Heusler with their Troops, and Count Budianis with about Two thousand Hungarians, all valiant and veterane Soldiers, appeared at the Rendezvous, and with all expedition marched towards the Enemy, with intention to give them a stop in their Way towards Buda. The Ban or Governor of Croatia, having given Advice to the Generals, that he had raised the Militia of that Country for the Service of the Emperor, was commanded to March towards the Bridge of Esseck, and joining with the other Forces, to make Head and Opposition to the Grand Vizier in his March.  
The rumour and report of the Grand Vizier's approach with all his Army did daily increase, and as a certain Forerunner thereof, several Thousands of his Horse were advanced very near to discover the Force and Actions of the Christians: Whereupon a Council of War being called of all the Generals, it was concluded to countermand the Advance of the Troops, and appoint them to appear at a general Rendezvous, where it was plainly manifested, how greatly the numbers were abated; and therefore since the great Line of Circumvallation was perfected and well flanked with strong Redoubts, Spurs and other defensible Works, they ordered, that the same should be maintained by Three thousand Foot, which were sufficient to give a stop to any Attempt, which might be made upon the Camp: And the Imperial, Bavarian, and Brandenburger Cavalry, were commanded to lodge on the Hills and rising Grounds which were round the Town: And the Heydukes were encamped along the Wall of the old Town, extending themselves from the Fort situate on the Danube, unto the Trenches of the Brandenburgers.  
Having thus secured their Camp, and put every thing in a readiness to receive the Enemy, in case they should attempt to force their Lines; they proceeded on all sides to perfect their Works on the Breaches. The Bavarians being piqued in point of Honour for the Foil or Disadvantage they had received about two or three Days before, 
The Bavarians point all their Batteries against the great Tower.  had incessantly fired on the great Tower with their biggest Cannon; and from another Battery near adjoining played continually on the Breach of the Wall, which as yet was not wide enough for the Attack; and because the Situation of the Place was such, as made it almost inaccessible and too dangerous to the Soldiers to ascend over the Rocks and Ruins which lay in the way, the Elector resolved to point all his Cannon against the Castle, as also his Bombs of greatest weight, with design to beat down the Walls, and with the Ruins thereof to make the Ascent thereunto more easy and secure; with which, and some Mines which were blown up, that ancient and stately Edifice was almost destroyed.  
The News of the daily approach of the Vizier and his Army, caused the Christians to be more watchful and vigilant than before, and scarce gave the Generals any rest or repose by Day or Night free from Alarms, which the Duke of Lorraine sustained in a manner rather Miraculous than Natural; 
The Christian Camp alarmed.  for being scarce recovered of a Fever, the present state of Affairs required him to redouble his Cares and Vigilance; which agitation of Mind was able to have droven a confirmed Health into the extremities of Heat and feverish Distempers; but God, who intended him for the glorious Instrument of subjecting this strong City, gave him strength for his great Work; so that notwithstanding the expectation of the Vizier hastening to the Relief, a general Assault was made at every Breach, which continued for the space of two hours; in which the Defendants behaved themselves with such Gallantry, that the Duke of Lorraine caused a Retreat to be sounded, rather than unprofitably to lose the Lives of his Soldiers, of which they began now to be sensible of the great Abatement: Howsoever something was gained by this Assault on the right side of the Tower, adjoining to the Castle at the corner of the inward Wall, where they lodged forty Men. In this Conflict not many Men were killed, but many were wounded, both Officers as well as common Soldiers, and particularly Count Leopold of Herberstein, and Sergeant Major Bischoffshausen; and on the Quarter of Bavaria, the Prince of Savoy, and Prince Lewis of Baden, both slightly wounded.  
By the motion of the Seraskier, it seemed as if his Intentions were to enter his Succour and Relief into the Town by the Bavarian Quarters; 
Skirmishes between the Turks and Bavarians.  and some Thousands of Turks appearing on the rising Grounds and sides of the Hills, put themselves into a posture, as if they intended to Engage; but the Trenches were so well guarded and fortified, that there seemed to be little danger of forcing Succour by that way into the City: Howsoever, there happened daily Skirmishes, in which divers were killed on one side and the other; and particularly a Turk well mounted and habited, advancing with more than prudent Gallantry, was laid dead on the Ground; and being stripped by the Soldiery, 
Letters taken.  there were some Letters found about him from the Grand Vizier to the Pasha of Buda, signifying that his Intentions were to force some Quarter of the Enemy, and thereby introduce the Succours designed for Relief of the Place; and that in the mean time with a Body of Eight thousand Tartars, to stop the Passage of all Provisions to the Christian Camp between Strigonium and Buda. Upon this Discovery, the Duke of Lorraine and the Generals resolved to guard their Trenches with Twenty thousand Men, posted in the most advantageous Places, 
The Christians prepare to give Battle to the Turks.  and to draw out all the remainder of the Army into the Field to meet the Vizier, and show their readiness to give him Battle; for though the Turks were reported to be Seventy thousand strong, they were not in reality above Forty thousand able to bear Arms; against which the Duke of Lorraine forming his Vanguard of Four thousand Talpatzes and Hungarian Hussars, flanked by a part of the Germane Horse, marched forth in view of the Enemy. After some Skirmishes with loss of Men on both sides, the Turks retired, carrying away with them some Heads of Cattle, which the Hussars endeavouring to recover, were beaten back with the loss of thirteen Men. After this, the former Resolution was changed, and it was concluded at a general Council of War, to keep within, and guard their Trenches, which were well fortified, until they were certainly assured of what Strength the Vizier was; according to which Resolution, they continued to Fortify their Lines of Circumvallation with Redoubts, on which they mounted several Field-pieces.  

August.  The 9 th' of this Month the Turks appeared on the Hills, opposite to the Bavarian Quarters, in greater Numbers than before, and after an Engagement with the advanced Troops, made their Retreat as they had done the Day before; and in the return to their Camp, they met with a Party of about an Hundred and fifty Hungarians, which were sent to discover the Enemy; they cut them all off, thirty only escaping, of which most of them were wounded; and at the same time the Besieged made a Sally on the Bavarian Quarter, 
Various Successes.  and killed about Eighty Soldiers, besides some Officers. On the 10 th' the Bavarians had finished their Line of Circumvallation, adjoining to that of the Imperialists, and had wholly guarded themselves from all Attempts of the Enemy by a very deep Ditch: Howsoever, things not being so secure, but that the Enemy might be able to attempt the entering Succours by way of the River, the Water of which was very low; they fortified that part also with some Boats at a convenient distance from each other, and with some Turn-pikes called Chevaux de Frise  
On the 11 th' certain Intelligence was brought, that the Grand Vizier was encamped about five Leagues off; and the same Day Two thousand Turks appeared opposite to the Bavarian Quarter, about the same place as before; to discover which and their numbers, a Detachment was sent, but they were soon forced to retire in haste, the Enemy descending in numbers, which were too unequal a Match for them. The three Mines on which much Work was bestowed being charged with Five thousand weight of Powder, were now ready; and on the 12 th' were fired, 
A Mine fired.  but not with such good effect as was expected, having only shaken the inward Wall, and some few of the Palisadoes; so that it was believed, that the Turks had discharged them of the greatest part of their Powder, by which disappointment, the Assault which was intended, was countermanded, and the Miners ordered to begin a new Work. The Afternoon of the same Day, the Vizier appeared and encamped on the Banks of the Danube, being as some Deserters reported about Fifty thousand strong; at the sight of which, 
The Vizier appears.  the Besieged being encouraged, made a Sally with about an Hundred Horse and Foot, upon Three hundred Horse of the Vanguard, of the Imperialists, who feigning a flight, drew them at some distance from the Town, and then returning upon them, cut the greatest part of them in pieces.  
On the 14 th', the Turks drew out their whole Army into Battalia, and Detached Six thousand Men under three Pashas, amongst which were Two thousand janissaries, with Orders to make their Way into the Town, 
A Party of Turks commanded to enter the Town.  by the Imperial and Brandenburger Quarters. Against whom the Duke of Lorraine sent the Regiment of Hungarians Commanded by Palsi, and the Regiments of Schultz, Serau, and Lodron to charge the Enemy and begin the Fight: The Hungarians upon the first Shock or Charge began to give Ground; but Baron Marcy putting himself at the Head of the Regiment of Schultz, gave a stop to the Flight of the Hungarians, until such time as Count Dunewalt came up with the Regiments of Taff, Lodron, Neubourg, Stirum and Staremberg, which being joined in a Body, charged the Turks with that Fury and Bravery, that they totally defeated and put the Turkish Horse to Flight, 
The Turks defeated.  by which the janissaries being abandoned and laid open, were almost all cut off and destroyed. The Elector of Bavaria with his Horse pursued them to their Camp, where Rallying again they endeavoured to charge the Christians in the Flank; which when the Duke of Lorraine perceived, he made a stand or a halt, and drew out some Forces from the Lines, which he caused to march towards their assistance; but the Turks having received the first Fire retreated to their Camp, whither it was thought fit not to pursue them, but rather to conduct the Troops back to the Camp, being much tired and wearied by continal Watchings, having for the space of three Days and three Nights, been always on the Guard with Arms in their Hands. The Victory was very clear and signal, for the Turks lost eight Pieces of Cannon, and Forty Standards, and Two thousand and two hundred dead Bodies were accounted by the Duke of Lorraine himself lying in the Field, where the Battle was Fought, which he caused to be buried, to prevent a putrefaction in the Air; and all this with the loss only of about Two hundred Men killed and wounded, amongst the latter of which were the Count of Lodron, a Major, and two Captains.  
After this happy Success all the Cannon were discharged, and the Colours taken from the Turks displayed, and many Heads of those who had been killed, were set upon Pikes, and showed to the Besieged to increase their greater Terror and Despair.  
Notwithstanding all which, the Turks abated nothing of their Courage; the Grand Vizier giving the Christians every Night Alarms, the better to discover with what Force and Vigilancy the Lines and Avenues were Guarded. At length, on the 20 th' of August about break of Day, 
Two thousand Turks force their way into the Town.  Four thousand Turks, of which Two thousand were janissaries mounted on Horseback, made a vigorous Attempt by the Valley of St. Paul, and with great Fury assailed those Guards, which they not being able to sustain, gave them Way, and permitted them in a full carrear, to Ride up to the Walls of the Town: At this confusion of the Guards, and the Noise made by the janissaries, the Regiments of Caprara and Heusler came, and renewed the Fight with them, and killed several hundreds of the Turks, who as they advanced farther into the Approaches, were so plied by the Musquetiers, that most of them were slain: Howsoever, about Two hundred of them made their Way into the Town by the Bavarian Quarter: Which so animated the Defendants, that they made and discharged four Volleys of Shot for joy round the Town: Though this small Recruit was rather a Weakening to them than any Reinforcement. This Attempt seemed so desperate to the Turkish Soldiery, that the Vizier could not prevail with any Man to undertake it, without a Largess of Thirty Dollars in hand paid to every janisary, and promise to any that should get within the Town, to have his pay doubled during his Life, 
The reward promised for the Service.  and to be freed from going ever more to the War: Of which sort of People there are above Fifty thousand in the Ottoman Empire, called Otoracks, or as in Latin Milites emeriti.  
All this interrupted not the Bavarians in their Works, 
Batteries raised on the Rondel.  or in the Batteries they had raised on the great Rondel, by which they very much annoyed the main Castle, which when the Turks observed, they planted one of their biggest Pieces of Cannon on the highest part of the Wall, which they having charged with Musket Bullets, Iron, Stones, etc. did great execution on the Soldiers, which maintained and guarded the Rondel of the Tower: Howsoever, not to give ground or abandon so advantageous a Post, the Elector of Bavaria with advice of the General Officers, resolved to Assault the Tower, which was half ruined and already demolished, so as thereby to gain the advantage of an upper Ground: The Assailants so bravely behaved themselves, 
August.  That on the the 22 d without any regard to the difficulty and ruggedness of the Ascent, or the opposition the Turks made, they surmounted the Breach and killed about One hundred Men, and made themselves Masters of the Tower: 
The Tower taken.  In the mean time whilst this was in Action, the Duke of Lorraine, and the Brandenburgers caused an Alarm to be given without, and with continual Firing of their Artillery and Volleys of Shot, kept the Enemy at a distance.  
The Pasha of Buda finding himself nearly urged, and pressed by the loss of so important a place, from whence the Christians could now shoot into the Town; he applied all his endeavours to dislodge them: But the Bavarians having strongly posted themselves, being assisted with the advantage of the rising Situation, 
The Turks endeavour to dislodge the Bavarians.  vigorously repulsed all the Force which the Turks could make upon them, and easily threw them down headlong from the Scaling Ladders which they had erected. This place was gained by the Bavarians without much Blood of the Common Soldiery, but Duke Henric of Saxon Mersburg was in that Action wounded in two places; and General Rummel of the Bavarians was slain by a Musquet-shot in the Approaches, which ought to have been made deeper by three or four Foot, so as to cover the whole Body of a Man; he was an excellent Soldier, and a brave Man, and therefore much lamented by his Electoral Highness, and the whole Army.  
Nothing could more annoy and vex the Defendants, than the taking and possessing this Tower, which rendered the Case and State of the City almost desperate; so that no hopes remained, unless they were succoured and relieved by the Army of the Grand Vizier, whom to advise of their Extremity, 
Two Messengers sent from the City to the Grand Vizier.  two Messengers were dispatched out of the Town, one by the way of the Water, and the other by the Land side, both disguised in the Hungarian Habit. The first was discovered swimming over to the Island of St. Margaret's; and being pursued was taken, but his Letters he had first thrown into the River: Howsoever, being brought before the Generals, he confessed and declared the low and desperate Condition to which the City was reduced; and that it could not hold out much longer unless speedily Relieved; and that another Messenger was sent to acquaint the Vizier thereof by Word of Mouth, letting him know, that it was not sufficient to appear before the Town, 
One of them is taken.  and flatter them with the hopes of Succour, unless also he could force the Enemy to raise the Siege; and that the late Recruit of Two hundred Men, who bravely made their way into the City, was but a small Help and Comfort to a Garrison already wasted, and almost totally consumed by a long Siege. That the Castle was in a manner lost, since that the principal Towers and Bulwarks of it were possessed by the Enemy: And in short, that those who remained alive, were wearied out with continual Watchings, and every Day diminished by Cannon and Musquet-shot, by Bombs, Fires, and Carcases continually thrown into the Town.  
All these Matters being reported before the Generals, they conceived certain hopes of putting a speedy end to their Labours and Dangers: Howsoever, therewithal they so far consulted their own Condition, that they concluded it very necessary, before any thing was farther attempted, to expect the coming of that Body of the Army under Count Scaffemberg, and the Twelve hundred Swedes, which were now on their March, and near at hand. At length Scaffemberg being come with a Reinforcement of Eight thousand Men, besides the Swedes, raised the Spirits of the whole Army, and put the Generals into a capacity of executing the Designs they had already plotted and contrived. On the Lorraine Quarter a Bridge was made near the great Tower, 
Eight thousand Men come to the Imperial Camp.  leading towards the inward Palisadoes of the Enemy; and to conserve it from fire, they covered it over with Earth: The like was also performed on the Bavarian side; but whilst these things were preparing, a stop was put thereunto by an unexpected and vigorous Sally which the Besieged made, for dislodging the Soldiers which had possessed the Tower. Three Attempts were made thereupon with the greatest fury and desperation imaginable, throwing Granades, Sacks of Powder, and artificial Fires, composed of Sulphur, Pitch, and all sorts of burning and fetulent Matter; notwithstanding which, they were most vigorously repulsed with much loss. The Elector considering the dangerous Post, which his Men had undertaken to defend, thought fit to withdraw his Soldiers from the Bulwark, that he might with more advantage batter the great Tower with his heaviest Cannon, which were so hotly plied, that the whole Tower was beaten down, and the Enemy thereby made uncapable to offend from those Works. The Bridge of which we spoke, being finished on the side of the Imperialists, with the Battery on the Rondel, the inward Palisadoes were broken down, and the Breach widened above Forty Paces; so that now all had been surrendered, had not the Vizier comforted the Pasha with Assurances, that he and the Seraskier had resolved to attempt the Camp in three places at the same time; and that the most forcible one should be given at the Waterside, where 'twas believed the least Opposition could be made. Upon this Advice, the Waterside and Banks of the River were well fortified and secured, and a strong Chain stretched over the Water below the Bridge of Boats, from the Shoar to the Point of St. Margaret's Isle, to obstruct the Passage of Spies and Messengers, who used to swim over the Water with Intelligence, and which also might serve to give a stop to the Cavalry, in case they should attempt any thing on that side.  
The City being now in a languishing Condition, the Grand Vizier resolved to make his last Effort; and having chosen out of his Army Three thousand of his bravest Soldiers, which he encouraged with Thirty Dollars apiece paid them in hand, and with promise of Increase of their daily Pay, during Life, to such as should make and force their Way into the Town; and at the same time another Body was ordered to enter the Line, at the place which they had lately attempted. The Three thousand descended by way of the Valley called Shamboiuck, and with great Fury fell in upon the Guards of the Imperialists; but were so well received by the Baron of Asti, with his Talpatz and Hussars, and by General Heusler, with his Regiment, that they were vigorously repulsed. After which they made an Attempt on Count Caprara, and again on the Quarters of the Duke of Lorraine, but in all places were ill treated, and came off with a great loss of Men. In the mean time, the second Body of Turks assaulted other parts of the Army, which increased the heat of the Fight; to succour which, the Duke of Lorraine detached all the Forces which were about him, remaining alone only with two Assistants; but the Battle growing hot, and the Turks endeavouring in divers places to break into the Line, the Duke of Lorraine put himself at the Head of two Battalions of Brandenburgers, whose Example gave Life and Courage to the whole Army. But whilst this Fight was managed in divers Squadrons, which confusedly run from one side to another, some of them had the fortune to force the Line towards the Wall of the lower City; but passing to the Line of Contravallation, they met there such Volleys of Shot, and continual Firings, that knowing not which way to retreat, they fell into the Squadrons of Baron Marcy and Serau, by whom the greatest part of them were killed upon the place; and those which escaped were so confused, that being dispersed about the Fields, they knew not which way to take. Some of them happened to fall in with the Brandenburgers, others into the general Quarters, where being encompassed on all sides, they were miserably cut to pieces and slain, not so much as their Servants, or Grooms of their Horses escaping. The Besieged in the mean time being Spectators of all that passed, designed by a most vigorous Sally to meet their Succours, but were so warmly encountered by the Bavarians, that they were forced to Retreat with precipitation and disorder.  
The Body which the Turks kept for a Reserve, observing the unfortunate issue of these Conflicts, durst not adventure to make another Attack, but retired back to their Camp. The Turks lost above One thousand Men killed on the place, and Twenty five of their Colours were taken. Howsoever, this Advantage was not obtained without some considerable loss on the Christian side, which was the more to be lamented by the Death of Baron Marcy, who after having killed several janissaries with his own hand, received two Cuts on the Head with a Scimitar, and one on his Shoulder, which though at first were not esteemed Mortal; yet the Wounds being neglected, and the Cure thereof not much regarded, he Died thereof in a short time afterwards, to the great Grief of the whole Camp, which much lamented the loss of so brave a Soldier.  
The Vizier being informed of this unfortunate Success, immediately gave order to the janissaries of his Guards, which were kept for a Reserve to renew the Fight, and attempt once more to give succour to the Town; but the March of these fresh Forces being discovered by the General Count Piccolomini, who was at the Head of five Regiments of Horse, divided into Twenty five Squadrons, he marched boldly to meet the Enemy; but the Turks upon appearance of the Vanguard of the Christians sounded a Retreat, and returned back to the Vizier's Camp.  
Whilst these several Conflicts, and Skirmishes were acting in the Field, the Attacks upon the Town were not neglected; and on the side of Lorraine they had advanced their Lodgement to the Breach of the inward Wall, not above three Pikes length from the Palisadoes; but because it was necessary to attack the Town with extreme Resolution and Force, without which it could not be taken; and that in the mean time, no Interruption should be given to the Assault by the outward Force of the Enemy; it was resolved at a Council of War, held by all the Generals then present, that the Lines of Circumvallation should be made deeper, which being well guarded, would secure the Soldiers from the Enemy without: And in the mean time, to keep the Design secret, a Report was given out that the Christians intended to give Battle to the Turks; upon the News of which, the Vizier applied himself to fortify his Camp, and the Besieged neglected to provide for their last Defence.  
It being now the second of September, 
September.  the Artillery continued still to play upon the Breaches with Chained-shot, and to burn the Palisadoes with Bullets red-hot, and to amuse the Besieged with the report of the Battle; so that several Troops were drawn out of the Lines, as if all the Army intended to take the Field; when on a sudden, upon a Signal given by firing six Pieces of Cannon from the Swedes Battery, 
An Assault made in three pla●  the Soldiers arose like so many Lions to attack the Breaches in three several places, of Lorraine, Bavaria and Brandenburg; besides there were two other false Attacks. Baron Asti, with his Granadiers, was the first to mount the Breach, but being wounded in the Attempt, he resigned his Command to lead his Men to the Serjeant-Major of Diepenthal. Never was any thing more bravely assaulted, nor more courageously defended: For the Besieged, notwithstanding the late Stratagem to amuse them, still continued their usual Vigilance, and oppose themselves with open Breasts against their Enemy; so that never was made a more brave and resolute Defence than that of this Fortress of Buda. The Brandenburgers, not inferior in Courage to the Imperialists, were as forward as the others to mount the Breach; but both of them encountered an incredible Resistance by whole showers of Shot, Granades, Bags of Gunpowder, Stones, and even Swords and handy Blows, to which they came with the Enemy: But the Assailants being seconded by Reserves, and animated by the Presence and Example of their Generals, who marched at the head of their Men rather as Guides and Conductors, than as Commanders, 
The Commanders Guide to the Soldiers.  were so encouraged, that they resolved either now at last to enter the Town, or die on the Breach: The Duke of Croy, the Prince of Neuburg, with the General's Souches, Scaffemberg and Diepental, were like Common Soldiers engaged amidst the thickest of the Enemies; and the Duke of Lorraine, who out of an heroic Spirit, was always present were was most of Danger, was one of the first to mount the Breach, being followed by the other Generals. The Fight grew so hot, and the Defendants so hardly pressed upon the Breach, that the Pasha-Governour of the Place, with the most select and choice Men of the Garrison came running to succour that part where the Enemy was just ready to make their Entrance; the Pasha fight valiantly on the Breach, and giving undeniable Proofs of his Valour, was slain on the Ruins, and fell a Sacrifice rather to his own Master than to his Enemies; 
The Pasha of Buda killed.  for had he escaped the Danger and Slaughter, 'tis probable he would have been ill received at Home, and his Death made shameful by the Hand of the Executioner, which was now made glorious by the Sword of the Enemy. In fine, after a bloody Fight on the Breach, which continued for the space of three quarters of an Hour, the Soldiers entered freely into the City, where a new Engagement began, the Garrison retreating from House to House, 
The City entered and taken.  and from Wall to Wall, firing from Windows and Holes, and all parts, being resolved to sell their Habitations and Lives at the dearest rate they were able, until at length with great disorder they fled to the foot of the Castle Wall. The Imperialists being now Masters of the Town, made a most direful Slaughter of all they met; and being in the heat of their Fury, put Women and Children to the Sword.  
But the Elector of Bavaria met a stronger Resistance at the Castle; for the Turks who were still in their Trenches, and knew not as yet, that the Christians had entered the Town, defended themselves with their utmost Bravery, until at length the Bavarians redoubling their Force, became Masters of the remaining part of the Castle; when those who had forsaken the Breach, were flying to take their Refuge in it; 
The Turks demand Quarter.  but now no Place or Sanctuary remaining to save the Miserable, some of them threw down their Arms, crying for Quarter, and others made Signs of Surrender, by the white Turbans which they took from their Heads, and displayed in the Air, and others thinking to save themselves in little Boats, and pass over to Pesth; but many of them were taken by the Bavarians, and most of them killed: But in regard that those, who were still in their Trenches, perceived that no Quarter was given, they applied themselves again to their Arms, and as desperate Men, resolved to sell their Lives at the dearest rate; and having set Fire to divers Places of the City, rendered it a most direful spectacle of Horror and Confusion. In fine, 
Quarter not given  all endeavours being made by the Generals to stop the farther effusion of Blood; the Soldiers not being as yet satiated with Revenge for the Death of their Companions; and the Prince Eugene of Savoy, who (with his Regiment of Horse was posted in a burying place to oppose the Turks, in case they should attempt any thing from the Vizier's Camp) was deaf to the Cries of the Conquered; 
by the P. of Savoy,  for hearing that the Town was entered, and unwilling to lose any part of the Glory, or that his Sword should appear dry, and not coloured with the Blood of his Enemies, at the end of the Action, forsook his Post, and let lose his Soldiers, crying out to give no Quarter to the janissaries, which to the number of about Sixteen hundred defended themselves within the Trenches and Works of the Castle; but the General's consulting together, 
but is granted by the Generals.  considered that the Night was coming on, that the Enemy's Camp was in sight, that Fires were kindled and furiously burning in divers parts of the City, and that the Confusion was everywhere great; they at length agreed, though with some Opinions to the contrary, to grant Quarter to the janissaries for their Lives only; the which they having accepted, and surrendered themselves, were by a strong Guard conducted to one of the Mosches of the City, others to the chief Storehouse, and others to a part of the Castle, where they were kept in Custody until the Day following.  
In the great Action of this Day, being the 2 d of September, 1686, which gave the capital City of the Kingdom of Hungary into the Hands of the Emperor, after it had remained in Possession of the Turks ever since the Year 1529, when it was taken by Solyman; There were killed only Four hundred Soldiers, and about Two hundred wounded; for where is a great Consternation, there is seldom much Blood spilt on the victorious side▪ 
The numbers slain at the taking of the City.  Of the Turks about Three thousand might be slain, and Two thousand made Captives; of which last, the Kahya to the Pasha of Buda, or his Deputy, was made Slave to the Elector of Bavaria; the Aga or Commander of the janissaries to the Duke of Lorraine; as also the Mufti, the Treasurer, the Hasnadar or Privy-Purse to the Pasha, the Secretary to the Pasha, with several other Officers of Note: Many others were taken and killed, who endeavoured to make their escape over the River, some of them being overtaken by the Talpatz in their swift-rowing Boats; and others taken or killed by the Garrison of Pesth, at their landing on the other side; but still was the City all this Night in continual Flames and Confusion; for the Turks had conserved divers Stores of Powder and Fireworks in places near the Attacks, which were not regarded by the Christians, when they first entered the Town; where the Fire increasing, and running from House to House, 
The Store-House of Powder takes fire.  at length touching the Magazines, they blew all up with so terrible a noise, that the General began to suspect some Treason, and feared that all the Town was mined in subterranean Vaults; but considering afterwards the place from whence the Blow came, it soon appeared that it was all nothing but an Accident; howsoever, with that and other terrible Blows, very few Houses in the City remained standing, and the Roofs uncovered; only the principal Church of the City was not much damnified, and the chief Magazine or Storehouse was conserved by the great Care and Diligence of Count Rabata, Commissary General, with another containing vast quantities of Powder and other warlike Provisions.  
A stop being put (as we have said) by the Authority of the Generals, unto the Slaughter; and the Fury of the Soldiers growing cool, they began to hearken to the voice of their Commanders, who with good Words, 
Endeavours made to quench the Fire.  and promises of Reward▪ prevailed with them to apply themselves to the extinguishing of the Fire, which by the assistance of God was in a few Hours overcome. But a more wonderful deliverance by the Hand of God's Divine Providence, was the discovery of two Mines under the Castle, 
Two Mines discovered.  charged with Ten thousand Pounds of Powder, which the Turks reserved for their last and parting Blow, which had they taken Fire, would not only have destroyed the remainder of the City with the Walls and Bulwarks, but therewith buried the greatest part of the Assailants in the Ruins, and given a sad occasion or cause of Rejoicing and Triumph to the surviving Conquerors; but the Turks amidst this great Consternation had forgot these Mines, or else abstained from that desperate Attempt in hopes of Life.  
This was the Fate of this great and strong City of Buda, the Capital of all Hungary, and Residence of the Beglerbei of that Kingdom, under whom are Twenty Sangiacks: He is styled the Vizier of Buda, and esteemed after the Grand Vizier Azem, and the Pashas of Grand Cairo and Babylon, (who are always entitled Viziers) the next in order of Superiority; 
The Greatness and Power of the Vizier of Buda.  and because his Station is on the Frontiers, and Neighbour to such a Formidable and Martial People, as are the Germans; they commonly choose Men of Valour and Conduct for that Employment, of which we have had a good Proof and Evidence in the Person of the late Pasha, who decently Died on the Breach amidst the crowd of Common Soldiers.  
This City was at first taken by Solyman the Magnificent, in the Year 1526; and afterwards in the Year 1527, was subdued by Ferdinand the I. King of Bohemia, Brother to Charles the V. In the Year 1529, Solyman regained it by Treachery of the Garrison, 
The many Sieges which Buda sustained.  and after it laid Siege to Vienna itself, which after many bloody Assaults he was forced to raise in haste and confused Precipitation. After which, Buda sustained eight several Sieges without any Effect.  
The first was by Ferdinand King of Bohemia, 
1st.  in the Year 1530, which he was forced to raise with shame and loss.  
The second was by the same King, 
2d.  under the Conduct of his General Leonard Festius, in the Year 1540; but the King dying, the Siege was raised.  
The next Year being 1541, 
3d.  the General Rogensdorf laid Siege a third time to that City, which again was relieved by a powerful Army under the Command of Solyman.  
The Marquis of Brandenburg, 
4th.  in the Year 1542, made an appearance as if he had a design upon Buda, and came so near as to Attack Pesth; but being repulsed thence with some loss, he returned back into Germany.  
In the Year 1598., the Count of Swartzemburg, 
5th.  having by a Stratagem taken Rab from the Turks, marched thence towards Buda, and in the Month of October laid Siege thereunto, with the Forces of Mathias the Archduke, which after thirty Days time he was forced to raise, by reason of the continual Rains: And what is observable, the Turks did the like at Waradin on the Frontiers, being under the same Inconveniences.  
The Christians made an Attempt to 6 th' time upon this City, in the Year 1602, under the Conduct of General Rosworm: 
6th.  And though they had ruined the Bridge over the Danube, and taken by force the City of Pesth, yet being overtaken by the rigour of the Winter-season, they were forced to desist from that Design.  

7th.  The 7 th' Siege was laid in the Year 1684, by Charles Duke of Lorraine, Generalissimo of the Imperial Forces, and of the other Princes of Germany; which after many bloody Assaults was again raised; as we have at large declared in the Historical Treatise of that Year.  

8th.  But now at length, after many Battles unfortunate to the Turks, this Fortress was forced to surrender to the said Duke of Lorraine, being overwhelmed by the Power and Valour of the Christians, 
The 8 th' time Besieged and taken.  and taken in the sight of the Ottoman Army, Commanded by the Grand Vizier himself, in which was the Flower of the Turkish Troops; but having lost the best and bravest of their Soldiers in former Battles, and discouraged by a Series of evil Successes, their Courage failed them, and no wonder, when they were generally possessed with an Opinion, that God fought against them; in sense of which, so soon as the City was taken, the Vizier with such Precipitation raised his Camp and marched away, that he was forced to burn a great part of his Baggage to prevent the falling of it into the Hands of the Enemy. And indeed it was no wonder that the Vizier with fear and dread should hasten away, for the Duke of Lorraine had dispatched Count Budianis, with Six thousand Hungarians, to march in pursuit of him, whilst he with the other Generals rendered Thanks to God, and sang Te Deum for their Successes in the great Church, Dedicated to St. Stephen King of Hungary.  
In the mean time the Command of this important City was committed to the Charge of General Beck, with the Assistance of the Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Salm, 
The Command of Buda given.  and of Biscofshausen, Serjeant-Major to Diepenthal, with a Garrison of Three thousand Five hundred Germans, and a Thousand Hungarians: The first Work to be done, was to clear the Streets of the dead Bodies, which was performed by the Turks and jews, who were made Prisoners; those Bodies which were Turks and jews, like themselves, by Command of their Taskmasters, they threw into the River, but the Bodies of the Christians were decently Interred. The next Business was to demolish the Works, repair the Breaches, to fill up the Trenches, and levelly the Lines: But the chief Prisoners, and Persons of Quality, were conducted by Count Rabata to the Emperor at Vienna, where the Joy and Triumph of that Court was much increased at the sight of such considerable Captives.  
The Spoil and Plunder of the City could not amount unto much, by reason that the greatest part of the Householdstuff and Movables was consumed in the Flames: Howsoever, there were some who had the fortune to seize considerable Sums both of Gold and Silver. After which the Place being visited and surveyed in all parts by the two Generals, they found therein above Four hundred Pieces of Cannon of great weight; 
Stores found in the Tow●.  of which there were four of vast bigness, carrying an Hund●ed and fifty Pound Bullet; to which the Christians afterwards gave the Name of the four Evangelists; besides, there were twenty Mortar-pieces, and Provisions and Ammunition for about a Month longer.  
The Generals having refreshed their Armies in Buda for the space of three or four Days, on the 6 th' of September they marched towards the Vizier with Twenty thousand Foot and Twelve thousand Horse; of whom Count Budianis (as we have said) being dispatched before, gave an account, 
The Army marches against the Vizier.  that the Vizier having visited and reinforced the Garrison of Alba Regalis, or Stultwissemberg, had taken his March with all expedition towards the Bridge of Esseck; and that his Army was reduced to a very small number, being deserted by the Countrypeople and Handycraftsmen, whom they had forced to the War; so that the Vizier not knowing otherwise in what manner to save himself, encamped with all the advantage he could about three Miles distant from the Bridge of Esseck, upon the little River of Sarwitz, having his Rear guarded by a Bog or marshy Ground, intending there to remain, until he saw and discovered the Designs of the Enemy, who could not in that advantageous Post force him to an Engagement.  
The Duke of Lorraine being with the Imperial Army encamped at Tolna, about three Leagues distant from the Vizier, whom he could not force nor persuade to Fight; he detached Eighteen Regiments under Command of Prince Lewis of Baden, with Orders to Besiege the Town of Quinque Ecclesiae, whilst he with the remainder of the Army passed the River, with a Bridge of Boats, at Tolna, taking his March towards Pesth; and in his way seized on the Town of Hatwan, which the Turks had abandoned, 
Ha●wan surrendered.  and set on Fire; but the Christians entering therein before all was reduced to Ashes, they extinguished the Fire, and saved the rest, and found therein seventeen Pieces of Cannon.  
Thus did the Imperial Arms proceed with a prosperous gale of Fortune, nothing standing before them, but all yielded to the conquering Eagles; for Prince Lewis of Baden in his March, made himself Master of Simon-Torn, a Fortress encompassed with a Ditch of thirty Paces broad, 
S●mon To●● taken  and that also defended by a Marsh quite round; the Passage over which is made by a Bridge of Three hundred Paces long, and the Castle is built of Freestone, with Fortifications after the ancient Fashion. In this Place were sixteen Pieces of Brass Guns, and one of Iron, Twenty six Granado-shells, and Twenty five Tuns of Gunpowder. Then without farther loss of time he proceeded to Kaposwar, 
〈◊〉 Kaposwar.  which he Pillaged and Burnt, the Castle only excepted: And being reinforced by Count Scaffemberg and some Troops of the Croats, which joined with him, they marched together towards Quinque Ecclesiae; and being come near the Place, a Detachment of Three thousand Germans and Croats was made to take a View of the Situation and Strength of the Town; which they finding to remain in a secure Condition, entered it by Surprise, and put an Hundred Turks to the Sword, the rest flying to the Castle for Refuge, after they had set fire to the City in four places; but the Dragoons scaled the Walls, 
Quinque Ecclesiae taken.  and with their Swords in their Hands cast themselves into the Place, and opened the Gates to give entrance to the other Troops. After which the Fire was put out, and considerable Booty, and rich Plunder taken, and about a Thousand Christian Captives set at liberty.  
This Success was soon afterwards followed by the Siege of Segedin, by some Troops detached by Order of the Duke of Lorraine, under Command of Count Caraffa, one of the Generals; who, coming before the Place, 
Segedin besieged.  in a short time raised four Batteries, and mounted his Cannon thereupon, which were brought from Zolnock; but Forage and Provisions growing very scarce in the Leaguer, Caraffa went himself to hasten the Provisions, leaving Count Walis, Major-General, Chief Commander of the Forces before the Town: In the mean time Count Walis received Intelligence, that Two thousand Turks, joined with a considerable Body of Tartars, were marching to raise the Siege, or to force Succours into the Town; he detached six Regiments of Horse and Foot, with some Croats, and a Regiment of Dragoons, under the Command of Count Veterani; who having marched all the Night, by break of Day drew up his Forces into Battalia, and with his right Wing charged the Tartars with such resolution, 
Veterani 〈◊〉 t●e Tartars.  that he put them to flight, and killed great numbers of them in their Tents, and took Four or Five thousand of their Horses, with all their Baggage: Nor was the Colonel of the Regiment de God's, whose Incumbence it was to Charge the Turks, less successful in his Enterprise; for though they had the advantage of a Palanca for their Defence, yet the Imperialists (to whom nothing could now be difficult) did Storm it with so much Courage and Vigour, that they soon became Masters of it, killing Two hundred of the Three hundred janissaries, 
A Body of Turks routed.  which defended the Place; at the same time the Horse charging the others, forced them to fly in disorder, of which many falling into the Hands of Veterani, were killed without Quarter given to any. This Action was scarce over, before the Imperialists espied a great number of Turks, passing a Bridge which they had laid over the Danube, as if they had designed to reinforce those Troops newly defeated, and to come in to their Assistance for the Relief of Segedin. Veterani resolving to charge them also, made a Detachment of some Regiments to hinder the runaway Tartars from attacking the Imperialists in the Flank, whilst he assailed the Turks, year 1686. who were reputed to be Twelve thousand Men, Commanded by the Vizier himself. The Action was so bravely performed, that the Vanguard of the Turks was beaten, and foreced to retreat to a Place where their Infantry lay under covert, supported by Six hundred janissaries, with Thirty Field-pieces, which were discharged with terrible Fire and Smoke upon their Enemies; but the Christians having received their Fire with undaunted Constancy and Courage, they assailed the Turks and Tartars with such bravery, that they put them to flight. In this last Encounter above Three hundred janissaries were killed upon the Place, 
Another Body of the Turks defeated.  all their Artillery and Baggage taken, with their Timbals, which they sound before the Pashas, and many Colours, together with Five hundred Horse, and Two thousand Beasts of Burden, laden with Baggage and Provisions; and all this on the Christian side, with the loss only of a Hundred Foot Soldiers, and about Fifty Horsemen. After which Veterani returning to the Camp before Segedin, where Te Deum was sung; some Prisoners were released to carry the Intelligence of these Successes into the Town: And thereupon a Treaty being desired, 
Segedin taken.  and Hostages given, it was agreed, That the Soldiers of the Garrison only should have liberty to march out with as much Baggage as every Man was able to carry upon his Shoulders, and to be conducted in safety as far as Temeswar. Thus Segedin being taken, great quantities of Provisions were found therein, which served to augment the Loss, and increase the terrible Consternation in the Turkish Army, and in the Court, and in all parts of the Ottoman Dominions. Nor did the Turks Misfortunes of this Year's Campaign end here, nothing being able to withstand a victorious Army. Prince Lewis of Baden divided his Army into two Bodies; the first he Commanded himself, and marched towards Darda, which is a Fortress built by the Turks, and served to cover the Bridge of Esseck; the other Detachment was committed to the Conduct of Count Scaffemberg, with Orders to Attack Zyclos, the which he so well executed, that in five or six Days he took the Place, the Soldiers and Inhabitants Surrendering at discretion: In the Town were found Twelve Pieces of Cannon, 
Zyclos taken.  with stores of all sorts of Provision and Ammunition. The Men were made Prisoners of War, but the Women and Children were dispersed into several Cities and Towns under obedience of the Emperor. After the taking of Zyclos, the Count of Scaffemberg joined again with Prince Lewis, who was now come before Darda on the first of November, where he understood the two Pashas, who had lain encamped on that side, with about Two thousand Five hundred Men, were already passed the Bridge of Esseck; and that the Garrison of Darda had abandoned the Place, and marched the same way, carrying their Cannon and Provisions with them, and to hinder the pursuit of their Enemies after them, had beaten down and burnt a great part of the Bridge behind them. The Fort and the Bridge being both possessed without any opposition, Prince Lewis burnt about Six thousand Paces more of the Bridge, notwithstanding the Canonshot which they fired continually from the Town of Esseck, without any great loss or damage to the Imperialists, 
The Bridge of Esseck ruined.  or the People of the Country, which came in to their Assistance; so that by what one side and the other had done, the Bridge was totally ruined. Prince Lewis having put a good Garrison into Darda, marched to Zyclos, and thence to Kapeswar, which he took upon Conditions, that the Garrison should march out, and be conducted in safety as far as Sigeth. There were in that Town Twenty four Pieces of Cannon planted, and the Magazines well stored with all sorts of Provisions and Arms.  
In this glorious manner did this Campaign end in favour of the Christian Arms: And now it being time for both Armies to retire into their Winter-quarters, the losing Party had leisure to lament and quarrel, and lay the fault on each other, and the victorious▪ Party to rejoice and triumph. And so it was; for by this time the news of the loss of Buda, and the several Victories gained by the Christians, being come to Constantinople, it struck all sorts and conditions of Men with a wonderful Consternation and Astonishment; and yet under this Affliction and pressure of heavy Taxes, they behaved themfelves with much Humility and Resignation of Mind to the Will and Pleasure of God, acknowledging all these Miseries which had fallen upon them, the flights and turning of their Backs to their Enemies, the loss of their fortified Towns, and the Slaughter of their brave Soldiers, and valiant Men of War, 
The Turks humble themselves.  to be all the effects of the Divine Anger and Vengeance upon them for their Sins. The Imaums or Parish-Priests, the Shecks or Preachers in their Mosches, the Religious Men, such as the Dervices, Kalenderi, Nimetulahi, and others made divers Processions, exhorting the People as they passed to Repentance and Amendment of Life, and particularly to lament their Sins of drinking Wine and unnatural Lusts, the common Wickedness and Vices of the People: And for better observation of their Law, which had been much neglected, it was commanded on pain of Death strictly to observe the Ramazan, which is the Month of Fasting, during which Month, no Man is by their Law, in the Day time, till Night comes, to taste Bread or drink Water: Every Friday in that Month, the Mufti and Kadees clothed in penitential Habits, were obliged to visit all the principal Mosches of the City, and to make Prayers for turning away the Anger and Displeasure of God: But the People and Soldiery were of another Temper, being inclined to inquire after the Cause and Grounds of all these Evils, Slaughters, and Confusion. The News of taking Buda, 
Keep seditious Meeting.  and putting all the Garrison to the Sword, (which as reported) consisted of Eight thousand Men, besides Women and Children, had filled all Constantinople with a most wonderful Consternation; the common sort of Shopkeepers and Handycraftsmen ran to Coffeehouses, and Places of public Meetings to hear the News and Particulars of what had passed. The Kadees, who were Lawyers and Judges, and the Otorack janissaries, who are like the Milites immeriti, or Soldiers with dead Pay, caballed every Day together without the knowledge of the Grand Signior, which so soon as he came to hear, he was affrighted, not knowing what might be the issue of such seditious Meetings, and thereupon doubling his Guards in the Seraglio with Bostangees, who are gardiner's, 
The Grand Signior affrighted at th● Meetings, and sends to them.  and stout able Men, he sent to know the meaning of such numerous Assemblies; to which answer was made, That seeing to their Grief the extreme Ruin and Danger, then threatening both the Person of his Majesty and the whole Empire, they thought it their Duty as Loyal Subjects and Slaves, and true Musselmen and Believers to consult together what Advices and Expedients they might with all Humility offer to his Majesty, 
Their Answer.  for his own personal Conservation, and for the Defence of their holy and true Religion, with the great Body of the Empire. The Grand Signior, who dreaded the ill Consequences of such seditious Meetings, returned to them a gentle Message of Thanks for their Care and Love, desiring them to offer him such Remedies, which they in their Wisdom did judge convenient for cure of the present, and prevention of future Evils; it being natural for the common sort of People in such cases to cast the Blame on the chief Ministers of State, they immediately replied, That the Mufti was a bad Man, and had abused his Office, and that it was generally murmured in all places of the Empire, That his Majesty was in such times as these too expensive in his Seraglio, 
They o●fer Remedies.  and too loose in his Government, giving himself up to Hunting and Recreations, and forsaking as it were the Helm of Government, whilst the Vessel of the Empire was tossed amidst an Ocean of Miseries, and ready every Day to suffer Shipwreck. And that his Majesty did too much neglect his Imperial City of Constantinople, gracing every little Place with his Presence, which made that Royal Seat become desolate and so impoverished, that it was not possible to answer and pay the vast Taxes and Impositions which were charged upon it. The Grand Signior seemed to take all this that was said very kindly; 
The Grand Signior approves thereof.  and immediately deposed the Mufti, and banished him to Prusa, and calling for one of the Kadileschers (who are Chief Justices) he clothed him with a rich Sables, and invested him with his Office: And looking more nearly about him to the main Chance, he recalled the Orders he had l●●ely given for a general Hunt on a certain Day, and a vast number of Greyhounds, which with great Charge had been got together from all parts of the Empire, were let loose, and suffered to run without a Master through all the Streets of Constantinople: The Expenses of the Seraglio were also much retrenched, and the daily Allowances reduced to one Moiety: And after this Example, the Kuslir-Aga, the Kimacham, and all the great Ministers of State made a Regulation in their Families: And to make this Reformation the more public and notorious to the People, the Grand Signior put on a more grave and penitential Face than ordinary, and frequented the Royal Mosques, going to one or other of them every Day with much Solemnity: This Reformation quieted the Minds of the Commonalty pretty well; but this and the News of the Vizier's coming to Constantinople very speedily, to assist at the Councils for conserting Measures for the next Year's Campaign, terrified the Ringleaders of the late Cabals, with an Apprehension of being called to an Account on score of their late seditious Meetings; for the Turks, who can easily dissemble with the Vulgar, and temporize during the Outrages and Fluctuations of the People, yet so soon as the Storm is appeased, they never fail to question the Cause, and punish Captain Tom and his mutinous Rabble with Punishment agreeable to their Demerit.  
As the Grand Signior was afraid of his People, 
A Panick-fear possesses them at Constantinople.  and they of the Grand Signior and Vizier, so likewise were they generally possessed with a Panick-fear of the coming of the Enemy, which will plainly appear by this Instance. The Turks having surrendered up Napoli di Romania upon Conditions to the Venetians; one of them was, That they should Transport the Inhabitants and Garrison of that City, to some Place within the Dardanelli, near to the Castles: The Venetians, in pursuance of this Article, embarked all the Soldiers, with the Men, Women and Children, and transported them to the place appointed; to which when they began to draw near, so that many Colours of St. Mark were seen from the Castles, entering into the Hellespont, the News thereof was posted from all hands to Constantinople, which put the whole City into a Consternation, and gave cause of Rumour everywhere, that the Venetians had already passed the Castles, and Reports flew up and down, that they were in a few Leagues, or as some fancied in sight of the Town. This put all Hands to work, and in a confused manner, many Pieces of Cannon were mounted at the Seraglio Point, on the Maiden Tower, which is a little Fort built on a Rock in the Water, in the midway between Constantinople and Scutari, where also Guns were mounted, and Soldiers and Inhabitants of the City posted in all places, where might be any suspicion or danger of the Enemy's descent or landing. This hurly burly continued for the space of two Days, by which time the truth of the Matter being known, and that the Venetians were retired, things began to be quieted, and the People to return to their own Habitations and Business.  
Thus have we done with the Campaign in Hungary for the Year 1686, which ended very glorious for the Emperor: It rests now before we proceed farther, to take a view and survey of the Successes of the Venetians both by Sea and Land, which were not less prosperous than those in the parts of Hungary.  
In the preceding Years of this War, the Venetians made it their chief Business and Enterprise to render themselves Masters of the Morea, a fruitful and ancient Country, in which are many Provinces, and amongst them, that of Laconia, now called Maina, and the Inhabitants, Mainioti, a sort of People, who call themselves Christians, but live chiefly upon Spoil and Robbery: In this Country the most considerable Places are, Calamata, Zarnata, Chielefa, and Passava, all which Places were subdued by the Venetians, 
Description of the Country of Maina.  and taken from the Turks in the preceding Year of 1685, in despite of the Captain Pasha, and in the sight of him and his Army, year 1686. as we have before related, which Disgrace being a Crime sufficient to cost him his Head, he resolved to save his Life if possible by recovery of Chielefa; to gain which, he began betimes his Campaign, and on the first of April, he invested the Place with an Army, 
The Turks invest Chielefa.  composed of Ten thousand Foot and Fifteen hundred Horse, commanded by himself and four other Pashas, with a great number of Labourers and Pioniers. At his first appearance before this Fortress, the Captain Pasha sent a Summons to the Governor, called Signior Marin Gritti, Proveditor extraordinary for the Maina, demanding with many Threats the Surrender of that Town. To which Signior Gritti returned a resolute Answer, That he and all his Soldiers would either live or die in Defence of that Place, not doubting but that the Omnipotent God would favour their just and brave Intentions. The Captain Pasha having received this Answer, immediately raised a Battery, and began to fire upon the Town with six Pieces of Cannon; at which the Governor not being in the least dismayed, put all things in order for a resolute Defence. The Turks plied their Batteries so warmly on the Town, that in the space of ten Days they had opened a Breach wide enough for an Assault; which whilst they were preparing to do, the News being brought to Signior Girolamo Cornaro, the General of the Islands, how that the Turks had invested Chielefa, he immediately gathered all the Force which was then ready in Zant, consisting of divers Nations; and having embarked 'em on a Fleet of Ships commanded by Signior Lorenzo Venier, he sailed with a favourable Wind to the Morea. This News flew likewise with much speed to the Captain General Morosini then at Corfu, who, with like diligence, having embarked all the Forces he had there, and being assisted with a prosperous Wind, arrived in the space of four Days at the Place, where▪ he designed to make his Descent, and the Day following being the 30 th' of March, he landed Four thousand Men under the Command of three Major Generals, that is, Storf, and the Cavaliers Alcenago, and d' Andria.  
This unexpected News of the arrival of the Captain General surprised the Captain Pasha, and filled all the Turkish Camp with Fear and Confusion; so that at the very Name of Morosini, 
The Venetians relieve Ch●elefa.  and the Christian Troops, they raised their Tents, and drew off their Camp, but with such haste and precipitation, that at a little distance from the Town, they left six Pieces of Brass Canon behind them, four of which were found in the common Way, and two were thrown down a Precipice, which afterwards were recovered by the industry of the Venetians. So soon as the Besieged observed the Enemy to raise their Camp, and to fly away with a Panick-fear, the Greeks and Mainiots pursued them, and killed above Four hundred of them; and the whole Body of the rest were dispersed through the whole Country of the Morea; only the Captain Pasha with some few Troops pitched his Camp in the Country near to Passava, where he laboured to gather his dispersed Troops.  
Towards the end of May, 
1686▪  the Auxiliary-Gallies and Forces being united to the Army and Fleet, under the Captain General; the whole Body of the Armada consisting of about Two hundred Sail, on the second Day of june appeared in sight of old Navarin, which filled all that Country round with great Consternation. The Galleasses and great Ships led the Van, and served to shelter and protect the smaller Vessels in landing their Men, which being entered on the Shoar, were drawn up in Battalia by the Art and Direction of that valiant General Count Conismarc, in sight of the People of Navarin. Morosini, according to his accustomary Generosity, sent first his Summons to the Garrison to Surrender, before he thought fit to make use of his Force, 
The Venetians invest old Navarin.  in answer unto which, they desired time to consider until the next Morning; and then they proposed a longer Term, with design only to protract the Time, until they might receive Succours from the Seraskier, whom they knew to be not far distant with a considerable Force; of which the Captain General well considering, gave order to Count Conismarc to advance with a great part of the Army towards the Town, and at the same time, he caused another Regiment to take possession of a Rock which forms the Port, and to plant a formidable Battery thereon; in which Matters whilst they were thus employed, the Besieged being greatly affrighted, set forth a white Flag, and dispatched immediately in their Admiral Galley, certain Deputies to treat on, 
The Inhabitants treat and surrender▪  and receive some reasonable Conditions upon the Surrender, which, as they desired, were generously granted by the Captain General. In pursuance of which, the Inhabitants were permitted to march forth with all their Bag and Baggage and small Arms, being not above Four hundred in number, of which One hundred were Soldiers, who were judged to be a sufficient Garrison to maintain a Fortress so naturally strong, and situated on a high and almost inaccessible Rock; and afterwards according to the Articles, all these People were transported to Alexandria in Egypt. Thus in a few Hours, without loss of Men, or the least effusion of Blood, did this old Fort of Navarin fall into the Hands of the Venetians, in which were found Forty three Pieces of brass Cannon, with many Arms, much Ammunition and Provisions. The Captain General having furnished the Place with a Garrison of an Hundred and sixty Men, under the Command of Pietro Grioni, in Quality of Proveditor in ordinay, he immediately blocked up the Port, and guarded the narrowest strength of it, to secure the Passage for the more safe and easy Transport of Cannons, Mortar-pieces and Provisions unto that Place, where the Camp was pitched with design to Attack New Navarin, which was a Royal Fortress, and a place of greater Importance than that of Old Navarin.  
year 1686. On the 4 th' of june at Night, the Galleys of Donado and Pizzamano, both Noble Venetians, were the first to enter into the narrow Passage; on the first of which the General Count Conismarc was embarked, who entered safely within the Port, though several Pieces of Cannon were fired at them from a Ravelin, which trolled the Shot exactly on the Surface of the Water. These were followed by the Captain of the Gulf, 
The Venetians enter the Port of Old Navarin.  with three other Galleys, who passed without any damage or loss; and on the 6 th' at Night, Cornaro, General of the Islands, entered with his four Galleys also without other hurt, than the breaking some few Oars by a Shot from the Ravelin: The Cannon and Mortar-pieces, and other Necessaries for an Attack were first to be landed, which by the diligence, use and labour of the Slaves was presently effected, notwithstanding the many Difficulties which intervened; and a formal Siege in a short time laid by the Industry and Valour of Captain General Morosini, and the happy Conduct of Count Conismarc, who had raised a Work, on which eighteen Mortar-pieces were planted, carrying Bombs of Five hundred pounds weight, and on another advantageous Ground had raised a Battery of Twenty Pieces of Cannon, carrying Fifty pound Bullet.  
Whilst these Matters were acting, a certain Greek was taken with Letters from ●he Town, directed to the Seraskier, whereby they gave him to understand, That though Sefer Pasha, a valiant and resolute Soldier, was come to them, with a good Recruit both of Men and Ammunition, whereby their Garrison amounted to a Thousand Soldiers, and that nothing wanted either of Arms or Ammunition, yet that it was impossible for them to hold out long, unless the Siege was raised by a vigorous Force. Upon this Advice, General Conismarc resolved with the greatest part of his Troops to advance into the Country, and engage the Seraskier: Upon which Advice, 
Conismarc advances against the Seraskier.  the Turks were so far from designing to disturb the Siege, that they raised their Camp, and retreated: Upon which also Conismarc thought fit to draw his Troops off, and return to the Siege; the Turks defending themselves, and refusing to Surrender upon any Summons or Force, which had hitherto been applied, upon hopes as they conceived of receiving speedy Succour and Relief from the Seraskier, concerning whom the Report was, that he was approaching towards the Christian Camp: In the mean time, the Captain General formed all the Trenches and Traverses for an Attack, and bombed the Town with Twenty Mortar-pieces, and battered the Walls with six Pieces of Cannon, carrying Fifty pounds' weight of Bullet. The Report of the Seraskier's near approach, confirmed by the Scouts and other Messengers, and that the Turks with a Body of 10.000 Men were come within six Italian Miles of the Leaguer; Count Conismarc with a very strong Party advanced once again to meet and give them Battle, leaving the Cavalier Alcenago, one of the Major Generals, with a sufficient Force to maintain the Siege.  
The next Day after, 
June.  Count Conismarc had risen from before the Town, being the 14 th' of june, they found the Seraskier encamped with 10.000 Men, of which Two thousand were Horse, in a very advantageous Post, which seemed very difficult to be forced: Howsoever, the Venetians resolving to surmount all the Disadvantages with their Valour, entered into the Valley by a very straight Passage, 
He engages the Turks,  where the Turks lay encamped, and forced them to engage in Battle, which lasted for the space of two Hours in a dubious Condition, it not appearing as yet to which side the Victory would incline: The Regiments of Corbon and Visconti, which were Dragoons, behaved themselves very bravely, and sustaining the heat of the Battle, the greatest part of the Loss fell on them; but the Saxons, 
and overthrows them.  and the Troops of Brunswick coming to their assistance, with four small Field-pieces, forced the Enemy to quit the Field, and betake themselves to flight, leaving about Five hundred dead upon the Place, with all their Tents and Baggage, besides many of them are wounded, amongst which the Seraskier himself was one; all which was performed by the wonderful Mercy of God, without any considerable loss on the Christian side. The Joy of this Victory was solemnised with Te Deum, and giving Thanks to God, and with many volleys of Shot and Cannon, which wholly disanimated the Besieged, and put them into such a distracted Consternation; that with more lenity than before, they began to hearken to a second Summons, which the Captain General, 
The Town Capitulates and Surrenders.  to spare farther effusion of Blood, had been pleased to send to them. After divers Debates, and Articles proposed, the Besieged declared themselves willing to lay down their Arms, and yield, on Conditions that three Days should be given to the Garrison to march out with their small Arms and Baggage; and that shipping should be given to the Garrison and Inhabitants, to Transport them to the nearest Coast of Barbary. Whilst these things were in agitation, it unfortunately happened that by some Accident a Fire took in certain Houses, near a Magazine of Powder, which on a sudden blew up, and killed an Hundred and Fifty Turks, with Sefer Pasha, the Commander in chief of Navarin, and also six Christians, and about fifteen wounded without the Walls of the City. The Turks fearing lest this Accident should be esteemed as done with Design, came trembling before the Captain General, solemnly protesting their Innocence in the Disaster, offering two other Hostages for performance of the Articles agreed; and laying their Standards and Keys of their City, at the feet of the Captain General, they were graciously received: And accordingly at the time appointed, above Three thousand Persons were embarked, of which, One thousand were capable to bear Arms, and were conveyed over to the Coast of Barbary; and the Venetians took Possession of the Town, 
The Venetians take Possession of the Town.  and planted the Colours of St. Mark on the Walls thereof.  
It was not long after before the Fortress of Modon followed the same fortune; for the Christian Forces losing no time to pursue their good Success, on the 22 d of june the Armada of Ships and Galleys showed themselves before Modon; year 1686. at which the Garrison not seeming to be dismayed, the Pasha, who Commanded in chief, 
Modon attacked.  returned a resolute Answer, full of Bravery and Defiance, to the Summons sent to him by the Captain General: Upon which the Approaches were begun, and the Batteries raised, and Cannons played, and Bombs thrown by Direction of that famous Engenier Mutoni, by which the Garrison being terrified, on the 7 th' of july they spread a white Flag, and surrendered on Conditions, That in three Days they should leave the Place, and march out with Arms and Baggage; which accordingly was performed on the 10 th' of july, all the Inhabitants to the number of Four thousand, 
Modon surrendered.  of which, about One thousand were Soldiers bearing Arms, abandoned their Habitations with sad and dejected Countenances; and, as was agreed by Articles, were all Transported into Barbary. The Town being seized, there were an Hundred Pieces of Cannon found therein, of which, Ninety one were of Brass, besides great Quantities of Powder and Ammunition, and plenty of Provisions.  
Thus good Success attending the Venetian Arms, the Captain General resolved to pursue his Conquests, whilst Fortune inclined to his side; and to proceed to Napoli de Romania, a Town anciently Famous, and celebrated for its happy and commodious Situation, in the most pleasant and richest part of all the Morea: The Greeks call it Anaplia, and Ptolemy Nauplia, 
The Description of Napoli di Romania.  being seated at the bottom of a Bay, called in former times Sinus Argolicus, having a very spacious and secure Port for Shipping, and very commodious for Trade. The Town itself is situated with great Advantages, being defended on the one side by the Sea, and on the other by high and craggy Hills, having Walls filled with Earth, much after the Modern Fortification; but without any Ditch; only at the Gate to the Landside, there is a kind of a Ditch about six Paces broad, and about six Foot deep with Water; it hath also something like a Counterscarp, but inconsiderable; it hath no Draw-bridge, but only some Passages thereunto, which the Turks have made a little difficult to enter.  
The Venetians having refreshed their Army for a while before Modon, ordered Lorenzo Venier, Captain extraordinary, with three Ships of good force, to Cruise within the Archepelago, where he discovered, between the Islands of Nixia and Nicaria, a Fleet of Turkish Vessels called the Caravan, bound from Egypt to Constantinople, plying to Wind-ward, nine of which belonged to Constantinople, and four Merchant Ships from Rhodes and other Places, under Convoy of four Tripoli Men of War: 
A Fight at Sea.  The Venetians immediately made up to them, and engaged with them for the space of six Hours, with Damage on both sides, though the Turks had much the worst, and at length with help of the Night, were forced to take Refuge in the Port of Rhodes, and the Venetians afterwards retired into Trio, a Port on the Island of Parisi; where having taken some fresh Water, and mended their Rigging, and other damages sustained in the late Fight, they sailed again towards Rhodes; and being on their way between Lemno, and the Shore of Caramania, they espied Two great Ships, and a Sayke; and making up, and passing some Broad Sides upon them, the greatest Ship ran ashore, and set herself a Fire; all the persons, being 130, escaped ashore and saved themselves; the other Ship and the Sayke were taken by the Venetians; the Ship which was burned, was called Nachis, Commanded by Usuf of Rosetto, an Abyssine by Nation, very richly Laden; and the Prizes taken were well Freighted with Rice, and other Provisions very seasonable at that time for the support of the Venetian Forces, which by reason of contrary Winds, were long detained at Modon; but by help of their Oars, and assistance of the lighter Vessels, they arrived at Port Rogdi about Four Miles distant from Napoli de Romania on the 30 th' day of july, from whence they had a Prospect of the pleasant Gardens, and Fountains belonging to Assan Pasha: And here having Landed the 200 Foot, and 20 Horse, which every Galley carried, their Orders were to march to Mount Palamida, 
The Venetians land near Napoli.  which is higher than the Town, and commands it, being within Musquet-shot; This Van was the next day followed by the whole Army, between most pleasant Streams, and Falls of Water.  
The Town being Situated, as before mentioned, was defended by 3000 men, of which 300 were lately sent in to recruit the Garrison; well fortified with Cannon, and with sufficient Stores and Provisions for their Maintenance; the Commander in Chief was Mustapha Pasha, with whom were Four Brothers, who were all Beyes, as also a Disdar, which signifies the Commander of the Castle, a Kadi or Judge, besides the Aga who Commanded the Recruits. Upon approach of the Venetian Army, all those who lived in the out-skirts and lower parts of the Town, amongst which were above 100 Families of Greeks, retired with their Goods into the upper parts of the City, and of a Fortress amidst the Rocks called Senonbolo. In the Port were Two Galleys unrigged, and disarmed, and all the Slaves and Soldiers taken out and lodged on a Rock not far distant, to the number of about 500 persons, one of which by the fall of a Bomb was sunk some days after the beginning of the Siege, and an English Ship called the Mary, which came from Alexandria, laden with Rice and Coffee, whose Masters Name was Edward Wall, submitted herself to the favour of the Captain General: Besides which there were also Two Galeots in the Port, one of 25 and another of 18 Banks or Seats for Oars, besides 40 Boats, or Barks of several sorts. In Landing the Bombs and Mortar-pieces, with all the Train of Artillery, they found little or no difficulty, or opposition, tho' the Seraksier showed himself twice at a distance, as if he had intended to have disturbed them in their Works, and raising Batteries; nor did the Seraskier for that present do more, than only to fortify his Camp, which he had pitched near Argos, 
The Castle Argos.  a Castle about 3 hours' Journey distant from Napoli di Romania, the Way to which is all upon a plain, situate on a high Hill, at the foot of which is a Town containing about a hundred Houses, the Inhabitants of which, being for the most part Rich and Wealthy, had carried up the best of their Householdstuff and Moveablss into the Castle above, which is well defended by its natural Situation; it had also 8 Iron Guns, and 10 Petreroes, some small quantities of Provisions in it, with a Cistern, not very well furnished with plenty of Water.  
On the 3 d of August, 
August 1686.  the Galleasses and Ships appeared in sight of Napoli di Romania, and forthwith Landed all the Horse and Foot, which were embarked thereon: And on the same day a Feluca belonging to Mahomet Pasha, a Bey, or Commander of Seven Galleys, deserted, and came into the Service of the Venetians; upon the Feluca were 7 Greeks, who gave intelligence, That the Captain- Pasha having received advice of the arrival of the Venetian Fleet, had in Two Night's time entered 300 Foot into Napoli: But to prevent the like for the future, several Galleys with Four Felucas were detatched to guard and defend that Coast, and thereby to hinder and intercept all succours on that side.  
But because it was necessary also to dislodge the Seraskier, 
The Venetians march against the Seraskier.  who on the other side appeared with several-parties of Horse, and gave frequent disturbances to them in the Lines and Trenches which were then forming; the Captain-General and General Chinixmarch after due deliberation concerning the manner, resolved to give them Battle: To which end 2000 men selected out of the Ships, and Galleys, most of them being Volunteers, and Soldiers of Fortune, were landed in a Creek, or covert place under the Conduct of Col. Magnanini, who was ordered to take a compass in the Night, and fall on the Turks in the Rear, whilst the main Body of the Army charged them in the Van: In the Morning Count Chinixmarch, 
August 16.  having left 1500 Italian Soldiers in the Trenches, under the Command of Sargeant Major Count Repeta, advanced two miles with his Army drawn up in good order to meet the Turks on the Plain; the Seraskier seemed at first very ready and resolute to join Battle, advancing with a strong Body of 3000 Horse, and therewith to break into the Venetians; but finding a stout Repulse, they made a stand; 
The Turks Retreat,  and fearing lest they should be attacked in the Rear by the Marine Regiments, they made a Retreat; and taking up their Tents and Baggage, they marched away with all the Order that their haste would permit. 
And quit Argos.  The People in Argos seeing the Seraskier and his Army, betake themselves to Flight, resolved to accompany them, and marched towards Corinth, where they arrived the next day, having lodged the Night before at a Village called Centera. In the Skirmish about 200 Turks were killed and wounded, with very little loss on the Christian side: After which having plundered the Castle Argos of all the Goods which the Turks had left therein, in which they found about 60 small Boxes of Powder, they returned back again to their Trenches and Siege as before. In the mean time the City was burning in several places, being Fired by the Bombs and Carcases which were thrown into it from the Palamida, and the Walls which were of Stone built after the ancient manner, were battered on all sides by the Cannon, which they were not able to resist; but that which caused the greatest Consternation in the City, and did the severest Execution, was the fall of a Bomb into the Magazine of Powder, 
A Bomb blows up the Powder in the Town.  which blowing up beat all the Houses down which were near it on every side, killed many People, and filled with Earth and Ruins the chief Cistern which supplied all the Town with Water, so that the Defendants wanted now both Powder and Water, Two very principal necessaries for Life and Defence.  
The Captain-General conceiving, that after such a loss, the besieged would scarce have encouragement to defend themselves much longer, resolved to try their inclinations by sending to them his Interpreter Fortis, with a Letter full of persuasive Motives, and good Articles, and Conditions, which should be performed upon surrender of the City; and seeing that their Seraskier had been beaten and durst not approach to give them Relief, they were exhorted before it was too late, 
The Venetians offer conditions to the Town,  to accept of the Mercy and Clemency which was then offered to them. To these Summons the Governor without much consideration returned a speedy Answer, 
Their Answer.  That they were very sensible that it was for their Sin, that God had chastised and punished them; howsoever their Trust was, That God would deliver them, to whose Will and Divine Providence they remained with entire resignation. The Bombs and Batteries continuing to do great Execution, by the obscurity of the Night, several Greeks and Renegades made an escape out of the Town, and came to the Captain-General, agreeing together in their Reports, that there was scarce a House in the Town which had not been damaged by the Bombs or Canon; and above 30 Houses burnt down to the Ground, 22 Churches and Chapels ruined with their Granaries, and Stores for Provisions: Many were the slain and wounded, and the people forced to drink brackish Water; and amidst all this misery and confusion, the poor Women in a distracted manner were running about the Streets, with tears and sighs, and screeks. Howsoever the Governor Mustapha Pasha seemed to remain still firm and resolute to hold out unto the last, and to lose his Life for the sake of his Country. 
The Seraskier gives hopes of Relief.  In the mean time the Seraskier fortified his Camp about Corinth, endeavouring there to increase his Army; and to encourage the Besieged, he frequently caused certain Bodies to be seen from the Town, and parties of Horse to advance near to the Trenches; which though they did nothing, yet it supported the Spirits of the Defendants with some little glimmerings of hope. Whilst matters were in this posture, Admiral Duodo being returned from the Coast of Barbary and Tripoli, where he had landed the People at Modon; he joined the rest of the Fleet, as did also the same day Captain Pisani with 8 Ships from Argentiera.  
The Turks continued still to defend themselves, though their offence was very weak, now and then firing a Bomb, whilst the Venetians plied them continually with Carcases and Bombs, having by this time spent at least 3500 on the place: the Batteries also played almost without any intermission, and the Lines and Approaches daily drawn nearer to the place; and they began now to throw Bombs into the Castle, which lies upon the Seaside. This Castle is situate on a high Rock, 
A Castle near the Sea.  with many Sands and shallow places round about it, so that it is impossible for any Vessel to approach near to it: The Walls are very high with some Bastions, and the place fortified with Seventeen Pieces of Brass Cannon, and Seven Iron Guns, and a Mortar-piece to throw Bombs; it was supplied also with a good Cistern of Water, and Garrisoned with a hundred Foot Soldiers commanded by an Aga.  
The Christians continuing still with indefatigable Labour, and fearless Hazards to press the Besieged, entered the Ditch of the Town on the 23 d, which Adventure cost the Life of the Cavalier Alzenago, one of the Major-Generals. About that time also several others died of the Camp Disease; 
August.  namely, Colonel Visconti, Major Cleist, as did also Signior Barbon Bragadino a Noble Venetian; and Count Charles, Nephew of General Chinixmarch, a young Gentleman of great hope; likewise Girolamo Ghirardi, Captain of his Guard. On the 29 th' by break of Day, the Seraskier, with part of his Army, showed himself on the Hill which descends towards the Right-hand of the Line, 
The S●raskier shows himself, and attacks the Christians in the●r Trench●s.  having his Left-wing reinforced with a thousand Leventz or Soldiers of the Marine Regiments sent by the Captain Pasha; which having joined the Army but a few hours before, they all in good order of Battle, being Ten thousand strong with Horse, and Foot, descended into the Plain, near unto the Line, charging with their usual cries of Allah, Allah, and much fury on the Soldiers who defended the Trenches: But General Chinixmarch had with such admirable Order and Art so well disposed the Milicia, that they repulsed the Enemy; and then Two thousand Sea-Soldiers, by Order of the Captain-General, coming to their succour, they put the Enemy into great confusion; and the Captain-General himself at the same time coming in person, with some Troops of select men, wholly turned the fortune of that day's Fight (which for Three hours had continued doubtful) to the Christian side, 
The Turks put to Flight.  and caused the Turks to betake themselves to a shameful Flight, leaving Fourteen hundred of their Companions behind them, killed, or wounded: In which Engagement the Venetians lost not more than Three hundred and Fifty men, killed and wounded. General Chinixmarch had his Horse shot under him, but he soon remounted another, and with great Vivacity, and Courage was present at all places, where the danger was most pressing: The Princes of Brunswick, and Turene, exposed themselves like brave Soldiers in all places which required their help and encouragement; and having thus discomfited the Seraskier's Army, and caused them to withdraw in disorder from the City, the Captain General to lose no time, left the pursuit of the Enemy, and returned to the Siege, causing the Batteries from all sides to play on the Town; and to terrify the Defendants, they showed many Heads of the Turks ranked in File on the points of their Lances. The Besieged having seen the Seraskier, in whom was their greatest hope, routed and defeated before their Eyes, grew desperate of any relief or succour from thence, which caused them to display divers white Flags on the Walls, upon which all acts of Hostility ceased; and Two Turks came forth from the Town; and being conducted to the presence of the Captain-General, 
The ●●sieged capitulate.  they presented a Paper to him, subscribed by the Pasha, who was Governor of the City, declaring his readiness to make surrender thereof, provided they might have free liberty to march out with their Arms and Baggage, year 1687. and to be Transported thence to Troy, or to the Castles in the Dardanelli or Hellespont. And that the Two Turkish Galleys then in Port might also be freed, with their Chiurma, or Slaves and Equipage, which (as we have said) were retired into the Rocks, and fast places near the Town: But this latter would not be allowed, or granted by the Captain-General, nor any thing more, than what had been accorded lately to Modon and Navarin. The first step unto all which, was the Delivery of the Castle, situate on a Rock within the Sea, into which a Venetian Garrison was put immediately; and therein were found Seventeen Pieces of Brass Canon, and Seven of Iron, with a large Mortar-piece to throw Bombs; after this Eight Hostages were required of the most principal Turks of the City; 
And surrender.  and then the other Articles were performed, which related to the Embarking the Soldiers and Inhabitants, who were accordingly Shipped and Transported to the Dardanelli, the appearance of which so affrighted all the Coast at first, that the Alarm ran as far as Constantinople, and put them there into that Consternation, of which we have before made a Relation.  
Thus was this and other famous Fortresses of Greece, which had for many years remained in the Ottoman power, and withstood great and considerable Forces, in a few Months subjected to the Christian Arms, by the Valour and Bravery of the Captain-General Morosini, by the admirable Conduct of Count Chinixmarch, and the courage of those noble Princes of Brunswick and Turene, amongst which the Germane Soldiery, and all others did greatly signalise themselves in all their Achievements. And thus we shall put an end to the Successes of the Year 1686, which have terminated so gloriously in honour of the Christian Arms, by which the Turks were reduced to that low and miserable condition, of which they were never before sensible, nor never accustomed unto, which made them the less able to bear the Evil, nor endure the Remedy.   

ANNO, 1687.  
NEver had the Ottoman Empire, since the time, that they first passed out of Asia over into Europe, been under that Eclipse and in that low of Ebb of Fortune as at present: And yet this following Year, was so much more unlucky and fatal to them than the former; as if their Mischiefs would not have ended, but with the total Ruin, and Downfall of their Empire▪ To prevent which, the Grand Signior meditated on Thoughts of Peace, and sent a Chiaus (a thing which the Turks never practised before) to tender Articles to the Emperor, which were not received, nor other Answer given, than that his Imperial Majesty could not so much as enter into a Treaty without the consent of Venice and Poland, their Allies. And though the Turks endeavoured to avail themselves by that Method, yet they thought, that the best way to facilitate that proceeding, was with their Swords in their Hands, and by an appearance in the Field with the most formidable Army they were able to make; 
The Turks prepare for War.  to which end all Otoracks, who are Milites immeriti, or Men excused from the War, on account of past Services with a dead pay, (as they call it) of which there may be Forty thousand in the Empire, were all summoned to appear in the next Campagne, and forced to the War with the greatest rigour, and on pain of Death, besides which new Levies were ordered to be made in all Parts of Asia; and particularly at Smyrna, and in the Parts adjacent; Six hundred Soldiers were raised at the charge of the Citizens and Inhabitants; besides which eight or nine Millions being charged to be levied in the lesser Asia: The Quota taxed on Smyrna, came to a Hundred thousand Dollars, which Sum not being to be found amongst them, and perhaps scarce the Moiety thereof, the Cappugi-bashee, who was sent to Collect the Money, carried away most of the principal Turks in that Town to Constantinople; where having represented their Poverty, 
Taxes rigorously imposed.  and inability to pay so great a Tax, it was moderated and brought down to one half, or to One hundred and five Purses: These proceedings may evidently convince the World, that the conceptions of the World generally form of the vast Riches of the Grand Seignior's Treasury were imaginary, seeing, that it was so exhausted in a few Years, as to force the Government to those rigorous Courses, and unusual methods of Oppression, which can scare be repeated without a total Desolation, or extreme Misery of that Country.  
These Taxes joined to the Discontents of the People, made all things uneasy at the Ottoman Court, where it was impossible to prevent the Cabals, 
Cabals at the Port.  and liberty of Speech, which the Soldiers and others freely used in public Discourse; to suppress which, and to restrain the Mutinies, which were daily expected; it was reported that the Grand Vizier designed to leave Belgrade, and March back to Constantinople: But the Grand Signior consulting with his principal and wisest of his Confidents, laid his Commands upon him not to remove from the Confines, but rather to keep a watch on the Motions of the Enemy, than to attend to domestic Seditions, which the Government was at all times able to appease; and to quiet the mind of the Vizier, 
The Vizier ordered to stay at Belgrade.  they gave him to understand, that he was entirely in the favour of his Prince, who was very sensible, that the misfortunes of the last year, were not to be attributed either to his ill Conduct, or want of Courage (as did appear by a Writing under the Hands of the principal Officers of the Army for his justification) but rather to the divine Justice of God, who was pleased for the Sins of the People to abate the Pride, and Glory of the Ottoman Empire. By this Letter the Grand Vizier being well satisfied of his Master's good Inclinations towards him, and strengthened in his hopes, that he should yet keep his Head for some time longer, or at least until the next misfortune, he altered his intention of returning to the Port, and resolved to pass his Winter at Belgrade, where his Presence was chiefly necessary for keeping the Army together, and more entire on the Frontiers: Moreover, during the rigour of this Winter season, he continued to fortify Belgrade, and gave Orders to erect a Fort on the Danube, for better security of Peter Waradin, and dispatched divers Convoys with Ammunition, and Provisions for the Succour and Relief of Great Waradin, Giulia, Lippa, Zeno and Temeswar.  
In the mean time the Imperialists pressed Apafi Prince of Transilvania, to Declare himself entirely for the Emperor, and receive his Forces to Winter-quarters in his Country: But that Prince, who had been always very crafty and subtle in his Negotiations, did so possess the Emperor's Generals, with the danger which he himself should incur, and the disadvantage which would accrue to the Emperor thereby, 
A Treaty concluded with the Deputies of Transilvania.  whose benefit it would rather be for him to remain in a Neutrality, That Count Caraffa admitted the policy of his Plea to be good, and concluded a Treaty with the Deputies of Transilvania on certain Articles; as namely, That for subsistence of the Troops, which should be put into the Frontier places of their Country, Michael Apafi their Prince, should furnish them every Month with Ten thousand Bushels of Wheat and Oats, for which one Moiety should be paid in ready Money, and that the other should be carried to, and laid up in the Magazines, or Storehouses at reasonable Rates, which was of more advantage to the Emperor, being thereby disobliged from the trouble and charge of fetching and transporting such quantities of Provisions from Countries far distant from the places where they were to be used. And Secondly, it was agreed to give Winter Quarters to the Imperial Troops; upon which General Veterani Ordered and Assigned the several places, and Count Caraffa marched from Zatmar to Kalo, giving Directions to General Heusler diligently to observe the motions of the Garrison at Waradine, and rigorously to exact the Contributions of that Country for maintenance of the Troops.  
The Grand Vizier on the other side, who was a person of quick vivacity and readiness of parts, (as we have before declared) finding that the Proposals made to the Emperor for a Peace, 
 were not likely to prevail; he used all imaginable diligence which was possible to prosecute the War, living in hopes that the following year would prove more auspicious to the Ottoman Arms, than those lately passed. In the first place, frequent Messages were sent to the Tartar Han, to hasten their speedy march, and begin the Campaign early, and with one Body to join with the Turkish Forces, and with another to infest the Borders and Confines of Poland; and to make the diversion there greater and more violent, endeavours were used to raise divisions and jealousies between the Cosacks, who were Subjects to the Poles, and those to the Moscovites, sending rich Presents, and kind Salutes and Promises, to invite them to Desert and Revolt from their Princes, and take part with the Ottoman Forces. But this design miscarried, and took no Effect by the happy arrival of Two Ambassadors from the Czar's of Moscovy at the Court of Poland; where having occasion of their Union and Friendship, 
〈…〉 Poland.  nothing was omitted to gain their Alliance, though their demands were so exorbitant, that nothing but a present necessity could have gained their concession.  
The Vizier being disappointed on that side, looked closely to his business in the lower Hungary; for having lost Quinque Ecclesiae, Siklos, Capiswar, and a great part of the Bridge of Esseck being burnt, the strong Fortress of Sigeth seemed to be in some danger, 
The Vizier endeavours to relieve Sigeth.  and lie most exposed to the design of the Enemy: To prevent which, the Vizier caused the Tartars to advance and pass the River Drove, and so to join with the Turks in the City of Esseck; the Tartars, who are the most expert Soldiers in the World for destroying and laying waste a Country, having passed the Drove, left nothing for those who were to follow after them, carrying away all the Inhabitants with them; and with what Provisions they had plundered, they supplied the small Garrisons which remained to the Turks on the Banks of the Drove; and especial care above all was taken to furnish Sigeth with all sorts of Forage and Provisions, so that it was made the chief Magazine of all that Country; for better defence and security of which, several new Boats were built to repair the Bridge before Esseck, and on the sides of the River divers small Forts were raised, on which Forty Pieces of Canon were Mounted, to prevent all Incursions of the Enemy, and Attacks on Sigeth; during which season of a rigorous Winter, the Tartars played their parts to hinder all Convoys laden with Forage and Provisions to supply the Fortresses, which the Christians had lately conquered. Howsoever by the diligence of Thinghen, Sergeant-General of Battalia, and the Governor of Quinque Ecclesiae, joining themselves to the Regiment, commanded by Baron de Pace, they agreed to disappoint the aforesaid design of the Enemy: To which end having detatched Two hundred and Fifty select, or choice Foot, and Five hundred well-disciplined Horse and Dragoons, led by Brave and well Experienced Commanders, they sallied out of their Quarters about Sunset, and the Horse for better Expedition mounting the Foot behind them, they made such haste, that before day in the Morning, they lodged themselves secretly near the Town of Sigeth; 
A surpriz● given to Sigeth.  and without any noise conveying themselves into the Suburbs, about dawning of the day set them on Fire; which took with so much fury, that in a short time Three hundred Houses were all in a Flame; the which more increased the Consternation of the Inhabitants and Soldiery, because that many of those Houses were the Storehouses, in which were laid up vast quantities of Provisions. Many People surprised with the sudden and unexpected Fire, were smothered in the smoke, and perished in the flames; others at a distance betook themselves with great Confusion to their Arms, 
The Fear and Consternation there.  and not knowing as yet where the Enemy or the Danger was, Fired their Canon at random, they knew not where, nor on whom: The Day coming on, the light discovered the Enemy, and the Danger in which they were; howsoever in all this Action the Turks killed but Four Troopers, Three Dragoons, and a Corporal of Foot, and leaving their Houses in the Town, retired to the Castle, which gave the Imperialists an opportunity to set Fire to the City, and to burn some hundreds of Wagons all laden with Provisions, designed for the Camp, and Relief of Alba Regalis. With this success the Christians retired, driving away with them some few heads of Cattle, a small quantity of Provisions, and such Plunder as could be taken, and carried away in so hasty an Action: To recover which the Turks made a sally and attacked them in the Arrear, to which, shame and confusion of face gave them Courage; but the Conquerors, whose Valour increased according to their success, made a stand, and so assailed the Enemy, that notwithstanding all the considerations of shame, and desire of revenge, they carried away their Spoils, and honour of the Victory.  
The consequence of this success, (though the Action in itself was not very great) was yet very considerable; 
The happy consequence of this Action.  for thereby the intercourse between Quinque Ecclesiae, Siklos, and other conquered Towns was rendered more free and secure, and not only the Peasants of those Countries brought their Provisions with readiness and safety, to the Market; but even the Rascians, who were Inhabitants of the Town of Sigeth, came voluntarily in, and submitted themselves to the Protection of the Emperor. This Action served likewise to disappoint and overthrow the design of the Commanders in Esseck, who intended an incursion of Turks and Tartars in Two separate Bodies; but their Provisions in Sigeth (on which they depended for maintenance of their Forces) being consumed, that resolution was put off till a fairer opportunity. Howsosoever the Imperial Forces remained Vigilant and Watchful on their Guard, having received frequent Alarms, that the Turks resolved on some sudden Enterprise to avenge themselves, and repair their Honour; which General Thinghen, and Colonel Place greatly suspecting, retired to Quinque Ecclesiae, from whence they sent and distributed considerable quantities of Corn and Flower to Kaposwar, 
The Christian Garrisons supplied and relieved.  and other places for sustenance of the Garrisons, giving special charge to the Governors thereof to be intent and watchful to prevent any surprise of the Enemy: And for better security thereof, the Commissary General Count Rabata farther supplied all those places with Victuals, there being no want amongst them of Arms or Ammunition. Care likewise was taken to repair the Breaches at Quinque Ecclesiae, in as good a form and manner as the Season of the Year would permit: But because the Fortress of Siklos lay much exposed to the attack of the Enemy, being the most Frontier Garrison, they raised with admirable industry and diligence a half Moon, which they encompassed with Palisadoes, the Season os the Year nor time permitting to fortify it with a Wall, or any other Work. Whilst things were thus transacted, and places secured on the Frontiers, no care or circumspection was omitted for conservation of Buda, tho' as yet the Walls and Breaches made in it the last Siege were not repaired, neither time nor season of the year, and perhaps other great employments, not giving time to so great a Work, 
Buda cleansed of Rubbish.  which perhaps we may find neglected for some years afterwards; howsoever they laboured for the present to clear the Ditches, fill up the Trenches, levelly the Batteries, Breast-works, and other Redoubts; carrying away the Rubbish and Ruins of Houses and Buildings, which had been beaten down, and demolished by the vast quantities of Bombs and Carcases which had been thrown into the Town during the last Siege: In which Work great quantities of Arms, which lay buried in the Ruins were discovered, with Headpieces, Corslets, 
Rich Goods found in Vault●.  and Scmyters of value: And in digging the Cellars and Vaults, they found many Chests filled with rich Householdstuff, with Trunks and Boxes of Writings and ancient Records, amongst which, as was Reported, were the Charter and Privileges given to that City, with a Register of all passages which had happened there, since the time that it first submitted to the Dominion of the Turk.  
Nor were the Turks in the mean time idle and remiss on their part; for the Pasha of Alba Regalis suspecting that that City would be the next to be attacked, 
The Pasha endeavours to secure Alba Regalis.  and made the Work and Design of the ensuing Campaign; he studiously applied the Soldiers and Workmen to raise new Outworks, and repair the old inward Fortifications, which by time, and the neglect of his Predecessors were much decayed; and to expedite and quicken this Work, the Soldiers, besides their ordinary Pay, were encouraged by daily Wages, such as was commonly given to Day-labourers. But to disturb this Work by frequent Alarms, a party of Hussars were detached to watch the Avenues about Alba Regulis, and sometimes to appear in sight of the Town, and intercept those who should go in or out from thence: Accordingly posting themselves in a private way, it was their fortune to meet and surprise a party of Turks, of which they killed some, and took others, from whom they understood that they had been dispatched by the Pasha there, to carry Letters and Advices to the Grand Vizier at Belgrade: In like manner they encountered another party coming from Zigeth to Alba Regalis, to whom only they gave chase, the Turks saving themselves by the swiftness of their Horses. Howsoever by the Letters which were intercepted, they came to have a perfect knowledge of the state of that City, and the intentions of the Vizier; It was therein declared, That the Garrison consisted of Four thousand Fight men; but much discouraged, and in great fears and consternation, 
The State of Alba Regal●s.  to think that they were to be made the next Sacrifice to the fury of the Christian Arms. Notwithstanding which, the Pasha encouraged the People of Alba Regalis assuring them that he had received late Letters from the Grand Vizier at Belgrade, by which he promised them such a speedy relief both of Men, Provisions, Ammunition, and Money, as might enable them to drive the Enemy from the Walls: And that he was sending a very strong Force to the Frontiers of Sclavonia, Croatia, and the River Dravus, under Command of several Brave and well-experienced Pashas.  
The Season of the Year much favoured this design; for the Rivers, Marshes, and Fens were so Frozen up, that the Turks found an easy passage to all parts, which they intended to relieve: Of which the Imperialists being very apprehensive, feared lest the Enemy, who was got together in great Numbers at Esseck, should attempt some of the conquered places, and thereby making a diversion, should introduce their Convoys into Sigeth, Canisia, and Alba Regalis. But the place, which of any other was straightened most for want of Provisions, was Agria, called by the Hungarians Erla, situate on a River of that Name, which about Three Leagues from thence empties itself into the Tibiscus. This place of itself was but small, but very well Fortified; It is Recorded in Histories that the first Siege which the Turks laid to it was in the Year 1552. with an Army of Sixty thousand Men, when it was not strong either by Art or Nature; but the weakness thereof was supplied by the Courage and Bravery of the Garrison, consisting only of Two thousand Hungarian Soldiers, and about Sixty Hungarian Nobles and Gentlemen, who had fled in thither with their Wives and Children, 
Agria.  and best of their Riches and Movables, and had sworn to defend the place to the utmost extremity; and to let the Turks understand this resolution, they raised a Coffin above the Walls in public View, for an Evidence or Sign, that they would choose Death rather than Captivity. Many great things are said of the Defence of this place, which the Turks battered for the space of Forty days incessantly, with Fifty Pieces of Cannon, notwithstanding which the Defendants abated nothing of their Courage; for though the Turks assaulted them Three times in one day, yet they were as often repulsed, and lost about Eight thousand men. The Women also signalised their Valour above the Nature of their Sex in all these Actions; amongst which (as is reported) there was one, who fought bravely in sight both of her Mother, and her Husband; but the latter being killed, the Mother advised her Daughter to carry away the Dead Corpse; but she Answered, That she could not do it, until she had first revenged his Death; and thereupon taking up the Sword and Buckler of her dead Husband, she fell upon the Turks with such fury, that having killed Three of them with her own hand, she returned to perform the last Office to her deceased Husband. Several other particular Actions of this Nature, are recounted of the Siege of this Fortress, which in fine relieved itself, and caused the Turks to raise their Siege, whom they pursued so vigorously in the Rear, that they killed great Numbers of them, and took most of their Baggage. And thus did this City continue in the hands of the Hungarians until the year 1596, when it was taken by Mahomet the Third, then in person before it, and hath ever since that time remained in the hands of the Turks; who now hearing that that place was in great distress for want of Provisions; and knowing the importance of its Situation, endeavoured to send it relief by all ways and means which were possible.  
The Pasha, who Quartered on the Frontiers, was commanded by the Grand Vizier to put Succours into the place; and he also being a good Soldier, and sensible of the importance thereof, called a Council of War, to consider in what manner this Action might most effectually be performed; considering whereupon, it was moved, That since Tekeli had made several instances to be recruited with Men and Provisions for attempting some great Exploit, 
Proposals how Agria might be supplied.  That he should accordingly be reinforced with a moderate Number of Tartars, and some Turks, and that the care and incumbence of that great work should be committed to his Charge and Conduct.  
Count Caraffa, and General Heusler being advised of the Design, assembled a considerable force of their Troops together, 
They are prevented.  and assailed the Enemy near to great Waradin on a sudden, and in a manner of surprise; the Tartars, who are not much used to make a stand against well form Troops, were the first who betook themselves to a speedy Flight, and were soon followed by Tekeli and his men; howsoever several were killed on the place, and some Prisoners taken: And so both Caraffa, and Heusler returned back to Debrezin, with the Forage and Spoil which they had gained in that Conflict. This misfortune did not much abate the Spirit of Tekeli; for having been lately supplied with a Sum of Money, he made new Levies of Men, and many of his old Soldiers who had formerly deserted him, returned to him again; so that he seemed to recover the Credit and Reputation which he had formerly lost; and having joined his Forces to those of a Pasha on the Frontiers, and to a rabble of Soldiers, 
Tekeli with Money makes Levies.  who in a tumultuary manner followed his Colours; he Encamped sometimes near Temiswar, then about Giulia, and then near Waradin; from all which places he sent Parties abroad to discover the posture of the Enemy, and to spy out how they might most securely succour Agria, for which the Grand Vizier was extremely pressing. Nor were the Christian's less Vigilant to Observe and Watch the Motions of the Turks, and of Tekeli; whence it was that several Parties meeting each other, frequent Skirmishes happened, in all which the Hussars and Germans gained the advantage: So that Tekeli finding the difficulty of carrying relief to Agria, and other places, made Incursions into the Countries subjected to the Emperor, marching with a Body of Turks, Tartars, and a Rabble of new raised Soldiers, which served rather for Guides than Combatants. In their way they burnt a Village of no great moment; and passed into the Confines of the Town of Segedin; from whence being discovered by the Hussars of the Garrison, 
Enters into the Country near Segedin.  they took the Alarm; and being joined to a Body of Germane Foot, they made a sally on the Enemy, and charged them so furiously that Tekeli's new raised Soldiers, who were placed in the Front, immediately gave back, 
Is Defeated and Wounded.  and pressed with fear, rushed into the Body of the Turks, which put them into such disorder, that they were forced to Retreat with considerable loss: Tekeli himself being wounded with a Musquet-shot in the Knee, was forced for his Cure to betake himself to the Fortress of Temiswar. In the mean time his Princess being resolved to defend her Town of Mongatz, did not only fortify herself therein with a stout Garrison, and supplies of Ammunition and Provisions; but sent several Parties of Horse from the Garrison, to destroy all the Countries round with Fire, and Sword, and thereby to cut off all possibility of subsistence from the Imperialists; who having Advice thereof, detached a Party of Dragoons of the Regiment of Magni; who having the fortune to Encounter the Enemy, gave them a total Defeat, killing Fifty of them on the place, of which their Commander was one, and Six Prisoners were taken.  
Whilst matters passed thus in the Upper Hungary, the City of Agria suffered much for want ofProvisions, which greatly discouraged both the Inhabitants and the Garrison, so that many deserted the place; 
Forty men of Agria desert and join with the Christians.  and about Forty of them came to Onoth, declaring themselves to be Christians, and desirous to be received into the Church by Baptism. But the Imperial Commanders being doubtful of the sincere Faith of these new Converts, were not very forward to receive them into an Association; of which they being sensible, did voluntarily join themselves to a Party then going abroad upon a discovery, and so bravely behaved themselves in a Skirmish which they happened to have with the Turks, that they killed many of their Brethren with their own hands, and thereby gave evident proofs of their real Conversion.  
All this while no Garrisons were succoured; for not only Agria was in miserable want, 
Grand Vizier orders relief.  but likewise all the Towns in the Lower Hungary, Sclavonia, and Croatia, suffered Scarcity and Famine. The Grand Vizier being in great care and pain for those places, sent strict Commands from Belgrade to the Commanders at Esseck, to supply all those places with necessary Provisions; for Transportation of which the Danube being frozen up, there was no other way left than to carry all by Wagons over the Snow, and Ice; for the Rivers, Lakes, Fens, and Marshes being hard Frozen, were seldom strong enough to bear Carriages and Wagons, by the most direct and nearest way. And yet such had been the misery of the late Campagne, that the Countries were laid waste and desolate; all the Provisions and Forage being so destroyed, that to sustain the Famished Towns, and Countries, Supplies were to be fetched from far distant places: To perform which, the Commander of Esseck laboured with the utmost of his Endeavours, and dispeeded great Numbers of Wagons laden with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions, to the wanting-places under a strong Convoy. The Imperialists having Advice hereof, made a Detatchment of Three hundred Musqueteers, 
The Christians ●ndeavour to prevent it.  Three Troops of Curassiers belonging to the Regiment of Newburg, and about Two thousand Four hundred Soldiers, which were Hussars, and Heyducks: The News of the Motion of these Forces soon Fled to Canisia, Sigeth, and other places; where being in some fear for the safety of their Convoy, those of Sigeth sent out a strong Party, placing them in Ambush about Two English Miles distant from the Town. The Convoy proceeded with what haste they could, and the Baron d Orlich pursued them as fast, and overtook them near the place where the Ambush was planted, and charged them so furiously, that he totally Defeated them, Killed One hundred and Twenty on the place, dispersed the rest, and made himself Master of all the Carriages.  
In the mean time Tekeli was neither idle or negligent in his Arms or Plots; for he had employed his Engines in divers parts to solicit the Citizens and Inhabitants of Bartfeld, 
Plots contrived by Tekeli are discovered  Esperies, and Cassovia to a Revolt; and having droven out the Garrisons, he promised to supply them with a more numerous Force: These Offers, and the Ways and Methods being happily discovered, several were accused for Complices in the Plot; amongst which a certain Judge whom Tekeli had formerly employed at Cassovia, was seized and imprisoned: Likewise several Gentlemen and Magistrates of those places were known to have entertained Correspondencies with those of Mongatz and Agria; and that Tekeli had remitted considerable Sums of Money to them for execution of their design. The Judge being put to the Question on the Wrack, accused Two and twenty to have been engaged with him in the Plot. And another Conspiracy against the Life of Count Caraffa was likewise discovered, in which above Seventy persons, and some of Quality, were engaged. One Radwanski, a principal Author of the late Commotions was put to the Torture; and after he had Signed a Confession, died by the Anguish of the Wrack; howsoever the Sentence pronounced against him, was executed on his Dead Corpse, 
 which was to have his Hand and Head cut off, and his Four Quarters disposed in divers places of the City. In like manner Palassi, Sekel, Barrock, and Concoud, were Beheaded and Quartered: As also the same day one Besseck, a Counsellor of Newsol, and Weber, a public Notary, Tascias, and several incurred the same fate; and so had also Feldmeyer, a Commissary at War, but that he Killed himself in Prison; howsoever that did not hinder, but that the Sentence was Executed on his Dead Body. To examine this Plot, and sift into the bottom of it, so employed Count Caraffa, as for some time it deferred the design of Bombing Agria; and indeed so many were the Conspirators, that great Executions were acted in divers places, and many also received pardon from the Mercy and Clemency of the Emperor; for that his Imperial Majesty had been well assured, there were considerable Numbers of poor innocent People engaged in the Plot rather by delusion, and example of others, than by a Natural Spirit and inclination to a Revolt.  
Tho' Caraffa was otherwise employed, yet there wanted not other active Officers in the Field to watch the Motions of the Enemy, and take the Advantages which did present. Baron Orlick was commanded to burn the Bridge, which the Turks had built over the Drove near Esseck; and accordingly marched away from Quinque Ecclesiae, 
Baron Orlick def●a●s a Party of the Turks.  with Six Companies drawn out from the Regiments of Montecuculi, and Herberville; and being on his march, he received Advice that Eight hundred Janissaries, and Two hundred Spahees selected out of the Flour of the best Ottoman Troops, were detached from Esseck, with a design to intercept a Convoy appointed for the relief of Ziclos, and to take and demolish a small Redoubt which had some days before been raised on the Banks of that River, by order of Count Vechi: Wherefore leaving the design of burning the Bridge, Baron Orlick marched directly against the Enemy, whom he found attacking the Fort, in which they had already killed a great many men with Gr●nadoes: But so soon as Orlick appeared, the Turks fell into disorder and fear; and being furiously charged by him, were defeated with the loss of above Six hundred men killed on the place, amongst which were two Aga's, and a Bey or Lord; Many Prisoners were taken with all their Baggage, and many Ensigns and Colours, of which Five were sent to the Emperor by Baron de Hertleben, first Captain of that Regiment: 
The Turks worsted in several Skirmishes.  And on the Emperor's side, Six Sergeants, Five Troopers, and Twelve Dragoons were killed, and many wounded. About the same time another Party of Turks was beaten near Zolnoch, Twenty of which were killed, 
Chonad defends itself against the Turks.  and about Thirty taken Prisoners. Moreover Seven thousand Turks, Tartars, and Malcontents being joined together, endeavoured to surprise Chonad, which is a Fortress situate on the River Maros, which falls into the Tibiscus, near to Segedin: But they met so vigorous a repulse and rude entertainment from the Defendants, that they were forced to desist from their Attacks, and march away with the loss of Four hundred Soldiers, some of which were principal Officers.  
Thus the News of one ill success coming to Constantinople on the Head of another struck the People of all sorts and conditions with a strange Consternation; 
The Ottoman Port in great disorder.  the Government fearing the ill consequences thereof, endeavoured by all ways and methods of gentleness to appease the unquiet and fluctuating Spirits of the People and Soldiers. To do this, there was a necessity of vast Sums of Money, wherewith to quiet and gratify the Army and Fleet, and to satisfy the Tartars, who declared that it was impossible for them to move without Money; and which way to raise it, was the great difficulty; for the Grand Signior's Treasure was exhausted, and the People already tired, and over-burdened with Taxes: Wherefore after a long Debate thereupon in the Divan, it was agreed, That the Jewels and Plate of the Sultan's amassed in several Chambers of the Seraglio should be put to sale, which might have raised vast Sums of Money, 
Great want of Money.  could they have been sold to their value; but there was an impossibility of finding Buyers; for though the Money could have been found in Constantinople, yet there was none, who durst own to be Master of so so great Riches. In fine, after divers Debates and Expedients proposed, it was agreed to raise Money, by way of Contribution, on the chief and prime Officers of the Seraglio, and of the Empire, and particularly on Kadees, and Men of the Law and Church, 
Means to raise it.  on Customers, Tax-gatherers, and rich Merchants, such as lived easily and idly in their Houses; it seeming reasonable that such who enjoyed Protection and Safeguard in their peaceable Acquisitions at home, should maintain and provide them who were venturing their Lives, and fight in their defence abroad. And whereas the Tartar Han was very pressing and importunate for Money, without which he could not move or serve in this Year's Campagne; it was resolved to send him Fifty thousand Crowns in Money, and to make up the rest of his Demands in Diamonds, Scymeters studded with Rubies, Emeralds, and Pearls; and with Bucklers set with precious Stones, and other things of value taken from the Treasury in the Seraglio.  
But whilst this was contriving, an unhappy Sedition and Mutiny arose amongst the Levents, who are Soldiers belonging to the Sea; who having wanted Pay for a long time, 
A Mutiny among the Marine Soldiers.  came in a tumultuous manner to the Captain Pasha, who is Admiral of the Fleet, to demand it; and rushed with such violence into his House, that he had scarce time to escape out of their hands; and had proceeded to greater extremities, had they not been appeased with a speedy tender of Six Months Pay. When these things were quieted, a strict Examination was made into the Cause and Leaders of this Mutiny, of which some were strangled, and about Twenty others were put into a Sack, after their Custom, and cast into the Sea: Howsoever this Severity did not so suppress this Rabble, but that many of them assembled together in the City, where they plundered divers Houses, and committed a Thousand Outrages, until such time as Proclamation was made, giving Licence to the People to do themselves Justice, and kill those who made any attempt on their Houses or Goods; which was the best way to deal with a Licentious Tumult; for so soon as such a Decree was known, the lewd Mobile grew afraid, and dispersed, most of them withdrawing themselves Aboard their Vessels.  
But not only did the Ottoman Government labour under a want of Money, but of Men also. For whereas they expected a Recruit of Forty thousand men out of Asia for this Campagne, 
Want of men.  notwithstanding the most rigorous Commands sent, to compel all men to the War, there appeared not Six thousand; For Turcomania had not furnished above Two thousand men; Syria and Palestine One thousand Eight hundred, and the Asia Minor Two thousand: The new Levies in and about Constantinople did not amount to above Three thousand Five hundred; and all that could at present be found, wherewith to Recruit the Armies both in Hungary, and in the Morea, did not amount unto more than Twenty thousand men; many of which deserted in their march, and fled into the Mountains, where they absconded, and passed the most part of the Summer, being forced to commit many Outrages for their necessary subsistence.  
These Misfortunes and disappointments moved the Grand Signior and his Counsellors, to judge a Peace with the Emperor, 
The Turks seek for Peace.  the most compendious Method to secure the State of the Ottoman Empire, which was now staggering, and falling with its own weight; year 1687. and therefore gave orders to the Vizier, then at Belgrade, to endeavour a Peace at any price, and rate whasoever. Accordingly the Grand Vizier dispatched a Letter from Belgrade dated the 6 th' of March, to Prince Herman of Baden, Precedent of the Council of War to the Emperor, giving him to understand, That the Sultan, his Lord and Master being persuaded to put an end to this miserable War, which had long been maintained at the Expense of much Blood, and Treasure on both sides. He thought it necessary in order thereunto to Appoint a Place, and Nominate Commissioners for a Treaty: And to Evidence the reality and sincere intentions of the Sultan towards a Peace; an Offer was made, as the first Preliminary to deliver up Tekeli into the hands of the Emperor. These Proposals were brought by an Aga as far as Debrezin, from whence he demanded a safe Conduct to proceed as far as Esperies. But to cut this Treaty short, the Emperor commanded Count Caraffa to let the Grand Vizier know, that he would be ready to make peace with the Ottoman Port, upon a Grant or Concession of Three Articles only. First, 
The Emperor demands three Articles.  That the Grand Signior should pay to him Six Millions of Gold in satisfaction of the Ruin and Spoils, which his Troops had committed in Austria, and other his Hereditary Provinces. 2dly, That all the Towns and Places, which the Turks possessed in Hungary should be delivered up to the Emperor, and the Turkish Forces withdrawn from that Kingdom. 3dly, That in all other matters they should give equal satisfaction to the Allies. But as to Tekeli, he being a Subject and a Rebel, the surrender of him into the hands of Justice, seemed not a Motive sufficient, nor any prevailing Argument, whereon to ground the Foundation of a Peace. These Propositions being sent to Constantinople, were considered as no other than as an absolute refusal to Treat or Harken to a Peace; which caused great Fear and Consternation at the Port; and which was greatly Augmented by the News, which came much about the same time with the former: That the Moscovite Ambassadors, who had concluded the Peace already at Leopolis between the Czars and the King of Poland, were arrived at Vienna, and had there also entered into the same League with the Emperor against the Turks. year 1687.  
These Ambassdors arrived at Vienna on the 18 th' of March, and on the 24 th' were conducted to their Audience with these following Ceremonies and Solemnity. In the First place, some Companies of the City Trained-Bands, and Garrison of Vienna marched before, and were followed by Forty Moscovites clothed in Velvet, and Silk Habits of divers Colours; they were armed with Scymeters adorned and beset with Diamonds, and other precious Stones, but without Bows, or Quivers which they wore on the Day when they made their Entrance; they were stately Mounted on fine Horses, with Saddles and Horses Embroidered with Gold and Pearl, every one having a Footman waiting on him at the side of his Horse: These were followed by Sixteen Coaches, with Six Horses apiece, belonging to the Chief Officers of the Court to carry the Train, and Attendants of the Ambassadors, with Two Russian Priests habited after the manner of their Order: After these Coaches marched Sixty Citizens all Clothed in Black Velvet, who carried the Presents, which the Czars had sent to his Imperial Majesty, which consisted chiefly of Sables, and other rich Furs, the Teeth of Fish, rich Quivers Embroidered with Gold and Silver, Pearls, and precious Stones, with Bows and Arrows suitable thereunto. After all these came a Moscovite alone, Mounted on a brave Horse, carrying the Czars' Letter to the Emperor on his Head; and was followed by Two Coaches with Six Horses belonging to the Person of the Emperor, in one of which was the Great Chancellor of Moscovy, with another of the Ambassadors; and in the second was he that was chief in the Commission of the Embassy, accompanied by Noblemen appointed by the Emperor to receive them; and in this Order were conducted to the Palace-Yard, where Three Companies were drawn up with their Arms presented: The First which alighted at the Gate of the Palace, were the Moscovites which road on Horseback: Then the Secretary with the Letter, and the Ambassadors being descended into the inward Court, they were met at the foot of the Stairs by the Prince of Swartzemberg, and by the P. of Dietrichstein, High-Steward of the Emperor's Household in the Knight's Hall; who conducted them into the Lobby before the Chamber of Audience, where leaving their Scymeters, year 1686. and other Arms in the Charge and Keeping of the First Gentleman of the Bedchamber, they were admitted to the Presence of the Emperor, of whom they received a favourable Audience. After which they were conducted back again in the same order, having first been sumptuously treated at a Dinner in the Imperial Court. In short, after divers Conferences, an Alliance and League was concluded with them, on the same Foot and Articles, as had been the last Year agreed between the Czars, and King of Poland; and so on the 5 th' of April the Four Ambassadors received their Audience of Congé, 
April. 1687.  and soon afterwards Three of them returned to their own Country: And one proceeded to Venice, where he was received with those Formalities which that Senate always uses towards Ambassadors of that Quality.  
The Grand Vizier being well assured by all these Proceedings, that there was no further place of hope left for obtaining Peace, commanded the Inhabitants of all places in subjection to the Grand Signior, to drive their cattle under the Reach and Protection of those Towns, which were defended with Cannon; and to carry their Grain, and Forage, and Movables into Fortified places, under Obedience of the Grand Signior. They finished their Bridge of Boats at Peter Waradin, and with all the diligence imaginable they laboured to repair the Bridge of Esseck; which they having Finished with admirable Expedition, caused several of their Troops to pass the same, and make their Excursions to the very Gates of Quinque Ecclesiae, which giving some jealousy, that the Turks intended to Besiege that Place, Three hundred Hussars, and Two hundred Heiducks were sent therein to reinforce the Garrison.  
At the same time the Count de Tinghen was ordered with a Detachment of Eight hundred Germans, and Four hundred Heiducks, with One hundred Horse belonging to Siklos, and some other Troops to take a View of the Passage over the Drove: And having passed that River on the 8 th' of june, where joining with some Troops under the Command of Baron Orlick, he drove away from the Pastures near Walpo, Two hundred Head of cattle, and One hundred Horse, and set Fire to about One hundred small Cottages, which had been raised since the late Desolation; and being in their Retreat Encountered by a Party of One hundred Spahees, and Three hundred janissaries, they totally defeated them, Killing about Seventy on the place, and taking several Prisoners, with the loss only of a Lieutenant, and of Eight or Ten Common Soldiers Wounded. About the same time a Detachment from the Garrison of Zolnock, year 1687. consisting of Four hundred Hussars, met another strong Party of Turks belonging to Agria, which they charged with such Bravery, that after a very sharp Conflict, the Turks were forced to retire with the loss almost of Two hundred men; Seven and thirty Prisoners were taken, with many Horses, and a considerable part of their Baggage: Amongst which they found a Letter from the Pasha of Agria to the Vizier, setting forth the miserable scarcity of all Provisions in that place, as also of Ammunition; and that the Famine was so great, that they were forced to Eat Horseflesh, and Dogs; by reason of which many of the Garrison had deserted, and unless speedily relieved, they should be forced to surrender the Town. At length the Pasha of Agria being droven to desperate necessities, 
Agria in distress.  sent to a Village between Buda and Agria, forthwith to bring them Provisions upon pain of Military Execution; of which Baron Beck being advertised by theInhabitants, immediately detached a Party of Five hundred men, to Attend and Watch this Motion of the Turks; in which Adventure, he had the Fortune to meet with them, killing many, and taking some Prisoners, and pursuing the rest to the Walls of Agria.  
This was the beginning of the Campaigne, and a Prelude to the happy Successes of the Ensuing Year; when News came that the Grand Vizier was marching at the Head of a Numerous Army towards Waradin, the Number of which was Reported to amount unto Fifty thousand men, according to the account which some Spies pretended to have received from the Musterroll, taken the 27 th' of April, in the Plains of Salankemen near Belgrade; year 1687. as followeth: 

The Grand Vizier, janissaries 7000  
Pasha of Bosna, Spahees 4000  
Pasha of G. Waradin, Spahees 1000  
Beglerbey of Romelia, janissaries 2400  
Pasha of Soria, Spahees 4000  
Beglerby of Sebassia, Spahees 2500  
Pasha of Aleppo, janissaries 3000  
Pasha of Damascus, janissaries 4000  
Pasha of Nicopolis, janissaries 11400  
Pasha of Karahitar, Volontiers 8000  
Aga of the Artillery Granadiers. 1100  
48400   

To this 600 Miners are to be added;  
1400 Camels of Burden,  
364 Oxen to draw the Artillery,  
400 Wagons with Ammunition,  
45 heavy Pieces of Cannon,  
28 Lighter for the Field.    
All which belonged to the Army of the Grand Vizier, not accounting the Tartars, nor the Hungarian Army under Tekeli; nor Garrisons and Parties dispersed in divers parts.  
On the other side, on the 4 th' of june, the Duke of Lorraine arrived at Buda, where he was received with Three Salvoes of all the Cannon from the Town; year 1687. and having taken an account of the Horses, and surveyed the Fortifications, and given Command for raising New Works, to which Employment Four thousand Soldiers and Peasants were appointed; he departed thence on the 7 th', taking his march towards the Drove with a part of his Army; he designed to Encamp near the Bridge of Esseck, where Count Cherffemberg was to join him with Nine Regiments; And let us here take a Computation in like manner of the Imperial Army, as we have done of the Turks. Of Dragoons there were Nine Regiments.  

Of Lodron  
Stirum  
Castelli  
Serau  
Herbeville  
Savoy  
Thun  
Magni  
Kussel.   
The first of which Dragoons consisted of Eleven hundred men, all the others of Eight hundred each, making in all Seven thousand Five hundred men.  
The Cavalry consisted of Nineteen Regiments.  

Of Saxelavemburg  
Caprara  
Dunewald  
Palfi  
Caraffa  
Gondola  
Taff  
Newbourg  
Montecuculi  
Veterani  
Piccolomini  
Heusler  
Commercy  
Gotz  
Hannover  
Saint Croix  
Furstemberg  
Pax  
Truches   
These Regiments amounting unto Eight hundred men each, completed the Number of Fifteen thousand Two hundred men. To these we are to add Seven and twenty Regiments of Infantry, of which Five and twenty consisted of One thousand Five hundred men each, and Keiserstein's, and Stadel's Regiments of Two thousand men each, so that the whole Number of the Infantry amounted in all unto Forty one thousand Five hundred men; 
The number of the Christian Army.  so the whole Army, according to this Computation, amounted to Sixty four thousand Two hundred men, besides Pioniers, Gunners, and Attendants on the Camp.  
The Names of the Regiments of the Infantry were as followeth: 

Of Count Ernest of Staremberg 

Lesley  
Keyserstein  
Baden    
De Croy 

Mansfield  
Salms    
Maximilian de Staremberg 

Serini  
Neubourg  
Souches  
Scherstemberg  
Stadel  
Diepenthal    
Count Guey de Staremberg 

Tinhen  
Meternich  
Beck  
Wallis  
Aspremont  
Nigrelli  
Heusler  
Aversperg  
The Young Prince of Lorraine  
Hourchin  
Furstemberg  
Strasler      
This being the State of the Christian Army, consisting of Sixty four thousand Men plentifully supplied with all sorts of Ammunition, and much superior to that of the Turks in Numbers, and much more for Discipline by Instruction of the Commanders, and Bravery of the Soldiers; The Duke of Lorraine on the Twelfth of june proceeded on his march to the River of Sarawitz, and in his way received Intelligence, that Agria was in such extreme want of Provisions, and that the Famine there was so great, that unless the Grand Vizier did by force of Arms succour the City with Victuals, and Ammunition, 
june 1687.  the Place would be constrained to surrender itself into the hands of the Enemy; to prevent which, and to relieve the Town, the Vizier appointed a Body of Eight thousand Turks, and Four thousand Tartars immediately to pass the Bridge at Peter-Waradin to Convoy the Wagons and Camels laden with Provisions, and force their way into Agria. Upon this Advice the Duke of Lorraine dispatched an Express to Count Caraffa, with Orders to draw out the Twelve Regiments Encamped between Onoc, and Zolnock, and therewith to interrupt and stop the passage of the Enemy; but such was the diligence of the Turks, that marching by secret Ways, they miss of Caraffa; and fell in with a weaker Body of Col. Heusler; who having killed about Sixty Turks, 
Secure brought to Agria.  forced one part of them to retire back to Peter-Waradin, whilst others more bold and forward than the rest, each man carrying a Sack of Meal behind him on his Horse, got into Agria, which was sufficient to afford them a subsistence for a short time.  
In the mean time the Forces began to gather near Barchan, which was the place appointed for the General Rendezvous: Thither came also the Troops of Zolnoc, which were to be commanded by the Elector of Bavaria, who very seasonably arrived at the Camp to the great joy and encouragement of the whole Army: With him also came Prince Lewis of Baden, a Person of admirable Prudence and Courage; and of such experience and fortunate success, that the Elector reposed great confidence in his Conduct. 
The Elector of Bavaria comes to the Camp.  The Army being put into a fit posture and condition to march, intelligence was brought that the Duke of Lorraine was far advanced on his way towards Oseck; upon which no time was admitted to follow him; but the way being long, and the Ways deep and broken by the late Rains, the Army moved slowly, and could not unite so speedily with the Duke of Lorraine as was expected: But at length with Industry, Time, and Patience, the Armies joined, when News came that the Enemy in great Numbers were assembled near Peter-Waradin, and had form a Bridge over the Tibiscus, to equal the convenience of which, with that of the Enemy, and maintain a Correspondence with Forces on the other side, the Duke of Lorraine caused another to be built near Tolna, and Foituar, the better to facilitate a Conjunction with the Imperial Arms.  
It was now made known, 
Esse●k to be first attacked.  that the Campaign was to begin with the attack of the Town of Esseck, that from thence a way might be opened to the Conquest of Belgrade; in order unto which, General Dunewalt, with some Germane Regiments, and Troops belonging to Croatia, and the adjacent Countries, was commanded to march towards Verovitza, and there to expect farther Orders from the Duke of Lorraine.  
The Troops of Croatia, Commanded by Count Philip de la Torre in the place of Dunebolt, (who was Sick at Vienna) marched in a strong Body with very good order, and a large Train of Artillery, provided by the Chamber of Stiria, and happily joined with Dunewalt. The Duke of Lorraine having left a strong Party to defend the Bridge, which he had made over the Danube, moved his Camp from Mohatz, and without any opposition in the least, pitched again near to Darda on the 24 th' of june, 
june 1687.  which is a Fortress that covers one end of the Bridge at Oseck.  
The next day the Imperialists discovered from their Camp a certain number of Turks, who had lodged themselves in the Marsh, which began to be dry, that they might take a survey of the Christian Camp; against which a small Party being sent, they immediately retired to give advice unto the Town of Oseck, of the near approach of the Enemy: Against this Party of Turks many more than those appointed, were out of Curiosity carried to the Skirmish, 
The Grand Vizier desired to succour Esseck.  to see who those were who called so frankly to them in the French Language. The News being brought to Oseck, or Esseck, Expresses were dispatched one after the other to the Vizier, (who was then Encamped with the Ottoman Army near to Peter-Waradin) earnestly desiring him to march immediately to their Succour.  
In the mean time the Duke of Lorraine having disposed his Army in an exact military posture, he went himself in person with a Body of about Six hundred Horse to take a view of the Neighbouring Passes; and next Morning being the 25 th' of june, 
june.  he Decamped with the whole Army, and commanded the Count of Schertemberg, Major-General of the Infantry, to see whether the Bridges were repaired; and having advanced at a good distance before, without any discovery; it was resolved to march with the whole Army as far as Uttona, where Orders had been given to provide all Materials for making a Bridge to pass the Drove. But before this Design was put in Execution, 
The Imperialists possess themselves of Bridges, and a Fort built by the Turks.  Souches received Orders, with a Party of One thousand Three hundred Musquetiers, together with Count Guido de Staremberg, to march along the Banks of the Drove, upon a discovery which was so lucky, that he soon perceived certain little Bridges, railed on each side, strong, and covered with Earth very artificially made; not far from which, there was a Fort with some Guns, and a Garrison of about Four hundred Soldiers, that were janissaries. As the Imperialists approached, the Turks received them with such a Volley of shot, as at first put them into some disorder; but being animated by the Bravery of Souches and Staremberg, they immediately invested the Fort with such courage, as forced the Turks to abandon the place with the loss of Two hundred men, and the remainder to fly to Esseck, to the Walls of which the Imperialists so nearly pursued them, that they had almost entered with them into the Gates; howsoever they took possession of the Fort, and burned that part of the long Bridge, for about the space of Five hundred Paces in length, which the Turks had lately repaired with Rayls, and covered with Earth.  
The Garrison of Esseck being in great fear at the so near approach of the Christian Army, dispatched Messenger after Messenger, to advise the Vizier of their danger, and that they were endeavouring to pass the Drove with Bridges; 
The Vizier Ord●●● his Army ●o mar●h.  upon which Intelligence the Vizier caused the greatest part of his Forces to march, remaining himself behind, in expectation of the Asiatic Troops, who moved with less diligence, than the present pressure of Affairs did require.  
Tho' the Duke of Lorraine was not ignorant that the greatest part of the Turkish Army lay Encamped near Esseck; yet being very desirous to Engage the Enemy, notwithstanding their Entrenchments, he endeavoured to pass the River at Uttona, being a small Redoubt, or Fortress, which P. Lewis of Baden had raised the year before, being a very convenient Pass for the Forces; for that falling down from thence with the Stream, they might conveniently be Landed at Valpo, about Four Leagues distant from Oseck. To this End the Infantry was commanded to advance towards Siclos, with the Cavalry of Montecuculi, Ladron, and Hanover; the rest of the Army was commanded to keep their Station near Darda. In the mean time whilst the Bridges were preparing, such great Floods of Snow-waters fell from the Mountains of Stiria, and Carinthia, 
Floods break the Bridges.  that the Drove swelled beyond its Banks with a most rapid Stream, and the Marshes or Morasses were filled in such manner, that it was very difficult to lay the Bridges, or raise Ways over the Marshes, which were afterwards made firm and passable, by vast quantities of Brush and Faggots, 
T●e Marshes repaired.  which the Soldiers had cut and laid: And that no time might be lost, whilst the Waters were abating, Orders were dispatched unto General Dunewalt, who was in Croatia with several Thousands of the Inhabitants of that Country, to secure the passage of those Boats, which were appointed to carry Provisions and Ammunition to the Army from Stiria. Dunewalt having observed these Orders, the Duke of Lorraine Detached a small Party to view and discover the face and posture of the Enemy; and to espy and take an account of what Troops lay in the way to oppose their Passage. This Party being returned with intelligence that the Way was clear and open; the Imperialists without any opposition posted themselves on a high Ground near Walpo, over-against Uttona; where the Duke of Lorraine in Person passed the River, to lay out the Ground, and open the Trenches for better Security to the Army in their Passage.  

Si●us Pas●a at Esseck.  In the mean time the Heyducks had the Fortune to take Six Turks near to Esseck, who declared upon Oath that the Grand Vizier was still at Peter-Waradin, and that Siaus, Pasha of Aleppo was come into Esseck with Two thousand men, where they had raised a Trench of about Two thousand Paces in length.  
Howsoever the Duke resolving to pass the Drove, Ferried over in Boats a considerable Number of Dragoons, and Germane Foot, to labour in digging the Trenches, which were intended to secure the Passage of the whole Army, which was a most immense Labour, and such (as we may say) had not been performed in many preceding Ages, for that Thirty thousand Faggots were not sufficient for settling the Marshes, which by reason of the abundant Rains were scarce passable; besides the raising of Five and twenty Bridges in divers places, 
A laborious Work.  all which was performed with unexpressible industry in the space of Four days; the Duke of Lorraine himself in person encouraging and lending a helpful hand unto the Work: Howsoever this Work was not done without some loss and damage in the Transportation of the Horse, Baggage, and Cannon.  
Some part of the Imperial Infantry having passed the Drove in Boats, and followed by the Croats of Dunewalt's Regiment; the Duke of Lorraine, in the next place, caused all the remaining Infantry to pass as fast, and in as full Bodies, as the Bridges would allow; so that they might be able to make a resistance against any Force, which they expected might be sent from Esseck to interrupt their Passage; but the Turks moved not, but remained still in their Trenches, all the time that the Army, Cannon, and Baggage were with Boats and Bridges Transporting from one side of the River unto the other: Before which was finished, they were forced to withdraw their main Bridge, 
Trees cut and thrown into the Stream by the Turks.  by reason of the fall of great Trees, which the Turks above about the parts of Kanisia had purposely Cut down, and Launched out into the Torrent; that being carried down with a mighty Rapid Stream, increased by an abundance of Rains, served very much to break and overthrow their Bridges: Howsoever in a short time the Bridge was repaired, and then the Thirteen Regiments of Horse, which were left to cover the Bridge, passed over to the rest of the Army.  
The Imperial Forces under the Duke of Lorraine being thus passed, General Caprara with his Horse was commanded to do the like at Uttona, which was performed the 12 th' of july; 
july.  and also the Elector of Bavaria passed his Forces on the 13 th', together with Nineteen Imperial Regiments near Siklos. Thus the whole Army being joined on the other side of the Drove, on the 15 th' the Generals Dined together, 
The Army passed the Drove.  and in the Afternoon made a short march towards Walpo, where the day following they Encamped near to the Castle, which was defended by a good Garrison. The same day General Heusler joined the Army, as did also Count Bargozzi with Two thousand Hungarians.  
The 17 th' very early in the Morning, the Quarter-Master-General was commanded to advance, as were also those who had the care of the Forage committed to them; and Heusler with a Party of Four hundred Croats was ordered to seek out, 
Marches forward.  and take a view of the Enemy's Camp; in his way unto which, he fell in with some Thousands of them, which he charged so bravely, that he obliged them to Retreat, and pursued them to a narrow Pass, where he thought fit to stop, fearing some Ambuscade, or private design to ensnare him: And having posted his Soldiers in good order, he intended to repose a while, and take a little Breath; and having called for a Glass of Wine, whilst he was drinking a Musquet-shot fired from a Neighbouring Wood, 
Heusler wounded.  passed his Left-Leg from one side to the other; and having grated a little on the Boan, it was thought that it might require some time to Cure; so he reposed that Night near Carazizza, 
july.  by which ran a small Stream, sending his Spies abroad to prevent surprisal.  
On the 18 th' the whole Army marched, and pitched that Night about Two English Miles distant from Esseck, where some Parties of the Turks being abroad, retired to their main Camp. The next Morning by Break of Day, the Duke of Lorraine commanded the whole Army to advance in order of Battle: And because the Ways were narrow, the Woods and Bushes thick, Commands were given to the Pioniers, and Labourers to cut down the Trees, 
The Army marches in Battalia.  and Underwoods, and so to open the Ways, that the Army might march in Two Lines; which was done with such expedition and industry, that the Troops marched in that admirable order, as evidenced the Conduct of one of the greatest Captains in the World; and in this manner they appeared in sight of the Enemy.  
The Grand Vizier with a Numerous Army and a well-ordered Camp, lodged under Esseck, fortified with a deep and regular Trench, and guarded with a good number of Cannon, in an open Plain, about a Musquet-shot from a Wood 
The Viziers strongly encamped.  The Christians were much surprised to find the Turks thus regularly Encamped, which was an Art unknown to them till now; being therein instructed by some French engineers, and Captains, with Soldiers of the same Nation, under the Command of the Marquis of Persan, a person well esteemed by the Grand Signior, 
Are assisted by the French.  and in favour with the Vizier: For now it was, that the French Nation began not only to enter into an interest and confidence with the Turks, by the assistance they gave them of Officers and Enginiers; but farther obliged the whole City of Constantinople, with Provisions of Rice and Wheat brought from Alexandria on 14 Sail of French Ships, when the City was labouring under great want, and Famine almost of all necessaries for Life.  
The Christian Army being now come in sight of the Turkish Camp; it was expected that the Grand Vizier would have marched out, and given them Battle, which ●he Christian Generals bravely offered, 
The Turk● keep within their Camp.  and the Soldiers desired with a Courage answerable to their former Successes: But the Turks finding it their advantage to remain within their Trenches, made use of their Cannon against the Imperial Camp; which lying open, and undefended without Works or Trenches, did great execution both against the Horse and Men; and amongst other Officers Count Francis Palfy, who was Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment, which belonged to the General of that name, was shot in the Head by a Cannon Bullet. During the time that the Armies lay in this posture several Skirmishes happened with various Successes; and particularly one proved not very fortunate to a party of Croats, who being on Foot, and ill armed, were unskilfully engaged, and too far advanced by the rashness of their Commanders; and they firing all their Muskets at one volley, 
Some Croat● cut off.  were left open to the Enemy; and not being seconded by other Troops, above one half of them were killed upon the place, the rest retiring to the main Body. In this manner did the Turks make frequent Sallies on the Christian Camp, endeavouring to draw them into Ambuscades, but not to an equal and fair Battle, which the Vizier was not willing to adventure, but rather to watch advantages within his Camp, which was strongly fortified with Trenches, 
The manner of the Turkish Camp.  Palisadoes and Cannon, having a Line drawn from the River Drove to a Wood, which with a Morass, and the River Valkowar to the left, Flanked with the Town of Oseck, and covered behind with the Castle Valkovar, and the Danube, by which all Provisons were carried in great abundance; which rendered the Camp impregnable, and not to be focred either by Arms or Famine: Whilst it was impossible for the Christian Army to continue long in that posture, both because they lay exposed to One hundred and fifty Pieces of Cannon of the Turks, 
Reasons for a Retreat.  which played continuallyupon them, though returned with like Damage again from those of the Christians: And also, because they began in that place to want both Forage and Provisions, so that there seemed a necessity for the Army to retire.  
Whereupon the Duke of Lorraine observing that after he had for the space of 46 hours bid defiance to the Turkish Army, and that he could on no Terms provoke them to a Battle: He assembled a Council of War, where many things being alleged, in reference to the strong Encampment of the Turks, 
Agreed at the Christian Camp.  their Resolution of keeping within their Trenches, which were not to be forced without danger of losing the whole Christian Army; and the want of Forage and Provisions in their own Camp, which were not to be supplied in those places; it was resolved to make a Retreat, and repass the Drove.  
Such an Action as this was now become difficult, and the Army not to be secured, but by the skill and bravery of such Generals: For the Turks observing the Retreat of their Enemies, and believing it to be a kind of Flight, either out of weakness in Strength, or want of Courage, made many Assaults and Attacks on the Rear, which the Generals with such admirable Art, Martial conduct, and Discipline defended, that in all the attempts they made, they were repulsed: Five Regiments under the Command of Piccolomini were commanded to March before to Siklos; 
Conduct in the Retreat  and the rest of the Army towards Walpo, drawn into two Lines, often facing the Turks to the Van, to the Rear, and on each side; in such manner, that it was almost impossible to break in upon them. The Turks, 
Against the A●tacks of the Turks.  who had not for some years seen the backs of their Enemies, and seldom a Retreat made by them, full of vain Glory, and hopes of gaining a Victory pressed very hard on the Rear, which being defended by the Valour, and excellent Conduct of that magnanimous, and generous Prince the Elector of Bavaria, with the assistance of Prince Lewis of Baden, whose Arms and Conduct were dreaded by the Turks. There was little, or no advantage obtained that day by the Enemy, the camp being that night pitched near Walpo.  
The day following they proceeded in their March without any considerable opposition from the Enemy, and encamped near the Drove, between Walpo and Ussona; only the Foragers thinking semselves so secure were attacked by the Enemy with the loss of many Men and Horse. The Elector of Bavaria having that day the command of his own Wing which was the Vanguard, caused almost all his Baggage to pass the Drove, which much disappointed the design of the Enemy: And the Duke of Lorraine gave order, that all the Baggage, as well that belonging to the Soldiers, as to the Commanders, which could be transported that night, should be passed over: And the next day the Cavalry of the right Wing, 
The manner how the Christians repassed the Drove.  after them the left Wing, than the Baggage of the Infantry; and the day following all the Infantry itself were passed over; all which being performed with most admirable order and conduct, the Bridges were broken, and the Boats burnt and sunk. As the Christian Leaders showed themselves great and valiant Captains; so the Turks gave no less proofs of their Cowardice, who might have made use of this advantage to the total destruction of the Christian Army, had not the Divine Hand preserved them for more signal Victories, 
The joy which the Turks make for this Success.  and for the more severe punishment of the Turks; howsoever the Grand Vizier fancying this Retreat to be an entire Victory, dispatched Curriers with the News thereof to Constantinople, and to all parts of the Empire, glorying that he had now recovered the lost Honour of the Ottoman power, not doubting but in a short time to regain Buda, and all the conquered places, and to restore peace, and quietness once more with Honour to the Musselmin Dominions. This Opinion was celebrated in the Turkish Camp with Joy and Triumph, and at the Port, and remote parts of the Empire with divers days of Festival, all believing that the side of Fortune was now turned under the auspicious Conduct of this Vizier, from whom great things, and almost Miracles were expected: In pursuance of this fancy and belief, so soon as the Imperialists had withdrawn from Esseck, the Turks detached a Body of Four thousand Horse towards Darda, with Orders to proceed thence to Mohatz, where they designed, if possible to burn all the Boats laden with Ammunition and Provision belonging to the Christian Army: 
Parties sent by the Turks to Darda.  But this design was prevented by the March of Piccolomini, with some Regiments of Hussars and Croats, and of Count Cohari, who with Two thousand Hungarians was commanded to pass that way, 
july.  and thence to proceed to join with the Marquis Doria, and reinforce him in the Blocade of Agria: Howsoever, the expedition of the Four thousand Turkish Horse was not altogether unsuccessful for it was their fortune to meet with One hundred and fifty Wagons belonging to the Bavarian Troops, under the Convoy only of Five hundred Croats, commanded by that brave Soldier Count Orlick; who notwithstanding the inequality of numbers, sustained the Shock, and at last orderly retreated by the help of a Morass, with the loss of One hundred Men, which the Turks at their return to the Camp, reported for a signal Victory.  
The main Body of the Christian Army continuing their March, on the 28 th' pitched their Camp, about a League distant from Mohatz, before which place all the Boats laden with Ammunition and Provisions for sustenance of the Army were then Riding in the River; and here it was that Five thousand Foot, and One thousand Horse from the Circles of Suabia, 
The Christian Army reinforced.  and Franconia joined with the Army under the command of the Marquis Charles Gustavus of Baden Durlach; all choice and select Men, veterane Soldiers, and so well armed and clothed, that in their March towards the Camp, the Emperor took delight to see them pass through the Streets of Vienna: With these came also Count Rabata, Commissary General, bringing Money with him for the Subsistence and Payment of the Army; in which Office he so well acquitted himself for three or four years past, that much of the health, and convenient subsistence of the Army, may well be attributed to his Industry and Mannagment, by which all things were provided in such plenty, that there was little need of sending Foragers abroad with hazard and danger, for relief of the Camp. And indeed by the Successes of this year, it plainly appeared how great a Service such good Managment was; 
Loss by the Foragers.  for want of which the Imperialists had not of late suffered in any thing a greater loss t●●n in their Foragers, who wandering abroad without care, or due circumspection, were often surprised by the Enemy with the loss of their Horses, and many of their Lives.  
The Grand Vizier finding that the Christian Army had repassed the Drove, did believe that they would not sit idle, but undertake some Enterprise or other, either by the Siege of Sigher, or some other place of importance; to prevent which by giving encouragement to the several Garrisons, the Vizier dispatched Expresses to all parts, to let them know that in case of a Siege, they should manfully resist, assuring them that in a short time, he would bring them Relief, and such Succour as they should desire.  
On the other side the Duke of Lorraine seriously considering what Course the Enemy might in probability follow, and effect; he imagined, that their Design might be by a strong Convoy of Horse to Relieve Agria with Provisions; of which (as we have said) there had been a long want; 
Means to intercept relief of Agria.  and such a scarcity as might reasonably be termed a Famine: To intercept this Relief Count Ziacchi with Two thousand Hungarians, and Count Veterani with five Regiments of Horse, were commanded to pass the Danube, and draw towards Agria. It was resolved also to fortify Mohatz, and put a Garrison into it of Four thousand Men; but upon News brought to the Generals, that the Turks one the 29 th' of july had begun to pass the Drove near Esseck, all the Councils and Measures were changed; 
A Field Battle designed.  the Detachments, were recalled back to the main Body, the Bridges broken, the Boats laden with Provisions ordered to a certain Island, there to remain for better security; and in fine all things were disposed for a Field Battle, which the Christian Soldiers had long desired, and to see their Enemy in the open Plain, rather than fortified in the Trenches of a Camp, or within the Walls of a City.  
The Turks having passed the River, advanced towards Darda, and entrenched themselves very strongly between certain Morasses, or Marshes in that Country near Baranwar, about a League from the Imperial Camp, where they much troubled and infested the Foragers belonging to the Christian Army.  
The Duke of Lorraine being very desirous to entice the Turks to a Battle, retreated towards Mohatz, 
August. 1687.  which the Vizier interpreting as a kind of Flight, caused many Thousands of Turks and Tartars to advance; which being discovered by the Germane Outguards gave an Alarm to the whole Army, and put them all into form of Battle; but nothing thereupon happened, but only a Skirmish between the Christian Volontiers and the advanced Body, 
A Skirmish.  the first of which being supported by some Regiments of Horse, that party of the Enemy was forced to Retire, and pass the Bridge.  
About this time, Ferdinand Charles, the third Duke of Mantova, 
The Duke of Mantova at the Camp.  being desirous to see, and learn the Art of War managed by the first and bravest Captains of the World, left the Air, and pleasant Places and Gardens of Italy, to observe the Martial exploits acted in the more gross Air of Hungary; and being attended with an Equipage agreeable, he entered the Christian Camp about the beginning of the Month of August, where he was received by the Duke of Lorraine, the Elector of Bavaria, and the other Generals with all the marks and demonstrations of Respect, and Honour due to a Prince of such Sublime Birth and Dignity.  
As the Christian Army retreated, the Turks advanced, supposing that the Retreat was an assured evidence of their weakness. The Duke of Lorraine was amazed, and glad to observe this confidence in the Turk, whom he had for a long time endeavoured to allure, and decoy into a Battle; of which there was a kind of a necessity at present, 
A necessity to Fight.  for the gross Air of that Season became very pernicious to Bodies not accustomed to that Climate, so that the Army began to grow Sickly, and wanting Forage which was necessary to be supplied, it was procured with a daily loss of Men taken, or killed by the Enemy, by which an Army worthy of higher Enterprises was in danger of being destroyed without Fight or Action. It was therefore concluded necessary to Fight, of which there appeared great hopes from the forwardness of the Enemy, who animated with the March of the Christian Army, pursued after them. The Duke of Lorain intending to draw the Enemy after him, carried away all the Provisions in Boats up the Stream to Sertio, and set Fire to the Town of Mohatz, destroying all the subsistence round the Country; and intending to do the like by Siklos and Quinque Ecclesiae, Letters were dispatched by a certain Captain to the Governors of those places to convey away all the Provision, and Ammunition they were able from those parts, and afterward to consume the Towns, and remaining Goods with Fire: But by the Providence and direction of God Almighty, it so happened, that this Captain being taken, and his Letters intercepted; he was brought to be examined before the Grand Vizier, and his Papers being read and considered at a Council of War called for that purpose; It was unanimously concluded, that this Resolution to burn those Towns was a certain evidence of the weakness of the Christian Army; and therefore that not to omit, 
The Turks resolve to Fight.  and pass by so favourable an opportunity of gaining an entire Victory, it was resolved to come to a Battle with the Christians; and to that end the whole Turkish Army marched towards Siklos, and pitched in an open Country not far distant from the Town through which the Imperial Army was of necessity to pass, and there they opened some new Trenches, and raised Works of some considerable defence.  
After that Mohatz was burnt; the Imperialists in order of Battle took their March towards Siklos, not without some loss sustained by the Foragers, who wandered at too far a distance, without due caution, or regard had to the near encampment of the Enemy: The Imperialists likewise continued their March. The day following Count Stirum advanced before with his Guards, and Scouts, as did all the Quarter-masters and Foragers, between whom and some Troops of Tartars a furious Skirmish happened within Trees and Boscage, which continued a long time with mutual loss on both sides, which fell most severely on the Regiment of Lodron. The Duke of Lorraine finding himself to draw near to the Enemy, caused the right Wing, commanded by himself, to make a Halt under the Mount of Arschan, and the left Wing commanded by the Elector of Bavaria to make a stand on a rising Ground near Baraniovar, not more than an hour's March from the Enemy, where Six thousand of the Enemy's Horse made an attack on some of the Imperial Troops, 
Several Skirmishes.  as others of them did on the Rearguard commanded by the Elector of Bavaria, which Skirmishes took up some hours time: The same day the Prince of Comercy with Twelve hundred Horse, was commanded out to cover the Foragers; but he was not far advanced before he returned with advice, that the Enemy with the gross of their Army both of Horse and Foot had raised their Camp, and had posted themselves in a nearer and more advantageous place: This News was confirmed by a Grecian youth of Retimo taken Captive by the Turks in Candia, 
August.  who having made his escape reported, That the Turkish Army consisted of Eighty thousand fight Men, 
The Turkish Army appears.  of which there were Twenty five thousand janissaries, and with the Attendants and Servants, they might make up in all the Number of One hundred and twenty thousand persons: And accordingly that Evening, three Encampments appeared, consisting of three very great Bodies.  
The next day being the 12 th' of August, the Duke of Lorain having disposed his Affairs in a Military posture, against all accidents and contingences from the Enemy whatsoever, began his March towards Siklos with the right Wing, being then about an hours March distant from Siklos. Scarce had he opened the Plain, when the Elector of Bavaria with his left Wing was attacked by Eight thousand of the Enemy's Horse, sustained by Six thousand janissaries, 
A Battle began at Harscham.  who had the night before entrenched themselves on the side of a Hill, from whence they fired many Volleys of Shot on the three Regiments of Cavalry, viz. Arco, Magni and Soyer.  
Prince Lewis of Baden having observed, that there was a very advantageous place on the side of the Hill near to the janissaries, which, if possessed, might very much annoy the Turks; immediately advertised the Dukes of Lorraine and Bavaria thereof, who having in the first place reinforced the Rear-guards with four Regiments under the conduct of Piccolomini, gave it in charge to Prince Lewis, to take the Post he had denoted on the side of the Hill; which accordingly he performed with admirable Success; for the janissaries having fired three Volleys, and the Spahees having furiously charged the Rearguard as often; the Elector encouraging his Men settled them firm and steady against the frequent and forcible Shocks and Charges of the Enemy; who not being able to endure the Fire, and the unshaken order of the Christians, betook themselves to a disorderly and precipitate Flight, in which the Turkish Horse broke in upon their Foot, and trampling down the janissaries under foot, drove them back into their Trenches, 
The Turks routed.  into which entering at the same time with the Enemy, they put the whole Army to the Rout, and to a shameful Flight, leaving their Camp, Tents and all their Baggage for a Prey to the Christians.  
On this memorable day, which is to be celebrated to all Posterity, the two Dukes, who were Generals, signalised themselves by their admirable Conduct, and undaunted Bravery, to all the World. 
The valour of the Christian Commanders.  Prince Lewis of Baden in like manner, with his Sword in his Hand, applying himself at all places to direct, and encourage the Soldiery by his Presence and Voice, demonstrated and evidenced himself to be a great Captain and Champion; in imitation of whom, and of all other the Commanders, the inferior Officers and Soldiers gave marks to the World of their bravery and zeal in the Successes of that glorious day.  
The Prince Eugenie of Savoy was the first, who with the Regiments of his Brigade entered the Trenches of the Enemy; 
The Prince of Savoy carries the News of Victory. His bravery.  and for that reason had the honour to be the first Messenger of this happy News unto the Emperor. Count Sinzerdorf, a Cavalier of great Courage, and Hope, adventuring his Person amidst the thickest of his Enemies, had Two Horses killed under him that day, and Two wounded, together with his Page, who fought on his Lefthand; and by a great Shot had his Leg broke: Howsoever he pursued the Enemy beyond their Trenches for the space of an hour, as did the rest of the Army, until the Close of the Evening, when it was thought fit to desist from the pursuit, and return to the Camp, that they might give Refreshment both to Man, and Horse, who had for two days greatly suffered for want both of Victuals, and Forage. The Prince of Commercy, who Commanded the Troops of Volontiers, deserved also his due Praise, being one of the most forward to attack the Enemy, of which he gave undeniable Proofs, the Sergeant Major of his Regiment, and One hundred and Sixty of his Soldiers being slain at the beginning of the Battle. The whole Number killed and wounded on the Christian side, were not much above One thousand, 
The Numbers killed and wounded.  Three Captains, Twelve subaltern Officers, and Four Trumpeters; which indeed was very strange, and almost miraculous, if we consider the great loss which the Turks sustained; for there were Eight thousand janissaries with their Aga, or General, killed on the place, all choice and select Soldiers, Two thousand were made Prisoners, and about Three thousand Drowned, and the whole Army scattered and dispersed in the Woods, Marshes, and Bogs of that Country.  
Strange and wonderful indeed was the Success of this day, and ought wholly to be ascribed to the Almighty Hand of the God of Hosts: For the Turkish Army was much more numerous than the Christian, consisting in all of One hundred and twenty thousand, of which Eighty thousand were Fight men, encouraged by late Successes, and grown proud, and confident of their Strength, by the Retreat which the Christians made. But what is still more strange, is that this formidable Army was Defeated, and put to Flight by Ten thousand men only of the Left-wing of the Rearguard, Commanded by the Elector of Bavaria; for the Right-wing under the Duke of Lorraine, and Led by Count Caprara, had not time to come up, before the Turks were put to a Rout, and a Hasty Flight, which had they delayed and stood until the other Forces had come up, it might, in all probability, have proved so bloody a loss to the Turks, as could never more have been recovered, and which might have proved the total Ruin and Downfall of the Ottoman Empire.  
Thus since it was the Fortune of the Elector of Bavaria to Fight that day with Victorious Success, 
The Vizier's Tent allotted to the Elector of Bavaria.  the Magnificent Tent of the Grand Vizier, like opima spolia, were by Lot the just Reward of his Labour, and Valou. It is said, That that Tent was the most sumptuous and rich of any, that had, during this whole War, been brought by any preceding General into the Field; therein was taken all the Cash, or Ready-Money brought for the Use of the Army, all the Books and Accounts belonging to the Militia, the Horse-tails or Tugh carried before the Vizier; besides Fifty thousand Crowns, 
The spoil taken.  which some principal Officers, as is said, appropriated to their own Use.  
Besides this stately Tent, there were great Numbers of other Tents taken, in which the Turks show most of their Grandeur, making more Ostentation by their Tents, in the Camp, than they do by their Houses, and Edifices in the City. Moreover there were taken Sixty seven Pieces of Canon, Four of which were of an extraordinary bigness; of Powder there was a Thousand Kintals, of March Four hundred, about Eight thousand Cannon-Bullets, Three thousand Bombs and Carcases, Ten thousand Granades, Arms of all sorts in great Numbers, Two thousand Oxen, Five hundred Horse, Mules, Asses, and Camels about Two hundred, Buffoloes' Four hundred, which were appointed and fitted to the Yoke, for drawing Carriages, and Cannon; Sheep, and other Cattle innumerable.  
Besides all this, there were found great quantities of Coffee, Chocolate, Sugar, Sherbet, and Honey, with Carpets, and Beds of Wool, and Cotton: Also Oats, Rice, Barley, Flower, Oil, Bread, and Salt; in short, all things necessary and convenient for Man and Beast; with which the Christian Soldiers refreshed themselves after a long Battle, tedious and tiresome Marches, in great Want, and Scarcity of all Necessaries for Support and sustenance of an Army. After which great and signal Victory, 
August. 1687.  Te Deum was on the 13 th' of August Sung in the Tent of the Grand Vizier; and Triumphs made by exposing the Horse-tails, 
Te Deum Sung in the Vizier's Tent.  and great Numbers of Banners and Ensigns before the Door of the Tent, with Volleys of small Shot, and Discharge of Four hundred Pieces of Cannon, giving Thanks to God for this so remarkable a Success, which was the more observable, because this Victory was obtained in that very Ground, where Lodowick, the last of the Hungarian Kings was Slain, and his Army Routed by Sultan Soliman the Magnificent, who in Memory thereof, caused a Mosch of Wood to be Erected, and Endowed it with Eight hundred Crowns Yearly Rend, that Dervishes, who are a sort of Turkish Friars, might solemnize their daily Devotions and Prayers in that place.  
The Turkish Army being thus totally Routed, and Dispersed, some in the Woods, and others in the Marshes, where many of them died of their Wounds, or fainted for want of Food, or Refreshments; others of them, or as many, as could, Travelling a Day and a Night, came at length faint and weary to lodge themselves under the Walls and Cannon of Esseck, without Provision to comfort them, or Tents to cover them; where being sad and disconsolate, had the Mortification to hear the Triumphs which the Christians were making in their Camp for their Victorious Successes.  
This News affected the Inhabitants of Agria to the last extremity of Despair: They had lived for a long time in hope of Relief; 
Agria surrenders.  and feeding on that, and on Horseflesh, and Dogs, and Herbs growing under the Walls, and by making sometimes Excursions near hand to gain a little sustenance; but now by this last blow being put beyond all hopes, the People had thoughts privately to abandon the Town, and fly to other Quarters; but the Town being closely blocked up by Marquis Doria, was forced soon afterwards to surrender at discretion, without any farther Effusion of Blood.  
The Suceess of this Battle, near Harscham, happened very seasonable to the Christian Cause, and of great Comfort and Joy to the Court of Vienna, where they had lately received no very good News in reference to the State of their Army, which, as Reported, was very much weakened by late Skirmishes, 
Fears at Vienna.  Sicknesses, and want of Provisions, and much harassed by long Marches, bad Wether, and dirty deep Ways: Of which the Enemy being sensible, was grown bold and daring, and often pressed them to a Battle: The Emperor being informed hereof, was very doubtful and anxious for the Success; and Prayers, Supplications and Penance were ordered to be made in all Churches to implore the Divine Assistance and Blessing; when the Prince Eugene of Savoy arrived at Vienna with the News of the Battle, and the Particulars of the Victory, which filled all the Court and City with Joy and Triumph: To render which the more complete and full, 
joy at the News of Victory.  Advices were come the Night before from the Senate of Venice, to give an Account to his Imperial Majesty of the Defeat which the Arms of St. Mark had given the Turks in the Morea; which had produced such a Terror and Consternation amongst them, that in little more than Four and twenty Hours time, Four places had surrendered to the Venetians. With these happy Advices, Expresses being dispatched to all Courts of Christian Princes, were the Cause and Subject of common Joy and Jubilee, in the Courts of all, the most Christian Kings only excepted.  
The Grand Vizier with his scattered Troops rallied near Esseck; where taking an account of the Numbers lost, he found his Army diminished about Twenty thousand men; for besides those which were killed, taken, and drowned, many had deserted, and withdrawn from the Field. The Face of the whole Camp was sad and disconsolate; and though the Vizier did all he could to comfort and cheer them; yet they being not only melancholy, but angry, and ashamed of their dishonourable Flight, began to blame and cast the fault on each other. The janissaries with good reason upbraided the Spahees, 
Dissensions amongst the Turkish Militia.  as the Authors of their Rout; for that they cowardly retiring, broke in upon their Ranks, and put them into disorder; which the Enemy observing, pressed so hard upon them, that they were forced to give way, and with them the whole Army was laid open, and exposed to the Enemy. The Dispute grew so hot between the Two Ranks, and Orders of Soldiers, who were always emulous of each other, that at length they came to Blows, and to a Civil War, in which about Seven hundred were killed upon the place.  
The Grand Vizier, and Officers had no sooner with much pain and labour parted the Fray, but the tumultuous Soldiery joined together to accuse the Vizier himself, and to cry out, that the loss of the day was to be charged on him, and the Myrmidons about him, who were the most forward to show an Example to the Soldiery of a base and fearful Flight; the which Clamour caused such a Mutiny in the Camp, as had put the Life of the Vizier, and many great Officers into extreme danger, 
Appeased with Mony.  had not the Vizier with Money and fair words mollified their Anger. But this accommodation continued not long, before the Grand Vizier was forced to give way to the irresistible fury and sedition of the Soldiery, as we shall presently have occasion to declare.  
In the mean time the Duke of Lorraine, not to lose the benefit and advantage of so glorious a Victory, designed a farther Conquest, and to conclude the Campaigne, with some other memorable Enterprise. It was the common Talk at Vienna amongst the Courtiers, at the Emperor's Palaces, and amongst the Religious men in their Convents and Monasteries; that the Duke of Lorraine was to prosecute his Victory without delay as far as Belgrade, and thence to pass to Adrianople, and make that City his Head Quarters for this Winter; but these men, who had reposed themselves quietly at home, had not the Thoughts, nor Consideration of the great Generals, to know the Sufferings and Hardship which the Cavalry had sustained this Summer in passing Bogs and Marshes, by want of Forage, and long Marches; nor the difficulty of passing the River of Drove, defended by the strong Fortress of Esseck, nor the Season of the Year too far spent to undertake any great Enterprise: All which being considered by the Two Great Captains, the Duke of Lorraine, and the Elector of Bavaria; they resolved only to send a detachment of Ten thousand men, under Command of General Dunewalt, 
Forces sent under Dunewalt.  to pass the Drove at Turanovitz, and there to undertake such designs, as should be thought most facile and feasible, without overmuch hazard to be put in Execution.  
Dunewalt accordingly began his March on the 17 th' towards Siklos, where he was furnished with 18 Pieces of heavy Cannon, and Four Mortars taken lately from the Enemy, of which he was to make use in case of a Siege, or other occasion; and was there reinforced with a considerable Body of Croats, under Command of their Bano. The Duke of Lorraine in the mean time took his march with the remainder of his Army towards Mohatz, with design to pass the Danube, and on that side to refresh his Army, and allot out to them Quarters for the Winter in Transilvania, Moldavia, and Valachia, obliging those Hospodars, or Princes to yield Obedience to his Imperial Majesty, and pay Contributions, by which means not only the Hereditary Countries of the Emperor, but the wasted and consumed Provinces of Hungary would be eased, and relieved of their long burdens and distresses. Some Leagues above Mohatz, 
The Duke of Lorraine passes the Danube.  the Duke of Lorraine passed the Danube with all his Baggage, and Train of Artillery, at a place, where he had the advantage of an Island in the midst of the River, to lay more easily their Bridges. The Army having passed the Water with all their Artillery and Baggage, it was expected by some, and so made the common Discourse, that a farther Enterprise would be undertaken, and that the Army would march towards Peter-Waradin, and thence proceed to the Siege of Esseck; but this design after mature consultation, appeared too difficult in this present Season: For that great Floods of Rain had fallen, and so filled the Rivers that the Waters could not be contained within their Channel, but overflowed all the Fields and Meadows bordering on the River; and afterwards when the Water abated, they had yet covered the Grounds with so much Mire and Sand, that it was impossible to march near to the Brink of the River, so as to have the benefit or use of their Boats for Carriage of their Forage and Provisions: Wherefore it was resolved to Lade the Provisions and Baggage on Carts, 
Provisions laden on Carts.  and take their march with the whole Army towards Segedin: The Boats being emptied and discharged, were all burnt, as needless and cumbersome; and the greater Barges on which the Cannon and Ammunition were laden, were drawn up the River by Horses and Oxen, attended with a Convoy of three Regiments of Horse and Dragoons: And in this manner Lorraine took his March towards the Tibiscus; but the Elector of Bavaria judging that the Campaign was so far spent, that no great Enterprise was more to be achieved, having committed his Troops to the care and conduct of the Duke of Lorraine, he together with Prince Lewis of Baden took his way towards the City of Vienna.  
But this March proved much more difficult than was imagined or expected; for the Ways and Fields by the continual Rains were so deep and rotten, and full of Water, that the Army instead of being relieved, 
The difficulty of marching.  and eased of their late Fatigues and Suffering, seemed to be engaged and engolfed in greater; for their March was in Mire and Dirt to the Leg, the Wether very Raw and Cold, without Wood or other Fuel to dry and warm them at the end of their day's March; and without any other Sustenance, than dry Biscuit softened with bad Water, such as was found in the Ditches and the Ways; so that it was not strange that the Army should grow Sickly, and weakened with so many and so long sufferings. Some Troops of the Turks, who had fled to Peter Waradin having notice hereof, ordered a Detachment of some Forces belonging to Tekeli, joined to a strong party of Turks and Tartars, 
Sickly and infirm▪ attacked by the Turks.  to fall in upon the Rear of the Imperialists, which oftentimes happened to the great loss and hurt of the sickly and infirm, who were miserably cut to pieces, and slain by the Enemy. Nor was the Cavalry in a much better Condition, for travelling over Marshes and Wet-grounds, their Horses died for want of Forage.  
The Duke of Lorraine with his principal Commanders considering hereof, ordered that all Officers having Carts should apply them to the use of the sickly and weak Infantry; 
The Foot carried in Carts.  and to give a good Example herein to others, he was the first to proffer his own Wagons, which all other Officers observing, generously afforded their Carriages to the use of the Foot, by which the Army was wonderfully relieved, and after many hardships were brought near to the Quarters of Segedin, where the Air and Waters being more wholesome, 
The Sick recover at Segedin.  and the Forage and Provisions more plentiful, the Sick began to recover, and after some few days of rest and refreshment, the whole Army was in a great measure restored to perfect Health and strong Condition: After which they marched to Zolnock, where they found plenty of all Provisions and Forage, 
And Zolnock.  provided and gathered by the abundant care, and industry of Count Caraffa chief Governor of the upper Hungary: And thence they marched to Debrezin, from whence the Duke of Lorraine detached the Regiment of Cuirassiers commanded by Count Palfi, with the Regiment of Foot belonging to Count Staremberg, with Orders to march unto Possonium or Presburg, there to assist at the Coronation of the Archduke joseph, Son of the Emperor, then created King of the Romans.  
But to return now to the Turkish Camp, where we may believe, that after so fatal a Rout there was great Confusion: The Grand Vizier retired from Esseck to Peter Waradin, where he intended to muster up his Forces, and to recount his loss, and make the best stand he could against the farther Progress of the Christian Arms; 
Sedition in the Turkish Camp.  but the Turkish Troops instead of yielding obedience to their Commanders, publicly arose against the Vizier, boldly demanding of him five Months pay, and the surrender of Mahomet's Colours or Standard: Upon which Insolence the Grand Vizier fled to Belgrade, sending before him Fourteen Mules laden with Money; at which the Militia being more enraged, proposed to Elect Osman Pasha, Ogli or Sciaus Pasha for their Leader: For with both these the Vizier had a Quarrel before the Battle, and after it upon his Complaints made against them to the Grand Signior, for not having done their Duty in the Fight, had obtained a Hastesheriff, or a Royal command to Strangle or Banish them, as he judged most for Service of the Sultan; but Soliman the Vizier being averse to Blood, laid the Command by him, without Execution of it, which coming to the knowledge of these two turbulent Men, they raised the Militia against him; who offered to acknowledge Osman Pasha for their General, provided he would undertake to kill the Vizier; which Enterprise he readily accepted, and entered the Vizier's Tents, where he killed several of his Servants and Pages; as he did also the Vizier's Kahya or Deputy, 
Sciaus Pasha made General.  who sent to appease the Mutiny; but the Vizier himself escaped in a Boat down the Danube, accompanied with the Testerdar or Lord Treasurer, and Reis Effendi or Secretary of State, upon notice of which the Soldiery elected Sciaus Pasha for their General, laying Osman Pasha aside, notwithstanding his late Service, having been a Rebel and Robber in Asia.  
Thus the Sedition being begun, a great Revolution followed in the Empire; which was not so much caused by the defeat of the Turkish Army, as by the natural Temper of the Vizier, and the Poverty of the Treasury which could not furnish Money sufficient for payment of the Soldiery. For though Solyman was a Man of dexterity in Negotiations, and well qualified for a Court; 
A Character of the Vizier.  yet being of a mild Nature was not so proper to command a Camp, wanting that Vigour, and Martial Spirit which should make him severe, so as to be feared and respected: Besides, having little experience in War, and of an open and free Humour, lent his Ear to every Adviser, so that amongst diversity of Opinions he became confused and unresolved, and instead of governing was governed, and sometimes made to act against his own Judgement. 'tis true, the Vizier had by his care and industry gathered a powerful Army and good Troops for this Campaign; for he had summoned all the Otoracks, or Soldiers who had formerly been freed and exempted from the War, and had long lived at ease, and wi●h convenience at their own Houses, to return again to the Camp, and to the severities of Martial Discipline; many of which had been Spectators or Actors in the Munities, during the Minority of Sultan Mahomet, and wanting now pay, and their accustomed ease, were soon incited to Sedition on the first occasion, which now happened upon these Misfortunes, and the Flight of the Vizier.  
The Sedition being thus begun, we will leave the Mutineers for a while and return to the Exploits of General Dunewalt, and then relate at large the great Revolution which after this ensued at the Port. Dunewalt had continued his March for several days from Siklos, and at length without any considerable Encounter, he came to Turnovitz, where he laid a Bridge and passed the Drove; and being there relieved with Provisions, he proceeded to the attack of Wuching, a Castle well fortified, and the Garrison lately reinforced with a Thousand Tartars: and though the Ways were deep and bad, and the Wether rainy and wet, yet nothing was impossible for a victorious Army, which marched along the side of some Hills, where the Ways were more hard and dry. Count Lodron with his Regiment, and Count Budianis with some hundreds of Hussars, and a Sergeant Major with Two hundred Dragoons, were commanded to advance before to Invest Wuchin, and to hinder all Succours which might be sent for its Relief, until the Mortars and Cannon, and the rest of the Army could come up. At length the Bombs, and Train of Artillery being with much labour and difficulty arrived; Batteries were raised, and the place summoned to Surrender; to which at first a haughty and an obstinate Answer was returned, but the Cannon being mounted and fired, in the space of one day had made such a Breach, that the Turks considering the Resolution of the Christians, and the imposibility of being relieved, displayed a white Flag, and desired to Capitulate. At first they demanded liberty to March out like Soldiers with Arms and Baggage, 
Wuch●n taken by Dunewalt.  but that being denied them, with all other Conditions, excepting only to yield at Discretion, they were forced to submit to the Will of the Conqueror, and lose their Freedom and Estates, to save their Lives. In the Garrison were about Three hundred Soldiers, besides more than One hundred Women and Children: The principal Prisoners of note, were shared amongst the Generals, and chief Officers of Horse, and the others equally divided amongst the Regiments of Foot.  
After taking this Castle, which is Situate on a Rock, and in a pleasant and plentiful Country, abounding with Trees and Fruit, and well planted with Vine-yards; and after refreshment given to the Army for some few days, it was resolved to March to Walpo, and there to remain in expectation of farther Orders from the Imperial Court: During which time certain Advice was brought, 
Sept. 1687.  that the Grand Vizier with all his Army and Equipage, was retired from Esseck to Peter Waradin, and thence to Belgrade, with intention totally to abandon the Fortress of Esseck. Upon this News Dunewalt having refreshed his Army near Walpo for some days, 
Hoskirchen with a party make an Excursion as far as Es●eck.  after a tedious March through a wasted and desolate Country full of Boggs and Marshes, he ordered a party of Five hundred Horse, under command of Count Hofkirchen, Lieutenant Colonel of that Regiment, to make an Excursion as far as Esseck, and learn the State of that Garrison, and the Forces of the Enemy thereabouts. Hofkirchen had been out two days, without any Discovery, or giving advice of any thing to the General, whom he found encamped under Walpo, a place defended by Five hundred Turks, who at first Summons seem-very resolute to defend themselves, or at least, not to yield until they had first heard that Esseck had submitted. Hereupon Batteries were mounted, 
Walpo Invested.  which with frequent firing at the Castle gave an Alarm to the Country round about; but whilst these Matters were in agitation, intelligence was brought to the Camp by a Country Fellow, that whilst Hofkirchen remained in the Woods to make Discovery of the Enemy's Motion, the Garrison taking it to be the Vanguard of the Army, were struck with such a fear, that they immediately resolved to abandon the place; and having laden the best of their Movables and Goods on Boats, the Garrison and all the Inhabitants forsook the place, and fled to Peter Waradin.  
General Dunewalt taking this Relation from the Countryman to be true, commanded the three Regiments of Lodron, Count Kisel and Hofkirchen to March unto Esseck, and take possession of the place, in case it were abandoned, as before reported. Accordingly these Forces being come near Esseck; the day following they were met by a Turk, and a Renegado Croat, who, having made humble instances for their Lives, which were granted them; they confirmed the intelligence of the Turks having abandoned Esseck, to be true, and likewise informed them, that the Turks before they left the place, had form five Mines under the Walls, which they would discover to them; and accordingly Lodron having appointed Thirty of his Men with some Rascians to uncharge the Mines, he marched with his whole Body and took possession of that considerable and important place of Esseck without any opposition, before which (as we have related) two greatArmies lately lay encamped. 
Esseck abandoned by the Turks.  With this advice Count Lodron immediately dispatched an Express to Dunewalt, giving him an account that he had taken possession of Esseck, and had found therein Fifty five Pieces of Cannon, two Mortar Pieces, two Petards, with a great quantity of Ammunition and Provision of all sorts; 
Walpo Surrend●rs.  the Garrison of Walpo being also assured hereof, lost their Courage, and surrendered forthwith at Discretion, submitting themselves, their Wives and Children to Slavery. After which, 
Octob. 1687.  things being well secured and ordered at Walpo, Dunewalt marched towards Esseck, and encamped his Army on the 2 d of October in the same place, where the Grand Vizier had lately entrenched: Where having sung Te Deum, and returned Thanks to Almighty God for so many and great Successes, a Council of War was called to consider what was the next great Enterprise which was to be undertaken.  
The Season of the Year being advanced towards Winter; it might well be judged a convenient time to draw the Soldiers into Quarters, and give the Troops rest and repose after the many Fatigues and Hardships sustained; but God still favouring the Designs of the Christians against the Turks, who were in all places possessed with fear and consternation; it was thought fit by the Commanders ' to follow the Footsteps of Fortune, and not to give over the Game with a lucky Hand; wherefore Count Appremont being left in the Government of Esseck, with a Garrison of Eighteen Companies of Foot, and Sixteen Troops of Horse, the General resolved to attack Possega, the Metropolis of all Sclavonia; and in his March thither he summoned the Castle of Orovitza, Situate on a high Hill, an the Foot of which is a Palancha, or small Redoubt; the Ground is covered with Chestnut-trees, and planted with Fruit Trees; the Garrison at first returned an angry and resolute Answer, 
The Turks quit Orovitza.  but afterwards thinking better with themselves, they packed up the best of their Goods and Baggage, and in the night by secret and Byways through the Woods and Mountains privately stole away, every one shifting for himself in the best manner he was able: So that in the morning the Christians entered the Town and Castle without any opposition; being a place very Commodious, to which several Villages paid Contribution, and which was necessary first to be taken, in order to the more easy and safe attack of Possega. The very same day that Dunewalt entered into Orovitza, intelligence was brought him, that the Turks were possessed with such great Fear and Consternation at Possega, that there was no doubt to be made, but that the place would Surrender at his first appearance before it; which accordingly happened; for no sooner were the Christian Forces descended into the Plains, but they espied a considerable body of Turks, that ranged themselves under the Cannon of Possega. The Forces of Dunewalt being come up, several Skirmishes passed between the Parties, but the Turks finding themselves unable to engage with such an unequal Force, 
Possega quit by the Turks.  they betook themselves to flight into the Mountains, abandoning the City and Castle to the possession of the Christians: Five Companies pursued them into the Mountains, but without any effect, for having neither knowledge of the Ways, nor Sustenance in that desolate Country, being also wearied and tired with long Marches, were forced to return, and repose themselves in Possega.  
Fortune thus favouring the Progress of the Christian Arms, Dunewalt resolved to make use of this prosperous Gale; and having in order thereunto held a Council of War, it was resolved to follow the Enemy to the River Save, where at a place called Kobas they were Transporting themselves and Baggage to the other side: In order unto which, 
It is garrisoned by the Ge●mans.  and for better security of Possega, a Garrison of Sixteen hundred Germans were left in the place, and orders given to Count Lodron, that being come thither with the Infantry and Baggage, he should repose and refresh his Men there until the return of Dunewalt; who losing no time came so opportunly to the Save, 
Dun●walt March●s to Kobas.  as to surprise some Carts laden with Corn and Provisions, which the Enemy had left there, not having time to Transport them to the other side; and in the mean time Count Leoneda, Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiments of Lodron, a brisk and daring Gentleman, pursued a party of the Enemy's Horse, and skirmished with them for the space of three hours, and put them to flight, returning back to the Camp over against Kobas, with a Booty of Two hundred Head of Cattle. At this place Dunewalt continued for the space of three days, endeavouring to pass the River with design to burn and demolish that Castle; and though on the other side there appeared a Body of Eight hundred Turks, Horse and Foot; yet some Germans endeavoured to pass in small Boats, and to take a Post, or place of Defence; but before they could be seconded by other Forces, they were attacked by Two hundred Turks, and after a valorous defence were most of them cut in pieces, or droven into the River. 
A party of Germans cut off.   
Dunewalt finding it very difficult to pass the River without the help of great Boats, returned to Possega, where finding the Cannon and Infantry arrived, he proceeded to Zerneck, about two Hungarian Leagues distant from Possega, which the Turks having quitted, the Germans without opposition made their entrance into it: 
The Turks quit Zerneck.  The day following Count Hofkirchen was detached from this place, with a party of Five hundred Croats, to take a view of the Enemy's State and Condition about Gradisca; on his March whereunto, he was encountered by a strong party of Turks, with whom entering into an Engagement, Hofkirchen was wounded by a Musket Bullet in his Arm, and Count Harimberg in the right Hand with a Lance; two Common Soldiers were killed, 
A Skirmish.  and some few others wounded: Howsoever Hofkirchen miss not of the intelligence he designed; bringing an account at his return, that the City of Gradisca was strong, garrisoned by Ten thousand Soldiers, covered by Five thousand Horse which were quartered in parts adjacent; and that in the Way to the City, the Passages were very Straight, besides many Woods, and three Bridges which lay in the Road thither. Upon this Advice the design against Gradisca was deferred; and a great part of the Militia was employed to fortify Zerneck, and the Towns lately conquered; and to provide them with good Garrisons, as also Valkowa: After which the Season being far spent, 
Dunewalts Army lodged in Winter-quarters.  and Provisions and Forage beginning to want in the Camp, the remainder of the Army were lodged and laid up in their Winter-quarters in Croatia. Notwithstanding all which Successes, there were not such wanting, who blamed these proceedings, and confidently affirmed, that in case Dunewalt had been enforced with some Regiments, and had laid all other Designs aside, he might in that great consternation of the Turks have passed the Save, and made himself Master of Belgrade without much difficulty, and therewith have reduced all Bosnia to the devotion of the Emperor. But this being an Oversight, and matters succeeding as before related; let us return to the mutinous Army of the Turks, whom we lately left raging against the Grand Vizier, the Grand Signior and all the Government.  
The Grand Vizier, as we have said, having quitted the Army, to give way to the Fury of the Soldiers, took a Boat at Belgrade and rowed down the Danube, accompanied with the Tefterdar or Lord Treasurer, and the Reis Effendi or Secretary of State; the Soldiers in the mean time chose (as is aforesaid) Sciaus for their General; and immediately dispatched away Orta Chiaus, 
A Chiaus sent by the Army to the Sultan.  an Officer of the janissaries, to acquaint the Grand Signior with what the Army had done. It was now no time to expostulate with the Soldiers, or disapprove their Actions; but on the contrary Orta was kindly received, and caressed by the Chimacan at Constantinople called Regeb Pasha: And the Grand Signior himself without any Hesistancy confirming the Choice which the Army had made, 
The Grand Signior approves of what they had done.  dispatched Orta Chiaus immediately back with the Signals of Honour, which are a Sword, and a Vest of Sables, declaring him General, and ordering him to take care of the Frontiers. The Vizier having got out of the reach of the Army, took Post and came to Adrianople, where he stayed, and gave time for his Friends to work in his behalf with the Grand Signior; who of himself was well enough inclined to Solyman; and therefore after the Rout, and Noise was a while appeased, Regeb the Chimacam obtained his Pardon, and Permission for him to come to Constantinople, and Mamout Aga his Friend, and a rich Man was sent for the Messenger to invite him thither. But before Solyman arrived the Scene was much changed by the coming of four Officers from the Army, 
The Army Petitions against Solyman.  with Arz and Max-Arz, which is a Petition, and Certificate signed by the principal Commanders in the Army, attesting that Solyman was a Person of no Conduct, a Coward and a Liar, and one who took no care to pay the Army, and in short that he was not fit for that Sublime Office of Grand Vizier, concluding their Petition with a Prayer, that another might be placed in that Government: Solyman having News hereof, as he was on the Road to Constantinople, and thinking thereupon that, that place would be too hot for him at present; sent the Seal and the Standard of the Prophet to the Sultan, committing them to the care of the Tefterdar the Treasurer, and Reis Effendi the Secretary, his Friends and fellow Travellers, 
He delivers up the Seal and Standard.  to be delivered by them, conveying himself privately within the Walls of Constantinople; upon which, without delay the Grand Signior dispatched away the Seal and the Standard to Sciaus, declaring him Grand Vizier in the place of Solyman. Regeb would have dissuaded the Grand Signior from sending the Standard, which is the Colours of their Prophet Mahomet; and towards which the People bear a superstitious Devotion, alleging that thereby he weakened himself, and armed a Company of Mutineers with the Charm of that holy Relic: Howsoever the Kuzlier Aga, who is the chief Eunuch of the Women, was of a different Opinion, being of a nature timorous like that of the Grand Signior: His Council prevailed, and the Standard was sent by the Hand of the Selictar or Sword-bearer, that the Soldiery might not have cause to believe, that the Sultan treated them with reserves, or with the least manner of diffidence. But all this served not to appease, or mollify the madness of the Soldiery, who now talked of nothing but marching to Constantinople, and there to Depose the Grand Signior, and reform the Government, setting up his Brother Sultan Solyman, under whose Reign they hoped for the like Auspicious Successes, as they had found in the fortunate Reigns of those Sultan's, who had form the Ottoman Empire; and especially they had a singular Reverence for the Name of Sultan Solyman, who, they hoped would prove as great and fortunate as Solyman the Magnificent. Sciaus Pasha, who was in his Heart a cordial Friend to the late Vizier Solyman, found now that he had conjured up a Devil he could not lay, would gladly have dissuaded the Soldiery from their designed March to the Port, and rather advised them to guard their Frontiers, and oppose the Enemy: 
Sciaus unwilling to March.  But this Council had cost him his Life, had he not touched the Proposal very gently, and at the same time assured them of his readiness to join with them in any Design they should contrive: And accordingly marching away in a kind of a tumultuous, and disorderly manner towards the River Save, great Numbers of them were actually passing the Bridge near Belgrade, when the Chimacam or Governour General of the janissaries of that place, apprehending that they came to Plunder the Town, refused them Passage, causing several Pieces of Cannon to be fired upon them; with which several being killed they returned back: 
They shoot at the Soldiers from Belgrade.  Howsoever persisting still in their Resolution, the most wild and obstinate party of them passed the River in Boats at some distance from the Town, leaving Sciaus Pasha with the rest of the Militia on the other side, a good days March behind them; by this slow Motion of Sciaus, the Soldiery guessing at his backwardness to engage with them, like enraged Madmen they returned to him and treated him with Menaces, vowing to kill him, in case he refused to be their General and Leader in this good Cause of reforming the Government.  
Whilst the Army was in this Commotion, great were the Confusions, Plots, Stratagems and Contrivances at Constantinople, which Regeb the Chimacam suspecting, that the Friends of the late Vizier Ibrahim exiled to Rhodes, did foment, and also, 
T●●ubles at Constantiple.  that the Mufti who was last year Banished to Prusa was too near; he procured a Command from the Grand Signior to remove that Mufti to Rhodes, and the Kapugibashee or Messenger, who was employed on this Affair, and had the care upon him to conduct this Mufti to Rhodes, carried also a Hattesheriff, or the Command with him for the Head of Ibrahim Pasha, which we shall shortly find at Constantinople, about the same time almost that Regeb's Head was laid with others to augment the heap.  
In the mean time the Tefterdar or Treasurer, and the Reis Effendi, or Secretary, who were the Two Fellow-Travellers with Solyman the late Vizier, were dispatched to the Army with soft Messages from the Grand Signior, approving all that they had done, and offering to perform all they did or could desire: But we shall see presently how well these Two Mediators succeeded in their Office of making Peace with a heady Multitude, which would hear no Reason and endure no Government. For Sciaus was now made only a Property to execute the Commands of the janissaries, 
The Soldiers take an Oath to reform the Government.  and Spahees, who had entered into a solemn Covenant, and military Oath to stand by each other for Reformation of the Government: In pursuance of which design, they were to march directly to Constantinople, there to remove all the Favourite Pages, and Idle Eunuches in the Seraglio, with Solyman, Regeb, the Chimacam, and all their Creatures, and Dependants, and now began to talk openly of deposing Sultan Mahomet, and setting up Solyman his Brother in the Throne. And yet for all this, Sultan Mahomet was so stupid, that without any care or concernment he went every day a Hunting, and had continued his Sport until the Mutineers had surprised him in the Field, had not Regeb the Chimacam, a man of great Courage and Capacity acquainted him with his danger, 
Septem. 1687.  advising him that the Storm was growing black round about him, and therefore that he should retire into the Seraglio, 
Regeb gives Council, but not taken.  and prepare for his defence; showing him now his Error, in sending away the Prophet's Banner, which in such an extremity as this, had been his chief Protection; but the Grand Signior had neither Understanding to see his danger, nor Courage to avoid it, or to embrace a bold and vigorous Council, which was necessary in this emergency; but Regeb being qualified for both, and sufficiently alarmed by the Chiohadar, an Officer of the janissaries, newly arrived from the Army, of the great Combustions amongst them, and of the true state of things, without losing time, went the next day to the Mufti to desire a Fetfa, or Sentence declaring them all Rebels and Infidels, (whom they call Gaürs) who would not obey the Commands of the Grand Signior; but the Mufti being either sick, or at least pretending to be so, the Fetfa could not be obtained: Thence he went to the Segmenbashee, who was in the place of the Aga of the janissaries, whom he found well inclined; but the Kuzlir Aga, a timorous Eunuch, having information from his Spies of the Motions of Regeb, 
The Kuzlir Aaga's Council against Regeb.  presently represented them to the Grand Signior, as if he were contriving his Peace with the Army, intending to betray and sacrifice all others to their fury and madness; and that therefore it would be better to be beforehand with him, and send both his and the Head of Solyman to make an Atonement for the lives of others. The Grand Signior liking the Project extremely well, gave a Command immediately to the Bostangibashee, who is a great man, and chief of the Gardiner's, to seize Regeb in his House, and carry him to Prison. The Command being accordingly served, and showed to Regeb, 
Regeb seized.  he seemed not in the least surprised, but entertained the Bostangibashee without any alteration in a free and facetious Discourse; giving Orders very unconcernedly to have his Horse made ready: And going out with the Bostangibashee, his Bostangees or Servants going down before him, he stopped short at the Head of the Stairs, and turning about, said, Aga, It would not be amiss, if I should take some Zechins into the Prison with me; come with me into my Chamber for them: So turning quick about, he enters into a Room; the Bostangibashee being surprised, followed him in; 
He escapes.  but Regeb passed nimbly into an inner Room through a kind of Cupboard Door, and by a pair of back-stairs into the Garden, and so escaped at a Postern-door.  
The Bostangibashee looking about for him, thought he was vanished, he knew not how; and calling his Servants about him, put all the House into an uproar; but there was no remedy, for the Prisoner was escaped and his Kahya, or Steward, had time also to get out of the way, though Two days afterwards he surrendered himself, and the Hasnadar or Treasurer, and Chiohadar, or Master of his Wardrobe were also imprisoned: And about the same time also Shaban Aga, 
Others are seized, and Solyman the Vizier is taken.  the Chief Customer, was seized and carried Prisoner to the middle Gate of the Seraglio, where Solyman the late Vizier was also committed, being taken at a House of his own on the Bosphorus; and the same day the Segmenbashee was also imprisoned, all which was performed by the special Command of the Grand Signior at the instigation of the Kuzlir Aga, whose Councils now solely prevailed, and tended to the seizure of all persons whatsoever of Office, and Riches, no matter why, or wherefore, provided they might be a Sacrifice acceptable to the Soldiery, and atone for the Lives of his Master and himself. All these seizures and imprisonments of the great Officers caused such disturbances and fears amongst the Citizens at Constantinople, that they all shut up their Shops, a thousand Reports flying about the Town, of Dangers, and Enemies; and that the Grand Vizier with some Soldiers were come to the City with bad intentions and designs: Amidst all these Rumours, there were no Officers, or Governors; (they being all imprisoned) to appease, or comfort the People, until the Grand Signior created the Nisangi Pasha, (who puts the Grand Signior's Firm to public Writings) to be Chimacam pro tempore, who came and published that there was no danger, and that every man should open his Shop upon pain of Death: And that Night the Grand Signior went to the Grand Seraglio, where he had not Slept in Thirty Years before, having an aversion to the place, as we have shown in other Books. And this was done for one Point of Reformation intended against the coming of the Army; for that it was one Article against this Sultan, that he had forsaken his Royal Palace, or Seraglio, the Glorious Seat of his Ancestors.  
In this want of great and wise Officers, and Ministers, the Kuzlir Aga, whose Council was only heard, 
Kuperlee Pasha is sent for.  advised the Grand Signior to order and appoint Mustapha Pasha, Son of the Old Kuperlee, and Brother to the late Achmet Kupriogli, who then commanded at the Dardanelli to go to the Army, and endeavour to appease, and direct them; for which Employment he was esteemed the most proper person, being Brother-in-Law to Sciaus Pasha, who married his Sister, and one who stood well in the good Opinion and Esteem of the Soldiery: But upon farther Thoughts he was first commanded to come to Constantinople, there to receive his Orders and Instructions.  
In a few days Kuperlee Mustapha came to Constantinople, and was treated and received by the Grand Signior, with an unusual Respect and Kindness; he called him Lala, which is a Compellation given by the Grand Signiors to their Great Vizier's, 
Is kindly received.  and signifies as much (as Father) telling him that as his Father settled him in his Throne, 
October 1687.  so now he was to Inherit that Honour, and confirm him thereon in despite of those powerful Machinations, which were forming against him; and to enable him thereunto, he created him Chimacam, Vested him, and what was very extraordinary, he caused him to Sup with him. That very Night, whilst the Grand Signior was at the Table, the Selictar Aga, or Swordbearer, who was sent with the Seal and Standard to Siaus Pasha, by which he was created Grand Vizier, returned from the Army, which he met at Nissa; and reported, That whilst he was there, 
News from the Army.  the Soldiers arose in a furious Tumult, and cut in pieces the Tefterdar, who was sent to appease them; and Ali Effendi, who the last year had been in the Treaty: But the Reis Effendi, who was sent on the same Errand, upon their first stirring fled, being too wise to trust their Mercy; as did also, a chief Commander of the Bostangees or gardiner's: But Ajemzadee a reverend Person of about Eighty years of Age, advising them not to spill the Blood of Musselmen, was pursued by them into the Vizier's Tent, 
Many Officers killed by them.  who covering him with his Vest endeavoured to save him; but finding the danger to which he exposed his own Life, he was forced to deliver him up to their Fury: He had been Reis Effendi or Chief Secretary, but then had an Office in the Treasury. They demanded also the two Teskaragees, or Chief Clerks to the Reis Effendi, to be delivered up to their Justice; one of which had for many years done all the English business in that Office; but they desiring to be Strangled, rather than to have their Bodies mangled by the Soldiery, it was accordingly performed behind the Vizier's Tent, and their Bodies exposed. Orta, Chiaus of the janissaries (of whom we have already made mention) being suspected to have been corrupted by Regeb, the Chimacam of Constantinople, was cut in pieces. Mustapha Pasha, who had been General of the janissaries, and Seraskier in the first Siege of Buda, was secured, and ran great danger of his Life; but by the Mediation of the Vizier, he was only deposed, and sent to command at the Dardanelli in the place of Mustapha Kuperlee, who was now Chimacam at Constantinople.  
And lastly, after this dismal Tragedy the Selictar coming to give an account of himself, he declared, 
The Selictar returns from the Army.  That he was fearful of his own Life, notwithstanding the good Office he had done in bringing the Seal and Standard to the Grand Vizier; for which whilst he was expecting a great Present, as was accustomary; an Answer was given, That the best Present could be given him was of his own Head, which had been taken off, according to the Lift in which he was proscribed, but that he had merited his Life, by this Office of bringing the Seal and Standard.  
The Army having in this manner vented some part of their Fury at Nissa, proceeded on their March towards Constantinople, doing little other harm on the Way, 
The Army Marches to Constantinople.  than only displacing some few Officers of the janissaries, and putting an old Granatine, who had been one of those, who had been banished by the Spaniards out of the Kingdom of Granada, a Person of Eighty years of Age, in the Office of General of the janissaries. As the Army approached, so the Fears and Apprehensions of the great Men at Constantinople increased. Mustapha Kupriogli, as we have said, being made Chimacam, he appeared publicly in the Divan, and gave out the Pay to the Soldiers; and then went to the Grand Signior, whom he found at a Kiosk, or House of Pleasure by the Water side, 
A Council 〈◊〉.  and presently a Consultation was held, at which were present the two Kadileskers, or chief Justices, the Nakib Effendi, who is chief of the Green-heads of the Prophet (or Mahomet's Kindred) four Sheghs or Preachers, the Stambol Effendi, or Mayor of the City, as also the Nisangi Pasha, who sets the Firm of the Grand Signior to Commissions; these after a Consultation and Debate of about two hours' time, resolved on several Points, not then divulged to the World but by the execution of them; for they all went together to the Chimacam's House, from whence in half an hours time afterwards, the Chiefs of the Chiauses, which Thirty of his Men were sent to the Prison where Solyman the late Vizier was confined; so soon as Solyman saw the Chiausbashee, he said, I know for what you come, God's will be done; the Chiausbashee who had been his Creature, and raised by him, with Tears in his Eyes delivered unto him the Command for his Head. 
Solyman the late Vizier strangled.  Solyman taking it from him, kissed it and said, I have washed, but not as yet said my Kindi, or Afternoon Prayers, (for it was about that time) let me perform those my last Prayers, and then in the name of God execute your Office. Solyman having finished his Prayers, called the Chiausbashee into an Inner Room, and said, Execute your Orders; but first let me recommend two things to you. One is, That you declare and be a Witness to the World; That I have given Freedom to all my Slaves both Males and Females. 
His last Will.  And 2 lie, That they do not torment my People to find out my Money, for I never had any thing considerable; the little I had was with me in the Camp, where it was lost, and made a Prey to the Enemy. In my House at Scutari there is some Furniture, and some few Galanteries, which if the Grand Signior will present to my Son it is well, but if not he is Lord and Master of them: And if you, said he, to the Chiausbashee, shall not declare this to the Grand Signior, my Hands shall be upon you at the Day of Judgement; And having said thus much he kneeled, and turning his Face to the Wall, the Executioners performed their Duty. So was Solyman strangled, a Person deserving to live in better times, and worthy of a better Death; his Head was cut off and carried to the Chimacam, where it was flayed and stuffed with Cotton, and being put into a Box was sent to the Grand Signior; but his Body was consigned to his Friends, and buried at Scutari. His Son a young Man of about 24 years of Age was sent for from Adrianople, and imprisoned to discover his Father's Estate; but that being known to be very little, the Chimacam by his own Authority set him at liberty. The Wife of Solyman amidst her Fears, sent two Trunks filled with Sables, and rich Habits, and Vestments to the House of a certain Friend to be there secured, and were accordingly covered under a Pile of Wood: This matter being observed by a crew of Rogues, they came that Night, pretending an Order from the Chimacam to seize those Goods, naming the place where they were concealed; at which the People of the House being affrighted, immediately delivered the Trunks to the Hands of the Rogues: The next day the Wife of Solyman, full of sorrow and anguish of Mind, came to the Chimacam to make complaint of this hard Usage, declaring the Goods to be her own, and not her Husband's. The Chimacam disavowing the matter, and denying to have given any such Orders, the Robbery appeared, and Search being made after the Thiefs, four of them were taken and most of the Goods restored.  
The next day Solyman's Head was sent for a Present to the Army, by two Officers belonging to the New Vizier, with a Letter from the Chimacam, accompanying an Imperial Command or Signature from the Sultan, declaring, that if the Army would stay and Winter at Adrianople, 
Proposals sent to the Army;  he would give them full satisfaction in sending the Heads of all they should demand, not sparing his own Sons or Brother, and would send them the Fifteen months' Pay that they were in Arrear, with the same Donative as should have been given, in case a new Grand Signior had been created. But they would hearken to no Conditions, for they had cast the Bridle out of their Mouths, and taken the Power into their Hands; 
And refused.  and nothing could now make them safe but a total Subversion of the Government, and a Change of the Grand Signior.  
But first, The way thereunto was to be made by the Death of many of the great Men: Regeb Pasha, the late Chimacam, 
Regeb taken.  was about this time taken at a place called Visa near Chattalgee in Asia, his Horse tired, and he almost famished with Hunger; and being brought to Constantinople he was committed Prisoner to the same Chamber, in which his Master Solyman had been lately executed; and was in a few days afterwards Strangled, as we shall see hereafter.  
The same night that Regeb was imprisoned, the Kapugibashee, who was sent to Conduct the Mufti from Prusa to Rhodes, returned with the Head of Ibrahim Pasha, who had been Vizier before Solyman; being put to Death by the contrivance of Regeb, as be-before mentioned. The manner whereof was this: 
Ibrahim Pasha put to Death at Rhodes.  The Bey or Captain of the Galley, which carried the Mufti to Rhodes being a Friend to Ibrahim Pasha, endeavoured during the Voyage to pump the Capugibashee to know of him, whether he had any other Orders to perform at Rhodes, besides that of conducting the Mufti; but he could discover nothing, so that so soon as he was arrived, he went directly to Ibrahim Pasha to put him out of pain, by assuring him, that there were no Orders come in relation unto him, and that their business was only to bring the Mufti. Whilst they were thus discoursing, a noise was heard in the Street and Ibrahim looking out of the Window, saw a multitude of People gathering about the Door, which the Bey said, might be out of curiosity to see the Mufti their new Guest. In a few minutes afterwards, in came the Capugibashee; and kissing Ibrahim's Vest sat down by him, and being asked what News, he said, all is well; and then discoursing of general things, he drank his Coffee, and having smoked his Pipe, he put his Hand into his Breast, and drew out a Paper, which he gave to his Hand; whilst he was reading of it, he showed some alteration in his Countenance, for he soon found that it concerned his Life: He had a little Child at that time playing upon his Knee, he kissed it with Tears in his Eyes, and bid his Servants take it away: And then said, What have I done? They have seized all my Estate, and not being contented therewith, they have sent for my Life. Oh treacherous World! Whilst he was saying thus much, the Capugibashees Servants threw down the Cord on the Floar, which Ibrahim observing to be thick, and rugged, he took it up, saying, This is a Cord one would not strangle a Dog with, and bid his Man fetch him a Bowstring, which he soaped with the Soap, he intended to use at his washing before Prayers, and made a Knot to it himself: his Prayers being ended he was strangled; and his Head with his Women and Children were brought to Constantinople. The Chimacam had no mind to see it, for he had been his Friend, and had no Hand in his Blood, which lay wholly at Regeb's Door, who was now in afair way of incurring the same Fate himself: The Money found about him was no more than Nine thousand Dollars.  
It was now the Festival of their little Byram, when the Grand Signior according to the usual Custom received the Salutes of the Chimacam and all the great Men, year 1686. sitting in his Kiosk, 
The little Byram.  or House of pleasure by the Seaside, with Music and firing of the Guns which lay at the point of the Seraglio.  
And now the Fate of the Grand Signior seemed to approach; for the Army drew near, and had rejected all the fair Terms, and Propositions which the Sultan had offered them, and yet he still continued to make such Sacrifices to them as he thought might sweeten and appease them. 
The Army inflexible.  But Turks were never used to be overcome by gentle Terms and soft Promises, but by the Topuz or Club, or by violent Remedies. For when the Head of Solyman late Vizier was brought, they said, it was not that which they looked for, but rather to have had him alive under Examination, to know how he had disposed of the Money, which was given the last year to defray the Charges of the War: Howsoever, the Grand Signior still resolved to try them yet farther by such Methods, 
The Grand Signior still endavours to appease them.  which he thought might please them, and that was to Imprison, or put to Death all Men indifferently, that were in Office and Power, whether they had deserved well or evil: Accordingly the Kuzlir Aga (chief of the black Eunuches) and Bostangibashee were imprisoned in the Seraglio, and others put into their places; and these two with Mahomet Effendi, Treasurer and Steward to the Empress, the Moxur Aga to Regeb Pasha, who was Grandson to the famous Bectas, who was janisar Aga when the Kiosem Valide was cut off, Vanni Efendi Teskeragee or Giver of the Writs, Kapan Cheleli, who belonged to the Arsenal; Omar the Steward of Regeb late Chimacam, and Shafan Aga, who had been tormented to discover his Money, were all sent to the Army to receive such Sentence and Doom, as they should appoint for them: But as these were not demanded by the Soldiery, so some of them were rather preferred than punished by them. For the Moxur Aga was sent to command the janissaries in Candia, the Bostangibashee and Segmenbashee, were set at liberty, and the former sent Pasha to Mytilene, and the other to Command the Forces in the Morea against the Venetians; the others were held under Examination, being obliged to render an Account of the public moneys, which had passed through their Hands; 
Fines laid and levied.  but none of them was acquitted without paying a Ransom. The Kuzlier Aga was fined at Three hundred Purses, besides his Goods and Furniture, which were very rich, he having Two hundred Sable Vests, which were never made up, all which were seized, and he banished to Grand Cairo, the Asylum, or Receptacle of unfortunate Eunuches. year 1687. The Grand Signior finding himself now stripped of all his faithful and old Friends, which he had imprudently destroyed or faintly delivered up into the Hands of his Enemies; began to grow desperate; and as such, resolved to play the last Game of Cowardice and Cruelty, which was by the assistance of his Pages and Servants near his Person, to cut off his Sons and two Brothers; that so none remaining alive of the Ottoman Line, the Soldiers would be obliged to suffer him to Reign, and Propagate more of the Royal Race. To execute this design with greater ease and security, 
The Grand Signior endeavours to cut off his Brothers and Sons.  He sent to the Eunuches who kept his Brothers, telling them that he knowing his Condition to be such, that he could Reign no longer, he desired he might come and see them, and recommend himself and Children to them, for that as he had been merciful to them, and not touched their Lives, so that they would prove kind and compassionate to him and his. This design could not be executed without entrusting it first to the Pages, who were to be Actors in the Tragedy; and they not being all faithful alike, some, or one of them made it known to the Chimacam, who immediately charged the New Kuzlir Aga, and Bost angibashee to set Guards at the Doors of the Brother's Apartments; between whom and the Pages there happened some Scuffle: The new janisar Aga had also received Orders to attend with his janissaries before the Gate of the Seraglio; 
It prevented.  and matters being in this manner secured, the Chimacam went himself to the Grand Signior, and admonished him not to precipitate, and engage himself in such a rash and odious Attempt, which the janissaries, who were attending at the Gate would most certainly Revenge without any Regard, or Reverence to his Person. The Grand Signior had been a little Rough before with the Chimacam; but the armed Force being near, so affrightned him, that he began to Treat the Chimacam with milder Terms. Howsoever his Children were removed from the Seraglio, and the Guards doubled, which were set upon his Brothers. From that time the Grand Signior lost all his Authority; for the Chimacam came no more near him, 
The Grand Signior loses his Authority.  and ordered the Bostangibashee not to suffer him to stir out of the Seraglio, so that all the Liberty and Divertisement he had, was to pass his time in a Kiosk, or House or Pleasure near the Sea. Howsoever, the Grand Signior to make Trial of his Authority sent a Hattesheriff, or Royal Command to displace the Segmenbashee; but it proved of little effect, for the Chimacam received it, and said 'tis very well, but laid it by him, and that was all.    


Solyman the fourteénth Emperor of the Turks made sultan october the 30. 1687.    

THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN, The Fourteenth Emperor of the Turks.  
year 1687. BY this time the Army was come near to the City, the Vizier in Person as far as Ponte Grande, which is about Twenty English Miles distant from Constantinople: 
Oct. 28. 1687.  And about ten a Clock that Night, the janisar-aga entered the City, with ten Chambers of janissaries. And now did the hour fatal to Sultan Mahomet approach; for about two a Clock in the Morning of the 29 th' of October, the Bostangeebashi, 
Sultan Mahomet deposed.  and the Kuzlir Aga by Order of the Army came to Sequester and confine him to his Chamber. He asked why, and what Hurt he had done? They told him, That he had Reigned Forty years, which was the Life of a Man, and might content himself with that, for that few of his Ancestors had ruled so long. Then did the Chimacam, the Mufti, Nakib Effendi, who is principal of the Green-heads, or Mahomet's Kindred, with the Kadeleskers or Chief Justices, with the Chief Men of the Law meet together, and held a Council before Day at St. Sophia. This Nakib Effendi had been a Kadelesker, but a few Days before; for the former Nakib died of a Fright, taken at the appearance of some janissaries before his Door, which he apprehended came to seize him. After they had ended their morning Prayer about break of Day, they went together from the Mosch to the Seraglio, and entering in, they asked for Sultan Solyman, who was brought out to them; and then the Nakib Effendi, whose Office it was, as being the Head of the Race of the Prophet, placed him in the Throne, and prayed that he might be prosperous, 
Sultan Solyman made Emperor.  and increase the Honour of the Empire, and kissed his Hand, as did also the Mufti, the Chimacam and the others. The Sultan laying his Hand on his Breast bowed and thanked them; year 1687. after which Ceremony they all retired, and afterwards about nine a Clock Proclamation was made in the Streets, That Sultan Mahomet being deposed for his ill Government, Sultan Solyman is made Emperor in his place.  
The next Day being the last Day of October, the Chimacam, the Chiausbashee, year 1687. and other great Men went to meet the Grand Vizier at Daout Passa, a place distant about two English Miles from Constantinople; but the Chiausbashee was arrested, not that the Soldiers had any thing against him, but only that they might make room for him, who officiated in that charge in the Army.  
The first of November the Grand Vizier made his Entrace into the City with a Solemn Cavalcade, year 1687. accompanied by all the great Men of the Empire both Civil and Military: The Mufti riding on his Lefthand, 
Siaus Pasha Grand Vizier makes his Entry and Salutes the Grand Signior.  he went to the Seraglio, where he alighted, and taking the Standard of the Prophet, he went with it to the grand Signior, who arising from his Throne went three Steps to meet it, and took it from the Vizier, and gave it to the Selictar; then the Vizier gave him up the Seal also, which being with his Brother's Name, he kept, and returned him a new one, with his own Name. The Solemnity being over, the Vizer went to a great Palace lately Ibrahim Pasha's, near the janissaries Chamber, which was provided for him; and the Chimacam Kupriogli remained in that where his Brother and other Viziers had formerly resided.  
And now it might have been thought, that all Seditions and Mutinies amongst the Soldiery would have ended at this Period But it seems the Storm was not half over▪ for it remained, that the Authors of these Troubles who had been guilty of so much Blood, and death of their Officers, should at length turn their Fury against each other●; and so it happened: For the Spahees meeting at Atmeidan or the Hypodromo, and the janissaries at Etmeidan, demanded their Pay, and that Regeb Pasha, should be delivered to their Hands. The next Day being the 4 th' of November, Regeb Pasha was strangled, and his Body exposed before the Seraglio in the Square of Santa Sophia, 
Nou. 1687.  and laid on an old Matt for three Days: 
Regeb strangled.  It is believed, that though the demand of his Life proceeded from the Soldiery, yet that it was a contrivance of the Vizier, not only in Revenge for procuring the Command sent to the late Solyman for his Head; but out of fear of his Person, who was known to be a Subtle, and a stout Man. The same Day Cochiuck or little Mahomet, a Pestilent Fellow, and chief Head of the Mutinous Spahees, with seven other Ringleaders in all the Seditions, was lodged in the great Palace of the Hypodromo; and when he went abroad was always attended with a numerous armed Guard, whether out of State, or Fear, is not well known; having a confidence in himself, and his Merits and good Services he had done for the Soldiery, adventured to persuade them to a quiet, and an orderly behaviour, and to content themselves for the present with three Pays, and to have a little patience for the rest, and for their Donative, until Money could be raised: This admonition sounding not well in the Ears of some Soldiers, they presently instilled into the Minds of their Comrades, that this Mahomet had been taken off with Money, and was brought into the Association with those, whose business it was to defraud them of their just Demands: Such a sinister Report as this, was enough at that time to have destroyed half their Officers; as it quickly did his business; for immediately they ran to his Palace to look for him there, but missing him, they afterwards met him in the Streets, and pulled him from his Horse, saying, You that brought us hither, and should Speak for us, now look to yourself; you Lie in a Palace, Eat High, and are clad in Sables, whilst we poor Fellows are Ragged, and Lie in the Yards of the Mosches, and Corners of the Streets; 
The chief of the Mutineers killed.  and with that they rushed upon him, and with Clubs and Knives killed him, and Toar his Body in Pieces. This was the busiest Man of any, feared by all, though an ordinary Spahee; he was presented and courted by all the great Men in Town; for no Man was secure of his Head, if he would have instigated, and moved the Soldiers to call for it: Having thus dispatched him, they ran to his Palace, and plundered all he had there.  
The Kuzlir-Aga, who had escaped, was pursued and taken at Nice, and brought back and committed Prisoner to the seven Towers; 
Several Imprisoned.  then was Mahomet Effendi Tefterdar or Treasurer, Shaban Aga, Omar Kiah, Capan Chelebi, and several others, were sent to the Common Prison: But Kupriogli was declared Mosayp, or Favourite of the Grand Signior.  
All the care was now to pacify the Soldiers, which was only to be done with Money; and the Art was, how to separate and divide the Spahees; as a means whereunto they began to give pay to the janissaries, and to serve them first: This had likely to have begotten ill Blood; but the Spahees put them in mind of the solemn Oath, they had made to stand by each other; and the janissaries refused their Pay, without the increase both of their Pay and Donative; 
The Spahees and Janissaries unite.  but there being not as yet a sufficient Fund for all, the Tumults still continued. This Artifice which was contrived for a Separation, tied the Knot of Union more closely between the janissaries and Spahees, so that many Spahees came as Guests to the janissaries Chambers, and lodged with them, declaring that they would not touch an Asper of their Pay, until the janissaries were fully satisfied. This Friendship being made between these two Military Orders; the Spahees as the more polite and ingenious Men took all the Government into their own Hands, holding their Councils at Atmeidan, and what was there resolved, was reported to the Vizier by four of their own Members, 
The Vizier yields to all their demands.  and the Vizier being forced to assent unto all their Demands, gave them a Writing to approve of all that they should do, and liberty to use such Methods for raising Money, as they should judge most convenient in this exigence, both to satisfy the Donative, and the Arrears and Increase of Pay.  
Notwithstanding all these Condescensions, and though the means were put into their Hands to pay themselves what they demanded, yet the Troubles and Embroils still continued: For the janissaries suspecting that their Aga or Commander in Chief was not cordial to them, nor approving their Actions (for every one was thought so, who did not run to the same height of Madness with them) they turned him out of his Office, and would have none of their own Body to command them, but one, as in former times, taken out of the Seraglio; and such an one they pitched upon, called Mustapha Aga, a Chirurgeon by profession, who had been Twenty five years in the Seraglio, 
The Janissaries choose a new Aga.  of which he had been eight Tulbentgee or Turbant-folder to the late Grand Signior, and Selictar to the present Sultan; the true cause of this change was, that they would have a raw unpractised Fellow over them, and one whom they could govern, and not one, who knew how to govern them.  
The Tumults still continued, and must so until Money could be found, which the Soldiers were now themselves to raise; every Man that had Money must now bleed his Coffers, and redeem his Life with his Riches. The Favourits of the Seraglio must pay their Shares, 
The manner of raising Money.  being taxed at vast Sums, the particulars of which were not exactly known; but it was reported, That the Selictar Aga to the late Grand Signior, now made Pasha of Grand Cairo, paid Six hundred Purses; the Chiohadar, or he who is Master of the Wardrobe, Two hundred; the Pasha of Balsora, Two hundred; besides many others, who all paid their Assessments, as the Soldiers were pleased to Rate and Tax them.  
Then the Chief of the Spahees called before them several of the Rich men of the City, and Taxed them each according to what they believed them worth; and sent an Officer, with a certain Number of Soldiers, to go with them to their respective Houses, and stay with them until the Money was paid, and then they carried it to the Treasurer, 
Rich Men taxed.  taking his Receipt for the same. The Stambol Agasee, or Mayor of Constantinople, was Fined Five hundred Purses, the Shahir Emin, or City Customer Forty, Sari Osman Aga Thirty, besides Ninety which the Exchequer owed him, which he was to remit. Likewise the Grand Signior's chief Physicians, Astrologers and Goldsmiths, and great Numbers more of all sorts and conditions, were all Taxed, and most of them to the full of what they were worth. Thus were vast Sums raised by Military Execution, with which the Grand Vizier was well enough pleased; for the Soldiers had done his business for him, without drawing an Odium upon himself; for there being a scarcity, and yet an absolute necessity for Money, it could not be raised by more compendious Methods, than by armed Force. And yet for all this the Tumults continued; 
The Janissaries Assault their Officers.  for the janissaries not knowing what they would have, assaulted their Officers at Evening Prayer, in a Mosch near their Chambers; saying, That they were met there in Council against them, with design to instill bad Principles into their new janisar Aga; but no hurt was more done than a few Blows, and an abundance of bad Words.  

Nou. 1687.  And now about the middle of this Month, after many Compliments and Courtships made to the janissaries, 
They vouch safe to tak● their pay.  they condescended at length to take their Pay and Donative, which were so kindly offered; and those, who had been imprisoned upon paying their Ransom were set at Liberty. Mahomet Effendi, who had been Treasurer, paid One hundred and twenty Purses; Shaban Aga One hundred and fifty, besides Four hundred which had formerly been racked from him by Torments; Capan Chelebi Sixty, Omar Kiak Thirty five, besides what had been taken from him before: Mustapha Aga the Chiausbashee Forty, and Uziel a jew was made to pay eight Purses; and thus sufficient Money being found for payment of all, and the same daily issuing, all things grew calm and quiet; so that on the 17 th' about eight a Clock in the Morning, 
Th● new Grand Signior installed.  the new Grand Signior went by Boat from the Seraglio to Eiub, where the Nakib Effendi, or Chief of Mahomet's Kindred Girt him with the Sword, which is a Ceremony answering to our Coronation; and having said Noon-Prayers at that place, and all the Ceremonies ended, he road from the Mosch in a Solemn Cavalcade through the City back to the Seraglio, but not with such Splendour and Magnificence, as had been done in the time of the Grand Signors his Predecessors: All People crowded (as we may believe) to see the Features and Fashion of their new Sultan, of whose Person and Abilities Reports had created already a high Expectation. He was of a long, lean, pale Visage, but not of an ungrateful Aspect; his Eyes were full and black, 
His person and qualities.  and his Beard was black, but somewhat grisly; what his Qualications of Mind were, will be more evidently discovered hereafter, and come then more properly to be described in their due place. But in the mean time we may reflect, that the change of the person of the Prince, could not be of much advantage to the Public: For what the other did out of a remiss and voluptuous Humour, attending only to his Divertisements, and leaving the Care and Management of all his Affairs to the Contrivance and Conduct of his Ministers; this Grand Signior must now do out of necessity, being wholly unexperienced in the World, having all his Life been kept up in a Chamber, without other Conversation, than that of a few Eunuches, some old Women, and two or three Hogiaes', or Masters to assist him in his Studies. As Books were his Entertainment in his confined Life, so ●he seemed to have had an affection for them, in the choice he made of Kupriogli for his Favourite, who was esteemed in that Country a learned Man, and to have had the best Library of any in that whole Empire. It was said, That he had promised his deposed Brother all security of his Life, and that he should be kept in the same manner, as he was; and that he might allow him what comfort he could in that manner of Life, he suffered his Children to be with him for some Days; but they were afterwards by the Councils of others taken from him and lodged apart. 
He visits his B●other A●hmet.  His other Brother Achmet, the Companion with him in his Imprisonment, he visited, and promised to be kind to him; but he was not perfect Master of his Senses; of which we shall speak more when we come to see him on the Throne after the Death of Sultan Solyman. The Hazaki Sultana, or Empress of the deposed Sultan, was sent to the old Seraglio there to remain until Death, or some other Revolution of Fortune shall release her: In the place of her, the Mother of the present Grand Signior, who for some years was reported to be dead, appeared alive, and removed from the old Seraglio to her Son, but she was a little Maddish.  
Thus were all things turned up-side down; all the great Officers of the Empire, except the Captain Pasha or Admiral, being changed: Which when a Man seriously considers, 
P●flections on the charges.  and that these Revolutions were carried on by common Soldiers, one would admire that they should pass with so little Confusion, or Bloodshed: For except those six which were killed in the Army, and Cuchiuck Mahomet at Constantinople in a Military Fury, there was only Solyman and Regeb cut off; for the Death of Ibrahim at Rhodes, did not proceed from them, but from Regeb. As to the daily Insolences in the Streets, they were not committed by the Spahees, but by poor Drunken janissaries, who had neither Money nor clothes, and therewith would be supplied from Christians, and jews, and Turks too. But this was no new thing, but what had been formerly practised by the base sort of the Soldiers, as often as they came from the War, or were shortly going thither. And now since things were thus changed, some Reformation was expected, and that was to begin in the Seraglio; where the first and most plausible thing was the Retrenchment of the Expenses, 
Reformations in the Government.  which during the time of the late Sultan had been excessive, the very Barley for the Horses costing One thousand five hundred Dollars, or Three hundred pounds Sterling a Day; the number of the Hawks and Dogs, with the People who attended them was vast, all which were ordered to be reduced; for the present Sultan took so little delight in these Divertisements, tha● he was to learn how to Ride; and the Stables were to be reduced to a Hundred Horse, one Hundred and fifty of the Pages were to be made Spahees, and the rest were to be changed, and new ones put into their places. The same was to be performed in the Courts and Chambers of the Women; so that the Retrenchments made were calculated to amount unto Eight thousand Purses of Money a year, every Purse being Five hundred Dollars, and may be accounted to be almost a Million of pounds Sterling: The Greyhounds and Dogs, of which there were many Hundreds kept in the Seraglio for the use of the late Sultan, were all let loose and suffered to run about the Streets of Constantinople, where they might have starved, had not the godly Men, whose Religion consists much in feeding Dogs and Cats, taken Compassion on them, and fed them daily with Bread from the Baker's Shops.  
These Retrenchments of expense in the Seraglio pleased the Soldiers wonderfully, 
Decem. 1687.  hoping that thereby the more Money would be coming to them; and so they continued very observant and quiet, during all the time that the Money was paying out; but so soon as that began to fail and fall short, 
New commotions.  they became as troublesome as ever, assembling with great Insolence at the Vizier's House, threw Stones at his Windows, storming and raging like Madmen, until such time as with fair words, and promises of Money within a few Days they were for a while appeased.  
Thus far had the Soldiery found the ways to raise Money; but now they being at a stand, it was the Vizier's turn to set on foot some new invention, or conjuration for more: 
Money wanting, but is found.  But so empty and drained were all the great Banks, that no other way could be thought on, but only to go over the rich Men once more, and to squeeze them to the last dregs of all their Estates; to perform which they began with the old Kuzlir Aga, who obtained his Liberty upon payment of Nine hundred Purses, in all, besides his Furniture, and Curiosities which were taken from him to a great value; and after that he had the favour to be Banished to Grand Cairo: The Hasnadar Aga, who (as we have said) succeeded him, was displaced, and paid Two hundred Purses; and the Aga of the old Seraglio was made Kuzlir Aga; which Promotion was according to the ancient Methods, that every one should rise and succeed gradually, and favoured something of a Reformation. But because this new Tax would not reach the entire Sum required for the Soldiers Pay and Donative; they were forced to Coin out of Plate, and Silver and Gold taken off from the Horse's Furniture belonging to the Seraglio Two hundred Purses in Gold, and Sixty in Silver; with which every one being satisfied, 
The Spahees return home.  all was quiet and calm again, and the Spahees returned to their own Homes; leaving six of the Chief Mutineers to remain behind a● Constantinople. That is to say, one Chief, with two Assistants for the white Colours, and the like for the red; and Four hundred Captains called Bolucbashees, Two hundred for each Colour or Ensign; and these were appointed to hold the power in their Hands, which their Mutinies, and late Rebellions had gained for them.  
About this time, the Turks proposed at the instigation of the French Ambassador; to send a Chiaus into France, England and Holland, to acquaint those Princes with the advancement of Sultan Solyman to the Throne of the Ottoman Emperors. The which Embassy, though little desired by the other Ministers, being a Compliment insignificant in itself, and which would only cost Money and Trouble, was yet much pressed by the French, 
The French desire to engage the Turks to them.  who were then contriving to do something extraordinary to engage the Turk in a strict Alliance with them, being at that time resolved to disoblige, and enter into a War against the Emperor, and all the Princes of Germany. But by Troubles afterwards amongst the Turks themselves, and by the revived Spirits of Mutiny amongst the Soldiery, their thoughts were so taken up with their Seditions, Foreign Enemies and other Misfortunes, that they thought it not so seasonable to send such triumphant Messages in the declension of their Affairs, as might have been in more happy and prosperous times. Howsoever the French Ambassador and Merchants at Constantinople, to evidence their good Affection to the Port, freely supplied the late Selictar Aga, now appointed Pasha of Grand Cairo, with two Ships to Transport him and his Equipage to Alexandria; and farther to oblige him, lent him in Money and Goods to the value of One hundred and fifty Purses; for security of which, Pawns were given to remain aboard, until the Debt was satisfied.  
And now the Grand Vizier began to appear in public with the usual Pomp and Equipage; he made his Visit with great State to the Mufti; and daily held the Divans in the Seraglio, besides those at his own House.  
The new Sultan had been so little a while in the Government, 
The Vizier appears in public.  that he could not as yet give many Indications of his Temper; but as to what appeared of him at first, he seemed very devout, a strict observer of his Law, and much addicted to reading, so that he could not shake off his habitual retiredness, 
The Character of the new Grand Signior.  nor enjoy the pleasures of a Court, and of such a Throne as anciently cast off all the Cares of it, on the Vizier and other Ministers; for he neither conversed with Women, nor took any public Diversion. In the mean time his deposed Brother Sultan Mahomet, who had always used much Exercise, began by an unaccustomed Confinement to be tainted with the Scurvy; his Legs swelled, and gave Symptoms of the Dropsy. Wherefore he sent to his Brother the present Sultan, desiring that some Physicians might be permitted to come to him for his Cure. But grave Solyman returned him answer, That in case he should allow that, and he miscarry, the World would say, that he was an occasion of his Death; so that in lieu of the Physicians he would pray to God for him, and he who sent the Sickness could give him a Cure.  
These civil Commotions and Mutinies amongst the Soldiers were more dangerous to the Ottoman State, than all the Ruins, Defeats and Losses they had received from the Enemy; and gave the Imperialists an opportunity to act, and succeed in all their Erterprises in Hungary, and march and rove with their Parties through the whole Country without opposition or control: But the Season of the year being too much advanced, 
The Christian Army draws into Winter-quarters.  it was thought time to draw the Armies into Winter-quarters, and to lodge them in the conquered Countries. Thus Count Dunewalt after he had fortified and secured the Castles, and Places which he had taken, quartered his Army at Possega, Valkovar, and other places bordering upon Croatia. Likewise the two Regiments of Palfy and Staremberg, which had lately been detached from the Duke of Lorain's Army, to attend the Emperor's service at Possonium, on occasion of the Coronation of joseph King of the Romans, joined with some other Hungarian Troops near Buda, attacked in their way thither the Fortresses of Ciocca and Palotta, and took them; by which the Garrison of Alba Regalis was much straightened, and disabled from making Incursions so far as the Danube.  
The Duke of Lorraine marching (as we have said) towards Transilvania, resolved to take Quarters for his Army in that fruitful Principality, as yet not much wasted with the War; and the better to prepare them, 
Quarters taken in Transilvania.  dispatched away the Baron Huntschin with full Commission to Prince Apafi to Treat about the places, which might be assigned with most convenience for the Soldiery, and ease to the People. Huntschin speedily returned with advice, that he had been favourably received by Apafi, who having assembled several of his Boyars, or Noblemen together, 
Apafi sends Deputies to the Duke of Lorraine.  had resolved to send Deputies to the Duke of Lorraine, giving him to understand, the great joy and satisfaction they had received by the happy Successes of the Imperial Arms, by which they flattered themselves so far, as to believe that they should now be freed from the Tyranny and oppression of the Ottoman Yoke, and that as a Testimony thereof, they had readily consented to afford all the succour and subsistence they were able to the maintenance of the Christian Troops, during the whole Winter season. But as to assign them places for Quarters within the Principality of Transilvania, they instantly desired to be acquitted; in regard that such a Concession would greatly offend the Port, and lay them open to the Incursions, and to the Fire and Sword both of the Turks and Tartars. To this Message the Duke of Lorraine made Answer in obliging, but yet in general Terms; and in the mean time the Army still advanced without farther Treaty, it being well known that neither the Turkish Troops, nor those of the Country were in a capacity to Dispute their Passage; so that on the 11 th' of October, the Army arrived at Salone, the first Town of Transilvania, year 1687. where after having without many questions or compliments, put a Garrison of about a Hundred Men into the place, 
Offers made.  they marched forward towards Clausembourg: But on their way thither, the Duke of Lorraine was met by three Deputies from the Prince and States, who repeated the same Offers, which had been related by Baron Huntschin touching the Ammunition and Provisions, with which they would furnish the Troops; to which they added also an offer of some Money; but as to assigning places for Winter-quarters, it was a matter impossible, and of the most dangerous consequence to them in the World; since that their Country lying open, and without defence, would thereby be exposed to all the Hostilities, which the most barbarous and cruel Enemy in the World could execute. The Duke of Lorraine finding that the Commission of these Deputies extended no farther, than what they had declared; returned them back again with Count Scherffemberg and Baron Falkenhem, who were orordered to let Prince Apafi know, 
A Message from Lorraine.  that since he had refused to assign him Winter-quarters on fair Terms, he himself should be constrained to point them out unto his Troops, and continue his March into the Bowels of his Country. The States of the Principality perceiving the Duke of Lorraine to be in earnest, and resolved to obtain his Demands; were contented to grant him Quarters for a certain number, but that not sufficing, he continued his March towards Clausembourg or Claudiopolis, the chief City of that Country, and the place where the States of Transilvania did usually Assemble. It is situate in a very fuitful Plain upon the little River of Samos; it is encompassed with very thick Walls, and the Houses are very well Built; 
Claudiopolis.  it is defended by an ancient Fortress; the Suburbs are so large and well peopled, that it seems to be another Town; the Inhabitants are both Hungarians and Saxons, who live in so good unity and correspondence together, that both are equally capable of Offices and Places of Trust in the Government. The Duke of Lorraine so soon as he appeared before the Place, sent to the Governor to provide Quarters in the Town for some of his Troops; but he excusing it, and saying, that he could not do it without Orders from Prince Apafi, immediately Count Caprara was sent to let him know, that his Answer was not satisfactory, and that Orders were given to the Infantry to prepare all things necessary for making an Attack on the Town. Whereupon the Governor considering better of the matter, entered into a Treaty with the Duke of Lorraine, 
The Conditions with Claudiopolis.  who condescended to grant unto the Inhabitants these following Conditions.  
That the Inhabitants should enjoy a free Exercise of their Religion.  
That the Magistrates and Citizens should be maintained in their Liberties and Privileges, and not be forced to pay any extraordinary Contributions.  
That every Officer or Magistrate of the City, should be exempt from giving Quarters to any Soldier in his own House.  
That what Forage and Subsistence should be necessary for the Soldiery should be furnished in Specie, and no Money exacted in lieu of the same: And that the Soldiers be forbidden under severe Penalties to commit any Disorders, or Abuse the People.  
That those Citizens who were unwilling to continue their Abode in the City, but were desirous to depart, might have Liberty so to do, and carry with them all their Goods and Movables.  
According to these Conditions the Garrison of Apafi, marched out at one Gate, whilst Three thousand of the Imperialists entered in at the other with Drums beating and Colours flying; and the Command of the Town was given to Count Guy de Staremberg, which a strict Charge to punish most severely all Insolences of the Soldiers; the which was carefully observed▪ not only in that City, but also in all parts of Transilvania since their entrance into it.  
The Duke of Lorraine having for one day refreshed the rest of his Army in places without the Town, 
The Duke of Lorraine at Alba Julia.  marched towards Turtembourg, which is another important Pass in that Country, in which having left a Garrison, he proceeded to Weissembourg, otherwise called Alba julia, so named from the Empress julia, Mother of Marcus Aurelius, and entered into it without any resistance. The place is situate on the side of a Hill, from whence a vast Plain discovers itself; it is reported to have been the ultimate Limit of the Roman Conquests on that side. Prince Ragotzki erected an University there, which was very flourishing and famous, considering the Country.  
Hermanstadt, alias Zeben, followed the Example of the aforesaid places: It is the Metropolis of the whole Province of Savons, 
Zeben  situate in a Plain full of Boggs and Marshes, and no Hills near to command it; the Walls are very thick, and flanked with very great Bastions.  
Bestrissa, and all the other considerable Towns opened in like manner their Gates; so that now the whole Army being conveniently Quartered, 
And Bestrissa surrender.  the Duke of Lorraine entered into a Treaty with Prince Apafi, and the States of Transilvania, and concluded on these following Articles. 
Articles agreed.   
I. That the Prince of Transilvania, his Children, and all persons of his Household, as also, all the Nobles, and in General, all the People of Transilvania may have liberty according to their Will and Pleasure to go out of Hermanstadt, or any other City or Town, and return again, as shall be most agreeable and expedient to or for their Affairs.  
II. That the Prince, and Michael Apafi, his Eldest Son, who is declared Successor to his Father, shall both retain the same Power and Dignity with which the Sultan had invested them, and that the Principality should be governed by them, and the Estates according to the known Laws and Customs of that Country.  
III. That the Four Religions allowed in Transilvania, that is to say, the Roman Catholics, the Lutherans, the Calvinists, and the Unitarians, or Socinians, shall be permitted to exercise the Rites of their respective Religions, and to have Liberty of Conscience equally indulged to them.  
IV. That it shall not be permitted, on any pretence whatsoever, to molest the Priests, or the Ministers of any of the aforesaid Religions in the due exercise of their respective Rites and Ceremonies, nor disturb their Schools, or Colleges, the which with all freedom and liberty shall be allowed, and permitted, and defended by the Authority and Power of the Emperor.  
V. That the Transilvanians shall be supported, and maintained in their Civil Privileges, and Franchises.  
VI In case any Foreign Power shall invade, and attack the Country of Transilvania, the Imperialists shall use all their power to drive them thence and defend the Country: And the Transilvanians shall to that end enter into a defensive alliance with them; the which shall by both Parties be confirmed upon Oath.  
VII. The Imperial Troops which have their Winter-Quarters in Cities, Towns, or Villages, shall remain no longer therein, than until the Spring; when they shall be obliged to draw out of those Quarters into the Field, that so they may be no longer a charge unto the several Cities and Countries.  
VIII. That in case the Wether and Season should be such, or some other cause intervene, that the Imperialists cannot conveniently draw out into the Field at the beginning of the Spring; there shall be an Article expressly form for this case; that so an amicable understanding may be continued between the Emperor and Prince Apafi.  
IX. That a General Act of Amnesty, or Oblivion shall pass of all Outrages and Hostilities which have been committed on one side or the other, wherein all Strangers and Deserters shall be included.  
X. That the Burghers and Citizens shall be continued in their Privileges of guarding the Gates, and the Keys of the City shall be committed to the hands of the Saxon Consuls; the which Gates notwithstanding are to be shut and opened at all times when the Imperial Governor shall command.  
These Articles being agreed, and concluded between the Duke of Lorraine, and the Prince and Estates of Transilvania, and afterwards ratified by the Emperor, the Troops marched into their Winter-Quarters; and it was hoped, that Moldavia, and Walachia being Neighbouring Provinces, would follow the Example of the more powerful Principality.  
This Year's Campaigne being thus gloriously ended, to the great and lasting Honour of the Emperor, and to the Welfare and Safety of the Empire, and of all Germany, and as we may justly say of all Christendom; 
The Imperial Court goes to Possonium.  The Emperor, the Empress, the Archduke, and the Arch-Duchess Elizabeth his Sister on the 26 th' of October left Vienna, attended only with their ordinary Guards and Ministers, and Officers of their Court, and began their Journey towards Possonium, at which place against this time, circular Letters had been sent to convene a General Diet of the Nobles and States of Hungary.  
This August Family were met on their way near that City by Two thousand of the Hungarian Nobility, all well mounted, with a splendid Equipage in the Plains of Chitzé, not far from Possonium; as also by two Imperial Regiments, which attended their Majesties to the Gates of the City, where the Recorder met them; and having Complimented their Majesties with a most florid Oration, offered the Keys of the City to the Emperor, in the Name of the People, who with loud Acclamations, and firing all the Cannon on the Walls, testified the Joy they conceived for the appearance of the most August and Illustrious Family.  
The day following, after the Mass was Celebrated, the Assembly of the States of Hungary were convened, 
Crown of Hungary settled.  where after divers Points were debated, all Difficulties were overcome, and agreed to the common satisfaction, and with the general consent, That the Hereditary Succession of that Kingdom should descend to the Eldest Son of his Cesarean Majesty, and from him to all those who shall spring, or be derived from him; and for default of Issue, in case that Line should come to fail, (which God forbid) then the Crown should descend unto the Family of the King of Spain.  
The day appointed for the Coronation being come, the Emperor and Empress, attended with ● Noble and an Illustrious Train came to the Temple of St. Martin, where the Ceremony was to be performed, 
The Ceremonies of Crowning the King of Hungary.  and at the Gate thereof were met by the Archbishop of Strigonium, Primate of that Kingdom, assisted by all the Bishops, who were Twelve in Number, besides Fourteen Priors, and Abbots, clothed in their Pontifical and Canonical Habits, who with the Sound of all sorts of Musical Instruments, conducted their Imperial Majesties, habited in their sacred Garments, wearing their Crowns, attended with a most pompous Train, and with all the Signals of Empire unto the Altar, and there seated them on their Thrones.  
After which the Bishops and other Prelates returned to receive the new King; before whom first marched the Heralds of the Kingdom of Hungary in their Coats: After them followed the Guards, next went the Lackeys and Pages, all clothed in new Liveries; these were followed by the Bishops and Chief Officers of that Kingdom, with Ten Hungarian Knights, each carrying a Standard in his hand, representing the Ten Kingdoms anciently appertaining to the vast Dominion of Hungary.  
After all which came the King clothed in the Hungarian Habit accompanied with Prince Esterhasy the Palatine, and the Counts Stephen Ciaky, Lord Chief Justice Nicholas Erdeody Ban or Prince of the Kingdom of Croatia, john Drascoviz, Steward of the Royal Household, and Adam Zrini, Marshal of the Kingdom; the King himself being between Two Bishops, was conducted to the Throne prepared for him, not far from the High Altar, at which Mass was Celebrated by the Archbishop of Strigonium, Lord Primate of Hungary; the which being ended, all the Nobility did Homage to the King; who having made profession of his Faith before the Altar, he was Blessed and Consecrated by the Archbishop, and Anointed in the Palm of his Right-hand, on his Arm, and Shoulders; and then the Palatine holding up the Crown in his hand, asked them with a loud Voice, saying, Coronabimus josephum Archiducem Austrioe in Regem Hungarioe? which is, Shall we Crown joseph Archduke of Austria King of the Romans? which being done Three times, and answer made as often Coronetur, or let him be Crowned; the Crown was delivered by the Palatine to the Archbishop, who set it on his Head, and was clothed by him with the Royal Mantle of St. Stephen: Then was the Sword delivered to one Hand, and the Sceptre to the other; and thus being adorned with all the Ensigns of Majesty, he was Proclaimed King with the sound of Drums, Trumpets, Acclamations of the People, and all sorts of Music, the Cannon being at the same time Fired round the Walls, and in the Fortresses. Then was the King conducted again to his Throne, and Te Deum sung: In the mean time the Mass was continued by the Archbishop, who being come to the Gospel, the Emperor himself arose, and taking the Sceptre in his Right Hand, and the Globe in his Left, he held the same in that manner, until the Gospel was ended, and then the Young King received the Sacrament.  
All the Ceremonies being ended, the King descended from his Throne, and walked in Procession, habited in his Royal Garments, the Bishops, and all the Orders of State marching before him, to the Church of the Franciscans discalced, all the Streets being hung with White, and Red, and Green Cloth, and crowded with an infinite Number of Spectators. Being come into the Monastery, several Ceremonies were performed, and the King having conferred the Honour of Knighthood on divers Gentlemen, he was entertained with a Dinner, and some Refreshments, after the Solemnities of Four hours, in the Refectory of the Convent. After which the King mounted on Horseback, and being attended with aNobleCavalcade ofmost of the Nobility of the Kingdom, and always accompanied by the Prince of Salm, his Tutor, under Title of Lord High Steward of his Household; he was conducted through the Gate of St. Michael, to a Theatre erected against the Monastery called the Brothers of Mercy, on which the King ascended; and being Seated under a Canopy, all the Guns from the Walls of the City and Fortresses were Fired; and then the King in the face of all the People, took an Oath to conserve all the Privileges of that Kingdom, as lately agreed by the Estates in several particulars. After which the Palatine turning to the People, cried with a loud Voice, Vivat Rex Hungariae. Then the King descended, and went in like manner as before, to another Theatre raised on a little Hill near the Fish-gate; where unsheathing his Sword, he therewith made Four Crosses towards the Four Quarters of the World, as a Signal that therewith he would Fight against all the Enemies of that Kingdom, and of the most August House of Austria. After which the King descended, followed by the Lordh High Chamberlain of the Mountain Cities; and Baron Viechter, of the Emperor's Privy-Council, who scattered Money amongst the People; and being entered within the Castle, all the Canon were Fired; and the King dismounting from his Horse, was attended to the Emperor's Apartments with a splendid Train of the Nobility and Gentry; and being thence conducted to the Imperial Hall, he was entertained there with incomparable Music both Vocal and Instrumental, and with a Sumptuous and Royal Banquet; where also all the Prelates, Grandees, and Strangers were treated at Eighty several Magnificent Tables: After which, the Solemnities and Triumphs of the day were ended with great Joy, Honour, and Satisfaction. And now in this place it is worthy our Observation, that whilst the Germans were employed in the Exaltation of joseph, the Archduke, to the Throne of the Kingdom of Hungary; the Turks were on the other side busy in pulling down, and deposing Mahomet their Sultan, and in his place, raising and setting up his Brother Solyman to be their Lord and Emperor.  
Whilst these things were in agitation, the Blocade of Agria continued, and the place greatly straitened by Marquis Doria. And the Duke of Lorraine having agreed all things with the Prince and Estates of Transilvania, and settled and secured his Army in their Winter-Quarters, found a vacancy to absent himself from the Camp, and ease his mind after the troubles of a long and hazardous Campaigne: Accordingly the Duke in company with the Marquis of Baden Durlach, took his Journey towards the Imperial Court, and in his way visited Marquis Doria; and taking a survey of the Blocade of Agria, gave such Orders therein, as were most convenient to force a speedy surrender of the place; and thence proceeding to Possonium, he was there received by his Imperial Majesty; with such Honours and gracious Expressions, as befitted the Worth and Merit of so brave and fortunate a General. And having remained some few days at this place, he took his leave of the Emperor, and his Journey to Insprug, being all the way honoured with the Praises, Acclamations, and Blessings of the People.  
In the mean time Agria being miserably straitened for want of Victuals, many died, and others to avoid Famine, abandoned the Town, and fled privately to other places: Those which remained within, grew desperate of all relief: For Tekely had promised them Succours, and in pursuance thereof intended to pass the Tibiscus; but meeting there with some Forces under Count Sarau, was forced to retire, leaving Agria to its own Fate: Of which the People having Information, they all arose, and with one consent laying before the Pasha their miseries, in which they must (if not prevented) in a short time inevitably perish, they constrained him to propose a Treaty, and send Two Hostages to the Imperial Camp; which being accordingly done, the Marquis of Doria accepted them, and in exchange thereof sent Two others to the City. The Articles were easily agreed, but not so soon executed; for the Pasha out of an unnecessary caution, required that the Capitulations should be confirmed by the Hand of the Emperor; in compliance with which demand, Marquis Doria dispatched Count Anthony of Lamberg, a Carinthian Gentleman, with an Aga, to make tender of the Articles to the Emperor; the which having been examined, were Approved, Confirmed, and Signed by his Imperial Majesty.  
The Articles being returned with their Confirmation, and the Writings of Treaty exchanged, Count Marsigli with a Commissary of the Artillery, was sent into the Town, that with his usual Zeal, and dexterous Management of Affairs, which he had evidenced in several occasions in the Emperor's Service, he might take notice of the state of the place, and the Provisions belonging to it. The Count being entered into the Gates, was received kindly by the People, and with much faithfulness was showed all the Magazines, Stores, and Ammunition of the place. We must not expect to receive any account of Victuals, for those were long since consumed; but as to Ammunition, there were Twenty thousand Cannon-Bullets remaining, of which Four Thousand were for Whole Cannon; One Thousand hundred Weight of Powder, Twenty thousand Hand-Granadoes, besides great quantities of Bombs and Carcases, many thousands of Match, One hundred and Ten Pieces of Cannon, five Mortar Pieces, and nine Mines and Countermines; notwithstanding all which, Famine being a stronger Enemy within, than all the Troops and Forces were without; on the 16 th' of December the City was surrendered, year 1687. and according to the Capitulations, Carts were provided, and the Soldiers and Inhabitants with their Women and Children, and with their Goods and Baggage were permitted to March out; and than Russan the Pasha delivered up the Keys of the City, Castle and Magazines, to the Hand of General Caraffa, who at the Head of the Imperial Troops ranged in good order, stood ready to receive them. 
General Caraffa trea●s the Pasha of Agria.  Then the General conducted the Pasha to his Tent, and there treated him with a very sumptuous Dinner; after which he presented him with several fine Horses, and two Carts laden with Refreshments. Various discourses having passed between them, at length Russan Pasha taking his leave, said these words, Into your Hands, as Commissioner for the Emperor of the Romans I surrender this City without Blood; for having endured a Famine of seven Months without Bread, I could hold it out no longer, but am forced to give up a place, which one of my Emperors took with his own Hands; wherefore do you give God thanks; for this and all other Successes are from the appointment, and disposition of the most High.  
All the Garrison, with Men, Women and Children, which marched out, were Three thousand five hundred; about Six hundred remained in the place and submitted to the Imperial Sovereignty. It was sad to hear the Miseries of those People recounted, who had for several Months lived on nothing but boiled Herbs; and if a piece of Horseflesh could have been purchased with Gold, to dress and put in the Pot with them, it would have been a Feast for several Days. The constancy of this People in their sufferings cannot be sufficiently expressed; so that as the Blocade itself was the most famous of any in our Age, so the Surrender of the place was of high importance; for Thirteen Counties depended thereon, and the Emperor thereby became absolute Master of all that Country, 
The advantage of taking Ag●ia.  which lies between the Danube and the Tibiscus; and laid Mongatz open and exposed to greater danger, which was already blocked up by Forces quartered round the place. Thus having finished the relation of this year's Wars in Hungary, it will be pertinent to our History to pass over into the Morea, and there take a Survey of that Country, and recount the Exploits and Achievements, performed there this year by the Venetian Arms.  
At the beginning of this Year, year 1687. the Senate ordained three days of solemn Devotion to implore the Divine Blessing on the Arms of that Republic, which was performed with many Processions, expense of Lamps and Wax; 
Prayers at Venice for Success.  and with many Vows and Prayers of the People. So soon as the Season became Ripe and fit for Action, it was resolved by the Captain General, the Cavalier Francis Morosini, with the Universal consent of all the Commanders at a Council of War held the 21st of july, to enter the River of Patras, and accordingly the whole Fleet, with the Vessels which transported the Land Forces, Provisions and Ammunition loosed from Glimino on the 20 th' of july, and made a glorious appearance in those Seas, being composed of Twenty six Galleys, six Galleasses, besides Eighty seven Vessels of other sorts; that is to say▪ Ships, Pinks, 
The Venetian Armado Sail to Patras.  Petaches and such like, who were all Commanded by the Governor Zaguri. This Fleet Sailing all that Night with a prosperous Gale, on the 21st in the Morning came in sight of the Castles and Fortress of Patras; at appearance of which the Turks being much alarmed came down in great numbers, and pitched their Tents, some on the Top of a Hill, and others on the side of the main Castle. The better to discover the State and Condition of the Turkish Camp, the lighter Vessels were Commanded to Coast along the Shoar, by which and by some Spies it was known, and advised in what manner their whole Camp was disposed; a Detachment of which under shelter of a Trench, which they had thrown up, fired many Volleys of Smallshot against the Vessels which coasted along the Shoar; but proceeded no farther to annoy their Enemies than unto the end of their Line; 
The Turks Trenches.  which when the Captain General observed, and the difficulty of Landing near those places, he entered into the River of Rumelia, which in like manner he found to be guarded by great numbers of Turks, and a Trench like the former cast up near the Castle. The General Konismark (of whom with due Honour we have made mention in the Transactions of the last year, was embarked on the Admiral Galley with the Captain General, to have the better convenience to consult and confer together) was of Opinion, that notwithstanding all the Preparations the Turks had made near the Castle, and that the Seraskier of the Morea was encamped near the Town of Patras, and two other Pashas not far distant from thence, and the Banks along Guarded by Parapets or Breast-works; yet, that the most fit and commodious place to Land, was in the River of Patras itself; which being agreed, the Troops were disposed in an extraordinary manner of Military Discipline, and ordered speedily to Land, which was done with great Resolution: The first to set Foot on the Shoar were the Germans, who were on followed by all the other Troops, without any hindrance, or obstruction from the Enemy at their Landing; 
The Christians land.  because the place being in some manner guarded and defended by a Morass, or Wet-ground, the Turks thought themselves on some kind of disadvantage, in case of an Attack.  
The Troops being landed, and drawn up in Battalia, the Germans led the Van, and marching with great bravery to the Right, were charged by a strong Detachment of the Turks; whom they received with such Vigour, 
The Turks Retreat.  that they caused them to Retreat, and afterwards betake themselves to a shameful Flight. This first step being thus fortunately begun, gave Courage to the Christians, and Resolution to the Captain General Morosini, to fall on the Seraskier in his Camp before he was reinforced by more Troops, which daily joined with him. At first landing all the Venetian Army consisted of no more than Nine thousand Foot, and Thirteen hundred Horse; those Forces having been much diminished by the Fatigues of the last year, and the Sickness of their Winter-Quarters, but now being recruited by great numbers of Levents and Greeks, who as Volontiers came over from Zant and Cefalonia, the Army became numerous and capable to undertake any Enterprise. But to facilitate the Designs; it was adjudged necessary to cut off all Communication between the Castles; the which was no sooner ordered than put in Execution, 
Some Galleys pass the Castles.  by the entrance of divers Galleys, which by favour of the Night adventured to pass the Dardanelli, or narrow Passages into the bottom of the Gulf, without any other hurt or loss, than of four or five Men at the Oars by a Canonshot; the which Galleys were followed by a galeot and three Felucas, Commanded by Magnar, a Knight of Malta. This unexpected appearance of the Venetian Colours within the Dardanelli, as it struck a great Terror and Amazement to the Turks, being a Straight which they thought impossible to be passed by any Vessel whatsoever; so it gave the Christians a Resolution to Attack the Seraskier, who according to a Report of certain Prisoners taken in a Boat passing from the Morea to Rumelia side, lay not far off encamped with an Army of 10.000 Foot, and 4000 Horse; and that a Reserve of 5000 Foot more, and 1000 Horse lay quartered about five Italian Miles from thence. The Galleys within the Gulf made great Triumph with their Flags and Streamers; and made themselves Masters of Fourteen Galiots or Brigantines, which had long served for Capers or Picaroons, to Rob and Plunder in those Seas. This Success enlivening the Spirits of the Christians, it was resolved at a Council of War, to March by the side of the Hill to attempt the Seraskier's Camp, as a way the least incommoded by the Enemy's Cannon; and where was place sufficient to draw up the Battalions in good order.  
In pursuance of this Resolution on the 24 th' of july by break of day, General Konismark drew up the Army, and disposed them in order of Battle, and advanced boldly on the Enemy, who consisted of Ten thousand Foot and Four thousand Horse: And in the mean time the Captain General with some light Vessels directed the Galleasses, 
Konismark draws up the Army.  to destroy a Battery of the Enemy erected near the Seaside; and to drive out of a Trench two Troops of Turkish Horse, a Marine Regiment was landed under Command of Captain Negro, who in a short time made themselves Masters of the Battery, on which were divers Pieces of Cannon, two whereof were of Brass.  
The Seraskier enraged at the loss of these places, and seeing the Enemy's Troops advance upon him, feared to be assaulted in the Rear, or surprised in their Trenches; to prevent which, he made a Detachment of some of his best Troops to meet the Enemy and Skirmish with them; in which Action though the Turks seemingly showed Resolution; yet they did it in that loose manner, running at first as it were on the Face of the Enemy, and then turning their Backs, as if they designed thereby to disturb the good Order of the Christians; who still maintained and kept their Ranks with a Regular steddiness, and still advanced forward to come unto their desired Engagement. At length about three a Clock in the Afternoon the Turks began to Skirmish with a Battalion Commanded by Colonel Ceclina, 
A Fight.  who so well behaved themselves, that they put the Enemy to Flight: Which when the Seraskier observed, he gave out the Signal for the whole Army to Engage, and to Charge the Christians both in the Front and in the Flank, trusting to his Troops, which were much Superior in number to their Enemies. Their first attack was with the usual Cry of Alah, Alah, accompanied with the Volleys of all their Smallshot, after which they fell furiously on with their Scemyters in their Hands. The first Fire was received and sustained by the Germans, flanked by the Croatian Cavalry of the left Wing, without moving the least Step backwards, and particularly by the old Veterane Regiments of Brunswick, who according to their usual Bravery, repulsed the Enemy with continued Volleys of Shot; and the Cavalry under Command of that renowned Captain the Marquis of Corbon, so vigorously seconded the Foot, that the Turks began to give Way and Retreat, and soon afterwards to betake themselves to a shameful Flight. The Christians were very eager to pursue the flying Enemy, but the General Konismark suspecting some treacherous Ambuscade, 
The Tu●ks defeated.  gave a stop to the Valiant Heat of his Army.  
At the same time, the Captain General took this opportunity to Command Captain Negro with his Battalions to advance to the bottom of the Gulf of Lepanto, from whence all the Forces both of the Fleet, and the Land Soldiers giving a loud Shout, put the Turks into such a Consternation, that they abandoned all their Works raised at the bottom of the Gulf; and giving Fire first to their Magazine of Powder and Ammunition, they followed the Example of their flying Seraskier or General.  
In this manner by the Blessing of the Divine Providence, this strong Fortress of Patras fell into the Hands of the Venetians, which in former times had withstood numerous Armies of the Turks. 
Patras taken.  In ancient days Emanuel Emperor of the Greeks, finding himself not in a Condition to defend this place against the prosperous, and the then successful Arms of the Turks, resigned it into the Hands of the Venetians to be defended by them, who so well fortified the place with such Works and Cannon, that the Turks laying Siege thereunto in the year 1465, were able to avail nothing; but afterwards returning with a more powerful and invincible Army in the year 1496, and laying Siege to the place; after a long and valorous defence was forced to yield itself to the power of the Turk, in whose Hands it hath ever remained, until this year of 1687, when it yielded itself to the Victorious Arms of the Evangelist St. Mark.  
So soon as the News hereof came to the knowledge of the Captain General, he immediately weighed Anchor, and by break of Day in the Morning, Sailed with his whole Fleet under the Castle of Rumelia, where he found Mahomet Pasha Encamped with Six thousand Men. This Surprise was so sudden, that the Turks having no time to consult, or send for other Succours or Auxiliaries, with great Precipitation betook themselves to a shameful Flight, giving Fire in the first place to all their Magazine of Powder, 
Mahomet Pasha put to Flight.  the force of which shook down a great part of that Wall which looks towards the Sea. Upon these Successes, the Captain General following the Air of his good Fortune, Commanded all the Fleet to bring their Chase-guns on the Head of their Ships and Galleys, to bear on the Fortress of Lepanto, which was a most admirable Structure, and so strong, that in ancient times it had ruined those Armies and Fleets, which had made Attacks upon it: 
The Fort of Lepanto battered.  But now the Fortune of the Turks being changed; and therewith their Spirits sunk and grown low, they were not able to sustain the shot of the Venetians; but taking whatsoever with them, that they could carry on their Backs and Shoulders, they abandoned the place, leaving a free access and entrance thereinto at the pleasure and will of their Enemies: Thus did the Venetians in less than Twenty four hours time, erect their Flag on four several strong Fortresses, with little damage on their side, but with considerable slaughter of the Turks, 
The Seraskier Flies to Corinth.  and loss of the greatest part of the Baggage, Ammunition and Tents in their Camp; from whence the Seraskier marched with great fear and haste to Corinth. In these four places the Venetians took Sixty Pieces of Cannon, most of them of Brass, with eight Pieces in the Camp of the Seraskier, and other six from the Camp of Mustapha Pasha, with great Stores of Provisions of all sorts. The News of this happy Success was dispatched to Venice with all diligence by Sergeant Major Nicolo Rossi, who embarked on a Feluca belonging to the State, and happily arrived at that City on a Sunday, whilst the Grand Counsel of ten were actually Sitting; The Letters from the Captain General being opened and Read, giving a distinct Account of the Blessings of Heaven on the Venetian Arms, it pleased the Senate to give immediate Order, that solemn Thanks should be rendered to God Almighty in all places of public Devotion, for his Benedictions and gracious Deliverances: And accordingly his Serene Highness the Doge, assisted by all the Ambassadors and Senators, 
rejoicings at Venice.  and Magistrates in their purple Robes, descended into the Ducal Chapel of St. Mark, where Te Deum was solemnly Sung with most excellent Harmony, and Music of all sorts of Instruments, with firing the Guns, ringing of Bells, and several other Expressions of Joy and Triumph; the which Festival of Joy continued for the space of three Days.  
These Demonstrations of public Joy being concluded, the Senate which hath been always munificent in their Gifts and Honours unto those, who have rendered Services to their Republic, were pleased in the High Counsel of the Pregadi, to ordain, 
Rewards given to the Generals.  that to the eternal Memory of the glorious Triumphs of the Captain General Francisco Morosini, that the Horse-tails and Standards, which are the Opima Spolia, or Royal Spoils, taken from the Seraskier or Turkish General in the Field, should be placed in the Senatorian Chamber: And that a Statue of Brass representing the Person of Morosini should be erected, with such an Inscription as might conserve the Glory of his Name to all Ages. The term of time in which Count Konismark was to exercise the Office of General, was enlarged for seven years, beyond the time specified in his Patent, with an Augmentation of Six thousand Ducats to his ordinary Stipend, so that for the seven years to come, he was to receive Twenty four thousand Ducats a year; To the Prince of Brunswick a Jewel was ordained of Four thousand Ducats; To the Prince of Savoy a Sword was appointed, with a Hilt set with precious Stones, to the value of Twenty four hundred Ducats; To Marquis Corbon Eight hundred Ducats a year were allotted, as an Addition to his former Salary: All, or most of the other General Officers were gratified with Presents, agreeable to their quality; and such as were Venetians were promoted to Offices, and places of Trust in the State, and some to the Patrician Dignity.  
Thus whilst all things were Triumphant at Venice, the Morea was filled with Slaughter and Consternation of the Turks, who terrified with the entire Defeat and Flight of the Seraskier, and the Surrender of Lepanto, Patras, 
The Turks Fly out of the Morea.  and two other Castles of considerable Force, resolved to give way to Fortune, and to quit and abandon the Kingdom of Morea. For indeed, the loss which the Turks had sustained, was far greater than it was computed at first; for besides those which were Slain in the Field of Battle, above Two thousand were found dead in the Highways, in Ditches and under Rocks: And divers Soldiers Adventures, who to get many Slaves, were so bold as to Rove about in the Country, reported, that in the Fields and Villages, every where they met with dead Bodies and wounded Men. To pursue this Victory, and follow the Footsteps of Fortune, which so fairly presented itself, the Captain General leaving the great Vessels of his Fleet at the two Castles of Rumelia and Lepanto, entered farther into the Gulf of Lepanto with his lighter Galleys, and coasting along by the Landside, he so affrighted the Turks, that carrying away with them what Goods were portable, they followed the Footsteps of their flying Army. And being mad and enraged to leave their native Soil, they carried away with them whole Families of Christians into Slavery: But the Peasants or Country People alarmed hereat, and encouraged by the Successes of the Christians, arose in Arms against them, and recovered back the greatest part of their Wives and Children, as they were leading them into Captivity, killing and taking many of the Fugitives. The Noise hereof served still to amaze and confound the Turks; 
Mustapha Pasha Flies ●o Salona.  so that Mustapha Pasha fled with all Precipitation without so much as being pursued by the Enemy, taking his March towards Salona, not far from which place he encountered with Ishmael Pasha, who had with him a Thousand Soldiers, which he brought from Salonica, alias Thessalonica. These two Commanders with fear, and uncertainty what to act, remained some days at Salona; for considering that in case they should remain there, they should lie exposed to the Attack of the Enemy; and then in case they should march and join with the Seraskier at Corinth, they were in danger of being strangled by him, for having been so tardy in their March, and so backward in coming to his assistance, wherefore they took a Resolution to become a Convoy to those Families of Turks, who in great numbers with Women and Children had quitted the Morea, and were going to plant themselves in the upper parts of Greece.  
In the mean time the Captain General Sailing with Victorious Arms, and a prosperous Gale by the Shoar of the Gulf of Lepanto, 
The Venetians Anchor before Corinth.  came in a short time to take a full view and prospect of the ancient City of Corinth; in the Road of which they came to an Anchor with all their Fleet of Galleys and Galeots: But because that Gulf is commonly subject to bad and tempestuous Wether, and the Navigation in those Seas very dangerous, there being no Port on the Morea side within a Hundred Miles; and on the other, no shelter besides a small Nook or Creek, which is narrow and not capable to receive many Vessels, and the Water shallow; therefore the Captain General proceeding with due caution according to Military discipline, dispeeded some of his lighter Vessels to Fathom the depth of the Waters, and to take a survey of the State, and Condition of the Enemies Camp.  
The affrighted Turks seeing the Venetian Fleet in the Road of Corinth, did of their own accord set Fire to all the Villages and Houses round about, and also to the Town itself, blowing up all the Ammunition, 
The Turks burn and abandon Corin●h.  and destroying the Provisions which they could not carry with them; and so quitted and abandoned that anciently famous City, leaving it a Prey to their Enemies at a cheep rate, without the least drop of Blood; and thence possessed with a Panic fear marched away to Thebes, there to make their place of Rendezvous for their scattered Troops to unite.  
The Captain General being informed that the Turks had deserted the City, or Village rather (as it now remains) and reduced as much as they could of it unto Ashes, returned with all speed imaginable to the Castles of Rumelia and Morea, where he had left the most considerable part of his Forces encamped, as also some Galleys and Vessels belonging to his Fleet: And there taking aboard the greatest part of the Infantry, whilst the Cavalry marched by Land, with some Regiments of Foot under the Command of Count Konismark, they all came to join near the Town of Corinth; and thence in order of Battle took possession of the place, 
The Christians take possession of the place.  where they scarce found a House, or Lodging wherein to cover or shelter themselves; such havoc and destruction had the Turks made of every thing besides the Walls: The Gates also of the Fortress were found open, and an easy entrance thereinto; which being possessed by the Companies of Colonel Bonetti, and Count Vertova, the Standard of St. Mark was displayed on the Walls. The City of Corinth was anciently the Metropolis of all Achaia; and therefore called by Lucius Florus Achaiae Caput, & Greciae Decus: After it had fallen under the Government of the Roman Commonwealth, many Battles were fought near the Walls of that City, 
A d●●cription of Corinth.  under the Command of several Generals, such as Critolzus, Metellus and Mummius. The Corinthian Brass is famous over all the World, for the admirable mixture of it with divers others Mettles, amongst which there was some proportion of Gold which entered into the Composition. The Art of making this Brass is now entirely lost, and the quantity thereof not much at present in the World; for all the ancient Statues of famous Men of Greece, erected at Corinth of this sort of Brass, were by Wars and Alterations in the State melted down and carried to Rome, which afterwards being worked into Plates, served to cover the Roof of the Pantheon, now called the Rotondo at Rome; and thence by order of the Barberini were ripped off, and an Altar made thereof consecrated to St. Peter and St. Paul, in the great Basilicon of St. Peter; the Over-plus of which was turned into a Cannon, and placed in the Castle of St. Angelo; which gave occasion to that saying, Quod non fecerunt Babari, fecerunt Barberini.  
The Situation of Corinth is in a rich and fertile Country, and in a sweet Air, and so near the Sea, that it enjoyed the benefit and use of all the Elements, rendering it a place of Plenty and Luxury, which gave occasion to that saying, Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum. Near this place is the Mount Parnassus, and the Fountain of Helicon. From the Romans Corinth descended to the Grecian Emperors, one of which called Emanuel, overthrew Roger King of Naples, who invaded the Countries near Corinth. Not long afterwards the Despots of Greece yielded it up to the Republic of Venice, who defended it for some years, until overpowred with the force and numbers of Mahomet the Second, were at length compelled to give it up to his Tyranny: Since which time it hath ever remained in the Hands of the Turks, until this year of 1687, when God favouring the Christian Arms in this, as well, as in other parts, was pleased to restore this City to the Venetians, the ancient Lords and Possessors of it.  
The Albanians encouraged with these Successes, 
The Alban●ans fall on the Turks.  and the Flight of the Turks, pursued after them, and falling on their Rear seized on their Baggage, and all their Beasts of Burden, such as Horses, Camels, Mules and Asses; carrying away Men, Women and Children Captives, with great Droves of Cattle to the City of Megara.  
These happy events were followed by the Surrender of Castle Tornese, 
Castle Tornese Surrenders.  at the first Summons made by Captain Negro, upon no other Conditions than that they should save their Lives, and have Licence to carry away all their Goods and Baggage, which was freely granted to them, with Vessels to Transport them to Smyrna. But before their departure, about an Hundred and fifty Turks, Inhabitants of that Castle, voluntarily declared themselves Christians, and were desirous of being Baptised; amongst these were many Families of the Gastuni, who having a Territory of their own, containing some Hundred of Houses and Cottages, desired all to be received into the Bosom of the Christian Church; all which were in a Solemn manner Baptised together; to the great Confusion and Displeasure of the Mahometan Professors.  
The Report of these Successes, year 1687. with the appearance of so great a Fleet at Corinth, struck all the Inhabitants of the Morea with such Terror and Consternation, that they voluntarily submitted themselves to the Venetian Government; as namely Misitra, Saritenea, Idrapolica, all which places were abandoned by the Turks: Only Salona, 
Several other Towns submit.  a Town well peopled, and Situate in a rich Soil, which lies within a small Gulf so called, sent two Turks to the Captain General to offer a Tribute to him, provided they might live under their own Laws and Government; but this seeming a ridiculous Proposition under their present Circumstances, it was absolutely rejected: Whereupon the rich and ruling Turks of the City, 
As also Salona.  with fear and precipitation removed their Goods and Families and Fled; and the City yielded itself to the power, and under the subjection of the Conqueror: And so successfully had all things proceeded through the course of this Campain, that besides the Cities gained with very little Blood, as before related, Three hundred Pieces of Cannon, most of Brass were added to the public Stock; besides Thousands of Slaves, Ammunition and Provisions. All things thus falling at the Feet of the Venetians, the Land Army both of Horse and Foot encamped near Corinth, under Command of Count Conismark, whilst the Captain General with the greatest part of the Armado coasted round the Morea, to visit, and strengthen the places newly reduced, and especially those parts which are bordering on the Gulf of Egena. In the mean time many Families of Greece, which had for a long time been oppressed by the Tyranny of the Turkish Government, made their Petition to the Captain General, that they might be transported to some Country under the Venetian Dominion, where they might enjoy Freedom and Security, 
Several Greek Families transported to the Morea.  both in their Religion and Estates. Morosini considering well that the multitude of People is the Riches and strength of a Country; and that the Morea being almost emptied of People, and desolate by the Flight and Desertion of the Turks, easily condescended to their request, and accordingly dispeeded the Proveditor Pisani with four Galleys, and some other Transport Vessels to carry away the People, of which many Thousands with their Baggage and Cattle were Embarked, and Landed in divers parts of the Morea, where those Families are at present settled. The Successes of the Venetian Arms had now gained such Reputation in all parts, that Mitra, a strong and considerable place submitted, 
Mitra Surrenders.  and followed the Fortune of other places; for the Turks therein, at the first appearance only of Polani the Proveditor of Sarnata, with some Marine Forces displaying their white Flag, entered into a Treaty and gave Hostages for performance of Articles; the which was soon performed, and the place yielded to the Conqueror. The Surrender of this City produced many other happy consequences, one of which, was, that thereby Napoli di Malvasia became greatly straightened, and all hopes of Relief and Succour cut off, when on any occasion it should happen to be distressed: And now to terrify and amuse that Garrison, year 1687. and the Inhabitants, who by the numbers therein, and the Situation of the place were very strong, and able to make a considerable resistance, Captain Venier (who was newly returned from blocking up the Turkish Fleet at Rhodes, many of which Ships were come from Egypt laden with Rice, 
Malvasia alarmed.  and other Provisons for Constantinople) was ordered to appear before the Town with his Squadron of Ships, and some Corsairs, whom he had accidentally met with in the Seas; to which the Capt. General joining some of the lighter Galleys, caused such an appearance to be made, something terrible to the People of Malvasia, as might give them an Alarm, and Prepare and dispose them to a Surrender.  
The Venetians Sailing with a prosperous Gale of Fortune, resolved, if possible, to Crown the Achievements of this Campain, with the glorious Conquest of that ancient City of Athens, in order to which design (though the Season of the year was far spent) yet the Captain General leaving a strong detachment at Corinth, gave Orders to the remainder of his Fleet to Sail to the other side of the Isthmus, which is the full compass and circle of the Morea; and in his way coming before the Walls of Malvasia, he sent a Summons to the Turks, who maintained the Peninsula of that strong Fortress; but they returning a proud Answer, and showing a resolution to defend themselves, the Captain General was pleased to bestow certain Bombs and Cannon upon them, 
And is Bombed.  which ruined a part of the Town, and did some damage to the Castle; but having a design upon Athens, he thought not fit to Land his Men, but to proceed forward to Port Leon, year 1687. where being arrived on the 20/10 of Sept. both Horse and Foot were immediately Landed, 
A design upon Athens.  and took their March in an orderly manner to the Walls of Athens. Port Leon is so called from the Image of a Lion, erected on a Pedestal at the bottom of the Port, and may be about six or seven English Miles distant from Athens. So soon as the Turks of that place had the News of the descent, or landing of the Venetinn Troops, they abandoned the City and Houses thereabouts, and full of fear and amazement fled into the Castle: 
Which is Summoned.  Which according to the usual Custom being summoned to Surrender on fair and gentle Terms, an Answer was returned with proud expressions, evidencing a resolution to defend the place to the utmost extremity. Whereupon General Konismark entrenched round the Town, raised a Battery of six Pieces of Cannon and four Mortar-pieces, 
The Castle battered.  with which he began to Batter the Castle, which was Situate on a high Rock, that on three sides of it was inaccessible; and because that part which lay open was all Rock, without Earth to cover the Men, it was very difficult to make nearer Approaches; so that for the space of eight days, all that could be done, was to shoot fiery Bullets and Bombs into the place, which had so good effect, that one falling into their Magazine of Powder, Blew up a great part of the Castle into the Air, burying most of the People in the Ruins.  
The Seraskier having gathered some of his dispersed Troops into a Body, took his March towards Athens, as if he had intended to relieve the place: 
The Seraskier dare● not Fight.  Upon advice of which General Konismark drew off a strong party both of Horse and Foot, and marched away to meet the Seraskier; whose Spirit being cowed by the late ill Successes in the Morea, durst not stand the Shock, or try his Fortune in another Battle, but retreated, and fled with his Forces to strong Holds in the Mountains.  
This shameful Flight of the Seraskier, gave sufficient evidence and proof to the Besieged of the weak and low Condition of the Seraskier, the which being joined to the late unhappy Accident of blowing up the Magazine of Ammunition, so dispirited the Defendants, that finding themselves without all probable hopes of Relief, they displayed a white Flag, 
The Castle of Athens surrenders.  to show their desires to Capitulate; and accordingly a Treaty was entered into and concluded in few Articles.  
That the Soldiers should march forth without Arms, 
The Articles of Treaty.  and with no more Goods than what they could at one time carry on their Shoulders. And 2dly, That in the space of Five days they should quit the place; which was accordingly performed at the expiration thereof; about Three thousand Souls in all going out, of which not above Six hundred men were capable to bear Arms: To which, Licence was given to take so much Provision with them, as might serve to sustain them as far as Smyrna, or any other place, to which they were desirous to be Transported. But many of the Greeks being not willing to leave their Dwellings and their Native Soil, remained still in the City; and amongst the Turks about Three hundred professing the Christian Faith, were received to Baptism, 
Some Turks turn Christians.  of which we find very few Examples amongst the Turks in other places, who are as firm and constant to their Mahometan Principles, as any Sect in the World are to theirs. Only I observe that the Turks in Greece are more easily persuaded to embrace the Christian Faith, than they are in other Countries; perhaps because they are for the most part sprung from Christian Parents, and are married to Christian Wives, and have most of their Conversation with them; so that it is no wonder if the Rites and Services of the Christian Religion, which are become familiar to them, should be more easily embraced by these than other Turks who are Educated with a detestation and abhorrence to Christianity.  
In the Castle were found Eighteen Pieces of Cannon of divers sorts and metals; the City itself remained entire with little damage, 
The description of Athens.  though ruined, and grievously destroyed by other Wars. It was anciently the capital City of all Attica, the Walls of which are about Three miles in compass; within which are the Ruins of many stately Edifices, which by Time and Wars have lost their Names and Memory of what they were. There is one Magnificent Palace supported by Pillars of Marble, upon one of which is Engraven in Greek Characters, This is Athens, the Ancient Seat of Theseus: There is also the Pantheon, on the Walls of which are Engraven the Figures of the Grecian Champions; there are also Two Horses to be seen cut in Stone, which are said to be the Workmanship of Praxiteles: Moreover there are many other Antiquities there to be seen, which are not the Subject of this History. Only it is observable, That in this place is the best Air of the World, which served to quicken the Wits, and clear the Understandings of Young Students, who were sent to that University to have their Education. This City being thus fallen into the hands of the Venetians, the Government thereof was committed to the charge of Daniel Delfin, a Nobleman of Venice.  
The News of the taking of Athens flying into all the Towns and Countries round about, so terrified the People of Megara, 
Megara burnt.  that not attending the Assault or Approach of the Enemy, they with fearful Consternation abandoned the place, and carrying with them what in such a precipitate haste was portable, they left the rest to the disposal of the Venetians; who considering it as a place rather troublesome than useful, delivered it up to the Mercy of the Flames.  
As the Venetian Arms were prosperous in the Morea, and other parts of Greece, year 1687. under the wise and happy Conduct of the Captain-General Francisco Morosini; so were they not less successful in Dalmatia, and Albania, under the Valorous Guidance of that worthy General Gerolemo Cornaro Procurator of St. Mark.  
On the First of September a Squadron of the Venetian Armado (distinct from that which was commanded by General Morosini) consisting of some Galleys, Galiot Ships, 
castle Nuovo attacked.  and other Transport Vessels, appearing before the Town of castle Nuovo, greatly alarmed the Garrison, and People therein; of which they conceived the greater Dread and Apprehensions; because they had observed that the Auxiliary Galleys, which had long been hover about the Coast of Dalmatia were come in, and had joined the Armado, attended with great Numbers of Vessels laden with Ammunition and Provisions; and reinforced by certain Veterane Troops belonging to the G. Duke of Toscany.  
On the Second of September, Girolamo Cornaro Proveditor-General of the Venetian Forces in Dalmatia and Albania, 
Septem. 1687.  endeavoured to Land the Militia, with all necessary Appurtenances of War at a place called Comburt, which was a Port environed round with Hills and Rocks, and had been a place very proper for Landing, 
The Venetians Land.  had not the Turks prepossessed the important Passes of it, and encompassed it about with a strong Trench; howsoever the Venetians resolving to make a descent at that place, drove the Turks out of their Trenches, and landed all their Men, and Train of Artillery, with their Provisions and Instruments for War.  
The first thing there to be done was to discover the face of the Enemy, which Calbo, the Proveditor Extraordinary, undertook, and with a Detatched Party brought News, that the Garrison of castle Nuovo had lately been reinforced by the Neighbouring places, which the Turks were fortifying round about with Trenches, and Redoubts. In consideration of which, it was resolved by common consent that another Descent should be made at a place called Zelenica; and accordingly that was performed by the Auxiliaries, assisted by Two Battalions, under the Command of that undaunted General St. Paul, who began a Fight with the Enemy; in which after Five hours' time, 
A Fight begun.  the Venetians became Masters of the first Trenches, and soon afterwards drove the Turks out of the second, and proceeded to gain the Hill called Santa Veneranda, which commands the place: Where having raised a small Platform, and fortified it with Two small Guns, with which they shot red-hot Bullets into the Town, they soon made it too hot for the Inhabitants to abide, or the Soldiers in their Trenches to maintain: And though the Pasha of Bosna came with all his Forces to their assistance, yet Two thousand Soldiers being seasonably landed by the Auxiliary Galleys on the East part of the Town towards the side of Ragusi, gave such an effectual Repulse to the Troops of that Pasha, 
The Pasha of Bosna endeavours to relieve the Turks.  that they betaking themselves to a most shameful Flight, left the Besieged in great Terror and Consternation. In the mean time the Morlaches, who are Thiefs and Robbers by Nature, and Profession, entered the Town, and fell on the Plunder, which occasioned some Disorder, until the Proveditor General by his Troops, and the Authority of his Person quieted the Tumult arisen about the Booty. After which the Militia of Malta advanced according to agreement, with so much courage to the very Muzzle of the Enemy's Muskets, and the false Bray of the Upper-Castle, that Four Cavaliers of Malta, and many of their Soldiers lost their Lives in this Action: Howsoever the Post was maintained with so much resolution against the Ottoman Fury, 
And is repulsed.  that Marquis Borro Sergeant-Major, flanked with some other Troops, coming timely to their assistance, the Enemy was forced to a Retreat, and shelter themselves under the Cannon of the lower Fortress, leaving slain on the place, the Captain of the Castle, Two Agas, with several principal Officers, and a great Number of the common Soldiers. Thus the Turks being droven from all their Posts, and Outworks, which encompassed the Fortress; and the same possessed by the Venetian Arms, the Siege became totally form on all parts; every principal Commander having his respective Post allotted unto him to guard and defend.  
The Turks observing themselves to be environed on all sides by a well-formed and close Siege, made a vigorous Sally with a Detachment of their Bravest and best Selected Soldiers; but were as courageously received, and forced to retreat. Whilst things remained in this posture, Intelligence being brought to the Leaguer, that the Pasha of Herzegovina was on his march for to succour and relieve the Town, 
Another Pasha endeavours to give succour.  a Detachment was immediately form out of the Morlach and Perattine Troops to oppose him. This Pasha having lately served in Hungary under one Atleegick (which is as much as to say the little Horseman) was upon his Death promoted to the Government of Bosna, in the place of the other Pasha lately defeated; and with that Preferment being a little ●levated with Pride, marched forward with confidence of Victory, and Contempt of the Christian Camp; and being on the top of that Hill, year 1687. which was called Topgee (or the Gunner) he furiously made a descent on the Quarter of Perini, who upon the first Charge received a Wound, in his own person; but the Body of his men stood firm and immovable, 
A part of the Venetians put to the rout.  whilst the Battalion of Sergeant Major Galli was put to the Rout, and Fled without looking behind them to the Sea-Coast: To remedy this disorder, Major-General Grimini, and the Proveditor-General, with the General of Malta, and all the chief Officers of the Army came in to their assistance, and caused the Runaways to make a stand, and rally again, and make Head upon the Enemy. And then the Colonel of the General's Guards, with several other Captains coming up, with a Body of Granadiers, they mingled themselves with the Turks, 
The Turks defeated.  and fight with their Swords amidst the thickest of them, gave them such a repulse, that at first they began to give way, and afterwards to betake themselves to a shameful Flight, leaving the Field with the Glory of the day to the Arm● of the victorious Christians.  
In this Conflict Seven hundred of the Turks lay dead on the Ground; of which the principal men were Zambeg, a famous and stout Commander, with many Agas, Bulluckbashees, and one Cadi or Judge; whose Heads being cut off from their Bodies to the Number of Three hundred, were fixed on Half-pikes, and ranged in order, before the Walls of the Town to be a Spectacle to the Besieged of Terror, and an Evidence of the Victory. Likewise Twelve Colours were taken, together with much Spoil and Booty, which was given as a Reward to the conquering Soldiers.  
Upon this Success another Summons was s●nt to the Town, inviting them to a Surrender, 
Summons sent to the Town.  upon consideration that the Forces being defeated, which came to their assistance, there remained no other hope of safety than only by yielding themselves on such Articles as should be offered on reasonable terms. The Besieged in Answer thereunto, having returned a plain and flat refusal of coming to any Conditions, 
Are refused.  all acts of Hostility were renewed, and the Cannon began continually to play, which beat down one of the Towers, and made a large Breach on the Curtain, so that (notwithstanding the bad weather which gave some hindrance) great Advancement was made, to the damage of the Besieged: In like manner another Battery of Four Guns continually plied the City, and such valorous Attempts were made by the Venetians, that in despite of all the Enemy's Fire, and frequent Sallies, they made themselves Masters of the Counterscarp; amidst all which Action the Florentine Troops came seasonably to their assistance.  
Whilst these things were in agitation, Advices were brought that Two Pashas were on their march with numerous Troops for relief of the Town: 
The Tu●ks march to relieve the Town.  And that the Pasha of Albania being come as far as Podgoriza, was hastening with all expedition possible to join the other Troops, for the same intent of giving succour to the languishing City. Upon this Advice the Proveditor-General Cornaro, finding that the Breach made was of Six and thirty Paces in Breadth, and that by the fall of a Bomb into the great Tower towards the Seaside, directed by the skilful Art of a Florentine Engenier, their great Magazine of Powder was blown up, by which many Families were buried in the Ruins, together with divers Officers and Soldiers to the Number of Three hundred Persons: On this advantage, 
An Assault resolved.  I say, the Proveditor resolved to make a speedy Assault, before the Pashas with their Forces could come to their assistance. Accordingly the Marquis Borro, with such Bravery began the Assault, that in despite of the resistance made by the Defendants, he mounted the Breach, and made himself Master of one of the Redoubts, and thereby opened a free passage to many Troops to enter the Town; in which place also they found an obstinate resistance; for the Men fired out of the Windows, and the Women threw Stones from the Tops of the Houses; and all the Streets were barricadoed up by Carts and Timber laid in the way, which together with bad and rainy Wether, damaged the Assailants in such manner, that they were forced to retreat, and give way to their Adverse Fortune. 
Th● Assailants forced to retreat.  In this Conflict a Cavalier of Malta, a Lieutenant-Colonel called julio, a Florentine Captain, with many brave Soldiers of divers Nations were Slain, and in all to the Number of Five hundred were killed and wounded. Howsoever in despite of Misfortune, those who had possessed the Redoubt, and Breach on the Curtain, maintained their Post, having under obscurity of the Night, covered themselves with Faggots, and Sacks of Wool.  
The next Morning being the Nine and twentieth of September, the Morlaches resolving to give some proofs of their Valour, year 1687. prepared themselves to give a fresh Assault, 
The Morlaches renew the Assault.  which they performed with such vigour, that notwithstanding the stout defence of the Besieged, and by continual Thundrings of the Bombs and Cannon, they made themselves Masters of a fortified House at the Foot of the Wall, and soon after on the Thirtieth of September, Forty Segmen, or Foot-Soldiers, who were placed for Guard of a Tower towards the Sea, 
The Tower yields.  and had the defence of a long part of the Wall, came to Capitulations, and offered to deliver the same up into the hands of the Christians, provided they might have liberty to depart with their Families, and necessary Baggage, and might be Transported into Albania.  
The General consenting hereunto, the Tower and Wall were surrendered, and the People civilly treated, according to the Convention: The Defendants of the middle Castle, seeing the lower Fortification in the hands of the Enemy, despaired of all means longer to defend themselves; and so entering into Capitulations, desired Six days time, that in case the Succours came not to them within that Term, 
Also the middle Tower.  that then they would yield unto the Conditions of the Conqueror. But that being denied, and nothing but a sudden Surrender satisfying, the Defendants yielded on the same Conditions as the lower Fortress had done, marching out only with a single Burden on the Shoulders of each person.  
There remained now nothing to be subdued after these Two lower Fortresses, besides the higher Castle of all, the Garrison of which finding themselves devested of their Two main Bulwarks, 
The main Castle surrenders.  resolved also upon a Surrender, the Articles of which were soon agreed upon the basis or foot of those Conditions, which had been granted unto the Two other Fortresses. Accordingly the People of the Castle marched out, to the Number of about Two thousand Two hundred Souls, of which Seven hundred only were capable to bear Arms; the Place was found to have been well provided of all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions, with Seventy two Pieces of Cannon, besides a good Booty for the Soldiers. There were also Six light Frigates seized in the Port, which had been Corsars' or Capers, having formerly done great mischief at Sea, by their Piracies and Robberies.  
Thus did castle Nuovo fall into the hands of the Venetians, being the more remarkable, because it happened at a time, when Three Pashas, with very numerous Troops, were in the Neighbourhood, and as we may say, in sight of the place, with intention to succour and relieve it by force of Arms.  
Nor was this Noble Proveditor-General the Cavalier Girolamo Cornaro, less successful, and renowned in taking the considerable Fortress of castle Nuovo, than he was in relieving and raising the Siege which the Turks had form against Singh; the which place this same Cornaro had in the Year 1676, taken from the Turks, being the first of his Government of Dalmatia and Albania, and had now in this Year of 1687, the good fortune to preserve and maintain it from returning into the hands of its late barbarous Masters. In which Action this Noble person deserves as much Honour, as he purchased in the Conquest of it: It being no less a Virtue to defend and conserve, than to gain or win; according to that old saying, Non minor est virtus, quam quaerere, parta tueri. year 1687. It being a great eyesore to the Turks to see Singh, their own Native Habitation, in the hands of the Christians, they were moved with indignation, and with a passionate desire to recover it again into their own possession. In pursuance whereof Atleegick lately made Pasha of Bosna, drew out his Army in sight of Singh, 
The Turks endeavour to take Singh.  and encamped in the Plan of Clivino, where he pitched many Tents; and his Army being increased by great Numbers of Albanians, and the choicest Soldiery of the Provinces round about, and provided with all sorts of Ammunition and Victuals both for Man and Horse, and with a considerable Train of Artillery, they thought upon their first appearance to affright the Garrison of Singh into a surrender. But the place having before been well provided with all things necessary, and defended by a valorous Garrison, they contemned the Summons of their Enemies, resolving to maintain the place to the last extremity.  
Whereupon the Turks having raised their Batteries, began to play upon it with their Cannon, but without any damage to the Besieged. Hereupon the Turks changed their Attack from that, to another part, where their Horse and Foot were drawn up in Military Order, with resolution to Storm the place, which they attempted by break of day in the Morning, falling on with great fury, 
Singh assaulted by the Turks.  and with their Scemyters in their hands thought immediately by force of Arms to carry the place: But the besieged so bravely defended themselves, that they gave them such repulse, as caused them to sound a Retreat, leaving behind them many of their Soldiers dead on the place, to the number of about Two hundred, of which the greatest part were Albanians. In the Town the loss was very inconsiderable, 
They are repulsed.  there being only the chief Engineer killed, and some few persons wounded.  
In the mean time the Proveditor-General Cornaro being informed of these successes, resolved to give effectual relief to the Town; and accordingly he detached several Parties of Morlaches to infest the Enemy on all sides; which they performed so successfully, that they returned with the Heads of many Turks, with Prisoners in Chains, and with a considerable booty, and Numbers of Cattle, having had the fortune to defeat a Convoy which was sent with Ammunition and Provisions to the Turkish Camp.  
Howsoever the Turks still continuing the Siege which had now lasted Seventeen days, to which they had called all the Netferee, which are the Trained-Bands of the Country, and brought thereunto all the Cannon which remained in the fortified places round about; they did not doubt in a short time of the success they desired. But all these hopes vanished away so soon as News came to Atleegick, 
The Siege raised.  that the Venetian Army was on their march to relieve the Town, with which they were so alarmed and affrighted, that raising their Camp, Tents, and Baggage, they quitted the Siege, and ran away with a shameful and precipitate Cowardice. And thus ended the Successes of this Year 1687, to the Glory of God, and Confusion to the Enemies of the Christian Faith. 
1687▪  The Victories and Triumphs in Hungary gained by the Imperial Arms, were almost miraculous, as is before related; the successes in the Morea, with the subjection of Patras, Athens, and other places of Greece, were wonderful, and the relief given to Singh, and taking of castle Nuovo, were all works of the Divine Providence. And when we farther consider the Tumults, Seditions, and Mutinies amongst the Turks themselves, to the deposing of their Sultan himself, and destruction of their Chief and Principal Officers by the madness and fury of the Soldiers, even almost to to the total destruction of their Empire; we may believe, that the Hand of God was lifted up against this People, to bring them to the brink of Ruin, and Misery, and cause them to cease, and be no longer a People. Let us therefore proceed to the Ensuing Year, and therein relate the sequel of the wonderful works of God, in whose hands are the disposal of Empires and Kingdoms.  

year 1688. ANNO 1688.  
THE Emperor, who had from the time of the Incoronation of the King of Hungary remained at Presburg, (otherwise called Possonium) with all the Imperial Court, returned now at the beginning of this year to Vienna, and arrived there on the 26 th' of january. 
The Emperor prepares for the next Campaign.  The Season was now come for making Preparations for the next Campaign against the Turks; and Consultations were held, not only to secure the new Conquests, but to advance farther, and to enlarge the Imperial Dominions; at all which his Cesarean Majesty was pleased to assist in Person. But in regard the Work was great, and the Charges immense to Recruit the old Regiments, and raise new, to provide Ammunition, Provisions and Forage, for that vast Army which was designed for Hungary; His Imperial Majesty was pleased to convene all the States of Austria, and of his Hereditary Dominions; who accordingly meeting and forming an August Assembly, 
The States of Austria convened.  the Chancellor in the name of the Emperor declared unto them in a Florid Oration, the neccessity that there was for a large supply of Money, whereby to carry on the War against the Turks, not only on the defensive part, but also to advance forward in that way, which God had opened, and to enlarge the Dominions and extent of Christendom.  

They promise Money  At the Conclusion of the Speech, the States of Austria having with most profound Reverence and Respect, returned their most humble Thanks to his Imperial Majesty for his gracious Clemency, they promised in the most submissive Terms imaginable, to answer the just Demands of his Majesty to the utmost of their Power. The like was done by the States of Stiria, the Governor of which Province called Stubemberg, having offered to his Majesty the Sum of Three hundred thousand Florins, 
As do also the States of Stiria . besides the One hundred and Sixty thousand, which those States annually pay for Maintenance of their own Charges, both Civil and Military; and of the Militia which is quartered on the Confines of Sclavonia.  
Moreover, Messages were sent to the several Princes of the Empire, to send their respective Quotas and Contingents, and numbers of Soldiers, according to the ancient Constitutions of the Empire: And in the mean time the Imperial Chamber took such due means, and measures in order to the preparations of all things necessary; that Recruits were made, the Artillery mounted, the Magazines filled with Ammunition and Provisions; and all sorts of Carriages, ponton's, Boats, Barges, and all other appointments for War were provided in great abundance. In the mean time the Garrison of Alba Regalis being reduced to great Extremities, 
Alba Regalis in distress.  by Famine, and want of all necessaries, dispatched away a certain Aga called Achmet, with some few Attendants to Belgrade, there ●o expose to the Governors of that place, the Miseries of their languishing City. Achmet privately conveying himself out of the Town with his Servants, found by chance a small Boat tied on the Banks of the Danube, into which being entered, they quietly passed for some Days down the Stream, 
Messengers sent to Belgrade.  until they came near to a place called Erdeody, which had not long before been possessed by the Christians: The Heydukes perceiving the Boat from the Walls, immediately suspected, that the People therein were Fugitives, then making their Escape; to prevent which, they privately went on Board a Saick or Turkish Vessel, and crossing upon them cut them off in their way; and firing on them with their Muskets, forced them to Steer and Row to the other side; but they following them, made them all Prisoners (Achmet only excepted) who being very nimble and active, 
Are taken.  and a kind of a Bog-trotter, escaped over a Marsh with all his Letters; and fetching a compass ou● of the way, he came over against Valkowar, which he supposing to be still a Garrison of the Turks, 
Valkowar.  made a Sign for a Boat to Ferry him over the River; the Boat passing over, rowed and manned by Heydukes, seized Achmet, who being surprised to see himself made a Prisoner, and thinking, that they were Turks and not Enemies, cried out; I am a Turk, sent by the Pasha and Garrison of Alba Regalis, with a Verbal Commission only to the Port, denying to have any Letters about him; but they rifling him, found near Three hundred Letters, which were afterwards sent to Vienna, and translated by the Emperor's Interpreter. And now Achmet finding it no time longer to conceal his Business, openly declared with Tears in his Eyes, That he was the more troubled for this misfortune, because that thereby he could not answer the expectation of his Friends at Alba Regalis, 
Confession of Achmet  who had dispeeded him for Belgrade to give an Account to those Governors of their distressed Condition, and according to such Answers, as they should receive from thence, to take a Resolution either to Defend or Surrender the Town. He farther added, That though sometimes certain Hungarian Friends conveyed into the Town some Flour, Pease, Beans and Butter, yet it was in such small Quantities, that all was devoured, and the People therein reduced to such Extremites, that in case a small number of Germans should appear with Cannon before the City, the Bodies of the Garrison, and Inhabitants were become so enfeebled by Famine, and their Spirits so low, that without all doubt, they would upon the first Summons Surrender at Discretion: But to give the Reader a more evident Narration of the Misery of that place, it will not be from our purpose to insert one of the Letters which were taken about Achmet, subscribed by the three Pashas from Alba Regalis to the Grand Vizier, in these Terms. After the Compliments and Ceremonious words premised, which are commonly long, and full of Bombastick Expressions according to the Turkish Style, they began in this manner:  
Most happy Lord,  
IF you inquire after the State of this City, and of the Turkish Soldiers therein, and in the Parts adjacent, all that we can say is, That we recommend theirs and our Condition to the most High God, and to the Pious Compassion of your Excellency; for that after all our Stores of Provision, as well new, as old were consumed, there remained a small quantity of Millet, which tho' it were so old and corrupted, as if it had been laid in, at the first Foundation of the City, yet it was delivered out and distributed amongst the Soldiers; the which being also consumed, there remains not one Grain of any Corn amongst us; so that we are reduced to a most extreme, and incredible Extremity: And what is worse, we cannot expect any Relief from the neighbouring parts; for that the Villages round about are revolted to the Enemy, who in the last Summer burned all our Corn upon the Ground; and in the Autumn made themselves Masters of the bordering Palancaes, or Forts, namely Palotta, Chiocca and Bacchian; so that at present being environed on all sides by Enemies, we dare not stir abroad, but are forced to contain ourselves within the compass of four Walls. And indeed to speak the Truth, we are in that starving Condition, that many have deserted, and above Eight hundred of the Servants of God, have rather chosen to yield themselves Slaves to the Christians, than to die by Hunger; and many of these have renounced our Holy Faith; nor is it possible for us to hinder those, who do daily desert us. Surely, most Pious Lord, The Compassion of our Sovereign is such, as will not permit his innocent People to perish, or to be trampled under the Feet of our Enemies.  
Most happy Lord, The Giaurs or Infidels, since the taking of Agria, are come to take Winter-quarters in the Castles, and Villages of our Neighbourhood, and appear every Day in sight of our Gates; and being puffed up with P●ide, since the subjection of Agria and Ossech, they daily send us Letters and Summons to Surrender; and now lately the third time, we received a most insolent Letter from a certain Captain, who says he belongs to the Religious at Vienna, inviting us to a Surrender, promising to Conduct us in safety with our Goods and Families to such places, as we shall desire; Threatening upon our refusal to give us no Quarter, but to put us all to the Sword. And now at last another Messenger is come to us from the Commander of Palotta, whom out of pure Zeal to our Religion, we put to Death with Thousands of Torments: The next Day after which we made a Sally, in which the Giaurs (that is, the Christians) gained the advantage, killing and taking Prisoners, One hundred and fifty of our Zaims and Timariot, putting to Death afterwards all those which they had taken; in Revenge of what we had committed on the Messenger, which they had sent to us; and with these, many of our Servants became Martyrs for our Holy Faith; which struck such a terror into the Minds of our Citizens, Spahees and Janissaries, that above Two hundred of them conveyed themselves away in one Night.  
Most valiant Lord, Besides those Letters, which we have sent by divers Conveyances t● give a Relation of our most miserable Condition, we have yet farther to add, that our Soldiers finding themselves desperate, and out of all hopes of Relief and Succour, have sometimes arisen in a Mutiny upon us. For after they had eaten up all the Cattle and Oxen, and Flesh which was in the Magazine, so that an Oak (which is two pounds and a half) of Salt, is sold at four Dollars, and a Bushel of Millet at Twenty four Dollars; in which necessity and Famine, the Soldiers came upon us demanding Pay and Subsistence; saying, That they were obliged to remain only one year in the Town, and that then they should be relieved; but instead thereof, they had been continued a year and a half in Famine, Nakedness, and perpetual danger of their Lives; so that the Janissaries, who are to the number of Three hundred, have rend asunder all the Linings of the Tents for Cloth, and Linen to cover and defend themselves against the Cold. Wherefore most Honoured, and most Dread Lord; To quiet and appease the just Complaints and Demands of our Soldiery, we have promised that in the space of a Month, they shall receive both Pay and Subsistence: To which purpose, we have dispatched away the Bearer hereof, with some Comrades of his, to present, and expose our Grievances, Wants and Miseries, at the happy and sacred Feet of your Excellency, praying unto God, to Conduct him safe to your most revered Presence.  
But if notwithstanding all we have said, delay should be made to Succour us with a formidable Army, with Money and Provisions, God knows what will become of us; for in a short time our Business must have an end. If the General of the Emperor should come upon us, both We, and this City must fall into his Hands. And then neither your Excellency, nor the Port can excuse yourselves in saying, That you were not timely advised of our Miseries: For if in the space of a few Weeks we are not relieved, considering the People we have lost, and those which die daily, God knows, you will never see more of our Letters: All depends on your Excellency.  
Given at Alba Regalis, in the Month of january, 1688. Subscribed, 

Your Servant Sechoghy Achmet Pasha, called Vizier of Buda:  
Your Servant Achmet Pasha, Governor of Alba Regalis:  
Your Servant Osman Zagargi Pasha, Commander of the janissaries.    
Besides this, and several other Letters, which were found about Achmet, the Kadi or Judge of the City, had secretly conveyed into his Hands a certain Arz, or Memorial, faithfully representing the Abuses of the Officers, and which was to this effect.  
OUr most gracious Emperor having supplied our City of Alba Regalis, with plenty of Provisions for Subsistence of the People, one half of them is already consumed and devoured, and the other half hath been fraudulently divided between this our Honourable Vizier, and the Zagargibashee, who is Commander of the Garrison, and which they have sold abroad, and put the Money into their own Purses, by Reason of which the poor People are constrained either to perish with Famine, or to Desert, and Fly into the Hands of the Infidels, who are our Enemies: Besides which, to the great Diminution of our Garrison, many of our People have been miserably destroyed in the frequent Sallies which they have made. And because by such Miscarriages as these, the Mussulmin Cause (or 'Cause of the Believers) doth greatly suffer; I am obliged in Conscience to make known these false, and treacherous dealings, which are the natural effects of Tyranny and Oppression; for as the Koran saith, Allânettulach Alla Zelimin, which is, let the Curse of God fall upon the Head of Tyrants.  
This Honourable Vizier by his evil Management of Affairs, and by the insupportable Taxes, which he hath laid upon the Subjects, hath been the cause, why so many of the Servants of God have been trampled under Foot, and so many Villages laid Waste, and why so many Entire Families, have been necessitated to retire for Protection into the Christian Dominions. In short, his Tyranny and Negligence in the Government hath exterminated the People, and reduced this Garrison to utter Ruin, where at present are scarce Three hundred Persons to be found: And in fine, he is a Tyrant and unfit to Govern with an absolute Authority. One day I adventured to Begin a free Discourse with Achmet Aga, the Bearer hereof, touching all these Miscarriages, in presence of Osman the Zagargibashee Governor of this place; who therewith was so offended, that he laid his Hand upon his Dagger, and would have killed me. I know not more what to say, since it is the Will of God: And I hope, That what I have here declared will be kindly, and graciously interpreted: And so referring all to your Prudence, I remain;  
Mustapha Kadi of Alba Regalis. Given at Alba Regalis, in the Month of january, 1688.  
The truth of these Matters was confirmed by a Christian, who had lately made an Escape out of Alba Regalis; with this farther Addition, That the Commanders of that Town were so grievously importuned by the Garrison and Inhabitants, that they were resolved to dispatch another party of Turks, amongst which was one Ali Aga, a subtle and dexterous Person, who had been often a Prisoner, and with one Wribech a Renegado, with Instructions to represent the State of their Affairs at Belgrade, and to hasten the desired, and long expected Succours. Besides which, the Turks were not wanting with all Diligence, Subtlety, and Money to provide what Sustenance they were able, an occasion for which in a short time offered unto them: For Colonel Bisterzi Commander of Palotta, designing to furnish Zioccha with some necessary Provisions; laded four Carts therewith, 
The Turks of Alba Regalis Seize four Wagons with Provisions.  and dispeeded them away under the Guard, and Conduct of Twenty four Musquetiers; of which the Turks being informed by a treacherous Person, detached that very Night a Party of Two hundred Men, to lie in wait in a Neighbouring Wood, attending the passage of the Wagons, which so fortunately succeeded, that they surprised them, and brought them with Twelve Musquetiers of their Convoy into Alba Regalis.  
About this time another Regenado arrived safely in the Town from Belgrade, who gave new Encouragement to the Commanders to hold out, with assurance, that before he came away the Seraskier had already provided great abundance of Victuals and Money, under a strong Guard, 
They are encouraged  which was on their way towards the City. And moreover he reported, That there were other Succours coming to them from Constantinople, under such a powerful Convoy as needed not to fear the Germane Troops, who being sensible of their own Weakness, had abandoned part of their Conquests; as Illoch, Peter Waradin and other Villages, both upon the Save and Danube; so that the Turks having a free Passage, had laid their Bridges over the Save and Drove, designing not only to relieve Alba Regalis, but likewise Sigeth and Canisa.  
The News which this Messenger had brought, was soon afterwards verified, by an Incursion which some Troops detached from the Regiment of Norcheim had made into the Neighbouring Woods; year 1688. into which they had no sooner entered, than they found themselves assaulted by a strong party of Turks, who cut off the Heads of divers of those, who were too far advanced; howsoever the rest made their Retreat good by the Assistance of the Governor of Possega, who came in to their assistance; at which time also Seven thousand Turks passed the Save, who rifled all the Villages round, and carried away the People.  

Means taken to hinder the Succours from Alba Regal●s . The Imperial Court being seasonably advised hereof, took immediate Counsels to prevent and obstruct the Succours designed for Alba Regalis, and to secure the new Conquests from returning again into the Power and Dominion of the Enemy: To which end, Orders were dispeeded from the Counsel of War, to the Regiments quarted in all the adjacent parts about Pesth, to prepare themselves for a March; the like Orders were given to the Regiments of Palfi and Staremberg, as also to some of the Bavarian Troops quartered in the Counties of Strana and Liptona: Moreover Marshal Caprara received the like Orders, to cause all the Regiments under his Command to March, which lay on the Confines of Croatia: And the like positive Commands were dispatched to the Governors of Croatia; And to all of them Orders were sent to make their Rendezvous in, and about Oseck, so as to be in a readiness to oppose any Attempt of the Turks, and to obstruct their passage over the Drove; and prevent their making Semblin a place and Magazine of Arms: by which means all the designs of relieving Alba Regalis, Sigeth and Kanisia were disappointed.  

Tekeli writes to his Princess.  In the mean time Tekeli not being informed of the Surrender of Mongatz, but supposing it to be much straitened, and in a Condition not to hold out much longer, wrote a Letter to his Princess (which was intercepted) wherein he directs her to provide in the Articles of Surrender, 
Febr. 1688.  that his Goods and princely Coronet, with those Writings and Commissions given by the Sultan in his favour might be preserved, and permitted to be carried with her; and that for herself and Family, she would do well to dispose of herself and them in Poland, 
He wastes the Countries.  but by no means to commit her Person into the Hands of the Germans, or to abide in any part of the Upper Hungary. But Tekeli hearing that these Orders came too late, and that the Place was already yielded, being full of Anger and Rage, he studied all ways possible to Revenge himself, wasting and consuming all those fruitful Fields and Countries, in the parts adjacent as far as Great Waradin; near unto which he had fortified himself with some Thousands of Men, in a certain Village called Thelegh, where General Heusler had some times beaten up his Quarters: And at length on the 6 th' of February, year 1688. passing the River Kerez over the Ice with a strong party of Horse, 
Tekeli defeated.  he fell upon him in his very Trenches, with such Bravery and Success, that Tekeli was put to Flight, leaving Six hundred of his Men dead in the Field; and Four hundred Prisoners taken, amongst which was one Genay a Chief Captain, and second in Command to Tekeli himself, together with Twenty other Officers.  
This Success was followed by another of the like nature: For Tekeli having detached a Party into the County of Zatmar to gather Contributions, and forcing the same with Fire and Sword, put the poor People into a most miserable Terror and Consternation, flying from place to place for Refuge and Protection. Upon advice of which, General Heusler hastened with a Party of Horse, encouraged and flushed with the late Victory, happily encountered the Tekelites, as they were carrying away the Spoil, which they had distrained for Nonpayment of Contribution; but they not daring to make a stand, quitted their Horses and their Booty, and saved themselves in the Thickets of a neighbouring Wood At the same time General Carafa was by order of the Emperor dispatched into Transilvania to settle matters in a better state than before: 
General Carafa at Hermanstadt.  And being come to Hermanstadt, he was informed that the Germane Troops were not provided, and accommodated according to Agreement; whereupon he dispatched a resolute Message to Apafi, and the States of the Country, giving them to understand, that in case better Provisions were not made for the necessary Quarters of the Soldiers, he should be forced to take such Measures, as were most adequate to the present occasion. Apafi, considering that Carafa was resolute, and not to be opposed in his Demands, made a virtue of necessity, and sent his Chief Minister Telecky, the most esteemed and most honoured Person of the States and Nobility, unto him, to make him a Compliment, with all the high Expressions of Submission and Compliance. In pursuance whereof the General took into his consideration the particulars of the several Quarters, 
The Soldiers Allowance in Winter-Quarters increased.  and thought fit to advance the Allowance one Third more, than what hath been agreed in the former Treaties. And having made some alterations amongst the Officers, belonging to certain Imperial Garrisons, he fixed his own Headquarters at Hermanstadt, as being not only the strongest Garrison, but the most proper and convenient place, from whence he might most easily succour and relieve the other Quarters, as occasion served.  
The Name of the Germans was become now so dreadful over all Hungary, 
Halmet yielded.  that many strong Fortresses at the first appearance of the Imperial Forces surrendered themselves; as did Halmet, a Castle on the Frontiers of Transilvania, encompassed with a deep and broad Ditch, and furnished with Draw-Bridges, and Garrisoned by Turks, yield up itself to General Magni; who proceeding forwards in his March, took in the Fortress of Felsiat with as much ease and facility, as he had done that of Halmet; by which means he brought above Two hundred Villages under Contribution, 
Felsiat surrenders.  and excluded the Turks from all Communication with the parts of Transilvania.  
All things being settled in Transilvania to the satisfaction of the Emperor; Baron de Pace was detached with Three Regiments, and reinforced with some other Troops under General Saurau, with Orders to march towards Stephanopolis, a Frontier Garrison of Valachia; to prevent the designs of that Despot in case he should attempt any thing to the prejudice of the Emperor: But the Imperial Court being sufficiently satisfied that the Despot had no other but sincere intentions to preserve his own Dominion, 
1688. March.  and benefit Christendom, 
The Despot of Valachia submits.  His Imperial Majesty was pleased to send the Bishop of Nicopolis unto him, giving him to understand that he should receive his gracious Assistance in all his designs, and that he would cause the Succession of that Principality to descend upon his Son, acknowledging only that Homage, which from ancient times was paid to the King of Hungary. Whereupon the Despot sent an Envoy to General Carafa at Hermanstadt, to receive Orders and Instructions in what manner to behave and govern his Affairs.  
In the mean time the Turks in Alba Regalis, finding themselves without all relief, and no returns made to those Messages, which they had dispatched by various ways, began again to be very mutinous, and unruly towards their Governors; 
Alba Regalis in Mutiny.  howsoever they still held out, resolving as yet to hearken unto no terms, which should be offered them by the Enemy. Notwithstanding which, the Marquis of Baden, who was Precedent of the Council of War for his Imperial Majesty, being commanded to pass from his Government of javarin, or Rab, unto Ratisbon, there to reside as Plenipotentiary for his Imperial Majesty at that Diet; did think fit, before his departure, to regulate some Affairs within his Jurisdiction; and particularly to appoint Count Ricceardi, accompanied with an Interpreter, and a party of Hungarian Horse, to view and observe the State of Alba Regalis, and to try if he could incline and persuade the Turks to surrender; but they being quite of another humour, not being reduced as yet to the utmost point and extremity of Famine, cried out with a loud Voice, 
Denies to surrender.  that they would maintain their City to the last drop of Blood; and even to more violent necessities than those of Agria. Ricceardi returning with this report to Giavarin, the Marquis of Baden issued out new Orders to straiten the Town with more rigour and closeness, 
The Blocade closely watched.  than before; and not only reinforced the Castles of Palotta, Zioccha, and Schambegh, warning them to be more diligent and watchful for the future to prevent all Communication between Alba Regalis, and the Neighbouring Villages; and to make the Blocade more formal, General Batthiani was not only commanded to march into those Quarters with his Hungarian Troops, but likewise caused them to be reinforced by some of the Militia belonging to the Circles of Franconia, and other Troops under the Command of Count Erdeodi, Lieutenant-General at that time of Giavarin: Moreover the Marquis of Baden before his departure, disposed the March of the Militia, and ordered their several Quarters in parts adjacent to Oseck, there to oppose the passage of the Enemy over the Drove: After which, all matters being well ordered, with excellent Methods and Rules of Government, the Marquis took Post for Vienna; where having received Instructions from the Emperor for better Government of his Presidency at Ratisbon, he proceeded thither, and there he held several public and private Conferences, 
Marquess of Baden at Ratisbon.  for the better Regulation of the Military Affairs for the Ensuing Campaigne.  
In the mean time Recruits were made, and Horses provided to Remount such as wanted them; and whilst it was doubted, Whether the Elector of Bavaria could be present in Person to conduct his Army this Year into Hungary, upon a jealousy, that the French would fall into the Palatinate; yet the Treaty was concluded for the Bavarian Troops to continue in Hungary, and serve with their best assistance to forward the Progress of the Imperial Arms.  
Marshal Caprara commanding now in Chief in Hungary, provided Oseck with all things necessary for their Subsistence; and gave Orders to those Captains, 
C. Caprara commands in Hungary.  who commanded upon the Save to provide great Numbers of Boats, and Barges, and Floats, for making Bridges over that River, and as occasion served therewith to Transport Provisions and Materials for War. The Turks on the other side had also Erected another Bridge for the better security of Bosnia, and assembled at Costanovitz, on the River Unna, with design to make Incursions into the Confines of Croatia; but that Country was so well guarded and defended by the vigilance of Count Erdeody the Banno, or Chief Governor thereof, that all attempts of the Turks on that side were wholly disappointed, and defeated: And farther to render the Actions of the Turks fruitless and ineffectual in Sclavonia, where they had made Provisions of Victuals and Ammunition, and had laided therewith Lighters and Barges, to supply their smaller Garrisons on the River Save, 
The designs of the Turks defeated in Sclavonia.  Baron de Tunkel was dispeeded with a Detachment of Two hundred Horse, and a Regiment of Dragoons, with some Haiducks to oppose the intentions of the Enemy; and being come as far as Valkovar, the Scouts brought word, that Rustan Pasha, the late Governor of Agria, with about One thousand Horse and Foot, had conducted into Illoch a very great Convoy of about Two hundred Wagons laden with Provisions; and that afterwards he himself was returned unto Belgrade. Tunkel being disappointed of this Design, was more successful in another Attempt, which he made on a place called Ratza, situate on this side of the Save, defended by some Spahees and janissaries; to which privately marching in the Night, he surprised the place about Two hours after Midnight, with the Death of about Three hundred Turks, and Seventy Slaves, and set at liberty Fifty Christians, and took Sixty Horses, with great Numbers of Cattle, and Three Ensigns; and having set Fire to the City, 
Ratza taken from the Turks and burnt  he returned in Safety and Triumph to Oseck, laden with Honour and Spoils.  
On the other side the Pasha of Gradisca having advice that Count Caprara was upon his march towards Oseck with a strong Party to Conduct and Convoy many Wagons laden with Ammunition and Provisions in order to some extraordinary Enterprise; the Pasha apprehending that his Design might be upon Belgrade, resolved to pass the Bridges which he had laid over the Save, with design to surprise Possega, and Zernech, and thereby to divert the Attack intended upon Belgrade: In pursuance of which the Pasha marched with a Body of Three thousand Five hundred men towards Zernech, but not with that Privacy as Tunkel had lately done; for in their way they set Fire to all the Villages round, and killed the People, which gave such an Alarm to that Garrison, by the affrighted Peasants which had escaped, that they immediately put themselves into a posture of defence: And Colonel Baron Amanzaga having also News thereof, hastened with a Body of Horse, and some Foot, and came so seasonably to the succour of the Town, that they encountered the Turks in their march, and charged them with so much bravery, that they not only put the Cavalry to Flight, but also forced them to abandon the janissaries, 
Baron Amanzaga defeats the Pasha of Gradisca.  and to expose them to the Sword of their Enemies: The greatest part of which, to the Number of about Five hundred, were Slain upon the place, and Two hundred made Prisoners, amongst which was the Commander in Chief of the janissaries, Four Aga's, and the Son of the Pasha of Gradisca, with several Colours, and Drums: The News of which Baron Amanzaga dispatched to General Caprara with all Expedition.  
About the same time, or the Day before, another Party detached from the main Body made an Attack upon the Outguards of Possega, which being over-matched in numbers, retreated under the Gates of the City: The Lieutenant Governor, to whom at that time with some veterane Soldiers, and subaltern Officers, the Command of the Town was committed, took the Alarm; but not being cautious enough to be informed of the Strength, and Numbers of the Enemy by the Report of the Outguards, he advanced too far from the Town; which when the Turks observed, they made a feigned Flight, with design to bring their Enemy into an Ambuscade, which they had prepared for them, in which they had all miscarried, had not Count Truxes, 
The Garrison of Possega seasonably relieved.  Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Holstein, and Count Bizzaro, Lieutenant Colonel of the Regiment of Lodron, who (were accidentally marching to relieve the Outguards,) come seasonably into their Succour and Rescue; who so vigorously charged the Enemy, that they put them to Flight, and forced them to take Refuge in the Woods and Mountains, whilst the Christians, the Night approaching, retired orderly into Possega.  
There being in the mean time various Reports at the Imperial Court concerning the State and Condition of the City of Alba Regalis; which holding out so long beyond all expectation, it was conjectured, that the Blocade was not strict, or at least not sufficiently guarded and watchfully attended as it ought to have been, which obliged the Counsel of War to dispatch Orders to Colonel Riccardi, that he with his Regiment should March to Vesprimio, Palotta, and other Neighbouring places, to make enquiry into the State, and Condition of that City and Garrison. Riccardi according to his Orders marched out of Giavarino or Rab; 
Colonel Ri●cardi made enquiry into the State of Alba Regalis.  and taking with him a Company of Croats, and a Party from Schomberg, he came to Quarter for one Night at a Village called Brin, about a League distant from Alba Regalis; and early in the Morning by break of day sounding to Horse, in pursuance of his March he detached Ten Croats, and as many Hungarians to advance before, with directions to seize and surprise what Turks they should meet near the City, that by them they might be informed of the State of the place. But they meeting with none on the way, came up to the very Gates of the Town, which they found shut and unguarded: But soon afterwards they were opened, to give Passage to the Sally of a Party both of Horse and Foot; the latter of which remained within their Palisadoes; but the first Sallied out into the Field, having the Renegado Wrebeck at the head of them, who coming near, frankly discoursed with the Christians in this manner: Soldiers what is it you demand? May a Man trust to your Word? To which Answer was made, That he might; whereupon he came up boldly to them, and touched the Hand of an Hungarian Ensign, 
Colonel Riccardi desires a par●y with the Pasha.  and a Rascian: By which time Wrebeck perceiving the numbers of the Enemies to increase, and to approach within Canonshot of the Town, he Demanded, what those Troops were? To which Answer was made, That they were the Troops of a certain Croatian Colonel, who desired to have conference with the Pasha, or with some other of the principal Officers. Wrebeck promised to carry that Message, and accordingly returned to the City, where at the Gates thereof he met the Pasha of that Country, with the Commander in Chief of the janissaries, year 1688. and with two or three other of the principal Officers of that place; to whom he made a Report, that the Troops without were Commanded by a certain Croatian Colonel, who desired to enter into a Conference with the Pasha: To which the Pasha suddenly replied in these words; It is well, he is welcome, I will go and speak with him. These words being overheard by the Chief Commander, or Aga of the janissaries, he arose up in a Fury, and throwing down his Turban with a Rage upon the Ground, cried out Treachery, and that the Pasha had a Design to betray them into the Hands of the Christians: And Roaring out Treachery, Treachery, he ran to advise the Vizier thereof, whom he found on one of the Bastions, taking a view of the enemy's Troops in the Field. 
jealousies in the Town.  The Vizer having heard this saying, Commanded that the Business should be examined, and in case the Pasha should be found Guilty, he should be stoned to Death, and his Body thrown over the Walls. The Pasha being highly incensed upon this so unjust an occasion, took up his Topuss, or Mace into his Hand, and holding it over the Head of the Aga of the janissaries; said aloud, What is the matter? And what Noise is this thou makest? Thou old Fool? Thinkest thou, that thou art more brave, or more faithful than I am? Hold thy peace, or by the living God, I will beat thy Brains out with this Topuss. For what Reason is it, that I am not permitted to speak with that Captain? Will he alone take this City? Let us hear and see what it is that he will say: If his Offers are good, we may receive them, and if bade we may reject them. It was never denied in any part of the World to hear Ambassadors.  
In the mean time a great Noise, and Tumult arose amongst the Soldiers at the Gate, and above a dozen Canonshot were fired at the Imperial Horse, 
A Skirmish near the Gates.  which stood drawn up within Musquet-shot of the Gates; and some of the Turks mounted on Horseback made a Sally, and began a Skirmish, which continued almost two Hours, without any other hurt than of some few Turks, who were wounded. Colonel Riccardi all this time could not discover the true State and Condition of the Town; and therefore he gave freedom to two Turks, provided that they would procure entrance into the Town, and return with certain advice of the true state thereof: 
An Uproar in the Town.  But the Confusion was so great before the Gates, that they were neither permitted to enter, or speak: Whereupon the Colonel seeing little good was to be done, at that present made a Retreat, and was on his return with his Soldiers to Palotta; when they espied Wrebeck, with some other Turks running full speed towards them, as if they intended another Skirmish; but they stopped their Horses and returned back to the Town, and so did the Colonel towards Palotta: And having passed a certain Bog or Morass, and the River Sarowitz, he gave Command to a Turk who was his Prisoner, to go that Night to Alba Regalis; and having there understood the true State of the place, that he should the next day early return with some certain Report thereof: year 1688. But the Turk desired to be excused, for that in case he were discovered, he should most certainly be Impaled. But the Colonel fiercely commanded him to go, with promise to give him his Liberty at his return: The poor Fellow obeyed out of fear, and out of Religion to the Faith of his Promise and Oath, he faithfully performed the Service enjoined him.  
For the next Day being the 30 th' of March, this Turk with Sixteen others well clothed and armed, with four Turkish Women, Wives to some of them, and Children escaped out of the Town, and fled to the Christians. The Colonel soon entered into discourse with them, and by their Answers to several Interrogatories he put to them, he understood, that amongst those Sixteen there were two of them, which in the late Tumult in the City had been principal Ringleaders of the Sedition, the first called Hadgi Ali, and the other Kara Hassan, both of them Officers amongst the Spahees, and of the number of those, who had broken the Vizier's Windows, and given some Stabs to the Governor of the Castle. And to satisfy the Colonel's Questions more particularly, Hadgi Ali gave this following Account of the late Uproar, which had happened in the Town.  

A Relation of the Mutiny in the Town of Alba Regalis.  On the 27th said he, of this Month of March, some Janissaries and Spahees of the Garrison came to me; and said, Friends and Brethren, what are we to do? These our Commanders▪ will neither Surrender up the City to the Christians, nor yet give us Provisions wherewith to live: Come let us go to these Tyrants, and require an Account from them, for what reason they treat us in this inhuman manner. The Day following, the Spahees and Janissaries, to the number of Four or Five hundred, went with me to the Vizier, with whom we found the Pasha of the City then present; and I, as their chief Speaker, began in sharp and resenting Terms, to lay before them our miserable and starving Condition and Aggrievances. The Vizier and Pasha with gentle, and most obliging words endeavoured to pacify us, and to lay the blame of all upon the Aga of the Janissaries, advising us to cite him before the Kadi, or judge, then sitting in the chief Mosch of the City; where being convicted by justice, they would leave him to our Mercy, to inflict Punishment on him according to our own free Will and Pleasure: And that their intentions might appear more real and manifest, they gave into my Hands an Order directed to the judge, to give ear unto the Aggrievances of the People, and to those Accusations which they had to charge on the Aga of the Janissaries. The People herewith went to the House of the judge, whom finding not at home, they proceeded directly to the Aga of the Janissaries, who being well pre-advised of the Business, called me to himself and began to speak to me in very kind words. I know, my dear Hadgis, you desire that the place be yielded up; and for my part I am contented; and if you will let me go to the Vizier and the Pasha, we will soon agree upon Articles for the Surrender. The which we having permitted him to do, he immediately mounted on his Horse; but the enraged People fell upon him, and had killed him, had he not retired back into the Yard of his House, and shut his Gates upon them; and to save himself from farther Outrage, he barred up himself in a secret place of his House, resolving not to come forth, until he had received assurances for the security of his Life; the which, when I had given him, with consent and approbation of the People, on Condition that he should concur with the Vizier and Pasha in their Resolutions for Surrender of the place, he then went to the Vizier and the Pasha; and being all three together, they jointly agreed to call me to their Presence, and caused me, which was a thing unusual, to sit down amongst them, and demanded of me what it was I desired. I immediately answered: Sirs, My Companions have entrusted me to tell you, That if you do not Surrender up the City, but suffer them miserably to Perish, they resolve to Kill you, and to do the Business themselves, and to depart from hence with their Families to Belgrade.  
These words being uttered with some fierceness, and accompanied with some other Menaces; they expressed great tenderness for the People, repeating their promises to yield unto all their desires: But I was scarce got out from their presence, before the Gates were with despite shut upon us; and the Commanders showed themselves armed with all their Attendants at the Windows; and the Aga of the Janissaries, who was more resolute than any, and averse to the Surrender, holding his Bow and Arrows in his Hand, told the People plainly, that he would not consent to the Surrender of the City, but would defend and maintain it to the last drop of his Blood.  
The People enraged hereat, drew up into a Body before the Vizier's House; and some of them ran upon the Walls, and drew from thence two Pieces of Cannon, intending therewith to batter down the Vizier's Palace; which was ready for Execution, when the Renegado Wrebeck, a Fellow very dear to the People, came with Tears in his Eyes, to dissuade them from so violent an Attempt; and having used many very pungent Arguments to them, he prevailed so far, that the Tumult was appeased.  
During this interval or suspension of Arms, I, who was as it were the Tribune of the People, was called again, and desired to appease the Multitude, promising to answer their desires: But they having been so often deluded, refused to give any Credit to their Words, unless they would solemnly swear on the Koran to yield the City; nor yet would they draw off, and return the Cannon unto the Walls, until such time as they had begun to make some steps towards the execution of their desires.  
Hereupon the three Commanders, with some of the Citizens assembled in the great Moseh, as if they intended to agree upon the Propositions, which were to be offered to the Enemies; but in reality they intended nothing less, labouring all that Day to appease the Tumults with Money and Provisions: The Vizier made large distributions to the Spahees, and the Aga to the Janissaries, and the Pasha to the Citizens and Soldiers of the Country; and by these means they took an Oath of the People patiently to endure, until St. George's Day, being the 23d of April, which is a Day regardby the Turks: But howsoever they would esteem themselves absolved from this Oath, in case an Enemy should in the mean time appear before their Walls, and straighten them yet farther by a Siege.  
Colonel Riccardi having by this Relation been rightly informed of the true State of the Town, he thought fit to make Trial of another Appearance before the Walls, and came with more than One hundred Horse within Canonshot of the place, which had he done the preceding Day, before the People had taken an Oath to hold out until St. George's Day, the City had most certainly been yielded: But now instead thereof, they made several Shots from the Bastions, and sallied out both Horse and Foot, without any other execution on either side, than the taking of one Turk, whose Head they cut off in sight of his Companions.  
Thus the Colonel having sufficiently been informed of the State of the matter, on which he was employed, he departed from Palotta with his Troops on the 31st of March, year 1688. and Lodging that Night within a League of Alba Regalis, 
Colonel Ricce●rdi leav●s Alba Regalis.  a certain janisary well armed and clothed came to them in the Morning, and gave an Account that he was fled from the City with some other Companions, amongst which was an Odabashee, or Captain of the janissaries, who having been over active and forward in the late Mutiny, feared in cooler Blood to be called to question by the angered Officers. After which, Colonel Riccardi finding little farther to be done, marched back to Buda, as Colonel Bisterzi did with his Forces to Palotta.  
The obstinate Defence which Alba Regalis made, gave some trouble to the Court at Vienna; both because it was necessary to have it subjected before the beginning of the Campaign; and because the Captive Turks and Deserters were so numerous in those parts, and in the Towns and Redoubts over all those Qarters, as might give just occasion of Jealousy and fear of Danger, in case any design of Massacre, or Assassination should be plotted by them: But so vile and mean were the Turks esteemed, and their price and value so low, that a lusty Fellow was sold for a Dollar, and a Woman for a quarter.  
But we must here take our leave of Alba Regalis for a while, and return to Constantinople, where we shall find the Seditions and Military Mutinies broken out again with more Fury and Danger, even to the very shaking of the Foundations of the Empire, than at the latter end of the last year: For the Cabals daily increased amongst the mutinous Soldiers: They had lately received their pay, and were satisfied in all they could demand; their Officers had some of them been displaced, and others strangled, as they were pleased to bestow their Heads and Offices, but not being herewith contented, unless every one of them could be made a Vizier or Pasha, 
Mutinies begin again at Constantinople.  they were emboldened to proceed to farther Outrages. There had been a kind of a cessation of these intestine Troubles, for about the space of two Months; during which time the new Sultan was persuaded as a thing accustomary, to send an Ambassador to France, England and Holland, to give notice of his happy exaltation to the Sublime Throne of his Ancestors; but whilst this was meditating, and preparations making for carrying on the Wars of the ensuing Summer, which was designed most vigorously to be acted in the Morea, and in a defensive manner only in Hungary, the Thoughts of sending an Ambassador into Christendom, (as lately designed) were laid aside, which was not unpleasing either to Sir William Trumbal, who was then Ambassador for his Majesty of Great Britain at Constantinople, nor yet to the English Company of Merchants at London trading into the Levant Seas, who could expect to reap nothing but trouble, and expense from such an Embassy. And indeed all things were at a stand by the Insolences of the Soldiers; the Officers both Civil and Military being discouraged, and at a stop and full Period in the Grand Seignior's Service, had work enough to contrive, how to guard their own Persons against the violence of the Soldiers, and provide for the safety of their own Lives.  
The daily Cabals of Mutinous Soldiers having been held in several places of the City, were adjourned at length to the Vizier's own House, where with Menaces and greater Insolences than formerly, they demanded the removal of Kuperlee the Chimacam from his Office; saying, 
Kuperlee laid aside.  That he was as bad a Man as his Father, who had spilt Rivers of Blood, and ruined the Empire. It was an unusual Piece of Favour and Mercy in this People to deal thus gently with him, who were accustomed formerly to be Executioners of their own Sentence, upon those, whom they suspected to be no good Wishers to their Side, and Faction. To oppose them herein had been to no purpose, and to expostulate with them had been equally dangerous; wherefore the Vizier being sensible of their Outrageous and Irrational Humour, not patient of the least Contradiction, seemed to concur with them in all they asked, and ordered a Galley immediately to Transport Kuperlee to the Castles, on the Hellespont or Dardanelli: 
He is sent in a Galley to the Castles.  There was no need of Commands, or Force to drive Kuperlee away, for he was affrighted and readily leapt into the Galley, thinking it a happy occasion to save his Life, and escape out of their Hands. The Vizier also at their instance discharged several Officers, which they had nominated, putting the Chief of these Rebels into their places, and renewed a solemn Oath with them to stand by them, and never to be their Enemy; and the Spahees and janissaries took the same Oath to stand by each other.  
The Vizier, as a means to amuse the Mutineers, and to divert their Thoughts to more orderly and lawful designs, set forth the (Tugh) or Horse's Tail, with a Signal of the Vizier's March into the Field within the space of Forty days; but having been forced in this manner to put out Kuperlee his Brother-in-Law (in whom he much confided) from his Office of Chimacam; he knew not any, whom he could more safely trust with the Government of the City, during his absence than Shaban Agá, his own Kaiah, or Deputy in his Business; and to supply his place Zulficar Effendi was nominated to be Kajah; but very unseasonably, for he was Obnoxious to the Mutineers, having been Chiausbashee, and turned out by them; which when one Tesfugee understood (the ablest and activest Head amongst them) he came to the Vizier, and insolently told him, that if he made that Man his Kaiah, he would kill him before his Face. 
The Vizier forced to dissemble.  The Vizier still dissembled this Affront, as well as many others; letting these Rebels run on in their mad and tyrannical Government, until they had rendered themselves universally Odious to the People, which they soon did by their Arbitrary and unequal proceedings; for they framed a Project of raising Chimny-Money, 
A Zechin is about 9 ●. 6 d.  of a Zechin yearly on every Chimney; (though for Popularity it was contrived, that the Rich should pay for the Poor) they also gave out Rules for quartering Soldiers, and for levying Money by extraordinary Ways, besides innumerable other Violences and Outrages they committed; all which served to the Vizier's purpose, and hastened the execution of the Designs, which had been contrived between him and Kuperlee, to bring them to destruction; but this could not be completed without the consent of the new Aga of the janissaries, with whom the Vizier had prevailed to join, and concur with him.  
year 1688. Accordingly on Sunday the 19 th' of February, a Hattesheriff (which is a Royal Command under the Sultan's own Hand writing) was sent to the janisar-aga, who assembling the Chief Officers, read it to them, the Contents whereof were thus; That whereas the Soldiers having lain under many Grievances, and long Arrears of pay, 
The Grand Seignior's Command read to the Soldiers.  had chosen some of their Body to obtain a redress; which having been granted unto them, and they fully satisfied in all their just Demands, their Duty was now to be Obedient to the Sultan, and to all such as he should appoint to be their Officers, and not to mix in Affairs relating to the Government; and that whosoever should be Refractory should be punished as a Rebel. The Hattee-sheriff being read, the janisar-aga asked them, whether they would be obedient to the Royal Command? To which the Officers (for none but the inferior Soldiers joined with the Mutineers) answered, Yes. 
Tesfagee refuses to obey;  But Tesfagee cried out, That he was a Villain, and a Rascal who obeyed that Order. Whereupon the janisar-aga calling him Traitor and Infidel, caused him to be carried into an Inner-room, where he was killed, 
And is killed.  and his Body thrown out before the Gate. After this, the janisar-aga went to the Vizier to give him an account of this Action and Success, with which the Vizier could not but be well pleased, thinking the Business to be ended: And indeed it was a good step to it, for this Tesfagee was the principal Instrument to keep the Spahees and janissaries united, and the boldest, and most understanding Villain amongst them. And now as if the Game had been sure, the Vizier sent the Tefterdar to Seal up his House in order to a Confiscation of his Estate, and also the Houses of several others of the Chief Mutineers: But herein the Vizier made a false step, for he should have secured their Persons, before he had sealed their Houses.  
For hereupon Hadgi Ali (who was an intimate Companion of him who was killed) fearing the same Fate, presently advised the rest of the Mutineers hereof, and stirred up the janissaries, by minding them of the many Oaths they had taken with the Spahees to stand by each other: They assembled at Atmeidan, or rather Okmeidan, 
Hadgi Ali another Mutinous Fellow.  which is a Field without the City, where they used to Shoot with Bows and Arrows. The janisar-aga hearing of the Assembly, and thinking by his Authority to disperse, and appease it, entered boldly into the Field; whom when Hadgi Ali espied, he made up to him, and told him, 
Kills the Aga of the Janissaries.  You have Murdered our Companion, and endeavoured to sow Dissensions amongst us; and striking him on the Head with his Scymeter, he was immediately cut to pieces. This Man was an Armenian Renegado; and as it is said, he was after his Death found to be uncircumcised. After this the Tumult increased; and then they went to the Tefterdar's House, and ransacked it, taking away a considerable Sum of Money, which was prepared and laid up for the Soldiers Pay: 
The Tumult increases.  From thence they went, and assaulted the Vizier in his own House, where he defended himself valiantly; for having got to himself the Tefterdar, the Captain Pasha, and a considerable number of Friends and Servants all well armed, he repulsed them thence. At last, thinking to pacify them by the Resignation of his Office (which was a very great Error) he sent for the Mufti, who out of fear was joined with the Mutineers. 
The Vizier gives up the Seal.  He gave up the Seals into his Hands, desiring him to carry them to the Grand Signior, that he might constitute another Vizier more pleasing, and more capable to Rule his People. This false step disheartened all his Friends and Associates, finding him devested of all his Authority and Power; the Tefterdar and Captain Pasha gave way also to the Fury of the Soldiery, and made their Escapes: And the Mutineers being hereby encouraged, and not in the least softened by this Resignation, fell on more fiercely, and broke into the House of the Vizier, who retiring by a Back-stairs, was pursued by Hadgi Ali, and shot with a Pistol, and by others wounded in the Belly, so that his Guts came out: 
He is killed.  He had fought courageously, having slain several with his own Hand: His Friends would have persuaded him to withdraw himself; But they could not prevail upon him, saying, That he could not live long, and that during his short life, he would not abandon his Wife, and Children to the Fury of these Miscreants. Above Fifty Soldiers were killed before they entered the House, which they spoilt even to the Windows and Doors. His Wife (the Daughter of Old Kuperlee) gave them all her Jewels; but they treated her inhumanly, and wounded her; upon which, as then reported, she Miscarried of a Child and died: The eldest Daughter not delivering her Pendants soon enough, 
H●s W●fe, House, etc. ransacked.  they cut off her Ears with them; and a younger Daughter with a Slave, they took away, and sold for six Dollars.  
This Tumult lasted three or four Days, when the Rebels seemed to be absolute Masters; for there was now no Vizier, no janisar-aga, 
Great con●usion.  nor any surviving, who had any Authority over them; when a small Accident ruined these Men, and over-turned their Anarchy, which was impossible to last: For after they had domineered for the space of five Months, Pardoning or Killing, Raising or Destroying whom they pleased; it happened, that in some of the Shops of the City, four of these janissaries in the Morning had taken away some Embroidered Handkerchiefs, and other small Commodities which remained there to be Sold; upon which a great Cry, and Clamour being raised amongst the Shopkeepers, by the Encouragement of an Emir they all arose, 
The ruin of the Mutineers from whence.  fell on them, and killed two of them; and then the Emir putting a Linnen-cloth on a Stick, and lifting it up cried out, Let all true Musselmen come to the Seraglio, and pray the Grand Signior to put out the Prophet's Standard and destroy these Rebels: Upon this, great numbers of the Citizens, who had been highly incensed by their Robberies and Insolence, got in a Body together and went to the Seraglio, which so encouraged the Sultan and those within, that the Standard was set forth about Noon, and Proclamation made in the Streets, for all People to come and Fight under it. 
Mahomet's Standard spread.  The Reverence paid to this Standard, brought an incredible concourse of People of all Conditions and Ages, under the Walls of the Seraglio; from whence a Shegh, or Preacher called to them thrice, and asked them, Whether they were contented with their present Emperor? To which, Answer was made in the Affirmative, with three great Shouts; but that they would have the Giurbaes', or Captains, or Ringleaders of the Mutinous Militia destroyed: Upon which, Orders were given to seize them: Accordingly Thirteen of them were taken and cut to pieces; the rest fled or absconded. The Mufti also, who had sided with the Giurbaes', was deprived of his Office, and Tabac Effendi put into his place, who had formerly been deposed by the unruly Soldiers: All that night a strong Watch was set about the Seraglio, and the next day all was quieted, as if none of these Disturbances had happened: 
The Sedition suppressed.  Only Proclamation was made to Search for the Rebels, of which, as many as were found, were immediately executed. Upon this Revolution, and Turn of Affairs all the great Officers were changed: The Nisangi-Pasha who was an old Man, and for many years had done nothing else, but make the Grand Seignior's Firm on Commands, was created Grand Vizier: And a very young Man, the fifth Page of the R. Chamber, year 1688. whose Office it is to cover the Grand Seignior's Table, was made Aga of the janissaries: Several Armenians, who dressed in the Habit of Soldiers, had mixed with the Tumults, and plundered the Houses of the late Grand Vizier, and Aga of the janissaries, 
Divers punished.  were taken and hanged, and several others were Imprisoned upon Suspicion of confederacy with the Rebels. In fine, upon Proclamation made, that whosoever had plundered any thing from any of the aforesaid Houses, and should restore the same again in the space of three days, should obtain his Pardon; which had so good effect, that several Sums of Money, were either brought to the new Vizier, or in the night time laid in the Streets, and next morning restored. And now from this day only may we begin to account the Reign of this new Sultan: Who in the first place to exercise his Authority, by a strict reformation of things, he suppressed Taverns, and prohibited the taking of Tobacco: And to observe what effect his Authority had taken; he walked one day Incognito in the Streets, with about eight Servants at a short distance from him, 
The Sultan takes upon him to govern.  and finding two poor Fellows selling Tobacco, he caused them immediately to be executed. The suppression of this dreadful Mutiny and Rebellion, produced a general Joy and Jubily over the whole City, and served to bring the Soldiery again into their Wits, who had for some Months, like so many Wild and Ravenous Beasts, getting the Bridle out of their Mouths, acted without Reason or Commonsense. For one would have thought that Men, so lately mortified by the Victories and Successes, which their Enemies had gained over them, should not thereby grow, or become more insolent; or that they who fled before their Enemies, should blush to abandon their Frontiers, and leave them naked and exposed, whilst they marched Five or Six hundred Miles homewards, to reek their Anger on their Commanders, and exercise the little Courage which was left them, against their Citizens and Countrymen. But many times we read, that such Turbulences as these, which are like Fevers in the Body Politic, have served to render the whole Composition afterwards more healthful, being thereby purged of many corrupt and malignant Humours.  
And so it happened in this case; for after the Death of Sciaus Pasha, and the destruction of the Giurbas, it happened fortunately for the present Vizier Ishmael, that there was no Pasha then in view, on whom to confer this Sublime Office. After which no eminent Men appearing, and of years' fitter to support the weight of so great a Charge, than Ishmael, 
Ishmael made Vizierr by Chance.  who was almost arrived to the Age of Fourscore; it was proposed, that he should descend to the Trust of Chimacam: But Ishmael rejected that employment, saying, That in such turbulent Times he could not act with Vigour and Authority, requisite for composing the present distractions, and securing the Peace and Quiet of the Empire, unless he were invested with the Supreme Power and the Seal of Vizier, which in that present Exigency was granted to him: But he having never made any Figure in the World before, and this advancement to so high a Dignity being very accidental, it was really believed, that it could not be of any long continuance, and that he was rather designed to supply the Vacancy, than possess the Office. But in a few days Ishmael discovered to the World, that his intentions were not to keep the place warm for another, 
March 1688.  but to settle himself; and for his own greater security and quiet of the City, he immediately fell to purge with great severity the dregs of those ill Humours, which had disturbed the Government. And so he caused all the chief Servants of the Giurbas, and several of the Spahees, and janissaries (who had sided with them) every Night to be cut off and thrown into the Sea, to the Number of about a Thousand, by which the rest being terrified, the Soldiers were reduced to as exact an Obedience, as formerly.  
To proceed farther in this Work, the Tefterdar, or Lord-Treasurer, who was first put in by the Giurbas (though afterwards they would have killed him) was imprisoned in the Middle-gate of the Seraglio, and all his Estate seized: Then was the Kia bei, or Lieutenant-General of the janissaries sent for, and vested by the Vizier as a Pasha; 
The Vizier ●nd●avour● to settle himself.  but so soon as he was gone out, he was seized, imprisoned, and privately conveyed away in a Boat, and banished to Mytilene. The reason why the Grand Vizier made him a Pasha, was because that according to the Constitution of the janissaries, and that Ancient Cannon, no Kia-bei, whilst so, can be put to Death, or Banished, until he is first divested of that Office.  
And now Kuperlee, who, as formerly mentioned, was sent away to the Castles at the Dardanelli, began to come into remembrance, and to be looked on by the Vizier as his Rival, and a dangerous Competitor, 
Kuperlee sent to Canea.  and as such, to be too near the Port: Wherefore to remove him farther off, a Galley was ordered to Transport him to Canea, and the same Galley in her return to take Mustapha Pasha, the late janisar-aga, who was not long since banished to Canea, and bring him back to the Dardanelli.  
And farther to purge the Army of all Mutineers, and punish them for their late Sedition, several of the chief Giurbas were taken, strangled, and their Bodies thrown out before the Gate of the Seraglio. Shaban Aga, the Kaiah, or Deputy of Siaus Pasha, late Vizier, and his Hasnadar, or Treasurer, were imprisoned to make a discovery of the Estate belonging to Siaus Pasha, their Master; in Composition for which, upon payment of One hundred and twenty Purses, 
Several Imprisoned, and Fined.  they were set at liberty. Shaban Aga the Customer was also seized, and Three hundred Purses demanded of him; but he having been so often fleeced, and squeezed in all Turns, declared himself unable, and so was continued in his Imprisonment.  
In the mean Yeghen, the famous Robber in Asia, who having the last Year brought with him Fifteen hundred men into Hungaria, was for that reason made a Pasha, by Solomon then Vizier; and for want of better Officers, the Command of the Turkish Forces on the Frontiers of Hungaria were now committed to his Conduct: 
Yeghen Bei commits some outrages.  But being a Man always used to Rapine, and Violence, he could not cast off the Trade to which he was accustomed, but fell in upon the Country of one Zeni the Pasha of Albania, which he plundered, and pillaged on all sides where he came, raising great Sums with all manner of Oppression, by the Force and Violence of his Soldiers; which Zeni not enduring, opposed and beat them away. Whereupon Yeghen made great Complaints to the Port; and Zeni not knowing what impressions they might make in the minds of the Great Men, 
Pasha of B●snia strangled.  appeared in Person at Constantinople to make his defence; but so low-spirited were the Ministers at that time, that for fear of Yeghen, they gave up Zeni to be strangled by him. This Zeni was an Albanian by Birth, and of good interest in his Country, and always bred up to the Wars, and esteemed a brave Soldier; and being now sentenced to Die, he made it his earnest desire, that he might be sent against the Grand Seignior's Enemies, that he might Die in the midst of them with his Sword in his Hand; but he was to be Sacrificed to the base and rapacious Spirit of a Robber; for to so vile and mean a Degree was the Greatness and Authority of this Empire fallen.  
It being now the Month of March, when it was high time to form an Army with all Provisions of War for the Campaigne, frequent Consultations were held thereupon in the Divan. The New Vizier, as to himself, was for several reasons unwilling to remove from the Court to the Camp; For he was very poor when he came first to that Office: And though the Conjuncture was favourable, when he was at first advanced to it, all Offices being then new Farmed, and let out through the whole Empire, which brought him at least a Thousand Purses of Money; yet the Equipage of a Grand Vizier for the War was vast, and to one in his condition wholly disfurnished of Tents, 
The Grand Vizier makes excuse for not going to the War.  Horses, Camels, Mules, etc. would be unsupportable: And this gave him a fair pretence to excuse himself from going this Year to the Wars: Not indeed was it his interest so soon to absent himself from the Grand Seignior's Presence, until he had settled himself in his Favour and Acquaintance, and introduced his own Creatures. Moreover his Age was great, and his Experience in the War little; the Preparations for the War, by reason of the late Distractions, and Intestine Troubles, Divisions, and all kinds of ill-management, were become very inconsiderable; so that it was not without favour to the Vizier given out, that it was not for the Reputation of the Grand Seignior's Seal, and the Safety and Honour of the Prophet's Standard to be so meanly attended. Whereupon it was concluded to make Yeghen a Vizier of the Bench, to send him Three Horse-tails, 
Yeghen entrusted with the Army.  and constitute him Sardar, or Major-General in Hungary.  
All this while Yeghen had not been idle, but had pursued his point of raising moneys by all manner of Extortions, and at last very confidently wrote a Letter to the Vizier; importing, That in case any Letters should have been wrote to the Port, containing Complaints of his having raised great Sums upon the People; he desired the Vizier to peruse the Account, whereby he would find that the Sums he had raised, did almost amount unto One thousand Purses, which he had employed to the payment of his Soldiers, year 1688. and to provide them with Necessaries, 
He demands Money.  desiring that One thousand Purses more might be forthwith sent him to pay off the remaining Arrears of the Army, which would serve to keep the Soldiers in Order, and Obedience, and put both himself and them in a convenient posture for the War.  
But the Vizier was not very forward to send him supplies of Money, having taken a jealousy, that by his various motions he intended to set up for himself; for many of his Ancient Comrades came daily flocking over to him, and some privately from Asia; 
The Vizier answers not.  and therefore designed to remove him as far off from him, as he could, and give him his Hands full of business with the Germans.  
Soon after which, this Yeghen sent his Steward or Kaiah, named Kara Mustapha, with Letters to the Grand Vizier, recommending the Kaiah to be made Pasha of Caramania, and that he might have Orders to forward the Asiatic Levies for the War. year 1688. This the Vizier dissembled and granted; and accordingly whilst his Kaiah was preparing an Equipage for his Government, other Letters came from Yeghen, demanding more Money and Soldiers, with the Standard of Mahomet, and a power to dispose of all the Offices, and Pashalucks, 
Yeghen demands the Grand Seignior's Seals.  or Government of Pashas in those parts, adding that it was very fit the Grand Seignior's Seals should be in the Army, as necessary to uphold the Authority of a General, and keep the Soldiers in due obedience. This spoke so plain his intention of setting up for Grand Vizier, That a Great Council was convened, where it was agreed to take from him even the Office and Title of Sardar; and bestowing on him the Title only of Pasha of Temiswar, Hasnadar, or Treasurer, Hassan Pasha was again made Seraskier in the Room of Yeghen. 
But is degraded.  To execute this resolution with more Authority, Five Kapigibashees were dispatched, with Orders and Instructions, That in case Yeghen would not accept of the Government of Temiswar, and refuse quietly to repair thither; then they were by virtue of a Royal Command under Signature of the Grand Signior, directed to the Bostangibashees at Adrianople, and in all parts of Romelia to raise the Nefiran, or Trained-Bands of those Countries upon him. And to prevent the passage of Yeghen into Asia, where by joining with a Body of Thiefs, and Robbers, and Malcontents of his Party, he might cause great Commotions, the Ways were all laid with Forces to prevent and obstruct his Passage: And that his Kaiah neither, might not be permitted to pass into Asia to prepare Commotions against the coming of his Master; the Gates of Constantinople were shut, and Guards set, not to suffer any to go out of the City. But the Kaiah, upon the Rumour hereof, surrendered himself that Evening to the Grand Vizier, and had immediately been strangled, had not the Mufti vigorously interposed in his behalf, alleging, That it would appear more just and reasonable to secure his person for the present, and to stay, and to see what effects the Grand Seignior's Orders would have upon Yeghen his Master.  
These Rumours raised once again new fears and distractions at Constantinople; for Reports flew about, that Yeghen was on his march towards the City, 
New fears in the City from Yeghen.  where he had a strong Party amongst the Giurbas, and others, giving out that he came to restore Sultan Mahomet, or his Son, to the Throne, all which being Forerunners of a New Civil War, moved many rich Turks to leave the City, and some of them to retire to Grand Cairo, the Sanctuary of Rich and Opulent Turks. The Vizier in the mean time to obstruct his March, sent Ten or Twelve Chambers of janissaries, with several Pieces of Cannon to guard an important Pass, called Mustapha Pasha's Bridge, upon a River in the Marshes, about Six Hours Journey from Adrianople: And lest he should have another design in his Head of passing over into Asia, at the narrow Straight of the Hellespont, Merza Pasha was sent with other janissaries to Gallipoli, where it was probable he might attempt a passage, it being reported, that he had already sent Four hundred Purses, with many of his People by that way. All his Force was reported to consist only of Four thousand Horse; and it was hoped by the Grand Vizier, and other Chief Commanders, that many of these would desert also; and that all the Country of Romelia, which had miserably been harassed by him, and that the Great Men, who mortally hated him, would unanimously rise to suppress, and reduce him to Subjection.  
During all these intestine Embroils, year 1688. no care was taken to oppose the Foreign and Common Enemy, all being abandoned to their Lust, until they could see an end of the Civil Wars. From whence we may learn, That no Faith or Trust is to be given to Robbers, and Highwaymen, like these; for though they may by fair words, and specious pretences, come in to the assistance of a Prince, their design is to set up for themselves, and set only on Mischief, on Rapine, on Violence, which their Education had made natural unto them.  
Still did the Apprehensions, and intestine Disturbances from Yeghen daily increase; 
Ishmael the Vizier undermined.  and Ishmael the Vizier being found to be a Person of ill Qualities, Proud, Obstinate, and extremely Avaricious, besides his small practice in Affairs; the Mufti, together with the Chief Men of the Law and Sword, gave privately by the hands of the Kuzlir-Aga, an Arz, or Memorial to the Grand Signior, representing that they thought themselves obliged in Duty, humbly to make known unto him, that Ishmael Pasha was not a fit man to continue Vizier: That such difficult times, as these, required one of the greatest Abilities, and Experience; and that none was better qualified to contend with the dangerous Troubles and Commotions, than Mustapha Pasha, at present an Exile at the Castles of the Dardanelli. The Grand Signior presently agreed to the Counsel, and dispatched a Hattesheriff, or Royal Command to Mustapha Pasha, to repair to his presence; which he accordingly did; and the next Morning after his Arrival, year 1688. he visited the Grand Vizier; 
Mustapha Pas●a sent for.  who being informed that Mustapha was sent for to be made Vizier of the Bench, and to be an Assistant to him in his Counsels, for the better Composure of the disturbed Estate of the Empire, he vested him with a Vest of Sables, as a Vizier of the Bench, and Companion with him, to bear a share of the heavy burden of the Government. The Vizier also designed to move the Grand Signior to employ him in the Command of the Army, in the place of Yeghen; for which Office he was very proper, being well beloved in the Army, and in high Reputation both of the Spahees and janissaries.  
But the Vizier had but flattered himself with all these Measures; for coming one Morning from the Divan, and being sat down at his Table to Eat, in came the Baltagee Kiasei, or Lieutenant of the Guard of the Battleaxes, and delivered a Hattesheriff, or Royal Command from the Sultan, to deliver up the Seals, which he immediately did; 
Mu●tapha made Vizier.  and the same being carried to the Grand Signior, he sent for Mustapha, and gave them to him, vesting him with the Ceremonies usual at the Creation of a Grand Vizier.  
After which, the first thing which Mustapha did, was to dispatch away several Couriers to Yeghen, and to the Pashas in those parts to countermand the Orders formerly sent; but before those Advices could arrive, a Messenger came with Letters from Yeghen to Ishmael, and the Mufti, acquainting them, That since the Nefiran, 
Yeghen writ●s to Ishmael and the Mufti.  or Trained-Bands had by their Orders been raised upon him, and encompassed him round on all sides in the Plains near Sophia, where he lay Encamped, but durst not attack him; (for if they did, he resolved to sell his Life dear, as he had declared to those, who came to take him) therefore he protested against the Vizier, and Mufti for all the Musselman Blood, which should be spilt in that quarrel. He also desired the Pashas, who came against him, to have patience only until an Answer was returned to those Letters which he was then sending to the Port, and to give them free passage. In his Letters he seemed to wonder much, what should be the cause of this Commotion, he for his part having done nothing contrary to his Duty, or his Allegiance to his Prince; and therefore could not believe, that it was the Grand Seignior's Will and Pleasure that these Arms should be raised upon him; but if it were, he would go, and lay his Head at his Feet, who might take it, if he pleased, but he would deliver it no other person.  
Mustapha, now Vizier, having received the Letters, read them, and said to the Messenger, who brought them, Cursed be he who was the cause of this disturbance: But howsoever he said that all should end well; for that he had already dispatched Orders for pacifying and composing all things, and would next day return him back with a Confirmation of the former dispatch. Ishmael being now laid aside, 
Mustapha Vizier answers Yeghens Letter. Ishmael blamed.  and out of Power and Office, was to bear the Burden of all the Misfortunes; for that Yeghen Writing, in case he had not more Men and Money, he could not advance farther against the Enemy, but should be forced to return to Constantinople. Ishmael had taken the Alarm, and raised the Country upon him without just or reasonable Apprehensions of any danger from a force so small and inconsiderable, as that of Yeghen's, they consisting of no greater a Number, than that of Four thousand men. But the Truth was, Ishmael had great reason to apprehend the danger of the approach of Yeghen to the Port; for he was a dangerous Villain; and though his Numbers were not great, yet they might be formidable when joined to the Faction and Friends of the Giurbas, and the Malcontented Party which lay concealed, and under Covert in the City of Constantinople.  
But now new Masters, new Measures; and Yeghen was to be Courted by Letters from the Vizier, declaring that the Sultan highly esteemed his Fidelity and Bravery; and had pardoned him; and that now he should return to the Frontiers, and cheerfully attend the Service of the Sultan: As to his Kaiah he was continued in the Office, with the Title of Pasha of Caramania; but was ordered to supply his Government with a Musselim, or Deputy, but he himself was ordered to serve in the War.  
And now after these dispatches, Ishmael was called upon to Refund the moneys, 
Ishmael Fined.  which he had raised from Pashas, and other Officers for their places; which were valued to amount unto One thousand Purses; but he made his Composition, and paid to the Tefterdar or Treasurer Five hundred only.  
Thus had the Civil Dissensions taken up all their time, and obstructed the due Preparations for a War so pressing and heavy upon them; so that little could be expected of great Action in Hungary, the Season of the Year (which was now April) being far advanced: Howsoever great things were expected from the Wise and Valorous Conduct of this New Vizier Mustapha, year 1688. having for his Merit been raised from a common Soldier to be a General. 
May  He had been janisar-aga at the Siege of Vienna, and afterwards Seraskier at the first Siege of Buda, and was for a while in great Reputation with all People, both Civil and Military.  
But this favourable Air of the People did not continue long; for Mustapha by his Indisposition of Body, and the continual Distractions and Difficulties of the Times, seemed not to answer the great expectation which was at first conceived of him; and indeed the Confusions and Fears of the People, grew always higher and greater as Dangers approached nearer; to increase which, there wanted not evil Spirits to possess and affect the minds of the Vulgar with hideous Stories and Reports; and indeed as for some of them, 
Fears and terrible Reports at Constantinople.  there wanted not probable Reasons, or substantial Foundation. The News of the Revolutions at Grand Cairo took up a greatpart of the Discourse; the Truth of which came afterwards to Light, and known to be no other, but a discontent of the People raised upon a Belief, that the Vizier intended to change the Pasha, which had but four Months before been entered into his Office: Upon which Report, after many Consultations held at Grand Cairo, they resolved to send several of their Beys, or Lords, as Deputies to represent unto the Vizier, that besides the great Tax laid upon the Country at the entrance of every new Pasha, it was contrary to the Privileges, and Constitutions of Egypt, that their Pasha should be changed before the expiration of three years; 
Deputies sent from Grand Cairo.  the which they supplicated the Vizier to consider, and to lay these their Desires and Reasons before the Grand Signior. The Vizier at first answered them very roughly, and with Anger, telling them that this Message which they brought arose from Humours and Seeds of Mutiny and Sedition, and the Contagion they had received from the Rebellious Giurbas; That they undertook to meddle in matters, which did not concern them; that they were the Grand Seignior's Subjects, and therefore ought quietly to submit, to whom soever it was his Imperial pleasure to set over them. But in a few days afterwards, upon cooler Thoughts, and Reflections on the present disorder of the Government, it not being judged convenient to discontent or provoke this People; he called again for the Deputies, 
They are dispatched back again.  and dismissed them with a confirmation of the same Pasha, and so dispatched them back again to Grand Cairo with full satisfaction.  
But that which gave most trouble, was certain Advice, that in Asia great numbers of Thiefs and Robbers infested the Country, and that a Body of about Four thousand Men had appeared before Angora; the Head, or Chief Commander of which was one Yedic, under whom Yeghen ●ad served as a Captain, 
Robbers in Asia trouble the Country.  before he came into the Grand Seignior's Service; he was a bold and an old Robber, who had long lived on Rapine and Spoil, and now commanding so considerable a Body of Horse, he ravaged all the Country, commanding free Quarters every where, and raising Contributions and Taxes in all places according to his own Lust and Pleasure; and hearing what success Yeghen his Under-Officer had gained, he was willing to put in for a share with the rest; offering himself and Forces to come over into Europe, and serve the Grand Signior in the Wars of Hungary.  
About the same time also there happened a Combustion in Candia, where the Soldiers mutined for want of Pay, and killed their Pasha, with the Aga of the janissaries, and some others, 
Mutinies in Candia.  seizing on the Pasha's Estate, which was accounted to amount unto so much Money, as would pay the Soldiers all that was due to them. Whereupon the Grand Vizier created Kuperlee-Ogle, lately banished thither (as we have mentioned) Pasha of that Country, and the Moxur Aga or Major General of the janissaries, to be Aga of the janissaries in the places of those, who were lately killed in the Tumult, and likewise dispatched from Constantinople Ali Pasha, who was once a Creature of Kara Mustapha Pasha late Vizier, to be Pasha of Canea; by which means the Vizier freed himself of two dangerous Competitors.  
In the mean time Ishmael Pasha the late Vizier was sent on a Galley to guard Cavalla, 
Ishmael banished.  a Castle near Salonica, which in effect was no other than an Honourable Banishment: And because the Grand Signior was not pleased to accept the offer made to him by Yedic, a Teftirgee Pasha, with some other ordinary Pashas, 
Yedic was to be suppressed.  were dispatched into Anatolia, to settle and secure the Country, and to reduce Yedic, and the Thiefs his Complices to Obedience.  
The Grand Vizier now according to the Custom of all his Predecessors, that he might settle himself more firm, began to make several changes in the Officers; amongst others, he put out Ramadam Effendi, Lord Treasurer in the late time of Ishmael, placing in his stead Mahomet Effendi, Treasurer in the time, when the Giurbaes' governed; an ill Man, and of a bad Reputation.  
Nor could the Vizier think himself secure whilst Yeghen Command his Forces, so near as Sophia, and was disobedient to all Commands, aspiring to no less, than to be Seraskier or General of the Army; nor could it be thought, he would stop there, or at any other point until he came to be Grand Vizier: Wherefore Mustapha Vizier, dispatched private Orders to have Yeghen strangled; who remained hover about, between Belgrade and Sophia, keeping all Strangers from any near approach, so that the execution of those Orders were respited, until a more opportune conjuncture: 
Yeghen continues in Rebellion.  For he continued still in Rebellion, having refused to go to Bosna, declaring that he would not give up the Command of Seraskier of the Army in Hungary, to Hassan Pasha, or any other.  
Whilst these things were in Agitation, an Envoy arrived at Constantinople from the Emperor of Morocco, with Letters of Compliment to the Grand Signior upon his Exaltion to the Throne, and with Offers, year 1688. that as the Christians were united together against the Musulmen, so he was ready to give his Assistance to the Grand Signior in defence of the Mahometan Faith.  
It being now the Spring time, when the Turks always put their Horses out to Grass and Soil: The Imbrahor, or Master of the Horse, invited the Grand Signior into the Fields, to see in what order his Horses were governed at their Pasture; and there gave him a very Splendid Entertainment. The Grand Signior was so pleased with the Dinner, the Air, and the Fields, that in two or three days afterwards he went again to the Meadows at Cat-Hanah, 
T●● P●●ple 〈…〉 with the ●●w Sult●n.  about two English Miles at farthest from Pera; where he was again feasted, not without the Censure and Murmuring of the People; who said, That in a short time he would follow the Example of the late Sultan in his Diversions, and Negligence in the Government, so they should have changed (as indeed they had) to little purpose.  
It began now plainly to appear, That the Turks by reason of their intestine Divisions, had made very inconsiderable Preparations either by Land or Sea: year 1688. Howsoever something was necessary to be; and therefore in the first place, Eleven Galleys were sent to Guard the Black Sea against the Cosacks, who (as was reported) were preparing to make Incursions into the Parts near Constantinople, as they had usually done in former times.  

The Turks make small Preparations▪  But their chief Apprehensions and Fears were raised from a Report, that the Imperialists were marching towards Belgrade: And indeed they had great Reasons for it; for they had nothing of Force on the Frontiers, nor nothing to oppose them in case the Emperor should think fit to push forward his Conquests, which nothing could obstruct, besides Famine and Hunger in a March through a ruined, and a desert Country.  
The Turks in these extremities, finding no safety or success, and protection in their Arms, had recourse to their last refuge, which was, if possible to obtain a Peace with the Emperor, 
Th●● seek f●r Pea●e.  a Method, which they had never practised before since they were an Empire, to be the first to Sue for a Peace. But now Necessity pressing them, they were for dispatching an Ambassador to the Kings of France, 
An Ambassador designed ●●r England.  England, and the States of Holland, whose design, substance and main drift of his Embassy was only pretended to give notice unto those Powers of the Exaltation of Sultan Solyman to the Throne of the Ottoman Empire: But with private Instructions to insinuate unto those Princes severally to interpose in a Mediation of Peace, and to use their endeavours to give a stop to the Career of the Imperial Arms; which good Offices, in order to a Peace might reasonably be expected from Kings and Princes, who had for many years maintained a happy Peace, and Correspondence with the Ottoman Port; where their Ambassadors had been treated with Friendship, and their Merchants with Security, and their Trade flourished on all sides with Profit and Advantage. One Achmet Aga being proposed for this Embassy, he was severally treated and feasted by the three Ambassadors, who by the Discourses they had entertained with him, observed him to be a Person discreet, and better practised in Affairs of Countries different to their own, than commonly Turks are, who think it an Indignity to them, to look into the States of Christian Princes, year 1688. which so lately the Ottoman Empire overlooked, as unworthy their Consideration: To Transport this Ambassador a French-ship was appointed, and his Equipage prepared; 
The Embassy put off.  but by the Conduct of Sir William Trumbal, English Ambassador then at Constantinople, and the confused Affairs of the Turks, this Embassy did not succeed: And indeed the Turkey Company could not expect to Reap any thing from thence, but trouble and expense, and perhaps displeasure at the Port, in case his Entertainment had not equalled, that which he had received at Paris.  
Howsoever, the Turks were better resolved in the Point of that Embassy, designed to the Emperor. And to that end, they chose Hamedi Effendi, one who had been bred up a Clerk, 
Ambassadors designed to the Emperor.  and afterwards came to be first Accountant in the Treasury; and Mavuro Cordato, a Greek by Nation, a Man of Intrigue and Business, having for many years been employed for Interpreter to the Grand Vizier, ever since the Death of Panaioti. The Turks being ashamed, as a thing below the Dignity of their Empire to Sue for Peace, thought it might prove a certain consequence in Answer to a civil Letter, written by the Grand Signior to the Emperor, giving notice of his Exaltation to the Ottoman Throne (much after the same Tenor with that which was written to the other Powers) with this Addition and Alteration: year 1688. That whereas the ancient Amity and Friendship had been broken during the Reign of his Predecessor, he, as to his own Person, had not been consenting nor instrumental thereunto; and that God having punished the Authors of this War, he resolved to take different Measures; and considering the Emperor as his Neighbour, he was desirous to enter into a League of Friendship with him, and to establish a firm and lasting Peace, in case the Emperor should be inclining thereunto. These Ambassadors were appointed to begin their Journey towards the end of june, towards whose expenses the Grand Signior intended to allow Six thousand Dollars; which was esteemed a sufficient Provision for them, until they came to the Confines, whence according to the ancient Canon, they are to be conducted by the Emperor's Guards, and defrayed at his Expense: Their Retinue consisted of 60 persons, half of which was habited in the Turkish, and half after the Grecian Fashion. As yet they had received no Passports for them; but in assurance, that they would be granted, the Ambassadors were posted away to Belgrade, there to remain in expectation of them.  
The New Grand Signior during all these Combustions and Negotiations minded little, or nothing of Business; nor indeed was he capable of any; for when any thing was propounded to him▪ He answered, Yes or No, 
The Humour of Sultan Solyman.  or with some very short Reply, after the manner of Laconic brevity, and then presently turned away to read the Koran. He was at first reputed after the manner of his Father, to be impotent as to Women; but afterwards taking five or six into his Embraces, he gave the World cause to conceive another Opinion of him. He sat as aukwardly on Horseback as his Father, that Exercise being uneasy to him; his chief Divertisements were his Books, (which we may believe he ill understood) and sometimes taking the Air on the Water, and in Chiosks▪ or Garden Houses on the side of the Bosphorus, he passed his pleasant time.  
Yeghen still continued to Ravage the Country between Sophia and Belgrade, as his Comrade Yedic that Arch-robber did in Anatolia: And the Government being too weak to suppress two such Thiefs or Highwaymen, how much less was it able to contend with the Germane Troops? They were forced to dissemble, and give way to the present Extremities; 
Yeghen made Saraskier.  by making Yeghen Seraskier in Hungary, whilst Hassan Pasha was forced to give way, and fly privately out of the reach of his Competitor. The News hereof flew with great haste to the Thiefs in Anatolia, who being encouraged with the Success of Yeghen, 
His Complices encouraged.  under whose Government they all fancied to be made Pashas or Grandees, came over in great numbers to join with him: Amongst which one Temac Boluckbashee, a leading Man, with Four hundred of his Robbers passed boldly over from Asia to Constantinople; and Yedic their General was not only pardoned, but made a Pasha.  
To this hard Plight and Extremity was the Ottoman Empire reduced; when the Turks placing their greatest hopes in the Tartars, 
An Aga sent to Transilvania.  dispatched away an Aga to Apafi Prince of Transilvania, with a Patent to confirm him in his Principality; and with Orders to demand of him in consideration thereof a round Sum of ready Money, wherewith to Succour, and pay the Garrisons on the Boristhenes; and to provide for the Maintenance of Caminiec, which was in want of Ammunition, and all things necessary. And to persuade Apafi hereunto, he told Stories very improper and unfit to compass his ends; for he rehearsed all the Tumults of the Zorbas at Constantinople, and that the Grand Signior was forced to create Yeghen, who was their Chief and Leader, to be Seraskier in Hungary. That in Constantinople there was want of every thing, even to a Famine, caused by the Seditions and Mutinies of the Soldiers; and that for the appeasing these Tumults, and for the Donative unto the Soldiers, which is usually given by the Sultan's at their Inauguration, the Exchequer had been drained of Twenty Millions of Dollars; wherefore he urged the States of Transilvania to grant him his Demands; in failure of which he threatened them with the Incursions of the Tartars, who had already passed the River Prut, and were entered into the Neighbouring Provinces, where they had left sad Marks of their cruel and miserable Devastations: And that Sultan Galga, and Noradin with a mighty Army were marching to oppose the Emperor's designs upon Belgrade.  
General Carafa having notice of these Practices upon Transilvania, went with all haste thither; and in a short time not only defeated this Aga in his Negotiations, but also so well disposed Apafi, and the States of Transilvania with entire Devotion to the Emperor, that in despite of the Message brought by the Aga; they absolutely renounced all Obedience, and Duty to the Ottoman Port: The which Renuntiation follows in this manner.  
We Michael Teleky de Szek General, George and Alexius de Bethlem, Laodislaus Szekel of Boroszeno, Valentine Frank one of the judges, Christian Zato Consul of the City of Hermanstadt, Counsellors to the Illustrious Prince of Transilvania: As also Nicholas of Bethlem, Stephen Appor, Peter Alvinzy, and John Starosy Principal and public Notaries, Michael Filstrick judge of the City of Braslavia, Plenipotentiaries deputed by the Prince aforesaid, and by the States of the Kingdom of Transilvania; do hereby declare and make known unto all the World, desiring that these Presents may remain upon Record, for a lasting Testimony unto all Ages.  
With great Reason may this present Age remain astonished, and envious Eyes become dazzled with the Splendour of the Divine Clemency; which not suffering its beloved Christendom to Groan longer under the Yoke of Barbarous Pride, nor remain in Bonds to Tyrannical Servitude, nor longer to be overwhelmed, and drowned after so many Wars in a Sea of Innocent Blood; hath at length out of his great Compassion, been pleased to exert the strong Power of his Omnipotent Arm, to Rescue so many Kingdoms and Provinces, from an unsupportable Slavery under the Turks, who transported with senseless Fury had rendered themselves formidable to the World, ruinous to their Neighbours, and Despisers of all People, besides their own. But behold! How the God of Hosts, being justly displeassed with these vain Boastings, hath thrown his Thunderbolts amongst them, and dispersed them, making the most August Emperor Leopold the First an Instrument of his Vengeance, and having showered Floods of Blessings on his Glorious and Triumphant Arms, hath encompassed his Royal Head with Wreaths of Victorious Laurel; whilst the Ottoman Throne is dressed up with Mournful Cypress.  
Such were the astonishing operations of the Divine Power, made manifest to all the World. For when the barbarous Tyranny was in its full Career, and was in the Trail of a hot Scent after Christian Blood; then was God pleased to stop them in their Course; and reduce their unstable and depressed Fortune to the doubtful Terms of Hope and Fear.  
It is now near an Age, that unhappy Transilvania hath been depressed by the unsupportable Ottoman Yoke, and bewailed the loss of her lawful King and Lord: And after having been Turmoiled, tossed with Storms of War, with Fire and Sword, and Civil Dissensions, all things have been so confused and defaced, that scarce any thing hath remained on the Registers of its ancient Glory; only since the Dominion of the Turk gained by the intestine differences of its own Princes, some Memorials are written, and reserved to represent to the World a History of a most direful Tragedy. But now the malign Influence of the Stars being either abated, or entirely exhausted; and the Ambitious Pride, and Designs of private Men defeated, Transilvania embraces the Paternal, and Powerful Protection of the most August Emperor of the Romans, Leopold the First, and Hereditary King of Hungary, and of all his Successors, and particularly of the most Serene Prince Joseph King of Hungary, (whose Life may God long continue) and of his Heirs after him, according as it hath been concluded and agreed in the year 1687, at the last Diet at Possonium with full Consent, Approbation and Concurrence of all the States of Hungary, who have for a long time poured out their Prayers and Tears, and Sighs before God, that at length through the Divine Mercy, they might obtain the Enjoyment of this long wished Felicity. Be it therefore Enacted, Established, and made known to this present, and to future Ages; That to the Glory of the Omnipotent God, and for the more quiet, and prosperous State of this Principality, both in this, and in Ages to come; We the said Plenipotentiaries deputed by the Illustrious Prince, and States of this Kingdom, do with our free Will and Christian Zeal, Renounce all Protection from the Turk; declaring that for the future, We will send him no Presents, nor pay him Tribute; Nor will we maintain any Correspondence with the Ottoman Port, their Adherents or Dependants, whether Turks or Christians; or with any others, who are Enemies to the Majesty of the Roman Emperor our gracious Lord, or to his lawful Successors, and Hereditary Kings of Hungary; upon Penalty of High Treason, to be punished according to the Laws of this Country, after due Conviction of the Crime. And in lieu of that Power which we have now renounced, We do with all Sincerity, and Purity of Heart Enter, and List ourselves under the Protection of the most August Emperor; and engage not only ourselves, but our Posterity of this Kingdom of Transilvania. And for an Evidence of this our Submission and Agreement, by virtue of the power we have received from his Highness the Prince, and the States of the Country, We do admit, and receive the Imperial Forces, into the Fortress of Kôvar, Huss, Georgim and Braslavia, besides other places already garrisoned by Germane Soldiers. Moreover we declare, That we shall be ready at all times, to take up Arms against the Common Enemy of Christendom, and against all others, as we shall be commanded by our most gracious Lord; whom with all Humility, We Pray and Beseech, that he would be graciously pleased to confirm our Privileges, and the free Exercise of our Religion, as we have hither to enjoyed: And also, that he would Protect, and Defend our Posterity, and Successors in the said Liberty and Privileges: And in the mean time that the Teaty and Convention made with the Duke of Lorraine may remain in full Force and Virtue; We have in Testimony thereof and for greater Evidence and Manifestation to all the World, ratified and confirmed this our Abjuration, and Renuntiation of the Ottoman Protection under the Seal of the three Nations of the Kingdom of Transilvania.  
Given at Hermanstadt the 9 th' of May, 1688.  
These happy Successes made way for the Surrender of Alba Regalis, which all this time held out, supplying themselves sometimes with Provisions by Sallies and Excursions, which they often made even to the Walls of Buda. Wherefore it being wisely considered, that this Garrison might still defend itself for a long time, 
Alba Regalis straightened.  unless the Blocade were more straight watched; and such Forces disposed on all sides, as might suffer none either to go in, or come out of the City; Prince Herman of Baden Precedent of the Counsel of War, projected a formal Blocade, year 1688. and with some Parties of Germans and Hungarians, within the Jurisdiction of his own Government, together with some Militia of General Count Bathyani, Commanded by himself; 
May.  and the former Conducted by Colonel Baron Areyzaga Governor of Leopolstadt, and these were enjoined to make an actual Attack upon the place, in case they understood, that a Blocade was not likely to succeed.  
About the beginning of May these Forces appeared in view of Alba Regalis; and a strict Blocade was form on all sides of the Town. Howsoever, the Defendants seemed not to lose Courage, but on the contrary, made a stout Sally both with Horse and Foot; the Issue of which was of no greater Importance, than only the taking off the Heads of some unfortunate Soldiers on one side and the other. And now at length to make their last effort, the Turks made another Sally on the Germans, but soon retired again without any Action; which gave opportunity to the Vanguard, 
The Turks make a Sally.  to advance within Cannon- shot of the Town; with which the Defendants became so terrified, that the three Chief Commanders sent forth a Turk well clothed and mounted, to make some motion for a Treaty: The Turk approaching near the Vanguard, desired to speak with some of the Chief Captains, letting them know, that he had Offers to make of a Surrender; which whilst he was uttering, several other Turks Sallied out with a kind of cheerful Air and Briskness, 
They Capitulate.  one of which advancing before, demanded of the Christian Soldiers, what it was they required? To which Answer being made: The Town. Reply was made; But we must know first on what Conditions; may we not, said they, expect to receive the same Articles, that were given to Agria? And may not we obtain the Favour to have our Treaty Signed at Vienna, by the great Emperor of the Romans: To which Answer was made, That though they had no Power, nor Authority to give them any assurance of the latter, yet they would endeavour to give them satisfaction in that point, as well, as in others.  
year 1688. Hereupon Articles were drawn into several Heads and sent into the City, the which, next day being considered in the Divan, and by common consent agreed unto, were Signed by the three Pashas, and Chief Commanders of the Garrison; the Sum of all which being this: That the same Conditions should be given in all Points, 
The Articles are agreed, and Messengers sent to Vienna.  as to Agria. And as to the Confirmation of these Articles by the Emperor, that the Turks might be satisfied therein, an Express was dispatched to Prince Herman of Baden, that he might send Advice to the Emperor of this Success, and withal to intimate the Desires of the Turks to have their Articles confirmed by the Imperial Signature. The which being granted, Ali Aga, and Ali Beg were commissioned by the Garrison to carry the Articles to Vienna; and being come near to the City, an Officer was sent to meet them with a Coach, by whom with a Guard they were conducted to the chief Inn of the City, where they were Lodged, and provided with all things necessary for their Entertainment. The Emperor not being in the City, but at his Country- House at Luxemburg, the Turks lost the curiosity of their Desires, and Honour of Kissing the Him of the Emperor's Garment: Howsoever, after having been courteously treated, they were with much expedition dispatched away, that the Surrender of the Town might not be delayed; for in War are many Hazards: And perhaps the Commanders of the Town might have projected this pretence for a delay, not knowing what might happen in the interim by Succours from Belgrade; which were promised, and daily expected to relieve them. In consideration of which the Marquis Herman of Baden, Precedent of the Council of War, procured the Imperial Signature to their Capitulations with all hast imaginable, and having made a Present to each of them of a Watch, they were Conducted back to Alba Regalis by Count Zicchy, year 1688. who had all that Winter been very Active to Watch that Garrison, and force them to a Surrender. Thus these two Commissioners being returned to Alba Regalis, with the Articles of Surrender signed and confirmed, they entered into the Divan with the Pashas, and other Commanders, and after some Debate and Consultation, they resolved on an immediate Surrender, and without other pause or delay, they began to laid their Goods and Movables on Carts and Wagons: And on the next day being the 19 th' of May, 
May.  they quitted the City, and went out by the Gates, to the number in all of about Eight thousand Souls, amongst which there were not above Three hundred Soldiers. The Articles on which the Town was Surrender'd were these.  
First, That the Castle, and City with all the Ammunition, Cannon and Arms, with the Bells, Clocks, and all things of public use, shall without Fraud, or Design be delivered up; and what Mines that are, either in the Castle or Town, shall be discovered, and made known.  
Secondly, That permission shall be given without let or hindrance, or molestation whatsoever to the Garrison and Inhabitants freely to leave the City with their Arms, Horses, Beasts, Goods and Movables.  
Thirdly, That the Sons of Christian Women, who are Slaves, and do not pass the Age of Eighteen, shall remain in the Power, and under the Government of their Fathers, who were Turks. But those who are of riper Years, and past that Age, shall be left to their own free Will, to choose which side, or party they will take. And as to those who were Born Christians, and are under Age, as well Males, as Females shall be delivered faithfully into the Hands of the Christians; and in case amongst the Turks, any Person shall be desirous to turn Christian, no Person shall dare to hinder, or pervert him.  
Fourthly, That Three hundred Wagons shall be provided for carrying their Goods and Movables, as far as Gian Curtaran upon the Danube; where Seventy Boats or more (in case Seventy be not sufficient) shall be furnished for Transport of the People and their Goods to such Places, as they shall desire; and in the mean while whilst the Wagons are providing, and the Garrison is issuing forth, the principal Turks of the City shall remain for Hostages.  
Fifthly, That some Germane and Hungarian Officers shall go with the Convoy, which Conducts the People to the Danube, where being Embarked, they shall Accompany and Protect them to the next Garrisoned Town of the Turks; and for security of the safe return of such Officers, some principul Turks shall be given for Hostages, to remain at Oseck until all Conditions are executed, and then afterwards they shall have free liberty to depart.  
Sixthly, All Christian Captives, as well young as old, shall be set at liberty.  
Thus Alba Regalis being Surrendered on the 19 th' of May, as we have said, Te Deum was Sung in the principal Mosches, and on the 20 th' the Turks began to take their way towards Gian Curtaran; year 1688. and a sufficient Garrison of Imperialists entered the City, 
The Garrison of Al●a Regalis Marches out.  to the number of Five hundred Germans, and about One thousand Hussars Horse and Foot, under the Command of Colonel Areizaga, there to remain until farther Orders from the Emperor. Some few days afterwards Count Stephen Zicchy, Lieutenant General of Giavarin, who by Order of the Counsel of War had with a Guard of Five hundred Hussars, Three hundred Musquetiers of the Regiment of Wech, and Three hundred Horse of the Circle of Suabia, convoyed the Turks to the place appointed, returned back to Alba Regalis, where he reported, the great Sense the Turks had of the faithful observance, which was given to the Articles; concerning which they had made many Expressions of Satisfaction; saying that it was no wonder, That the Christians gather so many Laurels of Victory, since they knew so well with Sincerity, and Religion to observe, and comply with the Faith they had given: The which may more evidently appear by the Letter here following, Written to the Marquis of Baden.  
MOst Happy, most Honourable and Gentle Prince, Vizier of the Emperor of the Romans, Friend, and dear Brother, after these our sincere Salutations shall be come to your Hands, Be it made known unto you, That in that happy Hour, when the Imperial Decree of your most Gracious, and Glorious Emperor, and our Lord, and also your obliging Letter filled with courteous Expressions, and Demonstrations of Civility used towards our Messenger Ali Aga, and Ali Bei came to Hand, we were greatly comforted, to have found favour, by means of your intercession, in the Eyes of your Gracious Emperor, whom the High God reward, and recompense with his Divine Grace. For that in pursuance of the Sacred Command Signed by your Emperor, the Honourable General Bathyani, and his other Officers have carefully protected us, not only when we quitted the Town, but during all our March towards the Danube; so that by the regular Discipline and watchful Eye of the Germans, and Hungarians towards us, we are safely arrived at Gian Curtaran. And so much we have thought fit to acknowledge, and expose at the Feet of your Highness; that it may be made manifest to the World, with how much Sincerity and Faith, this Treaty hath been Executed. As to other Matters, we find the Boats and Vessels all in a readiness, so that we Design to Embark and depart early to Morrow Morning; for all which good and punctual performance, we beseech God to succeed, and prosper you.  
Dated the 23d of the Moon of Regeb 1099. That is, the 22d of May 1688. Subscribed by the Servants of God. 

Achmet Vizier Commander in Chief,  
Aga of the janissaries, Zagargee Pasha.    
Besides this Letter the same Persons wrote another to Count Bathyani of the like Tenure; acknowledging the due Observance and Execution of the Treaty.  
When the People, and Garrison of this City, to the number of about Eight thousand Souls, passed down the River by Towns belonging to the Turks, great was the Confusion and Consternation amongst them, but more was the shame to the principal Officers, who had either by their Negligence or Cowardice, or ill Coduct, not relieved so important a City, but suffered it to be reduced to the utmost Extremities of Famine, without hopes of Succour: And at the same time, that the Fortresses of Sigeth and Canisia, were in no better Condition, being reduced almost to the like Extremity with Alba Regalis, which being well known to the Imperial Counsel of War, Orders were given to straighten those places by a more close, and strict Blocade.  
About this time to hasten the Preparations, year 1688. and to draw out the Measures, and Scheme of War for the ensuing Campaign; the Duke of Lorraine arrived at Vienna, where several Conferences and Counsels were held, 
Counsels of War at Vienn●.  by the great Captains and Generals, than which, never did any Age produce more Brave, Valiant and Wise of Conduct, than appeared in this present year. There are many things concur to form and complete a General of Renown; towards which nothing doth more contribute, than Fortune and Success in War; of which the Imperialists had for some years had a happy Run, and played long with a lucky Hand. The Turks on the contrary had lost the most part of their bravest Officers, and Soldiers; and those which had escaped out of the Battles, became a Sacrifice to the Rage, and Fury of Mutinous and Dissolute Soldiers, who having thrown off the Bridle of all Discipline, turned their Swords from their Enemies upon their own Commanders and Generals; and this was not the least Misfortune of the Turks, that the most captived People, and such as formerly served with the most blind Obedience, had forgot to obey, or revere their Sultan's. But now if we should compare these obscure Commanders of the Turks, Men started from nothing, unexperienced in War, Thiefs and Robbers, such as Yeghen, and his Master Yedic, 
The Commanders on either side compared.  who for some Years had lived on Spoils in the lesser Asia, with the Redoubted, and Valiant Generals of the Imperial Armies, we may without the help of ancient Prophecies, Prognosticate the continued Successes of the Imperial Arms: The Names of which Generals are these, worthy to be Recorded for ever in History.  

The Duke of Lorraine.  
The Elector of Bavaria.  
Prince Lewis of Baden.  
Count Caraffa.  

The Christian Generals and Officers.  Count de Staremberg, Marshal of the Field to the Emperor.  
The Prince of Salm, a Field Marshal, to whom the Education of the young King of Hungary was committed.  
Count de Rebata, Commissary General of the Emperor's Armies.  
Count Dunewald, General of the Emperor's Horse.  
Count Palfi, another General of Horse.  
Count de Sereni, General of the Bavarian Horse.  
Prince de Croy, General of the Artillery.  
Gondola, Chief Lieutenant General of Horse, and a very ancient Officer.  
Count Taff, another Lieutenant General of Horse.  
Count Scheffenburg, a Lieutenant General of Foot.  
The Prince of Neubourg, Great Master of the Teutonick Order.  
The Prince of Savoy.  
Veterani, a brave General, full of Courage.  
Piccolimini the like.  
The Prince of Lommercey, Rabutin, Negrelli and Esterhasi, Apremont and Wallis, all Major Generals, were Persons of great Reputation and Bravery, Fit, and Proper to Led, Conduct, and Command an Army.   
To give all these Generals a Character agreeable to their Worth and Merit, would be too great a Talk, and savour, something of Flattery, which is disagreeable to the Sincerity of an Historian. Howsoever, we may adventure to draw some few Lines, in describing the Complexion of those Heros, to whose Valour and Conduct Christendom is so much obliged for its Defence and Safety.  
The Duke of Lorraine was a Prince Naturally Valiant, 
Character of the Duke of Lorraine.  and unconcerned in Dangers, exposing himself without Ostentation or Vanity, into Perils, where he judged, that his forwardness was requisite to animate his Soldiers, and to give them an Example to imitate his Valour. And as his Temperament was uncapable of Fear, so amidst the most hazardous Condition he was always settled and composed, and capable to give and receive Counsel; and willingly harkened to the Advices of any, that pretended to have an insight into Matters: Howsoever, though he was not esteemed to have a large Prospect into Matters, or to draw a Scheme for a whole Campaign; yet in the Management of a Battle, or taking all the Advantages, no General in the World was ever more capable. Howsoever it was objected against him, That he was over loose in his Marches, and acted with little Order therein; that he was not careful to strengthen his Convoys, nor to secure his Forages, by which, and a thousand other Oversights of this nature, we read in History, that whole Armies have been confounded, and mouldered to nothing: There is no Man, without his Faults and Defects; or, as we say, without his blind side: Yet the World must avouch, that he was a great Captain, and a Person of most excellent Qualifications; for it is not little to his Honour that he was not Ambitious, or transported with vain Glory; but firm and zealous for the Interest of the Emperor, though he little regarded his own, by endeavouring to form and project strong Leagues against France.  
The Elector of Bavaria was another General of great Renown; 
Character of the the Elector of B●v●ria.  than whom no person in the World was endued with more natural Valour; indefatigable in War, and would never be wearied or faint, though he should be constrained to fight every day. Skirmishes were his divertisements; and though he was a General, yet he could condescend to the degree of an inferior Officer, in giving Orders, where they were necessary. At this time he was Young, and consequently had not as yet seen many Campaigns; but no Prince was ever more capable, and of greater hopes, which some Years afterwards were brought to all Perfection. He loved Battles; and to put the Troops of his Enemies to Flight, and to make himself Master of the Field, and to gain Victories, were his great pleasures; but as to the Plunder of the Field, and the great Booties obtained therein, he left all to his Officers and Soldiers, never demanding any share, or account of them. Howsoever he was esteemed also to have his Defects; for it is said, That he looked not with due attention to the care of his Troops; and that as he was very diligent and vigilant in the time of action; yet afterwards he indulged himself too much to his Pleasures in the times of Vacation and Ease from his Labours; and it may be said of him as was of a Roman General, That he was Patiens Laboris, indefessus in bello, sed ubi vacuerit, nimiae voluptatis.  
Prince Lewis of Baden was a true Man of War, 
Character of Prince Lewis of Baden.  cut out for a Soldier from his Infancy; in which Trade being Educated, he soon arrived to a singular Perfection, being naturally addicted to Arms. He was full of Courage, Heat, and Bravery; Active, Vigilant, and a Man of Order in disposing of his Troops; always on Horseback, and capable of doing great Actions; as we shall see verified Two or Three Years afterwards: Howsoever he was not without some allays, by a too obstinate adherence to his own Opinion, and Councils; which if at any time he was forced to retract or change, so as to follow the Advices and Counsels of others, yet he would do it with an ill Grace and Will, and not without some mixture of his own contrivance. He was more fit for an Army than a Court; giving his Tongue too much liberty to Speak and Discourse freely of the Faults and Defects of the chief Ministers of State; which begot him some Enemies, but his Greatness of Mind, and Success in War, carried him above all.  
Count Caraffa was advanced by the favour of Count Montecuculi his Uncle; to which his own Merits contributed very much; for being a Soldier of Fortune, 
Count Caraffa.  he resolved to rise by that way; and being endued with a natural Courage, he signalised himself on several occasions. His Erterprises were always performed with great moderation, and Phlegm, watching his opportunities of advantage upon the Enemy, and seldom inclined to hazard any thing; his Counsels were full of prudent Caution, which made his Performances suspected by the Enemy, fearing some Turn which they did not foresee. He was also a Courtier as well as a Soldier, and knew how to comport himself towards the chief Ministers of State in the Court; as he did also to the Generals, and Officers, and Soldiers in the Camp.  
Count Staremberg, 
Count Staremberg.  one of the Emperor's Field-Marshals, a Person Renowned through the World for the defence of Vienna, was a person of admirable Courage and much Fire in his Temper, and endued with all Qualities fit for a Soldier, though not so proper for a General, being naturally violent and transported with Passion. He is, as we find him, more celebrated amongst Foreigners and Strangers for defending Vienna, than amongst the Germans, who served in the Garrison with him, alleging that he exposed his Soldiers too frequently to unnecessary Sallies, and was too prodigal of spilling their Blood.  
The Prince of Salm was another Field-Marshal, 
The Prince of Salm.  to whom the Education of the Young King of Hungary was committed. It is said, That he hath served long, and gained great Experience in the War: But his Valour, Wisdom, and Nobility, have endued him with such Virtues, as serve not only to render him esteemed and honoured for himself, but capable also to inspire Learning, and Royal Thoughts into the Mind of that Young King.  
Count Rabata, another Field-Marshal, and Commissary-General of the Imperial Army, 
Count Rabata.  was esteemed more capable of the latter, than of the first Office. For as to the providing for the subsistence of an Army, no man was ever reputed more intelligent and industrious, being endued with an admirable Faculty to draw out a Scheme for Winter-Quarters; and the manner how to regulate Troops with such Discipline, as might tend to the Conservation of the Provisions of a Country, which Soldiers are apt to consume unnecessarily; especially the Germane Armies, which love Plenty and Excess; and do commonly, (if not prevented by good Management) ruin those Countries in Two Months, which might otherwise conveniently maintain an Army for the whole Year.  

Dunewald.  Count Dunewald, General of the Imperial Cavalry, was esteemed very capable of that Charge; and with all the Reason and Justice in the World, may be numbered amongst the best of those Officers, who are esteemed, to be Courageous, Wise, and Experienced in War.  

Count Palfi.  Count Palfi, General of the Hungarian Horse, was a man of great Understanding; but because he hath not served in any other Wars, than those of Hungary, he is not much esteemed for a Soldier; howsoever being descended from one of the most Ancient and Noble Families in Hungary, the Court of Vienna judged it policy, to give in his Person an Example and Proof of the Emperor's Favour and good Will towards the Hungarian Nobility: By reason of which he made a speedier advance into Preferments in the War, than could reasonably be expected from his Services, and Actions.  

Count Serien.  Count de Serien, General of the Bavarian Troops, besides his other Qualities, hath but too much of Wit and good Management, by which he seldom fails of arriving at the end of his designs, having by his Conduct and good Fortune, got into the Command of the Bavarian Troops: And so insinuated himself into the Court of Vienna, that they seem to say, that they are obliged to him, for the strict Alliance which the Elector hath made with the House of Austria. In short, he was esteemed for a Person of admirable dexterity in avoiding invidious matters, without being either suspected or perceived.  

P. of Croy.  The Prince of Croy, General of the Artillery, was a person of undoubted Valour.  

Gondola.  Gondola, first Lieutenant-General of the Horse, was a very Ancient Officer; much beloved by his own Soldiers; in short he is a man without Vice, Vivacity of Spirit, or Ambition, being of a Conversation easy, and inoffensive to all the World.  

Count Taff.  Count Taff, a Lieutenant-General of the Horse, was a very Gallant man, having in all occasions of danger acquitted himself with great Courage; and yet he is not so much to be commended for his Military performances, as for the Character he hath acquired of a just, civil, and an honest Gentleman. He was of great Understanding, pleasant Conversation, good Literature, and well studied, accomplished in all his Exercises, doing every thing with a good Grace. In fine, he would be supereminent in every thing, did he not prefer those Qualities which rendered him useful before those which made him acceptable. I had once the honour to see him at Vienna, and have some acquaintance with him in the Year 1666.  
Count Souches, chief Lieutenant-General of the Infantry, was greatly advanced by those Employments which his Father had bequeathed to him. 
Souches.   
Count Schaffenberg, 
Schaffenberg.  Lieutenant-General of the Foot, was a person of great Courage, but something tenacious.  
The Prince of Neuburg, 
Neuburg.  Great Master of the Teutonick Order, was a very good Man, but heavy and unactive; bold in danger, but without much Application to business.  
The Prince of Savoy, 
P. of Savoy.  a Gentleman of great Courage, of more solid Judgement, than quickness of Fancy. He was a Man of good Learning, and in his studies had applied his mind to that part of the Mathematics, which treats of Fortifications; by which, and by practice in War, there was great hope, that with time, he would arrive at those eminent degrees of Honour and Preferment, of which the greatness of his Birth, and his own Virtues made him capable.  
Veterani was as Brave and Valiant as any, 
Veterani.  having signalised himself in the last War by an extraordinary Action, worthy for ever to be remembered. He was an Italian by Birth, but so plain and unaffected in his Speech and Behaviour, that he seemed to have contracted nothing of the Air of that Nation, but the Name only.  
Heusler was a Soldier of Fortune, as stout and brave as Hercules himself; 
Heusler.  no man more Valiant, and none more Active and Vigilant, and by his Merits only arrived to the highest Commands in the Army; his Comportment, Motions, and way of Speaking favoured of a man of Quality.  
Piccolomini, 
Piccolomini.  was not only endued with Courage, which is the first Principle of a Soldier; but was a Master in the Trade of War: Tho' he hath been maliciously traduced, as wanting both; but his own Actions, Conduct, and Success in many Battles, have evinced the contrary.  
To these we might add the Prince of Lommercy, Rabbatin, Nigrelli, Esterhasi, Apremont, and Wallis, all Major-Generals of Renown, and Famous Reputation, besides many other Field-Commanders, Captains and subaltern Officers; so that, as we have said, no Age could ever boast of more brave and undaunted Spirits. On the contrary, the Turks had in several Battles, unfortunate to themselves, lost the best of their brave Soldiers, Pashas, and Timariot, and what remained were cut off by the Chiurbas, and the rebellious Soldiers, (as fore-related;) so that now there scarce survived one person fit, and of sufficient Experience to conduct an Army, as will appear in the sequel of this present Year.  
But to return now to the Councils of War held at Vienna for hastening the Campaigne, and forwarding the Troops, and drawing a Scheme for managing the War of this Year; 
Result of the Cou●sels of War at Vienna.  many and various were the Opinions. At length strict Orders were given to Marshal Caprara, immediately to go to Oseck; and there consult with Count Apremont, Governor of that place, on such methods, as might best contribute to the Service of his Imperial Majesty, both as to the Enlargement of the Conquests, and Subsistence of the Soldiery: In order unto which, great Numbers of Boats were laden with all sorts of Provision and Ammunition, and dispeeded down the Rivers of Danube, Vagus, Tibiscus, and Drove, for undertaking some considerable Enterprise.  
Orders were also dispatched from the Council of War to General Caraffa in Transilvania; That having committed the command of the Upper- Hungaria to Nigrelli, and of Transilvania to General Veterani; and having also satisfied the Quarters of his own Militia, he should forthwith march along the Banks of the Danube, but with such Caution and Vigilance, as might secure him and his Forces from the Surprisals of Tekely; who since the surrender of Agria and Mongatz, had made frequent incursions from Temeswar, as far as Lippa, julia, and sometimes from jeno to Waradin.  
It being judged almost impossible to conserve Peter Waradin, by reason of the nearness thereunto of Illock, where the Enemy maintained a numerous Garrison, it was resolved to draw forth the Troops and Provisions from thence. Howsoever Caprara being desirous first to take a view of Illock, he conveyed himself privately before the place with some Horse of the Regiment of Palfi, and about Two hundred Dragoons on Foot, and seized on a Mosch before the Gate; year 1688. but being discovered by the Turks, they Fired such a Volley of Shot upon him, that several of his Dragoons were killed, and he received Two Musquet-shots through the Folds of his loose Coat, with which he retired without other hurt or loss.  
But of more concernment it was to General Caprara to defeat the Camp of the Turks, which they were forming in the open Plains of Salankement; to which end he prepared Boats and Barges, and Bridges to Transport over the Drove the Forces which were on their march from the Upper- Hungary. But the Waters by excessive Rains, had so swollen the Rivers beyond the Banks of their right Channel, that both Horse and Foot were constrained to make a stop at Darda, to which place the General passed over in a Boat, and there remained until the Waters were fallen; as did also some Bavarian Troops designed to repass the Danube near Buda, on their march to Erdeodi; where having raised a Bridge over the Danube, and Six more over the Moors and Fens, they joined with other Forces, and marched in a Body towards Illock.  
In the mean time, year 1688. whilst the Imperial Court was enjoying the pleasures of the Country at Luxemburg, the Duke of Lorraine falling sick, 
The Duke of Lorraine Sick.  put the Court into some discomposure; for that the Season of the Year being now ripe for Action, the want of the General's presence, would be a necessary retardment to the Proceedings of the Campaigne; howsoever that was happily supplied by the coming of P. Lewis of Baden, who every day entered into consultation with the D. of Lorraine, in what manner they might best carry on the War on the other side of the Save; which being agreed, P. Lewis proceeded to the Camp, where, with Marshal Caprara, the Imperial Forces were for that time commanded, and with them it was concluded to pass the Save.  
But now some of the Transilvanians being alured by Succours, 
The City of Stephanopolis refus●s to receive a Germ●n Garrison.  and great Assistance promised them by the Tartars, to renounce their sworn Allegiance to the Emperor; the City of Stephanopolis refused to receive a Germane Garrison, which Design was chiefly carried on at the persuasion of the Null, who considering that by the Submission of Transilvania, their Province lay open to the Germans, and through that an easy passage into Tartary; they both joynned to persuade the People of Stephanopolis, to refuse to take in a Garrison of Germans. But General Veterani immediately marched to the City with the Regiments of Pace, Taff and Stirum, and by surprise Attacked the Suburbs in three places, and being come within Pistol-shot of the Walls, the Dragoons dismounting from their Horses, and raising some Barricadoes to cover them from the Enemy's Cannon, they began to throw Bombs into the Castle, by which, and by help of the Regiments of Baden and Schaffemberg, who brought with them two Pieces of great Cannon, and four of small, they battered the Town, to the Terror and Consternation of the Inhabitants; so that with common consent they cried out for Quarter; 
The City Surrendered.  which was granted to them by General Caraffa, at Discretion; and the City yielded, as also the Castle, into which five Companies of the Regiment of Baden were admitted. In the mean time General Caraffa with like diligence, Marched with a Body of an Army to Lippa; and having Summoned the City, he was answered by their great and Smallshot from the Walls: Upon which the General without any delay raised two Batteries, by which beating down part of the Wall, he made an Attack on the Breach; 
Lippa attacked.  from whence, though he was repulsed at the first time by the Bravery of the Defendants; yet renewing the Assault again with grater Force and Resolution, they entered the Town by Storm, with the Death of Five hundred Turks; the rest giving Fire to their Houses and Magazines retired into the Castle, which they maintained a while with good Resolution. But Caraffa raising two new Batteries, fired incessantly from them, and threw Bombs into it with such good effect, that the Defendants terrified therewith, displayed a white Flag, 
Lippa yielded.  and submitted unto Terms of being made Prisoners, to the number of Six thousand Persons, Two thousand of which being Men capable to bear Arms were made Slaves; but the Women and Children were freed, and with a Convoy were sent in safety to Temeswar: year 1688. The Surrender of Lippa was of great consequence to the Germans, having thereby opened all the Country between the River Maros, and the Tibiscus.  
This Success was soon followed by the Surrender of Lagos, a Castle four Leagues distant from Lippa, which after a small resistance yielded to Colonel Pace on Articles, according to which about Two hundred Soldiers, with One hundred and Eighty Rascians and Null marched out, 
Lagos yielded.  together with the Inhabitants of the lower City, and about Six hundred Women and Children. Within was only one Mortar-piece, and eight Pieces of Cannon; but no Victuals or Ammunition. The like Fortune had succeeded at the great Castle of Caranzebes, had not the Attacks been disappointed by an excessive Rain of four or five days; which forced Colonel Place to return back to General Carafa, who remained still in expectation of his coming to Lippa.  
The Indisposition of the Duke of Lorraine increasing, and little hopes of his Recovery to such a state of Health, as was requisite to Conduct an Army during the present Campaign; the Elector Maximilian Emanuel Duke of Bavaria, year 1688. was the only person looked upon fit for the high Command of General of the Imperial Forces: For he was a Prince though young in Years, 
The Elector of Bavaria made General.  yet for his time, of that vast experience, and of that Disposition and Courage, naturally inclined to War, that he seemed not to come behind any of those renowned Generals, famed for Heroic Actions in past Ages; wherefore being elected by the consent of all the General Officers, for Commander in Chief of the whole Army, the Count Kaunitz was dispatched with the Imperial Letters to the Elector at Monaco, inviting him to accept of this important Charge. But because the Season of the year was far advanced, and that no time was to be lost, Prince Lewis of Baden was dispatched to the Army to join with Marshal Caprara, both for Conservation of the new Conquests, and to dispose Matters in order to farther Victories.  
Nor were the Turks only vexed with the ill Successes of War, but were also afflicted with Earthquakes, Mutinies, Conspiracies, amongst their Soldiers, with Robberies and Disordes over all Asia.  
On the 30 th' of june, about half an hour before Twelve a Clock at Noon, year 1688. which is the common time of Dinner, happened a most dreadful Earthquake at Smyrna, which in a few Moment's overthrew almost all the Houses in the City, with the Death (as is computed) of Five thousand of the Inhabitants, many of which were drawn out half Dead from the Ruins. This terrible Judgement, by the good Providence of God happening to be on a Saturday, 
An Earthquake at Smyrna.  (which commonly the Consul, and Factors of the English Nation make a Day of divertisement without any business) most of them were abroad, either in the Country, or on board some Ships in the Port, from whence they easily heard the lamentable Noise, and Cries of the falling City, not now to be seen, or discerned through the vast and thick Dust which covered all the Ruins; those who were in the Ships were sensible of the Shake; for the Seas lifted up the Ships, the Guns leapt in the Carriages, and the Seamen on the Deck were as unsteady on their Feet, as in a Storm at Sea. Some who were on the Shoar, felt the Earth trembling under them, Staggered, and were thrown to the Ground. In the Houses of our Merchants, three only of the English Nation perished, namely, Mr. Samuel Bernardiston, Mr. Henry Stephens and Mr. Richard Pierce, all killed by the falling of a main Beam, as they were sitting at Dinner: Several others which remained at Home, are still alive to recount their wonderful Escape, whilst the Tops, Tiles and Rafters of the Houses fell round about them without any Wound, or touch on their Bodies. But had it so pleased God, that this Earthquake should have happened on any other Day in the Week besides Saturday; it is more than probable, that many more of the English Factory would have perished in the Ruins. Of the jews Four hundred were killed, and amongst them one of their most famous Rabbis of the East, called Aron Ibben Haim. The Metropolite of Smyrna with many of his Papasses, who went into their Church to Pray, were killed by the fall of the Roof. The like Fate befell the Patriarch of Alexandria, who with his People was overwhelmed with the Ruins. Of the French Nation the Consul only was killed; and of the Dutch only one Merchant. About three or four Hours after this dismal Shake, an Irruption of Fire appeared in the Frank Street, (which is a Row of Houses along the Sea side, inhabited by the Frank Nations) for so the Turks call all the Western People: 
A Fire breaks out.  This Fire perhaps might at first have been extinguished, but that smaller Shakes happening now and then after the greater Earthquake, so terrified the People by the falling of Walls and Tops of Houses, that none daring to come near, suffered the Fire to prevail; which consumed much of the Merchant's Cloth, melted their Tin, Led and Money; and burned up their Papers and Books of Account: So that it cannot be said, whether the Earthquake, or the the Fire did the greatest Damage and Devastation: But this is certain, that the English Merchants were very considerable sufferers, some having computed the loss to a Hundred thousand pounds Sterling. It is a great Question from whence this Fire should proceed, some will have it from the Fires in the Kitchens, which were kindled about that time of the Day, for the use and purpose of dressing Meat and other Services; but that seems unlikely; for the Kitchen Fires at that time of the Year and of the Day, being not great, might have been more easily extinguished, and smothered by the fall of so much Brick and Rubbish, rather than kindled by the Beams and Rafters; wherefore I believe, that this Incendiation did proceed from an Irruption of Subterranean Fires, which are the cause of Earthquakes: Thus was it, when the Mount Vesuvius was blown up, and so it was, and is when Mongibello Vomits out its Flames, making all the Countries tremble round the Island of Sicily; and so it was in the Year 1666, when Ragusi was destroyed with an Earthquake, the Subterranean Fires destroying whatsoever remained under the Ruins: And so it was at Lima in the West-Indies, where after the Earthquake a Fire broke forth, year 1688. which consumed that City in the same manner, as afterwards it did at Smyrna.  
In the Army were great Discontents, as it always happens in times of Misfortune. Teghen (as we have said) had forced himself upon the Vizier tobe made Seraskier or General; 
Seditions in the Army.  whilst many better Men than he, were laid aside: The Force being so inconsiderable on the Frontiers, it was judged beneath the Dignity of a Vizier, to appear at the Head of so weak an Army; wherefore remaining that year at Constantinople, where several of the discontented Giurbas had concealed them; a Conspiracy was by them form against the Grand Vizier and the Government, which had in a few hours taken effect, 
A Conspiracy against the Vizier plotted and discovered.  had it not been discovered by some of their false Brethren; to prepare which, several Libels were thrown about in the Mosques, condemning the removal of the Grand Signior, and his Court to Adrianople, to the great Ruin and Detriment of the ancient Seat of the Sultan's at Constantinople, and prejudicial to the Empire by such an unnecessary expense: These Libels were seconded by an Arz, or Memorial from the Soldiers to the Vizier himself, importing, that they would not suffer the Sultan to remove from Constantinople; but in case the Vizier would go in Person to the Wars, and first pay them their Arrears, they would accompany him, when the Season was fit for so long a March; but to go and Winter at Adrianople, would discommode them and their Families, and prove of no benefit to the grand Design of War against the Common Enemy the Christians. This bold Memorial gave Encouragement to the Inferior janissaries to commit daily Insolences in the Streets; which being connived at by their Officers concerned in the Conspiracy, which was to have been executed on the 23 d day of july, gave Fears and Jealousies to the Government, that the same Tragedy was acting over again, as had been in the time of the late Giurbas. For the Plot was laid, that the Gebegees, should in a Tumultuous manner go to the Vizier's House to demand their Arrears of Pay; then were the janissaries upon the Noise hereof to join with them, and Assault the Vizier, and take the Government into their own Hands, 
The Methods of the Plot.  as had lately been practised by the Giurbas. But on the Vigil before the Execution, the whole Plot was discovered, and those who were to be the principal Actors therein were made known to the Vizier: Who immediately thereupon Summoned such Guards, as he could confide in; and with Five hundred Men went about the City all that Night, year 1688. and seized all the Conspirators in their Houses. The next day the janisar-aga was displaced, and made Pasha of Van, a City on the Borders of Persia, and one Mahomet Aga (the Segme Bashee, Colonel of a sort of Militia so called) was advanced to his Office; he was a Man of above Eighty years of Age, very lame by reason of a Wound he had received at the Siege of Candia by a Cannon Bullet, which shot off one of his Buttocks; But yet he was Vigorous, and of a severe Temper, fit to keep such Mutineers in Discipline and Subjection: The Kiahbei, or Lieutenant General of the janissaries was also Cashiered, and though they both pleaded Innocence and Ignorance; yetthe want of knowledge to discover such a Contrivance hatching amongst their Soldiers, was Crime sufficient to ease them of their Commands. For Two Nights following, 
How prevented.  three Parties of armed Men took their Rounds about the City: The first led by the Vizier, The second by the new janisar-aga, and the third by the new Kia-bei; these meeting together in the Morning, and conferring Notes, found that they had cut off about Fifty Persons, most of them janissaries: And several Nights afterwards some Executions were done, and all acted with such Secrecy, and Silence in the dead of the Night, that no Noise or Disturbance followed thereupon; for there was no Man of great Vogue or Repute put to Death, the highest being only in degree a Chiurbagee or Captain; all which were put into Sacks and thrown into the Sea, according to the punishment by ancient Constitution to be inflicted on janissaries. Amongst those, who were put to Death was one Hamedi Effendi, who was at first appointed with others to carry the Grand Seignior's Letter for Peace to the Emperor: Several others being too free in their Tongues against the Vizier, openly saying that he was decayed in his Parts, year 1688. and not capable to manage so great an Employment, uttering other things favouring of a high Contempt of his Person, were put to Death: And amidst these Executions, the Head of Dogangee Shuban, Pasha of Nicopolis, on the Danube, was brought to Town; he had been one of the Giurbas, and Kiah to Siaus Pasha, and once named by him to have been left Chimacam, when the Vizier was at the War: This Report, with the Fame of being designed by the Conspirators to be set up for Vizier, was fatal to him, and procured the Handwriting or Sentence for his Death. Yeghen Bei was also suspected to have had a Hand in promoting, and projecting the Conspiracy; but he was too great, as yet to be reached by the waning Power of the Vizier: 
Yeghen suspected to have been in the Conspiracy.  This Suspicion had some Foundation from the Counsels, which Yeghen had formerly given, concerning the removal of the Grand Signior to Adrianople, which as he said could not be done without Hurt, and Damage to the Empire; declaring in like manner by a second Letter, that in case they should, contrary to his Mind and Opinion, remove the Grand Signior, he would in the Autumn come personally to Adrianople to demand their Reasons for the same. Howsoever this Vizier was willing to overlook all the extravagant, and insolent Speeches of Yeghen Bei, out of Gratitude, as was said, of sparing his Life; when after the loss of the late Battle, (he then being janisar-aga) the Soldiers would have cut him to pieces, had not the Authority and Interest of Yeghen with the Militia, 
The Viziers' respect to Yeghen.  spared and secured his Life: In Consideration, and Remembrance of which, he was no sooner created Vizier, than he discharged the Nefran, or Trained Bands of the Country, which the late Ishmael Pasha had raised to suppress Yeghen, then lying with his Forces near to Sophia.  
Howsoever, this Conspiracy against the Vizier would scarce have passed over so easily, had not a lucky hit of Two thousand and six hundred Purses (being the Estate of two rich Kuzlir-Agas cut off, 
Money come ●rom Grand Cairo.  and brought from Grand Cairo in Egypt) been seasonably brought to the Exchequer, which served a little to pacify the Soldiery, which was now nine Months in Arrear. The Vizier also not thinking himself secure from the Plots and Conspiracies which might still be framed against him, removed Ishmael the late Vizier from Cavalla, a place near Salonica, where he had been Imprisoned, to the Castle at Rhodes, the famous place for disgraced and banished Officers: He removed also several from their places of Trust, putting Creatures of his into their Offices; and amongst the rest he made four new Viziers of the Bench; one of which was Hali Aga, Hasnadar or Treasurer to the Vizier Kuprioglee, called from Trapezond, 
Four n●w Viziers of the Bench made.  where he was Pasha; another was Omer Pasha, Tefterdar or Treasurer, who last year in the beginning of the Troubles was Segmen Bashee, or General of that Militia, and had been pulled off from his Horse by the Giurbas in the Streets, and turned out of Office; a third was the Nisangi Bashee, a young Man taken out of the Seraglio, where he was a Page: And a fourth was one of the Vizier's ancient Servants.  
But notwithstanding the dislike which the Soldiers showed to the Grand Seignior's removal to Adrianople, the Vizier and his Counsellors resolved to pursue their Design; esteeming it a place more secure and safe for the Government (according to the Maxim of old Kuperlee) where the Milita could be more under their Eye; and Plots not so easily contrived as at Constantinople, where the numbers and Riches of the People were capable at all times to move Disturbances. So in the Month of july, year 1688. the Sultan removed to Adrianople, with his deposed Brother, his Son, and the other Brother Sultan Achmet, with the Valide Sultana or Queen Mother.  
The Court being come to Adrianople, at the first Consult a Peace was proposed, and Ambassadors named to go to Vienna, viz. Zulficar Aga, and Maurocordato, who was a Christian, and Interpreter to the Vizier; the Dispatch of these Ambassadors was the more earnestly hastened, by reason of the News then come to the Court, that the Germans were on their March to Invest Belgrade. Yeghen Pasha was then at Nissa, where the Differences between him, and Hassan Pasha grew to that Heat, that their Parties falling to Blows, Two hundred were killed in the Fray; which Hassan, being the Wiser, and more temperate Commander, interpreted for a bad Omen of Success in the following Campaign. The Court took little Notice of all this Matter; but still continued to encourage Yeghen with Promises of Additional Forces, and new Supplies, ordering him to oppose all the Designs, and Attempts of the Christians to the utmost of his Power; giving him also a Commission to enter into a Treaty of Peace with the Christian General, in case any Overture should fairly offer its self. But Yeghen not having with these Commands received the Prophet's Standard, 
Yeghen in Mutiny.  nor the Imperial Seal, which are the Badges and proper Signals of the Office of Grand Vizier, became Angry and Sullen; for tho' he was made General, yet that seemed not sufficient without the Title of Supreme Governor: And whereas before, he was on his March towards Belgrade, he returned back again to Sophia, declaring that without those powerful Instruments, it was impossible for him to Govern the Army, and Rule them with such strict Obedience, as was necessary against so powerful an Enemy, and so formidable as the Christians: And as to the Overtures of Peace he was resolved to make none, nor suffer the Ambassadors to pass until such time, as he had tried the Fortune of the Ottoman Sword once more in the Field. To this pitch of Insolence was this Yeghen arisen, that he was ready to Sacrifice the whole concernment of the Empire to his own Pride and Vanity: But Express after Express coming from Belgrade with News, that the Germans were Marching towards the Save, with a Resolution to pass that River, so soon, as the Elector of Bavaria should Arrive in the Camp, Yeghen begun to grow a little ashamed; and fearing that all the Misfortunes impending over Belgrade, 
He returns to Belgrade.  would be attributed to his ill Government and Sedition, he Marched away from Sophia, and being come to Belgrade, he made public Declaration, that the Sultan had created him General of all Hungary, upon which the Forces Encamped in the Parts adjacent to the City submitted to his Command; and being now invested with the sole Power, he vented his Spleen against his old Competitor, Hassan Pasha, with whom formerly (as we have said) he had a Quarrel in Bosnia, and having now an opportunity to show his farther Resentments, he seized on his Tents, 
Seizes on Hassan Pasha.  Horses and Money, and would have strangled him, had he not been prevented by the Aga of the janissaries, and the Son of the Han of Tartary, who was there present with a small Body of Tartars.  
But the Turks had now something more to do, than to quarrel amongst themselves; for the Christians came pouring upon them on all sides; and how to resist them was the present Incumbence, and grand Concernment; so that laying aside all Intestine differences, Yeghen with Ten thousand Soldiers, joined to the Troops of Tekeli, resolved to pass the Save, and Encamp near Semblin on the other side of the River. But that design was laid aside, so soon as News was brought to Belgrade that P. Lewis of Baden was Decamped from Valkovar, and that, together with Caprara, he had taken his march towards Illock; with which, year 1688. Yeghen and the Turks fainting in their Courage, 
The Turks seek for Peace.  were inclined rather to Proposals of Peace, than to a continuance of the War; and to try whether any reasonable offers of that nature would be accepted. Two ordinary Peasants were dispatched to Oseck, with Letters to Marquis Herman of Baden, and Marshal Caprara, desiring them to interceded with his Imperial Majesty to put an end to this bloody War, which had already cost the lives of many innocent People, and laid waste and desolate vast and large Countries, and Provinces: But such a Message as this being brought by Peasants, 
Their Messengers are suspected.  who are improper Instruments to be employed in so eminent an Action, gave just cause to the Generals to take and esteem them for no other than Spies: Upon which suspicion they were imprisoned, and Advice sent thereof to the Imperial Court; which not judging fit to take notice of any Offers of Peace proposed in such Form, gave new Orders and Instructions to Caprara to pursue with all vigour imaginable the Rules chalked out, and designed for carrying on the Work of this Campaigne.  
In the mean time the Troops of Bavaria arrived in the Camp under the Command of General Serini, an experienced Captain; and therewith the main Army being reinforced, Caprara took his march towards Illock, 
Illock abandoned by the Turks.  of which so soon as the Turks had received intelligence, they were put into such consternation, that they abandoned the place; and having packed up what Movables the shortness of time would permit, they set Fire to the City, and retired in a precipitate and disorderly Flight. The Smoke being descried at a distance, Caprara detached a Body of Germans, and Hungarians, to advance towards the Town, to observe the face of the Enemy, year 1688. and the occasion of that Smoke; and being come near to the Gates, and perceiving that the Soldiers and Inhabitants had deserted the City; the Germans were employed to extinguish the Fire, and the Hungarians to pursue the flying Enemy; which they performed so effectually, that they seized a great part of the Goods which were then carrying away, and brought them to the Camp. The News hereof so affrighted the Garrison of Peter-Waradin, that with like Terror and Precipitation they abandoned their City, and fled to Belgrade.  
These Successes gave great encouragement to the whole Army, and to the Imperial Court at Vienna, where the Duke of Mantova about this time arrived, with intention to pass forward to the Camp, and signalise himself and his Followers in a War against the common Enemy; his Equipage was very splendid, and agreeable to the Spirit of so generous a Prince.  
In like manner the Elector of Bavaria, Maximilian Emanuel the Third arrived at Vienna, 
1688. july.  being called by the Emperor to command the Army in Hungary in the place of the Duke of Lorraine, who was become so weak by his Indisposition and want of Health, that he judged himself unable to command the Army with such vigour, as was required in so active a War. The Elector was so intent upon this Expedition, 
The E. of Bavaria at Vienna, and hastens to the Camp.  that the very day he arrived at Vienna with his most Serene Consort, he had departed, and proceeded to the Camp, had he not been forcibly detained by the obliging invitation of the Emperor, and persuaded to stay until the Evening of the following day.  
In the mean time a design was form to block up Great Waradin; but the Garrison being strong within, the Turks made frequent Excursions with Two hundred Horse, and a Thousand janissaries at a time, and frequently brought Provisions into the Town, the which was so managed by the Pasha and other Commanders, that the Castle held out until the Year 1692. Howsoever the Blocade of Sigeth and Canifia was greatly straitened; 
Sigeth and Kanisia straitened.  the first by General Gabriel, Count of Vecchia, and the other by Bathyani, and Zicchy, Lieutenant-Governor of Giavarin, or Rabb; who appearing before Canisia in order of Battle, the Turks displayed their Colours of defiance, showing a courageous resolution to defend themselves and their Fortress. Howsoever the Hussars and Heyducks came under command of the Cannon, and in despite of their shot, set Fire to the Corn and Fruits growing near the City. At which the Turks cried out with lamentable Voice, saying, Set the fear of God before your Eyes, and do not commit these grievous sins, for which we have been punished by God; for the time was, when we did the like outrages, and disorders, destroying without cause the Christian Churches, for which we have worthily deserved the Divine Vengeance, and are now justly punished for these Offences. In this Fear and Amazement were the Turks, finding themselves blocked up, and environed round, having Five thousand Women and Children within, without hopes of being ever relieved, or succoured; so that their Courage began to fail, and Thoughts arise amongst them, how they might yield up their City on the most advantageous Terms.  
In the mean time, P. Lewis of Baden continued his march with all expedition towards Possega; 
Consultations to pass the Save.  where meeting the Count of Hoffkirchen, they consulted together in what manner they might best offend the Enemy on the other side of the Save; but because the Turks kept the Banks of the River well guarded, the Passage over seemed very difficult, especially wanting Boats to Transport their men: At length, whilst they were considering hereof, News was brought by some of the Heyducks, that about Two Leagues above on the River near Proot, Three Boats lay hid amongst the Flags, and Boughs, of which the Turks had no knowledge; each of which was capable to Ferry Fifteen or Twenty men at a time over to the other side; upon which intelligence, it was resolved, that Hoffkirchen and Serini should in the Nighttime pass Eight hundred Heyducks over to the other side; the which were followed by Eight hundred Horse, and Two hundred Germane Foot, under command of Hoffkirchen; but the Nights were so short, and the Boats so little, 
Five hundr●d pass the River.  that by Break of day in the Morning, not above Five hundred of the Heyducks had passed; who finding themselves cut off, and separated from the rest of their Companions, year 1688. resolved to attack certain Boats, Barges, and Ferries belonging to the Enemy, which lay on that side of the Water; and to make use of them for Transportation of the other Forces. The design succeeded very prosperously; for the Turks taking these Heyducks to be their Friends, were easily surprised and cut to pieces; and two very great Barges were seized and brought over to the other side, on which Hoffkirchen and Zerini embarking themselves with Three hundred Dragoons, passed the River, and joined the Heyducks, who were far engaged in a pursuit of the Enemy; who being surprised, had abandoned Proot, together with the Works and Trenches which they had made; of which taking possession, made a speedy passage for the remaining Party of the Germans, and Heyducks. In the Heat of this Action, Two hundred of the Enemy, who were Two thousand strong, were cut in pieces, and many Women and Children were made Prisoners; the Christian Soldiers gained a considerable Booty in this Action; for the Turks being surprised, had not time to save any thing of their Movables and Riches; and wi●h them they had the Fortune to set Two hundred Christians at liberty, amongst which was a Lieutenant of the Regiment of the Upper Rhine, with several other subaltern Officers.  
Count Ho●fkirchen looking on this place to be an advantageous Post for raising a Bridge of Communication between that side and Sclavonia, and that in Four days they could at any time be carried down the Str●am to Belgrade; It was resolved to maintain that Post until other Orders should come from P. Lewis, to whom an Express was sent to know his pleasure: And in the mean time, they repaired the Trenches, and improved the Works with better Fortifications than those which the Turks had made; whereby they put themselves into a condition to resist any force, which the Turks could bring against them in a short time; and hereof in two or three days afterwards they had an occasion to make some Trial; 
H●ff●ir●h●n att●c●ed by Topal Pas●a.  for Topal Pasha having joined himself with Two other Pashas lately come from Adrianople, came upon them with an Army to the Number of Eight thousand men; and having entrenched himself at the distance of about Three hundred Paces from the Palancha, he assaulted that, and the Trenches about Midnight; 
Who is 〈◊〉.  but were bravely repulsed by the continual Fire, which the Christians made upon them; so that drawing off at some little distance, they brought Two Guns about Break of day in the Morning, with design to batter the place; in which were no more than Three hundred Germans, Horse and Foot, and about One thousand Heyducks; because that Hoffkirchen had detached a great part of his Forces towards Possega, to Convoy some Wagons of Provisions and Ammunition, of which they stood in need. The Enemy being well advised hereof, and of the weakness of the Garrison within, returned to make a new Attack, covering their approach with Board's, Wagons, and Barrels of Earth. In the mean time the Attachment sent to Possega returning, were observed by the Turk; 
T●● Tu●ks endeavour to ●e at Hoff●●rchen out of Proot.  who resolving to hinder their Union, furiously made another Assault, with Two thousand brave janissaries, and as many Spahees; who having filled up the shallow Ditch with Bushes, Board's, and Rubbish, ascended as high as to the Parapet, year 1688. where they planted Two of the Colours belonging to Topal Pasha, near to Three of the Imperial Ensigns: Whereupon began a very furious Fight, with Swords and Scymeters at handy blows; and the Imperialists mixing with the Turks, threw them headlong into the Ditch and Trenches, killing in this Action with very little loss on their side above Five hundred Turks, 
Are repulsed.  and taking Three Ensigns. After which a Sally was made with so much vigour and bravery, that the Turks were repulsed, and droven out of their new Works, which they had made near the Banks of the River.  
In the mean time the Detachment which had lately been made, returned and passed the Water; with which the Forces in the Palancha being reinforced, 
With great loss.  made a Sally upon the Enemy, both with Horse and Foot; and entirely beat them out of all their Approaches and Retrenchments, with the loss of their Baggage and Wagons: This Action continued for the space of Four and twenty Hours; in which, and other Attacks before, the Turks lost above Twelve hundred men.  
This Post was maintained for several days, year 1688. and until such time as P. Lewis of Baden sent Orders to Hoffkirchen to withdraw his Troops; it not being advisable to hazard such brave men in a Post, which could not easily be maintained; and at so far a distance, as Four days Journey from the main Body of the Army, 
Proot demolished.  C. Hoffkirchen abandoned the place accordingly; and having sacked it, set Fire to it, and passed the River with a very rich Booty.  
The particulars of this Retreat not being well understood, 
july.  caused some Disturbance at Possega, where it was reported, that the Turks in a Body of Fifteen hundred Men, had passed the Save; and having defeated Hoffkirchen, intended to dispute the Passage with Prince Lewis of Baden: Who being in great Concernment for Hoffkirchen, was come as far as Possega to inquire after him; and to receive true Information, 
Piccolomini sent in quest of Hoffkirchen.  he dispatched General Piccolomini with Three hundred Horse, to look after him; but they Marching by different Ways, miss of each other: When the General came to Proot, where he discovered some Parties of the Enemy, which covered themselves within those Ruins, having first broken down all the Bridges near to that Palanca, he passed the Water, and boldly attempted the Turks, imagining their numbers to be less than they were. The Turks guessing on the other side, that these Forces were some advanced Troops of the main Body of the Army, retired themselves into the old Fort over against Proot, 
He retreats.  where having no Cannon, they plied their Smallshot very plentifully upon the Imperialists, by which it being discovered, that the Turks were at least Two thousand in number; Piccolomini made a very skilful Retreat, 
He Retreats with much Art, and good Conduct.  according to the Military Order, and returned towards Possega, where he found Hoffkirchen, Prince Lewis, and all the other other Troops happily joined.  
The Troops having refreshed themselves one day in Possega, and being provided with all things requisite for their Subsistence, 
Prince Lewis Marches towards Grad●ska.  Prince Lewis began his March thence towards Gradiska on the 24 th' of july, carrying with him four Demy-culverins, and some Field Pieces; resolving to pass the Save at Sisseck in Croatia, and join there with a Body of Croats, and endeavour to Attack the Enemy, if possible: And here we will leave him for a while on this Expedition, and return to the great Camp, where the Elector of Bavaria was Arrived, to the great Joy and Triumph of the whole Army.  
The same Evening that the Elector entered the Camp at Tiska, 
The Elector of Bavaria prepares his March for Belgrade.  he resolved next Morning to proceed towards Belgrade, and accordingly he made a strong Detachment under the Command of Count Dunewalt to Advance, and discover the Countenance of the Enemy, who (as it was reported) with a Body of Twenty thousand Men, had fortified the Banks of the Save all along the Shoar, as far as to the Danube, with Timbers, and Ditches, and Palisadoes, in the same manner as they had done the year before under Esseck; besides which, Tekely had form a Camp with such Advantage, as that he could in a very short time come in to their Assistance.  
The Army having the 5 th' of August Encamped at Tiska, 
August. 1688.  continued their March next day towards the Save, and made a Halt at Bagliutz, about half a League distant from the River; where the Artillery lately brought by Water from Buda, 
The Cannon, etc. joins the Army.  together with the Baggage, and the Boats on Wheels, with other Materials necessary for making a Bridge, joined the Army that Evening under a Good Convoy of Horse and Foot. About the same time a Prisoner was brought to the Camp, who upon Examination declared, That the Ottoman Army was composed of about Twenty five thousand Men, of which Twenty five Chambers of janissaries, consisting of about Four or five hundred each, were employed to finish the Intrenchments they had made on the other side of the Save, to hinder the Passage of the Christian Army: 
Resolved to pass the River.  A Counsel of War being held thereupon, it was resolved to force the Passage; and to send a good Body of Men to burn the Bridge, which the Turks had Built near Belgrade: But in case that Design succeeded not, than they were to Post themselves as near the Bridge as they could, both to give the Alarm on that side, and also to secure the Convoys which were coming to the Army from Peter Waradin; for security of which, the Detachment of Four thousand Men, under Dunewalt was also appointed: In the mean time the gross Body of the Army moved towards the Save, directing their March towards the Island of Zingar or Swallows, which the Turks had possessed, but fled, and quitted it upon a Report, 
Attempts to pass the Save.  of the near Approach of the Christian Army, so that the Imperialists without any Opposition possessed themselves of that Island; the Foot passed over in Boats, but the Horse forded the Water: But the great difficulty lay on the other side, where the Water was not only deeper; but the opposite Banks defended so well by the Enemy's Cannon and Smallshot, that there seemed an impossibility almost to pass; and the more, because that Tekely lay Encamped on the other side, joined to a strong Body of Turks, who lay ready to receive them at their landing, and to give them an unpleasing Welcome. All which being considered; it was resolved to Alarm the Turks that Night in divers places, whilst Count Serini General of the Bavarian Forces, assisted with the Generals Stirum and Aspremont, should with Six thousand Men endeavour to pass the River at a good distance from the place, where the chief Alarm was made; which was executed with that Care and Conduct, that the Success proved answerable thereunto; for the Six thousand Men having safely passed without any Opposition, posted themselves with the Chevaux de Frise chained and linked together, which served like a Turn-pike against the Enemy's Horse and Foot, until the rest of the Army could follow. But so soon as it was clear Day, they were furiously attacked by Eight thousand janissaries, who were as warmly received, 
The Christian Army passes th● Save.  and forced to Retreat, leaving Six hundred of their Men dead upon the place, with the loss only of One hundred and twenty Men on the Christian side; during this Engagement which lasted about two Hours, a Bridge was laid over the River with such Expedition, that the whole Army passed that Day, except only the Cannon, and the Heavy Baggage; which were also Transported over without any delay. The most difficult Point of the whole Campaign being now overcome, the Elector of Bavaria distributed Two thousand Ducats amongst those who had signalised themselves in this Action; and without any demur marched towards Belgrade, from whence he was not distant above three days March. Had the Turks been Men of Courage or Conduct, they might easily have hindered the Christian Army from passing the River; but indeed to speak the Truth, they had lost all that Bravery and Spirit, by which they had gained so many Kingdoms in the East, and advanced so far into the Dominions of Europe: But being now dispirited by unfortunate losses of their Cities and strong Holds, 
The Tu●ks discourage●.  and by Over-throws and Defeats in Battle, and more especially by their own intestine Mutinies and Dissensions, in which most of their brave Men perished; they became so sunk in their Spirits, that they were not half the Men, that they formerly had been; but being struck with a Consternation, as their Enemies were raised and flushed with Victory and Triumph, they Cowardly gave back, year 1688. and lost the advantage, which Nature had given them by the Waters for a defence. The Elector designed to pursue the Enemy, before he Attempted the Siege of Belgrade; and to raise his Camp with the rising of the Moon, then entering into the last Quarter; when he was hindered by a violent Storm of Wind and Rain, with Thunder and Lightning which endangered the Bridge, and lasted until break of Day of the 10 th' in the Morning: 
August.  The Turk's interpreting this Storm, as a bad Omen unto themselves, abandoned their Camp, leaving many Thousand Heads of Cattle dispersed in the Fields, 
The Tu●ks Fly.  with all their Instruments for Entrenching; and fled with such Precipitation and Hast, that the Christian Generals judging it impossible to overtake them, directed their Course by the nearest way to Belgrade. Prince Eugeny of Savoy was Commanded by his Electoral Highness, to advance with his Regiment and some Guards, towards the City, to take a view of the Enemy, and discover in what order they were lodged in their Trenches: The Inhabitants of the City having received the affrighting News of the near Approach of the Christian Army, had the time of three or four days, to Embark their useless People, with the best of their Movables, and richest Goods on a Thousand Boats; with which they sailed down the Stream of the River, 
The Citizens of Belgrade abandon their Dwellings.  landing afterwards at several places, where Friends or Relations, or other Coveniencies invited them: And in the mean time the remaining Garrison set Fire to the Suburbs, and reduced all to Ashes. Notwithstanding which, the Flight was so confused and hasty, that many of the Inhabitants with their Wives and Children, had not time to Convey themselves away; of which some were killed, and many made Captives: year 1688. Only some jews and R●●●ians remained behind, who being habited in the Turkish fashion, had been exposed to the Fury of the Soldiery, had not the Generosity of the Prince restrained the Heat of their Martial Fury. Soon afterwards the whole Army came up, 
August.  and Sacked and Plundered the Suburbs, 
A Fire consumes the Suburbs.  sparing neither Mosque nor House: And though the Fire, and Flames were very terrible; yet the Soldiers gained more Plunder and Booty in those Suburbs, than they had done in all Buda; because they had the fortune to surprise whole Bales of Goods, and Movables ready Packed up, which the Owners in their Flight had not time to carry away. Howsoever, some of these Plunderers being over-intent on their Prey, were surprised by a Party of the Enemy, and either killed, or made Captives.  
No time was lost in opening the Trenches, into which Major General Steinau, and Count Ottingen entered on the 21st of August, and Commanded there that Night, but could not advance much by reason of the continual Rains. Howsoever, in two or three days the Trenches were finished, 
The Trenches opened.  and three Batteries were raised, and furnished with the Heavy Cannon, which on the 25 th' arrived in the Camp. Twenty six Pieces were immediately mounted, 
August. 1688.  and began to play upon the Castle; and though they had raised their Batteries, as high as was possible; yet the Ruins of the Suburbs lay so much in the way, that the Shot could not reach the bottom of the Wall, till the Way was cleared by the Pioniers; and then two new Batteries more being raised, 
Batteries raised.  and all the remaining Artillery planted thereon, they plied incessantly on the Walls of the Castle with great Shot and Bombs, in the mean time the Enemy was not idle, but returned the like into the Christian Camp, making frequent Sallies with much Bravery; in which the Germans lost more Men than the Turks, amongst which was the Count of Ligneville, Colonel of Foot, and Adjutant General, who by a Shot received in the Trenches died immediately.  
The Town, and Castle of Belgrade being in this manner formally invested, it was believed, That it could not hold out long, by reason of the Weakness of the Garrison, which consisted of no more than Three thousand and five hundred Men, Commanded by Ibrahim late Pasha of Bagdat or Babylon, who being a Brave and Valiant Soldier, resolved to maintain the place to the last Extremity, giving out for Encouragement of his Garrison, that powerful Succours were coming to their Relief, under the Command of Osman Pasha of Aleppo; but this Report, grounded on some straggling Troops belonging to Tekeli, seen in the Neighbourhood of Semandria, gave some hopes to the fainting Garrison; but General Dunewalt being sent against Tekeli, with a strong Detachment of Horse, soon drove him from those Quarters. The chief Force of the Turks being no more than Twenty five thousand Men, under Command of Osman Pasha of Aleppo, lay Encamped near Nissa, whilst Yeghen was retired with his Horse (for his Foot had deserted him) near to Sophia, destroying and consuming the Forage round the Country.  
The Turks finding themselves in this low and helpless Condition, 
The Turks Sue for Peace.  inclined to Counsels tending to Peace, and reassumed their former Resolution of sending their two forementioned Ambassadors, Zulficar Effendi, and the Interpreter Maurocordato to beg a Peace (to whom as we have said, Yeghen gave lately a stop) a Method never before practised by the Ottoman Emperors, since the beginning of their Empire: But the Misfortunes of War, and the Miseries of their own intestine Dissensions had bowed their Hearts, and Haughty Thoughts to submissive and humble Prayers for Peace; in order to which Osman Pasha of Aleppo wrote this following Letter to the Elector of Bavaria, brought to him by the Hand of a Chiaus.  
TO him, who is Dear to God, and ranked in chief Degree amongst the Princes of Germany, powerful in People and Government, Famous and Renowned in all Parts, Duke Maximilian Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria, and General of the Army of the Emperor of the Romans, unto whom may God grant that Health, which I wish unto him.  
After Salutations premised. Be it known unto you, That one of the Chief Officers of our Emperor of the Turks, who now Reigns, is dispatched with an important Letter to your most powerful Emperor: This Ambassador is a Person highly esteemed amongst us, both for his Wisdom and Virtue, whose name is Zulficar Effendi; with whom goes also joined in the same Commission Alexander Maurocordato, Interpreter to the Port for secret Affairs, a Person of singular Reputation and Fame, and a Christian by Profession. These two Persons are arrived at this place from Constantinople with design to proceed farther to your Camp; in case they may be received with the same Honourable, Safe and Courteous Entertainment, as hath by ancient Custom, and laudable Practice been shown to those of their Character: They have with them about One hundred Persons belonging to their Retinue, for whom that safe Convoy and Passports may be dispatched, I have sent you this Letter, to request such Security for them as is necessary: When they draw near to your Camp, they will send again to you, to the end, that a Convoy may come from your Army to meet and receive them from the Pasha, who is sent with Troops from hence: That so the Respect, and Safety of Ambassadors observed by all Nations, as is fit and necessary may remain in its ancient Lustre. For you know how careful both sides ought to be of their safe Passage. Prosperity to those, who follow the true Direction.  
Signed, Osman Pasha of Aleppo. Given in the Army near Nissa.  
The Elector of Bavaria's Answer.  
To Osman Pasha of Aleppo. Greeting, etc.  
WE have received your Letter from the Camp at Nissa, wherein you give us to understand, That an Ambassador by name Zulficar Effendi, and the first Interpreter, have Orders from your Emperor to come to our Army: Now althó we being inclined to Military Actions, might well refuse to receive them here; which none could take amiss in this present heat of Affairs, or might put off their Reception until another time, since We judge that their Proposals will little agree with our present Intentions: Yet being moved by a Christian Compassion, We do Grant that they may come to the Army: And We will favourably hear, what your Emperor hath Commanded them to propose unto us. To which end We have Commanded that a Passport shall be prepared for their Security and delivered to the Persons, who brought your Letter. We have also given Orders to the Governor of Semandria, that in the manner directed him, and with a sufficient number of Troops, he Conduct them safe to our Army. Upon which they may firmly Rely.  
Given at our Camp before Belgrade. August 23d 1688.  
In pursance of this Letter, Orders were given to General Caraffa to go to Titul, and receive the Ambassadors; but in the mean time the Siege proceeded, and Attacks were made with all the Fury and Vigour imaginable; many Pieces of the Cannon, which came from Buda, being cast in haste, burst one after another; so that to supply their defect, the Elector sent for most of the Cannon from Semandria; which being raised, and planted, did great Execution; and throwing Bombs and Carcases from Fifteen Mortars at a time, struck Terror into the Defendants, and set Fire to divers parts of the Fortress. Howsoever, 
The Turks throw Bombs and Carcases.  the Turks manfully applied themselves to quench the Flames, and returned the Canonshot and Bombs, with other artificial Fires made with Pitch, and Sulphur upon the Besiegers, in the same manner, as they had practised in the defence of Buda. They Sprang also one Mine, which venting about eight or ten Paces backwards, did no farther mischief, than the kill of one Man; but this being followed by a Storm of Bombs, one of which falling into a Magazine, where some Hundreds of Weights of Powder, it blew all into the Air, without other Mischief than the Death of eight Common Soldiers.  
The Turks believing that this Blow, and Springing of the last Mine, had caused some disorder in the Trenches, made a violent Sally, 
The● make a sally, and are beaten back.  with their Scemyters in their Hands into the Approaches; but being strongly opposed by a Captain who Commanded a Hundred Men, reinforced also by some Parties of Strasser's Regiment, they were repulsed with the loss of Forty of their Men, eight Imperialists only being killed. The Fury of the Turks being hereby much abated; Differences, as is usual, arose between the Commanders and the Soldiers; the first seemed resolved to defend the Fortress to the last extremity, and last drop of their Blood, knowing that they could not long outlive any Surrender made upon Composition: But the Soldiers, who could save their Lives on easier Terms, were desirous to be freed from the Showers of Fire, which being continually poured upon them, did in the Night resemble the dreadful Flames of Vesuvius or Mongibello.  
The Elector of Bavaria being well assured in the mean time, that the Conquest of that Castle would shortly be added to the Triumphs of Caesar, 
The Duke of Lorraine c●mes to the Camp.  had time, with much quiet of mind, and without any distraction to give a Magnificent Reception to the Duke of Lorraine; who being now in some measure recovered from his late Sickness, could not absent himself from Martial Exercises, at least from being a Spectator, or bearing some share in this Heroic Enterprise.  
News being come, that the Duke of Lorraine, having left his Royal Consort the Queen at Buda, was not far distant, the Elector accompanied with the Duke of Mantova, and several of the General Officers, went to him at the Foot of the Bridge, which was made over the Save, and there received him with the joyful Salutation of all the Cannon which were planted in the Lines of Circumvallation, and by the Soldiery drawn up in several Battalions; 
Is received by the Elector of Bavaria.  and having walked over all the Lines, and observed the disposition of the Siege; all which being well approved, he was conducted to the Bavarian Tents, where he was sumptuously treated by the Elector. After which, whilst these Noble Generals were viewing the approaches, the Turks sprang a second Mine under the main Battery; not far from the persons of these great Commanders; who being reserved by the Providence of God to reap more Laurels, remained untouched amidst that danger. Howsoever the Turks thinking thereby to have gained some great advantage, made a brisk Sally, with Colours flying, and Drums beating, drawn up in posture of Battle: The Swedes and Franconians having then that place allotted them to Guard, 
The Turks spring another Mine, and make a sally.  gave way upon the first attack of the Enemy, and abandoned their Post, leaving their Officers to the mercy of the Enemy, who were miserably slaughtered by them.  
After which the Turks advancing to the Left, were so warmly received, 
August. 1688.  that they were repulsed with the loss of many of their Soldiers: Soon after which these Illustrious Dukes entered the approaches from whence the Turks had been beaten, and bestowed due Praises on those Soldiers, who so bravely and valiantly had behaved themselves to the Reproach of those, who cowardly retreated. After which the Duke of Lorraine retired to the Quarters of his own Regiment of Horse, than which he had at that time no other Command in the Army, the whole conduct and General direction being entirely in the power of the Elector of Bavaria.  
The Breaches being now made, some wider than others, the 5th of September was appointed for a day of a General Assault; which being come, 
Septem. 1688.  the whole Army remained in a readiness to make the onset, and execute the last Orders of their Generals; 
a Attack intended.  when unexpectedly a Bomb from the Enemy's Works fell amongst certain Barrels of Powder; which blowing up, over-turned the Works which belonged to Mines then preparing; and burned in a furious manner all things near it, killing divers Soldiers; and amongst the rest was Count Guido of Staremberg, and Count Berzetti, Chief Director of the Mines. This Fire was followed by such a terrible Rain, which continued all that day, and part of the Night following, that it was impossible to execute the intended Attack; but afterwards the Wether clearing up, the Mines were repaired again in such manner, that at break of day in the Morning, Fire was given to them with so good success, that the Ditch was filled up, and as it were, leveled as much as was needful.  
The Attack was ordered to be made in Four several Quarters, that in the Front was commanded by the Elector himself: That on the Right-hand by the Prince of Commercy, on the Left by the Dragoons of General Heusler, and that next the Water by Pini Sergeant Major of the Regiment of Lorraine.  
All things being in this manner disposed in order for a general Assault, about Nine a Clock in the Morning the Signal was given to make the Attack, by Firing a Piece of Cannon in the Front of the Line of Circumvallation, which was answered by a Shot to the Right, and soon afterwards by Two others to the Left; which being the Signal to make the Attack, the Assailants entered the Ditch, where they were receiceived by infinite Volleys of Shot pouring upon them from all sides; 
Belgrade Stormed.  which giving no stop to the Bravery and Courage of the Soldiers, they mounted to the top of the Breach, though the Earth was become soft and slippery by the late Rains.  
From the height of this Breach, they took a Prospect of greater difficulties still to overcome; for they were now to descend into another Ditch, which the Turks had digged at the Foot of the inside of the Wall; and there to wrench up or beat down the Palisadoes, which were planted on the top of the Ditch; and this was to be executed in Contempt and Despite of all the Shot, which the Besieged showered from all sides upon them; the which was sufficient to intimidate and cool the Courage of the most valiant Heroes, 
Count Scherffemberg killed.  especially when at the beginning of this danger they saw their Leader Count Scherffemberg, and soon afterwards their Colonel Count Emanuel de Furstemburg, who entered into his place, both killed before them, as was also Count Henric of Staremberg: And indeed the Germane Soldiers beginning a little to give Ground, were in danger totally to lose all the advantage which they had gained, had not the Elector himself exposed his own Person to all the Shot of the Enemy; 
The Elector stands on the Breach.  and standing upon the Breach with his Sword drawn, threatened the Life of any one who should dare to retire; and accordingly some were killed for the Terror of others.  
The Soldiers animated by the Example of their General, and touched with a sense of Honour, descended with new resolution into the Ditch; and being well seconded by others, they mounted to the Top, where the Palisadoes were Planted.  
The Turks terrified with so bold and surprising an Attempt, 
The Turks Capitulate.  fled trembling from the face of their Enemies, and crowded into the Castle, between which and th● Town, there was only a single Bridge; where displaying a White Flag, they demanded to Capitulate for their Lives: But some of the more desperate Assailants having no regard to Flags, or Colours, or what was acting, ascended to the Tops of the Houses, and into Windows, and entered in at the Portholes made for the Guns, where they made a most horrible Massacre of all that stood before them, without regard to Age or Sex.  
This Success was in a great measure obtained by the other Attack, 
The P. of Commercy enters on the other side.  commanded by the Prince of Commercy; who though wounded in the Shoulder by a Musquet-Bullet, did yet overcome all difficulties, and enter victoriously within the Walls.  
On that side howsoever, where General Heusler commanded with his Dragoons, the opposition was not so great; so that laying aside the Ladders which they had prepared for Scaling the Walls, they went directly to the Gate, 
●. Heus●er forces a Gate.  and in spite of all their Shot fixed a Petard thereunto, which entirely forced it from its Bolts and Hinges, and laid all open to the entrance of the Soldiers; howsoever at some little distance from the first, another Wall presented itself, well guarded, and defended with Soldiers, who made continual Volleys upon the Assailants; to which there was an Iron-gate to pass, before entrance could be made; and that so strong, that it was judged almost impossible to be overthrown, during the Heat of this Action.  
Howsoever the Dragoons of Savoy being encouraged by their Prince, (who but some days before had been wounded in the Knee) leapt on the Wall, which was not very high, and desperately threw themselves into the City; by which means becoming Masters of the Gate, they opened it, and let in a whole Torrent of the Germane Forces, who in a short time covered all the Streets with the Bodies of their Enemies: Howsoever this Action cost the Lives of above One hundred Dragoons of Savoy, 
Massacre and slaughter of the Turks.  with some of their principal Officers, amongst which was the Count of Massel; and General Heusler had his Thumb struck off with a Musquet-Bullet, which hindered nothing in prosecution of this Victory.  
Many Turks endeavouring to escape the fury of the Soldiers by passing the River in Boats, fell into the hands of the Germans, who gave them no better Quarter, than they had done to those who defended the Breach.  
All being now subdued, and subjected to Victorious Arms of the Christians, no place stood out, but only a small Trench behind the Castle, to which the Pasha or Commander in Chief, with the Aga of the janissaries, and some Officers had retired themselves; and with them they took those Slaves which they had maintained for their Service in the Castle: The Soldiers in their fury, not being satiated with the Blood they had already spilt, were disposed to bathe their Swords yet farther in the Bodies of this small remainder of their Enemies, 
The Pasha and other Officers made Prisoners.  and were ready to have executed, and wreak their final Rage on the Pasha, and Officers, when the Clemency of the most Serene Elector, being moved by the Cries and Tears of the Christian Captives, at their Petitions and Prayers, spared the Lives of the Turks; being contented to see the Turks bound in the same Chains which they had newly taken from the Christians: And yet the horrible Massacre of the Sword did not cease in other parts of the City, all being filled with Confusion and Cruelty; when on a sudden a terrible Fire broke out in the lower Town, which burned with so much Violence, that the Conquerors as well as the Conquered were willing to escape out at the Gates.  

The Cruelty of the Soldiers.  It was grievous to see poor Old men made Prisoners, dragged by their Beards, and Women and Maidens covered with Blood and, year 1688. Dirt drawn by the Hairs of the Head, and made the Sport and Pastime of Military Insolence.  
In Fine, the Fire being extinguished, Slaughter ceased, and about Noon the City and Castle were entirely subdued.  
On the 6 th' of September when His Electoral Highness, and the other Generals road Triumphantly into the City, beholding the dead Bodies, which filled the Streets, the Ruins of the Houses, and the Destruction which the Bombs had made; And considering these Successes to have proceeded entirely from the Blessing, and Divine assistance of the God of Hosts; His Electoral Highness on the 7 th' of September, 
Sept. 7. Te Deum sung.  caused Te Deum to be sung in one of the Pleasure-houses belonging to the Grand Signior, situate on the Declivity of a Hill, where the Elector thought fit to take up his Lodgings. And a Capuchin after saying Mass, was ordered by a short and devout Sermon to move the minds of the Soldiery to return Thanks unto God, who was the Giver of Victory; and to implore the Divine Benediction on the farther progress of their Arms. After which, all the Cannon of the Fortress, and of the Camp were Fired Three times, with loud Vive's resounding the Fame of Leopold, and Maximilian Emanuel.  
The day following the Elector invited all the Generals, and Chief Officers of the Army to a sumptuous Banquet, at which also the Turkish Ambassadors happened to be present; for whom, and his Retinue, (as we mentioned before) the Pasha of Aleppo had desired a Pass.  
When this Ambassador approached near the Camp, he was strangely surprised to hear all things so quiet, 
The Turkish Ambassador come● to the Camp.  no Noise of Guns or other Instruments of War; but coming yet nearer, his Eyes convinced him (when he saw the Imperial Eagles advanced on the Walls) that the Town was taken.  
News being brought to the Elector, that the Ambassador was come, he was conducted with his Interpreter Maurocordato, and his Followers on Horseback into the Court-yard, of the House where the Elector was lodged; and there being alighted, he was conducted up Stairs by Two Gentlemen, to the Chamber where the Elector was seated, with whom at his first Entrance, he passed some Compliments of Thanks, for the Passport and Convoy which he had so obligingly bestowed upon him.  
After which he was led into a large Hall, 
It Feasted with the Generals.  where a sumptuous Table was spread. The Elector took the Upper-end, at his Right-hand was placed the Duke of Montova, on his Left the Ottoman Ambassador; and by his side the Interpreter was seated.  
By the Duke were placed the General's Caprara, Dunewalt, Heusler, Rabattin; Prince Charles, Philip of Hannover, the Vice-Commissary Falchenhan, Count of Oetting, Sauran, Stirum, Gronsfelt, Montecucoli, Palfi, and Sereni; which filled and crowned the Table with cheerful Countenances, whilst the Ambassador drooping in his Spirits, could not hide and suppress his Sorrow from appearing in his looks: The jollity of these Victorious Officers, was a Poniard to his Heart, which very ill agreed with so much Festivity and Mirth of his Enemies; and of the principal Officers, who in very rich Habits encircled the Table. Howsoever being constrained to say something, which might not betray his dejection of mind; casting his Eyes round upon the Company, he said to the Elector, That he was astonished at the appearance of so many handsome and accomplished Personages: But one thing he observed, That the Emperor of the Romans was served by Young Generals; at which he could not much wonder; for when he considered, how they daily exposed themselves to the most desperate dangers, there seemed an impossibility almost for them to survive till old Age: Thus far it had been well, if he had stopped at this period of Compliment.  
But pursuing his Discourse farther, he told them, that the Year before he had been at the Battle of Hatschan. To which the Elector Replied, That certainly he must have had a good Horse, meaning to escape and run away; which caused some Laughter.  
During the time of Dinner, the Trumpets, Hautbois, and other Instruments were sounded; and Healths drank round in full Cups of Wine; to the Emperor; to the continuance of prosperous Successes to his Arms; and the Third to the Health of the Ottoman Emperor; To all which the Ambassador did reason in Sherbet of Lemmons Wine, being both against his Religion and his Custom to Drink. The Fourth Health was to the Elector; the Fifth to the Duke of Mantova; the Sixth to the Ambassador, and then to all brave Soldiers; and after many other Glasses, they concluded all with a Health to a Good Peace, or a Glorious War, with which, breaking their Glasses, the Feast ended with the Day.  
The taking of the Town, and City of Belgrade, was of a most fatal Importance to the Turks; for thereby the Way was laid opened to Adrianople, and Constantinople, no Garrisons lay between them and Belgrade, nor Forces to oppose the March of the Imperial Arms; unless Scarcity and want of Provisions through a desolate Country, in many places full of Rocks and Mountains, to be passed, should bring more difficulty to the progress of a Victorious Army, than the Troops of their Enemies.  
Nor did this Campaigne end as yet with the Conquest of Belgrade, being seconded by others of equal advantage in Bosnia, under the auspicious Conduct of that Renowned and Fortunate General, Prince Lewis of Baden, 
Topal signify Lume.  whom we left lately at Possega, with design to attack Topal, Pasha of Bosnia, who had Encamped himself under Tervat or Terwent, near the River of Ucraine, about Five Miles distant from Proot, which Prince Lewis had fortified, to facilitate his passage more easily into Bosnia, and to secure the Communication between the Neighbouring Forts: And there also passed a Bridge over the Save; which being finished, 
1688. Septem.  on the Third of September, he caused his Baggage to pass over, and the next day followed with his whole Army, in hopes to have drawn the Pasha from his Encampment; of whose Number the Prince had no very good Account; 
P. Lewis passes the Save.  but being reported to be much less than they were, the Prince marched the Fourth Instant in the Evening silently, and without Noise to assault the Enemy in the Camp; and having passed that Night through many straight and difficult Ways, they arrived next Morning by break of day within sight of the advanced Guards of the Enemy, who gave the first Alarm; upon which the Pashas was the first to Mount on Horseback, and immediately drew forth his Troops, placing them in order of Battle; the Horse into Two Wings, and the Foot in the middle. The Force conducted by Prince Lewis, 
The Turks assault the German●.  was no stronger in all than Three thousand Horse, and Three hundred Croats; but the Turks by several Recruits which had lately joined them, were in all Fifteen thousand Fighting-men; by which inequality of Numbers, the Turks judging themselves secure of Victory, furiously attacked the Prince, who had also divided his Squadrons of Horse into Two Wings, the Right Commanded by Piccolomini, and the Left by Count Castelli, both Generals of Battalia.  
The Turks at first falling in with all their power, and Numbers on the Left-wing, were Three times bravely repulsed by Castelli; when Piccolamini coming in to their Assistance, the Fight became so hot and fierce, that the Christians and the Turks remained for half an Hour so mixed together, that having not time to Re-Charge their Fire-Arms, they fought only at handy blows, opening the way with their Swords.  
At length the Turks being overcome by the unparallelled Valour of the Imperialists, the Turkish Horse began to retire, 
The Turkish Hors● put to Flight, And the Foot exposed to danger.  leaving their Infantry naked, and exposed to the Fury of the Enemy, of whom the greatest Slaughter was made, that ever was known, between Two such small Bodies.  
And indeed, Reflection being made on the Numbers of the Imperialists, it will appear a Miracle that Three thousand three hundred men should defeat Fifteen thousand, killing Five thousand on the place, amongst which was the General Topal Pasha, Two Agas, and the Kahya to the Pasha: The Foot made a brave defence for some time; but at length were dispersed: About Two hundred of them were drowned in the River, and lost in the Bogs, and such as escaped the Sword, submitted to Quarter. The Imperialists had the advantage to be covered by the side of a Hill, when the Enemy attacked them.  
In this great Action the Imperialists lost not more than One hundred and fifty men, amongst which was Captain Maraville, and Two Lieutenants; the Prince August of Hannover was slightly Wounded in the Hand by a Lance, and the Count de Cronsfelt, Sergeant-Major of the Regiment of Holstein in the Neck.  
Prince August was Colonel of a Regiment of Curassiers, and conducted a Detachment of Two thousand men, with which he was commanded to march from Peter-Waradin, and join with Prince Lewis of Baden; the which he performed, and behaved himself with incomparable Valour, which is natural to that Illustrious Family.  
In this manner Prince Lewis Exalted with Glory, 
P. Lewis returns to Proot.  and laden with Spoils, returned with many Standards and Colours taken from the Enemy, to his former Camp at Proot; where Dedicating the Day following to the Repose and Refreshment of his Soldiery, he returned Thanks to the God of Hosts, for so signal a Victory, which happened to fall out on the very same day, that the Elector of Bavaria sang the Te Deum at Belgrade for the Conquest and Subjection of that place.  

News sent to Vienna.  These Two great and signal Actions being performed so near to each other in time, filled all Vienna and Christendom, (France only excepted) with extraordinary Joy and Triumph.  
Prince Charles of Vaudemont was chosen by the Elector to be the joyful Messenger of this Glorious Action of taking Belgrade, to the Imperial Court, which was immediately followed by Baron Schlick, year 1688. dispatched by the Prince of Baden, with Advice of that wonderful Victory obtained over Topal the Pasha of Bosnia.  

The French K. obstructs the Wars against the Turks.  In this glorious manner did the Campaigne end in Hungary, which might have been farther improved, and a progress made by the Imperial Arms to the utmost extent of those Dominions which the Turks possess in Europe, had not the most Christian King, being displeased at the prosperous Course of the Imperial Arms against the Turk, thought it time to make a diversion by waging War upon Germany.  
And indeed it had been no wonder to have seen the Imperial Eagles, as a consequence of the present Consternation, Erected on the Walls of Constantinople, and the Turks driven over the Bosphorus to possess their more Ancient possessions in Asia, had not the Menaces of the French King recalled the Elector of Bavaria from his intended Enterprise, which was very probable and likely to have succeeded: For the Rascians were got into a Body of Eight thousand men between Semandria and Nissa, being, 
The Rascians in Arms against the Turks.  besides their old Feuds, lately exasperated by the burning of their Houses, and destroying of their Fields by Yeghen Pasha, which he did to hinder the Imperialists from following him in his late Flight from Belgrade: In revenge of which, they desired the Germans to furnish them with experienced Commanders, to direct and discipline them; not questioning but to become Masters of all that Country, and to possess Sophia itself; promising also to bring the Bulgarians and Greeks into the Interest of the Emperor.  
But the Elector of Bavaria, as we have said, being obliged to return, 
The Elector of Bavaria returns to Vienna.  he arrived at Vienna the 18 th' day of September, and Three days afterwards was followed by the Duke of Lorraine, who by reason of his late indisposition, could not move so vigorously as the Elector.  
The arrival of the Elector at Vienna, happened on the Day of Thanksgiving for the late Successes; 
A Solemn Day of Thanksgiving.  where nothing was omitted to render that Day solemn and full of Joy and Triumph. The Procession came forth from the Royal Church of the Augustine's discalced, and proceeded to the Cathedral of St. Stephen's, being followed by all the Clergy, Gentry, Nobility, and Ministers of the Court; and last of all with Exemplary Devotion and Piety, came the Young King of Hungary, and their Imperial Majesties, attended with the Queen of Poland, and the Electress of Bavaria.  
This most August Train being entered the Church, an Eloquent Sermon was Preached before them, agreeable to the present occasion; after which, Te Deum was Sung, and Mass Celebrated by the Bishop of Vienna, with the Harmony of the most exquisite Music, both Vocal and Instrumental, that Human Art could arrive unto. All which Jubilee and Triumph was much augmented by the appearance of his Electoral Highness, whom the Fatigues and weariness of his Journey could not hinder from bearing part in the Festival of this day; and indeed the People beheld him with such Admiration, that their Eyes had scarce time to fix on any other Object than his person, who had achieved Two such memorable Actions that Year; namely, in passing the Save, and subduing Belgrade, as may compare with the most memorable and Heroic Acts of Alexander, or the Caesars.  
Whilst these Triumphs were celebrating in Austria, and over all Germany, and Messengers dispatched to all Courts of Christendom to carry the happy News of so many Victories, the Ottoman Dominions lay disconsolate and low, and exposed to the Incursions of their Enemies, had the Imperialists been inclined to push forward their Victories, even to the Walls of Constantinople.  
But the Councils of France judging it necessary to support the Turk, resolved to break into Germany; which was accordingly performed, 
The French obstructs the War against the Turk.  and such a diversion made thereby, as protracted the War for several Years afterwards: Wherefore though it be my purpose only to relate the Wars between the Emperor, and the Turks, carried on in the famous Kingdom of Hungary; yet considering that by the French Machinations and Contrivances a stop was put to the free Course of the Imperial Arms, it may not be from our purpose to make a small digression; and describe the Original of that War, which afterwards involved all Christendom to the great Advantage and Conservation of the Turks.  
We must therefore understand, that King Lewis the 14 th' had, on Account of Madam d' Orleans, and a pretended Title arising from her, swallowed in his mind a right to the whole Palatinate; and nourished for a long time a hatred to that most August Family, watching all Opportunities to seize on those Lands and Cities, which he thought were unjustly detained from him: Howsoever his Enmity burst not into open Violence, so long as the Cardinal of Furstemburg was joined in a Coadjutorial power with the Elector of Cologne.  
But that Bishop being dead, and Fustemburg disappointed of his Election by the Choice of Prince joseph Clement of Bavaria; the King passing the bounds of all moderation, breaks with the Emperor, and writes this following Letter to the Pope.  
Most Holy Father,  
WE have resolved to Write with our own Hand unto your Holiness, desiring you to do justice to Cardinal de Fustemburg, who hath been chosen Archbishop and Elector of Cologne, on the 19th Current of this Month of September, by such plurality of Voices, that this Cardinal doth not doubt, but to obtain the Approbation and Confirmation of your Holiness in this Election, which hath been performed according to the strict Rules of the Cannon; especially since amongst all those who stood Candidates for this sublime Office, none is or can be so capable to govern, and worthy the Dignity of an Archbishop, as this Cardinal.  
What therefore I desire of your Holiness is but a mere Act of justice: But since we could never as yet obtain the least point of favour from you; we find ourselves obliged to lay before your Holiness, that in case your denial of Constituting the Cardinal of Fustemburg Elector by your Bull, should be the Cause and Original of a War, which cannot be other than bloody and miserable; we protest before God that your Holiness is liable to answer for all those wretched and fatal Accidents which shall trouble and disquiet the repose of Christendom, which you, as the common Father, are obliged to prevent.  
And lest it should be Objected, That the Bishopric of Argentina (with which the Cardinal of Furstemburg is invited) is incompatible with the Archbishopric of Cologne; We declare, That the said Cardinal shall readily quit that See; for which we Present one of the most considerable Subjects of our Kingdom, who is the Bishop of Metz, against whom your Holiness can have no Objection, considering that your Holiness once gave him the Character of being the Scourge of the Heretics. Which being the only Occasion and Sum of this Letter, we crave, Holy Father, the Apostolical Benediction.  
Given at Versailes September 22. 1688. Subscribed Lewis King of France, the Eldest Son of the Church.  
This Letter being delivered to Pope Innocent ●●th by Cardinal de'Estrees, received not the Answer which the King expected; for this Pope being a person of Courage, just and severe in Observance of the Canonical Cannons and Constitutions, would not be induced out of fear or dread of those Menaces pronounced in the Letter, to disannul or make void the Lawful Election of Prince joseph Clement of Bavaria, to the Archbishopric and Electorate of Cologne. Whereupon the King being highly displeased, made a solemn Protest against the Validity of that Election; with which he dispatched Messengers and Curriers with a thousand Menaces into all parts of Germany, as also into Holland; enjoining them not to intermeddle, or concern themselves in the Electorate of Cologne, declaring that he was resolved to vindicate the cause of the Cardinal of Furstemburg by force of Arms; and at the same time commanded his Troops to march into the Eccleasiastical State near Avignon, and into Germany; upon which Philipsburg was attacked and taken: Some Manifestos, were likewise published at the Diet at Ratisbon, and other places, declaring, That the King did not design to act any thing against the Truce made at Nimeguen, but rather intended to Convert it into a perpetual Peace, in case the Cardinal of Fustemburg might be established in the Electorate: Offering also to demolish Philipsburg, and restore it to the Bishopric of Spire; and Freibourg to the Emperor, it being first demolished. But then as to the pretensions of Madam d' Orleans, relating to her Demands upon the Palatinate, the same should be amicably debated; which not being agreed, in the space of one year, they should then be referred to the impartial Mediation of the King of England, and the Republic of Venice.  
But no sooner was this Declaration published, than the French by Force of Arms made themselves Masters of several Cities, seizing, and fortifying Castles, miserably burning and destroying the Palatinate; and exacting Contributions in Suevia, 
The Cruelty of the French in Germany.  Franconia, and other places upon pain of military Execution, raging over all those Countries with such barbarous Inhumanity, as if men had laid aside all sense of Bowels, or Compassion to each other, waging War in a manner unknown to Tartars, Scythians, or other more savage People of former Ages.  
This surprising Irruption of the French into Germany being carried by an Express to his Electoral Highness at Belgrade gave (as we have said) a stop to the progress of his Victorious Arms against the Turk; so that having committed the Command of the Imperial Forces to the auspicious Conduct and Care of General Caprara; he returned with all Expedition to Vienna, commanding his own Forces to follow him.  
At Vienna having passed some few days and diverted himself with his most Serene Consort, at the Imperial Court of his most August Father in Law, he hasted with all expedition to Monaco, the place of his Electoral Residence; there to take such Measures as might secure his Brother in the Electorate of Cologne, 
The Elector returns to Monaco.  to which he had been fairly chosen, and confirmed therein, by the concurrence of Pope Innocent the Eleventh: And likewise guard his own Countries from the Incursions of the French, who now like a Torrent carried al● before them, burning and laying all places desolate, even to the very Borders of the Bavarian Dominions.  
Thus were the Ottoman Dominions in Europe rescued from the fatal Blow of an entire Conquest: year 1688. For not only were the Bavarian Troops recalled; but the French pressing hard upon the Upper- Germany, the Emperor was forced to give Licence to the Militia of the Circles to return home, 
The Germane Troops recalled from Hungary.  and to remand back from Hungary some of his own Regiments, for security of the Empire, and of the Electors, and other Princes; who now judged it time to unite themselves against the common Enemy; which tho' once esteemed to be the Turk only, yet now the French being become more formidable, more cruel, and bloody, than the Turks themselves, when they came first from Scythia, it became the common Interest of all Germany to unite in a Body in opposition to the dreadful power of their mighty Foe. So the Elector of Saxony joining with the Princes of Lunenburg, Brunswick, Hanover, and Hesse●cassel, they vigorously made Head, resolving to oppose all the Attempts, which the French made upon the Empire.  
In this manner the Turks being relieved from imminent destruction, by a stop given to the Current of the Christian Arms, they had time to take some breath, and respite, and recover themselves a little, as will appear in the course of the following Year.  
The Pasha of Belgrade taken Prisoner, as we have said, was carried to Vienna, where he was treated with Respect, and permitted the liberty of the City, under the care of Cavag re Marc Anto the Empeperor's principal Interpreter, 
The Pasha of Belgrade Prisoner.  because he was a man of Years, a great Soldier, and one chosen for his Valour and Bravery for the defence of Belgrade, having approved himself on all occasions courageous in Battle; year 1688. and particularly in the defence of Belgrade, which he had maintained to the last extremity.  
The Government of the City of Belgrade being (as we have said) committed to the Care and Command of Marshal Caprara; 
Cap●ara commands at Belgrade.  His first Employment was to purge and cleanse the City of the noisome and fetulent smell of Dead Corpse, which lay scattered in the Streets, under the Walls, and upon the Breaches; the same were laden upon Wagons, to the Number of about Eight thousand, and thrown into the Current of the Danube; which being carried down the Stream, found their Graves, or Resting-places, where the Winds and Torrent carried them.  
The Garrison appointed for Defence of the Town consisted of Four thousand Foot, and a Regiment of Horse, under the Command of Count Guido de Staremberg; the rest of the Militia being drawn out into Quarters near Peter-Waradin, some care was taken to repair the Breaches by the Art and Industry of the Ingenier Andrea Cornaro; howsoever there was so much neglect in the progress of this work, as tended to the advantage of the Turks, who Two Years afterwards retook the Town again to the disreputation, as well as to the loss of the Christian Arms.  
But whilst the Ingenier was at work to repair the Breaches, on a sudden a Fire burst forth in the House, 
The Works about Belg●ade negligently repaired.  or Palace, called the Grand Seignior's Favourite, which consumed it entirely to Ashes, no man knowing how, nor by what means those Flames were kindled.  
After so many happy Successes, Labours, and Travels of the Soldiery, it might now be judged time to put an end to this glorious Campaigne, 
Caprara seizes on Semandria.  and refresh the Soldiery already wearied with Toils and Dangers.  
But General Caprara willing to make use of the Air of Fortune, resolved to visit the City of Semandria, which, as he was informed, was abandoned by the Turks: Being come thither, he was carried with a desire to proceed yet farther into the Conquered Countries, and advanced as far as Posskarovert, an open Town consisting of about Three hundred Houses, which the Turks also had abandoned, leaving all their Chans, or public Inns filled with Victuals, and Provisions of all sorts for a Booty to their Enemies.  
These fortunate Successes induced the Rascians to submit unto the Emperor; 
The Rascians submit to the Emperor.  so that the Inhabitants of Semandria, having for their Leader Paul Diach, were the first to pay Homage unto his Caesarean Majesty; and in process of time performed great Services against the Turk.  
These being animated by General Caprara increased speedily into a Body of Two thousand men, who surprised a place called Waolva on the River Drine, and another Town on the same River called Zolkolova, where engaging with a Body of the Turks, they killed a Thousand of them on the place, and put the rest to Flight, of which very few of them had the fortune to escape with their Lives. 
They take two places and defeat the Turks.  But because the Turks made great Spoils and Devastations on the Banks of the River Morava, carrying away many Greeks as well as Rascians into Slavery, General Caprara sent Orders to Heusler to hasten to their help with Five Regiments of Horse, Foot, and Dragoons, Heusler being arrived on the River Morava; where hearing of the Exploits which the Rascians had performed, and how that they had taken Three other Castles upon that River about Twenty Leagues distant from Belgrade; he passed the River and Lodged at Pazziarovitz, an open place, well situated, and easily defended, being guarded in the Front by the Three Castles, and in the Rear by Semandria.  
All things meeting the desired Success, Count Caprara returned to Belgrade, from whence he reinforced Heusler with Fifteen hundred Foot to give a stop to the Incursions of the Turks, 
Caprará returns to Belgrade.  who with a Body of Twelve thousand Men ranged all along the River Morava; but consisting for the most part of a sort of Rabble, rather than form Troops, they were soon dispersed, and came to nothing, Disbanding or Deserting of themselves: Or at least served only for Plunder and Spoil, rather than to oppose or make a Stand against a formidable Enemy; and in this manner they made Slaves of their own Christian Subjects, and destroyed their Country, until such time as that some Parties of them moved with indignation for the unjust outrages which the Turks. used against them, took up Arms, and seized the City of Ussiza, a place tho' open, yet rich; killing Five hundred Turks on the place, and taking Two thousand Prisoners.  
This Town was considered as a very important Pass and Inlet into Bosnia; but because the Ways were so narrow and rocky, that Cannon could not be drawn thither, it was judged fit not to put a Garrison of Germans into it; but rather to commit it to the Custody and Defence of the Rascians.  
These ill Successes falling in this manner one on the Neck of another, so dispirited the Turks, that the only way left them to quiet the minds both of the Soldiers and People, was to possess them with the hopes of Peace by the Negotiation of those Ambassadors which were lately dispatched from the Sultan to the Emperor, who were now arrived at the Castle of Puffendorf, about Five Leagues distant from Vienna, where they were ordered to remain, until the Plenipotentiaries from Poland and Venice should meet at Vienna, furnished with Commissions and Instructions from their respective Powers in order to a Treaty.  
And that this pretence might appear more plausible, the Grand Signior passed to Adrianople; from whence he dispatched very urgent and positive Orders to Yeghen Pasha, that he should forward an Express to the Ambassadors, to press with all earnestness the Conclusion of a Peace, as the sole means remaining to save the Ottoman Empire; which in case he could not effect, he was then to take care that the Frontiers might be defended.  
Yeghen taking this Message and Commission as an Evidence of the Grand Seignior's Favour, and Re-establishment into his Grace, he readily applied himself to an undertaking, 
Yeghen Pasha commits great Spoils.  which in appearance might look like Obedience to Command; and tho' he knew it was not possible to withstand the Power and Progress of the Imperial Arms, animated with so many Victories; yet considering himself strong enough to do mischief, and spoil, and pillage, he marched from Nissa towards Dobravitz, where he committed all the Outrages imaginable on the miserable Inhabitants of that place; giving liberty to a licentious Soldiery to destroy an Ancient Monastery of Greeks, to which many poor Christians being fled for Sanctuary, they stained the Pavements with the Blood of a thousand persons; carrying away the Old Monks, Women, and Children into distressed Captivity.  
Tekeli also being reinforced with a party of Turks, and Tartars, committed great Spoils on the Confines of Valachia, and Transilvania; but soon was forced to retire, upon the News that the Rascians with a Body of Four thousand men were marching against them: And thus laying aside much of his confidence in Arms, he resolved to try what effect his persuasions might have with his Transylvanian Friends, and those of his Faction, inviting them to cast off the Yoke of Germany from their Necks, and reassume their Ancient Liberties; and to that end he wrote this following Letter.  
Ad Capitaneos, Directores, & Magistratus Inclyti Regni Transilvaniae.  
Omnia bona det Deus Regno Transilvaniae, vigil Ingenium & oculos Incolis ejus opto. Nolim Ingratitudinem vestram quâ Caesaream amplexi fuistis protectionem respicere; imò potius certiores vos facere, & commune facere velim vehementer volens Regnum Transilvaniae, in tantis afflictionibus, & exactionibus versari. Non dubito quin satis perspexeritis, hucusque iniquas Germanorum Machinationes. Volunt se in regnum intrudere, ut vos ex regno expellant: Vos peribitis, illi manebunt; Pellite itaque & corrigite ceaecitatem vestram: Ad Arma currite omnes Nobiles, Libertini & Subditi; pro felici Patria certate, certe vos libertatem consecuturos, quam turpiter perdidistis ad Comam usque: Nisi omnes audacter insurrexeritis, peribitis vos, & filii vestri, & Nobilissimum Regnum in manibus barbarorum manebit. Valete, et vigiliate vobis, & Patriae vestrae. Datas trans Danubium proximè ad Transalpinas.  
And to leave no Stone unturned, he solicited the Ottoman Port for new Succours, promising mighty Successes in case the Tartars would invade Transilvania; the which accordingly was designed, and had taken effect, had not the Cosacks made an unexpected Irruption into Tartary, and thereby obliged those Barbarians to quit their design, that they might attend to the safeguard of their own Country.  
All places in Bosnia being now subdued, and brought under the power of the Emperor (Bertzka only excepted) situate on the Save; Prince Lewis after he had fortified Proot, and Gradisca, marched against it, being a place of such importance as secured all the River from thence to Belgrade: The Turks having advice of the approach of Prince Lewis, with Terror and terrible Consternation abandoned that vast City, pleasant for its Situation in a delicious Country, abounding with all sorts of Provisions and Fruits, both for the sustenance and delight of the Inhabitants; into this Commodious Dwelling made void by the flight of the Turks, a Garrison of Two thousand Germans was lodged; which served them for Winter-Quarters, wherein to refresh themselves after all the fatigues, dangers, and tedious Marches of the passed Campaigne; and to secure this City so plentiful of all sorts of Provisions, a regular Fortification was Erected on the rising of a Hill, which served to cover, and very much to strengthen the City. Now in regard Advices were brought to Bertzka, that the Pasha of Bosnia was making Levies of men, and recruiting his Forces in the Neighbouring parts; General Piccolomini was dispatched to Vienna, 
Piccolomini dispatched to Vienna.  to render an Account of the State of that Country, and to press for Forces immediately to be dispeeded for security thereof; it being a Province inhabited by many Christians, who with encouragement and protection would be ready to submit and do Homage to the Emperor.  
Piccolomini so well Negotiated his Affairs at Vienna, that he soon procured Orders directed to the General at Belgrade to reinforce Prince Lewis with a considerable Body of men.  
But because the French were now in motion, and had already entered Germany with a formidable Army; 
P. Lewis recalled to Vienna.  to oppose which, there was need of the Counsel and Direction of the best and most Experienced Captains, who had lately with such auspicious Fortune conducted the Imperial Forces against the Turks; it was resolved to recall Prince Lewis of Baden to Vienna; and to commit the Charge of Bosnia to the Courage and Conduct of Piccolomini. year 1688.  
So soon as Piccolomini was returned to Gradisca, Prince Lewis took Post for Vienna, having some few days before his departure, taken possession of Oliva, and Sbornich, or Swornich, a City and Castle of considerable importance; of the latter of which, the Charge was committed to Major Thomas Stracharta, a Scotch Gentleman, who bravely maintained it against Two Assaults of the Turks: These places were situate on the River Drine.  
After which this Valiant Prince departed, leaving most manifest Evidences and Proofs behind him of his Courage assisted with Fortune; for that in the space of about Nine Weeks, he had subdued all the Province of Bosnia, defeated the Pasha with double Numbers, taken Proot, Gradisca, Bertzka, and divers Castles, with no more than Eight thousand Germans, Hungarians, and Croatians.  
Tho' it was now time to end this Campaigne, yet still the Blocades of Sigeth, Canisa, and Grand-Waradin were continued; year 1688. the Defendants, tho' reduced very low, remained howsoever very obstinate and resolute to maintain the Garrisons to the last extremity, in hopes rather that their Ambassadors would succeed in the Conclusion of a Peace, 
The Turks desire Peace.  than in any apparent probability there was of rescuing themselves by their own force, or other expected Succours. And indeed the Turks might then on very good Grounds have hoped for a peace, since that they readily offered to have quitted all pretensions to the Conquered places, and suffered the Emperor to remain in quiet possession of all whereof he had made himself Master; which had been a vast advantage to the Empire at that time, when the French were entered into Germany with a formidable Army, burning, laying waste, and destroying all the Palatinate; threatening War on the Empire, which continued for several Years with such fury, that had not King William of England, joined with Spain, Holland, and some of the Princes of Germany opposed this terrible Foe, 
The Emperor unhappily rebuses it.  all the Empire and other Countries had sunk under the weight of the Arms of France. But God knows by what Fate the Emperor refused to hearken to those fair Propositions of Peace; which that they might not be urged or pressed on his Counsellors, the Turkish Ambassadors were committed Prisoners to the Castle of Puffendorf, where they passed some Years under a tedious restraint and loss of Liberty, contrary to the Law of Nations: 
The Turkish Ambassadors in Prison.  And tho' the Turks may be much blamed for this kind of Violation of the Law of Nations, and disrespect to the persons of Ambassadors, which in all Countries have been esteemed sacred, yet it is a new thing to be so practised by Christian Princes, especially by the Austrian Family, which is Renowned over all the World for their Piety, Justice, and Clemency. As there was at that time no Reason or Sense for not closing with the Turks in a Peace, so afterwards the Folly and Misfortune was so apparent, that the Court of Vienna hath often lamented the unhappy Consequences of that evil Counsel, which the Ministers of State to throw off from themselves have cast on the prevailing Faction of the Jesuits, and Clergy, which have ever carried a great sway in that Counsel.  
And thus having by God's Assistance finished the Wars in Hungary by a full and ample Relation of all that passed in that miserable Country during the Course of the last Year of 1688. Let us now proceed to the Martial Actions, which passed in the same Year between the Venetians and the Turks.    

THE Venetian Successes In Their WAR against the TURKS, In the Year 1688.  
THE Doge of Venice Dying about the End of the last Year, year 1688. the Senate knew not any Subject on whom they could more worthily confer that Dignity, than on the Captain-General Francisco Morosini, a Person not only of an ancient Patrician Family, but one who had signalised himself both in Peace and War, and Sacrificed all his Time and Interest to the Service of the Republic.  
Had he not merited more than by his great Achievements in this present War, the Ducal Dignity could not have been bestowed on any more deserving than himself, of which the Senate was so sensible; that tho' it was a new thing to Elect a Doge who was absent, 
F. Morosini Elected Doge.  which some, envious of his Virtues, and growing Greatness, did object; yet the Majority of Voices carried the Election, and accordingly the Ducal Bonnet was, by order, sent to Morosini, by the Secretary Zuccato, who found his Serenity aboard the Admiral Galley in Porto Poro, a Port in the Morea; where he offered in the Name of the Senate, expressed in a most Eloquent Oration, the Ensigns of the Principality; all the other Ceremonies being solemnly performed at Venice.  
Before this Happy Inauguration, the Pestilence had greatly infested the Venetian Armata; but by God's Blessing, it was now ceased, and Prattick given at Venice to those who came from thence; for which the Doge having returned Thanks in a devout manner to Almighty God, aboard the Fleet, he began to entertain thoughts of undertaking some Enterprise worthy his new Dignity, and which might serve for a Fortunate Omen of what was to succeed in all the Progress of his Auspicious Government, which at the beginning looked fair, and prosperous in all the Circumstances thereof.  
For from Candia Advices were brought to the Armata, of great Revolutions, and Mutinies in Candia, which ended with the Death and Destruction of that Vizier, year 1688. and the principal Pasha's and Bey's of that place: 
Troubl●s amongst the Turks in Candi●.  In Canea the Disorders were not less, the Soldiery following the Example of those Seditions, and Tragedies acted at Constantinople, would govern themselves; and whilst they knew not what Government to set up, there was a Rumour amongst them amidst their Confusion, That they would deliver up those Places into the Hands of the Venetians; but their Army being at some distance, and not near enough to meet the heat of this Popular Insurrection, these Hopes vanished, the Turks returning to more sober, and cooler Counsels.  
The Captain Pasha was now ready to come forth with the Ottoman Fleet, which consisted of so few Galleys, as were in no condition to deal with the Naval Forces of the Venetians, 
Th● Turkish Fle●t very weak.  and yet were of some use for Transporting Soldiers and Relief to Negropont, or other Parts, according to the Motion of the Enemy.  
But the Venetian Armata increased daily by the Union of several Convoys dis-speeded to join with the main Body under Command of the Doge.  
The first Convoy was composed of several Ships, Marsilians, and light Galleys, under the Command of his Excellency P●sani, with whom also two Noble Venetians called Lorenzo Donato, and Girolamo Grimani, were Embarked, 
The Venetian A 〈◊〉 joined.  appointed by the Senate to assist as Counsellors unto his Serene Highness the Doge; whom four other Noble Venetians accompanied to supply Places, and Offices of Trust, as occasions should offer.  
On another Convoy the first Regiment of Wirtemberg, and the Prince himself, who Commanded them, was Embarked with several Nobles, and Gentlemen of that Nation, all of them Brave and Experienced Soldiers, attended with many Ships, and Vessels laden with Ammunition, Provisions, and all sorts of Instruments and Utensils for War. And with them also were dispatched the Syndicks and Officers for better government of the Morea.  
A third Convoy was also prepared, and dispatched with the Second Regiment of Wirtemberg, under the Command and Conduct of the Prince Landgrave of Armstadt, and whilst these Forces were on their Voyage towards Porto Poro, there to join with the main Body of the Venetian Fleet, in order to some great Enterprise, his Excellency Cornaro Proveditor-General in Dalmatia, 
Cornaro in Dalmatia.  was giving all the Assistance he was able, to the Christians of that Country; who upon the Rumour of the Misfortunes of the Turks, had taken Arms to recover their Freedom.  
The Commander in Chief of the Turks in those Countries, was called Solyman Pasha, who by ill Successes having lately been droven into the Castle of Podgorizza, which he had plentifully provided with all sorts of Provisions and Ammunition, he gathered unto him all the Soldiers that were in Scutari, Antivari, Dolcigno, Alessio, Drino, Croia, 
Solyman Pasha troubles the Christians  Durazzo, Ofrida, and Terra Nova; with which, and with the Auxiliaries of 4000 Turks joined thereunto by Verlaz Pasha Sangiack of Valona, he had form an Army of 10000 Fight Men, with which he resolved according to Commands received from the Port, to destroy the Cutzi, Montegrini, and Nixichi, Inhabitants of the Mountains, who having cast off the Mahometan Yoke, had devoted themselves to the Venetian Republic.  
At the first beginning Solyman Pasha sent kind Messages to them, Exhorting, and Inviting them to return to their former Obedience; but they trusting to their strong Holds in the Mountains, and to the Assurances given by the Proveditor-General Cornaro, to relieve and succour them on all Occasions, they rejected all the fair Words and Propositions made to them by the Turks.  
Whereupon Solyman Pasha Detached about 3000 Men under the Command of Ahmethis Kaja, or Deputy, to fall upon their Rear in the Mountains; 
His Kaja beaten by the Cutzi.  but the Cutzi so bravely received their Attack, and with such Constancy, that after a Bloody Fight, which continued for several Hours, the Kaja was totally Routed, and Defeated, and forced to betake himself to a shameful Flight: Whilst on the other side Solyman Pasha Burned some Villages, and cut up the Vines, and ruined the Vineyards of the Cutzi; who thereupon were so highly Enraged, that pursuing their late Victory with Courage and Indignation, they fell upon the Pasha, and forced him to take Refuge in his Castle of Podgorizza.  
The News hereof being brought to the Proveditor-General, he dis-speeded Orders to the Cavalier john Antonio Polizza, that with the Borderers on the Channel of Cattaro, and to the Superintendent Perini, that with a Battalion of Italians, and 600 of those called Oltramarini, who are Albaneses, and other People living on the Coasts of Friuli and Dalmatia; 
Succours sent to the Cutzi.  they should march to the Succour and Assistance of the Cutzi: And in the mean time to give the Turks an Alarm in divers Places, some Galleys and Galleasses were commanded to pass along the Coast of Albania, under the Conduct of that Noble Venetian called Francisco Grimani, Nephew to Cornaro: This Appearance on the Coast, sometimes at St. john de Medua, then again near Dolcigno, and soon afterwards on the Shoar of Boiaria, and Antivari, the Turks were so confounded thereby, that they knew not where to apply themselves; until at length some Venetians Landing near Antivari, were Attacked by one Ahmet Aga, the Son of the Governor of that place, whom they repulsed with much Vigour, and killed Ahmet upon the Place; and stranded a Brigantine belonging to castle Nuovo on the Shoar.  
But the grand Design and Enterprise of this Year, being the Siege of Negropont, the whole Venetian Fleet with the Galleys of the Pope, and Malta, having made their general Rendezvous in Porto Poro, on the 19th of june, Old Style, weighed Anchor, directing their Course towards the Archipelago. The Fleet was divided into three Squadrons; one Commanded by his Excellency Veniero, 
Part of the Venetian Fleet 〈◊〉 to the Dardanelli.  Captain Extraordinary of the Ships; another Squadron consisted of Galleys, under Command of the Governor of the Condannata, or of such who are Condemned to the Oar, whose Post was to keep to Windward of the Fleet. The third Squadron was Commanded by the Doge himself, who with the remaining part of the Galleasses, Galleys, Galliots and Ships, were to take their Station to Lee-ward; besides which, a Squadron of Ships with 13 Christian Corsairs, making in all 26 Sail, were dispatched before with Orders to advance as far as the Dardanelli, and give a stop to the Captain Pasha; who upon the News of this powerful Fleet, durst not adventure Abroad, but kept within the Reach and Covert of the Castles: For indeed the Turkish Fleet, which for many Years past had not been of equal force to engage the Venetians, 
They stop the Captain Pasha from coming 〈◊〉.  was this Year also much weakened by the want of Eight Galleys, which the Captain Pasha had dispatched to the Black Sea for relief of their Saicks against the Cossack's, who much infested that Coast, and for want of forty Galliots, which were remaining on the Stocks in the Arsenal at Constantinople, having neither Slaves for the Oar, nor Soldiers for Fight and Defence, nor Seamen to Sail and direct them. Nor was the Captain Pasha of sufficient force to give Convoy to the Fleet expected from Egypt, consisting of nine great Soltanaes', and divers Saicks laden with Ammunition and Provisions, of which, tho' the Grand Signior had great want, and had dispatched divers Commands unto Alexandria, to hasten their Voyage; yet the fear they had of being intercepted by the Venetians, was a sufficient Defence for them against the reiterated Commands of the Port.  
This Squadron of Ships coming to Anchor before the Mouth of the Dardanelli, kept the Turkish Fleet within the Castles, whilst the Doge advanced with the main Fleet towards the Island of Negropont, in the Form and Manner before described.  
The Island of Negropont is the most considerable of all the Isles in the Archipelago; the ancient Name of it amongst the Greeks and Latins was Eubaea; 
The Description of the City of Negropont.  it had also other Names, as Macris from the narrowness of the Channel which passes between the Island, and the Main Land; Abantias and the People Abantiades; the chief Town was Chalcis, now named after the Denomination of the Country; Pliny calls the Island Asopis, and Strabo Ocha; it had also the Name of Ellopia, from Ellope the Son of jupiter. This Island, as believed, was once joined to the Main Land, but separated from thence by some Earthquake, and now adjoined by a Bridge; it is 365 Italian Miles in compass, 90 Miles in length, and 40 in breadth. The City of Negropont anciently Chalcis, is situated on the Euripis, which is a narrow Channel, that in a wonderful manner Ebbs and Flows seven times in 24 Hours: The Walls of the City are about two Miles in compass, but the Suburbs are much larger, and more Populous, by reason of the many Greeks and jews which Inhabit therein. The Captain Pasha is the Chief Commander thereof; but commonly governs by his Deputy: There is a Bey also belonging to it, a Man of great Power, by reason that he draws from thence a Yearly Revenue for Maintenance of a Galley.  
This Island of Negropont formerly belonged to the Venetians, 
Negropont when taken by the Turks.  and to this Day the Arms of St. Mark remain over one of the Gates of the City; when Pietro Zany was Doge, it was given by the Emperor of Constantinople to the Venetians in recompense and reward of some good Services performed by that Republic towards him; or rather because he could not defend it, he gave it over into the Hands of a good Ally.  
But in the Year 1469, Sultan Mahomet being desirous to join that Pleasant Isle to his other Conquests, endeavoured to make a Bridge for the more easy Transportation of his Troops into the Land; but being repulsed by the Inhabitants, and the Bridge overthrown, the Turks were forced to betake themselves unto their Boats, and Vessels: Howsoever in less than a Month afterwards, the Turks returned before the Place with 300 Sail, and then having form the Bridge, as was intended, Mahomet himself came with an Army of 120000 Men, and Attacked the City, which was Fortified after the manner of those Times, and defended by a Garrison of 24000 Men, under the Command of Giovanni Bondulmiero, Ludovico Calvo, and Paolo Erizzo.  
The Turks raised several Batteries in different Places against it, by which they made such large Breaches, that they made four terrible Assaults thereon, in which above 40000 Turks were Slain, and the Enemies bravely repulsed, but at length being overwhelmed with Numbers, and tired with a long Siege, the Guards which defended the Porta Bureliana, conveyed themselves secretly away, and abandoning their Post, they entered the Gate without much opposition, killing all the People who passed the Age of 20 Years. Calvo was killed on the Place, and Bondulmiero in his House: Erizzo having Entrenched himself in some fast place, defended himself Valiantly, and at length surrendered on Conditions of Life; but the Turks maintained them not, but caused him to be Sawn in two: His Fair Daughter chose rather to die by her own Dagger, than to give up her Chastity to the Lust of the Turks.  
The Turks having remained Masters of this City ever since the Year 1469; it came at length to be Attacked in hopes of Recovery in this Year 1688; 
Preparations in order to the Siege of Negropont.  in order unto which, the Captain Extraordinary Veniero, was appointed with nine Ships belonging to the Republic, a Fireship, and a Palandra to guard the Channel of Negropont, and to hinder the Turks from bringing Succours to the City; to which also seven Galleys were added under Proveditor Pisani. At the same time also, several light Galleys were ordered to scour the Channel of Volo, and hinder all Succours from passing on that side.  
All the Land Forces being Embarked upon the Ships, Galleys, Galleases, Galliots; Palandras, and other Vessels; the Venetian Fleet weighed Anchor on the 7th of july from Porto Poro, 
The Venetian Fleet ●aile ●owards Negropont.  and Sailed with a fair Wind, directing their Course towards the Island of Negropont; but by what Misfortune not known, 
1688. July.  a great Ship called the Smyrna Merchant, ran upon a Rock, which being high, and easily seen, it was suspected, to have been done on purpose by Treachery of the Captain; the which unhappy Accident gave some stop to the proceeding of the Fleet, in hopes to save most of the Rigging, and Materials thereunto belonging: But in fine a Gale of Wind springing up, the Ship was broken in pieces, and no more saved than only the Men and eight Pieces of Cannon of the 50 with which she was mounted, besides some Bombs, and other Materials for War. This Accident hindered something of the Proceedings of the Fleet, which received yet a greater Impediment from the Northern Winds, which at this Season of the Year so constantly reign in those Seas, as if they were Trade-Winds: Howsoever when the Gale abated, as it doth commonly towards Night, the Galleys made use of their Oars to row to Windward as high as Cape Colonna, where afterwards the Ships joined them: and taking the Calm of the Night, the Galleys by force of their Oars towed up the Ships, and on the 11th of july they entered the Channel of Negropont; and on the 13th came to an Anchor in the Road, called the Gardens, about six Miles distant from the Capital City of Negropont.  
Here it was that all the Soldiers, Horse and Foot which were Embarked on the Galleasses, Galleys, and Galliots, making a Body of about 8000 Foot, and 500 Horse, Landed without the least opposition; 
〈…〉 Neg●opont.  having only seen a Party of about 50 Turks on Horseback who presented themselves in view, to take cognizance of the Motion of their Enemies, amongst which Mustapha Pasha Commander of the Town was there in Person. So soon as the Outguards of the Turks pos●ed on a Tower erected on a Neck of Land which stretched out to the Euripus, espied the Troops which were disembarking, they discharged some Guns, to give an Alarm to the Town, and immediately quitted the place, as being not tenible; into which some Soldiers were entered from the Ducal Galley, being an advantageous Post, wherein were found four Iron Guns, and some small Provisions.  
The Day that these Forces were Landed, some Greeks of the Country, together with the Captain of a French Tartana came, and gave Intelligence, 
Turkish Strength in ●●g●opont.  that the whole force of the Island consisted of about 6000 Men, with I●ni●●ries and Sp●●ees; but that they did not trust much to the Faith of the Inhabitants, whom they had lately disobliged by taking from them the best of their Goods and furniture ●or their Houses: That the Walls of the City were lined with Earth, and fortified on all sides with Bastions, well provided with Cannon: That all the Gates, and Entrances to the City were Mined; and that the Suburbs were surrounded with a deep Ditch and Pallisadoes: Besides which, that there were some Outworks lately finished, all provided well with Water, and Provisions necessary for a long Defence. That there were two Governors in chief, one called Mustapha Pasha, a Man of great Reputation, who Commanded the Mount, on which a Battery was erected towards the Sea: The other was Ibrahim Pasha, who defended the Outworks of the City, both Men of Resolution; besides these, who defended the Town, in which the Garrison was very strong, and Seraskier lay Encamped with 4000 Men, most Horse, not far from Negropont.  
On the 14th of this Month his Serenity the Doge, 
The Doge, and General Officers, take a view of the Country.  accompanied with General Konismark, and the Engenier Verneda, attended with many Barges and Felucaes, went to take a Survey of the Country, of the Situation of the City, and the Forts, and Batteries, which though more in number, and furnished with Cannon beyond expectation, did not yet abate the Courage of these Assailants. All things being well observed by these Generals, they discovered how the Turks had on the left Hand of the Bridge raised a Battery with Earth, and planted many Pieces of Cannon thereon, and pitched their Tents along the side of the Aqueducts: And on the left Hand had form a Line of Communication between the Suburbs and the Hill which commands the Sea, from whence they could offend the Galleys with their Shot, and the Venetian Tents; besides which, they discovered divers other Trenches in different Forms, strengthened with Pallisadoes, with a deep Ditch full of Sea-Water, 30 Paces long, reaching to the Gate of the City, covered by a Hornwork: And below the Mills another Battery was raised of three Pieces of great Cannon, which commanded the Shoar along the Seaside; all which Forts were defended by some Christians more or less in every Work, most of them of the French Nation, who were skilful in throwing Bombs, and all sorts of Fireworks.  
Thus the Doge, and his Generals, having taken a full Survey of the several Fortifications of the City, and the Situation of the Country, on the 15th of the Month, was the Day appointed for the March of the Army towards a rising Hill opposite to another which covers the City: 
The Christian Troops advance.  And at the same time the Galleys, and Galleasses advanced by force of their Oars, against the Northern Winds, which continually blow at that Season, and came to an Anchor under that rising Hill, which is near to a Wood, from whence they could see the new Fort of Karababa, or Black Father. An in regard the Ships could not enter into the Channel of Negropont, by reason of contrary Winds, the Doge dispatched away the Captain of the Gulf, with 10 Galleys to take out the Soldiers, and Transport them ashore to join with the rest of the Army: And for more expedition in this Work, the Proveditor Pisani, who Commanded the Galleys which are Manned with such as are Condemned to the Oar, being returned with the nine Ships, of which we have given an Account, to have been ordered to the Dardanelli; and by reason of contrary Winds, were put into the Port of Andro, was also commanded to give his Assistance, for landing Soldiers, Horse, and all the Instruments, and Necessaries for War.  
Whilst these things were preparing for the Siege, 
The General of Malta receives Audience of the Doge.  the Baly Spinelli, a Neapolitan Cavalier, General of the Galleys of Malta, demanded Audience of the Doge, to pass his Compliment of Congratulation upon his Advancement to the Ducal Throne, the which being granted, the General appeared with a great Attendance, followed by many Boats, Barges, and Felucaes; so soon as he was ascended into the Ducal Galley, which was adorned with Flags and Streamers from Stem to Stern, he was saluted with four great Guns, and at the Stairs was met and conducted by Lieutenant General Pisani, to the Stern of the Galley, where his Serenity was seated of his Throne, having on his Head his Ducal Bonnet, and wearing the Senatorian Gown after the ancient Roman Fashion; before him stood the four Admirals of the Seas.  
The General of Malta being entered into the Presence, the Doge arose from his Throne, and received him standing. The General with eight other Knights, Captains of the Galleys, and his Comrades, made a most profound Reverence at their Entrance, and having delivered the Letter to the Doge, from the Grand Master of Malta, full of kind and amicable Expressions, all there present stood Bareheaded whilst it was reading: After which the General was caused to sit down on a Seat placed on the right Hand of the Doge, and four of the Knights on a Bench on the left Hand, the other four remaining without, seated also on Banks, the Antiport of the Cabin being drawn up, the Slaves at the Oar were clothed in White, and the Soldiers clad with divers Colours, armed with Half-Pikes, Muskets, and Swords, each bearing a Burgurdian on his Head, which being to the Number of 500 Men, appeared very pleasant to the Eye.  
This Compliment was no sooner passed, than News was brought, That a Skirmish had happened between the Volunteer Adventurers and the Turks; 
〈…〉 Tu●ks 〈◊〉 Venetians  but the ●irst being reinforced by the Marquis Corloni, with some of his Dragoons, and Soldiers of the Greek Nation, the Fight became very warm, but the Turks were at length forced to retire with considerable Loss; tho' this Success cost the Life of Colonel Paul Macri, being shot in the Head, who for his Bravery and Deserts having obtained the Honour of Knighthood, was much deplored and lamented by the whole Army.  
By this time the Ships under Veniere, and the main Body of the whole Armata were come about, and had doubled the Point of K●ra●aba, from whence they received many Shot, but without any damage; so that the Ships and Galleys having taken the several Posts assigned to them, and also four of the Duke of Tuscany's Ships laden with Warlike Provisions, and 400 Land Soldiers, being come and joined to those other Forces belonging to the Great Duke's Galleys, composed a Body of 800 Men; all which being arrived and united to the Fleet and Army, the Doge prepared every thing ready in order to a formal Siege. The General of the Great Duke's Forces was Named Chigi, who having made a Visit to his Serene Highness the Doge, the same Ceremonies passed, as were shown towards the General of Malta.  
Eighteen Days after the Forces were Landed, all the Approaches were finished in sight of the Town; during which Time the Turks made not the least Sally to hinder, or disturb the Works, nor did the Venetians fire a Gun against the Turks, who greatly wondered at so long silence, as if on both sides a Cessation of Arms had been agreed; and all remained quiet, 
The Town Invested.  until the 30th of july, when the Cannon began incessantly to play about Break of Day in the Morning from the Venetian Batteries, with Showers of Bombs and Carcases, which being thrown into the Town and Outwarks of the Enemy, filled the City with Terror and Consternation, especially the Women, whose Cries and Schreeks were heard into the Venetian Camp.  
The first of August a Resolution was taken to Attack a certain Fort called Loppo, 
August.  situate on a little Hill, but upon discovery that the place was Undermined, the Design was altered, and Orders given to Bomb the Place with a Palandra, a Vessel made for that purpose, which ruined some of the Turks Trenches; howsoever this Attempt cost the Life of two Mariners, and the Loss of the Captain's Arm, who commanded the Palandra.  

1688. August.  After which the Venetians advanced under the Mills securing their Posts with Earth and Baskets; and the Malteses and Florentines endamaged the Enemy very much, by the Bombs and Carcases which they threw into a small Fort on the East-side, and thereby it was, as it were, totally destroyed and leveled. And as the Venetians were diligent in their Approaches, so the Turks were not less active to give them a Repulse, and to make frequent Sallies as they did one upon the Malteses, of whom they killed and wounded about 40, and afterwards retreated, but not without some loss both of Men and Horse. In the mean time the Cannons played continually from the Batteries, and Bombs thrown into the Town, one of which falling into the House of the Pasha, so affrighted the Women and Children, that with Schreeks and Cries casting themselves at the Feet of the Pasha, begged and beseeched him to surrender up the Town into the Hands of the Enemy upon Terms of Capitulation; but the Pasha inflexible, and refusing to hearken unto such Entreaties, resolved to maintain it to the last Extremity: To which End many Retrenchments were made within the Walls, and Caverns digged under Ground, to secure the People, and Goods, and Soldiers which were not on the Guard, from the Desolation made by the Bombs.  
During all this time the Seraskier, with a Body of about 4000 Men, remained at a Place called Petra in Livadia, about six Miles distant from Negropont, 
The Seraskier at Petra.  with design not to adventure his Men, until some unavoidable Necessity happened, or the City was reduced to its last Agony; which as yet was not so far straightened, but that there remained some hopes that it would be able to relieve itself; it being esteemed better Service to keep the Passes free, and an open Commerce with the Town, than to hazard an Engagement with the Enemy, with so unequal a Force, which being overthrown, would prove a certain forerunner of the Loss of the City.  
The Venetians finding it more easy to proceed on the Attack of the Town, than to lose time in taking the Fort of Carababa, they raised a new Battery upon a small Rock, at the Entrance of the Port under Command of the Captain of the Gulf, which he effected with his own, and the help of another Galley. 
Th● Venetian Camp 〈◊〉 with S●●●ness.  But what most incommoded the Venetian Camp, was the excessive Heats; for tho' the Winds were Northerly, as they commonly are in those Seas; yet passing over the Land, they contracted such Heat, and carried with them such a kind of Noxious, and Sulphureous Vapour, as produced Malignant Fevers amongst the Soldiers, and Officers, that many of them Died, and the Camp became enfeebled, and much weakened; amongst which was General Konismark; who being forced to leave the Camp, to go Aboard his Ship in order to his Cure, his Command was committed to the Charge of Major General Horn of Brun●wick. The Sickness still spreading with Fevers and Tertian Agues, a Sergeant General of Battallia, Pietro Gas●ari, and Colonel of the Swissers, died thereof; and the Count Palatine Landgrave of Hesse, reduced to the last Extremity; so that many Designs were neglected, which might have gained the City, and all the Enterprises of the Army became faint and languishing. Besides Health there was nothing that wanted; the Island itself being very fruitful, 
Negropont a Fruitful Country.  abounded with Wines, and all sorts of Victuals, and Provisions for the Sustenance of Humane Life, and were it not for the Depredations made thereon by Pirates, it would be one of the most happy Countries of the World: The Inhabitants thereof being of an Open, Free, and Cheerful Nature, 
The Temper of the Inhabitants.  of a Sanguine Complexion, and Merry like the other Greeks, without much Thought, or Care, which renders commonly the Lives of Men very uneasy to themselves and others; and tho' the Country abounded with all things, yet the Neighbouring Islands brought over their Cattle and Fruits thither; which finding a ready Market, caused as great Plenty, and abundance of all things, as could be desired.  
On the 10th of August the Turks made a Sally into the Venetian Trenches, whence happened a Skirmish, but without much damage, or hurt on either side; nor had the Enemy's Cannon done any great Execution as yet on the Christian Camp; which, on the 11th of August had perfected all their Batteries. And to spare the Labour of the Soldiers, who had already suffered much in opening Trenches, and raising Batteries, and Fight; Orders were given to Signior Delfino Proveditor of the Camp, to gather what Greeks he could to serve for Pioners, and that every Galley, and Galleass should prepare 500 Faggots, with some Pallisadoes, which was readily effected.  
And now about the 13th of this Month, 
The Turks show themselves.  the Enemy began to show themselves Evening and Morning near the Venetian Trenches, but attempted nothing, with design as was imagined, to draw their Enemies into a place which they had Undermined; so that for three or four Days nothing happened of any thing considerable, unless it were the bursting of a Cannon, which battered the Pallisadoes of the Enemy, by which the chief Gunner was killed, and five others were wounded; and another Cannon dismounted by a Shot from the Enemy upon the Wheel of the Carriage.  
But on the 16th about Sunset, the Turks Attacked the Trenches of the Malteses, where a very hot Skirmish began, 
The Tu●ks Attack the Malteses.  which continued for the space of an Hour, until Night coming on, the Turks retired with considerable Loss, and of the Malteses about 15 were killed, and about 20 wounded: Upon which the Malteses advanced and enlarged their Works, and whilst they were Fight on that side, a Detachment of 3000 Men Attacked a Fort near the Mills about a Pistol-shot from the Enemy's Pallisadoes, of which after some resistance, they rendered themselves Masters with the Death of above 100 Turks, 
A Fort near the Mills taken.  and some wounded.  
The loss of this place being of great importance to the Turks, by Break of Day in the Morning on the 17th, they fell upon it with great Numbers to recover it, and surprised the Florentines and the Regiment of Atti, which were the Guard placed there to defend it; which being Sleeping, or found in a negligent Posture, the Turks returned with 150 Heads, 
The Turks recover it.  amongst which were several Cavaliers of Florence, and three Captains of the Regiment, and the rest quitted the Fort and fled, amongst which were above 100 wounded; which Action cost the Turks very little.  
The Doge being highly enraged at this ill Success, and desirous of Revenge, resolved to Attack the Enemy's Trenches; which tho' esteemed by a Counsel of War, 
The Doge resolves to Attack the Turks in their Trenches.  to be a hazardous Enterprise, which tho' it should succeed, would cost much Blood; yet the Doge nothing moved, continued his Resolution to put the Attempt in execution on the 20th of August, being well assured, that nothing could be effected on the Town unless first they could possess, and make themselves Masters of the Enemy's Trenches. In order unto which on the 17th the Doge, with the chief Sea-Officers, came ashore to take a View, and Survey the Enemy's Trenches, the which extended almost three Miles from the Hill to the Sea, the Soldiers therein lodged securely, as if they had been Buried; they were very spacious and deep, so that 50 could march a Breast, 
The Manner of their Trenches.  secured by vast Oaken Beams, over which were Sacks of Cotton artificially laid, and the voi● places filled up with Earth; and what damage was done hereunto by the Venetian Cannon, or Bombs in the Day, were by the Industry and Labour of the Turks repaired in the Night. These Trenches were likewise defended by five Batteries, on which 26 Pieces of Cannon were mounted, and six Mortar-pieces which threw Stones at such distance, as served not only to defend their own Trenches, but also to offend the Venetian Camp.  
Whilst the Doge, and principal Officers were contriving the Attack which was to be executed on the 20th: The Turks on the 18th made a Sally on the Regiment of Colonel Gaspar an Athenian, 
The Turks Sally 〈◊〉.  who was placed to guard the Aqueducts, but were so bravely received by the Valour of that Colonel, that they were repulsed with the loss of 150 of their Men killed on the place; 
Colonel Gaspar an Athenian killed.  and 50 or 60 of the Christians, amongst which was Colonel Gaspar himself, being shot in the Breast with a Musket-Bullet; in recompense of whose Resolute and Valiant behaviour to the general Satisfaction and Applause of the whole Army, the Doge bestowed the Command of the Regiment on his Brother Demetrio, with an Annual Pension to his Son, during his Life.  
The Morning of the 20th being come every one prepared himself for the intended Assault on the Enemy's Trenches. The Marquis of Corbon with his Cavalry, was the first to break in upon the Enemy's Horse, 
The Turks Attackedin their Tr●●ches.  which he performed with such Success, that he thereby opened a way for the Foot to Attack the Trenches in three several places, which was executed with such resolution, that neither Cannon nor Musket-shot were serviceable on this occasion; for the Fight in the Trenches was so close with the Swords and Handy Blows; that being intermixed one with the other, the Combatants rather appeared like Gladiators than Soldiers fight in regular Troops. The Turks on one side being hard pressed, began to throw away their Arms and fly; but being seconded, and relieved by some Troops led on by the Pasha Commander of the place, who at the same time promised Rewards to the Valiant, and threatened Death to the Cowardly, the Fight increased, and the Trenches were filled with the Bodies of Dead and dying Men. The Venetians were repulsed twice, and thrice in some places: But at length all the Passes towards the Mountain being forced by the Regiment of Bonometti, and the Venturieri, (who are Soldiers of Fortune) the Turks began to abandon their Posts, and betake themselves to Flight; 
They quit them and fly.  and other Regiments forcing the Lines in other places, filled all with Slaughter and Confusion; the Horse were the first began to turn their Backs, running with full Career to take refuge in the Town, and to save themselves: But the Infantry fared much worse, for some Thousands of them being pursued by the Christians, even to the Gates of the City, about 500 of them were cut off, and their Journey shortened.  
Another Party of the Turks flying towards the Sea, were killed by the Horse, and others threw themselves headlong into the Water, where some were Drowned, 
A terrible Slaughter.  and others killed by Volleys of Musket-shot from the Shoar, so that the Sea was died with Blood, and covered with the Garments and Bodies of Men; and besides those who were killed and wounded of the Turks, many Prisoners were taken. This Fight continued about two Hours, at the beginning of which, the Turks Cannon offended much the Venetian Troops, but without any disorder, every one giving undoubted Proofs of his Bravery, and constancy of his Resolution. This Action cost the Lives of 200 Men, amongst which Signior Girolamo Garzoni was slain, 
Girolamo Garzoni 〈◊〉.  the Senior of all the Senators then in the Camp; he at first was hurt with a Musket-shot in the Side, but refusing to yield unto that Wound, or to be carried into the Tent for Cure, he continued to fight, until he was cut down by a Turkish Scimeter, with which the Turk would have taken off, and carried away his Head, but that Signior Almoro Morosini, covered his Body, and defended it from the Insults and Indignities of the Enemy. Of the Venetians about 200 were wounded, amongst which was Prince Harcourt by a Shot on his Breast, 
The Venetians Mast●rs of the Turks Trenches & Suburbs.  Prince of Turene in the Arm, but the Prince of Wirtemberg mortally. In the Trenches all their Cannon and Mortar-pieces were taken, with great Numbers of Arms, and all their Baggage and Provisions; after which with little difficulty the Venetians made themselves Masters of the Suburbs, wherein also they found some Cannon, Provisions and Arms, besides some good plunder.  

Aug. 21.  The Day following this Action, News was brought by a Deserter, That the wounded Men brought into the Town, were above 1000, and those who were killed, were much more, amongst which they reckoned the Son of the S●raskier, and one Mustapha Pasha, 
The 〈◊〉 of the Turks.  who was Bey of five Galleys, with many other Officers: The next Day the Venetians continued to batter the Town with Cannon and Bombs; and the 23d the Turks made a furious Sally, but were repulsed with the loss of 150 Men, and 30 killed on the Venetian side.  
For three Days afterwards nothing happened, besides the continual shooting of Cannon and Bombs, until the 27th; when the Christians began to open their Approaches nearer to the Town, which continue● until the 5th of September, without the least damage imaginable to the Pioners, or Soldiers; when the Turks to the Number of 500, made a Sally from the Part of the Suburbs on the Quarters of the Sclavonians, 
〈◊〉 Turks Sall● aga●●.  and made themselves Masters of the first Trench; but afterwards rallying again in good order, they drove them out of the Trench, and pursued them to the very Ditch, killing about 40 of them, with the loss only of 14▪ Christians.  
General Konismark continuing sick, and his Fever increasing on him, the Doge substituted the Major of the Troops of Brunswick in his place, 
General Konismark s●ck.  to oppose the Sally of the Enemies; and tho' this brave Man was also at that time laid upon his Bed, and labouring under the Access, or Fit of a Fever; yet he arose, and strove against his Natural Weakness, to comply with the Command of the Doge, but so soon as he was gone out of the Door of his Tent, a Canonshot from the Enemy struck his Bed and overthrew it. 
Septemb.  The Night following, Captain Verneda the chief Engineer, and a Captain of the Regiment of Wirtemberg, with some common Soldiers, were killed by Musket-shot as they were advancing their Works towards the Ditch.  
The 6th and 7th passed without other Action than firing Cannon on both sides; by which the Venetians made a Breach in a Tower on the Seaside at the end of the Ditch; 
A brave Offer made by an Engineer.  upon which the Engenier Romagnato, a Man of resolute Courage, made an offer with 50 Persons, how difficult soever the Attempt seemed, to mount the Breach: This generous Offer being accepted, and greatly applauded, the Doge came ashore in Person, and placed himself in one of the Batteries, to be a Spectator of this Enterprise, and to give the necessary Orders therein, which should be required for seconding so resolute an Enterprise.  
On the eighth an Attack was made, and with great courage they mounted the Breach, and planted two Ensigns thereon; but because the Breach was very narrow, without any covert from the Shot of the Enemy, and the descent into the Town very deep and hazardous, they were forced to quit the Post, 
The Venetians repulsed.  which they had gained with the loss of six or eight Men, amongst which was one of the Ensigns, whose Colours howsoever were recovered by another Officer: Nor did the Turks escape without some loss on occasion of the Attack; for 300 Men being lodged in the Ditch to support those who were to make the first Entrance, did great execution on the Turks that appeared on the Breach without any covert, or shelter. 
A remarkable Passage.  There is one thing very remarkable of a Soldier, who in this Assault received six Wounds on his Head and in his Body with Scimeters, by which falling on the Ruins, was esteemed for Dead, and so remained until the Dusk of the Evening, when rising up, it was not so Dark but that he was perceived by the Enemy, who made many Shot at him; to avoid which, he threw himself into the Sea, bleeding with all his Wounds; and notwithstanding the many Shot aimed at him, of which he received one in his Shoulder, he swum away, and got ashore at the Camp, 
1688. Septemb.  where he was afterwards cured of his Wounds, which made the Doge to give him the Name of the wonderful Man.  
The Regiments of Count Waldeck and Colonel Bilz, belonging to the Troops of Wirtemberg, being advanced without any Order for so doing, one to the Bank of the Ditch, and the other to the Foot of the Tower, received an unhappy welcome by several Volleys of small shot, 
The Venetians again repulsed.  both from the Wall, and from the false Bray; by which two Colonels, seven or eight Captains, twelve or fourteen Subaltern Officers, five Cavalier Adventurers, and about 200 common Soldiers, were all slain upon the place, and as many wounded; which was a discouraging loss to the Besiegers, tho' the Defendants, according to the Report of some Deserters, lost double the number within the City.  
Howsoever, the Venetians being not dismayed hereat, on the 10th of this month forced an Entrance into the Ditch, where they began to form a Gallery for a more near approach unto the Wall, under which they designed once to form a Mine; but because it would be the work of fifteen Days at least before the Mine could be brought to Perfection, for want of good engineers, of which many were Dead, and Sick; They raised a new Battery on the other side of the Water, from whence they made a Breach on the other Tower; and with two pieces of Cannon planted on the Bank of the Ditch, they bartered the foot of the Curtain between the two Towers.  
The Day following, some Deserters from the Town brought Advice, That the whole Garrison within did not consist of more than 3000 Men, and those much affrighted and discouraged by their many losses; only that which supported their Spirits, was the free and open passage by the Bridge, between the Turkish Camp and the City; by which every third day they received Recruits of Men, and Supply of Provisions; so that now little hopes remained of taking the City for this year, 
The Difficulties of taking the City.  the Season also being far advanced: All therefore that remained to be done, was to continue the Batteries and to throw Bombs, of which above 10000 having been already cast into the City, few Houses remained standing, but all reduced to a Mass of Rubbish and Ashes.  
The Venetians being under these discouraging Circumstances, the Attacks proceeded but slowly; nothing being heard in the Camp, but of the Death or Sickness of their great Men; amongst which, News was brought to the Doge, that Signior Molino and Delfixo were forced to yield unto their sick Beds; That the Engenier Ramagnato was killed with a Musket-shot, 
T●e Venetians discouraged▪  whilst he was giving Direction about the Works in the Ditch; That Signior Aurelio Marcelli was Dead of a Fever caused by his Wounds; as was also Mattio Bon Patritii, a Nobleman of Venice; And that General Kenismark was Dead of a violent Fever, 
General Kenismark 's D●a●h.  having Breathed his last on the 15th of September, to the great Grief and Sorrow of the whole Army; but especially of his Lady Carlotta, who with great Affection and Tenderness, having been his Companion in all this Expedition, was overwhelmed with Sorrow and confused Grief at his Death. His Bowels were Interred the same Night with many thousands of Torches and Lights; but his Body being Embalmed, was afterwards designed for Strade, a place in the Duchy of Bremen, there to be Interred in the Burial-place of his Ancestors. The same Night two engineers were wounded, and one killed, and many common Soldiers killed and wounded by the Enemies shot from the false Bray, whilst they were perfecting their Works in the Ditch.  
And now it being the 17th of September, the Florentines were the first to Demand a Dismission from the Camp, and Licence to return home, 
The Generals of the Great Duke and Ma●ta des●re leave to return h●me.  alleging that the Season of the year was far spent, and the long Voyage they had to make unto their own Country. The time also appointed by the Great Master of Malta unto his General, for the Fleet to remain abroad, being also expired, Licence was demanded for their return; but the Doge flattering himself with hopes of a speedy Surrender of the place, persuaded that General to stay some few days longer; to which he consented, in expectation of taking part of that Glory which would belong to him by the Conquest of that place.  
But it was not the Will of God that this Place should yield to the Christian Arms, for that from this present time, until the End of the Siege, nothing but Misfortunes attended the Actions of the Venetians. However, The Courage and Constancy of the Generals was such, as that they would not leave one Stone unturned which might tend to the Conquest of the place, resolving not to desist from that Enterprise, whilst any hopes appeared of becoming Masters thereof. In order unto which, the Doge Morosini, considering with the principal Captains, what was farther to be done to facilitate this Enterprise; [it was observed, that the greatest difficulty, was, how to convey their Forces under the Wall, for the Ditch was 30 Paces broad, and washed at each end by the Sea; to do which, the Engineers found no other means than by a Traverse▪ which was to be covered on the top, and defended by Gabions filled with Earth, which being considered, and resolved, it was put into immediate Execution, all things necessary for that work being brought to the place, with the Instruments for fixing the Miner to the Walls; but the Waters so increased in the Night, that the Labour became much more great, and the Design more difficult than was imagined, they being forced to Work under the Enemies small shot; by which the engineers, 
 Samuel Miller was killed, and Renaldo Della Ruë, and Antonio Captain of the Miners, grievously wounded. Howsoever, not discouraged from the prosecution of this Design▪ the Marquis of C●rbon, Serjeant-General, with some of his Dragoons, undertook that work of the Traverse, which notwithstanding found not the Success expected; he being, whilst he was giving direction about the Traverse, wounded by a Musket-shot, which passed his Lest-Thigh.  
The Turks, who were very vigilant and industrious to destroy the Work of the Traverse; form a Work in the False Bray, by which they so annoyed the Labourers upon the Traverse by continual firing, that it was not possible to proceed, until the Enemy was droven out of the Counterscarp; 
The Venetians take a B●nn●● from the T●rk●, and again ●reven 〈◊〉 of it.  to perform which, it was resolved to take a Bonnet which lay in the way, which succeeded according to Desire; But the Besieged having considered, that that place was of great Importance, they soon Assaulted it, with such Vigour, that the Venetians not being relieved by the farther advanced Line, were droven out from thence with much Blood and Slaughter.  
Thus all hopes failing of taking the Town, Camillo Chigi, Admiral of the Galleys of Tuscany, having as we have said obtained his Discharge, 
〈…〉 Tuscany departed.  sailed away with his Squadron of Galleys by Night, that the Turks might not observe his Departure, leaving howsoever behind him two Ships, and some Troops in the Service.  
The Venetians resolving that the Turks should not remain in quiet Possession of the Bonnet, attacked them again therein, and drove them thence, and fortified it in such manner, that it would be very difficult for them to regain it. Likewise a new Battery was raised of fifteen pieces of great Cannon, 
 which shot into the Houses of the Town; and at the same time, a Line of Communication was made for relief of the Bonnet.  
During which Time and Actions, Diseases increased in the Camp, and Officers, as well as common Soldiers ●ell sick▪ by which, and daily slaughters of Men in the Assaults made, 
Sickness in the ChristianCa●p  the Army was much diminished. And tho' the Condition of the Turks in the Town was rather wo●se than better, yet their Spirits being supported by the Encouragements given by the Seraskier, who promised speedily to relieve them, and to send 2000 Horse into the Morea to make a Diversion, they made several Sallies out of the Town, 
The Turks Sally.  which tho' not with much Advantage to themselves, yet it showed a Vigour of Spirit▪ and that they laboured not under any Fears, or despairing hopes of Defence. On the other side, the Venetians failed not in their Industry, and assiduous Projects every day, in acting some Enterprise or other, which might facilitate a general Assault, and give that decisive blow, which should put an end unto, and terminate the Labours of that year: 
October.  But neither the Traverse, nor the Batteries, found the Effect desired and expected; wherefore the Engenier Basignani, who had long laboured under a violent Fever, being now a little recovered, projected a Subterranean Gallery under the Water of the Ditch, to pass unto the Wall; and there underneath to make a Mine, which being sprung could not fail of making such a Breach, as was requisite for an Assault; but in the execution thereof, there was found too much difficulty, and almost an impossibility; for the bottom of the Ditch was altogether M●d for many yards deep; and in sinking the Shaft to the depth required, they met so much Water as wholly drowned out the Miners and put them by their Work; and Basignani himself, 
Basignani the Engineer fails in his Design, and is killed.  whilst he was giving Directions, was shot by a Musket-Bullet in the Head, which put an end to this Design, which had it been practicable, would yet have required more time than what the season of the year would admit. The Turks also on the other side had form a Mine under the Bonnet; which being fired, it had not the due effect, by reason that it was not rightly placed; howsoever the Defendants were so affrighted with the blow, that they abandoned the Fort; as did those of the Battery, not far distant from that place.  
But what made all things the more desperate, and to look with an ill Aspect, was the Indisposition of his Most Serene Highness the Doge, 
The D●g● sick.  being not only forced to keep his Bed, but to use such Remedies as were necessary for his Recovery: Also at the same time, Mat●o Querini of Noble Extract, Died, after a sickness of a few days continuance.  

1688. October.  And to the farther Weakening and Disabling of the Camp, the General of Malta having obtained his Licence to depart, upon Allegations that he had already transgressed the time which was allotted him by the Grand Master, set Sail in the Night without Ceremony, or noise of Guns at his departure, 
The General of Malta departs.  which would have animated the Turks to a longer perseverance in Defence of their Town.  
Notwithstanding all which, the Batteries continued to play with so good success, that they made such wide Breaches in the Wall, as gave hopes that the Walls might be yet attempted, and made open to an Assault; in which matter, whilst Count Raperta, 
Chief Officers killed.  who was Serjeant-Major of Battle, was giving Directions, he was wounded in the Breast by a Musket-shot, which was a great loss and disappointment to the whole Designs: In like manner, the Marquis of Corbon, who was a Serjeant-General, was killed by a Canonshot from the Battery of Carababa▪ to the great trouble and loss of the whole Army; there being now much want of good Officers, endued with Bravery and Conduct.  
And tho' all things went thus Ill, yet the Recovery of the Doge, and his Appearance in the Field, inspired new Courage into the Hearts of the harassed Soldiery: But in regard, the weakness of the Doge was such, as to disable him from taking an exact View of what was acting in the Camp, or what Breaches were made, he was constrained to take all his Informations from the Proveditors of the Camp, 
Prince of Brunswick, and General Hor command the Army.  who were Commanded to join and concur in all their Resolutions with the Prince of Brunswick, who at present was posted in the principal Command of the whole Army; being assisted with the Counsel and Advice of Serjeant-General Hor, a Soldier of great Esteem for his long Experience in War, tho' much weakened and faint by a long Sickness. The Doge depending much on the Bravery and Conduct of these Generals, by whom he was assured of the excellent Order and Disposition of all things, resolved to appoint the Day for a General Assault: But that an Enterprise of such high Concernment should not be undertaken without mature Advice and Deliberation, a Council of War was called, which might discuss all Points of Difficulty; and consider whether such an Action as this might be practicable under the present Circumstances; and the common Safety of the Army, and Glory of the Venetian State, not put to Hazard under doubtful Uncertainties. After some Debates in this Councils, a Report was given to his Serenity the Doge, That an Attack was very feasible, and might in all probability succeed, 
The Council of War advises an Attack.  in case the Breaches were made a little more wide and commodious, and that the Mine were ready to be sprung under that part of the Counterscarp which was near the Battery, which would open a passage to the Assailants over the Ditch; for which purpose, thousands of Faggots, and Sacks of Earth were provided, and all things disposed in good order by the Generals, Brunswick and Hor; and Directions given to the Commanders of their respective Troops, what Rules and Methods they were to observe in the Attack, and in what manner they were to Succour and Relieve each other. And to enforce and envigorate this Attack, 
The Preparations made for it.  the Levents, or Marine Regiments were taken out of the Galeots; and Reformades, and Mariners from the Fleet; and amongst them 200 choice Soldiers belonging to the Ducal-Galley▪ under the Command of Colonel Dissinfeldt, all desperate Fellows, were ready to attempt the most hazardous Enterprise.  
The day following was appointed for that general Assault, which was to determine the Fate of that place; when above 8000 Men were posted in their several Stations, and every thing disposed in such manner as was requisite for this great Work; Likewise Alessandro Bon, the Captain of the Gulf, was Commanded with his Squadron to enter the Port on the Lar-board-side, and Invest the Fort of Carababa, whereby the Garrison therein might be diverted from sending their Forces for succour of the Town.  
About Ten a Clock in the Morning the Mine was Sprung under the Counterscarp, 
Octob. 12. An Assault made.  which was to be the signal for the Assault; upon which the Troops appointed to storm the Breach began to move, having some Granadiers in their Front; and at the same time, Antonio Medini their Commander, scoured the Ditch with a Party of his Men, being followed by 1500 Soldiers, who were to Repulse the Turks, in case of a Salley from the Town; but this unfortunately succeeded; for being come to the Traverse-Line, which was necessary to be overcome, the Turks so vigorously defended it with Volleys of small shot, that many Captains and Soldiers being there killed, a stop was given to their farther proceeding; for not being sustained by the Troops appointed to second them, 
And mos● carried.  who Halted at the entrance to the Ditch, they were forced to sound a Retreat. From this first Misfortune several Disorders followed; for whilst a great Body of Soldiers marched unfiled through a narrow Passage one after another, they were so raked by the Cannon from Carababa, (there being no other Trench opened) that many were killed, and all put into such confusion, that there remained no possibility of entering the place on that side.  
All this time, those who had mounted the Breach were in great danger, and many lay Dead thereupon, being destroyed by Sacks with Powder, by which they were blown up. Nor was there any better appearance of Success, or hopes of Entrance on the other side, where, tho' they had mounted to the top of one of the Towers, being conducted by the special Valour of their Commanders, and by the signal Courage of Bonesana a Major General of the Troops of Milan; from which height they discovered such a dismal Descent into the Town, that it was impossible to enter, without throwing themselves Headlong down a Precipice; 
Many M●n l●●t.  so that no other was the Sequel of this Attempt, but the unhappy and fruitless loss of the Lives of many brave Men.  
Nor was the 4th Attack more successful than the former three; for on this side the Town was inaccessible; howsoever the Troops marched with their Officers leading them forward, 
Great misfortune's.  and took their Post in the Ditch, without proceeding farther; but this place being neither provided with Bavins, nor Faggots, nor Sacks of Earth, some of the Soldiers standing up to the Middle in Water, remained exposed to the Enemy's shot, who guarded the Traverse; which being thus sustained for several Hours, above 1000 Soldiers, with divers Officers, lost their Lives; amongst which were Lieutenant Colonel Slade, and the Captains Pini, Pipam, and Gilinon; and of the Stranger, or Foreign Troops, several were sorely wounded, amongst which were General Spahar, and the Prince of Hermanstadt, who were the Principal Officers appointed to direct the Assault.  
Nor were the Losses on the Seaside, less than those on the Land. For the Galleys appointed to make the Diversion, were so droven by a Storm of Wind into the Current, that it was impossible to save themselves, 
The Loss●s sustained by the Galleys.  but by coming to an Anchor just under the Town, from whence they received many Canonshot. Antonio Nani had his Mainmast disabled by a Shot of 1000 weight. Gredenigo received the like, which carried away all his Poop, besides other Damages: The Galley of Pizzaman● was struck with a Stone-Bullet of three Fathom and a half in Circumference, which had almost sunk the Galley: Alvige Foscari received a Shot of 50 weight in the Midship of the Galley, and another which carried away his Rudder: George Marin had the Poop of his Galley carried away, and he himself wounded in the Throat by the Splinters. Nor did it pass much better with the Captain of the Gul●, by a Shot on the Lar-board side of the Galley, by which he received much damage.  
In this manner the Galleys drawing off at a farther distance, 
Octob. 13  and the Land Soldiers desisting from their Attacks, all hopes of taking the Town began now to fail; so the Commanders assembling at a Council of War, where every thing was debated, 
A Counsel of War resolves to desist from the Attack.  and the impossibility considered of making another Assault, in regard to the Fleet, which (as we have said) was much endamaged; and the Camp much diminished by Sickness, Slaughter, and Departure of some of their Troops; and the Season of the Year advanced to the beginning of Winter, so that it was judged impossible longer to maintain the Siege.  
But because much Blood and Treasure, and the time of a whole Summer had been consumed before that City, a Retreat from which, would look something shameful before the Turks, and make an ill noise, and report over all Christendom; 
A Proposal made to stay all the Win●er in the Island.  it was proposed at a Council of War, not wholly to quit, or abandon the place, but to remain before it during the Winter Season; in order unto which it was projected to draw a Line of Circumvallation from one Neck of Land to the other, which was not above the space of an Italian Mile, and the Mould, or Soil being all Earth, it might easily be effected; the which being fortified with a Ditch, and Palli●adoes, Redoubts, and Cannon, might make a sufficient place of defence for the Soldiers, and convenient Quarters might be made for them out of those Timbers and Planks which they had saved from the Ruins of the Suburbs of Negropont. And that they might be in a condition all the Winter to endamage the Town, and hinder the Turks from repairing their Breaches, the Mount of Muslekat, and the Hill of Vilibaba, were to be strongly fortified with Cannon: In fine all things were proposed, and provided as far as Humane Reason could contrive for security of the Camp, and Maintenance of the Soldiery; and for Provision and Sustenance, they promised themselves sufficient from the Inhabitants of the Islands, besides those which might be brought from the other Isles of the Archipelago.  
These Matters being thus proposed, and projected in the Council of War, where Enquiry was made into the Miscarriages of the late Assault, (which was made appear otherwise than was represented) it was ordered, that the Cannon which were nearest to the place should be drawn off, and the manner contrived how it might be executed; and the Night following they began to draw off the covered Cannon, which lay under the Works, 
Some Cannon drawn off.  the which Attempt was the most difficult of any: To prevent which, the Turks all that Night assaulted the Bonnet with quantities of Granades, and Sacks of Powder; but a valorous resistance being made by the Defendants, the Turks were repulsed with great loss; so that the Night following all the remaining Cannon were drawn off and secured: In which Work Silvester the Admiral of Candia, having been very active and adventurous, as he had been in many other doubtful and hazardous Attempts, the Doge honoured him with a Gold Chain and Medal, 
Octob. 15.  as an evidence of his good Services, and of the Esteem he entertained of his Personal Courage and Conduct.  
Had the Project of Quartering all that Winter on the Island succeeded, it was very probable, and with good reason it might have been rationally concluded, that the City would have been obliged to yield before the Spring; but the Foreign Troops being acquainted with the Design, 
The Foreign Troops mutiny, and will not Winter on the Island.  began to mutiny, and loudly to declare, That they would not Winter on the Island, it being one of their Capitulations of Agreement, when they first Enrolled themselves for Soldiers, that they should at the Season when Armies usually break up their Camp, be provided with warm and convenient Quarters, and with the Spring return again into the Field.  
To force the Soldiers to an Obedience in this particular, was not esteemed adviseable; but to try how far soft Terms and persuasive Arguments might prevail upon them, several noblemans, and chief Commanders were employed to incline the Wills and Consent of the Soldiery thereunto; but the Plot was deeper laid, for tho' the Commonalty only appeared openly therein, yet it was well known, that their Officers had the chief Hand in the Design, and instigated their Soldiers to act that part which was most desired by themselves. But what was most prevalent with the Council of War, was the Report made by Sergeant General Hor; That the Soldiers in the advanced Lines, were so far set on a Resolution to Abandon the Siege, that in case it were not done, above 100 of them would desert, and fly to the Enemy. Whereupon the Doge took a Resolution before other Misfortunes arrived, to comply with the Soldiery; and as a beginning thereof, to embark all their Sick and Wounded Men, and Baggage; 
The Siege ●a●sed.  and that the Enemy should not discover the Design, it was ordered, That the Cannon which were not drawn off from the Lines, Bonnet, and Batteries should continue still to play upon the City.  
After which, by degrees, ●ll the remaining Cannon was shipped, and many of their Horse embarked; and all things put in order for an entire Desertion of the Island and Siege; which when the Grecian Inhabitants observed; who had taken the part with the Venetians against the Turks, full of Fear, and terrified Consternation, came running to the Shoar, petitioned to be carried off to the Christian Coast, to avoid the Fury of the Turks; for performance of which, all the Boats and Vessels of the Island were taken up at Freight for Service of the Army, and Transportation of the Islanders; of which several of them were cut off by the Turks, before they could reach the Vessels on which they intended to embark. 
Some disorder.  The Turks seeing their Enemies draw off, and commit themselves unto the Seas, had cause sufficient to rejoice; as the Christians had to be sad and dejected, when the Rear of the Army was forced to be●ake themselves to a precipitate Flight with some Confusion and Disorder. 
Octob. 22.  Howsoever they all got Aboard on such Vessels, as they could at first come unto, so that the lighter Vessels were overcharged with Soldiers, and with Islanders, until such time, as at the adjacent Islands, where Vessels usually Careen, they could more orderly dispose their Companies, and repart them by a more commodious, and proportionable share unto every Ship, galleass, and Galley.  
From this place Orders were given by the Doge unto Venier Captain Extraordinary, 
Orders given to the Admirals, and places appointed where to disbark the Soldiers.  to pass into the Archipelago, to collect the Contribution of the Island. Admiral Zaguri was dispatched with four Ships laden with Provisions and Biscuit, to furnish the Fortresses of that Kingdom. The Vessels laden with the Horse, were ordered to disembark them at the first Shoar, and thence to march by Land to Napoli di Romania. Some other Companies were Landed at the Fortress of Termizi. All the Foreign Troops were put into Winter Quarters in divers parts of the Morea. 
Novemb.  Other Companies and Troops Embarked on the Squadron of Ships commanded by Captain Pisani, were Transported to Modon, Navarin, and Patras; from whence Pisani had Commission to Sail for Zant and Corfu, and thence to carry all the Provision and Ammunition which had been brought thither from Venice for Use, and Refreshment of the Army. All the Galleasses were ordered unto the secure Port of Varvaronda under Cranidi in Romania. The Regiments of Brunswick, Wirtemberg, and Hesse, having completed their time stipulated for Service, were discharged, and permitted to Sail for Venice.  

1688. Novemb.  Thus all the Troops being dismissed, and sent into their Wintet Quarters, the Doge intended himself to Land at Napoli di Romania; 
The Doge Lands very sick.  but being taken short by the Wind, he could only fetch the Port Tolon, where the next Day he Landed, and went to Napoli di Romania, but an ill condition of Health, caused partly by the Hardships of the Siege, but chiefly by the Troubles and Affliction of Mind for the Loss and Disgrace he had sustained before the City of Negropont; a great cause of which being attributed to the Miscarriage of some Officers, who performed not their Duty in the last Attack, he ordered a Process to be made against them, and their Trials to be managed at a Counsel of War.  
But here we will leave the Venetians for this whole Winter, and return to the Wars in Hungary, transacted in the Year 1689; at the end of which, we shall recount all the Actions performed by the Venetians during that Campaign. But Procurator Girolamo Cornaro was more fortunate and successful in Dalmatia, and Albania, where he Commanded the Venetian Army: For having Landed his Forces at Scard●na on the 24th of Augus●, they speedily marched towards Clin, 
Cornaro marches against Clin.  with design to invest that place; and on the 27th, the several Troops took their Posts, and began a Line of Circumvallation, fortifying the same with several Redoubts. The next Day Summons were sent to the Garrison, which being answered with Volleys of small and great Shot, the Night following the Trenches were opened, and in the Morning the Cannon and Mortars began to play upon the Town with great execution.  
In the space of two Days a considerable Breach was made in the first Wall, 
Septemb.  which the Besieged labouring to repair, the Cannon quickly ruin●d their Works. So that by the 1st of September, 
The Venetians storm the Breach.  the Venetian Trenches were advanced so far, and the Breach made so wide, that it was resolved to give an Assault, which was accordingly executed on the 2d of this Month, and performed with such Resolution, that the Venetians notwithstanding the Vigorous Opposition of the Enemy, mounted the Breach, on which having lodged themselves, obliged the Defendants to retire within their second Wall, or Retrenchment.  
On the 3d and 4th, several new Batteries were raised, from whence the Enemy was greatly annoyed; and a Bomb falling into their Magazine of Powder, blew up, and killed many of the Inhabitants; however the Defendants still continued to maintain their Castle and the Lower Town, with great Resolution. At length it being obs●rv●d by General Cornaro, that one side of the Town was naturally fortified by Water, 
1688. Septemb.  without other Guard or Defence; he ordered, that the Regiments of Corbon and Sebenico, should pass over, and straighten the Enemy on that side, the which they cheerfully performed; for most of them being practised Swimmers, they carried their Swords naked in their Mouths, and swum over to the other side; which when the Turks observed, fearing to have their Retreat cut off from the Castle, they quitted the defence of the Breach, and retired some within the second Retrenchment, and others into the Castle. 
They bcome Masters of the first Retrenchment.  Thus the Venetians without farther opposition, entered the first Retrenchment, where they found some pieces of Cannon, 50 Horses, two Camels, some Mules, 100 Head of Oxen, some Corn, and a good quantity of Hay.  
The Venetians having gained the first Retrenchment, appointed Marquis Borro, and Francisco Grimani, to maintain the Ground they had gained; which they performed by throwing up Earth for shelter of their Men, whilst on the other side they cut off the Pipes, and ruined the Aqueducts which conveyed Water to the Castle. The want whereof, 
The Turks in want of Water.  and the blowing up of the Magazine of Powder, greatly sunk the Courage of the Defendants; howsoever the Venetians continued still to throw their Bombs and Fire into the Castle, and batter the Walls of it with their Cannon, by which they had now made the Breach so wide, that an Assault might be made thereon: But the Proveditor-General well considering that the Turks could not long subsist without Water, deferred for some few Days the Assault, until he saw the Effects which the Extremity of Thirst would constrain them unto, the which speedily happened out according to expectation: For on the 12th of September, the Defendants spread a White Flag on the Walls, desiring to Capitulate, and that in the mean time a Cessation of Arms should be granted.  
Hereupon the Pasha of the place, 
They Capitulate.  sent out two Aga's, who being conducted to the Tent of General Corna●o, they offered the Surrender of the Town and Castle, upon Licence given them to march out with their Arms, and Baggage, as is usually granted to Valiant Soldiers. But Cornaro answered, That their Behaviour had not merited such kind and honourable Usage: And growing angry at their Discourse, he told them plainly, That he expected they should immediately yield at Discretion, without farther Argument, or Capitulation. The Turks astonished at this peremptory Resolution, desired time to propose the same to the Garrison, and to the Inhabitants; but no more time would be allowed than four Hours; during which, in case they did not submit, they threatened them with the last Extremity. Within the space of four Hours, the same Aga's returned again, declaring their necessity to submit to the hard Conditions of the Conquerors; and soon after they were followed by the Pasha Atlagick, attended with his Son and Nephew, and with Cernigick the Sangiack, 
They Surrender at Discretion.  and five Aga's, with 50 other Turks of Condition; who being conducted to the Tent of General Cornaro, they were received by him in quality of Slaves; howsoever to demonstrate the Generosity of the Conqueror, an Allodgment was assigned them in a Tent provided for them, where they were treated with all Conveniencies, both of Victuals and Lodging.  
The Day following in the Morning, about 900 Women and Children came forth, and about 400 Turks capable to bear Arms, with Countenances full of Sorrow, and dejected Looks, which showed the inward Grief which oppressed their Spirits. These were followed by a Troop of 150 poor Christians, who having hereby regained their Liberty, and Freedom from Slavery, changed the Scene of Sorrow into another of Joy and Festivity. 22 Pieces of Brass Cannon were found in the place, 200 Horse, great quantities of Provision and Ammunition both for War, and Sustenance for Life.  
Clin being in this manner surrendered, the Proveditor Girolamo Cornaro, General in Dalmatia, designed to take Narenta, an ancient Port for all sorts of Merchandise, brought thither in former Times from Thrace, 
Cornaro designs against Narenta.  Servia, Bosnia, and Macedon, and several other Provinces; but first it was esteemed necessary in order thereunto, to become Masters of a small Tower called Narino, built about three Years before, by the Pasha of Bosnia, who had furnished it with some Guns, and encompassed it with a double Palisado. 
October.  In pursuance of this Resolution, the General embarked at Spalatro, all his Troops, Provisions, Cannon, and other Military Appurtenances; with which having loosed from that Port, they were so crossed by contrary Winds, that the Fleet was forced to put into divers Harbours, and the Winds continuing long in that Quarter, they spent some Weeks without any Action. At length the General being wearied with longing Desires to act something, the Season of the Year also spending apace, and the time approaching both for the Fleet and Armies to draw into Winter Quarters, he resolved to proceed from the Port of St. George de Lesina with the Galleys, Galliots, and lighter Vessels only, leaving Orders with General St. Paul, to follow him with the Ships, and Galleasses, 
1688. Oc●ober  so soon as Wind and Wether should s●rv● him: And being by force of the Oar come to the Mouth of the Port of N●renta; at the Point of which, the Fortress of Narin was situated▪ Cornaro Landed some Troops both of Horse and Foot; upon who●e approach, 
〈◊〉 Nari●.  the Turks of the Garrison of Narin, to the Number of 150, finding themselves battered by Cannon from the Galley call●d Q●e●ini; they quitted the Fort, and betook themselves to a hasty Flight, in hopes to escape with their Liberty; but being pursued by the Horse, and some morlacs who were good Footmen, they were either cut to pieces, or taken Prisoners, amongst which was Al●il●gh Carovaz, their Commander in chief. The Venetians being encouraged by this Success, the General marched to a certain Village, called Metrovich, where he remained some Days in expectation of the Fleet under the Command of General St. Paul; and of being thereby reinforced with Men, Artillery, Provisions, Ammunition, and all things necessary.  
By this unexpected Invasion, 
T●e Morlacks waste the Country.  all the People of those Countries being greatly alarmed, and in much Consternation, provided to save and put themselves into a posture of defence. Howsoever the General Cornaro having made several Detachments of Morlacks to waste the Country round, they had the Fortune to surprise divers Villages and People, which they having first Plundered, put all to Fire and Sword, and returned with a considerable Booty both of Cattle, Captives, and Heads.  
But the Winds still continuing opposite to the Ships of Burden; and by Rains, and blustering Wether according to the Season of the Year, 
The Fleet of Ships s●opt by contrary Winds.  which was now far advanced and improper for Action, General Cornaro having secured the Country and Forts which he had conquered, embarked the remainder of his Forces, and returned to Spalatro, where he disposed his harassed Troops in Winter Quarters, 
Cornaro returns to Spalatro.  there to refresh and take Breath against the next Campaign. After which, above 1500 Inhabitants of the Country about Narenta came in, and put themselves under the Protection of the Republic.  
And now after all these Actions, and Martial Exploits both by Sea and Land; of which the Turks have had little cause to boast in all the course of the past Year, unless in their defence of Negropont; it will be time for us to conclude this Years History, and proceed to the Transactions of the following, being the Year 1689.   

The Successes of the GERMANS, AGAINST THE TURKS in Hungary, In the Year 1689.  
THIS Year begins with the Surrender of the strong City of Sighet, 
1689. January.  to the Clemency of His Imperial Majesty▪ not being subdued by Arms, but by Famine, having almost for the space of two Years endured extreme Want, and Scarcity of all things necessary for the Support of Life. At length common Reports flying, That Sighet was upon Capitulations reduced thereunto by extreme Want, and a thousand other miserable Sufferings; the News thereof came confirmed to Vienna by the Duke of Holstein, on the 21st of january, and that the Surrender was agreed on Articles, not much differing from those of Alba Regalis; after the Example of which, one or two Commissioners were appointed in behalf of the City to carry the Particulars unto Vienna, there to be Signed by His Imperial Majesty; for which Affair, the Person deputed was Hassan Bei, Lieutenant Governor of the place; who on the 28th Day of january arrived at Vienna, desiring that the following Capitulations might be confirmed and corroborated by the Imperial Signature, which were expressed in this manner.  
I. THAT so soon as Hassan Bei shall be returned to Sighet, the Governor, and Garrison therein, shall faithfully deliver up into the Possession of the Germans, the Castle and City of Sighet, with all the Powder therein without spoiling it, or maliciously suffering it to be made wet, as also all other things belonging to Military Services. That upon the Surrender, the Turks shall retire to such place in the Lower City, as shall be assigned for their Quarters to lodge in, and there protected by a Guard of Imperial Soldiers; there to remain until the rigour of the Winter Season is past, 
1689. January.  and the Drove become Navigable, by Thawing of the Ice; and in the mean time Wagons and Boats shall be provided for their faithful and secure Transportation; and till such time the Arms which belong to them in quality of Soldiers, shall be deposited in some safe place, and be thence returned to them upon their Departure. All things belonging to the Castle shall remain, as upon Delivery: And because it is uncertain, when the River will be open, and become Navigable, so soon as the Ice is Thawed, and the Carts provided, a fixed Day shall be set for Departure of the Turks, after which they shall not stay longer than 24 Hours: And in the mean time they shall lodge quietly in the Lower Town free from all Molestation, Damage, or Insolence of the Soldiers.  
II. All Prisoners in the Hands of the Turks, without concealing any, or Persuasions, Allurements, or Promises to stay, shall be set at liberty, be they of what Age, Sex, or Quality soever.  
III. That all Conveniences and Necessaries shall be allowed to the Turks for their Money, as well in their Journey, as in the time of their present Abode.  
IV. That no Violence shall be offered to any upon their Departure.  
V. The Carts, or Wagons shall be provided, as well for the Old, as for others, to carry them to the Waterside.  
VI All those who became Renegadoes before this War began, shall have Licence to depart in Company with the Turks; but such others as have denied their Faith, since the beginning of these Wars, shall not be permitted to depart with the others, but shall remain still in the City: And whosoever shall desire to stay behind, and live at their former Habitations, shall be left to their own Wills and Arbitrement, to do as they shall think fit.  
VII. A sufficient number of Wagons shall be provided to carry all the People to the Waterside; where in like manner a sufficient number of Boats shall be furnished, to Transport the People, under a secure Guard to the Confines of the Ottoman Dominions.  
All these Articles being subscribed by His Imperial Majesty, a strict charge was given to all Officers, and Soldiers, and Subjects whatsoever, to observe religiously the Contents thereof: But before the same had passed the Imperial Signature, the Vice-President of the Council of War, summoned Hassan Bei several times to Audience; and at length upon Delivery of the Capitulations into his Hands, he made a most Elegant Speech, exalting the generous Piety and Clemency of the Emperor; who having all the Inhabitants and Soldiers of Sighet in his Hands, and at his Disposal, so as either to put them to Death, or make them Captives, was yet pleased, out of a Natural Principle of Mercy, to consider their Distresses, to spare their Lives, and give them Liberty. In sense of which, Hassan Bei acknowledged the truth of what had been uttered, and in token of Thanks to the Vice-President, in the Name of the Pasha, and People of Sighet, with Eyes full of Tears he received the Capitulations, and kissed them with profound Reverence and Submission.  
So soon as Hassan Bei had received these Capitulations he departed with all speed by the Post towards Sighet, being fully satisfied with the obliging Entertainment he had received during his stay at Vienna, where he was sumptuously lodged in the House of Marquis Ferdinando Obizzi.  
Hassan Bei being returned with the Articles subscribed, to Sighet, no time was lost to put them into execution; for all things being prepared, and the River open about the beginning of February, 
February.  the Turks quitted Sighet, leaving one of the chief Fortresses in the World, esteemed both by Nature and Art to be impregnable, in the Hands of the Emperor.  
For Sighet hath both a Castle and a City fortified after the ancient manner, 
Sigh●t.  with Earth lined with Brick; hath four very fair Towers encompassed with a very deep Ditch full of Water, 
1689. February.  and environed round with Fens and Marshy Grounds, which make the Town inaccessible. So that it seems no wonder, that Solyman the Magnificent Emperor of the Turks should have spent three Years in taking thereof; and not being able to take it in his Life time, his Grand Vizier afterwards subdued it by Storm, with the loss of 36000 Men. The Turks took it on the 7th of September 1566, after a most valiant Resistance made by Nicholas Esdrin Count of Serini, Great Grandfather of the Famous Nicholas Serini, who vanquished the Turks in many Battles, and died in the Year 1664.  
The Town hath three Gates, one called Quinque Ecclesiae, another Siclos, and a third Canisia, because they lead to those places. The Castle is fortified with three Walls, and a treble Ditch, and is the Capital City of that Province so named: There are three Mosches, all stately Buildings, and covered with Lead: The Country round is Pleasant and Fruitful; especially one Hill about two Miles from the City, which the Turks call Turbe Doggi, which was rarely planted with Vines, and all sorts of Fruit-Trees, and is famous for Cherries of an extraordinary bigness, of which there are none so good either in Hungary, or in any part of the Ottoman Dominions; the Ponds and Lakes are filled with Fish, and the Woods yield store of Deer, Hares, Partridges, and all sorts of Game; so that no place in the World can afford greater plenty of all things to support Humane Life, or to furnish the Tables of the greatest Monarches.  
Howsoever Canisia refused to follow the Example of Sighet, 
Canisia refuses to surrender.  being not as yet it seems reduced to such a Condition of Famine, as to oblige them to a Surrender, for living in hopes that the Turkish Ambassadors would be able by their Negotiations to obtain a Peace, they suffered the utmost Extremities of Want, with much patience; that in reward thereof they might preserve their Dwellings and Lands, and obtain the Honour due to the Constancy of good Soldiers, and the Praise and Commendation of their Prince.  
In the mean time the Turkish Ambassadors pressed with much Importunity to be admitted unto Audience, 
The Turkish Ambassadors desire Audience.  that they might deliver their Credentials, and execute the Commands of their Master: But the Imperial Ministers were not, it seems, so much in haste, intending first to deliberate in what manner they were to be received, and what Answers were to be given to their submissive Requests for Peace, a Matter unknown before to the Turks, who since the beginning of their Empire, had never before been acquainted with the manner of supplicating for Peace. year 1689. But the Fortune of the World being now changed, and the Game running high on the Emperor's Hand, Expedients were contrived rather to return a plausible cause of denial, and a justifiable ground for continuing a War, than how to form and project advantageous Articles for a Peace. Howsoever the Resolutions being taken what to do, it was judged necessary to admit the Ambassadors to Audience, for by the Law of Nations that could not be refused; and so accordingly it was agreed, That on the 8th of February an Audience should be given them: In order unto which, two Days before, the Ambassadors were conducted from the Castle of Pottendorff, into the Suburbs of the City, and lodged in that Street called Landt Strass, being attended by two Regiments of Foot: 
The Solemnity observed at the Audience.  The Day appointed for the Audience being come, they were brought with a Party of Horse to the Gate of Carinthia about Two a Clock in the Afternoon, and there consigned up to the Guard of the City, from whence they proceeded to the Emperor's Palace in the manner following.  
In the first place two Turkish Chiauses on Horseback led the way, with Staves in their Hands denoting Peace or Amity, after whom came two led Horses, followed by the Secretary of the Ambassadors carrying the Credentials made up in Purses of Cloth of Gold, holding them up in his Hand, that they might be seen by the People who flocked in great Numbers to see this Entry.  
After these followed several Attendants with led Horses, all richly Harnessed, and covered with Embroidered clothes: Then came Zulfigar Effendi the Ambassador in the Emperor's Coach accompanied with Alexander Maur●cordato a Greek, Associate to Zulfigar, and Interpreter to the Grand Signior, together with Lacovitz the Imperial Interpreter. On the right side of the Coach walked the Ambassador's Footmen clothed in Green, and on the left those of Maurocord●to, being Rascians with Liveries of Yellow; all which were followed by a numerous Train of Attendants belonging to the Ambassador, amongst which there was one Coach with the Ambassador's Kinsman, and Senior Tarsia, chief Interpreter to the State of Venice at the Ottoman Port, who were likewise attended with led Horses and Footman.  
In this manner being come to the Gate of the Palace, it was permitted only to the Ambassadors to enter into the first Court-Yard; the others alighted at the Draw-bridge, and walked on Foot to the Stairs; whence the Ambassadors, with the Secretary carrying the Credentials before them, were conducted between the Guards of Archers and Halberdiers, to the first Antichamber, being followed by great Crowds of People.  
In the mean time, whilst they were ascending the Stairs, 
The Emperor seated on his Throne.  His Imperial Majesty came out of his private Apartment, and entered into the Chamber of Audience, and seated himself under a rich Canopy of State opposite to the Entrance into the Chamber, having the chief Princes and Ministers of State ranked on each Hand according to their several Degrees and Qualities. Then were the Ambassadors admitted in, 
They are admitted to his Presence.  without other Attendance than their Secretary, who carried the Credentials before them; they were then conducted to the Foot of the Throne, the Turk wearing his Turban on his Head, and Maurocordato carrying his Cap in his Hand, with his Head uncovered after the Christian manner. Zulfigar Effendi having made three very low Bows in his approach to His Majesty, took the Credentials into his Hands, and with another profound Obeisance, was offering to present them; when His Majesty making a Signal with his Hand, they were laid on a Side-Table near the Chair of State; and then both one and the other kneeled a little, and kissed the Hem of the Imperial Mantle: After which retiring at some distance back, Zulfigar Effendi made his Speech in the Turkish Language to this effect.  

The Ambassador's Speech.  
THE Most Puissant, and Great Emperor of the Musselmen, the Highest Monarch of the Universe, Sultan Solyman Han, Son of Sultan Ibrahim Han, our Lord and Master, hath sent us to you, who are the Most High, and Most Glorious Emperor amongst the Christian Kings and Princes, to deliver this His Imperial Letter to You His Friend: The Summary Contents of which, is to signify unto You, His Exaltation to the Throne of his Ancestors, which hath happened in the Year, or Hegeira 1099. on the 2d Day of the Month Meherem: And also to put ●ou in remembrance of the ancient Friendship, and mutual good Correspondence which passed between his Progenitors, and Your famous Predecessors with all Sincerity. And hath commanded ●s his Servants, to signify unto You His Great Friend, the High Respect he bears in His Imperial Breast to the ancient Friendship which intervened between the Progenitors on both sides. May the High God inspire, and instill into the Hearts of both Monarches, that which is profitable and best for the Devout Servants of God.   
To this Speech His Imperial Majesty did not vouchsafe to return an Answer by Words from his own Mouth; because that as yet no Treaty was begun, nor the least step made thereunto; and likewise because that the Persons who brought these Letters were not qualified with the Character of Ambassadors, but rather of Messengers sent to prepare the way, in order to a stricter and closer Treaty; and therefore the Baron de Herbert, a Gentleman of the Emperor's Bedchamber, and Councillor of State, by Command of the Emperor, returned an Answer in the manner following.  

An Answer returned by Baron Herbert.  
THE Most August, Puissant, and Invincible Emperor of the Romans, King of Hungary and Bohemia, Archduke of Austria, etc. Our Gracious Lord hath heard and understood what hath been most humbly proposed to His Sacred Caesarean Majesty, in the Name of the Most Serene, and Most Powerful Prince Sultan Solyman, notifying by You His Exaltation to the Throne. And whereas You have made mention of the ancient Friendship which intervened between the Ancestors of both these Sublime Monarches; You are to reflect and consider, That it never entered into the Thoughts of His Imperial Majesty to trouble, or dissolve that friendly Correspondence; but would rather most sacredly have continued the same until this very Hour, had he not been most Unjustly Attacked, against the League, and Articles stipulated, and Sworn by both Monarches, by which the Effusion of much Humane Blood would have been spared. Of all which, the Most Just God being Witness, hath Crowned the Peaceable Mind of Our Most August Emperor with Wonderful Success, and Glorious Victories. Howsoever the Mind of His Imperial Majesty being still inclined to a Peace, he resolves so soon as he shall have read the Contents of the Letter, to give Order unto His Ministers to receive and consider what farther Proposals shall be given thereupon, and to enter into the Particulars of a Treaty; which is all that I am Commanded by my Imperial Master to say in this Matter.   
To which Zulfigar Effendi, made this short Reply.  

The Ambassador's Reply.  
THAT tho' many times most grievous Wars have arisen between Great Monarches, yet frequently, even in the heat thereof a Peace hath unexpectedly ensued. And whereas they had been employed and dispatched from the Ottoman Port, on a Work so beneficial and happy to a great part of Mankind, they did not doubt, but upon the Treaty and Conferences such Expedients would be ●o●nd, as would bring all Matters to a happy Conclusion. And farther he said, That he h●● an●ther Letter from the Grand Vizier directed to the Precedent of War, beseeching His Majesty that he would be pleased to behold the same with a Gracious Eye.   
The Audience being in this manner ended, 
The Ambassadors r●●urn 〈◊〉 Audience.  which lasted about the space of half an Hour, the Ambassadors (for so they were called in Turkish) returned from the Palace, in the same Form as they came thither, and conducted to their Lodgings, where at the Charge of the Emperor, a most sumptuous Dinner was provided for them, sufficient to entertain a Hundred persons.  
Tho' the Ceremonies observed at this Audience, and the Honours and Treatment given to these Ambassadors, were much inferior to those, which had at other times been shown to Persons dispatched on the like occasions from the Ottoman Port, yet the Concourse of the People, who are fond of new Sights, was not less numerous; all the Streets, Balconies, and Windows, being filled with Spectators, who came to behold the mean Reception of the debased Turks, who never came before to beg Peace, but with a proud and haughty Behaviour to give the Conditions of it.  
The next day the Ambassadors, much in the same manner, were conducted to Audience of Count Staremberg, 
A Treaty begun.  and in his Coach, who was Marshal, and Vice-President of the Supreme Council of War, in the absence of Prince Herman of Baden▪ who resided at Ratisbonne, in Quality of Plenipotentiary for his Imperial Majesty at the Diet. The Ambassadors being Introduced into a Chamber of his Palace, and caused to Sat down at a Table opposite against him, they delivered the Vizier's Letter to him; which being Read, after some Compliments which passed on both sides, they returned again to their Lodgings.  
The Letters being afterwards Read, 
The Turks submissive.  and Observed, contrary to the Custom of that Proud Nation, to contain unusual Expressions of Submission, and earnest Desires for Peace, the Emperor appointed Four Commissioners to Treat with these Ambassadors; Namely, Count Kinnisek Great Chancellor of Bohemia, Count Straatman Great Chancellor of the Court, the Commissary General Count Caraffa, and Marshal Count Staremberg.  
These Commissioners being assembled together, with Baron Razinsky, Envoy Extraordinary from Poland, and the Cavalier Frederico Cornaro, Ambassador from the Republic of Venice to the Imperial Court, with his Secretary Capello, the Turkish Ambassadors were called to hold a Conference with these Ministers of the Allies, at a Palace belonging to the States of the Province of Austria; the which beginning about Ten in the Morning, lasted until Three a Clock in the Afternoon: After which, several Conferences were held, at which Maurocordato was the chief Speaker, 
No s●●p made to a Conclusion of Peace, by reason of the Demands made by the Turks.  expressing himself in Latin, and sometimes in Italian; but in fine, Debates ended without making the least step towards the Conclusion of a Peace; for the Turks, instead of yielding to any Proposal in favour of the Allies, required some of the Conquered Places to be restored to them; that Transilvania should pay a Tribute to the Ottoman Port, as formerly; and that the Bloccades should immediately be taken away from before Canisia and Great Waradin; so that the Letters from the Grand Signior and Grand Vizier containing nothing but General Terms, which testified their Desires of Peace, and their Negotiations, and Proposals far from any particular Condescensions, their Actions looked, as if they designed nothing more than to gain time, and to hear, and observe what progress the French made by their Arms in the Palatinate, and other parts of Germany.  
Nor indeed were the Turks deceived in these Measures, 
Their hopes in the French promises.  being supported by the French Promises, and Arms, and without which, the Turks would have Condescended to any Conditions which the Emperor and his Allies might have offered: Notwithstanding which, the Faith of the French was so low in the Esteem of the Turks, that had the Emperor in that Conjuncture proposed some little Advantages, which might have kept up the Credit of the Ottoman Power amongst their own People, a Peace would certainly have ensued, which some Years afterwards by the Wiles and Artifices of the French could not be obtained, nor the Turks inclined thereunto by foul or fair means, by overthrows in Battle, and loss of Towns, and a long continued Train of Misfortunes; nor by the Mediations of England and Holland, 
The Germans bla●ed for n●● making a 〈◊〉.  offered by their respective Ministers to the Port, as may hereafter be declared; so that it is an unaccountable piece of Policy, the blame of which the World is apt to Charge on the Clergy, and the secret Partisans of France hidden in the Imperial Counsels, there being at that time no apparent Reason why the Applications and Overtures of the Turks were not Embraced, and improved to a Peace; For at that time the French had entered the Palatinate with Fire and Sword; and their Armies committing all sorts of Hostility, had entered the Archbishoprics of Mentz, Cologne, the Dukedoms of juliers, Bergue, and other Places of Suabia; so that now it was manifest, the Emperor had the Wars of two mighty Powers to sustain, which had soon overwhelmed all Germany, had not a firm Alliance been made between England, Spain, Holland, and most of the Princes of Germany; which was brought about by a most miraculous Providence; which not being the Subject of this History, we shall turn our Discourse towards the Wars against the Turks; the Treaty with whom breaking off, the Hostilities on both sides were carried on with the same Fierceness and Cruelty as before.  
The Turks contrary to their Natural Temper, were b ecome extremely humble, and Supplicant, debasing themselves to so low, and mean a Degree of Submission, that the Imperial Ministers suspected that some Design lay covered under their fawning Expressions, and overacted Humility: All which would have appeared real, had not the French encouraged the Divan with Presents, and Promises of recovering all Hungary back, and something more, if they would only reassume their Ancient Courage, 
The French encourage the Turks to continue the War,  and patiently support the Inconvenience of a War for a few years longer; to incline them whereunto, the French sent the Turks a Minute Account of all the Victories they had obtained over the Germans, what Cities and Towns they had destroyed, what Devastations and what Incursions they had made into the very Heart of Germany, with Fire and Sword; by which they had already rendered all those Provinces on the Rhine, so weak and miserable, that it was impossible for them to resist the violent Course of the French Arms, much less, when united with the Puissance of the Ottoman Empire. And to facilitate this Work, 
And endeavour to draw the King of Poland from his Alliance.  several Engines were employed to Tamper with the Poles and Ambassadors sent to that King; one of which was Monsieur de Bethune, who was brother to the Queen of Poland; and to quicken, and give life to this Negotiation, vast Sums of Money were sent, sufficient to blind and corrupt the Mind of an Avaricious Prince; and tho' these means were not productive of a Peace, yet they begot such cold Motions of War, as looked something like a Truce, or an indifferent Neutrality: And indeed, several Campagnes after this were carried on with so slow a pace, that the Arms of Poland came not into the Field until it was almost seasonable to retire from thence; 
The Poles cold in their Actings.  and such Negligence was practised in their Martial Discipline, that they were commonly suprized by the Tartar, and defeated: And so little care taken to provide the Army with necessary food for Horse and Man, that in the year 1691, (as may hereafter b● made appear) all the Horses of the Army died, even in the very Stables of the King, who was forced afterwards to return home in a Wagon drawn by Buffalo's and Oxen.  
Howsoever nothing was omitted on the part of the Emperor to carry forward two such important Wars, by several ways. And in the first place, to secure the New Conquests, 
The Emperor encourages the Bulgarians and Rascians,  it was thought necessary, to encourage the Bulgarians and Rascians, who had made a Defection from the Turks, and submitted themselves entirely to the Service of the Emperor; and as a means to secure those People, Count Marsigli, the Chief Director and Surveyor of the Fortifications, was dispatched to erect a Fortress in some Place or other, the most convenient for Defence and Protection of those People; for which no place could be situate so advantageously as that of the Iron-Gate; which would very much have secured the Christian Conquests, and been a good Frontier, between which and Adrianople there was not the least Fortification in all that vast Country; nor from thence to the very Walls of Constantinople.  
Tho' the Emperor was greatly burdened by a War against France, and at the same time against the Turk, yet all Care was taken both in one and the other. The Imperial Chamber issued out vast Sums to Recruit the Militia in Hungary, 
And makes Preparations against the Turks.  to Remount their Artillery, and provide all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions for the next Campagne, with which the Magazines both in Servia and Sclavonia were supplied; as also Carriages, Bridges, Boats, and all sorts of Warlike Preparations, which were carried on by the great Industry of Count Caraffa, Commissary-General.  
In the mean time the Turks made continual Incursions into Bosnia, along the sides of the Rivers Unna, and C●lpa, but without much Success; they being on all sides straightened in their Quarters, and Marches by the Germans. For Piccolomini having notice, that the Pasha of Bosnia designed to overrun all the Country near the Save, detached some Parties of Hungarians and Germans from the Garrison of Proot, to discover the Actions of the Turks; and being in the night time advanced some Leagues into the Enemy's Country, they surprised the Town of Lisnia, and set Fire to it, and killed all the Garrison, consisting of 500 men, some few only excepted, which they carried away Prisoners.  
But the Confusion at the Ottoman Court was much greater, 
A 〈◊〉 in Asia.  by reason of a new Rebellion in Asia carried on by Yedic a famous Robber in that Country, and Partner with Yeghen Pasha, whom we mentioned in our Treatise of the last Year; the which continued for some time before it was appeased, and Yedic cut off: But before we touch upon that Story, it will be necessary to declare the Fate of Yeghen, who had forced himself upon the Government, and obliged the Vizier to Create him Seraskier, which happened in this manner.  
After that Yeghen had fled from Belgrade, he quarrelled with Noradin Galga, Son of the Tartar Chan; upon which, 
The Fate of Yeghen.  Noradin being a Man of a high Spirit, called him Coward, and pitiful, mean spirited Rascal, fit for nothing but to Command a Band of Thiefs and Robbers; at which Yeghen, who looked on himself as Seraskier, or General of the Army, was so enraged, that shaking his Topuz at him, (which is a kind of Iron-Mace, 
He kills the P●●ace of Tartary.  carried by the Turks on the side of their Horses Saddle) caused him to be Strangled before the Eyes of many of the principal Men belonging to the Tartarian Court.  
The News of this Affront and Outrage committed on the Son, the very hopes of the House, highly enraged the Chan his Father; 
The Father meditates Revenge.  who studying Night and Day a Revenge, wrote to the Grand Signior and Grand Vizier, in the most resenting Terms possible against Yeghen, urging, that that insolent and unhuman Robber was to be destroyed, without which, the Cause of the Musselmen could not be Blessed, nor any Fortune be expected against their Enemies.  
But the Grand Vizier thinking himself under some Obligations to Yeghen, who had the Year before saved his life before Nissa; when the Janissaries mutinying for want of Pay, (he being then Janizar-Aga) conspired to Strangle him: In remembrance of which, 
The Grand Vizier favours Yeghen.  being now advanced to the sublime Office of Grand Vizier, he endeavoured to sweeten the matter, and render the case of Yeghen as plausible as might be. But such was the Misfortune of Yeghen, that the Tartar Chan coming in Person to Adrianople, to consult on such Measures as were necessary to be taken for the succeeding Campagne, he fell on his Quarrel with Yeghen, who had put his Son to Death, urging to the Divan, that there was an unavoidable necessity for putting Yegh●n to Death, as the Cause and fomenter of all the Mutinies in the Army, and the Rebellions in Asia.  
Yeghen being advised by his Friends, and Correspondents, of which he had many at the Ottoman Court, of the Complaints and Endeavours of the Tartar Chan against him, found himself not only thereby defeated of his expected Confirmation in the Office of Seraskier, but in danger of the Evil which the Wiles and Accusations of an irreconcilable Enemy at the Court might bring upon him. Wherefore abandoning himself to Despair, he began again to practise all sorts of Villainy, 
Yeghen commits all s●●ts of Outrages.  to rob Villages and Towns, entertaining all sorts of Robbers, Murderers, and People accustomed to Spoil, arrogating to himself a power of creating Pasha's, and exercising all sorts of Violence and Cruelty upon the Inhabitants of Romelia, or Greece. And moreover he wrote to his Friends and Acquaintance in Asia, particularly to Yedi●▪ to Declare in favour of his Cause, which was also supported by the Authority of the G●and Vizier.  

Commands 〈◊〉 f●om th● Part to t●ke Yeghen 〈…〉.  But the Grand Signior and the Divan entertaining Sentiments different to those of the Vizier, consulting the necessity there was of gratifying the Chan, issued immediate Orders to the Pasha of Sofia to suppress the Incursions of Yeghen, and to Call to his Assistance the Nefiran, which are like our Trained-Bands, or Militia of the Country, to seize, and take, either Dead or Alive, this Yeghen Pasha, who had violated the Laws of their Prophet Mahomet, and encouraged and fomented all the Rebellions in Asia.  
This dismal News struck Yeghen with a sudden Amazement, so that not knowing where to find any safety in the Parts where he remained, all the World conspiring his Destruction, he resolved to retire into Allania, 
He 〈◊〉 into Albania.  and betake himself to the Aid and Protection of his old and faithful Friend Mamoot Bei Oglu; it having been suspected for some time, at the Port, that this Yeghen, whensoever he should be droven hard, would endeavour to shelter himself in Albani●, under protection of this Mamoot Bei; means were contrived beforehand, with a thousand fair Promises made to Mamoot Bei, that whensoever Yegh●n should come for Refuge under his Command, that he should do that Service to the Sultan, as to betray him, or cut him off. Accordingly Yeghen putting himself into the hands of his ancient Comrade, Mamoot, was received by him with outward Joy, and the most Endearing Terms of Love, and real Sincerity, that could be expressed, and desiring him to continue with him for some days, he promised him all security, to join with him in his Adventures, and to run with him all the hazards of his Fortune; and so continued to Comfort and Encourage him, until all his Troops being got together, when one Night being in Consolation with Yeghen, 
Mam●●● Bei 〈◊〉 his Hea●▪  in what manner they might with most Advantage annoy the Port, Orders were privately given to the Domestic Servants to fall upon him, which was accordingly executed, and his Head on a sudden taken from his Shoulders, with the Heads of many of his Followers, which were immediately dispatched by Mamoot to the Port, for a Testimony of his Fidelity to the Sultan, and in Reward thereof to Challenge the Promises which had been made him.  
In the Month of September last, as we have already related, News was brought to the Port, that the Disorders in Asia increased, where the Robbers appeared in great Bodies, Commanded in chief by Yedic, and encouraged by Yeghen, who sent Commissions over to his Kinsman Yedic, 
Disorders in Asia by Yedic.  by which such numbers of Robbers assembled from all Parts, that all the Country was spoiled and laid waste by them; and the People being fled, there was nothing but Rapine and Violence in all Places. To suppress these Disorders, Commands were sent by the Vizier, to the Pashas and Governors; but these Officers were so far from being able to Execute them, that they returned back stripped and plundered. Whereupon new Measures were taken to pacify these Mutineers or Robbers rather, with Promises, that Yeghen should be created General of the Army, and that these Troops now in Asia should be passed over into Hungary, there to Fight under the Command and Conduct of their Beloved Yeghen, where they all hoped to be made Pasha's. But whilst these Mutineers were preparing to march into Europe, News came to the Grand Signior of the Death of Yeghen, with many of his Followers; the which was confirmed by the undoubted Evidence of their Heads, which were laid at the Feet of the Sultan. This particular Action changed the whole Scheme of the Turkish Councils; and all the soft Promises made to Yedic, were changed into Vengeance and Punishment, 
Defiance given to Yedic.  Orders being given to the Chimacam, not only to oppose and hinder the passage of the asiatics into Europe, but to Fight and Defeat them them in their own Country. By this time a great Party of these Rebels were come very near to Scutari, and scattered in the adjacent Villages, where remaining with all security, not having as yet received the fatal News of the Death of Yeghen; when by Order of the Chimacam, 
A Party of his Soldiers defeated.  some of the Ottoman Troops quartered on the side of Scutari, fell upon them, and by surprise, entirely defeated them, some of which were drowned in the Sea, and others killed by the Sword: Those who were already passed over to Constantinople, hearing of this Disaster, and the Fate of Yeghen, retired back into Asia, and recounted those unhappy Stories to Yedic, who was upon his March to follow his advanced Troops. Upon this News, Yedic, and his Companions, despairing of all hopes of Pardon, declared themselves more openly Rebels than before; so that assembling all the Scum and Rascality of the People, to the number of about 6000 Men, 
Yedic marches to Prusa,  they marched towards Prusa in Bythinia, pillaging, destroying, and ruining all in the way before them: So that there was no passage for any, unless Emirs or Green-Heads, mounted on Mules and Asses with Packsaddles.  
The Ottoman Court, which lately by the Death of Yeghen, and the Defeat of so many Troops near Scutari, thought all things now safe and secure from the Asiatic Rebellion, were again strangely surprised with a Consternation to hear that the Rebellion increased, and grew hotter than before; to suppress which, a Pasha was sent to Prusa to raise the Nefiran, who had the Fortune at first to Defeat a considerable Body of the Enemy; but being a Person of no Expe●ience in the War, and ignorant of Martial Discipline, he unfortunately engaged with a more expert Body of the Rebels, by whom he was defeated, 
And defeats. the Pasha.  and made a miserable Sacrifice to the Fury and Revenge of Yedic; who killed and made Prisoners, all the Forces of the Pasha.  
Yedic being encouraged with this unexpected Success, caused himself to be Proclaimed, 
Declared King of Anatolia, besieges Angora.  King and Sovereign of Anatolia; and by his Arbitrary Power, laying Impositions, and exacting Contributions from all Cities and Towns of that Country, he laid Siege to Angora, a rich City, famous for the Trade of Grogram Yarn, who would not submit itself to the Tyranny and Plunder of Yedic: Of which the English and other Merchants at Smyrna took such an Alarm, not knowing but that the Rebels, encouraged with the Riches and Openness of the Town, without any Walls or Fortifications, might march thither; they Packed up all their Goods, and put themselves in a readiness to fly on Shipboard when any Danger approached, where they might remain out of all danger or Violence either to their Persons or Estates.  
The People of Angora, being in a Condition not long to withstand a Siege, and Despairing of all Relief from the Ottoman Port, made their Composition with Yedic, 
Angora pays a Ransom●.  and Ransomed their Town from Plunder, by the Payment of 80 Purses of Money, each Purse containing 500 Dollars.  
This unhappy State of Affairs, suggested unto the Turkish Governors their old Methods of fair Promises, and smooth Words to work upon the A●fections of Yedic and his Complices, assuring them all of Pardon and Reward in ca●e they would return to their Duty: 
The Rebel's 〈◊〉 all O●●ers of Grace.  But these being a sort of rough Villains, bred up in Rapine and Violence, who were Conscious that they could never merit a Pardon, and had transgressed beyond all Hopes of ever being trusted, they no sooner heard the fawning Words of the Grand Seignior's Grace and Favour pronounced towards them, but with one Consent they cried out loudly against it, saying, That they had learned not to be Cheated and Betrayed like Yeghen, and their Brethren near Scutari. And that their Rebellion might carry a good Face, and some Reason with it, Yedic and his Complices declared, That they took not up Arms for Spoil, or Disaffection to the Grand Signior, but out of pure Zeal to Religion, and true Profession of the Mahometan Law, which the present Governors had miserably corrupted: In Defence of which he Summoned all the People and Inhabitants of Anatolia to come in under his Standard, and join with them to Reform the Abuses of the Government and State.  
These Traitorous Practices of Yedic being made known at the Port; it plainly appeared, that there was no other means and expedient left, to reclaim the Practices of such Robbers, and suppress the dissolute Lives of Rebels, but only force and dint of Sword; 
The Nature of a Tef●ish Pasha.  to which end the Pasha of that Country honoured with the Title of Teftish, which is as much as an Inquisitor, who in the Times of Peace, is every two or three Years ordained to inquire into the State of Anatolia, and make enquiry into Robberies, Breaches of the Peace, and Abuses of the Government committed by the Kadees, Aga's, and other Officers: For execution of which, the Pasha is commonly attended with 500 Men, and authorized with such an unlimited power, that he may act and do what he pleases with as uncontrollable an Authority, as the Sultan himself. I have known this sort of Teftish in the Summer time having pitched his Camp near some great Town, immediately to call for the Kadi, or Judge, and the Imaum or Priest of the place, and to demand of them the Names of the Lewd and Disorderly Young Men of the Place, and the Villages adjacent; and in case the Pasha, or the Imaum especially, shall give an ill Report of any of them, as of such, who come not constantly to Prayers, or frequent the Mosches, his Business is done for him; and for as many of them as come under his evil Report. For the Teftish Pasha concluding all such for Thiefs, requires no farther Testimony or Proofs against them; but sending for them, Condemns them, and Hangs them up on the next Tree.  
In this manner the Business of Yedic and his Complices, was committed to the care and conduct of Teftish Achmet Pasha, whose first step was rightly to inform the People of the perfidious Designs of Yedic, who fought against the Sultan and the Laws of the Prophet Mahomet, of which the People being once persuaded, withdrew themselves from that Party, and turned their Arms against Yedic, and his Villainous Accomplices; by which means the Teftish having increased his Forces to such a considerable number, that he might with all security promise himself Victory, he marched against the Enemy, and after two Days, he came in sight of their Camp, and found them drawn up in good order, according to Martial Discipline. The Pasha readily attacked them with 3000 select and brave Men, 
The Teftish engages Yedic a●d defeats him.  and well mounted, and with such Resolution, that at the first Onset they put the Vanguard of the Enemy into disorder, and with a Shower of Arrows from the whole Army, they put them all to flight; so that their Leader Yedic, trusted all his safety to the swiftness of his Horse; notwithstanding which, the Teftish pressing for an entire Victory, pursued him so hard, that having enclosed him in the midst of two Squadrons, Yedic himself, with many of his chief Captains and Commanders, were either killed, or made Prisoners. The rest of the Common Soldiery seeing themselves deprived of their Chief, submitted to the Teftish Pasha, desiring to be enroled under his Banner; but the Pasha having no good opinion, or hope of getting any benefit from an Union with such a sort of Rabble, and Scum of the People, who had been bred up, and nursed in Robbery and Violence; resolved to make no use of such corrupted Companions in his Army, but dismissed them all with Licence to return to their Countries, and respective Habitations, and afterwards proceeded to reform the Abuses and Disorders of those ill-governed Provinces.  
The Port having now entirely suppressed those two desperate Rebellions, the most dangerous of any in such a time of a decaying Militia, and a victorious Enemy, 
Regeb Pasha made General in the place of Yeghen whose Nephew is put to Death.  began to be at leisure to prepare for their War in Hungary; and in the first place Regeb Pasha was created Seraskier, or General, in the place of Yeghen: But first to extirpate all that Party entirely, they seized on the Nephew of Yeghen in Philippopolis, and put him to Death, with 40 of his Followers; as they did also the Governor of Widin, whom Yeghen had put into that Place the last Campaign, being a Favourite and Creature of his.  
The Turks to encourage their People to prosecute the War in Hungary, did not only cause a Report to fly about, That the Sultan had resolved to appear this Year at the Head of his Army against the Christians; but the Sultan did really march from Adrianople towards Sophia, 
The Grand Signior marches to Sophia.  with an Army of about 30000 Men, together with a Train of Artillery, consisting of 90 Pieces of Cannon, and 6 Mortar-pieces of a very large size, the which being joined afterwards to a Body of 40000 Men under the Command of the Seraskier Regeb Pasha, form a considerable countenance of an Army; but being all raw, and undisciplined Men, would, as was supposed, be inspired with new Courage at the presence of their Sultan.  
On the 15/2● of April, 
April.  the Grand Signior began to move from Adrianople, at which time a very great Earthquake was felt both in that City and Constantinople, 
An Earthquake about the time of the Grand Signiors Departure.  which was so terrible, that several Mosches, Houses, and Towers were overthrown. At which time the Tungia and Meritz, Rivers which glide on a Sandy and Gravelly Soil near the Walls of Adrianople, overflowed their Banks with so violent an Inundation, that they Drowned all the Fields and Meadows round, and forced the Turks to remove their Camp, and pitch at some farther distance; the which Accidents were diversely discoursed by the Learned Men, and the Turks being naturally Superstitious, did generally interpret them as sinister Omens for the succeeding Campaign. Howsoever Sultan Solyman marched forwards to Sophia; where according to the Custom of the Turkish Army, they soiled their Horse, giving them Grass, and remained in expectation of the arrival of the Asiatic Troops, and other Forces not yet come up; and here it was that the Sultan entertained himself in the Army, not intending to proceed nearer to the Enemy.  
In the mean time great Conferences and Consultations were held at the Imperial Court, for carrying on two mighty Wars against France, and the Ottoman Empire; to which end the Forces were divided; 
1689. April.  those which were to serve in the Empire against France, were committed to the auspicious Conduct of the Elector of Bavaria, and the Duke of Lorraine: Those which were intended against the Turk in Servia, were to be commanded by that Valiant and Fortunate General Prince Lewis of Baden; and under him as Field Marshal by the Duke of Croy, General of the Artillery was Marquis Parella, Lieutenant-General was Count Veterani, and Major-Generals were the Counts of Hoffkirchen, Duke of Holstein, with the Princes of Hanover and Heisler: And on the other side in the Upper Hungary, Transilvania Bosnia, and Sclavonia, the Command was lodged in the Hands of the Counts Aspremont, Piccolomini, Trautmansdorff, Guido of Staremberg, Herbeville, and Baron Herbeville; whose force consisted of 11 Regiments of Cuirassiers, nine Regiments of Dragoons, and 20 Regiments of Foot; together with the several Independent Companies of Hungarians, Croatians, and Rascians, who had lately taken up Arms against the Turks.  
In the mean time Tekeli, to keep up his Credit and Reputation with the Turks, caused a Report to spread abroad at the Ottoman Port; that by his Spies, and by his Letters of Advice, he had certain Intelligence, that the French had so distressed the Empire, that it was impossible for the Emperor to spare at that time above 10000 Men to carry on the War in Servia; and that all his Measures in Transilvania, and the Upper Hungary, were entirely broken.  
And indeed by the Plots of Tekeli, and the Contrivances and Intrigues of the French, whose Emissaries began now to spread in all the great and considerable Towns, as well in Hungary as in Germany, Towns and Countries were burnt, and vast Devastations committed thereon. The City of Cronstadt in Transilvania, was in the Month of May totally destroyed and consumed by fire, 
May.  which was kindled at the four Angles thereof; 
Plots of th● French discovered.  which in a few Hours, by the help of a strong Wind, was reduced to Ashes, notwithstanding the Endeavours of Colonel Baron de Pace to extinguish it; only by the help of his Soldiers he preserved the Castle, and the Ammunition therein, notwithstanding the Flames, which by the forcible Winds were carried to the very Walls of it. At the same time the like Misfortune befell the Fortress of Honot in the Upper Hungary, and the Citadel of the jews at Prague, so that both one and the other were in a few Hours miserably reduced to Ashes; all which was suspected to have been done by Treasonable Practices, and not by Chance, or Accident; and that which gave undoubted Assurances thereof, 
1689. May.  were certain Sacks of Powder found at the Gates of some Houses in Vienna; and a Fire breaking out in a House adjoining to the great Hospital of the City, being kindled at a time when the Wind was very high, put all the City into a great Combustion; but by the Vigilance of the Magistrates, and the activeness of the Soldiers, it was soon extinguished: The which horrid Practices were some Days afterwards discovered to have been acted by certain Frenchmen, who being convicted by course of Justice, were sentenced, as Incendiaries, to be cast into the Fire, and committed to the Flames. The which Trials and Proofs being produced, and laid before the Council of State, extorted from the benign Nature of His Imperial Majesty, a severe Edict for Banishing all the French out of his Dominions, 
The ●rench Banished out of the Empire.  unless such as had been Naturalised, or for the space of 10 Years past, could prove their Abode, or Residence with their Wives, established in some City, were all, without any exception, to depart in the space of 14 Days. The which Edict, how severe soever it might seem at another time, was in the present Conjuncture no less than necessary, when the French Nation was crept into every City and Country, and entertained for Valets de Chambre, Pedants, Dancing Masters, Cooks, and such like in most of the Houses and Families of Princes, and Nobles of principal Quality; where they served for Spies, and Traitors to the Empire: But the Wars in Germany not being the Subject of this History, let us proceed to the Affairs of Turkey, where it was reported, That the Turks were assembling all the force they were able to recover the City of Belgrade; and that the Seraskier was already in the Field, and had prepared Bridges to pass the Morava above jagodina; and began to march so fast, as if he intended to force Belgrade, before the Grand Vizier was joined with him, the noise whereof caused some Consternation at Belgrade; but at the appearance of Prince Lewis of Baden, 
Pr. Lewis coming to the Army, encourages the Sold●ers.  sent thither with Commission of General of the Imperial Forces in Hungary, all the Fears of the Soldiers vanished; and every one reassumed his Courage, and at the Command of the Prince, fell to work about the Fortifications; the which Work being by direction of His Highness put into a way of dispatch; he proceeded forward to the Army.  
And on the 14th of june, 
June.  being arrived at Semendria, he made it his business in the first place to inquire, and inform himself of the true State of the Affairs of the Enemy, who according to common report of the Spies, were said to be very near, being encamped in the Plains of jagodina, to the Number of 40000 Men under Command of the S●raskier, 
1689. June.  the greatest part of which were asiatics, raw, and Undisciplined Soldiers, to which very speedily the Grand Vizier was to join with 10000 Turks, and a considerable Train of Artillery, which was already on the way from Sophia. 
〈…〉 Turks 〈…〉 L●wis.  The Prince being alarmed hereat by reason of the small force he had with him, dispatched an Express away to the Counts of Veterani and Piccolomini, with Orders to hasten their March what was possible, and come to his necessary reinforcement against so formidable an Enemy; and in the mean time, the heavy Baggage was sent to Belgrade, with about 30000 Inhabitants of that place, who for their better security, were ordered to pass the Save: But for the more certain Intelligence of all, the Prince dispatched an Express to Hassan Pasha Palanca, 
Hassan Pasha Palanca.  where Count Hof●kirchen was Quartered, to know of him what News he had received there from the Camp of the Enemy. At this Palanca I lodged one Night, as I remember, which is no other than a small Fortress built of Stone in a Woody and a Desolate Country, at the Charge of one Hassan Pasha, with intent only to cover a Chan, or Inn for Reception of Travellers, and their Goods, from Spoilers and Robbers, which often infested that place, where notwithstanding by means of this Fort, Garrisoned by 60 Soldiers, Strangers may sleep, and remain secure from Robbers.  
The Messenger being returned from Hoffkirchen, brought Intelligence that the Turks were neither so numerous, and strong, nor so near, as common Fame reported: And they only appeared sometimes in Parties on the River Morava, but with some Care, and Caution in apprehension of the Germans, whose Numbers tho' they knew not, yet they were sensible enough of their Valour and Vigilance. This News, and the Conjunction with the Militia of Veterani and Piccolomini, 
Veterani an● Piccolomini j●●n with P●. Lewis.  greatly encouraged, and animated the Prince; and more especially, because that Piccolomini had passed a Bridge over the Save, between Belgrade and Sawaz, for the more commodious Transportation of Ammunition, and Victuals, which came from the Parts of Hungary.  
In the mean time Tekeli did not remain idle, but made several Incursions, with design to relieve Temeswaer, Giula, and Waradine, which were straight blocked up by the Imperialists: In which, tho' he did not succeed, yet having joined with the Pasha of Silistria, he fell upon Fetislau, a Garrison of the Rascians, which after a stout defence for 12 Days, 
Fetislau taken by Tekeli  and having no hopes of succour, they were forced to yield at Discretion, and being made Prisoners, several of the principal Men, with their Colours, were sent in triumph to the Grand Signior, who in recompense thereof, sent a Scimitar, a Vest of Sables, and some Money unto Tekeli, (with an Aferum) or You have well done, and do still better. Tekeli having put a Garrison of 1000 Janissaries into Fetislau, he marched to Orsova, a place which Heisler had lately deserted and demolished, which he possessed, and delivered it into the Hands of the Prince of Walachia, to be Garrisoned, 
And possess Orsova.  and made a place of Arms, and a Magazine for divers sorts of Provisions and Ammunition expected from Nicopolis; and which, if well fortified and provided, might be considered, as the Key of the Upper Hungary.  
About the same time, Count Corbelli made a Detachment of 1000 Heydukes, from the Blockade of Waradine, who approaching near the Walls with intention to carry off the Cattle which were feeding thereabouts, they were so furiously attacked by the Enemy, 
300 Heydukes killed by the Turks.  that before they could retreat, they lost 300 of their Men, and amongst the rest Captain Tugnochy, a Valiant Soldier, who the last Year had signalised himself on various occasions against the Turks.  
This Loss was soon afterwards recompensed by the Success which the Croats gained upon the Turks; who having form a Body of about 8000 Men, intended to spoil all the Country round about Costanovitza, near the River Unna. On the other side the Croats, to the Number of 2000 Men, under the Command of Count Drascovitz, marched against them, with design rather to view the Countenance of the Enemy, than to give them Battle; took their March through certain Woods and Mountains, and unfrequented Ways; when happily near a place called Czrin, 
The Croats defeat a great Body of the Turks.  they met a strong Party of Turks, who were come out also to discover the Enemy; and having espied the Croats, and believing them to be of greater force than they really were, they betook themselves to Flight; but being pursued by the Croats, several of them were taken Prisoners; and by them it was known, that 8000 Turks, or thereabouts, under the Command of Sar Mustapha Pasha, lay encamped not far from that place.  
Upon these Advices the Count and his Croats resolved bravely to attack the whole Camp; which being performed without other Hesitation or Delay, and taking a short Turn about some little Hills, they charged the Turks with such Fury, that they being surprised with some Consternation, the Spahees betook themselves to Flight, leaving 2000 Janissaries open and undefended, who all yielded themselves Prisoners at discretion; of which some intimation having been given to the Croats on the Confines, they marched with such haste, that they met the Spahees in their Flight; and the Bridges being broken down, the greatest part were made Prisoners, besides many who endeavouring to Swim were Drowned in the Waters; in which Action the Croats took 11 Colours, 
A complete Victory.  and much Booty. In this Fight the Flower of the Militia of Bosnia was cut off; and the Ways were covered with dead Bodies for the whole length of an Hungarian Mile; of which many of them by the finery of their Clothing, were judged to be Persons of Quality: The Commander in Chief, called Sar Mustapha Pasha Kaja, with the Bey, or the Lieutenant-General, were taken Prisoners; and according to the Report of those who came to inquire after some who were missing, there were 6000 Men killed and scattered: In which Action very few Croats were killed, or wounded.  
Count Corbelli having intelligence that the Turks of jeno and Giula intended to fortify Fechedebator, in revenge for his late Misfortune, resolved to use his Endeavours to surprise the Castle, and thereby save the Turks the trouble of their intended Fortifications; and in order thereunto he mounted the Regiment of Gondola on Horseback, and with 500 Hussars, and 100 Musqueteers, and about as many Heydukes, which he had mounted on Wagons, he passed the River Geresch in sight of the Garrison of Waradin, who had drawn out about 2000 of their Men into the Field: But to amuse the Enemy, Corbelli marched to and again the whole Day; and at Night he detached two great Bodies of Hussars before, to take cognisance of the place; and being come near to Fechedebator, they took two Rascians' Prisoners belonging to the place, by whom they understood that there were not above 50 armed Turks in the place, besides some few Rascians; for the greatest part of the Garrison were gone to jeno, to solemnize the Marriage of a certain Person of chief Quality in that Country; upon which intelligence the Party sent to discover only, without farther design, 
Corbelli Summons Fechedebator.  meeting this Opportunity, and resolving not to lose it, sent immediately a Summons to the Castle to surrender; to which the Turks returning an impertinent and scornful Answer; and saying, That when he brought the Keys of their City with him, meaning Giula, jeno, and Waradin; upon taking of which, they should be forced to surrender, that then they would open their Gates to them; until which time they craved their excuse, intending to defend themselves to the utmost Extremity. At the same moment that this Answer was returned, a Rascian who had made his Escape out of the Town, advised that there was a great Division arisen amongst the Turks in the Castle, of the which Corbelli desirous to make use, he caused the Regiment of Gondola to pass the River on Horseback, and the Foot on Ferry-Boats and Floats, and being on the other side, he drew up in order of Battle in sight of the Fortrefs, threatening them, that in case they did not surrender in the space of one quarter of an Hour, that he would give no Quarter to any Person whatsoever.  
The Governor of the Castle being terrified with this sudden Demand with such affrighting Menaces, he requested the respite but of one Day only; which being denied, he then Capitulated to have 30 Carts allotted to them, and to be Convoyed with their Arms and Baggage to Waradin; but Corbelli refusing that also, they were conducted to jeno, 
Fechedebator is surrendered.  a place infected with Sickness, and starved with Famine. Accordingly the Turks came forth to the Number of 40 Soldiers, 14 Young Men with Arms in their Hands, with about 80 Women and Young Children, who were all carried to jeno.  
In the mean time Corbelli entered the place, and found the Castle in good repair, encompassed on one side with a Ditch full of Water, fortified with Palisadoes, and on the other side with the River Geresch; the which place, tho' in itself small, was yet considerable for its Situation, being seated in a convenient place to cut off all Communication between Waradin, and the Towns straightened by Blockades; and for that reason Corbelli put a Garrison into it of 200 Hussars under Command of Comloschi a stout and valiant Soldier, and after this Action returned to his Camp.  
In the mean time Prince Lewis of Baden had discovered that the Design of the Seraskier was to avoid a Battle; and that the Report he gave out of his March to Belgrade, was only to amuse the Germans, and cause them to draw their Troops on that side, whilst he encamped his Forces near the Banks of the River Morava. Wherefore the Prince having reinforced the Garrison of Belgrade with 2000 Foot, 
July. Pr. Lewis encamps near the River Morava.  and fortified Semendria, he moved with the whole Body of his Army, and towards the end of july, encamped near Morava; where Boats being provided, the same Night by help of the Moon, a Bridge was cast over the River, over which 2000 Horse were Commanded to march under the Command of Colonel Strasser, 
The Turks retreat.  to observe the Countenance of the Enemy; who upon the News of the Germans Advance, had made their Retreat. Whereupon Prince Lewis having raised a Fort, and put a Garrison into it of 6000 Men to secure the Bridge, 
1689. August.  he marched his whole Army on the 2d of August over the same, with design to pursue the Enemy, and either force them to a Battle, or to abandon all their Magazines at Nissa. The Turkish Army under the Command of the Seraskier, did not then consist of above 40000 good fight Men, and disciplined Soldiers, the rest were raw and unexperienced Fellows, fit rather to follow the Plough, or Plunder, than to fight a Battle. The Army of Prince Lewis consisted of about 12000 Germans, 
The force of both Armies.  and 6000 Hungarians and Hussars, besides some of the Country People, who were got into a Body in hopes of Booty and Plunder, being animated thereunto by the Success of the Caesarean Arms. Notwithstanding this great disadvantage in Numbers, the Germans being Spirited with Desires of farther Glory, and the meaner sort of them with hopes of Prey and Booty, 
The Germans contemn their Enemies.  and all confiding in a continual Course and Run of Fortune, boldly proceeded on their March, having the Turks in Contempt, whom they had so often overthrown and defeated.  
The truth is, the Turks were in a bad Condition both at Home and Abroad; the Grand Vizier himself durst not appear in Person in the Field, 
The Grand Vizier goes not to the War.  lest his Enemies at home should suggest Matters to the Sultan in his Absence, which might cost him his Head, or the Loss of his Office: And indeed the Army was so inconsiderable this Year, that it seemed beneath the Dignity of a Grand Vizier to appear in the Field, with other than a Royal Army, which was ever reckoned at 100000 Men; to which it was much inferior, and scarce did arise to half the Number. For the Tartar Chan excused his joining with the Turkish Army this Year, by reason of the Alarms given them by the Muscovites, who in vast Numbers threatened their Country, and were on the Frontiers ready to enter with Fire and Sword. The Militia also of Aleppo, Damascus, Arbekier, and others of the more Eastern Countries of Asia, which always compose a great Nerve of the Ottoman Arms, began to mutiny for want of Money, not being able longer to support and maintain themselves: Upon their Remonstrance of which to the Grand Vizier Answer being returned, That the Royal Treasuries were empty, and exhausted, and that they were obliged by the Constitutions of the Empire, to maintain themselves out of their Timarlucks, or Lands given them for that Service: The Reply was so displeasing, that great Disorder would have followed, had not the Torrent of the Soldiers Anger been seasonable stopped by paying the Spahees▪ or Timars, five Dollars apiece, which qualified, and appeased the Mutiny, and Sollevation which was ready to break forth into an open Rebellion.  
Whilst Prince Lewis was on his March, 
A Mutiny prevented ●n the Turkish Camp. Heisler demolishes Orsova.  News was brought to him, that Heisler had demolished Orsova, and retired to some other Quarters; of which the Turks having received Advice, they entered into it, and having strengthened it with some Palisadoes, they put a Garrison into it. At which Prince Lewis was so displeased, that he sent immediate Orders to that General, that he should forthwith return thither, and endeavour again to recover the place; and with all possible speed repair the Fortifications, and conserve that Post, as the most convenient Situation, whereby to transport Victuals and Ammunition, and cut off all the Succours, and Correspondences on that side, by which the Turks might bring in Succours and Relief to Temeswaer, and other places, 
Countermanded by Pr. Lewis.  which had been for some time straightened by Blockades. But in regard that General Heisler was much indisposed by Sickness, 
Heisler sick.  and forced to retire to Hermanstadt, for recovery of his Health, Orders were given to the General Count Herbeville, 
Herbeville ordered to recover the place.  to execute that part which was to be acted by Heisler, and accordingly having dispatched Sempsai with his Hussars in the Van, it was his Fortune to encounter a Party of Turks, from whom he carried 30 Heads, made 25 Prisoners, and took three Colours. The General following with the rest of the Army, and being come near to Orsova, another Party of Turks appeared, which had newly passed from the other side of the Danube in small Boats; and these being Attacked by Herbeville, between the Fortress and the River, the whole Body was in a moment either cut to pieces, or Drowned, 
He defeats a Party of Turks,  or made Prisoners; of which 50 Horse were taken, and one Standard.  
After which the gross Body of the Imperial Army being advanced under the Fortress, the place was observed to be well fortified; and on the other side of the River they discovered an Army in their Trenches, well defended and guarded with Cannon; and on the Shoar side many well armed Galleys, and 100 Vessels laden with all sorts of Ammunition and Provisions; the which, according to Report, was said to be the Army of Tekely joined to the Forces of the Pasha of Silistria, and another Pasha. Howsoever the General being desirous to make trial of his Fortune, advanced with his Forces near the place, and having posted themselves under shelter of Banks and Sacks of Earth, to take a view of the Enemy's State and Condition, 
And Retires from Orsova.  they were so warmly received by their Cannon and Granades, that they were forced to retire towards Caransebes; and at the same time News came that Tekely had killed 100 Rascians', and taken some Boats with the Hussars which were in them, and advanced with resolution to carry Succours and Relief into Temeswaer.  
In the mean time Prince Lewis was on his March towards Nissa, but finding the way very bad, and difficult by reason of the thick Woods, and Marshy Grounds, and much Rain, so that it was almost impossible to draw their Cannon and Wagons laden with Provisions, which began already to be wanting, it was resolved to retire to Semendria.  
And here it was that Prince Lewis altered the Course of his March; and being come into the Parts of Ressava, the Foot advanced a Day before, 
August 27 th' and 28 th'.  and the Horse following ●hem the next, they joined at Gabrovitz, where a Survey being taken of the Situation of the Place along the Banks of Morava, by several engineers, and particularly by Count Marsigli, they fixed on a place the most commodious for casting a Bridge over the River, 
A Bridge made over the Morava.  which was effected in a few Hours, and the same secured with 16 pieces of Cannon, mounted on a Redoubt which they newly raised, and defended by 500 Men.  
The Germans having passed all their Forces over the River, a strong Detachment of the Enemy appeared, and surprised the Sentinels and Outguards, of which the Tartars killed some, and pursued the others, until the Imperial Troops, (who were always ready upon the first Alarm) gave a stop to the Career of the Tartars, of which they killed some, and took two Prisoners; from whom they received intelligence, that a great Body of Turks and Tartars under Command of Sultan Galga, Son of the Chan of Tartary, had passed the Morava near jagodina, with design to attack the Germans on that side of the River near Passarovitz. And moreover that the Seraskier was on his March with an Army of 50000 Men towards Passarovitz and Semendria, with design so to environ the Imperial Army on all sides, as to cut off the Provisions from coming to their Camp; 
The Designs of the Turks.  the which Resolution was form upon the Report of some French Fugitives, who had deferted and fled to the Turks; and given them intelligence, that the Germans were in great want of Provisions, which was the cause of their Retreat to Semendria.  
Prince Lewis being well assured, that he was able to march securely to Passarovitz, notwithstanding a Thousand Difficulties which were prefented before him; 
Pr. Lewis resolves to Attack the Scraskier.  and tho' a Body of Turks and Tartars were not far distant, and the whole Army of the Seraskier encamped not above an Hour and halfs March from the Christian Forces; yet trusting to the good Conduct of his General, and the Bravery and Courage of his Soldiers, he resolved to dislodge the Camp of the Seraskier, and thereby open a free Communication between the Palanca of Hassan Pasha and Semendria, whereby the Magazines would be maintained, and the Reputation of the Imperial Arms supported.  
Hereupon on the 29th of August by Break of Day in the Morning, 
Hi● Mar●●.  the Prince commanded two Regiments of Dragoons, with all the Quarter-Masters, and Foragers, and a Party▪ of 500 Horse to ascend the rising of a Hill not far distant from the Bridge, to cover and secure the March of the Foot, which were sent before under Command of General Heisler, and Count Guido of Staremberg, who were appointed to secure the Baggage in passing the Rive● Ressava: And at the same time the ●rinc● himself, with his Cavalry, advanced towards the River, keeping the rising Hill on his right Hand, and the Plain to Ressava on his left; marching always in a Line, the better to withstand the Enemy's Horse, which ran on all Quarters to find out where they might best annoy and break in upon them. And here it was that Prince Lewis very wisely, and with much Policy commanded the Horsemen to dismount, as if they intended to lodge there, for securing their Baggage: But in regard the sole Design of the Prince was to fight the Enemy, and drive them to the other side of the River, he commanded Colonel St. Croix with some Hundreds of choice Germane Horse, and the General's Cziacchy, Diach, 
He advances towards the Turks.  and Badianis a Captain of Strigonium, with their Hungarians, privately to pass the River, and with their Hussars to hide themselves amongst some Woods and Bushes in a certain Valley, opposite to the Horse; upon which Veterani, and Piccolomini, and the Hussars, advanced in full Career against the Enemy, whilst the Prince, with the rest of his Cavalry, followed upon an easy Gallop.  
At the first the Turks did not believe that the Design of the Prince was to advance so far upon them, or to force them to a Battle; and therefore they retired very easily with their Tartars, keeping a Reserve of 12000 Horse, with 500 Janissaries mounted behind, which they embosked in a Wood to attack Veterani and Piccolomini, which they looked upon only as a handful of Men: But so soon as they discovered the whole right Wing moving through the Plains under Veterani, and the left commanded by Piccolomini; and the Prince following with the main Body of the Army, directly marching, and pouring upon them, they made more haste in their Retreat than before, and being attacked on all sides, both from the Hills, Mountains, and Valleys, they made a hasty March away for the space of four Hours; but being closely pursued to a narrow Pass, where they were forced to make a Stand, they were so furiously assailed by the Troops of Veterani, and afterwards seconded by those of the Prince, that in a short time they were defeated, and dispersed in the Woods; 
The Turks defeated.  in which being pursued, and hunted for the space of an Hour and a half into the Plains on the other side; the Turks were so beaten, that above 400 of their best Horse, both Turks and Tartars were killed, and many Prisoners taken, amongst which was the Commander in chief of the 500 Janissaries, with 12 Standards and Timbals which are the Music of Pasha's.  
In this Confusion many of the Turks forsook their Horses, and betook themselves to their Heels through Bushes and Thickets, and the adjacent Hills and Mountains; but being pursued by the Heydukes and Hussars, who were acquainted with the private and secret Ways and Conveyances of the Country, many of them were killed and taken: Others of them, who to make themselves more light for Escape, threw away their Arms, and whatsoever else might encumber them in their Flight; so that all the Ways were strewed with Lances, Turbans, Boots, Caps, clothes, Vests and Arms, all which became a welcome Booty and Spoil to the Victorious Soldiery.  
This Success so encouraged the Germans, that Prince Lewis to improve this Advantage to an entire Victory, resolved to defeat and thwart the Designs of the Son of the Tartar Chan, (who lay encamped on the other side of the River) by falling upon him before he could come to join with the Turkish Cavalry lately beaten: And tho' the Imperial Horse were much tired and harassed with the Fatigue of that Days Action, he returned notwithstanding to the Bridge, where after three Hours March, about seven a Clock in the Evening he arrived.  
The Cavalry being here refreshed, and set up for a while, the Prince went in ●erson to visit the Infantry, which he found well encamped out of all danger, and every thing perfectly well disposed, and in good order by the Care and Conduct of those two brave Generals, Veterani and Piccolomini.  
After which some Scouts were sent to discover the Ways, and observe the Ground on that side; 
Co●sultations to Assa●l● 〈◊〉 En●m●.  upon whose Report that there was only a very narrow passage through a rough and thick Wood, about half an Hours March in length, year 1689. by which there was an Entrance into a small Plain, which if the Enemy should possess, they might easily defend the Pass, and make an Attack on the Tartars difficult and hazardous. Prince Lewis and the Generals, being well assured hereof, detached Count Solaro with 500 Men to secure the Passage into the Plain, but the Enemy having intimation thereof, with 3000 Janissaries, and a good Body of Horse, not only gave a stop to his March, but caused him to retire with the loss of several Men: But General Heisler coming seasonably in to their succour, so advantageously posted himself within the Woods and thick Bushes, that he maintained the Pass, until such time (which was next Morning by Break of Day) that Prince Lewis coming on with his main force in a thick Fog, posted himself before the Wood, being sheltered on the right Hand by Thickets and Bushy Grounds, almost unpassable, extending his left Wing to the side of the Morava; and being thus advantageously drawn up, immediate Orders were dispatched to the Cavalry, which were refreshing themselves at the Bridge, to hasten unto the Foot; 
The Turks attack the Christians,  but before they could come up, the Fog clearing away, unexpectedly the whole Body of the Turkish Army appeared (the most part consisting of Moor's and Arabs) drawn up in order of Battle, just fronting the Imperial Infantry, which the Turks assailed with such unusual Fury, and sudden Violence, that Prince Lewis had scarce time to draw up his second Line into a posture of defence. The Imperialists howsoever stood the Shock with great firmness and constancy, and received the Fire both of their great and small Shot; and tho' the Chevaux de Frieze, were of great use to them at this, as on other occasions, yet many of the Germane Foot were at that time cut to pieces by the Turkish Scimetars.  
And now the Fight became very hot on both sides, and continued so for the space of two Hours within Pistol-shot, by which time General Count Casselli being come up with his Cavalry, and sounding without the Wood with his Trumpets, Hautboys, and Kettledrums, the Enemy were put into such a Fear and Consternation, that they began to retreat into the neighbouring Wood; by which Prince Lewis having gained both Time and Ground, drew up his Horse behind the Foot; 
Are beaten & retreat.  and whilst he remained in this posture, a Bavarian Soldier, (who had been taken Prisoner at the Siege of Buda) having made his Escape, came and reported, that the Enemy was retired to another Plain behind the Wood; where for their better security, they had thrown up some Earth, and made new Trenches: Upon this Intelligence the Generals were in great hopes of gaining an entire Victory, 
1689. August.  if they could handsomely come to Charge the Enemy in the Flank; to perform which they designed to open a passage by their Musqueteers; but it seems there was no need of so much Labour: for Count Guido of Staremberg being commanded to advance before with a Party to discover the Countenance and Disposition of the Enemy, he found a way sufficiently open and wide for a March, and not above 500 paces to the Plain, where the Enemy was retired not far behind their Trenches.  
Upon this News the Prince immediately detached 300 Horse, 
They quit th●ir ground.  and a battalion of his own Regiment, and another of Count Strasser's under Command of that Count, to seize that Post, which succeeded so happily, that the Turks upon their first appearance, cowardly abandoned the place, and fled; which the Imperialists possessed, whilst another party of Foot came in to their Assistance; and then the Cannon on both sides fired with mutual damage, the which continued for the space of an Hour and half; during which time several Germane Soldiers were killed and wounded, 
Some Germane Soldi●rs killed.  as also four Captains killed, besides Lieutenants and Subaltern Officers who were wounded.  
And here it was thought fit to take Breath a while, and enter into Consultation, whether it were adviseable to prosecute the Victory farther, or not, and pursue the Enemy, who had again posted themselves with more advantage in another Trench about 3 or 400 Paces behind the former, and which was much stronger, being encompassed with a deep Ditch of Water, and only accessible in one place, which the Turks continued to fortify without any fear or apprehension of danger.  
Upon due consideration of the strength of the place, 
Another Attack on the Turks.  and the Difficulties of an Attack, it was concluded that an Attempt was to be hazarded, and that with all expedition, and without loss of time: Accordingly the Prince ordered that the first Trench should be leveled for the more easy passage of the Horse; and that Count Piccolomini (to whom the Command of the Vanguard was that Day committed) should advance with some Regiments of Horse, and some Battalions of Foot, and put himself into Battalia before the Trench; and Count Palfi with his Regiment of Heydukes, was ordered to take the left Hand by way of the Wood, and to sound all his Drums, and Hautboys, and other Instruments, making the greatest noise he was able in the Wood, and to give an Alarm, as if some great Body were in motion, to Attack them in the Rear, which would serve to put them into greater Consternation and Disorder.  
Matters being thus wisely ordered, Piccolomini began to advance in Battalia, and the Enemy endeavoured to repulse him with their Cannon; but when they observed that the Germans without fear of their Fire, advanced still resolutely upon them, and gained ground; 
The Turks f●y to Patoschin.  and that the Heydukes came on desperately to the left; so fearing to be engaged in the midst, they abandoned this their last advantageous Post, and with great Disorder marched through thick Woods to their Camp at Patoschin.  
This Cowardly Flight of the Turks inspired new Courage into the Christians to pursue them to their ultimate Retirement; which they had done to the entire Destruction of the Enemy, but that the Way was so narrow, that they were forced to break their Ranks, and march one after the other, which lost much time, and gave the Turks means to escape, and the Janissaries having Horses ready Saddled, notably advanced in their Flight; but Baron Zant having Orders to pursue the Rearguard of the Enemy, being joined with the Regiments of Sarau, and Kisel, they overtook many of them in the Woods, and pursued the rest to their very Camp; after which, these Colonels not having Orders to follow the Enemy farther, who were 25000 strong, besides those which straggled in the Woods, they betook themselves to the rising of a Hill, where they halted until Prince Lewis came up to them with the gross Body of his Cavalry, and then the Turks fled with Disorder and Precipitation, as the Germans pursued with greater Heat and Courage; and had not the Woods been thick, and the Germans ignorant of the Ways and Passages, they had made a most terrible Slaughter, to the entire Defeat and Destruction of the Turkish Army. Howsoever Prince Lewis continued the Pursuit with some Parties of Horse, under the Command of Colonel Zant; who gave so frightful an Alarm to the Turks, 
They abandon their Camp.  that forsaking their Camp with Fear and Consternation, they left all their Cannon, Ammunition, and Provisions to the Disposal of the Enemy.  
In the Camp they found 105 pieces of Brass Cannon, and three Mortars, with great Numbers of Bombs, Granades, Powder, and all sorts of Warlike Ammunition, and Provisions, with their Camels, Oxen, Buffalo's, and Tents; and in short all their Baggage became a Prey to the Victorious Germans, 
The Germans possess it.  whilst the timorous Turks fled in much Confusion towards jagodina and Krakolovetz; and many of them were taken up on the Way by the Hungarians, Hussars and Rascians.  
Great was the Joy of the Generals and Soldiers for so signal a Victory, and having lodged one Night in the Enemy's Camp, with much Pleasure and Festivity, the Day following early in the Morning they sang Praises to God for his Mercy and Blessings of Victory; 
Return 〈◊〉 to Go●.  and as a signal of Triumph, made the Camp to resound with three Volleys of Shot, with Drums, Trumpets, Timbals, and all sorts of Warlike Music.  
After Thanks were returned to Almighty God, who is the God of Hosts, and Giver of Victory; the Imperial Generals thought it reasonable and necessary to give some repose and rest to the wearied Troops; and to augment their Commons and Refreshments, Orders were given to the Commissaries to distribute amongst the Army the Provisions found in the Enemy's Stores: In the mean time the Hussars and H●ngarians, who had pursued the Enemy for some Days, returned the 3d of September to the Camp, bringing some Colours, 
Septemb.  and many Prisoners with them, together with 36 pieces of Cannon of the largest size.  
And thus the Victory being complete, Prince Lewis permitted the Courier, whom the Turkish Ambassadors had dis-speeded from Vienna to Constantinople, to proceed; he had been detained for some Weeks at Semendria, so that now besides the Dispatch from the Ambassadors, he carried another from Prince Lewis to the Grand Vizier, giving him to understand, that the Imperial Armies having advanced so far within the Bowels of the Ottoman Dominions, 
〈◊〉 Lewis Writes to the Vizier.  he would now proceed forward to meet him, and save him the trouble of a tedious March; but in case his Company, and coming should be unwelcome and displeasing to the Sultan, they might thank themselves for the trouble of such unacceptable Guests; which might have been avoided, had they harkened to the Propositions which His Imperial Majesty and His Allies made to them for a Peace, which they having unadvisedly rejected, had brought upon themselves all those Misfortunes which had attended them in every Action of this last Campaign.  
In the mean time the Blockades of Canisia and Great Waradine, were daily more straightened, 
〈◊〉 of Canisia and Great ●●●ad●ne 〈◊〉.  and all the Corn and Grass burned up in those parts which were neighbouring to those Cities; and tho' they suffered much Want and Penury of all things, and had received the unwelcome News of several Defeats given to the Turks; yet supporting and comforting their Spirits with hopes that a Peace would speedily ensue, at least in the Winter Season, they resolved not to surrender until the last Extremity.  
●rince Lewis having refreshed his Forces with several Days of rest, 
1689. Septemb.  and plenty of Provisions taken from the Enemy, and reinforced his Army with some Troops coming from Belgrade, he prepared for a new Enterprise, 
Pr. Lewis march●s to Nissa.  and began his March towards Nissa, about 20 Leagues distant from the Camp at Patoschin, the most part of the way Woody and Mountainous; but nothing was now difficult, or insuperable to the exalted Courage of the Germans. The Turks on the other side, tho' somewhat abased and mortified, yet supported themselves with the Comfort, That tho' they had lost their Camp, with their Cannon, Tents, and Baggage, yet most of their Army was still in being; That the Tartars had beaten the Muscovites; That the Troubles in Asia were pacified, and the Discontents in Albania wtih Mamut Ogli Bey, composed. Moreover a Reinforcement of 20000 Men were sent to the Seraskier, with new Tents, and all the necessary Appurtenances for War; and likewise it was reported abroad, That the Grand Vizier would come himself in person, and in despite of the preceding Misfortunes, would yet put an Honourable end to this Campaign.  
Prince Lewis little regarding the Talk, and the Reports with which the Turks comforted themselves, committing the charge of Patoschin to a Sergeant Major, with 100 Horse to cover the Artillery, and to guard them on their Way to Semendria, he dis-speeded some Hungarians and Rascians to take a Survey of the Country, and of the State of the Turks Affairs; who accordingly coasting the Country, brought News, that the Turks were not only fled out of all those parts, but had likewise abandoned Nissa, having for their easier passage built a Bridge over a Marshy Ground near that Town. 
Pr. Lewis marches towards Nissa.  Whereupon the Prince having fixed his Boats on Wheels, Convoyed by a Party of 500 Horse, he took his March with the whole Army on the 11th of September, and arrived that Night at jagodina, after a hard March through Woods and Marshes; and to make a passage for the Boats which were designed to make a Bridge over the Morava, a new Way was made through the Woods, where being arrived, they happily met some other Boats from Passarovitz, with some quantities of Flour, which came seasonably for relief of the Army.  
At jagodina News was brought that the Turks had quitted Nissa; whereupon Prince Lewis detached 50 Heydukes of Palfi's Regiments, 
Bridges broken and others made.  and 10 Dragoons on Foot to Crussavetz, to b●eak down the Bridge there, and conserve that Post; and for passage of the Army at a more convenient place, another Bridge was made with Boats, and to cover it Colonel Strasser with 2000 Men, made a Redoubt on the other side of the River.  
And here so great was the Mortality of Men and Horse, and want of Forage, that it seemed almost impossible to advance farther; but News being brought, that the Turks were in great Consternation in their Camp, and that the Soldiers deserted by Hundreds every Day; and the Dukes of Croy, and Holstein coming about that time to the Camp with some Recruits, animated Prince Lewis to come to one Battle more with the Seraskier; and having raised two Forts at the Bridge, he passed over with his Horse on the 16th, and the Day following with his Foot. The Turks had just then received a Recruit of 10000 Men, and strongly entrenched themselves by the side of the River near Nissa.  
The Prince being ill provided with Victuals in his Camp, had no time to lose, and therefore marched so fast, that on the 22th of September, he pitched his Camp within a League distant from Nissa, near a little Stream which falls into the Nissava; from whence he took a prospect of the Countenance and Situation of the Enemy, and their Camp; and having observed every thing, and in what place the Enemy might most commodiously be Attacked; on the 23th they marched forward in a close, and well ordered Battalia; but nothing happened that Day besides some small Skirmishes of little importance; but that Night before the Evening was quite shut in, the Prince made as if he intended to make a Bridge over the Rivar to pass to the Tartars, who were posted on the other side; but in the Morning he took another Method, 
Septemb. 24  possessing himself of the sides of the Hills, over the Enemy's Camp; 
Pr. Lewis engages the Turks near Nissa.  which when the Turks discovered, they detached a Party to engage with them, and with 2 or 3000 Turks and Tartars, they attacked the Rearguard of the Right Wing, by which Count Veterani was forced to keep a little behind with the two Regiments of Hanover and St. Croix, which form the second Line of that Wing, and were appointed to guard and cover the Baggage, which was always placed in the Rear of the Army: This slow motion of the Cannon and Baggage, which could not be avoided, retarded the motion of the advanced Troops, which ever and anon made a Halt, so that it was five a Clock in the Evening before they could reach the Foot of the Hill, where both Armies came in sight of each other.  
And because it might rationally be conjectured, that the Turks would before the Morning, fortify their Camp with some Trenches, and Parapets of Earth; the Prince resolved without giving them so much time, to advance upon them with all the Courage and Fury imaginable; extending his right Wing towards the Foot of the Hill, and his left along the Plain to the Banks of the River Nissava; which being orderly disposed, resolutely Attacked the Enemy, 
Pr. Lewis Attacked 〈◊〉 Turks.  according to the Methods and Measures designed.  
The Turks with their accustomed Cry of Allah, Allah, caused the greatest part of their Cavalry which was drawn up on the declivity of the Hill, to charge the Infantry of the left Wing, Commanded by Count Guido of Staremberg, and the Regiments of Kisel and Sarau; which when the Prince observed, he caused some Cannon to be brought on that side; with which, and a Detachment from these Regiments, the whole left Wing advanced towards the Enemy; the Turks seeing this, retired with their Body of Horse, and wheeled about towards the right Wing, and Attacked them at the Foot of the Hill on the Flank, which could not well be secured; which produced some Fear and Confusion amongst the Hussars, but being succoured by the Regiments of Holstein, and Noircharmes, which Piccolomini Commanded, and by a Party of brave Hungarians, 
The Turkish Horse in disorder.  they so disordered the Turkish Horse, that they had been put to an open Flight, had they not been stopped in their Career by some of their own Troops, who met them and Fired upon them: By this Accident the Enemy still maintaining their Ground on the side of the Hill towards the right Wing of the Germans, gave opportunity and time to the Cavalry to rally again in the Plains: But Prince Lewis incessantly riding and giving Orders in all places of the Army, commanded the main Body, which was directed by Baron Heisler, to Attack the Turks on the Hill, which they performed so effectually, that after a long Conflict, they gained the top of the Hill; and then drawing all the Battalions into an equal Line, both the right Wing and the Baggage were both secured from the Attempt of the Enemy.  
On the other side the Duke of Croy, 
Duke of Croy succours the right Wing.  who commanded towards the River, being advised by the Prince, that the right Wing was distressed, and hardly beset by the Enemy, he presently resolved to advance to the top of the Hill in a direct Line towards their Succour, to give a greater Diversion to the Enemy, and to gain the top of the Hill; the which being effected, the Situation thereof proved so advantageous a Post, that in a short time they drove the Enemy from thence with a considerable Slaughter. Notwithstanding which, the Turkish Horse rallying again in the Plains, made another Vigorous Assault on the left Wing, but were received by them with so much Bravery and Resolution, that they were once more on th●ir Flight, when the Janissaries who were making new Trenches, Fired upon them, and forced them to stand another Charge; which th●y steadily performed, and with great Vigour against the Hussars, but they being succoured by the Regiment of Caprara, forced the Enemy entirely to quit the Field, and pursued them with great ●ury to their very Camp.  
Whilst the left Wing had thus gloriously acquitted themselves, another Party of the Enemy's Horse Attacked them in the middle of their Body, but being succoured by Count Guido de Staremberg, with some battalions of his own Regiment, and of the Heydukes of Palfi, they discharged such terrible Volleys upon them, that great Numbers of the Turks fell Dead on the Ground; and the others so cowed and affrighted, that losing all hopes of Conquest, when they saw their Trenches possessed by the Prince, 
The Turks put to Flight.  and shut up on all sides by the right Wing, they betook themselves in good earnest, to a confused and disorderly Flight; and tho' the Night came on, yet the Victorious Germans pursued the Turks so long, as they could have the least glimpse or appearance of the Enemy; so that many of them to avoid the Sword, threw themselves headlong into the Nissava; where by the depth of the Water, and rapidness of the River, they miserably perished. And here, as well as during the whole course of the Battle, the two Brothers Charles and August Princes of Hanover, with their Regiments, behaved themselves with great Bravery; and in the heat of the Action, could scarce be withheld from following the Enemy into the Water; but only by the Persuasions and Injunctions of General Veterani, they gave a stop to the Pursuit.  
Thus the Night put an end to the Victory, and the Slaughter of the Turks, who abandoned the City tho' fortified with a good Ditch, and some Palisadoes, after the Turkish manner, tho' irregularly planted; the same Night Prince Lewis put into the Town, 
The Christians gain an entire Victory  several Battalions to conserve it from being burnt, as the Turks intended to have done. In the Morning Provisions and Forage were found sufficient to subsist the Army for three Weeks. In short, all the Cannon being 30 pieces for Battery, became a Prey to the Germans, as also many Thousands of very fine Tents, (amongst which was that of the Seraskier, which the Grand Signior had lately sent him) with divers Standards, particularly that of Mamoot Ogli Pasha of Albania. The Horsetails were also taken.  

 Th● Numbers slain on the Enemy's side, with those Drowned, were computed to be 10000, amongst which were 3000 Spahees, whose Horses and Mules, with rich Furniture and good Lading were brought to the Camp, where for that Night it remained, and next Morning was distributed amongst the Imperial Cavalry.  
This Victory was so much the more Glorious and Wonderful for having been achieved by 15000 Germans tired and harassed by Marches, Countermarches, Skirmishes and Battles, as before related, against 80000 Turks; 
The Victory wonderful.  and what is still more miraculous, there was not on the Christi●n side above 300 killed and wounded, and none of any considerable Quality, besides the Sergeant-Major of the Regiment of Stirum, and Count Vellen, the which great Success is entirely to be attributed to the Almighty Hand of the God of Armies.  
This second Victory being in this manner obtained against the Seraskier on the 24th of September, the whole Army continued in Arms all that Night; and in the Morning Quarters were regularly set out for the Soldiers within the City of Nissa; 
The Christians e●ter Nissa.  and on the 26th all things being settled in good order, Te Deum was solemnly sung in the Seraskier's Tent, with three Salvoes of all the Cannon, and Volleys of Muskets returning Thanks to Almighty God, for this Wonderful Victory, which none but the Powerful Arm of the God of Hosts was able to bestow.  
Afterward Prince Lewis having visited the City, observed that it was fortified only with a single Ditch and some Palisadoes; howsoever it was judged very convenient for Winter Quarters, 
It is fortfi●d for Winter Quarters.  and therefore ordered that it should be something better fortified, by the Work of 2000 Foot, which were drawn out of several Regiments to labour on the Fortifications, which in a short time was brought to that condition, as to render it capable of being the head Quarters for the whole Winter, where Provisions were accordingly laid up in Storehouses for Subsistence of the whole Army. And to discover the Countenance and Condition of the Enemy, Count Piccolomini gave Orders to Detach a Party of 1000 Horse to enter farther into the Country, to view and observe the Quality and Situation of all places, as far as Sophia, and to possess all the Passes which the Enemy had abandoned.  
This Party being returned, brought News to the General, that tho' they had proceeded above half the way towards Sophia, they had not met, or seen, so much as one Turk on the Road, having found divers Places and Castles without People, and Deserted; amongst which, 
Mustapha Pasha Palan●●.  was Mustapha Pasha Palanca, a Fortress, as I remember, raised by a Pasha of that Name, to cover a Caravasarei, for Travellers to Lodge with their Horses and Goods in security, from the frequent Attempts of Thiefs and Robbers, which in that desolate Country gained great Spoils and Booty; and that they might be better protected, a Garrison was put into it of 60 Men; for maintenance of which, this Pasha had given a Revenue sufficient for its Subsistance: And in this place I slept one Night as I remember, without any Care or Fears.  
From this place a small Party of Germans and Hungarians were sent as far as Dragoman, 
A Party of the Germans near Sophia.  about four hours' Journey from Sophia; which gave such an Alarm all the way, that the Turks every where forsook their Dwellings, and so affrighted the Inhabitants, that hundreds of them ran to the Mountains, but suddenly returned, so soon as it was known, that the Party was small which gave the Alarm. Howsoever, the Consternation was so great, that the Soldiers contrary to the Commands given to make their Rendezvous at Sophia, fearfully deserted, and fled to their own Dwellings.  
The News of this Defeat was first brought from Sophia to Constantinople, on the first of October, 
October.  by one called Mustapha Aga, whom Zulfigar the Turkish Ambassador at Vienna had freed from Captivity, and afterwards dispatched him with some Letters to the Ottoman Port; but on his way, Prince Lewis had stopped him for some Months at Semendria, until the last Victory was obtained against the Turks; after which, he discharged, and suffered him to proceed, to carry his stale Packets from the Ambassadors, and fresher News from the Turkish Army, which was now entirely defeated, and dispersed in the most shameful manner that ever was recounted in any History.  
The News hereof struck all the Ottoman Court with confused Consternation, none knowing what to say, 
The Turkish Court in great Confusion.  or what to Counsel, much less to Act; but all wished that the Measures and Resolutions taken at Sophia, by the Grand Vizier, presently after the Battle of Patoschin, had been put in Execution, whereby the last defeat before Nissa had been avoided, and an end put to the War with more Honour and Advantage than could now be expected. For the Grand Visier had on the 17th of September, a thing not usual, Convened a General Council at Sophia, of all the Grand Officers and Ministers of the Empire; 
A General Council of the Tu●ks called at Sophia.  such as the Nakib Effendi, who is the Chief of the Green-Heads, or those of the Kindred of Mahomet, the Mufti, the two Kadileskers or Chief Justices of Romelia and Anatolia, 
1689. October.  the Generals of the Spahees and Janissaries, with many other principal Officers of the Army, and Civil Government. At which Council, the Proposals for a Peace made by the Emperor and his Allies were publicly Read, and with much Attention harkened unto by this Grand Assembly; which though judged in the Opinion of all there present, to be very severe and dishonourable, and unknown before to their mighty Empire, which was used in former times to give rather than to receive Conditions of Peace; yet considering the present unhappy posture of Affairs; it was unanimously concluded by them, to Embrace the Offers made, lest God who had punished them for the Violation of their last Truce or Peace, should punish them yet farther, if they should refuse to accept the Conditions now proposed to rescue them from Destruction.  
The Articles being drawn up in Paper, were presented to the Grand Signior for his Approbation, who having Read them, gave Answer, 
The Grand Signior consents to a Peace.  That he desired to return to his Throne at Constantinople in Peace: And having signed them, they were committed to Mustapha Aga to carry them to Vienna; for which Journey he had received 3000 Hungarian Ducats from the Treasurer. The Articles were as follow, enclosed in a Letter to Zulfigar Aga, one of the Turkish Ambassadors in the Castle of Puttendorf.  

Offers of Peace by the Turks.  
I. THat he should use his utmost Endeavours to Conclude a Peace, so much desired by all the People; who notwithstanding the many Arguments, Allurements, and fair Promises of the French to the contrary, would not trust to that Nation, which had been false to them in all Ages, and now also endeavoured to entertain them with a thousand false Hopes.  
II. That he should labour by all means possible to persuade the Emperor to quit Belgrade, and to make that place the Limit of their Dominions; and the Save to Terminate the Frontier on both sides. And if any scruple or difference should arise thereupon, that then in lieu thereof he should offer Canisia, or if that should be taken, then to propose Giula, Temeswaer, or Great Waradin.  
III. As to the P●landers; to Content them, a Proposal should be made to demolish Kaminiec; and if that would not satisfy them, that it should be surrendered.  
Lastly, As to the Venetians, They should Enjoy and Keep all that they had taken; and that no mention should be made of Negropont.  
Now whilst Mustapha Aga was ready to depart with these Articles, the unhappy News was brought to the Grand Visier, 
The ●●ws of a 〈…〉 the Turks hinders the Peace.  That the Turks had received a total defeat before Nissa, with the slaughter of many thousands of Turks, and with the loss of all their Cannon and Ammunition, together with the City of Nissa itself: And that the Vizier Kaja, or Deputy, with the Treasurer of the Army, had made his Escape out of the Battle to Sophia with great difficulty; and that the remainder of the scattered Army went wand'ring through the Woods and Mountains; it not being known as yet, who was killed, or taken, or alive.  
So soon as this Report was made known to the Grand Vizier, he immediately posted the same by the Messenger who brought it, to the Grand Signior, then at Adrianople; and all the way he Road, he gave Orders in all Places to raise the Nefiran, or the Trained-Bands of the Countries, by which all things were in such Consternation, as if the Germans had been at the very Gates of Sophia.  
This Change of Affairs gave a stop to the Expedition of Mustapha Aga, until new Resolutions should be taken by another Divan, or some other Assembly of Council; the which being again met, they confirmed the former Resolution, and dispatched away Mustapha Aga, with the former Propositions of Peace; 
Th● Ambassador pro●e●ds to Vienna.  And an Express was dispatched before him from Sophia, to obtain from Prince Lewis, a Passport and Safe-Conduct unto Vienna: The Prince readily granted, and ordered him a Party of 25 Horse to Convoy him safely so far as Pyroth. And here Prince Lewis gave a period to the Proceedings of this year's Campagne: 
The Campagne ended.  For considering, that the Season was entirely spent, the distance far from the Danube, the Difficulties of so long a Communication, and the uncertainty of subsisting the Army in the Enemy's Country already wasted, and ruinous, he thereupon judged it most secure to return back to the Danube; and accordingly marched away on the 4th of October, having committed the Government of Nissa, and of the Conquered Countries, to the Care and Conduct of Count Piccolomini, with some Regiments of Horse and Foot, and some Rascians under Paul Dioch, placing a good guard on the Mountain Hemus. But because the Prince was very desirous to defeat Count Tekeli, 
Designs to surprise Tekeli.  the great Partisan of France, who was encamped near to Widin, he judged it of great importance to fall into his Quarters on his way to the Danube; and accordingly on the 6th of October, he encamped near the Castle Saverlick; and the ●●xt day he Quartered at the foot of the Mountain of Temach, which he passed on the 8th, through so narrow a straight, that a single Cart could scarce pass; and moreover, the ways were so very rocky and incommodious, that the Baggage was greatly retarded; wherefore the Prince commanded some Germane and Hungarian Troops to advance towards Widin, and on the way by such Prisoners as they should take, to inform themselves of the State of Widin, and of the Enemies Camp. These Troops had not been on their way above two hours, before they returned with two Turkish Prisoners, who informed them, That Orsova and Fetislau had been burnt on the first of this Month, 
Orsova and Fetislau burnt.  and abandoned by the Enemy; And because they feared, that some sudden Attack would be made upon them by the Germans, they had carried away from Widin all the Provisions of that place, and were gone farther by Water into the more distant Places of their Country; And that about 2000 Turks, and others of Tekeli's Troops were encamped near the River to cover the Boats on which their Baggage was to be laden; and that their Camp consisted of about 200 Tents: So Prince Lewis lodged that Night in the Country and Plains of Bergfelt.  
Upon these Advices, next Morning by break of Day, being the 13th of October, the Army then with the Prince, consisting but of some few Regiments, proceeded on their march towards Widin, designing to arrive at the place early next day; and because the Hungarians returned with the News, that the Enemy quartered near the City with all security, not suspecting the approach of the Germans, having refreshed their Horse for some few Hours near Drenova, they marched all that Night, and came about 11 a Clock in the Morning within sight of Widin, where they first discovered the Camp of the Enemy; 
Pr. Lewis ma●●hes to Widin.  and having taken a view of the situation of the place, and the several Avenues thereunto, they found that they must necessarily pass Three Bridges, or take a round through some marshy Grounds, which perhaps were unpassable, at least very hazardous, without a faithful Guide or Pilot. 
The Horse pass the Bridges and ●nter the Enemies Camp.  Wherefore taking the opportunity, when the Janissaries and People were in the Mosch at Prayers, they caused the Horse to pass the Bridges, which having done without any Opposition, they trotted directly to the Enemy's Tents, and entered into them about Three a Clock in the Afternoon: This unexpected Enterprise so alarmed the Turks, that part of them, with affrighted Precipitation, betook themselves to the Boats, and others mounting on Horseback, drew out with the Janissaries, to the number of 12000, ranging themselves in posture of Battle.  
Prince Lewis (advancing with some of his light Cannon in the Front) committed the Conduct of the Right Wing to Count Veterani and Trautmansdorf; 
The Turks mak● a st●nd b●fore Widin.  and the Left he commanded in Person, with which some Countermarches were made to spend time until the Infantry could come up, gaining still some ground upon the Enemy. Howsoever, the Turks made a stand, and fought with such Resolution, that the Victory seemed dubious for a while; but the Dragoons of Veterani dismounting, which were used to do Miracles, threw themselves with their Swords drawn into the Ditch of the Town, killing and slaying all that came in their way; which, when the Turkish Infantry observed, part of them came to their assistance; but the Right Wing, Commanded by the Prince, soon relieved them, and came thundering on them with such furious Resolution, 
The Turkish Cavalry put to flight and the Army defeated, and Widin taken.  that they put all to the Sword, excepting those who were retired into the Castle, or made their escape by Water: The greatest part of the Turkish Cavalry (unless those belonging to the Baggage) fled by the way of the Moor or Marshy Ground (with which they were acquainted) towards Sophia and Nicopolis, leaving the Mountains on the Right Hand, and the three Bridges on the Left; and all their Camp, with their Tents and Baggage both within and without the City, for a Prey and Booty to the Victorious Christians: Many Colours, four Horse-Tails, some thousands of Horses, and other Beasts, were taken, with great quantities of Forage: Above a thousand ●urks were killed on the place, with many Prisoners: In short, the plunder of the City was given for a Prey to the wearied Soldiers, who had well deserved it for a Reward of their Valour, and indefatigable Labours, and for an Encouragement to future Services.  
The Germans gained greater Honour by this Action than by any other of this Summer's Expedition; for their Forces were few, and the Enemies fought with more Resolution and Bravery than they had done in any former Engagement; f●r in none were more killed▪ and wounded than in this. Count Veterani received a Wound with a Musket-shot, and Count Trautmansdorf with a Scimerar, and both in the Head; and Baron Orlich, a Lieutenant Colonel, was killed on the place.  
But as yet the Castle of Widin held out, for which reason the Soldiers kept a watch about it all Night, that the Defendants might not have an opportunity to make their Escape.  
The next Morning the Castle was summoned, but no Answer being given, the Prince sent a Turk to the Commander, to let him know, 
The Turks re●use to diliuer the Castle of Widin.  That unless he did Surrender up the Castle and Garrison that very Day, he was not to expect any Quarter, or Conditions of Mercy. It was not long before the Turk returned from the Castle, with a fierce Answer from the Governor, That he and his Companions were resolved to defend the Castle to the last drop of their Blood. Prince Lewis was not a little displeased at this Answer, because for want of Provisions he was in some haste to remove his Camp; but not to leave such a necessary Work as this imperfect, he immediately dispatched away to Semendria, for Cannon, Mortars, and Ammunition; And having raised on the 16th of October, a Battery, he plied the Castle so hard, that the Turks spread a white Flag and came to Capitulations, which were soon agreed, upon Terms; 
The Castle of Widin surrenders.  That the Garrison and People therein might march forth with all their Goods: for Carriage of which, 30 Boats were to be assigned them; 
The Soldiers and People march out.  but in regard Boats were not to be procured, 200 Carts were provided in the place thereof; So that on the 19th of October, 2559 Soldiers, all Armed, with about as many Inhabitants, marched out of the place, which were Convoyed by 200 Dragoons towards Nicopolis; and the Hostages being committed to safe Custody, five Companies of the Regiment of Dunghen, were placed therein for a Garrison.  
Upon the Report only of the march of the Imperialists towards Widin, Tekeli abandoned the City, tho' he had a stately House therein, and very well furnished; yet so debased was he in his Courage, that he fled before the Battle towards Nicopolis; from whence he came with a sad Countenance, and Tears in his Eyes, to meet the Garrison and People expelled from the Town and Castle: Howsoever, he showed a courteous Aspect to the Germane Soldiers, who were appointed for Convoy to the People of Widin, and in a Friendly manner treated them with Wine, and a plentiful Entertainment.  
As Widin was a great loss to the Turks, so it was of high advantage to the successful Arms of the Emperor; 
Widin a 〈…〉 Christians.  for by taking this place, all the Conquests made by the two last Victories, namely the Territory of Nissa, and other Places possessed on the Way to Sophia, were all covered, and the Way secured for importing Forage and Provisions, and all Necessaries for support of the advanced Troops under Piccolomini, posted for guard and defence of the Conquered Countries, and free Communication and Correspondence with the Neighbouring Principalities: And on the contrary the Turks of Temesw●er, and other Garrisons maintained in the Upper Hungary, were all greatly straightened and annoyed thereby, without any hopes of being succoured, or relieved; and thereby Tekeli also was dislodged from those Parts, in which he had persuaded the People by his fair Words and Promises, to remain constant and faithful, and stand by the Grand Signior with their Lives ●nd Fortunes.  
It being now towards the end of October, it was judged high time to give refreshment end ●ase to the wearied Soldiery, 
W●nter Qu●●ters provided for the So●di●r●.  by putting them into warm and commodious Quarters during the Winter Season. The Province of Walachia was a Country near to them, abounding with all sorts of Provisions, and there it was intended to Quarter a great part of the Army.  
Upon which Resolution Prince Lewis dispatched to the Prince of Walachia these following Propositions, requiring an immediate Compliance therewith, otherwise that he would do himself Reason with his Sword, giving him only six Days time to return an Answer.  
The Propositions made to the Prince of Walachia and the States of that Province, dated the 28th of October, were as followeth.  
Propositions made by the Prince of Walachia.  
WHEREAS it hath pleased Almighty God to give many signal Victories unto His Imperial Majesty, whereby several Cities, Countries, and Provinces have been recovered out of the Barbarous Possession of the Turks, and thereby ●l●o W●lachia secured from Servitude and Slavery; in consideration whereof, it was demanded from the Prince and States, that Winter Quarters be given for the space of seven Months for 15000 Men Horse and Foot, according to the Rules and Proportions which have been settled by the Imperial Decrees in former times, both in Hungary and Transilvania: That is to say, from the first of November 1689, to the last of May 1690, in the manner following.  

I. That two Pounds of Bread shall be provided for every Man per Day, 
For Winter Quarters.  with a Pound of Flesh, and a Measure of Wine, besides his Bed, Salt, Candle, Wood, and all other Necessaries for support of Humane Life. That four Bushels of Oats a Month, eight Pounds of Hay a Day, with two Bundles of Straw a Week, shall be allowed for every Horse.  
II. That the Prince and States shall pay unto the Soldiers 800000 Florins within a certain time.  
III. That the Prince and States shall find 1500 good Horse, to mount those Cavaliers who have lost their Horses, and also shall find them Armour within a certain time, according as hath been practised in Hereditary Kingdoms and Provinces; the Arms for Cuirasiers shall not be valued at more than 30 Dollars for every Horseman, and 25 for every Dragoon, the which shall be defalked out of the Sum of the ready Money which is to be paid.  
IV. That the Deputies sent by the Prince and States, shall return to them again; and in the space of six Days, shall come back to the Imperial Camp, with the positive Resolution of what shall be performed in this Matter, and shall bring with them Commissaries, who shall allot to the Soldiers their respective Quarters.  
V. That the Prince and States shall appoint and ordain Hostages; namely, two Barons of the chief Nobility in the Province, who shall remain with the Imperial General as Guarantees for performance of the Treaty, and that the Prince may have liberty to change and relieve them every Month (if he pleases) with two others.  
VI That in case the ●rince and States shall punctually comply with these Propositions, they are hereby assured in the Name of His Imperial Majesty, That neither the Emperor's General, nor any other Officer, or Soldier shall bind, or oblige them to any other Conditions, nor shall they in the least manner be farther oppressed, or damnified, but to the contrary they shall be succoured, defended, and protected in the free Exercise of their Laws, and maintained in their Rights, Privileges, and Possessions.   
Given in the Imperial Camp under Fetislau, the 28 th' of October, 1689. Signed, Lewis of Baden.  
About this time the Express which Prince Lewis had dispatched lately to Piccolomini, returned back with this following Letter.  
Count Piccolomini to Prince Lewis.  
IF Your Most Serene Highness shall be pleased to return me back all Your Army, I can here give them Quarters and good Subsistence. The Albanians of Clementa have sent their Deputies to me, with Proposals to submit unto the Emperor, with whom I am now in Treaty. The Albanians under the Turks have done the like, and have offered to surrender unto me all their Castles. I have summoned all the Greek Communities to come unto me; and I have sent the Draughts of the Imperial Escutcheon, or Arms, which I brought painted from Vienna to be affixed and set up in every Town and City: And I hope speedily to bring all the Countries from Scutari to Novibassar under subjection. Upon these Successes, I hear that Mamut Pasha is fled, and I have sent to seek for his Horse-Tail which the Vizier gave him. The City of Prisseren being abandoned by its Inhabitants, I intent to make use thereof. Ten Thousand Rascians with Arms in their Hands are come in to me without any Head or Commander, with intention to rob, and live on Violence and Rapin. I know not what to do with these Wild Beasts, for upon pretence of coming in to us, I know not how to restrain them, tho' they ruin and spoil all the Country, and put me into some Fears and Apprehensions for them, whilst their Outrages affright others from coming in. To dismiss them out of our Army, I fear something worse, and to keep them, is to suffer them to destroy all. I am going to the Pass of Cavinigh, intending to secure myself on every side. How I may succeed at Uscopia I do not as yet know. Our People lately discovered great Numbers of Turks assembled together in the Castle of Novibord, which is upon the Mountains, who upon our Summons surrendered at discretion. I have many Irons in the fire, but too weak a force for execution of any great design, howsoever I will do what I can, as becomes  
Your Highness, etc. Count Piccolomini.  
Upon these encouraging Advices, Prince Lewis resolved to detach Prince Charles of Hanover, with three Regiments, viz. of Sarau Hanover, and the Infantry of Croy, to reinforce Piccolomini at Procopia, 
Picolomini reinforced.  where was a Magazine replenished with Hay, Oats, Flour, and every thing for the Subsistence of an Army. With these Recruits Piccolomini on the 14th of this Month marched from Procopia towards Uscopia; and the Day following came to a narrow Passage which the Turks call a Dervent; where meeting with a Deserter from Sophia, they were advised by him that the Turks had a design upon Nissa, for which reason retarding their March, until the 17th, they learned within that time that those Informations were only the Lies of Greeks, who are naturally false, and haters of the Western Christians; whereupon they took their March for two Days through the Mountains, on which are the two Counties of Clementa and Rossaiava, which had never paid Taxes, or Contributions to the Turks, 
Count Picolomini ma●●hes towards Pristina and Clina,  but rather the Turks unto them. In these Countries they made no stay, but hasted with all expedition possible towards Pristina and Clina, where they had understood from the advanced Guards, that 6000 Arnouts, with 1300 Carts, and many Thousand Head of Cattle remained in expectation to join with the Germans, and to oppose the Turks with all the People of the Country, and to yield themselves Subjects and Vassals to His Imperial Majesty. 
They conclude a Treaty with the People. And Kazianech.  Being arrived at Pristina, they concluded a Treaty with those People; and on the 23th they proceeded to a certain little City with a Castle called Kazianech. Upon the News of this Approach, the Turks fled the Night before; but a Party of Horse pursuing after them, they happily encountered within the Mountains near a Bridge, with 300 Turks, which were coming from Scopia, 
defeat a Party of 300 Turks.  to reinforce the Castle of Kazianech, which was already taken; and tho' it was Night, yet they attacked them, and killed 19, taking some Horses, 4 Colours, and 11 Slaves: And here it was necessary to make a Halt for a short time to secure a Pass which was in the middle way, which was so rugged and narrow, that the Cannon not being able to pass, they were remanded back to Kazianech, with all the Carts of heavy Baggage.  
In two Days time more they marched through this narrow Pass, and entered into a large Plain, distant about three Hours from Scopia, where they received different intelligences of the State of Affairs in that City, some reported that the Turks were resolved to defend the Place unto the utmost Extremity; others, that those People who the Night before had escaped from the Attack, had given a terrible Alarm to the Town, insomuch that the Turks and Greeks had abandoned the place, 
Mamut Pasha encamped in a Valley with 10000 M●n, flies upon a Report that the Christians ●ere marching against them.  and had joined themselves to Mamut Pasha, who with 10000 Men was encamped in a Valley. Nothing could come more joyful to the Christian Army, than to hear that the Turks had quitted their Walls, and places of Defence, to draw into an open Plain; with which they were so animated, that they gave a Salvo with the 10 pieces of Cannon which they had with them, and with such Shouts of the Soldiers, as if the Victory had been already in their Hands: At the sound whereof, the Turks were put into such a Consternation, that they quitted their Camp and fled for refuge and shelter into the Neighbouring Woods; but being pursued and hunted by the Hussars, and some few Germans, 
Are pursued by the Hussars.  many Turks were killed, and 2000 Carts belonging to the Country People, were set at liberty, which the Turks had pressed for their Service, to carry away whole Families of Men, and Women, and Children into Slavery: Moreover some Christian Slaves were recovered, together with a considerable Booty, besides above 100 Turks, and as many jews were made Prisoners.  
In this manner the Way being made open, Piccolomini marched into the adjacent Countries of Scopia, in which he found the ancient Seat of Count Ladislaus Cziacchy, 
The Ancient Seat of Ladislaus Cziacchy plundered and burnt.  which was of a much more capacious and large extent than it was supposed to be; howsoever without a Wall, Ditch, Cannon, People, or Money; howsoever there was in it a large Magazine, filled with all sorts of Grain, Flour, and other sorts of Provisions and Merchandise; but according to the Report of the Inhabitants, much infected with the Pestilence: There was also an old ruinous Castle, conserved only for its Antiquity. Piccolomini not giving much credence to these Reports, went in person to visit the place; where having considered the Situation of it, and the difficulty to maintain it, he gave it over to the plunder of the Soldiery, and afterwards putting Fire to it in several places, the Houses were all in a short time reduced to Ashes together with several stately Mosches and Fountains.  

Piccolomini 〈…〉 to Kazianech.  Upon these Successes Piccolomini retired back towards Kazianech, which he had left defended with a strong Garrison, the People flocking thereunto in great Numbers to be protected, and received for Subjects of His Imperial Majesty.  
At this place having divided his Army, he detached a Party under Command of the Prince of Holstein, with a Regiment of Cuirasiers belonging to the Hanover Troops, to march towards the Mount Hemus; and with the remainder of the Forces, he went himself to Lippian, and thence he detached Colonel Strasser with his Regiment of Foot, and six pieces of Cannon towards Bosnia, to drive the Turks out of the Castles of Zwetzey and Panza. 
Piccolomini sick, ye marches towards Prisserens,  And tho' the Sickness of Piccolomini increased upon him, which some People termed the Plague; yet his active Soul struggling with the Distemper, he took a March with his own Regiment, and that of Stirum, with two pieces of Cannon, towards Albania, to discover and inform himself what his Lieutenant Colonel the Baron of Hebersburg had acted in Prisserens with his Albanians: 
Novemb.  Whilst he was in this March his Fever increased, so that he was constrained to rest a while with his Army at Capuschmit, where he received advice, that Lieutenant Colonel Maursberg of the Regiment of Stirum, had possessed himself of the Castle of Panza; but that the other of Zwetzey, being situate on a Rock, refused to Surrender, unless compelled thereunto by Fire and Cannon.  
Tho' the Disease of Piccolomini increased, yet he could not be persuaded to take a longer rest and repose, which is necessary in Fevers; but being full of Zeal, and desire of Triumph, he marched with his Regiments towards Panni; 
And to Panni.  on the way to which, Advices came to him, That the Commander of Pyroth, 
The Commander of Pyroth defeats 1500 Turks.  with a Party of Germans, and 800 Hussars, had taken the Field in the Enemy's Country, where at the first they had the good fortune to defeat a Party of 1500 Turks, which they found encamped near Dragoman, a place distant about six or seven Hours from Sophia, where they had posted themselves, to observe the Motions of the Imperial Forces; but that soon afterwards the Turks being Alarmed in all their Quarters near Sophia, they appeared in several Bodies on both sides of the Mountain, with Reserves both of Turks and Tartars; 
The Imperialists defeated near Dragoman.  and having with their Numbers surrounded the Germans, after a great Slaughter on both sides, the Christians were forced to give back, and betake themselves to Flight.  
To repair the damage, and prevent the ill Consequences of this Surprise, Piccolomini without any delay dispatched positive Orders to Colonel Strasser, to desist from his Enterprises in Bosnia, and return to Nissa, lest the Enemy encouraged by this Success, should adventure to make an Attempt upon that place.  
In the mean time Piccolomini continuing his March, on the 6th of this Month came early in the Morning under the Walls of Prisseren, 
Piccolomini comes to Prisseren.  where he was met by the Archbishop of Albania, and the Patriarch of Clementa, carrying a Standard in which a Cross was painted, 
1689. Novemb.  and followed by 8000 Arnouts, Geeeks of Albania, Turks, and Christians, with other Natives of those Countries; who having given their Salvoes with three Volleys of Muskets, they joined with the Germans, declaring their Resolutions to live and die with them in the common Cause.  
Count Piccolomini, tho' in a languishing Condition, was yet much relieved by such a surprising appearance of People, who came with humble submission to devote themselves to the Imperial Sovereignty, but being acquainted with the unsettled and voluble Temper of that People, he knew not what to think of this sudden Revolution, until he had first satisfied himself by the Archbishop, and some of the Officers, (who were the first of those that were come in) that this People would prove obedient, and constant to the Emperor's Interest; with which Report Piccolomini remaining satisfied, he caused all the Soldiers to be listed under his Banner; 
The Arnouts list themselves.  with this Temperament howsoever, that all those who were desirous to retire, and live like orderly Citizens within the Walls of Towns, or in the Fields to cultivate the Ground, should have a free liberty so to do, and be protected by the Imperial Arms: But as to those who were willing to follow the Camp, and be form into regular Troops, should be obliged to take the Military Oath, 
And form into regular Troops.  binding themselves to all Obedience and Respect towards their Commanders, and to live according to the rigour and exact Rules of Military Discipline.  
So soon as Piccolomini had made this Declaration, and given this Charge to the new Soldiery, his Disease increased upon him, of which being sensible, he sent to the Archbishop to perform all those Offices, which were to be done in the time of the last Agony; which being administered with great Devotion, 
Piccolomini 's Death.  this brave General expired his last, to the unexpressible Lamentation of the whole Army, and Sorrow of the Imperial Court.  
The Command and Government of all the Conquered Countries, having been promised to General Veterani, 
Decemb.  upon News of the Death of Piccolomini, he prepared to take possession thereof; but in the mean time that the Army might not be destitute of a General, the Conduct thereof was committed to the care of the Prince of Holstein, 
Prince of Holstein Commands the Army.  to maintain and support the Conquests of those parts, until Veterani should come and take possession thereof.  
Thus ended the Campaign of 1689, glorious in the whole progress thereof to the Imperial Arms, the Victories whereof over the Turks being scarce to be numbered, 
1689. Decemb.  filled Vienna, and the Hereditary Countries with Joy and Triumph. And here it had been happy for the Empire, and all Europe, had the Germans fixed the Conclusion of the War at this period, before the Air of Fortune, which had blown for some Years with a prosperous Gale in favour of the Germans, had changed her Kindness, which we shall find in the following Year inconstant and favouring the Enterprise of the Turks. It is a most unaccountable Infatuation, That the Imperial Court, observing before their Eyes the vast Preparations of France to attack the Empire, 
Mustapha Aga comes to renew the Treaty of Peace.  should not have endeavoured to quench the Fire of War on one side, an Opportunity for which so fairly offered itself, by the Arrival of Mustapha Aga, sent with Letters from the Ottoman Port to the Turkish Ambassadors detained in the Castle of Puttendorf, to renew the Treaty, which had for some time been laid aside.  
The Imperial Court was at this time at Auspurg busied in the Election and Coronation of the King of the Romans; and therefore the Emperor appointed Count Quintinio jergher, Knight of the Golden-Fleece, and Counsellor of State, and Lord Lieutenant of the Hereditary Countries of Austria; together with Baron Dorsch Secretary and Counsellor of War, to enter into Conference with the Turkish Ambassadors; to whom also was joined the Cavalier Girolamo Venier, who was Ambassador to the Emperor from Venice, and there attending the Interest of that Republic, in regard to this Treaty. But before the Turks would enter into the Particulars, they dispatched a certain Bey to the Congress, with some Considerations and Reflections which might represent the State and Temper of the Ottoman Empire, not to remain in so vile and debased an Estate, as to beg a Peace; but that they were still able with their Swords in their Hands to Treat, and in case of failure of an Agreement, to maintain a War. The Considerations offered were these.   

Considerations Offered by the Turks.  
I. THAT they should conceive a right Notion of the great Power of the Ottoman Port.  
II. That the Christians favoured rather by Fortune, than by the strength of their own Power, had gained all those Victories of which they now Triumph.  
III. That all the Insurrections in Asia, and Civil Commotions amongst themselves were now appeased.  
IV. That the Sultan had diminished much of his Expenses, and reduced the Number of useless Officers in his Seraglio, whereby vast Sums were spared for Maintenance of the War.  
V. That the Taxes on the People, were raised from five Dollars on every House, unto a hundred.  
VI That it might now be hoped, that the Anger of God being appeased for the Sins of the Believers, the Christians turn would shortly come, when they also should be punished for their Offences.  
VII. That the Ottoman Empire was still powerful, both in Men and Money.  
VIII. That the Sultan would in lieu of Belgrade, which upon the Peace must be surrendered, that the Save might be made the Confines of both Empires, yield up to the Emperor some other Fortresses, as an Equivalent for that important City.  
These preliminary Suggestions were generally turned into Ridiculous Interpretations, and Commentaries thereupon; so that in Answer thereunto these following Reflections were drawn up, which evidenced the Scorn and Disdain, the Imperialists at that time conceived of the Turkish Power.   

Answers to the Considerations Offered.  
TO the First it was replied, That the Ottoman Power consisted more in Numbers than in Force; an Evidence whereof appears to the World, in that the Turks, who for the space of 300 Years had waged a War in Hungary, do now scarce possess a Foot, or Palm of that Kingdom, unless in some few Cities, which are yet so straightened by Blockades, that they are ready to perish with Famine, and offer themselves up to the Mercy of the Emperor. Witness also the Success before Vienna, when Besieged by 300000 Turks, were not yet able to render themselves Masters of the same, but were forced to fly, and ignominiously to turn their Backs to a quarter part of their Number, and forced to return without other Glory, than that only of burning some Villages, which might have been done by a Rabble of People, or 100 Incendiaries.  
To the Second it was said, That with the Divine Assistance, the Christian Troops, tho' much inferior in Number to those of the Turks, had won divers Battles during this War, and made themselves Masters of many Towns, and Castles; and particularly of Buda and Belgrade, the Capital Cities of great Provinces, which were not subdued by long Sieges, but by Storms, and dint of Sword.  
To the Third it was said, That the Troubles in Asia still continued, and their Civil and Domestic Seditions, not as yet appeased, and were yet likely to increase higher, by reason of their Tyrannical Government, which the oppressed People would not longer endure.  
To the Fourth it was said, That the Discharge of the Women, and Officers, to the Number of 4000 out of the Seraglio, was an evident Token of their want of Money to sustain the War.  
To the Fifth it was said, That the heavy Burden of Taxes, from five to a 100, was the ready means to move the People to a Rebellion, of which there are frequent Examples in all Histories.  
To the Sixth, that howsoever the Turks might flatter themselves with the pacification of God's Anger against them, they would yet find the contrary, and prove the just Revenge of the Just God, whom they had provoked by the Breach of their Faith, and Oppressions of those People whom they had subdued.  
To the Seventh, That there was great difference between Soldiers and Incendiaries, in the latter of which the Turks ought rather to be reckoned, than amongst the former.  
To the Eighth, which concerns the Surrender of Belgrade, it was replied, That the Emperor would sooner surrender Newstadt in Austria, or the Gardens about Vienna, than that City, with which this Conference was concluded.  
Amongst all the foregoing Particulars, we find nothing solid or material, or under any Dispute, unless that point of exchanging Belgrade for some other place or places, not as yet Conquered in Hungary; that so the River Save might be the limit and confine between the two Empires: Nor was it probable, that the Turks would have broken off the Treaty on this Point only, had they not harkened to the Promises of the French, who now being sensible how useful, and necessary the Alliance of the Turks would be to them, 
The French and Court of Rome, obstruct the Peace.  were resolved not to lose the Benefit of so helpful an Associate; and therefore used all their persuasive Arguments to continue the War, which were inculcated with mighty Presents to the principal Officers of State, and Assurances that with the next Spring they would not only enter the Empire with such vast Armies, as should oblige the Emperor to withdraw his Forces out of Hungary; but also assist them both with Money, and with able Engineers and Officers to carry forward the War.  
And indeed tho' in the following Year of 1690, we shall not find any great matter warmly acted by the French on Germany, pursuant to the Promises they had made unto the Turk; yet we shall find them in a Year or two afterwards entering Germany with Fire and Sword; and in the Year 1693, besides the Conquests gained in Brabant and Flanders; we shall hear of the burning of Heidelberg, and all the Upper Germany in danger of an entire Desolation: All which might easily have been prevented, had the Emperor harkened at this time to the Offers of the Turks, who came prepared to accept of any Conditions, that in reason could have been imposed upon them. But this Opportunity being let slip, Fortune changed its Course, and the Exploits of War were acted with various Successes; and tho' afterwards the Emperor sought for Peace by Interposition of Mediators, the Turks were so far engaged with the French, and so encouraged by their Successes, that they would now hearken to nothing under the Surrender of Buda, and all the Conquests in Hungary.  
The Loss of this Opportunity for gaining a Peace, 
The Reasons for which the Peace was obstructed.  may be attributed to the Infatuation of the Minds of the Germans, blinded for punishment of the Sins of Christendom. No doubt but the French Faction in the Imperial Court, availed much in the defeat of this Design, as did also the power of the Papal Court, in which at that time Alexander VIII. reigned; who hearing of the Overtures of Peace treating at Ausburg and Vienna, dispatched away from Rome, Cardinal Colonitz, with Instructions about the Affairs of Hungary, who after having assisted in divers Consultations, and Conferences thereupon, the whole Treaty broke off, and the Ambassadors dismissed from all farther Negotiations, of which we shall very speedily bewail the fatal Effects.    

THE Venetian Successes In Their WAR against the TURKS, In the Year 1689.  

1689. January.  IN the preceding Year we made a Relation of the Venetian War against the Turks, maintained in the Island of Negropont, and against the chief City thereof known by that Name. The Enterprise was of great Importance, and the Preparations for the same agreeable to so mighty a Design, which had it succeeded, would not only have settled and established the Venetians in their Conquests of the Morea, but rendered them Masters of all the Coast of Romania; but the Vetians instead thereof, being compelled by Sickness, and unfortunate Attacks upon the place, in which they lost many of their brave Officers, to quit the Island with some Confusion, and as it were stealing off in the Night, for fear the Enemy should fall on their Rear, Cannon and Baggage; but the Turks being de●irous to be rid of such Guests, were willing to have made a Bridge for them, rather than to have administered the least Retardment, or Hindrance to their Departure.  
All the Auxiliary Galleys, as those of the Pope, Malta, and Florence, being retired (as we have said) to their respective Countries; the main Body of the Venetian Armata entered into the Port of Napoli di Romania, 
Th● Venetian 〈…〉 Napoli de Romania.  with design to Winter there, so as better to Command the Archipelago, and to be near Negropont, so as to be ready to obstruct the Turks in case they should Attempt to repair those Works, it being intended to make another Attack on that place early in the Spring; and to that end Orders were sent to Venice to dispatch away the Recruits for the Land Forces, wi●h all Necessaries for the Fleet, and Provisions for the Winter, of which there was so great want, that both the Land and Sea Forces had much difficulty to subsist, so melancholy a Countenance was put on through the whole Camp, that nothing but the prevailing Authority of their Doge and Captain-General could ●estrain them from a Mutiny; 
1689. January.  but that which a little comforted the Soldiery, 
The Venetians in some distress.  was the mildness of the Winter, which gave a cheerful green colour to the Fields, which yielded Herbs, and Winter-Fruits in much Plenty; and because the Buildings of the Town had been much destroyed and ruined by the Bombs, and Cannon, they raised little Huts and Cottages for shelter, and Lodgings for the Soldiery; to which the Athenians, who had no great desire to return to their own City, had greatly contributed, having Built divers Houses at their own Cost, and with their own Labour.  
But what most dis-spirited the Army, was the Sickness of the Doge Morosini, who long had laboured under a violent Fever, in such a manner, that the Physicians themselves despaired of his Life; for Conservation of which, solemn Prayers and Processions were appointed to be made, both at Venice, 
The Doge sick.  and in all Places under that Dominion.  
At length, after a tedious Expectation, the Convoy arrived, to the universal Joy and Consolation of all the Forces and Country round about; which began to give new Life to all Motions and Erterprises, 
February.  and to inspire the Soldiers with a new stock of Courage; for all People having been supplied both with Money and Provisions; 
A Convoy with Money and Provision arrives from Venice.  the Carpenters fell heartily to Work on the Vessels; and Galleys, to repair and make them fit for the next Voyage, and the Soldiers remained ready to Embrace any new Enterprise: But the Doge continuing sick, and reduced to a great weakness and debility of Body, put a damp on the Spirits of the Soldiery, and much retarded the proceedings of all Designs.  
For ●ho ' the Captain Extraordinary Venier, 
1689. February.  was Commanded with his Ships to watch, and guard one side of the Channel of Ne●●●pont, 
Turkish ●o●ces landed at Negropont.  and Captain Valier Commander of the Great Alexander to attend the other: yet the Captain Pasha broke into Negropont, with ten Galleys, and there landed 500 Men, promising them by Order of the Sultan, in a short time, a much greater force, with which they should be supplied very speedily: and that in the mean time, they should labour with all possible industry to repair the Works which the Enemy's Bombs and Cannon had ruined; so that the Venetians were not able to obstruct the Turks from giving Relief to Candia, but instead thereof, had the Misfortune to lose two of their Galleys by Storm, and were forced to return back again to Napoli di Romania, where their chief Comfort was, that the Sickness began to decrease, which had for some time raged both in the Fleet, Army, and Countries round the City.  

March. Morosini recovers his Health.  The Spring coming on, the Doge began to recover his Health and Strength again, to the great Joy of all the Soldiery, so that he could now attend to Business, and give Orders to the Armata, which had been so well repaired, and Careened, as that the Galleys were in a Condition already to put to Sea: Notwithstanding all which, the Turks were not obstructed in their passage to Negropont, 
Negropont supplied.  where four Galleys belonging to the Beyes arrived, bringing Spades, Shovels, Pick-axes, and several other Instruments for repairing the Breaches made last Year by the Enemy; on which, their Slaves, being dis-enchained from the Oar, laboured Day and Night with all diligence; and Missir Ogli, with some Galleys, was also arrived, being sent to forward that Work; for the Turks had an Opinion, that the Venetians would make another Attempt thereupon, and which should be the Work of the following Summer.  
But the Venetians had suffered so much the last Year before Negropont, that they esteemed themselves in no good Condition for a second Enterprise, they having not as yet licked their Wounds whole, nor recruited their Army, which was much more weak than it was the Year past, and unable to undertake an Enterprise in which they had already been foiled. Howsoever, not to sit Idle, and look about them, their Aim was on Malvasia, to reduce which, ten Galleys, and 12 Galliots were dispatched by the Captain-General to assist in the Building of two Forts near the Bridge entering to the Town, on which the Mainotes, whom the Captain-General had armed, were labouring to finish, 
1689. March.  being of great importance towards a Blockade, and to hinder all Vessels from bringing Provisions to the place: And farther to proceed in this Design, the whole Armata was Commanded to Sail to Porto Porr●, appointed▪ as it was the last Year, to be the Magazine for Arms, Provisions, and Ammunition for the War; where being arrived, they attended the Duke of Guadagne, with his Troops for Reinforcement of the Army; and in the mean time, the Bridge was broken, and the two Forts before Malvasia were finished, and a great number of Boats, Felucca's, and Palandra's, lay before the Town to hinder all sorts of Provisions and Succours from being brought into it, by which the place was entirely blocked up on all sides, 
Malvasia bl●●ked up▪  both by Sea and Land; for the situation of the Town being on a Peninsula, there was no Communication could be had with the Country but by the Bridge, and a narrow spot of Land.  
Whilst Ma●ters remained in this Nature before Malvasia, a certain Greek, called Liberachi, lay encamped near Xeromero alias Missolonghi, with about 100 Turks, 
Liberachi ●ncamped.  150 Sclavonians, and some Deserters from the Venetian Army. This Liberachi or Li●erio, was a Mainote by Nation, a Fellow bold and subtle, and did great Services for the Venetians, until he was tak●n Prisoner by the Turks and carried to Constantinople: He had not remained any long time there, before he gained such Credit with the Turks, that by his fair Words and Promises, they were persuaded that he could draw all the Mainotes to their Party, and cause them to Revolt from the Venetians. Upon which Opinion, they set him at Liberty, and entertained such Confidence of him, that they gave him the Title and Charge of Bey, that is, Lord of the Mainotes; whereby many Deserters from the Venetian Camp came in to him; And some Propositions for joining Forces passed between him and Ensign Bossina, 
He purposes to join with Bossina.  who in the Month of October 1687. with most part of the People called Oltramarines, had Deserted and listed themselves under this Bossina, who styled himself Commander in Chief of the Deserters; and having his Headquarters at Carpenizi, towards the Confines of Lepanto, he exacted Contributions from the Villages and Countries round about: With him joined some other seditious Captains, and a certain Ensign called Vito of Captain Rado's Company, a Fellow of a bold Spirit, without Faith or Honesty; and with him he debauched several dissolute Soldiers to forsake the Camp and join with Bossina. The Troops of Liberachi being greatly increased by this Conjunction, the Venetian Generals consulted in what manner they might give a stop to this Desertion, 
Th● Venetians f●ar the increase o● Liberachi 's Fo●ces.  and cut to pieces Liberachi, Bossina, Vito, and their Followers: In the first place it was resolved to declare, That ten Zechins should be given for the Head of every Deserter, or for any that should be brought alive to the Camp; the which produced an excellent Effect; for hereupon many of the Albanians, who had designed to be of the Conspiracy, changed their Minds, and having possessed themselves of the narrow Passes from Thebes to Petra, Negropont, and Vola, 
〈◊〉 Remedy.  seized on many of them, and brought them back to the Camp, where they sustained the Punishment which their Treachery deserved; by which means the Conspiracy was broken, and many of those who watched an opportunity to Escape, contained themselves within the Limits of their Duty.  
But the manner how to Ruin Liberachi was much more difficult, and some Consultations were held thereupon: 
A Plot laid against Liberachi.  At length it was concluded, That the only way to Effect this Stratagem, was either by alluring him into the Hands of the Venetians, or by rendering him suspected to the Turks; who upon the least Jealousy were ready to apply the Bowstring to his Throat. To this purpose, a certain Captain, called john Dambi, offered himself, a Person of great Bravery and Conduct, and a good Soldier; 
A Plo● against Liberachi.  one who spoke Turkish, Greek, and Italian, and was very well versed in all the Manners, Ceremonies, and Customs of the Turks; and above all, that which made him the most proper Instrument for this work, was, That he had been a most intimate Friend of this Liberachi; for having been a Fellow Slave with him, and linked in the same Chain at Constantinople, they became sworn Brothers, 
Dambi s●nt to him  and made Protestations of mutual and unviolable Friendship ever to continue; and that after they should be eased of their Chains, yet the same Bonds of Faith and Affection should never be dissolved.  
Nor was Dambi only his Friend; but the Doge Morosini had been Liberachi's Godfather, a Relation much endearing in that Country; and therefore the Title both of Friend, and Godfather, had great Charms with the generous Temper of Liberio; who upon the first notice given him by Dambi, that being at Lepanto, not far from Vracori, was very desirous to make him a Visit, he instantly dispatched a Pass, or Salvo Condotto to him, inviting him with all the kind Terms imaginable to come to him without the least scruple or fear imaginable.  
In Confidence of Liberachi's Fidelity, Dambi departed from Lepanto in Company with two Friends, and two Servants; and in two days time arrived at Vracori, 
Is kindly received by Liberachi.  where he was received with all the Ceremony and kind Treatment that could be expected. Upon the News of a Stranger's arrival in that Town, the Turks were curious to know who he was, which Liberachi freely declared, saying, That he was come from the Venetian Armata, on no other Design, than as an old Friend, to see him, and tell old Stories of what Troubles and Miseries they had sustained together. The Turks supposing that he might be come over to their side, bid him kindly welcome; as did also one Marco Stifichi, Captain of a galeot, whom the Captain-General had for his many Piracies committed to the Galleys; howsoever, in respect to the Oltramarines, had set him at liberty; but he, ungrateful for the favour received, fled to Liberachi, intending to side with the discontented, or rather licentious Mainotes under his Command. 
Their Conference.  After some Discourses over a Dish of Coffee and Sherbet, according to the Turkish Treatment, the Turks and Stifichi withdrew; and than Liberachi began to unbosom himself to Dambi, That the Obligations he had to the Captain-General, who in the year 1657, had Answered for him at the Holy F●nt in Calamata, were such, as called for all Respect and Duty to him; and moreover, he could not but be sensible, that his most Serene Highness, could not but be displeased, and troubled to see one, whom he had made a Christian, to side with the Enemies to that Religion; and therefore he did not doubt, but that he had sent him, that is, Dambi, to endeavour to get him back to the right Way from whence he had swerved: Dambi hereupon confessed the same, and assured him from the Captain-General of Favour and Promotion, in case he would return, and bring over with him the Revolted Mainotes, which would be a good Example for Bossina, and his Oltramarines to follow. 
Liberachi excuses his coming over to the Venetians.  To which Liberachi made this Reply; That he would most readily comply, were not his Obligations too great at Constantinople, where he had not only a Wife and Children, but two Friends engaged for his Fidelity to the Grand Signior, and which would most certainly suffer with the Ruin of their Families, should he Prevaricate from the Faith he had given to the Turks; moreover, he had Married the Widow of the late Prince of Moldavia, with an Estate of 20000 Crowns; in which Match, the Grand Vizier had been instrumental; so that his Sin of Ingratitude would be the more notorious, should he make a Revolt after so many Kindnesses he had received on all sides. By this time Dinner was brought in, which was with great Plenty both of Dishes and Wine, well dressed, and very sumptuous; at which there was none present unless Liberachi himself, Dambi, and his Priest. After Dinner, the same Discourse was carried on, and Dambi persisted to urge him with all the Arguments which Reason could suggest to return unto his Duty; but Liberachi still persisted, that his Obligations to his Wife and Children were so great, that they outweighed the Duty to his Prince; for that the Laws of Nature and Faithfulness given to those, who had been Bail, and Security for his Fidelity, aught upon no Considerations in the World to be violated, and therefore he desired his Friend to press him no farther upon that Point. At the end of this Discourse, one Ali Bey, sent with Money from the Seraskier to pay the Soldiery under Liberachi, 
Ali Bey disturbs the Discourse.  came in, and demanded who this Dambi was; and being informed, that he was an Ancient Friend known to him at Constantinople, and came now to him from the Venetian Armata, for no other Reason than to make him a Visit: Ali Bey desired, that he might have him in his Custody, to carry before the Seraskier, promising upon his Faith to return him back again in Safety: But Liberachi refusing so to do, saying, That he had pawned his Word already that he should return back without Hindrance or Molestation; Ali Bey departed, but with some Threats, that he would make this Denial known unto the Seraskier, and how he had given Entertainment to a suspected Stranger. Dambi fearing some stop or trouble from hence would immediately take leave of his Friend, who just at his departure, desired him, that so soon as he should be arrived in the Morea, that he would kiss the Feet of his most Serene Highness, and return him a thousand Thanks for the great Goodness and Favours which he had by many instances demonstrated unto him; 
Liberachi his Compliment s●nt to the Doge.  giving him to understand the Reasons and Causes which debarred him from enjoying the true Felicity of those many Offers of his most precious Grace and Favour: Howsoever, he gave him Assurances of doing all Services possible to his Highness, by advising and informing him of all the Motions and Designs of the Turks; but because the practice hereof might be dangerous by Letters, which were subject to be intercepted; he desired that his Highness would direct the way, and manner of such a Correspondence; And in the mean time, he prayed Dambi to inform him, year 1689. That the Seraskier was at Zittuni, with 4000 Soldiers, amongst which were 1200 Horse; 
 That his Orders from the G●and Signior were, That in case the Venetians should make a second Attempt upon Negropont, and that he had force sufficient, that then he should give them Battle, and not suffer them to Entrench before the City: But if on the contrary, the Venetians should be too strong for him, that then he should endeavour to make a Diversion, by falling into the Morea, wasting and consuming the Country; and that he, Liberachi, was ordered with his Forces, being about 2000 Men, to join with the Seraskier in this Action. And farther he desired him to acquaint the Captain-General, That in Negropont they had made a Palisade round Carababa, about a Musket-shot distant from the Town, which was of great Defence to the place. Likewise, That Ibrahim, who Commands in Negropont, had declared, That in case the Seraskier at Land should not assist him in the Defence of Carababa, it would be impossible to maintain and conserve the City; That they were making other Outworks to cover the place; That the Seraskier was ordered not to depend upon any Succours from Constantinople, but received Commands to raise what Men he was able in the Parts where his Army was, as far as to Larissa; and that the Garrison of Negropont consisted of no more than 30●0 Men: And that the Orders which he himself had received, were to bring all the Country under Contribution from Salona to Santa Maura; which he was resolved to do with great rigour, by forcing them to pay ten Dollars a Head; by which means they would be constrained to fly for Refuge into Morea, which he thought would be of some Advantage to the Venetians. Discoursing farther upon these Matters, Dambi desired to know what was become of Captain Bossina, who Commanded the Oltramarines, which had deserted from the Army; to which he gave Answer, That they were in the Villages of Carpenizi.  
In this manner, the Discourse being ended, 
Dambi departs.  Liberachi would accompany Dambi on some part of his way, and brought him four Miles with 70 Horse, and some Footmen, commanding also two of his Captains with some Men, to give him Convoy so far as the River Lepanto; to which place being conducted with safety, he was admitted with all readiness to the presence of his Serene Highness, who much applauded the punctual Relations and Services of Dambi; hoping from thence, that the Plot could not fail that he had laid for Liberachi; for either he would be forced thereby to leave the Service of the Turks, with many of his Followers, or otherwise falling into the Jealousy of the Turks by this free Conference, it could not but prove fatal to him; so that take it which way they would, Liberachi was under a necessity with his Men of seeking Refuge under the Protection of the Venetian Arms.  

The Troops embarked.  These Circumstances being well considered, were a sufficient motive to Embark the Troops, and to order some Ships, and other Vessels to sail forthwith to Malvasia, and to direct Orders to Gradenigo Proveditor-Extraordinary, to march with the Horse into those Parts. But whilst the Doge was in a readiness to Embark, there arrived an Express with Letters from Demetrio Gaspari, an Athenian, dated at Culuri, advising, That he, and those Inhabitants had received Intelligence, That several Galliots belonging to the Enemy, were coming upon them, and therefore in all Humility, they supplicated, that they would come to their Assistance and Succour; Whereupon Orders being given to the Galleasses, Ships, and Galliots to sail for Malvasia, 
The Doge sails for Culuri.  the Doge with the Galleys took his Course directly for Culuri; but before they could come thither, labouring against the Winds by force of their Oars, the Turks had been there, and transported from thence 350 Greeks, for the most part Women and Children; for the Men had secured themselves in the Mountains; but great Instances being made for their Transportation to some more secure place, and that they might be set ashore on the Island of Egena; it was ordered, that three Vessels should attend, and carry them to what Place they should determine; and then the Doge proceeded to the Island of Specie, and the day following to Malvasia.  
And here having Intelligence, That several Barbarosse Ships infested the Coasts of Zant, and Sapienza, and had already taken a Patach belonging to Zant; the Doge began to be in some fear for the Convoy expected with Money from Venice for Subsistence of the Army, under the Command of Girolamo Cornaro Proveditor-General of the Sea; 
Some fears for the Convoy coming from Venice.  the which being debated at a Council of War, and the importance of the Matter well considered, it was resolved to dis-speed away immediately, the Proveditor of the Armata, Augustino Sagredo, with twelve Galleys, and Lorenzo Venier, Captain-Extraordinary, with six Ships, with Orders to sail as far as Corfu to meet the aforesaid Cornaro, and to bring him and the Ships under his Convoy, laden with Money and other Necessaries, in security to the Fleet. In which matter, both the Commanders of the Galleys and Ships having received their Instruction, and having provided themselves with all things necessary for their Voyage, they set sail in few hours before Night.  
In the Morning the Ships were observed to be at some distance from the Shore, and at least ten Miles from the Galleys, which were making their way to Cape St. Angelo, the which gave some Trouble to the Doge, by thinking, that in case these two Divisions▪ were so far separated at the beginning, what would become of them before the end of the Voyage; Whilst the Doge thought of these things, a great Fleet appeared Steering directly to that Port, 
The Duke of Guadagne joins the Fleet.  which coming nearer was found to be the Fleet which brought the Duke of Guadagne, Serjeant-General Baron Spaar, and several other Officers, with 333 Foot Soldiers.  
About this time arrived the unhappy News of the loss of two Venetian Galleys, 
Two Venetian Galleys lost.  one Commanded by Pietro Dona, and the other by Henrico Pappafava, both Venetian Noblemen, taken by the Corsairs of Tripoli on the Coast of Sapienza. This Advice was very surprising to the Doge, it being a loss which had not happened with so much Disgrace for many years to the Venetian Arms; and the more strange it was, in regard, That Francisco Dona was on Board the Galley, a Person of great Experience in Maritime Affairs, and yet suffered himself to be deceived by two white Streamers or Pendants which the Enemy had put forth, to be esteemed French, by which the Galleys were decoyed so near, as to be out of all possibility of Escape.  
The Doge having laid Siege to the Town of Malvasia both by Sea and Land, a certain Slave, who had been Captain of a Tartana, 
A Relation of the state of the town.  having made an Escape from the Fortress, gave an Account of the State and Condition of the Town and Castle; relating, that the Garrison consisted only of 700 stout Soldiers, with which, and with the Inhabitants, they might amount to about 2000 Souls, Women and Children, all resolved to defend themselves, as appeared by the Sequel. The Commanders in Chief were Mustapha Disdar, or Governor of the Castle, an ancient Man, who carried great Authority and Resolution in his Face and Actions: And Assan Aga, who Commanded the Town, who upon approach of the Enemy, caused their Galliots, Brigantines, and smaller Boats and Vessels to be drawn close under the Wall of the Town, 
1689. May.  for their better security; That the Houses of the Town were strongly built; and that the principal Persons thereof had filled all thei● upper Rooms with Earth, to cover them from the Bombs; but that the Streets for the most part were very narrow: That the Turks were then at work in drawing their Cannon to such parts of the Wall, from whence they might most annoy the Bridge: That the rich Inhabitants were well supplied with Provisions, of which they were forced to Communicate some part to the poorer sort: That the Garrison was not paid; but that consisting for the most part of Natives of the Country, and Seamen enured to Hardship and Piracy, were contented to suffer and undergo any Trouble and Want for the Sake and Defence of their Native City: And in shorr, That besides the Garrison there were about 160 Greeks, who kept Watch and Ward, and underwent all the Duties of a regular Militia.  
This Information gave some Retardment to the formal Siege and Attack of the place; for it was resolved to attend the arrival of the several Convoys, and Auxiliary Galleys shortly expected; and that in the mean time, the Town should be kept under a strict Blockade, and the Guards placed in all the Avenues and Passages to the Town, where the Duke de Guadagne the General should judge most proper to dispose them; 
June.  and to lose no time, all the Troops were drawn into a Body, that a particular Review and Account might be taken of the Numbers and Condition of the whole Army.  
Whilst these things were acting, the eight Galleys of Malta began to appear, being then Doubling the Cape of St. Angelo, 
The Malta Galleys arrived the 24 th'.  Commanded by Fra. Carlo Spinelli, who was Bali of Armenia; a worthy Soldier, and a Religious Commander, whose Fortune being to join the Venetian Fleet on St. John's Day their Tutelar Saint, added very much to the Joy and Festivity of the Day. And what farther increased the Satisfaction both of the Fleet and Army, was at the same time to see the happy arrival of a Convoy Commanded by Pietro Bembo, 
The Venetian Convoy arrives.  bringing 72000 Zechins in Gold for Service of the Army; upon which also arrived, the Prince de Harcourt, and Count Enea Rapetta Serjeants-general, besides several select Companies of Foot to the number of 455 Soldiers, with Provisions of all sorts for their Support and Maintenance; as also the Regiments of Hisy, and Simon Famfogna, both Colonels of Croatia, consisting of about 700 Foot; as also a Regiment of Dragoons of the the same Country, 
1689. June.  under the Command of Colonel Strel. After the Entrance of these several Galleys and Vessels into Port; and having cast Anchor in their orderly Divisions, and the Salutes made and returned by Cannon, and Volleys of small shot, according to the customary Civilities of the Seas, 
Visits made to the Dog●▪  the Admiral of Malta attended with his Followers of Knights and Gentlemen, went to pay his Visit to the Doge, after the same manner as he had done the year before, (which happened then to be on the 16th of july) the Ducal Galley remained with its Anchor apique, in an open place, having the Galleasses for Antiguards, with their Anchors also apique, and with Streamers and Colours flying, as is usual in such Solemnities; The Doge received these Generals below on the Deck, and afterwards conducted them into the Poop, where having entertained one the other, with Discourses of their respective Voyages, and of the present state of the Camp before the Town, and passed other Civilities and Compliments, they took their leaves, and returned to their several Vessels.  
The next Day the Doge sent his Lieutenant-General Andrea Pisani to return the Compliments in his Name with the like Ceremony, 
The Compliments returned,  and to deliver unto those Generals the several Ordinances of War, and the Instructions both for Fight and Navigation. After which, a Council of War was called, at which the Doge, the General of Malta, the Duke of Guadagne, and all the General Officers both of Sea and Land, were present to Consult, and take such Measures as were most agreeable to the present Exigencies.  
There were four Propositions made for employing their Arms, and four Designs offered, but they were all of so different a Nature, that they could not come to any Determination at that Meeting; but at length, after various Reflections made on the necessity there was of coming to a Resolution, it was concluded, That General Guadagne should with his Cavalry take a view of the Straight of Corinth, 
The Result of a Council of War.  (which is that Neck of Land which joins the Morea to Greece) and upon a Survey thereof to make a Calculate, how many Men would be required to Maintain and Defend that Pass in case the Turks should endeavour to force their entrance that way into the Morea, it being of great importance to fortify that passage, and not leave it open, and undefended to the Incursion of the Turks; whilst the Armata should be employed on other Erterprises.  
Whilst things remained under these Uncertainties, News was brought by an Express from Salona, That Liberachi had wrote a menacing Letter to the Bailiffs and principal Men belonging to the Villages and Parts adjacent, that they should come and pay their Respects to him, 
Liberachi threatens 〈◊〉 n●ar ●alona.  and bring their Carach, or Poll-Money with them, or otherwise he would come and punish them according as their Disobedience should deserve. To which they unanimously made Answer, That he might come when he pleased, that they feared him not; and that he should find their Scimetars to be as keen, and sharp as his. Liberachi upon this Answer, being then at Zittuni, not far from Salona, immediately put his Troops in order, and marched against them; and was boldly encountered by Charopoliti, who Commanded the Country People, and being joined with some Troops of the Confederate Provinces, and of the Oltramarines, (who under the Command of Elia Damianovick, had deserted the Venetian Army) they joined Battle with Liberachi, and after a Bloody Fight defeated him, 
H●●●●hts, a●● i● defeated.  and carried many of the Turks Heads to General Cornaro, who with his Galley was nearly approached to that Coast.  
But as to the Venetian Arms, all things remained still and without motion; 
July.  only the Doge and Guadagne passed with some Galleys along the Shoar-side by way of the Gardens, to take necessary Observations of the Countenance of the Enemy, and Situation of the place, without coming to any certain Resolution. Howsoever at length, after long Debates, they resolved at a Council of War, (that their Arms might not remain longer unemployed) to dis-speed the Cavalry, which were to march by Land, and 3000 Foot Soldiers to be embarked on the Ships, furnished with all sorts of Provisions both for Arms, and Victuals, and therewith to fail to the Straight of Corinth, to disappoint the Seraskier of all hopes of Entrance into the Morea: 
The N●●row of Corinth fortified.  The Prince Harcourt was to Command the Horse, accompanied with the Sergeant-General Spaar; who joining with the Auxiliaries of that Country under the Command of Dambi, it was calculated, that they might form a Body of about 7000 fight Men effective; who were to be attended by Cornaro the Proveditor-General, who, with some Galleys, was to assist as any occasion should occur.  
But whilst this Design was putting in practice, and all things prepared for the March and Voyage of the Soldiers, and some already gone, the unhappy News arrived, 
The Plag●● 〈◊〉 out.  That the Plague was broken out in the Country of Tropoliza, whereby the whole Army might be in danger of Contagion; 
1689. July.  that being the common Way, and Road by which all the Provisions were to pass for Relief of the Army, unless they would take a compass by Sea round the Morea, which would be an uncertain and tedious Navigation. But His Serene Highness the Doge, having put all things in the most secure manner possible to avoid Infection, 14 Sail of Ships were dispatched for Transport of the Soldiers, on which were laden the Chevaux de Frise, with all sorts of Provisions, and Ammunition for War, and Sustenance of the Soldiers. And that the City of Malvasia might still remain straightened by a Blockade, and as it were Besieged, the two Forts were finished, which served to keep the Defendants within the compass of their own Walls, and to hinder them from other Avenues on the side towards the Gardens, at that place which is called Palio Dirgo, 
Malvasia blocked up.  some Regiments were ordered to raise certain Forts and Redoubts on that side, the Slaves belonging to the Galleys, which were brought as near as they could come, were employed in the Works to cast up Earth, and make Faggots; and a Squadron of Galleys under Command of Pisani, was posted there to be assistant to the Regiments ashore.  
The Doge in the mean time removed from the Fort of St. Nicholas, which was the Old Malvasia, towards the New Forts, which being entirely completed, four pieces of great Cannon of 50 Pound Bullet were Landed, and planted on the principal Fortress, whence they greatly annoyed th● Turks; howsoever the Enemy was not negligent on the other side to ply their Cannon on that part which is nearest to the Bridge.  
In the mean time also the General of Malta, 
The Malta Galleys permitted to cruise abroad.  (for whom at present there was no great Action) by permission of the Doge received licence to be absent for 15 Days, and to cruise about the Cape of Sapienza, and Watch for the Corsairs of Barbary, which did commonly infest the Seas.  
About this time Prince Maximilian of Brunswick arrived at the Armata, where the Day following he was received with the usual Ceremony by the Doge; he brought with him no more force than what served for his own Equipage, and for the better Defence of the Ship, on which he was Embarked: but so soon as this Prince had performed his Compliments, 
A Storm endangers ●he Galleys.  a sudden Storm arose with Hail and Wind, so violent, as put all the Galleys into imminent danger; some lost their Boltsprits, others their Main-Yards, others had their Oars broken, some had their Poops blown away, and Boats were overturned, with such prodigious Hail, as the like had scarce ever been seen before. In short the whole Armata was in danger of being lost; but God be praised, tho' the Escape was wonderful, yet it cost some Trouble, Time, and Charges to repair the Damages; in which also the Forces on Land had their share, having had their Tents and Huts overthrown by this Hurricane of Wind; only the Turks received some benefit thereby, having had their Cisterns filled with the Showers of Rain and Hail, which fell like a Deluge into all the Receptacles and Vessels made to receive fresh Water for the Use and Service of this City, of which before this Accident, they began to be sensible of some want.  
And now Letters were brought from the Forces lately sent to guard the Straight of Corinth, that the Defence and Conservation of that place, would require a 1000 Men more; which His Serene Highness being desired to dispatch away, they were without any delay embarked on the Squadron of Captain Pisani, and by that time the Batteries for the Mortar-pieces being also completed, 
Reinforcement sent ●o the Narrow of Corinth.  they began to throw their Bombs and Carcases thick into the Town, which so incommoded the Defendants, that the Venetians began to conceive some hopes of a speedy Surrender, and the Forts played so constantly on the Town, to open and widen the Breaches, as if they had intended to have stormed the Walls, for which they had neither Men, nor other Preparations. Howsoever it was hoped, that by the Cannon and Bombs only, the City might be reduced: For that a Magazine of Powder in a place called the Windmill, was blown up, and by a Report received from some Deserters, 
The Bombs annoy the Town.  the Defendants were extremely annoyed by the Bombs; of which their greatest damage was to their Cisterns, and Conservatories of Water; by this intelligence the Doge was encouraged to ply them incessantly with Bombs, not only from the Landside, but from three Palanders, or Bomb-Ships, two of which were placed directly opposite to the City, and a third was drawn just under the Fortress to increase the Annoyance which was made by the Cannon.  

Th● Galleys of Malta return.  In the mean time at the expiration of the 14 Days allotted, the Malta Galleys returned from cruising on the Coast of the Cape Sapienza, having neither met the Ships of Barbary, nor other Booty: And whereas it was represented, that these Galleys could be little serviceable at present towards the Subjection and Surrender of the City, it was judged, that they might be best employed in cruising on the Pirates of Barbary, and securing the Christian Vessels which Trade in those Seas; and accordingly those Galleys were without the least delay dispatched again for the Cape Lands, which are most infested by the Pirates, being favoured by the Northern Winds, which continued for several Days, 
●h●y go again to Sea.  even to the end of this Month.  
But this Wind which was beneficial to the Galleys of Malta, was so prejudicial and dangerous to the Palanders, as put them besides all their Works and Operations; so that instead of annoying the Town, they had Business enough to save themselves from sinking in the Seas, which the Northerly Winds drove violently upon them: So that now the Besiegers had nothing to annoy the Enemy, but what was thrown from the Forts erected on the Land.  
Things in this m●nner no● succeeding well on the Venetian side, 
 some little encouragement was administered by the Arrival of the Proveditor General of the Seas, 
Corna●● joins the Fleet.  Girolamo Cornaro, who on the 5th of the Month of August, whilst the Doge was in person on the side of the Gardens, to invigorate, and by his presence to animate the Approaches against the Town, was discovered to double the Cape of St. Angelo with two Galleys, and a galeot, and to bend his Course directly towards the Fleet. The Arrival of Cornaro, a person of so much Honour and Esteem, generally applauded in all parts, gave wonderful satisfaction to the Fleet and Army; for tho' the Galleys and galeot he brought with him, could not contribute much to the Reinforcement of the Armata; yet the Reputation of such a person, renowned as well for his Bravery and Conduct, as for the fame of his Family and Ancestors, gave a general Satisfaction and Confidence to all the Forces.  
It being observed by the Doge, that notwithstanding all their Endeavours, no great Advancement was made on the Town, and that the Defendants continued still resolute and unterrified, and therefore that something more effectual should be attempted upon them, to force them to a Surrender: It was ordered, that four of the greatest Ships should be appointed to batter the Town with their Cannon, whilst an Attempt should be made to burn their Galliots, Brigantines, and Londra's, 
Attempt to burn the Vessels of the Town▪  which were drawn up close under the Walls: To execute this Enterprise, four Boats, or Pinnaces armed with Stout Resolute Seamen, Commanded by Peter Ferrari, were appointed to burn the Vessels lying under the Walls, and being furnished with Fireworks, were to make an Attack on them, under the Smoke of the Cannon, which were to play on the Town from the four Ships.  
Things being all prepared for such an Enterprise, the Doge left his own, and mounted the Galley of Pisani, who was Captain of the Slaves condemned to the Oar, 
1689. August.  and thereon returned to the Garden side, to be a Spectator of the Action, knowing that his presence would much animate and inspire Courage into the Assailants. The next Day being the time appointed, a Body of about 100 Oltramarines, were ordered in the Night to hide themselves under some little Hills and Rocks called Grebani, and at the Foot of one of the Enemy's Forts, to cover the Attack in case the Turks should make a Sally from the Town. But the Success did not answer the Expectation of the Martial Spirits of so many brave Officers and Soldiers, 
But without effect.  who came down in great Numbers to behold the performance of this Action; the which was absolutely defeated for want of the four Ships, which were detained below by contrary Winds: Howsoever the Expectation being great, the Officers on the shore approached the Town nearer than was necessary and safe, of which the Turks not neglecting their Advantage, made many Shots amongst them from the Walls, one of which killed Lorenzo Venier, 
Venier & Caraccioli killed.  Captain Extraordinary of the Ships, and Michael Angelo Caraccioli, a Cavalier of Malta, whilst they were both in serious Discourse together, having received the Mortal Blow on their Heads. The Death of Venier was greatly lamented not only by the Doge, but by the whole Army, and indeed the Loss was general, being one of the most able Citizens of Venice, and the best Sea Captain belonging to that Republic: And indeed it seemed, as if an unhappy Constellation had been reigning over him at that time, when being desirous to be aboard for better direction of the four Ships, the Doge permitted him not, 
Are greatly lamented.  out of a regard to his Person, which he did not think fit to adventure on so desperate a hazard, so that what was intended for his Conservation, was turned to his Loss and Destruction.  
But this was not all the Misfortune; for the Turks observing such a Concourse of People, and from thence apprehending some intention of an Assault, made a Sally, not only from the Town, but from the Rocks, 
The Turks make a Sa●ly.  under which the Oltramarines had concealed themselves; where the Turks falling on them in the Rear, killed many of them, and put the rest to Flight; and tho' the Sergeant-Major Tomaso Pompey, with some of his Men, 
Som● Oltramarines put to ●●ight.  came in to their Succour, he got nothing thereby more than a Musket-shot in his Thigh, after which he was forced to retreat.  
After which unhappy Misfortune, the Doge returned to his Ducal Galley greatly afflicted for the Death of Venier; by which the Ships wanting an Admiral, Domenico Diedo was substituted in his place, until the return of Pisani from the Gulf of Corinth. All which time the Forces sent to guard that important Pass and Narrow leading into the Morea, remained there without any Action, the Seraskier not intending to make any effort thereon for that Year; 
The Seraskier keeps a Guard on Negropont.  for that his Eyes being fixed on Negropont, where he expected that the Venetians should renew their Attempt, he judged that their appearance before Malvasia, was nothing but a Blind to divert him from the guard of that important place.  
Things not being very promising before Malvasia, and little hopes to subdue it by force, the Doge resolved to spend the remainder of the Summer in cruising in the Archipelago; but not to lose all the Fruits of the preceding Labours, the Redoubt raised at the Bridge was fortified and perfected, and the other Forts strengthened with as many Men and Cannon, as were esteemed sufficient both to keep the Enemy from Sallying out, or Provisions from entering in; but before the Doge departed, four of the greatest Ships were ordered to batter the Town, 
The Ships batter the Town.  and give a farewell to them with their biggest Cannon: The which being performed within Musket-shot, ruined almost all the Suburbs, yet not without some Loss aboard the Ships by the Enemy's Smallshot from the Walls.  
The Preparations for securing the Blockade of the Town being perfected, and the Work of Careening, Washing, and Tallowing of the Venetian, and Maltese Galleys being ended, 
Septemb.  it was concluded necessary to execute the former resolution of sailing up the Archipelago, to the Gulf of Negropont, whereby the Seraskier might be alarmed, and amused so far as to keep his Forces on that side, and without farther attempt, to pass the Straight of Corinth into the Morea; and that in the mean time all things might be secured before Malvasia, four Galleys were appointed to remain there, under the Command of Frederico Bembo, and Colonel Fabio Lanoia to maintain the first Fortress, and Colonel Carlo Montanari the second, with their respective Regiments.  
All things being thus ordained, and agreed, the Doge weighed Anchor in the Night, and endeavoured to get out, but the Winds being contrary, he was forced to return back again to an Anchor; as the like happened also the next Day, not only by contrary Winds, but by some Misunderstandings between the Vessels of the Vanguard. But what was worse than all the former Misfortunes, 
The Doge sick of a Fever.  the Doge was seized with such a violent Fever, as confined him to his Bed, in which the Physicians discovered very dangerous Symptoms of a long Distemper. Moreover some unhappy Reports were then flying abroad, 
1689. Septemb.  That the Captain Pasha was come out, and roving upon the Seas in the Archipelago with 14 Galleys, 31 Ships, including those of Barbary, and 18 Galliots, with design to raise Catach, or Contributions from the Islands: But no great credit was given to that Report, by reason that the Season of the Year was so far advanced, that it seemed rather time to lay up Vessels in Harbour, than to begin a new Expedition. Howsoever the News hereof, and the Distemper of the Doge increasing, which the Physicians termed a Relapse, and therefore more dangerous, declaring also that the change of Air would be the most proper Remedy for the Disease, 
The Doge returns ●ome.  it was resolved, That the Charge and Command of the Fleet, should be committed to the Conduct of that Wise and Prudent Cavalier Cornaro the Proveditor-General of the Seas, whose Vice-Admiral was Carlo Pisani, and Rearadmirals' Bartolmeo Gredenigo, and Giovanni Pizzamano; to whom also the Galley of Ludovico Balbi designed for Dalmatia was joined, together with the Galleys of Malta, which being according to the Season of the Year, recalled home; the Admiral with that Squadron, sailed with the Venetians, esteeming it a great Honour to accompany the Doge on that occasion, so far as his Way and Course would admit.  
In this manner the Doge, whose Illness increased, set sail the 15th of September, and directing his Course towards Venice, came the next Day in sight of Coron, and passing at no great distance from Modon, they Anchored that Night at Prodano, and the next Day in the Road of Zant; where having remained all that Day, they Anchored the next Day in Port Viscardo upon the Island of Ceffalonia, and the following Day at Corfu. We omit all the Ceremonies which passed between the Armata, and the Officers of the several Cities, and Countries by which they sailed; as also the short stay made at Casopo, where Prayers and Money were offered at the Miraculous Image of our Lady, for the Health and Recovery of the Doge; and here it was not far from the Rock of jasseno, 
The Galleys of Malta separate from the Fleet.  that the Galleys of Malta taking their leave of the Venetian Fleet, returned to their own Country: From Casopo they came to the Entrance of Cattaro, where they had intelligence, that Alexander Molino, Proveditor-General in that Province, was returned from Narenta, having failed of the Design he undertook in those Parts, by reason that the morlacs had not executed his Orders.  
On the 28th they came in sight of Ragusi, from whence the Senate sent off five of their principal Gentlemen to Compliment the Doge; but by reason of his Indisposition they were introduced to the Presence of the Lieutenant-General, to whom, with sensible Expressions of their Sorrow for the Indisposition of His Most Serene Highness, 
The Doge at Ragusi.  they declared the great Honour and Deference they conserved for the Most Serene Republic of Venice, being extremely sorry, that they should be deprived of the satisfaction of laying themselves at the Feet of His Highness: After which they made their Presents of all sorts of Refreshments, such as Confects, Fowl, Fruit, Wax, Herbs, and Ice, with whatsoever else might be acceptable at Sea.  
The 1st of October they Anchored before the City and Castle of Spalleto, 
October.  
Spalleto.  the strongest Venetian Garrison that is on the Dalmatian Shoar, commanded by Bartolmeo Gritti, who with the Archbishop attended with many Followers, came to the side of the Ducal Galley, where they were received by the Lieutenant-General. And here it was thought fit to pass the Quarantene, which is observed with indispensible Rigour by all Vessels coming from the Levant; for which this being esteemed a commodious place, Orders were given for fitting and preparing the Lazaretto, and to provide it with all things necessary, and with faithful and diligent Guardians.  
And here it was that the Doge having all things fitly accommodated for him, went ashore to enjoy something of Repose and Rest, being much weakened by his Sickness and Fatigues of his Voyage. From hence was dispatched an Express to the Senate, 
Octob. 3d  to give them notice, that the Doge resolved to make his Contumacia at that Place, 
The Doge makes his Quarantene at Spalleto.  and was already entered into Quarantene. In answer unto which, the Senate dispatched their Ducal Letters to signify their Pleasure, that the Doge might continue to finish his Quarantene at Spalleto; to which end the Prior, and Overseers of the Health, were dispatched from Venice to take care that all things relating to that Matter, should be performed with due Care and Punctuality; and accordingly all things were inspected by them, whether of Goods or Merchandise, and nothing of rigour omitted with the least respect to the Person of the Doge, or his Retinue.  
At the beginning of November, 
Novemb.  News was brought to Spalleto, That the Proveditor-General Molino, had succeeded in his Design against Trebigne, having possessed himself in that Country of 10 Towers, of which he had demolished seven, and retained three, into which he had put some Forces, which might serve to incommode the Turks in their Excursions.  
During the time of this Q●arantene, nothing passed at Spalleto, but only Triumphs and Festivals for the Successes of Prince Lewis of Baden against the Turks, 
1689. Novemb.  and for the Election of Cardinal Ottoboni to the Papal Throne, 
Their joyc● for the Succ●ss●s of Pr▪ Lewis of Baden.  under the Name of Alexander VIII. Letters also were brought from the Ports of Malvasia, of the 4th of October, That the General of the Seas Cornaro, departed from thence the 23d of September, with the Galleys under his Command; having left four Galleys behind for Guards under Rear-Admiral Bembo, and 10 Ships under Marco Pisani; and that since the Departure of the Doge, about 30 Persons had made their escape out of Malvasia, declaring the great Misery which was in the City, besides the raging Diseases of Fluxes and Convulsions.  
In performance of the Quarantene the Month of November passed, and an entrance made into the Month of December, by which the Doge being returned to a better State of Health, and all the Galleys well refreshed, 
The P●atcic● giv●n to the Doge.  and in a good Condition, and supplied with Provisions, come from Venice; and all things put into a Posture for Sailing; Prattica was given to the whole Fleet, (that is, a Licence of Converse and Communication) by the Officers of Health; and next Day being the 17th of December, 
Decemb.  Anchors were weighed, and the Doge proceeded on his Voyage towards Venice, where he arrived about the end of this Month; with which the Year expiring, we shall not need to describe the glorious Reception of the Doge into the Palace of St. Mark, 
T●● D●g● departs from Spalleto, and arrives at Venice.  with all the Pomp and Magnificence which the Riches, and fervent affection of this celebrated City, and Wise Senate could confer on a Prince so famous and deserving as this: And so let us proceed to the following Year.  

Anno 1690.  

1690. January.  THUS far had the Affairs of Christendom succeeded prosperously against the Turks; for tho' the Venetians had for the two last Years performed no great Feats, yet the Imperial Arms under the Conduct of Prince Lewis of Baden, had been Prosperous even to a Miracle; but now the Germane Empire being furiously Attacked within the Bowels of it by the Arms of France, there was a necessity to look homewards, and for the several Princes to provide for their own Safety, and guard their own Countries, for which reason many of the Germane Troops being called out of Hungary, the main Burden of the War fell upon the Emperor, and was carried on with various Success, tho' for the most part Prosperous, whilst his Affairs were under the Auspicious Government of that Valiant and Renowned General Prince Lewis of Baden.  
This Month of january began not very favourably on the Christian side; for the Prince of Holstein hearing that the Turks miserably destroyed the Countries round about, he marched to Prisserens, with some Troops to meet them, and thence, not being able to spare many Forces, he detached the Prince of Hanover, and Colonel Strasser, to relieve the Pass of Casseneck, which was said to be Besieged by the Turks: On the the 1st of january, when they decamped from before Prisserens or Prissina, their Troops consisted of 120 Foot, drawn from the Regiment of Aspremont; 80 of Averspergs, five Companies of Dragoons of the Prince of Hanover's Regiment, eight Troops of Horse of Holstein, six Troops of Horse of Hanover, four Troops of Horse of the Regiment of Stirum; all which did not amount unto more than 1600 Men, with which they marched so diligently, that the next Day they arrived near Casseneck, in sight of the Enemy; their Orders were not to approach too near, nor advance too far, until they had well observed the true strength of the Enemy, and discovered whether they were so strong as had been reported: Accordingly they at first posted themselves with their Backs to a Morass, and planted four Field-Pieces against the Enemy, who durst not Attack them in that Place; but keeping within the Hills and Woods, they detached 1000 Tartars into the open Fields, upon sight of which, Colonel Strasser quitting his Advantageous Post, forced them to retreat with the Death of some of them; but the Germans being now in the open Field, and not able to retreat, they found themselves surrounded on all sides with 30000 of the Enemy, against which having sustained a Battle from Nine in the Morning, till Three in the Afternoon, 
The Germans defeated.  and having spent all their Powder and Ammunition, they were at last totally defeated. In this Fight the Prince of Hanover, Colonel Strasser, Count Solari, with most of the Officers, and many of the Common Soldiers were killed on the Place, most of the Prisoners being wounded, died; all their Colours, Kettledrums, etc. were taken by the Enemies; nevertheless 6 or 700 Men, by help of the Night, and of Woods and Mountains, came safe to Belgrade, from whence they were dispatched to their Regiments.  
This News being brought the same Night to the Prince of Holstein unto Prissina, he retreated from thence to Nissa, leaving behind all the Forage and Baggage of the Regiment of Stirum.  
On the 4th the Regiment of Piccolomini, which was to join with Strasser, having no Advice of the Defeat, came near to Casseneck, under the Command of Lieutenant-Colonel Count Montecelli, 
Count Montecelli Attacked by the Tartars.  so soon as he came in sight of the Tartars, they immediately Invested him, but he very prudently retreated towards a Morass, over which there was a Bridge; on the other side whereof he commanded a Lieutenant with 30 Horse to guard that end of the Bridge, until he put himself in a Posture to fight on the other side. After some time the Tartars Attacked them on both sides, the Lieutenant with 30 Men defended himself for a good while; until being overpowered, he was relieved by two Companies sent to his Assistance, 
He makes his Escape with some lo●s.  and on both sides defended themselves so valiantly until Night, that under shelter of the Darkness, they made their Retreat; the Tartars followed them with great noise for the space of an Hour, but could not put them into disorder; so about Midnight, they arrived at Prissina, which Place they found Abandoned; but having refreshed themselves and their Horses there for a while, they proceeded to Procopia with the loss only of about 30 Men, and one Captain and some wounded, their Baggage was not with them, they having sent it to Poza, and Novibassa, which afterwards fell into the Hands of the Enemy, with most of those which accompanied it, the rest saved themselves in the Woods.  
By this time Veterani who was appointed General in the Place of Piccolomini deceased, arrived at Nissa from Transilvania, with some Troops; which being a Place open to the Attack of the Enemy, and much feared, they caused the Garrison and Inhabitants to work Night and Day upon the Fortifications; Veterani also provided Pyrot, Procopia, Mustapha Palanca, being Passes, with all Necessaries, and demolished Cossova, Albania, and some other little Places, from whence he withdrew the Soldiers to strengthen Places of greater moment.  

Casseneck surrendered.  The Pass Casseneck which was Besieged, (wherein was a Garrison of 180 Men) and before which the Turks had raised a Battery of seven Guns, defended itself several Days, and at length surrendered on Conditions, one of which was that they should be conducted to Belgrade.  
Whilst things were acting on this side, Colonel Corbelli, who commanded the Blockade of great Waradin, received Advice that the Turks at Bellingesh had provided a great Number of Cattle, and 100 Wagons with Provisions, under a strong Convoy, to be put into Waradin for relief of the City, whereupon making a Detachment of 200 Horse, 300 Dragoons, 300 Hussars, and 200 Heydukes, he marched therewith towards Bellingesh; but those of the Place having received early notice hereof from Waradin, 
Corbelli destroys the Palanca of Bellingesh.  withdrew all their Provisions into the Castle, so that the original Design of Corbelli was defeated, yet not to return empty, he stormed and entered the Palanca, where after the Slaughter of several Turks, he plundered, and carried away every thing that was in it: He could not Attack the Castle which was well fortified, for want of Cannon; and therefore having destroyed the Palanca, with the Gardens thereabouts, he returned back with good Booty.  
On the 15th Tekeli with his Men, and 2000 Turks, arrived near Oraviza, with a design to Attack Temeswaer; but he miscarried therein, and was forced to retreat.  
On the other side the Governor of Lippa, Captain Christopher Morris, with Captain Baltasar, having under them 100 Hussars, 100 Horse of Heisler's, and 100 Dragoons, marched towards Temeswaer, with design to surprise some Turks in the Villages thereabouts, but meeting with none, they proceeded until they came in sight of the City; leaving the greatest part of their Troops in Ambuscade at some distance from them: Upon their Approach, the Turks sallied out with Horse and Foot, and posted themselves in a hollow Way, where the Germans, under the cover of a Mist or Fog, attacked them, the Hussars falling upon their Horse, 
The Germans get an Advantage.  and the Dragoons on the Janissaries, with such bravery, that they put them to flight; after having killed above 300 on the Place, and taken several Prisoners, and having only four Men killed, and nine wounded, they retired back again to Lippa.  
About this time 50 Soldiers having deserted the Service of Tekeli, took the Oaths of Fidelity to the Emperor, and were sent to Prissina to recruit the Garrison of that Pass, consisting of some Imperial, and Rascian Troops. These Deserters gave Intelligence to General Veterani, that Sultan Galga the Tartar, was designed in a few Days to join with Tekeli, and to make an Invasion into Transilvania; upon which, Orders were given to work on the Fortifications on the Frontiers, with all diligence: And now Advices came to Nissa, That the Turks had burnt Uranic, with all the Villages round that Place; as also Cossova, and the adjacent Places near to Prissina; but some little time before this piece of Execution was performed, the Turks had alured the poor Peasants, with their Wives and Children, 
The Tartars barbarous Usage of the poor People.  to return from the Woods and Mountains, to their own Dwellings, where they promised them Quietness, Protection, and Safety; but the Tartars not having been concerned in this Guaranty, the poor People were no sooner returned to their Habitations, but they were barbarously attacked by the Tartars, who killed all the Old Men and Women, and carried away the Young of both Sexes into Captivity: After this unhamane Butchery Sultan Galga retreated with most of his Hordes to Sophia, and thence by way of Nicopolis he made all the haste possible to return for Budziack, because he had received Advices, 
They return to Budziack.  That the Moscovites with a very numerous Army, were on the Frontiers, ready to Invade his Country; but his March was not so hasty, but that he had time, after the Tartarian Fashion, to destroy the Province of Schnepoli; and to kill, and assassinate all the Country People that they met; and tho' this Retreat of the Tartars was Unfortunate to these poor Wretches, yet thereby General Veterani was delivered from his Apprehensions for Nissa; which was howsoever labouring under great want of Ammunition, and Provision of all sorts; and how to supply them was not as yet resolved. 
Nissa i● want of Provisions.  For tho' the Country of Schnepoli had engaged to furnish Nissa with a good quantity of all sorts of Provisions, yet being now burnt and destroyed by the Tartars; and the remainder of what was left pillaged by the Turks, there could be no expectation of any supply from thence: And as to what was to be conveyed to them from Belgrade, by reason of the Winter Weather, Snows, and tired Cattle, came so slowly over the Mountains, that General Veterani, and the other chief Officers, had Abandoned the Place, had not some Horses at the very instant arrived at Nissa with 50 Wagons, 
February.  all laden with Provisions and Ammunition, together with four Pieces of Cannon which had been taken out of the Fort of jagodina, and great Quantities of Flour, and Oats, much more of which was daily expected, by which Stor●s, tho' Nissa was abundantly relieved, yet the Fortifications proceeded more slowly than was fit for a Frontier Garrison, exposed to the main and chief Power of the Enemy.  
Thus things stood at Nissa, when the Blockade of Canisia was so narrowly watched and observed, 
Canisia 〈◊〉 to capitulate.  that the Garrison began to be reduced to the utmost Extremity; so that the People would have forced the Pasha to Capitulate; but he remaining resolute to endure the last Extremity, persuaded them with Presents, and fair Words, to a longer Patience: But the Inferior and Subaltern Officers not enduring longer, dispatched a Messenger, (without making the Pasha, or Janizar-Aga privy to their Design) with Letters to the Grand Vizier, desiring that he would either take some Measures for the Relief of the Place, 
1690. February.  or to send his Orders to the Pasha for the Surrender thereof; but this Express was not got far from the Town, before he was overtaken, brought back and Executed; but such was the Misery in the Town, that he who could escape, got out, amongst which was a Turkish Imaum, or Priest, and an Arabian jew, who reported, That about Palm-Sunday, the City would Capitulate, which afterwards proved true accordingly.  
In the mean time the Croats made an Invasion into Bosnia, burnt Kazaraz, 
Places taken and burnt.  and took some Hundreds of small and great Cattle: Howsoever in their Retreat being pursued by the Turks of Bannialuca, and Attacked by them near the Save, some of the Cattle were recovered, several of their Men killed, 15 Prisoners, and five Horses taken.  
And about the same time the Governor of Novi having gotten together a small Body of Men drawn out of that Garrison, and that of Zim, made an Incursion into the Enemy's Country, where he burned Ostrovitz, Ztergarick the Little, and the Great Badick, with Houses belonging to Gentlemen in the Country, in which Expedition they killed about 200 of the Enemy, took 76 Prisoners, 100 Head of Cattle, 32 Horses, and much other Booty, and all this with the loss of one Man killed, and 10 wounded.  
In revenge hereof, 
March.  the Turks of Novi-Port●, Attacked with a strong Party, some Germane Horse, as they were Foraging abroad, but were so warmly received by Brumati the Governor of Lescoviza, and with such Valour, that the Turks were put to the Rout, and forced to fly, leaving 20 of their Men dead on the Place.  
Whilst Matters thus passed with various Successes, there were some Fears of the Constancy and Steadiness of the Rascians towards the Emperor, but those Apprehensions were soon taken away by Antonio their Captain, who being sent by General Veterani, to take a View of all the Passes round about, reported at his return, That he had met within the Pass of Prissina, with one Haram Bassa, 
The Rascians faithful to the Emperor.  who in the Name of all the Inhabitants of Colossi, Moloch, Letaner, and Gaas, had assured him of the Faith and Allegiance of those People to the Emperor, having refused the Protection of the Turks, which had been offered to them: And hereof they soon gave a Testimony by an Assault they had made on a Party of 500 Turks, under the Command of the Pasha of Ostrolub, in their March towards the Castle of Zwetsey, situate in the Pass of Bosna, of which they killed 60 Men, took four Prisoners, and 90 Horses, of which 30 were laden with Flour, besides a great Booty of other things. 
1690. March.  On the other side Mahomet Pasha roved round about the Country of Novi Passar, burning and destroying all the remaining Villages, killing the Country People that they met with, and acting all the Cruelties that Fire and Sword could execute.  
But what was of most importance at this time, was the Surrender of the strong City and Fortress of Canisia, having been reduced thereunto by Famine, after a long and severe Blockade, by which being brought to such Extremities, that not being able to support themselves any longer, the Pasha on the 16th of March, sent out two Aga's to the Christian Army to treat with the Commanders of the Blockade, who were Count Adam Bathiani, and Count Stephen Zitchi: 
Canisia treats.  to whom being conducted by Lieutenant Colonel Pisterski, after the usual Compliments had been passed on both sides, the Turks▪ desired that four Weeks might be granted them to make their Surrender; offering in case no Succours came to them within that time, they would then resign the City into the Hands of the Emperor's Generals, with all the Cannon and Ammunition therein, (four Guns only excepted) which they pretended to carry with them: But in regard it was then late in the Evening, when these Offers were delivered, the Messengers were kept all Night in the Camp, and well treated; and the next Morning a Council of War being called, an Answer was returned them to this Effect. That it being well known, 
Answer to the Garrison of Canisia.  that neither in four Weeks, nor in four Years, any Relief, or Succour could be expected for them; and that tho' their Extremities were so evident, that they were certainly assured they could not subsist any longer, yet that they might taste of the Grace and Clemency of the Emperor, they promised them their Lives, (provided they should Surrender themselves in the space of 24 Hours:) With which Answer the two Aga's returned back to the City, on which some Consultation being there had on the 19th, three Turks were sent out again to the Christian Army, declaring to the Generals, in the Name of the Pasha and the Garrison; That tho' they were still furnished with four months' Provision in the Town, yet they would no longer refuse the Clemency of His Imperial Majesty, but deliver up the City unto him. And for the further management of this Treatise, they proposed, That three German and Hungarian Officers might be sent into the Town for Hostages, 
Hostages given.  in lieu of five Turks, who should be employed to Capitulate in the Army. The Christians having assented hereunto, the three Messengers were next Day returned with this Answer. That the Clemency of His Imperial Majesty was such, that he never desired to shed the Blood of his Enemies, when they implored his Mercy; and that the General Bathiani had full Power to pardon them, which he was ready to do, on Condition that they Surrendered the Place in the space of 24 Hours. With this Answer the Turks returning to the Town, they desired a third Conference on the 21st; the which, after a long Dispute, was granted, and agreed, That five Turks, of which the Janizar-Aga should be one, should come into the Camp; and that in the Place of them, a Germane and two Hungarian Officers should be sent for Pledges into the City. This being performed on the 22d Day, these following Capitulations were agreed and signed.  

Capitulations Agreed.  
I. THAT whatsoever is belonging to the Arsenal, and Public Stores, either of Provision, Ammunition, Cannon, or other Arms should be delivered to the Imperial Commissaries, to whom also all Mines made about the City should be discovered.  
II. That the Prisoners on both sides, should be released without Ransom.  
III. That all the Inhabitants of the City, and Strangers, shall have liberty to march out with their Arms, Movables, clothes, Servants, Children, Horses, and all other Cattle, who shall have safe Passage, and Conduct into the Ottoman Dominions, but without Flying Colours, or Sound of Drum: Notwithstanding which, in case any of the Rascians who are in pay of the Turks, should freely desire to come over to the Christians, they shall not be hindered, either on the Score of Debt, or any other Pretence whatsoever.  
IV. All Christian Renegadoes, who shall be desirous to return unto their Ancient Faith, shall have liberty to do it, and no Christian Children be privately conveyed away.  
V. A sufficient Number of Wagons, shall be allowed to the Turks to carry them to the Waterside, and from thence Boats to Transport them into the Turkish Dominions.  
VI That so soon as these Capitulations shall be Signed, the Imperialists shall immediately be put into Possession of the Palanca, our Out-work, called Baschlar Kapaesi; in which the Turks shall have liberty to sell what they please of their Goods, or to carry them away.  
VII. That so soon as the Imperial Ratification shall be returned, the Turks shall immediately quit the City, and begin their Journey.  
VIII. The Turks shall deliver to the Imperial Commissaries all the Tax-Registers in Canisia, with such Books as concern the Military Salaries paid from Bosnia, and other Districts depending on Canisia, with the Tefter, or an account of such Revenues which the Janissaries usually Pay, and Receive out of the Homage, and Tributary Countries.  
IX. That the People of Canisia shall be Convoyed with a sufficient Number of Officers and Soldiers, unto the first Turkish Fortress, leaving howsoever behind them the Hostages at the last Christian Fortress, until the return of the Convoy.  
X. That during the March Provisions shall be furnished to the Turks at moderate Prices.  
With these Capitulations, the Imperial Councillor of War, called Pozo, the Aga, and two more Turkish Officers, were on the 24th dispatched to Vie●na to have the Capitulations Ratified and Signed with the Imperial Firm; 
The Emperor ratifi●● th● Treaty.  they arrived on the 30th, and the next Day had an Audience of Count Staremberg, Precedent of the Council of War, to whom they delivered the Capitulation; 
April.  and on the first of April it was returned back again to them Signed by the Emperor, who was graciously pleased to m●ke a Present therewith unto the Aga, of a Watch set with Diamonds.  
With this Ratification the Aga being returned, which was on the 3d of April, it was resolved by the Pasha, and other Officers in the Divan, immediately to put the Christians into Possession of one of the Gates of the City; the which by the 12th, they fully quitted; 
The T●on surrendered.  and the next Day the Pasha being on Horseback, attended with some Turks on Foot, delivered unto General Bath●ani the Keys of the Town in a gilded Basin hanging on a Gold Chain. The Pasha indeed expected, that the General should have alighted from his Horse to receive them, 
1690. April.  but the General refusing to receive them in such a manner, as a Condescension too inferior to the Dignity of His Imperial and Victorious Master, the Pasha insisted no farther thereupon, but presenting the Key, said, I deliver unto you the Key of a Fortress, the like whereof there is none in all the Turkish Empire.  
This being done, the General went into the City to visit the Fortifications, and afterwards entertained the Pasha, the Aga of the Janissaries, and Zorbagee Aga at Dinner, with some others. Then the Garrison marched out, consisting of 600 Turks, which with the Inhabitants, made in all 4000 Souls; the which were conducted into the Dominions of the Turks, according to the Capitulation.  
It seems that this strong City was surrendered rather by Divisions amongst themselves, than for want of Provisions: 
The Cannon and Ammunition and Provisions taken therein.  On the Walls were mounted 56 Brass, and 10 Iron Cannon, the most part of them made in the time of the Emperors Maximilian I. and TWO, and of Charles V, and Ferdinand I. In the Magazine, or Storehouse under the Governor's Palace, were found 1540 Muskets, and in the Arsenal 2200 more, with much Lead, Cannon, and Musquet-Bullets, Swords, Granades, with all sorts of Arms and Warlike Instruments in great abundance.  
Canisia, or Canisa, is situate on a River towards the Frontiers of Styria, near the Drove, and not far from the Fort Serin; it is so environed on all sides with a Morass, or Marsh, that no Army can lie near it, 
The Situation of Canisia.  which renders the Town almost impregnable, and inaccessible, notwithstanding it was taken by the Turks in the Year 1600.  
The next Year following Mathias Archduke of Austria Besieged it in the Month of September, but was forced to retire after a Siege of two Months.  
In the Year 1664, at the beginning of it, in the Month of january, Count Serini, by favour of the Frosts, which gave him some Footing on the Morass, after he had taken Quinque Ecclesiae, and some other Places, and had burnt Sighet, he besieged Canisia, which he had infallibly taken, if they had sent him the Succours which were promised him; but as I have related in my former History, so great a Faction was against him at the Imperial Court, that they were not willing to see him prosperous, but chose rather to Sacrifice the Public Welfare to Private Animosities; but the expected Recruits not arriving at the appointed time, and the Year coming on, the Ice was Thawed, and the Great Vizier advancing with a Powerful Army, the Count Sereni being under all these Discouragements, was forced to raise his Siege and be gone.  
General Veterani in the mean time whilst things were thus acting at Canisia, being much straightened for want of Provisions, ordered the Garrisons of Lescowitz and Pyroth, to make Incursions into the Turkish▪ Territories, 
Incursions made into several places.  which they performed so effectually, that they returned back with more than 1000 Head of Cattle; the which being divided amongst the Regiments, such as were sit for the Slaughter were killed, and the rest employed for drawing the Wagons laden with Ammunition and Provisions.  
On the other side the Turks surprised a Village near Belgrade, which they Plundered and Burnt, killing, or carrying away Captives all the Inhabitants of the Place. 
Some Skirmishes.   
But the Garrison of Pyroth being much animated with their late Success, made another Incursion, as far as within three Leagues of Philippopolis, burning the Villages, and killing the Turks which they met in their way; but at length being pursued by 1000 Turks, they drew themselves up into good order, and posting themselves advantageously on the rising of a Hill, they engaged the Enemy for two Hours space; 
The Turks worsted.  during which time, 30 Turks were killed, and many wounded, and 28 Prisoners taken, with which and some Hundreds of Cattle, they returned safe to Pyroth. In like manner 100 Germans and some Hussars belonging to the Garrison of Zolnock, encountered a Party of 160 Turks, and Malcontents, which belonged to Giula, and having engaged them, they killed 20 of them, took 60 Prisoners, of which 16 were of the Malcontents, the remainder throwing themselves into the River, were for the most part drowned.  
During this Season of the Year, before the Grass was sufficiently grown, no other Actions passed, but only by Parties sent abroad to surprise Cattle, and burn Villages. Amongst the rest, a Party of Rascians having roved over the Country of Schnepoli, returned back to Nissa with a Booty of several Hundred Head of Cattle, and some Yokes of Oxen, taken near to Sophia; the which Successes still attending the Imperial Arms, the Country People on all sides offered to embrace the Imperial Party, and implore their Protection so soon as the Christian Army should take the Field.  
On the other side Mahomet Bagavitz Pasha, who had some time quietly Quartered at Poza, (having left 1500 Men for Garrison in that Place) he marched out with a Party of about 4000 Men, towards the Pass of Bosnia, but having in his March received Intelligence, That Captain Antonio attended him in the way, and was ready to receive him, returned and marched towards Bagnia, from whence also by reason of the great Snows, he was forced to retreat back to Poza, without any Action.  
Little more was acted now, as we have faid but by Parties, of which Kathana Pasha commanding one, he made an Incursion therewith into the Neighbourhood of Pyroth, where he took several straggling Hussars. Another Party of Hungarians to the Number of about 20, commanded by that Valiant Hungarian Captain, called Baudi, which had made a bold Incursion, and roved about 14 Days beyond Sophia, near to Philippopolis, were at length attacked by a strong Body of Turks, with which having fought for a considerable time, were at last overpowered, and all of them cut off, (two only excepted) who made their Escape to Nissa.  
On the other side a Party from Belgrade surprised a Body of Turks, 
Several small Parti ●e●gage.  the most of which they killed, or took Prisoners. Likewise a Party of Rascians made an Excursion as far as Bagnia in Bosnia, where they killed 20 Turks, and took 12 Prisoners, with 400 Head of Cattle: Besides which, those who guarded the Blockade of Great Waradine, beat a Party of the Enemy, brought home 11 Heads, and eight Prisoners. Another Party of 500 Hussars, and 40 Germane Dragoons, made a Sally out of Sclavonia under the Command of Lieutenant Boniau, and passed the Save; and having in their way an Information that the Turkish Garrison belonging to the strong Fortress of Teockzach was sallied abroad, having only left eight Men, and 15 Women therein; they attacked and entered the Fort early in the Morning, with the loss of six of their Men killed, and eight wounded; of the Turks, four of the eight, with the Women, saved themselves in a Tower, from whence the Women threw Fire, and Stones, and hot scalding Water, but at length were forced to surrender, and leave the Place to the mercy of the Enemy, in which they found a good Booty of Turkish Horses, and other rich Goods, and therewith repassed the Save, having left four Troops of Heydukes for defence of the Place.  
The Season of the Year being now far advanced towards the Summer, and things preparing for greater Action; the Germane Officers were very intent, and studious in what manner to conserve Nissa; 
May.  for which they had great reason to be apprehensive, for that according to the Reports of all those who lately came from Adrianople, and of such Deserters who came out from the Turkish Quarters; the Turks were become much more numerous than the last Year, 
Nissa provided.  and were marching on purpose to make Nissa the first Achievement and Design of their Conquest. 
1690. May.  But what could be done for Conservation of that Place, was not omitted; all the Old Works were repaired, and several New ones completed; and the River Morava being with much Expense and Labour made Navigable, great Quantities of Provisions, and Materials necessary for War were brought down by that Water to Nissa, so that nothing was wanting for Conservation of the Place, unless a greater Garrison within, and a more numerous Army without.  
About this time a small sort of Venomous Flies swarmed about Nissa, which killed many Horses, Cattle, Camels, and Mules. I remember in a Journey I once made through those Countries in the Month of May, that we were much infested with this sort of Animals, which was the smallest Fly that ever I did see, covered with a thin Fluff, or Down; the which would not touch the Flesh of a Man, 
〈…〉 F●ies  but Horses, Camels, Mules, etc. were killed by them. Wheresoever they fixed on the Sides of a Horse, or any other Part, they would draw a Blister as big as an Egg; and entering into the Nostrils, immediately poisoned the Brain, which caused a sudden Death to the Beast; but hereof I have discoursed more at large in a former History, to which I refer the Reader.  
Tho' the great Armies were not as yet in the Field, yet Parties were roving in all Parts and Places, the Wether becoming moderate according to the Season, and the Grass grown; the Turks encamped near Gradisca, where they stayed a while in expectation of some Troops to join with them, and therewith to pass the Save into S●lavonia, with no other Design than to ruin and spoil the Country; but Baron Koniseck having Advice thereof, marched from Broad, with all the Hussars, and Heydukes which were Quartered in the adjacent Villages unto a Place where the River is fordable, and therefore the most likely place where they might design to pass; by which not only the Passage of the Turks was obstructed, but News coming to them that the Croats were fallen into their Country on the other side, they quitted their first Design, and marched to oppose the Croats, who were too quick for them, having taken great Booty, and committed a vast Spoil before the Turks could come in to the Succour of their Country.  
About the same time one Herl●iovich, a Dalmatian Captain, marched six Days Journey beyond Nissa into the Enemy's Country, which he Surprised and Plundered, and returned back with the Heads of several Turks, and some Prisoners. The same Captain soon afterwards having recruited himself with some more Troops, fell upon Berko●itz, in which was a Garrison of about 127 Turks, provided with all things necessary for defence of the Place, being fortified on a very advantageous Situation, 
Berkowitz taken by a Captain of Dalmatia.  but coming upon them by Surprise, the Place was taken, and all the Men put to the Sword, except some few, who made their Escape; the Booty was considerable, besides 90 Turkish Women, four Standards, and two pair of Kettledrums.  
In like manner a Captain of the Garrison of Pyroth roving abroad, and seeking his Fortune, met near to Sophia with 20 Horses laden with Nails, Iron, and several Warlike Instruments, he seized them all, and killed 19 Turks, and took one Prisoner alive, who in the Night making his Escape, gave Intelligence thereof to Sophia, from whence a Party being commanded out, they overtook the Germans, and fought with them, but the Germans behaved themselves so well, that they forced the Turks to leave them, and suffer them to escape with the Booty they had gained.  
At this time also some Sea Robbers landed in the Bay of Vola, 
Sea Robbers Land.  and made an Incursion into the Territories of Macedonia near Monassir, burning and spoiling all the Country; whilst another Party of them, to the number of about 600 Men, made a Sally towards Stippo, where they surprised 500 Turks, and put them all to the Sword, without Quarter given to any one; but the Inhabitants they carried away Prisoners, and made use of them for Slaves in the Hills and Mountains.  
Nor were things more quiet in Hungary, where several Skirmishes happened to the Loss and Damage of the Turks; and particularly the Soldiers of the Garrison, and those of the Blockade had an Encounter, and the latter returned Victorious, with 16 Prisoners, 22 Heads, 49 Horses, and some Cattle.  
Moreover Count Corbelli sent out a Party of 500 Horse, which met, and surrounded a Party of Turks, of which they killed three or four of the Chief Commanders, with 70 private Soldiers, took 10 Prisoners, and many Horses; in which Action 12 Men were slain and wounded, and 22 Horses killed.  
Moreover 3000 Rascians under the Command of Captain Antonio, and 200 Germans under Rusbach, a Captain of Hanover, arrived one Morning about Break of Day near Bernia; 
Berni● surpri●●● by the Christians.  from which a Detachment being made of five Troops of Rascians, with some Germane Musqueteers; having their Vanguard led by Artusser Adjutant-General of Piccolomini, and three Lieutenants, pushed forward into the City without any Halt or Hesitation, or regard to the Troops which followed, with such Courage and Valour, that the Turks being surprised, not having time to gather themselves into an Orderly Body in the open Marketplace; and seeing the Enemy already in the City, and more Troops following them, the Pasha, with about 200 of his best Horse, fled out of the opposite Gate, leaving the remainder of the Garrison with the Inhabitants, which consisted of about 3000 Men to their own Fate, which ended with the Death of about 1700 of them, most whereof were killed Sleeping on their Beds; the Booty taken, was very considerable, besides much Cattle, and 500 good Horses, with the loss only on the Christian side of seven Germans, and 17 Rascians, who were killed.  
It being now towards the end of May, which is the usual Season for Armies to take the Field, News was brought to Nissa, that Kuperlee the Grand Vizier, 
The Grand Vizier marches to the Camp at Nicopolis.  was decamped from before Adrianople with 20000 Men, and on his March to join with 40000 more, which were Encamped at Nicopolis with intention to attack at one and the same time both Nissa and Widin; and whereas the Turkish Army was in great want of Artillery, by reason of the many Cannon which they had lost during this War, the French furnished them with 100 Pieces, which were brought from France, and Landed at Galata, and thence conducted on Carriages to the Army.  
But the Season not being as yet come for pitched Battles, or Siege of Towns, the Armies not being gathered into a Body, General Corbelli, 
June.  who Commanded the Blockade near Great Waradine, detached 220 Germans and Hungarians, with design to attack the Palanca of Bellanasch, where coming to it before Break of Day, and finding no Sentinels to observe their Appearance, all the People being asleep with the greatest Security imaginable, the Soldiers climbed the Walls, and unperceived entered the Place without any opposition whatsoever, 
The Palanca of Bellanasch surprised and taken.  killing Men, Women and Children, without any distinction; some Turks howsoever escaped, and saved themselves in the Castle; which General Corbelli being desirous to take, by reason that the People of Great Waradine had been frequently relieved from thence, he sent for 500 Men more to reinforce his Troops; but before these could come up to join, the others laden with Booty and Spoil, were departed, and gone to secure what they had gained.  
These two late Successes by Surprise, animated the Governor of Lescowitza, and Count Montecelli Captain of Horse in the Regiment of General Hoffkirchen, to attempt a third, and joining with them a Party of Germans and Rascians, they marched to Noviporto, 
1690. Ju●e.  with intention to surprise it, in the same manner as the others had been; but some of the Rasci●ns having Friends and Relations in the Place, 
 ga●e information to those within; upon which they all retired into the Castle, which was well defended with a strong Tower, and a good Wall, and with Provision sufficient for some Weeks, and stood upon their Guard; so that the Party finding their Design defeated, fell upon the Cattle which were feeding near the Place, and carried away some of them, to the Number of 6000 Sheep, and 2000 other Cattle; but the Turks of the Country gathering them●elv●s into a Body, pursued after them in such Numbers, that attacking the Rasc●●n● in the Rear, they recovered most of their Cattle, and took some of their Horses; howsoever the Rascians carried of● about 1000 Head of Cattle, and some Prisoners, with the Heads of 15 Turks, which they had killed.  
The Germans still continued to rove about the Country with Parties, returning most commonly with Success; one of them surprised and took Uhi●za and Dobran, two small Palanca's, killing all that they found alive therein.  
Likewise Captain Schenchendorff with 800 Germans, and some Hungarians, passing near Radimir, a Turkish Garrison, in hopes to surprise it, found the Turks vigilant and ready to receive him; upon which being forced to make a Retreat, the Turks sallied out upon them, but were repulsed with the loss of 50 of their Men killed, and three taken Prisoners, upon which the Turks being put to flight, 
Radimir abandoned by 〈◊〉 Turks.  the Germans pursued them so close, that they entered with them into the Suburbs, which consisting of about 400 Houses, they burned all to the Ground, and then retired towards Pyr●th; but in their way meeting with 400 fresh Hungarian Horse, they joined with them, and returned again towards Radimir; but in their March having received Advice, That the Turks had abandoned the Town, and laden their Wives, Children, and Goods, on 130 Wagons, and sent them farther into the Country, a Party of Hussars was commanded to pursue them; which they did, and soon came up with them, and took all the Wagons, People, and Goods that were in them; but they were not so easily carried off, as they were taken; for a Body of about 1200 Turks from the Frontiers, coming in to their Assistance, they not only retook all the Booty from the Hussars, 
A Booty taken from the Hussars.  (the Captain Schenchendorff being at too far a distance to relieve them) but also forced them to fly, leaving some of their Companions, who were the worst mounted, unto the Mercy of the Enemy; after which, the Turks pursuing farther, fell in with Sche●che●●●rf●, who finding himself over-matched, made a handsome Retreat to a convenient place, 
〈…〉 Tu●ks  where taking his Advantage, made Head against the Tu●ks, and killed above 100 of them, took several of their Horses, and much Cattle, which they carried 〈◊〉 with them.  
General Corbelli who commanded the Blockade before Great Waradin, made an Incursion with 2000 Men, and ruined all the Corn and Fruit of the Field, so near the City, as was within reach of their Guns: Upon which Approach the Garrison sallied out, 
〈…〉 Great Waradin.  but were repulsed with great loss, and amongst the rest the Chiausbashee was killed: The Defendants terrified herewith, above 40 Families escaped out, and at their Request were Baptised.  
In the mean time a stricter Watch than ever was kept in the Blockade about the Castle of Bellanasch; and the Stream of Water which ran at the Foot of the Palanca, and Castle, by which both were supplied, being cut off by the Christians, and the Currant turned another way, the Defendants were reduced to great Extremities, and more especially they began to be affrighted, when they saw a fresh supply of Horse, Dragoons, and Hussars, ready to attack the Place, and that two Batteries were already raised, which continued firing for two Days without intermission, they at length inclined to a Surrender, and in order thereunto sent out two Aga's to make their Capitulations, which were soon concluded, and agreed, That the Garrison consisting of 150 Men, 
〈◊〉 C●s●●e 〈◊〉 Bellanasch surrendered.  besides their Wives and Children, and other Inhabitants, should the next Day be conveyed to Giula, which was accordingly performed on the 4th of july. 
July.   
Whilst these Matters went on, the Parties from Niss●, were always Plundering and spoiling the Countries, and Captain S●rahina, the famous Partisan, who was continually on Parties, made his Inroads near to Philippopolis, and surprised the Turks in several Places of that Neighbourhood, with much Spoil and Damage: The Turks alarmed hereat, got into a Body, and pursued after Strahina, and having overtaken him, 
〈◊〉 Turk's 〈◊〉 Strahina.  attacked him with great Fury and Bravery; but were as resolutely repulsed, and their Teftish Pasha killed in the Action; 200 of their Horse taken, and much Boo●y, with the loss only of five 〈◊〉: The like Success Strahina had against Kath●na Pasha, who meeting on the Road, whilst one Party was returning to So●hi●, as the other was to Nissa; the Turks were beaten, and put to Flight, 
1690. July▪  and the Pasha, with his Men that escaped, were forced to take Refuge in the Mountains, scattered and dispersed, whilst Strahina, and his Men, with their Booty, returned safe to Nissa.  
And now to conclude the Successes of the many Parties which roved abroad in divers Places, the Captains Schenchendorff, Strahina, and Wildenham, with one Lieutenant Funck, sallied abroad with 100 Germans, and 1500 Rascians, with which having stormed Pernich in three several Places at the same time, they entered the Fortress, and cut down all the Turks in the way, 
Pernich stormed & taken.  only 50 of them got into a Tower, and refusing to take Quarter, Fire was put to the same, and then the People too late cried out for Mercy; after which the Town was Plundered, and the best of the Goods, with 3000 Head of Cattle, were carried off safe to Pyroth.  
But to make way to greater Actions, the French Ambassador at the Ottoman Court, 
Tekeli declared Prince of Transilvania.  after a long Solicitation, had procured for Tekeli a Baratz, or Commission, whereby he was declared Prince of Transilvania, and to publish the same, he dispatched his Circular Letters to all the Cities and Provinces, written in the Latin Tongue: The Contents whereof were as followeth.  
THAT whereas God Almighty, and the High and Mighty and always Flourishing Ottoman Empire, had created, and ordained him Prince of the Hereditary Countries of Transilvania, belonging to the Ottoman Empire, with an express Clause, That he should enjoy the same, with such Power, and in the same manner, and with as high and ample Privileges as had been given to Bethlem Gabor; for which Cause and Reason, having sent Greeting to all the People and Subjects of that Country, he did strictly forbid, and inhibit all Persons to give any Succour or Assistance whatsoever unto the Germans, but on the contrary, to put themselves into a readiness to give Assistance unto him the said Tekeli, as also the Grand Vizier, and the Tartars, who were now coming in great Numbers very speedily into the Field, to deliver their Country of Transilvania from the Terrible, and Unjust Oppression of the Germans.  
Now follows Tekeli's Declaration in Latin joined hereunto.  
Emericus Tókólius Dei Gratiâ, à Fulgidâ Portâ Ottomanicâ declaratus Princeps Transylvaniae, Partium Regni Hungariae Dominus, & Siculorum Comes.  
QUAM preciosa & in aestimabilis res sit, animae corporisque libertas, si caeterorum Orbis Christiani Regnorum ac Nationum exempla praetereamus, pro sufficienti tamen exemplo esse poterit Nationi Hungaricae olim tanto sanguine acquisita libertas; quantam enim Hungari inquietudinem, arma effusionemque sanguinis impenderint in defension libertatum suarum, apud homines prudentiâ & experientiâ rerum exornatos, manifestum est; hoc etiam ignotum esse nequit, quod à quo Hungariae Corona & Gubernium in Potestatem Nationis Germanicae devenit, omnia consilia, labores omnes, in eo vertebantur, quâ ratione Nationem Hungaricam debilitare, bonis omnibus privare, tandem Regnum Hungariae haereditarium constituendo ad Servitutem ignominiosam, & intoleranda tributa praeciptari possit. Quod ipsum cum ante plurimos annos prudentiores, & in summâ dignitate constituti Proceres vidissent, neque per innumeras instantias, supplicationesque satisfactionem diplomatis à Domo Austriacâ obtinuissent, è contrario indies laesio libertatum, & intolerabilium contributionum onus incrementa sumpsisset, nescientes aliud quid facerent, coacti fuerunt, penes leges Patriae, etiam cum inculpatâ tutelâ, ad vindicandas libertates, arma capere, omnibusque constat, à quot annis bellum continuebatur; quinimo si ad hanc calamitatem praecipitata Natio Hungarica Praedecessorum suorum vestigiis insistens arma non deposuisset, cervices contumelioso servitutis Jugo ex voluntate Spontaneâ non submisisset, sperare poterat ex divinâ benignitate post multas etiam calamitates antiquae libertatis restitutionem.  
Transylvania quoque, licet tantopere sicut vicina Hungariae non fuerit coacta Nationi Germanicae sese submittere, neque enim in tantis extremitatibus fuerat, ut ad meliora tempora se conservare non potuisset, multis fortalitiis, quae in sua potestate habebat firmata, nihilo tamen minus nonnullis libertatis Patriae contemptoribus & privato commodo obnoxiis, quomodo tradita sit, cum omnibus fortalitiis in extraneorum potestatem, & in quas oppressiones praecipitaverit Dominationes Vestras, ejusdem fructus acerbitas adhuc in ore omnium est.  
Ut autem ad scopum nostrum propius accedamus, etiamsi omnipotentissimus Deus nos quoque ad miserias ac●rbas rodegerit, & per multas mutationes vicissitudinesque transire debuerimus propter quas multi ex praecipuis praepotentis hujus Nationis malefactorum suorum premium acceperunt, Deus tamen qui nunquam permittit justam causam finaliter opprimi, nos ex iis omnibus eliberavit, personam causamque nostram, apud praepotentem Nationem, tam gratam honorificamque fecit, ut causam tam dedecorosè suppressae Nationis nostrae non minus in FulgidâPortâ, quam apud alios Christianos' Monarchas utilitèr promovere valeamus.  
Quorum intuitu, licet in eo nunquam laboraverimus, Fulgida Porta tanquam Transylvaniae Domina Haereditaria fidelia servitia nostra, & in ●ide●●tate constantem perseverantiam, quoque ponderando Principatus Transylvanici Dignitatem cum omnibus requisitis & immunitatibus nobis contulit, super indéque diploma & Achname suum, quod antiqui principes multis expensis obtinere non potuerunt: jisdem conditionibus, qualibus beatae quondam recordationis serenissimo Principi Gabriel● Bethlem contulerat, nobis quoque dedit sine injuria Regni, ejusdemque territoriorum imminutione, una cum statis refis, Residentem insuper, sive Kapithaiam Transylvaniae, qui hactenus in Porta fuit, ad nos dimisit: Praeterea Achname Hani Tartarorum nostris etiam in manibus est.  
Jam in nomine Dei cum militiâ praepotentis Turcarum Imperatoris pariter & Hani Tartarorum movimus indiesque iter nostrum continuamus, Dominationes vestras communiter ex omnibus statibus constitutas supremi, medii, infimique gradus, ordinis per praesentes informare, requirere & admonere cupientes, non dubitamus, quin Universis Patriae libertas ejusdemque vindicta in cordibus sit, ideoque singuli exDominationibus vestris, obligationis suae erga deum & patriam memores cogitent de rebus, recta conscientia insurgant, & antequam confinia regni ingrediamur monstrent Realia Documenta obedientiae expedientes nobis obviam ex omnibus Nationibus ablegatos primariae conditionis, interim viritim arma sumentes, difficultates in passibus semoveant, nemo seipsum vel arma sua Germanis jungat, vel hostiliter se nobis opponat, ad desolationem Patriaeque ruinam, & multarum millium animarum depraedationem causam subministret; Literas has patentes nemo supprimat, quin potius publicet, quia talium animae coram judicio Dei rationem reddent, nostram quoque gravissimam indignationem cum posteris suis non effugient, de his omnibus coram Deo & Mundo protestamur, quod nullius ruinae interitusque causa nos erimus.  
Datum ex Castris ad Kula positis die 26 junij, 1690. Emericus Tókóly.  
MI Domine Judex, vel quicunque has literas ad manus suas acceperit, Deus magnus mise●icordiae, afflictionum gentis suae misertus, ecce perditum miserum Emericum Tókóly tanquam aliquem Gideonem ex horreo ad promovendam suam gloriam assumens id in nomine Domini ad vindicandas oppressiones Dominationum vestrarum, prout ex ejusdem manifesto praesentibus incluso apparet, proinde Dominatio vestra cum fidis suis amicis communicet, promulget, ne opprimatur, quia Dominatio vestra dabit rationem de illo.  
Bukuress 28 junii, 1690. Valentinus Nemessay.  
Annexa patente, Mittant Dominationes vestrae Amicis suis unas in Siculiam, alteras in terram Parzensem & districtum Fogarasiniensem.  Inscriptio Literarum. 
Nobili Domino judici Coronensi, Notario, vel cuicunque ex Magistratu Dominis amicis meis trandantur.  
By the many Troops of Tartars which were already entered into Valachia, and by the Increase of Tekeli's Forces, which were become much more numerous and formidable, by the Sums of Money which he had received from France, the Imperial Generals were greatly alarmed, and fearing lest they should Invade that Country, all the Forces in and about Transylvania, were ordered to march under the Command of General Heusler towards the Passes which lead to Walachia; and as they marched, to spoil the Ways, and render them as impracticable, and difficult as was possible.  
By this time News was come to Nissa, that a great Body of Turks was assembled near Nicopolis, and that the Grand Vizier was actually on his March to join with them; whereupon General Veterani, having provided the Garrisons with necessary Provisions and Ammunition drew all the Troops he was able unto Nissa, where he remained at a Gaze to observe the Motions of the Turks, and to afford his Assistance unto any Place which should be distressed, or in danger.  
The Season of the Year was now advanced to the middle of july, when Advies came by way of Walachia, that Sultan Galga was marching with some Thousands of Tartars towards Bulgaria; and that Budack Commander of the Tartarian Fleet was with four Galleys, and many Frigates, armed with some Guns, and laden with Ammunition and Provisions, coming up the Danube: And moreover that the Grand Vizier was with a very strong Army come as far as Sophia, and pitched in those Plains, and caused vast Stores of Corn, and all other Provisions, to be laid up in the Magazines of that City.  
Some few Days after which the Tartars appeared before Widin with their four Galleys, and about 60 Vessels, on which 5000 Men were Embarked, and immediately began to fire on the Town; the which News being brought to General Trautmansdo●f, he marched immediately with the Troops under his Command, 
The Tartars retire from Widin.  to the Relief of the Place, and was followed by several Vessels laden with Provisions, Convoyed by Boats armed with Musqueteers; which coming in sight of the Turks, they fired incessantly upon them, until such time as the Cannon planted by Trautmansdorf, on the side of the Danube, forced them to quit their Station, and retire farther down the Stream, to the other side of the River; after which, the General having provided the Town with a sufficient Garrison, and all sorts of Provisions necessary, conducted the Vessels safely back, and marched farther towards the general Rendezvous at jagodina.  
And because the whole force of the Ottoman Empire under the Command of the Grand Vizier, was marching from Sophia against the Germans, who were very weak in Servia, and not able to keep the Field against the Turks in those Parts; 
Corbelli reinforces the Troops in Servia.  Count Corbelli who Commanded the Blockade before Great Waradin, received Orders to march with such Troops as could be spared from the Blockade, to reinforce the Army in Servia, the which was performed accordingly, leaving the Care and Charge of the Blockade to Count Schlick.  
The Arnouts, who had before taken part with the Germans, observing the Weakness of the Christian Troops and the Strength of the Turks, 
August.  joined against their Inclinations to save themselves with the latter; with which the Grand Vizier being reinforced, a Detachment was made under Command of the Seraskier, to join with Tekeli in Walachia, whilst another Pasha was employed to Besiege Widin both by Land and Water; and the Vizier marched in Person with the gross of his Army towards Nissa, with 100 Pieces of Cannon, and 12 Mortars.  
Upon this News General Veterani ordered all the Commanders of the several Posts and Passages leading towards Nissa, to leave their Guards, and retire with their Men, Ammunition, Provision, and Cannon to the City; which having furnished with a sufficient Garrison of 3000 Foot, 
1690. August.  and 500 Horse, he marched back with the remainder of the Army towards Alexin, and there form his Camp. 
The Christian Camp at Alexin.   
In the mean time the Grand Vizier on his March to Nissa, at which he aimed, took Pyroth in the space of three or four Days, 
Pyroth taken.  upon Capitulation with the Garrison, which consisted of no more than 150 Men, to be conducted safely to Nissa, but the Vizier pursued them so close at the Heels, that on the 14th of August he Invested the City with his whole Army, and on the 17th began an Attack at Bergele, compassing one half of the City, on that side; and on the same Day he sent a Chiaus with Letters to summon the Place, the which Colonel jorger returned back again unopened, 
Nissa invested.  with this Answer, That the●e was none there who could read Turkish.  
Upon return of this Answer, the Grand Vizier caused some Cannon to be shot into the City; and on the next Day the Trenches to be opened, after which the Turks fired without ceasing, both with their Cannon and Mortars; and because it was believed, that the Town would not hold out for any long time, the Turks plied their Business very close, and made their Attacks with wonderful Courage and Bravery.  

A Sally made from the Town.  On the 19th General Staremberg▪ who now Commanded in Nissa, in the Place of Colonel jorger, who was fallen sick, ordered a Sally to be made by 100 Granadiers, and 200 Fuzeleers, sustained by a Battalion of Germane Foot, and at the same time all the Horse of the Garrison made a Sally on the other side of the Town, which succeeded so well, that above 1000 Turks were killed on the Place, most of which were slain in their Trenches; besides those, who upon the Retreat of the Christians, pursuing them to the Palisadoes of the Town, were killed by the Cannon, and Muskets from the Redoubts, and Outworks. In this Sally the Besieged had 20 Men killed, and 60 wounded.  
Whilst the Siege of Nissa proceeded in this manner, the Seraskier having joined his Troops with those of the Tartars, of the Prince of Walachia, and the Forces also of Tekeli, (under whom were nine Pasha's) their whole Army consisted of 16000 Horse, 2000 Janissaries, and 500 Talpats, with which Tekeli marched towards a certain Pass called Terezwar, being distant about three Leagues from Cronstadt, where General Heusler lay encamped with four Regiments of Horse, consisting in all of about 1700 Men, together with 5000 Transylvanians, called Zecklers from the Province so named, under the Command of General Tolecki. Tekeli not knowing well how he might with Advantage attack Heusler, passed his Forces over Mountains, and untrodden Ways, being conducted by the People of the Country, until they came within sight of the Germans; who nothing dismayed at the appearance of so formidable and unequal a force, marched with the right Wing directly against that of the Enemies left, and charged them so furiously that they put them to a shameful Flight, and had that Day gained a most entire Victory; had the Zecklers seconded this good beginning; but instead thereof, they most basely fled without firing one Musket; so that then the whole force of the Enemy falling upon General Heusler, 
General Heusler defeated.  and his Men, having quitted their former advantageous Post, they were so overpowered by them, that after a long and bloody Fight, they were put to the Rout: In this Action General Nordquermes, Tolecki, Von Wald, Springfelt and Winckler, with some Captains, and 500 common Horsemen were killed: General Magni escaped, and saved himself in the Church of a Village called Hansberg, where a Peasant killed him with a Pitchfork, and buried him under a Dunghill: General Heusler having his Horse killed under him, was taken Prisoner by Tekeli's Men, and Marquis Doria, and Major Fisker by the Tartars: Lieut. Col. Raini●, with several Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns, and 32 common Soldiers were made Prisoners by the Turks. The Enemies also gained four Pieces of Cannon, 29 Standards, and three Wagons with Ammunition, but lost 3000 of their Men in this Action; the remainder of the Germane Horse being about 1200 Men, with 13 Standards, retreated under Hermanstadt. After the Fight was ended, Count Tekeli being desirous to rescue as many Prisoners as he could out of the Hands of the Tartars, he bought Marquis Doria for 60 Rixdollars, 
〈◊〉 Doria sold for 60 Rix Dollars.  and many other Officers for a small Matter, and afterwards sent away the Marquis Doria with the following Letter to his Lady at Vienna, written in Latin:  
GOD Almighty comfort thee, 
Tekeli's Letter to his Princess.  and also me with a more happy time. After many Misfortunes▪ I have been comforted with a Victory over my Enemies; having had the good Fortune to make General Heusler my Prisoner, and Marquis Doria, which with several other Germane Officers, have hunted after my Life. This Accident may give an occasion for thy Releasement; to which end I have sent the said Marquis unto thee (for whom General Heusler remains Security) and with him I have sent my Servant Michael for a Companion; to the end that he being an Eye-witness of my State and Condition, may render thee a true Account and Information thereof. God grant that he may bring me good News from thee. Live well.  
Yours Emericus Tekeli.  
This Letter being delivered to the Princess by the Hand of Marquis Doria, an Answer was returned in Latin, as followeth.  

The Princess' Answer.  I Wish thee Health, and all Blessings from God, (whose Name be praised) for giving me the happiness to see the proper Handwriting of my beloved Husband, and therewith his remembrance of me. Marquis Doria hath acquainted me with the Love which thou professest towards me. I doubt not but Marquis Doria will inform His Imperial Majesty with the Answer I have returned to thy Letter, viz. That I depend on Almighty God's Providence, and the Emperor's Clemency, and as to other Matters, I am ready to give sufficient Security, that if leave should be permitted me to go and meet my Emericus Tekeli, according to my Nuptial Duty, that I will return again at the time appointed; as to what the Imperial Court will do about the Prisoners, the Marquis will acquaint you; to accept or reject the Conditions, will depend much on your Affections towards me. The Marquis having earnestly solicited his Business, hath gotten an early Dispatch; he says as much in short as is enough, and you may believe him. I have spoken with your Servant, who hath been sick, but now is better. Perhaps my Emericus thought me to be some Lady in a Nunnery, because he gives me not the Name of his Wife, perhaps it might be to try me, whether I desire to be so called. Gold is tried in the Fire, which Trial I willingly suffer from my Beloved, expecting impatiently another Letter. God deliver the Prisoners, and comfort all afflicted Minds, which I heartily wish, Amen.  
Your Dutiful Wife, Helena Zrinin. From Vienna, Septemb. 24.  
But let us here leave Marquis Doria returning with his Answers to Tekeli, whilst we discourse a while concerning what the Turks are farther acting before Nissa in Servia, now straight besieged by the Grand Vizier himself. An Attempt was made at the same time on Widin, by the Turkish Fleet, which they expected should take the Place without any Land Forces; 
Widin invested.  but they being beaten off, and four of their Ships sunk, the Vizier commanded that the Place should be Besieged both by Land and Water; accordingly the Lines were finished, and the Batteries raised by the 24th of August. In like mann●r the Germans had perfected a Fort which they had raised on an Island near Orsoa, called Carolina, after the Name of the Emperor's second Son; and therein a Garrison was put of 400 Germans, and 1000 Rascians, with 24 Pieces of Cannon, and all other Necessaries required for maintenance of the Place.  
Whilst things were in this doubtful Condition, and the Christian Army commanded by General Veterani, lying at jagodina, under some Discouragement by reason of the near approach of the Grand Vizier, 
Pr. Lewis at ●agodina.  Prince Lewis of Baden arrived to the great Joy of the Camp, bringing with him a Regiment of Hussars. The Prince had taken a view of the Camp, and entered into a Council of War, touching what was to be done, when the unhappy News arrived of the total Defeat of General Heusler in Transylvania, which altered all the Measures before agreed; and new Resolutions were taken to march thither with the greatest force of the Army, of which General● Aspremont was to lead the Van by way of Semendria, where care had been taken to erect a Bridge for Passage of the Troops; and for the better security of the Ships laden with Provisions, and with Sick and Wounded People. The Horse remained on an Eminence, until all were Embarked; and Orders were sent to the Governor of Crassowitz to demolish that Fort, and with the Germans National Troops, and the Country People who were with him, to march towards Belgrade.  
By this time all Intercourse with Nissa was cut off, 
Nissa straight Besieged  the Vizier having encompassed the City on all sides with an Army, as was reported of 30000 Foot, and 50000 Horse, besides 15000 Tartars daily expected; the appearance of which, was enough to have affrighted the Place to an immediate Surrender, as was expected by the Grand Vizier; but contrary thereunto he met with a most vigorous Resistance, to the great loss of his Men; and a second time, which was the last of August, 
And Attacked.  they made another more violent Attack with fresh Troops, and were still repulsed with greater loss: At length the Turks for saving their Men, made a trial of some Mines, which they sprang in divers Places, 
Septemb.  but most commonly they reversed to the greater Damage and Mischief of the Turks themselves.  
The Grand Vizier having understood, that Prince Lewis was on the Retreat, and had withdrawn his Forces from Widin, and Semendria, detached a part of his Army to Widin; the which Garrison consisting of no more than 800 Men, it was not probable, that they should be able to withstand any long Siege, and therefore being sensible, 
Widin surrendered.  that no Succour was to be expected, they rendered themselves up to the Enemy on the 29th of August, before any Breach was made, or the Enemy advanced within 40 Paces of the Walls; despair of Succour put them upon this Resolution, whereby they gained such good Conditions, 
The Garrison marches and joins with Pr. Lewis.  that they marched away, and joined with the Army of Prince Lewis, and 11th of September.  


1690. Septemb.  Exemplum Epistolae ab Amico ad Legatum Colyer, e Castris Turcicis ad urbem Nicaeam positis, missae.  

Sept. xuj. A. D. 1690.  
TAmetsi per fidum ac certum hominem, qui Sagiri Achmetis Algazirani causam, & ablatorum quingentorum Leoninorum restitutionem huc missus fuerat, Excae. Vae. cuncta, quae hic acta, perscripsi, non male tamen me facturum existimavi, si & illa repeterem, & quae post consecuta sunt, adjungerem.  
A. d. ix. Aug. Primus Vizirius cum exercitu ad munimentum Sarkioi accessit: quod cum non statim dederetur, vis adhibita est: cui impares, qui in praesidio, milites, postquam horas 24 hosti fortiter restitissent, honestas pacti conditiones, deditionem fecêre; exieruntque ducenti Germani, Hungarique milites armati cum impedimentis, & à praefecto Turcico ad munimentum, cui Palanca Mustafa Pa●cia nomen, deducti sunt. Tria hic tantum tormenta minora campestria reperta, cum nonnullis vasis pulveris pyrii.  
A. d. xi. Ad paulo ante memoratum Palancae munimentum venimus, desertum & exinanitum rebus omnibus à Germanis, qui ibi in praesidio fuerant.  
A. d. xv. Nissam perventum, quam absolutissime munitam invenimus. Admotis mox propius castris omni vi oppugnatio instituta est: nec minore virtute oppidum defensum: ita ut post xxiii dierum obsidionem unius Sagargibassi cuniculi vix ad crepidinem fossae promotae fuerint. Ab quatuor simul locis coepta oppugnatio est: primas partes curabat Janizarorum Praefectus cum Sagargibassi: alter ab hoc erat propraefectus Janizarorum: tertiae Albanis obvenerant: quartas obtinebant Cairini, sive Aegyptii. His cunctis praesidiarii undique simul admirabili virtute, magnaque cum Turcarum pernicie restiterunt. E Gallis transfugis cognitum est, Ducem Veterani quinto ante obsidionem die ex oppido discessisse, ut suppetias procuraret, relicto, qui munimentum, dum ipse abesset, tueretur, Stahrembergio, Stahrembergii istius, qui Viennam defendit, agnato, cum trium admodum millium militum praesidio, omnique rerum ad obsidionem tolerandam necessariarum copia. Uno ante mense sex Germanorum millia haud procul Viminatio abfuerant: verum intellecto, Sultan um Galga, Tartarorum Hani filium natu maximum indies in vicinia exspectari, ad sex alias cohortes sub Jagodini se moenia rec●perant, pariterque cum iis Moravam transierant: at postpaul● cognito ●ursus corundem Tartarorum ad haec loca adventu, nostrarumque copiarum peringenti numero, Tauruni, Semendriaeque securitati prospecturi, Danubium petiuêre: quos mox Tartari subsecuti sunt.  
A. d. xxx. Nuncius huc à Fonduco Mustaphâ Pasciâ missus attulit, ipsum una cum Tókólaeo per invios montes, & inaccessa juga, cum omni peditatu, absque tormentis impedimentisque, solis acinacibus & bombardis armato in Transylvaniam perrupisse, obviumque descendentibus Heislerum obfirmato in mortem animo invasisse, strictisque acinacibus, non dato ad explodenda tormenta, aut repetendam Sclopetorum majorum minorumque explosionem tempore, in Germanos, Hungarosque milites irruisse, & mox in fugam actos, ac à Tartaris circumventos occidione cecidisse: ita ut de multis millibus perpauci evaserint. Captos autem Ducem ipsum Heislerum, Marchionem Doria, & Comitem Magni. In caesorum numero repertum primum illius Provinciae Ministrum Telleki; item praefectum quendam cohortis Germanum, & aliquam multos de praecipua Hungarorum nobilitate desideratos. Hanc porro victoriam trecentorum illis, non amplius militum jactura stetisse: unum tantum alicujus nominis cecidisse praefectum Turcici exercitus Cerkisium Achmetem. Ex eodem nuncio accepimus, Turcarum, Tartarorum, Walachorum, & Tókólianorum conjunctas copias vix xv millia militum explesse. Tókólaeus captivos majores minoresque duces cunctos penes se retinet, transmissis tantum viginti signis ad Vizirium: quae ille èvestigio eopse, quo accepit die una cum expugnati intra sextum diem Viminatii nuncio ad magnum Sultanum misit.  
Vizirium aiunt scripsisse Tókólaeo de mittendo ad se Heislero: at illum respondisse, eo sibi imprimis opus esse cum ad subjugandam Transylvaniam, tum ad recuperandam conjugem suam Principem Ragotzki. Idem, quem dixi, Fonducus in Cerkisii Achmetis locum Copiarum Turcicarum dux suffectus est.  
A. d. v Sept. Sultanus Galga ad Vizirii colloquium publice admissus, & ab eo equo eximio, ephippio & phaleris ditissime exornato, ut & acinace gemmato, ac talari v●ste murinis pellibus dupli●ata donatus est: familiaribus autem, & comitibus ad ducentas talares de more datae. Hic autem Princeps cum Kiamankiseo, aliisque duobus Turcicis praefectis a. d. viij. hujus mensis Semendriam oppugnatum abiit, comitantibus duobus Turcarum millibus, avectisque secum decem tormentis campestribus.  
Valachorum Princeps, etiamnum apud Tókólaeum haeret in Transylvania, aderitque tamdiu Turcico exercitui, donec ille Transylvaniae sibi principatum certa possessi●ne vindicarit. Praecipua namque munimenta in potestate adhucdum Caesaris sunt: duo vero tantum oppida Braslau & Fogarest Tókólaeo semet submisêre.  
A. d. seven. Vizirius unum de fuis Capigibassis, sive viatoribus, ad exercitus praefectum Mustafam Fonducum, ut & ad Tókólaeum in Transylvaniam misit, talarem singulis vestem murinis pellibus suffultam, & aliquot simplices caeteris minoribus tribunis, ac praefectis, munus illuc delaturum. Valachorum Principi, quique ex ejus comitatu, novem itidem consimiles vestes missae sunt.  
Hac occasione usus centurio Gallus hinc una in Transylvaniam abiit, qui anno priore cum Tókólaeo Sophiam venerat, & cum Legato Gallico Constantinopolin profectus inde in Galliam trajecerat. Nunc autem cursu publico Constantinopolin reversus huc venerat, multa de Gallicis victoriis jactitans, quas de Batavis & Anglis reportaverant. His addebat interpres Gallicus Fontanus, Gallos Batavorum exercitum sub Waldeckio in fugam conjecisse, duodecim millibus caesis, octo captis: mari vero conjunctas Batavorum & Anglorum classes à Gallica victas fugatasque. At id verum esse negitant alii: Regem autem Gulielmum Hiberniam imperio suo subjecisse, pulso ac dein in Galliam se recipiente Rege Jacobo. Ad haec Galli nil respondent, nisi, quod certum hujus rei à legato suo nuncium necdum sese accepisse prae se ferant.  
A. d. ix. Nicaeae Praefectus tubicinem ad Galilum Pascia de deditione misit, si aequis ea conditionibus, sibique honestis permitteretur: petens, ut Vizirius ●am in r●m tres ad se militares duces mitteret. Verum Vizi●ius, si de tradenda urbe secum agere decrevisset, ipsius esse respondit, certos ad se delegatos mittere. Hoc accepto responso, duo eodem die centuriones, cum adjuncto Commissario, in Castra Turcica profecti sunt: atque ita inter hos & Kiaiabejum ac Sagargibassum, aliosque Janizarorum Duces, praesente etiam pro-Vizirio, convenit, ut oppidum cum omnibus commeatibus & apparatu bellico, nec non Turcis fidem Christianam amplexis, ut & servis ac subditis Turcicis, qui in oppido invenirentur, dederetur: Germani, Hungari, aliique milites praesidiarii armati, cum conjugibus ac liberis, impedimentisque omnibus, salvi & incolumes egrederentur, concessis ad eorum devectionem centum curribus, additoque praesidio & praefecto, qui deducerent eos, quocunque vellent: interea temporis praesidium èvestigio fossis & munimentis exterioribus digrediens Janizaris ea traderet. Quod ubi factum, a. d. x Sept. milites nonnulli de praesidio pedites equitesque cum impedimentis suis oppido egressi sunt: viis autem militaribus, cuniculis interruptis corruptisque, accidit, ut currus aliquot eversi fractique fuerint: Unde qui praecedebant, aliquantum à caeteris disjuncti, cum ad extrema Turcarum castra pervenissent, pars à deducentibus Turcis, aliisque militibus spoliati, nonnulli etiam occisi sunt; conjugesque ac liberi eorum in servitutem abducti; quorum numerus ignoratur. At hoc certum est, Vizirium, his cognitis, è vestigio Germanis praesidiariis mandasse, ut in oppido resisterent, posteroque die servatis ordinibus, & cunctis rite dispositis exirent: vulgato interim per exercitum Turcicum edicto, ut, qui de militibus Christianis, eorumve conjugibus ac liberis quemquam penes se haberent, eosdem intra xii horarum spatium dimitterent, atque in libertatem restituerent: qui secus fecissent, capital iis fore. Sed pauci eorum ad suos rediere. Hanc ob culpam duo supremi Equitum praefecti, nunciorumque Sultani Princeps, dignitate dejecti, & cujuscunque muneris publici administrandi in posterum incapaces declarati sunt; utpote qui milites suos in officio continere nequivissent.  
Munimentum illaesum atque integrum inventum est: siquidem Turcae, uti supradictum, trium & viginti dierum spatio vix ad exterioris fossae supercilium appropinquaverant. Rogavi ego nonnullos è militaribus de praesidio ducibus, quae maturandae deditionis causa fuisset? Respondere, nullam auxilii spem: cui mandatum accesserit clanculum ad ipsos perlatum, uti oppidum dederent, ac saluti militum prospicerent. Certe mirari satis nequo, quum omnes ad oppidum aditus diligentissime obsessi fuerint; quî fieri potuerit, ut quis ad eos inobservatus pertransierit?  
Postquam praesidium oppido digressum est, interpreti Gallico imperatum, ut Gallos, quorum aliquot centeni erant ad transitum in castra Turcica invitaret: verum quindecim tantum transiere; quorum quinque religionem Christianam Turcica mutarunt: reliqui Constantinopolin profecti. Quod autem gentem hanc attinet, bona fide Vae. Excae. affirmare possem, fraternam ipsos Turcis fidem, operamque praestare.  
A. d. xii. Galilus Praefectus è castris semet cum Albanis ad Sultanum Galga contulit, suas cum illius copias conjuncturus. Hodie vero, qui xuj Septemb. Vizirius castra movet, eo animo atque spe fore, ut intra paucos dies Semendria potiatur: qua capta Taurunum aggressurus ●st: quod mihi inceptum asperum ac difficile videtur, quum anni tempus intempestivum, militumque clanculum sese subducentium haud exiguum numerum considero.   

Exemplum alterius ab eodem Epistolae.  
DEditionem Nissae proximis inde literis Excae. Vae. significavi: hisce, quae post evenêre, exponam.  
A. d. xuj. Sept. Semendriam institutum iter, & a. d. xxv. castra ad urbem posita sunt. Verum a. d. xxvii. ante exspectarum, Albani, Janizarique Portam Flumentanam vi summa oppugnantes irrupêre, & universum praesidium 250 Germanorum militum, nemini parcentes, trucidauêre.  
A. d. xxx. Motis Castris, Taurunum profecti sumus: eademque vespera ad octavum ab urbe lapidem castrametati, prostridie ab omni eam parte cinximus. Cum vero ad usque viij Octobr. multa cum virtute defenderetur, Deo ita permittente, invictum illud munimentum (humano more loquor) arte summa munitum, in Turcarum venit potestatem.  
Eodem die servus Turca ex urbe in Albanorum stativa transfugus, & ● Galilo Pascia exactissime interrogatus, ●xaminatusque, turrim in urbe ostendit, in qua magna vis pulveris pyrij esset recondita. Bombis igitur in eam▪ directis, tectum, quod ex ligno erat, incensum, & deinceps hora circiter promeridiana tertia universa interior urbs flammis & ignibus colluxit, turrisque vi accensi pulveris in aera disjecta muros urbis ita convulsit, ut prolapsi fossas adimplerent. Hinc statim Albani civitatem invadentes, atque irrumpentes, nec ●exui nec aetati pepercere, quidquid obvium ferro conficientes. Tristissimus hic casus ita Germanos perturbavit, ut desubito nullo servato ordine ad portum flumenque profugerent, adeo trepide, ut, mortem vitare conantes, in scaphas & naviculas se praecipitarent, ac divinae se providentiae permittentes, pars secundo flumine descenderent, pars eodem adverso, remorum auxilio evadere conarentur. Verum maximam eorum partem mox immissi Tartari consecuti ceperunt: adeo ut de tribus militum millibus, quibus hoc praesidium constitit, vix trecentos effugisse existimem, quos noctis ingruentis tenebrae texerunt, atque conservarunt.  
Inter captivos nemo alicujus nominis repertus: neque ex illorum quoquam, quid Principe Croïaco factum sit, resciri hactenus potuit; quamquam diligentissime in eum inquisitum fuit. Hic Princeps eodem mensis Oct. die octavo Taurunum venerat Comitemque Aspremontium certiorem fecerat auxilii cohortium aliquot Germanarum postridie secundo flumine adventuri. Sed nec de hoc Aspremontio certi quidpiam cognosci, indagaríve potuit.  
Non in interiore, neque in exteriore urbe vel minima casula restitit, superfuitve illaesa: adeo cuncta aedificia flammis consumpta sunt. Interioris urbis moenia tota sedibus suis evulsa & disjecta sunt: sed exterioris pleraque supersunt. Hac urbis per pulverem pyrium eversione, bomborumque aliquot, qui altero etiam ab urbe capta die dissiliere, magnus Turcarum numerus interiit.  
A. d. xi. Tartarorum Hanus, corpore licet invalidus, in castra ad Vizirium venit; quicum hic belli consilia agitaturus est. Caeterum jam sedet Vizirio▪ tres Turcicos praefectos cum omni Tartarorum copia Osseckium mittere. Cui rei exsequendae Savus fl. ponte jungitur, qui intra biduum è navibus & scaphis, magno numero ad Belgradum repertis, perfectus erit, paratusque.  
Hoc porro Excae. Vae. affirmare ausim, ni tempus anni expeditionibus bellicis commodum jam effluxisset, fore, ut Vizirius hoc adhuc anno Budam tenderet. Cognovit enim è captivis, perpaucos tam Budae, quam Osseckii mili●es in praesidio esse, eosque magnam partem è morbo infirmos.  
Reperta Tauruni tormenta bellica majora centum; minora vero multo plura: quae cum bombis & pulveris pyrii copia sub terram reconditi, inventique, quantumvis validae sustinendae sufficiant obsidioni.  
De Tókólaeo nil certi accepimus, nisi quod plebem sibi Transylvanicam indies magis magisque concilier, ac subjiciat: tum in eo esse, ut Albae Juliae de more tanquam Princeps Transylvaniae inauguretur. Veruntamen munimenta pleraque in potestate adhuc sunt Caesa●ianorum. Quantum inquirendo percipio, ad ultimum hujus mensis Octobris hic subsistemus: deinde in hyberna miles deducetur. Atque haec hactenus: caetera proximis literis perscribam. Vale.    
The News of the Surrender of Widin, caused the Vizier to hasten the taking of Nissa, that he might have time afterwards before the Winter to take in Belgrade; to which end he furiously assaulted the place on all sides, and continually both by Day and Night fired with Cannon and Bombs into the City; by which the Garrison being diminished from 3 unto 2000 Men, and the Counterscarp taken, and no hopes of Relief, General Staremberg the Governor thereof was forced to a Capitulation, 
Nissa 〈◊〉.  and Surrendered on the 8th of September on very honourable Terms: Namely, That the Garrison should march out with Bag and Baggage, Trumpets sounding, and Drums beating, Colours flying, and with all their Arms, and to be conveyed in safety to the Morava. But the Turks did not faithfully observe this Agreement, but robbed and disarmed many of them. The Tartars also pursued after them as far as Semendria, with intent to cut them all off; of which Count Staremberg having Advice, he speedily passed the Danube, and so arrived in safety at Belgrade. The Turks found 9● pieces of Cannon and Mortar-pieces in Nissa; after the taking of which they marched directly towards Belgrade, and took Semendria in their way, of which Lieutenant Colonel Weingartler, a stout and valiant Soldier, was the Governor; but having no more than 500 Germ●ns, and 400 Rascian Soldiers in all, for defence of the place, they sustained a Storm from all the Turkish Army; but being overwhelmed with Numbers, 
Semend●●a 〈…〉.  the Governor with all his Soldiers were put to the Sword and perished; and the Turks became Masters of the place, in which they found a good Booty with quantity of Provisions.  
In the mean time Prince Lewis continued his march towards Transylvania, and having passed the Danube at Culitz, a place something below Semendria, he arrived at Karansebes with the Horse on the 16th, but the Foot and Baggage came not thither until two days afterwards. And here it was that the Prince received Intelligence how that Tekeli's Lieutenant-General was marching against him with some thousands of Horse, by way of the Valley of Hadegger, leading to that place, which is called the Iron-Gate, with intent to hinder the Prince's passage into Transylvania; but the Germans were beforehand with them, and with a Party of Horse took possession of the Pass before Tekeli's Men could reach it; 
P. Lewis in Transilvania.  which they maintained for two or three days before the Army could come and enter into it; and having passed it about the 21st, they drew into Battalia according to the situation of the Ground, and encamped near the Ancient Romana Colonia Vulpia Trajana, the Ruins of which do still appear, where they remained until the 24th, before which time their heavy Baggage could not arrive at the Camp.  
The Germane Army being thus entered into Transylvania, many of the Nobility of that Country applied themselves to the Prince for Safe-Conducts, or Protections, to live quietly and to save their Goods; whilst in the mean time, the Rascians were entered into Walachia, where they plundered, burned, and put all to the Sword with as much Cruelty as enraged Men can exercise one against the other. But Prince Lewis marched with his Army in three Lines, until they came within an hours distance from Huniad, and here the Army rested for a while.  
The Turks, as we have said, having taken Semendria, and killed all that were it, the Grand Vizier marched with all his Forces towards Belgrade; of which, News being carried to the Imperial Court, the Duke of Croy was immediately dispatched to Belgrade, to take upon him the Command of that City.  
The Duke was sent away on the 1st of October, 
October  which was the Day that the Grand Vizier invested Belgrade, 
The Grand Vizier invests Belgrade.  and encamped in the very same Places and Posts which the Christians had set out and marked two years before; And on the 2d he had surrounded the City from the Danube to the Save; and from that Day to the 8th they fired continually with their Cannon and Bombs without ceasing, and stormed the Pallisadoes with such Rage, without fear or wit, that the Defendants wondered to see them run on so desperately before any Breach, or the least opening was made to favour or prepare for an Attack.  

1690. October.  On the 8th, The Duke of Croy arrived in the City by Boat, and immediately applied himself to take a View with General Aspremont, and Officers of the Artillery of all the Works and Fortifications, as also of the Enemy's Trenches, which were already advanced within 12 Paces of the Pallisadoes; 
The Duke of Croy at Belgrade.  which done, he retired to his Lodging; and that night, the Besieged discovered and emptied one of the Turks Mines just ready to be Sprung: Next Morning the Duke of Croy being desirous to send a true account to the Emperor of the State and Condition of the Place, a Draught thereof was drawn and subscribed by General Aspremont, and Officers of the Artillery; which whilst the Duke, after a small Breakfast, was preparing to dispatch away, giving an Account withal, that there were not above 3200 Men in the place fit for Service, an outcry was made, That the great Blue-Steeple of the Castle began to burn; 
The Steeple of the castle takes fire.  upon which Alarm the Generals and others applying themselves to extinguish the Fire, it was soon put out. But no sooner were the Generals and People returned to their Homes, and busily employed in their Dispatches for Vienna, which were to be carried by the Count Archinto; but by some unknown Accident; or as it is rather believed, by the Treachery of a Turk disguised in a Germane Habit, or by the villainous and traitorous Practice of some French, who had been employed to work in the Magazines, and had that Morning Deserted, and gone over to the Turk; the said Blue-Steeple, about three or four a Clock in the Afternoon (which was the principal Magazine for Powder in all the City) took Fire, 
Again on fire and blows up.  and blew up, with such Violence, that the Duke was not only wounded, but half buried in the rubbish of his own Lodgings, and dis-interred as it were by a Page of General Aspremont. This blow over-turned the great Bulwark, which defended the Castle, together with its Walls, Guns, and other Defences, opening so large a Breach for the Enemy, that they might have entered the Town with whole Squadrons: And so extraordinary and fatal was this blow, that it destroyed a thousand Men of the Garrison, 
A great slaughter thereby.  which were drawn up on the place of Arms and on the Walls; so that when the Generals ordered new Men to supply the Places of those who had been killed by this fatal Clap, and defend the Breach, they could not find a sufficient number to withstand the Enemy, then ready to take advantage of this dreadful blow; howsoever, they made the best resistance possible, until their remaining Magazines and Storehouses took Fire, and blew up one after the other, in such a dismal manner, that for Fire, Powder, Smoak, Stones, and Dust, one Man could not see, 
All the Magazines of Powder and Prov●s●ons 〈◊〉 up.  much less know the other; and in this Confusion, not only the greatest part of the Garrison perished, but even a thousand Turks storming at that time the Walls, and entering the City, were also lost; and such as remained alive were forced to retreat back to the Camp; at which time it seemed, as if a Cessation of Arms had been made during this gloomy and dismal Interval; but so soon as it had cleared up a little, the Turks observing the great Consternation in the City, so that those who remained alive, could make no resistance, they rather entered the Walls than Stormed them; 
Belgrade taken  And being come within the City, they found very few Christians living, or Houses standing, and the very Boats in the River were sunk by the weight of the Stones and rubbish which were fallen into them; so that those who escaped, saved themselves for the most part by Swimming▪ some over the Danube, and some over the Save; on which occasion, howsoever some few Boats remained, 
The Duke of Croy escapes with the Generals.  by which many passed over, and amongst the rest, the Duke, and General Aspremont, with some of their Servants; but no Man could save more than what he carried about him.  
Count Aspremont being blamed for this Action, was cleared by this following Copy.  
Copy de l'Attestation donnee par le Prince Lovis de Bade, a Monsieur le Comte d'Aspremont au sujet de la parte de la Forteresse de Belgrade.  
LA Forteresse de Belgrade ayant été malheureusement prise par les ennemis l'an 1690. ensuitte de la grande confusion que causa l'embrasement du Magazine a poudre, plusieurs personnes mal informées des circonstances de cette affaire en ont voulu attribuer principalement la faute au Comte d'Aspremont quoyqu'il n'y commandast plus en Chef; ce qui a extremement diminué dans le monde le bon credit dans le quel il etoit, sur tout a cause qu'il avoit été mis en arrest comme Sa Majesté Imperial a accoutumé de faire en de semblables rencontres.  
N'ayant donc appris autre chose de Monseigneur le Duc de Croy, ainsi que des autres Generaux & Officers qui ont été commandez dans la dite fortress; si non que le susdit Comte d'Aspremont y a fait en toutes manieres son devoir, & y a montré son zéle en tout ce qui pouvoit concerner le service de Sa Majesté Imperiale, tellement qu'ayant été pleinement informé de tout le susdit, & en consideration de la verité du fait je n'ay pû faire moins que de donner a Monsieur le Comte d'Aspremont non seulement la present Attestation, mais aussi pour son unique Consolation, & afin qu'un chacun puisse voir & connoitre le contraire des Calomnies dont on l'a voulu charger, de le recommander aupres de nótre tres Clement Maitre & en tous lieux ou il pourroit en avoir besoin pour son avancement, étant hors de doute que sa été entierement contre la Clement Intention de Sa Majesté Imperiale qu'il a dû souffrir toutes ces Calomnies. En foy de quoy j'ay signé la present & y ay fait apposer mon cachet. Fait a Vienne, ce 10 Feurier 1693.  
Louis Margrave de Baden de Sa Majeste Imperiale Lieutenant General, Marechal de Camp, Colonel & Gouverneur de Raab.  
And thus every Man shifting as well as he could for himself, the Duke rallied about 400 Men in all, with which he arrived at Titul, and afterwards marched with them to Peter Waradin; but the Duke remained not long here, before he departed, and took his march for Esseck, emptying all the Garrisons by the way, such as Illock, Sabaz, and Broad, and joining all the Forces he was able to Conserve that important place; it being conjectured, that after having rendered themselves Masters of Belgrade, the Turks would not stop there, but following the air of their good Fortune, would endeavour also to take Esseck: But the Season of the Year being far spent, it was believed that the Grand Vizier would think he had done enough for this Summer, and therefore would conclude the Campagne with an Action of so much Glory; but the Grand Vizier rested not here, but having left 10000 Men for a Garrison in Belgrade, and recommended the repair of the Breaches to the Care of some French Engineers that followed the Army, and leaving some of their Horse Cantoned near the City; the greatest part of their Cavalry was ordered for the Upper Hungary; upon the News of which, 
The Germans quit t●e 〈◊〉 of Great-Waradin.  the Germans were so Alarmed, that they quitted the Blockade before Great Waradin, and with other Troops which were in the Neighbourhood, they marched towards the Tibiscus, to secure the passage of that River.  
In the mean time the Pasha of Bosnia was Commanded by the Grand Vizier to take Esseck, whilst he himself, with a strong Army of Turks passed the Danube; whereupon the Germans quitted Lugos, and Caranzebes, and the Vizier marched directly to Lippa▪ which place having been attacked with much Resolution, and continual Storms, and in want of all Provisions, was forced to Surrender, but on very honourable Capitulations, being permitted to march out with Bag and Baggage, Drums beating, and with Colours flying: The Besieged lost but ten Men, but the Turks 800 in this Action.  
Whilst Matters succeeded in this manner with the Vizier's Army, 
P. Lewis continues his march,  Prince Lewis of Baden continued his march by way of Weissenburg and Mullenbach, and arrived the 3d of October at Hermanstadt, where for want of Provisions he was forced to remain for some days; but being at length supplied with all things necessary, they decamped, and came to Medies, 
And beats several Parties of the Enemy.  where they attacked, and beat several Parties of the Enemies, whose Heads they brought with Triumph into the Camp: For as to Tekeli, and his Troops, they never stood their Ground, but as Prince Lewis advanced, they always retreated, keeping at least six Leagues distant from the Germane Army. At length he came to Czick upon the Borders of Walachia; where to encourage and keep his Followers together, he boasted of great Succours coming from the Turks: But this Report would not serve his turn; for the Prince of Walachia having received Intelligence that the Rascians did much Infest and Ruin his Country, he was the first to desert the Army, and return home to defend and preserve the same. Soon afterwards, the Zecklers and Transylvanians following the Example of the former, left the Army, and returned to their Homes; the which Misfortunes were soon seconded by the ill News, That 200 of his Men, who blocked up the Castle of Terezwar, had been surprised, and cut to pieces by the Germans. After which, the Prince pursued Tekeli towards Czick, 
Tekeli flies from place to place.  from whence likewise he decamped, and fled through the whole Country, being hunted from one place to another; but seeing that Tekeli could be fixed in no place, the Prince sent back all his Baggage to Medies: and having alarmed Tekeli on every side, he caused all the Roads into the Georgian Country to be stopped up, and rendered unpassable; and being in a full march, and fresh pursuit after him, he almost surprised him, and had certainly taken him, had not the Prince been discovered in his passage over the River near Marienburg; at which Tekeli was so affrighted, 
1689. October.  that he betook himself to flight, and with great Confusion retired through the Pass of Bozz in Walachia; 
H● 〈◊〉 in●o Walachia.  but being still pursued by some Germane Horse, they overtook seven or eight Wagons with Baggage, which they seized with several Prisoners; but Tekeli stayed in no place, but road Post away until he came as far as Tergovitz in Walachia. And thus ending the short Reign of this Transylvanian King, the Emperor became a second time the Master of that Principality; the Care and Preservation of which was committed to the Charge and Government of General Veterani, who with eight Regiments, and a good part of the Army, returned back to Zatmar.  
According to Orders received from the Grand Vizier, Chusacin Pasha of Bosnia, appeared on the 29th of October, with Mustapha Pasha▪ and one Beg or Lord of that Country, 
Esseck summoned.  before Esseck, with 12 or 15000 Men; and the day following sent a Summons to the Duke of Croy, to Surrender up the Fortress unto the invincible Power of his Sovereign, the Ottoman Emperor, and in failure of a ready Compliance herewith, he threatened to destroy the whole Garrison, Man, Woman, and Child, and not so much as to spare or give Quarter to Infants in the Womb of their Mothers.  
Hereunto the Duke returned for Answer, That the Germans did not use to be terrified with high and menacing Words; 
The Answer to the Summons.  That they had not a Woman in the Town, and consequently no Children to be concerned for who were unborn; but they should find Men there who were resolved to de●end the Town to the utmost of their power.  
Upon this Answer, the Pasha immediately stormed the Counterscarps, which were without any Parapet, and provided only with some small Pallisadoes: Howsoever, 
The Turks repulsed.  tho' the Garrison consisted only of 2000 Men, the Turks were repulsed with great loss and slaughter. The Pasha finding himself mistaken in his Measures, and that the place was resolved to make a better resistance than he expected, he began to form an Attack in good Order, opening Trenches, and raising Batteries, which was performed with such diligence, that on the 2d of November, 
Novemb.  two Batteries were finished, from whence with eight Guns, and two Mortar-pieces, they fired continually into the Town. The Duke one Evening walking with some Officers through the Pallisadoes to take a view of the Enemy, was discovered by them, and thereupon a whole Volley of shot was poured upon them; amongst which, one Musket-shot took of the Hat and Periwig of the Duke, 
1690. Novemb.  and grazing on his Forehead, took off the Skin for the breadth of a Finger, without other hurt or mischief.  
On the 4th about Noon the Duke caused a Salley to be made by 200 Foot, 
A Salley made from the Town.  30 Granadiers, and 100 Horse, which so well succeeded, that the Turks were beaten out of their Trenches, having 200 of their Men killed on the place, and five Standards taken, with the loss only of two Men killed and about 30 wounded: Had the Lieutenant who commanded the Horse, done his Duty, and advanced as he ought to have done, to cut off the Enemy's Retreat, above 40 Colours had been taken, and not one of them had escaped out of their Trenches; for which Default the said Lieutenant was seized, and arrested.  
On the 5th, The Turks had advanced within 15 Paces of the Pallisadoes, and Counterscarp, and had so battered, and ruined the Houses within the Town, especially that in which the Duke had his Quarters, that very few were standing, and scarce any place to remain or abide in. The Turks likewise began again to appear in great numbers, threatening a general Storm; But the Duke, and the other Generals, providing to make the best Resistance, and most vigorous Defence they were able, entered into the Counterscarps with undaunted Resolution; but the Enemy attempted nothing, as if some strange fear had possessed them. In the mean time, the Duke being returned to his Lodgings, the Hussars brought to him three Turks; who being in Examination, demanded for what Reason the Enemies had made so violent an Assault without Trenches or Earth to cover them; it was answered, That there being a Report in the Army, that the Christians were coming with a powerful Army to relieve the Town; it was resolved to take the place, if possible, before the Succours came; for which reason they endeavoured to carry all at once, by dint of Sword, or force of Arms.  
The Duke, and General Staremberg having received this Information, sent out by Night all the Drums and Trumpets, 
A stratagem to deceive the Tu●ks.  and Bagpipes which were in the Town, to the Regiment of Hofkirchen, and some Hussars, which were quartered on this side of the Drove, with Orders and Instructions, that when the Evening was come, they should under the Obscurity of the Night, march to and fro, causing the marches of Musqueteers, and Dragoons, at convenient distances to be beaten, and Trumpets and Kettledrums to be sounded from several Places; which being exactly performed according to Orders, caused such an Alarm in the Turkish Camp, as struck all with Fear and Confusion, believing that the Succours, which they feared, 
It succeeds to the terror of the Turks.  were now arrived, which caused such a Consternation in the Turkish Camp, that they quitted all their Trenches in the Night with a confused Precipitation, making what haste was possible for Bosnia.  
Of this the Besieged knew as yet nothing, but perceiving towards six a Clock in the Morning, that not the least noise was heard in the Turkish Trenches, the Duke gave 50 Dollars to a Musketeer to adventure out, and take a view of the Camp and Trenches; the which having done, he returned, and gave a Report, That not a Turk was remaining, either in one or the other. 
The Turks raise the Siege by a panic fear.  So soon as the Day-broke, the Garrison sallied out, and entered the deserted Camp, in which they found great Spoils, three pieces of Cannon, 100 Bombs, and other warlike Instruments which the Turks had left behind in their affright, which possessed them with such panic Fear, that they stopped not, or looked behind them, till they had passed the Bridges at Walcowar, where they stayed no longer than only to break them down to secure their flight.  
The Story hereof was pleasantly related by a certain Germane, who had three years before been taken by the Turks, and had for his skill in the Turkish Language, been received into Service of the Pasha's Secretary: This Man during the flight had thrown himself into a Cock of Hay and Straw, where he lay hidden until the Turks were gone, and then creeping out, escaped to Esseck, and there told the Duke; That the ●asha was a dull, old, timorous Fellow; who when he heard all the Drums beat, and the Trumpets and Bagpipes sound, he was struck with so much Fear, that he trembled, his Hands and Feet shook, his Knees knocked one against the other, and his Legs were not able to support his Body▪ and he farther said, That the Pasha had been ordered by the Grand Vizier, that so soon as he had made himself Master of Esseck, that he should not stop there, but should make Excursions round the Country, ruining and destroying all with Fire and Sword; but this Stratagem so well succeeded, that the People and Country were freed of the Turks, and the Ruin which they threatened.  
The Siege being thus raised, Lieutenant Colonel Lion was dispatched with the News to the Imperial Court; 
joy at Vienna.  which so much rejoiced the Emperor and the whole City, that all the former sinister Successes of the Campagne seemed forgotten, and fwallowed up in the Joy of this Action; for which the Duke of Croy, and General Staremberg were so cried up, that never any thing seemed comparable to this Stratagem, and gained them not only the Fame of valiant, but wise Generals: This News was the more welcome, because it was surprising, and unexpected; for the Town was so ill fortified, that the Soldiers would never have been persuaded to hold out, had not the Duke liberally distributed his Money in the Garrison, and treated the Soldiers plentifully at the Rate of a Pound of Flesh, and a Quart of Wine for every Day; And indeed there was a necessity thereof in that moist Country, which is nothing but marshy and wet Places, and in that Season of the Year, subject to Rain, Fogs, Frost, and all extremities of the Wether.  
Thus this Siege being happily raised, Te Deum was sung in Esseck; and all the Trenches of the Enemy being leveled, the Duke committed the Command of the Town to General Staremberg, and returned himself to Vienna.  
In the mean time, Prince Lewis continued his march for Zatmar, where he arrived the first of December, having been Complimented all along in his march by the States of Transylvania; 
Decemb.  
P. Lewis complimented by all the States of Transylvania.  particularly at Enget, where Thanks were particularly returned him, for having delivered them from the Tyrannical Government of Count Tekeli: Which poor Prince, after many Difficulties, being come into Walachia, 300 Zecklers which had followed him did then Desert him; but marching home without leave, were pursued by some of his Troops, and cut down in such manner, that none of them escaped. The Walachians also, unwilling to have their Country ruined by the Rascians, 
C. Tekeli in a sad C ndition.  who designing to make their Winter-quarters there, caused great Fears, so that he laboured under perpetual Troubles and Hardships.  
At Zatmar, Prince Lewis was forced to continue for some Days for Refreshment, both of his Soldiers, Horses, and Mules, the which were so extremely tired by their long Marches, especially the Beasts which had carried the Baggage, that they would not stir nor rise, until they put fire under them.  
In the mean time the Turks under the Command of the Grand Vizier's Son, continued to overrun and spoil all the Country on the other side of the Theysse, and sent a Summons to the Governor of St. job to Surrender the place to them; but he answered, That the Place being a Fortress belonging to the Emperor, of which General Nigrelli had the Keys, he was not capacitated to comply with their Desires. Hereof News being brought to Prince Lewis at Zatmar, 
1690. Decemb.  who had not with him above 2000 good Horse; the Enemy being 15000 strong, 
P. Lewis prepares to fight the Turks.  did not think himself in a Condition to fight them, but sending to Colonel Schick, who with his Regiment was quartered near Zolnock, and to the Hussars who were in those parts, to join as speedily as they could possibly with him, and to put themselves into a posture to meet and fight the Enemy. Whilst things were forming and contriving for this Action, a certain stout Fellow, who used to go out upon Parties, named Kiss Ballad, had a Rencounter with the Tartars in the Parts adjacent, of whom he killed 100, and took 50 Prisoners. Of this Body, those that escaped carried News to the Turks and Tartars, that the Prince had quitted Transylvania, and lay encamped near Zatmar; upon which Advice, 12000 Turks made an Excursion into that Country: But Prince Lewis having now got together 4000 good Horse, adventured to seek the Enemy; and on the 20th of this month came to Claussenburg, where two Days before the Turks had been, and summoned the place to make a Surrender; but the Summons being rejected, the Turks having burned the Suburbs, returned to Enget, and in their march passing in sight of Claussenburg, they burned and destroyed all Places in their way, and attacked the Foragers, and advanced Guards; took some few Germane Prisoners, with the loss only of about 50 of their Men, and so marched directly towards Temeswaer: But Prince Lewis having been joined by General Nigrelli with 2000 Horse, 
The Turks return with loss ●o Temeswaer.  by which and his own he made a Body of 4000 well armed and accoutred, he pursued them so closely at the Heels, that the Enemy entirely quitted Transylvania, with the greatest haste and confusion imaginable; and falling in with their Rear, cut down about a 1000 of their Men, took three pieces of Cannon, with a great many Camels and Horses, and most of their Baggage; and hasting away with all the speed possible, more in the Nature of a Flight than a Retreat, they at length arrived at Temeswaer, but with much diminution of their numbers, caused by toilsome and long Marches, and the excessive Colds in the Night, whereby some were frozen to Death, and others seized by Catarrhs and Rheums, which made them uncapable of farther Service.  
After this, 
Orsou● surrendered to the Turks.  the Island of Orsova surrendered to the Turks for want of Ammunition; the Governor upon the Articles granted, desired to be conducted to Belgrade, not knowing but that it remained still in the hands of the Germans; and tho' the Turks told him the contrary, yet not believing them, he still persisted so earnestly to be Convoyed to Belgrade, that the Turks at length carried him and his People thither, consisting of 600 Men, besides Women and Children; but this mistrust of the Turks words cost them dear, for arriving there, they were put for two days into a Fort of the City, and afterwards commanded them to bring out their Arms, and lay them upon Wagons, on promise of sending them for Esseck, which being done, they commanded them to come forth two by two, that they might be the better counted. After which, they drove them back to the Fort like Cattle, and chained them there with Ironchains, where they kept them in so severe an Imprisonment, that most of them died with Want and Hunger, except such as were under 20 years of Age, whom they Shaved and Circumcised, and made Turks; but the Women and Children they Sold, and pillaged all the Goods, which they brought out with them. In this Island the Enemies found 23 great Guns, 15 Field-pieces, and three Mortars, but the Bombs and Powder were thrown into the River: And thus ended this Year, which proved the most unfortunate to the Emperor of any, that had happened since the beginning of this War.     

THE Venetian Successes In Their WAR against the TURKS, In the Year 1690.  
year 1690. WE concluded the Venetian Successes of the last Year's Expedition, with the Triumphant, and Glorious Entry of that Illustrious Prince Francisco Morosini Cavalier, Captain General, and Elected Doge of Venice, to whom his Country testified as much Honour and Glory as could be contrived and expressed; the Particulars of which are long and not necessary to be inserted in this History; only it may not be improper to recount in short some of the Exploits of this Great Man, with that Applause which is due unto his Memory.  
This Francisco Morosini descending from the most Ancient Patrician Family in Venice, was Born in the Year 1618. He was in his Infancy dedicared by his Parents to the Service of his Country, and educated in all Martial Exercises; and rising by degrees and steps to several Offices, both Military and Civil, he at length arrived at the Supreme degree of Government in that Republic, being elected Doge during the time that he was fight abroad in defence of his Country, he was at first made a Noble Commander of a Galley, which is the first step and degree which a Noble Venetian takes, than he was made a Vice-Admiral and Governor of a Galleass; next Captain of the Golf, Proveditor-General of the Arms in Candia, and then Captain General, in which Office he continued a long time until the Year 1661., behaving himself with incomparable Valour; in which Year he fought a Battle with the Galleys of Barbary, under the Fortress of Valona, he took a great Ship called a Sultana, richly laden from Egypt, near the Island of Milo, he defended the Br●●ches of Candia, and took another great Sultana, the Captain of which was called Admiral Nicol● of Nadalin Furl●no, 
The 〈…〉 of Francisco Morosini.  and made him Prisoner; he laid the Captain Pasha's Galley Aboard, and almost entirely ruined it; year 1690. he took the Galley of the Pasha of Cyprus, together with the several Fortresses of Calamo, Egena, Volo and Megara; and having made himself Master of those Seas, he destroyed 13 Galliots under the Fortress of Prevesa. He made many Sallies from Candia in the Face of the Enemy, destroying many of their Works and Intrenchments; he subdued the Fortress of Calamata, and made himself Master of two Turkish Galleys commanded by Hali Pasha; he also took the Fortresses of Toron, Chisme, Castel-rugio, and Schia●o, putting them and other Islands under Contribution. He also took the Castle of Capricorno, and destroyed the Forts of Calogero, Sancta Veneranda, and Calami, which commanded the Fortress of Suda. He likewise took two Ships bound from Alexandria, laden with Soldiers and Provisions, with another Convoy bound from the same Place for Constantinople, under which were divers Ships and Vessels.  
In fine, after all these Successes and Triumphs, being returned to Venice, he was made Proveditor of Friuli to oppose the Incursions of the Turks, who at that time threatened those Countries very much; but those Fears being blown over, he was sent back a second time to Command both the Seas, and the City of Candia, then straight Besieged by the Grand Vizier Kupriogli, with the main force of the Ottoman Empire; the which Siege having continued for the space of almost three Years, the Turks were concluded to have lost 128000 Men before it. 
The Prais of Morosini.  During which time this Hero behaved himself with all imaginable Wisdom and Bravery; and tho' at length he was forced after many Conflicts, and various Successes (which we have distinctly recounted in our History of the Lives of the three last Emperors,) yet the fame of that renowned Defence, accompanied with an ensuing Peace, will much more immortalize his Fame than any other of his Martial Successes, it being the most memorable Siege that ever happened in the World.  
Finally in the Year 1683, when the Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha appeared before Vienna with an Army of 200000 Men, he was then appointed Proveditor-General of Friuli, to oppose the vast Inundations of the Turks, which had happened to all those Countries, had the Success of that Vizier answered the Expectations of so mighty a Power.  
After which he was sent a third time in quality of Captain-General against the Turks in the Morea, where in the space of five Years, he performed all those great Actions which have been before recounted; by which he acquired such immortal Honour and Fame, that he was by the Death of Contareno, exalted to the Supreme Throne of that Victorious and Renowned Republic; where we shall now leave him employed in the exercise of the Sublime Dignity, and so proceed to recount the Actions of that Noble General the Cavalier and Procurator Girolamo Cornaro, who when the Doge, about the latter end of the last Year, returned to Venice, was left in the Command before Malvasia, of the Blockade, which continued during the whole Winter past.  
But the Summer coming on, and the Army and Navy reinforced considerably with Men, Provisions, and Money, dispatched from Venice under several strong Convoys, and being joined with the Pope's and the Maltese Galleys, it was proposed to convert the Blockade into a Formal Siege. It was now full 17 Months, that the Besieged had with much patience stood out in defence of their City, so that it was believed, that they were reduced to the utmost Point of Famine, and Penury; 
The Venetians resolve to besiege Napoli di Malvasia.  the which Opinion, the Turks were willing to confirm in the Minds of the Besiegers, that they might take them off from the Attempts of Attacking, Bombing, or other Methods for forcing the Town. But the Captain-General having discovered, that the Defendants were still provided for a longer Subsistence, and able to hold out for some Months, resolved on some more expedite means, than by the dilatory ways of a Siege, and the lazy Formalities of a Blockade; for tho' it was most desirable for sparing the effusion of Christian Blood to take it, by safe and certain Proceedings; yet when it was made known, that the Victuals, and all sorts of Provisions, did not fail; it came to a final Determination, to take them by a lively and vigorous force: To which end the Engenier Bassignani, with the Count St. Felice Sergeant-General, was ordered to take a Survey of the Town on the Lands side, and 〈◊〉 design, and draw out the Trenches, and Platforms for Battery, the which in a few Days▪ 
The Town battered.  by the encouragement which the Presence of the Captain-General gave, was performed and perfected; so that they began on all si●es, with the advantage of two Palanders, to batter the Town, and with their great Guns from the Ships and Galleys, to thunder in such a terrible manner, that the Inhabitants dismayed, and dis-spirited by their long Sufferings, and the unexpected Attacks of their Enemies, caused their Drums to beat a Parley, and sent forth a Cadi, with too Aga's, to make Offers of Surrender on these Conditions, viz.  
That they might carry off all their Cannon, 
They Capitulate.  and have 20 Days given them to make a Surrender.  
But these Propositions appearing unreasonable, they were without farther Discourse, or Expostulation dismissed, and sent back to the City.  
The Inhabitants tired with the long Blockade of 16 Months, and fearing now a forcible Assault, after some Consultation held amongst themselves, they resolved to deliver up the City, and returned the same Messengers with these more reasonable Conditions.  

The Articles agreed.  
I. THAT the City should be Delivered.  
II. The Soldiers and Inhabitants should go forth with their Goods, and Baggage, in the space of 10 Days, and safe Convoy given them to be Transported to Candia.  
III. Liberty given to the Inhabitants, either to remain in the City, or depart.  
In virtue of these Articles, 1200 Souls marched out of the City, a great part of which were Men. In the Town they left 78 Pieces of Cannon, part of Brass, 
Malvasia delivered up.  and part of Iron, with great Quantities of Biscuit, and with other Provisions, and Ammunition, sufficient for several Months.  
The People having quitted the City, and Transported as was agreed to Candia, the Captain-General entered into it with much Pomp and Triumph on the 12th of August, where the principal Mosch being dedicated to God under the Invocation of the Blessed Virgin of Carmen, was delivered up to the care of the Franciscan Fathers, and a sufficient Garrison being put therein, the Command thereof was committed to the Government of that Noble Venetian, Vicenzo Gritti of St. Alvise, in quality of Proveditor. Many Gentlemen signalised their Valour and Conduct in subduing this Fortress, namely the Duke of Guadagni, Chabrillan General of Malta, with several other Noble Persons, and Subaltern Officers, worthy of immortal fame. In this last Action, 400 Men were killed and wounded.  
By the Fall of this City of Malvasia, taken the 12th of August, the Turks were entirely beaten out of the Morea, and the Venetians became absolute Masters thereof: But to lose no farther time, the Captain-General Cornaro having given some time for the Refreshment of his Troops, set sail from Malvasia with the whole Armata, 
The Venetians design upon Valona.  towards the Gulf; and being on the 11th of September come within sight of Valona, the Turks had time to form a Body of 7000 Foot, 
Septemb.  and 1500 Horse; and having taken possession of the most advantageous Posts, and Passes, they endeavoured vigorously to dispute the Landing of the Venetians. But things were so well ordered, that nothing could give a stop to the Resolution of Men accustomed to Success and Victory.  
The first that set Footing on Shoar, were the Malteses, 
They Land.  which were followed by the Pope's Militia; but the Venetians were the first to attack the Enemy under Command of Major-General Spaar; which they performed with so much Bravery and Resolution, that having repulsed the Enemy from the Shoar, they pursued them to the Fortress of Cannina, which is situate on the top of a high and craggy Rock, about four Italian Miles distant from Valona; these were seconded by the Duke of Guadagni, and several other Auxiliary Troops, together with some Venetian Troops commanded by Sergeant-General Borri; in this Action the Turks lost some Men, and the Venetians about 8 or 10, amongst which the Count of St. Felice was shot in the Head by a Musket-Bullet.  
The Army being also joined with a Body of Cimarriotes, and Albaneses, and considerably increased thereby, advanced so far, as to lodge that Night in the Neighbourhood, designing next Morning to attack the Suburbs of the Town, whilst Lavettin, General of the Descent, was taking a Survey of its Situation, he was grievously wounded with a Musket-shot; and in the mean time the Turks making a Sally with 2000 Men, were repulsed, and forced to retire into their Houses fortified with Stone, barricading up their Streets, and in many Places opening Trenches to give a stop to the advanced Troops of the Enemy, by which the Captain General foreseeing that length of time might be advantageous to the Enemies, which in a short time expected new Forces; the Cannon, Bombs, and other Warlike Instruments, were sent for from the Fleet, which was performed with so much diligence, 
Cannina battered.  that in the space of 24 Hours, the great Cannon was brought, and some Batteries raised, to the great Admiration and Terror of the Enemy, against the Fortress of Cannina; in the expedition of which Work, all the Ciurma, that is, the Slaves of the Galleys and Galleasses, were greatly serviceable, by mending and breaking the Ways to make them passable for the Artillery; but whilst the Batteries were playing very hotly on Cannina, a strong Party of 3000 Foot, and 400 Horse, were detached under Command of General Spaar, to attack the Enemy, who had made a Retreat, after the late Repulse upon the Seacoasts, into some fortified Houses and Places of Retirement. Spaar having marched for the space of 10 Miles through Woods, and Mountains, and difficult Places, 
The Turks overthrown in the Field.  came at length in sight of the Enemy, who were possessed with such Fear and Consternation, that tho' at first they made an appearance of Fight, yet upon a more near Approach, they turned their Backs, and fled with Shame and Confusion.  
In the mean time whilst General Spaar was in pursuit of the Enemy, General Borri, with several others of the chief Officers, made a Attack upon the Fort, without any fear or regard to the continual Fire which was made from thence, and being seconded at the same time by the Duke of Guadagni, together with the Malteses and the Troops of the Religion, and of the Papalins, or the Pope's Forces; they all in their several Stations assaulted the Places appointed to them, and in this general Storm the Auxiliaries forced into the middle of the Town, separating the Defendants on the Right Hand from those of the Left, 
The Fort of Cannina capitulates  who finding themselves distressed on all sides, spread a White Flag, demanding to Capitulate; the which being granted, some Persons came forth demanding such exorbitant Terms, as were not thought fit to be granted. At length all was reduced to these Particulars; namely,  
That they should, without further delay, Surrender the Fortress into the Hands of the Venetians, and march forth immediately with their Families, Bag and Baggage.  
Thus was the Fortress of Cannina delivered up to the Will and Pleasure of the Captain-General, 
1690. Septemb.  out of which came forth about 3000 Souls, 
Cannina surrendered.  besides 546 of the Garrison, and were with safe Convoy conducted to their Camp: The loss on the Venetian side was not considerable as to the Numbers, but for the Quality of the Persons killed and wounded, amongst which Alvise Sagredo was wounded with a Musquet-Bullet in the Thigh; and General Borri through the Body, of which he died, to the great Sorrow and Lamentation of the whole Army; 
Persons of Quality killed.  likewise Monsieur de Moroglie, Lieutenant General of the Forces of Malta, whose Place was supplied by Sergeant-Major de Brossie, a Person of approved Valour, and prudent Conduct.  
The Captain-General not being willing to lose the favourable advantage of the present Consternation the Enemy was in, their Army being beaten in the Field, and put to flight, and the Fortress of Cannina delivered, and the Cannon for several Batteries playing upon the Town of Valona, it was thought fit to make an appearance of the whole Army before the City, and to affright them the sooner into a Surrender, a threatening Summons was sent them, with Menaces of giving no Quarter in case of Refusal; but hereunto no Answer was returned by the Turks, so that nothing but an obstinate Resistance was expected, all things being silent and quiet in the Town, during the whole Night: At length in th● Morning the like Quietness and Silence continuing, it was discovered, that the Turks had privately in the Night conveyed themselves away, 
The Turks abandon Valona.  and cowardly abandoned the Town to the Pleasure and Will of their Enemies, on the 18th of September 1690.  
In the Fortress of Cannina, and in the Town of Valona, 134 Pieces of Cannon were taken of several sorts of Metal, as well of Brass as of Iron.  
And in this manner this Enterprise ending, to the great Glory of the Venetian Arms, Te Deum was sung in Venice with much Joy and Triumph, and greatly to the Honour and Praise of the Captain-General Cornaro, who with equal Valour followed the Footsteps of his fortunate Predecessor Morosini.  
Nor were the Venetian Arms less successful under the Command of General Molino in Dalmatia, where Zenalee the Pasha of Arzigovina, 
The Pasha of Arzigovina, designs on the Greeks  had a design with a Body of 3000 Horse and Foot, to attack the new Subjects lately conquered by the Venetians, the which being for the most part Christians of the Greek Church, it was resolved to surprise them in the Easter Week, when they were more attentive to Devotion, than to the Exercise of their Arms; but this Design was not so secretly managed, but that it was discovered, and brought to the knowledge of Pietro Duodo, Proveditor Extraordinary of Cataro, who upon the News, immediately dispatched by an Express, an Information thereof to the People of Nixichi, advising them to be watchful against the Surprises of their Enemy. 
H● attacks Nixichi.  Accordingly at the time appointed, the Pasha moving from Nevissigne, entering into the adjacent Parts of Nixichi, began to execute all Acts of Hostility, burning Houses and Villages, making Slaves, and taking a considerable Booty. The News hereof being brought to the Churches, where the People were assembled and intent at their Devotions, they all ran out of their Churches, and betook themselves to their Arms, with such wonderful Celerity and Resolution, that they unexpectedly assailed the Turks, and after a sharp Conflict routed them, 
Is beat●n off.  and put them to Flight. The Pasha endeavouring to stop their Career, killed two of his affrighted Officers with his own Hand; but Fear and Consternation had so possessed their Minds, that nothing could give a hindrance or stop to their Course; for all being in Confusion, they trampled one on the other, and in the Pursuit 400 Foot, and 300 Horse were cut to pieces; the Slaves which they had taken, were set at liberty, and the Booty recovered; many Prisoners were taken, amongst which were some principal Turks, with the Pasha himself, who being put into Chains, offered 3000 Zechines, with two Vests of Sables for his Ransom, with some fine Horses, and Arms of considerable value; but the People of Nixichi were too generous to accept of a Ransom, 
The Pash● taken Prisone●.  and rather chose to carry their Prisoner in Triumph unto Cataro, than to accept of any Present whatsoever in lieu thereof. From Cataro, by order of General Molino, the Pasha was on a Galley transported to Spalatro. And lest the Turks of Arzigovina being hereby incensed, should be provoked to take a Revenge with greater force, the General Molino, for better security of that People, ordered the Commander of that District to march with a Body of 300 Men to their assistance, and to put all People into Arms; that taking advantage on the present Consternation with which the Turks were affected, they might with more ease enjoy the lasting Fruit of the present Victory.  
With like happy Success was the strong Fortress of Filiporich situate in the Neighbourhood of Glamoz in Dalmatia, 
Filiporich tak●●.  taken and destroyed, by order of Molino directed to the Proveditor of Knin, who accordingly executed the same with such Prudence, and Vigour, year 1690. that having dis-speeded 500 Men, to a Place called Dervis, their fortune was to tak● 60 Turks, which kept the Towers, Houses, and Mosches within that Precinct, together with four small Guns, some Musketoons, Colours, and other Arms of the Turks, as also a considerable number of Cows and Sheep; they also burned three great Villages belonging to the Turks, consisting of 500 Houses, and took 32 Slaves.  
Thus had all the Adventures of this Year answered the Expectations of the Venetians at Land, better than those of the Germans had done at the Court at Vienn●; but yet an unhappy Encounter at Sea, gave the Turks some cause to rejoice, and not a little tempered the Triumph of the Venetians; the which happened in this manner.  
About the opening of the Campaign on the 22th of March of this Year, the Captain-General gave Orders to Admiral Valier Commander of the Ship St. Iseppo, carrying 44 Brass Guns, that taking with him for his Consort, 
A Sea●●g●t.  the Ship called the St. Mark; he should sail to Milo, there to collect the usual Charach, or Tribute of that Island, being about 10000 Dollars a Year: And being towards the Evening come near the Island, a strong Gale of contrary Winds, put them off from the Shoar, driving them towards Candia, and so continued until Midnight, when the Wind abating, and the Wether becoming more favourable, they directed their Course towards the Island.  

The two 〈◊〉, St. Iseppo, & S. Mark, attacked by 10 Turkish Vis●●●●.  Upon Break of Day 10 Ships were discovered so near, that they were easily known to be Enemies; at which Alarm the Matches were lighted, and the Ships fitted, and all prepared for a Fight: These 10 Ships proved to be Soltano's, Commanded by Me●zo Morto, a famous Pirate belonging to Algiers, of which he became Dey and Captain, which having carried the usual Present to the Sultan, was some time afterwards Captain-Pasha of the Grand Seignior's Fleet.  
Now returning back to Algiers, and unhappily meeting with these two Ships in their way, six of them invested the St. Isepp●; and the other four undertook the St. Marc●, a Ship of 60 Brass Guns: After some Hours Fight, an unlucky Shot from the Enemy entered the Powder-Room of the St. Mark, with which the Ship blew up, and thereby the Soldiers and Seamen, with all the Equipage were lost, 
〈…〉 Ma●k 〈…〉.  and that brave Ship entirely perished. Hereupon the whole Number of the 10 Ships uniting together, fell upon the St. I●eppo, which su●●ined the Conflict valiantly for the whole Day, and making a running Fight, was in hopes, by the sound of the Guns, to call out some help from the Fleet, which lay then at Napoli di Malvasia; but no Succour coming, Admiral Valier entered the Line into the midst of the Enemies, where by some unlucky Shots, the Masts and Helm, or Rudder were shot away. In this distressed Condition was Admiral Valier, when still fight with his Sword in his Hand upon the Quarter-Deck, he called to him his Lieutenant, Captain Petrina, and made him swear, That whensoever he was dead, he would blow up the Ship, rather than render it up into the Hands of the Turks; then he threw Overboard all his Public Letters, Orders, and Instructions, as also all the Flags and Colours in which the Lion and Arms of St. Mark were described, that nothing which belonged to the Republic, might fall into the Hands of the Enemy; and consequently he caused both the Pumps to be unfixed, that the Vessel might sink, and not fall into the Hands of the Turks. And afterwards seeing two of the Enemy's Ships preparing to come Aboard, he called to those few of his Men, who were left alive, and coming on the Quarter-Deck, animated them to stand by him, and whensoever those two Ships were aboard, to give Fire to the Powder, and perish with the Enemies on either hand: But whilst Valier was giving these Instructions, 
Vali●r killed.  he was taken off by a Cannon-Bullet, and immediately, as he had ordered, his Body was cast into the Sea, having protested, That neither Alive, nor Dead, would he fall into the Hands of the Enemy.  
Valier being dead, and his Lieutenant, Captain Petrina grievously wounded, and very few Soldiers and Seamen remaining alive, or unwounded, and the Ship after a whole Days fight, entirely disabled to make any longer resistance; the Turks howsoever durst not adventure to come near the Ship, but at length displaying White Colours, they adventured to lay the Ship aboard with their Longboat, where being entered, they enqured first for the Admiral, and his Lieutenant, and being informed, that the first was killed, and his Corpse thrown Overboard, and the latter mortally wounded, they made Prisoners of all those remaining alive in the Ship; and having demanded of Petrina the reason why he had with such obstinacy fought against 10 Ships? He answered, That it was not accustomary to suffer the Ships belonging to the Republic, to fall into the Hands of the Enemy; and that in case he had not been wounded, he would have blown the Ship up, rather than have seen the Turks become Masters of her: In fine, whilst the Turks were Aboard, Pillaging and Plundering what they could find, about four Hours in the Night the Ship sunk with all the Cannon; 
The St. Iseppo sinks.  only some few Seamen and Soldiers getting the Skiff, when it was very Dark, made their way for Milo, where finding a French Tartana, they were thence transported to the Armata. This Fight, tho' unfortunate, was yet Glorious to the Venetians; and for that reason, tho' it happened at the beginning of the Year, we shall yet in honour to that Republic conclude their Campaign with this glorious Action, and proceed to the next Year; in which we shall find the Imperial Forces much more fortunate, and crowned with Glory and Success, than in the preceding Year.  

Anno 1691.  
year 1691. THE Turks having the last Year regained Nissa, Widin, and Belgrade, with some other Advantages, began to recover their Courages, which before were sunk very low, and would gladly have accepted any tolerable Conditions of Peace whatsoever; but now as there was no speaking thereof on less Terms, than a Surrender of all that the Emperor had conquered and gained from the Turks in Hungary; 
The Turks despise ● Peace.  so this Resolution was heightened and confirmed in them by the Mediation which the Ambassadors of England and Holland had offered and pressed upon them; wherefore the War going forward, the Grand Signior returned to pass his Winter at Constantinople, where, and in the Black-Sea, six or eight great Ships were put on the Stocks, to serve the next Summer against the Venetians, on the Coast of Morea, with which addition to their Naval Force, they hoped to over-match the Venetian Fleet, and do great Feats on the Coast of Morea.  
In the mean time the English Trade in Turkey was in a most unhappy and unfortunate Condition; 
The English Trade in a bad condition.  for it had not been long since the terrible, and affrighting Earthquake, which had about two Years before, (as we have already related) destroyed the whole City of Smyrna; and by an irruption of Fire, consumed vast quantities of Goods belonging to the English Levant Company; and what was of great Consideration, the Books, Accounts, and Papers of the Merchants perished with them. After this amazing Judgement of God, the War breaking out between England and France, the Navigation for Merchant-Ships, both in the Mediterranean Seas, and in the Ocean, became very hazardous, especially for Ships of so great a value, as those from Turkey, which were sufficient to open the Eyes, and tempt the Avarice of the French at the Expense of a strong Fleet to lie in wait, and watch for them, of which the Interested were so sensible, that some of the Ships lay two Years at Smyrna, 
The Turkey Tr●de in a bad condition.  before they could take the Courage and Resolution to adventure on so hazardous a Voyage; but Necessity having no Law, for they must either perish in Port, or proceed, in which doubtful case they chose the latter, and with the Blessing of God arrived safe at Leghorn; where having joined a strong Squadron of 16 Men of War commanded by S●r Francis Wheeler, they proceeded for England, and some of the Merchantmen being stout Ships, and of considerable defence, they esteemed themselves equal to any force the French could send against them: But whilst they sailed forward without fear of any danger from their Enemies, the French having had Advice of all their Motions, and of that great Treasure they carried, thought it a Prize fit for their Royal Navy, and accordingly dis-speeded Monsieur Tourville, with all their great Ships out of Breast, to cruise upon them, and so well timed their Affair, that they had certainly taken sight of them, had it not pleased God to cover them with a thick Mist, 
The Turkey Ships arrive in England.  which lasted until such time, as they were out of their reach, and having a prosperous Wind, arrived safe in England in the Month of july, to the great Joy and Triumph of the Merchants.  
But to proceed to the Wars in Hungary ⁏ Count Tekely in the beginning of the Month of january appeared with a good Body of Men at the Passage of Terez, 
January.  against whom the Prince of Hanover was detached with a strong Party; 
The Prince of Hanover killed.  but he being of a Valiant and a warm Spirit, natural to that most Illustrious Family, advanced so far with a few Men before his Troops, that unexpectedly he fell into an Ambuscade which lay hidden and covered in Hedges and Bushes; where receiving a whole Volley of Smallshot, he was with one of his Men, (who died by his side) pierced with several Bullets near a Village called Sernist, and tho' the General followed close afterwards with a strong Body, yet he came too late to save this Hopeful and Gallant Prince, tho' not to repulse the Enemy, who at the noise of his coming, fled with all the precipitate haste they were able.  
But Colonel Pohland was more successful in his Undertaking; for he having given Orders to Antonio the chief Captain of the Rascians, to drive away all the Cattle which were grazing about the Castle of Facket, and whilst he was executing the same, the Turks sallied out upon him with all their force, but with such ill success, that being beaten, 
1691. January.  and forced to retire unto their Castle; Pohland and his Men rushed in with them at the same time, and cut down 500 of their best well-mounted Spahees, 
●acket tak●n and burned.  besides the Foot belonging to the Garrison, which was surrounded with a double Ditch, and beset with Palisadoes; the which having plundered, they afterwards Burnt, and left it.  
This Success was seconded by another upon the Palanca, or Fort called Waradin; in which was a Guard of 200 Men, the which they stormed and entered, killed all the Garrison, 
As also a Fort called Waradin.  and burned the Fort, and treated it in the same manner as they had done Facket.  
After this Excursion Colonel Pohland having retired to his Quarters to refresh his Men, the General of the Walachians gave a false Alarm near the Pass of Fackau; but in reality marched with most of his Troops to a Place called Karansebes, spoiling and destroying the Country round about; but Pohland having notice thereof, attacked them, and both he with his Dragoons, and Captain Antonio with his Rascians, attacked the General so briskly, that he was forced to retreat with the loss of 300 of his Men, and of all the Spoil and Plunder which they had taken.  
In revenge hereof the Turks, and Tartars consisting of a very strong Body, intended to break into Transylvania by way of the Iron-Gate, of which Pohland and Antonio having notice, they posted themselves in such an advantageous place, that falling on them by way of Surprise, they routed them, and killed upwards of 1000 Men on the place, took more than 300 Prisoners, with much Baggage, Horses, and Booty.  
In the beginning of the Month of February, 
February.  continual Skirmishes happened with various Successes, as if both sides intended to practise and exercise themselves against the time of the great Battle which was to be fought this Year at Salankement.  
In the first place the Garrison of Great Waradin made an Excursion towards Debrezin, and had the fortune to meet not far from thence, with a weaker Party of Germans and Hungarians, of which they killed several, and took 40 Prisoners; but they did not long enjoy the pleasure of this Success; for Count Nigrelli having notice thereof, detached Lucas janos, a Lieutenant Colonel of Horse, to pursue the Turks, whom he overtook and surprised in their Retreat, 
〈◊〉 Turks of Great Waradin 〈◊〉.  killed 200 of them, and released the 40 Prisoners, with about 450 Horse, which the Turks had taken in that Adventure. Some other Turkish Parties had passed the Ti●iscus upon the Ice, but were forced to retreat with great precipitation. 
1691. February.   
Likewise 400 Turks which had passed the Danube near Illock, 
●●vera● Skirmishes.  were met by 300 Rascians, under the Command of Captain Tosar, who killed about 140 of them, and took 40 more with three Standards, some good Horses, and other Booty.  
In like manner the Turks appeared with a Body of Men before the Castle of Novi, 
Novi delivered to the Turks.  which they forced to surrender upon Capitulations; but the Croats desirous to regain it, marched with a Body of Men towards the place; which the Turks with a like Body of Men resolved to oppose; whereupon a Fight ensued between these two little Armies, in which the Turks were worsted, 
The Turks worsted.  1000 of them being killed on the spot, many Prisoners taken, and amongst them a Pasha, with several other principal Turks.  
The Croats encouraged with this Success, prosecuted their design against Novi, and stormed the place; the which being provided with a strong Garrison, and fresh Troops marching for its relief, the Croats retired with their Prisoners and Booty, in very good order.  
The Turks more active, than fortunate, sallied out again this month from Lugos to pass the Marosch, and by the way upon the Ice, to make an Excursion into Transylvania. Colonel Pohland having notice hereof, designed with his 400 Dragoons joined to the 1000 Rascians under Command of Antonio, to stop them in their march; and being advanced so far as Dobra, intelligence was given him, that the Enemy was returned to Lugos; upon which, being desirous to try his fortune, 
The Garrison of Lugos make a sally.  Pohland drew up his Regiment of 400 Men in view of the place, placing his Rascians in a certain Ambuscade, well covered and undecerned; The Turks seeing so small a number drawn up before them, detached from the Town a Body of 700 Spahees, and 100 Tartars, to take a view of them: Upon appearance of this Party, the Dragoons retired to the Ambuscade, into which the Turks unwarily pursuing them, unhappily were fallen; and seeing their danger, betook themselves to a precipitate and disorderly flight towards their Forts; but being closely pursued, 
Are put to f●ight.  the Rascians and Dragoons, entered the Palanca together with the Turks, cutting down and killing all that were before them. In this Confusion, 
The Town and Castle of Lugos taken.  many of the Turks betook themselves to the Castle, but with so much haste, that they had not time to draw the Bridge up after them; so that the Rascians passing thereon, cut down one of the Castle Gates with their Battleaxes; and being come to the last Gate, the Turks hung out a white Flag, desiring to Capitulate; the which admitted of no long dispute, it being in a moment Agreed, That those who were in the Castle should have their Lives given them, and securely Convoyed to Temeswaer; there were remaining in all no more than 152 fight Men, with their Tefterdar, or Treasurer, Bey or Governor of the Castle: Out of the whole number of 1000 effective Men, as they were before this fight began; the same according to Capitulation, were safely conducted to Temeswaer; the remainder being 850, were killed in this Action; on the other side, 10 Germans were killed, and about 100 Rascians, besides the wounded; of which there were some Rascians, and 22 Germans, amongst which Pohland was shot through the Arm. In this place of Lugos, four Brass Guns, and one Mortar piece were taken with 15 Standards. After which 700 Rascians, and 100 Dragoons, were left for a Garrison in the place.  
The News of this Success encourageing all the Imperialists round about, the Hungarians in the Garrison at Beche, about eight Leagues distant from Segedin, 
The Garrison of Bech makes a Salley.  sallied out with a Party of Horse and Foot, and met a Party of Tartars, not far from Zatmar, pillaging and robbing the Country, the which he having attacked with great vigour, they returned with 200 Heads, together with two of their Captain's Prisoners, and 300 Horses. Another Party of Hungarians of the Garrison of Zento, met with a Party of 60 Turks, of which they killed 20, and made 40 Prisoners; and in their return they took the Palancha of Cariawiez, and killed all the People, and found a rich Booty in it.  

The Garrison of Segedin surprise Chonad.  The Garrison of Segedin being informed of all these Successes of their Neighbours, were resolved not to sit idle, but to try their fortune in the same manner; and accordingly by break of Day, attacked the City of Chonad, and entered it by surprise, before the Turks knew that their Enemy was near them: All in the Town were killed; and those in the Castle being terrified by the Flames round about them, abandoned the place the night following.  
These frequent Misfortunes of the Turks made them more cautious and circumspect in all their Motions for the future, retiring and keeping themselves close in their strong Holds, and Fortresses. On the other side, the Imperial Court took all possible care to reinforce their Army, and make it more strong and numerous than it had been the last year: To which end, Orders were given to repair and strengthen the Fortifications of Buda and Esseck; and especially the latter, year 1691. where the Counterscarps were enlarged, and two whole, and two half Batteries were raised; and the Ice of the Danube, (for it was now the month of March) being thawed, the River was open to bring all necessary Materials for the Fortifications, 
March.  whereby that work went on with all Diligence. This Employment did not hinder the Governor of Esseck from making some Attempts on the Turks; the which he prosecuted with some vigour, for having given Orders to a Captain of Walkowar, Percilia by Name, with 400 Hussars and Heydukes▪ to fall into the Dominion of the Turks: He accordingly surprised Irrick, 
Irrick surpriz●●, ●ith much Booty taken.  burnt and plundered, and put all to Fire and Sword: He destroyed also the Neighbouring Villages, and cut down all the Turks and Tartars who had their Quarters in those Parts: In this Action Percilia got so considerable a Booty, that he laded 70 Wagons with the Spoil, besides a considerable number of stately Horses; only 40 Turks of Note and Quality were made Prisoners; and several Standards, as a signal of Victory, were sent to Vienna. With this Booty, a great quantity of Copper-Money was taken for payment of the Turks and Tartars, together with 12000 Ducats in Gold, and 3000 in Silver, with Clothing for the Soldiers, and rich Habits belonging to the General Officers. The Report of this Action being noised abroad, a Pasha of that Country, 
A Pasha pursues th●m, bu● re●i●es.  called Kathana Mustapha, with 200 Horse pursued and overtook them; but finding them too strong for him, and preparing to attack him, he retired and saved himself in a Castle not far distant from thence. Nor was this all; for Percilia, meeting with another Party of Tartars, caused his Trumpets to sound a Turkish March: In answer to which, the Tartars called, and spoke to them in the Turkish Language, which Percilia returned with good Blows, falling on them so suddenly, 
Percilia routs a Body of Tartars.  that they entirely routed them, took all their Colours, and a good Booty, and released many Christians which had been enslaved by the Tarta●s; in which Action, and in the former, they killed 1200 Turks and Tartars, and so returned safe with all their Prisoners and Booty to Walkowar and Esseck.  
A like Exploit was done by Antonio, Captain of the Rascians, who having joined with 600 Heydukes, and 400 Hussars, attacked a Castle, called Karakowar, a place situate on a high Rock, and by a Stratagem took it, 
Karakowar taken.  and found therein great quantities of Corn; the which he distributed amongst his Men; only he put a Garrison into the place, and left with them 2000 Sacks of Corn for their Subsistence. 
1691. March.   
Tho' the Turks had the last year been more successful than they had been any time during the War; yet by their long and tedious Marches, and by the Losses they had sustained in small Parties beforementioned, they could not put themselves into a posture of taking the Field until the middle of the month of july: Howsoever, in the mean time, they made great preparations both by Land and Water; ordering their Troops from the remotest parts of Asia to march for Hungary; several of their Ships laden with Ammunition and Provisions arrived at Widin, with design to transport the same to Belgrade, where the Magazine of Stores was to be made. Antonio, who was now made a Colonel, had notice hereof, and suffered two of their small Ships to pass by, without interruption; herewith the Turks being encouraged, sent 10 more; but these Antonio attacked, and took two of them, and two more of them were taken by the Rascians near Modava, the rest returned back to Widin.  
These great Preparations made by the Turk obliged the Emperor to do the like; 
May.  and accordingly a great Train of Artillery, with vast quantities of Ammunition, Bullets, Bombs, and Carcases, were sent down the River to Buda and Esseck; at the latter of which places the General Rendezvous of the Imperial Army was appointed.  
The Turks on the other side began to draw some Troops out of their Garrisons of Great Waradin and Temeswaer, consisting of 200 Foot, and 1000 Horse, carrying some great Guns with them in their march, seeming, as if they intended an Attempt upon Lugos, with hopes to surprise it; of which Antonio having had some intelligence, happily met with them; and having a stronger Body of Horse and Dragoons, fell on the 200 Foot, and defeated them, killed 61 of them on the place, took some Prisoners, the rest saving themselves in the Marshes and Woods adjacent: By some of these Prisoners, Antonio received Information, that the 1000 Horse were marched towards Lugos, and accordingly directing his Course thither, he surprised and took several of them who were separated from the rest; and causing all the Rascian Drums, Trumpets, and Kettledrums to sound, they struck such a Terror in the Turks, that they fled from their several Quarters with such Confusion, that dispersing themselves, many of them were taken, and amongst them, an Aga, with many other principal Turks.  
The time now approaching near for Action, 
1690. June.  Count Guido of Staremberg drew out several Troops which were quartered in the Neighbourhood, into a Body; the other Troops which lay about Pest, where they had had their Winter-quarters, were drawn over to the opposite side, where joining with those of Buda, they encamped at Souseberg: Whilst these Troops were drawing together, a Party of Rascians surprised and took Titul, in which they found 400 Turks, and put them all to the Sword. In this interim, General Veterani received Intelligence, That 300 Ships laden with Provisions, under the Convoy of 4000 Men, were speedily designed from Widin to Belgrade, for subsistence of that place; and hereupon the General sent Orders to the Colonels, Pohland and Antonio, to intercept them in their passage. These two Braves having joined their Forces, making together 4000 Men, lay in wait for the Enemy about two days, and on the third, seeing them begin to appear, they drew their Forces so close together, that they seemed not to make above 400 Men in all: The Turks contemning so small a number, detached a Party of 1000 Jannizaries to attack them; which running upon them with fury and precipitation, were so rudely treated by the Rascians, that the Turks were forced to send a stronger Party to their assistance; the which also were so bravely received, that above 1000 Turks were killed on the place, and many drowned in their retreat; but the Ships betaking themselves to the other side of the River, were saved.  
Nor were the Rascians less fortunate, some days afterwards having taken 400 Wagons laden with Ammunition and Provisions in their passage from Belgrade to Temeswaer, besides several Prisoners, amongst which were three Turks of good Quality.  
Another strong Party of Rascians making an Incursion near Mitrovitz, attacked Kathana Mustapha, and killed 1500 of his Men on the place, took several Prisoners, four Guns, and all his Baggage; upon which the Turks quitting Mitrovitz, the Rascians entered and possessed themselves of it.  
These Successes being the Preludes to the ensuing Campagne, were good Omens of a happy and glorious Victory, the truth whereof will speedily appear, by what is to follow before the Conclusion of this Year.  
By all the Misfortunes which had attended the Turks in this War, it was believed not only at Vienna, but concluded as well in England, as in all parts of Germany, that the Turks were become weary of the War, 
1691. June.  and that there was nothing now wanting to beget a Peace, but a good Mediator acceptable to both the Emperor and the Sultan. The Turks had already given Proofs of their Inclinations to a Peace by the Ambassadors, which (contrary to the Custom of the Turks, and which had never been practised before) had sent their Ambassadors in a manner to supplicate Peace with the Emperor, and who remained still in the Imperial Dominions, tho' confined to the Castle of Puttendorf, in the nature of Prisoners; the which was excused by the Austrians, by the constant practice of the Turks, who had for the most part Imprisoned Ambassadors, or put Guards upon them, at all times when their Negotiations succeeded not; or that Propositions were offered not very pleasing to the Grand Signior.  
But be it how it will, it being now evident, that both Parties had need of a Peace, no Princes appeared capable of the Office of Mediation, but only William King of Great Britain, and the State's General of the United Provinces, being both Friends to the Port, and to the Emperor and his Allies.  
About that time, Sir William Trumball, sent by King james II. to reside Ambassador at Constantinople, being recalled, Sir William Hussey, one of the Members of the Turkey Company, was Elected by that Company, 
Sir Will. Hussey chosen Ambassador for Turkey.  according to their Privileges, to reside Ambassador at the Ottoman Port: And being afterwards presented to His Majesty King William, to receive His Royal Consent and Confirmation, he was accepted by His Majesty, and received his Commission and Instructions accordingly; by which he was appointed in the Name of King William and Queen Mary, to Offer unto the Sultan Their Majesty's Mediation.  
For better effecting of which, Sir William Hussey was appointed to take a Journey by Land to the Ottoman Port, and in his way to call at Vienna, there to receive such Directions about Treating this Peace as should be delivered him by the Emperor, the King of Poland, and the State of Venice, then in an Alliance together.  
Sir. William Hussey not leaving England until the latter end of the year 1690. and having his Lady, with her Women in his Company, he arrived not at Vienna until the beginning of the Winter; when the Danube being frozen up, and no passage without great danger by Land; and the Instructions according to the slow Motions of the Imperial Court not form, nor delivered to the hands of Sir William Hussey until towards the Spring; he arrived not at Adrianople till the Month of june, wher● the Grand Vizier was still remaining, and preparing for his march with the Army towards Belgrade. But before he departed, he first gave Audience to Sir William Hussey the English Ambassador; at which, little passing besides Ceremony, no Judgement could be made of the Viziers' Inclinations to a Peace, whose Thoughts were taken up with the Contrivances for the War; for the Turks being resolved to try the fortune of the following Campagne, would not much hearken to Proposals of Peace, especially being offered with an Uti Possidetis, 
The Grand Vizier not inclined to a Peace.  that is, to make short work, That both Parties should be contented with what they had in Possession, and so an Amnesty to pass. What the Vizier had in his Mind, he was not willing to declare; but by the Sequel it appeared, that he resolved to Fight, and to adventure his own Life with the Fortune of the Ottoman Empire, on the hazard of a Battle, esteeming it more glorious to die in the Field, than poorly and meanly in a private Chamber by a Cord applied to his Neck by the Hands of two Executioners: With these thoughts the Grand Vizier proceeded to Belgrade to Head the Army, which was full of Hope and Assurance of Victory, under the Auspicious Conduct of this Kuperlee, Son of Old Kuperlee, and Brother to that Prudent and Moderate Vizier, who subdued Candia, and put an end to the Venetian War, 
The Turks in hop● of Victory under this Grand Vizier.  which had lasted for 27 or 28 Years; for the Turks attribute more to the Fortune of a Man, and of his Family, and the Stars under which he is Born, than to his Wisdom, Conduct and Experience: And for this reason, the Turks so often change their Ministers, doing as Gamesters do with their Dice and Cards, throwing them away, in hopes by this Change, to change their Fortune.  
In this manner, as we said, the Grand Vizier marching hastily away to the Frontiers, 
The English Ambassador hastens to Constantinople.  the Business of the Mediation went not forwards, but this great Work being at a stand, Sir William Hussey proceeded to Constantinople, which hath for many Years been the usual place of Residence for the English Ambassadors.  
On the 18th of this Month of june, Sir William Hussey made a Solemn Entry into the City, 
And makes his Entry.  being met on the way by at least 50 of the English Nation, all well and bravely mounted on Horseback, with rich Furniture and Clothing. Moreover, to make this Solemnity the more splendid, the Holland Ambassador the Heer Colliers, sent his two Brothers with the Officers of his Court, to make up the Train, and in this manner the English Ambassador was conducted in great Order and Triumph to his House at Pera.  
Much about the time, or perhaps the same Day that Sir William Hussey departed from Adrianople, 
T●● D●ath of Sultan Solyman.  being the 12/22 of june, Sultan Solyman died at that place; the News of which being known and divulged every where to the People in the space of five Hours afterwards; the Mufti, Caimacham, Kadileskier, Nakib Effendi, and all the other great Men then present at Adrianople, assembled together, and without any delay proclaimed Sultan Achmet, 
S●●●an Achmet, B●●●h●r of Solyman, proclaimed Emperor.  Brother of the Deposed Mahomet, and Deceased Solyman, for Emperor of the Ottoman Empire; and having first set him on the Throne, and kissed the Hem of his Vest in token of Obedience, he was carried to St. jub, as accustomary, on Horseback; where having his Sword girt to him by the Mufti, he was reconducted back to the Seraglio amidst the Throngs of People, who attended him through the Streets with Prayers, and loud Acclamations for his Prosperity and long Life: And solemn Prayers were publicly made in two several Mosches, which continued from Break of Day, until five a Clock in the Evening, all loudly praying for the Prosperous and Auspicious Inauguration of the new Sultan, and also for the Soul of the Deceased Solyman.  
Sultan Achmet being thus exalted to the Throne, the common People began to expect a change of Fortune, conceiving higher thoughts of this Prince, than they had done of the late Solyman, who merited no other Character than what we have already given him at the beginning of his Reign. The former was dull and heavy, studious, and given to Books, and much of the Behaviour of a Dervis; but this present Achmet was more lively, 
The Carat r of Sultan Achmet.  free, and jocund in his Humour; he was both a Poet, and a Musician, made Verses, and sang them, played well upon the Cittern, and Colosseo, after the Persian manner.  
In his Jovial Humours he would sometimes make Visits to the Disconsolate Mahomet his Brother, singing and playing before him with his Instruments, bidding him be Merry, and telling him that he should not lament his Fortune. I have been (said he) a Prisoner for 40 Years, during which time you were Sultan, and did what you pleased; now my time is come, and yours may return: And then he would take his Instruments and play, and sing; saying, Brother you have let me live, and so shall y●u and be mer●y: And in this good Humour he would often pass his time, to the great comfort of his Deposed Brother.  
The Body of Solyman deceased, was embalmed, and brought to the Royal Mosch, built at Constantinople by Solyman the Magnificent, and there Interred. 
Solyman interred.   
So soon as Sultan Achmet came to the Throne, and the Ceremonies, and Solemnities past, he immediately called the Mufti, and gave order to dispatch away with all expedition two Capugibashees, the one to the Grand Vizier with a new Seal, 
The Grand Vizier confirmed.  a Scimitar studded and set with Jewels, and a Coftan, or Vest lined with Sables, as an encouragement and evidence of his Confirmation in the Office of Prime Vizier: In this manner another Messenger was dispatched with the like Present to the Tartar Han, with Orders forthwith to march unto Belgrade, and join the Grand Vizier with his Forces, which having been divided into three Bodies, the Han could not supply the Vizier with more than 8000 Men for the present Campagne  
These Forces with several Asiatic Pasha's, 
The strength of the Turkish Army.  amongst which there was a considerable Body of Curds, or Gordi; and another of 2000 Arabs passed over to the Vizier's Army; with which, and with an Army of 12000 Albanians, the Turkish Army was so increased, that it was esteemed to amount unto 100000 Men; and in reality, and according to a moderate Computation, it did not amount unto less than 80000 good experienced, and disciplined Soldiers: Besides which 10000 Men were ordered for Great Waradin, under the Command of Topal Husaein, Pasha of Silistria, and Seraskier, for Reinforcement of that Garrison.  
In the mean time Tekeli being fallen under the jealousy of the Port, he was forbidden to enter into Transylvani●, where the People having a desire that the Son of Apafi should be placed over them, rather than Tekeli; the latter was commanded not farther to meddle in the Affairs of Transylvania, but only in the Concernments of the Upper Hungary.  
The Grand Signior Achmat the 11.15 th'. Emperor of the Turks was proclaimed Sultan the 12th of june 90.   portrait 
The Grand Vizier, that he might secure his Government the better, during his absence in the War, had before his departure caused several of the principal Governors in Asia to be strangled, 
Principal Men in Asia put to Death.  and amongst them, a Seditious Mutinous Fellow, called Charachehaia; who might have been the Author of Dangerous Commotions; howsoever there still remained a desperate Rebel in Asia, who with 1000 Men, roved over all the Countries of Sivas, or Sebaste; but that being a Country far distant from the Port, gave little care or apprehension of danger to the Vizier, or Grand Signior. But that which administered most of fear at Home, was the Commotion of the Common People, caused by the Copper Money; which having been permitted to pass for Currant by the Government, was yet refused to be received in Payment by them; the which caused such Confusion in Trade, and especially in buying Provisions at the Markets, 
The Copper Money the cause of trouble.  that there seemed a Dearth or Famine almost in the Countries; upon which many bold Complaints and Menaces were carried to the Caimacham, who was forced to give the People good Words, assuring them that Silver Money was Coining, and that the Copper Money, 
August.  by Hattesheriff of the Grand Signior, should be no longer Currant; the which for the present gave a stop to the Murmurings, and prevented a general Insurrection; tho' the great scarcity of Corn, and all Provisions, both in Constantinople, and Adrianople, made the People very uneasy, and apt to break out into Mutinies.  
It is the Custom in the World, that when a Prince comes first unto the Throne, for the People to be inquisitive concerning his Humour, Temper, and Abilities for the weight of Government.  
The Character of this Sultan Achmet being now the common Discourse, he was represented to be much more lively, brisk, and quicker of Apprehension than his Brother and Predecessor Sultan Solyman, who (as we have said) was as dull and as heavy as an Ox; a weak, simple Man, more fit to be a Dervis than an Emperor; but this Achmet was said to delight to ride on Horseback, 
The Character of Sultan Achmet.  and to throw the Gerit, a Sport used by the Cavaliers, and mettled Sparks and Soldiers amongst the Turks. Farther, he was said to love Justice, and to be rigorous in the execution thereof; an Enemy to Tyranny, and Oppressors of his People; but a great Admirer of the Fair Sex; which Qualities were thought very laudable, and for them, whether true, or false, he was had in high esteem with the People; and particularly because he was entered into the Project of Coining Silver Money, and debasing the Copper to half the value of what it lately passed for in ordinary Payments.  
But the important Affair of all was the Success of a Battle, which the Grand Vizier resolved to adventure, both in confidence of the strength of his Army, and his numerous Troops, which now were said to amount unto 87226, Horse and Foot, 
The force of the Turkish Army.  as they were counted by faithful Persons, whom the Grand Vizier had appointed to tell them, as they passed the Bridges over the Save; besides 3000 Seamen, and some Spahees from Asia, which lagged behind, and the Rabble which attend Armies.  
This great Force, 
The French Ambassador persuades to a Battle.  with the encouragement which the French Ambassador gave the Grand Vizier to put the Dispute to the Decision of a Battle, promising him undoubted Victory, prevailed very much with the Vizier, who considering the Applications which the English and Dutch Ambassadors made for a Peace, was an Argument both to him and all the Turkish Officers, that the Emperor was in a dangerous condition, and unable to maintain the War: Howsoever when the French Ambassador was instiling this Consideration into the Mind of the Chimacham at Adrianople, and that as his Master had already brought great Ruin and Destruction into the Dominions of the Emperor, so he would assist and support the Grand Signior in his Wars both with Men and Money. To which the Caimacham made this Answer. That if it were true, what the Ambassador alle●ged, the Imperialists could not be in such a condition as at present to come down upon the Ottoman Armies, and be able to overmatch them both in Numbers and Valour: What diversion then (said he) hath he given to the Power of the Emperor? If he hath Wars with the English and Hollanders, what is that to us? We believe nothing but what we see, nor esteem of any thing, but what brings us immediate and manifest relief.  
Sir William Hussey the English Ambassador, as we have said, 
Sir William Hussey at Constantinople.  being arrived at Constantinople, was admitted three Days afterwards to an Audience with the Caimacham, who received him with great State and Pomp, and in a Friendly manner demanded of him the Particulars of his long Journey, and assured him of the Protection of the Port, both for his own Person, and security of his Nation; after which, and that the usual Ceremonies were performed, the Ambassador and his Followers were vested with 22 Coftans, which was as many as at any time were given to the French Ambassadors at other times, 18 or 19 were bestowed on the English; but now the Number was made equal, to show that the Esteem they made of the English Nation, was equal with that of the French.  
But how civil soever was the Behaviour of the Chimacham towards the English Ambassador, the Grand Vizier seemed to be of another Temper; for he not only neglected the Addresses of the English, but privately gave the French Ambassador to understand all that had passed between him and the English; and this Confidence between the Turks and the French was much increased at that time, by the arrival of a skilful Engineer from France, well practised in all Military Exercises and Arts, relating to Mines, Sieges, Encampments, etc. and with him came 22 French Officers, who were all clothed in good Green Cloth, after the Turkish Fashion; and with these, Monsieur Darmans' a famous French Physician, 
T●e Friendship between the Turks and French.  was recommended by the French Ambassador to the Vizier, who took this Offer the most kindly of any thing; for as the Turks have very few Physicians of their own, they highly esteem those who come from the Parts of Christendom; so that the Grand Vizier took this Doctor with him, and kept him always near his own Person.  

August.  The Ambassador, Sir William Hussey, having continued some few Days at Constantinople, to settle the Affairs of the Turkey-Company, and his own Domestic, and private Concernments, 
C●unt Marsigli.  Count Marsigli arrived from Vienna, bringing a Chiaus with him: This Marsigli had the Title of Secretary to Sir William Hussey, appointed by the Emperor to assist in the Matters of Peace, being a Person well practised in all the Treaties relating to the Emperor and the Turks. The same Day that Marsigli arrived, both he, and Sir William Hussey had a Conference with the Dutch Ambassador, Heer Colier; at which it was resolved to take a Journey to the Grand Vizier at Belgrade, and there again to press the Reasons and Arguments for a Peace.  
Accordingly the two Ambassadors departed from Constantinople the 11th of August, and entered into Adrianople the 16th of that Month, with intention to proceed to Belgrade in a few Days, had not the News of the total Defeat of the Turkish Army in a Battle given near Salankement, with the Death of the Grand Vizier, put a stop to their Journey for a while, until a new Vizier should be created; the which was soon performed, for immediately one Ali Pasha, formerly Kahya of the deceased Vizier, and late Pasha of Scio, was constituted in the Place of his Master; 
 and he being commanded to proceed in 10 or 12 Days, 
1691. August.  the Ambassadors resolved to accompany him to Belgrade, there to attend his Motion, and those Overtures which might open a way to a Treaty.  
Now since this great Defeat given the Turks, in all appearance might cause an Alteration, and Change in the Affairs of Christendom, and be improved to a happy Agreement between the Christians and the Turks; it is most necessary, and natural to this History, to give a succinct Relation thereof.  
The greatest part of the Month of july, 
The March of the Christian Troops, to the place of Rendezvous.  was spent in the Marches of the Armies towards the Field of Battle: The Troops under the Command of the Count de Souches, designing their Marches towards Esseck, they came to Pax, where they joined with five Companies of Houchins, and five of Amenzaga's Regiments, and at Mohatz they were reinforced by 6000 Brandenburgers; about the middle of the Month of july, Prince Lewis arrived in the Camp, being welcomed with all the Cannon of Mohatz, and the same Day he took a View of all the Troops, at that Place, commanded by General Souches, and the next Day of the Brandenburgers; which having done, he sent Expresses to the Army which was behind to hasten their March to Esseck; to which Place the Prince in Person riding Post, he arrived the 17th of july, where having been received in the same manner as at Mohatz, 
Pr. Lewis views the Troops.  he took a View of all the Fortifications of that Place, and of the several Regiments which were encamped near thereunto: In the mean time the Cavalry of Count Souches, having passed the Drove, arrived in the Army, and were next Day followed by the Infantry of that Body; and the Day after that by the 6000 Brandenburgers: So that now the whole Imperial, and Brandenburg Forces being joined; Orders were sent to the General, Count Aversperg, to send down towards Segedin, all necessary Materials for Bombing the Places down the River; so that on the 20th of this Month, the Army decamped from the side of the River Drove, and marched as far as Bonce, where News being brought that part of the Turkish Army had passed the Save, a Lieut. Colonel was immediately detached with 150 Germans, and all the Rascian Foot, and commanded to Embark on Boats, and hasten down the Stream to take their Station at Peter Waradin; and for farther Reinforcement of that Garrison, the Hungarian Heydukes of Illock, were commanded forthwith to join this Officer at Peter Waradin; so as on all occasions to be in a readiness to oppose the Enemy's Excursions into those Parts.  
The great Army on the 20th joined with the Regiment of Staremberg at Walkowar, which was esteemed the best in all the Army: 
The Forces join.  On the 24th they came to Bachin, and there joined with five Companies of Foot of the Regiment of Archinto, and with the Regiment of Horse of Bassompierre: On the 26th the Army encamped under Illock, and there rested that Day, when News was brought, That the Grand Vizier was arrived at Belgrade, and having laid two Bridges over the Save, he had begun to pass the River with his Army, which consisted of 100000 Men, extending itself from the Mountains on the side of the Danube, as far as to the Island of Zigan in the Save.  
Besides which numerous Army the Turks had a vast number of Ships and Galleys, 100 of which, under the Command of a Pasha, were sent to attack Titul, with which coming before the Place he immediately invested it; the Town was commanded by Captain Thos, the Garrison of which consisted only of 120 Germans, and 200 Rascians, 
Titul surrendered to the Turks.  and with them he defended the Place for three or four Days; but considering that for want of Ships, he could not be relieved by Water, nor by Land, by reason of the vast Deluge of Rains which had filled all the Marshes, and made them unpassable for the intended Succours; Captain Thos capitulated on Conditions, that the Garrison should be safely conducted to the Army of Prince Lewis; but this Capitulation was not well observed by the Turks; for as the Garrison was marching out, the Lieutenant of the Pasha would not suffer the Rascians to pass, ordering them all to be put to the Sword; 
The Turks falsify their Faith.  but Captain Thos not allowing this piece of Treachery, and Breach of Faith, he came to high Words with the Pasha; upon which, the Pasha in a Fury drew his Scimitar; but Captain Thos being more ready than he, killed him with one of his Pistols, and with the other shot another Turk dead, 
July.  who stood next to him: Hereupon the Quarrel growing high beyond all Reconciliation, or means of Agreement, Captain Thos caused his Men to fire upon the Turks, who were then 4000 Men strong; yet this handful of Men, armed with Despair, stoutly defended themselves, until being overpowred with Numbers, they were all put to the Sword, except some few who were made Prisoners, and six Rascians and one German, who made their Escape from this Bloody Action; the which howsoever cost the Turks dear, for they lost 500 of their Men, who were killed on the Place, and as many wounded.  

PeterWaradin fortified.  Prince Lewis continuing his March, arrived the 29th of this Month at Peter Waradin with the gross of his Army, attended with all the Ships and Vessels, which carried the Provisions, Ammunition, and other Necessaries: This Place being very advantageous for its Situation, was ordered by Command of the Prince to be fortified; and here it was that a Regiment of Horse of the Duke of Newburg, and a Battalion of the Regiment of Huschin, with 19 Field-Pieces joined the Army.  
On the 30th of this Month of july, a Rascian Peasant, or Country-fellow, was taken, sent by the Vizier for a Spy, to take a view of the Christian Camp; whom the Prince would not suffer to be punished; but returned him back to the Grand Vizier, to give him notice, that he was marching towards him with his whole Army; the truth of which was verified soon after by the ensuing Battle, which, as we shall see, was given on the 19/9 of the Month of August.  
This interval of time, 
Preparations for a Battle.  between the last of july, and the 19th of the following Month, was taken up in recruiting the Forces, and other Preparations for that great Day; so that on the beginning of this Month, 6000 Rascians, and 3000 Hungarians were added to the Army, under the Command of General Batthiani, besides 2000 Bavarian Foot commanded by Colonel Zacko; so that now the whole Imperial Army consisted of near 66070 Men; with which Body the Prince marched as far as Carlowitz, where the Army having rested some few Days, they marched to Salankement, and there encamped; and in the mean time the Turks blew up Titul, making their Escape by Water to Belgrade.  
The Turks hearing of this Advance of the Christian Army, sent 4000 Spahees under the Command of Kathana Pasha, to recognize, or take a view of them in their March; but a Party of Hussars commanded by Raab, and Badianis being sent out against them, the Turks withdrawing, they retreated back to the Army, and with them a Christian, who having been a Slave, made his Escape, and reported, That the whole Turkish Army had already passed the Save; so that the Prince resolving now to meet them, continued his March to Semblin, a Place near to Belgrade; between which two Places, nothing but the River intervenes.  
The Turks being much stronger in Shipping than were the Christians, they were always passing up and down the River, so that all the Ships attending the Imperial Camp were forced to remain at Peter Waradin; from whence, 
The Turks strong in Ships, hinder the Provisions of the Army.  with great inconvenience, all Provisions and Ammunition were brought by Land to the Camp; until such time as General Dunewaldt being come to the Army, had dispatched 300 Germans, and 200 Hungarians, back to Salankement, to cover and secure 300 of the Christian Vessels, which were arrived at that place laden with Provisions; which was of great Relief to the whole Army.  
The Two Armies being now very near to each other, Parties were daily detached on both sides to make Discoveries, and bring Intelligence; one of which from Prince Lewis on the 8th of this Month, 
Skirmishes in Parties.  had an Encounter with some advanced Guards of the Turks near Semblin, which upon appearance of the Christians, immediately retreated; and a Fog covering the whole Turkish Camp on a sudden, that Party returned without being able to give other Informations.  
In like manner the Grand Vizier on the 10th of this Month, came in Person with all his Horse to take a view of the Christian Camp; upon which the whole Army was drawn out into Battalia; and some Volunteers, and other Troops, advanced so far on the Turks, that being attacked by great Numbers of them, they were repulsed, and droven back with some loss, until the left Wing of the Army (in which Prince Lewis was in Person) came in to their Succour; howsoever 20 of them were killed, and the rest were pursued to the very Camp; but in revenge the Turks were also beaten back, several of them being killed in their Retreat.  
The same Day the Imperial Army advanced two Leagues farther towards Semblin, where they posted themselves in such a manner, that the Danube was on their Backs, and the left Wing guarded with Chevaux de Freeze, which are a kind of Turn-pikes to keep off the Horse from breaking into the Foot.  
On the 12th the Army advanced in order of Battle, within Canonshot of the Turks Retrenchments, near to Semblin; being attacked on all sides by many Hundreds of the Enemy's Horse, 
The Armies near.  which never stood any Ground, but retreated to their Camp, which was so posted on a rising Hill, or Eminence, that the Generals judged it not to be attacked without great disadvantage.  
On the 13th, whilst the Army rested, a certain Page to the Major of the Regiment of Piccolomini, who had been taken Prisoner formerly by the Turks, made his Escape, and informed Prince Lewis, that the Turks had certainly made an Attack on the Christian Army, had they not been dissuaded by the French, who advised them not to lose the advantage of their Trenches, but to remain in them in expectation of being assaulted therein by the Enemy, or at least until they could draw out into a more advantageous Ground, or until the arrival of the Tartars, which were hourly expected.  
During this time the Officers and Soldiers of the Imperial Army, kept themselves in a readiness to receive the Enemy; not stripping themselves of their clothes, for several Nights.  
That Evening it was concluded at a Council of War, not to engage the Enemy on that Ground, but to return back to Salankement, because that there being a necessity to bring all the Provision from thence for the Army; the Convoys could not easily be defended from the Enemy's Horse, which in great and strong Parties lay in continual wait for them: So that on the 14th in the Morning, by Break of Day, 
Pr. Lewis marches back to Salankement.  the Trumpets and Drums were ordered to give warning to the Army to prepare for a March, the Baggage being sent before, and in the mean time, until nine a Clock in the Morning, the Army stood in view of the Enemy, who moved not out of their Trenches, sending only a Party of Tekeli's Men to observe their motion.  
On the 15th the Army lay still, and so did the Turks; and the next Day Prince Lewis marched an Hour nearer towards Salankement: And on the 17th proceeding one Hour farther, the Turks imagined that this Motion was a Flight, little thinking that it was only in design to Encamp about Salankement, where they remained near to their Ships laden with Provisions, and where they could choose the most advantageous Ground for a Battle. The Turks encouraged with this Imagination, marched after the Christian Army, and fell in the Rear of them with several Thousands of Horse; but Count Stirum General, and Count Hoffkirken Major-General of the Horse, 
The Turks repulsed.  charged them so briskly, bestowing some Shot amongst them from their Field-Pieces, as caused them to retire with loss, and to remain more quiet for a while. Howsoever about Midnight a great Number of the Enemy's Horse, Camels, and Mules, having been stung by a sort of Venomous Fly, had broke their Halters and Bridles, and with their Saddles, and Harnesses, 
An Alarm given.  came running into the Christian Camp, which gave an Alarm to the whole Army: But that being over, it was expected, that the next Day a Battle would ensue, which both the Imperial Officers, and Soldiers, did heartily desire. But the Grand Vizier following the Advice of the French, who were about him in great Numbers, would not adventure that Day to attack the Army; but instead thereof, that they might cut off all Communication between the Germans, and Peter Waradin, they marched half a League beyond them, and there posted themselves with such haste and diligence, that in 24 Hours they had fortified their Camp with Regular Walls of a Man's height, and Bastions on which Cannon was planted, leaving only a narrow Passage for coming in, and going out from the Camp.  
By these means the Turks had almost cut off all Correspondence between the Imperial Army, 
The Germans in ●anger.  and Peter Waradin, and so hindered the passage of all Provisions, that the Germans had infallibly perished in this unfortunate occasion, had not God Almighty visibly assisted them by His Omnipotent Hand.  
To this another Misfortune happened, the News whereof was brought by a French Deserter from the Turkish Camp; how that the Regiment of Dragoons of Count Bucquoy, Commanded by their Major, Count D'Arco in all 1000 brave and well mounted Men, together with 400 others, sent for Recruits to the Regiment of Caprara and Hoffkirchen, contrary to the Order of Prince Lewis, were fallen into the Hands of the Enemies; 
Count Bucquoy 's Regiment cut to pieces.  the occasion whereof was, that these Soldiers preferring the security of their Baggage before that of their Lives, resolved to take that with them; and so marching very slowly, they came to stop about two Hours in a Place, distant about a Germane League from the Imperial Army; where being attacked, and surrounded on all sides by the Turks, they defended themselves with much Bravery for the space of two Hours, but at length they were all cut down, 
The Christians lose all their Provisions.  not above 30 escaping of the whole Number of 1400; the Major only was taken Prisoner, and the next Day after the Battle, was found Chained Hand and Foot in the Enemies Camp.  
Besides this the Turks took 250 Wagons carrying Provisions to the Imperial Army, with a 100 Ships belonging to the Sutler's of the Army; the Men whereof for the most part were saved, for joining themselves with the Rabble of the Army, they fought stoutly for their Lives, killing great Numbers of the Turks.  
This great Loss was very sensible to the Christians, who having lost all their Provisions, without hopes of any other Supply, found no other Deliverance and Safety, but in their Arms, and so resolved on a Battle: The Turks on the other side growing Arrogant, and bold on these Successes, began now to contemn their Enemies, and to look only on them as so many lost Men, whom they now condemned, and sentenced to Destruction, resolving to give them no Quarter in the Field.  
The Christian Soldiers thus armed with Despair, 
1691. August. 19th,  on the 19th of this Month of August, by Break of Day in the Morning, having put themselves into posture of Battle, marched directly towards the Turks; and about Noon both Armies being drawn up, they faced each other at a small distance. The Prince of Baden Commanded the right, and Count Dunewaldt the left Wing.  
The Turkish Army consisted of about 100000 Men, of which 60000 were the best Soldiers in all the Ottoman Empire, besides 15000 of the best, 
The Disposition of the two A●●mies.  and most experienced Janissaries; all which Force was advantageously posted, having the Danube on their Back, and in their Front a deep Ditch, with Earth thrown up behind them; but their left Wing was not so well fortified, but that it lay something more exposed to the Christians, whose Army was likewise drawn up in a Martial Posture.  
The greatest part of their Infantry being divided into 20 Battalions; that is to say, The Regiment of Ernest Staremberg four Battalions, of Souches three, of Chizzola one, of Guido Staremberg three, of Salm one, of Beck one, of Otting two, of Brandenburg three, of Caunitz one, of Vaudemont one; the which were flanked with the two Regiments of Horse of Nieuburg and Holstein, with the greatest part of the biggest Cannon: The rest of the Army was drawn up after the usual form of Battle in a right Line opposite to the Enemy; and in this Posture upon firing a Bomb, which was the Signal given, they all marched in an equal Line, until they came within 200 Paces of the Enemy; and then the Cannon on each side began to play: At the first it was intended to attack the Enemies left Wing, before the right, to give room for the Foot, 
The Battle of Salankement.  which was placed on the rising of a Hill opposite to the main, and strongest Entrenchment of the Turks, which was fortified with 80 Pieces of Cannon; and also to charge the Enemy's Horse, which were drawn up below the Hill in the Plains, with design that having Overthrown them, to force through the Camp, unto that part where the Enemies were less fortified and secured. It seems that the right Wing was something too forward, and began to engage before the left could come up, being hindered by the high Grass and Bushes; howsoever here was no staying or retreating for the right Wing; but, on they went, looking on the Enemy before them, and proceeded to their very Ditches and Intrenchments; but the Janissaries having a good Parapet, or Breast-work before them, fired so furiously from thence, that many both of the Chief, and Subaltern Officers were killed and wounded; and here it was that General Souches upon a numerous Sally of the Enemy, 
1691. A●gust.  was forced to give way, until the Foot came up, which was not far behind; but in the mean time being sustained by the four Regiments of Nieuburg, Holstein, St. Croix, and Darmstadt under the Command of the Dukes of Holstein and Aremberg, they advanced to the very brink of the Enemy's Retrenchments, with which Example of Bravery both Horse and Foot, being again animated, the Infantry made several Attacks on the Enemy, and tho' they were sometimes repulsed, yet being relieved, and guided by those brave Officers both of Horse and Foot; the Fight was continued from three a Clock in the Afternoon, until it was Night, by which time all the Superior Officers of the Infantry were killed, excepting only General Guido of Staremberg, and Prince Charles of Vaudemont, tho' both of them were also wounded.  
Nor was the rest of the Army in the mean time idle; for the Enemy attacking them in the left Wing, and in the Flank with great fury, were as bravely repulsed by the Brigades of Castelli and Hof●kirchen; but the Turks rallying all their Horse into a Body, fell on with greater Fury, in despite of the small and great Shot, and charged the Brigade of General Sarau, which was part of the Right Wing: And the Turks being very numerous on that side, they so overpowered this Brigade, that two of the Battalions were cut down on the Ground where they stood, in which Action, the Battalions of Ottin●, Beck, and also the Old Regiments of Staremberg, and Brandenburg, suffered very much; so that until that time being about six a Clock, Fortune favoured the Turks; and things had such a dismal and desperate Face, that the Generals themselves began to despair of saving one Man from this Bloody Action; 
Th● Christians in a da●●g●ous po●●●re.  for here was no Retreat, or Sanctuary, nor Place to fly unto for Succour: And thus both Officers and Soldiers armed with Despair, redoubled their Endeavours, and in contempt of Death rushed on the Enemy's Squadrons; the which being observed by those who attended the Baggage, and remained for Reserves, how that their Companions were beset on all sides, and in a continual Fire, were ashamed to be Looker's on, and Spectators of this Tragedy, came in to the Succour of those who were ready to turn their Backs, and with their Cries and Prayers, gave a stop to their Flight.  
Matters standing in this desperate State and Condition, the main Body of the Army under the Command of the Brandenb●●g Generals, Bar●us and Brandt, came timely in to the Assistance of Count Sarau, who by these Succours rallied his Men, and defended his Post, until about an Hour before Night, when the Brigades of Hoffkirchen, and Castelli, with the left Wing, which at this time was Commanded by the Prince of Baden in Person, were advancing towards that side of the Turkish Army, which was not as yet Entrenched, 
The Christians enter the Enemies Camp.  and so furiously assaulted them, that by the Divine Assistance, and Arm of the God of Hosts, visibly appearing for them, they at last forced, and entered the Enemy's Camp, driving them from the rising Grounds where they had planted their Cannon; which when the Hungarians and Rascians observed, they, who until then had been something backward, and watched the time to Escape, came thundering down with renewed Courage, and furiously entered the Turkish Camp, cutting down all that presented before them; by which means a Way was opened for the right Wing to advance; and so the Turks being brought into the middle, and attacked on all sides in a narrow Ground between their Trenches and the Danube, were entirely subdued, and overcome, and began to fly. And tho' the Turkish Cavalry for the most part found a way to escape, through a void Interval laid open for the right Wing, howsoever the Foot continued to defend themselves so furiously and firmly in their Trenches, that tho' the Field was yielded to the Christians, yet here they received their greatest loss; for this Action cost the Life of the Duke of Holstein, with a Deluge of Blood, entirely to subdue the already conquered Enemy.  
The Anger, Rage, and Despair of the Turks on one side, and the Fury of the Christians on the other, was such, that the first scorned to accept Quarter, and the others not willing to give it; for which reason very few Prisoners were taken.  
The remainder of the Turkish Cavalry, amongst which was the Grand Vizier in Person, were forced to break their way through the narrow Passages, and Distances between the Lines, with their usual Cries of Allah, Allah, which is a calling upon the Name of God: In this Passage many of them fell, and many were mortally wounded, so that the Roads, to the very Save, were filled with dead Bodies; and on the other side thereof, the Grand Vizier, with many other principal Turkish Officers, ended their Days.  
In this memorable Battle, which was the most Bloody of any that hath happened in several Ages, the Turks lost in all upwards of 25000 Men, and amongst them the Grand Vizier; what Officers were killed on both sides, or wounded, appears in the following List. The Turkish Fleet, bringing their Vessels close to the Shoar, and as near as they could to their Army, landed 5000 Men out of it, which might have turned the Balance, had they come timely in unto the Assistance of their Brethren; 
The Turks land 5000 Men out of their Fleet.  but finding the whole Army in Confusion, and all the Field in disorder, they retired with much Precipitation Aboard their Fleet.  
It would be impossible to describe all the Circumstances, Turns, Changes, Passages, and Chances of this Battle, which was fought on both sides with admirable Resolution and Courage; for which those of the Christian Army who were slain, deserve for ever to be Chronicled in History; and those who survive, are worthy of a lasting Fame, and Immortal Glory.  
Much is owing by all Christendom to the Valour and Conduct of that Noble General Prince Lewis of Baden; as also to the Marshal-General Count of Dunewaldt, to Count Souches, General of the Artillery; to Count Stirum, General of the Horse; and to Lieutenant-General Barfus of the Brandenburg Troops, besides all the Sergeants, Generals, and Officers, who behaved themselves with that Bravery, Conduct, and Zeal in the Cause of Christendom, and of the Empire, that they merit to be mentioned with all Honour and Respect, whensoever this Battle comes to be recounted in these present Days, or in future Ages: And so bloody was this Battle, that the French King, to comfort the Turks, ordered his Ambassador to tell them, That such another Victory would ruin the Emperor.  
After the Battle the Imperialists became Masters of all the Enemy's Artillery; namely, 154 Pieces of Cannon of all sorts, great and small, great Numbers of Ensigns and Colours; and amongst the rest of the Standard of the Grand Vizier, with those of the Pasha's, and of the whole Spoil and Plunder of the Field, with all the Camels, and Mules, and Beasts of Burden belonging to the Camp, which amongst the Turks are vastly numerous: Also 10000 Tents, 10 Wagons laden with Copper Money, found in the Vizier's Tent; in the Treasurer's 54 Trunks of Copper, and 12 with Silver, and 24 Chests of Kaftans. Moreover all the Standards and Colours belonging to the Regiment of Bucquoy, taken the Day before by the Turks, 24 Ensigns, and four Horse-Tails were sent to Vienna, and amongst them the Grand Vizier's Standard, which the Emperor sent to the Pope.  
The Loss the Turks have had in this Action, appears irreparable; for about 10 or 12000 of their best Disciplined, and Veterane Janissaries being killed, they have not as yet been recovered to this very Year of 1694; the which is evident, for of all the Army they could make in that Year of Turks and Tartars, with Thousands of raw, and ill composed Troops, consisting o● Ploughmen, and Cow-Boys, they could not make up an Army of 50000 Men; which indeed is wonderful, and shows the strange Catastrophies of this unstable World; and deserves our serious Contemplation of the Uncertainty of Humane Affairs? For whereas the Ottoman Empire, which hath been famed in past Ages for Multitudes and Swarms of Men, by which, overpowering their Enemies by Numbers, rather than by Valour, made all their Conquest from Basora, as far as Buda, are now dwindled to a Condition, which many of our smaller Princes in Christendom are able to equal.  
All which we are to attribute to the Almighty Hand of God, who commiserating the wretched Estate of Christendom, at a time when the Victorious Arms of France were employed in ruining and laying waste one end of it, the Turks had Invaded the other, and threatened an entire Desolation of all Germany.  
The Killed and Wounded, on one side, and the other, are according to the following Lists.   

A LIST of the Dead and Wounded on the Emperor's side.  

Of the Infantry,  

DEAD.  

THE Duke of Holstein, Sergeant-General.   

Colonels.  
Count Caunitz.  
Count Bucquoy.   

Lieutenant-Colonels.  
Count de Petting, of Col. Becks Regiment.  
Count Stahrenberg of Chizzola's Regiment.   

Sergeant-Majors.  Fingerman of Dauns' Regiment. 
  N. Groans of Otting's Regiment. 
  Kilch de Lorch of Vaudemont's Regiment. 
  Captains 
15  Lieutenants 
6  Ensigns 
8  Subaltern Officers, and Common Soldiers 
1724  Sum of the Dead 
1761    

WOUNDED.  

Count Souches General of the Artillery, who Died the 26th of his Wounds.  
General-Major Count Guido of Stahrenberg.  
General-Major Count Aremberg, who Died the 24th.  
General-Major Corbelli.   

Colonels.  
Prince Charles of Vaudemont.  
Count Zacko of the Bavarian Regiment.   

Lieutenant-Colonels.  
Count Henry of Stahrenberg.  
Baron D'Elmpt of Salms' Regiment.  
Marquis Bagin of Stahrenberg's Regiment.  
Marquis Mas●er of the Bavarian Regiment.  
Count Herberstein of Souches Regiment.   

Majors.  Baron Winkehoven of Beck's Regiment. 
  Wiltprat of Stahrenberg's Regiment. 
  Baron Lohen of Caunitz Regiment. 
  Captains 
33  Lieutenants 
33  Ensigns 
18  Subaltern Officers and Soldiers 
2460  The Sum of the Wounded 
2557     

Of the Cavalry,  

DEAD.  

Lieutenant-Colonels.  
Count Zrin of Caprara's Regiment.  
Count Moulion of Stirum's Regiment.  
George de Werth of Darmstadt's Regiment.   

Sergeant-Majors.  Permaitinger of Sarau's Regiment. 
  Captains 
8  Lieutenants 
12  Cornets 
3  Subaltern Officers and Commons 
829  Sum of the Dead 
852    

WOUNDED.  

Lieutenant-Colonels.  
Baron Ketler of Dunewaldt's Regiment.  
Count Hohenembs of Nieuburg's Regiment, who Died the 24th.  
Count Marcin of Holstein's Regiment.  
Baron Chauvise of the Regiment of St. Croix.   

Sergeant-Majors.  De Fortenau of Darmstadt's Regiment. 
  Fischer of Rabutin's Regiment. 
  Captains 
16  Lieutenants 
20  Cornets 
21  A Chaplain of a Regiment 
1  Subaltern Officers and Commons 
950  The Sum of the Wounded 
1014     

Of the Artillery,  

Sixteen Men were Killed.   

WOUNDED.  
Sergeant-Major Werner. 
  A Captain, an Adjutant, and 15 more. 
  In all 
34      

The Brandenburg Troops, under the Command of Lieutenant-General Barfus, having behaved themselves most Valiantly in this Bloody Day, contributed very much towards the Happy Event thereof, had also their Share of Dead and Wounded, viz.  

DEAD.  
COlonel Baron de Bilau. 
  Lieutenant-Colonel Mr. Kalsteyn. 
  Captains 
3  Lieutenants 
7  Cornets and Ensigns 
3  Adjutant 
1  Subaltern Officers and Commons 
508  In all Killed 
524  The Sum of all the Dead is 
3161    

WOUNDED.  
Sergeant-Major Ruchat. 
  Captains 
10  Lieutenants 
14  Cornets and Ensigns 
10  Subaltern Officers and Commons 
505   
540   

Of the Artillery.  Killed 
4  Wounded 
5  And of the Wounded Men 
4136     

The Turks on their Side, had a far greater Loss; which, though it cannot be distinctly certified, however may be guessed at, by what will appear from the following LIST of several of their Great and Smaller Officers, found Dead on the Field of Battle, and which were known and Named by a Turkish Prisoner, to be, viz.  

THE Great Viziers Kapitschler Chihaiasi.  
Aly Beg, Chief of Caramania.  
A Sain, or Baron of the Province of Begh Shehetr in Asia.  
Another Sain of the Neighbourhood of Sophia▪  
A Captain of the Grand Vizier's Horse-Guard.  
A Divan-Chiaus, who carries the Vizier's Orders.  
Thurnatschi Bassa, who is the 6th Person in the Command of the Janissaries.  
Aly a Ciorbassi of the 4th Oda, or Company of janissaries.  
Solyman Aga-Ciorbassi of the 6th Oda.  
Osman Ciorbassi of the 21st Oda.  
Chalill Ciorbassi of the 15th Oda.  
Ishmael Ciorbassi of the 25th Oda.  
Aly Ciorbassi of the 77th Oda.  
Hassan Aga-Ciorbassi of the 66th Oda.  
Chalill Aga-Ciorbassi of the 31st Oda.  
Chalill Aga-Ciorbassi of the 24th Oda.  
Beker Aga-Ciorbassi of the 16th Oda.  
Beker Aga of the 61st Oda.  
Osman Aga-Ciorbassi of the 8th Oda.  
Omer Ciorbassi of the 21st Oda.  
Veli Ciorbassi of the 38th Oda.  
Aibad Ciorbassi of the 71st Oda.  
Together 17 Aga's of the Janissaries.  
21 Oda Bassi, or Lieutenants▪  
15 Pairackdar, or Ensigns.  
10 Chiauses, or Fourriers of the Janissaries.   
Several Principal Men more, and Officers of the Spahees were found amongst the Dead, but unknown to the abovesaid Turk; and besides those which were found on the Field of Battle, great Numbers of Dead Corpse of all sorts were found on the Road for Belgrade; which together with the dead Turks found on the Field of Battle, are esteemed to exceed 25000 Men, beside the great Numbers of Wounded, amongst which were the Grand Vizier, the Seraskier, and the Colonel of the Janissaries, all which Died of their Wounds at Belgrade.  

Informatione delli Stendardi.  
I. QUesto Stendardo è del Gran Vesiro▪ i suole il Gran Signiore di Turchi mandarlo all Gran Vesiro quando uà all● Guerra, è deve esser nella Cima different dall' altri.  
II. Questo Stendardo è d'un Serascher che doppo il Gran Vesiro suol esser constituito; questo serve per direttore della Battaglia che stà alla sua mano destra, dove assist anco l' Agha di Gianizzari.  
III. Questo Stendardo è propriament dell' Agha di Gianizzari che fà la Differenza dalli Pascia col pomo d'oro alla Cima.  
IV. Questo è del Spahilar Aghasi.  
V. Questo è del Chehaia bei che è la prima persona doppo l' Agha di Gianizzari, quale vine remato più dalli Ciorbagi, è Gianizzari, & hà più autorità in Campagna, che l'istesso Agha di Gianizzari.  
VI Questo è un Stendardo del Pàscia d' Aleppo, o di Dámasco.  
VII. Visono doppo l' Agha di Gianizzari quatro supremi Generali dell' Infanteria, sotto li quali Marchiano li Ciorbagi; L'uno detto Zaghargi bassi del quale è questo Stendardo; il secondo detto Samsengibassi, il terzo detto Turnagibassi, & il quarto detto Cap' Aghasi. Questi devono former il Campo di Gianizzari è sempre stanno alla testa della Militia.  
VIII. Questo è del Samsengibassi.  
IX. Questo è del Turnagibassi.  
X. Questo è del Cap' Aghasi.  
XI. Questo è il Stendardo setto il quale Marchiano li Volontarij che si scrivono per primi nella Zuffa, è vine constituito un Pascia per loro Capo, è Conduttore.  
XII. Questo è delli Arabi.  
XIII. Questo anco è delli Arabi.  
XIV. Questo è d'un Ciorbagi di Gianizzari.  
XV. Questo è d'un Bullukbassi di Seimani, ciuè d'un Capitano da Asia, i conduce qualche cento Seimani. Si vedono quatro T●gh, o Code, che paiono del Gran Vesiro è Seraschero.  
S●pra li primi Stend●rdi si vede una repetitione quatro cinque volte il simbolo delli Turchi in Arabo, quale se qualche Christiano lo pronuntiasse, deve esser fatto Turco o amazzato, che d●ce; non est Deus, nisi Deus & ipsius Legatus Propheta Mehmet; è nell' altri si vede una benedittione del loro Alcorano.   
And here I shall add this particular Passage.  
That the Count de la Tour, Vicechancellor of Bohemia, assured Mr. Ash, now a Bishop in Ireland, That the Evening the Battle was fought at Salankement, Count Zerins, (who was a Young Man, and the last of the Family) his Lady walking in her Garden, with some other of her Friends, suddenly perceived their great Hall illuminated as it was wont to be for Funerals; but upon search all disappeared.  
The same Lady sitting down in an Arbour where she used to sit with her Husband, she felt one hastily sit down by her; at which being surprised, she suddenly started up, but found nothing. Soon after a Clap of Thunder and Lightning fell on the Ancient Tomb of the Zerins, broke into the Vault, and burnt up all the Bodies and Coffins that were there.  
The same Gentleman asserts, That the very Evening the Battle was fought, and as near as could be guessed, the very Moment the Turks began to Fly, an Old Turkish Prisoner, kept in the Common Prison at Vienna, suddenly cried out with a great Passion, We are Ruined and Undone, etc. And being asked, What was the Reason of his Noise, he could give no other Account, but that he had an Impulse, which forced him to cry out in that manner.  
year 1691. MEMOIRS OF Sir WILLIAM HVSSEY's Reception, and Negotiations at Belgrade, dated the 30th of April 1691. To Chancellor Straatman.  
AMET Passa of Dierbekir, and Seraskier in these Parts of the Save, has desired me for the Common Good of the Poor Christians hereabouts so much oppressed, to write to your Excellency, and interpose in their behalf the good Offices of His Majesty of Great-Britain, my Master; which I the more readily perform, as being pursuant to the Orders of my King (equally a Friend to both Empires) to contribute all possible Means, and apply my best Endeavours to the removing the pernicious Effects of this so long and Bloody a War, and changing it into an honourable lasting Peace.  
Your Excellency may be sensible, that besides the Obligations of Christian Charity, 'tis my Interest also to correspond and cherish (by good Offices) that Confidence and Esteem which they here express for the King my Master, and therefore I doubt not but your Excellency will comply herewith, as far as is in your Power, and likewise solicit the Court for more ample and positive Orders, to which Charitable Work my Lord Pagett (His Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary at Vienna) will (I am sure) be earnestly assistant.  
I entreat your Excellency also to send this Original by a Staffettee to his Lordship, that he may understand how well I have been received here, and give an Account thereof to the King my Master.  
As soon as I entered into the States of the Ottoman Empire, I was met by the Beg, or Commandant of every Place, attended by the Militia, who furnished me with all Necessaries both for my Journey and Subsistence: At Peter Waradin I was Complemented by an Aga, sent from the Seraskier; and at the Mouth of the Theysse, was met by many Barks, guarded by janissaries, who conducted me to Belgrade, where I was presently Complemented by the principal Officers of the Seraskier's Court, who sent his own Horses to convey me and my Family to the Tents, which were pitched on the Shoar, and appointed to receive me.  
The next Day I was received by the Seraskier in full Divan, composed of all the Principal Officers both Civil and Military; where when I had given Thanks for the Honours received, the Passa answered me, That such were the Ancient Customs of the Ottoman Empire, which they were resolved to observe, and abolish the Abuses introduced by the late Grand Signior, and his Prime Vizier Mustapha. Then the Seraskier, with much earnestness, did exaggerate the Unjust Oppression which was practised by Christians to those of the same Faith, who Inhabited the Country called Syrmium, situate between the Drove, Save, and Danube, who were barbarously spoiled of their clothes, robbed of their Cattle, and obliged to pay excessive Impositions against all Laws of Humanity and a regulated Government; whereas on the contrary, their Sultan sent Money to be distributed among the Poor Subjects, to buy them Cattle and Seed, thereby showing himself a Father of the Miserable, and not a Tyrant; and this Charity (continued he) which ought to be natural to you Christians towards one another, need not hinder the Hostility of Soldiers when they meet and encounter, leaving the poor Countrymen in Peace, who labour only for the Public Good, and the Service of that Prince whom God shall place over them. I answered with applauding such Pious Maxims, and that I hoped so good Dispositions would incline them more favourably to hearken to what I was to propose in the Name of my King, towards the ending this Bloody War between the two Empires; and that as to the Particulars he mentioned, I being a Stranger knew nothing of them. He then proceeded to charge Count Chizz●ola (Commandant of Esseck) to have deceived him on several Occasions after his Word given; a Crime (says he) which will be punished by God; and if the Charity of my Emperor towards the Poor Subjects and Countrymen had not restrained me, what would have hindered me this Winter to have made Excursions even to Buda? But all I should have gained, would have been only the Tears and Curses of the Miserable: I answered with commending the generous Clemency and Mercy of the present Government; and our Conference ended with the usual Ceremonies of Coffee, Sherbet, and Perfumes.  
In the Afternoon I was called for by the Seraskier to a Private Audience, at which only his Effendi, and my Secretary (who was instead of an Interpreter) were present: I represented to him, that this perilous Journey I had undertaken, and by a way so unusual to Ambassadors from England, was a Mark of the high Friendship and Affection which the King my Master bore to the two Empires of Germany and Turkey, who resenting sensibly the fatal Consequences of so long and bloody a War, commanded me to pass by Vienna, there to receive the Orders and Instructions of the Emperor of the Romans, towards the amicable ending of it, to which good Work should not the Grand Sultan and His Ministers likewise correspond, it might be justly feared, that the Mischiefs and Desolations hereafter ensuing, would call down Vengeance from God upon the Musselmen. The Seraskier applauding the King's Generous Design, took notice that there never yet was between England and the Ottoman Empire, either War or any alienation of Affection, but always perfect Friendship, which he begged God would continue: He commended the Wisdom of the present Vizier, his Humanity and Treatableness, and approved my Solicitous Earnestness to continue my Voyage, leaving it to my Choice, either to go by Land or Water. I told him, I resolved to go by Water as far as Rusgiuk, a Days Journey below Nicopolis, and to Travel thence by Land: He again renewed the Complaints made in the Divan, in behalf of the Poor Inhabitants of Syrmium, and pressed me to Write to your Excellency to forbid the Plundering of Villages, and Excursions of the He●dukes, who behave themselves more like Thiefs than Soldiers; and that your Excellency would order, that they who are Peaceable and Disarmed, may continue not only in Repose, but also be protected to the Benefit of that Prince to whom God shall give the Government. He assured me further, That whatsoever Expedient shall be proposed by the Imperialists, towards the preventing such Violences, he will readily agree to, and cause it to be rigorously observed; and in this so Christian a Cause, entreated me to interpose the good Offices of my King. I do therefore beseech your Excellency to Correspond herein with Amet Passa, either by Letter, or by Deputies on both sides, to meet on the Confines, and to be pleased to inform me of your Resolution herein, by an open Letter sent to the Seraskier, with whom I also leave a Copy of this, as I will likewise do with the Grand Vizier, not designing to expose the Confidence they have in my King to the Hazards of any Accidents which might prove equally prejudicial to both Empires.  
I took this Opportunity to show myself equally Charitable towards the Poor Christians taken in Orso●a, and made Slaves (as was reported) after they had Capitulated to have safe Conduct into the Emperor's Territories. I was answered, That they had Surrendered themselves with condition, That if Belgrade were lost, they would be Prisoners of War, and that the Grand Vizier was not capable of violating the Public Faith so shamefully. I demanded concerning some other Prisoners, recommended to me by their Friends; but was answered, That they were all the Grand Seignior's Captives, and without his express Order they could not treat either for their Ransom or Exchange: He told me, That all Officers were well treated, and kept without Irons in a Chamber apart, with their Servants, at the Expense of the Grand Signior. I left 100 Ducats of Gold to be distributed by Capt. Runkel, to the Poorest of them, which was all the Service I could do them, and of which I entreat your Excellency to give their Friends an Account.  
A Courier being dispatched to Constantinople, I have had Permission to Write to the Grand Vizier, and Sir William Trumbal, giving Information of my Arrival; I purpose suddenly to continue my Voyage with full intention to do all the Service I can to both Empires, in execution of the Commands of my King, in whose Name I continue to press (as desired) your Excellency, that some Means may be found out to prevent the Rapines daily practised upon the Poor Country People.  
The enclosed short Letter for my Lord Pagett, I entreat your Excellency would transmit to him, as also this Original, that his Lordship being sufficiently informed, may better know what to solicit from the Emperor, and what to acquaint the King my Master. I am,  
Belgrade, April 30. May 10. 1691.  
Sir William Hussey's Letters to the Lord Pagett at Vienna.  
Adrianople, May 25. 1691. My Lord,  
I Sent a full Account of our Arrival at Belgrade, April 30. S. N. From thence we came by Water to Rustic, two Days lower than Nicopolis, and thence in eight Days Land-Iourney hither; whence we advanced forwards two Days, but met there by my Secretary and Interpreter from Constantinople, with Letters and Advice from Sir William Trumbal, that the Vizier was upon departure, and ordered us to stay his Arrival at Adrianople. We returned back two Days past: I have been received and treated in all Places with singular marks of Respect and Honour, equal to any in the same Character. I send this upon Fortune to inform your Lordship of our Arrival. As to our Negotiation, I must attend the Audience before I can give you any Account, still in suspense. God be praised we are all well, and my Secretary I brought from Vienna. The Turks pretend to have a great Army, and design chiefly towards Transylvania. If this meets a quick conveyance, I beg your Lordship to acquaint my Lord Nottingham of my Arrival. I have wrote to the Dutch Ambassador for his Advice and Consideration, in respect to me, and his Stay, or journey hither, since I cannot be permitted to attend him at Constantinople. How I shall proceed to Constantinople, stay here, or follow the Campaign, your Lordship must expect hereafter. My Secretary has added a few Lines, I enclose to your Lordship. My humble Duty to all the Ministers. Nothing shall be wanting which is in my Power. I am, etc.  
Adrianople, June 3/13. 1691.  
My Lord,  
THE Vizier made his Entrance first, with no great Train, nor in the Public Streets, but past direct to his Tents; half an Hours distance, the Grand Signior entered, on the 29th, with a fair show to us, but to others very short of former Splendour; he was in a Litter, one of his Court with him at the other end. The Vizier sent his Emeen Chewse, (the 2d in that Office) with eight more, the same Afternoon he entered, that he being in haste, desired me to be ready to come to Audience next Day. We were surprised, because our Druggermen in good Manners thinking that Day due to his Repose, did not design to have carried my Compliment, and to desire leave of Audience till next Day; but I sent them immediately to perform my Duty in congratulating his Excellency's Arrival, and to concert Matters for next Day, also to desire it might be private, in regard I was without Equipage suitable to a Public Appearance. The Chewse Bassa told the Vizier, in regard I had no great Retinue, his Personal Attendance might be waved, but he commanded him to come in Person: Accordingly on Monday Morning June ●/11 about nine a Clock, we set forward in the best Accoutrements we could: I was in my Embroidered Scarlet Coat, six English Footmen in my English Laced Liveries, six in red Liveries all modo Turchesco, 18 Chewses in Van, two Druggermen after them, than myself with the Chewse-Bassa on my right Hand, and about 10 Gentlemen on Horseback following me, some of my own Company, others that came from Belgrade with me, and several other Turks, that we made a large Train, and drew Crowds of Spectators. In half an Hour we arrived at his Camp; conducted into his Tents, we passed one very large one, and through that into another; his Officers were all drawn in Lines; they brought me a Stool to sit on, and immediately the Vizier entered, sat down upon a Bed carpeted; his People made a Prayer at his Entrance; he bid me welcome, and I acquainted him with my Commission, delivering him the King's Letter and its Translation; after this was over, the Tent full of Officers, and his two Sons standing on his right Hand, I asked his Excellencies leave now, or when he pleased, to speak in private; he told me, after Sherbet, Coffee, etc. the Turkish Treat, the Company should retire, and he being in haste desired it now, when we discoursed according to the Relation I send enclosed Verbatim, as nigh as we four could remember, and to which we all put our Hands, viz. myself, Senior Marsigli, Mr. Coke Secretary, and Senior Antonio Perrone chief Interpreter; there remained none in the Room but the Vizier, as before mentioned, and one Druggerman more. At Departure I was Vested and 11 more, all that I had of Quality, and conducted back with some Respect. His Excellency was very courteous, and we had all the Marks possible of a very kind Reception, with as much Honour as any in the Character.  
My Lord, The Point resolved was, That his Excellency would not own the Turks at Vienna under any Public Character, would neither write to them, or send any other: W●en I told him the Emperor had accepted the King of England and States of Holland to assist, and was well disposed to a Peace, and if his Excellency did incline also, I hoped there might be a happy issue; he replied, He was for Peace, but upon Terms of Honour, and if I had Power to treat, would call for Pen. I replied, It could not be expected I should have full Authority before his Excellency's Mind had been known, and that Vienna was thought the properest Place, in regard there had been some Overtures already made, and Representatives of all Parties present: That to arrive at an end, there must be a beginning; and that, if his Excellency permitted, I would send my Secretary to Vienna, to persuade His Imperial Majesty to empower his General, that so his Excellency being now upon departure for the Confines, they might treat there; and if his Excellency judged my Person and Presence necessary to so blessed a Work, I would wait upon his Excellency, and attend his Camp: He told me there was no occasion I should take so much trouble; but said, Send your Secretary to Vienna, that the Emperor send a Person according to custom, fully empowered to treat here, or else that we are as we are: And to this he added two or three Lines: To this there's no Reply.  
My Lord, I spoke several times that the Commission was to me and the Dutch Ambassador equally; which I did, and now repeat to avoid all Thoughts, because the Vizier when he spoke, said, Let the Emperor send his Commission to me, not naming the Dutch, and to this no Reply: 'Tis not an Ambition I desire, nor shall I less communicate with the Dutch Ambassador, whose Counsel I shall always desire.  
My Lord, I am very glad I have the Opportunity of returning Count Marsigli, who will supply by Parole what I may omit, or what is not convenient for a Letter, and that your Lordship will transmit it to my Lord Nottingham: 'Tis absolutely necessary that the Emperor resolves that he adjusts the Points with the Allies, or treats without them, which the Turks would embrace greedily; but since His Imperial Majesty will not relinquish them, nor they able to defend, but must disgorge, and be swallowed up if alone; 'tis I think very reasonable that the Emperor requires them to positive and convenient Conditions. The Turks Nature is to do at once, and therefore considering well there must be a Power entrusted. I shall be very ready to give all the possible assistance I can, and if required, readily pass to the Camp, or Confines, for obtaining so pious a Work, grateful, and most hearty wished by the poor Subjects of both Empires; and I hope I shall have the better fortune for the many hearty Prayers and good Wishes I have gained on both sides. God Almighty prosper and direct you to complete it. What you send to me, pray let be clear, to avoid Replies, and that Count Marsigli may be perfectly instructed, who knowing the p●sture and ●●mo●r of Affairs here, will, I hope, expedite their Counsels, and resolve them. The juncture seems very favourable, and the Allies, I believe, very pressing; this Opportunity lost, God knows the Consequences. Senior Marsigli will tell your Lordship some things I have charged to his Memory, and desire your Lordship to send to my Lord Nottingham. My haste and length of Letters will not permit me to use cipher at present: I have presumed to write to His Imperial Majesty, and most of the Ministers, to acknowledge my Obligations and readiness in their Interests, which I humbly beg of your Lordship to deliver; and if the Bearer, who goes directly to your Lordship be present, he can supply all that is deficient. God Almighty prosper your good Offices. I am with all Respect,  
My LORD, Your Lordship's Most Devoted Servant, William Hussey.  
In the last Month of july we left the two Ambassadors Sir William Hussey, and the Hee● Collier at Adrianople, where having received the News of the total Defeat of the Turkish Army, with the Death of the Grand Vizier, a stop was given to their present Motion towards Belgrade, with intention to proceed with the New Vizier thither; and there to reassume the Mediation towards a Peace, for which the present Conjuncture seemed very seasonable.  
The New Vizier was called Ali Pasha, 
A New Vizier Ali Pasha.  had been Pasha of Scio, and Kahya, or Deputy to Kupriogli, the Grand Vizier now slain in Battle: But whilst they were meditating of these Matters, and preparing to accompany the New Vizier in 10 or 12 Days, as was given out, unto Belgrade; 
The Death of the Lord Ambassador Sir William Hussey.  it pleased God, that the English Ambassador, Sir William Hussey, fell Sick, and Died the 14th of September after 13 Days of Sickness at Adrianople: he was a Person much lamented by all for his excellent Qualities and Experience in the Affairs of Turkey, of which he had learned much at Aleppo, and there gained a good Estate; with which returning for England, he Married the Daughter of that Worthy Person and Citizen, Sir john Buckworth; after whose Death he was chosen by the Levant Company, to be their Deputy-Governour, in the Place of Sir john Buckworth, his Father-in-Law Deceased; in which Office having acquitted himself for some Years with much Honour, he was afterwards sent by King William and Queen Mary, to succeed Sir William Trumball in that Embassy: His Excellent Lady resolving to accompany him in all his Travels and Dangers, patiently bore, and sustained all the Fatigues and Inconveniencies of a Journey over Land; which was never performed before by any other English Ambassador designed for Turkey; who were always Transported either in the Companies own Ships, or the King's Men of War, by Sea: But now things had changed their Face, and as it was dangerous, whilst the French were Masters of the Mediterranean Seas, to expose those rich Ships to the danger of the Enemy; so it was thought most convenient to hasten the Journey of the Ambassador by Land; and that taking the Imperial Court at Vienna in his way, he might there receive such Instructions from the Emperor and his Allies, the King of Poland, and the State of Venice, as were most proper at that time in order to a Peace with the Sultan, of which King William of England, and the States of Holland offered themselves, by their Ambassadors, to be the Mediators: Upon this Occasion Sir William Hussey, with his Lady, remained some Months at Vienna, before he could procure his Dispatches; and then the Winter coming on, when the Danube was frozen up, he departed not from Vienna, until the Spring, and arrived, as we have related before in the Month of june of this present Year. And whereas the Mediation of this Peace was of high Concernment to all Europe, we shall here insert the Methods, Rules, and Instructions, which the Emperor and his Allies gave to the English Ambassador in this Matter.  
The first Paper given to Sir William Hussey at Vienna, was dated March 1691, and called, Informations for the English Ambassador, designed to be Mediator of the Peace at Constantinople, and which may serve to obviate the Objections which the Turks may make.   

Annotata ad informationem à Dominis Ablegatis Turcicis ultimò exhibitam, pro informatione Excellentissimi Domini Legati Anglici, ad Portam Ottomanicam proficiscentis.  
MISSIS omnibus iis, quae Negotii tractandi substantiam alterare non videntur, ad ea tantùm respondere visum fuit, quae praedictam substantiam tangunt, vel contra Legationis jura admissa praetenduntur à praefatis Portae Ottomanicae Do●minis Ablegatis ad concludendam pacem huc Missis.  
Quorum in ordine primùm occurrit, quod Domini Ablegati Turcici in praeterita sua informatione de Colloquio inter Eminentissimum Dominum Cardinalem à Kollonitsch & illos in Coenobio PP. Augustinianorum extra urben instituto, commemorant, in quo parum refert an Dominus Cardinalis à Kollonitsch illos Ablegatos Turcicos, an verò hi praefatum Dominum Cardinalem à Kollonitsch ad Colloquium illud invitaverint, in eo tamen substantia posita est, quod nunc asseverent Domini Ablegati Turcici propositionem quam se Domini Cardinali à Kollonitsch tùm fecisse fatentur, non ex mandato Portae, verùm propriâ mentis occurrentià nunc demùm se fecisse profiteantur; etenim saepe saepius per literas interrogati, num super illa tractare sufficienter instructi sint? Non tantùm se, adaequata Plenipotentia provisos constanter responsoriis suis affirmarunt, verùm etiam patefactam sibi diffidentiam Ministerii Caesarei super hac qualitate conceptam saepius repetitam aegrè demum ferre coeperunt & quaestiuncularum inutilium nomine appellantes moram principali negotio per haec fieri questi sunt, quod si ab initio statim ejusmodi propositionem Domino Cardinali factam non ex Portae mandato, sed suâ tantùm privatâ ment originem ducere professi fuissent, Ministerium Caesareum vel ejusmodi propositionem planè ab initio non recepisset, vel de modo legis timandae dictae propositionis dictis Dominis Ablegatis temperamentum aliquod idoneum suggessisset, quam circumstantiam cum tacuissent & tacere perseverassent Domini Ablegati Turcici, eam nunc demum professi, satis constat, unde mora, & illorum detentionis causa processerit, & cui consequenter imputanda sit, nam saepius per literas interrogati, num puncta proposita Domino Cardinali à Kollonitsch & ipsis copialiter transmissa menti suae conformia essent? Affirmative responderunt, quamvis non super iis, quae Domino Cardinali à Kollonitsch proposita fuerunt, aliquis Tractationis motus à Caesareo Ministerio ostensus, sed tùm demùm fides rei adhibita fuit, cum hanc ob causam ad se misso Secretario intimo Domino à Werdenburg puncta Domino Cardinali à Kollonitsch proposita non tantum confirmassent, verùm & Turcico idiomate exhibuissent, & Latine ad calamum dictassent, tùm demùm animus his adjectus, & desuper cum Dominis foederatis Serenissimo nimirum Poloniae Rege, & Serenissima Republica Veneta communicari coepit: Quorum sensa, si prius delata fuissent, prius etiam formaliter cum illis Dominis Ablegatis Turcicis ex parte Caesarei Ministerii, tractari coepisset, eo vel maxime fundamento, quod Domini Ablegati Turcici, postquam ipsis clarè scriptum fuisset, quod Sacra Caesarea & Regia Majestas literis D. Foederatorum suorum de eo monita fuerit, quod Ablegatus Chami Tartarorum ad Serenissimum Regem Poloniae missus clare edixerit, Viennensibus Ablegatis Turcicis, mutato supremo Visirio nullam concludendae pacis Plenipotentiam superesse, two responderint, non se à Supremo Visirio ad proponendam pacem, verùm ipsomet regnante Turcarum Imperatore huc missos, nec Plenipotentiam suam à Supremo Visirio, sed ab ipsomet regnante Imperatore propria manu subscriptum attulisse & exhibuisse. Cui proinde vel fides adhibenda vel propositiones ultimas ab iis exhibitas acceptandas non fuisse; cum verò his propositis nulli tractantium partium conveniens videretur, culpam non subsecutae Pacis sponte vel levi de causa in se suscipere, placuit confidentiam in supra qualificatam Plenipotentiam Imperatoris Ottomanici potius ostendere, quam leviter almum hoc negotium abrumpere; Communicatis igitur, ut dictum, exhibitae propositionis capitulis praefatis Serenissimis Confoederatis hactenus eorum sensa desuper expectata fuerunt, nulla ex eorum protracta dilatione in Caesareum Ministerium resultante culpâ protractae Pacis aut Tractatuum, cum saepe saepius dictum & scriptum fuerit Dominis Ablegatis Turcicis, Sacram Caesaream Regiamque Majestatem sinc Foederatorum suorum satisfactione almam pacem nec concludere velle nec posse, quare cum saepius memorati Serenissimi Foederati sensus suos super propositis ex propinquo ostendere coepissent, huc Pottendorffium Domini Ablegati revocati fuerunt, quod verò nunc demùm se facultate tractandi carere profiteantur & exinde Tractationem Pacis prosequi non valeant, certè nullatenùs Ministerio Caesareo, verùm Dominis Ablegatis Turcicis ea, quae ab initio candide proferre debuissent, studio tacentibus imputandum venit.  
Quod porrò Domini Ablegati Turcici praetendant, propositiones pacis Domino Secretario à Werdenburg scripto editas & ad calamum▪ dictatas ad conditionem acceptationis intra decem dierum spatium restrictas fuisse, provocatur ad literam exhibitarum & dictatarum propositionum, ex qua, uti nihil de decem diebus dictum esse constat, ita nec hanc conditionem informationi suae nunc demùm adjectam subsistere constabit.  
Quod verò facie rerum mutata, ut malè praetendunt & priores conditiones Pacis & posterius oblatas evanuisse praetendant, ignoratur, quo fundamento hoc sustineri possit, eò quod factum infectum fieri nequeat, nec res in eum casum reciderit, ut Partes belligerantes Pacem petere sibi conveniens arbitrentur; vel nova & à prioribus & posterioribus conditionibus aliena deponendi belli vel reducendae Pacis ratio adinveniri & excogitari possit, cum materia ob quam seu bellum geritur, seu Pax placitis utrinque conditionibus reduci possit, ob sibi imaginatam rei mutatae faciem à Dominis Ablegatis Turcicis nec suapte naturâ variet, nec immutari possit.  
Alterum, quod priori in ordine succedit, est querela Dominorum Ablegatorum Turcicorum, quod in longum hîc detineantur; verum enimverò & toti Orbi & ipsis constat, traditis Recredentialibus eos non animo detinendi hinc Viennâ dimissos, & Comaromium versùs directos fuisse, verum enimverò cum per propositionem, sc. De qua Sacrae Caesareae & Regiae Majestati absenti, & tùm Augustae praecipuis Imperii Romani negotiis implicitae, ante finem Januarii, & jam tùm Dominis Ablegatis Turcicis Vienna profectis, constare potuit; Domino Cardinali à Kollonitsch factam novam suae retentionis causam praebuissent, nec, ut supra dictum, alterutri partium Tractantium se praecipiti abruptione Tractaruum ream Mundo constituere conveniret necessariò, ubi tum deprehendi poterant Domini Ablegati Turcici apud eosdem de subsistentia & qualitate Propositionis factae inquirendum erat, hoc cum fortè Comaromii acciderit, nullo praemeditatae retentionis animo, sed forte id factum sibi certo persuadeant, qui libere abivissent, nisi materiam novis suis propositionibus redintegrandi Tractatûs suppeditare conveniens arbitrati fuissent.  
Neque verò hac in re vel contra Legationis jura, vel contra Portae Ottomanicae intentionem factum fuisse aliquid ex sequentibus constabit. Etenim quod prius membrum spectat, ita cum Caesareis Legatis nunc Eminentissimo Domino Cardinale à Goess, Domino Reninger piè defuncto, ac ipsismet Dominis Hoffman, Comite Caprara, & Kunif tempore flagrantis belli prostantia exempla per Portam Ottomanicam observatum fuisse clarè demonstrant, quorum priores duo ex Portae Ottomanicae dítíonibus huc ad Confinia cum ipso Magno Vizirio & Exercitu devecti, & custodiis undequaque circumsepti, Cardinalis à Goess serò dimissus, Reninger au●em retentus, & post cladem ad S. Gotthardum acceptam ex abrupto Pacis componendae instrumentum fuit, Hoffman naturali morte apud eos obiit, Comes à Caprara ad muros Viennae devectus, & bene custoditus dimissus quidem fuit, sed Kuniz retentus qui pari honore habitus repulsis ab Obsidione Turcis ultrò è Castris ad Urbem se recipiens prosiliit; alia sunt Legationum jura tempore Pacis, alia belli tempore, quorum differentia, ut per se nota est, ita longa deductione non eget, nec hac in parte Dominos Ablegatos Turcicos aliquid recipere, quod cum Ministris Caesareis observatum non fuisset, probare poterunt, qui magno honore habiti & largè alimentati ultra centum millia florenorum aerario Caesareo absumpserunt, nullo sane alio, quam restrictae liberae conversationis, quatenus tamen id jure Gentium & licitum & necessarium est, incommodo affecti.  
Intentionem Portae Ottomanicae quod attinet, quicquid Domini Ablegati Turcici dicant, & se morum ac legum Portae Ottomanicae caeteris gnariores esse asserunt, interpretesque literarum editarum se adstruant, clarum tamen est, quod indubia interpretatione non egeant, & literae à Primo Visirio ad Praesidem Consilij Bellici ultimo scriptae sic habent: Verùm enimverò si temporis ac statûs ratio impedimento sit, atque Negotii perfectio nequaquam arrideat, hoc posito ibi existentes Plenipotentiarij ne diutiùs commorentur sine causa, sed quam citissime nullo interposito die salvo passu & plenâ incolumitate ad Excelsi Imperii ditionem traducantur. Ex quibus, ut satis constat, non pure, sed hoc supposito, quod Pacis negotium conficiendum non arrideat, revocatos fuisse, in aprico pariter est, quod propositione suâ denuo factâ discutiendis conditionibus propositis novam occasionem suae detentionis Domini Ablegati Turcici proprio facto suppeditaverint, praecipuè cum ut saepe dictum, Neutri belligerantium parti excussae Pacis fama conveniret, quam si defectu Plenipotentiae porro tractare & concludere non possint, certum est, quod culpa non subsecutae Pacis non in Caesareum sed Portae Ottomanicae Ministerium vel ipsos Dominos Ablegatos redundet.  
Tertium, Quod duo priora subsequitur, est querela Dominorum Ablegatorum Turcicorum ob negatos sibi cursores, ut aiunt, formata; verùm si res penitius introspiciatur, nunquam sibi aliquem Cursorem petitum denegatum fuisse probare poterunt Domini Ablegati Turcici, etenim recordabuntur, quam in Sessionibus habitis gravissimis de causis, Ministri Caesarei eos adhortati fuerint, ut Cursorem cum difficultatibus in Tractatu Pacis obortis ad recipiendas instructiones expedirent, quantoque constiterit eos ad hoc persuadere, quem ubi demum petierunt nullâ morâ interpositâ obtinuerunt, obtinebuntque toties quoties illum clarè petere placuerit.  
Etsi verò etiam querantur, quod post propositiones posteriores super iis mentem Ministerii Ottomanici rescire & indagare per Cursorem illis non fuerit permislum, respondetur, tùm eos Cursorem non petiisse, sed hoc quidem, ut acceptatis conditionibus & transactâ Pace alterutri illorum liberum foret ad Portam Ottomanicam Tractatus conclusos deferre, & liberum ratificandi arbitrium Portae Ottomanicae reservatum expiscari; quanta verò distinctio inter Legatum sic proficiscentem & Cursorem simpliciter mitti petitum intersit, constat ex rerum naturali differentia, praecipuè cum res ad statum acceptatarum conditionum, & cum acceptatis mittendum alterutrum ex Legatis propter defectum intentionis foederatorum eo usque pervenire non potuerit.  
Caeterum, quae de sua hinc inde Translatione & incompetenti eorum Tractatione D. Ablegati Turcici queruntur, non subsistere, ex supradictis cuilibet constabit, quam praetereà omnium pariter Regnantium commune desiderium latere non potest, quo quisque à se missos debitè honorari cupit, & vel propterea ad se missis congruentia honorifica non negat, quo in passu Sacram Caesaream & Regiam Majestatem Religiosissimam & esse & fuisse semper, omnium Principum Legati Ministri, qui ultrò citroque hactenus commeati sunt, attestabuntur; nec ipsi Domini Ablegati Turcici, sepositis, quibus jactari videntur, animi passionibus, inficiabuntur.  
Viennae, Martii, 1691.   

Conditions and Instructions given by the King of Poland, to the English Ambassador: Entitled,  
Conditiones ad Tractatum Pacis ex parte Serenissimi Regis & Reipublicae Poloniae.  
I. TRACTATUS omnis & praetextus quocunque modo per fulgidam Portam acquisitus ad Podoliam & Ukrainam, uti avitas & haereditarias Regni Poloniae Provincias, ac recenter armis recuperatas, in perpetuum aboleatur, Praesidiumque Turcicum ex fortalitio Camenecensi abducatur, cum integra ejusdem fortalitii ac rei tormentariae ibidem existentis in manus Polonorum traditione.  
II. Moldavia, quae jam magna ex parte armis Sacrae Regiae Majestatis Poloniae occupata: Et Valachia, quae utraeque olim Provinciae Serenissimorum Regum Poloniae tributariae erant, juri & possessioni Sacrae Regiae Majestatis Poloniae relinquantur, unà cum omnibus istis ditionibus, quas Budziacenses & Bialogradenses Tartari incolunt, ita ut limes sit Fluvius Danubius.  
III. Hanus & Tartari Crimenses uti causatores omnium bellorum & damnorum per fulgidam Portam ab excursionibus & inferendis damnis contineantur & cohibeantur, ita ut quoties illata fuerint, fulgida Porta eadem resarciat & refundat.  
IV. Damna bellorum & Provinciae desolatae ac in cinerem redactae justo & aequo valore compensentur.  
V. Cosacis universaliter omnibus tam Ukrainensibu● quam Zaporescensibus nullo unquam praetextu Porta Ottomanica directe vel indirecte rebellionis fautoratum aut protectionem praebebit.  
VI Boristenes Fluvius munitionibus & Praesidiis Turcicis tam vetustioribus quam recentioribus expurgetur & evacuetur.  

APPENDIX.  
Conditiones ex parte Czarorum Muscoviae circa Tractatum à Serenissimis Colligatis proponendae ut locum suum habeant, & à fulgida Porta acceptentur.    

The Emperor's Articles and Instructions for concluding a Peace, given to the English Ambassador at Vienna, February 15. 1691/ 2.  
Ad stabiliendam Pacem inter Augustissimum Romanorum Imperatorem, Germaniae, Hungariae, & Bohemiae Regem, sc. ejusque Confaederatos, Serenissimum Poloniae Regem & Rempublicam, ac Serenissimam Rempublicam Venetam ex una? Et Serenessimum ac Potentissimum Turcarum Imperatorem ex altera parte sequentes conditiones à Caesareis ad hoc Negotium Deputatis, pro Responso ad Propositiones per Ablegatos Turcicos die 15. Februarii, 1689, exhitas reponuntur.  
I. CUM ex parte Portae Ottomanicae in praedictis Conditionibus offeratur Cessio hoc bello recuperatorum, quae absque hoc avito jure ad Sacram Caesaream Majestatem Regnumque Hungariae & ditiones ei ab antiquo annexas spectant, vel abinde dependent, & fere omnes aut armorum successu, aut spontaneâ deditione à Justitia Divina quasi Jure postliminii in potestatem suae Majestatis redierunt, praetenditur ex parte▪ Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis ad tollendum omne dissidium inter partes nunc belligerantes, futuris quoque temporibus praecavendum, ut reliquae adhuc ditiones, populi & loca ab antiquo ut supra dictum ad Regnum Hungariae, Ditionesque eidem annexas pertinentia ei pariter supremo jure cedantur, & continuò evacuentur, cum omnibus ad ea antiquitùs vel hactenus spectantibus aut attributis territoriis & dependentiis, quorum specificatio & Confinia per praesentem Conventionem determinabuntur, nullâ in iis sub praetextu tributorum, aut quacunque aliâ Portae Ottomanicae praetensione Juris remanente; cassatis etiam & annullatis ex integro omnibus prioribus Tractatibus quatenus de supra positis aliter, quam hic conventum fuerit, disponunt.  
II. Liceat verò Cuique partium paciscenti Confinia propria exstructione Fortalitiorum & Munimentorum, vel alio quocunque meliori visum fuerit modo in propriam securitatem & populorum quietem munire ac tuta reddere.  
III. Incursiones hostiles, devastationes & depopulationes territorii utriusque Dominii, aut eorum, qui sub protectione Contrahentium Imperatorum deinceps vivent, omninò & ita quidem prohibitae sint, ac illicitae maneant, ut omnes Turcarum Confiniariorum vel Tartarorum in Caesareas propias aut praememoratorum suoram Clientium Ditiones factae incursiones, invasiones, depopulationes, & exactiones pacifragii poenam incurrant, ac parti laesae causam damni bello vindicandi justam & sufficientem praebeant, nisi ad ejus requisitionem damna data resarta; & nomine eorum satisfactum, simulque Authores damni dati exemplariter puniti fuerint.  
IV. Maneat potrò etiam illicitum futuris quoque temporibus receptaculum vel fomentum dare malis hominibus Rebellibus, subditis aut utriusque paciscentis Caesaris inimicis.  
V. Libera sint utriusque partis subditis in omnibus & singulis utriusque partis Imperiis, Regnis, Ditionibus, Provinciis, Territoriis & Portubus terrâ marique Commercia, sine fraude & dolo peragenda, nullis Teloniorum & Vectigalium exactionibus adstricta: Permissis etiam ut caeteris Nationibus, quibus cum Turcico Imperio Commercium est, in locis ad hoc electis, Caesareis Consulibus, jure Gentium, omni immunitate privilegiatis, & Caesareâ protectione gaudentibus.  
VI Captivati ex utraque parte, sive per Turcas sive per Tartaros capti fuerint, existentes, libertati & propriis Dominis absque lytro bonâ fide restituantur.  
VII. Custodiam Sanctissimi Sepulchri & aliorum Sanctorum locorum in Judaea circa Hierosolymam existentium antehac Christianis & Sacerdotibus Franciscanis semper permissam, ac paucis demum abhinc annis iisdem ereptam, Graecisque traditam restituet praedicti Ordinis Religiosis & Christianis Romano-Catholicis Serenissimus ac Potentissimus Turcarum Imperator, servabítque liberam & quietam praefatis Religiosis Franciscanis sub sua protectione constantem possessionem deinceps non auferendam. Concedet insuper liberam peregtinis Christianis Romano-Catholicis adeundi & redeundi facultatem, non interturbato aut impedito iis in partibus Religionis Romano-Catholicae obeundae exercitio.  
VIII. Regula & norma Curialium in recipiendis, receptis honorandis & tractandis Ministris ultrò citroque commeantibus his pactis certa constituatur, deinceps ab utrinque sanctè & religiosè secundum distinctam Characteris missorum praerogativam inter Gentes observanda.  
IX. Turcarum Imperator Sacrae Caesareae & Regiae Majestatis foederatis, scilicet Serenissimo Poloniae Regi & Reipublicae, Et Serenissimae Reipublicae Venetae competentem praestabit satisfactionem juxta Conventionem cum iis simul & semel ineundam.  
X. Moldaviae Territorium quoque à Tartaris in pristinas suas sedes ultra Boristhenem ex Budziac translatis omninò evacuabitur, fietque Moldavis per Tartaros erepti Territorii, deinceps non eripiendi, plenaria restitutio.   

ANNOTATIONES.  
I. PACEM hoc modo conclusam Ablegati & Plenipotentiarii Turcici à Serenissimo & Potentissimo Imperatore & Domino suo, ad formam hic mutuò placitam ratihabitum iri seque infallibiliter praestituros, ut solenne, Ratificationis Instrumentum intrá spatium trigintà dierum à die subscriptionis computandum, aut citiùs si fieri poterit, hic reciprocè recteque commutetur, se obligent, dictae ratificationis adventum hic praestolantes.  
II. Pax ista, quamvis secundum propositas Conditiones conclusa, tùm demum robur Obligationis & debitae Observantiae vinculum accipiet & inducet, cum in omnibus ac singulis, quae de locis evacuandis & tradendis, atque etiam de Confiniis per Deputatos ab utrinque Commissarios constituendis secundùm praemissa stipulabuntur & acceptabuntur plenariè executioni demandata fuerit: Qua in re ad accelerandam Pacis executionem & publicationem sistendamque humani sanguinis effusionem placuit utrinque, ut designatis ad terminos Dominiorum ponendos & exequendam Pacem ab utrinque Commissariis spatium bimestre praefigatur, cujus decursu Confinia, prout conventum fuerit, statuant evacuanda tradant, & Articulo Pacis juxta sibi commissa exequantur.  
III. Quia omnia, quae supradictis conditionibus Generalibus proposita fuerunt, individualiter & localiter conceptis hujus Pacificationis articulis experimere, & inserere necesse est, ideò de omnibus & singulis in specie porrò tractandi & conveniendi liberam sibi reservant Deputati Caesarei facultatem.  
IV. Nefandum Tókelii proditoris & Rebellis improbissimi, hujus cruenti belli Authoris & execrandi Impostoris caput secundum Juris Gentium naturalem Obligationem quondam à Turcis susceptam & male observatam, semotâ omni tergiversatione post pacem conclusam mox noxae tradent, ad sumendas de eodem meritas poenas, & statuendum violatae fidelitatis exemplum: Interim captivando de ejusdem persona pace conclusâ fideliter consignanda, ita se securos reddent Ablegati Turcici, ut & Deputatis Caesareis securam & sinceram stipulatorum executionem ostendere & persuadere possint.  
Quae annotatio Caeteris omnibus in Tractatu praeponenda & de illa bonâ fide, priusquam caetera pertractentur, conveniendum erit, cum sit conditio sine qua non.  
Now follow the Propositions which the Turkish Ambassadors gave to the Imperial Court; with the Emperor's Answers thereunto; upon which a Peace might probably have been established, had it not been obstructed by Men of different Interests, who hoped to have benefited themselves by the War.   

DECLARATIO ABLEGATORUM Portae Ottomanicae, IN Negotio PACIS. In Nomine Domini.  

I. CUM, ut alma Pax inter utrumque Imperium reflorescat, ac Subditi utrinque quiete ac securitate fruantur, necessum sit, ut manifestis limitibus Confinia dividantur, quibus omnia disturbia & incursionum occasiones de medio tollantur, magni Fluvii Danubius atque Savus pro limitibus ponantur.  
II. Proinde à Porta ferrea usque ad Savi Ostium omnis cis Danubiana Ditio, itemque ab Ostio Savi usque ad pristina Croatiae Confinia cis Saviana Regio subjaceant Ottomanico Imperio restitutis Alba Graecâ, & aliis locis quaecunque in praedictis cis Danubium & Savum ditionibus Caesariis Praesidiis tenentur, ita ut à pristinis Croatiae limitibus ad exitum Savi atque illinc ad usque inferiora in Regionibus cis Danubium & Savum nulla remaneat Caesareae Majestati praetensio.  
III. Vice versa à Porta ferrea ad Ostium Savi, & ab Ostio Savi usque ad pristina Croatiae Confinia ultra Danubiana & ultra Savana Regiones cum restitutione Temesvarini & aliorum locorum, quae in partibus ultra Danubianis armis Ottomanicis tenentur, subsint potestati Caesareae Majestatis, & nulla fiat à fulgida Porta praetensio.  
IV. Valachica atque Transylvanica ultrà Danubiana versus Hungaricas partes Confinia in pristino ante praesens bellum statu permaneant.  
V. Transylvania in pristinum ante praesens bellum statum restituatur, annuumque suum tributum integrè fulgidae Portae solvat, & sub utriusque Imperii protectione antiquis suis privilegiis fruatur.  
VI Confinia Croatiae maneant in eo statu, in quo fuerant ante praesens bellum.  
VII. His Conditionibus vel suspensio armorum plurium aut paucorum annorum, vel etiam Pax perpetua ineatur.  
VIII. Ab utroque Imperio tales limites atque Coloni, atque sub talibus Generalibus & Officialibus, quorum fides ac disciplina probata sit, ad lubitun utriusque Imperatoris in Confiniis sibi subjectis collocentur, ita ut Pacem integerrime colant nullisque disturbiis aut excursionibus communem tranquillitatem interturbent.  
IX. Quaecunque conditiones in antiquis sacris capitulationibus expressae usque ad praesens bellum observatae sunt, nec praedictis octo punctis adversantur, posthac etiam colantur.   

Responsio Caesarea.  
PROPOSITIO, quam Domini Ablegati Turcici nomine Imperii Ottomanici offerunt, illa ipsa est, ad quam tractando de Conditionibus Pacis sensim perventum fuisset▪ si Domini Ablegati Turcici ad discussionem locorum, quam Caesare: Commissarii ad hoc negotium Pacis conficiendum deputati saepius proposuerunt, condescendissent, sed cum illi eam constanter deprecarentur & aliter negotium Pacis confici non valeret, serò sed nec legaliter quidem ab initio Domini Ablegati Turcici ad hanc Propositionem devenerunt, cujus velociori manifestatione, & citius vetus amicitia restabiliri & multo humano sanguini ob pacem dilatam hinc inde effuso parci potuisset, quod autem ad hanc propositionem ex parte Caesarea hactenus responsum non sit, eò factum est, quod Sacra Caesarea Regiaque Majestas non nisi ex Condicto cum foederatis ex Religione foederum, quae eidem cum ipsis intercedunt, responsum suum dare potuerit, quod ob longinquitatem locorum moram aliquot Mensium causavit: Igitur  
Ad I. & II. CUM, ut alma Pax inter utrumque Imperium reflorescat, ac Subditi utrinque quiete ac securitate fruantur, necessum sit, ut manifestis limitibus Confinia dividantur, quibus omnia disturbia & incursionum occasiones de medio tollantur, proinde trans Danubium finis & limes Caesareae jurisdictionis & Imperii sit Porta ferrea & Varadinum, Temesvarinum, Gyula, Jenova, aliaque omnia, quae in partibus ultra Danubianis armis Ottomanicis tenentur, usque ad eandem Portam ferream inclusiuè evacuentur & respectiuè maneant Caesareae suae Regiaeque Majestati, nullâ in iis partibus remanente Portae Ottomanicae juris praetensione vel jurisdictione.  
Ad III. E contrà omnis illa terrarum plaga cis Danubium & ultra Savum jacens maneat Portae Ottomanicae, ita, uti fuit ante hoc bellum addicta, nullâ Caesareae Regiaeque Majestati Jurisdictione iisdem in partibus remanente.  
Ad V. Transylvania Armis Caesareis occupata, & Avito jure quaesita maneat; porrò sub ejusdem Sacrae Caesareae Regiaeque Majestatis protectione, nulla Portae Ottomanicae ibidem reservatâ Juris cujuscunque competentiâ.  
Ad VI Croatiae Confinia ita decurrente fluvio Unnâ t●rminentur, ut quae terrarum spatio sinistrae manûs ripae adjacent, Caesareae Regiaeque Majestati addicta maneant, quae verò dextrae manûs ripae ejusdem Fluvii alluuntur, Salva Ottomanicae Portae permanebunt: Sublatis in cujusque Imperii competenti Territorio partis alterius jurisdictione & juris Exercitio.  
Ad VII. His Conditionibus fiant induciae ad triginta annos.  
Ad VIII. Placet.  
Ad IX. Quaecunque conditiones in antiquis Sacris Capitulationibus expressae usque praesens bellum observatae sunt, nec praedictis punctis stipulatis, aut liberrimo cujusque possidentium dominio & usui ejusdem adversantur, aut praejudicant, posthac etiam colantur, cassatis & annullatis▪ vicissim iis, quae supradictis repugnant.   
Repetuntur praeterea, quae in responso Caesareo ad primam Ablegatorum Portae Ottomanicae propositionem conditione secunda de libertate Confinia utrinque Obstructione Fortalitiorum muniendi: Item in tertia de inhibendis ex utraque parte incursionibus hostilibus, praesertim Tartarorum; & quarta de receptaculis Rebellibus aliisque malis hominibus non praebendis: In quinta, de libertate Commerciorum: In sexta, de mutua Captivorum absque lytro restitutione: In septima, de custodia Sanctissimi Sepulchri aliorumque Sanctorum locorum in Judaea circa Hierosolymam, Franciscanis & Christianis restituendâ, concedendaque peregrinis Christianis Romano-Catholicis adcundi & redeundi facultate, neque ipsis Religionis Romano-Catholicae exercitio iis in partibus impediendo; praetereà in conditione octauâ, de constituenda certa norma Curialium in recipiendis, honorandis, tractandis, remunerandisque Ministris, ultro citroque Commeantibus; sicuti & in Annotatione prima ejusdem responsi de Obligatione Ablegatorum Portae Ottomanicae ratificationes conclusi tractatûs intra spatium triginta dierum à die subscriptionis computandorum, hic reciprocè commutandi; itidem secunda de Pace hac non prius quam stipulata executioni plenè demandata fuerint, robur habiturâ praefigendoque ad dictam executionem peragendam bimestri termino, & quarta de Tókelio proditore noxae tradendo, contenta sunt.  
Respublica Ragusea nullo à Porta Ottomanica tributo aut alia exactione posthac gravetur, gaudeatque libertate Commerciorum terrâ marique.   

APPENDIX.  
NEGOTIUM circa Confoederatos cum sua Caesarea Majestate Principes remittitur dispositioni ejusdem si velit, aut à pacis Tractatibus excludat aut includat; si includere placebit, hoc item duplici ratione fieri posse videtur, sive in puncto separato terminis generalibus ponatur, ut cum inter utrumque Imperium Pax & amicitia renovara sit, Poloniae etiam Serenissimi Rex & Respublica inter terminum quadraginta sive quinquaginta dierum honestis conditionibus paciscantur, vel expresse ac specifice item in separato puncto declaretur, ut Confiniis restitutis in statum, qui praecesserat bellum Obsidionis & Occupationis Kaminecii & Confusionem rerum, in iisdem confiniis paulò ante ipsum bellum, atque Constitutis in illo ordine, in quo erant, quando ante dissidia illius belli firma amicitia & bona vicinitas inter fulgidam Portam & Polonos intercedebat, alma Pax inter fulgidam Portam & Poloniarum Serenissimum Regem & Rempublicam coalescat; Quoad DD. Venetos verò pariter hoc specificari porest, quod retentis occupatis Pacem cum fulgida Porta ineant.  

Ad APPENDICEM.  
INHAERET porrò Caesarea Regiaque Majestas iteratis suis declarationibus circa inclusionem suorum Dominorum Foederatorum in hisce Pacis Tractatibus, nec sine iis Pacem ullo pacto aut modo concluder, prouti etiam ea, quae in ultima Dominorum Ablegatorum Portae Ottomanicae declaratione contenta sunt, iisdem communicavit, è quorum responsis subsecuturis aequanimem eorum declarationem Domini Ablegati Turcici fusius percipient.  
Demum Caesarea sua Regiaque Majestas ultrà dictos suos Dominos Foederatos etiam Dominos Czaros Muscoviae cum eorundem Dominis, jure amicitiae, ita in praesenti pacificatione comprehendit, ut ipsis intra annum à dato hujus Tractatûs cum Porta Ottomanica conclusi eidem accedere, ejusque participes fieri liberum sit.    

The Turkish Ambassador's Complaints and Expostulations about their Imprisonment.  
Ottomanicae Portae Ablegatorum pro Informatione Aulae Caesareae Domino Werdenburgio facta Declaratio.  
SIVE ex literis Dominorum Caesareorum Ministrorum Nobis tùm in Suburbio Commaromii morantibus, tùm Pottendorffium ingressis traditis, sive aliqua ex parte ex discursu Dominationis Tuae ita conjicimus, cum Dominis Caesareis Ministris Tractatus cum fulgida Porta reassumendi quaedam inclinatio oborta sit, ut à speclosa & honesta ratione exordium ducatur quibusdam tanquam motivis fuisse persuasos. Verum enimverò, cum rem planè cognitam à Nobis aliter se habere deprehendamus, sinceritatis, quam erga utrumque Imperium profitemur, interest duximus, ut solidè declaratis indubiis, quae ad praeassumptas suppositiones pertinent, circumstantiis, illisque penitus à DD. Ministris perceptis, nec sibi, nec Nobis negotium facessat obscuritas. Etsi autem ex ista nostra expositione aliqua displicentia suboriri posse suspiciatur, nos tamen coram DEO restamur, ex mera integritate illam promanasse & sanè si penitius introspiciatur, Candorem nostrum laudatum iri speratur.  
Primum itaque quo praetitulatos Ministros ductos fuisse cogitamus id esse videtur, quod quae in colloquio cum Domino Cardinali ante discessum nostrum Viennâ dictâ sunt, ea in longam Negotiationem protrahantur, & ingens pro lubitu moles superstruitur, atque variae deductiones & Consequentiae subnectuntur; status autem genuinus & exitus illius rei ita se habet: A nobis equidem nemo ad Colloquium invitatus est, ipsi Domino Cardinali Nobiscum colloqui placuit & sese exhibuit, ac tanquam à Caesarea Majestate instructus facultate cum in Congressu Augustiniani Monasterii Pacis restituendae rationem aliquam semetipsum indagabundum praebuisset, à Nobis quoque etiamsi praeter ante declaratam in Solemnibus Consessibus rationem, nulla ulterius expresse à fulgida Porta fuerit insinuata, menti tamen Nostrae observata & pro rerum tunc temporis coincidentia visa possibilis altera quoque forma ad rem componendam proposita fuit, utrinque verò tunc declarata fieri non posse utroque Nostri perseveranter asserente, & alterutro allatas Propositiones abnuente in ea ipsa sessione & Colloquium & disputatio soluta fuêre & sic Viennâ discessimus, verùm cum intentionem aliam subesse appareret & in Suburbium Commaromii transvectos Deputati ad Nos usque ad Confinia comitandos Ministri in aprico deserentes clam sese subtraxerint, de detinendis Nobis Commissio liquidius innotuit, quod literae quoque & emissi subinde variis Occasionibus venientes confirmarunt, quibus nempe per Commendationem Pacis ad paciscendum adhortabantur: cum igitur Naves, quibus devehi debebamus, nequaquam appellerent, & detentio Nostra in propatulo esset, nihilominus ad Omnia connivere coepimus & quascunque semitas, sive illegales, sive legales, digressi ac divagati sumus, & in remotissima quoque almi Tractatûs specie multum fiduciae ponentes, nihil omisimus, quod sinseritatem & candorem Nostrum explicare posset, atque cum superveniente Domino Werdenburgio conserto sermone Nostrae menti oborta quaedam pro pace punctorum juxta rerum tunc temporis coincidentiam forma eidem exposita fuit, nempe his●e sub conditionibus, ut acceptationis à Caesarea Aula Responsio intra decem Dies redderetur, alterque Nostri ad fulgidam Portam dimissus ei acta referret, Portae autem liberum relinqueretur rarificationis arbitrium.  
His ita projectis, Communicationis cum Confoederatis, seu praetextu, seu causa, semel iterumque ab Aula Caesarea bini Menses interjecti fuere, hast nobis nequaquam permissum, ut remisso Cursore fulgida Porta certior fieret, itaque Nobis voluntas aliqua suboluit ex punctis haud acceptatis captandae ex industria dilationis: Interea verò DEO ita volente mutatâ rerum facie Occasio etiam effluxit; & Propositiones tam priores in Consessibus pronunciatae, quam Dominationi Tuae posterius insinuatae penitus invanuêre, ut plane nihil Nobis reliquum & integrum sit, quod in medium afferatur; Septimus jam labitur Mensis, à quo iteratis literis Caesareae Aulae significatum esse candide voluimus, nullum hic Nobis superesse Negotium & pro continuando ad Portam itinere multiplices supplicationes porrectae sunt, preces tamen nostrae nequaquam exauditae fuêre: Certè in nihilum dilapsae Propositiones istius Nostrae hucusque detentionis in causa esse minimè posse videntur: Coelorum ne Motus desiit? An ab illorum Opifice constituta revolutio Orbis cessavit? Ut rerum Universitas eidem Cardini defixa desistat. Praeterea à moderno Supremo Vizirio Domino Nostro nullas ad nos vel ex duabus Syllabis literas pervenisse & Nostrae custodiae causa omninò reali rerum notitiâ nos career, praeterito etiam anno contestati, & posthac nulla Nos aliquid dicendi audacia pollere, ingenuè fassi fueramus; ab illo verò tempore, cum jam fermè annuum tempus elabitur, praedictis duabus de causis, multo minus aliquod verbulum Nobis suppetit, quinimò etsi Nostram Cognitionem nullius rei notitia tetigit, tamen quod à celeberrimi Crimensis Chani Ablegato in Polonia de Nobis prolatum est, ab ipsis Dominis Ministris fuerat Nobis significatum, quid plura? Sicuti custoditi sumus, ita à tribus annis rerum omnium & Casuum notitiâ sumus orbati, quae uti sincere relata si ab Aula Caesarea pensitentur, veritati omnino congruere deprehendentur.  
Aula Caesarea alio quoque duci motivo videtur, quòd nimirum erga Caesareos Ministros eâdem normâ tractationis Ottomanica Porta usa sit, & pro lubitu suo juxta rerum exigentium, illos circumduxisse feratur, per DEUM testamur, versus Germanos Ministros nunquam talem quampiam formam admissam fuisse, vetera facessant, sub initio praesentis belli à Caesarea Majestate ad tractandam pacem duo Internuncii missi fulgidam adiêre Portam, quorum alteri Baro Hoffmannus, alteri Comes Caprara nomen erat, uterque sive Adrianopoli sive Constantinopoli cum Imperatoria Aula commorati sunt, & in transmigratione Regiae aulae penes simul iter & stativa habuere; Baro Hoffmanus Adrianopoli Constantinopolim Comes autem Caprara Constantinopoli Adrianopolim proprio instinctu & postulatu unà cum Porta profecti, famulitii sui partem Mari, partem terrâ transmisere, nemo verò euntibus obstitit, in Urbibus autem plures Domos habitantes ad placitum circumvagati sunt & cum aliarum Gentium Legatis conversati, & omni libertate usi recreabantur, omnimodâque rerum notitiâ informabantur, servitio etiam eorum destinati Viziriani Aga & Regii Chausii & Janizarii placitis illorum nequaquam reniti jussi ad amussim illos coluerunt, atque obsecundati sunt, consueto etiam salario exact & ex Consueto praeslito, nemo à tergo prospiciebat, & Comes Caprara tandem cum revocatus fuisset, illico dimissus & post brevem Budae moram quo intereà tempore Exercitus pergebant, sanus atque incolumis ad Caesarea Confinia traductus est, Caesareus autem Residens in Porta quâ affluentiâ in Imperatoriis Castris vixerit, quâve libertate famulitium ejus circumierit toto Orbe cognitum compertumque habetur.  
Ecquis ex Ministris Caesareis receptus responsoriis literis ad integrum annum detentus fuit? Aut solutis tractatibus nullum ulteriùs expetens aut expectans responsum è via retractus est? Aut custodiae & detentionis tot loca commutavit? Aut à Servis Portae enormibus verbis fuit compellatus & obtrectatus? Ottomanica Porta modone promicavit? An non Caesarei Legati illam frequentarunt? Anon ultro subsistentiam ibi suam protexêre, & altero mortuo nonne alter subsecutus est, uti Caesareae Aulae prout placuit, & ei è re fuit, ita ex suomet instinctu agebat, quibus autem rebus Porta nequaquam assuevit, qui ad eas invita compellitur? Negotia non asperitate, sed reciproca moderatione & mutuâ satisfactione ad optatum finem deducuntur, adstitêre ne aliquando Residentes Ottomanici Caesareae Aulae, aut Legati ad plures annos detentíne unquam fuêre? Nunquam à Veteri sibi calcata semita deflecti Portam fieri poterit, ut nova in praesens norma instituatur; Esto nobiscum cum in potestate aliena simus, ita sit actum, tamen Portae incumbit suam servare consuetudinem, & ab ea ne latum unguem discedet, id tantum fiet, ut Nobis supervacanea afflictio, cum Porta verò acerbitas inimicitiae magis augescat: Id etiam motivum, quod Aulae Caesareae suggestum est, videant DD. Ministri, cujusnam vigoris sit.  
Ultimum tamen, quod DD. Ministris insinuatum esse videtur, tale quidpiam videtur, quod cum nos fulgida Porta iterum atque iterum identidem non revocaverit conjicitur, malle nostram hîc moram quam reditum, hast verò haec etiam aliter se habet & super ista relatione quaecunque construitur moles labascit, Nos planè Portae mentem scimus, ejusque explicatio & elucidatio ad Nos attinet; quisque sui Imperii mores bene callet, rerum scientia & multiplici cognitione imbuto animo praeditus modernus Imperii possessor Supremus Vizirius amplissimus Dominus Noster ab hac delegatione multum abhorrebat, propter aliquorum annorum in bellicis expeditionibus prosperitatem qualiter excipiendam fore praevidebat ac praedicebat, cum verò posteà ipsemet supremam administrationem adornandam susceperit, videtur experimento comprobatae sententiae constantius inhaesisse, atque aptioribus & magis appositis rationibus Reipublicae regimen aggressus esse, ac disposuisse, proinde Imperii vires noscens & à pueritia cum domi suae, quae plutium Primorum Viziriorum nidus extitit, praxin gerendarum rerum publicarum adeptus, quibus mediis Bellum & Pax agatur, populus Ottomanicus precatur, ut DEUS imposterum etiam opem suam sociam illi adjungat.  
Haec itaque est causa, quod neutiquam ad nos respexerit, verùm si ulterius interrogabitur, & cur express non revocaverit, istius etiam dubii solutio clara est, cum in literis Imperialibus ad Caesaream Majestatem Scriptum fuerit, ut quam citissimeremittamur, & pro eodem reditu Nostro in prioribus & posterioribus ante supremam Imperii administrationem functi Primi Vizirii literis inculcatum sit, Imperialibus ne literis aliquis respectus adhibitus? An Vizirianis literis assensus praestitus? Legationi isti aestimatio tributa? An almae Pacis merito aliquod temperamentum allatum fuit? An non spatio fermè trium annorum Unici tantùm Cursoris Expeditio concessa est? Et ipsemet diuturnam passus detentionem ab itinere reprehensus fuit; cum ita revera res ista se habeat, qui Nos principales Nostri sive per literas sive per expressos invisitant? An verò Nobiscum affligendum aliquem emittant? Testamur sincere misertos infimi cujusque nullum ex suo samulitio ad n●●misisse: Certè si ex Nobis liquidum & candidum responsum expetatur, id est, si hic ad decennium ita detinebimur, nemo ad Nos accedet, haeccine quae pronunciamus, plane verissima sunt, quaesumus ne his vocibus quispiam offendatur, ut expressi ultrò citroque permeent, veterem inter Gentes consuetudinem reciprocè literas Commeatus observari religiose, cuicunque liberam permitti voluntatem, fontem, qui à DEO ad extinguendum belli ignem erectus est, apertum esse necessum est; quousque verò his in despectu habitis Nos in isto eodem statu perseveramus, sanè nihil ad bonum commune peragetur, sin verò in Aula Caesarea ambigitur, an Nostram hîc moram fulgida Porta velit, dimissio Nostra posthac fulgidae Portae dispositioni remittatur & Cursoris in Portam, expeditio nobis concedatur: Favente DEO Potentissimi Imperatoris Nostri quidcunque in animo est, nobis revelabitur; speramus tamen fidem adhibendam esse nostrae contestationi, ita ut iteratis Interrogationibus non opus sit, ac proinde nos neutiquam detinendos, & si quid praeterea tempori praesenti consentaneum & Imperii Ottomanici Magnitudini consonum proponendum videbitur, si placet, eo quoque pronunciato, Nos quamprimùm esse remittendos: Fortè postquam nos salvi & incolumes & contenti redierimus, almus aliquis aditus aperietur, & utrinque permanentibus Ministris opportuno momento ac loco ex mutua propensione & satisfactione, si ita Divinae Majestati placuerit, sacrosanctus Pacis Tractatus coalescat, ex vi certè nullum emolumentum emanabit, haec ex sinceritate & integritate Nostri erga utrumque Imperium promanant, testis est DEUS, nullam subesse hypocrisin, haeccine juxta inter Germanum & Ottomanicum Imperium intercedentes res in quonam statu reperiantur facile ab Aula Caesarea deprehendetur, ne se incassum defatiget.  
The English Ambassador being Dead, an end was put to the Treaty, and all thoughts of Peace were laid aside, on one side and the other; 
Treaties of Peace are laid aside.  for after the Battle of Salankement the Circumstances of things were changed, and there was a necessity of consulting again the Emperor and his Allies, before any farther Measures could be taken on the former Instructions. In like manner the Turks were in great Confusion and Distraction, not knowing which way to turn themselves; sometimes it was thought necessary, that the Grand Vizier should hasten to Belgrade to take the Care and Command of the scattered Troops, which were now at a loss for want of a Chief Head, and a Place whereunto to resort, and take refuge: Besides the Presence of a Vizier was esteemed of great encouragement to the broken Army, and the only means to retard the Flight of those who were ready to break up their Camp, and betake themselves to their own Habitations.  
Whilst the Vizier was consulting hereof News came that the Army at Belgrade was all, or for the most part dispersed; that the small Number of the Janissaries which survived, 
The Army at Belgrade dispersed.  were resolved not to remain longer at Belgrade, but were already on their March towards Adrianople, in a Naked and Poor Condition, without Money, or clothes. In like manner it was reported, That the Spah●es, who lately went to the War with a good Epuipage, and well Mounted on Horseback, were now returning back on Foot, miserably Despoiled, and Poor, without Money, Horse, or Arms: Many of them who had Escaped with their Horses and Arms, were passing the Dardanelli into Asia, and thence travelling into their own Countries, perhaps as far as Iconium, Aleppo, Damascus, or some other more remote Countries; other Spahees, who had neither Horses, or Arms, were marching towards Adrianople, there to demand the Donative, which hath always been given by a New Sultan at his first Inauguration: 
The Misery of the Turkish Army.  This Pretention of the Soldiery, which amounted unto more than a Million, stroke great Terror into the Minds of the Chief Officers; for the Exchequer being wholly empty, and the Soldiery in the utmost Extremity, and armed with Rage and Despair, no Man knew what these Miseries might produce; and the Soldiers approaching every Day nearer and nearer, all People were affected with the same Consternation, as if the Germans, and the worst of Enemies had been at their Gates.  
In few Days after, the Aga of the Janissaries, with the small remainder of his Janissaries arriving at Adrianople, caused the Grand Vizier, the Mufti, Kadileschers, (who are the Lords Chief Justices) together with the Prime Officers of the several Ogiacks to be convened, 
A Consultation held at Adrianople.  and amongst themselves they held a long Conference.  
At which they concluded upon several Particulars.  
First, It was resolved to Confirm, and Maintain Sultan Achmet upon the Throne; it being esteemed a thing unworthy of the Grandeur, and Wisdom of the Sublime Port to change so suddenly, and frequently, the Person of their Sultan's.  
Secondly, It was resolved, That the Grand Signior should Winter that Year at Adrianople.  
Thirdly, That the Mint should diligently Work Day and Night, to make Silver Money for Payment of the Soldiery.  
And Lastly, It was resolved, that (cost what it would) Great Waradin was to be Succoured and Relieved.  
The which Resolutions, especially that about Coining Money for Payment of the Soldiery, gave a stop to their Mutinies, and Insurrections, which were daily feared: But what more sensibly consummated all the Miseries of the Turks, was the want of Bread, as well as of Money; there having never been known in those Countries so great a Dearth of Bread, 
The Mis●e●es amongst the Turks.  as also of all sorts of other Provisions, as at that time, which joined to all these Misfortunes, farther News was brought, That there had been another Grievous Earthquake at Smyrna: And that an Express was come out of Asia, That all that Country was overrun, with Robbers, and Murderers, who were assembled in a Body near Sebaste, the Ancient Nest, and Nursery of Rebellion.  
In the mean time the French Ambassador laboured by all means possible, 
1691. Novemb.  to give Heart, and Courage to the Turks, to continue the War; assuring them, 
The French Ambassador encourages the Turks.  That his King would the next Campaign go himself in Person to the War; and continue the same, as well in Winter, as in Summer, which would make such a Diversion in the Empire, as that the Emperor should not be able to make Head, nor so much as look the Ottoman Army in the Face. Notwithstanding all which Assurances of the French Ambassador, 
He scarcely escapes the People.  and Promises to furnish the Turkish Army with 30 able Ingineers; the People, or Rabble, would give little or no Credence to all his Engagements, and Assurances; and scarce could the Great Men in the Government, preserve him from the Violence of the Soldiery and People.  
After the first Conference held, as we have said, by the Prime Officers; another was called, at which, the Resolution to continue the War, was confirmed by all there present, except two Persons only; namely, the Kadilescher of Rumelia, and the Chaimacam of Constantinople, 
Counsels held by the Prime Officers.  who dissented from the others, being of an Opinion that a Peace was to be made by reason that the War could not longer be Maintained; howsoever the major Party carrying it to the contrary, Commands were sent by an Express into Albania, to raise Forces in that Country; it being agreed on all Hands that they were the best Soldiers in the Empire, and had done extraordinary Service in the last Battle.  
In like manner at this Congress great were the Complaints against Murad Ghirei Han, 
Complaints against the Tartars▪  who commanded the Forces of Tartary before Vienna, and shamefully ran away; the which being proved against him, the Council chose another called Seffa Ghirei, esteemed a good Soldier, and a Valiant Man, who was then at jamboli, not far distant from Adrianople; and upon this Election, he was immediately dispatched away to take Possession of his Government; for the Grand Signior hath a Power to Depose, and Set up any Prince of the Crim Tartar, provided he continues him in the right Line of Sultan Galga: And for the Deposed Tartar to avoid all Disturbances and Contests, he was exiled together with his Son into the Island of Rhodes; and also Battir Aga, who was the Chief Minister, and General of the Deposed Tartar, was Banished into the Island of Lemnos, situate in the Archipelago.  
After which divers Pasha's, and Officers of the Army, were called to this Congress, by whom several Complaints were made and exhibited against certain Captains, 
And against other Pasha's of the Army.  and Soldiers of the Army, who in the last Battle had ill behaved themselves and Cowardly betook themselves to flight. 
1691. August.  In which Accusations, single Allegations were sufficient to Convict any Man▪ and upon the sole Testimony of one Person, many were proscribed, and in the Night privately without Noise, were strangled, and in the Morning found Dead in their Beds; and amongst the rest was the Kahya of the late Deceased Vizier, 
Are Punished▪  put to Death at Belgrade, upon a Suggestion, that so soon as he had seen his Master Wounded, he betook himself to flight, and was followed by all the Pages of the Court, who were well Mounted, and Armed, and might have done great Service had they not followed the Ignominious and Base Example of their Master. The like Fate attended the Spahilar-Agasee, or General of the Horse, who was said to have been the first to turn his Back on the Enemy. And at Adrianople three other Pasha's were put to Death, for the same Crime, or Default.  
After these Executions done, the General of the Janissaries was Named for not behaving himself well, but because there are some Points of respect reserved for the Order of Janissaries, he was only dismissed from his Government, and with a good Grace sent to be Pasha of Gaza, the meanest Pashaluck in the whole Empire; and this would have been a Favour, had they not sent an Executioner after him, and in his way taken off his Head, as is the usual Custom amongst the Turks; with such Orders and Methods as these, the Turks reassumed something of their Courage; dispatching without delay Commands for Listing and Enrolling Janissaries, and other Orders of Militia, as also Timariot, Zaims, Segmen and others; and that they would augment their Numbers, as far as to 100000 Men, or at least to the same degree, as they were the last Year.  
But before we proceed farther on the Turkish side, we must look a little back, and see what the Germans are doing after so Signal a Victory.  

August.  The 20th of this Month of August being the next Day after the Battle, some Parties of Hungarians, and Rascians were commanded to Pursue the Enemy in their Flight, which they did with such Expedition, 
The Turks pursued by the Rascians.  that they brought back with them, many of the Fugitives, dispersed, and straggling through Private Ways, and unknown Paths; and reported, That the whole Turkish Army were Flying in the greatest Confusion imaginable; and that a great part of them had already passed the Save, and had broken all the Bridges behind them; and that great Numbers of Dead Bodies, were found on the Roads, and covered the Ground for some Distance from the Camp: For which great Victory Te Deum was sang on the 21st, with a Triple Discharge of all the Guns, 
Te Deum s●ng▪  as well of those which were taken from the Turks, as those belonging to the Christian Army: And here on the 22th the Christian Army reposed, and rested itself in the Field of Battle.  
In the mean time before the News of the Victory, Colonel Mackeri, Governor of Verovitza, with a Party of 1600 Men, attacked the Castle of Velicko, and having thrown some Bombs into it, it was forced to Surrender at Discretion, having had about 300 Men Killed, and not above 60 left Alive; the Booty was not great, unless it were the Releasement of Christian Prisoners, of which 300 obtained their Liberty.  
The first Motion the Army made from the Field of Battle, was to Carlowitz, where the Duke of Holstein was Buried. The next Day, being the 25th, they marched to Peter Waradin, where the Dukes of Ahremberg, and Arschot, the General Souches; together with several other Officers, Died of their Wounds, the great Heats having contributed much to their Deaths▪  
On the 30th, a General Council of War was held in the Imperial Army, at which it was resolved, That the Duke of Croy, Field-Marshal, with the Generals Saurau, 
A Resolution at a Council of War.  and Hoffkirchen, and five Regiments of Horse, and as many of Foot, besides Rascians and Hungarians, should March towards Esseck to cover that Country, and Pass, and accordingly they began their March on the last of the Month, whilst Prince Lewis of Baden remained in the Camp to secure, and cover them in the Rear.  
Of all which Matters the News being sent to Vienna, both as to the Victory, and the Methods taken after it, we may imagine that all the Imperial Court, as well as all Parts of Christendom, were filled with an extraordinary Joy for so signal a Victory; and as the Emperor sent his Gracious Encouragements to all the Officers; so more especially to the General Officers, declaring Prince Lewis of Baden, Lieutenant-General of the Imperial Army in Hungary; 
Pr. Lewis made Lieutenant-General.  where whilst these things were agitating, the News came of the Victory, which King William of England had gained at the Boyne in Ireland, which served to augment the Triumphs with another triple Discharge of all the Cannon in the Army.  
The Winter drawing near, the greatest part of the Turkish Militia, being under great Discouragements, and having a long Journey Home, thought fit to leave the Camp: So did the Tartars, Plundering all in their way, 
1691. Septemb.  so did the Arnouts, and Albanians, and all the Soldiers whose Towns, and Houses were not at a far distance; so likewise the Spahees stole privately away, 
 and the Asiatic Horse made towards the Dardanelli, where they passed into Asia; and in this manner did all the Forces disperse, that scarce any appearance remained of an Army, or a Camp; and those few who kept to their Colours, were possessed with great Consternation upon the News that the Poles had actually Invaded Walachia, and brought great Destruction, and Ruin upon that Province.  
The Wether beginning now to be Cold and Wet, much incommoded the Soldiers of Prince Lewis his Army in their March, especially the Foot, who trashing through the Waters in a Country where was no Wood to Dry them, or Warm, and Dress their Victuals, many of them fell Sick and Died. And indeed that Country, as I have myself observed, hath neither Timber, nor Underwoods'; so that the Inhabitants live in Caves under Ground, the Soil being of a stiff Clay, grows hard with Fires, like a Stone; all their Fuel being Turf, of which, by the Laziness of the Inhabitants, a sufficient store had not been gathered to furnish the present use of the Army.  
Whilst the Army quartered in this Barren Country, News was brought to Prince Lewi●, Tha● General Veterani having heard of the Defeat of the Turks, had Decamped from 〈◊〉, and was marched to Lippa; where coming before the Town, he sent his Summons to Surrender, which being refused, 
Lippa 〈◊〉 to General Veterani  some few Bombs were cast into it, which brought the Garrison to a Desire to Capitulate, but nothing would be granted but a Surrender at Discretion.  
In fine, all the Men, being 216 in number, were made Prisoners, together with three Pasha's, viz. Mahomet Bey, and one Al● Pasha (who had been sent thither for a Place of Banishment by the Grand Vizier) and also another Bey, with a Ziorbassi, or Captain. In the Town were three Guns, and two Mortar-pieces only, with a good quantity of Ammunition, but little of Provisions. After which Count Guttensteyn was made Governor of the Place, with some Hundreds of Men for a Garrison: And whereas News was brought, That Tekeli, with five or 6000 Men was Quartered about T●m●swaer, it gave some Apprehensions of his Design to Invade Transilvania; for which reason General Veterani kept his Station at Lippa to observe his Motions.  
In the mean time Prince Lewis continued his March to Segedin, where he refreshed his Army for some Days: And here it was that a certain Turk came from Belgrade under a Pretence to demand the Exchange of 4000 Turks against so many Christians; 
〈◊〉. Lewis continues his March.  but this Proposal seeming fictitious, he was suspected for a Spy, seized, and committed to Prison.  
It being thought fit to secure Lippa lately taken, the Prince sent his Adjutant-General with 12 Saicks laden with Provisions, and some Money, by way of the River Maroth to Lippa, to Mend and Repair the Fortifications of that Place, 
Rei●forces Lippa.  and raise new ones where the Works were defective; and for its better Reinforcement, 2000 Rascians, and Hungarians, both Horse and Foot, were sent to strengthen the Garrison.  
The Prince likewise with the remaining part of the Army, marched to Zolnock, where the Horse having passed the Bridge for that purpose erected, met on the same Day of their Arrival, with the Field-Marshal Count Mansfelt, and Major-General Aversberg at the same place, 
A Party of Tekeli 's Men defeated.  who had lately been detached in two Parties; the latter of which had the fortune to surprise a Party of 600 Men belonging to Tekeli, of whom they killed above 100, and made 32 Prisoners; which gave so great an Alarm to others of their Companions, which were posted near Great Waradin, that in a precipitate Flight and Confusion, they betook themselves to their Heels, carrying withal their Bag and Baggage, with whatsoever else was portable.  
Nor was Count Schlick who Commanded the Blockade of Great Waradin, less successful; for having received Information, That some Hundreds of Oxen belonging to that Garrison, were grazing in the Meadows near thereunto; posted himself with 400 Horse in a small Wood over against the Place, 
C. Schlick defeats a Party from Gr. Waradin.  ordering some Hussars to drive the Oxen towards the Wood where he lay in Ambuscade. The Hussars following their Instructions in driving the Cattle, were pursued by the Garrison till they came near the Wood, when Schlick sallied our upon them, and so vigorously Attacked them, that 400 Turks were killed on the Place, many Prisoners taken, and the Oxen carried clear away to the great damage of that Garrison.  
This Success was followed by another of the like Nature, for Schlick having understood from the Prisoners, that a considerable Body of Tekeli's Men were Quartered in a Village on the other side of the City; he took the opportunity of the Night to pass silently along, and without any Noise surprise them, and killed most of them in their Quarters, after which he repassed with the like Privacy back without the least opposition, to his own Camp.  
It being now divulged that the Design of Prince Lewis was to turn the Blockade of Great Waradin into a Formal Siege, Count Aversberg was Detached from the Army with a Body of Dragoons and Pioners, to Mend and Repair the Roads which were become almost unpassable, especially for Cannon, and Wagons laden with Provisions and Necessaries for the Army.  
Count Schlick who was not as yet privy to this Design of the Prince, observing by his Motion, That Great Waradin was to be formally Besieged, he privately conveyed himself and Troops into some Islands between the Rivers Korosh and Bozze, and drove away the Enemy's Cattle, being about 900 Head, and took some Prisoners from under the very Walls of the City, and brought them all to his Camp. As Schlick returned, the Turks of the Place called to him, and the Pasha desired a Parley with him in the open Field upon Parole, which Schlick refused to do, until he understood that Count Marsigli, and his Chiaus were in the Town, having been employed on the Negotiation of Peace; and then he yielded to an Interview with the Pasha, 
Count Marsigli and his Chiaus at Great Waradin.  who declared to him, That the loss of their Cattle droven from under their Walls, was not so much caused by the Negligence of the Garrison, as by their attention to their New Guests, whom they were entertaining with all Freedom and Friendship; and so would seem to insinuate that for that reason, it would be but Just and Agreeable to the Laws and Rights of War, that they should be again restored; but Schlick would understand none of these Laws and Ceremonies, but retired without other Answer, and Count Marsigli was suffered to go to the Camp of Prince Lewis.  
On the first of October, the Prince continued his March, 
October.  and on the 10th arrived within a League of Great Waradin, where the next Day he joined with all the Foot, and received Intelligence, That Tekeli had released General Heusler on Parole, whom he had some time before taken Prisoner; and that he was already come as far as Hermanstadt: And from hence it was, that Count Marsigli, with the Turkish Chiaus, was also dispatched to the English Ambassador at Adrianople; of whose Death they had not as yet received any Report whilst the Prince of Baden was making Preparations for a Siege before Great Waradin, the Duke of Croy Attacked the Fortress of Broad in Sclavonia, in which there was a Garrison of 300 Turks; who upon appearance of the Enemy before the Walls, 
1691 October.  put out five Red Ensigns, and in a manner of Defiance and Scorn, Danced upon the Ramparts; but this Sport continued not long; for the Duke that Evening took a Post near the Walls with 400 Men, and immediately began to Work; and notwithstanding the continual Fire of the Enemy, they finished a Battery before One in the Morning, together with a Line of Communication, on which they planted four Guns, and one Mortar-piece, and before Day began to batter the Town: 
Brod. 〈…〉 Turks▪  The Turks affrighted hereat withdrew, and retired into a Fort on the other side of the River, leaving two small Guns, and some Pedreroes behind them; and the Place unto their Enemy, who took possession of it, and therein placed 150 Germans to defend it. Howsoever the Turks continued to Fire out of their Fort on the other side, but without any considerable Damage to the Germans▪ for they remained not long there, before they deserted that Fortress also, being terrified to s●e Percilie a Rascian Captain with 80 Hussars, 
And fly t● another 〈◊〉.  and about 100 Foot in small Boats to pass the Save; and hearing in the Night the Sound of Trumpets and Drums, and all sorts of Instruments to play, they were immediately struck with a fear, and apprehension that the whole Imperial Army had passed the River with intention next Morning to Attack them, 
Which was a so deserted by them, and flying into the Wood●, ar● for the most part cut off.  with which imagination affrighting one the other, they retired in a confused manner out of the Fort towards the Forests and Woods, being in all about 1500 Persons, besides the Peasants of the Country, who with Arms in their Hands, but without any Order fled into the same Forests; but being pursued by the Hussars and some Germane Horse, they were cut down, and most of them Killed, very few escaping alive.  
In the mean time Prince Lewis was busied in preparing things, and putting all in a readiness for the Siege of Great Waradin; and Commanded Count Stirum, with a considerable Body of Men, and some Artillery to approach nearer to the City, and soon after followed in Person with all the Horse and Foot, pitching his Camp on the Banks of the River Korosch; and having planted a Battery on a rising Ground, he shot into the Town, and raked the Streets from one end unto the other: At the same time also two Mortar-pieces being well fixed threw into the City several Bombs, which set Fire to the Houses, and burned whole Streets. In this Consternation the Besieged attempted nothing by Sally, but only plied their Great Guns, and set Fire to the Hay and Straw, of which they had raised great Stacks in their Gardens, and void Places of the City, lest the Enemy should serve themselves of it.  
The Bombs continued firing, whilst Barsus General of the Brandenburghers, and Count Guido of Staremberg, with nine Battalions, placed themselves in a deep Ground, where they could not be overseen by the Enemy, from whence 1500 Men issued in the Night, and opened the Trenches, whilst others were busied in raising a Battery over-against the Gate of the Palancha Ottorsi, on the Right Hand of which, 
Great Waradin Attacked.  a Redoubt was made, between which, and the Battery, a Line of Communication was drawn; by this time a Battery of six great Guns was perfected, and began to play; which the Enemy answered with their Guns from the Wall, firing without any intermission: The six Guns being at some distance, did not the execution which was desired; and therefore the Night following the Battery was brought nearer to the Palanca which was on the Right Hand; and next Night a New Battery was raised to the Left Hand of it; on which Guns and Mortar-pieces being planted, many Houses were set on Fire, and a great part of the Palanca consumed by them: Howsoever the Turks labouring with all Diligence possible, repaired what Damage and Ruin the great Guns had done, which they easily did; for the Walls being for the most part made of a strong sort of Timber, or Oak, which doth not Shiver, or Splinter, the Bullet made no greater Hole in the Walls than the size of the Shot; besides which, the Ditch was very deep about them, and six Paces broad; howsoever by frequent firing, the Holes became so wide and large, as gave Encouragement to make a Storm on the Walls; the which was ordered for the 16th at Night. General Barfus, and Count Staremberg Commanded the Attack, which was performed with the greatest Resolution imaginable: The Musqueteers with Hatchets in their Hands ran to the Gates, in which the Guns having made several Holes, they cut them down with the more ease. On the other side Col. Mollner's Heydukes, 
The Palanca of Great Wa●adin taken.  stormed the Walls with much Bravery and Resolution; one of them Kneeling down, supporting himself on his Hands and Arms, another stood upon him, whilst a third climbing over both, with his Scymiter in his Mouth, threw himself into the Palanca; and in this manner many of them having passed the Wall, began to cut down all that were before them; with which the Turks being terrified, abandoned the Fort, and fled over the Bridge into the City.  
This place being thus taken, with the loss of very few Men, some Guns were found in it, with one Mortar-piece only. Some Battalions being lodged in the Palanca, Prince Lewis with his Army passed the Rivers of Korosch and Pose, and Encamped on the other side of the Town, where that Night 1500 Men were Commanded to open the Trenches, 
The Town Besieged.  which was performed with much diligence, and a Battery was raised, and another also in the Palanca of Ollorsi now taken. The Hussars in the mean time Encamped on the other side, to distress and straighten the City the more narrowly; and now the Approaches being constantly carried on nearer, and nearer; and another Battery raised, on which 11 Guns were planted, they began to fire from thence and from the Palanca, with a like Number into the Streets which much annoyed the Town. These Batteries fired so constantly on the Walls, that a sufficient Breach was made, on which to make an Assault, and accordingly a Storm was appointed for the 24th of this Month, which the Turks perceiving by the Preparations that were made, had not the Courage to stand the Shock, but setting fire to the City, which they believed they could not maintain, retired to a Fort which they had raised between the City, and the Fortress; the City being now on Fire, and no opposition on the Walls, the Germans crowded into it with great Throngs, where they took much Cattle, and released some Hundreds of Rascians, who were Inhabitants in that City, which the Turks, had they not been prevented, had carried off with them. The resigning this Place, which was so well fortified with several Retrenchments and Works one behind the other, was to the great Wonder of the Germans, who hereby were well advertised, and assured of the fear of the Turks; by which they took fresh Courage, and posted themselves in the great City over against the Fortress, and in the space of two Days, they advanced very near to the Ditch of the Fortress; and in two Days more they finished a Work on which they planted 18 Mortar-pieces, and from thence threw such quantities of Bombs into the Fortress, and with that effect, that one of them falling into one of the Magazines of Powder, it blew up, and showed a dreadful Spectacle of the Arms and Heads of Men carried into the Air.  
The Turks having other Magazines of Powder and Provisions remained resolute in their Defence; and on the other side the Christian Army continued to throw Bombs into the Fortress, by which a Steeple took fire, which spread itself through the whole Fortress, and in less than six Hours time one half thereof was reduced to Ashes: In the mean time a Party of Tartars of about 600 fell in upon the Foragers, and took both the Men and Horses, and Booty which they had by them, but being immediately pursued and overtaken by the Hussars, all was seized again and brought to the Camp with seven Heads, and three Prisoners.  
The Month of November being now entered, 
Novemb.  the Turks began to be of Opinion, that the Christians could not continue long before the Place; for that the long and wet Nights, Snow, and Frosts of that Country must needs force them to raise the Siege; the Consideration of which moved the Pasha of the Place to refuse the acceptance of the Prince's second Summons; saying, That there would be time enough for that six Months hence. This Answer obliged the Besiegers to throw their Bombs continually into the Fortress, to force the Turks, so soon as was possible, to a Surrender: But in regard the bad Wether came on, and that Forage became so scarce in the Camp, that many of the Horses died, tho' Provision for Men was plentiful and cheap; it was concluded by the General Officers, that the Season of the Year was too far advanced for continuance of the Siege; and therefore it was esteemed most adviseable to turn it to a Blockade; but before the Germans bid a Farewell to the Place, they beat down a great Tower with their Cannon, on which the Turks having planted several Guns, did very much annoy the Germans.  
On the 2d Instant the throwing of Bombs was continued, and a Great Fort was raised for the securing of the Posts if the advanced Season of the Year, and the Obstinacy of the Turks should oblige the Prince to raise the Siege, and to leave the City narrowly Blocked up during the Winter.  
On the 3d the Cannon of the Besiegers beat down a great Tower on which the Besieged had several Guns which much incommoded the Germans.  
The 4th and 5th the Guns and Mortar-pieces of the Besiegers continually fired on the Turks. That Day a Polish Envoy, who came into the Prince's Army some Days before▪ departed from thence for Tockay to expect there the Arrival of the Plenipotentiaries both of the Allies and Turks, who had appointed to meet there for the reassuming of the Treaties of Peace.  
But about this time Forage begun to be very scarce to be had in the Army, the Horse being obliged to fetch their Hay five Miles off, for which reason many Horses perished, but Provisions for the Army were plentiful and cheap enough. Several of Tekeli's Men came over to the Prince before Waradin; 
1691. Novemb.  all which unanimously confirmed, That the Body of Turks, Tartars, and Rebels, (or Tekelians) which hitherto were Encamped between Gena and Gyula, suffered extremely for want of Provisions, being for the most part obliged to sustain themselves with Wild Fruits, which caused them to Die in great Numbers; their Horses wanting Forage, perished likewise in abundance.  
On the 6th Instant cold Rains and Snow began, and continued until the 10th, notwithstanding which the Bombing continually went forward; the Prince also sent a Letter to the Basha-Governour, Summoning him to Surrender the Fortress, which Letter the Bassa would not at all receive, but told the Bearer it was not yet time to speak of Capitulations or Surrendering that Fortress.  
The 10th of November, 
Novemb. 10th.  (on which Day the Rascian Lieutenant-Colonel Antonio, returned back to the Army with 400 Wagons, which he had taken from Tekeli as he marched homewards) the great Fort distant five or 600 Paces from the Gate of the Fortress, was finished and brought to its entire Perfection, which Fort was more elevated and higher than the Walls and Batteries of the Fortress, in which 1000 Germane and some Hundred were Commanded as a Garrison: Besides this Fort, a lesser was made on a certain Eminence, from whence the Guns fired in the inside and Streets of the Fortress which was provided with a proportionable Garrison. In the Great City of Waradin, a far greater Garrison of Horse and Foot than that in the Great Fort was ordered, and Colonel Mollner was Commanded to remain in the Palanca Ollorsi with his Regiment of Hussars, and some Foot, which being thus ordered, and by that means the Fortress so closed up, that nothing could come out or go into it, there being also not the least appearance of any Succours to relieve the Place, the Prince thought it more expedient to send his Army into Winter-Quarters in the Neighbouring Villages, and Cities of Debrezin, and St. job, then to expose them to the hardships of the long cold Nights, Wet and Snowy-Weather, especially since Count Tekeli was already decamped from about Gyula, and marched with his ruined and fatigued Army of Turks, and Tartars, and Rebels to Winter-Quarters, as it was confirmed by upwards of 300 Tekelians Deserted from him, and arrived at Lippa, Zolnock, Belnesch, or in the Army, since that our Trenches also were carried on to the very Ditch of the Fortress; that their Bridges over the said Ditches were beaten down, and most of the Water drained thereout, that their Works were so ruined that none dared to show himself, our Guns continually firing on the inside, that our Bombs, and the noisome stinking Smell of some Fireworks, together with the restless State of the Besieged, who were always forced to stand on their Guard, and continually alarmed, having no shelter but some Sellars and Vaults, could not but oblige them e'er long to Capitulate, or Perish by Fatigues and other Wants: All which, I say, being considered by the Prince of Baden, he having provided his Forts, Palanca, and the City with Garrisons very commodiously placed, sent the rest of his Army into Winter-Quarters.  
The Blockade being thus resolved, a Great Fort was raised for securing the several Posts, being about the distance of five or 600 Paces from the Gate of the Fortress; this Fort was built upon an Eminence or some higher Ground than the Walls and Batteries of the Fortress; for defence of which, above 1000 Germans were appointed for the Garrison: 
The Mann●r o● the Blockade.  Besides this, a smaller Fort was also raised on a rising Ground, and furnished with a good Garrison, from whence they could shoot into the Streets and Houses of the Fortress. Moreover the City itself of Great Waradin was maintained with a more numerous Garrison, than what the Turks had in their Fortress; and the Palanca of Ollorsi was Commanded by Col. Mollner, and Garrisoned with his Regiment of Hussars, with some Foot.  
Things being thus secured, and the Fortress on all sides closed up, that nothing could go out, or come into it; the Prince judged it more necessary to send his Army into Winter-Quarters in the Neighbouring Villages, 
P●. Lewis 〈◊〉 o●f  and Cities of Debrezin, and St. job, then to expose them to the Hardships of Long, Dark, and Wet Nights, and Snowy Wether, which began to fall in great abundance. In which Resolution the Prince was the more confirmed by the Report of 300 of Tekeli's Men, who had Deserted their Commander; and assured the Prince upon Oath, That Tekeli with his Turks and Tartars, was already Decamped with his Army about Giula, and marched into Winter-Quarters.  
So now we must leave the Prince and his Army also in their Quarters, and the Fortress of the Turks straight Blockaded, until about the Months of May and june 1692, next ensuing.  
Thus have we finished the Relations of the Successes in the Campaign for the Year 1691; the which proved as Unfortunate to the Turkish Affairs, and Arms, as most of the former Years since the beginning of this War; year 1691. and when things go Unluckily Abroad, we cannot expect that they should look very Smiling, or Pleasant at Home.  
The Sultan who had fancied to himself mighty things under the Auspicious Conduct of Mustapha Pasha Kupriogli, such as an entire Victory in the Field over the Germans, and as the Consequences thereof, the Surrender of Oseck and Buda, and all other Cities and Fortresses in Hungary, which during these Wars, had yielded themselves to the Victorious Arms of the Emperor, being now on a sudden fallen from the hopes of all those things, (which with a strong Fancy and Imagination he had figured in his Mind; by a quite contrary Event, he was so Surprised and struck with the sudden News, That his Army was Defeated, his General the Grand Vizier killed, with the Flower of the Turkish Militia, all the Cannon taken, and the Camp exposed to the Violence and Rapine of the Germane Soldiery; his Spirits so sunk within him, 
Sultan Achmet fallen into a Fever by ill News.  that he did nothing but Sigh, and being possessed with a Lumpish Melancholy, fell often into heavy, but not refreshing Sleeps; so that having his Mind troubled in the Day, and his Fancy with Horrid Dreams in the Night, he fell into a Fever, which endangered his Life; and gave occasion to the People to Talk much of his Death, and setting up in the Throne Sultan Mustapha, the Son of Sultan Mahomet IV, who had been Deposed: But this Passion of Mind which possessed the Grand Signior, passing over with a little Time, he being Naturally of a Jolly Temper, 
He R●●●vers.  given to Music and Wine, his Fever quitted him, and he recovered. So also did the Old Ali Pasha, who had been Chimacam at Adrianople; and upon the Death of Kupriogli (as we have said) was made Grand Vizier, his Disease was the same with that of the Grand Signior, proceeding from Afflicting himself at the News of the Rout of the whole Turkish Army, and the Apprehensions he had of new Turbulencies arising thereupon amongst the Soldiery, the which had struck him with a kind of Apoplexy, and a Stupidity in his Understanding; but it went off, so soon, 
The Grand Vizier sick, and recovered.  as he perceived the Soldiery to return more mildly Home than was expected, and then he began to revive, and take upon him the Power and Authority of his Government. He was an Ancient Man, and of great Experience, but he was neither esteemed for a Wise, nor an Undertaking Man, which are two Qualities very necessary in a Grand Vizier. But the Mufti made some amends for the Inabilities of that Great Minister; for being a Person of a deep Understanding, and highly esteemed by all Parties for his profound Wisdom, he became very helpful to the Grand Vizier, 
His Qualifications.  who had the good quality to hearken unto the Counsels of those who were wiser than himself; it being one of his Infirmities to be irresolute, which shows an Imbecility of Mind; and is a quality the most disagreeable to an absolute Monarchy. But being pushed forward by his Friends, he governed well; for being a Man not very Avaricious, (as few Turks but are) he preferred none but such as were Men of Merit, and had signalised themselves by long Services, or some great or good Actions; his Country was Bosnia, which hath given many Valiant and Stout Soldiers to the Turks, being reputed Men of Bravery, and Fidelity in their Words and Actions.  
Never had the Ottoman Empire, since it came to be an Empire, more need of Able, Valiant, and Wise Men, than at present; and never were they more rare and hard to be found: For what with the War which destroyed their brave, and best of their Gallant Soldiers, and Commanders; and with their Seditions, and Tumults at Home, in which their Principal Officers, both Civil and Military, were cut off; none remained alive but only Upstarts, or some Leaders of the Insolent, or Seditious Soldiery: And this was the State of the Empire, not only oppressed by the Victorious Enemy on the Frontiers; but by a want of all things at Adrianople, even to a Famine, which raised the Out-cries and Clamours of the People against the Government, which being joined to the Abuse of Copper-Money, (than which, at that time no other was to be seen, or currently passed) discouraged the Countrymen from bringing Provisions to the Market, and caused the People more earnestly to cry out for a Peace, and exclaim against the French, for having now for four Years engaged them in a War the most Bloody, the most Ruinous, and most destructive to the Ottoman Empire that was ever known. The French Ambassador fearing that these Tumults, and the Inclinations of some of the Ministerswould at length prevail for a Peace, he bestowed his Money very liberally, where he thought it might be well placed (for as yet the French King wanted not Money, as he did some Years afterwards) but he could not as yet fix any on the Chimacam Chusaein Pasha at Constantinople, who always told the Ambassador's Servants, that he wanted none of his Presents, being well provided with what was necessary for his Maintenance, and Equipage. The Difficulty of this Great Minister's Proceedings did not a little trouble the Thoughts of the Ambassador, especially when he had understood that this Chimacam had wrote to the Mufti to persuade to a Peace, 
〈…〉 of Constantinop●e▪ an 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 French.  the League with France being apparently destructive to the Empire; saying, as it were, How long shall these People be a Snare to us? And hereof the Ambassador was the more apprehensive when he heard that the Sultan was returning to Constantinople for his Health; being persuaded by the Physicians, That the Air of that City and the Sea, would be more conducing to his Health, than that of Adrianople; by which he feared, that the Chimacam might have the better opportunity to instill these Imaginations into the Head of the Grand Signior, than he could at a distance.  
But before the Departure of the Grand Signior from Adrianople for Co●st●ntinople, a General Council of War was held by all the Chief Officers of the Army: At which three principal Points were concluded.  
The First was, 
Resolutions at a Council o● War.  To do their best Endeavours, and use all possible means for the Relief of Great Waradin: But on the other side it was considered, That the Mili●ia on the Frontiers was tired out, and become weak by their Labours and Disgraces of the preceding Campaign; so that the Means for executing this Design was not prescribed.  
A Second Proposal was not to confide much in the Counsels of the French; but to consult the Opinion of the Soldiery, whether they were inclinable to a Peace.  
And Thirdly, In case the Soldiery should be averse to a Peace, that then Preparations should be made with all diligence to raise Men, and make Provisions of War for the ensuing Year.  
But whilst Matters were disposing to quiet the Minds of the Soldiery, of which great Numbers were passed over into Asia, much harassed and discontented; so that some Insurrections were feared in those Countries: 
Tumults against Copper-Money.  Behold on a sudden the People murmured against the base Alloy of the Money, which was nothing but Copper, or at best mixed with a little Silver, which was a mighty prejudice to Trade, and caused a dearness of all Provisions, so that the Poor were almost Starved; whereupon the Rabble, in a furious manner, assaulted the Mint-Office, and Killed the Master who was set over the Coinage, and committed many other Insolences, and were not appeased until an Order was published, That the Copper-Money should be no longer Currant; at which the People dispersing, Silver-Money was issued from the Mint; where the Officers worked Day and Night in Coining Asper's, and greater Money; and with Promises of being paid shortly in this Money, the Soldiers were very much pleased and satisfied; tho' the Discontents of the Asiatic Soldiers, gave great Apprehensions and Fears to the Port of some Revolt or Insurrection in Asia; which had it at that time happened, it had in all probability produced a Peace. But this Blessing both to the Christians and the Turks, was reserved for a more happy time; as we shall see, if God gives us Life, some Years afterwards; with which we shall put a Period to this History.    

Anno 1692.  
THE English Ambassador Sir William Hussey, year 1692. designed to Negotiate the Peace, together with Monsieur Colyer the Ambassador of Holland, between the Emperor and the Sultan Achmet (as we have ●aid) being Dead, an end was put for the present to that Negotiation, and the Ambassador of Holland returned back from Adrianople, without being able to effect any thing in order thereunto; the Resolution of continuing the War, was the loud Report, and Discourse common in the Mouths of all People; and that no Treaty should be set on Foot, until the Recovery of Buda from the Germans, 
The Turks resolve to continue the War.  and of Morea from the Venetians; and herein were the Turks more animated by the Assurances of the French Ambassador, that his Master was sending two great Men of War from France, laden with Bombs, Granades, Carcases, and with all sorts of Military Preparations, and with them 200 French Engineers, and Gunners, of great Experience in the Management of Fire-Works, and other Warlike Instruments, fit, and proper both for Sea, and Land: And farther to show his Zeal in this Cause, the Ambassador promised to go himself in Person to the War.  
To give more life to the Ambassador's Words, the Son-in-Law to Tekeli returned from France, and in the beginning of this Year arrived at Smyrna, whence immediately without any stop, or stay, he took Post for Adrianople, being fully freighted with Letters, and Promises from the French King to the Sultan, and presents to the Chief Officers of State to persuade them to Continue, and Maintain the War; so that now all Thoughts and Imaginations of a Peace were vanished, and laid aside.  
Wherefore in order to a War, a Project was laid by the two Cadileskers, or Chief Justices, to raise both Men and Money by a more easy way, and manner, than had formerly been done; for these being the Chief Justices on whom all the other Inferior Justices of the Empire depended, an Exact and Secret Calculate was made of the true Number of the Spahees, and of the People in the several Provinces, and Districts through the whole Empire.  
This Calculate was secretly carried to the Vizier, and Mufti, where after it had been very seriously debated, it was well approved, as a Means to ease the Public Treasury, by a more equal Tax on all Villages and Towns, according to the Number of the Inhabitants, and hereon a great Foundation was made of raising many Thousands of Men, and much more Money than the last Year.  
During all this time, the Turks remained in great apprehension of some sudden Insurrection of the Arabs, and discontented Militia in Asia; and whereas the greatest danger appeared to be in the Parts, 
A Teftish Pasha sent into Asia.  and Country of Sebaste or Sivas; a Teftish Pasha, or General Inquisitor was sent with a strong Party of Horse, to inquire after all loose People, Vagabonds, or such as could give no good Account of themselves, with a full Power of Life, and Death, which the Turks commonly execute with all Rigour, and Arbitrary Power imaginable. I have known a Teftish Pasha sent into Asia, to inquire after Vagabonds, with a Party of 500 Men, who pitching his Tents near some Town, or Village, into which he hath sent some of his Men to take up such Persons as the People should offer to them for disorderly Livers, the which being brought before the Pasha, the Imaum, or Parish Priest hath also been cited; and fetting the Persons before him in Rank and Order, it hath been demanded of the Imaum, Whether such a Person be a Good Man, or not? How he Lives? What Trade he follows? Or, Whether he comes constantly to the Mosche to Prayers, according to the Rules which the Koran requires? In case the Imaum answers, that he knows him not, or his Way of Living; or that he is not a Good Man, he is immediately, without other Process, Accusation, or Proof, Hanged up upon some Tree, or Bough, which is near to the Pasha's Camp.  
Howsoever this could not hinder two Princes of the Arabs, belonging to Arabia Deserta, from Robbing, and Infesting the Countries about Damascus, who gave a stop to all Mahometan Pilgrims going to Mecca, until they had paid such Cafar, or Head-Money for their Passage, as they demanded, and until the Grand Signior had paid them a very considerable Sum in Gold for what was in Arrears due formerly from the Mahometan Pilgrims.  
In the mean time an Ambassador from Persia to the Grand Signior, arrived at Scutari, which is a Town in Asia on the other side of the Water, just opposite to Constantinople, to which Place, upon the News hereof, the Chimacam sent over four Commissaries to Entertain him. The Train, and Equipage of this Ambassador was very Noble and Great, having an Attendance with him of 338 Persians bravely Mounted on Horseback, and richly Habited, with 60 Camels laden with Presents for the Grand Signior, and his Court; consisting of very rich Persian Carpets interwoven with Gold; 
A Persian Ambassador at Adrianople.  as also many Vests of Cloth of Gold, besides other Gallantries, and Rarities of that Country, with an Elephant, and 12 White Camels.  
This Ambassador stayed not more than a Night at Scutari, before he passed over into Europe, and continued his Journey to Adrianople, where the 2d of the Month of February, he made a Solemn, and a Stately Entry; 
February.  he was a Person of a Comely Stature, of a Cheerful Countenance, Prudent, and Generous in his Behaviour, which are Qualities greatly taking in all Courts of the World. In his Retinue he had the Sons of several Princes of Persia, which served to add unto the Splendour, and Grandeur of his Embassy. He was Lodged, by Command of the Sultan, in that Magnificent Palace of Kara Mustapha, the late Vizier, which was richly Furnished for him; but there was no great need of any of the Turkish Movables, for he had spread the Rooms with his own Rich Carpets, and other Cover, the like of which had never been seen in the Ottoman Court. Moreover all the Kettles, and Utensils of the Kitchen were all of Silver, together with the Tables, such as never any Ambassador had before: And for better Adornment of this Noble Palace, there were certain Fountains which spouted Water as high as the Upper Story of the House. The Original Intention of this Embassy was designed at first to Congratulate the coming of Sultan Solyman to the Throne; but the News of Solyman's Death meeting the Ambassador on the Road; and that Sultan Achmet his Brother, had succeeded to his Place; the Ambassador stayed on the way for other Instructions, which were not altered at the Persian Court in any other manner, than only to change the Name of Solyman in the Credential Letters, to that of Achmet.  
The Turks hastened the Return of this Ambassador so much as was possible; howsoever his Departure could not be precipitated before the usual and common time of other Ambassadors, to whom it is the Custom to show the Lutfé, or the solemn manner of giving out the Pay to the Janissaries in the Divan, where the Ambassador is Treated with a Dinner at the Vizier's Table; but this not being to be performed until the 25th of March, the Turks, who had magnified so much the Grandeur of their Empire to the Persians on all Occasions, were in a Bodily Fear, least in the mean time some Unhappy and Dishonourable News should come from the Frontiers; or that the Persians should discover the Weakness of the Ottoman Force, who formerly used to boast of 2 or 300000, could now scarce bring an Army of 60000 Men into the Field; howsoever the Arrival of this Ambassador did not a little trouble the Minds of some principal Turks, who being affectionate to their Country and People, would be very sorry to have the Nakedness thereof discovered to their Insulting Neighbours.  
The Day of the Ambassador's Audience being come; a Horse was sent out of the Grand Seignior's Stable, for the Ambassador to Ride upon, richly adorned with Furniture and Trappings, according to the Custom; likewise 47 Chiauses with their Aga, were also appointed, with an Oda, 
The Persian Ambassador's Manner of going to Audience.  or Chamber of Janissaries, with their Ciorbagee, or Captain, and likewise that Aga which had been sent lately into Persia, to notify the Exaltation of Sultan Solyman: Being now returned, they all with the Ambassador's own Retinue, attended to conduct him to his Audience with the Grand Signior.  
Things being put into this Posture, the Ambassador in a Glorious Habit, and great Pomp mounted on Horseback; the Presents were all sent before, valued in Persia at 100000 Dollars, but being at Constantinople, might be esteemed at double the Value; they were carried by Camels covered with Cloth of Gold, each of them bearing two great Chests, in which were clothes Embroidered with Gold, and Cloth of Gold, the finest Linen of Persia, some Pieces of them were worked with Golden Thread: Besides there were Persian Girdles very rich; Turbans of the finest sort proper for Princes; some Bows and Quivers with Arrows Richly Inlaid; some great and large Pieces of Amber, with a good quantity of Lignum Aloes, the most Precious sort of any in India, of which much is consumed in the Grand Seignior's Seraglio; some Strings of large Pearl of the biggest Size, with many other Gallantries, and Curiosities of India; Five very fine Persian Horses, covered with Cloth of Gold: Sixty large Camels, of which 30 were laden with Persian Carpets woven with Silk and Gold-Thread, with various Colours rarely mixed: These Camels were sent before by 30 Persians on Horseback, very richly Clothed.  
The Ambassador himself was Clothed with the most Rich Tissue and Weighty Cloth of Gold that could possibly be made; On his Head he had a Cap in form and Manner of a Crown, with Seven Feathers, the Handles of which were studded with Jewels and Precious Stones; the like Habit the Vice-Ambassador wore, being appointed to succeed in the Embassy, in case the first should fail by any Accident; and before him five Horses were led. Next followed the Secretary with the Credential Letters in a Bag of Cloth of Gold, which he carried in his Hand lifted up as high as his Head, on which he wore a Turban Embroidered with Gold, with four Feathers. On one side of the Ambassador road the Chiausbashee, and on the other the Vice-Ambassador, and by his side, the Aga who was returned from Persia; these were immediately followed by two Persians with Beards, well Mounted, and richly Habited, who were the Masters of the Horse, each carrying a Scimitar in the Scabbard richly adorned with Jewels, and carried under the Arm after the Turkish Fashion: Next followed the Attendance of 60 Men on Horseback, with Beards cut short after the Persian Fashion, all well Habited, amongst which was not one, whose Beard was not grown, for the Young Youths were left at Home, being Scandalous to show them Abroad.  
When the Ambassador and Vice-Ambassador were come into the Divan, where the Grand Vizier was present, they caused them to sit down in the Rank with the Viziers of the Bench, 
March.  amongst which the Chimacam of Adrianople, was reckoned; but he who carried the Letters stood all the time during the Lutfé, or Payment of the Soldiers; after which, according to the usual Custom, they all sat down to Dinner, where the Grand Vizier was present: After which they were richly Vested, but without Sables, and with them 60 others of the Retinue had Vests, which is much more than what are given to the Ambassadors of the Emperor, the Kings of England, France, or Holland; to the first of which, as I remember, are given 35 Vests, and to those of the two Kings 22 a piece, and to that of Holland 19; by which we may observe the Value which the Turks put on the Persian, before those of the Christian Powers. After the Audience with the Grand Signior was performed, they returned to their Lodgings in the same manner as they came from thence.  
This Audience being over, the Turks hoped that the Persian Ambassador would immediately, and without farther delay return back to his Master, the King of Persia; but the Ambassador had other Intentions in his Mind: For being desirous to be a Spectator of the Confusions amongst the Turks at Home, 
The Persian Ambassador continues at Adrianople against the Inclination of the Turks  and the Weakness of their Army on the Frontiers, he pretended to renew the Ancient Capitulations, which had been made between the Persians and the Turks, which was a good Excuse to delay Time: And tho' notwithstanding the Report caused to be spread Abroad, That the Indians had declared War against the Persians, it little moved the Ambassador from his Purpose of delaying his Departure, that he might the better discover the Weakness and Nakedness of the Turks, whose Affairs could not go well Abroad, whilst they were governed by an unable Head at Home; for the Grand Vizier was Old, 

A Character of the Grand Vizier.  
The Artifices of his Son.   and Choleric, and had it not been for his Son, who was a Person well in Years, Diligent, and Considerative, who Discoursed, and Prepared all Matters, weighed, and consulted them with Persons of Experience, and Understanding, he could never have carried them to any Maturity, or remained long in that Sublime Office. Besides, he was Naturally Cruel, that upon the least Suspicion, or Murmurings of any Pasha, or great Man, he without the least noise sent the Bowstring for him, and privately cut him off: Amongst the rest, there was one Omer Pasha, who having in several Fights signalised himself by his Bravery, seemed to aspire unto some high degree of Preferment; whereof the Vizier growing Jealous, he sent and took him off. But what most confirmed him was; that he promised the Militia to deliver out their Pay to them, at the end of every three Months in good Gold and Silver, and not in Copper-Money, against which there had been such Outcries, and Tumults amongst the People; to perform which Promise, (for there was no dallying with the Licentious Soldiery) the Gold and Silversmiths were commanded to shut up their Shops, and prohibited to Work or make any Vessels of Gold, or Silver, but to bring the Gold and Silver which they had in their Hands, into the Mint, 
The Arts by which the Grand Vizier was kept in his Office.  there to be Coined into good Money, which so altered on a sudden the manner of Traffic in Buying and Selling, that none of the Copper-Money would pass in Payments under three or four for one; by which Artifices and Projects, he kept up, and secured the Government to himself for some time: To which we may add one thing more, which reconciled the Minds of the Mufti, and of the Ulama, and Religious Votaries to him. For whereas his Predecessor, who was a Man of a Gentle, Moderate Spirit, and not so Cruel, and Barbarous, as this, had granted Licences to the Christians to sell Wine, (by which a considerable Revenue arises to the Grand Signior.) This Vizier to show his Hatred to the Christian Religion, issued out most strict Proclamations against the use of Wine, making it Death, either to Sell, or Buy, or Drink it; which much affected the Hearts of those, who were the most Superstitious, and Hypocritical; and gained him great Credit in general with the Musselmen, or Mahometan Believers.  
About the time that the Persian Ambassador made his Entry into Adrianople, and received his Audience of the Grand Signior, Count Tekeli arrived there also, attended with 30 Officers of his own Creatures, and Confidents; 
Tekeli at Adrianople.  he entered with great State, and Pomp, and was conducted to his Lodging in the Palace of Isaac Efendi, where the greater Honours were shown him by the Instigation of the French Ambassador.  
The Day following being conducted to his Audience with the Grand Vizier, he appeared very Rich and Stately in his Habit, wearing, after the Hungarian Fashion, a large Plume of Heron's Feathers on his Head, the bottom of which, where they were fixed, being set and studded with Precious Stones of great Value; he stayed above an Hour in Conference with the Grand Vizier, being treated with Caresses, and Kindness beyond the Manner which is usual amongst Turks: After which he received a Coftan lined with Sables, 
His Audience with the Grand Vizier.  as is given to the greatest Pasha's, and with him 15 of his Officers were also Vested; at this Conference Tekeli advised the Grand Vizier to provide two great Armies, one to act on the Frontiers in Hungary, and the other in Transilvania.  
After this Audience which Tekeli had with the Grand Vizier, 
The French Ambassador visits him.  the French Ambassador having first obtained Licence for the same from the Vizier, made him a Visit; at which the usual Ceremonies passed, with great Protestations of Friendship, and Promises of Assistance from the King his Master.  
The Turks were very uneasy all this time, during the Abode of the Persian Ambassador at the Ottoman Court, lest he should discover, as we have said, the Weakness of the Turks in Hungary, and the Commotions of the Arabs against the Ottomans; so that every thing was Whispered, and Concealed with all the Secrecy that was possible; and accordingly what Letters came either from Hungary, or the Eastern Parts; they were committed to some of the Renegade Christians to be read, who having been Educated in all the Learning of the Seraglio, were capable to Interpret them, and being confined within those Schools, had no means of Conversation with People without the Seraglio.  
Tekeli, 
Tekeli and the Tartar dispatched away.  and the Tartar Han having finished their Business at Adrianople, and agreed on all the Methods they were to act for the ensuing Campaign; they were dispatched away, the first towards Hungary, and the other to the Crim.  
It being now time to prepare and provide for the War, several Changes and Alterations were made amongst the Officers. The Captain Pasha was put out of his Office, 
Change of Officers.  and the Treasurer of the Grand Seignior's Private Cash, was put in his Place, a Person wholly ignorant of Maritime Affairs, but preferred as an Old Servant, and for his Merits in other Employments; and his Predecessor Missiroglu, who had been always bred up a Seaman at Tripoli in Barbary, was ordered for Hungary; as was also the Chimacam of Constantinople. The Aga, or General of the Janissaries, had also been deprived of his Office; and being a Man of good Esteem amongst the Soldiery, many adhered to his Party, which began to create a strong Faction amongst the Soldiery; to prevent the increase of which, many Officers amongst the Janissaries were secretly Strangled in the Night, whereby all those Plots were overthrown which were designed to promote that General of the Janissaries, who had the Esteem for his Courage, and good Conduct, to the Sublime Office of Grand Vizier; by which the Christians received a considerable Prejudice, he being a Friend to the Peace, and an Enemy to the French. But to keep the Turks fixed, and steady to the War, the French Ambassador assured the Turks, That his Master the King had dispatched already from France 200 Officers expert in the War, who might arrive in very few Days; 
The French Ambassador encourages the Turks.  and that amongst them were some famous Engineers, skilful in throwing Bombs and Granades, and making all sorts of Artificial Fireworks. And moreover he assured them, That every Day he expected two Men of War laden with Bombs, and Arms; and all sorts of Military Instruments, with some Thousands of Muskets to Arm the Janissaries. Moreover this Ambassador offered the Port, in the Name of his Master, to maintain three Regiments of Janissaries, and to clothe them all in Blue Vests; but this piece of Generosity looking too mean and disagreeable to the Grandeur of the Turks, 
1692. March.  was refused with some Indignation, and Disdain: Howsoever the French Engineers, upon their Arrival were accepted, and Enrolled amongst the other Gunners; over which, the Master of the Artillery was a Turk.  
The Spring coming now forward, great Preparations were making both by Sea and Land for the approaching Campaign. At the Arsenal, the new Captain Pasha was very diligent to forward the Naval Preparations; of which twelve great Mahoones, 
Preparations for the War.  or Galleons, and two new Galleasses were preparing, with six new Frigates, besides the Galleys belonging to the Beys of the Archipelago, which are commonly 36 in number. Moreover, great Quantities of Biscuit and Ammunition, were preparing to be sent on Saicks by the Danube for the use of the Army. Nor were the Preparations, and Recruits for the Land Army neglected; for a Door, (as they call it) was opened for making Janissaries; of which they pretended to form for this Year 25000, and to have a greater Army this Year, than they had the last, before the Battle of Salankement, in which the Turks were the more animated, and made to believe better of their own Condition than it really was, by the Applications which the Christian Ambassadors made to Mediate a Peace; 
Instances for a P●ace promote the War.  believing that neither the Emperor, nor the Venetians would press so hard for a Peace, were they able to maintain the War.  
But what gave some stop to the Warlike Preparations, were the Factions amongst the Turks themselves; by which the Mufti was suspended, and sent into Banishment; and a Pitiful, Decrepit Old Fellow, who had been Imaum, or Chaplain to Old Kupriogli, put into his Place, of whom we have given a Character before, and that he was unconstant in all his Resolutions.  
The Persian Ambassador still continuing at Adrianople, the Turks knew not in what manner to be rid of him; they wished for his Departure, not so much to save the daily Charge which they bestowed upon him, 
Th● Persian Ambassador continues at Adrianople.  as to be quit of a Spy, who looked as if he came to see the Nakedness of the Land. It was not seemly to order him to be gone, but it was thought that he would not stay long after the Horse-Tail was set out, (which is a Sign that the Grand Vizier resolves in 40 Days to take the Field) upon which it was given out, That he was to be at Sophia about the 7th or 8th of May, whence in a few Days he was to proceed, and to expect the Forces of Asia at Belgrade.  
In order hereunto all Preparations possible were made for the War; the Grand Vizier designing to be in the Field before the Christians, 
Preparations for the War.  several Brigantines were dispatched for the Danube by way of the Black-Sea, with Saicks for Asack laden with Ammunition and Provisions for the War, most of which Vessels were designed up as high as Belgrade.  
But for all this haste which the Turks made, the Factions amongst themselves retarded their Expeditions, and caused every thing to move slowly. We have already given a Character of the Grand Vizier, 
Factions in the Court.  as a Man infirm both in Body and Mind, and endued with no other Abilities to conserve himself, and his Government, besides a Cruelty natural to him, by which he conserved himself by the destruction of others; he had, as we have said, put many of the Chief Officers to Death; and had caused the Mufti to be displaced and banished; he also proceeded so far, as to take the Kusli● Aga from the daily Service of the Sultan; and in despite of his great Power in the Seraglio, to send him into Banishment: After which there remained but one Person, of whom he conceived any Fear, or Jealousy, and that was the Chimacam of Adrianople; and until he was taken off, 
The Grand Vizier seeks the Life of the Chimacam.  he could conceive no Quiet within his own Breast, nor could he think himself secure after his departure to the War, unless he first saw his Competitor under the same Fate with his other Enemies, and his Son placed in his Stead and Office: With these Thoughts this wretched Vizier went boldly to the Sultan to demand licence to give the Fatal Blow to the Chimacam, the which recoiled upon himself; for he being much in Favour, and in Esteem with the Grand Signior for his Prudence and Dexterity in Affairs, 
He is ruined thereby.  and for the Truth which he had always told him: The Sultan no sooner heard him speak against the Chimacam, but putting himself into a Violent Passion, called immediately for his Band of Black Eunuches to remove him away out of his Presence, and to strangle him as a Faithless and an Unworthy Minister.  
But it seems the Eunuches, contrary to their Natural Temper, taking Compassion of an Aged and Decrepit Person, fell down at the Feet of the Sultan, imploring his Mercy and Commiseration towards an old Servant, whose Years might plead for his Pardon.  
The Sultan being a Prince of an Easy Temper, harkened to their Petitions, and causing him to be put into an inward Room for a while, sent immediately to call for the Chimacam to come to him; who all Pale and Wan, fearing lest his Enemy the Vizier had prevailed with the Grand Signior against his Life, came all Trembling, and cast himself down at the Feet of the Sultan; but he was soon put out of his Fears, by the comfortable Words of the Grand Signior, declaring him Vizier, and therewith a Vest of Sables was thrown over him, and the Seals delivered to him. But he being a Person of Prudence, 
The Chimacam refuses to be Vizier.  and Experience of the uncertainty of that Sublime Office in such a Conjuncture of Time, as was at present; began before the Grand Signior, much to bewail his hard Fate, which hurried him into an Honour too high and weighty for him to support; declaring, That he only desired to live in the Degree of Chimacam, that he might never depart from the side of his Lord and Master.  
With these, and such like Words as these, he moved the Sultan to Compassionate his Case, and to grant his Request: And in his Place was named Ha●il Pasha, at that time Pasha of Diarbekir in Mesopotamia, 
Another Vizier named.  who had been Chief Chamberlain to Kara Mustapha, when he lay in the Siege before Vienna.  
To execute this Great Affair, two Aga's were dispatched immediately away by the Post, to bring this Halil Pasha to Adrianople; and in the mean time all the Affairs of the War remained at a stand, which was very strange at such a Season, when the Armies were ready to take the Field; and that all things must give way to the Consideration of a single Man, who was to be fetched at the distance of above 1000 English Miles from Adrianople; as if no Man could be found like him equal to that great and heavy Charge.  
In the mean time the Deposed Vizier, was Banished to the Castles of the Dardanelli; 
The Old Vizier Banished,  the which proved not all his Punishment; for his Estate, according to the Custom of the Turks, was Arrested; 500 Purses of Money, with half a Million of Dollars, were seized for Service of the Sultan, 
And his Estate seized.  with about 18000 Soltanini, or Gold Ducats, belonging to the Vizier's Son; the Kahya also was put into Prison, of whom nothing more having been heard, it was believed that he had been put to Death.  
Upon the News hereof the Soldiery at Belgrade Conspired together to present before the Grand Signior, Halil Pasha their Seraskier, or General at that time of their Army, 
The Soldiers at Belgrade offer to prefer another, but denied.  as the fittest Person for the Office of Grand Vizier, and the most able of any to contend with those great Difficulties, which oppressed the Empire: But in regard that Post was already filled, the Port refused to hearken thereunto; and lest such a Denial should cause any disturbance, year 1692. Halil Pasha was sent to Negropont, where he formerly had shown great Bravery, and good Conduct; and thus all things remained at a stand, until the Arrival of the New Vizier, till which time also the Persian Ambassador could not be dispatched; nor did he hastily desire it, being taken up with Admiration and Pleasure to see so many Tragical Changes, and Confusions, 
The Persian Ambassador pleased herewith.  far different from those Days, when the Ottoman Union, and absolute uncontrolled Power gave a Terror to Persia, and all the Eastern World.  
In the mean time for want of the Grand Vizier all things were at a stand; for the Tartars refused to move until they received Instructions from the New Grand Vizier, and the Asiatic Troops which were upon their March at this ti●e, 
All at a st●nd until the Vizier's coming.  and ready to pass into Europe, retarded, and slackened their Pace, until they knew what new Orders this Vizier would give them. Howsoever the Officers both of Horse and Foot, which were already in Europe, were hastened on their March with all speed, that at the Arrival of the Grand Vizier, the whole Army might be found in a good posture on the Frontiers near Belgrade: And the Preparations for the Sea in the mean time went forward with all Cheerfulness, it being designed, that the Maritime Force should be equal to that of the last Year, being reinforced with many Vessels from Tripoli, Tunis, and Algiers; in all which Expeditions the Chimacam of Adrianople was very vigilant and active.  
At length, about the beginning of May, the Grand Vizier arrived at Adrianople, near which Place he was met at Hafsa, about three Hours distant from thence, by many of the Principal Officers, and at an Hours distance from the City, 
The Vizier arrives, and received by the Grand Signior.  by the Mufti, and Chimacam, and others; who in great Pomp and State conducted him to the Presence of the Sultan, by whom he was graciously received, and the Seals delivered to his Hand; after which being Vested with a Coftan lined with Sables, he made a short Prayer, and withdrew himself from the Presence of the Sultan, and being come to the Vizier's Palace, he bestowed Coftans on all the Pasha's, and Officers of his Court, confirming the Old Ones in their Places, and declaring New where they were vacant.  
Having taken some Refreshment that Night, the next Day he held a Solemn Council, at which it was concluded, what Methods were to be taken, for the future; 
A Counsel of War,  and it was agreed, That on the 31st of this Month the Vizier's Tents were to be pitched at the usual Place without the City; 
May 1692.  and also the Janisar-Aga's; and that the Day following they were both in Person to March out into their Tents; and that on the 6th of I●ne they were to begin their Journey towards Belgrade; 
The Vizier marches towards Belgrade.  accordingly the Janissaries led the Van, as was usual, and proceeded a Day before the Vizier, and the Spahees; but they had not marched a Day before that being united with the other Militia, they began to Mutiny, exclaiming for their Pay, and protesting that they would not proceed until first they had received their six Months Pay in Arrear, 
The janissaries mutiny for Pay,  with their Vests of thick Cloth, as also the Donative due to them at the Inauguration of every New Sultan: To content these People, the Grand Vizier issued out to them with all speed their six months' Pay; and with fair Words and Promises, he so pacified them, 
Are pacified.  that they quietly marched forward to Belgrade, protesting howsoever, not to pass the Save without their Cloth and Donative.  
With this Pacification the Grand Vizier taking a little Breath, began to consider of the manner how to establish himself; and because an Able, and Faithful Chimacam, who remains near the Person of the Grand Signior, is always a great support to a Vizier, he sent for the Pasha of Aleppo, named Mustapha, to come to him, who in the Time of Solyman the Grand Vizier, had been Seraskier, or General against the Poles: This Person being come to him, he made him Chimacam, and displaced the other (who, 
A New Ch●macam made.  as we have said, refused lately the Vizier's Office) and sent him to remain Pasha at Erzirum, which is in Armenia Major.  
One would have imagined that this Vizier might have thought himself secure with that Chimacam, who had refused, (as we have said) the Vizier's Office, so fairly and so lately offered to him by the Sultan, so that a little kind Aspect, and few obliging Words might have made him entirely his own; but there is a Fate amongst the Turks, that neither the Grand Signior is constant to his Viziers, and Chief Officers, nor they to the Inferior Ministers, who act under them, never believing themselves secure, but with those who are their own Creatures, by which continual Revolutions all things remain in distraction, and a Vizier hath scarce learned, or become Master of his Trade, before he is disgraced, and thrown down from his Sublime Office, with all his Kindred and Dependences, to the Abyss of Misery, and Ruin, of which we have discoursed at large in another Treatise.  
Upon which Maxim this Vizier called for his own Creature to make him Chimacam, and recalled the late Mufti, whom the preceding Vizier had Exiled, which was the more easily done, 
The Mufti recalled.  the Place being vacant by the Death of the Mufti who was last made.  
All these Embroils and Changes could not do less than hinder the Proceedings of the main Business; for the Budziack Tartar refusing to follow the Command of the Tartar Han, the Grand Signior sent one Messenger after the other to hasten the March of the Tartars, commanding them with 3 or 4000 Horse to carry on each a Sack of Wheat, or Meal, for the Relief of Great Waradin, from whence frequent Letters came, 
Waradin in great distress.  that they being reduced to the Extremity of Famine, could not longer subsist, but should be forced to deliver themselves up into the Hands of the Enemy, unless speedily succoured.  
In this manner unthought of Accidents fell out full of Disappointments, by which neither the Forces at Land, nor at Sea amounted to half the Power they were of the last Year.  
Thus far in this Year of 1692, have we shown the State of Affairs in Turkey, whilst at Vienna things were in preparation for the following Campaign, and many Counsels of War were held by the General Officers, in Presence, and with the Assistance of Prince Lewis of Baden.  
We being now in the Month of May, 
May.  all the Endeavours were bend for taking Great Waradin before the Turkish Army should take the Field, and come to relieve it, of which there was now no great probability, in regard that from all sides Advices came, that the Town laboured under the last Extremity of Famine; the which was not only confirmed by Letters from thence to Adrianople; but by a Messenger dispatched with Letters to Giula and Temeswaer from the Besieged, to give an account of the miserable Condition of the Place, the Circumstances of which were reported to be so wretched, that in all probability the Place could not hold out much longer.  
But because many times Reports are false, and that Men do often, especially in War, magnify, or diminish things according to their Humour or Interest; it was judged fit not to expect until Famine had forced the Besieged to surrender, for that might prove still the Work of some Months, and in the mean time give the Enemy means to relieve the Place; wherefore it was resolved to force the Surrender, and the care thereof being committed to General Heusler, he with all Expedition and Diligence having drawn his Troops together from their Winter-Quarters, and adjacent Places, posted himself near the Old Fort, in which the Heydukes had kept a Garrison during the Winter Season, from whence he sent a Summons to the Turks to Surrender, 
Heusler Summon's the Town. They refuse to yield.  and deliver up the City; which they resolutely refusing to do, he began the Day following to open the Trenches, and raised two Bulwarks exactly opposite to the Bulwarks of the Enemies, called Zingar, and Capudon; and caused a Bridge to be laid from the Palancha Oloschi, reaching to the Old City. To disturb these Works, the Turks plied their Great Guns continually, and made a furious Sally, but were repulsed with some loss. In like manner also the Besiegets drew another Line on the other side of the River, 
The Turks make Sallies, and are repulsed.  so that the Town was now environed on every side, and the Christians lodged at the Ditch of the City.  
On the 7th the Turks made another Sally, but were repulsed: And on the 8th, made another, with much more Bravery than they had done the Day before, but were repulsed with like Loss: Upon which the Janissaries went to the Pasha to consult with him what was to be done in this present Exigency; and all agreed, To hold out some Days longer in expectation of the promised Relief; during which time, both sides employed themselves to ply their Cannon, and throw their Bombs incessantly.  
On the 11th some Hundreds of the Besieged showed themselves without the Fortress, but withdrew without farther Attempt; on which Day 11 Heydukes were killed, and 15 wounded.  
On the 13th the Turks made another Sally on the Heydukes, but were briskly received, and soon repulsed.  
The 16th, 17th, and 19th, little or nothing of moment was done, by reason of the continual Rains; but by this time the more heavy Cannon being come, the Breach was made wider and larger; so that General Heusler supposing that the Enemy might be terrified thereby, 
Continue resolute to maintain the Town.  he sent a Trumpeter to make them the last Summons, threatening them in Default thereof, to give no Quarter either to Man, Woman, or Child; but as yet the Turks showed no fear of the Menaces pronounced against them; and an Old, Grave Turk showing himself on the Walls, called to the Besiegers, and admonished them to withdraw their Troops from under the Walls of the City, which they should never take, the Besieged being resolved to Live and Die together in the same. This declared Resolution of the Turks, quickened the Operations of the General, so that throwing Fire into the Town, and plying the great Guns continually Day and Night, the Breach was made much wider than it had been some few Days before, and ready for Storm, which was designed for the 28th of the Month: The Turks seeing the Troops in a readiness for an Attack, their Hearts began to fail; and thereupon a White Flag was displayed, 
Howsoever they Capitulate.  and five Deputies were sent to the Army to treat, and Hostages being given on both sides, these Articles were agreed on, and an Instrument drawn up in this Form fol●lowing.  
The Pasha of Waradin, His Address to the Emperor.  
MOST Happy Caesar, Emperor of the Romans, in whom resides the Height of Majesty, Honour, and Glory, and of highest Esteem amongst the Christian Princes; We the Soldiers and Musselmen of Waradin, having been straightened and oppressed by a long and tedious Siege, and being at last reduced to the last Extremities by your Imperial Army Encamped against us, and being not able longer to hold out, do cast ourselves at the Happy Feet of the Imperial Majesty: And being at length constrained to yield unto Fate, and Destiny, we fly unto your Clemency, and most Pious Benignity, which is a Ray, or Emanation from the Most Sublime Creator, declaring that voluntarily, and of our own proper Motions, (since God will have it so) to save our Lives, we have Pawned and Surrendered this our Fortress, with all the Ammunition therein; that is, Cannon, Muskets, and other Arms, and Military Instruments, to your Commissary, the Most Honourable, and Most Excellent Heusler. And confiding in the Grace and Favour of an Emperor who governs so many Nations, that he will not permit, or suffer these our Musselmen to be damnified, or robbed, or despoiled of their Goods, or Baggage which they carry with them; but be Protected, Conducted, and Convoyed safe from the Fortress of Waradin, to the Neighbouring, and Adjacent Places on the Danube, that is to the Palanca called Panzova, and to command, That in our Way thither, no Christian of what Nation soever, shall take our Goods from us either by Day or by Night, nor damnify us either Privately or Secretly: All which we offer to the Benignity and Clemency of the Imperial Majesty, in these Sixteen Articles following.  
The Articles of Surrender.  
I. THAT the Turks and their Goods be taken from the Palanca's of Paimeso, and Solmeso, and that they may in Safety be Conducted, and Convoyed to the same Place with those of Waradin.  
II. That we may be safely Conducted through all the Passages and difficult Passes of Erdurich and Zanat, until we arrive at the Palanca called Panzova.  
III. That to this intent 1200 Carts, and 200 Horses shall be given us; and that five Days time shall be given us to sell our Goods, and that they may have time to buy what Goods they please, according to their Convenience.  
IV. That all Men and Women Slaves, who are desirous to remain in the Christian, or Turkish Faith, shall not be hindered.  
V. That such Rebels or Malcontents as are taken in the Fortress, shall not be detained, but permitted to remain with us.  
VI That the Besieged may carry their Ensigns, and Arms with them.  
VII. That they may carry all their Writings and Registers with them.  
VIII. That in case on the Way any Wagon should chance to break, another shall be given in the place thereof; and the Goods shall not be stolen, or broken open.  
IX. That no Money, or Charges, shall be demanded on the Way for Lodgings.  
X. That no Child, or Youth, Male, or Female, shall be taken from us; nor shall Money, or Expense be demanded of us on the Way, but our Charges shall be Defrayed, with all necessary Provisions, until we come to Panzova.  
XI. That when we are proceeded out of the Fortress, until we come to Belgrade, neither Subjects, or others, shall stop, or detain any of us on Pretention of Debt.  
XII. But that all of us shall be permitted to proceed freely with all safety.  
XIII. That for the more convenient Passage of the Carts into the Fortress, a Bridge shall be made.  
XIV. That care be taken to punish all the Insolences of those who shall forcibly rob our Goods.  
XV. That the Turks, who have by Order of the Grand Signior, served for Officers in the Garrison, shall receive no Molestation.  
XVI. That all Strangers of different Nations who are with us, shall not be Pillaged, or Plundered; and herein a particular care is to be had to Waggoners, and other Pilfering Fellows.  
Given the 20 th' of the Moon, called Ramazan, in the Hegeira 1103; which is the 3 d of June 1692. 

Seifullah Cadi di Varadin.  
Abdulatif Pasha and Chief Governor of Waradin.  
Ibrahim Pasha▪ the late preceding Governor of Waradin.  
Osman Agha.    

An Inventory of what was found in the Fortress.  
FIve Thousand Measures of Barley.  
1000 Measures of Wheat.  
300 Sacks of Rice.  
50 Fats of Flour.  
50 Brass Guns, most of which were German.  
22 Mortars.  
70000 Pounds of good Powder: And  
723000 of old decayed Powder.  
3500 Cannon Bullets.  
30000 Pounds of Iron: And  
4300 Pounds of Wrought Iron.   
The Articles being thus signed on the 3d of june, 
June▪  the Day following the Bridge was repaired, and the Turks marched out of the Fortress, to the Number of about 1200 Fight Men, and in all 12000 Souls, 
The 〈◊〉 march out of Waradin.  which were ranged in good Order on a convenient Ground without the Town, where they remained until the Germane and Rascian Militia, which was in Garrison in Pescabara was released, and which the Turks had detained there contrary to the Capitulations.  
And thus ended the Siege of this Important Place, the Conquest of which ferved much towards the Security of Transilvania ●o the Emperor.  
The Turks being desirous of a Revenge, detached a strong Party from Belgrade towards Esseck, intending by that way to make an Incursion into Sclavonia; 
June.  but the Rascians having notice of this March, Attacked them at Unawares, and cut down 200 of them, and took 40 Prisoners. 
The Turks repulsed by the Rascians from Titul and Titz.  Another Party of Turks also embarking at the same time on three large Boats, fortified with divers Guns, with which approaching near Titul, wherein was a strong Garrison of Rascians, they defended the same wi●h so much Courage, that many Turks being Killed and Wounded, they were forced to quit the Design, and return back with Disgrace, and some Loss; and in the Town, the Captain of the Rascians was killed, with about 20 Men.  
Nor better Success had the Turks on Titz, which was defended by a Garrison of 1200: The Turks Embarking themselves on 50 Ships, made a furious Assault thereon, which lasted for several Hours; but they were so well received, that they were repulsed, and forced to retire with the loss of some Hundreds Killed, and 30 Prisoners taken.  
The Croats had still better Success upon the Turks on the other side the River Unna, which Country they had often Invaded; and particularly about the beginning of july the Governor of Novi advancing with 3 or 400 Horse as far as Behatz; the Suburbs whereof they Attacked with the Sword in their Hands, 
The Croats take Behatz from the Turks.  Entered and Plundered, and then Burnt the Place; putting all to the Sword, except about 20 Persons of Quality whom he made Prisoners; besides other Booty he took 100 Head of great, and 500 of smaller Cattle.  
After this Action the same Troops Attacked Ostrosatz on two sides, and totally destroyed it, notwithstanding the vigorous Resistance which the Turks had made. About this time also a violent Storm cast away 35 Turkish Barks on the Danube laden with Corn, Flour, Rice, and other Provisions, and did much other Damage by Thunder and Lightning.  
Such small Matters as these passed, before the Vizier was in a capacity to take the Field; 
T●e Turk's 〈◊〉 confusion ●y change●.  nothing went well at Home, nor prosperous Abroad. For after the Vizier had changed the Chimacam, he sent to call a certain Person named Mustapha Pasha, who had continued for a long time Seraskier at Baba in the War against the ●oles; and being a Person of great Experience▪ and good Conduct in Civil, as well as in Military Affairs, the Vizier judged him the more proper for this Office, by which it was greatly in his Power to do him Services with the Grand Signior during his Absence at any time from the Person of the Sultan; and of such a Faithful Friend as this, the Vizier had more than ordinary occasion at a time when he had lately discovered a New Faction Combining against him, which being necessary to be suppressed before he marched into the Field, 
Conspiracy against the Vizier.  or withdrew himself from the Presence of the Sultan, he seized on the Principal Conspirators against him; namely, the Chimacam, and the Aga or General of the Janissaries, and tho' he was then in a readiness to begin his March, yet he Arrested him, and deprived him of his Office, placing in the same Ishmael Pasha, who had lately been Chimacam of Constantinople▪ and before that time had been made a Prisoner by General ●enevolt; and from his Youth having been always Educated in great Places▪ he was esteemed the more capable of any Employment: in this Secret Plot, the Tef●erdar or Lord High Treasurer, was one of the Conspirators, whom the Vizier also deprived of his Charge, with divers others of principal Note; but what most sensibly touched him, was the Disobedience of the Janissaries, which is always the Forerunner of Misfortunes to Great Men; the Apprehension of which cast the Vizier into an Indisposition of Body, which continued upon him for three Days, but afterwards recollecting himself, and taking Courage, he raised up his Spirits, and in a handsome manner appea●ed the Janissaries; howsoever he lived in a continual fear of their Mutinies at Belgrade, having rendered himself Odious to the Soldiery and others, by his Unsatiable Avarice, which he had learned from the Principles and Methods of his Old Master Kara Mustapha, by which Vice he had suddenly fallen, had he not been supported by his Creature, Ishmael Pasha the Chimacam, whom he had raised to that Dignity.  
Had it not been for these, and the like Rubs and Confusions, 
July.  the Turkish Army would have been before this time in the Field, tho' not so strong perhaps as the last Year; for the Asiatic Militia came slowly in, and those in small Numbers; The Grand Vizier marched not with more than 10000 Men from Adrianople, and the Albanians (the best of their Soldiery) were sent to Negropont to guard that Island, upon a Report, That the Venetians had another Design on that Coast. Another Detachment was also made of certain Pasha's, with some Tartars to the Number of 6000, who were under one of their Sultan's appointed to drive the Poles out of Moldavia, and regain the Places which they possessed, and amongst these, the late Janisar-Aga, who was dispossessed of his Office, was made Seraskier, or General of those Forces. During this Weak Estate and Condition of the Turks, an Unhappy Misfortune befell the Turkish Fleet, which lay in Nic●polis, and Widin, where 35 great Boats laden with Wheat, and Flour for the Army, were cast away by Storm.  
The Persian Ambassador, who had continued longer at Adrianople, than the Turks desired, it being neither consistent with their Policy, nor their Riches, to entertain a Guest, whose Business was chiefly to discover the Decay, 
The Persian Ambassador takes his Congee of the Grand Signior.  and Nakedness of their Country, did now about the end of this Month of june begin to think it time to return unto his Master, being well enough informed, as he imagined, of the true Estate of the Turkish Affairs; received his Audience of Congé from the Sultan privately in a Garden, where the Imperial Letters were delivered, and the Capitulations mutually exchanged; and a Present made to him of a Horse richly adorned with Royal Caparisons.  
These and such like Troubles retarded the Grand Vizer's March towards Belgrade; by which Disappointments the Marquis of Lorand had the Fortune to arrive timely at Constantinople, 
The Marquis of Lo●and, arrives f●om France.  and to Disembark secretly, or incognito, from a Tartana, and thence in a Day or two he proceeded to Adrianople, with the Equipage of a Trumpeter, and 10 Servants, all richly clothed, and his Table nobly furnished with Plate. In few Days after his Arrival, he received his Audience of the Grand Vizier in Company with Monsieur de Chateauneuf, the present residing Ambassador, at which (according to the usual Custom of the French at all their Audiences) their Business was to extol the Greatness and Power of their Master; and to report unto the Turks, That their King had furnished King james with a Mighty Fleet, 
H●s Reports made to the Turkish ●ourt.  and 30000 Men to Invade England, which were all ready at the time of his Departure to Embark, and consisted with Men of War, and Transport Ships of more than 600 Sail; the which joining in England with the contrary Party to that which then Governed; would no doubt carry all before them in that Country, and consequently cause great Confusions in Holland, and amongst all the Allies.  
Moreover that his King was ready to enter into the Field in Person, with a most formidable Army, (as he had promised the Sultan) against the Emperor; of the Success of which they would speedily hear from their fortunate King who had ever been Prosperous in all his Enterprises: Moreover he added, That all these great things the King had done, were to support the Ottoman Empire, which would certainly have been staggering under that Mighty Power of the Allies, had it not been supported by the French, and their Forces diverted from the Ottoman Dominions in Hungary; 
The Vizier promises to continue the War.  all which the Grand Vizier heard with Pleasure and Attention, assuring the Marquis, and the Ambassador, that he never had any Design, or Imagination of making a Peace with the Emperor, without the Concurrence of the French. Howsoever the Marquis not knowing how constant and firm to their Resolutions the Turks might be, in case that things should succeed ill in the Turkish Army, or that the Imperialists should take Belgrade; he obtained Licence from the Vizier to accompany him to the War, during this Campaign, 
The Marquis permitted to go to Belgrade.  where he might be ready at hand to oppose all Proposals tending to a Peace, in case any Endeavours should be made therein. And in this manner the Grand Vizier departed the 30th of june from Adrianople▪ towards Belgrade; having pointed out 32 Days March from one Place to the other▪ besides Days of Oto●ack, or Days of Repose.  
But before the Vizier's Departure, two Mirzes, or Tartarian Noblemen, with six other Tartars, arrived at Adrianople, bringing News, That Batter Gherei, one of the Sultan Tartars, had entered into Volhinia a Province belonging to Poland, and had carried away Captive above 30000 Souls; 
Reports from the Tartars.  which Rumour was spread abroad to encourage the Turks, when in truth there were not above 2000 taken; and farther to give Life to the Soldiery, it was reported, That Adil Gherei the Younger Brother was remaining within the Confines of Valachia, attending his Elder Brother, that they might with a joint force March into Hungary.  
Howsoever to secure the Tartars, the Grand Vizier before his Departure from Adrianople dispatched away three Capugibashees, with pressing Commands to the Han of Budziack, to march with all speed to Belgrade, and not to delay their time as they had done the last Year, and that they should have a care not to deceive him, for that he depended much on their Forces; but herein the Vizier was not well informed, for the Budziack Tartar could not furnish more than 3000 Men; and as to the Noghai Tartar, they were Numerous▪ but withal, they were such a sort of Savage Creatures, 
1692. July.  Rebellious, and Disgusted by the Turks; that no great account could be made of them. Nor yet of Sultan Galgha Prince of Crim Tartary, who was engaged in a War against the Cossack's, and had enough to do to defend himself against such a Stout and an Active Enemy. Moreover to make the Assistance of the Tartars the less considerable this Year, the Tartars rebelled against their New Han, in their March towards Belgrade: At first this Mutiny appeared only in some Dislikes, which the Principal Tartars showed against their New Sultan, the which daily increasing, came to such a height, that the whole Army forsaken and left him, and returned in a Body back to Budziack, and were followed soon after by the Han himself, with some of his Menial Servants; the News hereof being brought to the Grand Signior, and Grand Vizier, they knew not how to carry on the War for this Year; so that all the Remedy which remained, was to re-establish the Old Han, Selim Gherey, in his Place; the which tho' it pleased the Soldiers better, yet by this time the Season was so far spent, that nothing of moment could be expected to be put in Action for that Year. Some small Matters indeed the Turks did attempt, but always with loss; in july they Attacked a small, but a strong Fortress, called Portsea, near Peter-Waradin; the which was so well defended by a Garrison of Rascians, that the Turks were several times repulsed; and at last hearing that some Imperial Heydukes, 
The Turks repulsed from Ports●a.  and Dragoons, had passed the Save, and had cut down great Numbers of Turks, they quitted their design on Portsea, and returned back to Belgrade: Howsoever upon better consideration, concluding that the Place was of so high importance, that they might be called into question for quitting the Siege, they returned back again, and on the 5th of August made another Attack upon the Place, and resolved to carry it by force of Arms; but News coming, That a strong Body of the Imperial Troops were sent to relieve the Place, and were already in their March, they quitted the Siege; and being Attacked in the Rear, they left many Dead and Wounded Men behind them.  
About the same time the Vice-Ban, or Lieutenant-General of Croatia, 
The Ban of Croatia Attacks the Turks.  having got together a strong Body of 5500 Croats and Rascians, made an Incursion towards Meydan, in which Expedition, he not only had the good fortune to release 400 Poor Christians, who were Condemned to Die, and should have been executed the next Day (had they not been seasonably relieved by the Croatians) but to return back with a considerable Booty of Cattle, and Movables, 
1692. August.  together with some principal Turks of Quality and Note, whose Houses and stately Buildings they Burnt and Destroyed little or nothing more remarkable farther passed all this Campaign, unless it were a Matter of two considerable Convoys sent to Temeswaer, the latter of which consisted of several Thousands of Turks, conducting 100 Wagons and many Camels laden with all necessary Provisions; and so having provided the Town for the whole Winter, they returned back to Belgrade. At the same time a Body of Rascians broke into the Morava, 
The Rascians take great Booties.  and there attacked and beat another Turkish Convoy, which carried 200000 Dollars to the Turkish Army, which was a brave Booty for the Rascians; for tho' the Grand Vizier upon the News thereof, had Detached a Body of 10000 Arnauts after them, yet the Prey had given them Wings, and they escaped safe into their Towns and Garrisons of Refuge.  
Some later Actions passed besides, but none of great consequence, expecting that the Turks having a mind to look big, and put a good Face on it towards the latter end of the Campaign, passed the Save, to recognize the Imperial Camp at Salankement; but so soon as the News thereof was brought to the General, a strong Party of Heydukes and Imperial Dragoons, were Detached to meet them; at the noise of which the Turks Retired, and therewith the Campaign ended in Hungary: For the Janissaries being debased in their Courages by the ill Success of the last Year, refused to return into the Field, complaining of the Cowardice of the Spahees, by whom they had been exposed in open Field, and given up to the Fury of the Enemy, whilst the Spahees fled, and saved themselves in Belgrade; and the Tartars not returning to the War, gave the Janissaries just cause to put an end more early than was accustomary, to this Years Campaign; who according to the Military Constitutions of the Ottoman Empire, may be obliged to continue in the Field until the 28th of October, 
The Campaign of the Year 1692 ends.  but no longer; for in such case, if not provided with Winter-Quarters by that Day, the Janissaries may leave the Camp, against the Will and Command of their Generals, and shift for themselves.  
Tho' the Campaign was ended in Hungary, yet something of Action continued in Poland, where on the 27th of September, the Turks Attacked a Fortress called Soroka with an Army of 30000 Men, Commanded by the Seraskier Mustapha Pasha; 
Poland.  the same consisting of 8000 Turks, 2000 under the Pasha of Silistria, 6000 under the Hospodar of Valachia, 2000 under the General of the Cossacks, with 12000 Tartars, With this Army, (as we say) Mustapha Pas●a Invested this small Fortress, which was defended by a Garrison of 600 Men, with most of which, the Governor made a Sally on the same Day that the Enemy came before it, and killed about 80 of the Besiegers, and so returned to the Fort, having first burnt the Suburbs, to prevent the Enemy from taking Shelter therein. So inconsiderable a Fort as this, which might have been taken by this Powerful Army with open Breasts without the Methods of Trenches and Approaches, 
〈◊〉 Tu●ks 〈…〉 Sor●ka.  was now Invested with all the Formalities of a Siege: ●or the first Night the Turks began their Trenches, and to throw Bombs into the Place, and to raise a Battery of Great Guns, which they plied for three or four Days and Nights continually.  
On the 1st of October they advanced their Tre●ches to the Ditch-side; the which ha●ing filled up, they stormed the Fortress, but were repulsed with the loss of 600 Men; notwithstanding which, they made a second Attempt, and entered the City, and Burnt it; but being again beaten out of it, they continued the following Day to Fire without ceasing for the space of three or four Days; by which time, tho' great Breaches were made, 
 yet the Besieged with indefatigable Industry repaired in the Night, what the Enemies had ruined in the Day.  
On the 5th and 6th the Turks took Post in ●he Ditch, and endeavoured to fortify themselves there; but the Besieged Sallying out, dislodged them from thence, the Turks howsoever recruiting themselves with fresh Forces, recovered their Post; and having drained out all the Water from the Ditch, they encompassed the Fortress round on all sides, throwing thereinto Bombs, Carcases, Stink-Pots, and other Artificial Fires: But neither these, not Batteries availing to terrify the Besieged, the Turks applied themselves to sink Mines; which the Besieged having discovered, made some of them useless by Countermines; howsoever the Turks intending to Storm the Place on the 9th of that Month, fired one of their Mines early that Morning, which threw down part of the Wall, a●d immediately they began to Storm the Place, 
october.  which the Besieged withstood for four Hours together, driving the Turks from the Walls, as often as they advanced, and planted their Colours thereupon. In this Action the Besieged took three Standards, 
〈◊〉 Turk's 〈◊〉.  and killed 800 of the Enemy; and prosecuting this Success, they drove them out of most of their Posts and Lodgments, with the loss of 1000 of their Men; and having gained six Ensigns, they returned with Joy and Triumph to their Fortress. 
1692. October.   
This Vigorous Defence so astonished the Turks, and caused them to despair of taking the Fortress; that silently in the Night they raised their Camp with so much Precipitation, 
Raise the Siege.  that they left behind them two Great Guns, and three Mortar-pieces, with much Ammunition and Provisions.  
The next Morning being the 11th of the Month, the Besieged Sallying out, found no Enemy near them: The Action was very strange, and almost Miraculous, considering that the Turks had lost more than 4000 Men, and the Christians had 150 Killed, and 120 Wounded; the Turks had an Army of 30000 Men to oppugn the Castle, and the Christians no more than 600 to defend it: And with this Action the Campaign ended, as well in Poland, as in Hungary.  
After the Death of Sir William Hussey, who Died, as we have said, the last Year at Belgrade; William King of England, etc. immediately dispatched away Mr. Herbert, in Quality of Ambassador to the Grand Signior, with Orders to reassume the Mediation of Peace between the Emperor, and his Allies, with the Sultan, and not to lose the present Opportunity, which looked favourable in regard to both sides.  
Mr. Herbert had very little time given him to provide himself for so great an Undertaking and Journey over Land; 
Mr. Herbert sent Ambassador to the Turks.  and tho' he was often afflicted with the Gout, and not very well at ease, when he begun so long a Journey, yet being a Man of a great Spirit, he forced himself, that he might not lose the Merit and Honour of being the Instrument of procuring that Peace between the Emperor, and the Sultan, in which all Europe was concerned: the Turks being then very low, and much debased in their Spirits, seemed flexible and inclinable to a Peace: And not to lose this favourable Conjuncture, the Journey of Mr. Herbert was pressed with all the haste imaginable; but what with the Fatigue of the Journey, and the Unquietness of his Mind for being obstructed in a Negotiation so much desired by him, he became so violently Attacked by the Gout, that he was forced to yield unto his Distemper, and lay himself up for some Months at Frankfort, so that it was March before his Arrival at Vienna, and far in the Month of April before his Departure from thence; during which time I received two Letters from him, the chief substance of which was to complain of his want of Health, 
Mr. Herbert 's Letters to the Author.  and of the little appearance of a Peace between the Emperor and the Turks; they despising (as he said) all the Overtures that had been made to them, which had served only to exalt the French Ambassador, and to keep the Turks from a Peace, who imagined that such Instances would never have been made for Peace, had the Christians not been droven to Extremities and want of Power to support and continue a War: Howsoever Mr. Herbert, in Obedience to His Majesty's Commands, resolved to proceed, and try his Fortune; and being furnished by the Emperor, the Venetians, and the King of Poland, with their Conditions respectively, on the which they were contented to establish the Foundation of Peace, he took his way down the Danube, which was the most convenient Passage for a Person labouring under his Distemper: And on this occasion, I have thought fit to Insert the Propositions offered from the Allies unto the Turks, which are these which follow.  

PROPOSITIONS For a Lasting PEACE, Offered at the Sublime Port, by Mr. Herbert, the English Ambassador, 1692.  

Propositions Offered by the Emperor.  

In Nomine Dei.  
Inter duos Imperatores pro fundamento almae Pacis prolatae Propositiones.  

Prima Propositio.  
NE futuris quoque temporibus inter utrumque Imperatorem aliquod intercedat dissidium, sed firma Pax coalescat, Caesarea Majestas occupatorum aliquam partem restituens, reliqua verò retinens moderationem, & aequanimitatem ostendat, si autem abnuerit, retentis occupatis foederi terminus temporis praefigatur.   

Secunda Propositio.  
Sub patrocinio fulgidae Portae existens sitaque prope Confinia Caesareae Majestatis Christianae Regio Transylvaniae in pristinum ipsius statum restituatur, annuumque suum tributum Ottomannorum Imperatori solvat, atque prout declaratur in Sacris antehac confirmatis Diplomatibus sub protectione utriusque Imperialis Majestatis quieto statu fruantur ejus incolae.   

Tertia Propositio.  
Arcium, quae hucusque tenentur à sulgida Porta, viae quaecunque interceptae & oblocatae sunt, operiantur, néve in territoriis & attinentiis earum aliqua fiat interturbatio seu praetensio.   

Quarta Propositio.  
Multum hic morati sumus, qua de cáusa, nescimus, jam veris tempus adventat, in Negotio Tractatûs & Conclusionis de Pace multae difficultates oboriantur, quae menti obversari non poterant: Pro enodandis omnibus difficultatibus, reque-stabilienda quies ab armis esse necessaria videri coepit, ne interrumpatur almi & Sacrosancti istius negotii continuatio, armistitii necessitas apparet, pro quo honestum & conveniens temporis spatium praefigendum occurrit,     

The Articles Proposed by the Venetians, for a Peace with the Turks.  
I. LO Stabilimento del suo Dominio Vecchio è nuovo, è sotto questo s'intendono gl' acquisti fatti per i quali sendosi.  
II. Impatronita del tutto Regno di Morea colla presa di Napoli di Malvasia, pretende lisiano ceduti, li scogl' ed Isol' aggia, centi, è qualche Territorio fuori del stretto di Corintho verso la Livadia & Atene, à Lepantho ed à luoghi sopra ' l Golfo di Corintho i suoi Territorii, cosi alla fortezza della Prevesa il suo Territorio ed à luoghi, che sono sopra ' l Golfo della Prevesa, come dipendenze di St. Maura.  
III. L' Territorio attorno della Valona.  
IV. Nella Dalmatia pretende per Confini i due fiumi Obroazzo e Bojana, col mar' aggia, cente è le Montagne della Bosna.  
La facolta di fabricare fortesse nel proprio Territorio.  
Che non si pretenda dalla parte de Turchi' l pagamento per' l Zante, mà questo rest ' affatto abolito anco per l'auvenire.  
Regolamento del Commercio à regolarsi, quando si venisse à più stretti Trattati co ' Turchi.   

Sacra Caesarea & Regia Majestas Dominus noster Clementissimus, ut sincero affectu & magno aestimio Serenissimi & Potentissimi Magnae Britanniae Regis & Praepotentium Dominorum Generalium Ordinum Foederati Belgij ad promovendam pacem cum Porta Ottomannica officia sibi oblata acceptat, ita quemadmodum summâ etiam in fortuna, & geminatis victoriis pacem honestam & tutam aequis conditionibus inire desideravit & etiamnum inire parata est; Nos jussit Excellentissimum Dominum Legatum Angliae ad Portam Ottomannam proficiscentem super hoc negotio Pacis Viennae jam inchoato, de ejusdem processu, & ubi haerere coeperit, plene informare, simulque ejusdem Caesaream mentem circa ea quae adhuc facienda restant, ut Pax intentata coalescere possit adaperire.  
VENERUNT huc Turcae pacem offerentes circa finem anni millesimi sexcentesimi octuagesimi octavi, quae tum proposuerint, propositio Caesareis Commissariis ad hoc negotium deputatis, ab ipsis Ablegatis Turcicis tradita, hic sub A. apposita fusius demonstrabit, sic etiam, quae ad hanc Propositionem Caesarei Commissarii responderint, contra-propositio B. exhibebit; Verum cum Propositio Turcica interdicto Uti Possidetis fundaretur; sed intermixtis Territoriis Pax solida, vel armistitium durabile non videretur posse coalescere: Ideo simpliciter à Caesareis Commissariis ad negotium Pacis deputatis acceptari non potuit; ne tamen proptereà mox sub ipso ingressu tractatus Pacis abrumperetur, urserunt praedicti Caesarei Commissarii, ut locorum respectiuè cedendorum & retinendorum singulorum discussio individualis iniretur; verùm cum hoc ab Ablegatis Turcicis impetrari non posset & hi desuper mittendum Cursorem, ad reportanda mandata à Porta Ottomannica primùm constanter recusarent, post ultrò peterent, expedito Cursore Turcico & reduce, expectabatur quaenam mandata desuper Ablegati Turcici accepissent, & proposituri essent; cum verò nulla nova praeter proposita se accepisse contestarentur, visum fuit illos dimittere; priusquam verò actualiter Viennâ discederint, primùm specie secreti Eminentissimo Domino Cardinali à Kollonitsch Propositionem suam posteriorem adaperuerunt, eamque Domino à Werdenburg posteà dictatam & Turcico idiomate compositam exhibuerunt, & sponte ad singula cedenda vel retinenda specificè devenerunt, juxta eandem propositionem illorum posteriorem Excellentissimo Domino Legato Angliae sub C, communicatam. Et quia haec Propositio Turcica posterior generalem dictorum locorum cedendorum vel retinendorum continet specificationem, omnia verò de locorum appertinentiis, formâ ac modo cedendi reticet, certum est, & hanc ipsam Propositionem ulteriorem singulorum discussionem requirere: Super quo cum sufficiens tractandi materia restaret, ad facilitandam dicti tractatus reassumptionem cum Turcis, post factam praedictae Propositionis Turcicae Foederatis communicationem & expectata desuper eorum sensa, Caesarei Commissarii, revocatis ad hunc finem Pottendorffium saepe dictis Ablegatis Turcicis, responsum suum ad latus dictae Propositionis Turcicae sub nominato C. scripto exhibuerunt: Quod responsum saepe memorati Ablegati Turcici eo praetextu quod nihil novi in se contineret, & tam prima quam posterior eorum Propositio olim exhibita, mutatâ interim rerum facie evanuisset & sibi nulla amplius tractandi & concludendi tractatûs facultas superesset, acceptare recusarunt; reprehensi postea desuper se responsum Caesareum suscepturos, absque tamen eo quod & illi desuper iterum responderent, se offerre; praeteritum verò errorem per id excusare coeperunt, quod gravius sibi visum fuerit, acceptare Caesareum responsum, & ad id non replicare, quam deficiente sibi tractandi facultate illius acceptionem ab initio statim deprecari.  
Quoniam verò rebus his in circumstantiis positis, duo indispensabiliter necessaria se produnt; Primùm, quod si pacem Turcae Practicabilem velint, utrique imperio tutam & honestam, necessariò distinctis limitibus utriusque Imperii Dominia ab invicem separari & distingui debeant; quare intermixtis Territoriis, nec Pacem nec armistitium tutè & honestè coalescere posse, pro infallibili axiomate statuendum & observandum est: Alterum, quod ut ad distinctionem confiniorum realem & solidam deveniri possit, praecise requiratur, ut Porta Ottomannica congruis mandatis & ad facultatem tractandi & concludendi idoneis Ablegatos suos hic degentes instruat, juxta quae illi hinc inde respectiuè cedendorum; rertinendorum, vel permutandorum discussionem, modum cedendi vel appertinentias singulorum definire, & sic concordatis utrinque placitis conditionibus, Pacis vel armistitii tractatus inire, & cum fructu prosequi ac concludere possint. Ad hunc ergò obtinendae novae instructionis & facultatis pro saepe dictis Ablegatis Turcicis scopum, summa Negotiationis Excellentissimo Domino Legato Angliae creditae dirigenda, eoque omni possibili conatu allaborandum est, ut facultatem super praefata ultima Caesarea Propositione tractandi Ablegatis Turcicis à Porta Ottomannica mittendam obtineat, nec inde facile recedendum, cum non sit in promptu, omnia materialia, quae his Generalibus continentur, de loco ad locum specificare & Excellentissimo Domino Legato Angliae suggerere, multa enim ab oculari situationum inspectione dependent, de quibus haud aliter t●ansigi poterit; Et hoc ad Articulum Primum & Secundum Caesarei ultimi responsi.  
Ad Tertium Art Nihil Caesareae Propositioni addendum vel demendum venit; eò quod distinctio Confimorum Caesarei Dominii ab Ottomannico ibidem clarè exposita habetur: Multis in contrarium facientibus argumentis & rationibus amore Pacis sepositis: Et ea propter in favorem Portae Ottomannicae admissa.  
Ad Quartum Art Caesarei responsi de tractu Valachiae & Moldaviae nihil habetur in Caesareo responso; non equidem proptereà quod ad praedictum tractum jus fundatum desit, sed quod nec novis tricis pacis negotium involvere, nec Foederatorum cuipiam in eo praejudicare visum fuerit.  
Ad Art Quintum. Transylvaniae Negotium omni dubio procul erit in tractatu Petra Scandali, ad quam Jure Avito ad Regnum Hungariae spectantem Armis Caesareis, suffragante spontanea Magnatum & Populi submissione, occupatam & possessam, Turcis cedendam, 
T●e greatest difficulty in all this Trea●y was this 5 th Article about Transylvania.  nihil est quod Sacram Caesaream Majestatem compellere queat, nec faciet unquam; Ut tamen perficiendae pacis nullus modus à Caesarea Majestate intentatus relinquatur, si Turcae nullo modo Caesareae supra citatae contra Propositioni C. locum dare vellent, sed olim Proposito interdicto Uti Possidetis pacem coalescere mallent, Caesarea Majestas nec id comprehensa & in sua possessione relicta Transylvania aspernabitur, verum non obstante multo sibi cum Ottomannica Porta communi incommodo exinde resultante, tractatum Pacis propter ea abrumpi non patietur, tum ut Serenissimo Magnae Britanniae Regi & Dominis Foederati Belgii Ordinibus Generalibus Pacem cum Ottomannica Porta summè desiderantibus, quantum fieri potest, deferat, tum etiam ut pro sua naturali pietate & clementia effusioni Sanguinis humani parcat, & quà licet possibilibus conditionibus sistat, quinimò, ut possibili modo realem pacis incundae promptitudinem supra memoratis potentiis sibi Foederatis testatam reddat, s● Turcae per oblatum & hactenus in pacificationibus cum Porta Ottomannica fere semper observari solitum interdictum Uti Possidetis, inclusa Transylvania, pacem inire non posse mordicùs tuerentur & hujus temperamenti Caesarea ex parte ineundi spem ab Excellentissimo Domino Legato Angliae Turcis pro obtinenda pace injici posse permittit, scilicet si restitutâ Transylvaniâ Juniori Apafi: Quem status elegerunt & cum Caesar tum Porta Ottomannica confirmavit: In perpetuum tamen abinde excluso proditore Tökelio, suis antiquis juribus, libertatibus & privilegiis, sub aequali utriusque Imperii protectione & commodo deinceps liberè vivere sinat; Contra, Porta Ottomannica trans Danubium, Varadinum, Temesvarinum, Gyula, Jenova, Lippa, aliaque omnia loca quae armis Ottomannicis in ultra Danubianis & Tibiscanis partibus tenentur & partium Hungaricarum nomine audiunt, ad Portam Ferream usque inclusiuè, simul etiam quae inter Danubium & Savum ultra Dravum momentanea & dubiâ possessione tenet, Sacrae Caesareae Majestati in statu quo munita cedat, nulla ibidem Portae Ottomannicae remanente praetensione.  
Ad Art Sextum, Nihil dicendum occurrit, sed omnia ad contenta hoc Art Sexto Caesarei responsi comprehensa deducenda sunt, proptereà quod de iis alio modo suppositâ honestâ & tutâ pace ab utrinque facienda transigi non possit.  
Ad Art Septimum. Caesarei responsi nihil dicendum cum per se clarus sit & Caesaream intentionem sine omni aequivoco explicet.  
Quae verò Articulis, Octavo & Nono, Caesarei responsi comprehensa leguntur, vix est quod Pacis Negotium morentur, eo duntaxat excepto, quod Art Nono de liberè muniendis Utriusque Imperii placitis confiniis stipulandum proponitur quod nullatenus alterari vel omitti potest, eò quod utriusque Imperii securitas in hoc potissimum sita deprehendatur.  
Ad Appendicem Caesarea ex parte praesupponitur quod, Turcis in suis exhibitionibus respectu Foederatorum Serenissimorum Regis Poloniae, & Reipublicae Venetae exhibitis permanentibus, magna Pacis facilitandae ratio apparitura sit, quamvis desuper cum iis potissimum transigendum maneat.  
De quibus omnibus pacis ineundae & facilitandae temperamentis, suo ordine gradatim proponendis, ut Excellentissimus Dominus Legatus Angliae cum Portae Ottomannicae Ministris & Magno Vizirio praecipuè colloqui, spemque obtinendorum à Caesareis commodè facere poterit, ita meminerit, dictorum temperamentorum proponendorum ac desuper Turcarum ad Pacem inclinatorum, vel ab ea aversorum sensum penetrandi liberam, ut supradictum, sibi facultatem quidem creditam, verùm ipsius negotii Pacis conclusionem, Augusto Imperatori, Domino Domino nostro Clementissimo reservatam habere & ita remanere debere, ut super propositis & acceptatis temperamentis demum hic Viennae tractatus formaliter concludi debeat, cum vel maximè id praeterea observandum, quod Caesarea Regiaque Majestas sine Foederatis suis Serenissimo Poloniae Rege & Serenissima Republica Veneta Pacem, uti saepius declaravit, nec factura sit nec facere possit; Quare ad se ponendum inter Caesarem Augustum & Turcarum Imperatorem currens bellum praecise requiritur, ut & cum Caesareis Foederatis praememoratis, de pacificatione ipsorum quoque tractetur, & ad tractandum cum ipsis Ablegati Turcici convenienter instruantur.  
Suggerendum praeterea occurrit Excellentissimo Domino Legato Angliae quod Sacra Caesarea Majestas his conditionibus ultra finem Junii circiter se adstrictam permanere non intendat.  
Porrò si supremus Vizirius per praesentes Portae Ottomannicae Ministros tractatum continuare nollet vel alios submittere vellet, nullam ex parte Caesarea hac in re difficultatem experietur.  
Et quia saepe memorati Ablegati Turcici varias male fundatas querelas & actorum exculpationem, nomine sincerae cujusdam informationis sub D, huc ad Aulam Caesaream remise rnnt & in dubium videtur, has ipsas querelas eorum, cumulatis sinistris informationibus, ad Portam Ottomannicam delatas fuisse; visum fuit de earum querelarum momento Excellentissimum Dominum Legatum Angliae per adjacens scriptum E. informare, simulque materiam fundatissimae refutationis, si quae sibi de his apud Portam Ottomannicam objicerentur, suppeditare.  
Desideratur hoc praeterea ab Excellentissimo Domino Legato Anglia●; ut nihil nomine Caesareo sed omnia quasi ex mandato sui Serenissimi Regis hîc in aula Caesarea penetrata proferat & agat, simul etiam quam Proposito apud Portam Ottomannicam ad sanciendam Pacem vel continuandum bellum dispositionem repererit, expressis & festinis Cursoribus nunciare non gravetur.  
PERPENSIS Instructionibus, quae mandato Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis Excellentiae Vestrae 31 Martii, Dominis Legato & Ablegatis Serenissimi & Potentissimi Magnae Britanniae Regis & P. P. Dominorum Ordinum Foederati Belgii impertire voluere respondent:  
Accepta esse Sacrae Caesareae Majestati dicti Magnae Britanniae Regis & D. D. Ordinum ad promovendam cum Porta Ottomannica pacem officia, per Excellentissimos Dominos Hussey & Collier, ad Portam Ottomanicam Legatos oblata & ipsis concredita, se grato animo percepisse, utque jam tantum negotium eò efficacius aggrediantur, de aliquibus communicatis & tractandis, quo plenius informari possint, decenter rogant.  
In Propositione ab Ablegatis Turcicis datâ, (Litera C.) reclusa fulgidae Portae sententia de satisfactione Foederatis Imperialibus praebendâ, Regi scilicet Poloniae & S. Reip. Venetae, proferri videtur, cui nullum datur responsum, quamvis in replicatione ejusdem expectatio suggeritur, ideoque praedicti Legatus & Ablegati nonnihil mirantur Articulum tanti momenti tacitum praeteriisse Excellentias Vestras, eò magis quod ratio productae Domini Legati Commorationis credebatur esse Foederatorum responsi expectatio, quod & etiam ita f●isse dicebatur, & de quo proculdubio Foederati praedicti Oratores suos hic residentes, quantum ad ipsorum praetensiones at●inet, certiores fecere. Perpendere velint Excellentiae Vestrae expresse in Instructionibus Legato & Ablegatis concreditis statui, ut nihil omninò, priusquam Foederatis satisfiat consentiretur, atque igitur materiâ illâ non lucidatâ incapaces planè se putant Legati servitia huic tractatui utilia praestare, cum facile nimis exponi viderentur dignitas Regis & DD. Ordinum, aliqua etiam ratione Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis Consilia & Excellentissimorum Dominorum Legatorum character; non probabile enim est, fulgidam Portam velle de concilianda pace agere, priusquam resciverit, quibus legibus cum Foederatis tractari possit, justè suspicante Visirio, ne tractatu inito ipsiusque ita ment perspecta Sociorum aliquis postmodo iniquas & non approbandas exigendo Conditiones à quibusvis pactis recedere, nullisque unquam stipulationibus teneri queat, hac solutâ difficultate Excellenti●●imi DD. Legati alacri animo opus promptissimi aggredientur. Quâ ergò par est instantiâ Excellentias Vestras orant Legatus & Ablegati, ut plenius materia ista aperiatur, quae Considerationi Excellentiarum Vestrarum remittitur, & cui necessari●m creditur, ut respondeatur.  
De remittendâ Transylvaniâ Principi Apafi cum omnibus Privilegiis, etc. tributoque quod petunt Turcae promittendo, si arrogati pro hac cessione territorii partem tantum aliquam concedere immoretur Visirius, an pertinaciter Propositioni Imperiali insistendum sit, petitur.  
Si velit Magnus Visirius tractatum inire, ea conditione, ut unicuique Imperio maneant acquisita, quomodo se gerere debeant Legati, nulla Foederatorum mentione factâ, quaeritur.  
An terminus, qui ad finem Junii effluit, non sit extendendus considerationi Excellentiarum Vestrarum exhibetur; aut si post illud tempus omnis ulterioris tractatus Propositio rejiciatur.  

Instructions for the English and Holland Ambassadors, in respect to the Three Allies, Vienna, April 12th. 1692.  
Collaudato Excellentissimi Domini Legati Angliae & Dominorum Ablegatorum Angliae & Hollandiae de Re Christiana bene merendi syncero studio & prudenti de amovendis obstaculis quae negotium creditum morari vel turbare possent, suscepta curâ ad puncta oblata respondendum duxerunt Deputati ad hoc Caesarei Ministri.  

Ad Primum.  
IN Caesareo ad Turcicam Propositionem ultimam concepto responso Articulum de foederatis tractantem nullarenus omissum fuisse, sed aliter quam ibi reperitur, propter ea concipi non potuisse, quod Serenissimus Poloniae Rex & Serenissima Respublica Veneta, etsi in prosequendo bello Sacrae Caesareae Majestati foedere sociati, & pariter ad pacem seorsivam non faciendam, nec aliter quam simul sanciendam obligati sint, nihilominus tractandarum suarum conditionum Pacis arbitri manserunt; quare permissâ ipsis singulorum cum Turcis complanatione de iis, quae eosdem foederatos tangebant, non nisi per generalia loquendum erat; Caeterum Ablegatus Poloniae Dominus Prosky communicationem suarum conditionum cum D D. Ministris Angliae & Hollandiae non quidem abnuit, sed ulteriorem tractationem & conclusionem non aliter, quam hîc Viennae faciendam reservavit, quas allegatum A. repraesentabit. Excellentissimus Legatus Venetus, ubi Caesaream contra Propositionem per Ablegatos Turcicos repudiatam intellexit, cum sua sibi reticendum existimavit, constanter asseverans, tractatum Pacis simultaneum per foederatos cum Turcis instituendum non alibi, quam hîc Viennae prosequi & concludi posse, unde specie confidentiae, & reservato, ne aliter quam pro mea directione communicata crederentur, conditiones suae Serenissimae Reipublicae Turcis quandoque communicandas allegato B. comprehensas mihi Comiti Kinsky exhibuit: Verùm cum praedicti ministri uterque ulteriorem cum Turcis super suis oblatis conditionibus tractationem hic Viennae instituendam sibi reservent, satis constat, has ipsas suas conditiones non esse ultimas, sed agendo desuper cum Turcis in pluribus fortè adhuc moderandas; quare horum omnium intuitu requiruntur Domini Legati Angliae & Hollandiae, ut primo puncto Caesarei scripti sibi communicato de obtinendis pro Ablegatis Turcicis novis Instructionibus ad prosequendum tractatum Pacis necessariis pressè inhaereant, nec indè facile recedant, cum experientia edoctura sit, majori incommodo & minori fructu ad Pacem inter foederatos & Portam Ottomannicam fanciendam tractatus alibi, quam hic Viennae reassumendos & perficiendos fore.   

Ad Secundum.  
Constat, intuitu Officiorum à Serenissimo & Potentissimo Magnae Britanniae Rege & Praepotentibus Dominis Generalibus foederati Belgii Ordinibus oblatorum Caesaream Majestatem temperamenta scripto Excellentissimo Domino Legato Angliae, & Dominis Ablegatis exhibita, non ad ipsam concludendam Pacem, sed potissimùm ad introducendam dispositionem ad tractatum Pacis hîc Viennae reassumendum proposuisse; quare si Magnus Visirius restitutâ Apafio Transylvaniâ sub aequali protectione & Commodo utriusque Imperii cum suis juribus & Privilegiis petit● territoria non omnia, sed tantùm eorum partem concedere vellet, nullatenus ipsi assentiendum, sed desideratis impensè inhaerendum fore, cum absque cessione petiti Territorii nihil sit, quod Sacram Caesaream Majestatem ad restitutionem dictae Transylvaniae permovere, vel obligare possit; verùm quia ejusmodi tractatus graves & momentosi non uno, ut dici solet, ictu perficiuntur, ubi Domini Legati Angliae & Hollandiae certiora de Turcarum intentionibus ad nos perscripserint, commodior tùm de porrò faciendis vel omittendis deliberatio institui poterit.   

Ad Tertium.  
Foederatorum satisfactionis debitae, ●um sine ea Pax coalescere non possit, semper erit facienda mentio & remonstranda Turcis cum iisdem Foederatis desuper ulterius tractandi necessitas, hoc tamen verum est, quod complanatis inter Sacram Caesaream Majestatem & Portam Ottomannicam ad prosequendum tractatum dispositionibus Sacra Caesarea Majestas omnia officia adhibitura sit, ut & tùm Foederatos suos ad justas & honestas Pacis Conditiones acceptandas deducat.   

Ad Quartum.  
De prorogatione termini in Obligatione ad has Conditiones persistendi sapientissime monuerunt Excellentissimus Dominus Legatus & Illustriss. Domini Ablegati Angliae & Hollandiae, quia tamen res in continuo motu constitutae naturaliter & facile alterantur, ideoque difficile est, ad temperamentorum propositorum acceptationem se indefinitè obstringere & simili vinculo absque ulla restrictione inhaerere, ideò dicto Mensi Junio totum Mensem Julium denominando substituere visum fuit, quem intrà si dispositio saepedicta ad reassumendos tractatus, rejecta huc Viennam ejusdem conclusione, apud Portam Ottomannicam induci non posset, non equidem proptereà de iis porrò tractandis cessandum foret, sed ita de iis agere continuandum ut subsecutâ rerum notabili alteratione de eadem complanandâ missis Cursoribus necessariae quaestiones inde emanatae proponantur, quae dicta rerum alteratio, si Caesareis armis, ut in Deum confiditur, prospera foret, omni conatu de eadem Legatos Angliae & Hollandiae certiores reddere, & monere non intermittetur.  
Viennae, 12 Aprilis 1692.  
The following Papers, tho' in order of Time they should have been inserted in 1690, and 1691, having relation to the Transactions now on foot, were thought fit to be inserted here.      

Summa Portionum in Hungaria, Transylvania, ac Partibus Regno Subjectis ab Ann. 1683, usque ad Ann. 1690. solutarum.  
Anno 1683 HAbuit Hungaria Inferior Portiones 70000: facit per 7 Menses Flor. 3185000 1684 Hung. Inferior Port. 50000: Fl. 2275000  Superior 45000: Fl. 2047500 1685 Infer. & Super. 80000: Fl. 3640000 1686 Hungaria cum Partibus 100000: Fl. 4550000 1687  85000: Fl. 3867500  Transylvania Portiones  Fl. 1200000 1688 Hungaria 90000: Fl. 4095000  Transylvania 39000: Fl. 1774500 1689 Hungaria 50000: Fl. 2275000  Solvit Transylvania per partes  Fl. 1200000  
Summa itaque Portionum solutarum, praeter Regnum Croatiae, & Part●s Conquistas, ac infinitos Militum ac Officialium excessus, & extorsiones, atque transmigrationes facit ad Minimum Flor. 30106500.  
Id est, Triginta Milliones, centum sex Millia, & quingentos Florenos.  
Deus sit-vobiscum, mi Domine.  
ACCEPTIS his Dominatio vestra veniat ad me Quinque Ecclesias; hab●o enim aliqua, quae conferam cum Dominatione vestra pro bono vestro: Assecuro autem Dominationem Vestram de omni securitate, liberoque itu & reditu.  
Datum quinque Eccles. 14 Febr. Ann. 1690. TULLIUS MIGLIO, Commissarius Caesareus.  
L.S.  
Literae Praedicantibus quibuslibet in Barovia transmissae.  
Deus sit vobiscum.  
QUONIAM ego quibusdam de causis negotium suae Majestatis Concernentibus vestros Praedicantes huc ad Commissionem Caesaream accersivi, illi autem comparere prorsus recusarunt; idcirco impero, & demando vobis, ne illos in pagis vestrispersistere permittatis, quin imo consortes liberosque eorum Praedicantium statim ejiciatis, & numquam eos, familiasque ●orum Praedicantium immittere aud●atis. Nam si contrarium meo mandato feceritis, mittam ad vos, tamquam ejusmodi obedire nescios, ducentos milites Muscatarios, qui in pagis vestris pro discretione sunt victuri. Ne ergo damnum & injuriam suae Majestatis incurratis, in omnibus huic meo pareatis mandato, & praespecisicati Praedicantes intra quatriduum compareant ante suae Majestatis Caesareae Commissarios audituri edictum. Deus vobiscum.  
Datum quinque Ecclesiis, die 21 Febr. Ann. 1690. TULLIUS MIGLIO, Caesareus Commissarius.  
L.S.  
Literae Comminatoriae Veresmarthiensibus, Szólosiensibus, Kóosepseiensibus, Euzaiensibus, & Karanesiensibus incolis transmissae. Ex Hungarico idiomate in latinum genuine transsumptae.  
Deus Benedicat & Convertat vos.  
VIDEO, quod nolitis mihi obtemperare, ideo quicumque veram Romanam fidem amplecti noluerit, (sinae qua impossibile est salvari) eum in Episcopatu & ditione mea degere nolo.  
Dominus Commissarius, & Dominus Episcopus Sirmensis cis Danubium & Dravum, & in districtu Essekiensi, Praedicantes omnes vel incaptivant, vel eliminant. Id etiam vobiscum agetur, si vel Sacerdoti Szalontaiensi, vel Patribus Jesuitis quinque Eccles. non confessi fueritis. sin autem carnem ex vobis aliquis ederit, gravi luet poena. Sequenti Dominica Judices cum codicibus fide dignis ingrediantur.  
Datum Bavars-szólós, die 28▪ Febr. Ann. 1690. Vester bonus Dominus, MATHIAS RADHONAI, Episcopus quinque Eccl. & supremus Comes.  
L.S.  
Literae Szavaiensibus, Guriensibus, Vistoiensibus, Sterdaliensibus, Koracshidaiensibus, Marsa, Ferchegiensibus, & aliis districtus illius Calvinistis exaratae, etc.  
Deus Benedicat, & Convertat omnes Calvinistas in Districtu Siklos degentes.  
UT jam antea crebro vos verbis & literis admonui, neminem haereticum, praedonem, Judaeum, Calvinistam, Thracem Schismaticum, scortum, & scortatorem, aut sceleratum alium, & in Deum calumniantem in Episcopatu servaturum, & perpessurum; eo magis si quem invenero Praedicantem: Profecto docebo, & interrogabo, ex cujus nutu & voluntate in Episcopatum meum venerit animas ad tartara dejicere, Filii Dei Sanguine pretioso redemptas. Idcirco scribo de novo, & demando, qui velit manere sub Episcopatu meo, fidem veram Romanam, (sine qua impossibile est salvari) amplectatur, & de omnibus suis peccatis poeniteat, omnes unanimi voto Deum laudaturi & adoraturi. Qui autem animum ad haec non induxerit, eo, ubi haeresis tolerabitur, concedat: Reperiam ad parata obedientes, Deum timentes, & verae fidei homines, quos subsidere faciam in locum ipsorum, qui in vera fide nolunt Deo Servire. Praedicantes autem resipiscere no●entes Episcopatu meo illico excedant, si velint, ne cum ipsis more Praedicantis Nadasdiensis & Mohacsiensis, & aliorum agatur.  
Actum Ocsard die 2 Martii, 1690. Vestrae Conversionis Cupidus, MATHIAS RADHONAI; Episcopus quinque Ecclesiensis & supremus Comes.  
L.S.  
Literae Szavaiensibus, Garaiensibus, Czarnoraiensibus, Bissoviensibus, Judiensibus, Totfalusiensibus, Harsanii, Nagi Harsaniensibus, Venczviensibus, Odnogarensibus, Vitoiensibus; Magiens. Gordisaviens. Haboczaiens. Babonanaiens. Creh●ensibus, Szerdahelyensibus, Vizloiensibus, Czepeliensibus, Kemetkiensibus, St. Martoniensib. Hederheliensib. Baskiensibus, Zaletiensibus, Zeyens. Quinque Ecclesias. Siklos, Bile, Basky, & Bigetvar districtuum Calvinistis incolis transmissae.  
Lettres du Roy Tres-Christien a Monsieur Castaigneres.  
Monsieur de Castaignere▪  
J'AY receu vos Lettres des 27 Auril, 7 & 27 May, avec les Lettres du Grand Seigneur, & du Vizir; le Decret, ou barat, pour les Religieux Francs de Jerusalem, & toutes les autres pieces, qui y estoient jointes. Vouz ne devez pas Douter, que je ne sois tres satisfait de la conduite, que vous avez tenue dans tout cette affaire, & de l'heureux succés, qu' elle à eue. Je ni assure aussi, que s'il se recontre quelque obstacle dans Pexecution des ordres, que la Porte à donné sur ce sujet, vous n' obmettrez rien pour les fair lever, & pour maintenir les Religieux Latins dans la paisible possession des Saintes lieux. 305.406.324.256.228.26.54.167.53.136.403.331.38.288.76.352.294.54.347.41.77.193.15.98.38.232.53.3.159.301.88.8.288.98.278.76.167.51.260.337.167.50.290▪ 71.1 95.199.401. Japprouve pareillement tout ce, que vous avez fait pour 47.405.44.118.341.98.50.245.181.53.232.152.288.29.15.205.401.71.212.53.197.198.51.260.2.195.272.14.51.267.202.388.206.3.83.45.215.65.14.50.401.198.53.243.50.311.54.277.195.86.56.57.98.83.197.208.80.202.311.56.288.257.59.288. Mais ce n'est qu'a condition que 78.66.198.88.291.193.3.6.205.71.2.44.98.68.402.347.32.3.60.88.193.14.98.331.38.286.167.51.403.245.103.53.232.167.65.54.337.324.119.59.54.177.50.166.202.35.83.104.114.51.2.185.20.88.298.233.301.298.80 337.314.119.27.53.401.252.237.2. 59.223.60, 53 ', 270.202.45.118.86.56.57.98.83.311.301.53.185.198.60.195.146.347.403. ne se doit point étendre 266.277.185.106.32.192.109.14.266.277.185.89.185.347.15. quand a la 45.118.288.8.298.80.347.35.193.202.355.39.202.15.167.50.245.54▪ 254 59.89.50.57.401.177.56.118.8.321.188.38.222.51.401.72. ●56. 86.53.188.266. vous deves 235.84.403.381.38.276.27.56.98.337.235.257.195.98.54.218.59.51.311.11.97.193.98.302.59.39.401.233.202.195. attachements aux Interests de 405.232.152. 288.30.14.205.21.2.53.103.5.205.51.3.99.9.335.37.405.53.97.83.284.42.59.83.388.166.78.193.281.202. 245.202.308.59.51.256.51.202.218.38.114.50.2.198.98.298.98.50.302. 106.38.138.2.59.86.41.60. J'ay assez de raison dene pas souffrir 3.60.341.256.3.59.56.98.178.337.185.301.308.205.337. ff 4 ff. 403.337.32.337.44.118.288.73.2.298.80.337.195.154.199.119.59.54.3.27.56.323.14.202.256.167.53.84.185.167.26.63.347.32. 256.35.83.3.26.57. auparavant qu● 405.252.3.109.53.167.50.401.119.59.54. Je ne crois pas, qu'on doive faire beaucoup de fondement sur 60.256.208.243.26.6.195.2.53.228.88.38.311. 347.256.33.83.104.114.3.108.83.166.142. Je ne juge pas à propos di 133.50.302.3.59.341.39.83.104.114.146.2.99.8.260.347.35.83.177.9.234.202.84.185.167.26.63.258.188.247 321.167.298.80.305.183.331.38.109.83.11.88.2.60.291.202.355.59.118.39.256. Il suffit, que vous continuez à parler dans le sens que je vous ay prescrit par mes precedentes depéches a la relation que des vous envoie de & la Victoire, que ma flotte à ramportée sur celle de mes Ennemis vous donnerà encore de nouveaux moyens de faire voir aux Ministers, que 78.53.222.26.99.76.261.93.14.51.352.234.59.98.50.63.228.8.311.68.202.86.53.161.53.71.337.79.53.83.277.118.76.298.98.50.202. 154.53.181.54.53.78.53.331.38.298.286.14.77.185.164.2.99.9.109.20.99.59.51.401.71.223.50.86.288. Sur toutes nous faites leur bien comprendre, que 78.53.256.222.26.99.76.167.53.244.98.234.38.202.50.337.202.217.27.14.60.50.54.3.38.256.14.54.185.167.26.62.198.213.53.198.133.106.65.71.52.173.71.337.274.2.311.337.195.138.11.141.53.97.98.278.5.205.228.51.195.56.118.256.78.198.348.88.352.402.212.233.341.33.288.68.27.38.228.51.106.38.278.6.245.401. 2.185.98.59.266.80.352.267.53.82. 54.  
Ne manques pas de me faire scavoir par vos premieres depéches, à quoy montent les effects, que le feu Seignior Vovir à laisses. Il y ade l'apparence, que le 53.401.265.54.202.185.331.59.51.202. 317.2.99.8.9.183.202.149. formez vous de nouvelles difficultez à la 405.59.38.338.202.167.27.62.247.341.205.14.98.133.245.317.97.53.401.71.245.368.166.311.185.256.119.59.54.11. 97.167.53.83.177.12.234.50.212. 84.358.308.59.57.311.347.119.60.53.198.88.197.53.208.5.195.277.402. 185.89.38.311.50.72.185.331.38.9.225.98. Sur ce je prie Dieu, qu'il vous ait Monsieur de Castaigneres en sa Sancte garde. Ecrit à Versailles le 31 Juillet, 1690.  
Signe, Plus bas. LOVIS. COLBERT.  
Monsieur de Castaigneres,  
J'AY receu vôtre Lettre datte de Constantinople du 15 Juin avec celles, que le Grand Seigneur & son premier Ministre m'ont écrites au sujet du Retablissement des Religieux Latines dans les Saintes lieux é je vous ay desia temoigné la satisfaction, que j'ay du succes, que vos soins ont eu ' dans la poursuitte de cette affaire. Quel'que sujet que vous ayez de 402.119.59.54.202.233.14.51.352.275.53.337.245.121.59.51.368.41.76.15.8.108.288.53.3.59.154.199.71.337.195.53.99.288.88.268.403. à fait porter diligentement des 406.2.3.38.12.108.276.44.195.401. Il n'y a pass lieu nean moins de croire, que 410.63.40.420.185.167.26.63.198.207.26.54.198.84.133.32. 173.2.99.9.198.53.3. 32.205.14.68.232.256.167.50.57.71.245.368.202.185.59.57.98. Vous pouvez même 1. 407.3.54.228.98.50.195.154.199.337.401. Je scay de bonne past, que la 98.218.225.298.80.2.193.14.45.108.198.302.195.351.202.33.173.202.84.98.56.88.38.9.234.50.195.207.202.328.347.32.2.83.284.83.202.301.202. 185.108.109.14.98.202.106.88.89.277.65.202.116.98.50.228.51. 185.282.26.99.41.406. tout le reste de la Campagne 71.202.116.266.51.185.139.202.266.53.188.202. tout ce qui est necessaire pour 188.282.15.402. a moy les Tur●s ne doivent pas craindre de trouver des grandes obstacles aux entreprises qu'ils voudront former: é comme mes armes par terre, & parmer ne seront pas moins formidables l'anné prochaine, que cellecy, ce Ministre peut s'assurer, que s'il fait des efforts un peu considerables, il aurà la gloire de retablir l'Empire Ottoman au même etat, qu'il etoit avant cette guerre, & mes ennemis la confusion d'avoir perdu tout ce, qu'ils avoient acquis avant que de se brouiller avec moy. Je ne donte pas neantmoins, qu'ils ne fassent beaucoup valoir au pays on vous estez le succes, que le Prince d' Orange à eu en Irlande. Mais comme avec une armée de 40000 hommes de navoir eu à combattre, que 4 on 5000 hommes des mes trouppes, & environ 15000 Irlandois, gens ramassez, sans discipline, & fort mal armez, on ne doit tirer au lieu, où vous estez, aucune consequence de ces achevemens. D'autant plus, que mes troupes se sont retirez à Limbrick sans aucune peste considerable; & on peut juger de l'avenir par les grandes Victoires, que mes armes ont ramportez tant sur mer, que sur terre, sur le grand nombre d'Ennemis, que j'ay à combattre.  
Je vous ay desia ecrit, que je ne 252. 197.26.76.202.177.38.208.80.2.60.152.288.29.14.205.71.337.324.256.335.2.65. accorde 352.20.88.298.233.301.298.80.53.33. Lors qu'il possedoit le 405.185.45.185.311.202.106.38.104.56.68.71.277.185.65.202.50.3. resister aux armes de l'Empereur, ainsi c'est sans fondament, que l'on vent 202.355.38.202.185.177.38.208.80.14.12.401. 9.264.15.232.288.35.54.232.53 ', 270. 71.— Je vous 282.202.108.83.167.14.51.3.59.212.56.152.258. un ordre expres de moy, vous permettant seulement au cas, que 78.53.97.96.53.83. possession actuelle 410.53.420.202.185.388.72. que par l'appuy que 260.335.252.88.245.103.232.167.65.54.185.65.83.57.98.331.286.277.235.267.218.59.99.108.38. En ce case, & non autrement, vous 86.38.104.124.14.68.2.84.167.15.50.278.76.3.59.199.327.59.224.35.352.378.374.2.185.331.38.341.50.88.38.311.352.40.96.32.14.341.54.337. J'avois permis au 212.56.53.270.202.35.44.215.65.14.50. 277.311.56.203. Ne voulant pas, que vous 167.53.208.14.68.311.56.288.218.35.86. soit au 154.199.41.60.3.59.224.36. en sorte que ce que je serai oblige de 403.254.50.2.225.38.71.3.185.59.56.98.256.65.311.202.167.54.83.308.59.57.245.212.53.40.96.32.14.341.53. Je ne desire pas, que vous vous donniés aucun movement, pour empecher, que le Seignor Chandos ne soit reconnu à la porte en qualité d' Ambassadeur d'Angleterre, 37.406.2.136.337.119.59.54.256.218.66.14.68.3.53. 228.98.202.237.335.84.98.253.198.50.245. audience. 53.83.311.56.288.327.205.288. & vous ne devez pas ainsi vous mettre en pe●na de la 352.298.256.14.232.53, 56.128.35.191.32. Surce je prie Dieu, quil vous ait, Monsieur de Castaigneres, en sa Sancte garde. Ecrit a Versailles le 9 d'Aoust 1690.  
Signe, Plus bas. LOVIS. COLBERT.  
Excellentissimi ac Illustrissimi Domini.  
Domini Gratiosissimi,  
QUALITER Maritus meus Ecclesiae Evangelicae Polanii quondam Minister, non obstante eo, quod ibidem omnes sint nobiles, & libera Religionis Evangelicae facultate ab antiquo fruantur, ex inquieta Cleri subordinatione (de quo contra auctoritatem suae Majestatis Serenissimae inferendo nec cogitare quidem umquam quisquam potuerit) aliqui vagabundi Hungari plusquam more praedonico, nocturno quietis tempore, cum sclopetorum displosionibus irruendo▪ cum eorum propter ejusdem loci inhabitatotum confluxum & tumultum capi non potuisset, brachiali tandem Germanorum militum assistentia, nocturno pariter tempore, per eosdem Hungaros, & certos Cleros, misere captus, vinculatus, huc & illuc ad diversa loca, ad instar canum, deductus, pede tenusque suspensus, & ineffabilibus cruciatibus afflictus, omnibusque bonis privatus, ad diros Eminentiss. D. Cardinalis à Kolonitz carceres Sabarienses, in despectum status Evangelici, publico spectaculo expositus, lamentabiliter deductus sit, quin Excellentiis Vestris jam innotescat, non dubito. Quo propter praedicationem Verbi Divini, a sua Majestate Serenissima diaetaliter clementissime concessam, satis crudeliter capro, vinculato, durissimisque aliquot centenarum plagarum verberibus multis vicibus afflicto, & omnibus boni● privato: Ego in misera jam sorte constituta, eoque magis, quod jammodo sub praetextu homicidii contra sanam Conscientiam à nonnullis apud Augustam Aulam ipsi innocentissimo Sanguini adscripti, (ac, si, inquam, tempore prioris tumultus, aliquis ex illis nocturnis latronibus, quod alias omnes omnino omni jure promeriti fuissent, interfectus fuis●et; cum illi ex adverso ipsos inhabitatores potius ejusdem loci globo trajecerint, & sauciaverint:) Et in praesentiarum in Eminent. D. Cardinalis carcerum Sabariensium squalore, ad instar principalium notabiliumque latronum vel bestiarum, pedibus manibusque concatenatis & vinculatis, sine ulla crudelitatis remissiorie detineatur, & tractetur, nec non durioribus verberibus, minisque variis aggravetur, & territetur, sicque ad fidem contrariam amplectendam, contra diploma Regium indies crudelius compellatur: Sed vel maxime, quod jam nec liberi, imo nullus nostrum accessum ad eum sub gravi animadversione & indignatione amplius habere possint, panemque piorum Christianorum Commiseratione ostiatim mendicando acquisitum, nec per alium aliquem ipsi porrigere permittant: Et quod majus, centum adhuc imperiales multis minis & terriculamentis extorquere à misero non desinant: Omnium solatiorum medio destituta, & jamjam desperobunda, spe adhuc in Gratiosa Excell. vestrarum Commiserationis dexteritate reposita, cum miserrimis meis liberis derelictis preces nostras ad carundem Excellentiarum Vestrarum sinum Misericordiae genu flexo dirigimus, per viscera misericordiae Divinae, & vulnera Christi, omni subjectionis humilitate orantes, dignentur nos, omni jam eliberationis & solatiorum medio destitutos, & misere derelictos, propterque praedicationem verbi Divini sic pressos, in eundem misericordiae sinum gratiose suscipere. Et cum nec Sacrae suae Majestatis haec fuerit intentio, ut Ministri Evangelico-Ecclesiastici verbo suo Regio priori Religionis professioni & exercitio revocati, & integre restituti, clandestina tyrannica aliqua modalitate vel crudelitate persequantur, & ad normam multorum jam Praedicantium his quoque praeterlapsis temporibus captorum, & ad mutationem usque Religionis duriter tractatorum, omnium cruciatuum generibus iterum, iterumve affligantur, dissipentur, & exstirpentur: Verum ut afflictio eorum nova gaudii vicissitudine suppleatur, sub benignisque Serenissimae suae Majestatis Alis quietam vitam, & functionis, professionisque libertatem securius habere possint, pro sublatis ulterioribus excessibus, dissensionibus, & malis, in negotio Religionum suboriendis, auctoritatem complanationis sibi diplomatice quam clementissime reservarit, & non alicui Contra-parti vindicationem concessit: Ex ea etiam fiduciae certitudine eaedem Excellentiae Vestrae gratiosa apud suam Majestatem Serenislimam interpositione miseriis nostris succurrere, jugumque pressurae contra auctoritatem Regiam tam crudeliter illatum tollere, & maritum meum in carcerum squalore ita lamentabiliter patientem, per eandem Dei misericordiam & salutem eliberationis solatio sublevare ne graventur. Propter quod genus misericordiae summus ille misericors Deus ex summa Deitatis misericordia, misericorditer ut iisdem Excellentiis Vestris cumulatissime benedicat & prosperet. Eundem fundendis precibus nostris assiduis implorare non simus intermissuri.  
Earundem Excell. Vest. Humillima Ancilla, Praedicantis Possessionis Polanii moestissima Censors, cum miserrimis liberis, gratiosam praestolaturi resolutionem.  
Excellentissime Domine.  
Domine mihi Gratiosissime,  
BENIGNE recordabitur Excellentia vestra querulosae ac genuinae expositionis afflictissimae sortis meae, eidem Excellentiae vestrae ante complures dies medio supplicis libelli humillime factae: Qualiter nempe Praepositus Sabariencis circa festum S. Joannis Baptistae non pridem transactum, missis certo numero ad locum ordinariae Residentiae meae in Possessione Polanii (alias more nobilitari) habitae Germanicis militibus, datisque mandatis▪ me capi, diversimode excruciari, percuti, pedibusque suspendi, sicque ineffabilibus cruciatibus affectum ad Arcem Sabariensem sub jurisdictione Eminentissimi Principis Cardinalis à Kolonitz constitutam, deductum, ac compedibus vinctum, aliquot centenarum plagarum verberibus sauciatum, manibus fractis, aliisque corporis mei membris concussis ad squalidos carceres conjici curasset, ubi impraesentiarum miserrime detineret.  
Dum autem juxta quorundam benevolorum affidatione beatam desideratissimae liberationis meae horam momentaneae exspectarem, deteriora experiri cogor: Ubi his non longe praeteritis diebus cum praesenter concluderem, aerumnosus ego homo deductus in portam arcis, nisi me per unam vaccam redemissem, aliquot plagas suffere coactus fuissem. Accepi jam, Excellentissime Domine, quadringentas plagas; gloriam tamen tribuens Deo meo, quod me dignum fecerit pati pro nomine suo. Imo hoc me maxime angit, quod, qui captivum me detinerent, & qui contumulant me carcere exemptum, & (salvo honore) inter canes coacte sedentem, gravi sub comminatione, libratis videlicet ad caput meum ferreis clavis, adigerent, dicentes, Canito, canito, inquiunt, scivisti equidem in stabulo, id est in templo, boare, rugire, & clamitare. His & similibus sine intermissione aures meae onerantur, & gravantur, adque fidem Religioni meae contrariam omni severiore modalitate, imo brevi me ad triremes mittere velle, & aliis terriculamentis compellerer.  
Ob id iterato scripti hujusce humilitate Excellentiae Vestrae demisse supplico, humillime ac per viscera Misericordiae Divinae orans, quatenus ex Zelo Misericordiae dignetur afflictissimae sortis meae misereri seque debetis in locis gratiosis suis partibus interponere, & me ex his squalidis carceribus eliberari facere. Quam gratiam Excellentiae Vestrae perpetua animi devotione, grataeque mentis recordatione quam demississime demereri omni studio conabor, tanquam.  
Ejusdem Excellentiae Vestrae Humillimus Cliens Petrus Nemus, quondam Possessionis Polanii Helveticae Confessionis Praedicans, nunc Sabariae in Eminentissimi Cardinalis carcere patiens.  
Sacratissima Caesarea Regiaque Majestas.  
Domine, Domine nobis Clementissime,  
FIDEI & Conscientiae nostrae Dominium unice praepotenti Deo earundem directori, intemeratae vero fidelitatis nostrae obsequium Majestati Vestrae Sacratissimae, qua post Deum summo in his terris Monarchae, Regique ac Domino, Domino nostro Clementissimo, nos omnino debere, effato divino edocti, dum huic conformi, parendi studio inexplicabilibus turbinum fluctibus agitatae, incomparabilibusque procellis, periculosis scopulis allisae, indeque concussae & lacerae status nostri Evangelici Naviculae, inter ancipitia, summaque discrimina jamnum versantem miserrimam sortem supra biennium, à diaeta nimirum Posonsensi, ad usque anni praeteriti discessum, Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae Augustam-Vindelicorum constitutum, medio certorum hominum nostrorum, copiosissimis supplicibus libellis nostris, in omni subjectionis humilitate, eidem Majestati Vestrae Sacratissimae repraesentassemus, confractarumque tabularum memoratae calamitosissimae Naviculae nostrae Evangelicae reparationem, priorique suae redintegrationi ad mentem Articuli I. Ann. 1608. ante Coronationem editi, mediante alias diplomate Regio Ann. 1647. in suum genuinum & nativum sensum redacti & declarati, subsequenterque etiam Ann. 1659. pari Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae diplomate ad Conditionem sextum Articuli I. quin & Articulo 25, 1681. diaetae Soproniensis per expressum consirmati, per determinationem intimi sui Consilii dignandam restitutionem, à Majestate Vestra Sacratissima de submississimo genu impense efflagitassemus: Fatemur equidem, nos haud parvum subiisse gaudium, posteaquam sub praememoratum Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae discessum per Ser. Principem à Dittrichstein, supremum Augustissimae Majestaris vestrae aula● Pra●fectum praeattacti homines nostri Clementissimam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae imploratae medelae ex intimo suo Consilio factam determinationem jam extra datam, manibusque Eminentissimi Principis Cardinalis à Kolonich, tamquam Excelsae Delegatae Caesareo-Regiae Commissionis supremi Pra●sidis debitae & indilata● Expeditioni & effectuationi mancipandam, assignatam esse, adeoque abinde concupitam expeditionem nostram, post saepe r●petitum disc●ssum Majestatis Vestrae, ipsismet expectandam venire affidati fuis●ent, nosque eatenus per eosdem etiam certiores redditi fuissemus. Ast ubi ex debito obtemperandi obsequio altetitulati Principis à Dittrichstein factae amandationi i●dem homines nostri condignum morem gerentes suam Eminentiam Principalem praerepetitae Majestatis vestrae Sacratissima● extra datae benignissimae determinationis convenientis expeditionis ●largiendae causa quam devotissime requisivissent, áque sua Eminentia ad Ill. D. intimi Consilii Bellici Secretarium à Krapff, cujus officii & muneris esset eosdem juxta praedeclaratam Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae determinationem expedire, remissi fuissent, per suam tamen Illustritatem, ut ut condecenter requisitam, saepe saepiusque interpellatam, in tantum protractum est praementionatae expeditionis nostrae negotium, ut altememoratae suae Emin●nt. Principalis Cardinalis à Kolonich quoque inopinatus discessus Romam su pervenerit, eoque ipso ruptum, ac tandem diversis certorum necessariorum Actorum, praeviae expeditioni accommodandorum, non reperibilium, & fors per suam Eminent. Principalem, vel inclytam Cancellariam Hungaricam, có tum absentem, & ad latus Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae existentem, reclusorum protelationibus interjectis, maxima omnium nostri cum infelicitate, & summa Conscientiarum nostrarum, liberique Exercitii nostri Evangelici cum coangustatione, ad praeattactae suae Eminent. Principalis reditum relegatum, in suo priori turbato statu reman●erit impraesentiarum, citra ullam cordialium desideriorum nostrorum effectuationem, & Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae pientissimam Ordinationem.  
Et cum vel maxime ex cognitione absentiae & longae distantiae Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae medio tempore plurimi dominorum Catholicorum eo liberiorem in nos grassandi, contraque novissimos Diaetales Articulos ulterius quoque impune nos injuriandi sibi sumpsissent licentiam, ad●o, ut Tokaini, loco alias articulariter denominato, templo perprius jamnum vero parochia, per Evangelicos ex fundamento exstructa, una cum universis proventibus Conservationi Ecclesiae eorundem dicatis (in quorum continuo & actuali usu fuissent, ad mentemque 26 Articuli, Ann. 1681. diaetae Soproniensis pro actualibus eorundem possessoribus usuanda relinqui debuissent) per Dominos Catholicos occupatis, ac ejusdem loci Ministro expulso Evangelici liberum eorundem Religionis exercitii interruptum querularentur cursum. Itidem Comitatus Zempliniensis Oppidum Thallya, praevio modo Articulari indulto gaudens, capto suo Praedicante Evangelico, Cassoviamque deducto, ubi de facto captivus detineretur, sui insimul exercitii & accessoriorum Evangelicorum orbatum suspiraret statum. Comitatus adhaec Abauy variensis oppidum Sepssy, aeque sicut praementionata loca, in possessione sui templi, parochiae, & scholae Articulariter relictum, iisdem non tam pridem privatis, inque exilium Ecclesiae suae Ministro & Rectore Evangelicis pulsis, ulteriorique exercitio ibidem quoquomodo imposterum usuando severe inhibito, suam lamentaretur violen●er ademptam indemnitatem. Comitatus porro Szathmariensis privilegiatum alias oppidum Felkó Banya dictum, Templi, parochiae, & Scholae, in quorum continuo usu & possessione ante, in & post diaetam Soproniensem fuisset, per inclytam Cameram Sepusiensem, ante circiter tres Menses factam violentam occupationem, Praedicantisque sui deploraret expulsionem. Ejusdem identidem Comitatus Szathmariensis possessio Totthfalu nuncupata, Praedicantis etiam sui Evangelici privata auctoritate Residentiae Nagybanyajensis Patris Jesuitae Pravasz nominati factam injuriosam incaptivationem, vinctique ad carceres Szathmarienses, ubi etiam nunc asservaretur, curatam deductionem conquereretur. Et supra haec praevii omnes, sicut & alii etiam Superiorum Hungariae partium Evangelici ratione harum & similium aliarum illatarum gravium injurianum suarum, Majestati Vestrae Sacratissimae supplicandi severam interminationem ingemiscerent.  
Post auspicatissimum proinde & felicissimum Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae reditum summe omnino necessarium duximus, (nixi innata Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Pietate & Clementia, quae tantis importunitatibus nostris, ex infinitis perpessis, Majestatique vestrae Sacratissimae mediantibus demississimis Memorialibus nostris fusissime alias deductis injuriis subortis, gratiosissimam nobis impertiturae sunt veniam;) praerecensitam infelicitatem nostram, citra expectationem nostram, cum gravi impensorum sumptuum & fatigiorum dispendio, multarumque millenarum Conscientiarum oppressione remoratae & protractae, clementissime alioquin per Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam, uti supra attactum, propter bonum domesticae Pacis & Unionis Articulariter restituendis nobis determinatae & ordinatae expeditionis nostrae, Commiserativo Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae qua Regis & Domini, Domini nostri benignissimi sinui, solitae nempe justitiae nostrae sedi, medio supplicis hujus libelli nostri, profundissima animorum nostrorum cum demissione insinuare: Repetitisque prioribus universis gravaminibus nostris, iisdemque adjunctis supplicibus Memorialibus, Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam ardentissime, ut fideles subditos addecet, exorare, quatenus post tam longi etiam temporis patientissimam praestolationem nostram, praescitae Communi omnium nostri calamitati & adversitati misereri, condignaque medela auctoritate sua Imperatoria & Regia, vi gratiosissimi sui decreti, ex intimo Consilio clementissime elargiendi, adhibita, universos nos, qua nimiopere laesos, injuriatos, & damnificatos, quoad justissima postulata nostra jam tandem in integrum restitui, afflictumque statum nostrum Evangelicum pristinae & firmae suae securitati, in qua juxta gloriosissimorum Praedecessorum suorum, ac etiam Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae Diplomata Regia, Verbo Regio confirmata, legalesque Regni Sanctiones, constituti eramus, quam propensissime collocari facere non dedignetur.  
Quam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae gratiam ut Deus Opt. Max. non solum Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae, sed & Augustissimae suae Domui Austriacae, copiosissimis & gloriosissimis de hostibus suis triumphis, longaeva item Augustissimi Caesareo-Regii sui, ac desideratissimorum prolium, indubitatorum successorum suorum, Throni ampliatione & firmatione, largissima, omnigenaque Celesti sua benedictione compenset, incessantes fundemus preces. Clementem optatamque exspectantes resolutionem, manemus,  
Ejusdem Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae, Humillimi perpetuoque fideles subditi Superiorum & Inferiorum Regni Hungariae Partium, Commitatuum, Regiarum, ac Liberarum, Montanarumque Civitatum, Oppidorum item ac Pagarum Universi Evangelici. Exhib. suae Majest. die 17 Martis 1690.  
Sacratissima Caesarea Regiaque Majestas.  
Domine, Domine nobis Clementissime,  
MAJESTATI vestrae Sacratissimae tot ac tantis S. R. I. Regnorumque suourum pacandorum curis alias implicitae, rebusque publicis Christianis conservandis paternè intentae, subinde ac subinde importunos nos esse debere fatemur, erubescimus: Verum justo dolore assiduos gemitus querimoniasque nostras experimente, urgentissima necessitate cogimur & compellimur, dum jam supra duos annos integros & medium hic apud Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Augustam Aulam multifariam contra Articulos Sopronienses laesae Religionis nostrae negotium continua quasi actione medio certorum hominum nostrorum quam humillime sollicitamus: Neque vero eatenus ad innumera fere memorialia nostra eidem Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae, ejusdemque summis Ministris in omni submissione porrecta adusque quicquam certae & solidae resolutionis obtinere potuimus, praeter quod proxime ex relatione Celsissimi Principis à Dietrichstein Supremi Aulae praefecti intellexerimus, Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam praeattactos Articulos Sopronienses de negotio Religionis conditos sanctè omnino & illibatè conservare, iisdemque firmiter inhaerere velle. Interea nos obscura quada● ac à longe petita interpretatione corundem Articulorum plura, quam iidem continerent, & admitterent, petere. Hinc conformia nos iisdem postulare, adeoque Gravamina nostra juxta evidentissimas continentias corundem Articulorum edocere debere, sicque etiam nos convenienter expediendos fore gratiosissime resolvisse & declarasse.  
Cui Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae benignissimae Resolutioni nosmet in omni humilitate obsequiosissime accommodantes, (quamvis satis superque Gravamina, & injurias nostras ad manifestum Articulorum Soproniensium sensum ac tenorem deduxerimus) ut jam tandem clementissimam Caesareo-Regiam Resolutionem adeoque ad desideria nostra concupitam expiditionem assequi valeamus, praesenti iterata dictorum Articulorum Soproniensium per contigua eorundem membra formalis contextus primum partitione & consignatione, tandem multiplicium grandium injuriarum, tam per ordinatas Commissiones Regias, quam earum homines, ac ali●s etiam ingerentes diversimo●e exquisi●●s sub praetextibus nobis illatarum, juxta quodlibet memoratorum Articulorum membrum, perspicua declaratione & remonstratione, justissimae denique, & p●r omnia clarissimo Articulorum sensui conformis Instantiae nostrae luculenta deductione & elucidatione nos iisdem Articulis, donec futurarum diaetarum occasione ex toto in integrum restituamur, stare, nec transversa aliqua interpretatione, quam iidem expressissimis verbis se solos clare explicarent, aliud, sed nec plus, quam permitterent, petere: Sumpto fiduciali ad Gratiae, Clementiae, & Justitiae plenissimum Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Thronum recursu nostro Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae in profundissima subjectione recapitulatis Gravaminibus nostris repraesentandum conveniens duximus, & quidem modalitate sequenti.   

Primo, quoad Articul. XXV. Ann. 1681. Diaetae Soproniensis, ejusque Primum Membrum, cujus formalis Continentia haecest.  
ET quia propter bonum Pacis, Tranquillitatemque Regni publicam, in Nego●io Religionis quoque sua Majestas sese benigne resolvere dignata est, ideo eandem etiam Resolutionem Articulis Regni status & Ordines inserunt. Ac imprimis quidem, cum liberum Religionis exercitium jam antea in Anno 1606. vigore Pacificationis Viennensis concession, his motibus à parte nonnullorum interturbatum suisset, confirmato hic loci Articulo I. dictae Pacificationis, idem Exercitium omnibus & ubique per Regnum (salvo tamen jure Dominorum terrestrium) juxta Artic. I. Ann. 1608. ante Coronationem editium, liberum permittitur.  
Contra hoc Membrum primum in eo nos injuriatos resentiscimus, quod cum benignissima hac Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae resolutione, & tenore hujus Articuli membri primi liberum Religionis Exercitium, priorum annorum sub tumultibus à parte nonnullorum interturbatum, generaliter omnibus & ubique per Regnum, nullo regnicolarum, cujuscumque tandem status & conditionis esset, sed nec ullo etiam loco Regni Castrensi, Comitatensi, Civitatensi, Oppidano, Confiniario, & Villano exceptis, ad mentem praeallegatorum Articulorum denuo liberum permiss●m, & nec ad hunc, vel illum locum res●rictum, quin tali generalitate confirmatae libertatis coactio amplectendarum Religionum penitus sublata esset.  
Excelsae nihilominus Commissiones Regiae, ad Superiores & Inferiores Regni Hungariae Partes diversis temporibus Annorum praeteritorum emissae, partim per se, partim vero per homines privatos tali libero Exercitio Religionis libere alias & manifeste, etiam in privatis aedibus, per totum Regnum, non tamen simpliciter, verum medio ministrorum ante & post diaetam Soproniensem exercito & usuato, non solum.  
Primo, complures liber●●, Regias, ac Montanas Civitates, signanter in inferio●i Hungaria, Pusztiensem, Kuszeghiensem, Szent-Gyórgyensem, Baziniensem, Tyrnaviensem, Szakolczensem, Veterozoliensem, Carponensem, (de nomine alias in Articulo 26. specificatam) & Breznobaniensem. In Montanis Civitatibus vero, Schemnicziensem, Libethbaniensem, Belobaniensem, & Uybaniensem: Et in superiore Hungaria, recentissime Nagybaniensem, contra expressas Articulares Sanctiones, & eorum permissiones, & quidem  
1 Ci●ati primi Membri ad verba: Ideo confirmato hic loci Articulo I. dictae Pacificationis idem Exercitium omnibus & ubique per Regnum liberum permisit.  
II. Ibidem Confirmatae Pacificationis primi Articuli ad expressa verba: Nimirum, quod ●mnes & singulos Status & Ordines, tam intra ambitum Regni Hungariae solum existentes, tam Magnates, Nobiles, quam liberas Civitates, Oppida privilegiata immediate ad Coronam spectantia: Item in Confiniis quoque Regni Hungariae Milites Hungaros in sua Religione & Confessione nusquam & numquam turbabit, nec per alios turbari & impediri sinet, (scilicet sua Majestas Sacratissima) verum omnibus praedictis Statibus & Ordinibus Regni liber Religionis ipsorum usus & exercitium permittetur.  
III. Itidem ibidem allegati & confirmati, Ann. 1608. ante Coronationem editi Articuli I. aeque expressa verba: Quantum itaque ad primum Constitutionis Viennensis Articulum attinet, deliberatum est per Status & Ordines Regni Hungariae, ut Religionis Exercitium tam Baronibus, Magnatibus, & Nobilibus, quam etiam liberis Civitatibus, ac universis Statibus & Ordinibus Regni, in suis & Fisci bonis: Item in Confiniis quoque Regni Hungariae Militibus Hungaris, sua cuique Religio, nec non oppidis & villis eam sponte & libere acceptare volentibus, ubique liberum relinquatur, nec quisquam omnium in libero ejus usu ac exercitio, quoquam modo impediatur: Quinimo, ad praecavenda inter Status & Ordines aliqua Odia & dissensiones, quaelibet Religio suos superiores, seu superattendentes habeat, statutum est,  
Citra ullam considerationem, quod Liberae, ac Regiae, & Montanae Civitates, adeoque ex ordine Statuum cum reliquis civitatibus quartus Regni liber status essent, parique cum iisdem libertate gauderent, inque confirmatis hisce Articulis generaliter comprehenderentur, ex eo solum capite, quod de nomine in Articulis Soproniensibus specificatae non essent, gravi cum earundem injuria, & extrema Religionis internecione, amotis earundem Ecclesiae Evangelicae Ministris, frequentatione item locorum, ubi Religionis exercitium vigeret: Prout & omnium Actuum Ministerialium ibidem fruitione, admissione adhaec quorumcunque Praedicantium ad infirmos suos, & in agone constitutos, consolandos, & communicandos absolute vetita: Quin ut in his, & similibus praecise introductorum Catholicorum Plebanorum & Parochorum opera utantur, seria injunctione facta, cum aggravatione Conscientiarum omnimode constrictas, ex integro privarunt: Verum  
Secundo: Comitatus quoque quamplurimos: Uti Posoniensem, Mossoniensem ex toto, Nitriensem, Trenchiniensem, Arvensem, Lyptoviensem, Turocziensem, Zoliensem, Barsiensem, Honthensem, Soproniensem, Castriferri, aliosque infinitis corundem templis Evangelicis occupatis, Ministrisque insimul suis relegatis in simili Religionis corundem libero exercitio, aeque contra praemissorum Articulorum apertissimam Constitutionem turbarunt, ac da duo saltem obscurissimorum pagorum inconvenientia loca, exquisita quasi opera, adhuc extra eosdem pagos in campo, erectioni novorum Templorum, Scholarum, & Parochiarum, Exercitioque Evangelico ibidem tenendo destinata, & excisa, totidemque Ministros, & non plures intertenendos, restrinxerunt, quibus aegrotantibus, nullo potiri possent exercitio.  
Villanis vero, seu Rusticis, qui à praerepetita Generalitate juxta saepe allegatos Articulos excludi nequirent, vi nimium praejudiciosae, inque exterminium Evangelicorum adjectae clausule: Salvo jure Dominorum Terrestrium (quae tamen non jus Dominii in conscientias, quod solius Dei proprium esset, sed jus servitutis Corporalis respiceret) indiscriminatim totali Evangelico exercitio, ejusdemque Ministerialium Actuum usu ubilibet locorum abstinendo, inhibuerunt, ac ad Ecclesias Catholicas frequentandas, harumque Ministerio & ritibus in omnibus utendis, alioquin per vim & fortia compellendi venirent, strictissimo edicto coarctarunt.  
Tertio: Reliquas etiam civitates, quamvis Articulariter (juxta nempe Artic. 26. membrum quintum) in specie, uti, Posoniensem, Modrensem, & Trenchiniensem, in inferiori Hungaria: Et in Montanis, Cremniczensem, & Novizoliensem; ac in superiori Hungaria in genere denominatas, quales essent Cassovia, Leutschovia, Bartpha, Epperiés, Cibinium, Keimarkinum, (ad quas Nagybania quoque in Comitatu Szathmariensi situata civitas pertineret: Noviter tamen post inclytam Commissionem Preynerianam, suo permisso libero exercitio, ut infra declarabitur, integre privata) quibus post ademptionem omnium templorum liberum Religionis exercitium est permissum, certorum aedisicandis Templis, Parochiis & Scholis locorum (non tamen plerisque adeo commodorum & convenientium, ut infra Articuli 26. Membro secundo innuetur) excisione & assignatione circa essentialia Religionis Evangelicae requisita, plane extra continentias Articulorum Soproniensium inconvenientibus conditionibus.  
1. Ut nonnisi duos Praedicantes ipsis intertenere liceat.  
2. In casu obitus unius alterum in ejusdem locum introducere ipsis vetitum sit.  
3. Ne Ministri eorundem vicinorum, aut etiam aliorum peregrinorum locorum Evangelicis quibuseunque actibus Ministerialibus, ac etiam sacris, quoquo modo subservire, sed nec etiam eorundem infirmos & agonizantes visitare audeant.  
4. Cehae & Collegia Evangelicorum Opificum ut processionibus intersint Catholicorum, consuetaque vexilla sub amissione privilegiorum ipsisment sieri curent.  
5. Scholas tantum triviales aliquantum legere & scribere docentes teneant.  
6. Ut Parochis & Plebanis Catholicis ex publico proventu Civitatum Salarium, Evangelicis vero Ministris & Scholarum Rectoribus ex propria Evangelicorum pecunia pendatur.  
7. In Xenodochiis plures mendicos Catholicos, quam Evangelicos interteneant.  
8. Officiales Evangelicos, ut ut idoneos ab officiis amoveant, & quoscunque Catholicos subordinent.  
9 Officia Civilia magna & praecipua saltem Catholicis conferant, alusque circumscripserunt: Sed &  
Quarto: Illos insuper Comitatus, qui in actuali usu omnium fere templorum, horumque accessoriorum Evangelicorum, tempore conditorum Articulorum Soproniensium fuerunt, ac etiam in reali eorundem Dominio (vi 25 Articuli inferius allegandorum tertii & sexti Membrorum) relicti sunt, & relinquendi erant, adeoque à similibus Commissionibus immunes omnino declarati, deque nomine specificati essent, uti Szaladiensem, Veszprimiensem, Jauriensem, Comaromiensem, Abavyvariensem, Saarosiensem, Zempliniensem, Ughocziensem, Bereghiensem, Thornensem, Gomoriensem, Borsodiensem, Honthensem, Nogradiensem, Szolnokiensem, & Hevessiensem; nec non Pestiensem, Pilisiensem, & Solitensem unitos: Item Szabolczensem, Unghensem, & Szathmariensem, majori ex parte potioribus suis templis & accessoriis, integralique libero exercitio cum expulsione Ministrorum, indiscriminatim orbarunt.  
Quae omnia confrontatione ad praemissum Membrum primum hujus Artic. 25. inibique citatos, & expressissimis verbis allegatos, facta cum praeviae confirmatae libertatis generalitati ad omnes & singulos Status & Ordines Regni, adeoque omnes Magnates & Nobiles, Civitates, omnia etiam confinia, oppida & villas evidentissime se extendenti è diametro opposita essent, actuque ipso ex libera Religione non liberam, ex non turbanda studio turbaram & turbandam facerent.  

Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae demisse supplicamus, quatenus aequa sapientissimi judicii sui lance pensitata:  
Primum; Praespecificatarum quatuordecim Civitatum totali liberi sui exercitii beneficio contra manifestas memoratorum Articulorum Statutiones (vigore quarum ipsis quoque qua liberis, & montanis Civitatibus, adeoque quarto Statui Regni liberum apud se, & ubique suae Religionis exercitium habere permissum esset) privatarum summa injuria eisdem (non obstante, quod nominatim in Articulis Soproniensibus non exstent, quippe istiusmodi libertate in genere permissa sufficiebat, duas, tres, quatuorve Civitates, uti sequenti Artic. 26. ejusdemque Membro quinto fit, pro exemplo denominare, cum denominatio & positio unius alteriusve Civitatis non esset reliquarum à praemissa libertate exc●usio; alioquin sequeretur unius conditionem alterius conditione esse deteriorem) aeque sicut aliis congrua, & (reflexione habita ad caput verborum 26 Articuli Soproniensis pro Commoditate Evangelicorum aedificandis Templis, Parochiis, & Scholis, etc.) omnino commoda exscindenda loca demonstrari & assignari curare, eoque ipso hactenus sublatum liberum Religionis ipsarum exercitium rursum integre reassumere, medioque Ministrorum suorum pro beneplacito vocandorum exercere, & continuare, ex indulto Articulari, auctoritateque sua Regia benignissime permittere.  
Tandem, habita Comitatuum quoque praemissorum constrictorum condigna ratione, cassatis praememoratis extra pagensibus obscuris & inconvenientibus designatis locis, ipsis templa in articulariter denominatis pagis existentia, ubi alias vix duo vel tres Catholici, alibi vero vix unus quidem reperirentur, nec etiam duo templa, duas Parochias, duas Scholas, duplices etiam Ministros diversarum Religionum in tam exiguis & obscuris pagellis, dum duplici horum interrentioni non sufficerent, tenere, vel ad evitandas aemulationes & scandala ex diversitate rituum facile enascenda, congruum esset restitui facere, omnibusque in medio sui existentibus cujuscunque status & conditionis hominibus, juxta vigorem praescriptorum Articulorum, & Paragraphum ipsius 25 Articuli Soproniensis: Omnibus & ubique per Regnum, rescissa contra nutum & voluntatem Evangelicorum adjecta clausula: Salvo jure Dominorum terrestrium; ejusdemque exotica interpretatione, per Clerum & Dominos Catholicos ad conscientias abusive extendente, indéque Dominium in conscientias, quod solius Dei, non vero hominum esset, sibimet vendicante, Religionis suae exercitium medio Praedicantium suorum ubique libere exercendum, nec quanquam invitum ad contrarias Ceremonias quoquomodo amplectendas compellendum permittere.  
Posthaec praenotatarum pariter Articulariter denominatarum liberarum & Montanarum Superiorum & Inferiorum partium Regni Civitatum incircumscriptae admissae libertatis conditione considerata, easdem in praespecificatis memoratarum Commissionumpraejudiciosis conditionibus & limitationibus, de quibus praevii omnes Articuli omnino silerent, nec liberum Religionis exercitium quoquomodo circumscriberent: Alias enim non liberum, sed restrictum, arque adeo captivum esset hoc exercitium, de plano absolutas reddere.  
Denique praeenumeratorum similiter Comitatuum in Actuali possessione, usu, & Dominio Templorum, & omnium accessoriorum Evangelicorum, vi Articuli 26. relictorum, ad conformitatem datae gratiosissimae Resolutionis Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae dijudicata speciali exemptione, justa & effectiva omnium ademptorum templorum, appertinentiarum, & accessoriorum, haecque concomitantium liberi exercitii, & Ministrorum suorum restitutione, eosdem in pristinum eorundem jus, & possessionem praemissorum ad mentem praedeclaratorum Articulorum reduci eurare, Clementissime dignetur.   

Contra Secundum Membrum, quod sic sonat.  
Praedicantibus quoque & Scholarum Magistris, alias vel proscriptis, vel propter certas Reversales munia suae professionis exercere non valentibus, liber in Regnum reditus, liberaque Religionis suae professio & exercitium, cassatis eatenus etiam ipsorum Reversalibus, conceditur.  
Ut ut lucidissime vi membri hujus non modo illi Praedicantes & Scholarum Magistri, qui tempore diaetae Soproniensis in sua in Regno habitatione, & libera Religionis Professione sunt stabiliti, verum simul illis etiam, qui quavis de caussa tum e Regno exulabant, libera in Regnum redeundi, ubilibetve in Regno libere subsistendi, & Religionis suae exercitium ac munia peragendi, data sit facultas, adeoque qualescunque etiam datae vel dandae Reversales Articulariter sint abolitae & cassatae.  
Huic tamen in contrarium dictae Commissiones passim ubique per Regnum duobus saltem Praedicantibus in singulo Comitatu, ac uno vel altero in quibusdam Civitatibus permissis, reliquos omnes ex caeteris omnibus civitatibus, oppaedis, confiniis, & villis, partim sub decursu quindenae, partim tridui spatio, uti in Comitatibus Lyptoviensi, Arvensi, Thuroczensi, Zoliensi, & Honthensi, aliisque factum, removerunt, partim vero extortis ab iis strictis Reversalibus super abdicatione officii, ad privatos angulos relegarunt.  
Insuper Gymnasia & Scholas Evangelicorum ad Trivialia, aliquantum solum legere & scribere discere restrinxerunt, unde ob carentiam harum, earumque docentium ex parte sui nil amplius sperandum haberent, quam impendentem respectu juventutis suae barbariem.  
Ind sumpsit occassionem Eminentissimus Princeps Cardinalis à Kolonich quinque Evangelicos Praedicantes, uti Puchoviensem, Nozdroviczensem, Ledniczensem, Bakabayaiensem, & Kochkoviensem, anno praeterito 89 capi, & ad arcem Ledniczensem deduci curate, ibique strictissima incaptivatione ad subscriptionem inconvenientium Reversalium, statutionemque sub onere 200 Imperialium certorum sidejussorum adigere.  
Alios insuper tres Praedicantes, puta, Nemes Hollosiensem Helveticae & Szentbenedekiensem ac Dobrajensem Augustanae Confessionis A. similiter antecedente 89. in absentia Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae incaptivatos, & Sabariae squalidissimis carceribus dirissime excruciatos ad defectionem Religionis cogere.  
Reverendis. item D. Archiepiscopus Strigoniensis Georgius Szekeni Possessionis Hodos in insula Czallokóz adjacentis Praedicantem Samuelem Bickay medio destinatorum hominum suorum ●inariis vici bus expilandi, perque Plebanum Szerdakellyiensem tandem capiendi, & Posonium ad residentiam suam 22. praeteriti Mensis Martii anni currentis, ceu praedonem vinctum deducendi, compedibusque constrictum in carceres conjiciendi, ac ibi tam diu miserandum in modum emacerandi ac percutiendi, donec ad renunciationem Religionis & Ecclesiastici sui officii abominandis reversalibus eum compulisset: Asserendo expresse, sicut hunc, ita caeteros etiam omnes Praedicantes Evangelicos, qui extra loca in Articulis specificata viverent, & munia suae professionis exercerent, à Majestate vestra Sacratissima proscriptos esse, binc in omnes pari processu desaevire velle.  
Residentiae pariter Nagybanya Pater Jesuita Ravasz nuncupatus possessionis Totthfalu in Comitatu Szathmari●●●● 〈◊〉 tae Praedicantem aequo 〈…〉 marinum ad carceres 〈…〉 praesens detinendi, ad 〈…〉 Religione, & depositionem 〈…〉 reversalibus praejudiciosis 〈…〉 serum intendens; & quae alia aliorum p●●rima essent attentata.  
Quae siquidem directissime contrariarentur Articuli hujus Membro secundo, Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam proni oramus, quatenus Regia sua prohibitione quorumcumque Praedicantium & Scholarum Rectorum Evangelicorum per quoscunque tandem quoque modo turbandorum, persequendorum, damnificadorum, incaptivandorum, & ad quascunque Reversales dandas congendorum, ad omnes suos fideles Status & Ordines Regni decretaliter extendenda (antelato interim miseroTotthfalusiensi Praedicante Szathmarino Capto è suis carceribus libere ad suos dimitti mandato) juxta claram Membri hujus secundi mentem omnibus Praedicantibus & Scholarum Magistris libere in medio nostri permanendi, & Professionis suae munia atque exercitia extra quamvis limitationem, Scholariumque facultatum restrictionem peragendi facultatem attribuere.  
Et siquidem omnes tales Praedicantes ad duo, ut supra attactum, excisa loca in Artic. 26. denominata collocari non possent, relaxata & sublata juxta uberiorem modò citati Articuli Membri octavi, inferius deducendi sensum, & Indultum in oratoriis Arcensibus & Residentialibus Dominorum Magnatum & Nobilium exercendi Religionis exercitii inhibitione per praefatas Commissiones facta, ut similes extra Parochiales Praedicantes ibidem in privato accommodari valeant, gratiosissime admittere velit.   

Contra Tertium Membrum tenoris sequentis:  
Et nullus Regnicolarum in libero suae Religionis exercitio amodo imposterum quoquo modo turbetur.  
Quamvis tertii hujus membri generalitate nullum Regnicolarum, nec Ecclesiastici, nec seculares status, adeoque nec Magnates, nec Nobiles, nec Cives, nec Rusticos in libero Religionis suae exercitio nec in Persona, nec in Ecclesiis, sed nec in Ministris suis ullo modo peramplius turbandum venire apertissime caveretur:  
Hoc nihilominus praeviae Commissiones Regiae, & privatae quaeque personae, non curato, exquisitis sub praetextibus & modis, quibus exprimendis vix verba nobis sufficiunt, ex Cleri & Status Catholici Se●tentia, quamplurimas Ecclesias in praemisso primo Membro specificatorum Comiratuum & Civitatum expulsis, & è Regno ire jussis eorundem Ministris, tanquam causis exercitii exercendi instrumentalibus, sine quibus alias nullius sane Religionis exercitium exerceri quiret, in libero exercitio turbarunt.  
Sic Magistratus modernus Catholicus Civitatis Epperies mox ex mandato Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae, mox titulo Dominii Terrestris praetextum vendicatae sibi licentiae prae se ferens, omnes omnino trium Na●ionum Evangelicos Praedicantes è Civitate, alias loco Articulariter denominato, adhuc Ann. 1688, ipso festo S. Bartholomaei Apostoli, expellere, territorioque ●jusdem prohibere, Ecclesiamque Articularem libero suo admisso exercitio, quo jam nunc careret, ipso facto privare non est veritus.  
Ita nihil pensi duxit non tampridem moderna Commissio Praineriana in superiore Hungaria Civitatis Nagybanya (unius nempe ex ordine, ut praemissum caeterarum Superiorum, partium liberarum Civitatum, per commissionem alias anticipativam Czahianam in permisso suo libero exercitio Evangelico ad instar aliarum Articularium libere usuando relictae) cives & incolas Evangelicos amandatione Praedicantium, & Scholae Rectorum suorum cum severa interminatione omnium actuum Ministerialium alibi locorum praeter Catholicos Nagybanyensium usuandorum, totali suo exercitio, cultu & Ministris orbare Comitatus item Szathmariensis oppidum Felsóbanya, quod in possessione & continuo usu sui Templi, accessoriorum, & horum proventuum ante, in, & post Diaetam Soproniensem ad annum usque praesentem fuisset: Prout & Comitatus Abavyvariensis aliud oppidum Sepsy, in possessione alias templi sui, & omnium appertinentiarum vi 26 Articuli Soproniensis, Membri tertii & sexti relictum, pariformi abolitione Praedicantium & Scholae Rectorum Evangelicorum, praemissorumque, uti Nagybanyae, strictissima injunctione integrali eorundem exercitio viduare.  
Aliis plurimis plurium, uti Reverendissimorum Matthiae Radonay quinque Ecclesiensis Episcopi, & Francisci Jany Pechvaradiensis Abbatis in superiori & inferiori Barovia circa quinque Ecclesias in Nadasdiensibus & Klanyokiensibus Praedicantibus, aliisque earundem partium, praecipue in Veresmartiensibus Incolis, supra immanitatem fere Turcicam attentatis excessibus, peculiari memoriali Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae fusius repraesentatis, brevitatis causa hic praeteritis.  
Cum haec & similia contra tam manifestam Articuli hujus constitutionem militarent, nec etiam hoc ipso liberum exercitium esse, aut dici posset, si causa, sine qua non, inhibeatur.  
Apud Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam quam profundissima humilitate instamus quatenus praescriptorum specifice in Membro primo appositorum, & in hoc quoque tertio generaliter commemoratorum Comitatuum & Civitatum optimo & fundamentali jure, quod circa admissum liberum Religionis exercitium, vi omnium trium Membrorum Articuli hujus haberent, eodem vero non citra parvam injuriam privati essent, clementissime considerato, eosdem & easdem tam quoad exercitium reassumendum, quam quoad exturbatos Praedicantes & Rectores suos rursum recipiendos, non solum integre restituere, verum in specie praelibatae etiam Civitatis Epperies Evangelicos suos expulsos Ministros ad sua munera Ecclesiastica obeunda iterum reducendi, vel loco horum alios, citra ullam coarctationem & limitationem certi numeri, verum quotquot ob intervenientiam fortuitorum casuum, adhaec frequentiam etiam civium intertenere possent, vocandi & surrogandi plen●riam potestatem gratiosissime impertiri.  
Adhaec memoratae quoque Civitatis Nagybania, sicut & praedictorum Felsóbanya & Sepsy oppidorum Evangelicis, illis quidem prohibitum eorundem exercitium cum revocatione ejectorum Praedicantis & Rectoris, ex integro reassumere: His vero adempta sua Templa, Parochias, & Scholas cum accessoriis, & remotis Ecclesiarum suarum Ministris ac Rectoribus priori suo statui ex vi praemissorum Articularium suorum jurium rursus restitui facere, benigne demandare, sicque praeviis omnibus Articulariter accommodatis ulteriores Regnicolarum & Religionis exercitiorum turbationes gravi sub animadversione & poena per Clementissimum Decretum suum ad Universos Comitatus & Civitates missiliter transmittendorum, accedente Gratia sua Regia, serio inhibere non dedignetur.   

Contra Quartum Membrum hujus Contextus:  
Sed neque Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addicti ad Caeremonias suae Confessioni contrarias compellantur.  
Licet Membri quoque hujus Generalitas antecedentia confirmaret, clareque inferret, ullius status & conditionis Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictos homines ad Confessioni eorundem ritus contrarios compelli debere.  
Eo tamen non obstante praeviae Commissiones omnes vel maxime Membro primo allegatas Civitates exercitio Evangelico privatas ad omnes actus Ministeriales ritui ipsorum contrarios amplectendae Religionis Catholicae causa omnino adigendas Plebanis Catholicis indifferenter mandarunt, ac passim Catholicis gubernia gerentibus Cives & inhabitatores suos, quibus potirentur, potissimum opifices & Mechanicos Evangelicos ad Vexillorum Processionalium Comparationem, acipsas etiam processiones, cogendos pronunciarunt.  
Hinc inibi aegrotantibus & agnonizantibus Sacraque Eucharistia uti volentibus Evangelicis nulli Praedicantes ex quibuscunque tandem locis permittuntur. Neonatis infantes alibi locorum Evangelicorum baptizari prohibentur. Puerperae etiam exactis suis Hebdomadibus ab introductione, copulandi à copulatione, mortui ab inhumatione similium locorum accipiendis penitus arcentur, & non admit●untur: Sed praecise Ministerio Parochorum & Plebanorum Catholicorum in his & aliis uti inviti compelluntur.  
Unde ipsi quoque Domini Patres Jesuitae Ann. praeterito 89. circa initium Octobris eo processere licentiae Posonii, quod juniorem Praedicantem Posoniensem Joannem Vider hospitale ejusdem loci, miserae ●ujusdem provectae alias aetatis, & jam agonizantis feminae Evangelicae consolandae & communicandae causa accedentem cum suo pane foras ire comminatorie praeceperint, ac abinde amandarint, ita ut misera Mulier sine communione & solatio animae ultimum suum claudere debuerit diem, nec jam amplius licitum sit tali in casu Praedicantibus Posoniensibus idem Hospitale ingredi, minus diversarum Religionum copulandas Personas, quarum una Catholica, altera vero Evangelica esset copulare: Sed nec talium conjugatorum proles baptizare, vel etiam in●●umare, sub alioquin citationis ad sedem Metrapolitanam Tyrnaviensem Comminatione, & gravis poenae incursione per Parochum Posoniensem iisdem significata.  
Non absimili Coactionis licentia abutitur quoque modernus Parochus Civitatis Leutschoviensis Casimirus Miners Ord. Praemonstr. praepositus contra ejusdem Civitatis universos Nobiles pariter & Ignobiles, cives & incolas Evangelicos, horumque Praedicantes libero Religionis suae exercitio indultu Articulari alias fruentes, quippe quos à Communione ac omnibus aliis actibus Ministerialibus quibuscunque exteris Evangelicis quocunque tandem modo administrandis, haec omnia sibi vendicans severe arceret. Peregrinos etiam quoscunque Evangelicos copulandos, si, licet Leutschovienses, vel è converso, qui Leutschoviensium alterius loci Evangelicas ducerent uxores, praecise apud se copulandos adigeret. In casu vero funerandorum Evangelicorum ad suas Caeremonias prae demortuorum aedibus suo ritu peragendas, adeoque in deductionibus etiam usque portam Civitatis concomitando capessendas, inconvenientis solutionis exigendae ergo actu cogeret: Insuper copiosissimam earundem duarum nationum, Germanicae nimirum admodum frequentis, & Sclavicae in tertialitate Minoris Ecclesiam ad duorum saltem ministrorum intertentionem, unicuique nationi unum saltem admittendo, cum Germanicae vix tres sufficerent, auctoritate sua coarctaret.  
His acceder●t Comaromii, Gyóngyósini, alibique incolas Evangelicos per Clerum loci, rusticos vero ubique fere per Regnum tam mandato praemissarum Commissionum Regiarum, quam jussu quorumcunque Dominorum Catholicorum Terrestrium, ad frequentationem Catholicorum Templorum, horumque omnium Caeremoniarum & rituum usuationem compelli.  
Quae quum per omnia huic clarissimae statutioni Articulari adversarentur, Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam per omnia sibi chara humillime petimus, quatenus relaxatis omnibus praemissis violentis coactionibus circa caeremoniarum, rituum, ac Religionum contrariarum usuationem & acceptationem maximo conscientiarum cum gravamine indiscriminatim cuicunque Evangelicorum per quoscunque Dominos Catholicos quocunque modo impositis, abolitis insuper omnibus inhibitionibus, in libero Religionis exercitio qualitercunque factis, unicuique fidelium Regnicolarum suorum Evangelicorum citra ullam Religiosae praescriptionis praescriptionem in hoc vel illo, id vel illud faciendi, aut omittendi, liberum suum exercitium, prout uniuscujusque admitteret conscientia, ex integro ubilibet, libere ad mentem saepe mentionatorum allegatorum Articulorum usuandum & exercendum, ex Caesareo-Regia Gratia & Clementia quam propensissime concedere dignetur.    

Secundo, quoad Artic. XXVI. ejusdem Anni & Diaetae, primum Membrum hoc innuit.  
AD haec templa quoque per Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictos aedificata, & ritu Catholico necdum reconciliata per certos Commissarios eisdem assignanda.  
Articulari hac Constitutione quamquam per expressum exstante, ac Evangelicis suis sumptibus aedificata, rituque Catholico necdum reconciliata Templa & Capellas excidenda, assignanda, & relinquenda venire pronunciante; Commissiones nihilominus ●aedem nullo habito hujus respectu in Comitatu Thurocziensi, in Possessionibus Bella, Zatur●za, & Pribocz, similia Templa, & in Comitatu Lyptoviensi in Possessionibus Kirally, Lehota, Pothurnya, & Virbicze, similiter Capellas per Evangelicos & Dominos terrestres aedificatas, rituque Catholico ante conditum Articulum necdum reconciliatas, alibique in aliis Comitatibus habitas & repertas, indifferenter occuparunt, ab earumque usuatione & ibidem peragendo cultu Evangelicos strictissime inhibuerunt, & ad duo saltem loca, uti praememoratum, ubi Templa aedificari permissa sunt, aliquot mille hominum incapacia, imo propter distantiam incongrua, periculosa, difficiliaque, relegarunt, & restrinxerunt.  
Unde tot millium Evangelicorum in Comitatibus potissimum calamitosa, proli dolor! sors eo devinit, ut propter indisserentem ademptionem Templorum, & amotionem Ministrorum suorum, maximum sine communione, plurimi vero infantes absque baptismate decedant.  
Quae cum contra permissionem Articularem, & dictamen etiam Communis justitiae suum cuique tribuentis, Evangelicis essent ablata: Proinde restitutionem & reassignationem ralium Templorum & Capellarum ad mentem hujus Membri primi memoratorum Comitatuum, aliorumque, Evangelicis pro exercendo Religionis suae cultu legaliter fiendam à Majestate vestra Sacratis●ima suppliciter petimus.  

Secundum Membrum hoc decernit.  
In aliis vero locis juxta benignissimam suae Majestatis Resolutionem loca pro aedificandis Templis, Scholis, & Parochiis erigendis, pro commoditate eorundem Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictorum, per eosdem Commissarios designanda decernuntur.  
Etsi Constitutio haec loca pro Commoditate Evangelicorum aedificandis novis Templis, Scholis, & Parochiis erigendis omnino commoda & congrua designanda aperte ordinasset, exindeque eaedem Commissiones huic ordinationi conformiter, potissimum vero in Regiis, Liberis, & Montanis Civitatibus, quibus, Templa, Scholae, & Parochiae, aliaque sunt adempta, se accommodare, citraque aliquam exterorum locorum coarctationem, in ipsis Civitatibus, intraque easdem (juxta genuinum, sanum, & literalem Articuli etiam hujus sequentis Membri quinti expresse ita sonantium clausularum sensum: Ac tandem in liberis & Montanis Civitatibus, etc. Ac in Superiore Hungaria omnibus itidem Civitatibus, etc. Quae interiora, non exteriora Civitatum loca declararent:) Convenientia & commoda loca exscindere & assignare debuissent: Commissio tamen Regia ad Superiores Regni Hungariae partes exmissa, medio Cameraticorum & his adjunctorum hominum inter caeteras Civitates Epperiessini Evangelicis, Germanicae Nationi prope Carnificis pratum, cadaveribus deglubendis destinatum, Hungaricae erga Civitatis patibulum, & Sclavoniae in Fimeto, locis sane extra desolata Suburbia longe dissitis, campestribus, iisque contumeliosis existentibus: Cassoviae vero aeque tribus similibus nationibus pariter extra solo aequatum Suburbium in squalido & summe lutoso campo, ad officinam tegulariam erga itidem patibulum situatam, constituto maximo Evangelicae Religionis cum despectu erigendorum novorum Templorum, Scholarum, Parochiarumque loca indecentia, & incommoda designavit.  
Quocum ob sacrum etiam finem Sanctissimo Deo dicanda Templa & accessoria aedificare piaculum omnino esset, adeoque despectuosa hujusmodi designatio praeviae quoque Articulari Sanctioni nimium praejudicaret.  
Pro eo virtute legalis Constitutionis Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam pro Commemoratorum obscoenorum & squalidorum, ex privato privatorum quorundam hominum erga Religionem Evangelicam affectu, excisorum locorum totali cassatione, aliorum vero commodorum & condecentium in iisdem Civitatibus, earumque moeniis (ita citra ambiguitatem sensus innuentibus praeallegati hujus Articuli Membri quinti expressis verbis) ubi sat commoda & capacia haberentur loca, ipsis Epperiensibus & Cassoviensibus Evangelicis gratiosissime impertienda excisione & assignatione, devotissima cum subjectione exoramus.   

Tertium Membrum hoc statuit:  
In aliis vero Comitatibus, veluti in Szaladiensi, Veszprimiensi, jauriensi, Comaromiensi, Abavyvariensi, Saarosiensi, Zempliniensi, Ughocziensi, B●reghiensi, Thornensi, Gómóriensi, Borsodiensi, Honthensi, Nogradiensi, Szolnok, & Heves, nec nòn Pest, Pilis, & Soldt unitis? Item Szabolcziensi, Ungh & Szathmariensi, siquidem de praesenti essent in actuali usu omnium fere Templorum ibidem habitorum. Ideo eadem pro actualibus eorundem possessoribus usuanda relicta sunt.  
Hi de nomine specificati Comitatus (qui omnia sua castra, oppida, & villas, seu possessiones cum omnibus suis Templis, Sacellis, Oratoriis, Scholis, & Parochiis involverent) dum etiam juxta manifestum Membri hujus statutum, praemissa ex ratione, quod tempore conditi hujus Articuli in actuali usu omnium fere Templorum & accessoriorum fuissent, in reali possessione, liberoque & pacifico eorundem usu relicti, & caeterum etiam taliter imperturbate relinquendi declarati essent, adeoque ab omnibus quorumcunque occupationibus Templorum & appertinentiarum suorum immunes omnino & integri esse debuissent.  
Hac tamen Articulari Declaratione posthabita partim saepedictae Commissiones per se, & diversos substitutos Mandatarios, partim inclytae Camerae, partim Officiales Dominiorum, partim Clerus in plerisque Comitatibus; in Szaladiensi, in Confinio Legrad, in Comaromiensi, in Possessione Mocza, in Abavyvariensi, in Oppidis Regecz, Szanto, Sepsy, & inferiore Meczenzeff; possessionibus item Bodokó, Ujifalu, & Fony, in Saarosiensi, in oppido Saaros, & possessionibus Tólkzek, Asgutth, & Sóóvar; in Zempliniensi, in oppidis Thokay, Tarczal, Kereszthur, Maad, Liszha, Thállya, Tolzua, Benye, Patak, Borsy, Ujihelly, & Bottyan: In Ugoczensi, in oppido Nagy Szólós: In Bereghiensi, in oppidis Munkacz, Beregszas, Vári, & Berégs: In Tornensi, in possessione Almás: In Honthensi, in Civitatibus, oppidis, & villis existentia Evangelicorum Templa, Parochias, & Scholas, excepto unico exili Templo in contemptissimo pago Drino dicto, non tam pridem per Evangelicos aedificato, Evangelicis relicto: In Unguariensi, in oppidis Unguar, Naghy-mihálly, & Vinna, ac Possessione Sztara: In Hevessiensi, in oppidis Gyóngyós, Jaszberény, ac possessione Maklár: In Pestiensi, in oppido Vacz, & possessione Thótfalu: In Szathmariensi, in oppido Felsóbanya, & possessione Giroth-Thótfalu, & Tarpa, aliisque, Evangelicorum Templa, Parochias, & Scholas violenter occuparunt, amotisque eorundem Ministris totali Religionis suae exercitio privare praesumpserunt, ut ut praerecensiti Comitatus Articulariter in possessione praemanibus habitorum praescriptorum Templorum relicti fuissent.  
Quorum inconveniens occupatio, cum similiter Articulari huic adversaretur statuto, Majestatisque vestrae Sacratissimae Regio Indultui, quapropter Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam pro effectiva praespecificatis in Comitatibus, eorundemque denominatis oppidis & possessionibus occupatorum Templorum, Parochiarum, & Scholarum, prioribus suis possessoribus Evangelicis ex attributo jure fienda restitutione & reassignatione, qua possumus animi devotione supplices oramus.   

Quartum Membrum hoc concedit:  
Praeterea in Confiniis Regni, & quidem in Generalatu contra Canisam, in Szent-Gróth: In Generalatu jauriensi, in Tikany, Vazony, Papa, Vesprim, jaurini, & Comaromii: In Generalatu Superioris Hungariae in Puthnok, Onod, Szendró, Tokay, Kallo, & Szathmar: In Generalatu Antemontano Levae, Carponae, & Fúlekini.  
Quamquam vi Concessionis hujus evidens esset, Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictis in praedenominatis Confiniis liberi Exercitii, & Templorum, ac Accessoriorum ibidem habitorum, temporeque hu●us conditi Articuli possessorum realem usum relictum, & stabilitum esse:  
Regia nihilominus Commissio ad Inferiores Regni Hungariae partes Ann. 1688. ordinata, Carponae de nomine hoc in Membro specificata Civitate, occupatis Templo, Parochia, & Schola Evangelicis, remotisque Praedicantibus & Scholae docentibus, totale exercitium à memoria hominum ibidem continuo usu libere semper practicatum & habitum, ac etiam eodem in usu praevio modo Articulariter relictum, maximo exercitii Spiritualis nullam moram patientis cum praejudicio, optimique juris Articularis, verbo & indulto Regio confirmati, derogamine severa cum Comminatione inhibuit, & eodem penitus abstinere universos Nobiles & Ignobiles ibidem habitantes, qua praesidiarios, qua incolas, & Cives Evangelicos coegit, eosdem ad ulteriorem Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae benignissimam eatenus obtinendam Resolutionem & Gratiam relegando.  
Comaromii porro, ubi pariter vi hujus Articuli libera Augustanae & Helveticae Confessionis exercitii praxis, quam etiam parium duorum Templorum, Parochiarum & Scholarum pacifica possessio & usus esset confirmata, in iis utriusque Confessionis incolae, stipendiarii item milites Hungariei, ibidem existentes imperturbate ad fatales usque praeteritorum Annorum belli tumultus, & insperatam, Ann. 1683. totius ejusdem oppidi, Templorum, Parochiarum, & Scholarum Conflagrationem perstitissent; ob praefatos vero casus tam Civibus Evangelicis, quam eorum Ministris hinc inde dispersis, tale liberum exercitium Religionis quodammodo intermitti contigisset, dum supervenientibus jam fatis clementioribus dispersi Evangelici rursum rediissent, ac virtute praescripti hujus Articuli publicum Religionis suae exercitium reassumere, Praedicantesque & Scholae docentes suos reducere, Templa adhaec, & Parochìas, & Scholas, in consuetis suis de facto desolatis exstantibus locis reaedificare voluissent, ac etiamnum vellent, per Excellentiss. Dom. Comitem à Hoffkircher, dicti confinii Commendantem, sicut & clerum loci talia effectuare gravibus sub minis arcentur, inhibito iisdem totali exercitio quoquomodo usuando, prout & precibus in privatis aedibus alias peragi solitis, superaddita severa interminatione etiam ad circumjacentia loca devotionis peragendae caussa cuiquam Evangelicorum exeundi sub incaptivatione & aliis gravibus poenis incurrendis pulsu tympani per plateas confinii Anno praeterito publicata.  
Thokaini, loco & confinio aeque Articulariter denominato identidem per Provisorem & Clerum loci occupatis Templo & Parochia sumptibus Evangelicorum ex fundamento aedificata, piis item legatis & proventibus dotata, exturbatoque abinde suo Praedicante, libero exercitio prohibentur.  
Quae loca cum nomine tenus Articulo hoc specificarentur, inque usu liberi sui exercitii, imperturbatoque Dominio Templorum, Parochiarum, & Scholarum, horumque accessoriorum permanenda decernerentur, neque tali eorundem jure privari quirent, tamen, ut praemissum, per praevios privata essent, prohiberenturque effective.  
Hinc firmissime inhaerentes Articulari & Regiae huic Concessioni Carponenses, Civitatenses, & Thokayenses oppidanos Evangelicos eorundem libero Religionis exercitio, cum Templorum, Parochiarum, Scholarum, & horum accessoriorum ademptorum plenaria restitutione, remotorumque Praedicantium & Docentium suorum integra reductione, pristino suo statui & ordini gratiosissime reddi.  
Comaromiensibus vero Cassata Praetitulati Dom. Comitis à Hoffkircher praeinsinuata inhibitione reassumptionem Religiosi sui exercitii, Ministrorumque Ecclesiasticorum, sicut & Scholae Docentium reductionem, adeoque Templorum etiam & appertinentium in extantibus horum designatis & excisis locis reaedificationem clementissime admitti, ac etiam impertiri à Majestate vestra Sacratissima demisse imploramus.   

Quintum Membrum hoc constituit:  
Ac tandem in liberis & Montanis Civitatibus, utpote Trenchiniensi, Modrensi, Cremniczìensi, & Novizoliensi, ac in Superiore Hungaria omnibus itidem Civitatibus, similiter loca pro aedificandis Templis, Scholis, & Parochiis assignanda conceduntur.  
Quid hinc clarius & directius inferri potest, quam quod in singulis liberis & Montanis quoque Civitatibus (quales sunt ordinis sui gratiae recensendae, in Inferiore Hungaria liberae Civitates: Sopronium, Kuszeginum, Rust, Posonium, Szent-Gyorginum, Bazinga, Modra, Tyrnavia, Szakoliza, Trenczinium, Veterozolium, Carpona, & Brezna; & in Superiore, Cassovia, Leutschovia, Ba●tpha, Epperies, Cibinium, Kesmarck, & Nagybanya: In Montanis vero, Neozollum, Schemniczium, Cremniczium, Libethbanya, Bakabanya, Belobanya, & Ujibanya) pro quarum modalitate (reflexione habita ad antecedentis Articuli 25. primi Membri, inibique citatorum Articulorum praemissam generalitatem permissae libertatis fusius deductam, quo se hic Paragraphus quoque referret) distinctione & diversitate quadam, proque exemplo, ex utroque ordine liberarum videlicet Inferioris Hungariae binae, uti Trenchinium & Modra; & Montanarum similite● binae, nempe Cremniczium & Neozolium Civitates recensentur, & denominantur, Superiorum vero Hungariae liberarum Civitatum generifica fieret mentio, dum omnes una eademque libertatis praerogativa perfruerentur, nec conditio unius sequior esset alterius, similiter loca commoda, & quidem in Civitatibus ipsis, sive in medio ipsarum, ad genuinam mentem verborum Membri hujus: In Liberis & Montanis Civitatibus, etc. In Superiore Hungaria: Omnibus itidem Civitatibus, etc. Quae non specificatae etiam à libertatis suae generalitate hic sano sensu intellecta, & comprehensa non excluderent aedificandis Templis, Parochiis, & Scholis assignanda venirent. Commissiones vero Regiae extra attacto hoc Membro quinto denominatas Civitates, reliquas omnes quatuordecim Liberas & Montanas Civitates à designatione & excisione locorum excluserunt, omnique exercitio, & quidem adhuc cum certa (ut Superius in Articuli 25. Membro primo repraesentatum) incancellatione privarunt.  
In Superiore porro Hungaria potissimum Epperiessini & Cassoviae plane abominanda loca (ut Membro praecedenti secundo repraesentatum) designarunt.  
Quae quum cum sancito hujus Articuli, & ad initium Membri primi Art 25. allegatorum, horumque recto sensu, adeoque ipsa etiam sana ratione non convenirent, nixi ob id talibus fundamentis Articularibus Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam pari gratiosissima uti caeteris Denominatis, ita praedeclaratis, non specificatis, hincque ex missis & restrictis Civitatibus, locorum commodorum aedificandorum novorum Templorum, Parochiarum, & Scholarum deservientium demonstratione, liberique Religionis eorundem exercitii, cum & alias tali benignissimo Indultu Regio ipsis etiam, uti aliis libere perfrui fas omnino & aequum esset, nec eodem quoquo modo privari deberent integra admissione; praeattactis vero Cassoviensi & Epperiensi Civitatibus aliorum, ob sacrum finem Deo dedicandorum convenientium locorum intra easdem Civitates, Suburbiis plane carentes, reperibilium designatione & assignatione fiendis, perquam humillime rogamus.   

Sextum Membrum hoc sancit:  
Templa demum, in quorum actuali possessione idem Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addicti de facto sunt, modo praevio prae manibus eorundem, una cum Parochiis & Scholis, proventibusque eorundem propter bonum Pacis, ut nimium quiete & pacifice vivant, relinquuntur, usu Sepulturae & Campanarum pro Catholicis ibidem degentibus aeque ac ipsis relicto.  
Quam evidens etiam esset hoc Membrum sextum, antecedensque hujus Articuli tertium explicatiori declaratione Evangelicos in actuali & pacifica Templorum, Parochiarum, Scholarum, & proventuum suorum, prae manibus, tempore hujus conditi Articuli habitorum possessione, Campanarum insuper & Sepulturae Communi usu relictos, & relinquendos stabiliret, & confirmaret.  
Eo tamen repudiato tam memoratae Commissiones Regiae, quam inclytae quoque camerae, & officiales quique, prout & Clerus, in Comitatibus, praescripto Membro tertio fus●us enumeratis, talia Templa una cum Appertinentiis & Proventibus universis, contra dictamen hujus Articuli, occuparunt, & haec concomitantia, liberum nimirum exercitium, & functionem Ministerialem, ejectis Ministris, prohibuerunt, Campanarum etiam & Sepultura communem Usum fere ubique Evangelicis interdixerunt.  
Sic exemplificandi caussa Commissio Regia in Comitatu Honthensi, qui unus esset ex praescriptis Membro tertio enumeratis, quive tam ex vi hujus sexti, quam etiam praefati tertii Membrorum à simili Commissione immunis esse debebat, omnia Templa, unico excepto, eoque parvulo Mediante Vice-Comite ejusdem Comitatus occupari, & Praedicantes amoveri fecit.  
Ita in Comitatu Hevessiensi Mandatione Reverendissimi Domini Archiepiscopi Strigoniensis Georgii Szeckenii, & Illustrissimi Dom. Comitis Georgii Erdódii oppidum Gyóngyós Helveticae Confessionis, qui in continua semper posses●one Templi, Parochiae, & Scholae, Accessoriorumque ipsorum à longis temporibus Ante, in, & post Diaetam Soproniensem fuerant, iis una cum omnibus suis piis legatis & proventibus, undecim praecipuis vineis, quinque Molendinis, uno Macello, & una Domo, adhaec aliquot centenis urnis vini per Joannem Almasy Hevessiensis, & Franciscum Sutter Pestiensis Comitatuum judices Nobilium die 22 Maii, Ann. 1688. sunt privati, amotioneque Ecclesiae, & Scholae docentium, totali eorundem Evangelico exercitio, etiam in privatis aedibus continuando, prout & Sepultura ac Campanarum usu inhibiti, possessione horum omnium Clero loci tradita.  
Pariter in Comitatibus Abavyvariensi & Zempliniensi, signanter in Dominio Ragocziano, oppida Thallya, Máád, Szántó, Kereszthur, Tarczal, Liszka, Bennye, Tolchva, Patak, Ujihelly, Borsy, Regacz, & Thokay, aliaque, quae aeque in actuali & pacifico Dominio Templorum, Scholarum, Parochiarum, & accessoriorum, horumque proventuum, tam ante hunc conditum Articulum, quam conditionis ejusdem Tempore fuissent, de caeteroque praepossessione horum relinqui debuissent, omnibus his per officiales ejusdem Dominii sunt privata, ac libero Religionis exercitio, vel in privata etiam Domo usuando, severissimis sub minis inhibita.  
Non absimilite● in Civitatibus Cassoviensi & Epperiensi quoad proventus Ecclesiasticos omnia Evangelicorum pia legata; Cassoviensibus quidem quatuor Domus, unus adhaec hortus, certae item terrae arabiles, & in promontorio Tokay una vin●a Varga dicta; Epperiensibus vero certae insimul vineae, diversis in Promontoriis partiumSuperiorum situatae cum suis reditibus, per Magistratum loci Catholicum utrobique via facti sunt ereptae: Quibus Campanarum quoque & Sepulturae communis usus absolute denegatur. Funerum adhaec intra moenia Civitatum cum solitis suis caeremoniis condecens deductio etiam cavetur, & non admittitur.  
Quibus similibus cum expresse contra Artic. hunc injuriati essent memoratorum locorum Evangelici.  
Exinde Sanctissimae eatenus declaratae Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Resolutioni & Articulari Concessioni firmiter inhaerentes, à Majestate vestra Sacratissima horum omnium, & praeattacto etiam Membro tertio Commemoratorum Comitatensium locorum occupatorum Evangelicos praecise concernentium Templorum, Parochiaram, Scholarum, & accessoriorum, omnium adhaec legatorum, indeque subsecutorum proventuum, campanarum item ac Sepulturae usum, contra mentem hujus Articuli & Membri violenter ademptorum, suis antiquis possessoribus Evangelicis reali cum effectu fiendam benignissimam Restitutionem & redintegrationem de genu flexo desideramus.   

Septimum Membrum determinat:  
Interea vero nec Catholici Ministris Augustinae & Helveticae Confessioni addictis, nec vero horum sequaces Plebanis Catholicis ad mentem Articuli undecimi 1647. solvere obligentur.  
Hujus Membri statutione clarissima licet, & perconfirmati etiam Artic. 11. 1647. per expressa verba: Ne Evangelici status Catholicis Plebanis, & è converso status Catholici Evangelicis Ministris ad ullas solutiones praestandas ●int obligati:  
Imo subsequentis Articuli 12. ejusdem Ann. 1647. explicatiora: Ubi vero Parochias non haberent auditores Evangelici, solutionem pendant suae Religionis Ministris, cujus videlicet Ministerio, seu opera, usi fuerint: Sicut & Catholici Parochis Catholicis. Ubi autem auditores Evangelici hactenus non solvissent plebanis Catholicis, imposterum etiam ad nullas solutiones praestandas ullo sub pra●textu cogantur ad solvendum, prout nec Catholici Evangelicis.  
Adhaec quoad Stolarum proventus & pensiones allegati 12 Articuli Ann. 1647. immediate subsequentia formalia:  
Stolares autem proventus, seu solutiones, in quibusvis locis Plebani Catholici & Ministri Evangelici à suae Religionis auditoribus totaliter percipiant: Adhuc magis elucidatiore existente, ac unicuique partium convenientes suas pensiones attribuente, adeoque Evangelicos ab omni prorsus solutionis obligamine, Clero & Plebanis Catholicis fienda absolute exemptos pronunciante.  
Minus tamen nihilo Commissiones Regiae ubique in Comítatibus (extra duo saltem in quovis Comitatu designata loca) omnes solutiones Plebanis Catholicis addixerunt: In Civitatibus vero, ubi etiam liberum exercitium permissum, ut ex Fisco, seu Communi Civitatum aerario (ad quem respectu pluralitatis Evangelicorum Catholici minimum quantum contribuerent) ipsis Plebanis, seu Parochis Catholicis solutio fiat, & Evangelici tam Ministris, quam etiam Scholae doctoribus suis extraordinarie ex propriis prospiciant, contra praescriptum manifestum Articulum constituerunt, cui abusivae Constitutioni ubilibet locorum ipsi Plebani & Clerus potenter insisterent, & via facti quasliber solutiones, ac universos stolares proventus pro se indifferenter tam in Comitatibus, quam etiam omnibus Civitatibus exigerent.  
Ind Officiales etiam saepe fati Dominii Rakocziani in Superiori Hungaria indiscriminatim nobiles pariter, & ignobiles Evangelicos brachio quoque militari ad solutionem Plebanis in eodem Dominio pendendam omni conatu adigunt.  
Quae cum contra positivam Articuli hujus determinationem facta essent, adeoque cum maximo etiam ejusdem & inibi allegatorum abusu per Plebanos Catholicos erga Evangelicos universim practicarentur.  
Ind hoc in passu ad praescriptum Articulum & suas leges provocantes apud Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam demississime instamus, quatenus virtute harum omnes Evangelicos ab omni prorsus solutione Parochis Catholicis praestanda immunes pronunciare, ac ut quilibet status suos sibi servientes interteneat, & exsolvat, iisdem etiam suos pendat stolares proventus, Clementissima, justitiaeque consona ordinatione decernere dignetur.   

Octavum Membrum hoc ordinat▪  
Omnibus porro Magnatibus & Nobilibus in Regno degentibus, in Arcibus & solitis Residentiis, pro ritu cujusvis Professionis, Oratoria & Sacella exs●ruere, & dotare liberum sit.  
Virtute membri hujus licet omnibus Magnatibus & Nobilibus Evangelicis in Arcibus & residentiis suis Oratoria & Sacella exstruendi & dotandi permissa sit libertas, quae liberam omnino in iis Religionis suae professionem, sacrorum & accessoriorum celebrationem, Ministrorum item intertentionem, tanquam causam sui Principalem, & sine qua non, respicerent, & secum ferrent; alioquin absque his elusoria plane & supervacanae foret haec Articularis Concessio.  
Praetitulatae tamen Commissiones Regiae praxin hanc post occupationem Templorum vi praescriptae Articularis Ordinationis per Comitatus in Arcibus & Residentiis Magnatum & Nobilium longo tempore usitatam & acceptatam, in plerisque Comitatibus, signanter Lyptoviensi▪ Turocziensi, Arvensi, Trenchiniensi, Zolensi, Honthensi, aliisque totaliter inhibuerunt, & contra praeinsinuatum sanum Articuli sensum in similibus locis liberum Religionis suae exercitium per peculiares Ministros exercendum penitus vetarunt, & nonnisi (quod si celebratione cultus sui in Residentiis suis uti vellent) alterutrius duorum designatorum in Comitatu locorum Ministri, nullatenus vero alterius accersendi, & ejus opera utendi, hocque etiam praecise, per cujusque propria & familiae suae, non vero ullorum vicinorum necessitate, sub poena alioquin militaris invasionis similis Praesidentiae facultate admissa, Articularem hanc libertatem mira circumscriptione coarctarunt.  
Unde in Comitatu Lyptoviensi Parochi & Plebani aliquot talium, Nobilium Domos per Milites Arcis Lykava invadi & expilari curarunt.  
In Comitatu Trenchiniensi Anno praeterito 89 Nobiles Familiae Nozdrovizky Praedicantes in residentia sua pro administratione exercitii sui intertenentes, similiter instinctu Plebanorum per milites Regiminis Mersiani damnificati sunt, Ministro ad carceres Arcis Ledni●ze raptato, & strictissima incarceratione ad subscriptionem summe praejudiciosarum Reversalium pro sui eliberatione adacto.  
Quae cum directe repugnarent praeattactae legalitati, nec etiam Magnates & Nobiles (quibus tamquam Secundi & Tertii Liberorum Statuum & Ordinum Regni, liberis personis, liberum suum exercitium ubique, sive in propriis Residentiis, sive in fundis suis, sive sub Dio, aeque libere, intertentione, si modo potuerint, & usu Ministerii exercere liberum esset, Religiosa hac eorundem, eaque Articulari in libertate restringi quirent.  
Quocirca apud Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam pro relaxatione, & sublatione praeviae Commissionalis inhibitionis, & circumscriptionis, è converso juxta indultum hujus Articuli, ejusdemque sanam mentem, omnibus Magnatibus & Nobilibus in Regno, in Capellis, & Oratoriis eorundem Arcensibus & Residentialibus, per quoscunque peculiares Ministros, quos intertenere possent, liberi exercitii, omniumque Accessoriorum, quibuslibet Regnicolis libere exercendi gratiosissima admissione ardentissime efflagitamus.   

Nonum Membrum hoc perhibet:  
Posthac vero nullae Templorum, Scholarumque & Parochiarum occupationes, vel Exercitii turbationes ab utrimque, sub poena in Articulo 8 Uladislai decreto 5, expressa, fiant.  
Expressa lege licet cautum sit, (quolibet Regni statu propter bonum Pacis & Tranquillitatem Regni publicam in praescriptis suis Articularibus terminis possessionum Templorum, Scholarum, Parochiarum, liberique Religionis suae exercitii relicto) amplius quaeque Templa, Scholas, & Parochias Evangelicorum occupare, horumque libera exercitia quoque quoquo modo interturbate;  
Non tamen desiit, sed ne nunc quidem desinit Status Catholicus eatenus miseros Evangelicos indiscriminatim per totum Regnum exquisitis sub coloribus (ut jam supra fusius repraesentatum) per vim & fortia, citra ullius poenae formidinem & incursum impune sane infestare, eosque religiosa eorundem legitima privare.  
Quare si contra eundem tamquam praemissis manifestissime contravenientem effectiva designatae poenae desumptione procederetur, polliceretur equidem status Evangelicus sibime● in praemissis pacificam & imperturbatam permansionem, tollereturque omnis dissidiorum fomes.  
Quae cum non fiant, quantumcunque nobis etiam lamentantibus, querulantibus, & injurias nostras repraesentantibus, circaque harum sublationem, & nostri accommodationem, Articularem Medelam implorantibus, crevit exinde, & adhucdum crescit status Catholici eo liberior in nos grassandi audacia, contraque omne jus & aequum libertatibus nostris nos exuendi licentia.  
Hinc ut tales & similes violentae occupationes & interturbationes praemissorum omnimode praecaveantur, praescriptam legem strictissime contra transgressores praevios, ac etiam futuros quosliber suis viis & modis observandam, & prosequendam iri à Majestate vestra Sacratissima sollicite petimus.   

Accederet praemissis quoque adjungendum quoad Libertatem vel Maxime Civilem Politicam.  
ARticulo 11. Soproniensi praememoratae novissimae diaetae gratiosissima Regiarum & liberarum, Montanarumque Civitatum Communium privilegiorum confirmatione, desuperque ibidem allegatarum, & passim conditarum Legum renovatione per expressa verba: Liberarum quoque, ac Regiarum, Montanar●mque Civitatum non exiguae fuissent querelae, quod in jure liberae electionis Magistratus Civilis, necnon jure patronatus, etc. ac aliis suis immunitatibus, partim à parte Camerae Hungariae, partim vero ab Officialibus bellicis contra privilegia ipsorum, & regni leges, turbatae & impeditae exstitissent; ideo confirmatis eatenus ipsorum privilegiis & immunitatibus, etc. Articuli etiam Regni, ut sunt Anni 1659. Art 129.1649. Artic. 16.1647. Art 83.1638. Art 35. ac alii superinde conditi renovantur, ac tam per Cameras, quam Officiales bellicos, ac alios quoscunque strictissime observentur, neque in libero Magistratus Civilis jure, ac aliis privilegiis ipsorum longo usu roboratis à quopiam quoquo modo turbentur.  
Constitutum esse easdem leges, & Articulos, tam per Camerales & Bellicos Officiales, quam quoscunque etiam Regnicolas ex omni parte servandos venire, id quod ex consensu omnium & Catholicorum & Evangelicorum aequali in usum quoque deductum erat per Civitates.  
Nihilominus praevia Excelsarum Commissionum, ut superius memoratum, in omnibus Regiis, Liberis & Montanis Civitatibus Evangelicorum amovendorum, & Catholicorum in Magistratum surrogandorum Nomine Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Regio facta praescriptione, vel maxime in superioribus partium Regni Hungariae Civitatibus, Cassioviensi, Epperiensi, Bartphensi, aliisque inclytae Camerae Scepusiensis inde sumptae occasionis ingessione, praecitato alias Articulo 83. 1647. etc. prohibita, eo processit dictarum Civitatum Magistratus reformatus Catholicus licentiae, ut jam omnes Cassovienses, Epperienses, & Bartphenses, aliosque, tam in Senatorii, quam Communitatis ordinum Evangelicos, ad publica Officia, & dignitates Civiles gerendas bene meritos & aptos, ex mero duntaxat privato affectu erga Religionem contra manifestas praefati Articuli, ibique citatorum, signanter Articulorum 13. 1608. ante Coronationem, item 44. 1609, ac 12. 1647. annorum Constitutiones, notabili Evangelicorum cum oppressione, à publicis dignitatibus, honoribus, & officiis civilibus removerit, & horum loco aut minus idoneos, aut obaeratos, aut negotia Civitatum nihil intelligentes, magisque privata curantes Catholicos summa dictarum Civitatum cum ruina & damnificatione surrogaverit, & constituerit.  
Quae siquidem cum apertissimo Confirmatarum Communium Libertatum, & privilegiorum civilium praejudicio facta essent, ac fierent impraesentiarum,   

Quamobrem,  
Primo, Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae, pro liberi Magistratus & Communitatis Civilis eligendi juris, hactenus, ut jam praeinsinuatum, diversimode per diversos interturbati, ac ex parte Evangelicorum penitus eversi, unice & mere penes easdem ac quascunque Civitates, earumque utriusque Religionis Catholicae & Evangelicae Juratos benemeritos Cives permanendi priori suo statui admittenda reductione, solidaque conservatione.  
Secundo: Civilis mutuae concordiae conservandae, nocivarumque dissensionum, & simultatum amovendarum gratia, eorundem Magistratuum & Communitatum Civilium, absque ullo Catholicae & Evangelicae Religionis discrimine, ex honestis, benemeritis, nullaque labe maculatis, iisque aptis Juratis Civibus liberae electionis, officiorumque, & quarumvis aliarum dignitatum Civilium ad mentem pr●●ipecificatorum Articulorum 13. 1608. ante Coronationem, & 44. 1609. fienda indifferenti & coaequali collatione, mutuaque ad honores civiles publicos promotione.  
Tertio: Observandae alternatae aequalitatis, bonique Civita●um publici causa Judicatus, & Tribunatus Officiorum, juxta modo citatorum, & 12 Articuli 1647. Anni sensum, alternatim & mixtim gerendorum, gratiosissima annuentia, & permissione, ●lementissime ordinanda, profundissima animorum cum humilitate supplices nostras deponimus proces.  
Et haec sunt, Sacratissime Imperator, inter caetera praevio modo Articularit●r Sancitarum, & ad genuinum ac lit●relem Articulorum Soproniensium ●●●sum membratim perspicue deductarum Religiosae & Politicae libertatum nostrarum consensu totius Regni permissa beneficia:  
Quae quum ita cl●ra & illustria, ut nullam explanationem patiantur, nisi quis illos Articulos manifeste obscurare velit, & nos cum reservata juxta etiam praecitati Articuli 26. Soproniensis ultimam clausulam: 
Per hancque Articularem Concessionem iisdem Augustanae & Helvelicae Confessioni addictis ulterior praetensi●num suarum via in futuris diaetis instantias suas promovendi (non obstantibus Cleri & aliorum secularium Catholicorum contradictionibus) minime prae●●datur.  
Salvis semper eatenus legibus Regni diplomate Regio firmatis.   
Ampliores Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae propensae Caesareo-Regiae Clementiae gratias, etiam extra diaetales conventus (dum extra hos Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae vulneribus nostris convenientes Medelas adhibere impossibile non esset, ad subsequentes vero diaetas nimium infestantibus, ac nullas leg●s, nullas constitutas poenas curantibus Clero, & Dominis Catholicis, exspectantibus nobis facile Religionis nostrae totale evenire posset exterminium) petendi & urgendi facultate, in illos novissima in diaeta Posoniensi Consenserimus, fieri nequit, ut jam nunc supra quam concedunt, expostulare pra●sumamus.  
Nihil illegalitatis, nihilque novitatis, verum legibus regni benignissime confirmatis Soproniensibus Articulis conformem praementionatorum Gravaminum & inju●iarum nostrarum praemisso modo Articulariter ac distinctim deductarum, evidentissimisque adversantium exemplis illustratarum complanationem, quae ad asserendam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Regiam Auctoritatem & pientissimam Verbo R●gio ratificatam voluntatem, tranquillam item Regni & Civitatum permansionem, ac bonum Pacis publicae vergit, incessantibus precibus nostris jam supra decem semestria, magna cum impensione sumptuum, demississime petentes, ne ulterioribus etiam lamentis nostris, de caetero quoque Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam ejusdem Augustissimam Aulam onerare oporteat.  
Eandem Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam per immensam Dei Misericordiam, cujus vices agit in Terris, per Regale solium, quod divinitus Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae est datum, perque felicitatem suam, apud Regium Justitiae Tribunal, prae moerore & dolore prostrati, ima cum demissione obsecramus, quatenus jam tandem tot & tantarum humillimarum precum, justissimarumque Instantiarum nostrarum, ex innata oppressos vel maxime juvandi clementia miserta, Articularia & legalia haec Pos●ulata nostra per intimum suum Consilium gratiosissime revideri facere, perque ejusdem avidissime exspectatam Consolatoriam Resolutionem & definitionem cuilibet praedictorum Articulorum Membri, Regia sua auctoritate, à qua sola (post Deum) salus & permansio nostra dependet, nos crigere, liberumque Religionis nostrae Exercitium cum Ministrorum nostrorum Evangelicorum imperturbata, & non restringenda nostri in medio permansione, & vocationis ipsorum, ubilibet, libera administratione, adhaec injuriose à nobis ademptorum reali & effectiva restitutione, introductorumque abusuum totali abrogatione in pristinam, quoad statum etiam Civilem politicum, Libertatem Articularem benignissime asserere, inque eadem sartos & rectos semper conservare clementissime dignetur.  
Quam Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae gratiam & clementiam perpetuis fidelitatis nostrae obsequiosissimis servitiis sanguinis etiam profusione contestandis, quam subjectissime demereri adnitemur.  
Benignissimam praevie petitorum Determinationem praestolantes, manemus  
Ejusdem Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Humillimi perpetuoque fideles subditi Superiorum & Inferiorum Regni Hungariae Partium ac Comitatuum, Regiarum, Liberarum, & MontanarumCivitatum, Oppidorum, Confiniorum, item & Pagorum Universi Evangelici. Exhibita suae Majestati Sacratissimae Laxemburgi, die 27 Mensis Maii, 1690.    

Exemplum alterius Libelli Memorialis Caesareae Majestati à Legatis Saxon. & Brandeburg. Electorum pro Protestantibus Hungaris Augustae Vindelicorum exhibiti.  
Serenissime, etc.  
IN recenti Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae memoria est, quid nos a. d. 6/16 Januar. cum ad Caesariam & Regiam Majestatem vestram publice admissi essemus, nomine utriusque Electoris Saxonici & Brandeburgici, Dominorum nostrorum Clementissimorum, inter alia de Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae Regni Haereditarii & Provinciarum incolis Evangelicis submississime proposuerimus; & inprimis de libera toties ab universis Evangelicis Ordinibus invictis argumentis repetita Tefferekensium ita appellatorum incolarum emigratione, & in Feriolensi ditione retentorum infelicium liberorum restitutione, liberoque discessu permittendo, humillimis precibus petierimus. Quemadmodum igitur Clementissimi Domini nostri, ambo praefati Electores, certam illam spem de Caesareae & Regiae Majestatis vestrae Christianissimo benignissimoque animo conceperunt, sore, ut Caesarea ac Regia Majestas vestra submississimis hisce precibus faciles sit aures praebitura & tot millium pressas & afflictas animas quaesito solatio refectura: Ita nonnullas aliis de rebus clementissimas resolutiones à Caesarea Regiaque Majestate vestra impetravimus tam ante, quam post Caesareae acRegiae Majestatis vestrae ex illa urbe discessum: Verum de Negotio Hungarico nihil omnino obtinuimus. Quapropter justissimis Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae oculis rursus eorundem infelicium in Hungaria Evangelicorum Miserrimum statum, novis indies oppressionibus aggravatum, uti ex annexis liquebit, humillime subjicere ausi sumus, nulli dubitantes, quin Caesarea ac Regia Majestas vestra, quae Divini nobis in terris Numinis imago est, afflictorum tacta miseratione, qui suppliciter Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae throno advoluti sunt, infelicium illorum preces clementissime acceptura, & miseriam sublevatura sit: Simul & gratiosissime imperatura, atque curatura, ne nupero Recessu de integro Confirmatum liberum Religionis Evangelicae exercitium, contra Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae Clementissimam animi intentionem, amplius laedatur, interrumpaturque: Verum contra ea suae cujusque conscientia libertati, tranquillitatique permittatur, atque restituatur: Ipsi vero gravaminibus suis, praesertim ratione abusus clausulae: Salvo jure Dominorum terrestrium, (quae quidem querelarum praecipua caussa est) liberentur, atque exsolvantur. Quamvis autem Clementissimae istius Resolutionis (pro qua interim humillimas gratias agimus) Clementissimorum Dominorum nostrorum Electorum nomine explicationes aliquot obscurioris sensus demississime rogare habeamus, his tamen ad tempus postpositis, illud praecipue obnixis precibus à Caesarea ac Regia Majestare vestra petimus, humillimèque obsecramus, ut, quoniam res liquida & clara est, atque celeberrimae expeditionis, concessam gratiosissime emigrationem Tefferkensium liberorum declarare dignetur, miserisque parentibus liberos suos devehere ipsis liceat, remque suam familiarem expedire, concessis in hunc finem, quae requiruntur, literis commeatus: Utque hac ratione vinculum illud naturae sanctissimum, quod parentes liberis & hos illis, mutuo nexu adstrinxit, integrum, illaesumque conservetur. Quae res uti Electoribus Dominis nostris Clementissimis longe Maximam animi allatura est voluptatem, ita eosdem magis magisque devinciet, atque Caesareae ac Regiae Majestati vestrae obstrictos reddet, velut suam ipsorum in gratiam concessa omnibusque submississimae venerationis & obsequii officiis rependenda. Nos autem pro nostri muneris debita obedientia humillima cum veneratione perpetuum erimus  
Caesareae ac Regiae Majestati vestrae Devotissimi & Humillimi Elect. Sax. & Brandenb. Plenipot. Legati, 

N.E. Baro von Gersdorff.  
S.I. von Dankelman.     

Exemplum libelli Memorialis Sacrae Caesareae Majestati à Legatis Saxon. & Brandeburgicis Augustae Vindelicorum in gratiam Hungarorum Protestantium exhibiti.  
Serenissime, etc.  
QUEMADMODUM res à Caesarea ac Regia Majestate vestra in Hungaria adversus Christiani nominis hostem felicissime gestae, recuperataeque post tam diuturnum sub barbaro jugum regnum illud, nemini plus voluptatis attulerunt, quam clementissimis Dominis nostris Electoribus, caeterisque etiam Imperii Rom. Ordinibus ac statibus Evangelicis laetissimo fuere gaudio: Praesertim quod & ipsi pro viribus ad tutandam Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae magnitudinem arma sua Caesareis enixissime conjunxerint, quo Divina favente gratia, prout hoc summum ipsorum votum est, barbarus ad accipiendam decoram Nomini Caesareo, certamque & constantem Pacem constringatur, cogaturque: Ita & ulterius hoc suum votum extendunt, ut Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae indefesso & patrio erga sibi subditos amore, nobilissimum illud regnum in pristinum restituatur florem, vigoremque: Subditisque illius incolis fidelissimis atque obedientissimis justissimo Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae imperio atque patrocinio, quoad privilegiorum immunitatumque veterum conservationem ad spem optimam excitatis, multo quam antehac firmius & tutius cum Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae provinciis, tum Imperio Rom. sive potius universo orbi Christiano sit propugnaculum. Quoniam vero Caesarea ac Regia Majestas vestra hunc in finem jam Ann. 1681. & 87. in Comitiis Soproniensibus & Posoniensibus optima tranquillitatis publicae jecit fundamenta, neque ullum dubium est, quin, si Caesarea ac Regia Majestas vestra pro cognitissima sua Gratia ac justitia illud solummodo praestare dignetur, ut ibidem conclusi, conventi, atque concessi Articuli, praesertim quoad liberum Religionis Evangelicae exercitium, & illius cultores incolas, ab delegatis in eam rem Commissariis & Ministris bona fide observentur, neque vel per ipsos, vel per ipsis succedaneos, tam Ecclesiasticos, quam seculares (uti proh dolor! gravissimis comminationibus nonnulli eorum miserrimos Evangelicos contra Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae clementissima jussa, decreta, atque interdicta multimodis ac saepissime terruere) violentur; propositum bonum pacis, tranquillitatisque regni publicae feliciter subsecuturum sit: Memorati ambo Domini nostri Clementissimi Electores, etiam nunc eum in finem, sicut & saepe antea ab aliis Imperii Ordinibus Evangelicis, nobis in mandatis dederunt, uti dictos eorundem sacrorum participes Hungaros Caesareae ac Regiae Majestati vestrae humillime commendaremus, atque pro iis apud Caesaream ac Regiam Majestatem vestram intercederemus. Qui quidem Domini nostri Clementissimi eam in Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae innata lenitate atque justitia spem & fiduciam collocarunt, ut non dubitent, quin Caesarea ac Regia Majestas vestra quietem publicam, (quae in causa Religionis in eodem Regno secundum Regni Constitutiones hactenus satis tranquilla & immota fuit, verum pauculos ante annos turbari, laedique coepta est) cultoribus Evangelicae Religionis sartam tectamque praestitura sit, libertatemque conscientiae integram & illaesam, Ecclesias, Scholas, exercitium Religionis publicum, inviolata cunctis & singulis permissura, insultus ac violationes severissima coercitura, & insimul Evangelicorum Electorum, Principum, atque Ordinum in recuperando, & à Turcico jugo liberando Regno Hungarico lubentissimis animis navatam fidelissimam operam, submissaque valida auxilia, clementissima respicere atque considerare dignatura sit. Praecipue veto Clementissimorum Dominorum nostrorum Electorum deprecatio in hunc scopum collimat, ut, quum Caesarea ac Regia Majestas vestra hac & aliis de causis Regios delegabit Commissarios, istiusmodi illos cum mandatis delegare dignetur, quae ipsos clementissimam exsequi Caesareae ac Regiae Majestatis vestrae voluntatem, sanctamque observare justitiam cogant, neque suis servire affectibus, Zelumque Religionis summo cum rigore, saevitiaque, adversus afflictos Evangelicos exserere permittant. Hanc Caesareae & Regiae Majestatis vestrae gratiam, ac favorem summum, Clementissimi Domini nostri Electores plurimo cum animi solatio, voluptateque accepturi sunt, summaque fide atque devotione constantissima, caeterisque gratae mentis demonstrationibus ostensuri, nihil sibi à Caesarea & Regia Majestate vestra gratius accidere potuisse. Nos autem, quae nostra est tenuitas, submississime atque humillime nosmet profitemur  
Caesareae ac Regiae Majestati vestrae Devotissimos & Obedientissimos Sereniss. D. D. Electorum Saxonici & Brandeburgici hic commorantes legatos, 

Von Gersdorff.  
B. von Zinzendorff.  
Baro von Friessen.  
S. I. von Dankelman.  
N. B. von Dankelman.   Augustae Vindel. a. d. 6/16 Jan. 1690.   

ANNEX A.  
EA species est Ann. 1681. in Comitiis Soproniensibus per Catholicum statum, insciis tamen Evangelicis, de negotio Religionis conditorum, & per ipsos Articulis quoque Diaetalibus insertorum duorum Articulorum 25. & 26, ac si hac ratione Evangelicis Hungariae Regni incolis, aliquot mille Ecclesiarum, Scholarum, & appertinentiarum ereptione nulla facta foret injuria, verum potius res grata & accepta, plurium locorum enumeratione ac designatione in quibus liberum ipsis Religionis exercitium concederetur. Quod si vero iidem ad Meridianum solem inspiciantur, & justa exactaque rationis trutina expendantur, minus ipso nihilo Hungaris concessum videbitur, permissumve, nisi, quae sequitur, damnosissima clausula cum illius interpretatione & extensione reapse inde deleatur, tollaturque. Quidquid enim Concessum videtur, per Cleri & Dominorum Catholicorum exoticam interpretationem, & potissimum nimium praejudiciose in totale Evangelicorum, eorundemque Evangelici-Exercitii exterminium adjectam clausulam: Salvo jure Dominorum Terrestrium: (Contra quam clausulam tamen Evangelici proceres prima vice Sopronii, atque post illa in Comitiis Posoniensibus omnibus modis protestati sunt: Protestationem vero hanc ultimam Hungaricus Personalis D. Stephanus Urbanus, contra quam ipsum decuit, non admisit:) Omnino subversum, & irritum factum est. Nam licet dictorum Soproniensium Comitiorum 25 Articulus generaliter, & in universum liberum Evangelicae Religionis exercitium cunctis & singulis permittat, nec huic, illíve loco alliget, aut adstringat, verum potius ad mentem confirmatae pacificationis Viennensis Ann. 1661. Artic. 1. & praecipue Ann. 1608. itidem Artic. 1. ante Coronationem (qui in memorato 25 Art Comitiorum Soproniensum confirmati sunt) omnibus & ubique per Regnum, nullo loco excluso, multo minus indigena cujuscunque conditionis, dignitatis, status, ac natalium fuerit, libertatem concedat publice suam Religionem exercendi: Eam nihilominus Domini Catholici sinistram sibi sumunt & arrogant interpretationem, acsi haec liberi Religionis exercitii concessio non aliter accipienda sit, multo minus permissa, nisi sub ista clausula, Salvo jure Dominorum Terrestrium: Quod jus terrestre (quod jus tantum servitutis corporalis respicit) ipsi ad jus & Dominium in Conscientias quorumcunque, soli Deo competens, omnimodo trahunt, & extendunt, sibique actu ipso in toto Regno violenter vindicant. Sic illo utitur Strigoniensis Archiepiscopus Georgius Szechenius in universo suo territorio ac Dioecesi, tamquam Dominus Terrestris, & Episcopus Strigoniensis, adversus omnes absque ullo discrimine ordines, Nobiles, Ignobiles: jisque non solum pleno Religionis exercitio interdicit, verum etiam vehementissime eos persequitur, Ministros Verbi Divini Evangelicos per suos ejiciens, expellens, spolians, in vincula conjiciens, & in iis Contumeliosissime detinens: Donec tandem vel Religioni priori valedicant, vel plane se Ministerii Evangelici munere semet abdicaturos validissima manus propriae testatione ac syngrapha spondeant. Eandem vim Eminentissimus Dominus Cardinalis sibi sumit, & usurpat Collonitius, sine ullo discrimine personarum, non modo in Javarinensi administratura atque Comitatu, sed & tutorio Orphanorum Rakotzhianorum nomine, in eorum in Superiore & Inferiore Hungaria Dominiis, adversus Ecclesiasticae & Civilis, Nobilis & Ignobilis conditionis atque ordinis Evangelicos: Praecipue autem in Javarinensi, Soproniensi, Eisenburgico, & aliis Comitatibus: Nec non in Lebnicensibus, Rachoczianis terris; in Trenchiniensi Comitatu; ut & in Superiore Hungaria in Zempliniano, Hevezano, & Abavyarensi Comitatibus, in XII. oppidis privilegiatis, quae sunt Thuoa, Mar, Szantho, Keretzthur, Tarczal, Liska, Benxe, Tholizva, Patak, Ughelly, Borsy, & Tokay; aliisque item in locis plurimis: Ubi omnium Reformatorum partim de integro condita, partim è ruderibus redintegrata Templa, Scholae, Domus pastorum Parochiales, cum suis appertinentibus (quorum omnium tempore conditi Articuli Soproniensis reapse fuere possessores, quaeque ipsis juxta Articuli contentum relicta sunt) vi ipsis erepta sunt, Ecclesiarumque Ministri munere suo depulsi, atque deturbati: Ut silentio vis ipsis eorum personis illata, atque etiamnum indesinenter exercitae injuriae, atque violentiae transmittantur.  
Quin & hujus clausulae praetextu Omnes alii Episcopi, Praepositi, & Abbates suis in ditionibus, inprimis autem in ditionibus Tóckelianis quondam, nunc Turcae ereptis, ubi plurimi habitant, ac commorantur Reformati, abutuntur: Imo vero & omnes Magistratus, ac nobiles quicunque, & Ecclesiastici suis in Territoriis: Adeo ut & Civitates nonnullae, interque eas Catholicus urbis Epperies Magistratus, sub praetextu Dominii Terrestris, ex Urbe illa, quae per Articulum illum disertim libertatis fruebatur privilegio, Ecclesiastas Evangelicos expulerint, & in exilium egerint; caeteros usu liberi Religionis exercitii privarint, nullo alio jure, quam quod illius clausulae abusus, & iniquissima interpretatio suggessit, & suppeditavit: Quae revera omnis ad hoc usque tempus exercitae persecutionis unica scaturigo est.   

Oratio ad Caesarem Leopoldum Maximum, Wiennae in speciali audientia die 22 Junii, Ann. 1690. circa horam 8. Vespertinam habita, pro statu Evangelico Hungarico, & nominatim pro Comitatu Thurocziensi, per Generosum D. Paulum Okoliczani dicta & instituta, adstantibus egregiis Joanne Scredy, & Paulo Sallay, ejusdem status Evangelici Ablegatis.  
ADMISSI ad Augustum Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae conspectum, quod ipsi afflictiones nostras proprii oris Ministerio in benignum sinum effundere possimus, primum hoc nomine nobis gaudemus: postea, quod Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam salvam & incolumen nobis, infimis licet, attamen fidelibus subditis intueri, contemplarique Deus concessit, nomine Principalium nostrorum Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae in laetitiam effusi gratulamur. Oramus etiam ejus Divinam Majestatem ut, quo Omnipotenti Coelica ope hactenus universis Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae adfuit Regiis negotiis, eadem imposterum quoque victricibis armis, & fortibus militibus adesse velit, ut conculcatis universis ad ultimum hostibus, tandem ad tranquillum amoenae Pacis portum ex belli fluctibus cum fidelibus populis suis emergere possit.  
Tertius jam vertitur annus, Augustissime Imperator, ex quo homines nostri universorum scilicet statuum Evangelicorum Hungaricorum, demissorum fideliumque Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae subditorum, humillimi Ablegati, qui hic mecum adstant, ad Augustam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Aulam continuis quasi excubiis haesitantes Sacrum Majestatis vestrae pectus de libertate oppressae Religionis Evangelicae assiduo pulsant, & sollicitant. Quibus sollicitationibus, & ipsi etiam Religionis oppressioni, Commissarii Majestatis vestrae in hoc negotio ad mentem Articulorum exmissi, ac ante biennium procedentes, dederunt, praebueruntque vel maximam ansam atque materiam: Quippe illi extra benignam Majestatis vestrae instructionem, & contra sensum Articulorum, ea, quae ibidem clarissima sunt, peregrina quapiam interpretatione ad libitum pro obscuris habuerunt, & quae ibidem non habentur, adjecerunt, nobisque Sacro Majestatis vestrae nomine portanda imposuerunt. Quemadmodum haec omnia tot Memorialibus nostris per istos dimissos Ablegatos nostros à dicto triennio, vix non quotidie porrigi solitis, exacte claréque liquidavimus.  
Ad quae omnia, & imprimis ad id, quod die 27 Maii in Laxenburg benignis Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae manibus supplices porrexere, dum nosmet relegamus, Majestatem quoque vestram supplices provocamus, per Deum immortalem obtestantes, ut jam tandem benigne sese ad ea resolvere, & ex Commissionibus ortam dubietatem auctoritate sua Caesareo Regia tollere non dedignetur. Sed quia Majestas vestra Sacratissima toto hoc triennii tempore, aliis etiam Regiis Curis obtuta, necdum sese benigne resolvere potuit, Adversarii nostri hinc arrepta occasione novos contra nos assumunt animos, & in vulgus jactant; Majestati vestrae miseram sortem nostram, quam ipsi augent, cordi non esse: Nos à Regia gratia, benignaque Protectione prorsus abjectos esse: Adeoque ipsis quodlibet in nos licere. Contestati sumus saepenumero, Invictissime Caesar, brevi fore, nisi cohibeantur, illorum insolentiam in apertam vim, effusionemque innocentis Sanguinis nostri erupturam; & jam hujus rei tragicae quoddam praeludium in Comitatu nostro Thurocziensi persentiscere cogimur, quando certo Majestatis vestrae mandato nobis neque citatis, neque auditis, ex inclyta Hungarica Cancellaria emanato, facti sumus quasi catharmata ad immolationem destinata. Unde ego, fidelis Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae subditus, peculiariter missus ad Regium Majestatis vestrae Thronum, supplex compareo, spe plenus, me non tantum clementer auditum iri, sed fimul ad Principales meos vitam, falutem, & libertatem, pro innocentia nostra, à Majestate vestra reportaturum esse. Attulerunt videlicet Domini Plebani Catholici certum mandatum contra nos, cujus vigore non jam juris processum, sed violentam rerum nostrarum direptionem, & personarum arrestationem minitantur: Imo jam ipso facto exequuntur.  
Petiimus equidem instantissime Paria istius Mandati, sed non aliud responsum tulimus, quam quod à Majestate vestra Sacratissima, vel à quopiam alio, interdictum sit illis, ne Paria ejus nobiscum communicentur: Quo pacto non modo Sacro Majestatis vestrae nomini injuriam faciunt, sed & trahunt in suspicionem, quasi vero Majestas vestra Sacratissima talia ibi subscripserit, quae in apricum devenire indecens esset. Dum tamen legeretur, & publicaretur idem Mandatum, quantum animadvertere potuimus, in hac verba esse observavimus: Intellexisse nimirum Majestatem vestram quomodo Praedicantes nostri (quos illi ita per contemptum vocant) per Arces, per Castilia, per Domos, & sic consequenter evagentur: Quomodo in Parochias eorum involent: Quomodo sacra eorum turbent, & suo ritu Evangelico populis administrent: Quomodo (quod scelus nefasque est, nostra Religione indignum) Nobiles aeque ac ignobiles ad seditionem disponant, & hinc nos Magnates, Nobiles, & Ignobiles concitatos neque Templa frequentare velle, neque festa celebrare velle, neque aliquid illis solvere velle, imo susque deque contra Articulos, contra ordinationem Commissionis facere omnia. Quorum enumeratorum veluti minima levissimaque pars certo respectu & consideratione legum vera esse potest, ita potior eorum pars falsa & sinistra est. Verum id quidem est, nos illis nihil solvere, sed id non facimus temere, verum beneficio sacri diplomatis & Articulorum Soproniensium, qui expresse dictant: Evangelicum Catholico, & contra Catholicum Evangelico nihilo teneri. Quod celebrationem festorum sinistrum est, quippe siquid propria laus valeret, auderem dicere Majori nos Communia festa celebrare observatione, quam illos, qui saepe (& si illos accusatum non veni) levissimo munusculo corrupti diebus festis crassos permittant labores. Non nego unum alterumve esse festum, quod Religio nostra non recepit; tamen & his diebus à crassioribus abstinendo laboribus consulto ita nos gerimus, ne illis nos criminandi ansa supersit. Porro ubi de non frequentatione Templorum ajunt, verum dicunt, quia omnia ademerant: Ne unum quidem ergo cum sit, quod frequentare permittant pro libertate nostrae Religionis, inter reliquos divinos ritus nostros pro incolumitate Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae sub dio etiam orare solemus. Quod de seditione dicunt, quemadmodum Maximum ac sinistrum est, ita injuriosissimum, ac nisi docuerint, quae accusant, talione poenae compensandum. Nuper in Generali Congregatione, ubi Clerus, nostri accusatores, frequenti numero aderant, publice protestati sumus, ut, quis sit ille seditiosus, denominent, nos esse futuros primos, qui capiemus, & quo Majestas vestra Sacratissima jusserit, aut ducemus, aut justo juris ordine servato puniemus. Sed nonnihil tacentes postea publice professi sunt, se de seditione apud Majestatem vestram neminem accusasse. Ad extremum, non ut contra Articulos Sopronienses quidquam patraremus, quin potius propterea haec omnia patimur, quod Ordinationibus Commissionum non acquiescentes à tenore & beneficio legis nos abstrahi non permittamus.  

Haec illa sunt, Augustissime Imperator, conficta crimina, quorum caussa neque citati, neque auditi, à Majestate vestra Sacratissima tamen capi jubemur.  
Quae cum non vera esse constanter assevero; simul de genu flexo pro Principalibus meis Maje●tatis vestrae Sacratissimae humillimis fidelibusque subditis supplico, dignetur Majestas vestra Sacratissima Clementi nos oculo respicere: Dignetur i● periculo constitutis adesse: Dignetur illos, siquid contra nos praetensionis habent, ad juris viam, non potentiam, relegare; illisque suapre natura in nos persequendos proclivibus Mandati sui occasionem tollere, idemque cassare. Eripiat nos Majestas vestra Sacr●tissima ab insultibus & libidine Inimicorum nostrorum, paratos, siquid peccavimus, Ordini juris nos ubicunque sistere. Faciat Majestas vestra Sacratissima ut persentiscant, Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam aeque nobis esse benignissimum Regem, atque illis: Quam benignitat●m de omnium gentium jure exposcimus: Siquidem non minore fidelitate, non minore promptitudine, quam illi, universa Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae pro quavis necessitate ferimus onera, & praestamus Regia servitia.   

Ad haec Caesar reposuit:  
Percepi Orationem vestram nomine omnium Inclytorum statuum Evangelicorum, & comitatus nostri Thurocziensis, fidelium subditorum nostrorum, per Te factam: Quemadmodum ante hac saepe, ita nunc Nos resolvimus, quod sicuti unice intendimus, ut penes Arti●ulos ultimarum diaetarum conservaremini, ita numquam erat intentio nostra, ut vos ex Gratia & Protectione nostra excludamus. Confidite igitur. Quae autem hic verbo reposuistis, ea perlecto etiam hoc supplici libello nunc nobis porrecto considerabimus, captoque consilio, quidquid juxta benignam Intentionem nostram, aequitatemque justitiae conveniens fuerit, faciemus, habebitisque congruam resolutionem.   

De caetero Vobis, vestrisque Principalibus, Caesareo-Regia Gratia nostra propensi manemus.  
Haec elocuta sua Majestate Sacratissima vicissim Ablegatus ait:  
Serenissime Imperator, periculum nostrum, in quo jam Principales mei facto ipso conflictantur, moram non patitur; ac proinde per omnia Dei Sacra, & per omnia jura regalia obtestor, ut Majestas vestra Sacratissima benigne, & quidem cito succurrar.  
Imperator respondit: Jam, jam erit. ' His flexo poplite discessum.    

Sacratissima Caesarea Regiaque Majestas.  
Domine, Domine nobis Clementissime,  
NIXI Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae benignissima Resolutione nupera in Personali audientia Hominibus nostris jam à triennio apud Augustissimam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Aulam, in calamitosissima jam agonizantis Religionis nostrae Evangelicae Materia, maxima cum profusione sumptuum degentibus, ac ejusdem Regio auctoritativae opitulationis legalem medelam toties ac toties suppliciter implorantibus, clementer impertita, ut ut fiducia pleni juxta (uti certo inaudivimus) qua scripto tenus, qua etiam ore tenus, jam subsecutam & extradatam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae clementissimam nos Articulariter omnino accommodandi Declarationem, & Resolutionem, ejusdem realem effectuationem de die in diem avidissime praestolaremur; nihil tamen, quod huic nostrae exspectationi responderet, adusque maxima nostri cum infelicitate obtinere potuimus, sicut nec possumus: Quin (jussis & mandatis Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae, uti anno praeterito ante discessum suum Augustam Vindelicorum, ita nunc quoque nescimus, quibus cunctationibus in majorem nostri adflictionem ipsa morte acerbiorem citra ullum effectum suppressum euntibus) indies major ac major, nimia insolentia cleri universaliter in Regno ad libitum in Evangelicos grassantis, nihilque Leges & Constitutiones Regni curantis; sed omnia ex arbitrio suo agentis, nos subit calamitas.  
Hic etenim (brevitatis causa) ejusdem illegales, Articulariterque vetitorum certorum Salariorum ab Evangelicis indifferenter sibi pendendorum praetensas solutiones, hactenus indiscriminatim in Comitatibus, maxima Magnatum & Nobilium, horumque subditorum Evangelicorum cum oppressione, brachio quoque militari extortas praetereuntes (ejectis perprius ante circiter biennium è Civitate Superioris Hungariae Epperies, loco alias Articulari Ministris trium Nationum Evangelicis, Scholaeque docentibus, jamnum iterum ibidem Majestatis vestrae Sacratiffimae nomine (quo nimium praejudiciosa abuteretur) docentem quoque puerorum & puellarum cosdem in Lectura, Scriptura, & Arithmeticis, aliisque convenientibus pietatis studiis informantem, sub poena relegationis severe inhibere, temere audens.  
Recentissime adhaec in Regia Superioris itidem Regni Hungariae partium Civitate Nagybanya (quae etiam una è Reliquis Civitatibus & locis Articularibus libero Religionis Evangelicae exercitio, & Commissionali excisione locorum, aedificandorum novorum Templorum, Parochiarum, & Scholarum Articulariter insimul dotata: Jam vero Anno praeterito 89. circa initium Mensis Novembris interventu Commissionis Prainerianae tali beneficio citra ullam legalem causam instinctu solum Dominorum P. P. Jesuitarum exquisito sub praetextu violatarum quarundam Reversionalium per minas & terriculamenta Excellentissimi Domini Stephani Csaky, Anno adhuc 1674. dudum praeterito extortarum; virtute tamen 25 Articuli Soproniensis cassatarum, iterum ex integro privata & orbata esset) Reverendissimus Pater Franciscus Ravasz Soci. Jesus, assistentia ejusdem loci commendantis, inclyti regiminis Houchiniani locum tenentis, coetum Evangelicum praemissa publicatione, Ne quisquam diebus festis ullos labores exerceat: Ne neo-natas proles aliorsum extra civitatem baptizandas efferat: Ne audiendarum concionum Evangelicarum, cultusque sui exercendi caussa ad circumjacentia extera loca exeat: Ne horum familia domestica domi cantet, legat, oretque, etc. Ad caeremonias Religioni ipsorum contrarias, sub duri alioquin Arresti comminatione, gravibusque pecuniariis extorsionibus cogere & compellere: Evangelicorum domos, festivis diebus medio Musquetariorum perlustrare & rimari, eosdem in vineis, & promontoriis insectari, & vel ex minima suspicione, utut etiam nihil operarum fecissent, citra ullam distinctionem personarum captivare, inque squalidum locum arresti includere, ac abinde non prius nisi deposita, à Commendante denuntiata, 10, 20, 30 Florenorum (si eo pauperior etiam esset) summa dimittere: Neonatos liberos suos ad extera loco medio Confessioni suae addictorum Ministrorum baptizandos efferentes, post perpessos squalidos carceres ad libitum lytrare. Miseris mendicantibus ex Hospitali Evangelico ejectis, inque stabulum quoddam se receptis, nisi Templum Catholicorum frequentaverint, Caesionem è Civitate per Carnificem fiendam apertissime indicere. Studiosos quoscunque, quamvis etiam patricios ab ingressu Civitatis, & visitatione parentum Consanguineorum, Cognatorum, & amicorum suorum contra ductum naturae omnimode arcere, & siqui per inanimadvertentiam Civitatem intraverint, immediate capere, hinc inde raptare, verberibus foedare, arresto includere, tandemque desumpta arbitraria taxatione, tamquam praedonem & adulterum per Germanos milites Civitate expellere: Uno verbo, omnium afflictionum generibus eosdem acerbissime affligere, & angere, ausu proprio praesumens, passim ubique omnia susque deque omnino proterve ageret.  
Et quae alibi locorum his similia alia, aut etiam majora ejusdem cleri, sicut & secularium Dominorum Catholicorum, uti novissime Domini Sigismundi Esztherhazy Jazygum Vice Capitanei, & Francisci Sûtter, substituti Vice Comitis Comitatus Pestiensis, cum eorundem famulitio, Evangelicos oppidi Jazbéreny, ante tres circiter septimanas improvise adorientium, captisque perprius potioribus Evangelicis, ac Carceri ejusdem oppidi iisdem injectis, inque praesentiarum detentis, eorundem Templum sumptibus propriis exstructum, Turrim adhaec, & campanas occupantium, ac ibidem securitatis causa in deposito existentia bona diripientium, insuperque omnia Pia legata majori ex parte ex rebus aureis & argenteis constantia, fide mediante extorquentium, & auferentium, tandemque Templum funditus diruentium, essent violenter attentata.  
Hinc afflictissimae Religionis nostrae calamitas, & in paterna Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae erga miseros nos fideles suos subditos propensione locata fiducia hanc nobis imposuit necessitatem, ut repraesentata ingravescentium indies aerumnarum nostrarum mole, qua à clero, sine intermissione premimur, ad Majestatis Vestrae Sacratissimae, Clementia, Misericordia & justitia plenissimum thronum tali in coangustatione & oppressione spirituali constituti, inde sinentibus pronis precibus nostris confugiences Regiae Auctoritatis suae vindicias, secundum libertatem nostram Articularem demiss●● hocce Memoriali nostro iterum atque iterum imploremus.  
Quare habita reflexione ad praemissas iteratas nostras articulariter deductas supplicationes, Laxenburgi die 27 Maii, & Viennae 22 Junii praeteritorum Mensium sub personali audientia Hominum nostrorum Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae humillime exhibitas, denuo ad pedes Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae, qua summi Justitiarii nostri, Legumque Assertoris Maximi provoluti, per salutifera Christi vulnera, profunda submissione Majestatem Vestram Sacratissimam exo●ramus, quatenus tot ac tantis gemi●ibus, lamentis, & querulationibus nostris Regio suo Cordi sumptis, nos plane depressos per dudum exoptatam, totque memorialibus humillime expetitam per Intimum Consilium suum, non vero Judicatum Cleri (nobis alias infensi, exterminationemque nostri minitantis, & ob id etiam jussa & mandata Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae ocyus exsequenda studio protrahentis, majorique calamitatum labyrintho nos inducere satagentis) determinandam Resolutionem Regia auctoritate erigere, afflictissimumque statum nostrum ab omnibus adversitatibus Cleri vindicare, inque legalem, securam, & mille votis desideratam Conscientiarum tranquillitatem jam tandem locare, & constituere non dedignetur, quo illaesa conscientia Deo, illibataque fidelitate Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae debita servitia nostra eo pacatiori & alacriori animo praestare, sicque sub auspicatissimis Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae tutelaribus Alis tranquillam semper una cum posteris nostris transigere possimus vitam. Quam impetratam gratiam perpetuis fidelitatis nostrae obsequentissimis studiis, omnibus viribus demereri conabimur. Clementissima praestolata Resolutione permanemus  
Ejusdem Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Humillimi perpetuoque fideles subditi Superiorum & Inferiorum Regni Hungariae, Partium, Comitatuum, Civitatum, Oppidorum, Confiniorum, & Pagorum Universi Evange●ici. Exhib. die 2 Aug. suae Majest. Sacr.   

Sacratissima Caesarea Regiaque Majestas.  
Domine, Domine Clementissime,  
DICTU fere inexplicabile, Sacratissime Imperator, jam ab integro triennio apud Augustissimam Majestatis vestrae Aulam, maximo gravium sumptuum cum impendio laborantibus nobis, quot & quanta lamenta, quantas item querulationes, & supplices preces nostras, nimium turbatae Articularis Religionis nostrae Evangelicae in materia, ad Sacratissimos Caesar. Majestatis vestrae pedes, profundissimo de genu, quam humillime deposuerimus, hac indubia spe freti, nos jam tandem in tanta Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae perbelle cognita calamitate & oppressione nostri, Conscientiarumque nostrarum coangustatione, Categorico-Consolatoriam Regio-auctoritativam per Intimum Consilium suum determinandam obtenturos resolutionem. Ast nedum quicquam scire possumus, An Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae amore, an vero odio digni habeamur? Cum à praescripto tempore citra omnem exspectationem, & toti animo pendentes detineremur, & plane ancipites relinqueremur impraesentiarum: Interea vero (percrebescente in Regno tam infelici Constitutione nostra) indies eo liberior clero nos majoribus ac majoribus oppressionum injuriis lacessenti, cresceret audacia, & afflictissimarum animarum nostrarum augeretur moles; (cujus rei inter alia recentissima in Superiori Hungaria in Dominio Rakocziano districtu Hegyallia vocato, & in Regia Civitate Nagybanya, alibique, miseranda sane testatum facerent exempla,) misera etiam & lacera Evangelica Navicula nostra aestuantis ejusdem Oceani turbinum fluctibus agitata, & periculosis scopulis allisa, sicque tota ipsi naufragio ad interitum submergenda, nullo vero aliquo prospero Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Clementiae afflante Favonio secundata, hocque modo in felicem securitatis portum promovenda, ibique priori integritati suae restituenda, submitteretur.  
Proinde, quandoquidem post Deum, in Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae naturaliter congenita Regia Clementia, & misericordia, unicam nostram salutis, vitae, & fortunarum nostrarum servandarum spei anchoram defixam haberemus, nec desit in tantis Calamitatum fluctuationibus anxie clamantibus, ac Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae opem & liberationem avidissime implorantibus nobis, Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae potentia hujusmodi ferventes turbinum procellas ipsius Cleri, seria Regiae auctoritatis suae demandatione, tranquillandae talis tempestatis, sedandi, nosque juvandi, & felici exitu ad specialis Regiae suae Gratiae Serenissimum portum benignissime deductos integre conservandi, ac spiritualis vitae libertate, Articulariter alias gratiosissime impertita, ulterius quoque clementissime donandi: Constanti demissae supplicationis obtinendae Articularis justitiae nostrae proposito, iterum atque iterum ad Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam quam subjectissime recurrentes, eandem per immensam Misericordiam Dei, perque viscera salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi obsecramus, dignetur jam tandem se nobis exorabilem reddere, nosque compatibilibus Regio-paternae misericordiae suae oculis benignissime intuendo, à tam acerbissimis Cleri insultibus & persecutionibus, (antecedentibus supplicibus libellis nostris satis superque Majestati vestrae repraesentatis,) vindicare, neque permittere, ut Sanctissimo Verbo suo Regio firmato, Articulisque Regni admisso, & stabilito libero Religionis nostrae Evangelicae, cultusque Divini exercitio, ejusque accessoriis, ruptis contra jus gentium & diplomate Regio, & etiam omnibus solemnibus mutuae tolerantiae Articularibus pactionibus, privemur, adque insuetas caeremonias, & Sacra Religioni nostrae contraria, reluctante conscientia praestanda, violentis mediis compellamur: (Hujusmodi siquidem cultus Deo plane esset invitus, praestantibus periculosus, statui vero Catholico, & ejus doctrinae contumeliosus: Cum Christus Dominus neminem ad suorum numerum, nisi voluntarium militem adscribi voluit, ut divinis jussis sponte obtemperans aeternam salutem consequatur: Ita perhibente Tridentina Catechesi in Doctrina de baptismo: Nec enim Evangelici rigorosis & adversis illis modis, quibus per Clerum ad amplectendam Religionem Catholicam divexari solerent, ac etiamnum divexantur, adigi venirent, insigni & prope singulari, aiente Huetio Prop. 9 c. 8. de Gentili superbia ac morum feritate per vim Evangelii deposita; Christi jesus, ejusque sectatorum, charactere, mansuetudine & lenitate existente: Armaque, quibus bellum gereret Christus, essent verba spiritus, justitia & Fides, inquiente eodem Huetio Demonstrat. Evang. Propos. 9 cap. 65. haec vero à spiritu Dei ex ejus verbo proficisci, & non per compulsiva media generari solerent. Hinc etiam gladio spiritus, verbo nempe Dei, non vero gladio corporali & formali, quì S. Petro suae vaginae recondendus, sub gravi Comminatione à Christo Domino demandatus esset, ad devincendum eos, opera per clerum impendenda foret, merus alioquin incrudesceret Atheismus, si omnium Evangelicorum & Reformatorum cultum proterere studuerit, agritudineque animi suspicarentur quam multi, si jam reluctante Conscientia Deo serviendum esset, non esse, qui curam rerum agat humanarum:) Quin Clero suis contentum vivere finibus, non vero Dominii sui fimbrias ad Evangelicos Augustanae & Helveticae Confessioni addictos coetus (dum nullam Juris & Dominii Spiritualis proprietatem in eos haberet, ipseque aeque atque illi Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae potestati, Dominatui, & obsequio parendi subditus esset) extendere, Regiae suae auctoritatis decretali praescripto, per universum Regnum benignissime publicando, in consolatorium omnium nostri, Libertatisque nostrae Spiritualis stabilimentum, nostram restitutionem, conservationem, & securam permansionem, ultimum jam clementissime determinare, sicque ulterioribus querulationibus & lamentis nostris cohibitione praemissorum enormium Cleri excessuum, & ardentissimis petitionibus nostris Caesareo-Regii intimi Consilii sui dudum concupita quam propensissima Resolutione erga effectivam Articularem satisfactionem fienda suum finem quam gratiosissime imponere, ac eo ipso contestari actu, Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam Regem, Dominum, & Patrem nostrum esse Clementissimum, benignissimum, & Misericordissimum, adeoque nos magis amore Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae quam odio dignos esse. Pro qua ergo nos depressos exserenda Gratia Regia, D. Opt. M. & Caesareo Regium ejusdem Thronum, & Augustissimam Domum suam Austriacam omnigenarum felicitatum ubertate, cumulatissimaque benedictione affluenter beabit. Clementissimam praestolantes Resolutionem  
Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Humillimi, perpetuoque fideles Subditi Superiorum & Inferiorum Regni Hungariae Partium, Comitatuum, Regiarum, & Montanarum Civitatum, Oppidorum, Confiniorum, & Pagorum Universi Evangelici. Exhib. die 28 Mens. Aug. 1690. Viennae in personali audientia.  
Monsieur,  
LE vingtiéme du mois passé ariva icy devant la ville une Tartane de Marseille, avec des Lettres expressement depechées de la part de la Cour de France pour l'Ambassadeur d'icelle, qui reside icy. Le dit Ambassadeur ●it un peu aprés scavoir a● Caimacam Pascià, que l'armée royal sons lafoy conduit du Duc de Luxembourg avoit touta fait battu l'armé des Etats des Provinces Unies, avec la perte de t●ut leur baggage, artillery, & ammunition de guerre: Combien qu'elle fut un peu auparavant renforcée de vingt mille Alemans: Et que la Flotte Froncoise, aprés avoir cherchée & trovuée l'es Flottes des Anglois & Hollandois combinées dans le Canal, lés avoit ●ttaquées & mises en fuitre, avec la perte de vingt vaisseaux de guerre, pris ou ruinez. Il y adjouta encor beaucoup des autres nouvelles inventées, receues de Allemagne, Angleterre, Ecosse, Irlande, & Savoye: Les quelles furent debitées entre la populace avec une telle uray semblance, que la pluspart les creurent étre absolument veritables.  
En suitte de cela demanda le dit Ambassadeur la permission de fair publiquement des feux de joy: & la commodité de la posse pour un gentilhomme, qu'il disoit étre expressement envoyé du Roy son Maitre, pour communiquer ces nouvelles au Grand Vizir. On luy accorda l'un secrettement, & l'autre ouvertement: & parce que je n'avois receu le moindre âvis de tout celà, ny de l'état des autres affairs de la Chrétienté, je ne pouvois rien farre contre le debite de ces nouvelles. Mais cette joye ne dura pas longtems; mais seulement jusques au 22. quand il arriva icy un express du Grand Vizir: & peu apres le Caimacam Padiscià me fit tenir deux de vos Lettres tres civiles du 4 & 6 du mois passé d' Aout, bien Seellées & conditionnées, avec les Lettres des Messieurs les Etats Generaux, & des autres. Par cellescy j'appris la conquête absolve d' Irlande, & la treraitte du Roy Jaques en France. Je ne doute pas, si le Roy Guillaume pourroit encor cette étée employer says forces contre la France, que cette campagne se termineroit heuresement pour les Alliez.  
Les Batailles ont été assez rudes & dis●iciles: Mais puisque le Prince de Waldec● a remise l'armée des Etats en meilleur état le 24 de Juillet; qu'elle ne fut devant la bataille, & qu'il même en a donné avis aux Etats, qu'il vouloit le 27 chercher l'ennemy, & luy livrer bataille de nouveau: &, que les Flottes d' Angleterre & d' Hollande sont en état de se remettre bien tôt en mer, j'espere, que nous en aurons en peu de tems des b●nnes nouvelles, comme aussi des armées des Alliez, principalement de cella de Savoye, que je croy & considere comme la principal.  
Je suis en e●la du même sentiment, que V. Excel. que la France succomberà tôt ou tard, qu'elle se remue, tant qu'elle veville; & principalement, quand toutes les Forces d'Angleterre se jetteront sur elle. J'ay fait une ouverture de tout celà, & de tout ce, qui me parût etre utile aux nos affairs, au Grand Vizier: & je l'ay exhorté dienvoyer plein pouvoir aux Ministres de la Porte, qui sont a Comarom, de traitter & conclurre la Paix, ou la trefue, avec les Imperiaux: En quel ces je l'assurois, que V. Exc. & l'Envoyéd ' Angleterre diregeroient selon les ordres du Roy & des Etats l'affaire de telle sort, que cette guerre si sanglante seroit bien tôt heureusement terminée d'une on d'autre manner, avec satisfaction & au contentement des Parties. J'adjoutois encor à tout cela la feiblesse de la France, & le grand peril, que ce Roya-Court: & j'ay luy remontré de nouveau, & assuré, que le Roy, pour eviter sa totale ruin, solicit continuellement sous main le Pape & la Republique de Venise, pour obtenir la Paix par leur intercession: & par Consequence, qu'il soit tems, que les principaux Ministres de la Porte ovurent enfin les yeux, & que se ressouvenans de la perfidie des Francois tant de fois eprovuée contre tous les contracts faits avec la Porte, ils ayent ensin une horreur de cette nation perfide & trompeuse, qui ne cherche rien d'autre chose, que son prope interêt, & qui ne se soncie point des plaintes des leurs Alliez, formées sur le dementry de leur parole, honneur, & sermen, quand elle peut Seulement par venir au bout de leur desseins. J'ay aussi donné avis au grand Vizir de lafoy restitution & du renforcement des Armées des Etats par terre, & par mer: & l'ay parfaitement informé del état des Armées des Alliez sur le Rhin, & la Meuse, dans le Pays Bas, la Savoye, Catalogue, & le Milanois, & principalement de la victoire remportée en Irlande. J'ay envoyé cette lettre par poste au Camp des Turcs: & j'en attens la reponce avant encor que je ferme celle cy, asin de la communiquer à V. Excel.  
Le Caimacam Pascia me demanda, aux quelles conditions je croiois qu'on pourroit faire une Paix: Sur celâ je luy remontray le uray interêt de son Maitre, & does, que j'attois d'opinion, qu'on feroit la tréve à cette condition, que chacun retiendroit, ce, qu'il possede. Ce Caimacam est assez porté pour la paix, mais il depend tout du Grand Vizir: C'est pourquoy qu'il faudrà attendre sa reponce sur ma derniere, pour scavoir sa resolution la dessus. Mais je ne m'imagine pas, que cette cour ferà quelque chose dans cette affair ay, devant que la Campagne sera finie; parce que les trouppes des Imperiaux dans ces quartiers là sont si peu considerables, & celles des Turcs fort nombreuses, d'autant plus, que le Grand Vizir ait desia mis le Siege avec son Armée de vant Nizze, & que le Tókely joint avec les Turcqs ait fait une invasion dans la Transylvanie avec une terrible Massacre des Trouppes Imperiales, & la prise de leur General Heisler, du Marquis Doria, & du Comte Magni, avec beaucoup des autres Officers: Joignez-y lafoy prize de Widin. Tout celà causerà un tres grand changement dans les traittez de Paix, & dans les affairs. On a au commencement traitté cette Nation, comme tout a fait abatue, & vaincue: Jusques à ce, qu'on osoit pretendre d'elle le tribute: Ce qu'irrita les Turcs de telle sort, qu'etans au desespoir ils se sont portez à une vigoureuse defence: & on aurà à fair de les remettre à la raison, si la Campagne se termine pour eux si heureusement, comme elle êt commencée. Connoissant donc, combien il importe au Roy d' Angleterre & aux Etats, que cette guerre soit finie, je ne laisseray pas d'avertir V. Excel. de tems en tems de tout ce, que s'y pass.  
Le 25 du mois passé, quand toutes les preparations étoient faittes par l' Ambassadeur de Francoise pour les rejovissances publiques, le Caimacam, étant mieux informé, fit defence aux Musiciens de s'en aller au palais du dit Ambassadeur: & ainsi disparut toute cette joy Francoise; de sort qu'on alluma seulement quelques centaines des lamps, & qu'ondechargea trosfois quelques pierriers retirez des barks Francoises, mis dans la bassecourt du dit hotel. Cette Ceremonie se finit à huit heu●●s du soir: & le jour suivant l'Ambassadeur fit ôter tout cet appareil à l'instance Serieuse du Caimacam: Mais il ne peut pas digerer cela, sans en montrer son mecontentement, & chagrin.  
A Pera di Constantinopoli, ce 14 de Sept. 1690.  
AYANT acheué calle-cy jusques là, & destitué d'une occasion favourable de l'envoyer à V. Excel. je receus le 29 par mon dragoman, qui revenoit du Campement Turcq une Lettre du Grand Chancelier de cett Empire. Il in écrit, que le Premier Vizir avoit receu ma Lettre avec les Relations, qui y etoient jointes, du 25 d' Août & qu'il l'avoit leue avec beaucoup de plaisir & satisfaction, sans s'expliquer d'avantage: Mais il y adjoute seulement, que le Grand Vizir me prie de luy faire ce plaisir de l'informer doresenavant de tems en tems de tout ce, qui se passera dans la Chrétienté. Cette reponce me fait juger (safe un meilleur judgement) que le Grand Vizir attendrà jusques à la sin de cette Campagne, & qu'il prendrà ses mesures, selon le succes de ses entreprises, & de celles des Armées des Alliez: & qu' après il formerà la dessus ses resolutions de faire la Paix, ou de continuer la guerre.  
Le 9 Sept. se rendit la ville de Nizza par accord au Grand Vizir: & le 16. l'Armée decampa & marcha verse Semendria. On m'a averty, que le Grand Vizir voyant le miserable état des Trouppes imperials qui se trouvent sur les frontieres', étoit de resolution d'attaquer Belgrado. V. Excel. jugeraà aisement, áyant connoissance parfaitte de l'humeur & naturel des Turcqs, combiens les affaires se changeront par ces heureus success. Je feray neanmoins tout mon possible de disposer le Grand Vizir à embrasser la Paix, aussitôt qu'il Sera de retour dans les Quartiers d'hyver. Mais j'ay besoin pour celà des nouvelles instructions. Quelque avantage remporté sur les Francois contribueroit beaucoup pour mettre cette Nation à raison. Si cela se peut fair, il sera tresutile, que V. Excel. m'avertisse de mois en mois par la voye d'Hongrie de tout ce, qui se passe dans la Chrétienté envoyant la duplique par Venise. Quand les Trouppes Turcques seront dans leurs Quartiers d'hyver, j'espere, que j'auray la Commodité d'entretenir cette correspondance avec V. Excel. par la voije de la Valachie. Je demeure, etc.  
De V. Excellence le Treshumble Seru. COLYER. A Pera di Const. ce 3 d'Octob. 1690.  
Voicy une Lettre, qui m'est envoyee du Camp Turcq: Dans la quelle V. Excel. trouverà beaucoup des particularitez.   

Sacratissima Caesarea Regiaque Majestas, Domine Domine Clementissime.  
Augustissime Imperator,  
CUM gravissimo satis Cordolio necessitor Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae humillime detegere, quomodo & qualiter afflictissimum Hungariae Regnum in ultima sua gemat calamitate, ubi jam à viginti & amplius annis haec miserrima patria tot bellorum motibus adeo exhausta, & desolata, & conquassata est; ut; si singula notarentur, in eorundem enumeratione non horae, aut dies, verum anni cum magnorum voluminum conscriptione requirerentur: Jam ex infinitis Regni hujus calamitatibus solummodo haec pauca subnecto: Quod, postquam Anno 1683. ante Septennium evoluto Christiani nominis hostis Turca totam Hungariam exceptis aliquot arcibus in fidelitate Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae persistentibus sui juris fecisset, ac ipsam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae residentiam, urbem inquam Viennam, obsedisset, explicari non potest, quot millia animarum in Comitatibus Mosoniensi, Soproniensi, Jaurinensi, Veszprimiensi, Comaroniensi trucidaverit, aut in diram abduxerit captivitatem. Oppida & pagos centenos incineravit; Arces, castella, curias igne consumpsit; verbo, milliones damnorum fecit. Quibus peractis, cum Do adjuvante, victricibus Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae ac aliorum Principum Christianorum armis idem hostis à Vienna repulsus fuisset, quaenam damna amicus quoque exercitus Hungariae intulerit, nemo etiam disertissimus satis describere valebit. Nam plurimi pagi totaliter incinerati; incolae omnibus bonis spoliati ac trucidati sunt: & quod acerbius fuir, illi iidem, qui propter fidelitatem à Turcis in nihilum quasi redacti fuere, ad solvendas tamen contributiones, & sustinenda hyberna quarteria adacti sunt: Quum tamen vicinae Austriae similiter ruinatae ad aliquot annos exemptio data sit: Quo beneficio Hungariae partibus à Turca observatam fidelitatem totaliter incineratis praeter unicum Mosoniensem Comitatum frui non licuit, sed ad instar aliorum contribuere debuerunt, prout hoc in toto illo tractu supra Sopronium sito factum est. His accessit fames horribilis, ubi comprobari porest, homines fame enectos à Sociis inaudito hactenus exemplo devo●atos fuisse. Post haec secuta est immensarum portionum solutio: Ubi solvi etiam debebat pro iis, qui numquam in rerum natura fuerunt: Quae in tantum excrevit, ut postquam omnem suam substantiam miseri incolae proportionibus solvissent, filios suos, & filias Turcis vendere coacti sint, ut ab exsecutione militari se liberarent: Qui omnes ad Othomannicam persidiam transiere. Sed cum nec hoc sufficeret, tandem afflictissimi subditi charas conjuges suas & filias militibus ad illas violandas praebuerunt, & vendiderunt, ut saltem aliquod liceret eisde● habere respirium. Hinc adulteria, stupra, virginum violationes, innumerabiles sunt consceutae. Sed nec his contenti fuere portionum Exactores, cum summa praetensa omnes incolarum vires & facultates superaret. Itaque ad extrema remedia conversi deplorandi incolae foetum quoque in utero materno existentem taxarunt: Sed & animalia praegnantia taxata fuere ad solvendas contributiones: Quod in Comitatibus Pest, Pilis, & Solz contigisse ipsimet exactores fassi ●unt. Super haec non pauci, dum hanc nimiam contributionem solvere non possent, prae desperatione laqueo vitam finiverunt: Alii occisis prius prolibus ac uxore sibimet mortem intulerunt violentam: Qui casus in Comitatu Trenchiniensi, ac in Superiore Hungaria contigit. Praeterea millenae animae, non valentes tam immensum jugum supportare, ad alias regiones transmigrarunt, vacuam & desertam relinquentes patriam: Ob quae super alios innocentes facta est executio militaris. Miles itidem nullam servat disciplinam militarem, sed omnia libere agit, totum Regnum depilando, & devastando. Cum vero per aliquam regni partem transit, non aliter ac cum hostibus agit; & ubi currus, aut equos pro vectura sufficientes habere non potest, nobiles & rusticos onerat, velut jumenta: Sicque eos horribiliter verberando ad onera portanda propellit: Quod factum est in Comitatibus Soproniensi & Castriferrei. Et passim in aliis innumerabiles pagos combussit, nobiles personas vulneravit: Etiam non paucos occidit: Prout hoc cum duobus innocentibus Nobilibus Scholaribus Tyrnaviae accidit. De quibus Caesibus etsi saepius querela apud cos, ad quos pertinebat, exposita fuerit, nulla tamen data est desuper statisfactio●: Quin potius tales querulantes novis afficiebantur injuriis: Ad●o, ut justitiam prorsus exulasse nemo non videar. His accedit, quod Commendantes locorum occupatorum longe latcque in circuitu & districtu illo imperitant, & miseros subditos sibi contribuere cogunt, Item Administratores Camerales ad vecturas, gratu●tos lab●res, Contributiones, aliasque infinitas exactiones pendendas cum executione militari super omnes portionum solutiones afflictam plebem impellunt, talique pacto incolas ad ultimam adigunt desperationem. Et sane haec inaudita contributio ad tantam excrevit summam, ut ab Ann. 1683. usque ad hunc 1690, triginta Milliones superat data solutio, praeter Transsylvaniam & Conquista. Super haec autem quanti constent militum excessus, solus ille scire potest, ante cujus conspectum nihil occulti est: Partes quoque antea Turcis dedititiae uno ore fatentur, se intra hos septem annos Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae, plus debuisse solvere, quam centum annis immani Christiani nominis hosti Turcae. Quinimo à quo Hungaria stat in fide Christiana, tanta onera, quanta modo, numquam supportare coacta fuit. Et quod plane mirandum est, respectu vicinarum Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae Provinciarum nulla proportio servatur: Verum Hungaria, quae alias etiam sedes belli est, majoribus oneratur contributionibus. Unde apparet ex praemissis, quasi intentio sit, ut Hungaria sit hominibus penitus vacua, ac ferarum habitaculum; quae tamen à tribus & amplius seculis pro defensione reliquae Christianitatis suum fudit Sanguinem; ac generose contra Turcas di●icando vicina regna Christiana protexit. Hinc quid amplius faciant miseri incolae, qui jam ultimum sanguinem suum cum tota substantia dederunt? Non habent, quod contribuant. Itaque efflagitant respirium aliquod, ut saltem vivere illís cum uxoribus ac prolibus liceat, & possint post tam insupportabile jugum ad aliquam pervenire requiem; cum alias etiam vix ulla detur in orbe natio, quae talia cogitur supportare onera.  
Nihilominus etsi totaliter ruinati sunt miseri patriotae, videntes tamen hostium Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae accessionem, ecce parati erunt arma capere, & cum exercitu Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae se conjungere, ac in hostem proficisci. Unde spero, quod sex millia hominum, equitum videlicet & peditum ex parte regnicolarum prodibunt, si Majestas vestra Sacratissima futuram hanc hybernarum portionum solutionem ipsis clementissime relaxare, & in hanc militis conductionem, & intertentionem commutare dignabitur: Quibus si adjungantur milites consiniarii, facile decem millia virorum efficere poterunt: Qui omnes utile sane servitium praestabunt, & ad modum ac normam Regiminum ordinari, & hac hyeme exerceri deberent: Essentque decem formalia Regimina, quinque equitum, & quinque peditum, qui in Hungaria ad liberam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae dispositionem applicari possent. Neque vero iisdem diffidendum est: Ipsi enim hactenus quoque in debita fidelitate perstiterunt tam diu, quam diu immanis Turca non totam occupavit Hungariam: Ubi resistere nemo potuit; cum & arma quoque Majestatis Vestrae Caesareae recesserint. Augustissime Imperator, existimo hoc servitium spontaneum afflictissimorumregnicolarum pro servitio Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae utilius fore, quam portionum solutionem; quae utinam non ad ultimam desperationem adigat patriotas miseros: Unde si Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae benigne placuerit haec modalitas, oportet, ut intra breve tempus cognoscam clementissimum Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae assensum; & tum dispositionem quoque facere possim super contribuendis militibus: De cujus modalitate Majestatem vestram Sacratissimam etiam, hic Viennae humillime informare non intermittam. Et sane, Augustissime Imperator, cum necessario miles Germanicus in Hungariam migrare pro hac hyeme debeat, miles Mungaricus hac conditione offertur, ut praelibatus miles Germanicus proprio vivat sumptu, tam in transitu, quam in quartirio: & non onerentur loca non cincta actuali quartirio, cum sint alias etiam sufficientissima & capacissima loca, in quibus magna Armata potest optime collocari: Quae etiam, si Majestas vestra Sacratissima clementissime mandaverit, paratus sum in aliqua conferentia proximis diebus instituenda demonstrare; humillime iterum atque iterum supplicando, Majestas vestra Sacratissima dignetur ex innata Caesarea Regiaque Clementia sua Nationem Hungaricam, eidemque annexos incolas paterno affectu suo prosequi, & humillimos suos subditos sublevando benignissime consolari. Pro qua Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae, gratia Deus Opit. Max. longaevum ac felicissimum concedat Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae ejusdemque Augustae domui, Regimen: Haec erant, quae Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae velut Regni Palatinus summa cum demissione repraesentare volui. Viennae 7 Novembr. Ann. 1690.  
Sacr. Caesar. Regiaeque Majestati vestrae Humillimus perpetuoque fidelis Servus PAULUS ESZTERHASY.   

Deus Benedicat.  
EX querela Commissionis Caesareae suae Majestatis bene animadverti, quasi vero ego essem caussa, quod vestri Praedicantes coram Commissione Caesarea non compareant. Eo facto volebat emittere ad vos ducentos milites Musquetarios: Sed institi pro dilatione exmissionis illorum, dicens: Quod ex vestris hominibus percepi vos injunxisse Vestris Praedicantibus, aut coram Commissione suae Majestatis compareant, aut vero nolentes abscedant. Quae vestra obsequiatis accommodatio valde fuit ad placitum Commissionis Caesareae: Vosque adhortatur serio modo inclusarum, sub poena damni maximi pagis meis infligendi ad parendum, damnumque evitandum. Quocirca ne mandatum Commissionis Caesareae suae Majestatis ego quoque contemptim negligere ins●muler, eadem à Commissione Caesarea vobis indicta impono peragenda, sub mulcta ducentorum thalerorum; & in omnibus ita pareatis, ut damna vobis insequentia praecaveatis: Quae si intervenerint, non nostra, sed vestra culpa factum esse putetis. Deus vobiscum.  
Dominus vester terrestris Franciscus Jani Abbas Pecsuáradiensis. Quinque Ecclesiis die 15 Febr. An. 1690.  
P.S. Relationem à vobis de acceptis his meis Literis eo facto expectabo, excusaturus me coram Commissione suae Majestatis, nullamque propter vos jacturam passurus.  
Literae, Veresmarthiensibus, Ciuzaiensibus, Sepsciensibus, & Karancziensibus incolis transmissae.   

Exemplum literarum Domini Referendarii Regni Szezuka ad Residentem Caesareum Szymoinsky.  
LITERAE Illustriss. Dominationis vestrae tam Sacrae Regiae Majestati Domino meo Clementissimo, quam mihi, redditae sunt per Cursorem circiter vel ultra octiduum. Post quas siquidem promissum Dominationis vestrae Illustriss. adventum subsecuturum indies sperabam, commendatum ab ipso negotium differebatur ad praesentiam ejusdem.  
Dum vero rursus de 6 Febr. gratissimas Illustriss. Dominationis vestrae accipio, communicavi easdem quam primum Sacrae Regiae Majestati Domino meo Clementissimo. Cujus mentem & studia erga Augustissimum, prout semper, ita etiam & nunc ardentissimis affectibus exuberare cognovi, licet non absque summo angore animi hucusque hic detineatur, ob nullam resolutionem Neoburgo ad hoc ipsum momentum, nec sciat, quomodo ulterius rebus suis & dispositionibus insistere debeat. Si enim quamcunque Neoburgo categoricam accepisset notitiam, jam non modo in itinere, sed Varsaviae pridem fuisset. Accedit ad ejusdem Sacrae Regiae Majestatis gravissimam molestiam, quod ne Vienna quidem hucusque ullam firmitudinem habeat de quantitate jungendarum quomodo & qualiter copiarum, Augustissimi cum suis pro futura belli expeditione, qua jam vix unico à nobis mense distare videtur.  
Sed nec in Moscoviam pridem destinari promissus hucusque comparet Ablegatus, de cujus adventu Sacra Regia Majestas jam dudum certa proprium etiam Aulicum ablegare jam designaverat. Interim in Moscovia continuus aliquis percrebescit rumor suspiciones vel timores hostium ciens. Vel si hoc deesset periculum, donec perveniat desideratus Ablegatus, donec aliquid suasum effecerit, Vernum tempus transibit, adeoque illa auxilia vel nulla, vel post bellum.  
Legati etiam à Palatino Moldaviae illuc pervenisse certo dicuntur cum conditionibus Pacis à Porta proponendis. Quae omnia dum Sacra Regia Majestas Dominus meus Clementissim. Illustriss. Dominationi vestrae exposita esse voluit, desiderare videtur, ut tamquam optimus Minister publicae Communis, ac Reipubls. Christianae felicitatis percupidus, Augustissimo Imperatori ita repraesentare velit, quomodo expeditior rerum omnium, ac negotii futurae bellicae expeditionis fieri valeat determinatio.  
Quantum spectat propositum negotium respectu Conditionum Pacis cum Porta per Angliae & Hollandiae Ablegatos communicandarum, jam id Sacram Regiam Majestatem Dominum meum Clementissimum ante quatuor sorte septimanas praestitisse, punctaque earum Conditionum in Manus Domini Ablegati, Residentis sui, transmisisse, necessum est constare Illustriss. Dominationi vestrae, aegre licet in id ipsum consentiente Senatu Leopoli pro tribunali Thesauri Regni assidente, ob eam vel maxime rationem, quod per Ministros externos, nec ullum commercium in dicto negotio nobiscum habentes, res devolvatur.  
Effecit tamen Sacra Regia Majestas Dominus meus Clementissimus quo sine mora praedictae Conditiones, quarum hic annecto copiam, Viennam mitterentur, ut re ipsa exhiberet, quantum etiam in arduis voluntati Augustissimi obsecundare contendat: Cui quod me commendandum promittat, intra fortunam vitae reputabo, si saltem nomine tenus innotuisse Augustissimae Majestati Domino Clementissimo licuerit: Qui etiam mortibus duorum fratrum meorum patruelium ad Belgradum redimere annixus sum memoriam mei. Quod reliquum est, obsequia mea Illustrissimae Dominationi vestrae plurimum commendo, mansurus semper, etc.  
Zolkiewiae, d. xiii. Febr. Anno 1691.   

Conditiones ad Tractatum Pacis cum Fulgida Porta Othomannica ex parte Sereniss. Regis & Reip. Poloniae Constantinop. designandae.  
I. TRACTATUS omnis & praetextus quocunque modo per Fulgidam Portam acquisitus ad Podoliam & Ukrainam, uti avitas & haereditarias Regni Poloniae Provincias, ac recenter armis recuperatas, in perpetuum aboleatur, praesidiumque Turcicum ex fortalitio Camenecensi abducatur, cum integra ejusdem fortalitii ac rei tormentariae ibidem existentis in manus Polonorum traditione.  
II. Moldavia, quae jam magna ex parte à Sacr. Reg. Majest. Poloniae occupata, & Valachia, quae utraque olim Provincia Serenissimorum Regum Poloniae tributaria erat, juri & possessioni Seren. Reg. Majest. Poloniae relinquantur, una cum omnibus istis ditionibus, quas Budziacenses & Bialogrodenses Tartari incolunt: Ita ut limes sit Fluvius Danubius.  
III. Hanus & Tartari Crimenses, uti causatores omnium bellorum, & damnorum, per Fulgidam Portam ab excursionibus & inferendis damnis contineantur, & cohibeantur: Ita ut, quoties illata fuerint, Fulgida Porta eadem etiam refundat.  
IV. Damna bellorum, & tot provinciae desolatae, ac in cineres redactae, justo & aequo valore compensentur.  
V. Cozacis universaliter omnibus tam Ukrainensibus, quam Zaporosiensibus, nullo umquam praetextu, Porta Othomannica directe vel indirecte rebellionis fautoratum, aut protectionem praebebit.  
VI Borysthenes Fluvius munitionibus & praesidiis Turcicis, tam vetustioribus, quam recentioribus, expurgetur, & evacuetur.  

APPENDIX.  
Conditiones ex parte Czarorum Moscoviae circa tractatum à Serenissimis Colligatis proponendae, ut locum suum habeant, & à Fulgida Porta acceptentur.    

Sacratissima Caesarea Regiaque Majestas, Domine Domine nobis naturaliter Clementissime.  
DEMISSE repraesentare cogimur Majestati vestrae Sacratissimae quod quamvis Majestas vestra Sacratissima tempore gloriosae Inaugurationis & Coronationis Neo-Regis nostri Josephi, in Comitiis Posoniensibus, inclytis Statibus & Ordinibus Regni Hungariae hoc ipsum proponi curaverit: Quod videlicet bona Neo-acquisita, ac victricibus armis è faucibus gentis Othomannicae gloriose erepta, eripiendaque, denuo Regno huic Hungariae benigne incorporare, iisdemque legibus, & non novis gubernare, in suis immunitatibus & libertatibus conservare vellet, ac niteretur: Ac insuper Articulos quoque Sopronienses super Religionis exercitio conditos 25 & 26 in iisdem Comitiis gratiose confirmasset: In quibus Templa omnia, in quorum tempore conditionis eorundem Articulorum actuali possessione status Evangelicus extitit, una cum Parochiis & Scholis, ac earundem proventibus, prae manibus eorundem relinqui ac permanere gratiose resolvisset, & quod imposterum nullae Templorum, Scholarum, & Parochiarum Occupationes, vel exercitii turbationes fiant, in hoc Regno Hungariae, sub poena ibidem expressa, severe inhibuisset: Nihilominus tamen postpositis istis & postergatis omnibus, Reverendissimi Domini Mathias Radonai, Episcopus quinque Ecclesiensis, & Franciscus Jani, Abbas Peczvaradiensis, qui in partibus nostris in Superiori & Inferiori videlicet Barovia, circa quinque Ecclesias, è faucibus immanissimi hostis Ottomannici victricibus armis vestrae Majestatis gloriose ereptis, non ut liberum Religionis exercitium imperturbatum relinquerent, quin imo diversis modalitatibus & viis, quoslibet excessus in praejudicium praefatorum Articulorum ac verbi Regii licenter & pro placito attentarent. Cum enim, Augustissima Imperatoriaque Majestas; iidem praefati Domini Clerici, non, ut mens & intentio vestrae Majestatis esset, Regnum in statum priorem ê desolato reducere intenderent; quin imo in eo quoque, quo nunc esset, omni studio evertere & desolare, miserrimos partium nostrarum incolas bonis & avitis possessionibus privare, & si eorundem intentionem assequi nollent, omnes post Turcas relegare non vererentur; Imo ex eo, quod confiteri noluissent, variis excogitatis sub praetextibus incaptivarun●, nonnullis in formam crucis defixis & alligatis hostia ori vi intrusa fuit, plenaeque possessiones integrae expilantur, ut haec manifesta violentiae exempla in Civibus Varkoniensibus, Joanne nimirum & Andrea Czoma, plusquam mille talleras imperiales valenti possessione ob caussam Religionis despoliatis, satis superque edocent. Ac insuper ut haec talia conamina praedictorum D. D. Clericorum persequi felicius possent, Commissarium vestrae Majestatis Sacratissimae ad partes Neo-recuperatas exmissum, Illustrissimum videlicet Tullium Miglionem, extra sphaeram suae instructionis, nescitur quibus exquisitis mediis, pro fautore sibi adsciscendo, qui denique certos Praedicantes, ut Nadasdiensem & Manjokiensem, aliosque cives & incolas partium nostrarum, variis ac variis sigillo suo munitis Commissionibus citatos, eosdemque de libero itu & reditu assecuratos, iisdem D.D. Praelatis inauditis processibus vexandos tradidit, pro uti haec omnia ex unis literarum citatoriarum paribus ejusdem D. Tullii Miglionis sub dato 14 Februar. emanatis, literaque A notatis, ac literis praetitulati D. Abbatis, dieque sequenti praefati mensis editis, literaque B signatis, & aliis Comminatoriis praedicti D. Commissarii, ex idiomate Hungarico in Latinum genuine translatis 21 Febr. extractis, literaque C signatis, nec non praefati D. Episcopi quinque Eccles. similiter in Latinum transsumptis, quasi sui facti testimonialibus 2 Martii exaratis, literaque D notatis, & huic supplici libello annexis, clarissime apparerent. Unde, proh dolor! ista immanitas exiliit. Ubi ponit fundamentum haec nobis inflicta crudelitas? Haec enim omnia Sanctae determinationi vestrae Majestatis repugnarent, contraque benignam mentem & intentionem vestrae Majestatis practicarentur: Quia pro lubitu in nos grassari, liberum nostrum Exercitium interturbare, armorum strepitu, terriculamentis, aliisque exquisitis sub coloribus opprimere nihil pensi ducerent, uti hoc iidem praefati D. Praelati, ac praetitulatus D. Commissarius, cum associato Illustrissimo D. Gabriele Veicsi, Commendante Szigetvariensi, qui adscitis hinc inde militibus miseros Veresmarthienses, ex eo solum fundamento, quod antecedenter intentionem suam in eorum excidium intendentem exsequi non permiserint, manu fere hostili crudeliterve adoriendo, omnibus corundem bonis primum expilatis, tandem iisdem incolis quibusdam dispersis, aliis vero, quos ad manus habere poterant, captis, inque diram captivitatem secum abducendo; Miserandum & horrendum nobis omnibus dederunt exemplum. Cujus rei testis est praetitulatus D. Episcopus quinque Eccles. in aliis literis Minatoriis in Latinum similiter transsumptis, dicque 17 Martii datatis, literaque E signatis. Nam cum sub jugo Turcico gemebundi tot annorum decursu jacebamus, pacifico usu & libertate nostra spirituali utebamur: Aequum esset eo magis, ut sub auspiciis alarum vestrae Majestatis Sacratissimae tutam & imperturbatam ab omnibus vestrae Majestatis subjectis habeamus. Quocirca ad pedes Augustissimos vestrae Majestatis humillime provoluti per vulnera Christi oramus supplices, quatenus nobis taliter oppressis, & fere in extremitatibus constitutis, Majestas vestra Augustissima (in qua alioquin post Deum omnem spem & fiduciam liberationis ponimus) paterne succurrere dignetur. Cum enim nostra libertas consistit vel maxime in libero Religionis exercitio, quod etiam piae reminiscentiae Regum, antequam fortuna novercante nostras provincias Turca hostis Christiani nominis immanissimus suae ditioni adjecisset, ad hoc usque tempus permansit libero usu intactum, juxta suum verbum regium sanctum, & irrevocabile, Articulis quoque confirmatum, ne sinat nos taliter opprimi: Verum in sinum gratiae suae receptos, contra quosvis illegitime & indigne impetitores defendere, ac insuper literas protectionales benigne elargiri non dedignetur, ut nos virtute earundem liberum Religionis nostrae exercitium reassumere, reassumptum in tota Superiori & Inferiori Barovia continuare possimus ac valeamus. Ac tum praefatis Dominis Praelatis, quam etiam praedicto D. Commissario Caesareo (ita & Commendanti Szigethiensi) decreto mediante clementer demandare, ut ab istis persecutionibus verbo Regio contravenientibus supersederent. Ut tandem nos clementem paternamque Invictissimae Imperatoriae vestrae Majestatis gratiam experti eo alacriori animo obsequia Majestati vestrae praestanda exsequi possimus. Quam Gratiam & Clementiam Majestatis vestrae Sacratissimae non solum ardentibus ad Deum fundendis precibus, verum etiam perpetua fidelitatis nostrae subjectione omni studio remereri contendemus, gratiosam quantocitius praestolaturi resolutionem,  
Sacr. Caes. Regiaeque Majestatis vestrae Humillimi, perpetuoque fideles Subditi Superioris & Inferioris Baroviae, Confiniorum, Oppidorum, & Pagorum Cives Evangelicae Religioni addicti. Exhib. die 16 April. 1690.   

RATIONES,  
PROPTER quas à Sacrâ vestrâ Caesarea Majestate per commissum mihi supremum exercitus regimen immeritas Imperiales gratias, mihi ad agnoscendum traditas, magno animi mei moerore, submississime deprecari coactus fuerim. Obligationi sic tamen meae incumbat Sacra Caesarea Majestas vestra (quam semper submississimo poplite venerari studui, & strudebo) quam brevissime calculum in Hungaria, Transylvania, Selavonia, Servia, & Bulgaria, subsistentis militis, omniumque necessariorum mediorum tam ad oppugnanda, quam defendenda confinia, secundum exiguam artis ac Martis mei capacitatem, sine ullius rei notae necessariae omissione, ut & genuinas rationes, cur miles suae Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis ita sit divisus, omnesque illorum, qui in acie ceciderunt, circumstantias, & defectum commeatuum, ac qualiter contra tam ingens inimici agmen, ob nobis imminens periculum, distantes Provinciae ac Regiones sub suae Sacrae Majestatis Caesareae protectione ultra proferri valeant, exponere, ac declarare.  
I. Igitur, nisi tractatus pacis aliquo temporis intervallo sepulti resumantur, & Pax, quae mihi tamen ignota, à suâ Sacrâ Caesareâ Majestate intra breve tempus concludatur, non concipio, qualiter Nissa & Widdinum, omnesque trans Savum siti passus, sine speciali detrimento possunt defendi. Widdinum enim locus distans, ac nullum nisi Nissa, & hinc adhuc difficillimum succursum sperare potest, cum spatio unius diei penes Tinock, & illa ardua Starra Planina arctus & plane impenetrabilis passus reperiatur, in quo inimicus exiguo tantum milite nobis resistere potest, ita ut nominatum Widdin, quod tum à nostro milite offensive agendo recuperatum ac munitum est, si hodie dum intenderet offensive hostem aggredi, jam non solum illi omnis offensiva actio foret prohibita, verum certam jacturam illius munitionis cum omnibus praesidiariis intra breve temporis spatium experiremur, & hac quidem de caussa: Nam etsi foret aliqua spes, aut resolutio lucrandi temporis, sciendum tamen est, nullum effectum inde emanaturum, cum tunc Tartaris liberum foret Valachiam irrumpere, & inde cum exercitu suo Danubium navibus sine ullo impedimento transnavigare Ratio enim est, cum permagnum inde apud Widdin sitam insulam Danubius ita dividatur, ut etiam cum maximis navibus sursum & deorsum navigandi nullum obstet impedimentum, nec à praesidiariis videri possit tunc oppugnari, ex his quoque plus metuenda jactura hujus munitionis, quamvis effective ab hoste aggredi, & oppugnari non possit; tamen à concursu vulgi ita includi, ut certo hunc fortificatum passum obtineat.  
II. Nissam quoque secundum debilem capacitatem ingenii mei aliter defendi, quam per ingentem exercitum posse, non invenio, cum secundum omnium opinionem nullo alio modo defendi posse judicatum sit, nisi prius omnes passus ex Macedonia & Bulgaria à nostro milite assecurentur, & à copioso, benêque exercito milite occludantur, omnisque inimico in Bosniam & Serviam introitus impediatur. In toto enim Nissensi districtu maximus defectus est graminis, quia ille in nimia siccitate terrae fundatus est: Ita ut si hoslis Procopiam appropinquaret, ibi in omni securitate vivere posser, nec ullum ex suis Provinciis, propter advehentes diversa ac necessaria vitae victualia defectum sperandum haberet. Noster vero miles non solum ob similem defectum circa Nissam subsistere non posset, verum etiam eidem timendum e●●et▪ omnia necessaria tam per aquam, quam per terram adnavigantibus & advehentibus posse impediri, cum tali casu ab hostili conflictu non solum navigatio Bulgariae, Moravae, & impenetrabilis via circa Jagodinum & Nissam omnimode invaderetur, verumeriam iis liberum esset, sive magnis, sive parvis turmis, trans viam, quae Crussa, vel Cracolovetz ducit, sine omni impedimenti cura usque Belgradensem portam accurrere. Multo minus etiam Bosniensibus, qui ad viginti millia exerciti milites sunt, in nullo absoluto loco resisti possibile est, ne penes Servianum Moravam, & illud tantum, tantoque labore recuperatum fortissimum Belgradum, usque ad Danubium perveniant: & tandem ultimo, uri n●c dubitari potest, hostilis exercitus, sive parvus, sive magnus, se citra Danubium Fetislau appropinquaret, uti per experientiam anno praeterito captam constat, quod etiam vilissimis & exiguis turmis vel apud Possavaretz, vel in vicinia Ressava, per Gulscheinae viam quidem laboriosam, curribusque periculo expositam, sine omni etiam minimo impedimento Servianum Moravam invadere, & hunc fluvium denuo totaliter inutilem & impracticabilem reddere possent (cui malo tamen praecavendum) nosterque exercitus ob suas totaliter debilitatas vires tantum tolerare non posset, ob tot ac tam difficiles, laboriosasque vias, quas spero sat clare me demonstrasse, quod tam debilis ac parvus exercitus Nissae subsistens tam forti ac tam magnae hostili armadae non valeat resistere.  
III. Jagodinae versabatur exiguus Caesareus miles, ibi stans, ex supradictis rationibus in simili periculo, maxime cum augendo numerum militum Nissae à tam paucis adhuc aliquid plus detrahere necessitas cogeret. Vereor itaque, ne cogatur residuum, quod superest, usque ad inter tormenta, vel ob defectum victualium trans Savum abducere.  
IV. Quod si tamen sua Sacra Caesarea Majestas omnibus his sepositis Clementissime annueret Nissam ad ultimam, etiam am extremam necessitatem oppugnanti hosti resistere, submississime peto veniam, vestrae Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis informando, huic loco, etiamsi aliquis conflictus, aut exercitus adesset, non posse succurri, cum per quandam, nempe viam Regiam, quae unica hora Nissa, penes Montana & Bulgaricum Moravam semialterius horae arctissimus passus formatus sit, ut nullatenus dubitari possit, quin hostis talem non occupet, & ibi succursum nostris impediat. Locus enim iste, si per hunc tempus lucrari quaeramus, minimum septem, vel octo millibus, cum omnibus circumstantiis, ac omnibus necessariis, praemuniatur necesse est, & omnis defectus fortificationis, si quis aderit, pugnando compleatur. Ita tamen hoc stante, illa militia tanquam ad victimam ducenda sit, & quid inde emolumenti eruendum, omnium expertorum, imo sapientissimo vestrae Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis judicio committo, quidque per tot ponderosas informationes agendum videbitur.  
V. Quod si tamen supra relevantia motiva in tam periculoso statu pro securioribus consiliis locum obtinuerint, ex supradictis causis (quod tamen vix possibile amplius erit, jamjam appropinquato inimico) Nissa & Widdinum cum toto situ à Servia penes Danubium & Savum retineri non possint, cum tamen ad divertendum à Savo hos●em, & defendendum Belgrad exiguus hic miles vix sufficiat. Nam licet Belgradum aliquo tempore aucto populo se possit defendere, tamen propter defectum succursus, qui ex parte terrae comparere nequiret, in Danubio per eundem suis navibus repelleretur, ab eodem facile recuperari valet: & hinc non immerito timendum, quod per similem defensionem noster exercitus minuatur, hostique nullo modo valeat resistere: Imo etiam, ut nullo modo dubitandum, finita aliqua rigorosa defensione forte totam Sclavoniam deserere, consequenter, cum nullus passus praeterea reperibilis sit, usque ad Dravum, vel adhuc ulterius recedere cogamur.  
VI Quod si tamen Belgradum non actualiter oppugnaretur, infallibiliter tamen Albanenses & Bosnenses uno forti Turcico agmine confortabuntur in illo districtu, qui partim penes Savi passus subsistentem solidum exercitum occupare valenti talis ut impediatur, pariter magnus exercitus ex nostra parte desiderabitur tali resistendi.  
VII. His & similibus aliis nisi Deus immediate concurrerit, naturaliter aliter credendum non est, quam quod inimicus aliquo conflictu sui totius exercitus, conjunctis Tartaris, Valachis, & Moldensibus, simul per aquam & terram Transylvaniam invadet, illamque Provinciam lucrari tentaturus penes Danubium jacentem: Cui qualiter resistendum sit, non video, ubi miles sufficiens, sufficienterque instructus, in his partibus inveniendus sit: Maxime cum illi male contenti populi maximis gaudiis exultent, fise secundatos, aut aliunde sibi alios cognationales faventes reperiant. Illudque nobis etiam non parvum obstaculum est, quod certanti milití penes Danubium alteri parti nullum auxilium communicationis ergo, tali tempore summe necessariae, talique periculo difficillimae, adferendum erit. Tum nec domus annonae, nec alia necessaria in loco sint: Ita ut ipsa natura dicter, haec confinia, nempe Transylvaniam, & Hungariam Superiorem, omniaque ab his dependentia, in summo periculo versatura, nisi Deus nos sua speciali gratia erexerit.  
VIII. Hungarica enim militia hujus usus & naturae est, ut quamvis in aciem ordinata sit, non compareat, maxime, si longe à suis domibus in alienam Provinciam commendetur, partim quod jam longo tempore nullam solutionem acceperit, partim cum homines nauci & indisciplinati aestimandi sint. Nec consultum est, istam copiosam ac barbaram gentem nostro parvo ac debili exercitui aggregare. Si enim, quod Numen evertar, unicus infelix conflictus nobis acciderit, nullum dubium, illam barbaram gentem contra, nos arma in ipso aggressu apprehensuram.  
IX. Praesidia locorum, quae numero quam brevissimo sunt exposita, diminui vix poterunt. Acque eodem modo timendum, ne apud tam paucum ac debilem exercitum pro conservanda Provincia summe necessarium infelix casus contingat. Si enim populus ab ipsismet incolis facile superari potest, ob plurimas ac gravissimas distractiones tali non foret succurrendo: Sed summum detrimentum sentiremus: & ita tam totam Hungariam, quam Transylvaniam, in summam, & quidem prima pejorem rebellionem & tumultus, quos quotidie ejulat & suspirar, excidere perciperemus.  
X. Si tamen secundum adjacentes extractus summe necessarii exercitus formandi sint, qualiter sine maximo periculo jam supra adducta absurda devenire nihil contrarietur, & è contra effective status mihi ab Consilio bellico transmissae listae examen observatum fuerit, deductis deducendis numerus remanet, ut pluris alicui conflictui, quam pleno exercitui adnumerandus sit, ac impossibile tam late patentem lineam tam potentis hostis vincere, aut impedire, ne illi in uno alióve loco pariter in hac parte Danubii, quam altera, infringat, aut unam, alteramve provinciam devastet.  
XI. Et quamvis dicatur, quod successive decessus regiminum per noviter electum militem suppleatur, & compleatur, considerandum tamen est, quod non solum complendus numerus illorum inter quaedam regimina vix inceperit, partim quod nec sibi debitam solutionem acceperint; ita tamen, quod si feliciter Belgradum adduci deberent, sex aut septem Mensibus, ut migrent ex Provinciis haereditariis necesse habent, & ita demum ad finem campi bellici; & cum difficultate adhuc vix prosunt: & ita sine omni utilitate de his loquendum. Nec loci situs his poterit demonstrari; tacendum, ut tandem defessus miles tot tantisque curis & vigiliis, portansque contra inimicum, etiamsi non in tantas, certein plures nauseas devenire posset.  
XII. Victualibus pro necessitate Nissaes aliquot mensibus provisum esse constat: Quae autem utilitati exercitus parum prosunt, aut in absentia illius plane nihil utilitatis adferre possunt, sinon plane inimici cederent. Belligradi, in quantum notum est, huc usque nullam stabilitam domum annonae; & quamvis actualiter hic Viennae de iis mature transmittendis contractum sit, tamen ejus certitudo multis impedimentis subjacet. Et hinc quid expectandum est, quam ultimas & periculosissimas extremitates, ut ante annum contigerunt; cum neque in altera parte Danubii meliores conditiones observatae, qualiter versus Orsowa & Caranzebes, cujus vicinitati etiam hoc conflictu copiosus ac bene instructus miles relinqui d●●bet.  
XII. Currus pro vectigalibus summe necessarii in tempore, & ante finem Augusti, in quo bono esse constituti sint, nullis quidem Ciceronianis verbis explicandum est: Maxime, cum in Hungaria hucusque numerus curruum ultra 130 se non extendat: Reliqui vero partim Posonii nondum parati, nec pecus coemptum est; nec mihi constat, an media illud ademendum data sint: Ubi tamen, quocunque vertimus, sine copiosis, & quidem bene praeparatis curribus subsistere nullatenus possimus. Navigium enim Moravae ex supra allegatis rationibus, & ob incertitudinem ventorum in Danubio incertum ac periculosissimum est: & ideo quidem plurimum, cum hostis secundum unanimem consensum omnium captivorum magna copia navium Danubium versus naviget, hujus opinionis vivens, quod si in defectu nostrarum non sufficientium, aut non bene armatarum navium, vel alicujus sortis alterius, se praepotentem in Danubio viderit, velle sua vi vectigalia nostra nostrorum victualium plane infringere, & sibi associare.  
XIV. Similiter adsunt & aliae adhuc innumerae difficultates ratione pontium navigabilium, horumque requisitorum, imo specialis pontis alicujus volantis cis Inackée, cujus nullus ordo, nec alia praeparatoria instituta sunt: &, etiamsi hae omnes necessitates adessent, tamen in his locis, circa finem Junii, aut Julii, aquis diffundentibus ac diffusis, nullo anno sidendum est, & ita in absentia nostri totius exercitus, turma aliqua hostilis, cui si non rursum noster miles ob defectum resistere posset, certo hosti non detrimento, sed emolumento esset.  
XV. Munitiones & instrumenta bellica, aliaque materialia, praetereaque omnia in antiquo esse, uti reliqui ante aliquot elapsos menses, ante meum discessum, finito campo bellico, inveni; quibus nihil nisi omnia exercitui summe necessaria desunt.   

Lettre de Monsieur Colyer, Ambassadeur d'Hollande à Constantinople.  
Monsieur,  
J'EUS, le 20 Decembr. de l'année passee, l'honneur devous avertir par le Seigneur Baron Gall de tout ce qui se passoit icy: & en voicy la duplique. Depuis ce ●ems là. le 23 du même mois, fit le Premier Vizir son entrée publique dans Constantinople: Au quel je fis en personne le compliment de congratulation, le 19 Janvier; & fus receu & traitté de luy avec beaucoup de courtoisie & civilité, sans que ni l'un ni l'autre dit un mot, ou nomma l'Empereur & les Princes Allemans, ou le Roy de France. Cela se fit de ma part à dessein, & avio●s nous, moy & l'Ambassadeur d'Angleterre, concerté & conclu celà, afin de donner quelque soupcon au Gr. Vizir, qui avec beaucoup de faste & d'orgueil se retiroit, & revenoit de la guerre, des desseins & preparations à la Guerre de l'Empereur, pour la Campagne suivante: Principalement étans tres assurez, que, combien que nous eussions euës les ordres absoluës de traiter avec luy de la Paix, il ne nous écouteroit pas, ou qu'il nous feroit des Propositions si exorbitantes, que cette negotiation se romperoit incontinent de soy-même. Nous jugeàmes donc, que nous ferions mieux de n'●n parler un seal mot: & que nous caus●rions en luy par nôtre silence quelque soupcon des forces Imperiales. Ce qui nous reüssit jusques là, que le dit Vizir laissa tomber apres ces paroles: Il faut, que l'Empereur & les Princes Allemans n'ayent plus de crainte pour la France: Autrement les Ambassadeurs d'Angleterre & d' Hollande n'eussent pas manqué de presser la Negotiation de la Paix. Adjoustez-y, que le Teckely se soucie fort peu des ordres de la Porte, ruinant la Walachie de fons en comble.  
Un vaisseau de guerre Anglois du Convoy de Smyrne a pris une Tartane Francoise dans l'Archipel: & on à trovué là dedans deux Lettres du Roy à son Ambassadeur icy: Des quelles ayant obtenu la Copie, je me crûs obligé de vous en faire part, avec cette esperance, qu'on ne manquerà pas à Vienne de trouver des maîtres en cette art, pour les deciffrer: & qu'on en tirerà des lumieres, & particularitez de grande consequence.  
Un Ingenieur, qui se nomme Signior Stefano, m'a confié, qu'il est le Comte Nicola Guasco, natif de St. Amant, trois lieux de Valencienne, mais d'Origine Milanois: & qu'il a des Ordres de preparer en toute diligence 6000 Bombes pour la Campagne suivante. Il se repent de son erreur, & il m'a promis, qu'il ferà quelque chose d'importance, que je n'ose pas vous Communiquer par cettecy, faute des ciftres. Il envoye par cette occasion un sien valet tres as●idé, nommé Pietro Mollier, à Vienne, qui vous ferà le recit de beaucoup des particularitez. On attend icy de jour en jour le nouveau Ambassadeur d'Angleterre, qu'on dit étre dêja avancé jusques à Esseck. J'espere, que je receuray par son arrivement icy quelques ordres, pour remettre icy sur le tapis la Negotiation de la Paix. Le Grand Vizir fait tout ce qu'il peut pour ramasser des grandes sommes d'Argent, & de redresser les finances: C'est pourquoy qu'il a retranché une partie du train du Gr. Seigneur, & fait une Inquisition fort exacte sur les gages des Officiers, & Soldats: Mais il fait encor fort peu des Preparations pour se mettre de bonne heure en Campagne. On n'equipperà par mer que fort peu des Vaisseaux de guerre, & comme on dit, seulement dix, avec 25 Galeres: Aussi a't on pris la resolution de ne se servir pas cette année des Pirates de Barbary. Je demeure, &c.  
Monsieur, De V. Excellence le Tres humble Serv. COLYER. A Pera di Const. ce 15 Feur. 1691.   

Lettre de Monsieur Colyer, Ambassadeur d'Hollande à Constantinople.  
Monsieur,  
MA derniere étoit du 15 de Feurier, de la quelle j'ay joint icy lafoy duplique, ayant envoyée la principalle par mer, par Venise. Depuis ce tems là le Gouverneur de Belgrade avertit la cour icy de l'arrivée du nouveau Ambassadeur d' Angleterre Monsieur Hussey à Esseck, & demanda pour luy permission pour poursuiure son Voyage par Belgrade jusques icy: & combienque l'Ambassadeur de France ayt fait tout ce qu'il à peu pour l'empecher, le Prime-Vizir neanmoins a expedié d'icy un Aga par poste à Belgrade susdit, le dernier du Feurier, avec des order, de recevoir le dit Seigneur Hussey proche d'Esseck, & de le conduire & defrayer jusques à Constantinople: De sort qu'on l'attend icy apres Pâques. J'attens l'arrivée du dit Seigneur, avec beaucoup d'impatience, avec esperance certaine d'en entendre l'Etat des Affaires de la Chrêtienté.  
Cet Ambassadeur de France retient àpresent toutes les Lettres addressées aux Anglois & Hollandois, qui sont icy, & à Smyrne, comme aussi celles, qui appartiennent aux Ministres publiques de ces deux Nations, lesquelles nous viennent par les vaisseaux Francois, ou sous le pavillon de France, Il arrête aussi tous leurs effects: Mais le Grand Vizir étant par mes plaintes informé de ces Insolences, s'en est montré fort mal content, & a ordonné au Doüanier d'y prendre garde tresexacte. Ce qu'étant entendu par l'Ambassadeur de France, il a retenu quelques effects, & Argent contant, qu'on avoit recommandé icy de Venise aux Marchands Anglois & Hollandois, avec le vaisseau San Joseppe, Cap. Luigi Juliano nouvellement icy arriué.  
Mais on m'assure apresent, qu'on ne laisserà pas partir ce vaisseau d'icy, avant que d'avoir restitué tout ce qu'on a arrêté, aux proprietaires: Ce qui ferà, que le dir Ambassadeur en recevrà une petite Mortification.  
Le 4 de ce mois on envoya d'icy à Jambol, par ordre de la Cour, quelques Officers, qui en ramenerent le 10 un Prince Tartarus, nommé Saadet Jeray, pour succeder au Han des Tartars, qui fut depossedé le même jour de sa dignité. Le jour Suivant le Grand Vizir presenta le dit Prince au Grand Seigneur; & fut il couronné, mais avec fort peu de Ceremonies, Empereur de Tartary, & renvoyé le 18 à la Crim, pour mettre ordre necessaire sur les Affaires, avec un commandement express, de fair une Invasion en la Pologne.  
On dit, que ce changement est arriué à cause, que le vieux Han a taché de divertir le Grand Vizir contre le Sentiment du tout le conseil de guerre, de s'en aller en personne en Campagne, afin de ne hazarder pas derechef la reputation de cet Empire, puisqu'il ne pouvoit pas assurer laPorte de la secourir avec ses Trouppes Tartars, parce qu'on y attendoit, & craignoit, l'arrivement de l'Armée Moscovite: & que les Albanois, ou Arnottes, auroient assez à faire de garder leur propre païs, menacé par les arms victorieuses des Venitiens: & qu'ainsi ces Trouppes ne se pouvans joindre avec l'Armée capitale des Turcs, on seroit contraint de se servit & contenter des souls Trouppes ordinaires des Janissaires & des Spahis, avec celles d'Asie; lesquelles' jointes ensemble ne seroient en aucune manner susfisantes pour resister à l'Armée Imperialle. C'est pourquoy le Han des Tartares étoit d'avis, qu'on feroit mieux de garder Seulement les frontieres par des Seraskiers Particuliers, & que le Grand Vizir les pourroit soutenir de tems en tems de Constantinople, ou d'Adrianople avec des Trouppes fraiches & nouvellement leuées: & que de cette manner on defendroit aisement non seulement les Frontieres, mais aussi la reputation des armes du Grand Seigneur.  
Et parceque cet avis, ou conseil, du Han des Tartars fut rejetté, & refuté par le Kiahaia Bei, ou Lieutenant General des Janissaires, & de ceux de sa faction, avec des autres raisons, lequel Lieutenant est à present en Fort Grand Credit à la Cour, & que le Han s'en fachoit, on a, apres qu'il fut sorty du Conseil, arrêté de le demettre de sa dignité. Ce qu'étant peu apres entendu du Grand Han, il renonca le lendemain au Governement de la Crim, pour prevenir cet affront: & i'll demand apresent la permission de faire le pelerinage de Mecca.  
Le Grand Vizir ne fait que se preparer à la Guerre: Mais selon ce qu'on en peut juger, il ne serà pas aux Frontieres avant la fin du Juillet. C'est pourquoy que je m'imagine, que l'Armée Imperialle ●●roit un grand coup, & causeroit ●ne 〈◊〉 Confusion dans les Trouppes Turques, si elle se mettroit de bonne heure en Campagne.  
Je vous puis assurer, Monsieur, que, si on n'entreprend pas quelque chose de consideration dans cette Campagne contre les Turcs, & Francois, on n'aurà pas même sujet de penser seulement à la Paix: Mais au contraire, s●l' on aurà le moindre avantage contre cette Nation, qu'elle abandonnerà le party Francois, & rechercheré la Paix incontinent. Il est donc tres-necessaire, que l'Armée Imperialle soit la premiere en Campagne, & qu'elle previenne les desseins du Grand Vizir: D'où on tirerà toutes les avantages imaginables.  
Les mauvais succes de la Campagne passé ont extremement avancé icy le credit de l'Ambassadeur de France, & au Contraire fort diminué le respect & la reputation des Ambassadeur d'Angleterre & d'Hollande: & principalement à l'egard de l'esquadre des Vaisseaux de Guerre, qu'on attendoit dans la Mer Mediterranée, du quel Messieurs les Etats Generaux m'avoient fait avertir: Mais puisqu' on n'en a aucunes nouvelles, & qu'on même n'en ose pas parler d'avantage, cela fait, qu'on donne l'entier credit aux vanteries des Francois: De sorte que les Turques commencent à se persuader que le Roy de France a assez des Forces pour non seulement faire de resistance aux tous les autres Princes Chêrtiens, mais encore de les attaquer par tout, & combattre.  
Dans ces jours passez arriverent icy quelques Deputez de la Valachie pour saire seurs plaintes au Grand Vizir, que le Teckely faissoit des terribiles ravages avec ses gens dans leur Province: & le prierent d'y mettre des ordres necessaires, & d'avoir de la Compassion pour un païs desolé, & tout afait appavurie. On leur à donné des belles paroles de la part du Teckely, & pour le rest accordé quelques demands, qui concernoient leurs autres griefs.  
Le Chef de cette Deputation est l'Oncle de l'Hospodar, qui m'a prié d'assurer par uôtre entremise sa Majesté Imperialle de ●a fidelité & tres humbles soumissions de son Cousin, lequel n'a de plus Grand desir, que de rendre quelque Service considerable à sa Majeste ce qu'il espere de faire voir la Campagne prochain. Cependant le dit Seigneur me pria instamment, de prier V. Excellence de luy faire cette grace, si cela se pouvoit fair, & d'obtenir, par son intercession, que son frere le Seigneur Georgio Cantacuzeno qui est apresent à Vienne, eut la permission, de se retourner dans son païs: Puisqu'il n'y peut rendre aucune Service à sa Majesté & qu'au contraire étant de retour chez soy il pourroit étre employé dans toutes les occurrences pour servir dans les Negotiations entre le General de la Transylvanie & l'Hospodar. Vous me ferez donc, Monsieur, un tres grand plaisir, si vous pourriez obtenir cette permission, si cela se peut faire sans quelque prejudice aux Affaires de l'Empire: Puisque je seray contraint d'oresenavant d'envoyer la pluspart de mes Lettres par la Valachie, lafoy Transylvanie, & l'Hongrie, à Vienne, & de là en Hollande: Ce qui se pourrà fair tant plus aisement, parce que, comme on m'a averty, il y à une tresbonne correspondence entre le General Veterani, & le dit Hospodar de Valachie.  
Le Grand Vizir reüssit extremement bien dans toutes ses entreprises dans cet Empire, jusques à l'étonnement de tout le monde. Il a ces jours passez fait Gouverneur d'Ismit le Hassan Pascià, beaufils du dernier Sultan Mohamed, étant de retour de son Gouvernement d'Egypte: & celà pour luy ôter tout le credit, & autorité, luy donnant une charge de trespetite consideration, & qui le mettrà horse des yeux & de la souvenance du peuple.  
Le même a inventé sur les Sujets Chretiens & Juifs une Taxe par tête de dix, cinq, & de deux & demi ecus, les ayant divisez en trois sorts, des riches, de moyenne condition, & des pavures; & oté toutes les autres Impositions: Ce qui ●uy ferà ramasser des tresgrandes sommes d'Argent.  
J'envoye cellecy par la Valachie, & la Transylvanie: & je vous prie, Monsieur, de me fair l'honneur par le même chemin, d'un petit mot, de rescription: Ce que j'attendray avec impatience, demeurant,  
Monsieur, Votre tres humble Serviteur, COLYER. A Péra di Constantinople le dernier de Mars, 1691.  
In this manner Mr. Herbert came provided to Belgrade, 
Mr. Herbert at Belgrade.  with Instructions for prosecution of the Treaty which Sir William Hussey had begun; but he soon found that the minds of the Turks were not as yet inclined to a Peace, and that all his labours and endeavours would prove ineffectual, whilst the Turks hearkened to the Suggestions of the French, who had now got so far into their good Opinion, that their Interests being made the same, their Counsels could not be other than sincere, and their friendships of advantage; and therefore it was apparent to Mr. Herbert, that the Turks regarding no other Ambassador but the French, resolved to take no other Methods than such as should be dictated by them. The case being thus manifest, struck Mr. Herbert to the heart, who was a hot-spirited, and a passionate man, and not able to endure to see that a Frenchman, which lately came from France, named Monsieur Marquis de Lorain, placed in the Affections of the Grand Vizier, with design to thwart him in all his Negotiations, he grew so impatient, that his blood boiled within him, to such a degree, as Fevoured him into a kind of Madness, which joined with his old Enemy the Gout, 
His Death.  he died thereof on the 31st of july, 1692. 
Old Style.  The death of these two Ambassadors, so near the time to each other, seemed as if there had been a kind of fatality in the Treaty of Peace; or that the French had by unlawful means contrived the death of these Ministers: but for my part, 
Reflections on the Death of the two English Ambassadors.  I have no belief or jealousy thereof; not but that the French may be ready enough to enter into such secret Machinations, where the Interest of their Monarch may be advanced; but like as the Devil, when he hath catched a Sinner close within his Clutches, is not very hasty to bring him to his end, so the French who had wholly possessed themselves of the minds and humours of the Turks, had no need of having recourse to facinorous actions which were detestable to God and Man. And thus did the Marquis de Loran remain with the Vizier at Belgrade, whilst the late Ambassador Monsieur de Chauteauneuf returned by order of the King into France.  
The Campagne (as we have said) being ended, nothing of action happened during the residence of the Vizier at Belgrade, 
The Grand Vizier at Belgrade.  who kept himself wholly on the defensive; and lest the Germans should think fit to attack his Forces which lay encamped on the other side of the Rivers near Belgrade, he made two Bridges, one over the Save, and the other over the Danube; over which, upon news that the Christians were advancing, he caused his Army to retreat, and to pass the Bridges into the Town, where their Headquarters were kept during the Winter season; and thus all Military Actions ceasing, licence was given to the Militia of Anatolia to return home about the 20th of October unto their own Countries; the which was more readily granted, in regard to the great Mutinies, and Insurrection of the People in the Lesser Asia, and to the Venetian Successes at Sea in the Archipelago.  
During the whole course of this Years Actions the Venetians were unprosperous, their Design upon Canea failing them; which they had straight besieged for the space of a full Month; and had hopes of carrying the Place, had not a Thousand French, 
A thousand French desert the Venetian Service.  levied for Service of the Venetians, deserted, and at their first landing gone over to the Turks; by whose assistance the Venetians were obliged most shamefully to raise the Siege, with the loss of many Men, and of most of their Cannon; which was the substance, and sum of all their Expedition for this Year, 1692.  
About the end whereof the Grand Signior had two Sons born to him, who were Twins, the one named Ibrahim, and the other Selim; on which occasion great rejoicing being shown, 
Fires in Constantinople.  amidst thereof a dreadful fire happened at Constantinople, which began at Balasa, and consumed above 4000 Houses, with about 2000 Shops. This Fire happened in three several places of the City; one of which being near the Great Mosche of Sultan Soliman, one of the Menarees or Steeples thereof fell to the ground, which the People interpreted for an evil Omen, and Presage for the succeeding Year.  
The Grand Vizier being returned from the War towards the end of October, gave an account to the Grand Signior of the state of the War, and that he had given the Command of the Army unto Lame Husaein Pascia, and odered him with 10000 men to watch the Motions of the Enemy, and especially to take care of Temeswaer.    

Anno 1693.  
THIS Year begins with the Death of the deposed Sultan Mahomet IU. who died of a Dropsy on the 4th a january, year 1693. 1693, which had like to have produced a Peace; for the great Officers of the Empire being at that time assembled together at Adrianople, 
Debates about a Peace.  a Council was held, in which it was debated and concluded, that the present state of the Ottoman Empire was such as required a Peace: Howsoever another Party prevailed, excited by the French Ambassador, who very liberally dispensed his Presents amongst the Military Men, in whose Hands at that time remained the Balance of War and Peace; the which was actuated by two different Principles, the one by the Presents given by the French, and by the Arrival of several French Officers, Engineers, Gunners, Artificial Fire-workers, and some Money distributed amongst the Chief Turkish Officers for carrying on the War. On the other side the Mediators, as the English, and Hollanders, whose Business it was to procure a Peace, seemed to overact their Parts, and by their Solicitations, and earnest Importunities, enhansed the Price thereof, and made the Turks believe, that either the Emperor could not subsist without a Peace, or that some Fraud lay couched under such Specious and Importunate Pressures.  
My Lord Paget (as we have said) arriving at Adrianople the 31st of january, 
March.  and having received his first Audiences with the Grand Signior, and Vizier, he had another on the 14th of March following in Company with the two Ambassadors of Holland, Heemskirk and Colyer, wholly relating to the Peace, at which were present, the Chief Officers of the Empire; but nothing more was done, besides reading their Credentials publicly, with the Propositions; and so were dismissed for that time without a final Answer; telling them that they should receive the same in four or five Days; but on the 18th of this Month the Grand Vizier being displaced, (as was reported) at his own seeking, Mustapha Pasha the Chimacam succeeded him in the Sublime Office, so that all Matters of the Treaty were at a stand, and were to begin again; but for the better understanding the true state of these Affairs, nothing can be more authentic and particular, than what was Written in a Letter from Mr. Coke the Secretary to Sir William Trumball, which was as followeth.  

The Copy of a Letter from Mr. Coke, to Sir William Trumball, late Ambassador with the Grand Signior.  
Adrianople 28. May O. S. 1693.  
AS to the Negotiations of Peace, I know it will be no surprise to hear they are in the same state as you left them. For my part I was too unbiased to discover those great Inclinations in the Port towards it, which Signior Colyer represented, which had made such Impressions in Signior Heemskirk, that upon Mr. Herbert's Death, he came flying with a full Sail down the Danube, not to begin the Treaty, but conclude the Peace; and thought it was so easy, that it was only to speak with the Vizier, and the Business was done.  
He arrived at Belgrade the first of October S. V. 1692, the next Day had Audience of the Vizier, and the third he gave in Writing to Mauro Cordato to Translate and give the Vizier his Proposals for a Peace or Truce for 30 Years: The substance of which for the Emperor was on the Foot of Uti possidetis; under which Notion Transylvania to retain to him, each liberty to fortify in their Confines; Teckely to be delivered up; the Republic of Ragusa not to be called to Accounts for Arrears of Tribute, or for the future pay any to the Port: For Poland, Restitution of Caminieck, and withhold in Podolia, all Ucrania, the Castelli on the Borysthenes, Moldavia, and Wallachia; and if the Tartars made any Incursions into their Territories, the Port to pay the Damages that Crown received: For Venice, the Province of Levadia, Athens and Thebes to be given them as an Equivalent for the Morea, and in like manner several Territories on the side of Lepanto, and in Dalmatia: He expected an Answer to this, and that the Port would change their Old Style of receiving Proposals, and making none, into an open Negotiation by Writing; but he found all this imaginary, and not to be reduced to Practice.  
Mauro Cordato told him, These Proposals were injurious to the Empire; and asked, If he had no other to make? The Reply was, He had no more to say, till he had an Answer to what he had already proposed, which he had earnestly pressed for many Days in six Letters to Mauro Cordato: The Answer was, The Vizier was returning to Adrianople, and must acquaint the Grand Signior with what passed, and he must go thither for his Answer. This startled him, who thought to have concluded the Treaty at Belgrade, and immediately returned, so he pressed for an Answer, or to be dismissed; but was told, He could not divest himself of his Character, which remained till my Lord Paget arrived, to whom Accidents might happen, as had to other Ambassadors, so he was forced to go by the Danube to Rusic, and so to Adrianople, where he arrived the 24th of November, departing from Belgrade the 23d of October.  
When he arrived first at Belgrade, Marquis D'Orat, who was with Teckely and the French, said, He was no Englishman, but a Germane, and came from the Emperor. The Port had been sensible it was too great a Condescension to send their Ambassadors at Vienna; which Point of Honour they thought regained, by having one come to make Overtures to them, and a particular Minister for that Business in their Hands, whom perhaps they may not easily part with.  
When Signior Heemskirk was come to Adrianople, he would have Visited the Chimacam, who excused it, the Grand Vizier not being arrived, who came the 2d of December, and a few Days after an Audience was desired of him, which he put off, as not having discoursed with the Grand Signior. A private Council was held, Orders sent out to all parts for raising Men, and to the Treasurer to give Money for providing Cannon, Ammunition, and all things necessary, to be early in the Field. The Stassaki-Aga was sent to the Tartar Man, with Money to be distributed among them to meet the Grand Vizier with a considerable Force at Belgrade.  
Signior Heemskirk continued his Solicitations all December, and the beginning of January, by his own Druggerman, to the Vizier's Kiah, and by Letters to Mauro Cordato; and wrote a Complaining Letter to the Vizier of his being come hither for an Answer, and after so long time, and being come so far nothing was done. To which he was answered by Word of Mouth, never in Writing, That my Lord Paget being come to Belgrade, 
Lord Paget arrives at Adrianople.  and in his way hither, it was thought fit in a Council to attend his Arrival, to see if he brought no other Proposals; for if they were the same, one Answer would serve them both.  
The sixth of January Signior Colyer came to Adrianople against the Desire of Signior. Heemskirk, who wrote to him not to come; and at first there was great Coldness between them, and Tiles was never employed by Signior Heemskirk.  
The last of January, his Excellency my Lord Paget arrived; he would have entered privately, but the Vizier desired the contrary, that it might not be thought the Port had wanted in their Respect to him, and his Lordship was received with a great deal of Ceremony, and Numerous Attendance of Chiauses and janissaries.  

His Audiences.  The 18th of February his Excellency had his first Audience of the Grand Vizier, and gave him his Credentials, one for his Residence, the other for the Mediation.  
The seventh of March his Lordship had his Audience of the Grand Signior, and was very kindly received: He spoke his Compliment, which was Interpreted by Mauro Cordato; and the Grand Signior answered, That His Majesty was a good Friend to the Port, and all such should be ever kindly received by him.  
The seventeenth of March, his Excellency had a private Audience of the Vizier, where was the Mufti. His Lordship made the Offers of His Majesty's Mediation for a Peace, or Truce between the Emperor, and his Allies, and the Port, on the Foot of Uti possidetis, only Caminieck to be restored, or razed. The Vizier said in a Business of so great Import, he must consult the Heads of the Law, and the Militia, and an Answer should be given.  
The 14th ditto, his Excellency Signior Heemskirk, and Colyer, were called to the Vizier to a Public Audience, where on the Safra sat the Vizier, the Mufti and Cadelesker o● his Left Hand; on his Right the Chimacam, Ishmael Passa janisar-aga, the Nisangi Passa, and the Tefterdar; and the three Ambassadors, the two Generals on Stools; below the Safra, the Kiah-Beg and all the Heads and Ojacks of the janissaries, the two Generals, chief of the Spahy's; and chief of the Treasury; in all near 100 Persons: The Raise Effendi came into the middle of the Safra, and read aloud Signior Heemskirk's Proposals, which ●e owned. This was done only to exasperate the Militia: The Vizier said, They must consider of them, and give an Answer.  
The 17th the Vizier was turned out, and his Excellency finding the Vizier had his Design in Irritating the People by such Extravagant Demands, went to the new Vizier, Mufti, Cadelesker, and janisar-aga, telling them these Proposals read were none of ●is: which was only one plain Proposition ●n a Uti posseditis; which His Majesty ●hinking equal; was willing to interpose his Offices thereon, if the Port thought fit, out of real Friendship. The Vizier said, They would consider of it: and give an Answer. The Mufti said, Th● coming of three Ambassadors had raised great Expectations in the People, and they could do no less than make known what Proposals had been made: They were very well satisfied of His Majesty's Friendship. The Cadelesker and Tefterdar said, Without Restitution of the Morea, there could be no Peace. T●e janisar-aga, who was come from Constantinople said he had seen the Proposals, That God would humble the Pride of the Enemy, and chastise it, he hoped, this Year.  
But his Excellency Lord Paget, had vindicated himself clearly to all Ministers, as his Proposal was, but the other was sent over all the Empire to preposses the People; but Signior 
* Interpret●r.  Tiles had set all right in three Days.  
It is observable, when Signior Heemskirk had no Intimacy with Tiles, he wrote to my Lord Paget in January, and to the Emperor, there was no hopes of Peace; but when he came into a Familiarity with Tiles, he was Illuminated, and in March wrote His Majesty, the Peace was in a fai● way, and he hoped to be himself the bringer of the News of it; and yet now Tiles says to us, in eight Months he has been here, they have never done any thing, and the Port will not have Peace, nor were inclined to it.  
Signior Heemskirk was much Embroiled, and pressed my Lord Paget much to solicit the Vizier with Memorials; but his Excellency had seen so ill Effects of his Writing, that he thought it much better to seem Indifferent, than Importune, and to attend their Answer to his Proposal.   

Extract of my Lord Paget's Letter to a Friend, of the same Date with the preceding.  
NOTWITHSTANDING all their seeming Reluctancies, and high Words, I am of Opinion the Turks may be persuaded to hearken to Peace, especially if the Imperial Army do any thing to purpose this Summer: The State here is shortly thus.  
This present 7th of June, N. S. the janisar-aga is not yet gone into the Camp, nor will he go (as I think this 10 Days: About a Week after him the Grand Vizier goes; and about a Fortnight after that, the Army will begin to March.  
It is not at present strong, not of above 5 or 6000 Men, but the asiatics and Tartars are to join them at Sofia: How many they may be is very uncertainly reported; the first however will not be Numerous; they reckon upon 20000 Tartars, that will be their greatest Strength, and these altogether cannot be at Belgrade till the latter end of July at soon; so that if the Imperial Army be as strong and as ready, as when I came from Vienna, I thought it would be, they will have time enough to attempt any thing, before these Forces can appear to hinder them.  
And such was the true State of Affairs at this time in the Ottoman Court in relation to a Peace.   

The Ambassadors Heemskirk, and Colyer's Letter to the Emperor touching the Peace.  
Serenissime, Potentissime, Invictissime Caesar, Imperator semper Auguste.  
SACRAE Caesareae Majestatis submississimâ reverentiâ significandum censuimus, quod abhinc quindecim diebus inter primum Visirium, Caimacanum, Janisserorum Agam, Romeliae Cadelisquerium & Tefterdarium in aedibus dicti Visirii circa Pacis Negotium alterum Consilium fuerit exquisitum & ibidem nominatim discussum. Quid de Dominis Legatis & responsione ad Pacis proposita estlagitatâ & promissâ denique statuant singulorum sententias enucleatim enarrare opportunum non arbitramur, ne forsan informationis debitae penuriâ in uno altreóve erremus: Verum ènimverò Caesareae vestrae Majestati indicandum hanc finalem fuisse conclusionem, quip cum variarum Regionum, Ditionum & Provinciarum desertione hic sit quaestio Regiminis & Imperii participes super hoc deliberando tanquam maximi ponderis Negotio ullatenus negligere ipsis integrum non esse, & nominatim Tartarorum Hannum dicentes hunc ex Crimeâ quidem discessisse, verum probabiliter in finibus Visirii exercitui sese additurum; insuper excusantes responsionem Dominis Legatis tradendam eo usque esse protelandum: porro existimantes grato animo officia conciliatoria Magnae Britanniae Regis & Dominorum Ordinum Foederati Belgii acceptando satis signi datum fuisse (dum modo aequis Pax fiat conditionibus) seize non renixuros eósque id idcirco à nobis tam ardenter ad dictum responsum pronunciandum non oportere impelli quod parum prolationis aequae Pacificationis promotioni quam dissolutioni forsan conducet. Quantum vero ad Dominos Legatos ab iisdem ex aequo efflagitari non posse, ut omnes cum Visirio hinc ad limites proficiscantur Domino Paget, idcirco Constantino polim esse petendum nec non Domino Colyer nisi hic mallet diutius commorari, hast Domino de Heemskirk soli Visirium ●omitaturo dictam responsionem positive & in scriptis in castris circa fines vel itinere extradituros.  
His autem totis obsistere viribus nullatenus defuimus, obnoxia incommoda planè edocendo, verum frustrà illis ubique replicantibus leviora & minoris momenti Negotia ubiquè cedere majoribus, praedictas quoque locorum cessiones unicè non esse animadvertendas, sed applausus & approbationes universales ad Majorem Imperii ejusque gubernacula tenentium cautelam non minus reputandas, quocirca immutabilem stare sententiam non abs re opinamur credimusque fore quod dudum praesagivimus, nimirum inchoantibus bellorum operationibus eos hostium numerum & forsan virtutes prius experturos quam quid stabilis & fixi de Pace decernant, interim tamen quaevis spes serius ocyus felicis exitus nostris non cecidir animus.  
Dominum de Heemskirk ante Vigesimum Mensis futuri iter facturum non suspicamur.  
Vigesimo quinto alter juniorum Principum geminorum naturae vitam reddidit.  
Caput Aly Pachiae abhinc parum plus anno Visirato privati & in Rhodum proscripti nuper huc apportarunt. Principi Moldaviae initio Hebdomadis futurae Jassum petenti Principatum occupandi animo mandatum est ut Tartarorum Hanni sub auspicio ardentissimè in id incumbat ut Polonorum Regem ad Pacem peculiarem statuminandam persuadeat. Gallorum Legatus deseruit partem oppositam quam non ita pridem fovebar novumque hunc Principem sibi devincire enititur. His nos uberrimae Sacrae Caesareae vestrae Majestatis gratiae committentes sumus conatu summo,  
Serenissime, Potentissime, Invictissime Caesar, Imperator semper Auguste, Sacrae vestrae Caesareae Majestatis Humillimi & Devotissimi Servi, H. HEEMSKIRK. COLYER. Adrianop. 31 May, 1693.  
All thoughts of Peace, and Treaties, being thus laid aside, the Government employed its utmost Endeavours, and Counsel were taken in Matters and Contrivances tending to the War: It was reported, That the Grand Signior, Sultan Achmet, had resolved to go as far as Sophia, where he would pass the Summer, being nearer to Belgrade, and the Frontiers in Hungary; but the Physicians persuaded the contrary, as being prejudicial to the Health of the Sultan, who was already affected with the Dropsy, (the fatal and common Disease of that Ottoman Family) for Cure of which, 
Sultan Achmet sick of the Dropsy.  many Consultations were held by the Physicians; who, in regard that they found as yet a Schirrus only upon the Liver, they gave great hopes of his Recovery; howsover the People took occasion from hence to discourse, That in case this Sultan Achmet were Dead, he would be succeeded by Sultan Mustapha his Nephew, and Son to the late Sultan Mahomet, who had been Deposed; which would be a happy Change for the whole Empire, he being Young and Brave, and as to all appearance, of a Martial Spirit, and a Lover of Justice.  
To forward the Preparations for the War with all Expedition possible, 
 strict Orders were given to provide 〈…〉 with Provisions, 〈…〉 ●ood, for want of which, the 〈◊〉 laboured under the greatest Extremity.  
Letters also, and Commands we●e dispatched to all Parts in Asia, to hasten the March of the Janissaries and Spahees, and to enrol new Janissaries, a Method not used in former Times; by which, taking every Pitiful Fellow that offered to come in, they composed such a Band of raw Soldiers, not only unexperienced in War, but Poor, and Feeble, and Old, that scarce one half of them were judged able to hold out a March to Belgrade.  
The Turks also dispatched away 2000 Janissaries to reinforce the Garrison at Negropont; likewise they reinforced Can●a with Men and Provisions; as they also did their Army in and about the Morea, and strengthened their Castles at the Dardanelli, with Soldiers, Gunners, and Engineers; under Command of Husaein Pasha, who had formerly been Chimacam with the Grand Signior, but the Troops designed for Hungary, marched slowly. These Preparations being much retarded by the late Change of those two great Officers, namely, the Grand Vizier, who, as we said, voluntarily resigned, and the Tefterdar, or Lord Treasurer, 
Changes a● Co●rt.  called Ishmael Effend● Matulled, or put out, Disgraced, and Exiled; tho' some reported, That he was secretly Strangled; which was a strange, and an unseasonable Policy at such a time as this, to put all things backward by the Death of two prime Officers of State, who perhaps were Innocent, and Good Ministers: But under such a Government as this, it is not sufficient to be Wise, Honest, and Industrious, but you must also be Successful, and free of Enemies, which are things not in our power.  
By these Changes, place was made for other Officers; for Osman Pasha, a Cunning, Knavish Candiot (as most of that Nation are) was made Chimacam in Adrianople. Mustapha Pasha, who had been Chimacam, and Seraskier on the Danube was declared Grand Vizier; and Cantemir the Son of Dica Bey, who had for 30 Years passed been Prince of Moldavia, was made Successor to his Father. This Grand Vizier, before he could be warm in his Place, or provided with things necessary for the War, or acquainted with his Soldiery, and the Chief Commanders, which were to fight under him, was commanded to be gone with all expedition to the Army; 
The ●ew V●zier s●nt to th● A●my.  which he prepared to do with what speed was possible. And in regard that all intentions for Peace were laid aside, 
May.  
The Mediators dismissed.  the Mediators were dismissed from their further Attendance, and Mr. Heemskirk was licenced to return to Vienna; tho' some difficulties arose thereupon at the instance of the French, who suggested, that Heemskirk was an Instrument, and Spy of the Emperor, and a Germane; and not sent as a Mediator from the King of England, whose true Minister my Lord Paget was: And this colour had like to have cost Heemskirk dear, had not my Lord Paget owned him for a Minister of the King, and unridled the Secret of the two Ambassadors. In like manner my Lord Paget had leave to go to his House at Pera near Constantinople, which is the usual place of the English Ambassadar's residence.  
But as to the French Ambassador he continued still at Adrianople; and when the Vizier marched, he sent Fontaine his Dragoman, or Interpreter with him to attend all the Motions of the Vizier, and his Camp.  
Whilst these things were in Action, the news from Asia was unpleasing, and administered Matter for serious Consideration at the Ottoman Court; where it was reported, That the Army of Bassora, under their New Arabian Prince did daily increase, and that the Pasha of Sivas, or Sebasse, on the Frontiers of Persia were in Arms; and that such was the confusion in those Eastern Countries, as obliged the most powerful of the Asiatic Spahees to remain at home on the guard of their own Country and Estates; so that the present Ottoman Force was inferior to that of the preceding year; and by reason of the forementioned Changes; to which we may farther add, that of the Seimen Pasha, who was Lieutenant General of the Janissaries, and advanced to be Aga, or General of the Janissaries, in the place of Ishmael Pasha. Likewise divers Captains, who had been Creatures and Favourites of the late General, were deprived of their Commands, lest they should make Desturbances, or raise Factions in the Army; all which, as it diminished and enfeebled their Force, so it hindered the early appearance of the Turks in the Field.  
But the Preparations at Sea against the Venetians proceeded more briskly than they did at Land; 
Pr ●o●● for the Se●●.  for in the Month of May, 22 Sail of Galleys, and 13 Great Men of War were provided and fitted out of the Arsenal at Constantinople, and ordered to sail down to the Castles of the Dardanelli, there to join with the Galleys of the Beyes of the Archipelago; to which some Ships of the Barbarouses being added, they computed, that they might form a Fleet of 24 Sail of Men of War, besides Galleys.  
Things proceeding thus slowly by Land, for the Causes beforementioned, the Vizier did not begin his March from Adrianople towards the Christians, until the 26th of june Old Style, designing at first for Belgrade; when on a sudden, express Orders were given to the Army to change the course of their March, 
The Vizier begins his march from Adrianople.  and leave the Road to Belgrade, and take that for Valachia, and through that Country to enter into Transilvania: This alteration was the more surprising to the Germans, who expected not the Turks on that side, because it was not known above a Week or 10 Days before the departure of the Vizier, the which Counsel was judged to have been given by the French Ambassador, or otherwise by the Tartars, who propounded to the Vizier to join him on the way with such a Force, as should make up his Army at least 80000 Men.  
But whilst these Matters were consulting, news came that the Germans had a design to lay siege to Belgrade; and on their way thither had designed against the Palancha's of jeno, and julia, and threatened the Turks with devastations over all the plain Countries; and since the taking of Great Waradin, straightened Temeswaer with want of Provisions; which put the Turks into some confusion both at home and abroad, and diverted entirely the design of the Turks upon Transilvania, where the most mischief might have been done on the Imperial Dominions; because Transilvania hath ever been esteemed the most convenient Door to let the Turks into Germany.  
But what about the same time also caused some desturbances at home, was a Terrible Conflagration which happened at Constantinople; 
Fire at Constantinople.  the Fire began first in the Street called Zubali, where they make the Muskets, and all sorts of Arms for the Grand Seignior's service, destroying all the Forges, and Instruments belonging to that Work; and the fire taking its way, consumed all before it, until it came to the great Capan, which is the chief, and only Magazine for Flour, and Corn, and all Provisions whatsoever, laid up for the Use of the City; and afterwards taking up the Hill, it took its course down by the way of Balata, and consumed at least a third part of that Division, so that the Turks report, that above 20000 Shops, and Houses were consumed.  
This great Conflagration being over, People began to inquire after the News which the Expresses brought from the Armies, from all parts; and particularly that from Asia was of considerable importance; giving a Relation, that the New Arab Prince, Emir by Name, who reckoned his Descent in a Direct Line from their Prophet Mahomet, brought an Army into the Field, pretending to make himself Sovereign of Bassora, to which he had an Hereditary Right, and Title: His Army daily increasing, obliged the Grand Signior to send many of his Troops out of Europe under the Command of the Pasha of Bosnia to reinforce the Militia of those Countries.  
The European Generals being unacquainted with the situation, 
July.  and qualities of those Countries, and not knowing that in the Month of july the Rivers upon the melting of the Snows swell to a prodigious height, were strangely surprised to find themselves without any cause, or knowing how it came about, in the midst of a deep Water: For being encamped in the Valley of a flat Country, the Arabs opened their Sluices, and having made some Channels like Aqueducts, they let so great a Flood of Waters out of the Neighbouring Rivers into the Turkish Camp, 
The Turks in Asia drowned in the Waters.  that before the Turks understood from whence that Inundation proceeded, 6 or 7000 of them were drowned, and the rest being put into confusion, and endeavouring to save themselves, fell into the hands of the Arabs, and were all cut in pieces, or made Prisoners; only the Pasha of Bosnia with 14 more escaped of all that multitude: And soon after this defeat the Arabs attacked, and took a Caravan, with the Spoils of which they enriched themselves.  
The news of this Defeat very much discouraged the Turks in Europe, having lost by this accident 25000 Men of their own Friends and Acquaintance, which became the more sensible to them at that time, when the Turkish Army became so feeble in Hungary, that had not the Tartars assisted them with great Numbers, the Vizier would have been forced to return home with Confusion, and Dishonour.  
The Tartars being made sensible of the great need that the Turks had of them, stood the more strongly on their Terms, and made some difficulties of joining with them, but at length suffered themselves to be worked upon, when they saw the rich Presents which the Grand Signior had sent to the New Tartan Han, to engage him to come early this Year into the Field; and when they saw the rich Vests lined with Sables, and the Sword set with great Diamonds, with 40000 Zaichins in Money, they needed no other Rhetoric, or persuasive Arguments to prevail upon them, but all unanimously prepared to make an early Campagne.  
Upon the news that the Christians designed to besiege Belgrade, the Vizier hastened his march thither; where by reason of the many losses which that Garrison had sustained, a Recruit was sent of 1000 men out of Bosnia, and 2000 Arnouts to reinforce the Garrison. And also 15000 Turks more were detached from the Army in Bosnia to recognize, or take a view of the Christian Forces in those Countries; and having passed the Save over three several Bridges, came and showed themselves before Oseck, which was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Baron Ogiley: This Governor finding himself unable to oppose the Turks in the Field, kept himself within his Bulwarks and Fortifications; until the Turks having at their leisure taken a view of the Place, and Country round about, retired back towards Belgrade, plundering every thing they could carry with them, together with Men, Women and Children, which they carried into slavery, to the number of about 3000 Souls. After which Ogiley drawing together a Body of about 800 select and choice Men, he passed the Save, and with them surprised a Town called Bratzein, to which having given fire, 200 Turks were burned therein, and the like number endeavouring to save themselves from the flames, ran out of the City, of which near 100 men were killed on the Place; and many Christians lately taken by the Turks, were released, and sent back to their own Habitations.  
Since the taking of Great Waradin, Temeswaer, Giula, and Geno, were so straightened for want of Provisions, that they were forced to send away all Women, and Children, and unnecessary Persons from the Places; the better to conserve the Victuals, and Provisions for the use of the Garrison: For General Heusler having for some time blocked up Geno, he made a nearer approach to it; 
Jun●.  and on the 16th and 17th day of june placing his Camp within half a mile of the place, he attacked the Suburbs, which were surrounded with a Ditch, and fortified with Palisadoes; howsoever the Germans forced the place and took it, the Turks retiring with much confusion into the City.  
The next day being the 18th, General Heusler having received four pieces of Cannon, he fired with them into the City, and threw some Bombs thereinto; after which he summoned the Place, and threatened them, that in case they did not immediately surrender, he would afterwards give them no Quarter. But the Turks not harkening hereunto, a Battery was raised, from whence the Guns fired without ceasing; and thereby in the space of five or six days a Breach being made, all matters were prepared for a Storm on the Place; which the Turks not daring to withstand, and adventure, they resolved to capitulate; and on the 27th hung out a White Flag, and sent out three of their Principal Men into the Germane Camp: Where entering into a Treaty, it was agreed, that the next day one of their Gates, and Bulwarks should be delivered up into the Hands of the Besiegers; which being performed the following day, the Garrison of the Turks consisting of about 800 sighting Men, with 200 Horse, were convoyed within half an hour's march from Lippa.  
This City was provided with four Bulwarks, fortified with a high and strong Wall, broad and deep Ditches, into which the River Kerez hath a passage; and within it hath another retreat fortified with four Towers. In this Place the Germans found 35 Brass, and three Iron Guns, with other Warlike Stores, as 20000 pounds of Powder, and other Ammunition proportionable. In this Siege, within the Town, 350 Men were killed, and wounded.  
Immediately after the surrender of Geno, General Heusler invested the strong Fortress of Phila●oras, situated between Geno and Lippa, which yielded unto him; and having repaired the Breaches of Geno, and placed a small Body of Men in those parts, under the Command of General Hofkirk●n, he returned to Great Waradin with his remaining Forces.  
The Grand Vizier being on his march to Belgrade, the news of what had happened at Geno, and Philagoras was brought to him; and thereby suspecting that Temeswaer would be the next enterprise of Heustler, dispatched immediately Orders to the Pasha of Belgrade to send another Convoy, and more Troops thither to reinforce the Garrison of Temeswaer with Men and Provisions. But the Pasha with several other Commanders refusing to obey, upon certain pretences, that such a Detachment would be the Ruin of the Place, and that to save Temeswaer, they should lose Belgrade; the Vizier became so enraged, that with his own Hand he killed six of the Principal Turks, 
July 11.  who were Complices with the Pasha, and left their Dead Bodies in the Streets to the view and terror of others.  
Whilst these things passed at Belgrade, the Duke of Croy, who commanded the Imperial Army, prepared all necessaries to besiege the Place. And in the first place he caused a Bridge to be laid over the Danube at Veresmarton, of an hours journey in length; over which he passed one half of his Army, and the other half he transported in Ships and Boats, and were followed by the Hanover Troops, and the Artillery: And tho' he had by these means gotten together in a Body, yet many things were wanting to begin, and carry on the siege; to supply which, being encamped on the 25th of this Month near Peter Waradin, he dispatched an Express to some Brandenburgher Troops, which remained in the Rear, to advance forwards, and hasten their march: And having assembled a Council of War, it was resolved forthwith to pass the Save over the Bridge of Peter Waradin, and proceed to Belgrade. And accordingly towards the end of this Month, marching with great diligence, the Hussars having the Vanguard, surprised the Turks near Belgrade, of whom they took many Prisoners, with some Cattle, which they brought back into the Army; by which the Turks were so alarmed, and by the march of the Imperial Army towards them, that they endeavoured to carry away, and save the best of their Goods, but the Imperial Horse prevented their design.  
The Christians approaching near the Turks on the first of August, 
August.  began to fire on all sides from the Town; whilst the Germans on the contrary, were busily working on their Lines of Circumvallation, had not finished any Battery until the fifth, when they likewise began to fire on the City. It was farther at that time designed that two of the Christian Galleys, well armed, should driveaway from before the Town some light Turkish Galleys, by which means that side lying open, they could easily encompass the City on all sides.  
On the ninth the Brandenburgher Troops joined the Army, and on the same day, some Turks belonging to the Garrison of a Palanca called Boskova, 
The Palanca of Boskova capitulates.  situated about three hours' distance from the Army, came to the Camp, and offered to capitulate; the which being granted with such Conditions as were proposed, the Fortress surrendered, and the Soldiers and Inhabitants were convoyed safe to Semendria: In the Palanca they found nine Guns with some Ammunition, with good store of Hay and Corn.  

1693. August.  On the 12th of this Month the Turks, to celebrate their Annual Feast of the Bairam, fired all the Guns round the City and Castle; and the Day following made a brisk Sally with such Bravery, that at the first they brought the Germans into some Confusion; but rallying themselves again into good Order, they beat the Turks back into the City.  

The Turks make a Sally. Are driven in with loss.  On the 14th they made another Sally more furious than the former, but with less Success, being repulsed with the loss of 500 Men killed and taken Prisoners: This Blow gave the Christians an advantageous Opportunity, in the space of two Days to advance their Approaches to 150 Paces from the Counterscarp.  

Another Sally.  On the 17th another Sally was made by the Turks, but were repulsed with the loss of about 100 Men; by which the Germans advanced their Works within 80 Paces of the Counterscarp. And  
On the 19th threw several Bombs into the City, 
Bombs thrown into the Town.  which did great execution; and posted six Regiments on the other side of the Danube; by which all Succours coming to the Town from Temeswaer, or other Parts on that side, were hindered from giving any Relief; and the Turks Ships were bridled, and obliged to keep at a distance.  
On the 26th the great Battery of 36 Guns was finished, from which the Besiegers continually fired on the City, and the Turks again on the Battery, where the Duke of Croy standing open was shot through the Hat with a Musket-Bullet, and his Adjutant-General killed by his side with the like.  
The next Day being the 30th of August, Kathana Mustapha Pasha, with a Body of 300 Horse, Attacked the Emperor's advanced Troops near Semblin, but were so received by them, that 40 of them remained upon the Spot▪ several Wounded, and many made Prisoners. The same Day Intelligence was brought to the Duke of Croy, 
The Grand Vizier marches to relief of the Town.  That the Grand Vizier had drawn together from all Parts, as many Forces as he had been able to do, with Resolution to relieve the Town.  
On the last Day of August, the Chief Engineer Keyserfelt entering the Trenches, was killed by a Musket-shot.  
In the first six Days of September nothing was performed which was considerable, 
Septemb.  but that the Approaches were still advancing; 
The Christians loss.  so that on the 7th, the Besiegers Stormed the Counterscarp, which continued until the going down of the Moon, 
1693. Septemb.  when the Darkness of the Night put an end to the Assault, in which the Christians lost 1000 Men, killed and wounded, on the Place, and amongst them the Bavarian General Sybeldorf, with two Lieutenant-Colonels, and other Officers.  
The ill Success that the Christians had sustained by the Storm made on the Counterscarp, being the cause of Raising the Siege, it may be very proper to insert here a Relation, which a principal Officer gave thereof, who was present at the Attack made thereon the 7th of September 1693. in this manner.  
Whilst these things were acting, News came, That the Tartars had appeared in the Neighbourhood with a Body of 2000 Men, and had droven away with them some Cattle: And  
On the 10th Instant News was brought by several Expresses, That the Grand Vizier with an Army of 80000 Men, was arrived, together with a great Fleet of Ships and Galleys, before Widin: Upon which News, and the sharp Blow received some few Days before, upon the Counterscarp of the Town, it much discouraged the Proceedings of the Germans: Upon which a Council of War being called, it was judged dangerous to expect the Arrival of so great an Army, or to attend and stand their Shock; and therefore it was concluded best to Decamp, and quit the Siege, 
The Siege of Belgrade raised.  which accordingly was executed with good Order, and the whole Army drew off with Bag and Baggage, Guns, and all other Materials; and so passing the River Save, over the Bridge which they had made, they Burnt and Destroyed it: And thus ended this Expedition with no small Charge and Expense of Blood and Men to the Emperor.  
In the Management of which, many Errors and Blunders were committed: The Trenches were not opened until 13 Days after the Place was Invested; and that the Batteries were not ready until 13 Days after that: It was another Oversight, That the Fleet, which should have hindered all Provisions from the Town, coming from Temeswaer, was not ready before the Town was Invested; which was as ridiculous, as when the King of Denmark forgot his Mortars, going before Hamburg; and so were the Germans Cannon, which were not brought before the Town till five Weeks after it was Invested.   

Copie de la Relation envoyée à & sur l●assaut de la Contrescarpe de Belgrade, du 7 Septembre, 1693.  
QUOYQUE je n'aye pas manqué de rappresenter icy qu'il étoit dangereux de donner un assaut de Contrescarpe, quand elle se trouve encore eloignée plus de cent pas des approches, comme effectivement êtoit celle de Belgrade le 7 Septembre, parceque ceux qui portent la fascine devant venir de si loin à decouvert sont la plus part tués ou blesséz avant qu'ils arrivent a la Pallisade, & par consequent n'en peuvenr fournir assez, ny assez vite pour faire le Logement requis & sa Communication aux approches avant l'arrivée du jour, outre que par cette grande distance on expose plus dangereux de commencer le dit assaut aprés la nuit clause par les Raisons suivantes: Et  
I. Parceque nôtre Artillerie, & nos Fuseliers ne pouvant ajuster leurs coups aux Parapets, & defences de l'Ennemy ne scauroient aussi l'empecher de plonger à decouvert son feu sur les assailants, & sur les travailleurs.  
II. Puisque nos Grenadiers par l'Obscurité ne voyant pas la contenance de l'Ennemy, ny pouvant reconnoitre sa foiblesse dans les postes, qu' il occupe pandant la Chaluer de l'assaut, ils n'ont pas lieu aussy de profiter du moindre avantage, que la Confusion du d'Ennemy luy peut donner dans l'action, apres quoy il peut se remettre, & revenir a son devoir.  
III. Parceque les Turques ont accouteméz de redoubler la garde dans chacun de leurs postes pendant la nuit seulement.  
IV. Le Soldat, & bien souvent l'Officier ne se piquant pas d'une égale bravoure, quand ils ne sont pas obserués de leurs superieurs comme ils feroient s'ils agisoient pendant la lumiere, ils profitent souvent de la Moindre confusion pour se cacher ou se derober a leur devoir.  
V. Parceque le tems du travail devenant par ce moyen plus court on né scauroit se mettre a couvert sur la Pallisade par un bon Logement, ny faire la Communication en arriere avant l'arrivée du jour sans la quelle on seroit ensuite forcé par l'Ennemy d'abandonner le poste.  
On ne laissa neantmoins pas le jour 7 Septembre deux heures apres le soleil couché d'ordonner l'assaut de la Contrescarpe de cette place, qui fût disposé comme il s'en suit. A scavoir 400 Grenadiers avec deux Capitaines sous le commandement du Baron de Flouk major du vieux Staremberg partagéz moitié à la gauche, & moité a la droite devoient donner depuis le Ravelin du Roy jusques a la Contregarde de la gauche de nôtre attacque soutenu par 200 Fusiliers, qui êtoient aussi commandéz par deux Capitaines, les quels devoient être secondés par 400 autres Fusiliers, a scavoir par 200 sous le commandement du Lieutenant Colonel de Thaun, qui êtoit destiné a la droite, & sontenu par le Colonel Comte Marsigli avec deux Bataillons, & les autres 200 sous le commandement du Lieutenant Colonel d'Anali qui êtoit destiné a la gauche soutenu par le Colonel Danois Stockamer avec deux autres Bataillons. L'attacque sudit étant mené par le General Seiberstorf sous la direction, & commandement du General Comte Guido Staremberg. Ce qui fût executé immediatement aprés le signal donné. Quand nos Grenadiers virent l'Ennemy qui sortit en même temps aussi de sa Pallisade, sur le Glacis vers l'ouvrage à Corne, chacun tenant un Flambeau allumé d'une main, & le sabre de l'autre pour les recevoir, mais poussez par la vigueur des nôtres, & par le grand feu qu'ils luy firent dessus il fút obligé de rentrer au plus vite dans son chemin couvert, & dans ses contre-approches, ou nos gens le chargerent avec une si grande quantité de Grenades, & le Fusil crevisé a la pallisade qu'ils en firent rester un grand nombre, sur la place, & le mirent partie en confusion, lors qu'on Capitaine des dits Grenadiers ayant fait dire a Monsieur le General Séiberstorf de luy envoyer du monde pour le soutenir & pour faire le Logement sur la Pallisade; Le dit General luy fit respondre, qu'il scauroit bien luy envoyer tout cela, quand il seroit temps il êtant pas son Affaire d'entrer dans ces sortes de dispositions, de maniere que nos Gens furent une grande heure & demy a decouvert sur la Pallisade, sans qu'on leur envoya ny les Fusiliers destinés pour les soutenir, ny les travailleurs avec les Fascines, & Gabions pour les Loger, quoyqu'ils en fissent toutes les instances possibles, aprés quoy les dits 400 Grenadiers ne se trouvant plus fort qu'au nombre d'environ 150 le reste ayant êté tuéz ou blessés, on fit sortir les Fusiliers pour les soutenir; & Monsieur le Comte Guido de Staremberg voyant la perte considerable de nôtres sans aucun fruit, commandà qu'on deut se retirer de l'enterprise lors qu'on luy vint faussement rapporter, que nos Gens s'etoient logéz à la gauche sur la Pallisade, ce qui luy fit suspendre sa resolution, ordonnant de continuer le travail, & dans ce tems là le Colonel Comte Marsigli sortit sur la droite pour le soûtenir avec ces deux Bataillons, étant rentré un moment aprés avec une Legere blessure a la jambe apres quoy Monsieur le Comte Guido ayant apris que nos Gens sur la gauche bien loin d'être logés à la Pallisade, comme on luy avoit fait croire, avoient abandonné le travail, & qu' a la droite au Lieu d'avoir attaqué entre l'angle saillant du Ravelin du Roy, & la Contregarde du Côté de la Save, s'êtoient attachés entre le dit Ravelin & l'Ouvrage a Corne, contre la disposition faite, & toute raison, a cause du grand feu de Flanc & de Front, dont l'Ennemy les chargeoient, crut a propos avec le reste de la Generalité de faire retirer le monde se contentant de pousser un petit Zic Zac avancé d'environ 20 pas hors de nôtre paralele êloignée encore plus de 60, pas de la Pallisade, qui n'êtoit qu'environ deux pieds profond, lors que le jour arriuá.  
Quoyque la bravoure de nos Gens alla jusques a l'opiniatreté celle des Ennemies fut assurement toute extraordinaire puisqu' il se deffendit avec une telle constance, & fit un feu du Mousquet si continué pendant deux bonnes heures, qu'on ne pouvoit distinguer un coup de l'autre, outre les Bombes, & Grenades, qu'il tirá sans cesse particulierement du chemin couvert entre l'ouvrage a Corne & le Ravelin du Roy, ou nos Gens attaquerent parme prise contre la disposition faite, & ou il y avoit trois Pallisades l'une devant l'autre, dont de la plus avancée l'Ennemy se deffendoit avec le Mousquet, de la seconde il jettoit des pierres, & de la troisiême des Grenades av●c des Cuilleres sans discontinuer un moment.  
S'il est extraordinaire, qu'on aye manqué de faire un logement de Contrescarpe particulierement avec des si braves Gens, comme nous avions, il doit l'être encore plus qu'on n'aye pu reussir devant un Ennemy, qui ne'n a jamais deffendu jusques a present, & on ne scauroit en attribuer la faute qu'a la mauvaise disposition a scavoir parceque on l'a attaquée de trop loin, que l'on a voulu attacquer la nuit contre les raisons adduites, que l'Artillerie n'a jamais tiré aux deffenses, & Pallisades des lieux que nous devions attaquer. Que les Ingenieurs (Particulierement Morando) Abandonnerent d'abord le poste. Que les Grenadiers de la droit en'attaquer●nt pas ou ilfalloit. Que ceux-cy, & ceux de la Gauche ne furent pas soutenús, & parceque en●in l'Ingenieur, qui avoit la direction du travail sur les autres ne sortit jamais le ●iant aux faux rapports qu'on luy faisoit.  
Cependant si le mallieur vouloit qu'il fallut quitter cette Place, il est constant que, Laissant a part la principale raison de n'avoir pas coupé a l'Ennemy la communication de la Riviere, Les Ingenieurs, & l'artillery ont par leur negligence, particulierement contribués a cette perte, puisque les premiers ont commencés travailler a la sappe êtant encore à 150 pas loin, saisant ainsi les paraleles, & 4 ou 5. Clôter d'ouvrage en 24 heurs, & les seconds n'ont jamais voulu avancer leurs Batteries, on il falloit pour rompre les deffenses de l'Ennemy, ny tirer cette quan●i●e de Bombes, & Canons neces●aries po●●●●ir e● c●tte pl●ce, particulierement le 〈…〉 di●●pendant le quel jour ●ls ne 〈…〉 ny aux Pallisades du Chemi● couvert, ●y aux deffences des Contreapr●●h●●, & pieces, que nous devions attaquer, ce qui donna lieu a l'Ennemy de so●tenir si bien ses Ouvrages, qui êtoient encore touts entiers.  
L'on aura perdu dans cette assaut environ 1000 hommes, tant tuéz que blesses parmy les uqels il y a 254 Grenadiers bien comptéz & beaucoup d'Officiers, & entre autres Monsieur le General Seiberstorf tué.  
Nous sommes environ 80 pas de la Pallisade de la Place, de sort que Samedy 12 du mois nous serons en êtat d'attaquer la Contrescarpe une seconde fois qui ne reussira pas mieux que la premiere, si les dispositions n'en seront meilleures.  
Ce matin 9 de Septembre, sur les 9 heures, les Tartares sont venus jusques à nôtre retranchement & ont emmenéz plus de 800 Beufs, & quelques chevaux de l'Armée, & partrois ou deux faits Prisonniers on est averti, que le secour sera icy dans cinque a six jours fort de 90000 Hommes, avec 80 pieces de Canon, cecy cependant ne se conforme point, avec les nouvelles du General Veterani; De quelle facon que cela soit, si le secours vient je ne vois pas que nous ayons assez d'Infanterie pour soutenir les Approches, Garner les Lignes pour mettre au de la du Danube, & empecher le secour, & pour Garder les ponts, & proviande, qui serà sans doute coupée par les Tartars, qui passeront là Sauve ou a la nage ou à Sabagg de sorte que, non obslant que sur le commencement nous ayons eu assez de temps, & moyens, pour emporter cette place, Je vois tres necessaire d'en abandonner le Siege, & repasser au plus vite la Sauve, si l'on veut conserver l'Armée, le Royaume d'Hongrie, & toutes ses Conquêtes, &c.   

Continuation du Journal de Siege de Belgrade, depuis le 5 jusqu'au 9 Septembre, 1693.  
LE 5 le feu de nos Batteries fut fort grand, & nous jettemes quantité de Bombes & de Carcases sur l'ouvrage à Corne. Nous commencâmes aussi a fair une grande Lig●e parallele a notre droite.  
Le General Archinto fut dangereusement bless d'un coup de Mousquet, & pendanr to●t le travail nous n'eûmes qu'un Soldat de blessé & pas un de tué.  
Sur le soir un transfuge de la ville, qui étoit Chrêtien & qui avoit travaillé aux Mines des Ennemis rapporta qu'il n'y en a●oit encore pas une de remplie. Il s'of●rit a nous decovurir toutes celles qui avoient été faites contre notre Attaque ce qu'il sit le lendemain, & on a trovué que cela étoit conforme aux avis que quelques uns de nos Ingenieurs, qui avoient fortifié autrefois Belgrade, avoienr donné & a ceux qu'on a eu depuis.  
Le 6 il arriva 2 Express que le General Veterani renvoya de Transylvanie avec nouvelle certain que le Grand Visir avoit passe le Danube avec les Tures, & que parmy les Tartars i'll regnoit une Maladie contagieuse qui en faisoit mourir plusieurs.  
Le méme jour on sit la Parallele gauche & on l'avanca beaucoup, & en plusieurs endroits on sappa. Nous commencames aussi a fermer le Danube avec des bateaux de Moulins a la Turk & une maniere des chaisnes Flottantes, au dessous de la Ville, entre deux Forts que nous avons aux deux bords de la jiviere depuis nos Lignes de Circonvallation.  
Le 7, a 4 heures du Matin le General Archinto mourut de sa blessûre & a 7 heures on fit assembler les Generaux de l'Infanterie & on tint conseil pour scavoir de quelle manner on attaqueroit la Contrescarpe & on resolute pour mieux tromper l'Ennemy d'attaquer le poligone par plusieurs endroits a la fois, & a chaque endroit premierement avec 100 Grenadiers ensemble, ensuite avec 300, qui devoient pou●suivre ceux des Ennemis qu'ils trouveroient. Ceux ci devoient étre suivis de 300 autres qui avoient ordre de prendre poste sur les Palissades.  
Les Grenadiers devoient étre sontenus de 600 Fuseliers, & tous ensemble devoient étre couverts de 1200 Mousquetaires des dernieres Lignes. On destina 1700 hommes pour toutes sortes de travaux & 6 Bataillons de reserve. Excepté ce qui étoit de reserve il n'y eut que 4100 hommes pour l'Attaque, doubt 2 tiers des Imperiaux & un tiers des Brandebourgeois & Lunebourgeois devoient donner à la droite.  
Le General Guido Stahremberg eut l'Attaque droite, & le General Bavarien Monsieur Seybelsdorf la gauche. Les Auxiliaires avoient leur poste au milieu, chacun devoit commander les scions & avoir son Corps de reserve particulier en cas de besoin.  
L'Attaque devoit commencer une demi-heure avant la nuit, afin que pendant la nuit on pust se fortifier & avoir toutes les Communications necessaires.  
A midi on amena tout le monde dont on avoit besoin & a 2 heures apres Midi S. A. le Duc de Croy & le General Heusler vinrent eux mémes donner les ordres sur la place ainsi on fit en toute diligence apporter des Fascines, des Gabions & autres choses necessaires; mais avant qu'on fust pressed non seulement le tems destiné pour l'atraque se passa, mais on tra●●a jusqu'a 10 heures du soir lorsque la lune se couchoit de sort qu'on croioit de renvoyer au lendemain, mais l'ardeur des Soldars & des Officiers etoit si grande & la contenance de l'Ennemi qui se tenoit pres de ses feux donna si bonne esperance qu'on voulut faire une tentative.  
Les Grenadiers qui coururent d'abord, firent ●ort bien, & sauterent en plusieurs endroits dans la Contrescarpe, les autres commencerent a prendre post: Nos Canons & nos Bombes les seconderent a merveille, & c'etoit un beau feu a voir; mais les Ennemis qui etoient assembléz dans la Contrescarpe & dans les ouvrages de dehors en ayant eu le vent sans qu'on s'en doutast, illuminerent tout par le moyen de leurs feux d'Artifice.  
Ils firent une opiniatre resistance & attirerent a eux avec des Crotchets nos Fascines & Gabions, & en jettant continuellement des Sacs' de Poudre, des pierres & des Grenades ils empecherent que nous ne gardassions post si prés de la Contrescarpe.  
Outre que pendant l'obscurité ceux qui étoient a l'Attaque gauche s'avancerent si fort de là droite & y pousserent tellement ceux du milieu, que chacun n'etant pas dans sa veritable place, & ce post etant si eloigné de nos Lignes qu'on ne pouvoit s'y maintenir de nuit, encore moins de jour, on trouva bon de fair reculer nôtre Monde & de le fair avancer peu a peu jusqu'a l'endroit on nous sommes presentement. Ce qui se fit aprés un rude choc qui dura pendant 2 heures, & nous nous sommes logés a 24 pass par le Moyen d'une nouvelle Ligne. Nous avons eu 6 ou 700 Hommes de tuéz & blessez.  
Le General des Bavarois Monsieur Seybersdorf a été tué dans cette occasion, comme aussi le Lieutenant Colonel Horn, le jeune Comte Beck: Parmi les blessez se trouverent le Colonel Marsigli, le Colonel Blankensee, le Comte de Thaun Lieutenant Colonel de Guido Stahremberg, les Barons d'Alman & d'Andremont Captains. Les Ennemis doivent avoir aussi beaucoup perdu de Monde.  
Le 8 on a beaucoup avancée la nouvelle Ligne, & on a acheué un grand travail sans fair aucune pert, en sorte que dans 3 jours on espere d'étre pres de la Contrescarpe. On a detaché des Partys pour aller reconnoitre l'Ennemi qu'on croit d'etre bientot icy aux environs.  
Le 9 un Party de Tartars vint jusques vers nôtre Camp. Il a emmené quantité de bestail, qu'on faisoit paitre malgré la deffense au de la des Sentinelles. On les a poursuivi & on a fait 2 Prisonniers qui disont que le Grand Visir est vers la Morava avec son Armée & qu'il doit incess●mment s'avancer verse Semendria.  
The Grand Vizier having entered the Town on the 15th, 
Septemb.  the Christians retired from before it, the Vizier caused all the Works which the Germans had made, to be filled, and leveled; and what damage the Cannon and Bombs had made, to be repaired; and sent fresh Provisions for Temeswaer under a strong Convoy; and having caused the Tartars to make some Excursion near Peter Waradin, and taken a view of the Imperial Camp, the Vizier attempted nothing more of moment. Nor did the Imperial Army undertake any thing farther, than to Retrench itself near to ●eter Waradin, and act on the Defensive, which was all that had been done of moment, during the remainder of this whole Campaign, unless in these two Particulars following.  
On the 17th of September, Count B●theim Ban of Croatia, Dalmatia, and Sclavonia, marched from the River Unna, and Costannizza, with the Land Militia, and arrived on the 19th at three a Clock in the Afternoon, before the Turkish City called Brunzein Maidan; where having taken a Survey of the Ground, the following Night the Trenches were opened: And  
On the 20th, they began to ●ire their great Guns, 
Brunzie●● taken by Storm.  and to throw Bombs unto the City: The Garrison, and the Inhabitants defended themselves bravely; for tho' they were twice Summoned, they refused to Surrender, saying, That the Place was a Magazine belonging to the Sultan, which therefore they were obliged to maintain to the last Drop of their Blood: The Place was also of greater importance, by reason of the Iron and Copper Mines, which arose in the Neighbourhood, our of which they forged Mortar-pieces, and great Quantities of Iron Bullets.  
The Besieged defended themselves very valiantly for the space of two Hours; but at last the Pallisadoes being pulled up, or cut down, the Walls of the City were forced, and taken, and above 500 Men and Women were put to the Sword, amongst which there were two Chief Commanders, and a third, Chachilovich by Name, was taken Prisoner, together with many principal Persons more of both Sexes.  
Within the Town the Besiegers found great quantities of Bombs, of which some were of 200 weight, with store of Brass of rare and cunning Workmanship, together with other very rich Booty; of all which having Plundered the Inhabitants, and carried away all that was worth the taking, they burned the City and Suburbs to Ashes, 
 with the Houses that were in the Neighbourhood, with the loss only of about 40 Men.  
The other Successful Enterprise was executed on the 19th of October by General Hof●kirken, against Giula, of which the General himself gave this Narrative in a Letter to the Duke of Croy, sent him by an Express in this manner.  
General Hoffkirken's Letter to the Duke of Croy.  
THIS Morning I fell upon the Turks and Tartars very early, when they least expected me, and having at the first onset forced them to retreat beyond the first Palanca, I caused the Dragoons, with 500 Horsemen to alight from their Horses, and with their Swords in their Hands to pass the Ditch: The Enterprise was bold, but vigorously executed. The Turks were very strong, their Force consisting of 40 Troops of Horse, 1200 janissaries, with 2800 Tartars newly arrived to Convoy Provision into that Fortress; but being on the other side of it, they were so hotly attacked, that they were driven to the Castle, and upwards of 1000 of them were killed, and 2500 Horses and Camels taken from them. All the Provisions which should have been brought into Giula were yet lying in their Mosques within the Palancha, together with some thousands of Measures of Corn which came laden on Camels, were burned in the fight of the Turks, and thereby all their cost and labours lost, which were designed to supply that Place with Provisions. Had I come but ●ight Hours sooner, I had also met with the Tartars marching to Debrezin; howsoever I am now preparing to follow them, and hope to come up with them to morrow, or the day following.  
The Tartars returning homewards to Budzi●●k, and passing through Walachia, they entirely ruined and destroyed the Country. But before we end this Year, and the Accidents which happened therein, we are to take notice of another terrible fire at Constantinople: For as there happened one before in the Month of May last passed, so now another broke out on the 26th of August, more grievous and terrible than any had done for many years before. The former Fire in May began at Balata, as we have related; but that in the Month of August broke out at Odun Schelesi, or the Wood-wharf, 
August:  being the common place where all the Timber for building Houses and Ships is laid, and in which are many hundreds of Chambers of vast bigness for receiving all sorts and sizes of squared Timber, with millions of Board's, and other Timber fitted for building; the Damage of which amounted to an incredible sum; and was of such a general terror and consternation, that had it happened at the time when Belgrade was last besieged, the People for very affrightment would have fled from Philopopolis and Adrianople; and at Constantinople itself the People were possessed with such a Panic Fear, that thousands of Families were ready to abandon the City, and to fly into Asia, 
Constantinople burned a second time this Year.  for a quarter part of the City was burned down; and to increase this terror amongst the People, it was given out, that the Germans were coming upon them with a very numerous Army. And it is here very observable, that about that time things being in a doubtful condition, and no news coming from the Army, nor from Belgrade, the Grand Signior in a most furious rage swore, that if that City were lost, he would take off the Heads of the Grand Vizier, and of Osman Pasha, the Chimacam, who affrighted with this Menace, fell sick, and died with fear. The Eunuches also in the Seraglio took the confidence from hence to speak against the Government, exclaiming openly, that if such Miscarriages were permitted in, and amongst the Principal Officers, the Sultan would be forced to quit Europe, and take refuge in Anatolia.  
But when the news came that the Siege of Belgrade was raised, the Anger of the Sultan began to abate, and to be appeased against the Chief Officers; and then the language of the People changed its tone, and praised the Officers, who but a few days before they had cursed and condemned to utter Ruin, saying that the raising of this Siege was a Miracle of God, who had heard their Prayers; which brought a vast Confluence of People to their Mosches, to give Thanks to God, and to make Corban, as they call it, 
Corban made at Constantinople and Adrianople.  which is a kind of Sacrifice, offered in this manner; they who are of the richer sort, kill Sheep and Lambs, and having prepared them, they cut them in pieces, and give them to the Poor, which is a great Charity and Relief to them; and this in such cases of Joy, and Thanksgiving, is the most Solemn Act in all their Religion.  
The Turks before this Action were grievously dejected and cast down, but were again revived by the news that the Siege of Belgrade was raised. To these Misfortunes and Miseries the raging Pestilence of this Year contributed very much, of which thousands of People died in all parts of the Ottoman Dominions; and thus the Turks had three Judgements of God upon them this last Year, namely Fire, Sword, and Pestilence.  
And this is all that passed this Year of any moment; for the Venetians had neither done, nor attempted any thing; and the Turks having lost nothing, took courage against the next Year to be early in the field, with a far greater Army than they had this, and likewise at Sea with a stronger, and a more numerous Fleet, having 20 Sail of Stout Men of War in the Archipelago already fitted, from 50 to 80 Guns, besides the increase of their Galiots, and Brigantines on the Danube. These and such like matters encouraging the Turks, with the Expectation of a Peace with Poland, which the French Ambassador fomented, and forwarded so far, that an Ambassador being sent from Varsovia to Adrianople to treat, the same backed with the French Interest; it was generally believed that the Peace was concluded; but how true that was, the Successes of the next Year will demonstrate unto us.    

Anno 1694.  
THIS following Year of 1694. produced no greater Actions than the former, year 1694. but yet continued still to be successful to the Emperor. In the beginning of March the Grand Vizier was dispossessed of his High Office, and succeeded by Ali, Pasha of Tripoli; the cause whereof was on a slight occasion, which was this; the Vizier being desirous to take some recreation with hunting Hares on a certain day, his Enemies took the opportunity to bring the Sultan that way, where he unluckily met with the Vizier's Dogs, and a noise of hunting; of which the Grand Signior enquiring what it meant, some Enemies to the Vizier answered, that it was the Grand Vizier, who might have employed his time in management of the Affairs of the Empire, better than in Sports and Recreations, reserved, and more becoming the pleasures of his Master, than his own; but this (as they added) was no wonder, it being his constant trade and practice. With which the Sultan became so enraged, that he immediately sent for him, 
The Grand Vizier deposed.  and taking the Seals from him, he deprived him of his Office.  
Hereupon Ali Pasha was sent for, 
Ali Pasha Vizier.  being esteemed a Man of great Courage, and Experience in all State Affairs, and being Arrived at Adrianople in the beginning of May, he immediately put forth the Horse-Tail, which is a Signal that the Vizier designs his march for the Camp in 40 days afterwards; and to show his readiness, and zeal for the Grand Seignior's Service, he raised and equipped 3000 Men at his own Charge, and out of his own Estate. But here we may observe, that before the former Vizier was deposed, Orders had been given, that henceforward no Venetian Ships should be permitted to come into any of the Ottoman Ports under English or French Colours, upon confiscation of Ship and Lading; howsoever two Months were allowed for execution of the Penalty, on those Ships which were already arrived within the Ports.  
As the Grand Vizier was deposed for the reasons aforesaid, so also was the Chimacam, 
Chimacam Ahmet P●sha banished.  called Calailicos Ahmet Pasha, of Greek Extraction, in danger of being strangled, had not the Queen Mother, and the Kuzlir Aga, or Chief Eunuch procured the favour to have his Punishment altered, and changed to an Exile into Egypt, for the many Tyrannies and Cruelties he had committed; and particularly for that he had taken away the Ancient Church called St. George at Constantinople, belonging to the Patriarchate for some hundreds of Years before that time: In his place jeien Pasha, a prudent Person, and one very well practised in Affairs, was constituted Chimacam; and being the Nephew of the famous Kupriogli, gave general satisfaction to all People, and particularly to the Greeks and Christians, to whom he always showed much favour.  
At this time, as is usual, there were two great Factions at Adrianople, one in the Seraglio, consisting of the Queen Regent, the Kuzlir-Aga, and other Principal Courtiers; the other Party in opposition to these, were the Mufti, the Grand Vizier, and Principal Officers of the Janissaries, and Spahees: To strengthen these, after the Death of Osman Pasha, the Selictar-Aga was chosen Chimacam, being a Young Man, a Chircassian by Nation, of a very good understanding, and for his years very well versed in Affairs: This Person being promoted to this Office without the knowledge or consent either of the Grand Vizier, or the Mufti, but only by the Machination or Contrivance of the Kuzlir-Aga and Queen Mother, rendered his Condition the more unsettled, and uncertain. And indeed not only the Court, but all the Empire was in great Confusion by reason of the weakness of three or four Sultan's successively, of whom we have already given a Character, and particularly of this Sultan Achmet, of whom the best we can say is, that he was a Good Natured Jolly Prince, and feared no hurt, nor wished it to any Person whatsoever.  
But how the state of Affairs were in those days, we may learn from a Letter, which my Lord Paget wrote to a Person of Quality at Vienna, dated April 24. N.S. 1694.  
Lord Paget's Letter.  
SIR,  
THEY so often change their Ministers here, that an Ambassador can scarce come to treat twice with the same Person. Since my arrival here at the Port, they have had three Grand Viziers, three Chimacams of Adrianople, four Chimacams, of Constantinople, three Aga's of the janissaries, three Tefterdars or Lord Treasurers, two New Cadileschers or judges of Asia, and Romelia; and in short, all the Great Officers of the Empire were changed, (the Mufti only excepted) by which there was such a New Set of Idiots and Fools got into Places, as would overturn the best settled Government in the World. For these Officers being only such, as Chance offers, it is a doubtful Wager, whether he proves a Fool, or a Wise Man; and in case he should prove a Man of Parts, yet he is suffered so short a time to remain in his Office, that he is in no capacity to improve them.  
Ambassadors, unless it be at their first Audience, and at that of Congedie, have no Conversation or Access to the Grand Signors, and then they affect such a sort of Grandeur, as may best cover all their Thoughts by a Silence, so that they give no place for any debate; and a Man can never lay any foundation upon their Words: For as their Ally of France scorns to be a Slave to his word; so they hold it to be no dishonour to be open, and esteem nothing for a Secret. It is true, that very seldom or never, a Minister shall receive a flat denial from a Turk, for he shall train you on to the very last point; and when you come to the last Argument, and Upshot of all, than a Sum of Money must make the Conclusion.  
The disorders made by the Arabian Princes in the Countries about Aleppo did still continue, which caused great fears, and apprehensions at Constantinople itself: but those Countries being far remote, and distant made little alterations or noise at Court.  
The Negotiations of Poland at Adrianople had no success, 
April.  so that the Envoy was dispatched away, re infectà. Some few days afterwards, the Tartar Han quitted the Court with dissatisfaction, and all things seemed in much disorder; however they talked high of great preparations for the following Campagne: And to make some evidences thereof, they dispatched away 1200 Janissaries from Adrianople to Belgrade; moreover they sent away 32 Saiques for the Danube.  
About this time the Grand Vizier arrived from Tripoli de Soria, where he had been Pasha, and was sent for by the Grand Signior to head the Army in Hungary, having been recommended by some Favourites to have been the wisest and most experienced General in the Empire, but the trial showed him to be a Man rather of the Pen and good Language, than of Arms.  
But to speak more fully and pertinently concerning the Negotiations of the Polish Envoy at Adrianople, he was lodged at Demerdesh, about an English Mile from the City, in a poor Village, without Ceremony, or any great Equipage; he had a Coach with six Horses, in which was a French Jesuit: His Business was declared rather to be designed to the Tartar Han, who was at that time at Adrianople, than to the Grand Signior, and accordingly had Audience of him.  
In the first place it was observable, 
Polish Envoy's Audience with the Tartar Han at Adrianople.  that during the time of his Audience with the Tartar Han, the Polish Envoy kept his Cap off, until he was bid to sit down and be covered; after a few words ofComplement, he arose up and delivered his Letter. The Han asked him, whether he had any other Letters for him; to which he replied no. He asked him from whom that Letter was, he answered, from the King his Master. The Han asked him, whether he had any thing to say to him by word of Mouth, to which he answered no, for that all was contained within the Letter. The Han spoke in the Tartar Language, and the Pole in his own. The Audience ended, the Pole arose, kissed the Han's Vest, retired backwards with his Face towards the Han, which is a part of respect amongst Turks and Tartars, and most of the Eastern People, all which was over in less than half an Hours time.  
The which Passage seemed very Mysterious, and not well understood, from whence, and from whom this Envoy was sent; but being gone out of the Presence of the Han, the Negotiation appeared to concern War and Peace, and a Treaty proposed to be held in order thereunto, between the Turk and Tartar on one side▪ and of the Emperor, King of Poland, and the Venetian State on the other. Hereof intelligence was given by my Lord Paget, Monsieur Heemskirk, and Heer Colyer, to the Emperor, Venetians, and all the Allies whom it might concern; the which seemed very strange, that such a Negotiation should be set on foot unknown to them, or to the Mediators of the Peace; the which was still more surprising, when the Orders for such a Treaty given to a Polish Minister, were disavowed, and unexpected by the Emperor and the Venetians; and what made the Business the more doubtful, was, That this Envoy brought no Letters for the Mediators, 
A shame Envoy from Poland.  from any of the Allies, or Princes concerned; nor did he admit of any Salutes from the Foreign Christian Ministers; for tho' my Lord Paget had his Secretary Mr. Coke, and the Ambassador Colyer had his Chief Interpreter upon the Place, yet the Pole would admit of none of their Addresses, or Visits, but adhered close to the French Ambassadors, with whom he had long and frequent Conferences.  
This unusual way of management of Treaties, gave just reason of suspicion to all Persons, that this Negotiation was nothing but an Artifice of the French, to bring Poland into a separate Peace with the Turk, which perhaps by the Cunning and Crafty Insinuations of the French might have succeeded, had not the Pole too earnestly insisted on the Surrender of Caminieck into their Hands, with all the Provisions, Arms, and Fortresses, and with the U●i Possidetis; which was a Term at that time, and during the late Treaty, mortally hateful to the Turks: Had not that Term, I say, been unluckily started, it is very probable, that the Turks would have accepted of a separate Peace with the Poles: And moreover this particular Article would go down the worse, in regard that the Turks had lately repaired that strong Fortress, and supplied it with all sorts of Provisions, and of all Parts had made it almost impregnable: And another Difficulty was, That Poland was not willing to Surrender some small Places which they had taken on the Frontiers of Moldavia; by which it plainly appears, 
The Turks averse to a Peace, with the Surrender of Caminiec●  That all this Treaty was nothing but an Artifice of the French, to amuse the Turks, and try if possible, by some Overtures of this Nature, to bring the Poles into a separate Peace.  
The Cham of Tartar● being a Chief Actor, and designed to bear a principal part in this disguised Treaty, finding that hereby he began by his Friendship with the Polish Envoy, to lose his Credit, and Reputation, and that his good Friend the Grand Vizier, (tho' newly put into Place) was tottering, and near being Deposed, and to be himself commanded to return into his own Country, he hastened away this supposititious Envoy all he could, and accordingly, by Order of the Gr●n● Signior, he was dispatched away with som● Indignity, and Disgrace; neither the Tartar Cham, nor the Grand Vizier daring to open their Mouths in his Behalf, or to mention any of the Conditions he had proposed for a Peace: And such a Per●on must have been endued with a good Stock of Confidence, 
Th● Polish Envoy se●t aw●● with Disgrace●  and Impudence to manage a Business of the highest Importance on such weak Grounds as he had to pretend, especially at a time when all the Grand Officers of the Empire were upon their Change. But such as speak most favourably of this Business say, That this Polish Envoy, or Agent, was not sent to make a separate Peace, but to prepare things in order thereunto, by advancing their Conditions, on which the Port might afterwards treat with the Emperor and the Venetians, sending their Ministers into Transylvania with Powers to that purpose; but all this came to nothing as will appear by the sequel of this History.  
In the mean time all things were in great disorder in the Court between those Officers who live within and without the Seraglio, to make up these Differences. The Grand Vizier, with the Tartar Han, Tefterdar, Pasha, and Janisar Aga, and some others held a Council in the Month of February, where it was resolved, To move the Grand Signior, to remove the Kuzlir-Aga, and the Haznadar-Aga; and to that end the Vizier made Talkish to the Grand Signior, and the other Arz, for removal of those Persons, who were Mutinous, and Intriguing in Matters of State.  
Upon this Complaint the Grand Signior grew very angry, and told the Vizier, That the Kuzlir-Aga deserved indeed to be punished, for recommending him, the Vizier, to that high Office; adding, That he was neither a Fool, nor a Child, to be governed by other men's Humours; and that the Report was false, That the Kuzlir-Aga meddled in Affairs of State.  
The Grand Signior showing in this manner some Displeasure against the Vizier, who had now but little Support besides the Tartar Cham; it was insinuated to the Sultan, That it was improper for two Princes to live in the same City; and that it had never been the Practice of former times, for the Cham to reside at the Port, there to pry into the Secrets of the Empire.  
Hereof the Cham having had some Intimation, and seeing the Disorders arising in the Court, and fearing to be sent away, he desired to be dismissed, pretending that his Presence was necessary in his own Country, he took leave of the Sultan at a Solemn Audience; and being richly presented, he began his Journey homewards, being accompanied out of Adrianople by the Grand Vizier.  
After the Departure of the Cham, the Grand Vizier's Wife, who was Sister to the Grand Signior, was forbidden the Court, which was an evident demonstration that her Husband was not likely to continue long in that Office.  
The Heer Heemskirk, who had been sent to the Assistance of Monsieur Co●yer, Ambassador for the States-General at Constantinople, for management of the Peace between the Emperor and the Turks; or rather for want of an English Ambassador, the two former, Sir William Hussey, and Mr. Herbert being both Dead. At that time the Turks seeming inclinable to a Peace, King William thought it not fit to let pass this Opportunity for want of an Ambassador from England; but rather qualified Monsieur Heemskirk then at Vienna, with the Title of English Ambassador to the Grand Signior (of which we have formerly made some mention) the which had currently passed with the Turks, had not the French discovered the matter, and declared that this Heemskirk was no English Man, nor no Minister of the King of Enland, but a Germane; and one under Notion of an Ambassador, sent for a Spy to deceive the Turks.  

M●. Hee●skirk se●t ●a●k.  Upon which Insinuation, Heemskirk was not able afterwards to treat with the Turks, nor would they accept of any Propositions from him▪ or acknowledge him for a public Minister, but committed him to Custody, and kept him under a strict Guard; and so was detained for some Months, until the Lord Paget was sent to supply the Office of a true and undoubted Ambassador; at which time Heer Heemskirk was called to Audience, and had his Dismission.  
Upon Departure Heemskirk said, He was sorry that his Endeavours for putting an end to this Bloody War, had been unsuccessful. To which the Vizier answered, That Peace would be, when God pleased, and was not at the Pleasure and Will of Man: And so without saying any thing more material, Heemskirk was dismissed: and began his Journey from Adrianople towards Belgrade on the 2d of March.  
During these Matters, great were the Disorders at Court; the Grand Vizier grew weary of his Office, and would gladly have been rid of it, could he have done it with safety, and Name his Successor; and in the mean time his Wife endeavoured to accommodate Matters between her Husband, and the Kuzlir-Aga: Notwithstanding which Differences, and the great Animosities, yet they slackened nothing of their Diligences to be early this Year in the Field, and accordingly Commands were issued out to dispose all things thereunto: And an Aga was sent to Walachia for 500 Horses to carry Flour to Belgrade.  
The French Ambassador persuaded the Turks to open their Campaign this Year, by way of Transylvania; and to induce them to follow his Advice, he assured them that his King would have an Army this Year in Germany of 100000 Men, but the Turks never gave much Credence to the Boastings of the French, whom they commonly styled with the Name of Yalangi Francos: And to second this Opinion of the French, the Nogay Tartars, 
The Nogay Tartar.  who were settled in a Part of Moldavia, made an Incursion through that Province into Transylvania, and took from thence about 6000 Captives, and a considerable Booty.  
These Nogay Tartars were called into those Countries by the Tartar Han, to succour and assist him at the time, when the Moscovites came against Crim, and were then placed with their Families in good Numbers about Budziac, and part of Moldavia; the Prince of which made Complaint to the Grand Signior, that being deprived of a great part of his Country by his new come Guests; the Provinces were entirely ruined, and the People no longer able to support the Charge, and pay their Tribute: But this Complaint having but little Effect, the whole Blame of these Miscarriages were attributed to the ill Conduct of the Grand Vizier; for which cause he was Deposed, and the Embrahor, or Master of the Horse, was sent to demand, 
The Grand Vizier deposed.  and receive the Seals from him, and the Chimacam of Adrianople employed to Seal up his House.  
Hereupon the Deposed Vizier obtained by the assistance of Friends, a Hattesheriffe, or Royal Command from the Grand Signior, to return towards his Government of Tripoli de Soria, without molestation; for which he gave the Messenger that brought it five Purses of Money.  
Notwithstanding which, a Capigi, with several Bostangees, were dispatched after him to bring him back, and having overtaken him, he was committed Prisoner between the Ports, from whence very few escape with their Lives; nor did he long survive, his Estate being all seized, and confiscated to the Use of the Sultan.  
Another Capigi-Basha was likewise sent to fetch the Head of Ali Pasha, who was Great Vizier before this last Deposed Vizier. Likewise about the same time, the Kahya of Osman Pasha, the lately deceased Chimacam of Adrianople, was put under Arrest, and his Master's Money, Jewels, and Goods, with his own, were demanded to bring Money into the Seraglio.  
But before we proceed any farther, it may not be from our Purpose to declare an Action which happened in the Port of Smyrna, in the Month of March, a follows. 
March   
One Capt. Hely Commander of a Merchant's Ship of 30 Guns, having brought some Goods to Smyrna from Legorne, and finding no Goods that presented for a Voyage back again, he resolved to seek his Fortune in some other Port: The same Morning Captain Marine, a French Merchantman, and Captain Teissere another French Man weighed also, and accompanied the English Ship half way to the Castle, where they remained a Backstays for several Hours; and seeing Captain Hely turning out, watched an Opportunity to bear down upon him; which Hely endeavouring to avoid all that was possible, could not yet hinder the French Man from falling foul of him, by which he broke his Spritsail Yard, and Jack-staff, and presented many Muskets, and Pistols at the Men to provoke them to Fight, or commit some rash Action, to the Breach of the Peace in the Grand Seignior's Port; but Captain Hely managed his Business with such Moderation, and Courage, that he saved the King's Jack, and took it in, and then hoist it again; and the French cutting some of their own Mizen-Shrouds, Hely got clear; and Sailed away towards the Castle, with a good part of the French Man's Colours, being foul of a Block.  
That Night Hely having procured Materials to repair his Damage, sailed away, and the next Day got within five Miles of Murine, Rowing to come up to him, which he did near Cape Caraborno, and there engaged him, and after four Hours Fight, in which Hely fired above 200 of his Cannon, he took the French Ship, which was said to be worth more than a 100000 Lycn Dollars.  
There being two Viziers lately Deposed, it was commanded, 
The New Vizier.  That the New Vizier should be actually at Adrianople on the 15th of April, so as that he might be with the Army in the Field before the Month of june.  
This New Vizier was called Ali Pasha, as was also his Predecessor, and both had been Pasha's at Tripoli of Soria, and came from thence; but as to this, he had no great Reputation for his Qualities: He had five Years ago been Tefterdar, or Lord Treasurer, at the Port; he had been a great Favourite, and an old Friend of the late Kuzlir-Aga; but others who knew him well, had no great Opinion of him, but looked upon him, as a Man of little Experience, without Parts, or Abilities for so great a Charge, 
Character ●f the New Vizier.  and esteemed for a ●erson not likely to continue long in that Sublime Station.  
Whilst Matters were preparing for the Camp, against the Arrival of the New Vizier. Ahmet Pasha who had been Chimacam of Constantinople; was declared Pasha of Arzrum in Armenia Major, and was actually Listing Soldiers in N●comedia; at which every one wondered, and commonly reported, That he having been disobliged by the Court, was there Raising and Listing Soldiers to join with the Rebels in Asia; of which some Murmurings coming to the Ears of the Kuzlir-Aga his Friend, he advised him to hasten away with all diligence possible, for that his loitering in those Parts, gave just Jealousy and Ground to the contrary Faction, to report Evil and Dangerous Matters concerning him; and for that reason he urged him to be gone on the Business for which he was employed; promising, That in case he dealt Faithfully and Wisely in this Business, he would at his Return use his best Endeavours to make him Grand Vizier. The least Whisper of this Nature in the Time of another Sultan, had been sufficient to have taken the Heads both of the Pasha, and of his Friend the Kuzlir-Aga, but this present Grand Signior feared no Evil, nor designed it unto others; so that Ahmet Pasha lived boldly, and without control in Nicomedia, being Proud, Obstinate, and Capricious, carrying no respect to the Commands and Orders of the Port; but gave out his own Commands to several Places, to raise some Thousands of Segmen, which are a sort of Foot Soldiers; which he acted so openly, that the World could not but take notice thereof, and declare him a Rebel: Upon which, fearing some worse Proceedings, he quitted Nicomedia, and marched towards his Brethren in Asia, to take part with them in their Rebellious Designs.  
In the mean time News came that the Grand Vizier was speedily expected at Adrianople, and that he was already arrived at Chalcedon, which was a Place anciently famous for one of the four General Councils, and opposite to Constantinople; from whence on the 18th of April he passed the Channel into Europe, and taking the ready Road leading to Adrianople, he entered that City on the 21st of that Month, where he was received with all imaginable Kindness by the Faction then predominant in the Seraglio.  
And the Vizier to demonstrate all Duty and Obedience to the Sultan, as also Affection to the People, and Militia, he issued forth the Horse-Tails on the second Day after his Arrival, which denotes the Intentions of the Grand Vizier to begin his March in 40 Days from the time, or at farthest on the first of the following june.  
According to this Ancient Custom, the Vizier 20 Days before his Departure pitched his Tents, and sent out the Horse-Tails into the Camp near Adrianople, with intent as was reported, to march towards Belgrade; but Transylvania was this Year chiefly in their Eye, as was advised by the French Ambassador; but it appearing, that great Preparations were making by the Imperialists, to fall upon Belgrade, the Turks altered their Design, and took their way towards that Place, to Fortify, and Strengthen it with what Forces they were able.  
Upon the Arrival of the Grand Vizier at Belgrade, many sad Complaints and Lamentations were brought him from Temeswaer, and Giula, complaining of their straightened Condition for want of Provisions; upon which it was resolved to supply them with Rice and Corn of all sorts; and the Chimacam of Adrianople, in the absence of the Vizier, sent them several Horse Ladings of Provisions, and Money to the value of 40000 Dollars, or 80 Purses, under the Convoy of 800 Janissaries.  
Whilst the Grand Vizier was acting in Hungary, Advices came from all Hands in Asia, and was reported as well from Europeans, as from asiatics, that the Sheriff's Army increased daily, and had Plundered a very rich City, in which were great Quantities of Rich Goods of all sorts, and that this Army lived under exact Discipline; the which Army (as was reported) was divided into two Parts, one Division remained with the Sheriff, and lay Encamped between Mecca and Medina; and another part of this Army was encamped in the Province, or Kingdom of Bassora, where they made Head against those Pasha's which were Constituted by the Sultan, endeavouring to obstruct all those Ways leading to Aleppo. The News hereof did not a little trouble the Mind of the Grand Signior, and served to increase his Disease of the Dropsy, which had been very fatal to the Ottoman Family; howsoever a certain famous Physician gave hopes of his Recovery, pretending to Cure him, by opening four Issues in his Legs and Feet; 
Sultan Achmet in danger of Death.  but an acute Fever coming thereupon, People began to despair of his Life, which caused a great Silence in all Parts, particularly in the Army in Hungary, where it was reported, That the Sultan was Dead, or out of all hopes of Recovery; besides which, all things went ill for the Turks, for the three Pasha's which were dispatched from Sofia to receive Taxes from the Venetians, not far from Narenta, returned back without Contributions towards the War; which so grievously troubled the Grand Vizier, that he dispatched away three other Beyes with a good Detachment of the Albanian Militia, to force and collect his Taxes. And tho' the Turks put a good Face on their Misfortunes; yet the Villainous Rebels, and Tumultuous Robbers in Asia continued their Outrages, so that nothing came from thence, but Complaints and Unhappy Tidings: All the force that they could make, or expect from thence, was no more than the Yearly Succours for guard of the Castles upon the Hellespont, together with three Pasha's, and two Beys, making in all 3600 Men appointed for Recruits for the Grand Vizier.  
To add farther to all these Misfortunes Advices were carried to all Places, That the Venetian Fleet was arrived before Mytilene with 30 Galleys, four Galleasses, 12 Ships of War, on which were Shipped 15000 Soldiers, the greatest part of which consisted of Albanians, Greeks, and Sclavonians.  
Moreover farther intelligence came from Salonica, or Thessalonica, That they greatly feared the Venetian Fleet, which threatened to make a Descent within that Gulf, and were in some apprehensions lest the Enemy should make an attempt on the Island of Scio.  
About the middle of August the Turkish Forces began to arrive at several Quarters about Belgrade, 
August.  where the 14th at Night, all was in Alarm by a Turkish Galley, which took Fire by the Negligence of the Men, and having much Powder and Ammunition aboard, blew up, to the terrible affrightment of the Turks in Belgrade, who apprehended, that the Germane Army was already under the Walls of the City; tho' at the same time they were no nearer than Peter Waradin, within the Retrenchment of last Year; where finding their Troops increase but slowly from other Quarters, they resolved there to remain Encamped, and act upon the Defensive.  

Septemb.  On the 8th of September, the Day before the Vanguard of the Turkish Army appeared in sight of that Retrenchment, a most Terrible Storm happened, which carried away the Tents of the Imperial Army, sunk several of their Ships, 
A Storm on the Danube.  broke their Bridge of Boats, and drove five Ships of the Fleet down to the Islands. All which they had much ado to repair, and bring in order again before the whole Turkish Army came to assault them; for the Grand Vizier having received a positive Order from the Sultan, to Attack and Fight the Imperialists wherever they could meet with them, in compliance therewith Decamped on the seventh Instant from Salankement, and marched directly for Peter Waradin. And  
On the ninth, some of the Vanguard appeared in sight of that Place; the Grand Vizier with the Body of the Army then Encamping at Carlowitz, three Hours distant from the Imperial Army.  
On the 10th, the whole Army came within half an Hour of the Imperial Retrenchment, the Foot taking their Quarters next to our Front, and the Horse placing themselves to the left of their Foot, and on the left of these were Camped the Tartars. Their Fleet consisting in 110 Ships, came likewise within Canonshot of the Imperial Ships, and cast their Anchor there, being posted in a Line of Battle.  
The whole Day the Hussars were Skirmishing with the Turks and Tartars; and on the 11th it was thought the Turks would have Stormed the Imperial Camp; wherefore all was prepared to receive them: They appeared with 3 or 400 Ensigns, or Companies, within 800 Paces of the Retrenchment, but behind the Earth of a Ditch which they had made, and which covered them so well, that the Imperial Guns could but little annoy them.  

A Fight by Water and Land.  On the 12th the Turks begun to fire from all sides on the Imperial Camp, with their Great Guns: Their Fleet also advanced higher up, and fired furiously on the Imperial Ships, and on the Bridge, but were answered as hotly both from the Imperial Ships, and from the Batteries on the Shore: 
Septemb.  Two Wagons with Ammunition were set on fire by a Shot of the Turks, and about 30 Men were thereby Killed or Burnt. Count Solms, Major of the Regiment of Cuirasses of Count Herbersteyn, was also Killed with a Cannon-Bullet.  
On the 13th, the firing both by Water and by Land, was again renewed: The Attack made by the Turks, seeming to be a formal Siege both of ●eter Waradin, and of the Imperial Camp; they having either on their Ships, or Batteries, upwards of 500 Great Guns continually firing, tho' with little damage to the Germans: The Design of the Turks being to ruin the Imperial Bridge.  
This great Shooting continued at the same rate the 14th, 15th, 16th and 17th; which last Day the Turks not only threw Bombs out of three Mortar-Pieces into the Imperial Retrenchments, but also from the Point of the Island with two Mortars, into Peter Waradin, and carried more Guns on their Batteries.  
But the Night betwixt the 17th and 18th, the Turks were pretty quiet, but after Break of Day they again fired more hotly than ever, and showed themselves beyond the Imperial Retrenchment; but being briskly Attacked by the Hussars, they were droven back to their Camp. The Turks also drew a new Parallel-Line 60 Paces nearer to the Imperial Camp, and were very busy to close the said Line with their Line of Communication.  
On the 19th in the Afternoon, the Germane Right Wing fired with Great Guns and Muskets from an Eminence on the first Lines of the Turks, and annoyed them very much, so that a great Alarm arose amongst them, and the Turks came running from all sides with Horse and Foot, to strengthen and assist their Left Wing: That Evening the Brandenburg Foot, 
The Brandenburg: ers reinforce the G●rmans.  consisting of six battalions, arrived in the Camp; which were received with three Salvoes of the Guns from the Castle and the Batteries on the Waterside: This Reinforcement being arrived, the Turks seemed less brisk in their Attack; but that which most incommoded them, was, That the Governor of Titul surprised and took 25 Turkish Ships laden with Provisions for their Army, and sunk two or three of their Frigates. That the Tartars having at the Request of the Grand Vizier swum over the Donau near Cobila, (where indeed they had taken about 1000 Horse, and part of the Imperial Baggage) were overtaken in their Retreat by General Bassompiere, who cut down above 1500 of the Tartars, amongst which was the Han's Son; and that thereupon the Tartar Han fell out with the Grand Vizier and Commanded his Troops, consisting of 7000 Tartars which remained, to prepare for their return Home; notwithstanding the Grand Vizier continued his Endeavours against the Imperial Retrenchments, and Peter Waradin, and the Bridge, till the 13th of October; but seeing that they lost more than they got at this sport, 
The Grand Vizier raises the Sieg●.  and that also because the six or seven following Days of great Rains, the Turkish Soldiers were up to their Knees in the Water in their Approaches, which caused Numbers of 'em to Die, having also been several Days without Bread, by the taking of the abovesaid Ships; and not knowing when any would arrive, the Grand Vizier on the 13th at Night, caused all the Guns from the Forts and Batteries to be carried off, and Shipped on their Galleys; and thereupon quitted at once all his Approaches, Guards, and Retrenchments, and marched back with the whole Army to Salankement, leaving nothing in his Camp but some few Shovels, and three Dead Bodies; neither could the Germans follow them, their Horse being Encamped on the other side of the River, and the Retreat of the Turks not having been perceived till the next Day; when immediately upon the discovery some Horse were sent after them, which returned with some straggling Turks only, the rest of their Army having passed the Save, and broke their Bridge down after 'em: And thus the Turks ended th'campaign; but the Germans had the good fortune to join the City of Giula to their other Conquests.  
Towards the end of this Month of September, News came in an unexpected and astonishing manner to Adrianople, 
S●io tak●n by the Venetians.  That the Venetians had Surprised the Island of Scio, and in a few Days, without much difficulty, had made themselves Masters of the whole Island.  
At first both the Castle and the Forts Capitulated, and on the 19th all was yielded up; and the same Day the Turkish Garrison was by agreement Transported into Anatolia, and Disbarked at Chisme, (as the Turks call it) being the nearest Land unto the Island.  
With this News the Turks were affected with a most Terrible Consternation; and then those two long Words might have been said of them Cons●ernabantur Constantinopolitaniss. The News was so surprising at first, that no Man would believe it; but various and frequent Reports confirmed the Truth thereof; and tho' to the great Mortification of the Turks, the News came confirmed from all Hands, yet the Turks comforted themselves with the Thoughts, that that Island could not remain long in the Hands of the Venetians.  
The Sultan howsoever cheered himself up with better Successes by Land; and gave order to the Grand Vizier to fight the Germans upon what Terms soever should be offered; but the Vizier returned for Answer, That his Forces were so weak this Year for want of the Asiatic Troops, that he was unable to fight the Christians; which if he should attempt to do, he should undoubtedly Sacrifice all to the Ruin of the Musselman Cause, and Destruction of the Ottoman Army. For the truth was, the Grand Vizier had then but a very small Army, consisting of 11000 Janissaries, and 6000 Albanians under their General Mehmet Oghla, an Albanian, together with 20000 between Spahees and Segmen, with some Troops belonging to Pashees, and 7000 Tartars: Besides which, Money was all this Year very scarce.  
Asia was all in Confusion, and in want of every thing; so that it was no wonder that the Number of true Janissaries should be no greater in the Field; for Kara Mustapha when he went against Vienna, had no more than 14000; 
The ill condition of the Turkish Affairs.  and the famous Sultan Morat, when he went against Bagdat, had no more than 16000, which would not appear strange, in case it were considered, that in the whole Empire, the entire number of Janissaries consists not of more than 40000 truly Lawful, and Legitimate Janissaries; three parts of which, in the times of Peace, are lodged in Garrisons, as Candia, Negropont, Rhodes, Cyprus, and in other Islands, as also in Greece, which are parts of the Morea, and on the Confines of Persia, where the most considerable Numbers are lodged; to which may be added Caminieck, Osi, Asack in the Black-Sea, as also in Dalmatia, Bosnia, and other Confines. With this Answer of the Grand Vizier to the Sultan, and representation of the present State of the War, the Grand Signior yielded to the Urgency of the Times, and permitted the Vizier to return to Adrianople, and the Soldiers to their Winter-Quarters; the which was done with so much Precipitancy, that the Motion looked more like a Flight, than a Retreat.  
The which News being on the 18th of October brought to Adrianople, all things looked very melancholy, and the People began to droop with sad Countenances, the Grand Vizier returning back with Shame and Silence; when on the 15th of the Month all things appeared in a most Tumultuous manner at Adrianople, and particularly in the chief Mosch there, called Sultan Solim, in which at all times of Prayer, there is a great Concourse of People, and those of the best sort, and of the greatest Officers of State, having their best and most sumptuous Palaces near that Mosch, which is the finest and stateliest part of all the City.  
It was now early about the time of Morning Prayer, or so soon as the Sabbana Maaz was ended, People being still upon their Knees with much Silence and Devotion, 
A Seditious Preacher.  as their custom is, when a bold Turk well Learned, and of a smooth Tongue, mounted the Pulpit, having several Complices attending beneath to defend him, in case any Attempt should be made upon: He began with a daring Speech, to inveigh against the Government; crying out,  
Musselmen, or Believers,  
YOU are all at this time obliged to stand up for the Faith, for your Country, and Government.  
You cannot but be sensible that the Christians Attack us both by Sea and Land: That we have a Sultan who Attends to nothing; and a Great Vizier who is not Acquainted, or Practised in Affairs either Civil, or Military: Wherefore let us all run to the Gate of our Mufti, and there cry out, and exclaim for a Change of Government.  
Do you not observe what a Capricious Fool we have for a Vizier, how Obstinate, and Ignorant, and how he daily commits a thousand Follies?  
Whilst all People were attentive to hear him, two Aga's belonging to the Chimacam, being near the Gate of the Mosch, and overhearing the Discourse, run away with it to the Chimacam their Master; who immediately without any delay, or stop, in a trembling manner mounted on Horseback, and taking with him his Servants, Officers, and Janissaries all Armed, and Commanded by the Lieutenant-General of the Janissaries, ran to the Mosch, and made this Seditious Preacher to be seized, which caused great Confusion and Noise through the whole City; for appeasing which, the Chimacam took a large Turn through all the High Streets of Adrianople.  
At that time it happened that a certain Pasha arrived within a few Hours of Adrianople, 
1694. October  who had been Banished by Command of the Sultan, for many Robberies and Thefts he had committed in the Public Treasury; his Name was Benli Husaein Pasha, whose Head he took off; as he did in like manner, and at the same time the Head of one Musa Aga, and threw them both into the first Court-yard of the Seraglio, before the Gate of the Divan, declaring that these two were of the Seditious Mutineers, who had raised the Tumult in the City, which terrified a little for the present; which when the Chimacam perceived, he was encouraged to proceed, and took 11 Officers, who were Ringleaders of the Sedition, whose Heads were heaped up together before the Divan-Door, and their Bodies thrown into the Cannels in divers parts of the City: Amongst these, was an Officer of the Grand Seignior's Stables, called 〈…〉 Talking, Mutinous Fellow; as also a Foolfish ginger, with 22 others, who were one Night all Strangled, and their Bodies thrown into the River Ton●●, 
A Sedition qu●lled.  (which runs near to the Grand Seignior's Palace at Adrianople) and in this manner the Chimacam prevented a Mutiny, and quashed a Rebellion which was rising to a dangerous height: Howsoever the People murmured, but durst not speak so Audaciously as before.  
After these Tumults were over at Adrianople; People began to discourse of Prodigies, strange Sights, and Apparitions; and among others, a Report was at Constantinople, That an Owl was seen at Noonday, sitting on the Old Pyramid in the Marketplace; which as was reported, fell down of itself that Night, and next Morning there was found within the Basis of the Pyramid, a piece of Wax, on which was inscribed in Greek Characters, these Words.  
After 300 Years, this Monarchy will su●fer Great Destruction and Ruin, both by Enemies at Home and Abroad; And this City will be Infested by Pestilence, and by Earthquakes reduced to a Heap of Stones.  
All these Stories and Reports being aggravated to the Grand Signior, put him into a grievous Affrightment, so that in all haste he dispatched Posts one after the other to fetch the Grand Vizier from Belgrade to Adrianople; 
The Sultan sends in haste for the Grand Vizier.  but howsoever he would not move until first he had supplied Temeswaer with all sorts of Provisions; for want of which the Turks died of Fluxes, and all sorts of Camp Diseases; and lying on wet Grounds, and upon Morasses, more Men died than would have done in a Day of Battle.  
By these means the whole Turkish Army was reduced to 30000 fight Men; to repair which, and make the Numbers to seem a little more formidable, they forced, and Pressed about 10000 Artisans and Country Men, Raw, and Unexperienced Fellows, to make a Show of, which had they most died, the World would scarce have miss them, only the Albanians, a Stout and Valiant People, were to be lamented, of which not one half returned into their own Country.  
The Mufti and others growing sensible of their Low and Miserable Condition, and overwhelmed on all sides by Enemies, by Sicknesses, by Famine, and Poverty, wrote a Letter to the Scheriff, 
The Muf●●'s 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉  exhorting him to Peace, at such a time as this is, when the Enemies to the Mahometan Cause overwhelmed them in all Parts; declaring, That without betraying the Musselman Cause, they could not persist in their Wars against the Sultan; and therefore they exhorted them to retire into their own Dominions, and to live quietly there, 
Letters to Exhort the Scheriff to Peace.  rather than to expose the Holy Religion to the Insults of Infidels.  
By this Letter, and other Advices, which were seconded by many Exhortations of he Religious, and Holy Seighs, or Preachers, in their respective Monasteries, the Scheriff seemed to be somewhat appeased, and to relent a little of his revengeful Humour against the Turks: Besides the meaner Princes of the Arabians, who are the most Religious, and Superstitious of all the others, falling off from the Alliance with the Scheriff, on the score of Religion, things became more quiet in Arabia, and gave the Turks less Fears, and Apprehensions than before.  
Moreover Calailicos Ahmet Pasha, a cunning Sophister (of whom we gave lately an Account) having been sent from Constantinople with some Forces against the Scheriff, changed his Method from Arms, to Epistles, Sermons, and Exhortations, persuading him, that since he saw so many Martyrs on all sides, Dying for the Mahometan Cause, that he should not add to the Slaughter of the Musselmen, nor join with Infidels to the Destruction of the True Faith.  
To these were added also divers Letters from other Pasha's, as also from Mulla's, Seighs, and Cadi's of the most esteem in Asia; which so prevailed upon the Mind of the Scheriff, that he for some time desisted from all Hostilities upon the Turks.  
Notwithstanding which, the Eastern Princes bordering on Arabia, were a little cautious how they trusted the sincerity of the Scheriff; for in despite of all his fair Words, they would not be decoyed to leave their Country open, and exposed to the Mercy of the Ishmaelites, a People that never kept Faith; so that the Turks received no more Forces from Asia, the following Year, than they had done in this present, by reason of the Jealousy they conceived of the Arabians.  
Notwithstanding the pressing Desires of the Sultan, 
The Vizier delays his return.  to hasten the return of his Vizier, he made his Excuses to delay his Journey; alleging, That Prince Lewis had been reinforced by considerable Recruits, and therefore it was necessary to observe his Motions; that the Floods by the Land-Waters, caused by perpetual Rains, made it impossible for the Army to march without Hardships, and unsupportable Labours: But at length the old Year drawing towards an end, and it becoming necessary to provide for the Actions, Wars, and Counsels of the New, the Vizier was forced to leave the Army; which he did with great haste, and arrived before Adrianople about the 8th or 10th of December; where he remained under his Tents, making a show as if he intended to march into the Morea, with intention to recover Scio; but before this Design was resolved, a Conference was held in the Vizier's Tents, where the Mufti was present; after which the Chimacam was called, as also the Aga of the Janissaries, and the Aga of the Spahees, with divers other Officers, who returned back with the Grand Vizier; at which Assembly it was concluded, That by reason of the urgency of the Times, and that the Imperialists were chiefly to be attended, as being the strongest, and most considerable Party, and Grand Vizier should remain at Adrianople, to raise new Forces, and prepare for the Wars of the following Year. But as to the present, that all their Thoughts and Stratagems should be employed for the recovery of the Island of Scio, the which obstructed all Correspondencies and Commerce with Smyrna, Rhodes, and even with Egypt itself; so that Coffee, Rice, and Sugar, were raised to an excessive Price: Wherefore cost what it would, it was agreed, That that place was the first to be taken; for which Expedition Misir-Oghli was appointed Captain-Pasha, 
The Turks design to recover Scio.  an old experienced Sea-Captain. To provide against which Attempt, the Venetians put all things in good order both by Sea, and Land; and in all Places where they suspected that the Enemy might Land, and make their Descent, they raised Forts, and planted Cannon, and supplied all necessary Provisions against a Siege, giving a report, That they would make it as strong as Malta itself.  
The Sultan being sensible that his People were become much disheartened and weakened by the many Misfortunes and Troubles which they had sustained, gave Orders to the Chimacam of Adrianople, named Mustapha Pasha, to treat the People with Kindness and Civility: 
The good Qualities of Mustapha Pasha.  This Chimacam was a prudent Person, and being a lover of Justice, and tender of the Welfare of the People, was esteemed and well spoken of by all; and having known Miseries and Hardships during the time that he had undergone a Slavery in Poland, he knew the better how to commiserate the Afflictions of others: But above all, as Matters stood now in these Times, the great Concern of a Chief Governor was to prevent Tumults and Insurrections of the People; of the danger of which the late Disturbances had given a pregnant Example, and so moved the Spirit of the Chimacam to prosecute the Offenders, that 315 were put to Death at Adrianople, for the aforesaid Sedition; and six of the principal Officers being forced to fly to Constantinople, were there taken, and being put into Sacks, were strangled, and after the Ancient Fashion thrown into the Sea; the which had been amongst the Romans the Punishment for Parricides, Insui voluêrunt in culeum vivos & dejici in mare.  
After the Conference which the Grand Vizier had held at his Tents with the Principal Ministers of State, he made divers Dispatches into several Parts; namely Halil Pasha, whom he made Seraskier in the Morea, with Instructions to keep a watchful Eye upon the Island of Negropont.  
Likewise three Aga's were dispatched to Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis, to hasten their Maritime Preparations, tho' with little hopes of success, by reason that those Governments in Barbary were at Wars one with the other, and had great Jealousies amongst them.  
At this time also Orders came from Adrianople directed to the Chimacam, and Lieutenant-General of the Janissaries, to provide Quantities of Rice, and other Provisions for the Relief of Temeswaer, which for want thereof was greatly distressed; and so Orders were given all the way on the Road thither, to take up all the Wagons and Carts that they could meet with, by that time that they came to Philippopolis and Sophia, might make up a Number of 300; which might probably prove a sufficient Convoy to secure them; And for a better Reinforcement, Orders were given for the enrolling of 300 Janissaries, being new raised Soldiers; and with such Preparations as these for the next Campaign, ended this Year.   

Anno 1695.  
THIS Year began with a most Terrible Fire in Constantinople, year 1695 which consumed 4000 Houses and Shops towards that part where stands the Historical Pillar, which is about the middle of the City; which Accident gave some stop to the Counsels then in hand; howsoever the Preparations for the next Years War by Sea and Land proceeded.  
The Tartar came to Adrianople, where he spent the remainder of the Winter in Conferences with the Grand Vizier, and other Principal Officers of State, in order to carry on the War both by Sea and Land: And whereas all sorts of Provisions were become very dear both in Adrianople and Constantinople, by reason that the Seas were obstructed by the Venetians, so that no Coffee, Rice, nor Sugar, could be transported from Egypt into those Parts; the French Ambassador undertook to supply the same with French Ships, demanding only, That when such Commodities arrive, the Turks should pay no more for them, than in Times of Peace; which besides some other private Contracts were very pleasing to the Turks, and served to confirm the Friendship, and increase the Confidence between the two People.  
As the Eyes of all the Turkish Officers were intent on the War, there being a Design to recover Scio in the Winter Season, before the Venetians could come forth with their Fleet, the Sultan sent for Mezzo Morto, who was Admiral of the Fleet, together with six Captains of the Men of War, reproaching them for Cowardice; for that in case they had done their Duty in the last Engagement against the Venetians, Scio had not been lost; wherefore these Officers were discharged of their Commands, and Sarhos or Drunken Chusaein Pasha, was declared Captain Pasha, or Admiral, in the Place of Mezzo Morto; being esteemed a Man of more Boldness, and Courage, and Conduct, than the other; and such was the Shame, and Confusion that the Turks conceived for the loss of Scio, that even in the Winter, a thing not practised by the Turks, Orders were given to the New Admiral to prepare, and equip an hundred Frigates.  
Whilst all things were preparing for this Years War, and in an especial manner for the recovery of Scio, on the 27th of january, Old Style, the Grand Signior Sultan Achmet died, 
Sultan Achmet's Deat●.  which for that present put a stop to all Business then in agitation both in regard to the War, or Peace: For as to the latter my Lord Paget arrived at Adrianople on the 23d, and next Day desired an Audience of the Grand Vizier, which was promised to him on the 31st, when the Propositions he had to make, were so reasonable, and the Turks in so good a Temper that the Ambassador persuaded himself that they would be accepted, the Great Vizier, and Chimacam showing themselves not averse, but rather well inclined to a reasonable Peace.  
But whilst they were thinking of these things, the Court, and City, and all People were surprised to hear the News of the Death of the Sultan; who at the time of his last Agony, desired to see and speak with his Successor Sultan Mustapha, who could not be persuaded to go to him, and so he died without that Satisfaction, by a great Defluxion, or Catarrh, which fell upon his Lungs: Only he left it in Commission to his Servants, to acquaint his Nephew, Sultan Mustapha, who was undoubtedly to succeed him, That all he had to desire of him was, to desire him that he would permit his Son to live; but whether this Request was granted him or not, is not yet known; for Matters of this Nature are seldom reported without the Walls of the Seraglio.  
So soon as he was dead, Mustapha Eldest Son to Sultan Mahomet IV. was proclaimed, and saluted Emperor, and all passed without any Disturbance, Disorder, or Inconvenience whatsoever.  
In very few Hours afterwards the Body of the Deceased Achmet was hurried away to Constantinople, and with a small Attendance buried in the Sepulchre of his Brother, and immediately the Sultana, his Mother, was required to hasten thither and retire, and Expresses dispatched to all Parts to carry and divulge the News, and most especially acquaint the New Valide Sultana with the Exaltation of her Son to the Throne of his Father. For the present Sultan Mustapha being about 33 Years of Age, and in his Prime, appeared very Robust, and Comely, and to show a mildness of Spirit at the beginning, he for the present confirmed the Great Vizier in his Place, by restoring the Seals to him which he had resigned into his Hands, and giving him a Cofran lined with Sables. His Mother was now every Day expected at Adrianople, until whose coming thither, nothing was to be done; for as she was a Person highly beloved, and esteemed by her late Husband Sultan Mahomet, Father of the present Sultan Mustapha (as we have manifested in our foregoing History) so she was a Woman of Intrigue, and one who had so great a Power over her Son, that he entirely gave himself up to the Government and Guidance of his Mother. 
The Queen Mother.  She was a Native of Canea (tho' some say she was a Circassian born) and taken from thence when the Place was first possessed by the Turks; her Father was a Protopapa, or Bishop of that place.  
His first entrance into Business was to inquire after the State of the Treasury; and to inform himself therein, he called for the Treasurer, and demanded of him, 
Sultan Mustapha's Beginnings.  How much Money there was in the Treasury? To which Answer was made, Fifteen Purses: What then (said he) is become of all the rest? To which it was answered, That his Predecessor had disposed of it: It is well, (said he) and I shall take it from them who have received it.  
With these Beginnings it was much feared that he would prove a troublesome Neighbour to all Christendom; and a Cruel and a Severe Master to all the surviving Ministers of State; but things were carried so closely, that the Government had no News of any thing until the Successor had carried his Point, and secured every thing for his Establishment; to which many things concurred, as that he was the Son, and lineally descended from Sultan Mahomet IV, who after a Reign of 48 Years, was Deposed, by reason of the Ill Fortune, and Avaricious Temper of some of his Ministers, or to please the Soldiers, who said, That he had Lived and Reigned long enough. Moreover the People had a great Esteem for this his Son, being Young and Handsome, and in his Robust and Mature Age; nor was there any Person able to stand against him, nor capable of being offered to the Soldiery for their Emperor: There was none of the Ottoman Family known unto the World, but a Child of two Years old, the Son of the late Sultan Achmet, and of such an one in such a Conjuncture of time, it was not so much as to be thought of; tho' most of the Ministers in Power did all they could to keep Sultan Mustapha from the Throne.  
Sultan Mustapha the Second, the Present Emperor Elder Son to Sultan Mahomet the 4th  
When the Grand Signior Vested him, as is commonly done by every Sultan at his Inauguration; he told him, That he should be careful what he did, 
Sultan Mustapha his Saying.  that he should treat his Soldiers well, and above all, that he be sure to tell him the truth; and if not, he should soon know and be sensible of what would follow: But since this Severity, and sharp Saying, he remitted something of his Angry Temper, 
The Sultan's Humour.  and became more mild and easy; so that to encourage and raise his Spirit a little, he sent his Kuzlir-Aga in Ceremony with a great Attendance, to carry to the Grand Vizier a Prayer, which he himself had composed in the time of his Solitude, and Seclusion from the World, which were received with profound Respect; the Bearer himself had five Purses presented to him, and the Chief of his Attendants was treated with several Rich Vests, and the others of meaner Degree had a good number of Zaichins distributed amongst them. 
February.  The Grand Signior also would not want his own Present, which was in Horses, and Jewels, several Young Damsels, richly adorned, with above 100 Purses of Money; and yet for all this the Vizier thought not himself safe, nor did the bitter Thoughts of Death pass from him: for whilst he was trembling for himself, he received a Hattesheriff, or a Royal Command from the Hand of the Grand Signior, requiring him to command the Chiaus Pasha to Arrest the Chimacam of Adrianople, the Vizier's own chief Creature and Confident, and to put him between the Gates, a Prison for great Personages: The Fault objected to his Charge was, That in the time of the late Sultan Achmet, he had put to Death two of this present Sultan's Favourites, for endeavouring to promote the Interest of their Master, to the Prejudice of the Ruling Prince. Notwithstanding all which Mortifying Commands, and Accidents, the Grand Vizier appeared outwardly with a cheerful Countenance, for the least Sadness would have been interpreted for Contumacy, and a Discontented Spirit against the Commands and Pleasure of his Master; for which reason he bore up bravely against all Misfortunes, concealing the Agitations of his Mind from all those who had Business with him, and even from his own Domestics.  
At this time my Lord Paget Ambassador from His Majesty King William, 
Lord Paget at Adrianople.  was then at Adrianople, watching an Opportunity to make Proposals for a Peace with the Emperor, of which, tho' about the latter time of Sultan Achmet, there was a great and a fair appearance; yet after his Decease this young Sultan mounting the Throne, all the hopes vanished, he himself being of a hot and fiery Spirit, was fully resolved to try his Fortune in the War, from which Design neither his Mother, nor his Women, nor his greatest Favourites could divert them. And the Kiah-Bey himself, who was Lieutenant-General, of the Janissaries, a Person of great Esteem, and Power in the Army, was disgraced, and put out of Office, for arguing in the Divan against the Grand Seignior's ta●ing this Field this Year in Person.  
These Changes had disconcerted all the Measures which my Lord Paget had taken towards a Peace, of which there now remained no hopes for this Year; for the Sultan was not to be removed from his Resolution, nor the Soldiery averse to it, having fixed it in their Minds, that this Sultan was Lucky and Fortunate, and was to restore all that had been lost, since the Siege of Vienna, and the fatal Managements of the Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha. And to this purpose the Grand Signior discoursing with the Vizier, he told him, how sensible he was of the evil management of Affairs in the Empire, and that they were much worse than they had been in the time of his Father; to restore which to a better Condition, he again declared his Resolution to try his Fortune for another Year; the which not succeeding well, he was of an Opinion, That he could at any time make a Truce with the Christians, which perhaps he might be inclined to accept next Year, not out of a Necessity thereof, but in consideration to his People, to whom, after a long War of 17 or 18 Years, he was glad to give Ease and Quiet; for he was sensible, that the Ottoman Empire was in great Disorder, by reason of the Ignorance, Negligence, and ill Administration of some of the principal Ministers of State, which he would make it his Care to remedy.  
With these Resolutions of the Sultan, all things were preparing to take the Field early with a strong Army; it being divulged, and published amongst the Soldiery, that their first March should be towards Belgrade, from whence if they could have made any Conquest on the other side of the Save, the Turks might yet (as low as they were) have proved a troublesome, and a dreadful Enemy to all Germany. And indeed the Christians were more sensible hereof than formerly; for the Turks had lately had many lucky Hits to encourage them, and which did indeed animate the People very much, seeming to them like good Omens of Change of Fortune in their favour: For the Venetians had in two several Engagements at Sea been worsted by the Turks, which was the cause of the Surrender of Scio to the Turks, of which they possessed themselves without any great Difficulty; where tho' the loss the Venetians had sustained both in Ships, and Men, was very considerable, yet the loss of their Reputation at Sea, was much more, and of a more evil Consequence; for the Turks animated hereby, fell boldly upon the Venetians in the Morea, and put them to the Rout, fancying the Summer following to regain all again, despising now the Enemy which lately they durst not see, and were afraid to approach.  
To these good Fortunes of the Sultan, the News was added by way of Moldavia, of a great Victory that the Tartars had obtained against the Poles; which with the Successes the Ottoman Pasha's had obtained against the Rebels in Asia, put all things at the Port into a smiling Condition, no Man doubting, but that the influence of these prosperous Beginnings would crown all the Actions of this New Sultan, with Success and Victory.  
The Fight between the Poles and the Tartars, in the Suburbs of Leopolis, happened on the 11th of February of this Year, being Extracted out of a Letter of the Great General, Written to the Envoy Cavalier Proski, of the 16th of February from Leopolis.  
An Extract of the Great General's Letter, Written to the Envoy Cavalier Proski.  
WE have not only in the Season of the last Spring, but during the whole Summer, and Autumn, lived in continual Alarms, and Skirmishes with our Enemies, but even in this very Winter been engaged with them in divers Bloody Fights: And particularly on the 11th of this Month of February, a Battle was made between 3000 of our Soldiers, against 70000 Tartars, within the Suburbs, and under the Walls of Leopolis: The Particulars of which, are these.  
Sultan Zabas Gerei, 
A Fight between the Poles and the Tartars.  Son of the Tartar-Han, who in the Month of October last, gave up to our Hands, all the Provisions belonging to the Turks, which he had taken into his Care and Conduct to be Convoyed to Kaminieck; of which Disgrace, and Dishonour his Father being very sensible, urged the Son to repair his Credit by some great Action worthy the Fame of his Valour, and his Prowess in War: Accordingly being assisted by all the Power of the Tartars, as well those of Budziac, Bialogrod, and Dobrucz, as those of Crim, who the last Year had joined with the Turks under Peter Waradin, came on the 10th of this Month of February, and Encamped themselves in the Plains of that Town, which is called the Cracovian Leopolis, with intention to fix his Camp there; and from thence to send out his Parties to all Places, where they could Burn and Spoil, make Slaves, and put all to Fire and Sword; and so they Ravaged every where for the space of eight Days, until at length all the Countries round being alarmed hereat, I raised all the Forces that I was able, and brought them together from their respective Quarters, which alas, was a most inconsiderable Power against so Mighty an Enemy; for all that we could gather, and unite, did not amount to more than 3000 fight Men.  
The Day following about Eight of the Clock in the Morning, the Sultan Tartar drew out his Men into form of Battle; and I also having my Confidence in God, drew out that Handful of Men which I had with me, and made a Sally out of the City to covert the Suburbs. The Enemy stayed not long to look on us, but seeing some Polish Companies to march boldly against them, they Detached a Party of Tartars to meet and engage them, and to force the Outworks, which were only fortified with Hedges, and a kind of Wall made up with Mats and Rushes well woven together. This Command was executed with such Vigour, that doubtless the Place had been carried at the first Attack, had not the danger wherein they were of losing their Lives, and Estates, and all they had, made them desperate, and forced them to make all the resistance that they were able; and in effect they fought like Lions, receiving the Enemy so bravely, that in a short time all the Fields were covered with the Dead Bodies of the Slain. The Tartars made Thirteen Attacks to try their Fortune, and were as often repulsed by the Christians, without any great loss on their side.  
This Fight continued four Hours, until at length the Enemy observing that all their Assaults prevailed little, but were very Bloody, and of great loss, they resolved, That at the same time, when they engaged us in the Front with one Party, they should break in upon the Hedge with another, and whatever loss, or Blood it should cost, to carry it by main force, as it immediately proved; for the Enemy having by this means got between us and the City, 
The Tartars beaten.  we remained without any hopes imaginable of relief; howsoever with a Courage full of resolution to overcome, or die like Brave Men, turning our Faces upon them, to whom we had but newly turned our Backs, we did not only overcome them, but cut a great Number of them in pieces; and after another Engagement, which lasted about two Hours more, drove them out of the Suburbs of the City; tho' in the time of this Fight, the Tartars having set Fire thereunto, the Wind, and Smoke, and Dust did so incommode our People, that they were in a manner Blinded, and knew not which course to take; howsoever their Invincible Courage was such, as that the Enemy was put to Flight.  
This Fight continued until Three a Clock in the Afternoon, by which time they had been so beaten, that they were forced to withdraw before the Evening, about a League and a half from the City, 
The Tartars withdraw.  and the next Day proceeded on their March; and the third Day passed the Neister, on their way homewards.  
The Number of the Slain on the Christian side did not exceed above 100, and about 160 Wounded; what the Enemy lost, is not to be known.  
But such Matters as these, at so far a distance, and between Tartars and Poles, did not much affect, or trouble the Ottoman Court; but such as were nearer hand, as Naval Fights, and the Taking and Recovering of the Island of Scio, being near the Royal Cities, made great noise both in Europe and Asia, and raised the hopes of the People to great and high Expectations of the future Fortune of this New Sultan, as if he had been born to be Restorer of the decaying Condition of the Ottoman Empire.  
We have related already the ill Success which the Venetians had had in two several Fights at Sea against the Turks, 
Scio regained by the Turks.  which being unusual, and of many Years not known, made it matter of Wonder to all the World. For after the Turks had beaten the Venetian Fleet, all things were put into great Consternation at Scio, so that the Venetian Commanders most shamefully abandoned the Place, stealing away in the Night without giving time for some of their Troops which were abroad to guard the Island, to Embark with them, which gave cause to some of their Officers, who thereby became Slaves to the Turks, to vent out Thousands of Imprecations and Curses upon them; and indeed their Case was sad, but Necessity had no Law, for the Venetians had now been beaten twice at Sea by the Turks, who had they followed their Blow, might have utterly destroyed the Venetian Fleet; but the Turks being contented with this unusual Success, a thing not known to them for more than a hundred Years past, were contented with the Flight of the Enemy, and therewith a Session to them of the whole Island; and the Turks entered triumphant thereupon without any Opposition.  
The first Act of the Turkish Clemency was to Hang up four Men of the Latin Rite, who were of the Romish Church, and of the Italian Race; namely, Signior Pietro Giustiniani di Antonio, Signior Domenico Stella, who were Deputies, ordained to protect that Religion; Signior Francisco Draco, and Giovanni Castelli di Brecci. Signior Sofiati, who was Vice-Consul for the English Nation in that Island, fled with his Family, and was well received at Tino: Domenico Castelli Son of Vincenzo Castelli, escaped also, (with whom I was well acquainted) together with forty of the chief Families of the Latin Rite, leaving their Possessions, and Movables behind them: Antonio Rendi happened to be then at Smyrna; but his Family deferring their Departure, his House was Plundered, and all his Estate ruined like that of his Neighbours; for tho' they fled to Smyrna for refuge, by this Revolution the Greeks gained a clear Victory and Ascendant over the Latins: For whereas formerly there were great Animosities between those two Rites; the Latins by reason of their Riches, having the Pope on their side, were always esteemed the Superiors, and by the great Collections made for them, and Legacies bequeathed, they gained much more of the Hearts and Favour of the Turks, than the Poverty of the Greeks was able to purchase; but now a fair Opportunity happening of gaining and Confiscating all that appertained to the Latins, they seized on all that belonged to them; treating the Greeks more favourably, 
Th● Greeks in Scio f●v●●● by the Turks.  because they believed them to be the less culpable, having the less Riches; and in reality the Greeks having been under the Dominion of the Turks for some Ages, were become almost their Natural Lord, from whom they expected better Quarter than from the Venetians, or other Italians; and so always wished well to the Turks. Thus was Scio in a short time fallen again into the Hands of the Turks, from whence they are never again likely to recover it, unless the Venetians amend their Politics, and prove more Vigilant and Brave in the Wars both by Sea and Land; but that is not now to be expected, nor those of the Latines permitted to live in that Island, unless they conform to the Rites of the Greek Church, the greatest part of which were restored to the Enjoyment of their Estates, with their Ancient Privileges; but the Latins were deprived of both, by the Instigation of their old Inveterate Enemies the Greeks; tho' at first they were put in hopes of obtaining the like, or equal Favours with them.  
After the Death of Sultan Achmet, and that Sultan Mustapha was exalted to the Throne; in the first place Achmet Pasha, Chimacam of Adrianople was Disgraced, and all his Goods and Estate Confiscated to the Use of the Grand Signior, 
Changes at Court.  and he himself made a Prisoner in the Seraglio, but pardoned at the Intercession of the Grand Vizier, and sent Governor to the Island of Mytilene, where I had once a Pasha for a Friend Married to a Sultana, which had like to have cost me dear; but (God be praised) I escaped him without much loss.  
In the Place of this Chimacam, the Nisangi Pasha, who sets the Grand Seignior's Firm to certain Writings, 
1965. March.  was put in his place; and the Vizier's Kahya into the Place of the Nisangi, and Gele●i Ibrahim Aga, was made Kahya.  
Upon the Arrival of the Valide Sultana at Adrianople, Iastis● Aga, who had been formerly Kahya to the Hasaki Sultana, or the Royal Queen, was Constituted Aga, or General of the Janissaries, and at the same time Vizier of the Bench: These were succeeded by the Spahyler Agasi, who is General of the Horse, and his Place supplied by a Salakiar of the Seraglio.  
About the beginning of March, Ymam-S●de Mahomet Effendi, than Kadilesker of Romelia, was created Mufti by the Grand Signior; and his Predecessor was sent to Constantinople, from whence the Sultan sent for Mimadi Effendi to be Kadilesker of Anatolia.  
The Nakib, who is the Chief of the Green Heads, or those of the Race of Mahomet, was deprived of this Office, and Mahomet Effendi, Kadi of C●nstantinople, which was as much as Recorder of that City, was put into his Place.  
In like manner the Tefterdar-Kahyasi, or the Lord Treasurer's Steward, or Secretary, called Galil Effendi, was also changed, who had been Treasurer in the Time of the foregoing Vizier Ali Pasha; and thus had he form all his Court according to his own Humour and Fancy.  
And as to the High and Sublime Offices Abroad, he began also to form and modelize them: That of Egypt, he Conferred upon Ishmael Pasha, who had been lately Beglerbeg of Damascus; and the Government of this latter he bestowed on the Kadilesker of the Deceased Sultan Achmet.  
Hassan Pasha, who was Kinsman to the Queen Regent, late Governor of Scio, was called back to Court from his Banishment at Hatsack, and made the Deputy-Chimacam, or Vikil-Chimacam, to Govern at any time during the Grand Seignior's Absence.  

A LIST of such as were put to Death for the late Conspiracy at Adrianople.  

STRANGLED.  
BENGLI HASSAN PASHA, late Governor of Tripoli of Soria.   

BEHEADED.  
Hassan Turcman Agasi.  
Bester Aga, Salahor of the Grand Signior.  
Weli, Aga of the Chimacam.  
Hassan Effendi, Kahya of the Chimacam.  
Mutpach Emmini, or Customer.   

HANGED.  
An ginger.   

These following were Banished.  
Fisula Effendi, formerly Mufti, who had been Banished to, and afterwards Exiled into the Upper Egypt.  
johaia Effendi, late Kadilescher, sent to Aleppo.  
Mahomet Effendi Nakib, Banished to Aleppo.  
Ganziack Effendi, under Kadi of Galata, was sent to Lemnos.  
As was also Nissani Ogla Hussaein Aga, Favourite to the aforementioned Vizier, Ali Pasha.  
Besides these, were above a Hundred more Strangled of Inferior Quality, whose Bodies were thrown into the River Meritz, which runs by Adrianople.    
The Valide Sultana being arrived at Adrianople, was received with open Arms by her Son, who governed himself much by the Measures had been given him by his Mother, who made several Changes and Alterations every Day amongst the Officers of State; only the Grand Vizier and Mufti continued in their Offices, and the greatest part of the others consisted of Old Servants of the Court, established in the time of his Father Sultan Mahomet IV. of which the Queen-Mother had an Opinion that they would prove the most Faithful Servants of any in the Courr. To make room for these Men, the Chimacam, the Great Master of the Horse to the Sultan, the Chehaya Bey, or Lieutenant-General of the Janissaries, (who is always more feared, and esteemed by the Soldiery than the Aga himself) were all displaced, with the Janisar-Aga, as also the Principal Officers of the Spahees; having an Opinion, That the Youngest are always the more Bold, and Daring, their Courages being excited with Ambition, and Vainglory.  
Things being in this manner modellized both for Domestic and Martial Affairs, the Grand Signior again confirmed, and published his Resolution to go this Year to the War; and to make Provisions of Money to maintain the same, with the usual Donative to the Soldiery, which was always given in former times, whensoever the Sultan made his first Years Campaign.  
Those who were against the Grand Seignior's going in Person to the War, pressed very hard the prevailing Argument of want of Money, to raise which, all means possible were contrived; for the Sultan would not be put by his Resolution, alleging, That the Negligence of his Father and Uncle's not going to War in Person, had been the Ruin of the Ottoman Army, and the Cause of all those Losses, and Disgraces which his Empire had sustained; but Money must be found by one way or other; to do which, the Grand Vizier was strictly enjoined to give an Account of Eighteen Millions in the space of Thirty Days, besides the Arrears due to the Soldiery, in the Time of the last Sultan Achmet: And tho' the Grand Vizier alleged, That it seemed reasonable, that such as had managed the Public Offices during the two preceding Reigns, should be answerable for the Miscarriages, and not he, who had been employed therein but only some few Months before; yet the Sultan would not admit of this Excuse for a Reason, but required the Account of the Eighteen Millions: His Mother also furnished her Son with Seven Millions and a half in ready Money, and Fifteen Millions in Jewels, which she had been collecting in the space of fifteen Years that she had been the Wife of his Father; and from the Widow of the late Deceased Sultan Achmet, they took another half Million; the Vizier was Taxed at a Million and a half, and five Millions in Jewels; likewise a good round Sum was demanded from the Chimacam, and other Pasha's and Persons in great Offices.  
There was a farther Proposition made to screw Money out of all the Arabians, and Negroes at Court: The Kuzlir-Aga was the first of that Rank from whom the most considerable Sums were exacted; to pay which, their Estates and Faculties sent and conveyed out of sight to Constantinople, were all called from thence. 
March.  The like was also demanded from the Ulema, and all the Ecclesiastical Lands and Estates were Taxed. 
All Persons Taxed.   
To execute all these Contrivances and Ways for raising Money, the Grand-Seignior was solely intent, labouring Day and Night to amass Money; and spent his whole time to heap up Riches; to do which, he acted many things without the knowledge of the Vizier, and wrote Letters, and received Answers relating to the raising Men, and providing Subsistence for the Troops without interesting his Grand Vizier therein; the which struck such a Fear and Terror into the Minds of all those who had to do with the Public Interest, that none durst to act any thing privately, or in an obscure manner, which might be of prejudice to the Grand Signior, and his Government.  
To keep this Sultan in the Humour of going to the War, his Mother laboured to keep up his Spirits; which being observed by the great Men, such as the Mufti, the Grand Vizier, the Lord Treasurer, and the Generals of the Janissaries, and of the Spahees, they all submitted thereunto, only they gave in a Petition to be delivered to the Sultan by the Hand of the Valide Soltana, or Queen-Mother; representing, That since they had observed that it was His Majesty's Resolution to go in Person to the War, they were concurring with him in the same, promising to be helpful therein to the best of their Powers; beseeching only, That His Ottoman Majesty would be pleased to Indulge them so much time, as might serve to assemble, and gather their Militia into a Body, and to make Provisions for their Subsistence, as also Ammunition, and Cannon, with Powder and Bullet sufficient to attend so great an Army: Of all which they gave the Sultan in Writing a particular Account in what forwardness all things were; and concluded, That since it is the Custom of the Germans to be late in the Field, they did not doubt but to be more forward than they, and to Grace and Honour the Sultan's first Expedition with the Success of Glorious Achievements, of which the Miscarriage would prove of evil Consequence, as the contrary would be of mighty advantage to the whole Ottoman Empire, which languishing after a Fortunate Sultan, would then think the Wheel turned in case they could see the end of a Campaign concluded with Honour of a New Sultan.  
The Grand Signior being sensible hereof, raised all the Forces he was able, both in Asia and Europe: And to Engage the Tartar Han on his side, certain Aga's were dispatched to Tartary with Purses of Money, with Presents of a Sword richly adorned with Diamonds, and with rich Coftans; as also with Presents to the other Kinsmen of the Han, and to the Mirzees, who are the Noble Men, and Chief Officers both of War and Peace, desiring them all to be early at the War; By which great Assiduity of the Sultan, all the Great Officers were in fear of him, knowing that as he Rewarded generously, so he Punished severely.  
The Grand Vizier in the mean time considering the Troubles under which he was to labour, as also the Invincible Difficulties of the present War, in case the Sultan should persist in his Resolution of going in Person to Command the Army, he endeavoured what he could to obtain the Favour that he might lay down his Office, and quietly and safely retire from all Business; for which he made Talkish to the Grand Signior, which is a Petition made by the Master of Requests; (of which there is but one belonging to the Court called Talkishgee) the substance of which was to lay before the Grand Signior the impossibility of making the Donative to the Soldiers, amounting unto Twelve Millions, the which was always given by the Sultan's to the Soldiers, whensoever they made their first Campaign: This was so reasonable an Exception, and Excuse, that there was no reply to be made thereunto, but the absolute Will and Pleasure not to pay it; for besides the want of Money in the Treasury, which had been exhausted by a long and an unfortunate War, the Grand Signior added, That he did not esteem himself obliged to a Custom which was begun in the most Flourishing Times of the Empire, when Success crowned all their Erterprises with Victory, when the Enemies were forced to pay all Charges of the War, with an Overplus of Riches and Increase, which filled the Royal Exchequer, and that Wars maintained the Empire: But those Days, added the Grand Signior, are now past; and that it would be an Insolence in the Soldiery, to expect a Donative from him, who was not in the least beholding to them for his being placed in the Throne, to which he came by Succession, 
A Donative refused to the Soldiers.  and a Just Title, and not by the Favour and Assistance of the Soldiery; and that whosoever had opposed him therein (who was their True and Lawful Sovereign) would have been guilty of High-Treason, and aught to Die by the Just Laws of the Empire.  
In this manner, the Wisest and most Experienced Officers observing how difficult, and almost impossible it was to divert the Grand Signior from his Resolution of going in Person to the War, they all agreed to join with their Master, and to applaud his happy Designs, which they prayed to God might be prosperous, promising to give all Assistance with their Lives and Fortunes, that he might return with Victory and Success: So soon were their Minds changed to the Will and Pleasure of their Absolute and uncontrollable Lord, that none durst open his Mouth against his Determination, nor no Murmurings heard unless by some few Janissaries, who Talked a little, without any Notice taken thereof.  
The Grand Vizier finding himself also under Invincible Difficulties, thought it the safest way to close with the Sultan, which he accordingly did, and with much outward Zeal dissembled a Cheerfulness of Spirit in Compliance with his Master.  
This Matter being resolved, it was concluded, That an Army should be form of 80000 Fight Men, and the Tugh, or Horse-Tail, being with Prayers, after the usual manner, exposed at the Vizier's Gate, the 30th of March was appointed to take the Field, and enter the Tents, which are commonly pitched about two English Miles distant from the 〈◊〉 And the Grand Signior to lose no time, Commanded that 2000 of his Pages, and as many others on Horseback, appointed for his Guard, should be at the appointed time in a readiness to attend the Sultan: But yet things went but slowly on, by reason of the great Discords arisen in Asia, 
〈…〉  whereby many of the Chief Men had been killed, which gave a stop to the March of the Militia.  
To which also another stop was given by the News which the Tartar Han received, That the Czar of 〈◊〉 being joined with the Cossack's, was passing down the Tanais, with design to fall upon Asac; of which he gave Advice to the Grand Signior, by an Express dispatched to Adrianople, acquainting him, That the Enemies were grown so numerous, that he could not this Year send his Troops to Hungary, having hard Work to defend his own Country, and People, from so numerous an Army as that of the M●s●ovites joined with the Cossack's. But the Grand Signior not satisfied with this Excuse, returned an Answer, That notwithstanding all Impediments to the contrary, he must by all means come with a Numerous Army, and appear in his Presence; but this was impossible to be done, the Soldiers and People not being contented to please the Grand Signior to see their Country laid open, and exposed to such a Powerful Enemy.  
This Grand Signior Sultan Mustapha, when he came first to the Throne, was Feared, Esteemed, Loved, and Obeyed; but the Affection of his People was soon estranged from him, 
The Mufti Dep●s●●, the Vizier Strangled.  since he Deposed the late Mufti, and caused the Grand Vizier, with many other Persons, Innocent and Worthy, to be Strangled, with Ignominy and Dishonour. But the Mufti was most of all lamented, having the Reputation of a Just, Sincere, Honest, and a Holy Man, in whose place the Sultan established his late Hogia, or Schoolmaster, named Feizulah Effendi, a Wicked, False, Perfidious, and Covetous Wretch, as he was generally esteemed to be.  
The Grand Vizier, (as we have said) was always afraid of the Changeable Humour of the Sultan, and could not cover his Passion, nor dissemble his Countenance; of which the Sultan taking notice, deprived him of his Office, and Banished him at Midnight to Chisme, which is a small Village on the Coast of Anatolia over against Scio; but this Proscription continued not long, before he was brought back again to Adrianople, and Strangled, and his Body flung out at the Seraglio-Gate, where it remained until the next Day at Noon, with the Face and Beard all besmeared with a—  
At Adrianople all the Court was changed; only the Grand Signior when he first entered upon the Throne, confirmed the Janisar-Aga in his Place, who was an Honest Man, and a good Soldier, but soon afterwards he put him out, and Constituted another in his Place, called Baltagée Deli, which signifies Mad Battle-Axe Man, the Son of an Armenian Renegade, a Vile Fellow, without Sense, or Manners: Likewise the Kahya-Bey, or Lieutenant-General of the Janissaries; and the Kuzlir-Aga, or Eunuch of the Women were displaced; and in short since this Sultan came to the Throne, there was nothing done but placing and displacing of the Principal Officers; all which was acted by the Counsels of Women, and Favourites in the Seraglio, who neither had Sense, nor Experience in the Affairs of the World. The like soon after happened to the Chimacam, who being a Friend to the late Vizier, and one of his Creatures, was Banished first to Mytilene, where he was likewise Strangled; from whence his Head being brought to Adrianople, was thrown before the Gate of the Seraglio, with divers others esteemed Innocent by the People.  
Thus the Sultan, as he thought, having purged his Army of Cowards, and his Counsels of Illaffected Ministers, began his March from Adrianople on the 10th of june; 
June.  the Janisar-Aga marched away on the 3d: The Army was said to be very powerful, and composed of Choice Men, which so encouraged the Turks, that they talked of nothing less than the taking of Buda; and about that time News came from Stalida de Zetuns, a small Island near Negropont, That Ibrahim, Pasha of that Island, had entered into the Morea with 30000 Men, and was Encamped under Corinth, expecting the Captain-Pasha, who was then designing to depart from Constantinople in ten Days, where he had been detained longer than was usual, to repair the Damages which the Turks had received in their late Engagement against the Venetians: Belonging to this Fleet, seven Ships were appointed for Alexandria to fetch Soldiers thence for the Morea; and likewise about this time Recruits were sent to the Black-Sea to several Ports there, the Turks being in fear of the Moscovites, who being very strong, the Tartars were afraid to encounter them, and would have excused themselves this Year from the War, but the Sultan would not hearken thereunto, but proceeded with Resolution on his March.  
But before the Sultan began the same, he caused the Tallol, or Common-Cryer, to make Publication, That the Grand Seignior's Will and Pleasure was,  
That no Man going to the Wars, 
New Orders for the Army.  should be served by Young Boys.  
That good Order and Discipline should be observed in the March.  
That no Man should ride out of the Common High-Road, or by Bye-Ways, into the Cornfields, or Vine-yards, or other Grounds belonging to the Husbandman.  
In pursuance of these Commands, the Sultan on the very Day that he departed from the Camp before Adrianople, being then Teptil, or in Disguise, he found a Man cutting fewer Corn to give his Horse; and only ask him, Whether he had heard of the Grand Seignior's Command? He ordered the Selictar-Aga, who was General of the Spahees, for he had no other with him (excepting the Kapugiler-Kahyase) at the same time to kill him, which he presently executed with his Lancet, not giving the Unhappy Wretch one Moment to speak for his Life. 
The Grand Seigni●r's Severities.  At the same time also, the Grand Signior espied another walking through the Corn, whom he took and carried to the Tents, where he caused his Head to be cut off. The Topgibashee, or Master of the Ordnance, likewise the Day or two before very hardly escaped; for having a Boy in his Company, of whom the Grand Signior had some Jealousy, or ill Thoughts, had certainly been put to Death for the same, had he not had some present Witnesses at hand to prove him to be his Son.  
These and such like Acts of Severity, rendered this Sultan very formidable, so that all People were afraid of him, not only in their Public Actions, but even in their Private Conversation, scarce trusting their own Thoughts. Amongst these Severities Achmet Pasha, late Chimacam to Sultan Achmet, was turned out of his Office by this present Sultan, and Banished to Mytilene; and after having taken from him an hundred Purses of Money, his Head was brought to Adrianople, about two Days after the Vizier had been Strangled.  
All things being now prepared for the March of the Army towards Belgrade, the Janisar-Aga with his Janissaries, according to the usual Custom took the Van, and marched away one Days March before the rest of the Army, so that the Grand Signior, attended by the Mufti, Grand Vizier, Spahilar-Aga, or General of the Spahees, Tefterdar, or Lord-Treasurer, began their March, following the Janissaries, on the 20th of june, 
June.  but after some few Hours, they made a Halt to give time to three of the greatest Pashas, or Beglerbeys of the Empire, to come up with them; that is to say, to the Pasha of Damascus, the Pasha of Aleppo, and Beglerbey of Anatolia, every one of which brought with him about 1200 Men, recounting Spahees, and Sarigiaus, and Segmen on Horseback, with all which and others attending the Sultan in his March, they did not amount to more than 12000 Horse, with which he marched from Adrianople in six Days to Philippopolis, and Encamped over against that City in those Plains, where a great Council of War was held, touching the Methods which were to be observed in the War, and the Places which were to be Attacked,  
The Numbers of this Army appeared so small and inconsiderable, that the Sultan remained very much unsatisfied, and would not be contented, unless the Tartar Han would follow him with all his Force unto the Camp at Belgrade; but he positively refused it; and said, That it could not be done; unless he should expose, and lay his People open to the Incursions of the Muscovites, who were coming down in vast Numbers to overrun all the Regions of the Tartars: Howsoever not to displease overmuch the Grand Signior, the Tartar Han forced himself to appear in the Turkish Camp with an Army of about 5000 Tartars, which was a good addition to the Turkish Force, so that in all they composed an Army of about 50000 Men.  
The Christian Army led by the Elector of Saxony, was not much stronger, but very desirous to meet the Turks, who had taken their March towards Transylvania: But in regard the Turks were so far advanced before the Imperial Army, that it was impossible for the Elector to come in opportunely, and in season to succour the Places which the Sultan designed to Invest, unless they could take a shorter way, which was offered unto them, being guided by some of that Country; but the Ways proved so bad, being all Marshes and Wet Grounds, that it was impossible to pass them with the Cannon and heavy Baggage of an Army; so that after great Fatigues of three or four Days Marches, the Elector was obliged to return back again to his former Camp; and in the mean time the Turks had got such a way before ●hem towards Transylvania, that it was impossible for them to be overtaken by the Christian Army; and having liberty to rove every where without any Opposition equal to them, they fell in upon the Palanca of Lippa on the 7th of September, 
Septem●.  without Breast-works, or Parapets, or any Approaches, Defence, or Shelter before them, but only with the Scimitar in their Hands, they Attacked the Palanca at four several Places, with such incredible Resolution, that after four Hours Engagement, they took the Place by Storm, and put all to the Sword, excepting only Major Toldo, who was Governor of the Place, with some others of the Principal Officers, whom the Turks after their usual Custom, reserved to carry in Triumph, and to show them to the People at the Port, as one Signal of their Victory.  
In the mean time the Imperial Army continued their March near to Chonad, situate upon the River Maros; and on the 13th of that Month, pitched their Camp before Natla, where they reposed that Day, and the 14th marched directly to Lippa, hoping to overtake the Turks, and to come time enough to Attack the Enemy, and relieve the Place, but they found it too late, and the Turks reinforced with an Army of 6000 Tartars, Commanded by the Han in Person: This News gave a stop to the March of the Imperial Army under the Command of the Elector of Saxony; and what was most discouraging, was the News, That the Turks lead by the Sultan himself in Person were marched into Transylvania, to Attack Count Veterani in his Camp, 
Veteran● d●fente●.  which consisted not of above 6500 Men; who tho' they were very well fortified, and Resolute Men, and good Soldiers, yet being too unequal a Match for the whole Turkish Army, which consisted of 18000 Janissaries, and 40000 Spahees, they were all cut off, with the most part of their Officers, and as to General Veterani himself he was shot through the Body with a Musquet-Bullet, and cut over the Head with a Scimitar; notwithstanding which, he being still alive, Endeavours were used for his Recovery, but he Died of his Wounds.  
This ill News was followed by the unfortunate Loss of Titul, which the Turks having Attacked by Land and Water with 15000 Men, the Place Surrendered itself to the Turks by Treaty, in virtue of which the Garrison consisting of 1600 Men, aught according to Articles, to have been Convoyed to Peter Waradin; but the Turks returning after they had Burnt, and Abandoned the Place, carried all the Garrison with them to Salankement.  
This Place was taken by the Turks, before that General Herberville, who was Encamped with 6000 Men near Kobila, as also fortified with 8 Galleys and 16 Frigates, could hinder the Enemy's Approaches: After which the Turks leaving the Place, the Imperialists entered into the same, and took Possession of all what the Turks had ruined, for nothing was left but heaps of Rubbish.  
In the mean time the great Army under the Command of the Elector of Saxony, advanced so far as Solnak, where the Grand Signior having received intelligence, That the Christian Army was marching towards him, hastened with all speed for Temeswaer, with intention to enter into Sclavonia: Upon which the Elector of Saxony made a Halt, and on the 17th marched back, and pitched his Camp about half an Hours distance from Chonad; and the next Day being the 18th, continued hi● March as far as Mokova. But whereas Advices came, That the Enemy designed to enter Transylvania, the Elector resolved to send all the Infantry to Peter Waradin, whilst he in Person, marched with the Horse to oppose the Enemy, giving Commands to the National Militia of Sclavonia to join with the Croats, to oppose the Entrance of the Turks into that Province: And here it was, that certain Intelligence was given of the Defeat of that Worthy General Veterani, and that he was dead of his Wounds; which News was received with much grief of all Brave and Worthy Champions for the Christian Cause.  
After which Count Heisler took the Van of the Army, and marched before them for Deva, there to provide all sorts of Provisions for sustenance of those who were to follow and to assemble the Estates of Transylvania, commanding them to meet His Electoral Highness, and consult with him in the best manner, how things might be put into a posture of Defence for the Safety and Security of that Province. At which time also came the unhappy News of the loss of Titul taken by the Turks.  
It was the common Opinion at that time of all the well experienced Soldiers, That the Martial Affairs of the Empire, were all very ill managed for that Year: For had the Christians instead of Ingulfing themselves amongst Marasses and Moorish Grounds unpassable for an Army, in which they lost six or seven Days, and gave the Turks the advantage of marching so many Days before them to Temeswaer, and thence to Lippa, they had saved the loss of Veterani and his Forces at Lugos, as also Titul, and Karansebes, all which fell that Year for want of good Conduct; for the Turks were esteemed not stronger at that time than 40000 Men, and one half of them Raw and Undisciplined Soldiers; 
The ill Conduct of the Imperial Army, in Anno 1695.  but the Slowness, and Negligence of the Christians in that Years Expedition, broke all Measures, as if there had been a Fatality attending this Years Actions: For no sooner did the Turks understand that the Imperial Army was marching after them, but being struck with a sudden Consternation, they Decamped with their whole Army from Lippa, more like Cowards flying before the Enemy, than in Order and Posture of War, marching Day and Night to get into Temeswaer before the Enemy could overtake them. But so soon as it was known to the Turks, that the Imperial Army was marched to Segedin, they took Courage, and gave a stop to their precipitate Flight. And here it was that Fortune changed, and gave unexpected Success to the Turks in this Years Expedition, which turned greatly to the Fame and Renown of this New Sultan Mustapha: For considering that he was but a raw Soldier, and kept himself in every Action at a distance and out of Musket-shot, yet the whole matter being carried on against the Opinion of all his Ministers, and the Inclinations of almost all his Soldiers, especially the Janissaries, and all the prime Officers of the Army and the State, things looked at first with a very bad Face, and promised nothing but Destruction.  
Yet afterwards succeeding quite otherwise than were expected, all was attributed to the Courage, Wisdom, and Conduct of the Sultan; so that it became a Wonder to the World how it was possible for a Sultan without Experience, who had but newly come out from an Imprisonment of eight Years, and known nothing yet of War, to be attended with such Success, that all his Army did avow, That his Victories were due to his Valour and Conduct, which gained him a wonderful Esteem amongst all the great Men of his Empire, both Martial and Civil; the Effect of which was found in the following Year, 
Great Honour gained by the Sultan.  when all the Soldiery being flushed with Blood and Spoil, came willingly to the War, and struck an Awe and Fear into the Hearts of all the Ottoman Subjects, believing this Prince to be sent them from God, to rescue them and the Empire from Ruin and utter Desolation.  
The Sultan being sensible of the great Honour and Fame which he had gained by the unexpected Successes of this Campaign, being unwilling to lose the same, so soon as he heard that the Imperial Army was marched towards Transylvania, he resolved to return homewards, and not to tempt Fortune again for this Year, and accordingly marched again with his whole Army to Temeswaer, whence he sent Commands and Decrees one after the other, with Letters to Ziafer the Pasha of Belgrade, to provide Temeswaer with all sorts of Victuals necessary for maintenance of the Place; and that he should take care to send them thither, with a Convoy sufficient to defend them from the Enemy: And farther he ordered that Pasha to take notice, That he was returning to his Palace at Adrianople, by the way of Walachia, of which Advice was given to the Prince, and Commands sent him to repair the Bridges, and mend the Ways of that Country, and to enlarge them for the more easy Passage of the Army: The like Decrees and Commands were sent to the Prince of Moldavia; 
The Sultan Orders for his Return to Adrianople.  and divers Letters were Wrote by the Grand Signior himself to his Mother the Valide Soltana; as also to all the Chief Governors of the Provinces in Anatolia, and to the Chimacams of Constantinople and Adrianople; in which, after he had recounted unto them all his great Actions and Successes, he Commanded that Days and Nights of rejoicings should be celebrated for the same through all the Dominions of his Empire, in regard that he had Taken, and laid Desolate a greater City and Territory than that of Belgrade, and that he had slain more than 10000 Germans, and made above 3000 Prisoners, with the Officers belonging to them; for which Glorious Victories and Fortunes Commands were given to offer Thanksgivings in all Places of the Empire, and to praise God, for that he had been pleased to appease his Wrath against the Musselmen, who had long provoked the Divine Anger.  
The Sultan being in this manner resolved to make his Return to Adrianople, by way of Walachia, notice was given thereof (as we have said) to the Prince of the Country, who was thereby put into a most grievous Terror and Consternation of Mind, not knowing what to do, or how to help and protect his Poor Miserable Province already wasted and consumed by the War; and what was now to be more done on the Passage of divers asiatics, Albanians, Turks, etc. was not to be resolved; until the Prince considering, and revolving all things in his Mind, concluded, That the best and safest way was, immediately to depart and meet the Sultan on his way, according to his urgent and reiterated Commands; showing no Fears or Jealousies, but a Confidence of the Grand Seignior's Favour to him: In pursuance of which, he proceeded, and met the Sultan over against Widin; where being seen by him, and looked upon with a tender Eye, 
The Grand Signior marche● back.  and a kind Aspect, the poor Prince began to take Courage, and ease the Throbs of his Trembling Heart. Howsoever being acquainted with the Humour of the Sultan's, who often speak fair to their Pasha's, and yet nourish a secret Design to take away their Lives, he could not s●ttle his Thoughts, or believe that the bitterness of Death was yet over; but there was nothing to be done now, nor any starting back, but on he must go, as he did to the Place called Turno on this side of the Danube, over against Nicopolis, where the Army Encamped on the 13th of October, and the Sultan took some Repose for certain Days, called by the Turks Days of Otoracke, the Officers of the Prince proceeding in the mean time to prepare the Ways, and to make them wider.  
The Grand Signior coming very weary to Turno, reposed there about an Hours time, and then Embarking in his own Boat, passed to the other side of the Danube, after which the Grand Vizier followed with the whole Army, there being Boats and Floats sufficient to Ferry them over. And here it is to be for ever recorded to the honour of this Sultan Mustapha, That in passing this Province of Walachia, strict Discipline was kept, and which was observed with so much Rigour, that a Soldier durst not steal an Egg, a Pullet, or a Hen; and a Tartar was known to be Hanged, 
The Turkish Discipline.  for taking away a Kid by force; and two Asiatic Turks were Hanged on a Tree for Robbing a Beehive, by which Severity, to the Wonder of the whole World, the Ottoman Army passed that Afflicted Province without the least damage or hurt to the People.  
And here at this place of Turno, it is to be noted, That before the Grand Signior passed the River, he called to him the Prince of Walachia, and bestowed upon him a rich Coftan, or Vest, which is a Signal of the Favour of the Sultan, and told him, That he was greatly pleased and satisfied with his Service and Diligence, commanding him to return Home to his Place of Residence, but above all he charged him to observe Justice, which if he did, he should always enjoy his Favour; the like said the Grand Vizier to him, who giving him a Vest as an Evidence of his Favour, gave him licence to return to his own place of Government.  
When the Turks were come on the Confines over against Fetihlam, they Embarked all their Cannon and Ammunition for Belgrade; but the lighter Field-pieces, (of which they found some in Karansebes) they carried with them, to render their Entry into Adrianople, the more Stately and Magnificent.  
But whilst they were contriving all things for the more Triumpant Entry of the Grand Signior; it was judged most requisite and proper for the present State of the Turkish Affairs, to make the Triumph into Constantinople, which was ever esteemed the Head of the Empire, and the Place where the Ottoman Throne was ever seated: And as to Adrianople, it was ordered, that the Sultan should make a short stop there of four or five Days only; and in the mean time the Valide Soltana, with all the Female Court, was ordered to take up their Quarters in the usual Places of the Great Seraglio, which was prepared on all sides to be fitted for Reception of the Grand Signior.  

The Grand Signior march●s to Constantinople.  This coming of the Grand Signior to C●nstantinople, was a sudden Resolution, and unexpected, being the effect of his Thoughts on his March, only for considering that Constantinople (ever since the Turks entered into Europe) was always esteemed the Head and Seat of the Ottoman Empire, and the Place where the Ottoman Emperors were ever Enthroned with the Benediction of the Mufti, assisted by the Nakib, who is Chief of the Emirs, who wear green Turbans; and also the Place where the Mufti girds the Sword to the Sultan's Thigh, called St. juob, in Memory of that Soldier, who was the first that stormed the Walls of Constantinople, when it was in the Possession of the Greeks; for which reason, his Memory hath ever been held in great Veneration with the Turks. The Thoughts whereof incited the Grand Signior with a sort of Impatience and Ambition to imitate the Practice of his Ancestors, at a time when he esteemed himself Great, Prosperous, and in a way to recover the lost Honour and Reputation of the Empire.  
Moreover, his Design being to be as great at Sea as at Land, or at least of equal Match with the Venetians, or to have a better Army to enter into the Morea, and recover the Country, his Thoughts were fixed upon Constantinople, as the proper Place for that Design; as Adrianople was for the Wars by Land so no time was lost in the March of the Army, to possess the Ancient Seat of the Osmanlees.  
The Grand Signior having reposed some few Days (as we have said) at Adrianople, proceeded forwards and arrived in Company with his Mother at Constantinople, tho' at first it was appointed otherwise, and that she should go first, and lead the way; but it afterwards seemed more Great and Glorious, and of less Charge to go together, which accordingly they did, and arrived at the Great Seraglio about the latter end of October, or beginning of November: But on the Road the Court and Army happening to feel some Scarcity and Want of Provisions, the Sultan became very angry and displeased against the Treasurer of the Army, and against those Officers whose Business it was to Oversee the Provisions, and not to suffer any Want to be in Court or Army: Upon which Occasion, the Grand Signior Discharged the Tefterdar of his Office, with Threats and Menaces of his Life: And the Commissaries for that Business being in like manner faulty, as also the second Person under the Tefterdar, was Discharged of his Office, and great care was taken to supply their Offices with Men of Skill and Industry.  
And now about the beginning of this Month of November, 
Novemb.  
The Allai, or Triumph at the Entrance into Constantinople.  the Grand Signior with all his Court, entered into the Capital City of his Residence, with such Applause and Triumph, and Joy of the People, that the like was never heard or known in the Time of any former Sultan, all which served to comfort the People, and encourage the Militia.  
Amongst the Particulars of this Triumph, 300 Slaves were shown, and all represented for Great Generals and Captains; for tho' there were but very few Officers amongst them, yet they were given out for such, and for Germane Princes: All the light Cannon, and Field-Pieces, with the Ammunition, Colours, Flags, Drums, and Trumpets, were all showed, and brought into the Account of Spoil; with a Report amongst the Soldiery, That the Turks had not lost above 500 Men, killed in the Field, tho' others of them which came out of the Army, and had been Eye-Witnesses of the whole Battle, and of the Turkish Army, which consisted of 50000 Men, with the Sultan at the Head of them, and yet were hard put to it to fight against 8000 of Veterani's Men; who having maintained a Fight for six Hours, were at length forced to retire for want of Powder and Ammunition, and other Warlike Provisions.  
Thus much the Turks, who had been in the Battle, confessed themselves; whilst others who came from all the Countries round to see the Show, and Triumph, Wept for Joy, saying, That the Time was now come, that God would Avenge himself on the Christians, for their Pride; and would for the future blind them in their Designs, and infatuate them in all their Counsels.  
Howsoever all the World cannot but confess, That the loss of so many Brave Men, could not but prove a fatal Blow to all Christendom, especially to the Germans, who fought almost to the last Drop of Blood: Nor were the Turks unsensible of their Losses also, both as to Numbers and Quality; for one of the Sultan's Brothers-in-Law, called Sahin Mehmet Pasha, 
Sahin Pasha killed.  a brisk daring Man, and a good Soldier, and so Named from Sahin, which signifies a Falcon, and was the next to the Grand Vizier, and carried three Horse-Tails gilded before him, was killed by a Carbine-shot; for which reason he was much lamented at the Court, and most especially by the Queen-Mother, not only because he had been her Son-in-Law, but a Person endued with many Rare and Excellent Virtues: Besides which, the famous Mahmud Pasha, Celebrated by all to be one of the most Accomplished Soldiers of this Age, and the most Warlike Cavalier of all the Ottoman Nation: He was an Albanian Born, a Man of great Reputation and Fame, called Mahmud Bei Oghli, and was slain with three Carbine-shots, and fell amongst the most Renowned Officers of the Turks: These two were said to be the first who broke into Veterani's Army, one to the Right, and the other to the Left-Wing, where they found and encountered such unexpected Opposition, that the Turks confessed, That they had never met the like, and had not prevailed against their Enemies at that time, had it not been for the Resolution and Bravery of their Fortunate Sultan, who standing in the Rear with his Scimitar in his Hand, hindered the base intended Flight of his Soldiery.  
This Action gave a full stop to all the following Designs of this Year; for the Turks reasoning with themselves, That in case so small an Army as that of Veterani, was able to do such Feats, what would become of their Forces, were they to engage against the whole entire Army of the Kral, that is the Elector; for they call the King of Poland Kral, and so other Inferior Princes to the Emperor, whom they call Kaiser; but the King of England, they could never be taught to call otherwise than Kral.  
The Grand Signior having made his Triumphant Entry into Constantinople, the Militia of Asia which attended the Sultan from the War, had licence given them to return Home to their own Countries, and Orders were given to open a Door, as they call it, to enrol Janissaries, according to the usual Ceremonies us●● on those Occasions, and care was taken to 〈…〉, as well the New Janissaries 〈…〉 Veterane Albanian Troops; 〈…〉 or Marine Regiments, 〈…〉 their Numbers, of which several had been lost in the late Engagements at Sea; the which, tho' they had not for many Years been fought with so much equality of Fortune between the Venetians and the Turks; as they had been for this Year, yet it was not determined which side had gained the better; tho' the Turks avoided the Fight, so much as was possible, and thereby gave an evidence of their own Weakness, and doubtful Condition.  
It hath been long since we have heard any Discourse of Tek●●y, 
Tekely neglected.  being not regarded so much by any as by the French Ambassador; for as to the Turks, they had no Opinion of him, nor would they have it be thought that they had any need of his Forces, or Interest of his Party in Hungary; but suffered him to Lodge in one of the vilest Streets in the Town, amongst jews, and the meaner sort of the Armenians, called Balata; his Countenance was much changed, pale, and fallen, and his Feet Swelled, so that his Enemies scorned him, and his Friends could expect nothing more of good from him.  
The Year drawing now towards an end, all the Endeavours of the Turks were to begin the following Year with greater Forces than that of the preceding; and herein they were the more concerned, in regard of the Moscovites, who were coming down upon the Tartars with vast Numbers of Soldiers, and all things prepared to make War upon them, and to take Asac, at least the Diversion hereby would be great, and so employ the Tartars, that to defend their own Countries, they would be obliged to desert the Service and Cause of the Turks: Howsoever the Successes of the Turks had been this Year so great, as gave them courage to consider in what manner they might be able to form two Armies for the next; with one of which the chief Design was to enter Transylvania, and if possible, to make Peace with the Moscovites by the Negotiations of the Tartars; but all this came to nothing, as we shall see by the Sequel of the following Year.   

Anno 1696.  
year 1696. THO' the Turks had gained some advantage the last Year over the Venetians both by Sea and Land; namely, in the Recovery of Scio, and by giving a Check or Stop to the Venetian Fleet; yet they gained little more thereby, than some little Fame and Reputation to the present Sultan Mustapha, whom the People began to consider, as a Deliverer sent to them from Heaven to recover their almost lost Empire, which lay under sad Distresses as well in Asia as in Europe.  
This Opinion of the People when they observed the Justice, the Courage, and the Resolution of this Sultan to go in Person to the War, and that nothing could divert him from it, gave them Courage and Assurance t● expect a turn of Fortune, and hopes of better Successes for the future; and tho' the French promised them not to make Peace without them, but to join with them in a perpetual League of Friendship; yet the Turks did not much trust them, but kept a watchful Eye over them, knowing very well how little stress there is to be laid on the Promises of the Great Monarch of France, who was also equally Jealous of the Faith of the Turks, and both of them equally doubtful of one another.  
This Great Ottoman Empire had the last Year changed both their Master, and the Chief Officers, without any considerable Change, or Troubles in the State amongst themselves, for that this Sultan, in whom clearly appeared a Spirit of greater Wisdom and Courage than in his Father Mahomet IV, or in his Uncle's succeeding him▪ gave the Soldiery and the People such Hopes and Expectations from him, that none durst open his Mouth, or lift up his Hands against him; there appeared also something more of Justice and Virtue in him, and of Diligence, and Care, and Sedulity in his Business, than was found in his Father, or in any of the succeeding Uncles, as we have formerly said; which gave hope to the great Governors of the Empire, that under him the Losses which the Empire had sustained in these last Wars, might be repaired, for tho' the Recovery of the Isle of S●io was made before he came to the Throne, and consequently might be looked upon, as an effect of his Uncle's Counsels; for that Mustapha did not enter upon the Government until the end of january 1695, when that Scio had been taken about a Month before by the Turks; but that falling so near to the time that Mustapha came to the Throne, that piece of good Fortune was looked upon as an effect of the Wisdom of the New Emperor, rather than of the Uncle Achmet's Counsel, by which, and by some other Exploits of the preceding Year in 1695, Mustapha grew high in the Opinion of the People, and the Soldiery; to which some Successes being added, as the taking of Titul and Lippa, with the Defeat given to Veterani; for which the Turks paid very dear, and would not have been cried up for a Victory, had not Victories become very rare in those Days; their Hopes were very big, and that he might make these Actions the more Triumphant and Glorious, the Grand Signior dispatched away several Messengers to the Kings of Persia, and the Princes of Arabia, and to other Tributaries, to communicate unto them all his Successes and Victories of the last Year, whereby he hoped to encourage the drooping Spirits of his own Soldiers, and confirm those of his Friends and Allies unto him.  
The Loss of Scio was certainly not very considerable to the Venetians at that time after they had gained it from the Turks; for Conquests at such a distance from them can never turn to any Account, or benefit.  
The Morea indeed may be a more useful Conquest, than any of those on the Coast of Asia, where the Turks are far stronger than on the Coast of Europe, and this Year also the Venetians had been most successful in those Parts of the Morea, having Defeated the Turks there in all their Attempts, in this as well as several other Years; but these Successes are not likely to be continued, for unless the Venetians increase the Number of their Ships at Sea, and augment their Forces at Land; and make good choice of their principal Commanders; all Matters will probably go backwards; for such Generals as Morosini and Konismarc are not easily to be found, under whom all things thrived and prospered, so that it were now to be wished, that the Venetian Forces were more numerous than formerly, and composed of their own Subjects, rather than of Foreigners.  
But the Turks had a more watchful Eye over their War in Hungary, and the Parts about Belgrade, and Transylvania, than either in Asia, or other Countries of Europe, or over the Province of Bassora, or Basorat, of which the Arabians had made a late Conquest over the Turkish Bassa of that Country, who having but 2000 Men with him, was forced to submit to the greater force of the Arabs, and upon his Surrender made a Capitulation with them, That he might pass into Persia, where he was well received at Ispahan by the King, being a Wise Man, and a Soldier.  
About the same time likewise Solyman Bey, a Turk, a Native of Curdistan, having routed a Party of Persians on the Frontiers, had a Commission given him by the Grand Signior, to do all the Mischief he was able on the Frontiers of Persia, not on the Persians only, but on the Georgians and Arabians, who had joined together and made themselves Princes of those Provinces.  
Nor did the Affairs of the Turks prosper better at that time in the Morea, 
The Venetians at Sea give a Defeat to the Turks.  where a strong Party of the Venetian Forces made an Irruption upon the Turks, and advanced so far as Thebes, where the Turks received an entire Defeat, all the Country being Spoilt, Plundered, and Sacked by the Venetians, who upon their return carried with them a great Booty, with vast Numbers of Turkish Slaves.  
Whilst these Matters were transacting, the Sultan was diligently employed at the Port in forming a Numerous Army, and providing all things for the Support and Maintenance of them. Nor was the like Diligence wanting in preparing and setting forth their Fleet, and putting them into a posture capable to Fight and Engage the Venetians; but as to the Land-Forces, the Campaign of this Year began early in the Month of May, when the Heydukes in divers places of Sclavonia, assembled themselves in a Body to the Number of 400 Men, with which they passed the Save, and made an Inroad so far as Nissa, about eight or nine Days to the Eastward of Belgrade, and in that March, they drove away great Numbers of small and great Cattle; after which they contrived in what manner to make their Retreat; but as they thought thereupon, the Garrisons of Belgrade, and other Neighbouring Places, made a Sally out upon them with a Party of about 2000 Men, Horse and Foot, who being informed of the Enemy's Design, they drew up so advantageously in a Wood, and received them with so great Bravery, that after several Repulses given them, in which great Numbers were Killed and Wounded, were at length forced to fly and quit the Field, whilst the Sclavonians made good their Retreat, and proceeded happily in their Design, which is all the Prologue that was made to the succeeding Actions of the following Campaign; only every thing began then to dispose itself towards a Bloody War, and for Action of the following Year: When the Duke of Lorain made his first Campaign in Hungary in Quality of Major-General of the Imperial-Army, Commanding in particular the Regiments of St. Croix, de Commerci, and Bassompierre, in which Commands this Young Prince evidenced to the World, a clear Inclination, and Disposition to the War, agreeable to the Mind of his Illustrious Ancestors.  
Whilst things were thus preparing in Hungary, News came to the Port from Diarbekir, giving the Relation of a Fight between the Rebels in those Parts, and the Turks, in which the Turks had been Defeated, and their General, the Pasha of Diarbekir, 
The Pasha of Diarbekir put to Flight.  put to Flight, at a Place not far from Sivas: The Particulars of which succeeded in this manner.  
When the Pasha heard where the Rebels were Encamped, he presently marched against them with a Body of 3600 Horse, Commanding two other Pashas with a force of 2000 Horse more to fall upon the Rebels, and getting between them began to Kill and Destroy them without giving Quarter to any of them: The Rebels having had timely notice of this Motion of the Pasha's, they mounted their Horses with much Courage and Activity, towards the Evening, and taking a Round about the Mountain, by favour of the Moon; they marched all that Night, and in the Morning early they fell in with the Turkish Seraskier, or General, with their Swords, 
And the Turks defeated.  or Scimyters, and with their Pikes and Lances, whence arose a very Bloody Fight, which held for the space of two Hours, to the great loss and diminution of the Army of the Turks, and danger of the Pasha's Life, who being put into great fear quitted the Field and fled, leaving the Spoil to the Enemy; with which they being encouraged, they marched towards Aleppo, and from thence exacted what Money and Provisions that rich Province could afford them, upon pain of Military Execution; at which the Sultan was so enraged, that he gave out present Orders to raise the Nefiran, which is the Militia of the Eastern Countries; and like one Man to rise and join themselves against the Enemy. Besides which, many other things were to be done, both by Sea and Land, and that with all Expedition, in regard that the force of the Rebels growing daily greater, their Power would with much more difficulty be subdued.  
And in regard there was a necessity of putting the Fleet to Sea with all expedition all other Affairs were laid aside, until that was dispatched, which was performed after the Biram, and then about the beginning of May the Sultan began his March towards Hungary at the Head of his Army, when several were of Opinion that due care should be taken to suppress the Rebels in Asia; but the Sultan would hear of nothing more than to raise the Nefiran of the Country upon them, which are a sort of Soldiers like our Trained-Bands, and not better exercised in the Wars.  
The Sultan who intended to have brought this Year 80 or 100000 Men into the Field against the Emperor, was contented to fall short at least 10000 Men of that Number which he had the last Year: And in regard the Asiatic Soldiers could not, or would not leave their own Country to attend the Armies in Hungary; the whole Army of the Turks did not amount to more than 50000 Men; and scarcely to that neither considering the Diversions made on one side by the Persians, and by the Muscovites on the other; wherefore considering these Difficulties and Distresses, all the Ottoracks were called to the Wars, being in the Nature of Milites immeriti, who after their long Services in the War, have liberty given them to withdraw to their own Homes, with two Pence or three Pence a Day, which is called a dead Pay; and of these there may be about 40000 Men, which may be some Addition to the Number o● the Turkish Army, and with these the Turks were now obliged to help themselves.  
But to understand more distinctly the Transactions and Progress of all the Turkish Affairs both by Sea and Land for this Year following,  
In the first place we are to take notice, That in the Month of March of this Year, 
The Grand Signior, with the Queen Mother leaves Constantinople.  30 Frigates were dispatched for Asac, which soon afterwards were followed by eight Galleys.  
As to the Land Matters, March the 28th the Grand Signior and Grand Vizier made their Alloy to their Tents, which were pitched as usual at Daout Pasha; but that being very early in the Morning, the Show was but indifferent. The Grand Signior was dressed in the manner, as when he made his Entrance. The Valide followed about two Hours after, with great Attendance.  

April.  Mezzo Morto the Admiral, having left the Bastarda Galley behind him, sailed out of Port the 6th of April; and the Grand Signior and Grand Vizier marched for Adrianople, where they arrived the 17th of this Month.  
The 23d of this April being the Day of the Great Biram, News was brought of the Birth of a Daughter Born to the Sultan in the Seraglio, whereupon the Chimacam, to show his Respect and Duty to the Grand Signior, caused four Days of Rejoicing to be proclaimed; 
A Fi●e at Constantinople.  but on the 24th Day a little after Midnight, there happening a very great Fire, the rejoicings were forbidden and recalled.  
The Fire began without the Gate of Tophana, the Wind at N. E. which being very fierce and strong, soon reduced all that Quarter into Ashes, where it continued burning till Five in the Afternoon of the 25th; during which time 3000 Houses were computed to have been Burnt, and amongst them all our Merchant's Houses, excepting one who had the good Fortune to be saved: But God be praised not much of our English Goods were burnt.  
About the beginning of june of this Year, 
June.  the Marquis de Lore arrived at Constantinople, in Quality of Ambassador Extraordinary from the French King: He was brought as far as Tenedos by a French Man of War of 60 Guns, and from thence by a Tartan he was Transported to Constantinople, from whence, on the 12th of this Month he was carried to Adrianople, and thence without loss of time he followed the Camp, which had marched thence the eighth of june.  
The 23d of this Month, Tekely was Commanded by the Grand Signior, to follow the Camp, but his Princess remained at Constantinople, both of them being in great Necessity to live, being only allowed five Dollars a Day, besides some small matter arising from the Imposts of Wine, which the Grand Signior permitted them to bring in. The Beauty of this Lady could prevail little either for herself or Prince; for I have heard, That she was a Lady of a very hard Countenance, and her Air, and Carriage, in no wise engaging.  
The Turkish Army being arrived at Belgrade, 
July.  they began to move on the 30th of july, and that Day to pass the Danube, when public Prayers were begun at Constantinople and Adrianople for their Successes and Blessings of their Army, which was this Year esteemed very powerful, and designed (as the common Report was) against Transylvania: But whilst the Turks marched full of hopes of Success, with a great Army supposed to consist of 100000 Men; their Boldness was much tempered by the News of the Surrender of Asac to the Muscovites after 57 Days Siege, and the Advices wanting 16 Days, it was said, That the Tartar Han arrived two Days after the Surrender, tho' had he come sooner, he could have done nothing; for it was so closely Besieged, that the Turks themselves were of Opinion, That all the Succours sent thence, namely, from all parts of the Turkish Dominions, would not have been able to effect any thing: Neither were the Galleys, which were with five more than the 13 sent the last Month, able to approach the Place by some Leagues: Hereupon the Corn at Constantinople, was risen 50 per Cent. and the People were so apprehensive of a Famine in all the Dominions of the Turks, that in case the Muscovites should make any Progress, they should not know which way to proceed.  
At that time Mezzo Morto with the Turkish Fleet was still at Scio, intending about the middle of this Month to Sail from thence; he had with him about 40 Sail of Ships besides Galleys; the Venetians were not very strong, nor did either side endeavour to engage.  
But the most important Design of this Summer's Campaign, was laid in Hungary and Transylvania, where the Sultan fixed his greatest hopes, and both Sides intended to do their best, and to bring things to a decisive Action; to perform which, His Electoral Highness of Saxony having fixed the Imperial Camp at a Place called Olasch, on the 30th of August N. S. giving out, as if the Design was to Besiege Temeswaer, and thereby to draw the Enemy into a Necessity of Sallying out, and coming to a Battle, that they might be better able to relieve the Place; to which end the Turks having passed the Danube, the nearer to approach their Enemies, made two Days March, one after the other; by which being four Leagues distant from each other.  
On the 20th of this Month they held a Council of War, at which it was resolved to advance one Day nearer to observe the Countenance of the Enemy.  
So that very early in the Morning on the 21st, they marched in good Order of Battle, and by nine a Clock they discovered some of the Enemy's Cavalry, whom they Attacked and Repulsed several times with considerable loss to the Turks.  
And on the 22d some Parties of the Christians brought several Prisoners into the Camp, amongst which was a Chiaus, who reported, That the Janissaries were very advantageously posted on the right side of a Morass, confined, and reaching to the Banks of the River Thames, and another Body of them Encamped to the Left along the Banks of the Brook Begl, their Cannon being pointed upon that Place, where was the only Avenue, or Access where the Enemy could come upon them; and their Camp on all sides so fortified, that the Christians could not Attack them without much Difficulty and Danger; wherefore, to give the Enemy room to advance, and invite them to a Battle, the Turks on the 24th Sallied▪ out from their Retrenchments, which was done only with Design to make other Lines, which were finished in two Hours time, or less; and having there planted their Cannon, they began to play one upon the other on both sides, and as the Prisoners who had been made in several Skirmishes, assured the Christian Army▪ their Artillery was well served, and had killed many of their Soldiers, and several of their b●st Gunners, tho' the loss on the Christian side had been but very indifferent.  
On the 25th nothing very considerable was acted: But  
On the 26th the Christians advanced Guards acquainted the Generals, That the Body of the Enemy's Army was in motion, and marched in posture of Battle, under Covert of Bushes, Shrubs, and some Trees, and that they had already posted themselves between Temeswaer and the Christian Army, the Generals of which sending to take a view of the Countenance of the Enemy; they were of Opinion, and saw evidently, that the Body which they discovered, consisted of the whole Turkish Army, and not a Detachment; upon which the Christian Army marched directly upon them to Attack and Engage them; but before they could come so near as to Engage them, they had covered and fortified themselves under the Bushes and Ditches, that it was difficult to come at them; and having also a Bog behind them, and a Marsh on their left Hand, with three Ranks of Wagons fastened to each other with Chains of Iron in the Front, made the Attack almost impossible to be made. Howsoever the Generals resolved, whatsoever Difficulties might offer, to Attack the Enemy; 
The Battle of Ol●sch.  and accordingly about five a Clock in the Evening, six Battalions of Foot, sustained by two Regiments of Dragoons, Charged the Enemy in the Flank under the Command of General Heusler, and commanded them to march into the Wood, which they performed with great Bravery, and much galled the Turks with their Fire. The Enemy's Horse hereupon advanced, and finding that the Christians had form their Line, charged them with great Fury, when 1200 of their best Horse br●ke through the two Saxon Battalions, notwithstanding the latter made a very brave Resistance; but Lieutenant-General Zui●endorf▪ with some Regiments of Horse of the same Line, beat back the Enemy, and again closed the Line with some Saxon Battalions, and Attacked the Janissaries in their Intrenchments, and beat them from their Post; but the Enemy's Foot being reinforced, and their Horse taking our Men in the Flank, they were obliged to retire; only two Regiments of our Dragoons, Commanded by the Young Prince of Vaudemont, advanced to sustain them, and repulsed the Turkish Horse; but the Janissaries returning, and Charging them again, the Dragoons suffered very much by their Fire, and many Soldiers and Officers were killed and wounded; but General Heusler bringing up another Regiment to their Assistance, beat back the Enemy to their Intrenchments, but was himself dangerously wounded.  
Whilst this was doing, another Body of the Enemy's Horse Charged another Body on the second Line, where the Christian Troops received them in such a manner, as gave a Check to their Fury, and then General Roses advancing with the Horse of the same Line, drove them back, and pursued them about two Hungarian Miles, when the Victory began to declare itself in favour of the Christians, and the Turks to put themselves into Flight, when Orders came to General Roses to stop the Pursuit, and to march back with the Troops; howsoever some other Squadrons of Horse followed the Enemies unto their Intrenchments; from whence the Turks made so great a Fire both with their Cannon and Smallshot, that those Squadrons were forced to retire; and being pursued by the Enemy's Horse, they encountered another of the Christian Regiments, which they also put into Disorder; which General Roses observing, advanced with the Regiment of Caprara, and Charging the Enemy in the Flank, cut off above 1000 of them: Then the whole Christian Line advanced, and pushed the Enemy into their Trenches, where they were in such a Consternation, that the Sultan himself with much difficulty prevailed upon them to keep their Ground, and defend their Intrenchments, killing several with his own Hand, that would have fled; 
The Tu●ks 〈◊〉.  and at length Night coming on, it put an end to the Battle.  
Thus the Christians remaining Masters of the Field, or Place of Battle, intended to Attack again the Enemy's Camp by Break of Day in the Morning; but they laboured so hard all that Night, that they fortified their Camp, and made it almost impregnable; which hindered the Germans from making another Attempt in the Morning.  
The Christians lost a great many Men in this Fight, amongst which were divers Officers of Fame and Renown, as Heusler, General of the Horse, and Major-General Polland, besides others who died of their Wounds.  
The Turks lost above 8000 Men, as was reported by a Pasha, who was taken Prisoner in the Battle.  
The Troops on both sides often mingled, and gave no Quarter on either side. A great Booty was taken from the Turks, amongst which were many fine Horses, with several Standards.  
In the heat of this Action the Germans lost some Pieces of Cannon, by reason that their Carriages were shot in pieces and the Horses which drew them were killed.  
The 27th of this Month of September, 
Septemb. 27, on● 28.  the whole Christian Army remained that whole Day in Posture of Battle before their Camp; but the Enemy not appearing, His Electoral Highness resolved to pass the Beque, and to march towards the River Theysse, to supply the Army with Provisions, of which they began to be in want, which was done the 28th when the Turks passed the River in like manner.  
And on the 29th the Christian Army Encamped at Olasch, near the Theysse, where General Staremberg joined the rest of the Army with six Regiments of Horse from Titul; and Orders were sent to the Brandenburghers, and other Troops, that were not in the Battle, having been posted in several Flying Camps, to join the Army, which being refreshed, were ordered to march again to observe the Enemy in their Motion.  
This is the Account which the Turks themselves give of this Battle, which being finished, as here described, both Armies thought it now to be the Time and Season to withdraw out of the Field; and so the Elector withdrew out of the Field, and came to Vienna; by which it was judged, that no farther Action would happen for that Year; and in confirmation thereof, the Turkish Fleet retired into Salankement, without having done any thing of moment for this whole Year: It is not to be doubted, but that the Issue of this Battle turned to the Advantage of the Imperialists, unless it be that they left 26 Pieces of Cannon in the Bushes.  
The Season of the Year declining now towards the Winter, and the Elector of Saxony withdrawn from the Field to Vienna, the Sultan also following the like Example, (which displeased not the Turkish Army) returned from Belgrade to Adrianople, on the 17th of the last Month of October, where being arrived, they did not much brag or boast of their Success, 
October.  tho' to speak truly, they had this Year withstood a greater Force of the Christians, than they had for several Years before, which they attribute in a great measure, to the Personal Valour and Bravery of the Sultan himself, whose Presence ever gives Courage to his Army: And it is said, That he kept all the time of the Battle in the Rear, with 3000 Choice Men, to kill all Persons whom he should find or meet turning ●heir Backs, upon whom he did some Execution.  
In all these Actions, both in this and several other Years, the French did great Services to the Turks, 
Th● French do grea● Service●.  both by their Counsels, and Management of their Affairs, and especially the Marquis de Lore was very Eminent, and Signal in all his Behaviour; tho' there was never any good Understanding between him and the Ambassador Monsieur Chaterneau.  
This Year was not very signal on either side for any considerable Exploits at Sea, or on the Watery Element: Only that the Turks destroyed three of the Emperor's Vessels, or Galleys on the Danube, and took one of very good force.  
After which all things remained quiet as to the Camp in Hungary and elsewhere, except the great Preparations which were making for the re-taking of Asac from the Moscovites; from whence five Galleys were about this time returned, having left eight others with the Brigantines at Ozul.  
On the first Day of November an Ambassador from Persia made his Entrance into Constantinople, where a great Ship four Days after was Launched, carrying 100 Guns, four whereof would shoot a Shot of 24 Okes, every Oak weighing two Pounds and a half, with design to be fitted for the Service of the following Year, with three others, which were built in the Black-Sea, much of the same bigness and sized with that which was built at Constantinople, and now Launched for Entertainment of the Persian Ambassador, who stayed not long in that City before he proceeded to Adrianople, where he arrived about the 20th of November with a Retinue of about 150 Attendants, 
Novemb.  besides those which were appointed to serve him by the Turks, whose Entrance was in this manner.  

The Manner of the Persian Ambassador's Entrance.  
About an Hours distance from the City, at a Place called Solak Chisme, the Ambassador was met by the Chiaus-Basha, with about 60 of his Chiauses, as also by the Lieutenant-General of the Spahees, who with a great Retinue, conducted him to his Lodgings in the Palace of the Treasurer Achmet Pasha, who had Orders to assign him 250 or 300 Dollars a Day for his Entertainment, for the Subsistence of him and his Retinue: Besides which allowance was given for the Food of an Elephant, and for Fodder for Camels and Horses; and also a 100 weight of Sugar a Day for Sweetmeats for the Persians, who are great lovers of that kind of Diet, with Amber and Perfumes.  
The Ambassador having remained about 12 Days at Adrianople, and there well entertained, he demanded Audience of the Grand Vizier, to whom he delivered the Credentials from the King his Master; and having been entertained in Discourse for about the space of three Quarters of an Hour, he departed from the Grand Vizier, having only received one single Vest, which seemed very strange, in regard it had been the Custom for other Ambassadors from Persia to receive 60, at least disposed between them and their Retinue.  
Upon the 16th of December, 
Audience of th● Persian Ambassador.  the Ambassador received his Audience from the Grand Signior, on a Tuesday, which is the usual Day of the Divan, when it was formerly the Custom to give out the Pay to the Janissaries and Soldiers; at which time also there being an Appearance of the Chief Officers both Civil and Military, renders all things the more stately, and magnificent: But it seems at this time contrary to all former Customs, the Pay was not given out to the Janissaries and Soldiers, because perhaps that the principal Officers of the Army were at Belgrade, and upon the Frontiers of Hungary: Howsoever as great an Appearance there was of the Chiauses, as had been the Custom at the Audiences given to other Ambassadors.  
And then the Presents were sent unto the Grand Signior, which consisted of   

The Presents from Persia.  
A Female Elephant covered with a Furniture of Cloth of Gold, which came down to the Foot; and on the place of the Saddle, there was a Chair of State erected, lined within with thin Silver Plates.  
Besides which, were six Camels, each of which carried two Sapets, or Hampers used in the Wars, in which were contained the Royal Presents made up in little Bales with Cover of Silk.  
Moreover there were Ten Camels laden with Persian Hangings, six of which were of fine Silks, and four ordinary ones, but very large, and of a more than usual size: As also three Camels laden also with Cloth of Gold.  
Upon the Ambassador's Arrival at the Grand Seignior's Seraglio, the Janissaries were presented as running for their Porridge, and Pilao, or Rice, being about Noon, which was their Dinner time, as was their Daily Practice, as was shown to all Ambassadors.  
The Place reserved for the Ambassador, was the same as was prepared for others, just over against the Grand Vizier, that the manner how that Great Minister distributes Justice to the People, might more plainly appear.  
The Supreme Vizier sat at the same Table with the Ambassador; six of whose Gentlemen were placed at the Table with the Chimacam Chassan Pasha, and six others at the Table with the Aga, or General of the Janissaries: And in regard the Companions of the Ambassador consisted of more than 40 Noble Men, the Turks were obliged to place them at three other Tables; leaving out the Pasha's of the Bench, and other Officers; so that it happened out that Day, that no Place was left for the Kadileschers, or Lords Chief Justices, all being taken up for the Persians.  
At this time the Royal Presents contained in the 12 Chests which had been carried upon the six Camels, were taken out, and carried by the Hands of 150 Men, as the Custom of the Turks was: The which consisted of Cloth of Gold, Damasks, Sables, Boxes of Musk and Amber, Silks, and Satins of various Colours, Turbans, Hangings of Silk, ordinary Damasks, Bezoar-stones, Persian and Indian Satins, Bridles of Gold, a Topus or Mace of Gold, with a Sword of the like Metal: After all which Ceremonies, according to the Ancient Custom, the Persian Ambassador being upon his Return from the Presence of the Sultan, he introduced 20 of his Persian Nobles, and then he delivered the Royal Letter. The which Ceremony being over, he proceeded out from the Royal Presence Clothed in a Rich Vest, like unto that which he had received at his Audience with the Great Vizier, which was like to that which they had usually given in former times to Christian Ambassadors; besides which, the Grand Signior presented him with the same Horse which was sent him to carry him to his Audience with the Sultan, and Vested 90 Gentlemen of his Retinue. After which he returned to his Lodgings which had been provided for him and with the same Attendance as had accompanied him to his Audience.  
After some Days continuance at the Ottoman Court, it was made known by some of the Principal Ministers of State, that one part of the Substance of the Letter was, after the Salutes and kind Wishes, and Congratulations at his Ascension to the Sublime Throne of his Ancestors, The King of Persia made the following Request to the Grand Signior:  

The King of Persia's Requests and Demands.  

The First Article demanded.  
THAT he would be pleased, if it were possible, to Remove Bebek Suliman Bei from the Government of Caramania, and to put another Prince into his place, who might prove of a more Quiet and Placid Disposition than this Bebek, who was of a Turbulent Spirit, and gave much Molestation to the Persians; the which the King of Persia, or Sofi, did not doubt but to obtain from that Friendship which intervenes between their great Powers and Dominions. And whereas Yearly many Persian Pilgrims travel to Mecca, where having no Place to Pray in, and make their Devotions separately and apart from other Nations, they found themselves much hindered, and incommoded in the Exercise of their Mahometan Devotions; wherefore their Desire was, That they might have a Place assigned them for the Use of the Persians.   

The Second Article demanded.  
Farther it was desired, That the pre-eminence of Place and Superiority in the Holy Land, might be given to the Armenian Patriarch, before others of the Christian, Rite, who were Subjects to the King of Persia; the which ought not to be refused them, in regard that they profess the same Faith with other Christians; namely, Greeks, and Franks.    
But in regard that it hath never been the Custom of the Turks to return a speedy Answer to fair Promises, or Flattering Insinuations, a term of 25 Days passed before an Answer was returned to the preceding Demands; and that was done when the Ambassador received Audience with the Chimacam: And then he was Invited with all his Court and Attendance, to an Entertainment with the Grand Vizier, where they met about two a Clock in the Afternoon, the Feast held until five a Clock, and concluded without other Presents than good Music, unless it were of a stately Horse, with an agreeable Furniture.  
Some Days afterwards, he was Invited to Dinner by the Chimacam Hassan Pasha, and in a Week afterwards, he was in like manner treated by the Aga, or General of the Janissaries, who also presented the Ambassador with a very fine Horse.  
After all which Feasts, and Banquets, and Presents, the Ambassador thought it time to send his Presents to the Grand Vizier, by his Kahya, and other Principal Officers of his Court, in number about 40.   

The Persian Presents to the Turks.  
There were six Camels, two of which were laden with Presents, and the other four with fine Tents and Furniture for the same, with rich Garments: The Presents were all carried by the Hands of 28 Persians; that is to say, with Cloth of Gold, Damasks,. Indian Satins, Persian Turbans, with a rich Sword.  
Moreover two small Bails to the Vizier's Kahya, which contained about 25 Pieces of Satins, Damasks, and Cloth of Gold.  
In like manner the Presents to the Chimacam Chavan Pasha, contained about 40 Pieces. And that which was for the Janisar-Aga, was not much inferior to it.  
After some Days stay, a Messenger was sent from the Grand Signior, with the Answer to the Letter of Business which the Persian Ambassador had brought: Which was in this manner.   

The Grand Seignior's Answer, to the Persian Ambassador.  
THAT Solyman Bebek being an Inheritary Prince, could not be removed from his Government; it being against the Mahometan Law to be removed from thence; nor was it possible for them to Allow, or Assign any separate Place to the Persians to Pray, and Exercise their Devotions in, because that Mecca is a Holy Place, and free, and common to all Mahometans.  
The Holy Land hath also ●een Assigned to the Standard-Bearer Omer, as also to the Franks; the which having not been much Esteemed, or set by in the Time of Mustapha Pasha Vizier, the Pre-eminence of that Place was given as a Law to the Franks, which was so solemnly given, that it could not be taken away, Corrupted, or Violated.  
Five or six Days afterwards the Ambassador went to the Vizier to take his Letter, 
The Pers●ans a●pa●t.  which being delivered to him, about three or four Days afterwards the Vizier sent him, by Order of the Grand Signior, 50 Bags, or Purses of Money, by the Chiaus-Basha; ten Days after which, he departed from Adrianople, and went to Constantinople, taking 60 Days Journey within the Dominion of the Ottomans, accounting Tocat in Mesopotamia, and other Parts; the which was so divided, that a Persian Merchant coming to die within that Dominion, his Goods may be challenged by his Relations, and conveyed away to their Inheritance.  
The Persian Ambassador had still another Request to make, in respect to his Nation.  
That the Persian Subjects who Inhabit at Balata in Constantinople, wanting a Place for their Devotions, may have that Place restored to them for their Prayers, which was formerly belonging to the Armenians.  
The which Request was granted to them before the Departure of the Ambassador, with Power to rebuild the same again in what should be wanting; the which was taken away soon after the Departure of the Persian Ambassador from Constantinople. And tho' the Armenian Commissary endeavoured to proceed, and made his Complaints at Adrianople, against the Impediments he had found; yet no Remedy was found, but an end was put to all the Work, and the Workmen desisted from all other Proceedings in that Building.  
And here it may be enquired, How it came to pass that so many Embassies were sent from Persia to the Turks successively, one after the other? The Cause of which is evident from the Succession of the Three Sultan's one after the other; namely, Solyman, Achmet, and Mustapha, who now Reigns; to every one of which, as it is the constant Custom for the Persians to send an Ambassador; so on the other side, on the same Occasion, it is for the Turks to send unto the Persians.  

Septemb.  Towards the end of this Month, the Elector of Saxony returned to Vienna, which was an evident Demonstration, that there would be no farther Action in Hungary for this Year; and at the same time the Turkish Fleet retired to a Bay near Salankement, without having done any great Damage.  
The Persians, as we have said, being departed, and on their way homewards; the Sultan considered in what manner he might most conveniently and readily pay his Army both of Horse and Foot; for which important Service Money did not readily offer; wherefore to supply that Want, the Grand Signior sent for the Tefterdar, or Treasurer, to come to his Presence, but he not being able to appear with ready Money in Hand, the Tefterdar could scarce make a shift to save his Head; tho' with great labour and difficulty he satisfied the Spahees, charging them to return timely at the beginning of the next Year, to follow him to the Wars: And in the mean time Commissaries were sent from all Parts to collect and gather all the Taxes which had been laid on the People in all parts, whether in Europe or Asia, within the Ottoman Empire, as likewise what Revenue was arising to the Grand Signior from Offices, Customs, Taxes, etc. which are usually sold every Month, especially in the Month of March over all the Empire, which commonly brings in several Millions: So that the Tefterdar, or Treasurer, was forced to employ Spies to advise him where the Money was, and in whose Coffers, which yielded great Sums for supply of the Grand Seignior's Occasions.  
These things being over, great Preparations were making for the following Campaign, both by Sea and Land; several half Galleys were already built for the Black-Sea, Commanded by Dervish Ogli Bei of Smyrna. The Fleet under the Command of Mezzo Morto, who was Captain-Pasha, consisted of 25 Sail of Men of War, all of them being the Grand Seignior's own Ships, and such as being joined with those of Barbary, would be too strong a Match for the Venetians.  
This whole Winter the Grand Signior passed at Adrianople, where after the Example of his Father, he delighted much in Hunting. Howsoever as the Year came on, he neglected not the thoughts of War, nor the Preparations for the ensuing Year; but as yet the Scheme for the War was not designed nor laid.    

Anno 1697.  
THE Embroils in Asia with the beginning of this Year seemed to be a little quieted, year 1697. gave hopes to the Turks, that Basora would shortly be restored to them.  
'Twas thought at this time, that the Marquis de Lore making little or no show at Adrianople, being then in Quality of Envoy Extraordinary, would follow the Camp for the ensuing Campaign; but as to the Ambassador Castelneuf, he resolved to remain at Adrianople, acting for the Affairs of their King and Nation, between whom and the Marquis appeared no good understanding.  
The Friendship still continued, and seemed to increase between the French and the Turks, till the latter began to be something doubtful of them, upon the Reports and Rumours which flew about, That the French were busied in making a General Peace with all the Allies; tho' they at first confidently denied it to the Turks, who notwithstanding grew Jealous of them; and from that time their Mutual Friendship began much to abate.  
The Tumults in Asia still continued; to quiet which, and to carry on the War in Hungary, the Turks prepared to enter into Transylvania, to which end they daily Listed and Enrolled New Spahees and Janissaries in all the Provinces of Asia, issuing forth very rigorous Orders, That the Militia in all those Parts should this Year appear early in the Field; and greater Preparations were making for this Year, than for a long time before, by reason that the Sultan out of his Glory and Pride, resolved to make his utmost Effort this Year on Hungary, and Transylvania, and accordingly to win all back again, and if not to put an end to the War, to come to an Honourable Accommodation of Peace, which the Turks were sensible could not be avoided, in case they should receive any Blow, or sudden Foil the next Year from the Christians.  
This the Ambassadors of England and Holland so plainly foresaw, that they lay upon the watch to observe all the Inclinations and Motions of the Turks; and both sides now esteeming themselves upon the Crisis, laboured all that was possible to bring things to their desired Issue; when daily Spahees and Commissaries were employed to gather and collect Sums of Money in all the Asiatic Provinces, were observed to pass the Bosphorus, and other Seas, for Service of the War; of which the Tartars being informed, wrote to the Sultan to send them Money to supply their Occasions against the Moscovites, of whom they were more afraid than of the Polanders. Howsoever the Turks being Headed by so Brave a Sultan as this present Grand Signior, as they thought, did not seem to fear any thing, but to carry all before them, which so elevated them to such a height of Pride and Insolence, that the Mediators were of an Opinion, That until a considerable Blow were given to the Turks, 
Preparati●●s for the Turkish ●leet.  it would be impossible to reduce them to any Terms of Reason and Moderation.  
In which Humour they made Preparations for the following Year both by Sea and Land: That for the Sea designed for the Euxine, was chiefly provided at a Port called Sinap, in the Country of Trabesonda, where they also were casting many great and heavy Cannon: And into the Arsenal of Constantinople, were in this Month of january 120 Cannon more brought in and lodged there.  
But what other Sultan's have not done, this hath had the Ambition to perform; that is, under his own Name all the Pieces of Gold and Silver should pass, within his Empire; the like of which was never known in any other Country, unless in England under the Reign of King William III, and the Great. I cannot say that all the Gold and Silver within the Turkish Dominions was brought into the Mint to be new Coined, but it is certainly reported, that a great part thereof was; to which the five Sol Pieces made by the French, Italians, 
Alteration of the Coin in Turkey.  and other Nations, greatly helped and contributed, of which there had been many Millions Imported in 15 Years, from 65 to 80, which were very beneficial to the Coinage of those Countries.  
It was also farther commanded, That all those who had any Venetian Zechins, should bring them to the Mint, there to be new stamped with the Letters of this Sultan's Name, and there to be changed with the old ones of Venice, or otherwise changed for Silver, at the rate of two Dollars and a half per Zechin: Likewise all the Lion Dollars, commonly imported by the Dutch with the Figure of a Lion thereupon, were ordered to be brought into the Exchequer, where the Figure of the Lion being beaten out with the Hammer, the Turkish Impression with the Name of the Sultan, was to be fixed in the place thereof: To bear the Charges of this new Coining, a quarter of a Dram of Silver was taken from every Lion-Dollar, and then it was put into the Fire, where it was Hammered again, and some Christian Letters on the side thereof were permitted to remain, that thereby it might appear, that the same were reform Dollars, and such as came from the Christians; and that for the Alterations thereof, the Turkish Workmen were not to be blamed; for which Work the Turks, Grecians, Armenians, and jewish Workmen, had so much allowed them by the Day, according to their Agreement.  
About this time, being the Month of Febr●ary, Advices were brought frequently to the Sultan then at Adrianople, from the Tartars, That the Moscovites were fully resolved this Year to fall down by Sea upon Caffa; which being believed, and so expected, very strict and severe Orders were given by the Turks, to provide and equip 80 Frigates, with 15 Galleys, and many other Transport-Ships, to carry the Militia into the Black-Sea, to hinder the Descent, or Landing of the Moscovites; which Report gave great Fears and Apprehensions to the Turks, who thereupon took different Resolutions and Measures in their Affairs.  
Besides the Preparations for the Black-Sea, there were others made for the Euxine, or White-Sea, where Mezzo Morto was appointed Captain-Pasha, or General against the Venetians, being accounted a Man of great Courage, and Conduct, at which time there was building a Ship of an immense bigness, 
Maritime Preparations for the Year 1697.  which had been already many Months upon the Stocks, being built by French and Greek Masters, the like of which, that is so large, had never been built in that Arsenal; for it could carry more than 600 Soldiers, besides Seamen, and Levents; the which being put into some tolerable condition of readiness to Sail, the Sultan to show his Greatness at Sea, as well as at Land, to the Persian Ambassador, (who remained behind, after the great Embassy) issued out his Commands to three Pasha's, whom he had made Generals, to equip and fit themselves bravely.  
The first was Mezzo Morto, who was to Engage the Venetian Fleet at Sea, and to return Victorious; and in case they did, he assured them, that they should gain his singular Grace and Favour; and as an evidence thereof, he bestowed upon each of them a very rich Coftan, or Vest, richly lined with Sables.  
The Second was also a Pasha Vice-Admiral, designed against the Moscovites.  
The third was also a Pasha, in Quality of a Rear-Admiral, who was to mount the Danube, and engage against the Imperial Fleet, wheresoever they should encounter them, either about Belgrade, or Buda, or any other Parts of the Danube.  
After the Sultan had passed this Ceremony, he gave leave to his Generals to depart, and speaking very kindly and graciously to them, he encouraged them to put themselves in order for their Respective Voyages: So that now it was very apparent, that tho' the Turks would be much weaker this Year by Land, than they were the last, yet they would be far stronger by Sea, having Mezzo Morto for their Admiral, and every thing in their feveral Fleets disposed for Maritime and Naval Engagements; the Success of which, we may shortly hear in the course of those Months which are proper for Actions of the Sea.  
But before we proceed so far, it may be pertinent to our Business to recount how the French Ambassador at the Turkish Court lost a Lawsuit which he had with a certain jew at Gran Cairo, to his great Mortification; for supposing that he was able to avail in all Points, where his Master's Interest was concerned; he was highly troubled to find himself disappointed in a Business at Gran Cairo, relating to so inconsiderable a Person as a jew. The Matter was in this manner.  
We must know, that the jews in Egypt have commonly very great Power, by reason that every Pasha of Gran Cairo, who is the greatest Beglerbey in all the Empire, when he enters upon that Office, he commonly takes with him from Constantinople, some Subtle jew, 
A Stor● o● the Consul and a Jew at Gran Cairo.  who is a Man of great Riches, to manage the vast Revenue of that Province; which sets him up so high, that he is above the reach of all the Grandees of the Empire, and is Honoured and Reverenced as the Dominus Fac totum, or as joseph in the Land of Egypt.  
The French Nation had at that time a Consul in Cairo, who thought himself a Match for the jew; who on the other side esteemed himself higher than all the Christians, or Beyes, or Agaws of Egypt; and consequently comported himself with Neglect and Disesteem towards the French Consul, which he not being able to support, made his Complaints to the French Ambassador at Adrianople, against the Insolence of a jew, of which the Consul gave a most Passionate Report to Monsieur de Chateauneuf, than Ambassador for the French King at the Port; where he so managed the Business, that a Chiaus was sent for to fetch the jew from Cairo, to the Divan at Adrianople; who accordingly taking this long Journey, appeared in Judgement before the Grand Vizier.  
This jew had the Report amongst all People, of being a Person very Judicious, Prudent, and of a patient Temper; and since it was the Office of the Ambassador to appear against this jew in Judgement before the Grand Vizier, the jew behaved himself with so much Modesty, and Prudence, that he gave unto all the Standards by, some deep Impressions of his Understanding and Innocence, and that he had been injured by the French Consul at Cairo, of whose Honesty and Wisdom, the World in those Parts, had not conceived any high Opinion, nor yet of the French Nation: But that depending too much on their great Friendship with the Turks, they presumed to insult over a People, which had not for some Ages been accustomed to hard Usages from Christian Nations. Notwithstanding all which, and that the Grand Vizier had patiently understood the Plead on both sides, and was as well possessed with the Cabals of the French Nation, yet he gave Orders to the Chiausbashee to take the jew into Arrest; the which was said to have been done out of Policy by the Vizier, to cool, and moderate the Anger of the Ambassador, who plainly declared, That unless his Master, the King, had satisfaction in this particular, he was commanded to retire back into France, and to bring with him all the French Merchants, and all others of that Nation, into their own Country.  
It not being now a time for the Turks to Quarrel with the French, or to create more Enemies than they have already, they took these Menaces with an unaccustomed Patience, tho' the Great Officers being offended hereat, vented an abundance of Reproaches against the French Nation; only the Grand Vizier using his accustomed Patience, said, That justice could never do Injury to any, for that their Law, and the Koran, commanded it so to be done.  
And in this manner this Difference passed over, with some Advantage to the French, who had obliged so great a Person as the jew, who is the Negotiator of all the Affairs of Egypt, to leave his Employment to attend the Summons of the French Ambassador at such a distance as it is from Gran Cairo to Adrianople: Howsoever after all this, the French Nation did not seem to be fully satisfied, because that the Vizier after all showed some Respect to the jew, bestowing upon him a Coftan, or Vest of Favour and Honour, declaring himself in favour of the jew, that he had been falsely accused, and injuriously drawn away from the Grand Seignior's Service. To repair which Affront and Neglect to the King of France, a Demand was made by the Ambassador, That Licence might be given to Repair and Rebuild the Cathedral Church in Galata, which had for above 500 Years remained in the Christian Hands, and lastly had been Repaired and Rebuilt at the Charges of the Most Serene Republic of Venice, soon after the last War which they had with the Turks in Candia; but now the French depending on the great Services they had done the Turks, seized on the Church, which had been the Cathedral of that Diocese, and affixed the Arms of France upon the Gates thereof; at which the Venetians being greatly offended, who were the Patrons thereof, and had many Years passed purchased the Advowson from the Turks, made their Complaints to the Grand Vizier of the Injustice which had been done them: Upon which, the Vizier resolving to end the Controversy between the Christians, seized the Church of Saint Francis or Francisco, in Galata, and Converted it into a Turkish Mosch; and in such like manner commonly end all the Controversies which Christians have between themselves, that are referred to, or to be termined by, the Turks.  
The Ceremony which the Turks used in turning the Christian Church into a Mosch, was by a Command from the Sultan to the Chimacam, to enter the Church with 200 Men of his Followers, together with a good Number of their Imaums, who began at their first Entry into the Church to sing with a loud Voice, the Tune and Song called Sele, which is a Hymn extracted out of the Alcoran, to the Praise and Glory of God; the which caused great Sadness in the Hearts and Eyes of many good Christians in Galata; which had not been done, as many Turks confess, had not the French pretended a Right to that Church; with which they in a short time were forced to swallow two very bitter Pills, to the Dishonour of France, and Prejudice to the Christian Cause.  
Towards the end of the Month of March, 
March.  the Sultan equipped out seven great Men of War of 50 and 60 Pieces of Cannon each, and all armed with 500 Levents, or so many Sea-Soldiers a piece; besides which there were 14 light Galleys, with 25 Frigates, and all accompanied with divers Saiches laden with Provisions, every one of which will carry as much as 200 Carts, which are laden with Biscuits, Meal, and all sorts of other Ammunition.  
Whilst these things were in Action, the French Ambassador, Monsieur de Chateaneuf, offered this Summer to make his Campaign with the Grand Signior in Hungary against the Emperor, with which the Turks were well enough pleased, in regard they esteemed this Ambassador to be a Man of great Wisdom and Experience.  
Tekely likewise about this time was preparing himself to accompany the Vizier to the War in Hungary, the which some were of an Opinion, That it would be of good consequence to the Sultan; upon which account the Vizier conceived a great esteem for him; and was desirous to see the good Effects of all those Promises, which Tekely's Princess had made to him.  
This Lady of Tekely went unto, and returned from Adrianople, and was observed to be of an Humour very Assiduous, Diligent, and Malicious against the imperialists, but very kind and obliging towards the French, but most especially to Monsieur de Laurent, who the last Year was with the Sultan in the Campaign of Hungary, and was often invited by Tekely's Lady, and by Count Tekely himself, to take a Dinner, or a Supper, or some other Repast with them, at which Monsieur de Laurent was often welcomed, and highly Treated.  
A Friend of mine once acquainted me, That having a Curiosity to see the Wife, or Princess of Tekely, he had the Fortune to hear Mass with her at the Capuchin's Church at Galata, where well observing her Physiognomy, it appeared very Ill-favoured, Old, and Ugly: She professes to be a Roman Catholic, of which she boasts to many People, and that her Husband hath divers Correspondents almost in every Regiment belonging to the Imperial Army, from whom he hath all the Correspondencies imaginable with the Principal Commanders both of Horse and Foot, by means of which nothing passes, but what he hath a good and perfect Account of, from all parts of the Imperial Army.  
The Army which was form and drawn up against the Moscovites, consisted for the most part of Spahees from Anatolia, and of a sort of a Militia of Pascialagio, belonging to Silistra, of which they reckoned about 35000 Men, besides Tartars.  
The Reputation of this present Sultan was so great, that in all Parts both of Asia, Africa, and Europe, he was esteemed the most Fortunate of all the Sultan's; for that in the space of two Years only appearing in the Wars, he had showed so much Courage and good Conduct, that he had always beaten the Germans; that is to say, when he went himself in Person to the Wars; for which cause he was highly Esteemed▪ Honoured, and Obeyed.  
But as to the Rebels in Asia, they drew themselves up very formidably in the Field, expecting to encounter the Army of the Port, and to give them Battle.  
The great Power and Nerve of the Ottoman Force is at present in Asia, that of the Turk-men, who are a sort of People well mounted on very strong and Warlike Horses, Brave, and Valiant, and well Exercised in the Lance, and Bow; so that there was great expectation when some Feats of Arms would begin: And on the other side of A●atolia, they began to Transport over their Militia, being designed early this Year against the Moscovites, after which the Actions in Hungary were to begin.  
But before that something may be discoursed in relation to the present State of the Greek Church, 
The Greek Patriarch a Rash Man.  the Patriarch of which was very Froward and Passionate, ready to act any thing which came into his Head, without consideration of the Prejudice which might result thereby: And accordingly having a Quarrel with the Metropolite, or Bishop of Salonica, he deprived him of his Title and Office, on occasion of some Disobedience to certain Commands, to which the Patriarch would oblige him; but the Bishop not being able to support the same, out of a Madness, and Fury, and transport of Rage, he made a Voyage from Salonica to the Grand Vizier, to whom he offered 15 Purses, on condition, That in Despite of the Patriarch he might be reestablished again in his Diocese of Salonica, or Thessalonica: And to incline the Vizier the better hereunto, he demonstrated that hereby the Grand Signior in this time of War might gain great Advantages; For that in case the Vizier would accept of these 15 Purses, it might be an Example to other Metropolites, to offer some 20, some 15, and others 10, according to the Value, and Riches of the Diocese; the which Proposition much pleased the Sultan, having a good pretence thereby to chargo all the Metropolites, or Bishops; the which being many in the Greek Church, brought a considerable Sum to the Grand Signior.  
The Greek Patriarch hearing hereof, made his Journey to Adrianople, there to make his Complaints against this hard Usage offered to the Greek Church and Nation; the which irritated very much the Anger of the Moscovites against the Turks: And tho' the Moscovites did greatly at this time threaten Caffa, and give Terror and Affrightment so far as to Constantinople itself, yet the Sultan did not neglect the Thoughts and Contrivances of carrying forward his War in Hungary, with as little Expense as was possible, all Charges being retrenched; 
Tekely 's Poor State and Condition.  amongst which one particular, was that of Tekely, to whom no more than five Dollars were allowed a Day, that was for the Maintenance of his Lady, Servants, Horses, and other Parts of his Epuipage; only to help them they gave a Liberty, or Licence to sell Wine, which was at that time prohibited: And here it was that he set up his Wine-cellar within the Greek Liberties, near to the Privileges of the Patriarchate, where he continued to exercise the Trade of selling Wine with very good Benefit and Advantage; without whi●h, the five Dollars per Day could not have yielded to him and Family half his Subsistence.  
And being now entered into the Month of April, 
April.  four of the Men of War belonging to Barbary, arrived before the Arsenal of Galata, where other Men of War remained also at an Anchor, and frequently fired their Cannon, with a Chi viva at every Shot, or to the Fortune of the Fortunate Sultan.  
On this occasion, the Barbarouses brought their usual Presents, as accustomary to the Sultan, and designed to remain in the Port until the Departure of the Fleet prepared against the Venetians, consisting of 23 Men of Mar, should be in a readiness to Sail: And thus the Sultan being resolved to carry on the War both by Sea and Land, did neither rest Day nor Night, but busied himself in the proving of his Cannon, and making his Warlike Preparations with diligence, was so pleasing to the People, that never was any Sultan so acceptable to the Soldiery, as was this Mustapha, and the more highly was he esteemed, in regard he was a great Lover of Justice, which is the Prime Ornament of Emperors, and of the highest Monarches: But notwithstanding all the Care of this Grand Signior, and the Preparations he made for the War of the following Year, yet his Force neither by Sea nor Land, did amount unto the Strength of that of the preceding Year; by reason the Rebels in Asia becoming more powerful, a Proclamation was issued forth, That none shouldTransport themselves out of Asia into Europe, on Penalty of having their Houses demolished, and their Possessions of Timar and Ziamet to be all Ruined and Destroyed, with all the Lands they held of the Sultan. With which Menaces the Rebels, who were Soldiers, were so incensed, that such as they took for Prisoners, they did not Kill, but what was worse, they cut off their Noses and Ears, and in that Condition they sent them to the Port, that therewith they might make a report of their Strength and Power.  
Farther, there was a Report, That these Rebels (as formerly it had been done) demanded the Life of the Valide Soltana, which is the Queen Mother, and whereof there have been two Examples in former Times, and of one Mulchi Kadun, a great Favourite, whom they cut in Pieces, by reason that they would not endure the Government nor Counsel of Women; suffering howsoever the Queen Mother to live, because she did not make Intrigues in the Affairs of State: Of which the Asian Soldiers being put in mind, and also the Europeans of their Tumults, let us expect to see the Issue of these Tragedies.  
The Tumults in Asia gave great Disquiets to the Affairs of the Turks in Europe, and retarded all things, or put them backward, and all in expectation of Succours from the Levant, but none coming, the Sultan resolved howsoever to begin his March, and to that end appointed the Days thereof, the several Camps, and the Days of their Movements, it being determined to remain nine Days under the City of Philippopolis, and on the 4th of july to pass Sophia, and to make seven Days March thereof, where having fixed their Tents for some Days, then to proceed for Nissa, and there also to halt for some Days; all which was done with such slowness, as might give time to the Asian Troops to overtake the main Body of the Army; the which not appearing, the Sultan received divers Letters from the Pasha of Bosnia, begging with great Instances that he might have Relief and Succours sent to him, whereby to raise the Siege of Bihatz, which the Imperialists had closely begirt on all sides: Whereupon the Sultan dispatched away those few Pasha's which he had with him, and all the Forces near Belgrade, and also all the Arnauts, and all for the Succours and Relief of Bihatz.  
The Turks found themselves much more Weak than they had been the Year before, and no appearance of Recruits from Asia, nor any hopes of quieting the Troubles in those Countries, whereupon the Grand Signior, finding himself greatly Distressed, he very urgently sent his Imperial Commands from his Camp before Philippopolis, to those Pasha's who were appointed to attend and watch the Motion of those Rebels, commanding them, that (laying aside all Excuses, they should in the Di●vell's Name, leave those Rebels to their own Imaginations, and send him five of those Pasha's with 300 Horse a piece, in the lieu of those which he formerly dispatched for those Parts; namely, the Pasha of Damascus, called Mustapha Pasha, who had been the late Vizier; the Pasha of Aleppo, Osman; the Pasha of Sebaste, Usuf Pasha; the Pasha of Diarbekir, Mustapha Pasha; and the Pasha of Adana, called Fusli Pasha; but when these might be expected from so long a Journey, was very uncertain; so that the Turks themselves were very doubtful of the Event and Successes of this Year; for that all the Power which the Turks could make up, could not amount unto above 40000 Men, with Horse and Foot.  
Things remaining in this posture, it was the Opinion of most People, That the Sultan would not go this Year to the War, but only in appearance, and that he would only be upon the Defensive, avoiding all Fights and Encounters in the Field. And as to the Moscovites, the Reports were various, and full of uncertainty.  
All this time the Sultan remained at Sophia, cheerful, and much pleased to understand that the Polanders had declared the Prince of Conti for their King, which could not but produce a Peace with that Kingdom, and an Union with that Crown; which tho' not true, yet it gave the Turks hopes of an Addition of 30000 Coruzzi unto their Forces against the Germans; who as they did assault Tokay the last Year with good Success, so they were full of hopes to do the like for this also, with the Possession of several other Castles and Fortresses: But than it was thought necessary that Tekely should be sent to them with Title of King of Hungary; which when the Sultan understood, with the good Tidings, That Bihatz did bravely defend it self, with Assurances of conserving the same against all Enemies, it was esteemed News of such Importance, that the Grand Signior gave Commands to the Grand Vizier, to Write the News into all Parts, and particularly unto Tekely, That the Grand Signior had declared him King of Hungary, for which the Sultan had sent him a Commission, with a Letter, the Superscription of which was, Orla Maggiar Croli, which signifies in the Hungarian Language, To the King of Hungary: To which were added also some Purses of Money for defraying the Charges of his Journey, and adorning his Equipage.  

Tekely's ●●●l●ctions.  This Command came very unfortunately at this time for Tekely, who was then grievously afflicted with the Gout, and preparing, for Recovery of his Health, to pass over to the Baths, and Medicinal Waters of Prusia, or Bruscia, which fall from that Mountain, which was anciently called, Mount Olympus: But what was worse, the Chiauses came furiously upon him at Prusia, and without Compassion, Compliment, or good Manners, threw him into a Carr like a Log to make him a King, without any Respect, which was most miserable for him; for he had not only the Gout, but had a Paralytical Distemper upon him, so as that he was seized with a Palsy in his Head, Neck and Arms: And in this manner he was carried Day and Night in a Wagon, until he came unto the sight of the Sultan.  
All this time the Sultan remained at Sophia, whilst the Army, or greatest part thereof, marched towards Belgrade, and some into Bosnia; and having received some Advices out of Asia, That the Rebels of that Country, were inclinable to a Submission, and made some Evidences as if they intended to return to their Duty and Obedience: The Sultan became very much pleased, and put himself that time into an excellent Humour, and thereupon was induced to dispatch several Aga's into Anatolia, with Letters written under his own Hand, in an Humble and Caressing Style, not usual for any Sultan before that time to Write, Swearing, 

In the first place, To grant Pardon to all, and a general Amnesty to such, as should return to their Duty of Obedience.  
Secondly he swore, That he would do justice to all in their Just Demands and Pretensions.  
Thirdly, That he would give every Man satisfaction.  
Fourthly, That he would damnify no Man either in his Goods, or Estate, or Life; but on the contrary reward every Man according to his Deserts, provided that they became Obedient, and Deserted the Party of the Malcontented Beys, or Pasha's, against whom are so many Examples of God's Vengeance and justice: Of which he advised them well to consider before they entered into a March, which would conduct them to his Terrible and Affrighting Presence; which if they did not accept and do, he Swore, That he would make up a Peace with the Christians, and March in Person into Anatolia, there to take Vengeance upon them for their Offences, and extirpate the whole Race of those who have taken up Arms against the Mussulman Cause; for which, by the Laws of the Alcoran, they are to Die, and without Mercy to suffer Death.    
This News being carried to the hearing of the Malcontents, about 10000 of them Deserted the Cause, and proceeded to pass over from Anatolia into Europe, and without any delay took the nearest way to reach and overtake the Army of the Sultan; to hasten which, the Grand Signior wrote Commands to the Chimacam, and Bostangibashi, to prepare Quarters for them in the Imperial Gardens and Houses as they passed, and that they should in all their Marches, want nothing of Refreshments, nor those who are unprovided want Arms, or any other thing necessary for the War; amongst which there were 3000 Bostangees fitted out for the War, from the Grand Seignior's Seraglios: And such Rigorous Courses were spread over all the Countries of the Lesser Asia, 
August.  that those Laws and Commands of the Sultan being put into execution, it was believed impossible for any Embroils, or Seditions, for ever after to arise in the Lesser Asia, tho' they could not but be some times apprehensive of Troubles from Persia; for since the time that this King was Crowned, he was always esteemed a Troublesome and a Dangerous Enemy to the Turks; for tho' he was not wanting in his Courtships, and Embassies to the Ottoman Court, as we have seen, yet he was still encouraging the Georgians, and the Persians in the Parts of Basora, to be troublesome to the Turks.  
The Sultan still remained at Sophia, where having Advices from the Frontiers, he dispatched away a Capugibashee to his Mother the Valide Soltana, giving her to understand, That his Forces had fallen upon a Body of Germans, which he had routed; and taken the strong Fortress of Titul, in which he had put all the Garrison to the Sword; and did not doubt, but speedily to enter into Transylvania; from whence he promised to send his Mother a Present of some fine Young Ladies to attend, and wait upon her, and to be conducted by some of those Black Eunuches, which were attending at that time upon his Person.  
After such Vapours and Boastings as these, which the Sultan expressed to his Mother, it was not judged to be longer Honourable for the Grand Signior to remain at Sophia, a place so far distant from the Ottoman Camp in Hungary; whereupon marching with the Main Body of his Army, slowly, and in good Order, Messengers were sent unto Sarchan Pasha, then at Belgrade, who was then the General, and esteemed an excellent Soldier, and a Courageous Man, and well acquainted with the Countries about those Confines, to hasten his March to meet the Germane Army: And so also the Sultan followed, and arrived in good time to join the Main Body of the Front about Titul. In the Relation of which Battle, there were two Accounts sent from Constantinople; one of the 29th of October, and another of the 5th of November.  
Such as were on this side of the Tibiscus, 
The Battle of the Tibiscus.  and saw the Battle, report, That the Rout consisted only of such, as with great difficulty passed the Tibiscus by their Swimming, and they report, That the Turks could never imagine, that it was possible for the Imperialists so soon to Attack them, as that Day they did; much less that it was possible for the Grand Vizier to pass his Cannon, Ammunition, Provisions, with all the Militia of Janissaries over that Bridge, and thence to proceed to Segedin, and so into Transylvania, and into the Upper Hungary.  
In the mean time the Imperialists kept on their March to meet the Turks, and having prepared their Trenches, they fortified themselves therein, which caused the Grand Vizier to assemble all his Pasha's, which were to the Number of 15, leaving the Sultan on the other side of the Water, with a Body of Spahees, and Silishars, which are a sort of Spahees belonging to the Court, together with the Solakbassees, who are a sort of Pages also belonging to the Court; but the Taraklee Spahees, who are Timar's and Zaims, followed the Pasha of their own Province and Country; of which making an Account of their Numbers, they calculated them to amount unto 25000, all Expert Men, who managed their Arms to a Miracle, but were in this Battle either Killed, or Drowned.  
The Arnauts observing the Germane Army to be marching to Attack them, were the first who endeavoured to pass the Bridge, and to put themselves to Flight:  
The Janissaries also had the like Intentions to do the same, saying, That they had been Abandoned and Deserted by the Spa●ees▪ And as they approached near to the Bridge, the Grand Vizier observing a Disposition in the Arnauts to pass the Bridge, and fly, he assembled a Body of his own Aga's together, intending therewith to hinder and prevent the Flight, which was done by killing a great Number of them.  
The Arnauts finding themselves so ill Treated, they put themselves into a Mutiny, or rather into a Rebellion against the Grand Vizier, and killed him: After which some Thousands of the Spahees placing themselves on the other side of the Bridge, with their Swords drawn in their Hands, they defended the Bridge, and suffered none to pass over it.  
By this time the Imperialists having put themselves into good Order of Battle, furiously Attacked the Turks on all sides▪ At the first Charge the Turks made some Resistance, but at the second they began to give way; and observing the great Destruction, and Slaughter, that the Fire and Sword made, being terrified therewith, they resolved to cast and precipitate themselves into the River, where the greatest part of them perished; all which, as was said, happened in the space of two or three Hours; where could never be greater Confusion, nor greater Effusion of Blood of their own Soldiery, of which the Chief Commanders were Slain without Mercy, or any Quarter, and such a Multitude of Turks, and Chief Pasha's are said to have perished upon the Spot, that during the whole War, the like Slaughter never happened as this: For according to the Report of those, who were not far from the Presence of the Sultan, during all the time of the Battle, they agree, That according to an Account and List of the Slain, there never happened so Great, and so Terrible a Destruction as this to the Ottoman Army, which more unhappily fell upon the Principal Commanders, than upon the Common Soldiers, which they esteem to be a just Judgement of God upon them; for that no less than 15 Pasha's were killed in this Engagement; five of which had been Beglerbeys, or Viziers of the Bench, besides the Supreme Vizier.  
And such a Slaughter, or Destruction as this, was never known to have happened, for never in the Memory of Man, or any Age, was it ever known, that five Viziers had ever fallen in one Battle; amongst which was the Supreme Vizier, Giafer Pasha, another Pasha, the Aga of the Janissaries, a Pasha and Vizier; Missir Oglü a Vizier, Fasli Pasha a Vizier, and the rest of them were all Pasha's of Provinces and Governments.  
There were 74 Captains, with their Officers and Soldiers of their several Chambers, all slain: In every Chamber they account 100 Janissaries, of which there may be in some Chambers, 10 or 20 Supernumeraries; so that it may be the general Opinion, That above 8000 Janissaries were slain, and those of the bravest and best Soldiers of all the Turkish Militia, of which the Sultan was so sensible, that he declared, He was not so much troubled for the Number, as for the Quality of such Brave and Experienced Soldiers, who had so often, and in so many Engagements Worsted and Overthrown the Germans.  
Besides these, were killed in this Battle, the Kahya-Bey, or Lieutenant General of the Janissaries, with his 600 Braves, which are always attending upon his Person, having so many in that Company, or Regiment, being the first Oda, or Chamber of the Janissaries; for indeed the Kahya-Bey is always more Esteemed, Obeyed, and Feared, than the Janisar-Aga himself.  
Amongst the four other Generals of the Militia of the Janissaries, the Zargagi-bashee, who was the Major-General of the Janissaries, was slain; of the other three were ordained one against the Muscovites, and the other two against the Venetians by Sea and by Land: And besides the 74 Captains, as many Beiracters, or Ensigns, were also slain.  
And besides these 2500 Segmen of Bosnia, being divided into several Divisions of the Great Vizier, and divers other Pasha's, with all the Gebegees, who are Armourers, together with their Captains, and General; as also the Gunners and Topegibashees, or Masters of the Ordnance, which are divided into two several Orders of Militia.  
The gaining of this Battle was of that high Concernment, and the Consequences thereof so considerable, that from thence the Peace following was derived; so that we may believe all the World to be interested therein, and to be the Subject of the Speculation of the greatest Monarches of this World.  
An Instance whereof we have in the following Letter, Written by the Emperor himself, and with his own Hand, in Latin, to King William of England, in this Style.  
The Emperor of Germany's Letter, to King William of England.  
PAUCAS ante horas desiderato ex Hungariâ nuntio recreamur, quod exercitus noster sub ductu Principis Eugenii de Sabaudia die decimo currentis Mensis, Ottomanica Castra ad Tibiscum triplici aggere munita, & triginta fere hostium Millibus propugnata, non solum fortiter aggressus sit, verum etiam Divino juvante numine foelicitèr superavit, caesis in loco decem & amplius millibus quos inter Supremus Visirius, & Janisariorum-Aga numerantur, reliquique quos Pontis Angustia capere non potuit in Flumen praec●pitati & maximam in partem submersi, Tormentis etiam 72, una cum aliquot mille curribus, & commearu in potestatem redactis, nostra vero ex parte tantum 500 occisis, & totidem sauciatis.  
Englished thus.  
IT is within some few Hours, that the Post is arrived from Hungary, bringing News, That our Army under the Command and Conduct of Eugenius Prince of Savoy; did not only on the 10th of this instant Month, Valiantly Attack the Ottoman Camp fortified upon the Banks of Tibiscus, or Theysse, with a treble Ditch, and with a Force of Thirty Thousand Men therein, but assisted by the Gracious Favour of Almighty God, most happily subdued them, killing Ten Thousand of them upon the Place; amongst which, were the Supreme Vizier, and Aga of the janissaries, and the rest, which the narrowness of the Bridge could not contain, threw and precipitated themselves into the River, where the greatest part of them were Drowned; with Seventy two Pieces of their Cannon, with some Thousands of Wagons laden with Provisions, which all fell into our Hands; and all which was done on our sides with the loss only of 500 Men, and about as many Wounded.  
After this Battle was ended, all was in great Confusion amongst the Turks, and every one shifted as well as he could to escape.  
The Grand Signior himself posted to Temeswaer, from whence he dispatched a Black Eunuch to his Mother, with the unhappy News of the late ill Success, and the Particulars of it, to avoid false Reports, which upon this Occasion might be apt to be spread abroad of the Death of himself; and other Sinister Rumours more fatal to the Empire than ever was known afore times, and might terrify the Valide Soltana; who by the News of the Life of her Son, might take Heart, and receive Comfort, and prevent the Mutinies amongst the Soldiery and People, who were too ready upon such an Evil Report, to Enthrone the Brother of Sultan Achmet, the last Brother of the three lately Deceased: But it being known that Sultan Mustapha was certainly Alive, all was pacified; which being of so great Importance, the Grand Signior sent a Letter, as I said, to his Mother, by a Black Eunuch, by way of Nicopolis, who was a Magriplee, or an Abyssine, or Ethiopian, well beloved by the Queen, and greatly Confided in by her. The Relation on the side of the Turks, was represented as favourably as the thing would bear; in which he declared, That there had been a very great Battle near a River, in which his Person was not present, and so was safe; but his Vizier being Engaged against an Army of 100000 Men, was Slain, together with the greatest Number of Janissaries, and Foot Soldiers, and those of the Principal Officers; the which Relation he also dispatched by the second Master of the Horse, with a Coftan to H●ssaein Pasha, declaring him to be Grand Vizier, which happened well for the Christians; for he was a Man always inclined to a Peace, and no great Friend to the French; he was a great Lover of Wine, 
Inclinations of the Turks towards a Peace.  which mollified the Rigorous Temper of a Turk, and made him more Jocund and Easy than commonly the Water-Drinkers amongst the Turks profess to be; at which News the Christians immediately conceived an abundance of Joy, not doubting but that a Peace would immediately ensue, as it did accordingly; for all People were grown weary of so long a War, which had now continued for about twenty Years, with very Unfortunate Successes to the Turks both by Sea and Land.  
After all which the Grand Signior returned with what speed he could to his Seraglio at Adrianople, where all things had put on a Countenance of Melancholy and Sadness.  
In the mean time the Christians resolving to prosecute and follow their Blow, whilst the Turks with Fear and Disorder were flying homeward, the Prince Eugenius of Savoy, spent the whole Day on the 12th of October in passing the Imperial Army over the Save; 
October.  but the River being narrow, and the Wether good and favourable, they arrived early in the Camp on the other side:  
And next Morning of the 13th, they began their March towards Bosnia, which was difficult to pass, by reason of the Mountains, Woods, and Rocks in the way, which was rude, and unbeaten.  
Upon the 14th of this Month, the Body of the Army Encamped about Kottor, where the March had been worse, and more difficult, and longer by an Hour than the Day before; and tho' Colonel Kyba with his Squadron was marched before, howsoever he proceeded not in his March, because he had News on the way, and chiefly from Bagnaluca, That the Enemy had not the least Intelligence of the Advance of the Imperial Army, so that he made a Halt until His Most Serene Highness was come up to join the Body under his Command, that so they might hold a Conference, and Council of War together, which they performed standing not to lose time; and then Colonel Kyba proceeded with his Forces unto Castle Doboy, where was a Garrison of Turks, and was situated two or three Hours from the Christian Camp: And here it was thought fit not to go farther this Night, because they concluded, that they were not as yet discovered by the Enemy, because they had not heard them shoot the Alarm, as their Custom was to do whensoever they discovered any Body of Men approaching towards them; and so to keep all things still without any discovery, they marched with much silence, without Beat of Drum, or Sound of Trumpet: And the very same Day the Prince of Savoy arrived in the Camp; where a Council of War being called, it was concluded, That Colonel Kyba should be dispatched away before, to take Possession of some Ground near to the Turkish Castle of Doboy, as was formerly agreed, and there to form his Camp, where he was reinforced with 600 Men: Upon appearance of which, his Orders were, That in case the Castle did not presently Surrender, he should march immediately forward, and without loss of time march into the Country, leaving the last 600 Men before the Castle to enclose the Enemy, who should soon be reinforced by 200 Men more: And so should proceed to the second Castle, called Maglay; where finding Opposition, he should leave that likewise, and so proceed forward.  
By this time, or towards the Morning of the 15th of this Month, some Shooting was heard, which was the first Signal of an Alarm: Howsoever they continued to March without beating their Drums, or sounding their Trumpets; but this Days March was more troublesome and difficult than the Day before, by reason that it was through Hilly and rough Places: Howsoever coming at length to Castle Doboy, they Summoned the Place to Surrender, the which being denied at first, by the Turks in Garrison, the Christians laboured all Night, and in that time raised a Battery, on which they planted six Pi●ces of Cannon, with two Mortar-pieces.  
The Day following the Cannon beginning to play, 
Castle Doboy Surrenders.  the Turks Capitulated, and Surrendered themselves at Discretion and Mercy of the Enemy.  
The Garrison consisted of about 80 Men, out of which they made Prisoners of such as appeared to be the most Soldierlike Men; as for others, who were Old, and Infirm, with Women, and Children, they gave them liberty to shift for themselves, and go to what Places they pleased.  
In the Castle little Provision was found, and few Arms, so that Colonel Kyba, according to his Instructions from the General, proceeded in his March: And  
On the 17th came to the Castle Maglay, which upon the first Summons Surrendered, on condition only to go out with their Wives and Children, leaving all other things behind them.  
On the 18th by Break of Day in the Morning, the Garrison of Maglay marched out, and Surrendered the Place: About which time nothing more was heard from the Enemy, only that the Kahya, the Son of the Deceased Pasha, was Encamped near Or●ssa Viza, and that the Imperial Foragers were annoyed much by the Meroders of the Enemy.  
On the 18th they appeared before the Palanca or Pass called Schebze, wherein were 300 Turks: which upon the Summons demanded a time of Consideration until the next Day, which the General of the Imperialists would not grant them; but advanced with 400 Foot Soldiers, and 300 Dragoons, with the Artillery belonging to them, and mounting 12 Pieces of Cannon against the Palanca, in the Night they stormed it in two Places; in which Attack having lost 12 or 15 Men within the Pallisadoes, without any stop, they still advanced forward, whilst Colonel Kyba meeting with 200 Horse of the Enemy, whose Design was to cast themselves into the Pass Schebze, but were prevented, being in part killed, and in part taken Prisoners: And having Intelligence, That the Kahya was with a Body of about two or 3000 Men, between Schebze and Branduck, he caused Batteries to be raised to hinder their ready Passages.  
On the 19th they marched on through the Orohovizar Valley, being a very troublesome Passage at the first Entrance thereinto, not only for the Narrowness and Straightness of the Road, but also because the Enemies on both sides had cut and ruined the Ways; so that about three a Clock in the Afternoon, the last Regiments, which were Horse, entered the Field, and joined the former Troops, but the Infantry came not thither until it was Night; and as to the Artillery and Baggage, they remained full half an Hours March behind, at a distance from the narrow Passage, where it remained all the Night guarded by two Regiments of Dragoons, which in the Morning marched in safe Conduct, and guarded them in safety to the Body of the Army.  
The 20th the March was through Narrow and Rocky Passages, worse than the former, or that way which leads to the Castle Branduck, which was so difficult, that the Imperial Army would have been in a very ill Condition, had the Turks been capable of disputing vigorously the Passage with them: But at length having passed the most rough and difficult Ways of Branduck, which were so inconvenient, that the Artillery and Baggage could not be brought after them, but were forced to be lodged under a strong Guard on the Orohovizar Valley, where the Places were fairer and more pleasant, but the Inhabitants were fled and gone, but had left behind them all sorts of good Fruits, with small and large Cattle in great Numbers, with sufficient Herbage and Sustenance to maintain them.  
The 21st the Imperial Army arrived near the River Bosna, over which there was a Bridge, but so Old and Ruinous, that the Army was not willing to adventure a Passage over it, but rather esteemed it more secure for every Dragoon, or Horseman to take a Man behind him, and therewith to Wade through the River; with this Burden and Equipage they marched over a very high Hill for the space of two Hours, which nevertheless was more easy to pass over than the former: So they continued their March again over the Bosna, by the help and convenience of a good strong Bridge, not ruined by the Enemy, and so advanced into the Camp, near the Village Doboy, where Colonel Kyba joined again with Prince Eugenius, advancing still before the same Night towards Sarai, or Seraglio, to observe the Place, to which great Numbers of People of that Country were fled for security: But because that City was not capable to receive such Multitudes of People, great Numbers of them were forced to lodge before the City Gates, so as the Prisoners declared, which together with those in the City, would make up a Body of 30000 Men, but they wanted Arms very much: So that tho' the Kahya was then personally present in the City; 
October.  yet his Power and Authority was weak to dispose Matters into any tolerable State and Condition of Defence.  
But the Imperialists found this Part very Fair, Fruitful, and well Built; and therefore the Christians and Inhabitants of that Land went to the Imperial Camp to render themselves up under their Protection.  
At the beginning of this March, on the 22d, the Troops found the Ways Narrow, Crooked, and Deep, but afterwards passed into a more pleasant Place, called Visega, and then repassed again the River Bosna, over a Bridge; at the end of which, after an Hours time they Encamped; and by this time Colonel Kyba was come back with his People, who had done some Execution against the Inhabitants in their March, killing some, and making Prisoners of others, which put the City of Seraglio into great Amazement and Confusion, whilst several Parties of the Enemy roved round the adjacent Parts, and took several Prisoners; at which time a Cornet, with a Trumpeter, were sent into Seraglio, to Summon the City to submit willingly, or otherwise no Quarter should be given to any of them.  
The 23d two Parties sent out the Day before, returned back again very early in the Morning, before the breaking up of the Imperial Army, bringing no News, or Advice from the Enemy: Only the Cornet gave a Relation, That as he was going to Seraglio, for almost a Quarter of an Hours time he had met with no Body at all; but afterwards falling in amongst the Turks, to whom having made a Sign with his Hand, he showed them the Writing he had with him, which were Proposals for the Surrender of the City; but that he happened to see the Trumpeter killed before his own Eyes, and with much difficulty, with divers Wounds escaped himself: And farther reported, That all the Inhabitants in great haste went out of Seraglio.  
After this the Army in a Body marched to the City, which the Turks had quitted, and abandoned, leaving none remaining but Christians and jews, from whom they took all they could find, but nothing of great Value, in regard the Turks had not only disposed of the best of their own Goods, but likewise before their Flight had Plundered the Houses of the Christians, and committed the Guard of the Castle to a Garrison of 150 Men; and the same Day towards Evening a Fire broke out in the City, of which no care being taken to Extinguish it, it was totally burnt and consumed. The Castle howsoever was not burnt, for it being built of Stone, required leisure to demolish, which at that time could not be allowed.  
Howsoever several Parties on the 24th returned from abroad, bringing some Prisoners with them, and many poor Christians came likewise Voluntarily in, with Resolution to pass the Save, upon the Return of the Imperial Army; which happened to be on the 25th and 26th, but Colonel Kyla stayed, (as he usually did) some time behind to burn and destroy every thing that remained, as yet unconsumed.  
And on the 27th they marched on, until they came to the Camp, which was before Seniza.  
And on the 28th they entered into bad Defiles, and at length into the Valley of Orohovit●, where the Artillery and Wagons joined again with the Army.  
The 29th they Encamped near Schebze, where Advices were brought to the Generals in what manner the Enemy was gathered into a Body near Belgrade, consisting of several Thousands of Men.  
Lastly, The Imperialists returned again over the Save, carrying with them a great quantity of Turkish Cloth, with many Turkish Women, and Goods belonging to the saved Christians, with a great quantity of small and great Cattle.  
After the Return of the Christian Army under the Command of Prince Eugenius of Savoy, from the Fortunate Successes in Bosnia, the Troops were commanded on the 30th of October, to march from Marga, towards Caranzebes; from whence, on the very same Evening, Lieutenant-Colonel Count of Herberstein, was Commanded to March before, with his National Militia of Rascians, joined with some Germans.  
And the 31st was appointed for a Day of Repose, and Rest for the whole Army; and on that Occasion sufficient Provisions were made both for Horse and Man.  
When on the first of November the Body of the Army began to move from Caranzebes, and in grievous Wether, with Rain and Snow, marched all the way so far as Soczan: And then about two a Clock in the Afternoon they made a Halt near Gialuk, in the Valley of Carassona.  
And on the third they pitched near the deserted Village of Petrovizas'.  
From whence on the 4th Days March, a Detachment was sent before to Invest the Fort of Vypalancha, where the Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment of Rabutin, Lord of Graser, with a Body of 500 Horse, had taken his Post, or Possession, and seated himself on the side of the Danube about 100 Paces from the River, advancing to the Pallisadoes, and there immediately began to fire upon the Place, and to Entrench with so much diligence, that in a short time they had opened the Trenches 200 Paces; and having prepared the small Pieces of Cannon, which they brought with them, and one Mortar-piece, they began therewith to make their Batteries.  
The 5th Day in the Morning, they set in order their Batteries, and began also to throw Bombs into the Palanca, which they found to be much more strong than it was believed at first; for that it was encompassed with a double Ditch, and treble Rows of Pallisadoes, and a place of Retreat guarded with 400 Men, and well provided of all things; and for the better Security, they had made some hundreds of Faggots; and in the mean time the Turks in a great Body showed themselves upon another Stream of the Danube above, and others at the Foot of the Mountain, near to Rham, together with Saicks, and Frigates on the River. Likewise on the other side of Belgrade, near Kroska, Semandria, Columbas, Isbeck, and Gradiska, which were all places so near, that in 24 Hours time, Succours might be brought from them, at least to hinder, if not totally prevent the Designs of the Enemy: For which reason, the General, Count Rabutin, resolved to lose no time, but forthwith to make an Assault upon the Place, and if possible, to take it by force, to which end he prepared 500 Germans, and 200 Rascians to make the Attack upon the Place.  
On the 6th with dawning of the Day, appeared on the other side of the River, a great number of the Turkish Boats, battering with their Cannon, as they had done all the Day before against the Christian Camp: And in the mean time, with the Break of Day, the Attack began in two Places at the same time; that is, upon the left Hand of the Danube, where the greatest difficulty was, under the Command of Heer Viart, Sergeant-Major of the Hanover Troops; and then on the right Hand, on the River Cerasse, where the Soldiers to pass the Water, Waded up to the Middle, under the Command of Captain Beaumond, of the Regiment of Rabutin: And to give the greater Inconvenience to the Enemy, they fired their Cannons continually without Intermission, as also their Bombs▪ besides Smallshot from 250 Men out of the Trenches; but in regard that in the Night before certain Recruits were sent to reinforce the Place, together with a Boat, on Board of which were 100 Men from Columbas, and Isbeck, with new Ammunition, so that they met with very much resistance; besides, they Stormed without making any Breach, and that in the sight of 20 or 30 Saicks and Frigates, which appeared above and below the Place; insomuch as things looked more doubtful and hazardous, than with any promising Countenance of Success. Howsoever General de Rabutin and Sergeant-General Count de Leiningen applied all possible care and Industry to hinder and prevent the Enemy's Succours from coming upon them, by which the Soldiers at the appearance, and so near an approach of their Enemies, again reassumed new Courage; and tho' they were at first well enough animated, when they observed the Turks come upon them, with their Cries of Allah, Allah, which they usually make upon their Charge, and that 400 of their Horse remained for a Reserve, the Vigour and Spirit was renewed on all sides, and then with Axes and Hatchets they cutting down the Pallisadoes, gained so much Ground, that all things laid open before them: So that after a doubtful Conflict of about an Hour and a half, the Place was overcome, and taken by the Valour of the Christians; so that not only the Commander in Chief Hay Beigh, but all the Garrison, with the Inhabitants, without any Exception, were Killed, or droven into the Danube. All which was done and acted in a very short time, which was well that it so happened; for had it admitted of any farther delay, the Christians would have encountered many more Difficulties, for that the Turks were bringing over many Succours, which would have caused very dangerous Diversions. When on the contrary, the Turks lost 800 Persons, and the Christians only 10, which was almost a Miracle to consider.  
General Rabutin was always present on the right Hand, during the Assault, and after it, the better to Encourage the Soldiers, he alighted from his Horse, and having Commended and Praised every one publicly in his Place according to his Deserts, and especially the Sergeant-General Count of Leiningen, who had the left Wing under his Conduct, and had done and acted as much as could be expected on such an Occasion; and indeed both he and Sergeant-Major de Viart, showed as much Bravery, Conduct, and Military Experience as could be desired of the greatest Captains in the World.  
But now in regard this Pass of Vypalancha was too far within the Territory of the Enemy, to be any long time maintained; for that should the Garrison be German, or Rascian, it would be too much exposed, without any possibility of Relief, the General Rabutin resolved to 'Slight and Demolish the Place, and accordingly he gave all up to the Flames.  
And on the seventh Day, so soon as the Cannon were carried away, it was put in to execution, which was soon effected by the great Numbers of Countrymen and Peasants employed upon that Work; and the same Morning the Camp was removed nearer to the Palancha.  

The Particulars of Men Killed and Wounded in the Assault of Vypalanca.  

GERMANS.  Killed, Men 
10  Wounded, Men 
87  Horses 
26  Horses 
21   

Of the ARTILLERY.  Killed, 
0  Wounded, 
1   

RASCIANS.  Killed, 
4  Wounded, 
18   

Found in the Place.  
16 Ensigns exposed round the Town.  
63 Turkish Prisoners, and 32 Women.  
11 Pieces of Cannon of Copper, carrying from two to eight Pound Ball.  
200 Granades for the Hand, some Powder, and some few other Warlike Arms.  
About 200 Bushels of Grain, with some Flour of Wheat.  
Besides which, all other things were given up to the Plunder of the Soldiers.  
Besides which, there were above 1000 Pieces of Rock-Salt, which were brought from Valachia.   
These Successes which the Christians had gained over the Turks in all Places, through the whole Course of this Year 1697, put them into a kind of Despair of being any more Victorious, but rather to yield to the Hand of God, and to fix a Period to the Limits of their Empire, which they believed, by the Providence of God, was no farther to be extended.  
These Thoughts put all the Great Men, and Governors of the Ottoman Empire into such a Melancholy, that contrary to their usual Humour of Pride, and Vain Imaginations of Riches, and Enlargement of Empire, as if the Ottoman Arms were never to be weakened, or brought low; all the Powerful and Warlike Men, together with the Sultan, concluded, That after such a Series of Misfortunes; both by Sea and Land, God frowned on their Enterprises, and would no longer favour their Martial Proceedings: And therefore, that until such time as God's Anger against them was appeased, there was no safety but in a Happy Peace, to be Negotiated by the only true Allies of the Ottoman Empire; namely, the Great King William of Great Britain, and the Most Potent Lords, the State's General of the Low-Countries, or United Provinces; for whom at that time, namely, for the first the Lord Paget was then Ambassador at the Port; and for the latter was the Heer Colyer, both of them Persons qualified by their Offices, and long Experiences in the Turkish Affairs, to become Mediators and Ministers for their Powerful and Puissant Masters, in Treating a Peace of the greatest Importance of any that hath happened in this, or in the preceding Age; unless it be the General Peace, in which all Christendom was so nearly concerned.  
What farther moved the Turks to desire and promote this Peace, was their Ill Successes at Bassora, where that Pasha, whom we have formerly mentioned, had carried for some time all before him; and tho' the Persians had often promised their Assistance to the Turks, for Suppression of that Rebellion, yet nothing was acted by them in reality, until the Grand Signior, and the whole Government became sensible, that nothing was to be expected of good either by War, or Peace, but by their own Negotiations; in pursuance of which the Mediation so often offered, was at length accepted, and put into execution at the beginning of the Year 1698.    

Anno 1698.  
THIS Year was happily begun with a Resolution on all sides to make the Peace: 
1698. January.  Howsoever at the beginning thereof things looked very frowningly, without that gentle Prospect, which is commonly the Forerunner of a Peace: For at the beginning of this Month, three Aga's were dispatched from Adrianople, to the Chimacam of Constantinople, with Orders to facilitate their Passage into Asia, by the most Expedite Posts that could be form; howsoever in their Passage they entered into Conferences with the Chief Ministers at Constantinople, giving them to understand, That they had Orders to Summon the Tartar Han, to appear in Conference at Adrianople, with the Sultan, Mufti, and Grand Vizier, whose Opinions and Resolutions were at first to continue the War; which they declared themselves very able to do; for tho' it was true, that they had lost the best part and the most flourishing of their Janissaries, and Infantry, yet their Cavalry was almost entire, and able to Engage the Enemy with an Advantage; and were able to form a better Army this, than the last Year.  
The Tartar Han declared, That he did not fear the Muscovites so much as he did the Cossacks, and the Poles, but of them they are in no great Apprehensions neither; for that the French Ambassador had promised and assured them, That the Prince of Conti should so disturb the Affairs of Poland, that no danger needed to be feared from that People.  
And now to strengthen these Proposals, the Sultan decreed, That new Contributions should be required over all Asia, and Men of great Authority were sent with Bands and Troops of Segmen, and other Militia, to raise the Money by force and power.  
Orders were also sent to the Chimacam of Constantinople, to put the Forges of Constantinople at work for founding great quantities of Cannon.  
And that the Maritime Affairs might not be neglected, Mezzo Morto was continued in the Office of Captain-Pasha, or Admiral, with Orders, and Instructions to fight the Venetians.  
Thus all things looked as if nothing had been intended besides a War. Howsoever the Great God of Hosts, in whose Hands remains the Balance of Peace and War, having designed otherwise, and at length to give repose, and rest after so long Wars, to the Nations of the Earth, was pleased in his Divine Providence to direct a Conference in the Month of May, between the Great Vizier, the Tartar Han, and the Mufti, at Adrianople, who having considered of the many Difficulties under which the Mahometan Religion, and the Ottoman Empire laboured, gave it as their Opinions to the Sultan, that there could be no safety to either, but in a Peace, for which they produced many Reasons, but none of greater force than that for this Year, no Assistance could be expected from Asia; nor was it possible to recruit in one Years time, the lost Body of the Janissaries, which is the Nerve of the Ottoman Militia; in which Opinion the Chimacam of Adrianople, called Mustapha Pasha, who had formerly been Grand Vizier, concurred with the others, and all of them joining together in the same Opinion, made their Applications to the Sultan, giving him to understand, That having duly considered of this important matter, nothing seemed so necessary as a Peace, which God had now pleased in his Goodness, for the Comfort and Relief of the Mahometan Cause, to offer unto them: The which Declaration and Counsel of these Great Men made to the Sultan, took so much amongst the People, that the Report flew like Lightning, and in five Days time was divulged almost over all the Empire.  
All the Persons that were present at this private Conference, were the Mufti, Han of Tartary, Aga of the Janissaries, Aga of the Spahees, and Grand Vizier, and the Sultan himself.  
To make some little appearance of unwillingness to make a Peace, as if they had been able to continue the War, they sent away towards Belgrade, some Field-pieces of Brass, which had been lately Cast, or Founded; and on that Occasion 15 Chambers of Janissaries, with their Ciurbagees, or Captains, of which every Chamber consisted of 100 Men, but were computed in all to make up 2200 Janissaries, 200 Zebegees, or Armourers, 70 Gunners, which were commanded by a certain Person, called Ali Pasha, who was Brother in Law to the late Grand Vizier: It was reported, That all the Chambers had their full and complete Numbers, but upon the true Computation, they were found to be much short, and not above 70 in a Chamber; by this kind of Computation, the poor Estate of the other Militias of the Ottoman Army being to be judged, made the Proposition of a Peace to become much more acceptable to all Sorts and Conditions of Men: One Evidence of which, was the readiness and haste the Grand Signior and Vizier showed to be upon their March towards Sophia.  
In order to which, it was appointed, That the Aga of the Janissaries, should on the 6th of june begin their March, 
June.  and that the Sultan should follow two Days afterwards being the 8th; for that already towards the latter end of May, all the Camels, and Horses, which were provided to carry the Tents and Baggage, were arrived at Adrianople.  
In pursuance whereof the Grand Signior, and Grand Vizier, began their March on the 8th of june, when it was supposed, That taking Sophia in their way, and making that Plac● a Quarter of some Days Repose, there to Celebrate the Feast of their little Biram, they might arrive at Belgrade by the 15th of july; when all the Army of the Turks could not amount to more than 40000 Men, tho' they should receive an Addition of 10000 Men from Asia, which was the greatest Number of Soldiers that they could expect this Year from those Parts, and hereof many Hundreds failed of making up that Number. Howsoever in regard that the Peace in Hungary, and other Parts with the Christians, was almost secure and certain, it raised a Cheerfulness amongst the Turks, so that they little regarded any Apprehensions of a War against the Persians, or their Conjunction with Bebek Sulyman, a Bold, Insolent, Daring Person, who lived on the Confines of Persia, whom the Turks desired might be suppressed by the Persians: But the Persian Ambassador, notwithstanding the great Treatments and Civilities he had received from the Turks, made some Difficulties thereof, saying, That it could not be foreseen, or measured, how far such a War as this might go; thi● Beb●k Sulyman being a most Pestilent Fellow, feared as well as beloved, by all the Arabian Princes; so that a War with him might cause much Blood.  
Howsoever the Turks pressed most earnestly to have this Sulyman suppressed, alleging, Both the Honour and Safety of the Persians was concerned: And to Encourage them herein, the Grand Vizier promised them the Sultan's Assistance; for that having now made a Peace with the Emperor, and the other Christians, (as might be presumed to be) his Hands were at liberty to carry the War into what Parts of the World that he should think fit; which he should not more readily do to any Region, than against those who might be troublesome on the Frontiers of Persia, and bring Disturbance to the Ottoman Port.  
Such Friendly Discourses as these passing between the Grand Vizier, and the Persian Ambassador, a Promise was farther made unto him, That the Sultan would not deny any thing to the King of Persia, which might be of satisfaction to him; being resolved to cultivate a most sincere, and lasting Friendship with him, according to the Capitulations lately made and agreed between those two Great and Mighty Monarches.  
After which they did Eat, and Feasted together, with high Expressions of Love, and a lasting Friendship; in farther Confirmation of which, a Present was made to the Ambassador of another Horse, well Equipped with a Rich and Noble Furniture, and then the Tefter Emini, who was designed to be Ambassador from the Sultan to the King of Persia, and was preparing for his Journey, was introduced into their Presence, that an Acquaintance might be begun between them; the which was easily effected, considering that the Tester Emini was a Person of a good Address, and Skilful, and Practised in the Persian Lang●age; he was a Refined Person, and fit, and proper for such an Embassy as this to th● persian Court, whom the Grand Vizier had Chosen, and Elected for this Employment; for which he was preparing himself with fine Horses of Price, well Equipped with rich Embroidered Saddles, with Arms inlaid with Jewels, and other Gallantries, which might serve for Presents at his Arrival at the Court of I●pahan, to the Persian King, such as Quivers, Bows, and Arrows.  
Besides all which kind Treatment, the Grand Signior himself Treated him at his Tents without the City of Adrianople; as also did the Chimacam of Constantinople at his Palace on the Bosphorus, or Black-Sea.  
Thus we may see how freely and frankly the Turks Treated the Persians at this time; for now having secured the Peace with the Western Princes in Hungary, who were much more formidable at all times than the Eastern Nations: Howsoever, that no Advantages might be taken neither on that side, strict Commands and wise Instructions were sent to the Beilerbey of Gran Cairo, a Person of great Courage, Wisdom, and Experience, one of the Sultan's Bedchamber, to take the Care and Charge of those Eastern Kingdoms, giving him also the Title of Seraskier, or General, and Beylerbey of Bagdat, or Babylon, with Orders forthwith to form an Army with the People of the Country, and therewith to Attack Bassora, and drive out from thence the Rebellious Pasha, and settle in his Place another Pasha Commissionated by the Port to succeed in his Employment, with a Hattesheriff from the Sultan: But principally above all things it was recommended to him, to hinder and prevent all Incursions of Rebel Sulyman upon the Persians, who being good Friends to the Sultan, he could not permit, or suffer, that they should receive any Affront, or Injury, from such as go under the Denomination of Subjects to the Port.  
But these Eastern Countries so far distant as Persia, were not now the care of the Turks, whose Thoughts were wholly taken up in what manner they might finish the War with the Christians, which were divers; as with the Emperor, the Venetians, the Old and Irrcconcileable Enemies to the Port; also with the Polanders, and Mo●cov●●es, the latter of which were not much known to the World, either for Friends, or Foes, tho' they began now under the present Czar by the taking of As●c, and some other Actions, to make themselves known to the Turks, and other Nations of the World.  
It being now resolved on all sides to make the Peace, the Mediators who were to manage the Treaty, were nominated and appointed, and the most proper Persons esteemed to be the Ambassadors from England, and Holland, both of which having never been Engaged in the War on any of the sides, but had always been true and ancient Friends to the Port, the Turks could have no Objections to allege against either, nor had the Christian Princes any cause to suspect the Faith and Friendship of two such Ambassadors, whose Offices and Persons were acceptable to the Turks, and not displeasing to the Christians.  
The Names of these Ambassadors designed to this so Necessary and Most Honourable Employment, were the Lord Paget, Ambassador for William King of Great-Britain; and the Heer Colyer, Ambassador for the Lords the States of the United Provinces.  
All Matters being now ripe for Action, and a willing mind for Execution, the Turks moved with their Camp on the 11th of june 1698. commanded by the Grand Vizier, (the Grand Signior still remaining behind in his Tent) and with them also moved the two Ambassadors with their Equipages: And to put every thing into a good posture, and a way of Dispatch, the Lord Ambassador's Secretary was dispatched away a second time, as he had been the first on the 10th of May for Vienna, from whence he returned on the 5th of july to Sophia; where on the same Day he there met with the Lord Ambassador Paget, to whom he Communicated the good News of the Happy Inclinations of the Emperor and that Court towards the Peace: But that no delay should be made therein, the same Secretary was again dispatched away, to hasten the Emperor's Ambassadors to the Place appointed, and agreed upon for the Treaty, and to procure, and bring with him Passes, and safe Conducts for the Turkish Plenipotentiaries, who were the Reis Effendi, Chief Chancellor, or Secretary; and Maurocordato, who was the principal and first Interpreter to the Grand Signior.  
These two Persons, together with the Lord Paget, and the Dutch Ambassador, set out from Sophia before the Camp, on the 15th of july, and on the 24th they had passed 10 Hours beyond Nissa, and on the 31st they arrived happily at Belgrade.  
The Ambassadors remained at this place for the space of two Months; that is, of August and September, the which passed soon away, in regard that the Expectations of Peace had so filled men's Hearts, that nothing was heard in all Places but the Voices of Peace and Joy in all their Quarters.  
At length the Month of October being entered, the Proclamation of Neutrality was first published at Peter Waradin, to the great Pleasure and Satisfaction of all People, both Christians and Turks, and afterwards at Belgrade.  
On the 9/19th of October, the Lord Paget, and the Dutch Ambassador left their Camp near the City, raised on an Eminence, where was a good Air, and a good Prospect over the Countries round about; and upon the same Day early in the Morning they passed the Save, a River which runs from Bosnia, and falls into the Danube at Belgrade, where it loses its Name.  
In passing this River this Order was observed.  
First went an Allai-Bey, or the Marshal of the Show, with about 50 Horse.  
Then 60 Chiauses on Horseback.  
A Guard of Janissaries, being about 330 Men, all on Foot.  
An Aga belonging to the Ambassadors, with his own Servants, and six Domestic Janissaries.  
After which followed two Flags, one with the English Coat of Arms, and the other was a large Red Cross in a White Field.  
Thenfollowed the English Ambassador's 6 led Horses covered with very richFurniture, followed by the Gentleman of the Horse to my Lord Ambassador, attended by a Giovane di Lingua, or a young Druggerman, or Interpreter.  
Then came up the two Interpreters attending His Excellency the Lord Ambassador, on each side of his Horse, and they attended with two Heydukes in their own Country Habit; and on both sides 10 Chiohadars, or Servants, who carry the Cloaks, or Vests of the Great Men, in White Vests, with their Carbines on their Shoulders.  
The Brother to the Lord Ambassador road afterwards with six Chiohadars.  
Then followed the Secretary, and Doctor, with two English Gentlemen; one from Aleppo, and the other from Tripoli.  
Also six Pages with the Lord Ambassador's Coach, with a Turkish one, which went before the Common Servants, who marched all on Horseback, two and two.  
At their Passage over the Bridge of the Save, which was lined with Janissaries, three Guns were fired from the Castle; and the Galleys, Saicks, and the Frigates as they passed fired each a Gun.  
About half the way to Semblin, the Chiaus, and others, whom the Vizier had sent along with them, made a Halt, and having wished a good Journey to those whom they conducted, returned back.  
About an Hour after these Matters had passed, the Dutch Ambassador followed, and was used with the same Civility as those preceding.  
The Emperor's Ambassadors, because they sent Passports to the Turkish Ambassadors Signed by the Emperor's Hand, desired to have others Signed by the Sultan: But because it was considered that this exchange of Passports would take up a great deal of time, the Mediators found out, and agreed upon this Expedient, That the Proclamation being made in both the Emperor's Names, no Passports should be delivered, either from the Germans to the Turks, or from the Turks to the Germans; but that a Pleni-power should be given to the Midiators to grant Passports to People, who were going up and down within the Limits of Neutrality agreed on both sides: So the Germane Ambassadors resolved to go to Carlowitz within three Days time, tho' their Wooden Houses were not arrived as yet.  
The Mediators also agreed upon the same, and to place themselves so, that their Doors might be over against each other at a good distance, whereby the Turks remained wholly on the Belgrade side, and the Germans towards Peter Waradin.  
The 11/21st the Venetian Ambassador arrived at Futack, but the Muscovite Ambassador, after their unthinking manner, came directly the same Day to Peter Waradin, without giving the Governor Notice of his coming; by which Neglect of the Moscovite, no Salutes were passed on him, of which he complained to the Governor; but that was easily answered, by saying, That he knew nothing of his coming down the River, and therefore hoped to be excused.  
In fine, To Accommodate this Matter, it was agreed, That the Boats of the Moscovites should remove from the place where they first Landed, and by a Signal given by the Ambassador's Trumpets, the Guns should be fired, which was done both from the Castle, the Town, and the Fleet.  
On the 15/25th of this Month of October, the Turkish Ambassadors arrived at two Hours distance from the Tents of the Mediators; but both sides having considered, that the Days being short, and that at such a distance from the Quarters of the Plenipotentiaries, much time would be spent and lost in going to and fro, it was concluded, That the English and Dutch Ambassadors should go to Carlowitz, and the Germans and Allies should take their Quarters about half an Hour above them towards Peter Waradin, and the Turks about a Quarter of an Hour below towards Belgrade.  
Upon the Arrival of the Mediators at Carlowitz, they were received by the Germane Horse and Foot, and a Captain-Lieutenant and a Standard, with 50 Horse, and also with another Captain-Lieutenant, and an Ensign, with 70 Foot, which were appointed to each Ambassador for the Mediators Guards. The Turkish Soldiers were at the Right of the English Ambassador, and at the Left of the Dutch.  
On the 20/30th the Plenipotentiaries were showed to each other; and shortly after the Conferences began; but first the Preparations were making for building the House for Conferences: But in the mean time to supply that Convenience, a great Tent was raised in the midst of that void place which was between the Tents of the Mediators; where it was farther ordered, That instead of Chambers for the several Parties, there should be Tents pitched on both sides.  
Some Points were here projected to be agreed on, as Preliminaries regulating the Ceremonies of the Congress; about which the Poles gave some trouble at the beginning, who seemed rather to hinder than to forward the Peace; for the Disputes they made upon nothing, took up seven Days time; the which being at length overcome,  

Octob. 26. O. S.  On the 6th of November, N. S. all the Preliminary Points were adjusted, and agreed by all the Allies, which tended chiefly to prevent and avoid all Contests about Precedence, 
Novemb.  and the disannulling all useless Ceremonies, during the Congress, as well as those Impediments which might cause Confusion and Disturbance.  

The Articles for Facilitating the Negotiation, were these.  

I.  
TO take away Notifications, and Visits of Ceremony and Precedence.   

II.  
That every Plenipotentiary shall advance his own Business, without being obliged to stay for one another, which in that case is to be put into the Hands of the Mediators, until the time that the General Subscription is made.   

III.  
That noPlenipotentiary shall hinder or delay the Progress of the Treaty; but that every one shall endeavour to assist each other in removing the Difficulties which obstruct the way.   

IV.  
For confirming the District of Neutrality, and covering the several Ambassadors, and their Retinues from Insults and Wrongs, both during their Abode at the place of Treaty, and their Departure thence.   

V.  
And for keeping the Train and Domestics of each Ambassador in order, and that no Disturbance, or Quarrel might arise between them, it was Ordered,   

VI  
That a Prohibition should be given to every one to stir Abroad at Night; and that whosoever should be caught Abroad after the Sun was Set, should be kept in the Custody of the Guards until Morning, and then to be delivered into the Hands of the Ambassador to whom he belongs, to be punished.   
The Points were Signed and Sealed by the Ambassadors at Carlowitz, the 26th of October, or the 6th of November, N. S.   
On the ●/13 of November, the Ambassador from the Emperor, appeared in the Camp of Carlovitz; as also did those from the Sultan, who placed themselves on both sides, not far from the House appointed for the Conferences to be held, and not far from the Places where the Mediators had their Lodgings, in which void Places several Magnificent and Stately Tents were erected; at which, about nine of the Clock in the Morning, the Emperor's Ambassador arrived, being attended with four Coaches of State, and a Numerous Retinue.  
And in the first place they went to the Tents of the Mediators, where at the same time appeared the Turkish Ambassador, attended with a very stately Retinue of Cavaliers, well mounted on Horses of the finest Shapes that could be found in all Quarters of the Eastern World, and besides their Clothing which was very rich, they made as beautiful an Appearance, as the Germans had done before them: And both Parties at the same time presented themselves before the Mediators, in the Tent appointed for the Conferences: Where after the Salutations, and Compliments on both sides, sufficiently Courteous and Obliging, they took their Seats in the middle of the Tent, purposely set, and laid for them, one directly against the other, in such a manner, that no Person could take Exception against his Place, or Seat appointed for him.  
This being agreed and settled, the first Conference began, which was to determine this Great and Solemn Peace; which was the first of this kind, that ever passed between the Christians and the Turks; not but that several Treaties and Conclusions of Articles had passed before, but not on such equal Terms, and with so much Honour, and Deference given to Christian Mediators, which will be recorded in all Ages, to the Glory of William the Third, King of Great-Britain, and of the States-General, His Worthy and Wise Allies.  
Nor will it be less Memorable in Honour of that Noble and Ancient Family of the Lord Paget; who with the Heer Colyer, Ambassador from the Lords the States-General of the United Provinces, bore so great a share in this Everlasting, and never to be forgotten Treaty.  
The Tent appointed for this Congress had four Doors, which fronted each other, at one of which entered the Imperial Ambassador, and at the opposite thereunto entered the Turkish; and at the two others, which were likewise opposite, entered the Mediators.  
The Imperial Ambassador, was Named the Most Excellent Lord the Count of Ottingen: And on the Turkish side was the Reis Effendi, which I take to be principal Secretary of State with us.  
Behind the Emperor's Ambassador the Secretary of the Embassy was placed; as also at a small Table behind the English Mediator, was placed the English Secretary: And behind the Ottoman Ambassador the Turkish Secretary, called Mauro Cordato, by Extraction a Greek, and of that Rite, or Religion; he stood a while behind the Turkish Ambassador upon his Legs, but afterwards was ordered to sit on the Ground after the Turkish Fashion; both which Secretaries took the Minutes, or Protocollo of what was propounded, or what passed.  
The Doors of the Tent was on all sides guarded equally by Germans and Turks, and both filled up the Doors of the Tent, amongst which were many Commanding Officers, who had room sufficient to see every thing that passed: The Conferences began commonly about ten a Clock, or half an Hour past ten in the Morning, and lasted until half an Hour past two in the Afternoon: And then ended the first Day of Conference.  
On the 4/14th the Imperial Ambassador dispatched a Messenger by way of Peter Waradin towards the Places where the Regiment of Corbelli, and the two Battalions of Anhalt, and Turcheim, were Quartered, which were settled there for Guards near to the Congress; as also for the same reason had appointed 200 Horse of the first Rank, and 100 Foot of the second: Likewise the Turkish Ministers remanded to Belgrade as many of their People, as they could well spare.  
The same Day that this Exchange was made, the Plenipotentiaries from the Sultan not being used to sit upon Stools, or Chairs, but very uneasily, caused a Safraw to be placed for them, covered with rich Carpets, and Embroidered Cushions, upon which they fate Crosslegged after the Turkish Fashion.  
After which the Company rising, the Imperial Ambassador went to Dinner with the Mediators, where having remained for the space of about two Hours, they returned to the Conference about three a Clock, which continued until half an Hour past four in the Evening.  
The next Day being the 5/●5, the Imperial Ambassador appeared at the place of the Conference in most Rich and Pompous Habit in Honour to the Day, which was the Emperor's Birthday; and which after the Conference was ended, was honoured with a most splendid and stately Dinner, and Entertainment.  
The 6/16 the Plenipotentiaries again assembled about ten a Clock in the Morning, which continued with much diligence until eight a Clock in the Evening.  
The 7/17th the Venetian Ambassador came for the first time with a most splendid Equipage to the Conference, in which that whole Day was entirely spent.  
On the 7/17th, the Turks made a Proposition to have the Principality of Transylvania to be restored to its pristine State and Condition, but so as to remain under the Emperor's Protection; but this Point was positively rejected by the Imperialists, the which not taking.  
On the 11/21, the Turks made another Offer about this Principality, leaving it wholly in the Power and Possession of the Emperor, stipulating howsoever, That an Honorary Tribute should be paid unto the Port for the same, but this was likewise rejected by the Imperialists: For the truth is, the Emperor would hearken to nothing which could give the Turks any Footing or Demand upon Transylvania, which is the Entrance, and the Lock and Key into the Upper Hungary, and into Germany itself.  
So on the 14/24, after long Debates on both sides, the Point of Transylvania was agreed in the same manner as proposed by the Germans.  
The 15/25th, was entirely spent upon the Argument of the Limits, in which things were so prepared, that  
On the 16/2●th a good progress was made about the Regulation of the Confines; and before they arose, or separated for that Evening, it was agreed, which of the other Allies should have their Business come next to the Conference, and was agreed, That it should be the Venetians, which was the more easily assented unto, because they had agreed with the Imperialists to treat upon the ●oot of Uti P●ssidetis.  
Accordingly on the 17/27, the Venetian Ambassadors met the Turks, and had a long Conference with them, but the Turks making some new Demands, which the Ambassadors not being prepared to answer, or to gratify them in, it ended for that Day without any Determination.  
The 18/28th, the Venetians renewed their former Conference, where the same Difficulties offering and not removed, all ended again without any farther positive Resolution.  
The 10/29 the Moscovite Ambassador went to Conference, in which having held a Discourse only in general Terms, without entering upon Particulars, nothing was concluded, or determined for that Day.  
The 20/30 was spent by the Mediators in going between thePlenipotentiaries to dispose them towards the ultimate Agreement.  
The 21st of November, or first of December, the Imperialists had a Conference with the Turks in the Morning, at which they proceeded yet farther in adjusting and settling the Limits of each Empire: And the same Day in the Afternoon the Polish Ambassador went to Conference; at which his Discourse was loose and general, so that nothing was concluded for that time.  
The next Day being the 22d of November, or the 2d of December, the Moscovite Ambassador had another Conference with the Turks, who pretended the Session, or Demolition of the Places Conquered by the Czar, but that Demand was rejected, the Ambassador saying, That he would neither give unto, nor take any thing from the Turks; but that his Master required the Fortress of Keres from the Cham of Tartary.  
The 23d of November, or the 3d of December, the Ambassador of Poland began to abate, and remit something of his high Demands, which gave some hopes of an Accommodation between the Poles and the Turks, in case an Equivalent could be found for the Town and Fortress of Caminieck.  
The 24/4 in the Afternoon the Venetian Ambassador had a Conference which lasted until Night, but could come to no satisfactory Resolution; the Turks still adhering to their Demands, that several places should be razed, which are in the Possession of the Venetians, which the Ambassador alleged that he had not power to grant.  
The 25/5th the Polish Ambassador went again to Conference, after which, it was observed, That the Turks dispatched an Express Courier to the Port thereupon.  
The 26/6 in the Afternoon, the Imperialists went again to Conference, but concluded nothing for that time.  
The 28/8 the Imperialists had another Conference with the Turks, which held from nine a Clock in the Morning, till five in the Afternoon; during which time the Articles between the Emperor and the Sultan were for the most part agreed.  
The 29/9th the Imperial Ambassador held another Conference with the Turks, but that Day was for the most part spent in Debates without any conclusion.  
The 30/20th my Lord Paget went to the Ottoman Ambassador in the Morning, and to the Imperialists in the Afternoon, endeavouring to dispose both Parties to a Peace.  
December 1/11th the Imperial Ambassador had this Day the tenth Conference with the Turks, at which the remaining Articles were debated and agreed, so that little or nothing was wanting to perfect the Emperor's Treaty.  
On the 2/12th the Moscovite Ambassador was at Conference from 10 a Clock to 12 at Noon: At which the Turks required the Demolition, and Restitution of Dogan Calusi, and three other Forts which the Czar holds upon the Boristhenes, to which the Moscovites would give no ear; howsoever they relinquished their Pretensions upon Keres; so that it was not doubted but that a Medium might now be easily found to compose Matters remaining.  
The 2/13th was spent by the Mediators in trying to rectify some Mistakes and Misunderstandings which might remove some Difficulties.  
The 4/14th the Polish Ambassador was at Conference, at which four Articles were drawn and agreed unto.  
In one of which there was yielded unto the Turks the Castles which the Poles than had, and possessed in Moldavia.  
In another, it was agreed, That in Exchange for those Castles, the strong Fortress of Caminieck, and the Provinces of Podolia, and Ukrania, should be Surrendered into the Hands of the Poles.  
The 5/15 was spent in preparing Matters for a farther Progress.  
The 6/13 the Imperialists went to Conference with an Intention to reduce the Articles which were already agreed, into order, but the Turks not having fully finished the Translation of them, it was deferred to another Convention.  
On the 7/17th, the Moscovite delivered into the Hands of my Lord Paget, the Articles which he had promised to consign to the Mediation.  
And accordingly on the 6/16th, he sent a Supplement thereunto, which did not answer expectation, so that Business remained for some time undetermined.  
The next Day 9/19 the Polish Ambassador had another Conference with the Turks, at which the remaining Points of the Treaty were agreed upon; so that in a manner that whole Peace was agreed, and finished.  
The 10/20th of December, the Venetian Ambassador communicated a new Commission, and Project which he had received from the State of Venice to the Mediators.  
And in the Afternoon the Moscovite Ambassador entertained a Discourse with the Mediators, and Mauro Cordato, but at that Meeting they cleared no Business.  
With these frequent Conferences on all sides, much time passed away, until Christmas approached, and then was the Season that Labours should give place to Devotion and Mirth, and to the Solemnities of that Festival, which continued until the Twelve Days were over; and then all sides began again, after the Plenipotentiary Ambassadors had passed their time very Jovially, to renew again their Treaties: Only the Turkish Ambassadors having little to do with the Christian Rites, wished heartily that the Feasts were over, and pressed heartily for an end thereof; alleging, That their Presence was required at the Port, and that the Sultan would no longer allow of their Absence.  
The first that betook himself to Business, (which was strange) was the Moscovite Ambassador, who on the 14/24th of january 1699, was the first who Subscribed the Instrument of Amnesty, and the Treaties of the Peace of the Emperor, and Poland, with the Port, were Signed on the 16/26th by their Ambassadors: And the Venetian Treaty being very well adjusted and perfected, all Parties appeared to be very well satisfied; and the Venetian Ambassador as well as the others, tho' for want of sufficient Power, he could not then Sign his Instrument, but supposed that Orders would come to him for doing the same, before the Imperial Ratifications, which were to be exchanged on the Line of Limits between Peter Waradin, and Belgrade, could be dispatched, in which case the Mediators had Power to receive it. Monday the 16/26 of january was appointed for the Solemn Day of Signature.  
Monday the 16/26th of january, was the Solemn Day of Signature, the which having been passed in the Morning, all the Ambassadors, Turks as well as Christians, with all their Attendants, Guards, etc. with many Persons of Quality out of the Country, making about 5000 Persons, Dined at my Lord Paget's Quarters, at whose Table, the King of England's Health was the ●irst that was drank, than the Emperor's, and the lasting Continuance of the Peace, which was Signed that very Day: And then we may believe, and fancy, that most People there present were all heartily Merry, with as much Solemnity as that Place could afford: And amongst other things of Mirth it was observed, That my Lord Paget had an Ox Roasted whole for the Soldiers, a thing never known before in those Parts.  
On the 17/27th, the Mediators Dined with the Emperor's Ambassadors, where they were entertained with the like rejoicings, and in the Evening with Fire-Works, Fountains of Wine, Drums, Trumpets, Music, and with the Discharge of Great and Small Guns.  
The 18/28th, the Moscovite Ambassador took his leave of my Lord Paget, with many Lofty Expressions of Civility and Acknowledgements.  
The 19/29th, my Lord Paget Visited the Imperial Ambassadors, as he did the Turks on the 20/30th, and 21/31st, which was in return of that Compliment which the Turks had made to him some time after the first Conferences.  
The 21st of january, or the first of February, the Turks were to visit the Imperial Ambassadors, and to take their leaves of them.  
On the 24/3th, the Imperialists were to take their Leaves of the Turks, and return their Visit.  
And on the 24/4th or 23/●th in the Morning, the Mediators, and Turks, designed to take their Journey towards Belgrade, where the Mediators were to continue until the Exchange of the Ratifications.  
The 26th at Night, O. S. the Polish Ambassador departed by the Post, after having passed many high Compliments on my Lord Pagett, expressing the Transport he was in, for the Successful Assistances he had received from His Excellency in the Management and Conclusion of his Business.  
The Muscovite Ambassador also declared, That he would leave Peter Waradin on the 2/12th of February; and in three or four Days after which, the Mediators declared, That the Place of Congress was likely to be quite cleared.  
The House of Conference was bestowed by Count Ottingen on the Franciscan Friars, who at the same time declared, That their Intentions were to make a Church thereof, in memory of that Peace which had been there transacted.  
For which God be praised; which being of a High Concernment to all Christendom, and to which the knowledge of the particular Articles may be useful to all Nations, we have thought fit to add them hereunto in Latin and English, as here followeth.  

INSTRUMENTUM PACIS Caesareo-Ottomanicum, Subscriptum Januarii 26. 1699.  
AD perpetuam rei memoriam, Notum sit omnibus & singulis, quorum interest, posteaquam per sedecim hucusque annos saevum, exitiale; & multâ humani Sanguinis effufione cruentum adeò bellum, cum plurimarum Provinciarum desolatione gestum esset inter Serenissimum, & Potentissimum Principem & Dominum Leopoldum, Electum Romanorum Imperatorem semper Augustum, Germaniae, Hungariae, Bohemiae, Dalmatiae, Croatiae, Sclavoniae Regem, Archiducem Austriae, Ducem Burgundiae, Brabantiae, Styriae, Carinthiae, Carniolae, Marchionem Moraviae, Ducem Luxemburgiae, Superioris & Inferioris Silesiae, Wirtembergae, & Teckae, Principem Sueviae, Comitem Habspurgi, Tyrolis, Kyburgi & Goritiae, Marchionem Sacri Romani Imperii, Burgoviae, ac Superioris & Inferioris Lusatiae, Dominum Marchiae Sclavinicae, Portus Naonis & Salinarum, etc. ab una: Et Serenissim●m, atque Potentissimum Principem & Dominum Sultanum Mustapha Han Ottomannorum Imperatorem, ac Asiae & Graeciae ejusque gloriosos Praedecessores ab altera parte, misertique tandem afflictae Subditorum Sortis summè dicti ambo Potentissimi Imperatores finem tantis in perniciem Generis Humani indies augescentibus malis ponere, seriò in animum induxissent, factum Divinâ bonitate esse, ut annitentibus, & Conciliantibus Serenissimo, & Potentissimo Principe, & Domino Guillielmo Tertio, Magnae Britanniae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rege, uti & Celsis ac Praepotentibus Dominis Ordinibus Generalibus Unitarum Belgii Provinciarum Solennes ea de causa Tractatus Carlovizii in Sirmio propè Confinia utriusque Imperii instituti atque ad finem perducti fuerint. Comparentes quippe dicto loco utrinque legitimè constituti Plenipotentiarii nomine quidem Sacrae Caesareae, & Romanorum Imperatoriae Majestatis, Illustrissimi & Excellentissimi Domini, Dominus Wolffgangus Sacri Romani Imperii Comes ab Oettingen Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis Cubicularius, Consiliarius intimus; & Consilii Imperialis Aulici Praeses: Et Dominus Leopoldus Schlik Sacri Romani Imperii Comes in Passaun, & Weiskirchen, ejusdem Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis Cubicularius Generalis, Vigi●iarum Praefectus, & Legionis Desultoriorum Equitum Tribunus: ambo ad Tractatus hosce Pacis cum Porta Ottomannica deputati legati Extraordinarii, & Plenipotentiarii: nomine verò imperialis Ottomannicae Majestatis, Illustrissimi & Excellentissimi Domini, Dominus Mehemet Effendi, Supremus Imperii Ottomannici Cancellarius & Dominus Alexander Mauro Cordato ex nobili Stirpe de Scarlati intimus jam dicti Imperii Consiliarius, & Secretarius, interventu & operâ Illustrissimorum, & Excellentissimorum Dominorum, Domini Guilielmi Paget, Baronis de Beaudesert, Serenissimi Magnae Britanniae Regis, & Domini Jacobi Colyer, Celsorum & Praepotentium Generalium Foederati Belgii Ordinum, amborum apud Excelsam Portam Ottomannicam oratorum & ad restabiliendam pacem universalem legatorum Plenipotentiariorum, qui munere Mediatoris integre, sedulo & prudenter perfuncti sunt: post invocatam aeterni Numinis opem, & commutatas ritè mandatorum tabulas ad Divini Nominis gloriam, & utriusque Imperii Salutem, in sequentes viginti mutuas Pacis, & concordiae leges convenerunt.  

I.  
REGIO Transylvaniae, quemadmodum, de praesenti est in possessione, & potestatate Caes. Majestatis, ita maneat in ejusdem Dominio: Et à Podoliae confinio, usque ad extremum Vallachiae Confinium, suis Montibus, qui antiqui fuerunt limites ante praesens bellum inter Transylvaniam ex una parte, & Moldaviam atque Vallachiam ex alia parte, atque à Confinio Vallachiae usque ad Flumen Marusum, pariter suis Montibus, qui antiqui fuerunt limites, circumscribatur, & sic utrinque observatis antiquis Limitibus, nec ultrà nec citrà ab utroque Imperio fieri possit extensio.   

II.  
Provincia Subjecta Arci Temeswarinensi cum omnibus suis districtibus, & interfluentibus Fluviis maneat in possessione, & potestate Excelsi imperii Ottomannici, atque à parte Transylvaniae fines ejus sint ab extremo confinio Vallachiae usque ad Fluvium Marusium in Superiori Articulo constituti Transylvaniae antiqui Limites. Tum à parte Marusii usque ad Fluvium Tibiscum citerioribus ripis ejusdem Marusii, & à parte Tibisci usque ad Danubium citerioribus ripis Fluvii Tibisci fines ejus limitentur: Quae vero intra praedictos limites sita sunt loca, nempe Caransebes, Lugos, Lippa, Csanad, Kiscanisia, Betsche, Betskerech, & Sablia citerius & intra praeconstitutos ante praesens bellum praedeclaratam rationem intra ripas Fluminum Marusii & Tibisci in Temeswarinensibus Territoriis, qualiscunque alius similis locus reperiatur, eâ conditione destruantur per Caesareos, ut vi Pactorum amplius reaedisicari non possint: Et praedicta Regio Temeswarinensis omnino libera relinquatur, & imposterum neque in dictis hisce locis, neque prope ripas Fluviorum Marusii atque Tibisci alia vel majora vel minora loca, quae possint Speciem Fortificationis exhib●re, exstruantur.  
Fluviorum Marusiii ac Tibisci inter Provinciam Temeswarinensem, & Provincias Caesareae potestati, & possessioni subjectas usus sit communis Subditis utriusque imp●rii, tum ad potum pecorum omnis generis, tum ad piscationem, & alias commoditates ●ubditis perquam necessarias.  
Cum v●rò onerariae Naves à partibus Superioribus Subjectis Caesareo Dominio, tum per Marusium Fluvium in Tibiscum, tum per Tibiscum in Danubium, sive ascendendo five descendendo ultrò citroque meantes nullo obice praepediri debeant, navigatio Navium Germanicarum, aut aliorum Subditorum Caesareorum, nullo modo possit in cursu suo ultrò citróque incommodari, sed liberè atque commodissimè fiat ubique in praedictis duobus Fluviis: Et si quidem reciprocae amicitiae & mutuae benevolentiae convenientia id etiam requirat, ut Subditi imperiali Ottomanicae potestati subjecti possint us●s praedictorum Fluviorum esse participes, sine impedimento Navibus piscatoriis etiam ac Cymbis utantur.  
Molendinariae autem Naves in locis tantum, quibus Navigationi alterius, nempe Caesarei Dominii, nullatenus impedimento esse possint, communicatione Gubernatorum utriusque Dominii, & consensu ponantur: quinimò ne diversione aquarum in Marusio cursus Caesarearum Navium incommodum aliquod patiatur, nullatenus permittetur, ut sive Molendinorum, sive alia occasione ex Marusio aquae aliò deriventur seu diducantur.  
Insulae quaecunque in praedictis Fluviis, cum actu sint in potestate Caesarea, maneant, uti possidentur: & subditi utriusque Dominii omnino pacificè atque tranquillè vivant, Severissimisque Edictis ab insolentiis, & contraventione Pactorum contineantur.   

III.  
Cum Regio inter Fluvios Tibiscum, & Danubium vulgò dicta Batska sit in sola possessione & potestate Caesareae Majestatis, sic maneat deinceps etiam in praefata potestate, & Dominio Caesareo, neque Titelium magis quam in praesenti est, fortificetur.   

IV.  
Ab extrema ripa citeriore Tibisci, opposita Titelianae ripae & angulo terrae ibidem per conjunctionem Tibisci, & Danubii terminato deducatur linea recta usque in ripam Danubii: Item è regione citerioris ripae Tibiscanae sitam, & ulterius protrahatur pariter recta ad Moravizii ripam citeriorem amnis Bossut, & inde ad locum usque ubi praedictus amnis Bossut principali alveo in Savum illabitur: & Moravizio sine ulla Fortificatione relicto, exstructisque tantùm in opposita utrinque ripa, apertis pagis, separentur per praedictam lineam firmatam atque distinctam sive fos●is, sive lapidibus, sive palis, sive aliâ ratione Imperia sequenti modo: Regio Versus Belgradinum intra modò dictos limites permaneat sub sola potestate Potentissimi Ottomannorum Imperatoris: Regio vero extra praedictam lineam sita, maneat sub sola potestate & possessione Potentissimi Romanorum Imperatoris: & secundùm praedictos limites pariter possideantur Fluvii qui sunt Territoriis permanentibus in possessione utriusque partis.   

V.  
Ab ostio amnis Bossut in Savum effluentis usque item in Savum elabentis Unnae Fluvii ostium Savi altera quidem pars pertinens ad Ditionem Caesaream possideatur ab ejus Majestate, altera verò pars possideatur ab Imperatore Ottomannorum.  
Interfluens Fluvius Savus, & Insulae in hoc communi tractu sitae, sint communes, & usus tum ad Navigationem ultrò citróque, tum ad alias commoditates utriusque partis Subditis pariter communis sit, utriusque religiose observantibus, pacificum, & imperturbatum ultrò citróque commercium; Usque ad Unnam Fluvium Regio pettinens ad Dominium Imperialis Ottomannicae Majestatis, quâ Bosniam spectat, citerioribus ripis Unnae Fluvii definiatur atque terminetur evacuatis Novi, Dubizza, Jessenovizza, Doboy, & Brod ex parte Bosnensi: & qualicunque alio simili loco in hoc Tractu existente, & deductis inde Praesidiis Caesareis, ista pars omni modo libera relinquatur: Castanoviz autem, & insulae infra Terram Novi versus Savum cum ulterioribus ripis ejusdem Unnae, cum sint & maneant in potestate Romanorum Imperatoris, praedictis limitibus hinc distinguantur.  
Loca demum ultra Unnam longè à Savo sita, & ab utraque parte Praesidiis conservata atque possessa cum Terris ante praesens bellum ad eadem spectantibus, maneant iterum in potestate utriusque possidentis partis, ea Conditione, ut Commissarii utrinque mox deputandi Districtus atque Territoria singulatim deductis particularibus lineis separantes. per fossas, lapides, palos, aut aliâ quacunque ratione, ad evitandam confusionem posita Signa, segregent atque disjungant, in partibus Croatiae usque ad ultimum Confinium, & terminum locorum in utriusque Dominii possessione permansurorum.  
Et ex utraque parte, si quis ausus fuerit alterare, mutare, evellere, tollere, aut quovis modo violare aliquod ex praedictis Signis, ille per omnimodam inquisitionem deprehensus ad exemplum aliorum severissimè puniatur.  
Commissariis verò ad distinctionem, & positionem limitum in isto confinio quoad fieri poterit, quam celerrimè deputandis Regiis Edictis demandetur, ut ad Tranquillitatem, & Securitatem Subditorum utriusque Dominii sedulo animum adhibentes sine controversia, & sine quacunque particulari complacentia Terras optimè separent, atque manifestè distinguant.  
cum siti in altera Savi parte, qua Dominium Imperiale Ottomannicum recipit, munimenti Brod Fortificationes utpote recenter à Militiis Caesareis factae, tempore educendi Praesidii Caesarei, everti debea●t; locus autem ille sit commodissimus ad Mercaturam, poterit ibidem erigi cum honesto & commodo recinctu civitas, ita tamen ut in Arcis aut Munimenti formam non redigatur.   

VI  
Definiti tandem per hosce Tractatus, & subsecutâ, ubi opus fuerit, locali Deputatorum Commissariorum separatione stabiliti, sive deinceps idoneo tempore per operam Commissariorum utrinque stabiliendi Confiniorum limites sanctè utrinque; & religiosè observentur, ita ut sub nulla ratione aut praetextu extendi, transferri, aut mutuari possint: neque liceat alicui paciscentium parti in alterius partis Territorium ultra statutos semel terminos, aut lineas quidquam Juris aut potestatis praetendere aut exercere, aut alterius partis Subditos sive ad deditionem, sive ad pendendum tributum qualecumque, sive praeteritum, sive futurum, sive ad quamvis aliam humano ingenio excogitabilem exactionis aut vexationis speciem adigere aut molestare, sed omnis altercatio juste amoveatur.   

VII.  
Licitum & liberum esto utrique partium pro confiniorum suorum securitate quocunque meliori visum fuerit modo, arces, munimenta, & loca per praesentes Tractatus pacifice possessa, quaecunque de facto extant, reparare, munire, & fortificare, exceptis illis, de quibus utrinque nominatim cautum est; ad Incolarum v●rò commodas habitationes in extremis Confiniis apertos pagos aedificare ubique sine impedimento & sine exceptione utrique parti liceat, dummodo sub hoc praetextu Fortalitia non erigantur.   

VIII.  
Incursiones hostiles, & occupationes▪ omnesque insultus clam aut ex improviso facti devastationes, & depopulationes Territorii utriusque Dominii omnino, & severissimis Mandatis prohibitae sint ac illicitae: transgressores verò articuli hujus ubicunque deprehensi statim incarcerentur, & per Jurisdictionem loci, ubi captivati fuerint, pro merito puniantur absque ulla remissione, & rapta quaecunque sint diligentissimè perquisita, & adinventa, cum omni aequitate Dominis suis restituantur: Capitanei quoque ipsimet, Commendantes, & Praefecti utriusque partis ad justitiam nullâ admissâ injuriâ integerrimè administrandam sub amissione o●licii non sol●m, sed etiam vitae, & honoris adstricti sint, atque obligati.   

IX.  
Maneat porrò etiam illicitum futuris quoque temporibus, receptaculum vel fomentum dare malis Hominibus, rebellibus Subditis, aut malè contentis, sed ejusmodi Homines, & omnes praedones, raptores, etiamsi alterius partis Subditi sint, quos in ditione sua deprehenderint, merito supplicio afficere, utraque pars adstricta sit: qui si deprehendi nequeant, Capitaneis aut Praefectis eorum, sicubi eos latitare compertum suerit, indicentur, iique illos puniendi Mandatum habeant: quod si nec hi osficio suo in punitione talium sceleratorum satisfecerint, indignationem Imperatoris sui incurrant, aut officiis exuant●r, aut ipsimet poenas pro reis luant: Quoque magis nefariorum hujusmodi pe●ulantiis cautum sit, neutri partium liceat intertenere, & alere Haydones, quos liberos ●uncupant, Plagiarios Pribeck dictos, atque id genus facinorosorum Hominum, qui non sunt alterutrius Principis stipendio conducti sed rapto vivunt, tamque two quam qui eos aluerint, pro demerito puniantur; talesque nefarii, etiamsi consuetae vitae emendationem prae se ferant, nullam fidem mereantur nec prope confinia tolerentur, sed ad alia remotiora loca transferantur.   

X.  
Cum tempore praesentis hujus belli plures ex Hungaris & Transylvanis à Subjectione suae Caesareae Majestatis secedentes ad Confinia Excelsi Imperii sese receperint, atque hac in parte etiam conclusae per inducias inter utrumque imperium almae huic Paci debitis modis in futuram securitatem providendum sit, de pra●dictis ita pactum est, ut in ditionibus antè nominati Excelsi Imperii ad lubi●um possint locari & accommodari: Ne tamen aliquo modo Confiniorum tranquillitas, & Subditorum quies perturbari queat, loca ubi praedicti collocabuntur, remota sint ab omnibus limitaneis, & confiniariis partibus, & uxoribus illorum dabitur facultas sequendi maritos suos, iisque in Imperatorio asfignato ad hoc districtum cohabitandi. Cumque imposterum in reliquos Subditos Potentissimi Ottomannorum Imperatoris annumerandi veniant, non liceat illis à subjectione ejusdem amplius recedere, & si qui recesserint, atque ad Patriam iterum reverti voluerint, in numero & conditione malevolorum recenseantur, neque illis à Caesareis fomentum aut receptaculum praebeatur, quinimo deprehensi Ottomannis Confiniorum Gubernatoribus extradantur, quo magis utrinque securitati Pacis prospiciatur.   

XI.  
Ad tollendas penitus quascunque in Confiniis super aliquo articulorum Armistitii hujus aut quavis de re imposterum enascentes controversias, differentias, aut discordias, ubi prompto & maturo, remedio opus sit ordinentur utrinque in Confiniis primo quoque tempore electi pari numero Commissarii viri neutiquam avidi, sed graves, probi, prudentes, experti, atque pacifici: Hique loco opportuno convenientes sine exercitu cum aequali pacificarum personarum comitiva, omnes & singulas huju●modi controversias emergentes, audiant, cognoscant, decidant, & amicabiliter componant, talem denique ordinem, & modum constituant, quo utraque pars suos Homines, & Subditos citra omnem Tergiversationem vel praetextum gravissimis poenis ad sinceram ac firmam pacis observantiam compellat. Quod si verò negotia tanti momenti occurrerent, quae per Commissarios utriusque partis componi & expediri non possent, tunc ad ambos Potentissimos Imperatores remittantur, ut ipsi complanandis iisdem, sedandis, & extinguendis modum & rationem invenire & adhibere valeant, ita, ut tales controversiae quam fieri poterit intra brevissimum temporis spatium componantur, nec earum resolutio ullâ ratione negligatur, aut protrahatur.  
Cúmque praeterea in antecedentibus Sacris Capitulationibus duella, & mutuae ad certamen provocationes fuerint vetitae, imposterum etiam sint illicitae; & si qui ad singulare certamen venire ausi fuerint, in illos ut transgressores gravissimè animadvertatur.   

XII.  
Captivi tempore praesentis belli ex utráque parte in captivitatem abacti, & in publicis carceribus adhuc superstites, cum occasione istius almae Pacis eliberationem tandem aliquando meritò sperent, nec possint sine laesione Majestatis Imperatoriae, & laudatae consuetudinis in eadem Captivitatis miseria, & calamitate relinqui: usitatis ab antiquo, vel honestioribus adhuc rationibus, per commutationem in libertatem asserantur, & si plures, aut melioris conditionis in una quam in altera parte invenientur, pro reliquorum etiam eliberatione, quando Solennes legati instantias afserent, gratiosa, & huic almae Paci conveniens utriusque Imperatoris pietas nequaquam denegetur: Caeteris verò, qui in privatorum potestate sunt, vel apud ip●os Tartaros, licitum sit eliberationem suam honesto, &, quam fieri poterit, mediocri lytro procutare; quòd si cum Captivi Domino honesta accommodatio fieri non poterit, Judices locorum litem omnem per compositionem dirimant: Sin autem praedictis viis id etiam confici haud posset Captivi pretiis eorum sive per testimonia, sive per juramenta probatis atque solutis eliberentur. Nec possint Domini aviditate majoris lucri sese redemptioni eorundem opponere, & quandoquidem ex parte Excelsi Imperii Ottomannici Homines non emitterentur, qui taliter eliberandis Captivis operam adhibeant, spectabit ad probitatem Caesareorum Praefectorum, ut ad dimittendum Ottomannos Captivos, quo empti sunt pretio sincere liquidato, Dominos illorum adstringant, atque ita Sanctum hoc opus pari utrinque pietate promoveatur: quousque demùm Captivi utrinque praedictae ratione eliberentur, legati Plenipotentiarii ex utraque parte officia sua adhibebunt, ut interea miseri Captivi benignè tractentur.   

XIII.  
Pro Religiosis, ac Religionis Christianae exercitio juxta ritum Romanum Catholicae Ecclesiae, quaecunque praecedentes gloriosissimi Ottomannorum Imperatores in Regnis suis sive per antecedentes Sacras Capitulationes, sive per signa Imperialia, sive per Edicta, & Mandata Specialia favorabiliter concesserunt, ea omnia Serenissimus, & Potentissimus Ottomannorum Imperator imposterum etiam observanda confirmabit, ita ut Ecclesias suas praefati Religiosi reparare atque resarcire possint, functiones suas ab antiquo consuetas exerceant, & nemini permissum sit, contra Sacras Capitulationes, & contra leges Divinas aliquo genere molestiae, aut pecuniariae petitionis eosdem Religiosos cujuscunque ordinis, & conditionis afficere, sed consuetae Imperatoriâ pietate gaudeant, & fruantur. Praeterea Serenissimi, & Potentissimi Romanorum Imperatoris solenni ad sulgidam Portam legato licitum sit, commissa sibi circa Religionem, & loca Christianae Visitationis in Sancta Civitate Jerusalem existentia exponere, atque instantias suas ad Imperiale solium afferre.   

XIV.  
Commercia juxta antecedentes etiam Sacras Capitulationes libera sint utriusque partis subditis, in omnibus Imperiorum Regnis, & Ditionibus; ut autem utrique parti utili ratione, & sine fraude, & dolo peragantur, inter Deputatos Commissarios rem mercatoriam bene intelligentes tempore solennium utrinque Legationum contractabitur, & sicuti cum aliis Excelsi Imperii amicis Nationibus observatum est, ita etiam subditi cujuscunque Nationis Caesareae Majestatis securitate, & utilitate Commerciorum in Regnis Excelsi Imperii idoneis modis, & usitatis Privilegiis gaudebunt, & perfruentur.   

XV.  
Quaecunque conditiones in antiquis Sacris Capitulationibus expressae sunt, nec praedictis Punctis hoc Tractatu stipulatis, aut liberrimo cujusque possidentium Dominio, & usui ejusdem adversantur, aut praejudicant, posthac etiam colantur sancte, & observentur, cassatis & annullatis iis, quae supradictis quocunque modo repugnant.   

XVI.  
Ut quoque tantò magis Armistitium hoc bonáque inter ambos Potentissimos Imperatores amicitia firmetur, ac coalescat, mittentur Solennes utrinque legati ex quo usitatis caeremonialibus ab introitu in Confinia usque ad reditum in locum secundae permutationis excipiendi, honorandi, tractandi atque prosequendi, qui in signum ●micitiae Spontaneum munus, conveniens tamen, & utriusque Imperatoris dignitati consentaneum asserent; Et primâ aestare in mense Junio iter, praeviae mutuâ correspondentiâ, uno eodemque tempore suscipientes in Sirmiensi confinio, more jam pridem inter utrumque imperium observato, permutabuntur. Solennibus porrò legatis in Imperatoriis Aulis, quidquid libuerit, petere liceat, ac permittatur.   

XVII.  
Regula, & norma Curialium in recipiendis receptisque pariter honorandis, & tractandis Ministris ultrò citróque commeantibus, & commorantibus juxta usitatam, prioribus etiam temporibus modalitatem deinceps ab utrinque cum aequali decore, & secundum distinctam characteris missorum praerogativam observetur. Legatis Caesareis, & Residentibus, & quibusvis eorundem Hominibus pro suo arbitrio quibuscunque placuerit Vestibus uti licitum sit, néve quisquam impedimento esse possit. Ministri porrò Caesarei, sive oratoris, sive legati, sive Residentis, sive Agentis munere fungantur, quibus reliquorum Principum Fulgidae Portae amicorum legati, & Agentes immunitatibus, & Privilegiis perfruuntur eaedem libertate, imò ad distinguendam Caesareae dignitatis praerogativam usitatis melioribus modis fruantur, habeantque liberam potestatem conducendi interprete: Cursores etiam, & alii eorum Homines Viennâ ad Fulgidam Portam, atque iterum redeuntes, & ultrò citróque venientes Salvo passu tutò, & securè permeent, atque ut commodè iter suum perficiant, omni favore coadjuventur.   

XVIII.  
Pax ista quamvis secundum propositas conditiones conclusa, tum demum integrum ex omni parte robur obligationis, & debitae observantiae vinculum accipiet & inducet, cum omnia, & singula, quae de Confiniis suprà recensito modo ultrò citroque promissa, & acceptata sunt, tam de distinctionibus limitum, quam de evacuationibus, & demolitionibus plenarie in effectum, & executionem deducta fuerint, ita ut absolutae designatione limitum in unoquoque Consinio statim subsequatur demolitio, aut evacuatio, quod ut quam c●lerrimè succedat, designentur ad limites, & terminos Confiniorum ponendos, & distinguendos, ex utraque parte Commissarii, qui die Aequinoctii, scilicet 22. mensis Martii, aut 12 secundum veterem Stylum, Anni Millesimi Sexcentesimi Nonagesimi noni in locis inter Commissarios consensu Gubernatorum utriusque Confinii determinandis, mediocri, & pacifico Comitatu conveniant, atque intra spatium dúorum Mensium, si possibile sit, aut etiam citius, ubi fieri poterit, Confinia limitibus, & terminis manifestis per superiores articulos constitutis distinguant, separent, determinent, & Statuta inter legatos Plenipotentiarios utriusque imperii accuratissimè & citissime exequantur.   

XIX.  
Has vero conditiones, & articulos ad formam hic mutuò placitam à Majestatibus utriusque Imperatoris ratihabitum iri, atque ut solennia ratificationis Diplomata intra spatium triginta dierum à die Subscriptionis vel citius in Confiniis per Illustrissimos & Excellentissimos legatos Plenipotentiarios Mediatores reciprocè recteque commutentur, legati Plenipotentiarii utriusque imperii sese infallibiliter obligant, atque praestituros compromittunt.   

XX.  
Duret Armistitium hocce, & extendatur, (favente Deo) ad viginti quinque Annos continuè sequentes à die, qua ejusdem subscriptio facta fuerit; quo Annorum numero elapso, vel etiam medio tempore priusquam elabatur, liberum esto utrique partium, si ità placuerit, Pacem hanc ad plures adhuc Annos prorogare.  
Itaque mutuo, & libero consensu quaecunque stabilita sunt Pacta inter Majestatem Serenissimi, & Potentissimi Ramanorum Imperatoris, & Majestatem Serenissimi & Potentissimi Ottommannorum Imperatoris & Haeredes eorundem imperia quoque & Regna ipsorum: Terrâ item marique sitas, Regiones, civitates, urbes, subditos, & clientes observentur sanctè religiose, ac inviolabiliter, & demand●tur seriò omnibus utriusque partis Gubernatoribus, Praefectis, Ducibus Exercituum, atque Militiis, & quibusvis in eorundem clientela, obedientiae & subjectioni existentibus, ut illi quoque praedeclaratis conditionibus, clausulis, pactis, & articulis sese adaequatè conformantes omnibus modis caveant; ne contra Pacem, & amicitiam hanc sub quocunque nomine, aut praetextu, se invicem offendant, aut damnificent, sed quolibet prorsus inimicitiae genere abstinendo bonam colant vicinitatem, certò scientes, quod si eatenus admoniti morem non gesserint, severrisimis in se poenis animadvertendum fore.  
Ipse quoque Crimensis Chanus, & omnes Tartarorum Gentes quovis nomine vocitatae ad Pacis hujus, & bonae vicinitatis & reconciliationis Jura ritè observanda adstricti sint, nec iisdem contraveniendo, hostilitates qualescunque exerceant erga quasvis Caesareas Provincias, earumque Subditos aut Clientes: Porro sive ex aliis Exercituum generibus, sive ex Nationibus Tartarorum, si quis contra Sacras Imperatorias hasce Capitulationes, & contra Pacta, & Articulos earum quidpiam ausus fuerit, is poenis rigorosissimis coerceatur.  
Incipiat verò modo dicta Pax, Quies, & Securitas subditorum utriusque Imperii à supradata die Subscriptionis, & cessent exinde, atque sustollantur omnes utrinque inimicitiae, & Subditi utriusque partis securitate, & tranquillitate fruantur; Eoque fine, & quò magis per summam curam, ac sedulitatem hostilitates inhiberi possint, transmittantur quam celerrimè Mandata, & Edicta publicandae Pacis ad omnes confiniorum Praefectos, cumque spatium aliquod temporis requiratur, intra quod officiales in remotioribus praesertim Confiniis istam conclusae Pacis notitiam obtinere valeant, statuuntur viginti dies pro ●ermino, post quem si quis hosti●e ●uidpia●● alterutra ex parte admittere praesumpserit, poenis superius declaratis irremissibiliter subjaceat.  
Ut demum Pacis Conditiones Viginti hisce articulis conclusae utrinque acceptatae, & debito summòque cum resp●ctu inviolatae observentur: Si quidem Domini Plenipotentiarii Ottomannici vi concessae iisdem facultatis Imperatoriae inst●umentum Turcico sermone exaratum, & subscriptum, legitimum, & validum nobis exhibuerint: Nos quoque vi Mandati, & Plenipotentia nostra, propriis manibus, & propriis Sigillis Subscriptas, & Signatas ha●ce Pactorum literas in Latino Idiomate tanquam legitimum, & validum vicissim Instrumentum extradidimus.    

THE INSTRUMENT OF THE Treaty of Peace, BETWIXT THE GERMANE and OTTOMAN Empires Subscribed, january 26. 1699.  
FOR the perpetual Memory of the Thing, Be it known to all whom it may Concern, That after a cruel and pernicious War had for 17 years been carried on with the Effusion of much Blood and Desolation of many Provinces, between the most Serene and most Potent Prince and Lord Leopold, Elect of the Romans, and Emperor of Germany, always August, King of Hungaria, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Sclavonia, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Brabant, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Marquis of Moravia, Duke of Luxemburgh, of the Upper and Lower Sil●sia, of Wirtemberg and Tecka, Prince of Swevia, Count of H●bsburgh, of Tyrol, Kyburgh and Goritia, Marquis of the Sacred Roman Empire, of Burgovia, of the Upper and L●wer Lusatia, Lord of the Marquisate of Sclavinia, of the Port of Naon, and the Salt Mines, on one part: And between the most Serene and most Potent Prince and Lord, Sultan Mu●●apha Han, Emperor of the Ottomans, and of Asia and Greece, and his Glorious Predecessors, on the other Part. These two most Potent Emperors, out of a just Sense of Compassion towards their afflicted Subjects, at length, resolving to put an End to these Mischiefs every Day increasing with Destruction to Mankind, the Divine Goodness brought it to pass, that by the Endeavours and Mediation of the most Serene and most Potent Prince and Lord, William III. King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, and the High and Mighty Lords, the State's General of the United Belgic Provinces, that Solemn Treaties of Peace were set on foot at Carlowitz in Sirmium upon the Confines of both Empires, and there brought to a Conclusion; There Meeting at the said place, on the part of his Sacred Caesarean and Imperial Majesty of the Romans, as his Plenipotentiaries, the most Illustrious and most Excellent Lords, Wolfang, Count d'Ottingen, of the Sacred Roman Empire, Chamberlain of his Sacred Caesarean Majesty, and Privy-Counsellor and Precedent of the Imperial Aulic Council; and the Lord Leopold Schlik, Count in Passaun and Weiskirchen, of the Sacred Roman Empire, Chamberlain of his said Caesarean Majesty, Captain General of the Guards, and Colonel of the Regiment of Desvetorii: Both these, at these Treaties of Peace, with the Ottoman Port, Deputed Ambassadors Extraordinary and Plenipotentiaries; But on the part of his Imperial Ottomannick Majesty, the most Illustrious and most Excellent Lords, Mehemet Effendi, Supreme Chancellor of the Ottoman Empire, and the Lord Alexander Mauro Cordato, of the Noble Family of Scarlati, Privy Counsellor and Secretary of the said Empire; By the Intervention and Care of the most Illustrious and most Excellent Lords, the Lord William Paget, Baron Beaudesert, and the Lord jacob Colyer, Ambassadors from the most Serene King of Great Britain, and the High and Mighty State's General, to the Ottoman Port, and both of 'em Ambassadors Extraordinary for the Establishment of this Peace, and both of 'em performed the Office of Mediator with ●ntegrity, Industry and Prudence, after having Invoked the Name of GOD, and Exchanged the Powers, received the Twenty following Articles of Peace, which were Agreed upon to the Glory of GOD, and the Safety of both Empires.  

I.  
THE Region of Transylvania, as it is at present in the Possession, and in the Power of his Caesarean Majesty, so it shall remain under his Dominion, Bounded by the Confines of Podolia, and with the Mountains on the side of Walachia, which were its Ancient Limits before the present War, between Transylvania on one part, and Moldavia and Walachia on the other; and on the side of Walachia, it i● to extend to the River Merisch, to be Circumscribed by the Mountains, that were its Ancient Boundaries, and so the Ancient Limits are to be observed by both Empires, without extending or diminishing them on either side.   

II.  
The Province subject to the Fortress of Temeswaer, with all its Districts and Rivers, shall remain in the Possession and under the Power of the Sublime Ottoman Empire; and it shall remain Bounded by Transylvania on one side, and by Walachia on the other, to the River Merisch, the Ancient Boundaries of Transylvania, mentioned in the former Article: Then from the River Merisch to the nearer Banks of the Tibisch; and from the Tibisch to the Danube, to be Limited by the hither Banks of the Tibisch; and as for Caransebes, Lugos, Lippa, Csanad, Kiscanisia, Betche, Betskerecke, and Sablia, which are comprehended within these prescribed Limits between the Merisch and the Tibisch, and were before the present War belonging to the Territories of Temeswaer, both these and any other place of the like Nature, shall be slighted by the Imperialists, so that by Virtue of this present Treaty they may not be Rebuilt, and this foresaid Region of Temeswaer is to be left Free and Entire; so that for the time to come, neither in these Places, nor on the Banks of Merisch or Tibisch, shall it be lawful to Build any Places that shall carry the Appearance of Fortifications.  
The use of the Rivers Tibisch and Merisch between the Province of Temeswaer, and those subject to the Imperialists, shall he left Free and Common to those Subjects of both Empires, as well in relation to the Watering of their Cattle, as to the Fishing, and any other Conveniencies to both Subjects.  
Ships of any Burden, coming from Parts subject to the Imperialists, whether it be from the Merisch into the Tibisch, and from the Tibisch into the Danube, are by no means to be hindered or stopped, whether they are going up or down the Streams; so that the Navigation of Germane Ships, or other Subjects of the Empire, are neither going nor coming to be Incommoded, but their Passage, both going and coming, is to be Free in both the said Rivers; And because the common Convenience of mutual Friendship and Kindness requires, that the Ottoman Subjects should likewise partake of the Benefits of these Rivers, therefore they may freely make use of fisher-men's Ships, or other Boats.  
But Mills built on Bottoms of Ships can be only planted there, where they do not Obstruct the Navigation of the Imperialists, and that to be done by Communicating with, and Consent of the Governors on both sides; and the Intent of this is, That the Navigation of the Merisch be not rendered worse to the Imperialists, whether it be by lessening the Stream for the sake of Mills, or any other pretence whatsoever.  
The Islands in both the said Rivers, that are in the possession of the Imperialists, are to remain so; and that the Subjects on both sides may live Quietly and Peaceably, is to be provided by severe Edicts, forbidding all sort of Insolences and Contraventions to the present Articles.   

III.  
Considering the Region commonly called Batska, betwixt the Tibisch and the Danube, is in the sole Possession, and under the Power of his Imperial Majesty, it is agreed, it shall for the future continue so, and Titul is not to be more Fortified than it is at present.   

IV.  
A rigbt Line to be drawn from the Extreme Bank of the Tibisch opposite to that of Titul, and to that Angle of Land made by the Conjunction of the Tibisch and Danube to the Bank on the other side the Danube, and thence to be stretched straight to Moravitz on the hither Bank of the River Bossut, and from thence to the place where the Grand Stream of the River Bossut falls into the Save, and Moravitz is to remain without any Fortification, and only open Villages to be built on both sides the River, and the Empires shall remain separated by the foresaid Line, to be marked out either by Ditches, Stones, or Pales, or any other way, after the following manner, viz. That part of the Country within the foresaid Limits towards Belgrade, shall remain Subject to the Ottoman Emperor; but the Country on the other side the said Line shall continue under the Dominion and in the Possession of the most Potent Roman Emperor, and according to the foresaid Boundaries, the adjacent Rivers are to remain in the Possession of each Party.   

V.  
Reckoning from the River Bossut flowing into the Save, and likewise the Entrance of the River Unna into the same River, that part of the Save adjoining to the Imperial Country, is to remain to his Imperial Majesty, and the other part to the Turkish Emperor.  
The River Save, flowing betwixt both Dominions, and the Islands situated in it, shall be common to the Subjects of both Empires, as well for the Use of Navigation up and down the River, as any other sort of Conveniencies, who are to enjoy a peaceable and undisturbed Commerce: That Country on the side the River Unna towards Bosnia, belonging to the Turkish Empire, shall be terminated by the Banks of that River Novi, Dubizza, Jessenovitza, Doboy, and Broad, on the side of Bosnia, are to be Evacuated, and every other such like place in this Tract of Land, and the Imperial Garrisons to be all withdrawn, and the Country to be left Free: But Castanovitz, and the Islands on this side Novi, towards the Save, and the further Banks, shall be left distinct from these Limits, considering it is Agreed, they should remain in the Possession of the Roman Emperor.  
As to the Places beyond the Unna, of great distance from the Save, which are Garrisoned and Possessed some of 'em by one Party to this Treaty, and some by the other, with the Lands that were Appendages, and belonging to the said Places before the present War, it is Agreed, They should remain to the Possessor, with this Condition, That Commissaries on both sides suddenly to be appointed shall separate each District or Territory by particular Lines to be distinguished by Ditches, Stones, Posts, or any other evident Marks to avoid Confusion; particularly the Confines of Croatia are thus to be distinguished, and the Bounds of all other Places now in the Possession and under the Power of each Party to this Treaty.  
And on both sides, it is Agreed, That if any one dare presume to alter, change, remove, pull up, destroy, or violate any thing that is thus set for distinguishing Landmarks, he if found out, or convicted by any manner of Enquiry, shall for an Example to others, be most severely punished.  
It shall likewise be an Instruction to the Commissaries to be as soon as possible Deputed on each side by the Sovereign Authority, that as the end of their Deputation is the fixing the Limits and Boundaries of each Empire, so their principal Intention shall be the Security and Quiet of the Subjects of both Empires, and this to be so managed, that without Personal Heats on either side, or without any particular Regards, they plainly distinguish the Limits of each Empire.  
The Fortifications of Broad on the other side the Save, (lately made by the Imperialists) at the time the Place is Evacuated by the Garrison, it is Agreed, should be Slighted, yet considering that Place is very convenient for a Staple for Merchants, it shall be lawful to Enclose that Place with convenient Walls, but still not such as shall arise to the Nature of a Fortification.   

VI  
The Limits thus fixed by this Treaty, and afterwards, as Occasions require, to be more distinctly settled by the personal view of Commissaries on both sides, shall for times to come be with so much Exactness and Religion observed, that they shall not be extended, altered, transferred, or changed upon what pretence soever.  
Nor shall any of these Parties, the Limits thus set forth and established, pretend to Exercise any sort of jurisdiction beyond the Lines and Bounds thus described, whether it be upon pretence of Collecting of Tribute or Contributions for times past, or for the present, or for times to come, or upon pretence that these Subjects delivered themselves over to the other side, or upon any other Colour or Account whatsoever, be permitted, allowed, or connived at to make Collections out of each others Districts, or in the least to molest each other, that all Occasion of Quarrel and Dispute may be for ever removed.   

VII.  
It shall be lawful for each Party, for the Security of their Confines on the Lands thus peaceably set out and possessed by this present Treaty, in the best manner they can, to repair and strengthen all Castles, Fortifications, and other Places now in being, except it be those against which there are particular Provisions made: But in the Extreme Confines of both Empires, it is Agreed, That open Villages may be without any Let or Hindrance, raised, yet so that there be not any Fortifications erected.   

VIII.  
All sudden or private Insults, all hostile Incursions or Devastations, or Executions from the Subjects of one Empire upon the other, are forbid upon the severest Penalties; The Contraveners or Transgressor's of this Article, wheresoever they are found, shall immediately be Imprisoned, and by the justice of the Place where they are taken, shall be punished without Pardon or Reprieve; Diligent Search shall be made after what they have thus Robbed or Unjustly Acquired; and when it is found, it shall be wholly restored to its proper Owner. The Captains, Commanders, and Governors, in both the Empires, shall Administer equal justice, under the Penalty not only of their Office, but of their Life and Honour.   

IX.  
It shall not be Lawful for either of the Emperors to Receive or Comfort in his Dominions, the Rebels or Malcontents of the Others; But such Fugitives as these, as likewise all Robbers, Thiefs, altho' they are the Subjects of the Other Empire, yet shall they be punished in the Country they are found in: If they lie Concealed, than all Endeavours may be used to discover 'em to the Governors of those Places, and they upon such Discovery are obliged to punish 'em; If these Governors be Remiss in Punishing of these wicked Men, then shall they incur the utmost Displeasure of their Emperor, and shall be put out of their Employment, or lose their own Lives. And that a Securer Restraint may be made to the Extravagancies of these Wretches, it is provided, That neither of the Parties shall Entertain or Nourish the Haydones, whom they call Freebooters, and those Partymen named from Pribecke, or any other sort of Men, who not being in the Pay of either Empire, live upon Robbery and Rapine, and both these and those that nourish and assist 'em, shall be punished according to their Demerits; And so intolerable are such Wretches, that tho' they promise Amendment of their Customary Life, yet is not Credit in this case to be Indulged to 'em, but they are to be removed from the Confines to some more remote Parts of the Empires.   

X.  
In the time of the War, several of the Hungarians and Transilvanians withdrew themselves from the Subjection of his Caesarean Majesty into the Confines of the Sublime Port, and by the present Truce it is Agreed, these shall be Indemnifyed in the manner following, viz. They shall have convenient Habitations allotted them in the Ottoman Empire; But least the Peace and Tranquillity of the Bordering Subjects should be endangered to be disturbed▪ the Places appointed for their Abode shall be remote from the Boundaries of the Empires: The Wives likewise of these shall be permitted to follow 'em, and to Cohabit with 'em in the Places thus assigned. But considering these Men are always hereafter to be taken as Subjects of the Ottoman Empire, it shall never hereafter be Lawful for 'em to Forsake or Renounce to that Subjection; And in case they pretend to Recede from it, and to return into their Native Country, they shall be deemed Rebels or Malcontents, nor shall they receive Entertainment or Succour from the Imperialists, but being taken they shall be delivered to the Ottoman Governors on the Borders▪ that by this means the present Peace may on both sides be better secured.   

XI.  
In Order to remove all Differences, Controversies, or Discords, which might arise concerning the Interpretation of any of these Articles or any other matter during this Truce, it is Agreed, That where there shall be occasion for a ready and effectual Remedy, an equal number of Commissaries shall on both sides be immediately chose on the Confines: These shall be Sober, Prudent, Experienced, and Peaceable Men, who without Troops meeting with an unarmed Retinue of equal number on both sides, shall hear, consider, decide, and amicably Agree all such Controversies as can arise, and shall propound and appoint such Order and Methods, by which either Party shall without delay or fraud, reduce or compel their Servants and Subjects to a sincere Observance of this Peace; But if Matters of such great Moment should arise, that such Commissaries are not able to Agree or Determine 'em, then shall Affairs be referred to the two most Potent Emperors themselves, that they themselves may find out and apply so proper Means or Expedients for the settling such Differences, that they may in as short a time as possible be finally determined; nor shall such Resolutions be neglected or long Protracted.  
Whereas in the Sacred Articles of former Treaties between the two Empires; Duels; and all sort of Challenges in order to 'em, have been forbid; it is now likewise Agreed; that in like manner for the time to come they shall remain unlawful, and if any dare presume to enter into single Combats, they shall be proceeded against with the utmost rigour.   

XII.  
The Captives, that during this present War have on each side been carried away, and are at present remaining in the public Prisons, considering from this happy Peace, they may reasonably expect Release, nor can they be retained in this Misery without Indignity to the Imperial Majesty, and Offence of laudable Custom, shall be restored by way of Exchange upon the usual or more easy Conditions; and in case there are more on one side than on the other, or some of greater Quality on one side than on the other; yet the Solemn Demands of the Ambassador on each side shall so far prevail upon the Clemency of each Emperor, that these Supernumeraries shall with the rest find a Release: But as for the Prisoners that are in private Hands, or amongst the Tartars, they shall be Redeemed upon Equitable and as moderate Terms as possible: But if such fair Agreement cannot be made with the Patrons of these Slaves, the particular judges of the Places where they live shall settle this Matter of what is to be paid for their Redemption; but if those ways should fail, than the Captives themselves making it appear by Testimonies or Oaths, what their Masters paid for 'em, upon the Repayment of that Money shall be Released; Nor shall it be permitted to their Masters to oppose themselves to this Release upon the pretence of a greater Price; and considering that on the part of the Ottoman Empire there may be no particular Society of Men employed to look after this Redemption of Captives; yet it is Agreed, That the Caesarean Magistrates stand in Honour obliged to see the Turkish Slaves Released upon the Payment of what they cost their Masters, so that this work may be carried on with equal Sincerity on both sides: And that such Captives may at length gain their Liberty, the Ambassadors of each Empire shall in the mean time use all good Offices, that they may in the mean time be treated with Mildness and Humanity.   

XIII.  
As concerning the Religious Orders, or Exercise of the Christian Religion, according to the Rites of the Roman Catholic Church, it is Agreed, by the most Serene and most Potent Ottoman Emperor, That whatsoever Indulgences have been made by the precedent most Glorious Ottoman Emperors in their Dominions, whether it were by Antecedent Sacred Capitulations, by Imperial Signets, by Edicts or Special Mandates, that all these shall stand good and confirmed; so that the foresaid Religious may repair and rebuild their Churches, may Exercise their usual and accustomed Functions; so that it shall not be lawful from any one, contrary to these Sacred Capitulations and Divine Laws, to impose upon 'em any sort of trouble or pecuniary Exaction, let these Religious be of what Order or Condition soever, they shall enjoy the usual Protection and Goodness of the Imperial Ottoman Empire.  
Besides, it shall be allowed to the Ambassador of the most Serene and most Potent Roman Emperor to the Fulgid Port, to enter into Treaty there according to his Instructions about the Religion and Places of Christian Pilgrimage or Visitation in the Holy City of Jerusalem, and he shall there lay before the Imperial Throne his Demands about these Matters.   

XIV.  
The Commerce according to the former Sacred Capitulations, shall be free to the Subjects on both sides, through all the Kingdoms and Dominions of both Empires, but this intercourse of mutual Trade may be performed without Fraud, and with just Profit, at the times of the Solemn Embassies on both sides, there shall be appointed Commissioners well versed in Mercantile Affairs, who shall Debate this Matter; and the same Privileges the High Empire allows to other Nations in Friendship with it, shall with the same Security and Advantages to the Subjects of his Caesarean Majesty of what Nation soever they may be.   

XV.  
Whatsoever Conditions are expressed in the Ancient Sacred Capitulations, shall stand good and be religiously Observed, provided they do not contradict the Articles of this present Treaty, or are no ways prejudicial or obstructive to that free Exercise of Power, which each Empire is intended to have in its own Dominions; and in case any former Articles come under this Description, than they are declared by these Presents null and void.   

XVI.  
And that this present Truce may the better grow and be confirmed into a mutual Friendship and Confidence betwixt the two most potent Emperors, Extraordinary Ambassadors shall be sent on both sides, who are to be Received, Treated, and Attended from their Entrance into the Confines, and during their stay, and to the time of their Return till they are again Exchanged with the usual Ceremonies, and for a more manifest Declaration of the Friendship between the two Emperors, these Ambassadors shall bring and make voluntary Presents, yet such as shall correspond to, and be agreeable to the High Dignity of each Emperor. And the said Ambassadors, by Concert in June in the ensuing Summer, at the same time beginning their journey, shall be Exchanged in the Confines of Sirmium, after the manner that has been used upon such Occasions.  
And it shall be permitted to each of the Ambassadors at the Imperial Courts, to make what Requests they shall think convenient.   

XVII.  
The Rule for Receiving▪ Entertaining, or Treating the Ministers by the Courtiers of each Empire, shall be taken from the practice of former times, to be executed with all imaginable Candour and Decency, according to that distinct Prerogative which theCharacters of those that are sent shall Demand. The Caesarean Ambassadors, Envoys, or Residents, and their Attendants, shall without the hindrance of any one, enjoy a full liberty of using what sort of Garments they please. Besides, the Caesarean Minister, whether he be Vested with the Character of Ambassador, Envoy, Resident, or Agent, shall at the Fulgid Port enjoy the same Privileges and Immunities, which the Ambassadors or Agents of any other Princes there enjoy, and to make a Distinction of the Prerogative of the Caesarean Dignity, with the usual Marks of Preference: They shall have liberty of Hiring their own Interpreters, and their Messengers that come to the Fulgid Port, or return from it to Vienna, shall have free Passage going and coming, with all convenient Favour and Assistance in their journey.   

XVIII.  
This Peace tho' it now stands concluded upon the present Conditions, yet it shall then only be esteemed to have and to receive its full force of Obligation and Effect, when all and singular Conditions, stipulated and accepted on both sides, as well concerning the Distinctions of the Borders, as the Evacuations and Demolishments shall be fully executed in this manner, after the Limits are settled, then shall the Evacuations and Demolishments of Places follow, and that all this may as soon as possible be put in practice, Commissaries to settle these Distinctions, shall on both sides be appointed, who at the Equinoctial, S. N. 22. S. V. 12 of March, A. D. 1699. shall with a moderate and peaceable Attendance, meet at Places to be determined by the Governors of the Confines, and these Commissaries shall within two months or less, if possible, by manifest marks described in the former Articles separate and set apart these Confines, and shall with all exactness and expedition, execute all other things that shall be Agreed by the Plenipotentiaries of both Empires.   

XIX.  
The Plenipotentiaries of both Empires do mutually Oblige themselves, and Promise, that these Conditions and Articles thus reduced into Form, shall be mutually Ratified by the Majesty of each of the Emperors, and that within 30 days or sooner from the time of Subscription, the Ratifications shall in Solemn manner be mutually Exchanged in the Confines by the most Illustrious and most Excellent Lords the Plenipotentiary Mediators.   

XX.  
This Truce shall continue, and God willing, extend to full 25 years, to be reckoned from the day of the Subscription, after the Expiration of which Term, or in the middle of it, it shall be in the Power of either of the Parties, t●at so shall think fit, to prolong it to a greater number of Years.  
Therefore what things soever are here established by the mutual and free Consent of the Majesty of the most Serene and most Potent Emperor of the Romans on the one part, and the Majesty of the most Serene and most Potent Ottoman Emperor on the other, and their Heirs, shall be Religiously and Inviolably observed through all their Empires and Kingdoms, by Land and Sea, through all their Cities and Towns, and by all their Subjects and Dependants; and it is likewise Agreed, that it shall on both sides be strictly enjoined to all Governors, Commanders, Captains; Generals, to all the Soldiery, to all under their Protection, to all in Subjection and Obedience under them, tha● they take diligent Care to Conform themselves to all the abovementioned Conditions, clauses, Compacts and Articles, that under what pretence or colour soever; contrary to the Peace and Friendship thus established, the Subjects on either side do not offend or injure one another; but abstaining from all sort of Enmity, they are commanded to become good Neighbours to each other, under the severest Penalties, if after they are thus admonished, they do not yield a ready Obedience.  
The Tartar I'm likewise, and all the Nations of the Tartars, by whatsoever Names they are called, stand engaged to the Observance of this Peace, Good Neighbourhood, and Reconciliation; nor shall it be permitted 'em in prejudice of these Agreements to commit any Hostilities in the Provinces▪ or upon any of the Subjects, or upon any under the Protection of his Caesarean Majesty. Moreover, if any one shall presume to Act contrary to these Sacred Imperial Capitulations, Agreements or Articles, whether he belongs to the Tartar Nations, or to any other Forces by whatsoever Name called, he shall be most rigorously punished.  
This Peace, Cessation, and Security of the Subjects on both sides, shall commence from the Date of this Subscription, and thence all Enmities on both sides shall cease and be extinguished, and the Subjects on both sides shall enjoy full Security and Tranquillity, and for that end, and in order all Hostilities may be carefully prevented, Mandates and Edicts for publishing the Peace shall as soon as possible be sent to all Governors of the Confines; but considering some time will be requisite, that the Officers in the remoter Confines may have notice of this Peace, 20 days are for this purpose appointed, after which, if any one on either side presume to commit any sort of Hostility, he shall without Mercy, suffer the Punishments before declared.  
In the last place, that these Conditions of Peace, contained in 20 Articles, and accepted of on both sides, may with great and due respect be inviolably observed; The Lords the Ottoman Plenipotentiaries, by Virtue of an Imperial Faculty granted to 'em for that purpose, have delivered to us an Authentic and Instrument, writ and subscribed in the Turkish Language, are likewise by Virtue of a Special Order, and by our Plenipotentiary Power have on our part delivered these Writings of the Articles Signed and Subscribed by our proper Hands and Seals in the Latin Tongue, as a True and Authentic Instrument.  
This Treaty between the Emperor, being thus finished and agreed, the next thing was to appoint Commissaries to regulate the Limits between Croatia, and Bosnia, as was concluded by the Treaty of Peace at Carlovitz, to appear upon the said Limits on the 14/24th of March following, in order to which Affair his Imperial Majesty appointed Count Marsilii for his Commissary, giving him Orders to depart from Vienna in a Weeks time. But the Ratifications relating to the Articles of Peace concluded on both sides were sooner dispatched, for the Grand Seignior's Ratification of the Treaty arrived at Belgrade, the 9th of March N. S. 1699. of which Advice was given the same day to the Secretary of the Imperial Embassy, who waited at Peter-Waradin with that of the Emperors, that the Exchange might be made on the same Day, the which was accordingly done.    

COPIA INSTRUMENTI TURCICI CUM MOSCOVITA.  
Hic est Deus, maxime aperiens omnia, Potentissimus, Firmissimus▪  
In Nomine Dei misericordis, semper miserentis.  
CAusa exarationis hujus veritate praecellentis Scripti, & necessitas descriptionis hujus realitate insigniti Instrumenti haec est: Incorruptibilis Domini Creatoris, & immortalis Opifici● liberrimi arbitrii, Domini Dei, cujus Gloria extollatur extra omnem similitudinem, & paritatem, aeternarum confirmationum ubertatis concessione, & gratiâ honoratissimae Meccae, & lucidissimae Medinae Servi, & Sanctae Jerusalem, & aliorum Locorum benedictorum Defensoris, & Rectoris, binarum Terrarum Sultani, & Regis binorum Marium, Dominatoris potentis Aegypti, & Abyssinarum Provinciarum, ac Felicis Arabiae, & Adenensis Terrae, & Caesareae Africanae, & Tripoli, & Tuneti, & Insulae Cypri, & Rhodi, & Cretae, & aliarum Albi Maris Insularum, atque Imperatoris Babylonis, & Bositrae, & Laxae, & Revani, & Carsiae, & Erzirum, & Sehresul, & Mussul, & Diarbekir, & Ricae, & Damasci, & Aleppi, & Sultani Persicae & Arabicae Irachiensis Regionis, & Regis Ghiurdistaniae, & Turchistaniae, & Giurzistaniae, & Daghistaniae, & Trapezuntis, & Imperatoris Provinciarum Rum, & Zul-chadriae, & Maras, Imperatoris Regionum Tartariae, Circassiae, & Abasiorum, atque Crimeae, ac Desti-Capzac, Imperatoris Orientis, & Occidentis, & Anatoliae, & Rumeliae, Possessoris Sedis Regiae Constantinopolis, & protectae Prussae, ac defensae Adrianopolis, & praeterea Imperatoris latissimarum tot Provinciarum, totque Climatum & Urbium ac celeberrimi Dominatoris, Sultani Sultanorum, Regis Regum, Serenissimi, Potentissimi, Augustissimi Domini nostri Imperatoris, Refugii Musulmannici, Sultani Filii Sultanorum, Sultani Mustafa Regis, Filii Sultani Mehmet Regis, cujus Imperium Deus perenne faciat, ac Principatum stabiliat usque in diem judicii, Majestatis, Excelsum Imperium inter, & Gloriosissimum inter eximios Principes Christianos, & Praelectissimum inter magnos Dominatores Christianos, Directorem magnoru● negotio●um Christianarum Rerumpublicarum, Chlamyde Amplitudinis & Majestatis exornatissimum, Argumentis magnitudinis & gloriae condecoratissimum Czarum Moscoviticarum Regionum, & omnium Ruthenicarum Provinciarum Dominatorem, & Possessorem subjectarum illis Terrarum, & Urbium, sublimem Czarum Mos●oviae Petrum Alexovicium (cujus fines Deus salute & rectitudine coronet) cum intercedens aliquibus annis dissidium fuerit in causa calamitatis Subditorum, & Subjectorum utriusque partis, eâ intentione, ut iterum in amicitiam, & benevolentiam commutetur, ad bonam constitutionem rerum Civitatensium, & ad reducendum in meliorem conditionem Statum Servorum Dei, in Sirmio in Confiniis Carlovicii facto Congressu, cum Illustrissimo, & Excellentissimo inter Christianos Magnates, Domino Procopio Begdanoviz Vo●nizin, altè memorati Czari Plenipotentiario Commissario, & Extraordinario Legato, & intimo Consiliario, & Locumtenente Bolchiae, ab eodem Czaro ad Tractatus, & Conclusionem Pacis negotii perfectâ authoritate destinato, & deputato: atque explentibus Mediationis manùs bonis officiis, ac diligenti operâ, deputatis à Gloriosissimis inter eximios Christianos Principes, & Refugiis Magnorum Dominatorum ejusdem Gentis, Angliae, Scotiae, & Hiberniae Rege, Wilhelmo Tertio, & Generalibus Statibus Nederlandensibus (quorum fines Deus salute & rectitudine coronet) ad exequendam Mediationis suae functionem ad Tractatus Pacis, Illustrissimis & Excellentissimis inter Magnates Christianos, Wilhelmo Lord Pagett, Barone de Beaudesert, etc. & Domino Jacobo Colyer, etiamsi ab utraque parte adhibita sit ad Pacem, & Conciliationem propensio, & inclinatio, cum tamen non esset facile, brevi tempore, ut ablatis difficultatibus omnes res, convenientes Amicitiae, & Vicinitati, perfectè, & debitè ad bonum ordinem redigerentur, ne interrumperetur continuatio istorum almorum Tractatuum, sed ut pertractentur, & ad finem perducantur, hâc utrinque intentione per mutuum consensum à Die vigesimo quinto Decembris, Anni millesimi, centesimi, decimi, nempè Natalitio Domini Jesu Christi, usque ad integros duos annos terminus constitutus est, intra quem scilicet almus iste Tractatus ad bonum ordinem reducatur, & inter Excelsum Imperium, & Moscoviticum Czareatum, favente Deo Altissimo, Pax, sive per inducias, sive perpetua coalescat, & vetus amicitia renovetur. Itaque intra statutum unanimi consensu terminum cesset omne praelium, & bellum, & pugna, atque conflictus, & utrinque amoveantur, & tollantur hostilitates, Moscorum Czaro subjectis à Moscovitis & Cosaccis, & aliis in subjecta Excello Imperio Musulmannica Confinia, sive alia, sive Crimensia & Loca, & Subditos, nulla fiat excursio, & hostilitas nullumque damnum inferatur, neque clam, neque palam. Pariterque à parte Excelsi Imperii nullius conditionis Exercitus, praesertim Crimensis Chanus, & omnia genera Tartarorum & Hordae, nullam penitùs excursionem faciant, nullumque damnum inferant, neque clam, neque palam, in Civitates, & Oppida, & Subditos & Subjectos Nostro Czaro. Atque si qui sive clam, sive palam, motum aliquem, sive dispositionem, & hostilitatem, & incursionem fecerint contra hoc Pactum, & hanc conditionem, quae inter nos confecta est, & sese contumaces, & minùs obedientes reddiderint, ex quacunque parte sint, deprehendantur, incarcerentur, & sine remissione pur●iantur. Proinde praefatâ ratione colendi, & observandi hujus Armistitii tempore, conflictatio & hostilitas penitùs amoveantur atque tollantur, & ab utraque parte perfecta propensio, & plena inclinatio adhibeatur ad conclusionem Pacis; & Crimensis Chanus propter suam obedientiam, & subjectionem ad Excelsum Imperium, adjungatur huic Paci. Utque ab utraque parte acceptatum, & observatum sit, & altè memorati Czari Plenipotentiarius Legatus & Commissarius vigore suae Facultatis, & Auctoritatis Moscovi●ico Sermone descriptum, legitimum, & validum Instrumentum tradiderit▪ Nos quoque Facultatis & Vicariae nostrae Deputationis vigore, nostris Manibus subscriptum, & nostris Sigillis firmatum hoc Scriptum, tamquam validum & legitimum Instrumentum tradidimus.  Deus favens est aequitati.  

COPIA INSTRUMENTI MOSCOVITAE CUM TURCIS.  
IN Nomine Domini Dei Omnipotentis in Trinitate Sancta unius; Ejusdem Gratiâ Serenisfimum, & Potentissimum Magnum Dominum Czarum, & Magnum Ducem Petrum Alexovicium, totius magnae, & parvae, & albae Russiae Autocratorem, Moscoviae, Kioviae, Wolodimiriae, Novogardiae, Czarum Caraniae, Czarum Astrachani, Czarum Siberiae, Dominum Plescoviae, & magnum Ducem Smolensci, Treriae, Ingoriae, Permiae, Viatkae, Bolgariae, & aliorum Dominum, & magnum Ducem Novogardiae, inferioris Terrae, Csernihoviae, Resaniae, Rostoviae, Jarosclaviae, Belouroriae, Valoriae, Obdoriae, Condiniae, & totius Plagae Septentrionalis Imperatorem, & Dominum Iveriensis Terrae, Cartalinensium & Gruzinensium Czarum, & Kabardiensis Terrae, Csercassorum, & Montanorum Ducem, ac aliorum multorum Dominiorum, & Terrarum Orientalium, Occidentalium, Septentrionaliumque Paternum Avitumque Haeredem, Successorem, & Dominum, ac Dominatorem, suam inter Majestatem, atque inter Serenissimum, & Potentissimum Magnum Dominum Sultanum Mustafam, Chanum, Filium Sultani Mehmet Chani, Dominum Constantinopoleos, Albi Maris, Nigri Maris, Anatoliae, Vrumiae, Romaniae, honoratissimae Meccae, & Medinae Sanctae, Jerusalem, Aegypti, & Abyssinarum, Babylonis, & Ricae, & Damasci Dominatorem, Tartaricarum & Crimensium Hordarum, nec non aliorum multorum Dominiorum, Regnorum, & Urbium, Insularum, & Provinciarum Imperatorem, ab aliquot annis intercedens dissidium causa fuit calamitatis Subditorum, & Subjectorum utrique parti, ex intentione, ut rursus in Amicitiam, & Benevolentiam, ad bonam rerum Civilium constitutionem, reducendumque in meliorem conditionem statum transmutetur, in Sirmio ad Confinia Carlovizii facto Congressu cum Illustrissimis & Excellentissimis, Selectissimo Domino Magno Cancellario Reis Mehmet Effendi, & cum Selectissimo Domino ab Intimis Secretis Alexandro ex Prosapia Scarlati Mauro Cordato, altè memoratae suae Sultanicae Majestatis Plenipotentiariis Commissariis, & Extraordinariis Legatis ad Tractatum, & Constitutionem Negotii Pacis perfectâ Authoritate destinatis ac deputatis, Mediationem inter Serenissimi & Potentissimi suae Regiae Majestatis Magnae Britanniae, & Praepotentum Generalium Statuum Nederlandensium Hollandiorum, Illustrissimorum, & Excellentissimorum Plenipotentiariorum Eorundem Extraordinariorum Legatorum, Domini Wilhelmi Lord Pagett, Baronis de Beaudesert, etc. & Domini Jacobi Colyer, etc. ab utraque autem parte ad Pacem, & Inducias propensio, & inclinatio adhibita fuit; attamen non facile fuit, intra breve tempus, sublatis difficultatibus res universas, convenientes amicitiae, & vicinitati, perfectè, & debitè in bonum ordinem redigere; sed ne interrumperetur continuatio horum almorum Tractatuum, quinimo deinceps perficiatur, & ad finem deducatur, hac intentione utrinque per mutuum consensum, id est, à Die 25 Decembris anno 1698. à Nativitate Domini Dei Jesu Christi, in futuros duos integros annos, inter altè fatos ambos Magnos Dominos fiant Induciae, in quibus almus hicce Tractatus in bonum ordinem reducatur, atque inter suam Czaream Majestatem Moscoviticam; & Sultanicam Majestatem Turcicam, Deo Altissimo secundante, Pax perpetua, aut in sufficientes annos Induciae concludantur, & vetus Amicitia restauretur. Proinde in h●c constituto determinato unanimi consensu desinat omne praelium, bellum, pugna, & conflictus, & utrobique amoveantur, & tollantur hostilitates, & à Subditis suae Czareae Majestatis, Moscovitis, & Cosaccis, ac aliis, Confiniis Musulmannicis, & Crimensibus, atque reliquis suae Sultani●ae Majestati subjectis Terris, & Subditis, nulla incursio & hostilitas fiat, neque clam, neque palam ullum damnum inferatur. Pariter ex parte suae Majestatis Sultanicae adversus partem suae Czareae Majestatis nullius ordinis Exercitus, potissimùm verò Crimensis Chanus, & omne genus Tartarorum, & Hordarum penitùs ullas incursiones faciant, nec ullum damnum palam aut clam in Civitatibus, & Oppidis, & subditis Territoriis suae Czareae Majestati perpetrent. Et si qui clam vel apertè motum aliquem, & dispositionem, hostilitatem, ac incursionem contra hanc constitutionem, & conditionem, quae nos inter confecta est, fecerint, & ex quacunque demùm parte tales contumaces reperiantur, apprehendantur, incarcerentur, & sine remissione indefense puniantur. Hâc itaque praefatâ ratione, tempore colendi, & observandi hujus Armistitii, conflictatio, & hostilitas absolutè amoveatur, & tollatur, ac ab utraque parte ad concludendam Pacem perfecta propensio, & plena inclinatio adhibeatur, & Crimensis Chanus ex munere suae erga Imperialem suam Majestatem Turcicam obedientiae, & subjectionis, huic Paci adjungatur; Quae omnia ut ab utraque parte acceptentur, & observentur, quoniam altè memoratae suae Sultanicae Majestatis Plenipotentiarii Legati, & Commissarii, vigore suae facultatis, & Authoritatis Turcico Sermone scriptum legitimum, & firmum Instrumentum, ex eoque Latino Ser●one propriis manibus, & Sigillis firmatam Copiam dederunt, pariter & ego facultatis, & Plenipotentiae mihi datae vigore, manu propriâ subscriptum, & Sigillo firmatum hoc Scriptum Ruthenico & Latino Sermone copiatum, tanquam firmum, & legitimum Instrumentum tradidi. Scriptum in Carlowiz, Ann. 1698. Mense Decem. Die 25.   

A COPY OF THE Turkish Treaty WITH THE MUSCOVITE,  
It is God the most Powerful, the most Just, who brings all Things to pass.  
In the Name of God the Merciful, always Compassionate.  
THE Reason of the making this Writing Refulgent in Truth, and the necessity of the Description of this Instrument stamped with Reality, is this; The War betwixt the Sublime Empire of Mustapha, by the Concessions of the Plenitude of the Eternal Confirmations of the Incorruptible Lord Creator, and the Immortal Maker of most Freewill, the Lord God, whose Glory be extolled beyond Similitude or Equality; and by the Grace of the most Honoured Mecca, and the Servant of the most Illustrious Medina, Defender and Rector of the Holy Jerusalem, and other Blessed Places, Sultan of the two Earth's, and King of the two Seas, Lord of Potent Egypt, and the Abyssine Provinces, and Arabia the Happy, and the Land of Adenum and Caesarean afric, and Tripoli and Tunis, and the Island of Cyprus and Rhodes, and Crete, and other Islands of the White Sea, and Emperor of Babylon, and Bosnia, and Laxa, and Revanum, and Carsia, and Erzirum, and Sehresul, and Mussul, and Diarbekir, and Rica, and Damascus, and Aleppo, and Sultan of the Persic and Arabic Irachian Region, and King of Ghiurdistania and Turchistania, and Daghistania, and Trapezuntum, and Emperor of the Provinces of Rum, and Zulchadria, and Maras, Emperor of the Regions of Tartary, of Circassia, and the Abastans, and the Crimea and Desti-Capzac, Emperor of the East and West, and Anatolia and Rumelia, Possessor of the Royal-Seat of Constantinople, and Protected Prussia, and Defended Adrianople, and besides of so many the most large Provinces, and of ●o many Climates and Cities, and most Celebrated Governor, Sultan of Sultan's, King of Kings, most Serene, most Potent, most August Lord our Emperor, the Refuge of Musulmen, Sultan Son of Sultan's, Son of Sultan King Mehmet, (whose Empire God perpetuate, and establish his Government to the Day of judgement;) And the most glorious amongst the principal Christians, Director of the great Affairs of the Christian Commonwealths, Adorned with the Robes of Greatness and Majesty, Conspicuous with the Power of Greatness and Glory, the Czar of the Muscovite Regions, and Lord of all the Ruthenic Provinces and Possessor of the Lands and Cities Subject to them, the Sublime Czar of Muscovy, Peter Alexovic, (whose End let God crown with Salvation and Righteousness,) considering this War for some Years has been the Occasion of Calamity to the Subjects on both sides, with an Intent, that it might be changed into Friendship and Kindness, that Affairs might be put into better Order, and the State of the Servants of God might be reduced into a better Condition, in the Congress of Sirmium in the Confines of Carlovitz, upon Treaty with the most Illustrious and most Excellent amongst the Christian Grandees, Lord Procopius Begdanoviz Vosniziri, Plenipotentiary Commissionated by the Czar, and Ambassador▪ Extraordinary, and Privy-Counsellor, and Lieutenant of Bolchia, Designed and Deputed by the said Czar with full Powers to Treat and Conclude a Peace, and the most Illustrious and most Excellent amongst the Christian Grandees, William Lord Pagett, Baron of Beaudesert, etc. and Lord Jacob Colyer, performing the part of Mediators, with great good Offices and Diligence, Deputed so to do by the most Glorious amongst the most Illustrious Christian Princes, and the Resort of the Rulers of the Nations, William III. of England, Scotland, and Ireland, King, and the State's General, (whose Ends God crown with Salvation and Righteousness,) altho' both Parties showed a▪ Propensity and Inclination to Peace and Reconciliation; but considering in so short a time it was not easy to remove all Difficulties, and to settle all things Agreeable to Friendship and good Neighbourhood; Therefore, lest the Continuance of these good Treaties should be interrupted, but that they should proceed and be brought to an End, with this Intent on both sides, by mutual Consent, the Term of Two Years is Agreed on to begin from the 25th of December, Christmas-day, A. Heg. 1110. within which time this good Treaty may be reduced into Order, and by the Grace of the most High God, a Peace or Truce may be concluded betwixt the Sublime Empire, and the Muscovitish Czareate, by which perpetual and ancient Friendship may be Renewed. Therefore within the Term thus prefixed, by unanimous Consent, all War, Battles, and Skirmishes shall cease, and all Hostilities shall be removed and forbid to the Subjects of the Czar of Muscovy, both Muscovites and Cossacks, and all others, there shall be no Excursion, Hostility, Damage, whether privately or publicly done or committed, upon the Musulman Confines, subject to the Sublime Empire, whether in the Crimea, or any other Places, or upon the Subjects of this Empire: In like manner on the part of the High Empire, no Army of what Condition soever, especially belonging to the Crimean Cham, and all sorts of Tartars, or Hordes, shall make any sort of Excursion, nor commit Damage privately or publicly, upon the Cities and Towns, and Subjects or Dependants upon the Czar: And if contrary to this Compact and Agreement, which is made betwixt us, any, either privately or publicly, shall raise any Commotion, or make Preparation for it, or shall commit Hostility, or make Incursion, or shall be Obstinate, or not Obedient, let 'em ●e of what ●ide the● 〈◊〉▪ they shall be Apprehended, ●●prison'd, and Punished without Mercy; Therefore after this method shall this Truce be cultivated and observed during the time of it, all Conflicts and Hostilities shall be removed and extinguished, and both Parties with full Inclination shall apply themselves to the Conclusion of a Peace, and the Crimean Cham shall be included in this Place, by reason of the Obedience and Subjection he owes to the Sublime Empire: That it may be received and observed on both sides, the Plenipotentiary Ambassador and Commissary of the highly forementioned Czar, by Virtue of his Powers and Authority, has delivered an Authentic Instrument in due Form, written in the Muscovite Language: We likewise by Virtue of our Powers and Deputation, have delivered this Authentic Instrument in due Form, Subscribed with our Hands and Sealed with our Seals.  
God is favourable to Justice.   

A COPY OF THE Muscovite Treaty WITH THE TURKS.  
IN the Name of the Omnipotent Lord God, One in Holy Trinity: By whose Grace the most Serene and Potent Lord Czar, and Great Duke, Peter Alexovic, Emperor of the Whole Great and Little Russia, of Muscovy, Kiovia, Wolodimiria, Novogardia, Czar of Carania, Czar of Astrachan, Czar of Siberia, Lord of Plescovia, Great Duke of Smolenscum, Lord of Treria, Ingoria, Permia, Viatka, Bolgaria, and of other Dominions; Great Duke of Novogardia, of the Lower Country, of Csernihovia, Resania, Rostovia, Jarosclavia, Belouroria, Valoria, Obdoria, Condinia, and Emperor of all the Northern Country, and Lord of the Land of Iveria, Czar of the Cartalinensians and Grunizensians, and Duke of Karbardia, of the Csercassians and Mountaineer, and many other Dominions and Lands to the East, West and North, from Father and Ancestors, Heir, Successor, Lord and Commander, between his Majesty and the most Mighty Great Lord Sultan Mustapha Han, Son of Sultan Mehmet Han, Lord of Constantinople, of the White Sea, the Black Sea, of Anatolia, Rumia, Romania, of the most Honoured Mecca and Medina, and Holy Jerusalem, of Egypt, of the Abyssines, of Babylon and Rica, and Commander of Damascus, Emperor of the Tartarian and Crimean Hordes, as also of many other Dominions, Kingdoms and Cities, Islands and Provinces.  
Whereas the War for many years has been the Cause of the Misery of the Subjects, and Dependants on both Parties, that Friendship and Kindness might be restored, and by that means the Civil Affairs might become better settled, and all things changed into a more flourishing Condition; with this intent a Congress was had in Sirmium on the Confines of Carlovitz, with the most Illustrious and most Excellent the most Select Lord Great Chancellor Reis Mehmet Effendi, and the most Select Lord of the Privy Council, Mauro Cordato, of the Family of Scarlati, Plenipotentiary Commissioners, and Ambassadors Extraordinary of the highly mentioned Sultan Majesty, Deputed with full Powers to Treat of and Settle the Business of a Peace, through the Mediation of his most Serene and most Royal Majesty of Great Britain, and of the State's General of the Netherlands, by their most Excellent Plenipotentiaries, Ambassadors Extraordinary, the Lord William Lord Pagett, Baron de Beaudesert, etc. and Lord Jacob Colyer, etc. both sides showed an Inclination to a Peace and Truce, but in so short a time it was not easy to remove all Difficulties, and put all things into an Order agreeable to Friendship and Good Neighbourhood; yet lest the Continuance of these Treaties should be Interrupted, and that they might be perfected and brought to an end, with this Intent, by mutual Consent on both sides, a Truce, betwixt the two great highly mentioned Lords, is Agreed on for Two Years, to Commence from Christmas-day, the 25th day of December, Anno Domini 1698. within which Term, this Treaty may be reduced into good Order▪ and by the Blessing of God, a perpetual ●eace or a Truce for a sufficient Number of years may be Concluded, and Ancient Friendship restored betwixt his Czarish Muscovite Majesty, and Turkish Sultan Majesty; Therefore within this prefixed time, all War, Battles, Fights, and Skirmishes, shall Cease, and on both sides all Hostilities shall be removed and extinguished; nor shall any Incursion or Hostility be done, or any Damage committed, either privately or publicly by the Subjects of his Czarish Majesty, whether Muscovites or Cossacks, or others, within the Mussulman or Crimean Confines, or within any other of his Sultan Majesty's Dominions, or on any of his Subjects. In like manner on the part of his Sultan Majesty no sort of Troops of what Condition soever shall be brought against his Czarish Majesty, especially the Crimean Cham, and the Tartars of what Nation or Hord soever shall be obliged not to make any Incursions, or do any Damage publicly or privately, either in the Cities, Towns, or Territories, Subject to his Czarish Majesty: And if contrary to this Constitution and Agreement made betwixt us, any privately or publicly should raise any Commotion, or make Preparation for it, or make Incursion, or Commit Hostility, such obstinate and disobedient Persons of what side soever they are, shall be Apprehended, Imprisoned, and Inevitably punished without Mercy: By this Method for the time appointed for this Cessation of Arms, all Conflicts and Hostilities shall be absolutely taken away and abolished, and both Parties shall apply to conclude a Peace, with sincere Endeavours and full Inclination, and the Crimean Cham, according to his Duty and Dependence upon his Imperial Turkish Majesty shall be concluded by this Peace. That all these Things may be accepted of, and observed by both Parties, because the highly mentioned Plenipotentiary Ambassadors and Commissaries of his Sultan Majesty, by Virtue of their Powers and Authorities, have delivered in due Form an Authentic Instrument written in the Turkish Language, and from that a Copy in Latin, Signed with their Hands and Seals; in like manner, I by Virtue of the Authority and full Power granted me, have delivered in due Form, an Authentic Instrument Subscribed with my own Hand, and Confirmed with my Seal, Written in the Ruthenic and Copied in the Latin.   

INSTRUMENTUM PACIS INTER Serenissimum, & Potentissimum Regem, ET Rempublicam Poloniarum, ET Excelsum Imperium Ottomannicum, Ad Carlowiz in Sirmio, in Congressu Generali Confoederatorum Plenipotentiariorum confectae▪  
In Nomine Sanctissimae & Individuae Trinitatis.  
AD perpetuam Rei memoriam. Omnibus & si●gulis, quorum interest notum sit, Quandoquidem inter Regnum Polonicum, & Excelsum Imperium intercedens diuturnum dissidium, Serenissimo & Potentissimo Magnae Britanniae, Franciae & Hyberniae Rege, Guilielmo III. & Praepotentibus Generalibus Foederati Belgii Statibus, sistendi humani Sanguinis, & reducendae reciprocae Quietis desiderio, ad procurandos hujus almae Pacis Tractatus, Mediationem suam interponentibus, atque officia omnia, & omnes conditiones Mediationis, diligenti operâ & studio explentibus, Excellentissimis Dominis ad Fulgidam Portam Legatis Plenipotentiariis, Guilielmo Domino Pagett, Barone de Beaudesert, in Comitatu Staffordiensi, ejusdem Comitatus Regis Locumtenente, ex pa●●e Majestatis Britannicae: & Domino Jacobo Colyer, ex parte Praepotentium Generalium Foederati Belgii Ordinum, favente Deo, reciprocâ utrinque inclinatione atque propensione sopiri, & penitùs extingui placuerit, atque Carlovizii ad Confinia Sirmii, ubi Congressus Legatorum Plenipotentiariorum ex Inclytae Mediationis dispositione institutus fuerat, initis Tractatibus de Pacis Articulis cum Illustrissimo & Excellentissimo Domino Mehmet Effendi, Magno Cancellario Excelsi Imperii, & Illustrissimo atque Excellentissimo Domino Alexandro Mauro Cordato, de Nobili Stirpe Scarlati, ab Intimis Secretis ejusdem Excelsi Imperii, ad tractandam Pacem Legatis Plenipotentiariis, post aliquas Sessiones, tandem annuente Divinâ Clementiâ, Negotium hoc almae desiderataeque Pacis feliciter in mutuas Leges coaluerit, & integerrima iterum Amicitia, & Pax inter Serenissimum, & Potentissimum Musulmannorum Imperatorem Sultanum, Filium Sultani Mehmeti, Sultanum Mustapha: & Serenissimum a● Potentissimum Regem, Augustum Secundum, Dominum meum Clementissimum & Rempublicam Poloniarum, super undecim, mutuo consensu compositis ●isce Articulis, perpetuò religiose inter utrumque Dominium observanda, perfecta & conclusa, restituta & renovata est, qui articuli subinde singulatim describuntur.  

I.  
CUM Excelso perpetuitati subnixo Imperio, multo abhinc tempore intercedente ope, & favore Dei Altissimi sublatâ hostilitate, conciliationi & bonae vicinitati congruâ cum Sinceritate, antiquâ amicitiâ iterum coalescente, ut hostilitates utrinque amoveantur, & Subditi pristinâ securitate, quiete, ac tranquillitate fruantur, ante ultima duo bella constituti veteres Limites restituantur ac stabiliantur, & Confinia Provinciarum subditarum Poloniae, à Confiniis Imperialibus tum Moldaviae, tum aliorum Districtuum, subjectorum Excelso Imperio, antiquis Limitibus separentur ac distinguantur, neuè utrinque aut praetensio, aut extensio deinceps fiat, sed Limites antiqui sine mutatione aut perturbatione, tanquam sacri, religiose observentur atque colantur.   

II.  
Quaecunque sive Munimenta, sive Loca vel majora, vel minora intra veteres Moldaviae Limites, ante penultimum bellum existentes, sita, atque hucusque detenta sunt à Dominis Polonis, eductis atque extractis inde Polonicis Militiis, evacuentur, & Moldaviae Provincia maneat ex integro libera, ante postremum bellum, in quo erat pacifico Statu.   

III.  
Intra veteres quoque ante prostrema duo bella, versus Poloniam, Limites situm Camenici Fortalitium, eductis inde Musulmannicis Militiis, evacuetur, & integrum relinquatur, & Podoliae atque Ukrainae Provinciarum nulla deinceps ab Excelso Imperio fiat praetensio, & Ukrainae Kosacorum Hatmani nomine Substitutus, qui modò in Moldavia residet, Hatmanus amoveatur. Cumque Limites antiqui Poloniae & Moldaviae manifesti sint, si commodum fuerit tempus, ab initio futuri Martii inchoetur evacuatio, & quam citiùs fieri poterit▪ quamprimùm Polonica Militia è Moldavia educatur, & Munimenta & Loca illius evacuentur, & Moldavia maneat liberá. Simulque ab initio Martii Caminecensis Fortalitii evacuatio inchoetur, atque evacuationis negotium, ubi prius perfici poterit, sine haesitatione, & sine tarditate ac negligentia in executionem deducatur, & Caminecensis Fortalitii evacuatio ad summum usque in decimum quintum mensis Maii ad finem perducatur; & quò cum facilitate & celeritate dicti Fortalitii fiat evacuatio, ad onera imponenda, & transvehenda, quoad fieri potest, eurribus & Jumentis transportationem coadjuvent Poloni, & ubique evacuationis negotium cum securitate & salva re peragatur: in quibus evacuationibus Fortalitiorum, & aliorum Locorum, quoquo Pacto munitorum è Subditis, quicunque voluntariè exire velint, cum propriis rebus & Suppellectile exeant tutò & securè, & quicunque remanere velint, item tutò remaneant, & utrinque nullatenus impediantur. Et cum evacuatio Fortalitiorum & Locorum à principio Martii Mensis utrinque inchoari debeat, instantiam de Tormentorum Camenieci relictione, scilicet ex propriis atque ibi repertis, Ablegatus Polonus quamptimùm ad Fulgidam Portam expediendus, afferat ad Solium Imperatoris.   

IV.  
Nemo Subditorum Excelsi Imperii cujuscunque conditionis, praesertim verò Tartari, cujuscunque Gentis, sub cujusvis praetensionis, & controversiae praetextu, in Subditos Regis & Reipub. Poloniarum, & in Limites eorum hostilitates exercere, excursiones agere, Captivos rapere, Pecora abigere, aut quidquid damni inferre, neuè eos offendere possit, expressis Regiis Edictis committatur, & demandetur Vesiriis, Beglerbegis, & felicissimo Crimensi Hano, Carelgaio, & Nuradino, & reliquis Soltanis, ac Woiewodae Moldaviae, ut adhibitâ maximâ sedulitate observent & conservent Confiniorum pacificam tranquillitatem, & conciliationem atqu● quietem, neuè aut in captivationibus, aut Pecorum abactionibus, aut quacunque aliâ ratione damnis & molestiis afficiant Poloniae Subditos, & severissimè inquirant in perturbatores & transgressores conditionum Pacis, atque habitâ notitiâ ad exemplum aliorum in illos animadvertant, & rapta adinventa propriis Dominis restituantur, & si qui hac de re negligenter ac oscitanter agant, sive amissione officiorum, sive privatione vitae, prout ex divinis Legibus convenerit, juste puniantur. Dariter Poloni has conditiones Pacis omnino, & sedulò observent atque colant, & nemo in oppositum quidquid audeat.   

V.  
cum Regnum Poloniae ab antiquo sit liberrimum, ab Excelso Imperio aut subjectis eidem Gentibus, qualiscunque praetensionis, aut expostúlationis praetextu, nullâ penitùs hostilitate perturbetur, & conclusae istius almae Pacis Pactorum vi, ad tales praetensiones nequaquam adstringantur.   

VI  
Tempore hujusce belli Budziacenses, & alii Tartari è propriis Locis exeuntes, atque in Terras Moldavorum ingressi, hostilitates ac offensiones hac occasione in Moldavos & Moldaviam exercent: quod cum sit contrarium sacris Capitulationibus ante hac concessis Regibus Poloniae, ac proinde cessare ac sustolli debeat, à quibusque Locis & possessionibus, & praediis, & hyemalibus in Moldavia aut occupatis, aut de novo extructis Tartari amoveantur, & nativis propriis Locis habitent, atque pacificè vivant, & imposterum nullas offensiones faciant.   

VII.  
Religiosi Christiani Romano-Catholici juxta concessa ab Excelso Imperio edicta, ubicunque Ecclesias suas habent, consuetas suas functiones sine impedimento exerceant, & pacificè vivant: & ulteriùs sibi commissas Instantias de Regione extraordinarias ad Fulgidam Portam Magnus Legatus ad Imperatorium Solium exponat.   

VIII.  
Cum Res Mercatoria è fructibus Pacis existat, atque Provincias in meliorem conditionem reducat, utriusque Dominii Mercatores imposterum non per occulta loca meantes, sed per loca transitui opportuna ultrò citróque euntes & redeuntes, postquam solverint juxta consuetum ab antiquo Telonium rerum portatarum & exportatarum, novis exactionibus, & expostulationibus nequaquam molestentur, neuè ex numerata pecunia Telonium exigatur: & quicunque nativi Subditi Poloniarum, & Lithuaniae, & aliarum subjectarum iisdem Nationum ad Mercimoniam agendam venientes, & nullum damnum inferentes, praedictâ ratione mercaturam & coemptionem, & venditionem, sicuti in antecedentibus sacris Capitulationibus etiam declaratur, exactione tributi dicti Haracz, & aliis inordinatis exactionibus ne molestentur. Verùm enimverò, si qui relictis suis Regionibus in Imperii regnis sedem figant, & si qui alii Exteriores sese Polonis immisceant, tales ne possint esse detrimento Reipublicae, Mercatores Polonorum redeuntes ex armis, & equis, & jumentis, & captivis, qui liberationis suae instrumentum legitimum habentes in Patriam redire voluerint, nihil exigatur, & ne quisquam impedimento sit taliter abeuntibus captivis. Verùm sub isto praetextu sine facultate nemini liceat vetita abducere. Praeterea opibus & rebus Mercatorum utriusque Dominii, quibus in aliis Regionibus mori contingat, publici Confiscatores & Partitores ne ab utralibet parte sese immisceant, sed inter Mercatores, cui fides adhibetur, tradantur, ut juxta catalogum depositionis haeredibus tradat; si quis autem casus acciderit inter Mercatores, inter ipsos Praepositi decisione definiatur, ipse verò, quibus debet, rationem reddat. Ad debitum sive Scripto, sive Instrumento Judiciario non affirmatum solvendum contra Divinas Leges nemo compellatur, neuè Testimoniis solis conductitiis lites debitorum & sponsionum dicantur, aut audiantur, Instrumentis scilicet legitimis & Scriptis ante extraditis, sacris Mandatis perlectis atque consideratis, justè ac debitè causae decidantur, atque in similibus causis contexta & statuta in sacris Capitulationibus, ut aliis confoederatis Nationibus concessa, in Polonos etiam Mercatores extendantur, & ulteriùs speciatim Polonis antehac concessorum, & in manibus eorundem servatorum sacrorum Edictorum sensus quoque colatur & observetur.   

IX.  
Captivi tempore belli abacti, pretiis illorum juxta Leges comprobatis aut datis Juramentis in manifestum productis atque solutis juxta antecedentium Capitulationum hac de re declarationem eliberentur. Si verò tales Captivi multo tempore servierint, ex discretione pretia emptionum cum imminui debeant, si honesto & mediocri pretio cum Domino Captivi conveniri non poterit, Judices Locorum legitimè procedentes, tales differentias componant. Si aliquâ occasione post conclusionem Pacis ex Regionibus Polonicis Captivi rapiantur; sine pretio dimittantur: & in Regnis Excelsi Imperii, & inter Tartaros etiam ad eliberandos Polonos captivos circumeuntes Homines, quandocunque res suas pacificè agerent, praetextu operae eliberationi Captivorum navatae, aut aliâ ratione neutiquam offendantur, quinimò offendentes & detrimentum inferentes puniantur, Captivi in publicis Carceribus detenti permutatione utrinque in libertatem asserantur. Magnus verò Poloniarum Legatus de Captivis suas Instantias ad Solium Imperiale affe●re poterit.   

X.  
Quandocunque Serenissimus RexPoloniae in stabilita cum Excelso Imperio Pace, firmiter permanebit, sicuti in antecedentibus Capitulationibus declaratur, Moldaviae Woiewodam eâ ratione, quâ ab antiquo cum Regibus Poloniarum sincerè sese praestitit, rursus consuetâ ratione sincerè tractet: caeterum instar aliorum Subditorum Excelsi Imperii, uti prius, pacati sint, & è Moldaviae atque Wallachiae Provinciis, si qui transfugerint, ne recipiantur; si qui aliâ methodo in Poloniae Dominium irrepserint, ac postea Provinciam suam perturbare, & corrumpere deprehensi fuerint, similes Homines, quando perquirentur, reddantur, & conditio ista, cum in antecedentibus Capitulationibus clarè, & manifestè posita sit, observetur. Pariter & Subditis Polonis, sive Poloni illi sint, sive Kosaci, cujuscunque Nationis extiterint, quando perturbationem afferent, hinc etiam neque recipiantur, neque protegantur, sed retrò reddantur. Et universi, quicunque turbare voluerint Pacem atque Amicitiam, haccine ratione conclusam, ex merito puniantur.   

XI.  
Quaecunque conditiones, & Clausulae in antecedentibus Capitulationibus descriptae atque contentae, nullatenus adversantur de recenti conclusis Pactis, neque oppositae sunt liberis, & perpetuis Juribus utriusque Dominii, deinceps etiam colantur, & observentur, quae verò contrariae sunt, cassentur, & annihilentur, favente & annuente Deo Altissimo. Quae utrinque declaratis, & exaratis Articulis perfectiori, & exactiori ratione conclusa Pax, & Conciliatio inter Majestates Serenissimi & Potentissimi altè memorati Poloniarum Regis, Domini mei Clementissimi, & Successorum ejus, & Rempublicam Polonam, & ex altra parte Serenissimi, & Potentissimi Musulmannorum Imperatoris, ejusdemque Haeredum, ex voluntate & Clementia Dei perpetua, stabilis, firma, & inconcussa permaneat, & conservata, atque custodita sit ab omni turbatione, & mutatione, & confusione, & violatione, & uno eodemque tenore firmissimè perseveret, & constantissimè continuet; & ut omnes omnino hostilitates amoveantur atque sustollantur, quam citissimè notitia praebeatur in Confiniis, Praefectis & Gubernatoribus, ut sibi caveant, ne imposterum transgressiones fiant, neuè altera pars alteri damna inferat. Verùm enimverò omnes utrinque sincerè & amicè sese praestent juxta istam almam Pacem. Ut autem omnibus cognita, & comperta sit istius almae Pacis Conclusio, triginta dies pro termino ponantur: post quem nullus praetextus, nullaque excusatio acceptabitur, sed in eos, qui adversabuntur, editis Edictis exactam obedientiam merentibus severissimè animadvertatur. Post Subscriptionem autem Instrumentorum utriusque Partis Ablegatus prius à Polonia missus, & ad Fulgidam Portam veniens, juxta antiquam consuetudinem afferat Regias publicas Literas, Ratificationem Pactorum Instrumentis declaratorum continentes, atque Literas Imperatorias ratificatorias item accipiat & deducat; Postea verò ad solennem confirmationem Pactorum Pacis, & perfectionem reciprocae sinceritatis, & absolutam terminationem mutuae Amicitiae, & dispositionem, ac digestionem reliquarum rerum, juxta laudatum veterem morem, adventurus Magnus Legatus, quamprimùm commodè fieri poterit, moveat, ac proinde undecim numaero Pactis conclusa juxta istas conclusiones alma Pax ab utraque Parte acceptetur atque colatur. cum verò altè memorati Illustrissimi, & Excellentissimi Domini Excelsi Imperii Plenipotentiarii & Commissarii existentes Legati▪ vi suae Facultatis, & auctoritatis Tu●cico Sermone exaratum legitimum & validum instrumentum tradiderint, ego quoque vi Facultatis, & Deputationis meae propriâ manu subscriptas, & Sigillo sigillatas à me praesentes Pactorum Literas tanquam legitimum, & validum Instrumentum tradidi.    

THE TREATY OF PEACE BETWEEN The Most Serene and Most Potent King, AND Republic of POLAND, AND The Sublime OTTOMAN Empire, Made at Carlovitz in Sirmium, in a General Congress of the Confederate Plenipotentiaries.  
In the Name of the most Holy and Individual Trinity.  
TO the perpetual Memory of the Thing; Be it known to all and every one, whom it may Concern: Whereas there has been a long War between the Kingdom of Poland, and the Sublime Empire, to stop the Effusion of humane Blood, and with Desires of Restoring a mutual Quiet, the most Serene and most Potent William III. King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, and the State's General of the United Provinces, in order to set on foot this Treaty of a happy Peace, have interposed their Mediation, all the Duties and Conditions of which Mediation have with great Study and Industry been performed by their Excellencies the Plenipotentiary Ambassadors to the Fulgid Port, on the behalf of his Britannic Majesty, by William Lord Pagett, Baron de Beaudesert in the County of Stafford, Lord Lieutenant of the said County, and on the part of the State's General, by Lord jacob Colyer; which War, through GOD's Blessing, by Reciprocal Inclinations on both sides, has been Composed and wholly Extinguished, at Carlovitz on the Confines of Sirmium, where, according to the Designment of the Illustrious Mediation, a Congress of the Plenipotentiary Ambassadors was appointed, and Treaties of Articles of Peace begun with the most Illustrious and most Excellent Lord, Mehmet Effendi, Create Chancellor of the Sublime Empire, and the most Illustrious and most Excellent Lord, Alexander Mauro Cordato, of the Noble Family of Scarlati, and Privy-Counsellor of the Sublime Empire, Ambassadors Extraordinary for the Treaty of Peace; and after some Sessions, at length, by the Divine Goodness, this Business of a happy and desired Peace was Digested into Terms agreed on both sides, and a most entire Friendship and Peace was Perfected and Concluded, Restored and Renewed, between the most Serene and most Potent Emperor Sultan of the Musulmen, Sultan Mustapha, Son of Sultan Mehmet, and the most Serene and most Potent King Augustus II. my most Noble Lord, and the Republic of Poland, which Peace is to be Religiously observed betwixt both Dominions, and is Digested into Eleven Articles, which follow one by one.  

I.  
BY the Help and Blessing of God, Hostility with the High Empire founded on Eternity, having for some time ceased, and now the Ancient Friendship Agreeable to the Nature of Reconciliation and good Neighbourhood reviving, that all Acts of Hostility may be prevented, and the Subjects enjoy their Ancient Security, Quiet and Tranquillity, the Ancient Limits shall be established and restored to what they were before the two last Wars, and the Confines of the Provinces subject to Poland, shall by these Ancient Boundaries be separated and distinguished, as well from the Imperial Confines of Moldavia, as of those of all other Country's subject to the Sublime Empire, nor shall there on either side be any Pretention or Extension made but the Ancient Limits, without Change or Disturbance, shall as Things Sacred, be Religiously observed and maintained.   

II.  
Whatsoever Fortifications or Places, great or less, which before the War, before this lay within the Limits of Moldavia, and have hitherto been in the Possession of Polish Masters, the Polish Garrisons shall be withdrawn, and they shall be Evacuated, and the Province of Moldavia shall remain as free as ever, and in the same peaceable State it was before the last War.   

III.  
The Fortress likewise of Caminiec being before the two last Wars situated within the Ancient Limits towards Poland, shall be Evacuated, and the Musulman Garrison withdrawn, and shall be entirely left; Nor shall the Sublime Empire hereafter make any Pretensions upon the Provinces of Podolia and the Ukrain; and the Deputy of the Ukrain Cossacks, who goes by the Title of Hatmannus, now residing in Moldavia, shall be removed. And considering the Ancient Limits of Poland and Moldavia are very plain, if the Season permits, the Evacuations on this side shall be begun by the beginning of the ensuing March, and the Polish Troops shall be withdrawn out of Moldavia as soon as possible, and t●e Fortifications and Places shall be Evacuated, and Moldavia left free; And at the same time from the beginning of Ma●ch, the Evacuation of Caminiec shall Commence, and the Business of the Evacution shall without Hesitation, Neglect, or Delay, be put in Execution, as soon as it can be performed; and the said Evacuation of this Fortress of Caminiec, shall at farthest be complected by the 25th of May, and that the Evacuation of the said Fortress may be performed with Speed and Ease; The Poles, shall, as much as possible, in order to the Lading and Carrying away of Goods, assist the Transportation with Carriages and Cattle; and on all hands the Evacuation shall be carried on with Security and Safety: In all which Evacuations of Fortresses, and other Places, in whatsoever manner they are fortified, whosoever of the Subjects shall voluntarily desire to depart, may do it securely, and safely, with all their Effects and Goods; and whosoever of 'em have a mind to continue where they are, may in like manner safely do it; and there shall by no means be any Let or Impediment on either side; and considering the Evacuation of all Fortresses and Places is to be commenced in the beginning of March: As to the Affair of leaving behind the Artillery at Caminiec; viz. those that were belonging to it, and were found there; the Polish Envoy that is to be sent to the Fulgid Port, shall lay that Demand before the Throne of the Emperor.   

IV.  
None of the Subjects of the Sublime Empire, of whatsoever Condition, especially the Tartars, let 'em be of what Nation soever, shall under the colour of any Pretention or Controversy presume to commit any Hostilities upon the Subjects of the King and Republic of Poland, or upon their Borders; and shall not presume to make Excursions, to take Captives, to drive away Cattle, or to do any sort of Damage, or give any sort of Disturbance, which shall be particularly expressed in Royal Edicts; and commanded to be put in Execution by Viziers, Beglerbegs, and the most Happy Crimean Cham, Ca●elgaius and Nuradinus, and the other Sultan's, and the Weywode of Moldavia, that they, with utmost Diligence, secure the Peace, Quiet, and Tranquillity of the Borders; that neither by the Captures of Men, or driving away of Cattle, or by any other Means, the Polish Subject suffer any Losses or Disturbance; and that they make strict and severe Inquiries after the Disturbers and Transgressor's of these Conditions of Peace, and when they come to the knowledge of 'em, they Inflict Punishments upon 'em for Example to Others; and if in these matters any one acts carelessly or negligently, he shall be duly punished as is Agreeable to the Divine Laws. In like manner, the Poles on their part shall carefully observe and prosecute these Conditions of Peace, and let no Man dare to act any thing contrary to 'em.   

V.  
Considering the Kingdom of Poland was from Ancient Times entirely Independent, it shall not, by the Sublime Empire, and by any Nation's subject to it, under the colour of any Pretention or Demand whatsoever, be disturbed with any Hostility, nor upon the force of any Compacts of that happy Peace, shall they stand obliged to any such Pretensions.   

VI  
In this War, the Budziac and other Tartars, leaving their proper Seats, and entering upon the Lands of the Moldavians, do upon that pretence Exercise Hostilities upon, and Create Disturbances to Moldavia, and its Inhabitants, which being contrary to the Sacred Capitulations formerly granted to the Kings of Poland, for that Reason ought to Cease and be prevented; therefore shall the Tartars be removed from all Places and Possessions, and Lands and Winter-Quarters, whether these were taken from others, or newly raised by them, and shall inhabit their Native Places, and live peaceably, and for the time to come Created no Disturbances.   

VII.  
The Regulars of the Church of Rome, according to the Edicts granted by the Sublime Empire, wheresoever they have Churches, may without hindrance Exercise their usual Functions, and live peaceably; and besides, the Extraordinary Envoy to the Fulgid Port may lay before the Imperial Throne any new Demands upon this Head.   

VIII.  
Considering Merchandise is one of the Fruits of Peace, and brings the Provinces into a more thriving Condition; therefore the Merchants of each Party, not practising by any obscure Ways, but going and coming through convenient and open Roads, after they have paid the usual and ancient Duty for things Exported and Imported, shall by no means be burdened with new Exactions and Demands; nor shall a Duty in ready Money be Exacted; and whatsoever Native Subjects of the Two Polands and Lithuania, and of other Nations subject to them, after this manner coming to exercise their Merchandise, their Buying and Selling, as is declared in former Sacred Capitulations, shall not be troubled with the Exaction of the Tribute called Haracz, or any other unusual Exactions: But still with this Proviso, that any resolving to leave their Native Country, and set up their Rest in the Dominions of the Empire, or any Foreigners mixing themselves with Polanders, such shan't to the Detriment of the Government enjoy this Exemption. Polish Merchants leaving the War, and returning Home with their Horses and Carriages, and Captives, having an Authentic Certificate of their Dismission, and being desirous to return to their own Country, shall not be subject to any Exaction, nor shall any Let or Obstruction be made to Captives thus going away. But still under this pretence, none without leave obtained, shall presume to carry away things prohibited. Besides, the public Officers of justice shall not pretend to intermeddle in the Confiscation or Distribution of the Goods or Effects of Merchant's Subjects to the one, dying in the others Dominions, but they shall be delivered into the hands of Merchants of Credit, that according to the Inventory they may be disposed of to the Right Heirs: But if any Difference happens betwixt the Merchants themselves, this shall be Decided by the Consul or Chief, and let him be Accountable to those whom he is subject to▪ None, contrary to the Divine Laws, shall be Compelled to pay any Debt, not verified in Writing, or by some judiciary Instrument; nor shall the Causes of Debts or Contracts be Tried or Decided by hireling Evidences, because upon the reading and considering the Divine Precepts, such sort of Suits are to be Decided only by Authentic Instruments and Writings of an Antecedent Date; And so in all Controversies of the like Nature, whatsoever Privileges are intermixed and established in the Sacred Capitulations, shall, as in the Grants to the other Confederate Nations, be Interpreted and Extended to the Polish Merchants; and besides the true meaning of all Grants by Sacred Edicts, (which are still preserved in their hands) particularly indulged to the Poles, shall be maintained and observed.   

IX.  
Captives carried away in time of War, shall be Released pursuant to the Declaration about this matter in former Capitulations, upon Proofs made according to the Laws, of their Value, or by Oaths that make that manifest, the due Prizes being paid. But if the Captives have served a long time, the Prizes of their Redemption ought to be proportionably Abated; but if the Master of the Captive cannot be brought to a fair and moderate Price, the judges of the Places proceeding in a legal Course, shall compose such Differences: If after the Conclusion of the Peace, Captives shall be taken out of the Polish Territories, they shall be Dismissed without Ransom; Besides, Men going about for the Redeeming Polish Captives, whether in the Kingdoms of the Sublime Empire, or amongst the Tartars, as long as these Men shall behave themselves peaceably, they are by no means to be disturbed, either upon this very pretence, that they make it their Business to deliver Captives, or upon any other Account whatsoever; nay, those that do Disturb 'em, or do 'em any Injury, shall be punished: Captives detained in public Prisons, shall on both sides be Released by Exchange: Farther, the Great Embassy of Poland may present his Demands concerning Captives to the Imperial Throne.   

X.  
As long as the most Serene King of Poland shall continue in this established Peace with the Sublime Empire, as is expressed in former Capitulations, the Waywode of Moldavia shall continue to behave himself towards the Kings of Poland in the manner as was anciently used: Let the Moldavians remain in Peace like the rest of the Subjects of the Sublime Empire; and if any fly out of the Provinces of Moldavia, or Walachia, and take Refuge in Poland, they shan't be received; If any by more Subtle means slide themselves into the Polish Dominions, and shall be afterwards found out to Disturb or Corrupt their own Country, such sort of Men, when demanded, shall be surrendered up, and this Agreement as it remains, clearly and manifestly expressed in former Capitulations, shall be observed. The like Measures shall be used towards Polish Subjects, whether they be Poles or Cossacks, or of whatsoever Nation, when they shall create any Disturbance, they shall not be received nor protected on this part, but shall be surrendered up. And in general, whosoever go about to Disturb this Peace and Friendship thus concluded, shall be punished according to their Demerits.   

XI.  
All Conditions and Clauses described and contained in former Capitulations, so far as they are not opposite to the present Compacts, nor contrary to the Independent and perpetual Rights of either Sovereignty, shall hereafter be observed and maintained; but those that are contrary, shall by the Blessing of the most ●igh God be utterly Abolished and Annihilated. Which Peace and Agreement betwixt the Majesties of the most Serene and most Potent highly abovementioned King of Poland, (my most Gracious Lord) and his Successors, and the Republic of Poland; and on the other part, of the most Serene and most Potent Emperor of the Mussulmen, and of his Heirs, as it stands concluded in these described Articles, in a more perfect and exact manner; so by the Will and Goodness of God let it remain perpetual, stable, firm, and unshaken, and may it be preserved and kept from all Disturbance, Change, Confusion and Violation, and so without any Interruption, may it most firmly Persevere, and most constantly Continue, and that all Hostilities may be removed and taken away, notice shall as soon as possible be given in the Confines, to all Commanders and Governors, that they take care to themselves, that no Transgressions be committed, and that neither side does Injury to the other; but that in great Sincerity and Friendship, all on each ●ide Comport themselves as this happy Peace directs: That the Conclusion of this happy Peace may become known and certain to all, a term of Thirty days are appointed, after which no Pretence nor Excuse shall be received, but Edicts being issued, requiring an exact Obedience, whosoever shall do any thing contrary shall be most severely punished. After the Subscription of the Instruments of Peace on both sides, an Envoy sent from Poland, and coming to the Fulgid Port, according to Ancient Custom, shall bring the Royal Public Letters, containing a Ratification of the Pacts declared in these Instruments, and likewise shall receive and carry back with him the Imperial Letters of Ratification: But after this, in Order to a more solemn Confirmation of these Agreements, and an absolute Completion of a mutual Friendship, and for a more perfect Disposition and Digestion of all other Matters, the great Embassy, that according to Ancient Custom is to be sent, shall, as soon as possible; set forward; and therefore this happy Peace, comprised in Eleven Articles, shall on each side be received and maintained. Now in Consideration that the highly mentioned most Illustrious and most Excellent Lords, Plenipotentiaries and Ambassadors Commissionated of the Sublime Empire, have by Virtue of their full Powers and Authority, delivered in due Form an Authentic Instrument of this Peace, written in the Turkish Language, I likewise by Virtue of full Powers, and my Deputation, have delivered the present Writing of the said Peace, Subscribed with my proper Hand, and Sealed with my Seal, as a Valid and Authentic Instrument.    

TRATTATO DI PACE TRA L'Eccelso Imperio Ottomanno, ELA Serenissima Republica di Venezia.  
TRattato di Pace tro' l'Eccelso Imperio Ottomanno, e la Serenissima Republica di Venezia, conchiuso nel Congresso di Carloviz nel Sirmio sotto le Tende alli 26 di Genaro 1699; essendovi Ambasciatori Plenipotenziarii del l'Eccelso Imperio gl'Illustrissimi & Eccellentissimi Signori Mehemet Effendi Gran Cancelliere, & Alessandro Mauro Cordato; è per la Serenissima Republica l'Illustrissimo & Eccellentissimo Sig. Carlo Ruzini Cavalliere; Mediatori gl'Illustrissimi & Eccellentissimi Signori Gulielmo Paghet Ambasciatore di Sua Maestà Brittannica, e Giacomo Colyer Ambasciatore degli Alti e Potenti Stati Generali delle provincy Unite: oltre gl'Illustrissimi, & Eccellentissimi Signori Ambasciatori Plenipotenziarii di Sua Maestà Caesarea, e di Polonia, etc.  

I.  
LA Morea colle sue Citta, Fortezze, Castelli, Terre, Ville, Monti, Fiumi, Laghi, Boschi, Porti, & ogni altra cosa, che si ritrova dentro la Circonferenza della medesima, ora possessa dalla Republica di Venezia, resti pacificament nel possesso, e Dominio dell' istessa Republica, tra'i suoi limiti del Mare, e dell' Essamiglio, ove sono li Vestiggi dell' antica muraglias, così che nè dal canto di Morea si faccia veruna estensione nella Terra Ferma, nè dal canto della Terra Ferma si faccia alcuna estensiòne oltre i Limiti della Morea.   

II.  
La Terra ferma essendro nel possesso dell' Eccelso Imperio, resta totalment nel possesso, e Dominio dell' istesso Imperio, per appunto nello Stato, che si trovava nel principio di questa ultima Guerra. La Fortezza di Lepanto restarà evacuata dalla Republica di Venezia. Il Castello detro di Rumelia nella parte di Lepanto si demolirà, e si demolirà pariment la Fortezza di Preve●● e si lasciarà in quella parte la Terra ferma nel suo primiero, & intiero Stato.   

III.  
L'Isola di Santa Maura colla sua Fortezza, e Capo di Ponte, detto Peracia, senza veruna estensione maggiore in Terra ferma, e l'Isola di Leucade attaccata à Santa Maura, restaranno nel possesso, e Dominio della Republica di Venezia.   

IV.  
LEvacuazione di Lepanto, e la Demolizione del Castello di Rumelia, e di Prevesa, si esseguiranno subito doppo la distinzione de'i Limiti in Dalmazia; & in questo mentre per levare tutte le ostilità, & anco le occasioni di quest, li Presidii de'i dettis trè Luoghi si conteneranno dentro, nè faranno alcuna escursione nella Terra ferma, nè veruna pretensione per qualsivoglio pretesto, e gli Abitanti delli sudettis Luoghi possano restare, e partire, secondo che vorranno, senza usarsi alcuna violenza.   

V.  
Li Golfi, che si trovano frà la Terra ferma, e la Morea restano all' uso common, obligandosi l'una, e l'altra parte di conservarli immuni, e franchi da qualsivoglia cattiva Gente.   

VI  
Le Isole dell' Arcipelago, e di quei Mari restaranno in quello Stato, che erano avant'il principio di questa ultima Guerra, nel possesso dell' Eccelso Imperio, nè si pretenderanno dalla Republica caraggi, ò siano contribuzioni, odd altra introdotto nel tempo della present Guerra.   

VII.  
Per l'avenire l'Eccelso Imperio non pretenderà dalla Republica di Venezia per l'Isola di Zante, nè dalli suoi Abitanti alcuna Pensione passata, ò futura. L'Isola di Egina colla sua Fortezza come adgiacente alla Morea, e posseduta dalla Republica di Venezia, rimanerà col suo present Stato nel possesso, e Dominio del l'istessa Republica.   

VIII.  
Nella Dalmazia le Fortezze di Cnin, Sing, e Ciclut, e Gabella, essendo all present nel possesso, e Dominio della Republica di Venezia, restaranno nel pacifico possesso, e Dominio della medesima; mà poiche si devono porre li Limiti in tale forma, che li possessi restino chiari, e li Sudditi di ambe le parti in quiet, e tranquillità, nè si possa venir à qualsivoglia imaginabile differenza, che possa in alcuna maniera disturbare la tranquillità delli Confini: si è accordato, che dalla Fortezza di Cnin alla Fortezza di Verlika, e da quella alla Fortezza de Sing, e da questa alla Fortezza di Duare detta Zadvaria, e da questa alla Fortezza di Vergoratz, e pariment da questa alla Fortezza di Ciclut, e Gabella, si tirino Lin●e rette, e si separino li Confini, siche dentro le debt Linee verso il Dominio Veneto, & i'll Mare tutte le Terre, e li Distritti colli Castelli, Forti, Torri, e Luoghi chiusi, restino nel solo possesso, e Dominio della prememorata Republica: e le Terre, e Distritti, che saranno fuori della detta Linea, restino nel possesso, e Dominio dell' Eccelso Imperio, colli Castelli, Forti, Torri, e Luoghi chiusi, essistenti in quelli, e non si permetterà per l'avenire alcuna estensione, e dilatazione, ò restrizzione nè dal▪ una, nè dall' altra parte. E le debt Linee secondo l'abilità de'i Luoghi si faranno chiare, e manifest colli termini ò di Colli, e Boschi, ò di Fiumi, & acque correnti, & ove il luogo non darà l'evidenza, si poneranno fegni di Fosse, ò Pali, ò Colonne, come frà li Commissarii d'ambe le parti destinati à questa designazione di commune concerto si trovarà à proposito; e perch debt Fortezze nel possesso della Republica habbiano anche in front spazio convenienti di Territorio, alle Fortezze di Cnin, Verlika, e Sing, Duare, e Vergoratz, e Ciclut, si assignarà dalli Commissarii lo spazio di un'ora di Paese, con rettitudine ò linea semicircolare, conform lo permetterà, ò lo richiederà la convenienza del Terreno; lafoy Fortezza di Cnin haverà il suo fianco verso le parti della Croazia, sin'al Confine del Cesareo Dominio, senza verun pregiudizio delli trè Dominii, che haveranno in quella parte li termini delli loro Confini, mà si haverà sempre da osservarsi il Jus accordato à cadaun di questi trè Dominii per questa universale Pace.  
La sudetta linea si osservarà dall'una, e dall' altra parte; mà se vicino, ò dentro in quella, venis●e à restare qualche Fortezza dell' Eccelso Imperio, restando nelle spalle di quella il suo Territorio intiero, nella front semi-circolarment haverà da goder il Terreno posto dentro la circonferenza pariment dello spazio d'una ora, e per la Fortezza di Ciclut pariment nella front si darà il territorio nello spazio di un'ora, e nel fianco fuori della linea lo spazio di due o'er di Terra, tirandosi una linea retta sin'al Mare.  
Et in questa forma, e regola essendo distinto il Confini, e po●ti li termini, e separate le Terre da possedersi, si osservaranno inviolabilment, e senza veruna mutazione; e se alcuno mai haverà l'ardire di violare qualche segno, ò di trasgredire qualche termine, e gli Uffiziali ancora, che mancaranno, nella dovuta cura col meritato castigo delli delinquenti, tanto dall'una, quanto dall' altra parte, saranno severament puniti.  
E se à caso li Commissarii havessero l'incontro di qualche difficoltà, che non potessero accordarsi: informaranno li loto Padroni sincerament, e realment, affinche cogli U●fizii delli Rappresentanti delle Maestà Caesarea, e Brittannica, e degli alti Potenti Stati Generali delle provincy Unite presenti alla fulgida Porta si definisca amichevolment: E per simile od altra qualsivoglia differenza di Confine non si venirà ad alcuna ostilità, nè s'intorbidarà la quiet delli Sudditi, nè s'intenderà alterare la Pace conchiusa coll' Eccelso Imperio.   

IX.  
Il Territorio, e li Distritti della Signoria di Ragusa saranno continuati colli Territorii, e Distritti dell' Eccelso Imperio, levandosi ogni ostacolo, che impedisce la continuazione, e la communicazione delle Terre della detta Signoria colle Terre del medesimo Imperio.   

X.  
Nella vicinanza di Cattaro, Castelnuovo, e Risano, essendo attualment nel possesso, e Dominio della Republica di Venezia, restino nel pacifico possesso, e Dominio della medesima Republica, colle lora Terre; e l'istesso s'intenda per qualunque altra Fortezza in quella parte essistente attualment nel possesso della medesima. E li Commissarii, che saranno destinati dall'una, e l'altra parte, siino d'esperimentata probità, affinche senza alcuna propria passione, giudicando realmente questo importante affare, anco in quella parte separino li Territorii, e li distinguano con evidenti segni, siche si levi l'occasione d'ogni torbidezza, mà da quella parte ancora si avertisca, che non s'interrompa la continuazione intiera delle Terre di Ragusa, con quelle dell' Imperio.   

XI.  
Dovendosi cominciare la designazione del Confine di ambe le parti in Dalmazia; e nella parte di Cattaro all primo tempo che sarà commodo, li Commissarii Deputati à questa opera corrispondendo con previi avisi faranno la loro congiunzione in luogo conveniente, con comitiva di Gente militare bensì, mà pacifica, e quieta, d'ugual numero, é coll' ajuto d'Idio cominciaranno la loro funzione dal giorno dell' Equinotio de'i 22/12 Marzo dell' anno corrente, & adopraranno ogni diligenza nella distinzione dell' uno, e dell' altro Confine delle sudette parti, affinche con prestezza finiscano nel termine di due Mesi, e più presto, se si può fare.   

XII.  
Quanto più è desiderata la fermezza dell' amicizia, e la quiet delli Sudditi di ambe le parti, tanto più devono essere ugualmente abominati quelli, che portati dal reprobo loro ò genio, o costume, anco nel tempo di Pace con ladronecci, & altri ostili essercizii intorbidano la tranquillità del Confine, perciò ne dall' una parte nè dall' altra si darà ricetto, o fomento à tali forusciti di qualsivoglia sort, mà saranno perseguitati, presi, e consegnati, acciò che ad essempio di altri siino col meritato castigo puniti, e sarà per l'avenire proibito l'appoggio, & il mantenimento di questi mali Huòmini.   

XIII.  
A cadauna delle parti sia lecito di risarcire, riparare, e fortificare le posseduto Fortezze, mà non già di fabricarne di nuovo alter Fortezze, appresso il Confine, ò le Fortezze demolite dalla Republica di Venezia nelle Sponde della Terra ferma; Per la commodità però de'i Sudditi sia lecito di porre Borghi, e Villaggi per tutto▪ osservandosi trà di loro pacificament ogni buona corrispondenza, e vicinanza, e contenendosi nelli proprii termini; e se à caso succedesse frà lora alcuna differenza, subito convenendo li Prefetti deal Confine d'ambe le parti amichevolment, e con ogni giustizia levino l'occasione di qualsivoglia contrasto.   

XIV.  
Tanto per la Religgione, e par la libertà, e permuta degli Schiavi, quanto per il Traffico, si osservarà lo Stile, e tenore delle antecedenti Capitolazioni, e sarà lecito all' Ambasciatore della Republica di portarne le sue ulteriori istanze all Soglio Imperiale: Intanto circa il Traffico siano confermati anco per questa Pace li sacri commandamenti concessi peravanti alla Republica, & i'll Traffico haverà da godere la sua forma, che haveva avanti questa ultima Guerra, e li Mercanti della Nazione Veneta tutti li Privileggi, che le sono stati concessi.   

XV.  
Sing all giorno delle immediate Sottoscrizzioni frà li Plenipotenziarii dell' Eccelso Imperio, e della Republica di Venezia, dal giorno della Sottoscrizzione delli Plenipotenziarii di Sua Maestà Caesarea, e di Polonia dell' accordato per la Republica, deve cessar ogni ostilita d'ambe le parti tanto per Terra, quanto per Mare; & osservarsi ogni buona corrispondenza, & affinche li Rettori di ogni Confine habbiano la notizia di questo Armistizio, si pone per le parti di Bosnia, Albania, e Dalmazia il termine di trenta giorni, e per le parti dell' Isola di Candia, e di Morea, e gli altri Confini di quelle parti, si pone il termine di giorni quaranta, doppo e dentro quali termini al possibile dal canto dell' Eccelso Imperio, e dal canto della Republica di Venezia non si contravenirà ad alcuno di questi Articoli, che si potranno osservare.  
Si concede inoltre alli Sudditi una vera, & universale amnestia, e qualsivoglia loro fatto, ò delitto commesso in tempo di Guerra, passando in totale oblivione, nissuno di essi, come delinquente, sarà per l'avenire castigato, e molestato.    

THE TREATY of PEACE BETWEEN The Sublime OTTO MAN Empire, AND Most Serene Republic of VENICE.  
THE Treaty of Peace between the Sublime Ottoman Empire, and the most Serene Republic of Venice, concluded in the Congress of Carlovitz in Sirmium, under Tents, the 26th jan. 1699. The Ambassadors there present on the part of the Sublime Empire, were the most Illustrious and most Excellent Signiore's, Mehmet Effendi, Great Chancellor, and Alexander Mauro Cordato, and on the part of the most Serene Republic the most Illustrious and most Excellent Signior Charles Ruzini, Kt. The Mediators, the most Illustrious and most Excellent Signiore's William Pagett, Ambassador of his Britannic Majesty, and james Colyer Ambassador of the High and Mighty State's General of the United Provinces; besides, the most. Illustrious and most Excellent Signiore's, Ambassadors Plenipotentiaries of his Caesarean Majesty, and of Poland, etc.  

I.  
THE Morea, with all its Cities, Fortresses, Castles, Lands, Villages, Mountains, Rivers, Lakes, Woods, Ports, and every thing else, that is found within the Circumference of it, now in the Possession of the Republic of Venice, shall remain peaceably in the Possession and the Dominion of the said Republic, as it stands Bounded by Sea and by Land, by that Line where remain the footsteps of the Ancient Wall, so that from within the Morea, that I and shall not be Extended any farther towards the Terra Firma, nor on the side of the Terra Firma shall they exceed these Limits of the Morea.   

II.  
The T●rra Firma that is in the Possession of the Sublime Empire, shall remain entirely in the Possession and Dominion of the said Empire, exactly in the State it was in, in the beginning of the last War. The Fortress of Lepanto shall be Evacuated by the Republic of Venice, the Castle of Rumelia on the side of Lepanto, shall be Demolished, and likewise the Fortress of Preveza shall be Demolished, and the Terra Firma on that side shall be left in its first entire State.   

III.  
The Isle of St. Maura, with its Fortress, and that Entrance upon the Bridge called Peracia, without any farther Extension of it towards the Terra Firma, and the Island of Leucade adjoining to St. Maure, shall remain in the Possession and Dominion of the Republic of Venice.   

IV.  
The Evacuation of Lepanto, and the Demolishment of the Castle of Rumelia, and of Prevesa, shall be performed immediately after the Separation made of the Limits of Dalmatia; and in the mean time to prevent all Hostilities and all Occasions of Complaint, the Garrisons of the Three said Places shall keep themselves at Home, and shall not make any Excursion into the Terra Firma, nor any Demand upon what pretence soever, and the Inhabitants of the said Places may either stay behind, or go away, without any Violence to be used towards 'em.   

V.  
The Gulfs that are betwixt the Terra Firma and the Morea, shall remain in Common, and each Party does oblige itself to Clear and Preserve 'em free from Robbers.   

VI  
The Islands of the Archipelago, and of those Seas shall remain in the State they were before the beginning of this last War, in the possession of the Sublime Empire, and the Republic shall not pretend from 'em any Duties or Contributions, or any thing else introduced in the time of the present War.   

VII.  
For the time to come, the Sublime Empire shall not pretend from the Republic of Venice, or from the Inhabitants, any Pension passed or future upon account of the Island of Zante. The Island of Egina, with its Fortress being adjacent to the Morea, and in possession of the Republic of Venice, shall in its present State remain in the Possession and Dominion of that Republic.   

VIII.  
In Dalmatia, the Fortresses of Cnin, Sing, Ciclut, and Gabella, being at present in the Possession and Dominion of the Republic of Venice, shall remain in the quiet Possession and Dominion of the same; but because the Limits ought to be put into such a Form, that Possessions may be distinguished, and the Subjects of both Parties rest in Quiet and Tranquillity; and that they may not come to any sort of imaginable Difference, which might Disturb the Peace of the Confines, it is agreed, that a straight Line be drawn from the Fortress of Cnin to the Fortress of Verlika, and from that to the Fortress of Sing, and from that to the Fortress of Duare called Zadveria, and from that to the Fortress of Vergoratz, and likewise from that to the Fortress of Ciclut and Gabella a straight Line shall be drawn, and thus the Confines shall be separated, so that within the Lines towards the Venetian Dominion and the Sea, all the Lands and Districts, with the Castles, Forts, Towers, and enclosed Places, shall remain in the sole Possession and Dominion of the foresaid Republic, and the Lands and Districts, which shall be without the said Line, shall remain in the Possession and Dominion of the Sublime Empire, with all the Castles, Forts, Towers, and enclosed Places that are there, and for the time to come no sort of Encroachment, Extension, or Restriction on one side or other shall be permitted: And the said Lines, according to the nature of the Place, shall be made plain and manifest by the Boundaries either of Hills or Woods, or Rivers or Currents, and where the place won't afford the evidence of such Marks, there shall these Distinctions be made by Ditches, or Pales, or Pillars, as shall be agreed by the Commissaries of both Parties by common consent designed for this purpose, and that these Fortresses might have in the Front of 'em, a convenient space of Territory; The Commissaries shall assign a quantity of Land of about one Hour (about three miles) to the Fortresses of Cnin, Verlika, and Sing, Duare, and Vergoratz, and Ciclut, to be measured either in a right or semicircular Line, according as the Convenience and Circumstances of the Land will permit; the Fortress of Cnin shall have its Flank towards the Parts of Croatia, even to the Confines of the Caesarean Dominion, without any prejudice to those Three Potentates, the Boundaries of whose Dominions terminate thereabouts; but the Rights accorded to each of these Three Governments by this Universal Peace shall always be observed.  
The soresaid Line shall be observed by each Party, but if in the Neighbourhood of it, or within it, there happens to be any Fortress belonging to the Sublime Empire, which just behind it has an entire Territory belonging to it, then shall it enjoy from the Front the quantity of Land of an Hour, Circumscribed within Semicircular Circumference; and as to the Fortress of Ciclut, that shall likewise have from the Front a Territory of one Hour, and in the Flank, besides that Line, the space of two Hours of Land, to be measured by a right Line to the Sea.  
And in this Form, and by this Regulation, the Confines distinguished, and the Limits settled, and the Lands of each Possession separated, shall be inviolably observed, and without any alteration; and if any one shall have the Boldness to violate these Marks for Boundaries, or commit Trespasses on these Limits; and even Officers that shall be wanting of a due Care in punishing Delinquents, shall be severely punished, as well on one side as on the 'tother.  
And in Case the Commissaries shall meet with any Difficulty which they can't Agree, they shall truly and sincerely inform their Patrons, to the end that by the good Offices of the Representatives to the Fulgid Port of their Caesarean and Britannic Majesties, and of the High and Mighty State's General of the United Provinces, the matter may be amicably determined, and from any such like Difference about the Confines, no Hostilities shall ensue, nor shall the peace of the Subjects be disturbed, nor shall it be interpreted to break the Peace concluded with the Sublime Empire.   

IX.  
The Territory and Districts of the Signory of Ragusa, shall continue joined to the Territories and Districts of the Sublime Empire, and all Obstacles shall be removed that may hinder the Continuation and Communication of the Lands of the said Signory with the Lands of the foresaid Empire.   

X.  
All in the Neighbourhood of Cattaro, Castelnuovo and Risano, that is actually in the possession and Dominion of the Republic of Venice, shall remain in the peaceable Possession and Dominion of the said Republic, with all the Lands appertaining; and this same is to be understood of any other Fortress on that side being now actually in the possession of the said Republic; And the Commissaries that shall be appointed on one side, and the other, shall be Men of an Experienced Probity, that they may without partiality and prejudice, equally decide this important Affair; And here two Separations shall be made by evident Signs, that all occasions of Disturbance may be removed, but good notice is to be taken, that the said entire Continuation of the Lands of Ragusa be not interrupted.   

XI.  
The Distinction of the Limits on both sides in Dalmatia and about Cattaro, being to be set on foot as soon as ever the Season will permit, the Commissaries designed for this work giving previous Advices, they shall indeed have a Military Attendance, but a peaceable and quiet one, of equal number on each side, and by the help of God they shall enter upon this Office on the day of the Equinox of this instant Year, viz. 12/2● March, and shall in the foresaid Places use all their Diligence in distinguishing and separating one Confine from the other, that they may with Expedition finish the matter in two Months and sooner if it be possible.   

XII.  
As the Continuance of the Friendship and Quiet of the Subjects on both sides is earnestly desired, so ought those to be equally abominated, who, carried on by their own ill Disposition or Custom do in the time of Peace, with Robberies, and other hostile Acts, disturb the Tranquillity of the Confines; therefore no Reception nor Encouragement shall be given to these Banditti of what sort soever by either Party, but they shall be pursued, taken, and delivered up, that for an Example to others, they may undergo their deserved Punishment, and for the time to come all Assistance and Maintenance shall be forbid to be given to such evil Men.   

XIII.  
It shall be lawful for each Party to amend, repair, or fortify the Fortresses in their Possession, but not to build Fortresses anew near the Confines, or to rebuild the demolished Fortresses of the Republic of Venice, on the sides of the Terra Firma; But for the Convenience of the Subjects, it shall be lawful for them any where to erect open Towns or Villages, maintaining peaceably amongst themselves good Correspondence and Neighbourhood, and containing themselves in their proper Bounds; and if by chance any Difference happens amongst them, the Governors of the Confines for both Parties meeting peaceably amongst themselves, shall with all justice take away the occasion of any manner of Dispute.   

XIV.  
The Ancient Method and the Tenor of the Antecedent Capitulations shall be observed as well in the matter of Religion, and Liberty, and Exchange of Slaves, as in Traffic; and it shall be lawful for the Venetian Ambassador to lay his farther Demands on these Subjects, before the Imperial Throne: In the mean time the Sacred Edicts granted heretofore to the Republic, stand also confirmed by this present Peace and Traffic, shall enjoy the same Form it had before the last War, and the Merchants of the Venetian Nation all the Privileges that have been granted to 'em.   

XV.  
All Hostilities shall cease, as well by Land as by Sea, and a good Correspondence be maintained, as well from the day of the immediate Subscriptions of the Plenipotentiaries of the Sublime Empire, and of the Republic of Venice, as from the day of the Subscription of the Plenipotentiaries of his Cesarean Majesty and of Poland to this Agreement by the Republic; and that the Governors of the Confines may have notice of this Truce, for the Countries of Bosnia, Albania, and Dalmatia, Thirty days are appointed, and Forty days for the Parts about the Island of Candia and the Morea, and all the other Confines on that side; and after and within those Terms, as far as possible, neither on the part of the Sublime Empire, nor on the part of the Republic of Venice, shall any Contravention be made to these Articles, which can any ways be observed.  
Moreover, by these Presents, a true and universal Amnesty is granted to all Subjects upon the account of any Fact or Crime committed during the War, all those things shall be passed over in Oblivion, nor shall any one for the time to come upon that account be punished or molested as a Delinquent.    

Extract of a Letter from Constantinople, of the 12/ 22th of February, 1700.  
ON the 29th of january, O.S. Count Otting the Emperor's Ambassador, made his public Entry here: First, marched the Bassa of Nicopoli, with his Retinue, who conducted the Ambassador from Rutsick hither; after him an Oda of Janissaries, with their Aga and Officers; then came the Dutch Ambassadors Gentleman of the Horse, his led Horses, my Lord Pagett's Secretary, with three Gentlemen, and 12 Men in Liveries, all the English Nation; and then followed the Chiousses, Visier Agas, the Germane Ambassadors Officers, five Led Horses, the Gentlemen Hautboys, Trumpeters, Noblemen, and he himself on Horseback, having 20 Trabants' on both sides, his Drugoman, and the rest of his Retinue: He came in by Adrianople Gate, through part of the City, and out again by Fenar-Gate on the Waterside, so to Ujup, Kehathana, and finally to Pera, where he is lodged in Hattum Hussein Aga's House, not far from my Lord Pagett's.  
The 3/13th Instant he had his Audience of the Vi●ier, where he was Clothed with a Sable Vest, and his Gentlemen to the number of 100 with Caftans.  
The 6/16th his Excellency went in Pomp to the Sultan: The reason why he had his Audiences so soon, is, because the Turks Ramazan or Lent begins on Friday the 9/19th, and therefore they could not then receive him with the usual Ceremonies.  
There being here at present more Ambassadors than has been seen these 18 years, there passes a great many Visits between them; my Lord Pagett has been the 19th of january to Visit the French Ambassador, and he my Lord the 1st instant; on the 5th my Lord went to the Venetian Ambassador, and the 7th to the Emperors: The 8th, The French Ambassador sent a Gentleman to Count Otting, to Compliment him upon his Audience of the Sultan, adding, that he hoped to have the Honour to Salute him, and doubted not but that his Excellency (according to the Custom of this place) would see him before any other Ambassador; upon which Count Otting sent a Gentleman to the French Ambassador to assure him of his Intention to keep Friendship and good Correspondence with him; but as for the Visits, he could not but observe the Custom practised in all the Courts of Christendom, to pay the Visits in the order as they were given him; and as the English Ambassador had first sent to him to felicity his Arrival, and had visited him in Person, he could not but repay him the first Visit; whereupon the French Ambassador told the Gentlemen, je suis faché que de la maniere que les choses sont, je ne puis pàs me donner l'honeur de salver son Excellence; time will show if he persists in this Resolution. The Venetians are also much Incensed against the Hollander, for having Visited the Imperial Ambassador the first, and thereby Usurped, as they say, their Right of Precedency.  
I will trouble you further with the Description of my Lord's Cavalcade when he delivered the King's Letters.  
His Excellency with his Retinue went on Horseback from his Palace to the Waterside, where 40 Boats, each with 7 Oars on a side, were prepared for the Transportation of himself and his Retinue: He Embarked, and in his passage was Saluted by the K. William and Dalaware, two English Ships then in Port, which had placed themselves in the middle of the River for that purpose: Being landed on the other side, we found our Horses in a readiness, and every thing disposed to begin a regular March: First went six Janissaries, than the Gentlemen of the Nation all mighty well mounted, and their Horses richly accoutred; then 50 of his Excellency's Liveries, two and two, his 16 Interpreters, his Gentlemen of the Horses at the Head of 7 led Horses; after that, the Honourable Thomas Pagett, encompassed with Footmen, two of which held the Reins of his Bridle, he himself carrying the King's Letters at Arms length: After him went his Excellency, preceded by 6 Pages, and surrounded with Heydukes and Selict-Cohadars, his Excellency's Gentlemen and Officers to the number of 30, all well mounted. In this manner we road through the Principal Streets of Constantinople to the Grand Visier's Palace, where his Excellency was received with all the Demonstrations of Civility and Respect, he himself being first Vested by the Visier Azem, than such of his Retinue as were thought by his Excellency deserving that Honour. The Ceremony being over, his Excellency returned in the same manner to his Palace, where was prepared a sumptuous Entertainment for all that accompanied him.  
On the 16th of February, N. S. the Turkish Ambassador had Audience of the Emperor, and was conducted to the Palace. The Emperor received him in the Council-Chamber, seated on his Throne under a rich Canopy, and attended by his Principal Ministers of State, and other Persons of the first Quality: The Ambassador when he entered the Room, made a low Reverence, another in the middle of the Chamber, and the third near the Throne. He went up the Steps of the Throne, presented his Credentials, and laid them on the Table that was before the Emperor, and then returned to the Place, where he made his Speech in his own Language, containing an Assurance of the Sultan his Master's Friendship, and sincere Intentions, strictly to observe the Treaty between the two Empires lately concluded, which being interpreted by the Sieur Della Torre, the Emperor commanded Count Caunitz, Vicechancellor of the Empire, to return an Answer, which he accordingly did in High Dutch, and the same was Interpreted to the Ambassador by the Sieur Della Torre. Then the Ambassador ordered his Steward to bring in the Grand Signior's Presents; a List of which he laid upon the Table, with a Letter from the Grand Vizier, and going once more up the Steps to the Throne, kissed the Border of the Emperor's Robe, his Attendants at the same time making a very low Reverence. After which the Ambassador withdrew, walking backwards while he was in the Emperor's Presence, and making three Reverences in like manner as when he came into the Room, and was reconducted to his House, and nobly entertained.   

A LIST of the Presents presented to the Emperor by the Turkish Ambassador.  
A Large Tent or Pavillon, very richly adorned with Testons of Gold Embroidery, the Staves finely gilded and painted. A Plume of Red and White Feathers, set with 52 Diamonds great and small. A Bridle covered with Gold, and enameled with Red and White, set with 531 Diamonds, and 338 Rubies; the Bit, Curb, and other things belonging thereto, all of fine Gold. A pair of Stirrups of Gold, set with 128 Diamonds, and 204 Rubies. A house wrought with Flowers in Gold, richly set with Rubies, Pearls, and Emeralds. A great Silver Mace inlaid with Gold, and set with 16 Rubies and 25 Emeralds, with Straps to hang it up by, made of Red Brocado Silk embroidered with Pearl, Emeralds. A red Velvet Saddle embroidered with Pearl, Emeralds and Gold. A Velvet Saddle-Cloth, embroidered with 3 Gold Roses. A Sumpture-Case of Scarlet Cloth, embroidered with Gold. A Bridle covered with Gold, enameled with dark Blue, the Bit and other Appurtenances of Gold; the whole set with 112 Emeralds, 381 Rubies, and 49 Diamonds. A pair of Silver-gilt Stirrups. A house, embroidered with 26 Roses of Pearl and Coral. A Velvet-Saddle, wrought with Gold and Silver. A Velvet Saddle-Cloth, embroidered with three golden Roses. A Sumpter-Case of Scarlet Cloth, embroidered with Flowers of Gold. A Piece of Amber, weighing 89 Ounces. Fifteen Bezoar Stones. Ten Lumps of Musk. Two Pieces of Cloth of Gold. Two Pieces of Red Satin, wrought with Gold. Six Pieces of very rich Gold Brocado. Four Pieces of Silk Brocado, wrought with Gold. Ten Pieces of fine calico, called Duezarhi. Thirty five Pieces of fine calico, commonly called Imperial. Twenty Pieces of fine calico, wrought with Gold. Four Persia Carpets, wrought with Gold. Four other Carpets of Turkywork. A Dun-colored Horse of Turcomania. A Bay Horse of Turcomania. A Light-dun Horse of the Country called Beideleugh. A Bay Horse of Arabia. Two Silver Chains to fasten Horses to the Stall. A Silver Trough for the Horses to drink in. Two Leopards covered with Clothes of Persia Brocado, and tied with Silver Chains.   

Particulars of the Presents which the Emperor by his Ambassador gave to the Grand Signior.  
THirty-six Seiket Cups with Covers and Sotto Coppe. Twelve Ewers and Basins, six of which were gilded. Ten hanging Clocks, in Silver embossed Frames. Eight great Clocks, in form, like the Pedestal of a Pillar, and the Clockwork in the middle. A curious inlaid Cabinet. Abundance of very rich Brocades. A great oval Looking-Glass, in a square inlaid Frame. A great Silver Fire-Pan (alla Turca) 1 ½ foot high from the ground, curiously wrought and very substantial. A Silver Screen six foot high, very solid, and the top made like a Schollop Shell. A Fire Hearth (alla Franca) the Bars of which were of polished Steel, the fore part of it of Silver; at each end it had a pyramid of Silver, and in the middle a great Ball. A pair of Tongues, Fireshovel and Proger of polished Steel, with Silver Heads Twenty-four Silver Sconces, with Looking-Glasses in the middle of them. Two great Silver Tables (alla Turca) at least an Ell in Diameter. Twelve gilded Tumblers. Two great Silver embossed Dishes, at least 7 foot in Diameter. Two great gilded Ewers and Dishes of the same bigness. Six great Silver Flower-Pots. Six standing Lamps, emitting Branches like those in our Churches. A Silver Fountain, 8 foot high, in Foliage-work. Two Frank Tables, and two pair of Stands very prettily inlaid. Two standing Clocks, the Cases of which were of the same Work. A great Looking-Glass set about with Stones of divers colours, having a Dial-Plate in the middle of it, and the Figures ingeniously cut.   

The Last Account of Count TEKELY.  
TEKELY was a Count of the Kingdom of Hungary, and one of the most Ancient Families thereof, and one of the most Zealous Professors, and Assertors of the Protestant Religion, which caused him to join with the Turks, through the whole Course of the last Wars, of which we have given an ample Account in the due places of this History, whereby appear the great Services which this Noble Person did them, and how ill and barbarously they sometimes used him.  
I have particularly instanced how this present Sultan being at Belgrade, where having occasion for this Tekely's Services, he sent a Capugibashee or two, to fetch him thither from Constantinople, where he had Lodged himself for Recovery of his Health, being informed by the Physicians at Constantinople, that the Air of that City was much better than that of Adrianople. The Officers who are sent from the Grand Signior to execute any of his Commands, do commonly perform them without any Consideration, or Ceremony, or Respect to the Person to whom they are sent, and so they did to Tekely, whom finding in his Bed, labouring under a grievous Fit of the Gout, they rudely forced him to arise, and without any Remorse, threw him into a Wagon, and hurried him away to Belgrade, to receive such Commands as the Grand Signior had to employ him in; and on all Occasions as the hopes of a Peace appeared, the Neglects put upon him did daily increase.  
It is commonly the Humour of the Turks, after they have done with the Service of any Person, never more to treat them kindly, nor if they can to suffer them to Live: Of which we have a fresh Instance by Letters of the 15th of july last from Constantinople, which tell us, That the Chimacam of that place had received an Express Command, or Decree, from the Sultan, to Exile or Banish Tekely, into some Island of the Archipelago.  
At the first coming of this News Tekely was strangely Surprised, and was half Dead with the Apprehensions thereof; the Remembrance of his Journey to Belgrade, and Terrors thereof, were scarce out of his Mind, before another Scene of Banishment was presented to him, into an Island where was no Sustenance fit for his Weak Indisposed Body, nor no Consolation, or Comfort to be expected from Society, or Conversation of Mankind; nor yet from his Wife neither, who, poor Lady, by this hard Usage, was struck with an Astonishment, and both joined together in their loud Exclamations against the Ingratitude, and Tyranny of Princes, who have no Tenderness of Compassion for any but themselves; for if they had had, they would never have exposed two such Noble Families unto Ruin and Destruction.  
After all which Hardship, it is believed, that the Turks will scarce suffer them to arrive unto the Place of their Banishment, but by the way take their Lives, as hath been the Practice commonly amongst the Turks on the like Occasions. And this sad Account shall suffice to put an end to the many Tragedies of this History.    
FINIS.   

AN Alphabetical TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL MATTERS Contained in this BOOK.  


A.  
AChmet Proclaimed Emperor, p. 398. His Character, ibid. and 399. Falls ill, but recovers, 430. His Qualifications, 431. Sick of a Dropsy, 501. Dies, p. 522.  
Achmet Aga defeated, p. 192. Sent to Belgrade to discover the state of Alba Regalis, 276. Is taken, and his Confession, ib.  
Adrianople, Consultations there, p. 424. Polish Envoy has Audience of the Tartar Han there, p. 512.  
Affairs of the Turks in a doubtful Condition with the Muscovites, 13.  
Albanians fall on the Turks, 270.  
Alba Regalis; the Grand Vizier there, 100 Pasha thereof endeavours to secure it, 231. Its state, ib. In distress, 276. Mutinies. 280.  
Ali Pasha made Grand Vizier, p. 511.  
Amanzega, (Bar. of) defeats the Pasha of Gradisca, 287.  
Ancient Seat of Ladislaus Cziacchy plundered and burnt, 352.  
Apasi, the Emperor, afraid of him, 31. Assists the Malcontents, ib. Seeks a Quarrel with the Emperor, 37. Plot against him, 40. His Declaration, 92. Desires a Neutrality, 189. Is in distress, 193. Treaty between him and the Emperor, 198. Orders sent to the Grand Vizier to relieve him, 199. Sends Deputies to the Duke of Lorraine, 261.  
Apti, Pasha, Governor of Buda, 201. He is Summoned to Surrender; and his Answer, 207. Killed, 217.  
Arad taken, and in it a rich Booty, 186.  
Argos Castle described, 226. Turk's retreat, and quit it, 227. Surrendered, 228.  
Army: The Order of that of the Christians, 118.126.167. Mutiny in that of the Turks, 124. That of the Turks petition against Solyman, 251. Disposition of that before Gran, 137. Number of that of the Turks, 139. That of the Christians repasses the Danube, 142. That of the Turks near Buda, 167. Ill Condition of that of the Turks, 171. That of the Christians reinforced, 242. That of the Turks appears, 244. That of the Christians passes the Drove, 250. News from that of the Turks, 253. They march to Constantinople, ib. Inflexible, 255. Miserable, ib. Seditious, 302. That of the Christians passes the Save, 307. Great Misery in that of the Turks, 424.  
Armies in sight of each other, 168. March, 200.  
Arnauts List themselves under the Germans, 353.  
Athens Besieged, 271. Taken, 272. Described, ib.  
Austria: States thereof convened, 27.  
Auxiliaries of the Emperor, 157.    


B.  
BAden (Pr. Lewis of) at Ratisbonne, p. 280. His Character, 298. Marches toward Gradisca, 307. Passes the Save, [313.] Is recalled to Vienna, [319.] Resolves to attack the Seraskier, 341. Writes to the Vizier, 344. Marches to Nissa, ib. Engages the Turks near Nissa, 345. Marches to Widin, 348. Is at Jagodina; 378. Prepares to fight the Turks, 387. Views the Troops, 400.  
Baragotski and Smith, Generals, defeated, 39  
Barcan taken, 127.  
Barsfelt taken, 155.  
Basignani (Engineer) fails in his Design, and is killed, 322.  
Bavaria (Elector of) Marries the Emperor's Daughter, 156. Comes to the Camp before Newhausel, 166. His Proceedings before Buda, 201. Secures the Works he had taken, 210. Comes to the Camp at Salankemen, 238. Vizier's Tent allotted to him, 245. His Character, 298. Made General of the Emperor's Forces, the Duke of Lorraine being sick, 301. Hastens to the Camp, 305. Prepares to march for Belgrade, 307. Returns to Vienna, 314.  
Beck (Gen.) made Governor of Buda, 219.  
Beck, the Garrison thereof, make a Sally, 395.  
Belgrade; the Grand Signior there, 99 The Suburbs thereof consumed by Fire, 308. Particulars of the Siege thereof, from 308 to 312. Taken again by the Turks, 383. Besieged by the Emperor, 504. The Siege raised, 505.  
Bestrissa surrenders to the Duke of Lorraine, 263.  
Blockake of Canisca and Great Waradin continued, 344.  
Bohemia: An Insurrection there, 52. Appeased, ibid.  
Boldness of the Christian Soldiers, 203.  
Bosnia (Bassa of) endeavours to relieve the Turks and is repulsed, 273. Strangled, 288.  
Brave offer made by an Engineer, 320.  
Brunzien taken by Storm, 509. Plundered and burnt, 510.  
Buda: a new Vizier arrives there, 38. Tekeli received there, 92. The Vizier thereof writes to the Grand Signior, 124. Its Siege intended, 140. Form, 143. The Vizier thereof slain, 146. The Siege raised, 153. Ill Accidents happen after it, 154. Proceedings at the Siege thereof, 148. Arguments against the Siege thereof, but the Siege resolved on, 194. Its Pasha changed, 195. City taken, 217.  
Budianis changes his side, 125.    


C.  
CAbals at the Port, 229.  
Calamata taken and demolished, 183.  
Camp of the Christians increases, 110. That of the Turks opened, 118. Manner of that of the Turks, 241. Ill Condition of that of the Christians, 152. That of the Christians alarmed, 212. Marches against the Vizier, 319. At Alexin, 377.  
Campaign of the Year 1692 ends, 443.  
Candia: the Pasha thereof put to Death, 156.  
Canina invested, capitulates, 390. surrenders, 291.  
Canisia refuses to surrender, 329. Inclinable to capitulate, 368. Treats, 369. Surrenders 370. Its Situation described, ib.  
Caprara (Count) recalled, 94. Licenced to return to Vienna, 96. Commands in Hungary, 281. Commands at Belgrade, 317. Seizes on Semendria, ibid.  
Caraccioli (Gen.) killed, 364.  
Caraffa (Gen.) goes to Hermanstadt, 279. His Character, 298.  
Casseneck surrenders to the Turks, 367.  
Cassovia yields to the Emperor, 29. The Inhabitants and Soldiers thereof fight, 32. Taken by Tekeli, 93. Described, 173. taken by Caprara, 174.  
Castle Nuovo attacked, 272. Surrendered, 275.  
Caunitz (Count) treats with the Grand Signior, 74.  
Ceremony of Crowning the King of Hungary, 264.  
Changes great in the Turkish Court, 436, 437, 438, 501, 526.  
Chielifa surrenders, 183. Invested by the Turks, 223. Relieved by the Venetians, ibid.  
Chiaus sent by the Army to the Sultan, 251.  
Children of Frangipani, Nadasti and Serini change their Names, and why, 30.  
Chimacham of Constantinople an Enemy to the French, 431.  
Chonad defends itself against the Turks, 234.  
Christians forced from the Bridges, 105. Several of them killed, 107. Pass the Danube, 142. Defeated, and receive a great Loss, 152. Five hundred put to the Sword, 154. Prepare to give Battle to the Turks, 213. Gain an entire Victory over the Turks, 346.  
City's Revolt to the Emperor, 125.  
Claudiopolis described, 262. Its Conditions with the Duke of Lorraine, ibid.  
Clergy endeavour to disturb the Diets, 75.  
Clin surrenders at discretion, 327.  
Coin altered in Turkey, 445.  
Conditions demanded of the Hungarians by the Turks, 23.  
Conduct ill of the Imperial Army, 552.  
Coningsmarc advances against the Seraskier, 224. Engages the Turks and overthrows them, ib. Falls ill, 320. Dies, 321.  
Considerations offered by the Turks, 353.  
Conspiracy against the Vizier discovered, 302, 441.  
Constantinople: a Fire there, 5. A Council held there, 6. The Inhabitants thereof possessed with a panic fear, 222. Fires there 497, 502, 538.  
Copper-Money breeds Sedition in the Turkish Empire, 431.  
Copy of a Letter from Mr. Coke to Sir W. Trumbal, late Ambassador to the Grand Signior, 498.  
Corbelli destroys the Palanca of Bellingesh, 367. Reinforces the Troops in Servia, 377.  
Corinth described, 270.  
Cornaro, (Gen.) in Dalmatia, 314. Marches against Clin, 326. Designs against Narenta, 327. Returns to Spalatro, ibid. joins the Venetian Fleet, 363. Attempts to burn some Turkish Vessels, ibid.  
Coron described, 177. Taken by Storm, 181.  
Council General of the Turks called at Sophia, 347.  
Councils held about the Siege of Buda, 200.  
Counties and Towns, several submit, 128.  
Croats take Behatz from the Turks, 441.  
Cross set up instead of the Half-Moon at Vienna, 122.  
Crown of Hungary described, 140.  
Croy (Duke of) wounded, 119.  
Cruelties acted both by the Imperialists and Hungarians, 35.    


D.  
DAmbi sent by the Venetians to confer with Liberachi, 358.  
Debates about a Peace, 497.  
Debrezin taken by Count Strazoldo, 38. Redeems its self from Free Quarters, 189.  
Deputies afraid to meet at the Diet at Presburg, 32.  
Designs to surprise Tekeli, 348.  
Despot of Valachia submits, 280.  
Diarbekir, Pasha, put to flight, 537.  
Diet at Cassovia, 24. The Emperor declares against it, 25.  
Dissensions amongst the Turkish Militia, 246. Appeased with Money, ibid.  
Dobay Castle surrenders, 554.  
Doge of Venice sick, 322. Continues so, 356. Recovers, 357. Sails for Culuri, 360. Relapses, 364. Returns home, 365.  
Donative refused to the Soldiers, 529.  
Doria (Marquis of) sold for 60 Rixdollars, 377.  
Draco, Bey, tortured, 3.  
Duare besieged and relieved, 176.  
Dunewalt (Gen.) with a Party observes the Enemy's Motions, 246. Marches to Kobas, 250. His Character, 299.  
Dutch troubled by the Turks, 11.  
Dutch Ambassador's Letter to the Emperor, 498.    


E.  
EArthquake at Smyrna, 301. At Sophia, 336.  
Edendorf; a Meeting there, 114. A Council of War held there, ib.  
Embassy from the Poles and Moscovites to the Emperor, 49.  
Emeric, a jesuit, hinders the Agreement between the Emperor and the Hungarians, 22.  
Emperor; his Grant to the Hungarians, 17. Prepares for War, 26. Denies the Maintenance of the Hungarians Privileges, and why, 30. Sends Presents to the Grand Signior, 31. His Declaration, 32. Enforced, 33. altars the Government of Hungary, ibid. Makes Applications to the Port, 38. Publishes a Manifesto, 45. Satisfies the Malcontents, 78. His Camp, 97. Takes a view of his Army, 98. Goes with the Court to Lintz, 101. Enters Vienna ●●ter the Siege, 121. Interview between him and the King of Poland, ib. Wants Money, 156. Prepares for the next Campaign, 276. Encourages the Bulgarians and Rascians, 333. Makes Preparations against the Turks, ib. Ratifies the Treaty of Canisia, 370.  
Empress Crowned Queen of Hungary, 92.  
English Merchants troubled by the Port, 8. Ambassador, a Trick put upon him, ibid. Trade in a bad Condition, 393. Ambassador hastens to Constantinople, and makes his Entry there, 397.  
Erschet holds out against the Emperor's Forces, 29. Surrenders, ibid.  
Esperies yields to Tekeli, and is demolished, 93. Described, 160.  
Esseck, described, 171. Taken, ibid. Burnt, 172. The Bridge ruined, 221. Abandoned by the Turks, 249. Summoned by them, 385. They raise the Siege, 386.  
Esterhasi and Forgatz make offers of Peace, 75. Made Palatine, 76.    


F.  
FAcket taken by the Rascians and burned, 394.  
Faction against Kara Mustapha, Grand Vizier, 6.  
Famine and Pestilence, a great one, 159.  
Fechedebator surrendered, 339.  
Felsiat surrenders, 280.  
Ferislau taken by Tekeli, 338. Burnt, 348.  
Fight; a bloody one, 115. Another by Land and Water, 517. Another between the Poles and Tartars, 524.  
Filiporich taken by the Venetians, 391.  
Finch (Sir John) the English Ambassador, a Trick put upon him by the Port, 8.  
Flies kill abundance of Cattle, 372.  
Forces; number of the Emperor's, 98. Number of the Turks; 99 A List of those designed against Buda, 199, 200. Number of those of the Circles, 162. Those of the Emperor join, 401.  
Forts, Schella and Scheinau give Offence to the Turks, 38.  
France; the King thereof makes a Truce with the Emperor, 139.  
Frangipani (Count) made Prisoner, 26. Tried and Executed, 30. His Estate forfeited to the Emperor, 32.  
French Ambassador imprisoned, 7. A juggle between them and the Turks, 8. Ambassador has an Audience of the Grand Vizier, 196. Persuades the Turks to fight, 399. They assist the Turks, 251. Desire to engage the Turks to them, 261. King obstructs the War against the Turks, [314.] Writes to the Pope, [515.] Their Cruelty in Germany, [316.] Encourage the Turks to continue the War, 332. Endeavour to draw the King of Poland from the Emperor, ibid. Banished the Germane Empire, 337. Obstruct the Peace between the two Empires, 355.    


G.  
GAspar (Col.) killed, 319.  
General of Malta receives Audience of the Doge, 317.  
General Tax, 528.  
Generals of the Great Duke and Malta desire to return home, 321.  
Germans blamed for not making a Peace with the Turk, 332. Contemn their Enemies, 340. Defeated, 366. Quit the Blockad● of Great Waradin, 384.  
Germany alarmed by the Turks, 95.  
Girolamo Garzani slain, 320.  
Gomenizzes taken by the Venetians, 183.  
Gondola, his Character, 299.  
Gran; the Siege thereof resolved upon, 125, 128. Proposals concerning the State thereof, 128. A Description of it, 129. Surrendered on Conditions, 130.  
Greek Patriarch a rash Man, 548.  
Greeks in Scio favoured by the Turks, 526.  
Grievances of Cassovia and Epperies; together with all the other Protestant Cities and Towns in Hungary; from 65, to 73.  
Guadagne (Duke of) joins the Venetian Fleet, 360.  
Gutta taken by the Turks, 160.    


H.  
HAdgi Ali mutinies, 285. Kills the Aga of the janissaries. ibid.  
Halmet yielded, 280.  
Hanover (Prince of) killed, 393.  
Harscham; a Battle began there, 244.  
Hatwan surrendered, 219.  
Heemskirk (Mr.) sent home, 514.  
Herbert (Mr.) sent Ambassador to the Turks, 444. His Letter to the Author, ibid.  
Herbeville (Col.) ordered to recover Orsova, 340. Defeats a Party of Turks, and retires from it, ibid.  
Heusler (Col.) his Successes, 160. Attacks a Convoy of the Turks, but pays dear for it, 190. Wounded, 250. His Character, 299. Defeated, 377.  
Hoffkirchen (Count) makes an Excursion as far as Esseck, 249. Attacked by Topal Pasha, 306. Defeats him, ibid. His Letter to the Duke of Croy, 510.  
Holstein, (Prince of) Commands the Germane Army, 353.  
Hungarians complain to the Emperor, 21, 22. Their Deputies return dissatisfied, 22. Treat with the Turks, 23. Their Agents dismissed from Candia by the Grand Vizier, ibid. The Loyal part of them Petition the Emperor, 27. They meet at Leusch, and require the maintenance of their Privileges, 30. Their Grievances, 35. Zealous for their Religion, 37.  
Hungary; the Original of the Troubles there, 15, and seq. The Clergy disturb its quiet, 34. A War breaks out, ibid.  
Hussey (Sir Will.) chosen Ambassador from England to Turkey, 397. His Death, 412.    


I.  
Janissaries demand the Head of the Grand Vizier, 133. Choose a new Aga, 258. Assault their Officers, 259.  
Jazlowitz taken, 155.  
Ibrahim Pasha put to Death at Rhodes, 255.  
Illock abandoned by the Turks, 304.  
Imperialists revenge themselves on the Hungarians, 34. Fight with the Poles, Tartars and Hungarians, 41. Overthrown, 42. Fifteen hundred revolt, ibid. Fall on the Pasha of Newhausel, 44. Successful, 53. Possess themselves of Bridges and a Fort built by the Turks, 239. Defeated near Dragoman, 352. Ill Conduct of their Army, 532.  
Inclinations of the Turks towards a Peace, 553.  
Instances of Peace promote the War between the two Empires, 436.  
Job (St.) invested by Caprara, is obliged to surrender, 191.  
Joshua (Col.) revenges himself upon Strazoldo, 49. Falls off to the Emperor, ibid. His Death, ib.  
Irrick surprised by the Christians, and much Booty taken, 395.  
Ishmael made Vizier, 286. Excuses himself from going to the War, 288.    


K.  
KAlo besieged by Tekeli, 92.  
Kanisia straitened, 305.  
Kaposwar taken, 220.  
Kara Kaia made Vizier, 134. Proposes Peace, which is disliked by the Grand Signior, 135. Lingers under a Distemper, 186. Banished to Constantinople, 188. His Estate seized, ib.  
Kara, Kiaja, his Character, 5.  
Karakowar taken 395.  
Kara Mustapha, Vizier, his Character, 1. Marries his Daughter to the Grand Seignior's Hazna Kajasee, 6. Treats the Christian Ministers contemptuously, 7. Cuts off his Kaja, and why, 13, 14. Meditates a War with the Emperor, 15. Resolves upon it, 39 His Death, 134.  
Kops, his Cruelty blamed, 42.  
Kremnitz taken by Tekeli, 48.  
Kuperlee Pasha sent for and kindly received at Constantinople, 253. Laid aside, 284. Sent to Canea, 287.  
Kupriglioli the Grand Vizier dies, 39  
Kuzlir Aga's Counsel against Regeb, 252.    


L.  
LAgos yields to the Germans, 301.  
League concluded between the Emperor and King of Poland, 96.  
Leslie (Count) Sen. sent to Krembs, 105. Attends the Motion of the Seraskier, 165. Expedition to the Bridge of Esseck, 171.  
Leslie (Count) jun. slain, 108.  
Leventz taken, 131.  
Liberachi encamped; 357. Purposes to join with Bossina, ibid. Alarms the Venetians, 358, A Plot against him, ib. Excuses his coming over to the Venetians, ib. His Compliment and Advice sent to the Doge, 359. Threatens the Villages near Salona, 362. Fights, and is defeated, ib.  
Lippa taken, 301. Surrendered to Gen. Veterani, 426.  
List of such as were put to Death for a Conspiracy at Adrianople, 527.  
Lists of the Imperial and Turkish Armies in the Plains of Salankemen, 237.  
Lithuania: the Forces thereof come to the Duke of Lorain, 131.  
Loradin, (Marq. of) arrives at Constantinople from France, 442. Permitted to go to Belgrade, ib.  
Lorain, (Duke of) Feasts the Emperor and his Courtiers, 98. He puts all his Foot into Vienna, 103. Secures Presburg, 106. Receives Letters from Vienna, 110. Meets with the King of Poland, 114. Marches after the Seraskier, 150. False Letters delivered to him, 163. Sick, 211. Passes the Danube, 247. Possesses himself of Alba Julia, 262. His Character, 299. Sick, 300.  
Lubkovitz suspected, and his Estate seized, 36.  
Lugos taken, 394.    


M.  
MAhomet, Sultan, goes to Constantinople, 195. Is frighted at the tumultuous Meetings of the Turks, and sends to them, 221. Endeavours to appease his Army, 255. Seeks to cut off his Brothers and Sons, 256. Is prevented and loses his Authority, ib. Is deposed, 257.  
Mahomet, Pasha, put to flight, 268. Betakes himself to Salona, 269.  
Maina described, 223.  
Malcontents of Hungary assemble at Kivar, 22. Chief of them cited to Newsol, 25. Offer their Grievances to the Emperor, ib. They fly into Moldavia, 29. Repent too late, 33. Their Obstinacy, 35. Hold a Conference, 37. Refuse to treat, 39 Successful, ib. and grow proud therewith, ib. New Overtures made them, 40. Obstinate, ib. Joined by the Poles, 42. Take a Convoy of Money and Provisions, ib. Increase in their Forces, ib. The Emperor sends to treat with them, ib. Propose to elect a King of their own, 43. New Offers made them, 49. They and the Turks intercept a great Convoy belonging to the Emperor▪ 92. Put to flight, 106. Some of them fall off to the Emperor, 137.  
Maltese Galleys join the Venetian Fleet, 361. Separate from them again, 365.  
Malvasia blocked up, 357. Particulars of the State thereof, 360. Surrenders, 389.  
Mamut, Pasha, flies upon a Report that the Christians were marching against him, 352.  
Mantua (Duke of) comes to the Camp at Salankemen, 243.  
March of the Christian Troops to the Rendezvous, 400.  
Marsigli (Count) Secretary to Sir Will. Hussey, 400. Himself and a Chiaus at Great Waradin, 427.  
Marzamama takes the Command of the Turkish Fleet, 184.  
Megara burnt, 272.  
Memoirs of Sir Will. Hussey's Reception and Negotiation at Belgrade, from 409, to 423.  
Mines sprung, fired, etc. 111, 112, 115, etc.  
Mitra surrenders to the Venetians, 271.  
Modon attacked, surrenders, 225.  
Mongatz blocked up, 189. Besieged, and t●● Siege raised, 192.  
Monticuculi his Counsel to the Emperor, 53. Attacked by the Tartars, he makes his Escape with some Loss, 367.  
Morlaques and Mainotes described, 175. The latter worst the Turks, 176.  
Morosini (Gen▪) draws into Winter Quar●●●●, 183. Elected Doge of Venice, 313. His notable Exploits, 388.  
Moscovites send an Ambassador into Poland, and to Constantinople, 49. Make Peace with the Poles, 50. Fall from it and agree with the Turk, ib. Send other Ambassadors to the Port, 51. Inclinable to a League with the Venetians, 136. Treat with the Turks, 195.  
Moscovy (Czar of) sends Ambassadors to Poland, 230.  
Mufti's Letter to the Scheriff, 520.  
Muran yielded to the Imperialists, 29.  
Mustapha (Sultan) His Beginning, Character, and Humour, 522, 523. His Severities, 529, 530. Gains great Honour, 532, Gives Orders for his return to Adrianople, 533. Marches to Constantinople, 534. He, with the Queen-Mother leave Constantinople, 538.  
Mustapha Aga arrives at the Imperial Court to renew the Treaty of Peace, 353.  
Mustapha Pasha his good Qualities, 521.  
Mutability of the Turkish Court, 134.  
Mutinies at Constantinople, 284.  
Mutiny against the Grand Vizier, 128. One prevented in the Turkish Camp, 340.    


N.  
NAdasti (Count) contrives how to poison the Emperor, 22. Betrays Serini, 28. Discovered to be in the Plot, 29. His Pardon denied, 30. Tried and Executed, ib. His Estate forfeited to the Emperor, 3●.  
Nagiferents; a Confident of Wesselini seized, 29.  
Napoli di Romania described, 225.  
Navarin (New) attacked, 224. Capitulates and Surrenders, 225.  
Navarin (Old) Invested by the Venetians, 223. The Inhabitants treat and surrender, 〈◊〉.  
Negropont; the City described, 315. When ●aken by the Turks, ib. Preparations by the Venetians to besiege it, ib. Strength of the Turks in it, 316. The Country and Inhabitants described, 318.  
Neutra demolished, 100  
Newburg (Prince of) his Character, 299.  
Newhausel; a Plague there 49. Besieged, 98. Blockade, 159. Straightened, 162. Siege resolved on, 164. and described, ib. Its Situation, 165. Town on Fire, ib. Taken, and its dismal Condition, 170.  
Newstadt: the Treasure of the Bishop thereof, 103.  
Nissa in want of Provisions, 368. Provided, 371. Invested, 377. Straight besieged, 378, Surrendered to the Turks, 382.  
Nogay Tartars described, 514.  
Novi delivered to the Turks, 394.  
Novigrad (Pasha of) strangled, 160. Its description, 163.  
Noviporto; a design upon it discovered, 373.    


O.  
OEdemburg; the Emperor holds a Die● there, 75. Dissolved, 79.  
Officers changed in the Turkish Court, 168.  
Oak, a Turkish Measure, what, 12.  
Olasch (Battle of) 539.  
Orlick (Baron of) defeats a Party of Turks, 234.  
Orovitza quitted by the Turks, 249.  
Orsova taken by Tekeli, 338. Burnt, 348. Surrendered to the Turks, 387.  
Ottoman Port in great disorder, 234.  
Overtures of Peace made by the Emperor, from 55, to 73.    


P.  
PAget (Lord) arrives at Adrianople with the Character of Ambassador from England to the Port, 498. Has an Audience, 499. His Letter to a Friend, 500 His Letter to a Person of Quality at Vienna, 512. Continues at Adrianople, 523.  
Palanca of Boscova capitulates, 504.  
Palfi (Count) his Character, 299.  
Particulars of the great Battle of Salankemen, from 401, to 408.  
Pasha of Hungary ordered to assist the Malcontents, 40.  
Passage; a remarkable one, 320.  
Patras taken, 268.  
Peace: Offers of it from the Turks, 347. The Instrument of that between the Emperor and the Turk, in Latin, from 567, to 573. The same in English, from 574, to 580. The Instrument of that between the Turk and Moscovite, in Latin, from 581, to 582. That between the Moscovite and Turk, in Latin, from 583, to 584. The first in English, 585, 586. The second, 587, 588. The Instrument of that between the Republic of Poland and the Turk, from 589, to 592. in Latin. The same in English, from 593, to 596. The Instrument of that between the Republic of Venice and the Turk in the Venetian Tongue, from 597. to 599. The same in English, from 600, to 602.  
Pedipol procures a Commission to be Prince of Transilvania, but is opposed by Apafi and overcome, 43.  
Pentlow (Sam) an English Merchant at Smyrna, his ill Treatment by Kara Mustapha, Grand Vizier, 2. His last Will, ib.  
Percilia routs a Body of Tartars, 395.  
Pernick stormed and taken by the Christians, 374.  
Persian Ambassador at Adrianople 433. Has Audience, ibid. Continues there against the Inclinations of the Turks, 434. Takes his Congee, 442. Another arrives at Constantinople, 541. Has an Audience, ibid. Departs, 543.  
Pest set on Fire by the Turks, 142. Abandoned again by them, 201.  
Peterhasi relieves Cassovia, 174.  
Peter Waradin fortified, 401.  
Piccolomini (Gen.) his Character, 299. Dispatched to Vienna, [319.] Reinforced, he marches toward Pristina and Clin, 351. Retires to Nazianech, 352. Sick, yet marches toward Prisserens, ibid. After to Panni, ib. Dies, 353.  
Plague; a miserable one, 159.  
Plot discovered in Hungary against the Emperor, 24.  
Plots contrived by Tekeli discovered, 233. Of the French Discovered, 337.  
Poland; a League perpetual between it and Moscovy, 196. A shame Envoy from thence, 513. sent away with disgrace, ib.  
Poland (King of) gives leave to some of his Troops to serve the Malcontents, 41. Marches into Transilvania, ib. Enters the Turkish Camp, 120. His Elogium, 121. Declines the Siege of Gran, 129. Returns home with his Army, 132. Recals his Forces, 138. His Actions in the Year 1684, 155.  
Poles press to have the Treaty signed, 52. Charge the Turks, 119. Put to flight, 126. Deliberate again about fight, ib. Fight again, 127.  
Two Polish Gentlemen revolt, 41. Their Treachery discovered, ibid.  
Pope assists the Emperor, 157.  
Possega quitted by the Turks, 250. Seasonably relieved, 281.  
Prattick given to the Doge, 366.  
Preparations for a Battle, 401. For the Turkish Fleet, 545.  
Presburg; a Diet held there, 32. Another, 36, 37. Debates about relieving the Town. Secured by the Duke of Lorraine, 106.  
Presents sent by the Grand Signior to the Emperor, 604.  
Presents sent by the Emperor to the Turk, 605.  
Preveza surrendered, 146.  
Principal Men in Asia put to Death, 399.  
Proposals sent to the Turkish Army, are by them refused, 254.  
Propositions for a lasting Peace offered at Constantinople by Mr. Herbert the English Ambassador, from 445, to 496.  
Protestants guilty of a bloody Outrage, 35. Present their Grievances and Address to the Emperor, from 79, to 92.  
Pyroth: Commander thereof defeats a Party of 1500 Turks, 352. Taken 377.    


Q.  
QUeen-Mother dead, 133.  
Quinque Ecclesiae taken, 220.    


R.  
RAbata (Gen.) his Character, 298.  
Radimir abandoned by the Turks, 373.  
Ragotski endeavours to reconcile himself to the Emperor, 27. Is pardoned, 28. Conditions made with him, 32.  
Ragusean Ambassador imprisoned, 3.  
Rascians' in Arms against the Turks, [314.] Submit to the Emperor, [317.] Take two Places and defeat the Turks, ib. Faithful to the Emperor, 368. Take more Booties, 443.  
Ratza taken from the Turks, 281.  
Rebellion in Asia, 333.  
Reflections on the Death of the English Ambassador, 496.  
Regeb gives Counsel, but not taken, 252. Seized, but escapes, ibid. Taken, 254. Strangled, 258.  
Rejoices at Venice for their Victories over the Turks, 268.  
Relation of a Mutiny at Alba Regalis, 283.  
Riccardi (Col.) examines the State of Alba-Regalis, 282. Desires a Parley with the Pasha, ib. Leaves the Place, 284.  
Retardments to the Motion of War, 529.  
Roman Clergy seize on the Protestant Churches in Hungary, 35, 36.  
Rome obstructs the Peace between the two Empires, 355.    


S.  
SAlm (Prince of) his Character, 298.  
Salona surrendered to the Venetians, 270.  
Santa Maura described, 144. Besieged and surrenders, ib.  
Saponara sent to Belgrade, 94. Treats privately with Tekeli, 95.  
Save: Consultations to pass it, 305. The Heydukes pass it, ib.  
Savoy (Prince of) his Character, 299. Carries the News of Victory to Vienna, 244, His Bravery, ib.  
Saxony (Elector of) returns home, 122.  
Schaffenburg (Count) his Character, 299. Killed, 311.  
Schlict defeats a Party from Great Waradin, 426.  
Schonot; its Cruelty, 193. Relieved by the Turks, 194.  
Schultz (Isle of) the Christian Infantry there, 100  
Schultz (Gen.) forced to leave Ungwar, 162. Sits down before Esperies, 172. Takes it on Conditions, ib. Watches the Motions of the Seraskier, 208.  
Scio taken by the Venetians, 518. Regained by the Turks, 525.  
Sea-fight, 392.  
Secretary of Holland drubbed, 4.  
Sedition in the Turkish Camp, 248.  
Seditious Preacher, 519.  
Segedin besieged, 220. Taken, ib. The Garrison thereof surprise Chonad, 395.  
Semendria taken by Storm, 382.  
Seraglio; the Pleasures thereof, 5. Seraskier; his Original, 135. Comes to Belgrade, 139. Assaults the Christians, 142. Is repulsed and flies, 143. Endeavours to raise the Siege of Buda, 151. Attacks the Christians in their Trenches, but is put to flight, 228. Flies to Corinth, 226. Keeps a Guard on Negropont, 364.  
Serien (Count) his Character, 299.  
Serini (Count) his Lady disgusted, 22. He seems not resolved, whether to join with the Rebels, or to continue in his Obedience, 25. Submits to the Emperor, ib. Offers made him by Prince Lubkovitz, 26. Escapes from Chiaketorno, ib. Is made Prisoner, ib. justifies himself, 28. Tried and Executed, 30. His Estate forfeited to the Emperor, 32.  
Serini (Young) restored to his Estate, 48. Suspected and imprisoned, 53. Set at liberty, ibid.  
Setzin taken by the Poles, 132.  
Shi●an Ibrahim made Vizier of Buda, 146. His Character, ib. His Cruelty, 149. Put to Death, 186.  
Sciaus (Capt. Pasha) Marches to relieve Coron, 179. Is defeated with loss of a great Booty, 180. Retires to Napoli di Romania, 182. Is driven into Rhodes, 183. His Character, ib. made General, 248. Declared Grand Vizier, 251. Makes his Entry and salutes the Emperor, 257.  
Sighet streighnned, 305. Surrenders to the Emperor, 328. Described, 329.  
Simon-Torn taken, 220.  
Skirmish between the Turks and Venetians, 317.  
Smith (Ge●.) his Letter to the Poles, 41.  
Soldiers take an Oath to reform the Government, 252.  
The So●fraw granted to the Christian Ministers, 135.  
Solyman Aga pitched upon for Grand Vizier, refuses it, 134.  
Solyman Pasha, his Reception by the Grand Signior, 187. The Grand Vizier jealous of him, ib. He is made Vizier, ib. Troubles the Christians, 314.  
Solyman, Kiaja, a threatening Expression of his to Kara Mustapha Grand Vizier, 3.  
Solyman Sultan installed, 259. His Person, Character and Qualities, ib. Visits his Brother Achmet, 260. takes upon him to govern, 287. Marches to Sophia, 336. Consents to a Peace, 347. His Death, 398.  
Solyman Vizier taken, 252. Strangled, 254.  
Souches (Count) his Character, 299.  
Soyer (Col.) defeated, 34.  
Spahies' Mutiny and are punished, 185. They and the janissaries unite, 258. Return Home, 260.  
Sporke (Gen.) His Answer to the Turks, 27.  
Standard of Mahomet exposed, 286.  
Staremberg (Count) imprisoned, 25. Wounded, 211. His Character, 298.  
Stephanopolis refuses to receive a Germane Garrison, 300. Is obliged to surrender▪ ibid.  
Stiria promises Money to the Emperor, 276.  
Storm upon the Danube, 517.  
Story of the Consul and a jew, 546.  
Strahina attacked by the Turks, 374.  
Strazoldo; fight between him and Col. Joshua, 48.  
Strigonium besieged, 167.  
Succours sent by the Venetians to the Cutzi, 314.  
Swedes come to the Siege of Newhausel, 164. To the Siege of Buda, 204.    


T.  
TAbor, (Isle of) its Description, 103.  
Taff, (Count) his Character, 299.  
Tartars, a ody of them defeated, 107. Another Body defeated, 155. Barbarous usage of the poor People, 367. Complaints against them, 424. Beaten, 525. Withdraw, ib.  
Taxes great on the Christians, 398.  
Teftish Pasha created, 335. The Nature of it, ib. One sent into Asia, 432.  
Tekeli (the Elder) chief of the Rebels, 30. He dies, 31. His Castle surrendered, ib.  
Tekeli (the Younger) appears in the Wars, 42. Succeeds Wesselini, 44. In love with Princess Ragotski, ib. Defeats her Troops, ib. Offers new Grievances, 45. Proceedings against him, ib. Master of the Field, ib. Writes Letters, 46. Revolts to the Emperor, and is slighted, 48. Returns again to the Rebels, ib. Offers Conditions▪ 74. A Plot to seize him during the Truce, 75. Makes new Propositions, 76. Called to the Diet, ib. His Answer, 77. join with the Turks, ib. Emperor assents to his Marriage with Princess Ragotski, 93. His Successes at Zatmar, ib. His Protestations, 97. Refuses to come to the Turkish Camp, 112. Sends a Letter to the K. of Poland, 125. Sends Deputies to the D. of Lorraine, 128. Puts forth an Act of Pardon, 138. Writes to the Pope, 139. His Successes, 160. In disgrace with the Port, 185. Received again into Favour, ib. Receives Aid from the Turks, 188. Marches to Mongatz, 191. With Money makes Levies, 232. Enters into the Country near Segedin, where he is defeated and wounded, 233. Writes to his Princess, 279. Defeated, ib. Is declared Prince of Transilvania, 374. His Declaration upon it, ib. Sends a Letter to ●is Princess, 377. Her Answer, 378. Flies from place to place, 384. At Adrianople, 435. His Audience with the Grand Vizier, ib. French Ambassador visits him, ib. He and the Tartars sent away, ib. He is neglected, 535. His poor State and Condition, 548. His great Afflictions, 550. His ill Treatment by the Turks, and Banishment, 606.  
Tesfagee refuses to obey the Grand Seignior's Command, 285. He is slain, ib.  
Teutonick Order: The Character of the Grand Master thereof, 33. Made Vice-King of Hungary, ib. His Character, 34.  
Titul surrendered to the Turks, 401.  
Tornese surrendered to the Venetians, 270.  
Tour (Lafoy) killed, 178.  
Transilvanians join the Imperialists, 199.  
Treasure found, 112.  
Treaties between the Turks, Poles, and Moscovites, 50. Of Peace laid aside, 423. With the Princes of the Empire, 157.  
Treaty between the Emperor and Malcontents, how broke off, 74. Between the Poles and the Tartars, 161. Concluded with the Deputies of Transilvania, 229. Begun between the Emperor and the Turks, 331.  
Troubles at Constantinople, 251.  
Turkish Affairs in an ill Condition 518.  
Turkish Ambassador desires Audience, 329. Order of the Solemnity thereof, 330. Another proceeds to Vienna, 348.  
Turkish Court in great Confusion, 347.  
Turkish Discipline, the manner of it, 533.  
Turkish Fleet very weak, 313.  
Turks listen to the request of the Hungarians, 23. Alarmed at the Germans appearing on their Frontiers, 27. Refuse Assistance to the Malcontents, 31. The Reason why, ib. Assist them underhand, 36. join with them, ib. Grow Proud, 38. Much enraged at the taking of Debrezin, ib. Make Incursions, 40. join with the Malcontents, 48 Fall off from the Moscovites, 51. jealous of Tekeli, 76. Appear before Vienna, 103. Summon the City, 104. Batter it, 105. Discontents between them and Tekeli, 107. They are repulsed before Vienna, and cover their Trenches, 108. Parties of them defeated, 109, 112. In want of Forage, 111. Two thousand killed, 116. An Account of their Forces, ib. How many killed in the Siege of Vienna, ib. Give Ground, 119. Routed, 127. Pursued, ib. Prepare again for War, 157. Pr●pose a Treaty, 158. 'Slight the Poles, 161. Fall on the Baggage before Gran, 141. Are put to Flight, and Defeated, ib. Two Parties of them Defeated, 148. Forces at Sea, 158. Land-Forces defeated, 169. Propose a Treaty, ib. Defeated near Esseck, 171. March to relieve Coron, 177. Take a Fort from the Venetians, 178. Receive a great Defeat, 180. The ill State of their Affairs, 184. Corn scarce among them, 195. Demand Hostages of Transilvania, Moldavia, and Valachia, 200. A Body of them Routed, 220. Another put to Flight, ib. Meet Seditiously, 221. Seek for Peace, 235. Resolve to Fight, 243. Routed, 244. Fly out of the Morea, 269. Burn and abandon Corinth, ib. Endeavour to take Singh, but are repulsed, 275. Attack the Malteses, 319. Receive a great overthrow, ib. Seek for Peace, 304. Fly from before Belgrade, 308. Sue again for Peace, 309. Assault the Germans, but are repulsed with Loss. [314] Desire Peace, which the Emperor unhappily refuses, [319.] Design against the Christians, 341. Defeated, 342. Attack the Christians, ib. Are beaten and Retreat, ib. Fly to Potoschin, 343. Abandon their Camp, and the Germans possess it, ib. Put to Flight, 346. Defeated, 348. Forces Land at Negropont, 357. Return with Loss to Temeswaer, 387. Despise a Peace, 393. In hopes of Victory under their new Grand Vizier, 397. Falsify their Faith, 401. Pursued by the Rascians, 425. Resolve to continue the War, 432. Repulsed from Titul and Fitz by the Rascians, 441. Repulsed from Portsea, 443. Vigorously Attack Poroka, ib. Are repulsed, 444. Design to recover Scio, 520. Many of them Drowned in the Watersin Asia, 503. Averse to a Peace, with the surrender of Caminiec, 513. Regain Scio, 525. Defeated, 537. Again worsted, 540. Inclinable to a Peace, 553.    


V.  
VAlier set upon by ten Turkish Vessels, after a bloody Fight is killed, 392.  
Valona in fear by the Venetians, 390. Abandoned by the Turks, 391.  
Venier killed, 364.  
Venetian Armada sails to Patrass, 266.  
Venetian Camp wasted with Sickness, 318.  
Venetian Fleet Winters at Napoli di Romania, 356. Resolve to Besiege Napoli di Malvasia, 389.  
Venetians troubled by the Port, 9 Their Ambassador imprisoned, 10. Declare War against the Turks, 136. Their Reasons for it, 137. Relieve Chielifa, 223. Anchor before Corinth, 269. Take Possession of it, 270. Their Successes against the Turks, from 313, to 327. At Sea give the Turks a great Defeat, 537.  
Veterani Routs the Tartars, 220. His Character, 299. Defeated, 531.  
Vicegrad described, 140. Stormed and taken, ib.  
Victory, a wonderful one, 346.  
Vienna, a Plague there, 49. Fortified, 94. A great Consternation there, 101. Garrisoned, 102. The number of the Garrison, ib. Council appointed for Government of it, 103. A Fire there, 104. Staremberg, Governor thereof, Wounded, 105. The Besieged make a Sally, ib. Spring a Mine, 107. A Letter shot into the Town, ib. The Turks spring a Mine, 108. Counterscarp taken by the Turks, ib. Are in hopes of Relief, ●13. Signs of Approaching Succours, 116. Turks play their Cannon against it, 119. joy within the Town, 121.  
Virovitz surrendered, 148.  
Vizier of Buda, his great Power, 218.  
Viziers, Four new ones of the Bench made, 303.  
Vizier (Grand) makes a Peace with the Poles, 39, and why, ib. Accepts of the Conditions offered by the Moscovites, 51. Publishes a Manifesto at Alba-Regalis, 100 In the Camp before Vienna, 103. His Tents fall to the Lot of the King of Poland, 120. Complains against the Pasha of Buda, 123. Strangles the Vizier of Buda, and other Pashas, 124. Excuses himself before the Grand Signior, 132. Is acquitted, 133. Ordered to stay at Belgrade, 230. Prepares for War, and sends to the Tartars, ib. Endeavours to relieve Sighet, ib. Gives up the Seals, 286. Is killed, ib. The new G. Vizier goes not to the War, 34. Marches to Nicopolis, 373. Invests Belgrade, 382. Not inclined to a Peace, 397. Character of one, 434. Artifices of his Son, ib. Seeks the Life of the Chimacam, which puts his own in danger, 436. Removed, and another instituted, 437. At Belgrade, 497. Sent to the Army, 502. Begins his March to Adrianople, ib. Deposed, 514. A new one, 515. His Character, ib. Raises the Siege of Belgrade, 518. Sent for in haste, 519. Delays to return, 520. Put in fear, 522. Strangled, 529.  
Ungwar taken, 162.  
Vypalanca burnt by Rabutin, 557.    


W.  
WAllestein (Count) sent into Poland, 95. His Business, ib.  
Walpo invested, 249. Surrenders, ib.  
Waradin (Great) Besieged, and Blockaded, 428, 429, 430. In great distress, 438. Surrender'd, 439.  
Wazia, attacked and taken, 154.  
Wesselini dies, 44.  
Widen taken by the Germans, 349. A Place of much advantage, 350. Tartars retire from it, 376. Invested by the Turks, 378. Surrenders to them, ib.  
Witzen, a Fight near it, 141.  
Wormb (Count) blamed, 45.  
Wuchin taken by Dunewalt, 248.    


Y.  
YEdic breeds Disorders in Asia, 334. A Party of his Soldiers Defeated, 335. Marches to Prusa, and defeats the Pasha, ib. Declared King of Anatolia, ib. Besieges Angona, which ransoms itself, ib. Is defeated by the Teftish, and killed, 336.  
Yeghen Commits some Outrages, 288. Entrusted with the Army, ib. Demands the Seals of the Grand Signior, ib. Mutinies, 304. Seizes on Hassan Pasha, ib. Commits great Spoils, [318] His Fate, 333. Kills the Tartar Prince, ib. The Father Meditates Revenge, but he is favoured by the Grand Vizier, ib. Commits all sorts of Outrages, 334. Commands issued from the Port to take him dead or alive, ib. Flies, into Albania, ib. Is beheaded by Mamoot Bei, ib.    


Z.  
ZArnata taken by the Turks, 182.  
Zatmar invested by Apafi, 92. Siege raised, ibid.  
Zelen surrenders to the D. of Lorraine, 263.  
Zemplin refuses to receive a Germane Garrison, 29.  
Zerneck quitted by the Turks, 250.  
Zyclos taken, 221.    
The End of the CONTENTS.